A00214	----	Articles to be enquired of vvithin the diocesse of London In the third trienniall visitation of the Right Honourable, and Right Reverend Father in God, William, Lord Bishop of London, Lord High Treasurer of England. Holden in the yeare of our Lord God, 1640 Visitation articles. 1640 Church of England. Diocese of London. Bishop (1633-1660 : Juxon) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A00214 of text S101627 in the English Short Title Catalog (STC 10267). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 69 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A00214 STC 10267 ESTC S101627 99837436 99837436 1757 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A00214) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 1757) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1485:7) Articles to be enquired of vvithin the diocesse of London In the third trienniall visitation of the Right Honourable, and Right Reverend Father in God, William, Lord Bishop of London, Lord High Treasurer of England. Holden in the yeare of our Lord God, 1640 Visitation articles. 1640 Church of England. Diocese of London. Bishop (1633-1660 : Juxon) Juxon, William, 1582-1663. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [28] p. Printed by Richard Badger, London : M.DC.XL [1640] Drawn up by Peter Heylyn. Signatures: A-C⁴ D² . Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. eng Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges -- Early works to 1800. Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. A00214 S101627 (STC 10267). civilwar no Articles to be enquired of vvithin the diocesse of London. In the third trienniall visitation of the Right Honourable, and Right Reverend Fa Church of England. Diocese of London. Bishop 1640 12772 350 0 0 0 0 0 274 F The rate of 274 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-04 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ARTICLES TO BE ENQUIRED OF Within the Diocesse of LONDON . In the third Trienniall Visitation Of the Right Honourable , and Right Reverend Father in GOD , WILLIAM , Lord Bishop of LONDON , Lord High Treasurer of ENGLAND . Holden in the Yeare of our LORD GOD , 1640 LONDON , Printed by RICHARD BADGER . M.DC.XL The Oath to be administred to the Church-wardens and Sworn-men . YOu shall sweare that you and every of you shall diligently enquire of the Articles given you in charge ; and without any affection , favour , 〈◊〉 , hope of reward and gaine , or feare of displeasure , or malice of any person , you shall present all and every such person and persons that now is , or ●f late was within your Parish , as hath committed any incest , adultery , fornication , or simony , and any misdemeanour or disturbances committed or made in any Church or Ch●ppell , in time of Common Prayer , Preaching , or Divine Service there used , to the disturbance thereof : and also that have committed or done any other offence , fault or default , presentable in the E●clesiasticall Court , according to the Articles now delivered to you . Wherein you shall deale uprightly and according to truth , neither of malice presenting any contrary to truth , nor of corrupt affection sparing to present any , and ●o conceale the truth : having in this action God before your eyes , with an earnest zeale to maintaine the truth , and suppresse vice . So helpe you God , and the Contents of this Booke . Articles to be enquired of within the Diocesse of LONDON , in the Visitation to be holden in the Yeare of our LORD , 1640. Concerning Religion , and the true worship of God ▪ In This Realme established . IS there any who doth affirme & teach that the 39 ▪ Articles agréed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops in b●th Provinces , and the whole Clergie , in the Convocation h●lden at London , Anno ▪ 1562. are in any part superstitio●s or 〈◊〉 , or such as hée may not with a good conscience subscribe unto ? Who is that so teacheth or affirmeth , and what is his name ? 2 Is there any who doth affirme and ●ea●h ▪ that the forme of Gods worship in the Church of ●●gland , established by the Law , and contai●●d in the booke of Common ●rayer and administration of Sacraments , is a corrupt , superstitio●s , 〈◊〉 unlawfull worship of God , or containeth any thing in it that is rep●g●●nt , to the Scriptures , Who is it that so teacheth , & c. ? 3 Is there any who doth affirme or teach , that the Rites and Ceremo●ies of the Church of England by Law established , are wicked , antichristian , or superstitious , or such as being commanded by lawfull Authoritie , ●ay not with good cons●ience ●ee approved , used , or subscribed unto , by men who are zealously and godly affected , who is it , & c ? 4 Is there any that separateth himselfe from the Communion of Saints , as it is approved by the Apostles Rules in the Church of England , and c●mbine themselves together in a new brother-hood , accounting the Christians who are conformable to the Doctrine , Governement , ●ites , and Ceremonies of the Church of England , to be prophane or unmeet for him to ioyne within Christian profession , who are they that so separa●e ●●mselves , and what are their names ? Concerning the Church , the Governement , Authoritie , and Discipline thereof . 1 IS there any who doth affirme or teach , that the Church of England by Law established under the Kings Maiestie , is not a true and Apostolicall Church , teaching and maintaining the Doctrine of the Apostles . Who is it that doth so affirme and teach , & c ? 2 Is there any who doth affirme and teach , that the Governement of the Church of England under his Maiestie by Archbishops , Bishops , Deanes , Archdeacons , and the rest that beare office in the same , is antichristian and repugnant to the Word of God . Who is it that doth , &c. 3 Is there any who doth affirme or teach , that the formes or manner of making and Consecrating Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , containeth any thing in it , that is repugnant to the Word of God : or that they who are made Bishops , Priests , and Deacons in that forme , are not lawfully made , nor ought to be accounted either by themselves or others , to be truly either Bishops , Priests , or Deacons , untill they have some other calling unto those Divine Offices . Who is it , &c. 4 Is there any who doth affirme or teach , that the Church hath no power to decree Rites or Ceremonies , nor any authoritie in Controversies of Faith , or in the changing & abolishing of Ceremonies and R●tes of the Church , ordained only by mans authority , contrary to the 20. and 34. Articles of the Church of England . Who is it , &c. 5 Is there any who doth affirme or teach , that the Kings Maiestie hath not the same Authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall , that the godly Kings had among the Iewes , and Christian Emperours in the Primitive Church . Or that the Kings Maiestie within his Realmes of England , Scotland , and Ireland , and all other his Dominions and Countries , is not the highest Power under God , to whom all men , as well Inhabitants as bor●e within the same , doe by Gods law owe most loyaltie and obedience . Or that impeach any part his Royall Supremacie in the said causes restored to the Crowne , and by the Lawes of the Realme therein established . Who is it , & c ? 6 Is there any who doth affirme or teach , that no manner of person eith●r of the Clergie or Laitie , are to be subiect to the Decrees and Constitutions of the Church in causes Ecclesiasticall , made and ratified by the Kings Maiesties Supreme authoritie , other then such as are particularly assembled in the sacred Synods of the Church for the making of the said Decrees , and Constitutions , and have given their voices , to the same . Who is it , & c ? 7 Is there any that doth affirme or teach , that it is lawfull for any sort of Ministers and lay persons , or either of them to ioyne together , and make rules , orders , and Constitutions in Causes Ecclesiasticall without the Kings Authority , or any that submit themselves to be ruled and Governed by the same . Who is it , & c ? 8 Is there any who doth affirme , teach ▪ maintaine or publish , that such Ministers who refuse to subscribe to the forme and manner of Gods worship in the Church of England , and their adherents may truly take unto them the name of another Church : or that there are within this Realme , other meetings , assemblies , or congregations of the Kings borne Subiects , then such as by the lawes of this Land are held and allowed , which may rightly chalenge to themselves the name of true and lawfull Churches . Who is it that doth so affirme , & c ? 9 Doth any Minister or Ministers , without the Licence and direction of the Bishop of the Diocesse first obtained , appoint or keep any solemne Fasts publikely , or in any private houses , other then such as are or shall be appointed by lawfull authoritie , or not being Licensed as afore is said , presumes to appoint or hold any meeting for Sermons , Sermon Lectures , Prophecies , or exercises in Market Townes or other places , or doth attempt without such Licence upon any pretence whatsoever , either of possession or obsession , to cast out any Divell or Divels . Who is it that offendeth in the premises , &c. 10 Doe any Priests or Ministers of the Word of God , or any other persons meet together in any private hou●e or el●ewhere , to consult upon any matter or course to be taken by them or by any other , upon their motion and direction , which may any way tend to the impeaching or depraving of the Church of E●gland , or of the booke of Common Prayer , or of any part of the Government or Discipline in the Church of England now established , and who are they ? Concerning Churches , the Ornaments , Vtensils , and other necessaries to the same belonging . 1 IS your Parish Church or Chappell well and sufficiently repaired , and so from time to time maintained and kept ? Are the windowes well glazed , the floare kept paved plaine and even , and all things there in such ●n orderly ●nd decent sort , without dust , or any thing that may bee either noysome or un●eemely , as best becommeth the house of God ? 2 Are the ten Commandements set upon the East end of your Church or Chappell , where the people may best see and reade the same , and other chosen sen●ences written upo● the walls of your said Church or Chappell , in convenient places ? 3 Doe the Cha●cels remaine as they have d●ne in times past , that i● to say , in the convenient situation of the Seates , and in the ascent or 〈◊〉 unto the place appointed anciently for the standing of the holy Tab●● ? Is the Chancell of your Church or Chappell cleane kept , and repaire● within and without , in the windowes and otherwhere as appertaineth ▪ And is there a comely partition betwixt your Chancell and the body of the Church or Chappell , as is required by the Law ? 4 Is the Church-yard of your Church or Chappell well and sufficiently sensed , maintained and kept with walls , ●ailes or poles , as hath beene heretofore accustomed : And if not , then by whose neglige●●e or default is it , that the fenses of the same are grown into decay ▪ 5 Are there any Playes , Foasts , Banquets , Suppers , Church-Ales , Drinkings , Temporall Courts or Le●tes , Lay-iuries or Musters : or is there any other prophane usage , kept in your Church , Chappell , o● Churchyards , of what sort soever ▪ By whom ●re your said Church or Chappell , or Churchyard so prophaned as afore is said , and by whose permission . 6 Have you in the Chancell of your Church or Chappell a decent and convenient Table for the celebration of the Holy Comm●●ion ? Is i● so set as is directed in the Queenes Iniunctions , and appointed by the Canon made in the Synod held at London , Anno 1640. Have you a Carpet of silke or other decent stuffe , appointed by the Ordinary , to lay upon the Table in the time of Divine Service , and a faire linnen cloth to lay upon the same in time of the Communion ? And is the said Carpet and linnen cloth laid constantly upon the Table , at the times aforesaid ? 7 Have you a faire Communion Cup , or Chalice of silver , with a cover of the same , and a decent standing pot or Flagon of pewter , if not of purer metall , in which the wine for the Communion is to be brought unto the holy Table ? Is the said Table , Carpet , Linnen cloth ▪ Cup , or Flagon , or either of them any wayes prophaned , or otherwise imployed , then to their owne proper and right holy uses ? 8 Have you in your Church or Chappell a Font of stone , where Baptisme is to be administred , decently made , and kept as it ought to be ? Is the same set in the Ancient usuall place appointed for it , and doth your Minister publikely baptize , in the same Font only ? 9 Have you in your Church or Chappell , a convenient Seat made 〈◊〉 the Minister to reade Service in , as also a comely and decent Pulpit set in a convenient place within the same for the preaching of Gods Word , and there seemely kept ? 10 Have you in your Church or Chappell a strong Chest with an hole in the upper part thereof , 〈◊〉 the Almes of the poore ? Hath the same chest three severall keyes , and is the one of them in the castodie of the Parson , Uicar , or Curat ? Is the same so set and fastened in the most convenient 〈◊〉 , to the intent the parishioners may put into it their Almes , for their poore neighbours ? 11 Have you a true note and Terrar , of all the Glebes , Lands , Meadowes , Gardens , Orchards , Houses , stockes , implements , Tenements and portions of tythes lying out of your Parish , which belong unto your Parsonage , or Uicarage ? And is the same , or a true Coppie of the same layed up in the Bishops Registry for a perpetuall Memory thereof ? 12 Have you a comely decent Surplisse with sleeves for the use of your Minister in saying the publike prayers , or ministring the Sacraments , and other rites of the Church : together with an Universitie hood , according to the degree of your said Minister ? And doth the Parson , Uicar , or Cu●●te use the same , as oft as he officiates Gods publike Service , administreth the Sacraments , or dischargeth any publike duty in the Congregation ? 13 Have you a Bible of the largest volume , allowed by Authoritie , the booke of Common Prayer , and the booke of Homilies , all very well , and fairely bound ? As also a booke of the Canons And Constitutions , made in the Synod held at London , Anno 1603. and ratified by the Kings Authority ? A booke of prayers for the 5. of November , and for the 27. of March being the day of his Maiesties most happy Inauguration ? Have you a parchment Register booke wherein to keep upon record , the severall Christenings , Weddings , and Burials , which happen weekly , quarterly , or yearly , in your Parish ? Have you also a Register booke wherein to write the names of all Preachers , which come and Preach in your Church from other places ? And have you one sure Co●er with thrée lockes and keyes , for keeping of the bookes aforesaid . And doth one of your keyes remaine alwayes in the hands of your Minister ? Whether is your Parsonage-house or Vicarage-house , Barnes , Stables , and other out-houses thereto belonging , in good and sufficient repaire . Whether hath any person in●roached upon the ground of your Church-yard , or other consecrated ground , if any hath , then you shall present him , and set out what quantitie of ground is so incroached upon , and whether any new doore or window hath be●ne lately made into your Church or Church-yard ▪ and by what authority ? Concerning the Celebration of Divine Service , the Administration of the Sacraments . &c. DOth your Minister or Curate that ministreth in your Parish Church or Chappell , say daily the Morning and Evening Prayer , in the same Parish Church or Chappell where he ministreth , unlesse he be lawfully hindered ? And doth he cause a Bell to be tolled thereunto , a convenient time before he begin , that such as be disposed may come to heare Gods Word , and to pray with him ? Especially , Is the Common Prayer said or sung distinctly and rev●rently upon such dayes as are appointed to be kept holy , and upon their E●es ? Is the same said or sung at convenient and usu●ll times of those dayes , and in such pl●ce of every Church , as the people may be most edified thereby ? And doth the Pars●n U●car or Curate ▪ observe the Orders Rites and Ceremonies prescribed in the booke of Common Prayer , as well in reading the holy Scripture , and saying of prayers , a● in administration of the Sacraments : without either diminishing in regard of Preaching , or in any other respect , or adding any thing , in the matter and forme thereof ? 2 Doth the Minister reade the Psalmes , and Lessons appointed in the Kalendar for Morning and Evening Prayer ? And at the end of every Psalme throughout the yeare , and likewise at the end of the Benedictus , Benedicite , Magnificat , and Nunc dimittis , doth he repeate , Glory be to the Father , &c. And at the reading of the Lessons , doth he stand and turne him so , as he may best be heard of all such as be present ? And is the Creed called Athanasius Creed , beginning with ( Whosoever will be saved ) said by your Minister constantly at the times appointed in the Common Prayer booke , and doth your Minister sing or say any other Psalmes or Hymns other then aforesaid in the place of those , contrary to Law ? 3 Doth your Parson , Uicar , or Curate , say the Letanie on every Sunday duely throughout the yeare ▪ as also upon all Wednesdayes and Fridaies weekely , though they be not holy-dayes ? In what convenient place of your Church or Chappell doth hee say the same , and by whom was that place appointed ? Doth hee say the same at the accustomed houres of Service , and is there warning giuen to the people by the tolling of a Bell ? And doth euery house-holder dwelling within halfe a mile of the Church , come , or send one at the least of his houshold to ioyne with the Minister ? 4 Doth your Minister read the Communion Service , or the second Service on every Sunday and Holyday throughout the yeare , though● there bee no Communion , according as it is appointed in the Booke of Common Prayer ? 5 Doth your Parson re●ide upon his Bene●●ce or not , If yea , then , being a licensed Preacher , doth he preach one Sermon every Sunday in the yeare in his owne Cure , or in some Church or Chappell neare adioyning , having no lawfull impediment ? And being not a licensed Preacher , doth he offer at any time to preach or expound the Scriptures , or rather doth he procure Sermons to bee Preache● in his Cure once every moneth at the least by Preachers which bee lawfully licensed ? If he be licensed by the Lawes of this Realme not to reside upon his Benef●ce , then in that Case doth he supply his cure by one that is a sufficient and Licensed Preacher ? And is your Curate allowed to serve there by the Bishop of the Diocesse , or by the Ordinary of the place having Episcopall iurisdiction , and by no other ? 6 Doth your Parson , Uicar , or Curate upon every Sunday and holy-day throughout the yeare when there is no Sermon , reade one of the Homilies set forth by publike Authority ? Doth he use to read the same in the Pulpit only , according as he is required in the Canons of the yeare 1571. And doth your Minister as well before the Homilie as before his Sermon move and exhort the people ●o ioyne with him in Prayer according to the forme laid downe in the book of Canons , and doth hee use any other forme then is there prescribed ? 7 Have you in your Parish , besides your Parson , Uicar , and Curate , any Lecturer or Lecturers not having cure of soules therein ? Doth your Lecturer use before his Lectures , the forme of prayer before remembred , and no other forme ? And doth he twice at the least every yeare read the Divine Service on two severall Sundaies both in the fore-noone and afternoone , publikely and at the usuall times , and doth he as oft in every yeare administer the Sacraments of Baptisme and the Lords Supper , in such manner and form , and with the observation of such Rites and Ceremonies as are prescribed in the book of Common Prayer ? 8 Doe your Lecturer or Lecturers preach in their Gownes and not in their Cloaks , according to his Maiesties Instructions , An. 1629. Doth he professe his willingnesse to take upon him a Living with cure of soules , in that place or Parish , in the which he Lectures or elsewhere . And doth he actually take such Cure or Benef●ce if any hath beene offered to him ? 9 Is your Lecturer licensed by the Bishop of the Diocesse ? And doth your Lecturer or any other Preacher that Lectureth or preacheth in your Church or Chappell , impugne or confute any Doctrine formerly delivered in the same , or in any Church neare adioyning , before hee hath acquainted the Bishop of the Diocesse therewith , and received order from him what to doe in that case for the avoiding of dissention ? 10 Doth your Lecturer conforme himselfe to the Lawes , Ordinances , and Rites Ecclesiasticall established in the Church of England ? If not , you are to certifie the same unto the Bishop of the Diocesse , or other Ordinary of the place , to the end that if the said Lecturer doe not conforme himselfe after admonition , his Licence may be voided , and himselfe removed ? 11 Doth your Parson , Uicar , or Curate , administer the Communion in your Church or Chappell so often , and at such times , as every parishioner may communicate at least thrice in the yeare , whereof the Feast of Easter to be one ? And doth he give warning to his parishioners publikely in the Church at Morning prayer the Sunday before , for the better preparation of themselves ? And doe such as purpose to communicat● signifie their minds unto the ●urate over night or the morning early ? 12 Doth your Minister admit to the receiving of the holy Communion , such of his Cure which be openly knowne to live in sinne notorious without repentance , or any who have openly or maliciously contended with their neighbours , and will not be induced by him to a reconcilement ? Or any Church-wardens or Sidemen , who having taken oath to present to their Ordinaries every such publike offence , as they are particularly charged to enquire of in their severall parishes , shall wittingly incurre the horrible crime of periurie ? 13 Doth he wittingly administer the same to any but to such as kneel , or to any that refuse to bee present at the publike prayers , or to any that bee common and notorious depravers of the booke of Common-prayer , or of any thing contained in the Booke of Articles agreed upon in the Convocation , Anno 1562. Or in the booke of Ordering Priests and Bishops , or to any that hath spoken against , and depraved his Maiesties Soveraigne Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall , except such persons doe first acknowledge to the Minister before you the Church-wardens that hee is sorry for the same , and promise either by word of mouth , or under his hand to doe so no more ? 14 Is the bread provided for the Holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper , of the best and purest white-bread that may conveniently be gotten ? Doth the Minister take the same into his hands to blesse and consecrate it to that holy use as oft as he administreth the Communion ? Doth he so likewise with the wine provided ? And if any bread or wine bee newly brought , doth he first use the words of the Institution before it be distributed to the Communicants ? 15 Doth your Minister as oft as he celebrateth the Communion , receive the Sacrament first in both kindes himselfe , and having so received the same , doth he severally deliver the bread and wine to every Communicant in their ha●ds knéeling ? And at his delivery of the same , doth hee reherse the whole forme mentioned in the Communion Booke saying ( The body of our Lord Iesus Christ , &c. ) or doth he only use some part thereof , as he list himselfe ? 16 Doth your Parson Uicar or Curate administer the Communion at any time publikely in the congregation except there be foure or three ( at the least ) to communicate with him ? Doth he administer the same to any strangers , which come often and commonly from their owne Parish Churches ? And doe you the Church-wardens give notice to your Minister of such strangers , that so hee may remit them home to their owne Parish Churches , there to Communicate with their owne Minister and neighbours ? 17 Doth your Minister , except it be in times and cases of necessity , Preach or administer the holy Communion in any private house in which there is no Chappell dedicated and allowed by the Ecclesiasticall lawes of this Kingdome ? Doth any Chaplaine living within your parish , preach or administer the Communion in any other place then in the Chappell of the said houses ? Doth the Lords and Masters of such Chaplaines , or houses , at other times resort to their owne Parish Churches , and there receive the holy Communion , at least once in the yeare ? And doe any under Noble men , and men qualified by law keepe any private Chaplaine in their house or houses ? 18 Doth your Minister refuse or delay to Christen any child that is brought to him to the Church on Sundayes or Holy-dayes , knowledge thereof being given to him over night or in the morning before Morning prayer ? Doth hee proceed therein in all things according to the forme of publike Baptisme in the Common prayer Booke , doth he neglect , refuse , or pretermit at any time to signe the child baptized with the signe of the crosse , or doth hee admit the parent of a childe to answer as a Godfather to his own childe , or any other person to be a Godfather or Godmother , before the said pers●n so undertaking hath received the holy Communion ? 19 Doth your Minister being duly informed of the weaknesse and danger of death of any infant unbaptized in his Parish , and being thereupon desired to goe unto the place and baptize the same , either wilfully refuse to d●e it , or negligently delay the time , so that the child departeth without Baptisme ●hrough his def●ult : if the childe so baptized doe recover afterwards , is it brought into the Church by the Godfathers and Godmothers , to the intent the congregation may bee certified of the Baptizing thereof , according to the ●orme prescribed in the Common prayer Book ? 20 Doth your Minister having Cure and charge of ●oules , doe his best endeavour to prepare children , and make them ready for confirmation ? And to that end , doth hee on every Sunday and Holyday before Evening prayer for the space of halfe an houre or more instruct the youth and ignorant ▪ persons of the parish , according 〈◊〉 the Catechisme set forth in the Common prayer booke ? And are the afternoone Sermons in your● parish ( if you had any formerly ) turned into Catechising by way of questions and answers according to the Kings Instructions ? 21 Doth your Minister either bring , or send in writing to the Bishop of the Diocesse the names of all those Children of his parish which can answer to the questions contained in the Catechisme , that by the imposition of hands and prayer , they may receive strength and defence against temptation ? And doth he admit any person or persons to y● holy Comm●nion , untill such time as he or they can orderly say the catechisme and be confirmed ? 22 Doth your Parson , Uicar , or Curate celebrate Matrimony betwixt any persons , without a facultie or Licence granted by authority Lawfull , or without the Banes of Matrimony first published , on three severall Sundayes or Holydayes , in the parish Church or Chappell where the said parties dwell , or at the times by Law prohibited without speciall Licence : Or doth he celebrate the same in any other place than in the Church , or in the Church at any other time than betweene the hours of eight and twelve in the forenoone , and at that time betwixt such persons as are under the age of twenty one yeares , without the consent of their parents signifie● unto him ▪ or a Licence granted to him so to doe ? 23 Doth your Minister in the solemnizing of holy Matrimony keepe himselfe to the forme and Ceremonies prescribed in the Common Prayer booke , doth he at any time marry any without a King , or without going to the Lords Table , as it is appointed : Doth he in case there bee no Sermon read those Texts of Scripture , wherein the offices of man and wife , are declared , according as it is prescribed ? And doe the new married persons the same day of their marriage receive the holy Communion , as by Law they ought ? 24 Doth your Minister or Curate resort to such of your parish as are dangerously sick ( if the disease be n●t probably suspected to be infectious ) to instruct and comfort them in that distresse , doth hee exhort the sick party to be in charity with all the world , and to dispose of his goods , and declare his debts , and doth he move him and that most earnestly to liberalitie towards the poore , and to unburden his conscience ? 25 If any sick person finde his conscience troubled with anyweighty matter , and doth unburden the same to his Priest or Minister , doth the said Priest or Minister give him absolution according to the forme prescribed : And have you ever heard that the said Priest or Minister hath revealed and made knowne at any time to any person whatsoever , any crime or ●ffence committed to his trust and secrecy , either in case of such extremity , or any other case whatsoever ( except they be such crimes as by the lawes of this Realme , the life of the sai● Priest or Minister ma●●e called in questi●n for concealing of it ) declare the name of the offender , when and by whome you heare the ●ame ? 26 Doth the Curate that ministreth in your parish , upon convenient notice giuen him , administer the Communion unto such as be dangerously sicke , and not able to come unto the Church , and yet are desirous to receive the same in their houses , and are unquiet for he lack thereof : Or doth hee obstinately and wilfully refuse so to doe being thereunto required , and finding all things necessary for the doing of it ? 27 Doth your minister refuse or delay to bury any corps that is brought into the Church or Church-yard , convenient warning being given him before , except the partie deceased were denounced excommunicate for some grievous crime , Majori Excommunicatione , and no man able to testifie of his repentance : And doth he do it decently and gravely , not swerving from the forme prescribed by the Church in the Common prayer booke ? 28 Doth any woman in your parish after her delivery from the paines and perill of Childbirth refuse to come into the Church to render thanks to God for so great a mercy : Doth she goe thither covered with a decent veil according to the laudable and ancient custome : And being come doth she goe ▪ n●ere unto the place where the Table standeth , and offereth her accustomed offerings : And doth your Minister doe his dutie in churching the said women according to the forme prescribed : And doth the woman that commeth to give her tha●kes ▪ receive the holy Communion if there by any ? 29 Doth your Minister at and upon seasonable times , especially on the first day of Lent , cause the people , to bee called together and assembled in the Church by the ringing of a Bell : And being drawne together doth hee read unto them the commination against sinners , with the other prayers appointed ? Concerning the Clergie , their Duty , Carriage ▪ &c. DOth your Parson , Uicar , Curate , or Lecturer , ( if you have any ) purely and syncerely teach , manifest and declare foure times every yeare at the least in his Sermons and other Collations and Lectures that all usurped and forraigne power is for most iust cau●es taken away and abolished , and that therefore no obedience or subiection within his Maiesties Realmes and Dominions , is due unto any such forraigne power . And doth he preach the Doctrine of obedience , and the Kings authority according to the Canons published , and set out by the late holy Synod , Anno 1640. 2 Doth your Minister declare to the parishioners , every Sunday at the time appointed in the Communion booke whether there be any Holy-dayes or fasting-dayes in the following weeke : And doth hee call upon them to observe the same , according to the Lawes of the Land , and of holy Church ? 3 Doth your Minister or Curate in the Rogation dayes goe in perambulation about your parish saying and using the Psalmes and suffrages by Law appointed , as viz. Psalme 103. & 104. the Letany and suffrages , together with the Homily set out for that end and purpose : Doth hee admonish the people to give thankes to God , if they see any likely hopes of plenty , and to call upon him for his mercy , if there be any feare of scarcitie : And doe you the Churchwardens assist him in it ? 4 Doth your Curate serve more then one Church or Chappell upon one day , except the said Chappell be a member of the parish Church or united thereto : How farre distant are the said Churches or Chappels which he serveth from one another ? What wages hath he for his paines ? 5 Doth your Minister if he be commanded by the Ordinary , openly on some Sunday denounce and declare for excommunicate , all those , who either for refusing to frequent the divine service of the Church , or for notorious contumacie , or other notable crimes stand lawfully excommunicated by the lawes of the Church , that others thereby may bee admonished to refraine their Companies : And doth your Minister himselfe refraine the company of persons excommunicated and so denounced ? 6 Doth your Parson , Uicar , or Curate usually weare such apparell as is prescribed by the Canon , that is to say , a gowne with standing colla● and wide sleeves straite at the hands , and a square cap : Or doth hee go● at any time abroade in his dublet and ho●e without coat or cassock , or doth he use to weare any light coloured stockings , doth he weare any ●oi●e , and wrought nightcaps , or only plaine night-caps of silke , sattin , or velvet : And in his iourneying , doth he usually weare a cloake with sleeves , commonly called the Priests cloak , without guards , we●ts , long buttons or cuts ? 7 Doth your Parson , Uicar , or Curate resort at any time , other then for his honest necessities to any Tavernes , or Ale●ouses , or doth your Curate lodge or board , in any such places : Doe they or either of them give themselves to any base or servile labour , or to drinking or Riot , or to playing at di●e , cards or tables , or to an● other unlawfull game , or games : or doe they otherwise spend their time idly by day or by night ? 8 Is there any in your Parish , who having beene a Deacon or Minister hath voluntaryly relinquished his calling , and doth u●e himselfe in the course of his li●e as a lay man , what are their names that have forsaken their said callinge ? 9 Doth your Minister ( if he be a Preacher , and thought fit by your Bishop ) having any popish Recusant , or Recusants in his parish , labour diligently with them from time to time , thereby to reclaime them from their errours : And if he be n● Preacher , or not such a Preacher , doth hee procure some that are Preachers so qualified , to take paines with them to that purpose ? 10 Doth your Parson , Uicar , or Curate , carefully informe himselfe every yeare , how many popish Recusants , men , woemen , and children above the age of thirteene yeares , or being otherwise popishly given , are inhabitants within their parish or parishes , or make their abode there , either as soiourners or common guests ? 11 Doth your Minister every Sunday weekly ( if there be occasion ) in the presence of you the Churchwardens , write and record in the ▪ Register-booke the names of all persons christened , together with the names and surnames of their parents , as also , the names and surnames of all persons married and buried in that parish the weeke before , and the day and ●eare of every such Christening , Marriage , and Burial , and unto every page therof when it is fild , do you and your said Minister subscribe your names : And is a true coppie of the said Christnings , Marriages , and Burials , subscribed with the names of your Minister and you the Churchwardens , transmit●ed yearely within one moneth after the 25 of March , unto the Bishop of the Dio●esse to be preserved in his Registry ? 12 Doth your Minister in the parish Church or Chappell , where ●ee hath charge , reade the Canons , Orders , and Constitutions , ( agreed on in the Synod held at London , Anno 1603. ) once every yeare upon some Sundayes or Holydayes in the afternoone before Divine Service : and doth he so divide the same , as the one halfe may be read one day ▪ and the other halfe the other day ? Whether hath your Minister , Churchwardens , and Sidemen , presented unto the Lord Bishop of London , or his Chancellour , within fortie dayes after ●aster , the names of all the Parishioners , as well men as woemen , which being ●bove 16. yeares of age , received not the Communion , at or about Easter be●ore according to the 112. Canon ; If not , you shall present , whether that ●resentment should have beene brought in by your selves or your predecessors , ●nd specifie the names of every one that should have made such presentment at ●aster last past ? Concerning Schoolemasters , Parish Clarkes , and Sextens . DOth any man in your Parish ●each either in publike Schoo● or ●●iva●e house , but such as ●e allowed by the Bishop of the Diocesse or other Ordinary of the place under his hand and Seale : And if there 〈◊〉 no publike Grammer-schoole founded in y●ur parish , doth any other teac● Schoole in your parish , than your Cura●e only , if he be willing so to doe ? 2 Doth your Schoolemaster teach in English or Latine , as the chil●dren are able to beare , the shorter or longer Catechisme set forth by Autho●rity and no other : doth he on Sundayes and Holydayes when there is● Sermon cause his S●hollers to ●ome unto the Church , and there see the● quietly and orderly behave themselves ▪ And doth he traine them up at 〈…〉 in sentences of holy Scripture ▪ And doth he teach them any o●ther Grammar than that which was set forth by King . Henry VIII . an● hath since conti●ued ▪ 3 Have you belonging to your Church or Chappell a Parish Clark● aged : 21. yeares at the least ? As he of 〈◊〉 convers●tion , sufficient 〈◊〉 his reading , writing : and also for his 〈…〉 said Clarke chosen by any your Parson , Uicar , o● other Minister . An● doth your Clarke so chosen as before is said , receiv● his 〈…〉 , without any fraud or diminution , as hath beene a● 〈…〉 who is it that denyeth to pay that wages ? 4 doth your Se●ten or your Parish Clarke ( if there be no Se●ton ) wh●n , and as often as any person in passing out of this life , cause 〈◊〉 Bell 〈◊〉 be tolled , that so his neighbours may be warned to recommend his soule 〈◊〉 the grace of God ? And after the said parties death ( if it so ●all out ) doth 〈◊〉 ring or cause one short peale to be ●orthwith run● , that so his neighbour may have notice that he is departed : Whether do you the Churchwardens of every Parish within the Ci●ie an● Suburbs of London ( according to the Kings Majesties Letters Patents , unde● the great Seale of England in that behalfe granted ) suffer your Parish Clar●● to gather his wages himselfe , in as full and ample manner , as the fame ha●● formerly beene gathered , in or by colour of his name , without dimin●tio● upon pre●ence of pewage , or the like , and without any manner of disturban●● or interruption or forbidding any one so to pay the same unto him , and wh●●ther doe you assist your Clarke in collecting his wages ( if need be ) accordin● to his Majesties said Letters Patent : and whether doe you duely present a● such persons of your Parish as refuse to pay the said Clarkes accustomed wage● as by his Majesties said grant , you are required and commanded ? Concerning Parishioners . IS there any in your Parish either Mas●er or servant , Soiour●er or Inhabiter , that hath offended either by Adultery , Whoredome , Incest , or drun●ennesse , or by swearing , ribaldry , ( or filthy speaking ) usury , or any other uncleannesse , or wickednesse of life ? you shall faithfully present all and every the said offenders . 2 Doe you know of any in your Parish , or elsewhere , that is an hinderer of the word of God to be read , or syncerely preached , or of the execution of any Ecclesiasticall Canons , now by law in force ? or a fa●●our of any usurped or forraigne power , by the lawes of this Realme ●ustly rejected and taken away , or a defendour of any popish and erronious doctrine ? you shall de●ect , and faithfully present . &c. 3 Have you in your parish any popish Recusants , men , women ▪ or children , above the age of 13. yeares , whether inhabitants , or sojourners , and common guests , that refuse to come to Church , or comming to the Church , refuse to receive the Communion ? you shall set downe their names in writing , if you know their names , or otherwise ▪ those names by which they are called , and who they are that entertaine such guests or sojourners . 4 Have you any that disswade any of his Majes●ies subjects , from comming to the Divine Service in this Church established , or that haue or doe practise with any of them to disswade them from taking the oath of Allegiance ▪ or that have any wayes offended against the Canon lately made , for the suppressing of popish superstition : 5 Doe all and every person or persons inhabiting or so●ourning within your Parish , diligen●ly and faithfully resort unto your parish Church , or Chappell accustomed , upon euery Sunday , and other dayes appointed to be u●ed and kept as Holydayes , doe they then and there abide orderly and soberly , 〈◊〉 the time of common prayer , preaching , or other service of God there to be used , or m●nistred ? Or , ( which is contrary thereunto ) have you any that come unto the preachings only , and not unto the common prayer , or comming to the common prayer , neither use to come at the beginning , nor ●arry out unto the end ? Or that being there doe rudely and disorderly behave themselves , or which by walking , talking , or any other noise doe hinder the Minister or Preacher ? 6 Have you any that upon the Sundayes or Holydaies , imploy themselves in their bodily and ordinary labour , or that permit their servants so to doe ? Or that keepe open Shops in time of divine Service ? Or any Uintners , Inn-keepers , or other Uictuallers , that permit any to lie tipling in their houses , or that doe tipple , dice ▪ or play at cards , or any other game in time of divine Service on the aforesaid dayes ? Or that use any plowing , carting , or workes of husbandry , on any of those Sundayes or holydayes , throughout the yeare , unlesse according to Law , or otherwise dispose themselves then according ●o Gods holy will and pleasure , and the orders of the Church of England pres●ribed in that behal●e , and by Law in force ? 7 Doth any manner of person cover his head in your Church or Chappell in time of divine Service or Sermon , or any part thereof , except he have some infirmitie , and in case of such infirmitie , doth he weare a co●● or nightcap only , and not his hat ? doe all and every person of your parish reverently kneele upon their knees , when the generall Confession , the Letany , the ten Commandements and other prayers are read , and also at the receiving the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper , doe they all say the Creed , and Lords prayer , next immediately following in a loud voice together with the Minister ? doe they stand up at the saying of the Beliefe , and such other parts of divine Service as former●y they have beene used to stand up at , according to the Rules and ancient custome of this Church ? And when and as often as in the time of divine Seruice the Lord Iesus shall be mentioned , is due and lowly reverence done by all persons present ? have you any that offend in the neglect of these particulars ▪ and what are there names ? 8 Have you any parishioner that being 16. yeares of age doth not receive the Communion , at the least thrice in the yeare , of which Easter to be one , or that doth not receive the Sacraments , and other rites according to the order of the common prayer booke ? Or that doth not reckon with his Parson Uicar or Curate , or his or their deputies at Easter , yearely paying such Ecclesiasticall du●ies as are accustomably due then , and at that time to be paid ? 9 The Minister standing as he is appointed at the North side , or end of the Table , when hee prepares to celebrate the holy Communion , and calling on those who doe intend to communicate , to draw neare and take that holy Sacrament to their comfort , as it is in the words of the common prayer booke , have you any in your parish that keepe their seats , and sit still in their places , not drawing neare as is commanded by the Church , but looking that the Minister should forsake the place of his station , by the Church appointed , to bring it to them ? 10 Is there any of your parish , who doth forsake his owne Church or Chappell to receive the Communion at the hands of any other than their owne Minister , or any strangers that usually repaire to your Church or Ch●●●ell to the same intent , or any that refuse to receive the holy Communion at ●●e hands of their owne Minister , because hee is no Preacher or to have their children baptized by him in the same respect , or that in the same respects communicate , or cause their children to be baptized in other Parishes abroad ? Or doth your Minister baptize any children presented unto him out of other Parishes ? you shall present the names of all offenders in these particulars . 11 Have you any that procure their children to be baptized at home in their houses without great cause and necessity , or by any other than their own lawfull Minister if he may be had ? Or after any other form and manner than is pr●scribed by the Liturgie of the Church of England , or any that procure themselves to be married privately , or ●fter any other manner than the Church prescribes ? 12 Do all and every housholder of your Parish , Fathers , Mothers , Masters & Mistresses , cause their children , seruants , and apprentises , which have not learned their catechisme , come unto the Church on Sundayes and Holydayes in the afternoone , obediently to heare and to be ordered by the Minister till they have learnt the same . 13 Have you any in your Parish that refuse to contribute , and pay the rate ass●ssed ●pon him , for the repaire of your Church or Chapp●ll , or the providing of any bookes , utensils or necessary ornaments to the same belonging ? present the names of those which doe so refuse . 14 Have you any that keepe company and hold society with suc● as are denounced and declared Excommunicate ? 15 Have you any living in your Parish , which have beene legally separated and divorced , have afterwards beene married unto others , either men or women , during the life of each other , or that being so divorced as afore is said , keepe company with each other at bed and at board ? Or any that being lawfully married , doe yet live asunder , without a separation in due course of law ? 16 Have you any persons in your Parish ▪ which are and have been married within the d●grees prohibited by the Lawes of God , and expressed in a Table set forth by authority ? And is the said Table publikely set up and fix●d in your Church or Chappell at the Charge of the Parish ? 17 Are there in your Parish any Wills unproved , or any goods unadministred by lawfull Authority ? Did any dying in your Parish give any legacy unto your Church or Chappell , or to the use of the ▪ poore and needy ? 〈◊〉 how have the said legacies so given beene disposed of by whom and by whose Authority ? And have they otherwise beene disposed of , then to the said pious and charitable uses ? Whether is there in your parish , a common fame and report of any which have committed Adulterie , Fornication , or Incest , or any Baudes , harbourers , or receivers of such persons , or vehemently suspected thereof , if yea , then specifie their names ; Whether have you any in your Parish , which are by common fame and report and vehement suspition , reputed and taken to be common Drunkards , blasphemers of Gods holy Name , common and usuall swearers , filthy speakers , railers , sowers of discord among their neighbours , or speakers against Ministers Marriages ; or Vsurers , contrary to the Sta●ute made in the 37. yeare of King Henry the eighth ? you shall not faile to present their names . Whether have any in your Parish , received or harboured any women with child , suspected to be of a● incontinent life , or have had any such woman delivered of child in his or her house , or have suffered such women to depart without penance first inflicted upon them by the Ordinary , if yea , you shall present as well the partie harbouring , as harboured , and all that help to conveigh them away , and the parties suspected to have committed adultery or fornication with them . Whether doe you know , or have heard of any Patron , or any having an Advowson in your Parish , that have made gaine by any colour , deceit , or Symoniacall pact in bestowing his Be●efice and presenting to the same for gaine , for or receiving money , or promise of the Lease of the whole or part ▪ or by reserving his owne tithes , or any pension to himselfe , or any other ? What Almes-houses , Hospitals , Free-schooles have you in your Parish , that are not of t●e Foundation or Patronage of the King , and who was the Patron or Founder thereof , and whether the said Almes-houses , Hospitals , or Free-schooles in your Parish , being under the Rule and Government of the Lord Bishop of London , be well and godly used , according to the ancient Foundations and Ordinances of the same . Whether any Persons within your Parish , either for the offences aforesaid , or for any other contumacy or crime , doe remaine excommunicated , what be their names , and for what cause , and how long have they stood excommunicated ? Concerning Church-Wardens and Sidemen . ARe you the Churchwardens chosen by the ioynt consent of your Minister and Parishioners , or one of you by the Minister , and the other by the Parishioners : Have the last Churchwardens given up their accounts , delivering up to the Parishioners the money remaining in their hands , and other things of right belonging to your Church or Chappell , and is the same delivered to you by bill indented ? 2 Do you the Churchwardens and Sidemen diligently see that all your parishioners resort duly to your Church or Chappell , upon Sundayes and Holydayes , and there continue the whole time of Divine Service ? doe you suf●er any to walke or stand idle or talk in the Church or in the Church-yard , or Church●porch , during that time , to the disturbance of the Minister and scandall of the congregation ? You must present the names of such as offend herein ? 3 Do you against the time of every Communion , at the charge of the Parish provide a sufficient quantitie of fine white bread , and of good and wholesome wine , for the number of the Communicants ? And doe you doe the same with the advice and direction of your Minister ? And the wine so provided , do you bring to the Communion Table in a cleane and sweet standing pot or flaggon ? 4 Doe you the Churchwardens and Sidemen see , that the names of all Preachers which come to your Church from other places , be noted in a booke prouided for that purpose ? And doth every such Preacher subscribe his name in the said booke , the day when he preached , and the name of the Bishop of whom he had licence to preach ? 5 If there be any publike dissension and contradicting in your Pulpit , betweene the Minister of your Church or Chappell , and any other Preacher or Preachers , whereby disq●ietnesse and offence may grow among the people , doe you forthwith signifie the same unto the Bishop , and not suffer the partie to enjoy the place so by him abused , untill the Bishop hath taken further order in it ? 6 Doe any person or persons , trouble or molest you the Churchwardens , for presenting all or any of those persons , which do off●nd in any of the premisses , who are they that doe so molest or trouble you , and before whom , and in what Court doe they so molest you ? 7 Doe you the Churchwardens leuie by way of distresse , on the goods Lands and Te●ements of every person in your Parish , that doth not re●ort unto your Parish Church or Chappell on every Sunday and Holy-day throughout the yeare , ( having no reasonable excuse to bee absent ) the ●umme of xii . pence , for every Sunday or Holydaie that he is so absent ? And doe you dist●ibute the severall summes so levied as before is said , among the poore of the parish , according to the Law in that case provided ? 8 Have you had time sufficient for drawing up of your presentments ? ●ow long is it since this booke of Articles was sent unto you ? have you ●erused and considered as well the Oath you are to take , as the Articles ●hereon to ground your presentments , and ●very branch and clause thereof , and have you framed your presentments punctually , according to the ●everall branches and clauses of those Articles ? For know assuredly that as well the discharging of your Office , is the chie●e me●●es whereby publike sinnes and offences may be reformed and punished , so if you wil●●lly omit to present such crimes as either you know to be commi●●ed , or otherwise have heard by publike fame , that in such cases your Ord●naries are to proceed against you , as in causes of wilfull perjurie , in their Ecclesiasticall Courts ? Concerning Chancellors , Registers , Proctors , Apparators , and other Ecclesiasticall Officers . IS the Chancellor , Commissarie , or Officiall , that exerciseth Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction according as you know or have heard in holy Orders of the Ministerie , or if he be not , is he well affected and zealously bent towards Religion , and such a man touching whose life no evill example is had ? 2 Doe they or any of them substitute any in their absence to keepe Court for them , that is not either a grave Minister , and a Graduate , o● a licensed publike Preacher , and a Benificed man neare the place where the Courts are kept , or a Batchellour of Law , or a Master of Ar●s at the least , who hath some skill in the Civill and Ecclesiasticall Lawes ? Is he or they so substituted , a favourer of true Religion , and a man of modest and honest conversation ? Declare the truth according to your knowledge or best information in these particulars . 3 Do they or any of them ( not being themselves in holy Orders ) pronounce the sentence of Excommunication , or leave it only to the Bishop , and is the same pronounced only by the Bishop , or by some grave man o● his appointment , which is in the Ministery ? Or doe they or any of them absolve any that are Excommunicated at his or their owne house or houses , or otherwise in private houses , or only openly and in the Consistorie● declare your knowledge in this point . 4 Doth your Chancellor , Archdeacon , Commi●sarie or Officiall take upon him , or them to a●ter any penanc● enjoyned without leave o● the Bishop ? Have they or either or any of them , comm●ted any penan●● with any dwelling in your Parish ? What summe of monie hath beene taken for the said commutation ? Is the said summe made knowne unt● you in the congregation either by the penitent himselfe , or by the Ministe● of your Parish , As by the Canons of the yeare 1597. it ought to be ● An● being so made knowne , hath the same summe or summes of monie , bee● distributed on the poore of your Parish ▪ or otherwise bestowed upon pio●● uses ? And on what pious uses , as you have beene credibly informed , wa● the samebestowed ? 5 Doth your Chancellor , Archdeacon , Of●iciall , or other Ecclesiasticall Iudge , suffer any generall Processe of Quo●um Nomina ▪ to be sent out of the Court , except the names of all such as be cited ▪ are first expres●●e entered by the hand of the Register or his Deputie , and the said proc●sses and names be subscribed by the Iudge or his Deputie , and his seale of Office thereto affixed ? 6 Doth the Chancellor , or any Commissarie within your Diocesse , cite any of your Parish for any crime into his court , that hath beene formerly detected or presented to the Archdeacon ? Or doth your Archdeacon cite any dwelling in your Parish , to appeare before him for any ●rime presented to the Chancellor in his Uisitation ? by which of the two aforesaid Iuris●ictions was the partie offending cited last ? 7 Doth your Chancellor , Commissarie ▪ Archdeacon , Officiall , or any other using Ecclesiasticall Iuris●iction , speede any Iudiciall ▪ Act except he have the Ordinary ▪ Register of the court , or his lawfull Deputy , or else such persons to write and speed the same , as are by ●aw allowed in that behalfe ? Or have they , or either , or any of them , without the Bishops consent any moe seales then one , for the sealing of all matters incident to his or their Office ? And doth the said Seale remaine in the custodie of the Iudge himselfe , or of the lawfull substitute by him appointed ? And is the same kept in the Citie or principall Towne in the ●ountie , as the Law requireth ? 8 Doth your Chancellor , Commissarie , Archdeacon , Officiall or others exercising any Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction , or eith●r or any of them , appoint such place or places for the keeping of their Courts , as are convenient for the entertainment of those that are to make their appearance there , and most indifferent for travell ? And doe they end in their Courts in such convenient time or times , as every man may returne homewards in as due season as may be ? 9 Hath any Register unto your knowledge , or as you have credibly beene informed , receiued wittingly any certificate without the knowledge of the Iudge ? Or willingly omitted to call any persons cited to appeare upon any Court day ? Or that hath unduely put off , and deferred the Examination of witnesses to be examined by a day , set and assigned by the Iudge ? Or that hath set downe or enacted any thing false , or conceited by himselfe , as decreed by the Iudge , or not as so ordered or decreed by the Iudge ? Or that hath received any reward in any Causes whatsoever in favour of any partie , or that is of counsell directly or indirectly with either of the parties in suit ? declare your knowledge in these particulars . 10 Do●h any Register or any other Minister of Ecclesiastical Courts or any of the Iudges of the said Courts take or receive any other or greater fees , then such as were ratified and approved by the Archbishop of Canterbury , Anno 1597. and contained in the Tables of fees , for that purpose made : And are two Tables , containing the severall rates and summes of the said fees , set up according to the Law in that case provided ? That is to say , one of them in the usuall place or Consistorie where the Court is kept , and the other of them in the Registry , or Registers Office ? And are they set up in such sort that every man whom it concerneth may without difficultie come to the view thereof and take a copie of them if they so desire ? And doth any Register or other Ecclesiasticall Officer take more for shewing Letters of Orders ▪ then is appointed in the 137. Canon ? 11 Doth any Proctor take upon him to appeare in any Cause or pretend to be entertained in the same , unlesse hee be constituted and appointed by the party himselfe either before the Iudge and in open Court , or by sufficient Proxie con●●rmed by some authenticall Seale , the parties ratification therewithall concurring ? If you know any such present him , that so he may be punished as the law provides ? Or doth any Proctor ●ake the oath in Animam Domini , in any cause what ever , contrary to the ordinance of holy Church ? 12 How many Apparatours have you in your Dioc●sse or Archdeaconrie , as you either know or doe conjecture ? Doe they or any of them execute their Office by themselves or by their Deputies ? And if by their Deputies , then is the cause of such their deputation and employment made knowne and approved of by the Ordinary of the place ? Doe they take upon them the Offfce of Promot●rs or Informers for the Court , or exact more or greater fees then are prescribed in the Tables before remembred ? What other abuses and aggrievances can you complaine of justly in the said Apparators ? Whether any Archdeacon or Officiall within the Diocesse of London hath or doth commute or change any p●nance or corporall punishment , in whole or in part , and what money such Archdeacon or Officiall hath received , what 〈◊〉 offence was for which any summe of money was received , or appointed to be paid ? set downe the particulars of the premisses . Whether any Archd●acon or Officiall , or his Surrogate , have within thes● three yeares last past , granted any Licences for the Marriage of any parties in your parish Church , or elsewhere , whether hath your Minister by vertue o● the said Licences , so married them , and by whom the said Licences were so granted , and you are likewise required by vertue of your corporall oath to make diligent search in the Register booke of marriages kept within your parish , what parties have beene married by the said authoritie , and if you know any such , present their names , and places where they dwell . Whether have you in your Parish any Curats , Schoolemasters , Physitians , Ch●●urgions , Parish Clarkes , or Midwives , licensed by any other authority than of the Lord-bishop of this Diocesse , or his Chancellor , and whether any fees have beene demanded or received by any other besides the Lord Bishop of this Diocesse , or his Chancellor , in the Lord Bishops Visitation , for exhibiting the said licences ? Whether any Commissarie , Archdeacon , or Officiall , have at any time , especially within these three yeares last past , intermedled in the placing or displacing of any persons in pewes , in your Parish Churches , or have granted any confirmation of seates , under his seale of office , or by his authority hath caused to be removed the Pulpit , or Font , or reading Deske f●om their ancient and accustomed place , or given way to making of doores or windowes in Churches or Chappels , or erecting of Galleries ? Whether any Commissarie , Archdeacon or Officiall have proved the Wils , or granted Administration of the goods of any beneficed man or Curat dying within his Iurisdiction , or of any other person being in holy Orders ? The Charge of the Church-wardens and Sworn men set downe for the better performance of their duties , and discharge of their Oaths . THey are not to bring in any Bills into the Archdeacons Court upon the Articles to be enquired of in their Visitation , by reason of my Lords Visitation , but only now during the said Visitation , to make their presentments upon these Articles . They are therefore charged , that after their Oath taken , and their returne home , they doe require their Minister to reade over both the Book of Canons or Constitutions , set forth by his Majestie , in the Convocation holden in the year of our God , 1604. and also these Articles unto them , and to consider of every particular Article , and of the offences by them to be presented , as also of such persons in their Parish as shall bee noted to offend in the same : and so the Church-wardens and Side-men assembling themselves together within some convenient time , are to make their Bill , answering every Article by it selfe , before the time hereafter appointed them , which Bill shall be signed with the hands of all the Church-wardens and Side●men , with conference had with their Minister upon the said Bill of presentment , who , according to the 26. Canon ▪ is to see that the said Church-wardens doe their duties in presenting , upon the penaltie in the 26. Canon prescribed . These Bills shall be brought by both the Church-wardens AT the delivery of your Bill of presentment , at the time and place before set downe , you the Church-wardens are likewise in the said Bill , to set downe the names of all such as have died within your parish at any , time since the day of Iuly last past being Men , Maides or Widowes : and what person or persons have beene married since the said time , and by what Licence or authority : and likewise you the Minister , Church-wardens and Side-men of every Parish , must in the end of the said Bill of presentment , set downe , the number of all Recusants , and non-Communicants as followeth Recusants men — Recusants women . — Non-Communicants of both sex . — Communicants of both sex in the whole Parish So setting down the number of every one , you the Minister , Church-wardens and Side-men must put your hands to the said Note . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A00214e-140 Can. 5. Can. 4. Can. 6. Can. 9. Can. 3. Can. 7. Can. 8. Art. 20. 34. Can. 2. & 1. ●an . ● 4 Can. 12. Can. 10. Can. 11. Can. 72. Can. 73. Can. 85. Can. 82. Rubr. before Morning Prayer . Orders of Queene Elizabe●● , An. 1561. Ib. Order ● . Can , 85. Can. 88. Injunct . of Q ▪ Eliz. Orders of Q ▪ Eli● . Can. 82. Com. Book . Can. 20. Can. 81. Can. 82. 83. Can. 84 Can. ●7 Can. 58. Can. 80. Can. 70 ▪ Can. 52 Can. 70 Rubrick after the Pre●ace . Can. 14 ▪ Rub●i●k of the Common P●ayer booke ▪ Can. 15. Rubr. f●●r the Communion . Can. 4● Can. 4● 46 ▪ Can. 47 Can. 48 Rubr ▪ Cap. 4. Can. 55 Can. 55 ▪ Can. 56 Can. 5● can. 5● Can. 21 ▪ Can. 2● ▪ Can. 26 ▪ Can. 27. ●ubr . ●an . ●1 . ●ubr . ●an . 21. Rubr. & Can. 28. 57. Can. 71 ▪ Instructions . Can. 6● ▪ Rubr ▪ o● Bap. Can. 30. Can. 29. Can ▪ 69 Can. 61 Can ▪ 59. Rubr. of Con●ir . Inst●ucti●ns ▪ Rub. of Confirm . Can. 62. Rubr ▪ of Matrimo●ie . Can. 87. Rubr. of ●isitation . Rubr. of Visitation . Can. 130 Rubrick of Com. Can. 68. Rubr. Can. 1. Can. 64. Rub. of Com. Injunctions and Adver●isements of Q Eliz●b . Can. 48. Can An. 1571. Cap. ult. Can. 65. Can. 74. Can. 75. Can. 76. Can. 66 ▪ Can. 66. Can. 114 Can. 70. Can. 77. Can. 78. Can. 79. Can. 91. Can. 67. Can 109 Can. 110 Can. 114. Q Eliz. ● . ● 1 E●z . c. ● Can. Ann● 157 1. c● . 5 Can. 111 Can : An● 1571. Can. 18. Can. 18. Can. 114 Rubr. Can. 122 Rubr. ●nvi●ation ●an . 58. Rubr of B●● Can. 59 Can. 91 Can. 8 Can. 6● Can. 10 Can. 9 Can. ● ●●n . 89 Can. 90 ▪ Can. 19. 90 Can. 20. Can. 52. Can. 53. Can. 115● 1. Eliz. ● . ●● Ca● . 1571 ▪ Can. 119 Can. ●6 . C●n . 117 Can. Art. 1571. p. 11. Can. An. 1603. c. 127. Can. 178 Can An. 1571. Can. An. 1571. & 1597. Can. 120 ▪ Can. 12● . Can. 123 ▪ Can. 125. Ca● . 134 〈…〉 Can. 136 Can. 137 Can. 1●9 Can. 138 
A43513	----	A briefe relation of the remarkeable occurences in the northerne parts viz., the landing of the Queenes Maiestie in the Bay of Burlington, and the repulse given unto the rebels at the towne of Newark : both signified by severall letters on the same day, being Friday, March 3, 1642. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43513 of text R20223 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1686). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 27 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43513 Wing H1686 ESTC R20223 12562504 ocm 12562504 63263 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43513) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63263) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 319:6) A briefe relation of the remarkeable occurences in the northerne parts viz., the landing of the Queenes Maiestie in the Bay of Burlington, and the repulse given unto the rebels at the towne of Newark : both signified by severall letters on the same day, being Friday, March 3, 1642. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [3], 12 p. Printed by H. Hall, [Oxford] : 1642 [i.e. 1643] Written by Peter Heylyn. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of original in Newberry Library. Marginal notes. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A43513 R20223 (Wing H1686). civilwar no A briefe relation of the remarkeable occurences in the northerne parts: viz. the landing of the Qveenes Maiestie in the Bay of Burlington, a Heylyn, Peter 1643 4859 10 0 0 0 0 0 21 C The rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A BRIEFE RELATION OF The Remarkeable occurrences in the Northerne parts : Viz. The Landing of the QVEENES MAIESTIE In the Bay of BURLINGTON : And The repulse given unto the Rebels at the Towne of NEWARK : Both signified by severall Letters on the same day , being Friday March . 3. 1642. Printed by H. Hall . M. DC . XLII . A BRIEFE RELATION OF TWO REMARKEABLE OCcurrences in the Northern parts , &c. AFfaires of ordinary nature may be , and are most properly imparted by the weekly Mercury ; matters of higher consequence , and more neere concernment , deserve a story by themselves . And such is that we now have in hand of the QUEENES Majesties returne after so long absence , after so tedious a divorce from her dearest LORD , a whole yeares banishment at least from Her sweetest Children , the common pledges of their loves . To this wee shall adjoyne a Briefe Relation of the repulse the Rebels had , the last weeke , at Newarke : partly because the story of so great a Princesse ought not to come into the world without some Attendant ; partly because it was the most remarkable successe which befell His Majesty after Her arrivall : and finally , because the King received intelligence of both at the same time , and from the hands of the same Messenger . First for the QUEENE , it cannot be unknowne to any upon what termes Shee tooke the oportunity to go for Holland , that She might see Her dearest daughter delivered safely to the hands of the Prince of Orange : her Majesties affaires here at that time being in such condition , that shee could neither stay with safety , nor yet be absent without danger . For who can possibly forget in so short a space , the sequestring of her neerest servants , the Articles intended to be framed against her , the flight she was compelled to make ( nothing the more secure because His Majesty did pertake the same fortune with her ) from Whitehall unto Hampton-Court , and from thence to Windsor . Nor need it be related what good offices shee did His Majesty during the time shee spent in those forraine parts , in furnishing him from time to time with Money , Armes and Ammunition : and that too from a State no great friend to Monarchy , and where so strong a party had beene made against her , by the power and practice of those men , by whom His Majesties affaires had beene reduced to so great extremities . It is enough to say , that never King had a better Agent ; and that as wee already do enjoy the benefit thereof , so shall posterity enjoy the story . Being wearied at the last with so long an exile , and finding that His Majesties affaires were in such prosperity , that she might venture safely upon his protection ; she was resolved to come for England , and did accordingly put forth to sea on the 19th of January last being well guarded and attended : the wind so favourable that there was little doubt of Her speedie landing , and thereupon a messenger dispatched to the Court at Oxford , to give His Majesty notice of it . But the wind comming suddainely about , and the seas working very high , She was inforced at last to make sayle for Holland , after She had continued on the seas eight daies , and with a most invincible courage contended so long for the mastery with that furious Element . The newes of this being brought to London , and a report withall , how many Souldiers and Commanders , what store of money , gunpowder , Armes , and horses , She had intended to bring with Her : occasioned great joy there for the ill successe which had befallen Her at the present ; and put Her enemies ( who have too great an influence on the two Houses of Parliament ) on some quick debates , how to prevent Her landing for the time to come ; and if that might not be prevented , then how they should proceed against Her when they had Her here . Foure ships which had beene formerly appointed by the said two Houses , to lie before the haven of Newcastle , were ordered not to suffer Her to passe the barre at Tinmouth , unlesse She left Her Ordinance and ships behind Her . Upon occasion of a letter to the House of Commons from the Mayor of Yarmouth , to know what entertainment he should give Her Majesty if She landed there , ( such a report of Her intentions being brought unto him ) Master Martin learnedly declaimes against that title , would not by any meanes allow that stile of MAJESTIE to belong unto Her , no not so much as in the right of participation with Her Royall Husband ( a right which every married woman in this Kingdome doth lay claime unto ) affirming with an impudent confidence ( like that of Bessus in the play ) that she was no other then their fellow Subject . This presently drew on a new debate ( though not like that amongst the Brethren of the sword , in jest , ) how they should handle Her amongst them , when she came again , some moved that a strict inquisition should be made into all Her Actions , during the time she staid in Holland ; and that according thereunto an impeachment should be drawne against Her for those ill offices which She had done unto this Kingdome , that is to say unto themselves . Others of a more cunning malice , and more wit to hide it , would not have it so , this being , as they said , no time to stirre that controversie . Better some course were taken to prevent Her comming , and that the ships they had at sea should have charge to hinder it , if She attempted to set foote upon English-ground . Accordingly this course was followed . And when intelligence was brought that two of Her ships laden with Armes and Ammunition were landed safely at Newcastle , under the conduct and command of Van-Trump , Admirall for the States Generall of the united provinces ; it was ordered by the Close Committee that if the Queene or any of Her ships came againe that way , they should either keepe them from the land , or give fire upon them . All which appeares by severall letters of advise , from London . We see the preparation made for her entertainment . Never was such a Feast provided ( I dare boldly say it ) for the reception of a Queene ; A Lady of so innocent a greatnesse , that we may say of her , as the Historian doth of the beloved wife of Augustus Caesar , that never any of the subjects felt how great power she had , but either by adding to their honours , or mitigation of their punishments . But it pleased God ( who tooke her into his protection ) that though she felt their fury , yet she scaped their malice . For being brought upon a second setting out , within sight of England , with such a calme and gentle gale , as if both Sea and Windes repented of their former rudenesse ; the Winde that studied her convenience , brought her being then within few leagues of Newcastle , ( where she intended to have landed ) to the Bay of Burlington : by meanes whereof her landing was more safe then it had beene otherwise , her passage shorter unto Yorke , where she meant to stay untill His Majestie should give order for Her removall ; and the Kings forces nearer at hand to conduct her thither . Two dayes she lay at Anchor there e're she came on shore , dispatching thence a Messenger to the Earle of Newcastle , to give him notice of her comming ; that She might be attended on by His Majesties Army , for the security of Her Person when She came to land : Which , as it did one way advance Her safety , so did it in another keepe Her within reach of danger . For the foure ships which lay before the Barre at Tinmouth , not farre from Newcastle , either discerning the Dutch Fleet when they were at Sea , or being advertised from the place where she rode at Anchor , of Her landing there , made all the haste they could to fall on upon Her before the comming of the Kings Army . And though they came not soone enough to hinder her from landing , as 't was hoped they might ; they did their best to kill Her in Her bed , as she was asleepe , and make the Land more cruell to Her , then the Seas had beene : Which being an attempt so barbarous , as would not easily finde beliefe from a private pen , such as no story of the Turkes or Scythians , or any other savage or uncivill Nations can give a Parallel unto ; it shall be told you in the words of a publike person , who on the morrow after gave this accompt thereof by letter , which was dispatched away by one of the ordinary Messengers , attending then upon the Queene . Burlington this 25 of February . 1642. ASsoone as we came into England , the Queene dispatched Progers to you ; but being this day informed that he was taken by the Enemy , She hath againe dispatched this Bearer to render You an accompt of Her arrivall , the which hath beene ( thankes be to God ) very happy . For as rough as the Sea was the first time we passed , at this time we came with a gentle gale , untill we were within 15 leagues of Newcastle , where upon that coast the winde began to change to North-west , which forced us to make for Burlington Bay ; where after two dayes riding at Anchor , the Cavalrie arrived ; which perceiving , the Queene suddenly landed , and the next morning the rest of the Army came to wait on Her . God , that was carefull to preserve . Her by Sea , did likewise continue his favour to Her on the Land : For that night foure of the Parliament Ships arrived at Burlington , without being perceived by us ; and at foure a clocke in the morning gave us an Alarme , which caused us to send speedily to the Port to secure our Boats of Ammunition , which were but newly landed . But about an houre after the foure ships began to ply us so fast with their Ordinance ; that it made us all to rise out of our beds with diligence , and leave the Village , at least the women ; for the Souldiers staid very resolutely to defend the Ammunition , in case their farces should land . One of the Ships did Her the favour to flanck upon the house where the Queene lay , which was just before the Peere ; and before She was out of Her bed , the Cannon bullets whistled so loud about Her , ( which Musicke you may easily believe was not very pleasing to Her ) that all the company pressed Her earnestly to goe out of the house , their Cannon having totally beaten downe all the neighbouring houses , and two Cannon bullets falling from the top to the bottome of the house where She was ; so that ( clothed as She could ) She went on foot some little distance out of the Towne , under the shelter of a Ditch ( like that of Newmarket ; ) whither before She could get , the Cannon bullets fell thicke about us , and a Sergeant was killed within twenty paces of Her . We in the end gained the Ditch , and staid there two houres , whilest their Cannon plaid all the time upon us ; the bullets flew for the most part over our heads , some few onely grazing on the Ditch where the Queene was , covered us with earth . At last the Admirall of Holland sent to the Parliament ships to tell them , that if they would not cease shooting , he would give fire upon them as enemies . ( This was done somewhat late , but there is an excuse for it , by reason of a mist , as he saith . ) Upon that they staid their shooting , and likewise being ebbing water , they could not stay longer neare the shore . Assoone as they were retired , the Queene returned to the house where She lay , being unwilling to allow them the vanity of saying . They made Her forsake the Towne . We went at noone to Burlington , whither we were resolved to goe before this accident ; and all that day in the face of the enemie we dis-imbarqued our Ammunition . It is said that one of the Captaines of the Parliament ships had beene at the Towne before us , to observe where the Queenes lodging was ; and I assure you he observed it well , for he ever shot at it . I may truely say that both by Sea and Land the Queene hath beene in some dangers , but God by his especiall grace and favour hath preserved Her : and the Queene saith , She hath great confidence in his goodnesse , that he will not forsake Her Majestie in other things , since in this he hath so protected Her . And She protested , that in that confidence she durst have marched against a Cannon , if She had not learned Thou shalt not tempt . This Bearer was witnesse of all that passed , yet I would not forbeare to make you this Relation , which is very punctuall . So farre the very words of the Letter , which when the Reader hath perused , I would faine be told , if ever Treason were more impudent and more open faced : what hope● there is of safety to His Sacred Majestie , whom they endeavour thus to murther in His dearest Consort ; for preservation of whose life the Lawes , ( if such a thing as Law be yet left amongst us ) have no lesse carefully provided , then for His owne most sacred Person : What bounds these men prescribe to their desperate malice , whom neither tendernesse of sex , nobility of birth , nor royalty of estate can prevaile upon . Compare the danger which His Majestie was in at the battell of Edge-hill , when the undistinguishing bullets fell so thicke about Him ; with this , wherein the Cannon bent against the QUEENE , shot through the house in which She was , killed a man that stood so neare , and covered Her with earth even before Her buriall ; and reade the Riddle he that can , whose life hath beene more eagerly sought after , either His or Hers ; which of the two would fall the more acceptable Sacrifice to these angry Deities . If all things else should faile to undeceive and disabuse the seduced people of this Kingdome , who hitherto have beene taught , and perhaps believe , that there is nothing more endeavoured then the preservation of His Majesties Person , and the advancement of His Honour . I doubt not but this barbarous and bloudy attempt upon the life of the Queene , ( for nothing else was or can possibly be pretended to be aimed at in it ) will serve sufficiently to doe it ; else we have reason to suspect , that God hath laid that curse upon this Nation , whereof the Prophet Esay speaketh in another sence ; That hearing they shall heare , and shall not understand ; that seeing they shall see , and shall not perceive . But I have too long plaid the Scholiast on so clear a Text , and wronged by an impertinent glosse the Writers most perspicuous and full expressions ; which whosoever reades must needes understand , and whosoever understands the danger , must abhorre the Actors , and not the Actors only , but the Authors too . It was a true , but tart saying of Augustus Caesar , Praestat Herodis porcum esse , quàm filium , That it was better being the swine then the sonne of Herod . And I pray God ( besides the detestation which we have our selves of so fowle a fact ) we doe not grow a by-word to the Christian world ; and that it be not thought an happier fortune , as the world now goes , to be a Countrey Gentlewoman , then a Queene of England . But it is time ( for we have promised a briefe Relation ) that we conclude first of these remarkeable occurrences , of which there is no more to come , but that the Messenger according to Her Majesties command , made all the speed the troubles of the time permitted , to the Court at Oxford , and brought the acceptable newes of the Queenes safe arrivall , to His Sacred Majestie ; so much more acceptable in that She had escaped so great and so many dangers , and was come safe into the Realme , notwithstanding all the plots and practices of malicious men , whose mischievous designes the Lord will one day turne on their owne heads , and punish them according to their owne inventions . Though this good newes was of it selfe abundantly sufficient to welcome and indeare the Messenger , yet found he some thing by the way which might have added ( were it possible ) to the generall joy which his first Message had occasioned . His way to Oxford was by Newarke , a place well knowne to those who use to travell the Northerne Roade , but at this time more notable for the Garrison there placed by the prudent foresight of the Earle of Newcastle , Generall of His Majesties forces in the Northerne parts ; A Town at which the enemies of His Majesties peace have cast full many an envious eye , as being a great barre to their proceedings ; and suffered it to sinke so deepe into their fancies and imaginations , that they have often taken it in their dreames , and sometimes in their printed Newesbookes , but never durst appeare before it untill Munday last , being the 27th of February . But then it pleased the Earle of Lincolne , the Lord Willoughby of Parham , Colonell Ballard , and the other Chiefetaines of the Rebels in Lincolnshire , to thinke upon some course for satisfying the good people of London , Who had long mused amongst themselves , why being so well furnished and provided of all things necessary for that service , they had not set upon the Towne , as one of their Diurnals tells us . Which being resolved upon amongst them , and fearing that they might not be able to effect the businesse without more helpe , they sent for Sir John Gell from Darbyshire , to meet them with his Rabble at the day appointed : if for no other reason ( as there was not much ) yet that they might be sure of some lucky hand to deface Tombes and Monuments , and to kill dead bodies , whereat Gell was excellent . Of this designe Colonell Henderson the watchfull Governour of the Towne having timely notice , drew forth his Cavalrie , consisting of ten Companies some foure nights before , and went to Beckingham ( a Towne of Lincolnshire ) neare the Rebels Quarters : whereof having some intelligence by their Espials , they kept themselves such close and in so good order , that nothing could be done upon them to frustrate or divert the action ; so that he made a leisurely and faire retreat to the Towne againe , there to expect their further determinationNor was it long before they let him know their resolution , advancing on the day before remembred with all their Forces , being 6000 and above , and ten Peeces of Ordinance ( most of them shooting bullets of six pound a Peece ) towards the Bekon-hill , a mile from Newarke : upon which hill the Governour having no Ordinance in the Towne to entertaine them , had placed his Cavalrie with the best advantage that he could . The Enemy seeing him so planted , advanced upon him with the whole body of their Army , and still as they came forwards , caused him to retire by the advantage of their Cannon , which he wanted ; till at the length by three removes he drew more neare unto his workes , and so at last into the Towne . And this was all that was done that day , the enemy retreating as the night came on , and quartering all their forces in two small Villages , about a mile distant from his trenches . On Tuesday morning the last of February , they drew up all their forces into one grosse body , and comming as neare unto his workes as they could with safety , sent a Trumpeter , and in the name of the King and Parliament ( as their manner is ) demanded his surrendrie of the Towne and Castle : Which being answered with a negative , and that the Governour was resolved to keepe the Towne for His Majesties sole use , ( with whom the two Houses of Parliament , were never thought to be joynt-tenants of the Kingdome ) they planted their Ordinance , dividing their foot into three Brigades , tooke in the Earle of Exeters house ( which was an Hospitall heretofore dependant on the See of Lincolne , but now assured upon the Familie by an Act of Parliament made this Session ) discharging 80 shot into the Towne from their workes and batteries . At length the Nottinghamshire and Darbyshire forces , making one Brigade of themselves , advanced and tooke a Ditch within Pistoll shot of the Towne workes , and thence discharged against the Towne from eleven of the clocke at noone , untill six at night ; but with more courage then successe : the Souldiers of the Garrison playing their parts exceeding valiantly , and being bravely seconded by the indefatigable paines of all the Officers , who behaved themselves both stoutly and discreetly , as they were directed . In the meane time the other two Brigades having placed themselves before some other of the workes , and finding them so strong , that there was little possibility of doing any good that way , retired with all their Foot , Horses , and Artillerie , to Gells Post , hoping with their united Powers to force their entrance into the Towne , and obtaine the end of their desires . Which being soone perceived by the wary Governour , he removed all his Forces as they did , which was about three of the clocke in the afternoone ; holding them play , and entertaining them with an hotter service then they expected from that place , for three houres together . At length , it being then about six at night , discerning an abatement in the courage of the Enemy , who began to wax weary of the worke , he made a sally out upon them with such force and fury , that he drave all their Foot from their Post , or station , unto the shelter and protection of their Cavalrie , impatoned himselfe with three Peeces of Ordinance , which he caused to be haled into the Towne : the whole body of the Rebels retiring in great disorder and confusion till they got the advantage of an hedge , and so stood with the Cavalrie before them , till darke night came on , and made an end at that time of the disputation . In this estate things stood , when the Messenger sent unto His Majestie , ( whom before I spake of ) came unto the Towne ; Who though he staid no longer there then the necessity of corporall rest did invite him to : yet staid he long enough to see the Enemies dislodged , and the Lords with their whole traine departed from such unhospitable hosts , who shewed no more civility to men of honour , which was assoone as they had light enough to see how to goe away . But being it was a service of such signall consequence , it was not thought fit to intrust the story and relation of it onely unto the wit and memory of the Messenger , who being no Actor in the businesse might possibly be subject to mistakings : and therefore Colonell Henderson the victorious Governour , sent an accompt thereof in writing to His Sacred Majestie , and from thence you have it . There were killed of the Kings side in this brave repulse , but one man onely , a common Souldier of the Garrison , and not many hurt . But of the Rebels there were slaine no fewer then 200 men ; and many wounded , whereof the chiefe was Colonell Ballard , and no meane one neither . There were taken also in the sally about 60 Prisoners , many of which were found upon examination to be French Papists ; whom the two Houses of Parliament thought it not unfitting to take into their pay , nor dangerous either to the Church or State to trust with weapons ; their nation and religion notwithstanding . By which it seemes that Forreiners may be called in , if occasion be , in maintenance of the rights and liberties of the English subjects ; and Papists may be armed for the defence and preservation of the Protestant Religion if the necessities and distresses of the Church require it . If so , then certainly His Majesty may far more warrantably make use of his Popish subjects , who serve him for defence of his prerogative and their owne native liberties , upon the conscience of that duetie and allegiance which they beare unto him ; then the two Houses , whatsoever Priviledge they pretend unto , can call in Forreigne Nations of the Popish profession , who serve them on no other motive but for pay and pillage . But such is the infirmity of our humane nature , that we do commonly condemne that in others , which we indulge unto our selves : and such the guilty courses of seditious persons , that they regard but little , if they do at all , what crooked lanes and passages they are forced upon , so they may come at last to their journeys end . Some Papists , but those English Papists , had before beene taken prisoners by His Majesty at the famous battaile of Edge-hill , which gave His Majesty occasion after their example , to enterteine some few Recusants of these His Kingdomes , for the defence and safety of His Royall Person . And should he call in Forreiners and those Papists too , to aid him in defence of His Royall Power , he did no more then what he had example for from their owne proceedings , who have affirmed it of themselves that they cannot erre . Quod quisque fecit , patitur ; Authorem scelus Repetit , suóque premitur exemplo nocens . Seneca Tragoed . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43513e-130 ● . The landing of the Queenes Majesty in the Bay of Burlington . In a Pamphlet called , Certaine informations . Num : 3. In another Pamphlet called , A continuation , &c. Num. 3. 〈◊〉 potenti●… nemo sen●… , nisi aut le●…ione pericu●… , aut accessio●… dignitatis . ●…elleius Pater●…l . l. 2. ●… The repulse of the Rebels before Newarke . 
A10094	----	The doctrine of the Sabbath· Delivered in the Act at Oxon. anno, 1622. By Dr. Prideaux his Majesties professour for divinity in that Vniversity. And now translated into English for the benefit of the common people. Prideaux, John, 1578-1650. 1634 Approx. 77 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A10094 STC 20348 ESTC S115223 99850442 99850442 15644 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A10094) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 15644) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1183:15) The doctrine of the Sabbath· Delivered in the Act at Oxon. anno, 1622. By Dr. Prideaux his Majesties professour for divinity in that Vniversity. And now translated into English for the benefit of the common people. Prideaux, John, 1578-1650. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [20], 41, [3] p. Printed by E[lizabeth] P[urslowe] for Henry Seile, and are to be sold his shop at the signe of the Tygers-head. in St. Pauls Church-yard, London : 1634. Translated by Peter Heylyn. Printer's name from STC. The first leaf and the last leaf are blank. Printer's device (McK. 310 or 311) on t.p. Running title reads: Of the Sabbath. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Sunday -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE DOCTRINE OF THE SABBATH . Delivered in the Act at Oxon. Anno , 1622. By Dr. PRIDEAVX his Majesties Professour for Divinity in that Vniversity . And now translated into English for the benefit of the common People . MARK . 2.27 . The Sabbath was made for man , and not man for the Sabbath . LONDON , Printed by E. P. for Henry Seile , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the Tygers-head ▪ in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1634. The Preface of the Translator , To the Christian Reader . OF all the controversies which have exercised the Church of Christ , there is none more ancient than that of the Sabbath : So ancient , that it tooke beginning even in the infancy of the Church , and grew up with it . For as we read in the Acts , There rose up certain of the sect of the Pharises , which beleeved , saying , that it was needfull to circumcise the people , and to command them to keepe the law of Moses ; whereof the Sabbath was a part : Which in the generall , as the Apostles laboured to suppresse , in the first Generall Councell holden in Ierusalem : So did S. Paul , upon occasion of whose ministry this controversie first began , endeavour what he could against this particular . Sharply reproving those which hallowed yet the Iewish Sabbath , and observed dayes , and moneths , and times , as if he had bestowed his labour in vaine upon them . But more particularly in his Epistle to the Colossians , Let no man judge you in respect of an holy day , or of the new Moone , or of the Sabbath dayes ; which were a shadow of things to come , but the body is of Christ. Both which expressions of S. Paul , are in this following discourse produced to this very purpose . Yet notwithstanding all this care , both generally of the Apostles , and more especially of S. Paul , to suppresse this errour ; it grew up still , and had it's patrons and abettours . Ebion and Cerinthus , two of the wretchedst hereticks of the primitiue times , and after them Apollinaris , are said to countenance and defend it ; which , doubtlesse made the ancient fathers declare themselves more fully in it , as a dangerous point ; which seemed to confirme the Iewes in their incredulity , and might occasion others to make question of our Saviours comming in the flesh . Hence was it , that Irenaeus , Iustin Martyr , Tertullian and Eusebius , men of renowne for learning in the primitive times ( three of the which are cited in the Text of this following discourse , and the fourth quoted in the margin ) affirme for certaine , That never any of the Patriarks before Moses Law , did observe the Sabbath : which questionlesse they must have done , had that Law beene morall , and dictated by nature , as now some teach us . Afterwards by the opposition made by Epiphanius , in his confutation of the heresies of the Ebionites ; and by the resolutions of Theodoret , on the 20. of Ezekiel , Procopius Gazeus , on the second of Genesis , by Damascen , and our venerable Bede ( which two last are here also cited , Sect. the 2. ) concurring with the former fathers ; all talke and observation of the Iewish Sabbath vanished utterly ; and the Lords day , which had from the Apostles times beene instituted by the Church , in the place thereof , was hallowed , without any rivall . Nor doe I finde , but that all superstitious fancies about that day , were as wholly abrogated , as the day it selfe . Save that Saint Gregory tells us , how some in Rome were so superstitious in this kinde , that they would neither worke upon the Saturday , no , nor so much as wash upon the Sunday , But after , in the darker times , as it is thought by some , Peter de Bruis the founder of the Petrobusians ( he was burnt for heresie Anno 1126. ) began to draw too deepe on these lees of Iudaisme ; which here our Doctor intimates in the 7. Sect. where he joynes the Petrobusian with the Ebionites , who indeed were Iewish in this point . And possibly , from the remainders of this Doctrine , Fulco a French Priest , and a notable hypocrite , as our King Richard counted him , lighted upon a new Sabbatarian speculation , which afterwards Eustachius one of his associates dispersed in England : I call it new , as well I may . For whereas Moses gave commandement to the Iewes , that they should sanctifie one day onely of the weeke , viz. that seventh whereon God rested : They taught the people that the Christian Sabbath was to begin on Saturday at three of the clock , and to continue till Sun-rising on the Munday morning : During which latitude of time , it was not lawfull to doe any kinde of worke what ever , no not so much as to bake bread on Saturday for the Sundayes eating ; to wash or dry linnen for the morrowes wearing . Yea , they had miracles in store ▪ pretended to be wrought on such as had not yeelded to their doctrine ; thereby to countenance the Superstitious , and confound the weake . And which was more than this , for the authoritie of their device , they had to shew a letter sent from God himselfe , and left prodigiously over the Altar in Saint Simeons Church in Golgatha : wherein this Sabbatarian dreame was imposed forsooth upon all the world , on paine of diverse plagues and terrible comminations , if it were not punctually observed . The letter is at large repeated by Roger de Hoveden ; and out of him , as I suppose , by Matth. Paris : who doe withall repeat the miracles , whereby this doctrine was confirmed . I adde no more but this , that could I either beleeve those miracles , which are there related : or saw I any now , like those , to countenance the reviving of this strange opinion ( for now it is revived and published : ) I might perhaps perswade my selfe to entertaine it . But to proceed . Immediately upon the reformation of Religion in these Westerne parts , the Controversie brake out afresh ; though in another manner than before it did . For there were some of whom Calvin speakes , who would have had all daies alike , all equally to bee regarded ; ( hee meanes the Anabaptists , as I take it ) and reckoned that the Lords day as the Church continued it , was a Iewish ceremonie . Affirming it to crosse the doctrine of Saint Paul , who in the Texts before remembred , and in the 14. to the Rom. did seeme to them , to crie downe all such difference of dayes and times , as the Church retained . To meete which vaine and peccant humor , Calvin was faine to bend his forces ; declaring how the Church might lawfully retaine set times for Gods solemne service , without infringing any of S. Pauls commandements . But on the other side , as commonly the excesse is more exorbitant than the defect , there wanted not some others , who thought they could not honour the Lords day sufficiently , unlesse they did affixe as great a sanctitie unto it , as the Iewes did unto their Sabbath . So that the change seemed to be onely of the day ; the superstition still remayning no lesse Iewish , than before it was . These taught , as now some doe , Moralem esse unius diei observationem in hebdomada , the keeping holy to the Lord one day in seven , to be the morall part of the fourth Commandement : which doctrine , what else is it , ( so hee proceedes , and here the Doctor so repeates it in his third Section ) than in contempt of the Iewes to change the day , and to affixe a greater sanctitie unto the day , than those ever did ? As for himselfe , so farre was hee from favouring any such wayward fancie , that as John Barclay makes report , hee had a consultation once , de transferenda solennitate Dominica in feriam quintam , to alter the Lords day from Sunday unto Thursday . How true this is I cannot say . But sure it is , that Calvin tooke the Lords day to be an ecclesiasticall and humane constitution onely , Quem veteres in locum Sabbati subrogarunt , appointed by our Ancestors to supply the place of the Iewish Sabbath : and ( as our Doctor tells us from him in his seventh Section ) as alterable by the Church at this present time , as first it was , when from the Saturday they translated it unto the Sunday . So that we see , that Calvin here resolves upon three Conclusions : first , that the keeping holy of one day in seven , is not the morall part of the fourth Commandement : secondly , that the day was changed from the last day of the weeke unto the first , by the authoritie of the Church , and not by any divine Ordinance : and thirdly , that the day is yet alterable by the Church , as at first it was . Neither was hee the onely one that hath so determined . For , for the first , that to keepe holy one day of seven , is not the morall part of the fourth Commandement , our Doctor hath delivered in the third Section , that not Tostatus onely , but even Aquinas , and with him all the Schoolemen , have agreed upon it . Nor was there any that opposed it in the Schooles of Rome , that I have met with , till Catharinus tooke up armes against Tostatus : affirming , but with ill successe , that the Commandement of the Sabbath was imposed on Adam in the first Cradle of the world ; there where the Lord is said to blesse the seventh day and sanctifie it . Which fancie , by our Author is rejected , and the opinion of Tostatus justified against him , though he name him not . As for the Protestant Schooles , besides what is affirmed by Calvin , and seconded by the Doctor in this following Discourse ; this seemes to be the judgement of the Divines of the Low-Countries . Francisc. Gomarus , one knowne sufficiently for his undertakings against Arminius , published Anno 1628. a little Treatise about the Originall of the Sabbath , and therein principally canvassed these two Questions : first , whether the Sabbath were ordained by God , immediately on the Creation of the World : the second , Whether all Christians are obliged by the fourth Commandement , alwayes to set apart one day in seven , to Gods holy worship : both which hee determines negatively . And Doctor Ryvet , one of the foure Professors in Leiden , although he differs in the first , yet in the second , which doth most concerne us Christians , they agree together : affirming also jointly , that the appointing of the Lords day for Gods publike service , was neither done by God himselfe , nor by his Apostles , but by authoritie of the Church . For Seconds , Gomarus brings in Vatablus , and Wolfgangus Musculus ; and Ryvet voucheth the authoritie of our Doctor here . For so Gomarus , in the assertion and defence of the first opinion against this Ryvet ; De quibus etiam Cl. & Doct. D. Prideaux in Oratione de Sabbato consensionem extare , eodem judicio [ by Ryvets information ] libenter intelleximus . I will adde one thing onely , which is briefely this . The Hollanders , when they discovered Fretum le Maire , Anno 1615. though they observed a most exact account of their time at Sea ; yet at their comming home , they found , comparing their account with theirs in Holland , that they had lost a day ; that which was Sunday to the one , being Munday to the other . Which of necessitie must happen , as it is calculated by Geographers , to those that compasse the World from West to East : as contrarie , they had got a day , had they sayled in Eastward . And now what should these people doe when they were return'd ? If they must sanctifie precisely one day in seven , they must have sanctified a day apart from their other countrymen , and had a Sabbath by themselves ; or to comply with others , must have broken the Morall Law , which must for no respects be violated . See more hereof at large in Carpenters Geogr. p. 237. &c. Next , for the second Thesis , that the alteration of the day is onely an humane and Ecclesiasticall Constitution , the Doctor sheweth in the fifth Section , the generall consent of all sorts of Papists , Iesuits , Canonists , and Schoolemen ; of some great Lutherans by name ; and generally , of the Remonstrant or Arminian Divines in their Confession : whose tendries in this point , wee may conceive with reason not to be different from the doctrine of the Belgick Churches ; in that the foure Professors of Leiden , in their Examination or Review of that Confession , have passed them over without note or opposition . To these besides , are added diverse of our owne ; & e nostris non pauci , as hee speakes it in the generall ; i. e. as I conceive his meaning , such as are neither of the Lutheran nor Arminian partie . Of which , since hee hath instanced in none particularly , I will make bold to borrow two or three Testimonies out of the Tractate of Gomarus , before remembred . And first he brings in Bullinger , who in his Comment on the first of the Revelation calls it Ecclesiae consuetudinem , an Ecclesiasticall Ordinance ; and after addes , Sponte Ecclesiae receperunt illam diem , &c. The Church did of its owne accord agree upon that day , for wee reade not any where that it was commanded . Next Vrsinus , telling us that God had abrogated the Iewish Sabbath ; addes presently , that he left it free unto the Church , alios dies eligere , to make choice of any other day to be selected for his service ; and that the Church made choice of this , in honour of our Saviours resurrection . Zanchius affirmes the same . Nullibi legimus Apostolos , &c. We reade not any where ( saith he ) that the Apostles did command this day to be observed in the Church of God ; onely we finde what the Apostles and others of the faithfull used to doe upon it , liberum ergo reliquerunt : which is an argument , that they left it wholly unto the disposition of the Church . Aretius , Simler , Dav. Paraeus , and Bucerus , which are all there alledged , might bee here produced , were not these sufficient ; Adde hereunto the generall consent of our English Prelates , the Architects of our reformation in the time of King Edward the sixth ; who in the Act of Parliament about keeping holy dayes , have determined thus , together with the rest of that grand assembly ; viz. Neither is it to be thought that there is any certaine time , or definite number of dayes , prescribed in holy Scripture , but that the appointment both of the time and also of the number of the dayes , is left by the authority of Gods Word , to the authority of Christs Church , to bee determined and assigned orderly in every Country by the discretion of the Rulers and Ministers thereof , as they shall judge most expedient to the true setting forth of Gods glory , and edification of the people . Which preamble is not to bee understood of holy dayes , or of Saints dayes onely ( whose being left the authority of the Church was never questioned ) but of the Lords day also : as by the body of the Act doth at full appeare . Last of all for the third and last conclusion , that still the Church hath power to change the day , our Doctor , in the seventh Section , brings in Bullinger , Bucer , Brentius , Vrsinus , and Chemnitius , aliisque nostris , with diverse others not named particularly , as they are ; which thinke no otherwise thereof than Calvin did , and shewes by what distinction Suarez , though otherwise no friend unto the men , doth defend their doctrine : now as the doctrine was , such also is the practise of those men and Churches , devoyd of any the least superstitious rigour ; esteeming it to be as a day left arbitrary , and therefore open to all honest exercises and lawfull recreations ; by which the minde may be refreshed , and the spirits quickned . Even in Geneva it selfe , according as it is related in the inlargement of Boterus by Robert Iohnson , All honest exercises , shooting in Peeces , Long-Bowes , Crosse-Bowes , &c. are used on the Sabbath day , and that both in the morning , before and after the Sermon ; neither doe the Ministers finde fault therewith , so that they hinder not from hearing of the Word at the time appointed . Dancing indeed they doe not suffer ; but this not in relation to the Sunday , but the Sport it selfe , which is held unlawfull , and generally forbidden in the French Churches . Which strictnesse , as some note , considering how the French doe delight in dancing , hath beene a great hinderance to the growth of the reformed Religion in that Kingdome . Which being so , the judgement and the practise of so many men , and of such severall perswasions in the controverted points of the Christian faith , concurring so unanimously together : the miracle is the greater , that wee in England should take up a contrary opinion , and thereby separate our selves from all that are called christian . Yet so it is , I skill not how it comes to passe , but so it is , that some amongst us have revivd againe the Iewish Sabbath , though not the day it selfe , yet the name and thing . Teaching that the Commandement of sanctifying every seventh day , as in the Mosaicall Decalogue , is naturall , morall , and perpetuall ; that whereas all things else in the Iewish Church were so changed that they were cleane taken away ; this day ( meaning the Sabbath ) was so changed , that it still remaineth : and lastly , that the Sabbath was not any of those ceremonies which were justly abrogated at Christs comming . All which positions are condemned for contrary to the Articles of the Church of England : as in a Comment on those Articles , perused and by the lawfull authority of the Church allowed to bee publike , is most cleere and manifest . Which Doctrinals though dangerous in themselves , and different from the judgement of the ancient Fathers , and of the greatest Clerks of the latter times , are not yet halfe so desperate , as that which followeth thereupon , in point of practise . For these positions granted , and entertained as orthodox , what can we else expect ; but such strange paradoxes , as in consideration of the premises , have beene delivered from some Pulpits in this Kingdome ; As viz. That to doe any servile worke or businesse on the Lords day , is as great a sinne , as to kill a man , or commit adultery ; that to throw a Bowle , to make a Feast , or dresse a wedding dinner on the Lords day , is as great a sinne , as for a man to take a knife and cuts his childes throat ; that to ring more Bells than one on the Lords day , is as great a sinne as to commit murder . The Author which reports them all , was present when the broacher of the last position was convented for it . And I beleeve him in the rest . The rather , since I have heard it preached in London , that the Law of Moses , whereby death temporall was appointed for the Sabbath-breaker , was yet in force ; and that who ever did the workes of his ordinary calling on the Sabbath day , was to dye therefore . And I know also , that in a Towne of my acquaintance , the Preachers there had brought the people to that passe , that neither baked nor rost-meat , was to bee found in all the Parish for a Sundayes dinner throughout the yeere . These are the ordinary fruits of such dangerous Doctrines ; and against these and such as these , our Author in this following Treatise doth addresse himselfe , accusing them that entertaine the former Doctrinalls , everywhere , of no lesse than Iudaisme , and pressing them with that of Austin , that they who literally understand the fourth Commandement , doe not yet savour of the Spirit , Section the third . This when I had considered , when I had seriously observed how much these fancies were repugnant both to the tendries of this Church , and judgements of all kinde of Writers , and how unsafe to be admitted ; I thought I could not goe about a better worke , than to exhibite to the view of my deare Countrymen this following Treatise ; delivered first , and after published by the Author in another Language . The rather , since of late the clamour is encreased , and that there is not any thing now more frequent in some Zelots mouthes , ( to use the Doctors words ) than that the Lords day is with us licentiously , yea sacrilegiously prophaned , Section the first . To satisfie whose scruples , and give content unto their mindes , I doubt not but this following Discourse will be sufficient : which for that cause I have translated faithfully , and with as good proprietie as I could : not swerving any where from the sence ; and as little as I could , from the phrase and letter . Gratum opus Agricolis : a Worke , as I conceive it , not unsutable to the present times : wherein , besides those peccant fancies before remembred , some have so farre proceeded , as not alone to make the Lords day subject to the Iewish rigours ; but to bring in againe the Iewish Sabbath , and abrogate the Lords day altogether . I will no longer detaine the Reader from the benefit hee shall reape hereby : Onely I will crave leave , for his greater benefit , to repeat the summe thereof ; which is briefely this : First , that the Sabbath was not instituted in the first Creation of the World , nor ever kept by any of the Ancient Patriarkes , who lived before the Law of Moses : therefore no Morall and perpetuall Precept , as the others are , Sect. 2. Secondly , that the sanctifying of one day in seven , is Ceremoniall onely , and obliged the Iewes ; not Morall , to oblige us Christians to the like observance , Sect. 3. & 4. Thirdly , that the Lords day is founded onely on the authoritie of the Church , guided therein by the practice of the Apostles ; not on the fourth Commandement , ( which he calls a scandalous Doctrine , Sect. 7. ) nor any other expresse authoritie in holy Scripture , Sect. 6. & 7. Then fourthly , that the Church hath still authoritie to change the day , though such authoritie be not fit to be put in practise , Sect. 7. Fifthly , that in the celebration of it , there is no such cessation from the workes of labour required from us , as was exacted of the Iewes ; but that we lawfully may dresse Meat , proportionable unto every mans estate , and doe such other things as be no hinderance to the publike Service appointed for the day , Sect. 8. Sixtly , that on the Lords day all Recreations whatsoever are to be allowed , which honestly may refresh the spirits , and encrease mutuall love and neighbourhood amongst us ; and that the names whereby the Iewes did use to call their Festivals ( whereof the Sabbath was the chiefe ) were borrowed from an Hebrew word , which signifieth to dance , and to be merry , or make glad the countenance . If so : if all such Recreations as encrease good neighbourhood ; then Wakes , and Feasts , and other Meetings of that nature . If such as honestly may refresh the spirits ; then Dancing , Shooting , Wrastling , and all other Pastimes , not by Law prohibited , which either exercise the body , or revive the minds . And lastly , that it appertaines to the Christian Magistrate to order and appoint , what Pastimes are to be permitted , and what are not , ( obedience unto whose commands , is better farre than sacrifice to any of the Idols of our owne inventions : ) not unto every private person , ( or as the Doctors owne words are ) not unto every mans rash zeale , who out of a Schismaticall Stoicisme ( debarring men from lawfull Pastimes ) doth incline to Iudaisme , Sect. 8. Adde , for the close of all , how doubtingly our Author speakes of the name of Sabbath , which now is growne so rife amongst us , Sect. 8. Concerning which , take here that notable Dilemma of Iohn Barklay , the better to incounter those who stil retaine the name , and impose the rigour : Cur perro illum diem plerique Sectariorum Sabbatum appellaetis , &c. What is the cause ( saith hee ) that many of our Sectaries call this day the Sabbath ? If they observe it as a Sabbath , they must observe it , because God rested on that day : and then they ought to keepe that day whereon God rested ; and not the first , as now they doe , whereon the Lord began his labours . If they observe it as the day of our Saviours resurrection , why doe they call it still the Sabbath ; seeing especially that Christ did not altogether rest that day , but valiantly overcame the powers of death ? This is the summe of all : and this is all I have to say unto thee ( Good Christian Reader ) in this present businesse . God give thee a right understanding in all things , and a good will to doe thereafter . THE DOCTRINE OF THE SABBATH . OR , A Speech , delivered in the Act at OXON . at the proceeding Doctors , Of CHRIST . GREENE . IO. TOLSON . THO. IACKSON . THO. BINSON . IO. HARRIS . In the yeere of CHRIST , 1622. touching the Sabbath . LEVIT . 9.30 . Yee shall keepe my Sabbath , and reverence my Sanctuarie : I am the Lord. OF THE SABBATH . SECT . I. MY annuall taske ( learned and courteous Auditors ) is ( as you see ) returned againe : whereto being bound ( as I may say ) like Titius unto Caucasus , I must of necessitie expose my selfe to so many Vultures . Divinitie tossed with so many stormes , and by her owne unworthily handled , hath not ( which was much feared ) as yet miscarried . Behold I and the sonnes which God hath given mee . And though shee doe not glory , as before shee hath done , of a numerous issue ; yet shee is comforted with these few , whose modestie doth promise to supply that want , and hide her nakednesse . It is my Office ( as you know ) according to the custome of this place , honestly to dismisse them hence , being now furnished and provided ; after all their labours . And being it is the seventh yeere , since I first attained unto this place ; and that there want not some litigious differences about the Sabbath , which have of late disturbed the quiet of the Church : I hope it will not seeme unseasonable , ( Fathers and Brethren ) to speake unto you somewhat of this argument ; and therein rather to explode their errors , who either seeme to tend , on the one side to Atheisme , or on the other side to Iudaisme , than any way to brand their persons . And that our following discourse may issue from the purer Fountaine , we will derive it from the 19. of Levit. v. 30. ( which doubtlesse , for the greater certaintie thereof , is againe repeated , cap. 26. v. 2. ) Yee shall keepe my Sabbaths . Now for the first word Sabbath , the learned in the Hebrew Language derive it not from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which being interpreted , is Seven , but from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to cease , leave off , or rest from labour : and seemes to have affinitie with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to set downe , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to adore , and praise ; all which doe intimate unto us , as well the use of the Sabbath , as the duties also of all those who are bound to keepe it . It is not my intent to lay before you such further Etymologies , as either are afforded us from Plutarch , and the rest of Greece ; who fetch it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to triumph , dance , or make glad the countenance : or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a sirname of Bacchus ; or at the least , some sonne of his , in Coelius Rhodiginus , ( whence Bacchus Priests are frequently called Sabbi Moenades , or Saliares , in ancient Authors : ) nor from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the Spleene , from the distempers of the which ( as Giraldus thinkes ) the Iewes , though very much thereunto inclined , were that day released : nor last of all , from any foule disease in the privie parts , by the Aegyptians called Sabba ; which Fl. Iosephus worthily derides in his second booke against Appion . It is well knowne from what corrupt Channell these derivations have beene drawne by the elder Iewes ; who by their Bacchanalian Rites , gave the World just occasion to suspect , that they did consecrate their Sabbath unto Revels rather , than Gods service . As for these Sabbaths , they either were the Weekely Sabbaths , or those which in the Scripture are called Sabbaths of yeeres : and these againe , either each seventh yeere , in the which the Earth lay fallow ; or every fiftieth yeere , called otherwise the Yeere of Iubile ; wherein each man returned againe to his owne Possession , and Inheritance , as the Law appointed . There were at least five other meanings of this word , in holy Scripture ; of which , consult Hospinian in his booke de festis Iudaeorum . But for the Weekely Sabbath mentioned in the Decalogue , being it is become to many a Rocke of offence ; it will not happily be unwelcome to the wavering mind , so to determine of the Point , that they may have something whereupon to fasten . There is not any thing now more frequent in some Zelots mouthes , than that the Lords day is with us licentiously prophaned : the fourth Commandement produced , and expounded literally ; as if it did as much oblige us Christians , as once the Iewes . And to this purpose all such Texts of the Old Testament , which seeme to presse the rigorous keeping of that day , are alledged at once : and thereupon some men most superstitiously perswaded , neither to kindle fire in the Winter time , wherewith to warme themselves ; or to dresse Meat for sustentation of the poore , or such as these : which trench not more upon the bounds of Christian libertie , than they doe breake the bonds of Christian charitie . Not so much therefore to abate their zeale , but ( if it may be done ) to direct it rather ; I shall in briefe , and as the time will give me leave , handle especially these three things about the Sabbath : First , the Institution ; secondly , the Alteration of it ; and thirdly , the Celebration of the same : that these my Sonnes ( together with the rest ) may know the better , how carefully they are to walke in this doubtfull Point : neyther diverting on the left hand , with the prophaner sort of people ; nor madly wandering on the right , with braine-sicke persons . SECT . II. And first , the Institution of the Sabbath is generally referred to God , by all who are instructed by the Word of God , that hee created all things , and hath since governed the same . But touching the originall of this Institution , and promulgation of the same , it is not yet agreed upon amongst the Learned . Some fetch the originall thereof from the beginning of the World , when God first blessed the seventh day , and sanctified it . Whence well this question may be raysed , Whether before the publishing of Moses Law , the Sabbath was to be observed by the Law of Nature ? They which are commonly more apt to say any thing , than able afterwards to prove it ; maintaine affirmatively , that it was . For what say they , Is it not all one , to blesse and sanctifie the seventh day , in the beginning of the World , as to impose it then on the posteritie of Adam , to be blest and sanctified ? If all the rest of the Commandements flow from the Principles of Nature , how is this excluded ? Can wee conceive , that this onely Ceremoniall Law crept in , wee know not how , amongst the Morals ? Or that the Prophet Moses would have used such care in ordering the Decalogue , onely to bring the Church into greater troubles . Adde hereunto , that Torniellus thinkes it hardly credible , that Enosh should apart himselfe from the sonnes of Cain , to call upon the name of the Lord , without some certaine and appointed time for that performance . Nor were the frequent Sacrifices , as Calvin thinks , performed by Abraham , and the other Patriarkes , without relation to this day . Tell mee ( say they ) who can , Wherefore , before the publication of the Law of Moses , there fell no Mannah on the seventh day ? Had not the Sabbath , according to Gods first example , beene kept continually , from the foundations of the World. These are indeed such arguments , as make a faire flourish , but conclude nothing . Tertullian , a most ancient Writer , maintaines the contrarie : Doceant ADAM Sabbatizasse , aut ABEL hostiam Deo sanctam offerentem , &c. Let them ( sayth hee in a particular Tract against the Iewes ) assure mee , if they can , that ADAM ever kept the Sabbath ; or ABEL , when hee offered unto God his accepted Sacrifice , had regard thereof ; or that NOAH kept the same , when hee was busied in preparing of the Arke , against the Deluge ; or finally , that ABRAHAM in offering his sonne ISAAC ; or that MELCHISEDEC , in execution of his Priesthood , tooke notice of it . So hee . Besides , Eusebius doth by this argument , maintaine the ancient Patriarkes to have beene Christians ( as wee are ) in very truth , though not in name ; because that neyther they nor wee observed the Sabbath of the Iewes , Hist. lib. 1. cap. 4. And thereupon it is affirmed by Iustin Martyr , in his Dialogue with Trypho , and Bede in his Hexameron , that many of those former times were renowned for sanctitie , which neither kept the Sabbath , or were circumcised . Which also is expressely held by Abulensis . It is true , that Torniellus doth collect from these words of IOB , Where wast thou when I layed the foundations of the Earth , when the morning Starres sung together , and all the sonnes of God shouted for joy , IOB . 38.4 , 7. that in the accomplishment of the Creation , the Angels did observe the Sabbath . But then hee addes , that the observance of it heere upon the Earth , was not till many Ages after . It is true , that Calvin hath affirmed , that it may probably be conjectured , that the sanctification of the Sabbath was before the Law. But many of our later Writers are not therewith satisfied : and therefore it concernes them who maintaine the Affirmative , to make it good by Texts of Scripture . SECT . III. For what weake proofes are they , which before were urged ; God blessed the seventh day , and sanctified it ; therefore hee then commanded it to be kept holy by his people . Moses , as Abulensis hath it , spake this by way of anticipation ; rather to shew the equitie of the Commandement , than the originall . Enosh might call upon the Lord , and Abraham offer sacrifice , without relation to a set and appointed time ; oftner , and seldomer , as they had occasion . And as for the not falling of the Mannah on the Sabbath day , this rather was a preparation to the Commandement , than any promulgation of it . For put the case , that Iacob on the Sabbath had neglected Labans Flocks ; and that the Israelites under Pharaoh , had not made up their tale of Bricks ; neyther had hee escaped a chiding , nor they the insolent furie of their Task-masters . And now , according to the Principles of these Sabbatarians , what would you counsaile them to doe ? Did they observe the Sabbath ? They were sure of punishment from man : Did they neglect it ? They were sure of vengeance from the Lord. Vnto such straits are they reduced , who would impose the Sabbath , as a perpetuall Law of Nature , upon the consciences of their poore brethren . Some men ( perhaps ) will say , that as the Fathers before Moses , had Gods Word amongst them , although not written ; and that it was committed unto writing , when as their severall Families were growne into a Nationall , and a setled Church : even so the Sabbath had a voluntarie observation , from the first Benediction of the same , in private houses ; which after , when the Church was growne , and released from bondage , was imposed thereon , as a Commandement . Suppose it so : Yet still the observation of it , is founded on the fourth Commandement ; which , whether it bee Naturall and Morall , or else Ceremoniall , wee must consider more distinctly : For that a meere and perishing Ceremonie should equally be ranked amongst Morall duties , which are alwayes binding , seemes ( at the first sight ) not to stand with reason . Therefore it is resolved on by the wiser sort , that there is in the fourth Commandement something Morall , and some things Ceremoniall ; the circumstances Ceremoniall , but the substance Morall . It is , as Abulensis hath it , a Dictate of the Law of Nature , that some set time bee put apart for Gods holy worship : but it is Ceremoniall and Legall , that this worship should bee restrained eyther to one day of seven , or the seventh day precisely from the Worlds Creation . A time of Rest , is therefore Morall ; but the set time thereof , is Ceremoniall : Which is confessed by those who have stood most on this Commandement , and urged it even unto a probable suspition of Iudaisme . Aquinas also so resolves it : and ( which is seldome seene in other cases , the Schooleman ( of what Sect soever ) say the same . Whereby wee may perceive , in what respects the Fathers have sometimes pronounced it to be a Ceremonie , and a Shadow , and a Figure onely . Three things hath Calvin noted in it , of perpetuall observation : first , Rest from labour at some certaine and appointed time , that God the better may worke in us : secondly , holding of publike meetings and assemblies , for the exercise of religious duties : thirdly , the ease and recreation both of our Servants and our Cattell , which otherwise would be tyred with continuall labour . And three things also are alledged by Abulensis , to prove it an unstable and an alterable Ceremonie : First , the determining of the day to bee one of seven , or the seventh day precisely from the Worlds Creation ; next , the commencement and continuance thereof , from Evening unto Evening ; and lastly , the precise and rigid keeping of it , in not kindling fires , and such like . Which , howsoever they bee true , and distinctly shew , what still pertaines to us in sanctifying the Lords day aright , and what is abrogated by Christs comming : Yet since the Word affords them not , they rather seeme to set downe somewhat of their owne , than produce any thing from Scripture . For granting all that hath beene said , yet I will looke upon the Text apart , and aske precisely , what it commands us . First there presents it selfe in the very front , the sanctifying of the Sabbath . What Sabbath ? The seventh day . How reckoned ? From the first of the Creation . But this falls just upon the day of the Iewish Sabbath : And so to urge this Commandement for keeping of the Lords day , is to bring in Iudaisme . Whence truely said Saint AVSTIN , Quisquis diem illum observat , sicut litera sonat , carnaliter sapit : Hee that observes that day , according to the literall sence , is but carnally wise . They therefore are but idly busied , who would so farre enlarge the Sabbath , or seventh day in this Commandement , as to include the Lords day in it ; or so to order their account , as that the Sabbath of the Iewes should fall iumpe with ours . As if there were an end of Christian Congregations , in case they were not borrowed from the Iewish Synagogue ; or that the institution of the Lords day were of no effect , were it not strengthened and supported by the fourth Commandement . Calvin is very round with the like false-teachers . Such men ( sayth hee ) as idly thinke the observation of one day in seven to be the Morall part of the fourth Commandement ; what doe they else , but change the day , as in dishonour of the Iewes , retaining in their mindes the former sanctitie thereof . And thereunto hee addes : And certainely wee see what dangerous effects they have produced from such a Doctrine ; those which adhere to their instructions , having exceedingly out-gone the Iewes , in their grosse and carnall superstitions about the Sabbath . But this , the changing of the Sabbath to the Lords day ( which is next in order to be handled ) will more clearely manifest . SECT . IV. Thus have wee found the institution of the Iewish Sabbath in the fourth Commandement , confirmed by the example of God himselfe ; and wee have also noted , what is to bee retained therein , as Morall : it now remaineth to see , what there is in it Ceremoniall , and how abrogated . For if this bee not made apparant , and by evident proofes ; the Conscience would bee wavering , and relapse at last to Iudaisme . For who ( almost ) would not thus reason with himselfe ? I see a Precept , ranked amongst other Morall Precepts , which doth command mee to observe the seventh day precisely , from the first Creation : and since the others are in force , why is not this ? It neyther fits the Church , nor mee , to repeale the Law of God , at our discretions ; but rather to obey his pleasure . What then advise wee to bee done ? Not as some doe ; who urge the words of this Commandement so farre , till they draw blood instead of comfort . Our Saviour best resolves this doubt , saying ; The Sabbath was made for man , and not man for the Sabbath : and that the Sonne of man was Lord of the Sabbath ; and therefore had authoritie to change it , for mans greater profit ; as the Glosse notes it , out of Bede . But heere it is objected , That Christ came into the World , not to destroy the Law , but to fulfill it . To which , wee say with the Apostle : Doe wee destroy the Law by Faith ? God forbid : wee confirme it rather . Christ then hath put away the shadow , but retained the light , and spreads it wider than before ; shewing thereby , the excellent harmonie betweene the Gospel and the Law. Saint PAVL , Rom. 14. and Gal. 4. doth generally taxe the Iewish observation of dayes and times : particularly hee sheweth us , that the Sabbath is abrogated , Coloss. the second : Let no man judge you ( sayth hee ) in meates and drinkes , or in respect of an holy day , or of the Sabbath , which were the shadow of things to come , but the body is of CHRIST . Let no man judge you ; i. e. Let none condemne you , if you keepe them not : because those shadowes altogether vanished , at the rising of the Sunne of Righteousnesse . As therefore Nature requires Meates and Drinkes ; but for the choyse thereof , wee are left free , to Christian libertie : So Reason tells us , that there must be some certaine time appointed for Gods publike service ; though from the bondage and necessitie of the Iewish Sabbath , wee are delivered by the Gospel . Since then wee see the abrogation of the Iewish Sabbath ; let us consider , by what right the Lords day hath succeeded in the place thereof : Wherein I must of force passe over many things , which are at large discussed by others . For to what purpose should I fall upon the Anabaptist , the Familist , and Swencfeldian ? who making all dayes equall , and equally to be regarded , instead of Christian libertie , would bring into the Church an Heathenish licentiousnesse : Or else exclaime against the Sabbatarians of this Age , who by their Sabbath-speculations would bring all to Iudaisme . Iosephus tells us of a River in the Land of Palestine , that is called Sabbaticus ; which being drie sixe dayes , doth on the seventh fill up his Channell , and runne very swiftly ▪ Contrarie , Plinie ; that it runnes swiftly all the sixe dayes , and is drie onely on the seventh . Baronius takes Iosephus part . The Rabbins ( who would prove from hence their Sabbath ) take part with Plinie . Plainely Baronius was deceived , as Casaubon hath truly noted , by a corrupt Copie of Iosephus . But howsoever , for the Rabbins , they are thus silenced by Galatinus . Si fluvius ille dum erat , &c. In case ( sayth hee ) that River whiles it was in being , was a good argument that the Iewish Sabbath was to be observed ; now , since there is no such River extant , it is a better argument , that their Sabbath is not any where to be regarded . Our fanatick and peevish spirits it were best to send , to make enquirie for this River ; while in meane time wee doe unfold , and for as much as in us is , compose the Differences , which have beene raysed in this Point , amongst wiser heads . SECT . V. They then which are perswaded , that the Lords day succeedes in place of the Iewish Sabbath , affirme it eyther as established by the Law of God , and of Divine authoritie ; or introduced by Ecclesiasticall constitution . They which pretend the first , eyther derive their arguments more weakely , from the Old Testament ; or else more warily , from the New : And from the Old Testament they produce two arguments ; one , borrowed from the sanctification of the seventh day , in the first Creation of the World ; the other , from the institution of the Sabbath , in the fourth Commandement . Of those which build upon the constitution of the Church , some doe affirme it absolutely ; as doe the Papists and Arminians ; as may bee made apparant out of the Iesuites , Canonists , and Schoole-men , and the Confession of the Remonstrants . To whom adde Brentius , on Levit. 23. Chemnitius , in his Common Places ; and of our owne Writers , not a few . Others so fortifie and corroborate this Constitution Ecclesiasticall , as if the Church did onely publish and continue that , which by the Apostles was first ordered . But ( as it seemeth to mee ) these Differences are of no great moment : save that the first Opinion inclines too much to Iudaisme ; and doth too much oppugne ( whether more impudently , or more ignorantly ; that I cannot say ) the received Opinion of Divines . For who knowes not that common Principle of the Schoole-men , out of the seventh unto the Hebrewes : The Priesthood being changed , there is made of necessitie a change also of the Law ? Whence they conclude , that at this day the Morall Law bindeth not , as it was published and proclaimed by Moses ; but as at first it appertained no lesse unto the Gentiles , than the Iewes ; and afterwards , was explaned and confirmed by Christ , in his holy Gospel , Zanchius doth strongly prove the same ( amongst other things ) out of this Commandement about the Sabbath . Si Decalogus quatenus per MOSEN traditus fuit Israelitis , ad gentes quoque pertineret , &c. If the Commandements ( sayth hee ) as they were given by MOSES unto the Israelites , appertained also to the Gentiles ; the Gentiles had beene bound by this Commandement , to sanctifie the Sabbath with as much strictnesse , as the Iewes . But since it is most evident , that the Gentiles never were obliged to keepe that day holy ; it plainely followeth , that they neyther were nor could be bound to keepe the rest of the Commandements , as published and proclaimed by MOSES unto them of Israel . Nor doe these hot-spurres well observe , how they intangle themselves , by borrowing the authoritie of the Lords day from the Law of Moses . For if they ground themselves upon that Commandement ; Why keepe they not that day precisely , which the Text commandeth ? By what authoritie have they substituted the first day of the Weeke , for the seventh day exactly from the Worlds Creation ? What dispensation have they got , to kindle fire , to dresse and make readie Meat , which was prohibited the Iewes , by the same Commandement . In case they bee ashamed of these and such like beggerly elements , and tell us , that the Morall duties of the day are onely now to bee observed ; ( not to say any thing of a distinction so infirme , and which the Text affordeth not ) they desert their Station ; and will they , nill they , ioyne with them , who letting passe the veile of MOSES , seeke for the originall of the Lords day in the Sunne-shine onely of the Gospel . SECT . VI. For those that make their boast , that they have found the institution of the Lords day in the New Testament expressely ; let them shew the place . Our Saviour oftentimes disputed with the Pharises , about their superstitious observation of the Sabbath day ; and many times explaned the meaning of that Commandement : But where is any the least suspition of the abrogation of it ? Where any mention , that the Lords day was instituted in the place thereof ? Well . Christ ascended up on high , and left behind him his Apostles , to preach the Gospel . And what did they ? Did they not keepe the Iewish Sabbath , without noyse , or scruple ? And gladly teach the people , congregated on the Sabbath dayes ? Nay , more than this : Did not the Primitive Church designe as well the Sabbath , as the Lords day , unto sacred Meetings ? These things are so notorious , that they need no proofe . The Papists hereupon inferre , that the Lords day is not of any Divine Institution , but grounded onely on the Constitution of the Church . A Civill Ordinance ( sayth Brentius ) not a Commandement of the Gospel . And the Remonstrants have declared in their late Confession , That by our Lord CHRIST IESVS , all difference of dayes was wholly abrogated in the New Testament . All which accord exactly with that generall Maxime , which in this very Argument is layd downe by Suarez , and by him borrowed from the Schooles : In Lege nova non sunt data specialia Praecepta Divina de accidentalibus observantiis ; That in the New Testament there were given no speciall Precepts , or Directions , touching accidentall Duties . Yet notwithstanding this , even in the Church of Rome , Anchoranus , Panormitan , Angelus , and Sylvester , have stoutly set themselves against these luke-warme Advocates , in affirmation of the Divine authoritie of the Lords day . For , ( as it rightly is observed by the defenders of the fourth Opinion ) it seemed a dangerous thing to the whole Fabricke of Religion , should humane Ordinances limit the necessitie of Gods holy worship : Or that the Church should not assemble , but at the pleasure of the Clergie , and they ( perhaps ) not well at one amongst themselves . For what would men busied about their Farmes , their Yoakes of Oxen , and Domesticke troubles ! ( as the invited Guests in the holy Gospel ) would they not easily set at naught an humane Ordinance ? Would not prophane men easily dispense , with their absenting of themselves from Prayers , and Preaching , and give themselves free leave of doing or neglecting any thing ; were there not something found in Scripture , which more than any humane Ordinance , or Institution , should binde the Conscience ? Well therefore , and with good advice , the Acts and practice of the Apostles hath beene also pressed ; besides , the constant and continuall tradition of the Church : That so it may appeare , that in a thing of such great moment , the Church did nothing without warrant from those blessed spirits . Three Texts there are , which are most commonly produced , in full proofe thereof . First , Acts 20.7 . Vpon the first day of the Weeke , when the Disciples came together , to breake Bread , PAVL preached unto them readie to depart upon the Morning , and continued his Speech till Midnight . Why is it sayd expressely , That the Disciples came together , to heare the Word preached , and receive the Sacraments , rather on this day than another ; rather than on the Iewish Sabbath ? were it not then a custome , to celebrate on that day their publike Meetings ; the Sabbath of the Iewes beginning ( by degrees ) to vanish . The Fathers , and all Interpreters ( almost ) doe so conceive it : Though I confesse , that from a casuall fact , I see not how a solemne institution may bee justly grounded . Nor may wee argue in this manner ; The Disciples met that day together ▪ therefore they gave commandement , that on that day the Church should alwayes bee assembled for Gods publike worship . Who markes not heere a great and notable incoherence ? Looke therefore next upon the first to the Corinthians , cap. 16. vers . 2. where wee seeme to have a Commandement : Let every man ( sayth the Apostle ) upon the first day of the Weeke lay by him in store : What ? Collections for the Saints : And why ? Because hee had so ordered it , in the Churches of Galatia . Heere then wee have an Ordinance set downe by the Apostle , to bee observed in the Church : But what is that hee ordereth ? Not that the first day should bee set apart for the Lords service ; but that upon the first day of the Weeke they make Collections for the Saints . The third and last , is Revel . 1. and 10. I was ( sayth the Evangelist ) in the Spirit on the Lords day : And what day is that ? Had hee meant onely the Iewish Sabbath , doubtlesse hee would have called it so : If any other of the Weeke , not eminent above the rest , the title had beene needlesse , and ambiguous ; and rather had obscured , than explaned his meaning . What therefore rests ? but that comparing this place with the former two , Interpreters both new and old conclude together , that here the Apostle meant the first day of the Weeke ; whereupon Christ rose , and the Disciples came together , for the discharge of holy duties ; and Paul commanded , that Collections should bee made : as was the custome afterwards , in the Primitive Church , according unto Iustin Martyr , who lived verie neere the Apostles times . The alteration of the name doth intimate , that the Sabbath was also altered ; not in relation to Gods worship , but the appointment of the time . SECT . VII . What then ? Shall wee affirme , That the Lords day is founded on Divine authoritie ? For my part , ( without prejudice unto any mans Opinion ) I assent unto it : however that the Arguments like mee not , whereby the Opinion is supported . This inference first offends mee , That in the Cradle of the World , God blessed the seventh day , and sanctified it ; therefore all men are bound to sanctifie it , by the Law of Nature : since I both doubt , whether the Patriarkes did observe it , before Moses time ; and have learnt also , that the Law of Nature is immutable . Next this distasts mee , That they would have the spending of one day in seven , on Gods holy worship , to bee perpetuall , and Morall . As congruous , or convenient , all men admit it ; but cannot see so easily , that it should bee Morall , and perpetuall . Nor is it , thirdly , without scandall , that the fourth Commandement should bee so commonly produced , to iustifie our keeping of the Lords day , by the Text thereof . If they required no more , but the analogie , the equitie , or the reason of that Commandement , wee would not sticke to yeeld unto it : But whiles they stand too close to the very letter , they may ( perhaps ) bee iustly charged with Iudaisme . Fourthly , as little like I them , who promise much in proofe hereof , out of the New Testament , which the Text affordeth not . For where is any expresse institution of the Lords day , in any one of the Apostles , or Evangelists ? Yea , or what Text is there , whence it may necessarily bee collected , in case wee meete an Adversarie , who must bee dealt withall exactly ; and will not easily assent , but to solide Arguments ? Nor lastly , am I satisfied with the bare Ordinance of the Church ; which with the same facilitie may bee broke , as it was enacted : Which absolutely to affirme of the Lords day , were too unadvised . Therefore , amongst so doth distinguish with us , of Divine authoritie , strictly and largely taken : that so , not that alone which is found in Scripture may properly be said to have Divine authoritie ; but whatsoever by good consequence may bee drawne from thence , eyther in reference to the institution , or some example of it , or ( at least ) some analogie thereunto . And whereas Calvin , Bullinger , Bucerus , Brentius , Chemnitius , Vrsine , and others of the Reformed Churches affirme , That still the Church hath power to change the Lords day to some other : Suarez doth thus distinguish in it , That it is absolutely alterable , but not practically : that is ( as I conceive it ) That such a Power is absolutely in the Church , though not convenient now to bee put in practise . The reasons of it , two : First , because instituted ( as generally the Fathers grant ) in memorie of our Redemption ; made perfect on that day , by our Saviours resurrection : Next , because not depending barely upon a Civill , or Ecclesiasticall Ordinance ; but on the practice and expresse tradition of the Apostles ; who ( questionlesse ) were ledde into all truth by the Holy Ghost . Which beeing so ; if any waywardly shall oppose us , as if they would compose some Sabbaticall Idoll out of an equall mixture of Law and Gospel ; they may bee very fitly likened to the Iew of Tewksburie , mentioned in our Common Annals : who on a Saturday fell by chance into a Privi● , and would not then permit himselfe to bee taken out , because it was the Iewish Sabbath ; nor could bee suffered to bee taken thence the next day following , because the Lords day , celebrated by the Christians : And so , betwixt both dayes , hee died most miserably , that understood not rightly the celebration and true use of eyther . Of which , the celebration of this day , I am next to speake . SECT . VIII . Prayse waiteth for thee , O Lord , in Sion , and unto thee shall the Vow be performed : O thou that hearest prayer , unto thee shall all flesh come . The life of Pietie and Religion , is Gods publike worship ; the soule of publike worship , is the due performance of the same . They which esteeme not this as they ought to doe , whether prophane , carnall , or schismaticall persons , doe not alone ( as much as in them is ) teare the Church in pieces , which is the seamelesse Coat of CHRIST ; but doe renounce the Heritage , bought for us at so great a price , and offered to us with so great mercie . Hee that endevours to pursue the severall by-wayes and dissonant clamours of particular men , in this present Argument ; entreth into a most inextricable Labyrinth . But generally , those things which others have propounded in some obscuritie , may bee reduced most fitly unto these two heads : First , that wee marke distinctly , in the celebration of this day , what speciall duties are commanded ; and next , what offices are permitted . To the discoverie whereof , these words , Our God , our neighbours , and our selves , like a Mercuriall finger , will direct our journey , amidst the severall turnings of this present World. These three are principally aymed at in those pious duties , which on this day have beene commended to us , or rather imposed on us , by the Acts and practice of the Apostles . First , the Disciples came together , to breake Bread , and heare the Word : Which , without solemne and preparatorie Prayers , were a faint devotion , Acts 20. This is the honour due to God. Collections , secondly , are appointed , 1. Corinth . 16. This is in reference to our neighbour . And last of all , Saint IOHN was in the Spirit on the Lords day , Revel . 1. This in relation to our selves : That so our pious contemplations , borne by the wings of the Spirit , may ascend on high ; even to those Hills , from whence commeth our salvation . Therefore upon this day , Gods people are to meet in the Congregation , to celebrate Divine Service , and to heare the Word ; Almes to bee given , and godly Meditations to bee cherished with our best endevours . From whence ariseth that , as an Accessorie in the Gospel , which was a Principall in the Law of MOSES , Rest from servile workes , and from the ordinarie workes of our Vocation . For since there is not extant eyther Commandement , or example , in the Gospel , which can affixe the Rest of the Iewish Sabbath to the Lords day now celebrated ; and that our Christian libertie will not away with that severe and Ceremoniall kind of Rest , which was then in use : wee onely are so farre to abstaine from Worke , as it is an impediment to the performance of such duties as are then commanded . Saint Hierome on the eighteenth of the Acts , affirmeth , That Saint Paul , when hee had none to whom to preach in the Congregation ; did on the Lords day use the Workes of his Occupation : and CHRIST did many things ( as of set purpose ) on the Sabbath , ( so hath Chemnitius rightly noted ) to manifest , that the Legall Sabbath was expiring ; and to demonstrate the true use of the Christian Sabbath : if ( at the least ) the name of Sabbath may be used amongst us , which some distast . To end in briefe , those things are all commanded , which doe advance GODS publike Service ; and those permitted , which are no hinderance thereunto . Of this sort specially , are the workes of necessitie : as , to dresse Meat , to draw the Oxe out of the Ditch , to leade our Cattell unto Water , to quench a dangerous Fire , and such as these . Then workes of Charitie : First , in relation to our selves ; and heere wee are permitted Recreations ( of what sort soever ) which serve lawfully to refresh our spirits , and nourish mutuall neighbourhood amongst us : Next , in relation unto others ; and heere no labour ( how troublesome soever ) is to bee refused , which may accommodate our neighbour , and cannot fitly bee deferred . Where wee must alwayes keepe this Rule , That this our Christian libertie bee void of scandall ; I meane , of scandall justly given , and not vainely caught at : That wee pretend not Charitie [ to absent our selves from religious duties ] when eyther covetousnesse , or loathing , or neglect of GODS holy Ordinances , are under-hand the principall motives . Foure properties there are ( as one rightly noteth ) of all solemne Festivals ; Sanctitie , Rest from labour , Cheerefulnesse , and Liberalitie : Which verie things , the Ancients ( by those names , whereby they did expresse their Festivals ) doe seeme to intimate . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to meete , or to bee assembled : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to rejoyce , to dance : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to restraine from workes that are an hinderance . And so amongst the Grecians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth an Assembly ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes Expences : From whence , their solemne Festivals were so entituled . And unto all these , whether Recreations , or Entertainments , Feastings , and other indifferent Customes ; it onely appertaineth to the Religious Magistrate to prescribe bounds and limits : Not to the rash zeale of every one , which out of a Schismaticall Stoicisme , not suffering people eyther to use a Fanne , or to kill a Flea , relapse to Iudaisme ; nor on the other side , to every prodigall and debauched Companion , who joynes himselfe unto Belphegor , and eates the Sacrifices of the dead . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A10094-e140 Cap. 15.5 . Gal. 4.10.11 . Cap. 2.16.17 . Sect. 4. See Austin de h●res●b . & Epiphanius . Sect. 2. Epist. 3. l. 21. In Rog. Hoveden Anno. 1201. Anno. 1200. Institut . l. 2. cap. 8. Sect. 33. Ib. Sect. 34. Paraen , lib. 1. cap. vlt. Institut . l. 3. Cap. 8. Sect. 34. Gen. 3. Sect. 3. & 7. Goma● . desensio sentent . c. 10. Investig . Sabb. cap. 4. Cap. 10. Cap. 3. . Anno 5. and 6. of Edward 6. cap. 3. Heylius Geogr. in France . Roger● on the Article● . Art. 7. Id. in the Preface to the Articles . Paraen . l. 1. cap. vlt. Notes for div A10094-e4690 Hebr. ● , S●mpos . l. 4. sub finem . Lib. 7. cap. 15. De annis & mensibus . Levit. ●5 . Cap. 3. Azor. Instit. Moral . part . 2. q. 3. Hospin . de Fest. Ethn. & Iud. l. 3. cap. 3. Annal. sacri ad diem 7. In Exod. ad Praecept . 4. V. Damasc fid . O. th . l. 4. c. 24. Irenaeum , l. 4 30. In Gen. 2. q. 4. Ad d●em 7. sect , 2. In Exod. 〈◊〉 Praecept . 4. In Gen. cap. 2. q. 4. Calv. Instit. l. 2. cap. 8. Zouch . Tom. 4. l. 1. cap. 15. In Exod. 20. q. 11. ● . 2. q. 122. art . 4. Institut . lib. 2. cap. 8. sect . 28. Vbi supr● , Instit. l. 1. cap. 8. sect . 34. Marc. 2.27 . Matth. 5. De bello Iudaic. l. 7. cap. 24. Natur. Hist. l. 31. cap. 2. Anno 31. n. 38. Exer● . 15. sect . 20. Lib. 1. cap. 9. Bellar. de cult . Sanct. l. 3 c. 11. Estius in 3. Sent. d. 37. sect . 13. Vers. 12. Tom. 4. l. 1. c. 11. Exod. 16.35 . Matth. 12. Mark. 2. Luke 6. Ioh. 5. Acts 13.17.18 . cap. Hosp. de sest . Christ. c. 9. Montholon . prompt . in Sabbat . De Relig. l. 2. cap. 1. Azor. Institut . Mor. part . 2. c. 2. Zanch. tom . 4. l. 1. c 19. Foxe & Stowe in vita Henr. 3. Psal. 65. In loc . Com. Perk. in Case of Consc. l. 2. c. 16. Rob. Lo●u● in ●ffig . Sabbat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
A43512	----	A briefe relation of the death and sufferings of the Most Reverend and renowned prelate, the L. Archbishop of Canterbury with a more perfect copy of his speech, and other passages on the scaffold, than hath beene hitherto imprinted. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43512 of text R212372 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1685). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 66 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43512 Wing H1685 ESTC R212372 12137717 ocm 12137717 54797 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43512) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54797) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 104:6) A briefe relation of the death and sufferings of the Most Reverend and renowned prelate, the L. Archbishop of Canterbury with a more perfect copy of his speech, and other passages on the scaffold, than hath beene hitherto imprinted. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [2], 30 p. [s.n.], Oxford : 1644. Attributed to Peter Heylyn. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Marginal notes. eng Laud, William, 1573-1645. A43512 R212372 (Wing H1685). civilwar no A briefe relation of the death and sufferings of the most reverend and renowned prelate the L. Archbishop of Canterbury: with, a more perfec Heylyn, Peter 1645 12130 11 0 0 0 0 0 9 B The rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A BRIEFE RELATION OF THE DEATH AND SVFFERINGS OF THE MOST REVEREND AND RENOWNED PRELATE THE L. ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBVRY : With , A more perfect Copy of his Speech , and other passages on the Scaffold , than hath beene hitherto imprinted . JEREM. 26. 14 , 15. 14. As for mee , behold I am in your hands , do with mee as seemeth good and meete unto you : 15. But know ye for certaine , that if yee put mee to death , ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your selves , and upon this City , and upon the Inhabitants thereof , &c. OXFORD , Printed in the Yeare 1644. A BRIEFE RELATION OF THE DEATH AND sufferings of the most Reverend and Renowned Prelate , the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , &c. IT is a preposterous kinde of writing to beginne the story of a great mans life , at the houre of his death ; a most strange way of setting forth a solemne Tragedie , to keepe the principall Actor in the tyring-house , till the Play be done , and then to bring him on the Stage onely to speake the Epilogue , and receive the Plaudites . Yet this must bee the scope and method of these following papers . To write the whole life of the most Reverend and Renowned Prelate the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , would require more time then publique expectation can endure to heare of . Those that can judge ( as all wise men may ) of the brightnesse and glories of the Sunne in his highest altitude by the clearenesse of his going downe ; or that can Ortum Solis in occasu quaerere : discerne the rising of the Sunne ( as once Straton did ) by the reflection of his beames in a Westerne cloud : may by the glorious manner of his death and sufferings , presented in these short Remembrances , conjecture at the splendour of those rare endowments both of Grace and Nature , wherewith his former life was adorned and beautifyed . The ordinary and unsatisfied Reader , may for his farther satisfaction repaire to Master Prynn's Breviate of his life and actions , though publish'd of purpose to defame him , and render him more odious to the common people . Concerning which , the Reader may observe in breife , that all which Mr. Prynn's industrious malice hath accused him of in those Collections , is , that hee was a man of such eminent vertues , such an exemplary piety towards God , such an unwearied fidelity to his gracious Soveraigne , of such a publique soule towards Church and State ; so fixt a constancy in Freindship , and one so little biassed by his private interesses ; that this Age affords not many Equalls . And it would trouble Plutarch , ( if he were alive , ) to finde out a fit Parallell with whom to match him . All therefore I shall doe at the present time , ( and 't is the last publique Office I shall do him ) is , to lay downe the story of his death and sufferings , together with a view of those plots and practises which were set on foote , to pluck a few yeares from a weake old man , and bring him to an unnaturall calamitous end . For though that maxime in Philosophy is most true and certaine ; that corruptio est in instanti , that death comes to us in a moment , or in the twinkling of an eye , as the Scriptures phrase is ; yet are there many previous dispositions which make way unto it ; all which are comprehended in the name of death . And in that latitude of expression doe we take the word , in laying downe the story of his death before you ; which being writ out of an honest zeale to truth , and a sincere affection to his name and memory , shall either bee approved of , or at least excused . It was the practice and position of the antient Donatists , ( the Predecessours and Progenitors of the modern Puritan ) occidere quemcunque qui contraeos fecerit ; to kill and make away whoever durst oppose their doings , or was conceived to be an hinderance to their growing faction . And by this Card their followers in these Kingdomes have beene steered of late , imprisoning and destroying all who have stood against them . It is long since they entertained such desperate purposes against the life and person of the Lord Arch-Bishop , threatning his death in scattered Libels , telling him that his life was sought for , that neither God nor man could endure so vile a Counsellour to live any longer . This was about the end of March 1629. and was the Prologue to those libels , full of threats and scandals , which yeare by yeare exasperated and inflamed the people , till they had made them ripe for mischeife , and readily prepared to execute whatever their grand Directours should suggest unto them . Saint Paul did never fight more frequent and more terrible combats with the beasts of Ephesus , for the promotion of the Gospell , then he with these untractable and fiery spirits , who most seditiously opposed his religious purposes of setling unity and uniformity in this Church of England . And in this state things stood till the yeare , 1640. in which not onely many factious and seditious people in and about the City of London , made an assault by night on his house at Lambeth , with an intent to murther him , had they found him there : but the whole faction of the Scots declared in a Remonstrance to the English Nation , that one of the cheife causes which induced them to invade this Realme , was to remove him from his Majesty , and bring him to the punishment which he had deserved . The manner of their comming hither , and the great entertainment given them by the faction here , shewed plainely that they were not like to bee sent away without their Errand : and makes it evident that his ruine was resolved on in their secret Counsells , before the Parliament was called , or that they had declared so much by their will revealed . The Parliament had not long continued , but he is named for an Incendiary by the Scottish Commissioners ; and thereupon accused of Treason by the House of Commons . And although no particular Charge was brought against him , but onely a bare promise to prepare it in convenient time ; yet was he presently committed to the custody of the Gentleman Vsher , and by him kept in duresse till the end of February , ( being full tenne weeks ; ) about which time his charge was brought unto the Lords , but in generals only , and longer time required for particular instances . And yet upon this Lydford law , by which they used to hang men first , and endite them afterwards , ) was he committed to the Tower , being followed almost all the way by the Rascall multitude , who barbarously pursued him with reproach and clamours to the very gates ; and there detained , contrary to all law and justice , almost foure yeares longer . This was the first great breach which was made by Parliament in the liberties of the English Subject ; ( save that their like proceedings with the Earle of Strafford , was a preparative unto it ; ) and was indeed the very gappe , at which the slavery and oppression , under which this miserable Nation doth now pine and languish , did breake in upon them . What right could meaner persons looke for , when as so great a Peere was doomed to so long imprisonment , without being called unto his Answer ! What else hath filled so many Prisons in most parts of the Kingdome , with the best and wealthiest of the Subjects ; but the most dangerous effects and consequences of this woful President ! Which as it was the leading case unto all our pressures ; so might those pressures have beene remedied , had the Subject made his Case their owne ; and laboured to prevent it in convenient time . But such a miserable infatuation had befallen them generally , that seeing they did see , but would not perceive . But yet the malice of his Enemies was not so contented . For though some of the more moderate ( or rather the lesse violent ) Lords , who did not pierce into the depth of the designe , gave out that they intended only to remove him from his Majesties eare , and to deprive him of his Arch-Bishoprick , ( which resolution notwithstanding being taken up before any charge was brought against him , was as unjust though not so cruell , as the others : ) yet they shewed only by this Overture , that they did reckon without their hosts , and might be of the Court perchance , but not of the Counsell . The leading and predominant party thought of nothing lesse , then that he should escape with life , or goe off with liberty . Onely perhaps they might conceive some wicked hopes , that either the tediousnesse of his restraint , or the indignities and affronts which day by day were offer'd to him , would have broke his heart , not formerly accustomed to the like oppressions . And then like Pilate in the Gospel they had called for water , and washed their hands before the multitude , and said , that they were innocent of the bloud of that righteous person : thinking that by such wretched figge-leaves , they could not only hide their wickednesse , and deceive poore men ; but that God also might be mocked , and his All-seeing eye deluded , to which all hearts lye open , all desires are knowne , and from which no secrets can be hidden . To this end not content to immure him up within the walls of the Tower , they robbe him of his meniall servants , restraine him to two only of his number , and those not to have conference with any others , but in the presence of his Warder : and in conclusion make him a close Prisoner , not suffering him to goe out of his lodging to refresh himselfe , but in the company of his keeper . And all this while they vex his soul continually with scandalous and infamous Papers , and set up factious and seditious Preachers to inveigh against him in the Pulpit to his very face ; so to expose him to the scorne both of boyes and women , who many times stood up and turned towards him , to observe his countenance , to see if any alteration did appear therein . And to the same ungodly end , did they devest him of his Archiepiscopall and Episcopall jurisdiction , conferring it on his inferiour and subordinate Officers ; sequester his rents under pretence of maintenance for the Kings younger Children ( as if His Majesties Revenues which they had invaded , were not sufficient for that purpose , ) convert his House at Lambeth into a Prison , and confiscate all his coals and fewell to the use of their Gaoler ; deprive him of his right of Patronage , and take into their owne hands the disposing of all his Benefices ; seize upon all his goods and bookes which they found at Lambeth ; and in conclusion rifle him of his notes and papers , not onely such as were of ordinary use and observation , but such as did concerne him in the way of his just defence . In which they did not any thing from the first to the last , but in a proud defiance to the lawes of the land , which they most impudently violated in all these particulars : and more then so , they had proceeded steppe by steppe , to this height of tyranny a whole year almost before they had digested their generall charge into particular Accusations ; or ever called him to his Answer in due forme of law . But God had given him such a measure both of strength and patience , that these afflictions , though most great and irksome , did make no more impressions on him , then an Arrow on a rocke of Adamant . For a● his 〈◊〉 commitment he besought his God , ( as Master Pryn observes out of his Manuall of devotions ) to give him full patience , proportionable comfort , and contentment with whatsoever he should send ; and he was heard in that he prayed for . For notwithstanding that he had fed so long on the bread of carefulnesse , and dranke the water of affliction : yet , as the Scripture telleth us of the foure Hebrew children , his countenance appeared fairer and fatter in flesh , then any of those who eat their portion of the Kings meat , or dranke of his wine . And he was wont to say to his private friends , that , he thanked God , he never found more sweet contentment in his greatest liberty , then in the time of that restraint . And certainly it was no wonder that it should be so , he being conscious to himselfe of no other crimes , which drew that fatall storme upon him , then a religious zeale to the honour of God , the happinesse of the King , and the preservation of the Church in her peace and patrimony , as he professeth at his death before all the people . So that despairing of successe in the way intended his enemies sell upon another , but more desperate course , which was to ship him for New-England , and make him subject to the insolencies of Wellt and Peters , two notorious Schismaticks . But this being put to the question in the house of Commons , was rejected by the major part : not out of pity to his age , or consideration of his quality , nor in respect unto the lawes so often violated ; but to preserve him yet a while , as a stale or property , wherewith to cheat the Citizens of some further summes , and to invite the Scots to a new invasion , when their occasion so required . For it was little doubted by discerning men , but that the Scots , who made their first invasion on a probable hope of sequestring the Lord Archbishop and the Earle of Strafford from His Majesties Counsels ; and sped it so well in their designe , that they were recompensed already with the death of the one , would easily be tempted to a second journey , upon assurance to be glutted with the bloud of the other . And this appeares more plaine and evident , in that about the comming on of the Scots , which was in the middest of Ianuary 1643. they did againe revive the businesse , which had long layen dormant ; causing the Articles , which they had framed in maintenance of their former Accusation , to be put in print about that time , as is apparent by the Test of Iohn Browne their Clerke , dated the 17 of that moneth . And as the Scots advanced or slackned in their marches Southward , so did they either quicken or retard the worke : till hearing of the great successes which they had in Yorkshire , they gave command to Master Prynne ( a man most mischievously industrious to disturbe the publique ) to prosecute the charge against him , and bring him to his long expected triall ; as he reports it of himselfe , who , having rifled him of his Papers , and thereby robbed him of those helpes , which hee had purposely reserved for his just defence ; and having personall quarrels of his owne to revenge upon him , was thought to be the fittest bloud-hound in the whole kennell , to pursue the sent . And now there was no talke but of quicke dispatch . When hatred doth accuse , and malice prosecute , and prejudice and prepossession sit upon the Bench , God helpe the innocent . There 's nothing but a miracle can preserve him then . And so it proved in the event . They called him often to the Barre , both before and after , caused a strict inquisition to be made into all his actions : they winnowed him like wheate , and sifted him to the very bran , ( which was you know the Devils office ; ) they had against him all advantages of power and malice , and witnesses at hand upon all occasions : but still they found his answers and his resolutions of so good a temper , his innocence and integrity of so bright a die , that as they knew not how to dismisse him with credit , so neither could they find a way to condemne him with justice . And though their Consciences could tell them , that hee had done nothing which deserved either death or bonds ; yet either to reward or oblige the Scots , who would not thinke themselves secure whilst his head was on , they were resolved to bring him to a speedy end . Onely they did desire , if possible , to lay the Odium of the murther upon the common people . And therefore Serjeant Wilde in a speech against him , having aggrivated his supposed offences to the highest pitch , concluded thus , that hee was guilty of so many and notorious treasons , so evidently destructive to the common-wealth , that he marvelled the people did not teare him in pieces as hee passed betweene his barge , and the Parliament Houses . Which barbarous & bloudy project when it would not take , and that though many of the Rabble did desire his death , yet none would be the executioner ; they then imployed some of their most malicious and most active instruments , to goe from dore to dore , and from man to man , to get hands against him ; and so petitio● those to hasten to his condemnation , which must forsooth be forced to their owne desires : ( whereof , and of the Magistrates standing still , and suffering them to proceed without any check , he gave them a momento in his dying speech . ) This being obtained , the businesse was pursued with such heate and violence , that by the beginning of November it was made ready for a sentence ; which some conceived would have beene given in the Kings Bench , and that their proofes ( such as they were ) being fully ripened , hee should have beene put over to a Middlesex Iury . But they were onely some poore Ignorants which conceived so of it . The leading members of the Plot thought of no such matter ; and , to say truth , it did concerne them highly not to goe that way . For though there was no question to be made at all , but that they could have packed a Iury to have found the Bill ; but by a clause in the Attaindure of the Earle of Strafford they had bound the Iudges , not to declare those facts for treason in the time to come , for which they had condemned and executed that Heroicke Peere . And therefore it was done with great care and caution to proceed by Ordinance , and vote him guilty first in the House of Commons ; in which being parties , witnesses , and Judges too , they were assured to passe it as they would themselves ; which was done accordingly , about the 20 of November . But yet the businesse was not done , for the Lords stucke at it . Some of which having not extinguished all the sparkes of honour , did by the light thereof discover the injustice of so foule a practice ; together with the danger might befall themselves , if once disfavoured by the Grandees of that potent faction . A thing so stomacked by the Commons , that alter some evaporations of their heate and passion , which broke out into open threats , they presently drew and sent up an Ordinance to the Lords , tending to dispossesse them of all power and command in their Armies . But fearing this device was too weeke to hold , they fall upon another and a likelier project , which was to bring the Lords to sit in the Commons House ; where they were sure they should be inconsiderable both for power and number . And to effect the same with more speed and certainty , they had recourse to their old Arts , drew downe Sir David Watkins with his generall muster of subscriptions , and put a peition in his hands , to be tendred by him to the Houses , that is , themselves : wherein it was required amongst other things , that they would vigorously proceed unto the punishment of all Delinquents ; and that for the more quick dispatch of the publick businesses of the State , the Lords would please to vote and sit together with the Commons . On such uncertaine termes , such a ticklish Tenure do they now hold their place and power in Parliament ; who so efficiously complied with the House of Commons , in depriving the Bishops of their Votes , and the Churches birth-right . And this was it which helped them in that time of need . For by this ( though stale and common ) Stratagem did they prevaile so far upon some weak spirits , that the Earles of Kent , Pembroke , Salisbury , and Bullingbrook , the Lords , North , Gray of Wark , and Brews , ( a Scothman , but an English Baron , and generally called the Earle of Elgin ) resolved to yeild unto the current of so strong a streame : and thought they made a gaining voyage , if by delivering the Lord Arch-Bishop to the peoples fury , they might preserve themselues in the peoples favour . And we know well , both who it was and what end he came to , who , though he knew that the accused party was delivered him out of envy onely , and that he found no evill he was guilty of ; yet being wearied with the clamours and the Crucifiges of the common people , and fearing that some tumult would be made about it , delivered him unto his enemies to be put to death . And for those other Lords who withdrew themselves , and neither durst condemne nor protect the innocent ; ( though far the major part , as it is reported ) it is not easy to determine , whether their conscience were more tender , their Collusion grosser , or their courage weaker . All I shall say is onely this , that Claudias Lysias in the Acts , had beene as guilty of Saint Pauls death , as any of the forty who had vowed to kill him ; if upon notice of the Plot which was laid to murther him , he had brought him down unto the people , or not conveied him with a strong guard to the Court of Felix . The journies end must needs be foule , which such lewd and crooked waies do conduct unto . And it is worth your observation that the same day , the fourth of Ianuary , in which they passed this bloudy Ordinance , ( as if therein they would cry quittance with His Sacred Majesty , who on the same accused the six guilt Members ) they passed another for establishing their new Directory ; which in effect is nothing but a totall abolition of the Common-prayer-booke : and thereby shewed unto the world , how little hopes they had of setling their new forme of worship if the foundation of it were not laid in bloud . The Bill being thus dispatched in the House of Lords , ( if still they may be called the Lords , which are so over-loaded by the Common people ) there wanted yet the Kings Assent to give life to it : which they so far contemned , ( they had more reason to despare of it ) that they never sought it . They had screwed up their Ordinances to so high a pitch , that never Act of Parliament was of more authority : and having found the subjects so obedient as to yeild unto them in matters which concerned them in their goods and liberties ; it was but one step more to make triall of them , whether they would submit their lives to the selfe same tyranny : And this they made the first experiment in this kind , both of their own power , and the peoples patience ; he being the first man , as himselfe noted in his speech , ( which words are purposely omitted in Hindes Copy of it ; ) that was ever put to death by Ordinance in Parliament ▪ but whether he shall be the last , further time will shew . Certaine it is , that by this Ordinance they have now made themselves the absolute masters of the Subjects life , which they can call for at their pleasure , as no doubt they will ; and left him nothing but his fetters , he can call his owne . Just as it was observed by our Gracious Soveraigne , upon occasion of the Ordinance for the 20th part , that the same power which robbed the Subject of the twentieth part of their Estates , had by that only made a claime and entituled it selfe to the other nineteene , whensoever it should be thought expedient to hasten on the generall ruine . In which His Majesty hath proved but too true a Prophet . And though perhaps some of the people were well pleased with this bloudy Ordinance , and ran with joy to see it put in execution ; yet all wise men doe looke upon it as the last groane or gaspe of our dying liberty . And let both them and those who passed it , be assured of this ▪ that they who doe so gadly sell the bloud of their fellow Subjects , seldome want Chapmen for their owne in an open Market . And here , as it was once observed , that the predominant party of the Vnited Provinces , to bring about their ends in the death of Barnevelt , subverted all those fundamentall Lawes of the Belgick liberty ; for maintenance whereof they took up Arms against Philip the 2 so would I know which of those Fundamentall Lawes of the English Government have not beene violated by these men in their whole proceedings ; for preservation of which Lawes ( or rather under colour of such preservation ) they have bewitched the people unto this Rebellion : It is a Fundamentall Law of the English Government , and the first Article in the Magna Charta , that the Church of England shall be free , and shall have her whole Rights and Priviledges inviolable : yet to make way unto the condemnation of this innocent man , and other the like wicked and ungodly ends , the Bishops must be Voted out of their place in Parliament , which most of them have held farre longer in their Predecessors , then any of our noble Families in their Progenitours . And if the Lords refuse to give way unto it ( as at first they did ) the people must come downe to the House in multitudes , and cry , No Bishops , no Bishops , at the Parliament doores , till by the terrour of their tumults they extort it from them . It is a Fundamentall Law of the English liberty , that no Free man shall be taken or imprisoned without cause shewne , or be detained without being brought unto his Answer in due forme of Law : yet heere wee see a Free-man imprisoned tenne whole weekes together , brfore any Charge was brought against him ; and kept in prison three yeeres more , before his generall Accusation was by them reduced into particulars ; and for a yeere almost detained close prisoner , without being brought unto his answer , as the Law requirer . It is a Fundamentall Law of the English Government , that no man be disseised of his Freehold or Liberties , but by the knowne Lawes of the Land : yet here wee see a man disseised of his Rents and Lands , spoyled of his Goods , deprived of his jurisdiction , devested of his Right and Patronage ; and all this done , when hee was so farre from being convicted by the Lawes of the Land , that no particular charge was so much as thought of . It is a Fundamentall Law of the English Liberty , that no man shall be condemned , or put to death , but by lawfull judgement of his Peeres , or by the Law of the Land , i. e. in the ordinary way of a legall tryall : and sure an Ordinance of both Houses , without the Royall Assent , is no part of the Law of England , nor held an ordinary way of triall for the English subject , or ever reckoned to be such in the former times . And finally , it is a Fundamentall Law in the English Government , that if any other case ( then those recited in the Statute of King Edward 3. ) which is supposed to be Treason , doe happen before any of His Majesties Justices , the Justices shall tarry without giving judgement , till the cause be shewne and declared before the King , and His Parliament , whether it ought to be judged Treason or not : yet here wee have a new found Treason , never knowne before , nor declared such by any of His Majesties Iustices , nor ever brought to be considered of by the King and His Parliament , but onely voted to be such by some of those few Members which remaine at Westminster , who were resolved to have it so for their private ends . Put all which hath been said together , and then tell me truly , if there be any difference ( for I see not any ) betweene the ancient Roman slaves , and the once Free-born Subject of the English Nation , whose life and liberty , whose goods and fortunes depend on the meere pleasure of their mighty Masters . But to returne unto our Story , the passing of the Ordinance being made knowne unto him , he neither entertained the newes with a Stoicall Apathie , nor wailed his Fate with weake and womanish lamentations , ( to which extreames most men are carried in this case ) but heard it with so even and so smooth a temper , as shewed he neither was afraid to live , nor ashamed to die . The time betweene the Sentence and the Execution , he spent in prayers and applications to the Lord his God ; having obtained , though not without some difficulty , a Chaplaine of his owne , to attend upon him , and to assist him in the worke of his preparation : though little preparation needed to receive that blow , which could not but be welcome , because long expected . For so well was he studied in the art of dying ( especially in the last and strictest part of his imprisonment ) that by continuall fasting , watching , prayers , and such like acts of Christian humiliation , his flesh was rarified into spirit , and the whole man so fitted for eternall glories , that he was more then halfe in heaven , before death brought his bloudy ( but triumphant ) chariot to convey him thither . He that had so long been a Confessour , could not but thinke it a release of miseriea to be made a Martyr . And as is recorded of Alexander the Great , that the night before his best and greatest battaile with Darius the Persian , he fell into so sound a sleepe , that his Princes hardly could awake him when the morning came : so is it certified of this great Prelate ▪ that on the evening before his Passover , the night before the dismall combat betwixt him and death , after he had refreshed his spirits with a moderate supper , he betooke himselfe unto his rest , and slept very soundly , till the time came in which his servants were appointed to attend his rising . A most assured signe of a soule prepared . The fatall morning being come , he first applyed himselfe to his private prayers , and so continued , till Pennington , and other of their publique Officers came to conduct him to the Scaffold : which he ascended with so brave a courage , such a chearfull countenance , as if he had mounted rather to behold a triumph , then to made a sacrifice , and came not there to die , but to be translated . And to say truth , it was no Scaffold , but a Throne ; a Throne whereon he shortly was to receive a Crowne , even the most glorious Crowne of Martyrdome . And though some rude , uncivill people reviled him as he passed along , with opprobrious language , as loth to let him goe to the Grave in peace , it never discomposed his thoughts , nor disturbed his patience . For he had profited so well in the Schoole of Christ , that when he was reviled he reviled not again , when he suffered he threatned not , but committed his cause to him that judgeth righteously . And as he did not feare the frownes , so neither did he covet the applause of the vulgar herd , and therefore rather chose to read what he had to speake unto the people , then to affect the ostentation either of memory or wit in that dreadfull Agony : whether with greater magnanimity or prudence , I can hardly say . As for the matter of his Speech , besides what did concerne himselfe and his owne purgation , his great care was to cleare His Majestie , and the Church of England from any inclination unto Popery ; with a perswasion of the which , the Authors of our present miseries had abused the people , and made them take up Armes against their Soveraigne . A faithfull servant to the last . By meanes whereof , as it is said of Sampson in the booke of Iudges , that the men which he slew at his death were more then they which he slew in his life : so may it be affirmed of this famous Prelate , that he gave a greater blow unto the enemies of God and the King at the houre of his death , than he had given them in his whole life before ; of which I doubt not but the King and the Church will find speedy fruits . But this you will more clearely see by the Speech it selfe . 〈◊〉 followeth here according to the best and most 〈◊〉 Copies . A Speech of the L. Archbishop of Canterbury , spoken at his death upon the Scaffold on the Tower-hill Ianuary 10. 1644. Good People , THis is an uncomfortable time to Preach , yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture , Heb. 12.2 . Let us run with Patience that race which is set before us , Looking unto JESVS the Author and finisher of our Faith , who for the joy that was set before him , endured the Crosse , despising the shame , & is set down at the right hand of the throne of God , I have beene long in my Race , and how I have looked to JESVS the Author and finisher of my Faith , He best knowes : I am now come to the end of my Race , and here I finde the Crosse , a death of shame ; but the shame must be despised , or no comming to the right hand of God ; Jesus despised the shame for me , and God forbid but I should despise the shame for Him ; I am going apace ( as you see ) towards the Red Sea , and my feet are now upon the very brinke of it ; an Argument , I hope , that God is bringing me into the Land of promise , for that was the way through which he led his People : But before they came to it , He instituted a Passeover for them , a Lambe it was , but it must be eaten with sowre Hearbs , I shall obey , and labour to digest the sower Hearbs , as well as the Lambe . And I shall remember it is the Lord's Passeover ; I shall not thinke of the Herbs , nor be angry with the hand which gathereth them ; but looke up only to Him who instituted that , and governes these ; For men can have no more power over me then what is given them from above . I am not in love with this passage , through the Red Sea , for I have the weakenesse and infirmities of flesh and bloud plentifully in me ; And I have prayed with my Saviour , ut transiret Calixiste , that this Cup of Red wine might passe from me : But if not , God's will ( not mine ) be done and I shall most willingly drinke of this Cup as deepe as He pleases , and enter into this Sea , yea and passe through it , in the way that he shall lead me . But I would have it remembred ( Good people ) that when Gods Servants were in this boysterous Sea , and Aaron among them , the Aegyptians which persecuted them ( and did in a manner drive them into that Sea ) were drowned in the same waters , while they were in pursuit of them ; I know my God whom I serve , is as able to deliver me from this Sea of Bloud , as he was to deliver the three Children from the Furnace ; and ( I most humbly thanke my Saviour for it ) my Resolution is now , as theirs was then ; They would not worship the Image the King had set up , nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up ; nor will I forsake the Temple and the truth of God , to follow the bleating of Jeroboams Calfe , in Dan and in Bethel . And as for this People , they are at this day miserably misled , ( God of his mercy open their Eyes that they may see the right way ) for at this day the Blind lead the Blind , and if they goe on , both will certainely into the ditch . For my selfe , I am ( and I acknowledge it in all humility ) a most greivous Sinner many waies , by thought , word , and deed , and I cannot doubt , but that God hath mercy in store for me ( a poore Penitent ) as well as for other sinners , I have now upon this sad occasion , ransacked every corner of my Heart , and yet ( I thanke God ) I have not found ( among the many ) any one sinne which deserves death by any knowne Law of this Kingdome ; And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Iudges ; for if they proceed upon proofe ( by valuable witnesses ) I or any other innocent , may be justly condemned ; And I thanke God ) though the weight of the sentence lye heavie upon me , I am as quiet within , as ever I was in my life . And though I am not only the first Archbishop , but the first man that ever dyed by an Ordinance of Parliament , yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way , though not by this meanes ; For Elphegus was hurried away and lost his head by the Danes ; and Symon Sudbury in the fury of Wat Tyler and his fellowes ; Before these , Saint Jon Baptist had his head danced off by a lewd woman ; and Saint Cyprian , Archbishop of Carthage , submitted his head to a persecuting Sword . Many Examples ( great and good ) and they teach me patience ; for I hope my Cause in Heaven will looke of another dye , then the colour that is put upon it here . And some comfort it is to me , not only that I goe the way of these great men in their severall generations , but also that my Charge ( as fowle as 't is made ) lookes like that of the Jewes against Saint Paul ( Acts. 25.3 . ) For he was accused for the Law and the Temple , i. e. Religion ; And like that of Saint Stephen ( Acts 6.14 . ) for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave , i. e. Law and Religion , the holy place and the Temple ( verse . 13. ) But you will say , doe I then compare my selfe with the integrity of Saint Paul , and Saint Stephen ? No , farre be that from me ; I only raise a comfort to my selfe , that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at in their times , as I am now . And 't is memorable , that Saint Paul who helped on this Accusation against Saint Stephen : did after fall under the very same himselfe . Yea , but here 's a great Clamour that I would have brought in Popery ; I shall Answer that more fully by and by ; In the meane time you know what the Pharises said against Christ himselfe , If we let him alone , all men will beleive in him , Et venient Romani , and the Romans will come , and take away both our place and the Nation . Here was a causelesse Cry against Christ that the Romans will come ; And see how just the judgement of God was ? they crucified Christ for feare lest the Romans should come , and his death was it which brought in the Romans upon them , God punishing them with that which they most feared : and I pray God this Clamour of Venient Romani ( of which I have given no cause ) helpe not to bring them in ; for the Pope never had such a Harvest in England since the Reformation , as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us , In the meane time , by Honour and dishonour , by good report and evill report , as a deceiver and yet true , am I passing through this world , 2 Cor. 6.8 . — Some particulars also I thinke it not amisse to speake of . And first , this I shall be bold to speake of , the King our gracious Soveraign ; He hath bin much traduced also for bringing in of Popery ; but on my Conscience ( of which I shall give God a very present accompt ) I know Him to be as free from this Charge , as any man living ; and I hold Him to be as sound a Protestant ( according to the Religion by Law established ) as any man in this Kingdome ; And that he will venture His Life as farre , and as freely for it ; and I thinke I doe , or should know , both His affection to Religion , and his grounds for it , as fully as any man in England . The second particular is concerning this great and Populous City , ( which God blesse . ) Here hath beene of late , a fashion taken up , to gather hands , and then goe to the Great Court of this Kingdome , ( the Parliament ) and clamour for Iustice , as if that great and wise Court , before whom the Causes come , ( which are unknowne to the many ) could not , or would not doe Iustice , but at their appointment . A way , which may endanger many an Innocent man , and plucke his bloud upon their owne heads , and perhaps upon the Citie 's also : And this hath beene lately practised against my selfe ; [ the Magistrates standing still , and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish without checke ; ] God forgive the setters of this ( with all my heart I begge it ) but many well meaning People are caught by it . In Saint Stephen's case , when nothing else would serve , they stirred up the People against him ; and Herod went the same way , when he had killed Saint James , yet he would not venture upon Saint Peter , till he found how the other pleased the People . But take heed of having your hands full of bloud , for there is a time ( best knowne to himselfe ) when God ( above other sinnes ) makes Inquisition for bloud , and when that Inquisition is on foot , the Psalmest tells us , That God remembers ( but that 's not all ) He remembers and forgits not the Complaint of the Poore , that is , whose bloud it shed by oppression , vers. 9. take heed of this , 'T is a fearefull thing to fall into the hands of the living God , but then especially , when he is making Inquisition for bloud ; And ( with my Prayers to avert it ) I doe heartily desire this City to remember the Prophesy that is expressed , Jer. 26.15 . The third particular is the poore Church of England . It hath flourished and beene a shelter to other neighbouring Churches , when stormes have driven upon them . But , alas , now 't is in a storme it selfe , and God onely knowes whether , or how it shall get out ; and ( which is worse then a storme from without ) it 's become like an Oake cleft to shivers with wedges made out of it's owne body , and at every cleft prophanenesse and Irreligion is entring in , while as Prosper speakes ( in his second Book De vitae contemptu , cap. 4. ) Men that introduce prophanenesse are cloaked over with the name Religionis Imaginariae , of Imaginary Religion ; for we have lost the Substance and dwell to much in Opinion , and that Church which all the Iesuits machinations could not ruine , is fallen into danger by her owne . The last particular ( for I am not willing to be too long ) is my selfe ; I was borne and baptized in the bosome of the Church of England established by Law ; in that profession I have ever since lived , and in that I come now to dye ; This is no time to dissemble with God , least of all in matter of Religion ; and therefore I desire it may be remembred , I have alwaies lived in the Protestant Religion , established in England , and in that I come now to dye . What Clamours and Slanders I have endured for labouring to keepe a Vniformity in the externall service of God , according to the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church , all men know , and I have abundautly felt . Now at last I am accused of High Treason in Parliament : a Crime which my soule ever abhorred ; this Treason was charged to consist of these two parts , An endeavouor to subvert the Lawes of the Land , and a like Endeavur to overthrow the 〈◊〉 Protestant Religion Established by Law . Besides my answers to the severall Charges , I protested my Innocency in both Houses . It was said Prisoners protestations at the Barre must not be taken . I can bring no witnesse of my heart and the intentions thereof , threfore I must come to my Protestation not at the Barre , but my Protestation at this houre and instant of my death ; in which I hope all men will be such charitable Christians , as not to thinke I would dye and dissemble , being iustantly to give God an accompt for the truth of it : I doe therefore here in the presence of God , and his holy Angels , take it upon my death , That I never endeavoured the subversion either of Law or Religion ; and I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my Innocency , in these , and from all Treasons what soever . I have beene accused likewise as an Enemy to Parliaments : No , I understand them and the benifit that comes by them too well to be so ; But I did mislike the misgovernments of some Parliaments many waies , and I had good reason for it ; For Corruptio optimi est pessima , there is no corruption in the world so bad , as that which is of the best thing in it selfe ; for the better the thing is in nature , the worse it is corrupted . And that being the highest Court , over which no other have Iurisdiction , when 't is mis-informed or misgoverned , the Subject is left without all remedy . But I have done , I forgive all the World , all and every of those bitter Enemies which have persecuted me , and humbly desire to be forgiven of God first , and then of every man , whether I have offended him or not , if he doe but conceive that I have , Lord doe thou forgive me , and I begge forgivenesse of him . And so I heartily desire you to joyne in Prayer with me . O Eternall God and mercifull Father , looke downe upon me in mercy , in the Riches and fullnesse of all thy mercies look upon me ; but not till thou hast nailed my sinnes to the Crosse of Christ , not till thou hast bathed me in the bloud of Christ , not till I have hid my selfe in the wounds of Christ : that so the punishment due unto my sinnes may passe over me . And since thou art pleased to try me to the uttermost , I humbly beseech thee give me now in this great instant , full Patience , proportionable Comfort , and a heart ready to dye for thy Honour , the King's happinesse , and this Churches preservation . And my zeale to these ( farre from Arrogancy be it spoken , ) is all the sinne ( humane frailty excepted and all incidents thereto . ) which is yet knowne to me in this particular , for which I now come to suffer ; I say in this particular of Treason ; but otherwise my sinnes are many and great : Lord pardon them all , and those especially ( what ever they are ) which have drawne downe this present judgement upon me : and when thou hast given me strength to beare it , doe with me as seems best in thine owne eyes : and carry me through death that I may looke upon it in what visage soever it shall appeare to me , Amen . And that there may be a stop of this issue of bloud , in this more then miserable Kingdom , ( I shall desire that I may pray for the people too , aswell as for my selfe ) O Lord , I beseech the ; give grace of Repentance to all Bloud-thirsty people ; but if they will not repent , O Lord confound all their devices , Defeat and Frustrate all their Designes and Endeavors upon them , which are or shall be contrary to the Glory of thy great Name , the truth and sincerity of Religion , the establishment of the King and His Posterity after Him in their just Rights and Priviledges , the Honour and Conservation of Parliaments in their just power , the Preservation of this Poore Church in her Truth , Peace , and Patrimony , and the settlement of this distracted and distressed People under their ancient Lawes , and in their native Liberties . And when thou hast done all this in meere mercy for them . O Lord , fill their hearts with thankefulnesse , and with Religious dutifull obedience to thee and thy Commandements all their daies : So Amen , Lord Iesus Amen , and receive my Soule into thy Bosome Amen . Our Father which art , &c. The Speech and Prayers being ended , he gave the Paper which he read unto . Doctor Sterne , desiring him to shew it to his other Chaplaines , that they might know how he departed out of this world , and so prayed God to shew his mercies and blessings on them . And noting how one Hinde had employed himselfe in taking a Copy of his Speech as it came from his mouth ; he desired him not to doe him wrong in publishing a false or imperfect Copy . Which as Hinde promised him to be carefull of , calling for punishment from above if he should doe otherwise ; so hath he reasonably well performed his promise : the Alterations or Additions which occurre therein , being perhaps the worke of those who perused his Papers , and were to Authorise them to the publicke view , to fit it more unto the palat of the City faction , and make it more consistent with the credit of those guilty men , who had voted to his condemnation . This done , he next applied himselfe to the fatall Blocke , as to the Haven of his rest . But finding the way full of people , who had placed themselves upon the Theatre to behold the Tragedy , he desired he might have roome to dye , beseeching them to let him have an end of his miseries , which he had endured very long . All which hee did with so serene and calme a minde , as if he had beene rather taking order for another mans funerall , then making way unto his owne . Being come neare the Blocke , he put off his doublet , and used some words to this effect . Gods will be done , I am willing to goe out of this world , no man can be more willing to send me out of it . And seeing through the chinkes of the boards that some people were got under the Scaffold , about the very place where the Blocke was seated , he called on the Officers for some dust to stop them , or to remove the people thence , saying it was no part of his desires , that his bloud should fall upon the heads of the People . Never did man put off mortality with a brave courage , nor looke upon his bloudy and malicious enemies with more Christian charity . And thus farre he was gone in his way towards Paradise with such a Primitive magnanimity , as equalled , if not exceeded the example of ancient martyrs , When he was somwhat interrupted in his quiet passage by one Sir Iohn Clotworthy , a fire-brand brought from Ireland by the Earle of Warwicke to increase the Combustions in this Kingdome . Who finding that the mockings and revilings of malicious people had no power to move him , or sharpen him into any discontent or shew of passion ; would needes put in , and try what he could do with his spunge and vinegar , and stepping to him neare the block , asked him , ( with such a purpose as the Scribes and Pharisees used to propose questions to our Lord and Saviour ) not to learne by him but to tempt him , or to expose him to some disadvantage with the standers by , what was the comfortablest saying which a dying man could have in his mouth . To which he meekely made this answer , Cupio dissolvi & esse cum Christo ; i. e. I desire to bee dissolv'd and to bee with Christ . Being asked againe what was the fittest speech a man could use , to expresse his confidence and assurance ; he answered with the same spirit of meeknesse , that such assurance was to be found within , and that no words were able to expresse it rightly . Which when it would not satisfie the troublesome and impertinent man ( who aimed at something else then such satisfaction ) unlesse hee gave some word , or place of Scripture , whereupon such assurance might bee truely founded ; hee used some words to this effect , that it was the Word of God concerning CHRIST , and his dying for us . And so without expecting any further questions ( for hee perceived by the manner of Sir Iohn's proceedings , that there would bee no end of his interruptions , if he hearkned any longer to him ) he turned towards his Executioner ( the gentler and discreeter man of the two ) and gave him mony , saying , without the least distemper or change of countenance , here , honest freind , God forgive thee , and doe thy office upon mee with mercy , and having given a signe when the blow should come , he kneeled down upon his knees , and prayed as followeth . The Lord Arch-bishops Prayer , as hee kneeled by the Blocke . Lord , I am comming as fast as I can , I know I must passe through the shadow of death , before I can come to see thee . But it is but umbra mortis , a meere shadow of death , a little darknesse upon nature ; but thou by thy merits and passion hast broke through the jawes of death . So , Lord receive my Soule , and have mercy upon mee , and blesse this Kingdome with Peace and Plenty , and with brotherly love and charity , that there may not bee this effusion of Christian blood amongst them , for JESUS CHRIST'S sake , if it bee thy will . Then laying his head upon the Blocke , and praying silently to himselfe , he said aloud , Lord receive my Soule , which was the signall given to the Executioner , who very dextrously did his office , and tooke it off at a blow : his soule ascending on the wings of Angels into Abrahams bosome , and leaving his Body on the Scaffold , to the care of men . A spectacle so unpleasing unto most of those who had desired his death with much heat and passion , that many who came with greedy eyes to see him suffer , went backe with weeping eyes when they saw him dead ; their consciences perhaps bearing witnesse to them , as you know whose did , that they had sinned in being guilty of such innocent blood . Of those , whom onely curiosity , and desire of novelty brought thither to behold that unusuall sight , many had not the patience to attend the issue , but went away assoon as the speech was ended ; others returned much altered in the opinion which before they had of him , and bettered in their resolutions towards the King and the Church , whose honour and religious purposes they saw so clearely vindicated by this glorious Martyr . And for the rest ( the most considerable , though perhaps the smallest part of that great assembly ) as they came thither with no other intentiō , then to assist him with their prayers , to imbalme his body with their teares , and to lay up his dying speeches in their hearts and memories : so when they had performed those offices of Christian duty , they comforted themselves with this , that as his life was honourable , so his death was glorious , the pains whereof were short and momentany to himselfe , the benefit like to be perpetuall , unto them and others , who were resolved to live and dye in the Communion of the Church of England . But to proceed ( for I have some few things to note ) it was observed , that whereas other men , when they come to the Blocke , use to looke pale , and wan , and ghastly , and are even dead before the blow , he on the contrary seemed more fresh and cheerfull , then he had done any part of the day before : a cleare and gallant spirit being like the Sunne , which shews greatest alwayes at the setting . And as the Scripture telleth us of Saint Stephen the Proto Martyr , that whilst he spake his last Oration before the chiefe Priests and Elders of the Iewes , they of the Counsell looking stedfastly upon him , saw his face as it had beene the face of an Angell : so was it generally observed , not without astonishment , that all the while our Martyr prayed upon the Blocke , the Sunne which had not showne it selfe all the day till then , did shine directly on his face , which made him looke most comfortably ( that I say not gloriously ) but presently as soone as the Blow was given , withdrew behinde a cloud againe , and appeared no more , as we are credibly advertised by good hands from London , though it be otherwise reported in their weekly Pamphlets . And if the bodies of us men be capable of any happinesse in the grave , he had as great a share therein , as he could desire , or any of his friends expect : his body being accompanied to the earth with great multitudes of people , whom love , or curiosity , or remorse of conscience had drawne together , purposely to performe that office , and decently interred in the Church of All hallowes Barking ( a Church of his owne Patronage and Jurisdiction ) according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England . In which it may be noted , as a thing remarkable , that being whilst he lived the greatest Champion of the Common-Prayer-Booke , here by Law established , he had the honour being dead , to be buried in the forme therein prescribed , after it had beene long disused , and reprobated in most Churches of London . Nor need posterity take care to provide his Monument . Hee built one for himselfe whilst he was alive : it being well observed by Sir Edw. Dering ( one of his most malicious enemies , and hee who threw the first stone at him , in the beginning of this Parliament ) that Saint Pauls Church will be his perpetuall Monument , and his owne Booke ( against the Iesuite ) his lasting Epitaph . Thus dyed this most Reverend , Renowned , and Religiour Prelate : when he had lived 71 yeares , 13 weekes , 4 dayes ; if at the least he may be properly said to dye , the great example of whose vertue shall continue alwaies , not only in the mindes of men , but in the Annals of succeeding Ages , with Renowne and Fame . But how he lived , what excellent parts he was composed of , and how industriously he imployed those parts , for the advancement of Gods honour , his Soveraignes Power and Safety , and the Churches Peace , will be a worke becomming a more able pen ; unto whose care and diligence I commend the same . And so I leave him to that comfort which the Psalmist gives him , and 't is the greatest comfort can befall those men , which have beene tortured on the Racke of malicious tongues : viz. The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance , and shall not be afraid of any evill report . Ps. 112. v. 6.7 . Horat. Carm. l. 4. Ode . 8. Dignum Laude virum Musa vetat mori . ANd yet not leave thee thus , I faine would try A line or two in way of Elegie ; And waile so sad a losse , if to expresse The greatnesse of it would not make it lesse : If to lament thee might not vex thee more , Then all the scornes thou hast endur'd before ; And make thee thinke we envied thee thy start , Or doubted that thou wer 't not what thou art . Yet , with thy leave , I needs must droppe a verse , Write it with Teares , and fit it for thy herse ; And at this distance from thy grave , which lacks The pompes of sorrow , hang my heart with blacks . Religious Prelate , what a calme hast thou I' th midst of all those turbulent stormes , which now Shipwrack this Island ? At how cheape a rate Hast thou procur'd this change of thy Estate ? The Mitre for a Crowne , a few poore dayes For endlesse blisse , vile earth for heavenly joyes ! Such glories hast thou found , such alteration , In this thy highest , as thy last Translation . How were thine Enemies deceiv'd , when they Advanc'd thee thus , and chalk'd thee out the way ; A way so welcome to thee ! No Divine But knowes the Red Sea leads to Palestine ; And that since JESUS sanctified the Crosse , Death 's the best purchase , life the greatest losse . Nor be thou griev'd , bless't Soule , that men doe still Pursue thee with blacke slaunders , and doe kill Thy shadow now , and trample on thy Ghost , ( As Hectors Carcasse by the Grecian host ; ) Or that thou want'st inscriptions , and a stone T' ingrave thy name , and write thy Titles on . Thou art above those trifles , and shalt stand As much above mens malice . Though the hand Of base detraction practice to defame Thy spotlesse vertues , yet impartiall fame Shall doe thee all just honours , and set forth To all succeeding times thy matchlesse worth . No Annals shall be writ but what relate Thy happy influence both on Church and State ; Thy zeale to publicke order , thy great parts For all affaires of weight , thy love to Arts : And to our shame and his great glory , tell For whose deare sake , by whose vile hands he fell ( A death so full of merits , of such price , To God and man so sweet a sacrifice ; As by good Church-law may his name preferre To a fixt Rubrick in the Calender . And let this silence the pure Sect's complaint , If they make Martyrs , we may make a Saint . ) Or should men envy thee this right , thy praise An Obelisque unto it selfe can raise . Thy brave attempt on Pauls in times to come Shall be a Monument beyond a Tombe . Thy Booke shall be thy Statua , where we finde The image of thy nobler part , thy minde . Thy name shall be thine Epitaph ; and he Which hear's or read's of that , shall publish thee Above the reach of Titles , and shall say None could expresse thy worthes a braver way . And thus though murder'd , thou shalt never dye , But live renown'd to all Posterity . Rest thou then happy in sweets of blisse , Th'Elyzian fields , the Christians Paradise ▪ Exempt from worldly cares , secure from feares , And let us have thy Prayers , as thou our Teares . Ad Regem CAROLUM . Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit , Nulli ●●ebilior , quam tibi , CAROLE . Horat. Carm. l. 1. Ode . 24. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43512e-140 Justin. hist. l. 11. 1 Cor. 15 52. Opt. de Schis. Donatist . l. 1. Decemb. 18. 1640. March . 1. 1640 Matth. 13.14 . M●●t . 27.24 Octob 26 and Novemb. 16. 1642. May 9. 1643. As May 15. 1642. Oct 23. 16. 1. Nov. 8. 1642. Jan. 5. 1642. May 16. 1643. May 9. 1643. May 31. 1643. Dan. 1.13 . April 25. 1643. In his Epistle to the Breviate . Luke 22.31 . Mat. ●7 . v. 18.22 , 23 , 24.36 . Act. 23. v. 13.20.23 , &c. Declaration about the twentieth part . Magna Ch. c. 1. Magn. Chart. c. 29.28 Edw. 3. And the Petition of Right . Magn. Chart. c. 29.28 Edw. 3. Ibid. 25 Edw. 3. Plutarch in Alexandr● . Fridy Jan. 10. 1644. 1 Pet. 2.23 . Judg. 21.30 . Ezod. 12.8 . Joh. 19.11 Luk. 22 , 4● . Dan. 3. Luk. 6.36 . Joh. 11.48 . Reader the words included [ ] are left out in the speech published by Hinde . Acts 6.12 . Isa. 1.15 . Psal. 9.12 . Heb. 12. Se the words at large in the tittle of this Relation . The Arch Bishops prayer upon the Scaffold . Acts 6.15 In his Book of Speeches . 
A03141	----	A coale from the altar. Or An ansvver to a letter not long since written to the Vicar of Gr. against the placing of the Communion table at the east end of the chancell; and now of late dispersed abroad to the disturbance of the Church. First sent by a iudicious and learned divine for the satisfaction of his private friend; and by him commended to the presse, for the benefit of others Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1636 Approx. 122 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A03141 STC 13270.5 ESTC S119828 99855034 99855034 20504 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A03141) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 20504) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 600:02) A coale from the altar. Or An ansvver to a letter not long since written to the Vicar of Gr. against the placing of the Communion table at the east end of the chancell; and now of late dispersed abroad to the disturbance of the Church. First sent by a iudicious and learned divine for the satisfaction of his private friend; and by him commended to the presse, for the benefit of others Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. Williams, John, 1582-1650. [4], 78 p. Printed [by Augustine Mathewes] for Robert Milbourne, at the signe of the Vnicorne, neere Fleet-bridge, London : 1636. Judicious and learned divine = Peter Heylyn. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Williams, John, 1582-1650 -- Controversial literature. Church of England -- Liturgy -- Controversial literature. Altars -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-03 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2003-03 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PErlegi librum hunc cuititulus est [ A Coale from the Altar ; or , An Answer to a Letter , &c. ] in quo nihil reperio quò minùs cum utilitate publicâ imprimatur ; Modò intra tres menses proximè sequentes typis mandetur . Sa ▪ Baker R. P. D. Episc : Londin : Sacellanus Domest . Maij 5o. 1636. A COALE FROM THE ALTAR . OR , AN ANSVVER TO A Letter not long since written to the Vicar of GR. against the placing of the Communion Table at the East end of the Chancell ; and now of late dispersed abroad to the disturbance of the Church . First sent by a Iudicious and Learned Divine for the satisfaction of his private Friend ; and by him commended to the Presse , for the benefit of others . HEB. 13. 10. Wee have an Altar , whereof they have no right to eate , which serve the Tabernacle . LONDON , Printed for ROBERT MILBOVRNE , at the signe of the Vnicorne neere Fleet-bridge . 1636. THE PRINTER TO THE READER . I Am to advertise thee , good Reader , of some certaine things , for thy better understanding of this Treatise . First , that whereas thou shalt find here three severall Characters , Thou wouldst take notice that the Roman is the words of the Author ; the Itali●k , matter of Distinction , partly , but principally of Quotation by him used ; and that the English letter doth exhibit to thee , the words and periods of the Epistle , or Discourse which is here confuted . Secondly , that howsoever the Letter by him here replyed unto , be scattered up and downe , and in divers hands ; Yet because possiblie , the Copie of the same hath not hitherto been seene of all , who may chance cast their eyes upon this Treatise ; and partly , that the world may see , that hee hath dealt trulie with the Epistoler , and not omitted any Argument or Autority by him produced ; The very Letter it selfe is herewith Printed , and bound together with it , though it bee Apocrypha . Last of all , I must let thee know , that whereas the Acts and Monuments , otherwise called the Booke of Martyrs , being a Booke which the Epistoler makes much use of , is of a different Edition in the reply , from that which is so often cited in the Letter ; and that there have beene many Editions of the same : That which the Author deales in , is the last Edition , Printed at LONDON in three volumes , Anno 1631. I have no more to say unto thee , but wish thee good luck in the name of the Lord ; And so adieu . A COALE FROM THE ALTAR . OR , An Answer to a Letter , not long since written to the Vicar of GR. against the placing of the Communion-Table at the East● end of the Chancell , &c. SIR , The Introduction . I Have read your Letter , and cannot but extreamely wonder , that you should be so easilie over-weighed as I see you are . You say that you were willing once , of your owne accord , to have removed your Cammunion Table unto the East end of your Chancell , according as it is in his Majesties Chappell , and generally in all Collegiate and Cathedrall Churches : and that you had intended so to doe , had you not mett with a Discourse written in way of Letter , to the Vicar of GR. ( and as you have taken it upon common report ) by a Reverend Prelate of this Church ; whose Arguments have so prevailed with you , that you are almost taken off from that resolution , though it be now exacted of you by your Ordinarie . It seemes you are not rightly ballanced , when you can be so easily induced to change your purposes ; especially as the Case now is , which requires more of your obedience , than your Curiositie . And should wee all be so affected , as to demurre on the Commands of our Superiours , in matters of exterior Order , and publicke Government , till wee are satisfied in the Grounds and Reasons of their Commandments ; or should we flie off from our duty , at sight of every new devise , that is offered to us : we should soone find a speedie dissolution , both of Church and State. You know , who said it , well enough , Si ubi jubeantur , quaerere singulis liceat , pereunte obsequio imperium etiam intercidit . Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. Yet notwithstanding , since you desire , that I would give you satisfaction in the present point , by telling you both what I thinke of the Discourse , which hath so swayed you ; and what may be replyed against it , in maintenance of the Order now commended unto you : I will adventure on the second , if you will excuse me in the first . You say , and probably believe so too , that it was written by a Reverend Prelate , and indeed by some Passages therein it may so bee thought ; for it is written as from a Diocesan , unto a private Parish Priest in his Jurisdiction : and then , I hope , you cannot justly be offended , if I forbeare to passe my censure upon my betters . Yet so far I dare give you my opinion of it , that I am confident it can bee none of his who is pretended for the Author : nor indeed any ones worthy to be advanced , I will not say unto so high a dignity in the Church , but to so poore a Vicarige as his was , to whom the Letter was first written . Nay to speake freely to you , I should least thinke it his , whom you entitle to it on uncertaine heare-sayes , of all mens else : in that he hath beene generally reported to bee of extraordinary parts in poynt of learning , and of most sincere affections unto the Orders of the Church ; no shew or footstep of the which , or either of them , is to be found in all that Letter . And I dare boldly say , that when it comes unto his knowledge , what a poore trifling peece of Worke , some men , the better to indeere the Cause by so great a name , haue thus pinned upon him : hee will not rest till hee have traced this Fame to the first originall ; and having found the Authors of it , will conne them little thankes for so great an injurie . For my part , I should rather thinke , that it was writ by Mr. Cotton of Boston , who meaning , one day , to take Sanctuary in New England , was willing to doe some great Act before his going ; that hee might be the better welcome when hee came amongst them : or by some other neighbouring Zelote , whose wishes to the cause were of morestrength then his performance ; and after spread abroad of purpose , the better to di●co●n●enance that Vnifor●●●y of publicke Order , to which the piety of these times is so well inclined . Further than this , I shall not satisfie you in your first desire ; but hope that you will satisfie your selfe with this refusall . For the next part of your request , that I should let you see ( if at least I can ) what may be said in Answer unto that Discourse , which hath so suddainly overswayed you ; I shall therein endeavour your satisfaction : though my Discretion for so doing , may perhaps proove the second Holocaust ▪ that shall be sacrificed on those Altars , which are there opposed . And this I shal the rather do , because you say that the Discourse or Letter is now much sought after , and applauded , and scattered up and downe in severall Copies : of purpose , as it were , to distract the people , and hinder that good worke which is now in hand . In Answer to the which , I shall keepe my selfe unto my patterne , and to the businesse which is chiefly there insisted on : grounding my selfe especially , on the selfe same Authors and Autorities , which are there laid downe ; though not laid downe so truely , at least not so cleerely , as they ought to bee . Nor had I here said any thing touching the preamble thereunto , but fallen directly on the maine : but that , me thinkes , I meet with somewhat , which seemes to cast a scorne upon the Reverence appointed by the Canon , unto the blessed name of IESUS ; which the Epistoler , whosoever he was , would have so performed , that they which use it , doe it Humbly , and not Affectedly , to procure Devotion , not De●ision of the Parishioners . That Herbe , according as the saying is , hath spoiled all the Pottage . For when the Church commands , that at the name of JESUS , due and lowly reverence shall be done , by all Persons present , and this to testifie ( as the Canon saith ) our inward humility : Why should we thinke of any man who obeies the Canon , that he doth rather doe it out of Affectation , than Affection ? rather affectedly , then humbly , as his owne phrase is . Such Censurers of the hearts of other men , had need be carefull of their owne . For the next Caution , that those which use it , doe it to procure Devotion of the people , and not Derision ; it is more unseasonable : There being none , I thinke , who ever used it otherwise , then having testified their owne Humility and Devotion , to procure the like Devotion and Humility in other men : none , I dare boldly say , that did ever use it , to procure Deri●ion of their Parishione●● , no more then David when hee danced before the Arke , intended to make sport for jeering Michol . And therefore the Epistoler must either meane , that doing reverence at the name of the Lord JESUS , is of it selfe so vaine a thing , that it must needs procure Derision from the looke●s on : or else , that honest and conformable men , should rather choose to disobey the Church , and the Canons of it ; then by obedience to the same , incurre the censure of some few , who as they walke in the Counsell of the ungodly , so doe they also sit in the seat of Scorners . This said , wee will descend to those three particulars , which are insisted on in that Epistolary Discourse . viz. First , The having of an Altar at the upper end of the Quire. Secondly , The placing of the Table , Altar-wise . Lastly , The fixing of it in the Quire , that so it may not bee removed into the body of the Chuch : which things , the Vicar , as it seemes , did both approve of , and desire , and was therein crossed , and opposed by the Epistoler ; how iustly , and on what sure grounds , wee shall see in order . SECT . I. AND first of all he ●aith in his said Letter to the Vicar , That if hee should erect any such Altar , his discretion would proove the onely Holocaust which would bee sacrificed thereon . Why so ? Because he had subscribed when he came to his place , that that other oblation which the Papists were wont to offer upon their Altars ▪ is a blasphemous ●igment , and pernicious Imposture , Artic. 31. And here I cannot but observe , that there is little faire dealing to be looked for from this Epistoler , that faulters thus in the beginning : there being no such clause in all that Article . The Article hath nothing in it , either of Papists , Altars , or that other oblation : which is here thrust into the text , onely to make poore men believe , that by the Doctrine of the Church in her publicke Articles , Altars and Papists are meere relatives ; that so whoever talkes of Altars , or placing of the Table Altar-wise , may be suspected presently to bee a Papist , or at lea●t 〈◊〉 affected . As for that other oblation which the Papists were wont to offer upon their Altars , that 's said to be a plasphemous figment , and pernicious Imposture ; therefore the onely Holocaust remaining to bee sacrificed , the discretion of the Vicar . What had he sacrificed his discretion onely , and no more then so ? The Article goes further sure , for it determineth positively , that The sacrifices of Masses in the which it was commonly said , that the Priests did offer CHRIST for the quick and the dead , to have remission of paine or guilt , was blasphemous fables , and pernicious deceipts . And therefore had the Vicar of Gr. erected or intended to erect an Altar for such a sacrifice , he had not only sacrificed his discretion on it , but also his Religion ; and beene no longer worthy to be called a Sonne of the Church of England . 〈◊〉 ●hen as sure it is , the Church admits of other sacrifices and oblations , although not of those : as viz. of the Sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving , Heb. 13. 15. as also of the oblation of our whole selves , c●r soules and bodies , to bee a resonable , holy , and lively sacrifice to Almighty GOD , Rom. 12. 1. both which , she teacheth us to offer to him , as our bounden duty and service is , in the holy Sacrament . [ Prayer after the Communion . ] And not so onely , but she alloweth of a Commem●rative sacrifice , for a perpetuall memory of Christ's precious death , of that his full , perfect , and sufficient sacrific● , oblation and satisfation for the sinnes of the whole world , to be continued till his comming againe : [ Prayer of the Consecration . ] When therefore it is said in the First Homily of the Sacrament , alleaged by the Epistoler , that wee ought , to take heed lest the Lords Supper ( not the Communion , as he laies it down ) of a memory to bee made a sacri●●ce ; it reflects not on any of the Sacrifices before allowed of . The Church is constant to her selfe , though her Doctors are not : and thus discovers and expounds her owne intentions : W● must then take heed ( saith the Homily ) lest of the memory , it be made a Sacrifice ; lest of a Communion , it bee made a private eating ; lest of two parts , we have but one ; lest applying it for the dead , we lose the fruit that bee alive . By which it is most manifest , that the Sacrifice rejected in the Homily , is that which is cryed downe in the Booke of Articles : which the Epistoler had no reason to suspect , was ever thought on , much lesse aymed at , by the Vicar of Gr. though he desired to have an Altar , i. e. to have the Communion Table placed Altar-wise , at the upper end of his Quire , or used the name of Altar , for the holy Table . For it is granted afterwards by the Epistoler , that the Lords Table anciently was called an Altar , because of the Sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving : for which hee voucheth Archbishop Cranmer , and others ; and cites the Acts and Monum . pag. 1211. which is Part 2. pag. 700. of my Edition . 2 AS for the Canons of the Convocation , Anno 1571. out of which is alleged , that not the Uicar , but the Church wardens are to provide for the Communion ; and that not an Altar , but a faire ioyned Table : its plaine they tell us no s●ch matter , or not so much unto his purpose , as he would perswade us . All that those Canons say , is this , and that in plaine affirmative termes , without those Negations ; Aeditui curabuntmensam ex asseribus composite junctam , quae administrationi sacro sanct ae Communionis inserviat ; & mundum tapetem qui illam contegat : that the Church-wardens shall provide a decent joyned Table for the Communion , and see that it be orderly covered with an handsome Carpet . And there was reason why this Care ( for so much as concerned the providing of these things ) should be imposed on the Church-wardens , rather than upon the Minister ; viz. because the Table and the Carpet both , were to be fitted and provided at the Charge of the Parish . But the said Canons doe not tell us , that the Church-wardens shall provide this Table , exclusively of the Vicar , without his counsell ; or that they shall appoint either of what fashion it shall be , or whether it shall stand in the body of the Church , or in the Chancell : or whether in the Chancell , it shall be placed at the upper end , like an Altar ; or in the middle , like a Table . For any thing those Canons tell us , the Vicar was to have a greater hand in ordering the said Table , being so provided , then the Church-wardens were , or ought to have : as one that better understood what was convenient in , and for ●ods service , than they did or could . Nor did the Vicar any thing in this case against the Ca●on , for hee provided not the Table ; nor caused any Altar to be built of new ; but only caused the Table , which he found provided by the Church-wardens , to be disposed of to a more convenient place , than before it stood in : so that the Allegation was as needlesse , as the reprehension without ground . Onely it pleaseth the Epistoler , to give some countenance to the Vestry-doctrine of these dayes ; in which the Churchwardens , and other Elders of the Vestry , would gladly challenge to themselves the Supreame disposing of all Ecclesiasticall matters in their severall Parishes : leaving their Minister , ( in Townes Corporate especially , ) to his Meditations ; as if he only were intended for a looker on , a dull Spectator of their active undertakings . 3 FOr , besides what is here ascribed to the Church wardens , and denyed the Vicar , or Incumbent ; it followeth in the next place , save one , that Uicars were never enabled to set up Altars , but allowed once , with others ( i. e. the Churchwardens ) to pull them downe . Injunct . 1● Eliz. for Tables in the Church . Whereas indeed the 〈◊〉 , or the Minister in that Injunction , is the principall man , and the Church-wardens , or one of them , are added for assistance only ; perhaps , because they were to beare the Charges of it . For it is ordered that n● Altar be taken downe , but by the over-sight of the Curate of the Church , and the Church-wardens , or one of them at the least , wherin no riotous or disordered manner to be vsed ▪ N●t pulled downe therefore , as the Epistoler hath i● , which implies 〈◊〉 or a popular fury ; but taken downe in faire and orderly manner : and that not by the Church wardens , as the principall men , but by the Curate chiefly , and any one of the Churchwar dens , whom he pleased to chuse . It 's true indeed , the Bishop of the Diocesse is he to whom the ordering of these things doth of right belong ; and in the preface to the Common Prayer Book it is so appointed . For in the said Preface it i● said , that for as much as nothing almost can be so plainely set forth but doubts may arise in the vse and practise of the same : to appease all such diversities , ( if any arise ) and for the resolution of all doubts concerning the manner how to understand , doe , and execute the things contained in this Booke , the Parties that so doubt shall alwaies resort unto the Bishop of the Diocesse , &c. But then , it is as true , or at least , more fit , that he should send his resolutions to the Priest , then to the Parish ; the Curate having taken an oath of Canonicall obedience to him , which the people have not . 〈…〉 of the Letter , that the Church-wardens 〈…〉 other smacke of the said Vestrie-doctrine : and was there placed in front to delight the people , who need , God wot , no such incouragements to contemne their Parsons , being too forward in that kind of their own accord . Paroc pecor stimulis — Labor est inhibere vo l●ntes . 4 FOr the remaining passsage in this first Paragraph , where it is said , that Altars were removed by Law , and Tables placed in their steed , in all , or the most Churches in England ; and for the proofe thereof , the Queenes Injunctions cited , as if they did affirme as much : it 's plaine , that there is no such thing in the said I●junction . The Queenes Injunctions An. 1559. tell us of neither all nor most ▪ as it is alleged : but only say , that in many and sundry parts of this Realme , the Altars in the Churches were remooved , and tables placed for the administration of the holy Sacrament , &c. Sundry and many is not all nor most ; in my poore conceit . And it is plaine by that which followes , not only that in other places , the Altars were not taken downe upon opinion of some further Order to be taken in it by the Queenes Commissioners ; but it is ordered , That no Altar shall bee taken downe , without the oversight of the Curat , & one of the Church wardens at the least ; and that too with great care and caution , as before is said . Nay the Commissioners were contented well enough , that the Altars formerly erected might have still continued ; declaring , as it doth appeare by the said Injunction , that the ●emoving of the Altars , seemed to bee a matter of no great moment : and so it is acknowledged by this Epistoler , in the following paragraph , where he confesseth it in these words , It seemes the Queenes Commiss●oners were content , that they ( the Altars ) should stand , as wee may guesse by the Iniunctions 1559. In which wee have that great advantage which Tullie speakes of , Con●itentem reum . The Queenes Commissioners , as they had good autority for what they did ; so wee may warrantably thinke , that they were men of speciall note , and able judgements . And therefore if they were contented , that the Altars formerly erected should continue standing , ( as the Epistoler confesseth ; ) it is a good Argument , that in the first project of the Reformation , neither the Queene nor her Commissioners disallowed of Altars , or thought them any way unserviceable in a Church Reformed . So that for ought appeares unto the contrary , neither the Article , nor the Homily , nor the Queenes Injunctions , nor the Canons of 1571. have determined any thing : but that as the Lords Supper may be called a Sacrifice , so may the holy Table be called an Altar ; and consequently , set up in the place , where the Altar stood . 5 Now as there is alleged no Canon , Ordinance , or Doctrine , which if examined rightly , doe declare against it ; so there is much that may be said in defence therof : and of that much we will use nothing , but that which will agree with the capacitie of the meanest man , and shall be proved by that authoritie , which the Epistoler trusts to most ; in all this businesse , even the Acts and Monuments . To which we shall adjoyne , for our more assurance , the Testimony of two Acts of Parliament ; one under King Edward the sixth , th' other under Queene Elizabeth . First , for the Acts and Monuments , we find , that not a few of those which suffered death for their opposing of the grosse & carnall Doctrine of Transubstantiation , did not only well enough endure the name of Altar , but without any doubt or scruple , called the Lords Supper , sometimes a Sacrifice , and many times the Sacrament of the Altar . So speaks Iohn Fryth , Secondly , They examin●d me , touching the Sacrament of the Altar , Whether it was the very Body of Christ or not . Act ; and Monuments , part . 2. pag. 307. Iohn Lambert thus , As concerning th' other six Sacraments , I make you the same Answer , that I have done unto the Sacrament of the Altar , and no other , pag. 401. And in another place , CHRIST being offered up once for all , in his owne proper person , is yet sayd to bee offered up not onely every yeare at Easter , but also every day in the celebration of the Sacrament ; because his Oblation once for ever made , is thereby represented , pa. 435. Archbishop Cranmer also , though he opposed the Statute of the Six Articles , particularly that of Transubstantiation , which hee throughly canvast : yet at the phrase or terme of Sacrament of the Altar , hee tooke no offence , but useth it as formerly had been accustomed , pag. 443. 6. NOr was it a new name taken up of late , but such as some of them acknowledge to be derived from pure Antiquity ; & those too , such as liv'd and suffered , after the name of Altar had bin left out of the Booke of Common Prayer , which was last established . Iohn Philpott thus , That partly because it is a Sacrament of that lively Sacrifice , which CHRIST offered for our sins upon the Altar of the Crosse ; and partly because that Christs body crucified for us , was that bloody Sacrifice , which the blood-shedding of all the beasts offered upon the Altar in the old Law did prefigurate , & signifie unto us : the old Writers doe sometimes call the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of CHRIST , amongst other names which they ascribe thereunto , the Sacrament of the Altar , Part. 3. pag. 23. Thus Bishop Latimer plainely granteth , that the Lords Table may be called an Alt●r , and that the Doctors call it so in many places , though there be no propitiatory Sacrifice , but onely CHRIST , pag. 85. And lastly , Bishop Ridley do●h not only call it , the Sacrament of the Altar , affirming thus , that in the Sacrament of the Altar , is the naturall body and blood of CHRIST , &c. pag. 492. But in reply unto an Argument of the Bishop of Lincolnes , taken out of Cyrill , doth resolve it thus , That the Word ALTARE , in the Scripture , signifieth as well the Altar whereupon the Iewes were wont to offer their burnt Sacrifices , as the Table of the Lords Supper : And that S. Cyrill meaneth by this word ALTARE , not the Iewish Altar , but the Table of the Lord : and by that saying , Altars are erected in Christs name , Ergo , CHRIST is come ; hee meanes , that the Communion is administred in his remembrance ▪ Ergo , CHRIST is come , pag. 497. Which being the language of the Prelates , and other learned men then living , it is no marvell , if in the Parliament , 1. Edw. 6. cap. 1. the same name occurre . The Parliaments in matters which concerned Gods Service , did then use to speake , according as the Church had taught them . Now in that Parliament , however it was resolved , that the whole Communion should be restored , which in effect , was a plaine abolition of the former Masse ; yet is that Act which so restores it , entituled , An Act against such persons as shall speake irreverently , against the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of CHRIST , commonly called , The Sacrament of the Altar ; and for the receiving thereof under both kinds . And in the body of the Act , there is speciall Order taken for a Writt , to bee directed to the Bishop of the Diocesse , on such delinquencies ; where it is called expressely , Sacro sanctum Sacramentum Altaris ; the holy Sacrament of the Altar . Which being repealed by Queene Mary , in the first Parliament of her reigne , because of the Communion under both kinds , in the same allowed of ; was afterwards revived by Queene Elizabeth , both the head and body , and every branch and member of it 1. Eliz . cap. 1. So that we have a Sacrifice , and an Altar ▪ and a Sacrament of the Altar , on all sides acknowledged ; neither the Prince or Prelates , the Priest or people , dissen●ing from it : some of those termes , being further justified by the Statute Lawes . SECT . II. NExt , for the second point , the standing of the Communion Table , Altar-wise ; the said Epistoler thus declares himselfe to the Vicar of Gr. If you meane ( saith he ) by Altar-wise , that it should stand in that place of the Chancell where the Altar stood ▪ I thinke somewhat may be said for because the ●njunctions 1559. did so place it . And I conceive it to bee the most decent scituation when it is not used , and for use too , where the Quire is mounted up by steps , and open , so that hee that officiates may be seen and heard of all the Congregation . Such an one I heare your Chancell is not . But if you meane by Altarwise , that it should stand along close by the wall , so as you be forced to officiate at one end thereof ( as you may have observed in great mens Chappels ) I doe not believe that ever the Communion Tables were ( otherwise than by casualty ) so placed in Countrey Churches . This I have laid together , as being but a Preamble to the next Discourse ; and rather matter of opinion and hearesay , than of proofe , reason , or authority : For it stands onely on I thinke , and I conceive , and I have heard , and I believe not ; which no man can interpret to be Demonstrations . Therefore to looke upon the passage , as it lyeth together , we have a plaine confession , that if by placing of the Table Altarwise , is meant the setting of it in that place where the Altar stood ; there is then somewhat , at the least , to be said for that , because the Injunctions did so place it : and next an absolute revocation of the said confession ; where it is said , that if by Altarwise is meant , that it should stand along close by the wall , then hee believeth not that ever the Communion Table was so placed ( unlesse by causualty ) in Country Churches . Quo teneam nodo ? This is just fast and loo●e , and I know not what ; the reconciliation of two Contradictions . The Queenes Injunctions were set out for the ●eiglement and direction of all the Churches in this kingdome , and it is said in them , that the holy Table in every Church shall be decently made , ( in case the Altars were removed , which they left at liberty ) and set in the place where the Altar stood , and there commonly covered , as thereto belongeth . If in the place where the Altar stood , then certainly it must stand along clo●e by the wall , because the Altars alwaies stood so : and that aswell in Countrey Churches , as in great mens Chappels , all being equally regarded in the said Injunctions , as in the Preface to the same doth at full appeare . Wheras in case the Table were to stand with one end toward the East great Window , as is after said ; it could not possibly s●and in the place where the Altar did , as the Injunctions have appointed : the Altar taking up much roome to the North and South , which the Table placed endlong doth not ta●e up ; and contrary , the Table taking up much roome to the East and West , which the Altar did not . However wee may take what is given us heere by the Epistoler , where hee affirmes , that placing of the Table where the Altar stood , is the most decent scituation when it is not used , and for use too , where the Quire is mounted up by steps and open , so that he that officiates may bee seene and heard of all the Congregation ; and such an one , as he ●ad heard , the Vica●s Chancell was not . W●ether the Chancell at Gra : was mounted up by st●ps , or not , is no great matter . In case it were not so , it might have easily been done , without much charge : and those of Gra : were the more beholding to this Epistoler , for taking so much paines to save their purses . If it were mounted up by steps , and that it were most decent for the Tables to be placed thereon : Why not aswell along the Wall , as with one end thereof to the East great Window ? 2. FOr this , there are three Reasons given us , First , because then the Countrey people would suppose them , Dressers , rather than Tables . Secondly , because the Queenes Commissioners for Ecclesiasticall matters , directed that the ●able should stand , not where the Altar , but where the steps of the Altar formerly stood ▪ Orders 1561. And thirdly , because the Minister appointed to reade the Communion , ●which hee , the Vicar , out of the Booke of Fast 1● . of the King , was pleased , as the Epistoler phraseth it , to call Second Service ) is directed to reade the Commandements , not at the end , but at the Northside of the Table , which implies the End to be placed towards the East great Window . Rubrick before the Communion . And would the people take the Table , if placed Altarwise , to be a ●resser , not a Table ? I now perceive from whom it was that Mr. Prynne borrowed so unmannerly and prophane a phrase , whereof I thought him formerly to have beene the Author [ L●me Giles his haltings ] : And from whom also he did borrow the quotations in his Appendix , against Bowing at the name of JESUS , the mistakes and all . ● qq . * 4. Viz. Rubrick for the Communion . Queene Elizab. Injunctions , [ Injunc . for Tables in the Church ] The Booke of Canons , An. 1471. p. 18. I say , and the mistakes and all : for both with him , and this Epist●ler , it is p. 18. whereas indeed in the old Book , which was th●● meant by the Epistoler , it is p. 15. which plainly shewes , out of whose quiver Mr. Prynne did steale those arrowes . Just in that scornfull sort , Doctor Weston , the then Deane of Westminster , did in a Conference at Oxford with Bishop Latimer , call the Communion Tables , as in King Edwards reigne they had beene placed in some Churches , by the name of ●yster-boards , Act. & Mon. Part. 3. p. 85. and so hee called in a Sermon at S ● . Pauls Crosse also , p. 95. The like did Doctor White , the then Bishop of Lincolne , in a Conference with Bishop Ridley , where hee doth charge the Protestants in King Edwards daies , for setting up an Oyster Table in stead of an Altar , p. 497. The Church of England , is in the meane time , but in sorry case . If shee appoint the Lords Board to be placed like a common Table , the Papists they will call it an Oyster-table : If like an Altar , the Puritans , and Mr. Prynne , will call it a Dr●sser-beard . A slovenlie and scornfull terme , as before was said , and such as doth deserve no other Answer , than what the Marginall notes in the Acts and Monuments , give in the one place to the Deane of Westmin●ter . viz. The bl●s●hemous mouth of Doctor W●ston , calling the Lords table an Oysterboard , pat . 85. or what they give in th' other place to the Bishop of Lincolne ; viz. Bishop White blasphemously called the ●oord of the Lords Supper , 〈◊〉 Oyster table ▪ pag. 497. I would there were no worse notes in the Acts and Monuments . 3. AS for the Orders published by the Queenes Comm●ssioners , An ● . 1561. they say indeed as is alleaged , th●t in the place where the steps were , the Communion Table shall stand : but then they say withall , which is not alleaged , that there be fixed on the wall over the Communion board , the tables of Gods Precepts imprinted for the said purpose . And in the Booke of Advertiseme●ts , entituled , Articles of Advertisement for due order in the publick Administration of Common-praier , and the holy Sacraments ; and published in An ● . 1565. it is ordered thus : The Parish shall provide a decent Table , standing on a frame , for the Communion Table , which they shall decently cover with a Carpet of silke , or other decent covering , and with a white linne● cloath in the time of the Administration : And shall set the tea Commandements upon the East wall , over the said Table . Which put together make up this construction , that the Communion Table was to stand above the steps , and under the Commandements : and therefore all along the wall , on which the ten Commandements were appointed to be placed ; which was directly where the Altar had stood before . And in this wise wee must interpret the said Orders and Advertisements ; or else the Orders published 1561 , must run quite crosse to the Injunctions published 1559 , but two yeares before : which were r●diculous to imagine in so grave a State. 4. NOr doth it helpe the cause undertaken by the Epistoler , that The Minister appointed to reade the Communion , is directed to reade the Commandements , not at the end , but at the Northside of the Table : there being no difference in this case betweene the North-end , and the North-side , which come both to one . For in all quadrilaterall , and quadrangular figures , whether they bee a perfect Square , which Geometricians call Quadratum , or a long Square ( as commonly our Communion Tables are ) which they call Oblongum : it's plaine that if wee speake according to the rules of Art , ( as certainly they did which composed that Rubricke ) every part of it is a side ; how ever Custome hath prevailed to call the narrower sides by the name of ends . When therefore hee that ministreth at the Altar , stands at the North-end of the same , as wee use to call it ; hee stands no question at the North-side thereof , as in proprietie of speech wee ought to call it ; and so implies not , as it is supposed by the Epistoler , that the end , or narrower part thereof , is to bee placed towards the East great Window . And this Interpretation of the Rubrick , I the rather stand to , because that in the Common Prayer booke done into Latine by command , and authorized by the great Seale of Queene Elizabeth , Ann. 2● . of her reigne , it is thus translated : Ad cujus mensae septentrionalem partem , Minister stans , orabit orationem Dominicam . viz. That the Minister standing at the North part of the Table , shall say the 〈…〉 5. FOr the Parenthesis , I might very well have passed it over ; as not conducing to this purpose ; but that it seemes to cast a scorne on them , by whose direction the Booke of the Fast , in 1● . of the King was drawne up and published , as if it were a Noveltie or singular devise of theirs , to call the latter part of Divine Service , by the name of Second Service : whereas indeed the name is very proper for it , and every way agreeable both to the practise of antiquitie , and the intentions of this Church at that very time , when the Booke of Common Prayer was first established . For if we looke into the Liturgie of our Church , immediately after Athanasius Creed , wee shall find it thus : Thus endeth the Order of Morning and Evening Prayer throughout the whole yeare : i. e. the forme of Morning and Evening Prayer for all dayes , equally , aswell the working dayes , as the holy dayes , without any difference . Then looke into the first Rubricke before the Communion , and wee find it thus : So many as intend to bee partakers of the holy Communion , shall signifie their names unto the Curates over night , or else in the morning before the beginning of Morning Praier , or immediately after . Where cleerly it is mean● , that there should be some reasonable time betweene Morning Praier and the Communion . For otherwise , what leisure could the Curate have , to call before him , open , and notorious 〈◊〉 Livers , or such as have done any wrong unto their neighbours by word or deed , and to advertise them , in any wise not to presume to come unto the Lords Table , till they have manifested their repentance , and amended their former na●ghty lives , and recompensed the parties whom they have done wrong unto ? Or what spare time can wee afford him , betweene the Reading Pew , and the Holy Table , to reconcile those men , betwixt ▪ whom hee 〈◊〉 malice and hatred to raigne ; and on examination of their dispositions , to admit that party , who is contented 〈◊〉 ●●rgive , and repell the obstinate ; according as by the Rubrick hee is bound to doe . Which , being compared with the first Rubrick , after the Communion , where it is said , that upon the Holi-daies , if there be no Communion , shall be said all that is appointed at the Communion , untill the end of the Homilie , concluding with the Praier for the whole state of Christs Church militant here on earth , &c. makes it both manifest and undeniable , that the distinction of the First and Second Service , is grounded on the very meaning of holy Church ; however the Epistoler doth please to slight it . 6. THat which next followes , is a Confirmation onely of what went before : Viz. that The Ministers standing at the North side of the Table , was no new direction in the Queenes time onely , but practised in King Edwards reigne ; that in the plot of our Liturgie sent by Knox , and Whittingham to Master Calvin , in the latter end of Queene Mary , it is said , that the Minister must stand at the North-side of the Table ; ( that onely was put in to sh●w , that ●ee had the Booke entituled , The Troubles of Francofurt : ) that in King Edwards Liturgies , the Minister standing in the middest of the Altar , ( i. e. with his back turned towards the people ) 1549 , is turned into his standing at the Northside of the Table , 1552. And finally , that this last Liturgy was revived by Parl●ament , 1● . Eliz. This wee acknowledge to be true , but it addes nothing to the reasons produced before : and so perhaps it is as true , that it was used so , when this Letter was written , in most places of England ; which in this kind had too much deviated from the ancient practise . But where it followeth in the next place , that What is done in Chappels , or Cathedrall Churches , is not the poynt in question , but how the Tables are appoynted to be placed in Parish Churches : I thinke that therein the Epistoler hath been much mistaken . For certainly the ancient Orders of the Church of England , have beene best preserved in the Chappell 's of the Kings Majestie , and the Cathedralls of this Kingdome ; without the which perhaps , wee had before this beene at a losse amongst our selves , for the whole forme and fashion of Divine Service . And therefore if it bee so in the Chappell 's and Cathedrall Churches , as the Epistoler doth acknowledge ; it is a pregnant Argument , that so it ought to bee in the Parochiall ; which heerein ought to president and conforme themselves , according to the Patterne of the Mother Churches . And I would faine learne of this doughtie Disputant , why hee should make such difference betweene the Chappell 's , and Cathedrall Churches on the one side , and the Parochialls on the other : as if some things which were not warranted by Law , were used in the one ; and such as are allowed by Law , were not permitted to the other . The Lawes and Canons now in force , looke alike on all . And therefore heere must bee some cunning , to make the Chappell 's and Cathedralls guiltie of some ●oule transgression , some breach of Law and publick Order ; the better to expose them to the censure of a race of men , who like them ill enough already . 7. AS for that fancie which comes next , that In some Chappell 's and Cathedralls , the Altars may bee still standing or to make use of their Covers and Ornaments , Tables may bee placed in their roome , of the same length and fashion the Altars were of ; 〈…〉 dreame , and a poore conjecture . Questionlesse , neither the Chappell 's Royall , nor any of the Cathedrall Churches ▪ have hitherto been so 〈◊〉 brought , ( Gods Name bee praysed ) but that they have been able to provide themselves of convenient Ornaments , without being any way beholding to their former Altars . However , if it were lawfull in Cathedrall Churches , either to suffer the old Altars to continue standing , or to set up Tables in their places , of the same length and fashion that the Altars were of , onely in poynt of thrift , to save greater charges : I hope it will bee thought more lawfull , by indifferent men , to place the Table Altar-wise , in Parochiall Churches , in poynt of decencie , and due obedience unto publike Order That Altars doe stand still in the Lutheran Churches , ( the Doctours and Divines whereof hee doth acknowledge afterwards to bee sound Protestants ) by the Epistoler is confessed , though it makes against him : as also that the Apology for the Augustan Confession doth allow it . And he confesseth too , not onely that they stood a yeare or two in King Edwards time , as may appeare by the Liturgy printed 1549. but that the Queenes Commissioners were content they should stand , as before we noted . What , stood they but a yeare or two in King Edwards time ? Yes certainely they stood foure yeares at the least , in that Princes reigne . For in the first yeare of King Edward , being 1547. was passed , that Statute , entituled , An Act against such persons as shall speake ireverently of the Sacrament of the Altar . Anno 1548. The Common prayer Book was confirmed by Parliament , although not publi shed till the next yeare ; wherein the word Altar is oft used , and by the which it seemes the Altars did continue as before there were . Anno. 1540 , A Let ter in the Kings name from the Lords of the Coun cell , came to Bishop ●●●●er , for abrogating Private Masses ; wehrein it is appoynted , that the Holy bles sed Communion bee ministred at the High Altar of the Church , and in no other places of the same . Act. and Monum . Part. 2. p. 662. And in the yeare 1550. which was the fourth yeare of his reigne , came out an Order from the Councell , unto Bishop Ridley , for taking downe the Altars in his Diocesse , Pag. 699. So long it seemes they stood without contradiction ; and longer might have stood perhaps , if Calvin had given way unto it ; of which more heereafter . 8. IN the meane time ; from matter of Evidence and Authoritie , wee must proceed next unto poynt of Reason , and then goe on againe unto matter of Fact ; as the way is lead by the Epistoler , whom we must follow step by step in all his wandrings . And in this way hee tells us . That the Sacrifice of the Altar beeing abolished , these ( call them what ●ou will ) are no more Altars , but Tables of Stone or timber , and that it was alleaged so 24. Novemb. 4● . Edw. 6. And 〈…〉 so alleaged , that the Sacrifice of the Altar was abolished ? I believe it not . It was alleaged indeed , That the forme of an Altar was ordained for the Sacrifices of the Law ; that both the Law , and the Sacrifices thereof doe cease , and therefore that the forme of the Altar ought to cease also . Act ▪ and Monuments part . 2. pag. 700. The Sacrifice of the Altar , and the Sacrifices of the Law , are two different things : it being told us by Saint Paul , that wee ( the Christians ) have an Altar , whereof they have no right to ●are , which served the T●bernacle , Hebr. 13. 10. That Altar , and that Sacrifice , must continue alwaies . And were it granted , as it need not , that since the Law , and Sacrifices thereof be both abolished , therefore the forme of the Altar is to be abolished : yet would this rather helpe , than hurt us . For the Communion Table standing in the Body of the Church or Chancell , hath indeed more resemblance to Altars , on which the Priests did offer either Sacrifice , or Incence , under the Law ; then if it did stand Altarwise , close along the wall , as did the Altars , after in the Christian Church : the one of them , which was that for Sacrifice , standing in atri● Sacerdotum , in the middle of the Priests Court , without the Temple ; the other being that of Incense , in Templo exteriori , even in the outward part of the Temple , and not within the Sanctum Sanctorum , as our Altars doe . 9. THat the said Tables of stone , or timber ( though placed Altarwise , for so I take it is his meaning ) may be well used in Kings and Bishops houses where there are no people so voyd of understanding , as to be scandalized , wee are glad to heare of : and if it be not true , would to God it were . However wee may safely say , that a small measure of understanding , is in this kind sufficient to avoid offence : there being none so weak of wit , who may not easily bee perswaded ( if at least they will , or that their Leaders will permit them ) that the disposing of Gods Table , rather to one place than another , it is not considerable in it selfe , or otherwise materiall in his publick worship , further than it conduceth unto Order and Vniformitie . If any bee so void of understanding , which wee hardly thinke , and plead their weaknesse in this point , as did the Brethren in the Conference at Hampton Court ; wee aske them with his Majestie of happy memory , not whether 45 yeares , but whether 80 yeares be not sufficient for them to gather strength , and get understanding ; whether they be not rather head-strong , than not strong eenough . Confer . at Hampt . Court. pag. 66. For it may very well be thought that it is not any want of understanding , but an opinion rather that they have of their understandings , which makes some men run crosse to all publick Order , and take off●nce at any thing , whereof themselves are not the Authors . 10. THat which next followeth , viz. that on the orders for breaking downe of Altars , all Dioceses did agree upon receiving Tables , but not upon the fashion or forme of Tables , is fairer in the flourish , than in the fact . For in the Act. & Mon. p. 1212. which there is cited , being of my Edit . part 2. pag. 700. there is no such matter . It is there said indeed , that on receipt of his Majesties Le●ters sent to Bishop Ridley , the Bishop did 〈◊〉 the right forme of a Table to be used in all his Di●cesse : but that it was appointed so in all other Diocesses , as the Epistoler hath affirmed , doth not appeare by any thing in that place remembred . And though hee did appoint it so , yet possibly it may be doubted , whether the people , fully understood his meaning : it being there said , that after the exhortation of the said Bishop Ridley , there grew a great diversity about the forme of the Lords boord , some using it after the forme of a Table , and some of an Altar . So that the difference was not about the having of a Table , wherein it seemes , most men were ready to obey the Kings Command , and the Bishops Order ; but in the placing of the same : some men desiring , that it should be placed after the fashion of an Altar , others more willing that it should be used like a Common Table ; in which bo●h parties followed their owne affections , as in a thing which had not been determined of , but l●ft at large . 11. THat which comes after is well said , but not well applyed . It is well said , that In the old Testament one and the same thing is termed an Altar and a Table ▪ an Altar in respect of what is there offred unto God , and a Table , i● regard of what is there participated by men , as for Example by the Priests . By this might better have been applied , and used to justifie the calling of the Communion Table by the name of Altar , in respect of those Oblations made to God : as the Epistoler doth acknowledge afterwards . That of the ●●ophet Malachie , 1. ver . 7. is indeed worth the marking , and doth demonstrate very well that in the old Testament , Gods Altar is the very same with Gods Table , but how it answereth 〈…〉 place of the ●ebrewes , 13. 10. is beyond my reach , the Prophet speaking of that 〈◊〉 and those Sacrifices , whereof wee have no right to ea●e which live under the Gospell ; and the Apostle of that Altar , and that Sacrifice , whereof they have no right to eate , which live under the Law. In case , that Passage had been urged by the Vicar of Gr : as the Epistoler hath informed us , for wee take his word ; against some of his fellow Ministers , as before him it was by Master Morgan against Peter Martyr , in maintenance of an Altar in the Christian Church : however it might possibly have been answered otherwise by the Respondent , sure it had never been well answered by that text of Malachie . 12. VVHere it is next said , that we have no Altar in regard of Oblation , but wee have an Altar in regard of Participation & Communion granted to us : Were it no otherwi●e than it is here said , yet here we are all allowed an Altar , in regard of Participation and Communion ; which is enough to justifie both the scituation of the Table Altarwise , and the name of Altar , and that too in the very instant of receiving the Communion . Now for the proofe that wee have an Altar also in regard of Oblation , wee need looke no further than into the latter end of this second Paragraph ; where howsoever the Epistoler doth suppose , that the name of Altar crept ( hee might aswell have said , it came ) into the Church , in a kind of complying in Phrase with the people of the Iewes , as Chemnitius , Gerardus , and other sound Protestants were of opinion ; ( where by the way , we may perceive that some may bee sound Protestants , though they like of Altars : ) Yet he acknowledgeth withall , that it was so called , partly , in regard of those Oblations made upon the Communion Table , for the use of the Priest and the Poore , whereof we reade in Justine Martyr , Irenaeus , Tertullian , and other ancient Writers ; and partly , because of the Sacrifice of praise and thanks-giving , as Arch-bishop Cranmer , and others thought , Acts & Monum . pag. 1211. which is Part 2. pag. 700. of my Edition . Whereby it seemes , that besides the complying in Phrase with the Iews ( which the Christians of the Primitive times had little care of , when there was not greater reason to perswade them to it : ) the Communion Table , was called an Altar , both in regard of the Oblations there made to God , for the use of his Priests , and of his Poore ; as also , of the Sacrifice of Praise and Thanks-giving , which was there offred to him by the Congregation . And therefore , as before wee found an Altar , in regard of Participation , and Communion ; so heere wee have an Altar in respect of Oblation also . 13. THis , though it be so cleere a Truth , that the Epistoler could not deny it ; yet puls hee downe with one hand , what hee was after forced to set up with the other . For so it followeth in the Letter : The use of an Altar is to Sacrifice upon , and the use of a Table is to eate upon : And because Communion is an action most proper for a Table , as an Oblation is for an Altar ; what then ? therefore the Church in her Liturgy and Canons calling the same a Table onely , doe not you call it an Altar ? This is indeed the in●erence which is made from the former Principles . But if the Principles be true , as indeed they are not , there being an Altar in the Temple , which was not made to Sacrifice upon , as the Altar of Incense ; and a T●ble also in the Temple , which was not made to ●ate upon , as the Table for the She●-bread : another , and a worse conclusion would soone follow on it ; which is , that men would thinke it necessary to sit at the Communion . For if Communion be an action most proper for a Table , as it is affirmed , and that the use of a Table to be Eate upon , as is also said : the inference will be very strong , that therefore wee are bound to sit at the Communion , even as wee doe at Common Tables , which wee eate upon . A thing much sought for by some men , as if not onely a great part of their Christian liberty , but that their whole Religion did consist therein ; but brought into the Churches first , by the moderne Arians ( who stubbornly gain-saying the Divinity of our Lord and Saviour , thought it no robbery to be equall with him , and sit down with him at his Table : ) and for that cause most justly banished the reformed Church in Poland . For so it was determined there , in a generall Synod , An ● . 1583. Ne sessio sit in usu ad mensam Domini . The reason was , Nam haec ceremoniea , Ecclesijs christianis & coetibus Evangelicis non est usit●ta ; tantumque propria infidelibus Arianis , domino par● solio sese collocantibus : Because it was a thing not used in the Christian Church , but proper to the Arians onely , who thought themselves haile-fellowes with their Lord and Saviour ; and to them we leave it . 14. WEe are now come unto the Story of the Change , the change of Altars into Tables , and the reasons of it , which is thus delivered : In King Edwards Liturgy of 1549 , it is every where ; but in that of 1552 , it is no where called an Altar , but the Lords Boord . Why ? Because the people being scandalized heerewith in Countrey Churches , first beats them downe de facto , then the supreame Magistrate by a kind of Law , puts them downe de jure ; and setting Tables in their roomes , tooke from vs the Children of the Church and Common-wealth , both the name and nature of former Altars . What ever may be said of the change in the Publicke Liturgie , the reason here assigned for taking downe of Altars , is both false and dangerous . Nor is it altogether true , that in the Liturgies here remembred , the name of Altar is used onely in the one ; though true it be , that that of the L●rds Boord , or Table , is used onely in the other . Though the Epistoler had not , perhaps , the leisu●e , to ●earch the Liturgie of 1549 , where it is once called Gods boord , and once his Table , as viz. in the Praier : We doe not presume , &c. and in the Rubricke of the same : yet he could not be ignorant that it was so observed in his owne Author , the Acts and Monuments ; and in the Page by him often quoted . Where it is said , that The Booke of Common Prayer calleth the thing whereupon the Lord's Supper is ministred , indifferently , a Table , an Altar , or the Lord's Board , without prescription of any forme thereof either of a Table , or of an Altar ; so that whether the Lord's Board have the forme of an Altar , or of a Table , the Booke of Common Prayer calleth it both an Altar and a Table . For as it calleth it an Altar , whereupon the Lord's Supper is ministred , a Table , and the Lord's board : so it calleth the Table , whereon the holy Communion is distributed with Lauds and Thanksgivings unto the Lord , an Altar : For that there is offered the same Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving . Part. 2. pag. 700. And this I have he rather laid downe at large , to shew with what indifferencie these names of Table , Board , and Altar , have beene used before ; and may be used for the present : as also in what regard the Lord's Table may be called an ●ltar . And this according unto Master Foxes Marginall note , in the selfe same Page ; viz. The Table how it may be called an Altar , and in what respect : which shewes that he allowed it to be called an Altar , though this Epistoler doth not like it . 15. NOw as the Story of the change is not altogether true , so the reason there assigned , is both ●al●e and dangerous . First , it is false , the Alteration not being made , because the people were scandalized with Altars in Countrey Churches . The people were so farre from being scandalized with having Altars ; that in the Countreyes of Devon and Cornwall , they rose up in Armes , because the Masse was taken from them . Act. and Monum . Part. 2. pa. 666. And if we looke into the Story of tho●e times , we shall quickly find , that it was no scandall taken by the people , which did occasion that or any other c●ange in the Common prayer Booke ; but and offence conceived by Calvin . It seemes that Bucer had informed him of the condition of this Church , and the publike Li●urgie thereof ; and thereupon he wrote to the Duke of Sommerset , who was then Protector . Epistola ad Bucer●m . In which his Letter to the Duke , hee finds great fault with the Commemoration of the dead , which was then used in the Celebration of the Lords Supper , though he acknowledgeth the same to bee very ancient ; calling it by the name of a piece of Leaven , Quo m●ssa integra sanctae coenae quodammodo ace●ieret , where with the whole Communion was made sower . Other things in the Liturgie hee found fault withall , and then adviseth , Illa omnia abscindi se●el , that they should all at once be cut off for ever . Epist. ad Protectorem Angliae . Nor stayed hee here , but he sollici●ed Archbishop Cranmer to the same ●ffect , 〈◊〉 . 1551 , being the yeare before the Al●eration made , ( as by the placing of that Letter doth appeare ) complaining in the same unto him , 〈…〉 That in the Church of England , there was yet remaining a whole masse of Popery , which did not only blemish and obscure , but in a manner overthrow Gods holy worship . So that however in his Answer to the Devonshire men , the King had formerly affirmed , that the Lords Supper , as it was then administred , was brought even to the very ●se , as CHRIST left i● , as the Apostles used it , and as the holy Fathers delivered it ; Act. and Monum . Part. 2. pa. 667 : Yet to please Calvin , who was all in all with my Lord Protector , and as it seemes had tooke ●pon him to wr●te ●●to the King about it , Epistol . ad 〈◊〉 1551 , the Litu●gy then established , was called in by Parliament ; though in the very act it selfe they could not but acknowledge , that the said Booke of Common prayer was both agreeable to Gods Word , and ●he Primitive Church . 5. & 6. of Edw. 6. cap. 1. So that the leaving of the word , Altar , out of the Common Prayer booke last established , and other altera●ions which were therein made , grew not from any s●andall which was taken at the name of Altar , by the Countrie people ; but from the dislike taken against the whole Liturgy , by Calvin , as before I said . 16 AS false it is , but far more dangerous , which is next alleaged ; viz. that The people being ●●anda●ized in countrey Churches , did first de fac●o , beat down Altars , and then the Prince , to countenance , no doubt , and confirme their unruly actions , did by a kinde of Law put them do●ne de jure . Wher● is is said in all the Monuments of our Church , or State , that ever in the former times , the Countrey people tooke upon them to bee reformers of the Church ; or that in this particular , they did de facto , beat downe Altars ? This is fine doctrine , were it true , for the common people , who questionlesse will hea●ken to it with a greedy ●are ; as loving nothing more then to have the soveraigntie in sacred matters : and who being led by a Pre●edent , more than they are by the Lawe or Precept , thinke all things lawfull to bee done , which were done before them . But sure the people never did it . For in the Letters sent in the Kings name to Bishop Ridley , it is said , that it was come to the Kings knowledge , how the Altars within the most part of the Churches of this Realme , being already upon good and godly consideration taken downe , there did remaine Altars in diverse other Chu●ches , Actes and Monument Part. 2. pag. 699. So that the Altars were not generally taken dow●e throughou● the Kingdome : and those which were tooke downe , were taken downe on good and godly consideration ; which certainely implyes some Order and Authority from those who had a power to doe it : Not beaten downe , de facto , by the common people , in a popular hu●our , withou● Authoritie or Warrant . And had they all beene beaten downe de ●act● , by the common people , that kind● of La● which after put them downe de jure , had come too late to carry any stroake in so great a businesse : Vnlesse perhaps the King was willing on the post-fact to partake somewhat of the honour ; or durst not but confirme the doings of disordered people , by a kind of Law. A kind of Law ? And is the Edict and Direction of the King in sacred matters , but a kind of Law ? The peoples beating downe the Altars , was , as it seemes , a powerf●ll Law , a very Club-Law at the least , against the which was no resistance to be made ; the Princes Edict to remove them , but a kind of Law , which no man was obliged unto , nor had regarded , but that they found it sorted with the peoples humour . Just so he dealt before with the Queenes Injunctions . The Queens Injuctions had appoynted that the Holy Table in every Church should be ●ecently made , and set up in the place where th● Alt●r stood : and thereupon it is resolved by the Epistoler , that if by placing of the Table Altarwise , is meant the setting of it in that place of the Chancell where the Altar stood , there may be somewhat sayd for that , because the Injunctions did so place it . The Edict of King Edward , but a kind of Law ? the Order of Qu. Elizabeth ▪ but a kind of somewhat ? This is no mannerly dealing with Kings and Queenes , my good Brother of BOSTON . 17. YEt such a kind of Law it was , that being seconded by a kind of somewhat , in the Queenes Injunctions 1559 , referring to that order of King Edward , it hath taken from us the Children of the Church , and Common-wealth , the name & nature of former Altars . The Children of the Church ? And who are they ? Those onely which are bounded Intr● partem Donati , the lot and portion of the Brethren of the Dispersion ; those who have kep● their children's fore-heads from the signe of the Crosse , their knees from bowing at the blessed name of J●SUS , or doing honour to him in his ho●y Sacrament ; those who have kept their hands from paying their Duties to the Priest ; their eyes from being defiled with looking on prohibited vestments , such as have formerly beene abused to idolatrous services . Those doubtlesse ar● the Children of the Church here meant , which must not use the name of Altars ; as if it were the Shibboleth of their profession . From us the children of the Church ? Yes marry Sir. Now judge , if at the least you know a Cat by her claw , if that which I at first suspected , be not come about ; For but with halfe an eye one may see by this , of what straine the Episto●er is , or else unto what pa●●i● hee applyes him selfe in all this bu●iness● . As for the Children of the Common-wealth , it 's time that Criticisme were forgotten , and that they were the Children of the Kingdome too . Wee live , Wee praise God for it , in a Monarchie , not in a D●m●cracie . And therefore they that goe about to coyne distinctions , betweene the 〈◊〉 of the King , and the Common-weale ; may perhaps passe for subtill Sophister● , but never shall attaine the honour to bee thought sou●● S●bjects . 18. BVt it is time we should proceed , and leave these Children of the Church and the Common - wealth to their grand Directors ; who , though in other things , they are all for Novelties , new formes of Praier , new Rites and Ceremonies of Religion , if they brooke of any ; new offices , in the dispensation of God's Word and Sacrament ; must yet affect the name of Table , even for pure antiquitie : the name of the Lord's Table , being told them to be no new name , and therfore none to be ashamed of it . A thing that might have well beene spared , there being none so void of Pietie and understanding , as to bee scandalized at the name of the Lord's Table ; as are some men , it seemes , at the name of Altar : saving that somwhat must be said to perswade the people , that questionlesse such men there are , the better to indeere the matter . Nor is the name of Altar so new a name , that any man should be ashamed therof , as if it were a terme taken up of late , in time of Poperie . For whereas the Epistoler pleadeth , That Christ himselfe did institute the Sacrament upon a Table , and not upon an Altar , and that the name of Table , is in the Christian Church , 200. yeares more ancient than the name of Altar , as is most learnedly proved out of St. Paul , Origen , and Arnobius , by Bishop Jewell , against Harding of Private Masse . p. 143 : It may bee possible that neither CHRIST our Savours institution will of necessitie infer the use of Tables , ( Tables , I meane , placed Table-wise , towards the East great Window , as before was said ; ) nor Bishop Iewel 's proofes come home to the point in hand . Fo● howsoever our Saviour instit●ted this holy Sacr●●ent at a Table , not at an Altar ▪ yet is the Table , in regard of that i●stitution , but an accessorie , and a poin● of Circumstance ; nothing therein of Substance , nothing which is to be considered as a Principall . For if it were a matter of Substance , that it was instituted at a Table , then must the fashion of that Table , being , as it is conceived , of an ovall forme , be a matter of Substance also ; and compassed round about with beds , as then the custome was , for the Communicants to rest upon whil'st they doe receive . But herein is the Table no more considerable , than that it was first instituted after Supper , in an upper chamber , distributed amongst twelve only ; and those twelve , all men ; and those men , all Priests : which , no man is so void of sense , as to imagine to be things considerable in the administration of this holy Sacrament . And yet should this be granted too , that in the having of a Table we must conforme our selves to the LORD's example : yet for the situation of that Table , I doubt it would be hardly proved by the ●pistoler , that the two ends thereof did stand a●●● and West ; or that there was a great Wind●● in the East end of the Chamber , towards the which the Table was placed endlong , at the Institution ; as he would have it now at the Ministration . 19. AS little comfort can he find in Bis●op Iewell , or in S ● . Paul , Origen , and A●nobius , by him alleaged . Of St. Paul there is nothing said in all that Sectiō ( it is the 26 of the third Article ) which concernes this matter : nothing that sets forth the antiquitie of the name of Table . St. Paul is cited once onely in that whole Section , and the place cited , then is this ; Quomodo dicet Amen ad tuam gratiarum Actionem . 1 Cor. 14. So that unlesse this Argument be good , The people cannot say Amen to Prai●rs made in a strange tongue , because they know not what is said , Ergo , the name of Table is 200 yeares more ancient than the name of Altar : There is not any thing alleaged from St. Paul which can advantage the Epistoler for the Point in hand . Indeed , from Origen , and Arnobius , it is there alleaged , that generally the Gentiles did object against the Christians of those times , that they had neither Altars , Images , nor Temples ; Obijcit nobis quod non habeam●● imag●nes , aut a● as , aut templa ; So Origen , contr . Cels. 1. 4. N●s accusatis quod nec templa habeamus , ne● i●agines , nec aras . So saith Arnobius , lib. 2. contr . Gentes . But ●nto this objection wee need no better an●wer , than Bishop Iewel 's owne in the sel●e same Section : viz. That th●n the faithfull , for feare of Tyrants , we●e faine to meet together in private houses , in vacant places , in Woods and F●rrests , and Caves under the ground . But we will fur●her ●ay withall , that t●ough the Christians had some Churches , in those perillous times , yet were they not so gorgious , nor so richly furnished , as were the Temples of the Gentiles . And so both Origen and Arnobius must be understood , no● that the Christians in their times , had at all no Temples , or at the least no Altars in them : but th●t their Churches were so meane , that they deserved not the name of Temples ; & that they had no Altars , for bloudy and external Sacrifices , as the Gentiles had . 20 FOr otherwise it is most certaine , that the Church had Altars , both the name and the thing ; and used both name and thing a long time together , before the birth of Origen , or Arnobius Afer . Tertullian , who lived in the same age with Origen , but sometime before ; and a full hundred yeares before Arnobius , hath the name of Altar ; as a thing used and knowne in the Christian Church : as , Nonne solemnior erit statio tua , si & ad aram Dei steteris ? Li● de oratione cap. 14. Will not thy station , ( or forme of Devotion then in use ) be thought more solemne , if thou dost stand by or before th● Altar . And in his booke de Poenitentia , he remembreth geniculationem ad aras ; kneeling or bowing of the knee before the Altar . Before him , Origen , or Arnobius , flourished Irenaeus , who proves the Apostles to be Priests , because they did Deo & Altari servire , attend the service of the Lord , and wait upon him at the Altar . Whereof see lib. 4. advers . haereses , cap. 20. And so St Cyprian , who lived before Arnobius , though after Origen , doth call it plainely , Altare Dei , Gods Altar , Ep. lib. 1. C. 7. ad Epictetum . See the like in the 8. and 9. Epist. of the same booke also . But to goe higher yet , Ignatius●seth ●seth it in no lesse than three of his Epistles : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad Philadelph . One Altar , and one Altar in every Church ; and finally in his Epistle ad Tarsens● he termes it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gods altar , as both Tertullian , and St Cyprian did after call it . So in the Canon of the Apostles , which though not writ by them , are certainly of good antiquity , the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth occurre in the 3 ▪ 4. and 5. Canons . And above all indeed St Paul in his Habemus altare , Heb. 13. 10. In which place , whether he meane the Lords Table , or the Lords Supper , or rather the Sacrifice it selfe , which the Lord once offred ; certain it is that he conceaved the name of Altar , neither to bee impertinent , nor improper in the Christian Church . So that for ought appeares in the ancient Writers , the name of Altar is as old as the name of Table ; indifferently and promiscuously used without doubt or scruple . Nor doth that reverend Bishop Iewell deny , but that the Lords table anciently was called an Altar , and citeth elsewhere divers of the Fathers , which did call it so : wherin consult his 13. Art. & 6. sect . though now it bee resolved by this Epistoler , that the name being so many yeares ●bolis●ed , it is in his iudgment fitter , that the Altar , ( if wee will needs call it so ) should according to the Canon stand tablewise ; then that the Vicars table to trouble the poore Town of Gr. should stand Altarwise . Hac est illa Helena . This is indeed the thing most aimed at in all this b●sinesse , Popullo ut placerent quas fecisset fabulas , onely she pleasing of the people . It was to please the people , who as it is affirmed in the beginning of this letter , had taken some ●mbr●ges and offence at the pla●ing of the table , where the Altar stood ; that the Churchwardens were appointed to remove it into the middle of the Chancell . It was to please the people , that the authoritie of the Chur●h-wardens is advanced so high above their Ministers . And now for feare of troubling the poore people , we must not use the name of Altars , or place the table Altar-wise ; lest they should take it for a Dresser , and in a pious fury break it all in pieces , as , they are told , their An●estors , had done de facto , in King Edwards reigne . Ad populu● phaleras . SECT . III. WEe are now come to the last part of this Epistle , viz. the fixing of the Altar , or Communion-table at the upper end of the Quire : And unto this it is thus said by the Epi●●oler , viz. that for the standing of the table in the higher part of the ▪ church , he had decla●ed his as●ent already in opinion ▪ but t●at i● should be fixed there , was so farre f●●m being Canonicall , that it is directly against the Canon . It may be neither so , nor so . Not so for certaine in the first . For in the Vicars judgement , the Communion● table ought to stand like an Alta● , all along the wall ; and in the opinion of the Epistoler , although hee bee content that it should stand above the steps , yet he would have it placed tablewise , with one end towards the East great Window : which certainly is no assent in , but a diversity of opinion . And for the second , howsoever it bee ordered in the Rubrick , that the Communion table shall stand in the body of the Church ▪ or in the Chancell , ( and not , o● of the Cha●cel , as the Epistoler hath informed us ) ; where Morning and Evening prayer are appo●nted to bee read : yet his illation therupon , that seeing morning and evening prayer bee appoynted to bee read in the body of the Church , ( as in most country Churches , hee saith , it is ) , therfore the Table should stand most Canonically in the body of the Church ; is both uncertaine and unsound . For seeing it is ordered in the Booke it selfe , That Morning and Evening prayer shall bee used in the accustomed place of the Church , Chappell , or Chancell , except it shall bee otherwise determined by the Ordinary of the place : hee must first shew us where it was determined by the Ordinary of the place , that Morning and Evening prayer shall be ●aid onely in the body of the Church , before he venture on such new and ●trange conclusions . And for the Rubrick , it saith only , that it shall so be placed in Communion time ; And that too to bee understood , according as it hath been since interpreted by the best authoritie , not as if ordered upon any dislike of placing the Communion table where the Altar stood , but as permitting it to the discretion of the Ordinary , to set , or cause it to bee set in the time of the administration of the Sacrament , so as it might be most convenient for the Communicants ; who in the former times , as it is well knowne , had rather been lookers on the Sacrament , than partakers of it . 2 THe like construction is also to be made of the Queenes Iniunction 1559. which is next alleaged , and of the 82. Canon now i● force , being a recitall and confirmation of that part of the Injunction , where it is sayd , that In the time of the Communion , the Table shall bee placed in so good sort within the Chancell ( the 82 Canon hath it within the Church or Chancell ) as thereby the Minister may more conveniently bee heard by the Communicants . Which plainely is a matter of Permission , rather than Command ; yea , and a matter of Permission onely in such times and places , where otherwise the Minister cannot conveniently bee heard of the Communicants . So that in all the lesser Churches , such as our Countrey Churches for the most part are , and in all others where the Minister standing at the Altar , may be heard conveniently : the Table may stand Altar-wise in the time of ministration , without breach of Canon . And this in the Episto●er's judgement , the ablest Canonist , no doubt , in the Church of England , who hath already freely granted ; that placing of the Table Altar-wise , is the most decent situation when it is not used , & for use too , where the Quire is mounted up by steps , and open , ( which may so●ne be done ) so that he which o●●iciats may be seene and heard of all the Congregation . This was the thing the Vicar aimed at . Of wh●m we have no cause to thinke , or reason to conceive , that ●ee intended so to fixe his Table unto the wall , or to incorporat it into the same , as the Altars were ; that there should be no moving or removing it , on just and necessarie causes : but that in correspondence unto former practise , and the Injunction of the Queene , he thought the place where formerly the Altar stood to be fittest for it , at least , out of the time of the ministration : and in that time too , if hee might be heard conveniently of the Congregation . And whether hee might or no , no doubt he better knew , than this extravagant Epistoler ; and so in that respect might be aswell Master of the peoples eares , as he in Tacitus , whom this Epistoler hath remembred , was of his owne . 3. I Say according unto former practise , and the Queenes Injunction . For if we looke into the former practise , either of the Chappels of the King , the best interpreter of the Law , which himselfe enacted , wherein the Communion Table hath so stood as now it doth , since the beginning of Queene Elizabeth , what time that Rubrick in the Common Praier booke was confirmed , and ratified : or of Collegiate and Cathedrall Churches , the best observers of the forme and order of God's publick Service ; the Vicar had good warrant for what he did . And for the Injunctions , howsoever it bee said in them , that in the time of the Cōmunion , the table shal be placed in so good sort within the Chancell● , 〈◊〉 thereby the Minister may more conveniently be heard ; being a matter of Permison onely , if occasion be : yet it is ordred in the same , that after the Communion done , from time to time , the same holy Table shall be placed where it stood before , that is , where formerly the Altar stood . So that the next clause of this Epistoler , wherin it is referred to the Vicar's judgement , Whether this Table , which like Daedalus his Ensignes , moves and removes from place to place , and that by the inward wheeles of the Church Canon , be fitly resembled to an Altar , that stirr's not an inch ; might have well been spared : as not being likely to be any part of the Vicars meaning . For we may reasonably presume that it was onely his intent to keep the table free from irreverent usage ; and by exalting it to the highest place ▪ to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 reverence to the blessed Sacrament , from the Common people ; who if infected with the fancies of these latter daies , are like enough to thrust it down into the Bell-free , or some worser corner . Nor say I so without good reason , it being so resolved of in the Altare Damascenum , that any place , be it what it will , is good enough for the Lords Table , the Communion ended . De loco ubi con●istat cur solliciti , cum quovis loco vel angulo extra tempus administrationis , collocari possit . pa. 718. What need they be so carefull ( say those factious spirits which composed that booke ) how to dispose or place the Table ; seeing that out of the time of the ministration , it may be put in any place or corner whatsoever it be . High time assuredly , that such prophanenes should be met with . 4 THere is one only passage more to be considered in this letter , for the close of all , and that is this ; that If we doe desire to know out of Eusebius , Augustin , Durandus , & the fif●h Councell of Constantinople , how long Communion tables have stood in the midst of the Church , we should reade Bishop Jewell against Harding , Art. 3. p. 143. and we shal be satisfied . And read him though we have , yet we are not satisfied . Eusebius tels us of the Church of Tyre , that being finished , and all the ●eats thereof set up , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ The Founder after all , placed the most holy Altar in the midst thereof , and compassed it about with rai●es , to hinder the rude multitude from pressing neer it . This proves not necessarily , that the Altar stood either in the body of the Church , or in the middle of the same , as the Epistoler doth intend when hee saith the middle . The Altar , though it stood along the Eastern wall , yet may be well interpreted to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the middle of the Chancel , in reference to the North and South , as it since hath stood . And were it otherwise , yet this is but a particular case of a Church in Syria , wherein the people being more ming●ed wi●h the Iewes , than in other places , might possibly place the Altar in the middle of the Church , as was the altar of Incense in the midst of the Temple , the better to conforme unto them . For if , as Bishop Iewell saith in the selfe sam● place , The holy Table was called an Altar , onely in allusion to the Altars in the old law , or if as this Epistoler tells us , the name of Altar crept into the Church , by a kind of complying in p●rase with the people of the Iewes : 〈…〉 5 THat of the fifth Councel of Constantinople , as it is there called , being indeed the Councell sub Agapeto & Menna against Anthimus & Severus , affirms as much in sound , as the Epistoler doth intend ; but if examined rightly , concludes against him . It is there said , that in the reading of the Diptychs , the people with great silence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gathered together about the Altar , and gave eare unto thē . Where , although 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in it selfe doth ●ignifie a Circle ; yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cannot bee properly interpreted , round about the Altar , so as there was no part thereof which was not compassed with the people : no more than if a man should say , that hee had seene the King sitting in his throne , and all his Noblemen about him , it needs , or could bee thought , that the throne was placed in the very middle of the Presence ; as many of the Nobles being behind him , as there was before him . And certainly , if the man of God in the description of God's throne in the kingdome of Heave● , had any reference or resemblance ( as no doubt hee had ) unto the thrones of kings on earth ; wee have hit right enough upon the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the aforesaid Councell : it being said in the 4th chapter of the Revelat● on , vers 6. that round about the throne , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were foure beasts full of ●yes ; and chap. 7. ver . 11. that all the Angels stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , round about the throne . So that for all is said in the fifth Councell of Constantinople , the Altar might and did stand at the end of the Chancel , although the people came together about it to heare the Diptychs ; i. e. the Commemoration of those famous Prelates , and other persons of chiefe note , which had departed in the faith . The like mistake there is , if it be lawfull so to say , in the words of S. Austin . That which hath beene alleaged from him , being the 46 Sermon , not the 42 , is this , CHRISTVS quotidie pas●it . Mensa ipsius est illa in medio constituta . Quid causae est O Audientes , ut mensam videatis , & ad epulas non accedatis . Which BP. Iewell thus trans●lateth , Christ feedeth us daily , and this is his Table here set in the middest . O my hearers , what is the matter , that ye see the table , and yet come not to the meat . But clearely , Mensa illa in medio constituta , is not to be interpreted , The table set here in the middest , as it is translated , but The table which is heere before you : According to the usuall meaning of the Latine phrase , afferre in medium ; which is not to be construed thus , to bring a thing precisely into the middle , but to bring it to us , or before us . As for that passage from Durandus , where it is said , that he examining the cause , why the Priest turneth himselfe about at the Altar , ye●●ds this reason for it , In medio Ecclesiae aperui os meum : that proves not that the Altar stood in the middest of the Church , but that the Priests stood at the middest of the Altar . It is well known , that many hundred yeares before hee was borne , the Altars generally stood in the Christian Churches , even as now they doe . 6 NOw that wee may aswell say somewhat in maintenance of the Altars standing in the East part of the Church ; as wee have answered those autorities which were produced by the Epistoler , for planting of it in the middlest wee will alleage one testimonie , and no more but one , but such a one as shall give very good assurance of that generall usage , and in briefe is this : Socrates in his Ecclesiasticall Historie , lib. 5. c. 21. speaking of the different customes in the Christian Church , saith of the Church of Antioch , the chiefe Citty of Syria , that it was built in different manner from all other Churches . How so ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ Because the Altar was not placed to the East-ward , but to the Westward . Nicephorus , Hist. lib. 12. cap. 24. observes it generally of all the Altars in that Citty , and note 's withall , that they were situate in a different manner from all other Altars . And howsoever possibly in some other places which they knew not of , the Altars might stand West-ward , as they did in Antioch , or to some other point of heaven , as the North , or South , if any stood so : yet it is manifest by this , that in the generall practise of the Church , the Altars used to stand to the Eastward onely . So that for ought appeares unto the contrary in this Epistle , the Vicar of Gr. might very safely hold his three Conclusions , at the first remembred . First , that an Altar may be used in the Christian Church ; Secondly , that the Table may stand Altar-wise , the Minister officiating at the North-end thereof ; And thirdly , that the Table may stand constantly in the upper part of the Chancell , close along the wall , not to bee taken downe , either in the First , or Second Service , especially , if the Mini●ter there standing may be seene and heard of al the Congregation . With the which Summarie of mine I had concluded this reply , had I not found this Item given unto the Vicar in the close of all , that by that time hee had gained more experience in the cure of Soules , he should find no such Ceremony , as Christian Charity . Where if his meaning be , that Christian Charity is in it selfe more precious than any Ceremony , no doubt it will be easily grante● : it being by St. ●aul preferred before Faith and Hope . But if hee meane , that they which have the cure of Soules should rather choose to violate all the Orders of holy Church , and neglect all the Ceremonies of the same ; then give offence unto the Brethren , the Children of the Church , as before hee called them : it is like many other Passages before remembred , onely a trick to please the people , and p●t the reines into their hands , who are too forwards in themselves to contemne all Ceremonie , though in so doing they doe breake in sunder the bonds of Charitie . 7. I Have now ended with the Letter , and for your further satisfaction will lay downe somewhat , touching the ground or reason of the thing required : not in it selfe , for that is touched upon before , but as it either doth relate unto the King , the Metropolitan , or in your case , the Ordinarie , which requires it from you . For the true ground whereof you may please to know , that in the Statute 1● . Eliz. cap. 2. whereby the Common Praier booke now in use , was confirmed and established , it was enacted , That if there shall happen any irreverence or contempt to be used in the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church , by misusing the Orders appointed in the same : that then the Queenes Majestie , by the advise of her Commissioners for causes Ecclesiasticall , or of the Metropolitan , might ordeine or publish such further Ceremonies or Rites as may bee most for the advancement of Gods glorie , the edifying of his Church , and the due reverence of Christ's holy Mysteries and Sacraments . A power not personall to the Queene onely , when she was alive ; but such as was to be continued also unto her successours . So that in case the Common Praier booke had determined positively , that the Table should be placed at all times in the middle of the Church or Chancell , which is not determined of ; or that the Ordinarie of his owne autoritie , could not have otherwise appointed , which yet is not so : the Kings most excellent Majestie , on information of the irreverent usage of the holy Table by all sorts of people ( as it hath beene accustomed in these latter daies ) in sitting on it in time of Sermon , and otherwise prophanely abusing it , in taking Accounts , and making Rates and such like businesses ; may by the last clause of the said Statute , for the due reverence of Christ's holy Mysteries and Sacraments , with the advice and counsell of his Metropolitan , command it to bee placed where the Altar stood , and to be railed about for the greater decencie . For howsoever in the Act , the Queen be onely named , not her Heires and Successours ; yet plainly the autoritie is the same in them , as it was in her ; which may be made apparant by manie Arguments drawne from the Common Law , and the Act it selfe . First , from the purpose of that clause , which was to fence the Rites and Cereremonies of the Church , then used , from all irreverence and contempt : and for the publishing of such other Rites and Ceremonies , as might in further time be found convenient , for the advancement of Gods glorie , the edifying of his Church , and the procurement of due reverence to Christ's holy Sacraments . But seeing that the Rites●nd ●nd Ceremonies of the Church , were not onely subject unto Irreverence and contempt in the said Queenes time , but are , and have been sleighted , and irreverently abused in time of her Successors : the Act had ill provided for the Churches safetie , in case , the power of rectifying what was amise , either by ordering of new Rites , or stablishing the old , did not belong aswell to her Successours , as it did to her . Next , fro● the verie phrase and stile which is there used . For it is said , the Queene , with the advice of the Metropolitan might ordeine and publish , &c. the Queene indefinitely , and the Metropolitan indefinitely , If then by Queene indefinitely be onely meant , the person of the Queene then being , not her Heires and Successours ; by Metropolitan indefinitely , wee must also meane the Metropolitan then being , and not his Successours : and then the power heere given the Queene , had beene determined with the death of Arch-bishop Parker , which was some 28 yeares before her owne . Thirdly , from another clause in the selfe same Act , where it is said , that If any person being twice convict ( of depraving the booke of Common Praier , &c. ) shall off end againe the third time , and be thereof lawfully convict , hee shall forfeit for his third offence , to our Soveraign Lady the Queene , all his Goods and Chattels , &c. where , though the Queene be onely named , the penaltie of the Law 〈◊〉 be , and is most justly taken by her Heires and Successours ; or else there were no remedy , at this time , by the Lawes provided , for the third Contempt . Fourthly , from the usuall forme of those Acts and Statutes , which were made purposely for the particular and personall profit , safetie , and advantage of the said Queene , which are distinguished from others by this note or Character , viz. This Act to continue , during the Queenes Majesties life that now is onely . Such is the Act , against rebellio●s assemblies , 1. Eliz. cap. 16. Those against such as shall rebelliously take , or conspire to tak● from the Queenes Majestie any of her Towers , Castles , &c. 14. Eliz. cap. 1. And against such , as shall conspire , or practise the enlargement of any Prisoner committed for High Treason . cap. 2. That against seditious , Word● and Rumors uttered against the Queen●s most excellent Majestie . 23. Eliz. ca. 2. And finally , that for the safety of the Queenes royal person , and the continuance of the Realme in Peace , An ● . 27. ca. 1. In the which last , although it bee not said expresly that it shal dure no longer thē her natural life , yet the word , Person , in effect , doth declare as much . Fiftly , from a resolution in the Law , in a case much like : it being determined by that great Lawyer Ploydon , that if a man give Lands to the King by deed inrolled , a Fee● simple doth passe , without these words , Successours and Heires ; because in ●udgement of Law , The King never dieth . Coke on Lit● . pag. 9. b. And last of all , it may be argued , that the said clause or any thing therin conteined , is not indeed Introductorie of any new power , which was not in the Crowne before ; but rather Declaratorie of an old , which anciently did belong to all Christian Kings ( as before any of them to the Kings of Iudah ) and among others to ours also : who , with the C●unsell of their Prelate● , and other Clergie , might , and did induce such Rites and Ceremonies into the Churches of , and in their severall kingdomes , as were thought most convenient for God's publick Service ; till at the last , all Ecclesiasticall autoritie was challenged and usurped by the See of Rome . Which is the answer and determination of Sir Robert Coke , in Cawdries case , being the fifth part of his Reports , entituled , De jure Regis Ecclesiastico ; where hee affirmeth , that if the Act of Parliament , 1● . Eliz. 2. cap. 1. whereby it was enacted , That all Ecclesiasticall power and autoritie , which heretofore had beene , or might lawfully be exercised or used for the visitation of the Ecclesiasticall state , and persons , and for reformation of all , and all manner Errours , Heresies , Schismes , Abuses , and Contempts , Offences , and Enormities , should bee for ever united and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme : Was not an Act introductory of a new law , but confirmative of an old , for that this Act doth not annex any jurisdiction to the Crowne , but that which was in truth , or of right ought to bee by the ancient Lawes of the Realme , parcell of the Kings Jurisdiction , and united to the crowne Imperiall . By this Authoritie the Altars were first taken downe in King Edwards reigne , though countenanced and allowed of in the Common-prayer Booke , then by Law established ; the better , as the cause is pleaded by Bishop Ridley , to avoyd superstition , Actes and Monum . Part. 2. pag. 700. and by the same , or by that mentioned , 1 ● . Eliz. cap. 2. his Majestie now being , might appoynt the Table to bee set up , where formerly the Altar stood , ( had it been otherwise determined in the Rubrick , as indeed it is not ) to avoyd prophanenesse . 8. I Will adde one thing more for your satisfaction , which perhaps you know not ; And that is , that his sacred Majestie hath hereupon already declared his pleasure , in the Case of Saint Gregories Church neere Saint Pauls in London , and thereby given encouragement to the Metropolitans , Bishops , and other Ordinaries , to require the like in all the Churches committed to them . Which resolution of his Majestie , faithfully copied out of the Registers of his Councell-Table , I shall present herewith unto you , and so commend my selfe to you , and us all to the grace of God in JESVS CHRIST . At Whitehall , the third of November . 1633. Present , the KINGS most excellent Majestie . Lo : Archbish. of Cant. Lo : Keeper . Lo : Archbish. of Yorke . Lo : Treasurer . Lo : Privie Seale . Lo : Duke of Le●nox . Lo : High Chamberlain . Ear. Marshall . Lo : Chamberlaine . Ear : of Bridgewater . Ear : of Carlile . Lo : Cottington . Mr. Treasurer . Mr. Comptroller . Mr. Secretary Cooke . Mr. Secret. Windebanke . THis day was debated before his Majestie , sitting in Co●nsell , the Question and Difference which grew about the Removing of the Communion Table in Saint Gregories Church , neere the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul , from the middle of the Chancell to the upper end , and there placed Altar-wi●e , in such manner as it standeth in the sayd Cathedralls and Mother Church , ( as also in all other Cathedralls , and in his Majesties owne Chappell ) and as is consonant to the practise of approoved Antiquitie . Which removall , and placing of it in that sort , was done by Order of the Deane and Chapter of St. Pauls , who are Ordinaries thereof , as was avowed before his Majestie by Doctor King , and Doctor Montfort , two of the Prebends there . Yet some few of the Parishioners , being but five in number , did complaine of this Act by Appeale to the Court of Arches , pretending that the Booke of Comm●n-prayer , and the 82. Canon doe give permi●sion to place the Communion Table , where it may stand with most fitnesse and convenience . Now his Majestie having heard a particular relation made by the Counsaile of both parties , of all the carriage and proceedings in this cause , was pleased to declare his dislike of all Innovation , & receeding from ancient Constitutions , grounded upon just and war●antable reasons , especially in matters concerning Eccle●iasticall Orders and Government , knowing how easily men are drawne to affect Novelties , and how soone weake judgements in such cases may bee overtaken and abused . And he was also pleased to observe , that if those few Parishioners might have their wills , the difference thereby 〈…〉 of the neerene●s of St. Gregories , standing close to the wall thereof . And likewise , for so much as concernes the liberty given by the said Common booke , or Canon , for placing the Communion Table in any Church or Chappell with most conveniencie ; that libertie is not so to be understood , as if it were ever left to the discretion of the Parish , much lesse to the particular fancie of any humerous person , but to the judgement of the Ordinarie , to whose place and function it doth properly belong to give direction in that poynt , both for the thing it selfe , and for the time , when and how long , as he may finde cause . Vpon which consideration his Majestie declared himselfe , That hee well approved and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinarie , and also gave commandement , that if those few Parishioners before mentioned , do proceed in their said Appeale , then the Deane of the Arches , ( who was then attending at the hearing of the Cause ) shall confirme the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter . A COPIE OF THE LETTER WRITTEN to the Vicar of GR : against the placing of the Communion Table at the East end of the Chancell . SIR , WIth my very hearty Commendations . When I spake with you last , I told you that the standing of the Communion Table , was unto me a thing so indifferent , that unlesse offence and vmbrages were taken by the Towne against it , I should never move it , or remove it . That which I did not then suspect , is come to passe . T●e Alderman whom I have knowne this 17. or 18. yeares , to bee a discreet and modest man , and farre from any ●umour of 〈◊〉 together with the better sort of the Towne , have compl●●ned against it : And I have ( without taking notice of your Act , or touching in one ●●llable upon your reputation ) ●ppointed the Church Wa●dens ( whom it 〈◊〉 doth concerne under the 〈◊〉 ) to settle it for this time , as you may see by this Copy inclosed . Now for your owne satisfaction , and my poore advise for the future , I have written unto you somewhat more at large , then I vse to expresse my selfe in this kinde . I doe therefore ( to deale plainely ) like many things well , and disallow of some things in your cariage of the businesse . It is well done that you affect decency and comlinesse , in the officiating of GOD's Divine Ser●ice ; That you president your selfe with the formes in his Majesties Chappels , and the Quires of Cathedrall Churches ( if your Quire , as those others , could containe your whole congregation ; ) that you doe the reverence appointed by the Canon to the blessed name of IESVS , so it be done humbly , and not affectedly , to procure Devotion , not derision of your Parishioners , and that you do not maintaine it Rationibus non cogentibus , and so spoile a good Cause with bad arguments . These things I doe allow and practise . But that you should be so violent and earnest for an Altar at the upper end of the Quire ; That the Table ought to stand Altarwise ; That the fixing therof in the Quire is Canonicall , and that it ought not to bee removed to the body of the Church ; I conceive to be in you so many mistakings . For the first , if you should erect any such Altar , which ( I know you will not ) your discretion will proove the onely Holocaust to be sacrificed thereon . For you have subscribed when you came to your place , that That other Oblation which the Papists were wont to offer upon their Altars , is a Blasphemous figment , and pernicious imposture , in the thirty one Article : And also , that we in the Church of England ought to take heed , lest our Communion of a memory , be made a Sacrifice : In the first Homilie of the Sacrament . And it is not the Vicar , but the Church-wardens , that are to provide for the Communion , and that not an Altar , but a faire joyned Table : Canons of the Convocation , 1571. pag. 18. And that the Altars were removed by Law , and Tables placed in their stead , in all , or the most Churches in England , appeares by the Queenes Injunctions , 1559. related unto , and so confirmed in that point by our Canons still in force . And therefore ( I know ) you will not change a Table into an Altar , which Vicars were never inabled to set up , but allowed once with other's to pull downe . Injunction of 1● . Elizab. for Tables in the Church . For the second point . That your Communion Table is to stand Altar-wise , if you meane in that place of the Chancell , where the Altar stood , I thinke somewhat may be said for that ; because the Injunctions 1559. did so place it ; And I conceive it to be the most decent situation , when it is not used , and for use too , where the Quire is mounted up by steps , and open , so that hee that officiates may bee s●ene and heard of all the Congregation . Such an one I heare your Chancell is not . But if you meane by Altar-wise , that the Ta●le should stand along close by the wall , so as you be forced to officiate at one end thereof ( as you may have observed in great m●ns Chappels : ) I do not believe that ever the Communion Tables were ( otherwise than by casualtie ) so placed in Countrey Churches . For , besides that , the Countrey-people would suppose them Dressers , rather than Tables ; And that Qu. Elizabeths Comissioners for causes Ecclesiasticall , directed that the Table should stand , not where the Altar , but where the steps of the Altar formerly stood . Orders 1561. The Minister appointed to reade the Communion ( which you , out of the booke of Fast in 1● . of the King , are pleased to call , Second Service ) is directed to reade the Commandements , not at the end , but at the North-side of the Table , which implies the end to bee placed towards the East great Window , Rubrick before the Communion . Nor was this a new direction in the Queenes time onely , but practised in king Edward's raigne , for in the plot of our Liturgie sent by Mast Knox , and Whittingham to Mas●er Calvin in the raigne of Queene Mary , it is said , that the Minister must stand at the North-side of the Table . Troubles at Frankford . pag. 30. And so in King Edward's Liturgies , the Ministers standing in the middest of the Altar , 1549. is turned to his standing at the North-side of the Table , 1552. And this last Liturgie was revived by Parliament , 1● . Eliz. cap. 2. And I believe it is so used at this day in the most places of England . What you saw in Chappels , or Cathedrall Churches is not the point in question , but how the Tables are appointed to be placed in Parish Churches . In some of the Chappels and Cathedrals , the Altars may be still standing , for ought I know ; or to ma●e use of their Covers and Ornaments , Tables m●y be placed in their roome , of the same length and fashion the Altars were of . Wee kn●w the Altars stand still in Lutheran Chu●ches ; And the Apologie for the Augustan Confession , Art. 12. doth allow it . The Altars stood a yeare or two in King Edwards times , as appeares by the Liturgie print●a 1549. and it seemes the Queenes Commissioners were content they should stand , as w●e may guesse by the Injunctions , 1559. But how is this to be understood ? The Sacrifice of the Altar abolished , these ( call them what you will ) are no more Altars , but Tables of Stone or Tymber ; and so was it alleaged 24 Novem. 4● . Edw. 6. 1549. Sublato enim relativo formali , manet obsolutum & materiale tantum . And so may be well used in Kings and Bishops houses , where there are no people so void of understanding , as to bee scandalized . For upon the Orders of breaking downe Altars , all Diocesses did agree upon receiving Tables , but not upon the fashion and forme of the Tables . Acts and Monum . pag. 1212. Besides that , in the old Testament , one and the same thing is termed an Altar and a Table . An Altar , in respect of what is there offered unto God , and a Table in respect of what is there participated by men , as for example , by the Priests ; So ha●e y●u Go●'s Altar ; the verie same with God's Table in Malachie 1. v. 7. The place is worth the marking . For it Answers that very Obj●ction out of Heb. 13. 10. which you made to some of y●ur fellow Ministers ; and one Master Morgan before you to Peter Martyr , in a Disputation at Oxford . Wee have no Altar in regard of an Oblation , but wee have an Altar in regard of Participation , and Communion granted unto us . The use of an Altar is to Sacrifice upon , and the use of a Table is to eate upon ; and because Communion is an Action most proper for a Table , as an Oblation is for an Altar , therefore the Church in her Liturgie , and Canons , calling the same a Table onely , doe not you call it an Altar ? In King Edwards Liturgie of 1549. it is every where , but in that of 1552. it is no where called an Altar , but the Lords Boord . Why ? Because the people being scandalized herewith in Countrey Churches , first beats them downe de facto , then the supreme Magistrates by a kind of Law puts them down de jure , and setting Tables in their roomes , tooke from us , the Children of the Church and Common-wealth , both t●e name and the nature of former Altars , as you may see . Injunction 1559. referring to that or●er of King Edward in his Councell mentioned , Acts and Monum . pag. 1211. And I hope you have more Learning than to conceive the Lords Table to be a new name , and so to bee ashamed of the Name . For , besides that CHRIST himselfe instituted this Sacrament upon a Table , and not upon an Altar , as Archbishop Cranmer observes , and others , Act ▪ and Monum . pag. 1211. it is in the Christian Church 200 yeares more ancient , than the name of an Altar , as you may see most learnedly prooved out of Saint Paul , Origen , and Arnobius , if you doe but reade a Booke that is in your Church , Iewel against Harding of Private Masse . Art. 3. p. 143. And whether this name of Altar crept into the Church in a kinde of complying in phrase with the people of the Iewes , as I have read in Chemnitius , Gerardus , and other sound Protestants , ( yet such as suffer Altars to stand ) ; or that it proceed from these Oblations made upon the Communion Table , for the vse of the Priest , and the poore , whereof wee reade in Iustin Martyr , Iraeneus , Tertullian , and other ancient Writers ; or because of the Sacrifice of Praise , and Thankesgiving , as Arch-bishop Cranmer , and others thought , Acts and Monuments , pag. 1211. the name being now so many yeares abolished , it is fitter in my Iudgement , that the Altar ( if you will needes so call it ) should according to the Canon , stand Tablewise , than your Table to trouble the poore Towne of Gr. because erected otherwise . Lastly , that your Table should stand in the higher part of the Church , you have my assent already in opinion : but that it should be there fixed , is so farre from being Canonicall , that it is directly against the Canon . For what is the Rubrick of the Church , but a Canon ? And the Rubrick saith , it shall stand in the body of the Church , or of the Chancell , where Morning praier , and Evening prayer be appointed to be read ; If therefore Morning and Evening prayer bee app●inted to be read in the body of the Church , ( as in most countrey Churches it is ) where shall the Table stand most Canonically ? And so is the Table made removeable , when the Communion is to be celebrated , to such place as the Minister may be most conveniently hea●d by the Communicants , by Qu. Eliz. Injunct . 1559. And so saith the Canon in force , that in the time of the Communion , the Table shall bee placed in so good sort within the Church and Chancel , as therby the Minister may be more conveniently heard , Can. 82. Now iudge you 〈…〉 and you shall bee satisfied . Iewel against Harding of private Masse . Art. 3. p. 145. The Sum of all is this . 1. You may not erect an Altar , where the Canons onely admit a communi●n Table . 2. This Table must not stand Altarwise , and you at the North end thereof , but Tablewise , as you must officiate at the Northside of the same . 3. This Ta●le o●ght to bee laid up ( decently covered ) in the Chancell onely , as I suppose , but ought not to be officiated upon , either in the first or second Service ( as you 〈◊〉 ) but in that place of the Church or Chancell , where you may be seene and heard of all ; Though peradventure you be with ●im in Tacitus , Master of your owne , yet are you not of other mens eares ; and therefore your Parishioners must be Iudges of your audiblenesse in this case . Whether side soever ( you or your Parish ) shall yeeld to th' other , in this needlesse Controversie , shall remaine , in my poore iudg●ment , the more discreet , grave , and learned of the two : And by that time you have gained some more Experience in the Cure of Soules , you shall finde no such Ceremonie , as Christian Charitie ; which I recommend unto you , and a● ever , &c. FINIS . 
A43543	----	A letter from an officer in His Majesties army, to a gentleman in Glocester-shire upon occasion of certain quære's [sic] scattered about that countrey. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43543 of text R12301 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1724A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 36 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43543 Wing H1724A ESTC R12301 13016583 ocm 13016583 96559 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43543) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96559) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 741:39) A letter from an officer in His Majesties army, to a gentleman in Glocester-shire upon occasion of certain quære's [sic] scattered about that countrey. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [2], 14 [i.e. 15] p. s.n.], [Oxford, Oxfordshire : 1643. Dated at end: 10th of April, 1643. The queries concern the continuing of Parliament, the King's protection of delinquents, and the Papists. Attributed to Peter Heylyn. Cf. BLC. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A43543 R12301 (Wing H1724A). civilwar no A letter from an officer in His Majesties army: to a gentleman in Glocester-shire. Upon occasion of certain quere's [sic] scattered about th Heylyn, Peter 1643 6975 19 0 0 0 0 0 27 C The rate of 27 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER From an OFFICER Of His MAJESTIES ARMY : To a GENTLEMAN In GLOCESTER-SHIRE . Upon occasion of certaine Quaere's scattered about that COUNTREY . Imprinted in the Yeare . 1643. A LETTER FROM An Officer of His MAIESTIES ARMY , to a GENTLEMAN in GOVCESTER SHIRE . Upon occasion of certaine Quaere's scattered about that COUNTREY . SIR , I Have received your Letter and your Quaere's , which you say make a deepe impression in many , of whose honestie and publique Affections I have a very good esteeme ; and that they are made by one who hath a great desire to receive ease and satisfaction himselfe , as being of a nature very undelighted and passive in these Distractions . The first ( how strange soever it seemes to Reason ) I must believe , especially when I find your selfe whom I have often knowne very easily to master more difficult Contentions , brought to some pause , as if somewhat were said to you , you could not well get from ; no doubt many others of lesse subtile understandings , and it may be hurt by the necessary pressures , and provoked by unwarrantable Insolencies of the Kings Souldiers , are , or seeme to be really puzzled . But for the Author of those Quaere's , you must pardon me if I doe not believe him to be a man of so innocent a nature as you would imply ; doubtlesse these scruples never sprung from a minde in labour to find out Truth ; but are contrived by a Person very well able to answer his owne Objections ; and having pretended Conscience against his owne understanding , hath found these little excuses to make a Party against weaker men . The first scruple seems to be a tendernesse of the act for continuance of this Parliament , which that Gentleman would apprehend to be broken by His Maesties not consenting to all the Counsells now given Him by both Houses ; If I thought this Obiection to be of moment to you , I should give your understanding for lost , and expect your cure onely by that which mis-led you , Successe : But I must observe to you the uningenuity of your honest man , who would make the People beleive that by His Maiesties consenting to passe that Act , that Assembly were authourized to command , and His Maiesty obliged to obey whatever they prescribed ; when that Gentleman well knowes nothing is enacted by that law , but that this Parliament shall not be disolved but by Act of Parliament . You well remember in what Condition things stood at the passing of that Law , two Armies in the Bowells of the Kingdome at 80000l . the Moneth so much to be raised for support of them , and a much greater summe to Disband them ; all this mony was to be borrowed , and upon the security as mony in those happy dayes used to be lent , for the new merry security of the publike faith , by a Vote of both Houses was not then currant enough to be obtruded to the people the credit of many worthy persons was to be used for the procuring this supply and it seemed no unreasonable warinesse of those who exposed themselves and their fortunes to this hazard , to desire that the body , at whose instance they undertooke those Engagements , might not be dissolved , before it had taken some course to secure such undertakings , and provision should be made for the indempnity of those who had submitted to such burthens . This Reason , and this alone prevailed with His Maiesty to agree that this Parliament should not be dissolved without their consent , who seemed voluntarily to engage themselves for the Peace & benefit of the Kingdome , How this continuance of the Parliament should now give both Houses the Prerogative they have assumed , I cannot understand , and themselves have publikely acknowledged in their Declarations , that they were to blame if they undertook any thing which they would not undertake if it were in His Ma. power to dissolve them to morrow . Think now with your selfe if the King should argue with both Houses upon their ground that the Trust being broken , the power may be reassumed immediatly into the hands which reposed that Trust , might he not iustly say that they had betrayed and forfeited that Trust , by using the meanes which was given them to disburthen the Common-wealth of a debt which was then thought insuportable , only to plunge it irrecoverably into a greatter , and to ruine the Kingdome to prefer halfe a score men . And if the People should follow their Logique , he tryed only by the Equity of the Law , might they not charge them with the breach of Trust , in changing the whole frame of the Governement of the Kingdome , and subiecting them to so unlimited an Arbitrary power , that no man can know at the setling of the Houses , what he shall be worth at their rising ? Did they intend , when they let these men into that Assembly , that they should shut the Door , and keepe those that sent them for ever from those councells ? Did the King intend that they should rob , depose and murther him ? And did the people intend that their fellowes and Companions should imprison , Plunder and destroy them ? and if the abused King , and iniured People should now declare this Act to be void , and in it selfe against the Fundamentall Lawes of the Kingdome , and so this Parliament to be disso●ved , would not you . Principles and foundations beare them out ? You are one of the oldest Parliament men I know , and however you may have since changed your mind ; have to me seemed the most scandalized at the indignities offered to the very being of Parliament , by the wildnesse and fury of this . Did not you passonately reprehend the pert Burgesse of your own Towne for arguing against the Kings negative voice , because then it may fall out that the Common-wealth might be ruined for want of a supplementall Law , which the perversnesse of one man would not confent to ? Did you not then ( after you had shewed the impossibility and madnesse of such suppositions , and that from the beginning of this Monarchy to this day no inconvenience had hapned of that kind ) say that you were perswded in your Conscience that the Lawes of the Kingdome were so compleat , in order to the Government of the Kingdome that if there should never more be made so the old were faithfully observed the Kingdome would be at least without any diminution of its happinesse ? On the other side , if the Kings Consent were not necessary you said all those Bills which had heretofore passed both Houses , and for want of the Royall Assent had been layed by , would now rise up as so many Lawes to as great a confusion as these Ordinances have made ? Did you not then say that when Parliaments left their modestie , they w●u●d lose their reputation , and when they walked in any other path then of their known Presidents , and iudged by any other Rule then the known Laws they would advance a tyranny more insupportable then ever Rome or Greece endured ? your Priviledges which are freedom of speech , and freedom from Imprisonment , ( except where the Law sayes you may be imprisoned where are they ? how violated ? and by whom , but by your selves : How many men chosen and sent by their Countries , have you turned out of the House or not concurring with you in opinion ? How monstrous is it that the King may not commit a Member who attempts to kill him without your leave ; and you may commit another , for but desiring to kisse His hand ? And whilest you would not suffer His Maiestie , without breach of Priviledge , to commit Traytors and Fellons , because they are Members of either House you are content that Alderman Pennington or any of the City Captaines commit those who sit amongst you , and you have not the courage to reprehend them . Do you think the people of England can look long upon sixscore or sevenscore men ( for both Houses doe not containe a greater number ) as upon the high Court of of Parliament ? when a great part of those two are Persons of such desperate fortunes , and contemptible undertakings , as off from those Benches were never thought fit for sober and honest Counsels . You may break what Iests you please upon the King and the Cavaliers , and say , that if He were in His owne Power , He would quickly returne to His Parliament , but truely the Court here hath so much Charity to beleeve , if both Houses were at liberty to doe according to their Consciences , this publique fire would be quickly quenched . Beleeve it no sober man looks upon you under any other Notion , then as men besieged by the desperate common Councell of London , and their Adherents , who awe and fright you to their wicked and damnable conclusions : Nay , the close Committee it selfe is a greater breach of the Priviledge of Parliament then the Kings comming to the House , and the taking the five Members from thence could have beene . I am as little pleased with the perpetuity of this Parliament , as I have beene with the untimely breaking of others ; and let me tell you , all the dissolutions of Parliament from the beginning of them to this time , hath not done halfe that mischiefe as the continuance of this hath done ; and yet since it hath the countenance of a Law , I wish it may never be dissolved but by a Law . What Designes have these men even upon Parliaments themselves , is too evident , whereas if the King prevailes : Parliaments are againe restored to their full lustre : You have read his Protestations solemnly made in the presence of God for defence of the Priviledges of Parliaments ; He is too iust and too pious a Prince to break those promises and to reproach himselfe with His owne Declarations ; but if He should enquire , whether the Persons about Him , even the Officers of his Army are like to concurre with him in those ends ? I am perswaded it would be more in his power to imploy his Army to the destruction of the Law , then you once thought it was to raise one for His preservation . In a word as you esteeme and reverence reall Parliaments ▪ abhorre these men who would use the word Parliament onely as a stalking Horse to destroy all Acts of Parliament ; there cannot be a more irreverent mention of Parliaments , then to call the fanatique actions of a few desperate , seditious Persons the Proceedings of Parliament . A Parliament is the great Councell of the Kingdome graciously called by his Maiesties Writ , confidently to present the grievances of the People , and humlby to offer their advice and Councels so Reformation ; if they come unsent for , irregularly call that a grievance that the Law allowes , and insolently command in stead of modestly advising the Royall Power by whose Authority they come together , they doe as much as in them lies ▪ dissolve the Parliament by proceeding against the nature of Parliaments . The next scandall this wise Gentleman takes , is at the protecting Delinquents ; Does this trouble you to ? Call your memory to an account , I think I have heard you say you have been of eight Parliaments . How many Delinquents have you 〈…〉 seven of them ? and what were they ? were not 〈◊〉 o● them 〈◊〉 such as had presumed to sue or arrest priviledged Persons ? How many men in your time have you knowne committed by the House of Commons before this Parliament ? doe you think it reasonable ▪ t●at they who c●nno● examine , should have power to iudge ? you had need take the course you doe to slight and underva●ue all Oaths , that they may not be thought necessary to legall and regular proceedings ▪ and yet why doe you then at all intimate your owne incompetencie , by sometimes desiring the Lords to help you examine men by Oath ? How comes it that you confesse Oathes at some time to be necessary for finding out the truth , and passe it over as impertinent at other ? When you have evidence ▪ you think it a popular thing to use it , if you have none you can iudge as well without it . You have a trick to be satisfied in your owne ( Consciences that can commit Treason , Felony , Rapes , and Sacriledge in the feare of God ) & then all formes and essences of proceedings , which can only distinguish right from wrong , must be dispensed with . If a Treason were committed , how comes the Lord Chief Iustice to be left out in the enquiry and no other Minister imployed but your Sergeant ? why should not the Common-wealth heare of Treason and Misprision of Treason in Westminster Hall , where the termes are understood ; but onely in the House of Commons ? If a man should come to the House of Commons Barre , and desire the Sergeant of that House should be sent for a man as Delinquent , who took his purse from him upon Black-Heath , or picked his pocket in Smithfield , if the Theife were not a Member of either House ( God forbid they should have the priviledge to Iudge one another ) would you not think the fellow mad , and wish him to go to the next minister of Iustice ? How come you to be so subtile to be able to Iudge and define Treasons ; about which your Ancesters have been so carefull , to leave it in the view of any man what it is ? Tell your selfe without blushing , who you thinke are meant by Delinquents : is it not visible to all the world , that you intend all such who are not or will not be Traitors to the knowne Lawes , to be Delinquents to both Houses ? and 't is a notable breach of priviledge that his Maiesty will protect these Delinquents from you ; looke over your owne votes and see if all men who do not assist you in your pious work of murthering the King , and destroying the Common-wealth ( for you have faithfully requited the lazy Gentlemen who desired to be lookers on ) are not comprehended in the number of Delinquents : What was Sir Iohn Hotham for denying His Maiestie admittance into his owne Towne of Hull ? A priviledged Person and an upright Patriot : what were they who attended His Maiesty when he presumed desperatly and rebelliously to offer to go thither ? Delinquents : And yet his Maiesty will not suffer those who kept Him out , to iudge those who should have gon in with him ; wonderfull breach of Priviledge , and protecting of Delinquents ! If we cannot recover Law againe , for Gods sake let us have sense restored to us and not grow Beasts in our understanding as well as in our Liberty ; it will make us love mankind the worse , to see men with sad browes , as if they believed themselves , seriously urge things in publique which in privat would make friends quarrell , for the scorne and Indignity offered to reason such is all your discourse of Priviledges and Delinquents . But you have at last found a prety obligation upon your selves to Rebell against Law and Reason , your late Protestation requires all this at your hands , in the behalfe of the Priviledges of Parliament , which by that you are bound to defend , and so you rescue your selves from the duty of Allegiance , to which you have regularly and legally sworne by a voluntary Protestation to doe somewhat you doe not understand : If there be any thing by that Protestation enioyned to be done , which was unlawfull to be done before the Protestation was taken , 't is no more to bee iustified by that Act , then any other unlawfull thing is by a ras● and wicked Vow entred into by a Person who desires to doe mischiefe . If there bee nothing in it but what before was the duty of every man , there needs no Argument from the Protestation ; the truth is , though I like not the use hath beene made of it to poyson and mislead simple people , nor the irregularity ( to call it no worse ) of compelling men to take it when no law requires it , I know nothing promised or undertaken in that Protestation which every honest man doth not , and alwayes did hold absolutely to be his duty , no man being obliged by it to doe any thing , but as farre as lawfully he may . And would not a stander by think a man mad , that should sweare to defend the Kings Person , and to maintaine the Priviledges of Parliament , and immediately draw His sword upon the King whose Person he knew , in the behalfe of somwhat he is told is Priviledge of Parliament ? we are gotten againe into the old circle of folly and madnesse . Your last Scruple I will be serious with you in , 't is that ( however throwne among the people malitiously , and indeed against the Conscience of the Contrivers ) which I know startles many well meaning , and well-wishing men , you are afraid of the Papists , and that if the King prevailes , that Religion will have too great a countenance and growth , to the scandall of ours ; Indeed if this feare were well grounded , you would have so many Partners with you in your trouble , that you would even be satisfied in your company , and by that think your selfe secure against your feares ; what makes you doubt this , an inclination in the King himselfe ? Let His Life be examined , His continued publique Acts of Devotion , ( examples indeed for a through Reformation ; ) His understanding the differences betweene the Church of Rome and us ; and so not onely utterly dissenting from them , but knowing why he doth so , and he will be found above the reach of Envie or Malice , and indeed above your owne feares and iealousies : Take a list and survey of His servants and Counsellors , who are suspected to have the least interest in His favours and inclinations , you will not find a man under the least taint that way and most of them ( till your dishonest uncharitable distinction of Popish and popishly affected was throwne among the people ) thought eminent advancers of the true Protestant Religion established . And let me tell you , if there should be a breach made upon that Religion these men would stand in the Gap , when halfe your Zelots would submit to an Alteration , if it brought any satisfaction to their worldly Ambition . But you say the Queene is of that Religion , and She hath a great interest and power over his Affections , and you think it an un-Kingly thing to be a good Husband ; and whilst your selves are guided and swayed by other mens Wives , ( for 't is not Women you are angry with , you allow them whole sharers with you in your mischiefes ) you cannot endure He should so much as advise with His own ; indeed I cannot blame you to desire to keep Him from any conversation with one you have used so ill . But how comes this melancholly upon you now ? Is She more a Catholique now then She was fifteen yeares since ? Why did not these Feares and Iealousies break out into Rebellion when he was first married ? before the Nation knew any thing of Her , but Her Religion ? After the experience of so many yeares ; after the enriching the Kingdome with so hopefull and numerous an Issue ; after the obliging all sorts of people with Her favours , without dis-obliging any body that I have heard of ; after fifteene yeares living here with great expressions of Love and Affection to the English Nation , without any other activity in Religion , then to live well , and wish well to Her owne , with equall esteeme of those who are not of the same Profession , to desire to break and interrupt that excellent Harmony in Affections , is an ingratitude , an impiety worthy the contrivers of these bloody distempers : Looke into the Persons who have received the greatest testimony and evidences of Her favours , you will not find them to be Popish or Popishly affected , but in the list of your own Religious Men and godly Women ; If you will convert Her , Let your Charity and Humility , the Principles of true Religion , let your Obedience and Loyalty , the effects of true Religion , be an evidence to Her that yours is the right ; the course you take , will rather fright good people from any , then invite them to yours : She is a Lady too well understands Her owne share , and Her owne adventure in the publique distractions , not to endeavour with Her soule a reconciliation of them ; I would your Ladies were like Her ; She is as farre from revenge of Iniuries and Indignities , as from deserving them . You have the advantage in your Provocati●ns , you have met with tempters as apt to forgive , as you are to offend who are as unlimited in their mercy as their enemies are in their insolencies : make good use of it , set your hearts upon Peace , and you will easily finde the way to it ; be once ingenious , and you will be quickly safe . But oh , the great Army of Papists ! if that were disbanded your feares and iealousies would infinitely abate : that 's well ; pray observe how these Papists come together . Remember Nottingham when you had a formed Army of 10000. men , and His Maiesty not 800. Muskets at his Command in all His Dominions ? If you had then fallen upon Him and destroyed Him ( as if Your Pride had not been greater then your Loyalty you had done ; you meant to strip Him by Votes and Ordinances of all Succours and assistance , that He should be compelled to put himselfe into your hands for Protection , and so confesse your Army to be raised for his defence . ) Wou d not now all Christian Princes have thought His Maiesty guilty of His owne undoing , who would not suffer Himselfe to receive Ayd from any of his owne Subiects , though they were Papists ? You tell me the Author of those Queries is learned in the Lawes pray get him to shew you one Law , whereby the Papists are inhibited to serve their Soveraign against a Rebellion ; because Papists may not come neere the Court without the Kings leave , or weare Armes , may not a Papist ride post to tell the King of a Designe to murther Him ? or being present , take away a sword from that man who atempts to kill Him ? Sure there is no law hath prohibited the Allegiance of the Papists , and because they will not come to Church , forbid them to be Subiects . If a Fleet arived from France or Spaine to invade us , were it not lawfull for a Papist to endeavour to destroy that Fleet ? and must he sit still in a Rebellion , and see his Soveraigne , and the Lawes of the Land ( in which he hath an equall interest with any other Subiect ) in imminent visible danger to be destroyed , and must not assist either ? Yet observe now ( how much soever you seeme to be scandalized at it ) what you your selves have done towards the raising this Army of Papists , and indeed if there be such an Army , whether your selves have not raised it ( without breaking your owne Iest , and saying 't is raised by the power of both Houses , as yours is by the Kings Authority ) you seize upon all the Papists estates , plunder their Houses , imprison their persons , without the least colour of Law , leaving them no place to breath in but under shelter of the Kings Army , and thence you would have the King drive them to , for being Papists . You suffer Mr. Griffith to raise a Troop of that Religion for your service , and when they cashiere their Captain , and come in to his Maiestie , you would have him disband them because they are Papists . For Gods sake get one one of your Orators to make a Speech for the King to a Papist , who shall say to him ; Sir , I have lived modestly and dutifully at my owne house without assuming to my selfe any Licence which the Law gave me not ; I have humbly submitted to the penalties imposed on me , and contented my selfe with what the Law hath left me , I am driven from thence by force of Armes , my Estate taken from me my liberty endeavored to be so to , I am your Subiect you are my King vouchsafe me the Protection you owe me . What answer shall he make : Sir , you are a Papist , and you shall not come neere me ; or Sir I am content you shall be under the shelter and security of my Forces , but upon your life use no weapon bear no Arms , help them not though they are in danger to be cut in pieces before your face . Let a sober man find a way to get out here , to be a King and not protect them . And after all this what a goodly Army of Papists hath his Maiestie got together ? not to compare with you , for you say 't is no matter what number of Papists you have , because there are no feares and iealousies of your favouring of Popery ▪ ) I am confident , and I have my Information from no ill hands , that in all his Maiesties Armies the Papists cannot make one good Regiment . Get but the honest sober true Protestants once of your mind , and my life upon it , you shall not see the Papists grow above the reach of the Law . Here is an end of your Author a word now to your owne Letter I find you much transported with the apprehension of Gods wonderfull Blessings upon the proceedings of both Houses , that their progresse and successe hitherto hath not beene lesse then miraculous ; Indeed there are negative Miracles , as well as affirmative for God to forbeare what according to his Iustice and goodnesse , and other attributes We might expect from him by the way of punishment & revenge , is a miracle of his mercy in this sence , the world which hath seene your Treason and Rebellion your Acts of Iniustice , Cruelty and Inhumanity , your Lying and Blasphemy , your profannesse and Sacriledge ( if your Divines have left you the apprehension of such a Sinne ( and by the way if they have , pray send me word what they meane by it ) they who have observed the ill Arts you have used to compasse things in themselves lawfull , and the wicked Arts you dayly use to compasse things unlawfull , and see that stones in the streets have not risen up against you , and fire from Heaven hath not consumed you , must say you tempted God so far , so insolently ▪ that less then a Miracle could not preserve you : ba●e me this one Miracle , and tell me if the hand of God hath not bin upon you , and pursued you from the first houre you entred into Rebellion , are you not fallen from your universall Interest and reputation with the people , to that degree of hatred , that they curse you to your face ? Are you not shrunke from the honour and reverence due to a Parliament , to the Imputation of a vile crowd of meane , guilty seditious persons ? Doe not your friends every day forsake you , and those persons of quality whom you mislead , with more bitternes fall from you , then your first Delinquents ? Are not your own Weapons turned upon you , and are not you afraid of those Petitioners , whom with so much skill and Industry you taught to Petition ? Is not your owne Army , raised and maintained by your selves , growne so undevoted to you , that some Commanders every day leave you , and others are committed by you for feare they will do so too ? Are you not brought to that strait as to feare a Mutiny for want of pay , and not to dare to pay for feare of a Disbanding ? Have you not by blood and Rapine , with the curses of all good men gotten the treasure of the Kingdome into your hands , and wasted it so that your wants are as notorious as your Crimes ? Lastly , are you not so iealous , so divided amongst your selves , that if your Army prevailed to morrow , you were as far from compassing your own ends , as when you began your desperate undertaking ; your principall Commanders being as far from their ends who conzened them into this Rebellion , as the prime Cavaliers in the Kings Army , excepting only their affection to the Kings Person . — There is the Miracle on your parts ; see now what God hath done for his Anointed ? Call back your memory to the 10. of Ianuary , look upon Him driven furiously from Whit-hall , with his Wife and Children , for feare of His life , whilest His owne Servants for their security durst not be neere him ; looke upon him at Hampton Court , scornfully accused of levying Warre against himselfe , and the Sheriffes and Constables appointed to disperse his Army ; Remember Him at Windsor without ordinary ; necessary support ; thinke of the 20th of Ianuary , when you would not vouchsafe to tell Him what you would have , requiring nothing but His submission to your Counsells : Remember Him at Yorke , and Beverly , after you had possessed your selves of all His Arms , Castles , Forts , Townes and ships , and seized upon all the Armes of the Kingdome , stopped His Rents , and incensed the people in all parts against Him ; Oh think upon Him at Nottingham when you would not vouchsafe to treat with Him , onely giving your great Generall power of receiving him to mercy , when you had reduced him to that condition , that He had neither Armes , Men , or Money , or knew as you thought where to have any , and this at a time when you had a want on flourishing Army of 10000 men within two dayes March of him to bring Him back to London , here is an Argument for a Miracle ; observe Him in a moment , as if Regiments fell from the Cloudes ▪ hasting his owne March to the place where he was expected without staying to be called upon at Shrewsbury , view Him at Edgehill , with a handfull of men ( and if they were more imagine how he got them ) finding out his formidable Army and dispersing them . Himself taking as much pains to save those who came to destroy him as others had done to seduce them ; Instead of being brought up by the Earle of Essex , as by the vote of both Houses He ought to have been See Him making his own way scattering those at Reading , and showing himselfe at Brainceford that if indeed He were so much desired at London and might be worthy●y received there they might have their wish . Beleeve it Sir , His Maiesty hath not so great a Iourney to the conquest of Spaine , as he had from Nottingham to Brainceford . If you cannot suddenly find how this Army was raised , enquire how it hath been kept together ; a fit of Loyalty and Affection , a litle dislike and indignation to see a good King ill used , might procure a present supply , but that this Army raised without Money , and Armed without weapons , should live and grow six moneths together , that no Souldiers should starve for want of Meat , or murmur for want of pay , that the King should have a Magazine , and you want Armes that the King should pay his Souldiers , and you have no Mony , is such an instance of the power and presence of the Almighty that if any such Argument were currant with you , your principall Members would no longer have tempted God in this Kingdome but have sought him in a strange Land . Improve all these instances by your own observations , and tell me sadly on whose side the Miracles have appeared . You would know my opinion what the Burgesse of D. should doe , and you tell me , his Honour will not suffer him too apparantly to recede from those with whom he hath kept so much company . I know not what Counsell to give you upon that principle , If his Honour and his Innocence have not a care of each other , neither can be safe ; Me thinks the King himself hath given you a rare pattern of Modesty in that point ; he did not satisfy himself with cōsenting to new laws , but acknowledged passed errors . Reparation is as soveraign a thing as bounty , and except there be this Ingenuity , Reformation can never be perfect ; you say he doubts what he hath done formerly will be more remembred then what he hath since done or shall doe for the future ; Hee is too blame , He hath not a generous nor a Christian mind , who thinks ill services may not bee throughly repaired by future duty . I am so farre from that opinion as though his mistakes have been of as ill consequence to the publike as most mens , I beleeve he hath so good an opportunity by some eminent service to repaire himselfe , that he may even lay an obligation of Gratitude upon the King , not only to forgive but reward his Affection . There is no such way to have what he now does , not valued as by Iustifiing what he hath done so contrary to this ; 't is no scandall to be deceived , lesse to confesse he was so . Let him take the same pain to oppose and suppresse unreasonable Persons as he doth to perswade others to consent to what himselfe thinks unreasonable , and the worke is done . As he hath a taske to doe somewhat that is noble , so he hath a faire game before him having done it . I know nothing of yours unanswered , you must give me leave hereafter not to beleive you , if you stumble any more at these strawes rather consider what he is to answere to God , the King , his Country and Posterity , that sits Idle without resisting the violence and indignity offered to all foure , that is content to see this pretious game of Religion , Liberty and Honour played at other mens Charges , and possibly in hazard of being lost for want of his assistance ; Consider whether you and the rest who first excercised the Militia in Gloucester-shire , & so discomposed the Government , and first taught the People a new obedience , have not to Answere for all the miseries , and pressures which have since befallen that poore Country . Let those who have contributed to the raising and maintaining of that Rebellious Army , think sadly , whether they are not guilty of all the blood-shed on either side , & in this Meditation that vertuous Lord , ( who had long since been starved but for the Kings meat , and bin naked , but for His clothes ) may find himselfe guilty of the murther of his Father ; Remember the blessed condition we were in 18 , Moneths since and be proud if you can of the State you have now brought us to Think of the firm stable happines our Auncestors enjoyed , and resolve there cannot be security but by the same Rule . 'T is not laying down Arms makes a Peace , but such a Vnion of affections , that neither party unpleasantly remembers the way to it . If King or People be enforced to give away that which properly belongs to them , it will produce rather rest then peace , and the memory therof will be so grievous to the loser , that perpetuall Iealousies and discontents will be between them : Insist upon your Rights ; let all doubts which may concern Religion , Libertie and Propertie be cleared and secured ; let Parliaments recover their good old Priviledges , these are all our Birthrights , and hath bin that which hath made the happines and freedom of the English Nation loved and envied through Christendome ; We will not part with a tittle of them , but when they shall be in danger , will ioyne with you in their defence . But let us rest here , press not the King to part with what properly helongs to Him , 't is our right to see that He enioyes His ; the houre that he growes lesse a King , we have lost a part of our freedome : if the power of Subiects be once inlarged , we are losers by it , and affect an Authority will destroy us . Do not think the Kings love of Peace can invite Him to part with the benefits of Peace ; what would the World think of him , if after the taking up Arms for the defence of his own , he should upon condition he might lay them down againe , part with that for the maintenance of which he took them up ? Would he not iustifie what hath bin done against him , if he yeelded that now , which if he had 8. months since all this confusion they will say might have bin prevented ; and will he not leave an excellent Encouragement to Posterity to tread in their Fathers steps , and to follow the example of their prosperous wickednesse ? Doe not think a Iewell plucked out of the Royall Diadem can keep its brightnesse and lustre in any other place ; 't is a losse to the Nation which cannot be repaired by an access of Power to private hands . If this be Reason ; Let not the folly and madnesse of other people make you quit it : Warre it selfe is not halfe so grievous , as the Iurisdiction of these men who would have you resigne your understanding to their fury and madnesse . Let them shift for themselves , and you shall quickly see what a contemptible People they will prove : Let Religion , Reason , Law Iustice and Honour be your guids ; the Kingdome will flourish , and we shall againe be happy in each other . From my Quarter , this 10. of April . 1613. FINIS . 
A43550	----	A second, but more perfect relation of the great victory obtained by Sir Ralph Hopton neare Bodmin, in the county of Cornwall, on thursday Ian. 19. ann. Dom. 1642. Together with his no lesse eminent successe at Saltash, the Sunday following being the 22th. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43550 of text R218913 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1733). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43550 Wing H1733 ESTC R218913 99830464 99830464 34916 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43550) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 34916) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2091:25) A second, but more perfect relation of the great victory obtained by Sir Ralph Hopton neare Bodmin, in the county of Cornwall, on thursday Ian. 19. ann. Dom. 1642. Together with his no lesse eminent successe at Saltash, the Sunday following being the 22th. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. True and briefe relation of the great victory obtained by Sir Ralph Hopton. T. B. [2], 4, [2] p. Printed by H. Hall for VV. VVebb, [Oxford] : M. DC. XLII. [1642, i.e. 1643] By Peter Heylyn. Place of printing from Madan; year of publication given according to Lady Day dating. Last leaf blank. A revised version of: Heylyn, Peter. A true and briefe relation of the great victory obtained by Sir Ralph Hopton. Includes a letter on p.4 signed: T.B. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. eng Hopton, Ralph Hopton, -- Baron, 1598-1652 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A43550 R218913 (Wing H1733). civilwar no A second, but more perfect relation of the great victory obtained by Sir Ralph Hopton, neare Bodmin, in the county of Cornwall, on thursday Heylyn, Peter 1643 1195 4 0 0 0 0 0 33 C The rate of 33 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SECOND , But more Perfect RELATION OF The great Victory obtained by Sir RALPH HOPTON , neare Bodmin , in the County of Cornwall , on thursday Ian. 19. Ann. Dom. 1642. Together with his no lesse eminent successe at Saltash , the Sunday following being the 22th . Printed by H. Hall for W. Webb . M.DC.XLII . A second , but more perfect Relation of the great Victory obtained by Sir RALPH HOPTON . UPon the 18 of Ianuary being Wednesday , His Majesties forces in Cornwall drew out of Bodmin with a resolution to fall upon the enemy in Lescand . That night they lay abroad in Boconnocke parke ▪ the next morning as they were advancing towards the Towne , the enemy leaving that advantage , which the dangerous and difficult avenues unto the place through deepe and narrow lanes did give them , came forth into the field . They were about 20 foot Colours , and betweene 4 and 500 horse . They faced us at Hilsborough , themselves being planted upon a little hill encompased with a Bogge . There were but two passages ( and those but wide enough to receive ten or twelve men in breast ) over it . His Majesties Army tooke no feare for all that , their joy to see their enemy , above either their expectation or their hope fairely in the field , drowning all apprehensions of that disadvantage , wherefore after prayers upon the place ( which the Rebels , as was afterwards confessed by the prisoners , scoffingly termed masse ) we advanced boldly forwards . Ere wee came neare them , they gave us two or three volees in vaine , hurt none of us : but so soone as we were got within distance of them , and had saluted them with one volee , they turned about and fled , Our soldiers were eager to pursue thē . but by the industrie of their Commaunders , were kept still in good order . This providence diverted a mischeife from us , which ▪ as it seemes , the enemie had intended us . For on a suddaine the whole body of their horse turn'd backe upon us . But finding us in our rankes , and unbroken , they utterly lost their courage , and ran away , as if some tempest had driven them , even over their owne men ▪ The soldiers br●ke now forth with all violence into the chase ( they could not any longer be possibly withheld ) we followed it at least five miles , even to the townes end . There we were a litttle stayed by a volee , which a company of the enemies , that had not that day marched forth , gave us from their barricadoes . It did noe hurt ; onely shot a horse of Captaine Digbies through the legg . The volee ended , they all ran presently away ; and we enterd the Towne . Wee found there good store of Ammunition , and five excellent brasse gunnes , and one iron . This day there were slaine in the pursuit 200 of the Rebells and 700 we tooke prisoners ; among them Sir Shilston Colmadee ; and 8 colours ; and all this with the losse but of one common souldier , what became of the rest of their colours we know not , but for certaine they brought backe onely one into the Towne . The next day , which was Friday , we rested there . On Saturday wee advanced yet farther Eastward . In the meane while a fresh regiment of the Earle of Stamford under the command of Lieutenant Colonell Colmadee had entred Launcestan ; but upon our approach that way fled thence to Plymouth . This evening the one halfe of our Army was quartered about Calstecke and Cutteale ; the other marched with Sir Ralph Hopton towards Saltash , where the enemy had rallyed and made head against us . On the morrow about 4 in the evening Sir Ralph assaulted the Towne . Ruthen , Crocher , Strode , Pyne , and divers others of the enemies Chiefes were there . and they had 10 peeces of ordinance with them . 3 howres they held out ; but at last we forced the place ( lost but one man in this service ) seized on their artillery , and so dispers'd the very men themselves , that they could have but little time , lesse opportunity to escape . yet it being darke , wee could not for the present know either how many of them , or whom we had taken . the morning was likely to yeild some better account of them , but this Relator was dispatch'd for Oxford before it was day . Ere he came away , one boate full of them putting over for Plymmouth , suncke in the passage . perhaps there were of their Chiefes in that . As he passed Devon , he heard it every where , it was almost every mans discourse , how that Ruthen himselfe and Stroud and the rest had miscarried in the businesse . Neither of these successes did the Kings Commanders attribute to their owne strength or policy . they gave the glory to him , whose worke alone it was , causing a Chaplaine of the Army to draw a forme of thankes-giving , to goe throughout Cornwall for those great deliverances . Since this Relaters arrivall at Oxford , His Majestie hath received a more full information of Sir Ralph Hoptons successe at Saltash where hee hath taken ( besides those 10 peices of ordinance allready mentioned ) 700 prisoners more , and armes for 4000 men , and a shippe with 16 peeces of ordinance in it , formerly brought up to batter the Towne . It pleasing God , contrary to their expectation , to give it up a prey to that power , which it came thither to suppresse . FINIS . February 3. 1642. SIR , HAving newly entred Cyrencester , I thought good to impart some passages of our siege and entertainment there , but time will not permit a full Relation ; wherefore I here give you onely a briefe , which is as followeth : viz. slaine and wounded of the Kings Forces seven and thirty slain and wounded of the Rebels foure hundred ninety seven ; Taken Colonell Fetiplace , Governour of the Towne ; Lieutenant Colonell Carre , Sergeant Major Ashton , and one George a Parliament man : sixe peeces of Canon , and all their Gunners ; two thousand Armes , one thousand Prisoners , and the Towne Plundered , which their owne base behaviour was the cause of ; for after we entred the Town they shot out of their windowes at us , and killed one of our men : what favour such desperate Rebels deserve , let all the world judge . Your friend T. B. 
A43544	----	A letter to a gentleman of Leicester-shire shewing, out of the publique writings which have passed betwixt His Majestie and his two Houses of Parliament : that all the overtures which have beene made for peace and accommodation have proceeded from His Majesty only and that the unsucessefulnesse of the late treatie is not to be imputed to His Majesty but to them alone. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43544 of text R30781 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1725A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 77 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43544 Wing H1725A ESTC R30781 11470503 ocm 11470503 47813 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43544) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 47813) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1463:31) A letter to a gentleman of Leicester-shire shewing, out of the publique writings which have passed betwixt His Majestie and his two Houses of Parliament : that all the overtures which have beene made for peace and accommodation have proceeded from His Majesty only and that the unsucessefulnesse of the late treatie is not to be imputed to His Majesty but to them alone. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 22, [2], 23 p. s.n.], [S.l. : MDCXLII [1643] Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A43544 R30781 (Wing H1725A). civilwar no A letter to a gentleman of Leicester-shire, shewing, out of the publique writings which have passed betwixt His Majestie, and his two Houses Heylyn, Peter 1643 13719 263 0 0 0 2 0 206 F The rate of 206 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-09 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-09 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER To a Gentleman of LEICESTER-SHIRE , Shewing , Out of the publique writings which have passed betwixt His MAJESTIE , and His two Houses of PARLIAMENT : That , All the Overtures , which have beene made for Peace and Accommodation have proceeded from His MAJESTY onely . And , That the unsuccessefulnesse of the late TREATIE is not to be imputed to His Majesty , but to them alone . Printed in the Yeere M. DC . XLIII . A Letter to a Gentleman of Leicestershire , shewing that all the overtures which have beene made for Peace and Accommodation , proceeded from His Majeie onely ; and that the unsuccessefulnesse of the late Treaty , is not to be imputed to His Majestie , but to the two Houses of Parliament . SIR , ACcording unto your importuuate desires of being made acquainted with the passages and successe of the late Treaty betwixt His Majestie and His two Houses of Parliament , I did from time to time advertise you , as farre as I was able to discover the proceedings of it , both what was done , and what was like to be the issue . And because I found some strong impressions in you , that if the Treaty came not to a fortunate end , and that some manifest were not published in His Majesties name , to satisfie the Subject in the carriage of it , the blame thereof was likely to be cast upon His Majesty , as if he had no thoughts nor intents of Peace : I sent you the Collection of all the particular papers that passed between His Majesty and the Committee here at Oxford , assoone as it came off the Presse , wherein my care to give you satisfaction was so great & urgent , that I would not stay the comming of the common Foot-post . But contrary to my expectation you write backe , that you are not satisfied with the sight thereof ; that you poore Country Gentlemen ( as you please to say ) are not so nimble-witted as to discover the result of those debates , or the conclusions issuing from those premises , except it be more plainly laid down before you ; all that the common sort of people will be little edified with this bare collection , unlesse some application of the point be brought home unto them . In which respects you have expressed a vehement desire to see somewhat published , agreeable to the cap●…cities of the good people in the Countries , who may be otherwise 〈◊〉 with some false opinions of the aversenesse of the Court from all peaceable Counsailes , and by the subtle practices of malicious men , may be seduced to a beliefe , th●…t His Maj●…stie on●…ly is in fault , wh●… the same Treaty came to no better end . And thi●… , you say , the ordinary sort of people may be brought to give c●…dence to , as having a long time been perswaded by the Emissaries of the adverse faction , that all the overtures which have beene made for a Pacification , proceeded originally from the Parliament ; that they have often pressed to obtaine this Treaty , before His Majestie could be induced to give eare unto it ; and th●…refore that in probability His Majestie being found so difficult from time to time , in giving way unto the Treaty , the unsuccessfulnesse thereof will be charged on him . The undeceiving of the people in these particulars you say would be good service to His Majestie , and I thinke so too ; and therefore could have wished , and doe wish so still , you had exact●… 〈◊〉 accompt thereof from a better hand . But being you are 〈◊〉 to impose this taske upon me , and that you will not otherwise be satisfied then by my conformity to your commands ; I shall herein apply my selfe unto your desires , as having been trained up by you from my youth in the Schoole of Obedienc●… , and taught betimes , that for a man to dedicate and devote himselfe to his own humours and reservednesse , was but the sacrifice of ●…ooles . In the performance of which undertaking I shal say little of mine own , but onely lay together such materiall Passages , as I have noted in the severall writings which have passed betwixt His Majestie and His two Houses of Parliament , keeping my selfe ( as neare as possibly I can ) to the very language and expressions of those writings ; that my discou●…se may gaine more credit and authority both with you and others . 2. And first whereas you s●…y the Emissaries or Messengers of the adverse faction doe per●…wade the 〈◊〉 , that all the overtures which have beene made for a Pacification , 〈◊〉 originally from the 〈◊〉 ; though nothing 〈◊〉 more true then that the Subjects of this Kingdome have beene so perswaded , yet nothing is more impudently false , then that which those malicious instruments of the publike ruine doe perswade them to . For after the first open breach was made betwixt His Majestie and His two Houses of Parliament , upon occasion of His Majesties comming to the House of Commons on the fourth of Jan. 1641. how studious was His Majesty to make it up ? how many plaisters did He apply to salve that sore ? how many 〈◊〉 did He send to take off the offence which was raised about it ? not onely waving His proceedings in that way , out of a desire of giving satisfaction to all men in all matters that might seeme to have relation unto the priviledges of Parliament , a and signifying that in His proceedings against the Lord Kimbolton and the five 〈◊〉 , He had never the least intention of violating the least Priviledge of Parliament , and that in case any doubt of breach of Priviledges did remain , He would be willing to cleere that , and assert those by any reasonable way that his Parliament should advise Him to b : but offering wholly to desert any prosecution of the accused members of either House , and to grant as free and generall a Pardon , for the full contentment of all His loving Subjects , as by the approbation of both Houses of Parliament should bee thought convenient , for the better composing and setling of all Feares and Jealousies of what sort soever c . Nay , He descended at the last to acknowledge ( upon the in●…ormation since given Him ) an apparent breach of Priviledge , and to pro●…esse withall , His readinesse to repair●… the same for the future , by any Act that should be desired of His Majestie d ; declaring plainly and ingeniously the reasons which induced Him to go in person at that timé to the House of Commons e . Insomuch , That if the breach of priviledge had been greater then had ever before been offered to both or ●…ither of the Houses ; His 〈◊〉 acknowledgement and retractation hath bin greater also , ( as his Majesty very well observeth ) then ever King gave unto His Subjects f . Yet all this condescension of His Majesti , in the acknowledging of His mistake , ( though in a matter of forme onely ) and offering to repaire the same in such a way as the House should prescribe unto Him , was so farre from satisfying , that His proceeding in that bu●…nesse , hath beene and is still charged upon him for so great a crime , as if he had thereby forfeited all duty , credit , and allegiance , which was due to him from his people g . 3. More then this yet . His Maj●…sty perceiving that this infortunate breach produced many other dangerous inconveniences , besides debates and disputations concerning priviledges ; and that whilest so much time was taken up in those debates and disputations , many distractions did arise , which could not but occasion a generall mischiefe to the whole governement of this His Realme : resolved , as one most chief●…ly interessed , so by many reasons most obliged , to doe what in him lay for preventing of it h . And he might justly have expected ( as most proper for the dutie of Subjects ) that propositions for the remedie of those evils ought rather to c●…me to him , then from him : yet such was bis fatherly care of all his people , that he chose rather to lay by particular respects of his own dignity , then that any time shouldbe lost in a matter of so great importance . In which respect His Majesty thought fit to propound unto them , that they would fall with all speed into a serious consideration , of all those particulars which they should hold necessary , as well for the upholding and maintaining of His Majysties just and Legall authority , and for the setling of his Revenue , as for the present and future establishing of their Priviledges , the free and quiet enjoying of their estates and fortunes , the liberty of their persons , the security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England , and the setling of Ceremonies in such a manner as may take away al just offence : wherein His Majesty professed His Maj●…sty to equall and exceede the greatest examples of the most indulgent Princes in their Acts of grace and favour unto their people k . Nor was this for a fit or a moment onely ; but constantly pursued and pressed in severall Messages , Answers , Declarations , as the most certain meanes of setling the distractions of this wretched Kingdome , as viz. in His Majesties Answer to the two Houses concerning the Militia . Feb. 28. 1641. His Majesties Speech to the Committee , March . 9. 1641. His Majesties Message to both Houses sent from Huntingdon , Mar. 15. 1641. His Majesties Answer to the Petition of both Houses . March . 26. 1642. His Answer to the inhabitants of Yorkeshire April 7. 1641 and in His Answer to the Declaration of both Houses May 4. 1642. not to descend to more particulars . And to say truth , we need not looke on more particulars fo●… this point and purpose ; His Majestie pressing it so often ( though still in vaine ) that at the last it was declared by both Houses ( though at the first they did returne most humble thankes unto His Majestie for that gracious message ; ) that as often as the Message of the 20 of Jan. had beene pressed upon them , so often had their priviledges beene clearely infringed in that away and method of proceeding was proscribed unto them m . Which said , it was high time 〈◊〉 for His sacred Majestie to desist from pressing those faire overtures for accommodation , which he before had made unto them , for feare lest out of a d●…sire of giving satisfaction for one breach of priviledges , he might unknowingly infringe so many of them , and that in so unpardonable a degree as could admit no satisfaction , how much soever hee did desire to give it . You see then that the Overtures for a Pacification came not Originally from the Parliament ; nay you see the contrary . Those Overtures proceeded from His Majestie , and from him alone ; and were no 〈◊〉 made to the two Hous●…s of Paliament , then rejected by them . 4. The second thing suggested to the poore ignorant people is , That when His Majestie was in Armes , His houses often prest for a Treaty before they could obtaine it . When indeed ( without mentioning how they Leavied forces first , and so made His Majestie onely defensive ) either their strength was so great , or their indisposition to peace so prevalent with them , that when His Majesty first offered a Treaty , it produced him onely such an answer as might expose him to scorne and pity ; witnesse His Majesties gracious Message sent from Nottingham ( where first his standard was advanced ) Aug. 25. 1642. in which His Majesty desired , that some fit persons might be by them inabled to treat with the like number authorized by them , in such a manner a●…d with such freedome of debate , as might best tend to the peace of the kingdome , together with his promise to remove all possible scruples which might hinder the Treaty , so much desired by His Majestie in taking down His Standard , & calling in such Proclamations & Declarations 〈◊〉 were excepted against by the said two Houses , on the same day which they should nominate and appoint for the revoking of their Declarations , in which His Majesties faithful servants were 〈◊〉 Traitors for adhering to him n . And though His Majestie expressed in His said Message , As by the sequel is since manifested , that nothing but his Christian and pious care to prevent the effusion of bloud had begot that motion , his provision of men , Arms , and money , being such as might secure him from their violence , till it pleased God to open the eies of his people o . Yet so averse were they from consenting to it , so inconsiderable did they thinke His Majesty , and themselves so formidable that no Treatie was to be obtained unlesse he would denude himself of all force raised to defend his person from a visible strength marching against him in the field , admit those persons to be Traitors to him , who had appeared in his defence p , and put himself wholly into their power who by their former practices had declared sufficiently their good affections to , and intentions towards him ; His Majesties comming back unto His Parliament without his forces , and his presence there in that his great Councell , being avowed to be the onely means of any Treatie betwixt His Majestie and them , with hope of successeq . Never did Prince descend so low as to desire and presse a Treatie with his owne Subjects ; never did Subjects so reject the pious motions , and Christian condescensions of a gracious Prince . At last about the end of Sept. when His Majesty was at Shrewsburie , and the Earle of Essex the Generall of the Forces levied against His Majestie at Worcester , a Counsellour of His Majesty was advertised by Letter from the said Earle there was a Message to be delivered His Majesty from His Parliament : which His Majesty by him answered he was ready to heare , So it were brought by any person that he had not declared a Traitor ; His Majesty having then declared few or none but the Earle of Essex , and such as were in Armes under his Command against him . But after this answer ( surely sufficiently gracious ) so little true affection had they to peace , that that Message was stifled , and untill His Majesty had given their supposed invincible Army that great defeat at Edgehill , and taken 〈◊〉 which they went to relieve , and advanc'd with his Army towards London as farre as Reading , he never understood his two Houses intended to 〈◊〉 to him . There he understood his Castle of Wind or , where he meant to lodge , His own Pallace , was 〈◊〉 against him : yet neither his own good and prosperous successes , nor the Injuries done unto him , made him refuse the intended Message from his two Houses of Parliament . But he gave his safe conduct for their Committee , who met him at 〈◊〉 , and presented him a Petition . 5. That a Committee from both Houses might attend His Majestie with some Propositions for the removall of those bloudy distempers , and distractions , and setling the 〈◊〉 of the Kingdom r . What Answer made his Majestie unto this proposall ? Did he require them to lay down their 〈◊〉 , raised for destruction of his Person , or to recall their Declarations and Remonstrances so full of bitternesse against his government ; or to repeal their many Ordinances so evidently 〈◊〉 of the Subjects Liberties ; or to adjourn the Parliament to some such place , which he should 〈◊〉 for his abode and habitation ? None of all these , nor any thing which looked that way , was required of them : His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto their desires without limitations or conditions , as by his 〈◊〉 Answer unto that Petition , doth at full appear . His 〈◊〉 had promised at a time , when all his offers and desires were 〈◊〉 by them , that whensoever they desired a Treaty of him , his Majesty 〈◊〉 remembring bloud was to be spilt in this unnaturall quarrell , would very cheerfully imbrace it s : and he resolved that no felicity , no change of fortune , should make him differ from himself , or change his purposes . And though that Proposition for a Treaty came to no effect , and probably was never really intended by them , as to moderate men might appear by the Earl of Essex his marching from London with many Ordnance towards his Majestie , the same day the Committee of the Houses were attending him , whereby his Majesty was to have him before him with the body of their 〈◊〉 , others at Acton on the one hand , and others at 〈◊〉 on the other hand ; and as if this were not enough that they were before him , and of each side , his own Pallace Windsor Castle was kept in the back of him by Captain Ven of London , & thus if his 〈◊〉 had not advanced to Brainceford , whereby he got 〈◊〉 : 〈◊〉 , a place to fight on , he had been pinned in at 〈◊〉 ' in a 〈◊〉 country , where he could have made no use of his Horse , and so 〈◊〉 probably come to have Treated concerning his owne Liberty or retreat , and not the peace of his 〈◊〉 ; for which he hath all this while as well as for his owne right fought : so then 〈◊〉 al the progresse of this businesse , fro the first taking up Arms , until the settling of the armies in their 〈◊〉 quarters ; the offers of a treaty have bin alwaies on his 〈◊〉 side , and the refusall on the Parliaments : save that sent unto him at Colebrook . And when that treaty was renewed , it was not done by them , nor on their 〈◊〉 , but meerly on the motion of his sacred Majesty , after he had long time , and in vain expected , they would apply themselves unto him for an 〈◊〉 ; nor broken off , when it was set on foot againe , either by the 〈◊〉 of his Majesties demands : or his unwillingnesse to yeild unto them in such points as could be reasonably desired for the good of his Subjects , but onely by the practise and perversnesse of some guilty persons of that side , who have no hope to scape the hand of publike justice , but by involving the whole Kingdom in a generall ruine . Which point if it be proved ( as I doubt not of it ) I hope the people will permit themselves to be disabused , and not impute the blame of these distempers to 〈◊〉 sacred Maiesty , who hath so graciously vouchsafed to try all fair meanes which might conduce unto the cure of a troubled state . 6. For proofe of this , I would first have you cast your eye on that space of time , which was between his Maiesties retreat from Brainceford , and the coming of their first Committee to the Court at Oxford ; being from the 13. of November to the first of February , no lesse then eleven weeks , and somewhat upwards . In 〈◊〉 which time they could not spare themselves so much 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 to send a single message to his Majestie by 〈◊〉 one of their owne members , but entertained themselves in studying new 〈◊〉 & devises to raise monies , or in undoing those who did not willingly submit to their impositions : and when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the City of London to be so generaly disposed to more moderate counsells , that unlesse some Propositions were prepared to be presented to 〈◊〉 Majestie , they were in danger of loosing all that power and 〈◊〉 which they had amongst them ; they were resolved to stand upon such Termes with their Lord and Soveraign , that if they could obtain them , would confirme their power , or if 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 yet preserve the belief of the poor simple people , 〈◊〉 they endeavoured peace . So that at last , upon these hopes and considerations , some Propositions are presented to his Majestie by the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Northumberland , and others appointed by both Houses to attend that service ; in number fewer , in substance very little different from those nineteen , which they had sent unto his Majestie when he was at York . And what were they presented for ? to be considered of between the parties in such a manner , and with such freedom of debate , as might best tend to the establishment of a generall peace throughout the Kingdom , according to his Majesties desire and purpose formerly expressed ? Not so , they were too stout to descend so low , but that his Majesty would graciously accept and grant those their desires and ●…ons ; which 〈◊〉 and performed , 〈◊〉 would then endeavour that His Majestie and all His people might enjoy the 〈◊〉 of peace , truth , and justice a . Here was no motion for a Treaty , nothing at all which looked that way , but onely a commending to him of their own desires , which could not be denyed but with the certain losse of truth , peace , and justice : and those too 〈◊〉 in with a Preamble , so full of 〈◊〉 charges , bitter invectives and reproaches against his Majestie , that if His 〈◊〉 had not given up all the faculties of his soul to an earnest endeavour of peace and reconciliation with his people b , it might have utterly discouraged him frō 〈◊〉 further . And although 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Propositions presented to him , were very 〈◊〉 from & 〈◊〉 to his just power and 〈◊〉 , and no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sub●… , or due unto them by the Laws 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 so ●…sirous was his 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 all the miseries which this Kingdom 〈◊〉 , by an 〈◊〉 peace , that he was 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 time and place should be agreed upon 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as his Majestie and both Houses 〈◊〉 appoint , 〈◊〉 for the discussing of the Propositions recommended to him , as to debate upon some others , which his Majestie thought fit , on his part , to propose to them c . Which earnest and affectionate desire of his Sacred Majestie , as it begat the following Treaty , which could 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shame refused , when so 〈◊〉 offered : so it had bee●…e as che●…rfully entertained , and followed by them with as re●…ll and religious purposes as it was propo●…ed , a speedy and a blessed peace had been accomplished d before this time . And it is worth your observation , that howsoever the Propositions sent unto his Maj●…sty , were such as are before described , to have no being or foundation in the Laws established ; and more then so , to be d●…rogatory and destructive of a Regall power : yet of a goodnesse so singular was his Sacred Majesty , as to put his own known Legall and undoubted rights into the self same balance with them , to be debated , and discussed and concluded on with their ●…xorbitant demands . 7. This gracious offer of his Majesties being made known unto the Houses within three dayes after , could not be honoured with an Answer till the last of February . In all which time they had advanced no further then to yield to this , that there should be a Treaty to begin on the fourth of March , but to continue for no longer time then for 20 dayes : in which treaty so much of his Majesties Proposition as concerneth the Magazines , Forts , and Ships , and the Proposition of both Houses for the disbanding of the Armies , should be first treated of , and concluded on , before they did proce●…d to treat upon any of the other Propositions e . Where you may note , first to how short a time they restrained his Majesty , allowing but 20 dayes in all from the beginning of the Treaty , for the discussing and debate of 20 generall Propositions ( that is to sa●… , six of his 〈◊〉 Majesties , and 14 of their own ) many of which were subdivided into many branches and particulars : & secondly , that though they had seized on all his Majesties revenues , under pretence to see it husbanded , and expended for the publick good , yet they had so converted it to their own private uses , that that part of the Proposition must not come in question ( though afterwards on further councell and advice , they gave way unto it . ) Well then , this being thus resolved on , after some Messages to and fro , touching the qu●…lity of the Cessation , so much ( but 〈◊〉 in vain ) desi●…ed by his sacred Majestie , at last , though long first , not till the 21. of March , came their Committee to the Court : and then too with a Commission so limited , and circumscribed by private and particular Instructions , that they had not power so much as to explicate the termes , or agree in the wording of expressions f , without dispatching a fresh Post to consult the Oracle . And here you might take notice also , that though his Majesty desired that a Cessation might bee granted during the Treaty , and free Trade over all the Kingdom during the Cessation g , & that al matters touching the Cessation might b●… setled here by their Committee h , yet none of these could be obtained ; the two last being absolutely denied & the first clogged with such conditions , as made it utterly unusefull to his Majesty , and His loyall ●…ubjects . But being this businesse of the Cessation , was onely moved by his Majesty in order to the Propositions , as a preparation expedient to advance the Treaty , and was no part of the ●…ubstance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; I shall passe it by , observing only by the way , that thoug●… His 〈◊〉 de●…lared , that he desired the Cessation more for the ease and liberty of his Subjects , then for his owne dignity and 〈◊〉 i , and was content that the desired freedome of comm●…rce , should be restrained in matters which concerned him●…elf , the Officers and Souldiers of His Army ; yet it would not be . For after no small time spent in disputes about it , betwixt His Majestje and the Committee , and that his Majesty had so fully answered the reasons of th●… Lords and Commons , which moved them not to agree unto the Articles of Cessation offered by his Majesty l , that they were able to make no reply at al unto it : immediatly , on the receipt thereof , they sent down present order unto their Committee , not to cons●…me any more of the time allowed for the Treaty , in any further debates upon the Cessation m . 8. Next for the Propositions which were treated on , I would have you know , that when the Committee first came to Oxford , they had no power to enter into any Treaty concerning the other Propositions , before the Articles of the Cessation agreed on by the Lords and Commons were assented to n . Which seemes to be a pretty riddle , that first the Articles of the Cessation must be yeilded to , before their Propositions were to come in Treaty : yet w●…en ●…hey found themselves put to it by His ●…ajesties Answer , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Cessation must be laid aside , that so 〈◊〉 time might be allowed fo●… the Propositions . But to go on , His Ma●… being willing to treat however ( even without a Cessation ) u●…on the Propositions made of each side , and in that Order which 〈◊〉 had agreed upon , with much ado , and after severall 〈◊〉 , obtained ●…o much of the two Hou●…es , that their Com●… here might be inabled to that effect o . Which being obtained for the two first Propositions , and no further , although his Maj●…stie could not without a notable disadvantage disband His Army raised with so much difficulty , on the meer gaining of his Revenue , Forts , Ships , and Magazines , ( which with his coming to the Parliament , was the substance of the two first Proposition ) considering how easie it was for them to repossesse themselves of the same again , when they saw occasion : yet he resolved to proceed . And knowing that the sight of those Instructions which had been given to the Committee would much facilitate the businesse , and bring it to some issue with farre lesse expence of time , then could be otherwise expected ; His Majestie desired to have a Copie of them , or at the least a sight thereof , but could be gratified in neither : answer being made , that they were enjoyned not to discover or shew their Instructions , or to give any Copy of them ; which they forbore to do till they had given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole substance thereof in their severall papers ) p yet on the other side , when the Committee moved his 〈◊〉 to give them leave to repair unto him for further satisfaction upon any doubts which should arise amongst them , in any of those Pa●…rs which they either had , or should receive from his Mai●…stie , b●…fore such time as th●…y transmitted them to both Houses of 〈◊〉 : His 〈◊〉 most graciously condiscended to it at the first 〈◊〉 q . Which shews in my opinion , a remarkable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of his Majesties purposes , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the others in their dealing with him . 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the branches of the Propositions , as they 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we meet with , doth concern his Majesties 〈◊〉 : Of 〈◊〉 , although they had so totally deprived his 〈◊〉 ( even to the 〈◊〉 away of money out of his Exch●…quer , and the 〈◊〉 r 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 had not wherewith to subsist in the cond●…on of a private Gen●…leman ; yet they had confidence enough 〈◊〉 tell him , that they had received a very small proportion of it , which for the most part was imployed in the maintenance of His Majesties children s . But the next thing worthy of yo●…r observation , is with what readinesse and facility his 〈◊〉 was content to rest upon the promise of these his Majesti●…s two Houses of Parliament , to satisfie Him for those summes which remained due t : as also for leaving the same unto His Mai●…stie for the time to come , in the same way wherein it was before the beginning of these troubles u ; considering the power they claim of making and revoking Ordinances , as they see occasion , and with what specious shadows of 〈◊〉 they may impose so●…e new restraints and interruptions on the same , as often as they have a minde to create new Jealousies . And you may please to know withall , that this refunding of such summes as they had received out of his Maj●…sties 〈◊〉 , came not without a clogge upon it : it being to be done but upon condition ( for ought the Committee a had to say unto the contrary ) that His Maiestie would restore what had been taken for his own use , upon any of the Bills assigned to other purposes by Act of Parliament , or out of the provision made for the War in Ireland b . It 's true , somewhat He received for his own houshold out of the Customes , for the maintenance of this and Robes , above 12. moneths since , and they know a great part of this came out of his own Customes of Inheritance : And that to his Fathers houshold ( even by Act of Parliament ) much thereof was assigned , so with the knowledge of this Parliament continued to him . But herein ( as in other things ) they shewed a notable piece of cunning , to abuse the people , in making them beleeve that the many sums of money levied on the Subject , for the necessary service of this Kingdom , or the War in Ireland , had been converted by his Majestie to his proper use . Whereas they knew exceeding well , His Maiestie had received very little , or indeed nothing in that way c ; ( the monies levied on those Acts being paid , and to be paid , to Treasurers of their own appointing ) : and could not but as well remember , that they had seized upon 100000 l. at once of those publike monies , which had been●… paid by the Adventurers for the War of Ireland , and by the Act of Parliament was not to be imployed in any other purpose whatsoever , then the reducing of those R●…bels , to be expended in a most unnaturall Warre against his Maiestie d . And yet such was his Sacred Majesties desire , to give all possible contentment to his said two Houses , that He declared his willingnesse to restore all monies which had been taken by his Maiestie , or by Authority from him , on any Bills assigned unto other purposes e ; without requiring or expecting the like from them . So that the first point ( that of the Revenue ) was soon agreed betwixt his Mai●…stie and the Committee ; his Maj●…stie being willing to connive at some things , and consent to any thing ( within the verge of their demands ) which might conduce to bring it to speedy issue . 10. Touching the M●…gazines , Forts , and Ships , there are some things to be observed , wh●…ch do relate to ●…ll in common ; and some which are to be considered with reference to each branch in severall . Offer was made by the Committee , that all the Armes and Ammunition which h●…d b●…ene taken our of his Majesties Magazines , and was remaining in the ha●…ds of both House●… of Parliament , should be delivered into His Majesti●…s Stores ; that which was wanting of the same , to be supply●…d in kinde in convenient time f To this His Majestie vouchsafed a gracious & free consent , desired not the performance of it , untill the Treaty was concluded and agreed upon g ; declared the place of Store to which his Armes and Ammunition sho●…ld be 〈◊〉 , to be no other then the usuall place , even the Tower of London h ; and promised to restore all Armes and Ammunition which had beene taken for His Majesti●…s use ( his own at that time being taken from him ) from any of the Counties , Towns , or Cities , in this his Realme , expecting onely ( but not conditioning with them , as they did with Him ) that they should do the like for all the Armes and Ammunition which had been tak●…n for the use of their Armies , under the command of the Earl of Essex i . Hitherto all things were agreed on , and with much facility . The difference was , that they desired the publike Magazines might be committed to such persons of His Majesties naming , as the two Houses should confide in k : which is no more nor lesse , then to keep them still in their owne power , at their owne disposing ; or at the best to shift it out of one hand into another . For we know well enough , that their confiding men are such as are resolved on all occ●…sions , to serve their turns against His Maj●…stie , or else to be discharged without ●…urther confidence . And this they did so pertinacio●…sly adhere unto , that though His Majestie declared that the said Magazines should be committed to , and continued in the cus●…ody of the sworne Officers ( some of the which had beene by them commended to His ●…acred Majestie ) unto who●…e pl●…ce it b●…long'd l , and who had Patents of those places m . which His 〈◊〉 in Law and Iustice could not take away : and that if any of those Officers had committed , or should commit any misd●…meanour , to make them unworthy of that trust , His Majesty would by no means d●…fend th●…m from the Iustic●… of Law n : yet that would not satisfie . They must have all committed to such hands as they might confide in : and were so farre from guiding their aff●…ctions by Law and Iustice , and so much discontented with his ●…ajesties Answer , that they would neither offer any ●…xceptions against the persons now in Office , nor render any reasons of their dislike , although His Majesty seemed twice to require it of them o . 11. So also for the other branch touching the Forts , Port-Townes , and Garrisons , it was agreed on ea●…ly on both sides , that all the Fortifications which had been raised since the beginning of these troubles should be sleighted , and all the ●…arrisons which had been newly placed in any of his Maj●…sties Townes , F●…rts , and Castles , should be removed , and the said Castl●…s , Townes , and Forts , reduced into such condition , as the●… were in An. 1636. But in this point the difference was wider then in that before : For here the Houses did not onely require of His ●…acred Maj●…stie to put the 〈◊〉 , Forts , and Towns , into such hands as they might 〈◊〉 in , and that the keeping of the Cinque-Ports , and all the members of the same , should be disposed of also in the same manner : but that the 〈◊〉 of the Cinque-Ports , and all Gov●…rnours and Command●…rs of Towns . Castles , and Forts should so k●…p t●… sa●… , as not to admit into any of them any forreigne Forc●…s , or any oth●…r Forces raised without his Maiesties authority , and consent of the two Hou●…es of Parliament , but to use their utmost endeavours to suppr●…sse all Forces whatsoever , raised without such authority and consent , and to seize all Arms and Ammunition w●…ich are provided for such Forces p . And they have yet a further demand , wherein they crave , that none of the new Garrisons shall be renewed , nor their Fortifications repaired , without consent of his Maiestie , and both Houses of Parliament q . 12. Such being their demands , we must next see the reasonablenesse and Justice of his Majesties Answers , that all good people may perceive how little reason the two Houses had to remain unsatisfied , had they intended nothing but the good of the Subiects , and the preservation of the Laws , to which they seeme in all their actions and proceedings to be so zealously affected . Onely I shall desire you to take notice , first , with what a royall cleernesse his Majestie proceeded in all this businesse , in that ( considering the great and manifold extremities he had beene brought unto by this Rebellion ) he was so readily content to remove all Garrisons , to sleight all Works and Fortifications raised for his defence r , and totally to cast himself into the armes of his Subjects , many of which have sh●…wn themselves so easie to be wrought upon by treasonable and seditious Councells , This said , you may observe his Majesties Answer to the point of confidence , to be like that before in the other branch , viz. That He would put his Towns , Forts , and Castles , both now and for the time to come , into the hands of such persons , against whom no just exception can be made , and would remove them also at what time soever any iust cause or reason should be given for it s . And for the Cinque-ports and the members of it ; that they were already in the custody of a noble person , who had so legall an interest therein , that his Maiestie in iustice could not put him out from it ; till some suffici●…nt cause be made to appear unto him ; which whensoever it appeared , His Maiestie was willing they should proceed against him according to the rules of Justice t . Now as his Majestie builds this part of his Answer upon the common principles of Justice , which would have no man punished but for some offence , nor dispossessed of his estate but for some d●…liquency ; and the fi●…st part thereof , the nominating of Commanders to His Townes and Forts on that legall right which was inherent in His Majesty , and had beene formerly enioyed by all His Royall Progenitors u : so doth He build His Answer to their other demands , on the Lawes and Statutes of the Kingdom . For He declar●…th His consent , that the Governours and Commanders of His Townes , Forts , and Castles , should not admit into any of them any forreigne Forces , or other Forces , which were either raised within the Realme , or brought into it contrary to the Lawes established , but should use their utmost endeavour to suppresse all such Forces , and seize all Armes and Ammunition , which by the Lawes & Statutes of the Kingdom they ought to seize a . And to the last demand , that ●…o new Garison shall be renewed , nor their Fortifications repaired , otherwise then by the Lawes and Statutes of the Kingdome they ought to be b . 13. Before I passe to any observations upon this Answer , or rather on the Exceptions of the two Houses of Parliament against the same , I shall proc●…ed on to the other branch , that about the Ships ; the Answer and exceptions being much the same . It was propounded or resolved rather by the Houses , that the ships should be delivered into the hands of such a noble person , as His Maiestie should nominate to be Lord high Admirall of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in , who was to have his Office by letters Patents , quam diu se bene gesserit ; and to have power to nominate and appoint all inferiour Officers , which Ships he shall employ for the defence of the Kingdome , against all forreigne forces whatsoever , and for the safe guard of Merchants , the securing of Trade , the guarding of Ireland , and the intercepting of supplies to be carried to the Rebells , and shall use his utmost endeavours to suppresse all forces which shall be raised by any person without your Maiesties authority , and consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , and shall seize all Armes and Ammunition provided for supply of any such forces c . Where note , as in the branch before , how cunningly they change the term●…s of the Proposition . His Majestie expounded that His Revenue , Magazines , Townes , Forts , and Ships , which have beene taken on kept from him by force , might bee forthwith restored unto Him d . They return answer , that the said 〈◊〉 , Towns , and Forts , shall be d●…livered up into the hands of such persons of q●…lity and trust , to be nominat●…d by His Majestie e , and the 〈◊〉 Cinque-ports into the hands of such a noble person , as his Majesti should appoint to be Warden of them ; and the said Ships into the charge of such a nobl●… person as his Maiestie shall no●…inate , to be Lord high Admirall f : all of 〈◊〉 to be such , and 〈◊〉 well-affected 〈◊〉 the cause , as the two Houses of Parliament may confide in them g . It seems the Right and Property of the said Towns , Forts Castles , and Ships , belongeth legally to the two Houses of Parliament , and that who ever doth receive the charge , or keeping of them , must take them from their hands immediately , as the proper owners ; His Maj●…sty having no more Right or Interesse in any of them , then a power to nominate the party to be trusted with them , and that neither as they ●…logge and contrive the matter , whereof more anon . And this his 〈◊〉 observed when he made his answer to this part of the demand fore-going : requiring , that his own Ships be forthwith d●…livered to him , as by the Law they ought to be : delivered to him , as his proper goods ; by him to be disposed of as his own , to such men of quality , as he conceived most worthy of so great a trust . 14. In other matters of his Answer , you may observe how cheerfully his Maj●…stie doth comply with his two Houses of Parliament , in all particulars which they thought fitting and convenient to propose unto him , touching the place , the power , and duty of a Lord high Admirall . Onely his ●…jesty desired , that that which was his own by Law , and contrary to the Law had been taken from him , should be fully restored unto him , without conditioning to impose any new Limitations on His Maiestie , or his Ministers , which were not formerly required from them by Law ; thinking it most unreasonable ( as indeed it was ) to be pressed to diminish his own Rights himself , because others had violated and usurp●…d them h . And when this Declaration of is Majesty was quarrelled by the Houses , as a c●…nsure vp●…n their proc●…edings i ; his Majestie required , that since they did esteem those words of his [ that they had taken his Ships from him contrary to Law ] to be a censure on their actions , they would either produce that Law by which they tooke them , or free themselves from so iust and unconfutable a censure , by a ●…peedy and unlimited restoration k . Neither of which being done , or intended by them , his Maiestie had reason to ad●…ere unto the Answer made unto that particular , which was , that for the present h●… would governe the Admiralty by Commission , as in all times had been accustom●…d ; that when he pleased to nominate a Lord high Ad●…irall , it should be such a noble person against whom no iust exception should be made ; or if there wer●… , his Maiest●…e would leave him to his due triall and ex●…mination : an , that he should imploy the Ships to all intents and purposes ; by them desired ; and use his utmost ●…ndeavours to suppresse all forces which shall be raised by any person what●…oever , against the Lawes and Statutes of the Kingdome , and to ●…eize all Arms and Ammunition provided for the supply of any such forces l . The difference in which last particulars stands thus between them ; The Houses craved , that the Lord Admirall should use his utmost endeavour to suppresse all forces , which should bee raised without His Mai●…sties Authority , and the cons●…nt of the Lords and Commons in Parliament : his Maiest●…e 〈◊〉 that the Lawes and Stat●…tes of the Kingdome , might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is , and what is not to be don●… m , refers the ex●… sing of 〈◊〉 Admirals power , to the suppr●…ssing of all forces which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 raised by any person whatso●…ver , against the Lawes and Statutes of the Kingdom . 15. And now I would faine know what is to be d●…ked in his ●…jesties Answers , to these two last branche●… ; either his Majesties insisting on his Legall and undoubted Rig●…s , in nominating men of ranke and qualiti●… , to those publi●…ke trust●… ; or his desire of making the Lawes and Statut of this Realme , the rule & measure , by which inferiour Officers must discharge their duties . I hope they will not say the first , and the last they dare ●…ot : and other points then these , I see none in difference , or if there be , they are reducible to these , and of 〈◊〉 moment . I hope they will not say the first , ●…or they are bound by their Oaths of Allegiance , Obedience , and Supremacy , and have bound themselves by their Protestation ( a Covenant of their own devising ) solemnly taken in the presence of Almighty ●…od , that to the utmost of their powers , and with the haz●…rd of their lives and fortunes , they will defend His Maiesties Person , Honour , and Estate . And sure whatever zeale and duty they may pretend unto His Per●…on , they shew but small rega●…d unto His Honour , and not much more unto His Estate , in seeking by force to devest hi●… Majesty of those legall Rights , which are inherent in His Person , and have unquestionably been injoyed by all his Royall Predecessors in the times before . Either they break their Oaths , and Prot●…station , and so are periured by it in the sight of God , in seeking to extort from his Sacred Majestie those native Rights , and legall Priviledges , which are invested in his Person : or if they mean to keep the Protestation , they must needs leave his Majestie in as good condition , as they found him in . So that his Maj●…stie doth in●…st on nothing in this particular of his Answer , but his native Rights , which they have bound themselves by their Protestation to preserve and keepe . And it belong●…d to them in all right and reason , either to shew that he had no such right by Law , as he did pretend to , or that themselves had by some fundamentall Law , a right superiour unto that which was then in question n ; ( neither of which they can , or pretend to do ) or else to have been satisfied , and contented with his Maj●…sties Answer , against that , which they had no other reason to produce , but their f●…ars and iealousies o , which being without cause , are without care also . Now as they will not say the first , so I dare presume they dare not say the last , and be offended with his Mai●…sties Answer , for no other reason , then that hee doth refer the duties of his principall Officers , and such as are in authority under him , to be squared and regulated according to the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom . Should they wave that , and plainly mani●…est their intents , and purposes of bringing in an Arbitrary Government , and make the Votes of the two Houses , the 〈◊〉 and measure by which the Lo : high Admirall of Engl●…nd , the 〈◊〉 of the Cinque-ports , the Governours and Commanders of his M●…sties Castles , Forts , and Towns , must discharge their Offices , how easie were it for them to subvert all Law , and bring this wretched people unto such a thraldom , as greater was not suffered by the poor Ath●…ians , under all their Tyrants ? This I p●…esume they dare not say , though they may intend it , ( as all their Proj●…ct , and proceedings seeme to looke that way ) for fear the people should fall off , and desert them utterly , and so deprive them of those hopes of 〈◊〉 , which they have nourished in themselves . 16. There is another part of Soveraignty to be looked on yet , which is the binding of the Subject by a solemn oath : and this for the establishment of their power and party , they labour to impose on the Lord Admirall of England , the Warden of the Cinque-ports , all Commanders of ships , all Governours of TownsForts , and Castles u . The ordinary Oaths which all those Officers were already by the Laws obliged to take , were not held sufficient , to binde them fast enough unto the side ; and therfore they must have a new one of their own devising : and all the Officers must be sworn , not onely to preserve the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and the peace of the Kingdom against forreign Forces ; bu●… also against all other Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament , though by his Majesties authori●…y a . His Majesties authority it seems is of little value , when all the Officers and Commanders of his Realm must be sworn against it : the Officers and Commanders in as ill condition , when by their places they are bound either to rebell against his Majesty , if he make use of his Authority , or to be perjured if they do not . And so intent they were upon this designe , that when his 〈◊〉 Declared , that if it were made to appear unto him , that any thing was necessary to be added to the former Oathes , he would most readily consent unto it in a full and peaceable convention of Parliament b ; they took it for a great affront , as if His Maiestie had ta●…ed them of some deficiencies , or reckoned them uncapable of making a previsionall law c , for the present turn . Nor were they better satisfied with his Majesties Reply , then they had been with his Answer , though he declared his willingnesse to apply any proper r●…medy unto the extraordinary causes of their fears and jealousies , if he could see there were such causes ; and further promised , that when ●…oth Houses should prepare and present such an Oath , as they should make appear unto his Maiestie , to be necessary to the ends proposed , his Maiesty would readily consent unto it d . His Maje●… must either captivate His unde●…standing to their votes and ordinances , and follow their appointments with a blinde obedience , or ●…eild to all things at first sight which are offered to him : or else his Answers are interpreted to be denials ( e ) ; and the poor people shall be told in the next new Pamphlets , or the n●…xt eloquent oration at the Common-c●…uncell , how little hopes there is of peace in the way of treaty ; and therefore that his Majesty must bee forced by Arms , and not gained by Parley . 17. You may perceive by this discourse , that his Maj●…stie demanded nothing in his first Proposition , but what was legally his own , and denied nothing to his two Houses of Parliament , but a divesting of himselfe of that Regall power , by which he is inabled to protect his Subjects . So that the breach was theirs , not his , in that they craved such things ( and would not otherwise be satisfied ) as were neither fit for them to ask , if they desired to continue in the ranke of Subjects , nor possible for him to grant , if he resolved to live a Soveraign . Let us next ●…ee what , & how much was done , in the first Propositions of the Lords and Commons for the disbanding of the Armies , and his Majesties returne unto his Parliament . In which you may observe , that though there are two severall branches , neither of them depending on the other ; yet the Committee had no power to Treat upon the latter branch ( f ) , ( that of his Majesties coming to the Parliament ) but were confined by their Instructions to the former onely . So that His Majesty in all manner of Iustice , might have delayed or denied to begin to treat upon one part , untill they had been inabled to treat on the other ( g ) . For what could His most Sacred Majesty have effected in the way to peace , by the disbanding of Armies , in case his coming to the Parliament had still continued unsecure ; and that promiscuous rabble of unruly people , which then awed the Houses , and formerly had compelled His Majesty , tog●…ther with the greatest , and most moderate part of the Lords , and Commons to withdraw themselves to places of most a●…d safety , had been as able to affront and terrifie them , as before they were . Assuredly by such improvident a disbanding his Majesty had beene more exposed to contempt and scorne , reduced himselfe to the condition hee was in at Windsor , Jan. 1641. and the distractions of the Kingdome had been more uncurable , then they are at present . Yet his desire of peace , and consequently his proceeding in the Treaty as in order to it , was so prevalent with him h ; that he resolved to overcome all difficulties whatsoever ; which were laid before him of set purpose , either to make him stumble in the way , or discourage him fro●… going forwards . 18. Being thus resolved . His Majesty returned this Answer to the first part of their Proposition , that he was as ready , and as willing that all Armies should be disbanded as any person whatsoever i ; and that he would so doe for his part , as soon as the present Treaty came to such a Conclusion , as there might be a cleare evidence to himselfe and His good Subjects of a future peace , and no ground left for the continuance or growth of these bloody dissentions , for the time to come k . And though this Answer could not but be satisfactory to indifferent men , yet being required by the Committee to signify what His Majesty intended to be a cleare evidence to himselfe and his Subjects of a future peace l , he explained it thus , that he intended onely such a Conclusion of that pr●…sent Treaty on His Majesties first Proposition , and the Proposition of both Houses , that the Law of the Land might have a full , free , and uninterrupted course , for the defence and preservation of the Rights both of His Majesty , His good Subjects , and the two Houses of Parliament m . Which Answer being so farre from satisfying , that it was conceived by both Houses to be in effect a deniall n , and His most sacred Majesty perceiving with how much losse of time he treated at so great a distance ; he thought it best , and did accordingly vouchsafe to send a gracious Message to them by one of his owne servants , April 12. 1643. The substance of which Mass●…ge ( for so much as concernes this point ) was this which followeth , viz. that as soone as His Majesty was satis●…d in his first Proposition , concerning his owne Revenue , Mag●…nes , Ships , and Forts ; in which he desired nothing , but that the just , legall , and knowne rights of His Majesty and of the persons trusted by him be restored unto them ; as soone as the Members of both Houses should be restored unto the same capacity of sitting and Voting in Parliament , as they had upon the first of Jan. 1641. ( exclusively of such whose votes had beene taken away by Bilt , or by new elections on new writs ) and that as soone as His Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous Assemblies , as to the high dishonour of the Parliament had awed the Members of the same ( which he conceived could not otherwise be done , but by adjourning the Parliament , to some place 20 miles from London , such as the Houses should agree on ) His Majesty most cheereful●…y and readily would consent to the 〈◊〉 of the Armies , and would returne speedily to His two Houses of Parliament , according to the time and place which they should agree on o . To which His Majesties most gracious Message the Houses were not pleased to send any other Answer , then the calling backe of their 〈◊〉 , the next day after , and the dissolving of the Treaty , which ended April 15. being the day by them determined . 19. I hope you see by this time who must beare the blame of all the miseries , which are expected to ensue in this wretched Kingdome : And yet I have some other evidences to evince it surther . Two onely meanes were left ( as wise men conceived ) to put an end unto our troubles ; a longer continuance of the Treaty , and His Majesties returne to His two Houses of Parliament : both which His Majesty most earnestly desired , but could speed in neither . First , for the Treaty , His Majesty proposed it at the first , without any limitation of the time at all ; desiring to avoid both that , and all other limitations whatsoever , as being like to give great interruptions to the businesse p . But on the contrary , the Houses first restrained the whole Treaty unto 20 dayes , as before was shewne ; & afterwards so minced the matter , being resolved to treat upon no more then the two first Propositions of either part , and that of the Cessation , that they would hardly allow more time then what would serve for the transcribing of the Papers . It seemes the time appointed for the Treaty , was a●… the first restrained as to the point of the Cessation , unto two da●…es onely q , ( a time too strictly limmited for so great a businesse ) the whole to be determined on the fourth of April r . After a further time was given to treat upon the two first Propositions viz. the first Proposition of His Majesty , and the first of both Houses , til the Friday following s , being the seventh of the same moneth . Upon the eight of April we find seven dayes more , and that affirmed to be the full remainder of the time for the whole Treaty t . And when His Majesty desired , that the Treaty might proceed without further interruption or limitation of d●…yes u ; Answer was made Ap●…il 10. that the two 〈◊〉 of Parliament did not think fit to inlarge the time of the Treaty beyond the 20 dayes formerly limited , to be reckoned from the 25 of March then past , which could admit of no alteration or inlargement without manifold prejudice and danger to the whole Kingdome a ; to the great sorrow of His Majesty , as he expressed himselfe to their Committee , the day before they went away , being April 14 . b Nay in such hast the Houses were to dis●…olve the Treaty that without conside●…ing of his Answers to their demands and Proposition , or shewing any reason of their dislike , or giving His Majestie more time to bethinke himselfe of what was fitting to be done in such weighty businesses , they called backe their Committee by a speciall order ; that part thereo●… which came from the House of Commons being commanded to hasten their returne in most strict and unusuall termes c . 20. Next for His Majesties returne unto His Parliament , you cannot choose but know , that when His Majesty was forced to withdraw himselfe , and bent his journey towards the North , with what a vehement importunity he was Petitioned d to returne : and that when their Petitions could not bring him back to so unsafe a place , with what strange votes they Declared that withdrawing of His Majesty from His two Houses of Parliament , for a breach of Priviledge e ; a cause of great danger a●…d distaction f , and of great hazzard to the Kingdom g ; & that it would not only be an obstruction , but might be a destruction to the 〈◊〉 of Ireland h . You cannot choose but call to mind also the Artifices which they used to make the people of those s●…verall Counties , through which he was to passe as he went towards Yorke . to clamour after him with P●…titions , for his re●…urue towards His Parliament : and how their party in and about that Country in which His Majesty made choyce to fix His 〈◊〉 , did labour and sollicit him to that purpose also . The copies of the said Pe●… , with His Majesties gracious Answers to them being put 〈◊〉 print , and obvious to the eies of every Reader I am sure you have seene , being so curious an observer o●… 〈◊〉 publicke passages . Thus when His Majesty desired a Treaty , by His gracious Message sent from 〈◊〉 , they answered him with an advice of leaving his forces and coming againe unto His Parliament i ; as the onely expedient to ●…ake His Majesty happy , and his Kingdome safe : and when the Aldermen and other Citizens of London were sent to Oxford to His Majesty in behalfe of that City , the selfe same errand , ( His Majesties returne unto His Parliament ) is made the substance of the businesse k A man would thinke a point so eagetly pretended , and made in the addresse of both the Houses to His Majesty , Feb. 1. 1642. to be of equall consideration to the peace of the Kingdome , with that of the disbanding of both Armies ; should not be so coldly followed when it came to the point and was most like to be 〈◊〉 , that if they would but have found meanes to have secured His Majesties orderly and safe going thither , His Majesty was ready to make His journey speedy ; desiring nothing more then to be with His two Houses . His Majesties most gracious Message of the 12. of April , for His Return to His two Houses of Parliam●…nt and the disbanding of the Armies , you have seene before ; together with their entertainment of it , and their Answer to it . All this while according to my method and promise , I have I hope , by laying downe the way of their addresses , the language even of their Propositions . and His Majesties Answers , satisfied , and if need were convinc'd you , or any moderate or reasonable man ; that the indisposition to the Peace , the occasion why it hath not beene all this while procured , hath beene the subtilty of those who are so prevalent in both Houses , as first to cast this Kingdome into a War to raise their 〈◊〉 Common-wealth , and make themselves the supreame Governours therein . And now when they finde the foundations of this well-tempered Monarchy cannot by force be battered downe , by cunning it must be undermined ; for without any invective or asperity , give me leave ( to my former Quotations ) to say but two or three words of my owne , and I have done . The two Houses in the 〈◊〉 Propositions Propositions surely demanded of the King in so plaine language His Soveraignty , nay the 〈◊〉 and power of His Office , as all the world saw they left Him but the name King . This was written in so great Letters , that the meanest man that had a Family to governe , could conclude . I would not be u●…ed thus : Therefore this was too grosse to 〈◊〉 on . But the Character must be made lesse , it must now upon the Treaty o●…Peace ( which they know all people wish and understand the beloved name of , though not the fit way to procure it , especially such a one as may be firme and 〈◊〉 ) be so ordered , that some of the principle heads therein ( such as like corner stones , being pulled out , pull downe the present power in the Kinghood ) should be insisted on , but apparelled with the language of Peace ; therefore towards Peace in this Treaty these things are insisted on . First the Ships , Townes , Forts , 〈◊〉 , &c. must be onely in such persons hands as His Majesty nominating they approve . What is this but to keepe all still in their owne hands ? for surely if you were to name a man for any place , and I approve him , I could weary and necessitate you to name such a one that depended on me , not you . Then in these Ships , Townes , and Forts , no Forces to be admitted without His Majesties authority , and consent of the two Houses . What is this but to gaine the power of the 〈◊〉 of this Kingdome out of the King into the two Houses ? for both which you cannot but know , ( and His Majesty often cals upon them for it ) they have not the least pretence of Law . If this be said that it is desired but for three yeers ; that is sufficient argument : to shew it is a new thing they pretend to . 'Pray , who thinkes that they who can doe all this without any right or president , after such a title to it , will not find Jealousies enoug●… to continue their possession for ever ? for I thinke some intend to make this Parliament perpetuall ; yet surely the Subject generally can never be so sotted to wish it so : they gave themselves not up to this race of men for a perpetuall government , nor those them for their lives , or with a power to settle themselves for their lives : Nor did they thinke so themselves when they askt a Parliament every three yeeres , they should have pretended to one alwayes . But as the best reason to ans●…er this , Why should the King ( to whom all making Warre and Peace belongs ; and if others had not invaded this right , we had beene still in peace ) divest himselfe of this power , since this power in this Kingdome vvas never in any person single , or representative body of all the Subjects , saving himselfe and Predecessors ? What will this effect , but the continuance of the misery we now groan under ? for if the Houses can now vvithout the Kings authroty make this unnaturall Warre betwixt Subject and Subject , and put those heavy loads on all fellow Subjects that will not comply , as that their persons may be imprisoned , nay slaine ; their goods plundered , thei●… estates sequestred , nay , given away ; ( if more could be ) vvhat might vve not expect , when they had a pretence of interest and power in disposing the Armes of this Kingdome ? And doe they not use us as the King , say , they fight for Him , when they ●…hoot to slay Him ; say , it is for the good of the Kingdome , when authority is given to plunder all mens estates they will call malignant ? and when neither Country nor person that would be a neutrall , ( which I know not how they can answer in Law to the King ) can be admitted by them by Law , to shew why he is not bound to contribute to their Assessements . I promised you , I would not say much of my owne : and you see that few Articles are treated , therefore I vvill not exceed them : this onely I 'le tell you , that if these tvvo Articles vvere granted as desired , I knovv not vvhy they might not ; nay , I feare they vvou'd presently force the King to the other 17. So little they had left in him to defend himselfe : for how could I that by Law am now bound to attend him in his Warres , stay with him when a new Law said he could ●…eavy no force but with such a consent ? Consider therefore his Answer to the 19 Propositions : his Answers to these particulars in this Treaty ; and see , whether he make not the rule of all his Actions , Law , and Right ; they feares and jelousies ? by the one you may measure any thing , ( indeed the Law is but the rule of our publike actions ) by the other no man can measure any thing ; for to measures feares and jealousies , is as hard a taske , as to take measure of the Moon for a garment : which is ever waxing or declining , never in a certaine condition . I conclude therefore with this advice , Remember the obedience to Princes : God requires the strict Allegiance our Lawes enjoyne ; The Oathes we have taken , or by nature are bound to observe to him . Feare then God , and honour the King , and have not to doe with those that love change ; lest , as you may contribute to continue our miseries for a time , you make your owne everlasting . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43544e-200 a His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . 12. 1641. b His Majesties Message , Jan. 14. 1641. c His Majesties Answers , Feb 2 1641. d His Majesties Answer Feb. 28. 1641. e Ibid. and His Majesti●… Ans. ●…o a ●…ook , &c. May 19 1642. f Hi●… 〈◊〉 D●…claration , Mar. 9. 1641. g His Majesties Ans. to a Book , &c. May . 19. 1641. h His Majesties Mess●…ge . Jan. 20. 1641. i Ibid. k Ibid. l Hum●…le Petition of the Comm●…ns , ●…a 28. 1641. m The third R●…monstrance . pab . III. n Reply to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the , Sep. 2. 1642. o His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Aug. 25. 1642. p His Majesties Message , Sept. 11. 1642. q Answer to His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sept. 26. r Petition 〈◊〉 the two Hou●… , Nov. 〈 ◊〉 〈◊〉 . s His Majesties Message , Sept. 11. 1642. a The humble 〈◊〉 and P●…opositions , 〈◊〉 . 1. 1642. b His Majesties Answer to those Propositions . c Ibid. p. 12. d Ibid. p. 13. e The Votes agreed on Feb. ●…8 . 1642. f His Maje●… 〈◊〉 to both Houses April 8. 1643. g His Maje●… Answer to the Propositions , F●…b . 1. 1642. h His Majesties Answer to the 〈◊〉 t●…uching the Cessation . i His Maje●… Answer to the Articl●…s of Cessation . l 〈◊〉 a book called , The Reasons of the Lords & Commons , &c. m 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 , pag. 35. n His Majesties 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 . o His 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of Cessation . p Collection of ●…ll the papers , pag 1 , 2. q 〈◊〉 . p. 3. r Ibid. p. 5. s Ibid. p. 4. t Ibid. p. 4. u Ibid. p. 6. a Ibid. p. 6. b Ibid. p. 4. c Ibid. p. 5. d His Majesties Message , Aug. 13. and the Answer to it . e Collection of all the Papers , p. 5. f Ibid. p. 8. g Ibid. p. 10. h Ibid. p. 10. i Ibid. p. 9. k Ibid. p. 8. l Ibid. p. 9. m Ibid. p. 10. n Ibid. p. 〈◊〉 o Ibid. p. 11 , 12. p Ibid. p. 13 , 14. q Ibid. p. 14. r Ibid p. 15 , 16. s Ibid. p. 15. t Ibid. p. 15. u Ibid p. 17. a Ibid. p. 15. b Ibid. p. 1●… c Ibid. p. 22 , 25. d His Majejesties Answ. to the Prop●…s . Febr. 1. e Collection of ill the pap●…s , p. 13. f Ibid. p. 22. g Ibid. p. 13. 22. h Ibid. p. 24 , 25. i Ibid. p. 25. k Ibid. p. 26 l Ibidem . p. 〈◊〉 . m Ibid●… p. ●…8 . n Ibid. p. 20. o Ibid. p. 20. u Collection of all the papers , p 27. a Ibid. p. 〈◊〉 b Ibid. p. 27. c Ibid. p. 〈◊〉 d Pag. 28 , ●…9 e Ibid. p. 18 , 25. f Ibid. p. 30. g Ibid. p. 38. h Ibid. p. 38. i Ibid. p. 29. k Ibid. p. 31. l Ibid. p. 32. m Ibid. p. 34. n Ibid. p. 39. o His Majesties Message April 12. 1643. p Ibid p. 36. 37 q His 〈◊〉 Ans●…er to the R●…asons . Ap●… 4. r Colection of the Papers , p. 30. s Ibid. p. 30. t Ibid. p. 35. u Ibid. p. 33. a Ibid. p. 11. b Ibid. p. 12. c Ibid. p. 48. d Petition of the Lords and Commons , 〈◊〉 26. 1642. June 17. &c. e Declaration March 9. 1641. f Petition at Theobalds 〈◊〉 . 1. 1641. g 〈◊〉 resolved March 2. 1641. h T●…e votes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ●…6 . i Answ. by His Majesties last 〈◊〉 ; and that of Sept. 16 1642. k Petition of the Major and Aldermen , Jan. 3. 1642. 
A43548	----	The rebells catechism composed in an easy and familiar way to let them see the heinousness of their offence, the weakness of their strongest subterfuges, and to recal them to their duties both to God and man. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43548 of text R23968 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1731A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. 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A43548) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40533) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1207:22) The rebells catechism composed in an easy and familiar way to let them see the heinousness of their offence, the weakness of their strongest subterfuges, and to recal them to their duties both to God and man. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [1], 29 p. s.n.], [Oxford? : Printed 1643. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Government, Resistance to. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A43548 R23968 (Wing H1731A). civilwar no The rebells catechism. Composed in an easy and familiar way; to let them see, the heinousness of their offence, the weakness of their strong Heylyn, Peter 1643 13210 31 25 0 0 0 0 42 D The rate of 42 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE REBELLS CATECHISM . COMPOSED IN AN EASY and Familiar way ; To let them see , The Heinousness of their Offence , the weakness of their strongest Subterfuges ; and to recal them to their duties both to God and Man . ROM. 13. 2. Whosoever resisteth the Power , resisteth the Ordinance of God ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves Damnation . Printed , 1643. To the Christian Reader . REader , thou must not look for all things new , in a Point so agitated , so throughly discussed and canvassed as this hath been . 'T is well if they who come behind both in time , and knowledg , add any thing though it be but little , unto those before them . All I shall promise thee in this short discourse , is that I have contracted into a narrow compass , what I found scattered and diffused in many & those larger Tractates : which I have offered to thy view in a more easie and familiar way than hath been formerly presented . And some thing thou shalt meet with here , which thou half not found in any other discourses of this argument , besides the fashion and the dress . These are the most prevailing motives I can lay before thee , to tempt thee to the studying of this Catechism : which if it shall confirm thee in thy duty unto God and the King , or reclaim thee from thy disaffections unto either of them , it is all I aim at . And so fare thee well . January 25. 1643. THE REBEL'S CATECHISM : Composed in an Easie and Familiar way ; To let them see , the heinousness of their Offence , the weakness of their strongest Subterfuges ; and to recall them to their duties both to God and Men . 1. QUestion . Who was the first Author of Rebellion A. The first Author of Rebellion ; a the root of all Vices , and the mother of all mischief , ( saith the book of Homilies ) was LUCIFER , first Gods most excellent creature , and most bounden Subject , who by Rebelling against the Majesty of God , of the brightest and most glorious Angel , became the blackest and most foulest fiend and Devil , and from the height to Heaven , is fallen into the pit and bottom of Hell . 2. Q. How many sorts of Rebellion are there ? A. Three most especially , that is to say , the Rebellion of the Heart , the Rebellion of the Tongue , and the Rebellion of the Hand . 3. Quest . What is the Rebellion of the Heart ? Ans. The Rebellion of the Heart , is a rancorous swelling of the Heart against the authority and commands of the supreme power under which we live : which tho it be so cunningly suppressed and smothered , that it break not out either into words or deeds , yet makes a man guilty of damnation in the sight of God . And this is that of which the Wiseman tells us saying , Curse not the King , no not in thy thought , for a bird of the air shall carry the voice , and that which hath wings shall tell the matter . Eccles. 10. v. 20. 4. Quest . What is the Rebellion of the Tongue ? Ans. The Rebellion of the tongue , is a malicious defaming of the person , actions , parts , and government of those Sovereign Princes to which the Lord hath made us subject , of purpose to disgrace them amongst their people , to render them odious and contemptible , and consequently to excite their Subjects to rise up against them . Of this it is whereof the Lord God commanded saying , thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy People ; Exod. 22. 28. acknowledged for a divine precept by St. Paul , Acts 23. 5. See to this purpose also that of Solomon , Prov. 24. v. 21. where it is said , It is not fit to say unto a King thou art wicked ; And if it be not fit to speak evil to him , assuredly it is as unfit to speak evil of him . And finally of this it is that b Aristotle the Philosopher tells us saying , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , he that speaks evil of the Magistrate offends against the Common-wealth . But I must let you know withal , that tho this of the tongue be a distinct species of Rebellion , and so judged in Law : yet many times this and the other of the heart , are but the ground and preparations to the Rebellion of the hand , or actual Rebellion , as they call it commonly . And this appears most plainly in the story of Absalon , whose heart first swelled against his Father , for being so difficult in restoring him to his Court and Presence , upon the murder which he had committed on his brother Amnon , ( 2. Sam. 14. v. 24 , 28. ) and his tongue found the way to disgrace his government , which he accused of negligence and injustice , to the common-people ( 2 Sam. 15. v. 2 , 3 &c. ) before he blew the trumpet , and took Arms against him , and made him flee with some few servants , from the Royal City , v. 14. But here we take it not for a preparation , but for a species distinct , as before was said . 5. Quest . Why do you call the swellings of the heart , and the revilings of the tongue by the name of Rebellion , considering that the Law which punisheth Rebellion with no less than death , doth take no cognizance of mens thoughts ; and that when c Gervase Shelvey of Sandwich said lately to a Gentleman of that Town that if the King came thither he would shoot the Rogue , for which he was imprisoned by the Major now being , it was resolved by the High Court of Parliament , that these words were but a misdemeanour ; and so he was released again . Ans. The House of Commons , which you call the High Court of Parliament , did not so much deliver their judgment in the case aforesaid , as betray their disaffection in it to His Majesty , whose Person they endeavour to destroy that they may keep his power still amongst themselves . Or if they did , it was a very false and erroneous judgment , directly contrary unto the resolution of my Lords the Judges , and other Sages of the Law in all former Ages , d by whom it is affirmed expresly , that if any man e do compass or imagin the death of our Lord the King ( as all Rebels do ) and doth declare the same imagination by any overt fact , either deed or word , he shall suffer judgement as a Traitor , licet is id quod in voluntate habuit , ad effectum non perduxerit , as f Bracton hath it , altho it do not take effect , and go no farther than the thought or purpose of the first contriver . Upon which ground it was , no question , that Shimei suffered death by the hands of Solomon . For altho David spared him upon submission , because he would not intermix the joy of his return unto Hierusalem with any sad and mournful Accident ( as that must needs have been unto Shimei's friends ) 2 Sam. 19. 22. yet he gave order to his son to bring his hoary head down to the grave with blood , because he had cursed him with a grievous curse in the day when he went to Mahanaim , 1 Kings 2. 8. which was accordingly performed by Solomon , v. 46. 6. Quest . But Shimei's case can be no Precedent to us , who are not governed by the Iudicial Law of Moses , but by the common Law of England , and the ruled cases in that Law ▪ And therefore tell me , if you can , whether our own books of afford you any of the like examples . Answ. Our own books do afford us many : as viz. in the case of Walker a Citizen g of London , and that of Mr. Burdet g an Esquire of Warwickshire , both executed in the time of King Edward 4th ▪ for words which might be construed to a treasonable and rebellious sense , tho perhaps no ill meaning was intended ; that of the Windsors h Butcher in the reign of King Henry 8th ▪ for saying that rather than sell his meat at so mean a rate , he would send it to the Rebels in the North ; and finally of one Oldnoll , one of the Yeomen of the Guard in Queen Maries time , i who had judgment of death for certain traiterous and seditious words spoken against her Majesty , altho no insurrection or Rebellion did ensue upon them . For the particulars , I must refer you to our law books and the common Chronicles . 7. Quest . Proceed we now unto your third and last sort of Rebellion , and tell me what you mean by the Rebellion of the hand , and how many sorts there are of it . Answ. The Rebellion of the hand is of two sorts , whereof the first is the composing & dispersing of false & scandalous Books and Pamphlets , tending to the dishonour of the King , His Subordinate Officers , & Form of Government , of purpose to alienate the affections of his Subjects from him , and make them the more apt to Rebel against him . And this is punishable with death also by the law of England , as may appear by the examples of k Bugnall , Scot , Heath , and Kennington , being Sanctuary men , in S. Martins Legrand London , who had judgment to be hanged , drawn , & quartered in the time of K. Hen. 7th ▪ for setting up seditious Bills to the scandal of the King and some of his Council : of Penry , Udall , Barrow , Greenwood , Studley , Billott , and Bowdler , l zealous Puritans all , all of which were condemned and three of them hanged in Q. Elizabeths time , for writing treasonable & seditious Books , by wch the peace of the Kingdom might have been disturbed , tho no Rebellion followed on them : of Copping and Thacker , m who were hanged at S. Edmunds bury in the said Queens time , for publishing the Pamphlets writ by Rob. Browne against the Book of Common-Prayer ; which Compton thus reports in his Lawyers French , n Deux executez pour poublier les livres de Robert Browne , encontre le livre de common praut . And finally witness the example of Mr. Williams o a Barrister of the Middle Temple , who was executed in King Iames his Reign for writing a defamatory Book , against the said King and his Posterity . 8. Quest . What is the other sort of that Rebellion , which you call the Rebellion , of the hand . Answ. The other sort of the Rebellion of the hand , is that which commonly is called Actual Rebellion , and is defined by the Statute of the 25 of King Edward 3. p to be a levying of War against our Sovereign Lord the King in his Realm , or an adhering to the Kings Enemies in his Realm , giving to them aid and comfort in the Realm or elsewhere . And so it is determined also in the Civil Laws , by which all those , q qui arripiunt arma contra eum cujus jurisdictioni subditi sunt , who take up Arms against such Persons to whose authority they are subject , are declared to be Rebels . Where note , that not the open Act only , but the attempt & machination is brought within the compass of Rebellion . Rebellio ipse actus rebellandi est , qui non solùm facto sed machinatione committitur , as those Lawyers tell us . r And it is worth our observation that not only the bearing Arms against the King is declared to be Rebellion by the law of England , but that it was declared to be Rebellion by the chief Judges of this Kingdom s at the arraignment of the Earl of Essex ( the Father of him who now is in the head of this Rebellion ) for any man to seek to make himself so strong , that the King should not be able to resist him , altho he broke not out into open act . 9. Quest . What is the end that Rebels do propose unto themselves , when they put themselves into Rebellion ? Ans. The deposition & destruction of the King in possession , & an alteration of the present Government . And so it was determined by the joint consent of all the Judges t at the Arraignment of the Earl of Essex above mentioned , by whom it was resolved for Law , that in every Rebellion there was a plot upon the life and deposition of the Prince ; it being not to be conceived that the Rebels would suffer him to live or reign● who might have opportunity in the change of things , to punish them for their Rebellions , and avenge himself upon them for their Treasons . And this they did confirm by the Civil Laws , and further justifie and confirm by the strength of Reason , with which it seemed inconsistent , ut qui semel Regi jus dixerit , that he who had once over-ruled his King by force of Arms , should either suffer him to live , or recover the possession of his Realm again . All which they made good by the sad examples of King Edward the second , and King Richard the second , who did not long enjoy either life or Crown , after they came into the hands of those who rebelled against them . 10. Qu. But those Examples which you speak of , were in times of Popery ; have you the like to shew since the Reformation ? Answ. I would to God we had none such , but we have too many . For not to look into our neighbouring Realm of Scotland , and the proceedings of some there ( who called themselves Protestants ) against their Queen ; the Rebellion plotted by the Earl of Essex in Queen Elizabeths time , ( though there was nothing less pretended ) was to have ended in the death of the Queen , and the alteration of the Government . For as was afterwards confessed by some of his Accomplices , the secret part of the design , was to have seized upon the Queen , and secured his Adversaries in the Court ; whom when he had condemned and executed , u Parliamento indicto reipub ▪ formam immutare statuit , he then resolved to call a Parliament , and settle a new form of Government . Which how it could be done , and the Queen alive , I believe you know not . And so much was acknowledged by the Earl himself , after the sentence of death was passed upon him , when he affirmed to certain of her Majesties Council , Reginam sospitem esse non posse si ipse supersit , x that whilst he lived it was not possible for the Queen to continue in safety . Thus have you seen the main design of that Rebellion ( as of all others whatsoever ) what his pretences were which he cast abroad , the better to seduce the people , I shall not stick to tell you if you put me to it . 11. Quest . I shall not trouble you with that at this present time . But being you say , that levying of War against the King is properly and truly to be called Rebellion , I would fain ask , whether you mean it only in such cases where the Subjects take up Arms out of pride and wantonness ; or in such also when they are necessitated and inforced unto it in their own defence ? Answ. I mean it equally in both cases , tho of the two , the former be more odious in the sight both of God and man . For even defensive Arms , as your Party calls them , are absolutely unlawful in the Subject against his Sovereign : in regard that no defensive War can be undertaken , but it carrieth a resistance in it y to those higher powers , to which every soul is to be subject . Which powers being obtained by Almighty God , it followeth by the Apostle's Logick ( who was a very able Disputant ) that they who do resist the powers , resist the Ordinance of God , z and consequently shall receive to themselves demnation . A rule which took such deep impression in the Primitive Christians , that though for personal valour , numbers of men , and leaders able to conduct them , they were superiour to the adverse party in the Roman Empire ; yet they chose rather to expose their lives unto the merciless fury of the Persecutors , than take up Arms against their Princes , or disturb the peace of their Dominions , under pretence of standing in their own defence , being so tyrannically and unjustly handled . For proof whereof , we may alledg Tertullian , a Cyprian , b Lactantius , c and some other d Antients , whose words we will produce at large , if you think it necessary . 12. Quest . You need not put your self to that trouble . For we deny not that the Antient Christians did rather choose to suffer , than to take up Arms ; e but when we say , that tho they were exceeding numerous , yet they were not formed into States and Kingdoms , and that when they were once estated in laws and liberties , as in France , Holland , Scotland , Germany , they made no question then to defend themselves . What can you answer unto that ? Answ. I trow the Roman Empire was a setled State , as strongly cemented with all the ligaments of power and policy , as any one of these you mention ; and that the Subjects of that Empire had their laws and liberties , which as their Ancestors had received from the indulgence of their Emperors , and the Roman Senate , so they transmitted them to their posterity . And yet when all the Empire had received the faith in the time of Constantine , and that no Religion but the Christian had publick countenance from the Laws , during the most part of his reign , and the whole reign of his three Sons ( which was for fifty five years , no fewer , ) the Subjects kept themselves to their former Principles . Insomuch that when the Emperour Iulian began to intrench upon their liberties , and infringe those laws , which had been granted them by the grace and goodness of those Princes ; they knew no other way , nor weapons , by which to make resistance to such lawless violence , but their prayers and tears . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , f and this was all the Medicine which they had to cure that Malady , as we find in Nazianzen . The like I could produce from St. Ambrose also , g were not this sufficient . And for your instances of France , Holland , Scotland , Germany , which you have mustered up to make good your cause ; I am sorry for the Protestant Religions sake , that you have furnished me with so many examples of Rebellions since the Reformation ; some of which ended in the death , and others in the deposition of their natural Princes . Which was a point you seemed to doubt of in your tenth Question . 13. Quest . But tell me seriously , do you conceive that all resistance of this kind made by force of Arms , may be called Rebellion ; and that there are no cases which may make it lawful , and warrantable by the Laws of God or man ? Answ. Your question hath two several parts , and must receive two several answers . And to the first I answer seriously ( it being now no time to trifle ) that all resistance of the kind you speak of , nor only may be called Rebellion , but is Rebellion in the true and natural sense of the word . For if ( as the Civilians say ) Rebellis dicitur inobediens Principi circa concernentia prosperitatem Imperii , h that every one may be said to be a Rebel , who yieldeth not obedience to his Prince in all such particulars , as do concern the flourishing estate of his Dominions ▪ assuredly he is a Rebel in the highest degree , who takes up Arms against his Sovereign ( whatever his pretences be ) and by so doing doth embroil his Kingdoms in all these miseries , which most inseparably are annexed to a Civil War . Now frame the second part of the present Quere , into a distinct question of it self , and I will give such answer to it , as I hope shall satisfie . 14. Quest . My question is , whether the condition of the persons which are ingaged in such resistance , the grounds on which they go , and the end they aim at , make not an alteration in the case : so that Resistance qualified by these several circumstances , become not warrantable by the Laws both of God and Man ? Answ. The answer unto this is already made in the book of Homilies ; where it is said , that " though not only great multitude of the rude and rascal Commons , but sometimes also mention of great Wit , Nobility , and Authority , have moved Rebellion against their lawful Princes ; though they should pretend sundry causes , as the redress of the Commonwealth , or Reformation of Religion , tho they have made a great shew of holy meaning by beginning their Rebellion with a counterfeit service of God , and by displaying and bearing about divers Ensigns and Banners , which are acceptable unto the rude ignorant common , people , ( great multitudes of whom by such false pretences and shews they do deceive and draw unto them ) yet were the multitudes of the Rebels never so huge and great , the Captains never so noble , politick and witty , the pretences feigned to be never so good and holy , yet the speedly overthrow of all Rebels , of what number , state or condition soever they were , or what colour or cause soever they pretended , is , and ever hath been such , that God doth thereby shew that he alloweth neither the dignity of any person , nor the multitude of any people , nor the weight of any cause , as sufficient for which the Subjects may move Rebellion against their Princes . " So far the very words of the Book of Homilies . 15. Quest . Why do you tell us thus of the Book of Homilies , composed by a company of ignorant Bookmen , men utterly unskilful in the Laws of the Land . Think you that we ascribe to them so much authority , as to be over-ruled by them in this case ? Answ. It may be not . But I must tell you that there was a Statute made in the thirteenth year of Queen Elizabeth , k entituled , An Act for Reformation of disorders in the Ministers in the Church , &c. in which it was enacted amongst other things , that all who were to be admitted unto holy Orders , or instituted into any Ecclesiastical preferment should first subscribe unto the Articles of Religion agreed upon in Convocation , Anno 15●2 . One of which Articles recites the names and titles of each several Homily , and approves their doctrine . So that although the Homilies were at first composed by men unskilful in the Laws , as you please to say , yet they received both strength and approbation from the skilfullest Lawyers of those times , convened with the Nobility and Gentry in the Court of Parliament , and consequently have as much authority as the Parliament could add unto them . But since you are not pleased with this general answer , give me your doubts and Queres in particular , and see what I can say unto them . 16. Quest . First then , I ask , whether if the King become a Tyrant , it be not Lawful in that case to bear Arms against him ? Answ. Yes , if G. Buchanan may be judg , l who tells us plainly , that he would have rewards proposed to such as should kill a Tyrant , as formerly there were for those who destroyed Wolves . But if S. Paul may rule the case we shall find it otherwise . For if we ask to whom it was that the Apostle did command Subjection to be given even by every soul , to whom it was that he forbad resistance to be made upon pain of Damnation ; m we shall find it was no other than the Emperour n Nero , the greatest Tyrant , the bloudiest and most terrible Prince , the greatest monster of mankind , that ever yet was born of Woman . Yet St. Paul writing to the Romans , over whom he did so cruelly tyrannize , commanded every soul to be subject to him , not for wrath only but for conscience sake , and that upon the pain and peril of damnation , no man should be so bold as to resist his power , or rebel against him . And doubtless Nebuchadnezzar was a mighty Tyrant , one who had taken from the Iews , their , Laws , their Liberty , their Religion , o and whatsoever else was most dear unto them . Yet were the Iews commanded to submit unto him , and patiently to bear the yoak which was laid upon them ; and not to hearken to their Prophets , not to their Diviners , nor unto their Dreamers ( mark it , for this is just your case ) which speak unto you , saying , ye shall not serve the King of Babylon , for they Prophesie a lye unto you that ye should perish , Jerem. 27. v. 9. Finally , to oppose the saying of an Heathen man , unto that wicked speech of him who did pretend so much unto Reformation , we find it thus resolved in Plutarch , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , p that it was contrary both to positive Laws , and the Law of Nature , for any Subject to lift up his hand against the person of his Sovereign . 17. Quest . Is it not lawful to bear Arms against Sovereign Princes , for the preservation of Religion ? Answ. Yes , for those men who place Religion in Rebellion , and whose faith is faction ; but for no men else . The Iews might well have pleaded this against Nebuchadnezzar when he destroyed their Temple , and forbad their sacrifices ; and the Christians in Tertullian's time ( when they were at the strongest ) against the Emperour Severus , who did not only labour to suppress Religion , but utterly to root out the Professours of it ; and yet the contrary doctrine was then preached and practised , as before was shewed you . What weapons the poor Christians did make use of in the time of Iulian the Apostate , in his endeavours to subvert the Gospel , and establish Paganism again in the place thereof , we told you lately out of Nazianzen : and shall now add , that the Christian party was then so strong and powerful in the Roman Armies , that when Iovinian was elected Emperour on the death of Iulian , the Soldiers with one voice cried out , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , q that they were all Christians . So that it was not consciousness of their own weakness , nor the fear of wrath ; but conscience of their duty , and the fear of God , which made them patiently submit to the present storm . Thus when the younger Valentinian endeavoured to supplant the true Religion , and to set up Arianism , to which he strongly was addicted , the Tyrant Maximus made offer to S. Ambrose of his Arms and Forces , the better to inable him to resist the Arians , and to preserve the true Religion : r but the good Father absolutely refused the offer . And though he was so well beloved and honoured by the people generally , that he could easily have Armed them against the Emperor , & crushed the Arian faction in the Court , by whom his Councils were directed ; yet he betook himself to no other weapons than his Prayers and Tears , the ancient weapons of the Christians . Coactus repugnare non novi , dolere potero , potero flere , potero gemere ; Aliter nec debeo nee possum resistere ; s other resistance knew he none , tho prest and opprest too , then his Tears and Prayers . 18. Quest . What if he violate our Laws , and infringe our Liberties , may we not then bear Arms against him ? Answ. Somewhat in answer unto this you received before , in the command imposed upon the Iews by the Prophet Ieremy , not to Rebel or take up Arms ( which come both to one ) against Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon , t although he did so tyrannize and Lord it over them , that neither their old Laws nor Liberties were a jot regarded . But that which I shall tell you now , it S. Pauls case in the 23. of the Acts . Being brought to plead his own cause , and the Gospels too , before the Council of Hierusalem , in the first entrance of his Plea , the high Priest Ananias commanded them that stood by to smite him on the mouth ; u and sitting there to judge him after the Law , commanded him to be smitten contrary to the Law . S. Paul , upon the apprehension of so great an injury , so plainly contrary unto the Laws , and Liberties of the Iewish Subject , calls him whited wall , and threatneth him with vengeance from Almighty God . x But finding that it was the High-Priest whom he had reviled ( who had sometimes the supream Government of the Iewish state ) he cried peccavi out of hand , imputed his offence to ignorance , y I wist not , Brethren , that he was the High Priest ; and finally condemned himself with a scriptum est , saying , z it is written , thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy People , if so , in case we may not speak evil of our Rulers , when they smite us contrary to the Laws , the Subjects Liberty , which is the rebellion of the tongue ; assuredly we may not take up Arms against them under those pretences , which is the rebellion of the hand . 19. Quest . What if the King be in the hands of Evil Counsellors , may we not take up Arms to remove them from him ? Answ. Yes , if the Earl of Essex may be Judg , whose Father fell into Rebellion under that pretence , a ut regnum ab impotenti quorundam dominatu liberaret , as to free the Kingdom from some men who had got the Queen into their hands , and consequently ingrossed unto themselves the principal managery of the Commonwealth . But he had other aims than that , as before was told you ; and so had they that went before him in the self same road . When as Watt Tiler , and Jack Straw , and the residue of that Rascal Rabble had took up Arms against King Richard the second , they made the Londoners believe ( who have been always apt to be deluded by the like pretences ) that when they had seized on the evil Counsellors , b which abused the King , and brought them to a legal trial , then they would be quiet . But under this pretence they broke open Prisons , robbed Churches , murdered the King's good Subjects , and finally arrived to so high an impudence , that Watt Tiler did not stick to say , that within four days all the Laws of England should proceed from his mouth . c And when Jack Cade had drawn the Kentish to Rebel against King Henry the sixth , he gave it out , that if he could get the King and Queen into his hands , he would use them honourably ; d but if he could lay hands on any of the Traytors which were about them , he would take care to see them punished for their misdemeanours . But in good truth the end and aim of the Rebellion , was to depose King Henry and the House of Lancaster , in favour of the title of the Duke of York . 20. Quest . What if the King assaults a Subject , or seek to take away his life ; may not the Subject in that case take up Arms against him ? Answ. Yes , if e Paraeus may be Judg , and some of the Genevian Doctors who have so determined . But David's case , which commonly is alledged in defence hereof , if looked on with the eyes of judgment , doth affirm the contrary . For David , though he had a guard of some friends and followers to save him from the hands of such wicked instruments , as Saul in his unjust displeasure might have used against him : yet he preserved himself from Saul not by resistance , but by flight , f by flitting up and down as the King removed , and approached near him with his Armies . For had he had a thought of War , though Defensive meerly , 't is probable he would have took the opportunities which were offered to him , either of seizing on Sauls person when he had him all alone in the Cave of Engeddi , g or suffering Abishai to smite him as he lay asleep in the Hill of Hachilah , h or at the least in making sure of Abner and the Host of Saul , who lay sleeping by him . i But David was not so well tutored in the Art of Rebellion , as to secure himself this way , and wanted some of our new Masters to instruct him in it . If from the practice of a pious and religious Iew , we will look down upon the precept of a grave , wise , and learned Gentile , we shall find this rule laid down in Aristotle , k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that if the Magistrate assault the person of a private Subject , the Subject may not strike again , nor lift hand against him . Finally , that you may perceive how much all sorts of men do oppose your Doctrines , Calvin himself , although no friend to Monarchy , doth affirm thus much , l qui privatus manum intulerit , &c. that any private person of what sort soever , who shall lift up his hand against his Sovereign ( though a very Tyrant ) is for the same condemned by the voice of God . 21. Quest . Perhaps we may so far agree with you , as to disable private persons from bearing Arms , and lifting up their hands against Kings , and Princes of their own authority : But think you that inferiour Magistrates are not inabled by their Offices to protect the People , and arm them if occasion be , in their own defence ? Answ. 'T is true that some Divines of the Reformed Churches , who either lived in popular States , or had their breeding at Geneva , or thought the Discipline by them defended could not be otherwise obtruded upon Christian Princes , than by putting the Sword into the hands of the People , have spared no pains to spread abroad this dangerous Doctrine ; in which they have not wanted followers in most parts of Christendom . But S. Paul knew of no such matter when he commanded every soul to yield obedience and subjection to the higher powers , and upon no occasion to resist those powers to which the Lord had made them subject . So that although inferiour Magistrates may expect obedience from the hands of those , over whom and for whose weal and governance they are advanced and placed by the Prince in chief ; yet God expects that they should yield obedience to the powers above them , especially to the highest of all , than which there is not any higher . There is a golden Chain in Polities , and every link thereof hath some relation and dependence upon that before ; so far forth as inferiour Magistrates do command the People , according to that power and those instruments which is communicated to them by the supreme Prince , the Subject is obliged to submit unto them , without any manner of Resistance . Men of no publick Office must obey the Constable , the Constable is bound to speed such Warrants as the next Iustice of the Peace shall direct unto him ; the Iustices receive the exposition of the Law from the mouth of the Iudges ; the Iudges have no more Authority but what is given them by the King : And thereupon it needs must follow , that though the Iudges direct the Iustices , and the Iustices command the Constables , and the Constables may call the People to their aid , if occasion be ; yet all must yield a free obedience , without reluctancy or resistance to the King himself . The reason is , because as Kings or Supreme Magistrates are called Gods Ministers by S. Paul , m so the inferiour or Subordinate Magistrates are called the Kings Ministers by S. Peter , n Submit your selves to the King , as unto the Supreme ; next to such Governours as are sent ( or authorized ) by him for the punishment of evil doers . Besides , there is no Inferior Matistrate of what sort soever , but as he is a publick person , in respect of those that are beneath him , so is he but a private man in reference to the powers above him ; and therefore as a private person disabled utterly ( by your own rules ) from having any more authority to resist his Sovereign , or bear defensive Arms against him as well as any other of the Common People . The government of States may be compared most properly unto Porphyries Tree , in which there is one Genus summum , and many Genera subalterna . Now 't is well known to every young Logician who hath learnt his Predicabiles , that Genus subalternum is a species only as it looks up to those above it ; a Genus in relation unto these below it . If you have so much Logick in you as to make application of this Note to the present case , you will perceive inferiour Magistrates to be no Magistrates at all , as they relate unto the King , the Genus summum in the scale of Govenment , and therefore of no more authority to resist the King , or call the People unto Arms , than the meanest Subject . 22. Quest . If so , then were the Christian Subject of all men most miserable , o in being utterly deprived of all ways and means , by which to free his Country from Oppression , and himself from Tyranny . And therefore tell me if you can , what would you have the Subject do in these extremities , in which you have deprived him of all means to relieve himself ? Answ. That which the Lord himself prescribed , and the Saints have practised . When first the Lord acquainted those of the house of Israel , how heavy a yoke their violence and importunity in asking for a King , had pulled upon them ; he told them of no other remedy for so much affliction , but that they should cry out in that day , because of the King whom they had chosen . p No casting off the yoke when we find it grievous , nor any way to make it lighter and more pleasing to us , than either by addressing our Complaints to the Lord our God , or tendring our Petitions to our Lord the King . Kings are accomptable to none but God , if they abuse the power which he gives unto them : Nor can we sue them for a Trespass in any other Court , than the Court of Heaven . Therefore when David had defiled the Wife , and destroyed the Husband , he thought himself responsal for it unto none but God , against whom only he had sinned , q as he saith himself . And thereupon S. Ambrose gives this gloss on those words of David , Homini ergo non peccavit cui non tenebatur obnoxius . r David , saith he , confesseth no offence to man , by whom he could not be impleaded ; but only unto God who had power to judg him . St. Gregory of Tours understood this rightly , when he did thus address himself to a King of France , Si quis de nobis , &c. s " If any of us ( O King ) do transgress the Laws , thou hast power to punish him ; but it thou goest beyond thy limits , who can punish thee ? We tell thee of thy faults as occasion serves , and when thou listest to give ear , thou dost hearken to us : Which if thou shouldest refuse to do , who shall judg thee for it , but he that calls himself by the name of Justice . " And that you may be sure , that it is no otherwise in England than in France and Iewry , Bracton , a great and famous Lawyer of this Kingdom , doth affirm expresly , that if the King proceed not in his Government according unto Law and Right , there is no legal remedy to be had against him . What then is to be done by the injured Subject ? Locus erit supplicationi quod factum suum corrigat & emendet ; quod si non fecerit , satis ei sufficit ad poenam , quòd Dominum expec●et ultorem . t All that he hath to do ( saith he ) is , that the doth petition him for relief and remedy ; which if the King refuse to consent unto , it will be punishment enough unto him , that he must look for vengeance from the hands of God . Which said , he given this reason for it , Because that no man is to call the Kings Acts in question , multò fortiùs contra factu● suum venire , must less , to go about to annul and avoid them by force and violence . 23. Quest . We grant it to be true which you cite from Bracton , as it relates to private and particular men ; but think you that it doth concern or oblige the Parliament , which is the representative body of the Kingdom ? Answ. Hoc sumus congregati quod & dispersi , u as Tertullian tells us of the Christians in another case . We shewed before that Subjects were in no case to resist their Sovereigns , in the way of Arms , either as private persons on inferiour Magistrates . And thereupon we may conclude , that the People of this Realm in the diffusive body of it , having no power of levying War or raising Forces to resist the King , without being punishable for the same , as in case of Treason ; cannot enable the two Houses of Parliament , which are the representative body of it , to do those Acts , which they want power to do themselves ; for no Man can confer a power upon any other which is not first vested in himself , according to that good old rule , Nemo dat quod non habet , And therefore if it be rebellion in the English Subject out of times of Parliament , to levy War against the King in his Realm , or to adhere unto his Enemies , and be aiding to them : I know not how it can excuse the Members of the two Houses of Parliament from coming within the compass of that Condemnation , if they commit such Acts in time of Parliament , and under the pretence of the power thereof , which are judged Treason and Rebellion by the Laws of England . 24. Quest . But Master Prynne hath learnedly removed that rub , x who tells you that the Statute of 25. Edward 3. runs ( only ) in the Singular number , If a man shall levy War against the King , and therefore cannot be extended to the Houses , who are many and publick persons ; What can you answer unto that ? Answ. That Mr. Prynne having so often shewn malice , may have a little leave sometimes to shew his folly , and make some sport unto the Kingdom in these useful times : for if his learned observation will hold good in Law , it is not possible that any Rebellion should be punished in a legal way ; because so many ( and some of them perhaps may be publick persons ) are commonly ingaged in actions of that wicked nature . And I suppose that Mr. Prynne with all his learning , did never read of a Rebellion , that is to say , of a War levyed by the Subject against his Sovereign , plotted and executed by one man only , in the Singular number . Had Master Prynne affirmed on his word and credit , that the Members of the two Houses were not men but gods , he had then said somewhat which would have freed them from the guilt and danger of that dreadful Statute . If he admit them to be men , and grant them to have levyed War against his Majesty , or to be aiding to the Rebels now in arms against him ; he both conclude them to be guilty of this great Rebellion , with which this miserable Kingdom in almost laid desolate . His Sophistry and trim distinctions touching their quality and numbers will but little help them . 25. Qu. We have another Plaister which will salve that Sore , viz. The difference that is made between the King's Person and his Power by which is it made visible to discerning eyes , that though the Parliament have levyed War against the Person of the King , yet they do not fight against his Power , but defend it rather . And 't is not a resistance of the Person but the Power of Princes , which is forbidden by Saint Paul . How do you like of that distinction ? Answ. As ill , or worse than of the other , as being of the two the more serious folly ; and coming from an Author no less factious ( but far more learned I confess ) than your other was . For if I do remember right , Buchanan was the first that broached this Doctrine in his Book De jure regni apud Scotos ; in which he tells us that Saint Paul in the place aforesaid doth not speak of Magistrates , Sed de functione & officio eorum qui aliis praesunt , but of the Magistracy it self , the Function or Office of the Magistrate , which must not be resisted , though his Person may . Which foolish Fancy serving fitly for a Cloak or Vizard , wherewith to palliate and disguise Rebellions , hath since been ofen used by those who pursue his Principles , ( though never worn so thred-bare as of late , in your treacherous Pamphlets : ) but draweth after it as many and as gross Absurdities as the other did . For by this strange division of the King from himself , or of his Person from his Power ; a Traitor may kill Charles , and not hurt the King , destroy the Man and save the Magistrate , the Power of the King in one of the Armies may fight against his Person in the other Army , his own Authority may be used to his own destruction , and one may lawfully set upon him , beat , assault , and wound him , in order to his preservation . So that you make the King like Sosia in the ancient Comedy , who being well beaten , and demanded who it was that did it , made answer , Egomet , memet , qui nunc sunt domi , z that Sosia , who was at home in his Masters House , did beat that Sosia which was abroad in his Masters business . But questionless Saint Paul did better understand himself than either Buchanan , or any of his followers since his time have done : Who doth interpret the word power , which he useth in the first and second Verses , by that of Principes & Ministri , Rulers and Ministers , which be useth in the third and fourth : Which as it plainly shews that he meaneth the Magistrate , and not the Function or the Office , as your Masters tell you ; so doth it leave you liable to the wrath of God , if you endeavour to defend these wicked and rebellious courses by such wretched shifts . 26. Quest . What say you then , if it appear that the two Houses of Parliament , ( for I use your terms ) are not subordinate to the King , but coordinate with him : y I hope then you will yield so far that the two Houses have a power , if they cannot otherwise provide for the common safety , to arm the People of the Realm against Him , as against an Equal . Answ. We grant indeed , that People which have no Superiour , but stand on equal terms with one another , if injured by their Neighbours , and not receiving satisfaction when they do desire it , may remedy themselves by force , and for so doing by the Law of Nations , are esteemed just Enemies ; but so it is not in the point which is now in question , the Realm of England ( as it is declared by Act of a Parliament ) being on Empire , governed by one supreme Head and King , having the Dignity and Royal Estate of the Imperial Crown of the same , unto whom● Body Politick compact of all sorts and degrees of People , divided in ●erms and by Names of Spirituality and Temporality , been bounden and ought to bear next to God , a natural and humble Obedience . Assuredly , had the Lords and Commons then assembled , conceived themselves coordinate with the King in the publick Government , they would not have so wronged themselves and their Posterity , as to have made this declaration and acknowledgment so prejudicial thereunto , not only in a Parliament time , but by Act of Parliament . Besides , if this Coordination which you dream of could be once admitted , it must needs follow thereupon , that though the King hath no Superiour , he hath many Equals , and where there is equality there is no subjection . But Bracton tells you in plain terms , not only that the King hath no superiour in his Realm , except God alone , but that he hath no Equal , neither , Parem autem non habet in regno suo , as his words there are b And then he gives this reason of it , Quia sic amitteret praeceptum , cum par in parem non habet imperium , because he could not have an Equal but with the loss of his Authority and Regal Dignity , considering , that an Equal hath no power to command another . Now lest you should object that is spoken of the King out of times of Parliament , but that when once the Lords and Commons are convened in Parliament , the case is otherwise . First , you must think that had this Doctrine been on foot in the times preceding , it would have been a great impediment unto frequent Parliaments ; and that our King ▪ ( as others ) being very jealous even of the smallest points of Sovereignty , would not admit of Partners in the Crown Imperial , by the assembling of a Parliament , having been used to reign alone without any Rivals . And Secondly , you may call to mind , that even sedente Parliamento , during the sitting of the Court , the Lords and Commons call themselves His Majesties most humble and obedient Subjects , which is not only used as a stile of course in such Petitions as they use to present unto him , ( and by the way , 't is not the use for men of equal power to send Petitions unto one another ) but it is the very Phrase in some Acts of Parliament , c for which I do refer you to the Book at large . And if they be his Subjects , as they say they be , they cannot be his Equals , as you say they are ; and therefore not coordinate with him , but subordinate to him ; by consequence the levying War against the King , no more excusable in them than the meanest Subject . 27. Quest . You take great pains to make the Parliament , or the two Houses , as you call them , to be guilty of Rebellion against his Majesty without ground or reason . For tell me seriously , think you the Parliament hath not power to arm the people , and put them into a posture of defence against the Enemies of the Kingdom , if they see occasion ? Answ. Yes , if the King do give consent , and that there be such Enemies against whom to arm them . For properly , according to the ordinary rules of Polities , there is no power of raising Forces , and putting the People into Arms , but only in the Prince or Supreme Magistrate . The Civil Laws have so resolved it . Nulli prorsus , nobis insciis & inconsultis , quorumlibet armorum movendorum copia tribuatur d ; let none presume to levy Forces , whatsoever the pretence or occasion be , without our privity or consent , saith the Constitution . If you consult with the Divines , Saint Austin , a most Learned Father , will inform you thus , that the natural course and arts of Government accommodated to the peace and welfare of us mortal men do require thus much , Ut suscipiendi belli autoritas atque consilium penes principes sit , e that all authority of making war and levying forces appertain only to the Prince . And if you please to look on Bracton , or any of the Lawyers of your Native Country , they will tell you this , that the material sword is put into the hands of the King by Almighty God , f that by the material sword is meant a power and right to look to the defence and preservation of the Kingdom ; and that it is no less than Treason to enter into any association , g or to raise a war without the Kings consent , or against his will . And this the Houses , as it seems , understood full well , when purposing to levy Forces to begin the War , they took the Kings authority along for company , and raised them in the name of the King and Parliament , the better to seduce the People to a blinded Rebellion . As for the Enemies of the Kingdom , against whom the Subjects were to arm themselves by the appointment of the Houses , I can tell of none ; no nor they neither , as I take it , unless they saw them in their dreams . And for your posture of defence , as you please to phrase it , ( besides that I have proved before , that even defensive Arms are absolutely unlawful on the Subjects part ) the war hath been offensive plainly on the part of the Houses , which as it was contrived and followed without the least colour of necessity to induce them to it , so did it aim at nothing else than the destruction of the King , and the alteration of the Government , which are the purpose and design of all Rebellions , as before was told you . 28. Quest . How prove you that the Parliament did begin the war , that on their parts it was offensive , not defensive only , or that they had a purpose to destroy the King ? if you can make this good you shall gain me to you . Answ. This point hath been so agitated and discoursed already , it were but labour lost to speak further in it . The Votes and Orders of the Houses for putting the Kingdom into a posture of war , the taking into their own hands the whole Militia of the Kingdom , raising of Money , Men , and Horses , in all the quarters of the Land , mustering their new-raised House and Foot in Finsbury-fields , and Tuttle-fields , seizing upon the Arms and Ammunition which the King had bought with his own money , and laid up in his own Magazines , before the King had either money enough to pay a Soldier , powder enough to kill a Bird , or Men enough about him to guard his Person from any ordinary force and violence ; what was all this but a beginning of the war ? and who did this but some prevailing Men in the two Houses of Parliament , under the name and stile of the Lords and Commons ? Then for the managing of the war , if it had been defensive only , as you say it was , what needed a Commission to the Earl of Essex to kill and slay all such as opposed their doings ? What needed they have sent some part of their Forces into Hampshire , to pluck the Town of Portsmouth out of the Kings hands , which by reason of the distance of it could not do them hurt ; another into Dorsetshire to beat the Marquess of Hertford out of Sherborne Castle ; a third , and that the greatest part as far as Worcester , and beyond it , to find the King , and give him battel before he was within an hundred Miles of them ? What needed they have sent their Emissaries into all the Counties of the Kingdom , to put the People into Arms , in which the King had neither Power nor Party that appeared for him ; or to exhaust the blood and treasure of this Nation , under pretence of settling their own privileges and the Subjects liberties , when the King offered more by his frequent Messages than they had reason to expect ? Doubtless they could pretend no danger , as the case then stood , which might necessitate them to take Arms in their own defence : and therefore now of late they have changed their terms , and do not make the war defensive meerly , but in part preventive . h It seems their consciences told them what they had deserved , and so for fear the King might right himself upon them when he was of power , they thought it best to strike the first blow and begin the Quarrel ; in hope to make such sure work of it , that he should never strike the second . But to say truth , the War was not preventive neither on the Houses part , but a design that had been plotted long before , and was made ripe for execution , when there was neither ground nor colour to possess the People with the fancy , that the King intended force against them . For what purpose else did Sir Arthur Haslerig and M. Pym sojourn two years together with Mr. Knightly , so near the habitation of the good Lord Say ? to what end held they correspondence with the discontented Party in the Country , and took such pains in canvassing for Knights and Burgesses ( when this present Parliament was called ) in most Counties , & c ? Or to what end and purpose had the zealous Citizens so used themselves unto their weapons , frequented the Artillery Garden , and stored themselves with Arms in so large a measure , but that they were resolved to be in readiness when the time should come ? This if it were not a design , must be done by Prophecy , not in the way of a prevention . 29. Quest . But to the other point you spake off , touching the purpose which you say they had to destroy the King ; can you make any proof of that ? Answ. I have already told you from the mouths of our greatest Lawyers , that all Rebellions aim at no other end then the destruction of the King , and the change of Government ; and that this end was aimed at more especially in this particular Rebellion . I shall tell you now , you cannot chuse but call to mind with what heat and violence , multitudes of the rascal people , as they flocked towards Westminster , clamoured against his Sacred Majesty , even at Whitehall Gates ; and how seditiously they expressed the secrets of their traitorous hearts : some saying openly as they passed along , that the King was the Traitor ; some , that the young Prince would govern better ; and others of a more transcendent wickedness , l that the King was not fit to live . Next look upon these very Men , ( for out of them the body of their Army was at first compounded ) trained to the Wars , well armed , and marching furiously to find out the King , against whose Sacred Person , and most precious life , they had before expressed such a dangerous malice . Then add to this , that when they came unto Edge-Hill , they bent their Canon more especially , and spent the hottest part of their shot and fury towards that part of the battel in which ( according unto that advertisement which the villain Blague had given their General , a Man as full of discontent and malice , as the worst amongst them ) the King in Person , and the two young Princes meant to be . Put this together , and compare it with some subsequent passages which have been desperatly vented in the House of Commons ( touching the deposition of the King ) without check or censure ; and the inviting of a forreign Nation to Invade this Kingdom , the better to effect their business , and tell me , if you can , what is aimed at else , then the destruction of the King , and his Royal Issue ? 30. Quest . I must confess you put me to it , but I must take some time to consider of it , before I tell you what I think . In the mean season I have one more doubt to propose unto you , which if you can remove , I am wholly yours . The name of Parliament is sacred to me , and I am loth to scruple any of those actions , which receive countenance and authority from the awful body . Can you make proof that the Party which remains at Westminster have not the full authority of the two Houses of Parliament ? If you could make that clear , then the work were done . Answ. I dare not take that task upon me ; it is too invidious : but I shall offer these few things to your consideration . First , it would seriously be considered , Whether the King , whose presence , as the head of that awful body , gives life and motion to the acts and results thereof , do purposely absent himself to make their consultations frustrate and their meeting fruitless ; or that he hath been driven from them by force and violence ? Secondly , Whether such considerable numbers of the Lords and Commons , as are now absent from the Houses , have left the Houses and the service , for no other reason than for compliance with the King , and to serve his ends ( in hope of getting honours and preferments by him , ) or on the motion made by the rascal multitude , to have the names of these given up , who Voted not with Say , and Pym , and other the good Members of both Houses ? Thirdly , What mischief would ensue both to the Church of Christ , and the States of Christendom , If when the greater and sounder part of Parliaments and General Councils shall be driven away , either by the threats and practices of the lesser , and the worse affected ; the less and the worse affected part may have the reputation of the whole body , and their actions countenanced by the name thereof ? Fourthly , Whether it be not one of the greatest prejudices which the Protestants have against the Council of Trent , k that it was held in an unsafe place , which they could not come to without danger ; and that the Prelates there assembled , were so prelimited by the Popes instructions , or awed with an Italian Guard which was set upon them , under pretence of safety to their Persons , from affronts and injuries , that they had neither freedom to debate the points which were there propounded , nor liberty of suffrage to determine of them ? Fifthly , Whether the King calling the expulsed Party of the Lords and Commons to some other place , and summoning all the rest also to assemble there , may not with greater reason take unto themselves the name , the power , and reputation of a Parliament , than the remaining party now at Westminster , consisting seldom of above an hundred Commons , and sometimes not above three Lords , have challenged and usurped the name of the two Houses ? Sixthly and lastly , — 31. Quest . Hold , I must interupt you there . The King by Writ appoints his Parliament to be held at Westminster , and by a subsequent Act or Statute hath so bound himself , that he can neither dissolve nor adjourn it without their consent ; How can he then remove it to another place , than that which was at first appointed ? Answ. No doubt but he may do it with as good authority , as the two Houses , or either of them may adjourn to London , which you cannot choose but know hath been often done , since the beginning of this Session . For tho they sit not there as Houses , but by turning the either of the Houses into a Committee of the whole House : yet this is but an Artifice to elude the Writ , and act their business in a place of more advantage . The change is only in the name , but the power the same . Witness those Votes and Declarations which they have passed and published in the said Committees , as binding and effectual to their ends and purposes , as any thing transacted in the several Houses . Nor is the place so necessary and essential unto the being of Parliament , but that the major part with the Kings consent , may change it if they think it profitable for the Common wealth . Otherwise we might say of Parliaments , as once Victorinus did of Christians , l Ergone pariete ; faciunt Christianum ? Is it the place and not the persons which do make a Parliament ? Or grant we , that of common course the Houses cannot regularly be adjourned to another place , but the adjournment must be made in the House it self ; yet this is but a circumstance , or at most a ceremony , not of the substance of the work . And if that speech of Caesar carrieth any weight , ( as all wise Men conceive it doth ) Legem necessitati cedere oportere , m that even the strictest Laws must yield to the necessities and uses of the Common-wealth : no question but so slight a circumstance , as that of place must needs be thought in the present business , is to give way unto the peace and preservation of this wretched Kingdom . 32. Quest . These points I shall consider of as you have advised ; only at present I shall tell you , that I am very well resolved of the unlawfulness of this War against His Majesty , and think them guilty of Rebellion , who either laid the plot thereof , or have since pursued it . Tell me now for the close of all , what punishment the Laws do inflict on those who are convicted of so capital and abhorred a crime ? Answ. You cannot be so ignorant of the Laws of England , as not to know , That a convicted Rebel is condemned to be hanged , drawn , and quartered , his belly to be ripped up , and his bowels to be taken out , whilest he is yet living , his head and limbs to be advanced on some eminent places , for a terrible example unto others , his blood attainted , his estate confiscate , his possessions forfeited . The Civil Laws go somewhat further , and execute them after death in their Coats of Arms , which are to be defaced and razed , in what place soever they are found . Rebellium arma & Insignia delenda sunt , ubicunque inveniuntur , n as Bartolus hath it . I end as I began with the Book of Homilies ; " Turn over and read the Histories of all Nations , look over the Chronicles of our own Country , call to mind so many Rebellions of old time , and some yet fresh in memory , ye shall not find that God ever prospered any Rebellion against the natural and lawful Prince , but contrariwise , that the Rebels were overthrown and slain , and such as were taken Prisoners dreadfully executed . Consider the great and noble Houses of Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , and other Lords , whose names ye shall read in our Chronicles , now clean extinguished and gone , and seek out the causes of the decay , you shall find that not lack of Issue and Heirs Male hath so much wrought that decay , and waste of noble Bloods and Houses , as hath Rebellion . " 1 Sam. 26. 9. Who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed , and be guiltless ? Prov. 24. 21 , 22. My son , fear thou the Lord and the King , and meddle not with them that are given to change , for their calamity shall rise suddenly , and who knoweth the ruin of them both ? FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43548e-210 a First part of the Homily against Rebellion . b Aristot. in Problem . sect. 40. c Merc. An●i● . Sept. 52. d V. Stamfords Pleas cap. 2. Coke on Littleton I. 2. c. 11. §. 200. e Stat. 25. Ed. 3. cap. 2. f Bracton . l. 2. g V. Speed , Hollingsh ▪ and others , in the life of Edw. 4. g V. Speed , Hollingsh ▪ and others , in the life of Edw. 4. h Id. in Hen. 8. i Compton in his book of Justices . k Stow. in Hen. 7. l Id. in Elizabeth . m Hollingsh . in the life of Q. Elizabeth . n Compton in his book of Justices . o Howe 's addition to Stowes Chronicle . p Cap. 2. q Spiegel in Lexico ●ur . Civil . r Bartolus in Constitut. Hen. 7. s Camden Annal. Eliz. An. 1601. t Camden ibid. u Id. Ibid. x Idem . Ibid. y Rom. 13. 1. z Rom. 13. a In Apolog. b Cyprian ▪ Epistola ad Demetrian . c Lactant ▪ Institut . divin. l. 5. d Eucher : Lugdun●●ns . & alii . e Mercur ▪ Britannicus . num . 19. f Nazianzen . Oratio 1. in Julian . g Ambros. Orat. 5. h Bartolus in repertorio . First part of the Homily against Rebellion . k S●at . 13. Eliz. cap. 1● . l Buchanan . de jure Regni . m Rom. 13. v. 1 , 2 , 3. n Baron . & Chronol. alii . o 2 Kings 25. & 2 Chron. c. 36. p Plutarch . in Agis & Ceolmenis . q Socrat. Eccl. Hist. l. 4. c. 22. r Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. l. 3 c. 4. s Ambr. Orat. 5. t Jerem. 27. 9 , 10. u Acts 23. v. 2 , 3. x Ibid. v. 3. y Ibid. v. 4. z Ibid. v. 4. a Camden , Annal. Eliz. Anno 16●0 . b Hollingsh . in Rich. 2. c Id. Ibid. d Id. in the life of Henry 6. e Paraeus in ep. ad Rom. c. 13. f 1 Sam. 22. v. 5. 23. v. 13. 26 , 27 , &c. g 1 Sam. 24. v. 3. h 1 Sam. 16. v. 3. i Ibid. v. 12. k Aristot. in Polit. l Calvin Institut . l. 3. c. 10. 5 , 6. m Rom. 13. vers. 4. n 1 Pet. ● . vers. 14. o Merc. Brit. numb. 19. p 1 Sam. ● . vers. 18. q Ps. 51. v. 4. r Ambros. in locum . s S Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. t Bracton . 1. cap. 8. u Tertull. Apologet . c. 39. x In his disloyalty of Papists , &c. z Plaut. in Amphitr . Act. 2. y Observations on his Majesties Answers , &c. a Statut. 24. Henr. 8. ● . 12. b Bract●n I. 1. c 8. ● 5. c 25. Hen. 8. c. 22 , &c. d Constitut. Valentin . & Valent . e August . f Bract. l. 1. c. 8. ● . 4. & l. 2. c. 24. g Proclam . Feb. 16. 1642 h Merc. Brit. numb. 18 , 19. l L. Digbies Apol. p. 13. k Histor Con ▪ Triden . Sleid. & alii . l S. August . Confess . l. 8. c. 2. m Val. Max. l. 3. c. 7. n. 3. n Bartochinus in Repertorio aureo . 
A43556	----	A view of the proceedings of the Western-counties for the pacification of their present troubles as also of the plots and purpose to disturbe the same. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43556 of text R216768 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1743A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 21 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43556 Wing H1743A ESTC R216768 99828489 99828489 32916 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43556) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 32916) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1866:20) A view of the proceedings of the Western-counties for the pacification of their present troubles as also of the plots and purpose to disturbe the same. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [2], 10 p. Printed [by L. Lichfield], [Oxford] : in the yeare 1642. [i.e. 1643] By Peter Heylyn. Dates are given according to Lady Day dating. Place of publication and printer's name from Wing. An account of conferences and intriguing in Dorset, Devon, and Cornwall from Dec. 1642 to March 1642/3, displaying apprehension lest the agreement between Devon and Cornwall with a view to peace should be upset by Parliamentary intriguers. The account was written between March 15 and March 21 and was no doubt printed about the later date. The style and ornaments prove that it was printed at Oxford. -- Cf. Madan. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Devon (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Cornwall (England : County) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Dorset (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. A43556 R216768 (Wing H1743A). civilwar no A view of the proceedings of the Western-counties for the pacification of their present troubles: as also of the plots and purpose to distur Heylyn, Peter 1643 3567 3 0 0 0 0 0 8 B The rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-10 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VIEW OF THE Proceedings of the WESTERN-COUNTIES FOR THE PACIFICATION Of their present troubles : AS ALSO OF THE PLOTS AND PURPOSE to Disturbe the same . Psal. CXX . vers. V. My soule hath long dwelt amongst those that be Enemies unto Peace . Printed in the Yeare , 1642. A VIEVV OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE Westerne Counties for the Pacification of their present Troubles &c. IT hath been long the mischievous designe of those , who have embroyled this Kingdom in a Civill Warre , not only to maintain an Army of discontented and seditious persons , for the destruction of their Soveraigne , but to ingage the greatest and most populous Counties in an unnaturall dissention amongst themselves . In prosecution of which wicked Counsailes , as they have spared no subtile Artifices , to infatuate and seduce the people to their own destruction , and the undoing of their wives and families : so when they find them sensible of those afflictions which they have pulled upon themselves , and willing returne into more peaceable courses ; they have not failed to animate them to their former surie , and interrupt all Consultations and Agreements which might conduce unto their Peace . The first example of this kind was that of Yorkshire , the Gentry and Commonalty of the which , having played too long a part in this wofull Tragedy , had mutually agreed upon such equall termes of Pacification , as might restore that Country to its antient quiet ; and this they had confirmed by the subscription of the hands of the most eminent & able men of either party . But this was presently disallowed by those factious spirits , who have too great a power in the two Houses of Parliament , as being utterly destructive of their ends and hopes : and upon that dislike commanded not to be observed , and so by consequence annulled . How miserable a Theatre of blood , death , and rapine , that wretched County hath been made ever since that time , as we see now not without griefe and Lamentation , so shall Posterity , being lesse interessed in the quarrels which are now on foot , peruse the story of it with a greater sorrow . Cheshire as not farre off in situation , was next unto this people in example also . They on the sense of those calamities under which they suffered , by nourishing an intestine warre in their own bowels , had fallen upon the like attonement : and for the keeping of the same , the Principall Agents of each side had promised one another severally in the word of a Gentleman , and as they did desire to prosper , that both themselves , their Tenants , friends and servants would most strictly keep it . But yet this promise made in so solemne manner , and bound with such an imprecation to observe the same , was not found sufficient , for the preventing of all further acts of enmity and desolation , there following on the neck thereof , a Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , wherein was signified and declared , That the said Pacification and agreement , was very prejudiciall to the whole Kingdom , derogatory to the power and Priviledge of Parliament ; and therefore that not only the inhabitants thereof , but that the Gentlemen themselves who were the parties to the Articles were not bound unto them ; and finally all the inhabitants thereof , commanded and required to pursue their former Resolutions , for the assistance of the Parliament in the Common cause . Though these examples might have terrified the most moderate men , such as were most inclinable to their Countries peace , from ventring on the like conclusions , which they perceived would not be left unto their power to observe or not : yet warre and discord are such troublesome and unwelcome guests , that notwithstanding these discouragements , the Western Counties have embraced the same Counsailes also , and entertained some Propositions , conducing to the introduction of a blessed peace . And first the Gentlemen and other intelligent persons of the County of Dorset , having felt some of the effects of Warre in the action of Sherborne , and seeing how great a flame was raised in Devonshire , bordering next upon them , endeavoured to preserve themselves from that combustion which had laid wast so many of their neighbours houses . And to that end agreed amongst themselves upon such Articles , as the necessity of their affaires , and the sad spectacles before their eyes , did invite them to : whereof Sir Thomas Trenchard Knight , and Iohn Browne Esquire , two of the Deputy Lieutenants for exercising of the Militia , according to the Ordinance of the two Houses of Parliament , were as the first movers so the most effectuall promoters too . And yet this Pacification so agreed upon , and at a time , when the whole County so distasted the proceedings of the two Houses of Parliament , that there was tenne against them for every one that would adventure in their cause , ( as the said Gentlemen did signify by letters to diverse of their friends in the Lower House ) was not held convenient . And thereupon Sir William Waller must be hastned to the Western parts , that by the power and reputation of his Armes the said Agreement might be broken ; and all that had consented to the common Peace might either be compelled to advance the Warre , or flie the Country . In the mean time , whilest Waller was upon his March , and the affaires of Dorset-shire in so good condition , that it was hoped they would be able to make good their own Conclusions : the Devon-shire and the Cornish Armies , who had so oft imbrued their hands in each others blood , though still with losse of men and reputation on the Devon-shire side , began to hearken to such counsailes , as God had put into the hearts of some honest Gentlemen , ( though otherwise of different opinions ) to propose unto them . And it pleased him who maketh two to be of one minde in an house , so to incline the hearts both of the greater and the better part of those severall Counties , as first to hearken to a trnce , and on the expiration of that Truce ( which was expired the seventh of this present March ) to yeeld to a Cessation for twenty daies , that so the Treaty might advance with the more apparent hopes of an happy issue . Which being mutually agreed on for the common good , their next care was to choose Commissioners for each side , men of integrity and honour , on whom they might conferre a concluding power to bind all parties ; and unto whose determinations they might with safety and assurance submit themselves . This done , and the Commissioners assembled at Mount-Edgecomb a place in Cornwall , on the fourth of March , to give assurance each to other , and to all the world , of their integrity , and of the reall intentions which they had to peace ( secluded from all sinister and particular ends ) they took a solemne Protestation , and afterward received the blessed Sacrament , for ratification of the same . The Protestation is as followeth , which I have here transcribed verbatim , that all the World may see , ( if they be not blind , ) with what syncerity and candor they purpose to proceed in so great a businesse . I. A.B. doe solemnly vow and pretest in the presence of Almighty God , that I doe not only come a Commissioner to this treaty , with an hearty and fervent desire of concluding an honourable and firme Peace between the two Counties of Cornwall and Devon , but also will to the utmost of my power prosecute and really endeavour to accomplish and effect the same , by all lawfull waies and means I possibly can , First by maintaining the Protestant Religion established by Law in the Church of England , The just rights and prerogative of our Soveraigne Lord the King , The just priviledges and freedome of Parliaments , together with the just rights and the liberty of the Subject ; and that I am without any intention ( by fomenting this unnaturall Warre ) to gaine or hope to advantage my selfe with the reall or personall estate of any person whatsoever , or obtaining any Office , Command , title of Honour , benefit or reward , either from the Kings Majesty , or either or both houses of Parliament now assembled . And this I take in the presence of Almighty God , and as I shall answer the same at his Tribunall , according to the literall sence and meaning of the fore-going words , without any Equivocation , Mentall Reservation , or other Evasion whatsoever , So help me God . Which Protestation being thus taken , was subscribed also by the hands of all the Commissioners , being eighteen in number , for each County nine . This preparation being made , and the syncerity of their intentions so fully manifested , the Commissioners authorized for Cornwall ( considering that they stood on the higher ground ) did first propound their Articles to those of Devon : Articles of so even a temper , and so agreeable to the Lawes established , that those of Devonshire had been bound to admit the same , if all things had succeeded answerably to their former expectations and endeavours . The most materiall of them were to this effect . 1. That the book of Common-prayer , the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England formerly established by lawfull authority , for the true and sincere worship of God , be duely and truely observed in all the parishes of both Counties , untill the Discipline be altered by such authority as it was established by ; and that all the infringers & depravers of the same either of the Clergy or Laity , be duely proceeded against according to the known Laws of the land . 2. That the Common and statute lawes of this Realm of England be truly and really put in execution against all offenders & violaters of the same laws in either County , according to the usuall legall course , and as hath been anciently accustomed . 3. That all trade , traffique , and free Commerce be open in and between both Counties , as heretofore in the most peacable and best times . 4. That no man in his person , estate , or goods , be arrested imprisoned , detayned , outed , dispossessed , or any waies molested , by any power or authority , whatsoever , without due processe of the Lawes of the Land . And 5. That all new erected fortifications & set guards within the City and County of Exeter , and in and upon all towns Castles , Bridges and passages within the Counties of Devon and Cornwall be removed and flighted at the cost and charges of the Erectors of the same , and that his Majesties Forts , Castles , and other ancient and usuall places of command within both Counties , be put into the same hands and custodie as they were in before these unhappy differences ; and assurance giuen for the maintaining of the same without any addition or alteration : and that all Armes and Ammunition , of all and every person and persons whatsoever , be restored againe to the right owners . Tho other Articles there were , but these the principall . And these together with the Protestation , the said Commissioners desired might be published in all the Market-Townes and Parochiall Churches of the said two Counties , without any alteration either in the writing , reading , or publishing thereof : to the intent it might appeare unto all the world , who were the faithfull observers of the said Protestation , first sworn to on the holy Evangelists , and afterwards confirmed by the receiving of the blessed Sacrament ; and who the violaters of the same . These Propositions being so equall , and so agreeable to the known Lawes of the Land , were like to find but little opposition from the Commissioners for the other County , if they met with any . But whilest they were in consultation how to transact and settle their affaires , in such a way as might be permanent and secure ▪ it pleased God to put into their mindes the offering of a communication of the same pretious benefit to the adjoyning Counties of Somerset and Dorset ; who as they had participated somewhat in the Calamities of the Warre , so could they not but be as sensible of the blessings & effects of their neighbours Peace . Which being taken by them into consideration , it was agreed upon of all sides , that letters should be written to the principall persons of those severall Counties respectively , to invite them to joyne with them in so good a work , conducing so apparantly to their common happinesse . And this accordingly was done , letters being written and subscribed by the hands of twelve of the Commissioners , Sir Ralph Hopton subscribing in the first place : which letters were dated from Mount-Edgecomb on the sixth of March , being the very next day save one , that they were assembled . So soone did they agree on that weighty poynt , that there may seem to be , some superior power , which did so readily induce and incline them to it . The place appoynted for the meeting , was the New Inne in Exeter ; the day the fourteenth of this Moneth , which was Tuesday last , being the seventh of the Cessation . And that they might attend the service with the greater safety and more assurance of their lives and persons : there was a safe Conduct granted by the chiefe Factors of the two Houses of Parliament , for every one of the Commissioners of the said foure Counties , with two men a peece for their retinue , to come , remain , and returne ( I speak out of the words of the Originall ) to and from the said place or any other places which shall be appoynted for the treaty by the said Commissioners . Which letters of safe Conduct doe hear their date at Plymmouth , the seventh of March , subscribed in the first place , by the Earle of Stamford , after by Sir George Chudleigh , Northeote , Martyn , and others the chief sticklers in the former troubles . One would not think , that an Accommodation so just and necessary , tending so visibly to the ease and benefit of all His Majesties Subjects in those Counties , so evidently conservative of their lives and fortunes , which had before been made a prey to the sharpest sword ; so sensibly conducing to the advancement of Gods glory and the Kings Honour , should meet with opposition in that place , and amongst those persons , who hitherto have given out ( and certainly would take it ill not to be believed ) that they endeavour nothing more , then the establishment of all these on the surest grounds . Yet so it hapned , that when this newes was brought to the House of Commons , which was on Saturday March the eleventh in the afternoon : it was received with great heat and passion , as finding their authority to be thereby lessened , and that unlimited and arbitrary power which they had exercised before on the Subjects there , to be restrained very much , if not quite destroyed . For now they saw that all those Counties would be freed from all those Tyrannicall constraints and impositions , which had been forced upon them by their Committees ; that those in whom they most confided had betraied the cause , and were no longer willing to advance their ends in the oppression of their neighbours ; that the people would again returne to the Kings obedience , and submit themselves to no other rule , then the known Lawes of the Realme ; and who could tell whether the contagion of so dangerous an example might not infect the neighbouring Counties , and so prevaile at last over all the Kingdom . Besides there was another circumstance , which added much to their vexation and disquiet ; which was that here they met not with a bare subscription of mens names ; as in that of Yorkeshire ; or only with a promise made in the word of a Gentleman , though bound and made up with an imprecation , as in that of Cheshire : but with subscription of the names of the Commissioners , the taking of a solemne Oath , and the receiving of the Sacrament to confirme the same . And such a three-fold cord ( in case the Wise mans note be of any credit ) is not easily broken . And yet well fare a gallant confidence . They were resolved upon the question to Break all these bonds , to dissolve the Treaty , to reduce matters there to the same confusion which they had brought them to before , and make those neigh 〈…〉 like the sonnes of Cadmus , imployed upon no other service then to kill one another . Why should not two whole Counties perish , nay to say truth , why should not a whole Kingdom be exposed unto spoyle and ruine , rather then some suspected Malefactors be brought to yeeld themselves to a Legall tryall ? Were not the Tribunes of the People in the State of Rome , held to be inviolable ; exempt for whatsoever they committed , from all Law and punishment ? Rather then to give up the power , with so much art and industry acquired ; let us adventure once on a poynt of Popery , and dispence with them for their Oathes ; which being taken by them without our consent , have no power to bind them . This last insisted on so cordially , by some that doe pretend most hatred to Popish errours , ( as is advertised from London by letters of the 11. of March ) that at the last it was concluded to dispatch Prideaux and Nicols two of their Members in all hast to Exeter , to signify their mislike of the whole businesse to the severall Counties , and by all means to break in pieces the Agreement , from which they feared such mischiefes would redound unto them . But it is hoped , that notwithstanding their endeavours to subvert this Treaty , and the Gentlemen and others of those Counties whom it most concernes , will not so easily be altered from their resolutions : beginning at the last ( though long first ) to reassume the use of their own senses ; to trust no farther to the insnaring arts of others , then they see cause for ; to find in what a comfortable state they lived , when they could feele no power above them , but the mild Scepter of a mercifull and gratious King ; and finally to perceive what irremediable calamities the York-shire and the Cheshire men have drawn upon themselves and their severall Countries , by breaking those Agreements , on the like temptation , which were so faithfully condescended to for their common good . However we may see even by these endeavours , what hopes of ease , what inclination to 〈…〉 expected from the hands of those cruell Chirurgeons ; who are so farre from binding up the wounds of this bleeding body , that they enlarge the Orifice and increase the number , and take delight in torturing the poore Patient , whom they have in Cure : how little sense there is in them of our deadly miseries , who sitting safely in the Senate , wrapt in warme furres , and guarded by full troopes of their own Auxiliaries , heare not the groanes of slaughtered men , nor the cries of Orphans , nor the lamentation of the Widdowes , nor see that spoyle and devastation , which they have made of late in this flourishing Kingdome , under pretence of rectifying some few slips and errors in the former Government . From which unmercifull kind of men , no lesse then from the Plague and Pestilence , Good Lord deliver us . FINIS . 
A43551	----	A sermon preached in the collegiate church of St. Peter in Westminster, on Wednesday May 29th, 1661 being the anniversary of His Majesties most joyful restitution to the crown of England / by Peter Heylyn ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1661 Approx. 83 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43551 Wing H1734 ESTC R12653 13016933 ocm 13016933 96577 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43551) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96577) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 741:40) A sermon preached in the collegiate church of St. Peter in Westminster, on Wednesday May 29th, 1661 being the anniversary of His Majesties most joyful restitution to the crown of England / by Peter Heylyn ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [4], 44 p. Printed by E.C. for A. Seile, London : 1661. Includes bibliographical references. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- II, -- King of England, 1630-1685 -- Sermons. Bible. -- O.T. -- Psalms XXXI, 21 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON Preached in the Collegiate Church OF 〈◊〉 PETER in WESTMINSTER , On Wednesday May 29 th . 1661. Being the Anniversary of his Majesties most joyful Restitution to the Crown of England . By PETER HEYLYN , D. D. Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty , and one of the Prebendaries of that Church . 2 Sam. 19. 14. And he bowed the heart of all the men of Judah , even as the heart of one man ; so that they sent this word unto the King , Return thou and all thy servants . August . de Civit. Dei. lib. 1. cap. 7. ●●squis non videt , caecus : quisquis videt nec laudat , ingratus : quisquis laudanti reluctatur , insanus est . LONDON : ●●inted by E. C. for A. Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet . M.DC.LXI . To the READER . THis Sermon gods not to the Press for want of Hearers , for seldom hath been seen a more numerous Auditory then was assembled in this Church at the Preaching of it . Nor doth it go into the world to seek for Readers ; who should not be sollicited to the losse both of time and patience , if nothing more than ordinary did present it to them , and perhaps not that . Some Guests are commonly best pleased when they are least courted , and think themselves most welcome when they are not looked for . And yet the Master of the feast in our Saviours Parable , when the invited Guests neglected or refused to come , sent forth his Servants into all the streets and lanes of the City , to bring in all that could be found , whether good or bad , till he had filled his Table , and made up his company ▪ And 't was a wedding dinner too , which our Saviour speaks of . A feast prepared for celebrating the most joyful Marriage betwixt Christ and his Church ; or ( as this was ) betwixt a Mighty Prince , and a loving People . But so it is in all great Meetings of this nature , that many come not to the feast , though they are expected ; and many come not time enough to enter when the Bridegrome doth ; some cannot reach to that which is set before them , and others have received no invitation to attend the Nuptials . Who notwithstanding would not easily be contented with the fragments of it , though they should possibly amount to as many baskets full , as the first provision . And therefore ▪ that the honest desires of some , and even the curiosity of others , may not rest unsatisfied , it is now served in cold but whole ; with grace before it , and grace after it , lest otherwise there might be some defect in the entertainment . Nothing remains , but that the Guests fall to , and much good may it do them . Westminster , Iune 8 ▪ 1661. PSALM XXXI . ver . 21. Versio Septuagint . Interpret . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Versio Vulgaris . Benedictus Dominus , quoniam mirificavit misericordiam suam mihi in Civitate munita . Versio Sancti Hieron . Benedictus Dominus , quoniam mirabilem fecit misericordiam suam mihi , in Civitate munita . Versio Tremelii . Benedictus sit Iehova ; quia mirificam reddit benignitatem suam erga me , ut in Civitate munita collocans me . The Old English Translation . Thanks be to the Lord : for he hath shewed me marvellous great kindness in a strong City . The New English Translation . Blessed be the Lord : for he hath shewed me his marvellous kindness , in a strong City . A SERMON Preached at the Collegiate Church OF St PETER in WESTMINSTER , On Wednesday May 29 th . 1661. PSALM XXXI . 21. Blessed be the Lord , for he hath shewed me his marvellous kindness , in a strong City . 1. SERMO opportunus est optimus . It is affirmed by Solomon , amongst his Proverbs , a that a word spoken in due season , is like to apples of gold in pictures of silver ; that is to say , as pleasing to the ear and understanding of judicious men , as Jewels made like apples of gold in nets of silver , are in the eyes of curious and magnificent persons . And of this nature is the Text now read unto you , accommodated to the time , to the present Solemnity . A Text of Thankfulness , and a Time of Thankfulness : A Time of great deliverance , and a Text of great deliverance . And as the Text , such also is the Psalm out of which it is taken ; A Psalm of Consolation , and a Text of Comfort ; a Psalm of Confidence , and a Text of Confidence . A Psalm of Confidence , In te Domine speravi , In thee , O Lord , do I put my trust , so it begins . A Psalm of Consolation , Viriliter agite , Be of good courage , and you shall be strengthned in the Lord , with which words it ends . From the beginning to the end , it speaks Gods infinite mercies unto his Anointed , and in him to us . As for the form , it is like many of the rest , Plaints mixt with Prayers , things present mingled with things past ; the sad remembrance of his former troubles , indeared and sweetned by the consideration of some marvellous mercies which God had shewed unto him after all his troubles . But what this kindness was , how great , how marvellous ; how David blessed the name of God for so great a mercy , and what we are to do upon the sense and apprehension of the like felicity ; we shall the better see , if you shall please to joyn with me in humble and hearty Prayer to Almighty God , &c. Our Father which art in Heaven , &c. 2. Victori Psalmus David . The Title of this Psalm ( as St. Hierom reads it ) makes it to be composed in memory of some great deliverance , which God , the giver of all victory had marvellously wrought for his servant David . But what particular deliverance it was , which is herein celebrated , hath been made a question . Lyra , a natural Iew by birth , affirmes upon the credit and authority of Rabbi Solomon , that David framed this Psalm , existens in persecutione Saulis ; when he was under those calamities which were forced upon him by the house of Saul ; or rather , On the sense and remembrance of them , as from the composition of the Psalm may be easily gathered . Theodoret , an old Greek writer , thinks rather , that it was composed by the Royal Pen-man , Cum ab Absolome persecutionem pateretur , when he was outed of his Kingdom by the arts of Absalom . Which difference , how great so ever it appears , may be soon agreed . For , even the Treason of Achitophel , and the Rebellion of Absolom , were cherished and fomented by some Grandees of the house of Saul , as we may be clearly evidenced by some passages of the Sacred Story , in which it is affirmed , that Shimei who threw stones at him , and reviled him for a man of bloud , when he was forced to quit Hierusalem to the party of Absolom ; was of the family or kindred of the house of Saul ; And Sheba who revived the War , and blew the Trumpet of Sedition , when all the people were returning to their old obedience , is plainly said to be a man of the Tribe of Benjamin , ( which was Sauls own Tribe ) and generally believed to be of Sauls kindred also , who could not easily lay aside their hopes of the Crown of Israel , till all Sauls sons were hanged in Gibeah before the Lord , of which the Scripture speaks in the second of Samuel , chap. 22. So that we may declare in favour of the first opinion , that the great kindness , so much magnified by the Royal Psalmist , relates to his deliverance from the house of Saul , when he was setled in Ierusalem , and reigned in peace and glory over all the Tribes . In which estate he sung this Benedictus to the Lord his God , that is to say , Benedictus Dominus , Blessed be the Lord , for he hath shewed me his marvellous kindness in a strong City . 3. The Text it self contains in it these two general Parts , God's Mercy , David's Thankfulness ; God's mercy unto David in that great deliverance , and David's thankfulness unto God for so great a Mercy . In the first General , God's Mercy , we have these particulars ; The Subject of it first , and that was David , David the King , the Lord 's Anointed , one chosen by the Lord out of all his Family , to be the blessing of his Tribe , and the Prince of his People ; Mirificavit mihi , He hath shewed to me . 2ly The condition & extent thereof , as being not only called a kindness , a great kindness too , in our old Translation ; but , misericordia mirabilis , a marvellous great kindness ; a kindness which had very much of a Miracle in it . 3 ly ; The Author , or the Donor of it , Misericordia sua ; His kindness , or the Lord 's own kindness . And lastly , On what Theatre , or Stage , this marvellous kindness of the Lord was acted , in Civitate munita , in a strong City . Over all which , I mean to draw so thin a veil , that under it we may behold the face of our own affairs , but helped by some reflections from the Glass of Scripture , and some comparisons of the Copy with the old Original . In the next General , David's Thankfulness , we shall observe the Retribution which he made to the Lord his God for such multiplyed mercies , whether it were expressed in his words , or actions . And then the duties of the Day will come in of course , as the Conclusion followeth on the Premises in a well-formed Syllogism . I begin therefore with the first General , God's mercy unto David in that great deliverance , and therein first of all with the Subject of it , David the King , the Lord 's Anointed , the Author of this Psalm , and the argument of it . 4. Expertâ morbi molestiâ , evidentior fit jucunditas Sanitatis , as St. Austin hath it . None can so rightly estimate the benefit of a perfect health , as he who hath been long oppressed with a languishing sickness . Contraries set together , do most perfectly illustrate and express each other . If therefore we would know , how great God's kindness was to David in the time of his Glories , we must a little look upon him in his fall , in his lowest fortunes , his wanderings in the vale of misery , or rather , in the Valley of the shadow of Death , as his own words are . A misery which fell upon him when he least looked for it , when he conceived himself most happy , and on the steps of his Ascendent to the Throne of Israel ; Anointed privately by Samuel in his Father's House , and by that art designed for the next King of the House of Iacob : Of great esteem amongst the people , for taking up their quarrel against Goliah , when all men else fell off , and refused the combate ; Amongst the Priests , as men that had some secret notice of the designation , or otherwise , beheld him as a man replenished with the Spirit of God ; Amongst the Courtiers as a Prince of the Royal Family , in being married unto Mich●l his Master's Daughter ; Amongst the Military men for his singular valour made known in many fortunate skirmishes against the Philistims , two hundred of whose fore-skins he brought back with him for a sign of his Victory ; And , finally , amongst the Damosels or Ladyes of Israel , for his personal gallantry , who playing on their Musical Instruments , did use to answer one another , saying , That Saul had slain his Thousands , and David his Ten Thousands . 5. But , Eminentis fortunae comes est invidia , said the Court-Historian . This general applause and those publique honours , made him a fit subject for as great an envy ; and drew upon him the displeasure of that mighty Tyrant , who looked not only on him as his Rival in pursuit of glory , but a competitor with the Princes of the house of Kish for the Regal Diadem . And being once possessed with these fears and jealousies , he thinks of nothing but to bring him to a swift destruction ; and to that end incenseth all his servants to conspire against him , reproves his daughter for not betraying her husband to his rage and fury , and darts a Javelin at his own son Ionathan for daring to affect the man whom his father hated . No safety being to be found for David in or neer the Court , he must be take himself to places more remote and private ; and in his flight obtains both Arms and Victuals from Abimelech , being at that time the High Priest of the Iewish Nation . For which small courtesie Abimelech himself , and more then fourscore of the Priests , such as did wear a linnen Ephod , as the Text informs us , were miserably slaughtered by the hands of Doeg a malitious Sycophant ; their City sacked , their Wives and Children smitten with the edge of the Sword ; their Sheep , their Oxen , and their Asses , together with the rest of their goods and substance , given over for a prey to their Barbarous Enemies . Poor David in the mean time had retired to Akish the King of Gath , and consequently the old Enemy of his native Countrey , where he could promise to himself no great hopes of safety , considering those many sorrows and that foul dishonour he had wrought unto them in the death of their Champion . 6. I should both tire my self and afflict your patience , if I should lead him back again to the land of Iudah , follow him there in all his wanderings , from thence wait upon him to the Court of Moab , where he was forced to leave his Parents , that he might save them from the fury of the present Army . And he might rather choose to leave them in that Countrey then in any other , by reason of his Descent from Ruth , a Moabitish woman , as the Scripture tells us ; and therefore like to find some favour amongst those of her kindred . But look upon him where we will , either in the cave of Adullam , the wilderness of Ziph , the Desarts of Mahum , or the Rocks and Mountains of Engeddi , ( Inter Serpentes aprosque avid●sque Leones ) , and we shall find him no where safe from the hand of his Enemies as long as he continued in the Realm of Israel . The Keylites , whom he had redeemed from the power of the Philistims , resolved to have betrayed him to the malice of Saul , had he not been fore-warned by God of their ill intentions . The men of Ziph , more savage then the wild Beasts in all those Desarts , had entertained the like design , but were as happily prevented as the treacherous Keylites . Nabal the churl , whose flocks had been protected by him from all Thieves and Robbers refused to gratifie him with some part of that superfluity which was provided for his Sheerers . And though his Brethren , and some few of his next Relations had repaired unto him ; yet , generally , his friends and kindred look upon him as a man forlorn , whom they could neither privately supply without manifest danger , nor openly relieve without certain ruine . 7. And yet he was not so deserted , but , that some companies resorted to him from all parts of the Realm , either to mend their own condition , or to sweeten his . Not altogether men of such desperate fortunes as Nabal the old churl reported , and perhaps believed . Some of them , questionless , might be persons no less eminent both for place and quality , as for their good affections to him ; though generally they were ( as the Scripture telleth us ) either is debt or discontent , or some great distress ; that is to say , such as were either discontented with the Tyranny of the present Government , or were indebted to some cruel and unmerciful creditors , from whom they could expect no favour , and as little Justice ; or , in a word , were otherwise distressed upon some suspition , that they were wedded to the Interest of the son of Iess . The taking of these few Volunteers for a guard to his person , is publiquely declared to be the Levying of a War against the King ; and all the Forces of the Realm must be forthwith armed to suppress those men , who were not able to withstand the twelfth part of a Tribe . This drives him once again to the Court of Akish , where he found better entertainment then he did before , because he came accompanyed with a Train of couragious followers ; from whom the Barbarous King assured himself of no mean assistance in his next Wars against his Neighbours , without excepting those of the house of Israel . 8. But now the Tide begins to turn , and a strong floud of mercies of flow in upon him . As there is no deep Valley , but neer some high Mountain ; so , neer unto this Vale of Misery was a Hill of Mercy , and we shall see him climb the top of it without any great difficulty . Akish beholds him as a person so depressed and injured by the power of Saul , that no reconciliation could be made between them ; and thereupon bestows upon him the strong Town of Ziglag , to serve for him and his adherents as a City of Refuge , to which his party might resort upon all occasions . And for his better welcome thither , the news of Saul's uncomfortable , but unpittied death , is swiftly posted to him on the wing of Fame ; which opened the first passage to him for the Crown of Israel . For now there dayly came unto him many men of note and merit , whose names are on record in the Book of Chronicles , affirmed there to be mighty men , experienced in the use of Arms , Captains of Hundreds and of Thousands , and such as seemed to carry Victory in their very countenances . And they came thither in such numbers as they made up a great Host like the Host of God , ( as the Scripture calls it ) that is to say , a puissant and mighty Army , fit for the undertaking of the noblest actions . By whose incouragement , but chiefly at the instigation of the men of Iudah , who had repaired to Ziglag , amongst the rest ; he goes up to Hebron , the Principal City of that Tribe , having first taken Gods direction & commission with him . There he is cheerfully received , and anointed King , King only over Iudah , his own native Tribe , the rest of Israel still adhering to the house of Saul . For , Abner Captain of Saul's Host , and one as neer to him in bloud , as in place and power , had gained so far upon the Military men , that they agreed to set the Crown upon the head of Ishbosheth , the eldest of Saul's Sons which survived his Father : And this he did , not on design to divide the Kingdom , to break it into two , and set up Scepter against Scepter , as Ieroboam and on the death of Solomon ; but , with a purpose to compel the men of Iudah by force of Arms to cast off David , to unite themselves to the rest of Israel , and all together to be subject to a Prince of the house of Saul . A Prince indeed of no great parts , affirmed to be a person of a dull and unactive spirit , more given to ease and pleasures , then to deeds of Arms , & magis extra vitia quam cum virtutibus , in the words of Tacitus : but fit enough to bear the Title of a King , whilest Abner and the Souldiers managed all affairs as to them seems best . 9. This brings new troubles upon David , though they held not long . A breach is made between the new King , and that great Commander ; Who being impatient of rebuke , and netled with some words which escaped his Master , resolves upon delivering the whose Kingdom to the hands of David : to which end he maintains a Treaty with him , and concludes the business . But , before all things could be setled , the Titulary King is murthered by the two sons of Rimmon , both of them Captains in his Army , both Natives of the Tribe of Benjamin ( his Fathers Tribe ) and possibly both of them of some kindred and relation to him . This puts an end unto the war ; the west of Israel seconding the Tribe of Iudah , and altogether calling upon David to accept the Government . To which end they annoynt him the third time , and own him by that Sacred Ceremony for their Soveraign Prince . And such as Prince as must have somewhat in him of the Priest , and the Prophet also . For , Rex est mixta persona cum Sacerdote , as our Lawyers tels us , and capable on that account of the Sacred Unction ( if some of our Masters of the Ceremonies have not been mistaken ) . But so it was , that those of Benjamin could not so easily forget their late pretentions to the Crown of Israel , which they had held successively under two great Princes , and therefore came not up to Hebron with the rest of the Tribes , to confer the Kingdom upon David , but to obtain it for themselves ( as Iosephus telleth us ) . A secret not to be concealed from David a discerning Prince , and one that was well studied in his own concernments . Who therefore to cut off their hopes , and prevent their practises , resolves to get into his hands the strong City of Sion . Which standing in a corner of the Tribe of Benjamin , might serve for a sufficient bridle to hold them in , if they should practise any thing against his quiet for the time to come . And being afterward inlarged at the charge of David , by taking in the City of Salim , and building all from Millo inward ( as the Scripture telleth us ) he caused it to be called Hierusalem , peopled it with such Families as he might confide in , and made it from thenceforth the chief seat of his Royal Residence . Never till now was David setled in the Kingdom , and now he growes considerable in the eyes of all forain Princes , who court him , and send presents to him , and trie all means imaginable to obtain his favour . 10. And thus the Scepter promised to the Tribe of Iudah is put into the hands of David the Son of Iesse , one of the chief Princes of that Tribe . And all this done at such a time , when they had all the reason in the world to fear the contrary . The Government having passed through many Tribes , from Moses of the race of Levi , to Ioshua the Son of Nun of the seed of Ephraim , and so from one Tribe to another , until it came to Saul of the stock of Benjamin . And this may seem to have been done for these reasons chiefly : First , That the Tribe of Iudah might not claim the Kingdom otherwise then by Gods donation , as possibly they might have done , if they had entred on the Government , upon the death of Moses , by any Military Vote , or Popular election , or in relation to that Primogeniture , which was vested in them by the last Will and Testament of their Father Iacob . And 2ly , It was so done , that the people being sensible of the inconveniences of the former Government , the miseries which they had indured in the times of Anarchie , and the extremities which they had been reduced to , in the Reign of Saul ; might with a greater cheerfulness imbrace a Prince of the Royal Family , whom God had so miraculously preserved , and commended to them . 11. And it may seem to have been kept so long from David , for two Reasons also : First , that he being trained up in the School of experience , and hammered on the Anvile of Affliction , might be the better qualified for mannaging all affairs of State , then if he had been educated in the pride and pleasures of a Princes Court. And , Secondly , it was so disposed of , that , being to be married to the Realm of Israel ; he might more passionately long to in●oy his Spouse , then if she had cast her self into his imbraces at the first making of the Contract . And this was done according to the custome of the Iewish Nation , who use to place some fitting and convenient interval , betwixt the Espousal and the Wedding , for which St. Austin gives this reason , Ne vilem habeat maritus datam , quam non suspiravit sponsus dilatam ; for fear ( saith he ) lest otherwise the Bridegroom might despise her in the first fruition , for whom he had not longed with some vehement passion . But being longed for , and long looked for , they are met at last , to the full comfort of both parties , the pleasure of Almighty God , and the joy of the Nation . 12. Such was Gods kindness unto David , expressed in his marvellous preservation , when he was compassed round about with invincible dangers ; his exaltation to the Throne , from keeping sheep , to be the Shepherd of his people ; and therefore not a kindeness , a great kindeness , only ; but , misericordia mirabilis ( in St. Hieroms reading ) a marvellous great kindeness , as my Text assures me . For , what particular is there in all this kindeness which is not marvellous , mirabile in oculis nostris , as marvellous in our eyes as it was in his ? And not a marvellous kindeness only ; but , miserecordia mirifica , a kindness which wrought wonders , as Tremelius reads it . What can it else be thought , but a singular miracle that God should for so many years preserve this poor fugitive Prince , both from the treachery of his friends , and the power of his enemies ; that he should finde more favour in the Land of Moab , then he durst hope for in the place of his birth and breeding ; that men from all parts of the Kingdom should resort unto him , when he had neither Town of War to secure their persons , nor any stock of money and provisions to maintain their Families ; That Akish and the men of Gath , should lay aside their animosities against him for the death of Goliah , and put into his hands a piece of such strength and consequence , as might inable him to create unto them a far greater mischief ? 13. And was it not as great a miracle , if it were not greater , that Saul should come to such a miserable and calamitous end , without ingaging David in a ruinous and destructive War , against those men which were designed to be his Subjects ? That God should so incline the hearts of the men of Iudah , as to accept him for their King , and thereby to involve themselves in a tedious War ; when all the rest of the Tribes adhered still to Abner , and the Sons of Saul : That God was pleased to make to use of any of Davids party for the destruction of Sauls house , but acted that great work by Abner and the Sons of 〈◊〉 , being the Kings near kinsmen and his chief Commanders : That all the Tribes of Israel should unite together to set and Crown upon his head , whom they had formerly pursued from one place to another , till they had forced him to take Sanctuary in a forain Nation : That all this should be done without noyse or trouble ; more then the noyse of joyful shouts and acclamations , and the short trouble of an easie , though a martial , progress : That there should be so few men killed on either side , between the death of Saul , and the Crowning of David ; and , that God should put into his hands the strong , Fort of Sion , which neither Saul , nor any of the Judges , nor Ioshua himself , nor Gideon , nor Ieptha , Duo Fulmina belli , the veriest Thunder-bolts of War , had before attempted . 14. And yet the kindeness was the greater , and the more miraculous , considering that it was extended to spiritual mercies , and not confined to temporal preservations , and external benefits . For notwithstanding the horrid murther of Abimelech , the terrible massacre of so many Priests , and the unmerciful sacking of the City of Nob ; Abiathar the next High-priest , and many others doubtless , of that Sacred Order , joyned themselves unto him . Abiathar was too great a person , and too well beloved , not to bring some attendants with him ; and , who more like to bear him company then the Priests and Levites ? Not so much out of care to preserve themselves , as to do service unto him whom the Lord had chosen . By means whereof , not only he ; but , all his followers , were instructed in the things of God : and thereby kept from-being any way infected with those gross Idolatries , which were predominant in Moab and the Court of Gath. Than which there could be nothing more conducible to his future advancement , or which could more indear him to the Iewish Nation ; when they came once to be assured , that neither flatteries could intice him , nor great threats affright him , nor hope of promised aid allure him , from standing fast to the Religion of his Fathers , to the Law of Moses . And more then so , Abiathar brought along with him the sacred Ephod , by which the High-priest used to consult with God , and to enquire his will and pleasure in all difficult cases . The want whereof , necessitated the unhappy Tyrant to have recourse for counsel to the Witch of Endor , as if he had been forced upon that desperate resolution in the antient Poet , ( Flectere si nequeo superos , Acheronta movebo ) that since he could not move the Gods , he would trie the Devil . 15. Nor was all this a kindeness only , or a great kindeness , as the old Translation , and misericordia mirabilis , a marvellous great kindeness , in the eyes of all men ; but , it was misericordia sua , the Lords own kindeness , & factum Domini , the Lords own doing ; to which , no humane prudence could pretend a title . This David understood , none better . And therefore attributes his safety and deliverance to the Lord alone , Ipse sit licèt magna unique cura & industria usus , ( as Musculus hath night-well observed ) , though he himself had used all possible industry and care ▪ for his own preservation . He had his agents and intelligeneers in the Court of Saul , to give him notice of the secret purposes of his mortal enemy ; He entertained Abiathar in a place both of trust and nearness , that by his means he might maintain a correspondence with the rest of that Order . And when necessity compelled him to ingage in battail , he sent out Ioab , ( a man of most undaunted courage ) to incounter Abner , with whom he was competitor for the Palm of victory . More providence and care could no man use then David did ; and yet , he calleth it , misericordiam Domini , only Gods mercy , and his marvellous kindeness , by which he was preserved in the day of trouble . 16. And so indeed it was ; meerly Gods mercy , and his marvellous great kindness , by which he was preserved in the dayes of Saul , and raised to the Throne of Israel on the death of Ishbosheth . For what could David have effected with all his diligence , had not God secretly forwarned him of those dangers which were near at hand ; or what advantage could Abiathars discoveries have procured unto him , had not God sent the spirit of infatuation amongst the Princes of Sauls house ; supplanted their designes , and turned their wisdom into foolishness ? Or , what could Ioab with all his valour have atchieved against so many enemies , had not God broken them in pieces , had not God throwen amongst them such a Ball of discord , such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as made them turn their Swords upon one another . In which dissention the Royal Nothing is dispatched on his bed of ease , and dispossessed at once both of Crown and Life , before he had served out his Indentures in the Trade of Government ; which also must be factum Domini , the Lord 's doing only , as to the ordering , permitting , and disposing of it ; though Abner and the sons of Ri●mon had their own vile ends . For , who but God could turn his own Sword upon him , and so infatuate the Counsels of his chief Commanders , as to contrive the ruines of their nearest kinsman , by whose sole power they stood , and might have longer stood ( in all apparent probability ) in their former greatness . 17. Except the Lord doth keep the City ( saith the Royal Psalmist ) the watchman watcheth but in vain . Except the Lord doth build the house , their labour is but lost that build it . What then ? Shall then the Workman play , and the Watchman sleep ? Not so , saith Origen , ●mpendant ipsi , quantum in se est , laboris et sollicitudinis , &c. Let them continue their indevours in the name of God , and let the Watchman watch , and the Workman labour . Though God be all , and that our safety is from him , and from him alone ; yet , he hath told us , that the lazie person shall not eat ; and , the careless person shall not prosper : It is the hand of the diligent which maketh rich ; and he becometh poor that dealeth with a slack hand , ( faith the wiseman Solomon ) . God in the ordering and disposing of humane affairs , is like the Pilot in a Ship ; It is the Pilot only which doth steer and guid the Vessel , and bringeth it safe into the Haven ; yet , it is expected that every several Mariner do discharge his duty , and yield obedience to the whistle of the Boat-swain . 18. But on the other side , it is not therefore to be thought , that we may warrantably intitle either our industry , or strength , or wisdom to the rights of God. The wisdom of the wise ( saith Paul ) is it not foolishness with the Lord ? What Man is there ( saith David ) that can save himself by his much strength ; Yea , or by taking thought ( saith the Son of David ) can add one cubit to his stature . Man purposeth , but God disposeth : And , when we have most spent our spirits , and consumed our bodies in the well ordering of our fortunes ; yet , it is all in vain , and fruitless , and of no effect except the Lord , even our own God , doth give us his blessing . Ascribe we therefore to the Lord , the glory of his own exployts ; and let us not presume to say in any of our prosperous actions , that , This my own right hand hath done , or my wit effected . Though David did as much as care and wisdom could perform for his own security ; yet he refers it all to God , and reckons it His mercy only , and his marvellous kindeness whereby he was preserved from danger , made Master of Hierusalem , and setled , after all his troubles , in so strong a City . 19. In a strong City . That 's the next . In civitate munita , In a fenced City , saith the Latin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a City walled and ditched about , as the Greek Text reads it . In civitate robusta & firmata , A City strong in men , and as strongly fortified , in St. Hierom's Gloss. Only Tremelius , with some notable difference from all men else , doth translate it thus : Benedictus Dominus , Blessed be the Lord for she hath shewed his marvellous kindeness to me in as great a measure , ut in civitate munita collocans me , as if he had inclosed and kept me safe in a Town of War , as if I had been billited and strongly garrison'd in a Fort and City . T is true indeed , Gods mercy is the surest Hold , to which we may commit our safety ; the strongest Castle of defence , to which we may intrust our persons . A fortress against all our foes ; an Antidote against all Plagues ; a Remedy against all Diseases . He that is so defended , need no other Arms. Non eget Mauri Iaoulis , nec arcu ; Not shield , nor bow , nor poysoned arrows . Gods mercy is all kinde of weapons to him , both for annoyance and defence . No armour is so sure of proof , but it may be broken ; nor Town so strong , but may be taken ; nor wals so high and close , to keep our contagion . Put if Gods mercy doth protect us , and his power defend us ; if we be compassed round about with his deliverance , as with a wall ; we will not be affraid through war , and poverty , and sickness , do conspire against us . For we are sure that then we are in such a City , which neither enemy can force , nor want of trade impoverish , nor disease infect . Deus meus & omnia . Let God be mine , and I am strong enough against all the world , against all violence , against all practices , against all misfortunes . I could inlarge my self on this general Topick as to the moral of my Text , but that I am to keep my self to the literal sense , to the strong City herein meant by the Royal Psalmist . 20. And if I keep my self to the literal sense , we must inquire what City is here meant by David . And we shall finde upon a very short inquiry , that it was either Ziglag , Hebron , or Hierusalem , and the last most likely . St. Austin , and St. Hierome , so resolve for certain , with whom the Moderns do agree , as to that particular ; all telling us , That God declared his marvellous mercies unto David , by setling his affairs , in Civitate Ierusalem , in the strong City of Hierusalem , in the Fort of Sion . For there he found an end of his former sorrows , thither he brought the Ark , to that place he removed the Trabernacle , and there did he fix his Royal Palace , with the Courts of Iustice , and thereby drew unto it , by degrees , all the wealth of the Kingdom ; and there he reigned in greater glory and renown , then any of the Kings and Princes which were round about him . 21. Now Cities are accounted strong in two respects : first , in the strength of situation , or of art ; and next in the multitudes and natural courage of the people : and in both these Ierusalem , as it flourished in the time of David , might worthily be called a strong City , ( as indeed it was ) Civitas munitissima , as my Author hath it . For first , it was well situated and strongly fortified , three Towns in one of them seated on steep Hills , and all of them invironed with high Walls , strong Bullwarks , and unpassable Ditches : But none to be compared with the City of Sion , which made the Iebusites presume so far upon the strength of the place , that , in contempt of Davids Forces , they mann'd their walls with none but their blind and lame , as Iosephus tells us ▪ and then sent word , ( whether with greater pride or folly , it is hard to say ) that except he took away the blind and the lame , he could not come thither . Which was to tell him in effect , that those poor wretches were sufficient to make good the Fort against all his Army , and therefore must be first removed , before he could expect to be Master of it . Such confidence , saith he , they had in their Walls and Trenches , that they conceived them able , without further help to keep out the Enemy . 22. But Walls , we see by this example , are but simple strengths , if there be any want of people , or in the people any want of courage to make good the place . The honour of a King consists not in the strength of Towns , and frequency of Garrisons ; but in the multitude , and courage , and good affection of his Subjects . Kings are then safest , when they trust rather to their Castles of bones , then their Castles of stones ; according to the Aphorism of Sir Henry Savage , an old English Souldier . Lycurgus also seemed to be of the same opinion , when he prohibited the Spartans to immure their City , or to use any of the Arts of Fortification . And in this sense lerusalem was strong ; because it was as populous , and no less capacious , then either Nineveh , or Babylon , or Eckbatana , or any other Cities in the Eastern Countries . So populous , that at the siege thereof by Titus , there perished by the Sword and Famine of all sorts and sexes , 1100000. and above , as Iosephus telleth us . And so prodigiously capacious , that once the High-Priest ( at the request of Cestius a Roman President ) numbering the people which came thither to observe the Passover , found them to be two millions and seven hundred thousand men ( besides women and children ) all sound and purified , and fitted by the Law for that Sacred Ceremony . A number numberless , and not indeed to be believed , were not Iosephus generally reckoned for a true Historian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the good Father , Iustin Martyr , hath assured us of him . And though these numberings of the people in that mighty City happened long after David's time ; yet the City after David's time received small inlargements . Ten of the Tribes revolting on the death of Solomon , and never afterwards returning to the Kings of Iudah . 23. As for the courage of the People , and Inhabitants of it , in the time of David ; we may conceive it equal at the least , if it were not greater , then that of their posterity in the times succeeding . Which was so eminent , that he which reads the Story of their final ruine , when besieged by Titus , will find the Romans so put to it , that they never purchased any City at a dearer rate . And hereupon may say in the word of Iustin , Et tanta animorum virtus fuit , &c. That though they had just cause at all times to despair of safety ; yet , for the most part , they presumed , and came off with safety , till God was pleased to give them over for a prey to the Sword of their Enemies . 24. And yet there might be somewhat in it , which more assured David of his peace and happiness , than either the Courage of the people , or the Strength of the place ; which was their good Affection and fidelity to him . And this appears plainly by their carriage towards him , when he was forced to give way to the Treason of Absolom . For , when he left them to the power of the Enemy , the people followed him in great numbers , to express their loyalty ; and followed him in tears , to express their affection . So , as it cannot be affirmed , that either they betrayed , or forsook their King : but , that the King rather in a Royal pity did withdraw from them ; left otherwise he might have brought some evil on the City , as the Text informs us . Lay all that hath been said , together , of the strength of this City , and we shall find , that David had good reason to extol Gods Name for giving him possession of a place so strong , so populous , and so replenished with a loyal and couragious people . 25. And thus I have run over all the parts of my Text , as they declare God's marvellous kindness unto David ; so , that it can be no hard matter to remove the vail , and to behold the face of our own affairs , the mercies of this day , and the glories of it . A day in which we solemnize the memory of as great a kindness ; a kindness as remarkable in respect of the Person , as marvellous in its own condition , no less peculiar to the Lord as the Author of it , and in a place as notable , our Principal City , our strongest City of descence . To which , by Gods assistance , and your Christian Patience , I shall now proceed , and then descend unto the duties of the dayes , where we shall meet with David's thankfulness , and our own to boot . 26. Et , De quo loquitur Propheta , vel populus fidelis ? And in this place may be asked in the Eunuch's words , Of whom here speaks the Prophet , either of himself , or of some other ? Not of himself alone saith Cassianus , an old Christian Writer , but in behalf of all Gods children , of his faithful servants . The Books of Psalms is so composed saith Athanasius , that every man may read his own Story in them , and find therein his own particular concernments ; and that as punctually , as if the purpose of the Psalm had been addressed and fitted only unto his occasions . Let it be so , and then , Who may not find the quality of our late afflictions , and our deliverance together in this present Psalm , and read the state of our affairs in the Story of David ; and then draw down an easie and familiar parallel betwixt the Persons , and the mercies , and the places too ? A parallel , right worthy of the pen of Plutarch , if any such were found amongst us ; but , such as seems to have been done in part already , by laying before you David's troubles and his great deliverance . And therefore passing by those things which apply themselves , and those in which the Story of both Princes seems to make but one ; we will observe the method which is used by Plutarch , in laying down the points in which they differ , or , those wherein one party seems to have preheminence above the other . 27. First then , It may be truly said of our English David , as Commodus , not without vain-glory , did affirm of himself , Quem Primum Sol & Principem & hominem vidit , that he was born a Prince , and that the Sun did never otherwise behold him then as Heir to a Kingdom . Which cannot be affirmed of David , nor of David's Ancestors ; though all of them might live in expectation of obtaining that Scepter , which had been promised to that Tribe , in the person of Iudah . And as his Birth was higher , so his Fall was lower , and his afflictions so much greater ; and the more insupportable , because he was more tenderly bred , and less able to bear them . Nay , they were greater in themselves then the heavyest sorrows that ever fell upon David in the time of his troubles ; who kept himself most commonly unto those retreats which his own Countrey did afford him , and when he was compelled to retire to Moab , or to sojourn in the Realm of Gath , neither Saul's malice , nor his power did pursue him there . But so it was not in the case of our Royal Exile ; Driven out of all the Forts and Cities of his own Dominions , by the power of his Enemies ; and , by their practises , not suffered to remain in France ; nor to be entertained in Holland ; compelled to shift from one Imperial City to another ; from the Higher , to the Lower Germany ; but , pursued in all , seldom nor never free from their trains and treacheries , who would not think themselves secure but in his destruction . Sic aquilam fugiunt trepidae Columbae ; Never was Patridge flown at with a swifter wing by a well-train'd Falcon , nor game more hotly followed , by the fiercest Hounds ; than this poor Prince was chased by those mighty Hunters , those Nimrods , those Robusti Venatores , as the Scripture calls them : who had the building of that Babel which they raised amongst us . They had their cunning Lime-hounds to draw Dry-foot after him , and plyed the chase with all the Kennil at his Heels , when the Hunt was up : not with a purpose to call off when they had breathed their Horses or tryed their Dogs ; but with a merciless retreat to hunt him down , and then to wash their cruel and accursed hands in his precious bloud , as is accustomed in the fall of a Buck of Stagg . 28. And as the dangers which accompanyed our English David , were more transcendent in respect of his Sacred Person ; so , were they far more grievous to him in respect of his party : whose tears he put into his bottles , whose stripes he bare on his own body , and whose calamities did more afflict his righteous Soul , then his own misfortunes . And , if we look upon his Party with an equal eye , we shall soon find them to have suffered more and far heavier pressures in his cause and quarrel , then all the Hebrew Nations did for the sake of David . We read indeed of 85. Priests slaughtered by the cruelty and command of Saul ; But we may read of more than twenty times that number of our Regular Clergy ; all the Bishops , Deans , and Dignitaries , and almost all the Heads of Houses imprisoned , plundered , sequestred , ejected ; their wives and children miserably turn'd out of doors , some of them left for dead in the open streets . And why all this ? but for adhering to his Majesty , and his Fathers house , and to the Laws , and the Religion here established , and for no crime else . But then again , we do not read of any man of quality in the Tribes of Israel , condemned and executed , or otherwise deprived of Lands and Liberties , for his well wishing unto David . Amongst us , nothing was more common than the imprisoning of our choisest and most able Gentry , selling the Goods , confiscating the Lands , and calling those in question for their very lives , whose known fidelity was imputed to them for their only crime . For , now we had attained to that height of wretchedness , that Loyalty must pass for Treason , and Treason must be Unicum eorum crimen quivacabant crimine , as in the worst and most deplorable condition of the Roman Empire . And thereupon it was concluded in the School of Tyrannus , that they who were so prodigal of their Money , Arms and Victuals to another man , especially , to one marked out for ruine by their mighty Masters , should have no bread to feed their Families , or money to maintain themselves ; or other Arms , but Prayers , and Tears , to save them from the violence of unjust Oppression , even from Death it self . 29. Besides , it might be some alleviation unto David's followers , to suffer by the hands of a lawful King , a King set over them by God , by the Lord himself ; whose Power they were not to resist , whose Person was too Sacred , and his Authority too transcendent to be called in question . But it must be a torment unexpressible to a generous spirit , to be trode underfoot by an Adoni-bezek ; to have their lives and Vineyards taken from them , at the will of an Ahab ; to see the Bramble Reign as King over all the Trees our tallest Oakes felled down by a shrub of yesterday ; and all the goodly Cedars of the Church , grubbed up , to make room for a stinking Elder . 30. In the next place , as the calamities which fell upon our English David , and his faithful followers , were more in number and more grievous , then all those which had been suffered by the other ; so was the kindness of the Lord more marvellous in his preservation , the hand of God more visible in his Restitution . And first , the kindness was more marvellous in his Preservation , because we do not find that David ever hazarded his own person in the day of Battail , but managed all his Wars with Abner , Absolom , and Sheba , by the hand of Ioab . Which gave him means and opportunity to provide for himself , though all his Forces had been routed , and their General taken . But our great Master put himself into the head of his Army , ventured his life for the Redemption of his people , charged and recharged through the thickest of his enemies , the first that came into the field , and the last that left it ; and thereby gained the honour , though he lost the victory of the day . By what miraculous means he was preserved from death in that fatal Overthrow , and with what Loyal secrecy conveyed from one place to another , is not so clearly and distinctly known as the cause deserves ; & therefore to be wished that it may publickly be declared by his Sacred Majesty ; that God might have the glory of his own great Mercies , and all good men the honour of their brave fidelity . In the mean time , we may with piety believe , that he was either carryed off by God on the wings of Angels , so that none could reach him ; or else inveloped round about with a cloud of darkness , so that none could see him , Cernere ne quis eum , ne quis contingere poss it , as Virgil telleth us of Aeneas in the last condition . 31. And then again , the hand of God was far more visible in his Restitution . For , was it not a marvellous kindness , that God was pleased to preserve a strong party for him , which had not been infected with the errors and corruptions , which then reigned amongst us ; that in a time of such a general defection from the rules of the Church , so many thousands should be found of all sorts and sexes , which had not bowed the knee to Baal , nor to the golden Calves of Dan and Bethel , nor the more guilded Calves that grazed and bleated upon these mountains of the Lord. And that far more should keep their hearts intire and loyal in those times of danger , when they could find no means to signifie it by their tongues and hands . And this not only was a kindness , and a marvellous kindness ; but , misericordia sua , the Lords kindness also , most properly to be called the work of God , who did both bow their Hearts , and advance their Hands , and use them both , for the facilitating of the Kings Reduction . 32. In which conjuncture of affairs , a little cloud ariseth from the Northern Sea , after the heavens had been shut up for some years together . Which though it were no bigger then a mans hand in the first appearance , yet brought along with it such abundance of rain , as did not only comfort and refresh the afflicted Land , but forced our politick Ahabs , and their followers too , to take their Chariots and make haste away to some other place , before the storm should overtake them . And certainly this must needs be misericordia sua , as well Gods mercy in it self , as to be reckoned for a mavellous mercy in the eyes of men . For neither the Party was so weak , nor the Cause so desperate , as to be broken by the coming of so small a power , as rather seemed to be a Guard to their Generals person , then of sufficient force to oppose that Army , before which two great Kings were not able to stand . And then it is to be observed , that such as draw their Swords upon God's Anointed , use commonly to throw away the scabbards also ; and find no way of doing better , but by doing worse . Nil medium inter summa & . praecipitia . No middle way for them to walke in , but either to bear up like Princes , or to die like Traytors . But it was otherwise in the case which we have before us . God so prevailing on the hearts of the men of war , that they became no less ready to receive their King , then his own party to invite him ; And they which first ingaged in the War against him , expulsed him hence , and voted him uncapable of the Regal Dignity , are now as zealous as the best to advance him to it . Nay , they contended eagerly with the rest of the Subjects ( as once the men of Israel did with the men of Iudah ) which of the two should shew most zeal for his Restitution ; and did not only send word to him that he should return , both he and his servants with him ; but , some of them passed over the Flood , that they might bring him back unto his Countrey with the greater glory . Et certant ipsi secum , utrùm contumeliosius eum expulerint , an honorabilius revocaverint ; as in the case of Alcibiades is observed by Iustin. 33. But possibly our Gideon with such a handful of men , might not have been of power sufficient to effect the enterprise , if our great City had not openly appeared in favour of it , and thereby given encouragement to the rest of the Subjects , whose hearts stood firm unto the King. A treble City of three Towns together , but all of them united in one common name , as Ierusalem was ; and no less strong then that , in regard on the multitude ; but stronger , in respect of the power and riches of the people of it . For here it was , in this strong City , the principal City of our Nation , the abstract or Epitomie of all Britain ( In Britanniarum compendio ) as my Author cals it , that the design was most advanced , though not there contrived . And here it was in this strong City that this great miracle of mercy did receive accomplishment , by opening both their Gates , and Hearts , and Hands , to receive their Soveraign . Let them continue in that obedience to our Lord the King , & they shal wipe away the memory of their former Errors . Nay , our Posterity shall behold them with a cheerful gratitude , as the restorers and preservers of our common happiness , by giving good example to the rest of the Kingdom . For certainly the practice of great Cities , is exemplary , not only in their Morals ; but , their Politicks too . According to the motion of the Primum mobile , the lower Stars and Planets move in their several Spheres , and think it no disgrace to be sometimes retrograde , or in their motus trepidationis ; when the first Orbe begins to be irregular , or seems to be left destitute of those Intelligences which are said to move it . 34. And therefore it concerns great Towns and populous Cities , upon whose actions all mens eyes are fixed and busied , to be a pattern of good works , of Loyalty , and of due obedience to the rest of the people . Faction , and Opposition to Authority , are two dangerous plagues , more fatal and destructive to the greatest Empire , than the Sword , Pestilence , or Famine . Which if they get into a City or a Town of note , Non ibi consistunt ubi caeperunt , infect not there alone where they first brake out ; but , as the nature of the Plague is observed to be , from thence it springs into the Villages adjoyning , and in the end to all the quarters of the Kingdom . It cannot be denied , but that we found it to be so in the first revolt ; but then it must be granted also , that the Tide never turned in the lesser Rivers , until the Thames had made a stand under London-Bridge . The noise of which great miracle ( as it was no other ) made all the waters clap their hands , and the floods rejoyce , and even the Ocean to be proud of so rich a burthen , as was committed to its trust by the heavenly Pilot. 35. For now the King prepares for his return to the Royal City , not with an Army to besiege it , to smite it with the edge of the sword , and to root out the Iebusites , which were planted in it , as David did when he first brought Hierusalem under his command . Not so ; but , as a Prince of peace , as the Son of David , to bring the glad tidings of salvation to all his Subjects , to put an end to all the miseries of his People , and to restore them to that peace and happiness , which they had forfeited by pride and wantonness , by disobedience to his Person , and distrust to his Promises ; and , in a word , by doing more then is to be repeated , since it hath been pardoned . And to this City came the Tribes to receive their King ; whether , in greater numbers , or with greedier eyes , or with more joyful hearts , it is hard to say . Of which , I shall speak little now , because more anon . This was the blessing of the day , and this conducts me next to the duties of it , which we shall take from David's Doctrine and example , Benedictus Dominus , Blessed be the Lord. 36. Et quemodo dicit , Benedictus Dominus ? Num illi opus est benedictione nostra ? What means the Prophet ( saith St. Hierom ) by this form of speech ? Hath the Lord need of us that we should bless him ? No , but we say , with Vatablus , that it is an Hebraism , a garb of speech peculiar to the Hebrew Language ; the meaning this , Dignus est omni laude Dominus , The Lord is worthy to be praised , His mighty Acts to be preserved in perpetual memory . What David's practice was , we need make no question ; or , if we did , we have sufficient evidence for it in the Book of Psalms . Most of which were composed to no other purpose , but to extol Gods name , and set forth his prayses for all the blessings which he had bestowed upon him in his soul and body . Among which last , there was none more great , more marvellous , more fit to be ascribed to the Lord alone , then the preserving of his Person , the raising of him to his Throne , and the establishing of that Throne in so strong a City . And therefore , Benedictus Dominus , Let thanks be given unto the Lord , saith our old Translation . 37. But more particularly we may behold the thankfulness of David , in his Works and Actions . We may behold it in his Works , if we consult that notable passage of Iosephus , where it is said , that David being delivered from his Wars and troubles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , indited Anthems , Psams , and Hymnes in the praise of God ; calling to minde those manifold and great occasions which might induce him to a pious and religious gratitude ; and more then so , he procured many Instruments to be made for God's publick service , Organs , and Psalteries , and Harps , and taught the Levites how to praise Gods name upon them ( saith the same Iosephus ) not only on the Sabbath , but the other Festivals . For doing which , he had no precept from above , or any warrant that we read of , but his own authority , and that he thought it fit and decent . 38. David , no question , knew as perfectly Gods nature and the true nature of his service , as any other man whatsoever he was : Yet thought he not that either of them was prophaned or made lesse edifying by the occasion of sweet Musick & melodious Harmony . Which made him call so often upon all his people , not only to set forth Gods praises in their Songs and Hymns , but to extol and celebrate his Name , with Trumpets and loud sounding Cymbals , with Psalteries and Harps , Stringed instruments , and Organs also ; and that not in their houses only , but in the blessed Sanctuary , as appears plainly in the last of the Book of Psal. And he appointed also that the singers , and such as played upon the Musical instruments , in the performance of this service , should be cloathed in white , or rather with a linnen vesture over the rest of their garments , as it is said expresly in the 1 Chro. ch . 15. From whence ( or from the linnen ephod which was worn by the Priests ) we have derived the Surplisse now in use amongst us , and not from any garment used by the Priests of Isis , as some of the preciser sort have most idely fancyed . 39. But David was as excellent in paying his thankfulnesse to God in the acts of piety , as praising him with songs and hymns , and musical Instruments . The Ark of God which had been taken by the Philist ms in the time of Eli , and kept at Keriath-jearim all the Raign of Saul ; is now brought back ▪ and setled in Hierusalem by the care of David , who gave not only order for the doing of it , but saw it done and was himself a principal actor in that sacred Ceremony . He thought it no way mis-becomming any earthly Majesty , to look to all such matters as concerned Religion and appertained unto the service of the most high God ; Nor is there any thing which makes a King more esteemable in the eies of his subjects , then to be active and industrious in the restoring of Gods worship to it's antient purity . Ille diis proximus habetur , per quem deorum majestas vindicatur , are the words of an Heathen , yet such as may become the most sober Christian. 40. Follow him yet a little further , and we shall see him putting the whole service of God into a better frame and order , then it had been formerly . To which end he appointed to the priests their several tunes , that every man might know the course of his ministration ; and so distributed and disposed them under several heads , that all things might be acted by them without confusion . Which Heads or Rulers , or chief Captains , as the gospel calls them , being in number twenty fowr , besides the High-priest , and his Sagan or the second High-priest , twenty six in all , make up the just tale of our English Bishops . And in regard the Tribe of Levi had remained so faithful to him , and done and suffered so much for him , in the time of his troubles , he is resolved to make a retribution worthy of a Royal spirit . Some of them therefore he sets over the treasures of the house of God , that is to say , such treasures as were dedicated and laied up in the Holy Temple , or otherwise offered and designed for Religious uses . Others he made officers and Iudges in the Tribes of Israel , and that not only in all businesses of the Lord , in all sacred matters , but in the businesse of the King , even in civill concernments , as is expressed most plainly in the first of Chro. ch . 26. So far was David from conceiving , that sacred Orders were a super-sedeas to all civill prudence ; and that he might not lawfully make use of the abilities of any of his Subjects , of what sort soever , as Councellours , Iudges , Officers , or what else he pleased . 41. Thus David did , and thus our David hath done also . He made it his first act to close the breaches in this Church , both in Doctrine and Discipline , and to restore the antient government of Bishops , according to Gods words and the primitive practice . He takes care that Divine service be officiated with as much solemnity , as in the best and happiest times of his predecessors , adorns his Chappel in a costly and magnificent manner , gathereth together the best voices in his whole dominions , and intermingleth them with Musical Instruments , which seem to carry a resemblance to that heavenly Harmony which some ascribe unto the Spheres . A form of service highly magnyfied by the primitive Christian , and such as gained exceedingly upon mens affections . St. Austin , when an Heathen or at best a Manich●e found two temptations to invite him to the Christian Churches ; that is to say , to hear the eloquence of St. Ambrose when he was in the Pulpit , and the H●rmonious Melody which was made in the Quire. And it is hard to say , which of the two prevailed most towards his Conversion . The musick of the Church so mollified his stony heart that it drew tears from his eys ( ut flevi ad cantus Ecclesiae tuae ) and thereby made him apter for all such impressions of the Holy Spirit , as afterwards advanced him highly in the favour both of God and Men , Retained on this account , ( as he after tells us ) in all the Churches of those times , both Greek and Latin , Ut per oblectamenta aurium , in firmior assurgat animus in pietatis affectum ; because it did compose mens thoughts , and calm their passions , and fit them to the serious and the grave performance of religious Offices : Which makes it seem the greater wonder , that any man , preferred and dignified in the Church of England , should in a Sermon preached , and printed , and exposed to sale ; compare the heavenly musick in Cathedral Churches to that confused medley of the Flute , the Sackbut , and the Harp , the Psaltery , the Cornet , and the Dulcimer , which played before the Golden Image , advanced by Nebucadnezzar in the fields of Babylon . But he hath-long since smarted for his folly , and so let him go . 42. Our English David stays not here , but looks upon the services and the sufferings of the Regular Clergy ; some of which he restoreth to their former fortunes , and raises others unto greater then they had before . All the Episcopal Sees , but one , are filled with Learned and Religious Prelates , of whom the tongue of envy , hatred , malice and uncharitableness can speak no reproach . And as the Sees are filled with Learned and Religious Prelates ; so is it to be hoped that by the Piety of these times , those Prelates shall be re-established in those Powers and Priviledges , which the Iniquity of the last Times hath taken from them . Without which they must pass for Cyphers in the Church-Arithmetick , disabled from proceeding in the work of God ; of less esteem amongst their friends , and a scorn to their adversaries . The State was never better served , then when the Messengers of Peace were the Ministers of it : when Kings asked Counsel of the Priests , and that the Priests were Counsellors , Officers , and Judges in their several times . Which David must needs know as well as any ( being a Prince replenished with the Spirit of God ) or else he had not called them to those imployments which the Scripture speaks of . 43. Thus hath the King performed his duty , we must next do ours ; and pay our thankfulness to God on the knees of our hearts , for the advancement of our David to the Throne of his Fathers ; and , thereby giving us such a fair and blessed Sun-shine after a long Egyptian darkness , and so miraculous a calm upon the back of that most dreadful intermixture of Thunder and Lightning ( the roaring of the Cannons , and the burning of Towns ) , which was never equalled in this Nation . Which as it ought to be our duty to the last day of our lives ; so , more particularly of this day , which by the Piety of the State hath been set apart for the Celebration , for the commemorating , of that kindness , that marvellous great kindness which he hath shewed to us , and to his Anointed , in the chief City of our Nation , the abstract or Epitomie of the whole , as before was said . Such Festivals as these come not within the censure of our nicer spirits : Those which have quarrelled at the rest , the Festivals of Christ , and his Apostles , and his Virgin Mother ; do yet allow of Feriae repentinae , & ex re nata institutae , as they please to phrase it : Such as are instituted and ordained upon new Emergencies . If any thing displease them in it , it is the setling of it by a Law to be made perpetual ; to be a day of Thankfulness and Commemoration to succeeding Ages . Which being the adding of a new to the ancient Festivals , may spur on those which are in eminent place and power , to rejoyn the old Festivals to the new , and cause them both to be observed with such Christian Piety , that all men laying aside their Trades and profane Imployments , may diligently repair to their Parish Churches , to set forth God's most worthy praise , to hear his most holy Word , and to ask those things which be requisite and necessary both for the body and the Soul , according to the Laws and Statutes in that case provided . But , as for this particular day , it is to be observed as our Feast of Purim , in memory of our deliverance from the hands of Haman , and Haman's being hanged upon the Gallouse of his own preparing , together with his ten sons ( mark the number well ) all executed by the Common Hang-man on the same account . A day of praising God in our Publique Churches , of Feasting and Rejoycing in our private Houses , of Joy and Triumphs in our Streets ; A day to be observed with all due Solemnity , as being the Birth-day of the King and the Kingdom too . 44. And so it cannot choose but do , if we look back upon the miseries of the former Tyranny , as well in our Spiritual Concernments as our Civil Rights . And then reflect upon this Day as it was celebrated by all sorts of People at the King's Reduction . And first , if we take notice of the miseries of the times preceding in reference to Spiritual matters , we may observe our Publique Liturgie disgraced , and at last discharged , to make way for the rash , seditious , and inconsiderate evaporations of those turbulent spirits , whose very Prayers , in fine , were turned into Sin : The Pulpits every where left open to all sorts of Mechanicks ; and either no Priests made at all , or , none but such as were of Ieroboam's making , Priests of the lowest of the People ; abhorring Idols made a colour for committing Sacriledge , such Sacriledges too as seldom or never had been heard of amongst the Gentiles ; Pictures and Images in Church-windows ( retained for Ornaments till this day in the Lutheran Churches ) defaced on purpose , for the ostentation of a swifter Zeal , than could keep company with Knowledge . But , in the mean time , such a worshipping of Imaginations advanced and countenanced as seemed no less destructive to all Christian Piety , than the worship of Images ; and , in a word , all the exploded Heresies of the elder times revived , and justified , without reproach to them that did it ; to the displeasure of Almighty God , the dishonour of the Church , the grief of all good men , and the shame of the Nation . Nor did we speed much better in our Civil Rights , in reference to that liberty and property , which seems peculiar in a manner to the English Subjects . Quocunque aspiceres , luctus gemitus que sonabant , in the Poets language . No news in any of our Streets , but that of leading men into fresh captivity ; nor Musick to be heard in our private Houses , but the sighs , groans , and cries of afflicted people , who either suffered in themselves , or their friends and kindred . Our persons haled unto the prisons , and our heads to the block ▪ our children born to bondage , and brought up to servitude , our goods taken from us , and exposed to sale ; all our Lands either held in villenage ; or , which was worse , ad voluntatem Domini , during the will and pleasure only of our mighty Landlords . Such a confusion in the City , such spoils and rapines in the Countrey , and such oppressions in all places under their command ; that greater miseries never fell upon God's own people in those wretched times , in which there was no King in Israel . 46. To put an end to which misfortunes , God brings the King unto his Throne , as upon this day ; and brings him to his Throne after such a manner , as makes it seem all-miracle in the eyes of Christendom . When first , like Noah's Dove in the book of Genesis , he left the Ark of his retreat and preservation , that he might trie whether the waters were asswaged from the face of the earth , he found no resting place for the soles of his feet ; but when he took his second flight , and came next amongst us , and brought an Olive leaf in his mouth , to be a Pledge of Peace and Reconciliation betwixt him and his people , he made his coming most agreeable to those very men , who before most feared it . A coming so agreeable to all sorts of people , that never King was entertained with more signs of joy , or welcomed with a greater concourse of his faithful Subjects ; all of them with Te Deum in their mouths , and the Magnificat in their hearts ; old women being as busie at their Benedicite's , in their dark retreats , as Children were at Hosanna's in the wayes and fields . The mountains skippe like Raws , and the little hils like young Sheep , as he passed along ; the Trees bowed down their heads to salute their King ; and the glad earth , rejoyced to become his footstool . But when he came within the view of the Royal City , Good God! what infinite throngs of people did run out to see him ? With what a gallant equipage did the Nobility and Gentry set forth to meet him . Never did England see it self so glorious as upon that day , nor old Rome so magnificent in her stateliest Triumphs , as our great City then appeared in the eyes of those , who flocked from all parts of the Kingdom in such infinite numbers , that London could no more be called the abstract or epitome of the Realm of England , but the Realm it self . 47. Incouraged with which general Welcome , he hath received here ( here in this Church , he hath received ) his last Anoynting , to the great joy of all his true and faithful Subjects ; who once again repaired to our Capital City , but in greater multitudes , that by their quality , numbers , and external Gallantry , they might express their good affections , and add some new Lustre to the accustomed Pomp and Splendour of the Coronation . The Pomp and Splendour of which day , is not to be described by a readier pen than I am able to pretend to ; nor to be equalled by any other in the times preceding , but only by the glorious day of the Kings Reduction ; of which we may affirm with the Court Historian , though with no such flattery , La●itiam illius diei , consursum totius civitatis , & 〈◊〉 pene inferenti●m coelo m●●is , &c. What pen is able to express the Triumphs of those two great dayes , when all the bravery of the Nation seemed to be powred into the City , and the whole City emptied into some few streets , the windows in those streets to be glased with eyes , the houses in a maner to be tyled with men ; and all the people in the streets , the windowes and the house tops also , ingeminating and regeminating this most joyful acclamation , God save the King. 48. For which great mercies , and the rest of this glorious day , let us sing our Benedictus also , to the Lord our God : Blessed be the Lord God of Israel , for he hath visited and redeemed his people , and hath raised up a mighty salvation for us in the house of his servant David . To which Immortal and Invisible God , the Almighty Father ; and to the Honorable , true and only Son , the Lamb that sits upon the Throne ; and to the Holy Ghost the Comforter ; Let us ascribe , as we are bound , all Majesty , Might , Praise , Power , and Glory , from this time forth for ever more . And let all the people say , Amen . THE END . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43551-e850 a Prov. 15. 23 2 Sam. 20. 1. 2 Sam. 16. 5. 1 Sam. 16. 13. 1 Sam. 17. 24. 1 Sam. 28. 28. 1 Sam. 18. 27. 1 Sam. 18. 1 Sam. 19. 1 Sam. 19. 1. 1 Sam. 20. 33. 1 Sam. 21. 6 , 9. 1 Sam. 22. 18 , &c. 1 1 Sam. 21. 10. 1 Sam. 22. 3. 1 Sam. 23. 1 Sam. 23. 20. 1 Sam. 25. 11. 1 Sam. 22. 1. 1 Sam. 27. 2. 1 Sam. 22. 2. 1 Sam. 29. 8. 1 Sam. 27. 2. 1 Sam. 27. 6. 1 Chr. 12. 1 , &c. 1 Chr. 12. 22. 2 Sam. 2. 1 , 4. 1 Sam. 14. 50. 2 Sam. 2. 8 , 9. 2 Sam. 3. 8. 2 Sam. 4. 2. Antiq. Iud. lib. 7. cap. 2. August . in Confes . lib. 8. cap. 2. 1 Sam. 23 6. ☞ Muscul. in Psal. 31. Psal. 127. 1. Origen . in Rom ▪ cap. 9. Horat. A●iq . Iud ic . 〈◊〉 . 7. chap 3. loseph . de ●ello . Iud. lib. 7. c. 17. Id. ibid. Athanas. in Epist . ad Mar. in Tom. 3. Virgil. Aencid . 1 King. 18. 44. Tacit. Hist li. 2. Vellei . 〈◊〉 Hist. l. 2. Antiq. Iudaic. lib. 7. chap. 10. Aug Conf. lib. 10. ch . 23. Id. ibid. Dan. 3. 5. 
A43547	----	Parliaments power in lawes for religion, or, An ansvvere to that old and groundles [sic] calumny of the papists, nick-naming the religion of the Church of England, by the name of a parliamentary-religion sent to a friend who was troubled at it, and earnestly desired satisfaction in it. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43547 of text R200234 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1730). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 98 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43547 Wing H1730 ESTC R200234 12137481 ocm 12137481 54783 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43547) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54783) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 105:6) Parliaments power in lawes for religion, or, An ansvvere to that old and groundles [sic] calumny of the papists, nick-naming the religion of the Church of England, by the name of a parliamentary-religion sent to a friend who was troubled at it, and earnestly desired satisfaction in it. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [6], 36 p. Printed by Henry Hall ..., Oxford : 1645. Attributed to Peter Heylyn. Cf. BM. Signed: E.Y. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. Church of England -- Government. Church and state -- Great Britain. A43547 R200234 (Wing H1730). civilwar no Parliaments power, in lawes for religion. Or, an ansvvere to that old and groundles calumny of the papists, nick-naming the religion of the Heylyn, Peter 1645 17265 14 0 0 0 0 0 8 B The rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Parliaments Power , In Lawes for RELIGION . OR , AN ANSVVERE To that old and groundles Calumny of the Papists , nick-naming the Religion of the Church of England , by the name of a Parliamentary RELIGION . Sent to a freind , who was troubled at it , and earnestly desired satisfaction in it . OXFORD , Printed by HENRY HALL Printer to the UNIVERSITIE . 1645. The Preface . SYR , AT my being with you last , you seemed to bee much scandalized for the Church of England . You told me you were well assured that her Doctrine was most true and orthodox , her Government conform to the word of God , and the best Ages of the Church ; her Liturgy an Extract of the Primitive Formes : Nothing in all the whole composure but what did tend to edification , and increase of Piety . But that you were not satisfied in the waies and meanes by which this Church proceeded in her Reformation : That you had heard it oft objected by some Partisans of the Church of Rome , that our Religion was meere Parliamentarian ; or , as Doctor Harding said long since , That we had a Parliament-Religion , a Parliament-Faith , and a Parliament-Gospell ; to which Sanders and some others added , That we had none but Parliament Bishops , and a Parliament-Clergy . That you were apt enough to think , the Papists made not all this noise without some ground for it , in regard you see the Parliaments in these latter times so bent to catch at all occasions whereby to manifest their power in Ecclesiasticall matters . And finally , that you were heartily ashamed , that being so often choaked with these objections , you neither knew how to traverse the Inditement , or plead not guilty to the Bill . This was the sum of your Discourse ; and upon this you did desire me to be think my selfe of some fit plaister for this sore , to satisfie you ( if I could ) of your doubts and jealousies , assuring me that your desires proceeded not from curiositie , or an itch of knowledg , or out of any disaffection to the high Court of Parliament ; but meerly from an honest zeale to the Church of England , whose credit and renown you did far prefer before your life , or whatsoever else could be deere unto you ; adding withall , That if I would take paines for your satisfaction , and help you out of those perplexities which you were involved in , I should not only doe good service to the Church it selfe , but to many a wavering Member of it , whom these objections mainly stagger in their Resolution . In fine , that you desired to be informed how far the Parliaments of England have been interessed , in the former times , in matters which concern Religion , and God's publique worship ; what ground there is for all this clamour of the Papists ; and whether the two Houses , or eyther of them have exercised , of old , any such authority in things of Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall nature , as they now pretend to . VVhich , though it be a dangerous and invidious Subject ( as the times now are ) yet for your sake , and for the truths , and for the honour also of Parliaments , which seeme to suffer much in the accusation , I shall undertake it ; Premising first , that I intend not to say any thing to the point of Right , whether or not the Parliament may lawfully meddle in such matters as concern Religion , but shall apply my selfe only unto matters of fact , as they relate unto the Reformation here by Lawe established . And for my method in this businesse , I will begin with the Ejection of the Pope and his authority ; descending next to the Translation of the Scriptures into the English tongue , and the Reformation of the Church in Doctrinals and Formes of Worship ; and so proceed unto the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy , and the direction of the people in all such particulars as doe concern them in the exercise of their Religion . And in the canvasing of these points , I shall make it good , that till these busie and unfortunate dayes , in which every man intrudeth on the Preistly function , the Parliaments did not any thing at all either in matters Doctrinal , or in making Canons , or in translating of the Scriptures ; and that concerning Formes of Worship they did nothing neyther , but strengthen and establish what was done before in the Clergy-way , by adding the Secular authority to the Constitutions of the Church , according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity . PARLIAMENTS POWER , in Lawes for Religion . 1. Of the Ejection of the Pope . AND first , beginning with the Ejection of the Pope and his authority , that led the way unto the Reformation of Religion which did after follow : It was first voted and decreed in the Convocation , before ever it became the subject of an Act of Parliament . For in the yeare 1530. 22o . H. 8. the Clergy being caught in a Premunire were willing to redeeme their danger by a summe of money , and to that end the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury bestowed upon the king the summe of 100000 pounds , to be paid by equall portions in the five yeares following . But the king would not so be satisfied unlesse they would acknowledge him for the supreme head on Earth of the Church of England , which though it was hard meate , and would not easily downe amongst them , yet it passed at last . For , being throughly debated in a Synodicall way , both in the upper and lower houses of Convocation , they did in fine agree upon this expression . Cujus ( Ecclesiae sc. Anglicanae ) singularem Protectorem , unicum et supremum Dominum , et ( quantum per Christi leges licet ) supremum Caput , ipsius Majestatem recognoscimus . To this they all assented and subscribed their hands , and afterwards incorporated it into the publique Act or Instrument , which was presented to the King in the name of his Clergy , for the redeeming of their error , and the graunt of their money , which as it doth at large appeare in the Records and Acts of the Convocation , so is it touched upon in an Historicall way in the Antiq. Britan : Mason de Minist. Anglic. and some other Authors ; by whom it also doth appeare , that what was thus concluded on by the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury , was also ratified and confirmed by the Convocation for the Province of Yorke ( according to the usuall custom ) save that they did not buy their Pardon at so deare a rate . This was the leading Card to the game which followed . For on this ground were built the Statutes prohibiting all Appeales to Rome , and for determining all Ecclesiasticall suites and controversies within the Kingdome 24. H. 8. c. 12. That for the manner of Electing and Consecrating of Archbishops and Bishops . 25. H. 8. c. 20. and , the prohibiting the payment of all impositions to the Court of Rome ; and for obtayning all such Dispensations from the See of Canterbury which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome . 25. H. 8. c , 21. which last is built expresly upon this foundation ; That the King is the only supreme Head of the Church of England , and was so recognized by the Prelates and Clergy , representing the said Church in their Convocation . And on the very same foundation was the Statute raised 26. H. 8. c. 1. where in the King is declared to be the supreme head of the Church of England , & to have all honors & Preeminencies which were annexed unto that Title , as by the Act it selfe doth at full appeare , which Act being made ( I speake it from the Act it selfe ) only for corroboration and confirmation of that which had beene done in the Convocation , did afterwards draw on the Statute for the Tenths and First-fruits , as the point incident to the Headship or supreme authority , 26. H. 8 , c. 3. The second step to the Ejection of the Pope , was the submission of the Clergy to the said K. Henry , whom they had recognized for their supreme Head . And this was first concluded on in the Convocation , before it was proposed or agitated in the houses of Parliament ; and was commended only to the care of the Parliament , that it might have the force of a Law by a civill Sanction . The whole debate with all the traverses and emergent difficulties which appeared therein are specified at large in the Records of Convocation , Anno 1532. But being you have not oportunity to consult those Records , I shall prove it by the Act of Parliament , called commonly the Act of the submission of the Clergy , but bearing this Title in the Abridgement of the Statutes set out by Poulton , That the Clergy in their Convocations shall enact no Constitutions without the Kings assent . In which it is premised for granted that the Clergy of the Realm of England , had not only acknowledg'd according to the Truth , that the Convocation of the same Clergy , is , alwaies hath beene , and ought to be assembled alwaies by the Kings Writ ; but also submitting themselves to the Kings Majesty , had promised in verbo Sacerdotii , That they would never from henceforth presume to attempt , alleage , claime , or put in ure , enact , promulge or execute any new Canons , Constitutions , Ordinances Provinciall , or other , or by whatsoever other name they shall be called in the Convocation , unlesse the Kings most Royall assent may to them be had , to make , promulge and execute the same , and that his Majestie doe give his most royall Assent and Authority in that behalfe . Upon which ground worke of the Clergies , the Parliament shortly after built this superstructure , to the same effect : viz. That none of the said Clergy from thenceforth should presume to attempt , alleage , claime or put in ure any Constitutions or Ordinances , Provinciall or Synodals , or any other Canons ; nor shall enact , promulge , or execute any such Canons , Constitutions , or Ordinances Provinciall ( by whatsoever name or names they may be called ) in their Convocations in time comming ( which alwaies shall be assembled by the kings Writ ) unlesse the same Clergy may have the kings most royall Assent and Licence to make , promulge and execute such Canons , Constitutions and Ordinances Provinciall or Synodicall , upon paine of every one of the said Clergy doing the contrary to this Act , and thereof convict , to suffer imprisonment and make fine at the kings will . 25. H. 8. c. 19. So that the Statute , in effect , is no more than this , an Act to bind the Clergy to performe their promise , to keepe them fast unto their word for the time to come , that no new Canon should bee made in the times succeeding in favour of the Pope , or by his authority , or to the diminution of the Kings Royall Prerogative , or contrary to the Lawes and Statutes of this Realme of England , as many Papall Constitutions were in the former Ages : which Statute I desire you to take notice of , because it is the rule and measure of the Churches power in making Canons , Constitutions , or whatsoever else you shall please to call them in their Convocations . The third and finall Act conducing to the Popes Ejection , was an Act of Parliament 28. H. 8. c. 10. Entituled an Act extinguishing the Authority of the Bishop of Rome . By which it was Enacted That if any person should extoll the authority of the Bishop of Rome , he should incurre the penalty of a Praemunire ; that every Officer , both Ecclesiasticall and Lay , should be sworne to renounce the said Bishop and his authority , and to resist it to his power , and to repute any Oath formerly taken in maintenance of the said Bishop , or his authority , to be void ; and finally that the refusall of the said Oath should be judged high Treason . But this was also usherd in by the Determination first , and after by the Practice of all the Clergie . For in the yeare 1534 , which was two yeares before the passing of this Act , the King had sent this Proposition to be agitated in both Vniversities , and in the greatest and most famous Monasteries of the Kingdome , that is to say , An aliquid authoritatis in hoc regno Angliae Pontifici Romano de jure competat plus quam alii cuicunque Episcopo extero ? By whom it was determined Negatively , that the Bishop of Rome had no more power of right in the kingdome of England , than any other forraigne Bishop : Which being testified and returned under their hands and seales respectively ( the Originals whereof are still remayning in the Library of Sir Robert Cotton ) was a good preamble to the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy assembled in their Convocation to conclude the like . And so accordingly they did , and made an Instrument thereof subscribed by the hands of all the Bishops , and others of the Clergie , and afterwards confirmed the same by their corporall Oathes : The copies of which Oathes and Instrument you shall finde in Foxes Acts and Monuments vol. 2. fol. 1203. and fol. 1210. & 1211. of the Edition of Iohn Day , An. 1570. And this was semblably the ground of a following Statute 35. H. 8. c. 1. Wherein another Oath was devised and ratified , to be imposed upon the Subject , for the more cleare asserting of the Kings Supremacy , and the utter exclusion of the Popes for ever ; which Statutes though they were all repealed by one Act of Parliament 1. & 2. of Phil. & Mary c. 8. yet they were brought in force againe 1. Eliz. c. 1. save that the name of Supreme Head was changed unto that of the Supreme Governour , and certaine clauses altered in the Oath of Supremacy . Where ( by the way ) you must take notice that the Statutes which concerne the Kings Supremacy , are not introductory of any new Right , that was not in the Crown before , but only declaratory of an old , as our best Lawyers tell us , and the Statute of the 26. of H. 8. c. 1. doth clearly intimate . So that in the Ejection of the Pope of Rome , which was the first and greatest step towards the worke of Reformation , the Parliament did nothing , for ought yet appeares , but what was done before in the Convocation , and did no more than fortifie the results of Holy Church by the Addition and Corroboration of the Secular Power . 2. Of the Translation of the Scriptures , and permitting them to bee read in the English Tongue . THE second step towards the worke of Reformation , ( and indeed one of the most especiall parts thereof ) was the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue , and the permitting all sorts of people to peruse the same , as that which visibly did tend to the discovery of the errors and corruptions in the Church of Rome , and the intolerable Pride and Tyranny of the Romane Prelates , upon which grounds it had beene formerly translated into English by the hand of Wickliff , and after , on the spreading of Luther's Doctrine , by the paines of Tyndall , a stout and active man in king Henries daies , but not so well befreinded as the worke deserved : especially considering that it happened in such a time when many printed Pamphlets did disturbe the State ( and some of them of Tindals making ) which seemed to tend unto Sedition and the change of Government . Which being remonstrated to the King , he caused divers of his Bishops , together with sundry of the learnedest and most eminent Divines of all the Kingdome to come before him : whom he required freely and plainly to declare aswell what their opinion was of the foresaid Pamphlets , as what they did thinke fit to be done concerning the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue ; And they upon mature advise and deliberation , unanimously condemned the aforesaid bookes of Heresie and Blasphemie ( no smaller crime . ) Then , for translating of the Scriptures into the English tongue , they agreed all with one assent , that it depended wholly on the Will and Pleasure of the Soveraign Prince , who might doe therein as he conceived to be most agreeable to his occasions ; but that with reference to the present estate of things , it was more expedient to explaine the Scripture to the people by the way of Sermons , then to permit it to be read promiscuously by all sorts of men : yet so that hopes were to be given unto the Laity , that if they did renounce their errours , and presently deliver to the hands of his Majesties Officers all such bookes and Bibles ( which they conceived to bee translated with great fraud and falshood ) as any of them had in keeping , his Majesty would cause a true and catholick Translation of it to be published in convenient time , for the use of his Subjects . This was the summe and substance of the present Conference , which you shall finde laid downe at large in the Registers of Archbishop Warham . And according to this advice the King sets out a Proclamation not only prohibiting the buying , reading , or translating of any the aforesaid bookes , but straitly charging all his Subjects which had any of the bookes of Scripture , eyther of the old Testament or of the new , in the English tongue , to bring them in without delay . But for the other part , of giving hopes unto the people of a true Translation , if they delivered in the false ( or that at least which was pretended to be false ) I finde no word at all in the Proclamation . That was a worke reserved unto better times , or left to be sollicited by the Bishops themselves , and other learned men who had given the counsell ; by whom ( indeede ) the people were kept up in hope that all should bee accomplished unto their desires . And so indeed it proved at last . For in the Convocation of the yeare 1536. the authority of the Pope being abrogated , and Cranmer fully setled in the See of Canterbury , the Clergy did agree upon a forme of Petition to be presented to the King , that he would graciously indulge unto his Subjects of the Laity the reading of the Bible in the English tongue , and that a new Translation of it might be forth with made for that end and purpose . According to which godly motion , his Majesty did not only give order for a new Translation , which afterwards he authorized to be read both in publique and private ; but in the interim he permitted Cromwell his Vicar-Generall to set out an Injunction for providing the whole Bible both in Latine and English , after the translation then in use , ( which was call'd commonly by the name of Matthew's Bible , but was indeede no other , than that of Tyndall somewhat altered ) to be kept in every parish Church throughout the kingdome , for every one that would to repaire unto , and caused this marke or character of authority to be set upon them in red Letters Set forth with the Kings most Gracious Licence , which you may see in Fox his Acts & Monum. p. 1248. & 1363 ▪ Afterwards , when the new Translation so often promised , and so long expected , was complete and finished , printed at London by the Kings authority , and countenanced by a grave and pious Preface of Archbishop Cranmer ; the King sets out a Proclamation dated May . 6. An. 1541. Commanding all the Curates and Parishioners throughout the kingdome , who were not already furnished with Bibles so authorized and translated as before is said , to provide themselves before Alhallowtide next following , and to cause the Bibles so provided to be placed conveniently in their severall and respective Churches ; straitly requiring all his Bishops and other Ordinaries to take speciall care , to see his said Commands put in execution . And therewithall came out Instructions from the King to be published by the Clergy in their severall parishes , the better to possesse the people with the Kings good affection towards them in suffering them to have the benefit of such heavenly Treasure ; and to direct them in a course by which they might enjoy the same to their greater comfort , the reformation of their lives , and the peace and quiet of the Church . Which Proclamation and Instructions are still preserved in that most admirable Treasury of Sir Robert Cotton . And unto these Commands of so great a Prince , both Bishops , Priests and People did apply themselves with such cheerefull reverence , that Bonner ( even that bloody butcher , as he after proved ) caused sixe of them to be chayned in severall places of Saint Paul's Church in London , for all that were so well inclined to resort unto , for their edification and instruction , the booke being very chargeable , because very large ; and therefore called commonly ( for distinctions sake ) The Bible of the greater Volume . Thus have we seene the Scriptures faithfully Translated into the English Tongue , the Bible publickly set up in all parish-churches , that ev'ry one wch would might peruse the same , and leave permitted to all people to buy them for their private uses , and reade them to themselves , or before their families , and all this brought about by no other meanes than by the Kings authority ▪ only grounded on the advice and judgement of the Convocation . But long it was not I confesse , before the Parliament put in for a share , and claimed some interest in the worke ; but whether for the better or the worse ▪ I leave you to judge . For in the yeare 1542 , the King being then in agitation of a league with Charles the Emperour , he caused a complaint to be made unto him in his Court of Parliament That the liberty granted to the people in having in their hands the bookes of the old and new Testament , had beene much abused by many false glosses and interpretations which were made upon them , tending to the seducing of the people , especially of the younger sort , and the raysing of sedition within the Realme . And thereupon it was enacted by the authority of the Parliament ( on whom he was content to cast the envy of an Act so contrary to his former gracious Proclamations ) that all manner of bookes of the old and new Testament of the crafty , false , and untrue Translation of Tyndall , be forthwith abolished , and forbidden to be used and kept . As also , that all other Bibles not being of Tyndalls translation in which were found any Preambles or Annotations , other than the quotations or Summaries of the Chapters , should be purged of the said Preambles and Annotations , eyther by cutting them out , or blotting them in such wise that they might not be perceived or read . And finally that the Bible be not read openly in any Church , but by the leave of the King or of the Ordinary of the place ; nor privately by any Women , Artificers , Prentices , Iourneymen , Husbandmen , Labourers , or by any of the servants of Yeomen or under , with severall paines to those who should doe the contrary . This is the substance of the Statute of the 34. & 35. H. 8. cap. 1. which though it shewes that there was somewhat done in Parliament , in a matter which concern'd Religion ( which howsoever if you marke it , was rather the adding of the penalties , than giving any resolution or decision of the points in Question ) yet I presume the Papists will not use this for an Argument , that we have eyther a Parliament-Religion , or a Parliament-Gospell ; or that we stand indebted to the Parliament for the use of the Scriptures in the English Tongue , which is so principall a part of the Reformation . Nor did the Parliament speede so prosperously in the undertakiug ( which the wise King permitted them to have an hand in for the foresaid ends ) or found so generall an obedience in it from the common people , as would have beene expected in these times , on the like occasion ; but that the King was faine to quicken and give life to the Acts thereof by his Proclamatiom . An. 1546. which you shall find in Fox his booke . fol. 1427. To drive this nayle a little farther . The terror of this Statute dying with H. 8. or being repealed by that of K. E. 6. 1 E. 6. c. 12. the Bible was againe made publique ; and not only suffered to be read by particular persons , either privately , or in the Church ; but ordered to be read over yearely in the Congregation , as a part of the Liturgy , or divine Service ; which how farre it relates to the Court of Parliament we shall see anon . But for the publishing thereof in print for the use of the people , for the comfort and edification of private persons , that was done only by the King , at least in his name , and by his authority . And so it also stood in Q. Elizabeths time , the Translation of the Bible being againe reviewed by some of the most learned Bishops appointed thereunto by the Queenes Commission ( from whence it had the name of the Bishops-Bible ) and upon that Review , reprinted by her sole Commandement , and by her sole authority left free and open to the use of her well affected and Religious Subjects . Nor did the Parliament doe any thing in all her Reigne with reference to the Scriptures in the English tongue , otherwise than as the reading of them in that tongue in the Congregation , is to be reckoned for a part of the English Liturgy , whereof more hereafter . In the translation of them into Welch or British , somewhat indeed was done which doth looke this way . It being ordered in the Parliament 5. Eliz. c. 28. That the B. B. of Hereford , St. Davids , Bangor , Landaffe , and St. Asaph , Should take care amongst them for translating the whole Bible , with the booke of Common ▪ Prayer into the Welch or British tongue , on paine of forfeiting 40 a peece , in default hereof . And to encourage them thereunto , it was enacted , that one booke of either sort being so translated and imprinted , should be provided and bought for every Cathedrall Church , as also for all parish Churches and Chappells of ease , where the said tongue is commonly used : the Ministers to pay the one halfe of the price , and the parishioners the other . But then you must observe withall , that it had beene before determined in the Convocation of the selfe same yeare . An. 1562. That the Common-prayer of the Church ought to be celebrated in a tongue which was understood by the people ( as you may see in the booke of Articles of Religion . Art. 24. which came out that yeare ) and consequently as well in the Welch or British , as in any other . And for the new Translation of K. Iames his time , to shew that the Translation of Scripture is no worke of Parliament , as it was principally occasioned by some passages in the Conference at Hampton Court without recourse unto the Parliament , so was it done only by such men as the King appointed , and by his authority alone imprinted , published and imposed ; care being taken by the Canon of the yeare 1603. That one of them should be provided for each severall Church , at the charge of the Parish . No flying in this case to an Act of Parliament , either to authorize the doing of it , or to impose it being done . 3. Of the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine . NExt , let us look upon the method used in former times in the reforming of the Church , whether in points of Doctrine , or in formes of Worship , and we shall find it still the same . The Clergy did the worke as to them seemed best , never advising with the Parliament , but upon the post fact , and in most cases not at all . And first for Doctrinals , there was but little done in king Henries time but that which was acted by the Clergie only in their Convocations , and so commended to the people by the Kings sole authority , the matter never being brought within the cognizance of the two Houses of Parliament . For in the yeare 1536 , being the yeare in which the Popes authoritie was for ever banished , there were some Articles agreed on in the Convocation , and represented to the King , under the hands of all the Bishops , Abbats , Priors , and inferiour Clergy usually called unto those meetings ; the Originall whereof being in Sir Robert Cottons Library I have often seene : which being approved of by the King , were forthwith published under the Title of Articles devised by the Kings Highnesse to stable Christian quietnesse and unity amongst the people . In which it is to be observed , first ; that those Articles make mention of 3 Sacraments only , that is to say of Baptisme , Penance , and the Sacrament of the Altar . And secondly , that in the declaration of the Doctrine of Iustification , Images , honouring of the Saints departed , as also concerning many of the usuall Ceremonies , and the fire of Purgatory , they differ'd very much from those opinions which had beene formerly received in the Church of Rome , as you may partly see by that extract of them which occurres in Fox his Acts and Monuments , vol. 2. fol. 1246. For the confirming of which booke , and recommending it to the use of the people , his Majesty was pleased in the Injunctions of the yeare 1536. to give command To all Deanes , Parsons , Vicars and Curats , so to open and declare in their Sermons and other Collations the said Articles unto them which be under their Cure , that they might plainly know and discerne , which of them be necessary to be beleeved and observed for their salvation , and which doe only concerne the Decent and politique Order of the Church . And this he did upon this ground , that the said Articles had beene concluded and condiscended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of the Realme in their Convocation , as appeareth in the very words of the Injunction : for which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1247. I finde not any thing in Parliament which relates to this , either to countenance the worke , or to require obedience and conformity from the hands of the people . And , to say truth , neither the King nor Clergy did account it necessary , but thought their owne authority sufficient to goe through with it , though certainly it was more necessary at that time then in any since , the power and reputation of the Clergy being under foot , the King scarce setled in the Supremacy so lately recognized unto him , and therfore the authority of the Parliament of more use than afterward , in times well ballanced and established . 'T is true that in some other yeares of that Princes Reigne , we finde some use and mention of an Act of Parliament , in matters which concern'd Religion , but in was only in such times when the hopes of Reformation were in the wane , and the worke went retrograde . For in the yeare 1539. being the 31 H. 8. When the Lord Cromwel's power began to decline , and the King was in a necessitie of compliance with his neighbouring Princes , there passed an Act of Parliament commonly called the Statute of the six Articles ( or the whip with six stringes ) In which it was enacted . That whosoever by word or writing should preach , teach , or publish , that in the blessed Sacrament of the Altar , under forme of bread and wine , there is not really the naturall Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ , conceived of the virgin Mary , ( or affirme otherwise thereof then was maintained and taught in the Church of Rome ) should be adjudged an Heretick , and suffer death by burning , and forfeit all his Lands and Goods , as in case of high Treason . Secondly , that Whosoever should teach or preach , that the Communion of the blessed Sacrament in both kindes is necessary for the health of mans Soule , and ought so to be ministred . Thirdly , or that any man after the Order of Priest-hood received might marry , or contract matrimony : Fourthly , or that any woman which had vowed and professed chastity , might contract marriage . Fifthly , or that private Masse were not lawfull and laudable , and agreeable to the word of God . Or , sixthly , that Auricular Confession was not necessary and expedient to be used in the Church of God , should suffer death , and forfeit Lands and Goods , as a felon . 31 of H. 8. c ▪ 14. The rigour of which terrible Statute was shortly after mitigated in the said Kings Reigne , 32. H. 8. c , 10. and 35. of H. 8. c. 5. and the whole Statute absolutely repealed by Act of Parliament , 1. Ed. 6. c. 12. But then it is to be observed first , that this Parliament of King Henry the Eighth , did not determine any thing in those six points of Doctrine which are therein recited , but only tooke upon them to devise a course for the suppressing of the contrary opinions , by adding by the secular Power , the punishment of Death , and forfeiture of Lands and Goods , unto the censures of the Church , which were grown weake , if not invalid ; and consequently , by degrees became neglected ever since the said King Henry tooke the Headship on him , and exercised the same by a Lay Vicar-Generall . And secondly , you must observe that it appeareth evidently by the Act it selfe , that at the same time the King had called a Synod and Convocation of all the Archbishoppes , Bishoppes , and other learned men of the Clergy , that the Articles were first deliberately and advisedly debated , argued and reasoned by the said Archbishops , Bishops , and other learned men of the Clergy , and their opinions in the same declared and made knowne , before the matter came in Parliament , and finally that being brought into the Parliament , there was not any thing declared and passed as doctrinall , but by the assent of the Lords spirituall , and other learned men of the Convocation , as by the Act it selfe doth at large appeare . Finally , whatsoever may be drawne from hence , can be only this , That King Henry did make use of his Court of Parliament for the establishing and confirming of some points of Popery , which seemed to be in danger of a Reformation . And this compared with the Statute of the 34. & 35. prohibiting the reading of the Bible by most sorts of people , doth clearely shew that the Parliaments of those times did rather hinder and retard the worke of Reformation , in some especiall parts thereof , than give any furtherance to the same . But to proceede . There was another point of Reformation begunne in the Lord Cromwel's time , but not produced , nor brought unto perfection till after his decease , and then too , not without the midwifery of an Act of Parliament . For in the yeare 1537. the Bishops and others of the Clergy of the Convocation , had composed a booke entituled the Institution of a Christian man , which being subscribed by all their hands , was by them presented to the King , by his most excellent judgement to be allowed of , or condemned . This booke , conteyning the cheife heads of Christian Religion , was forth with printed , and exposed to publique view . But some things not being clearely explicated , or otherwise subject to exception , he caused it to be reviewed , and to that end ; as Supreme Head , on Earth , of the Church of England ( I speake the very words of the Act of Parliament . 32. H. 8 ▪ c. 26. ) appointed the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces , and also a great number of the best learned , honestest , and most virtuous sort of the Doctors in Divinity , men of discretion , judgement , and good disposition , to be called together , to the intent that according to the very Gospell and Law of God , without any partiall respect or affection to the Papisticall sort , or any other Sect or Sects whatsoever , they should declare , by writing , and publish , as well the principall Articles and Points of our Faith and Beleife ; with the Declaration , true understanding and observation of such other expedient points , as by them , with his Grace's advise , Counsaile and Consent , shall be thought needfull and expedient : As also for the lawfull Rites , Ceremonies , and observation of Gods service within this Realme . This was in the yeare 1540. at what time the Parliament was also sitting , of which the King was pleased to make this especiall use , that whereas the worke which was in hand ( I use againe the words of the Statute ) required ripe and mature deliberation , and was not rashly to be defined and set forth , and so not fit to be restrained to the present Session : An Act was passed to this effect , that all Determinations , Declarations , Decrees , Definitions and Ordinances , as according to God's Word and Christs Gospell should at any time hereafter be set forth by the said Archbishops and Bishops , and Doctors in Divinity , now appointed , or hereafter to be appointed by his Royall Majesty , or else by the whole Clergy of England , in and upon the Matter of Christ's Religion , and the Christian Faith , and the lawfull Rites , Ceremonies , and observations of the same , by his Majesties advice and confirmation under the Great Seale of England , shall be by all his Graces Subjects fully beleeved , obeyed , observed and performed to all purposes and intents , upon the paines and penalties therein to be comprized , as if the same had beene in expresse words and sentences plainly and fully made , set forth , declared and conteined in the said Act. 32. of H. 8. c , 26. Where note that the two houses of Parliament were so farre from medling in the matter which was then in hand , that they did not so much as require to see the determinations and Decrees of those learned men whom his Majesty had then assembled , before they passed the present Act to binde the subject fully to beleeve , observe and performe the same ; but left it wholly to the judgement and discretion of the King and Clergy , and trusted them besides with the ordaining and inflicting of such paines and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons , as to them seemed meete . This ground worke laid , the worke went forwards in good order , and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said Archbishops , Bishops , and other learned men could give it , without the cooperation and concurrence of the Royall assent , it was presented once againe to the King's consideration , who very carefully perused it , and alterd many things with his owne hand , as appeareth by the booke it selfe still extant in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton , and having so altered and corrected it in some passages , returned it to the Arcbishop of Canterbury , who bestowed some further paines upon it , to the end that being to come forth in the Kings name , and by his authority , there should be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended . The businesse being in this forwardnesse , the King declares in Parliament , An. 1544. being the 34 yeare of his Reigne his zeale and care , not only to suppresse all such bookes and writings as were noysom and pestilent , and tended to the seducing of his subjects : but also to ordaine and establish a certaine forme of pure and sincere teaching , agreeable to Gods Word , and the true doctrine of the Catholick and Apostolick Church , whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies , as have in times past , & yet doe happen to arise . And for a preparatory thereunto , that so it might come forth with the greater credit , he caused an Act to passe in Parliament for the abolishing of all bookes and writings comprizing any matters of Christian Religion , contrary to that doctrine which since the yeare 1540. is ▪ or any time during the Kings life , shall be set forth by his Highnesse , and for the punishment of all such ( and that too with most grievous paines ) which should preach , teach , mainteine or defend any matter or thing contrary to the booke of Doctrine which was then in readinesse 34.35 . H. 8. c. 1. Which done he caused the said booke to be imprinted in the yeare next following , under the Title of A necessary Doctrine for all sorts of people ; prefixing a Preface thereto in his owne Royall name , to all his faithfull and loving Subjects , that they might know the better in those dangerous times , what to beleeve in point of Doctrine , and how they were to carry and behave themselves in point of practice . which Statute , as it is the greatest evidence which those times afford , to shew , that both , or either of the houses of Parliament had any thing to doe in matters which concern'd Religion ; so it entitles them to no more ( if at all to any thing ) then that they did make way to a booke of doctrine which was before digested by the Clergy only , revised after and corrected by the Kings owne hand , and finally perused and perfected by the Metropolitan . And more than so ( besides , that being but one swallowe , it can make no summer ) it is acknowledged and confessed in the Act it selfe ( if Poulton understand it rightly in his Abridgement ) that recourse must be had to the Catholick and Apostolick Church , for the decision of Controversies . Which as it gives the Clergy the Decisive power , so it left nothing to the Houses but to assist and ayde them with the Temporall sword , when the Spirituall Word could not doe the deede , the point thereof being blunted , and the edge abated . Next let us looke upon the time of king Ed. 6. and we shall find the Articles and Doctrine of the Church ( excepting such as were conteined in the booke of Common-Prayer ) to be composed , confirmed and setled in no other way than by the Clergy only in their Convocation , the kings authority cooperating and concurring with them . For , in the Synod held in London An. 1552. The Clergy did compose and agree upon a booke of Articles , conteining the chiefe heads of the Christian Faith , especially with referrence to such points of Controversie as were in difference betweene the Reformators of the Church of England , and the Church of Rome , and other opponents whatsoever ; which after were approved and published by the Kings authority . They were in number 41 , and were published by this following Title , that is to say , Articuli de quibus in Synodo London , An. 1552. ad tollendum opinionum dissentionem , et consensum verae Religionis firmandum , inter Episcopos & alios Eruditos viros convenerat , Regia Authoritate in lucem Editi . And , it is worth our observation , that though the Parliament was held at the very time , and that the Parliament passed severall Acts which concerned Church-matters , as viz. An Act for uniformity of Divine Service , and for the confirmation of the booke of Ordination , 5. & 6. Ed. 6. c. 1. An Act declaring which daies only shall be kept for holy-dayes , and which for fasting dayes , c. 3. An Act against striking or drawing weapon either in the Church , or Church-yard ▪ c. 4. and finally another Act for the legitimating of the marriages of Priests and Ministers , c. 12. yet neither in this Parliament , nor in that which followed , is there so much as the least syllable which reflects this way , or medleth any thing at all with the booke of Articles . Where , by the way , if you behold the lawfullnesse of Priests Marriages as a matter Doctrinall , or thinke we owe that Point of Doctrine , and the indulgence granted to the Clergy in it , to the care and goodnesse of the Parliament , you may please to know , that the point had beene before determined in the Convocation , and stands determined by and for the Clergy in the 31. of those Articles , and that the Parliament looked not on it as a point of Doctrine , but as it was a matter practicall , conducing to the benefit and improvement of the Common-wealth . Or if it did , yet was the Statute built on no other ground-worke , than the resolution of the Clergy , the Marriage of Priests being before determined to be most lawfull ( I use the very words of the Act it selfe ) and according to the word of God , by the learned Clergy of this Realm in their Convocations , as well by the common assent , as by subscription of their hands . 5.6 ▪ Ed ▪ 6. c. 12. And , for the time of Q. Elizabeth , it is most manifest that they had no other body of Doctrine in the first part of her Reigne , then only the said Articles of K. Edward's booke , and that which was delivered in the booke of Homilies of the said kings time ; in which the Parliament had as little to doe , as you have seene they had in the booke of Articles . But in the Convocation of the yeare 1562. being the fifth of the Queenes Reigne , the Bishops and Clergy taking into consideration the said booke of Articles , and altering what they thought most fitting , to make it more conducible to the use of the Church , and the edification of the people , presented it unto the Queene , who caused it to be published with this name and Title , viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London An. 1562. for the avoiding of diversitie of opinions , and for establishing of consent touching true Religion , put forth by the Queenes authority . Of any thing done or pretended to be done by the power of Parliament , either in the way of approbation , or of confirmation , not one word occurres either in any of the printed bookes , or their publique Registers . At last indeed in the thirteenth of the said Queenes Reigne ( which was eight yeares full after the passing of those Articles ) comes out a Statute for the redressing of disorders in the Ministers of holy Church ; In which it was enacted . That all such as were ordeined Priests or Ministers of God's Word and Sacraments , after any other forme than that appointed to be used in the Church of England ; all such as were to be ordeined , or permitted to preach , or to be instituted into any Benefice with cure of Soules , should publiquely subscribe to the said Articles , and testifie their assent unto them : which shewes ( if you observe it well ) that though the Parliament did well allow of and approve the said booke of Articles , yet the said booke owes neither confirmation nor authority to the Act of Parliament . So that the wonder is the greater , that that most insolent scoffe which is put upon us by the Church of Rome , in calling our Religion by the name Parliamentaria Religio , should passe so long without controle , unlesse perhaps it was in reference to our Formes of worship , of which I am to speake in the next place . But first we must make answere unto some objections which are made against us , both from Law and practise . For Practise , first it is alleaged by some out of Bishop Iewell , in his answere to the cavill of Dr. Harding , to be no strange matter to see Ecclesiasticall causes debated in Parliament ; and that it is apparent by the Lawes of K. Inas , K. Alfred , K. Edward , &c. That our godly forefathers the Princes and Peeres of this Realme , never vouchsafed to treate of matters touching the common State , before all controversies of Religion , and Causes Ecclesiasticall had beene concluded . Def. of the Apol. pt. 6. c. 2. § . 1. But the answere unto this is easy . For first , if our Religion may be called Parliamentarian , because it hath received confirmation and debate in Parliament , then the Religion of our Forefathers , even Papistry it selfe ( concerning which so many Acts of Parliament were made in K. Henry 8. and Q. Maries time ) must be called Parliamentarian also . And Secondly , it is most certaine , that in the Parliaments or Common Councels ( call them which you will ) both of King Inas time , and the rest of the Saxon Kings which Bishop Iewell speakes of , not only Bishops , Abbats , and the higher part of the Clergy , but the whole body of the Clergy generally had their votes and suffrages , eyther in person or by Proxy . Concerning which , take this for the leading Case , That in the Parliament or Common Councell in K. Ethelbert's time , who first of all the Saxon Kings received the Gospell , the Clergy were convened in as full a manner , as the Lay subjects of that Prince ▪ Convocato cōmuni Concilio tam Cleri , quàm Populi , saith Sr. H. Spelman in his Collection of the Councels . An. 605. p. 118. And for the Parliament of King Ina which leades the way in Bishop Iewell , it was ( saith the same Sr. H. Spelman p. 630. Commune Concilium Episcoporum , Procerum , Comitum , necnon omnium Sapientum , Seniorum , populorumque totius Regni ; where doubtlesse Sapientes and Seniores ( and you know what Seniores signifieth in the Ecclesiasticall notion ) must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of Populi , which shewes the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by Master Prynne , that in the epistle to his booke against Doctor Cousins , viz. That the Parliament ( as it is now constituted ) hath an ancient , genuine , just and lawfull Prerogative , to establish true Religion in our Church , and to abolish and suppresse all false , new , and counterfeit doctrines whatsoever : unlesse he meanes , upon the post-fact , after the Church hath done her part , in determining wh●t was true , what false ; what new , what ancient ; and finally what Doctrines might be counted counterfeit , and what sincere . And as for Law , 't is true indeed , that by the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 1. The Court of Parliament hath pawer to determine and judge of Heresie ; which at first sight seemes somewhat strange , but on the second view , you will easily finde that this relates only to new and emergent Heresies , not formerly declared for such in any of the first foure Generall Councells , nor in any other Generall Councell adjudging by expresse words of holy Scripture ; as also that in such new Heresies , the following words restraine this power to the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation , as being best able to instruct the Parliament what they are to doe , and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperat Heretick from the Church of CHRIST , or rather from the body of all Christian people . 4. Of the Formes of Worship . THIS rub removed , we now proceed unto a view of such formes of Worship as have beene setled in this Church , since the first dawning of the day of Reformation ; in which our Parliaments have indeed done somewhat , though it be not much . The first point which was altered in the publique Liturgies , was that the Creed , the Pater-noster , and the ten Commandements , were ordered to be said in the English tongue , to the intent the people might be perfect in them , and learn them without book , as our phrase is . The next ; the setting forth and using of the English Letanie , on such daies and times , in which it was accustomably to be read as a part of the Service . But neither of these two was done by Parliament , nay ( to say truth ) the Parliament did nothing in them . All which was done in eyther of them , was only by the Kings authority , by virtue of the Head ship or Supremacy which was vested in him , eyther cooperating and concurring with his Convocation , or else directed and assisted by such learned Prelates , with whom he did advise in matters which concern'd the Church , and did relate to Reformation . By virtue of which Head-ship or Supremacy he ordained the first , and to that end caused certain Articles or Injunctions to be published by the Lord Cromwell , then his Vicar-Generall . An. 1536. And by the same did he give order for the second , I meane , for the saying of the Letany in the English tongue , by his own royall Proclamation . An. 1545. for which , consult the Acts & Mon. fol. 1248. 1312. But these were only preparations to a greater worke which was reserved unto the times of King Ed. 6. In the beginning of whose Reigne there passed a Statute for the administring the Sacrament in both kindes to any person that should devoutly and humbly desire the same . 1 Ed. 6. cap. 1. In which it is to be observed , that though the Statute doe declare , that the ministring of the same in both kinds to the people was more agreeable to the first Institution of the said Sacrament , and to the common usage of the primitive times . Yet Mr. Fox assures us ( and we may take his word ) that they did build that Declaration , and consequently the Act which was raised upon it , upon the Iudgement and opinion of the best learned men , whose resolution and advise they followed in it . fol. 1489. And for the Forme by which the said most Blessed Sacrament was to be so delivered to the Common people , it was commended to the care of the most grave and learned Bishops , and others , assembled by the King at his Castle of Windsor ; who upon long , wise , learned and deliberate advice did finally agree ( saith Fox ) upon one Godly and uniform Order for receiving the same , according to the right rule of Scriptures , and the first use of the primitive Church . fol. 1491. which Order , as it was set forth in print . An. 1548. with a Proclamation in the name of the King , to give authority thereunto amongst the people , so was it recommended by especiall Letters writ unto every Bishop severally from the Lords of the Counsell , to see the same put in execution ; A copy of which Letters you may find in Fox . fol. 1491. as afore is said . Hitherto nothing done by Parliament in the Formes of Worship , but in the following yeare there was . For the Protector and the rest of the Kings Counsell being fully bent for a Reformation , thought it expedient that one uniform , quiet and godly Order should be had throughout the Realm , for Officiating God's Divine Service . And to that end ( I use the very words of the Act it selfe ) appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury , and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops , and other learned men of the Realm to meet together , requiring them , that having as well eye and respect to the most pure and sincere christian Religion taught in Scriptures , as to the usages in the primitive Church , they should draw and make one convenient and meet Order , Rite and Fashion of Common Prayer , and Administration of Sacraments to be had and used in this his Majesties Realm of England . Well , what did they being thus assembled ? that the Statute tells us : where it is said , that by the ayd of the holy Ghost ( I pray you marke this well ) and with one uniform agreement they did conclude upon and set forth an Order , which they delivered to the Kings Highnesse , in a book entituled , The Booke of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments , and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church , after the use of the Church of England . All this was done before the Parliament did any thing . But what was done by them at last ? Why first , considering the most godly travaile of the Kings Highnesse , and the Lord Protector and others of his Highnesse Counsell , in gathering together the said Bishops and learned men . Secondly , the godly prayers , Orders , Rites and Ceremonies in the said book mentioned . Thirdly , the motives and inducements which inclined the aforesaid learned men to alter those things which were altered , and to reteine those which were reteined ; and finally , taking into consideration the honour of God , and the great quietnesse which by the grace of God would ensue upon it ; they gave his Majesty most hearty and lowely thanks for the same , and most humbly prayed him that it might be ordeined by his Majesty , with the assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by authority of the same , that the said Form of Common-prayer and none other , after the Feast of Pentecost next following , should be used in all this Majesties Dominions with severall penalties to such , as either should deprave or neglect the same . 2. & 3. Ed. 6. cap. 1. So far the very words of the Act it selfe . By which it evidently appeareth that the two Houses of Parliament did nothing in the present businesse , but impose that Form upon the people , which by the learned and religious Clergie men ( whom the King appointed thereunto ) was agreed upon , and made it penall unto such as eyther should deprave the same , or neglect to use it . And thus doth Poulton ( no meane Lawyer ) understand the Statute , who therfore gives no other Title to it in his Abridgement published in the yeare 1612 ▪ than this The Penalty for not using uniformity of Service , and Ministration of the Sacraments . So then , the making of one uniform Order of celebrating Divine Service , was the worke of the Clergy , the making of the Penalties , was the worke of the Parliament . And so much for the first Liturgy of King Edwards Reigne ; in which you see how little was done by the authority or power of Parliament , so little , that if it had beene lesse , it had been just nothing . But some exceptions being taken against the Liturgy by some of the preciser sort at home , and by Calvin abroad , the book was brought under a review : and though it had been framed at first ( if the Parliament which said so erred not ) by the ayd of the holy Ghost himself , yet to comply with the curiositie of the Ministers , and mistakes of the People , rather then for any other weighty cause , As the Statute 5. & 6. Ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the King , with the Assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , that the said Order of Common-Service should be faithfully and godly perused , explained and made fully perfect . Perused and Explained ; by whom ? Why , questionlesse by those who made it ; or else , by those ( if they were not the same men ) who were appointed by the King to draw up , and compose a Form of Ordination for the use of the Church . And this Assent of theirs ( for it was no more ) was the only part that was ever acted by the Parliament , in matter of this present nature , save that a Statute passed in the former Parliament , 3. & 4. Ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect , that such Form and manner of making and consecrating Archbishops , Bishops , Priests , Deacons and other Ministers of the Church ( which before I spake of ) as by six Prelates , and six other men of this Realm , learned in Gods Lawes , by the King to be appointed and assigned , shall be devised for that purpose , and set forth under the Great Seale , shall be lawfully used and exercised , and none other . Where note , that the King only was to nominate and appoint the men , the Bishops and other learned men were to make the book , & that the Parliament in a blinde obedience , or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated , did confirm that book , before any of their Members had ever seene it , though afterwards indeed , in the following Parliament , this book , together with the book of Common-prayer , so printed and explained , retained a more formall confirmation , as to the use thereof throughout the kingdome , but in no other respect , for which see the Statute 5. & 6. Ed. 6. c. 1. [ As for the time of Q. Elizabeth , when the Common prayer book now in use ( being the same almost with the last of King Edward ) was to be brought again into the Church , from whence it was cast out in Q. Maries Reigne ; it was committed to the care of some learned men , that is to say , to Master Whitehead ( once Chaplain to Q. Anne Bullen ) Doctor Parker , after Archbishop of Canterbury , D. Grindall after Bishop of London , D. Coxe after Bishop of Ely , D. Pilkinton after Bishop of Durham , D. May Deane of S. Paules , D. Bill Provost of Eaton , after Deane of Westminster , and Sr. Tho. Smith . By whom being alter'd in some few passages which the Statute points to 1 Eliz. cap. 21. It was presented to the Parliament , and by the Parliament received and established without more adoe , or troubling any Committee of both or either Houses to consider of it , for ought appeares in their Records . All that the Parliament did in it ; being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in King Ed. Reigne , partly by repealing the Repeale of King Ed. Statutes , made in the 1 of Q. Mary cap. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the book , or neglect to use it , or wilfully did absent themselves from their parish-Churches . And for the Alterations made therein in King Iames his time , being small and in the Rubrick only , and for the additions of the Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany , the Prayer for the Queen and the royall Issue , and the doctrine of the Sacraments at the end of the Catechisme , which were not in the book before ; they were never referred unto the Parliament , but were done only by authority of the Kings Commission , and stand in force by virtue only of his Proclamation , which you may find before the book , the charge of buying the said book so explained and altered , being layd upon the severall and respective parishes , by no other authority than that of of the eightieth Canon , made in Convocation . An. 1603. The like may also be affirmed of the Formes of Prayer for the Inauguration day of our Kings and Queenes , the Prayer-books for the fifth of November , and the fifth of August , and those which have beene used in all publique Fasts : All which , without the help of Parliaments , have been composed by the Bishops , and imposed by the King . Now unto this discourse of the Formes of Worship , I shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of Worship , that is to say , the holy daies observed in the Church of England ; and so observed , that they doe owe that observation cheifely to the Churches power . For whereas it was found in the former times that the number of the holy daies was grown so great , that they became a burden to the common people , and a great hindrance to the thrift and manufactures of the kingdome ; there was a Canon made in the Convocation . An. 1536 , for cutting off of many superstitious and superfluous holy daies , and the reducing them unto the number in which now they stand ( save that St. Georges day , and Mary Magdalens day , and all the Festivals of the blessed Virgin had their place amongst them ) according to which Canon , there went out a Monitory from the Archibishop of Canterbury to all the Suffragans of his Province , respectively to see the same observed in their severall Diocesses , which is still extant on Record . But being the authority of the Church was then in the wane , it was thought necessary to confirm their Acts , and see execution done upon it by the Kings Injunction : which did accordingly come forth with this Form or preamble , That the abolishing of the said holy daies was Decreed , ordained and established by the kings Highnesse Authority , as supreme Head in Earth of the Church of England , with the common consent and assent of the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm , in Convocation lawfully assembled and Congregate , Of which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1246.1247 . Afterwards in the yeare 1541. The King perceiving with what difficulty the People were induced to leave off those holy daies , to which they had been so long accustomed , published his Proclamation of the twenty third of Iuly , for the abolishing of such holy daies ( amongst other things ) as were prohibited before by his Injunctions : both built upon the same foundation , namely , the resolution of the Clergy in their Convocation . And so it stood untill the Reigne of King E. 6. at what time the Reformation of the publique Liturgy drew after it by consequence an alteration in the present businesse , no daies being to be kept or accounted holy , but those for which the Church had set apart a peculiar office , and not all those neither . For , whereas there are severall and peculiar offices for the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul , and the day of St. Barnabas the Apostles ; neither of these are kept as holy daies , nor reckoned or esteemed as such in the Act of Parliament , wherein the names and number of the holy daies is precisely specified , which makes some think the Act of Parliament to have had an over-ruling power on the Common-prayer Book ; but it is not so , there being a specification of the holy daies in the book it selfe , with this direction , These to be observed for holy daies and none other ; in which the Feasts of the Conversion of St. Paul , and the Apostle Barnabas are omitted plainly , and upon which specification the Stat. 5. & 6. Ed. 6. cap. 3. which concerns the holy daies seemes most exprestly to be built . And for the Offices on those daies in the Common-prayer Book , you may please to know that every holy-day consisteth of two speciall parts , that is to say , Rest , or cessation from bodily labour , and celebration of Diuine or Religious duties ; and that the dayes before remembred are so far kept holy , as to have still their proper and peculiar Offices , which is observed in all the Cathedralls of this kingdome , and the Chappels Royall , where the service is read every day ; and in most Parish churches also as oft as eyther of them fals upon a Sunday , though the people be not on those daies enjoyned to rest from bodily labour , no more then on the Coronation day , or the fifth of November , which yet are reckoned by the people for a kind of holy daies . Put all which hath been said together , and the summe is this , That the proceedings of this Church in the Reformation were not meerly Regall , ( as it is objected by some Puritans ) much lesse that they were Parliamentarian in so great a work , as the Papists falsely charge upon us , the Parliaments for the most part doing little in it , but that they were directed in a justifiable way , the worke being done Synodically , by the Clergie only , according to the usage of the Primitive times , the King concurring with them , and corroborating what they had resolved on , eyther by his own single Act in his Letters Patent , Proclamations and Injunctions , or by some publique Act of State , as in times , and by Acts of Parliament , 5. Of the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy , and the directing of the People in the publique duties of Religion . WE are now come to the last part of this Designe , unto the Power of making Canons , in which the Parliament of England have had lesse to doe than in eyther of the other which are gone before . Concerning which I must desire you to remember , that the Clergy , who had power before to make such Canons and Constitutions in their Convocations as to them seemed meet , promised the King in verbo Sacerdotii , not to Enact or Execute any new Canons , but by his Majesties royall Assent , and by his Authority first obteined in that behalfe : Which is thus briefly touched upon in the Antiq. Britan. in the life of William Warham Archbishop of Canterbury . Clerus in verbo Sacerdotii fidem Regi dedit , ne ullas deinceps in Synodo ferrent Ecclesiasticas leges , nisi & Synodus authoritate Regiâ congregata , & Constitutiones in Synodis publicatae eadem authoritate ratae essent . Upon which ground I doubt not but I might securely raise this proposition , That whatsoever the Clergy did , or might doe lawfully before the Act of Submission , in their Convocation , of their owne power , without the Kings authority and consent concurring , the same they can , and may doe still , since the said Act of their Submission ; the Kings authority and consent cooperating with them in their Counsailes , and giving confirmation to their Constitutions . Further , it doth appeare by the aforesaid Act. 25. H. 8. c. 19. That all such Canons , Constitutions , Ordinances , and Synodalls Provinciall , as were made before the said Submission , which be not contrariant nor repugnant to the Lawes , Statutes , and Customes of this Realm , nor to the Damage or hurt of the Kings prerogative Royall , were to be used and executed as in former times . And by the Statute 26. H. 8. c. 1. Of the Kings Supremacy , that ( according to the Recognition made in Convocation ) our said Soveraigne Lord , his Heires and Successors Kings of this Realm , shall have full power and authority from time to time , to visit , represse , reform , order , correct , &c. all such errors , heresies , abuses , offences , contempts , and enormities whatsoever they be , &c. as may be most to the pleasure of Almighty God , the increase of virtue in Christs Religion , and for the peace , unity and tranquillity of this Realm , and the confirmation of the same . So that you see these severall waies of ordering matters for the publique weale and governance of the Church ; First , by such ancient Canons and Constitutions , as being made in former times , are still in force . Secondly , By such new Canons as are , or shall be made in Convocation , with and by the Kings Consent . And thirdly , by the sole authority of the Soveraigne Prince , according to the Precedents laid down in the book of God , and the best ages of the Church . Concerning which you must remember what was said before , viz. that the Statutes which concern the Kings Supremacy , are Declaratory of an old Power only , not introductory of a new ; which said , we shall the better see whether the Parliament have had any thing to doe either in making Canons , or prescribing Orders for the regulating of Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters , and unto whom the same doth of right belong according to the Lawes of the Realm of England . And first , King Henry being restored to his Head-ship or Supremacy ( call it which you will ) did not conceive himself so absolute in it ( though at first much enamor'd of it ) as not some times to take his Convocation with him , but at all times to be advised by his Prelates , when he had any thing to doe that concerned the Church ; for which there had been no provision made by the Ancient Canons , grounding most times , his Edicts and Injunctions Royall , upon their advise and resolution . For on this ground , I mean the judgement and conclusions of his Convocation , did he set out the Injunctions of the yeare 1536. for the abolishing of superstitious and superfluous holy daies , the exterminating of the Popes authority , the publishing of the book of Articles , which before we spake of num , 8. by all Parsons , Vicars and Curats ; for preaching down the use of Images , Reliques , Pilgrimages and superstitious Miracles ; for rehearsing openly in the Church , in the English tongue , the Creed , the Pater-noster , and the ten Commandements ; for the due and reverent ministring of the Sacraments and Sacramentals , for providing English Bibles to be set up in every Church for the use of the people ; for the regular and sober life of Clergy men , and the releefe of the poore . And on the other side the King proceeded some times only by the advice of his Prelates , as in the Injunctions of the yeare 1538. for quarterly Sermons in each Parish ; for admitting none to preach but men sufficiently Licensed : for keeping a Register book of Christnings , Weddings and Burialls ; for the due paying of Tythes , as had been accustomed : for the abolishing of the commemoration of St. Tho. Becket : for singing Parce nobis Domine , instead of Ora pro nobis , and the like to these . And of this sort were the Injunctions which came out in some yeares succeeding , for the taking away of Images and Reliques , with all the Ornaments of the same : and all the Monuments and writings of fained Miracles , and for restraint of offering or setting up lights in any Church , but only to the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar , in which he was directed chiefly by Archbishop Cranmer : as also those for eating of white-meates in the time of Lent , the abolishing the fast on St. Marks day , and the ridiculous ( but superstitious ) sports , accustomably used on the dayes of Saint Clement , St. Catherine and St. Nicholas . All which and more was done in the said Kings Reigne without help of Parliament . For which I shall refer you to the Acts & Mon. fol. 1385. 1425. 1441. The like may also be affirmed of the Injunctions published in the name of K. Ed. 6. An. 1547. and printed also then for the use of the Subjects : and of the severall Letters missive which went forth in his name , prohibiting the bearing of Candles on Candlemas day : of Ashes in Lent , and of Palmes on Palm-Sunday : for the taking down of all the Images throughout the kingdom : for administring the Communion in both kinds , dated March 13. 1548. for abrogating of private Masses Iun. 24. 1549. for bringing in all Missals , Graduals , Processionals , Legends and Ordinals , about the latter end of December of the same yeare : for taking down of Altars and setting up Tables instead thereof An. 1550. and the like to these : All which particulars you have in Foxes book of Acts & Mon. in King Edwards life , which whether they were done of the Kings meer motion , or by advice of his Counsell , or by consultation with his Bishops ( for there is little left upon Record of the Convocations of that time , more than the Articles of the yeare 1552 ) certain I am that there was nothing done , nor yet pretended to be done in all these particulars , by the authority of Parliament . Thus also in Q. Elizabeths time , before the new Bishops were well setled , and the Queen assured of the affections of her Clergy she went that way to work in the Reformation , which not only her two Predecessors , but all the godly Kings and Princes in the Iewish State , and many of the Christian Emperours in the Primitive times had done before her , in the well ordering of the Church and People committed to their care and government by Almighty God . And to that end she published her Injunctions An. 1559. A book of Orders An. 1561. Another of Advertisements An. 1562. all tending unto Reformation , unto the building up of the new Ierusalem , with the advise no doubt of some godly Prelates , as were then about her . But past all doubt , without the least concurrence of her Court of Parliament . But when the times were better setled , and the first difficulties of her Reigne passed over , she left Church-work to the disposing of Church-men , who by their place and calling were most proper for it . And they being met in Convocation , and thereto authorized as the Lawe required , did make and publish severall books of Canons , as viz. 1571. An. 1584. An. 1597. Which being confirmed by the Queene under the broad Seale of England , were in force of Lawes to all intents and purposes , which they were first made ; but being confirmed without those formall words , Her Heires and Successors , are not binding now , but expired together with the Queene . No Act of Parliament required to confirm them then , nor never required ever since on the like occasion . A fuller evidence whereof we cannot have , then in the Canons of the yeare 1603. being the first yeare of King Iames , made by the Clergy only in the Convocation , and confirmed only by the King . For , though the old Canons were in force , which had been made before the Submission of the Clergy as before I shewed you , which served in all these wavering and unsetled times for the perpetuall standing rule of the Churches Government ; yet many new emergent Cases did require new Rules , and whilest there is a possibility of mali mores , there will be a necessity of bonae Leges . Now in the Confirmation of these Canons we shall find it thus , That the Clergy being met in their Convocation according to the Tenour and effect of his Majesties Writ , his Majesty was pleased by virtue of his Prerogative Royall and Supreme authority in Causes Ecclesiasticall , to give and grant unto them by his Letters Patents dated Apr. 12. & Iun. 25. full , free , and lawfull liberty , licence , power , and authority , to confer , treate , debate , consider , consult , and agree upon such Canons , Orders , Ordinances , and Constitutions , as they should think necessary , fit , and convenient , for the honour and service of Almighty God , the good and quiet of the Church , and the better Government thereof from time to time , &c. to be kept by all persons within this Realm , as far as lawfully , being members of the Church , it may concern them : which being agreed on by the Clergy , and by them presented to the King , humbly requiring him to give his Royall assent unto them , according to the Statute made in the 25. of K. H. 8. and by his Majesties Prerogative and Supreme authority in Ecclesiasticall Causes , to ratifie and confirm the same : his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his Letters Patents , for Himselfe , his Heires and lawfull Successours ; straitly commanding and requiring all his loving Subjects , diligently to observe , execute and keep the same in all points , wherein they doe or may concern all or any of them . No running to the Parliament to confirm these Canons , nor any question made till this present , by temperate and knowing men , that there wanted any Act for their confirmation , which the Lawe could give them . But against this , and all which hath been said before , it will be objected , That being the Bishops of the Church are fully and wholly Parliamentarian , and have no more authority and jurisdiction , nisi a Parliamentis derivatam , but that which is conferred upon them by the power of Parliaments , as both Sanders and Schultingius doe expresly say ; whatsoever they shall doe or conclude upon , either in Convocation , or in private Conferences , may be called Parliamentarian also . And this last calumny they build on the severall Statutes 24. H. 8. c. 12. touching the manner of electing and Consecrating Archbishops and Bishops . that of the 1. Ed. 6. c. 2. appointing how they shall be chosen , and what Seales they shall use . those of the 3 & 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. and 5 & 6 Ed. 6. for authorising of the book of Ordination . But chiefly that of the 8 Eliz. c. 1. for making good all Acts since 1 Eliz. in consecrating any Archbishop or Bishop within this Realm . To give a generall answer to each severall cavill , you may please to know ; that the Bishops , as they now stand in the Church of England derive their Calling together with their Authority and Power in Spirituall matters , from no other hands , than those of Christ and his Apostles , their Temporall honors and possessions , from the bounty and affection only of our Kings and Princes ; their Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction in Causes Matrimoniall , Testamentary and the like , for which no Action lieth at the Common-Lawe , from continuall usage and prescription ; and owe no more unto the Parliament than all sort of Subjects doe besides , whose fortunes and Estates have been occasionally and collaterally confirmed in Parliament . And as for the particular Statutes which are touched upon , that of the 24 H. 8. doth only constitute and ordain a way by which they might be chose and consecrated , without recourse to Rome for a confirmation , which formerly had put the Prelates to great charge and trouble : but for the Form and manner of their Consecration , the Statute leaves it to those Rites and Ceremonies wherewith before it was performed ; And therefore Sanders doth not stick to affirm , that all the Bishops which were made in King Henries dayes were Lawfully and Canonically ordained and Consecrated , the Bishops of that time , not only being taken and acknowledged in Queen Maries dayes , for lawfull and Canonicall Bishops , but called on to assist at the Consecration of such other Bishops ( Cardinall Poole himselfe for one ) as were promoted in her Reigne , whereof see Mason's book de Minist. Ang. l. 3. c.. Next for the Statute 1 Ed. 6. cap. 2. besides that it is satisfied in part by the former Answer as it relates to their Canonicall Consecrations , it was repealed in Terminis in the first of Q. Maries Reigne , and never stood in force nor practice to this day . That of the authorizing of the book of Ordination in two severall Parliaments of that King , the one a parte antè , and the other a parte pòst , as before I told you , might indeed seem somewhat to the purpose , if any thing were wanting in it which had been used in the formula's of the Primitive times ; or if the book had been composed in Parliament , or by Parliament men , or otherwise received more Authority from them , then that it might be lawfully used and exercised throughout the Kingdom . But it is plain that none of these things were objected in Queen Maries dayes , when the Papists stood most upon their points , the Ordinall not being called in , because it had too much of the Parliament , but because it had too little of the Pope , and relished too strongly of the Primitive Piety . And for the Statute of the 8 of Q. Elizabeth , which is cheifly stood on , all that was done therein was no more than this , and on this occasion . A question had been made by captious and unquiet men , and amongst the rest by Dr. Bonner , sometimes Bishop of London , whether the Bishops of those times were lawfully ordained , or not ; the reason of the doubt being this ( which I mervaile Mason did not see ) because the Book of Ordination which was annulled and abrogated in the first of Q. Mary , had not been yet restored , and revived by any legall Act of Q. Elizabeths time : which Cause being brought before the Parliament in the 8. yeare of her Reigne , the Parliament took notice first , that their not restoring of that book to the former Power in Termes significant and expresse , was but Casus omissus ; and then declare that by the Statute 5 & 6 Ed. 6. It had been added to the Book of Common Prayer , and Administration of the Sacraments , as a member of it , at least as an Appendant to it , and therefore by the Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. was restored againe together with the said book of Common Prayer , intentionally at the least , if not in Terminis . But being the words in the said Statute were not cleare enough to remove all doubts , they therefore did revive it now , and did accordingly enact , that whatsoever had been done by virtue of that Ordination , should be good in Lawe . This is the Totall of the Statute , and this shewes rather in my judgement , that the Bishops of the Queenes first times had too little of the Parliament in them , then that they were conceived to have had too much . And so I come to your last objection which concernes the Parliament , whose entertayning all occasions to manifest their power in Ecclesiasticall matters , doth seem to you to make that groundles slander of the Papists the more faire and plausible . 'T is true indeed , that many Members of both Houses in these latter times , have been very ready to imbrace all businesses which are offered to them , cut of a probable hope of drawing the managery of all Affaires as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill into their own hands : and some there are who being they cannot hope to have their fancies authorised in a Regular way , doe put them upon such designes , as neither can consist with the nature of Parliaments , nor the esteem and reputation of the Church of Christ . And this hath been a practice even as old as Wicklef , who in the time of K. Rich. 2. addressed his Petition to the Parliament ( as we reade in Walsingham ) for the Reformation of the Clergy , the rooting out of many false and erroneous Tenents , and for establishing of his own Doctrines ( who though he had some Wheat , had more Tares by ods ) in the Church of England , & lest he might be thought to have gone a way , as dangerous and unjustifiable , as it was strange and new , he laid it down for a Position , that the Parliament or Temporall Lords ( where by the way , this ascribes no authority or power at all to the House of Commons ) might lawfully examine and Reform the Disorders and Corruptions of the Church , and on discovery of the errors and corruptions of it , devest her of all Titles and Temporall endowments , till she were reformed . But for all this , and ( more than this ) for all he was so strongly backed by the Duke of Lancaster , neither his Petition nor his Position found any welcome in the Parliament , further than that it made them cast many a longing eye on the Churches Patrimony , or produced any other effect towards the worke of Reformation , which he chiefly aymed at , then that it hath since served for a Precedent to Penry , Pryn , and such like turbulent Innovators to disturbe the Church , and set on foot those dreames and dotages , which otherwise they durst not publish . And to say truth , as long as the Clergy were in power , and had authority in Convocation to doe what they would in matters which concern'd Religion , those of the Parliament conceived it neither safe nor fitting to intermeddle in such businesse as concern'd the Clergy , for feare of being questioned for it at the Churches barre . But when that power was lessen'd , if it were not lost , by the Submission of the Clergy to K. H. 8. and the Act of the Supremacy which ensued upon it ; then did the Parliaments begin to intrench upon the Church's Rights , to offer at and enterteine such businesses , as formerly were held peculiar to the Clergy only ; next , to dispute their Charters , and reverse their Priviledges , and finally to impose some hard Lawes upon them : Of which Matt. Parker thus complaines in the life of Cranmer , Qua Ecclesiasticarum legum potestate abdicata , populus in Parliamento coepit de rebus divinis inconsulto Clero Sancire , tum absentis Cleri privilegia sensim detrahere , juraque duriora quibus Clerus invitus teneretur , constituere . But these were only tentamenta , offers and undertakings only , and no more than so . Neither the Parliaments of K. Edward , or Q. Elizabeths times knew what it was to make Committees for Religion , or thought it fit that Vzzah should support the Arke , though he saw it tottering . That was a worke belonging to the Levites only , none of the other Tribes were to meddle with it . But as the Puritan faction grew more strong and active , so they applied themselves more openly to the Houses of Parliament , but specially to the House of Commons , putting all power into their hands as well in Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall Causes , as in matters Temporall . This , amongst others , confidently affirmed by Mr. Prynne , in the Epistle to his book called Anti-Arminianisme , where he averres , that all our Bishops , our Ministers , our Sacraments , our Consecration , our Articles of Religion , our Homilies , Common-Prayer-book , yea and all the Religion of our Church , is no other way publiquely received , supported , or established amongst us , but by Acts of Parliament . And this not only since the time of the Reformation , but that Religion , and Church affaires were determined , ratified , declared and ordered by Act of Parliament , and no wayes else , even then when Popery and Church-men had the greatest sway . Which strange assertion falling from the Pen of so great a Scribe , was forthwith cheerfully received amongst our Pharisees , who hoped to have the highest places , not only in the Synagogue , but the Court of Sanhedrim , advancing the authority of Parliaments to so high a pitch , that by degrees they fastned on them , both an infallibility of judgement , and an omnipotency of Power . Nor can it be denied ( to deale truly with you ) but that they met with many apt Schollers in that house , who eyther out of a desire to bring all the grist to their own Mill , or willing to enlarge the great power of Parliaments by making new Precedents for Posteritie , or out of faction , or affection , or what else you please , began to put their Rules in practise , and draw all matters whatsoever within the cognizance of that Court ; In wch their embracements were at last so generall , and that humour in the House so prevalent , that one being once demanded what they did amongst them , returned this Answer , That they were making a new Creed : Another being heard to say , That he could not be quiet in his Conscience , till the holy Text should be confirmed by an Act of Theirs , which passages if they be not true and reall ( as I have them from an honest hand ) I assure you they are bitter jests . But this , although indeed it be the sicknesse and disease of the present times , and little to the honour of the Court of Parliament , can be no prejudice at all to the Cause of Religion , or to the way and meanes of the Reformation , amongst sober and discerning men : the Doctrine of the Church being setled , the Liturgie published and confirmed , the Canons authorized and executed , when no such humor was predominant , nor no such Power pretended to , by both or eyther of the Houses of the High Court of Parliament . Thus , Syr , according to my promise , and your expectation have I collected my Remembrances , and represented them unto you in as good a fashion as my other troublesome affaires , and the distractions of the time would give me leave ; and therein made you see , if my judgement faile not , that the Parliament hath done no more in matters wch concern'd Religion , and the Reformation of this Church , then what hath formerly been done by the secular Powers , in the best and happiest times of Christianity ; and consequently ▪ that the clamour of the Papists , which hath disturbed you , is both false and groundlesse . Which if it may be serviceable to your selfe , or others , whom the like doubts and prejudices have possessed or scrupled , it is all I wish : my studies and endeavors ayming at no other end , then to doe all the service I can possibly to the Church of God ; to whose Graces and divine Protection you are most heartily commended in our Lord and Saviour JESUS CHRIST . by SIR Your most affectionate freind to serve you . E. Y. Covent-Garden Iun. 29. 1645. 
A45536	----	Prossō kai opissō a sermon eqvally pointing forvvard & backward, as it was deliver'd in the Vniversity Church of Saint Maries in Cambridge / by P.H., B. of Divinity, and sometime fellow of Queenes Colledge in Cambridge, in his forenoone course before that universitie, upon the 22 day of November, in the yeare 1640, being the beginning of this present parliament. P. H. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45536 of text R38787 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H702). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 74 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45536 Wing H702 ESTC R38787 18112358 ocm 18112358 106834 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45536) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 106834) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1124:21) Prossō kai opissō a sermon eqvally pointing forvvard & backward, as it was deliver'd in the Vniversity Church of Saint Maries in Cambridge / by P.H., B. of Divinity, and sometime fellow of Queenes Colledge in Cambridge, in his forenoone course before that universitie, upon the 22 day of November, in the yeare 1640, being the beginning of this present parliament. P. H. Hardres, Peter. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [4], 35 p. [s.n.], [London?] printed : 1647. Attributed by Wing to Peter Hardres, and by BL to Peter Heylyn. First three words of title printed in Greek characters. Reproduction of the original in the Cambridge University Library. eng Bible. -- O.T. -- Numbers XVI, 3 -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. A45536 R38787 (Wing H702). civilwar no Pro'ssō kai opi'ssō. A sermon equally pointing forvvard, & backward, as it was deliver'd in the Vniversity-Church of Saint Maries in Cambr P. H 1647 13113 14 50 0 0 0 0 49 D The rate of 49 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-10 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ΠΡΟΣΣΩ ΚΑΙ ΟΠΙΣΣΩ A SERMON , EQVALLY POINTING FORVVARD , & BACKWARD , AS IT WAS DEliver'd in the Vniversity-Church of Saint Maries in CAMBRIDGE . By P. H. B. of Divinity , and sometime Fellow of Queenes Colledge in Cambridge . In his Forenoone Course before that Universitie , upon the 22. day of November , in the yeare 1640 , being the third Sunday after the beginning of this present PARLIAMENT . Eccles. 1. v. 9 , 10. The thing that hath been is that which shall be : that which is done is that which shall be done : and there is no new thing under the Sun . Is there any thing whereof it may be said , see , this is new : It hath been already of old time which was before us . Virg. — Sic illi oculos , sic ora ferebant . Printed in the Yeare , 1647. To the READER . REader ( whosoever thou art ) that dost scruple or make any doubt of the truth of the thing , done in such manner , time and place , as the Title Page doth Preface ; Know that this Sermon verbatim , being preach'd in the very beginning of this Parliament ●efore the whole Universitie , and a good part of the Towne of Cambridge , there are many Hundreds of People , that can attest and justifie every tittle in the Title Page , yet living every where , howsoever distress'd , or wheresoever dispers'd , throughout this Spacious Kingdome . The Author is a Priest , and graduated in Divinitie , in the time of Ignorance , and Popery , before the Gospell here in England ; otherwise , he is a Gentleman of a very good and ancient House , and Extraction . A Gentleman and a Schollar , note that ; for Blood and Learning , Generositie and Breeding , they are the two intire constitutive Principles of a Malignant , as compleat as Matter and Forme of a Naturall Body . Out upon them both ; for wheresoever they meet in one ; there needs no further Proofe , you may certainly and infallibly conclude , such a Person an enemy to this our State , Reprobate , and altogether untractable to this Blessed Reformation . The Publishing of this Sermon , I assure thee ( not upon the Publique Faith , but in the word of an honest man ) is not with the Author's Notice , much lesse his Consent ; which indeed was never a●●●d , wee supposing it to be with him , as it is generally with all other Malignants , who though they be no whit asham'd , yet are very much afraid of their Malignancy . It remaines then onely , that thou beest rightly inform'd why this Sermon , ( being Preach'd so long agoe ) came not to publique view long before ; or why it is just now held forth . Not Before , because the publishing of it before might justly have beene interpreted very prejudiciall to the wisedome of the Managers of this Holy Warre , as if they had not had sufficient Abilities of understanding and judgement to carry on this Holy Cause , and businesse of their Holy Covenant , unlesse they had had this Patterne or some such Copy set before their eyes , whereby to direct their whole Counsells and Actions . But now that the Worke is so done , as the most envious Malignant cannot say , that ever any of their Predecessours in any Age have gone beyond them ; It is very seasonable , yea requisite and necessary indeed , to present to all the world this following Discourse , and that for this re●son , which ( if you marke it ) will plainly inferre the necessity . For seeing that all the Orthodox , painfull and Godly ministers ( put into the severall Benefices of this Kingdome by this Blessed Parliament ) both in their single exercises upon their Cures , and when they have exercised some 4 or 5 one over anothers head upon solemne humiliation dayes , have wrought powerfully upon the dullest capacities both of City and Country , and contributed much , yea very much , by their labour in the Cause , and mannagement of this holy Warre : but more especially seeing that the Reverend Assembly of Divines did not only pray , preach , exhort and counsell to this effect , but also did worke wonders , dispense with Oathes , ( as much as ever the Papists can boast their Pope to have done ) and make the very Scriptures themselves , especially in the English , Welsh , and Scotch Languages conformable and subordinate to this holy Warre , and holy Covenant , as much as to their owne Presbytery and beautifull Discipline : It is then most expedient and necessary , that this Sermon be now printed for the justification and vindication , both of the one and of the other , from the slander and obloquie of the Reprobate , Wicked , Cavalier-Prelatists , and of the Separatists , and Independents , that all the world may see , understand , attest , and give judgement , that neither the Parliaments Orthodox Ministers have taught , incited or stirr'd up the people to any thing , nor the Reverend Assembly of Divines have directed , or counsel'd any thing in this holy Warre , and this holy Covenant for which the word doth not both hint and hold forth a most cleer Text and warrant as you shall find it written , — — NUMB. 16.3 . And they gather'd themselves together against Moses , and against Aaron , and said unto them , Ye take too much upon you , seeing all the Congregation are holy , every one of them , and the Lord is among them : wherefore then lift you up youselves above the Congregation of the Lord ? MY Text presents unto you a famous Rebellion in the Iewish state , which shewes the Antiquitie of this sinne , although perhaps not that height of wicked Policy so fully reach't and accomplish't by the villainous cunning inventions of after-ages ; for , Nihil inventum & perfectum eodem tempore , never was any thing so exactly at first excogitated , invented or found out , as nothing could be added by succeeding ages to compleat and perfect it . Yet the sinne of Rebellion ( although perhaps not now first devis'd , yet sure but in its Cradle and infancy , especially as it hath reference & relation to this state of the Iewes , by computation of time in all probabilitie not two yeares old since their freedome from the AEgyptian bondage ) wanted so little already of its full perfection , that here in this frame you may behold the compleat forme and figure of it with all parts and Lineaments fully integrated , Nay , and many accidentall perfections , though not all which were added to every part as it grew from strength to strength , till it came to its just Bulk and Stature . As in the body of an infant you may find every part of a man , as Front , and Eye , & Hand , & Leg , although not the severall graces and comelinesse of every of these parts , as the majestick rise of the Fore-head , and vigorous quicknesse of the Eye , the pure whitenesse of the Hand , and the decent proportion of the Leg , untill this infant be growne to some consistent measure both of height and bignesse : So I say here in this rebellious act , is represented every part and limbe of Rebellion , and after-ages have but added a cleanly contrivance and carriage to some of these parts , that rebelling may appeare more gracefull and comely to the eye of the world , as by the viewing of the severall particulars in my Text will more plainly appeare , Where you have , Rebelles , The Rebels , They ( i. e. ) Korah of the Tribe of Levi , and Dathan , Abiram , and On of the Tribe of Ruben , v. 1. and 250 Princes of the assembly , Famous in the Congregation , and men of Renowne . vers. 2. Materiale peccati , express'd by an unlawfull assembly , & se ipsos cōgregarūt , And they gather'd themselves together . Formale peccati , that which doth specificate the sinne of Rebellion , notified in the Parties against whom they were gather'd together , and that was contra Mosen & A●ronem , the Supreme Prince and Chief Priest . Capitulatio , The incapitulation or Treatie after they were gather'd together , & had made their partie good and strong , then and not till then they begin to capitulate and treat , & dixerunt eis , And they said unto them , Gravaminum Remonstratio , in their treatie , here 's a Remonstrance or Declaration of their grievances , Moses was too high in State , and Aaron in the Church , there must be no supreme Prince nor chiefe Priest , but 't is a paritie both in Church and State which they seem to require , and therefore they breake out first with an exclamation , Nimium arrogatis , Ye take too much upon you . Secondly , with an expostulation , Quare elevamini ? Wherefore doe you lift up your selves above ? &c. Gravaminum Ratio , That they may not seeme to be mad without reason , here are the pretended reasons or grounds of these their grievances , sufficient in their opinion to justifie an Insurrection ; And indeed , if true , the strongest Motives that can be , for they are cunningly drawne from Religion and Gods Honour , for they can prove from Gods owne Words , that all the Congregation was holy , every one of them ; and therefore there must be no Aaron , no chiefe Priest . Secondly , 'T was apparent that the Lord was among them , and therefore it was a derogation from his Honour to have a Co-adjutor in Government , and so their must be no Moses , no supreme Prince , Reasons very specious and persuasive . But sevently and lastly , If ye would know that which the Logicians call Causam {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the true , Primary , Internall , impulsive Cause of all this Tumult and Rebellion , ye must not looke for it here in my Text in the publique Remonstrations and Declarations of the Rebells themselves , for that is usually kept secret and close from the peoples eyes amongst the chiefe of the Faction , and is either disclosed by the Notorietie of the fact , when they have attained their ends and purposes , or else by the diligent search and enquiry of some honest Historians of those times , and the true Primary Impulsive Cause of this Rebellion is discovered by Moses to be Pride and Ambition , The beginning of all sinne . Korah was but an inferiour Levite , and he aspired to the Priest-hood , as Moses plainly told him , v. 10. Seemeth it a small thing unto you , that God brought thee neere to him , and all thy brethren the sons of Levi with thee , but seeke ye the Priest-hood also ? For which cause , both thou and all thy company are gather'd together against the Lord : So that the true Cause of Korah's rebellion was ambition , he aspir'd to the Priesthood , and Aaron stood in his way , and therefore his chiefe aime was against Aaron . Dathan and Abiram , though they were Princes of the Assembly yet they were inferiour to Moses , and that was it troubled them , Secundi gradus erant impatientes , they could not brooke any superiour , as they plainly told Moses , v. 13. Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a good land that floweth with milke and hony , to kill us in the wildernesse , except thou make thy selfe altogether a Prince over us ? So that Ambition too was the true cause of their rebellion , they aspir'd to Supremacy , and Moses stood in their way , and therefore their chiefe aime was against Moses . So that whatsoever colour or pretext they make in their publike Remonstrances or Declarations , be it Religion , or Conscience , or care of the Common good , the true cause and ground of their rebellion was Pride and Ambition . Korah was ambitious of the highest place in the Church , Dathan and Abiram in the State , and therefore they were gather'd together against Moses and against Aaron , and all this worthy of beliefe , upon the credit of Moses a faithfull Historian , and also an Inspired Pen-man of holy Scripture . And so here is you see , delineated and drawn a perfect Modell of Rebellion , and Rebellions of afterges , if they have added any thing , they are but some quaint tricks and devices to adorne and set forth the severall parts of this Fabrick ; this still for forme and fashion , standing a compleat and perfect Patterne ; And so I proceed to the first part of my Text . Rebelles , The Rebels ( They ) Korah , Dathan , Abiram , and On of the Tribe of Ruben , and 250 Princes of the Assembly , Famous in the Congregation , and men of renowne ; In whom there are three things observable that make this Rebellion dangerous : The first is , Combinatio , Levita & Ruben , The Levite and the Rubenite joyned . Secondly , Eminentia , Principes coetus , Princes of the Assembly . Thirdly , Popularitas , homines celebres , Famous in the Congregation , and men of renowne . 1. Combinatio , Korah of the Tribe of Levi , and Dathan , Abiram , and On of the Tribe of Ruben : And though none but Korah be named of that Tribe as being the principall Head , and one that had his particular aimes and ends , yet 't is evident , that more of the inferiour sort of the Levites were gotten in to participate of this Rebellion , because Moses in the 10 v. speakes in the plurall number to Korah , and the rest of his brethren the sons of Levi , Seeke ye the Priest-hood also ? Now the Levites , either because they were Gods lot & portion to doe the service of the Tabernacle , and so were not numbred amongst the rest of the children of Israel by Moses , or because God was their lot and portion , and therefore they had no inheritance in the division of the land of Canaan ; for one or both of these reasons the Levites may very well be called by the name of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the Clergy or lot of the Lord , so that they joyning with the Rubenites , it seemes that both Clergy and Laity were combin'd together in this Rebellion ; and this conjunction gives a strong incouragement and countenance to the action , for the Levite or Clergy alone would have wanted power and strength , the Laity or Rubenite alone could not have had so fair a color and cloake of Religion to cover their Rebellious practices , but both joyn'd together make a strong faction and a faire shew ; and the action appeares more glorious in the world when there is such a combination between the two maine parts of the state ; and therefore Adonijah when he exalted himselfe , saying , I will be King ( when as Solomon was designed before both by God & his father David for that Regall Office ) he took this course ; He combin'd himselfe with the Priest , and chiefe Captain to make his party good , Hee conferr'd with Joab the sonne of Zerviah , and with Abiather the Priest , and they following Adonijah helped him , without his helpe he saw there was but little good to be done , and therefore Abiather the Priest was a fit and usefull instrument for his ends . And that unnaturall Rebellion of a neighboring Country which mask't it selfe under the specious Title of the Holy League durst not venture upon the temporall power alone , but he that professeth himselfe to be the Aaron of the whole world , is combin'd with Dathan and Abiram against Moses , and the Levites out of their Pulpits must make publique Invectives and Declarations against Moses , and a College of the Prophets must bee gotten to advise the simple People to Arme themselves against Moses , and Aaron's legate to countenance the Action must reside in the chiefe City , and the famous Writer of the Controversies in the Church of Rome , has got no great credit amongst the French Historians for being one of his Retinew and company , and indeed he may justly be suspected for a Boutefeau and Incendiary in that Rebellion , seeing he published such rebellious Divinitie to the whole world . And I would that some of the same Aaron's Emissaries had not beene so lately busie in this kind to the disturbance of our sweet Peace and tranquillitie . But these and the like need not applaud their Brain for any new invented Policy , for we can Track them to the very fountain & spring-head from whence they derived their Plot . This here in my Text was their first Patterne and Copy , which they like Apes doe but imitate and follow ; here are the Clergy and Laitie joyn'd together , the Levite and the Rubenite Combin'd ; Korah of the Tribe of Levi , Dathan , Abiram , and On of the Tribe of Ruben . 2. Eminentia , They were not of the inferiour sort of Commons , but the chiefe of the Nobilitie , for so you may read in the second verse , they were principes coetus , Princes of the Assemblie , qui tempore Concilii per nomina vocabantur , saith Saint Hierome , who were summon'd by name to the publique assemblies and meetings to consult with Moses for the good and wel-fare of the whole nation . They were è coetu convocati saith Tremelius , such as were chosen and convocated out of the congregation to the publique consultations and deliberations of state , but now they have chang'd their title , for instead of Convocati they are become Convocatores authors of seditious assemblies ; They that should have waited Moses his call , do now call Moses to an account ; nay they , who by their eminencie and place should have eased Moses his Shoulders of the burden of government , by their disloyall carriage lay on more weight and pressure to the disturbance of the whole state , which must needs totter and shake at the disjoynture of such maine pillars ; As in a structure or building if but a pin or punchion or gice doe faile there is no great feare , but if a post or beame start aside from the frame , that threatens subversion and ruine : if the poorer sort of the Rubenites ; or the lowest of the Levites had kindled this fire , it might have easily and soone been extinguish't , but when a Korah , Dathan , and an Abiram , Princes of the assembly , breake out into a flame , that will require both speedy help and strong remedies , both which the wisedome of God us'd for the suppressing of these mens Insolencies , as in the sequell you shall heare . 3. Popularitas ▪ Here is the most dangerous and most pernitious qualitie in a Rebell , and that 's their popularity , for the Text sayes they were Homines celebres , famous in the Congregation , and men of renowne ; by their plausible conversation and popular deportment they had gotten themselves a name and fame in the Congregation , for there are two things requisite to Popularity . 1. Virtutis simulatio , a specious shew of vertue , such especially which respects the Common-good , together with a querulous complaint against the present government . 2. Populi Palpatio , a stroaking and clawing of the Congregation by a submisse and humble carriage . Now it seems , that these Rebels here had adumbrata , though not expressa virtutis signa , some shadowes and outward resemblances though not the expresse image and portraiture of vertue , otherwise they would have beene infamous in the Congregation rather then famous ; but though they had no stocke of vertue within themselves , 't is likely their outward shew and carriage was borrowed from honesty and goodnesse , which together with their fauning courtship , and observance of the peoples humors , did purchase them fame & renown in the Congregation . And this you shall finde to be the constant practice of these kinde of Rebels ; Absalom was a cunning artificer in this worke , when by faire speeches and flattering promises he went about to steale away the hearts of the men of Israel from his father David , as you may read , where after hee had prepar'd his stage at the entry of the gate , in the view and face of the people , then hee falls to acting of his popular parts ; For , 1. When any man that had a controversie came to the King for Iudgment , Absalom called him , and said unto him , See thy matters are good and right , but there is no man deputed of the King to heare thee : There 's an exclamation against the present Government . 2. Absalom said moreover , Oh that I were made a Iudge in the Land , that every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto mee , and I would doe him justice : There 's Virtutis simulatio , his specious shew of vertue . 3. And it was so when any man came nigh unto him , to doe him obeysance , hee put forth his hand , and tooke him and kissed him : There 's Populi Palpatio . And that you may see the dangerous consequence of this cunning carriage you shall finde in the 6 ver. that by these meanes Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel . Catiline that great conspirator against the Common-wealth of Rome was excellent ( saies the Orator ) versare suam Naturam , et regere ad tempus , to turne and wind his nature and disposition , according as the present opportunitie and occasion required , et huc atque illuc torquere et flectere , he could writhe and bend it this way and that way as he pleased , so that hee could behave himselfe , cum tristibus severe , cum remissis jucunde , cum senibus graviter , cum juventute comiter , sadly with the sorrowful , jocundly with the merry , gravely with the old man , courtly with the young man , et specie quadam virrutis assimulatae , and by a specious counterfeit of vertue deceived many good men . Caesar the first Soveraigne over the Roman state , Sobrius ad Rempublicam evertendam accessit , sayes Tully , he came with temperance and sobriety to the subversion of the Common-Wealth . These and many more examples in Histories may be good Caveats to make us take good heed how we judge mens actions by their persons and outward appearances , that because their persons and lives at least in common appearance are free from those noysom sins that infect the times , therefore their actions of affronting and rising up against their lawfull Soveraigne proceed from Religion and Conscience , and care of the Common good ; No by no meanes : But our surest course is , to judge mens persons by their actions , if their actions be unsound and irregular , if they gather themselves together against their Prince and Soveraigne , against Gods expresse Word and Commandement , be their outward appearance never so specious and glorious , we may assure our selves they neither feare God nor regard man , but onely to serve their owne turnes . These ( they ) in my text were famous in the Congregation , and men of renowne , yet they prov'd impious Rebels , and came to a fearfull end . 4. But were the common people spectators all this while , were not they fetcht in by some trick and devise to participate of this Rebellion ? A head without the help of a hand may contrive , but not execute ; the people must set to their helping hands , or else the plot though never so well contriv'd cannot be efficacious , and therefore to make this first part complete , you shall find in the 10 vers. that Korah had gathered all the Congregation against Moses and Aaron ; Korah the Levite , and indeed this taske is commonly impos'd upon the Levites , who by their Office and Ministery ( if they will abuse it ) have a fairer way , and more powerfull means , to draw away the hearts of the poore people from their loyalty and obedience to their lawfull Soveraigne , and therefore they are commonly sent out by the Grandees of the faction about the Congregation , instead of the fire of devotion to kindle strange fire , the fire of Rebellion ; and therefore Korah the Levite here he was imployed in this service . He gathered all the Congregation , &c. So that now this first part is very complete , the combination strong , the Levite joyn'd with the Rubenite ; the party 's eminent , Princes of the assembly ; their behaviour plausible , famous in the Congregation , and men of renowne ; and the people hook't in by wiles and trickes to serve the great mens turnes ; so that there wants but a signall or watch-word and then they are up in Armes , and that belike was given , for in the next place you shall find them gather'd together . And that 's the second point . Materiale Peccati , the generall act of Rebellion exprest by an unlawfull assembly , et seipsos Congregarunt , and they gathered themselves together . They had often murmur'd against Moses & Aaron . Were they pinch'd or streightn'd with any little calamity , many times inflicted by Almighty God for their probation & tryall , Moses and Aaron were sure to be blamed : If at Marah they doe but stand in want of sweet water , or in the Wildernesse of Sin be pincht with hunger , or by the false reports of those Spies that went to search the Land , be made believe that Canaan was but a barren Soyle , and the people thereof mighty and valiant , Moses and Aaron must be reviled , and threatned , and murmur'd against , when God knows they could not help it . So that 't is no wonder that now they are rebelliously gather'd together against them , for murmuring is a neere disposition to Rebellion ; when men take the libertie to complaine , and chide , and expostulate , and murmure against their Governours , urg'd many times by necessitie to some unpleasing and seeming rigorous actions , 't is a bad signe and portends no good . When sudden gusts of wind begin to murmur upon the Seas , and the waves swell and tosse , 't is a signe the storme is not farre off ; The children of Israel here , after they had once learn'd to murmur , ere long they finde the way to Rebellion , & are gather'd together . Et Congregarunt seipsos , Here begins their unruly demeanour and undutifull carriage , by an illegall assembling themselves together . What had they so soon forgot the Silver Trumpet , which but a little before was appointed by the ordinance of Almighty God , for that very use and purpose , to gather the Congregation together ? as you may read , Numb. 10.3 . At the sound of two Trumpets all the assembly were to be gathered at the doore of the Tabernacle of the Congregation , and if but one Trumpet sounded , then the Princes , heads of thousands , were to be gather'd together to Moses ; And the sounding of these Trumpets was by a perpetuall law appropriated to the sonnes of Aaron : Now these Princes take upon them the office both of Aarons sonnes and Trumpets too , and most disorderly and seditiously gather themselves together , not to , but against Moses and Aaron . And indeed what else can be expected from such unruly assemblies ? when people gather themselves together without any order or direction from their lawfull Governours , 't is commonly for some bad end and purpose , the blasts of such winds gather'd together are for the most part violent and feareful ; In such assemblies are hatcht Treasons , Heresies , Rebellions , Schismes , Conspiracies , and all manner of Villanie ; and therefore those who by their owne Historians were counted cautelous Princes in the world , as Henry the seventh of England King , by name , knowing the dangerous consequences of these unlawfull assemblies , scarce suffer'd any Parliament to passe in his time without some provision by Law against these disorderly courses of peoples gathering themselves together ; and it seems it is not amisse for their owne securitie , as appears by these assemblers here ; for when they had gathered themselves together , 't is not ad or circa Mosen , but contra Mosen et Aaronem , and that 's the third part , &c. But here , by the way you may discover a little want of art in mannaging this part of Rebellion , for they might have taken an opportunity to have beene gather'd together by the call of Moses his Trumpet , and then they had begun more legally , and perhaps might better have defended their actions against publick obloquies ; and when they were once thus fairly and orderly gather'd together , their party being so potent & strōg , they might have chosen whether they would have bin dissolved or no at Moses his command , untill they had attained their ends and purposes ; so that this part of Rebellion might have been somewhat corrected and amended by foresight , but yet 't is no great matter , for those that venture upon such enormous actions as these , need not stand upon such nice points of Law for their justification , and therefore we will not censure them for this over-sight , but proceed to the third part . Formale peccati , That which doth specificate the sinne of Rebellion , and distinguish it from all other sinnes , notified in the parties against whom they were gather'd together , and that is , Contra Mosen & Aaronem . As there were three Adjuncts or Circumstances in the parties Rebelling , which made this Rebellion in a high degree dangerous , so there are three Adjuncts or Circumstances in these parties against whom they Rebelled , which makes this action in a high degree flagitious ; For 't is , Contra Mosen supremum Principem , & Aaronem summum Pontificem , legitimas potestates . Contra Mosen mitissimum hominem , & Aaronem Sanctum Domini . Contra Mosen & Aaronem divinitus orainatos , & sic per consequens contra Deum . 'T is contra Mosen supremum Principem , & Aaronem summum Pontificem , legitimas potestates . Morall vertues and vices are formally distinguished , and constituted , by generall acts limited and determined to speciall objects , either commanded or forbidden by some Law , Ordinance , or Constitution ; As for example , 't is not every occision or killing that doth Constitute the sin of Murder , one may kill a beast , or a bird , or fish , or a creeping thing , and yet not be guiltie of this sinne ; but if this Genericall act of killing be determin'd or limited to a Reasonable creature , prohibited both by Divine and Humane Law to be killed , which is the Occisio hominis , the killing of a man , then 't is Murder . So 't is not every disorderly gathering together doth Constitute the sinne of Rebellion , for had these here gather'd themselves onely in perturbationem ordinis vel pacis , the Assembly might have prov'd but a plaine Conventicle ; or had they gather'd themselves together onely to doe some unlawfull act , ad Terrorem populi , whereby either the peaceabler sort had beene feared by the fact , or the lighter sort emboldned by the example , and gone no farther , it had beene either but simply an unlawfull Assembly , or a Rout , or a Riot at most ; but when they gather'd together , contra Mosen & Aaronem , against their supreme and legitimate Governours , ordained by Almightie God , the Act specificated by this object , doth formally Constitute the sinne of Rebellion ; so that here is presented unto us a perfect definition of Rebellion , Rebellio est congregatio subjectorum contra potestatem à Deo ordinatam . Now the vitiositie of this Act ( i. e. ) of the subjects gathering themselves together against the power ordained by God , can never be altered or changed by the goodnesse of the end or motive , because all sinfull actions contract their Vitiositie or badnesse primarily and chiefly from their principle and forme ; Now the principle and forme of all sinne , according to S. Iohn , is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Ioh. 3.4 . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Sinne is the Transgression of the Law : which perfect definition , S. Aust. does but explain by distinct specificall acts in which all transgression doth consist , when he sayes , Peccatū est dictū , vel factum , vel concupitum , contra aeternam legem , Sinne is either a Thought , Word , or Deed , against the eternall Law of God . Now gathering together against the power ordained by God , which in the least degree must needs be an act against the Divine Law , as is plaine to be seene totidem verbis , in Rom. 13.2 . Whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God , that act must needs be a sinne against Almightie God ; and if it be a sinne , 't is not the goodnesse of the end can warrant the perpetration of it , if the Apostles rule be true , Malum non est faciendum , ut inde eveniat bonum , We must not doe evill , that good may come thereof ; And of those that slanderously reported of S. Paul , that he should say any such thing as Let us do evill that good may come , he pronounces this sentence as dis-avowing such a damnable conclusion , that their damnation was just . Vitium fit ex qualibet defectu ( saith the Schoole-man ) When any part or least circumstance that is requisite to the goodnesse of an action is defective , absent , or wanting , the whole action becomes vitious , much rather when the principle or forme is wanting , which consists in the conformitie of our actions to the Divine Law , which is the Originall , Principle , and Rule of all our Deeds , and the goodnesse of the end which doth but circumstantionate the action can never change the vitious nature or being of it . 'T is not Saul's keeping the best of the Cattle for sacrifice can excuse him for the breach of Gods Commandement ; and if God in absolute and unlimited termes pronounce , Whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God , I cannot see how the goodnesse of the end , be it Religion , or Reformation , or the common good , can warrant any such resistance from the transgression of Gods ordinance , except these or the like limitations had beene specified and annexed to the Command , Law , or Ordinance of Almightie God . Vbi Lex non distinguit , nos non distinguere debemus ( sayes the Civilian ) Where the Law does not distinguish in what cases such a thing is to be done , or not to be done , we ought not to determine and define those cases of our own head and power , without the authoritie of the Law-giver . Either God could , or he could not have specified these particular cases , in which Subjects might have resisted the power ; to say he could not , were in plaine termes to deny either his omniscience , or Omnipotency , either that he did not know all those particular cases , or that he could not transmit them either by word or writing , whereby we might know and observe them . To say he could , but would not , methinkes it sounds somewhat harsh , that God should impose such a hard obligation upon the Conscience , not to resist the power upon paine of death and damnation , and yet reserve some particular limitations within the secrets of his owne breast , to be found out by the uncertaine deductions of Humane Reason . It is not the wonted course of the goodnesse of Almightie God , to deale so closely and reservedly with mankind in a matter of so great Consequence , that so neerely concernes the salvation of mens soules , & the conservation of peace and tranquillitie in his Church . And if there were any such reserv'd limitations in Gods breast , I wonder S. Peter and S. Paul , who knew the mind of Christ , and profest , that they shunn'd not to declare the whole counsell of God , especially handling this subject , ex professo , should not once so much as mention any of these limitations , but ever speake in an unlimited manner , Let every soule be subject to the higher powers ; and whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God ; and Submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake . If they knew any such matter , it was not agreeable to the Candor and Sinceritie of an Apostle to conceale it , nor yet to the zeale and religious fervency requir'd in an Apostle not to practise it , when living in the time of that Monster Nero , especially having the power of Miracles , they would suffer the Church of God , to be so cruelly persecuted by that wicked Emperour . Or if these limitations have beene delivered over by tradition , to be put in practice by the more-flourishing times of the Church . I wonder in the time of Dioclesian , when Christianitie ( by the enemies Confession ) had almost overspread the whole world , that so many thousand Christians would so quietly and patiently suffer their bloods to be spilt upon the ground for Christs sake , and yet not once draw a sword against that wicked Emperour in their Masters Cause . What ? was there no zeale , no jealousie for Gods honour in these holy Martyrs and Saints of God ? Or if yet the Church had not sufficient opportunitie to put this Divinitie in practice . I wonder that Iulian's army , consisting for the most part of Christians , would suffer that Apostate in that scoffing manner to deride Christ and his Religion , when they had so faire occasions and opportunities , either to castigate , depose , or murther him . What ? was there no spirit of fortitude in those valiant souldiers , so stout and daring in their Emperours Battell , and so remisse and cold in Christs Cause ? And yet 't is more strange , that for almost a thousand yeares after Christ we cannot find these limitations , in what cases it is lawfull to resist the higher powers , either in the practice of the Church , or in the writings of ancient Fathers and Orthodox Christians ? 'T is very well known , that 't was the ambition of the Church of Rome , first taught and maintain'd this Divinitie in the world of resisting lawfull powers . And I wonder , that those of the Reformation , who could not so much as endure a Vestment or an harmelesse Ceremonie , eo nomine , for that very reason , because it had beene used by that Church , would so easily joyne with them in deposing of Princes , and rebelling against Soveraignes , that they would strain at a Gnat , and swallow a Cammell . Well , whatsoever motives or occasions others may lay hold of for resisting of the power I know not , I am sure these Rebels here could find but little in the persons or behaviours of their Governours , to gather themselves thus rebelliously together against them , for 't was : 2. Contra Mosen mitissimum hominem & Aaronem sanctum Domini , Against Moses a mercifull man ( said the sonne of Syrach ) who found favour in the sight of all flesh , and was dilectus Deo & Hominibus , beloved both of God and man , and whose memoriall was blessed in all generations against Moses , a Prince who delivered them out of the AEgyptian bondage , brought them through the Red-Sea upon dry land , in and out before them to defend them from their Enemies , held the ballances of justice from morning to evening , and weighed to every one his right and due , smore the stony Rocks , so that waters gushed out to quench their thirst ; procur'd Manna from Heaven for them and Quailes too , not for any necessitie but to serve their Lust , and then against Aaron a holy man like unto him , whom God chose out of all men living to offer sacrifices to the Lord , Incense and a sweet savour for a memoriall to make reconciliation for his people to appease Gods wrath and divert his punishments due to their offences ; and what could they desire more , and yet for all this , they are gather'd together against Moses and Aaron , where we may observe the restles and unquiet commotion of some mens ambition , who though under their gracious and pious Princes they enjoy the blessednesse of Peace and sweetnesse of plenty . Foelicitatem utriasque gladii , the happinesse of both swords ; of the sword of Justice , for the defence of the right and punishment of the wrong doers , and the sword of the spirit , which is the word of God , yet are never content untill they have unsheathed a third sword , the sword of Rebellion to make way for their owne ambitious ends as they do here , Contra Mosen mitissimum hominem , &c. But thirdly , there is a higher power then either Moses or Aaron neerly toucht in this Rebellion , and that 's God himselfe ; for 't is thirdly , Contra Mosen & Aaronem divinitus constitutos , & sic per consequens contra Deum , Against Moses and Aaron , the one constituted Prince and Governour , the other consecrated High-Priest by divine appointment and institution ; so that though they be gather'd together intentionally and directly against Moses and Aaron , yet 't is virtually and in effect contra Deum , against Almighty God himselfe : and therefore Moses in the 11 ver. truly states the nature , forme and condition of their action ; for he tels them plainly that they were gatherd together contra Dominum , against the Lord , not contra Dominum Mosen , against my Lord Moses , but contra Dominum Mosis , against Moses's Lord , and not contra Aaronem sanctum Domini , but contra sanctum Dominum , against the Holy , Holy , Holy Lord God of Hosts . And so was this action in after times generally thought and accounted of by the whole Nation , as appeares by the daughters of Zelophehad , who then they came to sue for the inheritance of their father before Moses , Eleazar and the Princes , they use this argument , to incline that honourable bench to favour their cause , saying , Our father died in the Wildernesse , and he was not amongst them that gather'd themselves together contra Dominum , against the Lord in the company of Korah ; and 't is worth the observation : whosoever doth gain-say , murmurre or resist the Ordinance of Almighty God , either in the supreme power or chiefe Priest-hood , or any other legall Constitution , Order and Commandment of Almighty God in the Scripture phrase , is usually term'd a Rebell against the Lord . So that these Rebels here and all their followers , though they esteem themselves but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} fighters against men , or at the most but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} fighters against Princes and Rulers , are in deed and truth {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} fighters against God himselfe , and yet most impudently they would make the world believe 't is for Religions sake and Gods honour that they gather'd themselves together against himselfe and his owne Ordinance . After they had gather'd themselves together , and made their part strong and good then , and not till then , they begin to capitulate and treat , & dixerunt eis , and they said , &c. This is the common policie of Rebells , They never enter into a contestation with their superiours till they are so potent and strong , as they are able to grapple with Authority , and can securely sleight and contemne their Princes just Commands ; for should they appeare in small troops and daringly affront their Soveraigne , his just indignation might consume them in a Moment ; and therefore those subjects whosoever they were that our Saviour speakes of in the 19 of Luk. were but poore silly Rebels in respect of this policy ; for after they had out-brav'd their Soveraigne , with their sawcy and peremptory Message : Nolumus hunc regnare , for want of sufficient power to maintaine and defend their words , were faine to submit themselves to the sword of justice , for so the Text sayes , at the return of the King they were all slaine . These Rebels here were wiser in their generation , then so they would not openly contest and expostulate with their Superiours untill they were gather'd together , and had made their partie strong and good , then , and not till then , they come forth with their saying , Et dixerunt eis , &c. 2. Et dixerunt eis : The voice of Rebellion is not usually so soft and gentle in such unlawfull assemblies , you shall commonly heare of an Exclamarunt , a loud clamor , or a vociferarunt , a gaping outcry , such as was heard at Ephesus for the space of two houres , when the people cried out , Great is Diana of the Ephesians ; and indeed when the heart hath once transgrest the bounds of loyalty and obedience , and the hand unsheath'd a sword against the Lords Anointed , 't is hard for such a slippery member as the tongue , to keep it selfe within the bounds of modestie and due respect : Yet such Rebels as these , that rely not so much upon their owne power as the peoples favour , must make use of such cunning arts and devises as are likely to gaine their good opinions , and therefore at first they keep downe the swelling pride of their hearts from breaking out in the uncivil language of the tongue , that although they be not innocent , yet by the sequels of innocency faire speeches and submissive remonstrations they may with more facility instill the venome of their rebellion into the hearts of the Congregation , but Naturam expellas furcâ licet usque recurrer , a flame pent in and refrain'd will at last burst out , though they begin here with a Civill dixerunt , they fall presently to an uncivill exclamation , Nimium arrogatis , and an immodest expostulation : Quare elevamini , &c. Gravaminum remonstratio , A Remonstrance or Declaration of their grievances , &c. Nimium arrogatis quare elevaminis , Wherefore doe yee lift up your selves . It seemes they accuse them of Intrusion and usurpation , that they had taken upon them more then they could answer , by lifting themselves up and intruding into the chaire of State , and See of Ecclesiasticall government , without any order or Institution from Almighty God ▪ and if this be their grievance they complaine of , they themselves must needs know 't was an impudent Lye ; for 't was not long before , and they could not but heare of it , how God had much ado to impose this office of governmēt upon Moses , who sought to divert God from his intention & purpose by many excusive arguments , as you may read , Exo. 3 , & 4. The first argument is drawne , à conditione personae , from the meanes of his Person : Who am I that I should goe unto Pharaoh , and that I should bring the children out of AEgypt . The second is drawne , à Populi incredulitate , They will not believe me , nor hearken to me , for they will say , The Lord hath not appeared unto thee . The third is drawne , à naturali impedimento ; Alas Lord , non sum facundus , For I am a man of a slow speech , and a slow tongue . Well , when God had answered all these arguments , Moses , to shew his aversenesse from any such aspiring desire , breaks out too uncivilly in the fourth place , with a mitte Domine quem missurus es , Send Lord I beseech thy Messias and Saviour of the world , whom thou intend'st to send , insomuch that God in plaine termes fell out with him , And the anger of the Lord was kindled against him . So that you see , Moses was much importuned by God himselfe to take this office upon him ; and after he had entred upon it , the crossenesse and frowardnesse of the Congregation quickly made him weary of it , which made him complain to God , I am not able to beare all this people alone , for 't is too heavy for me ; Insomuch that God was faine to joyne 70 of the Elders of Israel to beare the burthen of the people with him . It seemes Moses was of that Princes mind , who feelingly said , That if a man did but know the care , sollicitude , and trouble of Government , Coronan jacentem non tolleret , He would not take up a Crowne , no not so much as from the ground to weare it . And as for Aaron , he was called to the Priestly Function and eminency in the Church by Almightie God himselfe , and consecrated by Moses at God's appointment to that office in the face of the Congregation , so that he was lifted up too by Divine Institution ; and therefore these Rebells must needs know , that 't was a manifest untruth and an impudent Lye , to say , that they usurp't this Power and Authorite , or lifted themselves up above the Congregation . And here you may observe the base nature and corrupt disposition of Rebellion , breaking out for the most part in ulcerous calumnies and putrified accusations for Rebells , especially such as these , who ambitiously aime at Supremacy , cannot with any probabilitie or likelyhood hope to attaine their ends , unlesse they can bespatter their Moses with some foule aspersions , either with defects in his Person ; as Illegitimation , Usurpation , or Vitiousnesse in manners ; as Injustice , inconstancy in Religion , or Disabilities for Government ; as Sloth , Negligence , and the like ; And when they can find no just cause for these odious imputations , then they seeke by Infamous Libells , and false rumours and base reports , and black-mouth'd calumny , to sully his white and pure name , as these Rebells here most maliciously charg'd Moses and Aaron with usurpation , Nimum arrogatis & quare elevamini . 2. Super Congregationem , above the Congregation . Although these great men here had raysed this Rebellion for their own private ends to satisfie their Pride and ambition ; yet in the expression of their Grievances , they seeme to aime at the Peoples good , and pretend nothing more then the redressement of their opposed injuries , as though their Priviledges and Libertie ; were extorted and wrested from them by this exaltation of Moses and Aaron above the Congregation : And indeed this is a cunning policy of these Rebells ; for knowing their owne weaknes and inability , to over-top their Soveraign without the Peoples help and aide , 't is requisite that upon all occasions they should both ingratiate themselves with them , and also palliate and keepe close their ambitious designes from their intelligence ; And therefore in their publique Declarations and Remonstrances , Populum crepant , they insist much upon the pretended Wrongs and Grievances of the Congregation , as if they had undertooke this quarrell onely for their benefit , and therefore they charge Moses and Aaron in the behalfe of the Congregation , and in the next place they insert a universall Signe in the favour of the people , Since all the Congregation , &c. 3. Super Congregationem Domini , above the Congregation of the Lord . Here they begin their Religious Plots and Sanctified Policies , they thinke themselves safe and secure from all stormes and winds , if they can but shrowd themselves sub Nomine Domini , under the Name of the Lord . Those in the seventh of Ierem. that stole and murder'd , and committed Adultery , and swore falsely , thought themselves free from all Thunder-claps , so they did but cry Templum Domini templum ; and the Devill 's instruments in a●te-rages made such a common use of this precise policy , that it grew into a Proverbe , In Nomine Domini incipit omne malum , God knowes how long it will last , I am sure it begun betimes , for these Rebells here could make use of this Vermilion to colour their foule facts , and prophanely insert the Name of the Lord to set a faire glosse upon their adulterate Wares , and therefore they cry , Super Congregationem Domini . But here by the way you may discerne a grosse error in their mannaging of this part of their Rebellion ; for here they fall too bluntly upon the businesse , and oppose themselves too broad , and directly against Moses and Aaron , they carried it with better sleight and more art . In the 14 ch. there they used some circuition & winding about to get advantages before they came to this maine on-set ; there they fell first upon some of Moses his servants , as Ioshuah the sonne of Nun , and Caleb , the sonne of Iephunneh , who had done Moses and the State good service by their fidelitie and faithfulnesse , in their publique employment for the common good . Those they sought by Calumny , clamorous Accusations and Forgeries , of the number and strength of their enemies , and barrennesse of the Land , to disgrace and ruine , I , utterly to put them to death ; for all the Congregation bad stone them with stones , vers. 10. Here had they gone so to worke , and begun with Caleb and Ioshuah , and if Moses for his honours-sake , or publique safetie , should refuse to sacrifice those Loyallists to God and their Countrey , then they might with a more plausible colour of manners have gather'd themselves together for the dis-placing of those supposed disturbers of the publique peace , and for the judgement and censure of those pretended Delinquents against their Countrey , who by evill counsells sought to bring both their Prince , Moses , and themselves , his people , upon a most barren Land , and a most dreadfull and invincible enemy . And thus by degrees they might have proceeded till they had had a fairer way to a Nimium arrogatis , and a Quare ele vamini ? Now eò incipiunt quo incredibile est pervenisse , They begin at that height of wickednesse , to which it is almost incredible that any subject should ever ascend or aime at . In this particular sure they are much over-seene ; but yet , Fortem animum praestant rebus qua● turpiter audem . They set a good face upon their foule enterprises , & would make the world believe they have good grounds and reasons for what they doe , and so I come to the 6th part . Gravaminum ratio , the pretended grounds or reasons for these their grievances . All the Congregation is Holy every one of them , and the Lord is among them . All the Congregation is Holy every one of them , and therfore no Aaron , &c. No High-priest , and here they maske their hellish purposes under the sacred vaile of Religion , drawing an absurd consequence , that there must be no chiefe Priest , from a wilfully misconceived interpretation of Gods owne word , because all the Congregation was Holy ; for the better understanding , answering and considering of this their sophisticall argumentation , we must know what holinessee is as it relates unto the Creature , and of this the Holy-Ghost gives us a full description . Omne consecratum & sanctum sanctorum Domino . The Old Bible renders it thus ; Every thing separate from the common use is most Holy to the Lord , whatsoever is separate either by the institution of Almighty God , or the vow and free Dedication of man , from the common use of men in secular and worldly imployments , for the service and honour of Almighty God is term'd in Gods owne phrase Holy unto the Lord , and therefore as you may read in the same Chapter , if a man did dedicate an house or a piece of ground or a field separating the propriety and use of it from the rest of his temporall estates , unto the use and service of Almighty God , it is there called and accounted as a thing Holy unto the Lord ; & also the tithe or tenth both of the seed of the ground , and of the fruit of the trees , and the younglings of the cattell , after it was separated from the nine parts which might be applyed to common use for the maintenance of the owners was called , Holy unto the Lord , and the Sabbath day because it was separated from the other six dayes , wherein men might labour and doe all that they had to doe ; this being set apart for the service of Almighty God , therefore it was called Holy unto the Lord , and the whole Congregation of the children of Israel because they were separated from the Gentiles to keep those Lawes , Precepts and Ordinances which God hath appointed for them , whereas hee suffer'd other Nations to be defiled with their own vaine imaginations , therefore the whole Congregation are called an Holy people to the Lord , and this seems to be that part or portion of Gods word , which these Rebels here use or rather abuse for the inducement and bringing in of a puritie into the Church of God , and as a reason why Aaron should not be lifted up above the Congregation of the Lord . But here they use a palpable equivocation in the word Holinesse ; for in regard that Holinesse is a separation of a person or thing from common use to and for the service of Almighty God , in regard of severall services of and to Almighty God , there are severall and distinct kinds of Holinesse ; as in respect of persons , there is sanctitas Conversationis & sancritas Functionis ; of Conversationis , when men are separated from the vanities of this wicked world , as the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eyes , & the pride of life & devoutly dedicated to the obedience and observance of Gods holy will and Commandements ; and then there is sanctitas functionis , when certaine men are separated by divine institution from the rest of the Congregation to wait and attend Gods service , and to officiate at his Altars in the Priestly function . Now though it be granted that all this Congregation were holy the first way as well as Aaron , ( i. e. ) separated from all other people by the gracious choice of Almighty God to serve him in their lives and conversations by obedience to those Lawes , Commandements and Ordinances which God had appointed for them : yet they were not Holy by way of Function and office as well as Aaron , ( i. e. ) separated and set apart by the call and election of Almighty God to officiate at his Altars , and to Minister before God in the Priestly office ; for thus Aaron and his sons alone were Holy , as being but a little while before set apart for the Priestly office by the vocation of Almighty God himselfe , and consecrated by Moses to that Holy Function , in the view of the whole Congregation , as is plaine to be seen . And therefore in the fift vers . of this Chap. Moses told Korah and all his company , saying ▪ To morrow the Lord will shew who is his , and who is Holy , ( i. e. ) in office and function as the next words plainly declare , and who ought to approach near unto him ( i. e. ) as a Priest to offer Sacrifices , burne Incense , and performe other Sacerdotall Functions . And indeed the Lord shew'd it with a vengeance by the dismall destruction of these unhallowed Rebels ; and so you see how these Rebels here most prophanely pervert and abuse Gods sacred word , because all the Congregation were Holy , as being separated from all other people by the choice of Almighty God , to keep his Commandements and Ordinances , therefore by this aequivocating tricke and shift , they would have set up this whole Congregation to stand in competition with Aaron for the Priestly office , and so have thrust him out of that eminent place in the Church , to which God had called him . And by another Religious tricke , not unlike this , they give an heave at Moses their Prince and Governour , for the Lord was amongst them , & therefore there must be no Moses pretending here the honour and glory of God , for therein lies the force of their argument : The Lord was amongst them by day in a cloud , by night in a pillar of fire , and at other times in glorious appearances upon speciall occasions , and therefore it was a derogation from the honour of Almighty God , that such an inferiour as Moses should take upon him and exercise authority when the King of Heaven and Earth was present , and here most impudently they abuse God's honour to cover their unworthy and base practises , for they could not be ignorant that God himselfe had imposed this office of Government and Superioritie upon Moses , and that with great reluctancy on his part , and had seene it confirm'd to him by many signes , miracles and wonders . In AEgypt at the red Sea and in the Wildernesse , usque ad stuporem naturae ; and what though God were present amongst them , as he is every where , and can command the whole world , solo Nutu , yet 't is very well knowne that it seemed good to the wisedome of Almighty God to governe this inferiour world by second causes , so that as he disposes and orders the vegetative Natures , as Herbes and Plants and other Fruits of the Earth by the notions and influences of the Heavens and Elements , and the animall or sensible creatures by the power and wisedome of man : so he orders and governes Humane Societies by Kings and Princes , whom he cals Nutritios ; and therfore it being God's Ordinance and pleasure , it could be no derogation from his honour or glory that Moses was lifted up above the Congregation of the Lord , for had it beene praejudiciall to his honour , the wisedome of God could have disposed otherwise of the Government of this world ; but yet Religion and God's honour were glorious shewes to dazle the peoples eyes , that they might not pierce into the depth of their ambitious designes , and therefore they cryed out , All the Congregation are holy , and the Lord is among them , and so no Moses , no Aaron . And see here the corrupt nature of Rebellion ; There is nothing so Holy , nothing so Sacred , nothing so Pure , but 't is prophaned , polluted , and defil'd by her abminations . Religion , that sacred bond tying God and man together , is made an instrument by Rebellion to undoe all Humane Societies , and the fairest vertue in mans soule is made a Maske to hide the deformities of the foulest Sin . When ambition swells , or discontent breakes out , or fury rages , then Religion must be used as decayed faces doe , Fucus and Cerus , for the basest offices to cozen and delude the world ; And those who before , like the unjust Judge , Neither feared God nor regarded man , can now fawne upon those whom before in their pride they scorn'd ; and to advance their owne ambitious ends , force themselves against their owne nature and disposition to seeme Religious : Nay , and make shift to wrap out a place of Scripture too , as the Devill did to our Saviour , but most miserably wrested and abus'd to serve their owne lusts , as we must obey God rather than man . Whatsoever this or that particular man , or this or that particular Congregation , shall conceive and interpret to be the Word of God , though this Conception and Interpretation be against the authoriz'd doctrine and discipline of the present Church , and the Consent and Practise of the ancient and Primitive Church , yet this must be obeyed as the Word of God , and that too with rising up and rebelling against their Soveraigne , contrary to the expresse Word of God himselfe ; but let them take heed they doe not venture too far , least they be numbred in the list of that unlearned , and unstable company , of whose doome S. Peter speakes that wrest Saint Pauls Epistles , as they doe also the other Scriptures unto their owne destruction . The Practice of these Rebells here , shew this devilish device to be a great deale more ancient then S. Peters time , for they could produce a place of Scripture and Gods honour too , for the maintaining of their Rebellious actions , when ambition was the true Cause and Ground of their Rebellion . And that 's the 7th Part. Korah was ambitious of the highest place in the Church , Dathan and Abiram in the State , and therefore they were gather'd together : Korah it seemes in place & eminency was next to Aaron and his sons , as being Prince and head of the Kohathides , whose office was to beare the Sanctuary , a charge of greatest Honour and Note among the Levites , so that he could not endure to see his Cousin Aaron enter into the glorious Sanctuary whil'st he stood without , or that Aaron and his sonnes should cover the Sanctuary and all the Vessells thereof , and he must not so much as see when the holy things were cover'd , or touch any holy thing lest he dye ; this was that discontented him , and therefore his aime was against Aaron . Dathan and Abiram were Princes and Heads of the Rubenites , who came of the Elder-house , even of Ruben the eldest son of Iacob , & they could not endure to be over-topt by the yonger-house by Moses & Aaron , that descended from Levi the younger sonne of Iacob , this was that they stomack't , and therefore though their chiefe aime was against Moses , yet perhaps Aaron's eminency was an eye-sore to them ; they could not endure to see the Miter and the Scepter in the younger-house , and therefore they are gather'd together against Moses and Aaron . And indeed all the world may perceive , and so might this whole Congregation too , ( had not they beene most miserably blinded and besotted ) by the weaknesse and sillinesse of these mens Reasons , that their owne ambitious hopes , and not the peoples Good was their maine drift and end ; for can any man with reason , thinke or imagine , that all the Congregation should have beene Aaron's , and Priests , because they were all Holy ; or that they should all have bin Governours , & Princes , and Rulers , and do what they lift because the Lord was amongst them ? This were a mad conceit to enter into a Wise mans braine ; but they made use of these popular pretences to curry favour with the people , who suffer themselves so easily to be gull'd and caught with these gilded-baits ; and when by these Traps and Gins they had catch't the people , and won their aide and assistance for the deposition of Moses and Aaron , then no doubt they had other tricks and devices to fetch and turne the Congregation about for the advancement of their owne fortunes and honours , and by preferring some specious priviledges , in favour of the peoples Liberties , to stop their mouthes , they themselves would have assumed the power and authoritie both of Moses and Aaron . And this Plot , so cunningly contriv'd and carried in every particular , by all humane likelyhood would have proved efficatious , had not God out of his wrathfull indignation , at their damnable Impieties , and for the vindication of his owne honour , prophanely abused by these unhallowed Rebells , cut them off in the mid'st of their wickednesse . For will you heare the issue of this Tumult and Rebellion , when they had now screw'd up their Plot to the highest pitch , and were now ready to seize their prey , Korah and the two hundred and fiftie men , with Censers in their hands , and Fire , and Incense , intruding themselves into the Priestly Function ; Dathan and Abiram , Lording of it in their Tents , and proudly answering Moses his Messengers , Wee will not come unto him : Almighty God , by a strange and unheard of punishment , consum'd them in all their sinnes . As for Korah , Dathan and Abiram , they that opened their mouths in a Rebellious manner against their lawfull Governour , God in his just judgement suffered the inferiour creature to open her mouth against them , for so the Text sayes , And the Earth open'd her mouth and swallowed them up , and their houses , and all the men that appertained to Korah , and all their goods ; They and all that appertained to them went downe alive into the pit , and the Earth closed upon them , and they perished from among the Congregation . And those 250 who would needs be medling with fire , with the fire of Rebellion against their lawfull Governour , and with the fire of incense against Gods expresse Ordinance , incensed Gods anger so farre that he quickly fired them out of the world , for so the Text sayes , And there came out a fire from the Lord and consumed the 250 men that offered Incense . Quorum exitus perhorrescis , eorum facta imitabere ? Thou that tremblest at these mens ends , wilt thou imitate their deeds and actions ? And thinkest thou this O man , that judgest them which a● such things , and dost the same , that thou shalt escape the judgement of God ? Who will render to every man according to his deeds . To them who by patient continuance in well doing seek for glory and honour , and immortality , eternall life . But unto them that are contentious and doe not obey the truth , but obey Vnrighteousnesse , Indignation and Wrath , Tribulation and Anguish upon every soule of man that doth evill . Well , when men have tryed all their Counsels and wayes , they will finde the advise of King Solomon to be the most beneficiall and advantageous for the salvation of their owne soules , and the conservation of peace and tranquillity both in their private states and in the publick state wherein they live , to feare the Lord and the King , and not to meddle with them that are seditious , for their calamitie shall rise suddenly , and who knoweth the ruine of them both ? and so To God the Father , to God the Son , and God the Holy Ghost , &c. FINIS . Errata . Pag. 5. lin. 4. ges read ages . ib. l. 9. Korah , r. Korah of the Tribe of Levi . ib. l. ult. l {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , r. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . p. 16. l. 7. qualibet , r. quolibet . ibid. l 14. circumstantionate , r. circumstantiate . p. 21. l. 2. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . p. 22. l. 28. Elevaminis , r. Elevamini . p. 24. l. 31. opposed , r. supposed . p. 25. l. 24. Templum , r. Templum D●mins . ib. l. 25. afte-rages , r. after-ages . p. 27. l. 16. holinessee , r. holines . p. 27. l. 18. & , r. est . p. 28. l. 15. puritio , r. puritie . ib ▪ l. 24. Conversatio● . r. Conversation . p. 30. l. 23. notions , r. motions . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45536e-370 Numb. 10.11 . Par. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Eccl. 10 , 13. Par. 1. Numb. 2.33 . Numb. 18.20 . 1 King , 1.7 . Bellarmine Chaplaine to the Popes Legate in France , at the time of that Roman-Holy-League . Vers. 2. 2 Sam. 15. Ver. 3. Vers. 4. Vers. 5. Orat. pro Mar. C●●● . The behavior of Rebels . Par. 2. Exo. 15.23.16.2 . Numb. 13.32 . Par. 3. 1 Joh. 3.4 . Rom. 13.2 . Rom. 3.8 . Cor. 2. last . Act. 20.27 . Rom. 13. v. 1. 1 Pet. 2.13 . Eccl. 45.1 . Eccl. 45.6 , & ver. 16. Eph. 6.17 . Numb. 27.3 . Par. 4. Luke 19.14 . ver. 27. Par. 5. Exod. 3.11 . Exod. 4.1 . Vers. 10. Vers. 13. 14. Numb. 11.14 . Exod. 26. Levit. 8. Par. 6. Leu. 27.23 . Lev. 27.32 . Lev. 87.32 . Exo. 35.2 . Levit. 20.26 . Exod. 28. Levit. 8. Esay . 49.23 . 2 Pet. 3.16 . Par. 7. Numb. 16.32 . Rom. 2.3 . Prov. 24.21 , 22 
A43552	----	A short view of the life and reign of King Charles (the second monarch of Great Britain) from his birth to his burial. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43552 of text R213444 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1735B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 173 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 83 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43552 Wing H1735B ESTC R213444 99825827 99825827 30218 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43552) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30218) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1795:1) A short view of the life and reign of King Charles (the second monarch of Great Britain) from his birth to his burial. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [4], 163, [1] p. : ill. (port.) printed for Richard Royston, at the Angel in Ivy-lane, London : 1658. By Peter Heylyn. Running title reads: The life and reign of King Charles. Reproduction of the original in the Harvard University Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A43552 R213444 (Wing H1735B). civilwar no A short view of the life and reign of King Charles, (the second monarch of Great Britain) from his birth to his burial. Heylyn, Peter 1658 29431 41 10 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SHORT VIEW OF THE LIFE and REIGN OF King Charles , ( The second MONARCH OF GREAT BRITAIN ) From his Birth to his Burial . Tacit. Hist. Lib. I. Alii diutius imperium tenuerunt , Nemo tam fortiter reliquit . LONDON , Printed for Richard Royston , at the Angel in Ivy-lane . 1658. A SHORT VIEW OF THE Life and Reign of KING CHARLES . ( The second Monarch of Great BRITAIN ) from his Birth to his Burial . OUr Chronicles tell us of a Man in Queen Elizabeth's time that wrote the Ten Commandments , the Creed , the Pater-noster , the Queens Name , and the year of our Lord within the compasse of a Peny ; and gave the Queen a paire of Spectacles of such an Artificiall making , that by the help thereof she did plainly and distinctly discern every Letter . The contracting of the Life and Reign of King Charles in so narrow a compasse as I have limited to my self , may seem to be a work of no lesse difficulty . And yet I hope to do it in such a plain and perspicuous manner , that every one who runs may read it without the help of any such Spectacles as our Chronicles speak of . To Brevity I am injoyned , and it must be my businesse to avoid all Obscurity ; though I am conscious to my self , that I shall draw this Picture with too much shadow . But I take the Pencil into my hand , and thus form my lines . 1600. CHARLES , the third Son of James the sixth King of the Scots , and of Anne his Wife , Daughter of Frederick the second , and Sister of Christiern the fourth , Kings of Denmark , was born at Dunfermeling ( one of the principall towns of Fife ) in Scotland , on the nineteenth day of November Anno 1600. derived by a long descent of Royall Ancestors from Malcolm Conmor King of the Scots , and the Lady Margaret his Wife , Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling , the last surviving Prince of the English Saxons . So that his Title had been good to the Crown of England , though he had borrowed no part of his Claim from the Norman Conquerour . Which I observe the better to encounter the extravagant follies of some men in the book called Antinormanisme , and some other Pamphlets of that time : in which it is affirmed that this King had no other Right to the Crown , then what he claimed from that Conquest ; and therefore that the English Nation having got the better of him by the Sword , might lawfully free themselves from that subjection , which by no other Title then the Sword of the Normans had been laid upon them . At his first coming into the world he was so weak and unlike to live , that his Christening was dispatcht in haste , without attending the performance of those solemnities which are accustomably used at the Baptisme of such Princely infants . And as the name of Henry was given to the Prince , his Elder Brother , with reference to Henry Lord Darnlie , the Father of King James by Mary Queen of Scots ; so was this younger Son called Charles , in relation to Charles Earle of Lenox , the younger Brother of that Henry , and by consequence Uncle to King James . 1602. Having received some measure of strength , he was at the Age of two years created Duke of Albany , Marquesse of Ormond , Earle of Rosse , and Baron of Ardmanock ; of which four Titles the two first and the last are wholly at the Kings disposing , to be bestowed on whom he pleaseth . But the Earldom of Rosse falling unto the Crown in the time of King James the third , was so setled in the Crown by Act of Parliament , that it is not lawfull for the King to sell , alienate , or dispose the same unto any other , then to the second Son of Scotland . 1603. On the 26. of March next following , Anno 1603. King James had news by Sir Robert Cary , one of the younger Sons of the Lord Hunsdon ( who had stole a posting journey thither ) that Queen Elizabeth was dead , contrary to the opinion of many of his Scottish Courtiers ; who being wearied with the tediousnesse of their expectation , did believe at last , that it should never be acknowledged by the Lords of England that the Queen was dead , as long as there was any old woman of that Nation left , to weare good Clothes , and take the name of Queen upon her . For bringing which news the Duke of Albany ( as if he were more concerned in it then all the rest of the Kings Children , as indeed he was ) was afterwards committed to the Governance of Sir Roberts Lady , and he himself from that time forwards of principall esteem and place about him . This news being seconded by that of the Proclaiming of King James , for her true and lawfull Successor in the Imperiall Crown of this Realm , the King prepared himself for England . At what time ( as I have been told by some Persons of Quality ) a certain Laird of the Highlands , though of very great Age , came to his Court , to take his leave of him , whom he found accompanied with all his Children , the young Duke being then held in his Nurses Armes . His Addresse unto the King consisted of Prayers for his long life and Prosperity ; and those Prayers intermixt with some desires , that in the midst of the Felicities and Glories of the English Court , he would not be unmindfull of his Native Countrey . Which having said , without taking any great notice of the Prince , he applyed himself wholly to the Duke , whose hands he kist with such an Ardency of Affection , as if he meant they should grow for ever to his lips . And when the King told him , that he had mistook himself in his Addresses to the infant , as not being his eldest Son , and Prince of Scotland ; he answered , that he knew well enough what he did , and that it was this Child in whom his Name and Memory was to be perpetuated to succeeding Ages , with other Speeches of like nature . Which being then either unregarded , or imputed unto age and dotage , were called to mind after the death of Prince Henry , and then believed to have something in them of a Prophetical spirit . 1603. But to proceed . On the fifth day of April in the year 1603. King James began his journey for England , and in the end of May , the Queen accompanied with Prince Henry , and the Lady Elizabeth , set forwards also ; finding at Berwick a Noble Train of Lords and Ladies sent thither from the Court to attend her coming , and wait upon her in her journey . 1604. The next year order was given for bringing the young Duke to the Court of England . But before such as had the Charge of him could begin their journey , the young Duke was taken with a feaver . Which being signified to the King , he sent thither Doctor Atkins one of his Physicians , who in six weeks restored him to such a degree of health as made him fit to be removed to a Warmer Aire , and a more comfortable Climate . On the sixteenth of July this Remove began , which brought him by short and easie stages in the first week of October , to Windsor Castle , where the King then was , by whom he was committed to the Governance of the Lady Cary , as before is said . And not long after , for his better welcom into England , he was on the sixth day of January next following ( commonly called Twelfth-day ) invested solemnly with the title of Duke of York by cincture of a Sword , imposition of a Cap and Coronet of Gold upon his Head , and by delivering unto him a Verge of Gold ; himself with ten others of eminent Nobility , having been made Knights of the Bath ( with all the accustomed Ceremonies ) the day before . 1606. In the sixth year of his Age , he was taken from the charge of his Women ( though not from the Motherly superinspection of the Lady Cary ) and committed to the Pedagogy of Master Thomas Murray , a Scot by Nation ; sufficiently qualified for that service , but otherwise ill Principled in the Rites and Ceremonies in which the Church of England differed from the Kirke of Scotland . 1610. Under this Tutor the young Duke advanced exceedingly in the way of good Letters ; the weaknesse of his lower parts , which made him unapt for Exercises and feats of Activity , rendring him more retired and studious , and more intent upon his Book then he had been otherwise . Which Prince Henry taking notice of , as he , the young Duke , Dr. Abbot then newly made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , with many of the Nobility , were waiting in the Privie-Chamber for the Kings coming out ; the Prince ( to put a jest upon him ) took the Arch-Bishops Square-cap out of his hand , and put it on his Brothers head , telling him that if he continued a good boy , and followed his Book , he would make him one day Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . Which the child took in such disdain , that he threw the Cap upon the ground , and trampled it under his feet , not being without much difficulty and some force taken off from that eagernesse . This , though at first it was not otherwise beheld then as an Act of Childish passion , yet when his Brother Prince Henry dyed , and that he was Heir apparent to the Crown , it was taken up by many zealous Church-men for some ill Presage unto the Hierarchy of Bishops , the overthrow whereof by his Act and Power did seem to be foresignified by it . But in that their fears were groundlesse , and their conjectures no better grounded then their fears , there never being a more gracious Patron to the Church , nor a more resolute Champion in behalf of the Hierarchy then he proved to be ▪ What is presaged ( if there were any presaging in it ) in reference to the Archbishops Person , may be shewen hereafter . 1611 , 1612. In the eleventh year of his Age , he was made Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter , and on the sixth day of November , Anno 1612. he lost his Brother Prince Henry , whom he immediately succeeded in the Dukedome of Cornwall , with all the Royalties , Rents , Profits , and Commodities of it ; according to the entail which was made thereof by King Edward the third , when he conferred it upon Edward the black Prince , his eldest Son . The first solemn Act which he appeared in after this change of his condition , was at the Funerall of Prince Henry on the 7. of Decem. following , at which he attended as chief Mourner . And on the 14 of February then next ensuing , being Sunday , and St. Valentines day , he performed the Office of a Brideman ( a Paranymph the Grecians call him ) to the Princesse Elizabeth his Sister , married upon that day to Frederick the Fifth , Prince Elector Palatine : A marriage which drew him afterwards into many cares and great expences , of which more hereafter . In his Childhood he was noted to be very wilful , somewhat inclining to a perversenesse of disposition , which might proceed from that retiredness which the imperfection of his Speech , not fitting him for publick discourse , and the weakness of his limbs and joynts ( as unfit for Action ) made him most delight in . But now being grown both in years , and state , he began to shake off that retirednesse , and betake himself to all manner of man-like exercises ; such as were Vaulting , riding great Horses , running at the ring , shooting in crosse bowes , Muskets , and sometimes in great Pieces of Ordnance , in which he became so perfect , that he was thought to be the best Marks-man , and the most comely mannager of a great Horse of any one in all three Kingdoms . And as he shaked off this retirednesse , so he corrected in himself the Peccancy of that humour which had grown up with it ; there being no man to be found of an evener temper , more pliant to good Counsel , or lesse wedded then he was to his own opinion . 1616. On the third of November , Anno 1616. He was at White-hall ( with all the accustomed Solemnities ) created Prince of Wales , Earl of Chester and Flint , and put into the actuall possession of all the Regalities , Profits , and Commodities belonging to them ; his Houshould being then formed and constituted , and all the officers of State , which belong unto him , appointed to their severall places . And now it was expected that he should break out into more glory then he had done formerly , and take upon him as the Heir of so great an Empire . But considering very wisely that the forward and enterprizing nature of his Brother Prince Henry , the popularity which he affected , and the great resort of young Noble-men continually unto his Court , had been displeasing to his Father ; resolved to keep himself at a close ward , and not to seem so great as he was , that when time served , he might appear greater then he seemed to be . Old Princes do not love to have their eldest Sons too active , and to tread too close upon their heels ; and therefore many times do enterpose the power of a favorite to keep them at the greater distance . A policy much used by King James in the whole course of his Government , who for that cause in the life-time of Prince Henry , took Sir Robert Carr into his most especiall favour , whom he first made Gentleman of his Bed-chamber , and on the twenty fifth of March Anno 1611. Created Viscount Rochester , and the same year made Knight of the Garter also , conferring on him all the power and trust he was capable of ; that by the greatnesse of the one he might keep down the daring nature and confident Spirit of the other . Prince Charles understood this well enough , and carried himself with so much prudence , that he disputed not the power of his Fathers favourites , suffering all Honour , Offices , and other matters at the Court to be carried by them as best pleased the King . Which though it was generally ascribed unto Pusillanimity , and the defect of Spirit in him , yet was it look'd upon as an Act of the greatest wisedom by more knowing men . For had he any wayes crost the designs and Councels either of Carr then Earl of Sommerset , or of the Duke of Buckingham , his Fathers favourites ( who at that time did much out-shine him ) he had not only incurred the Kings displeasure , but of necessity must have divided the Court , and by consequence the Kingdom also into severall factions , each labouring to advance their own , though to the Ruine and Destruction of the publick Peace . Onely to take off somewhat of the imputation , he made so much use of his power and interesse with the King , as to prefer three of his servants unto Titles of Honour , Anno 1621. viz. Sir Robert Cary Chamberlain of his Houshold , to the Title of Lord Cary of Lepington ; Sir Thomas Howard , second Son to the Earl of Suffolk , and Master of his Horse , to the Honour of Viscount Andover , and Lord Howard of Charlton ; and Sir John Vaughan Controller of his Houshold , to the Honour of Lord Vaughan of Molingar in the Realm of Ireland . 1618. On the eighteenth day of November Anno 1618. There appeared a great blazing Star , the fore-runner of many woful events in these parts of Christendom . But the first sad effect thereof which we found in England , was the death of Queen Anne , which hapned on Tuesday the second of March next following . A losse which the Prince bare with great equanimity , or evennesse of Spirit ; neither banishing all shews of grief with a Stoical Apathie , nor spending his time in too much womanish lamentation . At the Funerall of this great Queen , he was principall Mourner , and it became him so to be ; she having always been to him a tender and indulgent Mother , expressing more affection to him then to all the rest of her Children . 1619. Not long after the death of the Queen , King James fell very sick at Newmarket , and having a desire to come to London , advanced on his way as far as Royston , where he was fain to stay till his sickness was over , which at last became so dangerous , that his death was feared . At what time Dr. Andrews Bishop of Winchester attending on him , bewailed with great Affliction the sad condition which the Church was like to fall into , if God should take away his life , the Prince being in the hands of the Scots , which made up the greatest part of his Houshold , and not well principled by those which had the tutelage of him , either as to the Government or Liturgie of the Church of England . The King acknowledgeing this sad truth , and condemning his own negligence in it , made a solemn vow , that if God would be pleased to restore him to his health , he would take the Prince into his own immediate care , instruct him in the Controversies of Religion , and set him on so right a bottome , that there should be no fear of his disaffection either unto the Hierarchy , or the rites and Ceremonies of the Church ; which he did accordingly . And he did it so effectually , that at such time as the Prince made his journey into Spain , and that some principal persons in all the Places and Offices belonging to him , were to follow after , Dr. Maw , and Dr. Wren , two of his Chaplains being appointed for that service , came to King James to know his pleasure and commands . The King advised them not to put themselves upon any unnecessary Disputations , but to be onely on the defensive part , if they should be challenged . And when it was answered that there could be no reason to engage in such Disputations , where there could be no Moderator ; the King replied , that Charles should moderate between them and the opposite party . At which when one of them seemed to smile on the other , the King proceeded , and told them , that Charles should manage a point in Controversie with the best studied Divine of them all ; and that he had trained up George so far as to hold the conclusion , though he had not yet made him able to prove the Premisses . 1619. On Friday the twenty fourth of March , Anno 1619. The Prince with the Marquesse of Hamilton , Marquesse of Buckingham , divers Earls and others performed great Justing at White-Hall in honour of the day , being the day of King James his happy coming to the Crown of England . 1620 And on the Sunday after , being Mid-lent Sunday , he attended his Father to S. Pauls Crosse , conducted in a most solemn manner from Temple Bar to that Church by the Lord Major and Aldermen , and at the entrance into the Church , received by the Dean and Chapter in their rich Copes , and other Ecclesiasticall Habits , and by them conducted into the Quire ; where having heard the Divine service for that day most solemnly performed with Organs , Cornets , and Sagbots , they went to a prepared place where they heard the Sermon at the Crosse preacht by Dr. King , then Lord Bishop of London ; and from thence unto the Bishops Palace , where they were entertained with a Banquet . Infinite was the concourse of People at both those Solemnities , and all of them returned with great joy and comfort to see him so bravely accomplisht in the one , so devoutly reverent in the other . 1622. On Tuesday the eighteenth of February , Anno 1622. Accompanied with the Duke of Buckingham , M. Erdimion Porter , and M. Francis Cottington ; he took ship at Dover , arrived at Bulloign in France , and from thence rode Post to the Court of Spain . The occasion this ; Frederick Prince Elector Palatine had inconsiderately taken on himself the Crown of Bohemia , An. 1619. and for so doing , was by the Emperor deprived of his Ancient Patrimony ; the Electorall dignity together with the upper Palatinate being conferred on the Duke of Bavaria , and the lower on the K. of Spain , who possest himself of all of it except the towns of Heidelberg , Frankendale , and Manheim , well manned and Garrisoned by the English . For the preserving of which places , and the recovery of the whole , when all means else had proved ineffectuall , it was held most expedient to negotiate a Marriage betwixt Prince Charles and the Daughter of Spain . Which being first managed by the Leiger Embassadors in both Courts , was afterwards prosecuted with more particular instructions by John Lord Digby ( well verst and studied in that Court ) whom the King sent as his Embassador extraordinary to conclude the match . But Digby being fed with delaies from one time to another , it was resolved by King James , without making any of his Councel acquainted with it , that the Prince himself should go in Person , that he might either speed the Businesse , or break off the Treaty . According to this Resolution he began his journey , no otherwise accompanied or attended then with those three persons above mentioned , all of them passing in disguise , to avoid discovery . Being come to Paris , they adventured to see the Court , where at a Mask , he had a view of that most excellent Princesse whom he after married . But no sooner had he left the City , then the French King had Advertisement of his being there , who thereupon dispatcht away severall Posts to stay him in his journey , and bring him back ; but the Prince had past beyond Bayonne , the last Town in France , without being overtaken by them , and posting speedily to Madrid , entred the Lord Embassadors Lodging , without being known to any but his Confidents onely . News of his safe Arrivall there being brought to the King , there was a present order taken for the sending of some of his Servants of all sorts , to attend upon him in that Court , that so he might appear amongst them in the greater Lustre . But this lessened not the Cares and Feares of the English Subjects , who could not be more glad to hear of his safety , then they were afraid of the danger which he had incurred . For having put himself into the power of the King of Spain , it was at the Courtesie of that King whether he should ever return or no : it being a Maxime amongst Princes , That if any one without leave sets foot on the Ground of another , he makes himself his Prisoner . Philip the first of Spain and Duke of Burgundy , being cast by Tempest on the Coast of England , was here detained by King Henry the seventh , till he had delivered up the Earle of Suffolk , who had fled for Refuge to his Court : and Mary Queen of the Scots , being forced by her Rebellious Subjects to fly into this Realm , was presently seized on as a Prisoner , and so continued till her lamentable and calamitous death . So in like manner Richard the first of England , passing in disguise through some part of the dominions of the Arch-Duke of Austria , was by him took Prisoner , and put unto an heavy Ransome ; and not long since Charles Lodowick the now Prince Elector Palatine posting through France , in hope to get the Command of Duke Bernards Army , was stayed in the middle of his journey by the Kings command , and kept so long under Restraint , that he lost the opportunity of effecting his purprose . This , though it was the generall Fear and apprehension of the English Subjects , yet no body durst acquaint the King with it , but Archee the fool , who going boldly to the King , as he found him once in a good humour , told him that he was come to change Caps with him . Why , said the King ? Marry , saies Archee , because thou hast sent the Prince into Spain , from whence he is never like to returne . But said the King , what wilt thou say when thou seest him come back again ? Marry , saies Archee , I will then take off the fools Cap which I put upon thy head , for sending him thither , and put it on the King of Spains , for letting him return . At which words , it is reported , that the King became exceeding pensive , never before so much apprehending the Danger of that Adventure , as then and afterwards he did . 1623. But the generous Spaniard intended to make no such Market of him , but gave him all the Royall entertainment which a Princely Suitor might expect . Nor was the Prince wanting for his part in all fit Compliances by which he might both gain on them , and preserve himself . For by his Courtly Garb he won so much on the Affections of the Infanta , and by his grave and circumspect behaviour got so much ground upon the King and his Councel , that the match went forward in good earnest . The Articles of the Marriage with all the Circumstances thereof were agreed upon , and solemnly sworn to by both Kings . Nor was the Pope wanting in the grant of a dispensation ( without which nothing could be done ) writing a Letter to the Prince , who returned to him a Civil answer , which afterwards was reckoned amongst his Crimes , by such as rather would not then did not know the necessity which lay upon him , of keeping at that time a plausible Correspondence with the Catholick party . But as for his Religion , the change whereof was moved by the Pope , and much hoped for by the Court of Spain at his first coming thither , he shewed so many strong evidences of his constancy in it , that those hopes soon vanished . And that it might appear , that he professed no other Religion , then what was agreeable to the Rules of Antiquity , and not much abhorrent from the formes then used in the Church of Rome , the English Liturgie was by the care of the Lord Keeper Williams translated into the Spanish Tongue ; and so many Copies of the Book then printed sent into Spain , as gave great satisfaction in that point to the Court and Clergy . And this I must needs say was very seasonably done , the Spaniards being till then perswaded by their Priests and Jesuits , that when the English had cast off the Pope , they had cast off also all Religion , and became meer Atheists ; the name of God being never used amongst them , but with a purpose to expose it unto scorn and prophanation . Insomuch that the Constable of Castile , being sent to swear the Peace concluded with Spain , when he understood the businesse was to be performed in the Chappel , where some Anthems were to be sung , desired that whatsoever was sung , Gods name might not be used in it , and that being forborn , he was content they should sing what they listed . King James himself so relates the story in Arch-Bishop Spotswood , fol. 530. But the Prince had another game to play , namely , the Restitution of the Palatinate ; which the Spaniard would not suffer to be brought under the Treaty , reserving it ( as they pretended to be bestowed by the Infanta after the Marriage , the better to ingratiate her self with the English Nation . Which being a point of too great moment to depend upon no other assurance then a Court-Complement , he concluded with himself that since he could not prevaile in the one , he would not proceed unto the Consummation of the other . And hereupon he was much edged on by the Duke of Buckingham , who having conceived some deep displeasure against the Conde de Olivarez , the speciall Favourite of that King , desired rather that all Treaties should be broken off , then that any Alliance should be made in which that Conde had appeared so instrumentall . But it did concern the Prince so to provide for his own safety , that no intimation might be made of the intended Rupture , till he had unwinded himself out of that Labyrinth into which he was cast . For which cause having desired of his Father that some ships might be sent to bring him home , he shewed himself a more passionate lover then ever formerly , and made a Proxie to the Catholick King and Don Charles his Brother , in his name to espouse the Lady Infanta ; which Proxie he left with Digby , not long before made Earl of Bristol , by him to be delivered within some few daies after the coming of the expected dispensation . But no sooner had he took his leave , and was out of danger , but he dispatcht a Post unto him , commanding him not to deliver up the Proxie untill further order . And having so done , he hois'd Sails , and came for England , arriving at Portsmouth on Sunday the fifth of October , Anno 1623. From whence by Post-Horses he past to London , the next morning , and so by Coach to the King at Royston , to the great content of all the Kingdome , declared by Bells , Bonfires , and all other the accustomed expressions of a publick joy . The King being made acquainted with all particulars , and that no Assurance could be had of the Restitution of the Palatinate , by the advice of his Privy Councel , dispatcht a command to the Earl of Bristol , not to deliver up the Proxie unlesse the businesse of the Palatinate were concluded also ▪ The expectation whereof not being answered by Successe , a Parliament is summoned , to begin on the sixteenth day of February then next following , to the end that all things might be governed in this great Affair by the publick Counsel of the Kingdom . Not long after the beginning whereof , the Duke declared before both Houses ( more to the disadvantage of the Spaniard then there was just ground for ) how unhandsomely they had dealt with the Prince , when he was in Spain ; how they had fed him with delaies ; what indignities they had put upon him , and finally had sent him back not onely without the Palatinate , but without a Wife ; leaving it to their prudent Consideration what course to follow . It was thereupon voted by both Houses , that his Majesty should be desired to break off all Treaties with the King of Spain , and to engage himself in a war against him for the recovery of the Palatinate , not otherwise to be obtained . And that they might come the better to the end they aimed at , they addresse themselves unto the Prince , whom they assured , that they would stand to him in that War to the very last expence of their lives and fortunes ; and he accordingly being further set on by the Duke , became their instrument to perswade his Father to hearken to the Common Votes and desires of his Subjects , which the King , prest by their continuall importunities , did at the last assent to . But in the conduct of this Businesse , the Prince consulted more the Dukes passion , and the pleasing of the Commons in Parliament , then either his own or the Regall interesse . For there is nothing more unsafe for a King of England , then to cast himself upon the necessity of calling Parliaments , and depending on the purse of the Subject . By means whereof he makes himself obnoxious to the Humour of any prevailing Member in the House of Commons , and becomes lesse in Reputation both at home and abroad . The Commons , since the time of King James , have seldome parted with a peny ▪ but they have paid themselves well for it out of the prerogative . And this appeared by their proceedings in this very Parliament : For though they had ingaged the King in a War with Spain , and granted him three Subsidies and three Fifteens toward the beginning of that War ; yet would they not suffer that grant to passe into an Act of Parliament , till the King had yielded to another against Concealments . Insomuch as it was affirmed by Justice Dodderidge , at the next Publick Assizes held in Oxford , that the King by passing that Act , had bought those Subsidies and Fifteens at ten years purchase . Nor dealt they otherwise with this Prince then they did with his Father , those very Commons who had ingaged him in the Warre , and bound themselves to make good that ingagement with their lives and fortunes , most shamefully deserting him in the first Parliament of his Reign , and after working more and more upon his necessities , till they had robbed him of the richest Jewels in the Regal Diadem . 1624. But to proceed , the Treaty with Spain being like to come to a Rupture , it was judged necessary to counterballance the Power of that King by negotiating a Match with the Princesse Henrietta Maria , the youngest Daughter of France ; first set on foot by the Mediation of the Earl of Holland , who found that Court inclinable thereunto , and afterwards concluded at the coming over of the Earl of Carlile , joyned in Commission to that purpose . It was reported , that when she was told that the Prince of Wales had been at the Court , and was gone for Spain ; she Answered , that if he went to Spain for a Wife , he might have had one nearer hand , and saved himself a great part of the trouble . And I have read , that receiving at one time two Letters from England , the one from King James , and the other from the Prince , she put that from King James into her Cabinet , and that from Prince Charles into her Bosom . Of which King James being told , he was exceedingly pleased with it , saying , that he took it for a very good Omen , that she should preserve his Name in her Memory , and lodge Charles in her heart . 1625. During these preparations for War and Marriage , King James departed this life at Theobalds on Sunday the twenty seventh of March , Anno 1625. Immediately upon whose death Prince Charles was proclaimed at the Court-Gates to be King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , &c. The like done presently after at London , and by degrees in all the other Cities and Towns of the Kingdom , with infinite rejoycings and Acclamations of the People . The Funeralls of the deceased King were celebrated on the seventh of May , his body being brought from Somerset-House with great Magnificence to Saint Peters Church in Westminster ( where he was interred ) the King himself being principall Mourner . Which though it were contrary to the Custome of his Predecessours , yet he chose rather to expresse his Piety in attending the dead body of his Father to the Funerall Pile , then to stand upon any such old Niceties and points of State . The Funerall being past , he thought it was time for him to quicken the coming over of his dearest Consort , to whom he had been married on the Sunday before at the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris ; the Duke of Chevereux a Prince of the House of Guise ( from which House King Charles derived himself by the Lady Mary of Lorain , Wife to James the fifth ) espousing the Princesse in his Name . On Trinity Sunday , late at night , she was brought by a Royall Fleet of Ships from Bulloign to Dover , which being signified to the King who was then at Canterbury , he went to her betimes the next morning , and received her with great expressions of Affection , professing that he would be no longer Master of himself , then whilest he was a Servant to her . The same day He brought her to Canterbury , where he gave himself up to those Embraces , to which from that time he confined himself with such a Conjugal Chastity , that on the day before his death he commanded his Daughter the Princesse Elizabeth to tell her Mother , that his thoughts had never straied from her , and that his love should be the same to the last . On the Thursday after , being the sixteenth of June , they came from Gravesend to White-hall in their Royal Barges , attended with an infinite number of Lords , Ladies , and other people who could get Boats to wait upon them ; the Ordnance from the Ships which were then preparing for the Wars , those from the Merchants Ships , and the Tower of London , thundering her Welcome as she past . But in the heat of these Solemnities and entertainments , the King forgat not the main Concernments of himself and the Kingdome , and to that end began his first Parliament on Saturday the eighteenth of June , which fell out not unseasonably , that the French Lords might see with what Royall Magnificence he was attended by the Peers , Prelates , and other Officers of State ( besides his own Domestick Servants ) to the Parliament-House . At their first meeting , he put them in mind of the War in which they had ingaged his Father , and of the promise they had made to stand to him in it with their lives and fortunes ; that both his Land and Sea-forces were now in readinesse to set forwards , and that there wanted nothing but a present supply of money to quicken and expedite the Affair . In Answer whereunto , the Commons past a Bill of two Subsidies onely , so short of the excessive Charge which the maintenance of so great a Fleet and Army required at their hands , that being distributed amongst the Officers , Souldiers , and Mariners , it would scarce have served for Advance-money to send them going . Which notwithstanding , the King very graciously accepted of it , taking it as an Ernest of their good Affections , in reference to the greater Summes which were to follow . But the Plague growing hot in London , the Parliament on the eleventh day of July was adjourned to Oxford , there to be held on the first of August , at what time the King put them in mind again of the necessity of setting forward his Fleet , and that the eyes of his Confederates were fixt upon it . But the Commons had other fish to fry , and began to quarrel at the greatnesse of the Duke of Buckingham , whom in the last Parliament of King James they had idolized above all men living . But he had served their turn already , and now they meant to serve their own . This was the first Assault which the Commons made upon this King , though not directly on his Person , wounding him through the sides of his principal Minister ; they were so well verst in the Arts of a Parliament-war , as to take in the Out-works first , that so the Fort it self might lie the more open to continuall Batteries . Concerning which , and the sad consequents thereof , take here the words of a Letter written to the King from an unknown Person . These men , saith he , either cannot or will not remember , that never any Noble man in favour with his Soveraign , was questioned in Parliament , except by the King himself in case of Treason , or unlesse it were in the Nonage and tumultuous time of Richard the 2. Henry the 6. or Edward the 6. which hapned to the destruction both of the King and Kingdome . And that , not to exceed our own and Fathers Memories , in King Henry the eight's time , Wolsies exorbitant power and pride , and Cromwels contempt of the Nobility and the Lawes , were not yet permitted to be discussed in Parliament , though they were most odious and grievous to all the Kingdome . And that Leicesters undeserved favour and faults ; Hattons insufficiency , and Rawleighs insolence far exceeded what yet hath been ( though most falsly ) objected against the Duke ; yet no Lawyer durst abet , nor any man else begin any invectives against them in Parliament . And then he addes ( some other passages intervening ) that it behoves his Majesty to uphold the Duke against them , who if he be but decourted , it will be the corner-stone on which the demolishing of his Monarchy will be builded . For if they prevaile with this , they have hatched a thousand other Demands to pull the feathers of the Royalty , they will appoint him Counsellours , Servants , Alliances , Limits of his Expenses , Accompts of his Revenue , chiefly if they can ( as they mainly desire ) they will now dazle him in the beginning of his Reign . How true a Prophet this man proved , the event hath shewn , and the King saw it well enough , and therefore since he could not divert them from that pursuit , he dissolved the Parliament , by whose neglect ( I will not call it a perversenesse ) the Fleet went out late , and returned unprosperously . In which conjuncture , if he had clapt up a Peace with Spain , ( which the Spaniards had as much reason to accept as he to offer ) he might have prevented the following Rupture betwixt him and France , and freed himself from the necessity of calling Parliaments , till he had no necessity for a Parliament to work upon , and then he might have found them as pliant to him as he could reasonably require . But he resolves to try his fortune in another as soon as he had performed the Solemnities of his Coronation , which was celebrated on the second of February , ( commonly called Candlemas Day ) then next ensuing . In the externall Pomp whereof , he omitted his triumphant riding thorow the City from the Tower to White-Hall , the Charge whereof would have stood him in sixty thousand pounds , as some compute it ; and he had then more necessary occasions to expend his money , then Money to answer those occasions . In the sacred part of it , there was nothing altered , but the adding of a clause to one of the Prayers which had been pretermitted since the time of King Henry the sixth , and is this that followeth , viz. Let him obtain favour for the People , like Aaron in the Tabernacle , Elisha in the Waters , Zacharias in the Temple ; give him Peters key of Discipline , Pauls Doctrine . Which clause had been omitted in time of Popery , as intimating more Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to be given to our Kings then the Popes allowed of ; and for the same reason was now quarrel'd by the Puritan Faction . As for the Coronation-oath , it was the same which had been taken by his Predecessors , as appears by the Records of Exchequer ; Not made more advantageous to the King , and lesse beneficiall to the People by the late Archbishop , though both the long Parliament in the year 1642. and the lewd Pamphlets of that time did object the contrary . The Coronation being passed over , he began his second Parliament on the sixth of the same moneth , in which he sped no better then he did in his first . The Commons voted some Subsidies to be granted to him , but they never past them into Act , that bait being onely laid before him , to tempt him to give over the Duke to their pride and fury , against whom they had framed a large impeachment ushered in by Sir Dudley Diggs , prosecuted with six bitter invectives , made by the best Speakers and most learned Lawyers of that House , and finally concluded by Sir John Eliot , who brought up the Rear . 1626. But the King easily perceived that his Royal Father and himself were as much concerned in it as the Duke , their favours being made his crimes , and their authority in bestowing Offices and Honours on whom they pleased , not obscurely questioned . But the storm went higher then the Duke , some part of it falling down-right on the King himself ; it being openly affirmed in the House of Commons by one Mr. Coke ( a true chip of the old block ) that it was as good to die by a forraign Enemy as to be destroyed at home . Of this reproach , tending so much to the dishonour of his Government , he complained in a Speech before both Houses , but without any remedy . And being further incensed by the noise of a Declaration which they had then upon the Anvil , he dissolved the Parliament on the eighteenth day of June then following . No sooner was he freed from this , but the necessity of his Affairs involved him in another Embroylment . The French Priests and Domesticks of that Nation which came into England with the Queen , were grown so insolent , and had put so many affronts upon him , that he was forced to send them home ; in which he did no more then what the French King had done before him , in sending back all the Spanish Courtiers which his Queen brought with her . But the French King not looking on his own example , and knowing on what ill termes the King stood both at home and abroad , first seized on all the Merchants ships which lay on the River of Burdeaux , and then brake out into open war . So that the King was fain to make use of those Forces against the French , which were designed to have been used against the Spaniard , and to comply with the desires of the Rochelers , who humbly sued for his protection and Defence . But the Fleet not going out till after Michaelmas , found greater opposition at the Sea then they feared from the Land ; being encountred with strong Tempests , and thereby necessitated to return without doing any thing , but onely shewing the Kings good-will and readinesse toward their assistance . 1627. But the next yeare this design was followed with greater vigour by the Duke of Buckingham , who hoped thereby to make himself of some consideration in the eyes of the people . The gaining of the Isle of Re , which lay before the Town of Rochel , and imbarred their Trade , was the matter aimed at ; and he had strength enough both for Sea and Land to have done the work , if he had not followed it more like a Courtier then a Souldier ; suffering himself to be complemented out of the taking of their chief Fort , when it was almost at his mercy ; and standing upon points of Honour in facing those Forces which were sent from the French King to raise the siege , when he might have made a safe retreat unto his ships without losse or danger . In the mean time his Majesty neither neglected his Affairs at home nor his Friends abroad : At home he found the Puritan faction to be much increased by the remisnesse of the goverment of Archbishop Abbot , whom therefore he suspended from all his Metropoliticall Jurisdiction , and confined him to his House at Ford in Kent , committing the exercise thereof to the Bishops of London , Durham , Rochester , Oxford , Bath and Wells , by Letters Patents , bearing date the 9. day of October , Anno 1627. Abroad he found the Princes of Germany wormed out of their Estates , one after another , by the Emperours Forces , the King of Denmark ( whom they had made the Head of their League ) being driven out of the Countrey by Count Tilly , and hardly able to defend his own Dominions . No Prince so fit for the prosecution of that cause , as Gustavus Adolphus , King of Sweden , whom therefore he elects into the Noble Order of the Garter , and solemnly invests him with it in the midst of his Army , then lying at the Siege of Darsaw , a Town of Pomerella belonging to the Crown of Poland , on Sunday the twenty third of October , of the same year also . At which time he laid the grounds of that Confederacy , which being seconded by the French , the States of the Vnited Provinces , and the distressed Princes of the Empire , brought that King into Germany ; where he gave the first great check to the Emperours fortunes , and had restored the Prince Elector Palatine to his ancient Patrimony , if he had not fallen unfortunately at the Battell of Lutzen . 1628. Being thus ingaged and embroiled , he gave a beginning to his third Parliament on the seventeenth of March , and freely declares to them the necessities under which he lay ; in Answer whereunto the Commons voted five Subsidies , but meant he should pay dearly for them before he had them . Such grievances as they thought fit to insist upon , were cast into the mold of a petition , by them called a Petition of Right ; which if the King granted , he must lose his prerogative ; if he denied it , he must lose all hopes of their supply in his great extremities . The consideration of which last induced him to yield to their desires , and confirm that petition by Act of Parliament , the Prerogative never so much descending from Perch to popular Lure , as by that concession . But though this Act of grace might have given satisfacton even to supererogation ( as one well observeth ) yet the Commons were not so contented , but were preparing a Remonstance to take away his Right of Tonnage and Poundage , as disclaimed by him in that Act ; which coming to the Kings knowledge , on the twenty sixth of June , he adjourns the Parliament till the twentieth day of October then next ensuing . In the mean time the Duke prepares for the relief of Rochel , both by Sea and Land , and being ready to set sail , was suddenly cut off at Ports-muth by the hand of one John Felton , a discontented Officer of the last years Army , alledging no other reason for that bloody act , but that the Duke had been declared an Enemy to the Common-wealth , in a Remonstrance tendred to the King in the former Session . But such was the constancy of the Kings temper , and the known evenness of his spirit , that this sad Accident made little or no stop in the proceedings of the Fleet , which at the last set forwards under the command of the Earl of Lindsey , ; who found the Haven of Rochel so strongly barred , that it was utterly impossible for his Ships to force their way ( though it was gallantly attempted ) and give relief to the besieged ; who thereupon set open their Gates , and received their King into their Town without more delay . To smooth his way to the next Session of Parliament , adjourned again till the twentieth of January , Arch-bishop Abbot is admitted to kisse his hand , by whom he is commanded not to fail of his attendance at the Councel table ; Dr. Barnaby Potter ( a through-paced Calvinian ) is made Bishop of Carlisle , and Mr. Mountagues book called Appello Caesarem ( for which he had been questioned and molested in the beginning of the Kings first Parliament ) must be supprest and called in by Proclamation . But this little edified with the faction in the house of Commons , who not onely took upon them the reforming of the Church and State , but called the Customers in question for levying Tonnage and Poundage , not then granted ( nor ever likely to be granted as it had been formerly ) by Act of Parliament , and distraining such Merchants goods as refused to pay it . And in this point they went so high , that fearing they should be dissolved before they had vented their own passions in that particular , upon the second day of March they lockt the Doors of the Parliament-house , kept the key thereof in one of their pockets , and held the Speaker by strong hand in his Chair , till they had thundred out their Anathemaes not onely against such as should dare to levie it , but those also who should willingly pay it . The news of which riotous proceeding being brought immediately to the King , he sent his Band of Pensioners , accompanied by his ordinary Guard , to force open the doors , and going himself to the House of Peers , he dissolved the Parliament , not having continued in that Session above forty dayes . At the end of the former Session he had admitted Sir John Savill of Yorkshire , a busie man in the House of Commons , ( but otherwise a politique and prudent person ) to be one of his Privy Council , created him Lord Savill of Ponfract , and made him Comptroller of his Houshold in the place of Sir John Suckling deceased . And a little before the beginning of the following Session , he took into his Council Sir Thomas wentworth of Wentworth Woodhouse in the same County , whom be created Viscount Wentworth , and made Lord President of the North , and within two years after Lord Deputy of Ireland also . A man he was of prodigious Parts , which he made use of at the first in favour of the Popular Faction : But being gained unto the King by Sir Ri. Weston then Chancellour of the Exchequer , ( afterwards Lord Treasurer and Earl of Portland ) he became the most devout friend of the Church , the greatest Zelot for advancing Monarchichall Interesse , and the ablest Minister of State which our Histories have afforded to us . On the judgement of these two his Majesty did much rely in Civil matters , as he did on the advice of Doctor Neile then Bishop of Durham , and Doctor Laud then Bishop of Bath and Wells , in matters which concerned the Church . These last he had called unto his Council in the beginning of April 1627. and finding them to be of as great abilities to advise , as sincere affections to his person ; he advanced the first to the See of Winchester , and afterwards to the Archbishoprick of York , Anno 1631. the second to the See of London , and from thence to Canterbury , Anno 1633. 1629. But whilest it was such hot weather at home , it grew cold abroad , the breach betwixt him and France being closed up at the same time , by the prudent and seasonable intervention of the State of Venice . And not long after he concluded a Peace also with the King of Spain , all things being left on both sides in the same condition in which they were before the war , but that the Spaniard did ingage that he would make use of all his Interest with the Emperour , for restoring the Prince Elector Pa●●●ine to his lost Estate . And now the King having thrown away his Crutches ( which had as often deceived him as he trusted to them ) he began to stand on his own legs , and in short time became more considerable in the eyes of the world then any of his Predecessors . The Spaniard sent hither yearly in English Bottoms no lesse then six hundred thousand Crowns in Bullion , for the use of his Army in the Netherlands , redounding very much to the Kings benefit in the coinage , and no lesse to the profit of the Merchants also , most of the money being returned into Flanders in Leather , Cloth , Lead , Tinne , and other the manufactures and Native Commodities of this Kingdome . The Dutch and Easterlings looke upon London as the safest Bank , not onely to lodge , but increase their Treasure ; so that in short time the greatest part of the Trade of Christendom was driven up the Thames . 1630. To make him yet more estimable in the sight of his People , God blest him with a Son , the presumptive Heir of his Dominions , on the twenty ninth of May , Anno 1630. and seconded that blessing with the birth of a Daughter on the fourth of November , in the next year after , as afterwards with a plentifull issue of both Sexes . 1633. Nor did he meet with any check in his Prosperity till the year 1633. at what time the Coles of Faction and Sedition , which seemed for some years to have been raked up in the ashes of contentment , kindled the next combustible matter and brake forth again to the inflaming of both Kingdoms . Scotland burneth first , and takes fire on this occasion . In the minority of King James , the Lands of all Cathedrall Churches and Religious Houses which had been setled on the Crown by Act of Parliament , were shared amongst the Lords and great men of that Kingdome , ( by the connivence of the Earl of Murray , and some other of the Regents ) to make them sure unto the side . And they being thus possessed of the said Lands , with the Regalities and Tithes belonging to those Ecclesiasticall Corporations , Lorded it with pride and insolence enough i● their severall Territories , holding the Clergy to small stipends , and the poor Paisant under a miserable vassalage , and subjection to them . King Charles ingaged in War at his first coming to the Crown , and having little aid from thence for the maintenance of it , by the advice of his Council of that Kingdome , was put upon a course of resuming those Lands , Tithes and Regalities into his own hands , to which the present Occupants could pretend no other Title then the unjust usurpation of their Ancestors . This he endeavoured , first by an Act of Revocation , but that course not being like to speed , he followed it in the way of a legal processe , which drew on the Commission for surrendering of Superiorities and Tithes , to be retaken from the King on such conditions , as might bring some profit to the Crowne , some Augmentation to the Clergy , and far more ease and benefit to the common people . But these proud Scots chuse rather to expose their Countrey to the danger of a publick Ruine , then to part with any of that power ( it might be called a Tyranny rather ) which they had exercised on their Vassals , as they commonly called them ; and thereupon conspired together to oppose the King in any thing that should be offered in the following Parliament , which had relation to the Church or to Church-affaires . But because Religion and the care thereof , is commonly the best bait to catch the vulgar , they must find out some other means to divert the King from the prosecuting of that Commission ; then the consideration of their own personall and private interesse ; and they found means to do it on another occasion , which was briefly this . King James from his first coming to this Crown , had a design to bring the Kirk of Scotland to an uniformity with the Church of England , both in government and forms of worship . And he proceeded so far as to settle Episcopacy amongst them , naming thirteen new Bishops for so many Episcopal Sees as had been anciently in that Church ; three of which received Consecration from the Bishops of England , and conferred it on the rest of their Brethren at their coming home . Which Bishops he armed also with the power of an High Commission , the better to keep down the insolent and domineering Spirit of the Presbyterians . In order to the other , he procured an Act to be passed in the Assembly at Aberdeen , Anno 1616. for composing a Liturgy , and extracting a new book of Canons out of the scattered Acts of their old Assemblies . At the Assembly held at Perth , Anno 1618. he obtained an Order for receiving the Communion kneeling , for administring Baptisme and the Lords Supper in private Houses , in cases of extreme necessity , for Episcopall confirmation ; and finally , for the celebrating the Anniversaries of our Saviours Birth , his Passion , Resurrection and Ascension , and the coming down of the Holy Ghost . All which he got to be confirmed in the following Parliament . So far that wise King had advanced the work of Uniformity , before his engaging in the Cause of the Palatinate . His Breach with Spain , and the War which did insue upon it took off his thoughts from prosecuting that design , which his son , being more intangled in Wars abroad and Distempers at home , had no time to finish till he had setled his Affaires , and attained to some measure both of Power and Glory . But being it was a businesse which was to be acted leisurely and by degrees , not all at once , he first resolved upon passing of an Act of Ratification of all that had been done by his Father , and then to go in hand with the introducing of a publick Liturgie . In the effecting whereof , at such a time as he went into Scotland to receive that unfortunate Crown , he found a stronger opposition in the Parliament of that Kingdom also , about the passing of that Act of Ratification , then he had reason to expect : But carried it at last by a far major part of that Assembly . This gave him the fist taste of their disaffection to his Person and Government ; but he went forward notwithstanding in pursuit of those purposes , which he brought thither with him . For not long after his return into England , he gave order to the Dean of his Chappell Royall in Edenburgh that Prayers be read therein according to the English Liturgie ; that a Communion be had every moneth , and all Communicants to receive the Sacrament on their knees ; that he who officiated , if he be a Bishop , perform it in his Rochet and other Episcopall Robes ; and that he do it in his Surplice , if a common Presbyter ; and finally , that not onely the Lords of the Council , but the Lords of the Session , and as many of the principall Magistrates of that City also as could conveniently , fail not of their attending the Divine Service there on Sundayes and Holy-dayes : For by this means he gave himself no improbable hopes , that the English Liturgy passing a probationership in the Chappel Royall , might find a plausible entertainment in the Churches of Edenburgh , and be received by degrees in all the rest of the Kingdom . But the Presbyterian Scots not ignorant of the Kings intentions , insinuated into the minds of the common People , that this was a design onely to subject that pure Kirk to the superstitious Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , and therefore that it did behove them to stand together as one man to oppose their entrance . The Lords and Gentry of that Realm , who feared nothing so much as the Commission of Surrendries before mentioned , laid hold on this occasion also : And they being seconded by some male-contented spirits of that Nation , who had not found the King to be as prodigal of his favours to them as his Father had been before , endeavoured to possesse them with Fears and Jealousies , that Scotland was to be reduced to the form of a Province , and governed by a Deputy or Lord Lieutenant , as Ireland was . The like done also by some Lords of Secret Council , who before had governed as they listed , and thought their power diminished and their persons under some neglect , by the placing of a Lord President over them to direct in chief . So that the people generally being fooled into this opinion , that both their Christian and Civil Liberty were in no small danger , became capable of any impression which the Presbyterian Faction could imprint upon them . Which visibly appeared by a virulent and seditious Libel , published in the year 1634. wherein the King was not only charged with altering the Government of that Kingdom , but traduced for very strong inclinations to the Religion of the Church of Rome . The chief Abettor whereof ( for the Authour was not to be found ) was the Lord Balmerino , for which he was legally convicted and condemned of treason but pardoned by the Kings great goodnesse , and by that pardon kept alive for the mischiefs following . The fire thus breaking out in Scotland , it was no marvel if it had laid hold on England also , the Puritans of both Nations working themselves about this time into a Body , and from henceforth communicating their Counsels and designs unto one another . The King not long after his return thought fit to renew his Fathers Declaration about lawfull sports on the Lords Day , the principall motives whereunto were , the increase of Popery in some parts of the Kingdome , occasioned by interdicting all honest Recreations on that day , and the rest of the Holy-dayes ; the tendency of the Sabbatarian Doctrine to down-right Judaisme ; some orders made by some publick Ministers of Justice , for suppressing the Annual Feasts of the Dedication of Churches , commonly called Wakes ; and finally , the bringing of Dancing , Running , shooting and other harmlesse Recreations , within the compasse of the Statute made in the first Parliament of his Reign against all unlawfull exercises and pastimes ; in which no such thing was ever intended . And though the Kings intention in it was onely to ease the people from that yoke of superstition which many of their Preachers had laid upon them ; yet by the practise of those Preachers , it made more noise among the People , and wakened more to appear in defence of that which they call Religion , then all the Geese in the Capitoll . Nor did His Majestie speed much better in another of his pious intentions , concerning the Conformity of Parochiall Churches to their Mother Cathedrals . The Dean and Chapter of S. Pauls ( as Ordinaries of the place ) had appointed the Communion-Table in St. Gregories Church to be placed Altar-wise at the end of the Chancel , where it had stood ( and by her injunctions ought to stand ) in Q. Elizabeths time . Against this some of the parishioners appealed to the Dean of the Arches , & the Dean & Chapter to the King . The cause being heard before His Majesty and the Lords of the Council on the third of November , Anno 162● . it pleased his Majesty , having first shewed his dislike of all Innovations , to declare that he well approved and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary , and also gave commandement , that if those few parishioners before mentioned , do proceed in their said Appeal , then the Dean of the Arches ( who was then attending at the hearing of the Cause ) shall confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Dean and Chapter . On this encouragement the Archbishop of Canterbury in his Metropoliticall Visitation , beginning in the year next following , and the Suffragan Bishops in their severall and respective Diocesses , did appoint the like , for the avoiding of those frequent inconveniences and prophanations which that sacred Table had formerly been exposed unto . This made the Puritan Faction open wider then before they did , as foolishly afraid of the breaking in of Superstition , by this last Declaration , as of Prophanenesse by the other . And that they might keep peace with the Scots in all particulars , they dispersed many scandalous and seditious Libels against the Governours of the Church , and all that acted by and under their Authority , not sparing the king himself if he came in their way ; most certain tokens and prognosticks of those great Combustions which soon after followed in both Kingdomes . 1634. Nor were there any lesse Apprehensions infused into them by some zealous Patriots , who most ambitiously affected the Title of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , in the Orators language , the profest Champions of the Property and Liberty of the English Nation ; the occasion this : The Soveraignty of the narrow Seas , had not onely been invaded by the Hollanders during the late troubles both at home and abroad ; but that invasion had been justified in some publick writings . And thereupon , by the Advice of Mr. Noy his Attorny Generall , he issued certain writs in the tenth year of his Reign , Anno 1634. directed to all the Port Towns of the Kingdome , to set out a certain number of ships furnisht with Mariners . Ammunition , Victuals , and all other necessaries , for defence of the Realm ; which Writs he afterwards extended also to the inland Counties , following therein the examples of his Predecessors , in which none was better able to instruct him , then he that gave him that Advice . By means whereof he did not only recover that Dominion , which belonged to him on the Sea , but very much improved and enricht the Land , as before is said . Which notwithstanding , some of the discontented members of the former Parliament , and others of the same party , under colour of standing in defence of the Rights and Properties of the Subject , did stubbornly oppose the payment of that imposition , in which the Honour , Wealth , and Happinesse of this Kingdome was so much concerned . And though the King had the opinion of all the Judges , under their hands to justifie his proceedings in it ; yet chose he rather to proceed against them in a legall way , then to make use of any arbitrary power , or the opinion of the Judges , which extra judicially had been given in the case . And so well did he prosper in it , that when it came to be argued in the Exchequer-Chamber , of the twelve Judges , ten absolutely declared themselves for the lawfulnesse of it ; the other two ( being Crook and Hutton ) dissenting openly from that opinion , to which they had formerly subscribed ▪ So that here being a mixture also both of Christian and Civil Liberties , which were given out to be in danger ; it is no marvel if the Faction in both Nations did conspire together , to disturb the peace and happinesse of this flourishing Kingdom . 1637. The ground thus laid , it was thought fit the first part of the Tragedy should be plaid in Scotland . The Bishops of that Church , though they liked well enough of the English Liturgy , desired a Liturgy of their own , for fear of acknowledging some dependency of that Church on this ; which being composed amongst themselves , and approved by some of the English Prelates , to whom his Majesty referred the perusall of it , was recommended to the Scots for the use of that Church , and the twenty third day of July , Anno 1637. appointed for the first exercise and reading of it : on this occasion followed the sedition at Edenburgh , encouraged under-hand by the Marquesse of Hamilton , the Earls of Roxborow and Traquair , and many other of the Kings false servants , both in Court and Councel . This sedition afterwards brake out into open Action , the principall Sticklers against the Book of Common-Prayer , and the Kings proceedings in the same , engaging the whole Nation in a solemn Covenant for the Extirpation of Episcopacy , and whatsoever they were pleased to comprehend under the generall Names of Heresie and Superstition , in which not onely the five Articles of Perth , but the whole Common-Prayer-Book was intended by them . And that they might be sure to keep their party together , they bound themselves in the said Covenant , to stand to one another in pursuance and defence thereof , against all manner of persons whatsoever , the King himself not being excepted . And though the King , by the perswasion of Hamilton here , and his untrusty servants there , gave order for the suppressing of that Liturgy , the High Commission , the book of Canons , and even the Articles of Perth , though confirmed in Parliament , yet nothing could content their pride and insolency , but the utter abolishing of Episcopal government : which since they found the King resolved not to yield unto , they were resolved to do it without him ; in their Assembly held at Glasco , abolishing the Episcopal Order , and thundring their Anathema's and excommunications , not onely against the Bishops themselves , but all such as adhered unto them . And that they might be before-hand with him , they intercepted his Revenews , surprised all his Forts and Castles , and finally put themselves into open Armes . 1639. This forced the King to set forth against them , accompanied with an Army Royall , and furnished with such a gallant Company of Lords and Gentlemen , as might assure him of a cheap and easie victory . But he conceiving that the terrour of his coming would reduce the Scots to obedience without blows or bloodshed , resolved in himself not to out-go Muster and Ostentation ; and thereupon was very easily intreated to refer all differences between them to certain Commissioners of both Kingdoms . By their negotiation a generall Accord was made at Barwick on the seventeenth of June Anno 1639. upon which the King presently disbanded his Forces , and returned towards London , having effected nothing by his chargeable expedition , but his making the Scots more insolent then before they were , and giving them a greater Reputation in the eye of the world then before they had ; of which he became assured and sensible when it was too late . For no sooner had he disbanded his Army , but the Pacification ( such as it was ) was openly protested against in the Scots Army ; and many false copies of it were scattered abroad , to make it more dishonourable to the King , and of more advantage to themselves . The Officers of their Army were retained in pay , the old form of holding Parliaments in that Kingdom was altered by them , and the prerogatives of the Crown invaded ; their words and actions tending to a more generall Defection then before . So that the King was fain call home his Sheat-Anchor the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , whom not long after he created Earl of Strafford , in the County of York . By whose advice , seconded by the Archbishop of Canterbury , his Majesty about the beginning of December gave a publick intimation of a Parliament , to begin on the thirteenth day of April then next following . And it was intimated so long before-hand for these two reasons . First , that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland might in the mean time hold a Parliament in that Kingdome , which he did , and managed so much to the Kings advantage , that an Army of 8000 Horse and Foot was speedily raised , and money granted by the Parliament to keep them in pay , and furnish them with Ammunition , Arms , and all other necessaries . Secondly , that by the Reputation of a following Parliament , he might be the better enabled to borrow money for the carrying on of the war , in case the Parliament should fail him , as it after did . For being come together at the time appointed , instead of Acting any thing in order to his Majesties service , they were at the point of passing a Vote for blasting his war against the Scots To prevent which his Majesty was forced to dissolve them on the fifth of May , the Convocation still continuing , who granted him a Benevolence of foure shillings in the pound for all their Ecclesiasticall promotions , to be paid six years together then next ensuing . The Members of the dissolved Parliament inflamed the people in all parts of the Kingdome with such discontentments , which actually brake out in Southwark into open sedition , not pacified without much danger , and the executing of the principal Leader . In the middle of which Distempers his Majesty was blest with a third Son , born on the eight of July , Christned by the name of Henry , and by his Majesties command called Duke of Glocester . 1640. To welcome this young Prince into the world , the Scots put themselves into Armes again , and backt by a strong faction here , thought that they could not do enough by standing on their defence at home , unlesse they entred England also , as they did accordingly . But they took not his Majesty unprovided , who had raised another gallant Army under the command of the Earl of Northumberland , as chief Generall , and the Earl of Strafford as the chief Commander under him ; himself with all speed posting towards the North , as soon as the News of this invasion had been brought unto him . But scarce was he well setled in the head of his Army , but he was followed by a Petition from some Lords of England , conformable in the main points of it to a Declaration of the Scots , which they called the Intention of their Army . So that the Cloud which gathered behind him in the South , threatned more danger to him then the Northern Tempest , which blew directly in his teeth . Sailing thus between Scylla and Charybdis , it concerned him to steer as even a course as he could , and thereupon he summoned the great Councel of his Peers to attend him at York , that doing nothing in this great businesse without their advice , he might give himself the better hopes of their assistance , as his occasions should require . By their advice Commissioners are appointed to treat with the Scots , to understand their Grievances , the reasonablenesse or unreasonablenesse of their Demands , and finally to make up the breach by such an Accommodation as might conduce to the peace and happinesse of both Kingdomes , and his Majesties honour . In the mean time he calls a Parliament , to begin at Westminster the third day of November then next following , which if it had been held at York , as lying nearest to the danger and Scene of action , might not have proved so fatall and destructive to him as it after did . In the beginning of this Parliament , he cast himself on the love and loyalty of his English Subjects , in which he found himself deceived of his expectation . For the first thing they did , was to deprive him of the Counsels of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , and the Archbishop of Canterbury , and thereby to terrifie all others from adhering to him in the times of his greatest need . These they impeacht of High Treason , removed them from the House of Peers , and committed them to the Tower of London , where the Archbishop staid four years before any particular charge , or any prosecution upon that charge , was brought against him . But with the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland they made quicker work , inviting the People of all the three Kingdomes to bring them in such matter as they had or could devise against him ; and having made all things ready for a publick Tryal , they brought him to the Bar before the Peers , sitting in VVestminster-Hall on the sixth of April then next following ; but he so rationally pleaded in his own behalf , and so fully satisfyed all objections which were made against him , that the Commons were fain to desist from the Course which they had begun , and to proceed against him in a Bill of Attainder . For the better passing whereof the Commons framed a Protestation on the third of May , in many things not unlike the Scotish Covenant before mentioned , by which they bound themselves among other things , to maintain and defend the Power and Priviledges of Parliament , the lawfull Rights and Liberties of the Subject , to endeavour to bring to condigne punishment all such as shall either by Force , Practice , Plots , Counsels and Conspiracies , or otherwise , do any thing to the contrary ; ( amongst which they reckon the Earl of Strafford to be one ) and finally to stand unto one another , and to every other person whatsoever in any thing he shall do in pursuance of the said Protestation . Which Protestation being first taken by themselves , was the next day taken also by the House of Peers , and not long after obtruded on all the rest of the Kingdom . But not finding this sufficient to effect their purpose , they first forced the Lords by Tumults , and afterwards the King by their importunities to passe that unhappy Bill of Attainder ; which having obtained , they brought him to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill on the thirteenth of May , where with as much Christian confidence and magnanimity as could be exprest by flesh and blood , he delivered up his neck to the Executioner . In order to this great work which they knew the Scots much laboured for , and had declared so much in a Pamphlet called The intentions of their Army , at their first coming into England , the leading men in the house of Commons held a strict correspondency with the Scots Commissioners then residing in London , and voted no lesse then three hundred thousand pounds ( by the name of a brotherly Assistance ) to be given to the Scots in generall , under colour of repairing such damages as they had sustained in the time of this breach , but in plain truth to bind them fast unto themselves . And having made sure work with them , they deprived the King by little and little of almost all the ancient and undoubted prerogatives which of right belonged unto his Crown . The power of calling Parliaments , in case of his neglect or refusall , is put into the hands of Sheriffs and Constables ; his right to Tonnage and Poundage must be disclaimed by Act of Parliament ; the Bill of the Attainder of the Earl of Strafford , and that for the continuance of this Parliament during the pleasure of the Houses , are extorted by tumults . And by the terrour of the like , the Act for Knighthood is repealed , and the imposition for ship-money condemned as an illegall Tax , and abolished also . The like Acts passed against the office of the Clerk of the Market , the Court of Stanneries , his propriety in the making of Gun-powder , the authority of the Council-Table , the Courts of Star-Chamber and High Commission , the jurisdiction of the Ecclesiasticall Courts , as also the Presidiall Courts held for a long time in York and the Marches of VVales . And finally , that he might lose both his strength in Parliament , and his power with the People , they extorted the passing of two Acts , the one for taking away the Bishops Votes and place in the House of Peers , the other for disclaiming of his power in pressing Souldiers ( enjoyed by all his Predecessors ) for defence of his Person and the Realm . And that they might the better awe the King to their Concessions , the Army of the Scots must be maintained with pay and plunder , till there was almost nothing left for them to crave , or the King to grant . But being at the last sent home , his Majesty followed not long after to settle his affairs in that broken kingdom ; where to oblige that Nation to him , he confirmed not onely all his former concessions by Act of Parliament , but all such things also as had been acted by them in their Assembly held at Glasco . And more then so , he parted with so much of his Eoyall Prerogative ( invaded & usurped by them in the late Confusions ) that he had allmost nothing left remaining to him , but the empty title , the having of a Sword carried before him , and some other outward pomps of Court , which signifie just nothing when the power is gone . This good successe of the Scots encouraged the Irish Papists to attempt the like , and to attempt it in the same way as the Scots had gone ; that is to say , by seizing his Towns , Forts , and Castles , putting themselves into the body of an Army , banishing or imprisoning all such as oppose their practises , and then petitioning the King for a publick Exercise of their Religion . The 23. of October Anno 1641. was the day designed for the seizing of the City and Castle of Dublin , and many places of great importance in the Kingdom . But failing in the main design which had been discovered the night before by one Ocanelle , they break out into open arms , dealing no better with the Protestants there then the Covenanters had done with the Royall party in Scotland , Of this Rebellion ( for it must be called a Rebellion in the Irish , though not in the Scots ) the King gives present notice to his Houses of Parliament , requiring their counsel and assistance for the extinguishing of that flame before it had wasted and consumed that Kingdome . But neither the necessity of the Protestants there , nor the Kings importunity here , could perswade them to levie one man towards the suppression of those Rebels , till the King had disclaimed his power of pressing souldiers in an Act of Parliament , and thereby laid himself open to such acts of violence as were then hammering against him . Which having done , they put an army of Scots ( their most assured Friends ) into the Northern parts of Ireland , delivering up into their hands the strong Town and Port of Carickfergus , one of the chief keys of that Kingdom ; and afterwards sent a small body of English to preserve the South , which English forces having done notable service there against the Rebels , were kept so short both in respect of pay and other necessaries by the Houses of Parliament , ( who had made use of the mony raised for the relief of Ireland to maintain a War against their King ) that they were forced to come to a Cessation , and cheerefully returned home again to assist the King in that just War which he had undertaken for his own defence . The ground and occasion of which War we are next to shew . At such time as he was in Scotland and expostulated with some of the chiefs among them , touching their coming into England in an hostile manner , he found that some who were now leading men in the Houses of Parliament had invited them to it . And having furnished himself with some proofs for it , he commanded his Attorney Generall to impeach some of them of high Treason ; that is to say , the L. Kimbolton , a Member of the House of Peers , Mr. Hollis , Sir Arthur Haslerig , Mr. Hambden , Mr. Pym , and Mr. Strode , of the House of Commons . But sending his Serjeant at Arms to arrest their persons , there came a countermand from the House of Commons , by which the Serjeant was deterred from doing his office , and the Members had the opportunity of putting themselves into the Sanctuary of the City . The next day , being the 4. of January , his Majesty being no otherwise attended then with his ordinary Guard , went to the House of Commons to demand the five Members of that House , that he might proceed against them in a way of justice ; but his intention was discovered , and the birds flown before his coming . This was voted by the Commons for such an inexpiable breach of priviledge , that neither the Kings qualifying of that Action , nor his desisting from the prosecution of that impeachment , nor any thing that he could either say or do , would give satisfaction . Nothing must satisfie their jealousies and secure their fears , but the putting of the tower of London into their hands , together with the command of the Royal Navie , as also all the Forts , Castles , and the Train-bands of the Kingdome , all comprehended under the name of the Militia ; which if his Majesty would fling after all the rest , they would continue his most loyall subjects . On this the King demurs a while , but having shipt the Queen for Holland , and got the Prince into his own power , he becomes more resolute , and stoutly holds on the denyal . Finding the Members too strong for him , and London , by reason of the continuall Tumults , to be a dangerous neighbour to him , he withdraws to York , that being in a place of safety , he might the better find a way to compose those differences which now began to embroil the kingdome . At Hull he had a Magazine of arms and ammunition provided for the late intended war against the Scots , and laid up there when the occasion of that War was taken away . Of this Town he intended to possesse himself , and to make use of his own Arms and Ammunition for his own preservation ; but coming before the gates of the Towne , he was denyed entrance by Sir John Hotham , who by the appointment of the House of Commons had took charge of that place . The Gentry of York-shire who had petitioned the King to secure that Magazin , became hereby more firmly united to him . The like had been done also by the Yeomandry , and those of the inferiour sort , if his proceedings had not been undermined by the Committee of four Gentlemen , all Members of the House , and all of them Natives of that Countrey , sent thither purposely ( in a new and unprecedent , way ) to lie as Spies upon his Counsels , and as controllers to his actions . Some Messages there were betwixt him and the Houses of Parliament , concerning the attoning of these differences , whilst he was at York . But the XIX Propositions sent thither to him , did declare sufficiently that there was no peace to be expected on his part , unlesse he had made himself a cypher , a thing of no signification in the Arithmetick of State . And now the War begins to open . The Parliament had their Guards already , and the Affront which Hotham had put upon his Majesty at Hull , prompted the Gentlemen of York-shire to tender themselves for a Guard to his Person . This presently voted by both Houses to be a leavying of War against the Parliament , for whose defence , not onely the Train-bands of London must be in readinesse , and the good people of the countrey required to put themselves into a posture of armes ; but Regiments of Horse and Foot are listed , a Generall appointed , great summes of Money raised , and all this under pretence of taking the King out of the hands of his evil Counsellours . The noise of these preparations hastens the King from Yorke to Notingham , where he sets up his Standard , inviting all his good Subjects to repair unto him , for defence of their King , the Lawes and Religion of their Countrey . He increased his Forces as he marched , which could not come unto the reputation of an Army , till he came into Shropshire , where great bodies of the loyall and stout-hearted Welch resorted to him . Strengthened with these , and furnisht sufficiently with Field Pieces , Armes and Ammunition , which the Queen had sent to him out of Holland , he resolves upon his march towards London ; but on Sunday the twenty third of October was encountred in the way , at a place called Edge-Hill , by the Parliament Forces . The Fight very terrible for the time , no fewer then five thousand men slain upon the place ; the Prologue to a greater slaughter , if the dark night had not put an end unto that dispute . Each part pretended to the victory , but it went clearly on the Kings side , who though he lost his Generall , yet he kept the Field , and possessed himself of the dead bodies ; and not so onely , but he made his way open unto London , and ●n his way forced Banbury Castle , in the very sight as it were of the Earl of Essex , who with his flying Army made all the haste he could towards the City ( that ●e might be there before the King ) to ●ecure the Parliament . More certain ●gns there could not be of an absolute ●ictory . In the Battel of Taro , between the Con●derates of Italy and Charles the eight ●f France , it hapned so that the Confederates kept the Field , possest themselves of the Camp , Baggage and Artillery , which the French in their breaking through had left behind them . Hereupon a dispute was raised , to whom the Honour of that day did of right belong ; which all knowing and impartiall men gave unto the French For though they lost the Field , their Camp , Artillery and Baggage , yet they obtained what they fought for , which was the opening of their way to France , and which the Confederates did intend to deprive them of . Which resolution in that case may be a ruling case to this ; the Ki●g having not only kept the Field , posse●● himself of the dead bodies , pillaged the car●iages of the enemy , but forci●●y op●●e● his way towards London , which the enemy endeavoured to hinder , and finally entred triumphantly into Oxford , with no fewer then a● hundred and twenty Colours taken in the Fig●● . Having assured himself of Oxford fo● his Winter Quarters , he resolved on hi● Advance towards London , but had made so many halts in the way , that Essex was got thither before him ; who had disposed of his Forces at Kingston , Brentford , Acton , and some other places there abouts , not onely to stop his march , but to fall upon him in the Rear , as occasion served . Yet he goes forward notwithstanding as far as Brentford , out of which he beats two of their best Regiments , takes five hundred Prisoners , sinks their Ordnance , with an intent to march forwards on the morrow after being Sunday , and the thirteenth of November . But understanding that the Earl of Essex had drawn his Forces out of Kingston , and joyning with the London Auxiliaries , lay in the way before him at a place called Turnham-Green neer Cheswick , it was thought safer to retreat towards Oxford while the way was open , then to venture his Army to the fortune of a second Battel , which if it were lost ●t would be utterly impossible for him ●o raise another . At Oxford he receives Propositions of peace from the Houses of Parliament , but such as rather did beseem a conquering then a losing side . But being resolved to treat upon them howsoever , he found the Commissioners so straitned in time , and so tied to such particular instructions as the Houses had given them , that nothing could be yielded to which might conduce to the composing of the present Distempers . At the opening of the Spring , the Queen came to him , who had landed at a place in York-shire called Burlington-Bay in the end of February , and now brought with her unto Oxford some supplies of men with a considerable stock of Powder , Arms , and Ammunition . 1643. The next Summer makes him master of the North and West , some few places onely being excepted . The Earl of New-castle with his Northern Army had cleared all parts beyond Trent ( but the Town of Hull ) of the enemies Forces . And with his own Army under the command of Prince Rupert , and Prince Maurice ( two of the younger Sons of his Sister Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia ) he reduced the Cities of Bristol , and Exeter , the Port Town of Waymouth , and all the Towns of any importance in the Western parts , except Pool , Lime and Plimouth . So that he was in a manner the absolute Commander of the Counties of Wilts , Dorset , Somerset , Devon , and Cornwall . And though the Towns of Plimouth , Lime , and Pool still held out against him , yet were they so bridled by his neighbouring Garrisons , that they were not able to create him any great Disturbance . The noise of these successes was so loud at London , that most of the leading men in both Houses of Parliament prepared for quitting of the Kingdome , and had undoubtedly so done , if the King had followed his good fortunes , and advanced towards London . But unhappily diverting upon Glocester , he lay so long there , without doing any thing to the purpose , that the Earl of Essex came time enough to raise the Siege and relieve the Town , though he made not hast enough to recover London without blowes . For besides some skirmishes on the by , which fell out to his losse , the King with the whole body of his Army overtook him at Newberry , where after a sharp fight ( with the losse of the Earl of Carnarvon , the Earl of Sunderland , and the Lord Viscount Falkland on his Majesties side ) he had the worst of the day , and had much ado to save his Canon , and march off orderly from the place ; followed so hotly the next morning ▪ that his own Horse , which were in the Reere , were fain to make their way over a great part of his Foot , to preserve themselves . Being returned to Oxford with Successe and Honour , he Summons the Lords and Commons of Parliament to attend there on the twenty second day of January then next following ; and they came accordingly . And for their better welcome ▪ he advances Prince Rupert to the Titles of Earl of Holdernes and Duke of Cumberland , and creates James his second Son ( born the Thirteenth day of October , Anno 1633 ) Duke of York , by which name he had been appointed to be called at the time of his Birth , that they might sit and vote amongst them . But being come , they neither would take upon themselves the name of a Parliament , nor acted much in order to his Majesties designs ; but stood so much upon their terms , and made so many unhandsome motions to him upon all occasions , that he had more reason to call them a Morgrel Parliament in one of his Letters to the Queen , then they were willing to allow of . 1644. And now the Summer coming on , and the time fit for Action , he dismisses them to their severall dwellings , and betakes himself unto the Field . The frequent traverses whereof , the interchangeable taking and losing of Towns by the chance of war , are too many in number to be comprised in this short Abstract . It must suffice if I take notice of those onely which are most considerable . His Majesty prevaling in the North and West , 'T was thought fit by the ruling party in the Houses of Parliament , to crave aid of the Scots , whom they drew in the second time , by the temptations of entring into Covenant with them , for conforming of this Church with that , sharing amongst them all the Lands of the Bishops , and sacrificing to their malice the Archbishop of Canterbury , as formerly they had done the Earl of Strafford ▪ But besides these plausible allurements , the Commissioners of that Kingdome were to have so great a stroke in the Government of this , that the Houses could act nothing in order to the present war , no , not so much as to hold a Treaty with the King , without their consent . Upon these baits they entred England with a puissant Army consisting of one and twenty thousand men well armed , and fitted for the service : and having made themselves Masters of Barwick , Alnwick , and all other places of importance on the other side of the Tweed , they laid Siege to York , where they were seconded by the Army of the Earl of Manchester drawn out of the associated Counties , and the remaining York-shire forces under the Command of the Lord Fairfax . The news whereof being brought to Oxford , Prince Rupert is dispatcht with as much of the Kings forces as could well be spared , with a Commission to ●aise more out of the Counties of Che●ter , Salop , Stafford , Darby , Leicester , and Lancaster . So that he came before York with an Army of twelve thousand Men , relieved the Town with all things necessary , and might have gone away unfought with , but that such Counsell was too cold for so hot a stomach . Resolved upon the onset , he encountred with the enemy at a place called Marston-Moor , where the left Wing of his Hor●e gave such a fierce Charge on the right Wing of the enemy , consisting of Sir Thomas Fairfax his Horse in the Van , and the Scots Horse in the Reere , that they fell foul on that part of their own Foot which was made up of the Lord Fairfax his Regiments , and a reserve of the Scots , which they brake wholly , and trod most of them under their Horses feet . But the Princes Horse following the execution too far , and none advancing to make good the place which they had left , the enemy had the opportunity to rally again , and got the better of the day ; taking some Prisoners of good note , and making themselves masters of his Canon . So that not being able to do any thing in order to the regaining of the Field , he marched off ingloriously , squandred away the greatest part of his Army , and retired to Bristol . After this blow the Affairs of the North growing more desperate every day then other , York yielded upon composition on the sixteenth of July ( being a just fortnight after the fight ) the Marquesse of Newcastle and some principall Gentlemen past over the Seas , and the strong Town of Newcastle was taken by the Scots on the nineteenth of October following . In the mean time , the Queen being with child , began to draw neer the time of her Delivery . And it was generally believed that the Earl of Essex with his Forces had some aim on Oxford , as the Seat Royall of the King , the Residence of his Court and Council , and the Sanctuary of a considerable part of the Nobility , Gentry and Clergy . In which respect it was thought fit that the Queen should remove to Exceter , as a place more remote from danger , and not far from the Sea , by which she might take shipping for France as occasion served . On the sixteenth of April she began her journey , the King bearing her company as far as Abingdon , where they took leave of one another , neither of them having any the least presage , that the parting Kisse which they then took was to be their last . Convoi'd with a sufficient strength of Horse for her security on the way , she was received there with as much magnificence as that City was able to expresse ; and on the sixteenth day of June was safely delivered of a Daughter , whom she Christened by the name of Henrietta . Assoon as she had well passed over the weaknesses and infirmities incident to Child-bed , she committed the young Princesse to the Lady Dalkeith , a Daughter of Sir Edward Villiers , one of the half Brothers of the Duke of Buckingham , and wife unto the Lord Dalkeith , the eldest Son of the Earl of Morton . Which having done ( according to some instructions which she had received from the King ) she took shipping at Pendennis Castle on the fifteenth of July , and passed into France , there to negotiate for some supplies of money , Armes and Ammunition for the advance of his Majesties service , and to continue howsoever in the Court of the King her Brother , till she might return again in Honour and safety . And to say truth , her Removall from Oxford was not onely seasonable , but exceeding necessary at that time , the Earl of Essex , and Sir William W●ller with their severall Forces not long after her departure drawing neer to Oxford ; on whose approach his Majesty leaving the greatest part of his Army for defence of that place , marched on directly towards Wales . Upon the News whereof , it was thought fit by the two Generalls , to divide their Armies ; it being agreed upon that Sir William Waller should pursue the King , and that the Earl of Essex should march toward the West , for the regaining of those Countries . And now the mystery of iniquity appeared in its proper colours : For whereas it was formerly given out by the Houses of Parliament , that they had undertaken the war , for no other reason , but to remove the King from his evill Counsellours : those evil Counsellours were left at Oxford unmolested , and the Kings Person onely hunted . But the King understanding of this division , thought himself able enough to deal with Waller , and giving him the go by , returned towards Oxford , drew thence the remainder of his Army , and gave him a sharp meeting at a place called Cropredy bridge , where he obtained a signal victory on the twenty eighth of June , and entred triumphantly into Oxford . This done he marched after the Earl of Essex , who had made himself master of some places in the West of good importance . During this march , it happened that one of the Carriages brake in a long narrow lane which they were to passe , and gave His Majesty a stop at a time of an intollerable shower of rain which fell upon him : Some of his Courtiers , and others which were neere about him , offered to hew him out a way through the hedges with their swords , that he might get shelter in some of the Villages adjoyning ; but he resolved not to forsake his Canon upon any occasion . At which when some about him seemed to admire , and marvelled at the patience which he shewed in that extremity , His Majesty lifting up his Hat , made answer , That as God had given him Afflictions to exercise his patience , so he had given him patience to bear his Afflictions . A speech so heavenly and Divine , that it is hardly to be paralell'd by any of the men of God in all the Scripture . The carriage being mended , he went forward again , and trode so close upon the heels of the Earl of Essex , that at last he drave him into Cornwell , and there reduced him to that point , that he put himself into a Cock-boat with Sir Philip Stapleton and some others , and left his whole army to his Majesties mercy . His Horse taking the advantage of a dark night , made a shift to escape , but the Commanders of the Foot came to this capitulation with his Majesty , that they should depart without their Arms , which with their Canon , Baggage and Ammunition , being of very great consideration , were left wholly to his disposing . Immediately after this successe , his Majesty dispatch'd a message from Tavestock to the two houses of Parliament , in which he laid before them the miserable condition of the Kingdome ; remembring them of those many messages which he had formerly sent unto them , for an accommondation of the present Differences ; and now desiring them to be think themselves of some expedient by which this issue of blood might be dried up , the distraction of the Kingdom setled , and the whole Nation put into an hope of Peace and Happinesse . To which Message , as to many others before , they either gave no answer , or such an one as rather served to widen , than close the breach , falsely conceiving that all his Majesties Offers of Grace and Favour proceeded either from an inability to hold out the War , or from the weaknesse and irresolution of his Counsels . So that the Trage-Comedy of the two Harlots in the first of Kings , may seem to have been acted over again on the Stage of England . The King , like the true Mother , compassionately desired that the life of the poor infant might be preserved ; the Houses , like the false Mother , considering that they could not have the whole , voted that it should be neither mine nor thine , but divided betwixt them . But if instead of this Message from Tavestock , his Majesty had gone on his own errand , and marched with his Army towards London , it was conceived that in all probability he might have made an end of the War ▪ the Army of Essex being thus broken , and that of Manchester not returned from the Northern service . But sitting down before Plimouth , and staying there to perfect an Association of the Western Counties , he spent so much time , that Essex was again in the head of his Army ; and being seconded by the Earl of Manchester and Sir William VValler , made a stand at Newbery , where after a very hot fight , with variable success on both sides , each party drew off by degrees , so that neither of them could find cause to boast of the victory . Winter comes on , which though it be not ordinarily a time of Action , will notwithstanding afford us some variety which will not be unworthy of our observation . And first , a Garrison is formed at Abington , ( a Town within five miles of Oxford ) by order from the two Houses of Parliament , under the command of Colonell Brown ; the King and Councill looking on , and suffering the Intrenchments to be made , the Works to be raised , and the Ordnance to be planted on the same . It cannot be denyed , but that Sir Henry G●ge , Governour at that time of Oxford , and many of the chief Commanders which were then in and about that City , offered their service to the King , and earnestly desired leave to prevent that mischief which by the Intrenchments of this Town must needs fall upon them . But the Lord George Digby , not long before made principall Secretary of Estate , had perswaded the King unto the contrary , upon assurance that he held intelligence with Brown and that as soon as the Town was fortified and furnished with Victuall , Arms and Ammunition , at the charges of the Houses of Parliament , it would immediately be delivered into His Majesties hand . In which design he was out-witted , and consequently exposed unto some losse of reputation with all sorts of People . For Brown having brought his project to the highest round of the ladder ( as himself expressed it ) thought it high time to turn it off , and to declare himself for the two Houses against the King ; printing not long after all the Letters which passed between him and the Lord Digby upon this ocasion . After this followed the taking of Shrewsbury , a place of very great importance to the King , as the Gate which opened into Wales , situate on a rising ground , and almost encompassed round about by the river Severn ; that part which is not invironed by water , being wholly taken up and made good by a very strong Castle . By the loss of which Town the Kings former entercourse with His loyall Subjects of North-Wales was not onely hindred , but a present stop was given to an Association , which was then upon the point of concluding between the Counties of Salop , Flint , Chester , Worcester , &c. to the great prejudice of the Kings Affairs in those Parts of the Kingdome . Then comes the lamentable death of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , kept for four years a prisoner in the Tower of London , as before was said ; but reserved onely as a bait to bring in the Scots , whensoever the Houses should have occasion for their second coming ; as formerly on the like temptation they had drawn them in , with reference to the Earl of Strafford . The Scots being come , and doing good service in the North , it was thought fit they should be gratified with that blood which they so greedily thirsted after . And thereupon the Archbishop being voted guilty of High Treason by the House of Commons , was condemned to die in such a slender House of Lords , that onely seven ( viz. the Earls of Kent , Pembroke , Salisbury , and Bullingbrook , the Lords North , Gray and Brewes , ) were present at the passing of the sentence of his condemnation . Which being past , he was brought unto the Scaffold on Tower-hill on the tenth of January , where he ended his life with such a modest confidence , and so much piety , that his greatest enemies then present , who came to behold the Execution with hearts full of joy , returned back with eyes as full of tears . Last of all , comes another Treaty sollicited by the King consented to by the Houses with no small difficulty , and that upon condition to have the Treaty held at Uxb●idge , a Town about fifteen miles from London , and more then twice as much from Oxford . According unto which appointment the Commissioners met on the thirtieth of January accompanied with some Divines , for debating the point of Church Government , when it came in question . But this Treaty proved as unsuccessefull as that at Oxford had done before ; the Commissioners for the Houses offering no expedient for an Accommodation , nor hearkening unto such as were tendred to them in the name of the King . So that there being no hope of bringing the Warre unto an end this way , both parties were resolved to proceed in the other . The King having wintered his Army at Oxford and the Towns adjoyning , it was thought fit to send the Prince into the West to perfect the Association which had been begun in the end of the last summer ; and in those Countries to advance such further forces as might not onely serve for the defence of themselves , but give some reasonable increase to His M●jesties Army . In the beginning of April he set forwards towards Bristol , accompanied with the Lord Culpeper and Sir Edward Hide , as his principall Counsellours , and some of the chief Gentry of the West , who were of most authority in their severall Countreys . But before he had made himself Master of any considerable strength , news c●me of the unfortunate successe of the Ba●tel of Nasby , which much retarded his proceedings ; and hearing afterwards that Sir Thomas Fairfax with his victorious Army was marching towards him , he quitted Somerset-shire , and drew more Westward into the middle of Devonshire . Bristol being taken , and his Majesties affairs growing worse and worse , both there and elsewhere , he sent a Message unto Fairfax , desiring a safe conduct for the Lord Hopton , and the Lord Culpeper to go to the King and mediate with him for a Treaty with the Parliament . To which , after a fortnights deliberation , he receives an answer the eight of November to this effect , That if he would disband his Army , and apply himself unto the Parliament , the Generall himself in person would conduct him thither . No hopes of doing good this way , and lesse the other , Exeter being besieged , and Barnstable taken by the enemies forces , he leaves his Army to the Lord Hopton , and withdraws into the Dukedome of Cornwall . But finding that Countrey unable to protect him long , he passeth into the Isle of Scilly , and from thence unto the Queen his Mother , whom he found at Paris , not doubting but to receive such entertainment in that Court , as might be justly looked for by the eldest Son of a Daughter of France . Which passages I have laid together in this place , that I might follow his Majesties affairs elsewhere with the less interruption . The Prince being gone for Bristoll , as before is said , his Majesty resolved on the approch of Summer , to relieve such of his Northern Garrisons ; as had been left untaken the year before , and from thence to bestow a visit on the associated Counties . But being on his march , and having stormed the Town of Leicester in his way , he returned again so far as Daventry , upon the news that Sir Thomas Fairfax newly made Generall in the place of Essex , was sate down before Oxford . Concerning which we are to know , that not long after the beginning of this everlasting Parliament , the Puritan Faction became subdivided into Presbyterians and Independents ; of which the Presbyterians at the first carryed all before them . The Independents growing up by little and little , and being better studied in the arts of dissimulation , easily undermined the others , and outed their Lord-Generall , and all that commanded under him , of their severall places , under colour of an Ordinance for Self-denyall . That done , they conferred that command on Sir Thomas Fairfax , a man of more Precipitation then Prudence , not so fit for Counsell as Execution , and better to charge on an Enemy then command an Army . With him they joyned Collonel Oliver Cromwel ( whom they dispensed with in the point of self-denyall ) by the name of Lieutenant General ; but so that he disposed of all things as Commander in chief , and left Fairfax to his old trade of Execution , to which he had been accustomed . The like alteration happened also in the Kings Army ; Collonel Sir Patrick Ruthen , a man of approved valour and Fidelity , being by his Majesty made Earl of Forth in Scotland , was on the death of the Earl of Lindsey made the Lord Lieutenant of his Armies ; and the next year made Earl of Brentfort , for the good service he had done in that place . Having both fortunately and faithfully discharged that office for two years and more , he was outed of his place by a Court-contrivement made in the favour of Prince Rupert , who a little before Christmas last was declared Generallissimo of his Majesties Forces : which he most ambitiously aspired unto , and at last obtained , notwithstanding his late defeat at Marston-Moor , his squandring away so brave an army , and his apparent want of Age , Experience and Moderation for so great a trust . By these new Generals the fortune of the War , and the whole estate of the Kingdome , which lay then at stake , came to be decided . For Fairfax hearing that the King was come back as far as Daventry ( which was the matter he desired ) made directly towards him , with an intent to give him battel , and at a place neer Naseby in Northamptonshire , the two Armies met on Saturday the 14. of June . The King had the better at the first , but Prince Rupert having routed one wing of the enemies Horse , followed the chace so unadvisedly , that he left the foot open to the other wing ; who pressing hotly on them , put them to an absolute rout , and made themselves Masters of his Camp , Carriage and Canon , and amongst other things , of his Majesties Cabinet , in which they found many of his Letters , most of them written to the Queen , which were after publisht with little honour to them that did it . For whereas the Athenians on the like successe had intercepted a packet of Letters from Philp King of Macedon , their most bitter enemy , unto severall friends , all the rest of those Letters being broke open before the Common Council of Athens , one of which was subscribed to the Queen Olympias , was returned untoucht ; the whole Senate thinking it a shamefull and dishonest act to discover and betray the Conjugall secrets betwixt man and wife . A modesty in which those of Athens stand as much commended by Helladius Bisantinus , an ancient Writer , as the chief leading men of the Houses of Parliament are like to stand condemned for the want of it in succeeding Histories . But we return unto the King ; who having saved himself by flight , gathered together some part of his scattered Forces , but never was able to make head against the conquerors ; losing one place after another , till his whole strength was almost reduced to Oxford , and some few Garrisons adjoyning . I shall take notice onely of some of the principal , viz. Chester , Conway , Hereford , Bristol , and Exeter , on which so great a part of his affairs did most especially depend . Chester first comes within the danger , a City of great importance in those parts of the Kingdom . To the relief of this place then besieged by Sir William Brereton , Collonel Jones , and others of that party , and at that time brought to some distresse , he made all the convenient speed he could ; but was pursued upon the way , and charged in front by the besiegers , betwixt whom this small Army was routed at a place called Bauton-Heath , and the Lord Bernard Stuart ( newly created Earl of Lichfield ) killed upon the place ; the last of three brethren that had lost their lives in their Princes quarrell . On this discomfiture , the King draws towards the North-East , and commands the Lord Digby with the Remainder of his Horse to march for Scotland , and there to joyn with the Marquesse of Montrosse , who with small strengths had acted Miracles in that Kingdome . But at a Village in Yorkshire called Sherbourn ( a fatall name , but pointing to another place ) where he surprized 700 of the Parliaments Foot , he he was set upon by Collonel Cotly , his Forces made drunk with the good fortune of the day very easily mastered , and he himself compelled to fly into Ireland , never returning since that time to his Native Country . But notwithstanding the Kings misfortune before mentioned , which happened on the twenty ninth of September ; the Lord Byron , who had the command of the Garrison in Chester , held it out gallantly till the first of February ; and then perceiving that there was no hopes of any Succour , came to an honourable composition , and gave up the Town , the greatest part of the Countrey falling into the same condition with their mother City . Before we leave the North-west parts , we must look upon the fortune of the Town and Castle of Conway , a place of principall Command on that narrow Channell which runneth between the County of Carnarvon and the Isle of Anglesey . Before this Town , being then besieged by Collonel Mitton came Doctor John Williams , formerly Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England , and at that time Arch-bishop of York : Who to ingratiate himself with the Houses of Parliament , and to save the charges of compounding for Delinquency , came with some forces to the aid of the Besiegers ( some say in Armour ) and encamped there till the place was taken ; to the Amazement of the world and the eternall infamy and Reproch of his Person . Bristol comes next , a place conveniently seated for the Trade of Spain , the River capable of great Ships , and the port well guarded . At the taking of this City by the Kings Forces , to such strengths as before it had , there was added a Fort Royall ( as they called it ) then conceived impregnable ; into this City Prince Rupert ( who had spent there too much of the year before ) had put himself at the present , and was besieged not long after by Sir Thomas Fairfax , who came before it on the twenty fourth of August , and had it surrendred to him without any memorable resistance , together with the old Castle and Royall Fort , on the thirteenth of September . The quick surrendry of which place , being so well fortified and furnisht with victuall , Arms and Ammunition , and the weak defences which were made to preserve the same , created some suspicion of disloyalty in Prince Rupert towards the King his Uncle . There had before passed some Letters betwixt the King and him , touching the Kings coming to a speedy agreement with his Houses of Parliament , in which the King was prest so far , that he seemed to be displeased at it . And now this news coming on the neck of those Letters , startled him into such a distrust of his Nephews Loyalty , that he dispatcht a messenger with all speed to the Lords at Oxford , to displace Collonell William Legg ( one of the Confidents of Prince Rupert ) who had succeeded Sir Henry Gage in the Government of that City , and to put into his place Sir Thomas Glenham , a Gentleman of known extraction , and more known fidelity . Nor were the Lords of the Council lesse amazed at the news then his Majesty was , who thereupon , when Prince Rupert and his Brother Maurice returned to Oxford , commanded them to be disarmed , and would not suffer them to walk the streets with their Swords by their sides , as they had done formerly ; though afterwards by the Kings great goodnesse , they were restored to all apparences of favour , though not to any speciall places of Command or Trust . Hereford followes the same fortune , which having in vain been besieged by the Scots , from the 13 of July to the first of September , was suddenly surprized by Collonel Birch and Collonel Morgan ( this last then Governour of Glocster ) on the eighteenth of December . Exceter holds out longest , and was last attempted , such blocks as lay in the way between Fairfax his Army and that City being first in the course of war to be removed . Which took up so much time that it was the twenty fifth day of January before Fairefax could come neer enough to give it a Summons , and being summon'd it held out till the thirteenth of April , and then was yielded upon as honourable Conditions as any other whatsoever ; all other Garrisons in the West being first surrendred , the Princes forces worsted at Torrington , not long after disbanded upon Composition , and he himself retired into France for his personall safety . All these mischances thus hapning on the neck of one another , all the Kings hopes and expectation rested upon the coming of Sir Jacob Astley , created Lord Astley of Reading two years since ; Who having kept together some Remainders of the Kings Forces since the Fight neer Chester , and increasing them with the Accession of some fresh supplies , marched towards the King , and was to have been met upon the way by Sir John Campsfield with the Oxford Horse . But either through the want of intelligence , or the necessity of fate , or some occasionall delayes , it was so long before Campsfield was upon his march , that the newes came of the Lord Astleys being vanquish'd at a place called Donnington neer Stow on the Wold , on the 21 of March . In which fight himself was taken prisoner , and with him all the Kings hopes lost of preserving Oxford , till he could better his condition . 1646. In this extremity he left that City in disguise on the 27 day of April , Anno 1646. and on the fourth of May put himself into the hands of the Scots , then lying at the siege of Newark . After the taking of which Town , they carried him to Newcastle , and there kept him under a Restraint . The news hereof being brought to Oxford , and seconded by the coming of the whole Army of Sir Thomas Fairfax , who laid siege unto it , disposed the Lords of the Council , and such of the principall Gentry who had the conduct of the Affair , to come to a speedy Composition . According whereunto , that City was surrendered on Midsomer day ; James Duke of York the Kings second Son , together with the Great Seal , Privy Seal , and Signet , were delivered up into the hands of the enemy : by whom the young Duke was sent to Westminster , and kept in the House of S. James under a Gard with his Brother and Sisters ; the Seals being carried into the House of Peers , and there broke in pieces . But long these young Princes were not kept together under that restraint , the Princess Henrietta being in a short time after conveyed into France by the Lady Dalkieth ; and the Duke of York , attired in the habit of a young Lady transported into Holland by one Captain Bamfield . The Scots in the meane time being desirous to make even with their Masters , to receive the wages of their iniquity , and to get home in safety , with that spoil and plunder which they had gotten in their marching and remarching betwixt Tweed and Hereford , had not the patience to attend the leisure of any more voluntary surrendries They therefore pressed the King to give order to the Marquesse of Ormond in Ireland , and to all the Governours of his Garrisons in England , to give up all the Towns and Castles which remained untaken , to such as should be appointed to receive them for the Houses of Parliament , assuring him that otherwise they neither could nor durst continue him in their protection . To this necessity he submitted , but found not such a generall obedience to his commands as the Scots expected . For not the Marquesse of Ormand onely , but many of the Governours of Towns and Castles in England considered him as being under a constraint and speaking rather the sense of others then his own ; upon which grounds they continued still upon their guard , in hope of better times or of better conditions . But nothing was more hotly pressed by the Scots , then that the Marquesse of Montrosse should lay down his Commission , who with small strength in the beginning , and inconsiderable forces when they were at the best , had acted things in Scotland even unto admiration . For besides many victories of lesse consequence , he had twice beaten the Marquesse of Argile out of the field , followed him home , and wasted his Countrey with Fire and Sword . He vanquisht Baily , one of the best Souldiers of the Faction , commanding over a well-formed Army in a set battell fought between them ; followed his blow , and made himself Master of the City and Castle of Edenburgh , releasing divers of his Friends who had been seized and imprisoned there when he first took Arms . Had the Lord Digby's Horse come to him , he had not onely perfected , but assured the conquest of that Kingdome . But instead of those aids which he expected , he was unexpectedly set upon , and his whole Army broken by David Lesley , sent from the Scots Army in England with six thousand Horse to oppose the progresse of his fortune ; whose coming being known to the Earl of Roxborow and Traquair , ( in whom the King continued still his wonted confidence ) was purposely concealed from him ; to the end that he being once suppressed , and in him the Kings power destroyed in Scotland , they might be sure from being called to an account of their former Treasons : however he began to make head again , and was in a way of well-doing , when he received the Kings command to disband his Forces ; to which he readily conformed , took ship , and put himself into a voluntary exile . These Obstacles removed , his Majesty conceived some thoughts of finding Sanctuary in Scotland , the Scots having first assured him , ( as he signified by Letter to the Marquesse of Ormond ) before he put himself into their hands , that they would not onely take his person , but so many of his party also as repaired unto him , into their protection , and stand to him with their lives and fortune . According to which hopes on his part , and those assurances on theirs , he had a great mind to return to his Native Countrey , his Ancient and Native Kingdome , as he used to call it , there to expect the bettering of his condition in the changes of time . But the Scots hearing of his purpose , and having long ago cast off the yoke of Subjection , voted against his coming to them in a full Assembly ; so that we may affirm of him as the Scripture doth of Christ our Saviour , viz. He came unto his own , and his own received him not . The like resolution also was entertained by the Commissioners of that Nation , and the chiefe Leaders of their Army , who had contracted with the Houses of Parliament , and for the summe of two hundred thousand pounds in ready money , sold and betrayed him into the hands of his Enemies , as certainly they would have done with the Lord Christ himself for halfe the money , if he had bowed the Heavens and came down to visit them . By the Commissioners sent from the Houses to receive him , he was conducted to Holdenby a fair house of his own , and one of the goodliest Piles in England , scituate not far from Naseby , ( to the intent that he might be continually grieved with the sight of the fatall place of his overthrow ) but kept so close that none of his Domestick servants , no , not so much as any of his own Chaplains were suffered to have Accesse unto him . In the mean time a breach began betwixt the Presbyterian Party in both Houses and some chief Officers of the Army , which growing every day wider and wider , one Cornet Joice , with a considerable party of Horse , was sent to seize on his Majesties Person , and bring him safe to their head Quarters . There at the first he was received with all possible demonstrations of Love and Duty , some of his Chaplains licensed to repair unto him , and read the Book of Common-Prayer , as in former times , and the way open to all those of his party who desired to see him . This made the Animosities between those of the two Houses and the Army to be far greater then before , the City closing with that party of the Houses which desired the Kings coming to the Parliament , and going down in a tumultuous manner required the present voting of a Personal Treaty . This made the Speaker and such of both Houses , as either held for the Army , or had no mind to see the Kings Return to London , to quit the Parliament , and to betake themselves to their Protection ; incouraged wherewith they resolved upon their march towards London , to restore those members to their Houses , and those Houses to the Power and Freedom of Parliaments . Upon the noise of whose Approach , the Citizens who before spake big , and had begun to raise an Army , under the Command of the Lord Willowby of Parham , sent their Petitions for a peace , and gladly opened all their works between Hide-Park Corner and the Thames , to make an entrance for the Army ; who having placed their Speakers in their severall Chaires , and supprest those of the opposite party , made a triumphant passage through the chief Streets of the City , with Trumpets sounding , Drums beating , and Colours flying . The King removed from one place to another , was brought in the course of those Removes to Casam Lodge , an House of the Lord Cravens not far from Reading , where he obtained the favour of giving a meeting to his Children at Maydenhith , and there they dined together ; the Generall willingly consenting , and the Houses then not daring to make any denyall . From thence he was at last brought to his own Palace of Hampton Court , where being terrified with the Apprehension of some Dangers , which were given out to be designed against his person by the Agitators , who for a time much governed the lower part of the Army , he left that place , accompanied onely with two or three of his servants , and put himself unfortunately into the power of Collonel Hammond in the Isle of Wight , where no relief could come unto him . Being secured in Carisbrook Castle , Propositions are sent to him from the Houses of Parliament , as had been done before at Newcastle , and Holdenby-House : to which he returned the same Answer now as he did before , their Demands being nothing bettered , and his condition nothing worse then before it was . Provoked wherewith , the Houses past their Votes of Non-Addresses to his Majesty , and take the Government upon themselves , as in the times of Vacancy and Inter-regnum in the State of Rome ; wherein they were confirmed by a Declaration from the Army , binding themselves to stand to them in defence of those Votes . During the time of these restraints , he betook himself to meditation , and then composed that most excellent Book entituled {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , or the Pourtraiture of his sacred Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings . The Honour of this work some mercenary Sticklers for the two Houses of Parliament have laboured to deprive him of , and to transfer it to some other , though they know not whom . But it is well known to all that knew him , that his Majesty had alwayes a fine stroke with his pen , which he practised at all times of leasure and recesse from businesse , from before his coming to the Crown , to these last extremities . By which means he became Master of a pure and elegant Stile , as both his intercepted Letters , and those to Mr. Henderson at New-Castle in the point of Episcopacy ( where he could have no other helps but what he found in himself ) do most clearly evidence . 1648. And now the Subjects of both Kingdoms , which before had joyned in Arms against him , began to look upon his Estate with Commiseration ; and seeing they could obtain no favour , or freedom for him in the way of Petition , they resolved to try their fortunes in the way of Force . And first a very considerable part of the Royall Navy , encouraged by Captain Batten , formerly Vice-Admirall to the Earl of Warwick , was put into the power of the Prince of wales to be made use of for his Majesties service in that sad condition ; and next the Kentish , who twice or thrice before had shewed their readinesse to appear in Arms on his behalf , put themselves into a posture of War under the conduct of one Master Hales ( an Heir of great hope and expectation ) and after under the command of George Lord Goring Earl of Norwich . The ●arl of Holland , whom he had cherisht in his Bosome , and who unworthily deserted him in the first beginning of his troubles , repenting when it was too late , of his great disloyalties , began to raise some small Forces in the County of Surrey ; Langhern , Poyer , and Powel , who before had served under the pay of the Houses , seized on some strong Towns and Castles in South-VVales , and declared against them ; the Castle of Pomfret was surprized by Stratagem , and kept by them who had surprized it , for his Majesties service . And finally the Marquesse of Hamilton ( not long before created Duke Hamilton of Arran ) having raised a strong Army of Scots , confederated himself with Sir Marmaduke Langdale , and Sir Thomas Glenham and others of the Kings party in the North , and having Garrisoned the Towns of Berwick and Carlisle , past into England with his Forces under colour of restoring the King to his Crown and Liberty . But these eruptions in both Kingdoms , though they might give hi● Majesty some hopes of a better condition , yet did they not take him off from looking seriously into himself , and taking into Consideration those things which had formerly passed him , and which might seem most to have provoked Gods displeasure against him . And what they were which most particularly grated on his Conscience appeareth by the Prayer and Confession which he made for the times of his Affliction ; and is this that followeth , viz. Almighty and most mercifull Father , as it is only thy goodnesse that admits of our imperfect Prayers , and the knowledge that thy mercies are infinite , which can give us any hope of thy accepting or granting them ; so it is our bounden and necessary Duty to confesse our Sins freely unto thee : and of all men living , I have most need , most reason so to do , no man having been so much obliged by thee , no man more grievously offending thee : that Degree of knowledge which thou hast given me , adding likewise to the guilt of my Transgressions . For was it through ignorance that I suffered innocent blood to be shed by a false pretended way of Justice ? Or that I permitted a wrong way of thy worship to be set up in Scotland , and injured the Bishops in England ? O no ; but with shame and grief I confesse , that I therein followed the perswasions of worldly wisdome , forsaking the Dictates of a right-informed Conscience . Wherefore O Lord , I have no excuse to make , no hope left but the multitude of thy mercies ; for I know my repentance weak , and my Prayers faulty . Grant therefore , mercifull Father , so to strengthen my repentance , and amend my Prayers , that thou maist clear the way for Thine own mercies ; to which O let thy Justice at last give place , putting a speedy end to my deserved Afflictions . In the mean time , give me Patience to endure , Constancy against temptations , and a Discerning Spirit to chuse what is best for thy Church and People which thou hast committed to my charge . Grant this , O most mercifull Father , for thy Son Jesus Christs sake , our onely Saviour , Amen . Now as the King thus armed himself against all future events , in the middle of these hopes and expectations ; so the Houses of Parliament were not wanting to themselves in their care and diligence to destroy those hopes , and make those expectations fruitlesse and of no effect . For the Storm thus breaking out on all sides , Lieutenant Generall Cromwel with some part of the Army is ordered to march into Wales ; where he reduced such Towns and Castles under his command as had before been manned against them , the three chief Captains above named yielding themselves upon the hopes of that mercy which they never tasted . This done he hasteneth towards the Scots , whom he found in Lancashire , discomfits them , takes all their Foot , with their Canon , Arms , and Ammunition . The Duke or Marquesse , with his Horse , which had escaped out of the fight , were so closely followed by the diligence of the pursuers , that most of his Horse being slain or taken , himself was sent Prisoner unto London . Following his blow , Cromwel bestowes a visit on Scotland , suppresses all those in that Kingdome , who stood in any sort suspected of the crime of Loyalty , the Towns of Berwick and Carlisle being delivered into his hands without blowes or Blood-shed . An expedition which he made good use of in his following Counsels , discovering by this means the weaknesse and condition of the Countrey , the irreconcilable Factions and part-takings amongst the great ones of that Realm , on whose divided wills and pleasures all the rest depended ; and on what side they lay most open and assaultable , when any further occasion should be taken ( as there after was ) to attempt upon them . In the mean time some Troops of the other part of the Army scatter the weak forces of the Earl of Holland , who flying towards the North , is taken at Saint Neots in the County of Huntingdon , and sent Prisoner unto London also . The Kentish being either scattered , or forced over the Thames , put themselves into the Town of Colchester , and are there besieged by Sir Thomas Fairfax himself with his part of the Army . The issue of which Siege was this , that after some extremities endured by the besieged , the place was yielded upon composition , the Townsmen to be safe from plunder , the Souldiers and their Commanders to yield themselves Prisoners absolutely without any Conditions . The Principal of these were the Lord Capel , Sir Charles Lucas , and Sir George Lisle , all of them of approved valour and fidelity : of which the two last were shot to death upon the place , the first reserved for the Scaffold ; on which he lookt death in the face with as much magnanimity , as Hamilton and Holland ( who suffered at the same time with him ) entertained it with a poorness and Dejection of Spirit . And which was worst ( because it lost some Reputation to the Prince in his first Attempt ) the Marriners growing discontented that Prince Rupert was appointed to be their Admirall , instead of the Lord VVilloughby of Parham , by whom they desired to be commanded , fell off with many of their Ships , and returned again to their old Admirall the Earl of VVarwick . By the withdrawing of which Ships he was rendred the lesse able to do any thing considerable on the Sea , and landing with some Forces neer Deal-Castle in Kent , sped not so fortunately as both his Friends hoped and himself expected . But notwithstanding these Successes , the Houses seeing how desirous the whole Nation was of a Personall Treaty , recalled their Votes of No-Address , and ordered that a Personall Treaty should be held with his Majesty at Newport in the Isle of VVight , to begin on the eighteenth day of September next following . But the Commissioners which were sent to mannage this Treaty , spent so much time upon each Nicety and Punctillio of the Propositions , before they drew towards a Conclusion , that they gave the Officers of the Army too much opportunity to frame and publish a Remonstrance , bearing date at S. Albans on the sixteenth of November . In which it was declared that the King was the sole cause of all that blood-shed which had been made in the Kingdome , that he was incapable of any further trust in the publick government , and that nothing could be more expedient to the safety of the Common-wealth , then to bring him to the Bar of Justice . Nor staid they there , but in pursuit of this Design , some of the Officers were appointed to go into the Isle of Wight , and having seized upon his Person to bring him over to Hurst Castle in Hampshire , from whence they brought him by degrees to VVindsor , and at last to VVestminster . And on the other side , the Independent Party in the House of Commons ( holding intelligence with the Army ) voted his Majesties Concessions to be so unsatisfactory , that no well-grounded Peace could be built upon them . In the next place , a care was taken by the Army to purge the House of all those members to whom his Majesties condescensions had given satisfaction . Which done , a New Court , called the High Court of Justice , is to be set up , a President of the same appointed , certain Commissioners nominated to Act as Judges , and a set time designed to call his Majesty to a Tryall , in an unprecedented way , before his Subjects . It is reported that at his going from the Bar , one of the Souldiers most barbarously spit in his face , and used very reproachfull words against him . Which though his Majesty suffered with his wonted patience , yet the Divine vengeance would not suffer it to go unrevenged ; that wretch being not long after condemned in a Court of War , for some endeavours to make a Mutiny in the Army , and openly sho● to death in S. Pauls Church-yard . And now Saturday the 20 of January , the day of his appearing being come , his Majesty was brought from the Palace of Saint James unto VVestminster Hall , to appear before the new Judges , and answer unto all particulars which are thought fit to be objected . His appearance could not be avoided , in regard he was under a constraint ; but no constraint could force his will to make him acknowledge their Authority , or submit himself unto their judgement . He would not so betray the Liberty of the English Subject ( as he plainly told them ) to any arbitrary and lawlesse Power , as he must needs do by submitting unto their proceedings ; and therefore since the Laws and Liberties of the Land were now in question , he stood resolved to dy a Martyr for them both . For which contempt ( having stood resolutely on the same term , as oft as he was brought before them ) he was sentenced on Saturday the twenty seventh of the same moneth to lose his life , by the dividing of his head from his body . That fatall morning being come , the Bishop of London , who attended on him in that sad exigent , read the morning Prayers , and for the first Lesson thereof , the 27 Chapter of S. Matthews Gospel , relating the History of our Saviours Sufferings under Pontius Pilate , by the practise of the chief Priests , the Scribes and Pharisees , and others of the Great Council of the Jewish Nation . At first his Majesty conceived that the Bishop had made choice of that Chapter , as being very agreeable to his present condition ; But when he understood that it was the Chapter which the Church had appointed for that day in her publick Kalendar , he seemed to apprehend it with some signes of rejoycing . No sooner had he done his Devotions , but he is hurried to VVhite-Hall , out of the Banqueting-house , whereof a way was forced to a Seaffold on which he was to act the last part of his Tragedy in the sight of the people . Having declared that he died a Martyr for the Lawes of this Kingdome , and the Liberties of the Subjects , he made a Confession of his Faith , insinuating that he died a true Son of the Church of England , he betook himself to his private Devotions , and patiently submitted that Royal Head to an Executioner , which had before been crowned with so much outward Pomp and Splendour . The Members of both Houses had often promised him in their Petitions , Messages and Declarations , that they would make him a great and glorious King , and now they were as good as their words , changing his fading but painfull Crown of Thorns , which they first platted for him , to an immarcessible Crown of Glory . At his first coming to the Crown , one of his Chaplains in Ordinary , and now a Bishop in this Church , taking good heed unto the close contrivances of some , and the seditious actings of others in his two first Parliaments , thought fit to give him and his Council such an item of it , as might awaken them to prevent those mischiefs which otherwise might ensue upon it . And thereupon he preached before them on these words of S. Matthews Gospel , viz , But when the husbandmen saw the Son , they said among themselves , This is the heir , come let us kill him , and let us seize on his inheritance , Mat. 21.38 . In the dissecting of which Text , he made such an Anatomy of the Husbandmen , whom he had in hand ( with reference to some Plots and Practises which were then on foot ) and his whole discourse upon the same , that he gave the King and those about him such Remembrances , as might make them have an eye unto themselves and the publick safety . But then withall ( though he carried on the matter with great care and prudence ) he drew so much danger on himself from some leading Members in the second Parliament , who thought themselves as much concerned in the Sermon as the chief Priest and Pharisees did in the Parable , that he was upon the point of leaving the Kingdome , when he had news that his Majesty had dissolved the second Parliament in no small displeasure . What he then preached concerning the said Husbandmen , was after practised , and that he then fore-signified was accomplished now . Which shewes him to have been both a Priest and a Prophet , if at the least the name of a Prophet may be given unto any man who foretelleth not of things to come by Divine Revelation , but out of a deep insight into businesse . But we return unto the King , whom if we looke on in his Children ( the most lively Images and Representations of deceased Parents ) we shall find him to have been the Father of four Sons and five Daughters . 1. CHARLES-JAMES born at Greenwich on Wednesday the 13. of May , 1629. but died almost as soon as born , having been first christened by Dr. Web , one of the Chaplains in Attendance , and afterwards a Bishop in Ireland . 2. CHARLES Duke of Cornwall by Birth , Prince of Wales in Designation , and Knight of the Garter , born at his Majesties house of Saint James neer VVestminster , May 29. 1630. solemnly crowned King of the Scots at Edenburgh on the first day of January , Anno 1650. But being invaded by an Army from England , under the command of Generall Cromwell , he was forced to quit that Kingdome and try his fortunes in the other ; so closely followed by the Army , which compelled him to that Expedition , he was fought with neer VVorcester on the third of September 1651. before the Earl of Darby and some others of his party here could come to aid him with their Forces . In which Battel , though he acted beyond the expectation of his Friends , and to the great applause of his very Enemies ; yet it so pleased the Divine Providence that he lost the day , and being miraculously preserved ( notwithstanding the diligent search which was made after him ) he passed safely over into France to the Queen his Mother . Finding that Court unsafe for him , he passed into Flanders , accompanied with his Brother the Duke of York , Anno 1654. where they have continued ever since . 3. JAMES born in the same place on the 13. day of October Anno 1633. entituled Duke of York by his Majesties command at the time of his birth ; created so by Letters Patents , bearing date at Oxford , January 27. Anno 1643. and not long after made Knight of the Garter . Taken prisoner at the surrendry of Oxford , June 24. 1646. he was carried to his Majesties house of Saint James , and there kept under a Guard with his Brother and Sister ; but being attired in the habit of a young Lady , he was conveyed thence about two years after by one Collonel Bamfield , who brought him safely into Holland , and presented him a most welcome guest to the Princesse of Orange , from whence he past afterwards into France to his Mother and Brother . 4 HENRY born on the eighth of July , designed to the Dukedome of Glocester , and so commanded to be called . Left by his Majesty at the House of Saint James ( the place of his birth ) at such time as he withdrew towards the North , Anno 1642 , he remained there till the Death of his Father , and some years after , and then upon the promise of an Annual pension , was permitted to go into France to his Mother and the rest of the Kings Children . But in the year 1654. almost as soon as his two elder Brethren had removed themselves into Flanders , he found a strong practise in some of the Queens Court to seduce him to the Church of Rome , whose Temptations he resisted beyond his years , and thereupon was sent for by them into Flanders . 5. MARY born on the fourth of November , 1631. and married to Count VVilliam of Nassau Eldest Son to HENRY Prince of Orange , on Sunday the second of May , Anno 1641. conveyed by the Queen her Mother into Holland in February following , where she stil remains . Her Husband having succeeded his Father in all his Titles and Estates , died young , and left her the hopefull Mother of a Son , now Prince of Orange . 6. ELIZABETH born the twenty eighth of January 1635. survived her Father , but died with hearts grief not long after . 7. ANNE born the seventeenth of March 1637. died before her Father . 8. KATHARINE , who died almost as soon as born . 9. HENRIETTA born at Exceter June the sixteenth 1644. conveyed not long after into France by the Lady Dalkeith to the Queen her Mother , where she still remains . It is observed of the VVolf , that as soon as he is once full he begins to howl , and such a howling fit fell at this time on the Presbyterians . They had carried on this Tragedy to the very last Act from the first bringing in of the Scots to the beginning of the war , and from the beginning of the war till they had brought him prisoner into Holmby-House , and then quarrelled with the Independents for taking the work out of their hands , and robbing them of the long-expected fruits of their Plots and Practises . They cried out against them in their Pulpits , and clamoured against them in their Pamphlets for this most execrable fact , of which themselves were parcel-guilty at the least , Et si non re , at voto pariter Regicidae , &c. On the other side , the Independents , who had washt their hands in the blood of the King , seemed as desirous as the Presbyterians to wash their hands of it . By them it was alledged more calmly , that they had put Charles Stuart to death , against whom they had proceeded as the sole cause of so much bloodshed ; but that the King had been murthered a long time before by the Presbyterians , when they deprived him of his Crown , his Sword and his Scepter ; of his Crown , by forcing from him those Prerogatives which placed him in a Throne of Eminence above his People ; of his Sword , by wresting the Militia out of his hands , by which he was made unable to protect them ; and finally , of his Scepter , in divesting him of the power of calling Parliaments , and of his Negative voice in making those Laws by which he was to govern all estates of men under his Dominion . And more then so , that they had deprived him of his naturall Liberty , as he was a Man , of the society of his Wife , as he was a Husband , of conversation with his Children , as he was a Father , of the attendance of his Servants , as he was a Master , and in a word , of all those comforts which might make life valued for a Blessing . So that there was nothing left for the Independents to do , but to put an end to those Calamities , into which this miserable man , this vir dolorum ( as he might very well be called ) had been so accursedly plunged by the Presbyterians . Thus did each party seek to shift the guilt of this most execrable Act upon one another , and thus fell CHARLES the meekest of Men and the best of Princes , leaving behind him an example of Christian fortitude , in suffering patiently that blow , which neither the Law of God or man , nor any deservings of his own could inflict upon him . His body being removed to VVindsor was there interred in the same Vault with K. Henry the 8. but not interred with that solemnity , nor in that publick form and manner which is appointed in the Liturgy of the Church of England , of which he had been alwayes a devout Observer , and to the last a resolute Patron and Defender . His Funerall solemnized and his Death lamented with fewer tears than can be easily imagined ; men bleeding inwardly from their hearts , when their eyes durst not expresse outwardly what grief they felt . So dangerous were the times , Vt suspiria etiam subscriberentur ( as Tacitus affirmeth of the times of Domitian a most cruell Tyrant ) that mens very sighs were registred and kept upon account toward the undoing of many in the time to come . But though he died thus in the strength of his years , he still lives in the memories of all good men , and by that most excellent Portraiture which he hath made of himself , will be preserved alive amongst all Nations , and unto all succeeding Ages . The Pourtraiture of King Charles in his Solitudes and Sufferings , will be a Character of his Parts and Piety beyond all expressions but his own ; a Monument of richer metall than all the Tombs of Brasse or Marble erected to the honour of his Predecessors ; which no Inscription whatsoever , though in Letters of Gold , and engraven with a pen of Diamonds , can be able to parallel . And so I shut up this short View of the Life and Reign of this glorious King , as Tacitus doth the Life of Julius Agricola , a right noble Roman ( the names of the persons onely changed ) viz. Quiquid ex Carolo amavimus , quicquid mirati sumus , manet mansurumque est in animis hominum , in aeternitate temporum , fama rerum . Horat. Carm. lib. 1. Ode 24. Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit , Nulli flebilior quam mihi — THE END . 
A86306	----	The undeceiving of the people in the point of tithes: wherein is shewed, I. That never any clergy in the Church of God hath been, or is maintained with lesse charge to the subject, then the established clergy of the Church of England. II. That there is no subject in the realme of England, who giveth any thing of his own, towards the maintenance of his parish-minister, but his Easter-offering. III. That the change of tithes into stipends, will bring greater trouble to the clergy, then is yet considered; and far lesse profit to the countrey, then is now pretended. / By Ph. Treleinie Gent. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A86306 of text R204596 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E418_1). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 81 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A86306 Wing H1741 Thomason E418_1 ESTC R204596 99864064 99864064 116283 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86306) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116283) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 66:E418[1]) The undeceiving of the people in the point of tithes: wherein is shewed, I. That never any clergy in the Church of God hath been, or is maintained with lesse charge to the subject, then the established clergy of the Church of England. II. That there is no subject in the realme of England, who giveth any thing of his own, towards the maintenance of his parish-minister, but his Easter-offering. III. That the change of tithes into stipends, will bring greater trouble to the clergy, then is yet considered; and far lesse profit to the countrey, then is now pretended. / By Ph. Treleinie Gent. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 30, [2] p. Printed by M.F. for John Clark, and are to be sold at his shop under S. Peters Church in Cornhill, London : 1648 [i.e. 1647] Ph. Treleinie = Peter Heylyn. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nou: 30". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of England -- Clergy -- Salaries, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Tithes -- England -- Early works to 1800. A86306 R204596 (Thomason E418_1). civilwar no The undeceiving of the people in the point of tithes:: wherein is shewed, I. That never any clergy in the Church of God hath been, or is ma Heylyn, Peter 1647 14088 5 5 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE VNDECEIVING OF THE PEOPLE In the point of TITHES : Wherein is shewed , I. That never any Clergy in the Church of God hath been , or is maintained with lesse charge to the Subject , then the established Clergy of the Church of England . II. That there is no Subject in the Realme of England , who giveth any thing of his own , towards the maintenance of his Parish-Minister , but his Easter-Offering . III. That the change of Tithes into Stipends , will bring greater trouble to the Clergy , then is yet considered ; and far lesse profit to the Countrey , then is now pretended . By P. H. TRELEINIE Gent. 1 COR. 9. 7. Who goeth a warfare any time at his own charges ? Who planteth a Vineyard , and eateth not of the fruit thereof ? Or who feedeth a flock , and eateth not of the milk of the flock ? LONDON , Printed by M. F. for John Clark , and are to be sold at his shop under S. Peters Church in Cornhill . 1648. THE UNDECEIVING OF THE PEOPLE In the point of TITHES . AMongst those popular deceits which have been set abroad of late to abuse the people , there is not any one which hath been cherished with more endeerments , then a perswasion put into them of not paying Tithes : partly , because it carrieth no small shew of profit with it , but principally as it seemes a conducible means to make the Clergy more obnoxious to them , and to stand more at their devotion then they have done formerly . Upon these hopes , it hath been the endeavours of some leading men to represent it to the rest as a publick grievance , that the Clergy being but an handfull of men in comparison of all the rest of the kingdome , should goe away with the tenth ( or as some say , the sixth part ) of the fruits of the earth ; and that the Minister sitting still in his contemplations , should live upon the sweat of other mens brows , and taking pains amongst the people but one day in seven , should have the tenth part of their estates allotted to them for their maintenance . And 't is no marvel if some few , on these mis-perswasions , have importuned the high Court of Parliament from time to time with troublesome and clamorous Petitions to redresse this wrong ; and put them up also in the name of whole Counties ( although the generality of those Counties had no hand therein ) to adde the greater credit and authority to them . In which designe , although they have prevailed no further on the two houses of Parliament , then to be sent away with this generall promise , that in due time their Petitions should be taken into consideration ; a and that it was the pleasure of the several and respective Houses , that in the mean season they should take care that Tithes be duly paid according to Law : yet they which have espoused the quarrell , will not so be satisfied . For when it pleased the Lords and Commons to set out an Ordinance bearing date Novemb. 8. 1644. for the true payment of Tithes and other duties according to the Laws and Customes of this Realm ; there came out presently a pamphlet entituled , The Dismounting of the Ordinance for Tithes ; followed & backed by many a scandalous paper of the self-same strain . And when it seemed good to the said Lords and Commons , on the precipitancy of some of the Clergy under sequestration , to set out their additionall Ordinance of the 9th of August , anno 1647. it was encountred presently with a scurrilous pamphlet , entituled , A Preparation for a day of thanksgiving to the Parliament for their late Ordinance for Tithes , newly mounted and well charged with treble damages , for the peoples not giving the tenth part of their estates to the Clergy or Impropriators . And this , according to the style of those Petitions , is said to bee the result of the Parliaments friends in Hartfordshire ; though I am verily perswaded that few , if any of the Gentry and men of quality in the County , were acquainted with it . But be it the result of few or many of the Parliaments friends ( though I conceive they are but back-friends to the Parliament , who set so sleight a value on their Constitutions ) the Title doth afford two things worthy consideration : First , that the maintenance of the Clergy here by Law established , is said to bee by giving to them the tenth part of every mans estate : and secondly , that the blow goes higher then before it did , and aims not onely at the devesting of the Church of her ancient Patrimony , but at the depriving of the Gentry of their Impropriations , which many of them hold by lease , many by inheritance , all by as good a title as the Law can make them . I know there hath been great pains taken by some learned men , to state the Institution and Right of Tithes , and severall judicious Tractates have been writ about it : which notwithstanding have not found such entertainment as they did deserve : partly , because being written in an Argumentative way , they were above the reach of the vulgar Reader ; but principally , because written by men ingaged in the cause , and such as might be byassed with their own interesse in it . For my part , I am free from all those ingagements which may incline mee to write any thing for my private ends , being one that payeth Tithes and such other duties as the Lawes and Ordinances doe injoyn . And though I sit far off from the fountain of businesse , and cannot possibly see at so great a distance , what might best satisfie the doubts and clamours of unquiet men : yet I shall venture to say somewhat in a modest way towards the Vndeceiving of the People in this point of Tithes , whose judgements have been captivated by those mis-perswasions , which cunningly have been communicated and infused into them . And I shall doe it in a way , ( if I guesse aright ) which hath not yet been travelled in this present point ; such as I hope will satisfie all them of the adverse party , but those who are resolved before-hand , that they will not be satisfied . For whereas the whole controversie turneth on these three hinges : first , that the maintenance allowed the Clergy is too great for their calling , especially considering the small number of them : secondly , that it is made up out of the tenth part of each mans estate ; and thirdly , that the changing of this way by the payment of Tithes into that of Stipends , would be more gratefull to the Countrey , and more ease to the Clergy : I shall accordingly reduce this small discourse unto these three heads . First , I will shew , that never any Clergy in the Church of God hath been , or is maintained with lesse charge to the Subject , then the established Clergy of the Church of England . Secondly , that there is no man in the Realm of England , who payeth any thing of his own towards the maintenance of his Parish-Minister , but his Easter Offering . And thirdly , that the changing of Tithes into Stipends , would bring greater trouble to the Clergy , then is yet considered , and far lesse profit to the Countrey , then is now pretended . These Propositions being proved , ( which I doubt not of ) I hope I shall receive no check for my undertaking , considering that I doe it of a good intent to free the Parliament from the trouble of the like Petitions , and that the common people being disabused , may quietly and chearfully discharge their duties according to the Laws established ; and live together with that unity and godly love which ought to be between a Minister and his Congregation . This is the sum of my designe , which if I can effect , it is all I aim at : And with this Declaration of my minde and meaning , I trust this short discourse of mine will be , if not applauded , yet at least excused . First then I am to prove this point : I. That never any Clergy in the Church of God , hath been , or is maintained with lesse charge to the Subject , then the established Clergy of the Church of England . For proof of this , we must behold the Church of God , as it stood under the Law in the Land of Canaan , and as it now stands under the Gospel in the most flourishing parts of Christendom . Under the Law , the Tribe of Levi was possessed of 48 Cities , and the Territories round about them , extending every way for the space of 2000 cubits , which in so small a Country was a greater proportion , then the rents received by the Clergy for all the Bishoprick and Chapter lands in the Realm of England . Then had they besides Tithes ( whereof more anon ) the first-born of mankinde , and all unclean beasts , which were redeemed at the rate of five shekels apeece , amounting in one month to 12 s. 6 d. and of the firstlings of clean beasts , their bloud being sprinkled on the Altar , and the fat offered for a burnt-offering , the flesh remained unto the Priests . Of which , see Num. 18. v. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. They had also the first-fruits of Wine , Oyl , and Wool , Deut. 18. v. 4. yea , and of all things else which the earth brought forth for the use of man ; the first-fruits of the dough , Numb. 15. v. 20 , 21. the meat-offerings , the sin-offerings , the trespasse-offerings b , the shake-offerings , the heave-offerings , and the shew-bread : as also of all Eucharisticall sacrifices , the breast and the shoulder ; of others , the shoulder , and the two cheeks , and the maw c ; and of the whole burnt-offering , they received the skin d . Then adde , that all the males of the Tribes of Israel , were to appear thrice yearly before the Lord , and none of them came empty-handed : and that if any had detained any thing in part or in whole , which was due by law , he was to bring a Ramme for an offering , to make good that which was detained , and to adde a fift part to it in the way of recompense . Besides , these duties were brought in to the Priests and Levites without charge or trouble . And if any for their own ease desired not to pay in kinde , but to redeem the same for a summe of money ; the estimation of the due was to be made by the Priest e ; and a fifth part added , as before , for full satisfaction . In a word , such and so many allowances had the Priests and Levites , that setting by the Tithes of their corn and cattell and of all manner of increase ; their maintenance had far exceeded that of the English Clergy ; and adding unto these the Tithes of all creatures tithable , it doth more then double it . For in the payment of their Tithes by the Lords appointment , there was not only a full tenth of all kinds of increase , but such an imposition laid on all kinds of grain , as came to more then a sixt part of the crop it self : insomuch that of 6000 bushels , 1121 accrued unto the Priests and Levites ; 4779. remaining only to the Husbandman . For first , out of 6000 bushels ( and so accordingly in all after that proportion ) a sixtieth part at least , ( and that they tearmed the Therumah of the evill eye , or the niggards first-fruits ) was to bee set apart for the first-fruits of the threshing floor ; which was one hundred in the totall . Out of the residue , being 5900 bushels , the first Tithe payable to the Levites , which lived dispersed and intermingled in the rest of the Tribes , came to 590 bushels ; and of the residue being 5310 bushels , 531 were paid for the second Tithe unto the Priests , which ministred before the Lord in his holy Temple ; yet so , that such as would decline the trouble of carrying it in kinde unto Hierusalem , might pay the price thereof in money according to the estimate which the Priests made of it . To which a fift part being added ( as in other cases ) did so improve this Tithe to the Priests advantage ; as that which being paid in kind , was but tenne in the hundred , being thus altered into money , made no lesse then threescore . Now lay these severall sums together , and of 6000 bushels , as before was said , there will accrew 1121 to the Priest and Levite , and but 4779 to the Lord or Tenant . By which accompt the Priests and Levites in the tithing of 6000 bushels , received twice as much within a little , as is possessed or claimed by the English Clergy , even where the Tithes are best paid , without any exemptions , which are so frequent in this Kingdome . But then perhaps it will be said , that the Levites made up one of the twelve Tribes of Israel , and having no inheritance amongst the rest but the Tithes and Offerings , besides the 48 Cities before mentioned , were to bee settled in way of maintenance correspondent unto that proportion . But so it is not in the case of the English Clergy , who are so far from being one in twelve or thirteen at most , that they are hardly one for an hundred ; or as a late pamphlet doth infer , not one for five hundred ; f who on this supposition , that there are 500 men and women in a Countrey parish , the lands whereof are worth 2000 l. per annum , and that the Minister goeth away with 400 l. a year of the said two thousand : concludeth , that hee hath as much for his own particular , as any sixscore of the parish , supposing them to be all poor or all rich alike : and then cries out against it as the greatest cheat and robberie that was ever practised . But the answer unto this is easie , I would there were no greater difficulties to perplexe the Church . First , for the Tribe of Levi , it is plain and evident , that though it passe commonly by the name of a Tribe , yet was it none of the twelve Tribes of Israel , the house of Joseph being sub-divided into two whole Tribes , those namely of Ephraim and Manasses , which made up the twelve . And secondly , it is as evident , that it fell so short of the proportion of the other tribes , as not to make a sixtieth part of the house of Jacob . For in the general muster which was made of the other tribes , of men of 20 years and upwards , such onely as were fit for arms and such publick services , the number of them came unto 63550 fighting men ; to which if we should adde all those which were under 20 years and unfit for service , the number would at least be doubled . But the Levites being all reckoned from a month old and above , their number was but 22000 in all , ( of which see Num. 1. 46. & 3. 39. ) which came not to so many by 273 as the onely first-born of the other Tribes : and therefore when the Lord took the Levites for the first-born of Israel , the odde 273 were redeemed according to the Law , at five shekels a man , and the money which amounted to 1365 shekels was given to Aaron and his sons , Num. 7. 47 , 48. Which ground so laid according to the holy Scriptures , let us next take a view of the English Clergy , and allowing but one for every parish , there must bee 9725 , according to the number of the parish Churches ; or say ten thousand in the totall , the residue being made up of Curates officiating in the Chappels of Ease throughout the Kingdome : and reckoning in all their male children from a month old and upwards , the number must be more then trebled . For although many of the dignified and beneficed Clergy doe lead single lives , yet that defect is liberally supplied by such married Curates , as do officiate under them in their severall Churches . And then , as to the disproportion which is said to be between the Clergy and the rest of the people , one to five hundred at the least : the computation is ill grounded , the collection worse . For first , the computation ought not to be made between the Minister and all the rest of the parish , men , women , and children , Masters , and Dames , men-servants , & maid-servants , and the stranger which is within the gates ; but between him and such whose estates are Titheable , and they in most parishes are the smallest number . For setting by all children which live under their parents , servants , apprentices , artificers , day-labourers , and poor indigent people : none of all which have any interest in the Titheable lands : the number of the residue will be found so small , that probably the Minister may make one of the ten , and so possesse no more then his own share comes to . And then how miserably weak is the Collection wch is made from thence , that this one man should have as much as any sixscore of the rest of the parish , ( supposing that the parish did contain 500 persons ) or that his having of so much were a cheat and robbery ? And as for that objection which I find much stood on , that the Levites had no other inheritance but the Tithes and offerings , Numb. 18. 23. whereas the English Clergy are permitted to purchase lands , and to inherit such as descend unto them ; the answer is so easie , it will make it selfe . For let the Tithes enjoyed by the English Clergy descend from them to their posterity , from one generation to another , as did the Tithes and Offerings on the Tribe of Levi : and I perswade my self , that none of them will be busied about purchasing lands , or be an eye-sore to the people in having more to live on then their Tithes and Offerings . Til that be done , excuse them if they doe provide for their wives and children , according to the Lawes both of God and Nature . And so much for the parallel in point of maintenance , between the Clergy of this Church and the Tribe of Levi . Proceed we next unto the Ministers of the Gospel at the first plantation , during the lives of the Apostles , and the times next following ; and we shall finde , that though they did not actually receive Tithes of the people , yet they still kept on foot their right ; and in the mean time , till they could enjoy them in a peaceable way , were so provided for of all kind of necessaries , that there was nothing wanting to their contentation . First , that they kept on foot their Right , and thought that Tithes belonged as properly to the Evangelicall Priesthood , as unto the Legall : seems evident unto me by S. Pauls discourse : who proves Melchisedeks Priesthood by these two arguments : first , that he blessed Abraham ; and secondly , that he tithed him , or received Tithes of him . For though in our English translation it be onely said , that he received Tithes of Abraham , which might imply that Abraham gave them as a gift , or a free-will-offering , and that Melchisedek received them in no other sense : yet in the Greek it is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , which in plain English is , that he tithed Abraham , and took them of him as his due , Heb. 7. 6. If then our Saviour be a Priest after the order of Melchisedek , as no doubt he is , hee must have power to tithe the people as well as to blesse them , or else he comes not home to the type or figure : which power of Tithing of the people , or receiving Tithes of them , since he exerciseth not in person ; it seems to me to follow upon very good consequence , that hee hath devolved this part of his power on those whom he hath called and authorised for to blesse the people . Certain I am , the Fathers of the Primitive times , though they enjoyed not Tithes in specie , by reason that the Church was then unsettled , and as it were in motion to the land of rest , ( in which condition those of Israel paid no Tithes to Levi ) yet they still kept their claim unto them , as appears clearly out of Origen , and some other Ancients . And of this truth I think no question need be made amongst knowing men . The only question will be this , Whether the maintenance which they had till the Tithes were paid , were not as chargeable to the people as the Tithes now are ( supposing that the Tithes were the subjects own ) . For my part I conceive it was , the people of those plous times not thinking any thing too much to bestow on God , for the encouragement of his Ministers , and the reward of his Prophets . They had not else sold off their lands and houses , and brought the prices of the things which were sold , and laid them at the Apostles feet , as we know they did , Acts 4. 34 , 35. but that they meant that the Apostles should supply their own wants out of those oblations , as well as the necessities of their poorer brethren . I trow , the selling of all , and trusting it to the dispensing of their Teachers , was matter of more charge to such as had lands and houses , then paying the tenth part of their house-rent , or the Tithe of their lands . And when this custome was laid by , ( as possibly it might end with the Apostles themselves ) the offerings which succeeded in the place thereof , and are required or enjoyned by the Apostolicall Canons , were so great and manifold , that there was nothing necessary to the life of man , as honey , milke , fowl , flesh , grapes , corn , oyl , frankincense , fruits of the season , yea strong drink , and sweet mears , which was not liberally offered on the Altars , or oblation-Tables : insomuch as the Authour of the Book called the Holy Table , name , and thing , &c. according to his scornfull manner , saith of them , that they were rather Panteries , Larders , or Store-houses , then so many consecrated Altars . And though he make those Canons but as so many Pot-guns , yet as great Criticks as himselfe esteeme otherwise of them , as his Antagonist in that quarrell proves sufficiently . And as for that particular Canon which requires these offerings , it is but an exemplification or particularizing of that which is more generally prescribed by S. Paul , Gal. 6. 6. where he enjoyneth him that is taught to communicate to him that teacheth him , in omnibus bonis , in all his goods , as the Rhemists read it very rightly , & not in all good things , as our late translation . Now this Injunction reacheth to all sorts of people , to the poor as well as to the rich , as appears plainly by a passage in S. Cyprians works , where he upbraids a wealthy widow for coming empty-handed , and without her offering to the Altar of God , and eating of that part of the sacrifice which the poor had offered g . To the improvement of the maintenance of him that teacheth , not only the rich men were to offer out of their abundance , but the poor woman also was to bring her Mite . They had not else come home to Saint Pauls commandment , which reacheth unto all sorts of people without any exception ; to every one according to that measure of fortune which God hath given him : Which clearly sheweth , that though the payment of Tithes fall heavier upon landed men , then possibly it might doe in the Primitive times , before the Church was in a condition to demand her rights : yet speaking generally of the people of a Church or parish , the charge was greater to them then , then it hath been since ; the greatest numbers of the people being freed from Tithes , ( because they have no lands from whence Tithes are payable ) who could not be discharged from the communication of their goods and substance without a manifest neglect of Saint Pauls Injunction . More then this yet , besides what was communicated in a private way , for the incouragement and support of him that taught ; which we may well conceive to be no small matter : the publick offerings of the people were of so great consequence , as did not onely serve to maintain the Bishop , according to his place and calling , and to provide also for the Priests or Ministers which served under him ; but also to relieve the poor and repair their Churches h . And therefore certainly the faithfull of those times were generally at more charge to maintain their Ministery , then the Subject is with us in England ; the greatest part of which by far pay no Tithes at all to the Parish-Minister , and no man any thing at all towards the maintenance of the Bishop , as in former days . Follow we our designe through severall Countries , and we shall finde the Clergy of most parts in Christendome , either more plentifully endowed , or else maintained with greater charge unto the Subject , then the Clergy of the Church of England . In France , the Authour of the Cabinet computes the Tithes and temporall Revenues of the Clergy , besides provisions of all sorts , to 80 millions of Crowns ; but his accompt is disallowed by all knowing men . Bodin reporteth from the mouth of Monfieur d' Alemant , one of the Presidents of Accompts in Paris , that they amount to 12 millions , and 300000 of their Livres , which is 1230000 l. of our English mony ; and he himself conceives that they possesse seven parts of twelve of the whole Revenues of that kingdome . The book inscribed Comment d' Estat gives a lower estimate , and reckoning that there are in France 200 millions of Arpens , which is a measure somewhat bigger then our Acre , assigneth 47 millions , which is neer a fourth part of the whole , to the Gallican Clergy . But which of these soever it be we think fit to stand to , it is resolved by them all that the Baise manie , which consists of offerings , Churchings , Burials , Diriges , and such other casualties , amounteth to as much per annum , as their standing rents : upon which ground , Sir Edwin Sandys computeth their Revenue at six millions yearly . In Italy , besides the temporall estate of the Popes of Rome , the Clergy are conceived to have in some places a third part of the whole ; but in most a moyetie . In Spain , the certain rents of the Archbishoprick of Toledo , are said to be no lesse then 300000 Crowns per annum ; which is far more then all the Bishops , Deans , and Prebendaries , do possesse in England . In Germany , the Bishops for the most part are powerfull Princes ; and the Canons of some Churches of so fair an Intrado , and of such estimation amongst the people , that the Emperours have thought it no disparagement to them , to have a Canons place in some of their churches . And as for the Parochial Clergy in these three last countries , especially in Spain and Italy , where the people are more superstitious then they be in Germany , there is no question but that the Vailes and Casualties are as beneficiall to them , as the Baise manie to the French . But here perhaps it will be said that this is nothing unto us of the Realm of England , who have shook off the superstitions of the Church of Rome , and that our pains is spent but to litle purpose , unlesse we can make good our Thesis in the Churches Protestant . We must therefore cast about again : and first , beginning with France , as before we did , we shall finde that those of the Reformed party there , not onely pay their Tithes to the Beneficiary , who is presented by the Patron to the Cure or title ; or to the Church or Monastery to , which the Tithes are settled by Appropriations ; but over and above do raise an yearly maintenance for those that minister amongst them . Just as the Irish Papists pay their Tithes and duties unto the Protestant Incumbent , and yet maintain their own Priests too by their gifts & offerings ; or as the people in some places with us in England , doe pay their Tithes unto the Parson ▪ or Vicar whom the Law sets over them , and raise a contribution also for their Lecturer , whom they set over themselves . In other Countries where the supream Governours are Reformed or Protestant , the case is somewhat better with the common people , although not generally so easie as with us in England . For there the Tithes are taken up by the Prince or State , and yearly pensions assigned out of them to maintain the Ministers ; which for the most part are so small , and so far short of a competency ( though by that name they love to call it ) that the Subject having paid his Tithes to the Prince or State , is fain to adde something out of his purse , towards the mending of the Stipend . Besides , there being for the most part in every Church two distinct sorts of Ministers , that is to say , a Pastor who hath Cure of souls , and performs all Ministeriall offices in his congregation ; and a Doctor ( like our English Lectures , which took hint from hence ) who onely medleth with the Word . The Pastor onely hath his Stipend from the publick Treasurer , the Doctor being maintained wholly ( as I am credibly informed ) at the charge of the people : and that not onely by the bounty or benevolence of landed men , but in the way of Contribution , from which no sort of people of what rank soever , but such as live on alms or the poore mans box , is to be exempted . But this is onely in the churches of Calvins platform , those of the Lutheran party in Denmark , Swethland , and high Germany , having their Tithes and Glebe they had before ; and so much more in offerings then with us in England , by how much they come neerer to the church of Rome , both in their practise and opinions , ( especially in the point of the holy Sacrament ) then the English doe . And as for our dear brethren of the Kirk of Scotland , who cannot be so soon forgotten by a true born English man , the Tithes being settled for the most part on Religious houses , came in their fall , unto the Crown , and out of them a third was granted to maintain their Minister : but so ill paid while the Tithes remained in the Crown , and worse when alienated to the use of private Gentlemen , that the greatest part of the burden for support of the Ministery , lay in the way of contribution , on the backs of the people . And as one ill example doth beget another , such Lords and Gentlemen as had right to present to churches , following the steps of those who held the Tithes from the Crown , soon made lay-fees of all the Tithes of their own demesnes , and left the presentee such a sorry pittance , as made him burthensome to his neighbours for his better maintenance . How it stands with them now since these late alterations , those who have took the Nationall covenant , and I presume are well acquainted with the Discipline and estate of the Scottish Kirk ( which they have bound themselves to defend and keep ) are better able to resolve us . And so much for the proof of the first proposition , namely , That never any Clergy in the church of God , hath been , or is maintained with lesse charge of the Subject , then the established Clergy of the church of England . And yet the proof hereof will be more convincing , if we can bring good evidence for the second also : which is , II. That there is no man in the Kingdome of England , who payeth any thing of his own towards the maintenance and support of his Parish-Minister , but his Easter-offering . And that is a Paradox indeed , will the Reader say . Is it not visible to the eye , that the Clergy have the tenth part of our corn and cattell , and of others the increase and fruits of the earth ? Doe not the people give them the tenth part of their estates , saith one of my pamphlets ? have they not all their livelihoods out of our purses , saith another of them ? Assuredly neither so , nor so . All that the Clergy doth receive from the purse of the Subject , for all the pains he takes amongst them , is two pence at Easter . He claims no more then this as due , unlesse the custome of the place , ( as I think in some parts it is ) bring it up to sixe pence . If any thing be given him over this by some bountifull hand , he takes it for a favour , and is thankfull for it . Such profits as come in by marriages , churchings , and funerall Sermons , as they are generally small , and but accidentall : so hee is bound unto some speciall service and attendance for it . His constant standing fee , which properly may be said to come out of the Subjects purse for the administration of the Word and Sacraments , is nothing but the Easter-offering . The Tithes are legally his own , not given unto him by the Subject , as is now pretended , but paid unto him as a rent-charge laid upon the land ; and that before the Subject , either Lord or Tenant , had any thing to do in the land at all . For as I am informed by Sir Edw : Coke in his Comment upon Littletons Tenures , li. 1. cap. 9. Sect. 73. fo. 58. It appeareth by the Laws and Ordinances of ancient Kings , and specially of King Alfred , that the first King of this Realm had all the lands of England in Demesne and les grands manours & royalties , they reserved to themselves , and with the remnant they for the defence of the Realm enfeoffed the Barons of the Realm with such jurisdiction as the court Baron now hath . So he , the professed Champion of the Common laws . And at this time it was , when all the lands in England were the Kings Demesne , that Ethelwolph , the second Monarch of the Saxon race ( his father Egbert being the first which brought the former Heptarchie under one sole Prince ) conferred the Tithes of all the kingdome upon the Church , by his royall Charter . Of which , thus Ingulph Abbot of Crowland an old Saxon writer . i An. 855. ( which was the 18 of his reign ) King Ethelwulph with the consent of his Prelates & Princes which ruled in England under him in their severall Provinces , did first enrich the church of England with the tithes of all his lands and goods , by his Charter Royall . Ethelward , an old Saxon , and of the bloud royall , doth expresse it thus k : He gave the tithe of his possessions for the Lords own portion , and ordered it to be so in all the parts of the Kingdome under his command . Florence of Worcester in these words , l King Ethelwolfe for the redemption of his own soul , and the souls of his Predecessors , discharged the tenth part of his Realm of all tributes and services due unto the Crown , and by his perpetuall Charter signed with the signe of the Crosse offered it to the three-one God . Roger of Hovenden hath it in the self-same words ; and Huntingdon more briefly thus , m that for the love of God and the redemption of his soul , he tithed his whole dominions to the use of the Church . But what need search be made into so many Authours , when the Charter it self is extant in old Abbot Ingulph , and in Matthew of Westminster , and in the Leiger book of the Abbey of Abingdon ? Which Charter being offered by the King on the Altar at Winchester , in the presence of his Barons , was received by the Bishops , and by them sent to be published in all the Churches of their severall Diocesses : a clause being added by the King ( saith the book of Abingdon ) that whoso added to the gift , n God would please to prosper and increase his days ; but that if any did presume to diminish the same , he should be called to an accompt for it at Christs judgment seat , unlesse he made amends by full satisfaction . In which as in some other of the former passages , as there is somewhat savouring of the errour of those darker times , touching the merit of good works ; yet the authorities are strong and most convincing for confirmation of the point which we have in hand . Now that the King charged all the lands of the Kingdome with the payment of tithes , and not that onely which he held in his own possession , is evident both by that which was said before from Sir Edw : Coke , and by the severall passages of the former Authours . For if all the lands in the kingdome were the Kings Demesnes , and the King conferred the tithes of all his lands on the church of God , it must follow thereupon that all the lands of the Realm were charged with tithes before they were distributed amongst the Barons for defence of the kingdome . And that the lands of the whole Realm were thus charged with tithes , as well that which was parted in the hands of tenants , as that which was in the occupancy of the King himself ; the words before alledged doe most plainly evidence ; where it is said that he gave the tenth of all his lands , as Ingulph ; the tithe of his whole land , as Henry of Huntingdon ; the tenth part of his whole kingdome , as in Florence of Worcester ; the tenth part of the lands throughout the kingdome , in the Charter it self . And finally , in the book of Abingdon , the Charter is ushered in with this following title ; viz. Quomodo Ethelwolfus Rex dedit decimam partem regni sui Ecclesiis , that is to say , how Ethelwolf gave unto the church the tenth part of his kingdome . This makes it evident , that the King did not only give de facto , the tithe or tenth part of his whole Realm to the use of the Clergy ; but that he had a right and a power to doe it ; as being not onely the Lord Paramount , but the Proprietary of the whole lands ; the Lords and great men of the Realm not having then a property or estates of permanency , but as accomptants to the King , whose the whole land was . And though it seems by Ingulph their consents were asked , and that they gave a free consent to the Kings Donation ; yet was this but a matter of form , and not simply necessary : their approbation & consent being only asked , either because the King was not willing to doe any thing to the disherison of his Crown , without the liking and consent of his Peers ; or that having their consent and approbation , they should bee barred from pleading any Tenant-right , and be obliged to stand in maintenance and defence thereof against all pretenders . And this appears yet further by a Law of King Athelstanes , made in the year 930 , about which time not only the Prelates of the church , as formerly , but the great men of the Realm , began to be settled in estates of permanency , and to claim a property in those lands which they held of the Crown ; and claiming , to make bold to subduct their tithes . For remedy whereof , the King made this Law , commanding all his Ministers throughout the kingdome , that in the first place they should pay the tithes o of his own estate , ( that is to say , that which he held in his own hands , and had not estated out to his Lords and Barons ) and that the Bishops did the like of that which they held in right of their churches ; & his Nobles and Officers of that which they held in property , as their own possessions or inheritance . By which we finde that tithes were granted to the Clergy out of all the lands in the kingdome , and the perpetuall payment of them laid as a rent-charge on the fame , by the bounty and munificence of the first Monarchs of this Realm , before any part thereof was demised to others . And if perhaps some of the great men of the Realm had estates in property ( as certainly there were but few , if any , which had any such estates in the times we speak of ) they charged the same with tithes by their own consent , before they did transmit them to the hands of the Gentry , or any who now claim to lay hold under them . So then , the land being charged thus with the payment of tithes , came with this clog unto the Lords and great men of the Realm ; and being so charged with tithes by the Kings and Nobles , have been transmitted and passed over from one hand to another , untill they came to the possession of the present owners . Who whatsoever right they have to the other nine parts , either of fee-simple , lease , or copy , have certainly none at all in the tithe or tenth , which is no more theirs , or to be thought of , then the other nine parts are the Clergies . For whether they hold their lands at an yearly rent , or have them in fee , or for tearm of life , or in any other tenure whatsoever it be they hold them , and they purchased them on this tacite condition , that besides the rents and services which they pay to the Lord , they are to pay unto the Clergy , or unto them who do succeed in the Clergies right , a tenth of all the fruits of the earth , and of the fruits of their cattell , and all creatures tithable , unlesse some ancient custome or prescription doe discharge them of it . And more then so , whether they hold by yearly rent , or by right of purchase , they held it at lesse rent by far , and buy it at far cheaper rates , because the land it self and the stock upon it is chargeable with tithes , as before was said , then they would doe , or could in reason think to do , were the land free from tithes , as in some places of this Realm it is . To make this clearer by example of an house in London , where , according to the rent which the house is set at , the Minister hath 2 s. 9 d. out of every pound in the name of a tithe . Suppose we that the rent of the house be 50 l. the Ministers due according unto that proportion , comes to 6 l. 17 s. 6 d. yearly ; which were it not paid , and to be paid by law to the Parish-Minister , there is no question to be made , but that the Landlord of the house would have raised his rent , and not content himself with the 50 l. but look for 56 l. 17 s. 6 d. which is the whole rent paid , though to divers hands . And if this house were to be sold at 16 years purchase , the Grantee could expect no more then 800 l. because there is a rent of 6 l. 17 s. 6 d. reserved to the Minister by Law , which is to be considered in the sale thereof ; whereas if no such rent or tithe were to issue out of it , he would have as many years purchase for the sum remaining , which would inhaunce the price 110 l. higher then before it was . Now by this standard we may judge of the case of lands , though by reason of the difference of the soil , the well or ill husbanding of grounds , and the greatnesse or smalness of the stock , which is kept upon them , it cannot be reduced to so clear a certainty . But whatsoever the full tithe of all be worth to the Minister , we may undoubtedly conclude , that if so much as the tithe comes to yearly , were not paid to him , the Landlord would gain it in his rent , and the Grantee get it in the sale : no benefit at all redounding to the Tenant by it , nor any unto him that buyeth it . Or if we will suppose with one of my pamphlets , and let it be supposed this once for our better proceeding , that he who officiates in a parish where tithes are paid in kind without any substractions , hath the fift part of every landed mans estate , that is to say , four pounds in every 20 l. per annum : the Purchaser or Tenant , be he which he will , may positively build on this in his better thoughts , that if four pounds in twenty were not paid to the Minister , the Tenant must pay to his Landlord , and the Purchaser must buy it at the same rates , as he did the rest of the land . But being that neither the Tenant pays rent for it , nor the Purchaser hath it in his grant for him that selleth the land unto him , the tithe of the increase of their land and stock , and other creatures tithable in their possession can be none of their own , but must be his , and onely his , whom the munificence of Kings and Princes , confirmed by so many Laws and Statutes , have conferred it on . His part indeed it is , not ours , ( not the tenth part of our estates , as my pamphlet saith ) & he receives it of us as a rent or duty , transmitted to us with the land from one hand to another ; not as a matter of gift , or an act of courtesie . If then we pay not any thing of our own to the Parish-Minister , which ariseth to him from the increase of corn and cattell , and other creatures tithable by the law of the Land ; I think it cannot be affirmed by discerning men , who are not led aside by prejudice and prepossessions , that we give any thing at all of our own unto them , more then our Easter-offering , be it more or lesse . 'T is true , some Statutes have been made about the payment of personall tithes , out of the gains arising in the way of trade : and I remember Dr Burgesse writ a book about it , for which he stands as highly censured by the Independent p , as for other things by those of the Prelaticall party . But then I think it is as true , that either those Statutes were drawn up with such reservations , or men of trades have been so backward to conform unto them ; that little or no benefit hath redounded by them to the Parish-Minister , more then to shew the good affections which the Parliaments of those times had unto the Clergy . And if we pay nothing of our own towards the maintenance of the Clergy out of the increase of our grounds and stock , as I have plainly proved we doe not ; and that no benefit come unto them from the gains of trading , as I think there comes not : if those small vailes and casualties which redound unto him from Marriages , Churchings , and the like occasions , be given unto him for some speciall service which he doth perform , and not for his administration of the Word and Sacraments ; I hope my second Proposition hath been proved sufficiently , namely , that there is no man in the kingdome of England who payeth any thing of his own towards the maintenance of his Parish-Minister , but his Easter-offering ; if so , as so it is for certain , there hath been little ground for so great a clamour as hath been lately raised about this particular : lesse reason to subduct or to change that maintenance which the piety of our Kings have given , and the indulgence of succeeding Princes have confirmed in Parliament , without any charge unto the subject . Which change , though possibly some specious colors may be put unto it , will neither be really beneficiall to the Clergy or Laity . And that conducts me on to my last Proposition , viz. III. That the change of Tithes into Stipends will bring greater trouble to the Clergy , then is yet considered ; and far lesse profit to the Country , then is now pretended . This is a double Proposition , and therefore must be looked on in its severall parts : first , in relation to the Clergy , whose ease is very much pretended , and next in reference to the Occupant , whose profit onely is intended in the change desired . It is pretended for the Clergy q to be a very difficult thing to know the dues demandable in their severall parishes , that it maketh them too much given unto worldly things , by looking after the inning and threshing out of their corn ; and doth occasion many scandalous and vexatious suits betwixt them and their neighbours : all which , they think will be avoided , in case the Ministers were reduced to some annuall stipend . And to this end it is propounded by the Army in their late Proposals , that the unequall , troublesome , and contentious way of Ministers maintenance by Tithes , may be considered of , ( in Parliament ) and a remedy applied unto it . But under favor of the Army , and of all those who have contrived the late Petitions to that purpose ; I cannot see but that the way of maintenance by annuall stipends will be as troublesome , unequall , and contentious too , as that of Tithes by Law established ; especially if those annuall stipends be raised according to the platform which is now in hand . For , as far as I am able to judge by that which I have seen and heard from the chief contrivers , the design is this . A valuation to be made of every benefice over all the kingdome , according to the worth thereof one year with another ; a yearly summe according to that valuation to be raised upon the lands of every parish , which now stand chargeable with Tithes ; the mony so assessed and levied , to be brought into one common treasury in each severall County , and committed to the hands of speciall Trustees hereunto appointed ; and finally , that those Trustees doe issue out each halfe year such allowances to the Ministers of the severall parishes , respect being had unto the deserts of the person and the charge of his family : yet so , that the Impropriatours be first fully satisfied according to the estimate of their Tithes and Glebe . This is the substance of the project . And if the moneys be assessed in the way proposed , onely upon the landed men , whether Lords or Tenants , and not upon Artificers handicrafts , and men of mysterious trades , who receive equall benefit by the Ministers labours ; the way of maintenance by stipends will be as unequall altogether , as by that of tithes . And if it be but as unequall , I am sure it will be far more troublesome . For now the Minister or Incumbent hath no more to doe , but to see his corn brought in and housed ( being to be cut and cocked to his hand both by law and custome ) and being brought in , either to spend it in his house , or sell the residue thereof to buy other provisions . Which if hee think too great an avocation from his studies , he may put over to his wife , or some trusty servant , as Gentlemen of greater fortunes doe unto their Bailifs . And I my self know divers Clergy men of good note and quality , to whom the taking up of Tithes brings no greater trouble , then once a month to look over the accompts of their servants : besides , that many of them , keeping no more in their hands , then what will serve for the necessary expence of houshold , let out the rest unto some neighbour at an yearly rent . But when the Tithes are turned to money , and that the Minister hath neither corn nor hay , nor any other provision for expence of houshold , but what hee buyeth by the penny : what an unreasonable trouble must it needs prove to him to trudge from one market to another , for every bit of bread he eats , & every handfull of malt which he is to spend ? And if corn happen to be dear , ( as it is at this present ) one quarter of a years provisions bought at the price of the market , may eat out his whole years allowance . Besides , I would fain learn , for I know not yet , whether the valuation be to be made yearly , and to hold no longer then that year , or being once agreed on to endure for ever . If it be made from year to yeare , either the Minister must be at a certain trouble in driving a new bargain every year , with each severall and respective Occupant within the parishes ; or at a greater trouble in attending the Trustees of the County , till they have list and leisure to conclude it for him . But if the valuation once made be to hold for ever , which is I think , the true intent of the designe ; I would fain know , in case the price of all commodities should rise as much by the end of the next hundred years , as it hath done in the last , and so the next hundreds after that ; how scant a pittance the poor Minister will have in time for the subsistence of himself and his family-charge . For since the 26 of King Henry the 8th when a survay was taken of all the spirituall promotions in this kingdome , and the clear yearly value of each returned into the Court of the Exchequer , the prices of commodities have been so inhaunced , that had not Benefices been improved proportionably , but held unto the valuation which is there recorded , the Ministery in generall had been so poor , so utterly unable to have gone to the price of the markets , that many must have digged or begged for an hungry livelihood . And yet we doe not see an end of the mischief neither ; for when the Tithes are changed to a sum of money , and the mony brought into a common bank or Treasury , hee will bee sure to undergoe a certain losse , and be vexed with more uncertain troubles . For when this Clergy-office is once erected and settled in a constant course or method , as all offices be ; there must be Treasurers , Receivers , Tellers , Auditours , besides under-offices , in each severall County : every of which will look to have some benefit by his place and office , if not his whole subsistence by it . And I would fain know of these grand Projectors , by that time every one of these Cooks hath licked his fingers , and each Cerberus hath had his mouth full ; how pitifully short the Commons must needs prove to the hungry Clergy , who are to live on the remainder . Now as the losse is more then certain , so will the trouble be as great as the losse , and no lesse certain too , though it be uncertain . For when the poor Clergy-man hackneyeth to receive his Stipend , how many put-offs shall he finde , ere he speed of his business . For either Mr Treasurer is not at leisure , or the money is not yet come in , or better men then he must be sped before him : and having danced a fortnight in this attendance , may possibly be forced to a composition , and take egs for his money , or else pay very dearly for his expedition . Such courses have been formerly complained of in the Kings Exchequer ; Committees in the Countrey are not free from the like complaints : and much I fear , lest this new Office prove as full of delaies and trouble ( for the best of us are but men , and subject to corrupt affections ) as either of the others have been found to be . But then , if Mr Treasurer have a further power either of augmentation or of diminution , according as he judgeth of the Ministers diligence , or looks upon him in respect of his charge and family : what a base vassallage and thraldome must the poor Clergy-man bee brought to , in having such a Super-Intendent to judge of his parts and diligence , or to assigne him an allowance for his wife and children ? How punctually must Mr Treasurer be attended and crouched unto , gifted , and bribed from time to time , either in hope to have the yearly Stipend mended , or else for fear to have it lessned ? The Chancellors were thought to Lord it with too high an insolency , when the poor Country-Minister did appear before them . But these who are to bear the bag , and upon whom the Clergy must depend for a poor subsistence , will bee sure to Lord it over them with contempt enough ; more then the Chancellour or Bishop in the worst times of their Government : in case at last they doe not think all wast which is given to Christ , under pretence of keeping it for more pious uses . And what a trouble and vexation to ingenuous mindes this must needs be thought , let the Reader judge . So then , the way of Ministers maintenance by yearly Stipends being as unequall , and more troublesome then that of Tithes ; let us next see whether it may not prove as contentious also . T is true indeed , there have been many suits in the Courts of Westminster , between some Incumbents and their neighbours about matter of Tithes ; but if it be examined where the fault lieth most , I doubt it will be rather found to proceed out of covetousness in some parishioners , then any difficulty in discovering the demandable dues , or any contentiousness in the Ministers . For many Countrey people reckoning all good gains of which they can defraud the Parson , are apt enough on all occasions to subduct their Tithes , and either to pretend customes , or plead prescriptions , to decline the payment . And though they commonly attempt it first in such trifling matters , as are not considerable in themselves , and would bring a scandall on the Minister , should he be too strict , and trouble them for matters of so sleight a nature : yet when he looks upon the consequent , and that the withholding or subducting of those petit Tithes , is but to make a way for the rest to follow ; hee findes more reason to insist on a punctuall payment , then otherwise the nature of the thing would bear . And if a suit ensue upon it , I see not why it should be charged upon the Minister , who is accomptable to God , the Church , and his whole succession , from any diminution of the Churches rights , by his remisnesse or connivence . But wheresoever the fault lies , contentious suits doe sometimes happen , there is no question of it . And can wee think contentions will not also rise about the payment of the Stipends ? Some men conceive themselves to be over-rated , others are apt enough to think that the Tradesmā who gets more by his shop , then they doe by the Plough , should be as liable as themselves to this common burden ; and some beleeving that no Tithes are due at all , will neither pay in kinde or money . Some course must then be taken to inforce a payment , where payment is denied upon these pretentions : and there is no compulsive course without some contention . And then supposing that some course must be taken to inforce a payment , ( as I can see no hope how it will be avoided ) I would next know by whom this course must be pursued . If by the Trustees for the County , they will be like to prove but ill solicitors in another mans business , as being to get nothing but their pains for their labour ; besides that , spending , as they must , on the common stock ( and men we know , are very apt to cut large thongs out of another mans leather ) the bill of charges for one suit , may possibly devour the fruits of the whole Benefice . If by the Minister himself , as it is most likely , we are but where we were before , and by avoiding one contention for Tithes in kind , the Minister must be ingaged in another for Tithes in money , which comes all to one . For that such suits will follow on this alteration , I look on as a matter unavoidable ; considering especially , how infinitely the Countrey-man , who aims at nothing in the change but his gain or profit , will finde himself deceived of his expectation , and consequently will be more stubborn and untractable when he seeth his errour . For that the change of Tithes into annuall Stipends , will not be so much unto his profit as he doth expect , & hath been intimated to him by some leading men , who have the hāmering of the plot , will be no hard matter to demonstrate . I know that nothing is pretended openly in the alteration , but that the Occupant may have his Tithes at a certain rent ; and not be troubled to expect till the Parson comes to set out his dues . But I know too , that generally they have been fed with a secret hope , that if the Parliament prevailed in the present war , they then should pay no Tithes at all , but every man of what estate or trade soever , should be contributory to the charge of the Ministers maintenance . Iust so the Prince of Orange dealt with the Boors of Holland : assuring them , that if they prospered in the war against the King of Spain ( which was then in hand ) they should pay no Tithes unto their Ministers ; and in the mean time that the Tithes should be taken up towards the maintenance of the war for the common liberty . But when the war was brought to so fair an issue , that the Boor thought to be exempted from the payment of Tithes : Answer was made , that they should pay none to the Minister as they had done formerly , whereby their Ministers in effect were become their Masters , but that the Tithes were so considerable a Revenue , that the State could not possibly subsist without them ; that therefore they must be content to pay them to the States Commissioners , as they had done hitherto , and that the State would take due care to maintain a Ministery . By means whereof they doe not onely pay their Tithes , as in former times : but seeing how short the publick allowance made their Ministers , doth come of that which some are pleased to call a competency , they are constrained ( as it were ) out of common charity , if not compelled thereto by Order , to contribute over and above , with the rest of the people , for the improvement and increase of the Ministers pension . And so it was in Scotland also , after the Lords of new erection had ingrossed the Tithes . I cannot say that there is any such designe as to annex the Tithes to the Crown , ( though if they be taken from the Clergy they ought of common right to return again unto the Crown , from whence they came . ) But I dare say the Landholder will conceive himself as much defrauded of his expectation , as if there was : and when he findes , that in stead of paying no Tithes at all , he is to pay a valuable consideration in money for them , will think himself so far from being beholding to the Vndertakers of this project , that he will think the old way better , and more easie to him . His money he accompts his own , and parts as sadly from it as from so much of his bloud . The Tithes he looks upon as another mans , which never were in his possession , or to be reckoned of as a part of himself ; and therefore lets them goe without grief and trouble . And I have marked it commonly amongst my neighbours ( who I beleeve are of the same temper with other Occupants ) that the same men who took no thought for parting with their Tithes in kinds , having compounded for them at a rate in money , invented more delays , & made more excuses to put the payment off for a week or two , and so from one day to another , then for the payment of their Tithes in all their life time . So dear a thing is money to us Country people , that he who shall perswade us to redeem a supposed inconvenience with a reall and a constant expence of treasure , will be counted but an evill Counsellor . A visible evidence whereof we have now amongst us . For though the quartering of Soldiers be the heaviest bondage that ever a free-born people did languish under , and such as men of means and quality would buy out upon any tearms : yet generally the Country man had rather make himself a slave , and his wife a drudge , and let them spend upon his victuals , then part with mony to remove them to some other place . My inference hereupon is this ; either the valuation of each severall Benefice will be true and reall to the worth , or not . If not , it may redound indeed to the Ploughmans profit , but then it comes accompanied with a publick fraud , which I beleeve no Christian State will be guilty of . And on the other side , if the rates be made according to the full worth of the Benefice , it will be little to the profit of the Husbandman ; who might have farmed his tithes as cheap of the Parson or Vicar ; besides the hearts-grief it will be unto many of them to part with ready money for a thing of convenience , without which they might live as happily as their fathers did . And if it be not to the profit of the Ploughman this way , I am sure that in another way it will not be to his content , or his profit either . For taking it for granted , as I think I may , that I have hit on the designe which is now on foot , that is to say , that the yearly profits of each Benefice in every County be brought into one common bank or treasury within the County , and then disposed of by Trustees , according as they judge of the deserts of the person , and take into consideration his family-charge : it may so happen , ( and will doubtlesse ) that in a parish where the tax or sessement cometh to 400 l. per annum , the Minister may not be allowed above an hundred . The residue will be wholly in Mr Treasurers power , either to feast it with his friends , or lay up for his children ; or at the best to settle it on such who relate unto him , or can make means and friends to enlarge their pensions , though such perhaps as were never seen nor heard of by the parish , whence the money comes . And if men think it , as it is , an ill peece of husbandry , to have the soil carried off their own land , and laid on anothers , to the impoverishing of their own , and enriching of his , I cannot see but that it will be thought a worse peece of husbandry , and prove of very ill digestion to most Country stomacks ; to have the fat of their livings carried to another place , and given unto a man whom they never saw , and who is never like to feed their souls with the bread of life , or their bodies with the life of bread : their own poor Minister mean while , from whom they have reason to expect it , being so discouraged and impoverished that he can doe neither . For whereas those who were possessed of the richer benefices , did use to keep good hospitality , to entertain their neighbours , and relieve their poor , and doe many other good offices amongst them as occasion served , both to the benefit and comfort of all sorts of parishioners ; it may so happen , and it will ( as before I said ) that the Minister may be so ill befriended by Mr Treasurer , and the rest of the Trustees for the County , that in stead of being either a benefit or a comfort to them , in the way proposed , he may prove a burden , & a charge . And though I doubt not but as great care will be taken , as can be desired in the choice of those who are to have the disposing of the publick monies : yet to suppose that men once settled in an office of such trust and power , may not be subject unto partialities and corrupt affections , were an imagination fitter for the Lord Chancelour Verulams new Atlantis , or Sr Thomas More his predecessors old Vtopia , or a Platonick Common-wealth , then the besttempered government in the Christian world . For my part , looking into the designe with the best eyes I have , and judging of it by the clearest light of understanding , which God hath given me , I am not able to discern but that the change of Tithes into Stipends ( in the way propounded ) will bring greater trouble to the Clergy then is yet considered ; and far lesse profit to the countrey then is now pretended : which is the third and last of my Propositions ; and is , I hope , sufficiently and fully proved , or at the least made probable , if not demonstrative . I have said nothing in this Tract of the right of Tithes , or on what motive or considerations of preceding claim , the Kings of England did confer them upon the Clergy : contenting my self at this time with the matter of fact , as namely , that they were settled on the Church by the Kings of this Realm , before they granted out estates to the Lords and Gentry , and that the land thus charged with the payment of Tithes , they passed from one man to another , untill it came unto the hands of the present Occupant ; which cuts off all that claim or title which the misperswaded subject can pretend unto them . I know it cannot bee denied , but that notwithstanding the said Grants and Charters of those ancient Kings , many of the great men of the Realm , and some also of the inferiour Gentry possessed of Manours , before the Lateran Councell , r did either keep their Tithes in their own hands , or make infeodations of them to Religious houses , or give them to such Priests or Parishes , as they best affected . But after the decree of Pope Innocent the 3d , ( which you may find at large in Sr Edw : Cokes Comment upon Magna Charta , and other old Statutes of this Realm , in the Chapter of Tithes ) had been confirmed in that Councel , ( Anno 1215 ) and incorporated into the Canons and conclusions of it , the payment of them to the Minister or Parochiall Priest , came to be settled universally over all the kingdome : save that the Templars , the Hospitalers , and Monkes of Cisteaux held their ancient priviledges of being excepted for those lands which they held in occupancy from this generall rule . Nor have I said any thing of Impropriations ; partly , because I am perswaded that the Lords and Gentry , who have either Votes or Friends in Parliament , will look well enough to the saving of their own stakes ; but principally , because coming from the same original grant from the King to the Subjects , & by them settled upon Monasteries and Religious houses , they fell in the ruine of those houses to the Crown again , ( as of due right the Tithes should doe , if they be taken from the Clergy ; ) and by the Crown were alienated in due form of law , and came by many mean conveyances to the present Owners . Onely I shall desire that the Lords and Commons would take a speciall care of the Churches Patrimony , for fear lest that the prevalency of this evill humour which gapes so greedily after the Clergies Tithes , doe in the end devour theirs also . And it concerns them also in relation to their right of Patronage , which if this plot goe on , will be utterly lost : and Churches will no longer be presentative at the choice of the Patron ; but either made Elective at the will of the People , or else Collated by the Trustees of the severall Counties ( succeeding as they doe in the power of Bishops ) as now Committee-men dispose of the preferments of the sequestred Clergy . If either by their power and wisdome , or by the Arguments and Reasons which are here produced , the peoples eyes are opened to discern the truth , and that they be deceived no longer by this popular errour , it is all I am at : who have no other ends herein but onely to undeceive them in this point of Tithes ; which hath been represented to them as a publick grievance conducing manifestly to the diminution of their gain and profit . If notwithstanding all this care for their information , they will run headlong in the ways of spoil and sacriledge , and shut their eyes against the light of the truth , shine it never so brightly : let them take heed they fall not into that infatuation which the Scripture denounceth , that ▪ seeing they shall see , but shall not perceive ; and that the stealing of this Coal from the Altars of God , burn not down their houses . And so I shut up this discourse with the words of our Saviour , saying , that no man tasteth new wine , but presently he saith , that the old is the better . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A86306e-350 a As in the answer to those of Hartford , Kent , &c. b Levit. 2. 3. & 7. 5. 7. c Lev. 7. 33 , 34. d Ib. v. 8. e Lev. 27. 12 , 13. f Tithegatherers no Gospel-Ministers . g Locuples & dives in dominicum sine sacrificio venis , & partem sacrificii quod pauper obtulit sumis . Cypde piet . & Eleemos . h Beda in histor Eccles. l. 1. i Anno 855. Rex Ethelwulfus , omnium Praelatorum & Principum suorum qui sub ipso variis Provinciis totius Anglia praeerant gratuito Consensu , tunc primo cum decim●s terrarum & bonorum aliorum sive Catallorum , universam dotavit Ecclesiam per suum Regium Chirographum . Ingulph . k Decimavit de omni possessione sua in partem Domini , & in universo regimine Principatus sui sit constituit . Ethelward . l Aethelwulphus Rex decimam totius Regni sui partem , ab omni Regali servitio & tribut● liberavit , & in sempiterno Graphio in Cruce Christi , pro Redemptione Animae suae & Praedecessorum suorum uni & trino Deo immolavit . Florent . Wigorn . m Totam terram suam propter amorem Dei & redemptionem ad opes Ecclesiarum decimavit . Henr. Huntingd. n Qui augere voluerit nostrā donationem , augeat omnipotens Deus dies ejus prosperos ; siquis verò mutare vel minuere praesumpsert , noscat se ad Tribunal Christi redditurū ration● , nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit . o Vt imprimis de meo proprio reddant Deo decimas ; & Episcopi mei similiter faciant de suo proprio , & Aldermanni mei & Praepofiti mei . p As in the Book called Tithegatherers no Gospel-officers . q As in the Kentish Petition and other projects of that kind . r Ante Concilium Lateranense , bene poterant Laici decimas sibi in feudum retinere , vel aliis quibuscunque Ecclesiis dare . Lindwood in Provine . cap. de decimis . 
A43545	----	Observations on the historie of The reign of King Charles published by H.L. Esq., for illustration of the story, and rectifying some mistakes and errors in the course thereof. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1656 Approx. 357 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 137 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43545 Wing H1727 ESTC R5347 12138769 ocm 12138769 54826 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43545) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54826) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 105:5) Observations on the historie of The reign of King Charles published by H.L. Esq., for illustration of the story, and rectifying some mistakes and errors in the course thereof. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [8], 249, [16] p. Printed for John Clarke ..., London : 1656. Attributed to Peter Heylyn. Cf. BM. "H.L." stands for Hamon L'Estrange. Cf. BM. Errata: p. [8] at end. Advertisements: p. [7]-[8] at beginning. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. L'Estrange, Hamon, 1605-1660. -- Reign of King Charles. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion OBSERVATIONS ON THE HISTORIE Of the Reign of KING CHARLES : Published by H. L. Esq. FOR Illustration of the Story , and Rectifying some Mistakes and Errors in the Course thereof . Horat. de arte Poet. Hunc veniam petimúsque , damúsque vicissim . Tacit. Hist. Lib. 1. Fidem professis in corruptam , nec amore quicquam , nec odio dicendum est . LONDON , Printed for John Clarke , at his shop under S. PetersChurch in Cornhill , 1656. To the worthily esteemed H. L. Esq. The Authour of the Historie of the Reign of King CHARLES . Sir , I Have read your History of the Reign of King CHARLES , and am sorry I had not so mu●…h acquaintance with you , as to see your Papers , before you put them to the Presse : which had I done , I should have advertised you of many things , wherein I finde , that either your intelligence , or your diligence failed you , or your judgment is not well informed , or that you have been byassed from the mark of truth , by the excesse and transport of your own affections . But being as it is , I beseech you to accept with a friendly hand , that which with ingenuity mixed with freedome , is here offered to you , and hope you will not be offended , if your History is become the text of so free a Commentary . I know full well quam facile sit inventis addere , how easie a thing it is to adde to another mans indeavours , and raise a superstructure upon that foundation , which hath been layed without our trouble ; but I am not ignorant withall , that many times the pains of the Commentator , are greater than their were whom he doth illustrate . Without which helps to guide us to the understanding of most antient Writers , how many of them had been thrown aside with disdain and scorn ( as S. Ambrose is reported to have dealt with the Satyrs of Perseus ) because no●… easily intelligible even to Learned men . I doubt not but it was your purpose , faithfully and impartially to inform your Reader in the truth of things ; in which if you have failed by reason of any of the respects before recited , these following Observations , will serve both as a Supplement , to make good some points wherein . I finde your Booke defective , and a Correction of some other passages , in which I finde you are mistaken . Between us both the History will be made more perfect , and consequently the Reader will be better satisfied : which makes me somewhat confident , that these few Notes , will be so farre from making your History lesse vendible than it was before , that they will very much advantage and promote the sale . And if I can doe good to all , without wrong to any , I ●…ope no man can be offended with my pains and industry . For my own part , as I first undertook this businesse with a minde free from love , or hatred , or any of those other affections , which preingagements in a party doe possesse men with , so I have carried it all along with such impartiality and confidence , as may witnesse for me that I preferre Truth before Interesse ; and that none of Hugh Peters his three great Gyants , that is to say , Gyant-Fear , Gyant-Selfe , and Gyant-Relations , ( which commonly obstruct the passage to all good intendments ) have been able to prevaile upon me . And for your self , I desire you would please to know , that I have your parts and person in an high esteem , and have not took this task in hand , to detract any thing from those just honours which you have acquired , but onely to rectifie your judgments , and lay before you and your Reader the true state of things . That modest freedome I have used , in these Observations ( especially the first and last ) many perhaps at the first sight seem unpleasing to you . And yet so farre I am from d●…spair of pardon , that I conceive my ingenuity at the last may deserve your thanks : it being ordinary with most men , who are under the hands of the Chirurgion , to be impatient with him , and exclaim against him whilst their Wounds are dressed , and yet to honour and commend him when the Cure is wrought ; howsoever you will gain this by it , that if you doe proceed to the end of the Story , as you somewhere intimate , you will be hereby made more carefull of the grounds you go on , and render the Second Part lesse capable of such Animadversions than the First hath been : which I more earnestly desire , than to engage my self in a second trouble , to which I hope you either will give no occasion , or pardon me if I doe . October 8. An Advertisement to the READER . Reader , THou 〈◊〉 here some Obser●…tions upon the History of the Reigne of King CAARLES , not long since published , which had come s●…ner to thy hands if there had been as much spe●…d made at the Presse , as there was at the Pen. But this is not the onely injury the delay hath done us ; for the extreme cold weather overtaking the Printers at their first entrance on the work hath so benummed the fingers of the Compositors , and dulled the eyes of the Correctors , that thou art like to find a greater Errat●… than thou could●… reasonably expect in so small a Volume . The principal and most material I have here subjoyned , by which I desire thee to amend and correct the Book before thou settest thy self to the Reading of it . That pains being taken , the Book will be more acceptable unto all that reade it , and I hope every one that reads it , will receive both profit and contentment 〈◊〉 to his paines and charge . ●…or though t●…se Observations may probably be of most satisfa●…ion to such as have the Hi●…ory by th●…m , yet I conceive that even to those who have it not , they will yeild some benefit , by giving them a 〈◊〉 accompt of many passages ( exceeding necessary for the right understanding of the ●…ate of things ) which our Author either hath omitted , or else misreported , or finally , not so clearly apprehended as he should have done . The disputations of Machiavell may be read with light and profit , without recourse unto the Decads of Titus Livius , whom he makes the Argument of his discou●…ses ; and we may read with like content the Observations of Malvezzy on the beginning of the Annals of Co●…nelius Tacitus , and yet not have that Author by us . This said , I have no more to adde , but to commend my pains to thy good acceptance . And so fare thee well . OBSERVATIONS On the History of the Reign of King CHARLES . INtending a few Observations on the newly publ●…d History of the Reign of King Charles , to make it thereby the more usefull to my selfe and others , I have thought it fit and necessary to prepare my way , by offering some considerations at the Authors style , which by reason of many lofty , but 〈◊〉 words , no English Reader can climb over . And the first word of this kinde which I take notice of in the Book it selfe , is , Repandous ] a new Latin , English word of our Authors making ; of which , and others of that stamp , extracted from the Greek , Latin , French and Spanish ( but all disguised , like the Soldiers of the Duke of Britain , in an English habit ) his book contained so vast a medly , as if it had been framed at Babell , before the scattered company were united into Tongues and Languages . The History of a King of England , intended for the use and b●…nefit of the English Nation , ought to be given us in such words , as either are originally of an English stock , or by continuall usage , and long tract of time , are become naturall and familiar to an English ●…are ; and not in such new minted termes , and those too of a forreign , and outlandish Race , as are not to be understood without help of Dictionaries . It is true indeed , that when there is necessity of using either termes of Law , or Logicall notions , or any other words of Art whatsoever they be : an Author is to keep himselfe to such termes and words , as are transmitted to us by the Learned in their severall Faculties . But to affect new Notions , and indeed new Nothings , when there is no necessity to incite us to it , hath something in it , which deserveth ●… more strict enquirie . It is observed of th●… Romanists , by Docter Fulke , and other●… of our Divines , that when they could n●… longer keep their followers from having the Scriptures laid before them in the English tongue , they so indeavoured to dim the light thereof by a dark Translation , that seeing they might see , but not understand ; and to that end did thrust into it many obscure words , both Greek and Latin , which neither by long use were known , nor by continuall custome made familiar to an English Reader . Of which sort , you may take these few as a taste of th●… rest . That is to say , Acquisi●…ion , Advent , Adulterate , Agnition , Archisynagogue , A●…imos , Comm●…ssations , Condign , Contristate , Depositum , Didrachme , Dominicall day , Donaries Evacnated from Christ , Euro - Aquilo , Epinanited , Holocaust , Hosts , Neophite , Paraclete , Parasceve , Pasch , Praefinition , Presence , Prevaricator , Proposition , Loaves , Repropitiate , Resuscitate , Sabbatis●… , Super-edified , Sancta-Sanctorū , Victims , words utterly unknown to any English Reader , unlesse well grounded , and instructed in the Learned Languages , and consequently their whole Translation uselesse to most sorts of men . I cannot say that the Author of the History which we have in hand , was under any such neces●…ity of writing , as the R●…mists were , or that it did affect obscurity on any such design , as the Rhemists did ; but I may very warrantably and justly say , that in the Coining of new words , not to be understood by a common Reader , he hath not onely out-vied the Rhemists , but infi●…tely exceeded all that have gone before him . A vein of writing , which two the great Masters of the Greek , and Roman Eloquence had no knowledge of , who used such words in their addresses to the people , as were illius temporis auribus accommodata ( as it is in Tacitus ) accommodate and fitted to the times they lived in , and easily intelligible unto all that heard them . Loquendum est cum vulgo , was the antient rule . And certainly to speak so as to be understood by the meanest hearer , to write so , as to be comprehended by the vulgar Reader , is such a principle of Prudence , as well becometh the practice of the greatest Clerks . But it is with this our Author , as with many others , who think they can never speak elegantly , nor write significantly , except they do●… it in a language of their owne devising , as if they were ashamed o●… their Mother-tongue , or thought it no●… sufficiently curious , to expresse their fancies . By meanes whereof , more Frenc●… and Latin words have gained ground up on us , since the middle of the Reign o●… Queen Elizabeth , then were admitted by our Ancestors ( whether we look upon them as the British or Saxon race ) not onely since the Norman , but the Roman Conquest , a folly handsomely derided in an old blunt Epigram , where the spruce Gallant thus bespeakes his Page or Laquay : Diminutive and my defective slave , Reach my Corps coverture immediatly , 'T is my complacency that rest to have ; 'T insconse my person from Frigiditie . The boy beliv'd all Welch his Master speke Till railed English , Rogue go fetch my Cloak . I had not given my selfe the trouble of this Observation , but to meet the humour of some men , who if pretenders to French or Latin tongues , pretend to an authority also of creating words , and giving us new formes of speaking , which neither King nor Keiser hath the power to doe . Moneyes and Coines are forthwith currant , and universally admitted , as soon as they receive the stamp of Supream Authority . But it is not in the power of Kings or Parliaments to ordaine new words , without the liking and consent of the common people . Forrein Commodities , not Customed , are not safely sold ; and Forreine words , till licensed , and approved by custome , are not fitly used . And therefore it was well said by an able Grammarian , to a great Emperor of Rome , Homines donare civitate potes , verba item non potes ; that is to say , that he might naturalize whole Nations , by giving them the priviledges of a Roman Citizen , but that it was not in his power to doe so with words , and make them Free ( as one might say ) of the Latin tongue . In this case , Custome and Consent , and the generall usage , are the greatest Princes , and he that doth proceed without their authority , hath no authority at all to proceed upon : It being no othsrwise with new Words , then with new Fashions in Apparell , which are at first ridiculous , or at least unsightly , till by continuall wearing , they become more ordinary . And so it is resolved by Horace , in his Book , De Arte Poetica . Multa renascenter quae nnnc cecidere cadentque , Quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula , si volet usus ; Quem penes arbitrium est , & vis & norma loquendi . In English thus , Many old words shall be resum'd and some , Now in great honour , shall as vile become , If use so please ; to which alone belongs , The power to regulat●… and di●…ect our tongues . But lest our Author should affirm with Cremulius Cordus in the story , Adeo factorum innocens sum ut verba m●…a arguantur , that we are faine to cav●…l with him for his words , for want of greater matter to except against ; I shall forbear the prosecution of this Argument , till the close of all , and passe to such materiall points as shall come before me . To whom the Prince returned answer , that he would impower the Earl of Bristol , to give his Master all satisfaction in that particular , ] that is to say ( for so you must be understood in the words foregoing ) that he would make a Pr●…xie to the Earl of Bristol to celebrate ( in his name ) the Marriage with the Lady Infanta ▪ But there was no such Proxie made to the Earle of Bristol , that being a power and trust thought worthy of the Catholick King , and Don Charles his Brother , as appeareth plainly by the publick Instrument made to that effect , bearing date August the 8 Anno 1623. which being sealed by the Prince in due forme of Law , it was indeed committed to the custody of the Earle of Bristoll , by him to be delivered to the King of Spaine , and Don Charles his Brother , or to either of them , as soon as the Dispensation should be brought from Rome , and this was all the Power which the E●…rle of Bristol had , which yet he had no power to execute , as it after proved . The Loyall hearted English could not distinguish between the Spanish match , and Charles his ruine . ] That some of the Loyall hearted English were of that opinion , I shall easily grant , but they had other Opinions also , which did Bias with them ; especially one opinion , that the near Allianc●… with that Crown , would arme the King with power to suppresse that F●…ction , which began then to be dreadfull to him , and have since been the ruine of Charles , and his whole Posterity . But other English hearts there are , of no lesse Loyalty , and of as great affection to the Royal Family , and as great Zealots of the true Protestant Religion here by Law established , who think otherwise of it , and that the ruine of Prince Charles might by this match have been prevented . The Spaniard for the most part found a more steady friend , then the wavering French. What else there was ( which might confirme them on the Post-fact ) in this perswasion I shall reserve unto my selfe . But you proceed and tell us , after Folio 5. That England ever found the Spaniard a worse Friend , then an Enemy . ] For this I thinke you have no reason , the amity and correspondence between the Nations having continued firme , and most inv●…olate for many Ages , and never broke ( if not of late ) but by the English , or on their occasions . First , by the Invasion of Spai●…e by the ●…lack Prince , in the time of Don Pedro of Castile , and the War carried thither not long after by the Duke of Lancaster ; n●…xt , on the breach made with Charles the fift , by King Henry the Eighth , in pursuance of the injury don●… unto him , in casting off Queen Katharine , that great Emperours Aunt ; and finally by Queen Elizabeth , supporting the revolting Netherlands against Philip the second , their naturall and most lawfull Prince . If on this last and greatest provocation the Spaniard took up armes against us , he had all the reason in the world for his justification . Who per●…iving upon the whole summe , that the slie Spaniard practised to make an after-game of the Palatinate . ] King James was not to be told that now ( I meane upon the Prince's returne from Spaine ) there being no such thing as the restoring of the Palatinate to the Prince Elector , i●… all the Articles of the Treaty , which wer●… sworne between them . That was reserve●… as an after-game , but yet intended to b●… played by the Spanish Court , to the mos●… honour and advantage of the Engli●… Nation , thereby to gaine the better welcome to the Royall Bride , when she cam●… amongst us . For thus I finde it in a Letter from the Earle of Bristol , dated th●… 28. of October , not long after the Prince'●… coming home . For the businesse of the Palatinate , as 〈◊〉 will appears by the joynt disppatch which Si●… Walter Aston , and my selfe wrote of th●… 23. of November , that we were assured , not by the Conde of Olivares , onely in this Kings name , but severally , by all the Councellors , that a setled resolution was taken in Councill , on the 16. of November , that this King should procure his Majesties intire satisfaction , and hereof the Cardinall Ca●…ala , and divers other Councellors that prof●…ssed the●…selves particularly affected to the King and Prince's service , came to give Sir Walter Aston and my selfe the P●…rabein . The Conde of Olivares intreated 〈◊〉 both , in this Kings name , to assure his Majesty thereof , upon our honours , and upon our lives if need were . And thus much was to have been delivered unto us in writing , before we would have passed to the Disposories , as will plainly appeare by this above mentioned dispatch , of the 23. of November . Besides , the Princesse had now made this businesse her owne , and had therein most earnestly moved the King her Brother , & written unto the Conde of Olivares , and had set her heart upon the making of her selfe gracefull , and welcom to the King and Kingdome , by overco●…ing this businesse . These are the words of Bristol's Letter , and these give me no small assurance of the integrity and good meaning of the Court of Spaine , as ●…o that particular . Which being met , and the businesse propounded , it was entertained with an unanimous consent , and a motion made , that an Ambassador should be sent over to negotiate the Treaty . ] I somewhat doubt of your intelligence in this relation , the Marriage of the Prince , containing such a Branch of the Royall prerogative , as King James was not likely to communicate with his Houses of Parliament . For when he was Petitioned by both Houses not long before , that for the avoiding of some dangers , which did seem to threaten the whole Kingdome , he would Marry the Prince to a Lady of the Protestant Religion ; he entertained the motion with no small disdaine , and checkt them in his answer , for intrenching on his just Prerogative . And though King Charles acquainted the two Houses of Parliament with his intent of Marrying the Princesse Mary , to the Heire of Orange , yet we must look upon him at that time , as encumbred with the greatest difficulties , that ever any Prince lay under ; one that had wholly lost himselfe on their Love and Courtesie , and therefore was to hold fair with th●…m in the greatest matters . And yet he did not bend thus low , nor communicate the affaire unto them , till the Articles of the Marriage were in a manner concluded , as appeareth plainly by his Majesties Speech in the House of Lords , Fol. 213. But when it was required of him as a Duty , not an Act of Grace , in the fift of the nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yerke , that none of his Children should be Married without their consent ; though he was then in such a necessitous condition , as few Princes ever were reduced to , yet would he by no meanes s●…sfie their demands therein . In the style of the Court he went for Great Britains Solomon . ] It cannot be denied , but that he was an Universall Scholar , as you tell us afterwards , the greatest Scholar ( without doubt ) for so great a King , that these last Ages of the world have presented to us ; but that he was Great Britains Solomon , that is to say , either the wisest Man , or the wisest King of the British Nations , I am not Courtier enough to defend or say . It is true indeed , that he much pleased hims●…lfe with boasting of his Kings craft , as he used to call it , but as Imbold a French Captain was wont to say , that he could never see where that great wit of the Florentines lay , which was so much talked of in the world ; so I have heard many wise men say , that they could never finde what that King-craft was : It being no hard matter to prove , that in all publick Treaties and Negotiations , and many private Conferences and debates of Councell , he was out-witted , and made use of unto other mens ends , by almost all that undertook him . And on●… might say , ( I fear●… too truly ) that by putting off the Majesty belonging to a King of England , that so he might more liberally enjoy himselfe ; neglecting the affaires of State , and cares of Government , to hunt after pleasures ; deserting the imperiall City , to sport himselfe at Roiston , Newmarket , and such obscure places ( which were to him as the Isle of Capre was to Tiberius Caesar ) and finally by letting loose the Golden reines of Discipline , held by his Predecessors with so strict a hand ; he opened the first gap unto those confusions , of which we have since found the miserable and wofull consequences . But I know not what temptation hath drawn this note from me , I goe on againe . A stout adversary he was to the Arminians , and Semi-Pelagians , whom he called , as Prosper before him did , the Enemies of Gods grace . ] In this short sentence there are many things to be considered . 1. What these Arminians were , which our Author speakes of . 2. Whether they were the Enemies of Gods grace or not ? and 3. what the reason was why King James shewed himselfe so great an adversary to them , as you say he did . And first for the Arminians ( as you call them ) they were a branch of the Sect of Calvin , to whose Discipline in all particulars they conformed themselves , and to his Doctrines in the most , differing only in the matter of Predestination , & the points subordinate ; but managing tho●… differences with a better temper , then their Opposites did . Nor were these differences onely controverted in the School of Calvin , but had been many times disputed with great heat and passion , betwixt the Franciscans and Dominicans in the Church of Rome . The rigid and moderate Lutherans in the Churches Protestant . The rigid Lutherans , who looke on Flacius Illyricus ( a man of a turbulent and fiery nature ) as their Head and Captaine , and with them the Dominieans ( or black Friers ) goe the same way as Calvin and his followers do●… ; and these proceed upon the authority of Saint Augustine , whose zeale against the P●…lagian Heresies transported him into such inconvenient expressions , as the wis●…st men may fall into on the like occasions . The moderate Lutherans , of which Melancthon , a sober and right learned man ( and therefore not unfitly called the Phoenix of Germany ) was the principal leader , and with them the Franciscan Friers ( and of late the Jesuits ) goe the same way which the Arminians since have followed ; grounding themselves upon the constant current of the antient Fathers , who lived and flourished , ante mala certamina Pelagiana , before the authority of Saint Augustine , in canvassing and confuting the Pelagian Heresies , carried all before it . For Doctor James Hermin , the University Reader , in the University of Leidon , preferring the Doctrine of Melancthon in these points , before that of Calvin , not onely maintained it in the Schooles , but preached it also in the P●…lpit as occasion was ; not that he was the first of the School of Calvin , that professed this way , but that he was of better parts , and of greater Learning , then any who before had undertook it . And being he was a man of such parts and Learning , and that his doctrine was conceived to be more Rationall in it selfe , farre more agreeable unto the Justice and Mercy of Almighty God , and more conducing unto Piety , then that of the Rigid Calvinist was esteemed to be , it quickly found great multitudes of followers in the B●…lgique Churches ; and these , not onely of the Vu●…gar , but the Learned sort , of which last ranke I may reckon Episcopius , Corvinus , Bertius , Tilenus , John G●…rard , Vossius , ( for his abilities in Learning , made a Prebend of Canterbury ) and that great magazine both of Divine and Humane literature , Hugo Grotius : These are the men who commonly are nick-named Arminians , and these the rigid Calvinists have indeavoured to oppose , to the publick hatred , by fastning on them many horrid Blasphemies , and grosse absurdities , which cannot properly and of right be charged upon them . For in the continuation of the History of the Netherlands , writ by one ●…rosse ( as I remember ) a fellow of no Parts , or Judgment , and so more apt to be abused with a false report : It is affirmed that there was a Synod called at D●…rt , to suppresse the Arminians , and that the said Arminians held amongst other Heresies ; first , that God was the Author of Sinne , and secondly , that he Created the far greatest part of mankinde onely , of purpose for to damn them , with severall others of that kinde ; which every man of Reading knowes , not onely to be the Consequence and Results of Calvin's Doctrine , but to be positively mainteined and taught by some of his followers . By these , and such like sub●…ill and malitious practises , they indeavoured to expose their adversaries to the publick hatred , and make them odious with the people ; till at the last , those poore men might have said most justly , as once the Primitive Christians did , under the burden of the like Calumnies and Imputations , Condemnati sumus quia nominamur , non quia convincimur , as Tertullian hath it ; the name of an Arminian carried a Condemnation in it selfe , without any conviction : 2. But if they were the Enemies of the Grace of God , and that King James so conceived of them , they did undoubtedly deserve all this and more ; but certainly whatsoever King James might please to call them , I am sure he had little reason for it , those whom you call Arminians , speaking as Honourably and Religiously of the grace of God , as the most Orthodox writers in the Primitive times . It is true ind●…d , that the Pelagians did ascribe so much to the powers of Nature , in the Conversion of a Sinner , and the whole worke of Regeneration , ut gratiam Dei necessariam non putarent , that they thought the Grace of God 〈◊〉 be together unnecessary ( as Lyrinensis tells us of them . ) If the Arminians ( as you call them ) were of this opinion , they were the Enemies of Gods Grace , there is no doubt of that . But looke into the five Articles which they exhibited in their Remonstrance to the States of Holland , and after to the Assembly at Dort , and you will finde the contrary ; it being there affirmed expresly in these following words , Gratiam Dei Staiuimus esse principium , progressum & complementum omnis boni ; ●…deo ut ne ipse quidem regenitus absque praecedente sive praeveniente ista , excitante , prosequente , & cooperante gratiâ , bonum cogitare velle , aut peragere possit , u●…isve ad malum tentationibus resistere : It a ut bona opera actionesque quas quis cogitando potest adsequi gratiae Dei in Christo adscribenda sint . We teach say they , that the Grace of God is the beginning and promotion and accomplishment of every thing that is good in us ; insomuch that the Regenerate man can neither thinke , will , nor doe any thing that is good without this grace preventing , Cooperating , and Assisting , and consequently that all good works which any man in his life can attaine unto , are to be attributed and Ascribed to the Grace of God. Call you those men the Enemies of Gods grace , as you seem to make them ? I hope Saint Augustine was no enemy of the grace of God , in giving us this Golden sentence ; since gratia Dei praeveniente ut velimus , & subsequente ne frustra velimus , ad pietatis opera nil valemus ; that is to say , Without the grace of God preventing , that we may will the things which are good , and following or assisting that we doe not will them to no purpose , we are not able to doe any thing in the works of piety . Say not these men the same as S. Austin doth ? and saying the same , why are they called the Enemies of the Grace of God , whilst he is honoured with the title of the Champion and Defender of it ? But some will say that they ascribe more unto the freedome of the will , then may stand with Grace , and consequently overthrow all the former building . If so , they are more cunning then I thought they were . But these plain dealing men doe assure me otherwise , for thus they say , ( in the same Articles as before ) Homo salvificam fidem non habet à se , neque ex liberi sui arbitrii viribus , sed necesse est ut ab ●…o in Christo , per spiritum ipsius sanctum regeneretur at●…ue renovetur intellectu , affectibus , voluntate , omnibusque viribus , ut salutaria bona recte possit intelligere , meditari , velle , atque perficere ; That is to say , A man hath not saving Faith in , and of himselfe , nor by the strength of his owne Free will , but it is necessary that he be regenerate , and renewed in Christ by the Holy Ghost , in his understanding , affections , will , and all the other powers of Nature , that so he may both understand , meditate , will ▪ and bring to passe the things which appertaine to his Salvation . I grant indeed , that they ascribe somewhet more to the will of Man , then the rigid sort of Lutherans and Calvinians do●… , who will have a man drawn forcibly and Irresistably , with the cords of Grace , velut in animalon quiddam , like a senselesse stock , without contributing any thing to his owne eternity ; but they ascribe no more unto it , then what may stand both with the Grace and Justice of Almighty God , according to that Divine saying of Saint Augustine , viz. Si non est Gratia Dei quomodo salva●… mundum ? si non est liberum arbitrium , quomodo judicat mundum ? were it not for the Grace of God , no man could be saved , and were there not a Freedome of Will in M●…n , no man with justice could be damned . If they that speak so much of the Grace of God , and so little of the Will of Man in the workings of it , must notwithstanding be the Enemies of the Grace of God ; I fear the Church of England will be found in a sorry case , whose Doctrine in these points is the very same , and thus delivered in the tenth Article of her Confession , viz. The condition of Man after the Fall of Adam , is such , that he cannot turne and prepare himselfe by his owne naturall strength , and good workes to Faith and calling upon God : wherefore we have no power to doe good workes pleasant and acceptable to God , without the Grace of God by Christ preventing us , that we may have a good Will , and working with us , when we have that good will. Saint Augustine , and the Church of England , and all Orthodox Christians are as much Enemies of Gods Grace ( for ought I can see , as any of those poore despised ones , whom you call Arminians . 3. But then it may be justly asked , what moved King James to be so stout an stout of theirs , as you say he was ? and for that the reasons may be many , for 1. he had his education in the Kirk of Scotland , where all the Hetrodoxies of Calvin were received as Gospell , and therefore could not sodainly cast off those opinions which he had sucked in as it were with his nurses milk . 2. He was much governed at that time by Doctor Montague then B●…shop of Winchester , and Dean of his Majesties Chappell Royall , who having been a great stickler in these Predestinarian Controversies , when he lived in Cambridge , thought himselfe bound to beat down all opponents by the Kings Authority , which he could not overbear by the strength of Argument ; and finding the Kings will inclineable to his owne perswasions in these points , put him upon many harsh , and severe expressions against these poor men , especially in his Declaration against Vorstius , where he strikes most at them . But thirdly , the greatest motive with K. James , was , Reason of State the Arminians ( as you call them ) being united into a party , under the countenance & command of 〈◊〉 Olden Barnevell and by him used to undermine the power of Mawrice , then Prince of Orange ; who as he was a great Patron of the Rigid Calvinians , so was he to that King a most dear confederate . B●…sides , the King considered this division in the Belgick Provinces , as a matter of most dangerous ●…ature , and utterly distructive of that peace , unity , and concord which was to be the greatest preservation of the States United : whom therefore he exhorteth in the same Declaration to take heed of such infected persons , their own Countreymen being already divided into Factions upon this occasion , which was a matter ( as he saith ) so opposite to unity ( which was indeed the onely prop and safety of their State next under God ) as of necessity it must by little and little bring them to utter ruine , if wisely & in time they did not provide against it , So that K. James consid●…ring the present breach as tending to the utter ruine of those Estates , and more particularly of the Prince of Orange , his most dear Allie , he thought it no small piece of King-craft to contribute toward the suppres●…ion of the weaker party ; not onely by blasting them in the said Declaration with reproachfull names , and sending such of his Divines to the Assembly at Dort , as he was sure wou'd be sufficiently active in their Condemnation ; which being done , his own turn served therein to his full contentment , and Bishop Montague his great Directour in those businesses being also dead ; he began to shew himselfe more favourable unto their opinions than before he did : especially on the coming out of the Answer to the Romish Gaggar , composed by another Montague then Pr●…bend of Windsor , and afterwards L. Bishop of Chichester , and at last of Norwich , ( a man of lesse Courtship , but of farre more Learning than the other was ) whos●… judgment in those points he liked very well , as being more consonant to the Doctrine of the Church of England , and more agreeable to the Tenor of approved Antiquity . But I have stayed too long on this Observation . I must now go forwards . The Kings Corps on the 4th of May was conveyed to Westminster , and there inhumed , &c. ] Our Author tells us in the end of his Preface what an esp●…ciall care he hath of his Temporalities ( as his owne word is ) in assigning unto every action it s own proper time , and yet he fails us here in the first beginning : For , neither was the body of that King interr'd on the 4th of May , nor the Letters of procuration kept undelivered till the 8th ( as he after te●…ls us ) nor the Marriage celebrated after the Funerall of the King , as is there declared : though possibly in the intention of King Charles ( for the reasons there delivered ) it had been so resolved on at the first designation of those Royall pomps : For , upon Sunday May the 1st , the Marriage was celebrated at the Church Nastre Dame in Paris ; on Tuesday May the 3d , the news thereof came unto the Court , and was welcomed the same night with Bells and Bone-fires in all parts of London ; on Saturday May the 7th , was King James interred , and on Sunday morning May the 8th , there came an Order from the Lords of the Council to the Preachers appointed for St. Pauls Crosse ( as I have heard him say more than once or twice ) requiring him that in his Prayer before the Sermon he should not pray for the Queen by the name of Henrietta Maria , but by the name of Queen Mary ouely . And yet it is true too which he after telleth us , that is to say , That the Marriage was celebrated in Paris on the 11th of May. But then he is to understand that this was on the 11th of May in the French Accompt , which following the Gregorian Calender anticipates ten daies in every Month ; that being the 11th day of the Moneth to them , in the new Style ( or stylo novo , as they phrase it ) which is the first day of the Moneth in the old Style and Accompt of England . He sent Letters of Prolucution to the Duke of Chevereux . ] If it be asked why the King when he was onely Prince of Wales should look no lower for a Proxy than the King of Spaine , and being now the mighty Monarch of Great Britaine , should pitch upon so mean a Prince as the Duke of Chevereux ; it may be answered that the Duke of Chevereux was a Prince of the house of Guise , from which his Majesty was extracted : Mary of Loraine Daughter to Claud of Loraine the first Duke of Guise , being Wife to James the fift of Scotland , Grandmother unto James the sixt , and consequently great Grandmother to King Charles himself . From Canterbury his Majesty took Coach for Whitehall , where the third after his arrivall , &c. ] If our Author meaneth by this , that his Majesty went in Coach but some part of the way onely , he should then have said so ; but if he mean that he went so all the way to Whitehall , he is very much out : their Majesties passing in Coach no further than Gravesend , and from thence in the●…r Royall Barge by water unto his Palace at Whitehall , accompanied or met by all the Barges , Boats , and Wherries which could be found upon the Thames ; the Author of these Observations beholding from Tower-wharfe that magnificent passage . For as man is without a female Consort , so is a King without his supreme Councell a halfe formed sterill thing . ] Our Author in these words , and the rest that follow , maintains a Paradox most dangerous to supreme Authority in making Parliaments so necessary to all Acts of State , as if that Kings , or they that have the Supreme power could doe nothing lawfully but what they doe with their assistance , and by their consent ; which were it so , a Parliament must be Co-ordinate to Kings ( or such as have the power of Kings ) not subordinate to them . Nor need the Members write themselves by the name of His Majesties most loyall and most humble Subj●…cts , but by the name of Partners and Associates in the Royall power : which doctrine , of what ill consequence it may be in Monarchical Government , I leave Counsellors of State to consider of . His speech being ended , the King vailed his Crown , a thing rare in any of his Predecessou●…s . ] Our Chroniclers tell us of King James , that at his first coming to the Crown of England , he used to go often to the Tower to see the Lyon ( the reputed King of Beasts ) baited sometimes by Dogs , and sometimes by Horses ; which I could never reade without some r●…gret , the baiting of the King of Beasts seeming to me an ill presage of those many baitings which he ( a King of Men ) sound afterwards at the ha●…s of his Subjects . And Mr. Prin tells us of K. Charles , that on the day of his Coronation he was cloathed in white , contrary to the custome of his Predecessours , who were on that day clad in purple . White is we know the colour of the saints , who are represented to us in White robes by S. John in the Revelation : And Purple is we know the Imperiall and Regall colour , so proper hereto sore unto Kings and Emperours , that many of the Constantinoplitan Emperours were called Porphirogeniti , because at their first comming into the world they were wrapt in purple . And this I look upon as an ill presage , that the King laying aside his Purple , the Robe of Majesty , should cloathe himselfe in White , the Robe of Innocence ; as if thereby it were fore-signified that he should devest himselfe of that Regall Majesty which might and would have kept him safe from affront and scorn , to relie wholly on the innocence of a vertuous life , which did expose him finally to calamitous ruine . But as all ill presages , none like that which our Authour speaks of , I mean the veiling of his Crown to this his first Parliament ; which I consider of the Introduction to those many veilings of the Crown in all the Parliaments that followed : For , first he vailed his Crown to this , in leaving Mountague in their hands , and his Bond uncancelled , ( as you tell us after Fol. 12. ) notwithstanding that he was his sworn Chaplain and domestick Servant , and that too in a businesse of such a nature as former Parliaments used not to take cognizince of ; he vailed his Crown unto the next , when he permitted them ( as you tell us , Fol. 25. ) to search his Signet Office , and to examine the Letters of his Secretaries of State , leaving him nothing free from their discovery ; a thing not formerly practised : he vailed his Crown unto the third , first in the way of preparation to it , releasing all the Gentlemen whom he had imprisoned , for their refusall of the Loane , many of which being elected Members of the following Parliament , brought with them both a power and will to avenge themselves by the restraint of His Prerogative within narrower bounds ; next in the prosecution of it , when hearing that the Parliament had granted him some Subsidies , not a man dissenting , he could not restraine himselfe from weeping , ( which tendernesse of his was made good use of to his no small dammage ) adding withall , and bidding his Secretarie tell them ( as our Authour tells us , Fol. 77. ) he would deny them nothing of their Liberties which any of his Predecessours had granted to them ; and finally in the close thereof when He enacted the Petition of Right , and made it passe into a Law , of which our Authour tells us , Fol. 87. That never Arbitrary power since Monarchy first founded did so submitters fasces , so vaile its Scepter ; never did the prerogative descend so much from perch to popular lure , as by that Concession . He vailed his Crowne unto all three , by suffering the House of Commons to set up a Committe for Religion , to question Manwaring , Sibthorp , and divers others for Doctrinall matters , which if erroneous were more proper to be censured in the High Commission or the Convocation , to which the cognizance of such Causes doth of right b●…long ; and not unto a Consistory of Lay. Elders , which though it might consist of the wisest men , yet were they for the most part none of the greatest Clerks . He vailed his Crown also unto the Scots , when having power to bring them under his command , he yeilded to the Pacification at Barwicke , not more unto his own dishonour than to their advantage ; which drew him on first to abolish the Episcopal Government ( the greatest prop of hi●… Estate ) in the Church of Scotland , and after at their instance to call a Parliament in England , and by the terrou●… of their Armes first to give way that the Lords of the Privie Councel ( in referenc●… to the Tryall of the 〈◊〉 of Strafford ) should be examined upon oath , in points debated and resolved on at the Councill Table ; that being done , to yeild to a Triennial Parliament , to be called ( upon his default ) by Sheriffs and Constables , and finally to perpetuate that Parliament to his owne destruction . What other vailings of the Crown followed upon this , we shall hereafter see upon another occasion . In this Session of Parliament was Mr. Mountague questioned for publishing certain Bookes prejudiciall to the Protestant cause , &c. ] Somewhat of Mr. Mountague we have seen before , and shall now adde , that his Books contained nothing prejudiciall to the Protestant Cause , or to the established Doctrine of the Church of England , but onely to the Calvinisticall Sect who had imposed their Heterodoxies upon credulous men for the received Doctrines of the Church . This Mr. Mount●… disavowed in his Answer to the Romish Gagg●…r , and severing private mens Opinions from the Churches Doctrines to be defended by their own Patrons and abettors ▪ which so offended that whole Party that an Information was intended and prepared against him , which being made knowne unto King James , he did not onely give him his discharge and quietus est , and grant him leave ( in regard the Accusation was divulged , and the clamour violent ) humbly to appeale from his Defamers unto His most sacred cognizance in publique , and to represent his just defence against their slanders and false surmises unto the world , but also to give expresse order unto Doctor White then Deane of C●…l sle ( cried up , when L●…cturer of St. Pauls , for the stoutest Champion of this Church against those of Rome ) for the authorizing and publishing thereof , which was ●…one accordingly . So he in his Epistle Dedicatory to the late King Charles . These are the Books , The Answer to the Romish Gagger : and , the Defence thereof , ca●…led , Appello Caesarem : so prejudiciall ( is you say ) to the Protestant Cause , and therefore fit to be in●…ed on by the House of Parliament . The cause of that restraint ( v●…z : the grant of Tonage and Poundage for no more than one yeare ) being a designe to reduce it to the rate setled in Qu●…n Maryes daies . ] And had they brought it unto that , their Grant would have been like the Apples of Sodome , goodly and beautifull to the eye , sed levi tactu pressa in vagum pulverem fatiscunt ( saith the old Geographer ) but never so gently handled fell to dust and ashes ; a nut without a kernil , and a painted nothing . And yet they might have made the King some faire amends , if they had brought the Subsidies to the same rate also , or to the rates they were at , in her Fathers daies , when as one single Subsidie of foure shillings in the pound was estimated to amount to eight hundred thousand pounds of good English money , which is as much as eight whole Subsidies did amount to when King Charles c●…me unto the Crown . The Divinity Schoole was appointed for the House of Commons . ] And qu●…stionlesse this giving up of the Divinity School unto the use of the House of Commons , and placing the Speaker in or neer the Chair●… in which the Kings Professour for Divinity did usually reade his Publick Lectures , and moderate in all Publick Disputations , first put them into a conceit that the determining in all points and Controversies in Divinity did belong to them : As Vibius Rufus in the story , having married Tully's Widow , and bought Caesars Chair , conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one , and the Power of the other : For , after this we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion , and no Committee for Religion but what did think it self sufficiently instructed to manage the greatest Controversies of D●…vinity which were brought before them : with what successe to the Religion here by Law established we now see too clearly . Most of the Voters of this Remonstran●… flew high , and impetuously prest in upon the Duke . ] And this makes good that saying of the wise Historian , Quam breves & infausti Romani populi amores , that the D●…rlings and Affections of the Common People ( take which sense you will ) are of short continuance . It was not long since that this very man was cried up in Parliament for the great ornament and honour of the English Nation , the chief preserver of this Kingdome from the Spanish practises , no attribute sufficient to set forth his praises , no honour large enough to requite his merits . Now on the sodain he is become the subject of a popular h●…d , tossed from one Parliament to another like the Ball of Fortune , many times struck into the hazard , and at last quite tossed out of the Court , and-tumbled into his grave by a desperate Ruffion . But as I have been told by some intelligent man , this sodain alteration came another way , and not from any premeditated purpose in the Parliament men , who after voted this Remonstrance : For having an ill eye to the B●…shop of Lincolne , and a designe to make h●…m lighter by the Seal ; the B●…shop to prevent the danger , and divert the humour , proposed the Duke of Buckingham unto some leading men amongst them as the fitter game , offering to furn●…sh them with matter , and to m●…ke good that matter by sufficient evidence ; which coming not long a●…ter to the ears of the Duke , to whom he had done many ill ▪ offices when he was in Spaine , he procured the Seale to be taken from him ; of which more anon . And who ( i.e. Sir Robert Mansell ) had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of this Enterprise upon the Dukes default . ] I b●…lieve not so . For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall , and had the subordinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Office , yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto : the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occasionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office , but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King , which he may grant to any other as He sees cause for it . A thing so obvious in the course of our English stories , that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth . And the first thing resolved upon was . His solemne Initiation into Regality , and setting the Crown upon His head . ] As sol●…mne as the King esteemed it , yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it : For , he not onely censureth it for a vanity , though a serious vanity , but thinks that K●…ngs are idle in it , though idle to some better purpose than in 〈◊〉 and Dances . Are not all Christian K●…ngs wi●…h whom the Rites of Coronation are accounted sacred , much concerned in this , and the Scriptures more ? are not the Ceremonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiqu●…ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God ? exempl fi●…d in Saul , David , Solomon , but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash , the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him , and gave him the testimonies , and they made him King and anointed him , and clapt their hands , and said , GOD SAVE THE KING . Was this a Pageant think we of t●…e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery , or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons , and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people ? He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour , the placing of the Crown upon his head , and putting the Scepter into his hands , and bowing of the knee before him , with this acclamation , Haile King of the Jewes , will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christian King : In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity , ( as our Authour calls it ) but a grave , pious , and religious conformity to the Investiture and Coronation of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subj●…ct , but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Historians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham , of whom it is observed that at the Coronation of King Richard the third , he cast many a squint eye upon the Crown , as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head . But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament . In order whereunto , he tell●… us that The Lord Keeper Williams was displaced and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventrie . ] Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities , the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced betwixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before : For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation ; Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in 〈◊〉 as Lord Keeper , both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading , and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster . The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching B●…shop Land , whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells , at the time of his affl●…cting in the Coronation ; whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely , and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following . And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time ( though there be many more of this nature to be troubled with ) I shall crave leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said , That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James , as he first sent them fi●…st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church , where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines ; and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asserted amongst the Articles of Religion established Anno 1615. and accordingly they were ] This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron , setting the cart before the horse , as we use to say . For , certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Confession of the Church of Ireland , Anno 1615. as indeed they were , could not before that time be sent to the Assembly , or Synod at Dort , which was not held till three years after , Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a superannuating as to call it in his Temporalities , though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from substantiall falshoods , but even from circumstantiall also , in assigning all both things and actions their proper times . How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part , and shall see more hereof hereafter , as occasion serveth . Who loved the Bishop ( if Fame belies her not ) better than was fit . ] I think our Authour with more prudence might have spared this Note , especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof , which is so infamous●…n ●…n Historian ( as a learned Gentleman hath well noted ) that no wise man would build on the credit of it . If Fames and Libels should once passe for H●…storicall truths , few Kings , or Favorites , or Ministers of great affairs ( or indeed who else ) would goe with honour to their graves , or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities . Wilson , a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke , whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex , leaves the like stain upon his Lady ; but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the B●…shop from the guilt thereof , by saying , that he was Eunuchus ab utero , an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe , which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at . And what had he for his authority but Fam●… and Libels , purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family , by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine . The honour of Ladies in the generall is a tender point , not easily repaired if wronged , and therefore to be left untouched , or most gently handled . For which cause possibly S. 〈◊〉 adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell , and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling , are either utterly broken : or not easily mended . And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame , I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour , and one that never did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen . So that we may affirme of her , as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife , Potentiam ejus nemo sensit , nisi aut levatione periculi , aut accessione dignitatis , that no body ever found her power , but either in lessening his deserved punishments , or adding some respects to him for his well-deservings . Nor seemed the question in the sense of many , which was the Traytour , but which was the most . ] That is to say , whether the Duke of Buckingham , or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour , though it appeareth not ( for any thing which our Authour tells us ) that any treason was proved against either of them : For had the Duke proved his Charge of Treason against the Earle , he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine ; or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke , the Commons needed not have troubled themselves with a new Impeachment , containing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour , and some miscarriages which at another time , and in another man would have been connived at . Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke ; but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle ( whether out of Partiality or want of Information ) he affords us nothing . I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement , as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him , leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers , without any further prosecution than the Narrative onely . It was then charged upon the Earle , 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forwardnesse , the Prince at his arrivall there , found it nothing so , there being little done in relation to it . 2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise , he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion , and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same , a free toleration , and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them : 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain , the said Earle of Bristol cunningly , falsly , and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince ( being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion ) to change his Religion , and used many dangerous and subtile insinuations to that effect . 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe , he used these words unto the Prince , That the State of England did never any great thing , but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome , and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise . 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate , which was , That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter , but must be bred up in the Emperours Court : the said Earle delivered his opinion , That he thought it unreasonable . And when the danger was presented , in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion , which must needs follow thereupon , the said Earle answered , That without some great action the peace of Christendome would never be had . Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke , it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe , which was to ●…ender each o●…her suspected in matter of Loyalty & Religion , though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot ; Many good men ( as our Authour calls them ) being passing jocund at the contest . But it was resolved by the Judges , that by their Restraint ( i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs , and Sir John Eliot ) no reason being given to the House for it , the whole House was Arrested . ] The Judges were wise men , and would not strive against the stream ( as the saying is ) for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute precedents to the contrary , there are many in the times foregoing , of which I shall instance in two onely , and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Elizabeth . The first is this , Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper , desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Suppliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the succession of the Crown , whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them . Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command , and charged the Councell to call the parties before them . Sir Thomas Henage ( being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell ) sent for them , and after speech with them , commanded them to fo●…ar the Parliament , and not to go out of their severall lodgings : After they were called before the Lord Treasurer , the Lord Buckhurst , and Sir Thomas Henage ; Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower , Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens , to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the matter , were sent to the Fleet , as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire . In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster ( who is to be my second instance ) moved against the hard courses of the B●…shops , Ordinaries , and other Ecclesi●…sticall Judges in their Courts , used towards sundry learned and godly Ministers and Preachers , and spake against subseription , and oathes ; and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes : which comming to the Queens knowledge , and Mr. Coke ( afterwards Sir Edward Coke ) then Speaker of the House of Commons , being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered , the said Mr. Morrice ( as I have been credibly informed ) was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes , but howsoever , sure I am , that he was committed unto Prison for the said Attempt . And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth , that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty , that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained . To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsellours which were then Members of the House , that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe , and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought : That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what sh●… doth of her Royall Authority , That the causes for which they were restrained , may be high and dangerous , That Her Majesty l●…h no such questions , neither doth it become the House to search into such matt●…rs . Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their beha●…f . And thus we see that no fewer than five Members ( that is to say , Wentworth , Welch , Bromely , Stevens , and M●…rrice ) ●…ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy , or any Decl●…ration of the Judges , that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment . So resolut●… was Queen Elizabeth to maintain Her Prerogative ; though King Charles yei●…ded to the times and released His Prisoners upon this Declaration of the Judges , and a Remonstrance of the Commons in pursuance of it ; which was another vailing of his Crowne , before no●… mentioned , because reserved u●…to this place . For the Lords feared an antient Order ▪ that no Lords created sedent●… Parliamento , should have voice during that Session , &c. Upon which , their suffrage was excluded . ] The Lords had been to blame indeed , if when the Judges had declared for Law in 〈◊〉 of the House of Commons , they could not make an Order to serve them●… both antient alike ▪ and of like Authority , because both contrary to the practice and proceedings in foregoing Parliaments . But whereas our Authour ▪ writes , that u●…on the finding out of this Order , the suffrage of the new Lords ( that is to say , Kimbolton , Imbercourt , and Tregote ) was excluded for this Session : I somewhat doubt his intelligence in that particular , and that I doe for these two Reasons , First , because in the long Parliament which began in Novemb. An. 1640. when the prevailing Parties in both Houses were better backed than they were at this present ; the Lord●… Seymour , Littleton , and Capell , created sedente Parliamento , and the Lords Digby , Rich , and Howard of Charleton called to the House of Peers by especial Writ were all admitted to their Votes in that S●…ssion of Parliament without any dispute . And secondly , whereas it was offered to the King ( being then in a farre lower condition than He was at th●…s present ) in the last of the Nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yorke , That His Majestie would be graciously pleased to passe a Bill for r●…straining Peers made hereafter , from sitting or voting in P●…liament , unlesse they were admitted thereunto with the consent of both Houses of Parliament ; the King did absolutely refuse to assen●… unto it ; as appeareth clearly by his Answer unto those demands . The affection of the Peers so elevated him , that he received the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted spirit , and returned so home an Answer as the House was amply satisfied with it . ] In all this there was nothing strange , that either the Earle of Bristol should receive the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted courage ( as you say he did ) being so backed and elevated by the affection of the House of Peers , as you say he was ; or that the House should be so amply satisfied with his Answer , to whom they had before shewed so great affections . It was not the Answer but the Person which prevailed most with them ; as on the other side in the businesse of the Duke of Buckingham , the Answer fared the worse for the Persons sake , of whom you tell us in this place , That the ill opinion which the Peers had of him , did as much depresse him , as it did elevate the other . For though the Duke his Answer to his Impeachment so contrived and inlaid with mod●…sty and humility that it was like to have a powerfull influence towards the conversion of many , ( as our Authour tells us , Fol. 53. ) yet was it so farre from giving any ( and much lesse ample ) satisfaction , as Bristols did , that it b●…came a new grievance to his Adversaries , who thereupon resolved on the prosecution , for feare it might be thought that themselves were worsted , if the poor Gentleman should have m●…de but a saving game of it . So true is th●…t of Velleius Paterculus , saying , Familiare est hominibus , invidiam non ad causam sed ad voluntatem personasque diriger●… , that is to s●…y , that it is usuall with most men to govern themselves in m●…tters of this inviduous nature , not by the merits of the cause , but by the intercesse of their own passions , and the ●…espect or disrespect which they bear the persons ▪ But all would not smooth the asp●…rity of this illegall Tax , &c. ] The money which was then required of the Subj●…ct , was not imposed on them in the way of a Tax ▪ ( if I remember it aright ) but required of them as a Loan●… , and that too in a way which might seem to have some Loyal●…y in it : For whereas the Parliament had passed a Bill of Subsidies , and that the said Parliament was dissolved before the Bill passed into an Act ; His Majesty was advised that He had good grounds to require those Subsidies of the Subject , which the House of Commons in their names had assented to ; and yet not to require them by the name of Subsidies , but onely in the way of Loane , till the next Parliament should enable Him to make payment of it , or to confirm His Levying of those moneys by a subsequent Act. But this devise , though it brought in good sums of mony for the present , yet by the Articles of some men , who were resolved , That the King should have no other assistance towards the maintenance of His wars than what He could procure-by His compliance with His Houses of Parliament ; it brought forth those effects which our Authour speaks of . So miserable was the Kings condition at this time , that having formerly been made the Instrument to break off all Treaties with Spaine , and declare a Warre against that King , at the earnest solicitation of the House of Commons , He was so wilfully deserted ( I dare not say betrayed ) by those that engaged Him in it . Where for three daies all was so calme on both sides as if they had sworn a Truce , &c. ] This was the first great errour in the Enterprise of the Isle of Rhe : And the second was as bad as this , viz : their not taking in of the little Fort called La Pree : For , had the Duke marched directly on , he had in all probability taken both the Town and Citadel of St. Martin , the Fortifications being then unfinish'd , and the people in no small dismay for the rout of their Forces ; whereas the losse of those three dayes gave time and leisure enough to Mounseiur de Toyrax Governour of the place to compleat his Works in such a manner that they were thought impregnable by our ablest Souldiers . Or had he took the Fort of La Pree in his pissage by it , he had not onely hindred the French from bringing new Forces by that Postern to the relief of the Town , but might have used the same to make good his Retreat , when the necessity of his affairs should compell him to it . Both which miscarriages I have heard a Person of great Honour well skilled in the Art M●…litary , and no professed friend unto the Duke , not to impute so much to the Duke himself , who was raw , ignorant , and unexperienced in the Warres ; as to Sir William Courtn●…y , and Sir John Borrowes , two great Souldiers , who had the Conduct of his Counsels , the one being no lesse famous for his service at Bergan ap Zone , than the other was for his couragious holding out in defence of Frankendale . And yet there was another thing no lesse contributing to the losse of the whole designe than these two miscarriages , viz : the negligence or long stay of the Earle of Holland , who being sent out with a new Fleet for carrying Ammunition , Armes , and Victuals towards the continuance of the Siege , and guarding the passages into the Island , trifled out so much time at Court , and made so many Halts betwixt that and Plymouth , that he had not found his way out of that Haven when the Duke came back . It s true , the issue of this Action was not answerable to the Expectation , and yet I cannot be of our Authours minde , ( who telleth us , Fol : 71. ) That the Isle of Rhe was so inconsiderable , as had we lost there neither blood nor honour , and gained it into the bargain , it would have ill rewarded our preparation and charge of the Expedition . ] For , had the English gained the Island , they had not onely preserved the Town of Rochel , but by the advantage of that Town , and the Isle together , might easily have taken in the Isle of Oleran , and made themselves Masters of the greatest part of the losse of Aquitaine , if the ambition of the King had carried Him unto F●…rraign Conquests . And a Commission granted by the King to five Bishops , Bishop Laud being of the Quorum to execute Episcopall Jurisdiction within his Province . The cause impulsive to it was a supposed irregularity , &c. ] In this and the rest which follows , and touching the sequestration of the Archbishop of Canterbury , our Authour runs himself into many errours . For , first Bishop Laud was not of the Quorum , no more than any of the other , the Commission being granted to the Bishops of London , Durham , Rochester , Oxford , and Bathe and Wells , or to any four , three , or two of them , and no more than so . Secondly , the irregularity or supposed irregularity of the said Archbishop was not touched upon in this Commission , as the impulsive cause unto it , the Commission saying onely in the Generall , That the said Archbishop could not at that present in his own person attend those services , which were otherwise proper for his Cognizance and Jurisdiction , and which as Archbishop of Canterbury he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed , &c. Thirdly , this supposed irregularity was not incurred upon the casuall killing of the Keeper of his ( the Archbishops ) game , as our Authour telleth us , but for the casuall killing of the Lord Zouches Keeper in Bramhill Parke , where the Archbishop had no game , nor no Keeper neither . Fourthly , it was conceived by many pious and Learned men , that there was something more incurred by that misadventnre than a supposed irregularity onely ; insomuch that neither Dr. Williams Elect Bishop of Lincolne , nor Dr. Carew Elect Bishop of Exeter , nor Dr. Laud Elect Bishop of St. Davids , ( besides some others ) would receive Cons●…cration from him , though it be true that the Learned Bishop Andrews ( as our Authour tells us ) did doe the Archbishop very great service in this businesse , yet was it not so much for his own sake , or an opinion which he had , that no irregularity was incurred by that misadventure ; but to prevent a greater mischief : For , well he saw that if the Archbishop at that time had been made Irregular , Dr. Williams then B●…shop of Lincolne , and Lord Keeper of the Great Seale ( a man in great favour with King James , but in more with the Duke ) would presently have stept into that See ; and he knew too much of the man to venture that great charge and trust of the Church of England to his car●… and government , the dangerous consequerces whereof he was able to foretell without the spirit of prophesie . The King of Denmarke being reduced almost to a despondence and quitting of his Kingdome . ] Which as it was an occasion of great grief unto his Confederates , so ●…o the Emperour himself it grew no mat●…er of rejoycing . For , I have heard from ●… person of great Nobility , that when the ●…ewes came first unto him , he was so farre from shewing any signes of joy , that he rather seemed much troubled at it ; of which being asked the reason by some of the principall men about him , He returned this Answer , As long ( said he ) as this Drowzy Dane was in the Head of the Protestants Army , we sh●…uld have wormed them out of their Estates one after another ; but he being made unusefull to them , by this defeat , we shall have them bring the Swedes upon us ; and there ( said he ) is a gallant young Fellow who will put us to the last card we have to play . And so it proved in the event , for th●… next year the King of Great Britain and his Brother of France negotiated with Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden ( then being in warre against the Pole ) to carry his Army into Germany , which was done accordingly : what his successes were our Authour telleth us hereafter in the course of this story . They who lately were confined as Prisoners , are now not onely free , but petty Lords and Masters , yea and petty Kings . ] I cannot chuse but marvell what induced our Authour unto this Expression of making the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons not only petty Lords , but even petty Kings . I have heard that K. James once said in a time of Parliament ( but whether in the way of jeare , or otherwise , I am not able to say ) That there were now five hundred Kings besides himselfe . And I know well what great advantage hath been made of those words of His ; whereof to any man that rightly understands the Constitution of an English Parliament , the Commons are so farre from being either Lords or Kings , that they are not so much as a part of the Supreme Councell ; it being easie to be evidenced out of the Writ which commands their attendance that they are called onely to consent and submit to such resolutions and conclusions ( ad faciendum & consentiendum his quae tum ibidem de communi Consilio dicti regni nostri ( faciente Deo ) contigerit ordinari , So the Writs instruct us ) as should be then and there agreed on by the Kings great Councell , or the great Councell of the Kingdome . Think you that men no otherwise impowred than so , could take upon them in themselves , or be reputed by our Authour , as Lords and Kings ? And yet it may be I may wrong them , for our Authour telleth us that Their Estates modestly estimated were able to buy the House of Peers ( the King excepted ) though an hundred and eighteen . thrice over . ] In this there is one thing that I doubt , and two things which I shall take leave to consider of . The thing I doubt of is that the Estates of the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons howsoever estimated , should be able to buy the House of Peers , though it had contained thrice as many as it did , that is to say , three hundred fifty four of the Lay-Nobility . Assuredly the B●…ronage of England must needs be brought exceeding low , when the Gentlemen by chance assembled in the Lower House ( and not called out of purpose for such an experiment ) could buy the House of Peers thrice ov●…r ; there being not above five hundred of the one , and thrice one hundred and eighteen , that is to say , above three hundred and fifty of the other ranke : by which accompt every Gentleman must be able to buy his two Lords and a half one with another , the which I think no wise man can imagine . The first thing I consider of is , why our Author should leave out the Bishops for Spirituall Lords in this va . luation , as if they were no Members of the House of Peers : for that he doth not reckon them into the bargain is evident enough by the calculation , there being at that time an hundr●…d and eighteen Temporall Lords in the Upper House . Assuredly the B shops had sate there longer in their Predecessors than any of the Lay-Nobility in their noblest Ancestors ; and had as good right of sitting and of voting there , as either the Prerogative Royall , o●… the Laws could give them . And it was ill done of our Authour to exclude them now , and not well done ( by him that should have kept them in ) to exclude them afterwards . The Rights and Priviledges of holy Church , confirmed in the first Article of the Magna Charta , and sworn to by all Kings succeeding , were never so infringed as by that exclusion . But the King soon found the sad effect ; and consequents of those ●…vil Counsellors by which He was perswaded to it ; the next thing which was done in Parliament being the taking away or abrogating of His own Negative Voice , and passing all subsequent Laws and Ordinances without His consent . And by this meanes , they brought to passe another point , which , as it seems , was aimed at from the beginning of that Parliament ; it being told Sir Edward Dering ( as he himself informs us in the Collection of his Speeches ) That if they could bring the Lords to sit in the House of Commons , and the King to be but as one of the Lords , then their worke was done . This brings me to the second thing which I am to consider of , and that is why our Authour should make the King to be no other than a Member of the House of Peers ; for when he tells us that the Gentlemen in the House of Commons were able to buy all the House of Peers , except the King , it must needs follow that the King must be accounted of as one of that House , the said exception notwithstanding . So that by turning the B shops out of the House , and bringing the King into their place , he hath quite altered the right constitution and form of Parliaments ; which antiently consi●…ed of the Lords Spirituall , the Lords Temporall , and the Commons , as the three Estates , over all which the King presided as the Supreme Head. Its tru●… indeed that the King having passed away the B shops Votes did after by a strang●… improvidence in a Message or Declaration sent from Yorke on the 17th of June , reckon Himselfe as one of the three Estates , which being once slipt from His pen , and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of Parliament , it never was let fall again in the whole agitation of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them . Nor did many of the Kings owne party see the danger of it , who taking it for granted that the King was onely one of the three Estates ( a Member of the House of Peers , as our Authour makes Him ) were forced to grant in pursuance of the said disputes , that the two Houses of Parliament were co-ordinate with the King , not subordinate to Him : and what could follow thereupon , but that they might proceed ( as they did ) without Him , that of co-ordinat a se invicem supplent , being a most undoubted Maxime in the Schools of Logick . The Attorney pleading eagerly though impertinently for the King. ] How eagerly the Attorney pleaded for the King , I am not able to say , but it appeareth even by our Authour himself , that his Plea was pertinent enough , and drew so many of ●…he Lords into his opinion , that the Poular party , or Lower-House-Lords ( as ●…ome call them ) in the House of Peers ●…urst not adventure it to vote till the Lord Say ( by drawing that House into a Committee ) made this Proposition , That the Lords who were against the Liberties of the Subject should with subscription of their Names enter their Reasons to remain upon Record , that Posterity might not be to seek ( for so it followeth in our Authour ) who they were who so ignobly betrayed the Freedome of their Nation : and that this done and not before they should go to voting . Upon which terrible Proposition the Lords shrunk aside , as afterwards they did in the late long Parliament , Anno 1641. ( when frighted by the menaces of Dr. Burgesses Myrmidons ) in the businesse of the Earle of Strafford ; and in the yeare 1642. on the like threatning motion made by Mr. Hollis , for passing the great Bill of the Militia . Some say that when the multitude were be labouring him with stones and cudgels , they said that were his Master the Duke there , they would give him as much . ] And questionlesse they meant as much as they said , the Duke being made so odious by the continuall prosecution of his Adversaries in both Houses of Parliament , and the Remonstrance made against him by the House of Commons at the end of the last Session ; that it was thought by most men that the Dukes life and the Publiqne safety could not stand together . On which inducements that fatall blow was struck by Felton as it after followeth , fol. 90 , & 94. But whereas our Authour tells us , fol. 90. that he declared as much in certain papers which were sticked to the lineings of his hat . I thinke he is something out in that , there being nothing found in his hat , or elsewhere about him , but a few loose papers , such as might well become those m●…n who make God the Authour of their sinnes . His first ascribing of the fact to the late Remonstrance was made to one Dr. Hutchenson ( Chaplaine in Ordinary ●…o the King , and then in the course of his attendance ) sent by the King of purpose assoon as the sad news was brought unto H●…m , to trie if he could learn out of him upon what motives he committed that most horrible murder ; and afterwards again and again , both at the time of his examination before the Lords of the Councell , and finally at the very instant of h●…s execution . But to return again to the threatning words used by the people in the murder of Doctor Lamb , I well remember , that this bald Rhime was spread about not long after in pursuance of them , viz : Let Charles and George doe what they can ▪ The Duke shall die like Doctor Lamb. And I remember also that about the same time there came out a Chronogram ▪ in which the Numerall letters of Georgius Dux Buckinghamiae . viz : M. D. C. X. V. V. V. I. I. I. made up the yeare 1628. to which thes●… Verses were subj●…yned , and being made by chance must needs be thought a strange Prognostication of that which followed , viz : Since with this yeare thy name doth so agree , Then shall this yeare to th●… most fatall bee . And in the upshot were fined ( as was reported ) six thousand pounds . ] And this is all the City suffered for Lambs death , not that they payed six thousand pounds , or ●…t any such Fine was imposed upon them , but that they were abused with this false Report . But to say truth ( I hope my Masters of the City will excuse me for it ) a fine of 60000 li. had been little enough to expiate such a dangerous Riot , and so vi●…e mu●…r , in which both Mayor and Magistrates had contracted a double guilt : Fi●…t , in not taking care to suppresse the R●…ot , which in a discontented and u●…quiet City might have gathered strength , and put the whole Kingdom into blood before its time . And ●…econdly , in not taking order to prevent the murder , or bring the Malefactors to the B●…rre of Justice . The pun●…shment of the principall Actors in this barbarous Tragedy migh●… possibly have preserved the life of the Duke of Buckingham ; and had the City smarted for not doing their duty , it might in probability have prevented the like Riot at Edinburgh , Non ibi consistunt exempla ubi coeperunt , saith the Court-Historian , Examples seldome ●…nd where they take beginning , but ei●…her first or last will finde many followers . And though Lamb might deserve a farre greater punishment , than the fury of an ungov●…rned Multitude could 〈◊〉 upon him ; yet suffering without Form of Law , it may very well be said that he suffered unjuftly , and that it was no small peece of injustice that there was no more justice done in rev●…nge thereof . Connivance at great crimes adds authority to them , and makes a Prince lose more in strength than it gets in love . For howsoever ma●…ers of Grace and Favour may oblige some particular persons , yet it is justice ( impartiall and equall justice ) that gives satisfaction unto all , and is the chief supporter of the Royall Throne . God hath not put the sword into the hands of the supreme powers that they should bear the same in vain , or use it only for a shew or a signe of sover●…ignty ; for then a scabbard with a pair of hilts would have served the turn . In his Will he bequeathed to his Dutchess the fourth part of his Lands for her Joynt●… . ] And that was no gr●…t Joynture for so great a Lady . I never heard that the whole estate in lands which the Duke died d●…d of ( of his own purchasing or procuring under two great Princes ) came to Foure thousand pounds per annum , which is a very strong Argument that he was not covetous , or did abuse his Masters favours to his own enriching . And though hee had Three hundred thousand pounds in Jewels ( as our Authour tells us ) yet taking back the sixty thousand pounds which he owed at his death , two hundred forty thousand pounds is the whole remainder ; a pretty Ald●…ans Estate , and but hardly that . Compare this poor pittance of the Dukes with the vast Estate of Cardinall Ric●… ( the favourite and great Minister of the late French King ) and it will seem no greater than the Widows mit●… in respect of the large and cost y Offerings of the Scribes and Pha●… : The Cardinals Estate being valued at the time of his death at sixty millions of Franks in rents and monies , which amount unto six millions of pounds in our English estimate , whereas the Dukes amounted not to a full third part of one million onely . Such was the end of this great Duke , not known to me either in his F●…owns or his Favours ( nec beneficio nec injuria notus , in the words of Tacitus ) and therefore whatsoever I have written in relation to him will be imputed ( as I hope ) to my love to truth , not my affections to his person . His body was from thence conveyed to Portsmouth and there hung in chains , but by some stole and conveyed away Gibbet and all . ] Our Authour is deceived in this , for I both saw the whole Gibbet standing , and some part of the body hanging on it about three years after ; the people being so well satisfied with the death of the Duke , that though they liked the murder , they had no such care of the Wretch that did it . That which might possibly 〈◊〉 him was , the l●…ke injury done by some Puritanicall Zealots to the publick Justice in taking down ( by stealth ) the body of Enoch ap Evans that furious Welch-man who killed his Mother and his Brother for kneeling at the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper , and for those 〈◊〉 fact●… was hang●…d in chains not farre from Shrewsbury . The Narrative whereof was published in print by one Mr. Studly , and to him I ref●… the Reader , if he desire any farther satisfaction in it . After this Mr. Montague ' s Booke called Appello Caesarem was called in by Proclamation . ] This Proclamation beareth date the 17th day of January : In which it was to be observed that the Book is not charged with any false Doctrine , but for being the first cause of those disputes and differences which have since much troubled the quiet of the Church . His Majesty hoping that the occasion being taken away , m●… would no longer trouble themselves with such unnecessary disputations . Whether His Hi●… did well in doing no more , if the Book contained any false Doct●… in it ; or in doing so much , if it were done only to please the Parliament ( as our Authour tel●… us ) I take not upon me to determine . Bu●… certainly it never falleth out well with Christian Princes , when they make Religion bend to Policy , and so it hapned to this King , the calling in of Montague's Book , and the advancing of Dr. Barnaby Potter ( a thorow-paced Calvinian ) unto the 〈◊〉 of Carl●…sle at the same time also , could not get him any love in the hearts of His people , who looked upon those Acts no otherwise than as tricks of King craft . So true is that of the wise Historian ( whom I named last ) inviso s●…mel Principe , 〈◊〉 bene facta ▪ ceu male facta premunt , that is to say , when P●…inces once are in discredit with their Subjects , as well their good actions as their bad , are all counted grievances . For 〈◊〉 informations were very pregnant , that notwithstanding the Resolution of the Archbishop of Canterbury , and other reverend Bishops and Divines assembled at 〈◊〉 , Anno 1595. &c. ] Our Authour in this Folio gives me work enough by setting out the large spreading of Arminianisme , and the great growth of Popery in the Church of England . First , for Arminianisme , hee telleth us that the proofs thereof were very pregnant . How so ? Because the nine Articles made at Lambeth , had not of late been so much set by , as he and the Committee for Religion did desire they should . Why m●…n ? The Articles of Lambeth were never looked on as the Doctrine of the Church of England , nor intended to be so looked on by the men that made them , though our Authour please to tell us in following words , That they were made of purpose by the said Archbishop and Divines to deliver and declare their opinions concerning the sense of the nine and thirty Articles in those particulars . For though those Articles might and did deliver their opinions in the points disputed , yet were they but opinions still , and the opinions of private and particular men are no publick Doctrines . Therefore to set this matter right , I will first lay down the true occasion of the making of these Articles . Secondly , of what authority they were when made and agreed upon . And thirdly , what might move King James to recommend them first to the Church of Ireland , and after to the Assembly at Dort , and not ( as our Authour tells us ) by a strain Hysteron Proteron to the Assembly at Dort first , and to Ireland afterwards . And fi●…st for the occasion of these Articl●…s we may please to know , that the first Reformers of this Church look neither on the Lutheran or Calvinian Doctrines as their Rule and Guide , but held themselves unto the constant current of approved antiquity : To which the Melancthonian way b●…ing thought most consonant , was followed not onely by Bishop Hooper in his Treatise on the Ten Commandements , and by Bishop Latimer in some pass ges of his Sermons ; but also by the Compilers of the Book of Articles , and the Book of Homilies , the publick Monuments of this Church in points of Doctrine . But the Calvinian way having found some entrance , there arose a difference in the judgments of particular men touching these Debates ; the matter being controverted pro and con by some of the Confessors in prison in Qu. Maryes dayes . After whose death many of our exiled Divines returning from Geneva , Basil , and such other places where Calvins Dictates were received as Celestiall Oracles , brought with him his Opinions in the points of Predestination , Grace and Per●…everance ; which they dispersed and scattered over all the Church ; by whose authority , and the diligence of the Presbyterian party , ( then busie in advancing their holy Discipline ) it came to be universally received for the onely true and Orthodox Doctrine , and was so publickly maintained in the Schools of Cambridge . Insomuch that when Peter Baro a Frenchman , Professour for the Lady Magaret in that University , revived the Melancthonian way in his publick Lectures , and by his Arguments and great Learning had drawn many others to the same perswasions ; complaint was made thereof by Dr. Whitakers , Dr. Willet , Mr. Chatterton . Mr. Perkins , and certain others to the Ld. Archbishop of Canterbury ( Dr. Whitgift ) desiring his assistance to suppresse that F●…ction , which was like to grow by this means in that University . On which complaint the said Archbishop calling to him to Lambeth Doctor Richard Flecher then Bishop of London and Doctor Richard Vaughan then Elect of Bangor , did then and there with the advice o●… ▪ Dr. Whitakers , Dr. Tindall , and some other Divines ( most of them Parties to the suit ) agree on these nine Articles ( which our Author peaks of ) to be sent to Cambridge for the ●…termining and comp●…g of the present Controversies . And this was done ●…pon the 26th of November , Anno 1595. and being so done and sent accordingly to Cambridge , Dr. Baro found himself so discouraged and discountenanced , that at the end of his first three years he relinquished his Professourship , and retired not long after into France ; leaving the University in no small disorder for want of such an able Instructor to resort unto . We are to know also , that amongst others of Baro his followers , there was one Mr. ster Barret , who in a Sermon preached in St. Maryes Church , not onely defended Baro his Doctrine , but used some offensive words against Calvin , Beza , and some others of the Reformators , for which he was convented before the Heads of the University ( amongst which Doctor James Montague then Master of Sydney Coll. and a great stickler in this quarrell , was of great authority ) and by them May the 5th next following , was enjoynd to recant , and a set form of Recantation was prescribed unto him : which though he read publickly in the Church , yet the contentions and disputes grew greater and greater till the coming down of the nine Articles from Lambeth , hastened with greater earnestnesse upon this occasion . Secondly , these Articles being thus made and agreed upon , we are next to see of what authority they were in the Church of England , and how long they continued in authority in the Schools of Cambridge : concerning which we are to know , that the making of these Articles being made knowne to Queen ELIZABETH by William Lord Burly Lord Treasurer of England , and Chancellour of that University ( who neither liked the Tenets , nor the manner of proceeding in them ) she was most passionately offended that any such innovation should be made in the publick Doctrine of this Church ; and once resolved to have them all a●…ted of a Praemunire . But afterwards upon the interposition of some friends , & the reverent esteem She had of that excellent Prelate , the Lord Archbishop , ( whom She used to call Her black Husband ) She let fall Her anger ; and having favourably admitted his excuse therein , She commanded him speedily to recall and suppresse those Articles : which was done with so much care and diligence , that for a while , a Copie of them was not to be found in all that University , though afterwards by little and little they peeped forth again . And having crept forth once again , it was moved by Dr. Reynolds in the Conference at Hampton Court , A●… . 1603. That the nine Assortions Orthodoxall , as he termed them , conclu●…ed upon at Lambeth , might be inserted into the Booke of Articl●…s ( that is to say , of the Church of England . ) The King was told ( who never had heard before of those nine Assertions ) that by reason of some Controversies , arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity , My Lords Grace assembl●…d some Di●…ines of especiall note to set down their opinions , which they drew into nine assertions and so sent them to the University for the appeasing of those quarrels : Which being told His Majesty , answered , That when such Questions arise among Scholars , the quietest proceeding were to determine them in the University , and not to stuffe the Book with all conclusions Theologicall , Conf. p 24. 40. 41. So that these nine Assertions being first pressed at Cambridge by the command of Qu. Elizabeth , and afterwards esteemed unfitting to be inserted into the Book of Articles by the finall judgement of King James ; there is no reason in the world , why any man should be traduced of Arminianisme , or looked on as an enemy of the true Religion here by Law established , for not conforming his opinions to their no-authority . It is not the meeting of a few B●…shops and Divines in the Hall at Lambeth , but the body of the whole Clergy lawfully assembled in Convocation , wh●…ch hath authority in determining Controversies in Faith , and to require conformity to such determinations and conc●…usions as are there agreed on : When the nine Articles of Lambeth shall be so confirmed , our Authour may declare them for the Doctrine of the Church of England , and traduce all men for Arminians which subscribe not to them . Thirdly , in the last place we are to see what moved King James to recommend these Articles to the Church of Ireland , and afterwards to the Assembly at Dort. And herein we must understand that Dr. James Montague , at that Kings first entrance on this Crown , was made Dean of the Chappell , ( which place he held not onely when he was Bishop of Wells , but of Winchester also ) who being a great stickler in the quarrels at Cambridge , and a great master in the art of Insinuation , had cunningly fashioned King James unto these opinions , to which the Kings education in the Kirk of Scotland had before inclined him . So that it was no very hard matter for him ( having an Archbishop also of his own perswasions ) to make use of the Kings authority , for recommending those nine Articles to the Church of Ireland , which he found would not be admitted in the Church of England . Besides , the Irish Nation at that time were most ten●…ciously addicted to the E●…rours and cor●…uptions of the Church of Rome , and therefore must be bended to the other extreme , before they could be strait and Ortho●…ox in these points of Doctrine , which reason might work much upon the spirit of that King , who used in all his Government ( as a piece of King-craf●… ) to ballance one extreme by the other , countenancing the Papist against the Puritan●… , and the Puritane sometimes against the Papist , that betwixt both the true Religion and the Professours of it might be k●…pt in sa●…ety . On what accompt these nine Articles were commended to the Assembly at Dort we have shewed before , and upon what accompt they were abolished in the Church of Ireland , we shal●… see hereafter . In the mean time our Author telleth us that By the prevalency of the Bishops of London and Westminster the Orthodox party were depressed , & the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity . ] A man would think our Author were Chairman at the least in a Committee for Religion ; for he not onely takes upon him to declare who are Orthodox in point of Faith , and what is truth and not truth in matter of controversie , but censureth two great Bishops ( both of them Counsellors of State ) for depressing both . This savoureth more of the party than of the Historian , whom it might better have become to have told us onely that a Controversie being raised in matters of a Scholasticall nature , those Bishops favoured the one party more than they did the other , and not have layd it down so majesterially that they disfavoured the Orthodox party and deprest the truth , or that the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity . ] A very heavy Charge which hath no truth in it . For I am very confident that neither of these Bishops did ever draw any man within the danger of punishment , in relation only to their Tenets in the present Controversies , if they managed them with that prudence and moderation which became men studiously affected to the Gospel of Peace ; or were not otherwise guilty of creating disturbances in the Church , or ruptures in the body of the Common-wealth . On which occasions if they came within the danger of 〈◊〉 censures , or fell into the power of the High Commission ; it was no reason that their Tenets in the other points ( were they as true as truth it selfe ) should give them any impunity , or free them from the punishment which they had deserved . But it hath been the constant artifice of the Churches Enemies , not to ascrib●… the punishment of Factions and scismaticall persons to the proper cause , but to their orthodoxie in Religion , and zeal against Popish superstitions , that so they might increase the number of Saints and Confessours against the next coming out of the Book of Martyrs . But Arminianisme being as some say , but a bridge to Popery , we will p●…sse with our Authour over that Bridge to the hazard which was feared from Rome ; and that he telleth us came two waies : First , By the uncontrouled preaching of severall points tending and warping that way by Montague , Goodman , Cozens , and others . ] And here againe I thinke out Authour is mistaken : For neither Montague nor Cozens were questioned for preaching any thing which warped toward Popery , but the one of them for writing the Book called Appello Caesarem , the other for publishing a Body of Devotions according to the Hours of Prayer : in neither of which an equall and judicious Reader will finde any Popery , unlesse it be such part-boyled Popery as our Authour speaks of , whereof more anon : And as for Goodman ( our Authour might have called him Bishop Goodman , though now he be but Goodman Bishop , as he calls himselfe ) though he preached something once which might warp toward Popery , yet he did not preach it uncontrouled , being not onely questioned for it , but sentenced to a Recantation before the King. He telleth us of some others , but he names them not , and till he names them he saies nothing which requires an Answer . So that the first fear which flowed from Rome , being ebbed again , we next proceed unto the second ; which came , saith he , from The audacious obtruding of divers superstitious ceremonies by the Prelates , as erecting of fixed Altars , the dapping and cringing towards them , and the standing up at Gloria Patri . ] Our Authour is more out in this than in that before , for I am confident that no Bishop in the times he speaks of , did either command the erecting of fixed Altars , or the bowing or cringing towards them ; nor have I heard by any credible report , that any such fixed Altars were erected , as he chargeth on them . So that I might here end this observation without farther trouble . But because the placing of the Communion Table Altar-wise did carry some resemblance to the Altars used in the Church of Rome , and that some such thing was done in some Churches much about this time ; I shall here shew upon what reasons it was done , and how farre they that did it might be justified in it . The Reader therefore is to know that by the late neglect of decency and good order in most Parish Churches of this Land , the Communion Table had been very much profaned by sitting on it , scribling and casting hats upon it in Sermon-time ; at other times by passing the Parish accompts , and disputing businesses of like nature , to the great scandall and dishonour of our Religion . For remedy and redresse whereof , it seemed good unto some Bishops and other Ordinaries , out of a pious zeal to the Churches honour , and for the more reverent administration of the holy Sacrament , to g●…ve way that the Commun on Table might be removed from the body of the Chancel where of late it stood , and placed at the East end thereof all along the wall , in the same place and posture as the Altars had been scituated in the former times : For which permission I doubt not but the Bishops and other Ordinaries had sufficient ground both from law and practise . And first for Law , there passed an Act ( and it was the first Act of Queen Elizabeths Reig●… ) for restoring to the Crown the antient jurisdiction and rights thereof : by virtue of which Act , and the Authority which natu●…ally was inherent in Her Royall person , she pub●…ished certain Injunctions , Anno 1559. in one of wh●…ch it was thus ordered and enjoyned , that is to say , That the holy Table in every Church be decently made and set in the place where the Altar stood , and there commonly covered as thereto belongeth , and as shall be appointed by our Visitors . In the same Parliament there passed also another Statute for confirmation of the Book of Common Prayer , wherein it was enacted , That if it shall happen that any contempt or irreverence be used in the Ceremonies or rites of the Church by the misusing of the Orders appointed in this Book , the Queens Majesty may by the like advice of the said Commissioners or Metropolitan , or dain and publish such further Ceremonies or Rites as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory , the edifying of his Church , and the due 〈◊〉 of Christs mysteries and Sacraments . And in pursuance of this Act there came out first a Book of Orders , Anno 1561. and afterwards a Booke of Advertisments , Anno 1565. so made and authorized as the Law required . In the first of which it was appointed , That in such Churches where the steps were not taken down the Communion Table should be placed on the steps where the Altar stood , and that there be fixed on the wall over the Communion boord the Tables of Gods precepts , imprinted ●…or the said purpose . And in the second it was ordered , That the Parish should provide a decent Table , standing on a frame for the Communion Table , which they shall decently cover , &c. and shall set the ten Commandements upon the East wall over the said Table . Lay these together , and the Product will be briefly this , that the Communion Table was to stand where the Altar stood , above the steps , and under the Commandements , and therefore to bee placed Altar-wise all along the wall . And that this was the meaning of them appeareth by the constant practise of the Royall Chappels , many Cathedrals of this Land , the Chappels of great men , and some Parochial Churches also , in which the Communion Table never stood otherwise than in the posture of an Altar since the Reformation , without the least suspition of Popery , or any inclinations to it : But of this more hereafter in another place . Secondly , the next thing here objected is bowing or cr●…ging ( as my Author calls it ) toward the said Table so transposed and placed Altar-wise , which many of the Bishops used , but none of them ever did obtrude upon any other , who in this point were left unto the liberty of their owne discretion . That adoration towards the Altar , or Eastern part of the Church ( be it which it will ) was generally used by the best and most religious Christians in the Primitive times , our Authour ( if he be the man he is said to be ) being well versed in the Monuments and Writings of most pure Antiquity , cannot chuse but know ; and therefore must needs grant also that it is not Popery , or any way inclining to it : or if it be , we shall entitle Popery unto such Antiquity , as no learned Protestant can grant it . T is true indeed , that this bowing toward the East , or Altar , had been long discontinued in the Church of England . And I have been informed by persons of great worth and honour , that it was first revived again by Bishop Andrews ; of whom our Author telleth us , Fol. 64 that he was studiously devoted to the Doctrine of the Antient Fathers , and Primitive , not onely in his aspect and gesture , but in all his actions . This in a man so Primitive in all respects , so studious of Antiquity , as our Authour mak●…s him ; so great an enemy to the Errours and Corruptions of Rome as his Apologie against Cardinal Bellarmine , his Answer to Cardinal Peron , and his Tortura Torti , have declared him to be , would blast his Fame by the reviving of a Popish ceremony : and if it were no reproach nor dishonour to him to be the first that did revive it , I see no reason why it should be counted an audaciousnesse in the rest of the Prelates to follow the Primitive and uncorrupt usage of the Church , countenanced by the Example of so rare a man : though I confesse audaciousnesse had been a term too modest , had they obtruded it on the Clergie by their sole authority , as is charged upon them in this place . Thirdly , the next audaciousnesse here spoke of , is the obtruding of another Ceremony on the Church of England , that is to say , the standing up at Gloria Patri . Never obtruded I am sure , nor scarce so much as recommended , there was no cause for it ; the people in so many pl●…ces of this Realm being accustomed thereunto as well as unto standing up at the Creed and Gospels , without any interruption or discontinuance ▪ I grant ●…deed that the Rub●…cke of the Common-Prayer-Booke neither requireth standing at the Gospels , or the Gloria Patri , and yet was standing at the Gospels of such Generall usage in all the parts of this Land , that he that should have used any other gesture , would have been made a laughing-stock , a contempt , and scorn to all the residue of the Parish . B●…sides the Rubrick of the Church requiring us to stand up at the Creed , obligeth us by the same reason to stand up at the Gospels and the Gloria Patri ; the Gospels being the foundation of the Creed , as the Gloria Patri is the abstract and Epitomie of it , or were it otherwise , and that the Rubrick which requireth us to stand at the Creed gave no authority to the like posture of the body in the Gloria Patri , yet many things may be retained in a Reformed Church without speciall Rubricks to direct them , ex vi Catholicae consu●…tudinis , by vertue of the generall and constant usage of the Church of Christ , especially where there is no Law unto the contrary , nor any offence committed against Faith and Piety . If it be asked why standing at the Gloria Patri should be discontinued in some places when standing at the Gospels was retained in all , there being no more authority for the one than the other ; I will give the Reader one Answer , and my Authour shall help him to another . The answer which I shall give is this , that though the Rubricks did require , that the Gloria Patri should be said at the end of every Psalme , throughout the yeare , and at the end of Benedictus , the Magnificat , and the Nunc dimittis , yet was this order so neglected in most parts of the Realm , as Puritanism and Innovation did gain ground upon it that it was very seldome used . And when the Form it self of giving glory to God was once layd aside , no marvel if the gesture which attended it was at last forgotten . If this suffice not , I sh●…ll borrow our Authors help for a further answer , who telleth us of Archbishop Abbot , fol. 127. That his extraordinary remissnesse in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in the point of Coremony , seemed to resolve those legall determinations to their first Principle of Indifferency , and led in such an habit of Inconformity , as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation : then which nothing in the world could be said more truly . I have said nothing of the Antient and Generall usage of those severall Ceremonies , because the Question is not now of the Antient usage , but whether and how farre they were to be used , or not used in the Church of England according to such Rubricks , Lawes , and Ganons which remain in force . Nor shall I adde more at the present , than that I think our Authour hath not rightly timed the businesses in dispute between us , the placing of the Communion Table A●…tarwise , bowing or cringing toward it ; and standing at the Gloria Patri , not being so generally in use at the time of this Parliament as to give any scruple or offence to the greatest Zealots : or if they were , they could not honestly be fathered on Archbishop Laud , as countenanced or brought in by him in the time of his government , of which more hereafter : our Authour now draws toward an end , and telleth u●… finally , But th●…se were but part-boyled Popery , or Popery obliqu●… . ] So then the Ceremonies above-mentioned how Primitive soever they were must be damned for Popery , though it be onely part boyled and oblique Popery , as our Authour calls it ; and with that brand , or by the name of English Popish Ceremonies ( as the Scotish Presbyterians term them ) the rest as well as these may be also blemished : but let them call them what they will , we see now by a most wofull and lamentable experience that the taking away of these part boyled Poperies , these English Popish Ceremonies , or whatsoever e●…se the malignity of any men shall please to call them , the substance of Religion hath been much impaired ; and by this breaking down of the Pale of the Vineyard , not onely the little Foxes have torn off her elusters , but the wilde Bores have struck at her very root . I have no more to add●… now , but a witty and smart Epigram made on this , or the like occasion , and is this that followeth . A learned P●…late of this Land Thinking to make Religion stand , With equall poize on either side , A mixture of them thus he try'd : An Ounce of Protestant he singleth , And then a Dram of Papist mingleth , With a Scruple of the Puritane , And boyled them all in his brain-pan ; But when he thought it would digest The scruple troubled all the rest . The greatest danger was from Popery direct . And from this the danger appeared very great , &c. ] And here I thought I should have heard , that some points of direct and down right Popery had been obtruded by the B●…shop , and Prelaticall Clergy ; but on the contrary , I finde all silent in that case , and good reason for it . Whence then appeared so great a danger ? not from the introducing of Popish Doctrin●…s , but increase of Papists , and that not onely in some Counties of England , but in the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland also : with those of Scotland and Ireland I forbear to meddle , though the Committee for Religion having an Apostolical care of all the Churches , did take them also into their consideration ; marvailing onely by the way , how our Brethren of the Kirke , ( who stood so high upon the termes of their Independencie ) could brook , that their affaires should be so much looked into by an English Parliament . But where our Author telleth us , that in some Counties of England , the Papists were multiplied to some thousands of Families , more than there were in Queen Elizabeths time , there may be very good reason given for that : for since the death of Qu●…en Elizabeth , the Holy-dayes had been made dayes of common labour , and yet all sports prohibited on the Sunday also : the Common-prayer-Book either quite neglected , or so slubbered over , that there was no face of Regular Devotion to be found amongst us ; the Churches in most places kept so slovenly , and the behaviour of the people so irreverent in them , that it is no mervail that men desirous to worship God in the beauty of holinesse , should be induced to joyn●… themselves to such societies of men , as seemed to have more in them of a Christian Church . The King having thus dissolved the Parliament , &c. ] That is to say , after so many indignities , and provocations , as were given unto him by the disorder & tumultuous carriage of some of the Members , which our Author very handsomely and ingenuously hath described at large ; it was the opinion of most men , as our Author telleth us , Fol. 132. that the dissolution of this Par●…lament was the end of all : And certainly there was very good reason why it might be thought so , the King never having good successe in any of his Parliaments , since his first coming to the Crown ; and withall , having an exampl●… before his eyes , of the like discontinuance of assembling the three Estates in the Realme of France , by the King then Reigning , and that upon farre lesse provocations then were given King Charles . For whereas in an Assembly of three Estates , Anno 1614. the third Estate , which represents our House of Commons , entrenched too busily upon the liberties of the Clergy , and some preheminencies and exemptions which the Nobility enjoyed by the favour of some former Kings ; it gave the King so great offence , that he resolved first to dissolve them , and never after to be troubled with the like Impertinencies . Nor was there since that time , any such Assembly , nor like to be hereafter , in the times ensuing , those Kings growing weary of that yoake , which that great Representation did indeavour to impose upon them . But because he would not cut off all communication betwixr himselfe and his people , he ordained another kind of meeting in the place thereof , which he called La Assembli des natables , that is to say , the Assembly of some principall persons ; composed of some selected persons out of every Order or Estate ( of his own nomination ) whereunto should be added some Counsellor out of every Court of Parliament ( of which there are eight in all in France ) throughout that Kingdome ; which being fewer in number , would not breed such a confusion , as the generall Assembly of the States had done before , and be withall more pliant and conformable to the Kings desires ; and yet their Acts to be no lesse obliging to all sorts of people , then the others were . Such an Assembly as this , ( but that the Clergy had no vote in it ) was that which was called here by my Lord Protector , immediately after the dissolving of the late long Parliament , who possibly had his hint from this Institution . And this may teach all Parliaments in the times succeeding , to be more carefull in their Councils , and use more moderation in pursuance of them , especially when they meet with an armed power , for fear they should not onely interrupt , but cut off that spring , from whence the Blessings both of Peace and Happinesse , have formerly been der●…ved on this Church and State. No man can love his F●…tters though they be of Gold. If therefore Parliaments should finde no way to preserve the Liberty of the peopl●… , but to put fetters on the Prince or Power that calls them , if from being Counsellors , at the best they shall prove Controulers , they must blame no body but themselves . In the meane time that saying of Paterculus may be worth their noting , Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vincere esset nefas ; it i●… no shame ( saith he ) to submit to those , whom it were sinne to overcome . To which he answered , that he ever was , and wo●…ld be ready to give an account of his sayings , and doings in that place , whensoever he should be called unto it by that House , where ( as he taketh it ) he was onely to be questioned . ] This is the first seed of that Doct●…ine , which after took such deep root in the Houses of Parliament , viz. that no member ought to be questioned for any thing said or done in Pa●…liament , but by the order of the House , of which he was a Member . And to this resolution the Judges of this time seemed to give some countenance , who having before declared , in favour of the House of Commons , that by the Arresting of Digges and Eliot , the whole House was under an Arrest , did now declare that the Star. Chamber ( in which Court the King intended to proceed against them ) had no Jurisdiction over offences done in Parliament . But this was onely in an extra-judiciall way , being interrogative to that purpose by the King at Greenwich , as our Author ●…elleth us , Fol. 106. For the same Judges sitting on the seat of Judicature , where ●…hey were to act upon their Oathes , could finde both Law and Reason too , to bring their crimes within the cognisance of the Courts of Justice . And severall Fines accordingly were imposed upon them , most of which were paid , and the Gentlemen afterwards released from their Imprisonments . If any of them did refuse to pay such Fines as were set upon them , they were men either of decayed , or of small estates , and so not able to make payment of the Fines imposed . Surpassing exultation there was thereat , & all the Court kept Jubile , &c. ] And there was very good reason for it , not onely that the Court should keep a Jubile at the birth of the Prince , but that surpassing exultation should be thereat in all honest hearts . But I can tell you it was otherwise with too many of the Puritane party , who had layed their line another way , and desired not that the King should have any Children ; insomuch that at a great Feast in Friday street , when some of the company shewed great joy at the news of the Queens fi●…st being with Childe , a leading man of that Faction ( whom I could name were it worth the while ) did not stick to say . That he could see no such cause of joy for the Queens being with Childe ; but God had already better provided for us than we had deserved , in giving such a hopefull Progenie by the Queen of Bohemia , brought up in the Reformed Religion ; whereas it was uncertain what Religion the Kings Children would follow , being brought up under a Mother so devoted to the Church of Rome . And I remember very well that being at a Town one daies jurney from London , when the newes came of the Princes birth , there was great joy shewed by all the rest of the Parish , in causing Bonefires to be made , and the Bells to be rung , and sending Victuals unto those of the younger sort , who were most busily imployed in that publick joy ; But so that from the rest of the houses being of the Presbyterian or Puritane partie , there came neither man nor childe , nor wood nor victuals , their doors being shut close all that Evening , as in a time of generall mourning and disconsolation . Where was an old skulking Statute long since out of use though not out of force , &c. ] The Statute which our Author means was made in the first year of Edward the second , and made more for the benefit and ease of the subject , than for the advantage of the King ; This Statute requiring non●… to take the Order of Knighthood , but such as had Twenty pounds per annum of clear yearly rent , whereas before that time all men of Fifteen pound rent per annum were required to take it . This proves it to be very old , but why my Author should call it a skulking Statute , I can see no reason , considering that it lay not hidden under the rubb●…sh of Antiquity , but was an open printed Statute , not onely to be seen in the Collection of the Statutes and the Books at large , but in the Abridgements of the same : and being a Statute still in force ( as our Author ●…elleth us ) might lawfully be put in practise whensoever the necessities of the King should invite him to it . But whereas our Author telleth us , that the persons mentioned in that Statute were not required to be made Knights as was vulgarly supposed , but onely ad arma gerenda , to bear Armes , and thereupon telleth us a story of a Sword and a Surcoat to be given unto them , I rather shall believe the plaine words of the Statute , than his interpre●…ation of it . The Title of it is in Latine Statutum de Militibus , or a Statute for Knights as the English hath it ; the words as followeth , viz. Our Soveraign Lord the King hath granted that all such as ought to be Knights , and be not , and have been distrained to take upon them the Order of Knighthood before the Feast of the Nativity of our Lord , shall have respect to take upon them the foresaid Armes of Knighthood untill the Utas of S. Hilarie , &c. where certainly to be made Knights , to take upon them the Order of Knighthood , and the Armes of Knighthood , are somewhat more than onely and simply to bear Armes , as he faine would have it : were it no otherwise than so , there were some hundred thousands of none or very little estate as fit or fitter to bear Armes than men of Twenty pound rent per annum , which was a plentifull revenue as the times then were ; and fitter it had been to have called such men unto a generall Muster in their severall Counties than to command them to attend at a Coronation . Nor had the Sages of the Law been capable of excuse for their false translations , if they should render ad arma militiae gerenda ( for so I think the Latine hath it , though the most significant word thereof be left out by our Author ) by taking on them the Armes of Knighthood , if there were nothing more intended than the bearing of Armes ; by meanes whereof the subject of the following Ages might be very much burdened , and the Noble Order of Knighthood no lesse dishonoured without any remedy . And besides this , in case the letter of the Statute in French or Latine had been onely to bear Armes , not to take the order of Knighthood ; the late long Parliament would rather have questioned the Kings Ministers for their acting by it , then troubled themselves with Repealing it , as they after did . For such was the misery of this King , that all the advantages he had to help himselfe , must be condemned , as done against the old Lawes of the Land , or else some new Law shall be made to deprive him of them , that wanting all other meanes to support himselfe , he might be forced to live on the Almes of his Parliament . This Winter the Marquesse of Hamilton was very active in mustering up his forces for the King of Swedens assistance , &c. ] That so it was in the Kings intention , I shall easily grant , but that the Marquesse had no other end in it than the King of Swedens assistance , hath been very much doubted , the rather in regard that he raised all or the greatest part of his Forces out of Scotland , where he was grown very popular and of high esteem : For , being gotten into the head of an Army of his own Nation , he had so courted the common Souldiers , and obliged most of the Commanders , that a health was openly began by DavidRamsey ( a boisterous Ruffian of the Court ) to King James the seventh , and so much of the designe discovered by him unto Donald Mackay Baron of Re●… then being in the Marquesses Camp , that the Loyall Gentleman thought himselfe bound in duty to make it known unto the King. Ramsey denying the whole matter , and the Lord having no proof thereof ( as in such secret practises it could hardly be ) more than a confident asseveration , and the engagement of his honour ; the King thought good to referre the Controversie to the Earle of Lindsey , whom he made Lord high Constable to that end and purpose : many daies were spent accordingly in pursuance of it . But when most men expected that the matter would be tried by battell , as had been accustomed in such cases , the businesse was hushed up at Court , the Lord Ree dismissed to his employments in the warres ; and to the minds of all good men the Marquesse did not onely continue in the Kings great favour , but Ramsey was permitted to hold the place of a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber , which had been formerly procured for him . As for the Army of Scots which the Marquesse had carried into Germany , they mouldred away by little and little , without doing any thing , which put the Marquess on new Councils of getting that by practise when it was lesse thought of , which he could not get by force of Armes as the case then stood . Tilly conducted a numerous Army for the relief of Rostock , then besieged by the King of Sweden ; the King alarmed at his coming , drew out of his Trenches , &c. ] In this relation of the great ●…out which the King of Sweden gave to Tilly , there are many mistakes . For neither was that great Battail sought neer Rostock a Hanse town in the Dukedome of Mecklenbourg , but neer Lipsian a chief Town in the Province of Misnia , some hundreds of miles higher into the Countrey ; nor did the King of Sweden after this great Victory returne back with his Army towards Rostock , but in pursuance of his blow marched forward , and made himself master of all those parts of the Country into which he came ; nor was this Battail fought in the yeare 1630 , where our Authour placeth it , ( so much doth he mistake himselfe both in place and time ) but in the year next following . For many had no fancy to the work , meerly because he was the promoter of it . ] Our Author speakes here of the repairing of Saint Pauls , and telleth us that it suffered great diminution for the Bishop of London's sake , who was the chief promoter of it , in which he is very much mistaken . The worke had been twice or thrice before attempted without any effect , but by his diligence and power w●…s brought in shore time to so great forwardnesse , that had not his impeachment by the House of Commons , in the late long Parliament , put a period unto his indeavours , it had been within a very few yeares , the most goodly pile of building in the Christian world . And whereas our Author tells us , that many had no fancy to the worke , because he promoted it , it was plainly contrary , his care in the promoting it , being one great reason why so many had a fancie to it , most of the Clergy contributing very largely unto it , partly in reference to the merit of the worke it selfe , and partly in regard of those preferments , which they either had received , or expected from him . The like did most of the Nobility and Gentry in most p●…rts of the Land , knowing the great power and favour which he had wi●…h the King , and the many good offices he might doe them , as occasion served . If any had no fancy to it , as indeed some had not , it was rather in reference to the worke it s●…lfe , then in relation to the man ; it being more in their desires that all the Cathedrals should be ruined , then that any one should be repaired witnesse that base and irr●…rent expression of that known Schismatick , Doctor Bastwick , in the second part of his Letany , where grudging at the great summ●…s of money , which had been gathered for the repairing of this Church , al'●…ding to the name of Cathedrall , he concludes ●…t last ( pardon me Reader for defi●…g my pen , with such immodesties ) that all the mighty masse of money , must be spent in making a seat for a Priests arse to sit in . And doubt we not , but many more of that Faction were of his opinion , though they had not so much violence , and so little wit , as to make Declaration of i●… . But should he long deferre that duty , they ●…ight perhaps be inclined to make choice of another King. ] I do not think that any of the Scots ever told him so , whatsoever they though●… ; or if they did , the King might very well have seen ▪ that there was more truth in the Lord of Roes information , then he was willing to believe , and might accordingly have taken course to prevent the practice . But who can save him , who neglects the meanes of his preservation ? So true is that of the Historian , Profecto in eluctabilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam mentare constituit , ejus corrumpit consilia ; Assuredly ( ●…th he ) when the unresistable powers of F●…te determine on a mans destruction , they either overthrow or corrupt those Councels , by which he might otherwise avoide it . A max●…me verified in the whole course and carriage of this Kings affaires , neglecting wilfully ( to keep up the credit of an old principle which he had embraced ) all such advertisements as tended to his preservation . It was a saying of King James , that suspition was the sicknesse and disease of a Tyrant , which laid him open to all the subtill practises of malitious cunning ; and it was a maxime of King Charles , that it was better to be deceived , then to distrust , which proved a plaine and 〈◊〉 way unto those calamities , which afterwards were brought upon him , as may be plainly seen by the course of this History . But the entertainment most of all august and Royal was that of the Earl of Newcastle , at Welb●…ck , which was estimated to stand the Earl in at least six thousand pounds . ] I have shewed our Author some mistakes already in his Temporalities ( as he calls them ) and now I shall shew him one or two , besides his misplacing of the battaile of Tisfique spoken of before ▪ in his Localities also ( to give him a fine word of his owne complection . ) That the Earl of Newcastle entertained the King at Welb●…k in his passage towards Scotland , is a truth unquestioned . But the magnificent entertainment so much talked of , which cost the Earl the summe of six thousand pounds , as our Author telleth us , was neither made in the time or place which are herein mentioned ; that in the time of the Kings going toward Scotland , or returning thence , Anno 1633 , but on the last of July , in the yeare next following ; nor was it made at Welbeck , but at Boalsover Castle in Derby shire , about five miles thence ; nor for the entertainment of the King onely , but of the King and Queen , and their severall Courts . The like mistake in matter of Locality ( that I may not trouble my selfe with it at another time ) occurreth , Fol. 129. where he telleth us , th●… both their Majesties , with their train of Court Gran●…s , and Gentlemen Revellers , were solemnly invited to a most sumptuous banquet at Guildhall , where that ●…lendent shew was iterated and re-exhibited ; whereas indeed the entertainment which the City gave ( at that time ) to the King , was at the house of Alderman Freeman , then Lord Major , scitu●…e in Cornhill n●… the Royall Exchange , and the entertainment which the King gave unto the City , by shewing them that glorious Maske , was at the Merchant Taylers Hall in Thredneedle-street , on the backside of the Lord Majors House , an open passage being made from the one to the other , which , as it was the first Act of Popularity , which the King did in all his R●…ign , so it beg●… a high degree of affection towards him , in the hearts of the Citizens , though it proved only like a Widows joy , ( as the saying is ) as soon lost as foun●… . Soon after the Coronation followed an Assembly of Parliament , &c. ] In this Parlmany Acts were passed , one for s●…ling a c●…rtain maintenance on the Scotish Clergy , who being robbed of their Tithes by the Lords and Gentry in the beginning of the Reformation , were kept to arbitrary Stipends , which rendred them obnoxious to the power of the great ones , on whose bounty they depended ; to remedy this , K. James endevour'd a se●…led maint●…nance on them , after He came to the English Crown , but eff●…cted by the great care and industry of K. Charles , and confirmed this Parliament . How these ungratefull men did requite Him afterwards , our Author will inform us in the course of his History . This done , he hastened home , that is , unto the Embraces of his deare consort , where he ended his progresse July the 20. ] The Queen was then at Greenwich , when the King came to her , and to which place he came both suddenly and privately by Post-horses , crossing the water at Black Wall , without making his entrance into London , or his passage by it . Whereas Queen Elizabeth did very seldome end any of her Summer progresses , but she would wheele about to some end of London , and make her passage to White-Hall , through some part of the City ; not onely requiring the Lord Major and Aldermen in their Scarlet robes , and Chaines of Gold , to come forth to meet her , but the severall Companies of the City to attend sole●…nly in ●…hcir Formalities as she passed along . By ●…anes whereof , she did not onely pre●…erve the Majestie which did of right be●…ong to a Queen of England , but kept the Citizens ( and consequently all the Subjects ) in a reverent estimation and opinion of her . She used the like Arts also in keeping up the Majesty of the Crown , and service of the City , in the reception and bringing in of Forreign Embassadors : who if they came to London by Water , were met at Gravesend by the Lord Major , the Aldermen , and Companies in their severall Barges , and in that solemn sort conducted unto White Hall staires , but if they were to ●…ome by Land , they were met in the like sort at Shooters Hill , by th●… Major & Aldermen , and thence conducted to their lodgings , the Companies waiting in the streets in their severall habits . The like she used also in celebrating the Obsequies of all Christian Kings , whether Popish or Protestant , with whom she was in correspondence ; performed in such a solemn and magnificent manner that it preserved Her in the estimation of all forreign Princes , though differing in Religion from Her , besides the great contentm●…nt which the people took in those Royal actions . Some other Arts she had of preserving Majestie , and keeping distance with Her people ; yet was so popular withall when she saw Her time , that never Majestie and Popularity were so matched tog●…ther . But these being layed aside by K. James who brooked neither of them , and not resumed by King Charles , who had in this point too much of the Father in him ; there followed first a neglect of their Persons , which Majesty would have made more sacred ; and afterward a mislike of their Government , which a little Popularity would have made more gratefull . A very learned man he was , his erudition all of the old stamp , sti●…y principled in the Doctrine of S. Augustine , which they who understand it not call Calvianisme . ] Of the L●…arning of Archbishop Abbot , and how farre it was of the old stamp , I shall say nothing at the present ; But whereas our Authour makes Calvianisme and the Doctrine of S. Augustine to be one and the same , I think he is very much out in that ●… there being some things maintained by S. Augustine , not allowed by Calvin , and many things maintained by Calvin , which were never taught him in S. Augustine . S. Augustine was a great maintainer of Episcopacy , which the Calvinians have ejecte●… out of all their Churches ; and was so strict in defence of the necessity of Baptisme , that he doomed all Infants dying without it to the Pains of Hell , and thereby got the name of Infant damastiques ; whereas many of the Calvinists make Baptisme a thing so indifferent ( si habea●… recte , si careas nihil damni , as one telleth us of them ) that it is no great matter whether it be used or not . And on the other side the Calvinists maintain a Parity of Ministers in the Church of Christ , conditional obedience to the Civil Magistrate , the suffering of the Pains of Hell in our Saviours soule , and putting no other sense than that horrid blasphemy on the Article of his Descent , the ineffectuality of the blessed Sacraments ( as to the power and vertue which the Antients did ascribe unto them ) and many others of that nature , which are not to be found in all S. Augustines Works . Therefore the Doctrine of S. Augustine cannot be called by the name of Calvianisme . In the year 1618 , King James published a Command or Declaration tolerating sports on the Lords day , called Sunday . ] Our Author is now come to His Majesti●…s Declaration about lawfull sports , being a reviver onely of a former Declaration published by King James , bearing date at Greenwich , May the 24th , in the sixteenth year of that Kings reigne ; in his discourse whereof there are many things to be considered : For first , he telleth us , that many impetuous clamours were raised against it , but he conceals the motives to it , and restrictions of it . And secondly , he telleth us that to satisfie and still those ●…lamours , the Book was soon after called in , in which I am sure our Author is extremely out : that Book being never called in , though the execution of it ( by the 〈◊〉 of that Kings Government ) was soon discontinued . Now for the motives which induced that King to this Declaration , they were chiefly four : 1. The generall complaints of all sorts of people as he pas●…ed through Lancashire , of the restraint of those innocent and lawfull Pastimes on that day , which by the rigour of some Preachers and Ministers of publick justice had been layd upon them . 2. The hinderance of the conversion of many Papists , who by this means were made to think that the Protestant Religion was inconsistent with all harmlesse and modest recreations . 3. That by 〈◊〉 men from all manly Exercises on those dayes on which onely they were freed from their dayly labours , they were made unactiv●… , and unable , and unfit for warres , if either Himself or any of His Successours should have such occasion to employ them . And 4 ▪ That men being hindred from these open Pastimes , betook themselves to Tipling Houses , and there abused themselves with Drunkennesse , and censured in their cups His Majesties proceedings both in Church and State. Next the Restrictions were as many : First , that these Pastimes should be no impediment or let to the publick Duties of the Day . Secondly , that no Recusants should be capable of the benefit of them . No●… thirdly , such as were not diligently present at all D●…vine offices which the day required . And fourthly , that the benefit thereof should redound to none but such as kept themselves in their own Parishes . Now to the Motives which induced King James to this Declaration , our Author adds two others which might move King Charles to the reviving of the same ; That is to say , 1. The neglect of the Dedication Feasts of Churches in most places upon that occasion . And secondly , an inclination in many unto Judaisme , occasioned by a Book written by one Brabourne , maintaining the indispensible morality of the 4th Commandement , and consequently the necessary observation of the Jewish Sabbath . Though our Author tells us that this Royall Edict was resented with no small regret , yet I conceive the Subjects had great cause to thank Him for his Princely care , in studying thus to free their consciences from those servile yokes ( greater than which were never layd upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharis●…es ) which by the preaching of some Zealots had been layd upon them . But our Author is not of my mind , for he telleth us afterwards , that The Divinity of the Lords day was new Divinity at Court ] And so it was by his leave in the Countrey too , not known in England till the year 1595 , when Doctor Bound first published it in his Book of Sabbath Doctrines ; nor in Ireland till just twenty years after , when it was thrust into the Articles of Religion then and there established ; nor in Scotland till above twenty years after that , when the Presbyterians of both Nations layd their heads together for the subversion of this Church . So new it is , that as yet it cannot plead a prescription of threescore years , much lesse pretend to the beginning of our Reformation : for , if it could , we should have found some mention of it in our Articles , or our Book of Homilies , or in the Book of Common Prayer , or in the Statute 5 & 6 Edward VI. about keeping Holy dayes , in the two first of which , we finde nothing at all touching the keeping of this day ; and in the two last , no more care taken for the Sundayes than the other Festivals . But our Author still goeth on , and saith , Which seemed the greater Prodigie that men who so eagerly cryed up their own Order and Revenues for Divine , should so much 〈◊〉 the Lords day from being such , when they had no other existence than in relation to this . ] Here is a Prodigie indeed , and a Paradox too , that neither the Order not Revenues of the Evangelical Priesthood have any existence , but in Relation to the D●…vinity of the Lords day . If our Author be not out in this , I am much mistaken . S. Paul hath told us of himself , that he was an Apostle not of men , neither by men , but by 〈◊〉 Christ and God the Father : And what he telleth us of himself , may be said also of the twelve Apostles , and the seventy Disciples , ordained by Christ to preach the Gospel , and to commit the like power to others from one generation to another till the end of all things . S. Paul pleads also very strongly for the Divine right of Evangelicall maintenance to them that laboured in the publick Ministerie of the Church , concluding from that saying in the Law of Moses , viz : Thou shalt not muzzle the Oxe which treads out the corn , and from the maintenance of the Priest which served at the Altar , that such as preached the Gospel should live by the Gospel . And he pleads no lesse ●…outly for the right of Tithes , where he proves our Saviour Christ to be a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck , from Melchisedecks receiving Tithes of Abraham , or rather from this Tithing of Abraham , as the Greek importeth . And yet I trow the Lords day Sabbath had no such existence , and much lesse such Divinity of existence , as our Author speaks of , when both the Order and Revenue of the sacred Ministery had a sure establishment , as much Divine right as our Saviour and the holy Apostles could confer upon them . Our Author now draws towards an end , & for our further satisfaction referreth us to somthing elsc , and that something to be found elswhere , concluding thus , But of this elsewhere . ] And indeed of this there hath enough been said elsewhere to satisfie all learned and ingenious men , both in the meaning of the Law , and in point of practise , so that to speak more of it in this place and time , were but to light a Candle before the Sun. All I shall further adde is this , that if the Rules and Principles of the Sabbatarians m●…st needs pa●…se for currant , I cannot see by the best light of my poor understanding , but that Brabournes Book may be embraced with our best affections ; and that obscure and ignorant School-Master ( as our Author calls him ) must be cryed up for the most Orthodox Divine which this Age hath bred . And was after styled Duke of Yorke . ] Our Author here accommodates his style to the present times , when the Weekly Pamphlets give that Prince no other Title than the Titulary Duke of Yorke , the pretended Duke of Yorke , the Duke of Yorke so styled , as our Author here . It is true indeed the second Son of England is not born to the Dukedome of York●… , as the first is unto the Titles and Revenues of the Dukedome of Cornewall , but receives that Title by Creation : and though the King did cause this second Son to be styled onely Duke of Yorke when he was in his cradle , yet afterwards He created and made him such by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England in due form of L●… The four Innes of Court presenting both their Majesties at Whitehall with a gallant Masque , as a symbole of their joynt affections . ] The Innes of Court used formerly to divide themselves in the like solemnities , Lincolns Inne joyning with one of the Temples , and Graies Inne with the other , b●…t now they all united upon this occasion . One William Prynne an Utter Barrester of Lincolns Inne had writ a Book ( somewhat above a year before ) called Histrio Mastix , intended purposely against Stage Playes , but intermixed with many b●…tter and sharp Invectives against the solemn Musick used in the Cathedrals and Royal Chappels , against the magnificence of the Court in Masques and Dancings , against the Hospitality of the English G●…ntry in the Weeks of Christmas , and indeed what not ? In which were also many passages scandalous and dishonourable to the King and Queen , and such as seemed dangerous also to their sacred Persons : For which , an Information being brought against him in the Starre-Chamber by Master Noye then Atturney-Generall , and the Cause ready to be sentenced , it seemed good unto the Gentlemen of the four Innes of Court to present their Majesties with a Masque , thereby to let their 〈◊〉 and the People see how little Prynne his infection had took hold upon them . A pompous and magnificent shew it seemed , as it passed the Streets , but made more glorious by a long traine of Christian Captives , who having been many yeares insl●…ved in the chains of bondage , were sent for a present to the King ▪ by the H●…riffe or Emperour of Morocko , in testimony of the assistance received from him , in the taking of Salla , and destroying that known nest of Pyrates , effected specially by the benefit and advantage of his Majesties Ships . An action of so great honour to the English Nation , of such security to trade , and of such consequence for setl●…ng of a free commerce in those parts of Christendom , that I wonder why our Author takes no notice of it . The Kings Dominion in the Narrow Seas was actually usurped by the Holland Fishers , and the right it selfe in good earnest disputed by a late tract of Learned Grotius called Mare Liberum . ] Our Author might have added here that this discourse of Grotius was encountred not long after by a learned Tract of Mr. Seldens , which h●… entituled Mare Clausum . In which he did not onely assert the Soveraignty or Dominion of the British Seas to the Crown of England , but cleerly proved by constant and continuall practise , that the Kings of England used to levie money from the Subjects ( without help of Parliament ) for the providing of ships and other necessaries to maintain that Soveraignty , which did of right belong unto them . This he brings down unto the time of K. Hen. 2d , and might have brought it neerer to his own times , had he been so pleased , and thereby paved a plain way to the payment of Ship-money , but then he must have thwarted the proceedings of the House of Commons in the last Parliament , ( wherein he was so great a stickler ) voting down under a kinde of Anathema the Kings pretensions of right to all help from the subject , either in Tonage or Poundage , or any other wayes whatsoever , the Parliament not co-operating and contributing toward it . For that he might have done thus we shall easily see by that which followeth in our Author , viz. Away goes the subtile Engineer , and at length frem old Records progs and bolts out an antient Precedent of raising a Tax upon the whole Kingdom for setting forth a Navy in case of danger . ] Our Author speaks this of Mr. Noye the Atturney Generall , whom he calls aft●…rwards a most indefatigable Plodder and Searcher of old Records , and therefore was not now to be put to progging , ( a very poor expression for so brave a man ) to finde out any thing which m●…ght serve to advance this businesse . For the truth is , that a year or more before the coming out of the Writs for ship-money , he shewed the Author of these Observations ( at his house neer Brentford ) a great wooden Box , wherein were nothing else but Pr●…ts out of all Records , for levying a Navall aide upon the Subjects by the sole authority of the Ki●…g , whensoever the preservation and safety of the Kingdome did require it of them : And I remember well that he shewed me in many of those Papers , that in the same years in which the Kings had received subsidies in the way of Parliament , they levyed this Naval aide by their own sole power ; and he gave me this Reason for them both : For ( saith he ) when the King wanted any money either to support his own expences , or for the enlarging of his Dominions in Forreign Conquests , or otherwise to advance his honour in the eye of the world ; good reason he should be beholding for it to the love of his people ; but when the Kingdome was in danger , and that the safety of the Subject was concerned in the businesse , he might , and then did raise such summes of Money as he thought expedient , for the preventing of the danger , and providing for the publick safety of himselfe and his . And I remember too , that ●…se Precedents were written in little bits ●…nd shreads of paper , few of them bigger then ones hand , many not so big ; which when he had transcribed in the course of his studies , he put into the coffin of a Pye ( as he pleased to tell me ) which had been sent him from his Mother , and kept them there untill the mouldinesse and corruptiblenesse of that wheaten Coffer had perished many of his papers . No need of progging or bolting to a man so furnished . But more of this Attorney we shall heare anon . In the meane time our Author telleth us , that The King presently issued out Writs to all the Counties within the Realm &c. enjoyning every County for defence of the Kingdome , to provide Ships of so many Tunne , &c. ] Our Author is deceived in this , as in many things else . For in the first yeare of the payment of Ship-money , the Writs were not issued to all the Counties of England , as our Author telleth us , but onely to the Maritime Counties , which lying all along the shore , were most exposed unto the danger of a forraign Enemy . But proof being had , that the preparations of that yeare were not great enough , for the ends intended in the next yeare , and not before ; the like Writs issued out to all Counties in England ( that is to say , Anno 1636. ) the whole charge layed upon the subject upon that occasion , amounting to 2360001. or there abouts , which being in lieu of all payments , came but to twenty thousand pounds a month , and not fully that . Neverthelesse the King upon the Arch-Bishops intreaty , granted them exemption . ] I never heard that any such exemption was desired by the Clergy , but sure I am , that no such exemption was ever granted , it being as great an indiscretion in them to seek it , as it would have been a hinderance to the publick service , if they had obtained it . The favour which the Arch-Bishop procured for them , was no more then this , that on complaint made by some of the Clergy , how unreasonably they were rated by their neighbours , some of them at a sixt , some at a fourth part of the Taxe , which had been layed upon the Parish ; he obtained Letters from the King , to all the Sheriffes of Engl●…nd , requiring that the Clergy possessed of Parsonages , should not be taxed above a tenth part of the Land ▪ rate of their severall Parishes ; and that consideration should be had of Vicars accordingly . Which though it were a great and a royall favour ( such as became a nursing Father of the Church ) yet w●…s it no exemption , as our Author calls it , unlesse he meaneth an exemptien from the A●…bitrary power of cove●…ous and malitious neighbours , as indeed it was . But our Author goes back to the Attorney , of whom he telleth us , that He became a●…●…inent instrument both of good and ill ( and of which most , is a great question ) to the Kings Prer●…gative . ] I thinke no question need be made in this particular . The Ship money had as faire a triall in the Courts of Westm. as any Cause that ever came before those Judges . And as for other projects , and Court suites , he used first to consult the Law , the Kings Honour , and the publick good , before he would passe any of them ; insomuch that he was more cursed by the Courtiers ( I speake this on my certaine knowledge ) for dashing some of their designes , and putting many difficulties upon others of them , then any man can possibly imagine of a publick Minister . And whereas our Author telleth us in that which followeth , that he was drawn into the Kings service by the lure of advancement , I am confident on the other side , that it was rather a contemplation of doing his duty to the King , then any thought of advancement by it , which drew him to accept that office , so much sought by others : in managing whereof , he declined so much private business to attend the King , and attended that with such an eye to his Masters honour , that I may very safely say , he did not gaine so much in the whole time of his service , as his Predecessors , or Successors did after , in any one yeare of their imployment . But in regard 〈◊〉 came without Credentiall Letters from the Queen of Sweden , he denied him audience , whereupon he returned in some disgust . ] In this short passage there are more mistakes then lines . For first , it is not likely that young Oxenst●… ( whom he speakes of ) came without Credentiall Letters , being treated as he was in the quality of an Embassador , which without such Letters had not been . Secondly , I am sure that he had a publick and solemne audience , my curiosity carrying me to the Court that day , not so much to see the Formalities of such Receptions ( to w●…ch I could not be a ●…nger ) as to behold the Son o●… so wise a Father , who had so long , with so much p●…udence and successe conducted the affa●…s of the Crown of Sweden . Thirdly , If he departed in some disgust , ( as by accepting of a rich Ring from King Lewis of France , and refusing 〈◊〉 present of better value , ●…offered by King Charles , it was thought he did ) it was not because he was denied a publick audience , but because he had proposed some things to the King , for carrying on the war in Germany , in behalfe of the Swedes , which the King thought not fit to consent unto , being then in hopes of some accommodation to be made with the Emperor touching the Palatinate . At the same time there was also a Synod assembled , wherein the bodie of Articles formed by that Church , Anno 1615. were repealed , and in their places were substituted the 39. Articles of the Church of England , intending to create an uniformity of beliefe between both Churches . ] And certainly the designe was pious , and the reasons prevalent ; first in relation to the Papists , who made great aime at it , that in the Churches of three Kingdomes , united all under one chiefe Governour , there should be three severall and distinct ( and in some points contrary ) Confessions , yet all pretending unto one and the same Religion ; next in relation to the Puritanes , who in the controverted points about Predestination , and the Lords ▪ day-Sabbath , when they had nothing else to say , did use to fly for ▪ refuge to the Articles of the Church of Ireland , where the Predestinarian Doctrines , and Sabbatarian speculations had found entertainment ; aud thes●… , and none but thes●… found themselves grieved and troubled at the alteration . Nor was this alteration made by the hand of power , but the power of reason . The matter being canvased and debated in the Convocation there , before it was put unto the vote ; and being put unto the vote ( notwithstanding the strong interposition of the Lord Primate of Armagh ) was carried by the farre greater part of voyces for the Church of England . But all the service they did this Summer was inconsiderable , in regard they never came to engagement ; onely their formidable appearance secured the Seas from those Petit Larcenies and Piracies wherewith they were formerly so molested . ] Had this been all , their service had been very considerable ; the clearing the Sea of Pyrates being of so great benefit and consequence to the trade , and flourishing of this Kingdome . For by this meanes , and the well-setled peace which we had at home , the greatest part of the wealth , in these parts of Christendome , was carryed up the Thames , and managed in the City of London . But this was not all . The King by this Formidable appearanc●… ( as our Author calls it ) regained the Dominion of the Sea , which had been lately hazarded , if not wholly lost : insomuch as the K●…ng of Spaine thought it his best and safest w●…y , to send the money designed for the payment of his Armies in Flanders , in the Ships of English Merchants onely . By meanes whereof , there was brought yearly into England , between 2 & 3 hundred thousand pound in uncoyned Bullion , which being minted in the Tower , was no small benefit to the King by the Coynage of it , and no lesse benefit to the City and the Kingdome generally , in regard the greatest part thereof was stil kept amongst us in lieu of such manufactures , and native commodities of this Land , as were returned into Flanders , for the use of that Army . And yet this was not all the service which they did this Summer : The French and Hollanders had ●…tred this year into a Confederacy to rout the King of Spaine out of all the Netherlands , in which it was agreed amongst other things . that the French should invest Dunkirk and the other parts of Flanders , with their Forces by Land , whilst the Hollanders did besiege them with a Fleet at Sea , that so all passages into the Countrey being thus locked up , they might the more easily subdue all the Inland parts . And in all probability the designe had took eff●…ct in this very year , the King of Spaine no●… being able to bring 8000 men into the field , and leave his Garrisons provided ; the people of the other side being so practis●…d on by the Holland Faction , that few or none of them would Arm to repulse those Enemies . But first the formidable appearance of the English Fleet , which 〈◊〉 the Hollanders before Dunkirk ▪ and then the insolencies of the French at Diest and Tillemont , did so incourage and i●…flame the hearts of the people , that the Armies both of the French and Hollanders , returned back again without doing any thing more than the wasting of the Countrey . And was not this ( think we ) a considerable piece of service also ? Lastly , I am to tell our Author , that it was not the Earle of Northumberland , ( as he tells us some lines before ) but the Earle of Lyndsey which did command the Fleet this Summer , Anno 1635. The Earle of Northumberland not being in Commission for this service till the year next following , when all the Counties of the Realm were engaged in the charge . So as the Kings discretion was called in to part the fray by the committing the Staffe of that Office into the hands of William Juxton Lord Bishop of London , March the 6th , who though he was none of the greatest scholars , yet was withall none of the worst Bishops . ] Our Author still fails in his intelligence , both of men and matter . For , first the occasion of giving the Office of Lord Treasurer to the Bishop of London , was not to part a fray between the Archbishop and the Lord Cottington , who never came to such immoderate heats , as our Author speaks of ; but upon very good considerations and reasons of State : ●…or , whereas most of the Lord Treasurers of these latter times had rather served themselves by that Office than the King in it , and raising themselves to the Estates and Titles of Earles , but leaving the two Kings more incumbred with debts and wants than any of their Predecessors had been known to be ; it was thought fit to put the Staffe of that Offic●… into the hands of a Church-man , who having no Family to raise , no Wife and Chil●…ren to provide for , might better manag●… the Incomes of the Treasury to the Kings advantage than they had been formerly : and who more fit for that employment ( among all the Clergie ) than the B●…shop of London , a man of so well ▪ tempered a disposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and people ; and being a dear friend of the Archbishops , who had served the whole year as Commissioner in that Publick trust , was sure to be instructed by him in all particulars which concerned the managing thereof . But whereas our Author tells us of him , that he was none of the greatest scholars , I would faine learn in what particular parts , either of Divine or Humane Learning our Author reckons him defective ; or when our Author sate so long in the Examiners Office , as to bring the poor Bishop unto this discovery . I know the man , and I know also his abilities as well in Publick Exercises as Private Conferences , to be as farre above the censure of our Aristarchus as he conceives himself to be above such an ignorant and obscure School-Master as Theophilus Brabaurne . It is true , he sets him off with some commendation of a calm and moderate spirit , and so doth the Lord Faulkland too , in a bitter Speech of his against the Bishops , Anno 1641 , where he saith of him , That in an unexpected place and power he expressed an equall moderation and humility , being neither ambitious before , nor proud after , either of the Crozier or white Staffe . But there are some whom Tacitus calls Pessimum inimicorum genus , the worst kinde of Enemies , who under colour of commending , expose a man to all the disadvantages of contempt or danger . The Communion Table which formerly stood in the midst of the Church or Chancel , he enjoyned to be placed at the East end , upon a graduated advance of ground with the ends inverted , and a wooden traverse of ●…ailes before it . ] Of placing the Communiou Table with the ends inverted , we are told before Anno 1628 , and if it were then introduced , and so farre in practise that notice could be taken of it by the Committee for Religion , no reason it should now be charged on the Archbishop as an Act of his . But granting it to be his Act ( not to repeat any thing of that which was said before in justification of those Bishops who were there said to have done the like ) we doubt not but he had sufficient authority for what he did in the transposing of the Table to the Eastern wall . The King by the advice of his Metropolitan , hath a power by the Statute , 1 Eliz. c. 2. on the hapning of any irreverence to be used by the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church , by misusing the Orders appointed in this Book , ( namely , the Book of Common Prayers ) to ordain and publish such further Rites and Ceremonies , as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory , the edifying of his Church , and the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sacraments . And certainly there had been so much irreverence done to the Communion Table standing unfenced as then it did in the middle of the Chancell , not onely by scribling and sitting on it , as before was noted ; but also by Dogs pissing against it ( as of common course ) and sometimes snatching away the Bread which was provided for the use of the blessed Sacrament ; that it was more than time to transpose the Communion Table to a place more eminent , and to fence it also with a raile to keep it from the like prophanation for the time to come . Nor did the Archbishop by so doing outrun authority , the King having given authority and 〈◊〉 to it a year before the Metropoliticall Visitation which our Author speaks of . The Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls ( as being Ordinaries of the place ) had transposed the Communion Table in Saint Gregoryes to the upper end of the Chancel , and caused it to be placed Altar-wise ; which being disliked by some few ordinary Parishioners , and an Appeale made from the Ordinary to the Deane of the Arches , the Cause was brought before the King , then sitting in his Privie Council , Anno 1633. who on the hearing of all parties , and the Reasons alledged on both sides , having first testified His dislike of all Innovations ; He concludes at last , That h●… did well approve , and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary , and also gave commandem●…nt that if those few Parishioners before 〈◊〉 did proceed in their said Appeal , then the D●…an of the Arches should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter . Here was authority enough , as good authority for the Archbishop to proceed upon in his Visitation , as the Prevogative Royall , the new Statute of the Queen , and the old Lawes of the Land could give him . This then was no Anomalous Innovation ( as our Author calls it . ) The King ( it seems ) thought otherwise of it , and so did all men studied in the Rules of this Church , and the practice of approved Antiquity who looked upon it as a Renovation of a Rite disused , not as an Innovation or Introduction of a new Ceremonie never used before ▪ But sure our Author had forgotten when these words fell from him , what he said before , of the Remisse Government of Archbishop Abbot , the titular Archbishop , as he calls him there ( but Titular in nothing so much as not doing the duties of his Office ) of whom h●… tells us , Fol. 127. that by his extraordinary remisnesse in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed . Orders of the Church in point of Ceremonie , he led in such an habit of Inconformity , as the future reduction of ▪ those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation . But the Controversie is not onely managed betwixt our Author and himself , but as he telleth us afterward between Bishops and Bishops , for as he saith , The Bishop of Lincolne published a Tract under a concealed name , positively asserting therein , that the holy Table antiently did in the Primitive times , and ought so in ours according to the Dictates of our Church , stand in Gremio and Nave of the Quire. ] The Tract here meant was called The Holy Table , name , and thing : in which the Bishop hath said much , but asserted little : Affirmations are no Proofs in Law , and multitudes of allegations falsified in themselves , and wrested to a contrary se●…ce , make not one good Evidence ; yet this is all we are to look for in the Bishops Book : It being not untruly said in the Answerers Preface , that he came armed into the field with no other weapons than impudence , ignorance , and falshoods . And to say truth , it can be no otherwise , when a man writes both against his science and his conscience , as we have very good cause to think this Bishop did . Look on him in the point of practise , and we shall finde the Communion Table placed Altar-wise in the Cathedral Church of Lincolne whereof he was Bishop , and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster of which he was Dean ▪ and in the private Chappel of his House at Bugdon , in which last it was not only placed Altar-wise , but garnisht with rich Plate and other costly Utensils ( one of his own words ) in more than ordinary manner . Look on him in his letter to the Vicar of Grantham , and he tells him thus ; that your Communion Table is to stand Altar-wise , if you meane in that place of the Chancell , where the Altar stood , I thinke somewhat may be said for that , because the injunctions , 1559. di●… so place it ; and I conceive it to be the most decent scituation , when it is not used , and for use too , where the quire is mounted up by steps , and open , so that he that officiates , may be seene and heard of all the Congregation . Nor writes he thus onely to that V●…ar , but he allowes it in that Tract which my Author speakes of , both in Cathedrall Churches , and in the Kings Chappels , and in the Chappels of great men , which certainly have no more Law for it , then what the Archbishop had for placing it in the Parish Churches , which as the Bishop telleth the Vicar , are to be presidented , by the formes in his Majesties Chappels , and in the Quires of their Cathedralls . If it be asked what moved the Bishop to stickle so stoutly in this businesse , it may be answered , that he loved to fi●…sh in a troubled water , that being a man which considered only his own ends , he went such wayes as most conduced to the ●…ccomplishing of the ends he aimed at . Being in Power and place at Court in the time of K. James he made himself the head of the Popish Faction , because he thought the match with Spaine , which was then in treaty , would bring not only a connivance to that Religion , but also a Toleration of it : And who more like to be in favour if that match went on , then such as were most zealous in doing good offices to the Catholick cause . But being by King Charles deprived first of the Great Seale , and afterwards commanded to retire from Westminster , he gave himselfe to be the head of the Puritane party , opposing all the Kings proceedings both in Church and State ( and amongst others this of placing the Communion Table ) to make himselfe gracious with that Sect , who by their shy practises and insinuations , and by the Remisse Government , and connivance of Archbishop A●…ot , had gained much ground upon the people . If it be asked what authority I have for this , I answer , that I have as good as can be wished for , even our Author himselfe , who telleth us of this Bishop , Fol. 145. That being malevolently inclined ( by the Kings disfavours ) he thought he could not gratifie beloved revenge better , then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraigne . To which end , finding him declining in the affections of his people , he made his Apostraphe , and applications to them , fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour , &c. And being set upon this pinne , no mervaile if he entertained the present occasion of making the Archbishop odiou●… , and the King himselfe lesse pleasing in the eyes of the Subjects . But of this Bishop , we may perhaps have some occasion to speak more hereafter . In the meane time we must follow our Author , who having done with the Archbishop , goes on to his Instruments ( for so he calls them ) in which he saith , he was most unhappy . Why so ? because saith he , They were not blamelesse in their lives , some being vitious even to scandall . ] Our Author needed not have told us in his Preface by the way of prevention , that he should be thought no friend to the Clergy ▪ we should have found that here in such Capitall Letters ▪ as any man that runs might read them . Vitious even to scandall ? that goes high indeed , and it had well become our Author to have named the men , that so the rest of the Clergy might have been discharged of that ●…oule reproach . For my part I have took some paines to inquire after such instruments and subordinate Ministers of the Archbishop , used in the time of his government , most of them men of great abilities in learning , and though I thinke they were not blamelesse in their lives ( as who can be that carrieth mortality about him ) yet I cannot hear of any vitious persons taken into imployment by him , much less●… so scandalously vitious , as our Author makes them . Or were there such , it had been fitter for our Author ( who desires to be accounted for a Son of the Church ) to have played the part of Sem and Japhet , in finding the nakednesse of their spirituall Fathers ; then to act the part of Cham and Canaan , in making Proclamation of it unto all the world . It was a pious saying of the Emperour Constantine ( reported by Theodoret , lib. I. cap. II. ) that the offences of the Priests were to be hidden and concealed from the common people , Ne illis assensi ad delinquendū reddantur audaciores , lest else they should transgresse with the greater liberty . As for himselfe , so tender was he of the credit of his Clergy , that he used oftentimes to say , that found he any of them ( which yet God prohibit ) in the embraces of a Strumpet , obtecturum se paludamento sceleratum facinus , that with his owne Royal robes he would hide from vulgar eyes , both the offence , and the offendor . A noble piety , the piety of Sem and Japhet in the former passage , and the Lord blessed him for it , and enlarged the Tents of his habitation , and Canaan , even the whole Countries of the Gentiles became his servants . From generalls our Author passeth on unto one particular , of whom he telleth us that He was bold to say he hoped to live to see the day when a Minister should be as good a man , as any Jack Gentleman in England . ] This is a heavy charge indeed , the heavier in regard that the fault of this one man ( if such men there were ) must lay a brand of Insolencie on all the rest of the Clergy , thereby to render them obnoxious to the publick hatred . And though our Author hath not told us by name who this one man was , yet telling us that he was a high Flyer , and that this high Flyer was deplumed , he gives us some conjectures at the man he drives at , a man ( I must confesse ) of an undaunted spirit , and strong resolutions , but neither so intemperate in his words , or unwise in his actions , as to speak so contemptuously of the English Gentry . For first , we are not sure that such words were spoken , our Author offering no proof for it but onely his own word , or some vulgar heare say ; too weake a ground for such a heavy accusation to be built upon . But secondly , admitting that such words were spoken , I hope our Author hath heard long since of an antient by word , that every Jack would be a Gentleman ; and therefore cannot choose but know that there is a difference between a Gentleman of Armes and Blood , a true English Gentleman and such JackGentl●…men , as having got a little more wealth together than their next poor neighbours , take to themselves the name of Gentlemen , but are none indeed . And such Jack-Gentlemen as these , as they are commonly most like ( either for want of wit , or of manners , or of both together ) to vilifie their Minister , and despise the Clergie ; so if the poor party said whatsoever he was , that he hoped to live to see the time , when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack-Gentleman of them all , I hope the antient and true-English Gentry will not blame him for it . Our Author having thus arraigned the whole body of the English Clergie , that is to say , Archbishops , Bishops , and those of the inferiour Orders , is now at leisure to proceed to some other businesse ; and having brought his Reader thorow the Disputes and Arguments about the Ship-money , he carrieth him on to the Combustions raised in Scotland , occasioned , as he telleth us , by sending thither a Booke of Common Prayer for the use of that Church . Very little differing , as the King was unhappily perswaded by them from the English . ] The King needed no perswasion in this point , the difference between the two Liturgies ( whether great or little ) being known unto him , before He caused this to be published . T is true , his first desire was , that the English Liturgie should be admitted in Scotland without any alteration , and to that end He gave order to the Dean of His Chappel in that Kingdome , about the middle of October , Anno 1633. that it should be read twice every day in the Chappel of His Palace in Holy-rood House ; that there should be Communions administred according to the form thereof , once in every Moneth , the Communicants receiving it upon their knees ; that the Lords of the Privie Councell , the Officers of Justice and other persons of Publick trust about the Court , should diligently attend the same on the Lords dayes , and that he who officiated on those dayes , if he were a Bishop should weare his Rochet , but if an ordinary Minister onely he should weare the Surplice , and thus he did unto this end , that the people being made acquainted by little and little with the English Liturgie , might be the more willing to receive it in all parts of that Kingdome whensoever it should be tendred to them . But the Scotish Bishops being jealous that this might be an Argument of their dependance on the Church of England , and finding that the Psalmes , the Epistles and Gospels , and other sentences of Scripture in the English Booke , being of a different Transl●…tion , from that which King James had authoriz●…d to be read in the Churches of both Kingdomes . had given offence unto that people , desired a Liturgie of their own : and that they might have leave to make such alterations in the English Book , as might entitle it peculiarly to the Church of Scotland : which Alterarions being made and shewed to the King , he approved well of them ; in regard that coming nearer to the first Liturgie of K. Edward the sixt in the Administration of the Lords Supper , ( and consequently being more agreeable to the antient Forms ) it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church , who liked farre better of the first than the second Liturgie . July 23. being Sunday , the Deane of Edinborough began to read the Booke in S. Gyles Church , the chief of that City , &c. ] Our Author here doth very well describe the two Tumul●…s at Edinborough upon the reading of the Book , but he omits the great oversights committed by the King and the Lords of that Councel , in the conduct and carriage of the businesse . For had the Book been read in all the Churches of Scotland upon Easter day , as w●…s first intended , it had in probability prevented these tumultuous Riots , which the respite of it for so long gave those which had the hatching of this Sedition , both time enough to advise , and opportunity enough to effect at last : or had the King caused the chief Ring-leaders of this Tumult to be put to death , according to the Lawes of that Kingdome , assoon as justice could have layed hold on them , He had undoubtedly prevented all further dangers : The drawing of some blood in the Body politick by the punishment of M●…lefactors , being like letting blood in the Body-naturall , which in some strong distempers doth preserve the whole . O●… finally , if the Tumult had been grown so high , and so strongly backed , that justice could not safely be done upon them , had the King then but sent a Squadron of the Royall Navy , which He had at Sea , to block up their Haven , He had soon brought the Edinbourghers unto His Devotion , and consequently kept all the rest of that Kingdome in a safe obedience . But the Edinbourghers knew well enough whom they had to deal with , what friends they had about the King , and what a party they had got in the Lords of His Councell which governed the affairs of that Kingdome ; and they knew very well ( none better ) by the unpunishing of the Londoners for the Tumult in the death of Lamb , that the King had rather patience enough to bear such indignities , than resolution to revenge them : So that the King at last was come to that misery which a good Author speaks of , Cum vel excidenda sit natura , vel minuenda dignitas : That he must either outgoe His nature , or forgoe His authority . The King nothing pleased with these affronts , yet studious to compose these surges of discontent , sent the Marquesse of Hamilton down in the quality of an high Commissioner , &c. ] We are now come to the rest of the oversights committed in the conduct of this weighty businesse , whereof the first was , that having neglected to suppresse the Sedition at the very first appearance of it , & to strangle that monster in the cradle , he had let a whole year pass●… without doing any thing , but sending one Proclamation after another , which being publickly encountred with contrary Protestations , did but increase their insolencies & his own disgraces ; the party in the mean time being so well formed , that Po●…-guns and such Paper-pellets were able to doe no good upon them . The second was , that when it had been fitter for the preservation of his authority to send a Lord Generall in the head of an Army , for the reducing of that Kingdome by force of Armes , He rather chose to send an high Commissioner to them , to sweeten the distempers and compose the differences ; which could not be , but by yeilding more on his side , then he was like ( by any faire imparlance ) to obtain from that . Thirdly , that when he was reso●…ved on an high Comm●…ssioner , he must pitch on Hamilton for the man , whom he had such reason to distrust , as before was hinted ; but that the old Maxime of the Lenoxian Family , ( of being deceived rather than distrustfull ) was so prevalent with him . And this he did against the opinion and advice of many of the Lords of that Kingdome , that is to say , the Earle of Sterling principall Secretary of State , the Bishops of Rosse and Breken privie Counsellors both , Sir Robert Spoteswood Lord President of the Colledge of Justice , and Sir John Hay Clerke-Register ( or Master of the Rolls as we call him here . ) These having secret intimation that Hamilton was designed for this great Employment , came in Post to London , indeavouring to perswade the King to change his purpose , and commending Huntley for that service , who being a man of greatest power in the North of Scotland , and utterly averse from the Covenanters and the rest of that Faction , was thought by them the fittest man for that undertaking . But the King fatally carried on to his own destruction , would not hearken to it , and hereunto the Duke of Lenox did contribute some weak assistance , who being wrought on by the Scots of Hamiltons Faction , chose rather that the old Enemy of his House should be trusted with the managing of that great affaire , than that a Countrey Lord ( as the Courtiers of that Nation called him ) should carry the honour from them both . June the six●… , his Commission was read and accepted him . ] And well it might , it was the fish for which he had so long been angling : For , having lost the Scotish Army , raised for the aide of the King of Sweden without doing any thing , and no occasion being offered to advance another , he fell upon more secret and subtile practises to effect his ends : First , drawing all the Scots which were about the Court of England to be his Dependants , and rest at his devotion wholly : and next by getting himselfe a strong partie in that Kingdome , whose affections he had means enough to restraine and alienate from the King , and then to binde them to himself , insomuch as it was thought by the wisest men of both Nations , that the first Tumult at Edinborough was set on by some of his Instruments , and that the Combustions which ensued , were secretly fomented by them also . And this was made the more probable by his carriage in that great trust of the high Commissioner , thus procured for him ; drawing the King from one condescention to another in behalf of the Covenanters , till he had little more to give but the Crown it self : For fi●…st he drew him to suspend , and after to suppresse the Book of Common Prayers , and therewithall the Canons made not long before for the use of that Church ; next the five Articles of Perth . procured with so much difficulty by King James , and confirmed in Parliament , must be also abrogated ; and then the Covenant it self ( with some little alterations in it ) must be authorized , and generally imposed upon all that Kingdome : And finally , the calling of an Assembly must be yeilded to , in which he was right well assured , that none but Covenanters should have voices , that not Lord Bishops only should be censured and excommunicated , but the Episcopacie it self abolished , and all the Regular and Loyall Clergie brought to utter ruine . By all which Acts ( I cannot say of grace , but ) of condescension , the Marquesse got as much in grosse , as His Majesty lost in the retaile , making himself so strong a partie in that Kingdome , that the King stood but for a Cipher in the calculation . All being done from that time forwards ( especially when the first shewes of a Warre were over ) as Hamilton either did contrive or direct the businesse : For the Covenanters having got all this , thought not this enough , unlesse they put themselves in Armes to make good their purchases ; and having therein got the first start of the King , the King could doe no lesse than provide for himself , and to Arm Accordingly . In order whereunto our Author telleth us that Because it was the Bishops warre , he thought it requisite they should contribute largely toward the preservation of their own Hierarchy . ] I am sorry to see this passage have our Authors penne , whom I should willingly have accompted for a true Son of the Church of England , were it not for this , & some other passages of this nature , which savour more of the Covenanter , then the English Protestant . It is true , the Covenanters called it the Bishops warre , and gave it out , that it was raised onely to maintaine the Hirarchy , but there was little or no truth in their mouthes the while , for the truth is , that though Liturgy and Episcopacy were made the occasions , yet they were no●… the causes of this Warre ; Religion being but the vizard to disguise that businesse , which Covetousnesse , Sacriledge , and Rapine had the greatest hand in . The Reader therefore is to know , that the King , being engaged in a Warre with Spaine , and yet deserted by those men , who engaged him in it , was faine to have recourse to such other waies of assistance as were off●… to him : And amongst others , he was minded of a purpose which his Father had , of revoking all such grants of Abbey-Lands , the Lands of B●…shopricks and Chapters , and other Religious Corporations ; which having been vested in the Crown by Act of Parl. were by that Kings Protectors , in the time of his minority , conferred on many of the Nobility and Gentry to make them sure unto the side , or else by a strong hand of power ●…xtorted from him . Being resolved upon this course , he intends a Parliament in that Ki●…gdome , appoints the E●…rl of Niddisd●…ale to preside therein , and arms h●…m with Instructions for 〈◊〉 of an Act of Revocation accord●…gly , who b●…ing on h●…s way as farre as Barwick , was there informed that all was in a Tumult at Edenbobrough , that a rich Coach which he had sent before to Dalkeith was cut in pieces , the poor Horses killed , the people seeming onely sorry that they could not do●… the like to the Earle himselfe . Things being brought unto this stand , and the Parl●…ament put off with a sine die , the King was put to a necessity of some second Councels ; amongst which none seemed so plausible and expedient to him , as that of Mr. Archibald Achison then Procu●…ator or sollicitor generall in that kingdome , who having first told the King that such as were estated in the lands in question , had served themselves so well by the bare naming of an Act of Revocation , as to possesse the people ( whom they found apt to be infl●…med on such suggestions ) that the true intendment of that Act , was to revoke all former Acts for suppressing of Pop●…ry , and setling the reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland ; and therefore that it would be very unsafe for his Majesty to proceed that way . Next he advised , that instead of such a general Revocation as that Act imported , he should implead them one by one , beginning first with those , whom he thought least able to stand out ▪ or else most willing to conform to his M●…jesties pleasure ; assuring him ▪ that having the Lawes upon his side , the Courts of Justice must , and would pas●…e judgement for him . The King resolved upon this course , sends home the Gentleman , not onely with th●…nkes and Knighthood ( which he had most worthily deserved ) but with instructions and power to proceed therein : and he proceeded in it so effectually to the Kings advantage , that some of the impleaded parties being lost in the suite , and the rest seeing that though they could raise the people against the King , they could not ●…aise them against the Lawes , it was thought the best and safest way to compound the businesse . Hereupon in the yeare 1631. Commissioners are sent to the Court of England , and amongst others , the Learned and right Noble Lord of Marcheston ( from whose mouth I had this whole relation ) who after a long treaty with the King , did agree at last , that all such as held hereditary Sheriffdomes , or had the power of life and death over such as lived within their jurisdiction , should quit those royalties to the King ; that they should make unto their Tenants in their severall Lands , some permanent Estates , either for three lives , or one and twenty yeares , or som●… such like Terme , that so the Tenants might be incouraged to build and plant , and improve the Patrimony of that Kingdome ; that they should double the yearly rents which were reserved unto the Crown by their former grants , and finally that these conditions being performed on their parts , the King should settle their Estates by Act of Parliament . Home went the Commissioners with joy for their good successe , expecting to be entertained with Bells and Bonefires , but they found the contrary ; the proud Scots being resolved rather to put all to hazard , than quit that power and Tyranny , which they had over their poor vassalls , by which name ( after the manner of the French ) they called their Tenants . And hereunto they were encou●…aged under-hand , by a party in England , who feared that by this agreement the King would be so absolute in those Northern Regions , that no aide could be hoped from thence , when the necessity of their designes might most require it : Just as the Castilions were displeased with the conquest of Portugall , by King Philip the second , because thereby they had no place left to retire unto , when either the Kings displeasure , or their disobedience should make their owne Countrey too hot for them . From hence proceeded that ill bloud which the King found amongst them , when he went for that unlucky Crowne ; from hence proceeded the seditious Libell of the Lord Ballmerino , which our Author speakes of , the greatest part of whose Estate was in Abby-Lands ; From hence proceeded all the practises of the great ones on that busie Faction , principled onely for the ●…uine and destruction of Monarchies ; and finally from hence proceeded the designe of making use of discontented and seditio●…s spirits ( under colour of the Canons and Common-Prayer Book , to embroyle that Kingdome , that so they might both keep their Lands , and not lose their Power ; the Kings Ministers all this while looking mildely on , or acting onely by such influences as they had from Hamilton , without either care or course taken to prevent those mischiefes , which afterwards ensued upon it . But from the Ground , proceed we to the Prosecution of the Warre intended , concerning which , our Author telleth us that The King had amast together , considederable power , whereof the Earle of Arundel had the chi●…fe conduct . ] And so he had , as to the command of all the Forces which went by Land , the Earl of Essex being Lieutenant Generall of the Foot , & the E. of Holland of the Horse . But then there were some other forces embarqued in a considerable part of the Royall Navy , with plenty of Coine and Ammunition , which were put under the command of Hamilton ( the King still going on in his fatall over ▪ sights ) who anchoring with his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough , and la●…ding some of his spent men , in a little Ifland , to give them breath and some refreshments , received a visit from his Mother , a most rigid Covenanter . The Scots upon the shore saying with no small laughter , that they knew the Son of so good a Mother , could not doe them hurt . And so it proved , for having loytered thereabouts to no purpose , till he heard that the Treaty for the Pacification was begun neer Barwick , he left those shores , and came in great Post-haste , as it was pretended , to disturb that businesse , which was to be concluded before he came thither . But this vile dealing makes me Sea-sick , I returne to Land , where I finde that All the preparation both of one side , and the other , proved onely an interview of two Armies , nothing being acted considerable in way of Engagement . ] That so it was , is a truth undoubted , but how it came to passe that it should be so , would be worth a knowing . For never did so many of the Lords and Gentry attend a King of England , in an expedition against that people , nor never did they carry with them a greater stock of Animosities , and indignation , then they did at this present . But first , I have been told by some wise and understanding men about the King , that he never did intend to fight ( as they afterwards found ) but onely by the terrour of so great on Army , to draw the Scots to doe him reason : And this the Covenanters knew as well as he , there being nothing which he said , did , or thought ( so farre as thoughts might be discovered by signes and gestures ) but what was forthwith posted to them by the Scots about him . And this I am the more apt to credit , because when a notable and well experienced Commander offered the King then in Camp neer Barwick , that with two thousand Horse ( which the King migh●… very well have spared ) he would so waste and destroy the Countrey , that the Scots should come upon their knees to implore his mercy : He would by no meanes hearken to the P●…oposition . Nor were the Lords and p●…rsons of most note about him , more forward at the last then he . For having given way that the E●…rles of Roxborough and Traquair , and other Nob●…e m●…n of that Nation might repair to Yorke , for mediating some atonement between the King and his people , they plyed their busine●…s so well , that by representing to the Lords of the English Nation , the dangers they would bring themselves into , if the Scots were totally subdued ; they mitigated the displeasures of some , and so took off the edge of others , that they did not go from Yorke , the same men they came thither , on the discovery of which practice , and some intelligence which they had with the Covenanters , the Earls of Traquair and Roxborough were confined to their Chambers ( the first at Yorke , and the second at New. Castle ) but presently dismissed againe , and sent back to Scotland . But they had first done the worke they came for , for never were men so sodainly cooled as the Lords of England , never did men make clearer shewes of an alteration by their words and 〈◊〉 : in so much that the Scottish Army beginning to advance , and the Earl of Holland being sent with a great body of Horse to attend upon them , he presently sent word unto the King , in what danger he was , and how he stood in feare of being under-ridden ( as I take it ) by the Galloway Naggs , and thereupon received order to retire Again●… . No marvell if things standing in this condition , the King did cheerfully embrace any overture which rended to a Pacification ; or did make choice of such persons to negotiate in it , who were more like to take such termes as they could get , then to fight it out . Amongst which termes , that which was most insisted on by the Scotch Commissioners , because it was most to their advantage , and the Kings disabling , was That he recall all his Forces by Land or Sea. ] Which he did accordingly , and thereby lost all those notable advant●…ges , which the gallantry of his Army , the greatness of his preparations both by Sea and Land , and the weaknesse of an inconsiderable Enemy , might assure him of . But he had done thus once before , that is to say , at the returning of his Forces and Fleet from Rochel , Anno 1628. at what time He was in no good termes with His Subjects , and in worse with His Neighbours , having provoked the Spaniard by the invading of the Isle of Gadas , and the French by invading the Isle of Rhe , which might have given Him ground enough to have kept his Army ( and His authority withall ) and when an Army once is up ▪ it will keep it self ; necessity of State ruling and over-ruling those Concessions and Acts of Grace , to which the Subjects may pretend in more setled times . But His errour at this time was worse than that , the Combustions of Scotland being raised so high , that the oyle of Graces rather tended to increase , than to quench their fl●…me . Had He recalled his Forces onely from the Shores and Borders of that Kingdome ( which is the most that He was bound to by the Pacification ) till He had seen the Scots disbanded , their Officers cashiered ▪ ( their Forts and Castles garrisoned with English Souldiers , and some good issue of the Assembly and Parliament to be held at Edinborough , He had preserved His honour among Forreigne Princes , and crushed those practices at home , which afterwards undermined His peace , and destroyed His glories . But doing it in this form and manner without effecting any thing which He seemed to Arme for , He animated the Scots to commit new insolencies , the Dutch to affront Him on Hi●… own shoares , and ( which was worst of all ) gave no small discontentment to th●… English Gentry , who having with great charge engaged themselves in this expedition o●… of hope of getting Honour to the King , their Countrey , and themselves by their faithfull service , were suddenly dismissed , not onely without that honour which they aimed at , but without any acknowledgment of their love and loyalty . A matter so unpleasing to them , that few of them appeared in the next years Army , many of them turned against Him in the following troubles , the greatest part looking on His successes with a carelesse eye as unconcerned in His affaires whether good or evil . But from miscarriages in this Warre , I might passe next to a mistake which I finde in our Author concerning the antient way of constituting the Scotish Parliaments , of which he telleth us , that The King first named eight Bishops , then those Bishops chose eight Noble men , those Noble men chose so many Barons , and those the like number of Burgesses ▪ &c. ] Not altogether so as our Author hath it ; for the King having first named 8. Bishops , and the Bishops named 8. Noble men , the Bishops and Noble men together chose 8. Commissioners for the Sheriffdomes , and as many for the Boroughs or Corporations ; which two and thirty had the Names of the Lords of the Arricles , and had the canvassing and correcting of all the Bills which were offered to the Parliament before they were put to the Vote . And perswaded His Majesty that the Cardinall of Richelieu would be glad to serve His Majesty or his Nephew , &c. ] That the French Ambassadour did indeavour to perswade the King to that belief , I shall easily grant , but am not willing to believe that the King should be so easily perswaded to it ; it being the opinion of most knowing men , that this Cardinal had a very great hand in animating the Scots to such a height of disobedience , as we finde them in . And this may evidently appeare , first by a passage in our Author , Fol. 176. in which we finde from the intelligence of Andreas ab Habernefield , that the Cardinall sent his Chaplaine and Almoner , M●… . Thomas Chamberlain , a Scot by Nation , to assist the confederates in advancing the businesse , and to attempt all waies for exasperating the first heat , with order , not to depart from them , till ( things succeeding as he wished ) he might returne with good newes . Secondly , from the Letter , writ by the Lord Loudon , and the rest of the ●…ovenanters to the French King , first published in his Majesties lesser Declaration against the Scots , and since exemplified in our Author , Fol. 168. of which Letter they could hope for no good effect , but as the Cardinall should make way and provide meanes for it . Thirdly , by the report of a Gentleman ( from whose mouth I have it ) who being took Prisoner , and brought unto the Scotish Camp , immediatly after the fight neer Nuborne , found there the Cardinalls S●…cretary in close consultation with the heads of the Covenanters ; which after his restoring to liberty by the Treaty at Rippon , he declared to the King , and offered to make it good upon his Oath . Fourthly , by the impossibility which the Cardinall found in his designes , of driving the Spaniard out of Flanders , and the rest of the Netherlands , unlesse the King was so disturbed and embroyled at home , that he could not help them : it being heretofore the great master-piece of the Kings of England , to keep the Scale even between France and Spaine , that neither of them being too strong for the other , the affaires of Christendome might be poized in the evener ballance . Fiftly , by the free accesse , and secret conferences , which Hamiltons Chaplain had with Con , the Popes agent here , during such time as Chamberlain the Cardinalls Chaplain laboured to promote the business●… . Sixthly , Adde hereunto the great displeasure which the Cardinall had conceived against the King , for invading the Isle of Rhe , and attempting the relief of Rochell ; and we shall finde what little reason the King had to be perswaded to any beliefe in Cardinall Richelieu , though the Embassador might use all his eloquence to perswade him to it . And had this presumptuous attempt of the Hollanders met with a King , or in times of another temper , it would not , it 's like , have been so silently connived at . ] Most truly spoken , this action of the Hollanders being one of the greatest , and unsufferablest affronts , which ever was pu●… by any Nation on a King of England . I have been told , that complaint being made of King James , of the barbarous Butchery at Amboyna , he fell into a terrible rage , throwing his Hat into the fire , and then stamping on it , and using all the signes of outragious Passion ; but when Time & Sleep had taken off the edge of his Fury , he told the Merchants who attended his answer , That it was then no time to quarrell with the Hollanders , of whom he hoped to make some use for restoring the Palsgrave to his lawfull Patrimony . King Charles might make the same answer on this new occasion , he had his head and his hands too , so full of the Scots , that he had no time to quarrell with the Hollanders , though certainly , if he had then presently turned his Fleet upon the Hollanders , ( wherein , no question but the Spaniard would have sided with him ) he had not onely rectified his honour , in the eye of the world , but might thereby have taught the Scots a better lessen of Obedience , then he had brought them to , by the great preparations which he made against them . But this I look on in the Hollanders , as one of the Consequents or eff●…cts of the Scottish darings , for if the Scots who were his Subjects , durst be so bold as to baffle with him , why might not they presume a little on his patience , who were his confederates and Allies , in husbanding an advantage of so great a concernment ; and having vailed his Crown to the Scots and English , why might he not vaile it to them his good friends and neighbours ? At this close and secret Councell , December 5. it was agreed that his Majesty should call a Parliament to assemble , April the 13th . ] This secret Councell did consist of no more then three , that is , the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , and ( who must needs be at the end of every businesse ) the Marquesse of Hamilton . By these it was agreed , that the King should be moved to call a Parliament , the intimation of it to be presently made ; but the Parliament it selfe not to be assembled till the middle of April . In giving which long intervall , it was chiefly aimed at , that by the reputation of a Parliament so neer approaching , the King might be in credit to take up Money , wherewith to put himselfe into a posture of Warre , in case the Parliament should faile him ; but then the inconvenience was as great on the other side , that intervall of four Moneths time , giving the discontented party opportunity to unite themselves , to practice on the Shires and Burroughs , to elect such members , as they should recommend unto them , and finally , not onely to consult , but to conclude on such particulars , which they intended to insist on when they were assembled . And though it be extreame ridiculous for me to shoot my Fooles-bable in so great a businesse , in which such wise men did concurre ; yet give me leave to speak those thoughts which I had of that advice from the first beginning , reckoning it alwaies both unsafe and unseasonable , as the times then were . I looked upon it as unsafe , in regard that the last Parliament being dissolved in so strange a rupture , the Closets of some Members searched , many of them Imprisoned , and some F●…ned , it was not to be hoped but that they would come thither with revengefull thoughts : and should a breach happen between them and the King , and the Parliament be dissolved upon it ▪ as it after was , the breach would be irreparable , as indeed it proved . I looked upon it as unseasonable also , in regard that Parliaments had been so long discontinued , and the people lived so happily without them , that very few took thought who should see the next ; and 〈◊〉 that , the neighbouring Kings and States beheld the King with greater veneration then they had done ●…ormerly , as one that could stand on his own leggs , and had scrued up himselfe to so great power , both by Sea and Land , without such discontents and brabbles as his Parliaments gave him . But whatsoever it was in it selfe , either safe or seasonable , I am sure it proved neither to the men who adv●…sed the calling of it , unlesse it were to Hamilton onely , of which more hereafter . Yet the King was willing to allow them all the faire dealing he in honour could , hoping to gaine upon them by the sweetnesse of his carriage , but all would not doe . ] And it is marvell he should hope it , there are some men of so untractable nature , ut eorum superbiam frustra per modestiam & obsequium effugeris , that neither modesty nor obsequiousnesse can get ground upon them . A Presbyterian and a Scot , are not won by favours , and he that doth endeavour ●…t , doth but lose his labour . Nor could the King be ignorant , of the hard temper of the men whom he had in hammering . I have been told that when the Archbishop of Saint Andrews came to take his leave of him , then setting forwards toward Scotland , he told him plainly , that by the long experience which he had of that Nation , for the space of sixty years and upwards , he knew them to be a people of so crosse a graine , that they were lost by favours , and gained by punishments ; and therefore that he m●… not hope to win upon them by faire dealing , or by the sweetnesse of his disposition , as my Author termes it , but must resolve to reduce them to their duty , by such wayes of power , as God had then put into hi●… hands . Which counsell , if the King had followed , when he was in the head of that gallant Army , the Scots being then so inconsiderable and so ill appointed , that they had not three thousand Musquets in all their Army ( as I have been in●…ormed by persons of great worth and quality ) he had then put an end both to their Insolencies , and his own great Troubles . And hereunto accordeth one of our modern wits in these following Verses . Not Gold , nor acts of Grace , 't is Steel must tame The stubborn Scot ; Princes that would reclaim Rebells by yeilding , doe like him , or worse , Who sadled his owne back to shame his horse . They invited and procured to their service many Commanders from Holland , who still kept their places there , though such Officers as betook themselves to the Kings Employment , were instantly cashiered . ] ●…his was poor pay for so great a courtesie as the King had done them , by suffering them to beat the Spaniards on his owne coasts , under his protection , and being within the compasse of the Kings Chambers , as the Sea-men phrase it , but natuvale est odesse quem laeseris : It is a naturall thing ( saith Tacitus ) to hate the man whom we once have wronged . Nor doe men thinke themselves safe for an injury done , but by disobliging the wronged party , from taking revenge , by heaping more injuries upon him . Nor was this all the injury which the Hollanders offered to the King in the course of this businesse . They furnished the Scots with Armes and Ammunition to maintaine their Warre , and that too for the most part , ( contrary to their wonted customes ) without ready money . But the truth is , they had some reason to deal●… thus courteously with the Scots . It had been once their owne case , and so let them goe . To which I answer , true it is , he had too much , and too long favoured the Romish Faction , but as upon what accompt it was he favoured them , is uncertaine . ] Our Author here acquits the Archbishop from the Popish Faith , but leaves him under a suspition of favouring the Popish Faction ; which in a man who cannot tell on what accompt he favours it , may be thought uncharitable . But both King James and King Charles in severall Declarations , and in their severall Answers to Parliament Petitions give this reason for it ; that is to say , that by shewing som●… favours to the Papists here , they might obtaine the like favours for such Protestants as lived in the Dominions of Popish Princes . And unto this , which was indeed the greatest motive unto those indulgencies , which had been granted to the Papists by those two King●… : another might be added in justifica●…ion of the Archbishop , if he shewed any such favours to the Popish Faction , as he stands here charged with : which is , that seeing the Puritanes grown so strong , even to the endangering of our Peace , both in Church and State , by the negligence and remisnesse of the former Government , he thought it necessary to shew some countenance to the Papists , that the ballance being kept even between the parties ; the Church and State might be preserved ( as indeed they were ) in the greater safety . And this appeareth to be his chiefe inducement to it , in regard that when the Protestant p●…rty was grown strong enough , to stand and goe without such Crutches , he then declared himselfe openly against that Faction , as our Author ingenuously informeth us , in that which followeth . He tampered indeed to introduce some Ceremonies bordering upon superstition , disused by us , and abused by them ; from whence the Romanist●… collected such a disposition in him to their Tenets , as they began to cry him up for their Proselite . In this passage there are many things to be considered , first that the Ceremonies which the Archbishop tampered to introduce , are not here said to be superstitious , but onely to border upon superstition . Secondly , that those Ceremonies are said to be disused , which shewes that they were still in force , though not still in use , as our Author telleth us of the Statute concerning Knighthood . Thirdly , that these Ceremonies●…d ●…d been abused by them of the Church of Rome , and therefore being but abused , might lawfully be restored to the Primitive use , for Abusus non tollit usum , as the old rule is . Fourthly , that if the Romanists upon these presumptions cry him up for theirs , it was most ignorantly done , there being nothing which more tended to their destruction , then the introducing of some Ceremonies , which by late negligence were disused . And this was the opinion of the most understanding men amongst them . For I have heard from a person of known Nobility , that at his being at Rome , with a Father of the English College , one of the Novices came in , and told him with a great deale of joy , that the English were upon returning to the Church of Rome , that began to set up Altars , and to officiate in their Copes , to adorne their Churches , and paint the picture of the Saints in their Chancell windowes . To which the old Father made reply with some indignation , that he talked like an ignorant Novice , that these proceedings rather tended unto the ruin , then advancement of the Catholick Cause ; that by this meanes the Church of England coming nearer to the antient usages , the Catholicks there would sooner be drawn off to them , then any more of that Nation would fall off to Rome . Whereof ( that is to say , the Dissolution of the Parliament ) many laid the blame upon the Bishop of Canterbury . ] Though many laid the blame on him , yet all the blame was not laid on him , some part thereof being laid upon the Earl of Strafford , but on neither rightly : both of them avowing in their Answers to that part of their Charge in the following Parliament , that it was done by the generall vote of the Privie Councell , not a man dissenting . Certaine I am , that the Archbishop was so farre from having any such thoughts , on Munday morning , May 4. being the day before that unhappy accident , that he was taking care to provide some materialls in a businesse which concerned the Church , of which he was resolved to speake in the House of Peers , on the Wednesday following . Some say that this Dissolution was precipitated upon some intelligence , that the House of Commons meant that day to vote against the Warre with Scotland , then which there could be nothing more destructive to the Kings affaires . And it was probable enough that it was so meant . For first , the Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdome , doth declare no lesse , where it is said , that the People were like to close with the King , in satisfying his desire of Money , but that withall they were like to blast their malicious designe against Scotland , they being very much indisposed to give any countenance to that Warre : And Secondly , we finde that House to be highly magnified ●…in a Scotish Pamphlet , called the Intentions of the Army , for their pious zeale in crossing the intended Warre , and denying any countenance and assistance towards it . But whatsoever the truth is , most sure I am , that it was secretly muttered about the Court the night before , that Hamilton had prevailed with the King to dissolve the Parliament ; who playing ( as he used to do ) with both hands at once , did with the one , pull back the Commons by his party there , from all compli●…nce with the King , and with the other thrust the King forwards to dissolve that meeting : that by this meanes the Kings affaires being more embroyled then they were before , he might confirme the Scots , and confound the English , and thereby raise himselfe to the point he aimed at . A sad and unfortunate day it was , and the newes so unpleasing unto the Author of these papers whosoever he be , that being brought him by a friend , whilst he was writing some dispatches , it so astonished him ( though he had heard some inkling of it the night before ) that sodainly the pen fell out of his hand , and long it was , before he could recollect his spirits to returne an answer : Having thus said , I should proceed from the dissolving of the Parliament , to the continuing of the Convocation ; but I must first remove a block which lieth in my way : our Author telleth us that This Archbishops Predecessour Penultime , was Dr. Whitgift . ] Whereas indeed it was not Dr. Whitgift , but Dr. Bancroft , who was the penultimate and last Predecessour saving one unto the Archbishop ; Dr. Bancroft coming in between Whit. gift and Abbot , as any who have looked into these affairs cannot choose but know : This Convention was not more unhappily dissolved than another was continued . That is , as a witty Gcntleman said well , a new Synod made of an old Convocation . ] The witty Gentleman here meant was Sir Edward Deering , who pleased himself exceedingly in one of his witty Speeches ( but made withall good sport to most knowing men ) in descantin●… on a Synod and a Convocation ; the one being a Greek word , the other originally Latine , but both of the same sense and signification : A Provinciall Synod , being no other then a Convocation of the Clergy of the Provinces of York●… , or Canterbury ; and the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces together , being nothing else but a National Synod . So that it was the same Synod , and the same Convocation ( call it which you will ) as before it was , and not a new Synod , made of an old Convocation , as the witty Gentleman would have it . A Gentleman he was , more witty then wise , but more proud then either ; one of sufficient Learning to adorne a Gentleman , but very ill imployed in disgracing the Clergy , considering that the most worthy of his Ancestors was of that Profession , and himselfe allyed unto it by some mixt relations . But see how ill this Gentleman sped with his too much wit , being the first that threw Dirt into the Face of the Archbishop , and preferred the first Information which was brought against him ; he after flew so high in his commendations ( in the Preface to his Book of Speeches ) that neither Heylyn whom the Scotish Pamphleters ( in their Laudencium Autocatachrisis ) call his Grac●…s Herald , nor Pocklington , nor Dowe , nor any of his own Chaplains , in any of their Speeches of him , or addresses to him , ever went so farr●… . Having propounded to the House in that witty Speech which he made against the Canons and Convocation , that every one that had a hand in making those Canons should come unto the Barre of the House of Commons with a Candle in one hand , and a Book in the other , and there give fire to his own Canons , he was so far from seeing it done , that on the contrary , he saw ( within a little more then a twelve month after ) the Collection of his witty Speeches condemned by that House unto the fire , and burnt in severall places by the Publick Hang-man . And finally , having in another of his witty Speeches defamed the Cathedralls of this Kingdome , and that too with so foule a mouth , as if he had licked up all the filth of foregoing Libels , to vomit it at once upon them , he made it his earnest suit not long after to be Dean of Canterbury : which being denied him by the King , in a great discontent he returned to the Parliament , though he hought good to put some other glosse upon it in his Declaration . But of this witty Gentleman we said enough . Proceed we now unto our Author , who telleth us of this new-made Synod , that By a new Commission from the King , it was impowered to sit still . ] No such matter verily , the new Commission which he speaks of gave them no such power . The Writ by which they 〈◊〉 first called , and made to be a Convocation , gave them power to si●… ; and by that Writ they were to sit as a Convocation , till by another Writ proceeding from the like Authority th●…y were dissolved and licensed to returne to their severall homes . The Commission , subsequent to that , gave them power to Act , to Propose , Deliberate and conclude upon such Canons and Constitutions , as they conceived conducible to the Peace of the Church . And such a Commission they had granted at their first assembling . But being there was a clause in that Commission , that it should last no longer , then during the Session of that Parliament ; and that the King thought good to continue the Convocation , till they had finished all those matters which they had in treaty : his Majesty gave order for a new Commission to be issued out of the same tenour with the former , but to expire upon the signification of his Majesties pleasure . I have been told that it was some time , before some of the Members of the lower House of Convocation , could be satisfied in the difference between the Writ , & the Commisston , though one of the company had fully opened and explained the same unto them : which being made known to the Archbishop , and by him to the King , it was proposed to the Lord Finch , Lord Keeper of the Great Seale , the Earle of Manchester , Lord Privie Seal , Sir Edward Littleton , chief Justice of the Common Pleas , Sir John Bankes Attorney Generall , Sir Robert Heath , and Sir Ralph Whitfield the Kings Serjeants at Law ; who on the 10. of May , subscribed a paper with their hands , to this effect , That the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ , was to continue till it were dissolved by the Kings Writ , notwithstanding the dissolution of the Parliament . Upon the readi●…g of this paper , in the lower House of Convocation , and the satisfaction there by given to all contrary scruples , they went on to their businesse , not as a new Synod made of an old Convocation , ( quoth the wit●…y Gentleman ) but as an old Synod armed with a new Commission . What they did there we shall see anon , but with what danger they sate there , I shall tell you now : The dissolving of the Parliament having bred such discontentments , some papers posted up by Lilborne , so inflamed the Apprentices , and the Riot upon Lambeth House , created such a terrour in the Members of the Convocation , that the King was faine to set a guard about Westminster Abbey , for the whole time of their sitting . Poor men , to what a distresse were they brought ? in danger of the Kings displeasure if they ros●… , of the Peoples fury if they sate ; in danger of being beaten up by Tumults while they were at the worke , of being beaten down by the following Parliament , when th●… worke was done , and after all , obnoxious to the lash of censorious tongues for their good intendments . For notwithstanding their great care , that all things might be done with decency , and to edification , every one , even our Author himself , must have his blow at them . And first , he strikes at the O●…th enjoyned in the sixt Canon , for pre●…ervation of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church here by L●…w established . But to make sure worke of it , that the blow may come home indeed , he prepares his way with a discourse against Episcopacy it selfe , for maintenance whereof ( amongst other things ) that Oath was framed , telling us positively , that Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture phrase are of eq●…ivalent import , and denote the selfesame persons without the least distinction . They whom Holy Text calls Bishops , having an Identity , a s●…enesse of Name , of Ordination , of Office , of all qualifications necessary to that Office , with Presbyters . ] I have heard that when Cornelius Burges , was to goe out Doctor , he would needs take upon him to answer the Divinity Act ; but did it so unluckily , and with such a plentifull want of understanding in the tearmes of Logick , that Doctor Prideaux said openly to him , Tu possis bene pradicare , sed non potes bene disputare , that he might possibly be a good Preacher , though he were but a very sorry Disputant . The like may be said of our Author 〈◊〉 so , when he plai●… the Historian , in relating of such things , as are buil●… upon good intelligence , he doth it very well , few better ; but when he comes to shew his opinion , in a matter controverted , and to give his reasons for the same , he doth it very ill , none worse . For first , I doe not believe that our Author can easily prove Presbyters and Bishops to be of equivalent import , or comprehended under the same name in the Holy Scripture . But secondly , granting that they be , who that pretends to Logick , can dispute so lamely , as from a Community of names , to inferre an Identity or samen●…sse in the thing so named , which is the ground our Author builds on . Kings are called Gods in holy Scripture , I have said ye are Gods , Psal. 82. 6. and God doth fr●…quently call himselfe by the name of King : yet if a man should thence inferre , that from this Community of names , there a●…iseth an Identity or samenesse between God and the King , he might be worthily condemned for so great a Blasphemer . S. Peter calls our Saviour Christ by the name of Bishop ▪ and himselfe a Presbyter or Priest ( an Elder , as most unhandsomly our English reads it ) the Bishop of your Soule●… , 1 Pet. 2. 25. I who am also an Elder , 1 Pet. ver . 1. y●…t were it a sorry piece of Logick to conclude from hence , that there is no distinction between an Apostle , and an Elder , the Prince of the Apostles , and a Simple Presbyter , or between Christ the supream Pastor of his Church , and every ordinary B shop ; And thirdly , taking i●… for granted that Bishops have an Identity or samenesse in Name , Office , Ordination , and Qualification , with Presbyters , as our Author telleth us they have , it will not follow convertibly that Presbyters have the like Identity , or samenesse of Qualification , Ordination ▪ Name and Office , which the Bishop hath . My reason is , because a Bishop being first Regularly and Canonically to be made a Priest , before he take the order and degree of a Bish●…p , hath in him all the Qualifications , the Ordination , Name and Office which a Presbyter hath ; and something farther superadded , as well in point of Order as of Juvisdiction , which every Presbyter hath not , so that though every Bishop be a P●…iest or Presbyter , yet every Presbyter not a Bishop . To make this clear by an examp●…e in the Civill Government , when Sir Robert C●…cill Knight , and principall Secretary of State , was made first Earl of Salisbury , and then Lord Treasurer , continuing Knight and Secretary as he was before : it might be said , that he had an Identity or samenesse in Name , Office , Order and Qualification , with Sir John Herbert the other Secretary ; yet could this be said reciprocally of Sir John Herbert , because there was something super ▪ added to Sir Robert Cecill , namely the dignity of an Earle , and the Office of Lord Treasurer , which the other had not . So true is that of Lactantius an old Christian writer , Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent excitus ; So ordinary a thing it is for Arguments built upon weak grounds , to have worse conclusions . Episcopacy being thus knocked down with a painted club , our Author goes on to tell us what great , but unprofitable paines were taken in defence thereof , telling us , that though the Presse swarmed with Books , setting forth the right upon which it was founded , yet all advantaged them little . How so ? because , saith he , Such a prejudice there was against them , and the truth contended for lay then so deep , as few had perspicuity enough to 〈◊〉 it . ] That the Presse swarmed with Books ▪ purposely writ about this time , in defence of the D●…vine Right of Episcopacy , I remember not ; but sure I am , it swarmed with many pestilent and seditious Libels , in which the B shops were defamed , and the calli●…g questioned : In answer whereunto ( if any of them were thought worthy to receive an answer ) it is possible that some●… what may be said upon the by , for Declaration of that Divine Right on which it was founded . Nor was this any new claime never made before , but frequently insisted on by the Bishop , and those that writ in defence of Bishops , in Queen Elizabeths time ; by Doctor Bancroft ( then Bishop of London ) in the Conference at Hampton Court , and that too , in the presence of Doctor Reinolds ( incomparably the most Learned man of the opposite party ) who never contradicted him for it , nor confuted him in it ; and finally by Bishop Laud in the High Commission , which gave occasion of matter to some publick Libellors , but never any serious and solid debate till after the making of these Canons : but be the title never so good , the asserting of it never so frequent , the Books by which it was maintained never so learned , and the reasons in those Books never so convincing ; yet if once prejudice come in to perswade the contrary , it is no marvell if all men had not perspicacity enough to discern the truth . It is an old Maxime in Philosophy , that intus existens prohibet ali●…num ; never more truly verified , than when men come with prejudice and prepossession to a point in Controversie . But howsoever , though some men blinde with prejudice had not the perspicacity of discerning truth , yet some others had ; unlesse the argument be good , that because God layeth such a spirit of insalvation upon some men , that seeing they should see but should not perceive , therefore all other men must be like the Idols in the Psalmist which have eyes and see not . Yet for the opening of the eyes , as well of men willing to be informed as wilfully blinded , no 〈◊〉 had the Smectymnians revived the Controversie , but presently the Divine Right of Episcopacy was maintained and published by Dr. Hall then Bishop of Exeter in his Answer and Reply to their severall Tractates , by Church-man in the History of Episcopacy , by Dr. Taylor in a Book , intituled , Episcopacy by Divine Right , by severall Tracts of Dr. Hammond both in English and Latine . But lest these should be as much suspected of partiality , as others of prejudice , we shall finde the like declared in a Book writ purposely on that subject by Sir Thomas Aston Knight and Baronet , and in the Aerea Mastiques of John They re Gent. men no may interessed ( but onely by their good affections ) in the Churches quarrels . And some there are not altogether of so good affections , who have done the like . And first the Lincolne-shire Minister , so much cried up for writing against Altars , or rather against placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , doth affirme expresly , pag. 64. that the calling of Bishops is founded upon Apostolicall , and ( for all the essentiall parts thereof ) on Divine Right . And secondly , the Lord Faulkland ( no great friend to Bishops , as was shewed before ) in a Tract of his against Mr. Henderson before he squinted toward the Court , doth affirm as positively , that there is more to be found for Bishops and Episcopacy in the holy Scripture , than either for the Lords day , or for Infant-Baptism . And thirdly , we shall finde , the learned Mr. John Selden is not totally against us in this particular , as appeareth by his retortion of the Argument of Mr. Grimston in the House of Commons . Mr. Grimstons Argument was this , 1. That Bishops are Jure Divino is of question . 2. That Archbishops are not Jure Divino is out of question : 3. That Ministers are Jure Divino , there is no question . Now if Bishops which are questioned , whether Jure Divino , and Archbishops which out of question are not Jure Divino , shall suspend Ministers that are Jure Divino , I leave it to you Mr. Speaker . Which Mr. S●…lden ( whether with greater wit or scorn it is hard to say ) thus retorted on him , 1. That the Convocation is Jure Divino is a question . 2. That Parliaments are not Jure Divino is out of question . 3. That Religion is Jure Divino there is no question . Now Mr. Speaker that the Convocation , which is questioned , whether Jure Divino , and Parliaments , which out of question are not Jure Divino , should meddle with Religion which questionlesse is Jure Divino , I leave to you Mr. Speaker . And so much for that : our Author now draws towards the Oath , which ( by reason of an &c. carelesly left in by him who transcribed it for the Presse ) he falls on with as much severity , as our witty Gentleman did with scorns , saying of that &c. That , It was of so mysterious import , a●… the very imposers , much lesse the Jurors were not able to decipher what it meant . ] And of a mysterious import i●… had been indeed , if not restrained and limited by the following words . The whole clause in the Oath stands thus : Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church by Archbishops , Bishops , Deans , Archdeacons , &c. as it stands now established , and as by right it ought to stand . In the construction of which Text the &c. as it now stands is a meere impertinency ; for being left in , it signifieth nothing , in regard of the restriction following ; and being left out , the sense is currant and compleat without it . And this , our Author , and the witty Gentleman , and he that pulled down the Crosse in S. Pauls Church-yard , and others which writ against this Oath could not choose but see ; but that they were not willing to see any thing which might make against them . But whereas our Author telleth us , that neither the imposers nor the Jurors ( that is to say , neither the men that voted to the Oath , nor they that were required to take it ) were able to decipher what it meant , I finde by that , that our Author hath talked with very few of that Convocation . The truth is , that in many Canons which were made before this ( as all of them in a manner were ) there was a particular enumeration of all persons vested with any Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction , that is to say , Archbishops , B●…shops , Deans , Archdeacons , Deans and Chapters , and other persons having peculiar or exempt Jurisdiction : which having been repeated distinctly and particularly in such of the Canons as were first made , was in the first asserting of this Canon for avoiding of a tautologie so often iterated , cut off with this &c. with an intention neverthelesse to make the enumeration perf●…ct ( and consequently to expunge this &c. ) before it came to be ingrossed . But the King being weary of the charge and clamour , which the keeping of a Guard on the Convocation did expose Him to , did hasten them to a conclusion by so many Messages , brought by Sir HenVane and others , that in that haste this unlucky &c. was forgotten , and so committed to the Presse accordingly . But this &c. is not all which our Author quarrels in the O●…th , telling us next , That To exact an Oath of dissent from Civill Establishments in such things of indifferency , was an affront to the very fundamentalls of Government , ] Our Author taking it for granted that the government of the Church by Bishops is a thing of indifferency ( which is a clearer evidence of his own opinion in this point than we had before ) is much aggrieved that the ●…lergie should binde themselves by Oath not to consent to any alteration of it ; and this he calleth an affront to the Fundamentals of Government ; but on what reason , as he doth not tell us , so for my part I am not able to conceive . It is indeed an affront to Government , no●… to submit or yeild obedience unto civill Establishments , when made and legally established ; but it is no affront not to give consent to any such establishments while they are in treaty : for then the liberty of assenting or ▪ dissenting , of yea or nay would be taken away from every Member in the Houses of Parliament , and every man must give cons●…nt to every Bill which is offered to him . Besides there were but few of the Convocation whose consent was likely to be asked , when any change of Church-Government should be set on foot , so that their dissenting or assenting was not much materiall , but as by their readinesse of consenting to such Innovations in the publicke Government , they might encourage others to proceed against it . Here then is no affront to Government , much lesse to the Fundamentals of it , the O●…th not binding any man not to yeild obedience , but not to give consent to such alteration , no more than it is now at this present time , for many a well-minded man to live quietly and peaceably under the present Government of the Civil State , who never gave consent to the present change . But so ( I trow ) it was not in the solemn Covenant , in which it was not thought enough to binde men to submit to such alterations as were then contriving , but actually to indevour the ●…xtirpation of the whole Prelaci●… , that is to say , the Government of the Church by Archbishops , Bishops , D●…ans , Deans and Chapters , Arc●…deacons , and all other Officers which depend upon them . Nor was this ●…quired of the Clergi●… onely which had before taken an Oath of Canonicall obedience to their severall and resp●…ctive Bishops , but even of the Bishops , Deans , Archd●…acons , and Members of Capitular bodies , who having took a former Oath for the preservation of the Lands and Priviledges of their severall Church●… , must by this Covenant be bound to indeavour their own extirpation , and the subversion of those Churches , and consequently every one of them must be a F●…lo de se , as our Lawyers phrase it . Our Author hath not done with the Oath , for he findes fault n●…xt . That the Juror therein declares he swears willingly , to which he was to be constrained under the highest penalties . ] This is a grievous crime indeed , but such ( if any crime it be ) as the high Court of Parliament hath been guilty of , in drawing up the Oath of Allegiance , in the third yeare of King James : In which the party is to swe●…re , that he ●…akes that recognition , not only heartily and truly , but also Willingly 〈◊〉 and yet the ●…aking of that O●…th is imposed on all the Subj●…cts under severall Penalties , if any of them should refuse it . A crime it is in both or neither ▪ and therefore our Author hath proceeded with great partiality , in faulting that as ill done in the Convocation which passed with so great judgment and authority in the Court of Parliamen●… . Our Author having done with the Oath , goes back to the Canon about Socinianisme , which he excepts against , because As the Scots condemned the Arminian Tenets , without defining what those Tenets were , so did these the Socinians , not declaring wherein they were culpable . ] I am loth to think our Author to be a Socinian , though his advocating for them in such manner may invite me to it ; for otherwise the Case he putteth is extremely different . The Arminian Tenets were but few , reduced to five , and not increased in the long agitation of those weighty Controversies , and so might easily have been reckoned and defined when the Scots condemned them : But So●…inianisme is a complication ( as the Canon calls it ) of so many Her●…sies , that the bare specification and recitall of them ( which must be made by searching into their Books and Papers ) might have taken up the greatest part of the time which the Convocation had to spend in all other businesses . It was as much as they could doe to condemne it under that generall Notion , to interdict the bringing in ▪ printing , and studying such Books as contained those Heresies . And finally , to lay such a brand upon it , as men might know how much these Tenets were abhorred by the Church of England . And yet for all this great care they had little thanks , not onely ou●… Author being displ●…ased with their proceedings , but the rise , growth , and danger of Socinianisme was not long after charged on the Archbishop and divers eminent Members of that Convocation , by one Mr. Cheynell , and that too in a printed Pamphlet written to that purpose , Anno 1643. So hard a thing it is to keep a good conscience , and to please all parties . From this our Author passeth to the Benevolence which the Clergie granted to the King in that Convoc●…tion , being of Four shillings in the Pound to be payd yearly for six years next following . Which was beheld ( saith he ) as an act of very high presumption , and an usurpation upon the pr●…minence of Parliament , no Convocation ▪ having power to grant any Subsidies o●… aid without confirmation from the Lay-Senate . ] With ignorance enough in them that beheld it so ▪ or looked upon it as an Act of very high presumption ; The English Clergie being the greatest slaves which the Sunne ever shined on , if they could not give away their own without leave from others . But whereas our Author puts it down for a Rule in Government , That no Convocation hath power to grant any Subsidies or aide without confirmation from the Parliament ; I must let him ( and all that shall reade him ) know , that never was any rule more false , nor more weakly grounded ; The Clergie in Convocation having as much power to give away the money of the Clergy , by whom they are chose to that employment ; as the Commons in Parliament have to give the money of the Cities , Towns , and Counties , for which they serve . For in the choosing of the Clerks for the Convocation there is an Instrument drawn up and sealed by the Clergie , in which they binde themselves to the Archdeacon or Archdeacons of their severall Diocesses , upon the pain of forfeiting all their lands and goods , se ratum , gratum & acceptum habere , quicquid dicti procuratores sui dixerint , fecerint , vel constituerint , that is to say , to allow , stand to , and perform whatsoever their said Clerks or Proctors shall say , do●… , or condescend unto on their behalfe . Greater authority than this , as the Commons have not , so why the Clergie in the Convocation should not make use of this authority , as they see occasion , I can finde no reason . Nor is it a speculative authority onely , and not reducible unto practice and authority which was then in force , but not then in use , as our Author hath distinguished in another place ; but very safely praecedented in Qu●…en Elizabeths tim●… . For in the year 1585 , ( if I remember it right , as I think I doe ) the Convocation having given one Subsidie confirmed by Parliament , and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queens occasions , did after adde a Benevolence or Aide of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergie , and to be levied by such Synodicall Acts and Constitutions as they digested for that purpose , without having any recourse to the Parliament for it ; which Synodical Acts and Constitutions the Clergie of this present Convocation followed word for word , not doubting but they had as good authority to doe it now , as the Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time h●…d to doe it then ; and so undoubtedly they had , whatsoever either our Author here , or any other Enemy of the Churches power can alledge against it . Our Author hath now done with the Convocation , and leads us on u●…to the Warre levied by the Scots , who had no sooner made an entrance , but the King was first assaulted by a Petition from some Lords of England , bearing this inscription , To the Kings most excellent Majestie . The humble Petition of your Majesties most loyall and most obedient Subjects , whose names are under-written , in behalf of themselfs & divers others . ] Concerning this we are to know , that a little before the Scots fell into England , they published a Pamphlet , called the Intentions of the Army ; in which it was declared , That they resolved not to lay down Armes till the Reformed Religion were setled in both Kingdomes upon surer grounds , the Causers and Abettors of their present Troubles brought to publick Justice , and that Justice to be done in Parliament : and for the Causers of their Troubles they reckoned them in generall to be the Papists , Prelates and their Adherents , but more particularly the Archbishop of Canterbury , and the Lieutenant of Ireland . In Correspondence hereunto comes this Petition , subscribed by six Earles , one Viscount , and four Barons , being no other than a superstructure upon that foundation , a Descant only on that Plain Song . And presently on the back of that , another is posted to the same effect from the City of London : So that the clouds which gathered behinde Him in the South were more amazement to the King than this Northern Tempest , The Petition of the Londoners , ( that we may see how well the businesse was contrived ) was this that followeth , To the Kings most excellent Majestie . The humble Petition of your Majesties loyall Subjects the Citizens of London . Most gracious Soveraign , BEing moved by the duty and obedience which by Religion and Lawes your Petitioners owe unto your sacred Majestie , they humbly present unto your Princely and pious consideration , the severall and pressing grievances following , viz : I. The great and unusuall impositions upon Merchandize imported and exported . II. The urging and levying of Ship-money , notwithstanding which , both Merchants , their goods , and ships have been taken and destroyed by Turks and Pyrates . III. The multitude of Monopolies , Patents , and Warrants , whereby trade in the City , and other parts of this Kingdome is much decayed . IV. The sundry Innovations in matters of Religion ; the Oath and Canons newly imposed by the late Convocation , whereby your Petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their Ministerie . V. The concourse of Papists and their habitation in London , and the Suburbs , whereby they have more means and opportunities of plotting and executing their designes against the Religion established . VI. The sudden calling and sudden dissolution of Parliaments , without addressing of your Subjects grievances . VII . The imprisonment of divers Citizens for not payment of Ship-money , and other impositions , and the prosecution of others in the Starre . Chamber for non conformity to commands in Patents and Monopolies , whereby trade is restrained . VIII . The great danger your sacred Person is exposed unto in the present Warre , and the various fears that have seized upon your Petitioners , and their Families , by reason thereof . Which grievances and feares have occasioned so great a stop and destruction in trade , that your Petitioners can neither sell , receive , nor pay , as formerly , and tends unto the utter ruine of the Inhabitants of this City , the decay of Navigation and Cloathing , and other Manufactures of this Kingdome . Your Petitioners humbly conceiving the said grievances to be contrary to the Laws of this Kingdome , and finding by experience that they are not redressed by the ordinary Courts of Justice ; doe therefore most humbly beseech your Royall Majestie to cause a Parliament to be summoned with all convenient speed , whereby they may be relieved in the Premisses . And your Majesties , &c. The like Petitions there came also from other parts , according as the people could be wrought upon to promote the business ; which makes it the lesse ma●…vell that Petitions shou●…d come thronging in from all parts of the Kingdome ( as soon as the Parliament was begun ) craving redresse of the late generall exorbitancies both in Church and State , as Fol. 129. we are told by our Author . And to deny the Sco●…s any thing , considering their armed posture , was interprered the way to give them all . ] In the Intentions of the Army before mentioned , the Scots declared that they would take up nothing of the Countrey people without ready money , and when that f●…iled , they would give Bills of Debt for the p●…yment of it . But finding such good correspondence , and such weak resistance after their en●…ry into England , they did not onely spoil and plunder wheresoever they came , but would not hearken to a Cessation of Armes , during the time of the Treaty then in agitation , unlesse their Army were maintained at the charge of the English. And this was readily yeilded to , for fear ( it seems ) l●…t by denying the Scots any thing , we should give them all . I know ind●…ed , that it is neither safe nor prudent , to deny any reasonable request to an armed power , arma t●…nti omnia dat qui justa negat , as the Poet hath it , and thus the story of David and Nabal will inform us truly . But then it must be such a power which is able to extort by force , tha●… those which they cannot otherwise procure by favour , which whether the Scots were Masters of , I do more th●…n question . Exceedingly cryed up they were , both in Court and City , as men of most unmatchable valour , and so undoubtedly they were , till they found resistance ; their Officers and Commanders magnified both for wi●… and courage , the Common Soldiers looked on as the Sons of Enoch , ●…he English being thought as Grasse-hoppers in comparison of them , which notwithstanding the Earl of Strafford ( then General of the English Army ) would have given them battaile , if the King had been willing to engage ; and signified by Letters to the Archbishop of Canterb●…y , that he durst undertake ( upon the p●…rill of his head ) to send them back faster th●…n they came , but that he did not hold it concellable , as the case then stood . It is an old saying , & a true , that the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted ; nor were the Scots such terrible fellowes , as they were reported . For when they met with any who knew how to 〈◊〉 with them , they proved such Lyons as the Boy saw the Butcher carry by two and two together upon a Horse ; repulsed with shame and ignominy from the walls of Hereford , driven out of the field with foul dishonour in the Fight on Marston-Moor , n●…r York ; totally routed by the gallantry and conduct of one man in three severall battails , in Lancashire , at Dunbar , at Worcester , the command of their own Country taken from them , and themselves made 〈◊〉 to a people , whom they most despised . But 〈◊〉 they br●…wed , so let them bake , for the thought is taken . James E●…rle of Montrosse having long and faithfully adhered to the Covenanters , &c. ] The reason of which adh●…ring to them , as he afterwards averred unto the King was briefly this . At his returne from the Court of France , where he was Captaine ( as I take it ) of the Sootish guard , he had a minde to put himself into the Kings service , and was advised to make his way by the Marquesse of Hamilton ; who knowing the gallantry of the man , and fearing a competitor in his Majesties favour , cunningly told him , that he would doe him a●…y service , but that the King was so wholly given up to the English , and so discountenanced and sleighted the Scotish Nation , that were it not for doing service for his Countrey ( which the King intended to reduce to the forme of a Province ) he could not suffer the indignities which were put upon him . This done , he rep●…es unto the King , tells him of the Earls returne from France , and of his purpose to attend him at the time appoint●…d ; but that he was so powerfull , so popular , and of such esteem among the Scots , by reason of an old descent from the Royall Family , that if he were not nipped in the bud ( as we use to say ) he might end anger the Kings interesse and affaires , in Scotland . The E●…rle being brought unto the King , with very great demonstrations of affection , on the Marquesses part , the King without taking any great notice of him , gave him his hand to kisse , and so turned aside : which so confirmed in the truth of that false report , which Hamilton had delivered to him , that in great displeasure and disdaine , he makes for Scotland , where he found who knew how to worke on such humours , as he brought along with him , till by seconding the information which he had from Hamilton , they had fashioned him wholly to their will. How he fell off againe , we are told by our Author . Tuesday November the 3. being the day prefixed , and the Parliament sate , &c. ] Touching this day there was a Letter wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury , advertising that the Parliament of the twentieth yeare of Henry the Eighth , which began in the fall of Cardinall Wolsey , continued in the diminution of the power and priviledges of the Clergy , and ended in the dissolution of the Abbies , and Religious Houses , was begun on the third day of November ; and therefore that for good luck sake , he would move the King to respite the first sitting of it , for a day or two longer . But the Archbishop not he●…ning to this advertisement , the Parliament had their first sitting on Tuesday the third day of November , as our Author telleth us : which Parliament as it begun in the fall and ruine of the Archbishop himself , and was continued in the totall dissipation of the remaining rites and priviledges of the English Clergy ; so did it not end till it had subverted the Episcopall Government , dissolved all Capitular bodies , and left the Cathedralls of this Land ( not presently ruined I confesse , but ) without meanes to keep them up for the time to come . I am no superstitious observer of dayes and times , and yet am apt enough to thinke , that the beginning of an Enterprise in a lucky houre , may much conduce to a fortunate and successefull end . Certaine I am , that Machiavel hath told us in the first book of his History of Flor●…nce , that when Pope Martin the third had besieged Furly ( a chief town of Romondiola or Romagna ) Guido Bonatus ( a man renouned unto this day for judicious Astrology ) perswaded the people of that City , that so soon as he gave them a token , & not before , they should presently assault their Enemies , which they did accordingly , and sped so well by the advice , that all their Enemies were slaine , and the siege removed . Our Author having thus named Tuesday for the day of the week , and the third day of November for the day of the month , on which the Parliament began , proceeds in telling us , that the day prefixed being come The Parliament sate . ] But where the Parli●…ment sate , he telleth us not , though there be all the reason in the world why he should have told it : for who could rationally suppose that a Parliament called at such a time , and on such an occacasion ( that is to say , the over-running of the Northern parts of the Kingdome by a Scottish Army ) should be held at Westminster ; when Yorke ( where the King was there in Person ) lay nearer to the danger , and the scene of action , and to the place of treaty betwixt the Nations . These Reasons were sufficient to have moved the King to hold this Parliament at Yorke , and not at Westminster , had He known nothing of the disaffections and engagements of the neighbouring City , as He knew too much . And He had some good presidents too , which might have added no small weight to those weighty Reasons , for when King Edward the first was busie in the Conquest of Wales He called His Parliament to Acton-Burnell , being in the Marches of that Countrey ; and when He turned His Forces to the Conquest of Scotland , He called His Parliament to Carlisle , ( if my memory faile me not ) being on the Borders of that Kingdome . Had the King made choice of the like place for this present Parliament ( which he did afterwards indeavour to alter when it was too late ) he had undoubtedly prevented all those inconveniences ( or rather mischiefes ) which the Pride , Purse , Faction , and tumul●…uousness of the Londoners did afterwards enforce upon him . And yet as if he had not erred enough in calling his Parliament so neer London , the Commissioners for the Treaty must also be brought thither by especiall order , that they might have the greater opportunity to inflame that City , and make it capable of any impression , which those of the Scotish Nation , should thinke fit to imprint upon them . For never were men Idolized there , as the Scotch Commissioners , feasted , presented , complemented by all sorts of people ; their lodgings more frequented at the publick times of Prayers , or Preachings , then ever were the Houses of the Embassadors of the Pop●…sh Princes , by the opposite party . What ensued hereupon , we shall finde in our Author , when he comes to tell us , what multitudes followed Alderman Pennington , and how many thousand hands subscribed the Petition which the Alderman carryed , against the Government of B●…shops then by Law established ; what greater multitudes thronged down afterwards to the House of Parliament , to call upon the Peers for Justice on the Earl of Strafford . The two main points which the Scotish Covenanters aimed at , in bringing their Army into England . In order whereunto , the E●…le of Strafford is impeached of high Treason now . And Thereupon requested from the Parliament House , and committed to the usher of the black rod. ] Which was the least that probably would be requ●…sted upon such an Impeachment , and that being granted , a question was raised amongst knowing men , whether the Earl of Strafford took his accustomed wisdome and courage along with him , when he came to the Parliament . Some thinke he failed in point of wisdome , in regard hee could not chuse but know , that the Scots and scotizing English , had most infallibly resolved upon his destruction ; and that Innocency was no armour of proof against the fiery darts of malicious power ; that seeing such a storm hang over his head , he rather should have kept himselfe in the English Army ( being then under his command ) which he had gained upon exceedingly by his noble carriage , or have passed over into Ireland , where the Army rested wholly at his Devotion ; or have transported himselfe to some forraine Kingdome , till faire wether here ( in reference to his owne safety , and the publick peace ) might invite him home ; that it was no betraying of his Innocency to decline a triall , where partiality held the Scales , and selfe-ends backed with power , and made blinde with Prejudice , were like to over-ballance Justice : that if sentence should be passed against him for default of appearance ( which was the worst that could befall him ) yet had he still kept his head on his shoulders untill better times , and in the meane time might have done his Master as good service in the Courts of many forraigne Princes , as if he were siitting in White-Hall at the Councell table . On the other side it was alledged , that all these points had been considered of , before his leaving of the Army ; that whilst he lay so neer the Scots in the head of this Army , he had gained ( as he thought ) certaine and assured evidence that the Scots Army came not in , but by imitation ; that there was a confederacy made between the Heads of the Covenanters , and some of the leading Members of both Houses , his most capitall enemies , to subvert the Government of the Church , and innovate in that of the Civill State ; that he had digested his intelligence in those particulars into the form of an Impeachment , which he intended to have offered in the House of Peers , assoon as he had taken his place amongst them ; that Mr. Pym , whom it concerned as much as any , fearing or knowing his intendments , followed him so close at the heels , and had his Impeachment so ready in his mouth , that he was ready to give , and did give the blow , before the Earle of Strafford could have time and leisure to effect his purpose ▪ This therefore being left undecided , it was said by others , that the Earle shewed not that praesentiam animi , that readiness of courage and resolution which formerly had conducted him through so many difficulties , in giving over his designe ; for though he lost the opportunity of striking the first blow , yet he had time enough to strike the second , which might have been a very great advantage to his preservation . For , had he offered his Impeachment , and prosecuted it in the same pace and method , as that was which was brought against him , it is possible enough , that the businesse on both sides might have been hushed up without hurt to either . And for so doing he wanted not a fair example in the second Parliament of this King , in which he served for the County of Yorke in the House of Commons , when the Earle of Bristol being impeached of high Treason by the Kings Attorney , at the instance and procu●…ement of the Duke of Buckingham , retorted presently a Recrimination or Impeachment against the Duke , and by that meanes , tooke off the edge of that great adversary from proceeding further . This I remember to have been the substance of some discourses which that time produced , how pertinent and well grounded , must be left to the Readers judgment . Certain I am , it was much wondred at by many , that a man of so great spirit and knowledge should yeild himself up so tamely , on a generall Accusation only , without any particular Act of Treason charged upon him , or any proof offered to make good that Charge , not only to the losse of his liberty as a private person , but to the forfeiture of his priviledge as a Member of Parliament ; all which points were so much insisted not long after by Mr. Pym , and the rest of the Five Members when they were under the like impeachment ( though not so generall as this ) on the Kings behalf . But being all these considerations were not thought of or passed over by him , and that the Commons sped so well in their first attempt , it was not wondred at , that they brought the Archbishop ( within few weeks after ) under the like generall Charge of Treason , or that he yie●…ded without any opposition to the like commitment : of whom our Author telleth us , That a mixt accusation , halfe Scotch , halfe English , was preferred against him , And on the 18 ●…e was voted guilty of high Treason , and committed to the Usher of the Black Rod. ] To give the true timeing of this businesse ( which our Author doth a little faile in , he may please to know , that on Wednesday the 16 of Decemb . the Canons being voted down in the House of Commons ( of which more hereafter ) a Committee was appointed to draw up a Charge against him ; and the same day ( not on the 17 , as our Author ) he was named an Incendiary by the Scotch Commissioners , who promised to bring in their Complaint against him on the morrow after , the Lord Paget being made the Instrument to serve them in it . No complaint coming from the Scots on Thursday , Mr. Hollis is sent up with the Impeachment on the Friday morning , and presently came in the Charge of the Scotch Commissioners ; upon the reading whereof , he was committed to the custody of James Maxwell , Usher of the black Rod , as our Author telleth us . There he continued full ten weeks before any particular Charge was brought against him , during which time he had gained so much on the good opinion of Ginne Rider Mr. Maxwells Wife , that she was pleased to say amongst some of her Gossips , That certainly he was a very devout and religiou●… man , but one of the simplest Fellows to talk with that ever she knew in all her life . On Friday Feb. 26. on the ten weeks end , the Charge before spoken of was brought up by Sir Henry Vane the younger from the House of Commons : And upon Munday March the first he was conveyed unto the Tower , continuing in the state of a Prisoner from the first to the last above four years before he came unto his last and fatall Tryall . But it is time , that we goe back unto the place where we left our Author , and we shall finde there , that there was not greater care taken to commit this Bishop to the Tower , then to release another from it ; of which he saith , that Munday the 16 of Novemb. the Lord Bishop of Lincolne was set free of his imprisonment in the Tower , upon the suit of the House of Peers to His Majestie , and the next day , being a day of Humiliation , he was brought into the Abbey Church by six Bishops , and officiated there as Dean of Westminster before the Lords . ] So shall it be done unto the man whom the People honour . Never was man more honoured for the present both by Lords and Commons , his person looked upon as sacred , his words deemed as Oracles ; and he continued in this height , till having served their turn against the Archbishop of Canterbury , and the Earle of Strafford , he began sensibly to decline , and grew at last the most hated man of all the Hierarchie . But he was wise enough to foresee the change , and prepare himself for it : For , I remember , that congratulating him for the high esteem , to which he had attained in both Houses of Parliament ; and representing to him the many opportunities which he had thereby of doing service to the King , and good to the Church : He told me , that he did not think that the Parliament had any better affections for him than for the rest of his Brethren ; that the difference between them stood onely thus , that some of them might be more hated than he , but that he was not more beloved than any of them ; And finally , ( such was the freedome he used with me ) that all the courtes●…e he expected from them , was that which Poliphemus promised to Ulysses , that is to say , to eat him last after he had devoured his fellows . How truly this was said the event hath proved . It was unanimously voted by the Commons , That the Charge imposed upon the Subject for the providing and furnishing of Ships , and the Assesments for raising of money for that purpose ( commonly called Ship-money ) are against the Laws of the Realme . ] Nor was it only voted thus in the House of Commons , but afterwards in the House of Peers , and all proceedings in the Case both at the Councell Table , the Star-Chamber , and the Courts of Justice declared null and void : yet for all this , the opinion of the Legality of it was so fixed in the mindes of many understanding men , that it could not easily be removed : 1. In regard of the great learning and integrity of the man , by whom it was first set on foot . 2. Because all the Judges had subscribed unanimously to the Lawfulnesse of it in time of danger , of which danger the King was declared to be the Judge . 3. Because being brought to a publick tryall , after it had been argued by the Councel on both sides in the Courts of Justice , and by all the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber , there passed a definitive sentence for it in behalf of the King. 4. Because voted down by the Houses of Parliament in a meer arbitrary way , than was expected without being brought to a review , neither the Kings Councell being heard , nor the Judges called to shew the Reasons of their opinions . 5. Because it was ordered by the House of Commons , that the Arguments of Justice Crooke , and Justice Hutton for the illegality thereof should be put in print : those of the other eight Judges which were for the L●…gallity of it , continuing suppressed ; which gave occasion to most men to think that there was more reason for it in those Arguments than was thought fit to see the light . And last of all , because notwithstanding all this care to vote down this Assesment , they were faine to have recourse to the King , for obtaining of an Act of Parliament to secure them from it for the time to come . In the mean time it was thought fit to impeach the Judges of high Treason , that having such a rod over them , they might be sure that nothing should be declared for Law , but as they would have it . Not being satisfied in this Vote , I fear I shall finde lesse satisfaction in that that follows , that is to say , that The Clergie in a Synod or Convocation hath no power to make Canons , Constitutions , or Lawes , to binde either Laity or Clergie without a Parliament . ] This is a new piece of State-doctrine never known before , the Convocation having no dependence upon the Parliament , either in the calling or dissolving of it , nor in the confirmation & authorizing of the Acts thereof , but only on the King himselfe ; and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parliament , but in his Palace or Court Royall wheresoever it be . And this appeareth both by the Statute made in the 26 of Henry 8th , and the constant practise ever since . But whereas it was voted also , that the Canons are against the Fundamentall Lawes of this Realme , and against the Kings Prerogative , &c. I am to tell my Author , that before the Canons were subscribed , they were imparted to the King , and by Him communicated to the Lords of the Privy Councell , the Judges , and the Kings Councell , learned in the Laws of this Realm , being then attending , in the hearing of all which they were read , and by all approved : which had been strange , if any thing tending unto faction and sedition , or to the diminution of the Subjects property , and the Kings prerogative , or otherwise against the known Laws of the Land , had been found in them . And finally , whereas our Author doth inform us , that this censure passed upon the Canons , upon a full debating of the Cause on both sides , I would faine know by whom it was debated on the behalf of the Clergie . I have some reason to believe that none of the Clergie of that Convocation , who best understood their own businesse , were called to the debating of it , or that they did appear there , by their Councell learned , sufficiently authorized , and instructed to advocate for them ; and therefore if any such debating was , it must be managed either by some Members of their owne House , or by some London Ministers , purposely called out of the rest to betray the Cause ; and be it which of these it will , it is not to be doubt●…d , but their Arguments were either fi●…ted to the sence of the House , or built on such weak promises , as nothing but a Vote of Condemnation could ensu●… upon them . Nor was it thought sufficient to decry the Canons , unlesse the Canon-makers were kept under by the hand of terrour ; And therefore , as before , they impeached the Judges , so did they Frame a Bill , for Fineing all the Clergy of that Convocation , according to the place and station which they held therein : By this meanes keeping them in such awe , that sew of them durst appeare in maintenance of their owne Authority , or in opposing those encroachments , and Innovations , which day by day were thrust upon them . Toward which worke our Nation was so auxiliary , so assistant , yet at the end brought them in no Bill of charges . ] There was no reason why they should , having got more by the bargaine then their charges came to . Mary of Scotland then married to Frances the second of France , had taken on her ( at that time ) the stile and title of Queen of England ; and the better to pursue that Title , had put some companies of the French into the Castle of Edenborough , the town of Lieth , and other places of that Kingdome . The Scots being then busied in the Reformation of the Kirk , looked on these French , as purposely sent thither by the King and Queen to crosse their actions , and hold them under the Dominion of the Popes of Rome ; and thereupon made suit unto Queen Elizabeth , to supply them with Men , Money , and Ammunition , for driving the Frenchmen out of their Countrey . And hereunto the Queen most readily assented , knowing full well how much it did import the safety of her Person , and the preservation of her Title , Estate , that the French should not be setled in the Forts and Castles which lay neer the borders of this Kingdome . So that by succouring the Scots in such proportion as they had desired , she played her owne game as well as theirs . For by dislodging the French , and quitting the whole Countrey of them , she kept that back-door shut against all pretenders ; and by feeding the most Popular of the Scotish Nobility , ●…ith gifts and pensions , she got her selfe so strong a party in that Kingdome , that she became more absolute there , than ever any King of Scotland had been before her . The Bishops were excluded by antient Canon Lawes of the Councell of Toledo , to be assistant in cause of Blood or Death , as disagreeable to their Function . ] That the Bishops were disabled by some anti●…nt Canons , from sentencing any man to death , and ( it may be ) from being present when any such sentence was pronounced , I shall easily grant ; but that they were disabled from being assistants in such cases , from taking the Examinations , or hearing the Depositions of witnesses , or giving councell in such m●…ters as they saw occasion , I believe our Author cannot prove●…●…ertaine I am , that it is . and hath been otherwise in point of practice . And that the Bishops sitting as Peers in an English Parliament , were never excluded before this time , from any such assistances , as by their Gravity and Learning , and other abilities , they were enabled to give in any darke and difficult businesse ( though of Blood and Death ) which were brought before him . And I remember I saw about that time a little M●…nuscript Tract entituled , De jure Paritatis Episcoporum , that is to say , of the right of the Peerage of the Bishops , in which their priviledges were asserted , ●…s to that particular : But they not willing to contend in a business which seemed so little to concerne them , or else not able to strive against the present stream ▪ which seemed to carry all before it , suffered themselves to be excluded at that time , without protesting to the contrary , or interposing in defence of their antient rights . And this I look on as the first degree of their Humiliation . For when it was perceived that a businesse of so great consequence might be done in P●…rliament , without their councell and consent , it opened a wide gap unto their adversaries , first to deprive them of their Votes , and after to destroy even the Calling it selfe . But this was not the main point which the Commons aimed at , they were resolved to have a close Committes , to take examinations in the business of the Earl of Strafford , and were not willing that any B●…shops should be of it , for feare le●…t favouring the Earles Cause or Person , they might discover any part of those secret practices which were had against him , and thereby fortifie and prepare him for his just defence , when the Cause should come unto a tryall . And now it is coming on apace , for our Author telleth us , that Munday the 22. of March was the day prefixed of the Earles compearing . ] That is to ●…ay , of his appearing a●… Westminster-Hall , where the Lords were to sit as Judges , and the Commons as Prosecutors and Solicitors onely . If it be asked how it came to passe that the day was prefixed no sooner , considering that he was accused and committed on the 11. day of November , which was above four months before ? I answer , first , that the Examination of so many Witnesses as were used against him , ( many of which were sent for out of Ireland by especiall warrant ) took up no small time . I answer secondly , that in this intervall of time there had been some endeavour used by the Royall party , to mitigate the displeasures , and take off the edge of his greatest Adversaries ; and it came so farre towards an agreement , that there was a designation of some Offices of the greatest , both Trust and Power , to be given amongst them : it being condescended too ( if my intelligence or memory faile not ) that the Earl of Bedford should be made Lord Treasurer , and Master Pym Chancellor of the Exchequer , the Earl of Essex Governour of the Prince , and that Master Hambden should be his Tutor , the Lord Say Master of the Wards , and Master Hollice principall Secretary in the place of Windebanke , the Deputiship of Ireland was disposed ▪ of also , and some Command appointed to the Earl of Warwick in the Royal Navie . And in relation to this purpose , the Bishop of London delivered to the King the Treasurers Staffe , the Earle of Newcastle relinquished the Governance of the Prince , and the Lord Cottington resigned his Offices both in the Exchequer and Court of Wards , there being no doubt but that Bishop Duppa would relinquish the Tutourship of the Prince when it should be required of him : but before all things were fully setled and agreed on , the Kings minde was altered , which so exasperated them who were concerned in this des●…gnation , that they pursued the Earle of Strafford with the greater eagernesse . And somewhat to this purpose was hinted in the Kings Declaration of the 12 of August , in which he signified what overtures had been made by them , and with what importunity for Offices and preferments , what great s●…rvices should have been done for him , and what other undertakings even to have saved the life of the Earle of Strafford . By which discovery as he blemished the repute of some principall Members in the eyes of many of the people , so he exposed himself to some disadvantages in the eyes of others , by giving them to understand at how cheap a rate ( a rate which would have cost him nothing ) he might have saved the life of such an able and deserving Minister . Secretary Vane upon some occasion delivered to his son Sir Henry Vane the key of a Cabinet to fetch some papers layed therein , &c. ] What this occasion was is easie to be seen by the sequell of it , especially if compared with those Animosities and displeasures which the Secretary had harboured against the Earl. Sir Henry Vane had obtained of the King not long before , the Manour of Rabie in the Bishoprick of Durham , not without hope of being made Baron of that place by His Majesties favour . On the other side the Lord Lieutenant deriving his descent from the Nevils , Earles of Westmor land , whose Honorary Seate that was , procured himself to be created Baron of Rabie in those Letters Patents , by which he was invested with the Earldome of Strafford . This gave the beginning to that fire which consumed the Earle , but not till it had been much increased on another occasion . There was a thrifty designe in Court to save the King the charges of a publick table ; and to that end it was advised that Sir Henry Vane then Treasurer of the Houshold should be made one of the principall Secretaryes in the place of Sir John Cooke then weak with age , but so that he should still hold the Treasurership in the way of Commendam . Scarce was Vane warm in his new Office when the Earle of Strafford interposed , alleaging to the King , that he had no other Correspondent in the Court for the businesses of Ireland but Mr. Secretary Cooke , and that if he should be displaced , His Majesties affairs in that Kingdome might extremely suffer . On this , a sudden stop was made , and Cooke restored , continuing in his former Office till the Queen openly appeared in behalf of Vane , who so prevailed that Vane was setled in the place , and Cooke dismissed into the Countrey , as no longer serviceable ; which fewell being added to the former fire , made it flame so high that nothing but death or blood could quench it . Insomuch as it was thought by many understanding men , that Sir Henry Vane did purposely misreport the Kings Message to the former Parliament for abrogating the Ship-money in hatred to the Earle of Strafford , who had undertook to manage that Parliament to the Kings advantage : and that seeing him to continue still both in power and favour , he fell upon that speeding project which our Author hath related in that which followeth in the story ; that by such a cunning piece of malice , he might rather seem to offer him up as a sacrifice to the publick justice , than to his own particular hatred , Ah ult io magis publicè vindictae quam privato odio dato videatur , as in the like case the Historian hath it . For the C●…ons were resalved that day should set a totall period to the Earles defence , and next to speed their Bill 〈◊〉 A●…tainder . ] The Commons had now spent a Moneth in prosecuting their Acousation against the Earle of Strafford , and seeing how little they had gained in order to the point they aimed at , resolved to steer their course by another winde . For finding that their proofs amounted not to a Legall evidence , and that nothing but legall evidence could prevail in a way of Judicature , they called the Legislative power to their assistance ; according unto which , both Lords and Commons might proceed by the light of their own consciences , without any further proof or testimony . And so it is affirmed expresly by Mr. St. John then Sollicitor Generall in his Speech made at a Conference in a Committee of both Houses of Parliament , April the 29. 1641. where it is said , That although single testimony might be sufficient to satisfie private consciences , yet how farre it would have been satisfactory in a judiciall way where Forms of Law are more to be stood upon , was not so clear ; whereas in this way of Bill , private satisfaction ▪ to each mans conscience is sufficient , although no evidence had been given in at all . Thus they resolved it in this Case , but knowing of what dangerous consequence it might be hereafter , to the lives and fortunes of the Subjects , a Clause was added to the Bill that i●… should not be drawn into example for the time to come : which because it may seem somewhat strange to them that know it not , I will here adde so much of the said Bill as concerns this point : In which said Bill the heads of the Accusation being reckoned up , it followeth thus , viz : Be it therefore enacted ▪ by the Kings most excellent Majestie , and by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled , and by the authority of the same , that the said Earle of Strafford for the heynous crimes and offences aforesaid , stand and be adjudged and attainted of high Treason , and shall suffer such pain of death , and incurre such forfeitures of his Goods and Chattells , Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , of any Estate of Free-hold , or Inheritance in the said Kingdomes of England , and Ireland , which the said Earle or any other to his use , or in trust for him , have , or had the day of the first sitting of this present Parliament , or at any time since . Provided that no Judge or Judges , Justice or Justices whatsoever , shall adjudge or interpret any act or thing to be Treason , nor hear or determine any Treason , nor in any other manner , then he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act , and as if this Act had never been made . Thus have we Treason and no Treason in the selfe-same action ; that being judged Treason in this one man , which never was to be judged Treason in any other . But whatsoever it was , it was conceived that many of the Lords began to shew themselves more forwards to comply with the Commons , then they had done formerly . Whereof the King having notice , he thought it high time for him to interpose , &c. and calling both Houses together , May the first , said , &c. ] This coming of his Majesty , and the Speech then made , as it relished so ill with the two Houses , that few of them attended on the solemnit●…es of the next day , on which the Kings eldest Daughter was married to the Prince of Orange , so gave it no contentment to the E●…rle himselfe , whose death it rather 〈◊〉 , and made sure worke of , then it could any wa●…es conduce to his preservation . That passage in the Kings Speech , in which he signified , that the misdemeanours of the Earle were so great and many , that he was not fit to serve in the place of a Constable , wrought more impression on the Spirits of that Noble Gentleman , then any kinde of death ( whatsoever it were ) which his Enemies could inflict upon him , though with great modesty he did no otherwise expresse it , in a letter sent unto the King , then that he could have wished his Majesty had spared his Declaration on Saturday last . But the Earles friends were as much unsatisfied in the Kings coming at that time , as in that passage of his Speech , giving it out , that the King was put upon it by some of his bosome-Enemies , which were in neerest trust about him , on purpose to set him at greater odds with the House of Commons , and consequently with the people whom they represented , by drawing on himselfe the envy of that businesse , howsoever it happened ▪ That if the Earle should be attainted notwithstanding by the Votes of the Lords , it wo●…ld be looked upon as a thing done against his will , and no thanks to him ; but if he were acquitted by them , who but the King must beare the storme of all popular clamours : That it was possible enough that the curs could be so considerate of ▪ their own condition , as not to make a rod for them●…elves , under colour it was intended for another man , and so that Bill of Attainder might have rested there ; but had it passed ( which was the worst that could happen in it ) the King had still the liberty of a Negative voice , or might have yeilded at the last , to the importunity of the Commons , with lesse dishonour , then after such a Declaration , and so publickly made : And finally that by dissenting from the Bill when it came to his turn●… , it could have raised no greater tumults then it d●…d , to compell him to it , and possibly had raised none at all , because he had done it in a Parliamentary and regular way ; whereas his coming at that time , and in that manner to the House of Peers , was looked upon as a forestalling of their Judgements , and interruption of the Course of Justice by threats and menaces , from whence what fruits could be expected , but the exasperating of the Commons to such acts of violence , as should not onely make sure worke with the Earle of Strafford , but lay a ground of 〈◊〉 troubles for himselfe and hi●… . This was the summe of those discourses at that time , which whe●…her they had ▪ more of truth , or of passion in them , it is ha●…d to say . But who can goe again●…t the workings of that heavenly Providence , ●…hose judgements are past finding out , and his wayes unsearchable . What 〈◊〉 hereupon ensued , we shall finde in our 〈◊〉 , who ●…elleth us withall , of 〈◊〉 people thus drawn together , th●…t They posted upon the gate of Westminster a Catalogue of those whose 〈◊〉 were for the Earles acquittall , under the Title of Straffordians . ] This paper was not posted up on the Gate of Westminster , but on the corner of the wall of Sir William Brunkards house , in the old Paelace yard in Westminster , with this clause added to the end , This and more shall be done to the Enemies of Justice . The names of which 〈◊〉 , since our Author hath not pleased to give us , and that I thinke it neither dishonourable , nor unsafe to them ( being elsewhere Printed ) I shall here adde in the same order as they stood in the Paper , That is to say , 1. Lord Digbie . 2. Lord Compton . 3. Lord Buckhurst . 4. Sir Rob. Hatton . 5. Sir Thomas Fanshaw . 6. Sir Edward Alford . 7. Sir Nicho. Slanning . 8. Sir Thomas Danby . 9. Sir Geo. Wentworth . 10. Sir Peter Wentworth . 11. Sir Frederick Cornwallis : 12. Sir William Carnaby . 13. Sir Richard Winn. 14. Sir Gervase Clifton . 15. Sir William Withrington . 16. Sir William Pennyman . 17. Sir Patrick Curwent . 18. Sir Richard Lee. 19. Sir Henry Slingsby . 20. Sir William Portman . 21. Mr. Gervase Hallis . 22. Mr. Sydny Godolphin . 23. Mr. Cooke . 24. Mr. Coventry . 25. Mr. Ben. Weston . 26. Mr. Will. Weston . 27. Mr. Selden . 28. Mr. Alford . 29. Mr. Floyd . 30. Mr. Herbert . 31. Captain Digby . 32. Sergeant Hide . 33. Mr. Taylor . 34. Mr. Griffith . 35. Mr. Scowen . 36. Mr. Bridgman . 37. Mr. Fettiplace . 38. Dr. Turner . 39. ●…pt . Charles Price . 40. Dr. Parry Civilian . 41. Mr. Arundell . 42. Mr. Newport . 43. Mr. Holborne . 44. Mr. Noell . 45. Mr. Kirton . 46. Mr. Pollard . 47. Mr. Price . 48. Mr. Travanmian . 49. Mr. Jane . 50. Mr. Edgecombe . 51. Mr. Chilchly . 52. Mr. Mallery . 53. Mr. Porter . 54. Mr. White Secret. E. D. 55. Mr. Warwick . These were the men exposed unto the fury of ungoverned people , so mad and violent , that some of them were heard to say , That if they could not have the Lieutenants life , they would have the Kings . This Protestation being formed was the next day read in the lower House , and generally taken by all the Members . ] Our Author is here out as in that before , the Protestation not being taken the next day after it was framed , but on the very same day before the Memhers were committed to go out of the Honse ; and though it was taken generally by all the Members , yet it was not taken by them all , the Lord Digbie and an Unkle of his refusing it . But being taken by all the rest , it was not long after sent to the Lords , by whom ( neither out of fear or favour ) it was taken also ; and afterwards imposed upon all the Subjects by an Order of the House of Commons , July the 30th . 1641. under pain of being thought unfit to bear any Office either in the Church or Common-wealth ; the Lords not onely not consenting to it , but dissenting from it . Which Protestation ( being omitted by our Author , I shall here subjoyn , that we may see how punctually it hath been observed by them that took it , and is this that followeth : I A. B. doe in the presence of Almighty God , promise , vow , and protest to maintain and defend , as far as lawfully I may , with my life , power , and estate , the true reformed Protestant Religion , expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England , against all Popery and Popish Innovations within this Realme contrary to the same Doctrine , and according to the duty of my Allegiance to his Majesties Royall Person , Honour , and Estate ; as also the Power and Privileges of Parliament , the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject , and every person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall doe in the lawfull pursuance of the same . And to my power and as farre as lawfully I may I will oppose , and by all good waies and means indeavour to bring to condigne punishment all such as shall either by force , practice , plots , councels , and conspiracies , or otherwise doe any thing , to the contrary of any thing in this present Protestation contained . And further that I shall in all just and honourable waies , indeavour to preserve the union and peace between the three Kingdomes of England , Scotland , and Ireland . And neither for hope , fear , nor other respect shall relinquish this promise , vow , and Protestation . In this perplexity of thoughts he consults with four Bishops , &c. ] Not sent for by himself , but sent to him by the Houses of Parliament to inform his conscience , and bring him to yeild unto the Bill ; In the nomination of which Bishops they consulted rather their own ends than the Kings satisfaction . The persons sent on this employment were the Primate of Armagh , the Bishops of Lincoln , Durham , and Carlisle : of which , the two last being men unskilled in Politick and Secular affairs , depended wholly on the judgment of the other two ; and those ( as the Houses knew well enough ) carried a sharp tooth towards the Lord Lieutenant upon former grudges . The displeasure which the Primate had conceived against him , was for the abrogating of the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland , and setling in their place the Articles of the Church of England , Anno 1633. And this he reckoned on his score , because Dr. Bramall ( once Chaplain to the Lord Lieutenant , and ) then Bishop of Derrie , had appeared most in it . But he on whose dextetiry they did most depend for this businesse , was the Bishop of Lincolne , of worse affections than the other , in regard that when the Bishop was under the Star-chamber suit , the Lieutenant then Lord Deputie of Ireland , put off his going thither for a Term or two , of purpose ( as it was conceived ) to have a fling at him before he went. This struck so deep in the Bishops stomack , that he would not think ●…imself in safety , where the Earle had any thing to doe , and so was like to help him forwards to the other world . Nor speak I this but on some good ground : For when the Bishop , being then Prisoner in the Tower , had made means by the Queen to be admitted to a reconciliation with His Majesty , offering both his Bishoprick and Deanery of Westminster , in confidence that the King would so provide for him , that he should not go much lesse than he was : the King upou the Queens desire sent , the Earle of Dors●…t ( from whose mouth I have it ) to accept the B●…shops offer on the one side , and on the other side to promise him in his Majesties name , the next good Bishoprick that should fall in Ireland : which Proposition being made , the Bishop absolutely refused to hearken to it , telling the E. of Dorset , that he had made a shift , by the power and mediation of his friends , to hold out against his enemies here for 7 yeares together , but if they should send him into Ireland , he should there fall into the hands of a man , who once in seven months would finde out some old Statute or other to cut off his head . Think you the King was not likely to be well informed in His conscience , when men so interessed were designed unto the managing , and preparing of it ? and so it proved in the event . For our Author telleth us , that on the morrow after being Munday , May the 10th , in the morning His Majesty signed a Commission to the Earle of Arundel , &c. for the passing of the two Bills ; one for Continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the two Houses : the other for the Attainder against the Earle of Strafford . ] And these two Bills he signed ( as I have been told ) with one pen full of Inke , by one of which he wa●… sufficiently punished for his consenting to the other . By his consenting to the Bill of Attainder , he did not onely cut off his right hand with his left , as was affi●…med of Valentinian the Emperour when he caused Aetius to be slain ; but found such a remorse of conscience still attending on him that it never left him till his death : A●…d by consenting to the other , He put such an irrevocable power into the hands of his enemies , as was m●…de use of afterwards not onely to His own destruction , but to the disherison of His Children , and the undoing of all those who adhered unto Him ; who drew Him to the first , we are told by our Author ; and who perswaded Him to the last , may be now enqu●…red . Some charge it on the Queen , who being terrified with the Tumults , perswade the King to yield unto it , as the onely expedient for appeasing the people : some attribute it to the Lord Say then Master of the Wards , and one of His Majesties privie Councell , who ( as it is reported ) when the King asked him if a Continuance for seven years might not serve the turn ? made answer , That he hoped they should dispatch all businesses in so many moneths ; and that if His Majestie passed the Bill , it should be so farre from making the Parliament perpetuall , that he was canfident they would desire to be dissolved before three years end . Most lay the blame of it ( as of all things else ) on the Marquesse of Hamilton , who by cutting out so much work for the King in England , was sure to carry on his designes in Scotland without interruption : and I have heard from credible persons that he did bragge much of this service when he was in that Kingdome , 〈◊〉 frequently that he had got a perpetuall Parliament for the English , and would procure the like for the Scots too before he had done : so hard a thing it is to say by what private perswasions and secret practises He was drawn to that , which proved so prejudiciall to Him , that it made H●…m presently grow lesse in the eyes of His people ; insomuch that a Night before the passing of this Act , a Paper was set up near the Gates of Whitehall , importing that on the Morrow next there was to be Acted in the House of Peers a famous Tragie-Comedie , called , [ A King and no King. ] But as for the publick outward motives , which were used to induce Him to , and of the great power He had parted with by this Condescension , you may hear Himself thus speaking in His Declaration of the 12th of August . Upon information ( saith He ) that credit could not be obtained for so much money as was requifite for the relief of our Army , and people in the Northern parts for preventing the eminent danger the Kingdome was in , and for supply of Our present and urgent occasions , for fear the Parliament might be dissolved before justice should be done upon Delinquents , publick grievances be redressed , a firm peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded , and before provision should be made for the repayment of such moneys as should be so raised ( though We know what power We parted from and trusted Our Houses with by so doing , and what might be the consequence of such a trust , if unfaithfully managed ) We neglected all such suspitions , which all men now see deserved not to be slighted , and We willingly and immediately passed that Act for the Continuance of this Parliament , being resolved it should not be Our fault , if all those particulars were not speedily provided for , which seemed then to be the grounds of their desire . May the 11. he wrote to the Lords this Letter , the bearer whereof was no meaner person then the Prince of Wales . ] In t●…Letter ( which our Author passeth ●…o sleightly over ) there are many things which gave great occasion of discourse to discerning men : 1. That the King having sped so ill by his last addresse unto the Parliament on the first of May , should put himselfe upon the hazard of another repulse . 2. That he should send this Letter ( of which he could not rationally expect a contenting answer ) by the hands of the Prince , as if he would accustome him from his very childhood to the Refusalls of his Subjects . 3. That he should descend so much beneath himselfe , as to be a Supplicant to his People , and yet be in such a diffi●…ence with them , as not to move his owne desires , but by the mediation of his Peers . 4. That he should put himselfe to such a hopelesse trouble , as to write to them for the altering or anulling of a sentence passed but the day before , which they had gained with so much danger , and so many artifices ; or to desire the Respit of two or three dayes , for the condemned Gentleman , which was a power he had not parted with by the Act of Attainder . 5. That in the subscription of the Letter he should give himselfe the name of their Friend , as if by passing the Act for the ●…ntinuance of the Parliament , he had ●…de himselfe but as one of them , at the best their Equall ; for Amicitia est inter Pares , true friendship is amongst Equalls onely , as the saying is . 6. That he should give himselfe the title of unalterable , considering that he had publickly declared not long before , that neither feare nor favour should make him doe a thing so much against his Conscience , as to act any thing in order to the Condemnation of the Earle of Strafford , with reference to the matters which were charged upon him , and yet should signe the Bill for his Attainder within ten dayes after . And finally ( not to say any thing of the Militia ) with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not his consent . But that which gave matter of most amazement , was , that he should subscribe at all , it being a thing so contrary to his owne custome , and the custome of his Predecessors , who used to write their names on the heads of those Missives , which were directed to their Subjects : And then that when the Letter was brought back to him without any effect , he ordered that it should be registred in the House of Peers , on a wan hope that they would use to his honour . Assuredly this under-writing of his name in his Letter to this last Parliamement , was of as bad presage to him , as the vailing of his Crowne to the first ; and his desire to have it put upon the register , did serve as a momento to them , that they should keep him under , now they had him down . For having reduced him to this passe , how easily did they gaine from him severall Acts for suppressing the Authority of the Clerk of the Market , and the Court of Stannaries , for intrenching the preambulation of the Forrests , and the Repealing the old Acts for Knighthood ▪ with what a strong hand did they draw him to the abolishing of Ship-money , the Star-Chamber , the High Commission , the Courts of the Marquesse on the North , the Jurisdiction of all the Ecclesiasticall Courts , some priviledges formerly enjoyed by the Councell Table ; besides the many Concessions at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight , which either should have been soon granted , or not at all . All of them certaine Testimonies of his being brought under , and all of them incouraged by so strange a submission of himselfe to the Power and Courtesie of his People , as he caused to be registred in this Letter . Thus died this unhappy Earle . And to dye thus by the stroak of Justice , &c. ] The highest Acts of Justice are seldome without some obliquity , or injustice in them . For summum jus est summa injuria , as the saying is . But whether it were so in this case or not , whether he were not sent out of the world , per viam expedientiae , rather then per viam justitiae , as most wise men thought ; Posterity free from all engagements of Love or Hatred , will be best able to determine . And so I leave him to his rest in the bed of Peace , with this Epitaph of Clevelands making , to be fixt upon it , that is to say , Here lies wise and valiant Dust , Hudled up 'twixt Fit and Ju●…t : Strafford , who was hurryed hence 'Twixt Treason and Convenience . He spent his time here in a mist ; A Papist , yet a Calvinist . His Princes neerest Joy , and Griefe ; He had , yet wanted all reliefe . The prop and ruine of the State ; The peoples violent love , and hate . One in extreams lov'd and abhor'd , Riddles lye here ; or in a word , Here lieth blood , and let it lye , Speechlesse still , and never cry . An Alphabetical Table . Containing the uncouth and unusuall Words which are found in our Author ; those which are in a different Character , being used by him in a differing sense from that which commonly they carry . A ACquist Accalladoes Ablude Avisoes Affix Adoption Acclaime Asperse Alimprovist Abstruse Appliated Adoequate Anealed August Anthemes Acul●…ated Acquiescing Amphibious Accostable Aborted Autopsie Atocritie Anniversary A●…nasitie Anomabous Apostrophe Accriminated Agnified Aetiologie Animadverted Articulate Agression Antagonist Adventitious Alleviate Adiaphorus B BOorne C COmplicated Cuergo Ceremoniale Conflagration Celebrities Culpabilitie Condignitie Coition Canceleir Concinnesse Compensate Cognascible Conceded Commensurate Complacence Combustion Caresses Concrete Cal●…lled Causalitie Clientelary Confraternitie Concriminaries Clancular Consiguration Congelable Chirographie Chachexie D DElatory Duall Destination Depredation Despondence Detrunk Despensation Decussation Donative D●…sponding Decore Decocted Deplumed Desideration Diaphonous Dilapidation Detrenching Decretory Disopsie Delatorians E EXasse Erect Enormitants Exuberancie Externe Elemented Exorated Emerging Ebullitians Emposted Evacuate Equilebrated Excogitate Equiperate Emrod Ematin Embryo Epiphonoma Effigies Emergent Emolument Everteth Excoriated Erudition Eradicated F FUligenous Ferocient Fortuitously Foculent G GErminated Gust Gestation Grison H HOlocaust Halcionian Hectique Hailemen Horizontall Hibernall Hypothesis I IMpede Ithacu Incuriou●… Inhumed Iteration Inauspicious Innitiated Intrinsique Incuriasfitie Individuation Impetuously Incendiary Innitiation Inventioned Irritateth Judications Infortunium Joco-seriously Intersect Inflame Inaudable Intend Impunitie Inorganicall Impertinence Insolation Intense Intemorate Imperiositie Inquietude Incantations Incompassible Identitie Interfered Jurors Impregned Imminent L LUminaries Luxuriancie Leve-se-quere Luminans M MOlis Magnetique Metuculossitie Morasse Missivus Metastrophe Meamorphusis Mode Meliorate Mercurialists Mutulated Mynatorie N NOnsen●… Neutralitie Noxiousnesse Narrators Nave Nude O OBliqu●… Ocular Organicall Omen Operate Otium Occult Odium Offertory Opine Officiate Onerous P POstlimin●…ted Puisnesse Patrite Procluded Principalitie Ponderous Postlimineation Pollicitation Parole Precarious Piaculary Protervity Pare-Royall Portentous Pondulous Periclitations Pact Paramonts Posthume Presidianes Preponderate Parade Protended Paralious Parashier Philargicus P●…cognition Pr●…cation Pan Angliam Placable Portentous Pertrude Penultimo Palladium Perpending Preterition Promove Propensitio . R REverberation Rependans Remora Recondito Ritention R●…tualities Reciprocated Reductive Respond Ranciditie Reparti Renvoy Relax Relatives Refulgent Recomation Repertory Radiant Rusticitio Researched Recidivatior Recognitante Resu●…ed Ranciditie Reduction . S SIngle unite Superinducted Scintillation Superfetation Seminasities Sterill Synodites Subsortitiously Series Stipulateth Salubrius Stimulated Strictures Statiurch Salvas Simulary Synopsis Susceptible Salitary Suburbicary Superannuate Sedulous Symbale Syteme Supinely Succentoriated Stronded Scheme Sopited T. TEmporalities Temerated Temeritie Terrene Trepidation Tendancie Transfiguration Transpretation Tempestively Treatment V VAlediction Unanim Veteran Unite Vigill Virile Vanum Vacuitie Venialitie Unizon and so I end this table with the Counsell of an old Grammarian , who adviseth thus ; Moribus antiquis , praesentibus utere verbis : That is to say , Retaine old Vertues , but for bear , New words , not fitted to the 〈◊〉 . The End. ERRATA . PAge 4. line 7. dele two p. 5. l. 22. for Coines r. Laws p. 6. l. 6. for able r. old p. 9. l. 23. for no r. on p. 16. l. 12. for 〈◊〉 r. mola ibid l. 16. for University r. Divinity . p. 21. l. 15. for animalon r. animatum p. 24. l. 21. for and r. but p. 33. l. 21. for House r. Houses p. 41. l. 18. for his r. this p. 44. l. 30. for unreasonable r. reasonable p. 45. l. 21. r. resolutions p. 58. for faciente r. ●…vente p. 64. l. 15. for paper r. prayers p. 76. l. 22. for pressed r. suppressed p. 78. l. 28. for Westmin●… r. Winchester p. 95. l. 6. to no body but themselves , ad●… , in case they should be discontinued for the times to come p. 105 l. 14. for men●… r. mutare p. 106. l. 23. for that r. not . p. 140 l. 11. fo●… finding r. hiding ibid. l. 19. for 〈◊〉 r. offense p. 149. l. 10. for restrain r. ●…range p. 152. l. 11. for then r. therein p. 153. l. 26. for last r. cast p. 154. l. 2. for 1631. r. 16●…0 . p. 160. l. 15. for Gadus r. Gades p. 184. l. 26. for yet could this r. yet could not this p. 186. l. 30. for insalvation r. in●…tuation p. 190. l. 25. for asserting r. offering p. 204. l. 27. for Enoch r. 〈◊〉 p. 208. l. 22. for judicious r. judiciary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 more p. 234. l. 8. for cars r. ●…ouse p. 238. l. 9. for committe●… r. admitted ibid. l. 16. for neither r. either p. 143. l. 6. r 〈◊〉 p. 247. l. 13. del . And finally ( not to say any thing of the Militia , with the Forts and Navy , wherein they had not His consent , and adde the same to the end of the 12 line in the page next following . p. 248. l. 10. for intrenching r. retrench A Table of the principal Observations . A DR . Abbot , Archbishop of Canterbury , his Irregularity through killing a Keeper casually , 55 His Remissnesse in not exacting Conformity to the Churches Orders , occasioned the term of Inn●…vations , 〈◊〉 Arminians ] what they are , 15 Whether Enemies of Gods Grace , 18 What caused K. James to be an adversary to them , 23 Montacu's Book , called [ Appello Caesarem ] licensed by King James his command , 33 Call'd in again by King Charles , 69 Arminianism call'd a Bridge to Popery , 80 B BIshops War ] falsly so called , 151 Bishops & Presbyters ] terms not of equivalent import , 183 Their Office ▪ calling defended to be by divine Rght , even Laymen , 185 Mr. Grimstons Argument against it , retor●…ed by Mr. Selden , 188 Whether they may be assistant in causes of Blood and Death ? for which cause they were excluded the House of 〈◊〉 at my Lord of Straffords triall , 224 Earle of Bristol , V. Digby , Duke of Buckingham , V. Viliers , Dr. Burgesse his answe●…ing the Act at Oxford , 182 C CAlvinianism , how it differs from S. Augustine's Doctrine , 110 King Charles crown'd in White , an Emblem of Innocence ; his Predecessors in Purple , an Emblem of Majesty , 29 How he vail'd his C●…owne to his subjects , 30 , 48 His Maxime , [ 'T is better to be deceived , than to distrust , ] 105 His Entertainment at Bolsover Castle cost 6000●… . 106 His neglecting those arts for keeping up of Majesty , which Qu : ●…lizah : practised , 109 The true cause of the miscarriage of his Expedition against the Scots , 157 His error in recalling his Forces thence , 160 How the Hollanders affronted him , and made him vaile his Crown , 166 Clergy-mens Vices to be concealed , rather than published , 140 A Minister as good as any Jack-Gentlemen in England well interpreted , 141 The Clergy in Convocation have a power to grant Subsidies , not confirmed by the Commons in Parliament , 196 Coronation , Rites thereof no vain Ceremonies , 37 D SIr Edw : Decring his character , 177 Digby , E. of Bristoll , not impowred by proxie to celebrate the Marriage with the Infanta , 8 His impeachment by the D. of Buckingham , 43 , 50 F FAme no ground for an Historian , 41 G GLoria Patri , standing up at it retained in our Reformed Church , ex vi Catholicae consuctudinis , 87 H MR. Hamilton's end in raising Forces for Germany , 101 His being sent Commissioner into Scotland , 142 His subtill practises against the King , 149 The Scots speech of him , [ That the Son of so good a Mother would do them no hurt , ] 156 He the cause of dissolving the short Parliament , 175 Hate , Naturale est odisse quem laeseris , 170 I K. James , Whether the wisest King of the British Nation , 13 His seeing a Lion ( the King of beasts ) baited , presag'd his being baited by his subjects , 28 Dr. Juxon . Bishop of Lond. why made Lord Treasurer , 130 His moderation and humility in that officce , being neither ambitious before , nor proud after , 132 K KNighthood , the Statute for taking that order , 98 L DR . Lamb his death , the city not fin'd for it , 66 Lambeth Articles , when made part of the confession of the Church of Ireland , 40 When , and why the articles of Ireland were repeal'd , &c. or 39 Articles substituted in their places , 127 The occasion of making them the Lambeth articles , 72 Of no Authority in the Ch : of England , 75 What mov'd K. James to send them to Dort , 23 And put them into the Irish Confession , 77 Dr. Laud , Archbishop of Canterbury , Whether a favourer of the Popish faction , 171 Ceremonies renued by him , tended rather to the ru ine , than advancement of the Catholike cause , 173 He no cause of dissolving the short Parl. 174 His being voted guilty of High Treason , and committed to the Bl. Rod , 215 Lyturgie-English , endeavoured by K. Charles to be brought into Scotland , 143 His Error in not suppressing and punishing the Tumults at Edenburgh , when the Scottish service was first read , 145 Bish. of Lincoln , v. Williams . Londoners Petition for redressing of Grievances , 200 M MAsques ; That of the four Inns of Court , how occasioned , 118 E. of Montrose , the cause of his adhering to the Covenanters , 206 N MR. Noy , Attorny general , his great parts , 121 Integrity , 124 Parliaments not co-ordinate to Kings , but subordinate , 28 The Members thereof have been imprisoned , 43 Whether Lords created sedente Parliamento , may be admitted to Vote , 48 House of Commons called by Writ only to consent & submit , not to judg , 58 Whether the H. of Commons could 〈◊〉 the H. of Peers ( consisting of 118 ) thrice over , 59 Bishops Members of the H. of Peeres , 60 Their Exclusion thence had this consequent , the abrogating of the Kings Negative Voyce , 60 The King no Member of the H. of Peeres , but supreme Head of all , 61 Disorderly and tumultuous carriage of Parliaments , cause of their change and discontinuance , 94 Members presented not to be questioned without the House's Order , 95 Scotc●… Parliament , how called anciently , 162 The Kings calling a Parliament after the Expedition against the Scots , unsafe & unseasonable , 167 That Parliament which was the ruine of Woolsey , and overthrow of Abbeys , began the third of Novem. the same day of the month began our long Parliament , which ruin'd the Archb : of Canterbury , & the whole Church , 207 No reason for holding the Parliam . at Westm. it had been better at York , 209 Who perswaded the King to assent to the Act for a perpetual Parliament , 243 S. Pauls Church , the repairing thereof , 103 Peoples Darlings of short continuance , 35 Popery , Montacu and ●…osins not questioned for preaching Popery , 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , had both law and practise for it , and therefore was no Popery , 82 , 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies , ( or English popish Ceremonies ) an impairing the substance of Religion , 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England , was the neglect of Holy-dayes , and Common-prayer , 92 Prince his Marriage , a branch of the royall Prerogative , 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth , 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament , and injoyn'd the Kingdome , 239 Puritan party , how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome , 226 Religion ; House of Commons set up a Cō●…ittee , as a Consistory of Lay-elders , to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical , 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament , 34 Isle of Rhee , errors in that Enterprise , 52 S SAbbath ; Sports allowed on that day , the motives thereto , and restrictions therein , 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath , a new Doctrine , 114 The P●…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel , not grounded thereon , 116 Scots ; A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy , 107 Scotch Service-book , Tumults at reading thereof , 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots , 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion , 162 Scots lost by favours , and gain'd by punishments , 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming , but afterwards plunder'd all , 204 Their cowardly carriag , 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French , 223 Sea ; The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius , 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea , and secured our coast from piracies , through the benefit of ship-mony , 120 Ship-mony , How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid , 121 How the Writs issued our , 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was bu●… 20000 li. per mensem , 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom , 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation , who made a Canon against it , 195 Spaniards old friends to the English , 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector , 11 Earle of Strafford , v. Wentworth , Synod , or Convocation , rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them , 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up , 181 The Oath , &c. how occasioned , 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established . 191 And that willingly , 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament , 220 T COmmunion-table , v. Popery , Bowing towards it a primitive custom , ( no Popery ) revived by B. Andrews , 85 Its setting up within , the Railes Altar-wise , to prevent profanation , enjoyned by the Kings authority , 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it , 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Bu●…kingham , made the Ball of fortune , 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol , 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people , 63 Feltons motive to murder him , 64 His e●…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's , 67 W SIr Th : VVentw : 〈◊〉 . of Straff ▪ not wise in coming to the Parliament , 211 His Triall , why defer'd so long , 226 Why ●…ecretary Vane was incensed again●…t him , 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power , 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords , 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting , 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln , with two Bishops more , sent to resolve the Kings Conscience , 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf , 246 Sent out of the world , per viam expedientiae , His Epitaph , 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne , an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham ▪ 36 When , and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him , 39 Whether he was Eunuchu●… ab utero or no , 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him , 56 His Book call'd Holy Table , &c. wrote against his Science and Conscience , 136 He was Head first of the Popish , then of the Puritan party , 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment , 217 VVords ; New coyning of them an Affectation , 4 Y YOrk , The Kings second Son , not born , but created Duke thereof . 117 FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43545-e690 Fol. 1. Fol. ●… . ●…ol . 3. ●…bid . Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. F●…l . 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 ▪ Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 ▪ Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1●… . Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. ●…ol . 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165. 
A43559	----	The way and manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified against the clamors and objections of the opposite parties / by Peter Heylyn ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A43559 of text R202431 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H1746). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 237 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A43559 Wing H1746 ESTC R202431 12417622 ocm 12417622 61736 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43559) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61736) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 941:28) The way and manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified against the clamors and objections of the opposite parties / by Peter Heylyn ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [8], 90 p. Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile ..., London : 1657. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Table of contents: p. [6]-[7] Errata: p. [8] eng Church of England -- Parties and movements. A43559 R202431 (Wing H1746). civilwar no Ecclesia vindicata: or, The Church of England justified: I. In the way and manner of her Reformation. II. In officiating by a publick liturg Heylyn, Peter 1657 41956 1259 15 0 0 0 0 304 F The rate of 304 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE WAY and MANNER OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England DECLARED and JUSTIFIED : Against the Clamors and Objections of the Opposite Parties . By PETER HEYLYN , D. D. MALACH. 2. 7. Lab●a Sacerdotis custodient Sapientiam , & legem requirent ex ore ejus : quia Angelus Domini Exercituum est . Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that rule over you , and submit your selves ; for they watch for your souls , as they that must give account , that they may do it with joy and not grief . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet , M.DC.LVII . TO THE READER . THe occasion which induc'd me to the writing of this Discourse hath been already touched at in our general Preface , and shall be shewn thee more at large in the following Preamble or Introduction . Let it suffice thee now to know , that it was done on an occasion really given , and not in supposition only , the better to bring in the Design which I have in hand ; and that it gave such satisfaction to the Party for whose sake it was undertaken , that it was thought fit by some to have it publisht for the Use of others . But being published by a faulty and imperfect Copy , I caus'd it presently to be call'd ●in ; not willing it should goe abroad ( though without my Name ) till it were able in some measure to defend it self , if not to justifie the Authour . Being now set upon a resolution , which God bless me me in , of vindicating this poor Church ( as far at least as in me is ) in her Forms of Worship , her Government and establisht Patrimony , together with the Times and Places destinate to her Sacred Offices ; I have thought good to place this Tractate in the Front , as a Praecognitum or necessary Manuduction unto all the rest . The way and manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified , cannot but give a good Relish unto all that follows , being no other then the Essentiall parts and branches of that Reformation . If thou art satisfied in this , it will be a faire Omen to me , that the rest may not prove unwelcome . And that thou mayst peruse it with the greater chearfulness ; I will not keep thee longer in the Entrance of it ; it being no good Husbandry to waste that Friend in petit Matters , whom we endeavour to preserve for nobler favours . And so fare thee well . The Contents of the Chapters ▪ SECT. I. THe Introduction sh●wing the Occasion , Method , and Design of the whole Discourse . pag 1. 1. Of Calling or Assembling the Convocation of the Clergie , and the Authority thereof when convened together . 3. 2. Of the Ejection of the Pope , and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown . 10. 3. Of the translation of the Scriptures , and permitting them to be read in the English tongue . 13. 4. Of the Reformation of Religion in the points of Doctrine . 19. 5. Of the Reformation of the Church of England in the forms of Worship ; and the times appointed thereunto . 28. 6. Of the power of making Canons , for the well ordering of the Clergy , and the directing of the people in the publick duties of Religion . 34. 7. An Answ●● to the main Objections of either Party . 38. SECT. II. 1. That the Church of England did not innovate in the Ejection of the Pope , and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown . pag. 46. 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformation●ithout the approbation of the Pope or the Church of Rome . 52. 3. That the Church of England might lawfully proceed to a Reformation without the help of a General Councell , or calling in the aid of the Protestant Church . 62. 4. That the Church did not innovate in translating the Scriptures and the publick Liturgie in to vulgar Tongues , and of the Consequents thereof to the Church it self . 70. 5. That the proceedings of this Church in setting out the English Liturgie were not meerly Regal ; and of the power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical affaires . 79. 6. That the Clergie lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of submission , and that the power of calling and confirming Councels did antiently bel●ng to the Christian Princes . 86. The Errata of the First Part to be thus Corrected . Pape 1. for New read Your , p. 8. r. conv●ni●ntly , p. 9. r. p●iviledged , p. 9. r. ejection , p. 11. l. 10. r. enact , p. 12. l. 22. r. final , p. 13. l. 16. to Phil. and Mary , add , yet were they all revived in the 1. of Elazabeth , p. 19. l. 19. r. Sacraments , p. 25. l. 17. r. not on it , p 30. r. Holbeck , p. 34. r. Warham . p. 56. l. 11. r. four , p. 58. l. 7. r. Canon Law , p 63. l. 27 r. come , p. 76. l. 6. dele to the Popes authority on the one side , or the other side , p. 72. l. 7. r. of it into the , p. 84. l. 22. r. formerly , p. 93. l. 23. r. continued , p. 95. l. 7. r. humble , p. 181. l. 1. r. we shall see hereafter , p. 194. l. 6. r. one new body , p. 251. l. 20. r. Nicomedia , p. 254. l. 2. r. derived , p. 258. l. 1. r. Sabbath , p. 292. l. 10. r. hint , p. 296. l. 21. r. praefantes , p. 300. l. 23. r. cure . p. 342. l. 3. dele Greek and . The Way of the Reformation of the Church of England Declared and Justified , &c. The Introduction . Shewing the Occasion , Method , and Design of the whole Discourse . My dear Hierophilus , _ 〈◊〉 company is alwaies very pleasing to me ; but you are never better welcome then when you bring your doubts and scruples along with you , for by that means you put me to the studying of some point or other , whereby I benefit my self , if not profit you . And I remember at the time of your last being with me , you seemed much scandalized for the Church of England , telling me you were well assured that her Doctrine was most true and orthodox , her Government conform to the Word of God and the best ages of the Church ; and that her publick Liturgie was an extract of the primitive Formes ; nothing in all the whole Composure but what did tend to edification and increase of piety . But for all this , you were unsatisfied ( as you said ) in the waies and means by which this Church proceeded in her Reformation , alledging , that you had heard it many times objected by some Partisans of the Church of Rome , that our Religion was meer Parliamentarian , not regulated by Synodical Meetings , or the Authority of Councels , as in elder Times ; or as Dr. Harding said long since in his Answer unto B. Iewel , That we had a Parliament Religion , a Parliament Faith , and a Parliament Gospel : To which Scultingius and some others after added , that we had none but Parliament Bishops , and a Parliament Clergy ; that you were apt enough to think that the Papists made not all this noise without some ground for it , in regard you have observed some Parliaments in these latter daies so mainly bent to catch at all occasions , whereby to manifest their power in Ecclesiastical matters , especially in constituting the new Assembly o● Divines and others . And finally , that you were heartily ashamed , that being so often choaked with these Objections , you neither knew how to traverse the Indictment , nor plead Not guilty to the Bill . Some other doubts you said you had , relating to the King ▪ the Pope , and the Protestant Churches , either too little or too much look'd after in our Reformation , but you were loth to trouble me with too much at once . And thereupon you did intreat me to bethink my self of some ●it Plaster for the Sore which did oft afflict you , religiously affirming that your desires proceeded not from curiosity , or an itch of knowledge , or out of any disaffection to the Power of Parliaments ; but me●rly ▪ from an honest zeal to the Church of England , whose credit and prosperity you did far prefer before your life , or wha●soever in this world could be dear unto you ; Adding withall , that if I would take this pains for your satisfaction , and help you out of these perplexities which you were involved in , I should not only do good service to the Church it self , but to many a wavering member of it , whom these objections had much staggered in their Resolutions . In fine , that you desired also to be in●ormed how far the Parliaments had been interessed in these alterations of Religion , which hapned in the Reign● of K. Hen. the 8. K. Edw. the 6. and Q●een Elizabeth ? what ground there was for all all this clamour of the Papists ? and whether the Houses , or either of them , have exercised of old any such Authority in matters of Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature , as some of late have ascribed unto them ? Which though it be a dangerous and invidious subject ( as the times now are ) yet for your sake , and for the Truths , and for the honour of Parliaments , which seem to suffer much in that Popish calumny , I shall undertake it ; premising first , that I intend not to say any thing to the point of Right , whether or not the Parliament may lawfully meddle in such matters as concern Religion ; but shall apply my self wholly unto matters of Fact , a● they relate unto the Reformation here by Law established . And for my method in this businesse , I shall first lay down by way of preamble , the form of calling of the C●nvocation of the Clergy here in England , that we may see by what Authority they proceed in their Constitutions , and then declare what was acted by the Clergy in that Reformation : In which , I shall begin with the ejection of the Pope , and setling the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm ; descending next to the Translation of the Scriptures into the English Tongue , the Reformation of the Church in Doctrinals and Formes of Worship , and to proceed unto the Power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy , and the direction of the people in the Exercise of their Religion ; concluding with an An●wer to all such Objections ( by what party soever they be made ) as are most mate●ial . And in the canvassing of these points , I doubt not but it will appear unto you , that till these late busie and unfortunate Times , in which every man intrudeth on the Priestly Function , the Parliaments did nothing at all either in making Canons , or in matters Doctrinall , or in Translation of the Scriptures : next that that lit●le which they did in reference to the Formes and Times of Worship , was no more then the inflicting of some Temporal or legal penalties on such as did neglect the one , or not conform unto the other , having been first digested and agreed upon in the Clergy way : and finally that those Kings and Princes before remembred , by whose Authority the Parliaments did that little in those Formes and Times , did not act any thing in that kinde themselves , but what was warranted unto them by the word of God and the example of such godly and religious Emperors and other Christian Kings and Princes , as flourished in the happiest times of Christianity . This is the sum of my design , which I shall follow in the order before laid down : assuring you that when you shall acquaint me with your other scruples , I will endevour what I can for your satisfaction . 1. Of calling or assembling the Convocation of the Clergy , and the Authority thereof when conveen'd together . ANd in this we are first to know , that anciently the Archbishop of the several Provinces of Canterbury and York were vested with a power of Convocating the Clergy of their several and respective Provinces , when , and as often as they thought it necessary for the Churches peace . And of this power they did make use upon all extraordinary and emergent cases , either as Metropoli●ans and Primates in their several Provinces , or as Legati nati to the Popes of Rome : but ordinarily , and of common course especially after the first passing of the Acts or Statutes of Praemuniri , they did r●strain that power to the good pleasure of the Kings under whom they lived , and used it not but as the necessities and occasions of these Kings , or the distresses of the Church did require it of them ; and when it was required of them , the Writ or Pr●cept of the King was in this form following . R●x , &c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri N. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati & A●ostolicae sedis L●gato salutem . Quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negotiis d●f●nsionem & securitatem Eccle●ae Anglicanae , ac pacem , tranquillitatem , & ●onum publi●um , & defensionem Regni nostri , & subditorum nostrorum ejusd● m concernentibus , Vobis in Fide & dilectione , quibus nobis tenemini , rogando mandamus , quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis & ponderatis universos & singul●s Episcopos vestrae Provinciae , ac Decanos & Priores 〈…〉 & non exemptos , nec non Archidiaconos , Conventus , Capitula , & Collegia totumque Clerum ●ujuslibet Dioceseos ejusdem Provinciae , ad c●nveniendum coram vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London . vel alibi , prout melius expedire videritis , cumomni celeritate accommoda modo debito Convocari faciatis ; Ad tractandum , consentiendum & conclud●ndum super praemissis & aliis quae sibi clarius proponentur , tunc & ibidem ex parte nostra . Et hoc si●ut nos & statum Regni nostri , ac honorem & utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis , nullatenus omittatis . Teste meipso , &c. These are the very words o● the antient Writs , and are still retained in these of later Times ; but that the Ti●le of Legatus sedis Apost●licae , then used in the Archbishops stile was laid aside together with the Pope himself ; and that there is no mention in them of Abbots , Priors , and Conven●s , as being now not extant in the Church of England . And in this Writ you may observe ; first , that the calling of the Bishops and Clergy of the Province of Canterbury to a Synodical ▪ Assembly , belonged to the Arch bishop of that Province only ( the like to him of York also within the Sphere or Verge of his Jurisdiction . ) Secondly , that the nominating of the time and place for this Assembly was left to the Arch Bishops pleasure , as seemed ▪ best unto him ; though for the most part , and with reference unto themselves & the other P●elates , who were bound to attend the service of the King in Parliament , they caused these Meetings to be held at the time and place , at , and to which the Parliament was or had been called by the Kings Authority . Thirdly , That from the word Convocari used in the Writ , the Synodical meetings of the Clergy were named Convocations . And fourthly , That the Clergy thus assembled in Convocation had not only a power of treating on and consenting unto such things as should be there propounded on the Kings behalf , but a power also of concluding or not concluding on the same as they saw occasion : Not that they were restrained only to such points as the King propounded , or were proposed in his behalf to their c●nsideration ; b●t that they were to handle to his businesse with their own , wherein they had full power when once met together . In the next place we must behold what the Archbishop did in pursuance of the Kings command for calling of the Clergy of his Province to a Conv●cation , who on the receipt of the Kings Writ presently issued out his Mandate to the B●sh●p of London ( D●an by his plac● of the whole Colledge of Bishops of that Province ) ●equiring him immediately on the sight hereof ( and of the 〈…〉 and included in it ) to cite and summon all the Bishops , and other Prelates , Deans , Arch-Deacons , and capitular Bodies , with the whole Clergy of that Province , that they the said Bishops , Deans , Arch-Deacons , in their own persons , the Capitular Bodies by one Procurator , and the Clergy of each Diocess by two , do appear before him at the time and place by him appointed , and that those Procurators should be furnished with sufficient powers by those which sent them , not only to treat upon such points as 〈…〉 England , and to give their counsel in the same : sed ad consentiendum ●is quae ibidem ex com●un● delibe●a●ione ad honorem Dei & Ecclesiae in praemissis contigerint concorditer ordinari ; but also to consent both in their own names , and in the names of those who sent them , unto all such things , as by mature deliberation and consent should be there ordained . Which Mandate being received by the Bishop of London , the several Bishops cited accordingly , and intima●ion given by those Bishops u●to their Arch-Deacons for summoning the Clergy to make choice of their Procurators , as also the Chapters , or capitular Bodies , to do the like : The next work is to proceed to the choice of those Procurators . Which choice being made , the said Chapters under their common seals , and the said Clergy in a publick Writing subscribed by them , do bind themselves sub Hypotheca omnium bonorum suorum , under the pawn and forfeiture of all their goods moveable and immoveable ( I speak the very words of these publick Instruments ) se ratum , gra●um & accep●um habere quicquid dicti Procuratores sui nomine & vice suis fecerint , &c. To stand to and perform whatsoever their said Procurators , in their name and stead , shall do , determine and consent to . The like is also done in the Province of York ; but that the Arch-B. thereof sends out the summons in his own name to the suffragan Bish●ps , the Province being small , and the Suffragans not above three in number . Finally , as the Convocations of the Clergy in their several Provinces were called by the Arch-Bishops only , the Kings Writ thereunto requiring and authorizing ; so by the same powers were they also dissolved again , when they had done the business they were called about , or did desire to be dismissed to their own affairs . At which time by special Writ or Mandates to the said Arch-Bishops , expressing the calling and assembling of the Convocation by ve●tue of the former Prec●pt , it is declared , That on certain urgent causes and considerations moving his Majesty thereunto , he thought fit with the advice of his privie Councel , that the same should be again dissolved : Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eandem praesentem Convocationem hac instanti die debito mod● sine ulla dilatione dissolvatis , sive dissolvi faciatis , prout convenit ; and therefore did command them to dissolve it , or cause the same to be dissolved in the accustomed manner without delay . Which Writ received , and not before , the Convocation was dissolved accordingly : and so it holds in Law and practise to this very day . I have the longer staid on these publick Formes , partly because not obvious unto every eye ; but specially to let you see by what Authority the Clergy are to be assembled in their Convocations , and what it is which makes their Canons and Conclusions binding , unto all those which send them thither , or intrust them there . Their calling by the Kings Authority makes their meeting lawful , which else were liable to exceptions and disputes in Law , and possibly might render them obnoxious to some grievous penalties ; and so would their continuance too after the writ was issued for their Dissolution . As on the contrary their breaking or dissolving of their own accord , would make them guilty of contempt , and consequently subject to the Kings displeasure ; for being called by the Kings Writ , they are to continue till dissolved by the Kings Writ also , notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament , with which sometimes it might be summoned . And so it was resolved in terminis , by the chief ●udges of the Realm and others of his M●jesties Counsel learned , May 10. anno 1640. at such time as the Convocations did continue sitting , the Parliament being most unhappily dissolved on the Tuesday before , subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , Manchester then Lord privy Seal , Littleton chief ●ustice of the Common-plea● , Ban●es Atturney General , Whitfield and Heath his Majesties Sergeants , Authority enough for the poor Clergy to proceed on , though much condemned and maligned for obedience to it . [ Now as they have the Kings Authority not only for their Meeting , but continuance also ; so also have they all the power of the whole National Clergy of England , to make good whatsoever they conclude upon : the Arch-Bishops , Deans , Arch-Deacons , acting in their own capacities , the Procurators in the na●e and by the power committed to them , both by the Chapters or capitular Bodies , and the Dioces●n Clergy of both Provinces . And this they did by vertue of that power and trust alone , without any ratification or confirmation from King of Parliament , untill the 25 year of King Henry the 8. At which time they bound themselves by a Synodical Act ( whereof more hereafter ) not to enact , promulge , or ●xecute any Canons , Constitutions , or Ordinances Provincial in their C●nvocations for time coming , unlesse the King● Highness by his Royal Assent command them to make promulge , and execute the same accordingly . Before this time they acted absolutely in their Convocations of their own Authority , the King● Assent neither concurring nor required ; and by this sole Authority which they had in themselves , they did not only make Canons , declare Heresie , convict and censure persons suspected of Heresie , in which the subjects of all sorts ( whose Votes were tacitely included in the suffrages of their Pastors & spi●itual Fathers ) were concerned alike . But also to conclude , the Clergy whom they represented in the point of Property , imposing on them what they pleased , and levying it by Canons of their own enacting . And they enjoyed this power to the very day in which they tendred the submission , which before we spake of . For by this self-authority ( if I may so call it ) they imposed and levied that great Subsidie of 120000 l. ( an infinite sum as the Standard of the Times then was ) granted unto King Henry the 8. anno 1530. to free them from the fear and danger of the Praemuni●i . By this Benefit of the Chapter called Similiter in the old Provincial , extended formerly to the University of Oxon only , was made communicable the same year unto Cambridge also . By this Crome , Latimer , Bilney , and divers others , were in the year next following impeached of Heresie . By this the Will and Testament of William Tracie of Toddington was condemned as scandalous and heretical , and his body taken up and burnt not many daies before the passing of the Act of Submission , anno 1532. But this power being thought too great or inconsistent at least with the Kings Design touching his divorce , the Clergy were reduced unto such a straight by the degrees and steps which you find in the following Section , as to submit their power unto that of the King , and to promise in verbo sacerdotii , that they would do and enact nothing in their Convocations without his consent . And to the gaining of this point , he was pressed the rather , in regard of a Remonstrance then presented to Him by the House of Commons , in which they shewed themselves aggrieved , that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively , and supremely in the Convocations , and they in Parliament do nothing , but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal Assent . Which notwithstanding , though this Submission brought down the Convocation to the same Level with the Houses of Parliament ; yet being made unto the King in his single person , and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament , it neither brought the Convocation under the command of Parliaments , nor rendred them obnoxious to the power thereof . That which they did in former times of their self-authority ( in matters which concerned the Church ) without the Kings consent co-operating and concurring with them , the same they did and might do in the Times succeeding , the Kings Authority and Consent being superadded , without the help and midwifery of an Act of Parliament , though sometimes that Authority was made use of also , for binding of the subject under Temporal and Legal penalties , to yeeld obedience and conformity to the Churches Orders . Which being the true state of the present businesse , it makes the clamour of the Papists the more unreasonable ; but then withall it makes it the more easily answered . Temporal punishments inflicted on the refractory and disobedient in ●Temporal Court , may adde some strength unto the Decrees and Constitutions of the Church , but they take none from it : Or if they did the Religion of the Church of Rome , the whole Mass of Popery , as it was received and setled h●●e in Qu. Marios Reign , would have a sor●y c●utch ●o stand upon , and might as justly bear the name of a Parliament Faith , as the reformed Religion of the Church of England . It is true indeed , that had those Convocations which were active in that Reformation , being either call'd or summoned by the King in Parliament , or by the Houses separately , or 〈◊〉 without the King ; or had the Members of the same been nominated and impo●●ered by the Hous alone , and intermixt with a considerable number of the Lord● and Commons ; ( which being by the way , the Case of this New Assembly , I do not see how any thing which they agree on 〈…〉 the Clergy , otherwise then imposed by a strong hand , and against their priviledge● ) Or finally , had the conclusions or results thereof been o● no effect , but as reported to 〈◊〉 confirmed in Parliament , the Papists might have had some ground for so gross a c●u●nny , in calling the Religion which is now est b●ith●d by the name of a Parliament Religion , and a Parliament G●spel . But so it is not in the C●se which is now before us , the said ●ubmissi●n notwithst●nding . For being the Convocation is still called by the same Authority as before it was , the Members of that Body 〈◊〉 stil● the s●me priviledge . with the same freedom of debate and determination ▪ and which is more , the P●ocurdtors of the Clergy invested with the same power and trust which before they had : there was no alteration made by the said 〈◊〉 , in the whole constitution and composure of it , but onely the addition of a greater and more excellent power . Nor was there any thing done here in that Reformation , but either by the Clergy in their Convocations , and in their Convocations rightly c●lled and canonically constituted , or with the councel and advice o● the Heads thereof in more private conferences ; the Parliaments of these Times contributing very little towards i● , but acquie●cing in the Wi●dome of the Sovereign Prince , and in the piety and zeal of the Ghostly Fathers . This is the Ground work or Found●●ion of the following building . It is now time I should proceed to the Superstructures beginning first with the Election of the Pope , and vesting the Supremacie in the Regal Crown . 2 Of the Ejection of the Pope , and vesting the Supremacy in the Regall Crown . ANd first , beginning with the Ejection of the Pope and his Authority that led the way unto the Reformation of Religion which did after follow : It was first voted and decreed in the Convocation , before ever it became the subject of an Act of Parliament . For in the Year 1530. 22 Hen. 8. the Clergy being caught in a premunire , were willing to redee● their danger by a sum of money ; and to that end , the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury bestowed upon the King the sum of 100000 l● . to be paid by equal portions in the same Year following ; but the King would not so be satisfied , unless they would acknowledge him for the supream Head on earth for the Church of England ; which , though it was hard meat , and would not easily down amongst them , yet it passed at last . For , being throughly debated in a Synodical way , both in the upper and lower Houses of Convocation , they did , in fine , agree upon this expression . Cujus ( Ecclesi●e 〈…〉 To this they al consented and subscribed their hands , and afterwards incorporated it into the publike Act or Instrument , which was presented to the King in the Name of his Clergy , for the redeeming of their errour , and the grant of their money , which as it doth at large appear in the Records and Acts of the Convocation , so it is touched upon in a Historical way in the Antiq. Britan. Mason de Minist. Anglic. and other Authors ; by whom it also doth appear , that what was thus concluded on by the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury , was also ratified and confirmed by the Convocation of the Province of York ( according to the usual custom ) save that they did not buy their pardon , at so dear a r●te . This was the Leading Card to the Game that followed . For on this ground were built the Statutes , prohibiting all Appeales to Rome , and for determining all Ecclesiastical suits and controversies within the Kingdoms , 24 H. 8. c 12. That for the manner of electing and conse●rating of Arch-Bishops , and Bishops , 25 H. 8. c. 2● . and the prohibiting the payment of all Impositions to the Court of Rome ; and for obtaining all such dispensations from the See of Canterbury , which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome , 25. H. 8. c. 21. Which last is built expresly upon this foundations . That the King is the onely supream Head of the Church of England , and was so recognized by the Prelates and Clergy , representing the said Church in their Convocation . And on the ve●y same foundation was the Statute raised , 26 H. 8. c. 1. wherein the King is declared to be the supream Head of the Church of England , and to have 〈…〉 which were annexed unto that Title , as by the Act it self doth at full appear : Which Act being made ( I speak it from the Act it self ) onely for corroboration and confirmation of that which had been done in the Convocation did afterwards draw on the Statute for the Tenths and first frui●s , as the point incident to the Headship or supream Authority , ●6 H. 8. c. 3. The second step to the Ejection of the Pope , was the submission of the Clergy to the said King Henry , whom they had recognizanced for their supream Head . And this was first concluded on in the Convocation , before it was proposed or agitated in the Houses of Parliament , and was commended onely to the care of the Parliament , that it might have the force of a Law by a civil Sanction . The whole deba●e , with all the traverses and emergent difficulties which appeared therein , are specified at large in the Records of 〈◊〉 , Anno 1532. But being you have not opportunity to consult those Records . I shall prove it by the Act of Parliament , called commonly The Act of submission of the Clergy ; but bearing this Title in the Abridgment of the Statutes set out by Poulton ; That the Cler●y in their Convocations shall enact no constitutions without the Kings assent . In which it is premised for granted , that the Clergy of the Realm of England , had not onely acknowledged , according to the Truth , that the Convocation of the same Clergy , is , alwayes hath been , and ought to be assembled alwayes by the Kings Writ ; but also submitting themselves to the Kings Majesty , had pr●mised , in verbo Sace●dotis , That they would never from henceforth presum : to attempt , allcadge , claim , or put in ure , enact promulge , or execute , any new Canons Constitutions , Ordinances provincial , or other ; or by whatsoever other name they shall be called in the Convocation , unless the Kings most Royal Assent may to them be had , to make , promulge , and execute the same ; and that his Majesty do give his most Royall Assent and Authority in that behalf . Upon which ground-work of the Clergies , the Parliament shortly after built this superstructure , to the same effect , viz. That none of the said Clergy from thenceforth should presume to attempt , alleadge , cla●m , or put in●ure , any Constitutions , or Ordinances Provincial , or Synodals , or any other Canons ; nor shall enact , promulge , or execute any such Canon● , Constitutions , or Ordinances Provinc●s● , ( by whatsoever name or names they may be called ) in their Convocations in time coming ( which alwayes shall be assembled by the Kings Writ ) unless the same Clergy may have the Kings in st Royal Assent and Licence to make , promulge , and execute such Canons , Constitutions , and Ordinances Provincial , or Synodical , upon pain of every one of the said Clergy doing the contrary to this Act , and thereof convicted , to suffer imprisonment , and make fine at the Kings Will , 25 H. 8. c. 19. So that the statute , in effect , is no more then this , an Act to binde the Clergy to perform their promise , to keep them fast unto their word for the time to come , that no new Canon should be made in the times succeeding in the favour of the Pope , or by his Authority , or to the diminution of the Kings R●yal Pre●ogative , or contrary to the Iuwes and statutes of this Realm of England , at many Papal Constitutions were in the former Ages : Which statute I desire you to take notice of , because it is the Rule and Measure of the Churches power in making Canons , Constitutions , or whatsoever else you shall please to call them in their Convocations . The third and small Act , conducing to the Popes Ejection , was an Act of Parliament , 28. H. 8. c. 10. entit●led , An Act ex●inguishing the 〈◊〉 of the Bishop of Rome . By which it was enacted , That if any person should extoll the Authority of the Bishop of Rome , he should incur the penalty of a praeminire ; that every Officer both Ecclesiastical and Lay should be sworn to renounce the said Bishop and his Authority , and to resist it to his power , and to repute any Oath formerly taken in maintenance of the said Bishop , or his Authority , to be void , and finally , that the refusal of the said Oath should bejudged High Treason . But this was also usher'd in , by the determination first , and after by the practice of all the Clergy . For in the year 1534 , which was two yeares before the passing of this Act , the King had sent this Proposition to be agitated in both Vniversities , and in the greatest and most famous Monasteries of the kingdom , that is to say , 〈…〉 Romans , dejure competat plusquam alii cujamque Episco●o extero ? By whom it was determined Negatively , that the Bishop of Rome had no more power of right in the Kingdom of England , than any other forreign Bishop . Which being testified and returned , under the hands and seales respectively ( the Originals whereof are still remaining in the Library of Sr Robert Cotton ) was a good preamble to the Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy , assembled in their Convocation , to conclude the like . And so accordingly they did , and made an Instrument thereof subscribed by the hands of all the Bishops , and others of the Clergy , and afterwards confirmed the same by their corporal Oaths . The copies of which Oaths and Instrument you shal finde in Foxes Acts and Monuments , Vol. 2. fol. 1203. and fol. 1210 , 1211. of the Edition of Iohn Day Anno 1570. And this was semblably the ground of a following statute , 35 H. 8. c. 1. wherein another Oath was devised and ratified , to be imposed upon the Subject , for the more cleer asserting of the Kings Supremacy , and the utter exclusion of the Popes for ever ; which statutes , though they were all repealed by an Act of Parliament , 1 and 2d of Phil. and Mary , c. 1. save that the name of supream Head was changed unto that of the supream Governour , and certain clauses altered in the Oath of Supremacy . Where ( by the way ) you must take notice , that the statutes which concerns the Kings Supremacy , are not introductory of any new Right , that was not in the Crown before ; but onely declaratory of an old , as our best Lawyers tell us , and the statute of the 26 of H. 8. c 1. doth clearly intimate . So that in the Ejection of the Pope of Rome , which was the first and greatest step towards the Work of Reformation , the Parliament did nothing , for ought it appeares , but what was done before in the Convocation , and did no more than fortifie the Results of Hely Church , by the addition and corroboration of the Secular Power . 3 Of the Translation of the Scriptures , and permitting them to be read in the English Tongue . THE second step towards the Work of Reformation ( and indeed one of the most especial parts the●eof ) was the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue , and the permitting all sorts of people to peruse the same , as that which visibly did tend to the discovery of the errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome ; and the intollerable pride and tyranny of the Romane Prelates , upon which grounds it had been formerly translated into English by the hand of Wi●kliff , and after on the spreading of Luthers Doctrine , by the paines of Tindal , a stou● and active man in King Henries dayes , but not so well bef●iended as the work deserved : especially considering ●●at it hapned in such a time when many printed Pamphlets did disturb the State ( and some of them of T●●dals making ) which seemed to ●end unto sedition , and the change of Government . Which being remonstrated to the King , he caused divers of his Bishops , tog●ther with sundry of the learn d'st and most eminent Divines of all the Kingdom to come before him : Whom he required freely and plainly to declare , a●wel what their opinion was of the foresaid Pamphl●● , as what they did think fit to be done concerning the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue ; And they upon mature advise and deliberation unanimously conden ned the aforesaid B●oks of H●r●sie and Blasphemy ( no smaler crime : ) then for translating of the Scriptures into the English Tongue , they agreed all with one assent , that it depended wholly on the will and pleasure of the Soveraign P●ince , who might do th●rein as he conceived to be most agreeable to his occasions ▪ but that with reference to the present estate of things , it was more expedient to explain the Scripture to the people by the way of Sermons , then to permit it to be read promiscuou●● by all sorts of men : yet so that hopes were to be given unto the Laity , that if they did renounce their errours , and presently deliver to the hands of his Majesties Officers all such Bookes and Bibles ( which they conceived to be translated with great fraud and falshood ) as any of them had in keeping ; his Majesty would cause a true and catholike Translation of it to be published in convenient time , for the use of his Subjects . This was the sum and substance of the present Con●erence , which you shal finde laid down at large in the Registers of Arch-Bishop Warham . And according to this advice the King sets out a Proclamation , not onely prohibiting the buying , reading , or translating of any the aforesaid Book●s , but straitly charging all his Subjects which had any of the Bookes of Scripture , either of the Old Testament , or of the New , in the English Tongue , to bring them in without delay . But for the other part● of giving hopes unto the people of a true Translation , if they delivered in the false ( ● or that at leas● which was pretended to be false ) I finde no word at all in the Proclamation . That was a work reserved unto better times , or left to be solicited by the Bishops themselves , and other Learned men who had given the counsel ; by whom ( indeed ) the people were kept up in hope that all should be accomplished unto their desires . And so indeed it proved at last . For in the Convocation of the year 1536. the authority of the Pope being abrogated , and Cranmer fully setled in the See of Canterbury , the Clergy did agree upon a form of Petition to be presented to the King , That he would graciously indulge unto his subjects of the Laity the reading of the Bible in the English Tongue , and that a new Translation of it might be forthwith made for that end and purpose . According to which godly motion , his Majesty did not onely give Order for a new Translation , which afterwards He authorized to be read both in publique and private ; but in the interim he permitted CROMWEL , his Vicar-General , to set out an Injunction for providing the whole Bible both in Latine and English , after the Translation then in use , ( which was called commonly by the name of Matthewes Bible , but was no other then that of Tindal somewhat altered ) to be kept in every Parish Church throughout the Kingdom , for every one that would repair unto , and caused this mark or character of Authority to be set upon them in red Letters , Set forth with the Kings most gracious Licence ; which you may see in Fox his Acts and Monum. p. 1248. and 1363. Afterwards when the new Translation so often promised , and so long expected , was compleat and finished ; printed at London by the Kings Authority , and countenanced by a grave and pious Preface of Arch Bishop Cranmer ; the King sets out a Proclamation dated May 6. Anno 1541. Commanding all the Curates and Parishioners throughout the Kingdom , who were not already furnished with Bibles so authorized and translated , as is before said , to provide themselves before Al. hallowtide next following , and to cause the Bibles , so provided , to be placed conveniently in their several and respective Churches , straitly requiring all his Bishops , and other Or●inaries , to take special care to see his said commands put in execution . And therewithal came out Instructions from the King to be published by the Clergy in their several Parishes , the better to possesse the people with the Kings good affection towards them in suffering them to have the ben●fi● of such Heavenly Treasure ; and to direct hem in a course by which they might enjoy the same to their greater comfort , the reformation of their lives , and the peace and quiet of the Church . Which Proclamation and Instructions are stil preserved in that most admirable 〈◊〉 of Sr Robert Cotten . and unto these Commands of so great a Prince , both Bishops , Priests , and People , did apply themselves with such cheerful reverence , that Bonner ( even tha● b●oud● 〈◊〉 as he after proved ) caused six of them to be chained in several places of St Pauls Church in London , for all that 〈◊〉 so 〈…〉 inclined to resort unto , for their edification and instruction , 〈◊〉 Book being very chargable , because very la●ge , and therefore called commonly ( for distinctions sake ) The Bible of the greater 〈◊〉 . Thus have we seen the Scriptures faithfull translated into the English Tongue , the 〈…〉 Churches , that every one which would , ●igh pe●use the same , and leave permitted to all people to buy them for ●hen private use , and re●de them to themselves , or before th●i Families ; and all the brought about by no other meanes then by 〈◊〉 Kings Authority onely , grounded on the advice and judgment of the 〈◊〉 . But long it was not ( I confess ) before the Parliament put in for a share , and claimed some interest in the Work ; but whether for the better , or he worse , I leave you to iudge . For in the year 1542. the King being then in agitation of a League with Charles the Emperou● , He caused a complaint to be made un●o him in this Court of Parliament , That the 〈◊〉 ●ranted to the people in having in their hands the Bookes of the Old and New Testament , had been much abused by many false glosse● and 〈◊〉 which were made upon them , tending to the seducing of the people especially of the younger sort , and the raising of sedition within the Realm . And thereupon it was enacted by the Authority of the Parliament ( on whom He was content to cast the envy of an Act so contrary to ●is former gracious Proclamations ) That all manner of Bookes of the Old and New Testament , of the cr●●●ty , false and untrue Translation of Tind●● , be forthwith abolished , and forbidden to be used and ke●t . As also , that all other B●bles not being of Tindals Translation , in which were sound any Preambles or Annotations , other then the Quotations or Summaries of of the Chapters should be purged of the said Preambles and Annotatious , either by cutting them out , or blotting them in such wise , that they might not be perceived or read . And finally , That the Bible be not read ●penly in any Church , but by the leave of the King , or of the Ordinary of the place ; nor privately by any Women , Artificers , Apprentices , Iourney-men , Husband-men , 〈◊〉 , or by any of the Servants of Yoomen , or under , with several pains to those who should do the con●trary . This is the substance of the statute of the 34 and 35 H●● . 8. c. 1. Which though i● shewes that there was somewhat done in Parliament , in a matter which concern'd Religion , ( which howsoever if you mark it , was rather the adding of the penalties , than giving any resolution or decision of the points in question ) yet I presume the Papists wil not use this for an Argument , that we have either a Parliament Religion , or a Parliament Gospel ; or that we stand indebted to the Parliament for the use of the Scriptures in the English Tongue , which is so principal a part of the Reformation . Nor did the Parliament speed so prosperously in the undertaking ( which the wise King permitted them to have a hand in , for the foresaid ends , ) or found so general an obedience in it from the common people , as would have been expected in these Times , on the like occasion ; but that the King was fain to quicken and give life to the Acts thereof , by his Proclamation , Anno 1546. which you shal finde in Fox his book , fo● 1437. To drive this Nail a little further : The terrour of this statute dying with H. 8. or being repealed by that of K. Ed. 6. c. 22. the Bible was again made publique ; and not onely suffered to be read by particular persons , either privatly , or in the Church ; but ordered to be read over yearly in the Congregation , as a part of the Liturgie , or Divine Service : Which how far it relates to the Court of Parliament we shal see anon ; But for the publishing thereof in Print for the use of the people , for the comfort and edification of private persons , that was done onely by the King , at least in his Name , and by His Authority . And so it also stood in Q Elizabeths time , the translation of the Bible being again reviewed by some of the most learned Bishops , appointed thereunto by the Queens Commission ( from whence is had the name of the Bishops Bible ) and upon that review , re●printed by her sole Commandement , and by her sole Authority left free and open to the use of her wel-affected and religious subjects . Nor did the Parliament do any thing in all Her Reign with reference to the Scriptures in the English Tongue , otherwise then at the reading of them ▪ in that Tongue , in the Congregation , is to be reckoned for a part of the English Liturgy , whereof more hereafter . In the translation of them into Welch , or British , somwhat indeed was done which doth look this way . It being ordered in the Parliament , 5. Eliz. c. 28. That the B. B. of Hereford , St Davids , Bangor , Landaff , and St Asaph , should take care amongst them for translating the whole Bible , with the book of Common Prayer , into the Welch or Brittish Tongue , on pain of forseiting 40 l. a piece in default hereof . And to incourage them thereunto , it was enacted that one book of either sort being so translated and imprinted should be provided and bought for every Cathedral Church , as also for all Parish Churches and Chappels of Ease , where the said tongue is commonly used ; the Ministers to pay the one half of the price , and the Parishioners the other . But then you must observe withal , that it had been before determined in the Convocation of the self-same year , Anno 1562. That the Common-Prayer of the Church ought to be celebrated in a tongue which was under stood by the people ( as you may see in the book of Articles of Religion , Art. 24. which came out that year ) and consequently , aswel in the Welch or Brittish , as in any other . Which care , had it been taken for Ireland also as it was for Wales , no question but that people had been more generally civiliz'd , and made conformable in all points to the English Government long before this time . And for the new Translation of K. Iames his time , to shew that the Translation of Scripture is no work of Parliament , as it was principally occasioned by some passages in the Conference at Hampton Court , without recourse unto the Parliament , so was it done onely by such men as the King appointed , and by His Authority alone imprinted , published and imposed , care being taken by the Canon of the year , 1603. That one of them should be provided for each several at Church , at the charge of the Parish . No flying in this case to an Act of Parliament , either to authorize the doing of it , or to impose it being done . 4 Of the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine . NExt let us look upon the method used in former Times in the reforming of the Church , whether in points of Doctrine , or in formes of Worship , and we shal find it stil the same . The Clergy did the work as to them seemed best , never advising with the Parliament , but upon the post-fact , and in most cases not at all . And first for Doctrinals , there was but little done in K. Henries time , but that which was acted by the Clergy onely in their Convocation , and so commended to the people by the Kings sole Authority , the matter being never brought within the cognizance of the two Houses of Parliament . For in the year 1536. being the year in which the Popes Authority was for ever banished , there were some Articles agreed on in the Convocation , and represented to the King , under the hands of the Bishops , Abbots , Priors , and inferior Clergy usually called unto those Meetings ; the Original whereof being in Sr Robert Cotton's Library I have often seen : Which being approved of by the King , were forthwith published under the Title of Articles devised by the Kings Highness , to stable Christian quietness and unity amongst the people . In which it is to be observed : First , that those Articles make mention of Sacraments onely , that is to say , of Baptisme , Penance , and the Sacrament of the Altar . And secondly , That in the Declaration of the Doctrine of Iustification , Images , honouring of the Saiuts departed ; as also concerning many of the Ceremonies , and the fire of Purgatory , they differ'd very much from those Opinions which had been formerly received in the Church of Rome ; as you may partly see by that Extract of them , which occurs in Fox his Acts and Monuments , Vol. 2. fol. 1246. For the confirming of which book , and recommending it to the use of the people , His Majesty was pleased in the Injunctions of the year , 1536. to give command to all Deans , Parsons , Vicars , and Curates , so to open and declare in their Sermons , and other Collacions , the said Articles unto them which be under their Cure , that they might plainly know and discern , which of them be necessary to be believed and observed for their salvation , and which d● onely concern the decent and politique Order of the Church . And this he did upon this ground , that the said Articles had been concluded and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of the Realm in their Convocation ; as appeareth in the very words of the Injunction : For which , see Fox his Acts and Monuments , fol. 1247. I find not any thing in Parliament which relates to this , either to countenance the work , or to require obedience and conformity from the hand of the people . And to say truth , neither the King nor Clergy did account it necessary , but thought their own Authority sufficient to go through with it ; though certainly it was more necessary at that time , then in any since : The power and reputation of the Clergy being under foot , the King scarce setled in the Supremacy so lately recognized unto him ; and therefore the Authority of the Parliament of more use then afterward , in Times well ballanced and established . 'T is true , that in some other year of that Princes Reign , we finde some use and mention of an Act of Parliament in matters which concerned Religion ; but it was onely in such Times when the hopes of Reformation were in the Wane , and the Work went retro●●● For in the year 1539. being the 31. H. 8. When the Lord 〈◊〉 power began to decline , and the King was in a necessity of complyance with His Neighbouring Princes , there passed an Act of Parliament commonly called the statute of the six Articles ( or the Whip with six strings . ) In which it was enacted , That whosoever by word or writing should preach , teach , or publish , that in the blessed Sacraments of the Altar , under form of Bread and Wine , there is not really the naturall body and bloud of our Saviour Iesus Christ , conceived of the Virgin Mary , ( or affirm otherwise thereof then was maintained and taught in the Church of Rome ) should be adjudged an Heretick , and suffer death , by burning , and forfeit all his Lands and Goods , as in case of High Treason . Secondly , That whosoever should teach or preach , that the Communion of the blessed Sacrament ( in both kindes ) is necessary for the health of mans soul , and ought to be maintained . Thirdly , Or that any man after the Order of Priesthood received , might marry , or contract Matrimony . Fourthly , Or that any woman which had vowed and professed chastity , might contract Marriage . Fifthly , Or that private Masses were not lawful and laudable , or agreeable to the Word of God . Or sixthly , That curicular Confession was not necessary and expedient to be used in the Church of God , should suffer death , and forfeit Lands and goods as a Fellon , 31 H. 8. c. 14. The rigour of which terrible statute was shortly after mittigated in the said Kings Reign , 32 H. 8. c. 10. and 35 H. 8. c. 5. and the whole statute absolutely repealed by Act of Parliament , 1 E. 6. c. 12. But then it is to be observed first , that this Parliament of K. H. 8. did not determine any thing in those six points of Doctrine which are therein recited ; but onely took upon them to devise a course for the suppressing of the contrary Opinions , by adding by the secular Power , the punishment of Death , and forfeiture of Lands & Goods , unto the censures of the Church , which were grown weak , if not unvalid ; and consequently , by degrees became neglected ever since the said K. Henry took the Headship on Him , and exercised the same by a Lay Vicar General . And secondly , you must observe , that it appeareth evidently by the Act it self , that at the same time the King had called a Synod and Convocation of all the Archbishops , Bishops , and other learned men of the Clergy , that the Articles were first deliberately and advisedly debated , argued and reasoned , by the said Archbishops , Bishops , and other learned men of the Clergy , and their opinions in the same declared and made known , before the matter came in Parliament . And finally , That being brought into the Parliament , there was not any thing declared and passed as doctrinall , but by the assent of the Lords Spiritual , and other learned men of the Clergy , as by the Act it self doth at large appear . Finally , Whatsoever , may be drawn from thence , can be only this , That K. H●n . did make use of his Court of Parliament for the establishing and confirming of some points of Popery , which seemed to be in danger of a Reformation . And this compared with the statute of the 34 and 35 , prohibiting the reading of the Bible by most sorts of people , doth cleerly shew that the Parliaments of those times did rather hinder and retard the work of Reformation , in some especial parts thereof , than give any furtherance to the same . But to proceed : There was another point of Reformation begun in the Lord C●●mwels time , but not produced , nor brought to perfection till after his decease ; and then too , not without the Midwifery of an Act of Parliament . For in the year 1537. the Bishops and others of the Clergy of the Convocation , had composed a Book , entituled , The Institution of a Christian Man ; which being subscribed by all their hands , was by them presented to the King , by His most excellent judgment to be allowed of , or condemned . This book , containing the chief heads of Christian Religion , was forthwith printed , and exposed to publike view . But some things not being cleerly explicated , or otherwise subject to exception , he caused it to be reviewed and to that end , as Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England ( I speak the very words of the Act of Parl. 32. H. 8. c. 26. ) appointed the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces , and also a great number of the best , learned , honestest , and most vertuous sort of the Doctors of Divinity , men of discretion , judgment , and good disposition , to be called together ; to the intent , that according to the very Gospel and Law of God , without any partial respect or affection to the Papistical sort , or any other sect or sects whatsoever , they sh●●ld declare by writing , & publish , as well the principal Articles and points of our Faith and Belief ; with the Declaration , true understanding an● observation of such other expedi●nt points , as by them , with his Grace ; advice , councel , and consent , shall be thought needful and expedient ; as also for the lawful Rights , Ceremonies , and observation of Gods service within this Realm . This was in the year , 1540. at what time the Parliament was also sitting ; of which the King was pleased to make this especial use , That whereas the work which was in hand ( I use again the words of the statute ) required ripe and mature deliberation , and was not rashly to be defined and set forth , and so not fit to be restrained to the present Session , an Act was passed to this effect , That all Determitions , Declarations , Decrees , Definitions , and Ordinances , as according to Gods Word , and Christs Gospel , should at any time hereafter be set forth by the said Archbishops and Bishops , and Doctors in Divinity , now appointed , or hereafter to be appointed by his Royal Majesty , or else by the whole Clergy of England , in , and upon the matter of Christs Religion , and the Christian Faith , and the lawful Rights Ceremonies , and Observations of the same , by his Majesties advice and confirmation under the great Seal of England , shall be by all his Graces subjects fully believed , obeyed , observed , and performed to all purposes and intents , upon the paines and penalties therein to be comprized , as if the same had been in 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 and fully made , set forth , declared , and contained in the said Act , 32. H. 8. c. 26. where note , That the two House of Parliament were so far from ●edling in the matter which was then in hand , that they did not so much as require to see the Determinations and Decrees of those learned men whom His Majesty had then assembled , before they passed the present Act , to bind the Subject fully to believe , observe , and perform the same ; but left it wholly to the judgment and discretion of the King and Clergy , and trusted them besides , with the ordaining and inflicting of such paines and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons as to them seemed meet . This ground-work laid , the work went forwards in good order , and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said Arch-Bishops , Bishops , and other learned men would give it , without the co-operation and concurrence of the Royal assent ; it was presented once again to the Kings consideration ▪ who very carefully perused it , and altered many things with his own hand ; as appeares by the book it self ●●ll extant in the famous Library of Sr Robert Cotton ; and having so altered and corrected it in some passages , returned it to the Archbishop of Canterbury , who bestowed some further paines upon it ; to the end , that being to come forth in the Kings Name , and by his Authority , there might be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended . The business being in this forwardnesse , the King declares in Parliament , Anno 1544. being the 34 year of his Reign , his zeal and care , not onely to suppress all such Bookes and Writings as were noysome and pestilent , and tended to the seducing of his subjects ; but also to ordain and establish a certain form of pure and sincere Teaching agreeable to Gods Word , and the true Doctrine of the Catholick and Apostolick Church , whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies , as have in Times past , and yet do happen to arise . And for a preparatory thereunto , that so it might come forth with the greater credit , he caused an Act to pass in Parliament for the abolishing of all Bookes and Writings , comprizing any matters of Christian Religion , contrary to that Doctrine , which since the year 1540. is , or any time during the Kings life , shall be , set forth by his Highnesse , and for the punishment of all such ( and that too , with most grievous 〈◊〉 ) which should preach , teach , maintain , or defend any matter or thing contrary to the book of Doctrine , which was then in readiness , 34 , 35 H. 8. c. 1. Which done , He can●ed the said book to be imprinted in the year next following , under the Title of Anecessdry Doctrine for all sorts of people ; prefixing a Preface thereto in his Royal Name , to all his faithful and loving Subjects , that they might know the better in those dangerous Times , what to believe in point of Doctrine , and how they were to carry and behave themselves in points of practice . Which Statute , as it is the greatest Evidence which those Times afford to shew , that both , or either of the Houses of Parliament had any thing to do in matters which concerned Religion ; so it entitles them to no more ( if at all to any thing ) then that th●y did make way to a book of Doctrine , which was before digested by the Clergy onely , revised after , and corrected by the Kings own hand ; and finally , perused and perfected by the Metr●politan . And more then so ( besides , that being but one Swallow , it can make no Summer ) it is acknowledged and confessed in the Act it self ( if Poulton understand it rightly in his Abridgment ) That recourse must be had to the Catholick and Apostolick Church , for the decision of Controversies . Which as it gives the Clergy the decisive power , so it left nothing to the Houses but to assist and aid them with the Temporal Sword , when the Spiritual Word could not do the deed , the point thereof being blunted , and the edge abated . Next , let us look upon the time of K. Ed. 6. and we shall finde the Articles and Doctrine of the Church ( excepting such as were contained in the book of Common-Prayer ) to be composed , confirmed , and setled in no other way , then by the C●ergy onely in their Convocation , the Kings Authority co-operating and concur●ing with them . For , in the Synod held in London , Anno 1552. the Clergy did compose and agree upon a book of Articles , containing the chief heads of the Christian Faith ; especially , with reference to such points of Controversie , as were in difference between the Reformators of the Church of England , and the Church of Rome , and other Opponents whatsoever which after were approved , and published by the Kings Authority . They were in number 41. and were published by this following Title ; that is to say , Articuli d● quibus in Syno● London . Anno 1552. 〈…〉 Religion is firmandum , inter Episcopos & alios & Eruditis 〈◊〉 Convenerat , Regia authoritate in lucem Editi . And , it is worth our observation , that though the Parliament was held at the very time , and that the Parliament passed several Acts which concerned Church-matters ; as , viz. An Act for Vniformity of Divine Service , and for the confirmation of the book of Ordination , 5 and 6 Edw. 6. c. 1. All Act declaring which dayes onely shall be kept for Holy dayes ; and which for Fasting dayes , C. 3. against striking or drawing weapon , either in the Church or Church-yard , C. 4. And finally , another Act for the legitimating of the Marriages of Priests and Ministers , C. 12. Yet neither in this Parliament , nor in that which followed , is there so much as the least syllable which reflecteth this way , or medleth any thing at all with the book of Articles . Where , by the way , if you behold the lawfulnesse of Priests Marriages as a matter Doctrinal ; or think we owe that point of Doctrine , & the indulgence granted to the Clergy in it , to the care and goodness of the Parl. you may please to know , that the point had been before determined in the Convocation , & stands determined by and for the Clergy in the 31 of those Articles , and that the Parliament looked on it as a point of Doctrine ; but as it was a matter practical , conducing to the benefit and improvement of the Common-wealth . Or if it did , yet was the statute built on no other ground-work , than the Resolution of the Clergy , the Marriage of Priests being before determined to be most lawfull ( I use the very words of the Act it self ) and according to the Word of God , by the learned Clergy of this Realm in their Convocations , as well by the common assent , as by subscriptions of their hands , 5 , 6. Edw. 6. chap. 12. And for the time of Queen Elizabeth , it is most manifest , that they had no other body of Doctrine in the first part of her Reign , then onely the said Articles of K. Edwards book ; and that which was delivered in the book of Homilies of the said Kings time : in which the Parliament had as little to do , as you have seen they had in the book of Articles . But in the Convocation of the year , 1562. being the fifth of the Qu. Reign , the Bishops and Clergy taking into consideration the said book of Articles , and altering what they thought most fitting , to make it more conducible to the use of the Church , and the edification of the people , presented it unto the Queen , who caused it to be published with this Name and Title , viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the Arch-Bishops , and Bishops of both Provinces , and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London , Anno 1562 , for the avoiding of diversity of Opinions , and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion ; put forth by the Queens authority . Of any thing done , or pretended to be done , by the power of the Parliament , either in the way of approbation , or of confirmation , ●ot one word occurs either in any of the printed books , or the publique Registers . At last , indeed in the 13th of the said Queens Reign ( which was 8 years full after the passing of those Articles ) comes out a statute for the redressing of disorders in the Ministers of holy Church : In which it was enacted , That all such as were ordained Priests or Ministers of Gods Word and Sacraments , after any other form then that appointed to be used in the Church of England ; all such as were to be ordained , or permitted to preach , or to be instituted into any Benefi●e with ●ure of soules , should publikely subscribe to the said Articles , and testifie their assent unto them Which shews ( if you observe it well ) that though the Parliament did well allow of , and approve the said book of Articles , yet the said book owes neither confirmation , nor authority , to the Act of Parliament . So that the wonder is the greater , that that most insolent scoff which is put upon us by the Church of Rome , in calling our Religion by the name Parliamentaria Religi● , should pass so long without controle ; unlesse , perhaps , it was in reference to our Formes of Worship , of which I am to speak in the next place . But first we must make answer unto some Objections which are made against us , both from Law and Practice . For Practice ; first , it is alleadged by some out of Bishop Iewel , in his Answer to the cavil of Dr Harding , to be no strange matter to see Ecclesiastical Causes debated in Parliament ; and that it is apparent by the Lawes of King Inas , King Alfred , King Edward , &c. That our godly fore-fathers , the Princes and Peers of this Realm , never vouchsafed to treat of matters touching the common State , before all controversies of Religion , and Causes Ecclesiastical had been concluded , Def. of the Apol. part 6 chap. 2. sect. 1. But the answer unto this is ea●●e : For first , if our Religion may be called Parliamentarian , because it hath received confirmation and debate in Parliament , then the Religion of our Fore-fathers , even Papistry it self ( concerning which so many Acts of Parliament were made in K. Hen. 8. and Q. Maries time ) must be called Parliamentarian also . And secondly , it is most certain , that in the Parliaments or Common-Councels ( call them which you will ) both of King Inas time , and the rest of the Saxon Kings which B. Iewel speaks of ; not onely Bishops , Abbots , and the higher part of the Clergy , but the whole Body of the Clergy generally had their votes and suffrages , either in person , or by proxie . Concerning which , take this for the leading Case ; That in the Parliament or Common-councel in K. Ethelberts time , who first of all the Saxon Kings , received the Gospel , the Clergy were convened in as full a manner , as the Lay-Subjects of that Prince : Convo●ati communi Concilio tam Cleri , quam Populi , saith Sr H. Spelman in his Collection of the Councels , Ann. 605. p. 118. And for the Parliament of King Ina , which leades the way in Bishop Iewel , it was , ( saith the same Sr H. Spelman , p. 630. Communi Concilium Episcoporum , Procerum , Comitum , nec non omnium Sapientum , Seniorum , populorumque totius Regni ; Where , doubtless , Sapientes and Seniores ( and you know what Seniores signifieth in the Ecclesiastical notion ) must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of Populi , which shews the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by Mr Pryn , in the Epistle to his book against Dr Cousins , viz. That the Parliament ( as it is now constituted ) hath an ancient genuine , just and lawful Prerogative , to establish true Religion in our Church , and to abolish and suppress all false , new , and counterfeit Doctrines whatsoever . Unlesse he meanes upon the post-fact , after the Church hath done her part , in determining what was true , what false , what new , what ancient ; and finally , what Doctrines might be counted counterfeit , and what sincere . And as for Law , 't is true indeed , that by the Statute , 1 Eliz. cap. 1. The Court of Parliament hath power to determine and judge of Heresie ; which at first sight seems somewhat strange ; but on the second view , you will easily finde that this relates onely to new and emergent Heresies , not formerly declared for such in any of the first four General Councels , nor in any other General Councel , adjudging by express words of holy Scripture ; as also that in such new Heresies , the following words restrain this power to the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation , as being best able to instruct the Parliament what they are to do , and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperate H●retick from the Church of CHRIST , or rather from the body of all Christian people . 5 Of the Reformation of the church of England in the Formes of Worship ; and the Times appointed thereunto . THis rub removed , we now proceed unto a view of such Formes of Worship as have been setled in this Church , since the first dawning of the day of Reformation , in which our Parliaments have indeed done somewhat , though it be not much . The first point which was altered in the publike Liturgies , was that the Creed , the Pater-●●ster , and the Ten Commandements , were ordered to be said in the English Tongue ; to the intent , the people might be perfect in them , and learn them without book , as our phrase is . The next , the setting forth and using of the English Letany , on such dayes and times , in which it was accustomably to be read , as a part of the service . But neither of these two was done by Parliament ; nay , ( to say truth ) the Parliament did nothing in them . All which was done in either of them , was onely by the Kings Authority , by vertue of the Headship or Supremacy , which by way of recognition was vested in him by the Clergy , either co-operating and concurring with them in their Convocations , or else directed and assisted by such learned Prelates , with whom he did advise in matters which concerned the Church , and did relate to Reformation . By vertue of which Headship or Supremacy he ordained the first ; and to that end , caused certain Articles or Injunctions to be published by the Lord Cromwel , then his Vicar General , Anno 1536. And by the same did he give order for the second , I mean , for the saying of the Letany in the English Tongue , by his own Royal Proclamation , Anno 1545. For which , consult the Acts and Monuments , fol. 1248 , 1312. But these were only preparations to a greater work which was reserved unto the times of K. Edw. 6. In the beginning of whose Reign there passed a statute for the administring the Sacrament in both kindes to any person that should devoutly and humbly desire the same , 1. E. 6. c. 1. In which it is to be observed , that though the statute do declare , that the ministring of the same in both kinds to the people was more agreeable to the first I●stitution of the said Sacrament , and to the common usage of the primitive Times . Yet Mr. F●x assures us ( and we may take his word ) that they did build that Declaration , and consequently the Act which was raised upon it , upon the judgment and opinion of the best learned men , whose resolution and advice they followed in it , fol. 1489. And for the Form by which the said most blessed Sacrament was to be delivered to the common people , it was commended to the care of the most grave and learned Bishops , and others , assembled by the King at His C●stle of Windsor ; who upon long , wise , learned , and deliberate advice did finally agree ( saith Fox ) upon one godly and uniform Order for receiving of the same , according to the right rule of Scriptures , and the first use of the primitive Church , fol. 1491. Which Order , as it was set forth in print , Anno 1548. with a Proclamation in the name of the King , to give authority thereunto amongst the people so was it recommended by especial Letters 〈◊〉 unto every Bishop , severally from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution ; A copy of which Letters you may finde in Fox , fol. 1491. as afore is said . Hitherto nothing done by Parliament in the Formes of Worship , but in the following year there was For the Protector and the rest of the Kings Councel being fully bent for a Reformation , thought it expedient that one uniform , quiet and godly Order should be had thoroughout the Realm , for Officiating Gods divine Service . And to that end ( I use the words of the Act it self ) appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury , and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops , and other learned men of the Realm to meet together , requiring them , that having aswel eye and respect to the most pure and sincere Christian Religion , taught in Scriptures , as to the usages in the Primitive Church , they should draw and make one convenient and meet O●der , ●ite and fashion of Common Prayer , and Administration of Sacraments , to be had and used in this his Majesties Realm of England . Well , what did they being thus assembled ? that the Statute tels us : Where it is said , that by the aid of the Holy Ghost ( I pray you mark this well ) and with one uniform agreement they did conclude upon and set forth an Order , which they delivered to the Kings Higness , in a Book entituled , The Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments , and other ●ites and Ceremonies of the Church , after the use of the Church of England . All this was done before the Parliament did any thing . But what was done by them at last ? Why first , considering the most godly travail of the Kings Highness , and the Lord Protector and others of his Highness Councel , in gathering together the said B. and learned men . Secondly , the Godly prayers , Orders , Rites and Ceremonies in the said Book mentioned . Thirdly , the motives and inducements which inclined the aforesaid learned men to alter those things which were altered , and to retain those things which were retained ; And finally , taking into consideration the honour of God , and the great quietness which by the grace of God would ensue upon it ; they gave his Majesty most hearty and lowely thanks for the same , and most humbly prayed him , that it might be ordained by his Majesty , with the assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by authority of the same , that the said Form of Common-prayer and another , after the Feast of Pentecost next following , should be used in all his Majesties Dominions with several penalties to such , as either should deprave or neglect the same . 2. and 3. E. 6. cap. 1. So farre the very words of the Act it self . By which it evidently appeareth , that the two Houses of Parliament did nothing in the present business , but impose that Form upon the people : which by the learned & religious Clergy-men ( whom the K. appointed thereunto ) was agreed upon , and made it penal unto such as either should deprave the same , or neglect to use it . And thus doth Poulton ( no mean Lawyer ) understand the Statute , who therfore gives no other title to it in his Abridgement published in the year 1612 than this , The penalty for not using uniformity of Service , and Ministration of the Sacrament . So then the making of one uniform Order of celebrating divine Service , was the work of the Clergy , the making of the Penalties , was the work of the Parliament . Where let me tell you by the way , that the men who were employed in this weighty business ( whose names deserve to be continued in perpetual memory ) were Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury , George Day Bishop of Chichester , Thomas Goodrich B. of Ely and Lord Chancellour , Iohn Ship Bishop of Hereford , Henry Holb●rt Bishop of Lincoln , Nichol●s Ridley Bishop of Rochester , translated afterwards to London , Thomas Thirleby B. of Westminster , Doctor May D●an of S. Pauls , Dr Taylor ( then Dean afterwards ) Bp of Lincoln , Dr Haines Dean of Exeter , Dr Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham , Dr Redman Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge , and Dr Coke then Al●ner to the King , afterward Dean of Westminster , and at last Bp of Ely ; men famous in their generations , and the honour of the Age they lived in : And so much for the first Liturgy of King Edwards Reign ; in which you see how little was done by authority or power of Parliament , so little , that if it had been less , it had been just nothing . But some exceptions being taken against the Liturgy by some of the preciser sort at home , and by Calvin abroad , the book was brought under a review : and though it had been framed at first ( if the Parliament which said so erred not ) by the ●yd of the Holy Ghost himself ; yet to comply with the curiosity of the Ministers and mistakes of the people , rather then for any other weighty cause , As the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the King , with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , that the said Order of Common Service should be faithfully and godly perused , explained , and made fully perfect . Perused and explained ; by whom ? Why , questionless by those who made it ; or else , by those ( if they were not the same men ) who were appointed by the King to draw up , and compose a Form of Ordination for the use of the Church . And this Assent of theirs ( for it was no more ) was the onely part that was ever acted by the Parliament , in matter of this present nature ; save that a Statute passed in the former Parliament 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect , that such form and manner of making and consecrating Archb. Bi-shops , Priests , Deacons , and other Ministers of the Church ( which before I spake of ) as by sixe Prelates and sixe other men of this Realm , learned in Gods lawes , by the King to be appointed and assigned , shall be devised to that purpose , and set forth under the great Seal , shall be lawfully used and exercised , and none other . Where note , that the King onely was to nominate and appoint the men , the Bishops and other learned men were to make the Book ; and that the Parliament in a blinde obedience , or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated , did confirm that Book , before any of their Members had ever seen it , though afterwards indeed , in the following Parliament , this Book , together with the book of Common-prayer , so printed and explained , obtained a more formal confirmation , as to the use thereof throughout the Kingdom , but in no other respect ; for which see the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. c. 1. ( As for the time of Qu. Elizabeth , when the Common prayer book now in use ( being the same almost with the last of King Edward ) was to be brought again into the Church , from whence it was cast out in Queen Maries Reign ; it was commited to the care of some learned men ; that is to say , to M Whitehead ( once Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullen ) Dr Parker , after Archbishop of Canterbury , Dr Grindal , after bishop of London , Dr Cox , after Bishop of Ely , Dr Pilkington , after Bishop of Durham , Dr May , Dean of Saint Pauls , Dr Bill , Provost of Eaton , after Dean of Westminster , and Sr Tho : Smith . By whom being altered in some few passages which the Statute points to , 1 Eliz. c. 21. it was presented to the Parliament , and by the Parliament received and established without more 〈…〉 troubling any Committee of both or ●ither Houses to consider of it , for ought appears in their Records . All that the Parliament did in it , being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in King Edwards Reign , partly by repealing the Repeal of King Edw. Statute● , made in the first of Q. Mary , c. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the book , or neglect to use it , or wilfully did absent themselves from their Parish-Churches . And for the Alterations made in King Iames his time , b●ing small in the Rubrick onely ; and for the additions of the Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany , the Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue , and the Doctrine of the Sacraments at the end of the Catechisi●e , which were not in the book before , they were never referred unto the Parliament , but were done onely by a●thority of the Kings Commission , and stand in force by vertue onely of His Proclamation , which you may finde before the book ; the charge of buying the said book so explained and altered , being laid upon the several and respective Parishes , by no other Authority than that of the eightieth Canon , made in Convocation , Anno 1603. The like may also be affirmed of the Fo●mes of prayer for the Inauguration day of our Kings and Queens , the Prayer-books for the fifth of November , and the fifth of August , and those which have been used in all publike Fasts : All which , without the help of Pa●liaments , have been composed by the Bishops , and imposed by the King . Now unto this discourse of the Forms of Worship , I shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of Worship , that is to say , the Holy dayes observed in the Church of England ; and so observed , that they do owe that observation chiefly to the Church ● power . For whereas it was found in the former times , that the number ●f the holy dayes was grown so great , that they became a burthen to the common people , and a great hinderance to the thrist and manufactures of the Kingdom ; there was a Canon made in the Convocation , An. 1536. for cutting off of many superstitious and supe●fluous Holy dayes , and the reducing them into the number in which they now st●nd ( save that St G●orge's day , and Ma●y Magdalens day , and all the Festivals of the blessed Virgin had their place amongst them ) according to which Can●n , there went out a M●nitory from the A●chbp of Ca●terbury , to all the Suffrag●ns of hi● P●ovince , 〈…〉 , which is still extant on Record . But being the authority of the Church was then in the wane , it was thought necessary to confirm their Acts , and see execution done upon it by the Kings Injunction : which did accordin●ly come forth with this Form or preamble ; That the abolishing of the said holy dayes , was decreed ordained and established by the Kings Highness Authority , as sup●eam Head in earth of the Church of England , with the common consent and assent of the Prelates and Clergy of this ●is Realm in Conv●cation lawfully assembled and congregate . Of which see Foxe his Acts and M●numents , fol. 1246 , 1247. Afterwards in the year 1541 , the King perceiving with what difficulty the people were induced to leave off those Holy days , to which they had been so long ac●ustomed , published his Proclamation of the twenty third of Iuly , for the abolishing of such Holy days ( amongst other things ) as were prohibited before by his Injunctions : both built upon the same foundation , namely , the resolution of the Clergy in their Convocation . And so it stood until the Reign of King E. 6. at which time the Reformation of the publick Liturgie drew after it by consequence an alteration in the present businesse , no days being to be kept or accounted holy , but those for which the Church had set apart a peculiar office , and not all those neither : For , whereas there are several and peculiar offices for the day of the Conversion of Saint Paul , and the day of Saint Barnabas the Apostles ; neither of these are kept as holy days , nor reckoned or esteemed as such in the Act of Parliament wherein the names and number of the holy days is precisely specified , which makes some think the Act of Parliament to have had an over-ruling power on the Common prayer Book ; but it is not so , there being a specification of the holy days in the book it self , with this direction , These to be ●bs●rved for Hol● days , and non● other ; in which the Feasts of the Conversion of St , Paul , and the Apostle Barnabas are omitt●d plainly , and upon which specification the Stat. 5 & 6 Ed. 6. cap. 3. which concerns the holy days ▪ seems most expresly to be built . And for the Off●ces on tho●e days in the Common-prayer Booke , you may plea●e to know that every holy day consisteth of two special parts , that is to say , r●st or cessati●n from bodily labour , and celebration of Di●ine or Rel●gious du●ies ; and that the day●s before remembred a●e so far kept holy , as to have s●ill their proper and peculiar Off●ces , which is observed in all the Cathedrals of this Kingdome , and the Chappels Royall , where the Service is read every day ; and in most Parish Churches also , as oft as either of them falls upon a Sunday , though the people be not in those days injoined to rest from bodily labour , no more then on the Coronation day , or the fi●th of November , which yet are reckoned by the people for a kind of holy days . Put all which hath been said together , and the ●umme is this ; That the proceedings of this Church in the Reformation were not meerly Regall ( as it is objected by some Puritans ) much les●e that they were Parliamentarian in so great a wo●k , as the Papists falsly charge upon us ▪ the Parliaments for the most part doing li●tle in it , but that they were directed in a justifiable way , the work being done Synodically ▪ by the Clergy onely , according to the usage of the Primi●ive●imes , the King concurring with them , and corroborating what they had ●esolved on , either by his own single Act in his letters Pa●ent . Proclamations and I●junctions or by some publick Act of State , as in 〈◊〉 , and by Acts of Parliament . 6. Of the power of making Canons , for the well ordering of the Clergy , and the directing of the people in the publick Duties of Religion . WE are now come to the last part of this design , unto the power of making Canons , in which the Parliament of England have had lesse to do then in either of the other which are gone before . Concerning which , I must d●sire you to remember , that the Clergie , who had power before to make such Canons and Constitut●ons in their Convocation as to them seemed meet ▪ promised the King in verbo Sacerd●tij , not to Enact or Ex●cute any new Ca●ons , but by his Majesties Royal Assent , and by his authority first obtained in tha● behalf : which is thus bri●fly touched upon in the Ant. Brit. in the l●fe of William Marham Arch Bp of Canterbury , Cler●● in verbo Sacerdotij fidem Regid●dit , ne ulla● deinceps in Synodo ferrent Eccles●asticas leges , nisi e● Synodas auth●ritate R●gia con● gregata , et constitutiones in Synodis publicata● eadem au●●oritate ratae essent . Upon which ground I doubt not but I might securely raise this proposition , That whatso●ver the Clergy did , or might do lawfully before the act of Submission in their Convocation of their own power , without the Kings authority and consent concurring , the same they can , and may do still , since the act of their Submission ; the Kings autho●●ty and consent co-operating with them in their counsels , and giving confirmation to their Constitutions , as was said before . Further , i● doth appear by the aforesaid Act. 25. H. 8. c. 19. ●hat all such Canons , Constitutions , Ordinances , and Synodals Prouincial , as were made be●ore the said Submission , which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws , Statutes and Customes of this Realm , nor to the damage or hurt of the Ki●gs Prerogative Royal , were to be used and executed as in former times . And by the Statute 26. H. 8. c. 1. of the Kings Supr●macy , that according to the Recognition made in Convocation ) ou● said Soveraign Lord , his heirs and succes●ors , Kings of this Realm , shall have full power and authority from time to time to visit , repress , reform , order , correct , &c. all such Errours , heresies , abuses , offences , contemp●s , and enormities whatsoever they be , &c. as may be most to the pleasure of Almighty God , the increase of vir●●e in Christs Religion , and for the peace , unity , and tranquillity of this Realm , and the confirmation of the same . So that you see these several ways of ordering matters for the Publick weal and governance of the Church ; First by such ancient Canons and Constitutions , as being made in former times , are still in force ; Secondly , by such n●w Canons as are , or shall be made in Convocation , with , and by the Kings Consen● ; And Thirdly , by the authority of the Soveraign Prince , according to the Precedent● laid down in the book 〈…〉 , and the best ag●s of the Church . Concerning which you must remember what was said before , viz. That the Statutes which concern the Kings Supremacy are Declaratory of an old power onely , not Introd●ctory of a new ; which said , we shall the better see whether the Parliament have had any thing to do either in making Canons , or prescribing Orders for the regulating of Spiritual and Ecclesiastical matters , and unto whom the same doth of right belong according to the Laws of the Realm of England . And first , King Henry being restored to his Headship or Supremacy ( call it which you will ) did not conceive himself so absolute in it ( though at the first much enamoured of it ) as not sometimes to take his Convocation with him , but at all ●imes to be advised by his Prelates , when he had any thing to do that concerned the Church ; for which there had been no provision made by the a●cient Canons , grounding most times , his Edicts and ●njuncti●ns Royal , upon their advise and re●●lution . For on this groun● ▪ I mean the judgement and conclusions of his Convocation , did he set out the 〈◊〉 of the yea● 1536. for the abo●●shing of superstitious Holy days , the ex●erminating o● the Popes authority , the publishing of the book o● Articles , which before we spake of ●um . 8. by all Parsons , Vica●s and Curates ; for preaching down the use of Im●ges , Reliques , Pilgrimag●s and supe●stitious Miracles ; for rehea●sing o●enly in the Church , in the English ●ongue ; the Creed , the Pater noster , and the ten Commandements ; for the due and r●verend minist●i●g of the Sacraments and Sacramentals ; for providing English Bible● to be set in every Church for the use of the people ; for the regular and sober life of Clergy men , and the relief of the poor . And on the other side , the King proceeded sometimes onely by the advise of his Prelates , as in the Injunctions of the year 1538. for quarte●ly Sermons in e●ch Parish ; for admitting non● to preach but men sufficien●ly Licenced ; for keeping a Register book of Christnings , Weddings , and Burials ; for the due paying of T●thes , as had been acc●stomed ; for the abolishing of the commemoration of S● . Thomas Becket ; For singing a Parce nobis Domine , in stead of Ora pr●nobis , and the like to these . And of this sort were the Injunctions which came o●t in some years succeeding , for the taking away of Images and Reliques , with all the Ornaments of the same ; and all the Monum●n●s and writings of feigned Miracles , and for restraint of of●●ring or setting up Lights in any Churches , but onely to the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar , in which he was directed chiefly by Archb●shop Cra●●er ; a● also those for eating of white meats in the 〈◊〉 of Lent , the abolishing the Fast on St ▪ Marks day ▪ and the ridiculous ( but supe●stitious sports accustomably used on the days of St. Cl●ment , St. Catherine and St. Ni●holas . All which and more was d●ne in the said Kings Reign without help of Parliament . For which I shall re●er you to the Acts and Mon. fol. 1385 , 1425 1441. The like may also be af●irmed of the Inju●ctions published in the name of K. E. 6. An. 1547. and printed also then for the use of the Subjects ▪ And of the several Letters missive which went forth in his Name , prohibiting the bearing of Candles one Candlemas day : of Ashes in Lent , and of Palms on Palm-sunday ; for the taking down of all the Images throughout the Kingdom ; for administring the Communion in both kinds , dated March 13. 1548. for abrogating of p●ivate Mas●es , Iune 24 ▪ 1549. for bri●ging in all Miss●ls , Graduals , Processionals , Legends and Ordinals about the latter end o●December of the same year : ●or taking down of Altars , and setting up Tables in stead the●eof , An. 1550. and the like to these : All which part●cu●ars you have in 〈◊〉 book of Act● and Mon. in King Edwards life , which whether they were done of the Kings meer motion , or by advice of his Counc●l , or by co●sultation with his Bishops ( ●or there is little left upon R●cord of the Convoca●ions of that time , more then the Articles of the year 1552 ) ce●tain I am that there was nothing done , nor yet p●e●ended to be done in all these particulars by the authority o●Parliament . Thus also in Qu. Elizabe●hs time , before the new B●shops were well setled , and the Q●een as●ured of the af●ections of her Clerg● , she went that way to work in the Reformation , which not onely her two Predeces●ors , 〈◊〉 all the Godly Kings and Princes in the Jewish State , and many o● th●Christian Emperours in the Primitive times had done before her , in the well ordering o● the Church and peop●e committed to their care and government by Almighty God ; and to that end she published her Injunctions , An. 1559. A book of Orde●s ▪ An. 1561. Another of Advertisements , An. 1562. All tending unto Reformation , unto the building up of the new Ierusalem , with the advise and counsel of the Metropolitan ▪ and some other godly Prela●es , who were then ab●ut her , by whom they were agreed on and subscribed unto , before they were presented to her , without the least concurrence of her Court of Parli●ment . But when the times were better se●led , and the first di●●icul●ies of her Reign passed over , she left Church work to the disposing of Church-men , who by their place and calling were most proper for i● ; and they being met in C●●vocation , and thereto authorised as the laws required , did make and publish several books of Canons , as viz. 1571. An. 1584. An. 1597. Which being confirmed by the Queen und●r the broad seal of England ▪ were in force of Laws to all intents and purposes which they were first made ; but being confirmed without those formal words , Her Heirs and Successors , are not binding now , but expired together with the Queen . No Act of Pa●liame●t required to confirm them then , nor never required ever since , on the like occasion . A fuller evidence whereof w● cannot have , then in the Canons of the year , 1603. being the first year of King Iames , made by the Clergie , onely in the C●nvo●●tion , and confirmed onely by the King ▪ for though the old Canons were in force , which had been made before the submis●ion of the Clergie , as before I shewed you , which served in all these wavering and un●etled t●mes , for the perpetu●l standing rule of the Churches govenment ; yet many new emergent c●se● did require new ●ules , and whilest th●re is a possibility of Mali mores ; there will be a necessity of bona Leges . Now in the confirmation of these Canons we shall find it thus , That the Cl●rgy being met in their Convocatio● , according to the Tenour and effect of his Majesties Writ , his M●j●sty was pleased by virtue of his Prerogativ● Royal and Supream authori●y in causes Ecclesiastical , to give and grant un●o them by his Letters Patents dated Apr. 12. and Iun. 25. full , free , and lawfu●l liberty , licence , power and authority , to convene , treat , debate , consider , consult , and agree upon such Canons , Or●ders , Ordinances , and Constitutions , as they should think neces●ary , fit and convenient for the honor and service of Almighty God , the good and quiet of the Church , and the better government thereof from time to time , &c. to be kept by all perso●s within this Realm , as far as lawfully , being members o● the Church it may concern them , which being agreed on by the Cl●rgie , and by them presented to the King , humbly requiring him to give his royal as●ent unto them , according to the Statute made in the 25 of K. H. 8 , and by his Majesties Prerogative and Supream authority in Ecclesiastical causes to ratifie and confirm the same , his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his Letters Patents , for himself , his heirs , and lawfull successours , straightly commanding and requiring all his loving Subj●cts , dilig●ntly to observe , execute , and keep the same in all points , wherein they do or may concern all or any of them . No running to the Parliament to confirm these Canons , nor any question made till this present by temperate and knowing men , that there wanted any act for their confirmation which the law could give them . 7. An Answer to the main Objections of either Party . BUt against this , all which hath been said before , it will be objected , ●hat being the Bishops of the Church are fully and wholly Parliamentarian , and have no more authority and jurisdiction , nisi a Parliamentis derivatum , but that which is con●erred upon them by the power of Parliam●nts , as both Sanders and Schultingius do expresly say , whatsoever they shall do o● conclude upon , either in Convocation , or in more private conferences may be called P●rli●men●arian also . And this last calumny they build on the sev●ral St●tutes 24. H 8. c. 12. touching the manner of e●ecting and consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops , that of the 1 E. 6. c. 2. appointing how they shall be chosen , and what sea●s they sha●l u●e ; th●se of 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. & 5 ▪ & 6. E. 6. ●or authorizing of the book of Ordination . But ch●●fly that of the 8 Eliz. c. 1. for making good all Acts since ▪ 1 Eliz. in co●s●crating , any Arch Bishop or Bishop within this Rea●m . ●o give a general answer to each several cavil , you may please to know ; that the Bishops as they now stand in the Church of England , derive their calling together with their authority and power in Spiritual mat●ers , from no other hands , then those of Christ and his Apostles , their Temporal honors and pos●●●●ions , from the bounty and affection onely of our Kings & Princes , their Ecclesiastical juri●diction in ca●ses Matrimonial , Testamentary and the like , for which no action lieth at the common Law , from continuall usage and prescription ; and ratified and continued unto them in the Magna Charta of this Realm , and 〈◊〉 more unto the Parliament than all sort of subjects do besid●s , whose fortunes and estates have been occasionally and collaterally confirmed in Parliament . And as for the particular Statutes which are touched upon , that of the 24 H. 8. do●h only constitute and ordain a way by which they might be chose and con●ecrated , without recourse to Rome for a con●irmation ▪ which formerly had put the Pr●lates to great charge and trouble ; but for the form and ma●ner of their consecration , the Sta●u●e leaves it to those Rites and Ceremonies wherewith before it was perfo●●ed , and therefore Sanders doth not stick to affirm , that all the Bishops which were made in King Henries days were lawfully and Canonically ordained and cons●crated , the Bishops of that time , not on●ly being acknowledged in Queen Maries days for lawfull and Canonical Bishops , but called on to assist at the consecration of such other Bishops ( Car●inal Pool himself for one ) as were promoted in her Reign , whereof see Masons book de Minist. Ang. l. c. 〈◊〉 Next for the Statute 1 E. 6. cap. 2. besides that it is satisfied in part by the former Answer as it relates to their Canon●cal Consecrations , it was repeaeld to T●rminis in the first of Queene Maries Reigne , and never stood in ●orce nor practise to this day ▪ That of the authorizing of the booke of Ordination in two severall Parliaments of that King , the one a parte ante , and the other a parte post , as before I told you , m●ght indeed seeme somewhat to the purpose , if any thing were wan●ing in it which had beene used i● the formula's of the Primitive times , or if the book had be●n composed in Pa●liament , or by Parliament men , or otherwise received more authority from them , then that i● might be lawfully used and exerc●sed th●oughou● the Kingdome . But it is pl●in , that none of these things were o●jected 〈◊〉 Queen Maries day●● , when the P●pists stood m●st upon their points ▪ 〈◊〉 Ordinal being not ●a●led in , because it had too much of the Parliament , bu● becau●e it had too l●ttle of the Pope , and re●sh●d too strongly of the P●imitive piety . And for the S●atute o● 8 of Qu. Eliz●beth , which is chiefly stood on , all that was done therein was no more then thi● , and on this occasion . A question had been m●de by captiou● and unquiet men , and amongst the rest by Doctor B●nner , sometimes Bishop of London , whether the Bishops of those times were law●ully ordained or not ; the reason of the doub● being this ( which I marvell Mason did not s●e ) because the ●ook of Ordination which was annulled and ab●ogated in the 〈◊〉 of Queen Mary ▪ had not been yet restored , and revived by any legal Act o● Qu. Elizabeths time ; which Cau●e being brought before the P●rliamen● in the 8 year of her Reign , th●P●rli●ment took notice first , that their not restoring of tha● booke 〈…〉 fo●mer power in ter●s significant and expresse , was but 〈…〉 , and then declare , that by the Stature 5 and 6 E. 6. it had been 〈◊〉 to the book of Common-pr●yer and Administration of the Sacram●nss , as a member of it , at least as an App●●dant to it , and therefore by the Sta●u●e 1 Eliz. c. ● . was restored again together with the s●id boo● 〈◊〉 Common-prayer , intentionally at the least , if not in Terminis . But 〈…〉 words in the said Statute were not clear enough to remove all doub●s they therefore did revive now , and did accordingly enact , That whatso●ve● had been done by vertue of that Ordination , should be good in Law , 〈…〉 the total of the Statute , and this shews rather in my judgement , tha● the Bishops of the Queens first times had too little of the Parliament in them , then that they were conceived to have had too much . And so I come to your la●t Objection , which concerns the Parliament , whose entertaining all occasions to manifest their power in Ecclesiasticall mat●●●● , doth seeme to you to make that groundlesse sl●nder of the P●pists the more fair and pla●sible . 'T is true , indeed , that many Members of both Houses in these latter Times , have been ●een very ready to embrace all businesses which are offered to them , out of a probable hope of drawing the managery of all Affairs , as well Ecclesiastical as Civil , into their own hands . And some there are , who being they cannot hope to have their fancies authorized in a regular way , do put them upon such designs , as neither can consist with the nature of Parliaments , nor the authority of the King , nor with the priviledges of the Clergy ; nor , to say truth , with the esteem and reputation of the Church of Christ . And this hath been a practice even as old as Wicklisse , who in the time of K. R. 2. addressed his Petition to the Parliament ( as we read in Walsingham ) for the reformation of the Clergy , the rooting out of many false and erroneous Tenents , and for establishing of his own Doctrines ( who though he had some Wheat , had more Tares by ods ) in the Church of England . And lest he might be thought to have gone a way , as dangerous and unjustifiable , as it was strange and new , he laid it down for a position , That the Parliament , or Temporal Lords ( where by the way this ascribes no authority or power at all to the House of Commons ) might lawfully examine and reform the Disorders and Corruptions of the Church , and a discovery of the errors and corruptions of it , devest her of all Tithes and Temporal endowments , till she were reformed . But for all this , and ( more then this ) for all he was so strongly back●d by the Duke of Lancaster , neither his Petition nor his Position found any welcome in the Parliament , further then that it made them cast many a longing eye on the Churches pa●rimony ; or produced any other effect towards the work of reformation , which he chiefly aimed at , then that it hath since served for a precedent to Penry , Pry● , and such like troublesome and unquiet spirits , to disturb the Church , and set on foot those dreams and dotages , which otherwise they du●st not publish . And to say truth , as long as the Clergy were in power , and had authority in Convocation to do what th●y would in matters which concerned Religion ; those of the Parliament conceived it neither safe nor fitting to intermeddle in such business as concerned the Clergy , for fear of being questioned for it at the Churches Bar. But when that Power was lessened ( though it were not lost ) by the submission of the Clergy to K. H. 8. and by the Act of the Supremacy which ensued upon it ; then did the Parliaments begin to intrench upon the Churches Rights , to offer at , and entertain such businesses , as formerly were held peculiar to the Clergy only ; next , to dispute their charters and reverse their priviledges ; and finally , to impose some hard Lawes upon them . And of these notable incroachments , Matthew Parker thus complains in the life of Cranmer , Qua Ecclesiasticarum legum potestate abdicata , populus in Parliamento coepit de rebus divinis inconsulto Clero Sancire , tum al s●ntis C●eri privileg●a sensim de●rahere , ju●a●● duriora quibus Cl●rus invitus teneretur , Constituere . But these were only tentamenta , offers and undertakings only , and no more then so . Neither the Parliaments of K Edward , or Q. Elizabeths time knew what it was to make Committees for Religion , or thought it fit that Vzzah should support the A●k ▪ though he saw it tottering . That was a work belonging to the Levites only , none of the other Tribes were to meddle with it . But as the ●uritan Faction grew more strong and active , so they applyed themselves more openly to the Houses of Parliament , but specially to the House of Commons ; p●tting all power into their hands , as well in Ecclesiastical and spiritual Causes , as in matt●rs Temporal . This , amongst others , confidently affirmed by Mr. Pryn , in the Epistle to his book called Anti-Arminianism , where he a●ers , That all our Bishops , our Ministers , our Sacraments , our Consecration , our Articles of Religion , our Homilies , Common-prayer Book , yea , and all the Religion of the Church , is no other way publiquely received , supported , or established amongst us , but by Acts of Parliament . And this not only since the time of the Reformation , but that Religion and Church affairs were determined , ratified , declared , and ordered by Act of Parliament , and no waies else , even then when Popery and Church-men had the grea●●● 〈◊〉 . Which strange assertion falling from the pen of so great a 〈◊〉 , was forthwith cheerfully received amongst our Pharisces , who hoped to have the highest places , not only in the Synagogue , but the Court of Sanhedrim , advancing the Authority of Parliaments to so high a pitch , that by degrees they fastened on them , both an infallibility of judgement , and an ●mnipotency of power . Nor can it be denied ( to deal truly with you ) but that they met with many apt scholars in that House , who either out of a desire to bring all the grist to their own Mill , or willing to enlarge the great power of Parliaments , by making new precedents for Posterity , or out of faction , or affection , or what else you please , began to put their Rules in practise , and draw all matters whatsoever within the cognizance of that Court ; In which their embracements were at last so general , and that humour in the House so prevalent ; that one being once demanded , what they did amongst them , returned this answer , That they were making a new Creed : Another being heard to say , That he could not be quiet in his conscience , till the holy Text should be confirmed by an Act of theirs : Which passages , if they be not true and real , ( as I have them from an honest hand ) I assure you they are bitter jests . But this , although indeed it be the sicknesse and disease of the present Times , and little to the honour of the Court of Parliament , can be no prejudice at all to the way and means of the Reformation ; amongst sober and discerning men , the Doctrine of the Church being setled , the Liturgy published and confirmed , the Can●ns authorized and executed , when no such humour was predominant , nor no such power pretended to , by both or either of the Houses of Parliament . But here perhaps it will be said that we are fallen into Charyb●is by avoiding S●yl●a , and that endevouring to stop the mouth of this Popish Calumny , we have set open a wide gap to another no lesse scandalous of the Presbyterians ; who being as professed enemies of the Kings as the Popes Supremacy , and noting that strong influence which the King h●●h had in Ecclesiastical affairs since the first attempts for Reformation , have charg'd it as reproachfully on the Church of England , and the Religion here est●blished , 〈…〉 and a Regal-Gospel . But the Answer unto this is 〈◊〉 For first the Kings intended by the Objectors , did not act much in order to the Reformation ( as appears by that which hath been said ) but either by the advice and cooperation of the whole Clergy of the Realm in their Convocations , or by the Counsel and consent of the Bishops and most eminent Church-men in particular Conferences : which made it properly the work of the Clergy only , the Kings no otherwise then as it was propounded by him , or finally confirmed by the Civil S●nction . And secondly , had they done more in it then they did , they had been warranted so to do by the Word of God ; who hath committed unto Kings and soveraign Princes a Supreme or supereminent power , not only in all matters of a Temporal , or secular nature , but in such a● do concern Religion and the Church of Christ . And so S ▪ Augustine hath resolved it in his thi●d Book against Cres●onius . In hoc Reges sicut iis divinitus praecipitur : ( pray you note that well ) Deo serviunt in quantum Reges sunt , si in suo Regno bona jubeant , mala prohibeant , non solum quae p●rtinent ad humanam societatem , verum etiam ad Divinam Religionem . Which words of his ●●emed so significant and convincing unto Hart the Iesuite , that being shewed the Tractate writ by Dr. Nowell against Dorman the Priest in the beginning of Q Elizabeths time , and finding how the case was stated by that reverend person , he did ingenu●usly confesse , that there was no authority ascribed to the Kings of England in Ecclesiastical affaire , but what was warranted unto them by that place of Augustine . The like affirmed by him that calleth himself Francis●us de S. Cl●ra , though a Iesuite too ( that you may see how much more candid and ingenuous the Iesuites are in this point then the Presbyterians ) in his Examen of the Articles of the Church of England . But hereof you may give me opportunity to speak more hereafter , when you propose the Doubts which you say you have , relating to the King , the Pope , and the Churches Protestant , and therefore I shall say no more of it at the present time . SECT. II. The manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified . HItherto I had gone in order to your satisfaction and communicated my conceptions in writing to you , when I received your letter of the 4. of Ianuary , in which you signified the high contentment I had given you , in cond●scending to your weaknesse , ( as you pleased to call it ) and freeing you from those doubts which lay heaviest on you . And therewithall you did request me to give you leave to propound those other Scruples which were yet behinde , relating to the King , the Pope and the Protestant Churches , either too little or too much looked after in the Reformation . And first you say it is complained of by some Zelots of the Church of Rome , that the Pope was very hardly and unjustly dealt with in being deprived of the Supremacy so long enjoyed and exercised by his predecessors , and that it was an innovation no lesse strange then dangerous to settle it upon the King. 2. That the Church of England ought not to have proceeded to a Reformation without the Pope , considered either as the Patriarch of the Western world , or the Apostle in particular of the English Nation . 3. That if a Reformation had been found so necessary , it ought to have been done by a General Councel , at least with the consent and co-operation of the Sister-Churches , especially of those who were engaged at the same time in the same designs . 4. That in the carrying on of the Reformation the Church proceeded very unadvisedly , in letting the people have the Scriptures and the publique Liturgie in the ●ulgar tongue , the dangerous consequents whereof are now grown too visible . 5. That the proceedings in the point of the Common-prayer Book were meerly Regall , the body of the Clergy not consulted with , or consenting to it ; and consequently not so Regular as we fain would have it . And 6. That in the power of making Canons and determining matters of the Faith , the Clergy have so ●ettered and in●angled themselves by the Act of Submission , that they can neither meet , deliberate , concl●de nor ●x●cute , but as they are enabled by the Kings authority , which is a Vassallage inconsistent with their native Libertie● , and not agreeable to the usage of the Primitive times . These are the points in which you now desire to have satisfaction , and you shall have it in the best way I am able to do it , that so you may be freed hereafter from such ●roubles and Disputants , as I perceive have laboured to perplex your thoughts , and make you lesse affectionate then formerly to the Church your Mother . 1. That the Church of England did not innova●e in the Ej●ction of the Pope , and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown . And in this point you are to know that it hath been and still is the general and constant judgement of the greatest Lawyers of this Kingdome , that the vesting of the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm , was not Introductory of any new Right or Power which was not in the Crown before , but Declaratory of an old , which had been anciently and original●y inherent in it , though of late Times usurped by the Popes of Rome , and in Abeyance at that time , as our Lawyers phrase it . And they have so resolved it upon very good 〈◊〉 ●●he principal manag●ry of 〈◊〉 which conce●n Religion being a flower inseparably annexed to the ●egal Diadem , not proper and peculiar only to the Kings of England , but to all Kings and Princes in the Church of God , and by them exercised and enjoyed accordingly in their times and places . For who , I pray you , we●e the men in the Iewish Church who destroy●d the Idols of that people , cut down the Groves , demolished the high places , and brake in pi●ces the Brazen Serpent , when abused to Idolatry ? Were they not the godly King● and Prince● only which sw●y●● 〈◊〉 Scepter of that Kingdom● ? And though ' ●is possible 〈◊〉 that they might do it by the counsel and advice of the High Priests of that Nation , or of some of the more godly Priests and Levites ( who had a zeal unto the L●w of the most high God ) yet we finde nothing of it in the holy Scripture ; the merit of these Reformations which were made occasionally in that faulty Church , being ascribed unto their Kings , and none but them . Had they done any thing in this which belonged not to their place and calling , or by so doing had intrenched on the Office of the Pri●sts and Levites , that God who punished Vzzah for attempting to support the Arke when he saw it tot●ering , and smote Osias with a Leprosie for burning incense in the Temple ( things which the Priests and Levites only were to meddle in ) would not have suffered those good Kings to have gone unpunished , or at least uncensured , how good so●ver their intentions and 〈◊〉 we●e . Nay , on the contrary , when any thing was amis●e in the Church of Iewry , the King● , and not the 〈◊〉 were admonished of it , and reproved for it by the Prophets ; which sheweth that they were trusted with the Reformation , and none else but they . Is it not also said of David , that he distributed the Priests and Levites into several Classes , alot●e● to them the particular times of their Ministration , and designed them unto several Offices in the Publick Service ? Iosephus adding to these passages of the Holy Writ , That he c●mposed Hymns and Songs to the Lord his God , and made them to be sung in the Congregation , as an especial part of the publick Liturgy . Of which , although it may be said that he composed those Songs and Hymns by vertue of his Prophetical Spirit , yet he imposed them on the Church , appointed singing-men to sing them , and prescribed Vestments also to thes●singing-men , by no other power then the regal only : None of the Pri●sts consulted in i● , for ought yet appears . The like authority was ●xercised and enjoyed by the Christian Emperors , not only in their calling Councels , and many times assisting at them , or presiding in them by themselves , or their Deputies , or Commissioners ; but also in confirming the Acts thereof . He that consults the C●de and 〈◊〉 in the Civil Lawes , will finde the best Princes to have been most active in things which did concern Religion , in regulating matters of the Church , and setting out their Imperial Edicts for suppressing of Hereticks . Quid Im●eratori cum Ecclesia ? What hath the Emperor to d● in matters which concern the Church ? is one of the chief Brand marks which Optatus sets upon the Donatists . And though some Christians of the East have in the way of scorn had the name of Melchites ( men of the Kings Religion , as the word doth intimate ) b●cause they adhered unto those Doctrines which the Emperors , agreeable to former Councels , had confirmed and ratified : yet the best was , that none but Sectaries and Hereticks put that name upon them . Neither the men , nor the Religion was a ●ot the worse . Nor did they only deal in matters of Exterior Order , but even in Doctrinals , matters intrinsecal to the Faith ; for which their Enoticon set out by the Emperor Zeno for setling differences in Religion , may be proof suffici●n●● The like authority was exercised and enjoyed by Charles the Great , when he attained the Western Empire , as the Capitula●s published in hi● Name , and in the names of his Successors , do most clearly evidence ; and not much lesse enjoyed and practis●d by the Kings of England in the elder Times , though more obnoxious to the power of the Pope of Rome , by reason of his Apostleship ( if I may so call it ) : the Christian Faith being first preached unto the English Saxons , by such as he employed in that holy Work . The instance● whereof dispersed in several places of our English Histories , and other Monuments and Records which concern this Church , are handsomely summed up together by Sir Edward Coke in the fift part of his Reports , if I well remember ▪ but I am sure in Cawd●ies Case , entituled , De Iure Regis Ecclesiastico . And though Parsons ( the Iesuite ) in his Answer unto that Report , hath took much pains to vindicate the Popes Supremacy in this Kingdome , from the first planting of the Gospel among the Saxons ; yet all he hath effected by it , proves no more th●n this , That the Popes , by permission of some weak Princes , did exercise a kinde of concurrent jurisdiction here with the Kings themselves , but came not to the full and entire Supremacy , till they had brought all other Kings and Princes of the Western Empire ; nay ▪ even the Emperors themselves under their command . So that when the Supremacy was recognized by the Clergy in their Convocation●o K. H. 8. it was only the restoring of him to his proper and original power , invaded by the Popes of these later Ages ; though possi●ly the Title of Supreme Head seemed to have somewhat in it of an 〈◊〉 . At which Title , when the Papists generally and Calvin in his Comment on the Prophet Amos , did seem to be much scandaliz●d , it was with much wisdome changed by Q. Elizabeth into that of Supreme Governour , which is still in use . And when that also would not down with some queasie stomachs , the Queen her self by her Injunctions , published in the first year of her Reign , and the Clergy in their Book of Articles agreed upon in Convocation about five years a●ter , did declare and signifie , That there was no authority in s●cred matters contained under that Title , but that only Prerogative which had b●en given alwaies to all godly Princes in holy Scriptu●es by God himself ; that i● , That they should rule all Estates and degrees committ●d to their change by God , whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal , and to restrain , with the Civil Sword , the stubborn and evil d●ers ; as also to exclude thereby the Bishop of Rome from having any jurisdiction in the Realm of England , Artic. 37. Lay this unto the rest before , and tell me ( if you c●n ) what hath been acted by the Kings of England in the Reformation of Religion , but what is warranted unto them by the practise and example of the most godly Kings of Iewry , seconded by the most godly Emperor● in the Christian Church , and by the usage also of their own Predecessors in this Kingdome , till Papal Usurpation carried all before it . And being that all the Popes pretended to in this Realm was but Usurpation , it was no wrong to take that from him which he had no right to , and to restore it at the last to the proper Owner . Neither Prescription on the one side , nor discontinuance on the other , change the case at all : that noted Maxim of our Lawyers that no prescription●indes the King ( or Nullum tempus occurrit Regi , as their own words are ) being as good against the Pope , as against the Subject . This leads me to the second part of this Dispute , the dispossessing of the Pope of that supreme Power , so long enjoyed and exercised in this Realm by his Predecessors . To which we say that though the pretensions of the Pope were antient , yet they were not Primitive : and therefore we may answer in our Saviours words , Ab initio non ●uit sic , it was not so from the beginning . For it is evident enough in the course of story , that the Pope neither claimed nor exercised any such Supermacy within this Kingdome in the first Ages of this Church , nor in many after ; till by gaining from the King the 〈◊〉 of Bishops under Henry the ● . the exemption of the Clergy from the Courts of Justice ●nder Henry the 2. and the submission of King Iohn to the See of Rome , they found themselves of strength sufficient to make good their Plea . And though by the like artifices , seconded by some Texts of Scripture , which the ignorance of those times incouraged them to abuse as they pleased , they had attained the like Supremacy in France , Spain , and Germany , and all the Churches of the West : yet his incroachm●nts wer● opposed , and his authority disputed upon all occasions , especially a● the light of Letters did begin to shine . Insomuch as it was not only determined essentially in the Councel of Constance ( one of the Imperial Cities of High Germany ) that the Councel was above the Pope ; and his Authority much 〈◊〉 by the Pragmatick Sanction , which thence took beginning : but Gerson the learned Chancellor of Paris wrote a full discourse , entituled , De auferibilitate Papae , ●ouching the totall abrogating of the Papall Office ; which certainly he had never done in case the Papall Office had been found ●ssential and of intrinsecal concernment to the Church of Christ . According to the Position of that learned man the greatest Princes in these times did look upon the Pope and the Papall power as an Exc●escence at the best in the body mystical ; subject and fit to be pared off as occasion served : though on self-ends , Reasons of State , and to serve their several turn● by him as their needs required , they did and do permit him to continue in his former greatnesse . For Lewis the 11. King of France in a Councel of his own Bishops held at Lions , cited Pope Iulius the 2. to appear before him : and La●strech Governour of Millaine under Francis the 1. conceived the Popes authority to be so unnecessary ( yea even in Italy it self ) that taking a displeasure against Leo the 10. he outed him of all his jurisdiction within that Dukedome , anno 1528. and so disposed of all Ecclesiasticall affairs ; ut praefecto sacris Bigorrano Episc●po omnia sine Romani Pontificis autoritate admin●strarentur , as Thuanu● hath it , that the Church there was supremely governed by the Bishop of Bigorre ( a Bishop of the Church of France ) without the intermedling of the Pope at all . The like we finde to have been done about six years after , by Charle● the fift Emperor and King of Spain , who being no lesse displeased with Pope Clement the 7. abolished the Papall power and jurisdiction out of all the Churches of his Kingdomes in Spain . Which though it held but for a while , ( till the breach was closed ) yet left he an example by it ( as my A●thor noteth ) Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis autoritatem posse conservari , that there was no necessity of a Pope at all . And when K ▪ Henry the 8. following these examples , had banished the Popes authority out of his Dominions , Religion still rema●ning here as before it did ( he Pope●Supremacy not being at that time an Article of the Christian Faith , as it ha●h since been made by Pope Pius the 4. ) that Act of his was much commended by most knowing men , in that without more alteration in the face of the Church Romanae sedis exuisset obsequium ( saith the Author of the Tridentine History ) he had ●reed himself and all his subjects from so great a Vassa●lage . Now as K. Henry the 8. was not the first Christian P●ince , who did de facto abrogate the Popes authority : so was he not the last that thought it might be abrogated if occasion were . For to say nothing of King Edward the 6. and Queen Elizabeth two of hi● Successo●s , who followed his example in it : we finde it to have been resolved on by K. Henry the 4. of France ▪ who questionlesse had made the Archbishop of Bou●ges the Patriarch of the Gallicane Church , and totally with●rawn it from acknowledging of the authority of the See of Rome , had not Pope Clement the 8. ( much against his will ) by the continual solicitations of Cardinal D' Ossat , admitt●d him to a formal Reconciliation , on his last falling off to popery . How nee● the Signeury of Venice was to have done the like , anno 1608. the History of the Interdict , or of the Quarrel● betwixt that State and Pope Paul the 5. doth most plainly shew . This makes it evident , that in the judgement and esteem of most Christian P●inces ( in other things of the Religion of the Church of Rome ) the Popes Supremacy was looked upon as an incroachment ; and therefore might be abrogated upon bet●●● 〈…〉 been admitted in their several Kingdome● . By cons●quence the doing of it here in England , neither so injurious or unjust as your Zelots make it . 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformation without the Approbation of the Pop● or Church of Rome . But here you say it will be replied , that though the Pope 〈◊〉 not con●id●re● a● the 〈…〉 of the Church ; with reference wher●unto his super eminent jurisdiction was disputed in the former times : yet it cannot be denied with reason , but that he is the Patriarch of these W●stern Churches , and the Apostle in particular of the English Nation . In these respects no Reformation of the Church to be made without him : especially , considering that the Church of England at that time was a Member of the Church of Rome , and therefore to act nothing in that kinde but by consent of the whole ; according to that known Maxim of the Schools , Turpis est pars ea qu●e toti su● non cohaere●t . This though it be a Triple Cord , will be easily broken . For first the P●pe is not the Patriarch of the West . One of the Patri●●●● of the W●st we shall easily grant him ; but that he is the Patriarch we will by no means yeeld . To tell you why we dare not yeeld it , I must put you in minde of these particulars : 1. That all Bishops in respect of their Office or Episcopality are of equall power , whether they be of Rome or Rhegium , of Constantinople or Engubium , of Alexa●dria or of Tanais , as S. Hierom hath it , Potn●ia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel in●eriorem ●piscopum non faci● . A plentiful Revenue and a sorry Competency makes not ( saith he ) one Bishop higher then another in regard of his office , though possibly of more esteem and reputation in the eyes of men . 2. That in respect to Polity and external order , the Bishops antien●ly were disposed of into Sub et supra , according to the Platform of the Roman Empire , agreeable to the good old Rule which we finde mentioned , though not made in the general Councel of Chalc●don , that is to say , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} &c. The 〈…〉 Civil State . 3. That the Rom●n Empire was divided an●iently into 14 Juridical Circuit● , which they called Diocesses , reckoning the Praefecture o●Rome for one of the number : six of the which , that is to say the Diocess●s of Italie , Africk , Spain Britain , Gaul , and Illyricum occidentale , besides the P●aefecture of the City , were under the command of the Western Empero●s , after the Empire was divided into East and West . 4. That in the P●aefecture of the City of Rome were contained no more than the Provinces of Latium , Tuscia , Picenum 〈…〉 and Lucania , in the main land of Italy , t●gether with the Islands of Sicilie , Corsica and Sardinia . 5. That every Province having s●veral Cities , there was ( agreeable to this model ) a Bishop plac●d in every City , a Metropolitan in the chief City of each Province , who had a superintendence over all the Bishops ; and in each Diocesse , a Primate ruling in chief over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces . And 6. though at fi●st only the three Primates or Arch-bishops of Rome , Antioch , and Al●xandria , commonly and in vulgar speech had the name of Patriarchs , by reason of the wealth and greatn●sse of those Cities ( the greatest of the Roman E●pire , and the chief of Europe , Asia , and Africa ) to which the Bishops of Hierusalem and 〈◊〉 were after added : yet were they all of ●qual power am●ng themselve● , and shined with as full a splendor in their proper Orbes as any of the Popes then did in the Sphere of Rome , receiving all their light from the Sun of righteousnesse , not borrowing it from one another ; for which the so much celebrated Canon of the N●cene Councel may may be pro●f su●●icient . If not the Edicts of Ius●inian shall come in to help , by which it was decreed that all Appeals in point of grievance should lie from the Bishop to the Metropolitan , and from the Metropolitans unto the Primates ( the Patriarchs as he cals them ) of the several Diocess●s . By which accompt it doth appear that the Patriarch●te of Rome was an●iently confined within the Praefecture of that City : in which respect as the Provinces subject to the Pope were by Ruffinus called Regiones Suburbicariae , or the City Provinces ; so was the Pope himself called Vrbicus , or the City-Bishop by Optatus A●er . To prove this point more pl●inly by particular instances ▪ I shall take leave to travel over the Western Diocesses , to se● what marks of Independence we can finde among them : such as dissenting in opinion from the Church of Rome , or adhering unto different ceremonies and formes of worship , or otherwise standing in defence of their own authority . And first the Diocesse of Italy , though under the Popes nose ( as we use to say ) was under the command of the Archbishop of Millaine , as the Primate of it : which City is therefore called by Athanasius {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the Metropolis or chief City o●Italy . The Saturdaies fast observed at Rome and not at Millaine , ( Quando Romae sum jejuno Sabbato , quum hic sum non jejuno Sabbato , as S. Ambrose hath it ) shewes clearly that the one had no d●pendence upon the other . And yet the diff●rence of Divine Offices or Formes of worship is a more pregnant proof then this : the Churches of Millain officiating for many ages by a Liturgie which S. Ambrose had a special hand in ; they of the Patriarchate of Rome following the old Roman Missals , not fully finished and compleated till the time of Pope Gregory . Whence the distinction of Ecclesiae Ambrosianae & Ecclesiae Gregorianae , extant in Bonaventure and others of the writers of the later times . Crosse we the Seas unto the Diocesse of Africk , governed in chief by the P●imate or Archbishop of Carthage : and there we finde S. Cyprian determining against Pope Stephen in the then controverted case of Rebaptization ; and calling him ( in his Epistle of Pompeius ) an obstinate and presumptuous man , and a fauter of Hereticks : no very great tokens of subjection , if you mark it well . The error of his judgement in the point debated I regard not here ; but I am sure that in defence of his authority and jurisdiction , he was right enough : and therein strongly seconded by the African Church , opposing the incroachments of Zosimus , Boniface , and Celestine , succeeding one another in the Roman Patr●archa●e ; prohibiting all appeals to Rome in the Councels of Milevis and Carthage ; and finally ●xcommunicating Lupicinus for appealing to Pope Leo the first , contrary to the rites and liberties of the African Church . Next for the Diocesse of Spain , I look upon the Musarabick Liturgie composed by Isidore , Archbishop of Sevil , and universally received in all the Churches of that Continent 〈…〉 as the Am●rosian Office was in the Church of M●llain ; the Roman or Gregorian Missal not being used in all this Countrey till the year 1083. At which time one Bernard a Frenchman and a great stickler in behalf of the Roman Ceremonies , being made Archbishop of Toledo , by practising with Alfonso the then King of Castile , first introduced the Roman Missall into some of the Churches of that City , and after by degrees into all the rest of those Kingdomes : soon after the Chu●ches of France , the greatest and most noble part of the Gallick Diocesse , they were originally under the authority of the Bishop of Lions , as their proper Primate , not owing any sui● of s●rvice to the Court of Rome ; but standing on their own Basis , and acting all 〈…〉 did . The freedome wherewith I●enaeu● the renowned 〈◊〉 of that City reproved the rashnesse of Pope Victor ( in the Case of Easter ) not well becoming an inferi●r Bishop to the Supreme Pastor : shewes plainly that they stood on even ground , and had no advantage of each other in respect of sub & supra , as Logicians say : notwithstanding that more powerful Principality ( potentior principalitas , as the Latin : hath it ) which Irenaeus did allow him over those at home . But a more evident proof of this there can hardly be then those large lib●rties and freedomes which the Church Gallican doth at this time enjoy ; the remainders past all doubt of those antient rights which under their own Patriarch they were first possessed of : not suffering the Decrees of the Councel of Trent ( that great supporter of the Pop●dome ) to take place amongst them , but as insensi●ly and by the practises of some Bishop● they were introduced ; cu●bing the Popes exorbitant power by the pragmatick Sanction , and by the frequent Judgements and Arrests of Parliament : insomuch ●s a Book of Cardinal 〈◊〉 tending to the advancement of the Papall Monarchy , and another writ by Becanus the Iesuite●nti●uled Controv●rsia Anglicana in maintenance of the Popes supremacy , we●e supp●essed and cen●u●ed , anno 1612. Another writ by ●asp●r Schioppius to the same effect ( but with ●ar lesse modesty ) being at the same time burnt by the hands of the Hangman . Finally , for the Churches of the Diocesse of Britain ( those of Illyricum lying too far off to be brought in here ) they had their own Primate also the Archbishop of York , and under him two Metropolit●n● , the Bishops of London and Caer-leon . And for a character of their Freedome or self subsistence , they had four different customes from the Church of Rome , as in the Tonsure , and the keeping of the Feast of Easter , wherein they followed the Tradition of the Eastern Churches : So firm withall in their obedience to their own Primate , the Archbishop of Ca●r-leon on Vsh ( the only Archbishop of three which before they had ) that they would by no means yeeld sub●ection unto Augustine the Monk , the first Archbishop of the English , though he came armed amongst them with the Popes authority . Nor would they afterwards submit unto his successors , though backed by the authority of the Kings of England , acknowledging no other Primate but the Bishop of St. Davids ( to which the Metropolitan See was then translated ) untill the time of Henry the 2. when the greatest part of South Wales and the City of S. Davids it self was in possession of the English . These were the Patriarchs or Primates of the Western Churches , and by these Primates the Church was either governed singly ( but withall supremely ) in their several Diocesses , ( taking the word Diocese in the former notion ) or in conjunction each with other by their letters of advice and intercourse , which they called Literas Formatas and Communicatorias . You see by this that though the Pope was one of the Western Patriarchs , yet was he not originally and by primitive Insti●ution , either the Patriarch of the West , ( that is to say not the only one ) nor could pretend unto their Rights , as any of their Sees were ruined by the barbarous Nations : and consequently his consent not necessary to a Reformation beyond the bounds of his own Patriarchate , under that pretence . Let us next see what power he can lay claim unto , as the Apostle in particular of the English Nation . Which memorable title I shall never grudge him . I know well not only that the wife of Ethelbert King of Kent , a Christian and a daughter of France had both her Chappel and her Chappellane in the Palace Royal , before the first preaching of Austin the Monk ; but that the Britains living intermixt with the Saxons for so long a time , may be supposed in probability and reason to have gained some of them to the Faith . But let the Pope enjoy this honour , let Gregory the Great be the Apostle of the English Saxons , by whom that Augustine was sent hither : yet this en●i●uleth his Successors to no higher Prerogatives then the Lords own Apostles did think fit to claim in Countreys which they had converted . For neither were the English Saxons Baptized in the name of the Pope ( they had been then Gregoriani and not Christiani ) ; or looked upon him as the Lord of this part of Gods 〈…〉 S. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles did disclaim the one ; S. Peter the Apostle of the Iewes did disswade the other . The Anglican Church was absolute and Independent from the first beginning , not tyed so much as to the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome : it being left by Gregory to the discretion of Augustine , out of the Rites and Rubricks of such Churches as he met with in his journey hither ( these of Italie and France he means ) to constitute a form of worship for the Church of England . And for a further proof hereof , he that consults the Saxon Councels collected by that learned and ind●striou● Gentleman Sir H ▪ Spelman , will finde how little there was in them of a Papall influence , from the first planting of the Gospel to the Norman Conquest . If we look lower we shall finde , that the Popes Legat a Latere whensoever sent , durst not set foot on English ground , till he was licensed and indemnified by the Kings Authority : but all Ap●eals in case of grievance were to be made ( by a Decree of Henry the 2. ) from the Archdeacon to the Bishop , from the Bishop to the Metropolita● , Et si Archiepiscopus defecerit in justitia exhibenda , ad Dominum Regem deveniendum est postremo , and last of all from the Metropolitan to the King himself ; no Appeal hence unto the Pope as in other places , that the Clergy of this land had a self-authority of treating and concluding in any businesse which concerned their own peace and happinesse , without resorting ●o the Pope for a confirmation . Out of which Canons and Determinations made amongst our s●lve● , Lindwood composed his Provincial ( though framed according to the method of the Roman D●cretal ) to be the standing body of ou●Common-Law : that on the other side neither the Canons of that Church , or Decretals of the Popes were c●ncluding here , but either by a voluntary submission of some ●●●ning and ambitiou● P●●lates , or as they were received Synodically by the English Cle●gy ; of which the con●●itutions made by O●he and Otheb●n Leg●ts a l●tere from the Pope may be proof sufficient : a●d finally that Ans●●m the A●chbish●p of Canterbury , was welcomed by Pope V●ban the 2. to the Councel of B●ri in Apulia , tanquam alterius orbis Papa , as in William of Malmesbury ; tanquam Patriarcham & Apostolicum , as Iohn Capgrave hath it ▪ as the Pope , Patriarch , and Apostolick P●●●or of another World ( Divisos orbe Brita●●os , as you know who said ) . Which ti●les questionlesse the Pope would n●ver have con●●●red upon him , had he not been as ●bsolute and supreme in his own jurisdiction ( succeeding in the Patriarchal Rights of the British Diocesse ) as the Pope was within the Churches ●ubject unto his Au●●ority . And this perh●ps might be the reason why Innocent the 2. bestow●d on Theobald ( the third from Ans●lm ) and on his Su●cesso●s in that S●e , the Title of Legati n●ti ; that they might seem to act rather in the time to come as Servants and Ministers to the Pope , then as the Primates●nd chief Pastors of the Church of England . And by all this it may appear that the Popes Apostleship was never looked on here as a matter of so great concernment , that the Church might not lawfully proceed to a R●formation without his allowance and consent . Were that plea good , the Germans might not lawfully have reformed themselves , without the allowance of the English : it being evident in story that not only Boniface Archbishop of Men●z , called generally the Apostle of Germany , was an Engglish man ; but that Willibald the first Bishop of Eystel , Willibad●he first Bishop of Bremen , Willibrod the first Bishop of Vtreoht , Swibert the first Bishop of Vir●●em , and the fi●st converter● of those parts were of England also men instigated to this great work ( all except the first ) not so much by the Pope● zeal as their own great piety . By this that hath been said it is clear enough that the Church of England at the time of the Reformation , was not indeed a Member of the Church of Rome , under the Pope a● the chief Pastor and Supreme Head of the Church of CHRIST : but a Fellow-member with it of that Body Mystical whereof CHRIST only is the Head , part of that ●●ock whereof he only i● the Sheph●rd : a sister Church to that of Rome , though with relation to the time of her last conversion , but a younger Sister . And if a Fellow-member and a Sister-Church , she might make use of that authority which naturally and originally was vested in her , to reform her self , without the leave of the particular Church of Rome , or any other whatsoever of the Sister-Churches . The Church is likened to a City in the Book of God , a City at unity in it self , as the Psalmist cals it ; and as a City it consisteth of many houses , and in each house a several and particular Family . Suppose this City visi●ed with some general sicknesse , may no● each family take care to preserve it self , advise with the Physitian , and apply the Remedy , without consulting with the rest ? Or if consulting with the rest , must they needs ask leave also of the Maior or principal Magistrate , take counsel with no other Doctors , and follow no other course of Physick then such as he commends unto them , or imposeth on them ? Or must the lesser languish irremediably under the calamity , because the greater and more potent Families do not like the cure ? Assuredly it was not so in the primitive times , whe● it was held a commendable and lawfull thing for National and particular Churches to reform such errors and corruptions as they found amongst them ; nor in the Church of Iudah n●ither , when the Idolatries of their N●ighbours had got ground upon them ▪ Though Isra●l transgress● , 〈◊〉 not Judah sin , saith the Prophet Hosea chap. 4. Yet Israel was the greater and more numerous people . Ten Tribes to two ; two of the ten the eld●st sons of their Father Iacob , all of them older then Benjamin the last begotten ▪ being the second of the two : which notwithstanding the Kings of Iudah might and did proceed to a Reformation , though those of Israel did refuse to co-operate with them . The like was also done de facto and de jure too in the best and happiest-times of Christianity : there b●ing many errors and un●ound opinions condemned in the Councels of G●ngra , Aquilia , Cart●age ▪ Mil●vis ; and not a ●ew cor●up●ions in the practical part of Religion reformed in the Synods of ●liberis , Laodic●a , Arles , and others in the fourth Century of the Church : without advising or consul●ing with the R●man Oracle , or running to the Church of Rome for a confirmation of their Acts and doings ▪ though at that time invested with a greater and more powerful princi●ality then the others were . No such regard had in those ti●es to the Church of Rome , though the elder Sister , but that another National Church might reform without her : nor any such consideration had of the younger S●sters , that one should ●arry for another till they all agreed , though possibly they might all be sensible of the inconvenience , and all alike desirous of a speedy Remedy . But of this more anon in Answer to the next Objections . Proceed we now a little ●urther , and let us grant for once that the Church of England was a Member at that time of the Church of Rome , acknowledging the Pope for the Head thereof : yet this could be no hindrance to a Reformation ▪ when the pre●ended Head would not yeeld unto it , or that the Members could not meet to consult about it . T●e whole Body of the Church was in ill condition , every part unsound , but the disease lay chiefly in the head it self , grown monstrously too great for the rest of the Members . And should the whole body pine and languish without hope of ease , because the Head ( I mean still the pretended Head ) would not be purged of some supe●fl●ous and noxious humours occasioning giddinesse in the brain , dimnesse in the eye , deafn●sse in the ear , and in a word , a general and sad distemper unto all the Members ? The Pop● was grown to an exorbitant height both of pride and power ; the Court of Rome wallowing ( as in a course of prosperous fortunes ) in all volup●uousnesse and sensuality . Nothing so feared amongst them as a Reformation ▪ wher●by they knew that an abatement must be made of their pomp and pleasure . Of these corrup●ions and abuses as of many others complaint had formerly been made , by Armachanus ▪ Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln , S. Bernard , Nic● de Clemangis , an● other conscientious men in their several Count●eys : 〈…〉 noted and informed against by Wic●l●sse , Iohn 〈…〉 , &c. Bu● they complained 〈…〉 who was resolv●d not to hear the voice of those 〈◊〉 , c●armed they never so wis●ly . The C●urch mean while was in a very ill condi●i●n , wh●n he that should prescribe the cure , was beco●e the si●kn●sse . Co●●●dering therefore that a Reformation could not be obtained by the Popes consent , there was no r●medy but that it must be made without it . The Molten Calf mod●lled by the Egyptian Apis , and the Altar patte●ned from Dam●s●us , had made the Israelites ( in all probability ) a● great idolaters as their 〈◊〉 , if the High priests that set them up might have ha● their Wil● . Nor had it been much better with the Chu●ch of CHRIST , if Arianism could not have been suppressed in particul●r Churches , because Liberius Pope of Rome , ( supposing him to be the Head of the Church in g●neral ) had subscribed unto it , and that no error and corruption could have been reformed , which any of the Popes ( whose Graves I am very lo●h to open ) had been guilty of , but by their permission . The Church now were in worse estate under Christian Princes , then when it s●ffered under the power and tyranny of the Heathen Emperors , if it were not lawf●l for particular Churches to provide for their own safety and salvation , without resorting to the Pope : who cannot every day be spoke with , and may ( when spoken with ) be pressed with so many inconveniences nearer hand , as not to be at leisure to attend such businesses as lie furth●r off . And therefore it was well said by Danet the French Ambass●dor when he communic●ted to the Pope his Ma●●ers purpose of Reforming the Ga●●●can Church by a National Councel : Is ( said he ) Paris were on fire , would you not count the Citizens either Fools , or Mad-men , if they should send so far as ●iber for some water to quench it ▪ the River of S●ine running through the City , and the Marno so near it ? 3. That the Church of England might lawfully pr●ceed to a Reformation with●ut the help of a General Councel , or calling in the aid of the Protestant Churches . But here you say it is object●d , that if a Reformation were so necessary as we seem to make it , and that the Pope wa● never like to yeeld unto it , as the case then stood ; it ought to have been done by a General Councel , according to the usage of the Primitive times . I know indeed that General Councels ( such as are commonly so called ) are of excellent use , and that the name thereof is sacred and of high esteem . But yet I prize them not so highly as Pope Gregory did , who ranked the ●our first General C●uncels with the four Evangelists : nor am I o● opinion that they are so necessary to a Reformation either in point of Faith or corruption of manners , but that the business of the Church may be done without them . Nay , might I be so bold as to lay my naked thoughts before you ( as I think I may ) you would there finde it to be some part of my Belief that there never was , and never can be such a thing as a General Councel truly and properly so called : th●t is to say , such a General Councel to which all the Bishops of the Church ( admiting none but such to the power of vo●ing ) have bin or can be called together by themselves or their Proxies . These which are commonly so called , as those of Nice , Constant●nople ▪ 〈◊〉 , Chal●●don , were only of the 〈◊〉 of the Roman E●pire . Chri●tian Churches ●xisting at that time in Ethiopia and the Kingdome of Persia ( which made up no small p●rt of the Church of Christ ) were neither present at them , nor invi●●d to them . And yet not all the P●elates n●ither of the Roman Empire , nor some from ●very Province of it did attend that service : those Councels only being the Assemblies of s●me Eastern Bishop● , such as could most conveniently be drawn together : few of the Wes●e●n Churches ( none at all in some ) having or list or leisure ●or so long a journey : For in the so much celebra●●d Councel of Nice , there were but nine Bishops s●nt from France , but two from Africk , one alone from Spain , none ●rom the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , and out of It●ly , which ●ay nearest to it , none but two Priests appeared at all , and those as Legat● from the Pope , not authorised to represent the Italian Churches ; so that of 318 Bishops which were there assembled , there were but twelve in all , ( besides the L●gats of the P●pe ) for the Western Churches : too great a dispropor●ion to entitle it 〈◊〉 the name of General . And yet this was more General then the rest that followed : there being no Bishops of the W●st at all in the second and third , but the Popes themselves : and in the 4 none but the Legats of the P●pe to supply his place . So that ●hese 〈◊〉 were called General , not that they were so in thems●lves , but that there was a grea●e● c●nc●urse to them fr●m the n●●ghbouring Provinces , then was o● had b●en to som● o●●ers on the like occasions . Which if it be enough to 〈◊〉 a General 〈◊〉 , I s●e no 〈…〉 call●d so too , summoned in the case of 〈…〉 the Patriarch at that time of that ●amous City . For the condemning of whose Heresie there conveen●d not the Bishops of that Province only , but the Pa●ria●ch o●Hi●rus●lem , the Bish●p of Caesarea in Palestine , B●zra in Arabia , Tarsus in Cili●●a , Caesarea in Cappadocia , of Iconium in Ly●a●ni● , o●Neo-Caesare● in Pontus , besides many others from all places , of the 〈◊〉 rank and qu●lity , but of lesser fame : not ●o say any thing 〈◊〉 Dionysius P●triarch of Alexand●ia , 〈◊〉 bu● not 〈◊〉 in regard of sicknesse , which d●f●ct he recompens●d 〈…〉 and int●rcourse ▪ or of Dion●sius Pope o●Rome , so 〈◊〉 by the Puritan or 〈…〉 that he could not shine . So that if the present of two of the fou● Pat●iarchs , and the invi●ing of the others , with the Bishops of so many distant N●tions as were there assembled , ●uffice to make a General Councel ; the Councel of Antioch might as well hav● the name of General , as almost any of the rest which are so entituled . But laying by th●se thoughts as too strong of th●Paradox , and looking on a General Councel in the common noti●n , ●or an Assembly of the Prelates of the East and West , ●o which the four Patriarchs are invited , and from which no Bishop is excluded that comes commissionated and instructed to at●●nd the 〈◊〉 . I cannot think them of such co●sequence to the Church of God , but that it may proceed without them to a Reformation . For certainly that saying of S. Augu●tine in his 4. Book against the two Epistles of the Pelagians , cap. 12. is ●xceeding true , Paucas fuisse haereses ad quas superandas necessarium fuerit Concilium plenarium occidentis & orientis , that very few Heresies have been crushed in such General C●uncels . And so far we may say with the learned Cardinal , that for seven Heresies suppressed in seven General Councel● ( though by hi● leave the seventh did not so much suppress as advance an Heresie ) an hundred have been quashed in National and Provincial Synods : whether confirmed or not confirmed by the P●pes authority , we regard not here . Some instances here●f in the Synods of Aquileia , Carthage , Gangra , Milevis , we have seen before , and might adde many others now , did we think it necessary . The Church had been in ill condition , if it had been otherwise , especially under the power of Heathen Emperors , when such a confluence of the Prelates from all parts of the world would have been construed a Conspiracie against the State , and drawn destruction on the Church and the Persons both . Or granting that they might assemble without any such danger , yet being great bodies , moving sl●wly , and not without long time and many difficulties and disputes , to be rightly constituted : the Church would suffer more under such delay by the spreading of Heresie , then receive benefit by their care to suppress the same . Had the same course been taken at Alexandria for suppressing Arius , as was before at Antioch for condemning Paulus ; we never had heard newes of the Councel of Nice ; the calling and assembling whereof took up so long time , that Arianism was diffused over all the world before the Fathers met together ; and could not be suppress●d ( though it were condemned ) in many ages following after . The plague of Heresie , and leprosie of sin would quickly over-run the whole face of the Church , if capable of no other cure then a General Councel . The case of Arius , and the universal spreading of his Heresie compared with the quick rooting out of so many others , makes this clear enough . To go a little further yet , we will suppose a General Councel to be the best and safest Physick that the Church can take , on all occasions of Epidemical distemper ; but then we must suppose it at such times and in such cas●s only , when it may conveniently be had . For where it is not to be had or not had conveniently , it will either prove to be no Physick , or not worth the taking . But so it was , that at the time of the Reformation , a General Councel could not conveniently be assembled , and more then so it was impossible that any such Councel should assemble ; I mean a General Councel rightly called and constituted , according to the Rul●● laid down by our Controversors . For first they say it must be called by such as have power to do it . 2. That it must be intimated to all Christian Churches , that so no Church nor people may plead ignorance of it . 3. The Pope and the four chief Patriarchs must be present at it , either in person or by Proxie . And lastly , that no Bishop is to be excluded , if he be known to be a Bishop and not excommunicated . According to which Rules , it was impossible I say , that any General Councel should be assembled at the time of the Reformation of the Church of England . It was not then as when the greatest part of the Christian world wa● under the command of the Roman Emperors ; whose Edict for a Gen●ral Councel●igh● speedily be posted over all the Provinces . The Messengers who should now be sent on such an errand unto the Countreys of the Turk , the Persian , the Tartarian , and the great Mogul ( in which are many Christian Churches , and more perhaps then in all the rest of the world besides ) would finde but sorry entertainment . Nor was it then , as when the four chief Patriarchs , together with their Metropolitans and Suffragan Bishops , were under the protection of the Christian Emperors , and might without danger to themselves or unto their Churches , obey the intimation and attend the service : those Patriarchs with their Metropolitans and Suffragans , both then and now langu●shing under the tyranny and power of the Turk , to whom so general a confluence of Christian Bishops , must n●eds give matter of suspicion , of just fears and jealousies , and therefore not to be permitted ( as far as he can possibly hind●r it ) on good Reason of State . For who knowes better the● themselve● how long and dangerous a war was raised against their Predecessors by the Western Christians for recovery of the Holy Land , on a resolution taken up at the Councel of Cle●mont ; and that ●●●ing war against the Turks is still ●steemed a cause sufficient ●or a General Councel . And then besides it would be known by whom this General Councel was to be assembl●d ▪ if by the Pope , as generally the Papists say , he and his Court were looked on as the greatest grievance of the Christian Church : and 't was not probable that he would call a Councell against himself , unlesse he might have leave to pack it , to govern it by his own Legats , fill it with Titular Bishops of his own creating , and send the Holy Ghost to them in a Clok●bag as he did to Trent . If joyntly by all Christian Princes ( which is the common Tenet of the Protestant Schools ) what hopes could any man conceive ( as the times then were ) that they should lay aside their particul●r interesses , to center all together upon one design ? or if they had agreed about it , what power had they to call the Prelates of the East to att●nd the business , or to protect them for so doing at their going home ? So that I look upon the hopes of a General Councel , I mean a General Councel rightly called and constit●ted , as an empty 〈◊〉 . The m●st that was to be expected was but a meeting of some Bishops of the West of Europe , and those but of 〈◊〉 party only : such as were excommunicated , ( and th●● might be as many as the Pope should please ) being to be excluded by the Cardinals Rule . Which how it may be call●●●n Oecumenial or General Councell , unlesse it be a Topical Oecumenical , a Particular-general ( as great an absurdity in Grammar , as a Roman Catholick ) I can hardly see . Which being so , and so no question but it was , either the Church must continue withou●●eformati●n , or el●e it must be lawfull for National pa●ticular Churches to reform themselves . In such a case the Church ●ay be reformed per partes , Part after part , Province after Province , as is said by Gerson . But I do not me●● 〈◊〉 trouble you with this Dis●●●● . 〈…〉 may reform themselves by National or Provincial Coun●●ls , 〈…〉 Church generall will not do it , or that it cannot be effected by a General Councel , hath been so fully proved by my Lord of Canterbury in his learned and elaborate discourse against Fisher the Iesuite , tha● nothing can be added unto so great diligence . But if it be objected , as you say it is , that National Councels have a power of Promulgation only , not of 〈◊〉 also : I answer first , that this runs crosse to all the current of Antiquity , in which not only National but Provincial Councels did usually determine in the poin●● of Faith , and these too of the greatest moment , as did that of Anti●ch ; which if it were somewhat more then a National , was notwithstanding never reckoned for a General Councel . I answer secondly as before , that for one Heresie suppress●d in a General Councel , there have been ten at least suppressed in National and Provincial Synods ; wich could not be in case they had no power of Determination . And thirdly , That the Articles or Confession of the Church of England are only Declaratory of such Catholick Doctrines as were received of old in the Church of CHRIST , not Introductory of new ones of their own devising ; as might be evidenced in particular , were this place fit for it . But what needs any proof at all , when we have Confession ? For the Archbishop of Spalato ( a man as well studied in the Fathers , as the best amongst them ) ingenuously acknowledged at the High Commission , that the Articles of this Church were profitable , none of them Heretical ; and that he would defend the honour of the Church of England against all the world . And this he said at the very time of his departure , when his soul was gone before to Rome , and nothing but his carkasse left behinde in England . The like avowed by Davenport , or Franciscus a Sancta Clara ( call him which you will ) who makes the Articles of this Church rightly understood according to the literal meaning , and not perverted to the ends of particular Factions , to be capable of a Catholick and Orthodox sense : which is as much as could be looked for from the mouth of an Adversary . So much as cost one of them his life ( though perhaps it will be said that he died in prison ) and the burning of his body after his death ; though he endevoured to save both by a Retractation . So that in thi● case 〈◊〉 we have omni● bene , 〈◊〉 amisse in the proceedings of this Church , with reference to the Pope or a General Councel . But you will say , that though we could not stay the calling of a General Councel , which would have justified ●ur proceedings in the eyes of our Adversaries ▪ it had been requisite even in the way of civil Prudence to have taken the advice of the Sister-Churches , especially of those which were ●ngaged at the same time in the same designs : which would have add●d r●putation to us in the eyes of our Friends . As for the taking counsel of the Sister-Churches , it hath been t●uch●d upon ●lready , and there●ore we shall say no more as t● that particular : unlesse the Sister-Churches of these later tim●● had b●en like the Believers in the infancy of the Ch●istian Faith , when they were all of one heart and one soul , as the Scripture hath it , Act. 4. their couns●ls had been 〈◊〉 , if not destructive . 'T is true inde●d , united Councel● are the stronger and of greater weight , and not to be neglected wh●re they may be had ; but where they are not to be had , we ●ust act without them . And if we look into the time of our Reformation , we shall finde those that were engaged in the same design , divided into obstinate parties ; and holding the names of Luther and Zuinglius in an higher estimate then either the truth of the Opinion in which they differed , or the common happinesse of the Church so disturbed between them . The breath not lessened , but made wider by the rise of Calvin , succeeding not long after in the fame of Zuinglius : besides , that living under the command of several Princes , and those Prince● driving on to their several ends ; it had been very difficult , if not impossible to draw them unto such an Harmony of affections , and consent in judgement , as so g●eat a businesse did require . So that the Church of England was necessitated in that conjuncture of affairs to proceed as it did , and to act that single by it self , which could not be effected by the common Councels , and joynt concurrence of the others . 'T is true , Melanchthon was once coming over in King Henries daies , but st●id his journey on the death of Q●een Anne Bullen , and that he was after sent f●r by King Edward the sixth ( Regis Literi● in Angliam vocor ) as he affirms in an Epistle unto Camerarius , anno 1553. But he was staid at that time also on some other occasion , though had he come at that time he had come too late to have had any hand in the Reformation , the Articles of the Church being passed , the Liturgie reviewed and setled in the year befor● . And 't is as true that Calvin offered his assistance to Archbishop Cranmer , for the reforming of this Church ; Si quis mei usus esset , as his own words are , i● his assistance were thought n●edfull to advance the work . But Cranmer knew the man ▪ and refused the offer ; and he did very wisely in it . For seeing it impossible to unite all parties , it had been an imprudent thing to have closed with any . I grant indeed th●t Martin Bucer and P●ter Martyr ( men of great learning and esteem , but of different judgements ) were brought over hither , about the beginning of the reign of K Edward 6. the one of them being placed in Oxford , the other in Cambridge ; but they were rather entertained as private Doctors to m●derate in the Chairs of those . Universities , then any waies made use of in the Reformation . For as the ●i●st Liturgie which was the main key unto the work , was framed and setled before either of them were come over ; so Bucer died , before the compiling of the Book of Articles , which was the acc●mplishment thereof : nor do I finde that Peter Martyr was made use of otherwise in this weighty businesse , then to make th●t good by disputation , which by the Clergy in their Synods or Convocations was agreed upon . By means whereof the Church proceeding without reference to the different interesses of the neighbouring . Churches , kept a conformity in all such points of Government and publ●q●e order with the Church of Rome , in which that Church had not forsaken the clear Tract of the primitive Times : retaining not only the Episcopall Government , with all the concomitants and adjuncts of it , which had been utterly abolished in the Zuinglian Churches , and much impaired in power and jurisdiction by the Luth●rans also : and keeping up a Liturgie or set form of worship , according to the rites and usages of the primitive times , which those of the 〈◊〉 congreg●●io●s would not hearken to . God certainly h●d so disposed it in his heavenly wisdome , that so this Church without respect unto the names and Dictate● of particular Doctors , might found its Reformation on the Prophets and Apostles only , according to the Explications and Traditions of the ancient Fathers : and being so founded in it self , without respect to any of the differing parties , might in succeeding Ages sit as Judge between th●m ; as being more inclinable by her constitution to mediate a peace amongst them then to espouse the quarrel of ei●her side , to the Popes authority on the one side , or on the other side . And though Spal●to in the Book of his Retractations , which he cals Consilium re●eundi , objects against u● : That besides the publick Articles and confession authorised by the Churches , we had embraced some Lutheran and Calvinian Fancies ( multa Lutheri & 〈◊〉 dog●ata , so his own words run ) yet this was but the 〈◊〉 of particular men , not to be charged upon the Church as maintaining either . The Church is constant to her safe and her first conclusions , though many private men take liberty to imbrace new Doctrines . 4. That the Ch●rch did not innovate in translating the Scripture● and the publick Liturgie into vulgar tongues ; and of the consequents thereof in the Church of England . The next thing faulted ( as you say ) in the Reformation , i● the committing so much heavenly treasure to such rotten vessels , the trusting so much excellent Wine to such musty bottles : I mean the versions of the Scriptures and the publick Liturgies into the usual Languages of the common people , and the promiscuous liberty indulged them in it . And this they charge not as an Innovation simply , but as an Innovation of a dangerous consequence ; the sad effects whereof we now see so clearly . A charge wich doth alike concern all the Pr●testant and Reformed Churches , so that I should have passed it over at the present time , but that it is made our● more specially in the application ; the sad effects which the enemy doth so much insult in being said to be more visible in the Church of England , then in other place● . This makes it our● , and therefore here to be considered , as the former were . First then they charge it on the Church as an Innovation , it being affirmed by Bellarmine in his 2. Book De verbo Dei , cap. 15. ( whether with lesse truth or modesty , it is hard to say ) Vniversam Ecclesiam semper his tantum linguis , &c. that in the Universal Church in all times foregoing the Scriptures were not commonly and publickly read in any other language but in the Hebrew , Greek , and Latine : this is ( you se● ) a two-edged sword , and strikes not only against all Transla●i●ns of the Scriptures into vulgar languages for comm●n use , but against reading those Translation● publickly 〈…〉 part o● the Liturgie , in which are many things as the Cardinal tel● u●quae secreta esse debent , which are not fit to be made known to the common people . This is the substance of the charge , and herein we joyn issu● in the usual Form with Absque hoc , sans ceo , no such matter really ; the constant current of Antiquity doth affi●m the contrary : by which it will appear most plainly that the Church did neither innovate in this act of hers , nor d●via●e therein f●om the Word of God , or from the usage of the best and happiest times of the Church of CHRIST . Not from the Word of God , there 's no doubt of that , which was committed unto writing that it ●ight be read , and read by all that were to be directed and guided by it . The Scriptures of the Old Testament fi●st writ in Hebrew , the Vulgar language of that people , and read unto them publickly on the Sabbath dai●s , as appears clearly Act. 13. 15. & 15. 21. translated afterwards ( by the cost and care of Ptolemy Philadelphus King of Egypt ) into the Greek tongue , the most known and studied language of the E●stern world . The N●w Testament first w●it in Gr●ek for the self-same reason , ( but that St. Matthew'● Gospel i●●ffirmed by some learned men to have been written in th●Hebrew ) and written to thi● end and purpose , that men might believe t●●t IESVS is the CHRIST t●e Son of GOD , and that believing t●ey might have use in his Name , Joh. 20. vers. ult. But being that all the Faithfull did not understand these Languages , and that the light of h●ly Scripture might not be likened to a Candl● hidden under ●●ushel : it wa● thought good by many ●odly men in the P●i●itive tim●s to translate the same into the ●an●uag●s of the Countreys in which th●● lived , or of the which th●● had been Na●ives . In which respect S Chrysostome then banished in●o Armenia , translated the New Testament , and the P●alms of David , into the Language of that people ; S. Hierom a Pannonian born , translated the whole Bible into the Dalmatick tongue , as Vulphilas Bishop of the Go●hes did into the G●thick ▪ all which we finde together without fu●ther search , in the Bibliotheque of Sixtus Senensis , a learned and ingenu●us man but a Pontifician , and so lesse partial in this cause . The like done h●re in England by the care of Athelstan causing a Translation of the Saxon Tongue ; the like done by Method●us , the Apostle Gen●r●l of the Sclaves , translating it into the Sclavonian for the use of those Nations : not to say any thing of the Syriack , Aethiopick , Arabick , the Pe●sian , and Chaldaean Versions , of which the times and Authors are not so well known . And what I pray you , is the vulgar or old Latine Edition , ( of late times made Authentick by the Popes of Rome ) but a Translation of the Scriptures out of Greek and Hebrew for the ins●ruction of the Roman and Italian Nations , to whom the Latine at that time was the Vulgar Tongue ? And when that Tongue by reason of the breaking in of the barbarous Nations was worn out of knowledge , ( I mean as to the common people ) did not God stir up Iames , Archbishop of Genoa , when the times were darkest ( that is to say , anno●290 . or the●eabouts ) to give some light to them by translating the whole Bible into the Italian , the modern Lan●u●ge of that Countrey ? As he did Wi●lef not long after , to translate the same into the English of those times , ( the Saxon Tongue not being then commonly underst●od ) a copy of whose Version in a fair Velom Manuscript I have now here by me , by the gift of my noble Friend Charles Dymoke , Hereditary Champion to the Kings of England . So then it is no innovation to translate the Scriptures ; and lesse to suffer these Translations to be promiscuously read by all sorts of people : the Scripture being as well MILK for Babes , as strong Meat for the man of more able judgement . Why else doth the Apostle note it as a commend●ble thing in Timothy , that he knew the Scriptures from his childhood ? and why else doth S. Hierom speak it to the honour of the Lady Paula , that she made her maids learn somewhat daily of the holy Scriptures ? Why else does Chrysostome call so earnestly on all sorts of men to provide themselves of the holy Bibles , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the only Physick for the Soul , as he cals it there : inviting to the reading thereof not only men of learning and publick businesse ; but even the poor Artificer also , as is acknowledged by Senensis whom before we mentioned . And why else doth S. Augustine inform his Auditors , that it sufficeth not to hear the Scriptures read in the Congregation , unlesse they read also in their private Ho●ses . Assuredly if Boyes and Girles , if Servants and Artificers are called upon so earnestly to consult the Scriptures , t● have them in a Tongue intelligible to them in their private Fa●ilies ; and are commended for so doing as we see they are : I know no rank of men that can be excluded . Let us next see whether it be an Innovation in the Church of CHRIST , to have the Li●urgies or Comm●n-prayers of the Chu●ch in the Tongue generally understood by the comm●n People , which make the greatest number of all Church Assemblies . And first we finde by the Apostle not only that the publick Praye●s of the Church of C●rinth , were celebrated in a language which they understood ; but that it ought to be so also in all other Churches , Except ( saith he ) ye utter by the voice words easie to be understood , how shall it be known what is spoken ? How shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say Ame●to thy giving of thanks ( and consequently to thy Prayers also ) if he understand not what thou sayest ? 1 Cor. 14. 9. 16. What say the Papists unto this ? Do not both Lyra and Aquinas expresly grant in their Commentaries on this place of Scripture , that the common Service of the Church in the Primitive times was in the common vulgar language ? Is not the like affirmed by Harding in his Answer to Bishop Iewels challenge , Art. 3. Sect. 28. Adding withall , that it was necessary in the Primitive times that it should be so ; and granting that it were still better that the people had their Service in their own vulgar Tongue for their better understanding of it ? Sect. 33. Having thus Confitentes reos , we need seek no further , and yet a further search will not be unprofitable . And on that search it will be found that the converted Iewes did celebrate their divin● Offices ( ●ractatus & oblationes , as the Father hath it ) most commonly in the Syriack , and sometimes in the Hebrew tongue ; the natural ●anguages of that people : as is affirmed by S. Ambr●se in 1. ad Cor. cap. 14. and out of him by Durand in his R●ti●n●le Divinorum . Eckius a great stickler of the Popes , affirmeth in his Common places , that the Indians have their Service in the Indian tongue ; and that S. Hierome having translated the whole Bible into the D●lmatick , procured that the Service sh●uld be celebrated in that Language also . The like S. H●erome himself in his Epistle to Heliodorus , hath told us 〈◊〉 the Bessi a Sarmation people : the like S. Basil in his Epistle to the Ne● caesareans , assures us for the Aegyptians , Libyans , Palestinians , Phenicians , Arabians , Syrians , and such as dwell about the B●nks of the River Euphrates . The Aethiopians had their M●ssal , the Chaldeans theirs ; each in the language of their Countryes , which they still retain : So had the M●scovites of old , and all the scattered Churches of the Eastern parts , which they continue to this day . But nothing is more memorable in this kinde then that which Aenaeas Silvius tels of the Sclavonians , who being converted to the Faith made suite unto the Pope to have the publick Service in their natural Tongue : but some delay being made therein by the Pope and Cardinals , a voice was heard , seeming to have come from Heaven , praying , Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum , & omnis lingua con●iteatur ei : whereupon their desires were granted without more dispute . Touching which Grant there is extant an Epistle from Pope Iohn the 8. to Sfentopulcher King of the Moravian Selaves , anno 888. at what time both the Latine Service and the Popes authority were generally received in those parts of Europe . Which Letter of Pope I●hn the 8. together with the Story above mentioned , might probably be a chief inducement to Innocent the 3. to set out a Decree in the Lateran Councel , importing that in all such Cities in which there was a concourse of divers Nations , and consequently of different Languages , ( as in most Towns of Trade there doth use to be ) the Servi●e should be said , and Sacraments administred , Secundum diversitates nationum & linguarum , according to the difference of their Tongues and Nations ▪ And though Pope Gregory the 7. a turbulent and violent man , about 200 years af●er the Concession made by Iohn the S. in his Letter to Vratislaus King of Bohemia , laboured the cancelling of th●t priviledge , and possibly might prevail therein as the ●imes then were : yet the Liburnians , and Dalmatians , two Sclavonian Nations , and bordering on Italy ( the Popes proper seat ) do still enjoy the benefit of that indulgence , and celebrate their Liturgie in their own Language to this very day . So that the wonder is the greater that those of Rome should stand so stifly in defence of the Latine Service , which the common people understand not , and therefore cannot knowingly , and with faith say Amen unto it . For though the Latine Tongue was Vulgar in a manner to those Western Nations , amongst whom the Latine Service was first received , and for that cause received because Vulgar to them : yet when upon the inundation of the barbarous nation , the Latine tongue degenerated into other Languages , as in France , Italy , and Spain ; or else was quite worn out of knowledge as in Britain , Belgium , and some parts of the modern Germany , in which before it had been commonly understood ; it was both consonant to piety and Christian Prudence ▪ that the Language of the common Liturgies should be altered also . The people otherwise either in singing David's Psalmes , or repeating any parts of the daily Office , must needs be like those Romans or Italians which S. Ambrose speaks of ; who loved to sing Greek songs by rote ( as we use to say ) out of a meer delight which they had to the sound of the words ; nescientes tamen quid dicant , not understanding one word which they said or sung . The blame and guilt of Innovation being taken off , we must next examine the effects and dangerous consequents ; more visibly discerned at this time in the Church of England , then was or could have been believed when they were first intimated . Amongst these they reckon in the first place the increase of Heresies , occasioned by the mistaking of the true sense and meaning of the Holy Scripture ; and to that end it is said by Bellarmine , that the people would not only receive no good by having the Scripture read publickly unto them in their national Languages , Sed etiam caperet detrimentum , but on the contrary are like to receive much hurt . However , acciperet facillime occasionem errandi : because thereby they would most easily be led into errors : which gave occasion unto some ( as he tels as there ) to call the Scripture Librum Haereticorum , the Hereticks Book . So he in his 2. Book and 15. chapter , De verbo Dei . The like saith Harding in his Answer to Bishop Iewel's Challenge , Art 3. sect. 31. The Nations ( saith he ) that have ever had thei Service in the vulgar Tongue ( where note that some Nations never had it otherwi●e ) have continued still in Errors , Schisms , and certain Judaical Ceremonies , &c. In the next place they ●eckon this , that by permitting Scripture and the publick Liturgies to be extant in the Vulgar Tongues , all men would think themselves Divines , and 〈◊〉 authority of the Prelates would be disesteemed ; So Harding in his Answer to Iewels Apologie . l 5. fol. 460. that the people not content with hearing or 〈◊〉 the holy Scripture , would first take upon them to be Expositors , and at last to be Preachers also , which in effect is that which is charged by Bellarmine . And for this last , the present Distempers and consusions in the Church of England ( out of which they suck no small advantage ) gives them great rejoycing , as seeing their predictions so exactly verified . In answer to the first we need say no more , then that there have been Sects and Heresies in all times and Ages : never so many as in the first ages of the Church ( witnesse the Catalogue of S. Augustine , Philastrius , and Epiphanius ) in which the Scripture was translated into fewer Languages then it is at the present . 2. That this is no necessary effect of such Translations ( for we see few new Heresies started up of late in France or Germany , where such Translations are allowed of ) but a meer possible Contingency , which 〈◊〉 may be or may not be , as it pleaseth God to give or to withdraw his grace from a State or Nation . And 3. That as according to the Divine Rule of the Apostle , we must not do a thing positively evil , in hope that any good , how great soever , may come of it : so by Analogie thereunto , we must not debar the people of God from any thing positively good , for fear that any contingent mischief may ensue upon it . But of this I shall not say more now , as being loth to travel on a common place . The point hath been so canvassed by our Controversors , that you may there finde Answers unto all Objections . That which doth most concern me to consider of , is the second consequent , because it doth relate more specially then the other did to the present condition and estate of the Church of England . Although the Charge be general and equally concerning all the Protestant and Reformed Churches : yet the Application makes it ours , as before I said , and as ours , properly within the compasse of my present design . And though I will not take upon me to Advocate for the present distempers and confusions of this w●etched Church ( which no man can lament with a greater tendernesse , or look on with more indignation then I do , and I think you know it ) : yet I must tell you that it is neither Novum crimen C. Caesar , nor ante haec tempora inauditum , for those of the inferiour sort to take upon them the inquiry into sacred matters , to turn Expositors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the spirit of delusion moves them . The people have had an itch this way , i● all times and Ages . The Satyrist thus complained of it amongst the Heathens ; — Ecce inter pocula quaerunt Romulides satu●i , quid dia Poema●a narrant . That is to say , The wel-●ed Romans in their Cups , do sit And judge of things contain'd in holy Writ . And the Apostle doth complain of it among the Christians , where he informes us of some ignorant and unstable men , which wrested some ha●d places of S. Pauls Epistles , as they also did the other Scriptures , to their own destruction , 2 Pet. 3. 26 and wrest them so they could not ( I am sure of that ) did they not take the liberty of expounding also . Look lower to S. Basils time , when learning did most flourish in the Church of CHRIST , and we shall finde the Emperors Cook ( or the Clerk of his Kitchen at the best ) as busily dishing out the Scriptures , as if it were no more then serving up his Masters diet from the Kitchin-hatch : paid home by that good father for his over-great sawcinesse , with this handsome scoffe , Tuum est de pulmento cogitare , non Divind decoquere , that it belonged unto his office to provide good pottage for the Court , not to Cook the Scriptures . But this was not the folly only of this Master Cook , who perhaps ( though better fed then taught ) might now and then have carried up the Chaplains Messe , and having heard their learned conferences and discourses , was apt enough to think himself no small fool at a joynt of Divinity . That whole age was extremely tainted with the self-same p●●cancy ; of which S. Hierome in his Epistle to Paulinus makes this sad complaint . Whereas ( saith he ) all other Sciences and Trades have their several and distinct professors , Sola Scripturarum ars est quam omnes passim sibi vendicant ; only the Art of opening or rather of undoing a Text of Scripture , ( as the phrase is now ) was usurped by all : Hanc garrula anus , hanc delirus senex , &c. The pratling Gossip and the doting Sire , the windy Sophister , and in a word , all sorts of people do presume upon , dismembring the body of the Scriptures , and teaching others before they have learnt any thing that is worth the teaching . Some with a supercilious look , speaking big words discourse of holy Scripture amongst silly women : others ( the more the shame ) learn that of women which afterwards they may teach to men , and some with no small volubility of tongue , and confidence , teach that to others which they never understood themselves : Not to say any thing of those who having a smack of humane learning , and coming so prepared to handle the Holy Scriptures , do with ent●c●ng words feed the ears of the people , bearing their Auditors in hand quicquid dixerint legem Dei esse , that whatsoever they deliver is the Word of God , nor will vouchsafe to learn what the Prophets and Apostles do conceive of the matter , but very incongruously produce some Testimoni●s out of holy Writ to make good their corrupt imaginations ; as if it were an excellent , not a pernicious way of teaching , to wrest the sense of holy Scripture , and thereby to accommodate it to their present purposes ! Hath not the Father given us in this place and passage a most excellent Mirrour , wherein to see the ill complexion of the present times ? doth not he set them forth in such likely colours , as if he rather did delineate the confusions of the present Age , then lament the miseries of his own ? May not both Factions see by this , what a condition the poor Church of England is involved in by them ? The sight whereof although it justifie them not in their several courses , as being not without example in their present practises ) : yet it may serve to let you know that as the distractions and confusions under which we suffer , are not the consequents of our translating of the Scriptures and publick Liturgies into the common vulgar Tongues , so ●t is neither ●ew no● stran●e that such confusions and distractions should befall the Church . 5. That the proceedings of this Church in setting out the English Liturgie , were not meerly Regal ; and of the power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical affairs . Having thus proved that nothing hath been done amisse by the Church of England , with reference to God● Word , the testimonies of godly Fathers , and the usage of the primitive times , in leaving off the Latine Service , and celebrating all Divine Offices in the English Tongue : I am to justifie it next , in order to the carrying on of that weighty businesse , whether so Regular or not , as we fain would have it . I see you are not scrupled at the subject-matter of the Common-prayer-Book , which being translated into Greek , Latine , French , and Spanish , hath found a general applause in most parts of Christendome ; no where so little set by as it is at home . All scruples in that kinde have been already fully satisfied by our learned Hooker , who hath examined it per partes , and justified it in each part and particular Office . But for the greater honour of it take this with you also , which is alledged in the Conference of Hampton Court , touching the Marquesse of Rhosny ( after Duke of Sally and Lord High Treasurer of France ) who coming Ambassador to King Iames from Henry the 4. and having seen the solemn celebration of our Service at Cante●bury , and in his Majesties Royall Chappels , did often and publickly affirm , that if the Reformed Churches in France ●ad 〈◊〉 the same Orders as were here in E●gland , he was assured there would ha●e been many thousand Protestants in that Kingdome more then were at that time . That which you seem to stick at only is in the way and manner of proceeding in it : which though you finde by perusal of the papers which I sent first unto you , not to have been so Parliamentarian as the Papists made it ; yet still you doubt whether it were so Regular and Canonical as it might have been . And this you stumble at the rather , in regard that the whole Body of the Clergy in their Convocation , had no hand therein , either as to decree the doing of it , or to approve it being done ; but that it was resolved on by the King ( or rather by the Lord Protector in the Kings Minority ) with some few of the Bishops ; by which Bishops and as small a number of learned Church-men , being framed and fashioned , it was allowed of by the King , confirmed or imposed rather by an Act of Parliament . Your question hereupon is this , Whether the King ( for his acting it by a Protector doth not change the Case ) consulting with a less●r part of his Bishops and Clergy , and having their consent therein , may conclude any thing in the way of a Reformation , the residue and greatest part not advised withall , nor yeelding their consent unto it in a formal way . This seems to have some reference to the Scottish Liturgie ( for by your Letter I perceive that one of the chief of your Objectors is a Divine of that Nation ) and therefore it concerns me to be very punctual in my Answer to it . And that my Answer may be built on the surer Ground , it is to be consid●red , first wh●ther the Reformation be in corruption of manners , or abuses in Government , whether in matters pr●ctical , or in points of Doctrine . 2. If in matters practical , whether such practise have the character of Antiquity , Vni●ersality , and Consent , imprinted on it ; or that it be the practise of particular Churchs , and of some times only . And 3. if in points of Doctrine , whether such points have been determined of before in a General Councel , or in particular Councels universally received and countenanced ; or are to be defined de novo on emergent controversies . And these Disti●ctions being laid , I shall answer briefly . First , if the things to be reformed be either corruptions in manners , or neglect of publick duties to Almighty God , abuses either in Government or the parties governing : the King may do it of himself by his sole authority . The Clergy are beholding to him , if he takes any of them along with him when he goeth about it . And if the times should be so bad , that either the whole body of the Clergy or any ( though the greatest ) part thereof should oppose him in it ; he may go forwards notwithstanding , punishing such as shall gainsay him in so good a work , and compelling others . And thi● I look on as a Power annexed to the Regal Diadem , and so inseparably annexed , that Kings could be no longer Kings if it were denied them . But hereof we have spoke already in the first of this Section , and shall speak more hereof in the next that followes . And on the other side , if the Reformation be in points of Doctrine , and in such points of doctrine as have not been before defined , or not defined in form , and manner as before laid down : the King only with a few of his Bishops and learned Clergy ( though never so well studied in the point disputed ) can do nothing in it . That belongs only to the whole Body of the Clergy in their Convocation rightly called and constituted ; whose Acts being ratified by the King , binde not alone the rest of the Clergy in whose names they Voted , but all the residue of the subjects of what sort soever , who are to acquiesce in their Resolutions . The constant practise of the Church , and that which we have said before touching the calling and authority of the Convocation , makes this clear enough . But if the thing to be Reformed be a matter practical , we are to look into the usage of the primitive times . And if the practise prove to have been both ancient and universally received over all the Church , though intermitted for a time and by time corrupted : the King consulting with so many of his Bishops and others of his most able Clergy , as he thinks fit to call unto him , and having their consent and direction in it ; may in the case of intermission revive such practise , and in the case of corruption and degeneration restore it to its Primitive and original lustre , whether he do it of himself , of his own meer motion , or that he follow the advice of his Councel in it ; whether he be of age to inform himself , or that he doth relie on those to whom he hath committed the publick Government ; it comes all to one : so they restrain themselves to the ancient patterns . The Reformation which was made under Iosias , though in his Minority and acting by the Counsel of the Elders as Iosephus telleth us , Antiqu ▪ Iud 1. cap. was no lesse pleasi●g unto God , nor lesse valid in the eyes of all his subjects ; then those of Ieh●saphat and H●zekiah in their riper years , and perhaps acting ●i●gly on the str●ngth of their own judgements only with●ut any advice . Now that there should be Liturgies for the use of the Church , that those Liturgies sh●uld be celebrated in a language understood by the people : that in those Liturgi●s there should be some prescribed Formes for giving the Communion in both kindes , for Baptizing Infants , for the reverent celebration of Marriage , performing the last office to the sick and the decent burial of the Dead , as also for set Feasts and appointed Festivals ; hath been a thing of primitive and general practise in the Christian Church . And being such , though intermitted or corrupted , as before is said , the King advising with his Bishops and other Church●men ( though not in a Synodical way ) may cause the same to be revised and revived : and having fitted them to edification and increase of piety either commend them to the Church by his sole authority , or else impose them on the people under certain penalties by his power in Parliament . Saepe Coeleste Regnum per Terrenum proficit . The Kingdome of Heaven ( said Reverend Isidore of Sevil ) doth many times receive increase from these earthly kingdomes ; in nothing more then by the regulating and well ordering of Gods publick worship . We saw before what David did in this particular allotting to the Priest the Courses of their Ministration , appointing Hymns and Songs for the Iewish Festivals , ordaining singing-men to sing , and finally prescribing Vestments for the Celebration . Which what else was it but a Regulating of the worship of God , the putting it into a sol●mn course and order , to be observed from time to time in succeeding ages ? Sufficient ground for Christian Princes to proceed on in the like occasions : especially when all they do is rather the reviving of the Ancient Formes then the Introduction of a new . Which as the King did here in England by his own Authority , the Body of the Clergy not consulted in it ; so possibly there might be good reason , why those who had the conduct of the Kings affairs , thought it not safe to put the managing of the businesse to a Convocation . The ignorance and superstition of the common people was at that time exceeding profitable to the Clergy , who by their frequent Masses for the quick and dead rais●d as great advantage , as Demetrius and the Silver-Smith by Dianas shrines . It hapned also in a time when many of the inferiour Clergy had not much more learning then what was taught them in the Missals and other Rituals , and well might fear that if the Service were once extant in the English tongue , the Laity would prove in time as great Clerks as themselves . So that as well in point of Reputation , as in point of P●ofit , ( besides the love which many of them had to their former Mumps●mus ) it was most probable that such an hard piece of Reformation would not easily down , had it been put into the power of a Convocation : especially under a Prince in Nonage , and a state unsetled . And yet it was not so carryed without them neither , but that the Bishops generally did concur to the Confirmation of the Book ( or the approbation of it rather ) when it passed in Parliament : the Bishops in that time and after , ( till the late vast and most improvident increase of the Lay-nobility ) making the most considerable , if not the greatest part of the House of Peers ; and so the Book not likely to be there allowed of , without their consent . And I the rather am inclined unto that Opinion , because I finde that none but Tunstall , Gardiner and Bonner were displaced from their Bishopricks , for not submitting in this case to the Kings appointments ; which seems to me a very strong and convincing argument , that none but they dissented or refused conformity . Adde here , that though the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation were not consulted with at first ( for the Reasons formerly recited ) yet when they found the benefit and comfort which redounded by it to good Christian people , and had by little and little wean●d themselves from their private interesses , they all confirmed it on the Post-fact : passing an Article in the Convocation of the year 1552. with this Head or Title , viz. Agendum esse in Ecclesia lingua quae sit Populo nota , which is the 25. Article in King Edwards Book . Lay all that hath been said together , and the result of all will be briefly this , that being the setting out of the Liturgie in the English●ongue was a matter practical agreeable to the Word of God and the Primitive tim●s ; that the King with so many of his Bishops and others o● the Clergy as he pleased to call to Counsel in it , resolved 〈◊〉 on the doing of it ; that the Bishops generally confirmed it when it came before them , and that the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation ( the Book being then under a review ) did avow and justifie it : The result of all I say is this , that as the work it self I say was good , so it was done not in a Regal but a Regular way , Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platformes of the Primitive times , should not be allowed them . But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular , which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy ( whether by way of Recognition or Concession , I regard not h●re ) by which they did invest the King with a Supreme Au●hority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in ex●cution without his consent ; but in effect to devolve on him all that power , which firmly they enjoyed in their own capacity . And to this we have a paralled Case in the Roman Empire , in which there had b●●n once a time when the Supreme Majesty of the S●ate was vested in the Senate and people of Rome , till by the Law which they called Lex Regia , they transferred all their Power on Caesar , and the following Emperors . Which Law being passed , the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor was as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Pl●bis●ita had been before . Whence came that memorable Maxim in Iustinians Iustitutes ; that is to say , Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vig●rem . The like may be affirm●d of the Church of England , immediately before , and in the reign of K. Henry 8. The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion , and by their Canons and Determinations did binde all the subjects of what rank soever , till by acknowledging that King for their supreme Head , and by the Act of submission not long after foll●wing , they transferred that power upon the King , and on his Successo●s : By do●ng wher●of they did not only di●able themselves from concluding any thing in their Convocations , or pu●ting ●heir results into execution without his con●ent ; but put him into the actual p●ssession of that Authori●y which properly be●onged to the supremacy , or the supreme Head , in as ●ull manner as 〈◊〉 the P●pe of Rome , or any d●l●gated by and under him did before enjoy it . After which 〈◊〉 , whatsoever the King or his Successors did in the R●form●tion , as it had vertually the power of the Convocations ; so was it as effectual and go●d in law , as if the Clergy in their C●nvocation particularly , and in terminis , had agreed upon it . Not that the King or his Successors were hereby enabled to exercise the K●i●s , and determine Heresies , much lesse to 〈◊〉 the Word ●nd administer the Sacrament● , as the Papists ●alsly gave it out ; but as the Heads of the Ecclesiastical Body of this Realm , to see that all the members of that Body 〈◊〉 perform their duties , to rectifie what was found amisse amongst them , to preserve peace between them on emergent differences , to reform such errors and corruptions as are expresly contrary to the word of God ; and finally , to give strength and motions to their Councels and Determinations , tending to Edification and increase of Piety . And though in most of their proceeding● toward Reformation , the Ki●gs advised with such Bishops as they had about them , or could ass●mble without any great trouble or inconvenience , to advise wit●all ; yet was there no nec●ssity , that all or the greatest part● of the Bishops should be drawn together for that purpose , no more then it was anciently in the Primitive Times for the godly Emperors to c●ll together the most part of the Bishops in the Roman Empire , for the ●st●blishing of the matters which com●erned the Church , or for the godly Kings of Iudah to call together the greatest part of the Priests and Levites , before they acted any thing in the Reformation of those corruptions and abuses which were cr●pt in amongst them . Which being so ; and then with●●l considering as we ought to do , that there was nothing a●tered here in the state of R●ligion , till either the whole Clergy in their 〈…〉 the B●shops and most eminent Church-men had resolved upon it ; our Religion is no more to be called a Regal then a Parliament-Gospel . 6 ▪ That the Clergy lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of Submission , and the p●wer of calling and confirming Councels did anciently belong to the Christian Princes . If you conceive that by ascribing to the King the Supreme Authority , taking him for their Supreme Head , and by the Act of Submission which ensued upon it , the Clergy did unwittingly ensnare themselves , and drew a Vas●allage on these of the times succeeding , inconsistent with their native Rights , and contrary to the usage of the Primitive Church : I hope it will be no hard matter to remove that scruple . It 's true the Clergy in their Convocation can do nothing now , but as their doings are confirmed by the Kings authority , and I conceive it stands with reason ( as well as point of State ) that it should be so . For since the two Houses of Parliament , though called by the Kings Writ , can conclude nothing which may binde either King or Subject , in their Civil Rights , untill it be made good by the Royal Assent ; so neither is it ●it nor safe , that the Clergy should be able by their Constitutions and Synodical Acts , to conclude both Prince and People in spiritual matters , untill the stamp of Royal Authority be imprinted on them . The Kings concurrence in this case devesteth not the Clergy of any lawful power which they ought to have , but restrains them only in the exercise of some part thereof , to make it more agreeable to Monarchical Government , & to accommodate it to the benefit both of Prince and People . It 's true the Clergy of this Realm can neither meet in Convocation , nor conclude any thing therein , nor put in execution any thing which they have concluded , but as they are enabled by the Kings authority . But then it is as true withall , that this is neither inconsistent with their native Rights , nor contrary unto the usage of the Primitive Times . And first it is not inconsistent with their native Rights , it being a peculiar happinesse of the Church of England to be alwaies under the protection of Christian Kings ; by whose encouragement and example , the Gospel was received in all parts of this Kingdome . And i● you look into Sir Henry Spleman's Collection of the Saxon Councels , I believe that you will hardly finde any Ecclesiastical Canons for the Government of the Church of England , which were not either originally promulgated , or after approved and allowed of either by the Supreme Monarch of all the Saxons , or by some King or other of the several 〈◊〉 , directing in their National or Provincial Synods . And they enjoyed this Prerogative without any dispute after the Norman Conquest also , till by degrees the Pope ingrossed it to himself ( as before was shewn ) and then conferred it upon such as were to exercise the same under his authority : which plainly manifests that the Act of Su●mission so much spoke of , was but a changing of their dependance from the Pope to the King , from an usurped to a lawful power , from one to whom they had made themselves a kinde of voluntary slaves , to him who justly challenged a natural dominion over them ; and secondly , that that submission of theirs to their natural Prince , is not to be considered as a new Concessi●n , but as the R●cognition only of a former power . In the next place I do not finde it to be contra●y to the usage of the primitive times . I grant indeed that when the Church was under the command of the Heathen Emperor● , the Clergy did assemble in their National and Provincial Synods of their own Authority : which Councels being summoned by the Metropolitans , and subscribed by the Clergy , were of sufficient power to binde all good Christians who lived within the Verge of their Jurisdiction . They could not else assemble upon any exigence of affai●s but by such authority . But it was otherwise when the Church came under the protection of Christian Princes : all Emperors and Kings from Constantine the Great ( till the Pope carried all before him in the darker times ) accompting it one of the principal flowers , ( as indeed it was ) which adorned their D●adems . I am not willing to beat ●n a common place . But if you please to look into the Acts of ancient Councels , you will finde that all the General Councels ( all which deserve to be so called , if any of them do deserve it ) to have been summoned and confirmed by the Christian Emperors , that the C●uncel of Arles was called and confirmed by the Emperor Constantine , that of Sardis by Constans , that of Lampsacus by Valentinian , that of Aqui●eia by Theodosius , that of The●●al●nica ( National or Provincial all ) by the Emperor Gratian : that when the Western Empire fell into the hands of the French , the Councels of A●on , Ment● , Meld●n , Wormes , and Colen received both life and motion ●●om Charles the Great and his Successors in that Emp●re ; it being evident in the Records of the Gallican Church , that the opening and confirming of all their Councels not only under the Caroline but under the Merovignean Family , was alwaies by the power , & sometimes with the Presidence of their Kings and Princes , as you may finde in the Collections of Lindebrogius , and Sirmondus the Iesuite : and finally that in Spain it self ( though now so much obnoxious to the Papal power ) the two at Bracara , and the ten first holden at Toledo , were summoned by the Writ and Mandate of the Kings thereof . Or if you be not willing to take this pains , I shall put you to a shorter and an easier search ; referring you for your better information in this particular to the learned Sermon preached by Bishop Andrewes at Hampton Court , anno 1606. touching the Right and power of calling Assemblies , or the right use of the Trumpets . A Sermon preached purposely at that time and place for giving satisfaction in that point to Melvin and some leading men of the Scotish Puritans , who of late times had arrogated to themselves an unlimited power of calling and constituting their Assemblies without the Kings cons●nt and against his will . As for the Vassallage which the Clergy are supposed to have drawn upon themselves by this Submission , I see no fear or danger of it as long as the two Houses of Parliament are in like condition ; and that the Kings of England are so tender of their own Prerogative , as not to suffer any one Body of the Subjects to give a Law unto the other without his consent . That which is most insisted on for the proof hereof , is the delegating of this power by King Henry the 8. to Sir Thomas Cromwell ( afterwards Earl of Essex and Lord high Chamberlain ) by the name of his Vicar General in Ecclesiastical matters : who by that name p●esided in the Convocation , anno 1536. and acted other things of like nature in the years next following . And this ( especially his presiding in the Convocation ) is looked on both by Sanders and some Protestant Doctors , not only as a great debasing of the English Clergie ( men very learned for those times ) but as deforme satis Spectacu●um , a k●nde of Monstrosity in nature . But certainly those men forget ( though I do not think my self bound to justifie all King Harr●es actions ) that in the Councell of Cha●●●don ▪ the Emperor apointed certain Noble-men to ●it as Judges , whose names occurre in the first Action of that Councell . The like we finde exemplified in the Ephesine Councell , in which by the appointment of Theod●sius and Valentinian then Roman Emp●rours , Candidianus , a Count Imperiall , ●ate as Judge o● President ; who in the managing of that trust over acted any thing that Cromwell did , or is objected to have been done by him as the Kings Commissioner . For that he was to have the first place in those publick meetings as the Kings Commissioner , or his Vicar-General , which you will , ( for I will neither trouble my self nor you with disputing Titles ) the very Scottish Presbyters , the most rigid sticklers for their own pretended ( and but pretended ) Rights which the world affords , do not stick to yeeld . No va●●allage of the Clergy to be ●ound in this , as little to be feared by their submission to the King as their Supreme Governour . Thus Sir according to my promise , and your expectation have I collected my Remembrances , and represented them unto you in as good a fashion as my other troublesome affairs , and the distractions of the time would give me leave ▪ and therein made you see , 〈◊〉 my judgement fail not , that neither our King or Parliaments have done more in matters which concern'd Religion and the Reformation of this Church , then what hath formerly been done by the secular Powers , in the best and happiest times of Christianity ; and consequently , that the clamours of the Papists and Puritans both , which have disturbed you , are both false and groundlesse . Which if it may be serviceable to your self , or others , whom the like doubts and prejudices have possessed or scrupled , It is all I wish : my studies and endevours aiming at no other end , then to do all , the service I can possibly to the Church of God ; to whose Graces and divine Protection you are most heartily commended in our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ , By Sir , Your most affectionate friend to serve you , Peter Heylyn . 
A68174	----	A briefe and moderate answer, to the seditious and scandalous challenges of Henry Burton, late of Friday-Streete in the two sermons, by him preached on the fifth of November. 1636. and in the apologie prefixt before them. By Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1637 Approx. 359 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 114 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A68174 STC 13269 ESTC S104014 99839755 99839755 4205 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A68174) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4205) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1441:03, 1488:02) A briefe and moderate answer, to the seditious and scandalous challenges of Henry Burton, late of Friday-Streete in the two sermons, by him preached on the fifth of November. 1636. and in the apologie prefixt before them. By Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [32], 194, [2] p. Printed by Ric. Hodgkinsonne; and are to be sold by Daniel Frere, dwelling in little-Brittan, at the signe of the red-Bull, London : 1637. A reply to "For God, and the King" and "An apology of an appeale" by Henry Burton. With a final errata leaf. a1, D4, and T1 are cancels in some copies. Variant 1: first two leaves in another setting, with "challenge" in title. Quire d is in two settings. d2r line 1 begins "Adversary," or (variant 2) "Adversary:". Identified as STC 4158 on UMI microfilm reel 1441. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Burton, Henry, 1578-1648. -- For God, and the King -- Controversial literature. Burton, Henry, 1578-1648. -- Apology of an appeale -- Controversial literature. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PREFACE , SHEWING . THE OCCASION OF This following Answere , with somewhat of the Storie of H. B. the principall Argument thereof . AMONGST the severall commendations given unto Charitie by Saint Paul , we find these particulars . Charitie vaunteth not it selfe ; is not puffed up ; doth not behave it selfe unseemely ; seeketh not her own ; is not easily provoked : thinketh no evill : Which if they be the certaine marks of Charitie , as no doubt they are ; we may affirm it of too many in these later daies , that whatsoever Faith they pretend unto , they have little Charitie . Such boasters are they of themselves , so arrogant , so unadvised in all their doings , so greedie either after lucre or vaine applause , so peevish and intemperate in their speech and writings , and finally so jealous and distrustfull of all those who concurre not with them in opinion : That though they had all Faith , so that they could remove mountains , which I thinke they have not ; or should they give their bodies to be burned , as I thinke they will not ; it would profit nothing . Of such , as these it was that S. Peter tell 's us , that they are Presumptuous , selfe-willed , and are not afraid to speake evill of dignities : of whom S. Jude relates , that they were murmurers , complainers , walkers after their owne lusts , and that their mouth speaketh great swelling words . Would you a further censure of them ? As naturall bruit beasts ( saith the Apostle ) made to be taken and destroyed , they speake evill of the things they understand not , and shall utterly perish in their own corruption . These are the mockers of whom the Apostles have foretold us , that they should come in the last times , and being come ; we must accordingly expect they should play their parts , and doe the will of him that sent them : And so they doe . The Church continually traducea , as if she were unsound in her intentions towards Christ ; as if there were a day at hand , in which the Saints i. e. themselves , must be tryed and sifted . The Prelates generally condemned , their cause un-heard , as factors for the Mysticall strumpet in S. John's Apocalypse , to make men drunken with the Cup of her abhominations . And as for the inferiour Clergie , which know no better sacrifice then obedience , and willingly submitte themselves unto the just commands of their Superiors , what are they but the common markes whereat each furious Malecontent doth shoot out his Arrowes , even bitter words . Nor hath the supreame Majesty , the Lords annointed escaped so cleere , but that they also have had part of those hard speeches , which these ungodly sinners have spoken against them , in Saint Judes language . Antonij epistolae , Brutique conciones , falsa quidem in Augustum probra , sed multa , cum acerbitate habent , as he in Tacitus . No times more full of odious Pamphlets , no Pamphlets more applauded , nor more deerely bought ; then such as doe most deeply wound those powers , and dignities , to which the Lord hath made us subject . Egregiam vero laudem , et spolia ampla . Not to goe higher then the Reigne of our now dread Soveraigne , how have both Church and State beene exercised by those factious Spirits , Layton , and Prynne , and Bastwick , the Triumviri ▪ with H. Burton the Dictator , what noise and clamours have they raised ; what odious scandalls have they fastned on their Reverend Mother ? what jealousies & feares ( that I say no worse ) have they seditiously infused into peoples mindes ? And thereby turned those weapons on their Mothers Children , which might have beene employed more fitly on the common Enemie . But when those of the Triumvirate had received their judgement , Layton and Prynne in the Starre-chamber , & Bastwick in the high Commission , the greatest comfort of the cause , did seeme to be intrusted to Dictator Burton : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man in whom the Element of fire had the most predominancie , which made that which is zeale in others , to be in him a zealous furie . The rather since he had deceived himselfe in his expectations , and swallowed down those hopes , he could not digest . That which hath heretofore made so many Hereticks , occasioned his first dislike of the holy Hierarchy . When once Aerius lost his hopes of being made a Bishop , as Saint Austin tells us ; he set on foot this peevish doctrine , Presbyterum ab Episcopo nulla ratione debere discerni , that by no meanes there was a difference to be made , betweene Priests and Bishops . And that once broached , there followed next , non celebranda esse jejunia statuta , sed cum quisque voluerit jejunandum ? that no set fasts were to be kept , but every man might fast when he would himselfe . This was the very Case of our Grand Dictator . He had beene a servant in the Closet to His Sacred Majestie , then Prince of Wales : and questionlesse being in the Ascendent , he thought to Culminate . But when he saw those hopes had failed him , and that by reason of his violent and factious carriage , he was commanded to depart the Court , he thought it then high time to Court the people ; that he might get in the hundreds , what he lost in the Countie . This pincheth him it seemes , to this very day ; and he is so ingenious , ( which I wonder at ) as to let us know it . For in the Epistle to His Majestie before his Sermon ( if at the least a rayling and seditious declamation may be called a Sermon ) he stiles himselfe His Majesties old and faithfull servant : and in the other to His Majestie before the Apologie he bemoanes himselfe , as an old out-cast Courtier , worne out of all favour and friends there . Hinc illae lachrymae ; Hence the opinion of these quarrells . Here he declares most plainly where his griefe doth lye ; what made him first flie out , and bend his thoughts , to foster and foment a faction : Such is the humour of most men , whom the Court casts out ; that they doe labour what they can , to out-cast the Court. Being thus entred and ingaged , hee found it necessary to acquaint himselfe with such as were affected like himselfe , and in their severall professions might best aide and helpe him : this made him picke out Master Prynne , an utter Barrister of Lincolns Inne , for his learned Counsaile : Layton and Bastwicke , two that had the name of Doctors , to be Physitians to his person : His Doctors finding by some Symptomes , which they had observed , that he was very fretfull , and full of Choller , perswaded with him , either by preaching , or by writing to vent that humour : which otherwise for want of vent , would soone burne him up : his learned Counsaile standing by , and promising that whatsoever he should write or say , hee would finde Law for it . On this encouragement he beganne to cast abroad his wilde-fire , endeavouring nothing more than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to raise combustions in the state : and like Erostratus of old , seeing hee could grow famous by no other meanes , to burn downe the Temple . The Pulpit , first erected onely for preaching of the word of God , was by him made a Sanctuary , or privileged place , from whence to raile against the times , to cry downe all the orders of holy Church , and to distract the people with needlesse controversies , in despight of his Maiesties Declaration , which he cared not for , or would interprete for his purpose : And had this happinesse withall , that whatsoever he said there , did instantly become Gods truth ; and therefore not to be suppressed by Prince , or Prelate . The Presse , which was devised at first for the advancement and increase of learning ; was by him made a meanes to disperse his pasquills , that they might flye abroad with the swifter wing , and poyson mens affections , whom he never saw . And howsoever some of his unlicenced Babels , were guilty of sedition , and tended to incense the Commons against the King ; yet , being dedicated to the Parliament , As himselfe relates it , P. 45. he came off bravely , and brought his adversaries to a non-plus . Fortunate man , one of the sonnes , no question , of the young white henne ; to whom , both Presse & Pulpit prostitute themselves , and yet account it as an honour that hee hath abused them . Too fortunate indeed , had it so beene carried . But not long after , this brave man of Armes , that dares encounter with Goliah , as hee boasts himselfe , received the foile , being first suspended for his preaching , and afterward imprisoned , and brought into the High Commission for his printing , as hee relates the story . p. 52. Oh , but by Gods great blessing , and the Kings good Lawes he was fetch 't off those shelves ( where else as he complaineth , he had suffered shipwracke ) by a Prohibition . P. 53. for that hee was beholding to his friend Mast . Prynne who both aduised him to it , & had led the way ; and having Layton's valour in admiration , thought it a farre more Noble suffering , to lose one eare or two by sentence in the Starre-Chamber , then lend an eare to the censure of the High Commission , so fared it with his learned Counsaile , whose punishment might have perswaded him to more moderate courses , but that he had a strong desire to fill up the measure of his iniquities : and having beene a stickler in the same cause with him , conceived it most agreeable to the rule of fellowship , that he must suffer with him also . Tully indeed did so resolve it . Ut qui in eadem causa fuerunt , in eadem item essent fortuna : and certainly it was very fit that it should be so : nor was it possible to stay him being once resolved : only he wanted opportunity for the accomplishment of his designes , which the last Gun-powder day did present unto him ; that day being by him thought most proper for their execution , whom he had long before condemn'd , and meant to blow up now without helpe of Powder . In that more mercifull indeed , than Faux or Catisby ; they purposing to blow up the three estates together ; he but at once . The place designed for this dispatch , that which he had so long abused , the Pulpit ; the way of bringing it about , that which hath alwaies served his turne on the like occasions , a seditious Sermon : wherein he had drawn up together , what ever spirit of malice he had found dis●●rsed in al or any of those scurrilous and pestilent Pamphlets , which had bin published to the world since Martins time , of purpose to defame the Clergy , and inflame the people ; his own store being added to it : Nor did he thinke it was enough thus to disgorge his stomacke , of purpose to excite his audience against their superiors , and startle them with dreadfull feares , as if hoth tyranny and Popery , were likely in short time to be thrust upon them : that was an undertaking fit for private persons , whose gifts might be confined to one place or Parish : For his part , he was now the generall Superintendent of all the Churches , the forlorne hope , the Centinell perdue of the whole brother-hood : and therefore the most choyce and materiall poynts of the Declamation , ( like the Enclyclicall Epistles of the elder times ) must briefely be summed up , and scattered all abroad the Kingdome , as Newes from Ipswich : Nay , lest one title of his word should fall to ground , the Declamation presently must become a Libell , and was by him thought fit to have been printed ( as soone as spoken ) for the generall god ( as he assures us ) of all his Majesties loving Subjects throughout the Kingdome : and printed at the last it was , and with a monstrous impudence dedicated to his Maiesty , and Copies of the same given forth , ( as he saith himselfe ) in hope that it might come at last to his Maiesties hands . Two things there were especially which did embolden him thus to preach and publish his owne personall quarrells , as the truth of God : First an opinion of some extraordinary calling from above , the same perhaps that Hacket was possessed with in Queene Elizabeths reigne : This he avoweth in his Epistle to the King. I heartily thanke my Lord Jesus Christ , who hath accounted mee faithful , & called me forth to stand in his case , and to witnesse it before the World , by publishing my said Sermons in Print , &c. And in that directed to the true-hearted Nobility , where he speaks more plainly Certainly I am one of the watch-men of Israel ( though the meanest ) yet one that hath obtained mercy to bee faithful . Nor have I inconsiderately or rashly rushed upon this businesse , but have been by a strong hand drawn into it . Yea my Lords , know assuredly that Christ himselfe my great Lord & Master , hath called me forth , to be a publike witnesse of this great cause , who will certainly maintaine both it and me , against all the Adversaries of God and the King. The second was a confidence , that no man durst to question so great a prophet , greater then which , was never raised up from the dead , to preach to Dives and his brethren . And this he lets us know in his Apologie , p. 7. I never so much as once dreamed ( saith he ) that impiety and impudencie it selfe , in such a Christian state as this is , and under such a gratious Prince , durst ever thus publikely have called me in question , and that upon the open stage , &c. No marvell if so strange a calling , seconded by so strong a confidence , spurred him bravely on ; and made him lift up both his voice and hand against what ever is called God : and how know wee , but that in some of his spirituall raptures , he might faine an hope , that his dread name should be as famous in the stories of succeeding times , as Muntzers , or King John of Leidens . But these imaginations failed him too , as his Court-hopes did . For contrary to what he dreamt ( such filthy dreamers , S. Jude speakes of ) Vpon the Third of December next ensuing , a Pursuivant ( as he tells the storie ) served him with letters missive from the high Commission , to appeare before Doctor Duck at Cheswick , then and there to take his oath to answere to such Articles as were laid against him . Bold men , that durst lay hands upon a Prophet of such an extraordinary calling , who if his power had been according to his spirit , would have commanded fire from heaven , to have burnt them all , or sent them further off with a noli me tangere . But caught or not caught , all was one . For though it was no time to move the Court for a Prohibition , being out of Terme , yet he bethought himselfe of another way to elude his Judges : and that was by a strange Appeale , being neither a gravamine , nor a sententia , to decline that Court ; and put the cause immediately into his Majesties hands , where he might be , he thought , both a defendant and complainant , as he saith himselfe . p. 1. of the Apologie . A fine invention doubtlesse , but more sine then fortunate . For on a new Contempt , as himselfe informes us , he was suspended by the high-Commissioners , both from his Benefice and Office , and the suspension published ( as he now complaines ) in his own Parish Church , to his intolerable disgrace and scandall . Indignum facinus . Therfore that all the World might knowted and on what suspended , Lo a necessitie ( so he saith ) is laid upon him , as formerly to Preach , now to Print his Sermon ( for Sermon he will have it called , whosoever saith nay . ) And printed at the last it was , as before was said , and therewithall was printed also an Apologie for the said Appeale , with severall addresses to the Kings most Excellent Majestie , to all the true-hearted Nobilitie of His Majesties most honorable Privie Counsell ; and to the Reverend and Learned Judges : the Copies of them both being spread abroad , for the greater consolation of the Brethren , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here and there dispersed , like Simeon and Levi , brethren in evill , in the tribes of Israel . This is the substance of the storie , which I have here laid downe together by way of preface , that with lesse interruption I might ply the Argument presented to us , both in the Sermon and Apologie . For howsoever neither of them be considerable in regard of the Author , who since his being thrust out of the Court , hath beene an open and professed enemie of the Publicke Government : yet in relation to the Church and Rulers of it , whom he endeavoureth to expose to the common hatred ; and next in reference to the people , whom he hath laboured to possesse with false and sinister conceits of the present state ; it hath beene thought convenient by authority , that an Answer should be made unto them . The preservation of Religion is a thing so Sacred , that we cannot prize it to the height : and therefore they that labour to preserve it , are of all men , the most to be esteemed and honoured . Proximus diis habetur , per quem deorum majestas vindicatur , as the Historian rightly noted . So that wee cannot blame poore men , if they are startled and affrighted at those scandalous rumors which are diffused and spread amongst them , to make them think that Religion is in no small danger : or if they hold a Reverend esteeme of those , who seeme to them to have a principall care thereof , and the safety of it . Onely they are to be admonished , not to be too credulous in matters of so high a nature , till they are throughly certified of the trueth thereof : that they conceive not ill of the Church , their mother , upon the light and false reports of every male contented spirit ; or thinke them Champions of Religion , who are indeed the bane , and disturbers of it : That Faction in the Church , which Mast . Burton , and his Copesmates , have so much laboured to promote : hath since the first beginning of it accused the Church of England of the selfe same crimes , whereof they now pronounce her guilty : nor haue they found any new matter wherewithall to charge her , than that which their fore-fathers had beene hammering on in the times before them : yet they cry out with no lesse violence but farre more malice , than their fathers did ; and fill the minds of iealous and distrustfull people with doubts and feares of innovations , of and in the worship of God , & the whole doctrine of Religion ; as if the bankes were broken downe , and Popery were breaking in a maine upon us ; onely because they can no longer be permitted to violate all the orders of Gods Church , here by Law established . The Papists and these men , how different soever they may seeme to bee in other matters , have , as it were by joynt consent , agreed in this , to charge this Church with novelties and innovations : the one especially in the poynts of Doctrine ; the other principally in matters of exteriour order , & the service of God. But as we say unto the one , that in the reformation of this Church , we introduced no novelties into the same , but onely laboured to reduce her to that estate and quality , wherin she was in her originall beauty , and the Primitive times : so may we say unto the other , that all those Innovations which they have charged upon the Church in their scandalous Pamphlets , are but a restitution of those ancient orders , which were established heere at that Reformation . This that the world might see , and see how scandalously and seditiously they traduce the Church ; I was commanded by authority to returne an Answer to all the challenges and charges , in the said two Sermons and Apology of Master Burton . For being it was the leading Libell , in respect of time , ( the principall matters in the Newes from Ipswich , being borrowed from Master Burtons Sermon ) and that those many which have followed , are but a repetition of , and a dilating on those poynts which are there conteined : it was conceived , that bee being answered , the rest would perish of themselves . On this command I set my selfe unto the Work ; and though I knew no credit could bee gotten from such an Adversary , Vbi & vincere inglorium est , & atteri sordidum ; and that there are a sort of men , who hate to be reformed in the Psalmists Language : yet being so commanded , I obeyed accordingly , & cannot but account it an especiall honour to mee , to bee commanded any thing in the Churches service . Besides J could not but be grieved , to see my dearest Mother traduced so fowly in things whereof I knew her guiltlesse ; and it had argued in mee a great want of Piety , not to have undertaken her defence herein , being called unto it . From which two great and grievous crimes , defect of piety , and true affection to the Church our mother ; and disobedience to the commands and orders of the higher powers ; no lesse than from the Plague and Pestilence , good Lord deliver us . Having thus rendred an account , both of the reasons why the Sermon and Apology of Master Burton , have been thought worthy of an Answer ; and why , for my part , J have undertaken a Reply unto him : I must now settle close unto the businesse , beginning first with the Apology , so farre forth as it justifieth his said Appeale ; and leaving those particulars , which he doth charge upon the Prelates , to be considered of more fully in due place and time . CHAP. I. Containing a particular answere to the severall Cavills of H. B. in defence of his Appeale . Appeales unto His Majestie , in what case admitted . The high Commissioners , neither parties in the cause , nor Adversaries to the Person of the Appellant . The Bishops no usurpers of the Jurisdiction belonging to the King. The Oath of Supremacie not derogatorie to Episcopall power . Objections against the Oath Ex Officio , with an answere to them . Other objections against the Proceedings in the high-Commission answered . Of giving forth a Copie of ones Sermon , upon Oath . Sedition , how it may be punishable in the High Commission . Archbishop Whitgifts name abused , and his words mis-reported by H. B. HItherto Mass . Burton , wee have laid you open , by the way of an Historicall narration ( though all Historicall narrations be offensive to you , for the sake of one ) and consequently spake only of you in the third Person , as hic et ille . But being now employed in the Examiners Office , I must deale with you , as if Coram , in the second Person , which I perswade my self will better sort with your ambition ; the second Person ( if you remember so much of your Accidens ) being more worthy then the third . And first , I would faine know what mooved you to appeale unto His Majestie at your first conventing , before you had just grievance , or an unjust sentence . Your conscience sure accused you , and pronounced you guiltie , and told you what you should expect in a legall triall : and on the other side your presumption flattered you , that being an Old Courtier , though worn out of favour , you might have some friend there to promote your suite . Sir you forget it seemes , what is related in the conference at Hampion Court , in the self same case . My L. of London , moved his M tie . that then was [ K. James of B. memory ] that Pulpits might not be made Pasquils ( Pray sir mark this well ) wherin every humorous or discontented fellow might traduce his Superiors . This the King very gratiously accepted , exceedingly reproving that as a lewd custom , threatning , that if he should but heare of such a one in a Pulpit , He would make him an example : ( this is just your case ) And that if any thing were amisse in the Church Officers , not to make the Pulpit a place of personall reproofe , but to let His Majestie heare of it , yet by degrees . First let complaint be made unto the Ordinarie of the place , from him to goe to the Archbishop ; from him , to the Lords of the Counsell , and from them , if in all these places no remedie is found , to his own self : which Caveat His Majestie put in , for that the Bp. of London had told him , that if he left himself open to admit of all complaints , neither His Majestie should ever be quiet , nor his under Officers regarded : seeing that now already , no fault can be censured , but presently the delinquent threatneth a complaint to the King. Here is a long gradation , and that after censure : but you will venter on the King , per saltem , not by faire degrees ; and that not only before censure , but before any grievance to be complained of . The King would quickly have his hands full , were that course allowed of ; and wee must needs conceive him God , as well by nature , as resemblance : it being impossible he should have any spare time left , either to eare , sleepe , or refresh his Spirits , or whatsoever other businesse doth concern this life , or shew him mortall . But wee must needs conceive , there was some speciall reason in it , which might induce you to cry out , before you were hurt ; more then the matter of the Articles which were read vnto you ; or your own guiltie conscience , which had precondemned you . Yes sure , for you except against as well the incompetencie of the Judges , as the illegall manner of proceedings in the high Commission . The Judges you except against ( excepting those honorable Nobles , Judges , Counsellers of state , which are seldome there ) as parties in the cause , and adversaries to your person for the causes sake ; p. 6. parties , because you have traduced them for Innovators , and Adversaries , for the reasons which hereafter follow . Suppose them parties , and what then ? Then by the Lawes of God and nature , as also by the Common , Canon , and Civill Lawes , they are prohibited from being Judges . This is the first Crutch your Appeale halts with ; and this will faile you . For howsoever it be true , in ordinary course , that no man can be Judge in his own cause , there where the cause concernes himself in his own particular ; yet it is otherwise in a body aggregate , or a publick person . Suppose in time of Parliament , a man should taxe that great assembly with some grievous crime , should the whole body be disabled from proceeding with him ? Or that a man should raise some odious scandall on my Lords the Judges , should he escape unpunished because there is none else to judge him ? Or that some sawcie fellow behaves himself audaciously and Contra bonos more 's , before the Justices on the bench , at their Quarter Sessions ; should not the Bench have power to bind him to his good behaviour ? Or that a man within the Liberties of London , should say a fig for my Lord Major , might not my Lord Major clap him in the Counter ? And yet the Parliament , and the Judges and the Justices , and the Lord Major of London , are asmuch parties in these cases ; as the Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Chancellors , and the rest of the High Commission , are by you said , and only said , to be in the other . For that they are not parties , wee shall see anon , when wee shall come to cleere them of those imputations , which in a furious zeal you have laid upon them . That which you next attempt , is to prove them Adversaries , and Adversaries to your person for the causes sake . Good Sir , what see you in your self , that you should think such great and eminent men should beare malice to you . Tullie , a wiser man then you , and a better Orator , as I take it , and in more credit with the common people ( though you grieve to heare it ) might have taught you better . Non video nec in vita , nec in gratia , nec in hac mea mediocritate quid despicere possit Antonius . Was it not you , sweet Sir , that did Protest thus roundly of my LL. the Bishops , I speake not this , God is my witnesse , out of any base envy to their Lordly honor and pompe , which is so far beneath my envy . Poore soul , are those great persons , and their honors beneath your envie ; and is your person a fit marke for theirs ? Diogenes ; and your self , two magnanimious Cynicks . You know the story wel enough , and can best applie it . Calco Platonis fastum , sed mafore fastu . Yea , but they are the Adversaries of your person for the causes sake : Say then the Adversaries of the cause ; let your person goe , as a contemptible thing that provokes no Adversary . Yet wee will take you with us to avoid exceptions , and see what proofe you have to make them Adversaries to your person for the causes sake . And first they are your Adversaries , because the Adversaries of those trueths by you delivered in your Sermon , p. 7. Hold there a little brother B. As farre as you have said the truth , they will all joyne with you . Veritas a quocunque est , est a Spiritu Sancto , said St. Ambrose truely . In that assuredly you shall find no Adversaries . But when you leave to speake the trueth , which is the Office of a Preacher ; and fall upon Seditious , false and factious discourses , to inflame the people , and bring them into ill opinion , both of their King , and those to whom the goverment of the Church is by him intrusted ; you are no more a Preacher , but a Prevaricator , a dangerous Boutefeu , and Incendiarie , as you have beene hitherto . That this is true , shall be most plainly manifested in the Anatomie of your Sermon , ( for wee will call it so to please you ) where the charge is pressed . A second reason which you have to prove them your Adversaries , is that they have usurped such a title of jurisdiction , as cannot consist with that title of Jurisdiction , which the Law of the Land hath annexed to the Crown Imperiall , p. 7. If so , they are the Kings Adversaries in the first place , robbing him of the fairest floure in the Regall diadem : and as the Kings Adversaries , the common Adversaries of all loyall subjects , no more yours then mine . But how may it appeare unto us , that they have made so great and manifest an usurpation , as you charge them with ? Because , say you , they doe continually exercise their Episcopall jurisdiction , without any Letters Patents of His Majestie , or His Progenitors , in their own names and rights only , not in His Majesties Name and right , &c. Great pitty but you should be made the Kings Atturney ; you would bring all the Clergie doubtlesse in a Premunire , and make them fine more deeply for it , then when King Henry the 8th first charged them with it . But this being objected to them in that sermon also ; we shall there meet with it . One thing I must take with me now , for feare I find it not hereafter . You say the Bishops exercise their Episcopall jurisdiction , in their own names and rights only , not in his Majesties name and right , to the manifest breach of their oathes aforesaid . Alas poore Prelates , cast away your Rochets , and resigne all to Brother B. Before he had indited you at the Kings Bench , for usurpation ; and now he files a bill against you in the Star-Chamber , as in case of perjurie . For he assures us , that the Statute , 1. Eliz. c. 1. uniting all manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall whatsoever , unto the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme , enacteth the Oath of Supremacy and Allegeance eo nomine , to that very end and purpose , that none should presume to exercise any Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction within this Realme , but by virtue of the Kings Letters Patents , and in the Kings Majesties name and right Qui nunquam risistis nunc ridete . Here 's such a piece of learned ignorance , as would make Heraclitus laugh ; It seemes you had no conference of late with your learned Counsell ; who , had he seene this passage , might have marred the merriment ; For pray you Sir , was the Oath of Allegiance enacted 1. of Elizabeth ? Then certainly my books deceive me , in which it is reported to have been enacted 3. Jacobi , on the occasion of the Gunpouder Treason . And for the Oath of Supremacy , made indeed 1. Eliz. was it enacted eo nomine , to that end and purpose , as you please to tell us ? What ? that no Bishop might proceed in exercise of his ordinary Episcopall Authoritie , without especiall Letters Patents ; and in the Queenes Majesties Name and right only ? Find you in all the Statute any mention of Letters Patents , more then in and for the erection and establishment of the High Commission , for excercise of that supreme , and highest jurisdiction of right invested in the Crowne ? as for the Oath , look it well over once againe , if there be any one word which reflecteth that way , of suing out especiall Letters Patents by the Party sworne , for the discharge of the authoritie committed to him ; or that makes mention of the Queenes name to be used therein . Assuredly , learned sir , that Oath was framed , to settle the abolishment of all forreine power and jurisdiction , such as the Popes of Rome had lately practised in this Kingdom ; and for no other end and purpose . Or if it were enacted , eo nomine , to that end and purpose , that none should exercise any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction within this Realme , but by virtue of the Kings ( or Queenes ) Letters Patents : then certainly it must be thought , that all , and every Temporall Judge , Justice , Major , and other lay and temporall Officer or Minister ; all that take wages of the King in any of His dominions , those that sue out their Livery , or Oustre le maine ; young Schollars in the Universitie , when they take degrees , or finally , whosoever is required by the Statute to take that Oath ; have in them a capacitie of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , but may not exercise the same without Letters Patents : or else must forthwith take up armes against those that doe . As for that clause which followes after , And in the Kings Majesties name and right , that 's just like the rest . It was indeed enacted so , in some certaine cases . 1 Edw. 6. c. 2. but was repealed by Parliament , 1. Mar. c. 2. and stood repealed all the reigne of Queene Elizabeth , and therefore could not be intended in the statute 10. I see Sir , you are as excellent in the Law , as in the Gospell : and marveile that you have not mooted all this while in some Inne of Chancery . Le ts on Sir to those other Arguments which you have studied , to prove the High Commissioners to be your adversaries ; and if we follow your account they are three in number : but stilo novo we shall finde but one , and that one worth nothing . First , they who are adversaries of God and the King , are your adversaries , p. 9. Secondly , they which are Christs enemies are your enemies . And thirdly , they which are the Kings enemies are your enemies . p. 10. This is as good as handy dandy , pretty sport for Children . I hope you will not divide Christ from God , and I am sure you cannot divide the King from himselfe . Let then your three arguments passe this once for one : and shew us how you meane to prove , that the Bishops are the adversaries of God and the King. That 's made as cleare as all the rest , by arguing a non-concessis pro concessis ; by taking it for granted , because you say it , that they are dangerous innovators , hinderers of the Gospell , opposers of his Majesties Lawes , Proclamations , and Declarations against all innovations of religion , &c. What proofe you have of this , more then your owne bare Ipse dixit , we shall see hereafter : and when we see it , we will answer to it as we see occasion . Meane while , I would faine know how this concernes you , more then others : why any schismaticke or delinquent may not pretend the selfe same reasons , to decline the judgement of that Court , as well as you . Pope Boniface tels us of Saint Peter , that he was taken in consortium individuae Trinitatis ; and doubtlesse you deride him for it : yet in effect , you take as much unto your selfe . Gods cause and yours are so alike , of such neere kinne to one another , that they are hard to be distinguished . Our Saviour Christ hath no advantage of you , but that hee was the first-begotten , and therefore is your elder brother : As for the King , according to the Puritan tenet , he 's but a Minister of the State , onely a sworne Bailiffe of the Common wealth , and to be called unto accompt when the people please : the Saints , i. e. your selfe and such as you , being kings indeed , to whom the earth belongs of right , and the fulnesse of it ; and at whose feete , in case the Presbyterian discipline were once established , all Kings and Princes of the world must lay downe their scepters , Huic disciplinae omnes orbis Principes & Monarchas fasces suos submittere , & parere necesse est . As your friend Travers stated it in his booke of Discipline . Yes marry Sir , now I perceive there 's somewhat in it , why Gods cause , Christs , the King , and yours , are so linked together . So farre we have gone after you , or with you rather , to see how you could justifie your Appeale , as it related to the incompetencie of the Iudges : wee must next looke upon you whilest you pleade your cause , as it reflects upon the illegality of their proceedings . And this you branch into two parts also , ( for you are excellent at making a division : ) the one generall which concernes their usuall practise in all other cases ; the other particular , in your owne case , p. 11. It had beene fitter sure you had left out the generall , and fallen on the particular onely : for in such things , which are , you say , their usuall practise , what cause have you to make appeale more then other men . And should all other men take liberty to decline the Court , that would dislike their course and manner of proceedings : his Majesty might quickly call in the Commission , as an vnnecessary thing , of no use at all . This therefore onely was put in to beget an Odium to that Court , and buzze into the peoples heads ( who if once seasoned with your leaven , are apt to credit it ) that the proceedings there are contrary to pie●y , to law , to charity , and utterly against the liberty of the Kings good subjects . But being put in , we must doe what we can to rase it out againe : and therefore speake , what is it that you are agrieved at in their usuall practise . Your first exception is against the oath ex officio , in which you say they doe transgresse in three particulars : first in regard it is exacted of the delinquent , before a copy of the Articles or Libell is exhibited unto him ; and secondly in that the deponent is not permitted to have a copy of the Articles , before he doth depose unto them , that he may answer to them by advise of Counsell : both which , you say , are contrary unto the practise of all the other Courts of Iustice . Thirdly , in that the oath exacted is contrary both unto faith and charity ; to faith , in that an oath so taken must needes be taken for a rash oath , and so against the nine and thirtieth Article of the Church of England ; to charity , in that it makes a man to accuse his brother , and betray himselfe , and so against that generall maxime , nemo tenetur prodere seipsum , p. 11. and 12. This is the summe of what you say , ( for that which followes of putting in Additionals to the information , on the discovery of new matter , was not worth the saying : ) and all this is no more , but quod dictum prius , that which hath formerly beene alledged , and already answered , your learned Counsell furnished you with these particulars , when you were both delinquents in that Court together : and he might doe it easily without much study . They were collected before hee was borne , and by some that had as evill will to the Church as he , and spred abroad amongst that party in Queene Elizabeths time : but very learnedly refelled by Dr. Cosin , then Deane of the Arches , to whom for brevities sake I might well referre you . Yet since your libell is made publicke , and dispersed abroad , I will in briefe lay downe such answers as are made by him , to your severall cavils ; adding a little of mine owne , and one thing specially for your satisfaction which he could not know of . In answer to the first , he tels you ( if you would have learned ) that though the Articles or Libell , be not exhibed inscriptis , before the oath , yet that the generall heads are signified and opened to the party criminall : which was observed , as you confesse , in your particular : For you informe us in the beginning of your Apologie , that the occasion of your Appeale was upon the reading of certaine Articles unto you , by the Register of the Court before Doctor Duck , and by his appointment who thereupon tendred unto you an oath to answer to the said Articles . This was as much favour as could be showne you , and more then needed . The reason why the Articles are not given in scriptis , is chiefely upon observation , that some of those to whom that favour hath beene showne , have used it onely as a meanes to instruct their confederates , for the concealing or the disguizing of the truth ; ( a thing of dangerous consequence in punishment of Schismes , Heresies , and such other things which this Court takes notice of : ) themselves , upon perusall of the Articles , remaining still as obstinate in the refusall of the oath , as they were before . Nor is it generally contrary to the practise of the Common-law , as it is pretended ; the grand inquest taking an oath before the Iudges , that they shall diligently inquire , and truely present all offenders against any such point , as shall be given them in charge : and yet the charge not given till the oath be taken . As to the second , touching the advise of Counsell to draw up the answer , that 's universall neither in law nor practise . For on inditements at the common law upon life and death , there is no counsell given the party to draw up his answer . And in proceedings in the Starre-chamber , Chancery and Court of requests , however they commence suites there by bill and answer : yet when they come to interrogatories , the parties first take oath to answer truely to the points ; and then the Interrogatories are proposed unto them peece by peece , in the Examiners office . Besides that in such Cases , as principally doe concerne the high Commission , it hath not beene thought sit to admit of Counsell , for drawing up an answer unto the Articles objected ; the better to avoide delaies , and that foule palliating of schismes , and errors , which might thence arise . As for the first part of the third exception , it 's true , that vaine and rash swearing is condemned by the nine and thirtieth Article : but then it resteth to be proved , that taking of an oath to answer to the points proposed , doth come within the compasse of rash swearing . For howsoever men are sworne aforehand , in the proceedings of that Court , to answere truely to the things objected , when they come to heare them ; yet they are never sworne to answer to them before they heare them . And for the breach of charity , and the old said saw , Nemo tenetur prodere seipsum , 't is answered , that the oath is not exacted in things meerely secret , which are left to God ( for de occultis ecclesia non judicat , as the saying is , ) but in such cases which are partly manifested , as by bruite or fame , and such like indicia , in which the Church is to be satisfied . And in this case and such as these the oath is tendred , not to betray the party whom it doth concerne , but rather , if it be possible to cleare his innocency ; on both sides to bring truth to light , which is a Iewell worth the finding . Which cou●se is also used in the Starre-chamber , where the defendant is to answer , even in criminall matters , on his corporall oath : and that not onely to the bill preferred against him , but to as many Interrogatories , and some crosse ones too , as the Plaintifes Counsel shall devise . Adde here , which Doctor Cosin could not know of , the resolution of King Iames of blessed memory , at Hampton Court. When the Lord Chancelor , and after him the Lord Treasurer , had spoke both for the necessity and use of the oath ex officio , in diverse Courts and cases ; his excellent Majesty preventing that old allegation , Nemo cogitur detegere suam turpitudinem , said that the Civill proceedings punished onely facts , but in Courts Ecclesiasticall it was requisite that fame and scandalls should be looked into . That here was necessary the oath compurgatorie , and the oath ex officio too ; and yet great moderation should be used , first , in gravioribus criminibus , and secondly , in such whereof there is a publicke fame , and thirdly , in distinguishing of publicke fame , either caused by the inordinate demeanour of the offender , or raised by the undiscreet proceeding in triall of the fact . All which just cautions were observed in this proceeding against you Mass . B. and therefore your appeale was causelesse , as your grievance none . Now for your owne case next , and thē illegality of proceeding in it , you have no lesse then tenne exceptions ; you might have spunne them out as you doe your uses , to as many more . These wee will summe up briefly , that the world may see them ; and afterwards reply to such as are considerable , though peradventure we may touch at all , for your satisfaction . First , you except in reference to the matter charged upon , which was sedition , and so belonging to the Civill Courts ; and secondly against the manner of proceeding , viz. first , inciting you to a private house , before one Commissioner alone ; secondly , excluding your friends and neighbours that they might not heare ; thirdly , in tendring you an oath in a matter , which if true concernd your life ; fourthly , in calling for a copy of your Sermon to be delivered upon oath ; fifthly , in that you were suspended , being absent ; sixthly , notwithstanding your appeale ; seventhly , and the suspension published in your owne parish Church , to your intollerable disgrace and scandall ; eightly , in taxing you of sedition in the said suspension ; and ninthly , in denying you a Copy of the Articles , and other Acts of Court , whereby to perfect that appeale to his sacred Majesty . Of all these tenne , there are but two considerable , ( the other eight being onely added to make up the tale : ) to wit , of the matter charged upon you , which was sedition ; and then the tendring of an oath in the said matter , being a crime , which might if true , concerne you , in point of life . For that you were convented before one Commissioner alone , at his private house is no rare matter ; that his conventing of you being onely to tender you an oath , to make true answer to those Articles which were read unto you : there being a particular clause in the very Commission , that any one Commissioner may give the oath to party or witnesse . And why you should bring your friends and neighbours with you ; or being there , why should you thinke to have them present at your examination is beyond my reach : unlesse perhaps you were desirous to let them see how valiantly you durst out-face authority . You cannot be so ignorant , having had businesse in that Court before , as not to know , that though the party cited doe for the most part take his oath in the open Court , to make true answer , whensoever he is called unto it : Yet the examinations are in private , in some other place . And so they are also in the Examiners office for the Starre-chamber , Chancery , and Court of Requests , and all Commissions thence awarded : where the Examiner and the Party , the Commissioners and Deponents are alone in private , remotis arbitris . The calling for a Copy of your Sermon to be delivered upon oath , is neither any new matter , or used onely in your case : it being Ordinary in the Vniversities ; and by the Vice-chancellours there done of common course . And it seemes wonderous strange to me , you should deny to give a private Copy of your Sermon , when it was required of you by authority : and notwithstanding publish it in Print a little after , being not required . As for the Example of our Saviour , ( whose case you parallell with your owne upon all occasions ) who being demanded of his doctrine by the High-Priest , made answer , that he spake openly in the Synagogue , and in the Temple , and said nothing in secret , and therefore they might aske the question of those that heard him : that makes nothing for you . And yet from hence you draw a most factious inference , that no Minister ought to be put so much as to give an answer , much lesse a Copy of what he publickely preached in the Church p. 15.16 . The case is very different between Christ and you , though you make it one : he being demanded of his doctrine in the generall , without particulars , either time or place , or any matter charged upon him ; you being questioned for a Sermon preached at such a time , and in such a place , containing such and such seditious and factious passages , as were reade unto you . Lesse reason have you to complaine of being suspended being absent , because being warned to be there , you refused to come : or that you were suspended notwithstanding your appeale , to his sacred Majesty , since your suspension , as you grant , was grounded on a new contempt , not the first refusall of the oath . That the suspension should be published in your owne Parish Church , and that therein you should be taxed of sedition ; was both just and necessary . For if you were convented first , because of your seditious Sermon , and a seditious Sermon Preached to your owne Parishioners : good reason that your censure should be published there , where you committed your offence , that so the people might beware of the like false teachers . And for denying you a Copy of the Articles , and other Acts of Court , I see no cause at all why you should demand them . For having at the first declined the judgement of that Court , by the refusall of the oath , and your said Appeale ; and afterwards contemptuously neglected your appearance on the second summons : what cause had you to expect any favour from them , or to consult those Acts which you cared not for ; Especially considering you continued still in your disobedience , and desired the Articles , not to answer to them , but thereby , as you say your selfe to perfect your Appeale ; or rather , as it may be thought , to scatter them abroad in imperfect copies , with such false answers to them as you pleased to make . Your selfe and such as you , have long used the art , of getting the first start upon mens affections : non ignari instandum famae , & prout prima successerint fore vniversa . But come we now unto the maine of your Appeale , in reference to the illegality of proceedings in your owne particular : for all that hath beene answered hitherto , was but the vantage as it were , which you cast in out of your abundance , to make up the reckoning . It is pretended , that being charged with sedition , you were not bound to answer to it . And why ? Because sedition is no ecclesiasticall offence against the Church , but a civill against the King and State ; and therefore to be tried onely in his Majesties Courts of Civill Iustice , and not before the High Commissioners , who have no cognizance thereof . Your Enthimeme doth halt extreamely . For there are many matters punishable in either jurisdiction , which since you are ignorant , I will name you some . Vsury , contrary to the statute , 21. Iac. c. 17. is punishable at the Common-law , and it is also punishable in the Court Christian ; as in the 109. Canon . The selfe same Canon reckoneth drunkennesse and swearing , as punishable by the Ordinary upon presentment : and yet are punishable by the Civill Magistrate , by vertue of two severall statutes , viz. 4. Iac. 5.21 . Iac. and 21. Iac. 20. So for prohibited , either workes or recreations on the Lords day , the parties so offending are by the Statute 1 Car. c. 1. & 3. Car. c. 1. to be convented and corrected by the Iustices of the Peace : and yet there is a salvo there , for the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to proceed as formerly . All persons that offend against the Statute 1. Eliz. c. 2. either in depraving the Booke of Common prayer , or else not using it as they ought to doe , or using any other forme of prayer ( N. B. ) then is there prescribed , &c. are punishable either by enditement at the Common-law , or by the censures of the Church According as complaint is first made unto either Court : I could informe you of many such particulars , were it convenient . So that you see , your proposition is not true , in that full latitude wherein you propound i● : viz. because sedition is to be tryed in the Courts of civill Iustice , therefore in you , and as it was an offence by you committed , it was not to be censured in the High Commission . For Sir , I hope you can distinguish betweene sedition in the field , or in the Market-place , and a seditious Sermon ( for Sermon I must call it for feare of angring you ) in the Church or Pulpit . Had you behaved your selfe seditiously in any other place , no better dealing with you , then by the Constable first , and so on . But if you preach seditiously , and make the House and Ordinance of God , onely a Pandar to your discontent or your ambition , I hope my Lords the Iudges will not be offended , if your Superiours in the Lord doe chastise you for it , yet this , at last , you make a just gravamen , upon the which you might appeale . But had you thought indeed , as you say you doe , that the Ecclesiasticall Commssioners , could take no cognizance of the crime objected to you : you might with better hopes have labored for a prohibition , as formerly you did upon weaker grounds ; then runne your selfe so hastily on a new experiment , of making an Appeale , when you were not grieved . Lastly , you pleade , that being the matter charged upon you , was Sedition , and so if true , your life might have beene called in question ; you were not bound to take the oath propounded to you , and this you ground upon a Passage of Arch-Bishop Whitgift in the conference at Hampton Court , saying , as you report his words , that in matter of life , liberty , and scandall , it is not the course of that Court to require any such oath : wherein you doe most shamelessely misreport the words of the said Arch-Bishop . All that he said , is this , which will helpe you little , viz. If any Article did touch the party any way , either for life , liberty , or scandall , he might refuse to answer , neither was he urged thereunto . He doth not say , as you make him say , that in those cases there recited , it was not the course of that Court , to require any such oath , but that the party might refuse to answer to those Articles which did so concerne him . It is the custome of the Court to give an oath unto the party , to answer truely to such Articles as shall be propounded : and the indulgence of the Court , at the examination , that if the party will , he may chalenge any of them , as not being bound by law to answer to them ; and his refusall , if the law binde him not to answer , is to be allowed . You might then , subtile Sir , have tooke the oath ; and yet demurred on any such Article , when you came unto it . And so farre we have traced you in your Apologie , wherein is nothing to be found , but poore surmises : which being proved onely by an Aio , might have beene answered with a Nego ; but that I am resolved to dissect you throughly , and lay you open to the world , which hath so long beene seduced by you . CHAP. II. The Kings authority restrained , and the obedience of the subject limited within narrow bounds , by H. B. with the removall of those bounds . The title of the Sermon scanned , and the whole divided . H. B. offended with the unlimited power of Kings , the bounds by him prescribed to the power of Kings , both dangerous and doubtfull . The power of Kings how amplified by Iewes , Christians , Heathens . What the King cannot doe , and what power is not in him , by Mass . Burtons doctrine . The Positive Lawes of the Realme conferre no power upon the King , nor confirme none to him . The whole obedience of the subject restrained by H. B. to the Lawes of the Realme ; and grounded on the mutuall stipulation betweene King and people . The dangerous sequells of that doctrine . A Pravis ad praecipitia . Wee are on the declining hand , out of the Hall into the Kitchin , from an Apologie that was full of weakenesse , unto a Sermon or rather a Pasquill farre more full of wickednesse : yet were we guided either by the Text or Title , we might perswade our selves there were no such matter , nothing but piety and zeale , and whatsoever a faire shew can promise . But for the Title Sir ( I hope you know your owne words in your doughtie dialogue betweene A. and B. ) you know the proverbe , Fronti rara fides , the fowlest causes may have the fairest pretences . For whereas you entitle it , for God and the King , you doe therein as Rebells doe most commonly in their insurrections : pretend the safety of the King , and preservation of Religion , when as they doe intend to destroy them both . The civill warre in France , raised by the Duke of Burgundy and Berry against Lewis the eleventh , was christned by the specious name of Le bien Public , for the Common-wealth ; but there was nothing lesse intended then the common good . And when the Iewes cryed Templum Domini , Templum Domini , they did but as you doe , abuse the people , and colour their ambition , or their malice , choose you which you will , with a shew of zeale . So that your Title may be likened very fitly , to those Apothecaries boxes which Lactantius speakes of , quorum tituli remedium habent , pixides venenum , poysons within , and medecines writ upon the Paper . So for your Text , we will repeat that too , that men may see the better how you doe abuse it . My sonne feare thou the Lord , and the King , and meddle not with them that are given to change ; For their calamity shall arise suddenly , and who knoweth the ruine of them both , Prov. 24.21 , 22. A Text indeed well chosen but not well applyed . For had you looked upon your selfe and the Text together , and followed the direction which is therein given you , you had not so long hunted after Innovations , as for these many yeares it is knowne you have ; and so might possibly have escaped that calamitie which is now like to fall upon you . But it 's the nature of your humour , as of some diseases , to turne all things unto the nourishment of the part that is ill affected : Meane while you make the Scriptures but a nose of wax , as Pighius once prophanly called it ; by wresting it maliciously to serve your turnes ; and so confirme the vulgar Papists in contempt of that , which were it not for you , and such as you , they might more easily bee induced both to heare and reverence . Now for the method of your Sermon ( I meane to call it so no more ) though you observe no method in it , but wander up and downe in repetitions and tautologies , as your custome is : I must thus dispose it . The passages therein , either of scandall or sedition , I shall reduce especially unto these two heads : those which reflect upon the Kings most excellent Majestie , and those which strike directly against the Bishops . That which reflects upon the King , either relates to his authoritie , or his actions . That which doth strike against the Bishops is to be considered as it is referred either unto their place , or to their persons , or finally to their proceedings : and these proceedings are againe to bee considered , eyther in reference to their Courts , and behaviour there , or to their government of and in the Church , and carriage in that weighty office , wherein you charge them with eight kinds of Innovations , most of the generall kinds being sub-divided into several branches . For a conclusion of the whole , I shall present unto your selfe , by way of Corollarie , or resultancie out of all the premisses , how farre you are or may prove guilty of sedition , for that Pulpit pasquill of yours : and so commend you to repentance , and the grace of God. In ripping up whereof , as I shall keepe my selfe especially to your Pulpit-Pasquill : so if I meete with any variae lectiones , in your Apologie , or Epistles , or the Newes from Ipswich , or your addresses to the Lords of the Privie Councell , and my Lords the Iudges , I shall use them also either for explication or for application . Such your extravagancies , as cannot easily be reduced to the former heads , I either shall passe over , or but touch in transitu . This is the order I shall use . First for the King , you may remember what I told you was the Puritan tenet , that Kings are but the Ministers of the Common-wealth , and that they have no more authority then what is given them by the people . This though you doe not say expresly , and in terminis , yet you come very neare it , to a tantamont : finding great fault with that unlimited power which some give to Kings , and as also with that absolute obedience which is exacted of the subject . One of your doctrines is , that all our obedience to Kings and princes and other superiors must be regulated by our obedience to God. Your reason is , because the King is Gods Minister and Vice-gerent , and commands as from God , so for God , and in God. Your doctrine and your reason , might become a right honest man. But what 's your use ? Your first use is , for reprehension or refutation of those that so advance mans ordinances and commandements , as though they be contrary to Gods Law , and the fundamentall lawes of the State , yet so presse men to the obedience of them as they hold them for no better then rebells , and to deserve to be hanged drawne and quartered that refuse to obey them , pag. 77. So pag. 88. a second sort come here to be reproved , that on the other side separate the feare of the King from the feare of the Lord : and those are such as attribute to Kings such an unlimited power , as if he were God Almightie himselfe ; so as hereby they would seeme to ascribe that omnipotency to the King which the Pope assumes , and his Parasites ascribe to his holinesse . So pag. 89. Thus these men crying up , and exacting universall absolute obedience to man , they doe hereby cast the feare of God , and so his Throne , downe to the ground . Finally you reckon it amongst the Innovations wherewith you charge the Prelats in point of doctrine , that they have laboured to make a change in the doctrine of obedience to superiours , setting man so in Gods Throne , that all obedience to man must be absolute without regard to God and conscience , whose onely rule is the word of God , pag. 126. In all which passages , however you pretend the word of God , the fundamentall Lawes of state , and conscience : yet clearely you expresse your disaffection unto the soveraignty of Princes , and in effect leave them no greater power then every private man shall thinke fit to give them . Besides there is a tacite implication also , that the King exercises an unlimited power , which cannot possibly consist with the subjects conscience , the fundamentall lawes of the Kingdome , or the word of God. It had beene very well done of you to have told the people , what were the fundamentall lawes of State , which were so carefully to be preserved ; within what bounds and limits the authority of Kings is to be confined , and to have given them a more speciall knowledge of the rule of conscience . For dealing thus in generalls onely , ( Dolosus versatur in generalibus , you know who sayd it ) you have presented to the people a most excellent ground , not onely to dispute , but to disobey the Kings commands . Now Sir I pray you what are you , or by what spirit are you guided , that you should finde your selfe agreeved at unlimited power , which some of better understanding then your selfe have given to Kings : or thinke it any Innovation in point of doctrine , in case the doctrine of obedience to our superiours bee pressed more home of late then it hath beene formerly . Surely you have lately studied Buchannan dejure regni , or the vindiciae writ by Beza under the name of Iunius Brutus : or else perhaps you went no further then Paraeus , where the inferiour Magistrates , or Calvin , where the three estates have an authority to controule , and correct the King. And should the King be limited within those narrow bounds which you would prescribe him , had you power ; he would in little time be like the antient Kings of Sparta , in which the Ephori , or the now Duke of Venice , in which the Senate beare the greatest stroke : himselfe meane time , being a bare sound , and an emptie name , Stet magni nominis umbra , in the Poets language . Already you have layd such grounds , by which each private man may not alone dispute but disobey the Kings commandements . For if the Subject shall conceive that the Kings command is contrary to Gods word , though indeede it be not ; or to the fundamentall lawes of state , although hee cannot tell which be fundamentall ; or if he finde no precedent of the like commands in holy Scripture , which you have made to be the onely rule of conscience : in all these cases it is lawfull not to yeeld obedience . Your selfe have given us one case in your Margin , pag. 77. we will put the other . Your reprehension is of those , that so advance mans ordinances and commandements , as though they be contrary to Gods Law , and the fundamentall lawes of state , yet presse men to obedience to them , your instance is of one which was shrewdly threatned ( how true that is we meane to tell the world hereafter ) for refusing to doe that which was not agreeable to the word of God , viz. for refusing to read the booke of sports , as you declare it in the Margin , pag. 26. whether you referre us . So then the case is this . The King permits his people honest recreations on the Lords day , according as had beene accustomed , till you and your accomplices had cryed it downe : with order to the Bishops to see his declaration published in the Churches of their severall diocesses , respectively . This publication you conceive to bee repugnant to Gods word , ( though none but a few factious spirits ever so conceived it , and that your doctrine of the Sabbath be contrary to all antiquity and moderne Churches : ) and therefore by your rule they doe very well that refuse to publish it . It 's true indeed , in things that are directly contrary to the law of God , & such as carry in them a plaine and manifest impietie ; there is no question to be made , but it is better to obey God then man. But when the matter chiefly resteth either in misapplying , or misunderstanding the word of God , ( a fault too incidēt to ignorant & unstable men , & to none more then to your disciples & their teachers too ) or that the word of God be made a property like the Pharisees Corban , to justifie your disobedience unto Kings and Princes : your rule is then as false , as your action faulty . So for your second limitation , that 's but little better ; and leaves a starting hole to malicious persons , from whence to worke on the affections of the common people . For put the case , the King in necessary and emergent causes , touching the safety of his empire , demand the present ayde of all his subjects ; and any Tribunitian spirit should informe them , that this demand is contrary unto the fundamentall lawes of state : according to your rule , the subject is not bound to obey the king , nay he might refuse it , although the busines doth concerne especially his owne preservation . But your third limitation , that of conscience , is the worst of all . For where you make the word of God to be the onely rule of conscience , you doe thereby conclude expressely that neither Ecclesiasticall or Civill ordinances doe binde the conscience : and therein overthrow the Apostles doctrine , who would have Every soule be subject to the higher powers , not for wrath onely but for conscience sake . So that in case the king command us any thing , for which we finde not some plaine precept or particular warrant in the word of God ; as if the King command all Lecturers to read the service of the Church in their ●oodes and surplices , before their Lectures ; such his command is plainely against conscience , at least the Lecturers are not bound in conscience to submit unto it , because there is no speciall precept for it in holy Scripture . And certainely this plea of conscience , is the most dangerous buckler against authoritie , which in these latter ages hath beene taken up . So dangerous that were the plea allowed , and all the judgements of the king in banco , permitted to bee scanned and traversed in this Court of Conscience ; there were a present end of all obedience . Si ubi jubeantur , quaerere singulis liceat , peunte obsequio , imperium etiam intercidit , as he in Tacitus . If every man had leave to cast in his scruple , the balance of authority would be soone weighed downe . Yet since you are so much agreived at the unlimited power which some gives to Kings , will you be pleased to know , that Kings doe hold their crownes by no other Tenure , than Dei gratia : and that what ever power they have , they have from God , by whom Kings reigne , and Princes decree justice . So say the Constitutions ascribed to Clements , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Irenaeus also an antient father , Cujus jussu homines nascuntur , ejus jussu reges constituuntur . And Porphyrie remembreth it amongst the Tenets of the Essees a Iewish Sect , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that no man ever did beare rule but by Gods appointment . Holding then what they have from God , whose deputies they are , and of whose power they are partakers ; how and by whom doe you conceive they should be limited ? doubtlesse you meane to say by the lawes of the Land. But then if question be demanded who first made those lawes , you must needes answere also , the kings themselves . So that in case the kings in some particulars had not prescribed limits unto themselves , and bound their owne hands , as it were to enlarge the peoples : neither the people , nor any lawes by them enacted could have done it . Besides the law of Monarchie is founded on the Law of nature , not on positive lawes : and positive lawes I trow are of no such efficacie , as to annihilate any thing , which hath its being and originall , in the law of nature . Hence is it , that all soveraigne Princes in themselves are above the lawes , as Princes are considered in abstracto , and extent of power ; and how farre that extent will reach , you may see in the first of Sam. and 8 chap. though in concreto a just Prince will not breake those lawes , which he hath promised to observe . Princes are debtors to their subjects , as God to man ; non aliquid a nobis accipiendo , sed omnia nobis promittendo , as S. Austine hath it . And we may say of them in S. Bernards words ▪ Promissum quidem ex misericordia , sed ex justitia persolvendum : that they have promised to observe the lawes , was of speciall grace ; and its agreeable to their justice to observe their promise . Otherwise we may say of kings , as the Apostle of the just ; Iusto lex non est posita , saith the Apostle , and Principi lexnon est posita , saith the law of nature . Doe you expect more proofe than you use to give , Plutarch affirmes it of some kings . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they did not governe onely by the law , but were above it . The like saith Dion of Augustus Caesar , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was sure and had an absolute authoritie , aswell upon his lawes as upon himselfe . Besides in case the power of kings were restrained by law , after the manner , that you would have it ; yet should the king neglect those lawes , whereby you apprehend that his power is limited ; how would you helpe your selfe by this limited power ? I hope you would not call a Consistorie and convent him there ; or arme the people to assert their pretended liberties : though as before I said , the Puritan tenet is , that you may doe both . Your learned Councell might have told you out of Bracton , an ancient Lawyer of this kingdome , omnem esse sub Rege & ipsum sub nullo , sed tantum sub Deo ; And Horace could have told you , that kings are under none but God. Reges in ipsos imperium est Iovis , as he there hath it . You may moreover please to know , what Gregorie of Tours said once to a king of France ; Si quis e nobis , O Rex , justitiae tramites transcendere voluerit , a te corripi potest ; si vero tu excesseris quis te corripiet ? &c. If any of us , O king , offend against the rules of justice , thou hast power to punish him , but if thou breake those rules , who hath power to doe it ? We tell you of it , and when you list , you please to heare us , but when you will not , who shall judge you , but he that tels us of himselfe , that he is justice . This was you see the ancient doctrine , touching the power and right of kings , not onely amongst Iewes and Christians but in heathen states : what ever new opinion of a limited power , you have pleased to raise . But you goe further yet , and tell us of some things the king cannot do , and that there is a power which the king hath not ; what is it , say you , that the king cannot doe ? Marry you say he cannot institute new rites and ceremonies , with the advise of his Commissioners Ecclesiasticall , or the Metropolitan , according as some pleade from the Act of Parliament before the Communion booke , pag. 65. Why so ? Because , according to your law , this clause of the Act is limited to Queene Elizabeth , and not extended to her successours of the Crowne . This you affirme indeede , but you bring no proofe : onely it seemes you heard so from your learned councell . You are I see of Calvins minde , who tels us in his Commentarie on the 7 of Amos , what had beene sayd by Doctor Gardiner , after Bishop of Winchester , and then Ambassadour in Germany , touching the headship or Supremacie of the king his master : and closeth up the storie with this short note , inconsiderati homines sunt , qui faciunt eos nimis spirituales , that it was unadvisedly done , to give kings such authority in spirituall matters . But sir I hope you may afford the king that power , which you take your selves , or which your brethren at the least have tooke before you : who in Queene Elizabeths time had their Classicall meetings without leave or licence , and therein did ordeine new rites , new Canons , and new formes of service . This you may doe , it seemes , though the kings hands are bound that he may not doe it . And there 's a power too , as you tell us , that the king neither hath nor may give to others . Not give to others certainely , if he have it not ; for nemo dat quod non habet , as the saying is . But what is this ? you first suppose and take for granted , that the Bishops make foule havocke in the Church of God , and persecute his faithfull servants : and then suppose , which yet you say is not to be supposed , that they have procured a grant from the king to doe all those things which of late they have done , tending to the utter overthrow of religion by law established . And on these suppositions you doe thus proceede . Yet whatsoever colour , pretext or shew they make for this , the king ( to speake with all humble reverence ) cannot give that power to others , which hee hath not himselfe . For the power that is in the king is given him by God , and confirmed by the lawes of the kingdome . Now neither God in his law , nor the lawes of the land , doe allow the king a power to alter the state of religion , or to oppresse and suppresse the faithfull ministers of the Gospell , against both law and conscience . For kings are the ministers of God for the good of his people , as wee shewed before . p. 72.73 . So you , and it was bravely said , like a valiant man. The Brethren now may follow after their owne inventions , with a full securitie : for since you have proclaimed them to be faithfull ministers , no king nor Keisar dares suppresse them ; or if he should , the lawes of God , and the law of the land to boote , would rise in judgement to condemne him , for usurpation of a power which they have not given him . But take me with you brother B●● and I perhaps may tell you somewhat that is worth your knowledge . And I will tell you sir if you please to hearken , that whatsoever power is in the king , is from God alone , and founded on the law of nature . The positive lawes of the land as they conferre none on him , so they confirme none to him . Rather the kings of England have parted with their native royalties for the peoples good : which being by their owne consent , established for a positive law , are now become the greatest part of the subjects liberties . So that the liberties , possessions , and estates of the kings leige people , are , if you will , confirmed by the lawes of the land ; not the kings authoritie . As for the power of kings which is given by God , and founded on the law of nature , how farre it may extend in the true latitude thereof , we have said already : Whether to alter the state of religion , none but a most seditious spirit , such as yours would put unto the question : his majesties pietie and zeale , being too well knowne to give occasion to such quaeres . Onely I needes must tell you , that you tye up the kings hands too much , in case he may not meddle with a company of Schismatickes , and refractarie persons to all power and order , onely because you have pronounced them to be faithfull ministers of the Gospell . Such faithfull ministers of the Gospell as you and yours , must bee suppressed , or else there never will be peace and unitie in the Citie of God. And yet I see you have some scripture for it , more than I supposed : kings being , as you tell us from S. Paul , the ministers of God for the good of their people , and no more then so ? I thought S. Paul had also told us , that the King is a minister of God , an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evill : yea more than so too brother B. and it may concerne you , viz. if thou doe that which is evill be afraid , for he beareth not the sword in vaine . Aut undequaque pietatem tolle , aut undequaque conserva ; Take the whole text along good sir , or take none at all : and if you take all be afraid , as you are advised , verbum sapienti . I must goe forwards with you yet from the authoritie of the king , to the obedience of the subject ; which you doe presse indeede , but on such false grounds , as in conclusion overthrow the whole frame of government . The absolute obedience of the subject you have dashed alreadie , and reckon it amongst those Innovations in point of doctrine , which you have charged upon the Prelates : and in the place thereof bring in a limited or conditionall obedience , of your owne devising ; Your first condition or limitation rather , is , viz. that our subjection unto the king , is to be regulated as by Gods law , the rule of universall obedience to God and man , so by the good laws of the king . p. 38. the king as you informe us p. 42. having entred into solemne and sacred covenant with all his people , to demaund of them no other obedience , but what the good lawes of the kingdome prescribe & require : as on the other side , the people swearing no other obedience to the king than according to his just lawes , pag. 39. and 40. In which restraint , there are two things to be observed , first that wee are to obey the king no farther than there is law for it , and secondly no farther than that law seemes good ; So that in case the king commands his people any thing for which he hath no positive law to warrant his command ; and of this sort are many Proclamations , orders , decrees , injunctions , set out from time to time by the kings authoritie , and Prerogative royall , by brother Burtons rule the people are at liberty to obey or not . And on the other side , in case the said command bee grounded on some positive law which they like not of , whether it be a Penall statute , or some old Act of Parliament almost out of use , by the reviving of the which they may be prejudiced in purse or otherwise : this is no good law in their judgement , and so no more to be obeyed than if the kings command were founded on no law at all . But your next limitation is farre worse than this , though this bad enough . For in the next place you have grounded all obedience on the peoples part , upon that mutuall stipulation which the king and his subjects make at his Coronation . Where the king takes an explicite solemne oath to mainteine the antient lawes and liberties of the kingdome , and so to rule and governe all his people according to those lawes established ; consequently and implicitely all the people of the land doe sweare fealtie , allegiance , subjection and obedience to their king , and that according to his just lawes , pag. 39. your inference from hence is this , that if the king so solemnely by sacred oath , ratified againe in Parliament under his royall hand , doe bind himselfe to maintaine the lawes of his kingdome , and therein the rights and liberties of his subjects , then how much are the people bound to yeeld all subjection and obedience to the king , according to his just lawes , p. 40. So that according to your doctrine , the people is no longer to obey the king , than the king keepes promise with the people . Nay of the two the people have the better bargaine ; the king being sworne explicitely and solemnely to maintaine their liberties ; the people onely consequently and implicitely to yeeld him subjection . Is not this excellent doctrine think you ? or could the most seditious person in a state have thought upon a shorter cut to bring all to Anarchie ; for if the subject please to misinterpret the kings proceedings , and thinke though falsely , that he hath not kept his promise with them : they are released ipso facto from all obedience and subjection , and that by a more easie way , then suing out a dispensation in the Court of Rome . You tell us , p. 129. of the kings free subjects ; and here you have found out a way to make them so : a way to make the subject free , and the king a subject ; and hard it is to say whether of the two be the greater Contradiction in adjecto . I have before heard of a free people , and of free states , but never till of late of a free subject : nor know I anyway to create free subjects , but by releasing them of all obedience to their Princes . And I have read too of Eleuthero Cilices , which were those people of Cilicia that were not under the command of any king : but never reade of an Eleuthero Britannus , nor I hope never shall . I will but aske you one question , and so end this point . You presse the kings oath very much about maintaining of the lawes of the Kingdom , as pag. 39.40 . and 42. before recited , as also , pag. 72. againe and againe , and finally in your addresse to my LL. the Judges : is it by way of Commemoration or of Exprobration ? if of Commemoration , you forget the Rule ; memorem immemorem facit , qui monet quae memor meminit . But if of Exprobration , what meant you , when you needed not to tell us , that in a point of Civill Government , it is a dangerous thing to change a Kingdom setled on good lawes into a tyranny ; and presently thereon to adde a certaine speech of Heraclitus , Viz. That Citizens ought to fight no lesse for their Lawes , then for their walls . I only aske the question , take you time to answere it . CHAP. III. An Answere to the Challenge of H. B. against His Majesties Actions and Declarations . The King accused for breach of promise , touching the Petition of Right ; but falsly . His Majesties Declaration before the Articles censured by H.B. as tending to suppresse the Trueth , and advance the contrary errours . Of the law of Amnestie . His Majesties Declaration about Sports condemned and censured . H. B. fall's scandalously fowle upon King James , by reason of the like Declaration by him set forth . H. B. makes the people jealous of the Kings intentions . His Majestie accused for the restraint of Preaching in infected places , contrary to his Declarations , and the former practise ; and thereunto the increase of the Plague imputed . His Majesties Chappell paralleld with Nebuchadnezars golden Image , and Julian the Apostates Altar . H. B. incourageth disobedient persons , and makes an odious supposition about setting up Masse in the Kings Chappell . FRom your restraint and curtailling of the Kings authoritie , proceed wee to your censure of His Actions and Declarations which wee have separated from the other , because in this wee have some intermixture of your invectives against the Bishops : your scandalous clamours against whom , in reference to their place and persons , are to follow next . And first wee will begin with the Petition of Right , as having some resemblance to the former point : on which you please to play the Commentator and spoile a good text with a factious glosse . It pleased His Majestie , being Petitioned ( amongst other things ) in Parliament , 1628 , that no Free-man ( and not a Free Subject , as you phrase it ) should be imprisoned , or detained without cause shewed , and being brought to answere by due course of Law : to passe His Royall assent to the said Petition . What Comment do you make thereon ? That no man is to be imprisoned , if hee offer bayle . p. 52. You do indeed resolve it so , in your own case too ; and fall exceeding fowle on His Sacred Majestie , because your Comment or Interpretation could not be allowed of . Now your case was thus . During that Session , you had printed a seditious Pamphlet ( as all yours are ) entituled Babell no Bethel ; tending to incense the Commons against the King : for which , being called before the High Commission , order was made for your commitment . And when you offered bayle , it was refused , you say , by my Lord of London that then was , affirming that the King had given expresse charge , that no bayle should be taken for you : That thereupon you claimed the right and Privilege of a Subject , according to the Petition of Right , but notwithstanding your said claime , were sent to Prison , and there kept Twelve dayes , and after brought into the High Commission . This is the case , as you relate it . p. 52. and 53. And hereupon , you do referre it unto the consideration of the sagest , whether that which he fathered on the King , were not a most dangerous and seditious speech , tending to possesse the by-standers , and consequently all the people of the land with a sinister opinion of the Kings Justice and Constancy in keeping His solemne Covenant made with His people , as in that Petition of Right . And you have noted it in the margin , p. 53. for a most impious and disgracefull speech , to bring the people into an hard conceit of His Majestie , who but a little before had signed the Petition of Right . This is yet pressed againe both in the same , and the next page , as also in your addresse unto the Judges : as if the King had violated His solemne promise made unto the people , and beare down all the rights and liberties of the Subject mentioned in the said Petition ; by suffering , or appointing a Seditious Phamphletter to be sent to prison , without bayle . But tell me Sir I pray you , for I know not yet , how you could plead the benefit of that Petition ; or how it could advantage you in the smallest measure . It was petitioned , that no Subject being a Free-man , should be committed to the prison without cause shewed , and being brought to answere in due course of Law. Tell me of all loves , how doth this concerne you ; or how can you complaine of being imprisoned contrary to His Majesties answere unto that Petition : the cause of your commitment being shewne unto you ; which was that Booke of yours formerly mentioned ; and you being brought to answere in the High Commission , according to due forme of Law , as your selfe informe us . Here was no matter of complaint , but that you have a mind to traduce His Majestie , as if he had no care of His Oathes and promises : more of which treacherous Art to amate the people , wee shall see hereafter . Besides Sir , you may please to know , that your case was not altogether such as those which were complained of in the said Petition , there being alwayes a great difference made between a man committed on an Ecclesiasticall , and a Civill crime ; And I will tell you somewhat which reflects this way . It appeares in the Diarie of the Parliament , 4. H. 4. what time , the Statute 28. Edw. 3. mentioned in the Petition ( which you call ) of right , was in force and practise , how that the Commons exhibited a Petion that Lollards arrested by the Statute . 2· H. 4. should be bayled , and that none should arrest but the Sheriffe , and other lawfull Officers : and that the King did answer to it , Le Roys ' advisera . This I am bold to let you know ; take it as you please . Next for His Majesties Declarations , you deale with Him in them , as in the Petition , if not somwhat worse . His Majestie finding by good tokens , that some such wretched instrument as your selfe , had spread a jealousie amongst the Commons in that Parliament , that there was no small feare of an Innovation in Religion : as also , that by the intemperate handling of some unnecessary questions , a faction might arise both in the Church & Commonwealth : thought fit to manifest himself in two Declarations . Of these , the first related unto the Articles of Religion , in this Church established , wherein His Majestie hath commanded that in those curious and unhappy differences , which were then on foote , no man should put his owne sense or Comment to be the meaning of the Article , but take it in the literall and Grammaticall sense : shutting up those disputes in Gods promises , as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scriptures ; and the generall meaning of the Articles according to them . The second did containe the causes which moved His Majestie to dissolve the Parliament , Anno 1628. wherin his Majestie protesteth , that he will never give way to the authorising of any thing , wherby any Innnovation may steale or creepe into the Church , but preserve that unitie of Doctrine and Discipline established in the time of Queene Elizabeth . So farre his Majestie . And those his Majesties Declarations , are by you either peevishly perverted , in defence of your disobedience ; or factiously retorted on his Majestie , as if not observed ; or scandalously interpreted , as if intended principally to the suppression of Gods trueth . I will begin first with that particular mentioned last , of which you tel us plainly , that Contzen the Jesuite in his Politicks prescribes this rule of silencing Controversies , as an excellent way for the restoring of their Roman Catholik Religion in the Reformed Churches . p. 114. As also from the Centuries that the Authors of corruptions and errours do labour to compose all differences with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or silencing of all Disputes ; that by such counsells the Emperor Anastasius ▪ being a favourer of the Arian heresy , was moved to burie the principall heads of Controversie in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and finally , that the Arian Bishops did the like in the Councell of Seleucia , called by Constantius an Arian Emperor , who did therein suppresse by perpetuall Amnestie the mention of Homousios and Homoiousios , that so they might coine a new faith , and utterly extinguish that of the Councell of Nice . p 115. This you ascribe indeed unto the Prelates , as an Art of theirs ; but you must needs intend it of the King , whose Act it was . Nor doe you only misinterpret his Majesties most pious Act , in an undutifull & scandalous manner ; but you pervert both this and the other also to serve your turne , and sometimes factiously retort them on His Majestie , as if not observed . What ever thing you challenge , or except against , that is forthwith proclaimed to be against his Majesties Declarations , so solemnly set out and published for satisfaction of his people : as Viz. in your two Epistles to his Sacred Majestie ; in your Apology p. 6. in your addresse to the Nobility . p. 23.24 . and to the Judges . p. 28.30.31 . and in your Pulpit Pasquill p. 51.52.54.64.65.67.72.146 . and finally , no lesse then thrice in the Newes from Ipswich . As for example . His Majestie intended by the first , that before the Articles , to silence those disputes which might nourish faction ; and in the other , to nourish in his Subjects a good opinion of his constancie to the Religion here established : but you , and such as you , will abuse them both . You were convented , as you tell us , unto London house , for Preaching on the point of Predestination , and there it was objected to you , that you had done therein contrary to his Majesties Declaration , pag. 51. which in the Margin there , you affirme to be A dangerous and false charge laid upon the King. And thereupon you answered that you never took the Kings Declaration to be by him intended for the suppressing of any part of Gods trueth , nor durst you ever conceive a thought so dishonourable to the King , as to think him to be an instrument of suppressing Gods trueth . No doubt you had good ground for so quick an answere ; and what was that ? His Majestie in his Declaration about the Parliament , had profest as much . p. 52. Here is the King against the King , one Declaration against another , both by you abused , both made to serve your turne , as occasion is . But why do you thus construe his Majesties words ? Because , say you , it was no part of his Majesties meaning to prohibit Ministers , to Preach of the saving Doctrines of Grace and Salvation , without the which , the very Gospel is destroyed . p. 51. the ministery of the Gospel overthrowne , and nothing but orations of moralitie to be taught the people . And doth the whole ministerie of the Gospel , the saving doctrines of Grace and Salvation , depend alone upon those difficult and dangerous points of Gods secret counsells ? Are all the Doctrines of the Gospel , matters of meere moralitie ; save those at which Saint Paul did stand astonished , and cryed out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , O the depth and heigth ! Cannot Christ Crucified profit us , rather you and your disciples ? unlesse wee must be taught , that the greatest part of mankind , is cast off for ever , without any regard had to their sinnes , and all the promises of the Gospel made unto them of none effect ? Or do you think that Faith , and an honest life will become unprofitable , unlesse wee vexe poore people with the noise of doubtfull disputations , which Saint Paul prohibited . Take heed Sir , I advise you as a speciall friend , least that befall you , which Saint Austin did once complaine of , Viz. lest honest , though unlearned men get heaven , whilest you with all your subtilties are excluded thence . Surgunt indocti et rapiunt coelum , et nos cum doctrinis nostris , sine corde , ecce ubi volutamur in carne et sanguine . But to what purpose do I seek to charme so deafe an Adder ? Be the Kings purposes never so sincere and pious , yet you are bold to quarrell with his Declaration , and to cry out vnto the people , that the Doctrines of Gods Grace , and mans salvation are husht , and banished out of Citie and Countrie ; and that there 's not a Minister , one amongst a thousand , that dare cleerely and plainly according to the word of God , and the Articles of our Church , preach of these most comfortable doctrines to Gods people , and so soundly and roundly confute the Arminian heresies ( as you call them ) repugnant thereunto . p. 116. But so you will not leave the King , he must heare more yet . His Declaration about lawfull recreations on the Lords day , is the next you quarell with . In this you fall more fowly on him then you did before , more then a civill honest man would , or could probably have done upon his equall ; and yet you ground this too on his Declaration . For thus you say . No wise and honest man can ever imagine that the king would ever intend to command that which mainly tendeth to the dishonor of God and his word , to the violation and annihilation of the holy Commandement touching the Sabbath , and to the alteration of the doctrine of the Church of England . How so ? Because , say you , this were against all those solemne Royall protestations of the King , &c. p. 56. Stay here a little I beseech you . How doth this businesse of the Sabbath touch the Declaration about dissolving of the Parliament , which is cited by you . Yes , in a very high degree , because , say you , it is a mighty Innovation in the doctrine of the Sabbath , which hath beene ever since the Reformation , and so from the Reigne of Queene Elizabeth of famous memory , constantly universally , and unanimously maintained in the Church of England , pag. 57. Qui semel verecundiae limites , &c. And if you proceed on a little , you will shortly blush at nothing . For the point in hand : Men of farre more credit , then I trow you are , assure us , that your new doctrine of the Sabbath , was never known in England , untill the yeere , 1596 ; and being made known then , not before , was neither universally , nor unanimously received , as you informe as . For had it beene a Doctrine constantly maintained ever since the Reformation , as you falsly say , assuredly Arch - Bp. Whitgift , had never called in those Books which maintained that argument , as it 's well knowne he did in his visitation , Anno 1599. nor had Judge Popham done the like at the Assises in Saint Edmonds bury , in the yeere 600. You must tell likelier tales then this , or all the old wives in your Parish will beshrew you for it : who cannot but remember with what harmelesse freedom they used to behave themselves , that day , in their yonger times . You stay not here , but as before you set the King against himselfe , one Declaration of the Kings against another ; so next , you set the King against the Parliament : and tell us , that the prophanation of the Sabbath or Lords day , which the Books seemes to give allowance to , as in sundry sports here specified , is contrary unto the Statute 1. Caroli , in which all unlawfull Exercises and Pastimes are prohibited upon that day ; and therefore dauncing , leaping , and the rest , which the Book alowes of p. 57. For this you are beholding to your learned Counsell , the first that ever so interpreted that Statute : and thereby set the Statute and the Declaration at an endlesse odds . But herein you goe farre beyond him , for he only quarrelled with the living , who had power to right themselves : You lay a scandal on the dead , who are now laid to sleepe in the bed of peace : and tell us of that Prince of blessed memory , King James , that the said Booke for Sports , was procured , compiled , and published in the time of his progresse into Scotland , when he was more then ordinarily merrily disposed . p. 58. When he was more then ordinarily merrily disposed ? Good Sir , your meaning . Dare you conceive a base and disloyall thought , and not speake it out , for all that Parrhesia which you so commend against Kings and Princes : p. 26. Leave you so faire a face with so foule a scarre : and make that peereles Prince , whom you and yours did blast with daily Libells when he was alive ; the object of your Puritanicall , I and uncharitable scoffes now he is deceased . Unworthy wretch , whose greatest and most pure devotions , had never so much heaven in it , as his greatest mirth . I could pursue you further , were you worth my labor , or rather , if to Apologize for so great a Prince , non esset injuria virtutum , as he in Tacitus , were not too great an injurie to his eminent virtues ; and therfore I shall leave your disloyal speeches of the King deceased , to take a further view of those disloyall passages , which doe so neerely concerne the King , our now Royall Soveraigne . For lest the people should continue in their duty to him , being the thing you feare above all things else ; you labour what you can to take them off : at lest to terrify his Majesty with a feare to lose them . For you assure us on your word , because you would have it so . p. 64. that pressing of that Declaration with such cursed rigour ( as you call it ) both without and against all Law , and all example , and that also in the Kings name , is very dangerous , to breed in peoples mindes , as not being well acquainted with His Majesties either dispositions or protestations ( still you bring in that ) I know not what strange scruples or feares , causing them to stagger in their good opinion of his Majestie . And in the Apologie , giving distast to cal your Majesties loyall subject who hereupon grow jealous of some dangerous plot . p. 6. You would faine have it so , else you would not say it . Quod minus miseri volunt , hoc facile credunt . But hereof , and how you encourage men to stand it out , wee have more to come . A man would think that you had said enough against your Soveraigne , charging him with so frequent violating of his protestations , and taxing in such impudent manner his Declaration about sports , as tending mainly to the dishonour of God , the prophanation of the Sabbath , the annihilation of the fourth Commandement , and the alteration of the doctrine of the Church of England . Yet that which followes next is of farre worse nature ; no lesse a crime , then pulling down of preaching , and setting up Idolatry : pretty Peccadillo's . For Preaching first , it pleased his sacred Majestie out of a tender care of his peoples safety , to ordaine a fast , by his Royall Proclamation to provide , that in infected parishes there should be no Sermon , the better to avoid the further spreading of the Sicknesse , which in a generall confluxe of people , as in some Churches , to some Preachers , might bee soone occasioned . This his most royall care you except against as an Innovation contrary to his Majesties publick Declarations , p. 146. and in the Newes from Ipswich , you tell us also that it is a meanes to inhibit preaching , and consequently to bring Gods wrath upon us to the uttermost . p. 147. You call it scornfully a mock-fast , p. 148. a mock-fast , and a dumb-fast distastfull to all sorts of people , in the Ipswich newes : and in plaine language tell the King , that this restraint , with other innovations which you have charged upon the Prelates , do fill the peoples minds with jealousies and fears of an universal alteration of religion , p. 147. What peoples minds are filled so I beseech you sir , but those whom you and such as you have so possessed ? I trow you have not had the people to confession lately , that you should know their minds and feares so well , as you seeme to do . But know , or not know , that 's no matter ; the King is bound to take it upon your word ; especially considering that the restraint of preaching in dangerous and infected places , and on the day of fast , when men come empty to the Church , and so are farre more apt to take infection then at other times ; is such an Innovation , as certainly the like was never heard of in the holy Scripture , or any of the former ages ; and withall so directly contrary unto his Majesties solemne Protestations made unto his people . Here 's a great cry indeed , but a little wooll . For how may wee be sure , that the holy Scripture and all former ages have prescribed preaching as a necessary part of a publike fast , yea as the very life and soule of a fast , as you please to phrase it , both in your Pulpit Pasquill , p. 144. and the newes from Ipswich . That so it was in holy Scripture , you cite good store , as viz. 2 Chron. 6.28.29.30 . Chap. 7.17.14 . Numb . 25.6 . to 10. Ioel. 1. & 2. Zeph. 2.1.2.3 . all in the margin of the Newes book . Of all which texts , if there be one that speakes of preaching , let the indifferent Reader judge . The Scripture being silent in it , how shall we know it was the custome in all former ages ? For that you tell us , in the same margine of the Newes book , that so it was 1. Iacobi & Caroli . Most fairly proved . I never knew till now , but that the world was older then I see it is . Men talk of certain thousands that the world hath lasted : but we must come to you for a new Chronologie . The world , my masters , and all former ages , ( which comes both to one ) contain but 34 yeares full , not a minute more . An excellent Antiquarie . No marvell if his Majesty be taxed with innovations , changing , as he hath done , the doctrine of the Sabbath , first set on foor Anno 1596 , and the right way of celebrating a publike fast , for which you have no precedent before the yeare 1603. Nor can I blame the people , if they feare an alteration of religion , when once they see such dreadfull Innovations break in upon them ; and all his Majesties solemne protestations so soon forgotten & neglected . Yet let me tell you sir , that fast and pray was the old rule , which both Scriptures and the Church have commended to us ; as in the texts by you remembred , and that delivered by Saint Paul 1. Cor. 7.5 . Oratio jejunium sanctificat , jejunium orationem roborat , was the Fathers Maxime . I never read of Fast and preach , till you made the Canon ; at least till you first brought it hither , if you made it not . And yet because of this , and such like terrible Innovations as this , you flie out extremely . First unto Gods most secret Counsailes , affirming most unchristianly , and withall most shamelesly , that this restraint of preaching ( in infected places ) was the occasion that the plague increased , double to any weeke since the Sicknesse beganne p. 144. that it brought with it a double increase of the plague , p. 50. an extraordinary increase the very first week of the fast , together with most hideous stormes , &c. p. 148. Sir , you forget that which was taught you by the Prophet , Abscondita , Domino Deo nostro ; that secret things belong to God : and wee may aske this question of you out of holy Scripture , What man hath known the mind of the Lord , or who hath been his Counseller ? Surely , untill you usurped that honor by reason of that extraordinary calling which you so much brag of , no man ever did . Yet since you are so curious in the search of causes , & wil needs tell us what occasioned so great a sicknes ; look in the last words of the second homily of Obedience , and you will find that nothing drawes down greater plagues from almighty God , then murmuring & rebellion against Gods Annointed . Next you fall foule upon his Majesty , and tell him plainly in effect , but cunningly as you imagine , that if he look not better to his Protestations , the beauty of his royall name will bee blasted in the Annals delivered to posterity , and that in them it will be said , This King had no regard to sacred vowes , and solemne protestations . I see what Chronicles we shall have when you come to write them , Caesarum contumeliis referta ; there 's no question of it . From pulling downe of Preaching , proceed wee next to setting up Idolatry ; which how you charge the King withall , must next be shewed . You tell us , that the Prelates to justifie themselves in those Innovations , which you unjustly lay upon them , do plead the whole equipage , furniture , and fashion of the Kings Chappell , as a pattern for all Churches : in which there is an Altar , and bowing towards it ; Crucifixes , Jmages , and other guises . And why should Subjects be wiser then their King ? p. 165. To this you answer , that the worship and service of God and of Christ ( you wil needs separate Christ from God do I what I can ) is not bee regulated by humane examples , but by the divine rule of the Scriptures . In vaine do they worship me , teaching for doctrines the commandements of men . p. 165. Well said ! the service in the Kings Chappell , and that which is conforme unto it , is a ●aine worship in the first place : And what follows next . The three Children would not bow to the Kings goodly golden Image . The old Christians would not so much as offer incense in the presence of Julian the Emperour at his Altar , nor at his command , though he propounded golden rewards to the doers , and fiery punishment to the denyers . p. 166. This is plaine enough . Here 's the Kings Chappell and the furniture thereof compared to Nebuchadnezars golden Image , and Julians Altar : by consequence the King resembled ●o those wicked tyrants . I now perceive what 't was you meant , when you extoll'd so highly that Parrhesia , which you conceive so necessary in a child of God ; p. 26.27 . instancing there , as here , in the three Children , Who feared neither the Kings big looks , nor furious threats ; and Maris Bishop of Chalcedon , who comming before Julian the Apostata , called him Atheist , Apostata , and a desertor of the faith : As in Elias , when he retorted King Ahabs words upon him , and the stout answer which Elisha made to the King of Israel : adding for close of all , that it were endlesse to recite examples in this kind , except to convince the cowardice of these times . You would have every man , it seemes , as bold a Bravo as your selfe ; to bid defiance to the King , at least to stand it out against all authority . For , for the proof of that brave Parrhesia , which you so extoll , you instance chiefly in such opposition : as was made to Kings , and therefore all your uses must be construed to reflect that way : now your fourth use is this . This makes for exceeding consolation to the Church of God , especially in declining times of Apostacie , ( in these dayes of lukewarmnesse and Apostacie , in the proposall of your uses , p. 128. ) and when the truth is openly persecuted and oppressed , and idolatry and superstition obtruded in stead thereof : when notwithstanding we see many Ministers of Iesus Christ , to stand stoutly to their tacklings , and rather then they will betray any part of Gods truth , and a good conscience , they will part with their ministerie , liberty , lively-hood , and life too , if need were . This is that which keeps Christs cause in life . This gives Gods people cause of rejoycing , that they see their Captains to keep their ground , and not to flie the field , or forsake their colours , or basely yeeld themselves to the enemie , &c. p. 31. They are your own words , one of the pious uses which you make of your so celebrated Parrhesia , that freedome and liberty of speech against Kings and Princes , or whatsoever is called God , which you so specially commend unto your disciples . Well then , here 's superstition and idolatry , but is there not a feare of the Masse also . Sure it seemes there is . For thus you close your answer , touching the equipage ( as you call it ) of the Kings chappell , the fashion , and furniture thereof . Lastly suppose , ( which we trust never to see , and which our hearts abhorre once to imagine ) Masse were set up in the Kings Chappell ; is this a good argument why it should be admitted in all the Churches throughout the Realm of England ? p. 166 Why how now zealous sir ; what ? Suppositions , Ifs & And 's , in such an odious intimation as setting up of Masse in the Kings Chappell ? I will not tell you any thing of my opinion in this place , but keepe it till I meet you at the halfe turne in the close of all . Onely I needs must tell you here , you might have dealt more curteously with your Soveraigne and Patron , as you stile him , had you the least part of that piety which you pretend to : seeing so manifestly that ( in Seneca's words , Jllius vigilia omnium domos , illius labor omnium otia , illius industria omnium delicias , illius occupatio omnium vacationem tueatur . The Kings great care to keepe his people in wealth , peace , and godlinesse , if considered rightly , might make the vilest of us all , to serve , honour , and humbly obey him , according to Gods holy word and Ordinance . But you , and such as you , have a speciall priviledge : which I much muse you did not plead , when you were questioned publickely for your misdemeanours . CHAP. IV. A plaine discoverie of H. B. quarrells against the Bishops , in reference to their calling , and their Persons . H. B. displeased that the Bishops doe challenge their Episcopall authoritie from our Saviour . The challenge of Episcopall power from Christ and his Apostles , neither new nor strange , as H. B. pretednds . Of the Episcopall succession in the Church of England . Episcopall succession , how esteemed and valued amongst the Antients . The derivation of Episcopall discent from the Church of Rome , no prejudice vnto the Hierarchy , or Church , as H. B. makes it . The Bishops antiently called Reverend Fathers . The scandalous and scornfull attributes given by H. B. to the Bishops in the generall , and to some of the chiefe of them in particular . A briefe replie to all his cavills against the chiefe of those particulars . H. B. makes his addresse to all sorts of people to joyne together with the King , to destroy the Bishops ; and is content to run an hazard of his own life , so it may be done . The ruine of the Bishops , made by H. B. the only present meanes to remove the Plague . A generall answere to these slanderous and Seditious passages . LEt us now looke upon your dealing with my LL. the Bishops , how you handle them , their place , their persons , their proceedings : who being the principall object of your malice , must not expect more civill usage , then the King their Master , especially considering in cold blood how they have provoked you , by calling you forth upon the stage . However use them as you please , you have one good shelter . For if your stile seeme sharper then usuall , wee are to blame , if wee impute it not to your zeal and fidelity for God and the King , being you are to encounter those who be adversaries to both : Begin then zealous sir , wee stand ready for you . First then , you quarrell with the calling , and stomack it exceedingly , that some of them should say in the High Commission , being put unto it by your Brother Bastwick , that they had their Episcopal authority from Christ , and if they could not prove it , they would cast away their Rochets . And so , say you , they might their Capps too , for any such proofe they can bring for it . p. 68. What more ? It 's plaine that they usurpe , professe and practise such a jurisdiction , as is not annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of England , but with the Pope and Prelates of Italy , they claime from Christ . Ibid. Well then , what hurt of this ! Thus you see our Prelates have no other claime for their Hierarchy , then the Popes of Rome have and doe make , which all our Divines since the Reformation , till yesterday , have disclaimed , and our Prelates cannot otherwise assume , but by making themselves they very limbes of the Pope , and so our Church a member of that Synagogue of Rome . And this you say , because it is affirmed by Dr. Pocklington , that we are able lineally to set downe the succession of our Bishops from Saint Peter to Saint Gregory , and from to our first Archbishop Saint Austin , our English Apostle , downwards to his Grace that now sits in the chaire , &c. p. 69. Thus also in the Newes from ●pswich , you are much offended with the Prelates , that they will needs be Lord Bishops , jure divino , by the holy Ghosts own institution , and shame not to stile themselves the Godly Holy Fathers of our Church , and Pillars of our faith , when as their fruites and actions manifest them to be nought else but Step-fathers and Catter-pillers , the very pests and plagues of both . And not long after , you bestow a gentle touch on Dr. Pocklington , calling the Prelates , as your use is , the true-bred sonnes of the Roman Antichrist , from whom D. Pocklington boasts they are lineally descended . But whatsoever be the claime from Christ , or his Apostles , or the Church of Rome ; you have found out a fitter Author of the holy Hierarchie ; even the spirit that beares rule in the aire , the devill . Who doth not only haunt the Pallaces of Prelates ( perhaps he went sometimes upon your occasions ) but hath infused such a poison into the chaire of this Hierarchie , as that man , who sits in it , had need to be strongly fortified with Preservatives and Antidotes of true Reall Grace , ( not nominall and titular ) that is able to overcom the infection of it . p. 106. This is the summe of what you say , or repeat rather with a nil dictum quod ; and this is hardly worth the saying by so great a Rabbin , the answere being made before the objection , yet since you say it , something must bee sayd about it , and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Your first exception is , that the Episcopall authoritie is claimed from Christ ; and that some of the Bishops said in the High Commission , that if they could not prove it they would cast away their Rochets . This is no more then what had formerly beene said in the conference at Hampton Court ; when on occasion of Saint Hieromes saying , that a Bishop was not divinae ordinationis : the Bishop of London ( Dr. Bancroft ) interposed , that unlesse hee could prove his ordination lawfull out of the Scriptures , he would not be a Bishop foure houres . You see then this is no new saying devised but yesterday , and contrary to what hath beene the judgement of all our Divines since the reformation , as you please to tell us . The learned workes of Bishop Bilson , entituled The Perpetuall government of Christs Church , and those of Dr. Adrian Saravia against your Patriarke Theodore Beza , de diversis ministerii gradibus ; with many others of those times : shew manifestly that you are an impudent Impostor , and care not what you say , so you make a noise . And yet I cry you mercy , I may mistake you ; not knowing exactly what you meane by your Our Divines : For if by your Divines , you meane the Genevian Doctors , Calvin and Beza , Viret and Farellus , Bucan , Vrsinus , and those others of forreine Churches , whom you esteeme the onely Orthodox professours : you may affirme it very safely , that the derivation of Episcopall authority from our Saviour Christ , is utterly disclaimed by your Divines . Calvin had never else invented the Presbytery , nor with such violence obtruded it on all the reformed Churches : neither had Beza divided Episcopatum , into Divinum , humanum , and Satanicum , as you know he doth . But if by our Divines , you meane those worthies of the Church , who have stood up in maintenance of the holy Hierarchie against the clamours and contentions of the Puritan faction ; or such as are conformable unto the Articles and orders of the Church of England : you do most shamelessely traduce them , as your custome is , and make them Patrons of that Tenet , which they most opposed . For tell me of a truth , who is it , which of our Divines , that holds Episcopall authority to be derived from any other fountaine then that of Christ and his Apostles ? and that conceive their ordination is not de jure divino , grounded and founded on the Scriptures , and thence deduced by necessary evident and undeniable illation ? if any such there be , hee is one of yours , Travers , and Cartwright , and the rest of your Predecessours ; men never owned for hers by the Church of England . Of whom wee may affirme , what the historian saith of the Athenians , when besieged by Sylla , animos extra moenia , corpora necessitati servientes intra muros habuerunt . Geneva had their hearts , we their bodies onely . I hope you doe not here expect that I should show you what precedencie or superioritie our Saviour gave the twelve Apostles , before and over all the Seaventie : or how the Apostles in their owne persons exercised authority over other Pastors ; or how they setled severall Bishops in convenient places , as Timothy in Ephesus and Titus in Crete , with power of ordination , Tit. 1.5 . and power of Ecclesiasticall censure , 1 Tim. 5.19 . or finally what successours they left behind them , in those particular Sees where they most resided . This were but actum agere , to sing our old songs over , as you use to doe : and therefore I referre you to the writings of those worthies before remembred , our Divines indeed . Nor had I said thus much , but to let you see , that neither the claime is new , devised but yesterday ; nor by all our Divines disclaimed since the reformation : both which with shame enough you are bold to say . The next thing that offends you , and you clamour of , is that they claime a visible and perpetuall succession , downe from S. Peter to Pope Gregory , from him by Austin the Monke , first Arch Bishop of Canterbury , unto his Grace now being , and Sic de coeteris . For by this meanes , you say , they make themselves the very limbes of the Pope , the true-bred sonnes of the Roman Antichrist : and consequently our Church a member of that Romish Synagogue . Who would have thought but this had pleased you . For if the Bishops bee the sonnes of the Roman Antichrist , and the Church a member of the Romish Synagogue ; then are you acquitted : and all your clamours , raylings , and opposition , aswell against the one , as the other , may be fairely justified . But let your inference alone till another time , what is it that you quarrell in the ground thereof . Is it that Saint Peter was at Rome , or was Bishop there , ( whether for 25. yeares as Eusebius tell 's us , we will not dispute ) you may remember it is granted , or rather not denyed by Calvin . HOwever his minde served him to have made a question of it ; yet , propter Scriptorum consensum non pugno , the evidence was so strong hee could not deny it . Is it that Gregory Pope of Rome , sirnamed Magnus , after a long descent succeeded him ? The Tables of succession in the Church of Rome make that cleare enough : and Irenaeus brings downe the succession till his owne time ; during which time , the lineall succession in that Church , by reason of the many persecutions under which it suffered , might be made most questionable . That Gregory sent this Austin into England to convert the Saxons , and made him ( having before beene consecrated by the Archbishop of Arles ) the first Archbishop of the English ; is generally delivered by all our writers , from Venerable Bede to these present times ; as by those also which have writ the life of the sayd Pope Gregory . Finally that my Lord the Archbishop that now is , is lineally descended , in a most faire and constant tenour of succession you shall easily finde , if you consult the learned labours of Mr. Francis Mason , de ministerio , Ang●icano . The Papists would extremely thanke you , and thinke you borne into the world for their speciall comfort , could you but tell them how to disprove that lineall succession of our Prelates , which is there laid downe . A thing by them much studied , but conatu irrito : and never cast upon our Prelates , as a staine or scandall , that they could prove their Pedegree from the holy Apostles , till you found it out . Whatever you conceive hereof , you cannot choose but know , that the succession of the Prelates in the purest times , was used as an especiall argument against those Sects and heresies which were then on foote . And since you challenge Dr. Pocklington , for the succession of the Bishops in the Church of England , I will send you to him for three instances , which might have satisfied you in that point , if you will be satisfied : the first from Irenaeus , l. 3. cap. 3 , 4 , 5. the second from Tertullian , de praescript . cap. 11. and the last from S. Austin , contra Petil. l. 2. c. 51. In all of which it is apparant , ( and see them you must needs , being the occasion of his instance in the Church of England ) that the succession of the Bishops in their severall Churches , ita ut primus sit aliquis ex Apostolis , beginning their discent from some one or other of the holy Apostles , hath beene a speciall meanes to confound those hereticks , which tooke up armes against the Church , as some men doe now . Now for your instance , you pleade , that if this rule of succession hold , our Bishops are the true-bred sonnes of the Roman Antichrist ; and tell me then I pray you Sir , whose sonne are you , that had your ordination , and received your Ministrie from those Bishops which were so discended , you must needes be a limb of the Pope also ; like it as you list : But never feare it Sir , there is no such danger as you dreame of , either that any Priest or Prelate in the Church of England , should therefore bee a sonne of the Roman Antichrist ; or that the Church should be a member of that Romish Synagogue : because wee claime by and from them , a visible succession of and in the sacred Hierarchie . Wee may receive our orders from them and chalenge a succession by them , from the blessed Apostles ; and yet not bee partakers with them in their corruptions . When Hezekiah purged the temple , and set all things right , which had beene formerly amisse in the Iewish Church : thinke you that the High-Priests which followed after , thought it a shame to fetch their Pedegree from Aaron ? Or doe you finde it was objected against them that did , that because some of those from and by whom they claimed it , had misbehaved themselves in so great an office , and possibly advanced Idolatry in that tottering state , therefore all those that followed them and descended from them , were also guilty of the same crimes ? Or to come nearer to your selfe , thinke you your ministery the worse , because you did receive it from the hands of them , whom you accuse for true borne sonnes of the Roman Antichrist : and that your brethren in New England will not thinke themselves the purest and most perfect Church in the Christian world , although they once were members of that here established which they have forsaken . T' was not the purpose of those holy men in King Edwards time to make a new Church , but reforme the old ; and onely to pare off those superfluities , which had in tract of time beene added to Gods publicke service . In which regard , they kept on foote the Priesthood and Episcopate , which they had received ; with many of those rites and ceremonies to which they were before accustomed : not taking either new orders , or bringing in new fashions , never knowne before . If you have any other pedegree , as perhaps you have , from Wiclif , Hus , the Albigenses , and the rest which you use to boast of ; keepe it to your selfe . Non tali auxilio , the Church of England hath no neede of so poore a shift . Nor did shee ever think it fit , further to separate herselfe from the Church of Rome either in doctrine or ceremonie , then that Church had departed from herselfe , ( when shee was in her flourishing and best estate ) and from Christ her head . And so King Iames resolved it at Hampton Court. That which remaineth touching the poison which the spirit hatt ruleth in the aire , hath infused into the chaire of the Hierarchae ; and your distinction betweene nominall and reall grace , for which I make no question but you doe hugge your selfe in private : is not worth the answering . I shall produce your raylings , as I goe along , but not confute them : as knowing little credit to begotten by contending with you , and farre lesse by scolding . But where you seeme to be offended with the Bishops , ●hat they should stile themselves the Godly holy Fathers of the Church : I hope you know the title is not new nor first used by them . All ages , and all languages have so entituled them . The Gretians everused to stile them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the Latines , Reverendos in Christo Patres ; the English our Reverend fathers in God : all of them as of common course , you cannot but know it . As for that patch which followes after , viz. the Pillars of our faith ; and your conceit upon them both , of Caterpillers and stepfathers ; those you may heare amongst the scoffes , reviling , and reproachfull termes , which with a prodigall hand and a venemous penne , you cast upon them , every where , in your severall Pasquills ; to which now I hasten . To begin therefore where we left , for fathers you have made them Step-fathers ; for Pillars , Caterpillers ; their houses haunted , and their Episcopall chaires poysoned by that spirit , that bear's rule in the ayre . These we have told you of before goe on then . They are the limbs of the beast , even of Antichrist , taking his very courses to beare and beate downe the hearing of the Word of God , whereby men might bee saved , p. 12. Their feare is more towards an Altar of their owne invention , towards an image or crucifixe , towards the sound and syllables of Iesus , than towards the Lord Christ. Pag. 15. Miscreants , 28. the traines and wiles of his [ the dragons ] dog-like , flattering tayle , pag. 30. New Babel-builders , 32. blind watchmen , dumbe doggs , plagues of soules , false prophets , ravening wolves , theeves and robbers of soules : which honorary attributes you bestow upon them from the Magdeburgians , pag. 48. Either for shame mend your manners , or never more imprison any man , for denying that title of succession , which you so bely by your unapostolicall practise . pag. 49. If the Prelats had any regard either to the honour of God , and of his word , or to the setled peace of the kingdome , as they have but little , as appeareth too palpably by their practises in disturbing and disordering all , pag. 63. The Prelates actions tend to corrupt the kings good peoples hearts , by casting into them feares and jealousies , and sinister opinions towards the king , as if he were the prime cause of all those grievances , which in his name they doe oppresse the kings good subjects withall , pag. 74. These factors for Antichrist , practise to divide kings from their subjects , and subjects from their kings , that so betweene both they may fairely erect Antichrists throne againe , pag. 75. Antichristian mushromes , pag. 83. They cannot be in quiet till res novas moliendo , they may set up Popery againe in her full equipage . 95. tooth and nayle for setting up of Popery againe , 66. trampling under their feete Christs kingdome , that they may set up Antichrists throne againe , p. 99. According to that spirit of Rome which breatheth in them , by which they are so strongly biassed to wheele about to their Roman Mistresse , pag. 108. the Prelates confederate with the Priests and Iesuits , for rearing up of that religion . pag. 140. by letting in a forraigne enemie , which these their practises and proceedings pretend and tend unto . pag. 75. The Prelates make the mother Cathedralls ( the adopted daughters of Rome ) their concubines whereon to beget a new bastard generation of sacrificing idolatrous Massepriests throughout the land , p. 163. Nothing can now stay them , but either they will breake all in peeces or their owne necke , p. 164. All this sir in your Pulpit-pasquill . So also in your Apologie , Iesuited Polypragmaticks , and sonnes of Belial : and in the newes from Ipswich , Luciferian Lord Bishops , Execrable traytors , devouring wolves , with many other odious names not fit to be used by Christians . Finally in your Pulpit libell , you seriously professe that you are ashamed that ever it should bee sayd , you have lived a minister under such a Prelacie , p. 49. Great pittie sir , you had not lived a little in king Edgars time , amongst whose Lawes it was ordeined , that that mans tongue should be cut out which did speake any slanderous or infamous words , tending to the reproach of others . Hitherto for the generalls . And there are some particulars , on which you spend your malice more than all the rest ; you descant trimmely , as you thinke , in the Newes from Ipswich , on my Lord of Canterbury , with your Arch-pietie , Arch-charitie , if Belzebub himselfe had beene Arch-Bishop , Arch-Agent for the devill , and such like to those . A most triumphant Arch indeed to adorne your victories . His costly and magnificent enterteinment of the king at Oxford , you cry out against in your sayd Pulpit libell , for a scurrilous enterlude , made in disgrace of that which is the greatest beauty of our religion , to wit true pietie , and learning ▪ and will him in this shrift to confesse , how unseemely it was for him , that pretendeth to succeed the Apostles , p. 49. You taxe a certaine speech of his as most audacious and presumptuous , setting his proud foote on the kings lawes , as once the Pope did on the Emperours necke p. 54. in marg . and tell him that the best Apologie hee can make , is that his tongue did runne before his wit , and that in the flames of his passion he had sacrificed his best reason and loyaltie . p. 55. You tell us also that the republishing of the booke [ for sports ] with some addition , was the first remarkable thing which was done presently after the Lord of Cant. did take possession of his Grace-shippe , pag. 59. that with his right hand hee is able to sweepe downe the third part of the starres in heaven , p. 121. Having a Papall infallibility of spirit , whereby as by a divine oracle , all questions in religion are finally determined pag. 132. However in your generall charges , I left you to runne riot , and disperse your follies , according as you would your selfe : yet now you are fallen on a particular , and a particular as eminent in vertue as hee is in place ; you may perhaps expect a particular answer . And lest your expectation should be frustrate , I will see you satisfied . First for your language such it is , as one may thence conjecture easily what foule heart it comes from . They that have pure hearts cannot possibly have so impure a mouth : for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the abundance of the heart it is that the mouth speaketh . And though your rayling accusation doth deserve no other answere , than the Lord rebuke thee : yet I must tell you now , being thus put to it , that you are much mistaken in the man you drive at . And you had come more neere unto him , and the trueth it selfe , had you bestowed that character on him , which Possidonius gives you of S. Austin , viz. Profactibus & studiis favens erat , & exultans bononum omnium , indisciplinationem pie & sancte tolenans fratrum , ingemiscens que de iniquitatibus malorum , sive eorum qui intra ecclesiā , sive eorum qui extra ecclesiam constituti sunt , dominicis lucris semper gaudens , & damnis moerens , which may thus be Englished ; He was a favorer of learning a friend of goodnesse and good men , and suffered with great both patience and pietie , the inconformable aversenesse of his brethren from the publicke discipline , and grieved at the iniquitie of ill men , whether they were within the pale of the Church , or without the same ; as one that alwayes was affected with the successes of Gods Church , according as it gained , or lost , as it thrived or faded . This character if your malice will not suffer you to apply unto him , give me leave to doe it ; and disproove any of it if you can . And I will adde withall , though you grieve to heare it , that both for the sinceritie of his conversation , as a private man , and for the pietie of his endeavours as a publicke person , you would be shrewdly troubled to finde his equall in this Church , since the first reformation of religion in K. Edwards time . And for a witnesse hereunto I dare call your selfe ; who making all the search you could into him , and that with a malicious eye , which commonly is wont to spie the smallest errour ; you have not yet detected him of any personall default as a private man. And as for those particular charges which you lay unto him , as a publicke person , they are so poore ( more than the clamour that they make ) that they are hardly worth the answering ▪ Next for your charges , which that you may the better see , I meane to take them all as they lye in order , and speake as briefely to them , as you would desire . First for the enterteinment , of his Majestie at the universitie , tell me I pray you of all loves , how would you have contrived it better , had you beene master of the Ceremonies for that place and time ? Would you have had a sermon ? Why the king had one . Would you have fitted him with Academicall exercises ? there was as little want of that : Orations in the fields , the Church , the Colledges , the Convocation , and the Library . Would you have left out playes ? When did you ever know an Academicall enterteinment of the king without them . Would you have had the playes in Latine ? Consider that the Queene was a principall guest , and they were commanded to be in English . But sir conceale your griefe no longer . I know what t is that troubles you , and makes you call it scurrillous enterlude , and say that it was made in disgrace of pietie . All that offends you is , that Melancholico , a Puritan passion in one of the commedies , was in conclusion marryed to Concupiscentia ; In case you doe not like the wedding , why did you not come thither to forbid the banes . The Spartans used to shew their drunken slaves unto their children , the better to deterre them from so base a vice . And how know you but that the representing of that humour on the open stage , may let men see the follies of it , and so weane them from it . But however the person you so grossely abuse , could not possibly have leisure , farther than in the generall to command all things should be without offence , which he most carefully did . That which you next except against , is the audatious & presumptuous speech that you so much talke of . And what was that ? Assuredly no more , than that his Grace , then Bishop of London threatned your learned Counsell Mr. Prinne , to lay him by the heeles for his too much sawcinesse . Not as you say , ( and would have simple folke beleeve you ) for bringing a Prohibition from the Courts of law ; but for his insolent and irreverent behaviour intendring it unto the Court of the high Commission . Your selfe Mass . Burton are not called in question , for your preaching ; but for your factious and seditious preaching : nor was hee threatned because he tendred to the Court a Prohibition , but because he tendred it in such a malapert and ungracious manner . This makes a difference in the case . Had he behaved himselfe contra bonos more 's , before an Ordinary Iustice , he must have either found out suerties for his good behaviour ; or beene committed for his fault ; no remedy . And will you not allow the Court of high-Commission , or any Prelate in the same , as much if not a little more authority , then a common Iustice ? Perhaps you thinke , because Mass . Prinne is of a factious Tribunitian spirit ; he must be Sancrosanct and uncontrolable as the Tribunes were . When you can proove his calling to so high a place ; you may doe well to chalenge the prerogatives belonging to it . In the meane time suffer him to be taken up and censured as hee hath deserved . Next for his Majesties declaration about lawfull sports , you have no reason to charge that on my Lord Archbishop , as if it were a matter of his procuring : or if it were , to reckon it amongst his faults . His sacred Majesty treading in the steps of his royall Father , thought fit to suffer his good Subjects to enjoy that innocent freedome , which before they did ; in using moderate and lawfull recreations on the Sunday , after the divine and publicke Offices of the Church were ended , both for morning and evening ▪ and of the which , they had been more deprived in these latter dayes , then before they were . And it was more then time , perhaps , that somewhat should be done to represse your follies : who under a pretence of hindering recreations upon that day , had in some parts , put downe all feasts of dedications , of the Churches commonly called Wakes , which they which did it , did without all authority . A pious and a Princely Act , however you and such as you , traduce it every day in your scandalous pamphlets . Nor doth it more belong to a Christian King , to keepe the holy dayes by the Church established , whereof that is one , from being prophaned by labour , and unlawfull pleasures ; then to preserve them , quantum in ipsis est , at lest , from being overcome with Iudaisme or superstition . And you might see how some out of your principles came to have as much if not more of them Iew , then the Christian in them , about the time when the declaration came forth . All that my Lord the Archbishop had to doe therein , was to commit the publication of it to his suffragan Bishops according to his Maties . just will and pleasure : and if that be the thing you except against , your quarrell is not at his Act , but his obedience . Last of all , where you say , that with his right hand he is able to sweepe downe the third part of the starres in heaven ; and that hee hath a Papall infallibility of spirit , by which as by a Divine Oracle all questions in religion are finally determined : that onely is put in because you have a minde to charge on him those innovations , as you call them , that you complaine of in the Church . What innovations you have noted wee shall see hereafter ; when they will prove to be no other then a sicke mans dreame . I onely tell you now , that in all the Hierarchy , you could not possibly have pitched on one lesse liable and obnoxious to the accusation . For being vir antiquae fidei , and antiquissimi moris , take them both together : you may be sure he neither will nor can doe any thing that tends to innovation either in faith or discipline . In case your selfe and such as you , would suffer him in quiet , to restore this Church to its antient lustre ; and bring it unto that estate in which it was in Queene Elizabeths first time , before your predecessours in the faction had turned all decency and order out of the publicke service of Almighty God : I dare presume he would not trouble you nor them , by bringing in new ordinances of his owne devising . But this if he endeavour , as hee ought to doe , you charge him presently for an innovator : not that he innovates any thing in the antient formes of worship in this Church established , but that he labours to suppresse those innovations , which you and those of your discent have introduced into the same . But one may see by that which followes , that it is malice to his person , and no regard unto the Church , that makes you picke out him to beare so great a share in these impudent clamours . For where his grace had tooke great care for inhibiting the sale of bookes tending to Socinianisme ; and had therefore received thankes from the penne of a Iesuite , as your selfe informes us : that his most pious care is by you calumniated , for prohibiting of such bookes , as exalt the sole authority of Scripture for the onely rule of faith , p. 153. I see Socinus and his followers are beholding to you for your good opinion : and so you may cry downe the Prelates , you care not how you doe advance the reputation of such desperate heretickes . But it is now with him , and the other Prelates , as heretofore it was with the Primitive Christians . Tanti non est bonum , quanti est odium Christianorum , as Tertullian hath it . Nor stay you here . Other particulars there are which you have a fling at . You tell us of my Lord of Ely , whose bookes you are not fit to carry , that if he undertake an answer unto your doughty dialogue betweene A. and B. Surely he will sacrifice all the remainder of his reason ( if any be left in him ) upon it . Why so ? For you are sure he can neuer answer it , except with rayling and perverting , wherein lyeth his principall faculty , ( your owne you meane ) in fighting against the truth , &c. p. 127. Of my Lord Bishop of Chichester you give this Item , that it were strange if such a mystery of iniquity ( as you there complaine of ) should be found in any but a Prelate , and in this one by name , for a tryed champion of Rome , and so devout a votary to his Queene of Heaven , p. 126. My Lord of Norwich is entituled in the Newes from Ipswich , by the name of little Pope Regulus , most exceeding prettily . And finally you tell us of those Bishops that attend the Court whom you include un●er the name of Amasiahs ; as did your learned Counsell in his Histrio-Mastix : that there 's not any thing more common in their mouthes then declamations against the good Ministers of the land , the Kings most loyall , dutifull , faithfull , obedient , peaceable subjects ; whom they accuse , you say , as factious , seditious , and turbulent persons , dissaffected to present government , enemies of the Kings prerogative , and what not . p. 48.49 . So you , but were it any thing materiall , I could tell you otherwise , and make it manifest both to you and all the world , that those whom you traduce most fouly , and against whom your stomacke riseth in so vile a manner ; are such who both for their endeavours for this Churches honour , fidelity unto the service of the King , and full abilities in learning , have had no equals in this Church , since the Reformation . This could I doe , if I conceived it proper to this place and time ; and that I did not call to minde what Velleius taught me , viz. Vivorum ut magna admiratio , ita censura est difficilis . Nor doe you onely breath out malice , but you threaten ruine , you conjure all the kingdome to rise up against them , and magnifie those disobedient spirits , which hitherto have stood it out in defiance of them : and seeme content , in case their lives might runne an hazard , to foregoe your owne . For likening them unto the builders of the Tower of Babel , p. 32. you doe thus proceede . But as then so now , the Lord is able by an uncouth way , which they never dreamed of , to confound them and their worke , to their eternall infamy . Even so O Lord. p. 33. And more then so , you tell us also by what meanes it shall come to passe , viz. that it shall rise , as it were from beneath them , whereas their height seemes to secure them from all danger , as trampling all things under feete , &c. yet by that which seemeth to them most contemptible , shall they fall from that which is below them , shall their calamity arise , p. 97. However to make all things sure , you stirre both heaven and earth against them . You let the nobility to understand , that if we sit downe thus and hide us under the hatches , whilest the Romish Pirats doe surprize us and cut our throates , &c. What Volumes will be sufficient to chronicle to posterity , the basenesse of degenerous English spirits , become so unchristianized , as to set up antichrist above Christ and his annointed , and to suffer our selves to be cheated and nose-wiped , of our religion , lawes , liberties , and all our glories , and that by a sort of bold Romish mountebankes and juglers , p. 20. What then advise you to be done ? that in the name of Christ they rouze up their noble and christian zeale , and magnanimous courage for the truth , and now sticke close to God and the King , in helping the Lord and his annointed against the mighty . p. 23. In your addresse unto the Iudges , you conjure them thus . For Gods sake therefore , sith his Majesty hath committed unto you the sword of Iustice , draw it forth to defend the lawes against such innovators , who ( as much as in them lieth ) divide betweene the King and the people . p. 31. In that from Ipswich , you and your brethren in that , made it call out upon the nation generally , saying , O England , England , if ever thou wilt bee free from Pests , and Iudgements , take notice of these thy Antichristian prelates desperate practises , innovations , and Popish designes , to bewaile , oppose , redresse them , with all thy force and power . Then those of the better sort , O all you English Courtiers , Nobles , and others , who have any love or sparke of religion , piety , zeale , any tendernesse of his Majesties honour or care for the Churches , Peoples , or the Kingdomes safety , yet remaining within your generous brests , put to your helping hands and prayers to rescue our religion & faithfull Ministers now suspended , from the jawes of these devouring wolves , and tyrannizing Lordly Prelates , &c. All sorts of people thus implored to promote the cause , you labour to perswade the King , in your Epistle Dedicatory , before the Pasquill , how deepely he is ingaged to close with God and his good subjects , against all these innovators , and disturbers of the peace , and distracters of the vnity of his kingdome , especially considering whose Vice-gerent he is , and before whose woefull Tribunall hee must give a strict accompt , how hee hath mannaged so weighty a charge ; in the Epistle to your Apologie . Finally in your Pasquill , p. 141. You tell us how it doth concerne our gracious Soveraigne , our Nobles and Magistrates of the land , to strengthen their hands with judgement and justice , to cut of these workers of iniquity , and to roote them out of the confines and limits of the Kingdome , &c. applying so to them a passage in the booke of prayers , for the Gunpowder day , intended by the Church against all such as are so treacherously affected , as those traytors were . Here is enough , a man would thinke , to effect the businesse ; yet this is not all . For should there come a Parliament , you would adventure your owne life , to make sure worke on 't . Assuring us , that if it were a law in England , as once amongst the Locrians , that whosoever would propound a new law , should come with an halter about his necke , that if it pleased not the Senate , the hangman was ready to doe his office ; and that if opportunity served , you would come with an halter about your necke with this proposition , that it would please the great Senate of this land to take into their sad consideration , whether upon such woefull experience , it were not both more honorable to the King , and more safe for his kingdome &c. That the Lordly prelacy were turned into such a godly government , as might suite better with Gods word , and Christs sweet yoke . p. 109.110 . Nay so transcendent is your malice , that you propose a speedy execution of them as the only remedy to divert Gods judgements , for thus you state the question in the newes from Ipswich . Is , it not then high time for his Majesty to hang up such Arch traytors to our faith , Church , Religion , and such true-bred sonnes of the Romane Antichrist ? And anon after more expressely . Certainely till his Majesty shall see these purgations rectified , superstition and idolatry removed , &c. and hang up some of these Romish Prelates and inquisitors before the Lord , as the Gibeonites once did the seaven sonnes of Saul , wee can never hope to abate any of Gods Plagues , &c. And to the same effect , in your addresse to the nobility , All the world feele in what a distracted state things do stand , what a cloud of divine displeasure hangs over us , how ill wee thrive in our affaires , &c. Certainely if such be suffred to goe on thus as they doe , God must needes destroy us . p. 24. Finally , that you may seeme to shew some compassion on them , before the executioner doe his office , you thus invite them to repentance . Certainely hell enlargeth her selfe for you , and your damnation sleepeth not , if you speedily repent not , p. 81. Of your Pulpit-libell . Hanging , and hell , and all too little to appease your malice : which is advanced so high , that no chastizement of their persons , but an utter abolition of the calling , will in fine content you . You may remember what you preached once at a fast in London . Where pleading for reformation under Ioshua's removall of the accursed thing , you told the people , that the maine thing to be removed was that damnable Hierarchy of Bishops who made no matter of sincking Church and State , so they might swimme in honours and worldly wealth . This is the thing you aime at , and so greatly long for : which to effect , you care not what strange course you run , so you may effect it . Scelus omne nefasque hac mercede placent . Thus have I briefely summed together those most uncharitable and unchristian passages , which every where occurre , dispersed and scattered in your Pamphlets . And having summed them up , dare make a chalenge unto all the world , to shew me if they can , such a rayling Rabsakeh , so sanguinarian a spirit , so pestilentiall a disease in a Christian Church . All the marre-Prelates , and make-bates of the former times , with those which have succeeded since , though Masters in this art of mischiefe , come so short of this , that I perswade my selfe you doe condemne them in you heart , as poore spirited fellowes , in whom there is too much of that Christian prudence which you so deride . p. 28. But I forget my first intent , which was to muster up your raylings , and produce them onely ; but not to quit you with the like : though should I use you in your kinde , and lay the whip on the fooles back , it were a very easie errour , and such as possibly might receive a faire construction . Nam cujus temperantiae fuerit de Antonio querentem , abstinere maledictis . To speake of such a thing as you , and not flie out a little , were a kind of dulnesse . Yet I shall hold my hand a while , until we meete againe at the halfe turne , where possibly I may be bold to tell you more of my opinion . Meane time , I hope you doe not thinke , that all this barking at the Moone , will make her either hide her head , or chang her course : or that by all this noise and clamor you can attract , the Nobles , Iudges , Courtiers , or any other to take part with you ; and follow those most desperate counsels which you lay before them . The world is growne too well acquainted with these dotages , to be moved much at them . Nor could my Lords the Bishops but expect before hand , what censures would be passed upon them by such tongues as yours ; if once they went about to suppresse your follies , and to reduce the Church to that decent order , from which your selfe and your accomplices have so strangely wandered : Howsoever their great care deserve better recompense ; yet was it very proper you should doe your kinde : and they may count it for an honour , that such a one as your selfe , hath declaimed against them . Reg●um est cum bene feceris male audire . And it is very well observed by our incomparable Hooker , to be the lot of all that deale in publicke affaires whether of Church or Commonwealth , that what men list to surmise of their doings , be it good or ill , they must before hand patiently arme their mindes to endure . Besides being placed on high , as a watch-tower , they know full well how many an envious eie will be cast upon them : especially amongst such men as brother B. to whom great eminences are farre more dreadfull then great vices , and a good name as dangerous as a bad . Sinistra erga eminentes interpretatio , nec minus periculum ex magna fama , quam ex mala . And herein they may comfort and rejoyce their hearts , that whatsoever sinister and malicious censures are now passed upon them ; yet there will one day come a time , in which all hearts shall be open , all desires made knowne , and when no counsels shall be hid : and then the Lord shall make it knowne , who were indeed on his side , and who against him . In the meane time , suspence of censure and exercise of charity , were farre more sit and seemely for a Christian man ; then the pursuite of those uncharitable and most impious courses , whereby you goe about to bring the Church of God and the Rulers of it , into discredit and contempt . I know assuredly , how gloriously soever you conceive of your owne deere selfe , that you are no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no searcher of the heart , nor no discerner of the spirits . And therefore I am bold to tell you what I have learned from Venerable Bede , viz. ut ea facta , quae dubium est quo animo fiant , in meliorem partem interpretemur , that all mens actions , whereof we know not the intent , should be interpreted to the better . How much the rather should this rule be in use amongst us in points of counsell : the hearts of Kings ( for he hath had his share in the declamation ) being unsearchable in themselves , and unseene to us ; the resolutions of the Church , grounded on just and weighty reasons , being to be obeyed , and not disputed , much lesse rashly censured . This counsell , if it come too late to you , may yet come soone enough to others ; and to them I leave it . CHAP. V. An Answer to the quarrells of H. B. against the Bishops , in reference to their Iurisdiction , and Episcopall government . H.B. endites the Bishops in a Premunire for exercising such a jurisdiction , as is not warrantable by the Lawes . The Bishops not in danger of any Statute made by King Henry the eight . The true intention of the Statute , 1. Eliz. c. 1. The Court of High-Commission in the same established . The Statute 1. Ed. 6. c. 2. on what ground enacted : repealed by Qu. Mary , and so still continueth . The use of excommunication taken away by that statute of King Edward . A finall answer to the cavills about the exercise of Episcopall jurisdiction . Why H. B. and the Brethren doe seeme to pleade so hard for the Kings supremacie ; the Bishops chalenged for oppressing the Kings leige people ; the Iudges , for not sending out their Prohibitions to reteine them . H. B. the onely Clergie man that stands for Prohibitions . King Iames his order in that case . The quality of their offence , who are suspended by their ordinaries , for not publishing the book for sports . The Bishops charged with persecuting Gods faithfull Ministers , and how deservedly . HAving made knowne your good affections , unto the calling and the persons ; we must now see what you have to say against the proceedings of the Bishops , in their place and calling . For sure you would not have it thought , that you have lifted up your voyce so like a Trumpet , to startle and awaken the drowzie world ; and that there was no cause to provoke you to it . No , there was cause enough you say , such as no pure and pious soule could endure with patience ; their whole behaviour both in the consistory and the Church being so unwarrantable . For in their consistory they usurpe a power peculiar to the supreme majestie , and grievously oppresse the subject against law and conscience : and ●n the Church , they have indeavoured to erect a throne for Antichrist , obtruded on it many a dangerous innovation , and furiously persecuted the Lords faithfull servants for not submitting thereun●o . Therefore no wonder to be made , if being called forth by Christ , who hath found you faithfull , to stand in his cause , and witnesse it unto the world ; you persecute the Prelacie with fire and halter , and charge them with those usurpations , oppressions , innovations and persecutions , which you have brought in readinesse to make good against them ; hoping in very little time to see their honour in the dust , and the whole government of the Church committed to the holy Elders , whereof you are chiefe . In case you cannot prove what you undertake , you are contented to submit to the old Law amongst the Locrians , & let the Executioner do his office . I take you at your word , and expect your evidence : first that the Prelates have usurped a power peculiar to his sacred Majestie , which is the first part of your charge . How prove you that . Marry say you , because of sundry statutes , as in King Henry the eight , King Edward the sixt , and Queene Elizabeths time , which doe annex all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction unto the Crowne of England ; so as no Prelate or other person hath any power to visit Ecclesiasticall persons , &c. but he must have it immediatly from the King , and confirmed by Letters Patents under the great Seale of England , pag. 68. So farre the tenor of the Law , if you tell us true ; or rather if your learned Counsell rightly informed Dr. Bastwicke in it , from whose mouth you tooke it . Now for the practise of our Prelates , you tell us that they neither have at any time , nor never sought to have any the Kings Letters patents under the great Seale of England , for their keeping Courts and Visitations . But doe all in their owne names , and under their owne Seales , contrary to the Law in that behalfe , pag. 69. There be your Major and your Minor. The conclusion followes . So as being a power not derived from the King , as the immediate fountaine of it , it proves to bee at least a branch of that forreine power altogether excluded in the Statute , 1. Eliz. c. 1. And it is flatly against the oath of supremacie in the same statute which all Prelates take , wherein they professe and promise faith and true allegiance to the Queenes highnesse , her heires and lawfull successors , and to their power to defend all jurisdictions , priviledges , &c. granted to the Queenes highnesse , her heires , &c. p. 70.71 . In fine you bring them all in a premunire , & leave them to the learned in the law : of which if you were one , or that your learned Counsell might sit Iudge , to decide the controversie ; Lord have mercy upon them . For answer hereunto wee would faine know of you , where it is said , what Law , what Statute so resolves it , that no Prelate or other person hath any power to visit Ecclesiasticall persons , &c. but he must have it immediatly from the King and confirmed by Letters patents under the great Seale of England . None of the Acts of Parliament made by King Henry the eight , King Edward the sixt or Queene Elizabeth , speake one word that way . The act of the Submission of the Clergie , 25. Hen. 8. cap. 19. on which your fond conceipt is grounded , if it hath any ground at all , saith not as you would have it say , the Clergie shall not put in ure , &c. any constitutions , of what sort soever , without the Kings royall assent , and authority in that behalfe : but that without the Kings royall assent and authority in that behalfe first had , they should not enact or put in ure any new Canons , by them made in their Convocations , as they had done formerly . This law observed still by the Clergy to this very day , not meeting in their Convocation , untill they are assembled by his Majesties writ , directed to the Archbishop of either Province ; nor when assembled , treating of or making any Canons , without the Kings leave first obteined ; nor putting any of them in execution , before they are confirmed by his sacred Majestie under the broad Seale of England . Is there no difference gentle brother , betweene enacting new Canons at their owne discretion ; and executing those which custome and long continuance of time have confirmed and ratified . If you should bee so simple as so to thinke ( as I have no great confidence either in your law or wisedome ) you may be pleased to understand , that by the very selfe same statute , All Canons which be not contrariant nor repugnant to the Lawes , statutes and customes of the Realme , nor to the damage or hurt of the Kings prerogative Royall , shall be now still executed and used as they were before the making of that act , till the said Canons should be viewed by the 32. Commissioners in the same appointed , which not being done , as yet , ( although the said Commission was revived by Parliament 3 , 4. to Edw. 6. c. 11. ) all the old Canons quallified as before is said , are still in force . So that for exercise of any Episcopall jurisdiction , founded upon the said old Canons , or any of the new which have beene since confirmed by the King or his predecessours : there 's no necessity of speciall Letters Patents under the broad Seale of England , as you faine would have it . There was another Statute of King Henry the eight concerning the Kings highnesse to bee the supreame head of the Church of England , and to have authority to reforme all errors , heresies and abuses in the same . But whatsoever power was therein declared , as due and proper to the King , is not now materiall : the whole act being repealed A. 1. & 2. Ph. and M. c. 8. and not restored in the reviver of Qu. Eliz. 1. Eliz. c. 1. in which you instance in your Margin . [ Nor can you finde much comfort by that Statute , 1. Eliz c. 1. wherein you instance , if you consider it , and the intention of the same , as you ought to doe . You may conjecture by the title of it , what the meaning is ; For it 's intituled , An act restoring to the Crowne the antient jurisdiction over the state Ecclesiasticall and spirituall , and abolishing all forreine power repugnant to the same . The preamble unto the act makes it yet more plaine . Where it is sayd that in the time of King Henry the eight , divers good Lawes , and Statutes were made and established , aswell for the utter extinguishment and putting away of all usurped and forreine powers and authorities out of this Realme , &c. as also for the restoring and uniting to the imperiall Crowne thereof the antient jurisdictions , authorities , superiorities and preheminences to the same of right belonging and apperteining : by meanes whereof the subjects were disburdened of divers great and intollerable charges and exactions before that time unlawfully taken and exacted by such forreine power and authority , as before that was usurped . Which makes it manifest that there was no intent in the Queene or Parliament , to alter any thing in the ordinary power Episcopall , which was then and had long before beene here established : but to extinguish that usurped and forreine power , which had before beene chalenged by the See of Rome , and was so burdensome unto the subject . The body of the Act is most plaine of all . For presently on the abolishment of all forreine power and jurisdiction , spirituall and Ecclesiasticall , heretofore used within this Realme , there followeth a declaration of all such jurisdictions , &c. as by any spirituall or Ecclesiasticall power and authority hath heretofore or may lawfully be exercised or used for the visitation of the Ecclesiasticall state and persons , and for reformation , order and correction of the same , and of all manner errours , heresies , schismes , &c. to bee for ever united and annexed to the imperiall crowne of this Realme . Then in the next words followeth the establishment of the High Commission : it being then and there enacted that the Queenes highnesse , her heires and successours , shall have full power and authority by vertue of the said act , by letters Patents under the great Seale of England , to assigne , name and authorise , &c. such person or persons being naturall borne subjects to her highnesse , her heires and successours , as her Majestie shall thinke meete to exercise , use , occupie and execute under her highnesse , her heires and successours , all manner of Iurisdictions , priviledges , and preheminences within these her Realmes of England , &c. and to visit , reforme , order , redresse , correct and amend all such errours , heresies , schismes , abuses , offences ; contempts & enormities whatsoever , which by any manner Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall power , authority or jurisdiction , can or may be lawfully reformed , &c. Plainely in all this act there is nothing contrary to that ordinary jurisdiction , which is and hath beene claimed and exercised by Episcopall authority , in the Church of England : nothing at all which doth concerne the purchasing or procuring of Letters Patents , for their keeping Courts , and Visitations ; as you seduced by your learned Counsaile , beare the world in hand . My reason is , because whatever jurisdiction was here declared to be annexed unto the crowne , is called a restoring of the antient jurisdiction unto the same : and certainely , the ordinary Episcopall power , of ordination , excommunication , and such like Ecclesiasticall censures , were never in the crowne in fact , nor of right could be : and therefore could not be restored . And secondly because whatever power is here declared to be in the Queene , her heires and uccessours ; shee is inabled to transferre upon such Commissioners , as shee or they shall authorise under the great Seale of England , for execution of the same . Now we know well that there is no authority in the high Commission ( which is established on this clause ) derogating from the ordinary Episcopall power ; and therefore there was none supposed in the act it selfe , to be invested in the Queene : the said Episcopall authority remaining as it did , and standing on the selfe same grounds as it had done formerly . Which said , the last part of the Argument touching the oath of supremacie , taken and to be taken by every Bishop , that 's already answered in the Premisses : the said oath being onely framed , for the abolishment of all forreine and extraordinary power ; not for the altering of the ordinary and domesticall jurisdiction , if I so may call it , in this Church established . I hope the Prelates are now out of danger of the Premunire , which you threatned them ; though you not out of danger of the Locrian law : And if K. Edward the 6. helpe you not , I know no remedie , but that according to your owne conditions , the executioner may be sent for to doe his office . Now for K. Edward the 6. the case stood thus . King Edward being a Minor about nine yeares old , at his first comming to the crowne ; there was much heaving at the Church , by some great men which were about him , who purposed to inrich themselves with the spoyles thereof . For the effecting of which purpose it was thought expedient , to lessen the authoritie of those Bishops which were then in place ; and make all those that were to come , the more obnoxious to the Court ; upon this ground there passed a statute 1 0 of this King consisting of two principall branches : whereof the first tooke off all manner of elections , and writs of Conge d'peslier , formerly in use ; the other did if not take off , yet very much abate the edge of Ecclesiasticall censures . In the first branch it was enacted , that from thenceforth no writ of Conge d' peslier be granted , nor election of any Archbishop or Bishop , by Deane and Chapter made ; but that the king may by his letters Patents at all times , when any Arch-bishopricke or Bishopricke is voyde , conferre the same on any whom the king shall thinke meete . The second clause concerned the manner of proceeding from that time to be used in spirituall courts , viz. that all summons , Citations , and other processe Ecclesiasticall in all suites and causes of instance , and all causes of correction , and all causes of bastardie , or bigamie , or de jure patronatus , Probates of Testaments and Commissions of administrations of persons deceased , &c. be made with in the name and with the stile of the king , as it is in writs Originall or Iudiciall at the Common Law , &c. As also that no manner of person or persons who hath the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction use other seale of jurisdiction but wherein his majesties Armes bee ingraven , &c. on penaltie of running in his Majesties displeasure and indignation , and suffering imprisonment at his will and pleasure . The reason of this order is thus delivered in the Preamble . To the second branch , viz. because that all authoritie of jurisdiction spirituall and temporall is derived and deducted from the kings Majestie , as supreame head of these Churches , and Realmes of England and Ireland , &c. and that all Courts Ecclesiasticall within the said two realmes , bee kept by no other power or authoritie , either forreine , or within the Realme , but by the authoritie of the kings most excellent Majestie . Which Act , with every branch and clause thereof was afterwards repealed , 1 of Queene Marie , cap. 2. and hath stood so repealed to this very time . For howsoever you pretend , and all your fellow libellers insist upon it , that the said statute was revived in the first yeare of K. Iames of blessed memorie , and therefore that you are yet safe from the Locrian law : yet this pretence will little helpe you . That their assertion or pretences , if examined rightly will proove to be a very poore surmise ; invented onely by such boutefeus as you and your Accomplices , to draw the Prelates into obloquy with the common people , and make your Proselytes beleeve that they usurpe a power peculiar to his sacred Majestie , it being positively delivered by my Lords the Iudges , with an unanimous consent , and so declared by my Lords chiefe Iustices in the Starre-chamber , the 14 of May now last past , that the sayd Act of Repeale 1 of Queene Mary , doth still stand in force , as unto that particular statute by you so much pressed ; your desperate clamours unto the contrary notwithstanding . Nor doth there want good reason why the said Statute of K. Edward was at first repealed , or why the said Repeale should bee still in force . For being it was enacted in that Statute that from thenceforth all Ecclesiasticall processe should bee made in the kings name and stile , not onely in all suites or causes of instance , bastardy , bigamie , Probates of Testaments , &c. which have much in them of a civill , or a mixt nature at the lest ; but in all causes of correction also : it came to passe that excommunication , and other censures of the Church , which are spirituall meerely , & in no sort civill , were therby either quite abolished , or of none effect . And it continued so all King Edwards reigne , to the no small increase of vice , because it nourished a presumption of impunitie in the vicious person . This Father Latimer complaineth of in his sermon preached before that King at Westminster , Anno 1550. thus . Lecherie is used throughout England , and such Lechery as is used in none other place of the world . And yet it is made a matter of sport , a matter of nothing , a laughing matter and a trifle not to be passed on , nor reformed , &c. Well I trust it will one day be amended , &c. And here I will make a suite to your highnesse , to restore unto the Church the discipline of Christ , in excommunicating such as be notable offenders ; nor never devise any other way , For no man is able to devise any better way , than that God hath done ; with excommunication to put them from the congregation till they bee confounded . Therefore restore Christs discipline for excommunication . And that shall be a meane both to pacifie Gods wrath and indignation , and also that lesse abomination shall be used , than in times past hath beene , and is at this day . I speake this of a Conscience , and I meane to move it of a will to your Grace and your Realme . Bring into the Church of England open discipline of Excommunication , that open sinnes may be stricken withall . So farre Father Latimer . What thinke you sir of this ? See you not reason for it now , why your sayd Statute was repealed , and why the sayd repeale , should continue still . Put all that hath beene sayd together , and I can see no hopes you have to scape the penaltie of the Law by your selfe proposed ; but that you cry peccavi , and repent your follies . So farre in answere to your Cavils , ( for Arguments I cannot call them ) I have beene bold to justifie the proceedings of the Bishops , in their Courts Episcopall : wherein there is not any thing that they usurpe upon the King , or that authoritie which is inseparably annexed to the Regall diademe . For granting that all authority of jurisdiction spirituall is derived from the King , as supreme head of the Church of England ( although that title by that name , be not now assumed in the stile Imperiall ) and that all Courts Ecclesiasticall within this Realme be kept by no other authoritie , either forreine or within this Realme , but by authority of the kings most excellent majestie ; as is averred in the sayd Preamble of King Edwards statute : yet this if rightly understood , would never hurt the Bishops , or advantage you . But my reason is , because that whensoever the king grants out his Conge d' peslier for the election of a Bishop , and afterwards doth passe his royall assent to the said election , & send his Mandate to the Metropolitan for consecration of the party which is so elected : he doth withall conferre upon him , a power to exercise that jurisdiction , which by his consecration , done by the kings especiall Mandate , he hath atteined to . And this may also serve for answere to your other cavill ; but that Bishops may not hold their courts or visitations without letters Patents from the king . For were there such a law , ( as there is no such ) yet were the Prelates safe enough from your Praemunire : because the Royall assent to the election , and Mandat for the consecration , passing by broad seale , as the custome is ; inable them once consecrated to exercise what ever jurisdiction is by the Canon incident to Episcopall power . No neede of speciall letters Parents for every Act of jurisdiction , as you idly dreame . No more than if a man being made a Iustice of the Peace under the broad seale of England , and having tooke his oath as the law requires ; should neede for every speciall Act some speciall warrant ; or any other kinde of warrant than what was given him in the generall , when first made a Iustice . And yet I trow the King is the immediate fountaine also of all temporall power ; and no man dare execute authority , but from and by him . Touching his Majesties supremacie , more than in answere to your clamours , I shall say nothing at this present as neither of this place nor purpose . It is an Argument of great weight ; fit rather for a speciall treatise , than an occasionall replication . Only I will be bold to tell you , that if the kings supremacy were not more truely and sincerely , ( without any colour or dissimulation ) as the Canon hath it , defended by my Lords the Bishops , than by such as you : it would be at a losse ere long , and setled on the vestrie wherein you preside . For wot you what King Iames replied on the like occasion . When Dr. Reynolds in the Conference at Hampton Court , came in unseasonably once or twice with the Kings Supremacie . Dr. Reynolds quoth the King , you have often spoken for my supremacie : and it is well . But know you any here , or any elsewhere , who like of the present Government Ecclesiasticall , that finde fault or dislike with my supremacie ! And ( shortly after ) putting his hand unto his hat , his Matie sayd , My Lords the Bishops I may thanke you , that these men doe thus pleade for my Supremacie . They thinke they cannot make their party good against you , but by appealing unto it , as if you or some that adhere unto you , were not well affected towards it . But if once you were out and they in place , I know what would become of my supremacie . No Bishop , no King , as before I sayd . How like you this Mass . Burton , is not this your case ? Mutato nomine de ie fabula narratur . You plead indeed for the Kings supremacie ; but intend your owne . The next great crime you have to charge upon the Bishops , is that they doe oppresse the kings Leige people , against law and conscience . How so . Because , as you informe us , Prohibitions are not got so easily from the Courts of Iustice , as they have beene formerly : and being gotten , finde not such entertainement and obedience ▪ as before they did . This you conceive to be their fault : and charge them that by stopping the ordinary course of law , the Kings people are cut off from the benefit of the Kings good lawes : so as it is become very geason and a rare matter to obteine a Prohibition against their illegall practises , in vexing and oppressing the kings good subjects . Nay , they are growne so formidable of late , ( as if they were some new generation of Giants ) that the very motion of a Prohibition against a Prelate , or their proceedings in the high Commission , makes the Courts of Iustice startle ; so as good causes are lost , and Innocents condemned because none dare pleade and judge their cause according to the Kings Lawes , whereby wee ought all to be governed , p. 69.70 . My Masters of the Law , and my Lords the Iudges , will conne you little thankes for so soule a slander , greater then which cannot be laid on the profession , or the Courts of Iustice . What none dare pleade , nor none dare judge according to the Lawes ? So you say indeed . And more then so , in your addresse unto the Iudges . What meane's , say you , that difficulty of obtaining prohibitions now adayes , whereby the Kings innocent Subjects ( you are an innocent indeed , God helpe you ) should be relieved against their unjust molestations and oppressions in the Ecclesiastical Courts , and high Commission ? What meaneth that consternation of spirit among Lawyers , that few or none can be found to pleade a cause be it never so just , against an oppressing Prelate , and are either menaced or imprisoned if they doe . p. 29. Hoc est quod palles ? Is this the thing that so offends you , that prohibitions are restrained , or not sent out so frequently from the Courts of Law , as of late they were , to the diminishing if not annulling the authority of the Court Christian ? I trow you are the onely Clergie-man that complaines of this . Or if there be more such , they be such as you , who onely make a property of the civill Courts , by them to scape their censures in the Ecclesiasticall . Were you so innocent , as you would have us thinke , you rather should rejoyce for the Churches sake , that Prohibitions flie not out so thicke , as they have done formely , to the great oppression of the Clergie in their suites and businesses , especially in those which did concerne the Patrimony of the Church , their tithes . And if my Lords the Iudges , are with more difficulty mooved , to send abroad their Prohibitions , then were their predecessours in the place before them ; it is a pregnant evidence of their great love to justice : Nor can it but be counted an honour to them to leave every Court to that which is proper to it , and for the which it was established . And God forbid the Church should aske or doe any thing that should incroach upon them , or invade any of their rights . What doth this greeve your conscience also ? Good Sir consider with your selfe , what mischiefes Clergie-men were put to , when they could scarce commence a suite , but prohibitione cautio est ; a Prohibition was sent out , to stop the course of his proceedings , or if he had a sentence to reverse that also . Or if you will not trouble your selfe in thinking of it , will you be pleased to heare what our late Soveraigne King James hath observed therein . If ( saith he ) Prohibitions should rashly , and headily be granted , then no man is the more secure of his owne , though he hath gotten a sentence with him : for as good have no law or sentence , as to have no execution thereof . A poore Minister with much labor and expence , having exhausted his poore meanes , and being forced to forbeare his studie , and to become non-resident from his flocke , obtaines a sentence ; and then when he lookes to enjoy the fruites thereof , he is defrauded of all by a Prohibition : And so he is tortured like Tantalus , who when he hath his Apple at his mouth , & that he is gaping to receive it , then must it be pulled from him by a Prohibition , and hee not suffered to taste thereof . So farre the Royall Advocate hath pleaded the poore Clergies cause . And did he nothing as a Judge ? Yes , he declared it to be his Office , to make every Court containe himselfe within his own limits ; and thereupon admonished all other Courts , that they should be carefull , every of them , to containe themselves within the bounds of their owne jurisdictions ; the Courts of Common law , that they should not be so forward and prodigall in multiplying their Prohibitions . But you will say perhaps , that your exception lieth against the stopping of the course of Prohibitions , not so much , if at all , in reall , as in personall actions : and that you are offended only , because by this meanes the Kings Innocent Subjects , are not relieved ( as you and Mr. Prynne once were ) from the unjust oppressions of the Courts Ecclesiasticall , and High Commission . Why , what 's the matter ? There is , you tell us , a great persecution in the Church , and many a faithfull godly Minister , hath beene of late suspended from his ministery , and outed of his benefice , by the Prelates , in the Courts aforesaid : no remedy being to be had , as in former times from the Common Law. For as the common rumor goeth ( at least you make a rumour of it ) the course of Justice is stopped in these cases , there being none dares open his mouth to pleade a cause against the Prelates . So you in your addresse to my Lords the Judges . p. 29. For an example of the which , as well the persecution , as the want of Remedie , you instance in the Ministers of Surrey , who are suspended of their ministerie , and outed of their meanes and freeholds against all law and conscience : yet are so disheartned and over-awed that they dare not contend in law against their Prelate , [ the Lord Bishop of Winton ] for feare of further vexations , and are out of hope of any faire hearing in an ordinary legall way . p. 70. of your Pasquill . What want of remedie can you or they complaine of , if they have not sought it : or rather if their conscience tell them , and those with whom they have advised , advertise them , that in such cases as this is , the Judges cannot by the law , award a Prohibition , if they should desire it . Doe you conceive the case aright ? If not , I will take leave to tell you ; His Maiestie having published his Declaration about lawfull pastimes on the Sunday , gives order to his Bishops that publication thereof be made in all their severall diocesses , respectively . The Bishops hereupon appoint the Incumbent of every Church , to read the booke unto the people ; that so the people might the better take notice of it : and finding opposition to the said appointment ; made by some refractory persons , of your owne condition , presse them to the performance of it by vertue of that Canonicall obedience , which by their severall oathes they were bound to yeeld unto their Ordinaries : But seeing nothing but contempt , and contempt upon contempt , after much patience and long-suffering , and expectation of conformitie to their said appointment , some of the most pervers amongst them , have in some places , beene suspended , aswell a benificio as officio , for an example to the rest . No man deprived , or outed , as you say , of his meanes and livelihood , that I heare of yet ? This is the Case . Which being meerly Ecclesiasticall , as unto the ground , being a contempt of and against their Ordinarie ; and meerely Ecclesiasticall , as unto the Censure , which was suspension : I cannot see what remedie you can find for them amongst the Lawyers , but that which every man might give them , good and wholsome Counsaile . And call you this a persecution ? when a few refractarie persons are justly punished in a legall way , for their disobedience ? For howsoever they and you pretend , that the Command was contrary to the Law of God , and could not be performed with a safe conscience ; yet this was onely a pretence : their reading of the booke ( had the Contents thereof displeased them ) being no more an Argument of their approbation of any thing therein contained ; then when a Common Crier reades a Proclamation , which perhaps he likes not ▪ It must be therefore some Association had and made amongst them , to stand it out unto the last ; and put some baffle or affront on that authoritie which had imposed it . Such also is the persecution doubtlesse , which you so complaine of in the two whole Counties of Norfolke , and Suffolke , where in a very short space , ( as you say ) there hath beene the foulest havock of Ministers , and their flocks , &c. as ever our eyes have seene : there being already , as you tell us , 60 Ministers suspended , and betweene 60. and 80. more having had time given them till Christ-tide ( take head of Christmasse by all meanes , by which time , as you say , they must either bid their good conscience fare-well , or else their pretious Ministery , and necessary meanes . In all Queene Maries time , no such havock made , in so short a time , o● the faithfull Ministers of God , in any part of , yea , or in the whole land . p. 65. The same is also told us in the Newes from Ipswich . Nay , more then so , you tell us how one or two godly Ministers ( some of your Associates ) were threatned by Docter Corbet , Chancellor of that diocesse , with Pistolling and hanging , and I know not what ; because they had refused to read His Majesties Declaration about lawfull sports . In this you doe as shamefully belie the Chancellor , as you have done the Bishop in all the rest : of whose proceedings in that diocesse , I will present you with a short account , that you may see how grosly you abuse the world . And first , you may be pleased to know , that the Clergie of that Diocesse , comprehending all that are in spirituall dignitie or office , and all Parsons , Vicars , Curates and Schoole-masters ( taking in the Lecturers with all ) amount unto the number of 1500. or thereabouts . So that in case there had beene 60. of that Fifteene hundred suspended by the Bishop , as you say there were ; had this beene such a terrible persecution , as you give it out for ? But yet it is not so as you tell us neither . For at the beginning of November , when you Preached that Pasquil , of the Fifteene hundred , there were not twice fifteen , & that 's not halfe your number involved in any Ecclesiasticall censure of what sort soever ; and not above sixteene suspended . Sixtie and sixteene are alike in sound ; but very different in the number : and of those sixteene , eight were then absolved for a time of further triall to be taken of them ; and two did voluntarily resigne their places ; so that you have but six suspended absolutely , and persisting so . Now of the residue , there was one deprived , after notorious inconformitie for 12. yeeres together , and finall obstinacie after sundry severall monitions : eight excommunicated for not appearing at the Court , and foure inhibited from preaching ; of the which foure , one by his education , was a Draper , another was a Weaver , and the third was a Taylor . Where are the 60. now , that you so cry out of ? I have the rather given you this in the particulars , ( which were collected faithfully unto my hands , out of the Registerie of that Diocesse ) that you , and other men may see , your false and unjust clamours : the rather , because it was related to me by a friend of mine in Glocestershire , that it went current there amongst your Brethren , that your said 60. were suspended for no other cause , then for repeating the doxologie at the end of the Lords Prayer . So for your other number betweene 60. and 80. suspended upon day till Christmasse ( or Christide as you please to phrase it ) upon examination of the Registers , there appeare but eight ; and those not all suspended neither : two being Excommunicated for not appearing . Eighty and Eight doe come as neere in sound , as Sixtie and Sixteene before : but differ more a great deale in the Calculation . And so much for the grand persecution in the Diocesse of Norwich . How doe you find it pray you , in other places ? Why more or lesse say you over al the Kingdom . For you complaine as truly , but more generally , p. 27. that many Godly Ministers in these dayes , are most unjustly , illegally , yea , and incanonically also , in a most barbarous and furious manner , suspended , excommunicated , outed of their livings , and deprived of all livelihood and means to maintaine themselves . How just soever the cause be on the Prelates part , and that there be no other means to bring things to right , there where the Orders of the Church are so out of order , then by the exemplary punishment of the most pervers , to settle and reduce the rest : yet persecution it must be , if you please to call it so . Such Innocent people , as your selfe , that runne point-blanck against the Orders of the Church , cannot be censured and proceeded with in a legall way ; but instantly you cry out , a Persecution . But thus did your Fore-fathers in Queene Elizabeths time : et nil mirum est si patrizent filij . CHAP. VI. The foure first Innovations charged by H. B. upon the Bishops , most clearely proved to be no Innovations . Eight Innovations charged upon the Bishops by H. B. King James his order to young Students in Divinity made an Innovation in point of doctrine : the reason of the said order ; and that it was agreeable to the old Canons of this Church . Another Order of King James , seconded by his Majesty now being , with severall Bookes of private men made an Innovation of the Bishops . No difference betweene the Church of Rome and England in Fundamentalls . Private opinions of some men , made Innovations in point of doctrine . The Pope not Antichrist , for any thing resolved by the Church of England . The doctrine of Obedience and of the Sabbath , not altered , but revived , explained , and reduced to what it was of old . No Innovation made in point of discipline . A generall view of Innovations charged upon the Bishops in point of worship . Bowing at the Name of Jesus , praying towards the East , and adoration towards the Altar , no new Inventions ; not standing up at the holy Gospel . Crosse-worship falsely charged upon the Bishops . No Innovation made by the Bishops in the civill government . The dignity and authority of the High-Commission . AS is the persecution , such are the Innovations also , which you have charged upon the Bishops , both yours and so both false alike . Yet such a neat contriver are you , that you have made those Innovations which you dreame of , the cause of all that persecution which you so cry out of . For in your Pasquil , it is told us , that we may see or heare at the least , of o●d heaving and shoving to erect Altar-worship and Jesu-worship , and other inventions of men , and all , as is too plaine , to set up Popery againe ; and for not yeelding to these things ministers are suspended , excommunicated , &c. pag. 25 , And pag. 64. you ground the persecution ( as you call it ) in the Diocesse of Norwich , upon the violent and impetuous obtruding of new Rites and Ceremonies . monies . You call upon the Bishops by the name of Iesuiticall novell Doctors , to blush and be ashamed , and tell them that they doe suspend , excommunicate and persecute with all fury Gods faithfull ministers , and all because they will not , they may not , they dare not obey their wicked commands , which are repugnant to the lawes both of God and man. p. 81. If this be true , if those that bee thus dealt with bee Gods faithfull ministers , and the commands imposed upon them so wicked as you say they are , contrary to the lawes both of God and man : and tending so notoriously to set up Popery againe : you have the better end of the staffe , and will prevaile at last , no question . Meane while you have good cause , as you please to tell us , to comfort your selfe , and blesse the name of God , in that he hath not left himselfe without witnesse , but hath raised up many zealous and couragious champions of his truth , I meane faithfull ministers of his word , who chuse rather to lose all they have , then to submit and prostitute themselves to the wicked , unjust , and base commands of usurping & Antichristian mushromes : their very not yeilding in this battel being a present victory . p. 83 But on the other side , if the commands of the Superior be just and pious , agreeable to the orders of the Church , and all pure antiquity : then are your godly faithfull ministers no better then factious and schismaticall persons : and you your own deare self a seditious Boutefeiu , so to incourage and applaud them for standing out against authority . This we shall see the better , by looking on those Innovations , which as you say , The Prelates of later dayes have haled in by head and shoulders , being besides and against the law of the land , and much more the law of God. p. 111. These you reduce to these eight heads , viz. 1. Innovation in doctrine . 2. in discipline , 3. in the worship of God , 4. in the Civill government , 5. in the altering of bookes , 6. in the meanes of knowledge , 7. in the rule of faith , and 8. in the Rule of manners . It is a merry world , mean-while , when you and such as you , the Innovators and Novatians of the present times , complaine of other men for that very fault , of which your selves are onely guilty . Quis tulerit Gracchos ? But to goe with you point per point , what Innovations have you to complaine of in point of doctrine ? Marry , say you , There was an order procured from King Iames of famous memory to the Universities , that young Students should not reade our moderne learned writers , as Calvin ; Beza , and others of the reformed Churches , but the Fathers and School-men . p. 111. Quid hoc ad Ithycli boves ? What have the Bishops now alive to do with any act of King James his time : or how can this direction of that learned Prince bee brought within the compasse of Innovations in point of doctrine ? Directions to young Students how to order and dispose their studies , are no points of doctrine : nor doe I finde it in the Articles of the Church of England , that Calvin or Beza are 〈◊〉 bee preferred before Saint Austin or Aquinas . But doe you know the reason of the said direction ? or if you do not , will you learne ? Then I will tell you . There was one Knight a young Divine that preached about that time at Saint Peters in Oxford , and in his Sermon fell upon a dangerous point ( though such perhaps as you like well of ) viz. that the inferiour Magistrate had a lawfull power to order and correct the King if he did amisse : using this speech of Trajans unto the Captaine of his Guard , Accipe hunc gladium , quem pro me si bene imperavero distringes ; sin minus contra me . For this being called in question , both in the University and before the King , he layed the fault of all upon some late Divines of forraigne Churches , who had misguided him in that point : especially on Paraeus , who in his Comment on the Romans had so stated it , and in the which he found that saying of the Emperour Trajan . On this confession Paraeus Comment on that Epistle was publickly and solemnly burnt at Oxford , Cambridge , and Saint Pauls Crosse London : And shortly after came out that order of King James , prohibiting young ungrounded Students to beginne their studies in Divinity with such books as those , in whom there were such dangerous positions , tending so manifestly to Anarchy and disobedience : but that they should beginne with the holy Scriptures , so descendendo to the Fathers , and the School men , and by degrees to those Divines you so much magnifie . Wh●● hurt in this good sir , but that it seemes , you are possessed with your old feare , that by this means the Kings may come to have an unlimited power : and absolute obedience will be pressed more throughly on the subjects conscience . Besides , you cannot but well know that generally those divines of forraigne Churches are contrary in the point of discipline , unto the Hierarchy and rites of the Church of England : which some implicitely , and some explicitely , have opposed and quarrelled . Which as it is the onely reason why you would have them studied in the first place , that so young students might be seasoned with your Puritan principles : so might it be another motive , why by the Kings direction they should come in last ; that Students finding in the Fathers , Councels , and Ecclesiasticall historians , what was the true and ancient kinde of governement in the Church of Christ , might judge the better of the modernes when they came to reade them . Nor was this any new direction : neither it being ordered by the Canons of the yeere 1571. Cap. de Concionatoribus , that nothing should bee preached unto the people , but what was consonant unto the doctrine of the old and new Testament , quodque ex illa ipsâ doctrina Catholici Patres & veteres Episcopi collegerint , and had beene thence collected by the Orthodox Fathers , and ancient Bishops . As for your dealing with the Fathers , of whom you say as Virgil said of Ennius , that they which reade them must margaritas e Coeno legere , gather pearles out of the mud ; p. 112. that's but a tast of your good manners . Nor would you slight them so , I take it , but that the most of them were Bishops . But whatsoever you thinke of them , a wiser man then you hath told us , qui omnem Patribus adimit authoritatem , nullam relinquet sibi . Your second Innovation in point of doctrine , is so like the first ; that one would sweare they were of one mans observation : and that is the procuring of another order in King James his na●● inhibiting young Ministers to preach of the doctrines of election and reprobation , and that none but Bishops and Deanes should handle those points ? Good Sir what hurt in this ? Are those deepe mysteries of Gods secret Counsailes , fit argument for young unexperienced Preachers , wherein , calores juveniles excercere , to trie their manhood , and give the first assay of their abilities ? or call you this an Innovacion in point of doctrine , when as for ought you have to say , the doctrine in those points continued , as before it did : onely the handling of the same was limited and restrained to graver heads . The like complaint you make of his Majesties Declaration before the Articles , by meanes whereof you say , the doctrins of the Gospell must bee for ever husht and laied asleepe . p. 114. what Sir , are all the doctrines of the Gospel husht and laied asleepe , because you are inhibited to preach of predestination and that not absolutely neither , but that you may not wrest the Article in that point , as you were accustomed . This was the Devills plea to Eve , and from him you learnt it ; that God had said to our first father , hee should not eate of every or any tree in the Garden of Eden ; whereas he was restrained onely from the tree of knowledge of good and evill . But hereof wee have spoke alreadie , and referre you thither . Hitherto also you reduce the publishing of certaine bookes , most of the which were either answer'd , or called in : and therefore you have little reason to except against them . My Lord of Chichesters appeale , was , as you say , called 〈◊〉 by our gracious Soveraigne : and had not other men free leave to print and publish a discourse in answere to it ? The Historicall narration you disliked , and that was called in too , to please you . If Doctor Jacksons bookes , were as you falsly tell us , to maintaine Arminianisme ; I doubt not but you have in keeping , a booke invisible to any but to such as you , said to bee writ by Doctor Twisse , as much against his person , as against his argument . For Doctor Cosens Private Devotions , that still lieth heavy on your komacke , as not yet digested : though both your selfe and your learned Counsell disgorged your selves upon him in a furious manner . Brownes prayer before his Sermon if you are agrieved at , you may finde the verie clause verbatim in King Edwards first liturgie , Anno 1549. which in that verie act of Parliament , wherein the second was confirmed , is said to bee a very Godly order , agreeable to the word of God , and the Primitive Church . As for Franciscus a S. clara , being the book is writ in latine ; and printed in the parts beyond sea ; how can you charge the Bishops with it : for that it hath beene printed in London , and presented to the King by a Prelate , you dare not certainely affirme ; but speake it onely upon heere-say . p. 117. Or were it so , yet being written in the latine , it is meete for Schollers , and such as understand that language : not as your pamphlets are , proposed unto the common people , either to misinforme them , or to inflame them . As for the booke intituled the Female glorie , you finde not in it , that I see by your collections , any thing positively or dogmatically delivered , contrarie unto any point of doctrine established and received in the Church of England . Some swelling language there is in it , and some Apostrophes , I perceive by you , to the virgin Marie ; which if you take for Invocations , you mistake his meaning : who tells us plainly , as you cite him , p. 125. that the more wee ascribe unto her , setting Invocation apart , the more gracious wee appeare in our Saviours sight . No Innovation hitherto in point of Doctrine . From bookes set out by private men , proceed we to the opinions of some certaine Quidams , which you are displeased with : and were it so , as you report it , yet the opinions of some private men , prove not in my poore Logick an Innovation in the Doctrine by the Church delivered , though contrary unto the Doctrine so delivered . To make an Innovation in point of Doctrine , there must be an unanimous and general concurrence of minds and men , to set on foote the new , and desert the old : not the particular fancie of one private man. And yet I think , you will not find me out that particular man , that hath defended any thing contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England , and passed uncensured . Yes that you can , you say , for certaine . For a great Prelate in the High Commission Court , said openly at the censure of Dr. Bastwick , that wee and the Church of Rome , differ not in fundamentalibus , but circa fundamentalia : as also that the same had beene affirmed by one Choune . p. 122. Suppose this true , and how comes this to be an Innovation in the Doctrine of the Church of England . Hath the Church any where determined , that wee , and those of Rome doe differ in the Fundamentalls : if not , why doe you make this saying an Innovation in the Churches Doctrine . The Church indeed hath told us in the Nineteenth Article , that the Church of Rome hath erred , not only in their living and manner of Ceremonies , but also in matters of Faith : it hath not told us that that Church hath erred in Fundamentalls . The learned Junius could have told you that the Church of Rome is a true Church , quoad essentiam , according to the essence of a Church ; lib. de Eccl. cap. 7. and Dr. Whitakers , that there were many things in the Church of Rome ( Baptisme , the Ministery , and the Scriptures ) quae ad veram ecclesiam pertinent , which properly appertaine to a true Church ? An argument that neither of them thought that Church had erred in Fundamentalls . And certainly , if that confession of Saint Peter , Thou art Christ the Sonne of the living God , Matth. 16. be that Rocke , on which the Church of Christ is founded ; as all our Protestant Divines affirme it is : the Church of Rome , doth hold as fast on that foundation , as you , or any Zealot of your acquaintance ; and hath done more against the Hereticks of this Age , in maintenance of the Divinitie of our Lord and Saviour , then you , or any one of your Divines , be hee who he will. But for the Church of Rome , that it is a true Church , and that wee doe not differ from them in fundamentalls , you may see further in a little booke called the Reconciler ( doe not you remember it , and the occasion of it too ? ) writ by the Bishop of Exeter , now being : and therein the opinion of some Bishops , to the selfe same purpose , and of some others also , learned men , whose judgement you preferre in other things more then any Bishops . Had you but throughly studied the Reconciler , as you should have done , you had not made this quarrell , perhaps none at all . As for the other opinions of more private men , that have offended you , you goe on , and say , that Justifi●ation by works was maintained in Cambridge , at the Commencement , not long agoe ; and that Shelfords booke will prove Justification by Charitie : as also , that the said Shelford , in that book , maintaineth that the Pope is not Antichrist , contrary , as you say , to the resolved Doctrines of our Church , in our Homilies , and else-where . p. 122. and 123. In answere to the first of which , I hope you doe not think in earnest , that whatsoever point is ventilated , and discussed in the Publike Schooles , is presently conceived to be a Doctrine of the Church : or that there hath beene nothing handled in those disputations , but what is agreeable thereto . Many things there , both are , and may be handled and propounded problematically , and argued Pro and Con , as the custom is ; as well for the discovery of the trueth , as the true issue of the question betweene the parties . And if you please to cast your eye upon those questions , which have beene heretofore disputed at those solemne times : how many will you find amongst them , and those of your owne speciall friends , in which the Church hath not determined : or not determined so , as they have then and there been stated , and yet no clamour raised about it . Nor doe you truely relate the businesse neither ; Thesis not being so proposed , as you informe us : Viz. That wee are Justified by Workes ; but onely that good Workes are effectually necessary to Salvation : so that the principall part of our justification , was by the Doctor , then and there , ascribed to faith ; workes only comming in , as effectuall meanes to our salvation . For Shelfords Booke , what ever is in that maintained , should as little trouble you , if he ascribe a speciall eminencie unto Charitie , in some certaine things ; it is no more then what was taught him by Saint Paul , who doth preferre it , as you cannot chuse but know , before Faith and Hope . Nor doth hee attribute our justification thereunto in any other sense , then what was taught him by Saint James . And here I purposed to have left you with these opinions of particular and private men , but that you tell us by the way , that by the Doctrine of our Church , in the Homilies and elsewhere , it is resolved that the Pope is Antichrist . Your else-where I am sure is no where , and that which you alledge from the booke of Homilies , is as good as nothing . The Second Homilie for Whitsunday , concludeth with a Prayer , that by the mighty power of the holy Ghost , the comfortable Doctrine of Christ may be truely preached , truely received , and truly followed in all places , to the beating down of sinne , death , the Pope , the Devill , and all the Kingdom of Antichrist . Can you conclude from hence , that by the Doctrin of the Church , the Pope is Antichrist ? the Devill assone . For they are put there as distinct things , the Pope , the Devill , and the kingdome of Antichrist : and being put downe as distinct , you have no reason to conclude that it is resolved by that Homilie , that the Pope is Antichrist . Nor doth the 6 Homilie of Rebellion , say the Pope is Antichrist . Though it saith somewhat of the Babylonicall beast of Rome . The whole clause is this . In King Johns time the Bishop of Rome understanding the bruite blindnesse , ignorance of Gods word , and superstition of Englishmen , and how much they were inclined to worship the Babylonicall beast of Rome , and to feare all his threatnings and causelesse curses , hee abused them thus , &c. Where certainely , the Babylonicall beast of Rome is not the same with the Bishop or Pope of Rome ; but rather the abused power of that then prevalent and predominant See. Or were it that the Pope is meant , yet not being spoken positively and dogmatically , that the Pope is , and is to be beleeved to be the Babylonicall beast of Rome ; it is no more to bee accounted for a doctrine of the Church of England , then that it was plaine Simony in the Prelates then to pay unto the Bishop of Rome great summes of mony for their Bulls , and conformations , as is there affirmed , I have yet one thing more to say unto you in this point . Saint John hath given it for a rule , that every spirit that confesseth not , that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh , is not of God , but is that Spirit of Antichrist whereof you have heard &c. So that unlesse you can make good as I thinke you cannot , that the Pope of Rome confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh , you have no reason to conclude that hee is that Antichrist . Hitherto we have followed you to finde an innovation in point of doctrine ; and are yet to seeke : and if wee finde it not in the next two instances both wee and you have lost our labour . There you say somewhat doubtlesse , and charge the Bishop with two dangerous innovations ; one in the doctrine of obedience to superiors , the other in the doctrine of the Sabbath or Lords-day . These wee have met withall alreadie , and therefore shall say little here . Onely I would faine learne , for I know not yet , where that conditionall obedience which you onely like of , is delivered to us by the Church ; where there is any thing layed downe , for a publick doctrine , against that absolute obedience , which you so dislike , and reckon the inforcing of it , amongst the Innovations made in point of doctrine ! your brethren in the Conference at Hampton Court , put in a scruple , how farre an ordinance of the Church was to binde them , without impeaching of their Christian libertie : where at the King being much moved , answered , that it smelled very ranckely of Anabaptisme ; adding , I charge you never to speak more to that point , ( how farre you are bound to obey ? ) when the Church hath ordained it . What think you Sir. Heere is an absolute obedience preached to the Churches Ordinances . I hope you cannot tender lesse unto the Orders of the King. As for that other Innovation which you tell us of , about the doctrine of the Sabbath ; there is indeed a mighty alteration in it , I could wish there were not : but it was made by you and yours , who litle more then 40. yeeres agone , first broached these Sabbath-speculations in the Church of England ; which now you presse uppon her for her antient doctrine . This hath beene shewne at large elsewhere , and therefore I will say nothing now . But where you say , that for the maintenance of that change which you lay upon them , their novell Doctors , have strained the veines of their conscience no lesse then of their braines . p. 126. I am bold to tell you , that at the best you are a most uncharitable man , to judge the hearts of those , whose face you know not . For my part , I can speake for one , and take almighty God to witnesse that in the part committed to mee , I have dealt with all ingenuitie and sinceritie : and make this protestation before God and man , that if in all the scriptures , Fathers , Councells , moderne writers , or whatsoever monument of the Church , I met within so long a search , I had found any thing in favour of that doctrine , which you so approve ; I would not have concealed it , to the suppression of a truth , for all the world . How ever you accuse me , yet my conscience doth not . Delectat tamen conscientia quod estanimae pabulum , incredibili jucunditate perfusum , in Lactantius language . Your Innovations in the points of Doctrin being blowne to nothing , let us see next what is it that you have to say for the change of discipline ; the second Innovation which you charge upon my Lords the Bishops . And here you say , that where of old the censures of the Church were to be inflicted upon disordered and vicious persons , as drunkards adulterers , heretickes , Apostata's , false-teachers and the like : now the sharpe edge thereof is turned mainely against Gods people and Ministers , even for their vertue and pietie , and because they will not conforme to their impious orders p. 127. That Bishops sometimes turne the edge of their authoritie , on those who you entitle Gods ministers , and people , is as true , as necessarie : but that they turne it on them even for their pietie and vertue , is both false and scandalous . Iust so a Brother of yours , whom I spare to name , preached once at Oxford , that good and honest men were purposely excluded from preferments there , ob hoc ipsum quod pij , quod boni , onely because they were inclined to pietie and vertue . But Sir , those godly folke you speake of , are Godly onely in your eye , and in such as yours : and if the edge of authoritie be turned upon them , it is because they have too much of your spirit in them . The censures of the Church proceed no otherwise now then of old they did . Looke in the antient Canons , and you shall see with what severitie the Church of old did punish Schismaticks and Separatists : and tell mee if the Church now doth not deale more mercifully with you , then of old it did . And where you seeme to intimate , that now the censures of the Church are not inflicted as of old , upon disordered and vicious persons : that 's but your wonted art to traduce the Bishops and make them odious to your followers . For looke unto the Articles for the Metropolitan visitation , of my Lord of Canterbury Anno 1635. and for the visitation of my Lord of Norwich , Anno 1636. both which I am sure you have perused , or any of the rest which you meete next with . Looke on them well , and tell mee truely , if you can , whether there bee not speciall order for the presenting of all those vicious and disordered persons , of the kindes you mention : you could not choose but knowe this , having seene the Articles : and therefore doe belie them against your conscience . And so I leave you and this point of the Churches discipline : which if it bee not changed is no fault of yours , who have endeavored nothing more then to introduce a totall alteration of it . The third generall Innovation which you make complaint of , is in the worship of God , which ( as you tell us ) they goe about to turne inside outward , placing the true worship which is in Spirit and truth , in a Will worship of mans devising . p. 128. Particularly , in bowing to the name of Iesus , to the Communion table or rather Altar , praying with their faces towards the East , standing at the reading of the Gospell . As also reading their second service at the Altar , and the like . p. 129. You tell us also of their teaching , practising , and preaching new formes of worship , secundum usum Sarum , and setting them up againe in Churches , as Altar-worship , Iesu-worship , Image-worship , Crosse-worship , and the like : and make it a plaine evidence that they have no feare of God in them . p. 15· As also , what an old heaving and shoving there is , to erect Altar-worship and Iesu-worship , and other inventions of men ; and that the end thereof is to set up Popery againe . p. 25. The like you tell us also , p. 32. and make those rites you instance in , a degree to Popery . Rome , say you , was not built in one day . And Rome being about to be rebuilt in this Land cannot be done all at once , but it must be by degrees ; although the builders doe every day get ground , and the building goeth on a maine with incredible celority . Finally , that I presse you with no more particulars , you lay it home unto them , that all their actions tend to bring in the Masse ▪ p. 105. And thus you marshall the degrees . If , say you , our new refounders of Popery would set up the Masse-god in our Churches , they cannot effect it all at once . They must first downe with Tables , and up with Altars . For that cause all seates must downe at the end of the Chancell , that the Altar may stand close to the wall , because , as their Oracle saith ( Arch-Prelate of Canterbury , in the Margin ) none must sit above God Almightie . And if Ministers be so stiffe as not to yeeld to this Innovation , at least the table must be railed about that none touch it , as being more sacred then Pulpit , Pewe , or Font. Then some Adoration as lowly bowing , must be given to it . Then the second service , as dainties must be said there , as being more holy then the Readers Pewe . What then ? Surely a Priest is not farre off . But where is the sacrifice ? Stay a while , that service comes at last , and all these are preparations to it , tending to usher in the great God of the Host , so soone as it is well baked , and the peoples stomacks fitted to digest so hard a bit . I have layed downe this place at large , because it makes a full discovery of your malicious thoughts and imaginations : as also of your full intent to amate the people , and make them apt to any desperate attempt , which you may put them to when occasion serves . But these your wicked and uncharitable surmises will soone come to nought . For if it be made evident , that those particular Innovations wherewithall you charge them , are either falsely charged upon them , or no Innovations : then I presume , that any charitable Reader , will finde that your surmises proceeded onely from envy , hatred , malice , and all uncharitablenes , from which deliver us good Lord. That which you instance first in , is bowing to the name of Iesus : and where finde you that ? Who presseth you , or any els to bow unto the name of Iesus , suppose it written on a wall , or where else you will ? That , if it be an Innovation , is no mans but yours . The Church injoyneth us no such matter . For bowing at the name of Iesus , that 's no Innovation , made by the Prelates of these times : but injoyned in the Canon of the yeare 1603 , and there no otherwise enjoyned then it was before . For so the Canon hath appointed , that when in the time of divine service the Lord Iesus shall be mentioned , due and lowly reverence shall be done by all persons present , as it hath beene accustomed . Can. 8. No Innovation then good Sr. if so long since ordained by Canon ; and an old custome too before it . A custome certainely as old as the Reformation . For it is said expressely in the Queenes Injunctions , that whensoever the name of Iesus , shall be in any Lesson , Sermon , or otherwise in the Church pronounced , that due reverence be made of all persons young and old , with lownesse of curtesie , and uncovering of heads of the men-kinde , as thereunto doth necessarily belong , and hath beene accustomed . It 's almost fourescore yeares agoe , since that Injunction ; yet then it was an antient custome : and more then custome too , conceived a necessary duty . I could informe you what is said by B. Iewell in this point , did I conceiv't fit , to adde unto the publike order of the Church , the testimony of a private though a learned man. Yet if you please to looke , you shall see his judgment , in his reply to Harding . Art. 8. Sect. 1. So that you see , that Iesu-worship , as you call it , is no Innovation : or if it be , it is as old at least in the Church of England at the reformation . Higher we neede not goe for your satisfaction , in this or any other of these Innovations by you objected : such men as you are not regarding what hath beene done in the most pure & perfect times of the Chrstian Church ; but what was here observed and practised since the reformation , as before was said . Otherwise we could give you sufficient evidence of this and all the other antient usages , by you termed Innovations , in the Church of Christ , out of the Fathers , Councells , & other uncorrupted Monumēts of true antiquity . Your second instance is of bowing to the Communion table , or Altar rather , as you please to correct your selfe : and praying with the face towards the East . Here you have to it , as before ; but ther 's no such thing done , as to it . Towards it if you will , not to it , When you say Grace before the table , or said your prayers in the last conventicle you were at , at the bords end : I hope you prayed not to the table , nor said Grace to it . Neither doe they bow to the Altar , or Communion table , call it which you please , which bow towards it . It was an antient custome in the primitive times , as Tertullian notes in his Apologeticke , ad orientis regronem precari , to turne themselves unto the East when they said their prayers ; and hath continued so till this very time : most of our Churches , except some of late , being built accordingly . The Fathers tell you of it more then once or twice : but what care you or such as you for the holy Fathers . Had Calvin said as much , or Beza , then it had beene somewhat . The Fathers had their spots or naevi , and he that readeth them must margaritas e coeno legere , as you told us lately . Well Sir , upon this generall custome of praying towards the East came in that adoratio versus Altare , you complaine of , though not Altaris , as you charge it . When men first entred into the house of God , they used some lowly reverence to expresse or intimate that the place they stoode upon was holy ground : and because mē diduse to pray with their faces towards the East where the Altar stoode , they made their reverence that way also . Why should that offend you ? Old people use it still , both men and women ; though now it be interpreted as a curtesie made unto the Minister . If bowing towards the Communion table or before it be offensive to you , at the administration of the Sacrament : I would faine know upō what reasons , or why you stomack it , that men should use their greatest reverence in so great an action ? Thinke it you fit , the Priest should take into his hands the holy mysteries , without lowly reverence , or that it is an Innovation so to doe ? Then go to schoole to B. Iewell , and let him teach you . Harding makes mention of some gestures , which at that time the people used : as viz. standing up at the Gospell , and at the preface of the Masse , bowing themselves downe & adoring at the Sacrament ; kneeling at other times , as when mercy & p●rdon is humbly asked . What saith the Bishop unto this ? he alloweth them all kneeling saith he , bowing ( i. e. that kinde of bowing which Harding speakes of ) and standing up , and other like are commendable gestures and tokens of devotion , so long as the people understandeth what they meane , and applieth them unto God. If you looke higher into the use and practise of the primitive times , you cannot misse a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an honour to the Altar ; in Ignaltus ; a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a respect showne unto the holy table in Dionysius de Heir . cap. 2. as also an adgeniculationem aris Dei , a kneeling downe before Altars in Tertullians time ; besides what you may finde in St. Chrysostomes Liturgie to the selfe same purpose . No Innovation therefore , as you would have it , to bow before or towards the Communion table ; or to pray with our faces towards the East , whatsoever you tell us . On then good Sir , to the rest that follow , and first of standing up at the Gospell , and reading the second service at the Altar : what are they Innovations also ? For standing up at the Gospell , it was enjoyned expressely in the first Liturgy of K. Edward 6. and practised also , though not prescribed , under that now in use amongst us . Bp. Iewell , as you see allowes it , with whom you are not worthy to be named in the same day . And for the practise of it , take this of Hooker . Because the Gospells which are weekely reade , doe all historically declare something , which our Lord Iesus Christ himselfe either spake , did , or suffered in his owne person , it hath beene the custome of Christian men , then especially , in token of the greater reverence to stand , to utter certaine words of acclamation , and at the name of Iesus to bow . Which harme'esse ceremonies , as he tells us , there was not any man constrained to use ; nor was it necessary : all sorts of people using them without constraint , till you and your forefather Cartwright made a scruple of it . The first originall hereof is by antiquity referred to Pope Anastasius who lived in the 5. Centurie : therefore no Innovation surely . As little Innovation is there , in reading the second service at the Altar or Communion table . The Rubricke of the Church appointeth , that it shall be so . Compare the last Rubricke before the Comunion , with the first after it : and you will sooner finde your selfe an Innovator in so saying , then any of the Bishops in so doing . Nor was it onely so appointed , and not done accordingly . For learned Hooker tells us in the place last cited , that some parts of the divine service of the Church are such , that being they serve to singular good purpose , even when there is no communion administred ; neverthelesse , being devised at the first for that purpose , are at the table of the Lord for that cause also commonly reade ? No Innovation hitherto Mas . Burton , but what comes after . You make a noise of Image-worship and Crosse-worship ; I know no such matter : no such enjoyned , that I am sure of , nor no such practised that I can heareof . If any such thing be , tell me who , and when , or I shall take you alwayes for a very false brother , that make no conscience what you say , or whom you slander . I hope you doe not meane by Crosse-worship , the signing young children when they are baptized with the signe of the Crosse : or if you doe , I trow you cannot take it for an Innovation . Nor neede you feare Idolatry in that Christian usage , as some clamoured once . The 30. Canon hath so fully removed that feare , that they that feare it now , must be more then mad-men . Thuanus , one more wise then you , is of another minde by much : conceiving that the cautious and restrictions in that Canon used , have in a manner more abolished then confirmed the true and proper use of that antient ceremony . For speaking of the Synode in London An. 1603. and of the Canons then agreed on , he saith as followeth . Crucis ceremonia in Baptismate retinetur , et explicatur , sed ita et tot adhibitis cautionibus , ut sacrosancti signi reverentia omnis aboleri potius , quaem confirmari videatur . No Innovations all this while , but such as you have falsly charged upon the Bishops , of Image-worship , and Crosse-worship : and therefore all your feares of setting up the Masse-God , as you call it , are all come to nought . Hitherto we have found no novelty , nothing that tends to Innovation in the worship of God : but a reviver and continuance onely of the antient usages which have beene practised in this Church since the reformation , and were commended to it from the purest ages . And here we would have left this charge , but that you tell us p. 158. that all those rites and ceremonies which are to be used in our Church are by an Act of Parliament prefixed to the Communion booke restrained to those only which are expressed in the same booke . Either you are a very unlucky Lawyer , or a very bad Church-man . For tell me I beseech you , where doe you finde in all that statute , that there shall be no other rites and ceremonies used in the Church then are expressed in the booke of Common prayer ? That all those ceremonies which are expressed in the said booke shall be observed ; the statute doth indeede informe you : but that none other shall be added , that you finde not there . The contrary you may finde there , if you please to looke . For it is said expressely that the Queenes Majesty may by the advise of her Commissioners Ecclesiasticall or Metropolitane ordaine and publish such further ceremonies or rites as may be most for the advancement of Gods glorie , the edifying of his Church , and the due reverence of Christs holy mysteries and Sacraments . This you restraine unto the person of the Queene affirming p. 66. that it is not to be extended to her successours in the Crowne . How truely this is said , hath beene showne elsewhere . And were it so in point of Law , yet a good Church man as you are could not choose but know , that in the Articles of the Church it is acknowledged and agreed on , that the Church hath power to decree Rites or ceremonies . Art. 20. and more then so , that every particular or nationall Church , hath authoritie to ordaine , change , and abolish ceremonies or Rites of the Church ordained onely by mans authority , so that all things be done to edifying . Art. 34. These Articles you have subscribed to more then once or twice , and therefore cannot choose but know , that other ceremonies may be used in the Church , then those which are expressed in the Common prayer booke . Nor were these Articles confirmed onely in the Convocation , the power and authority of the which you regard but little : but were confirmed , and subscription to the same exacted by Act of Parliament , as your unlearned Counsaile can at large informe you . It s true , some such as you have quarrel'd with the 20. Article , as if that clause of giving power unto the Church , to decree rites or ceremonies , and authority in controversies of faith , were not coequall with the Article , but thrust in of late : and for that cause , by some undue and sinister practise , the booke of Articles was lately printed in the Latine tongue , and that clause left out . But in the antient Copies published in the yeare 1563. the Article is intire and whole , according as it is in all those bookes of Articles to which you severally subscribed . Nor saith that Article any more , as to the matter of ordaining ceremonies , then what is afterwards affirmed in the 34. Article , as before was said : nor more then what hath positively beene affirmed by your owne Divines , as you please to stile them . Calvin whose judgment in this point you neither may nor can decline , hath said as much upon these words of the Apostle , Let all things be done decently and in order . Non potest haberi , quod Paulus hic exigit nisi additis constitutionibus tanquam vinculis quibusdam , ordo ipse et decorum servetur . That which St. Paul requires , cannot be done , saith he without rules and Canons , by which as by some certaine bondes , both order and decorum may be kept together . Paraus yet more plainely , and unto the purpose ; Facit ecclesiae potestatem de decoro et ordine ecclesiastico libere disponendi , et leges ferendi . So that you see the Church hath power to decree rites and ceremonies in things that appertaine to order , decency , and uniformity in Gods publicke service : and which is more , a power of making lawes and Canons to inforce conformity unto the same , in the opinion of your owne Doctors . And if it please his Majesty with the advice of his Commissioners or Metropolitane , to ordaine new ceremonies , or if the Church thinke fit to adde further rites , to those which are received already : I know no remedy either in Law or conscience , but that you must submit unto them . Which said we will proceede to those other Innovations , which you have falsly charged upon the Prelates . The fourth change is , you tell us , in the civill government , which they labour to reduce and transferre to ecclesiasticall , while they seeke to trample on the lawes of the land , and step between the King and his people , ( the Prelates power overswaying the subjects right ) in the free use and benefit of the Lawes , pag. 129. You make the like out-cry to my LL. the Iudges , saying . Doe not your wisdomes see a new generation of Innovators risen up in this Land , who usurping and practising a Papall and Antichristian power and jurisdiction , exempted from the Kings Lawes &c. doe thereby begin to overtop the Royall throne , and trample the Lawes , liberties and just rights of the Kings Subjects under their feete . p. 29. Quid dignum tanto ? What is the ground of all this noise . Nought els it seemes , but that the high Commissioners thinke that Court of too high a nature , to be affronted by such fellowes as your Learned Counsailes , of which you tell us . p. 129. and that my LL. the Iudges , out of their honourable love to Iustice , are not so easily moved to send their writs of prohibition to that Court , as some of their Predecessours were before them . And is there not good reason thinke you ? For if ( as Dr. Cosin pleades the case ) his Majesties supreame Royall authority and power ecclesiasticall granted by Commission to others be as highly vested in his Crowne as is his Temporall : then will it be probably gathered , both of them being in their severall kindes supreme and the exercise of them committed over to others under the great Seale ; that the one of them is not to be abridged , restrained , or controuled by the other . And you may also know , if you please to know it , how that it was affirmed once by K. Iames of blessed memorie , in his speech at Whitehall before both houses of Parliament An. 1609. That the high Commission was of so high a nature , that from thence there was no appellation to any other Court. Both Courts being thus supreme in their severall kindes , and neither of them being to be abridged , restrained and controuled by the other , as long as the Iudges in the high Commission keepe themselves ( within their bounds ) to causes of ecclesiasticall cognizance : what reason have you of complaint , in case you cannot get a Prohibition , as before you did . Most likely that my LL. the Iudges are growne more difficult in that kinde , as for diverse other reasons , so most especially because they see the Iudges in that other Court so carful , as not to meddle in any thing which may entrench upon the Courts of common Law or the subjects liberty . Call you me this an overtopping of the Royall throne , a trampling of the Lawes , liberties , and just rights of his Majesties subjects under their feete ? Cannot so insolent a wretch as you be denied a Prohibition from the Courts of Law , or may not Mr. Prynne be threatned for his sawey and irreverent carriage by the high Commission : but presently you must raise an outcry , ac si Anniball ad portas , as if the libertie of the subjects was indangered in the free use and benefit of the Lawes , as you please to phrase it ? yet this amongst the rest you have made a cause of your seditious libelling against Church and State ; as if the one were like to devoure the other ; and all were in a way to ruine , but for such Zelots as your selfe , the carefull watchmen of the times . But good Sir be assured there is no such danger . For as the reducing of the civill government so ecclesiasticall , which you so much feare , there must be other meanes to doe it , then by a difficulty of obtaining Prohibitions from the Common Law. And it is never more likely to be effected , then when your selfe sit chiefe in your longed ▪ for Consistory , with your Lay-elders round about you . Then Kings and Queenes and whatsoever is called God , must cast themselves before your foote-stoole , as you your selves have told us in your publicke writings : And as for businesse , the Lawyers , howsoever you count them now , will have too little to maintaine them . For this is reckoned by your Brethren , amongst the excellencies of your discipline , both for the wealth of the Realme , and quiet of the subjects , that thy Church is to censure those who are apparentle troublesome and contentious , and without reasonable cause ( which you meane to judge of ) upon a meere will and stomacke doe vex and molest their brother and trouble the Country . Where will your Civill government be then ? and who shall send out Prohibitions , when that comes to passe . CHAP. VII . The foure last Innovations charged upon the Bishops , examined severally and confuted . The Alterations said to be in the Common Prayer-book , Father of thine Elect and of their seede , left out ; and why ? Of bowing in the name of Iesus . The alterations said to be in the booke of Prayer for the fifth of November . Prayers intended first against Recusants aswell appliable to the Puritans , as some Lawes and Statutes . The religion of and in the Church of Rome , whether it may be said to be Rebellion ; and how the Prelates are chalenged in that respect . The Arguments produced by H. B. to prove that the Religion of the Ch. of Rome is rebellion , are either false ; or may be turned upon himselfe . Of alterations in the Fast-booke . The Letany of K. Edward altered , because it gave offense and scandall , to those which were affected to the Ch. of Rome . Some prayers omitted in the Fast-booke ; and the reason why : The Lady Eliz : and her Children , why left out in the present Collect. IN nova fert animus . Your minde is still upon your Metamorphosis ; more changes yet , and the next head of changes is altering the formēs of prayer : particularly the booke of Common prayer , that for the fifth of November , and lastly that for the fast , set forth by his Majesties appointment , An. 1636. And first , you say , in the Communion booke set forth by Parliament , and commanded to be read without any alteration , and none other , they have altered sundrie things p. 130. Ho there . Who told you that the Common-prayer-booke was set forth by Parliament ? Thinke you the Knights and Burgesses of the house of Commons , were busied in those times , in making or in mending Prayer-bookes ? The Statute 2. & 3. Edw. 6. c. 1. will tell you that the Common prayer booke was set forth ( in that very word ) by the Archbp. of Cant. and certaine of the most learned and discreete Bishops , and other learned men of this Realme : and being so set forth , was by authority of Parliament confirmed and ratified , as it related to the Subject . Which course was after taken , in the review of the said booke , both in the fift and sixt of King Edward the sixt , and in the first of Queene Elizabeth . Being set forth then by the Clergie , it was , as you informe us , commanded to be read without any alteration : that was indeed done by authority of Parliament . Doe you observe that ordinance , do not you alter it , and chop and change it every day ; at lest if you vouchsafe to reade it , as perhaps you doe not . And if it must be read without any alteration , and none other ; why doe you quarrell at the reading of the second Service at the Communion Table before and after Sermon , being there so ordered ? or use another forme of prayer then is there appointed ? Remember what you tell us here , for you and I must talke about it in the next generall change . Meane time what are the sundry things which you say are altered in the booke set forth by Parliament . You tell us but of two , and you talke of sundry . How shall I credit you hereafter , if you palter thus in the beginning . But for those two , what are they I beseech you ? Marry you say , that in the Collect for the Queene and the Royall Progenie , they have put out Father of thine elect and of their seede , as it were , excluding the King , Queene , and Seede Royall , out of the number of Gods elect , p. 130. This you have told us of in your Epistle to the King , and in your Apologie , and the Newes from Ipswich . The Queene is more beholding to you , then I thought shee had beene ; you take such speciall care for her Election . But Sir , a word before we part . Who told you that this Collect was set forth with the booke allowed by Parliament ? I trow King Edward the sixt , and Queene Elizabeth had no royall progenie : so that this Collect could not bee then in Esse when the booke was made . The first time it was made and used , was at the happie entrance of King Iames on this Realme of England ; neither set forth nor ratified by any Parliament that hath beene since . Now King Iames had at his first comming hither , a royall seede ; but when his Majestie the King , came unto the crowne , he was then unmarried ; and after he was married , had not children presently you know well enough . Would you have had the collect passe as it did before ; Father of thine elect and of their seed , when as the king , whom you must needs meane by Elect in that place and prayer , had no seede at all ? I hope you see your folly now , your most zealous folly ; which made you in the Newes from Ipswich , on the recitall of this supposed alteration to crye out , O intollerable impietie , affront , and horred treason ; Most bravely clamoured . The other alteration which you charge them with , is , that in all the common prayer bookes printed since the yeare 1619. in the Epistle for the Sunday before Easter , they have turned in the Name of Iesus , to at the name of Iesus : to countenance , as you say , their forced bowing to the name of Iesus ; ( you are still for to it . ) Such change there is indeede , but yet no alteration from the booke or text ; The Bishops Bible , as they call it , out of the which the Epistles and Gospells were first taken readeth at the name : and so doth Bishop Iewell too , citing this very text in the place and passage noted to you in the last Chapter . And if you looke into the Bible of the last translation , you finde that it is therein also , at the name of Iesus : so that you have no reason to repine at this , which is a restitution onely of the proper reading , and no change at all . The second booke which they have altered , as you say , is that appointed to bee read on the fifth day of November , published by authority of Parliament , p. 131. set forth by act of Parliament , p. 41. in the Margent ordered by Parliament , in the second p. of your apologie , ordered , set forth and published , all by Parliament , and yet the Parliament did nothing in it . All that was done by Parliament was that the day of that deliverance was appointed for a kinde of holy day , wherein the p●ople were to meete together to set forth Gods glory : and it was there enacted also , that upon every such day , that very statute of the institution , should be read publickly to the Congregation . Of any forme of prayer , set forth , or afterwards to be set forth , ne gry , I am sure , in all that statute . The booke was after made and published by the Kings authority without the trouble of a Parliament . However being set out , and published , though not by Parlament , you cannot but be grieved at the alterations . Well what are they . First you complaine , that whereas in the former booke there was this passage , Roote out that Babilonish and Antichristian sect which say of Hierusalem , &c. in the Edition A. 1635. it is set downe thus , Roote out that Babilonish and antichristian Sect of them which say of Hierusalem , &c. Here 's of them added more then was . And this you thinke doth make a great and fearefull difference . For whereas in the Originall it was plainely meant , that all Iesuites , Seminary Priests and their confederates are that Babilonish and Antichristian sect , which say of Hierusalem , &c. this latter booke either restraines it to some few that are of that mind , or else mentally transferres it on those Puritans that cry downe with Babilon , that is , Poperie , which these men call Hierusalem , and the true Catholick Religion , p. 130 , 131. It seemes you have a guilty conscience , you would not start so much at this else . Quid prodest non habere conscium , habenti conscientiam , sayd the Father rightly . That Babylonish Sect which say , and that Babylonish Sect of them which say make 's so little difference : that were you not guilty to your selfe , of many ill wishes against Hierusalem , you would not have so stomacked at the alteration . And being that it is confessed by you , their Oracle , that the Puritans doe cry downe with our Hierusalem , by them called Poperie : they come within the compasse of the prayer , take which forme you list , either that Babilonish Sect , or that Babilonish Sect of them . Nor is it strange that so it should bee . For howsoever the Iesuites , Priests and their confederates were at first intended : yet if the Puritans follow them in their designes of blowing up the Church and State , and bringing all into a lawlesse and licentious Anarchie ; the prayer will reach them too , there 's no question of it . The Statute , 1. Eliz. c. 2. Confirmatorie of the Common prayer booke , hath ordained severall penalties for such as shall deprave the said booke of Common prayer , or obstinately refuse to use it , or use any other forme of prayer then that there appointed : as also a particular mulct of 12d , toties quoties upon every man that doth absent himselfe from Church on Sundaies and holy dayes . This was intended at the first against Recusants there being then no Puritans in rerum natura . And may not therefore all the penalties therein contained , be justly laid upon the Puritans , if they offend in any of the kinds before remembred ? The like may also be affirmed of the High Commission , established hereby at the first , for the correction and reduction of the Papists , being then the onely opposite partie to the Church : and yet you know , the High Commissioners may take a Puritan to taske , if they finde him faulty . That which you next complaine of , is that whereas in the old booke , the prayer went thus , Cut off these workers of iniquity , whose Religion is rebellion , whose faith is faction : it is now altered into this , who turne Religion into rebellion , and Faith into faction . Hereupon you inferre , that these Innovators would not have the Popish Religion to bee termed rebellion , and their Faith faction , as the antient Copie plainely shewes it to be : but turne it off from the Religion to some persons , which turne Religion into rebellion , and Faith into faction , so as by this turning they plainely imply , that the Religion of Papists is the true Religion , and no rebellion , & their Faith the true faith , & no faction , p. 131. You make another use of it in your Apologie , and tell us that it tendeth to justifie and extenuate notorious treasons & traytors , and to usher in Poperie , Superstition and Idolatry , p. 3. Here is a change indeede , you say right in that ; but that which you inferre thereon , is both false and sc●ndalous . For taking it for granted , that they by whose authority the said clause was altered , thought it not fit to call the Religion of the Church of Rome rebellion , or the Faith therein professed , faction : must it needs follow thereupon , that by so doing they imply , that that religion is the true religion , and that faith the true faith . There 's a non sequitur with a witnesse . There is a kinde of religion amongst the Turkes . Because I cannot say that their religion is rebellion ; doe I imply so plainely ( as you say they doe ) that therefore their religion is the true religion . And there 's a faith too questionlesse among the severall Sects of Christians in the Easterne , Muscovite , and African Churches . Because I thinke not fit to say of any of them , that their faith is faction must I conclude astringently , therefore the faith profest by each particular Sect , is the true faith . You might well tax me should I say the one ; and I may laugh at you for concluding the other . Adeo argumenta ex falso petita , inepto habent exitus , as Lactantius hath it . Your use is yet more scandalous , then your inference false . For how doth this tend to justifie and extenuate notorious treasons and Traytors . The treasons and the traytors stand as before they did , unlesse the staine be laid more deepe upon them then before it was . Before the imputation seemed to rest on the faith it selfe : which being a generall accusation concerned no more the guilty , then it did the innocent . But here it resteth where it ought , upon the persons of the Traytors , who are not hereby justified , or their crime extenuated : but they themselves condemned , and the treason aggravated in an higher manner . That which comes after of ushering in Poperie , Superstition and Idolatry , is but your ordinary flourish , one of your generall calumnies ; and needes not a particular answer . O but say you , and undertake to make it good , the very religion is rebellion , and the faith is faction : and therefore there was somewhat in the chang which deserved that censure . That their religion is rebellion , you prove two wayes . First because the Iesuites and Seminary priests refuse to take the oath of Supremacie , which is injoyned to all Papists , 3. Iac. c. 4. You must needes shew your law , you have such store of it . For speake man , was the oath of Supreamacie enacted 3. Iacobi . Then am I out againe , for my bookes tell me it was 1 Elizabethae . In your Apologie you place the oath of alleigance 1. Elizabethae , and here to make your ignorance the more remarkeable , you place the oath of Supremacie 3. Iac. Cujus contrarium verum est . The oath of alleigeance t is you meane . And sure you will not say , all Seminarie Priests and Lay-papists refuse the oath of alleigeance ; considering that of each sort , some have written very learnedly in defence thereof : therefore according to your way of disputation , the religion of all Papists is not rebellion , and consequently their faith not faction . The second proofe you offer , is , that by Doctor Iohn White and Dr. Cracanthorp it is affirmed that the Church of Rome teacheth disloyaltie and rebellion against kings ; that Popish Authors doe exalt the Popes power over kings ; that some of thē have sayd that Christian kings are dogges , which must be ready at the Shepheards hand , or else the Shepheard must remove them from their office . p. 134.135 . This argument is full as faulty as the other was ; and will conclude as much against your selfe and the Puritan faction , as any Papist of them all . The Citizens of Geneva expelled their Bp. as the Calvinians in Emden , did their Earle ; being their immediate Lords and Princes . (a) Calvin hath taught us that the three estates (b) Paraeus that the inferiour Magistrate , & (c) Buchanan that the people may correct and controule the Prince ; and in some cases too depose him . And you Mass . Burton have condemned that absolute obedience unto Kings and Princes which is due to them from their subjects ; and that unlimited power which is ascribed unto them , because theirs of right . Therefore we may from hence conclude , or else your argument is worth nothing , that out of doubt the Puritan religion is rebellion , and their faith faction . As for your generall challenge , p. 191. viz. What one Protestant can they bring that ever committed treason against his king , or lifted up an hand against his sacred person : I leave it to the Papists to make answere to it , to whom your chalenge is proposed . But I could tell you in your eare , ( which I would to God were otherwise ) of more than one or two twice told and twice told to that , Protestants of that sort which you most labour to defend , and make to bee the onely right ones . Had you distinguished as you ought , betweene the doctrines of that Church , and the particular either words or actions of particular men : you had not made so rash a venture , and lost more by it than you got . So then the religion of the Church of Rome not being in it selfe rebellion , though somewhat which hath there beene taught may possibly have beene applyed to rebellious purposes ; there is a little feare that their faith is faction : and so the alteration not so grievous as you faine would have it . What further reason there was in it you shall see anon . The third booke , altered as you say , is that set sorth by the king for the publicke fast , in the first yeare of his reigne : and which his Majestie by his proclamation commanded to be reprinted and published , and so reade in the Church every Wednesday . What finde you altered there ? In the first Collect , as you tell us , is left out this remarkeable pious sentence intirely , viz. Thou hast delivered us from superstition and idolatry , wherein we were utterly drowned , and hast brought us into the most cleere & comfortable light of thy blessed word , &c. And then you ad ; Loe here these men would not have Popery called Superstition and Idolatry , nor would they have the Word of God so commended , as that cleare and comfortable light , which teacheth us all duties both to God and man. p. 142. This is the last of all these changes , which tend , as you informe us , to bring in Popery ; and therefore I will tell you here , what I conceive to be the reason of those alterations which you so complaine of . You cannot chuse but know , ( because I think you have it in your Pamphlet against D Cosens ) that in the Letanie of King Edward 6. there was this clause , viz. From the tyrannie of the Bishop of Rome , and all his detestable enormities , from all false doctrine &c. Good Lord deliver us . This was conceived to be , as indeede it was , a very great scandall and offence to all those in the Realme of England , which were affected to the Church of Rome : and therefore in the Liturgie of Queene Elizabeth , it was quite left out . Had you beene then alive , you might perhaps have quarrelled it , and taxed those learned men that did it , of Popery , Innovation , & I know not what : and then conclude it that they would have the people think that there was neither tyrannie in the Pope , nor any detestable enormitie in the Church of Rome . But as that then was done with a good intent , and no man quarrelled for it that I can heare of : why should you thinke worse of the changes now or quarrell that authoritie which gave order for it , before you knew by whose authority it was so done , conceive you not that those , who in this Kingdome , are affected to the Church of Rome ; are not as apt to take offence now , as they were before ; or that there is not now as much consideration to bee had of those which are that way affected , as was in any part of the said Queenes time ? the matter being of no greater moment than this is , how great soever you pretend it . Most of our faults before have beene of Commission ; but these that follow , most of them are omission● onely . First you except against the leaving out of the whole prayer , It had beene best for us , &c. And this was done with an Alas , because therein was commended the profitable use of continuall preaching the Word of God , p. 142. The Newes from Ipswich calls it , the most effectuall prayer of all , because it magnifies continuall often preaching , &c. and call's our powerfull Preachers Gods servants . Say you me so ? Then let us looke upon the Prayer , where I perswade my selfe there is no such matter . All that reflects that way is this . It had beene also well , if at thy dreadfull threates out of thy holy word , continually pronounced unto us by thy servants our Preachers , we had of feare ; as corrigible servants , turned from our wickednesse . This all , and in all this where doe you finde one word that magnifies continuall preaching , or that takes any notice of your powerfull Preachers , quorum pars ego magna , as you boast your self . Cannot the dreadfull threats of Gods holy word , be any other way pronounced , and pronounced continually by Gods servant , then by the way of Sermons only , or if by sermons onely , by no other Preachers than those whom you stile powerful preachers , by a name distinct ? I trow the reading of Gods Word in the congregatiō , presents unto the people more dreadfull threats , then what you lay before them in a sermon ; and will sinke as deepe : Therefore assuredly there was some other reason for it , then that you dreame of . ●nd thinke you that it might not be , ( there being prayers enough without it ) because in the whole Tenor of it , it soundeth rather like a complaint or a narration , then a prayer ? Two other prayers you finde omitted , the one for the Navie , and the other for seasonable weather : as if a forme of prayer fitted for a particular time and purpose , must be still observed ; when there is no such cause to use it , as at first to make it . The Navie then went out against a great and puissant Monarch , to set upon him on his owne coasts , many leagues from home : the honour and the fortune of the kingdome being layed at stake . Now it keepes onely on our owne coasts , without an enemie to bid battaile or to cope withall : and rather is set forth to prevent a danger , then to remove it being come . The cases being different , must we needes use the Prayers which were then set forth ? What thinke you of this clause , Lord turne our enemies sword into their owne bosome ; Would that be proper at this time , when as his Majestie is at peace with all his neighbours ? Had you not longed to picke a quarrell ; I finde not any thing in this , that might provoke you : nor could you possibly have pitched on any thing , that had lesse become you . For are not you the man that spake so much against long prayers , as wee shall see anon in your next generall head of Innovations ; because thereby the preacher is inforced to cut short his sermon ? and doe you here complaine that the Prayers are shortned , that so you may have libertie to preach the longer ? I see it were a very difficult thing to please you , should a man endeavour it . That which comes next , is that the Prayer for the Lady Elizabeth and her Children , is left out in the present fast-booke , which were expressed in the former p. 143 and that as the Newes-booke saith , while they are now royally entertained at Court. My Lord the Prince Elector cannot but take this very ill , that you should make his royall entertainement here a maske to cover your seditious and malevolent projects . For you know well enough , that not alone in this new fast-booke , set forth since his arrivall here , but long before his comming hither , that excellent Lady and her children , had not by name , beene specified in the Common prayer booke . Why did you not dislike that omission there , as well as leaving out the Father of thine Elect ? Or will you have a reason for it , why it was layed aside in both ; if you will promise to be satisfied by reason , I will give you one , and such a one as may suffice any one but you . In the first fast-booke , his Majesty our Soveraigne Lord had not any children , to be remembred in our prayers : and the remainder of the royall seede , was in that most illustrious Lady and her Princely issue . That case now is altered . His Majesty Gods name be praised hath many children , as well male , as female ; none of the which are specified by name , particularly , but the Prince alone : the rest together with the Lady Elizabeth and her Princely issue , being all comprehended in the name of the Royall Progene . The Lady Elizabeth and her children , finding no more neglect in this , then the Kings owne most Royall issue , will give you little thankes for so vaine a cavill . More anger yet . You charge the Bishops next , that they cry up with fasting , and downe with preaching . For crying up fasting , you produce this instance , that in the order for the East , these words are left out of the new booke , viz. To avoide the inconvenience that may grow by fasting ; some esteeming it a meritorious worke ; others a good worke , and of it selfe acceptable to God without due regard of 〈…〉 &c. p. 142. Hereupon you conclude , tha● 〈…〉 esteeme fasting a meritorious worke ; and acceptable unto God , without due regard of the end . Ibid. I have had patience all this while . But patientia ●●sa . I must now tell you in plaine termes , in all my life , ( and I have seene the world a little ) I never met with such an impostor . For good Sir , take the passage as it lyeth together , and how can you have conscience so to delude your audience ; whose soules you say you tender as you doe your owne . The Order then is this , Num. 6. Admonition is here lastly to be given , that on the fasting day there be but one Sermon at morning Prayer , and the same not above an houre long , and but one at evening Prayer of the same length , to avoid the inconvenience that may grow by the abuse of Fasting : some esteeming it a meritorious worke : others a good worke , and of it selfe acceptable to God without due regard of the end : others presuming factiously to enter into publicke fasts without the consent of authority , and others keeping the people together with over much wearinesse , and tediousnesse , a whole day together : which in this time of contagion is very dangerous , in so thicke and close assemblies of the multitudes . This is the place at large , so pricked and commade , as I finde it in the said old booke . Deale honestly , if you can in any thing , in this . These words , To avoide the inconvenience which may grow by the abuse of fasting ; Are they the beginning of a new period , as you lay them downe ? or what doe they relate unto , unto the merit of a fast ? No Sir , but to the former words touching the number and the length of Sermons , wherin , some men ( your selfe for one ) had placed so much sanctity ; that publicke fasts so solemnized were by some thought ( no doubt ) meritorious workes ; by others many times kept without due authority : by others so spunne out with Sermons of foure houres a peece , that with much wearinesse and tediousnesse it tooke up the day ; no care at all being taken to avoid contagion , which in such close and thicke assemblies is exceeding dangerous . This is the plaine Analysis of that passage , in the said first booke . Assuredly , what ever other cause there was , there is no reason to suspect that it related anything to the point of merit . These times are so fallen out with fasting . ( Vnlesse it be a Fast of their owne appointment ) that you have little cause to feare lest any man should place a part of merit in it . Non celebranda esse jejunia Statuta . To cry downe all set times of fasting , which was the heresie of Aerius in the former times , is reckoned a chief point of orthodox doctrin , in the present times . No merit placed in fasts , ordinary or extraordinary , that I can heare of , unlesse perhaps you place some merit in your long Sermons on those fasts , as before is saide , And dare you then affirme as in the newes-booke , that this place and passage , was purposely left out to gratifie the Papists , or to place any popish merit in the present fast ? if any body may be said to be gratified in it , it is you and yours , whose absurd course and carriage had in the former book been described so lively . But you are still the same . Primus ad extremum similis sibi . You and the Black Moores skinne will wash white together . This is , I hope enough to satisfie you , touching the crying up of fasting : and for the crying downe of preaching on the dayes of fast , that hath beene spoken of already . How far it is suppressed at all other times , you meane to tell us in the next of your generall heades ; and we expect to heare what you have to say . On then . Your sixt generall innovation is in the meanes of salvation , in which there are particulars very many which you charge them with . As viz. in suppressing lectures , cutting short preaching , forbidding any prayer before the Sermon but that barren forme of words in the Canon ; using no prayer at all after the Sermon , but reading a second or third service at the Altar . Having no sermon in the afternoone ; catechizing onely for halfe an houre , and that by question and answer onely ; and finally limiting all Sermons in great Cities and the universities to one houre , so as the people cannot enjoy the benefit of more then one Sermon a day , p. 150. These are the severalties contained in that generall head ; and they relate either to preaching or to praying ; or indeed altogether unto preaching , and unto praying no further then as subservient thereunto . First for suppressing Lectures , why doe you reckon that for an innovation , when as the very name of Lecturers , and Lectures , are in themselves a new and late invention ? borrowed by Travers and the rest towards the latter end of Queene Elizabeths time , from the new fashions of Geneva . We in the Church of England know no other names , but Bishops and Curats ; and Curats are againe divided into Parsons & Vicars , and those which doe officiate for and under them , now in the use of speech called Curats as by a proper and distinct name . Your Lecturer hath no place in the prayers of the Church of England , nor none amongst the termes of Law. But being Geneva had it so ; a Doctor superadded to the ordinary Pastor , whose office onely was to teach , not to administer the sacraments or execute any other ministry to the Priest belonging : it must needes bee disposed so here , that by degrees , insensibly wee might be brought more neere that Church . There is a story of the Bats or Reremice , that when the birds came to demand tribute of them , shewing them their brests they said they were beasts : and when the beasts came to them and craved the like , shewing them their wings , they said they were birds . Your Lecturers , in the same occasion , are like these Reremice . When subsidies were granted for his Majesties use , if any thing was demanded of them by the Clergie , they had no benefice , no title , and so passed for Lay : and on the like demand made by the Laity , they onely shewed their gownes , and that made them Clergie . Being then in themselves but a new invention , and such as tended to bring in the greatest innovation in this Church , that possibly could be projected how could you reckon the suppressing of them an innovation ? Now for these Lecturers , we may distinguish them into Weekes-day Lecturers , and Lords-day Lecturers , As Weeke-day Lecturers , you complaine how they are suppressed by that restriction in his Majesties Proclamation about the fast : and tell us , that the Prelates doe extend the letter of the Proclamation , that if but one house in a Parish be infected , the pestilence thus continuing and the fast not ceasing , all wednesday sermons in the whole City must be suppressed . p. 147 , If so , as so it is not , ( you know well enough ) what reason had you of complaint . Are there not holidayes so many , that you and yours doe reckon them as a burthen , both to Church and State ? Observe the holy dayes as you ought with prayers and Preaching : and see what losse the Church would have , or any of the people finde , for want of Wednesday or any other weeke-day Lectures . As Lords-day Lecturers we shall meete them in the afternoone , wherein all sermons are put downe , if you tell us true . Next followes cutting short of Preaching . How comes that to passe ? For that we must needes seeke elsewhere , for here you tell us not . Looke therefore in your 17. p. and there wee have it . There you find fault with them that are all for outward formalities ( you being for none at all your selfe ) in that they place all the service of God in reading long-prayers , and thereby excluding preaching as unnecessary : and p. 158. commanding of long Matins instead of Preaching ; which as they are performed , in Cathedrall Churches , you call prophanely Long Babylonish service , p. 160. This is the blocke you stumble at , that whereas formerly you used to mangle and cut short the service , that you might bring all piety and the whole worship of God , to your extemporary prayers and sermons : now you are brought againe to the antient usage , of reading the whole prayers , as you ought to do . And call you this an innovation ? Are not you he that told us that the Communion-booke set forth by Parliament , is commanded to be reade without any alteration , and none others , p. 130. And if you reade it not as it is commanded , make you alteration thinke you ? Doe you not finde it also in the 14. Canon , that . All Ministers shall observe the Orders , rites , and ceremonies prescribed in the Booke of Common-prayer , as well in reading the holy Scriptures , and saying of Prayers , as in administration of the Sacraments , without diminishing in regard of preaching or any other respect , ( how like you that Sir ) or adding any thing to the matter or forme thereof . The very selfe same answer we must also make to another of your cavils , about the using of no prayer at all , after the Sermon , but reading a second or third service at the Altar . For being it is so appointed in the booke of Common Prayer , that on the holidaies if there be no Communion , shall be said all that is appointed at the Communion , untill the end of the Homilie , concluding with the Praier for the whole state of Christs Church , &c. The innovation is on your part , who have offended all this while , not onely against the Canon , but the Act of Parliament , by bringing in new formes of your owne devising . As for forbidding any prayer before the Sermon , but that barren forme of words in the Canon , ( for being in the Canon you can give it no better Epithite ; ) if any such forbidding be , it s but agreeable unto the Canon , which hath determined of it long agoe : and so no innovation of these present times . Nor was that Canon any new invention neither , when it first was made : but onely a repetition and confirmation of what had formerly beene ordered both in King Edward the sixt , the Queenes injunctions according to the rule and practise of the former times ; the Preachers then using no forme of prayers before their Sermons , but that of bidding , moving , or exhorting , which is now required in the Canon ; as may be plainely seene in Bishop Latimers Sermons , Bishop Iewels , Bishop Andrewes , and diverse others . Your afternoone Sermons on the Sondaies , if performed by Lecturers , are but a part of that new fashion which before wee spake off : and having no foundation in the Church at all , it cannot be an Innovation to lay them by . And if the Curate of the place , or whosoever hath the Cure of Soules ; bestow his time in Catechizing , as he is appointed , that in effect is but to change one kinde of Preaching for another . So that if he that hath the Cure , doth carefully discharge his office , and performe his duty : you have no reason to complaine for want of having Sermons in the after noone . I know it is the custome of you and yours , to take up Sermons more by tale then weight : and so you have your number , you thinke all is right . But as in feeding of the body , one temperate meale digested presently and concocted throughly , adde's more unto the strength of nature , then all that plentifull variety of delicates which gluttony hath yet invented : So doe they profit best in all heavenly wisdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not who heare many Sermons , but which heare good ones . For limiting the Catechizing unto halfe an houre , that 's ordered by the Canon also : and it is ordered by the Canon , that Children shall bee taught no other Catechisme , then that set forth in the booke of Common prayer . Not that the Curate , is to examine them by question and answere onely , without expounding any of the principles of religion , which is that you quarrell : but to examine and instruct them , as the Canon hath it . Yet so that under the pretence hereof , nor you nor any such as you , may assume that libertie , as to turne simple Catechizing for the instruction of the youth and ignorant persons of the Parish ; into a Catechisme Lecture of some two houres long , not differing from your mornings sermons , but in name alone . If in great Cities and the Viniversities , Sermons are limited to the same time of the day , or as your owne phrase is , to one houre onely ; assuredly it is neither new , nor strange . The Sermon appointed for the morning being a part of the second service , is to be read or spoken in all Churches , at the time appointed by the Church . Nothing in this de novo , that I can heare of . In Oxford it was alwayes so , since I first knew it ; the Sermon for the Vniversity and Towne being expressely at the same time . Nor neede you bee offended at it , if by that meanes the people in those places cannot heare above one sermon in a day : it being not many but good sermons , not much but profitable hearing , which you should labour to commend unto them ; but that you would bee some body for your often preaching . Our Saviour tels us of some men , that thought they should bee heard by much speaking ; and you are one of them that teach the people that they shall be saved by much hearing . Your two last innovations I shall joyne together ; the one being in the rule of Faith , which is now made , you say , to be the dictates of the Church , to wit , the Prelates , p. 151. the other in the rule of manners , which must not bee any more the word of Christ , but the example of the Prelates lives , and dictates of their writings onely . p. 156. In this you have most shamefully abused your selfe , and all them that heard you . The rule of faith is still the same , even the holy Scriptures : nor can you name a man who hath changed this rule , or made the dictates of the Church , to wit the Prelats , the rule of faith . The application of this rule , that is the exposition of the Script . you must acknowledge to be in the Churches power , or els you are no son to the Church of Eng. For in the Articles of the Church , to which you have subscribed more thē once or twice , it is said expresly that the Church hath authority in cōtroversies of faith , & that it is vwitnes & a keeper of holy writ : As also that it hath authority to expound the scriptur , cōditioned that it so expound one place , that it be not repugnant to another . And for the judgmēt of prelats , I know not how you can excuse your selfe before God almighty , for not submitting therunto ; having called God to witnes , that you would so do . For when you took the order of holy Priesthood , it was demanded of you in the Congregation , whether you would reverently obey your Ordinary , and other chiefe Ministers , unto whom the government and charge is committed over you , following with a glad mind and will their godly admonitions , and submitting your self to their godly judgements : and you made answer , that you would , the Lord being your helper . Either then you must first cōvince their judgements of some plaine ungodlines , or else your not submitting to them , must be a plaine colluding both with God and man. Reeve , whom you jeere at so , both in your Pasquil ; p. 152. and in your dialogue between A. & B. saith no more then this : and if you say not this , you have not lied unto men only , but unto God ▪ Nor is this any other doctrine , then what was held for currant in Ignatius his time ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Let the Priests ( saith he ) submit themselves unto the Bishop ; Deacons , unto the Priests , the people to the Priests and Deacons . And then hee addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 My soule for theirs that faithfully observe this order . So he . And had you kept this order , you had not so engaged your self in these factious brabbles , wherewith you have disturbed both your selfe and others . Touching the rule of manners , that any hath affirmed or written , that it must bee according to the Prelates lives and dictates , you produce no proofe . Onely you say , and say it onely , that they doe countenance , allow , and by Episcopall authority dispense with an heathenish kinde of life , especially in most sacred times , as the Lords day . This is no proofe I hope , but an ipse dixit , or a petitio Principii take it at the best ; although it bee an argument you are used most to . And I must answer you to this in the words of Tullie , Quid minus est , non dico Oratoris sed hominis , quam id objicere Adversario , quod si ille verbo negarit , ulterius progredi non passis . Till you bring better proofes for your innovations , your selfe must be reputed for the Innovator : and all the mischiefe which you have imagined against other men , will fall upon your owne pate , and deservedly too . Hitherto you have acted the false Accuser , and have done it excellently well , none better . In the next place you come to play the Disputant ; and that you do us wretchedly , none worse . For first you say , that it is pleaded by our changers , ( as you please to call them ) that they bring in no changes , but revive those things which antient Canons have allowed and prescribed ; as standing up at the Gloria Patri , and at the reading of the Gospell , bowing at the name of Jesus , and to the high Altar ; removing the communion table to stand Altarwise ; placing of Images in Churches , erecting Crucifixes over the Altars , commanding of long Mattins instead of preaching and the like . This said , you answere hereunto , that wee in this land , are not to be ruled by the Popes Canons , or the Canon Law , but by the law of God and the King. And that there are no other rites and ceremonies to be used in our Church , then those that are allowed by the Act of Parliament , prefixed to the communion booke , and are expressed in the same booke . But Sir , you may bee pleased to knowe , that the commanding of long prayers is warranted by that Act of Parliament , which you so insist on ; the prayers being made no longer , then that Act commandeth : and that our bowing at the name of Jesus is enjoyned by the 18. Canon , which being authorized by his Majestie , is the law of the King , and being grounded on the second of the Philipians , is the law of God. Our standing at the Gospell , and praying with our faces towards the East , have beene still retained by our Church , not out of any speciall Canon , but ex vi Catholice consuetudinis , by vertue of the constant and continuall custome of the church of God. The placing of the holy Table Altar-wise , and standing at the Gloria Patri , have generally beene observed in Cathedrall Churches , since the Reformation : it being granted by a good friend of yours , the Author of the holy Table , that in some Cathedrall Churches , where the steps were not transposed in tertio of the Queene , and the wall on the backeside of the Altar untaken downe ; the table might stand , as it did before , along the wall . For bowing to the high Altar , I know no such matter , either in practice or in precept : for bowing towards it , wee have the practice of antiquitie but no present precept . Your friend and fidus Achates , the good minister of Lincolnshire , could have told you this , that although the Canon doth not enjoyne it , yet reason , pietie , and the constant practice of antiquitie doth : that Church-men doe it in Saint Chrysostomes Liturgie ; and the Lay-men are commanded to doe it in Saint Chrysostomes Homilie : and finally if there bee any proud Dames , quae deferre nesciant mentium religioni , quod deferunt voluptati as Saint Ambrose speakes , that practice all manner of curtesies for maskes and dances , but none by any meanes for Christ , at their approach to the holy Table : hee declares them Schismatickes , bequeathing them unto Donatus , with a protest , that hee will never write them in his Calendar for the Children of this Church . For Images , in Churches , and Crucifixes over the Altars , finde you , of all loves , that the Church hath any where commanded them , or any of the Prelates in their visitatiōs , given order for their setting up ? if not , why do you charge it on her , and bring not any proof at all that shee hath imposed it . So that your answer being thus come to nothing , the objection by you brought on the Churches part , remaines unanswearable . Viz. that the Prelates of the Church have brought in no changes , but onely have revived those things which the antient Canons have allowed and prescribed ; the Law of God , the King , and the Act of Parliament , either inabling them to doe so , or not gainsaying it . Secondly you object on the Prelates part , that they bring in no Innovations , no new rites , but what hath been in use ever since the Reformation , and that in the most eminent places even the Mother Churches of the land ; so as all that they goe about is to reduce inferiour Churches to an unitie and conformitie to their Mother-Churches ; that bringing all to unitie , they may take of that reproach which the Adversaries cast upon us in this kinde . This is their Plea indeed , you say wondrous honestly . Would you could hold long in so good a veine , and not flie out unto your wonted arts of Scandall and false clamours upon noe occasion . For having pleaded thus , you make an answere presently , that the Cathedrals are the old high places not yet removed ; the antient dennes of those old foxes ; the nests and Nurceries of superstition and Idolatrie , wherein the old Beldame of Rome hath nuzzled up her brood of Popelings , and so preserved her VSVM SARVM , to this very day . p. 159. and finally that the Prelates make these mother Cathedralls ( being Romes adopted daughters ) their Concubines , whereon to beget a new bastard generation of sacrificing Idolatrous Masse-priests throughout the land . p. 163. But Sir , consider in cold blood , that this is not to answere , but to rayle downe Arguments . His sacred Majestie , in his resolution of the case about Saint Gregories Church , neere the Cathedrall of Saint Paul , did determine positively , that all Parochiall Churches ought to be guided by the Pattern of the mother Church upon the which they doe depend : and yet hee did declare his dislike of all Innovations and receding fromantient constitutions grounded upon just and warrantable reasons ; Which makes it manifest that he conceived not this conformitie with the mother Churches , to com within the compas of an Innovation . But wherefore tell wee you , of his Majesties pleasure , which are not pleased with any thing that his Majestie doth , except it may bee wrested to advance your purposes . The Minister of Lincolnshire , and any thing from him , will be far more welcome ; and something you shall have from him to confute your follies ▪ who can doe more with you , I am sure , then the world besides . Now he , good man , the better to pull downe the authoritie of his Majesties chappell , hath told you somewhat of the authoritie of the Mother Churches . What 's that ? Marry saith he , In the name of God let the same offices be said in all the Provinces , as are said in the Metropoliticall Church ; aswell forthe ord●r of the service , the Psalmody , the Canon , as the use and custome of the ministration : & this he tels us was the old rule of the antient Fathers ▪ For this he cites good store of Evidence in his margin , ( as his custome is ) and then concludes , that it is a current direction in all Authors ; where you may see that by the rule of the old Fathers , and your friends to boote , whatever is the use and custome of the Ministration in the Metropoliticall Church ; the same is universally to bee received throughout the provinces . And therupon we may conclude , that by the old rule of the Antient Fathers , by the direction of all authors , and the authoritie of your good frend the minister of Lincolnshire ; in case the things that you complain of , have bin and are retained in the ministration by the Mother Churches ; they ought to be retained also in Parochiall Churches ; especially if it be so ordered by the higher powers , the Bshops and Pastours of the same . Your scandalous and opprobrious speeches , wee regard not heere , in attributing to the Mother Churches those most odious names of high places , dennes of foxes ; nurseries of superstition ; and stiling the conformable ministers of this Church , a generation of Idolatrous sacrificing Masse-priests . You know what he in Tacitus replied on the like occasion , Tu linguae ego aurium Dominus sum . And you may raile on if you please , for any answere we shall give you , but neglect and patience . Onely I will be bold to tel you , that were it not for those Cathedralls , ( howsoever you vilifie and miscall them ) we had not onely before this time , beene at a losse amongst ourselves , in the whole forme and order of divine service , heere established : but possibly might have had farre more Recusants in this kingdome then now wee have . Which if you take to be a Paradox , as no doubt you will , you may remember that it was affirmed by Marquesse Rhosny Ambassadour here for King Henry the fourth of France , having observed the majestie of our divine service in Cathedrals , that if the same had bin observed by the Protestants in France , there had not been so many Papists left in it , as there were at that time . For your particular instances in the Cathedrall Churches of Durham , Bristol , Saint Pauls , and Wulpher Hampton 161. ( though , I trowe , Wulpherhampton bee no Cathedrall but that you have a minde to match your friend the Minister , for his Cathedrall Church at D●ver ) the most that you except against , are things of ornament : which you are grieved to see you more rich and costly then they have been formerly . Judas and you alike offended at any cost , that is bestowed upon our Saviour , either on his bodie , or about his Temples : both of you thinking all is lost , that is so disposed of ; and that it would doe better in the common bagg , whereof hee was , and you perhaps have beene the bearers . And so I should proceed to the third Argument , which you have made in the behalfe of these Innovations , as you cal them , drawn from the furniture & fashion of his M ●● . Chappell , and to an answer thereunto . But we have met with them already ; partly in answere to your own wretched & seditious comparison of his Majesties Chappell and the Altar there , to Julian the Apostates Altar and Nebuchadnezzars golden image : and partly in reply to the selfe same answers , made to the sold Argument by your friend the Minister , your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and true yoake-fellow in this cause ; whither I referre you . So having traced you up and downe , from one end of your Pasquill unto the other : and looked upon those factious and seditious doctrines which you have preached unto the people : nothing remaineth but that I lay before you , and your Audience , a word of Application , and so conclude . THE CONCLUSION . Containing an addresse to H. B. and representing to him the true condition of his crime , and punishment thereto , belonging , if he should be dealt withall according to the Law in that behalfe . Oldnols case . The Puritanes use to practise on the people , for the accomplishment of their designes . Scandalum magnatum , what it is , and how punished . Seditious writings brought within the compasse of Treason ; and severall persons executed for the same . Many of the Principall of the faction , hanged up , by a particular Statute in Q. Elizabeths time . The power ascribed unto the people by the Puritan doctrine . An Exhortation to the People , to continue in obedience , to God , the King , and his publike Ministers . No further Answeres to be looked for to those pestilent libells , which every day are cast abroad . The close of all . IT pleased King James of blessed memory , to leave unto the World at once , both a complaint for , and commendation of the Church of England . It is a signe ( saith he ) of the latter dayes drawing on ; even the contempt of the Church , and of the Governours and Teachers thereof , now in the Church of England : which I say in my conscience , of any Church that ever I read or knew of , present or past , is most pure , and neerest the Primitive and Apostolicall Church in Doctrine and Discipline , and is sureliest founded upon the Word of God , of any Church in Christendome . Which commendation as the Church doth still retaine ; so may it take up the complaint in more grievous manner : those times being modest then in respect of these ; and those contempts which he complaines of , being now growne to such an height , Supra quod ascendi non possit , that greater cannot be imagined . Wherein , as the Triumviri , whom at first I spake of , have well played their parts : so there is none of any age , nor all together in all ages , which hath shewne greater malice unto the Church , and to the Governors and Teachers of it , then you , Mas . Burton . Not to the Bishops only , and inferiour persons , whom either for their place or calling , you were bound to honour ; but to the supreame Governor thereof , your Soveraign and Patron , as you please , sometimes to call him : your carriage towards whom , I shall first lay down , according as before delivered ; and after tell you my opinion freely , what I thinke therein . First , for the King , you call His royall power in question , and are offended very much that any one should attribute unto him an unlimited power , as you meane unlimited , or that the Subject should be taught that his obedience must be absolute , that being ( say you ) a way , to cast the feare of God , and so his Throne , downe unto the ground . You tell us of some things the King cannot doe , and that there is a power ( in government ) which he neither hath , nor may transferre upon another . You had my censure of this before , in the Second Chapter . Yet I will here be bold to tell you , that as it is a kind of Atheisme to dispute pro and con , what God can doe , and what hee cannot ; though such disputes are raised sometimes by unquiet witts : so it is a kind of disobedience and disloyalty to question what a King can doe , being Gods Deputie here on earth ; especially to determine what he can , and what he cannot . Then for the obedience of the Subject , you limit it to positive lawes ; the King to be no more obeyed then there is speciall Law or Statute for it : the Kings Prerogative Royall , being of so small a value with you , that no man is to prize it , or take notice of it , further then warranted by Law , and which is worse , you ground this poore obedience , which you please to yeeld him , upon that mutuall stipulation , which is between the King and people ; and thereby teach the people , that they are no longer to obey the King , then he keeps promise with the people . This ground of obedience laied , you next proceed unto the censure of his Majesties actions : complaining that in your commitment unto Prison , his Majestie had not kept his solemne covenant made with his people , touching their Petition ( which you call ) of right . That by his Declaration before the Articles , the Doctrines of Gods Grace and mans salvation have beene husht , and silenced , and that by silencing those needlesse controversies , there is a secret purpose to suppresse Gods truth , and to bring in the contrary errours , as did the Arian Emperours by their law of Amnestia . His Majesties Declaration about lawfull sports upon the Sunday , you taxe , as tending manely to the dishonour of God , the prophanation of the Sabbath , the annihilation of the fourth Commandment : and charge him that thereby , and by his silencing of those doctrines before remembred , and restraint of preaching on the Fast-dayes , in infected places ; hee hath given way to Innovations , contrary to his solemne promise made unto his people . His Majesties Chappell Royall and the furniture thereof , you liken unto Nehu chadnezzars golden Image , and Julians Altar : the King himselfe to Nebuchadnezzar , the Apostate Julian , and that Idolatrous King Ahab : incouraging the people both by particular instances , and a generall exhortation to stand stoutly to it . Finally you lay down a most odious and disloyall supposition , touching the setting up of Masse in his Majesties Chappel , and what is to be done when that comes to passe . And ever and anon informe him ( as if you meant to terrifie and affright him with it ) how much the people doe beginne to stagger in their good opinion of his Majestie ; that they grow jealous of some dangerous plot , that all the people of the Land ( by your commitment to the prison ) may be possessed with a sinister opinion of the Kings justice and constancie in keeping his solemne Couenant made with his people as in that Petition of right ; and if hee observe his word no better , it will be said of him in succeeding Annalls , that hee had no regard to sacred vowes and solemne Protestations . Thus having taught the people that all obedience to the King is founded on a mutuall stipulation betweene him and them ; and telling them , how often , and in how great matters , he hath broke the Covenant made betweene them : you have released the people ipso facto of all obedience , duetie , and alleageance to their Soveraigne Lord ; and thereby made them free subjects , as you please to call them , so free that it is wholy in their pleasure whither they will obey , or not . Thus have I briefely layed together your carraige and behaviour towards our Lord the King : wherein expressely contrarie to the Statute of Westminster , that no man tell or publish any false newes or tales , whereby discord or occasion of discord or slander may growe betweene the King and his people or the nobles ; you have as much as in you was , made a breach betweene them . For though ( the Lord be praysed ) no such discord bee ; yet is your crime no lesse then if it were : the law forbidding such false tales , not onely by the which discord or slander doth arise , but by which it might . Oldnoll , a yeoman of the Guard , was on this very Statute endicted in Queene Maries time , pour parrols horrible , & slanderous parrols del Roigno , for horrible and slanderous words against her Highnesse , unde scandalum in regno inter dominam Reginam & Magnates vel populum suum ●riri poterit . &c. And howsoever no dissension did arise on the said false tales , yet seeing there was occasion given , he was proceeded with , and punished , according to that Statute , as you may finde in Iustice . Dier . p. 155. So farre the lawes provide to prevent all discord , and the occasions of the same : but for preventing of sedition , and seditious either words or writings , they are more severe : of which how far you have been guiltie , we shal see annon . Mean time you may take notice , if at lest you will , that it hath beene the antient practise of those men , whose stepps you follow , to put into the peoples mindes seditious humours , thereby to make themselves of power against the Magistrates : and sometimes also to terrifie and affright the Prince or supreame Magistrate with the feare of uproares , the better to accomplish what they had projected . This was the device of Flacius Illyricus the father of the stiffe or rigid Lutherans in high Germany : whom as you follow in his doctrines , deprovidentia , Praedestinatione , Gratia , Libero arbitrio , Adiaphoris , and such heads as those ; so doe you also follow him , in his fiery nature , and seditious Principles . One of which was , Principes potius metu seditionum terrendos , quam vel minimum pacis causa indulgendum , that Princes should be rather terrified with the feare of tumults , then any thing should bee yeilded to for quietnesse sake . The other was , ut plebs opiniones suas populari seditione tueretur , that the common people ought to take up armes against the magistrat , in maintenance of those opinions which they were possessed of . Which as Paraeus tells us , hath beene the practice ever since of all his followers ; whereof you are chiefe . And for your odious supposition , of setting up of Masse in the Kings Chappell , let mee tell you this . That it is Criminall , if not Capitall , to use Ifs and And 's , and suppositions in matters of so high a nature ; and such as in some cases hath beene judged high Treason . Sir William Stanley , a man as of especiall merit , so in especiall favor with King Henry the seventh , found it no jesting matter to use Ifs and And 's , in things which doe so neerely concerne a King. For saying onely , that if he thought the young man ( Perkin Warbeck ) to bee the undoubted sonne of King Edward the fourth hee never would beare armes against him he was condemned of treason , and executed for the same : the Judges thinking it unsafe to admitt ifs and ands in such dangerous points . So for your dealing with the Bishops , you labour to expose them as much as in you is , to the publicke hatred ; and to stirre up the people to effect their ruine . Not to repeate those scandalous and odious names , which passim , almost in every page you have cast upon them , to bring them into discredit and contempt with the common people : you have accused them of invading his Majesties supreme authoritie , and left them , as you thinke , in a Premunire ; the better to incense his Majestie against them also . whom having exasperated , as you hope , against them , you call upon him in plaine termes to hang them up , as once the Gibeonites did the 7. sonnes of Saul ; at least to joyne with God and his good subjects , Courtiers , Nobles , Judges , Magistrates , and the rest together , to cut them off , and roote them out . Which if hee will not doe , you tell him roundly that for his owne part , he will make a very sorrie accompt to almightie God , for the great charge committed to him ; and then , that God for his part , will rather adde unto , then decrease our Plagues ; till he hath utterly destroyed vs. But fearing lest this should not edifie with so wise a Prince , you practise next upon the people . And knowing that there is nothing , which they prize so highly , as the defence of their religion and lawfull liberties ; you lay about you lustilie , to let them see how much they are in danger of loosing both . For this cause you accuse the Prelates allmost every where for bringing in of Poperie , tooth and nayle for Poperie , confederating with Priests and Jesuites , for rearing up of that religion ; and setting up againe the the throne of Anti-Christ : and all their actions you interpret to tend that way . Next you crie out , how much the people are oppressed contrarie to their rights and liberties , affirming that the Bishops doe not onely over toppe the royall throne , but that they trample the lawes , liberties , and just rights of the Kings subjects under their feete ; and cutt the people off , from the free use and benefit of the Kings good lawes . Which said , and pressed in every place with all spight and rancour , you call upon the nobles to rowze up their noble Christian zeale and magnanimous courage ; upon the judges , to drawe forth their sword of justice ; upon the Courtiers , nobles , others , if they have any sparke of pietie , now to put their helping hands in so great a neede ; and lest all these should faile , you call upon the nation generally to take notice of their Antichristian practises & to redresse them withall their force and power . What doe you thinke of this Alarme , this Ad arma ad arma , this calling of all sorts of people to combine together , to rouze their spirits , drawe their swords , put to their hands , muster upp all their force and power : doe you not thinke this comes within the compasse of sedition ? have not you done your best ( or your worst rather ) to raise an insurrection in the state , under pretence of looking to the safety of religion , and the Subjects rights ? I wil not judge your conscience , I leave that to God. But if one may collect your meaning by your words and writings ; or if your words and writings may bee censured , not onely according to the effect which they have produced but which they might : you are but in a sorry taking . And because possiblie when you finde your danger , you will the better find your error , and so prepare your selfe for a sincere and sound repentance ; I will a little lay it open . Make you what use there of , you shall thinke most fitt . And first , supposing , that these your factious and false clamours , are onely such as might occasion discord betweene my LL. the Bishops and the Commons ; where had you beene then ? there passed a Statute ( still in force ) 2. Ric. 2. cap. 5. for punishment of Counterfeiters of false newes , and of horrible and false messages ( mistaken in the English bookes for the French Mensonges , i. e. ●●es ) of Prelates , Dukes , Earles , Barons , and other No●●es and great men of the Realme , &c. of things which by the said Prelates , Lords , &c. were never spoken , 〈◊〉 , or thought , ( pray marke this well ) in great slander of the said Prelates , &c. whereby debates and discords might arise ( not doth , but might arise ) betwixt the said Lords and Commons , which God forbid , and whereof great perill and mischiefe might come to all the Realme , and quicke subversion and destruction of the said Realme , if due remedie bee not provided . And for the remedy provided , which in this statute was according to that of Westminster the first before remembred ; that in the 12. of this King Richard , cap. 11. is left to the discretion of his Majesties Councell . So that what ever punishment His Majesties most honourable Privie Councell may inflict upon you , you have justly merited , in taking so much paines to so bad a purpose , as to set discord and debate betweene the Prelates and the people . But where you have gone further to excite the people ; what say I , people ? nay , the Lords , Judges , Courtiers , all the Nation generally , to draw their powers and force together : I see no reason why you should bee so angry with the High Commissioners for laying sedition to your charge ; or if that please you better , a seditious Sermon . And being a seditious Sermon then , and a seditious Pamphlet now , dispersed up and downe throughout the kingdome , especially amongst those , whom you , and such as you have seasoned with a disaffection to the present governement : What have not you for your part done , to put all into open tumult ? I doe not meane to charge it on you , but I will tell you how it was resolved in former times , by Bracton , and Glanvill , two great Lawyers in those dayes ; viz. Siquis machinatus fuerit , vel aliquid fecerit in mortē D. regis , vel ad seditionē regis , vel exercitus sui , vel cōsenserit , cōsiliumve dederit , &c licet id quod in voluntate habuit non produxerit ad effectum , tenetur tamen criminis laesae Majestatis . Construe me this , and you will find your selfe in a pretty pickle . And I will tell you also two particular cases , which you may find with little paines , in our common Chronicles . The first of one John Bennet , Wooll-man , who had in London scattered schedules full of sedition , and for that was drawn , hanged , and beheaded in the fourth yeare of Henry the Fifth , The other of Thomas Bagnall , Jo. Scot , Jo. Heath , and Jo. Kennington , who being all Sanctuary men , of Saint Martins le Grand , were taken out of the said Sanctuary for forging of seditious Bills , to the slander of the King , and some of his Counsell , ( will you marke this well ? ) for the which three of them were condemned and executed , and the fourth upon his plea returned to Sanctuary , in the ninth yeare of King Henry the Seventh . I instance only in these two , because both ancient ; both of them hapning before the Statute 23. Eliz. 〈…〉 which being restrained unto the naturall life of the said Queene , is not now in force ; and which , as long as it continued , was a strong bridle in the mouths of your forefathers in the Faction , to hold them in , from publishing and printing such seditious Pamphlets . The common Chronicles will tell you , how that most excellent Lady dealt with those , who had offended her in that kinde , wherein you excell : Tha●ker and Capping , Barrow , Greenwood , Studly , Billot and Bowlar , Penry and Vdall , zealous Puritans all , being all condemned to death ; and the more part executed . And you may please to know for your further comfort , that in King James his time , May the third , Anno 1619. one Iohn Williams , a Barrister of the middle Temple , was arraigned at the Kings Bench , for a seditious book by him then but lately writtē , & secretly disperst abroad never printed ( as yo●urs are ) or which hee was condemned , and executed at Charing crosse , some two dayes after . And it was afterwards resolved at the first censure of Mass . Prynne , in the Starre-chamber , by the Lord Chiefe Justice that then was , that had hee beene put over to his Tribunall , hee had beene forfeit to the gallowes . All which being represented to you , I close up my addresse in the words of Tullie , Miror te , quorum act a imitere , eorum exitus non perhorrescere . So God blesse the man. And yet I must not leave you so . As I have raised one use for your reprehension ; so give mee leave to raise one more for the instruction of others , those most especially whom you have seduced . My use shall be , that they continue stedfast in their full obedience to God ; the King , Gods deputie ; the Prelates of the Church being Gods Ministers , and the Kings : and that they doe not suffer themselves to bee carryed up and downe with every blast of doctrine , by the subtletie of those who onely labour to deceive them . I know it is a fine perswasion to make the common people think that they have more then private interest in the things of God , and in the government of States : nothing more plausible nor welcome to some sort of men , such whom you either make or call free Subjects . This Buchanans device , to put the sword into the hands and managing of the people ; in that his most seditious maxime , Populo jus est imperium eui velit deferat . And such the doctrine of Cleselius , one of your brethren in the cause , a furious Contra-Remonstrant of Roterdam , who laid it for a doctrine before his audience , that if the Magistrates and Ministers did not do their parts to preserve Religion , then the people must , licet ad sanguinem usque pro ea pugnarent , what blood soever should bee spent in pursuite thereof . Such grounds were also laid in Queene Elizabeths time , by those who then were held as you thinke your selfe , the Grand supporters of the cause : men like to Theudas in the Acts , who thought themselves , as you doe now , to be some great Prophets , and drew much people after them , so many that they threatned to petition to the Queenes highnesse , with no fewer then 100000. hands . But what became of these jolly fellowes . They perished , & as many as followed after them , & redacti sunt ad nihilum , and are brought to nothing : nothing remaining of them now , but the name and infamy . Nor can I promis better to those who pursue their courses ; and either furiously runne , or else permit themselves to bee drawne along into those rash counsailes : which as they are begunne in disobedience , and prosecuted equally with pride and malice ; so can we not expect that they should have a better end , then calamitous ruine . And therefore I shall earnestly beseech and exhort all those , who have beene practised with by this kind of spirits , ( if such at least may cast their eyes on any thing which is not made to feede their humour ) that they would seriously endeavour the Churches peace , and conscionably submit themselves to their superiours in the Lord : not following with too hastie feete those Ignes fatui , who onely leade them on to dangerous precipices , and dreadfull down-falls . The greatest vertue of a Subject is his free obedience ; not grudgingly or of necessity , or for feare of punishment : whether it be unto the King , as unto the chiefe ; or unto Governours as unto them which are sent by him , for the punishment of evill doers , and for the praise of them that doe well . Suspition , as it is in Kings , the sicknesse of a tyrant ( and so his Majestie King Iames conceived it ) so is it in a Subject , the disease and sicknesse of a mischievous braine , apt upon every light surmise , to entertaine undutifull and pernitious counsailes . The safest man is he , that thinkes no evill , and entertaines not rashly those unjust reports , which are devised and spread abroad by malicious wits , of purpose to defame their betters : that they themselves might gaine applause , and be cryed up , and honoured , yea tantum non adored by poore ignorant men , who doe not understand aright what their Projects ayme at . Lastly , I must informe both you and them , that howsoever it was thought not to bee unfit , that at this present time an Answer should be made unto all your quarrells , that so the people whom you have seduced might see the errour of their courses : yet neither you nor they must expect the like on all , or any of those factious provocations which every day are offered to the publicke governement . Things that are once established by a constant law , are not at all to be disputed , but much lesse declamed against : or if they bee , will finde more shelter from the lawes , then from their Advocates . These scandalous and seditious pamphlets are now growne so rife , that every day ( as if wee lived in the wild of Africke ) doth produce new Monsters : there being more of them divulged at this present time , then any former age can speake of ; more of these factious spirits quam muscarum olim cum caletur maxime , then there are Scarabees and Gad-flies in the heat of Summer . And should the State thinke fit , that every libell of yours , and such men as you , should have a solemne Answer to it : you would advance your heads too high , and thinke you had done somthing more then ordinary , which should necessitate the state to set out Apologies . That , as it would encourage you to pursue your courses ; so would it suddenly dissolve the whole frame of government ; which is as much endangered by such disputations , as by disobedience . And yet I would not have you thinke , that you are like to find those daies whereof Tacitus speaks , ubi & sentire quae velis , & quae sentias loqui liceat ; in which you may be bold to opine what you list , and speake what ever you conceive : much lesse to scatter and disperse in publick what ever you dare speake in private . Princes have other waies to right themselves , and those which are in authority under them , then by the pen : and such as will fall heavier , if you pull them on you . Kings & the governors of states , as they participate of Gods power and patience , so doe they imitate him in their justice also ; and in their manner of proceeding against obstinate persons . God is provoked every day , so Kings : God did sometimes expostulate with his faulty people , and so doe Kings : God sometimes did imploy his Prophets to satisfie the clamours and distrusts of unquiet men ; and thus Kings doe also . But when the people grew rebellious , and stif-necked , and would not heare the Charmers voice , charme hee never so wisely ; God would no longer trouble himselfe in seeking to reclaime them from their peevish folly : but let them feele the rod and the smart thereof , till the meere sense of punishment had weaned them from it . So howsoever it bee true , convitia spreta exolescunt , that scandalous pamphlets , such as yours , and those which if not yours , are now spread abroad , have many times with much both moderation , & wisdome , been slighted and neglected by the greatest persons : yet if the humor be predominant , and the vein malignant , it hath beene found at other times as necessary , that the tongue which speaketh proud words be cut off for ever . Nor would I have you so farre abuse your selfe , as to conceit that none of these seditious Pasquils , which are now cast into the world , doe concerne the King. For as Saint Paul hath told us , that whosoever doth resist the power , resists the ordinance of God , because there is no power but it is from God : So whosoever doth traduce and defame those men , which are in chiefe authority under the King , doe defame the King , because they have their dignities and authorities from and under him . And thus it was affirmed in Vdals case , one of your Fathers in the faction , being arraigned upon the Statute 23 Eliz. cap. 2. For when it was pretended for him , that he defamed not the Queen which the law provided for , but the Bishops onely : it was resolved that they who spake against her Majesties supreme government in cases Ecclesiastical , her lawes , proceedings , and all those Ecclesiasticall officers , which rule under her , did defame the Queeene . Your case being just the same with Vdalls , nor you , nor any such as you have reason to perswade your selves , but that your scandalous Pasquills doe as neerely concerne the King , as those did the Queen ; or that you shall be answered alwayes , edictis melioribus , with pen and paper . If Authority hath stooped so low , this once , to give way that your seditious pamphlets should come under an examination , and that an Answer should be made to all the scandalous matters in the same contained , I would not have you thinke it was for any other cause , but that your Proselytes may perceive what false guides they follow , and all the world may see how much you have abused the King and his Ministers , with your scandalous clamours . Which done , and all those cavills answered , which you have beene so long providing ; it is expected at their hands ; that they rest satisfied in and of the Churches purposes , in every of the things objected ; and looke not after fresh Replies upon the like occasions . And so I leave both you and them with those words of Solomon , which you have so perverted to your wretched ends : My sonne feare thou the Lord and the King , and meddle not with them that are given to change : for their calamity shall arise suddainely , and who knoweth the ruine of them both . FINIS . ERRATA . For Saltem p. 3. l. 9. r. Saltum . p. 17. l. 2. for of . r. that of . il . l. 12. dele And. p. 28. l. 25. for ab r. at that . p. 33. l. 24. for sure r. free . p. 37. l. 27. for and r. what . p. 52. l. 10. for I. audr . i. e. p. 53. l. 23. for by . r. and by . p. 70. l. 26. for Instance , r. inference . p. 78. l. 16. d. next for your charges . p. 86. l. 1. del . in . p. 90. l. 20. for a. r. on a. p. 96. l. 25. for . to . r. of . p. 104. l. 3. for will , r. good will. ib. l. 31. dele . But. p. 105. l. 9. dele . But. p. 107. l. 3. for cautio r. cautum . p. 115. l. 22. dele . momes . p. 119. l. 12. for Ithicly r. Iphycly . p. 122. l. 29. for a discourse , r. their discourses . p. 123 l. 23. for meete , r. meate . p. 127. l. 1. r. the Thesis . p. 142. l. 5. for coequall . r. co●evall , p. 144. l. 20. for For as the , r. And as for the. p. 146. l. 1. for Count , r. court . l. 11. for your , r. the. p. 149. l. 2. for change r. charge . p. 153. l. 4. for hereby , r. verely . p. 157. l. 6. for a r. as . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A68174-e10 1 Cor. 13.23 . 2. Pet. 2.10 . Jude 16. 2. Pet. 2.12 . Jude 17.18 . Jude 15. De haeres . c. 23. Cann . 83. Orat. pro M. Marcell . Ep. to the King. Notes for div A68174-e2450 Apolog. p. 6 Philip. 2. Pag 111. Diog. Laert. part 3. c. 15. part . 3. c. 9. Tacit. in vica Agricolae . Notes for div A68174-e5780 Paterculus . Phil. de Comiues . lib. 3. cap. 15. In Rom. cap. 13. Institut . lib. 4. c. ult . Lucan . Acts 4. Rom. 13.5 . hist . l. ● ▪ Lib. 7. c. 17. In Psal . 10● . Hist . l. 53. Rom. 13.4 . Cicero Philip . 2. Notes for div A68174-e8410 Rom. 14. Confess . ● . 8 . Tacit. Annal. Notes for div A68174-e11020 Epistle De●●●●t . to the king . Paterculus . Institut . l. 4. Sect. 15. Lib. 3. cap. 3. In vit . Augustini . c. 8 . Bishop of Elys Epistle Ded. before his treatise of the Sabbath . Lucan lib. 1 Tullie . Phil. 2. Lib. 4.14 . Tacit. in vi●a Agricol . Notes for div A68174-e15150 Epist . Dedicat . Notes for div A68174-e17960 Can. 18. Art. 3. ● 26 Lib. 5.29 . Lib. 131. Statute 1. Eliz. cap. 2. Art. 3. s 26 Apologie . part 3 cap. 15. p. 226. v. Hooker in the Preface to his Eccl : Politie . Notes for div A68174-e22240 The Prelats falsly charged with attributing Popish merit unto Fasting , of putting downe Lectures , cutting short of Sermons , the prayer before the Sermon , & Catechizing . No innovations either in the role of faith , or manners . (a) Instit . l. 4. c. ult . (b) In Rom. 13. (c) De Iure regui . Holy Table p 183 Notes for div A68174-e27220 speech in Starre . Chamber . 3 Edw. l. 33 Necessaria Respon●io p. 83. Cont. Bellar. de Peccat . origi . Hist . of K. H. 7. by the Vis . S. Alb. Glanvil● l 14 Bracton l. 2. Stewes A●n . Holling h. p. p. 778. Deiure Reg. Marca . Resp . pars 2. p. 50. 1. Pet. 2.13.14 . Hist , l. ● . Rom. 13 Sutel●sses Answ p. 3. 
A03144	----	The historie of that most famous saint and souldier of Christ Iesus; St. George of Cappadocia asserted from the fictions, in the middle ages of the Church; and opposition, of the present. The institution of the most noble Order of St. George, named the Garter. A catalogue of all the knights thereof untill this present. By Pet. Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1631 Approx. 562 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 188 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A03144 STC 13272 ESTC S104019 99839760 99839760 4211 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A03144) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4211) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 962:05) The historie of that most famous saint and souldier of Christ Iesus; St. George of Cappadocia asserted from the fictions, in the middle ages of the Church; and opposition, of the present. The institution of the most noble Order of St. George, named the Garter. A catalogue of all the knights thereof untill this present. By Pet. Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. Marshall, William, fl. 1617-1650, engraver. [22], 50, 49-351, [1] p. Printed [by Bernard Alsop and Thomas Fawcet] for Henry Seyle, and are to be sold at his shop, the signe of the Tygers-head in St. Pauls Church-yard, London : 1631. With an additional title page, engraved, signed "Will. Marshall sculpsit": The history of that most famous saynt and souldier of Christ Iesus St. George of Cappadocia. Colophon has ".. Printed by B.A. and T.F. .."; printers' names from STC. Variant: letterpress title page has printers' initials. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng George, -- Saint, d. 303 -- Early works to 1800. Order of the Garter -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The HISTORY of That most famous Saynt and Souldier of CHRIST IESUS S t. GEORGE of Cappadocia Asserted from the Fictions of the middle ages of the CHVRCH and opposition of the present . By Peter Heylyn Psalm : 116 v : 15 Right precious in the sight of the Lord is the Death of his Sayntes London Printed for Henry Seyle and are to be sould at his shope the — Tygers head in Saynt Paules Churchyard 1631 Will. Marshall Sculpsit THE HISTORIE OF That most famous Saint and Souldier of CHRIST IESUS ; S t. GEORGE OF CAPPADOCIA ; Asserted from the Fictions , of the middle Ages of the CHURCH ; and opposition , of the present . The Institution of the most Noble ORDER of St. GEORGE , named the GARTER . A Catalogue of all the Knights thereof untill this present . By PET. HEYLYN . PSAL. 116.15 . Right precious in the sight of the Lord , is the death of his Saints . LONDON . Printed for HENRY SEYLE , and are to be sold at his Shop , the signe of the Tygers-head in St. Pauls Church-yard . 1631. TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE CHARLES , By the Grace of GOD , King of GREAT BRITTAINE , FRANCE , and IRELAND , Defender of the Faith , &c. Sovereigne of the most Noble Order of S t. GEORGE , called the Garter . MOST DREAD SOVEREIGNE . YOur Sacred Majestie being a KING , then , onely in the hopes and expectation of your people ; vouchsafed to Grace me in the Infancie , and cradle as it were , of mine endeavours . Your Majestie was then my choise : and I was prompted to devote my selfe unto You , onely upon the true renowne of your Princely vertues . But now I am no longer left at my former liberty . For since your Maiestie hath pleased , so graciously to admit of mee to your Service : it might be iust●ly accounted an Apostasie from Dutie , should I not consecrate my selfe , and all that I am able , unto your Maiesties acceptance . Yet were I , as a Subject , bound onely in alleigeance , to your Majestie ; yea were I borne an Alien to your Maiesties Dominions : this present Worke , ( which heere in all humilitie I prostrate at your Gracious feet ; ) could not so fitly bee addressed to any other . It is ( so please your Majestie ) a Iustification or Assertion of the Historie of St. GEORGE the Martyr : whom some have so farre quarrelled , as eyther not to grant him , heretofore , a being on the Earth ; or now , an habitation only with the Feinds in Hell. St. GEORGE thus tainted in his Honour , and in a word , dethroned from all his former glories ; to whom should hee referre the hearing of his cause , but to your Maiestie : the Sovereigne of that most Noble and Heroicke Order , which in the first Foundation of it , was entituled by his Name ; and ( as the times then were ) committed to his Patronage . Which favour if your Maiestie vouchsafe him : this great and weighty cause , unfortunate in such an Advocate ; will yet be happie in the Iudge . The onely Ruler of Princes , which hath set a Crowne of pure gold upon your Head ; prevent You with the blessings of his Goodnesse : and grant unto your Maiestie , a long and prosperous Life , here ; and length of dayes for ever and ever . These the continuall prayers , of Your Majesties , Most humble Subject and faithfull Servant , PET. HEYLYN . TO ALL THOSE MOST ILLVSTRIOVS KINGS , PRINCES , and PEERES ; Knights of the Famous and most Noble ORDER of S t. GEORGE , named the Garter . Most Excellent KINGS , PRINCES , and PEERES . IT is accounted an especiall Honour in the GARTER ; that it makes them , which for theyr vertue and deserts are admitted of it , Companions even unto KINGS and PRINCES . Those therefore , which are ioyned together in so strict a bond of Vnitie , and made the same in a communion of all Noble qualities ; farre bee it from my thoughts to take asunder : or to select Particulars , out of a Generall bodie , so united . The rather , because I now addresse my selfe unto You , in commendation of a Cause ; wherein your whole Fraternitie , is ingaged ioyntly . It is almost Three hundred yeares , since that most excellent Order , never before adorned , at once , with such and so many Noble spirits ; was by the Founder of it , Dedicated to St. GEORGE of CAPPADOCIA . A Saint , more than a Thousand yeares before that Institution , crowned with Martyrdome : And ever since , continually famous in the Church of GOD. Onely some few of late , on what authoritie I know not ; have tooke upon them to discharge him , both of his place in Heaven , and reputation in the Church . In which , though their opinions are so contrary , that possibly there can bee no agreement made betweene them : yet they agree together to disgrace that holy Martyr : For by the first ranke of them , it is undoubtedly affirmed , that GEORGE the Martyr , so much honoured in the Christian world , is but a Counterfeit , a Larva ; onely some strange Chimaera , the issue of an idle braine ; one that had never any being on the Earth . The others , as unquestionably , have made him in his life , a dangerous and bloudy Hereticke : and since his death , a wretched Soule amongst the damned . On both sides , Satis pro imperio . For this cause , it hath often beene one of my chiefest wishes , that some of those , whose names are great for learning , and eminent in point of knowledge ; would undertake the vindicating of this iniured Saint . But finding none , that have as yet adventured in it : I rather chose to put my selfe upon the taske , than that Saint GEORGE should longer suffer in his honour , and this Realme in him . The worke , such as it is , next under his most sacred Maiestie , I consecrate to you ( most excellent Kings , Princes , and Peeres ) and to the honour of that most noble Order , whereof you are ; and in defence of which you were all ingaged , at your severall Installations . You celebrate St. GEORGE'S Feast , with many stately and magnificent Ceremonies : you weare his image and representation as your chiefest Ornament ; you count it an especiall honour , to be called his Knights . I doubt not therefore , but St. GEORGE thus vindicated from the pennes and stomacke of his Enemies , will finde a gracious welcome to you : and that you will be pleased for St. GEORGE'S sake , to entertaine a favourable opinion both of the Worke and of the Author . In a full hope whereof , I doe with all Humilitie and Reverence , subscribe my selfe The most unfainedly devoted unto your Noble and Heroicke Order , PET. HEYLYN . Errata . PAge , 18. line , 19. for all , read , almost all . Twice in the booke , for See Vsum Sarum , r. Sec. Vsum Sarum . Pag. 213. In the beginning of the Chapter , blot out , Of the bodies of the Dead . Pag. 240. l. ult . for 30000. r. 300000. And lastly , whereas it is reckoned ( p. 314. l. 4. ) as an ordinarie habit of the most noble Order of the Garter , to weare a Cloke with the Sunne on the left shoulder of it , in his full glory : Let the mistake be thus amended ; A Cloke with a device upon the left shoulder of it , compassing round the Garter , and St. GEORGE'S Crosse. Such other litterall Errors as occurre in it , the Reader may correct and pardon : these are the principall . SYLLABVS CAPITVM . PART . I. The Preface . ( 1 ) THe nature of Curiositie : ( 2 ) And pronenesse of the present Age , to new fancies . ( 3 ) The opening of the cause in hand . ( 4 ) The Reasons which induced the Author , to undertake the Patronage of St. George's Cause , and Historie . ( 5 ) His resolution in it ; and the manner of his proceeding . ( 6 ) The method of the whole . ( 7 ) The Authors free submission of himselfe , and his performance , to the wise and learned . CHAP. I. 1. Three kindes of Imposture . 2. The first Author of Scholasticall or fabulous Hi●●●rie . 3. The three ages of the Church in these later times . 4. Iacobus de Voragine , the Author of the Golden Legend : his time and qualitie . 5. His fiction of St. George's killing of the Dragon . 6. The remainder of that Legend , continued out of Ovid. 7. The fable of St. George's Birth in England : 8. Poetically countenanced by Edm. Spencer . 9. The Legend of the Dragon reiected by the learned Romanists . 10. Defended by Geo. Wicelius . 11. The Scene thereof removed from Africke , into Asia . CHAP. II. 1. Of Heretickes and their Originall . 2. Their early practices to corrupt the Gospell . 3. Their arts to countenance their cause . 4. Their plots discovered , and condemned ; by Councels , and by Fathers . 5. The iniurie done by Heretickes , vnto the History of St. George . 6. St. Athanasius accused for Magick by the Arians . 7. Of Alexandra , Diocletians wife in the Arian Legend . 8. The indiscretion of some Church-Historians , in their choyce of Argument . CHAH. III. 1. A proposition of the two contrary opinions . 2. Calvin the first that ever bid defiance to St. George . 3. Melanchthon misreported by the Papists . 4. Calvins opinion in it , by whom seconded . 5. Saint George by whom first made an Arian Byshop . 6. The principall abettours of this last opinion . 7. No enemie more dangerous to the Truth , than a great mans errour . 8. An examination of the Arguments drawne from the Canon of P. Gelasius . 9. And the Authority of Cardinall Baronius . CHAP. IIII. 1. A coniecture at those reasons which may make the History of St. George suspected . 2. The Church of Rome too prodigall , in bestowing Divine honours . 3. False Saints no preiudice vnto the true . 4. The lives of Saints , how fabulously and vainely written . 5. What might induce the Church-Historians , to that veine of writing . 6. The vndertaking of Aloysius Lippomanus , how well performed . 7. The inter-mixture of vaine Fables , no preiudice to truth of Story . 8. Of Arthur , Guy of Warwicke , and Sir Bevis . 9. Haereticall dreames and practices , not able to beare downe the truth . 10. An application of the whole vnto St. George . CHAP. V. ( 1 ) Vndoubted truths the ground of fabulous reports . ( 2 ) The priviledge of two French Churches , and the Fables thence arising . ( 3 ) The Barons case of Gascoygne . ( 4 ) St. George's killing of the Dragon , how ●arre it may be iustified . ( 5 ) The Portraiture of Constantine . ( 6 ) The Order of the Dragon , and of St. Michael . ( 7 ) St. George how pictured commonly : and what it signifieth . ( 8 ) The memorable story of St. George's his Horse . ( 9 ) The picture of St. George , how made a Fable : and by whom . ( 10 ) The entertainment of it in the Church of Rome . ( 11 ) The Reformation of the Missall . ( 12 ) A finall answere to all those on the part of Calvin . CHAP. VI. ( 1 ) The whole story of George the Arian Byshop . ( 2 ) George Byshop of Alexandria , not proved by Doctor Reynolds to be a Cappadocian . ( 3 ) The Cappadocians infamous for their lewdnesse . ( 4 ) The life of George before he was appointed Byshop . ( 5 ) His Butcherly behaviour in that holy Dignity . ( 6 ) Degraded in the Councels of Sardica , and Seleucia , ( 7 ) An 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Drusius , in making George the Laodicean , to be the same with him of Alexandria . ( 8 ) The strange effects of fancie and preconceipt . ( 9 ) George's returne to Alexandria : and the manner of his death . ( 10 ) George Byshop of Alexandria , never reputed for a Martyr . ( 11 ) Shreds of the Arrian Legend , by whom patch'd on , vpon St. George's Cloake . ( 12 ) Sr. W. Raleighs resolution , in received opinions . ( 13 ) A transition to the examination of Witnesses on St. George's side . The second Part. CHAP. I. ( 1 ) THe Name and Etymologie of GEORGE . ( 2 ) The Story of St. George by Metaphrastes . ( 3 ) The time of that Author : and the reason of his name . ( 4 ) The opinion of him in the Greeke-Church . ( 5 ) This Metaphrastes not the same with Simeon the Schoole-master . ( 6 ) The Country , Parentage , and first fortunes of St. George . ( 7 ) The State of the Roman Empire at that time : and Persecution then beginning . ( 8 ) The speech of George vnto the tyrants : his torments , and his death . ( 9 ) The manner of his death according to Frier Anselme ; and the English Storie . ( 10 ) Fabulous histories of that nature , of what profit to the reader . ( 11 ) A reiection of the residue in Metaphrastes . ( 12 ) Arguments Ab autoritate negative , of what credit in the Schooles . CHAP. II. ( 1 ) Magnentius mentioned in the former Storie , what hee was . ( 2 ) Vestem exuere militarem , the meaning of it ; and when vsed . ( 3 ) Lydda the Scene of this great action ; now called St. George's . ( 4 ) Malmesbury reconciled with other Authors . ( 5 ) No executions permitted by the Ancients , within their Cities . ( 6 ) The former Story iustified , most of it , by Eusebius . ( 7 ) St. Ambrose testimony of St. George , how certaine to be his . ( 8 ) The time and Canon of P. Gelasius . ( 9 ) The Story of St. George , why reckoned as Apocryphall . ( 10 ) The meaning of Gelasius not to explode the Martyr with his Hystorie . ( 11 ) The Arrian George not likely in so small a tract of time to be reputed as a Martyr . ( 12 ) A Catalogue of the Authors cyted in this booke , which haue made honourable mention of Saint George ; as also of those Princes , Peeres , and Prelates , which haue done him honour : digested in their times and ages . CHAP. III. ( 1 ) The state of learning in the Church , divided into two naturall dayes . ( 2 ) The time and learning of Venerable Bede . ( 3 ) His testimonies of St. George . ( 4 ) Of Dacianus King of Persia , and who he was . ( 5 ) Persia taken , in some Authors , for the Easterne Countries . ( 6 ) A reconcilement of the other doubts , touching this Dacianus . ( 7 ) The Martyrologies of Vsuardus , Rabanus Maurus , and Notgerus . ( 8 ) St. George how said to haue converted many people . ( 9 ) The witnesse of Vincentius , Iacobus , and Antoninus Florent . ( 10 ) Nicephorus Callistus ; and his evidence . ( 11 ) The suffrage of Sabellicus , Schedell , Bergomensis , and Volaterran . ( 12 ) Of the Magdeburgians , and some other Protestant Divines . ( 13 ) A recollection and application of the whole proofes . CHAP. IIII. ( 1 ) Foure seuerall wayes used by the Church , to keepe aliue the memory of the Martyrs . ( 2 ) The way of Martyrologies , how ancient . ( 3 ) The Roman Martyrologie : and what it testifieth of St. George . ( 4 ) Natale what it is , in the construction of the Church . ( 5 ) The testimonie given vnto St. George in the Greeke Church . ( 6 ) St. George , why called Tropaeophorus . ( 7 ) Commemoration of the Dead , how vsed in the Church primitive . ( 8 ) The depravation of the ancient vse of it in the Church of Rome . ( 9 ) The publike service of that Church on St. Georges day . ( 10 ) Arguments drawne from the Church service , of what validitie . ( 11 ) Saint George continually famous in the Church Christian. ( 12 ) And among the Turkes . CHAP. V. ( 1 ) The honour done vnto the Dead , in the decent buriall of their bodies . ( 2 ) The reliques of the Saints , of what esteeme in the Church primitive . ( 3 ) The care of Gregorie of Tours to preserve his writings : and what he testifieth of St. George's reliques . ( 4 ) What mention there is made of them in Aymonius , and others . ( 5 ) Churches distinguished anciently by the names of Saints : and for what reason . ( 6 ) St. George's Churches in Lydda , and in Ramula ; made afterwards a Byshops Seate . ( 7 ) St. George's Church built by Sidonius Archbyshop of Mentz . ( 8 ) That mention'd in St. Gregories Epistles . ( 9 ) St. George's Church in Rome ; the title of a Cardinall . ( 10 ) Churches erected to St. George in Alexandria , and elsewhere . ( 11 ) Of Faustus Rhegiensis . ( 12 ) And the Pseudo-Martyr in Sulpitius . ( 13 ) An application of the rule in Lerinensis , vnto the businesse now in hand . CHAP. VI. ( 1 ) St. George how hee became to bee accounted the chiefe Saint of Souldiers . ( 2 ) St. George when first esteemed a chiefe Patron of Christianity . ( 3 ) The expedition of the Westerne Princes to the Holy Land. ( 4 ) The Storie of the succours brought unto their Army by St. George . ( 5 ) Second apparition to them at the Leaguer of Hierusalem . ( 6 ) The probability of the former myracle , disputed . ( 8 ) An essay of the famous battaile of Antiochia , by way of Poem . CHAP. VII . ( 1 ) The honours done by Kings , to others ; of what reckoning . ( 2 ) Arguments used by the Iewes , in the defence of their Temple of Hierusalem . ( 3 ) Of Monasteries dedicated to St. George . ( 4 ) St. George's Canons ; a Religious order . ( 5 ) St. George by what Kings honoured anciently , as a chiefe Saint of Soldierie . ( 6 ) The military Order of St. George , in Austria . ( 7 ) The German or Dutch Order , call'd Sanct Georgen Schilts . ( 8 ) St. George's banke in Genoa . ( 9 ) And his band , in Italie . ( 10 ) The Georgians why so called : and of the honour done by them to our Martyr . ( 11 ) A view of severall places denominated of St. George . ( 12 ) A recollection of the Arguments before used in the present businesse . CHAP. VIII . ( 1 ) St. George not anciently esteemed the Patron of the English. ( 2 ) Churches erected to him here in England . ( 3 ) His apparition to King Richard , in the Holy Land. ( 4 ) What may bee thought in generall touching the apparition of the Saints . ( 5 ) And what in this particular . ( 6 ) St. George when he began to be entituled particularly to the English. ( 7 ) The honours done him here , and among the Irish. ( 8 ) The institution of the Noble Order of the Garter . ( 9 ) A briefe view of the chiefe Statutes of the Order . ( 10 ) St. George the Patron of it . ( 11 ) Sr. W. Raleighs opinion touching the killing of the Dragon . ( 12 ) And of them also , which desire to haue the George Symbolicall . ( 13 ) A Catalogue of all St. George's Knights of that most noble Order ; vntill this present . ( 14 ) The Conclusion of the whole . THE HISTORIE OF That most famous Saint and Soldier of CHRIST IESUS , S t. GEORGE of CAPPADOCIA ; Asserted from the Fictions of the middle Ages of the Church , and opposition of the present . THE PREFACE . ( 1 ) The natur● of Curiositie : ( 2 ) And pronenesse of the present Age , to new fancies . ( 3 ) The opening of the cause in hand . ( 4 ) The Reasons which induced the Author , to vndertake the Patronage of St. George's Cause , and Historie . ( 5 ) His resolution in it ; and the manner of his proceeding . ( 6 ) The method of the whole . ( 7 ) The Authors free submission of himselfe , and his performance , to the wise and learned . ( 1 ) IT is a sad Complaint of Melchior Canus , that many of us in this more neate and curious Age , doe peevishly ( to say no worse ) reject those ancient Stories , which are commended to us in the best and gravest Authors . Plerique nostra hac aetate , perversè , ne dicam impudenter , res , quas esse gestas gravissimi autores testati sunt , in dubium vocant . So hee ; and certainly , he spake it not at randome : but as a man which well fore-saw to what extremities , that restlesse humour of leaving nothing undiscussed ; and not so onely , but leaving nothing in the state wee found it ; at the last would bring us . For such the nature is of Curiositie , especially if once attended with Selfe-love , and that vnquiet spirit of Opposition : that wee are alwayes watchfull to prie into the passages of former Times and Authors ; and leaue no path vntroden , how crooked and indirect soever , which may conduce to the advancement eyther of our cause or credit . By meanes whereof , as sometimes happily wee doe good service to the Common-wealth of Learning , in the correcting of an Errour : so for the most part , wee involue it in uncertainties , or broach new errours vnder a pretence of canvassing the Old ; or by denying credit to Antiquitie , we onely teach posteritie , how litle credit may be due vnto our selves . ( 2 ) I say not this , to blunt the edge of any vertuous endeavours ; nor to the prejudice of those heroicke spirits , by whom so many of the ancient Writers , which had beene buried in their owne dust , and made a prey to moathes and cobwebs , have beene restor'd vnto themselues . Ill may I prosper in my Studies , if I deny the least of due respects to them , to whose most fortunate and painfull travailes , wee owe no lesse than to the Authors . Nor would I gladly be esteem'd a Patron , eyther of lazie ignorance , or of dull credulitie : nor willingly bee thought to countenance those of the vulgar Heard , who runne into receiv'd opinions , as Calderinus , in Ludovic Vives , did to Masse . Eamus ergo ( said he ) quia sic placet , in communes errores . Not so . I know it argue's a degenerous and ignoble mind ; barely and simply to submit it selfe unto the tyrannie of popular fames , or old traditions : not daring once to search into them , to see at least some shew of reason in our bondage . Much like those noble Housekeepers , so much commended in the Country ; who rather choose to haue their judgements question'd in giving entertainment vnto all ; than that their Hospitalitie should bee accused , in excluding any . Onely I said it , a litle to take downe , if possible ; that height of selfe-conceit and stomacke , wherewith too many of vs doe affront those Worthies of the former dayes , and set our selves against our Fathers . Which humour if it once possesse vs , in spight of him that told vs , nihil novum est sub sole ; without regard of him that said it , quia vetus est melius ; we must have every thing as new and moderne , as our selves : new Organons for Logicke , new modells of Divinity ; scarce any thing which hath beene hitherto resolv'd , eyther in Philologicall Theologie , or in Philosophie , no not in Ecclesiasticall or civill History ; not new , not altered . The tendries and decisions of our Ancestours , growne as unfashionable , as their garments : and if we please our selves in any thing , it must be somewhat which is done according to the newest Cut : So , that were Martial now alive , he might with good applause correct himselfe in that one passage of his Epigram to Regulus ; where he complaine's how much the latter wits were disrespected , compar'd unto the former : he might I say , correct himselfe , and reade it thus : Hi sunt invidiae nimirum Regule mores , Praeferat antiquis semper ut illa nova . Such is the envie of the present dayes , That onely new conceits are worthy praise . ( 3 ) That so it is , is more than manifest : how justly , and with what disadvantage to reverend and sacred truth , might soone be made apparant by looking over the particulars . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the words of Aristotle . To scanne them over all , as it were infinite in it selfe ; so were it nothing to the businesse now in hand : unlesse to shew , how much the truth hath suffered , not onely in our present Argument , but in those also . Let those , whose full abilities in all the rarities of Learning , h●ue fitted them for undertakings of this noble nature ; adventure in this worke : to make those ancient friends , Antiquitie and V●ritie , shake hands , and live againe together . It is a burden worthy of their shoulders onely , and to them I leave it . For me it is inough , if in the least degree I may bee serviceable in this kind : to free one onely captivated truth , out of the Dungeons where of late it was imprison'd : if forth ' incouragement of others , I make it evident in this , quàm magna veritas , how great the truth is , and how mightily it will prevaile . Not to stand longer in the entrance , my purpose is to write in briefe , the Storie of that most blessed Saint and Soldier of CHRIST IESUS , St. George of Cappadocia : and to produce such testimonies in defence thereof , as all the Ages of the Church successively have given him . No Saint in all the Calendar , the glorious Company of the Apostles excepted onely ; scarce any of the Noble Armie of the Martyrs , able to shew a cleerer title to the Crowne of Martyrdome , or to produce more evidence to justifie his right vnto that honour : and yet not any of that goodly Fellowship , more ignobly handled ; more shamefully discarded . For having in the generall vouche and confession of the Church , beene reckoned with the Saints departed ; a Festivall allotted to his memory , and Temples consecrated by his name : for , having in the latter Ages of the world , beene honour'd as a Patron of Christianitie ; and of speciall credit and opinion with us here in England : wee now are taught a Lesson so exactly contrary , that fire and water cannot be at greater difference . St. George , if they may bee beleeved which say it , must now no longer bee conceiv'd , as one that ever liv'd , or mov'd or had any being : or if a man at all , a wicked man , an Arian . This they affirme for certaine , and they affirme it with such confidence : as if they meant to leav● us nothing , but this miserable choyce ; of two such fatall mischiefes , both dangerous and extreame to choose the least . Pudet haec opprobria , nobis Et dici potuisse , & non potuisse refelli . Foule shame it were , should they St. George defie ; And we stand mute , not able to replie . ( 4 ) A thing as I conceive it , dishonorable unto God , that those of his retinue in the Heaven of Heavens , should at the suite of Curious and unquiet men , bee thus put under an Arrest , and so laid up for ever , in the Gaole of utter dark●nesse , or at the best , bound over to eternall silence & oblivion . A thing , as I conceive it , injurious to the new Ierusalem ; made poorer by the losse of such a great & glorious Citizen : & to that blessed Corporation of the Saints themselves , so to be baffled of their rights and ancient liberties . Nor is it lesse to the dishonour of the holy Church , which hitherto hath reckon'd him among the Saints ; and as a Saint , given him the honour due unto his name : nor to the Princes of this Kingdome , which haue elected him the Patron of their most noble Order of the Garter : or to those famous Peeres , his Knights , which every yeare doe solemnize his Festivall with many noble Ceremonies ; nor lastly , is it lesse to the dishonour of that High Court of Parliament , who since the Reformation hath thought it no impiety , to entitle him S. George the Martyr . For in the first of Edward the 6. Cap. 14. &c. wee find a mention of the free Chappell of S. George the Martyr , scituate in the Castle of Windsore : and in the 5. of Queene Elizabeth , Cap. 2. the Feast of S. George the Martyr is expressely mention'd ; to inquire no further . Quod itaque felix faustumque sit , &c. In the feare therefore of Almighty God , and to the honour of the Saints , his blessed Courtiers ; I have adventur'd to restore this glorious Martyr to his place : not in the Heavens , from whence the powers of man were never able to remove him ; but in the good opinions of us men , from which we have of late displac'd him . And as my duty binds mee next , in honour of the Holy Church throughout the World , and to the glorie of my gracious Lord and Master , the service of my Countrie , the satisfaction of my Brethren ; and for the full content of that most noble Order , which I am sure hate nothing more , than Superstitious Vanities : I have endeavour'd , that neither wee become asham'd of our St. George ; nor he of us : Dij coepris aspirate meis . ( 5 ) I know that in the prosecution of this Argument , I cannot choose but meet with many prejudices : the names and dictates &c. of those reverend and famous men , which have affirm'd the contrary ; the censures and rebukes of such , who would have all things passe for currant , which are found extant in their Writings . But in the search of truth , wee must not be afraid of names , or censures . Luther had never ventured on the reformation of Religion : had hee beene eyther frighted by the Names of Schole-men , or terrified by any of the Bulls from Rome , or otherwise affraid of Opinion . Nor can I thinke it , more unpardonable in mee , to dissent from them ; than first it was in them , to differ from Antiquitie . It was a noble saying of the great Philosopher , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That when wee make a search for truth , wee must have no respect of persons : and thereupon wee use it for a Proverbe , Amicus Socrates , amicus Plato , magis amica veritas . Truth is the maine of my enquirie , I haue Antiquitie to friend , and the tradition of the Church , my Sanctuarie . What should I feare in such a cause , and so well seconded ? Besides I cannot thinke , that ever those most blessed Spirits now with GOD , to whom wee stand indebted for so many helpes in Pietie and Learning : did ever hope to have their writings reckoned , as unquestionable . Sic institu●re maiores , posteri imitantur : This only was a priviledge of the Apostles ; that as they Preached , so we also should bele●ue . If so , then as it is no injurie unto them , that we joyne with them , in an enquiry after Truth ; which with such diligence they sought : so neither , if wee take another and a nearer way unto it ; when wee perceive them , eyther through errour , or infirmitie , to have gone aside . Their Names as oft as I haue cause to use them , I shall not mention without honour : their words I shall lay downe ingenuously , and as I find them ; without censure : Their reasons I shall examine modestly , and with due regard ; such as their persons doe deserve . Those Authors , with whose weapons I haue made choyce to fight this battaile ; I shall use also in the same manner : assigning every man his time , giving to every one his due ; not sparing those which make most for mee , if I find them faultie . ( 6 ) My method shall be this . I know the Church of Rome too full of libertie in framing of the Legends , by mixing Truths with Fictions , and suffering the corrupt and dangerous tales of Heretickes , to be wrought in , with both : hath given the cheife occasion , that this our Saint , with others , have in these latter dayes beene brought unto their tryall . First therefore , I shall make a short relation of such unwarrantable tales , as are found of him in the Legend , or set abroad by some late Fablers of our owne ; or obtruded on the Church by heretickes . That done , I shall report in their owne words , the severall conc●its of them ; who have endeavoured to perswade us , that there was never such a man , as our St. George : and next , of them , who have beene diligent to prove our Saint , to bee an Arian Bishop ; a bloudy Butcher ( as one calls him ) of the true Christians . Not that I shall produce them all ; but some onely of the cheifest : some fiue or sixe perhaps , of each of the opinions ; Et magna partium momenta , the founders and abettours . Their arguments , which are not many , I shall quickly answere ▪ proceeding so to such records , as yeild most testimonie to our Saint : the time and manner of his Death , the honour done unto his Relickes , to his memory ; not onely by the Church , but by the greatest Kings and Princes of the Christian world . In which , I shall adhere especially to the plaine words and meanings of those Authors , whose authorities I urge , not wresting them aside , or stopping of their mouthes , when they speake not to my purpose . My study is for truth , not faction . And if at any time , which is but seldome , I shall take liberty to use conjectures in the explaining of some passage , which else might give occasion of exception : I hope it will be said , that I am only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ingenuously bold , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , audaciously presumptuous . ( 7 ) The whole worke , as it is consecrated , next under GOD , unto the service of his most excellent Majesty , and of this flourishing Church whereof wee are ; both which are principally interessed in this cause , by reason of the Honours which they have conferr'd upon our Martyr : so from them cheifly , I expect my censure ; yet so , that I submit it also to the censure of all honest , learned , and religious men ; whom I beseech with all respective reverence , to pardon such mistakes , if any bee , which their more able knowledge shall discover to them : and though they thinke not fit , to approve the worke ; to commend my purpose . Those selfe-conceited ones , which are so stiffe ( as King Harry used to say ) in their new Sumpsimus ; and whose opinions hang upon anothers sleeve , not to bee taken off with reason : I leave unto the jolly humour of their singularities . Against such men , I am resolv'd to entertaine the resolution of Mimnermus , as hee hath thus expressed it : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Reioyce my Soule : though some offended bee And speake thee foule ; others will cherish thee . ( 6 ) I cannot but be conscious to my selfe , that there are many things omitted , in this following Discourse ; which might adde further lustre to the cause , and vindicate St. George's honour with the more applause , and satisfaction . Yet I must say withall , that nothing is omitted in it , which eyther my memory could prompt unto mee , or which by diligent enquirie into all kind of Authors , which I thought likely to afford me any helpes ; might possibly be met with . If any one , who shall vouch safe to cast his eye upon it , will please to let mee know wherein I am defectiue ; and give mee such directions , as may be serviceable to the perfection of this worke : I shall with joy and thankfulnesse accept them ; and willingly make knowne , by whom I profit . Which if they doe ; and that they would be pleased so farre to grace mee , is in the chiefe of my desires : I doubt not but St. George will bee againe as high in our opinion , as in the Times before us , most affected to his memorie . This , as I then should happily presume of ; so I despaire not of it now : submitting , as before I sayd , my selfe and my performance , unto all honest , learned , and religious men ; and to them onely . As for the rest , O di profanum vulgus , & arceo . CHAP. I. ( 1 ) Three kindes of Imposture . ( 2 ) The first Author of Scholasticall or fabulous Historie . ( 3 ) The three ages of the Church in these later times . ( 4 ) Iacobus de Voragine , the Author of the Golden Legend : his time and qualitie . ( 5 ) His fiction of St. George's killing of the Dragon . ( 6 ) The remainder of the Legend , continued out of Ovid. ( 7 ) The fable of St. George's Birth in England : ( 8 ) Poetically countenanced by Edm. Spencer . ( 9 ) The Legend of the Dragon , reiected by the learned Romanists . ( 10 ) Defended by Geo. Wicelius . ( 11 ) The Scene thereof removed from Africke , into Asia . ( 1 ) THat excellent though unfortunate Sir FRANCIS BACON , created afterwards Lord Verulam , and Vicount St. Albons ; in his religious Essayes , thus informes us . There are ( saith hee ) three formes of speaking , which are , as it were , the style and phrase of imposture : By the first kind of which , the capacitie and wit of man is ferter'd and intangled ; by the second , it is trained on , and inveigled ; and by the third , astonish'd and inchanted . The first of these , he attributes unto the Schoole-men : the last , to those which trade in mysteries and parables . The second is , of them , who out of the vanity of their wit , ( as Church-Poets ) doe make and devise all varietie of Tales , Stories , and examples ; whereby mens minds may be led into beleefe : from whence grow the Legends , and the infinite and fabulous inventions and dreames of the ancient Hereticks . So that wee see two severall diseases , or corruptions of Storie rather , to proceed from one and the same Fountaine , Vanitie of Wit. though after , they have diverse ends , and different purposes : the purpose of the Legend , being to advance the reputation of the Saint ; the project of the Hereticke , to make the Saint a countenance and Patron to his Cause . With each of these diseases , the Storie of our Saint , and many others also of that glorious Company , are deepely tainted : the Hereticks , inserting such passages into their Histories , as might perswade the world to thinke them of their party ; the others labouring so to describe their lives and passions , as might procure unto their shrines , a greater measure of Devotion and attendance . The one of these , an effect onely of a superstitious Piety , the other a designe of a malicious cunning . ( 2 ) And first beginning with the Legendaries , which of these two Impostors are the last in time , and least in danger ; they tooke beginning from one Peter , sirnamed Comestor : the Author , as his friends doe stile him , and as himselfe inscribe's his worke ; of the Scholasticall Historie . But they which looke upon his Writings with the eye of judgment , and not of blind Affection ; have thought it fitter to bestow upon him that Character , which I haue somewhere read of Herodotus : and to intitle him , Fabulosae Historiae Patrem , the Father and Originall of all those fabulous Tales and Legends , which at this day are so frequent in the Roman Church . Sure I am , that Bellarmine hath given him this Censure , that he inserted into the sacred Stories of the Bible , many things out of vulgar glosses , and prophane Authors ; not rarely mingling with it uncertaine and unprofitable Fables . Scripsit autem ( saith he ) inserens verbis sacris multa ex glossis , & ex prophanis Auctoribus ; & non rarò admiscens incertas Historias . He liv'd and writ about the yeare 1150. which Age , with that that followed , may most deservedly be intituled Fabulous . ( 3 ) For as the learned Varro call'd the first Ages of the world , before the Floud , ( conceive it of Deucalion ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obscure , because of the ignorance thereof ; and those which were before the first Olympiad , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fabulous , because of those so frequent Fables of the Gods and Goddesses , in them delivered ; but those that next succeeded them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Historicall , the writings of it beginning now to be worthy credit : so is it also in these latter Ages of the Church . There was a time , which Bellarmine doth call Infelix seculum , a time of ignorance and darknesse : which lasted from the yeare 900. unto the yeare 1100. or thereabouts . There also was a time , which wee may properly call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of Fabulous ; delighted only in the myracles & apparitions of the Saints ; with other matters of that nature : the fruits of superstitious fancies . And last of all , when learning was reviv'd by Petrarch , and his endeavours seconded by Fl. Blondus , Aeneas Sylvius , Picus Mirandula , and others of that time and Country ; the Church may justly stile her Acts and Monuments , Historicall , and true : the knowledge of the present times , having expell'd the ignorance of the first Ages ; and discovered the fabulous vanities of the other . ( 4 ) Not to search further in this Argument , let it suffice that we have found the first Father of the Legendaries , in the Westerne Churches : nor is it to be doubted , but that he had a fruitfull issue , in an age so prone to Superstition . Of these , the man of greatest Fame , was Iames Archbishop of Genoa , in Italie ; a native of that Country : his surname , De Voragine , so call'd in the opinion of Helvicus , quasi Vorago esset Bibliorum , propter crebras allegationes ; because he was so great a Student in the Holy Scriptures , so frequent in quotations . Philippus Bergomensis , and Possevin since him , will rather have it to bee de Viragine , a litle Village in the territorie of Genoa , the place of his Nativity . Oraeus , in his Nomenclator , placeth him , ad Annum 1278. Helvicus , in the yeere 1280. And Bergo●mensis ten yeeres after , Anno 1290. None of them differing from the truth , though from themselves . The last of these , give 's him the commendation both of Eloquence and Learning : and Vossius makes him , in his worke de Latinis Historicis , to be the first Translatour of the Bible into the Italian language . His workes were many , and of good opinion in the Church : but none of equall credit with the Historie , which he collected of the lives of Saints . Himselfe intituleth it , Historia Lombardica ; call'd by the people , for the excellency thereof , ( as it was then conceiv'd ) the Golden Legend . A booke in the esteeme and judgment of those times , of high desert : how ever now the learned Papists haue rejected it with shame inough . There is ( saith Master Harding in his Detection ) an old Moathe-eaten booke , wherin Saints lives are said to be contein'd ; certaine it is , that among some true stories , are many vaine fables written . And Lud. Vives give 's him this censure for a farewell , that he was homo ferrei oris , plumbei Cordis ; some also adde , Animi certè parùm prudentis & severi ; a man of litlewit , and lesse judgment , a leaden heart , and a brazen forehead . ( 6 ) Of him , and of his Legend , more hereafter : and for the present , let us looke upon him , in his so memorated Storie of St. George , and of th● Dragon . He begins it thus . Georgius Tribunus , genere Cappadox , pervenit quadam vice in Provinciam Lybiae , in civitatem quae dicitur Silena : iuxta quam Civitatens erat stagnum instar Maris , in quo Draco pestifer latitabat ; flatuque suo ad muros civitatis accedens , omnes inficiebat : quapropter compulsi cives duas oves quotidiè ' sibi dabant , ut eius furorem sedarent . Cum ergo iam oves pene deficerent , inito consilio ovem cum adiuncto homine tribuebant . Cum igitur sorte omnium filij & filiae consumpti essent , quadam vice , filia Regis unica sorte est deprehensa , & Draconi adiudicata , &c. Once on a time ( for so wee will begin it ) St. George of Cappadocia , a Colonell or a Tribune of the Soldiers at that time , came to the Country of Lybia , and to the Citie of Sisena , ( A City , as Don Quixote said of his Kingdome errant , that is not to bee found in all the Map. ) Neere to this Towne , there whs a Lake as big as any Sea , God blesse us ; and in that Lake a deadly Dragon , which with his breath did poyson all the Country round about him : and therefore the poore people were compell'd , God helpe em , to give him every day two sheepe , to keepe him quiet . At last , when all their sheepe were spent , alas poore people , they were compell'd to give him every day one sheepe , and one man or one woman with it , to make up the number . And then when almost all their Sonnes and Daughters had beene eaten , at length the cruell and unlucky lot fell upon the Kings Daughter , her Fathers onely Child , and her mothers blessing . It was a sorry house I warrant you , but who could helpe it , the poore Lady was drawne forth into the Fields , and stript of all her gay attire , and bound unto a stake , and ready for the foule Feind that was to eate her . &c. ( 6 ) So farre the Storie , or the Tale rather in the Legend : the rest of it for the more variety , we will make bold to borrow out of Ovids Metamorph . who in his Perseus and Andromeda , hath very perfectly express'd the Progresse of the fiction , so perfectly , that were the names changed , and the occasion altered ; wee might with good reason affirme it for the same , as indeed it is . But thus the Poet : Quam simul ad duras religatam brachia cantes Vidit Abantiades ; nisi quòd levis aura capillos Moverat , & tepido manabant lumina fletu , Marmoreum ratus esset opus , &c. This , and the rest that followes , thus rendred by Sir George Sandys , by whom this Author is translated , even to the wonder and the envie of his Reader . Whom when the Heros saw to hard Rocks chain'd , But that warme tears from charged eye-springs drain'd , And light winds gently fann'd her fluent haire , He would haue thought her Marble . Ere aware He fire attracteth ; and astonisht by Her beauty , had almost forgot to flye . Who lighting said , O fairest of thy kind , More worthy of those bands which Lovers binde , Than these rude gyves ; the Land by thee renown'd Thy name , thy birth declare , and why thus bound . At first the silent Virgin was ●fraid To speake t● a man , and modestly had made A vizard of her hands ; but they were tied : And yet abortiv● teares their Fountaines hide . Still urg'd , lest she should wrong her innocence , As if asham'd to utter her offence ; Her Country she discover's , and her name , Her beauteous mothers confidence and blame , &c. When , as a Gally with fore-fixed prowe Row'd by the sweats of slaves , the Sea doth plowe : Even so the Monster furroweth with his brest The foaming Flood , and to the neere Rocke prest ; Not farther distant than a man might fling , A way-inforcing Bullet from a sling . Forthwith the youthfull issue of rich showers , Earth pushing from him , to the blew skie towre's . And as Iove's bird , when she from high survaie's A Dragon basking in Apollo's Rayes , Descend's vnseene ; and through his necks blew scales ( To shun his deadly teeth ) her talons nailes : So swiftly stoopes high pitch'd Inachides Through singing aire ; then on his backe doth seaze ; And neare his right sinne sheathes his crooked sword Vp to the hilts ; who deeply wounded , roar'd . Now capers in the aire , now dives below The troubled Waves , now turnes upon his foe : Much like a chafed Boare , whom eager hounds Have at a Bay , and terrifie with sounds . He with swift wings his greedy chops avoyde's , Now with his Fawchion wounds his scaly sides . Now his shell-rough-cast backe ; now where the taile Ends in a Fish , or parts expos'd t'assaile . A streame mixt with his bloud the monster flings From his wide throate ; which wets his heavy wings . Nor longer dares the weary Youth relie On their support . He sees a Rocke hard by ; There light 's : and holding by the Rocks extent , His oft-thrust sword into his bowels sent . The shoare rings with th' applause that fils the skie . Then came the aged King and Queene with ioy To greet him Conquerour , whom now they call The Saviour of their house , and of them all . And up the Ladie came freed from her chaines ; The cause , and recompence of all his paines . So farre the storie out of Ovid. The rest that followes in the Legend , is the baptizing of this King , his redeem'd Daughter , and his people : which done , and some instructions left among them , for their better progresse in the faith ; hee commended them to God. ( 7 ) This Fable of the Dragon , as it was very gracious with the people of those times ; so did it quickly spread abroad : and in the close , when others did neglect it , became a principall Pageant in that doughty Historie of the seaven Champions . The Author of which Pamphlet , to the no small advancement , as he takes it , of the English name ; hath made him to be borne of English Parentage , and of the royall bloud . His Father , the Lord Albert , Lord Steward of the Kingdome ; his Mother Daughter to the King ; his birth-place , Coventrey : this last most probable , for like a Coventrey man , hee did his best at first ; in his so dangerous an encounter with a burning Dragon in the Land of Egypt . Mark'd at his birth ( forsooth ) with a red bloody Crosse , on his right hand ; a golden Garter , on his left leg ; and a red Dragon on his brest : but even as soone as borne , conveied from thence by Caleb , an Enchantresse of the Woods , and there I leave him . ( 8 ) To this Relation , of his being borne of English Parentage , our admir'd Spencer , although poëtically , doth seeme to give some countenance : where he brings in his holy Hermite , heavenly Contemplation , thus laying to St. George , the Red-crosse Knight , his Parentage and Country . 65. I wot ( quoth he ) thou spring'st from ancient race Of Saxon Kings , that have with mighty hand , And many bloudy battailes fought in place , High rear'd their royall Throne in Brittaine land ; And vanquish'd them unable to withstand . From thence a Faerie thee unweeting re●t , There as thou stepst in tender swadling band : And her base Elfin brood , there for thee left , Such men doe changelings call , so chang'd by Faeries theft . 66. Thence she thee brought into this Faerie Lond , And in an heaped furrow did thee hide ; Where thee a Ploughman all unweeting fond , As he his toile some teame that way did guide ; And brought thee up in Ploughmans state to bide , Whereof Georgos he thee gave to name : Till prickt with courage , and thy forces pride , To Faery Court thou com'st to seeke for fame ; And prove thy puissant armes , as seemes thee best became . ( 9 ) But to returne againe unto the Legend , according as in those times it was commonly receiv'd ; we have it almost word for word in Antoninus Florentinus . Who though in other of his stories , he is conceiv'd to give too much credit to popular reports : in this particular he hath playd the part of a Relatour onely , not 〈◊〉 approover of the Fable . For in the Close he tels us , that this the Legend of St. George , is reckoned by Gelasius inter apocryphas Scripturas ; For many passages therein which may well be doubted , ut de Dracone interfecto , & filia Regis per eum liberata , &c. as for example , this his encounter with the Dragon . Much also to this purpose Raphael Volaterran , who flourish'd in the time of Pope Iulio the second , ( anno viz. 1506. ) to whom his Worke is dedicated . S. Georgius Martyr , genere Cappadox , Tribunus Militum sub Diocletiano merebat . Draconem maximum in Africa exercitum terrentem , solus Deo ●retus dicitur interemisse : quae tamen Historia in Niceno Concilio , inter Apocrypha est habita . St. George the Martyr , by birth a Cappadocian , was under Diocletian , one of the Tribunes of the Soldiers . It is reported of him , that he kill'd a great and dreadfull Dragon in the Land of Africa : which Storie notwithstanding , is in the Nicene Councell ( he meanes the Canon of Gelasius , made in a Councell of 72. Byshops ) reputed as Apocryphall . Where we may note , that onely his so memorated conflict with the Dragon is exploded , but not his Martyrdome , or being . ( 10 ) Onely Wicelius , of as many as I have seene , endeavours to make good the Tale , by reason . A man of good abilities in Learning , and , as we may conjecture by his writings , no furious Papist : however it hath pleas'd Balaeus , to give him that unworthy ●itle , of Papisticus adulator , a Popish Parasite . He in his Hagiographie or History of the Saints , writtē , as it appeares by his Epistle Ded. in the yeare 1541. doth argue thus . Gentilitas persuasa fabulis poeticis , credidit quicquid fingebatur de tauro Marathronio , & apro Caledonio , belluis terrae exitiosissimis . Verù quando nos omnipotentiae divinae fortitèr gesta omnia religiosè adsoribimus ; nil erit absurdum , Draconem Lybicum abs Deo per dextram Christiani equitu è medio sublatum , ne plus damni inferret miseris mortalibus . The Gentiles ( saith he ) induced thereunto by poëticall fictions onely did willingly beleeve the stories told unto them , of the Caledonian Boare , destroyed by Meleager ; & of the Marathronian Bull , w ch was slain by Hercules . What error is it then , or what absurdity , if we w ch attribute all noble Acts unto the mighty hand of God ; if we ( I say ) beleeve , that God destroyed this Lybian Dragon , by the valor of a Christian Champiō ? So he . His argument , we see ; is drawne à posse Dei , from the power of God , which no man question'd ; and wherein the businesse is mistaken ; the scruple being , not what might possibly be done by God , in the extent of power ; but what was done in truth of Story . Sr. W. Rawleigh , in his most excellent Historie of the World , seeme's somewhat to incline this way , but of him and his conceit , in a place more proper . ( 11 ) Thus have we spoken hitherto , of an African , or Lybian Dragon ; for so it is reported in the Legend , and in those other Authors whose testimonies wee have used : but wee must now remove our Scene , and carry the whole story with us into Asia . How this was done , or by what meanes , I am not able to determine : unlesse perhaps those Spirits , ( for I dare not call thē Angels ) which translated the dwelling house of the blessed Virgin , out of Asia into Eurpe ; to make some satisfaction for that injurie , conveied the storie of this Dragon , out of Africk into Asia . Sure I am , that they of Syria and Palestine , are very confident , that the Dragon was their Country-man ; and that St. George encountred him in the Plaines of Libanus , neere unto Berytus , now Barutti , a chiefe Towne of Syro . Phoenicia . Thus witnesseth Ludov. Patritius , in the first booke of his owne Travels , speaking of this Berytus . Nihil ibi memoratu dignum praeter id quod incolae memorant , locum viz. vetustate exesum , squalentemque ubi autumant D. Georgium Regis filiam ab immanissimo Dracone asseruisse , &c. We found there nothing worthy note , but an old ruinous Chappell , built in the place , where , as they say , St. George redeem'd the Kings Daughter , out of the very jawes of a dreadfull Dragon . So hee : and he begun his journey anno 1504. or thereabouts , during the Raigne of EMANVELL King of Portugall ; to whom , at his returne to Lisbone , hee addressed himselfe . Adrichomius in his Description of the holy Land , anno 1589. goeth more particularly to worke , and makes the place to be , as before wee said , the Feilds of Libanus , betweene the Rivers of Zidon and Adonis . Where in his Map of Aser , we have the pictures of the Dragon and the Knight , in a fearefull skirmish : and in his text he tels us , that the place is by the Natives call'd by the name of Cappadocia ( it being , wee must thinke , the birth-place of S. George's glories : ) and that St. George there kill'd the Dragon . In hoc loco , qui ab incolis Cappadocia appellatur , non longè a Beryto , memorant inclytum Christi militem D. Georgium , Regis filiam , &c. as he there hath it . In memory of which exployt , there was a Castle , & an Oratorie , built after in the same place , being consecrated to Saint George : and the whole Country thereabouts , to this day call'd St. George's Valley . If this suffice not for the removing of it into Asia , we may reade in Mr. Seldens notes on the Poly-Olbion , that hee is pictured in his Knightly forme at Beryth a City of Cyprus ( he means questionlesse of Syria ) with a Dragon under him , and a young Maide kneeling to him . An Argument no doubt , whereby the people make themselves beleeve , that the great Dragon was kill'd within their borders : even as to justifie the Tale of our Sir Bevis , and his Page the Gyant Ascapart ; the people of Southampton , have placed their portraitures upon their gate . But of the Legend , and those unwarrantable Fables thence arising , we have spoke inough . Only me thinkes this their exact and punctuall pointing out the place , of this great duell , brings in my mind , what I have somewhere read of the blind Senatour Montanus . Who beeing once at Supper with the Emperour Tyberius , highly commended the great Mullet , which hee heard say , was set before them on the Table ; and shewed how faire it was , how fat , how it fill'd the Charger , how it lay : and ever as he spake , hee turn'd his face , and pointed with his finger to the higher end of the Table ; whereas indeed , the Mullet was a great deale below him . CHAP. II. ( 1 ) Of Heretickes and their Originall . ( 2 ) Their early pract●ce● to corrupt the Gospell . ( 3 ) Their arts to countenance their cause . 4. Their plots discover'd , and condemn'd ; by Councels , and by Fathers . ( 5 ) The iniurie done by Heretickes , unto the History of St. George . ( 6 ) St. Athanasius accused for Magick by the Arians . ( 7 ) Of Alexandra , Diocletians wife in the Arian Legend . ( 8 ) The indiscretion of some Church-Historians in their choyce of Argument . ( 1 ) I Have now done with the first kind of Imposture , conversant about the Historie and lives of Saints , the last , as before I said , in time , and the least in danger . That onely did intend , to dispose the mind to entertaine ungrounded Fables , doubtfull traditions , and unwarrantable fictions ; whereby it might be rais'd unto a constant liking of those parties , commended to it in those Fables , fictions and traditions . But this that followes , endeavours principally to infect the understanding , and to prepare the will , to countenance that cause which themselves support : infu●ing into every part and Section of their writings , some secret venome , which the unheedfull Reader may swallow unawares . That ( as I said before ) an effect onely of superstitious Piety : but this , a treacherous designe of malicious cunning . A cunning even as old as Heresie it selfe : Heresie I meane as now we take the word , for a malicious and stubborne opposition to the truth , delivered to us in the holy Gospell . I say as now we take the word , for if we take it accordingly as it hath bin used in ancient Authors , we have not onely Heresies in Christianity , but even in Iudaisme , in the Law of Mahomet , & in Philosophy both naturall & morall But take it as it is at this time used , and we referre the first originall thereof , to Simon Magus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first begotten of the Divell , as Ignatius calls him . Out of his mouth came those uncleane and filthy spirits , like to the Frogs in the Apocal. which came out of the mouth of the Dragon , and out of the mouth of the Beast , and out of the mouth of the false Prophets : even the spirits of Divels working myracles . ( 2 ) No sooner came this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this Generation of Vipers forth into the world ; but they presently began to doe the will of him that sent them : making as many as they could , which went upright in the way of Gods Commandements ; at first to halt and stagger betweene two opinions ; and at the last , to forsake the living God , and turne to Baal . The Divell when hee was his owne Agent , in his attempt to seduce our Saviour ; assaulted him with Scripture , saying , It is written : and these his children must needs also have a Scriptum est , the better to set off and relish their temptations . Onely the Divell of the two was the more ingenuous : for hee produc'd the words of Scripture , as they were in the sacred Covenant , though with an ill intention : but these besides an ill intention to seduce , will both corrupt that Scripture which they had amongst them , and devise a new . In their attempts to corrupt the Scripture , they proceeded somewhat leysurely ; yet with more haste , as the saying is , than with good speed : for such a vigilant eye the watchmen of the Church did keepe upon them , that they were instantly discovered . Marcion , as Epp●hanius tells us , had alter'd and perverted some passages of holy Writ ; but all observ'd by that good Father . So had the Arians corrupted in one place the Gospell of St. Iohn , to make it serve their purpose : but this was noted ( as himselfe informes us ) and restor'd by Ambrose . In their designes to devise new Scripture , they began more early , but with like successe : so early and so impudently , that they obtruded their most damnable inventions upon the Church ; during the lives , and some of them , under the names of the Apostles . Of which sort among others , were the Prophecies of Enoch , whereof and of the rest , St. Austin gives this censure : Vnde illaqua sub eius nomine proferuntur &c. rectè à prudentibus iudicantur non ipsius esse credenda ; sicut multa sub nomibus & aliorum Prophet arum , & recentiora sub nominibus Apostolorum , ab haereticis proferuntur , quae omnia sub nomine Apocryphorum , &c. Of this sort also were the Gospels of Bartholmew , and Nicodemus ; the Protoevangelium , attributed to Saint Iames ; the Preaching and Itinerarie of St. Peter , the travailes of St. Paul and Thecla ; with others of that ranke and qualitie : not to say any thing of Barchabas and Barchob , and other Prophets of that nature , added unto the old Testament by the Hereticke Basilides . All these , and their associates of the same making , by the decreetall of Pope Leo , of that name the first , not only forbidden to be read , but sentenced to be abolish'd , and adjudg'd unto the fire . Apocryphae Scripturae quae sub nomine Apostolorum multarum habent seminarium falsitatum , non solùm interdicendae , sed etiam penitus auferendae , atque ignibus tradendae sunt . So he , Can. 15. ( 3 ) Nor were these ancient Heretickes excellent onely in their stratagems to deface and falsifie the ancient writers ; but also in those more neate and subtill projects which they had among them to countenance and enlarge their cause . For certainly we may affirme it of the Heretickes , that as they are the Children of this World ; so they are wiser in their wayes than the Children of Light. A cleare example of which Aphorisme , wee have in those of the Arian Faction , which holding longer , than any other of that dangerous nature in the Church ; could not but be supported with a greater cunning . Of this kind was their accusing of their Contraries of Magicke , and Sabellianisme ; their strict Confederacies and Combinations , to ruine those that held against them ; their artificiall plots to draw on others , to mainteine their partie ; their curious choyce of instruments , whereby to compasse their intents . Thus did they joyne together , in the severall Councels of Antioch and Tyre , to destroy the Orthodox Professours . Thus did they winne upon Constantia ( a woman of no kindred with her name ) by one of speciall sanctitie in the appearance : and by her meanes , prevail'd upon the noble nature of her Brother Constantine . And thus by sending Poast the same engine , which had wrought upon that Lady , to signifie the Emperours death unto the eldest of his Sonnes ; and to deliver him his Fathers Testament , which was committed to their trust : they did not only work upō him to support their cause ; but to stickle in it . So true is that of Canus , ( although it may be truely verified of him and his : ) Haereticorum diligentiam & industriam mirari satis non quco . Omnia quippe illi susque deque miscent , ut viri pictate insignes , praesertim si Reges & Imperatores sint , ipsorum partes f●visse videantur . ( 4 ) But to proceed , what lucke soever the Heretickes of former ages had in their plots and stratagems upon great persons ; they found it otherwise in such other of their courses , as came within the cognisance and censure of the Church . They had as wee have said already , divulg'd their damnable errours , under the Names of the Apostles ; but this discovered , and their writings judg'd unto the fire , by Leo. The Manichees had many Dreames and divelish fancies of their owne , which they imputed also to some one or other of those blessed Spirits : but this detected by S t. Austin . Ipsi antem ( viz. Manichaei ) legunt Scipturas apocryphas , quas etiam incorruptiss●imas esse dicunt , &c. So he , in his discourse against Adimantus . Nor did they onely labour to corrupt the Doctrine of the Church : but the Stories also of those times and of the former , were made to speake such language , as might bee most availeable unto their cause and purpose . And not so only , but by confounding the false Legends of their partizans , with such as had beene Saints indeed : they gave occasion to the Church , that eyther by suppressing of their Stories , the memory of the holy Martyrs might bee ruin'd with them ; or else , out of a pious care to preserve the one , the memory of the other might likewise bee continued ▪ But herein their device miscarried also : the Fathers of the Church , distinguishing as well as possibly they could , the Tares and Wheat ; gathered the one into their Barne , and left the other to the mercy of the flames . Thus the sixt Synode holden in the yeare 680. at Constantinople . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Viz. The holy Synode doth ordeine , that those false Martyrologies which have beene written by the enemies of our Religion , be no more publish'd in the Churches ; but that they be delivered over to the fire , as dangerous writings , which disgrace the Saints of GOD , and leade men over to Infidelitie . And as for those which either entertaine them , or conceive them to be true ; let them be Anthema . So farre the Synod . ( 5 ) We have beene busied all this while , in laying our foundation : It is now time that we proceed unto the building . A matter with the which I could not well goe forward , till I had shewne in generall how diligent the Hereticks of all ages ; and in particular the Arians , have alwayes beene in gaining credit to their cause . Of which a cleerer instance cannot easily bee found , than their depraving of the storie of our blessed Saint , St. George the Martyr : by mingling with it , some passages of speciall note , occurring in the life of an Arian Byshop of that name , their George of Alexandria . A thing that wee affirme not casually and upon conjecture ; but by such Arguments as are well able to evict it . For in a Councell of 72. Byshops held in Rome , under Pope Gelasius ( hee began his Popedome in the yeere 492. ) it was complain'd , that the Acts and Monuments of the holy Martyrs , ●b infidelibus aut dicta superfluè aut minus aptè scripta essent , quàm rei ordo postulat : had beene collected by Infidels or Mis-beleevers , with lesse integritie than so great a businesse did require . And after in particular it was determin'd , that the death and Martyrdome of one Quiriacus and his Mother Iulitta , St. George , and divers others , had beene writ by Hereticks . Quiriaci cuiusdam , & Iulittae Matris eius , Georgij item , aliorumque buiusmodi passiones , ab Haereticis conscriptas perhiberi . Of all which Histories , both of the latter , which particularly are express'd ; and of the others , intimated at large and in generall termes ; it was then resolv'd , that they were not to be read in Churches : Ne vel levius subsannandi occasio oriretur , that so there might be no occasion in the Church of contempt and laughter . ( 6 ) One speciall circumstance which might perswade those Reverend fathers there assembled , to conceive thus of it ; and which may well confirme us in that sentence ; is a great conflict which our Martyr is reported to haue had , in the Arian Legend , with a most notable Conjurer or Magitian . His name was Athanasius ; and his undertaking , this ; according as we have it in Vincentius . Tunc videns Dacianus , quòd eum poenis superare non posset , diu quaesito , & tandem invento cuidam Mago , dixit , Christiani magicis artibus tormenta ludisicant . Respondet Athanasius Magus , si artes eius superare nequivero , reus ero capitis . Educto ergo de carc●re , dedit ei calicem plenum veneno , &c. When after severall torments , which had beene cruelly applyed unto St. George , the President ( or Proconsul ) Dacianus , saw that hee was not able to make him yeeld to his desires ; nor yet deprive him of his life ; he call'd unto him a certain Magitian whose name was Athanasius , and said unto him , that sure the Christians had some arts to delude their torments : who presently replyed ▪ that he would undertake upon the forfeit of his head , to over-match him in his owne cunning . This said , and the blessed man of GOD brought out of Prison , he gave unto him , a Mazer full of deadly poyson : which instantly St. George ( not yet a Martyr ) making the signe of the Crosse upon the Cup , dranke it off without further danger . Vpon a second experiment in this kind , but of a more dispatching mixture ; the fond Magitian gives him over , and is accordingly beheaded . This is in briefe , the substance of the storie in this passage : in which who is so blinde that seeth not , a full description ( though in Cloudes and shadowes according to the use of Heretickes ) of that great tryall which Athanasius had against the Arian George of Alexandria ? For wee are perfectly inform'd by all the Ecclesiasticall Historians of those times , that holy Athanasius Byshop of Alexandria , being by violence degraded from his See ; and George the Arian succeeding in his place : there was a Combination of that partie , to establish the possession of the one , in the death and ruine of the other . For the facilitating of which great designe ; it was resolv'd that Athanasius , in a Councell to bee held at Tyre , should be accused of Sorcerie : as also for the murder of one Arsenius ( whom they had hid out of the way ; ) and for the cutting off his arme , to use it in his Magicall and divelish Incantations . By meanes whereof , ( however it pleas'd GOD that Athanasius did marvailously acquit himselfe of both the crimes : ) I say by meanes whereof , this just and innocent man , hath beene traduced in Heathen writers , for a Magitian , and for a man exceeding skilfull in their Art of Augurie . Dicebatur●n . ( viz. Athanasius ) fatidicarum sortium fidem , quaeve augurales portenderunt alites , scientissimè callens , aliquoties praedixisse futura . So Amm. Marcellinus . ( 7 ) Of the same medley is their Tale of Alexandra , Dioeletians Lady , though in it selfe a litle more perplex'd ; & not so easy to unriddle . The storie is at large reported by Simeon Metaphrastes , towards the end of his Historie of George ; and is this in substance . At such time as St. George had suffered many of their torments , and even wearied his Executioners ; this Lady Alexandra ( like Pilates wife in the holy Gospell ) perswaded with her Husband , not to have any more to doe with that Righteous man. This drew her into suspicion with the jealous Tyrant , as one that favour'd somewhat of Christianity : and thereupon shee was committed . But after , seeing with what a noble constancy , that blessed Saint continued in the profession of his Faith ; she declar'd her selfe a Christian , and was forthwith had out of Prison , to her Execution . Our venerable Bede reflects a little upon this Fable in his Martyrologie , where speaking of our Martyr , he tells us this of him , Plurimos etiam ad fidem Christi convertit , simul & Alexandriam uxorem ipsius Datiani ( for so hee calls him ) usque ad Martyrium confortavit . Nicephorus Callistus , reports this passage differently from those before him ; as viz. that by his earnest prayers to God , he restored the Empresse Alexandra , which had long beene dead , from the powers of Hell and of the grave . Reginamque Alexandram iamdudum defunctam oratione sola ; ab inferis revocavit . What this should aime at , is as before I said , not altogether so easie to unriddle , as the former . I reade indeed , that Alexandria one of the principall Cities of the Roman Empire , and at that time the Queene of Africke , revolted from that State ( prompted unto it by the factious plottes of one Achilles ) at the first entrance of Diocletian on the Throne . For which , as many of the chiefest of them were deservedly put to death ; so was the whole City in no small danger to bee utterly destroyed . So witnesseth Eusebius . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This I have read I say , and this may well agree with Diocletians putting his Lady Alexandra to the sword : but then it hath no reference unto our Martyr , who had not any intercourse with the affaires of that tumultuous City . We therefore must conceive it , that under this Cloud and Parable , the Arians have involv'd the state of Alexandria , under George their Byshop . A City which he found devoted to the memorie of their godly Prelate , Athanasius , and therefore dead to him , and to the Arian party : This City he restor'd ( as they would have us thinke ) unto a right and lively faith ; by his continuall prayers and preaching . A City , which when himselfe was by the fury of the people , ledde unto his death ; he boldly comforted , and establish'd in the grounds of saving knowledge : so farre , that for Religions sake , they were even ready to render up their lives , and to suffer with him . The first of these reflects upon the Fable , as it is related by Nicephorus ; the later , as it is intimated in the words of Bede . As for the execution done upon that Ladie , in the report of Metaphrastes , it hath relation questionlesse , to that great wrath conceiv'd against this Citie by Iulian the Apostata , for their tumultuous killing of their Byshop whom he greatly favour'd . A wrath so deepely rooted , that had hee come with life and honour from his Persian expedition ; hee might perhaps have turn'd his forces upon them . ( 8 ) This I conceive to be the meaning of the Arian Legends in this passage : wherein ( as also in the former ) I could have gladly wish'd , that those who have delivered to us the lives and stories of the Saints ; had sav'd me harmelesse , from the least occasion of conjecture . I meane , if those which have committed unto memory the sacred Monuments of the Christian Church ; had not so mingled truth with falshood , light with darknesse , unwarrantable Tales , with Stories undeniable : and in a word , confounded , as it were into one masse , the Temple of the living God with Idols . It therefore was an excellent caveat of Melchior Canus to his Historian , that he should neyther canvasse over idle Pamphlets , nor give beleefe to old wives Fables : Nec prius lecta auditave describat , quàmea prudenti atque accurato iudicio expenderet ac seligeret ; nor put downe any thing into the body of his History , before he had examined it , whether or no it were agreeable to truth . For the defect of which , both judgment in the choice , and industrie in the examining ; as he doth seeme to touch a little at Beda , in his English Historie , and Gregorie in his Dialogues : so doth hee fall more freely on Vincentius and on Antoninus Florentinus . Vtrumque horum non tam dedisse operam ut res vera● certasque describerent , qu●m ne nihil omnino praeterirent , quod scriptum in schedulis qubuslibet reperiretur . It seemes ( saith he ) to bee the chiefe designe of those two Authors , not so much to register things true and certaine ; as not to leave out any thing which they had seene recorded . As for Iacobus in his Legend , wherein the Arian fable of the Magitian Athanasius , and that old weather-beaten fiction of the Dragon ; are made up together : we may affirme with reason ; that hee concluded with himselfe , to set downe nothing faithfully in the whole Storie of St. George , but his name and Country . CHAP. III. ( 1 ) A proposition of the two contrary opinions . ( 2 ) Calvin the first that ever bid defiance to St. George . ( 3 ) Melanchthon mis-reported by the Papists . ( 4 ) Calvins opinion in it , by whom seconded . ( 5 ) Saint George by whom first made an Arian Byshop . ( 6 ) The principall abettours of this last opinion . ( 7 ) No enemie more dangerous to the Truth , than a great mans errour . ( 8 ) An examination of the Arguments drawne from the Canon of Pope Gelasius . ( 9 ) And the Authority of Cardinall Baronius . ( 1 ) THus have we shewne , how St. George hath suffered even a second Persecution : how he is made a Martyr , not in his person onely , but in his History . Yet all that hath beene spoken of him hitherto , is but an easie Purgatorie ; in reference to that Hell which is to follow . For if the Legend did belye him , it onely was ( as they conceiv'd it ) to his greater credit : or if the Arians mingled any of their leaven with his storie , it was to keepe alive in him the memory of a stout Champion of their owne ; to shrowd him under the protection of our blessed Martyr . But now St. George must eyther poast away unto the Land of Faeries ; and there remaine for ever , with other the Chimaeras of an idle head : or which is worse , be layed for all eternitie in the pit of horrour , with Heretickes and Atheists . The onely favour which this our curious and quicke-sighted age , can possibly vouchsafe him ; is to affirme it by his friends , that he had never any being on the earth ; for if he stand to that , it is concluded by his enemies , that without hope of Bayle ▪ or any mercie of mainprise ; he must be in Hell. Durus est hic sermo . This is a hard saying , who can beare it ? ( 2 ) And first beginning with those enemies of his , which are most favourable to him ; wee find how they resolve it , that there was never any such man , as St. George the Martyr . I say which are most favourable : for as it is farre better to be well , than simply to be ; so is it a more fortunate and blessed state , not to be at all , than to bee alwayes miserable . A founder this opinion had of as large abilities , as ever the French Church enioy'd , since the time it enjoyed him . So saith incomparable Hooker . A man whose bare assertion is by some thought of greater credit than proofes and reason in an other . But we that are not sworne unto him , exempt him not from possibility of errour . This were not to crie downe the pretended priviledge of St. Peters Chaire ; the cause of so much mischiefe in Christian Church : but to translate it to Geneva . Hee in his third booke of the Institutes of Christian Religion , doth justly and with good reason taxe the Papists , for attributing to the Saints those honours , which are due onely unto CHRIST . In which abuse ( saith he ) they have so farre proceeded , that now our Saviours Intercession is conceiv'd unprofitable ; unlesse Hippolitus , or George , or such like counterfeits , concurre with him . Nil eos Christo reliquum facere , qui pro nihilo ducunt eius intercessionem , nisi accedant Georgius , aut Hippolitus , aut similes larvae . So he , and this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great deale of resolution in a litle Language . Now lest we should mistake our selves in this word Larva ; the learned Doctor Raynolds tells us , that his meaning in it is , Georgium similesque nunquam extitisse , that neyther George nor other Saints of that condition , had ever any being . And this construction he affirmes out of Canisius the Iesuite , in his fifth Booke de Maria Virgin. where he upbraids it unto Luther , Calvin , and Melanchthon , that they had left St. George no place nor roome in nature . Certè Canisius Iesuita agnoscit hanc fuisse Calvini mentem , in Larvarum nomine , quum ait , Nobilissimo Martyri Georgio , Lutherus , Calvinus , Melancthon alijque Sectarij , nec inter homines , nec in rerum natura locum reliquum faciunt . So farre the Doctours Commentarie upon Calvins text . ( 3 ) But here I must digresse a litle , to remove a blocke which else would trouble me . For if that Luther and Melancthon , as by Canisius it appeares , and Bellarmine doth also say , were of this opinion : then have wee done them wrong , to cast the honour of their voyage and discoverie , upon another . A thing in which I thinke the Iesu●tes misreport them of set purpose : that so their victory , in case they could obtaine it , might bee thought the greater . In Luther I can meet with nothing in this Argument at all : and in Melancthon as good as nothing to the purpose . All hee affirmes is this , that they ( the Papists ) have in an imitation of the Gentiles , assign'd unto particular Saints , particular imployments : making St. Anne ( she was the Mother of our Ladie ) the Patronesse of Riches , and St. George the GOD of Soldiers . Haeret & hic error apud doctos , ( these are his words ) quòd singulis Sanctis certae procurationes commissae sunt ; ita ut Anna divitias largiatur , Georgius tu●atur equites , &c. Haepersuasiones planè ortae sunt ex ethnicis exemplis . This is all , and this I verily beleeve the learned Papists , will not sticke at : sure I am , the Church of England , no enemie unto St. George , hath said as much , and was never quarell'd for it ; in the most excellent Homily , against the perill of Idolatrie . What ( saith the Homily ) I pray you , be such Saints with us , to whom wee attribute the defence of certaine Countries , but dij tutelares of the Gentiles , &c. Yea every Artificer and Profession hath his speciall Saint , as a particular God : as for example , Schollers have St. Nicholas , and St. Gregorie ; Painters , St. Luke , &c. Neither lacke Soldiers their Mars , and so forth . Thus are the Romanists affected towards Luther and Melancthon ; as old Rome was to Carthage : apt to beleeve what ever gulls were rais'd upon them , though in themselves unworthy credit . Idque magis quia volebant Romani quicquid de Carthaginiensibus diceretur , credere ; quàm quia credenda afferebantur . So the Historian . ( 4 ) But to proceed , the next of speciall note which hath rejected this our Martyr , is Chemnitius ; by birth , a German ; by profession , a Lutheran : who in his examination of the Trent doctrine , ( writ in the yeare 1565. ) and in his scanning of the 25. Session of that Councell , entituled , de veneratione Sanctorum , thus hath it . Quin etiam multos Pontificij Sanctos venerantur , qui nunquam vel vixerunt , vel in rerum natura fuerunt , ut Georgium , &c. viz , that those of Rome doe worship many Saints , which never liv'd upon the Earth ; as George and others . So he , and so Chamier a French man , in his first Tome of Controversies lately publish'd . Who in his Index points us unto his second booke , and sixteenth Chapter , with these words ; Georgius Cappadox fictitius ; St. George of Cappadocia , a fained person . And in his text he tells us , that the Papists have transform'd the faith of CHRIST , into the superstitions of the Gentiles : appointing Catharine , in the roome of Pallas ; St. Christopher , for Atlas ; and St. George , for Perseus . Papistas Christianam pietatem in Ethnicam Idololatriam transformasse , remque ipsam servasse mutatis nominibus : Catharinam viz. pro Pallade , Christophorum pro Atlante , Georgium pro Perseo nominantes . To which three forreigners , we will adjoyne three of our owne ; all of them able men , and of great credit in their severall ages . And first I will begin with Mr. Perkins , who affirmes it thus . St. George on Horsebacke , was in former times a representation of our Saviour , who vanquished the Divell for the deliverie of his Church . Now this , and the like pictures of mysteries , were in processe of time reputed pictures of Saints : and are worshipped at this day of many , as they have formerly beene , for the Images of Saints indeed . To which assertion of our Perkins , it may bee Stephanus alludeth , saying ; Theologi nonnulli existimant fictitium esse nomen ( Georgium ) sub quo veteres Christi , Ecclesiam à Satanae tyranide liberantis , imaginem , & passionis meritum proposuerunt . The next in course of time ( for so I have of purpose rank'd them ) is the Reverend Doctor Boys , late Deane of Canterbury . The Romish Church ( saith he ) hath Canoniz'd many for Saints , who can be no better than Divels , &c. So the Papists adore Papias a Millenarian Hereticke ; Becket , a great traytor ; Sanders , an open Rebell : and others who were neither Saints in Heaven , nor men on earth , as St. Christopher , St. George , &c. And in another place . — For it is doubted , and by Papists of best note , whether there were any St. George , St. Christoper , 5 St. Catharine ; Cardinall Bellarmine confessing , that the Legends of these three Saints are uncertaine and Apocryphall , according to the censure of Pope Gelasius . And last of all , in a Sermon of his on the fifth day of November , — An Idol , as St. Paul affirmes 1. Cor. 8. is nothing : ergo , the Papists in worshipping St. George , which is nothing , cōmit abhominable Idolatry . To make an end , we will conclude and shut up all with that of Dr. Cracanthorpe , in his defence of the Church of England , against the calūnies of that desperate Renegado , M. Antonio de Dominis : who speaking of the grosse and palpable idolatries of Rome , agreeth in this particular , with those that went before him ; though in a different language . Nihil de eo dico , quòd pro Sanctis figmenta saepenumero vestra colitis , & invocatis S. Georgium , S. Christophorum . Mihi vide . Non Sancti , non vel homines isti fuere , sed allegoriae , & symbola . They were not men ( saith he ) but allegories , as it were , and symbols . Which last he labours to confirme , out of the testimonie of Baronius ; where he defends against Iacobus de Voragine , that our St. George , as he is commonly described in picture , is to be counted rather Symbolicall , than Historicall . Picturam illam S. Georgij , qua eques armatus effingitur , &c. symboli potius , quam Historiae alicuius opinor esse expressam imaginem . Thus the Cardinall . ( 5 ) Thus have wee shewed , how , and by whom , St. George , whom for so many Ages the whole Church reckon'd for a Saint : is accounted no body ! And well it were , had not the Church more shamefully deceiv'd her selfe , and hers ; than in the placing of an Idoll in their Rood-lofts , for the people to fall downe and worship . But in the next place , we shall see it layd unto her charge ; that she hath made them worship , not an Idoll , not a vaine fiction ; but even a wicked Tyrant , a most damnable and bloudy Heretique . Calvin at first tooke an occasion to except against St. George : and there was presently inough of those who out of reverend affection which they bare unto the man ; did without more adoe , concurre with him in the same opinion . And so it stood untill the yeere 1596. when Doctor Raynolds published his so learned and celebrated worke , entituled De Idololatria Ecclesiae Romanae . A man , to speake no lesse of him , than in truth and veritie hee hath deserv'd , of rare abilities , a walking Librarie ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the words of Aristotle , and absolutely accomplish'd in all the parts and wayes of learning . This great and famous Scholler , considering with himselfe , how little likelihood there was , that the whole Church should be so generally well devoted unto the memory of one , that had no being ; especially so many Authors , of which his infinite reading could informe him , concurring in the mention and report of such a Martyr : could not see well , how that conceit of Calvins might any longer be supported . Yet loath withall , to loose that excellent advantage , which might accrew unto the maine of his Designe , from that Imposture ; if it should fall out to bee so : hee rather chose to make Saint George an Arian Byshop , in which devise he thought hee should receive good countenance from Antiquitie ; than fall upon the former course , which hee conceiv'd unwarrantable . His reasons are derived first from the reverend authority of Athanasius and Greg. Nazianzen , by whom it is reported , how George by birth a Cappadocian , and an Arian by profession , was by Constantius the Emperour , install'd Byshop of Alexandria : and beeing slaine in a Commotion or uproare of the people , was by some afterwards reputed as a Martyr , though undeservedly ; as it appeares ( saith hee ) in Epiphanius . His words are these . Namque a Athanasius & b Greg. Nazianz. testantur Georgium Cappadocem , hominem improbum , haereticum Arianum , malum genere , peiorem animo , cum militari manu & satellitibus Alexandriam , à Constantio missum pro Episcopo eius urbis se gessisse . c Qui cum ab Ethnicis crudelissimè sub Iuliano Apostata , peremptus esset , cadaverque eius igne crematum , & cineres in mare proiceti , ne honorifice tanquam Martyr a Christianis sepeliretur à nonnullis postea pro Martyre coli coepit , immerito , ut eos redarguens docet d Epiphanius . vertumamen coli coepit . After ( saith he ) his Acts and passion , being compos'd and publish'd by his Sect●ries , found such applause and entert●inment : that the whole Church both E●st and West thus trump'd and baffled by the Hereticks ; assum'd their George into the number of the holy Martyrs . Immò si accuratiùs animadvertatur , &c. patebit universalem Ecclesiam , id est , orientalem & occidentalem , ab Arianis delusam , Georgium Arianum pro Martyre coluisse . For further proofe of this , he tels us of Pasicrates e and Metaphrastes , of f Antoninus , and g Vincentius , that they make mention all of them , of that great skyrmish which our Martyr had with Athanasius a Magitian : and that he is , by them and others , said to be borne in Cappadocia ; h as was also George the Arian . Adde hereunto , that Beda makes him suffer under Dacianus King of Persia , a Prince that had no lesse than seventy Kings at his Command ; and that the Arian Legend cyted in Baronius , doth also report it , save that the under Princes are there numbred to bee seventy fiue : Sed unum est idemque somnium ; but this ( saith he ) is but the selfe-same Dreame , a little altered in the telling . ( 6 ) The way thus opened by a man of that esteeme , as Doctor Reynolds alwayes carried ; and the opinion countenanced by such variety of learning , such multiplicity of allegations : no marvaile , if without further question , it found a willing entertainment : Not at home onely , but in all parts abroad , where the Idolatries of Rome were talk'd of , and disproved . And first , we have Polanus , in his Syntagma Theologicum , printed anno 1606. so well affected in the cause , so well devoted to the judgment of that learned Doctour , that he is loath to change the words : for thus he hath it . Georgius ille Cappadox , quem Romanenses pro Sancto colunt , fuit homo improbus , haereticus Arianus , malus genere , pejor animo , qui cum militari manu & satellitibus Alexandriam à Constantio missus , pro Episcopo cius urbis se gessit . Qui cum ab Ethnicis sub Iuliano Apostata crudelissimè peremptus esset , cadaverque eius igne crematum , & cineres in mare proiecti ; à nonnullis postea pro Martyre coli coepit , sed immeritò : ut eos redarguens docet Epiphanius . This he , and this the very same with that which was before recyted . Which in almost the selfe-same words , was before him repeated by the learned Iunius in his Animadversions on the Cardinall ; publish'd in the yeare 1600. both of them drawing from the same Fountaine . The next in course of time , the Reverend Peter Moulin , late Preacher to the Church in Paris . He in his answer unto Card. Peron , in the defence of our most excellent Soveraigne now with God ; hath one whole Chapter with this title : viz. Quelle asseurance l' eglise Romaine a que les Saincts qu' elle invoque sont vrayement Saincts ; What good assurance those of Rome can have of this , that those Saints which commonly they worship , were Saints indeed . And there we reade it , Combien absurde est la fable de St. George combattant a cheval contre un Dragon ? Chacun scait que les ennemis de St. Athanase l' accusoyent d'estre Magitien , et que son ennemi capital fut George Arien , lequel empiera son seige . Dont appert que ce George estoit un Heretique Arien . How foolish and ridiculous ( saith he ) is that old Fable of St. George on Horsebacke , encountring with the Dragon . Every man knoweth that the enemies of St. Athanasius accused him of Sorcerie and Magicke ; and that his capitall enemie was George the Arian , which intruded himselfe into the Church of Alexandria : whence it is evident , that this their George can be no other , than that Arian Hereticke . The reason is , Car sa vie dit qu' ill a eu des grands combats contre le Magitien Athanase : because his Legend tells us , that hee had many bickerings with the Magitian Athanasius . After him followes Dr. Primrose : who in a Letter to my Lord of Exeter now beeing , and extant in a litle booke entituled the Reconciler , touching the visibility and beeing of the Roman Church ; doth thus expresse himselfe , and in these words . Nay as Calvin said truely , CHRIST , in the Roman Church , is hardly knowne amongst the Saints : of whom some be in Heaven , as the Apostles , &c. and some in Hell , as St. George an Arian Hereticke , and bloudy Butcher of true Christians . So hee : and this is contrary to the proverbe , short and sowre . Wee will conclude this ranke with Dr. Hakewell , in his Examination of the common errour , touching the decay of nature . The first whole Chapter of which worke is employed in this , that there are many of those opinions which are commonly receiv'd both in ordinarie speech , and in the writings of learned men ; which notwithstanding are by others eyther manifestly convinced of falshood , or at least-wise suspected justly of it . And in particular . In Historie Ecclesiasticall ( saith he ) it is commonly received , that St. George was an holy Martyr , and that he conquered the Dragon : whereas Dr. Raynolds proves him to have bin both a wicked man , and an Arian , by the testimonie of Epiphanius , Athanasius , & Greg. Nazianzen . And Baronius himselfe in plaine termes affirmeth , Apparet totam illam de Actis Georgij fabulam , fuisse commentum Arianorum ; It appeares that the whole storie of St. George is nothing else but a forgerie of the Arians . Yet was he receiv'd ( as wee know ) as a canonized Saint through Christendome ; and to be the Patron , both of our nation , and of the most honourable Order of Knighthood in the world . ( 7 ) So farre the Doctour , who in the entrance of his Worke , and almost the first words of it , hath given us an especiall Item out of Plinie : which and the words that follow , I shall here transcribe , that so his owne sword may bee turned against him , and against those also , both of the same and the other partie . Thus hee begins . Nec alius pronior fidei lapsus , quam ubi rei falsae gravis Author exttiit , saith Plinie , Men doe not any where more easily erre , than where they follow a guide , whom they presume they may safely trust . They cannot quickly be perswaded , that he who is in reputation for knowledge and wisedome , and whose Doctrine is admired in weighty matters ; should mistake in points of lesser consequence : the greatest part of the world being fed rather with the names of their Masters , and with the reverend respect they beare their persons or memories ; than with the soundnesse and truth of the things they teach . Wherein that of Vadianus , is , and ever will bee verified , Magnos errores , magnorum virorum autoritate persuasi , transmittimus ; We deliver over , as it were by tradition and from hand to hand , great Errours , being thereunto induced by the authority of great men . So hee ; and certainely there could not any thing be spoken more unto the disadvantage of himselfe , and of all those also which have declared themselves against St. George ; the Leaders of each severall side excepted onely . Calvin , a reverend man , a man whose Doctrine we admire in weightie matters : and shall we thinke he is mistaken in points of lesser consequence ? Reynolds , a learned man , a man in Reputation both for Knowledge and for Wisdome ; and can he also be mistaken ? Nothing lesse . Honesta potius esse vitia , quàm turpem Catonem : We rather must beleeve that truth is falshood , than that such able men , so much advanced in the opinion of the world , should maintaine an Errour . So dangerous a matter is it , for men of great esteeme and credit in the wayes of learning , to maintaine an Errour ; because their affirmavits , are by the greater part of men , receiv'd without examination . ( 8 ) But it is now time , that we returne unto St. George , whom we have left alone to make good his party , against these severall Squadrons : both which already have defied him , and are now very eager for the battaile . And questionlesse , wee might expect a bloudie day , could they agree among themselves : for heere is Ephraim against Manasses , and Manasses against Ephraim ; but both together against Iudah . And though we might according to the ordinary course of Warre , preserve our selves entire , and lye aloofe in expectation of the issue ; while they contend and fight it out among themselves : yet wee will doe our best to give each party satisfaction , though we despaire to make them friends . I say to give each partie satisfaction , which may soone be done : there being but one argument , more than the credit of their Leaders , alleadged on eyther partie . Of these the one is brought on the behalfe of those , which hold St. George to bee a fiction , or non ens ; out of the Canon and Decree of Pope Gelasius : the other , on their side which make our S. an Arian Bishop , out of the writings of the famous Cardinall Baronius . These we will answer first , reserving such as may be urged on the behalfe of Calvin ; and have already beene alleaged by Doctor Reynolds ; to their severall times and places . And first it is alleaged by the late Reverend Doctor B●ys , that Bellarmine confesseth that the Legend of St. George is uncertaine and Apocryphall , according to the censure of Pope Gelasius . In this I will not take upon me to be Bellarmines Attourney . Aetatem habet , hee is old inough : Let him in Gods name be his owne Advocate , and answere for himselfe . A thing to which hee may be easily intreated , and therefore makes reply , that true it is , some of the stories of the Saints are both uncertaine and Apocryphall . What then ? Yet notwithstanding it doth not follow thereupon , that therefore there were no such Saints . Resp. Sanctorum quorundam historias Apocryphas esse , & incertas ; non tamen propterea Sanctos ipsos nunquam fuisse . As for the censure of Pope Gelasius , we grant indeed ( saith hee ) that he hath noted , the storie of St. George which was then extant , to bee Apocryphall : but wee must also tell you , that in the very same Decree and Canon , hee doth afford Saint George all due and pious honours . Quocirca Gelasins Pontifex Historiam Georgij ( quae tune exstabat ) inter Apocryphas numerat ; & tamen ipsum S. Georgium colendum esse affirmat . So Bellarmine : and how this testimonie of his , out of the Canon of Gelasius , may be produced to the discredit of Saint George ; is , I confesse , above my reason . But of Gelasius , and his Canon , more hereafter ; when we produce them on our party . ( 9 ) The other argument , is on their part , who make St. George an Arian Byshop ; drawne from Baronius , in his Annotations on the Roman Martyrologie , Apr. 23. And I may well say it is drawne from him , for even a blinde man may perceive , that it came not from him willingly , no nor naturally neyther . Baronius himselfe ( saith Doctor Hakewell ) in plaine tearmes affirmeth , Apparet totam illam de Actis Georgij fabulam fuisse commentum Arianorum , It appeares that the whole storie of George , is nothing else but a forgerie of the Arians . What then ? Might not Baronius himselfe be deceiv'd ? And shall wee cast away a Saint to please a Cardinall ? For granting that Baronius himselfe said it , yet was it onely the opinion of Baronius ; and other men , as good as he , have said the contrary . But certainly Baronius himselfe tells us no such matter : I am sure hee meanes it not . Not meanes it I am sure : for had he thought the whole storie of St. George , onely to be a forgerie of the Arians ; he would not then have tooke such paines , to reckon up so many Authors ( as he there doth ) in whom there is such honourable mention made of our blessed Martyr : Nor doth Baronius himselfe say so , absolutely , and with relation to the whole storie of Saint George : but onely relatively , in reference to one particular passage , inserted by the Arians into his Historie . The processe of the whole is this . The Cardinall makes mention of the Decree & Canon of Gelasius , wherein the Historie of George the Martyr is r●ckoned as Apocryphall : and thereupon goeth on to tell us , what paines himselfe had taked in search of that exploded storie so branded by Gelasius . At last ( saith he ) tumbling about the Vatican , I found a certaine Historie of St. George full of prodigious lyes , and such as have not any likelinesse with other myracles . Insunt praeterea illic quaedam accepta ab haereticis atque Gentilibus ; ut conflictus ille Georgij cum Athanasio Mago . Alludit nimirum impius author ad Georgium Arianum Episcopum invasorem sedis Alexandriae , &c. Athanasium enim Magum ab Arianis appellatum , Acta conciliabuli Tyrij satis docent . Besides ( saith hee ) there are some passages therein , borrowed no question from the Hereticks , as how that George should have great bickerings with the Magitian Athanasius : the impious Author questionlesse alluding unto George of Alexandria , and that extreame hatred which he bare to holy Athanasius ; whom in the Conventicle of Tyre , they accused of Sorcery . Thereupon hee inferres , ex quibus sanè apparet totam illam fabulam de actis Georgij fuisse commentum Arianorum . Construe me this , and we shall finde Baronius himselfe no enemie unto St. George ; but onely to the Arian Legend , which was extant of him . Thus have wee seene how much Baronius himselfe hath affirm'd ; though not in such plaine termes , as we expected : what Dr. Reynolds proves we shall see hereafter . CHAP. IIII. ( 1 ) A Coniecture at those reasons which may make the History of St. George suspected . ( 2 ) The Church of Rome too prodigall , in the bestowing Divine honours . ( 3 ) False Saints no preiudice vnto the true . ( 4 ) The lives of Saints , how fabulously and vainely written . ( 5 ) What might induce the Church-Historians , to that veine of writing . ( 6 ) The vndertaking of Aloysius Lippomanus : and how well performed . ( 7 ) The inter-mixture of vaine Fables , no preiudice to truth of Story . ( 8 ) Of Arthur , Guy of Warwicke , and Sir Bevis . ( 9 ) Haereticall dreames and practices , not able to beare downe the Truth . ( 10 ) An application of the whole vnto St. George . ( 1 ) THus are wee come at last to the maine shocke and furie of the battaile : wherein if our successe bee answerable to the beginnings , wee need not doubt , but that St George may keepe his place in the heaven of glories . A matter which I have lesse cause to feare , because I finde not heere , in the first place , eyther authorities or reasons , set to charge upon mee . Onely a single name , and a bare assertion , stand ready to defend it selfe , and make good the day : as Scaeva once opposed himselfe in the defence of Caesars trenches , against the whole force of the Pompeians . A name , I must confesse , which I gladly honour : and doubt not but there was , as hee conceived it , reason inough to justifie and confirme his saying ; although hee pleased not to expresse it . Yet give me leave to say , that it is Reason and Proofe chiefly , which ennobleth and commends an Author : and not the greatnesse of his Name , or confidence of affirmation . Et quanquam in autore satis rationis est , ratio tamen quemlibet magnum autorem facit ; as wee reade it in Velleius . I say , I doubt not , but that Reverend and famous man who first declar'd himselfe openly , and in tearmes expresse , against our blessed Saint and Martyr : did not oppose himselfe against an Historie so generally receiv'd , as this ; without some reasons , which might incline and moove him to it . Which reasons since it hath not pleased him to deliver to us in his writings : wee will make bold , as neere as possibly we can ; to conjecture at them . A worke of no great difficultie unto any , who hath the least acquaintance with the affaires and passages of the Roman Church , as they then stood ; when first the Storie of St. George was call'd in question . I conceive it thus . The Romish Legends , and not those onely , but even the publicke service of that Church , had made St. George , just like to Perseus in the Poët , in killing of a monstrous Dragon ; and freeing of a Lady , sole Daughter to a King , from his unmercifull crueltie . Those stories also , which reported of his Death and Martyrdome , had in them ( as it might be thought ) many grosse and notable absurdities : as that hee suffred under I know not what Dacianus , King of Persia , a Monarch that had under him no lesse than 70. tributarie Princes , though others have it , under the Emperour Diocletian , this Dacianus being then President , or ( as it were ) Proconsul . Now being so that they agreed not with themselves ; and that there never was , at or about that time , a King of Persia of that name , and greatnesse of command ; nor any such like action to bee found in true antiquitie , as his encounter with the Dragon : This might occasion , and not without good reason , that the whole Historie became suspected ; and therefore that S. George might fairely be dismissed out of the Calendar . Adde unto this , that shamefull libertie which the Man of Rome had tooke unto himselfe , of Canonizing Saints , and ordering the dignities and powers of Heaven ; and that profuse and lavish prodigalitie , wherewith hee did conferre the divinest honours on unworthy persons , and sometimes such as had no beeing : and wee shall quickly see , that Calvin had some reason , why hee reputed our St. George among his Counterfeits or Larva's ; though , as before I said , it did not please him to expresse it . These are , as I conceive it , the reasons of especiall moment : and these we can as easily conjure downe , as we rais'd them up . ( 2 ) And first , not to say any thing of that arrogant libertie assum'd by them of Rome , in making Saints ; nor of those many Ceremonies , which they use in that solemnitie ; both of them borrowed from that so famous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of heathen Rome , whereby their Emperours were inroll'd among their Gods : not to say any thing of these , it is not to bee question'd , but that the Church of Rome hath beene exceeding prodigall of that greatest and most heavenly honour . Wee ( know indeed ) that innocent and pious Christianity in the first times , registred those as Saints , and those onely , which had confessed their Faith in CHRIST , even to the death ; and lost their Lives in testimony of a good Conscience : or else had otherwise nobly deserv'd of their common Mother , by their paines in writing , or assiduitie in Preaching ; in the defence of Sacred truth against the growth of Heresie . But afterwards the Church of Rome , advanced into the roome of Christ ; and equall in her owne conceit , unto all that was called God , if not above : proclaim'd them also to bee Saints , which had contested in her quarrels , how unjust and treacherous soever . So that the most rebellious sort of Subjects , became at last most capable of this high Honour ; the greatest which that Church could possibly usurpe : if at the least , their opposition which they made against their Prince , might seeme to tend to the advancement of Ecclesiasticall liberty . Of which strange ranke of Saints , ( not to name Anselme , Dunstan , or the rest before them ) was that stout Rebell Becket , in the former times : Clement , that kill'd the King of France , and Garnet of the Powder-plot ; both Sainted , though not solemnely , in the present . Nor was the Church of Rome excessive onely in this kinde , to such as might pleade merit in the Catholicke cause , forsooth : but euen to those , of whose existence any time upon the earth , there is not any the least ground or possibility . Witnesse St. Longesse or Longinus , the name ( as they perswade us ) of that Soldier , that pierced our Saviours side : which is indeed not any thing but a very Speare , ( in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) composed into a name . And next to him , St. Loy , the Patron , if you please , of Cattaile ; which is indeed , onely two nayles , ( the name derived from the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) two of those nayles conceiv'd to have beene used about our Saviours crucifying . ( 3 ) All this we grant , and this is nothing to the prejudice of our St. George . The Popes have beene too prodigall in bestowing that divine and heavenly title . What then ? Therefore shall they which were exalted to that honour , in the common suffrage of the Church , before the Popes usurped this power ; bee presently degraded ? This were no equitie . Farre be it from us to doe after this manner , to slay the righteous with the wicked : and that the righteous should be as the wicked , that be ( I say ) farre from us . This was the Argument of Abraham in the behalfe of those few good and godly men which were in Sodom : and such an argument it was , that God Almighty ( could not , I will not say , but sure I am he ) did not answere ; but by yeeelding to it . Hector Boetius , and the Author of the Brittish Historie , have made a Catalogue of divers Kings , which I perswade my selfe had never any beeing , unlesse in their conceits that made them : and yet it cannot be denyed , but there are many passages in both those stories worthy credit ; and many Kings , whose acts and beings are not question'd . It was an Heavenly Iustice in Almighty God , not to destroy the righteous with the wicked : but to be willing to reprieve that great and populous City of Sodom , from destruction ; for the sake onely of ten just and vertuous persons . How unjust therefore were our judgment , onely because of some few Larva's , counterfeit Saints , as we may call them : to prejudice so many of the true and reall , as curiosity or spleene may call in question . ( 4 ) A second circumstance which makes the storie of St George suspected , is , that his life hath in it many vaine and grosse absurdities ; and some such actions father'd on him , as might farre better in appearance , sort with a Saint in Ovid , than in the credit and beleefe of holy Church . An accusation , which we will not plead to , unlesse in saying guiltie ; nor will the learned Papists traverse the enditement : So that wee have on all parts , confitentem reum , a plaine confession of the fact . The learned and judicious Vives plainely tels us , with what great griefe and sorrow hee did commonly complaine unto himselfe ; when he considered with what care and faithfulnesse the acts of Hanibal and Alexander were committed to posterity . At verò Apostolorum , Martyrum , denique Divorum nostrae religionis , maximis tenebris fere ignorari : When in the meane time , the Acts of the Apostles ( understand those written by Abdias Babylonius , ) those also of the Martyrs , and other Saints acknowledg'd in the Christian Church , were even quite lost amidst the darke and cloudy fogs of ignorant Superstition . Much also to this purpose the Complaint of Melchior Canus ; an honest man as I conjecture , if ever any was of the Dominicks Order . Dolenter hoe dico , multo severius à Laertio vitas Philosophorum Scriptas , quàm à Christianis vitas Sanctorum ; longeque in corruptius & integrius Sueto nium res Caesarum exposuisse , quam exposuerint Catholici , non res dico Imperatorum , sed Martyrum , Virginum , & Confessorum . I speake it to my griefe ( saith he ) that the Philosophers have had their lives more perfectly digested by Laertius ; than the Saints theirs , by Christians : and that Suetonius hath recorded the lives and actions of the Caesars , with more integritie ; than wee have put in writing , I say not those of Princes , but even of Martyrs , Confessours , a●d sacred Virgins . Nor doth he stop here , but tells us presently of those fabulous and idle writers ; Ecclesiae Christi cùm nihil vtilitatis attulisse , tum incommodationis plurimum : That they not onely brought no profit to the Church ; but a full measure of discredit . A thing which might be easily exemplified in their St. Christopher , St. Dennis , Hippolitus the Martyr whom before we spoke of ; and in whom not , that ever fell into the hands of any of the Legends : but what need further proofe when we have confession ? ( 5 ) Three things there were , which might induce the writers of these darke and superstitious times , to prosecute this veine of writing : not to say any thing of that which is objected commonly , viz. that they intended onely , aut quaestum , aut errorē , eyther their owne profit , or the peoples ignorance . Of these , the first might be a purpose , pious in the opinion of that age , by setting out the Histories of the Saints , with fained myracles , and wonders which they never did : to gaine unto their shrines more multitudes of people , and a greater credit , and perhaps a noble emulation . And this in imitation of those ancient Heroes among the Gentiles , who therefore did derive their pedigree from Heaven , that so they might more constantly bee prompted to Heroicke undertakings . Vt eo modus animus humanus veluti divinae stirpis fiduciam gerens , res magnas aggrediendas praesumat audacius , &c. As St. Austin hath it out of Varro . Posses'd with which conceit , they so composed the lives and actions of the Saints , as Xenophon his Cyrus , or as Virgil his Aeneas ; though somewhat more incongruously : not so much writing what they did ; as what they thought most proper for such Saints to doe , and what they wish'd were done . Nam quae de Sanctis Scripta sunt , praeter pauca quaedam , multis foedat a sunt commentis , dum qui scribit affectui suo indulget ; & non quae egit Divus , sed quae ille egisse eum vellet , exponit , &c , So Vives in the place before alleaged . The second was a kinde of indiscretion in the choyce of argument ; while such as onely medled in the Histories of the Church , chose rather to collect together , what ever fables or prodigious Acts had beene reported : than that they would be thought to leave out any thing , which they had met with in discourse or reading . This we haue touch'd at once already ; nor will I more insist upon it , than in relating that of Canus : viz. Gravissimos aliquando viros , praesertim in prodigijs describendis sparsos rumores excepisse , & scriptis etiam ad posteros retulisse . The last might be a purpose , to relate such passages , with which they saw the common people well affected ; and which had found already some good acceptance with the Vulgar : who for the most part are delighted with strange reports , and matters above ordinary apprehension . Signa itaque nonnulla & prodigia Sancti quoque memoriae prodiderunt , non quò ea libonter credidissent , sed ne deesse fidelium votis viderentur . And in the words immediately before , Quod vulgus sentiebant non tantum ea facile miracula credere , sed & impense flagitare . So that we may affirme it well of those Church-Historians , ( Church-Poets , as my Lord of St. Albons rightly call'd them ) what the Commedian tells us in his Prologue , of himselfe . Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit Id sibi negotij credidit solum dari ; Populo ut placerent , quas fecisset fabulas . Thus Poets when they first their minds applie , In loo●er verse to frame a Comedie . Thinke there is nothing more for them to doe , Than please the people which they speak unto . There is another reason , which perhaps might well be added ; which is , these large and eloquent Orations made in the annuall commemoration of the Saints departed : whereby their Acts and vertues were set forth by all the strength of Oratory . This Livie makes to bee a cause , why the precedent acts of the noblest Romans came so corrupted to his hands : and this wee may apply in our present argument . Vitiatam memoriam funebribus laudibus reor , falsisque imaginum titulis ; dum familia ad sequaeque famam rerum gestarum , honorumque , fallente mendacio trahunt . Where wee may note , that one occasion also was , false images , or rather false inscriptions on their Images : the flattering deceits of Pictures and the Carver : Inde certè singulorum gesta , & publica monumenta rerum confusa , nec quisquam aequalis temporibus illis scriptor , quo satis certo autore stetur . So the Historian . ( 6 ) To remedy this mischiefe , in which the Church and Saints had so long suffered ; it was given out , by Aloysius Lippomanus then Byshop of Verona , that he would undertake the lives and stories of the Saints ; and write them so , as both the Church and they might be free from scandall . This Canus tels us , was exceeding hotly talked of at the Trent Councell : but withall hee tells us this , Sed hanc m●hi adhuc videre non licuit , That it never was his lucke to see it . Had hee beene yet alive ; he might perchance have seene what Lippomanus hath perform'd : but how farre short of his owne boasts , and the great expectation of the world ; is easie to be seene by any of his readers . He hath indeed done somewhat in it ; and Bellarmine his friend , ( who stiles him vir gravissimus , a Reverend man ) affirmes that hee hath done it ex probatis aut horibus , out of approoved and trusty Authors . But certainely Chemnitius hath more neerely hit the marke than any other : by whom we are informed , that all whjch had beene done by Lippomanus in this argument , was but the publishing of the former Fables of the Legend , under the names of ancient writers ; bestowing on them onely a new dresse , and a fairer Title-Page . Cumque aureae quondam Lombardica historiae fabellae , toti jam mundo foeleant ; novo artificio sub praetextu quasi veterum & Graecorum , eadem fabula à Lippomano & Surio ( this Surius hath scarce done any thing but better'd Lippomanus in his method ) quam antea propter actores explosam putant , rursus in theatrum adfertur . So he ; nor could the truth it selfe have spoke more truely . ( 7 ) By this wee may perceive , how great a roome uncertaine , and sometimes profane relations , have taken up in Ecclesiasticall History : that part thereof especially which treateth of the Lives and Acts of Saints and Martyrs . A thing which might the more be wondered at , if the affaires of State , and secular occurrences , had not a litle also of the same leaven , moulded with thē . Livie assures us , that the affaires of Italie , before the walles of Rome were layed , Poeticis magis decora fabulis , quam incorruptis rerum gestarum monumentis tradebantur ; Were more set out by fabulous traditions , than any warrantable evidence of truth . Gellius is bold to give Herodotus , whom Tully calls Historiae Patrem , the stile of Fabler , ( Fabulator ) : Fl. Vopiscus more tartly , as more generally , neminem Historicorum non aliquid mentitum esse ; that there was never any Historie without some falshoods . What then ? Is therefore all false which we find in Dionysius of the Kings of Alba ? Or shall we thinke that Xerxes , and the other Persian Kings never made any expedition into Greece ? Or that no credit may bee given unto profane and civill stories ? This were a course , not onely to make question of the times before us , whether that we had Grandfathers or not , or any Ancestours : but also to instruct posterity to make like doubts of us , and of those publike actions which are now uppon the stage . Aeneas is not therefore to bee thought a Knight of Faery Land , the issue of an idle braine , a fiction or Non ens ; because the Poëts hath express'd him , with some additions more than reall . Nor may we thinke , that there was never such a Towne or Seige as that of Troy ; no Priamus , no Agamemnon , no Achilles : because the Father of the Muses , Homer , hath made more of it in his most accomplisht Poëm ; than may perhaps agree in all the parts and members of it , with the truth of story . It is reported by St. Gregory of Tours , that Dionysius , Byshop of the Parisians , the now St. Denis of the Frenchmen , as I take it , did suffer Martyrdome under Decius : B. Dionysius Parisiorum Episcopus , diversis pro Christi nomine affectus poenis , praesentem vitam gladio imminente finivit ; as hee there hath it . This I perswade my selfe we may beleeve without much danger , although we give at all no further credit to the Legend : where wee are told how farre he ran after his Execution , having his head betweene his hands . And we may well beleeve that Simon Eyre was Major of London ; that Crispin and his brother Crispianus were both Martyrs , which is true in storie : although we credit not those things which are reported of them , to the honour of the Gentle-craft forsooth , in idle Pamplets . But what neede more bee said ? He that condemnes the Histories and lives of Saints , because of some untruthes which are extant in them : may by the same reason , call in question all antiquitie ; and make some scruple , whether or not ; there ever was a time call'd Yesterday . Denomination according to the rules of Logicke , takes after the more sound and excellent parts , of the thing to be denominated : and therefore we should rather judge those stories to bee true , because of many certaine truthes ; than reckon them as false , because of some suspected falshoods , which are noted in them . ( 8 ) For proofe of which , and that the intermixture of vaine fables ought not to bee a prejudice to the truth of storie ; we cannot meet with more faire instances , than here at home . Polydore tells us , that the British Bards and Chroniclers had made their Arthur , not much unlike Orlando , one of the twelue Peeres so much talk'd of : the stories of them both , equally fabulous and foolish . De hoc ( Arthuro ) propter ingentes pariter corporis vires , atque animi virtutes , posteritas ea ferme praedicavit , quae de Rolando memoriâ nostrâ apud Italos decantantur . And to that purpose Malmesbury , Hic ille est Arthurus de quo Britonum nugae hodicque delirant . Caxton hath made a volume of his noble Acts , and of the Acts of his so memorated Knights of the Round Table ; collected out of all the vaine reports which the world made of him . And in the Spanish Romances it is delivered , that after his great battaile fought with Mordred , he was turned into a Crow , and that hee is expected daily by his people : and that for this cause England is so full of Crowes ; it beeing of a truth ( say they ) that since that time no Englishmen durst ever kill them . What then ? Shall wee conclude that therefore there is nothing true of Arthur ; that therefore there was no such man ? This were to vilifie the credit of our best Historians , who tell us of twelve notable and famous overthrowes which he gave the Saxons . This were to frustrate altogether that ample testimonie given of him by the Monke of Malmesbury aforesaid ; who calls him the support and stay of his expiring Nation . Dignus plane ( saith he ) quem non fallaces sominarent fabulae , sed veraces praedicarent historiae : quippe qui labantem patriam diu sustinuerit , infractasque civium mentes ad bellum acuerit . The like may also be affirmed of Sr. Guy of Warwick , whō in our English Pamphlets we have made enamoured of a faire Ladie named Phillis , for love of whō , ( or rather upon whose displeasure ) he became a Kt. adventurer ; famous in forreine Countries for his brave exployts against the enemies of our Religion : not to say any thing of the Dun-Cow of Dunsmor●-heath ; and others of that nature . And yet for certaine , such a man as Guy there was , a noble Champion of the English , against their enemies the Danes : and of eternall memorie for his fight and vanquishment of the Gyant Colebrond . This Camden testifies , and with him others of our Antiquaries ; no friends to fond traditions and ungrounded Fables . Thus have they also dealt with Beavoyse Earle of Southampton at the comming in of the Normans . Vir bellica laude florentissimus , as Camden calls him , A man of rare abilities in the arts of warre ; and one that gave the Normans a great overthrow in the batta●le of Cardiffe , anno 1070. Yet looke upon him in those idle Rhythmes which are extant of him , his many victories upon the Saracens ; his prosperous loves with the Lady Iosian the Soldans Daughter ; his fight with Ascapart , and entertaining of him for his Page ; his good Horse Arundell , from whence the ancient Castle of that name , must neede be call'd so ; and other such like follies : and then what shall we find in the whole storie but infinite absurdities ? So true is that of Camden , Dum Monachi fabellis fictis , & commentitijs , [ Beavo●ium hunc ] sudarunt celebrare , fortissima eius facta crassis occultarunt tenebris . And to this purpose Milles , in the Catalogue of Honour . This is that Beavoys of Southampton , whose valour was so great , that the Monks thought they could not extoll him sufficiently unlesse they besmeared his praises with fictions and Fables . ( 9 ) As litle able are the vaine dreames and practises of Heretickes to beare downe the truth ; as are the fictions of the Legendaries , or such traditions as have found acceptance with the vulgar . It is conceived that Peters travailes , or the Itinerarium Petri ascribed to Clement , was composed by Heretickes : certaine it is , that it is branded in Gelasius Canon , for Apocryphall . Yet questionlesse this were an Argument not worthy any answere , but contempt and laughter ; should any hence inferre , that therefore St. Peter never cross'd any Seas , or made any journeys , for the inlargement of the Faith. Pope Leo , the first and best of that roaring name , was by the Arians said to favour their opinions ; and in the golden Legend it is reported of him , that indeed he was inclined , at least , unto that partie : but I should reckon him of more Faith , than Charitie , that would beleeve it on such weake and faultie grounds . In like manner . The Fathers of the sixt Councell of Carthage , among whom was Saint Austin , found by much industrie and search , that they of Rome , for the advancement of their pride and affected tyranny , had falsifyed the Canons of the great Councell held at Nice . Should therefore they have publikely abjur'd that famous Councell ? Or judge the whole Hereticall , because one passage of it was corrupted ? This had beene such a manner of proceeding , as might have made those Reverend Fathers , for ever odious ; and their memories condemned in all publike monuments . They therefore made enquirie at Alexandria , and Constantinople , for the true Canons of that Councell : and having found them out , without impeaching in the least manner , the honor of that famous Synod ; return'd such answer to the Pope , as his fact deserved . This also ought to bee our method in the examining of Stories ; not to suspect , and much lesse to condemne the whole , because of some one part corrupted and unsavorie : but rather to cut off the part infected , and to cast it from us , ne pars sincera trahatur ; that so it be no prejudice or danger to the rest of it , which continueth sound . So shall wee perfectly make good that saying of St. Paul commended to us in this present businesse by Gelasius : viz. Omnia probate , &c. Try all things , but hold fast that onely which is good . ( 10 ) To draw unto an end , and to apply this whole discourse unto the present argument ; wee conclude it thus . Wee grant St. Longesse and St. Loy to bee false , and counterfeit , ( not to say any thing of those , who are suspected onely , but not so well convicted of the like intrusion : ) and that the Pope hath beene too prodig●ll of those Celestiall honours , of which hee hath usurped a disposing power . But this , as I conceive it , no prejudice unto St George , who was acknowledg'd for a Saint before the Popes usurped that lawlesse power of doing any thing in Heaven : before those Counterfeits had any place , in the common Calendar . Wee grant that many of the lives of Saints , are fabulously and vainely written ; and that scarce any of that sacred company hath suffered more extreamely in the ordinary Legends , than our blessed Martyr . But yet wee cannot yeild , that therefore there was no such man , because his Actes are misreported . Were this an argument of force , wee must not onely empty Heaven of many of its Saints : but must correct our Chronicles , and raze out many of those famous Princes , which are mentioned in them . How much more equall is the resolution of Du Moulin , touching St. Francis of Assise , in Italie , the Founder of the Friers-Minors , called vulgarly Franciscans : which is , that hee doth verily beleeve that such a man there was , though in his Legend many things are attributed to him , voyd of sense . Nous ne doutoùs point , que Francoys d' Assise , inventeur et patron de l'ordre des Cordeliers , ( so the French call them ) n' ait es●é . Mais sa Legende , et les Chroniques de St. Francoys , lui attribuent mille actions destitues de sens commun . So hee , and these his words are next in order unto those , where hee accuseth our St , George of Arianisme : from which , by this his owne rule and ( so soone did he forget himselfe ) we may most easily acquite him . And last of all , wee grant that many of the lives of Saints have beene abused by Heretickes ; and that St. George hath suffered from them in his Historie , as much as any : but yet we must not yeild , that therefore that is onely true , which Heretickes have trifled of him . It is confessed by Doctor Reynolds , one of the greatest adversaries of St. George , that many of the Saints had beene thus injured ; and that Gelasius therefore might more easily bee couzened , in giving credit to the Storie of this our Martyr . At verò progressu temporis passio Georgij à sectatoribus eius composita , multos sic fefellit , vt Gelasius etiam , tametsi fraudem hanc olfaceret , ipsum putaret nihil ominus sanctum fuisse Martyrem : nec sine probabili ratione , quandoquidem aliorum qui veri Sancti extitissent , passiones , similem in modum ab haereticis mendaciter scriptae essent . If so , then eyther was Gelasius a very dunce , that could not see so farre into the couzinage of his owne times , as Doctor Reynolds : or else St. George was most unluckie , to have his Storie onely question'd ; and all the rest , no lesse suspected , passe for currant . CHAP. V. ( 1 ) Vndoubted Truths the ground of fabulous reports . ( 2 ) The priviledge of two French Churches , and the Fables thence arising . ( 3 ) The Barons case of Gascoyne . ( 4 ) St. Georges killing of the Dragon , how farre it may bee iustified . ( 5 ) The Portraiture of Constantine . ( 6 ) The Order of the Dragon , and of St. Michael . ( 7 ) St. George how pictured commonly : and what it signifieth . ( 8 ) The memorable storie of St. Georges Horse . ( 9 ) The picture of St. George , how made a Fable : and by whom . ( 10 ) The entertainment of it in the Church of Rome . ( 11 ) The Reformation of the Missall . ( 12 ) A finall answere to all those on the part of Calvin . ( 1 ) THus haue we made reply to such generall arguments , as might bee urged on the behalfe of Calvin , against the Story of St. George : as namely , the vaine and fabulous tales which are frequent of him , and extant in his Legend ; the dreames , and practises of heriticks , by which the lives of Saints haue beene corrupted ; and that unlawfull power which they of Rome haue so abused , in filling of the Calendar , with wicked men , and fained persons . We next descend to that particular exception , which is made against him ; viz. That so much celebrated act of his encounter with the Dragon : which being not uppon record in true antiquitie , hath made some thinke , that Perseus in the Poet hath onely chang'd his name ; and by the change , possess'd a place among the Saints . To this , wee have already answered in the generall : and in particular , reply ; That true indeed it is , no such exploit of his , and the encounter with the Dragon , is to bee found in true antiquitie . Yet wee must say withall , that true antiquitie doth give us such a ground of this report : as may perhaps a little qualifie the boldnesse of the Legendarie , though not quite excuse it . The tale of Perseus , hath some good ground in truth of Storie ; although expressed Poetically , and with liberall additions : so also hath the Fable of Medusa , and her inchanting haires ; than which almost nothing lesse probable . What fiction more unlikely than the tale of Phaëton ; and that great conflagration of the world by his presumptuous undertaking of his fathers Chariot ? Yet Bergomensis & other Authors of good credit doe report ; That under an Egyptian King so called , a great part of the world was destroyed by Fire , and such a generall heate and drowth uppon the rest , Vt neque quas posset terris inducere , nubes , Tunc habuit ; nec quos , coelo dimitteret imbres . That Iove for wasted clouds did seeke in vaine , To shade , or coole the scorched earth with raine . In like manner , as dealt the ancient Poets with such passages of Storie , as were most serviceable to their purpose : So dealt the Legendaries , which are Church-Poets , with the lives and historie of the Saints . Some thing there was which they had heard of , which might occasion them to ramble from the truth ; and please themselves in their owne inventions : wherein as commonly the people reported fabulously of true matters ; so they , the Legendaries , extoll'd those fables , as a truth . ( 2 ) Two fairer instances of which , wee can hardly meet with , than two especiall priviledges of two Churches in the realme of France ; and the vaine Fables thence arising . At the first entrance of a new Byshop into the Byshopricke of Orleans , he hath a priviledge of setting free any one prisoner of the Gaole ; for what great crime soever he doth stand committed . A priviledge conferr'd upon them , ( as Du Chesne hath told us ) first in the person of St. Aignan once Byshop of this City ; for his exceeding paines and care in the defence thereof against Attila the Hunne . But if we will beleeve the people , and the ordinarie Fables which are grounded on it ; we must take it thus . At the first entrance of St. Aignan into the Towne , he made request to Agrippinus then Governour , that for his sake hee would set open all the Gaoles , and release the Prisoners : Vt omnes quos pro varijs criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos , insui introitus gratiam redderet absolutos ; saith the latter storie . Vpon deniall of this suite , a stone falls presently upon his head ; from whence none knew : but as it was concev'd , from Heaven : wounded and terrified wherewith he grants the Byshop his desire , is suddainely made whole ; and ever since the Custome hath continued in full force and vertue . In like sort : the selfe same Priviledge was granted by King Dagobert , the first ( he began his reigne , anno 632. ) unto the Canons of the Church of Nostre Dame , in Roan of Normandy : and since confirmed by his successors . A priviledge confirm'd upon them , ( as that age and the rest that followed were prone to superstitious bounties ) in memory of St. Romanus , whose Festivall is heere observ'd with all solemnitie upon the 23. day of October ; not long before , Archbyshop of that Citie . But if wee will beleeve the people , and the common fables , wee must take it thus . There was a poysonous Dragon , which had done much harme unto this Province ; whom they had tryed by many meanes to make away , but none prospered . At last , St. Romain , then Archbishop of Roan , accompanied with a Murderer and a Theefe , whose lives were forfeit to the Law ; undertakes the enterprise . Vpon the first sight of the Dragon , the Theefe according to his nature , stole away : the Murderer more hardened in his trade , goeth forwards with him . To make short worke , the Dragon layeth aside his fury , and patiently submits himselfe unto that godly Praelate : who binding him about the necke with his stole ( or tippet ) delivereth him unto the murderer , and leades him prisoner unto Roan . This wondrous accident is said to happen on an holy Thursday : and that St. Audoin or Owen who next succeeded in that Church , in memorie thereof obtain'd this priviledge , that from thence forwards the Chanoins of Our Ladies , should every holy Thursday have the releasing of any Murderer , ( whom themselves would choose . I say of any Murderer , Theeves not being capable at all of any mercy : because ( say they ) the Theefe which was to have attended in that service , stole away . ( 3 ) So farre the storie , as I was told by mine Host at Roan : but for the priviledge it is still in practise , and famous by a great and memorable tryall , not long since hapning : related to me by a Gentleman of good account , and a practitioner in the Parliamentarie Court in that City . The case is this . Not much above some twelue yeares since , a Noble-man of Gascoigne tooke occasion to kill his wife ; which done he fled into Normandie : and having first acquainted the Canons of the Church of Nostre Dame with his desires ; put him selfe to the sentence of the Court , & is adjudg'd unto the Wheele . Ascention day immediately comming on , the Canons chalenged him for theirs : and the chiefe Iudges , according to the custome , caused him to bee dilivered . But on the other side , it was pleaded by the Normans , that the benefit of this priviledge , belonged onely to the Natives of that Province : and they pleaded with such violence , that the poore Baron was againe committed to his irons ; till the Qu. Mother had wooed and wonne the people , pro ea saltem vice , to admit of his reprivall . ( 4 ) This storie of St. Romains Dragon , in which there is no passage true , conducts me on , unto St. George ; of whose encounter with the Dragon there may be somewhat said , to qualifie the matter ; thought not to justifie it altogether . For by the Dragon if we understand the Divell , that old malicious Serpent . ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Ignatius calls him ; ) and the combat betwixt our blessed Martyr and that Monster , those many snares and baites , which by the Divell were provided to intrappe him : we may soone find , how and in what respect , St George his fighting with the Dragon may be justified . An exposition of that fabulous text occurring in the Legend , not forced unnaturally : but such as doth agree , as with the truth of storie ; so also with the words and meanings of some Authors , which have written of our Martyr . Certaine I am that Metaphrastes in an Encomion or Anniversarie Oration , made in the memorie and commendation of our Saint ; doth not allude unto it onely , but affirmeth it . For thus that Author , speaking of those severall baites which had beene layed for the inveigling of this blessed man of GDD ; the Kingdomes of the world , and the glories of them , the frownes and anger of the Prince , the terrours both of Death and tortures : speaking I say of these , and how that all of them , and other the devises of that old Serpent , were by that noble Champion frustrate and deluded ; he concludes it thus . Licebat igitur videre astutissimum Draconem , adversus carnem & sanguinem gloriari solitum , elatumque & sese efferentem ; à juvene illo uno illusum , & ita despectum atque confusum , ut quid ageret non haberet . So hee , and this may also seeme to be intended by Hermannus Schedell , in his worke entituled Chronica Chronicorum : where he doth joyne together the Martyrdome of our St. George , and his encounter with the Dragon ; both as it were one act or undertaking , Et velut alter Curtius Romanus , vel Codrus Rex Atheniensium , pro patriae liberatione sese internecioni ad Draconis occisionem , & martyrij tolerantiam , dedit : as he there hath it . ( 5 ) For further proofe of which , and that this exposition on that fabulous text , as before I call'd it , is not unnaturally forced , but suitable unto the truth of storie ; and in all likelyhood agreeable to their intents , who gave the first hint , & occasion to the fables in the Legends : let us behold awhile the portraiture of Constantine the Great , erected in the same figure in a manner ; and to the same intent and purpose . Of him wee need not make report , how great a victory hee had against that enemie of mankinde , in his promoting of the faith ; and ruining those Heathenish Temples , consecrated to impietie and the Divell . After which glorious conquest , and the establishing of true Religion in all the quarters of his Empire ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. hee caus'd his portraiture to bee erected up on high , in a faire table for that purpose , and at the entrance of his Pallace , that so it might be obvious to the eye of every Passenger . Over his head the Crosse , that venerable signe of mans redemption : and underneath his feet , that great and working enemie of man , the Divell , cast downe into the lowest deeps ; under the figure of a Dragon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The r●ason why he caus'd himselfe so to be portraited , to shew , no doubt , how great and notable an overthrow hee had given the Divell : but why hee made the Divell in the likenesse of a Dragon , was in allusion questionlesse , unto the Scriptures , where he is call'd a Serpent ; and in the Revelation , more particularly , a Dragon . So witnesseth Eusebius in the words immediately following , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the Divell ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( 6 ) To the same purpose also , and on occasion not much different , at the least as he conceived it ; did Sigismund the Emperour , an King of Hungarie , erect and order of Knighthood , which he entituled , Of the Dragon . He had beene fortunate in many severall battailes , against the greatest enimies of CHRIST , the Turkes : and hee had also laboured with much diligence to ruine and suppresse the Hussites , the greatest enemies of the Roman Church then being ; whereof he was Protectour . This last not onely by persecutions privately , and force of armes in publike : but by procuring the two Councels of Basil and Constance , to bee assembled ; where the poore Hussites were condemn'd , their cause unheard , and the chiefe Patrons of their cause adjudg'd unto the fire . Proud of his fortunate successe in these great enterprises , he instituted this his militarie Order of the Dragon ; so call'd because his Knights did beare for their Devise , a Dragon falling headlong : pour tesmoigner que par son moyen le Schisme et l' heresie , dragons devorans de la religion , avoyent ' esté vaincus , et supplantez . And this ( saith he that made the booke entituled Les estats du Monde , translated since by Grimston ) to testifie that by his meanes , the Dragons of Heresie and Schisme , which otherwise ( no doubt ) had destroyed religion and devoured the Church ; were vanquished and suppressed . Much like to this in the Device , is the French Order dedicated to Saint Michael , instituted by King Lewis the 11. not long after , Anno viz. 1469. Vnto the coller of which Order , there is fastened the picture of St. Michael the Archangell , combatting with the Dragon of the infernall Deepes : aureaque imagine S. Michaelis draconem infernalē prosternentis , pectus insigniente . So saith Hospinian . But this in reference rather , to the encounter of St. Michael with the Dragon , in the Apocalypse . ( 7 ) With these the portraiture of Constantine above-mentioned , and the two militarie Orders of St. Michael , and the Dragon : St. George , as he is commonly expressed in picture ; holdeth good proportion and correspondence . His picture as in the present times , we use to draw it ; but ab initio non fuit sic , it was not thus from the beginning . For I have read it in the life of Theodorus Syceotes , commonly call'd Archimandrita , or Chiefe-Abbot ; borne in the time of the Emperour Iustinian : that then St. George was onely pictured as a faire yong man , richly arrayed , and of an haire somewhat inclining unto yellow . For so Elpidia doth describe him , in the relation of her dreame , to this her Grandchild Theodorus : if at the least we may take this or any thing upon Surius word , who fathereth this discourse upon one George , a Priest , the Scholler of this Ahbot . Videbam , fili mi dulcissime ( these are old Grandams words ) adolescentem valde formosum , splendidis vestimentis ornatum , aureaque fulgentem coma ; & illi similem , quem pro S. Georgio in eius historia cernimus . Thus was hee pictured anciently . But in the middle times , hee was presented to the common view , more like a man at armes , mounted upon a lusty Courser ; a young maide kneeling by him , and a fierce Dragon thrust through with a Speare , gasping for life : just as we see him painted , ( but there is no mention of the young maide ) on our common Signe-posts . A picture which in the darker and more ignorant times , was thought to represent that storie , which was then publish'd in the Legend : & which , since it hath bin otherwise resolv'd by the learned of both parties , that it did only represent some mysterie or allegorie ; hath not a litle exercis'd their wits and fancies . Perkins will have it ( as before we noted ) to bee in former times a representation of our Saviour , who vanquished the Divell for the deliverance of his Church : in which conceit of his , many Divines have closed in with him , which wee then noted also out of Charles Stephanus . Baronius doth conceive it , to be the picture of some state or Country , petitioning ( according to the custome of those times ) the ayde and helping-hand of so great a Saint , against the violence of the Divell . In virgino n. illa typus exprimitur ( more maiorum ) provinciae vel civitatis alicuius , quae adversus diaboli vires tanti martyris imploret auxilium . Villavincentius and Hyperius have applyed it to the civill Magistrate , whose principall endeavours ought to aime at this ; that they defend the Church , from the covetous tyrannie of the Oppressour , the old Serpent . Dr. Reynolds , as hee preferres this last conceit , before that of Baronius : so doth he seeme to prize his owne , both before this , or any other . With him , the meaning of the embleme ( or picture Emblematicall ) must be this : that all true Christians whom the Apostle calls Gods husbandrie , might learne hereby how much it doth concerne them to make warre against the Dragon ; and to destroy him with the sword of the Spirit . Vt sciant omnes Christiani , quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei appellat Apostolus , 1. Cor. 3. militandum sibi adversus draconem Apocal. 12. eumque Dei gladio confodiendum . So he in his praelections on the Apocrypho : and the same words almost repeated in his booke de Rom. Idololatria . For my part , I rather choose ( for why in such variety , may not I also assume the liberty of conjecture ) to make it , at the least in part ; historicall : as being thus contriv'd of purpose , in those times , and by those men , which most affectionately were devoted to our Martyr ; to publish to posterity how bravely he refell'd the Divell , how constantly hee persevered in the profession of his faith ; the whole Church praying with him , and kneeling ( like the Virgin , by him , in that holy action ) that GOD would give him strength subdue that enemy , the Dragon . ( 8 ) How long the picture of St. George hath beene commended to us in this Knightly forme ; I cannot easily determine : onely I will be bold to say that it is not very moderne , or of small standing in the Church ; as may bee gathered out of the History of Nicephorus Gregoras . This Author was by birth of Greece , and wrote the History of that declining Empire : beginning at the yeare 1200 , and ending it anno 1344. about which time it is conceiv'd , that he was gathered to his fathers . In the 8. booke ( he wrote eleven in all ) there is a memorable storie of St. George's Horse : which for the rarenesse of it , and that it is so proper to the cause in hand ; it shall not grieve me to relate , nor any Reader to peruse . Primo quadragessimae Sabbato , cum postridie orthodoxorum Imperatorum & Patriarcharum proclamanda esset memoria ; tum quoque Theodorus Logotheta generalis , à vespera ad nocturna sacrailla de more accessit . Media verò sub nocte , me astante & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 audiente , quidam ab Imperatore adest , novum illi nuncium apportans , &c. On the first Saturday in Lent , the Commemoration of such godly Emperours and Patriarchs as had departed in the Faith , being the morrow after to be solemnized : it pleas'd the Lord high Chancellour Theodorus , ( for so on the authority of Meursius in his Graeco-Barbara , I thinke good to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : I say it pleas'd him to be present with us , according to the custome at those night-watches . About the time of midnight , I stāding neere him ; and harkning to divine Service ; a Messenger in all the hast came to him frō Andro ▪ the Elder , then our Emperour ; telling this strange newes , and desiring his opinion . But now ( saith he ) when as the Soldiers of the Guard , [ Milites Imperatorij ] were going to their rest ; there was a fearfull neighing heard so upon the suddaine , that it made all of us amazed ; the rather , because there were not any Horses then about the Court ; all of them carried in the evening farre off , unto their Stables . This tumult not yet quieted , another noyse of the same kinde , but greater than the former ; was heard unto the Emperours Chamber ; who presently dispatch'd a Servant to inquire into the matter . The servant did as was commanded , Sed nihil audivit aliud , nisi ab equo in quodam palatij pariete ante victricis deiparae sacellum , quem Paulus olimpictor praestantissimus effinxisset , D. Georgium pulcherrime sustinentem , esse editum , &c. The servant did as was commanded , but heard no other noyse than what did seeme to him , to issue from the picture of a certaine horse , bearing St. George upon his backe : which Paul the famous painter , had long since painted on that part of the pallace-wall , which is close by our Ladies Chappell . This is ( saith hee ) the message which I am commanded to deliver ; and to acquaint you also , that his Majesty desires your present counsell . Ad haec Logotheta iocatus , Gratulor tibi ( inquit ) Imperator futuros triumphos , &c. quibus auditis , At tu quidem inquit Imp. isto responso exhilarandi mei gratia usus , rem ignorare visus es : Ego autem dicam tibi . Nam ut patres nostri nobis tradiderunt , equus iste alias ad eundem modum hinnijt , cum Baldwinus Latinorum Princeps , a patre nostro pulsus , urbem amissurus esset . The Chancellour repairing upon these summons to the Emperor , found him exceedingly disquieted : and therefore sportively accoasting him , I doe my Leige said he , congratulate those noble tryumphs , which the lusty neighing of St. George's horse portend unto you . To whom the Emperour replyed , It seemes my Lord , that you of purpose to compose my thoughts , and make me merry , will not take notice of the matter : but I am able to instruct you in it . For I have heard uppon good credit , that this same picture of an Horse , neigh'd formerly , as now it did : just when that Baldwin Emp. of the Latines in Constantinople , was beleagured by my Father ; and the City taken . So farre the storie . All we will note from hence is this , that Baldwin mention'd in the Historie , began his Raigne anno 1227. and that St. George , both in his time , and long before , was painted mounted on his Horse ; which is as much as I desire for my present purpose . ( 9 ) Saint George thus pictured , eyther by way of Hieroglyphicke , as some conceive it ; or of Historicall representation , as I rather should conjecture : it was not long before the vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Aristotle calls them ; had improoved it into a Fable . And now St. George must be ennobled for the killing of a Dragon , which he never saw ; and ransoming of King Nemo's Daughter , for in the Legends there is nothing told us of his name . Iust as upon the post-fact , the Normans fram'd that doughty tale of St. Romanus and the Dragon ; or those of Orleans , the no lesse memorable storie of Saint Aignans Stone . Which beeing so , the people thus affected , by reason of those pictures , which did then commonly expresse Saint George ; and the composers of the Legends willing to countenance those fictions , which were already of good credit with the people ; it came to passe , that not these onely of the vulgar ; but even the best and wisest , as the times then were , ranne headlong on the same Errour . The rather , because the Author of the Legend then in most esteeme , was not of ordinary ranke : a man of speciall eminence for his Workes and Learning ; Archbyshop of a chiefe Citie in Italie , and of good credit for a long time together in the Court of Rome ! I meane Iacobus de Voragine , whom in this case , the Cardinall Baronius justly blames , for making that an Historie , or a Fable rather ; which was in all Antiquitie , intended onely for an embleme . In nullis enim quae recensuimus S. Georgij actis antiquis , quicquam legitur eiusmodi , ( viz. the killing of the Dragon , &c. ) sed a Iacobo de Voragine absque ulla maiorum autoritate , ea ad historiam referuntur , quae potius in imagine illa typum exprimunt , &c. All I shall add is this ( which may perchance bee else objected ) that De Voragine did frame his Legend , according to the common fame , and the expression of St. George in common Pictures : and not the pictures made according to the fancie and tradition of the Legend . For it appeares out of Nicephorus above-mentioned , that this our Martyr had beene pourtraied in this fashion , some space of time before the Latines were expuls'd Constantinople ; which hapned in the yeare , 1260. Whereas Iacobus de Voragine began to bee of credit , at the soonest , Anno 1278 , and as it is conceived by others , not till the yeare 1290. which before we noted . ( 10 ) But to proceed , the Legend thus composed , and by such a man , and so agreeable unto the humour of the people ; no marvaile if it found a willing entertainment in the publicke service of the Church : so that in tract of time the Legend or historia Lombardica , for so the Author calls it ; became a principall part in the Roman Breviarie . Bona Breviariorumpars , quod quidem ad lectiones matutinas attinet , ex L●mbardica desumpta est , licet verbis paululum immutatis . So saith Wicelius : and wee well know how justly hee might say it , as in the generall , so also in the particular of St. George . For in an old Booke , which I have long had in my custodie , entituled Horae B. Mariae , Secundùm , vsum Sarum : Wee have this History of St. George , and of his Dragon , thus framed into an Antheme : and as it there appeareth , appointed to be sung on his publicke Festivall ; the Antheme this . O Georgi Martyr inclyte , Te decet laus & gloria , Praedotatum militia ; Per quem puella regia , ( Existens in tristitia , Coram Dracone pessimo ) Salvata est . Ex animo Terogamus corde intimo , Vt cunctis cum fidelibus Coeli iungamur civibus , Nostris ablutis sordibus : Et simul cum laetitia , Tecum simus in gloria ; Nostraque reddant labia Laudes Christo cū gratia . Cui sit honos in secula . George , holy Martyr , praise and fame Attend upon thy glorious name ; Advanc'd to Knightly dignitie : The Daughter of a King , by thee ( As she was making grievous moane , By a feirce Dragon , all alone ) Was freed from death . Thee we intreat That wee in Heaven may have a seat ; And being wash'd from every staine , May there with all the Faithfull raigne : That wee with thee together may Sing gladly many a sacred Lay ; The gracious throne of Christ before , To whom be praise for evermore . ( 11 ) So was it in our Ladies Horarie , or horarium , according to the use of Sarum ; and so no question in other of their publike Service-Bookes : untill the reformation of Religion , began in Germany by Luther , made those of Rome bethinke themselves ; and make some necessary reformation also , in such particulars as were most scandalous and offensive . A reformation not onely of their manners , which since the difference began , have beene strangely mended ; nor of their Doctrine onely , which since the opposition , hath beene wonderously altered and refined : but also of their Breviaries , of their Missals , and other parts of their publicke Liturgies . A matter first attempted , at the beginning of the breach , by Pope Clement the seuenth : who using in it the assistance of Franciscus Quignonius , ( hee was then Cardinall of Santa Croce ) left in them onely the histories of some few Saints of eyther sexe , of which there was lesse scruple ; casheering all the rest , which gave occasion of offence . Vnde non imprudenter fecit Clemens [ Sept. ] Pont. Rom. adiutus opera Franc. Quignonij , qui historiolas Sanctorum vtriusque sexus , cum Christo in paradiso conregnantium , succinctè iuxta & eruditè describi , ínque Rom. Breviarium inseri curavit : Omnem calumniantibus ansam amputans , qui fabulas non historias in Templis recitari clamitabant . As mine author hath it . Afterwards , a more exact and perfect reformation of the Missall and the Breviarie , was resolv'd upon in the Trent-Councell ; together with an Index to be made , of all such Bookes , as were thought fit eyther to be prohibited ; or noted , with a Deleatur . But by the hasty breaking up of that Conventicle , ( for so the French King called it in his letters to the Prelates there assembled ) the whole businesse was referred unto the Pope : by his unerring spirit to bee determined and concluded . Praecepit S. Synodus , ut quicquid ab illis ( to whom the matter was committed ) praestitum esset , Sanctissimo Rom. Pont. exhibeatur : vt eius iudicio atque autoritate terminetur , & evulg●tur . So was it done accordingly : the Missals , Breviaries , Rituals , Pontificals , Catechismes , Diurnals , and all the severall Horaries , Officiums , and such like Manuals belonging to our Ladyes service ; being corrected first by Pope Pius Quintus , and after recognized by Clement , of that name the Eight . By which wee may perceive , that all things were not right in the Church of Rome ; how ever they pretended that the Protestants did clamour of them without cause : they being at the last compell'd , though with as little noyse as might be , to make a Reformation both in Doctrine and in manners ; as also in their common formes of publicke service and performance . ( 12 ) And now what is there else , which any one of Calvins party , any of those which have denyed St. George a beeing ; can further question ? It is alledged by Doctor Cracanthorpe , to proove St. George to bee non ens , an idle Fiction ; that even Baronius doth confesse it : and for a further proofe , Baronius is produced to tell us on his knowledge , Picturam Georgij qua eques armatus effingitur , &c. That viz. the ordinary pictures of Saint George have more in them of an embleme , than an Historie . What then ? Baronius doth conceive St. George so pictured , as we see him commonly ( and as wee see him in full stature , with his brave Horse and the fierce Dragon , in St. Sepulchres in Paris ; ) to be an embleme , a Symbol , or an Hieroglyphick . But yet Baronius doth not thinke that St. George himselfe was an Hieroglyphick onely , or an embleme . This is an argument , much like that other which we met withall before ; wherein Baronius himselfe must testifie against himselfe , that the whole storie of St. George , was nothing else but a forgerie of the Arians : whereas indeed hee spake it onely of one passage of it , which by the Arians had beene thrust into his History . And this may also be replyed to Doctor Boys , who tells us twice for failing , how roundly Cardinall Baronius had takē up Iacobus de Voragine , for his leaden Legend of St. George . If they or any other for them , have more to say ; it is as I conceive it , that Article as yet not answered touching Dacianus ; and the apparent contradictions which are betweene our witnesses , in this particular . Which argument or exception rather , we doubt not but to satisfie with as much case as these before it : when we have taken out our Commission for the examination of witnesses on our party , in whom such an apparant contradiction is suspected . In the meane time , I thinke we may with good assurance of these mens quietnesse hereafter ; turne our whole strengths upon that adversarie which hath done us greatest injury . Even upon them , who seeme to censure Calvin as too meeke and modestly disposed , in so great a quarrell : and thinke St. George not wrong'd inough in being thought No man , the issue of an idle braine ; unlesse he rather be esteemed a wicked and ungodly man , a bloudie Arian . Calvinus itaque moderatissime agit adversum Pontificios , ubi de Georgio quem invocant , ita loquitur , quasi nullus unquam , non quasi impius extitisset . Thus Dr. Reynolds , whose resolute assertion , and the proofes thereof , are next to be examined . CHAP. VI. ( 1 ) The whole Storie of George the Arian Byshop . ( 2 ) George Byshop of Alexandria , not prooved by Doctor Reynolds to bee a Cappadocian . ( 3 ) The Cappadocians infamous for their lewdnesse . ( 4 ) The life of George before hee was appointed Byshop . ( 5 ) His Butcherly behaviour in that holy Dignity . ( 6 ) Degraded in the Councels of Sardica , and Seleucia . ( 7 ) An 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Drusius , in making George the Laodicean , to bee the same with him of Alexandria . ( 8 ) The strange effects of fancie and a pre-conceipt . ( 9 ) George's returne to Alexandria , and the manner of his Death . ( 10 ) George Byshop of Alexandria , never reputed for a Martyr . ( 11 ) Shreds of the Arian Legends , by whom patch'd on vpon St. Georges Cloake . ( 12 ) Sir W. Raleighs resolution in received opinions . ( 13 ) A transition to the examination of Witnesses on St. George's side . ( 1 ) IT was , as I conceive it , a wise and necessarie course of Casca , a Roman Citizen , to publish by the common Cryer , his Name and Pedigree : wherein hee gave the people notice , that whereas Casca was the name of one of those , which had conspired the death of Caesar ; for his part , hee neyther was the Traitor nor any of his kindred . The reason of which action , he thus gives in Dion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Quòd Cinna nominis causa occideretur : The like device to this , is in the same Author , reported of one Varro : and this device must wee also now make use of , in our present businesse . For such was the most barbarous demeanor of one George , once an intruding Byshop in the Church of Alexandria , a furious Arian , and bloudy Butcher of the true Christians ; and so extreamely odious is his name become in the eares and hearts of all good people : that wee which love St. George , must by the common Crier , and publicke Proclamation , make knowne his parentage , and acts , and sufferings . Otherwise it will bee with him , as it was with Cinna ; and hee shall suffer for those impious sinnes and cruell misdemeanours , which were done many yeares after his transmigration to a better life . This therefore wee resolve to doe in St George's cause ; but not this onely . For wee will first relate the whole History of George the Arian , his Countrey , his exploits , and manner of his Death ; in which how little is there , which may have the least resemblance unto the Story of our Martyr . That done , and Doctor Reynolds sufficiently answered , as I hope it will appeare , in the meere prosecution of the Story : wee will proceed unto the Birth , and parentage , and constant sufferings of St. George ; and to those testimonies after , which all the Ages of the Church , not one excepted , successively have given him . ( 2 ) And first wee must begin with the Birth and Countrey of this Arian Byshop , which Doctor Reynolds doth affirme with greater confidence than proofe , to be in Cappadocia . For thus hee closeth up his Disputation in this present argument , Ceterum cum Georgius quem ecclesia Orientali● & Occidentalis pro Martyre colit , fuerit Cappadox ; ne● ullius Georgij Cappadocis , ut Martyris , nisi Ariani , mentio ab ullo idoneo autore fiat : vel ista circumstantia demonstrat Georgium , non Sanctum , sed Arianum Martyrem fuisse . In which we have these two conclusions ; first , that the Arian George was a Cappadocian ; and next , that never any George of Cappadocia , was reputed for a Martyr , but George the Arian : both these , I say , with greater confidence than proofe . For I perswade my selfe , that neyther hee , nor any else of his opinion , hath prooved it hitherto , that George the Arian was by birth a Cappadocian : sure I am , that the testimonies of Athanasius , and St. Gregory Nazianzene , which are produced unto this purpose , doe not proove it . Which that we may the better justifie , we must take notice by way of anticipation , that George the Arian , was of a very fickle and fugitive condition : not fixt in any place , ( as wee shall see anon ) untill hee was appointed for the See of Alexandria . This noted , wee proceed unto the testimonies alledged from Athanasius , according as wee are directed in the Doctors margin : beginning first with that , in Apol. de fuga sua ; where wee reade it thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . About the time of Lent , ( saith hee ) came George to Alexandria , sent for , by them which swayed the Court , out of Cappadocia : who heere improoved those vices , which hee there had learnt . This is I thinke no argument of any force , because that George was sent for out of Cappadocia , to proove that he was therefore borne there : and therefore on unto the next , which proves as little ; save that the Latine is more favourable than the Greeke . For in the Latine , translated by Pet. Nannius , wee reade it In Epistola ad vbique orthodoxos , thus : Et station praefectus Aegypti publicè literas proponit in speciem edicti , quibus declarabat , Georgium Cappadocem natione , pro successore mihi datum . But in the Greeke , wee find it onely as before ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that George , new comming from Cappadocia , was by the Governour , declared his Successour : Thus doe we reade in his Epistle , Ad solitariam vitam agentes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : That Gregory was sent to Alexandria , and Auxentius unto Millaine ; both out of Cappadocia . Yet never was it thought , that therefore eyther of them were natives of that Country . In Apolog. secunda , which is a third place quoted in the margine , wee meete with nothing to the purpose : onely Pole Iulius complaines in an Epistle to his fellow-Byshops , touching Athanasius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. That Gregory , an alien to the Towne of Alexandria , and unknowne amongst them , was made Byshop . The Latine here , in steed of Gregorie , reades George ; which cannot stand with truth of Storie : Pope Iulius being dead almost sixe yeares , before this George was made the Byshop of that Citie . But let it be , that the Greeke copies are corrupted , yet is it but a simple reason , to affirme that George was borne in Cappadocia , because hee was an alien , or a stranger to the Alexandrians . ( 3 ) In that which followes , wee have some shew of proofe , at least ; which was not to bee found in that before . For in the Epistle ad Solitariam vitam agentes , before-mentioned , St. Athanasius calleth him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man of Cappadocia : and Gregorie of Nazianzum , that Countriman , Monstrum Cappadox , ex vltimis terrae nostrae finibus oriundum , A Cappadocian monster , borne in the furthest parts of all our Country . Indeed St. Gregorie so calls him in the Latine copies , translated by Bilius ; which makes the matter somewhat plaine : but looke upon the Author in his owne language , and then it will appeare , to be no such sufficient evidence , as was pretended . For there wee reade it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Now this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is translated , Oriundum , Borne ; and whereupon the proofe , such as it is , is altogether founded ; ought rather , and more agreeably , to the nature of the word , to bee rendred , Impetu se ferens , running with haste and violence . For who so ignorant in the Greeke tongue , but knowes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be so construed ; and that it is derived , ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , impetus : and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. must bee onely this ; That George , a Cappadocian monster ( as hee calls him ) came with a violent swinge , even from the furthest parts of all the world , to seaze upon the Church of Alexandria . But notwithstanding this , yet hee is here call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Cappadocian monster ; and Athanasius calls him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man of Cappadocia : this wee confesse , but so , that it affordeth as little to the proofe in hand , as any of the former . For both those passages , are there spoken , as proverbiall kinde of speeches , then in use : the lewdnesse of the Cappodocians beeing so infamous , that it grew into a Proverbe , to call a lewd and wicked man , a man of Cappadocia . Erasmus reckoneth Portentum Cappadocium , as a common Adage , Eò quòd Cappadocum gens improba & flagitiosa esset : and for a proofe thereof , reflects upon this place of Gregorie . Thus Cicero , speaking of Cesonius Calventius , calls him , a Cappodocian ; Elinguem , tardum , inhumanum , neglectum , Cappadocem , &c. And Freigius in his Annotations , gives this reason , Cappadoces enim malè audijsse , ostendit proverbium . The proverbe which hee mentions , in proofe of such their infamie , is that in Suidas , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Id est , There are three Nations worse than others , beginning with the letter K. Cappadocians , Cretans , and Cilicians . And presently hee addes , I know not whether to the same purpose , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The same thing , by a Learned man of our owne nation , thus noted , The lewdnesse of the Cappadocians grew into a Proverbe . If any were enormiously wicked , hee was therefore called a Cappadocian . So that the stile of homo Cappadox , given him by Athanasius ; and that of Monstrum Cappadox , repeated out of Gregory , by Socrates , and others ; and out of them by Geo. Cedrenus : was fastened on him for his long abode in that Province , and immediate comming thence ; especially , hee having learnt so much ( as it appeares by Athanasius ) of their bad conditions . Nor is it strange , that Homo . Cappadox , & monstrum Cappadox , should bee here used proverbially ; rather to signifie the bad conditions of the man , than his Birth or Countrey : considering that , fides Attica , and fides Punica , Gracum ingenium , & tenebrae Cymmeriae , with many others of that kinde ; are commonly so used , in the best Authors . Well then , it is not prooved as yet by Dr. Reynolds , that George the Arian Byshop , was by birth a Cappadocian : whether there were no other George of Cappadocia acknowledged as a Martyr , but this George the Arian ; we shall see hereafter . ( 4 ) But for his Country , not to waste longer time in it , it is affirmed for certaine , by Amm. Marcellinus , who liv'd about those times , and whose report may well be taken in this case : I say it is affirm'd by him , in expresse termes , that George of Alexandria was borne at Epiphania , in the Province of Cilicia . In Fullonio ( the old Bookes read it in Fullio , and infulio , but mended by Gruterus , out of the autographon of Faucherius ) natus ut ferebatur , apud Epiphaniam Ciliciae oppidum , auctusque in damna complurium , contra utilitatem suam , reique communis , episcopus Alexandriae est ordinatus . So Ammianus : and this is more expresse , than any thing that hath beene hitherto produced , to make him borne a Cappadocian . For his conditions St. Gregory of Nazianzen tells us , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a man of a bad kindred and worse qualities , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Not any way ennobled in his knowledge , nor affable in his Conversation ; no not so much as making any shew of godlinesse , or cloaking his ●mpieties with faire and specious pretexts , but apt to any bold attempt ; and a most proper iustrument to disturbe the common peace . In his beginnings , a most base and servile Parasite , the common flie that suckt at every Table : so fitted for that office , that all his words and actions did seeme to have no other end , than filling of his belly . His first preferment , was an O●fice of all others the most base and sordid , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Caterer forsooth , or Provisor generall of Hogs-flesh for the armie . In which , he bare himselfe so faithlesly , so much unto his owne desire of filthy Lucre ; that at the last even he was forc'd to take himselfe unto his heeles : and as the custome is of Vagabonds , never to tarry long in any place ; untill at last he setled in the Church of Alexandria . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And here ( saith Gregory ) he left off his roaguing , and began his Villanies . But yet wee must not thinke that he was made a Byshop per s●ltum , as the Lawyers say ; not taking in his way , others , the inferiour orders of the Church . For Athanasius tells us , that hee had before beene made a Priest ; and that he so demeaned himselfe in that holy Calling , that he was forthwith deposed from the Ministery . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. But strugling in those factious and distracted times , against the Rulers of the Church , hee was restored not long after . And being of the Emperours Religion , who then was wholly addicted to the Arian party , and of a subtile head withall , for the dispatch of great affaires : he was conceiv'd to bee the fittest fellow , to succeed Gregory the Arian Byshop of Alexandria ; who had before displanted Athanasius . So Sozomen relates , that he was setled in the roome of Gregory , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As being active in his wayes , and a stout Champion of tne Sect. ( 5 ) George thus appointed Byshop , was put into possession of the Church of Alexandria by a choyce band of Souldiers , sent by Constantius the Emperour for that purpose . His behaviour , answerable to his entrance , violent and bloudy : and such as was not long dissembled . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as it is in Athanasius . Hee made his entrance in the holy time of Lent , and presently after the end of Easter-weeke , there was no other tydings to be heard in Alexandria , than violently casting of the sacred Virgins into prison , committing of the Suffragan Byshops unto the custody of the men of Warre , forcible spoyling of the Houses of Widdowes and of Orphans : and other misdemeanours of this barbarous and hostile nature . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. But in the Weeke immediately after Whitsontide , the people [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] uppon some solemne Fast , gathered themselves together in the Church-yard to their Devotions ; not tarrying in the Church , because they had no heart to rec●ive the holy mysteries , with George their Byshop . This cōming to his knowledge , he presently sent out unto Sebastiā , then Captain of the Garrison , and by Sect a Manichee ; to arme his forces , and repaire to his assistance . ( Where by the way , I marvaile , and that not a little , that they which made St. George , an Arian , because of the identitie of names : have not made St. Sebastian also an Hereticke of the Manichees , on the same reason . ) Vpon this message Sebastian hasted with his band , and even upon that sacred day ( it was a Sonday ) made an assault upon the people in the place . The profest Virgins were brought unto a flaming fire , and threatned death ; in case they would not yeild to the condemn'd Opinions of the Arian Heretickes : Such of them as continued constant in the Faith , beeing immodestly dispoyled of all their garments ; and buffeted so cruelly upon the face , that long time after , it was a matter of some difficultie , to know who they were . No lesse than forty men were violently , and after a strange manner torne in peeces : the rest more mercifully dealt withall and banished . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. As for the bodies of the slaine , they would not give them to their friends and kindred , that so they might be honestly buried ; but kept them privately at home , the better to delight & satiate their eyes with that bloudy spectacle . So true is that of Photius , that George had wrought such barbarous and horrid cruelties in that poore City : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : That even the greatest persecution rais'd by the Gentiles , might in comparison hereof be reputed mercifull . ( 6 ) Such beeing his behaviour both before & after ; it is not to be wondered at , if the Church tooke speciall notice of it : the rather because of Athanasius , so unjustly dispossessed , and persecuted by the Arian partie . Constans at that time Emperour of the West , and brother to Constantius ; an Orthodoxe professour , and well inclined to holy Athanasius ; summoned a Councell of the Byshops of his Empire , at Sardica a City of Illyricum , anno 351. where among others , some Byshops of the Britaine 's were assembled . In this Councell , the Nicene Creed beeing first verified and confirm'd ; the cause of Athanasius was debated : whom by their generall suffrages they acquitted of all crime ; and by definitive Sentence degraded among others , George the Arian , from the Dignity of Byshop . O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as in Athanasius . Not long after , followed another Synod ; holden at Seleucia , a Towne of Asia the lesse ; anno 358 , or thereabouts : wherein this Alexandrian George , was againe degraded . The Fathers here assembled , intended , as it seemes some mitigation in the points of Controversie then on foote , and therefore did declare our blessed Saviour , to be of a like Substance with the Father , though not the same . So that the difference now was onely in a letter , though such a letter as made the difference but little lesse : The Nicene Creed pronouncing CHRIST to bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the same Substance ; and this affirming him , to bee onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the like substance . To which decree , this George , a peremptorie and stubborne Arian , would not yeeld : For which , with other matters proov'd against him , hee was sentenced to bee degraded . I say with other matters prooved against him , because wee reade in Sozomen , that they of Egypt had accused him in the Councell of rapine , and such other contumelious crimes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As that Author hath it . ( 7 ) In this Seleucian Synod , was present also another George , Byshop of Laodicea , a Citie of Syria : an Arian also , or one at least which did not favour the Homousians , for so they call'd them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Socrates . But yet , it seemeth , a peaceable and quiet Arian : one who not onely willingly subscribed unto the Canons of that Councell ; but also made himselfe head of a partie against George of Alexandria , in the behalfe and cause of Cyrill of Hierusalem . This Cyrill being a learned & a godly Byshop , had a cause dependant in that Synod ; and those which were profess'd and peremptorie Arians , did purpose to depo●e him : that so there might be roome to settle in Hierusalem , a Prelate of their faction . But on the other side , there was no want of such , who though they loved him not for his Opinions , which were true , and Orthodoxe ; did yet admire his learning , and respect his person : Hereupon the Councell was divided into two parts or factions : whereof the one was govern'd by Acacuis Byshop of Caesarea , and George of Alexandria ; the other , by this George Byshop of Laodicea , and Sophronius of Pompeiopolis . And after the determination of the Councell , there is this mention of him in the same Author ; that hee did doubtfully declare himselfe in the points of Doctrine then questioned : sometimes abetting the Decrees of the Seleucian Synode ; and sometimes more inclining to the opinions of the Arians : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which being so , I doe the rather wonder at a strange mistake in the learned Drusius , who makes this George the Laodicean , to be the same with him of Alexandria . For in his Notes upon Sulpitius Severus , ad Pag. 149. he hath it thus ; Georgius Laodiceae Episcopus , Cappadox , Arianorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and afterwards , ad Pag. 156. Georgius Alexandriae Episcopus à Constantio constitutus , cum prius fuisset Episcopus Laodecenus . Which words of his , first make the Laodicean George , to bee of Cappadocia ; and afterwards translate him to the Church of Alexandria : but neither rightly . An errour , into which it is not possible almost , so great a Scholler should bee drawne aside , by specious shewes , and a similitude , or rather an identitie of names . ( 8 ) But such for certaine is the quality of fancie , and of preconceipt , that it doth frame and fashion all things like it selfe : just as those men , whose eyes are tainted with the yellow jaundise , conceive all Objects which they meet with , to be yellow . When once Pythagoras had formed the apprehension of his Schollers , to entertaine these principles , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that unitie was the beginning of all numbers ; that numbers were the originall of points , and lines , and plaine figures ; and these the Parents of the Elementary bodies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. out of which bodies , the whole world was animated and contrived : when he had formed I say , their apprehensions to these principles , than which not any thing more foolish and absurd in nature ; it was not possible to alter them in their opinions . And so affected also were the Epicurcans , unto those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , taught them by their Master , and out of which they were perswaded the whole world had beene compacted . So is it also with these men , who having taken a conceit against George the Arian , and his butcherly proceedings : think presently that every George they meet with in discourse or reading , must be of Alexandria . On this conceit , first Dr. Reynolds confounded George the Arian , with St. George the Martyr : & after , Drusius confounded George the Laodicean , with George the Arian . There is another George B. of Alexandria too , mention'd in Photius , as the Author of a booke concerning Chrysostom : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , But who he was , ( saith he ) and in what time he lived , I am not certaine . I wonder some or other hath not resolv'd the doubt , and made him also George the Arian : that so we might have had a whole messe of Georges , and all but one . ( 9 ) But to returne unto my storie . No sooner was the Councell of Seleucia ended , but George prepar'd himselfe for his returne to Alexandria : notwithstanding that he stood degraded by the Sentence of that Synod . It seems he was a man , not to be daunted either with complaints or Censures : for presently on his returne he fell upon his former courses ; plaguing as well the Gentiles , as the Christians , which would not be in all points of his Opinion . By meanes whereof , and by his insolent carriage towards those of the better sort , he became at last to be generally hated : the rather , because he was suspected to be a Tale-teller , an Informer ; and that he did ill Offices betweene them and the Emperour : Multos exinde accusans apud patulas aures Constantij , ut eius recalcitrantes imperijs , as in Marcellinus . The occasion of his death is diversly related . Our Ecclesiasticall Historians agree joyntly , that the Emperour had given him license to convert the Temple of Mithras , or the Sunne , which had beene long time out of use , into a Christian Church ; and that the Christians finding in it such heapes of slaughter'd bodies , which had beene offered to that Idol ▪ exposed them to the publicke view , thereby to make the irreligion and impiety of the Gentiles the more odious . Netled with which , they fell together on the Byshop , whom before they hated ; and slew him in the place . By Ammianus Marcellinus it is thus related , that passing once by the goodly Temple dedicated to the Genius , it may be of the Roman Empire ; with many of the people , according to the custome , waiting on him : Flexis ad adem ipsam luminibus , quamdiu ( inquit ) stabit ho● Sepulchrum ; casting his eyes upon it after a scornfull fashion , how long ( said he ) shall these old ruines continue undemolished . Vppon report of w ch , the Gentiles furiously inraged , and hearing presently upon it , that their Governour was newly dead : they greedily apprehended both the occasion , and the opportunity , not quieting themselves , till they had torne the man so hated , into almost a thousand peices . On both sides , it is well agreed of in the maine and substance ; though differing a little in the circumstance : both parties , as well the Christians as the Gentiles , testifying this ; that as his life was bloudy , so his death was shamefull . ( 10 ) I have the more at large related , the whole Historie of this bloudie tyrant ; because wee may the sooner see , how little probabilitie there is in this , that he should ever steale into that credit in the Church , as to be reckoned for a Martyr . We doe not doubt to make it evident anon , that our St. George was honour'd as a Saint and Martyr , in the time of Pope Gelasius , it may be , during the life also of St. Ambrose . Suppose we then , that George the Arian suffred death , anuo 361. about which time St. Ambrose flourished , though not yet a Byshop ; and that Gelasius entred upon the Church of Rome , anno 492. Let this I say be granted , or let it onely be supposed : and shall we think it possible , that in so small a tract of time , if not the same time , the Church should bee so much mistaken , to honour such a barbarous and bloudy Tyrant for a Saint ? This is , me thinkes , not likely : and I must crave some longer time , before I dare beleeve it . But George ( say they ) was by the Arians reckoned for an ho●y Martyr . What if he were ? Shall we conceive the Church to be so carelesse of her selfe , and in her purest times ; as to affoord him roome in her common Calendar , and Martyrologies , upon the commendation of the Arian Heretickes . I doubt it much . But what if wee should make denyall to this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and say that George the Arian was not reputed for a Martyr ; no not by those of the same partie ? If wee should say so , I see not yet , what might bee justly sayd against us . Certaine I am , that Epiphanius saith , hee was no Martyr , and hee reasons thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; &c. But some perhaps will say , was not this George a Martyr , that suffered these things of the Gentiles ? Yes verily saith hee , had he endured those miseries in testimonie of the Truth ; or had that cruell death betide him , through the malice of the Heathen , for the confession of his Faith in IESVS CHRIST : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then had he been indeed a Martyr , and that a chiefe one . Certaine I also am , that Amm. Marcellinus hath recorded , that his accursed body being first torne in peeces , was afterwards consumed with fire : and all the ashes of it raked up together by the people , and cast into the Sea. And this they did , lest else they might bee recollected , and a Temple built in honour of them : even as we see it done ( saith hee ) to others of the Christian religion , who suffering grievous torments , and dying in a constant perseverance in their Faith ; are by that Sect intituled Martyrs . Id metuens ( saith hee ) ne collectis supremis , aedes illis exsiruerentur , ut reliquis ; qui deviare ● Religione compulsi pertulere cruciabiles poenas , ad usque gloriosam mortem intemerata fide progressi , & nunc Martyres appellantur . So then , it is affirm'd by Epiphanius , that he was no Martyr ; by Marcellinus that his ashes were all cast into the Sea , that so he might not bee reputed as a Martyr : and therefore by what good authoritie it may be proov'd , hereafter , that he was reckon'd for a Martyr ; we are yet to seeke . Which being so , I cannot choose but marvaile , how Epiphanius is produced , by Doctor Reynolds first , and after by Polanus , as a reproover of I know not whom , some certaine Quidams , for worshipping the Arian George as an holy Martyr . For in the place alleaged , that Reverend Father writing against the Anomaei , tells us this of them , that their Founder was one Aetius , promoted to the Dignity and Office of a Deacon , by that George of Alexandria , who was so cruelly torne in pieces by the people . Which told , he brings in that objection , which might perhaps be made in the defence of Aetius , by the Anomaei ; that George by whom their founder was made Deacon , had suffered for the Gospell : and thereunto he makes that answere , which before you read . Not one word more than this , touching the Arian George his being reckoned à nonullis , for a Martyr : and therefore wee must leave both this , and the Veruntamen coli coepit , which comes after , to his bare assertion . ( 11 ) The rest that followeth in that elaborate worke of Doctor Reynolds , is a Collection of those severall shreds of the old Ariā Legend , which have beene patch'd by divers men , upon Saint George's Cloake . The conflict betweene him and Athanasius the Magitian , extant ( saith he ) in Metaphrastes , and Pasicrates ; as also in Vincentius and Antoninus : together with the Fable or the Persian Dacianus , first made a King by the Arian Legendaries ; and after so reported in the Martyrologie of Bede . To this we have already answered , I meane unto the first part of it , in our third Chapter : Nor will wee now repeate it . Onely it may be not omitted , that there is nothing to be seene at all of Athanasius , in the Legend written by Pasicrates , who calls himselfe St. George's servant : and that Antoninus , however he relate the passage , somewhat briefly , doth not yet give that Reverend name unto the Sorcerer . Which modesty I also finde , and I much wonder at it , in Iacobus de Voragine . The other Tale of Dacianus , first taken up by Bede , and not unlikely out of some ancient Legend of the Arians ; and after by Rhabanus Maurus , Notgerus , and with some difference , by Vincentius , de Voragine , and Antoninus : this tale I say , and what may bee replyed in their excuse by whom it is related , we shall deferre untill we come to produce such evidence , as speakes on our side . As for the Empresse Alexandra , the wife of Diocletian , so say Pasicrates , and Metaphrastes ; of Dacianus , as it is In Beda , Rhabanus Maurus , and Notgerus : seeing she is not brought to testifie against us , and that already shee hath beene examin'd in our in our third Chapter ; wee doe discharge her of the Court. If there be any thing behind unanswered , it is that all our Authors generally agree , that George our Martyr was by birth a Cappado●ian : huc accedit quòd suum utrique Georgium Cappadocem fuisse aiunt , as he hath it in his arguments against ns . This we affirme . What then : Can any hereupon conclude , that therefore George the Martyr , must needs be George the Arian : because this latter is conceiv'd ( conceiv'd I say , not prooved ) to be borne in Cappadocia ? ) Then either must all Cappadocians be of that sect , or else all GEORGES at the least , which were of Cappadocia ; which were ridiculous to say , and no lesse foolish to beleve : neither the name , nor Country heretofore accused , as more devoted to that Heresie ; than any other of their fellow-names , or neigbour Nations So truely said Lactantius , Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita , ineptos habent exitus . But of this argument , if so it may be call'd ; a litle is sufficient . ( 12 ) To end this tedious disputation , ( for I will borrow both the resolution and the words of Sir Walter Raleigh , in a case of equall controversie , ) I hold it a sure profe in examination of such opinions as have once gotten the credit of being generall , so to deale , as Pacuvius did in Capua with the multitude , finding them desirous to put all the Senators to death . He locked the Senators up in the State-house , and offered their lives to the peoples mercy , obtaining first thus much , that none of them should perish , before the Commonalty had elected a better in his place . As fast as any name was read , all of them cryed out instantly , Let him die : but in the substituting of another , some notorious vice of the person , or basenesse of his condition , or insufficiencie of his qualitie ; made each new one that was offered to be rejected . So that finding the worse and lesse choyce , the further and the more they sought , it was finally agreed , that the old ones should be kept for lacke of better . To which the resolution of an English-man , we will adjoyne this Caveat of a Spaniard : Sine ergo plebem , probabilissimam opinionem , praesertim quae penitus insedit & inveteravit , cum maioribus suis retinere . ( 13 ) Thus have we done our parts in the defence of St. George's Historie , so farre as it concern'd the beating downe of that strong opposition which was made against him . Our next care is to justifie his story , out of such monuments of Learning and Antiquitie , as may for ever keepe it free and fearlesse of the like assaults . In which I have directed my discourse , according to the observation of Lactantius , and the method of the Ancients . The observation of Lactantius , that in the search of knowledge , and pursuit of wisdome , we first doe labour to discover that which is false ; and after to instruct our selves in that which is the truth . Primus sapientiae gradus est , falsa intelligere , secundus vera cognoscere : And as his observation was , so also was his method . For in his first of Institutions , having detected the vanitie of the Gentiles , in their Idolatries , and impious worship of such a Heard of GODS : in the foure last , hee leades them in the way of Truth , the way of perfect Knowledge and true Religion . This also is Saint AVSTINS method , in his most excellent worke De civitate Dei : a worke of which wee may affirme , that all the treasures of Learning both humaine and divine , are amassed in it . Their reason is , ut refutatis ijs , quae veritati videntur obstare , rectiùs asserere possimus veram religionem , & Dei cultum . This also is the method of ARISTOTLE , of AQVINAS , and of whom not ? And thus it also is , in our present businesse . Wee have already satisfied such arguments , as were made against us , and thereby overthrowne those Workes and Ramparts raiz'd by our Adversaries : Wee now proceed to strengthen and confirme our owne . Or else wee may bee justly subject to that scoffe , which by the same LACTANTIVS is put uppon ARCESILAS ; Nae rectè hic aliorum sustulit disciplinas , sed non rectè fundavit suam . Which that wee may the better doe , wee will repose our selves a little , till wee have taken out Commission for the examination of Witnesses , on Saint GEORGE'S side : Concluding heere the first and most adventurous Part of this Discourse , this partem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as they use to call it . The end of the first Part. THE HISTORIE OF St. GEORGE , asserted , &c. The Second Part. CHAP. I. ( 1 ) The Name and Etymologie of GEORGE . ( 2 ) The Storie of St. George by Metaphrastes . ( 3 ) The time of that Author : and the reason of his Name . ( 4 ) The opinion of him in the Greeke-Church . ( 5 ) This Metaphrastes not the same with Simeon the Schoole-master . ( 6 ) The Countrey , Parentage , and first fortunes of St. George . ( 7 ) The State of the Roman Empire at that time , and Persecution then beginning . ( 8 ) The speech of George vnto the tyrants : the torments which he suffered , and his death . ( 9 ) The manner of his death according to Frier Anselme ; and the English Storie . ( 10 ) A reiection of the residue in Metaphrastes . ( 11 ) Arguments Ab autoritate negativè , of what credit in the Schooles . ( 1 ) WEe are now come unto the latter part of St. George's Historie ; a part wherin wee shall finde many friends , and few enemies : for now wee are to deale with those , that speake for us ; and will not sticke to justifie the Storie of this blessed Martyr , upon their oathes . But first wee will dilate a little on his Name , lest else mistaking there , wee may perchance have all our processe overthrowne ; and this wee will the rather , because the name doth seeme to carry with it , the Osse or Omen of good lucke ; and in a manner did presage him for a Martyr . The Name of GEORGE , not to proceed in it more Grammatically , is originally Greeke : derived ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is ; To till the Earth , or to play the Plough-man . It signifieth an Husband-man ; and therefore Suidas doth expound the name by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Tiller , or labourer of the Earth . So Camden , in his Remaines , George , gr . Husband-man , the same with Agricola : and thereunto the famous Spencer thus alludeth in the wordes before recited ; There thee a Plough-man all unweeting found , As hee his toyle some teame that way did guide , And brought thee up in Plough-mans state to bide ; Whereof GEORGOS hee thee gave to Name , &c. To this the learned Doctor Reynolds hath alluded also , as before I noted ; where hee informes us , That all true Christian people , ( Quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei appellat Apostolus , 1. Cor. 3. ) whom the Apostle calls GODS Husbandrie , ought to make warre against the Dragon , mention'd in the Apocalypse . But this allusion or conceit , noted before him , by George Wicelius , in these wordes . Esto tu quicunq , censeris Christianus , Georgius ; idque reipsa . Pater enim Coelestis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est , inquit Evangelista : Nos huius mystici Agricolae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sumus , sicut ait Apostolus . Bee thou ( saith hee ) whoever thou art that art called a Christian , be thou a GEORGE : and not in Name onely , but in very deed . For as wee have it in the Gospell , Our heavenly Father is an Husbandman : And wee , as the Apostle tels us , are Gods husbandry . ( 2 ) But of the Name inough . The Storie of our Martyr , wee have made choyce to borrow out of Simeon Metaphrastes . For notwithstanding that wee find the Historie set downe at large , by others of the later times ; and that not few of those that went before him both in time and learning , have touch'd at it : yet wee have taken him to speake first for us , to open as it were , our Bill ; reserving all the rest as seconds , to make good his assertions . I know we might with greater glory , and more seeming shew of Antiquity , haue cast this burthen upon him , that calls himselfe Saint George's servant , Pasicrates by name : the first which did commit to writing , the Death and Actions of St. George ; and one ( if such a one there was ) which might relate the Storie with most assurance , as being alwayes with him even unto his suffering . But since the credit of Pasicrates , and of the storie written by him , dependeth onely on the word of Metaphrastes , who ascribes it to him : We may as well immediatly report it out of Metaphrastes ; in whom there is not any thing omitted worth our reading , which is found extant in the other . Of whom , and of the time in which hee liv'd , and that opinion which he carrieth in the world , wee will speake a little : because we have made choyce of him , to declare first for us ; and it concernes us , not to have our businesse opened by a man suspected , by one of no esteeme and credit with the learned . When that is done , we will not beg you to beleeve him any further ; than in Sir Walter Raleigh's judgement , we may give credit unto Annius and his Authors : namely so farre , as others writing on the same Argument , concurre with him ; and justifie his words as warrantable and historicall . ( 3 ) And first , the Age in which hee lived , is diuersly reported . Bellarmine on the credit of Baronius , hath placed him in the middle of the ninth Centurie ; Iohn Vossius in his Booke De Gr. Historicis , hath ranked him in the yeare 1060 ! Oraeus Volaterran , our learned Iewell , and Helvicus , make him a babe of yesterday ; a writer of the fourteenth Centurie , no older . Of this last computation more hereafter : the other two , being the worst of them , more probable than this ; though but one true . These two both built upon the same ground , the time of Michael Psellus ; and therefore if wee can resolve upon his time , wee have found the other . By Bellarmine it is affirm'd that Psellus was alive , anno 850. Michael the third ▪ together with his Mother Theodora , then ruling in the East : which Psellus made a funerall Oration in the praise of Metaphrastes . This last acknowledg'd to bee true by Vossius ; but then he tells us , and that upon the credit of Cedrenus , that Michael Psellus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that Author calls him , was Tutor unto Constantinus Ducas , who began his Empire in the yeare 1061. But in the sifting of the businesse , it may perhaps appeare , that Vossius is not ledde to this by any argument , more than his owne opinion . Non negare possum ( saith hee ) ijs temporibus ( viz. sub Mich. 3. ) vixisse quendam Michael . Psellum ; nam id apertè testatur Iohannes Curopalates : sed nego istum nobilem illum esse Philosophum , cuius permulta hodieque supersunt . He cannot choose but grant , that Michael Psellus flourished in the time of Michael and Theodora : but that this was the Michael Psellus whose writings are still extant , this he denieth . So then , it being so farre granted , that Michael Psellus was aliue , according to the time assigned by Bellarmine ; we will according to that computation resolve of Sim. Metaphrastes , that he flourished in the ninth Centurie . When we see better reason to inforce the contrary , wee shall not thinke it any shame , to alter our opinion . As for the name of Metaphrastes , it was given our Author in reference unto a worke of his , touching the Lives of Saints and Martyrs : which lives he had collected with indefatigable industry , out of severall Authors , himselfe retayning the sense and matter of them , but otherwise delivering the Stories in wordes more proper and expressive . So witnes●eth Aloysius Lippomanus in his Preface ; Ideòque & Metaphrastae nomen fuisse adeptum : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enim Graecè , Latinè est Scripturam aliquam dilucidioribus verbis , sensu tamen & materia retentis , interpretari . ( 4 ) This worke thus brought together , became of good esteeme and credit in the Easterne parts : the reputation of the Writer , and the opinion had of his good performance in that kind , cōcurring both together , to further the admission of it in their Churches . For of the man himselfe , it is affirm'd by Lippomanus , that by the Grecians hee is honour'd as a Saint : the 27. of November , being assign'd him for his Feast-day . Psellus , a man of speciall qualitie himselfe , hath played the Panegyrist in his commendation : and therein added to the fame of Metaphrastes ; Adeò bonum est laudari à laudato viro. And not he onely , but all the Fathers of the great Councell of Florence , the greatest in the later Ages of the Church ; have magnified his Name , and extoll'd his Learning . For vouching him and his authority , in that great point , De filioque then debated ; hee is summon'd thus : Imprimis ergo Sim. Metaphrastes vestris in Ecclesijs celebarrimus , accedat , &c. Sess. 7. But what need more bee sayd than that of Theod. Balsamon , in his Commentaries on the Canons of the sixt Synod . For there was great complaint made in that Councell , how hideously the lives of Saints were falsified by Heretickes ; which 63. Canon , together with the resolution of the Fathers , wee have recited in the second Chapter of the former part of this Discourse . Hereupon Balsamon takes occasion to congratulate the felicity of the Church , in those latter times ; and to commend withall , the paines and excellent performance of our Author , in that Argument . Magna itaque B. Metaphrastae agenda est gratia , qui martyricas pro veritate fossas , non sine multis laboribus & sudoribus repurgavit , & exornavit ; ad Dei laudem , & S. Martyrum perennem gloriam . So hee , or rather his Translatour : for I have not the originall now by me . ( 5 ) Bellarmine giveth this note of him , and the note is good : Videri aliquas historias Sanctorum , additas à posterioribus ; That many Histories were added to the worke of Metaphrastes , by some of lesser standing ; those namely which were added to the Catalogue of Saints , after the death of the first Author . Which note of his , together with the testimonies of Balsamon , and Psellus , doe most abundantly refell their errour , which make him such a Puisné : and in part also satisfie it . The first of those , that did disparage thus our Author ; Raphael Volaterran : and in him wee reade it thus . Simeon Constantinopolitanus ludi magister , circiter annos abhinc 200. composuit Graecè Metaphrastas . Id est , Sanctorum vitas , quae singulis mensibus proprie leguntur , habenturque in Bibliotheca Vaticana . I thus translate it in the wordes of Byshop Iewell , This Simeon Metaphrastes , whom Mr. Harding calleth a greeke Writer , was a poore Schoole-master in Constantinople , and wrote Saints lives , which may well be called , The Legend of lyes , and lived Two hundred yeares agoe , and not above . Thus hath Helvicus placed his Simeon Constantinopolitanus , in the yeare 1306. which was two hundred yeares exactly , before the time of Volaterran : And so Oraeus in his Nomenclator , Simeon Metaphrastes , Constantinopolitanus , scripsit de vitis Sanctorum , Sec. 14. So they , but this can nothing prejudice our Simeon Metaphrastes , extoll'd so highly by Michael Psellus , who liv'd , in their account which speake the least , Anno 1060. so highly praised by Balsamon , who wrote about the yeare 1191. above an hundred yeares before this Scoole-master was talked of . Likely it is , this Schoole-master , might adde those Lives unto the worke of Metaphrastes ; which by the Cardinall are noted to bee of later date , and a lesse standing . And this I thinke the rather , because Nicephorus , who liv'd then with this Schoole-master , if such there was ; hath told vs touching Simeon Stylites , the latter of that name , how that one Simeon Magister ( Some Schoole-master perhappes ) had written of him ; but not so learnedly as the occasion did require . Ea huc vsque ( de Sim. viz. Stylite ) sermone omnium celebrantur ; à Simeone Magistro , quanquam non ita doctè ut magnitudo rerum postulavit , conscripta . But be he what he will , and even as ignorant as a Pedant may be in nature , it is no matter : certaine I am , hee cannot be that Metaphrastes , so much fam'd by Psellus , Balsamon , and a whole Councell ; not that , whom wee haue chosen to report the storie of St. George , and is now readie to relate it . ( 6 ) Of Metaphrastes hitherto . We now proceed unto the storie , which hee tell 's vs , thus . Georgius in Cappadocia , non obscuro loco , e Christianis parentibus natus ; in vera pietate iam inde educatus fuerat . Hic cum ad pubertatem nondum pervenisset , patrem in certamine pietatis egregis pugnantem amisit ; è Cappadociaque cum matre in Palestinam , vnde erat oriunda , se contulit : vbi multae illi possessiones , et ingens erat haereditas . Ob generis igitur nobilitatem , cum iam et corporis pulchritudine et aetate ad militiam aptus esset ; Tribunus militum est constitutus . Quo quidem in munere , cum virtutem suam in bellicis certaminibus , séque strenum militem ostendisset ; Comes à Diocletiano constitutus est , antequàm christianus esse cognosceretur . Cum autem eo tempore mater é vita discessisset , maioris cupidus dignitatis , maximam e divitijs sibi relictis partem accipit , et ad Imperatorem profectus est . Tunc annum vicessimum aetatis annum impleverat . So farre the words of Metaphrastes , which I haue therefore here put downe at large , because it is the ground worke of the whole businesse . I translate it thus . St. George was borne in Cappadocia , of Christian parents , and those not of the meanest qualitie : by whom he was brought up in true Religion , and the feare of God. Hee was no sooner past his Childhood , but hee lost his father , brauely encountring with the enemies of Christ : and thereupon departed with his afflicted Mother into Palestine , whereof she was a native ; and where great fortunes and a faire inheritance did fall unto him . Thus qualified in birth , and being also of an able bodie , and of an age fit for employment in the warres , hee was made a Colonell . In which employment hee gaue such testimonies of his valour , and behav'd himselfe so nobly : that forthwith Dioclesian , not knowing yet that he was a Christian , advanc'd him to the place and dignitie of his Councell for the warres : ( for so on good authoritie , I have made bold to render Comes in this place and time ) About this time his Mother dyed : and hee augmenting the heroicke resolutions of his mind , with the increase of his revenue , did presently applie himselfe vnto the Court and service of his Prince ; his twentieth yeere being even then compleat and ended . This is the first part of St. Georges historie , according unto Metaphrastes . In affirmation of the which I will adde onely for the present , a rowle or catalogue of such , which make St. George to bee by birth a Cappadocian ; which is the thing first doubted . As viz. The Martyrologie of the Greeke Church , Vincentius Bellovacensis , Nicephorus Callistus , Iacobus de Voragine , The Breviarie of the English Church , See Vsum Sarum , Edward the third of England , in his Charter of the Foundation of the Church in Windsore , Antoninus Florentinus , Hermannus Schedell , Phil. Bergomensis , Ralph Volaterran , the Magdeburgians , and Oraeus : twelve honest men , besides their fore-man ; and true most of them ; besides all those of the Romish partie also , which are peremptorie in it . The severall places , and the words therein alleaged , unto this purpose ; we shall see hereafter . Which being so , I cannot choose but wonder at the boldnesse of one Fryer Anselme , of the Order of St. Francis ; who makes St. GEORGE a Native of Palestine , or Syria : and tells us that the house in which he was borne , is still standing ; and call'd commonly S t. GEORGES De Acon versus orientem ( these are his words ) ad quinque Leucas occurrit Casale quoddam , quod S. Georgius dicitur ; quia ibi natus fuit : & situm est inter montana in Valle. But more I marvaile at Sir Walter Raleigh , that on such weake and shallow grounds should so report it . Five miles ( saith he ) from Ptolemais ( which is the same with Acon ) towards the East , is the Castle of St. GEORGE , where he was borne ; the Valley adjoyning bearing the same name . This last indeed we grant , that there is such a Valley , and that it is so call'd ; and that there is a Castle and an Oratorie in it , consecrated to our Martyr . Yet this , not in relation to his birth , which none besides themselves have thought on : but on as weake and faultie grounds , his conflict with the Dragon , said by the Natives to be slaine by him in this place ; which before we noted from PATRITIVS , and ADRICOMIVS , in the latter end of our first Chapter . ( 7 ) Before we travaile further in the Storie of St. GEORGE , we must a litle looke upon the state of the Roman Empire : govern'd by Diocletian , in the East ; and in the West by Maximinian , surnamed Herculius . For Diocletian beeing made Emperour by the Army , upon the death of Carus ; and finding that the burden was too weighty for him to sustaine alone ; he joyn'd unto him in that honour , one of his fellow-Soldiers , this Maximinian : reserving to himselfe the Easterne parts , at that time daily wasted by the neighbouring Persians ; and sending his Copartner into the West , where the Barbarians of the North and Westerne Marches , were no lesse troublesome . But things not rightly yet succeeding to their wish ; as well to keepe in quiet that which was peaceable , as to regaine such Provinces as had beene lost : they tooke unto themselves two CAESARS ( for so the next Successours were then called ; ) viz. Galerius Maximinianus , and Constantius Chlorus . Of these the latter was by his Parentage and birth , of Illyricum , and by AVGVSTVS MAXIMINIAN employed in Brittaine , which was then revolted : The other was of Dacia , a neighbour by his Country unto Diocletian ; by whom hee was sent out Commander of his Armies against the Persian . Those thus engaged in the common service of the State , and the affaires thereof in better order than before : the Emperours now out of action , converted all their force and furie on the Christians ; whom they afflicted with the greatest and most savage Persecution of all others . For now not onely some part or other of the Church , was harassed and depopulated ; but all at once a prey unto the Sword and Tortures of the publike Hangman : no corner of the Empire so farre distant from the Seates Imperiall , wherein there was not havocke made of Gods beloved . Interea Diocletianus in Oriente , Maximinianus in Occidente , vastari Ecclesias , affligi , interficique Christianos praeceperunt : quae persecutio omnibus ferè anteactis diuturnior , & immanior fuit . So PAVL OROSIVS , briefly , according to his manner . ( 8 ) The Persecution thus resolv'd on , and begun already in the Court and Seates Imperiall : and not so onely , but warrants granted out unto the Officers and Rulers of the Provinces , to speed the Execution ; and that done also in a frequent Senate , the Emperour DIOCLETIAN there himselfe in person : St. GEORGE , though not yet Sainted , could conteine no longer , but thus exposed himselfe unto their fury , & his owne glory . For thus it followeth in the Storie . Cum igitur primo statim die tantam in Christianos crudelitatem animadvertisset , &c Omnem pecuniam & vestem celeriter pauperibus distribuit , &c. & tertio Concilij die , qua Senatus decretum confirmandum er at , &c. ipsi omni foi midine reiecta , &c. in medio consessu ste tit , & in hunc modum locutus est . Quousque tandem O imperator , & vos Patres Conscripti , furorem vestrum in Christianos augebitis ▪ legesque adversus eos iniquas sancietis ? &c. Eosque ad eam quam vos an vera sit religionem ignoratis , eos qui veram didicere compelletis ? Haec Idola non sunt dij , non sunt inquam . Nolite per errorem falli . Christus solus Deus est , idemque solus Dominus in gloria Dei patris . Aut igitur vos item veram agnoscite religionem , aut certe eos , qui illam colunt , nolite per dementiam vestram perturbare . His verbis attoniti ▪ & inopinata dicendi libertate perculsi , oculos ad Imperatorem omnes converterunt , audituri quidnam is ad ea responderet , &c. When therefore GEORGE , even in the first beginnings , had observ'd the extraordinarie cruelty of these proceedings , hee presently put off his military abiliments , and making dole of all his substance to the poore : on the third Session of the Senate , when the Imperiall decree was to be verified , quite voide of feare , he came in-the Senate-house , and spake unto them in this manner . How long most noble Emperour , and you Conscript Fathers , will you augment your tyrannies against the Christians ? How long will you enact unjust and cruell Lawes against them ? Compelling those which are aright instructed in the faith , to follow that Religion , of whose truth your selves are doubtfull . Your Idols are no Gods , and I am bold to say againe , they are not . Be not you longer couzned in the same errour . Our Christ alone is God , he onely is the Lord , in the glory of the Father . Eyther do you therefore acknowledge that Religion which undoubtedly is true : or else disturbe not them by your raging follies , which would willingly embrace it . This said , and all the Senate wonderfully amazed at the free speech and boldnesse of the man ; they all of them turn'd their eyes upon the Emperour , expecting what hee would reply : who beckoning to Magnentius , then Consull , and one of his speciall Favourites , to returne an answere ; hee presently applyed himselfe to satisfie his Princes pleasure . Further we will not prosecute the storie in our Authors words , which are long and full of needlesse conference : but briefly will declare the substance of it , which is this . Vpon St. Georges constant profession of his Faith , they wooed him first with promises of future honours , and more faire advancements : but finding him unmoveable , not to bee wrought upon with words , they tryed him next with torments ; not sparing any thing which might expresse their cruelty , or ennoble his affliction . When they saw all was fruitlesse , at last the fatall Sentence was pronounced against him in this manner ; that beeing had againe to prison , hee should the following day be drawne through the City , and beheaded . Reclusus ergo in carcere , sequenti die tali sententia damnatur ▪ ut per totam Civitatem detractus , demum capite puniretur . Which Sentence was accordingly perform'd , and GEORGE invested with the glorious Crowne of Martyrdome , upon the 23. day of April , Anno Domini nostri 290. ( 9 ) For this the yeare and day of S. GEORGE his death , we shall have proofe enough hereafter ; of the day chiefly in the Martyrologies , and of the yeare thereof in severall Histories . Proofe also store inough for this , that he was beheaded : in which particular , all Authors which have descended to particulars , agree joyntly . Onely the old Franciscan , Fryer Anselme , whom I lately mention'd , will have him end his sufferings in a flaming fire , at Rama in the Holy-Land . For so it followeth in his text . In Beryth autem occidit draconem : in Rama autem , quae distat à Hierusalem per 20 miliaria , fertur fuisse combustus . 'T is well they are so link'd together , his Martyrdome by fire , and his encounter with the Dragon ; being both of them of the same medley . I had almost forgot the doughtie Authour of the Seaven Champions . Who as hee makes the first atchievement of Saint GEORGE , to bee the killing of a burning Dragon in the Land of Egypt , whereby hee sav'd from death the Princesse Sabra : so doth he make his last , to be a dangerous combate , which hee had with a poysonous Dragon upon Dunsmere Heath ; wherein the Dragon lost his life , and the poore Knight return'd to Coventrey , his owne Citie , so extreamely wounded , that hee shortly after dyed . And yet the foolish Author tells us expresly in his Title , that there wee have the true and certaine manner of his Death . But as good lucke would have it , hee left behind him to comfort his afflicted people , no fewer than three Sonnes : and one of them , a matter of no common knowledge , was GVY that famous Earle of Warwicke ; the other two being preferr'd to place in Court. ( 10 ) To returne then to METAPHRASTES , ( for wee will heare him speake no further of St. GEORGE : ) wee now dismisse him , to relate the rest that followes , unto them that dare beleeve him . Wee have already shewne you , how hideously the Heretickes had falsified the lives of Saints and Martyrs , to countenance their cause : and with what little choyce of argument the Church-historians had compiled their Martyrologies , and Actes Ecclesiasticall . Both observations verified in the storie of our Martyr , and the collections of this Author . For in the rest that followes , wee have the Arian tale of George and Athanasius the Magitian ; together with the strange Conversion of the Empresse AREXANDRA : both which before have had my blessing . These intermingled with the horrible and most unsufferable torments which are there said to be applyed unto our Martyr : so great , so farre above the strength of nature to indure ; that wee must needs reject the very naming of them , as things so short of Truth , that in the greatest charity they may not be reputed possible . And for the close of all , a cheate or couzning tricke of his , put by him on the Emperour : whom hee perswaded after many of his torments , that hee was now content to sacrifice unto the Roman Idols . Which done , the Church made trim , the Priests in readinesse , and many of the people gathered there together to behold the alteration : hee calls upon the LORD , and presently upon his prayers , downe came a fire from Heaven ; by which both Temple , Priests , and many of the people , were consumed . This last , accounted as an Errour ( or a Fable rather ) in the common Legends , by Antoninus Florentinus : who guessing at some reasons for which the passion of St. GEORGE was judged Apocryphall , makes this for One , Quòd Daciano dixerit , ( for so hee calls him ) paratum se Sacrificare , si faceret populum ad Templum congregari ; quo facto , oratione eius , igne coelesti totum Templum &c. concremavit . This last accounted also one of the principall excesses of this Writer , in the composition of his Stories ; and for that noted by the Cardinall in his censure of him . ( 11 ) These passages in Metaphrastes we admit not in our Storie ; and therefore leave the proofe thereof , to such as thinke they may beleeve them . But for the rest , wee doubt not but to make it good by witnesses of speciall ranke ; and many of them of authority undeniable , in points Historicall . The rest , I meane , which is of principall moment , and most necessary to the cause in hand ; as viz. his Countrey , and Martyrdome in generall ; the manner of his Death , the time and place of it : all these wee doubt not to make good , by such variety of Evidence , and strength of testimony , as may suffice to make the Storie free from all further question . But for the greatnesse of his Parentage and Fortunes , together with his Honourable place about the Emperour : this wee will take upon the word of Metaphrastes , untill wee finde some evidence not yet discovered , which can prove the contrary . Nor shall it be sufficient for any of the adverse party , to say , that no such circumstance may bee found in Eusebius , who largely wrote the Story of that last and greatest Persecution : no nor in Bede which mentions him ; nor in Vincentius or Antoninus , both which are large inough in the expression of his History . For wee know well inough that Argumenta ab authoritate negativè , are shamefully exploded in the Schooles of Logicke : that the argument would bee ridiculous , should any one conclude , that all the Silvian Kings reckoned in our Chronologies , are to bee rejected ; because so many Writers of the history of Rome , have spared to name them . I know indeed , in points of Faith and Morall duties , wee may resolve it with the Fathers , Non credimus quia non legimus ; and therefore I restraine my selfe to Cases of this qualitie : and that no further , till I see evidence of reason to convince me of an Error ; where proofe of testimony failes . Which ground thus layd , wee will proceed unto the justification of the history in METAPHRASTES ; so much thereof as wee have taken , and is most materiall . But we will first make cleare our passage , in the removing of one doubt , and commenting a little upon one memorable circumstance therein ; the better to explaine the meaning of the Author , and content the Reader : and having pointed out the scene of this great Action , descend unto our evidence . CHAP. II. ( 1 ) Magnentius mentioned in the former Storie , what hee was . ( 2 ) Vestem exuere militarem , the meaning of it ; and when used . ( 3 ) Lydda the Scene of this great action ; now called Saint George's . ( 4 ) Malmesbury reconciled with other Authors . ( 5 ) No executions permitted by the Ancients , within their Cities . ( 6 ) The former Storie justified , most of it , by Eusebius . ( 7 ) St. Ambrose testimonie of St. George , how certaine to bee his . ( 8 ) The time and Canon of Pope Gelasius . ( 9 ) The Storie of Saint George , why reckoned as Apocryphall . ( 10 ) The meaning of Gelasius not to explode the Martyr , with his Historie . ( 11 ) The Arian George not likely in so small a tract of time to bee reputed as a Martyr . ( 12 ) A Catalogue of the Authors cyted in this Booke , which have made honourable mention of Saint George ; as also of those Princes , Peeres , and Prelates , which have done him Honour : digested in their times and Ages . ( 1 ) THree thinges there are then , which are to bee dispatch'd , before wee come to the producing of further Evidence on our party : viz. A doubt to bee remooved , a notable circumstance to bee explained ; and the designment of the place or scene of this great Action . Of these the doubt to bee removed , is that particular passage touching Magnentius , said then to be a principall Favorite of DIOCLETIAN , and at that time Consul : and this may well be call'd a doubt , because in all the Consular tables , which I have searched and seene ; I cannot meete , during the whole Empire of Diocletian , a Consul of that Name . But if wee can finde out the man ; I hope we shall agree with case inough about his being Consul : and for the finding out the man , wee must make two enquiries . My first enquiry is , whether Magnentius there mentioned , might not be hee , which afterwards slew Constans , Sonne unto Constantine the Great , and tooke unto himselfe that part of the Roman Empire , which Constans then commanded . To make this probable , ( for wee aspire no further ) we must first understand , that Diocletian when hee associated Maximinian in the Empire , did take unto himselfe the name from IVPITER ; the other his from HERCVLES : the one , being thenceforth call'd , Diocletianus Iovius ; the other Maximinianus Herculius . But not content with this , to make their memory in these adjuncts , more eternall ; they rais'd two severall Companies of selected Souldiers , whom they call'd Iovij & Herculij . Of these selected Companies Magnentius was at that time Captain or Commander , ( Comes Herculiorum & Ioviorum , hee is called in the Latine storie : ) when hee made slaughter of Prince Constans : and therefore not unlikely , but he may be the Favourite of Diocletian , mentioned in Metaphrastes ; and by him rais'd unto this honour . If any thing may bee objected against this , it is , that if Magnentius were at that time Consul , when Saint George was made a Martyr : eyther he had beene dead , before the murther of the young Emperour Constans ; or else too old to undertake such enterprises . Of his decease before that time , I thinke there can bee nothing proov'd ; unlesse by way of possible conjecture . And for his age , allowing him for twenty , anno 290. when our Martyr suffered , about which age , and sooner , many had beene advanc'd upon speciall favour , to that Dignitie : and it will then easily appeare , that he could bee no lesse than 80. yeares of age , at his usurping of the Empire . This I confesse for true , but yet I must affirme withall , that age is hardly able to keepe under , eyther ambitious desires , or noble resolutions . For Bretannion , who at the same time with this Magnentius , assum'd the purple habite in the Countries of Pannonia , was exceeding ancient : and in the later dayes , Venieri , Admirall of the Venetian Fleet , in the great Battaile of Lepanto , was close upon fourescore ; yet of that haughty Spirit that he contested with Don Iohn the Spanish Admirall , even to a Challenge for the Field , who then was in the prime and gallantrie of his youth . A greater age than this , was that of Andreas Auria , Admirall to Charles the fifth ; who lived till 94. no lesse : and held unto the last , a man of notable undertakings , and of brave performance . And if we looke on former times , we find that most of Alexanders great Commanders , attain'd unto the age of 80. yeares , or not much short of it ; and yet contended with each other , even till their latest gaspe of breath , for the sole Empire , and chiefe Soveraignty of Greece and Asia . So stirring is the fire of glory and ambition , that it will kindle and enflame the coldest appetite of age . Our next enquirie is , whether the name bee not mistaken in the Author , or the Translatours , for Maxentius . Which if it may bee granted , as the mistake is very easie : then will it be a matter of farre lesse difficultie than before . For who so litle conversant in the Histories of those times , but may remember , that Maximinianus Herculius had a sonne so named ; and that upon the death of Constantius Chlorus , hee was proclaim'd Augustus , and saluted Emperour by the Praetorian bands at Rome . An honour hee enjoyed not long ; being first undermined by his owne Father , the old tyrant ; and after slaine , with the discomfiture of his whole forces , at the Milvian bridge neere Rome , by Constantine the Great . Now if it may be granted , that the name may possibly bee mistaken ; as we see dayly worse mistakes , in the editions of the best Authors : how easie is it to beleeve , that this MAXENTIVS , the sonne of the one Emperor ; might be made Consul , and in especiall favour with the other ? But then it is objected , that we meet not with his name in any of the Consular-Tables . This we affirme , and yet withall that notwithstanding this , Maxentius might be Consull . For besides the Consuls Ordinarie , appointed for the yeare , whose names onely occurre in the publicke Tables : there was another sort of Consuls , call'd Consuls honourarie , appointed onely for a Moneth , and sometimes longer , as it pleas'd the Emperours . Of this See Dion . A custome taken up , upon the end of the Civill Warres , Cum helli civilis praemia festinari coeperunt , as it is in Tacitus : when now the Emperours had many men to gratifie , and could not speed them all in ordinarie Course . Of the which kind of Consuls , Maxentius might be one ; so also might Magnentius , though wee find nothing of them in the common Calendars . Of this kind also might there be some other Consull of the latter name ; although no further mention of him in the Histories of that age and time . ( 2 ) The circumstance to be explain'd , is that St. George before he came into the Senate , put off His military abiliments ! A circumstance not express'd rightly in the Author , where we find onely vestem pauperibus distribuit , that he distributed his garments to the poore ; and therefore have rather chosen to expresse it in the words of Vincentius : where it is said , that having made a dole of all his riches , militarem vestem exuit , hee put off his military habit , and so address'd himselfe to speake in the behalfe of his poore brethren . Which putting off his militarie habiliments , is not , as I conceive it , onely ( nor perhaps at all ) the disroabing of himselfe of his soldiers coate , or cassocke : but rather the abandoning of his militarie or Knightly belt ; the honorarie marke of his well-deserving . For in the times of the Roman Empire , it was a custome of the Prince , to honour such which were of greatest merit , with a degree above the rest : which was perform'd by investing them with a military belt or girdle ; the Ensigne of a Knight . This was call'd , Cingulo militiae honestare : and hereunto it is alluded by St. Chrysostome , in his 26. Homilie on the Corinthians , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let none ( saith hee ) which is an Officer , presume to come before the Prince , without his belt , and other military habiliments . This militarie belt thus given , was an ingagement of the party so invested , unto the service of the Prince : and that in termes so neere and close , that such as had receiv'd the faith , and made a conscience of their wayes , used commonly to cast it from them ; because of the incompatibility , that was betweene their holy profession , & that Knightly order . A matter frequent in the use of it , in the times of Persecution ; in such especially , who could not patiently conceale their holy callings , and dissemble their Religion . The meaning then is this , that George no longer willing to continue in the service of the Emperour , unto the hazard of his Soule , enounced his order : and being so degraded , went up into the Senate ; no longer now a Soldier of the Emperour ; but of IESUS CHRIST . ( 3 ) As for the Scene , or Stage , on which this great and famous Tragedie of St. George was acted : it is generally said to be in Lydda , a Towne of Palestine , in the Tribe of Ephraim . A Towne made famous by St. Peter , who there , virtute Christi non sua , restored Aeneas to his health ; Who had kept his Bed eight yeares , and was sicke of the Palsey . Knowne also in the Writers both of former and of middle times , by the name Diospolis , or the Towne of Iupiter ; because that Idoll-god was there worshipped . In this Towne , that St. George receiv'd the Crowne of Martyrdome , is evident out of the testimonies of those severall Authors , which have made mention of our Martyr : whose words I shall deferre untill the next Chapter , where they are produced at large . Two onely proofes I have made choyce of for the present . First , that his sacred body was there reverently entomb'd , by the devout and pious inhabitants thereof : his Sepulcher beeing there extant to be shewne , even in the dayes of Will. of Tyre , about the yeare 1180. For so hee testifieth himselfe , In hac urbe ( Lydda viz. ) usque hodiè egregij Martyris Georgij gloriosum Sepulchrum ostenditur ; in quo secundùm exteriorem hominem in Deo creditur conquiescore . Next , that in latter times , the Christians hereabouts , call it St. George's : the other names thereof not to be found unlesse in Authors , or old Mappes . So witnesseth Iacob . de Vitriaco , who liv'd about the yeare , 1240. that Lydda civitas , quondam Diospolis appellata , nunc ad S. Georgium nuncupatur . Both circumstances , that of his buriall , and this other mention'd last , together , in old Fryer Anselme : quarto miliario à Modyn est Lydda , civitas qu● Diospolis dicitur , in qua corpus B. Georgij testantur fuisse ; & S. Georgius vulgo dicitur . Shall we have more ? Roger de Hovenden in his Annals , recyting there the names of such great personages , as dyed in the Christian Campe at the seige of Ptolemais ; gives us among the rest three Byshops ; viz. N●vus Episcopus de Acon , Episcopus de Baru●h , Episcopus de S. Georgio . For at that time , the Christians had made this Towne a Byshops Seate ; as we shall see heereafter . ( 4 ) Onely in such a generall consent of Authors , Will ▪ the Monke of Malmesbury doth seeme to differ from the rest : who seemeth to make the Scene hereof to be Rama , or Ramula , a litle City not farre distant . Ibi a dextra dimittentes maritima , pervenerunt Ramulam , civitatulam muro indigam , B. Georgij , si famae credimus , martyrij consciam : We came ( saith he ) leaving the Sea-shore on the right hand , to a little Citty , unwall'd , knowne by the name of Ramula ; guilty , if we may trust report , of St. GEORGES Martyrdome And hereupon perhaps it is , that Fryer Anselme , who as before we noted , hath made St. GEORGE to end his dayes in a burning fire ; hath chosen Rama for the place of Executiō : his ashes being afterwards transferr'd ( sd . he ) to Lydda , & there buried . To reconcile w ch difference , we must conceive that these two : Cities were not very farre asunder ; and their Feilds or Territories close together : so that an action done in one , without great errour might be reported of the other . St. MATHEVV in his holy Gospell , tells us of a myracle done by our Saviour , in the Country of the Gergezens : whereas St. LVKE and MARKE affirme , that it was the Country of the Gadarens . Yet may it not be therefore thought , that the Holy Spirit is at difference with it selfe ; God forbid : nor that we should conceive the Gadarens and Gergezens to be the same ; which is not so . But rather we must reconcile the places thus , according to the truth of storie , and the scituation of the Country ; that the two people mention'd in the Gospell were conterminous : their Townes at no great distance , and their fields bordering one upon another . Therefore that miracle , done in the fields betweene them both ; might without any wrong or errour , bee made good of eyther . ( 5 ) To make the reconciliation more exact , and the case more parallell , wee must also note , that with the ancients there was nothing more unlawfull , than to put any man to death within their Cities . Thus in the state of Rome , the Vestall Virgin having committed fornication , was buried quicke within the Campus Sceleratus ; and other malefactors throwne headlong from the Tarpeian Rocke : both situate without the Towne . So also had the Thessalians a place of Execution , from the praecipice of an Hill , which they called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Corvi : from whence arose the Proverbe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Away with him to the Gallowes . Thus the Iewes also , when they crucified our Saviour , led him out of their Citie to Mount Calvarie : and thus St. LVKE reports it in the Execution of St. STEPHEN , that they cast him out of the Citie and stoned him . A custome which continued long , even till the times of Persecution were all past : and of the which , our publike Gallowes which we see every where without our Townes , are some remainders . Which being so , no executiō in those times permitted in their Cities ; it must needs be , that our St. GEORGE did suffer in the open fields . Which granted , it will then appeare that Malmesbury might not unjustly say of Rama , or ( as he calls it ) Ramula , that it was guilty of , or rather had a hand in Saint Georges death ; though in the generall voyce of Writers , it be affirm'd of Lydda : because the fields were common , or close adjoyning , and the Townes but litle distant . ( 6 ) These matters thus dispatch'd , we now proceed to verifie the former Storie out of the words of such as have concurr'd with Metaphrastes in the maine and substance . And first we will attempt to justifie the whole narration out of Eusebius ; whose countenance herein , will I am sure be worth our seeking . And I would gladly know what part or circumstance there is in all our History , for the defence whereof , we may not use his testimony . Is it , that any Cappadocian was adjudg'd to suffer for the Gospell ? He tells us there , that one Seleucus , Iulian , and others of that Country , receiv'd the Crowne of Martyrdome , during the Persecution rais'd by Diocletian . Or is it that the Persecution ever did extend to Palestine ? He hath a Chapter at the least , of such as suffered in that Country . It is not , I am sure , that any of the militarie men abandoned their advancements , or yeilded up their lives , to testifie how litle they esteem'd them in comparisen of CHRIST . For this he hath expresly , that many of them , when the Persecution first began , did willingly forsake their honourable Offices ; and some their lives : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nor can it bee that that the Imperiall edict did not extend to such as were of his retinue , and did belong immediately unto his person . For in the same booke he mentions Dorotheus and Gorgonius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with many more of Caesars houshold . Wee grant indeed , that no such name as that of George ▪ occurres in all that Author : but we affirme withall that he confesseth it an infinite and tedious businesse , to recount the names of all that suffered , or capitulate those severall torments they endur'd ; and therefore purposely omits them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as he there hath it . So then , Eusebius doth affirme that Cappadocia had its Martyrs , that the Persecution raged in Palestine , that it extended to the military men , and to those also that attended in the Pallace ; and lastly that it is impossible to tell the names of all that suffered . Put this together ▪ and it will amount to this ; that George one of those many Martyrs whom Eusebius could not name , a Cappadocian by his Country , a Soldier by profession , and one that waited in the Court ; was put to death in Palestine by torments not to be express'd , because he constantly continued in the Faith of CHRIST . ( 7 ) In the next place we have the testimony of St. Ambrose , if at the least , the words be his : a Reverend Father of the Church , and a chiefe ornament thereof , who dyed about the yeare , 397. The words are these : Georgius Christi miles fidelissimus , dum Christianismi professio tegeretur , solus inter Christicolas intrepidus Dei filium confessus est : Cui tantam constantiam gratia divina concessit , ut & tyrannicae potestatis praecepta contemneret , & innumerabilium non formidaret tormenta poenarum . Id est . George the most faithfull Soldier of IESUS CHRIST , when as Religion was else every where dissembled , adventur'd boldly to cōfesse the name of GOD : to whom it pleas'd the Lord to give so much of Heavenly grace , that he not onely scorn'd the tyrants , but contemned their torments . This I find cyted by Hermanus Schedel , in his Chronica Chronicorum ; and out of him by Bergomensis ; since by Molanus jn his Annotations upon Vsuards Martyrologie : Iacobus de Voragine relyeth also , in one passage , on the authority of Ambrose ; so doth Vincentius , and Antoninus Florentinus . The treatise out of which his testimonie is avouch'd , is by them call'd , Liber praefationum ; not now extant . Wicelius , who doth also build on the authoritie of this Reverend Father , saith that the booke is long since perish'd ▪ so perish'd , as it seems , that there is nothing left of it , but the name , and some scattered remnants . Whether St. Ambrose , were or not , the Author of that treatise ; I cannot easily determine : because in Possevin , I find no mention of this tract , who yet hath tooke upon him , to marshall all the Workes of that excellent man , even those also which are lost . Yet on the other side , his testimony vouch'd by Authors of that antiquity , as those before recyted ; assure mee at the least so farre , that such a worke was in their times , receiv'd as his . Adde unto this , that Vossius reckoneth him with the Latine Historians , in his late booke of that argument ; as having writ the lives of many of the Saints : of Theodora namely , of St. Celsus and Nazarius , of St. Gervase and Protasius , and as the Papists say , of Agnes . Which being so , I must crave longer time , before I shall reject these words , ascribed unto him , or not esteeme them true , and worthy to be credited : though not so fully , as to build upon them altogether . ( 8 ) But of our next witnesse , there is lesse doubt , and a larger testimonie ; though in his words we meet with somewhat which requires a Commentarie . A witnesse which hath beene examined on the adverse part already , where he was able to say nothing : I meane Gelasius Pope of Rome , and his so memorated Canon . This Pope began his Papacie , Anno 492. and dyed in 96. some foure yeares after . About his time , and long before it ; the Heretickes had busily employed themselves to falsifie the publike Acts and writings of the Church : w ch thing they had effected so according to their wish , that now it was high time to have a carefull eye upon them ; or else it may be , they might have growne too potent to be easily suppress'd . For this cause , Pope GELASIUS having assembled 72. of his neighbour Prelates unto Rome ; did then and there , with their advise and by their diligent assistance ; contrive a Catalogue of all such dangerous writings , as were thought fit to be rejected : giving to those which they accounted true & orthodoxe , the place and honour due unto them . Which Canon , since it is alleaged against us , thereby to overthrow the History of our St. GEORGE ; we will in this place bring into the open view , as much of it as concernes the businesse now in hand : that so we may encounter them with their owne weapons . The Canon is as followeth . Gesta S. Martyrum qui multiplicibus tormentorum cruciatibus , & mirabilibus confessionum triumphis , irradiant ; quis ita esse Catholicorum dubitet , & maiora eos in agonibus esse perpessos , nec suis viribus sed dei gratia & adiutorio universa tolerasse ? Sed ideo secundùm consuetudinem antiquam , singulari cautela in Sancta Rom. Ecclesia non leguntur , quia eorum , qui scripsere , nomina penitus ignorantur ; & ab infidelibus idiotis superfluè vel minus aptè , quam rei ordo fuerit , scripta esse putantur : Sicut cuiusdam Quiriaci , & Iulittae matris eius , sicut Georgij , aliorumque passiones huiusmodi , quae ab haereticis perhibentur conscriptae ; propter quod ( ut dictum est ) ne vel levius subsannandi occasio oriretur , in S. Romana Ecclesiâ non leguntur . No● tamen cum praedicta Ecclesia , omnes Martyres atque eorum gloriosos agones , qui Deo magis quam hominibus noti sunt , cum omni devotione veneramur . So farre the very words and letters of the Canon . ( 9 ) By this it doth appeare , that as the Saints in generall , so also particularly St. GEORGE , had beene abused and counterfeited in his Story : in the close of the same Canon therefore , it is reckon'd as Apochryphall ; as were a great many others of the same temper . The reason why it was so reckon'd , is by our latter writers diversly related . Raphael Volaterran makes it to bee rejected , onely so much of it , as concernes St. Georges combat with the Dragon : which also is assign'd by Antoninus , amongst other causes ; but by neither rightly . For in those times , and many hundred yeares behind them , the fable of the Dragon was not so much as thought of in the Church Christian. Iacobus de Voragine more nearely to the truth , Ex eo quòd Martyrium eius certam relationem non habet : because the storie of his death is told us in most perplext and uncertaine manner . In Calendario n. Bedae , &c. For in the Calendar of Bede , we find ( saith he ) that he was martyred in Diospolis , a Towne of Persia ; in others , that he lyeth buried in Diospolis not farre from Ioppe : In some that he did suffer under Diocletian and Maximinian , Emperours ; in others , under Diocletian King of the Persians ; no lesse than 70. tributarie Kings being in presence . Somewhat , I say of this was rightly aym'd at by this blind archer : but Bede is brought in by him somewhat too early , as beeing a Post-natus , scarce borne within two centuries of yeares succeeding . But what need more conjectures , or what use indeed is there of any : since the same Canon which hath decreed the History of George ( then extant ) to be Apocryphall ; hath also told us , that it was generally beleev'd to have beene writ by Hereticks . This is inough to make the History of any S. suspected ▪ & Apocryphall : and that it was so written ; may easily appeare by that which was related in it touching Athanasius , and the Empresse Alexandra ; not to omit that terrible massacre which by a cheating tricke , he made of many of the people , branded by ANTONINUS , as before we noted . ( 10 ) Hitherto have we spoken of GELASIUS Canon , and nothing all this while , which may redound from thence to St. GEORGES credit . Nothing indeed in that which hath beene spoken hitherto , because we were to lay our ground , before we rais'd our building . But that now done , and the full meaning of the Canon duely pondered : it will appeare for certaine , that though Gelasius taxed the storie of St. GEORGE as dangerous and Apocryphall ; yet he hath done the Saint himselfe all due respects , and confirm'd him to us . This I did note before ou● of the words of Bellarmine , in a reply to Dr. Boys ; who needs would have both Bellarmine and Pope Gelasius speake for him , in making our St. GEORGE to be a meere Chimaera , or thing of nothing ; which God knowes they never meant . This I say , we did note before from Bellarmine : but now we note it out of Gelasius himselfe , and the very letter of his Canon . For having told us , that the actions of many of the Saints were writ by Infidels , or rather Misbeleevers ; and in particular that the passion of St. GEORGE was compos'd by Heretickes ; hee states it thus : that notwithstanding this , he , and the Church with him , did reverence all those sacred Martyrs , and their glorious sufferings for the Truth ; knowne better unto God , than any of his people . Nos tamen cum praedicta Ecclesia , omnes Martyres , atque eorum gloriosos agones , qui Deo magis quam hominibus noti sunt , cum omni devotione veneramur : So saith Gelasius . So saith Gelasius , and that we doe not mis-report his meaning , is easie to be seene , by the concurrent suffrages of Beda , Antoninus , Hermannus Schedell , Bergomensis , Notgerus , and Vsuardus ; all which , as we shall see in the next Chapter , doe so conceive it . But we might well have say'd this labour . For Doctor Reynolds also cannot but acknowledge , that without further question , Gelasius did beleeve Saint GEORGE to be an holy Martyr ; although hee found the storie had beene writ by Heretickes : Gelasius etiam , tamet si fraudem hanc olfaceret , ipsum putabat in hilominus sanctum fuisse Martyrem . If so , then I perswade my selfe it were much safer to give credit to Gelasius , who liv'd so neere the time of St. GEORGES suffering ; than any Doctor , of what eminent ranke soever , above a thousand yeares below him . To bring the matter neerer home , Gelasius in that Canon , hath reckoned as Apocryphall , the Itinerarie of St. Peter , the Actes of Paul , and Thecla ; the Recantation of Adam , Origen , and Cyprian ; and many others . What then ? Shall therefore wee conclude , that Peter never travail'd , or that there never was a woman of the name of Thecla ; or that St. Cyprian , or Origen , or Adam never recanted their impieties and errours ? Nay , we conclude from hence , that questionlesse St. George is to be reckon'd as a Martyr ; because the storie onely is condemn'd , and not the Saint ; just as we may resolve that there was such a noble Prince as Arthur ; because the Monke of Malmesburie hath told us , how much his famous deeds were over-acted by his Country men , the Brittons . ( 11 ) For certainly had there beene any meaning in Gelasius to have exploded the Martyr , together with his History ; he might as easily have done it , as have spoke the word . Hee might , I say , have done it with as much ease , as have spoke the word , by adding onely this of Doctor Reynolds to the Canon ; Fuit enim hic Georgius homo improbus , haereticus Arianus . This had for ever beene enough , to have made his memory as odious , as his Storie was suspected : and to have razed his name , not onely out of the publicke Calendar , but out of the good opinion of all honest men . Nor is it to be thought , that George the Arian Hereticke could bee so cunningly inserted into the Calendar , and passe so currantly among the Saints ; so soone upon his most deserv'd , though cruell execution : the Church especially keeping an eye so watchfull over them and their designes ; that all their practises were assoone brought to light almost , as they were conceiv'd . For frō the death of George unto the Popedome of Gelasius , are but 130. yeares or thereabouts ; too scant a time to have his Villanies forgotten , and himselfe reputed for a Martyr . Likely indeed it is , that if the Arians had prevail'd , they would have given their George a principall habitatiion in the Heaven of glories ; above Eusebius of Nicodemia , or Maris , or Theognis ; and perhaps next unto their founder Arius himelfe . But that , the Christian Church should in so short and small a space , ranke him among the Saints ; this I can hardly be perswaded : unlesse perchance we may beleeve , that in the same times she could condemne the Heresie , and adore the Heretickes . I know it was a frequent custome with the ancient Romans , to honour and adore the Gods of those many nations which themselves had vanquish'd ; Religionibus servire victis , & captivas eas post victorias adorare , as Octavius in the Dialogue . But this they did not on mistake , or any couzinage put upon them by the vanquish'd Nations . No. It was onely on a superstitious conceit , that having in their Citie all the GODS whose people they subdued ; and placing them in their most rich and sumptuous Temples : they might by their assistance , the better bring the residue of the world under their subjection . Sic dum universarum gentium sacra suscipiunt , etiam regnare meruerunt : So saith Cecilius in the same Author . Not to say more , I thinke it as impossible altogether , that in so small a tract of time , if at all ever , the Arian George should bee reputed for a Saint , amongst the Orthodoxe Professours , now victorious : as that our Reverend Praelates Cramner , Latimer , and Ridley , should in an equall space of time , bee taken into the Roman Martyrologies : or that their Henry Garnet , Iames Clement , or Nicholas Sanders , by them honoured , should be accounted Martyrs in the Churches Protestant ; in case that eyther side prevaile and suppresse the other . ( 12 ) To bring this Chapter to an end , it is the last of Doctor Reynolds two Conclusions , Nullius Georgij Cappadocis ut Martyris , nisi Ariani , mentionem ab ullo idoneo auto re fieri ; that never any GEORGE of Cappadocia was reputed as a Martyr , in any Author worthy credit , but George the Arian . In generall answer to which generall chalenge , I have thought good , before we further labour in particular proofes ; to draw together in a Table , the names of all such Authors cited in this worke : by all of which St. GEORGE is reckoned as a Martyr ; by many of them said to be of Cappadocia . Most of them , I perswade my selfe worthy of credit : and the ornament of the age in which they lived . Yet lest , their affirma●●● should be question'd and controu'ld by our choycer judgments ; I have tooke care to mingle with them , such famous Princes , and Prelates celebrated for their goodnesse , as have done him publicke honours : all which I have digested according to their severall times and ages , in the forme that followeth . The Catalogue . 374 SAint Ambrose , if at the least the worke be his . 492 Gelasius Pope of Rome . 515 Childebertus R. Francorum . 527 Iustinianus Imp. Procopius Caesariensis . Sidonius Archbyshop of Mentz . 570 Venantius Fortunatus . 596 Gregorius Turonensis . 600 Greg. 1. Pont. Rom. 660 Hildericus R. Austrasiae . 698 Cunibertus R. Longobard . 730 Beda Venerabilis . 752 Zacharias Pont. Rom. 774 Paulus Diaconus . 812 Vsuardus Monachus . 835 Rabanus Maurus . 837 Aimonius Monachus . 850 Simeon Metaphrastes . 912 Notgerus Monachus . 963 Nicephorus Phocas Imp. Const. 975 Tribunus Mevius , D. Venetorum . 996 Hedinge , Ducissa Bavariae . 1005 Henr. 2. Imp. Germ. 1043 Ioh. Euchaites , Ep. Orient . 1070 Geo. Cedrenus . 1074 Rob. D' Oyley nob . Anglus . 1098 Godfrey of Bouillon . 1120 Robertus Monach. 1130 Gulielm . Malmesburiens . 1141 Gualt . Ep. Augustae Vindelicorum . vulgo Auspurg . 1180 Gulielm . Tyrius . 1250 Vincentius Belvacensis . 1273 Radulphus Imp. Germ. 1282 Iacobus de Voragine . 1305 Nicephorus Callistus . 1330 Niceph. Gregoras . 1344 Edwardus 3. R. Angl. Thomas de Walsingham . 1354 Ioh. Contacuzenus Imp. Const. Idemque nob . Histor. 1390 Froissard . Autor Fasciculi temp . Anselmus Frat. Francisc. 1410 Iustinianus Patr. Ven. 1411 Sigismundus Imp. Germ. 1445 Antoninus Florentinus . 1448 Fredericus Imp. Germ. 1472 Bapt. Platina . 1484 Coccius Sabellicus . 1488 Maximilianus 1. Imp , 1490 Hermannus Schedell , autor Chronicorum . 1494 Phil. Bergomensis . 1499 Bapt. Mantuanus . 1506 Raphael Volaterranus . Ludovicus Patritius . 1550 Seb. Munsterus . Polydorus Virgilius . Hist. Magdeburgica . 1571 Michael ab Ysselt . 1593 Comus Ep. Alexand. Suffragan unto the Patriarke Hospinian . All these , besides the publike Martyrologies both Greeke , and Roman : besides also the publike Liturgies of those Churches ; the learned men , all of them of the Romish partie ; and many of the Churches of the Reformation , whose names would fill a Catalogue . If among these we have not one of credit , neither Author in his relation , nor Prince nor Prelate in their actions : hard is our hap , and let the adversaries have the honour . But what one ranke of these have said , and what the rest have done in St. Georges honour : we shall now see , in their severall places . CHAP. III. ( 1 ) The state of learning in the Church , divided into two naturall dayes . ( 2 ) The time and learning of Venerable Beda . ( 3 ) His testimonies of St. George . ( 4 ) of Dacianus King of Persia , and who he was . ( 5 ) Persia in some Authors , taken for the Easterne Countries . ( 6 ) A reconcilement of the other doubts touching this Dacianus . ( 7 ) The Martyrologies of Vsuardus , Rabanus Maurus , and Notgerus . ( 8 ) St. George how said to have converted many people . ( 9 ) The witnesse of Vincentius , Iacobus , and Antoninus Florent . ( 10 ) Nicephorus Callistus ; and his evidence . ( 11 ) The suffrage of Sabellicus , Schedell , Bergomensis , and Volaterran . ( 12 ) Of the Magdeburgians , and some other Protestant Divines . ( 13 ) A recollection and application of the whole proofes . ( 1 ) THere is an old tradition that the world should last 6000. yeares , and no longer : two of them before the Law ; two under it ; and two , after . Which though it hath not beene exactly true , of the two first , and that the third is doubtfull : yet the conceit is tollerable ; and for as much of it as is past , somewhat neere the computation and account of time , recited in it . We will be therefore bold , to take for granted , that the Christian Chu●ch is of two thousand yeares continuance : which granted or supposed , we will resemble it , or the state of learning rather in it , unto two naturall dayes ▪ each , of a thousand yeares , apeece : and this the rather , because the Lord hath said , that in his sight , a thousand yeares are but as one day . The first of these , we take to have begun even at the first rising of the Sunne of Righteousnesse : and for the morning of it ▪ allow the first three Centuries , even till the time of CONSTANTINE . The noonetide watch thereof , we make to be of three Centuries ensuing : of which , and especially the first , the Magdeburgians give this censure , Habuit haec aetas si quae unquam alia , plurimos praestantes & illustres doctores . And certainly there never shined more glorious lights in the house of GOD , than in those ages : the Sun of learning being then in the very height , and Zenith of it . Long it continued not in that full glorie , till it declined into an evening ; to which we doe allot the two next ages : when as the beames thereof grew low , and the light obscurer . And now at last we are benighted , even covered over with a Cymerian darknesse of ignorance ; a darknesse no lesse grosse and palpable , than that of Egypt . Bellarmine call's it , Seculum infelix , in quo Scriptores illustres nulli , nulla Concilia ; A most unhappy age , wherein were neither famous Writers , nor frequent Councels . Sabellicus as rightly , mirum est , quanta omnium bonarum artium oblivio , per id tempus mortalium animos obrepserit : a prodigie it was to see , how generall forgetfulnesse of all good literature , had at this time invaded and possessed the mindes of men . Which night continued , till the yeare 1050. those writers which we meet with from the yeare 850. untill then , as they were few , so were they but as a few smaller Starres in the darkest midnight . This night once past , the dawning of the second day at last appeared ; and we extend the morning of it even to the first beginning of the last Centurie : in which there was at first a strugling between light and darknesse ; but afterwards the light of learning got the better , and by degrees made way to usher in the second noone-tide . Which second noone-tide we begin about the yeare 1500 and hitherto it hath continued : the light of learning never shining with more perfect glorie , than at the present . How long it will continue thus , is above our knowledge : but as it is , we may almost affirme with Ramus ; Maiorem doctorum hominum & operum proventum , seculo uno vidimus , quàm totis antea quatuordecem maiores nostri viderant . One age hath brought us forth more worthy workes , and famous Writers , than all that went before us . ( 2 ) If it be asked , to what use serves this observation : we answere that it is to this . First , that it may appeare , that never any age hath beene so voyd of learned , or barren of good men ; that is not able to produce some testimony of good credit , in the behalfe of GEORGE the Martyr . Next , that in all times we expect not , eyther an equall number of witnesses ; or equall parts , in such as are produced to give in evidence : but that wee looke for them , and judge of them , according to their times and ages . Already wee are past the noonetide of the first of these two dayes : in which referring other of our witnesses to their proper places ; we have made use of Ambrose onely , and Pope GELASIUS . In the next place and time , we meet with Venerable Beda , who died about the yeare 734. A man that saw as cleerely , as any whomsoever , that liv'd in any part of the whole evening : and one who for the excellencie of his endowments , and pietie , obtain'd that adjunct . Camden entituleth him , the singular glorie and ornament of England : and Malmesburie affirmes more fully , that he was one , more fit to bee admired than praised ; who being borne in the extreamest corner of the world , did yet enlighten all of it , with the beames of his learning . Vir erat ( saith he ) quem mirari faciliùs , quàm dignè praedicare possis : qui in extremo natus orbis angulo , doctrinae corusco terras omnes perstrinxerat . Whom lest wee should suspect , as partiall in his praises , we have a German Poet thus speaking unto Brittaine . Quid ? tibi divinumque Bedam ( doctissimus olim Dum varias unus bene qui cognoverat artes ) Debemus . The sence imperfect , but thus to be conceiv'd ▪ Brittaine to thee , divinest Bede we owe , Who did alone all parts of learning knowe . ( 3 ) The witnesse being such , his testimony will be taken with lesse scruple : the rather , because there is not any thing of his which hath beene justly question'd , but his English Historie ; as having in it more of the myracles so common in the peoples mouthes , than may be well allowed of . But even that peece also , modestè & circumspecto iudicio , is censured sparingly , and with great temper . His testimonies of St GEORGE are two : the one of them in his Martyrologie ; the other in his Ephimerides . First in his Martyrologie , on the 23. of Aprill ; or in the Latine Computation , on the 9. of the Calends of May , we reade it thus . Natale S. Georgij Martyris , qui sub Daciano Rege Persarum potentissimo , qui dominabatur super 70. reges , multis miraculis claruit , plurimosque convertit ad fidem Christi : simul & Alexandram uxorem ipsius Daciani , usque ad Martyrium confortavit . Ipse verò novissime decollatus , martyrium complevit ; quamvis gesta passionis eius inter Apocryphas connumerentur Scripturas . Id est . The Passion of St. GEORGE the Martyr , who under DACIANUS the most mighty King of Persia , Lord of no lesse than seaventy tributarie Princes , was famous for his miracles , and for converting many to the faith of CHRIST ; of which , the Empresse Alexandra the wife of Dacianus , continued constant in it even unto the death . This GEORGE , at last beheaded , received the Crowne of Martyrdome : although the Storie of his Passion be reckoned as Apocryphall . And in his Ephimerides , on the same ninth of the May-Calends ; thus : Nona docet Fortunatúmque & Achillea iunctos . Hac etiam invicto mundum qui sanguine temnis , Infinit a refers Georgi sancta Trophaea . This ninth day doth of Fortunatus tell , And of Achilles , joyn'd together well . And of thee George who didst the world neglect , And holy trophees in thy bloud erect . ( 4 ) The first of these two testimonies , as it affirmes the Death and sufferings of St. GEORGE : so are there in it , some things which require a favourable Reader , and others which deserve to bee rejected altogether . Of the last ranke , there is the fable of the Empresse ALEXANDRA ; of which wee have already spoken in the first part and second Chapter : an old remnant doubtlesse of the Arian Legend , exploded by Gelasius . That of her Husband Dacianus , if it encounter with a favourable reader , without offence may bee admitted : although perhaps derived out of the same originall . Derived ( I say , out of the same originall perhaps ) because I finde it in Baronius Annotations on the Roman Martyrologie , that the Arian Legends made their George to suffer under Dacianus King of Persia : onely the difference is , and that not much , that there the tributary Kings are five in number more , than heere in venerable Bede . This Doctor Reynolds useth as a closing argument , to proove our Saint to bee the Arian GEORGE of Alexandria : and this our selves alledg'd in the behalfe of Calvin , to shew what cause hee had , to make St. GEORGE a Counterfeit , or Larva . The processe was , that there was never at or about that time a King of Persia of that name , and greatnesse of Command ; and that this Dacianus is in other of our Authors , made to bee President or Proconsul , under DIOCLETIAN : therefore in likelihood , our Authors not agreeing , and no such King as hee in nature ; the whole Story of St. George is false and forged . This is the maine of all that may be sayd against us , touching Dacianus : and this I say a favourable Reader may admit without offence . For proofe of which , wee must looke backe a little on the condition of the Roman Empire , at the time of Saint Georges sufferings : The East parts of it govern'd , as before I said , by Diocletian ; and the West by Maximinian . These two , the better to direct and manage the affaires of State , had tooke unto themselves two Caesars : whereof the one was named Galerius Maximinianus , assumed by Diocletian ; and under him Lieutenant Generall , or Lord President of the Easterne Countries . Now this Galerius Caesar , was by birth a Dacian : and afterwards Successour unto Diocletian , in all those parts that hee commanded . That hee was borne in Dacia , is affirm'd by St. Hieromes Latine copie of Euseb●us Chronicon ; where thus wee reade it : Galerius in Dacia haud longe à Sardica natus , that hee was borne in Dacia not farre from Sardica . That he succeeded Diocletian in the greatnesse and extent of his Command , ( after that he and Maximinian had surrendred up the Empire ; ) is a thing so plaine in Story : that no man conversant in the Historians of those times , but exactly knowes it . Hereupon we inferre , that probably this Dacianus mention'd in the Story , was that Galerius Maximinianus , who afterwards was Emperour ; and had the Easterne parts , all of them , of that Empire , under his subjection . And this we doe the rather fancy to be probable , because denominations taken from the birth-place of their Princes , were not accounted novelties among the Romans . For Adrianus , w●e well know assumed that name from Adria , a Towne of Italie , where he was borne . And not to seeke for more examples , we finde that Diocletian , borne in a Towne of Dalmatia , called Dioclea ; added this termination to the place of his Nativitie : that so his name might bee more plausible among the Romans , whose governance he had then undertaken . Adde hereunto that this Galerius was alwayes a most bitter enemy of the Church of CHRIST , which he had persecuted from● his youth : and then perhaps he may more easily be beleeved , to be this DACIANUS . ( 5 ) But heere it may be question'd , how Dacianus , admitting that he were the same , with Galerius the Dacian , can be supposed to be a King of Persia : considering that the Persians had at that time , a Prince of their owne royall stocke , known by the name of Narses , who dyed about the yeere 307. To this we answere , that Venerable Beda spake according to the manner of the times , in which he liv'd : wherein the Persians , having subdued the Roman forces , were , and had so beene long before , the absolute maisters , of almost all those Countries , which Galerius once commanded . Which being so , the East parts of the Roman Empire vnder the command of the Kings of Persia ; and in particular , the Holy-Land , where Lydda is , being in their Dominions : those Countries did in common speech , passe by the name of Persia. Iust as at this day we call those severall parts of the Turkish Empire , once members of the Assyrian , Greeke , and Roman Monarchies , by the common name of Turkie : or as we call all Easterne Churches , the Greeke-Church ; because they have communion at this time , with the Patriarch of Constantinople . So Bellarmine doth call the Cardinall Bessarion , a Grecian , borne at Trabezond ; Bessarion , natione Graecus , patria Trapezuntius &c. as hee there hath it : whereas the Towne of Trabezond is farre inough from Greece , in the heart of Cappadocia . So also William of Tyre , doth call all those within the Land of Palestine , were enemies unto the Faith , and then possessours of that Countrie ; by the name of Persae . And so the Monke of Malmesbury , shewing the difference betweene the East and Westerne Nations ; hath told us , that the Occidentals being more stubborne and impatient of the yoke , have often chang'd their Masters : whereas the Easterne people being more dull and womanish , have beene continually the Vassals of the Persians . Romanum denique imperium prius apud Francos , postea ad Teutonas declinavit : Orientale semper ( understand him of the latter times ) apud Persas durat . Which note of his , could not bee true , if taken of the Persians , as the inhabitants onely of that Province commonly call'd Persis ; the Saracens having before expell'd the Persians , and themselves being in the time of Malmesbury , chased out of these Countries by the Turkes : therefore we must conceive that the name of Persian , was a common appellation of the Easterne people . Adde hereunto that Lydda or Diospolis , where St. GEORGE did suffer , is said in almost all our Authors , to bee a Towne of Persia ; although well knowne to be within the Tribe of Ephraim , in the Land of Palestine : and there as we have found out Dacianus ; so it may favourably be granted , that wee have shewne some reasons , why he is called King of Persia ; or rather in the Authors Phrase , King of the Persians . ( 6 ) Let this be also granted ; yet what can be replyed to this , that Dacianus is there made the Lord of seaventy tributarie Kings : or what can be produced to reconcile those Authors , which make him not an Emperour ; to these which doe affirme it ? This I suppose wee may make good , without much difficulty . We reade in Scripture that Ahasuerus King of Persia , had under his Dominion no fewer than 127. Provinces : most of which were first subjected by the Greekes ; and after by the Romanes . We reade also in Tacitus , how ordinary a thing it was , in the height and pride of the Roman greatnesse ; Habere servitutis instrumenta etiam & reges : to suffer Kings in many of the conquered nations , and to employ them as their engines , thereby to bring the people into greater bondage . Put this together , and wee shall see no inconvenience to ensue , if we should peremptorily affirme , that under the command and empire of Galerius Dacianus , sole ruler of the Easterne Countries ; there were no lesse than 70. tributarie Kings and inferiour Princes . As for the pretended disagreement , which i● observ'd betweene our Authors ; we doe thus reconcile it . viz. That those which make him President , or Leiutenant generall under Diocletian ; speake of him , as hee was at the time of our Martyrs suffering , Commander of the Imperiall armies , and the designed successour ; and a chiefe agent in the Persecution . But Venerable Bede and those which call him King , report him as he was in power , though not in title ; or rather call him King by way of anticipation : just as the Italian shores in Virgil , are call'd Laviná littora , before that name was given unto them ; because in short time after in honour of Lavinia , they were so denominated . Now , why the storie should be written of Galerius , by the name of Dacianus ; or why the sufferings of our Martyr , imputed ▪ rather unto Dacianus , than to Diocletian : this I conceive to be the art of those , who even whilest both the tyrants liv'd , committed it to writing ; that so they might decline the envie of their undertakings , and not incurre the high displeasure of the Persecutors . This , as I said before , may by a favourable Reader be admitted , without the least offence to truth ; and much unto the credit of the Venerable Author . If any thinke the contrary , and that this passage of the Persian Dacianus , must needs be reckoned as a fragment of the Arian Legend : I shall not strive with any other force , than that of probable conjectures to perswade him to it . When I perceive no hope to make him otherwise conceited , I then must say to him , of Bede ; as Bellarmine , of Damascenus , in the case of Falconilla : that he , though otherwise an understanding man , did take the passage upon trust ▪ not much solicirous to dispute the grounds of it , or to search it throughly . Sed fieri potest , quamvis alioqui vir doctus & prudens , ut istis narrationibus facilem fidem habuerit , neque de veritate earum investiganda fuerit sollicitus . If any reason thus , the storie is perplext , and full of intricate difficulties , and therefore nothing in it true , or therefore there was no such Martyr : how infinite are the Saints that must be degraded , whose stories are no lesse perplext than this of ours ; though never quarrel'd ? ( 7 ) This difficultie over , we now proceed unto the further examination of our witnesses ; beginning first with those which are the first in time . All of them Authors also of the same kinde , viz. of Martyrologies ; and two of them guilty of the same obscuritie , or errour , which we finde in Beda : Quis enim viam rectam teneret errante Cicerone ? as Lactantius hath it . The first of those is Vsuardus , one of the Schollers of Alcuinus , who flourished in the yeare 812. and at the suite of CHARLES the Great composed his Martyrologi● . Martyrologium satis accuratum & celebre , qu● multae Ecclesiae vsa sunt . A peece of good esteeme , and great diligence , and therefore used in many Churches . So saith the Cardinall . The evidence which we receive from him , is this . 9. Cal. Maij. In Persid● , civitate Diospoli ; passio S. Georgij Martyris , gloriosi ante-signani , clarique miraculis : cuius gesta passionis , et si inter Apocryphas numerentur Scripturas , tamen illustrissimum ei●s martyri●m inter coronas Martyrum Ecclesia Dei venerabiliter honorat . Vppon the 23. of Aprill St. GEORGE the Martyr , that glorions leader , but more famous by his myracles , did suffer in Diospolis , a Towne of Persia : the story of whose Passion , though reckoned as Apocryp●all , doth nothing prejudice the truth and glories of his Martyrdome so celebrated in the Church . In the next place , we have the testimony of Rabanus Maurus , Archbyshop of Mentz , who lived about the yeare 835. Vir aequè doctus & pius , A man ( saith Bellarmine , and certainly his workes affirme no lesse ) both learned and religious . His testimonie is the same with Venerable Bedes , viz. Nativitas S. Georgij Martyris , qui sub Daciano &c. Onely he ends it thus , Cuius vitam & passionem scriptam legi , that he had seene the life and death of George in writing . What copie of his life and death this was , I cannot say : likely it is that it was one of those then common , which had beene darkened and falsified by the Arians . In the next place we have the Martyrologie of one Notgerus , extant in the 6. Tome of Canisius Antiquae lectionis , as also was the former . The Author of it , dyed about the yeare 912. and was a Monke of Sengall , or Monasterij S. Galli , a place among the Switzers . His evidence compounded equally out of Bede , and Vsuard ; the first part taken from the former ; the conclusion , from the latter : himselfe inserting this onely in the middle betweene both ; that after many inexpressible torments , being at last beheaded , he perfected that glorious worke , by the effusion of his bloud . In Perside , civitate Diospoli passio S. Georgij Martyris , qui sub Daciano Rege Persarum potentissimo , qui dominabatur supra 70. Reges , multis miraculis clar●●t , plurimosque convertit ad fidem Christi , &c. hitherto out of Bede . Ipse verò post multos & inauditos agones novissimè decollatus , Martyrium s●um sanguinis effusione consummavit . Then followes out of Vsuardus , Cuius gesta Passionis etsi inter Apocryphas , &c. as before we had it . ( 8 ) In these the testimonies of Bede , Rabanus Maurus , and Notgerus , we finde it mention'd of St. GEORGE ; Plurimosque ad fidem Christi convertit , That hee converted many to the Faith of CHRIST . And answerable hereunto , Vincentius Belvacensis , Ad eius praedicationem credidit . S. Vincentius ; That by the Preaching of Saint George , St. Vincent who receiv'd the crowne of Martyrdome in Spaine , received the Gospell . Which doubtlesse must be understood of private reasonings , and friendly conference , with those whose soules hee chiefly tendred : not by the way of any publicke Ministery , wherein hee never was intrusted . And certainly the Faithfull of the times Primitive , especially during the heat of Persecution ; did much promote the holy Gospell by such private and domesticke meanes , if I may so call it : passing from house to house , and from man to man ; so to bring Peace unto the one , Salvation to the other . Wherefore perhaps Cecilius calls the Christians generally , Latebrosam & Lucifugam nationem , in publico mutam , in angulis garrulam : A slie and corner-creeping kind of people , active in private places , but still and quiet in the publicke . It seemes , that some not well acquainted with the calling and condition of our Martyr , have made him very famous in the arts of Preaching : as one that first converted the Armenians and Iberi , now call'd Georgians . For Michael ab Ysselt a Low-Countrey-writer , telling what Honours by that people are afforded to St. George ; relates it thus : Cur verò tanto in honore habeant D. illum Georgium , causam nonnulli afferunt , quòd ille primus ad fidem Christi Armenos Iberosque convertisset . But whosoever those nonnulli are , that so report it , they are no question in an errour : there being in the Ecclesiasticall historians , another and more likely meanes of their conversion ; on which this Michael doth reflect in these wordes that follow ; Licèt alij illud cuiusdam puellae miraculis & virtutibus tribuunt . ( 9 ) In the next place wee have the suffrage of Vincentius , Bishop of Beau-vein in France , Anno 1250. A man of that deepe learning , that the great Schoole-man Thomas Aquinas is supposed ( and Bellarmine can hardly save him harmelesse in it ) to take a great part of his Prima secundae , and secunda secundae , word for word , out of the first and third bookes of this Vincents speculum morale . He in the 12 th . booke of his speculum historiale , doth report the story , thus : Sub persecutione Daciani ( in divers passages before , he call's him Dacianus Praeses ) venit de Cappadocia Georgius miles , Qui videns Christianorum augustias , erogatis omnibus quae habebat , militarem vestem exuit , et indutus veste Christianorum , in medium sacrificantium se obiecit ; atque in conspectu omnium exclamavit dicens , Omnes dij gentiū daemonia , Dominus autem coelos fecit . Cui statim Dacianus ira repletus , ait , Qua praesumptione vel dignitate hoc audes , vt deos nostros daemones esse dicas ? Dic tamen unde es , et quomodo vocaris : qui respondit , Christianus sum , Georgius vocor , genere et militia Cappadocus : sed cuncta deserui , vt liberiùs Deo coeli servirem , &c. During the persecution rais'd by the President or Lieutenant generall , Dacianus ; came George a Cappadocian Knight into the Court. Who seeing into what miserable streights the poore Christians were driven , making a doale of all hee had , put off his military or Knightly habit ; and manifesting that hee was a Christian , hee rush'd into the middest of the Idolaters : and in the hearing of them all , cryed out , that All the deities off the gentiles were but divels , and that it was the Lord onely which had made the heavens . To whom the President , With what presumption , or upon confidence of what high dignity , doest thou affirme , that our gods are divels ? tell us thy name , and whence thou art . Who presently return'd this answere : I am ( saith he ) a Christian ; my name , George ; my countrey , Cappadocia , and there of honourable ranke : but I have willingly abandoned all , to serve the God of heaven with greater freedome , &c. And in the close of all , martyrizatus autem est in Perside , civitate Diospoli : he suffered in Diospolis , a cittie of the Persians , on the 23. of April . To this agree's in the maine of it , Iacobus de Voragine● Georgius tribunus , genere Cappadox , &c. George one of the Tribunes , by birth a Cappadocian , &c. The next that followeth , is that doughtie storie of the Lybian Dragon : which told he closeth in with the relation of Vincentius . The like doth also Antoninus Florentinus : of both which I have spoke already . Onely the last hath noted , that the historie of George is reckoned as Apocryphall ; not that he was no Martyr , but that there are some passages there scarce worthie credit . Ponitur autem Legenda cius inter Apocryphas Scripturas , non quin verè Martyr fuerit pro confessione nominis Christi , sed propter quaedam quae notantur in ea de veritate dubia . Which passages , I also have observ'd already . To end this section , the booke entituled Fasciculus temporum , written by a Carthusian Monke of the 14 th . Centurie ; and printed in the yeere 1476. by Conradus Hoemborche : ad Annum 291. pag. 33. doth ranke our George among the Martyrs of that yeere , between Pantaleon , and Iustus . ( 10 ) The witnesse next to be examined is of Greece , Nicephorus Callistus : who liv'd about the yeare 1305. Andronicus the Elder , then reigning in Constantinople , to whom he dedicates his booke . Who being sworne and examined , saith as followeth . Eisdem quoque temporibus ( the time of DIOCLETIANS furie ) Georgius ille magni inter ceriatores istos nominis , & agminis Martyrum Coryphaeus , laborum pro Christo toleratorum veros fruetus percepit . Hic in Cappadocia [ natus , ] adhu● adolescens , forma praestanti , & qui nondum primani produxisset lanuginem ; fortissimè certaminibus pro Christo perferendis , martyrium obijt . Captus enim quòd in daemones acriter invectus esset , Imperatorumque impietatem derisisset ; supra naturae captum perquam acerbos sustinuit cruciatus . Nam post carcerem & vincula , ungulae acutae cum excepare , mox calce ardenti est a●●stus : fidiculisque rursum d●stractus , mucronibus membratim disiectus , plurimisque alijs poenarum ma●hi●i● attritus ; gener●sam animi constantiam , firmumque mentis suae propositum , satis declaravit . Ad ●aec &c. The rest that followes is of the Empresse Alexandra ; and of I know not what Glycerius and his Oxe . Tandemque ut virum decet , gladio percussus , ex ha● vita migravit . About these times ( saith he ) the so much celebrated GEORGE , chiefe of the Martyrs of that age , receiv'd the recompense of all his sufferings for his Saviour . Who being borne in Cappadoce , ( for so I reade it ) as yet exceeding young , of special beauty , and his beard scarce budding ; did nobly undergoe , the weight and paines of Martyrdome . For being apprehended for inveighing against their Idols , and scoffing at the irreligion of the Emperours ; he suffered such extremitie of tortures ▪ as was above the strength of nature to endure . After a long imprisonment , and his legs even cramp'd with irons , he was first pierced and harrowed , as it were with the sharpest nayles . Afterwards being scorch'd with burning lime , and put upon the racke , and all his members severally hackt and hewne with swords : he perfectly declared his noble constancy , and invincible resolutions ; and at the last , being beheaded , hee departed out of this life into a better . ( 11 ) But to returne unto the Latines , in the next place we meet with Coccius Sabellicus , Vir valde eruditus , a learned man ( saith Bellarmine ) a man of great integrity , saith Vives . He lived about the shutting in of the 15. Centurie , and gives this testimony of St. GEORGE , that he was Martyr'd at Diospolis , a City of the Persians , during the Persecution rais'd by Diocletian . Passus est eadem tempestate Georgius Martyr in Perside apud Diospolin . In the same time and age flourish'd Hermannus Schedell , Doctor of Physicke in the Vniversity of Padua ; the Author of the booke entituled Chronica Chronicorum , printed at Norimberge anno 1493. His evidence is this . Georgius Cappadocus , Tribunus & verus Christi miles hoc tempore . Cum venisset de Cappadocia in Persiam , civitatem Diospolin , velut alter Curtius Romanus , & Codrus Rex Atheniensium pro patriae suae liberatione sese internecioni , ad draconis occisionem & martyrij tolerantiam , dedit . Quippe interfecto Dracone , post eculei extensionem , totiusque corporis lacerationem , et viscerum effusionem , nec non aliorum tormentorum perpessionem , ad ultimum , martyrium capitis abscissione complevit . Cuius gesta &c : as before in Vsuardus . St. George of Cappadocia , a Tribune , and a faithfull Soldier of IESVS CHRIST , about this time suffered : who comming out of Cappadocia into Diospolis , a City of the Persians , like Curtius in the state of Rome , or Codrus King of Athens , exposed himselfe to death , in the destroying of the Dragon , and his suffering of Martyrdome . ( of this see somewhat , Part. 1. Cap. 5. Sect. 4. ) For having kill'd the Dragon , after he had beene put upon the racke , his body torne in peeces , and the effusion of his bowels , with divers other miserable tortures ; at last hee finished his course by the loosing of his head . Philippus Berg●mensis , an Austin Fryer , who lived about the sametime , and made a supplement unto this Chronica of Schedels , repeates the storie in the same words : save that he addes et salis confricationem , the chasing of his wounded body with salt , unto the residue of his torments . And in the last place Volaterran , of whom we have already spoken , affirmes this for us , Georgius Martyr , genere Cappadox , Tribunus militum sub Diocletiano merebat : St. GEORGE the Martyr , a Cappadocian by his Country , serv'd as a Tribune of the Soldiers under the Emperour DIOCLETIAN . ( 12 ) And now at last we come unto the Protestant Divines , from whom we may expect small favour ; considering what leading men already have declared against us . Yet is St. GEORGE so confident of the exceeding truth and justice of his cause ; that he despaires not to finde friends , even amongst them . And first Illyricus , the founder of the stiffe or rigid Lutherans , as they use to call them ; and a chiefe Author of that Ecclesiasticall Historie , which we call the Centuries ; composed by him and other famous men of the Citie of Magdeburge , in Saxonie : is fully for us . For in the 4. Centurie , and 3. Chapter which is de Persocutione , St. GEORGE is reckoned among other Martyrs of that time , out of Fasciculus temporum : and in the 12. Chapter of the same Century , entituled de Martyribus ; more copiously thus . Celebris inter Martyres eius temporis , etiam Georgius fuit ; natione Cappadox , adolescens in daemonas gentilium acriter invectus erat , &c. as it followeth in Nicephorus , whose words and testimonie is there cyted . A proofe , as I conceive it , not to be questioned : considering , what bitter enemies the Authors of this Historie , doe alwayes shew themselves against the Superstitions of Rome ; how greedily they take occasion , as much as possibly they can , to advance their owne cause , and cry downe the Papist . What now , if to the Father of the stiffe and peremptorie Lutherans ; I should here adde Melancthon , the founder , as they call him , of the moderate , or Lutherani molles ? Sure if I did , I should not mis-report him , eyther in his words or meaning . For when he tells us , in the place before examined , that the Papists make St. Anne the Patronesse of Riches , St. GEORGE the GOD of Soldiers , and Sebastian a defence against the Plague ; Vt nempè Georgius tueatur equites , Sebastianus pestem arceat ; &c. hee doth without all controversie , affirme St. GEORGE to bee a Saint ; no lesse than eyther St. Sebastian , or St. Anne ; which neyther Calvin , nor any one since him , have ever question'd . To draw unto an end , take here the testimonie of Oraeus , in his Nomenclator ; a Lutheran perhaps , but sure I am , no Papist : who rightly hath distinguish'd those three Georges , which the so famous Doctors , Reynolds and Drusius have confounded . We reade it thus . Georgius Episcop . Laodicenus , Arianus , secul . 4. Georgius Alexandrin . haeret . Arian . anno 356. and lastly Georgius Cappadox et Martyr , 289. ( 13 ) To summe up all , wee have here proofe sufficient , that GEORGE the Martyr , was by birth of Cappadocia : the thing affirm'd to be so , by Metaphrastes , Vincentius , de Voragine , Antoninus , Hermannus Schedell , Bergomensis , and Volatterran , among the Latines ; and by Nicephorus , of Greece ; and by the Magdeburgians , and Oraeus , among the Protestants . More proofe of which there is to follow . His suffering , for the time of it , generally is reported under Diocletian , as the chiefe Persecutor ; in whose time he was made a Martyr ; in termes expresse , by Metaphrastes , de Voragine , Volaterran , and the Greeke Martyrologie as yet to come ; implicitely and in ordinary count of time , by Nicephorus Callistus , Fasciculus temporum , Sabellicus , Hermanus Schedell , Bergomensis , the Magdeburgians , and Oraeus . And under DACIANUS , or GALERIUS rather , as a chiefe instrument of DIOCLETIANS crueltie ; by Bede , Rab. Maurus , Notgerus , Vincentius , de Voragine , and Antoninus . The yeare thereof , limited more particularly , by the Fasciculus temporum , ad ann . 291. and by Oraeus , to the yeare 289. to which wee will adjoyne Baronius , who places it in his Annals , and so reports it in his Annot. on the Calendar ; ad ann . 290. A difference not observeable . And last of all , the day thereof assigned upon the 23. of Aprill . ( 9. Kal. Maij. ) by Venerable Bede , Rabanus , and Notgerus ; as also by Vincentius , and Antoninus ; and by the Martyrologies both Greeke and Latine , not yet produced ; the manner of his death being affirmed also , by the loosing of his head , by Metaphrastes , Bede , Rabanus , and Notgerus ; by Vincentius , de Voragine , Nicephorus , Antoninus , Schedell , and Bergomensis . Which being so ; wee may the better and with more justice , apply the old complaint of Canus , to the businesse now in hand , Si namque in duorum ore vel trium firmum stat omne verbum , cur adversus hanc legen● , plurimis testibus rem tandem olim gestam contestantibus , fidem Theologus abnegabit ? Since GOD ( saith he ) hath told us , that out of the mouth of two or three Witnesses every word shall be established ; with what pretence of reason may a Divine oppose this Law , and not give credit unto many witnesses , affirming all together the same Historie . For our parts , so confident are we that our cause is just and true ; that if the adversaries of St. GEORGE , are able to produce one single testimonie , out of any ancient Author or out of any Author borne before the time of CALVIN , to make good their affirmavit : we will forsake our colours , and revolt to them . But I am bold to say , they cannot . For had the thing beene possible , the learned Doctor Reynolds , who spared no labour in the search , would have produced it . CHAP. IIII. ( 1 ) Foure severall wayes used by the Church , to keepe alive the memory of the Martyrs . ( 2 ) The way of Martyrologies how ancient . ( 3 ) The Roman Martyrologie : and what it testifieth of St. George . ( 4 ) Natale what it is , in the construction of the Church . ( 5 ) The testimonie given vnto St. George in the Greeke Church . ( 6 ) St. George , why called Tropaeophorus . ( 7 ) Commemoration of the Dead , how used in the Church primitive . ( 8 ) The depravation of the ancient use of it in the Church of Rome . ( 9 ) The publike service of that Church on St. Georges day . ( 10 ) Arguments drawne from the Church service , of what validitie . ( 11 ) Saint George continually famous in the Church Christian. ( 12 ) And among the Turkes . ( 1 ) THus have we drawne together the suffrages of such which eyther positively have affirmed , or Historically related any thing , of St. George the Martyr . In which wee finde sufficient proofe , as of his Country , so of the time , and day , and manner of his death : and that so punctually , so agreeably both to their foreman and themselves , that never any Iurie agreed bett●r on a Verdict . This done , we now addresse our selves , to make inquiry of the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The pillar and the ground of Truth , as Saint Paul calls it : to learne of her , what she hath practically done in St. Georges honour . For , to the positive affirmations of some men in St. Georges cause , and the historicall relations of some others ; if wee can also get the countenance and practise of the Church : wee then may have some good assurance , that no man will hereafter stirre against us . Now in the practise of the Church , we may observe foure wayes or courses , whereby she hath continually endeavoured to keepe alive the memory of the blessed Martyrs : in none of which she hath beene wanting ( such is her tender care and respect of him ) unto our St. George . The first of these , is the common Martyrologie , or Calendar ; in which their Names and Passion , briefly , but unto all eternity , are registred . The second is , by giving them some speciall place in her publicke Liturgies : The third , by recollecting up their Reliques , and laying them with all due honour , in some place fit for them . And last of all , the calling of such Temples by the names of these most blessed Spirits ; which she had solemnely erected to GODS speciall service , and Consecrated to his honour . How much the Church hath done in all and every one of these , to keepe the memory of Saint GEORGE the Martyr , alive and flourishing ; wee shall best see by taking of them , every one in their severall Order , and speaking of them in particulars . ( 2 ) Beginning with the first , wee finde it on Record in Tullie , that in the very first beginnings of the Roman State , it was the Office of the chiefe Priest , or Pontifex Max. to keepe a Register of all publike occurrences ; and to preserve them in some tables openly , that so the people might peruse them . Ab initio rerum Rom. ( saith he ) usque ad Publ. Mutium Pont. Max. res omnes singulorum annorum mandabat literis Pontifex Max. efferebatque in album , proponebatque tabulam domi , potestas ut esset populo cognoscendi . Which Office discontinued in the time of Publ. Mutius , was afterwards reviv'd by Iulius Caesar , in his first Consulship , being at that time chiefe Byshop of the Romans . An institution of especial use & service in that state , as also in others : there being not a greater spurre to vertue and Heroick undertakings , than an assurance that the Fame of our atchievments & well-deserving shall not be buried in the same grave with us , & perish w th our bodies . For certainly the care both to live vertuously , and ( if occasion so require ) to dye noblely , must needs be much augmented in the minds of good and honest men : when once they know , that their performings shall not be folded up in silence ; but openly presented to the eyes and eares of all the people . Vpon which grounds , it was the custome of the faithfull in the first times , and specially of those which were for place and power mo●● eminent amongst them ; to commit to publike memory , the sufferings of all them , which had confess'd the faith of CHRIST in the midst of tortures ; and continued constant in it even unto the death . Not that they thought , to adde thereby unto their glories , who now were glorious in the Heavens : but by preserving in continuall remembrance , their infinite indurances , for the truth and testimony of Religion ; to make the remnant of Gods people , yet alive , more apt to run that course ; and so to runne it , that at the last they might attaine an equall guerdon . Of which kinde of memoriall or publike Register , is the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna , extant in the fourth booke of Eusebius Historie ; that of the Lugdunenses and Viennoys in the fifth ; and lastly , that also of Dionysius Byshop of Alexandria , in the sixth and seaventh of the same Author . ( 3 ) Of this kinde specially ( I meane in reference to the first times of Christian Religion ) were the two publike Martyrologies of the Greeke and Latine Churches . The first originall of which , not to looke further , and perhaps fare worse ; may be referr'd most probably unto Anterus , Byshop of Rome , about the yeare 238. at what time Maximinus , having first kill'd his master Alex. Severus ; made havocke of the Church of GOD. Of him it is recorded , that hee first caused the Acts and Passions of the blessed Martyrs to be diligently sought out , and enroll'd by the publike Notaries in the common Registers of the Church : lest else their memory might be determined with their lives . Anterus primus statuit ( saith Platina ) ut res gestae Martyrum diligentèr exquisitae à notarijs scriberentur : conscriptas recondi in aerario Ecclesiae mandavit ; ne unà cum vita , bene agentium memoria aboleretur . As for the Roman Martyrologie now extant , as wee may well conclude , that it was built upon that ground-worke or foundation of Anterus : So we can ill affirme for certaine , by whom the whole structure , as we now see it , was raised and perfected . Onely we find in one of Gregories Epistles , that then the Roman Church had upon register , the names almost of all the Martyrs , and a memoriall of their Sufferings ; digested as the Martyrologies now are , according to their proper dayes : the time onely of their passions , and the place thereof assigned in them ; but litle of the circumstance , and manner of their deaths . Nos penè omnium Martyrum , distinctis per dies singulos passionibus , collecta in uno codice nomina habemus , &c. Non tamen codem volumine , quis qualiter sit passus indicatur ; sed tantùm dies & locus passionis ponitur . Which booke or register here spoke of , as it hath much resemblance in the forme and substance of it , with the Roman Martyrologie now being : so wee may happily resolve , that it is the same ; augmented onely in the addition of such Saints , as in the times succeeding have had place , ( and some of them unworthily ) in the common Calendar . This Martyrologie , thus ancient , as it may bee well supposed , upon the Three and twentieth day of Aprill , gives us this testimony of our Martyr , viz. Natalis S. Georgij Martyris , cuius illustre martyrium Ecclesia Dei veneratur . The Passion of St. George the Martyr , whose blessed martyrdome is in the Church of GOD , in especiall honour . And this briefly and in a word , according to the use and nature of a Martyrologie . ( 4 ) I have here rendred the Natalis in the Text , by the English word of Passion : because , as I conceive it , however it bee used in other Authors , yet it must so be taken in the construction of the Church ; which did not use to solemnize the Birth dayes of the Saints , but the dayes onely of their departure . For they conceived it rightly , that the birth-day of a Christian , was his entrance into Glory by the gate of Death : and that the worldly-minded man reputed that to bee the day of his Nativity , by which hee entred into life . And therefore Origen hath noted of the Christians of his time , and of the times before him ; That they esteemed the day of Birth to be an entrance into anguish and temptation : but celebrated with a solemne Feast , the day wherein their friends and brethren were released from sinne and bondage . Nunc nos ( saith hee ) non Nativitatis diem celebramus , cum sit dolorum atque tentationum introitus : Sed mortis diem celebramus , utpote omnium dolorum depositionem , atque omnium tent ationum effugationem . Nay in his eighth Homily upon Leviticus , hee affirmes for certaine , that never any of the Saints did solemnize their Birth-day with good chee●● and festivals : and not much after , Soli peccatores super huiusmodi Nativitate laetantur ; That onely wicked men did so observe it . Much also to this purpose that of St. Bernard , in his Epistle to and against the Canons of the Church of Lyons ▪ who had presumed to introduce into the Church a new festivall , The Feast of the Conception of the blessed Vigin . The Church ( saith he ) hath by a sp●ciall exception , kept as holy , the Birth-day of our Saviour : of whom the Angels did affirme unto the Sheepe-heards , that his Nativitie was tidings of great Ioy unto all the people . Caeterorum autem non Nativitat●m sed mortem Sanctorum , i●dic●t & praedicat pret●o●am . But for the rest ( saith hee ) the Church hath taught us , that not the Birth-day of the Saints , but the day rather of their dissolution , is accounted precious . In which no doubt , hee did allude to that of DAVID ; Right precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints . ( 5 ) If wee crosse over into Greece , and aske what Honours they affoord unto St. GEORGE , in their publicke registers : wee find the Church there little lesse devoted to him , than it is at Rome . For thus Wicelius hath observ'd for us ; Veteres Graecos recensere in diario sub finem Aprilis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : That the Greekes anciently in their Diarie or common Almanacke , about the end of Aprill , did celebrate the memory of St. GEORGE , and SABAS , as the Saints or Patrons of Military men . Which Saba ( to note it by the way ) hath a place also in the Roman Martyrologie , on the Foure and twentieth of Aprill : and is there called Ductor militum , a Captaine or Commander . But not to stand alone upon the credit of Wicelius , we have the Greeke Menologie , ( for so they call it ) thus speaking of him : and in the day agreeing with the Church of Rome . Memoria Sancti & Gloriosi & Magni Martyris Georgij ●●gnomento Tropelophori . Fuit genere Cappadox , passus sub Dioclet●an● Imper. Id est , This day is celebrated in memoriall of that most holy , glorious and great Martyr , George ; sirnamed Tropelophorus ; a Cappadocian by his Countrey : who suffered under Diocletian . In which we finde two circumstances which adde much unto him and his honour ; a sirname , and an adjunct . The adjunct is , that hee is here stiled Magnus Martyr , the great Martyr : and not here onely , but in divers other passages of Greeke writers . For Metaphrastes gives this title to the Story of him , Vita S. Georgij magni Martyris , The History of George the great Martyr : So also doth Pasicrates . So also Comus , the Suffragan of Amba Gabriel , Patriarch of Alexandria , doth call Saint GEORGES Church in that Citie , Ecclesiam S. Georgij magni Martyris , the Temple of George the Great Martyr . But of this Comus , more anon , in the next Chapter . ( 6 ) The sirname added in the Greeke Menologie , unto Saint GEORGE ; is , as Baronius reades it , Tropelophorus : for which hee is by Mr. Selden , in his Titles of Honour , justly tax'd ; it being plaine ( saith hee ) that it should rather be , Tropaeophorus . For proofe of which , he hath produced a testimony out of Iohn Euchaites , who flourish'd in the time of Constantinus Monamachus the Greeke Emperour , about the yeare 1043. Which Euchaites , being at that time a Byshop of the Greeke Church , writing unto the Emperour above-named , thus calls St. George the Martyr : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The chiefe and President of warre ; the same Who from an Ensigne doth derive his Name . And in another place , speaking as to St. George ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Illustrious Standard-bearer : for so the word Tropaeophorus , properly doth signifie . This name or adjunct if you will , noted before by George Wicelius also , to have beene attributed to Saint George , by the later Grecians ; as well as that of the great Martyr . Et hodie D. Georgij celebritas apud Graecos , prae caeteris perquam eximiae est ; Appellant autem cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est . Vexillarium ▪ or Antient. In reference to which , no question but hee hath the title of Antesignanus , in the Martyrologie of Vsuardus ? and that of Signifer in Monke Robert ; and in Mich. of Ysselt ; of which two last , we shall see more hereafter . ( 7 ) The second way or course , whereby the Church in ancient times endeavoured to preserve alive , the memorie of the blessed Saints and Martyrs ; is , as before we said , by giving them some speciall place in her publike Liturgies . For since that CHRIST hath not beene onely manifested great in himselfe , but great also and glorious in his Saints ; the dayes of whose departure are to the Church of CHRIST , as are th'inauguration dayes of Kings and Emperours , unto their people : therefore especiall choyce being first had of them , there were some certaine times annually selected , to meditate upon our Saviour glorified in them ; together with a forme of praise and prayer , answerable to those times . In both which circumstances , both that of time selected for this service , and of the service destinate unto the time ; the Church proceeded with exceeding tendernesse of care , and soundnesse of advice . That so for every purpose , there might be a time and season : and that the office or devotions of the time , being fitted to it ; it might bee opus diei in die suo . This was the Commemoration of the Dead , in those pious times in use ; before that commendable institution became defiled by superstition , and as it were polluted with Idolatrie . Of which we have this testimonie of St. AVSTIN : Honoramus sanè memorias eorum tanquam Sanctorum hominum Dei , qui usque ad mortem corporum pro veritate certarunt . Will you the reason of it ? It is ( saith he ) that in the times of such solemnitie , we may both glorifie our GOD which hath given such guifts unto men ; and by the annuall reviving of their memories , we may the better be excited unto an imitation of their vertues . For so it followeth in the place , Vt ea celebritate Deo vero gratias de eorum victorijs agamus : & nos ad imitationem talium coronarum , eorum memoriae renovatione adhortemur . So then it seemes the Church proposed unto her selfe , in her publike Commemorations of the Dead , two severall ends : one , that GOD might bee praised in his Saints ; the other , that the noble and pious actions of the Saints , may bee a patterne unto us , to learne the better how to serve him in Righteousnesse and Holinesse all the dayes of our lives . For if the life and death of the Saints is precious in the sight of God : how precious should it be accounted in the eyes of all Gods people , that both the one and the other should be carefully remembred ; especially upon the day and time most capable of such remembrances ? And on the other side , how is it possible that the recitall of their Christian lives & godly deaths , should be so often sounded in the eares of the more loose & dissolute men : and not provoke them at some time or other to cry out with Balaam , O that I might die the death of the Righteous , and that my end might bee like his ! Iust so , the Tropheyes of Miltiades , startled such noble resolutions in Themistocles : and so did Alexander emulate the glories of Achilles , recited in the workes of Homer . For which cause also , and thereby to indeere the memory of the Saints departed , with and amongst Gods servants : it was the custome of the Church , besides her publike mention of them in her ordinarie Liturgie ; to suffer anniversarie panegyricks to be made in praise of such of them , as had notably deserved it . Sic & defunctis praemium , & futuris dabatur exemplum ; as Minutius hath it . ( 8 ) Afterwards , when the conceits of men , were raised unto a wonderfull admiration of their vertues ; and throughly possess'd with this , how neere a place they held in the opinion and esteeme of Almighty GOD : it was not thought enough to commemorate their graces ; unlesse we made some further use of their esteeme with their Creatour , in gracing our petitions . The rather , because the Church had generally , and truely taught , that these celestiall Spirits now with God , did constantly commend unto him , the flourishing estate and safetie of his Vniversall Church : yea and some also of the faithfull in particular , so farre as possibly by revelation from their GOD , or any other meanes what ever ; they might bee made acquainted with their severall wants . Which once conceived , as many times an ill use may be made of a sound doctrine ; it was supposed to be a soloecisme in the way of pietie , not to commend our prayers and desires unto them . Vntill at last , as there is seldome any medium inter summa & praecipitia , no stoppe in tumbling downe an Hill before we come unto the bottome : the Saints in Heauen against their wils , and besides their knowledge , became the onely mediatours betweene God and man , in point of intercession . And this the processe of the Trent-Councell , in drawing up the Article of the Invocation of the Saints : Sanctos unà cum Christo regnantes orationes suas pro hominibus Deo offerre ; and therefore , bonum● atque utile esse simplicitèr eos invocare , & ob beneficia à Deo impetranda , &c. ad eorum orationes , opem , auxiliumque confugere . This said , we may more easily conjecture , what kind of Commemoration Saint GEORGE is like to finde , in the Roman Liturgie . ( 9 ) Let us looke then upon the Liturgie of the Church of Rome , and we shall find it very copious in St , GEORGE'S honour : the Liturgie of Rome as it is now corrected , and purged of almost all those Legendarie Fables , which before gave occasion of offence and laughter . And herein certainly we find the Service very solemne ; scarce any festivall there celebrated with more variety of prayer and divine offices . I will touch onely at some principall passages thereof : taking along with me yet the full course and method . The entrance or Preparatorie , this . Protexisti me Deus à conventu malignantium : Alleluiah . A multitudine operantium iniquitatem . Alleluiah . Thou hast defended me O GOD from the Congregation of the evill doers . Alleluiah : and from the multitude of them that worke iniquity , &c. Then followes this Prayer . Deus qui nos B. Georgij Martyris tui & meritis & intercessione laetificas , concede propitius , ut qui tua per eum beneficia poscimus , dono tuae graiiae consequamur . O GOD , which by the merits and intercession of St. GEORGE thy blessed Martyr , dost rejoyce our Soules , grant we beseech thee , that those benefits which by him we crave , may by the favour of thy grace bee given unto us , through IESVS CHRIST our Lord. The Epistle taken out in part , out of the second unto Timothy , and the 3. Chapt. Where the Apostle telleth him , that he had knowne his doctrine , manner of life , purpose , faith , long suffering , charitie , patience ; Persecutions and afflictions , which came unto him at Antioch , at Iconium , at Lystra ; out of all which , the LORD delivered him , &c. The Gospell taken out of the 15. Chapt. of St. IOHN , Ego sum vitis vera , I am the true Vine , &c. The close of all is this , after the whole Masse ended , which they call the Postcommunion : Supplices te rogamus omnipotens Deus , ut quos tuis reficis sacramentis , &c. Almighty GOD , we humbly beseech thee , that we which are refresh'd by thy holy Sacraments , may by the intercession of thy blessed Martyr George , serve thee heereafter in all godly motions , &c. To which the Liturgie of the Church of Rome , I will here adde a Collect of the old Missall , ( See Vsum Sarum : ) which piously interpreted , hath nothing in it savouring of Superstition ; and is withall more proper to St. Georges storie . Viz. Offerimus tibi Domine solenne sacrificium pro veneranda S. Georgij mart . tui passione , deprecantes clementiam tuam , ut per haec S. S. mysteria antiqui hostis tentatamen te triumphante vincamus , et aeternae remunerationis praemium te largiente sequamur . We offer unto thee O LORD the solemne Sacrifice ( of praise and Thankesgiving ) for the death and passion of St. George thy Martyr ; beseeching thy divine clemencie , that by these holy mysteries , we may in thee subdue the manifold temptations of our old enemie the Divell , and be rewarded by thy grace with life eternall . The first of these two Prayers taken out of the Roman Missall , I finde also in the Breviarie , the Diurnum , and the Officium B. Mariae Virginis : so copious is that Church in the memoriall of our Martyr . ( 10 ) I doubt not but it will be here objected , that we are driven to hard shifts , when wee are faine to repaire to Rome ; from thence to prove St. GEORGE'S Saint-ship . This wee expect to heare of , and are ready to reply , that this is hardly worth objecting . For here we draw no argument to prove how lawfully St. GEORGE may be invoked ; or that his intercession may be used , for the more quicke dispatch of our affaires in the Court of Heaven . Onely wee note from hence , that anciently , and in the purer times of the Roman Church ; St. GEORGE was constantly commemorated , and in his proper course ; as a noble Martyr . Vpon which ground , which in it selfe is good and commendable , if they have built , out of their owne , Wood , and Hay , and Stubble ; a dangerous and erronious practise not warrantable in the Church : I hope , without offence , it may be lawfull for me , or any else , to make the profitablest use out of their errours ; and to verifie the truth and goodnesse of the ancient practise in this case , out of the faultie and erroneous corruption of the present . For I perswade my selfe , that in points onely of Historicall faith , wee may relie in part upon their publike Liturgies : and that we may conclude , that surely such a Saint there was , as GEORGE , or MAURICE , or SEBASTIAN , or the rest there honoured ; because I finde them in the Missall , and the Breviarie ; no man of this or any age , having as yet inform'd mee , that they have lately beene inserted into the bookes of Common-Service . Nay , as in nature , there must be first an habit , before we can admit of any privation : and that in things corrupted , wee must suppose a true and reall being of that thing , thus fallen into corruption : so we may well inferre , upon a view of the corruptions in their Liturgies , that certainely there was some excellent use at first , of such a ceremonie , or such an institution ; how ever that the foule corruptions of the present have polluted and defiled it . I would not wish me thinks , an argument of more validitie to prove the act of kneeling at the Lords Supper , to be of good Antiquitie in the Church of Christ : than from the adoration of it ( or of the Hoste rather as they call it ) exacted in their Rituals ; which is , no doubt , a superstitious , if not idolatrous corruption , of that ancient and reverend use of Kneeling . Nor would I choose a fairer way of disputation , to justifie the honourable estate of the married Clergie , against the clamours of the Papists ; than to returne upon them , that in the publike service of the Church of Rome , it is reputed commonly , though falsly , for a Sacrament : which false conceit of theirs , is a corruption onely of the just and pious meaning of the Fathers ; who therefore did extoll it in the highest measure , the better to beate downe those Hereticks which had disgraced it . More might be said in affirmation of this manner of proceeding ; had I now either place or leisure . At this time only this , that I should more relie in matters meerely Historicall of being , upon the Liturgie of Rome , which certainly is not contrived upon no other ground , than lies and Fables : than upon any mans bare word which saith the contrary ; or such weake arguments as are not able to conclude the matter controverted . And so farre I dare goe with Canus ; conceive me still in matters of this qualitie : Nullas huiusmodi rationes , ab antiqua patrum traditione quam communis ecclesiae consuetudo , in divin● officio , hymnis , antiphonisque confirmavit ; potuisse me movere . ( 11 ) Which being so , and that St. GEORGE had anciently his proper time and place of Commemoration , how ever now that laudable and pious custome bee degenerated : we may affirme more confidently , that he hath beene continually in especiall credit with the Church . In the Greeke Church we find him on record in their publike Calendar ; where they have honoured him with the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the great Martyr . Baronius tells us , that this Saint is very famous in the Countries of Galatia ; In Galatia celebris fuit eiusdem Sancti memoria : more generally Wicelius , Celebritas D. Georgij apud Graecos prae caeteris perquam eximia est , that he is honored more than any of the rest among the Grecians . Ioh. Euchaites a Greeke Byshop hath given an honourable testimony of him : and Cyrus Theodorus , ( of whose time and qualitie I am yet to seeke ) hath plaid the Epigrammatist , upon his portraiture cut in white stone ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the title hath it . Adde hereunto Hierax , one of great power in the Greeke Empire , upon his reconciliation with Contacuzenus ; gave him in token of his future faith and loyaltie , St. GEORGE his picture : Imaginem praeclari Mart. Christi , Georgij , fidei suae , sinceraeque erga Imperatorem voluntatis , pignus quoddam dedit . The thing related by the Emperour Contacuzenus himselfe , in his booke of Histories , first published under the name of Christodulus . As for the Church of Rome , there is no question to bee made of her good affection . Her Missals , and her testimony of him in the Martyrologie ; expresly say it . Nor need there any more be added , unlesse perhaps it be worth noting , that Vergerius Byshop of Iustinople in the Seigneurie of Venice , was called in question for his life : Eo quòd in Concilio Trident. Georgij Legendam sibi non per omnia probari ostenderet , as Chemnitius hath it ; because he had declamed against some passages of the Storie of Saint GEORGE , in the Trent Councell . As for the Churches Protestant , wee finde the Lutheran Doctors many of them , very favourable ; and how wee stand affected to him here in England , we shall see hereafter . Which generall agreement of the whole Church , and so many famous parts of it , in the honour of our Martyr ; may well be used as a reply to Doctor Reynolds : who makes this answere to the Cardinall , that George indeed may be accounted famous in the Church , and his memoriall celebrated ; but so as was the memory of Catiline , ab hominibus audacissimis , domesticisque host●bus , onely by Ruffians , and by common enemies unto the State. If Bellarmine meane otherwise , in saying Georgij memoria semper fuit celeberrima ; hee tells him plainely that hee lyeth . But I will not meddle with their quarrells . ( 12 ) To goe a litle further yet , it will bee found upon good search , that not the Christians onely have had Saint George in speciall honour : but that the rude and barbarous Turkes , seeing it seemes , how much hee was esteem'd by them , conceive a like opinion of him ? This Master Selden testifieth , that the Mahometans doe honour him , as we , and that they call him Chederle : which name ( saith hee ) one expresseth by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His Margine points us unto Contacuzenus , Apol. 3. Which I cannot meet with : and therefore take it upon credit . The rather , because I finde in Master Sam. Purchas , out of Busbequius , that the Turkes affirme their Chederle , to bee the same with St. GEORGE : and that the Dervices ( which are a kinde of Turkish Monkes ) have a great Temple dedicated to his honour at Theke Thioy , not farre from Amasia , the chiefe Citie of Cappadocia . And in the Turkish Historie wee reade that they have in Caire of Egypt , a Temple dedicated to Saint Barbara , and another to Saint George ; which amongst those nations are of great Fame . So Knolles in the life of Selimus . All I finde of him in the rest of Contacuzenus , ( I meane his Historie , is , that at his request , the Turkish Sultan did reedifie a ruinous Temple , consecrated to St. George's memorie . Post haec petivit legatus vester ( saith the Sultan in his Letter to that Greeke Emperour ) ut quoddam veteris templi ruinosum aedificium vicinum Romanis , S. Georgij , renovaretur : id etiam fecimus . So great and powerfull is the truth , that it prevaileth even among Turkes and Infidels . CHAP. V. ( 1 ) The honour done unto the Dead in the decent buriall of their bodies . ( 2 ) The reliques of the Saints of what esteeme in the Church primitive . ( 3 ) The care of Gregorie of Tours to preserve his writings : and what hee testifieth of Saint George's reliques . ( 4 ) What mention there is made of them in Aymonius , and others . ( 5 ) Churches distinguished anciently by the names of Saints : and for what reason . ( 6 ) St. George's Churches in Lydda , and in Ramula ; made afterwards a Byshops See. ( 7 ) St. George's Church built by Sidonius Archbyshop of Mentz . ( 8 ) That mention'd in St. Gregories Epistles . ( 9 ) St , Georges Church in Rome ; the title of a Cardinall . ( 10 ( Churches erected to St. George in Alexandria and elsewhere . ( 11 ) Of Faustus Rhegiensis . ( 12 ) And the Pseudo-Martyr in Sulpitius . An application of the rule in Lerinensis unto the businesse now in hand . ( 1 ) THis discourse of the bodies of the Dead , leades me directly to the third of those three courses , whereby the Church endeavoured to preserve alive the memory of the Saints and Martyrs : collecting of their Reliques , and laying them with all due honours , in some place fit and worthy of them . Which pietie of theirs , extended at the first , no further , than to the pious and devout interrement of their bodies : the tyranny of those which first made havocke of the Church , extending in those times , no further than to death . So reade we of St. Stephen , the Protomartyr of the Church ; that being stoned unto death , certaine devout men carried him , ( or his body rather , which was his Relique , all that was left of him ) to the buriall , and made great lamentation . But in succeeding times ▪ as the Persecutions grew more violent ; so also grew the Tyrants more unmercifull , and barbarously cruell : no longer now contented with the simple death of those that suffered ; but tearing of their limbs asunder , and scattering abroad their bones , and casting forth their ashes into the winde , that so they might not have the honour of an honest buriall . So witnesseth Lactantius of Diocletian , under whom St. GEORGE was made a Martyr , Et non tantùm artus hominum dissipat ( saith he ) sed & ossa ipsa comminuit , & in cineres furit , ne quis extet sepulturae locus . A desperate and raging tyrant , qui lucem vivis , terram mortuis denegabat ; which neither would allow the benefit of life unto the living , nor buriall to the dead . In these and such like barbarous and cruell times , it was the commendable custome of the Christians , to recollect those bones which by the Tyrants had bin so scattered ; and to interre them with due honour : that even the Bones also which were broken might reioyce ; that so those precious Reliques of their deere Brethren , which were to meet together in a joyfull Resurrection , might not lye scattered , up and downe the fields , a scorne and laughter to the Gentiles . ( 2 ) At length according as the minds and thoughts of men were raised unto an high esteeme and admiration of the Martyrs : so did they with a greater zeale frequent their shrines ; and set an higher price and estimate upon their Reliques . Not carefull onely to afford them all due respects , because of those many myracles which it pleased GOD to worke in and about those places where they were intombed : but in short time , ascribing some divine and secret vertue to them ; whereof , Heaven knowes , they were not guiltie . It is recorded that the Turkes in the Sacke of Lyssa , finding the tombe of Scanderbeg , did violently breake it open , and take thence his bones ; every one somewhat , more or lesse , as they could divide them : vainely conceiting , that they should never have the worse in any action , as long as any Relique of that victorious Soldier was about them . So also that opinion , which the people of those devout and pious times , had first upon good grounds conceiv'd of any of the Martyrs ; and that respect , which worthily at first , they bare unto their shrines and Reliques : degenerated at the last so farre , that they fell also into the same conceit and superstitious folly . Hereupon were the monuments and dormitories of the Saints againe opened : their bodies translated , some of them entire , into new Sepulchres ; and others dismembred peece by peece , and carried into farre Countries : that Church or Nation being conceived most happy , which had procured any the least bone into their possession , of such especially of the Saints , which were in greatest credit and opinion with the people . So that now the cruelty of the barbarous tyrants in the height of persecution , might seeme to be revived in the dawning of Superstition . Which notwithstanding , there might perchance bee somewhat said in their excuse : as viz. that the Reliques then by them so zealously affected , were most of them true and reall ; not counterfeited by any cheating Mountebanke ; and therefore worthy of all due respect and reverence . For who so cold in his affection to the Saints , that would not gladly give them honor , even in their dust ? So much respect , no question , may be due unto the Reliques of the Saints , if truely such ; as by Pope Leo was afforded to a parcell of the crosse , sent to him by the Byshop of Hierusalem : of which he tells that Prelate in an answere to him , Particulam dominica crucis , cum eulogijs dilectionis tuae veneranter accepi : That he received it with great reverence and thankes . ( 3 ) Not to descend more downeward , we will looke backe into those former times , and therefore least corrupted ; wherein we find first mention of the Reliques of St. GEORGE . And in the first place we meet with Gregory of Tours , who flourished in the next age after Pope LEO above-named , and dyed about the yeare 596. A man of speciall quality , a Byshop by his calling ; and as he testifieth himselfe , Author of many severall books , and treatises . Quos libros licet rusticiori stilo scripserim , &c. Which though he wrote in a more plaine and homely stile , yet he doth earnestly conjure all those , which should succeed him in that charge ; per adventum Domini nostri , &c. Even by the comming of our Saviour CHRIST , and by the dreadfull day of judgment ; that neither they suppresse them , or cause them to be unperfectly transcribed : Sed ut omnia vobiscum integra inlibataque permaneant , sicut à nobis relicta sunt ; but that they be preserved as uncorrupted and entire , as they were left by him . Of these bookes , seaven of them did especially concerne the myracles of the Holy Martyrs : and in the first thereof , he tells us in the generall , Multa de Georgio martyre miracula gesta cogn●vimus , that he had knowne of many myracles done by Saint GEORGE . And in particular , habentur eius reliquiae in vico quodam Cennomannensi , ubi multa plerunque miracula visuntur : Some of his Reliques also are in the Village of Le Maine , where oftentimes there were seene many myracles . There is a further passage in that Booke and Chapter , which though I shall relate , yet I will hardly take upon me to defend it : it is briefly thus . Huius reliquiae cum reliquorum Sanctorum à quibusdam ferebantur , &c. Some certaine men , that carried with them some of St. GEORGE'S Reliques , and of others also of the Saints ; came once unto a place in the frontires of Lymosin : where a few Priests , having a litle Chanterie or Oratorie made of boards , did daily powre out their Devotions to the Lord. There , for that night , they begg'd for lodging ; and were accordingly made welcome . The morning came , and they prepar'd to goe forward in their jorney ; they were not able to remove their Knap-sacks [ capsulas , ] out of the place wherein they laid them . Loth to depart without their Reliques , it came at last into their minds , that sure it was the will of GOD , they should bestow some of them on their Hosts : which being done , the difficulty was removed , and they proceeded in their journey . This storie , as before I said , I will not take upon me to defend . Onely I note from hence , that in this Gregories time , or before it rather , the Reliques of St. George were in especiall credit : and so by necessary consequence the Saint himselfe exceeding famous . ( 4 ) Not to say any thing here of St. George's head , and of the Temple built of purpose by Pope Zacharie , in honour of it ; which we shall speake of presently , in a place more proper : wee finde the Reliques of our Martyr mention'd with great honour in Aymonius . An Author of the middle times , anno 837. not long before the shutting in of the first day of learning , in the Christian Church : one of the Monks of St. GERMANS monasterie , in the Suburbs of Paris ; and publike Notarie thereof , for the time being . Before we come unto his testimonie , we must first take notice , that Childebert Sonne of Clovis , the first Christian King of France , who began his reigne about the yeare 515 : did in the later of his time , anno 542. erect a Monasterie neere Paris , unto the honour of St. Vincent . This monasterie thus founded , as he endowed it with many Lands , and large immunities : so he enriched it with the Reliques of St. Vincent , and St. GEORGE , and part also of the Holy Crosse ; all which he brought with him out of Spaine , whither he had before made two famous journeyes . Witnesse whereof the Charter of the Foundation , copied out by Aymonius : and is as much of it as concernes our purpose , this which followeth . Childebertus Rex Francorum , &c. In honorem S. Vincentij Martyris ( this Vincent was converted by St. GEORGE as before is said ) cuius reliquias de Spania apportavimus , ceu & sanctae crusis , & beatissimi Georgij , &c. quorum reliquiae ibi sunt consecratae , &c. In the same Author also , we have another story of St. Georges arme , given by Iustinian the Emperour unto St GERMAN , then Byshop of Paris ; as he return'd from his Pilgrimage to Hierusalem , by the way of Constantinople : Vnáque brachium D. Georgij Martyris , pro magno munere contulit , as mine Author hath it . Which Relique was afterwards by Saint GERRMAN , bestowed upon the Abbey of Saint Vincent ; wherein he was interred : and which since then , hath beene call'd St. GERMANS . Thus much I finde recorded of the Reliques of our Martyr ( not to say any thing of his colours or his banner , preserv'd , as Schedell tells us , in Bamberge ● City of Germany ; magna cum solennitate , with great Solemnitie : and this enough to shew , that even from the beginning , his Reliques and himselfe , were alwayes had in speciall honour . ( 5 ) And now at last , we come unto the last of those foure wayes or courses , whereby the Church endeavored to preserve alive the memory of the Saints and Martyrs : viz. the calling of such Temples by the names of those blessed Spirits , which she had solemnly erected to GODS speciall service , and consecrated to his honour . A custome which she long had practised , even in the very times and heate of Persecution ; when , as it was more dangerous unto the Church it selfe , and more unpleasing to the tyrants ; so was it also more full of honour and respect unto the Martyr . Witnesse whereof those many Temples erected in the Empire of Severus , Gordian , Philip , and Galicnus ; demolished after in the time of Diocletian : and reerected by the Decree and Licence of Maximinianus . Which Temples so erected , were consecrated , though in a second place , unto the memory of some or other of the more notable and famous of the Saints departed in those fierie times ; as may appeare by that which wee have elsewhere cyted out of Marcellinus : as viz. how the Alexandrian people had cast the ashes of their Arian Byshop , George , into the Sea , ne aedes illis ex struerentur ut reliquis , lest else they should bee taken by the multitude for holy Martyrs ; and Temples erected to them , as unto others of that ranke , of which though falsly they conceived him . But in the time of CONSTANTINE , we find the practise of it very frequent in the Church : the Emperour himselfe dedicating one of his owne building , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unto the blessed memory of the Apostles . As for his Mothe● the most illustrious Helena , we find of 〈…〉 cting , a Temple dedicated to the Virgin 〈◊〉 , in the Towne of Bethlehem , another to St. Iohn the Baptist , in the Mountaines of Iudaea ; another to St. Peter , on Mount Sion . Nor were those blessed spirits the Apostles thought worthy onely of these honours ; but the rest also of the holy Martyrs and Confessours : the first of this ranke which I have met with in my reading , being that of Dionysius in the Citie of Alexandria , whereof he once was Byshop , and there at first one of the Auditors of Origen . Built , as I doe conceive it , in the time of Persecution , by the Gentiles , and burnt as the Historiā tells us , in the time & tumults of the Arians : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( viz. Alexandriae ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Sozomen . Now the reason why it pleased the Church , to give the names of Saints and Martyrs to their Temples , was not ( as our incomparable Hooker hath observed rightly ) either that they should serve unto the worship of those glorious spirits , or that those blessed spirits now made glorious , should take upon them the protection and patronage of those places : but partly in respect that by the ministerie of those Saints , it pleased God there to shew some rare effect of his Power ; and partly in regard that by their deathes , which there the Saints did suffer for the testimonie of the trueth , the places where they dyed were made more venerable . ( 6 ) In these respects , St. George had many Churches built and consecrated , as to Gods service principally ; so , as before I said , in a second place unto his memory . The first , ( for I will onely touch upon a few of speciall note ) the first I say , of those which hitherto I have obserued ; that in Diospolis or Lydda in the tribe of Ephraim : built by Iustinian Emp. who beganne his Empire Anno 527. over , or neere the place of our Martyrs sepulcher . Cuius ecclesiam , quam ad honorem eiusdem Martyris , pius et orthodoxus Princeps Rom. Augustus , illustris memoriae D. Iustinianus multo studio et devotione prompta aedisicari praeceperat &c. So Gulielmus Tyrius speaking of this our Martyr . This Church , was by the Turkes demolished , vpon the cōming of the armies of the Westerne Princes ▪ for the conquest of Hierusalem : the Church which now standeth , being built , after , as the natives say , by a King of England . The cause which moved the Turkes hereto , a feare , least else the timber of it , which was large and m●ssie , might be converted to some engines , for the battery of that Citie : Timentes , ne trabes ecclesiae , quae multae proceritatis erant , in machinas ad expugnandam urbem vellent convertere . As that Author hath it . Nor farre from Lydda is the little Citie of Rama , or Ramula , supposed to bee the dwelling of Ioseph of Arimathea : where our St. George was honoured with another temple , defaced by the Turkes also . Cuius ibi ab antiquo fundatam ecclesiam , Turci nonnihil deformaverant , in the words of Malmesburie . Hence I collect , that seeing one of these Churchs is called ancient , ab antiquo ; and that the timber of the other was large and massie : that certainly St. George was anciently honoured with a Temple ; by the magnificence of which we may coniecture at the ●ame and credit of the Saint . These Churches were in times succeeding made by D. Godfrie , and the Christians of the West , a Bishops see ; both Cities , and the villages adioyning , appointed for his diocesse : Primitias laborum suorum cum omni devotione egregio Martyri dedicantes ; those Noble princes so consecrating the first fruites of their victories , to our glorious Martyr . The first Byshop of them , was a Norman , of the Diocesse of Roan : his title , Byshop of St. GEORGE'S ; of which see more in our second Chapter of this second Part ; ¶ . 4. The second Church of note , erected in Saint GEORGE'S honour , which I have met with hitherto , was founded by Sidonius , Archbyshop of Mentz in Germanie , who flourished in the yeare 556 , and after : but whether in the Towne of Mentz , or in some other place , I am not certaine . Of this Venantius Fortunatus Byshop of Poyctiers , Florens doctrina & sanctitate , ( saith the Cardinall , ) famous for piety and learning , hath in his Sacra Carmina composed this Epigram . He liv'd about the yeare 570. In Basilicam S. Georgij quam aedificavit Sidonius Arch●ep . Moguntinus . Martyris egregij pollens micat aula Georgij , Cuius in hunc mundum spargitur altus honos . Carcere , caede , siti , vinclis , fame , frigore , flammis , Confessus Christum , duxit ad astracaput . Qui virtute potens , Orientis in axe sepultus , Ecce sub Occiduo cardine praebet opem . Ergo memento preces , & reddere vota , viator ; Obtiner hic meritis , quod petit alma fides . Condidit Antistes Sidonius ista decenter : Profician● anima , qua nova Templa , suae . Vpon St. GEORGE'S Church , built by Sidonius Archbyshop of Mentz . St. GEORGE'S glorious Temple here behold , Whose noble Acts through all the world are told . Who in so many severall torments tried , Confess'd his Faith in CHRIST ; confessing died . Who great in power , though buried in the East ; Extends his wondrous graces to the West . Therefore pay here thy vowes , who êre thou bee ; Where such a Saint is neare , to joyne with thee . This goodly Temple did Sidonious build : Vnto his Soule may it due comforts yeild . ( 8 ) One Temple yet there is , ancienter , as I conceive , than any of the three yet mention'd ; founded by whom , I cannot tell , nor in what place : but specified by Pope Gregorie the first , in an Epistle to Maurinianus then an Abbat ; with great care , and in these particulars . The superscription of it , Gregorius Mauriniano Abbati ; the subject of it , De Ecclesia S. Georgij restauranda , touching the reparation of St. George's Church : the Letter , this as followeth . Quia Ecclesiam S. Georgij positam in loco qui Ad Sedem dicitur , minorem quàm oportet diligentiam habere cognovimus : utile esse prospeximus , quoniam Monasterium tuum eidem Ecclesiae noscitur esse coniunctum , eius tibi curam committere : hortantes ut & sollicitudinem illic congruam studeas adhiberi , et Psalmodiae officium solenniter exhiberi facias . Et quia Ecclesiam istam reparatione certum est indigere , volumus ut quicquid illuc accedere potuerit , ipse accipere , atque in eius reparationem , ut praevideas , debeas erogare . St. GEORGE'S Church , situate Ad sedem , not being lookt unto , with that diligence , w ch belongs unto it ; & since it is so neere your unto Monasterie : we thinke it good to commit the care thereof unto you : Requesting that you would bestow your utmost diligence upon it : and have a care the Psalmodie , or daily prayers , be solemnely performed . And since we have beene credibly informed , that it is out of reparation ; it is our pleasure , that you gather up the profits of it , and lay them out upon the worke , so farre as you thinke it fit . So farre the letter . As for the writer of it ; not to say any thing of his exceeding industrie and learning , whereby hee gained unto himselfe , the attribute of Magnus : he died about the yeare 604. before which time , the Temple of St. GEORGE was now growne old and ruinous ; quite out of reparation . Which being so , considering what durable Materials , Churches are commonly composed of ; and in what strong and lasting forme compacted : I am almost perswaded , that the Church here mentioned , was built immediately upon the death and dissolution of our Martyr . ( 9 ) From Gregory , we will descend on one of his successours in the Chaire of Rome , by name Pope Zacharie ; who entred on that Dignity , Anno 742. the founder of St. George's Church in Velo Aureo ; or as some others call it , in Velabro ; a part of Rome . The chiefe occasion of the building , was our Martyrs head : which precious Relique was given unto him by the Venetians ; and by him here inshrined in a Church built onely for that purpose . Idem quoque ( viz. Zacharias ) Basilicam B. Georgij in Velabro condidit ; eoque loci caput ipsius Sancti collocavit : So Platina affirme's it . I know indeed , that the later editions of that Author , reade it B. Gregorij ; but questionlesse they are mis-printed . For in an old edition of this booke , at Colen , anno 1529. & afterwards in that of Lovaine , corrected by Oniphurius , anno 1572. it is B. Georgij , as before we read it . Herm. Schedell addes that besides the Church there was also built a Monasterie ; and that it did continue in great honour , even unto his times . Huius inelyti Martyris caput , cum postmodum Venetijs delatum fuisset ; in eius honorem Monasterium et Ecclesia erecta fuit , quod nunc usque maxima veneratione perseverat . A Church , it seemes of great name and credit : such which of long hath beene a title , of some Roman Cardinall . For in the life of Alexander 6. we have there mention of one Raphael Cardinall of St. George's , Camerarius S. Ecclesiae , High Chamberlaine of the State Ecclesiasticke . And in the 5. Tome of the Bibl. S. Patrum , we have a●tract de Iubileo , written by Iames then Cardinall of St. GEORGES : Iacobi S. Georgij ad velum aureum Diaconi Cardinalis , de Iubileo , liber unus , as the title tells us . Which Iames was nephew to Pope Boniface the eighth , by him advanced unto that office , in his first call of Cardinals ; anno 1295. So de la Bigne , the first Collectour of those Volumes , out of an ancient Manuscript of Alphonso Chicarelli . ( 10 ) Hitherto our enquirie hath beene made , in Asia , and in Europe onely ; we will now crosse over into Africke : that so it may appeare , that every part of the knowne world ( I meane knowne anciently ) hath in it some memoriall of our Saint and Martyr . In this , we will content our selves with Alexandria , the Queene of Cities and Metropolis of Africa , as Sir George Sandys calls her : where we shall find an ancient Temple dedicated to St. GEORGE . For thus the Letter of Ioh. Comus , the Suffragan of Amba Gabriel , Patriarch of Alexandria , directed to Pope Clement 8. and dated on the 28. of December , anno 1593. Tres Alexandria sunt Ecclesiae Catholicae : una nomine principis Angelorum S. Michaelis ; secunda S. Marci Evangelistae , ac tertia nomine Martyris magni S. Georgij , extra urbem , ad littus maris salsi : et omnes istae Ecclesiae indigent aedificatione , vestitu et impensis pauperum et egenorum . There are ( saith he ) three Christian Churches in Alexandria , St. Michaels the Archangell , St. Markes the Evangelist ; and thirdly , that of St. George the great Martyr , without the City , and neere unto the Sea ; all which doe stand in need of reparation , ornaments , and money for the entertainment of the poore . I know that Mr. Sam. Purchas doth account this Letter , and the whole businesse handled by Baronius in his Corollarie , ad Tom. 6. where this Letter is ; to be forged , and counterfeit : as having in it , a submission of this Patriarke and the Church of Egypt , to the See of Rome ; whereas indeed there was no such matter . But somewhat surely there was in it , which might occasion such an Embassie to Rome ; and some dependance of the Christians of this Country upon the Pope : It being noted by G. Sandys , that multitudes of late have beene drawne to receive the Popish Religion , especially in Cairo , ( the Seate of the Alexandrian Patriarke of the Cophties , or native Christians of that Country ) by the industry of Friers ; having had the Roman Liturgie sent them from Rome , together with the Bible , in the Arabicke language . As for the thing it selfe , it is affirmed by Mr. Phurchas , that there are three Christian Churches in Alexandria ; which is inough to confirme our purpose . Other Churches there also are , dedicated to St. George of good antiquitie , though of lesse note ; as viz. that of Caire in Egypt ; that of Beddi in the realme of Ethiopia : and lastly , that in Constantinople , built by Iustinian the Emperour : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . As Procopious hath it . What Churches have beene consecrated to his memorie , with us , in England ; wee shall see hereafter . ( 11 ) If any thing may be objected , against ought that we have spoken in this present Chapter , and the last ; it is in likelyhood , the case of Faustus Rhegiensis , and the Pseudo-Martyr in Sulpitius Severus : both which were held for Martyrs , although the one of them was a Theife , and the other an Hereticke . Of Faustus Rhegiensis , who in the opinion of the ancient Church , was reckoned for a Semi-Pelagian ; it is affirmed by Doctor Abbotts , afterwards Lord Byshop of Salisburie , that he had place in the French Martyrologies , a Festivall allotted to him on the 17. of Ianuary , and a Temple dedicated to him by the people of his owne City . Immò et in Martyrologie Gallicano inter Sanctos numeratum ; eoque nomine , ab Ecclesia Rhegiensi , erecta nominis eius titulo insignita Basilicae ; et die festo , Ian. 17. honoratum , &c. It may be hence objected , that all which we have spoken hitherto , is of little value : those honors having beene communicated even to Heretickes ; such as St. George is said to be by Doctor Reynolds . To this we answere , first , that this was onely a particular Act , of the nationall Church of France : their Faustus never being received generally , as St. George was , in the Church-Catholique . And therefore it is said by my said Lord of Salisburie , that these honours were accumulated on him , spectante orbe Christiano , tacente Rom. Ecclesia , contradicente nemine : not by the approbation of the Church in generall ; but onely a connivence at it , in regard of those of France . Secondly , that Faustus , though accounted for an Hereticke abroad , might yet be otherwise an honest and religious man , and so reputed in his owne Citie , where afterwards hee had his Temple : For I have seene it somewhere cyted out of Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that even an Hereticke may have a very faire and commendable conversation . And last of all , that Faustus was not such an Hereticke , that his memoriall should be blasted for it in all generations . Not such an Heretique , as aimed at the foundation of the Faith , as did the Arian ; nor such as overthrew the vertue of Gods grace , as did Pelagius . Onely he is accused , that undertaking to confute the writings of Pelagius ; he did not runne a course quite contrary to the other ; but in some tollerable manner , and in some points of lesse consequence ; did seeme to trench upon his tenets . ( 12 ) As for the Pseudo-Martyr in Sulp. Severus , he is by Dr. Boys , brought in , to prove against the Papists , how much they have abused themselves & all the Church , in Canonizing those for Saints , who could be no better thā divels . And in the next words , the Papists adore others who were neither Saints in Heaven , nor men on earth , as St. Christopher , Saint George , &c. The cases here are Parallell : but sure it were a taske too weighty , either for him , or any other , to prove this Pseudo-Martyr to have beene Canonized a Saint ; or that hee was reputed one in the opinion of the Church . All which Sulpitius doth report is this ; Not farre from Tours , whereof St. Martin then was Byshop , there was a litle Oratorie much frequented by some simple people , upon opinion that some holy Martyr had beene there buried . Saint Martin who suspected presently that there was some Imposture in it , repaires unto the Chappell : and calling upon GOD to manifest the truth , a certaine shape passed by them , who confessed that he was once a Theife , but by the simple people reckoned as a Martyr ; there being nothing in his life or death , to merit that opinion . Ille antem nomen edidit , de crimine confitetur , latronem se fuisse , ob scelera percussum ; vulgi errore celebratum , sibi nihil cum Martyribus commune esse , cumillos gloria , se poena retineret . This is the whole : and then a few poore simple people must bee reputed for the Church in generall ; or else this inference is nothing to the purpose . ( 13 ) There is a rule in Lerinensis , that that is to be counted true in the Church Catholicke , which hath beene so beleeved by all sorts of men , in all times , and in all places . In Ecclesia Catholica illud magnopere curandum est , ut teneamus id , quod ab omnibus , quod semper , quod ubique creditum est . Vnles we can apply this rule unto the businesse now in hand ; it is not our desire , that any man should thinke St. GEORGE to be a Martyr . And first , if we consult the testimonies of all sorts of men ; we find St. George to bee thus reckoned , both by Turkes and Christians : by the West Churches , & the Easterne ; by the Papist & the Protestant : by Princes , Prelates , and their people ; by writers ancient , and by moderne . If we expect the generall consent herein of all the times and ages since his death and Martyrdome : we have already made it plaine by way of a Chronologie , that there hath beene no age , no not that Seculum infelix , as it is call'd by Bellarmine ; in which wee have not plentifull assurance of our cause . And for the close of all , looke into all parts of the world , and tell me which of all the three , hath not afforded honour to him , as an holy Martyr . His name commemorated in the Martyrologies of Rome , and Greece ; his Reliques reverenced in Spaine , Constantinople , France and Germany : Temples erected to his honour , in Rome , Constantinople , Ramula , Diospolis , Alexandria , Caire , and Aethiopia , and in other places ; by Prelates , Popes , and Emperours . Temples in Asia , Europe , and in Africa . And in the principall Cities also of the East , and West , and Southerne parts of the whole world . Then certainly we may affirme of our St. George , as the Historian did of Pompey ; Quot partes terrarum sunt , tot fecit monumenta victoriae suae . So then , the storie of St. George , and the opinion of his being Martyr , having beene entertained by all sorts of men , in all the ages of the Church , and all the quarters of the world : we may maintaine , according to the rul of Lrinensis , that therefore it is to be counted true , without more disputing . The one affirmed by Doctor Reynolds , Georgius , quem Orientalis & Occidentalis ecclesia pro martyre colit ; and in another place , universalem ecclesiam , hoc est , Orientalem & Occidentalem Georgium pro Martyre coluisse out of which one so granted , we will without demanding leave , conclude the other . CHAP. VI. ( 1 ) St. George how he became to bee accounted the chiefe Saint of Soldiers . ( 2 ) St. George when first esteemed a chiefe Patron of Christianitie . ( 3 ) The expedition of the Westerne Princes , to the Holy Land. ( 4 ) The storie of the succours brought unto their Armie by St. George . ( 5 ) His second apparition to them as the Leaguer of Hierusalem , ( 6 ) The Probabilitie of the former miracle , disputed . ( 7 ) An essay of the famous battaile of Antiochia , by way of Poeme . ( 1 ) HItherto have we spoken of Saint GEORGE , according as hee is esteemed and honoured as a Saint , in the generall opinion of the Christian world ; and of the publike honours done unto him , in the Church of GOD , the ground and pillar of truth , as the Apostle calls it . Our method now doth leade us on , to marshall in those honours , which have beene also done unto him , by the Kings and Princes of the earth : that so unto the testimony and suffrage of the Church , we may adde also the full authority and power of the civill Magistrate . But since the honours done by them unto Saint George , consider him , some of them as a Saint in generall ; some , as a principall Patron of the affaires of Christendome ; and others , as the tutelary Saint or Guardian of militarie men : wee must in briefe declare the reason , why he was made the tutelarie Saint of Soldiers ; & at what time he first began to be accounted , so principall a Patron of Christianitie ; before we can descend unto particulars . And first , if we demand how our Saint George became to bee accounted the chiefe Saint of Soldiers : we answere , that he was himselfe a Soldier of chiefe ranke and qualitie , and therefore in the superstitious times before us , conceived to be most worthy to countenance that calling . For which cause also , it pleased the Church of Rome , who then did what she listed ; to joyne with him in commission , although perhaps not with equall power , St. Maurice , and St. Sebastian . So witnesseth Baronius out of the Roman Ceremoniall De divinis officijs ; Romanam ipsam Ecclesiam ad expugnandos fidei hostes , hos praecipuè martyres invocare consuevisse , Mauritium , Sebastianum , & Georgium . Which Maurice and Sebastian also , were both of them Soldiers of the same time with our St. George ; and both of eminent place in their severall Armies : MAVRITIUS being one of the Chiefetaines of the Theban Legion , slaughtered by MAXIMINIANUS , in his expedition towards Brittaine ; SEBASTIAN , a Commander of the first ranke , [ Princeps primae cohortis ] under DIOCLETIAN . This was the reason why they were first selected , to take upon them the defence of militarie men : Saint GEORGE , as chiefe upon the earth in birth , and honours ; so also generally reckoned by the men of Warre , to bee of greater power , than eyther of the other , and therefore most devoutly prayed to . Hence is it , that the Poet MANTVAN calls him the MARS of Christians : MARS being at the first some notable swash-buckler himselfe ; and afterwards the GOD of Soldiers , in the opinion of the Gentiles . Vt Martem Latij , sic nos , te Dive Georgi , Nunc colimus . As Rome did MARS ; so wee St. GEORGE , doe honour thee . And in another place . Inclyte bellorum rector , quem nostra Inventu● Pro Mavorte colit . Thou famous President of Wars , Whom we adore instead of MARS . ( 2 ) Nor was St. George only reckoned as a chiefe Saint of soldiers ; but after , and before , the English tooke him to themselves , esteemed a principall patron of the affaire of Christendome . For , as before I noted , the Christians used to call upon him ( being so lessoned by their superstitious teachers ) as an advocate of victory : and did implore his helpe , ad expugnandos fidei hostes , in all their Warres against the enemies of our religion ; as they did also pray unto St. Maurice , and St. Sebastian , though not so generally . Hence is it that St. Marke , St. Iames , St. Davis , St. Andrew , and the rest , being once chosen the Protectors of particular States and Countries , were never importuned to take upon them the tuition and defence of any others . It may be , they were fastned unto those imployments , as once the Tyrians chained the statua of Hercules , their especiall Guardian , to their Altars : for feare he might be wonne to take part against them , and give succour to their enemies . But of St. George , we finde not any such sufficient bond , by which he is obliged either unto particular places , or designes : as one whom they thought good to leave at large , that so hee might the better succour the afflicted parts of Christendome . For which cause , howsoever in the latter dayes hee was conceived , to be a speciall fautor of the English : yet have the Georgians , and the Genoese , alwayes esteem'd him as their Patron ; and by the German Emperours , he hath beene made Protectour also of their military orders , of which more hereafter . How , and on what occasion , he came to have the generall patronage of Christianitie conferred upon him ; at the least as I conceive it , I am next to shew : first making roome for that which followes , by a short , but necessarie digression . ( 3 ) After the yeare 600. the affaires of Christendome began in all places to decline : the Westerne parts beginning to be over-spread by superstition ; the Easterne made a prey unto the Saracens , who in their conquests laboured what they could to advance the sect of Mahomet . By this meanes , as they inlarged their Empire ; so did they also propagate the infinite impieties of that Impostour : whose irreligion had the fortune , not onely to be entertained by those poore wretches , whom the Saracens had conquered ; but also to inveigle them , by whom they were subdued . For when the Turkes , under the conduct of Tangrolipix , had made themselves masters of the Persian Empire ; then in possession of the Saracens : they tooke upon them presently the Law of that seducer , as if Mahometanisme had beene annexed inseparably unto the Diademe . Proud of this victory , and litle able to conteine their active spirits in an obedient Peace at home ; they were employed in severall Armies , and to severall purposes : one of them , under Cutlu-Moses , who turned his forces on the Christian Empire ; the other under Ducat and Melech , two kinsmen of the Persian Sultan , who bent their strength against the Saracens of Syria and Damascus . In this designe , the issue prooved so answerable to their hopes ▪ that quickly they became possessed of almost all Armenia , Media , and the Lesser Asia , inhabited in most parts of them then by Christians : as of all Syria , the Holy Land , and therein of Hierusalem . So that in all the East , the Gospell of our Saviour was eyther utterly extinguished ; or his name celebrated onely in obscure and private places . Religion being in this state , the Christian Princes of the West most of them then in peace and amitie with one another , joyntly and joyfully resolve upon the freeing of the miserable East , from thraldome . Perswaded thereunto , piously , by a Reverend Hermit , whose name was Peter ; who had beene witnesse of those miseries which the Christians there endured : and cunningly by Vrban , of that name the second , Pope of Rome ; who by employing such & so many Princes in those remote Countries , fore-saw a way to bring the Roman Prelates to their so-much-expected greatnesse . The Princes of most note which put themselves into the action , were Robert Duke of Normandie , brother to Will. Rufus King of England ; Hugh , brother to the King of France ; Godfrey of Bouillon , Duke of Lorreine , with his two brethren Baldwin , and Eustace ; Tancred , and Beomond , two noble Normans of the Kingdome of Naples : and he which for his spirit and magnanimity , might have beene reckoned with the first ; Ademar Byshop of La Puy en Velay , a litle territorie neere unto Auvergne in France , the Popes Legate . The Armie which attended them , amounted to no lesse than 30000. fighting men ; the time of this their expedition , an . 1096. or thereabouts : their fortune so succesful , that they expell'd the Turks out of all Asia the lesse ; compelling them into the Easterne parts of their dominions . Having no enemy at their backs , they passed the streights of Taurus : & entring into Syria which they quickly mastered ; they sate them downe at last , before the famous City of Antiochia . A place of chiefe importance for the assurance of their new conquests ; and therefore very much desired . ( 4 ) This famous City after a long and painefull seige , was at last rendred to them : and the defence thereof , together with a large and spacious territorie , committed to Prince Bo●mund . But as they rested here for the refreshing of their troopes extreamly weakned in that tedious and lingring Leaguer ; they were themselves besieged by an huge multitude of enemies : who though they came too late to raise the seige ; were yet perswaded , that they came time enough to redeeme the Towne . This seige they kept so streight , that they within , not looking to bee so invested , became in short space utterly disheartned : their store of corne , consumed ; their horses dying every day for want of fodder ; themselves continually diminished , and forespent , by want and sicknesse . No other meanes of safety left , they are resolv'd to put it all upon the fortune of a Battaile : which battaile had they lost , there had beene then an end of all their undertakings . But out they must ; a few weake men , against a multitude of able Soldiers , well horsed , and full of lusty spirits . Suppose the battailes joyn'd , and we will tell the rest out of Robertus Monachus , a Benedictine of the Monasterie of Rhemes , who flourished in the yeare 1120. and wrote the story of this warre . Dum sic certatur ( saith hee ) & tam longi certaminis prolixitas nostros fatigabat , nec numerus hostium videretur decrescere ; Albatorum militum innumerabilis exercitus visus est de montibus descendere , quorum Signifer & duces esse dicuntur , Georgius , Mauritius , Demetrius : quos ut primùm vidlt Podiensis Episcopus , exclamavit magna voce , dicens , O milites , ecce vobis venit auxilium quod promisit Deus , &c. Our Soldiers being wearied with the long continuance of the battaile ; and seeing that the number of enemies decreased not , began to faint : when suddainly an infinite number of heavenly Soldiers all in white ; descended from the Mountaines ; the leaders of them being St. George , St. Maurice , and St. Demetrius . Which when the Byshop of La Puy ( and not of Podie as it is commonly translated ) first beheld ; he cryed aloud unto his troopes , These are ( saith he ) the succours , which in the name of God , I promised to you . The issue of the miracle was this , that presently the enemies did turne their backs , and lost the field : there being slain upon the place , and in the chase , 100000. horse , besides foot innumerable ; and in their trenches , such infinite store of victuals and munition , that served not onely to refresh the wearied Christians , but to confound the enemie . This memorable Feild is generally reported to bee fought upon Saint Peters eve , Anno 1098. ( 5 ) If this may be beleeved , this were inough , for ever to entitle St. GEORGE unto the generall patronage of Christianitie : and yet there is one testimony yet to come . A testimony which I meet with , in Iacobus de Voragine ; whom though I dare not trust too farre , on his owne word ; yet I dare give some leave unto him , to report anothers . The evidence is this . Legitur in Historia Antiochena , quòd cum Christiani pergerent ad obsidendum Hierusalem , quidam Iuvenis speciosissimus apparuit sacerdoti cuidam , qui S. Georgium ducem Christi se esse dicens ▪ monuit ut eius reliquias secum in Hierusalem deportarent , & ipse cum ijs esset . Cum autem Hierusalem obsedissent , & Saracenis resistentibus per scalas ascendere non auderent ; B. Georgius armis albis indutus , et cruce rubra insignitus apparuit , innuens ut post se securi ascenderent , et civitatem obtinerent . Qui ex hoc animati , civitatem coeperunt , et Saracenos occidere . We reade ( saith he ) in the Chronicles of Antioch , that as the Christian army march'd unto Hierusalem , a beautifull young man appeared unto a certaine Priest , saying that he was George , one of the Captaines of Christ Iesus ; and telling him withall , that if they tooke along his Reliques with them , they should not doubt of his assistance . After , when now they had beseiged the Towne , and that none of them durst attempt to scale the wals ; St. George arm'd all in white , and a redd crosse upon his breast , appear'd unto them : bidding them lay aside all feare , and follow him ; which doing they possesse the towne , and put the foe unto the sword . Thus the old Legendarie : But whether hee report the passage , as he found it ; or whether any such relation be at all , in the Chronicles of Antiochia : I am not able to determine . Likely it is , that this may be the same with the former storie , a little altered in the telling . ( 6 ) To returne therefore backe againe unto Robertus , or Rupertus , as some call him ; and to his storie of the succours brought vnto the Christian armie by St. George : I dare not take upon me the defence either of him , or his relation . William of Tyre , a learned man , and a good historian , who liv'd about the yeere 1180. and wrote at large the storie of the holy warres ; in the description of this battaile , tell 's us no such matter . Onely we find , that at the ioyning of the armies , it pleased the Lord● to raine a sweete and gracious dewe upon the Christians : by which , their horses , and themselues , were very much refreshed . Yet not to cast it off for altogether as a Monkish fable ; wee may discourse upon the possibility thereof , with diverse arguments . As first , that Tyrius in his silence , is not to be alleaged against anothers affirmavit : and that , though silent in the present , he doth in other places make good mention of that miraculous assistance , which GOD sometimes vouchsafed the Christians in this warre . Particularly , that when they lay before the Towne of Antioch , and sent some Troopes abroad for forrage ; 700. of them put an huge multitude of the enemies unto the sword : their handfull seeming to the foe , to be a large and gallant Army . Factum est divinitùs ( saith he ) ut nostri qui vix essent s●ptinginta , infinita millia viderentur . He tells us also , that Prince Godfrey and the rest , erected Lydda famous for St. GEORGE'S Tombe , unto the dignity of an Episcopall See ; Primitias laborum suorum , cum omni devo●●one , egregio martyri dedicantes , so consecrating with all due devotion the first fruites of their labours to that glorious Martyr . Which pious act of theirs , might have perhaps some reference to that assistance which before he brought them : as also might their calling of the Tower of the two Sisters , in the City of Antiochia , by the name of St. GEORGE'S Tower ; mentioned in the Turkish History . William of Malmesburie , who lived about the same time with Ro. Monachus , and I perswade my selfe had never seene his Story of the Holy Warres , but learnt it rather from some , who had commanded in that service ; relateth also the same passage . For speaking of that slaughter , which beyond hope the Christian Army made of those that fought against them ; he goes thus forwards . Persuadebantque sibi videre antiquos martyres , qui olim milites fuissent , quique mortis pretio parassent vitae praemia ; Georgium dico & Demetrium ( this Demetrius was Proconsul under Maximinian , by whom at last hee was made a Martyr ) vexillis levatis à partibus montanis accurrere : Iacula , in hostes ; in se , auxilium vibrantes . They verily beleeved ( saith he ) that they beheld those ancient Martyrs , which had once beene Soldiers , and were now possess'd of glory , George viz. and Demetrius , to hasten from the Mountaines with displayed ensignes : casting their darts against the enemie , and succouring the Christians . Nor doth he onely tell the story , but doth justifie the truth of it ; and proove the possibilitie . Nec diffitendum est affuisse martyres Christianis , sicut quondam angelos Macchabaeis , simili duntaxat causa pugnantibus . For why ( saith he ) might not God send his Saints to assist the Christians , as once he sent his Angell to assist the Macchabees ; both-fighting in the same quarrell ? Doubtlesse the arme of God is never shortned ; nor is his love unto the Christians , and his care of them , lesse than it was to them of Iewrie . That God which by an Angell destroyed that infinite Host of 100085. men , which beseiged Hierusalem ; and by a noyse of Horse and Chariots in the Ayre , did raise another : might not he also doe as much in the defence of those , which fought against the enemies of their Redeemer ? This might I say be urged , to prove the probabilitie of that storie related in Robertus ; if any would assume unto himselfe the office of a Proctour in it : which I will not . Let it suffice , that on this ground , the Christian world beeing in those times throughly possessed with the truth of it , St. GEORGE became to be accounted a chiefe Patron of the affaires of Christendome : which was the matter to be proved . ( 7 ) If any shall conceive these stories of the apparitions of Saint GEORGE , rather to bee Poeticall , than Historicall ; I will not much contend with him . What may be thought , touching the apparition of the Saints departed , we shall see hereafter . But for the present , though I determine not , that it is simply Poeticall ; yet certainly I dare resolve it to bee such , as may bee made the ground of an excellent Poeme : if any darling of the Muses would vouchsafe to undertake it ; Cui mens divinior atque os Magna locuturum . For my part , rather to leade the way to others ; than out of any hope to prove happy in this kind my selfe ; I will make bold to venture on it , by way of tryall , and essay : Tanquam si placet hic impetus , tametsi nondum recepit ultimam manum ; as hee in PETRONIUS . The battailes ready were to ioyne , when loe Lord Godfrey eager to assaile the foe , Cheeres up his men . My valiant host , said he , Which have thus long beene wed to victorie ; Be not this day divorc'd . Maintaine your right Got in so faire a love , by this dayes sight . A day which if we win , we may secur'd From further Rivalls , rest our selves assur'd . Nor shall the haughtie Persian ever dare To court her favours , or hereafter care How to disturbe us more : instructed right That we prevaile , as often as we fight . These forces overthrowne , and what are they Poore heartlesse men , borne onely to obey ; Mustred in haste , never before in field , And brought of purpose , not to fight , but yeild : These overthrowne ; the way will open bee , As well for us to win ; as them to flee . Nothing to stop our march , till we set downe With all our troopes , before the Holy Towne : And then , how poore their forts , how weak their powers , To hinder , that the conquest be not ours . Hierusalem , the beauty of the East , More than all earthly habitations , blest , In thy dread Lord : how happy shall we bee When in thy glorious freedome we shall see , Where our Redeemer preach'd , and where he died ; Where last he supt , and where his cause was tried . Or see the garden where he was betrai'd , Or view the place in which the Lord was laid . Where we may see the Tropheies of our God ; And kisse the sacred pavements , where he trod . Thrice happy soules are we , whom he hath chose To free those honour'd places from his foes : From them , which with unhallowed hands have made , A gaine of godlinesse ; his tomb , a trade : And eyther force the pious soule away , Or sell him his devotions , make him pay . This is the cause , Christs cause ; for which from farre We tooke the Crosse , and undertooke the warre . He leades us on , and he desires no more But we would doe as we have done before : That we would conquer still ; which never yet Knew what it was to flie , or to submit . Advance then , be as forward to subdue His foes , for him ; as he to die for you . This said , the holy armie kneeling downe , With hands rear'd up ; besought the Lord to crowne The action with successe , to shew his might In them , whose greatest strength was will to fight . When streight a precious dew falls from above , A timely signe of Gods regardfull love ; Vpon the Host : which ready was before To faint for drought , and now had moisture store . Refresht with this , they cry amain● ; why thus Doe we permit these dogs to barke at us ? Why stand we still ? Why make we not our way Vpon the bellies of our foes , say they ? And saying so , as if anew inspired With heavenly vigour , never to be tyred In length of fight , upon their foes they run : Each man an armie , in himselfe . Begun Is now the deadly mixture : brest to brest , The armies meet ; and crest oppos'd to crest . As when two Rammes encounter on the downes , Both fierce , and iealous both ; their horned crownes They rudely mingle , and full-fraught with ire , Each strives to make the other to retire : So they , thus met , and iustling face to face , Each seekes to force the other from his place . Oh who can tell the horrour of that day ; The grones , the deaths , the flights , the disaray , Of either part : each , in their turnes , opprest ; Both reinforc'd , when they expected lest . The Christians angry , that they now should find Resistance ; which did elsewhere , like the wind , Sweepe all before them : stomack'd it the more , And prest upon them harder , than before . See how Duke Robert , with his English bands Even in the front of his Battallion stands : Grasping a Sword well tryed in many a iarre , And layes about him like the God of Warre . More deathes he gives than stroakes ; and yet his blowes Fall thicke , like stormes of haile , upon his foes . How happy had he beene , if fighting thus , He had there died ; and not return'd to us . See yonder , where Lord Godfrey roaves about In plates of seaven-fold steele , well arm'd throughout . The soule of all the Campe ; dispersing aide To all whose hearts were faint , or thoughts dismaid . What should I speake of noble Tancreds deeds ; Of Eustace , Baldwin : or who both exceeds , Of warlike Bohemund ; well knowne in feild , And skill'd in all things , but to flie , and yeild . Or what of Ademare , whose onely words ( His words were prayers ) did more , than they with swords . These raging thus , and every where the Plaine Cover'd with blood , and heapes of Pagans slaine : Behold a fresh supply of Turkes , unseene Vntouch'd as yet ; come fiercely rushing in . And as a Reaper in a field well-growne , Doth with his hooke ; so they with swords , cut downe All those which durst withstand : and so restore The furie of the day , even spent before . By this , the Christians weary waxt , and gan Full of despaire to breake their ranks : each man Shifting to save himselfe ; not thinking so To make the whole a prey unto the foe . Nor could their noble Leaders make them stay The hazard of the Warre . Which spied , the Pagans made a hideous sound , And cried , downe with thē , down unto the ground . The day is ours : let us pursue the chase , And spare no more the noble , than the base . There is a place , but farre above the skie , A place beyond all place ; which mortall eye Never yet saw . A Citty all of gold , The walles of stones most precious to behold . The gates of pearle , each gate an entire masse : The streetes of Crystall , and transparant glasse . Where neither Sunne nor Moone doth shine : yet light Perpetuall there , a day without a night . Which , durst I be so bold , I might well call The Court of GOD , the King of Heavens White-hall . There doth the Iudge of all the world , possesse His glorious throne in endlesse happinesse . His Saints and Angels , all , with one accord Chaunting the praises o● their living Lord. Which , with eternall peace and comforts blest , Know but one ioy ; yet are of all possess'd . And standing all before his presence , bee Equall in grace , though differing in degree . Here , all his Court about him , leaning on His dreadfull Scepter in an higher throne Than all the rest : darknes his secret place , And watry Cloudes hiding his glorious face ; He spake unto them thus . And as he spake He made th' earth tremble , & the mountains quake : His nosthrills smoakt ; and thundering in his ire , Came from his mouth , haile-stones and coales of fire . See how ( quoth he ) the faithlesse folke begin T' advance their heads , as if they meant to win The day , in spight of heaven : and would not know , That we , above , dispose of things below . But sooner shall the Sunne forgoe his light , And burie all the world in endlesse night : Sooner the beauties of the earth shall wither , And Parchment-like the Spheres rowl'd up together : Than I will faile my people ▪ or permit Their foes to spoile them , till they me forget : Till they forget that God , who loves them best , And wallow in those sinnes , I so detest . This I have said , and if I say the word It is for ever said : I am the Lord. Goe then , prepare your selves , all you that were Soldiers beneath , and now are sainted here : Goe succour your allies ; that they may say You can as well fight when they need , as pray . My word , you know , would bring them all to ground : Or by mine Angels , I could soone confound Them , and their pride at once ; were they farre more Than starres in heaven , or sands upon the shore . But this my pleasure is , this my decree : Yours be the service , mine the honour bee . This said , the heavenly armies lowe inclin'd At their Creatours feet : and those assign'd To this imployment , swiftly posted thence . The Saints chiefe vertue is obedience . Behind they quickly left the Crystalline ; And the eight Sphere , where the fix'd starres do shine : The severall orbes , in which the Planets move ; And in unequall courses , equall prove . The Heavens thus past , and spreading all abroad , Vpon the wings of the swift windes they rode : And gliding through the yeilding ayre ; did light Vpon a Mountaine neere unto the fight . There they dispos'd their ranks . Mauritius lead The Theban Legion , all at once made dead ; Of which , himselfe the chiefe : Demetrius , those Who to great office , and preferment rose . The rest , of common qualitie , by lot Fell to Sebastian ; who refus'd them not . But yet the Chiefe , with supreame power possess'd , Was wanting ; he that should command the rest : Till by the common suffrage of them all , They chose St. George to be their Generall . St. George , in feates of Warre exactly tried : Who liv'd a Soldier , and a Martyr died . A blessed Saint , that lost , and suffered more ; Than almost all the rest that went before . Things ordered thus , the Heavenly Soldiers flie , Swifter than thought upon the Enemie . And brandishing their flaming swords , make way For the damn'd soules , to leave their walles of clay . So fast they fell , that wearied Charon roar'd For helpe , to waft them o're the Stygian foord . And Pluto fear'd , their numbers were so great , They came to dispossesse him of his seate . In which distrust he rung the Larum-bell ; Never before afraid to lose his Hell. Amaz'd the Persians stood , to see their men Fall downe in heapes , there where no eye could ken An enemy at hand : for well they knew The Christians either fled , or backwards drew . As Niobe , a fruitfull mother late , When she beheld her sonnes untimely fate ; And viewed their wounds , and heard the bow-strings twang , Yet could not see from whence the mischiefe came : Stiffe with amazement , stood astonisht ; and Doth , still a marble , in that posture stand : So they confounded stood ; except , that none So happy was , as to be made a stone . Their rankes are broke , their Chieftaines slaughtred bee ; But how , or by what hand , they could not see . Meane while th' Almighty from above the skye , Vpon the Earth bent downe his gracious eye : And saw his sacred troopes , now ready bent To execute their Soveraigne Lords intent . Which seene , he Michael call'd . Michael , said hee Thou know'st how I committed unto thee The safety of my flocke ; next under him , Who with his precious bloud did it redeeme . How I elected thee , this stile to have , The Angell Guardian of the Church : and gave Thee , power above the rest , my Lambs to keepe , And cast the Dragon downe into the deepe . Goe thou unto the Christian Host ; take thence That cloud of flesh , with which their mortall sence Is darkened and obscur'd ; that so they may Behold the glorious wonders of this day : And for a space , the light of Heaven sustaine ; And see my Saints , and view my armies , plaine . At his Creatours feet , with reverence due The Angell bowed : and swift as lightning flew To doe the businesse by his Lord assign'd ; Spreading his golden feathers to the Wind. Approaching neere the host , he straight fulfill'd His Makers pleasure : as the Lord had will'd , He did away the cloudes which dimm'd their sight , And let them see the heavenly armies fight In their defence : and his dispatch so done , He fix'd his wings , and stood a looker on . By this , the almost vanquish'd Christians heard A tumult in the adverse host : yet fear'd To turne againe , or learne what it might meane , Vntill the dreadfull noise grew more extreame . At last they made a stand , and fac'd about , And saw the Pagan armie all in rout : Their troopes dispers'd , their colours fall to ground , And with dead bulks the fields all cover'd round . And first they thought some former strife renew'd Had made their hands with their own bloud embrew'd . Or that they saw the Christian troopes recoyle , And thought them lost , and quarrell'd for the spoyle . Thus they , for how could mortall man suppose , That God had arm'd his Saints , against his foes ! When suddainly , their fancies thus perplext ; Appeares a Comment which explain'd the Text : Their eyes , but how they knew not , opened were ; Their sight before obscur'd , was now growne cleere : So cleere and piercing , that they durst abide To brave the Sunne in his full height of pride ; And saw , at noone , the starres where sixt they be , As if their eyes had brighter beames , than he . Lifting their pious heads up to the skie , As men amaz'd to see the orbes so nie ; They straight espyed , what least they thought to finde , The glorious Angell hovering in the Winde . And not farre off , the Saints , those blessed sprights , ( Ah how could sinfull man deserve such sights ! ) Raging with bloudied swords , in their defence ; All arm'd in white , the robe of innocence . As the Disciples full of care and dread ; In their Lords death , themseves as good as dead : When they beheld him entred in the place , Where they all stood ; and viewed his sacred face , And heard his voyce , ( never was voyce so sweet ) Warbling this note , Behold my hands and feet ; Beleev'd not yet , their joyes were so extreame , But thought it was a vision , or a dreame : So stood the Christian Troopes ; and did not know , Whether the things they saw , were true , or no. At last , thus Ademare . Behold ( he said ) The host of Heaven assembled in our aid ; Legions of Saints , by their Creatours will Sent downe to helpe us from his Holy Hill : Avenging us upon our foes , this day ; As once the starres fought against Sisera . See how St. George , the Captaine of the rest , Never in such a charge before , so blest ; See how he leades them on : how in one hand With wondrous strength he shakes his flaming brand ; And in the other , valiantly doth weild , The colours of the Saints ; a silver Feild Charg'd with a bloudy Crosse ; and this the Word , The deare remembrance of our dying Lord. See how the Heavenly Legions following close Vpon their Leader , execute their foes . What slaughter they have made upon the Plaine , How many millions of the foes are slaine : But see , blest Soldiers see , the Saints have wonne A glorious day ; and backe to heaven are gone . They lookt , and saw all true as he had sed , The Saints departed , and the Pagans fled ; And would have plyed the chase , but Ademare , Told them the time was fitter farre for prayer . So downe upon the ground themselves they flung , And made a Temple , of the field ; and sung Te deum to their God , upon the place : Sing Soldiers , sing ; sing Soldiers , sing apace . For since the Angels caroll'd , credit mee ; Never had men more cause to sing , than yee . CHAP. VII . ( 1 ) The honour done by Kings , to others ; of what reckoning . ( 2 ) Arguments used by the Iewes , in the defence of their Temple of Hierusalem . ( 3 ) Of Monasteries dedicated to St. George . ( 4 ) St. George's Canons : a Religious order . ( 5 ) St. George by what Kings honoured anciently , as the chiefe Saint of Soldierie . ( 6 ) The military Order of St. George , in Austria . ( 7 ) The German or Dutch Order , call'd Sanct Georgen Schilts . ( 8 ) St. George's banke in Genoa . ( 9 ) And his band in Italie . ( 10 ) The Georgians why so called : and of the honour , done by them , to our Martyr . ( 11 ) A view of severall places denominated of St. George . ( 12 ) A recollection of the Arguments before used , in the present businesse . ( 1 ) THe ground thus layed , we now proceed unto those publike honours , which have beene done unto our Martyr , by the Kings and Princes of the earth : of which , some of them , as before I said , reflect upon him , onely as a Saint in generall ; some , as the principall Saint or Guardian of the military men ; and others , as an especiall Patron of the affaires of Christendome . With these , we shall upon occasion , intermingle such honours also , as have beene afforded to him , by some few Patriarches and Prelates , Princes Ecclesiasticall , chiefe Rulers of their severall Churches . Which we shall doe the rather , that so the pious actions of the King and civill Magistrate , may be abetted by the faire example of the Prelates : and the devout performances of the Prelates , may be defended by the power and countenance , of their Soveraigne Princes . A matter questionlesse of chiefe importance to the businesse now in hand : the Soveraigne Prince , as hee alone is the originall of Civill honour , and Politicall nobilitie ; so also not a little to be regarded , in his demeanor towards those above , whom he may honour , though he cannot make them honourable . We take it kindly , when those of lower qualitie , give us that worship and respect that is due unto us : but if we find an extraordinary regard at the hands of those to whom the Lord hath made us subject ; we then conceive our selves , to be upon the very top and pinacle , of all worldly happinesse . It was a greater honour unto IOSEPH , that PHARAOH tooke a ring from his owne hand , and put it upon Iosephs , arayed him in vestures of fine linnen , and put a gold chaine about his necke ; than if the whole , united suffrages of the Common people had decreed , to crie before him , bow the knee . More also did it adde to the esteeme of DANIEL that the great Emperour of the East , gave him the name of Belteshassar , according to the name of one of his especiall Gods : Than if that all his Subjects had studied to adorne him with the most glorious attributes , that possibly the wit of man could have invented . For if according unto ARISTOTLES affirmation , Honour is rather seated in those , which give it , than in them that doe receive it ; ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ) Then certainely by how much greater and more excellent , the party is , who doth respect or honour us ; by so much more may wee conceive , that wee are honoured and respected . For which cause , when King AHASVERVS , proposed this question unto HAMAN , What shall bee done unto the man whom the King delighteth to honour : That proud and haughty Favorite conceiv'd it rightly , that possibly a greater favour could not bee done unto a Subject ; and thereupon concluded in his owne heart , thus ; To whom should the King delight to doe honour , more than to my selfe , so highly raised and setled in his good opinion . A false Conclusion , though the premises were true ; I meane the Maior , or the Proposition , as they call it . Popular spirits , are carried commonly about with popular reports ; and , like a flocke of silly sheepe , are prone to take that way , which any better than themselves , have layd before them . But Kings haue Kingly mindes , and use not to relie upon uncertaine rumours : more likely to deny respects , where they may bee challeng'd ; than to conferre them upon those , that have not truely merited . ( 2 ) How much the honour done by Kings , ought to bee valued ; wee may perceive in that which is related by IOSEPHVS , touching the Temple of Hierusalem . Those of Samaria , and some Schismatickes of Iewrie with them , had built themselves a Temple on Mount Garizim : which Temple they contended , before Ptolomie Philometor King of Egypt , to bee more ancient and more orthodoxe , than that so celebrated by the Iewes . A question hereupon arising ; ANDRONICVS , a learned and religious Iew , tooke on him the defence of the true Temple , as Advocate for those of Iudah : against Sabbaus , and Theodosius , Proctors for the Samaritanes . The day of hearing come , and Ptolomie in presence , Andronicus had licence graunted by his Adversaries ; first , to proceed unto his proofes : themselves not yet resolved , so it appear'd , what might bee sayd in theyr owne quarrell . Hee did so , and hee prooved his cause by three sorts of Arguments ; first , from the letter of the Law , then from the constant and continuall succession of the high Priests : and lastly , That the Kings of Asia had vouchsafed to Honour it with many costly presents , and rich offerings . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So farre the Storie . The application of it , this . Wee have already verified the Cause of our St. GEORGE , although not from the letter of the Law it selfe ; yet from the practise of the Church , which is the fairest Commentarie that was ever made upon that letter : and wee have proved it , from the succession of so many severall Authors , most of them Priests , and other publicke Monuments of antiquitie ; which since his time , the severall ages of the Church successively have given us . It now remayneth , that wee make mention of those Honours , which have beene done unto him , by the Princes of the most parts of Christendome : That so there may bee nothing wanting , by which Saint George may bee restored unto his Honour , and his Historie asserted . The issue of the former businesse was this , that those of Counsell for the Schismatickes and Samaritans , had nothing to reply : and so the sentence was pronounced in favour of the Iewes . Our method is the same , our evidence as faire , our proofes as pregnant : and therefore wee presume of equall favour , in the judgement . Namque aequum reor ( as Tullie hath it ) ut qui in eadem causa fuerunt , in eadem etiam essent fortuna . ( 3 ) And first , not to say any thing of that which hath beene sayd already , or shall be sayd hereafter , touching those Churches , which by severall Kings and Princes have beene erected to his Honour : Wee will begin with those particulars , of this last ranke of proofes , which come most neare it ; and which reflect upon him onely as a Saint . Of this kinde are those many Monasteries , and Houses of religious persons , which have beene founded partly to his Honour , and dedicated by his Name . The first of which , that built by Hildericus King of Lorreine , or Austrasia , Anno 660. founded Ad deserta loca montis Vosagi , the mountainous parts of the Province of Alsatia : and dedicated to the blessed Virgin , the two Apostles Saint Peter , and Saint Paul , and to Saint George . Fundavit ibi ( sayth the learned and judicious Munster ) Hildericus Rex Austrasiae , Anno 660. monasterium & Abbatiam ordinis S. Benedicti , in honorem gloriosa virginis Mariae , & Apostolorum Petri & Pauli , atque S. Georgij . Yet notwithstanding , that such and so many blessed spirits were joyned with him in the dedication ; it seemeth that the greatest honour of it , was conferred upon St. GEORGE ▪ the whole adioyning Countrey being call'd St. George's valley . Vnde et locus ille atque vallis , vo catus est vallis S. Georgij , as that Author hath it . Wee reade also in the same Munster of two other Monasteries of that Order , entituled by his name , and both in Germanie ; but the time of the Foundation not specified : one of them built by the Lord of Degernow ; the other , by one WILLIAM , the Abbat of some other Convent of the same Order . The second Monasterie which wee meete with , dedicated unto Saint GEORGE , is that in Venice , erected ( as HOSPINIAN tells us ) by TRIBUNUS MEVIUS , once Duke of that State and Cittie , Anno 975. In which HOSPINIAN also , and the same Booke of his , wee finde Saint GEORGE'S Abbey , an house of Benedictine Monkes , founded about the yeare 996. by the most excellent Princesse , HEDINGE , Duchesse of Bavaria : Anno 1005 , ab Henrico secundo Steinam translatum &c. Which after , in the yeare 1005. was by the Emperour Henry of that name the second , translated from those unpeopled Mountaines where before it was ; and setled in Steinberg , a Towne of Suevia . Another of Saint George's Abbeyes , we reade of also in the same Authour ; founded at Ausbourg a principall Cittie of those parts of Germanie , by Walter , Byshop of that City , anno 1142. ( 4 ) Nor did the fruitfull devotion of those times , employ it selfe onely in consecrating houses of Religious persons by his name , and to his memory : but sometimes the Religious folke themselves were dedicated to his name , and wore his livery . Of this kind were St. GEORGE'S Canons , an order of new Regulars , founded at Venice : called by the Cardinall in his Chronologie , Ordo S. Georgij de Alga ; by Pol. Virgil , Canonici D. Georgij in Alga . The founder of them , Laurentius Iustinianus , a Venetian by birth , and the first Patriarch of that City : famous for long time , doctrina , sanctitate , & miraculis , for learning , sanctitie , and miracles . Borne in the yeare , 1381. and at the first a Canon Regular , as they use to call them , in opposition to those Canons which had forgot their name , and became Secular . Anno 1426. made Byshop of Venice : and after by Pope Nicholas the fifth , created , as before I said , the first Patriarch of that Citie , anno 1450. in which great dignity , hee continued five yeares longer , and than dyed . By Bellarmine , the institution of this order , is referred ad annum 1410. when hee was yet a private man : no lesse than sixteene yeares before his consecration . Pol. Virgil acquaints us with the founder of these new Regulars , in which the Cardinall is silent ; but tells us nothing of the time : and addes withall , that their habit is of blew or watchet . Canonici D. Georgij in Alga ( saith he ) Venctijs à Laurentio Iustiniano instituti , caeruleo utuntur habitu . Hospinian mentioneth two latter broodes , of the same name and order : of which the one , candidus planè est , is distinguished by their white habit ; the other , Extra monasterium atri coloris chlamydem assumit , is apparelled all in blacke . They are obliged to no profession . Their Order , I meane that founded by Iustinian , was ratified by Iohn the 22 th . or as Balaeus , by Gregory the 12 th . ( 5 ) In the next place , we are to looke uppon the honours done unto our Martyr , as superstitiously conceiv'd to be the Patron of the military men : the fighting Saint , as Mr. Purchas , though little reverently , calls him . Reges enim in militari conflictu S. Georgium invocare solitos , &c. For that the greatest Princes used to call upon Saint GEORGE in the day of Battaile ; Baronius labors to make good by two examples ; the one of Cunibert , a King of Lombardie ; the other , of Nicephorus , an Emperour of Constantinople . Whether these instances doe prove sufficiently , the matter to be verified ; wee shall best see by looking on them : though I must needes say , that in the first , there is small hope of finding much to the purpose . PAVLUS DIACONUS , who liv'd about the yeare 774. principall Secretarie of State to DESIDERIUS King of the Lombards ; reports it of King CUNIBERT , one of the Kings of that Nation : that in a place , where hee had formerly vanquished the Alahis , a barbarous people , hee built a Monasterie to the honour of Saint GEORGE . In campo Coronatae , ubi bellum contra Alahis gessit , in honorem B. Georgij Monasterium construxit , sayth the Author . Where by the way it is to bee observed , That in the late Edition of this Author by Gruterus , wee reade not Georgij , but Gregorij ; ( which also is the errour of the new editions of PLATINA , as before I noted : ) but yet hee tells us in his Annotations , that the old Bookes reade it Georgij ; himselfe , none of Saint GEORGE'S friends , it seemes , not willing so to have it longer . Which brings into my minde , that memorable saying of old TIMON . Who beeing asked by Aratus , how hee might get the workes of Homer in the best Edition : returned this answere , That hee must make enquirie after the most ancient Copies , and not for those which were last corrected . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( sayth Diogenes Làertius , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whether this passage of this Longobardìan King , may bee sufficient proofe for this , that hee did call upon Saint George in the day of Battaile ; is next to bee examined . For my part , I beleeve it cannot : though the particular circumstance of the place where , might unto one which were contentious so to have it , administer an argument of possibilitie . My reason is , because this CVNIBERT beganne his raigne over the Lombards , Anno 698. And I perswade my selfe , that in those early dayes , this superstitious invocation of Saint GEORGE , as a chiefe Advocate of Victorie , was not in fashion . Let it suffice , that though it proove not throughly what BARONIVS did intend : yet , is proofe sufficient , that Saint GEORGE was specially honoured among the Lombards , as a Saint of more than common note ; which is as much as I endeavour to make from it . In the next instance of NICEPHORVS , sirnamed PHOCAS , Emperour of Constantinople ; the proofe , as I conceive it , is faire and pregnant : delivered thus , by GEORGIUS CEDRENUS , who flourished in and about the yeare One thousand and seventie , in his Compendium Historiarum . NICEPHORUS PHOCAS , ( hee beganne his raigne , in the yeare Nine hundred sixtie three , ) had entred in a Warre against the Rossi , a Scythian or Sarmatian people bordering on his Empire : with whom encountring upon Saint GEORGE'S day , hee gave them a memorable Overthrow . And then it followeth ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Id est , The Emperour having payed his vowes unto the most victorious Martyr , St. GEORGE , upon whose Festivall he had discomfited his enemies ; went the next morning with his Army , unto Dorostulum . The greeke Phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used in the Author ; is found often in Demosthenes , and other Writers of those more elegant times , of the Greeke language : with whom it signifieth , Sacra facere ob partam victoriam , to sacrifice unto those Gods after the victorie , whose ●avour they implored before it . I have here rendred it , the payment of his Vowes , more proper to the use and meaning of the word , in the Christian Church : the meaning of the whole passage beeing this , that he had vowed some speciall honour to St. George , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as hee there calls him , in case he should obtaine the victory : which afterwards according to the honour of his vow , he did religiously performe . ( 6 ) In our last sort of evidence , which is next to follow ; we must reflect upon St. George , as a chiefe Patron of the affaires of Christendome : though even in some of these , wee may consider him , as a chiefe Patron also of the men of Warre . Of this kinde was that military Order of Saint George in Austria , first instituted by Radulphus Habspurgensis , Emperour of Germany , and first Duke of Austria of this family ; for the defence of Hungary , Styria , and Carinthia . The Author des Estates du Monde thus hath it . Radolphe de Habspurg ( he began his Empire anno 1273 ) pour defendre La Hongrie , la Syrie , ( he meanes Styria ) et la Carinthie , contre les armes de Turcs , institua l'ordre de St. Georges , &c. He also tells us , that he gave unto the Master of it , a Towne of Carinthia , well built and situate , for his ordinarie Seate : together with the Toparchie of Chranichberge , Trautmandorfe , Scharfeneich , and St. Patoville ; for the revenue and maintenance of the Order . As also how he permitted the fellowes of it , La croix rouge de St. George , dans les armoiries des leurs maisons ; to beare St. George's crosse in their owne Armes , the Armes belonging to their houses . In most of this we may beleeve him : but where he tells us that this institution was intended contre les armes de Turcs , against the forces of the Turke , in this we must be bold to tell him , that he is deceived . For in these times the Turkish Kingdome was suppress'd and ruined by the Tartars : nor had they ever any footing in the Continent of Europe , untill the yeare 1358. when under the conduct of Solyman the Sonne of Orchanes , they surprised Callipolis in Thrace . ( 7 ) In imitation of this Order , FREDERICK the third , Emperour of the Germans , and Duke of Austria , instituted the Order of Saint Georgen Schilts : if at the least , as BERNARD of Luxembourg conceives , it were not rather a restitution of the former Order then decayed . Of which thus Stumpsius in his historie of the Switzers , anno 1448 , Caesar Fredericus communem fecit in Suevia pacem , omnium Ordinum confederatione , quae vocabutur St. Georgen Schilts . Nam omnes qui in ea comprehendebantur debebant gestare clypeum S. Georij , modò ex Nobilitate essent . The Emperour Fredericke ( saith he ) anno 1448 established a firme Peace and League in Schwaben by a confederacie of all the States together . Which Order , had the name of Sanct Georgen Schilts ; because it was permitted unto such as were comprehended in it , to beare an Escutcheon of Saint George in their owne armes , ( so I conceive it ; ) if they were nobly descended . Fortie yeares after , a new League and Confederacie was set on foote under the old name , but for ten yeares onely ; at the request of MAXIMILIAN , sonne to the former Frederick , and afterwards his successour in the German Empire : the most potent of the Princes and Imperiall Cities , being contained in it . Anno 1488 , ( saith MARTIN CRUSIUS ) Suevi impulsu Maximiliani ob tuendam mutuam pacem & quietem , foedus quoddam Nortbergae ineunt inter se decennale , foedus dictum Clypei Georgiane societatis : in quo foedere potentissimi quique Principes , non modò civitates Imperij fuerunt . So hee . ( 8 ) We must now crosse the Alpes , and make over into Italie : where we shall finde St. GEORGE to be conceived as great a Patron of the Common-wealth of Genoa ; as of the peace of Germanie . For as the Germans were secured from Warres without , and civill broyles within ; by the Confederacie and Order of Saint George's Sheilds : so are the Geneose protected , and the ancient dignitie of that State preserved , by St. George's Banke or Treasurie . The first beginnings of which Banke or Treasurie , and the administration thereof ; together with that benefit which redounds thereby unto the publike : take heere , according as it is related by that great Statesman , Machiavell , in his Historie of Florence . Post diuturnum illud bellum quod Genuenses multis ab hinc annis cum Venetis gessere ; cum pace iam inter eas respub . constituta , Genuenses civibus suis ob aes in bello concreditum , satisfacere non possent , &c. After that tedious Warre betweene the Genoese and the Venetians was now ended , anno 1381. and the Genoese perceived themselves unable to repay those moneys , which they had taken up of their private Citizens , for the mainteining of the Warre : they thought it best to assigne over to them , their ordinarie taxes , that so in tract of time , the whole debt might be satisfied ; and for that purpose allotted them a common Hall , there to deliberate and determine of their affaires . These men thus made the masters of the publike Taxes and Revenew elect amongst themselves , a common Councell of an hundred ; and over them , eight Officers of especiall power , to order and direct the rest , and to dispose of the Intrado : Vniversam verò administrationem titulo S. Georgij insignivere , which Corporation so established , they entitused St. George's Banke . It hapned afterwards that the Republicke , wanting more moneys , was glad to have recourse unto St. George ; who now growne wealthy by the just and orderly administration of his stocke , was best able to releive them : and as before they released their taxes , so now [ ditionem suam oppignorare coepit ] they morgaged their domaine . So that at last , St. George continually growing richer , and the State poorer : this Corporation became possess'd of almost all the Townes and Territories belonging to that Signeurie ; all which they governe by their owne Magistrates , chosen by common suffrage from among themselves . It followed hereupon , that the common people respected lesse the publike , and chiefly bent their favours , to the Corporation of St. George : this being alwayes prudently and moderately governed ; that , many times inclining unto tyranny : this never changing either their Officers , or forme of government ; that subject to the ambitious lusts of every proud Vsurper , both Forreiner and Citizen . Insomuch , that when the potent families of the Fregosi , and the Adorni , contended for the Principalitie of that State ; most of the people stood idle , looking upon them , as spectators of a quarrell , which did not any way concerne them : St. George not medling more in it , than to take oath of the prevailing faction to preserve his liberties . Rarissimo sanè exemplo , neque à tot Philosophis , imaginarijs istis in rebuspub . suis , unquam reperto , &c. A most excellent and rare thing ( saith he ) never found out by any of the Philosophers in their imaginarie Common-wealthes ; that in the same State , and the same people , we may see at once tyrannie and libertie , justice and wrong-dealing , civilitie and rudenesse : this onely Corporation preserving in the State , the ancient beautie and orders of it . Nay he perswades himselfe , that if St. GEORGE should in the end become possess'd of the remainders of the publike demeanes , quod omnino eventurum mihi persuasissimum est , of which he makes not any question : that certainly that State might not be onely equalled with the State of Venice , but preferred before it . ( 9 ) From St. George's Banke or Treasurie , let us proceed unto St. George's Band or Regiment ; both instituted neere about the same time , and much unto the same purpose : St. George's Banke , preserving the ancient dignitie of that Citty ; his Regiment or Band reviving the decayed repute and credit of the Italian Soldierie . The Author of it , one Ludovicus Conius ; the occasion , this . After the Norman and Dutch lines in the Realme of Naples ; the French and Arragonians became competitours for that Kingdome ; the Popes of Rome , having at that time , sundry quarrels with the Emperours ; and many of the Townes of Italie taking thereby occasion , to recover liberty . By meanes of which , the whole Country was in a manner over-runne with forreine Soldiers : the States thereof all jealous of each other , and so not willing to employ theyr owne people . So that all Italie did swarme with French , and Dutch and Spanish Soldiers : the English also flocking thither , under the conduct of Sir Iohn Hawkwood , after the Peace made betweene our Edward the third , and the French King. At last , this Lodovicus Conius rightly considering , how ignominious and dishonourable a thing it was , that Italie should not bee able with her owne hands , to maintaine her owne quarrels ; collected a choyce band of Italian Soldiers , which he called St. Georg's Regiment : which shortly grew to such esteeme , that they eclipsed the glorie of the forreine Companies , and restored the ancient lustre , to their native forces . Is enim postea ( saith the same MACHIAVELL ) ex Italo milite exercitum conscripsit , sub titulo S. Georgij : cujus tanta fnit virtus & disciplina militaris , ut exiguo temporis intervallo , omnem gloriam militibus externis adimeret , suam Italis restitueret , eoque solo usi sunt deinceps Italiae Principes , si quod inter eos bellum gerebatur . So he ; and we will onely adde thus much , that out of this so famous Seminarie of St. GEORGE'S Regiment , came afterwards that Braccio , and Picennini , which had so much to doe in the affaires of Italie : as also that Francisco Sforza , which made himselfe Duke of Millaine , and left it to his Children . ( 10 ) Our next journey must bee for Asia , where in the midland of it , wee finde a Countrey betweene Colchis and Albania , called anciently Iberia ; but now Georgia : the reason of which new name is reported diversly . Michael ab Ysselt is confident that they tooke their appellation from Saint GEORGE ; Georgiani verò vocantur à D. Georgio , &c. Others , with better reason , at the least in mine opinion , that they are called so from the Georgi , the ancient inhabitants of these tracts : which ancient Georgians , Sir Walter Raleigh makes to bee denominated , quasi Gordians , from the Gordiaei , a Mountaine people of the Hill-Countries ; and Stephanus in his Thesaurus , quasi Georgici , Husbandmen . Georgij Asiae populi ab agricultura nomen sortiti , as he there hath it . Betweene these two , we have one indifferent , Master Samuel Purcha● , who saith that it is called Georgia , eyther from the honour of their Patron Saint GEORGE , or haply because they descended of those Georgi which PLINIE nameth among the Caspian Inhabitants . Let it suffice , that though they take not their denomination from Saint GEORGE , yet they affoord him more honour , than any other of the Saints : the same Authour telling us , that when they goe into a Church , they give meane respect to other Images ; but that Saint George is so worshipped , ( we will permit him to make merry with himselfe ) that his Horses hoofes are kissed of them . Michael ab Ysselt more seriously , though he erre somewhat in the derivation . Georgiani verò vocantur à D. Georgio , quem velut patronum praecipuum , & in suis contra Paganos praelijs velut signiferum & propugnatorem ingenti honore venerantur . Quocunque enim tendunt , turmatim incedunt , vexillum D. Georgij insignitum circumferentes , cuius ope & auxilio , in bello maximè se iuvari credunt . The Georgians ( saith hee ) are so denominated from Saint GEORGE ; whom as their principall Patron , and theyr Champion in their warres against the Pagans , they worship with especiall honour . For which way soever they employ their Forces , they carry with them a faire Banner , with the picture of Saint George upon it ; beleeving that by his assistance , they are much comforted and ayded in their warres . So the Historian . ( 11 ) But howsoever , we dare not say with him , that this Asian people had their appellation from Saint George their Patron : yet wee are confident of this , that many places both of Asia and Europe , have received denomination from him . For heere in Asia , wee finde a large and spacious Valley , not farre from Libanus , which is call'd St. George's Valley : and we have also noted , that the Towne of Lydda or Diospolis , was by the Christians called Saint George's , and that there is in Europe , a St. George's Vally also , in the midst of Germanie . Adde hereunto , that the Thracian Chersonesse is now called commonly St. George's Arme : which is remembred by Maginus in his Geographie ; and hath beene since observed by Sir George Sandys . The learned Munster , doth transferre this appellation from the Land , unto the Sea ; from the Thracian Chersonesse , unto the narrow streight or Arme neere to it , which they call Bosphorus : Porrò Bosphorus appellatur brachium S. Georgij , saith hee ; and like inough the name is fitted unto both . But why this Chersonesse was call'd Saint George's Arme , I cannot say : unlesse perhaps that Relique of Saint George was there in former times layed up ; which after by Iustinian the Emperour was bestowed upon Saint German , as before I noted . Paulus Diaconus makes mention of Saint George's River , neare to the Country of the Bulgarians : Coeterùm Aprili mense ( saith hee of Constantine the Sonne of Eirene ) cum castra moveret contra Bulgares , venit ad castellum quod dicitur Probati , ad rivum D. Georgij . Wee reade in our industrious CAMDEN also , that the Irish Ocean which runneth betweene Brittaine and Ireland , is called by Sea-men at this day , Saint GEORGE'S Chanell . And lest that any part of the old World , should not have some place in it of this name , PATRITIUS tells us in the booke of his owne Navigations , that one of the Azores , is call'd St. George's . Est & D. Georgij insula , &c. ( 12 ) To draw up that together , which hath beene formerly alleaged in Saint GEORGE'S cause ; I hope it will appeare , that there is no occasion , why hee should eyther bee reputed as an Arian , or a Counterfeit , a Larva : nay , why hee should not bee accounted , to have as high a place in immortalitie , as any of the other ; those blessed Spirits the Apostles , excepted onely . For if antiquitie may bee thought worthy of any credit ; wee have antiquitie to friend : or if the common suffrages of so many famous and renowned writers , successively in every age , may bee of any reckoning with us ; Saint George may challenge as much interest in them , as any in the Calendar . However , put case that they have erred in their relations of Saint GEORGE ; and that they tooke that evidence , which out of them wee borrowed , on trust from one another : yet what shall bee replyed to this , that in the Church of God , hee hath beene hitherto reputed , as an holy Martyr . Shall wee conceive the Church of God would bee so carefull to preserve his memorie in the publike Martyrologies ; or give him place in their publike Liturgies , or take such heed unto his Reliques , or honour him with Temples : had hee beene such a damnable and bloudie Hereticke ; or ( which , they say , is better , ) if hee had never beene at all . Or if hee had beene such , may it bee thought , that both the Church , and all the learned members of it , for 1300 , yeares almost , should be deluded ; no man in all that time , able to see into the fraud : or that the Spirit of God , should quite abandon all the rest , and settle onely on some two or three of later times ; who though they kept amongst themselves the Band of Peace , had not , as it appeares , the Spirit of Vnitie ? Or , last of all , suppose the Monkes and Fryers should joyne together , to put a tricke upon the world ; and that they had prevailed upon the Church , to give countenance unto it : shall wee conceive so poorely of the greatest Kings and Princes in the Christian world , that they were all of them abused ; and drawne to do● such honours , to one which eyther never was a man , or was now a Divell ? All this is hard to bee digested . And wee may well bee counted easie of beleefe , if onely on the ipse dixit of one man , and the conjectures of another , were they of greater reputation than they are ; wee should give faith unto their sayings : ( to one of them I meane , for both are not to be beleeved together : ) when such a Cloud of Witnesses affirme the contrarie ; Catalogus testium veritatis , a Catalogue of witnesses in all times and ages . If men may be beleeved upon their bare assertion , why may not they be credited , which say Saint George was once a Martyr , and is now a Saint ; as well as they which say he was not ? Or if wee will not take up any thing on trust , without some reason for it : why rather should not they bee worthy of beleefe which have good proofe for what they say ; than those that build upon conjectures , ill-grounded , and worse-raised ? Lastly , if that may be beleeved most safely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the words of Aristotle , which both the vulgar wits and more excellent spirits have agreed on joyntly : still we are where we were , and still St. George must be a Martyr . But I am now for England ; where I am sure to finde as ample testimonies for St. George , as any other part of the world what ever . CHAP. VIII . ( 1 ) St. George not anciently esteemed the Patron of the English. ( 2 ) Churches erected to him here in England . ( 3 ) His apparition to King Richard in the Holy Land. ( 4 ) What may be thought in generall touching the apparition of the Saints . ( 5 ) And what in this particular . ( 6 ) St. George when he began to bee entituled particularly to the English. ( 7 ) The honours done him here , and among the Irish. ( 8 ) The institution of the noble Order of the Carter . ( 9 ) A briefe view of the chiefe Statutes of the Order . ( 10 ) St. George the Patron of it . ( 11 ) Sir Walter Raleighs opinion touching the killing of the Dragon . ( 12 ) And of them also , which desire to have the George Symbolicall . ( 13 ) A Catalogue of all St. George's Knights , of that most noble Order , untill this present . ( 14 ) The Conclusion of the whole . ( 1 ) OVr course is now for England , divisos orbe Britannos , as the Poet hath it ; divided from the other parts of the World , as in her situation , so in her felicities . Of which , and of the testimonies which she is able to afford unto Saint GEORGE , wee shall speake in severall ; it being as the Panegyrick and Solinus call it , another world : the rather , because in the latter dayes , hee hath beene reckoned as the especiall Patron of this Nation ; and as particular to us , as is Saint ANTONIE to Italie , Saint DENIS unto France , or any of the other to their proper places . I say , in the later dayes onely , for anciently we were not thought to have more right to him , than any other of our Neighbours : however it bee said by some , that hee hath alwayes beene the tutelarie Saint and Guardian of our Nation . For if wee will beleeve our English Fugitives , wee may behold the picture of Saint GEORGE in their Church at Rome , with this inscription : Georgium Cappadocem Anglia sibi protectorem elegit , & maximis beneficijs tùm pace tùm bello receptis , semper religiosissimè coluit . Id est : This GEORGE of Cappadocia , the English chose to be their Patron , and for the many benefits received from him both in Peace and Warre , have alwayes very religiously worshipped him . Or if we will beleeve that the victorious Prince King ARTHUR bare him in one of his royall banners ; which was a signe of speciall dependance on him , and relation to him : we finde in Master Selden , that so by some it is rep●rted ; and HARDING ( whom I have not seene ) is cyted in the Margin . And first , to make reply to that which was first alleaged ; if so our Fugitives of Rome , doe by their Semper understand , that ever since his Martyrdome , Saint GEGRGE hath beene esteemed and worshipped as the Patron of the English : wee must needes tell them , that howsoever this may bee beleeved at Rome , it is not likely to bee entertained with us here in England : If by their Semper , they meane onely , that alwayes since the English chose him for their Patron , hee hath beene specially esteemed and worshipped by them : wee grant indeed that since that time Saint GEORGE hath alwayes beene especially honoured ; though not religiously worshipped . As for King ARTHUR , wee reade in MALMESBURIE , that at the Seige of Bannesdowne [ mons Badonicus ] not farre from Bathe , to which the Saxons had retyred , and thereon fortified : that in his royall Armes , hee bare the portraiture of the blessed Virgin. Postremò in obsidione Badonici montis , fretus imagine dominicae matris , quam armis suis insuerat , &c. as he there hath it . Of any Image of Saint George , wee have ne gry quidem , eyther in him or any other of our Historians : Nor is it easie to bee credited , that in so small a tract of time , Saint George was growne so eminent in the opinion of the Brittaines as to be deem'd the Patron of their Armies , their tutelarie Saint against their enemies . ( 2 ) If from the Brittaines we proceed unto the Saxons , I have not found as yet , that eyther in their Heptarchie , or after they became one entire state , a Monarchie ; they had St. GEORGE in more than ordinary honour . Vnlesse perhaps we may beleeve , that Theobald one of the Saxon Kings , might take a speciall liking to him , upon the commendation of Cunibert , King of the Lombards ; by whom hee was magnificently feasted , in his journey towards Rome . His diebus Theobald rex Anglorum Saxonum , qui multa in sua patria bella gesserat , ad Christum conversus Romam properavit ; qui ad Cunibertum regem veniens , ( this Cunibert as before we noted , had built St. George a Monasterie ) ab eo mirificè susceptus est : saith Paul the Deacon . But in the Empire of the Normans , we have variety and store inough : some of it , even in their first entrance , before their state and affaires here were well setled . For in the yeare 1074 , ( which was some eight yeares after the death of Harald ) Robert D'Oyley , a Nobleman of Normandie , when he had received at the hands of William the Conquerour , in reward of his service in the Warres , large possessions in the County of Oxon , built a spacious Castle on the West side of the City [ of Oxford ] with deepe Ditches , Ramparts , an high raised Mount , and therein a Parish-Church unto St. George : unto which , when the Parishioners could not have accesse , by reason that King Stephen most streightly besiedged Maud the Empresse , within this Castle ; St. Thomas Chappell in the street hard by was built . Afterwards King Edward the 3. that famous and puissant Prince , being borne at Windsore , erected there out of the ground a most strong Castle ; equall in bignesse to a pretty Cittie ; and in the very entrance of it , a most stately Church , consecrated B. Virgini Mariae & S. Georgio Cappadoci , unto the blessed Virgin Marie , and St. George of Cappadocia : but brought unto that sumptuous magnificence , which now we see it carry , by King Edward the fourth , and Sir Reginald Bray . Of which , both Church and Castle , thus Draytons Muse in the 15. song of his Poly-Olbion . Then hand in hand her Thames the Forrest softly brings , To that supreamest place of the great English Kings : The Garters royall seate , from him who did advance That princely Order first , our first that conqured France : The Temple of St. George , whereas his honour'd Knights Vpon his hallowed day , observe their ancient rights . Thus had we ( as we finde in Camden ) a Monasterie dedicated to St. GEORGE in the County of Derby ; built by the Greyslayes , gentlemen of good ancientrie in that country . Thus have wee also a faire Church , consecrated to St. George's name , in Doncaster ; a St. GEORGE'S Church , in South-werke , and in London : and not to travaile further in this enquirie , a St. GEORGE'S Church in Burford ; where it pleased GOD to give mee , first , my naturalll being , and afterwards my education . In which regard , I hold my selfe bound in a manner , to vindicate St. GEORGE'S honour ; having received such comforts in a place , where his memorie was anciently precious , and the onely Church in it , dedicated by his name . ( 3 ) St. George thus generally honoured by the English , as a Saint ; it was not long before they fastned ( superstition being then in the very height ) a more particular respect upon him : the first beginnings whereof , wee must referre unto King Richard , of that name the first ; according to the information , which , William Dethick , Garter , principall King of armes , gave to the learned Camden , and is thus extant in his most excellent Brittannia . Richardo cum contra Turcas & Agarenos , &c. When as K. Richard warred upon the Turks and Saracens , Cyprus and Acon , and was wearie of so lingring delay ; whiles the seige continued long , in wonderfull care and anxiety : at length , Illabente per D. Georgij , ut opinatum est , interventum , spiritu , &c. Vpon a divine inspiration , by the comming in and apparition ( as it was thought ) of St. GEORGE , it came into his mind , to draw upon the legs of certaine choyce Knights of his , a certaine Garter or tacke of Leather , such onely as hee had then ready at hand . Whereby they beeing distinguished , and put in minde of future glory promised unto them , in case they wonne the victory ; they might bee stirred up and provoked to performe their service bravely , and fight more valiantly . In imitation of the Romans , who had such varietie of Coronets , wherewith militarie men for sundry causes were accordingly rewarded : to the end , that by these instigations ( as it were ) cowardise being shaken off , the valour of the minde , and courage of the hart , might shew it selfe more resolute . Which passage I have therefore recited at the full length , because that some there be , which have referred the institution of the most noble Order of the Garter , unto this King , and to this occasion : and are perswaded verily , that Edward the third did onely bring it againe in use , being awhile forgotten , or neglected . But herein , as the learned Camden , who saw as farre into antiquitie , as any man either before his birth , or since his death ; gives but a cold assent , or rather no assent at all : so neyther have I met with any of the more judicious sort , which doe affirme it ; though the opinion bee related in many of them . ( 4 ) However , though wee referre not unto this occasion , and those times , the Institution of the Garter : yet wee may warrantably bee perswaded , that this occasion did much promote the reputation of that Saint among the English : whereby , in tract of time , that most heroicke Order was dedicated to him . As for the thing it selfe , because that all the apparitions of the Saints in these late dayes , are commonly suspected : wee will digresse a litle , to shew what may bee said in the generall defence of the thing questioned ; that so wee may the better see , how much we may beleeve in this particular of King Richard and St. GEORGE . And first if wee consult the Scriptures , we finde that at the Resurrection of our Saviour , the graves were opened , and many bodies of the Saints which slept , arose , and came out of the graves , and went into the holy Cittie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and appeared unto many . This as it was an extraordinary dispensation and farre above the common Law and course of Nature ; so was it for a speciall end : to verifie the Resurrection of our Saviour , on whom they did attend , and to assure the faithfull of the certainty of their future Resurrection also . A signe it was , saith Reverend Theophylact ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Chrysostome more particularly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a token of the Resurrection ; and for the close of all , Saint HIEROME , Vt dominum ostenderent resur●gentem . So then , although in ordinary course , the Saints are in the Heaven of glories ; and that their bodies bee corrupted in the earth : yet upon speciall cause and at the pleasure of their GOD , they may assume an humane shape ; and in that shape appeare unto their Brethren , according to the will of him that sends them . For if the Angels , to whom no bodies doe belong , have appeared visible to many of GODS people , in execution of the charge committed to them : how much more easily may we beleeve the same , of the Saints departed ; that even they also , at some times , and on some great occasions , have beene employed by GOD , in their owne ordinary forme and shape ? Potamiaena a Virgin Martyr , is reported by EUSEBIUS , that shee appeared unto BASILIDES her Executioner , the third night after her decease , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , putting a Crowne upon his head : foretelling so , that not long after hee should receive the Crowne of Martyrdome . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Nay , the same Author tells us , that many of the people of Alexandria ( where shee suffered ) were converted to the Faith , by the frequent apparitions of that Virgin. Other examples also there are many ; and of Angels also . Of the Archangell MICHAEL , there are reports of severall apparitions , uppon Mount Garganus in Naples ; uppon Saint MICHEL'S Mounts , in Normandie , and Cornewall : and one unto King Charles the 7. on the bridge of Orleans , in his warres against the English , ( illustri seu miraculo seu viso D. Michaelis , in praelio ad pontem Aurelianae civitatis , &c. ) which was a chiefe occasion of the French Order of St. Michael . I know indeed , that in times of late , the Priests have dealt exceeding faithlesly , both with Church and people , in this kinde : theyr doctrine , in the point of Purgatorie , beeing such , as could not well subsist without many foule Impostures , and counterfeit apparitions of the Dead . Insomuch that as once Lyra said , In Ecclesia Dei populus saepe decipitur à Sacerdotibus fictis miraculis , lucri causa ; Gods people many times is couzened by the Priests with fained miracles : so we may say also , that for the sake of filthie lucre , they have as often beene abused with forged apparitions . ( 5 ) But this , of all things else , cannot be well objected against this apparition of Saint George : King Richard having no such end proposed unto himselfe , in raising this report ; as to abuse his people , or to satisfie his avarice . And certainly were it recorded in any grave and serious Author , that such an apparition as this mention'd , of St. George ; had beene seene generally by the Armie , or by such others which might for certaine have affirmed it : I make no question , but the probability thereof might have beene easily defended . Bnt since it is related onely upon the credit of a private Register ; and in that Register , with no more confidence , than opinatum est , it is so thought : I must crave licence to declare my selfe herein , and how I doe conceive it . We have already in the prosecution of this Historie of Saint GEORGE ; spoke of the apparition of this Saint , and many others , at the battaile of Antiochia : whereby the Christian Armies , then ready for the fight , were so incouraged and revived , that they obtained a memorable victory upon the enemie . By meanes whereof , Saint George became so famous in all the parts of Christendome ; and especially among those Soldiers , which were continually ( in those times ) sent to pursue the Warres of the Holy Land : that possibly there could not be a greater spurre unto the military men ; than to suggest unto them , that Saint George had lately shewne himselfe unto their Chieftaines , and promised them successe , or counselled them in their designes . Master de Bellay hath recorded , that IOANE of Orleans , so much commemorated in our common Chronicles ; was not what shee appeared , but onely so disguised and prepared before hand , Pour faire revenir le courage aux Francoys : for to revive the drooping spirits of the French ; so falne and broken , that they were not to bee raised , but by a miracle . Somewhat to this purpose is related by PLUTARCH , of AGESILAUS . Who to embolden his Soldiers to the fight , wrote with a certaine juyce , the word Victorie , in the palme of his hand : and after , being at the Sacrifice , hee layed his hand cunningly upon the heart of it , so leaving the word Victorie imprinted on it ; which presently he shewed unto those about him , as if it had beene there written by the Gods. I cannot say for certaine that this apparition to King Richard , was by him set on foot for the same purpose ; and that it was no other than a Kingly fraud , to quicken and revive the spirits of his Soldiers : but I perswade my selfe , if I did say so , having no other testimony than an opinatum est against me ; I might be pardoned for my boldnesse . ( 6 ) This notwithstanding , the fame of such his apparition to that King , did , as before I said , exceedingly promote the reputation of that Saint among the English : so farre , that the most excellent Prince King EDVVARD the third , made choyce of him , for his Patron . So Master CAMDEN witnesseth in his Remaines , that GEORGE hath beene a name of speciall respect in England , since the victorious King EDVVARD the third , chose Saint GEORGE for his Patron : and the English in all Encounters and Battailes , have used the name of Saint George in their cries ; as the French did , Montioy Saint Denis . The more immediate occasion was , that this Edward at the battaile of Callice , Anno 1349. being much troubled with griefe and anger , drawing his Sword , call'd earnestly upon Saint Edward and Saint George : whereupon many of his Soldiers flocking presently unto him , they fell upon the enemie , and put many of them at that instant to the sword . Rex Edwardus providè frendens more apri , & ab ira & dolore turbatus , evaginato gladio , S. Edwardum & S. Georgium invocavit , dicens , Ha Saint Edward , Ha Saint George : Quibus auditis & visis , milites confestim Anglici confluebant ad Regem suum . Es facto impetu contra hostes , tam animose institerunt , quòd ducenti ex illis ceciderunt interfecti , &c. The next yeare after , followed the Institution of that noble Order of the Garter , dedicated unto Saint George also : by which he came possessed alone of that speciall patronage , as the more military Saint ; which in the former Invocation might seeme to be divided , betweene St. Edward and himselfe . Nor did the King stay here , but having chose St. George to bee the tutelarie Saint and Patron of his Soldierie ; hee caused him to be painted as upon a lusty Courser , holding a white Sheild with a red Crosse on it , in his hand : and gave unto his Soldiers , to every one a white Coat or Cassock , with two red Crosses , on each side of them one ; to weare upon their armour . Edwardus item ( saith Pol. Virgil. ) cum D. Georgium militia praesidem optasset , postea ei armato & equo insidenti , dedit scutum album , rubra a cruce perinsigne : dedit & militibus suis saga alba , utrimque binis crucibus , item rubris , munita ; quae illi super armaturam induerent . So that ( saith he ) it is a seemely and magnificent thing , to see the Armies of the English , to sparkle like the rising Sunne ; the Soldierie of other Countries , having no habit , eyther to distinguish or adorne them . From henceforth therefore , we must not looke upon St. GEORGE , as a Saint in generall ; but as conceived , ( such was the superstition of those times ) the speciall Patron of the English : of which , the Pilgrim in the Poet , thus prophecieth unto his Red-crosse Knight , as hee there calls him . Then seeke this path which I to thee presage , Which after all , to Heaven shall thee send : Then peaceably thy painefull Pilgrimage To yonder same Hierusalem doe bend ; Where is for thee ordain'd a blessed end . For thou amongst those Saints , which thou dost see , Shalt be a saint ; and thine owne Nations friend , And Patron : thou St. George shalt called bee St. George of merry England ; the signe of victorie . And hereunto alludes Mich. Draiton , in his Poly-Olbion ; in a great controversie , questionlesse which was then hot , among some Nymphes of his in that Poem . And humbly to St. George , their Countries Patrō , pray , To prosper their designes , now in that mighty day . ( 7 ) Of other honours done by the English to St. GEORGE , more than they call'd upon him , as their Advocate of victory ; it may perhaps seeme litle necessary to dilate . But since our Invocation of God and St. GEORGE , is by some men conceived , to bee rather Turkish , than truely Christian : wee will produce such evidence , as may be lesse liable unto offence . Of which kinde , I perswade my selfe , was that honour done unto him in a peece of gold , currant in those times , in this Kingdome , called The George-noble : which on the one side had the picture of Saint GEORGE upon it , with this Impresse ; Tali dicata signo mens fluctuare nescit . Nor can it be offence , that many noble families in this Realme , had the name of Saint GEORGE : an ancient family of Saint George , ( out of which flourished many Knights , since the time of King Henry the first , ) at Hatley ; which is of them call'd Hatley Saint George , as I have found in learned Camden : another of them , as I conceive it , at Hinton , Saint GEORGE in Com. Sommerset ; the Baronie at this present , of the right honourable the Lord Pawlet . But this I leave unto Clarentieux , one of the Kings of Armes ; as most interessed in it . I will not heere observe that CHARLES of Burgundie , one of the fellowes of the Gareer , beeing in discontent with EDVVARD the fourth for his Peace with France ; brake out into this Passion , Oh LORD , Oh Saint GEORGE , have you done thus indeed , &c , or that the English used his name , as an ordinary oath among them , Par St. George dirent les Angloys , vous dites vray , &c. as Froissart notes it . These things , I say , I will not speake of , lest they may give offence to our nicer eares ; nor of more honours of this lesser ranke or qualitie , afforded him in England : and therefore though the Sea bee very troublesome and unruly , we will passe over Saint GEORGE'S Chanell into Ireland . And here I shall observe that onely , which I finde in Master Seldens notes on the Poly-Olbion ; as viz. that under Henry 8. it was enacted , that the Irish should leave their Cramaboo , and Butleraboo , words of unlawfull Patronage : and name themselves as under St. George and the Kings of England . Which noted , since I must returne againe for England , there to behold the solemne institution of the Garter : it will not be amisse to note , that notwithstanding all the opposition made against him , both heere among our selves , and abroad with others . St. George doth still retaine his place in our common Calendars . Not in those onely , made for the state of every yeare , where commonly he shines in Festivall red letters ; as doe no other of the Saints , but those whose Feasts are by the Church observed as Holy : but also in the Calendar prefixed before the publike Liturgie of our most blessed Church of England ; where he is specially honoured with the name of Saint , as is not any of the rest , excepting those which saw our Saviour in the flesh . Excellent evidence ; that as the state of England is much devoted to Saint GEORGE'S honour ; so he doth still preserve his place and reputation , in the opinion of the Church . An argument to me so powerfull and prevailing : that in Morbonium the meere word , or bare conjecture of every one , of what especiall fame soever ; which guided by his private spirit , shall resolve the contrary . ( 8 ) I said , the state of England is much devoted to Saint GEORGE'S honour : and if we looke upon the Institution of the most noble Order of the Garter , wee shall see cause inough to say it . An Order of that excellencie , that the mightiest Princes of Christendome , have reputed it among their greatest honours to bee chosen and admitted to it : the names and dignities of whom , we shall see presently , in our Catalogue of this Order . A founder it had , of a most accomplish'd vertue , the Thunderbolt of Warre , as some call Antiochus ; and in the times of Peace , nothing inferiour to any of the Law-makers of the best ages , so much celebrated . Briefly wee may affirme of him , as the Historian of Augustus ; the fittest paralell that I can finde for him , amongst famous Princes : Homo omnibus omnium gentium viris , magnitudine sua inducturus caliginem . This most excellent Prince , the glorie of his times , and a chiefe ornament of Europe , having exceedingly prevail'd both against the French and Scottish Kings , discomfited their Armies , and taken one of them in person : ordained this most noble Order and societie of Knights , so to adorne their valour manifested in the Warres , with honour , the reward of vertue . Their number 26. no more ; Vt pretium faciat raritas , lest being else communicated unto many , it might at last become despicable : nor ever have our Kings exceeded in the number , but still confined themselves unto the first intention of the Founder . COVVELL , in his Interpreter , printed at Cambridge Anno 1607. relates the Institution of it thus . EDVVARD the third , after he had obtain'd many great victories , King IOHN of France , King IAMES of Scotland , being both Prisoners in the Tower of London , at one time ; and King HENRY of Castile the Bastard being expulsed , and DON PEDRO restored by the Prince of Wales : did on no weighty occasion first erect this Order , Anno 1350. Of the occasion afterwards ; ob●erving for the present , how ill his Historie agrees with his Chronologie . For true it is , that this most noble Order was instituted on the 23. of this King , which falls out rightly , with the yeare 350. But then King IOHN of France , was but newly entred on his Kingdome : and the expulsion of King HENRY was the last act almost , of that tryumphant Prince of Wales ; Don Pedro not comming into England , till the thirty ninth of King Edward . As much is he mistaken also , in the name of the King of Scotland , who was then Prisoner in the Tower ; which was not Iames , but David : there being no Iames , King of that Country , in more than fiftie yeares after . For the occasion of it , it is received generally , that it tooke beginning from a Garter of the Queene , or rather of Ioane Countesse of Salisburie , a Ladie of incomparable beauty , which fell from her as she danced , and the King tooke up from the ground . For when a number of Nobles and Gentlemen standing by , laughed thereat , he made answere againe , that shortly it should come to passe , that Garter should be in high honour and estimation : adding withall these words in French , Hony Soit qui maly pense , Id est , Shame bee to him that evill thinks ; which after was the Motto or Impresse of the Garter . Which were it so ( saith Master Camden ) it need not seeme to be a base originall thereof , considering as one saith , nobilitas sub amore iacet . He addes withall , that some report , how from his owne Garter given forth , as a signall of a battaile , which sped so fortunately ; hee call'd them Knights of the Garter . But whatsoever the occasion of it was , likely it is that it tooke this name from the blew Garter , which the Fellowes of it weare on their left Leg : carrying the foresaid impresse wrought with golden Letters , and enchased with precious Stones ; and fastned with a buckle of Gold , as with the Bond of most inward societie , in token of unitie and Concord ; that so there might be a Communion as it were of vertues , and good will amongst them . Doctor Cowell reports in his Interpreter , that he hath seene an ancient monument , wherein it doth appeare that this most noble Order is a Colledge or Corporation , having a Common seale : consisting of the Kings of England as Soveraignes thereof , or chiefe Guardians of it ; 25. Knights , fellowes ( as they call them , or Companions ) of the Garter ; 14. Canons resident , beeing secular Preists ; 13. Vicars , or Chorall Preists ; and 26. of the inferiour sort of gentrie , militarie men , call'd commonly , Poore Knights of Windsore : ( whereof indeed there are but twelve . ) There belongs also unto this Heroicke Order , the Prelate of the Garter , which is the Lord Byshop of Winton , for the time being ; a Chancellour ; a Register thereof , which alwayes is the Deane of Windsore ; an Vsher , which is one of the Vshers of the Kings Chamber , called Black-rod : and last of all a chiefe Herald , even the most principall of all , GARTER first King of Armes , instituted by that victorious Prince King Henry the fifth ; to attend chiefly on this Order and doe them service at their Funerals . ( 9 ) The Kings of England , are ( as I said before ) the Soveraignes of this noble Order : and either doe in person , or by their lawfull Deputie , by them nominated and appointed , elect the fellowes of the Order , and solemnize the Festivals , and hold the Chapters . To them it also appertaines to have the declaration , reformation , and disposition of the Lawes and Statutes of the said most noble Order . Which Lawes and Statutes were first instituted and devised , by the victorious Prince , King Edward , of that name the third ; after revised and ratified by many the succeeding Kings : And on the Reformation of Religion , much altered by King Edward , of that name the sixt . About this time ( saith Sir Iohn Hayward , in his Historie of that Prince ) the Order was almost wholly altered , as by the Statutes thereof then made it doth appeare . A thing not to bee wondred at . For even the Lawes of the most setled States and Kingdomes have beene often changed and varied ; according to occasion and the Princes pleasure . Vnto them also , to the Soveraignes , I meane , or to their Deputies , it appertaines to choose and nominate into the Order , whom they esteeme to bee most worthy of that honour ; and like to bee the greatest ornament unto it . Yet so , that sixe at least of the said fellowes doe conveene at the Election , and concurre in it : the residue of them being all warned to bee there present , and such as faile of their attendance , without just cause , such as the Soveraigne shall approve , to bee amerced . In their elections , two things there are , which they especially observe . First , that the partie nominated , bee a Gentleman of name and armes for three descents , both by the Fathers side and by the Mothers . For which cause , when the Garter was reproachfully taken from the Lord William Paget , by Dudley of Northumberland , to give to Iohn his eldest sonne , the Earle of Warwicke : he used this colour to disguise that foule dishonour ; that the said Lord , ( as the first raiser of his house ) was said to bee no gentleman of blood , neither by Father nor by Mother : as Sir Iohn Hayward tells the storie . The second thing to be observed , is that the partie nominated , bee without spot , or foule reproach : as viz. not convict of Heresie ; nor attaint of treason ; nor by his Prodigalitie and riot decayed in his estate , by meanes whereof hee is not able to conserve the honour of his Order ; nor such a one that ever fled in the day of battaile , his Soveraigne Lord , or his Lieutenant being in the Feild . In all which cases , a Knight elected and installed ; may also , if it please the Soveraigne , be degraded . The partie chosen by the Prince , if he bee a stranger , is certified thereof soone after by Letters from the Soveraigne : and many times , the Statutes of that Order , have beene sent unto him , to consider of them , whether or no he will accept of this election . But this a matter meerely formall . For commonly our Kings are first well assured of the parties good affection to them , before they choose him ; and as for forreigne Princes , it is a true note of Master Camdens , that the most mighty of them have reputed it their chiefest honour to be chosen and admitted into this Companie : as we have said before , and shall see anon , in the ensuing Catalogue . If he accept it ( as no question but hee will , ) then doth the Soveraigne forthwith send unto him by his Ambassadour , and the chiefe Herald ( commonly ) the whole habit of the Order , with the Garter and the Collar ; wherewith they doe invest him . And on the other side , the Prince or stranger so invested , within convenient time , send their sufficient Deputie , with a mantle of blew Velvet , to be installed in their roome , at St. GEORGE'S Church at Windsore . But if the partie chosen be a Subject of the Kingdome , the Garter is delivered to him presently upon his election , to signifie that he is chose into the Order . Afterwards , in the Chapter-house , upon the reading of his Commission before the Soveraigne or his Deputie ; he is invested with his Robe and with his Hood . Then followes the Installment performed with many grave and magnificent Ceremonies : which done , he doth receive the Collar of the Order . These , at their installations , have alwayes an oath administred ; that to their power , during the time they shall be fellowes of the Order , they shall defend the honor , quarrels , rights , and lordships of the Soveraigne ; and that they shall endeavor to preserve the honor of the said Order ; and all the statutes of it , they shal well observe without fraud or Covin . Which oath is by the natives of the kindome , taken absolutely , and in termes ; but many times , by strangers , relatively and by halfes , in reference to some former Order . So So when King Henry the third of France , was by the Earle of Darby , invested with the Garter , Anno 1585 , he tooke his oath to keepe the Statutes of the Order in all points , Quae legibus Ordinis S. Spiritus , & S. Michaelis non adversantur ; wherein they were not opposite unto the Order of St. Michael , & the Holy Ghost , to which he had bin sworn before . Vpon which reason also , Frederick King of Denmarke , though he did joyfully accept the habit of the Order ; refused to take the oath at all : because he had beene sworne before ( at his installation in the Order of Saint Michael ) to the King of France . Being thus solemnely installed , and seated in the place belonging to them in the Chappell , their next care is to fasten an Escocheon of their Armes and hachments , in a plate of mettall , upon the backe of their said stalls : which they remove , according as themselves , in Order , are advanced higher . And in that Order , doe they also change the places of their banners , swords and Helmets ; which are continually set over their said stalls , during their being of the Order . This onely is the difference , that at the death of any of the Knights of this most noble Order , their Plate of Armes , is left for ever to that stall , where last they sate ; to preserve their memory : whereas the Banner , Sword , and Helmet , are all taken downe ; and offered with all due solemnities ; the Offering made by such of the surviving Knights , as by the Soveraigne shall be destinated to that service . I said before , that they remove their Plates , and Hachments , according as themselves in order are advanced higher . in this Order , they take place according to the antiquitie of their Creation ; and not according to their dignities , titles , and estates : so that sometimes a Knight Bachelour , hath place before an Earle or Baron ; as not long since wee had example in Sir Harry Lea , Knight , keeper of the Armorie . Onely in honour unto strangers , which bee Dukes , or Sonnes and Brethren unto forreine Kings and Princes : it is permitted that they take their roomes and places , according to their qualitie . Hitherto have we spoken of the Election of Saint GEORGES Knights , and their admission to the Order . A litle would be said now of the meanes and wayes , whereby their roomes are voyded , and their places destitute ; and they are three : for either they are voyde by Death , or by Degradation , or by Cession and surrendrie . The second of the three ( for here we will not speake of Death ) is Degradation : a peece of Iustice more to bee commended where it may not , than where it may bee spared . The cases wherein Degradation is allowed of , I have shewne already : but the examples are but fewe . William Lord Paget , which was so scornfully degraded by Northumberland ; was by Qu. Mary , with great honour , restored againe unto his Order . And Sir Iohn Fastolfe , which for his valiantnesse had beene elected of the Order , was by the Duke of Bedford , under whom hee served , and unto whom he was great Master of the Household ; devested in great anger of his GEORGE and GARTER : because hee had departed from a battaile , ( which the English lost ) without stroke stricken . But afterwards by meanes of friends , and upon good excuse , and reason , by him alleaged in his defence , ( as certainly he was a wise and valiant Captaine , however in the stage , they haue beene pleased to make merry with him ) he was restored unto his honour . The third and last meanes of avoydance , is by Cession & Surrendrie : & the examples hereof also are but few . This I am sure of , ( not to make further search into it ) that Philip King of Spaine , beeing offended with Qu. Elizabeth , about the altering of Religion , and thereby alienated from the English : delivered backe to the Lord Vicount Mountague , the robes and habit of the Order , wherewith he was invested on his marriage with Qu. Mary . By which his Act , as the Historian hath observed , Cum Anglis amicitiam visus est prorsus eiurare : he seemed to breake off utterly , all amitie and friendship ▪ with the realme of England . 'T is true indeed , King Philip being once resolved to renounce his Order , was of necessitie to send backe the habit . For so it is ordained amongst them , that even such of them as depart this life , are to take care especially , that the Garter , bee restored unto the Soveraigne ; by him and by the Company of the said Order , to be disposed of to some other . Examples in which kinde are infinite to bee related . Windsore , the fairest and most stately of our English Pallaces , was by King Edward who adorned and beautified it ; conceived most fit to bee the Seate of that most excellent Order , which he had established . An house indeed , worthie of such inhabitants ; and therefore worthily honoured by them . For here , they alwayes leave in readinesse , the mantle of their Order , to be layed up for them ; for any suddaine chances which might happen to require their presence at Saint GEORGES Chappell , or in the Chapter-house . Here doe they solemnize the Installations of their Brethren ; and performe their obsequies . And lastly , such a reverend regard they owe the place , that if they come within two miles of it ( except that they be hindered by some weighty and important businesse ) they alwayes doe repaire thereto ; and putting on their mantles , which are there in readinesse , proceed unto the Chappell , and there make their Offerings . Nor doe they go at any time from out the Castle , if their occasions bring them thither ; till they have offered in like manner . I should now from the Knights and from the Order , proceed unto the Patron of it : but that I first must meet an errour ; by some reputed as a Law and Statute of the Order , and so delivered by tradition from hand to hand : viz. that those of this Heroicke Order , are by their Order bound , Vt mutuo se iuvent , that they defend each other , at all extremities and assaies . But doubtlesse there is no such matter . Onely the Knights are bound , not to ingage themselves in the service of a forreine Prince , without licence from the Soveraigne : nor to beare Armes on one side , if any of their Fellowes bee already entertained upon the other . This is the ground of the report : for Omnis fabula ( as the Mythologists affirme ) fundatur in Historia . Yet hereupon , Alphonso , Duke of Calabria , sonne unto Ferdinand King of Naples ; knowing that Charles , the eighth of France , threatned the conquest of that Kingdome : did with great importunitie request , to be elected of this Order ; as accordingly hee was . Conceiving , that if once he were Companion of that Order , the King of England , as the Soveraigne thereof , would be obliged , to countenance and aide him in his Warres against the French. Which hopes , as they were built upon a false , and ruinous ground ; so is it not to bee admired , if they deceived him . Polydore Virgil , who before accounted mutuall defence to be a Statute of this Order : doth , in this passage , overthrow his owne building . Concluding this relation , of Alphonsus and his investiture , with this note ; Iampridem ea consuetudo ferendi auxilij obsoleverat : that long agoe that custome had beene out of use . He might as well have said , and more agreeable unto the truth ; it had never beene . ( 10 ) Having thus spoken of the Statutes of this most noble Order , whereby they are and beene govern'd ; wee will descend in the next place to give you notice of their Patron ; which , after the opinion of those times , they chose unto themselves . Of which , thus Pol. Virgil in his English Historie , Ord● verò est D. Georgio ut bellatorum praesidi dicatus : quare equites quotannis diem ei sacrum multis ceremonijs colunt . This Order is ( saith hee ) dedicated unto Saint George , as the chiefe Saint and Patron , of the men of Warre : whose Festivall they therefore solemnely observe with many noble Ceremonies . But what need Polydore have beene produced unto this purpose : since from the Charter of the Institution we have a testimony more authenticall . For there King Edward tells us , that to the honour of Almighty GOD , and of the blessed Virgin , our Ladie , St. Mary ; and of the glorious Martyr Saint GEORGE , Patron of the right noble Realme of England ; and to the exaltation of the holy Catholicke Faith : hee had ordained , established , created , and founded within his Castle of Windsore , a Company of twenty sixe noble Knights , to bee of the said most noble Order of Saint GEORGE , named the Garter . 'T is true indeed that Polydore hath well observed with how great Ceremonie and solemnitie , the Knights doe celebrate this Feast . Attending both on the Vespers , and the day it selfe , at divine Service ; attired in the most rich and stately Mantles of the Order : and gallantly adorned with their most rich & sumptuous Collars , ( which wee call of S. S. ) the Image of Saint GEORGE , garnished with pearles and precious stones , appendant to them . In which their going to the Church , and in their setting at the Table ; they goe , and set , by two and two : every one with his fellow , which is foreagainst him in his stall . And if by chance it happen that his fellow be not present ; he doth both goe , and set , alone . I say , if so it chance to happen : for all the fellowes are obliged , to be there personally present , without a just and reasonable cause , acceptable to the Soveraigne or his Deputie , and signified by speciall Letters of excuse . Other the pompe and rich magnificence of this Feast , I forbeare to mention , as utterly unable to expresse it . The minde is then best satisfied in such things as this ; when the eye hath seene them . But I proceed unto St. George . Of which their Patron , and of the noble Order it selfe , the Marriage of the Tame and Isis , a Poeme written some yeeres past ; doth thus descant . Auratos thalmos , regum praeclara sepulchra , Et quaecunque refers ; nunc Windesora referre Desine . Cappadocis quamvis sis clara Georgi Militia , procerumque cohors chlamydata intenti Cincta periscelidi suras , te lumine tanto Illustret ; tantis radijs perstringet & orbem Vt nunc Phrix●um spernat Burgundia vellus , Contemnat cochleis variatos Gallia torques , Et cruce conspicuas pallas , Rhodus , Alcala & Elba ; Solaque militiae sit gloria splendida , vestrae . Windsore relate no more the glorious things In thee , thy gilded roofes , and Tombs of Kings ; Or that thou art so honour'd in the rites Of George , the Cappadocian Martyrs , Knights . Who clad in mantles rich , and circled round The leg , with that the Garter so renown'd ; Doth so advance thy name , and with its raies Splendant and glorious , so the world amaze : That Burgundie her Golden-fleece neglects , And France St. Michaels Collar disrespects , And Spaine , and Malta both , esteeme but small Their Crossed robes : thy Order dimmes thē all . Hence is it , that the Knights of this most honourable Order , are called in Latine Equites Georgiani , St. George's Knights ; and sometimes also in the English : as in that passage before noted out of the Poly-Olbion . The Temple of S. George , whereas his honor'd knights Vpon his hallowed day observe their ancient rites . And in many others also of our better sort of Authors . ( 11 ) The other ornaments and habit belonging to this Order , besides the Garter , are a Gown , a Kirtle , a Chaperon , a Cloak , a Girdle , & a Collar : all stately & magnificent both for stuffe & fashion ; but worne onely upon dayes of extraordinary solemnitie . For ordinary use , besides the Garter which is for every dayes wearing , and their Cloake with the Sunne on the left shoulder of it , in his full glorie ; which last was added by his most excellent Majestie now being : they have a blew Ribbon which they weare about their neckes ; with the picture , or rather portraiture of the GEORGE , appendant to it . This portraiture , or GEORGE , as they use to call it , Sir Walter Raleigh , against the streame of most Writers , makes to be Historicall : I say against the streame of most writers ; because I have not met with any others , which doe so conceive it , but Wicelius onely ; as before I noted . Sir Walters reason , this . And though ( saith he ) for the credit of the killing of the Dragon I leave every man to his owne beleefe : yet I cannot but thinke , that if the Kings of England had not some probable record of that his memorable act among many others ; it is strange , that the Order full of honor , which Edward the third founded , and his successours royally continued , should have borne his name : seeing the world had not that scarcity of Saints in those dayes , as that the English were to make such an erection upon a fable , or person fained . So hee : And this I well allow of in relation to the Saint ; whose being , and whose being of a Saint of speciall eminencie , it justifies sufficiently . But I perswade my selfe , it cannot well be used in the defence of his killing of the Dragon : which being thrust into the Legends by Iacobus de Voragine , as before we noted , found afterwards a generall entertainment in the Christian Church : and amongst other places here in England also . ( 12 ) As therefore some have made the whole storie of St. GEORGE , to be symbolicall ; so have some others made it to be also , of the same nature , in particular relation to this Order . Thus Doctor Reynolds in his first of the Idolatries o● Rome , Verùm illustres eius Ordinis Heroes , melius iam edocti atque cruditi , intelligunt Georgium suum non Cappadocem esse , sed symbolicum : quo excitantur & monentur , ut Draconem oppugnent , & bestiam , Id est , Romanum Antichristum . The Nobles of that Order , ( saith he ) instructed better than before , conceive it rightly , that this their GEORGE hath no relation unto him of Cappadocia ; but meerly is symbolicall : by which they are advised and lessoned , to labour to destroy the Beast , and Dragon , mention'd in the Apocalypse ; id est , the Roman Antichrist . And to this purpose Dr. Boys , late Deane of Canterbury ; I write not this ( saith hee ) to dishonour that noble Order of the Garter . For under correction , & salvo semper honore Ordinis , I take the GEORGE which adornes those right honourable Worthies , to be symbolicalll onely : signifying that a valiant Knight should alwayes be ready to fight against the Dragon ; and other enemies of the Church and state whatsoever . Which words of theirs may bee approved also , so farre as that this use may commendably bee made of it : but if they were thus spoken , as in relation to the first intention of the founder ; there is not any thing more false , nor lesse agreeable to the truth of storie . I say , this use may commendably bee made of it . For by the Charter of the Institution it apppeares plainely , that this most excellent Order was first ordained unto the honour of Almighty GOD , and to the exaltation of the Holy Catholicke Faith. And in the Statutes of the Order , it is a cause sufficient for a Knight to be refused at the Election ; yea , and degraded after his Installation : that hee hath beene convicted and attainted of Heresie , and errour , against the Faith Catholicke ; or hath for any such offence , suffred any paine , or conviction publicke . Adde hereunto , that when it is appointed , that their Banners Swords and Helmets , shall bee placed above their stalls ; it is to this intent and purpose : to signifie ( so saith the Statute ) that they doe beare them in defence of holy Church , as all true knighthood doth require . So that we see , that all the purpose of the Order is to instruct and lesson them ; still to oppose the Divell , that old Dragon , and all his instruments what ever , in maintenance of the Gospell , and Gods true Religion . For which cause doubtlesse , doth Chaucer , in a Sonnet to the fellowes of the Order ; thus counsaile and advise them . — But for Gods pleasance And his Mother , and in signifiance That yee beene of St. GEORGE'S liverie , Doeth him service and knightly obeysance For Christs cause is his , well knowne yee . So farre our English Homer , the Father of our English-Muses . I am not able to affirme it , but possibly it may be so , that some such matter was intended ; when it was ordered so precisely in the Statutes , that none of this most noble Order , shall be seene openly without his George : and that it may not be ingaged , aliened , nor sold , nor given away , for any need , cause , or necessitie whatsoever . Whereas the other of the Ornaments , are for solemne dayes onely ; and that the Garter may sometimes be layed aside , as in case of taking any journey : for then it is sufficient to weare a blew ribband under their bootes , to denote the Garter . I say perhaps some such might bee purpose of it : but I affirme it not for certaine . This I am sure of , that this their constant and continuall wearing of St. GEORGE'S Image , may be a faire instruction unto all of this Heroicke Order ; never to lay aside St. GEORGE'S resolution , of encountring with the Dragon , that old Serpent ; that so they may at last receive the blessed and immarcessible Crowne of Glorie . ( 13 ) I said before , that many of the mightiest Princes of Christendome have reputed it among their chiefe honours , to be chosen and admitted into this fellowship . For proofe of which , and that we may behold what excellent Peeres and Princes of our owne and other Nations , have in all times successively , beene chosen into this most noble Order : wee have adjoyn'd a Catalogue of all Saint GEORGE'S Knights , from the first institution of it till the present . Which Catalogue I have here layed downe , according as I finde it in the Catalogue of Honour , published by Milles of Canterbury ; adding unto him , such as have beene admitted , since that publication . Hereafter , if this worke may ever have a second birth , and that I have ability to nde , or meanes to search into the publike Registers of this Order : I shall annex to every of them , the time of their Creation ; as wee have done in all of them since the first of Queene ELIZABETH . THE FIRST FOVNDERS , as they call them , of the Garter : EDVVARD the III. Of ENGLAND , and FRANCE , &c. being the Chiefe or Soveraigne of it . EDVVARD the III. King of England . HENRY , Duke of Lancaster . PETER , Capit. de la Bouche . WILLIAN MONTACVTE , Earle of Salisburie . IOHN , Lord Lisle . IOHN BEAVCHMP , Knight . HVGH COVRTNEY , Knight . IOHN GREY of Codnor . Knight . MILES STAPLETON , Knight . HVGH WORTHESLEY , Knight . IOHN CHANDOS , Knight Banneret . OTHO HOLLAND , Knight . SANCHIO DAMPREDICOVRT , Knight . EDVVARD Prince of Wales . THOMAS BEAVCHAMP Earle of Warwicke . RAPH , Earle of Stafford . ROGER MORTIMER , Earle of March. BARTHOLM . de Burgherst , Knight . IOHN , Lord Mohun of Dunstere . THOMAS HOLLAND , Knight . RICHARD FITZ-SIMON , Knight . THOMAS WALE , Knight . NEELE LORENGE , Knight . IAMES AVDLEY , Knight . HENRY ESME , Knight . WALTER PAVELY , Knight . Which Founders being dead , these following were in the time of the said Edward the third , elected in their places ; according as their stalls became vacant , by the death of any of the others . viz. RICHARD of Burdeaux , Prince of Wales ; and after , King of England , of that name the second . LIONELL , Duke of Clarence . IOHN of Gaunt , Duke of Lancaster . EDMOND of Langley , Duke of Yorke . IOHN , Duke of Brittaine , and Earle of Richmond . HVMFREY de Bohun , Earle of Hereford . WI●LIAM , de Bohun Earle of Northampton . IOHN HASTINGS , Earle of Pembrooke . THOMAS BEAVCHAMP , Earle of Warwicke . RICHARD FITZ-ALAN , Earle of Arundell . ROBERT VFFORD , Earle of Suffolke . HVGH , Earle of Stafford . GVISCARD of Engolesine , Earle of Huntingdon . INGELRAM of Coucy , Earle of Bedford . EDVVARD , Lord Despencer . WILLIAM , Lord Latimer . REYNOLD Lord Cobham , of Sterborough . IOHN , Lord Nevill of Raby . RAPH , Lord Basset of Drayton . Sir WAL● . MANNY , Banneret . Sir THOMAS VFFORD . Sir THOMAS FELTON . Sir FRANCIS VAN HALL . Sir ALAN BOXHVLL . Sir RICH. PEMBRVGE . Sir THOMAS VTREIGHT . Sir THOM. BANISTER . Sir RICH. LA VACHE . Sir GVY of Brienne . RICHARD the II. KING OF ENGLAND , and Soveraigne of the Garter , Elected in his Time into the Order , these that follow . THOMAS of Woodstocke , Earle of Buckingham , and Duke of Gloucester . HENRY of Lancaster , Earle of Darbie , and Duke of Hereford . WIL. Duke of Gelderland . WIL. Earle of Holland , Hainault , &c. THO. HOLLAND , Duke of Surrey . IOHN HOLLAND , Duke of Exeter . THO. MOVVERAY , Duke of Norfolke . EDVVARD , Duke of Aumerle . MICHAEL DE LA POLE , Earle of Suffolke . WIL. SCROPE , Earle of Wiltes . WILLIAM BEAVCHAMP , Lord Aburgevenny . IOHN , Lord Beaumont . WIL. Lord Willoughby . RICHARD , Lord Grey . Sir NICHOLAS SARNESFEILD . Sir PHILIP DE LA VACHE . Sir ROBERT KNOLLES . Sir GVY of Brienne . Sir SIMON BVRLEY . Sir IOHN D'EVREVX . Sir BRIAN STAPLETON . Sir RIGH . BVRLEY . Sir IOHN COVRTNEY . Sir IOHN BVRLEY . Sir IOHN BOVRCHIER . Sir THO. GRANDISON . Sir LEVVIS CLIFFORD . Sir ROBERT DVMSTAVILL . Sir ROBERT of Namurs . HENRY the IIII , of that Name ; KING OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter : made Choice of HENRY , Prince of Wales . THOMAS of Lancaster , Duke of Clarence . IOHN , Duke of Bedford . HVMFREY , Duke of Gloucester . ROBERT , Count Palatine , and Duke of Bavaria . THO. BEAVFORT , Duke of Exeter . IOHN BEAVFORT , Earle of Somerset . THO. FITZ-ALAN , Earle of Arundell . EDM. Earle of Stafford . EM . HOLLAND , Earle of Kent . RAPH NEVILL , Earle of Westmerland . GILBERT , Lord Talbot . GILBERT , Lord Roos . THO. Lord Morley . EDVVARD , Lord Powys . IOH. Lord Lovell . Edvv. Lord Burnell . IOH. CORNVVALL , Lord Fanhope . Sir WIL. ARVNDELL . Sir IOH. STANLEY . Sir ROE . VMFREVILL . Sir THOM. RAMPSTON . Sir THOM. ERPINGHAM . Sir IOH. SVLBIE . Sir SANCHIO of Trane . HENRY the V. of that Name , KING OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter , graced with the Order , SIGISMVND , King of Hungarie and Bohemia , Emperour Elect. IOHN , King of Portugall . CHRISTIERNE King of Danemarke . PHILIP , Duke of Burgundie . IOHN HOLLAND , Duke of Exeter . WILL. DE LA POLE , Duke of Suffolke . IOH. MOVVERAY , Duke of Norfolke . THOM. MONTACVTE , Earle of Salisbury . RICH. VERE , Earle of Oxon. RICH. BEAVCHAMP , Earle of Warwicke . THOM. Lord Camoys . IOHN , Lord Clifford . ROBERT , Lord Willoughby . WILLIAM , Lord Bardolfe . HENRY , Lord Fitz-Hugh . LEVVIS ROBSART , Lord Bourchier . HVGH STAFFORD , Lord Bourchier . WALTER , Lord Hungerford , Sir SYMON FELBRIDGE . Sir IOH. GREY , of Eyton . Sir IOH. DABRIDGECOVRT . Sir IOH. ROBSART . Sir TRANK VAN CLVX , of Germany . Sir WILLIAM HARRINGTON . Sir IOHN BLOVNT . HENRY , the VI. of that Name , KING OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter : assumed into it , ALBERT of Austria , King of Bohemia , Hungarie , and Emperour of Germanie . FREDERICK , Duke of Austria , and Emperour . EDVVARD , King of Poland . ALPHONSO , King of Arragon and Naples . CASIMIRE , King of Portugall . EDVVARD , Prince of Wales . PET. Duke of Conimbria , and HENRY , Duke of Visontium , both Sonnes to the King of Portugall . The Duke of Brunswicke . RICH. Duke of Yorke . IOH. BEAVFORT , Duke of Somerset . EDM. BRAVFORT , Duke of Somerset . IASPER of Hatfeild , Duke of Bedford . IOHN MOVVBRAY , Duke of Norfolke . HVMPH . STAFFORD , Duke of Buckingham . GASTON DE FOIX , Earle of Longueville . IOHN DE FOIX , Earle of Kendall . ALVARES D'ALMADA , Earle of Averence . IOHN FITZ-ALAN , Earle of Arundell . RICH. NEVILL , Earle of Salisbury . RICH. NEVILL , Earle of Warwicke . IOH. TALBOT , Earle of Shrewsbury . IOH. TALBOT , Earle of Shrewsbury , Sonne to the former . IAMES BVTLER , Earle of Wiltes . WILL. NEVILL , Earle of Kent . RICHARD WIDDEVILL , Earle Ryvers . HEN. Viscount Bourchier , Earle of Essex . IOHN , Viscount Beaumont . IOHN , Lord Dudley . THO. Lord Scales . IOHN Lord Grey , of Ruthin . RAPH Lord Butler , of Sudeley . LIONELL , Lord Welles . IOH. Lord Bourchier of Berners . THOMAS , Lord Stanley . WILL. Lord Bonvill . IOH. Lord Wenlocke . IOH. Lord Beauchamp , of Powys . THOMAS , Lord Hoo. Sir IOHN RATCLIFFE . Sir IOHN FASTOLFE . Sir THOMAS KYRIELL . Sir EDVVARD HALL . EDVVARD the IIII , of that Name ; KING OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter : made Knights thereof FERDINAND , King of Naples . IOHN , King of Portugall . EDVVARD , Prince of Wales . CHARLES , Duke of Burgundie . FR. SFORZA , Duke of Millaine . FREDERICKE , Duke of Vrbine . HERCVLES , Duke of Ferrara . RICH. Duke of Yorke , the Kings Sonne . RICH. Duke of Gloucester . IOHN MOVVBRAY , Duke of Norfolke . IOHN Lord Howard , made afterwards Duke of Norfolke . IOHN DE LA POLE , Duke of Suffolke . HENRY STAFFORD , Duke of Buckingham . IOHN NEVILL , Marquise Montacute . THOMAS GREY , Marquise Dorset . IAMES Earle of Douglas , in Scotland . WILL. FITZ-ALAN , Earle of Arundell . THOM. Lord Maltravers . ANTH. WOODVILL , Earle Ryvers . WILL. Lord Herbert , Earle of Pembrooke . IOHN STAFFORD , Earle of Wiltes . HEN. PERCY , Earle of Northumberland . IOHN TIPTOFT , Earle of Worcester . GALLIARD , Lord Duras . IOHN Lord Scrope , of Bolton . WALT. D'EVREVX , Lord Ferrers . WALT. BLOVNT , Lord Montjoy , WILL. Lord Hastings . Sir IOHN ASTLEY . Sir WILL. CHAMBERLAINE . Sir WILL. PARRE . Sir ROB. HARICOVRT . Sir THOMAS MONTGOMERY . RICHARD OF GLOVCESTER , of that Name the third , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter , admitted these : viz. THO. HOVVARD , Duke of Norfolke . THO. Lord Stanley , afterwards Earle of Darby . FRANCIS , Viscount Lovell . Sir IGHN COGNIERS . Sir RICH. RADCLIFFE . Sir THOM. BVRGH . Sir RICH. TVNSTALL . HENRY the VII . of that Name , KING OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter , admitted to this honour MAXIMILIAN , Archduke of Austria ; and after Emperour . IOHN , King of Portugall . IOHN , King of Danemarke . PHILIP of Austria , King of Castile . ALPHONSO , Duke of Calabria , and after King of Naples . ARTHVR , Prince of Wales . HENRY , Duke of Yorke , and Prince of Wales after his Brother . VEALDO , Duke of Vrbine . EDVV. STAFFORD , Duke of Buckingham . THOM. GREY , Marquise Dorset . IOAN VERE , Earle of Oxon. HEN. PERCY , Earle of Northumberland . GEO. TALBOT , Earle of Shrewsbury . HEN. BOVRCHIER , Earle of Essex . RICH. GREY , Earle of Kent . EDVVARD COVRTNEY , Earle of Devon. HEN. Lord Stafford , Earle of Wiltes . EDM. DE LA POLE , Earle of Suffolke . CH. SOMERSET , Earle of Worcester . GERALD , Earle of Kildare . IOHN , Viscount Welles . GEO. STANLEY , Lord Strange . WILL. STANLEY , the Lord Chamberlaine . IOHN , Lord Dynham . ROB. WILLOVGHBY , Lord Brooke . Sir GILES D'AVBENY . Sir EDVV. POYNINGS . Sir EDVV. WIDDEVILE . Sir GILBERT TALBOT . Sir IOHN CHEYNIE . Sir RICHARD GVILFORD . Sir THOM. LOVELL . Sir THOM. BRANDON . Sir REGINALD BRAY. Sir RHESE AP THOMAS . Sir IOHN SAVAGE . Sir RICH. POOLE . HENRY , the VIII . of that Name , KING OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter : Chose in his Reigne CHARLES the fifth , Emperour of Germany , and King of Spaine . FERDINAND , Archduke of Austria , and King of the Romanes . FRANCIS the first , King of France . EMANVEIL , King of Portugall . IAMES the fifth , King of Scotland . HENRY FITZ-ROY , Duke of Richmond , and Somerset . IVLIAN DE MEDICES . EDVVARD SEYMOVR , Earle of Hartford , and after , Duke of Somerset . THOM. HOVVARD , Duke of Norfolke . CH. BRANDON , Duke of Suffolke . IOHN DVDLEY , Viscount L'isle , afterwards Duke of Norhumberland . ANNAS , Duke of Montmorancie . HENRY COVRTNEY , Marquise of Exeter . WILL. PARRE , Marquise of Northampton . WILLIAM PAVVLET , Lord St. Iohn of Basing , after , Marquise of Winchester . HENRY HOVVARD , Earle of Surrey . THO. BVLLEN , Earle of Wiltes . WIL. FITZ-ALAN , Earle of Arundell . IOHN VERE , Earle of Oxon. HENRY PERCY , Earle of Northumberland . RAPH NEVILL , Earle of Westmerland . FR. TALBOT , Earle of Shrewsbury . PHIL. DE CHABOT , Earle of Newblanch , Admirall of France . THOM. MANNOVRS , Earle of Rutland . ROB. RATCLIFFE , Earle of Sussex . HENRY CLIFFORD , Earle of Cumberland . WILL. FITZ-WILLIAMS , Earle of South-hampton . THOM. Lord Cromwell , Earle of Essex . IOH. Lord Russell , Earle of Bedford . THOMAS , Lord Wriothesley , after Earle of Southampton . ARTHVR PLANTAGENET , base sonne of Edw. 4. Viscount L'isle . WALT. D'EVREVX Viscount Hereford . EDVV. HOVVARD , Lord Admirall . GEO. NEVILL , Lord Abergevenny . THOM. W●st , Lord de la Ware. THOM. Lord Dacres of Gillesland . THOM. Lord Darcy of the North. EDVVARD SVTTON , Lord Dudley . WIL. BLOVNT , Lord Montjoy . EDVV. STANLEY , Lord Monteagle . WIL. Lord Sands . HENRY , Lord Marney . THO. Lord Audley of Walden , Chancellour of England . Sir IOHN GAGE . Sir HENRY GVILFORD . Sir NICH. CAREVV . Sir ANTHONY BROVVNE . Sir THOM. CHEYNIE . Sir RICHARD WINGFEILD . Sir ANTH. WINGFEILD . Sir ANTH. St. LEGER , Lord Deputie of Ireland . Sir IOH. WALLOP . EVVARD the VI. of that Name , KING OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter : ascribed into the Order , HENRY the second , King of France . HENRY GREY , Duke of Suffolke . HENRY NEVILL , Earle of Westm. FR. HASTINGS , Earle of Huntingdon . WILL. HERBERT , Earle of Pembrooke . EDVV. STANLEY , Earle of Darby . THO. WEST , Lord de la Ware. GEO. BROOKE , Lord Cobbam . EDVVARD , Lord Clinton , Admirall . THOMAS , Lord Seymor of Sudeley . WILL. Lord Paget , of Beaudesert . THOM. Lord Darcy , of Chiche . Sir ANDREVV SVTTON , alias Dudley . MARY , QVEENE OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter , assumed into the voide places , PHILIP of Austria , King of Spaine , the Queenes Husband . EMANVEL , Duke of S●voy . HENRY RATCLIFFE , Earle of Sussex . ANTH. BROVVNE , Viscount Montacute . WILL. Lord HOVVARD , of Effingham . WILL. Lord Grey , of Wilton . EDVV. Lord Hastings , of Loughborow . ELIZABETH QVEENE OF ENGLAND , &c. and Soveraigne of the Garter : supplied the Vacant places of the Order , with 1559. FREDERICK , Duke of Wittenberge . THOM. HOVVARD , Duke of Norfolke . 1559. ROB. DVDLEY , Lord Denbigh , and Earle of Leicester . HENRY MANNOVRS , Earle of Rutland . WIL. PARRE , Earle of Essex , and Marq. of Northampton . 1560. ADOLPHVS , Duke of Holsatia . 1561. GEORGE TALBOT , Earle of Shrewsbury . HENRY CARIE , Lord Hunsdon . 1563. AMEROSE DVDLEY , Lord L'isle , and Earle of Warwicke . THOM. PERCY , Earle of Northumberland . 1564. CHARIES the Ninth , King of France . FRANCIS Lord Russell , Earle of Bedford . 1568. MAXIMILIAN , King of Hungary and Bohemia , Emperour . 1570. FRANCIS HASTINGS , Earle of Huntingdon . WIL. SOMERSET , Earle of Worcester . 1572. FRANCIS , Duke of Montmorency . WALTER , Viscount Hereford , and Earle of Essex . ARTHVR , Lord Grey of Wilton . EDM. BRVGES , Lord Chandos . FREDERICK , King of Denmarke . 1574. HENRY STANLEY , Earle of Darby . HENRY HERBERT , Earle of Pembrooke . 1575. CHARLES , Lord Howard of Effingham , and Admirall of England , afterwards Earle of Nottingham . 1579. IOHN CASIMIRE , Count Palatine of the Rhene , and Duke of Bavaria . 1584. HENRY the Third , King of France . EDVV. MANNOVRS , Earle of Rutland . WIL. CECILL , Lord Burghley . WIL. BROOKE , Lord Cobham . HENRY , Lord Scrope of Bolton . 1486. HENRY RATCLIFFE , Earle of Sussex . 1588. ROBERT DEVREVX , Earle of Essex . Sir HENEY SIDNEY , Lord President of the Marches . Sir CHRISTOPHER HATTON Lord Chancellour . 1592. GILBERT TALBOT Earle of Shrewsbury . GEORGE CLIFFORD , Earle of Cumberland . 1593. HENRY PERCY , Earle of Northumberland . EDVVARD SOMERSET Earle of Worcester . THOMAS , Lord Burgh . EDMOND , Lord Sheffeild . Sir FRANCIS KNOLLES , Treasurer of the Houshold . 1596. HENRY the fourth , King of France and Navarre . 1597. FREDERICKE , Duke of Wittemberge . THGM . SACKVILL , Lord Buckhurst ; afterwards Earle of Dorset . THOM. Lord Howard of Walden , afterwards Earle of Suffolke . GEORGE CARY , Lord Hunsdon . CH. BIOVNT , Lord Montjoy , after Earle of Devon. Sir HENRY LEA , Keeper of the Armorie . 1599. ROB. RATCLIFFE , Earle of Sussex . HENRY BROOKE , Lord Cobham . 1601. WILL. STANLEY , Earle of Darby . THOM. CECILL , Lord Burghley , after Earle of Exeter . IAMES the first , KING OF GREAT BRITAINE , and Soveraigne of the Garter , adorned that Noble Order with these Worthies , viz. 1603. CHHRISTIERNE the fourth , King of Denmarke . HENRY Prince of Wales . LEVVLS , Duke of Lennox , and afterwards of Richmond . HEN. WRIOTHESLEY , Earle of South-hampton . IOHN ERESKIN , Earle of Marre . WILL. HERBERT , Earle of Pembrooke . 1605. VLRICK , Duke of Holst . HEN. HOVVARD , Earle of Northampton . 1606. ROB. CECILL , Earle of Salisbury . THOM. HOVVARD , Viscount Bindon . 1608. GEORGE HVME , Earle of Dunbarre . PHILIP HERBERT , Earle of Montgomery . 1611. CHARLES , the Kings second Sonne , after the death of his Brother Henry , Prince of Wales . THOM. HOVVARD , Earle of Arundell . ROB. CARRE , Earle of Somerset . 1612. FREDERICK , Prince Elector Palatine . MAVRICE VAN NASSAVV , Prince of Orange . 1615. THOMAS ERESKIN , Viscount Fenton , and after , Earle of Kellie . WILLIAM , Lord Knolles , after Earle of Banburie . 1616. FRANCIS MANNOVRS , Earle of Rutland . GEORGE VILLIERS , Earle , Marquise , and after , Duke of Buckingham . ROBERT SIDNEY , Viscount L'isle ; after Earle of Leicester . 1623. IAMES Marquise Hamilton . 1624. ESME STEVVARD , Duke of Lennox , and Earle of March. CHRISTIAN , Duke of Brunswicke . CHARLES , Of that Name the First ; KING OF GREAT BRITTAINE , FRANCE , and IRELAND ; Soveraigne of the most Noble Order of S t. GEORGE , called commonly the Garter ; adorned therewith 1625. de Lorreine , Duke of Chevereuze . WILLIAM CECILL , Earle of Salisbury . IAMES HAY , Earle of Carlile . EDVVARD SACKVILL , Earle of Dorset . HENRY RICH , Earle of Holland . THOMAS HOVVARD , Earle of Berkshire . 1627. GVSTAVUS ADOLPHVS , King of Swethland . HENRY Van Nassaw , Prince of Orange . 1628. THEOPHILVS HOVVARD , Earle of Suffolke . 1629. WIL. COMPTON , Earle of Northampton . 1630. RICHARD Lord Weston , Lord high Treasurer . ROBERT BERTY , Earle of Lindsey . WILLIAM CECILL , Earle of Exeter . THE FELLOVVES of that most Noble Order of St. GEORGE , call'd commonly the Garter ; according as they now are , this present May , Anno 1630. CHARLES , King of England . CHRISTIERNE , King of Denmarke . ADOLPHVS , King of Swethland . FREDERICK , King of Bohemia . HENRY , Prince of Orange . Duke of Cheureuze . HENRY , Earle of Northumberland . EDMOND , Earle of Moulgrave . WILLIAM , Earle of Darby . IOHN , Earle of Marre . PHIL. Earle of Pembroke , and Montgomery . THOM. Earle of Arundell and Surrey . ROBERT , Earle of Somerset . THOMAS , Earle of Kelly . WILLIAM , Earle of Banbury . FRANCIS , Earle of Rutland . WILLIAM , Earle of Salisbury . IAMES , Earle of Carlile . EDVVARD , Earle of Dorset . HENRY , Earle of Holland . THOMAS , Earle of Berkshire . THEOPHILVS , Earle of Suffolke . WILLIAM , Earle of Northampton . RICHARD Lord Weston , of Neyland . ROBERT , Earle of Lindsey . WILLIAM , Earle of Exeter . Iamque opus exegi . Thus have I , as I hope , made good , that which at first I undertooke : so to assert the Historie of this most blessed Saint and Martyr ; that neither we become ashamed of Saint GEORGE , nor he of us . In which , though sometimes upon just and necessary causes , I have tooke liberty to digresse a litle : yet in the generall , I have conform'd my selfe to the rule of Plinie ; and kept my selfe unto my title . In the first part , wee have removed those imputations which were cast upon this Storie ; by the practises of Heretickes ; and follies of the Legendaries . We have given also satisfaction to those doubts , and arguments ; which in these latter ages , have beene made against Saint George : and that so throughly , and point per point , as the sa●ing is ; that I perswade my selfe , there is not anything unsatisfied , which may give occasion to reply . If any man too passionately affected to mens names , and persons ; shall wai●e the cause in hand , to take upon him the defence of those whose judgements herein are rejected : such I must first enforme , that I respect and reverence those famous Writers , which have thought the contrary ; as much as any : & that I have those excellent copies of themselves , which they have left behind them , in as high esteeme ; as any hee that most adores them . Onely I must conceive my selfe to bee a Free-man ; oblig'd to no mans judgement , nor sworne to any mans opinion , of what eminent ranke soever , but left at liberty , to search the way of truth , and trace the foote-steps of antiquitie ; from which I would not gladly swerve . Which protestation first premised , I will bee bold to use Saint Hieromes words unto his Reader : Quaeso Lector ut memor tribunalis Domini , &c. nec mihi , nec Adversarijs meis faveas ; neve personas loquentium , sed causam consideres . The second Part of this discourse , containes the formall justification of Saint GEORGE'S Historie , considered in it selfe : so farre forth , as it hath beene commended to us , in the best Authors . In that , we have confirmed it , first , by the testimony of such Writers of good qualitie ; which have unanimously concurr'd in it : and those both of the Greeke Church , and of the Latine ; both Protestants , and Papists . In the next place , we had recourse unto the practice of the Church Catholicke ; which hath abundantly express'd her good opinion of him : in giving him such speciall place in her publike Martyrologies , and in her ordinarie Service ; in taking such a tender care of his precious Reliques , and consecrating by his name , so many goodly and magnificent Temples . To this , wee have adjoyn'd the publike honours done unto him , by the greatest Princes and Republicks in the Christian world . Not onely in erecting Monasteries to his name , and memory ; and instituting Orders of Religious persons to his honour : but , as the times then were , in making him the tutelarie Saint of their Men of Warre , the speciall Patron of their estates , and military Orders also ; and not so onely , but the Guardian of the distressed affaires of Christianitie . In the last place , wee haue particularly related the honours done unto him heere in England : as generally , in calling Churches by his name , in making him the Patron of this most noble Kingdome , in leaving him his place in our publike Calendars , and forcing the wilde Irish to call upon him in their battailes ; so more especially , in dedicating to him , that most Heroicke Order of Saint GEORGE , called commonly the Garter . Such honours , and of such high esteeme , as might have beene of force , to make an English-man , suspend his censure of him ; and to forbeare to second any quarrels raised against him : had not Saint AVSTIN truely noted this , to bee a quality of Errour , that whatsoever likes not us , wee would not gladly should bee pleasing unto any others . Hoc est error is proprium ( saith hee ) ut quod cuique displicet , id quoqne existimet oportere displicere alijs . What hath beene done by mee , in the contexture and composition of the whole ; I leave to bee determined , by all learned and Religious men , who shall happe to reade it : to whose judicious censure , next under his most sacred Majestie , and this most excellent Church whereof I am ; I willingly submit my selfe , and my performance . For my part , I resolve of it , with the Author of the Macchabees , with whose submission of himselfe I conclude this Treatise : Ego quoque in his faciam finem sermonis . Et si quidem benè , & ut Historiae competit ; hoc & ipse velim : sin autem minus dignè , concedendum est mihi . If I have done well , and as is fitting the Storie ; it is that which I desired : but if slenderly and meanely , it is that which I could attaine unto . And heere shall be an end . FINIS . LONDON . Printed by B.A. and T. F. for Henry Seile , at the Tygers-head in St. Pauls Church-yard . 1631. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A03144-e4330 Lib. 11. Cap 4. Epigr. l. 5.10 . Ethic● l. 1. c. 4. ●th . lib. 1. Cap. 6 Tat. de Mor. Germ. V. Chap. 3 §. 6. De Script . Eccles. In Chronol . L. 4. ad Pag. 131 Pag. 251. b. De Tradend . discipl . l. 2. V. Chapt. 5. §. 9.10 . Metamorph. l. 1. Faery Qu. l. 1. cant . 10. Summa Histor. part . 1. tit . 8. §. 23. Cont. 3. c. 38. In Georgio . V. part . 2 Ch. 8. §. 10. Cap. 3. Num. 9. Pag. 68. Epistol . ad Tral . Har. 42. L. de S. Sp. c. 11. De Civ . Dei , 〈◊〉 . 15. Secrat . Hist. Eccl. l. 1. cap. 19. Ib. ●●p . ult . ● . 11. c 5. Can. 63. Concil . com . 1 edit . Pet. Crabbe . p. 993. Sp●● . Mist. l. 12. Cap. 128. Ammian , Marcel . l. 15. c. ● . T●m 3. p. 408. L. 7. Cap. 15. Lib 11. cap. 3. Ip. l. 11. cap. 6. Ch. . ●0 . §. 27. De Idol . Eccl. ● l. 1. c , 5 ▪ s. 20. Apol. Aug. ●ōf . art . de Invoc . S. Vellcius Patere . lib. 2. Pag. 140. Tom. 1 l. ● . cap. 16. §. 25. Idol . of the last times , vol. 1. p. 682. In Le●ico poetico Gosp. on the a Sunday in Lēt 5 Sunday after Easter . Cap. 60. §. 10. Annot. in Rom. Apr. 2 , L. 1. ca. 5. §. 20. a Apol. de fuga , & Apol. ● . Ep. adsoiitar vit . ageutes , & ad ubique Orthod . b Ora. in laud. Ath. c Amm. Marc. lib 22. d Haeres . 76. e Apud Surium de probat . S. Hist. Tom. 2 , f Hist. part . 1. tit . 8. c. 1. §. 23. g Specul . Histor. l. 22. c. 131. h In Martyrol . 9. Cal. Maij. L. 9. Cap. 21. Lib. 9. cap. 21. L. 9 C. 5. Sect. 3. §. 3. ●●de 〈◊〉 Sanct. c. 20. V part . 2. chap. ● . §. 8.9.10.11 . Annotat. in R. Martyrol . Apr. 23. Detradend Discipl . L. 5. L. 11. Cap. 6. De civit . Dei lib. 3. cap. 4. De trad . D●scip lib. 5. Loc. q. supr . Canus loc . Com. lib. 11. cap. 6. Terence in Andria . Decad. 1. l. 8. L. 11. C. 6. De Script . Eccl. in presb . Ach. Exam. Conc. Trid. Sess. 25. In Proem . Noct. Att. l. 3. Hist. l. 1. c. 30. Histor. Angl. l. 3 L. 1. de gestis Angl. Lot. ut supp . Camden in Belgi● ▪ Iewels answ . to the Reply . Art. 4. Sect. 6. R●s●● . au . Card. Peron ▪ lib. 7. c. 5. De Idol . R●m . lib. 1. cap. 5. Andre du Chesne Antiq. l. 7. c. 2. Epistola ad Tral . Aetas sexta , Pag. 240. Euseb. d● vita Constant. l. 3. c. 3 Page , 1460. De origi●e Monach . l. cap. 59. Tom. ● . in vi●a Theod. Archim . p. 737. Chap. 3. §. 5. In Annot. ad Ro. Mart. Apr. ●3 . Praelec . in Apocr . 155. L. 1. ● . 5. §. 22. Bellarm. de Script . Eccl. Annotas in Rom. Mar. Apr. 23. In Epist. Dedica● . Wicelius in Epist . dedicat . Sess. 25. Prope finem . L. 1. cap. 5. Hist. Rom. l. 44. Id. lib. 47. De Idol . Rom. Lib. 1. c. 5. §. 22 Athan. Tom. 1. pag 704. Edit . gr . la. Pag. 944. Pag. 860. Pag. 748. Pag. 861. Orat. 21. p. 382. Edit . O. L. Orat post reditum . Purch . Pilgrim . Lib. 3. c. 15. L. 22. cap. 27. Orat. 21. Ap●●●l . de fuga ad Const. prope ●●nem . L. 3. ● . 6. Vbi supr . p. 704. Ed. gr . lat ▪ Athanas. ut supr . In Athanas. Apol ▪ ut supr . Lib. 3. cap. 6. Socrat. lib. 1. Cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. lib. 2. cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gr. 31. Lat. Ib. cap. 36. Lat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gr. In Hist sacra . Diog. Laertius in Pythag. Id. in . Epicut . Biblloth . c. 96. Sozō . l. 4. c. 16. L. 22. cap. 28. Vbi supr . Haeres . 76. pag. 912. Ed. gr . lat . Lib. 22. c. 29. Haeres . 76. De Idol . Rom. l. 1. cap. 5.22 . Part. 1. l. 2. cap. 23. §. 5. Melch. Canus l. 11. cap 5. Instit. Divin . l. 1. cap. ult . Notes for div A03144-e28150 Faery Qu. l. 1. Canto . 10. In S. George . Descrip. Eccl. Lib. 2. cap. 26. Iu●● quo supra . In Praefac . Concil . Flor. Anno 1436. §. 6. De Scrip. Eccl. Lib 19. p. 234. lu . S. Art. 14.6.7 . Hist Eccles. Lib. 18. cap. 14. Descript. terr . Sanct. apud . Cauis . antiq . lecti● . §. ult . Hist. lib. 7. Vincent . spec . Hist l. 12.128 . De script . terr . Sanct. ut supr . Summa histor . part . 1. tit . 8. §. 13. Aurel. Victor . de Caesar. c. 39 §. 2. Acts , 9.33 . Hist. bell . sacri , l. 7. cap. 22. Hist. Hiorus . cap. 57. Des●ri●● . ●err . Sancta . Par● Post. in Richard. 1. V. cap. 5. §. 7. Hist. de Reg. Angl. l. 4. Vt supr . Cap. 8.28 . Act● 7. L. 8. c. 21.24 . L. 8. cap. 21.19.12 . &c. Hist. Eccles. l. 8. c. 4.7 . L. 8. ● . ●●6 . In Georgio . D●l●t Histor. part . 4. c. 3. Pet. Crabbe . Conc. tom . 1 , p. 993. Histor. Lomb. in S. Georgio . V. chap. 3. §. 8 . Dr. Reyn. de Idol . Rom. l. 1. c. 5. §. 21. Loc. quo supr . Minut. Felix . De Idol . Rom. l. 1. c. 5. §. 22. Cent. 4. c. 4. Chronol . Ennead . 9. Praefat. in scho . Mathem . In Brigant . Hist. de regib . Angl. l. 1. Camden . in Brit. Ganus l. 11. c. 6 Tom. 3. Aprill , 2● . Aurel. Victor . Ei●tome cap. 39. De script . Eccl. Hist. de Reg. Angl. l ▪ 4. Esth , cap. 1. De vit . Agric. De script . Eo●l . Loc. quo supr . Specul . histor . lib. 12. c. 128. In Minutio . 〈◊〉 . 1577. Cap. 128. Pars 1 tit . 8. §. 23. V. Part 2. ch . 1. § 12. & chap. 2. §. 10. Hist. Eccl. lib. 7 cap. 15. Hist. eccl●● . l. 7. cap. 15. Ennead . 7. l. 8. Act. 6. p. 240. V. Part. 1. c. 3. Sect. 3. Lit. G. p. 64. Lib. 11. cap. 4. De Oratore lib. 2. Epist. l. 7. cap. 29. Lib. 3. in Iob. Epist. 174. In Georg●● . Baron . Annot. in Rom , Mart. Part. 2. cap. 11. In Georgio . De civitate Dei , l. 8. cap. 27. Sess. 25. cap. 2. Lib. 11 , cap. 5. Annot. in R. Mart ▪ Apr. 23. L. 3. cap. 91. Exam Conc. Trid. Sess. 25. De Idol . Rom. ● . 1. cap. 5. §. 21. Title of honor , 2. part : cap. 11. Pilgrimage . lib 3. cap. 13. Lib. 4. cap. 14. Divin ▪ instit . l. 5. cap. 11. Epist. 72. Hist. Franc l. 9. prope finem ▪ De glor . Mart. cap. 101. Hist. de gost . Franc. l. 2. cap. 20. L. 3. cap. 9. Euseb. l. 8. c. 1. l. 8. c. 8. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 5. Hist. bell . sac . lib. 7. cap , 22. Lib. 4. Gul. Tyrius lib. 7. cap. 22. ●i●lioth . ●atrū●●m . Epist. lib. 9. cap. 68. Chronica Chron. Aetas . 6. Pag. 240. Platina . Pilgrimage . l. 6. cap. 5. §. 5. Rel. of his jorn . lib. 2. pag. 110. De aedif . Iust. lib. 1. orat . 3. De veritat . & grat . Ch. lec . 1. Second sonday in Lent. Sulpit. Seve● . in vit . S. Martini . lib. 1. Advers . haer . cap. 3. Advers . haer . cap. 3. Datercul . l. 2. De Idol . Rom. l. 1. c. 5. §. 22. Annot. in Rom Mart. 23. Apr. Rom. Martyr . Sept. 22. & Ian. 20. V. Chapt. 7. De Che. pr●ncip . bello &c. lib. 7. Hist. Lombard in Georgio . Lib. 5. cap. 2. Lib ▪ 7. cap. 22. De gest . Angl ▪ Reg. l. 4. Gen 41. V. 42. V. 43. Dan. 4 , 8 ▪ Dan. 4 , 8. Ethic. l. 1. c. 5. Hest. ch . 6. v. 6. Antiqu. Iud. l. 13. c. 7. Orat. pro M. Marcello . Cosmograph . l. 3. Lib. 3. P. 589. De orig . Mon. l. 5. cap. 25. Bellarm. in Script . Eccl. Id in Chronologia . De Invent. rerum , lib. 7. c. 3. Hespin . de orig . Monach. l. 6. c. 47. Pilgrimage , l. 3. cap. 1● . Hist. Longob . lib. 6. cap. 17. Edit . Gr. Lat. pag. 556. Edit . Paris , pag. 1464. Lib. 13. c. 21. Annal. Suevic . part . 3. l. 9. c. 1. Lib. 8. Hist. Florent . lib. 1. Pilgrimage , l. 4. c. 1. §. 2. Ib. §. 5. Hist. sui temp . ad Ann. 1577. Cosmograph . lib. 4. Hist. Miscell . l. 2● . cap. 29. Lib. 7. cap. ult . Dr. Reynolds , Idol . l. 1. cap. 5. §. 22. Annot. in Poly . Olb. p. 68. Hist. de gest . Angl. lib. 1. De gest . Longob . l. 6. c. 15. Camden in Dobunis . Id. in Attr●batijs . Camden in At●●●bat . Mat. 27. v. 52.53 . Eccl. Hist. l , 6. cap. 4. Camden in Danmonijs . H●spinian . & alij In 14. c. Dan. Discours de l'art milit . Tho. Walsingham Anno Regn. 23 Hist. Anglic. l. 19. Faery Qu. l. 1. cant . 10. n. 61. Song . 4. Purelia● . Pilgrim . l. 3. c. 13 Camden in Reliqu . In Icenis or Cambr. Sh. Hall● Chron. Vol. 1. p. 141. Velleius Patertecul . l. z. In verbo Garter . Camden in Attrebat . In verbo Knights of the Garter . Pag. 143 ▪ Camd. Bliz. Anno 1563. Hist. of Ew . 6. pag. 143. In Attrebat . Camden . in Elizab. Id. ●n Anno 1582. Camden Eliz. Anno 1563. Halls Chron. in Ew . 6. Camd. Eliz. Anno 1560. Pol. Virgil lib. 19. Id. Angl. hist. 26. Ibid. Lib. 19. Part. 1. cap. 1. §. 10. Hist. of the world , Part , 1 l. 2. c. 7. §. 3. † . 5. Cap , 5. § , 22 ▪ Gospell 5. Sunday after Easter . Edward 3. An. Chr. 1350. 〈…〉 . Chr. 1377 Henry . 4. An. Chr. 1399. HENRY , V. An. Chr. 1413. HENRY , VI. An. Chr. 1422. EDVVARD , 4. An. Ch. 1461 ▪ RICHARD , 3. An. Chr. 1483. HENRY , VII . An. Chr. 1486. HENRY , VIII . An. Chr. 1509. EDVVARD , 6. An. Chr. 1547. ELIZABETH , An. Ch. 1558. IAMES , I. An. Chr. 1602. CHARLES , I. An. Chr. 1625. Advers . Error . Iohan. Hierosol . De goner . Cont. Man. 
A86302	----	Respondet Petrus: or, The answer of Peter Heylyn D.D. to so much of Dr. Bernard's book entituled, The judgement of the late Primate of Ireland, &c. as he is made a party to by the said Lord Primate in the point of the Sabbath, and by the said doctor in some others. To which is added an appendix in answer to certain passages in Mr Sandersons History of the life and reign of K· Charles, relating to the Lord Primate, the articles of Ireland, and the Earl of Strafford, in which the respondent is concerned. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1658 Approx. 356 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 71 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A86302 Wing H1732 Thomason E938_4 Thomason E938_5 ESTC R6988 99873064 99873064 130903 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86302) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 130903) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 140:E938[4], 140:E938[5]) Respondet Petrus: or, The answer of Peter Heylyn D.D. to so much of Dr. Bernard's book entituled, The judgement of the late Primate of Ireland, &c. as he is made a party to by the said Lord Primate in the point of the Sabbath, and by the said doctor in some others. To which is added an appendix in answer to certain passages in Mr Sandersons History of the life and reign of K· Charles, relating to the Lord Primate, the articles of Ireland, and the Earl of Strafford, in which the respondent is concerned. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [4], 157, [1] p. printed for R. Royston at the Angel in Ivy-lane, and R. Marriot in S. Dunstans Church-yard, Fleet-street, London : MDCLVIII. [1658] A reply to "The judgement of the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland" written by James Ussher and edited by Nicholas Bernard; and "A compleat history of the life and raigne of King Charles" by William Sanderson. "An appendix to the former tractate" has separate dated title page with continuous register and pagination. Assigned separate tract number at E.938[5]. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aprill 20", "April 20". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ussher, James, 1581-1656. -- Judgement of the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. Bernard, Nicholas, d. 1661. Sanderson, William, -- Sir, 1586?-1676. -- Compleat history of the life and raigne of King Charles. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion RESPONDET PETRVS : OR , The ANSWER of PETER HEYLYN D. D. To so much of Dr. Bernard's Book Entituled , The Judgement of the late Primate of Ireland , &c. As he is made a Party to by the said Lord Primate in the Point of the SABBATH , And by the said DOCTOR in some others . To which is added AN APPENDIX In Answer to certain Passages in Mr Sandersons HISTORY of the Life and Reign of K. CHARLES , Relating to The Lord PRIMATE , The ARTICLES of Ireland , And the EARL of Strafford , In which the RESPONDENT is concerned . LONDON , Printed for R. Royston at the Angel in Ivy-lane , and R. Marriot in S. Dunstans Church-yard , Fleet-street . M DC LVIII . THE AUTHORS PREFACE To the Reader . IT was upon the 2. of January that Doctor Bernards Book entituled The judgment of the late Primate of Ireland , &c. came to me from a friend in London , which I had no sooner caused to be read over to me , but I lookt upon it as the most unwelcome New-years-gift that could have been sent me from an enemy . So far I found my self concerned in it , that without a manifest betraying of my Fame and Innocence , I was not to defer my Answer , notwithstanding all the difficulties which appeared before me . I considered of my own unfitness to enter into new disputes , having so little use of my eyes and hands for such imployments ; the eminence of the name which I was to deal with in reference to whom I could be lookt upon no otherwise then as a Grashopper compared with the son , of Anak ; and finally the disagreeableness of some part of the subject to the complexion and temper of the present times . But on the other side , that saying of S. Hierom , Se nolle quenquam in suspicione Haereseos silentem esse , That he would have no man hold his peace when suspected of Heresie , over-ballanc'd all . And in this Book of Doctor Bernards I found my self accused of Heterodoxie at the least , if not of Heresie , reproacht with violating my subscription , and running cross unto the publick Doctrines of the Church of England in the Book of Homilies . Reproches not to be endured but by guilty persons , such as sink under the calamity of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or self-conviction . So that being forced upon an answer , I was resolved to make it as speedy as I could before prejudice and prepossessions had made too strong a head against me in the minds of men . I never lov'd to have such work stick long in my fingers ; and therefore notwithstanding the extremity of the season and the tyrannie of a Quartan Ague under which I languished , I gave it such a quick dispatch that it might easily have been publisht by the middle of the Term then following . But contrary to my expectation it met with so many rubs between the Pen and the Press , that the Term was past before it could be undertaken ; And then the undertakers were not willing to make too much haste , a dead vacation being held to be no fit time to quicken and give life to the sale of new books , not extremely popular . But to say truth , what I have lost one way by these delayes , I have gained in another : For by this means I have had the opportunity of seeing my self abused , and reprochfully handled in the late History of the Life and Reign of King Charles ; the Author whereof hath been entertained by Doctor Bernard as a souldier of Fortune to undertake this Pen-combat for him , though he would rather be supposed to serve under the Lord Primates Colours , as the nobler General . But serve he under whom he will , t is all one to me , who am design'd to bear the blowes , not made the gentler by the Name and Reputation of the party who engaged him in it . The best is , that he hath not found me unprovided for my own defence , and if he chance to fall back with some loss of Honour , he must blame himself . It hath been alwayes my desire not to die in debt , and therefore I have paid this Creditor with an answer also . For though I know well that neglected calumnies are of least continuance , Convicia spreta exolescunt , as it is in Tacitus : yet this is to be understood of such common fames as pass upon the breath of rumor , and are taken up on hear-say onely , or from short-liv'd Pamphlets ; not of such calumnies as are enrolled upon Record , or passe into the body of a publick History . If contumelies of this nature were to go unanswered , the party wronged must live defamed , and die remedilesse ; a scorn unto the present times , and a perpetual ignominy to the ages following . To prevent which , I have taken the best course I could to right my self against all opponents , to let both Doctor Bernard , and this fresh Adventurer understand the hazard which they so wilfully run into by provoking an unwilling Adversary , who was resolv'd never to have looked back upon those Disputes , which formerly had too much exercised both his Pen and Patience . But being what is past cannot be recalled , we must all submit our selves and our performances to the Readers judgment , who I desire may be impartial and unbiassed on either side , that so the truth onely may obtain the victory , and let the people shout and say with them in Esdras , Magna est veritas & praevalet , that is to say , Great is truth and mighty above all things , 1 Esdr . c. 4. v. 41. From Lacies Court in Abingdon , March 18. 1657. RESPONDET PETRVS , Or the Answer of PETER HEYLYN , D. D. TO So much of Doctor BERNARDS Book entitled The Judgement of the late Primate of Ireland , &c. SECT . I. The priviledges of the dead infringed by Dr. Bernard ; The Answerer drawn unwillingly to this encounter . The occasion and necessity of it . The Fathers generally declared against the morality of the Sabbath . The day of worship not transferred from the seventh day of the Week to the first by Christ our Saviour , as the Lord Primate seems to make it . The word Sabbatum not used to signisie the Lords Day , by the Ancient Writers . The Lord Primates great mistake in the meaning of Sidonius Apollinaris . Sabbatarius Luxus , what it was , and of the riotous feastings of the Jews on the Sabbath day . The Lords day vulgarly ( though but lately ) called the Sabbath by the artifice of the Sabbatarians , contrary to the known meaning of the word Sabbatum in the Latine tongue . IT was a pious wish of Tacitus , that renouned Historian , when he had brought Agricola to the funeral Pile , ut in loco Piorum manibus destinato placidè quiescat , a that he might rest without disturbance in the place appointed for the souls of vertuous persons . Thus Dido with like piety prayed , ut senis Anchisae molliter ossa cubent ; b that the bones of old Anchises might rest in peace ; and King Josia gave command , that the Bones of the Prophet which prophesied against the Altar of Bethel , should not be removed . c In which respect the grave is called by Tertullian , Asylum Mortis , d the Sanctuary of the dead ; and great complaint is by him made , that the priviledges of that Sanctuary were infringed by the Gentiles , and the bodies of dead Christians most barbarously ravished by them , de requie Sepulturae , from the resting places of the grave . A thing so odious in it self , and to all man-kind , that grievous punishments have been inflicted , even by Heathen Emperours , upon offendors of this nature ; Et certè gravissimae poenae in Sepulcrorum violatores vel ab ipsis Ethnicis Imperatoribus statu●ae sunt ▪ as Pamelius notes upon the place . In this respect also sollicitare umbras ▪ as Manilius hath it , to disturb the spirits of the dead , and sorce them by Charmes and Incantations from the place of their repose and rest , to the end that we or others may ask counsel of them , hath been alwayes held for execrable , both by God and man. For that this is a trouble and disturbance to them , appears plainly by the passionate words which Samuel spake to Saul , saying , Cu● inquietasti me ? why hast thou disquieted me , and brought me up ? that is to say , disquieted my spirit , and brought up my body by the Charmes and Sorceries of this accursed woman , the Witch of Endor . The crime is prohibited by God himselfe in the Book of Deuteronomy , Let none be found amongst you that is a Charmer , or that counselleth with spirits , aut qui quaerit à mortuis veritatem , or that asketh counsel of the dead , a Necromancer , as we read in our last Translation . The criminal Party , by the Law of Moses ▪ to be stoned to death , Levit. 20. 27. nor were less punishments inflicted on them by the Laws Imperial , though differing in the kind of death which was ordained by God in the Law of Moses ; it being ordered by the Edict of the Emperour Constantine , that such as were guilty of this crime , as of all other kinds of Witchcraft ( though otherwise priviledged by their birth , from all sorts of tortures ) tormenta & cruciatas non fugerent , should first be put upon the Rack , and endure several sorts of torments , and then be broken on the Wheele , and there end their miseries ; for which see the Codex . 1. 9. Ad Taurum . Which passages , had they been seriously considered by Doctor Bernard , as they should have been , he would not have offered the Lord Primate , his deceased Patron , so great an injury , as to force him from the place of Repose , and disturb his Rest , that either he or any others might ask counsel of , or receive it from him ; to bring him back upon the Stage , from whence he had made his Exit with a general Plaudite ; especially to bring him back to so ill a purpose , as either to begin new Controversies , or revive the old : His memory ( by this means ) must needs become less precious then before it was , with all knowing men , whom either in the point of Episcopacy , or in that of Vniversal Redemption by the death of Christ , or in the Doctrine of the Sabbath , or finally in defence of the Orders , Rites , and Ceremonies of the Church of England ( to which the Doctors Book declares him to be no great friend ) he hath made his Adversaries . I know well how unworthy a thing it is to rake into the graves of men deceased , and ( like Vultures ) to prey on dead bodies ; and that of all combats , there is none more fruitless and ignoble , then that which the Greeks call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to fight with shadows . But if the dead be made to speak , and by writings published in their names , shall disturb the Church , and send out Chartels of desiance to particular men ( to my selfe for one ) it is all the reason in the world , that their writings should be called to an account , though their persons cannot ; and that the parties so defied should stand upon their guard , and defend themselves , and use all honest Arts and Means for conjuring down a spirit so unhappily raised . No man of courage will be frighted with an Apparition , or terrified with the Ghost or Shadow ( for the word Vmbra takes in both ) of the greatest Clerk. But much more reason is there for it , when the dead are not onely made to speak ▪ but to give ill language , to tax a modest man with Sophistry & Shamelessness , and I know not what ; reproches not to be endured with patience from the dead or living . A worm if trod upon , will turn again , as the Proverb is ; and seeing I may say in the Psalmists language , that I am a Worm and no Man , I hope I shall not be condemned if I turn again ; and rather chuse to plead not guilty to the whole Indictment , then by a wilful standing mute , to betray both my own fame , and the cause together ; let the worst come that can befal me , it will be thought no discredit to me , to be vanquisht by so great an Adversary ; whom to contend with , is an honour , and to be overcome by him would be no disgrace , should it so fall out : so that I may affirm with him in Ovid , and perhaps more justly then he did , — Nec tam Turpe mihi vinci est , quàm contendisse decorum . For I must needs say that the Doctor hath engaged me with a Noble Adversary , who by his indefatigable industry , and unwearied studies , had made himself the Master of as great a Treasury , both of Divine and Humane Learning , as any man living in this last age could pretend unto ; and which is more , he had it all ready at command , by the benefit of an excellent memory : but no Abilities not governed by an infallible Spirit can exempt a man from being many ways obnoxious to mistakes and errors ( the common incidences to humane frailty ) men of the greatest eminence in point of learning , being as subject thereunto as those of weaker parts , and less reputation . Tertullian , Cyprian , Origen , and Lactantius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men of renown for Learning in the Primitive times , shall attest to this , as in the general Rule or Thesis ; but whether it will hold good also in the application , the matter in dispute before us , the event must shew . The matter in dispute occasioned by publishing certain Letters of the late Lord Primate , in which he excepteth against some passages in a Book of mine , entitled , The History of the Sabbath , and signified those exceptions to some special friends ; that is to say , to Doctor Twisse of Newberry , Mr. Ley of Badworth , Presbyterians both , and to an Honourable Friend not named , but like to be of the same stamp with the other two . The Letters writ many years ago , Anno 1640 and writ with no intent ( as I verily think ) to have been publisht ; but lately publisht howsoever by Doctor Bernard of Grayes Inne , and publisht to no other purpose , for ought I can find , but to engage me in this necessary , but unequal Duel . The passages excepted against are but five in number , in which I am concerned by name , and but one more , or two at the most , in which I am interessed on the By. And of those five , there is but one material , and of any consequence in the main concernments of the Cause ; the other four being either extrinsecal , or of less importance , more then to shew that nothing in that History , which was found liable to exception , should escape uncensured . Assuredly it had been a work more proper for so great an Antiquary , a man so verst and studied in all parts of Learning , to have returned a full and complete Answer to that History , had he found it answerable ; then to except against some few passages in it of no greater moment ; and by so doing to justifie and confirm the Author in all the rest . Exceptio firmat regulam in non exceptis , is a good old rule , and which I might crave leave to use to my best advantage ; but that I am resolved to try my fortune , and make good those passages against which the Lord Primate hath excepted . To the defence whereof ( with all due reverence to his Name and Memory ) I shall now proceed . Noster duorum eventus ostendat utra gens sit melior . And first the Lord Primate tells us this , that when he gave himselfe to the reading of the Fathers , he took no heed unto any thing that concerned this Argument , as little dreaming that any such Controversie would have arisen amongst us , p. 74. And I concur with him in words , though perhaps not in meaning also ; there being none who reads the Fathers with care and caution , who can suppose that any Controversie should arise about the Sabbath , against the morality whereof the Fathers generally declare upon all occasions . The Lord Primate tells us of Saint Augustin , pag. 75. That purposely selecting those things which appertained unto us Christians , he doth wholly pretermit that Precept in the recital of the Commandments of the Decalogue . To which Testimony ( though this alone may seem sufficient to confirme the point ) I shall adde some more . And first the said Saint Augustine tells us , that it is no part of the Moral Law ; for he divides the Law of Moses into these two parts , viz. Sacraments and Moral Duties , accounting Circumcision , the New Moons , Sabbaths , and the Sacrifices , to appertain unto the first ; ad mores autem , Non occides , &c. and these Commandments , Thou shalt not kill , Thou shalt not commit Adultery , and the rest to be contained within the second . The like saith Chrysostom , that this Commandment is not any of those , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which naturally were implanted in us , or made known unto our conscience ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but that it was temporary , and occasional , and such as was to have an end , where all the rest were necessary and perpetual . Tertullian also in his Treatise against the Jewes saith , that it was not Spirituale & aeternum Mandatum , sed temporale , quod quandoque cessaret , not a spiritual and eternal institution , but a temporal onely . Finally , to ascend no higher , Justine Martyr more expresly in his Dispute with Trypho a learned Jew , maintains the Sabbath to be onely a Mosaical Ordinance ; and that it was imposed upon the Israelites , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of their hard-heartedness and irregularity . And as for the Lords day which succeeded in the place thereof , the Fathers generally think no otherwise of it , then as an Ecclesiastical Institution , not founded upon any precept , either of Christ or his Apostles , but built perhaps upon some Apostolical practice , which gave the Church authority to change the day , and to translate it from the Seventh on which God rested , to the First day of the week , the day of our Saviours Resurrection . And though the Lord Primate , to gain unto the Lords day the Reputation of having somewhat in it of Divine Institution , ascribes the alteration of the day to our Lord and Saviour , page 76. yet neither the Author whom he cites , nor the Authority by him cited will evince the point . And first , the Author will not do it ; the Homily De Semente , out of which the following proof is taken , being supposed by the Learned not to have been writ by Athanasius , but put into his Works as his , by some that had a mind to entitle him to it ; as generally all the Works of the Ancient Fathers have many supposititious writings intermingled with them . Secondly , the Authority or Words cited will not do it neither , though at first sight they seem to come home to make proof thereof . The words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , the Lord translated the Sabbath from the seventh day of the week , to the Lords day , or first day of the week . Which words are to be understood , not as if done by his Commandment , but on his occasion ; the Resurrection of our Lord upon that day , being the principal motive , which did induce his Church to make choice thereof for a day of Worship . For otherwise the false Athanasius , whosoever he was , must cross and contradict the true , who having told us , that it was commanded at the first , that the Sabbath should be observed ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as his own words are ) in memory of the accomplishment of the worlds Creation ; ascribes the institution of the Lords day to the voluntary usage of the Church of God , without any Commandment from our Saviour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. We celebrate , saith he , the Lords day , as a memorial of the beginning of a new Creation , which is plain enough . In the next place it is acknowledged by the Lord Primate , That generally the word Sabbatum , in the writings of the Fathers , doth denote our Saturday , p. 74. Which notwithstanding , either because it was affirmed by the Historian , History of the Sabbath , Part 2. Chap. 2. Num. 12. that the word Sabbatum was not used to signifie the Lords day by any approved Writer , for the space of a thousand years and upward ; or not to leave the Sabbatarian Brethren at so great a loss in that particular , he would fain find out one ( though but one of a thousand ) who hath used it to denote our Christian Festivities also . Where not that the Lord Primate doth not say ( as indeed he could not ) that the word Sabbatum was used to signifie the Lords day , but onely to signifie the other Festivals of the Church , the Christian Festivities , as he calls them , in which how much he is mistaken we shall see anon . That one here meant and mentioned is Sidonius Apollinaris Bishop of Auvergne in France , who describing the moderation of the Table of Theoderick King of the Goths upon the Eves , and the excess on the Holy-day following ; he writeth of the one , that his Convivium diebus profestis simile privato est , that his Table on the working-dayes was furnished like the Table of private men ; but of the other dayes , or Festivals , he telleth us this , De luxu autem illo Sabbatario narrationi m●ae supersedendum est , qui nec latentes potest latere personas , that is to say , that his excess , or Sabbatarian luxury required not to be spoken of , because it could not be concealed from those who lived most retiredly . If either the Lord Primate , or Sirmondus the Jesuite could infer from hence , that the word Sabbatum was used by Apollinaris , to signifie , or denote our Christian Festivities , much less the Sunday , or Lords day , I shall miss my mark . They say , it is a sign of ill luck for a man to stumble at the threshold , and never was such a stumble made by a man of learning , in the first beginning of a work : for clearly Sabbatarius luxus , relates not to the Lords day , nor the other Festivals , but is there used proverbially , to signifie that excess and riot which that King used at his Table on the dayes aforesaid . The proverb borrowed from the Jewes , and the riotous feastings on the Sabbath . It s true , the Jews did commonly fast till noon upon their Sabbath , till the devotions of the morning were complete and ended ; on which account they tax the Disciples of our Saviour , for eating a few ears of Corn on the Sabbath day , Matth. 12. 2. but then it is as true withal , that they spent all the rest of the day in their riotous feastings , not onely with plenty of good cheer , but excess of wine . In which regard , whereas all other marketing was unlawful on the Sabbath dayes , there never was restraint of selling Wine : the Jews believing that therein they brake no Commandment , Hebraei faciunt aliquid speciale in vino , viz. quòd cùm in Sabbato suo à caeteris venditionibus & emptionibus cessent , solum vinum vendunt , credentes se non solvere Sabbatum , as Tostatus hath it . And for the rest of their excesses Saint Augustine telleth us , that they kept the Sabbath onely , ad luxuriam & ebrietatem , a in rioting and drunkenness , and that they rested onely , ad nugas & luxurias suas , b to luxury and wantonness ; they consumed the day , languido & luxurioso otio , in an effeminate slothful ease : and finally , did abuse the same , not onely deli●iis Judaicis , c in Jewish follies , but ad nequitiam , even to sin and naughtiness . Put altogether , and we have luxury and drunkenness , and sports , and pleasures ; enough to manifest that they spared not any dainties to set forth their Sabbath . Tertullian hath observed the same , but in fewer words , according to his wonted manner , who speaking of the Jewes in his Apologeticum adversus Gentes , Cap. 16. hath told us of them , that they did Diem Saturni otio & victui decernere , devote the Saturday , or Sabbath , unto Ease and Luxury . But before either of them this was noted by Plutarch also , an Heathen , but a great and grave Philosopher , who layes it to their charge , that they did feast it on their Sabbath with no small excess , but of wine especially ; and thereupon conjectureth , that the name of Sabbath had its original from the Orgies , or feasts of Bacchus , whose Priest used often to ingeminate the word Sabbi , Sabbi , in their drunken ceremonies . From whence we have the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to triumph , dance , or make glad the countenance . And from hence also came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sirname of Bacchus , or at the least some Son of his mentioned in Coelius Rhodiginus , as is observed by Dr. Prideaux in his Tract De Sabbato . This said , the meaning of Apollinaris will be onely this , that though Theoderick kept a spare Table on the other dayes , yet on the Festivals of the Church , he indulged unto himself a kind of Sabbatarian luxury , that is to say , such riotous feasting , and excess , as the Iewes used upon their Sabbath . Nothing in this to prove that the word Sabbatum was used by any approved Writer for the space of a thousand years and upward , to signifie either the Lords day , or any of the Christian Festivities , as the Lord Primate would sain have had it ; which notwithstanding , partly by the diligence of our Sabbatarians , and their active Emissaries , and partly by the ignorance of some , and the easiness of the rest of the people , the Sunday or Lords day is generally called by no other name then by that of the Sabbath ; he who shall call it otherwise then the vulgar do , being branded commonly with profaneness or singularity . And yet if any of these fine fellows should be asked the English of the Latine word Sabbatum , they could not chuse but answer , that it signified the seventh day of the week , or the Saturday onely . Or if they should , every Clerk , Notary , and Register in the Courts of Judicature would deride them for it , who in drawing up their Processes , Declarations , Entries , Judgements and Commissions , never used other Latine word for Saturday , but Dies Sabbati ▪ as long as any of those forms were written in the Latine tongue ▪ And they continued in that tongue , till toward the later end of the late long Parliament , in which it was ordered , that all Writs , Declarations , and other legal instruments of what kind soever , should be made in English ; the readiest way to make all Clerks , Atturnies , Registers , &c. more ignorant of Grammar learning then they were before . SECT . II. The Lord Primates judgement of the Sabbath , delivered in two Propositions . His first Proposition for setting apart some whole day for Gods solemn worship by the Law of Nature , found both uncertain and unsafe ; no such whole day kept , or required to be kept by the Jewes or Gentiles . His second Proposition , neither agreeable to the School-men , or the Sabbatarians , nor grounded upon Text of Scripture . He reconciles himself with the Sabbatarians by ascribing an immutability to a Positive Law ; but contrary therein to the first Reformers , and other learned men of the Protestant and Reformed Churches . He founds the Institution of the Sabbath on Genesis 2. An Anticipation or Prolepsis in that place of Gen. maintained explicitly by Josephus , and many of the most learned of the Jewish Rabbins , as also by Tostatus and his followers amongst the Christians ; implicitly by those , who maintained that the Sabbath was not instituted in the first beginning . The like Anticipations frequent in the holy Scripture , and justified by many of the Ancient Fathers , and not a few learned men of the later times . The Sabbath not a part of the Law of Nature . BUt now before we can proceed to such other passages , which the Lord Primate hath excepted against in History of the Sabbath , either by name , or on the by , it will be necessary that we know his own Judgement and Opinion in the ground of this Controversie ; as well concerning the morality of the fourth Commandment , as the true ground and institution of the Sabbath . And to find that we must consult his Letter to Mr. Ley , in which he telleth us , That for his own part , he never yet doubted , but took it for granted ; that as the setting of some whole day apart for Gods solemn worship was juris Divini naturalis , so that this solemn day ( he means the Sabbath ) should be one in seven , was juris Divini positivi , recorded in the fourth Commandment , p. 113. And in these words we have two several propositions , viz. First , That the setting apart of some whole day to Gods solemn worship , is juris Divini naturalis : and secondly , that the Sabbath , which he meaneth by this solemn day , was juris Divini positivi , recorded in the fourth Commandment ; both which shall be examined in their several turns . And first I would fain know of Doctor Bernard , or any other of the Lord Primates Chaplains ( since he cannot answer for himselfe ) where we shall find , that the setting apart of some whole day for Gods solemn worship , was juris Divini naturalis . That some time was to be set apart for the worship of God , is agreed by all , and reckoned by most knowing men , not interessed in any party , to be the moral part of the fourth Commandment ; but that this time should be some whole day , is neither imprinted in mans heart by the Law of Nature , nor ever required of the Iews , nor observed by the Christians . Or granting that some such whole day was to be set apart for Gods solemn worship ; I would fain know in the first place when the said whole day was to begin , and how long to continue ; whether it were a whole natural day , or a whole artificial day , as they use to phrase it . And if it were a whole natural day , then whether to extend from midnight to midnight , after the reckoning of the Gentiles ; or from Sun-setting to Sun-setting , from Even to Even , according to the account of the Iewes : or if a whole artificial day , then whether a day of twelve hours onely , after the reckoning of the Iewes ; or from Sun-rising to Sun-setting ( be they more or less ) according to the several Climates under which men lived . Which points , unless they be well stated , the conscience will have nothing in this case to rely upon . In the next place considering that the Lord Primate speaks indefinitely of some whole day , without determining when and how often the said whole day was to be observed , I would fain know whether such a whole day was to be set apart once or twice in the week ; or whether it would suffice to the fulfilling of the moral part of the fourth Commandment , if it were onely once a month , or once a year , or once in seven year , or once in the course of a mans whole life . For being it is said indefinitly , that the setting apart of some whole day to Gods solemn worship , is juris Divini naturalis , ingraffed in the Heart of man by the Law of Nature ; it may be probably inferred , that the setting apart of one whole day at what time soever a man pleaseth , may very sufficiently comply with the intention of that Law , and consequently discharge the man so doing , from all further observance : which how far it will satisfie the consciences of men , or be accounted acceptable in the sight of God , I shall leave to others to determine . But admitting that this whole day , which the Lord Primate speaks of , was to have as frequent a return as the Iewish Sabbath ; I would then know when such a whole day was either ordinarily kept , or required to be kept by the Iewes or Gentiles . That no such whole day was ever ordinarily kept by the Iewes , appears by their riotous feastings on the Sabbath day , which before we spake of ; by which it is most evident , that the one half of that day was either spent in Luxury and Riot , or in Rest and Idleness ; and that the least part of the other moyety was spent in holy Meditation , and much less in the solemn worship of God : which in the first settlement of that Nation in the Land of Canaan , was performed onely in the Tabernacle , as afterwards in the Holy Temple , at which but few of the people , and those which dwelt near the place of worship , could give any attendance . We meet indeed with a Commandment , that the Sabbath was to be continued from Even to Even , Levit. 23. 32. that is to say , from Friday evening at Sun-set , until the like time of Sun-set on the Sabbath day . Which Precept being first given by God , with reference to the day of Atonement or Expiation ( and commonly applyed by the Iewes to the weekly Sabbaths ) requires no otherkeeping of the day for that space of time , more then the afflicting of their souls by a solemn fast , then onely rest from labour , & all servile works . And this appears plainly by the first words of the said 32. verse , where it is said , That it should be unto them a Sabbath of rest , compared with vers . 30 , 31. where forbearing all or any manner of work is the chief thing required to the observation of that day . And yet that rest from labour , and cessation from all manner of work frequently intermitted also , either with reference to the solemn keeping of the day it self , Mat. 12. 5. or the preservation of the creature , Luke 13. 15. & 14. 5. But that the whole day extending from Even to Even , should be either spent in afflicting their souls , as it is meant onely of the day of Atonement or Expiation , which was observed but once a year ; or in the acts of solemn and religious worship , if it be understood of the weekly Sabbath ( to which the Iews commonly applied it also , as before was said ) as I no where find , So have I no reason to believe it without better grounds . Certain I am , that so much of the Sabbath day , after this account , as intervened between the Sun-setting on the Friday , and the Sun-rising on the Sabbath , was partly spent in rest from labour , and making necessary preparations for the day ensuing ; and part thereof in necessary repose and sleep , for the refreshing of their bodies , and support of nature ; and how the rest of that day was spent , we have seen before . There is another place in Scripture much prest upon the consciences of the people , by the rigid Sabbatarians of these times , to stave them off from any lawful recreation on their new made Sabbath ; that is to say , Isa . 58. 13 , 14. where God speaks thus unto that people : If thou turn away thy foot from the Sabbath from doing thy pleasure on my holy day , and call the Sabbath a delight , the holy of the Lord , honourable , and shalt honour him , not doing thine own wayes , nor finding thine own pleasure , nor speaking thine own words ; then shalt thou delight thy self in the Lord. But if we look better on this Text , and compare it with vers . 3. of the same Chapter , where we find mention of a fast , and of the afflicting of their Souls on the day of that fast , we may see easily that the Text so much insisted on by our Sabbatarians , relates onely to the day of Atonement ; which being a day of publick humiliation , and of confessing their sins to the Lord their God , required a stricter withholding of themselves from their lawful pleasures , then any of the weekly Sabbaths . So as admitting that this whole day was by God required to be spent in some religious Acts of solemn worship ▪ ( though never kept so by the Iewes ) yet was it but one whole day in a year , and that injoyn'd also by a positive Law ; which if it be sufficient to discharge the obligation laid upon us by the Law of Nature , the observation of the Sabbath formerly , of the Lords day now , may be thought superfluous . And if no such whole day were kept , or required to be kept by the Iewes , Gods peculiar people , there is small hope to find it amongst the Gentiles ; who did too much attend their profit , and indulge their pleasures , to spend whole dayes upon the service of their gods . I speak here of that which the Gentiles did in ordinary and common course , as a thing constantly required of them , and observed by them ; and not of any extraordinary and occasional action , such as the three dayes fast which was kept in Nineve by the Kings command , upon that fearful Proclamation which was made against it by the Prophet Ionah . As for the Christians , I dare with confidence affirm , that the spending of the whole Lords day in the acts of worship , was never required of them , or of any of them , by any Imperial Edict , or National Law , or Constitution of the Church , till the year 1615. at what time it was enjoyned by the Articles of the Church of Ireland ; as shall be proved at large hereafter , when that passage in those Articles comes to be examined . The Lord Primates first Proposition being thus blown off , we next proceed to the examination of the second , that is to say , That the solemn day of worship should be one in seven , was juris Divini positivi , recorded in the fourth Commandment . A proposition which will find few Friends , and many Adversaries , especially as it comes attended with the explication which he makes upon it : For first it crosseth with Tostatus ( a man of as great industry , and as much variety of learning as any of the age he lived in ) and not with him onely , but with Thomas Aquinas , the great Dictator of the Schools , and generally with all the School-men ; of which thus Dr. Prideaux in his Tract De Sabbato , Sect. 3. It is , as Abulensis hath it , a Dictate of the Law of Nature , that some set time be put apart for Gods holy worship : but it is Ceremonial and Legal , that this worship should be restrained either to one day of seven , or the seventh day precisely from the worlds creation . A time of rest is therefore moral ; but the set time thereof is ceremonial : which is confessed by those who have stood most on this Commandment , and urged it even to a probable suspicion of Iudaisme . Aquinas also so resolves it ; and ( which is seldome seen in other cases ) the School-men ( of what Sect soever ) say the same : whereby ( saith he ) we may perceive in what respects the Fathers have sometimes pronounced it to be a ceremony , and a shadow , and a figure onely . In the next place it crosseth with the Sabbatarians of these later times , who generally make the sanctifying of one day in seven , to be the moral part of the fourth Commandment ; the limiting of that day to the last day of the week , or the seventh day on which God rested , to be the ceremonial part of it : and it concerns them so to do in point of interest , for otherwise they could find no ground for the morality of the Lords day Sabbath , and founding that morality on the fourth Commandment , and pressing it upon the consciences of the people with such art and industry . So that we have three parts at least of this one Commandment , viz. the moral part , consisting in the setting apart of one whole day ( but no matter when ) for Gods solemn worship ; the Positive part consisting ( as the Lord Primate saith ) in sanctifying one day in seven ; and then the ceremonial part in limiting that day to the seventh day precisely of the creation of the world , on which God rested from his labours . And strange it were if the judicial Law should not put in also for a share , and make up the fourth ; the man that gathered sticks on the Sabbath day , being tried according to this Law , and condemned accordingly . But here before we shall proceed to the Explication , by which the Lord Primate makes his opinion more agreeable to the Sabbatarians then at first it seemed , I must ask some of the Lord Primates followers , where I shall find the Institution of that positive Law , which before we heard of , by whom it was ordained , and on whom imposed ; for positive Laws must be declared and enjoyned in terms express , or else they are neither Laws nor Positive . If they shall say that we may find the Institution of it in the second of Genesis , then must it be the sanctifying of that very seventh day on which God rested from his labours , and not the setting apart , or sanctifying of one day in seven , as the Lord Primate would fain have it . And , secondly , if the setting a part or sanctifying of one day in seven , as it is juris Divini positive , be that which is recorded in the fourth Commandment , as the Lord Primate sayes it is , then must it also be the same very seventh day on which God rested , as before ; there being no other day but that commanded to be kept holy in that Commandment , or mentioned to be blessed and sanctified by the Lord our God. And on the other side , if sanctifying the seventh day precisely on which God rested from his labours , either as mentioned in the fourth Commandment , or instituted in Gen. 2. be onely juris ceremonialis , but a matter of Ceremony , as the Sabbatarians would fain have it : then as they leave no room at all for the Lord Primates positive Law , in either Scripture ; so do they furnish the Church with a better Argument against themselves , concerning the Antiquity and use of Ceremonies , then hath yet been thought of . But leaving them to free themselves from these perplexities at their better leisure , we must next see what satisfaction will be offered to the Sabbatarians ; who make the sanctifying of one day in seven to be the moral , not the positive part of the fourth Commandment : And herein we shall find the Lord Primate very ready to give them all possible contentment . And therefore he ascribes so much morality to his positive Law , as to make it immutable , and unchangeable by Men or Angels , which is one of the chiefe priviledges of the moral Law ; and then he fixeth the first Institution of it on Gen. 2. which makes it equal in a manner to the Law of Nature , if not part thereof . And first , saith he , I mean here such a jus Divinum positivum , as Baptism and the Lords Supper are established by ; which lieth not in the power of any Man or Angel to change or alter , pag. 105. This makes it somewhat of kin to a moral precept , of which the School-men have afforded us this general Aphorism , Praecepta legis naturalis esse indispensabilia , that is to say , that the precept of the Moral Law , or the Law of Natures , are not to be dispenst withal upon any occasion or necessity whatsoever it be , and much less to be changed and abrogated at the will of man : which explanation ( not to dispute the mutability , or immutability of a positive Law ) will find as many Adversaries as the proposition ; as that which crosseth with the Doctrine of some of the first Martyrs in the Church of England , and with the first Reformers , and other leading men of the Protestant and Reformed Churches . And first it is resolved thus by Mr. Tyndal ( a man sufficiently famous for his great pains in translating the Bible into English ) who suffered Martyrdom in the year 1536. As for the Sabbath ( saith he ) we be Lords over the Sabbath , and may yet change it into Monday , or into any other day , as we see need ; or may make every tenth day a holy day onely , if we see cause why . Neither was there any cause to change it from the Saturday , but to put a difference between us and the Jewes ; neither need we any holy day at all , if the people might be taught without it . And somewhat to this purpose ( though not in terms so fully significant and express ) we find affirmed by John Frith , ( a man of much learning for his age ) who suffered Martyrdom in the year 1533. Our fore-fathers ( saith he ) which were in the beginning of the Church did abrogate the Sabbath , to the intent that men might have an example of Christian liberty , &c. Howbeit , because it was necessary that a day should be reserved , in which the people should come together to hear the word of God , they ordained in stead of the Sabbath , which was Saturday , the next day following , which is Sunday . And although they might have kept the Saturday with the Jew , as a thing indifferent ; yet they did much better . Which words of his , if they seem rather to demonstrate the Churches power in altering the time of worship from one day to another , then the mutability of the precept on the which it was founded ; I am sure that Zuinglius the first Reformer of the Church among the Switzers , will speak more fully to the purpose : Hearken now Valentine ( saith he ) by what wayes and means the Sabbath may be made a ceremony ; if either we observe that day which the Jewes once did , or think the Lords day so affixed unto any time , Vt nefas sit illum in aliud tempus transferre , that we conceive it an impiety it should be changed unto another ; on which as well as upon that , we may not rest from labour , and hearken to the word of God ; if perhaps such necessity should be , this would indeed make it become a ceremony . But Calvin speaks more plain then he , when he professeth , that he regarded not so much the number of seven , Vt ejus servituti Ecclesias astringeret , as to enthral the Church unto it . And this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as much as can be comprehended in so narrow a compass . More largely Vrsine the Divinity Reader in the University of Heidelberg , and a great follower of Calvin in all his writings , who makes this difference between the Lords day and the Sabbath ; That it was utterly unlawful to the Jewes , either to neglect or change the Sabbath without express Commandment from God himself , as being a ceremonial part of Divine Worship : but for the Christian Church , that that may design the first or second , or any other day to Gods publick service ; so that our Christian Liberty be not thereby infringed , or any opinion of necessity or holiness affixt unto them , Ecclesia verò Christiana primum , vel alium diem tribuit ministerio , salva sua libertate , sine opinions cultus vel necessitatis , as his own words are . Chemnitius yet more plainly for the Lutheran Churches , who frequently affirms , that it is libera observatio , a voluntary observation ; that it is an especial part of our Christian liberty , not to be tied to dayes and times , in matters which concern Gods service , and that the Apostles made it manifest by their example , singulis diebus , vel quocunque die , that every day or any day may by the Church be set apart for religious exercises . And finally as Bullinger , Bucer , Brentius cited by Dr. Prideaux in his Tract De Sabbato , & è nostri● non pauci , besides many others of the Reformed Churches , by telling us that the Church hath still a power to change the time of worship from one day to another , do tacitly infer that the Church hath power to change that time from the seventh day to the tenth or twelfth , as well as from the first day of the week to the third or fourth ; so they which teach us , that the sanctifying of one day in seven is not the moral part of the fourth Commandment , do imply no less . Of which opinion beside Tostatus and the Schoolmen before remembred , we find also Calvin to have been , Lib. Instit . 2. c. 8. 11. 34. besides Simler in Exod. 20. Aretius in his common places , Loco 55. Franciscus Gomarus , in his Book , De origine & Institutione Sabbati . Ryvet in Exod. 20. p. 190. to whom Chemnitius may be added for the Lutheran Churches . In one of which it is affirmed ▪ that the sanctifying of a seventh day rather then of the eighth or ninth , juris est Divini , sed ceremonialis . And if it be ceremonial only , though of Gods appointment , it must be subject unto change and mutability , as well as Circumcision and the Passover , or any other of the legal or Mosaical Ordinances . And by another it is said , that it can neither be made good by the Law of Nature , or Text of Scripture , or any solid Argument drawn from thence , Vnum è septem diebus ex vi praecepti quarti ad cultum Dei necessariò observandum , that by the fourth commandment , one day in seven is of necessity to be dedicated to Gods service : which does as plainly contradict the Lord Primates second Proposition , as the Explication of it is found contrary to the rest before . The second way whereby the Lord Primate doth strengthen and support his positive Law , and makes it to come more near to the Sabbatarians of these later times , is by his fixing the first Institution of it on the second of Genesis , which makes it equal in a manner to the Law of Nature , if not part thereof . For that the institution of it in the first beginning , is the very same with making it a part or branch of the Law of Nature , may be inferred first from these words of Tostatus in Gen. 2. Num ▪ Sabbatum cùm à Deo sanctificatum fuerit in primordio rerum , &c. whether the Sabbath being sanctified by God in the infancy of the World , had been observed by men , by the Law of Nature . And secondly , it may be inferred from Dr. Prideaux in his Tract De Sabbato , Sect. 2. Some , saith he , fetch the Original of the Sabbath from the beginning of the World , when God first blessed the seventh day and sanctified it . Whence well this question may be raised , Whether before the publishing of Moses ' s Law , the Sabbath was to be observed by the Law of Nature ? And that the Lord Primate doth fetch the original of the Sabbath from the beginning of the World , is evident from a passage in his Letter to Dr. Twisse , p. 78. In which , saith he , ( addressing his speech unto that Doctor ) The Text of Gen. 2. 3. ( as you well note ) is so clear for the ancient institution of the Sabbath , and so fully vindicated by Dr. Ryvet from the exceptions of Gomarus , that I see no reason in the earth , why any man should make doubt thereof . And yet the matter is not past all doubt neither , I am sure of that : For other men as eminent in all parts of Learning , and as great Masters of Reason as Doctor Ryvet ever was , have affirmed the contrary ; conceiving further , that those words in the second of Genesis are spoken in the way of a Prolepsis or Anticipation : Gods sanctifying the day of his Rest , being mentioned in that time and place , not because the Sabbath was then instituted , but because it was the occasion of setting apart that day by the fourth Commandment to be a Sabbath , or a day of holy repose and rest to the House of Israel . Of this opinion was Tostatus in his Comment on Gen. 2. countenanced by Iosephus Antiq. l. 1. c. 2. by Solomon Iarchi , one of the principal of the Rabbins , and many other learned men of the Iewish Nation , as appears by Mercer a learned Protestant Writer , and one well verst in all the learning of the Iewes , in his Comment on Gen. 2. who addes de proprio , that from Gods resting on that day , Postea praeceptum de Sabbato natum est , the Commandment for sanctifying the seventh day was afterwards given . And this opinion of Tostatus passed generally for good and currant with all sorts of people till Ambrose Catharinus , one of the principal sticklers in the Councel of Trent , opposed him in it ; who though he grant the like Anticipation , Gen. 1. v. 27. disalloweth it here . And disallowing it in this place , he not onely crosseth with Tostatus , but with some of the most learned Christian Writers , both of the Church of Rome , and the Protestant Churches , who hold that the Sabbath was not instituted in the first beginning , nor imposed on Adam as a Law , to be observed by him and his posterity . Of this opinion was Pererius a learned and industrious man of the Romish party , in his Comment on the second of Genesis And of this opinion was Gomarus , that great undertaker against the Arminians , in his Tract De origine & institution : Sabbati , with many other eminent men of both Religions , too many to be named in this place and time : whose opinions in this point cannot otherwise be made good ▪ and justifiable , but by maintaining an Anticipation in this Text of Moses ; though few of them speak their minds so fully and explicitely in it as Dr. Prideaux , no way inferiour to the best of those who opine the contrary . For what weak ▪ proofs are they ( saith he ) which before were urged ? God blessed the seventh day and sanctified it ; therefore he then commanded it to be kept holy by his people . And then he addes — Moses ( as Abulensis hath it ) spake this by way of Anticipation ; rather to shew the equity of the Commandment , then the original thereof . So he in the third Section of his Tract De Sabbato . Nor are such Anticipations strange in Holy Scripture ; for besides that Anticipation in the first of Genesis , vers . 27. allowed by Catharinus , as before was said , defended by St. Chrysostome on Gen. 2. Origen on Gen. 1. Gregory the Great in his Morals , lib. 32. cap. 9. and finally justified by St. Hierom , who in his Tract against the Jewes doth affirm as much ; we find the like Gen 12. 8. & Judges c. 2. v. 1. both which are granted without scruple by Dr. Bound , the first who set on foot the Sabbatarian Doctrines in the Church of England . The like Anticipation is observed in Exod. 16. 32. as appears plainly , both by Lyra and Vatablus , two right learned men ; the first a Jew , the second eminently studied in the Jewish Antiquities . And yet the observation is much elder then either of them , made by St. Augustine , who lived long before the time of Lyra , in his 62. Question on the Book of Exodus ; and by Calvin who preceded Vatablus , in his Comment on that Tract of Scripture ▪ These passages and Testimonies I have onely toucht and pointed at , as plainly and briefly as I could , for the Readers better satisfaction in the present difference ; referring for the Quotations at large to the History of the Sabbath , Part 1. c. 1. n. 2 , 3. 4. and there he shall be sure to find them . From all which laid together it is there concluded , that for this passage of the Scripture , there is nothing found unto the contrary , but that it was set down in that place and time , by a plain and neer Anticipation ; and doth relate unto the time wherein Moses wrote : and therefore no sufficient warrant to fetch the institution of the Sabbath from the first beginning . Nor could I find when I had Doctor Ryvet under my eye , that his Arguments against Gomarus were of weight enough to counter ballance the Authority of so many learned Writers , both Jewes and Christians ; or to weigh down so many Texts of holy Scripture , in which the like Anticipations are observed by Origen , Hierom , Chrysostome , and Gregory the Great , men of renown for Piety and Learning in the primitive times , and by many other learned men in the times succeeding , though otherwise of different perswasions in the things of God. But Ryvet and the Lord Primate held the same opinion , both of them grounding the first institution of the Sabbath on a Positive Law. Legem de Sabbato positivam non naturalem agnoscimus , are the words of Ryvet , p. 173. which is the same with the Lord Primates jus Divinum positivum , though in different terms . And therefore it can be no marvel if Ryvets Arguments be cried up for vindicating that passage in the second of Genesis in so full a manner , that the Lord Primate can see no reason in the earth , why any man should make doubt thereof . And yet there may be good reason for it , though he see it not . Now that the seventh day Sabbath was not a part , or branch of the Law of Nature , which is observed to be a necessary consequent , following upon the fixing of the first institution of it in the second of Genesis , will evidently appear by the concurrent testimonies of learned men , both of the elder and last times . It was indeed naturally ingraffed in the heart of man , that God was to be worshipped by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , said the Grecian Orator , Imprimis venerare Dium , said the Latine Poet. And it was also naturally ingraffed in the heart of man , not onely that some time should be set apart for the worship of God , of which we have so many evident examples in the Greeks and Romans , that no man can make question of it , but that in all the Acts of worship a man should totally abstract himself from all worldly thoughts , which might divert him from the business he was then about . Orantis est nihil nisi coelestia cogitare , as we learned when School-boyes . But that this time should rather be the seventh day then any other , is not a part or branch of the Law of Nature , never accounted so by the Ancient Writers , nor reckoned so by some of those of note and eminency , who otherwise are great friends to the Lords day Sabbath . Certain I am that Theodoret doth not so account it , who telleth us that the observation of the Sabbath came not in by nature , but by Moses ' s Law ; Sabbati observandi non natura magistra sed latio legis , which is short , but full . Nor is it so accounted by Sedulius , another of the ancient Writers , who ranks it amongst the legal ceremonies , & not amongst those things quae legi naturali congruunt , which are directed meerly by the Law of Nature ; nor by Damascen amongst the Greeks , who doth assure us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , that when there was no Law enacted , no● no Scripture inspired by God , that then there was no Sabbath neither ; nor finally by our venerable Beda , who lived about the same time with Damascen , and was of the same judgement with him in this particular : for he assures us , That to the Fathers before the Law , all dayes were equal ; the seventh day having no prerogative before the others , which he calls , naturalis Sabbati libertatem , the liberty of the natural Sabbath ; and by that liberty ( if I rightly understand his meaning ) men were no more restrained to one day then unto another , no more unto the seventh then the fourth or eighth . Tostatus to the same effect , for the middle times , who telleth us , That howsoever the Hebrew people , or any other before the giving of the Law , were bound to set a part some time for religious duties , Non tamen magis in Sabbato quàm in quolibet aliorum dierum , yet were they no more bound to the Sabbath day , then to any other . For this last age , though I could help my selfe by many good Authors , yet I shall rest content with two , that is to say , the Lord Primate himselfe , and Doctor Ryvet before named , who build the institution of the Sabbath on a positive Law , and not upon the Law of Nature . And therefore if the instituting of the Sabbath in the first beginning , be in effect to make it all one with the Law of Nature , as was inferred from Dr. Prideaux and Tostatus ; it must needs follow thereupon , that the Sabbath not being lookt on as a part of the Law of Nature , could not be instituted ( as the Lord Primate saies it was ) in the first beginning . SECT . III. The sanctifying of the Sabbath in the first beginning , imports a Commandment given to Adam for the keeping of it . No such Commandment given to Adam in his own personal capacity , nor as the common root of mankind . The Patriarchs before the flood did not keep the Sabbath . The Sabbath not observed by the Patriarchs of the line of Sem , nor by the Israelites in Egypt . That the Commandment of the Sabbath was peculiar onely to the Jewes , proved by the testimony of the Fathers , and the Jewes themselves . That the seventh day of every week was not kept holy by the Gentiles , affirmed by some of their own best Authors , and some late Divines . The Jewes derided by the Gentiles for their seventh day Sabbath . The Lord Primates Antithesis , viz. that the seventh day was more honoured by the Gentiles then the other six , not proved by any ancient Author , either Greek or Latine . The three Greek Poets whom he cites , do not serve his turn ; and how they came to know that the Creation of the World was finished in seven dayes , which is all they say . The passage of Tertullian in his Tract Ad Nationes , as little to his purpose as the three Greek Poets . The meaning of that Author in his Apologeticum cap. 16. not rightly understood by the Lord Primate ; whose Arguments from Tibullus , Lucian , and Lampridius conclude as little as the rest . The observation of the Sabbath , and other Jewish Ceremonies taken up by the later Gentiles , not upon any old Tradition , but by Imitation . The custome of the Romans in incorporating all Religions into their own , and the reason of it . BUt there is one Conclusion more which follows on the instituting of the Sabbath in the first beginning , and is like to afford us more work then the other did . For if it be all one to bless and sanctifie the seventh day in the beginning of the World , as to impose it then on Adam to be kept and sanctified , as some say it is ; it may be very well concluded , that if no such commandment was then given to Adam , the Sabbath was not blessed and sanctified in the first beginning . Nor can it stand with Piety & Reason that it should be otherwise ; For to suppose , that God did set apart , and sanctifie the seventh day for a day of worship , and yet that no Commandment should be given for the keeping of it , what is it but to call in question the most infinite wisedom of Almighty God , which never did any thing in vain ? unless perhaps we may conceive with Tornelius , that the Angels solemnized this first Sabbath with joyful shouts and acclamations , as he gathereth from Iob 38. 4 , 6. Or that the WORD , the second person in the Syntax of the blessed Trinity , did take our humane shape upon him , and came down to Adam , and spent the whole day with him in spiritual exercises , as is affirmed by Zanchius , with an ego non dubito , as a matter which no man need make doubt of , but he that listed . For if any such Commandment was given to Adam , it must be either given him in his own personal capacity , or as he was the common root of all mankind , which was then virtually in his loyns , as Levi is said by the Apostle to have paid Tithes unto Melchisedeck , because he was then virtually in the Loyns of his Father Abraham when those Tithes were paid . But no such precept or command was given to Adam in his own personal capacity , for then the Sabbath must have died and been buried in the same grave with him ; nor was it given to him as the common root of all mankind , for then all the Nations of the World had been bound to keep it : the contrary whereof we shall see anon . In the mean time let us take with us the Authority of the Ancient Writers , by some of which it is affirmed that no commandment was given by God to our Father Adam , but that he should abstain from eating of the fruit of the Tree which grew in the middle of the Garden ; as namely by Tertullian adversus Iudaeos . Basil de jejunio . Ambrose Lib. de Elia & jejunio c. 3. Chrysostom Hom ▪ 14. & 16. on the Book of Genesis . Austin de Civitate l. 14. c. 12. As also by many other Christian Doctors of all times and ages , who from hence aggravate the offence of Adam , in that he had but one Commandment imposed on him , and yet kept it not . By others it is said expresly that Adam never kept the Sabbath , as certainly he would have done at some time or other , if any such Commandment had been given him by the Lord his God ; as namely by Iustin Martyr in his Dialogue with Trypho the Iew , Tertullian in his Book adversus Iudaeos , which may be gathered also in the way of a necessary consequence from the words of Eusebius , De Praep. Evang. l. 7. c. 8. and those of Epiphanius adversus Haereses l. 1. n. 5. Whose words we have laid down at large , Hist . of Sub. p. 1. c. 1. n. 5. This is enough to prove that no command for keeping of the Sabbath day was given to Adam in his own personal capacity , and no more then so ; besides the necessary expiring of the Sabbath with him , had it been so given . And that it was not given to him as the common Root of Mankind , will appear as plainly , by the not keeping of that day by any which descended from him , till it was declared unto the Israelites in the fall of Mannah , and afterwards imposed upon them by the fourth Commandment : for if it had been kept by any , it must have been by those of the godly Line , from whom our Saviour was to derive his Humane nature ; and yet it hath been proved out of very good Authors that it was never kept by Abel , Seth , Enos , Enoch , or Methusalem , nor finally by Noah himselfe , though called in Scripture by the name of a Preacher of Righteousness ; the proofs whereof may be found at large in the History of the Sabbath , Part 1. Chap. 2. Num. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. And if it were not kept by those of the godly Line , we have no hope to find any thing for the keeping of it in the house of Cain , or in the families of any of the other Sons of Adam , whose extreme wickedness grew so abominable in the sight of God , that he was forced to wash away the filth thereof by a general Deluge . After the Flood , we find the world repeopled by the Sons of Noah , the godly Line being as ignorant of the Sabbath as the rest of the Nations : for it hath been sufficiently proved out of very good Authors , that neither Sem nor Melchisedech ( if a different person from him ) nor Heber , nor Lot , ever kept the Sabbath ; and that it was not kept by Abraham , or any of his Sons , as neither by Iacob , Ioseph , Moses , or any of the House of Israel , as long as they remained in Egypt , in the House of Bondage ; for which see Hist . of Sab. Part. 1. c. 3. n. 4 , 5 , 7 , 8 , 9. And if we find no such observance in the House of Sem , who were more careful of their wayes , and walked agreeably to the declared will and pleasure of Almighty God , it were in vain to look for it in the House of Iaphet , or in that of the accursed Cain , the founders of the Europaean and African Nations , or amongst any others which descended from the Sons of Sem , who pass together with the rest by the name of Gentiles . Now that the Gentiles were not bound to observe the Sabbath , is proved by divers of the Fathers , and many of the greatest Clerks among the Iewes , whom affirm expresly that the Commandment of the Sabbath was given to none but those of the House of Israel . Of this mind was St. Austin Epist . 119. De Gen. ad lit . l. 4. c. 11 , 13. Epist . 86. Ad Casalanum ; in all which places he appropriates this Commandment to the Iewes or Hebrews . St. Cyril in Ezek. h. 20. Theodoret in Ezek. 20. Procopius Gazaeus in Gen. 21. And for the Iews , it was a common opinion received amongst them , that the Sabbath was given to them onely , and not to the Gentiles , as Petrus Galatinus proves from the best of their Authors ; who thereupon inferreth , Quod Gentes non obligantur ad Sabbatum , that the Gentiles were not bound to observe the Sabbath . The like may be gathered from Iosephus , who in many places calls the Sabbath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a national custome , Antiq. lib. 4. cap 8. & de bello lib. 2. cap. 16. to whom I shall now adde another of later date , of my Lord Primates own commending , that is to say , Manasses Ben Israel , who telleth in his Book De Creatione , that the observation of the Sabbath was commanded onely unto the Israelites , and that all the Duties which the Heathen were tied unto , were comprised in the precepts given to the sons of Noah , as is affirmed in the Letter to Dr. Twisse , p. 78. And that the Sabbath was not kept by the Gentiles ( as well as not imposed upon them by any Commandment ) the Historian hath made good by two several Mediums ; whereof the first is taken from the writings of the Gentiles themselves , by which it doth appear that they gave no greater respect to the Saturday , then to any other day whatever ; and that though they celebrate the seventh day as a festival day , yet was it not the seventh day of the weeek , but the seventh day onely of every month , which might happen as well upon any of the six dayes as upon the Saturday . And so it is observed by Philo a right learned Jew , who puts this difference between the Gentiles and the Jews ; that divers Cities of the Gentiles did solemnize the seventh day , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , once a month , beginning their account with the new Moon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but that the Jewes did keep every seventh day constantly . Nor was the seventh day of the month on which they sacrificed to Apollo , esteemed more holy by the Gentiles then their other Festivals , on which they tendered their Devotions to their other Gods ; and in particular was not accounted more holy then the first or fourth , which Hesiod placeth in the same parallel with the seventh in this following verse , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In which if any should take notice that the attribute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or holy , is affixt unto the seventh day onely , the Scholiast on that Author shall remove that scruple , A novilunio exorsus tres laudat , omnes sacras dicens , septimam etiam ut Apollinis natalem celebrans ; and tells us that all three are accounted holy , and that the seventh was also celebrated as Apollo's birth-day . As for the first day of the month , as is observed by Alexander ab Alexandro , it was consecrated by the Greeks to Apollo also , the fourth to Mercury , the eighth to Theseus , because he was derived from Neptune , to whom , as Plutarch saith , they offered sacrifice on the same day also . So was the second day of the month consecrated to the Bonus Genius , the third and fifteenth to Minerva , the last to Pluto , and every twentieth day by the Epicures to their God the Belly . Thus also had the Romans their several Festivals in every month , some in one month , and some in another ; the ninth day onely of every month being solemnly observed by them ( and from thence called Nundinae ) because devoted unto Iupiter the most supreme Deity . But what need more be said in this , when we have confitentem reum ? For Dr. Bound , the first that set on foot these new Sabbath-Doctrines , doth confess ingeniously , That the memory of Weeks and Sabbaths was altogether suppressed and buried amongst the Gentiles ; to whom I shall subjoyn de novo the Lord Primate himself , who though he stick hard to prove that the Saturday was held in greater estimation by the Gentiles then all the rest yet he acknowledgeth at the last , that they did not celebrate their Saturdayes with that solemnity wherewith themselves did their Annual Festivities , or the Jews their weekly Sabbaths , p. 85. therefore not kept by them as a Sabbath , there 's no doubt of that ; which was by the first of the two Mediums to be clearly proved . The second Medium by which it is proved by the Historian , that the Gentiles did not keep the Sabbath , is gathered from those bitter scoffs and Satyrical jeers , which the Gentiles put upon the Jewes ( and such of their own people as did Judaize ) for the observation of the same . Of this we have an ev●dent proof in the Prophet Ieremiah , who telleth us in his book of Lamentations , how the adversaries of the Jewes did mock at their Sabbath , c. 1. v. 7. And adversaries they had of all sorts , and of different Countreyes , who did mock at them for their observation of the Sabbath day . The name derived by Apion from Sabbo , an Egyptian word , signifying an inflammation in the privy parts , from which by resting on the seventh day they received some ease ; then which what greater scorn could be put upon it by a wretched Sycophant ? But others with more modesty , but as little truth , from Sabbo signifying the Spleen , with which the Jews were miserably tormented till on the seventh day released from it ; for which consult Giraldus in his Book De Annis & Mensibus : By Persius in his fifth Satyre called recutita Sabbata , in which their Circumcision and their Sabbaths were both jeered together : by Ovid Peregrina Sabbata , in his first Book De Remedio Amoris , because not known or commonly observed amongst the Romans : the men themselves by Martial in his Epigram to Bassa , reprochfully nick-named Sabbatarii : Accused for spending the seventh part of their lives in sloth and idleness by Seneca apud . August . de Civit. Dei l. 6. c. 11. Iuvenal Sat. 14. Tacitus Hist . l. 5. and therefore fitted with a day of equal dulness , the Saturday ( or dies Saturni , as the Latines call it ) being thought unfit for any business , rebus minus apta gerendis , as it is in Ovid , whose words I shall produce at large , because I am to relate to them on another accasion . Quaque die redeunt , rebus minus apta gerendis , Culta Palaestino septima sacra viro. The seventh day comes for business most unfit ; Held sacred by the Jew , who halloweth it . A fansie not so strange in Ovid , as it seems in Philo , a Jew by birth , and a great stickler in behalf of the Jewish Ceremonies , who telleth us , that the seventh day was chosen for a day of rest , because the seventh number in it selfe was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , the most peaceable number , the most free from trouble , war , and all kind of contention . Yet not more strange in Philo then it is in Aretius , a Writer of the Reformed Churches , who thinks that day to have been chosen before any other , Quod putaretur civilibus actionibus ineptum esse , &c , Because that day was thought by reason of the dulness of the Planet Saturn , more fit for contemplation then it was for action . Adde more ( to end as I began with an Etymology ) that Plutarch derives the name of Sabbath from Sabbi Sabbi , ingeminated by the Priests of Bacchus in his drunken Orgies ; as others do from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to celebrate those Orgies : both with reproch enough to the Jewish Nation , who by their riotous feastings and excesses on the Sabbath day , gave such a scandal to the Gentiles , that luxus Sabbatarius became at last to be a by-word , as in that passage of Apollinaris spoken of before . Out of all which it may be probably inferred , that they that did so scornfully deride the Jewish Sabbaths , did keep no Sabbath of their own ; by consequence , that no command for the keeping of it was given to Adam as the common Root of all mankind , and therefore no such institution in the second of Genesis , as the Lord Primate would fain have it . Against these passages & proofs the L. Primate makes not any Exceptions ; and therefore it may be took for granted , that the Gentile● neither were commanded to keep the Sabbath , nor did keep the Sabbath , which were the matters to be proved . But for an Answer thereunto , he sets upon Antithesis , a contrary proposition of his own , of purpose to run cross to that which is maintained by the Historian , l. 4 c 1. n 8. For wheras it was there affirmed by the Historian , that the 7th . day was not more honoured by the Gentiles then the eighth or ninth ; the Lord Primate on the other side hath resolved the contrary , affirming , that the Heathens did attribute some holiness to the Seventh day , and gave it a peculiar honour above the other dayes of the week , p. 83. For proof of this , he first supposeth a Tradition among the Jewes and Gentiles , that the seventh day was not of Moses but the Fathers , and did not begin with the Commonwealth of Israel , but was derived to all Nations by lineal descent from the Sons of Noah , p. 82. But where to find , and how to prove this Tradition , we are yet to seek ; the Lord Primate vouching no more ancient Author for it then Tertullian , who lived almost two hundred years after Christ our Saviour , and relates onely to his own times , not to those of old . No evidence produced to prove the Proposition , or the Supposition , out of any of those famous Writers , Philosophers , Historians , Poets , Orators , who flourished in the heroick times of Learning amongst the Grecians ; nor from any of the like condition amongst the Roman● , who lived and flourished before or after the triumphant Empire of Augustus Caesar ( one passage out of Tibullus excepted onely ) till we come to Aelius Lampridius , an Historian , who lived after Tertullian . It 's true the Lord Primate cites three Greek verses from as many of the old Greek Poets , but they make nothing to his purpose , as himselfe confesseth . The verses alledged ( as he telleth us ) by Clemens Alexandrinus ( l. 5. Stromat . ) & Eusebius ( lib. 13. De praeparat . Evangel . ) which verses and four others to the same effect , he might have found in the History of the Sabbath , Part 1. Chap 4. Num. 9. And there he might have found also , that those verses had been formerly alledged by a learned Iew named Aristobulus , who lived about the time of Ptolemy Philometor King of Egypt . The three Poets which I find here cited , are Homer , Linus , and Callimachus ; the three verses these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But there is nothing in these verses which proves either the Proposition , or the Supposition , touching the honouring of the seventh day more then any other , but onely that the Poets were not ignorant that the works of the Creation were finished on the seventh day , as himself acknowledgeth p. 86. Now how these Poets came to know that the Creation of the World was finished on the seventh day , is told us by Aristobulus before mentioned , namely , that the Poets had consulted with the holy Bible , and from thence sucked this knowledge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as his own words are . And this may be agreeable enough to the times they lived in . For Homer who was the oldest of them , flourished about 500. years from the death of Moses , which hapned in or near the Reign of Solomon the Son of David , the most mighty Monarch of the Hebrews , at what time the people managed a great trade in Egypt , and held good correspondence with those of Tyre , from both of which being Sea-faring Nations , the Greeks might come unto the knowledge ( derived to them from the Book of Moses ) of the Worlds Creation . And as for Callimachus who was the latest of the three , he lived not till 700. years from the time of Homer , which hapned in the Reign of Seleucus Nicanor , the first King of Syria of the Macedonian Race or Linage , when the Jewes were under the command of one or other of the Princes of Greece , as Successors to Alexander the Great in his Eastern Conquests . Now for Tertullian , on whose Authority the Lord Primate doth most rely , we find him cited pag. 84. in two several places , each place relating to a several Tract of that learned Writer . The first is taken from the first Book and thirteenth Chapter of his Tract inscribed Ad Nationes , published first amongst the rest of his Works , in the Edition of Rigaltius , and not long after , in a small volume by it selfe at Geneva , Anno 1625. with Gothofred his Notes upon it ; supposed by some to be but the rude draught of his Apologetick adversus gentes ; but whether it be so or not , we must take it as it lies before us ; and the words are these , viz. Qui solem & diem ejus nobis exprobratis , agnoscite vicinitatem ; non longè à Saturno & Sabbatis vestris sumus ▪ Where first it is to be observed , that Tertullian speaks not this of the ancient Gentiles , but applies himself to those onely of the times he lived in ; and therefore no fit Author either to prove the Proposition , That the Heathens did attribute some holiness to the seventh day ; and gave it a peculiar honour above the other days of the week , unless he mean it of the Heathens , amongst whom he lived ; much less to justifie the perpetual Tradition of the seventh day , which the L Primate will not have to be derived unto them from the Common-wealth of Israel , but the Sons of Noah . And secondly , we may observe , that many of the Gentiles at that time when Tertullian wrote that Tract unto them , had taken up many of the Jewish customs , & amongst others the observation of their Sabbath , whose riotous feastings on the same might be communicated very readily unto all the rest . But this can be no proof at all for the times preceding , especially before the Jewes began to intermingle in the Provinces of the Roman Empire ; and much less serve to fill up that vast vacuity which was between that intermingling and the Sons of Noah . Pass we on therefore to the next , taken from the Apologetick , Chap. 16. to which for the better understanding of the former passage , we are referred by Gothofredus . Aequè si diem solis ( saith Tertullian ) laetitiae indulgemus , alia longè ratione quàm religione solis ; secundo loco ab eis sumus qui diem Saturni otio & victui decernunt — exorbitantes & ipsi à Judaico more , quem ignorant . Which words of his , though the Lord Primate would apply as spoken of , because they are spoken to the Gentiles , I doubt not , but upon examination of the Authors meaning , we shall find it otherwise ; which passage by the Scholiast is thus glossed , Quod autem ad diem solis attinet , alio ratio est à cultu solis , quae nos eum diem qui est à Saturni secundus , & à Judaeis superstitiosè observatur , celebrare persuadet ; nam & illi nesciunt suam legem explosam jam & exoletam refrixisse . Pamelius gives this note upon it . That the Christians celebrated the Sunday , ut distinguantur à Judaeis qui diem Saturni , id est , Sabbatum , solenniter etiamnum otio decernunt ; to the end they might be distinguished from the Jewes , who devoted their Sabbath ( which the Romans call by the name of dies Saturni ) unto ease and eating . What the effect is of the Scholiast and his Paraphrase we shall see anon . In the mean time we may observe that Tertullian doth not say , secundo loco à vobis sumus , that we are in the next place to you , by which he might understand the Gentiles ; but secundo loco ab eis sumus qui diem Saturni otio & victui decernunt , who dedicate the Saturday unto sloth and luxury ; which must be understood of the Jewes , and of none but them . And whereas the Lord Primate layes the strength of his Argument on the last words of his Author , viz. Exorbitantes & ipsi à Judaico more quem ignorant , that is to say , that the Gentiles by consuming that day in ease and riot , had deviated from the custome of the Jewes , of which they were ignorant : yet certainly those words are capable of no such construction : For certainly the Gentiles by consuming that day in Rest and Riot , could not be said to deviate from the custom of the Jewes , whose riotous feastings on their Sabbath had made them a reproch to the Greeks and Romans ; nor could they in any sense be said to be ignorant of the Jewish custome in that kind , which Plutarch had before observed and charged upon them . In the next place , the Scholiast applying the former passage to the Jewes alone , and their superstitious observation of their Sabbath , or Saturn's-day , gives us this gloss on the last words which are now before us , viz. Nam & illi nesciunt suam legem explosam jam & exoletam refrixisse , that is to say , that they were ignorant that the Law ( by which their Sabbath had been ordained ) was repealed & abrogated . Which though it may be true enough in the Proposition , yet I cannot think that it agrees with the Authors meaning in the Application . Nor am I better edified with the criticism of Gothofredus on this place , who thinketh it to lie under some great corruption ( qui locus haectenus in foedissimo mendo cubat ) leaves in worse case then he found it — by his pretended Emendation . And therefore I conceive Tertullians meaning to be briefly this , that the Jewes then living had so disused and estranged themselves by their riotous feastings on the Sabbath from that sobriety and moderation wherewith their Ancestors had used to observe that day , that they seemed ignorant in a manner of the ancient custome of their own Nation in that case . These passages of Tertullian being thus explained , the Answer to the rest of the Lord Primates Authors will find less difficulty . Tibullus in a verse of his Saturni sacrâ me tenuisse die . bestowes the Epithet of Sacrâ upon the Saturday , or day of Saturn . But this I say , and so sayes the Lord Primate too , is not so properly to be understood of the Gentiles , who made not the seventh day a festival ( or an holy-day ) as the Jewes did , p. 83. but of the very Jewes themselves , who kept it for a festival , or an holy-day . And then Tibullus sayes no more then what Ovid hath affirmed in the verse formerly cited , in which he calleth the seventh day by the name of septima sacra dies , with reference to the Jewes , and to them alone . That which comes next from Lucian in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , touch the Boyes getting leave to play 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the seventh day , or Saturday , p. 86. is of little consequence ; Lucian then lived in the East Countries , where the Gentiles , Jewes and Christians lived promiscuously with one another . And it is probable enough that the School-masters observing that the Saturday was held in great veneration by the Christians , and kept for a Festival by the Jewes , the better to comply with both , or to send home their Children ( if they had any such in their Schools ) in convenient time ; might rather chuse to gratifie the Boyes with a play day , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , on the seventh day or Sabbath , then on any other . And as for the Emperor Alexander Severus , and his using to go unto the Capitol and other Temples on the Saturday or seventh day , as Aelius Lampridius hath informed us of him , it is of less consequence then the former : it being well known to all which have read the Stories of that age and time , that being trained up under the wing of his Mother , who was inclinable enough to the Christian Faith , he had not onely somewhat in him of a Christian , but a smack also of the Jew . And therefore if he more frequented the Capitol and other Temples on the seventh day , or Saturday , then on any other , it is not to be attributed to any Authority which the Lord Primates Tradition might have gained upon him , but unto education or imitation , no great matter which . For that many of the Gentiles , who lived within the verge of the Roman Empire , had taken up divers of the customes and ceremonies of the Iewes , who lived scattered and disperst amongst them ; is affirmed positively by Iosephus . a Quin etiam populi jam olim ( saith he ) multam nostram pietatem aemulantur ; nèque Civitas Graecorum ulla usquam aut Barbarorum , nec ulla gens , ad quam septimanae , in qua vacamus , consuetud● minimè pervenerit , &c. that is to say , that the Gentiles long since shewed themselves inclinable to the religion of the Jews , and that there was no City of the Greeks , or barbarous people , or any Nation whatsoever , in which their custome in observing the seventh day for a day of rest , as also of their games and fasts was not taken up . In which respect Philo hath told us more then once , that the Sabbath was become a general Festival , which in his Treatise De Dec alogo may be easily found . And it was very agreeable to the ancient custom of the Romans that it should be so , who used when they had conquered any Country , not onely to carry away their gods , and set them up amongst their own , but to take from them some part of their religion , thinking thereby to enlarge the bounds of their Empire , and bring all the Nations of the World under their command . Sic eorum Potestas & Authoritas totius Orbis Ambitus occupavit : sic imperium suum ultra solis vias & ipsius Oceani limites propagavit : sic dum Vniversarum gentium sacra suscipiunt , etiam regnare meruerunt , as Cecilius pleads the cause for them in Minutius Foelix . SECT . IV. The Historian charged by name , for saying that the ancient Gentiles knew not the distinction of weeks , and sent to be taught his lesson better of Dector Ryvet and Salmasius . His Arguments to prove the point laid down at large , and not refelled by the Lord Primate . The Lord Primates opinion to the contrary not proved by any ancient Author , either Greek or Latine . The practice of the Sclavonians related by Helmoldus ( an obscure Writer , and a Postnatus too ) doth not prove the point . Nothing affirmed by Theophilus Antiochenus , or Johannes Philoponus , to prove that the distinction of weeks was anciently known amongst the Gentiles . The Historians Application justified . WE are now come at last to the first of those Charges , in which the Author of the History is concerned by name , touching the division of time into weeks , whether observed or not observed by the ancient Gentiles ; in which the Lord Primate thus declares : The Gentiles ( saith he ) both Civil and Barbarous , both ancient and of later dayes , as it were by an universal kind of Tradition , retain the distinction of the seven dayes of the week , which if Dr. Heylyn had read so well proved as it is by Rivetus and Salmasius , he would not have made such a conclusion as he doth : that because the Heathen ( of the four great Monarchies at least ) had no distinction of Weeks , therefore they could observe no Sabbath , p. 79. The Historian is here sent to School to learn of Ryvet and Salmasius , that the Gentiles both civil and barbarous , both ancient and of later dayes , as it were by an universal kind of Tradition , retained the distinction of the seven dayes of the week : of Ryvet he must learn for one , because he was of the same opinion with the Lord Primate in the point of the Sabbath ; and of Salmasius for the other , because he was of the same judgement with him in the point of Episcopacy ▪ But the Historian will not learn of any such Masters , but onely of the Lord Primate himselfe . But first it will be necessary to know what the Historian saith to the point in hand ; and yet not onely what he saith ( as if he could carry it out on his own Authority ) but what he proves by witnesses of unquestioned credit . The passage is not long , and therefore without any abbreviation , I shall here subjoyn it . Whereas it is conceived by some , that the Gentiles by the light of nature had their weeks , which is supposed to be an argument that they kept the Sabbath ; a week being onely of seven dayes , and commonly so called both in Greek and Latine : we on the other side affirm , that by this very rule , the Gentiles , many of them , if not the most , could observe no Sabbath ; because they did observe no weeks . For first the Chaldees and the Persians had no weeks at all : but to the several dayes of each several month appropriated a particular name of some King or other ; as the Peruvians do at this present time ; Et nomina diebus Mensis indunt , ut prisci Persae , as Scaliger hath noted of them . The Grecians also did the like in the times of old : there being an old Attick Calendar to be seen in Scaliger , wherein is no division of the month into weeks at all . As for the Romans , they divided their account into eights and eights , as the Jewes did by sevens and sevens ; the one reflecting on their Nundinae , as the other did upon their Sabbath ; Ogdoas Romanorum in tributione dierum servabatur propter Nundinas , ut hebdomas apud Judaeos propter sabbatum . For proof of which there are some ancient Roman Calenders to be seen as yet , one in the aforesaid Scaliger , the other in the Roman Antiquities of John Rossinus ; wherein the dayes are noted from A to H. as in our common Almanacks from A. to G. The Mexicans go a little further , and they have thirteen dayes to the Week , as the same Scaliger hath observed of them . Nay , even the Jewes themselves were ignorant of this division of the year into weeks , as Tostatus th●nks , till Moses learnt it of the Lord , in the fall of Mannah . Nor were the Greeks and Romans destitute of this account , onely when they were a rude and untrained people , as the Peruvians and Mexicans at this present time : but when they were in their greatest flourish for Arts and Empire . Dion affirmes for the ancient Greeks , that they knew it not ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for ought he could learn : and Seneca more punctually , that first they learnt the motions of the Planets of Eudoxus , who brought that knowledge out of Egypt , and consequently could not know the week before . And for the Romans , though they were well enough acquainted with the Planets in their later times ; yet they divided not their Calendars into weeks , as now they do , till near about the time of Dionysius Exiguus , who lived about the year of Christ , 520. Nor had they then received it in all probability , had they not long before admitted Christianity throughout their Empire ; and therewithal the knowledg of the holy Scriptures , where the account by weeks was exceeding obvious . Such are the Arguments , and such the Authors , by which the Historian proved ( or endevoured to prove ) that the division of the year into weeks was not known anciently amongst the Gentiles . And against these the Lord Primate takes not any exception , but thinks that he hath done his work , if he can find out two or three witnesses to affirm the contrary : It might have been expected that a man so verst and studied in Antiquities , would have prest the Historian with the weight of such proofs and evidences as had been digged out of the rock , extracted out of the Monuments and Records of the elder times . But on the contrary , we have not so much as one single testimony produc'd from any Latine Authors ( Historians , Orators , Poets , or Philosophers ) which lived between the first foundation of the Roman greatness , and the declining of the same ; nor from the writings of those famous men amongst the Grecians , who made their country as renowned for Arts and Eloquence , as otherwise it had been innobled for Arms and Victories . For the first Author we are sent to ( who though he liv'd far off in respect of place , yet liv'd not very far off in regard of time ) is one Helmondus or Helmandus , who wrote the History of the Sclaves , or Sclavonian Nations ; Nations not known or heard of by that name in Europe , till the year 600 , converted to the Christian Faith by Cyril and Methodius , between the years 860. & 890. So that if the distinction of weeks did reach etiam ad ipsos usque Sauromatas , and was known to the Sclavonians themselves , while they continued in their ancient Paganism , as the Lord Primate saies it was , p. 79. I trow , this can be no sufficient argument , that the distinction of weeks was anciently known amongst the Gentiles , which was the matter to be proved . The Sclavonians having conquered Dalmatia , and those other Provinces which bordered on Macedon and Thrace , two hundred years at the least before they received the Gospel , might take up the distinction of time into weeks , from the Nations whom they had subdued , whilest they were yet in the state of paganism , and no harm done to the Historian in the present business : and therefore granting all that hath been said by Helmoldus , though a post-natus , living about the year 1180. the Historians Proposition still holds good and unconfuted ; unless this Argument be of force , viz. The Sclavonians when they were in the state of Paganism , betwixt the year 600. & 860. used to assemble on the second day of the week a to determine Controversies , as Helmoldus tells us ; therefore the distinction into weeks was anciently known amongst the Gentiles in their several Countries , above 2000. years before them . But if the same order of the dayes of the week be retained by them , which The ophilus the old Bishop of Antioch noteth to have been observed by all mankind , all is well enough ; and the Sclavonians , though a Nation of later standing , may well be made an instance for that observation , which all mankind had generally been accustomed to in all times foregoing . But certainly Theophilus Antiochenus tells us no such matter . The place here cited , as it stands translated in the Bibliotheca Patrum , is as followeth ; Praeterea , de die septimo qui inter omnes Mortales celebris est , b magna apud plerosque ignoratia est : Hic enim dies qui ab H●braeis Sabbatum vocatur , Graecè si quis nomen interpretetur , septimus dicitur : hoc nomine mortales omnes diem istum appellant , & nominis causam nesciunt pl●rique . Where clearly Theophilus speaks nothing with reference to the Gentiles of the elder times , but tells us in the present tense , what estimation there was had of the seventh day , which the Jewes called the Sabbath , in the present times ; I mean the times in which he lived , which was about the latter end of the second Century , Anno 174. And therefore if all mankind in his time , by reason of the observation of the seventh day amongst the Jewes , retained the same order of the dayes of the week , which the Sclavonians after did ; this cannot be conceived a sufficient Argument , that the same order was observed by the ancient Gentiles , whom that old Bishop of Antioch had no reference to in this citation : Johannes Philoponus the Grammarian speaks more plainly then Theophilus did , but he speaks nothing to the point which we have in hand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. which Balthazar Corderius thus translateth , Illud certè omnes homines consentiunt , septem soles esse dies , qui in seipsos revoluti totum tempus constituunt . And so it was no question in that Authors time , which was about the year 600. and somewhat after the distinction of time into weeks , being then generally received by all civil Nations , who either had received the Gospel , or had been under the command of the Roman Empire : That which comes after touching Moses ( Solus itaque magnus Moles septenarii dierum numeri rationem divina insp●ratione hominibus tradidit ) shewes rather the original of the distinction , then the general practice ; it being more then a thousand years from the death of Moses , before that distinction of time was received by the G●eeks and R●m●ns and therefore not to be hoped nor look't for in the barbarous Nations . And this is that which Petavius the Jesuite , a right learned man hath thus delivered . Anni divisio posterior est in Hebdomadas : ea dividendi ratio prorsus à Iudaeis o iginem traxit : Romani etiam ▪ ac Gentiles ante Tertulliani aevum adsciv●sse videntur . The last division of the year ( saith he ) is into weeks , derived originally from the Hebrewes , and seems to have been taken up by the Romans and other Gentiles before the time of Tertullian , who takes notice of it . By which it seems that this distinction was of no great standing in the Roman Empire , till first their acquaintance with the Jewes , and afterwards their receiving of the Christian faith , had brought it into use and esteem amongst them . The Proposition of the Histo●ian being thus made good , I doubt not but the Application wil hold accordingly . For hereupon it is inferred Hist . of Sab. Part. 1. c. 4. n. 11. That the Chaldees , Persians , Greeks , and Romans , all the four great Monarchies , did observe no Sabbaths , because they did observe no weeks . But the poor Historian must not pass with this truth neither , which necessarily doth arise upon the proof of the Proposition . And therefore he is told , That if he had read how well the contrary is proved by Rivetus and Salmasius , he would not have made such a Conclusion as he doth . That because the Heathen ( of the four great Monarchies at least ) had no distinction of weeks , therefore they could observe no Sabbath . And I concur fully with the Lord Primate in this particular . The Historian was not so irrational , as to infer that the Heathen of the four great Monarchies could observe no Sabbath , because they did observe no weeks ; in case it had been proved to his hand , or that any sufficient Argument had been offered to him to demonstrate this , that the very Gentiles , both Civil and Barbarous , both Ancient and of later dayes , as it were by an universal kind of Tradition , retained the distinction of the seven dayes of the week ; which is the point that Rivet and Salmasius are affirmed to have proved so well , p. 79. But on the contrary , the Historian having proved that there was no such distinction of the seven dayes of the week , retained by the ancient Gentiles , either Civil or Barbarous ; and so well proved it , that the Lord Primate hath not any thing to except against him : the Application will hold good against all opposition , and I shall rest my selfe upon it , that the Heathen which observed no Weeks , could observe no Sabbath . SECT . V. The Historian taxt for saying that the falling of the first Pentecost , after Christs Ascension , upon the first day of the week , was meerly casual . The Lord Primates stating the Question , and his inference on it . Exceptions against the state of the Question , as by him laid down , viz. in making the Feast of First fruits to be otherwise called the feast of Pentecost , or the feast of Weeks , &c. and that he did not rightly understand the meaning of the word Sabbath , Levit. 23. 16. The Pentecost affixt by Moses to a certain day of the month , as well as the Passover , or any other Annual Feast ; made by the Primate to fall alwayes on the first day of the week ; and God brought into act a miracle every year , that it might be so . An Answer to the Lord Primates Argument from the practice of the Samaritans in their keeping of Pentecost . The Quartodecimani and the Samaritans Schismaticks at the least , if not Hereticks also . The Lord Primate puts a wrong sense upon Isychius and Saint Ambrose , to prove that they gave to the Lords day the name of Sabbath , and his ill luck in it . The inference of the Lord Primate examined and rejected . The first day of the week not called the Lords day immediately after the first Pentecost , as is collected from Waldensis , nor in a long time after . The Lord Primates great mistake in Tertullians meaning about the Pentecost . Each of the fifty dayes which made up the Pentecost esteemed as holy by the Primitive Christians , as the Lords day was . The mystery of the First fruits not first opened by the Lord Primate , as is conceived by Dr. Twisse , who applauds him for it . THe second charge which the Lord Primate layes upon the Historian , relates unto the holding of the great feast of Pentecost , upon which day the Holy Ghost came down and sate upon the heads of the Apostles , in the shape of cloven fiery tongues ; and added by Saint Peters preaching no fewer then three thousand soules to the Church of Christ . It was , saith the Historian , a casual thing that Pentecost should fall that year upon the Sunday . It was a moveable feast , as unto the day , such as did change and shift it selfe , according to the position of the feast of Passover : the rule being this ; that that on what day soever the second of the Passover did fall , upon that also fell the great feast of Pentecost . Nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 semper eadem est feria , quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as Scaliger hath rightly noted . So that as often as the Passover did fall upon the Saturday or Sabbath , as this year it did ; then Pentecost fell upon the Sunday : but when the Passover did chance to fall upon the Tuesday , the Pentecost fell that year upon the Wednesday : & sic de caeteris . And if the Rule be true , as I think it is , that no sufficient Argument can be drawn from a casual fact ; and that the falling of the Pentecost that year , upon the first day of the week , be meerly casual ; the coming of the Holy Ghost upon that day , will be no Argument nor Authority , to state the first day of the week in the place and honour of the Iewish Sabbath . But the Lord Primate will by no means allow of this , and therefore having framed a discourse concerning the feast of Pentecost , and the day on which it was to be holden , he lets us see by a marginal Note , p. 90. against whom it is that he bends his forces , viz. against Dr. Heylyn , Part 2. c. 1. pag. 14. Let us see therefore what he hath to say against Dr. Heylyn in this particular , and into what inconveniencies he runs himselfe by the contradiction . In order whereunto he must first observe how he states the question , and then consider whether his proofs and arguments will come up to it . The Israelites ( saith he ) by the Law of Moses , were not onely to observe their weekly Sabbath every seventh day , but also their feasts of weeks once in the year : which although by the vulgar use of the Jewish Nation , it may now fall upon any day of the week , yet doe the Samaritans , untill this day , constantly observe it on the first day of the week , which is our Sunday ; for which they produce the Letter of the Law , Leviticus 23. 15 , 16. where the feast of the first fruits ( otherwise called Pentecost , or the feast of weeks ) is prescribed to be kept the morrow after the seventh Sabbath : which not they onely , but also amongst our Christian Interpreters , Isychius and Rupertus do interpret to be the first day of the week . p. 87 , 88. This ground thus laid , and some proofs offered ( quite beside the point in question ) to shew that the Lords day was called by the name of Sabbath in some ancient Writers , he builds this superstructure on it , and makes this following Descant on the former Plain song , viz. But touching the old Pentecost , it is very considerable , that it is no where in Moses affixed unto any one certain day of the month , as all the rest of the feasts are ; which is a very great presumption that it was a moveable Feast , and so varied , that it might alwayes fall upon the day immediately following the ordinary Sabbath . And if God so order the matter , that in the celebration of the feast of weeks , the seventh day should purposely be passed over , and that solemnity should be kept on the first : what other thing may we imagine could be presignified thereby , but that under the state of the Gospel , the solemnity of the weekly service should be celebrated upon that day ? p. 90. Such is the state of the Question , and such the inference which ariseth from that stating of it ; both which are now to be examined as they lie before us . And first , the feast of first fruits was not otherwise called Pentecost , or the feast of weeks , as the Lord Primate sayes it was . For though two loves in the name of the first fruits of the second , or wheat Harvest , were to be offered to the Lord on the feast of weeks , which being celebrated on the fiftieth day , from the sixteenth of Nisan , had the name of Pentecost ; yet was the name of the feast of first fruits appropriated more especially to the second day after the Passover , or the sixteenth of Nisan , on which the people offered the first fruits of their Barley ( which in that country was first ripe ) and from which the Computation of the said fifty dayes was to take beginning . And it was thus appropriated for these reasons following . 1. Because the sixteenth of Nisan was the first day of their Harvest , on which the people were to offer the very first fruits of the increase of the earth ( which in that Country was their Barley ) before which time they were not to eat either bread , or parched corn , or the green ears of it ; this offering to be made in the Sheafe or Gripe , before the Corn was thresht out , v. 10. to the end that all the subsequent Harvest , by the offering of these first fruits , might be blest unto them : whereas the offering of the two loves in the name of the first fruits of their Wheat , was not until the end of Harvest ( above seven weeks after ) when the Wheat was hous'd and threshed , and made into bread . And secondly , the name of the feast of first fruits was appropriated to the sixteenth of Nisan , because it had no other name by which it might be dignified above the rest of the fifty , and distinguished from them ; whereas the day on which the two loves were to be offered , was eminently known by the name of the feast of weeks , and the feast of Pentecost , and sometimes also called the feast of the Law , because the Law was given that day by the hand of Moses . In the next place , the Lord Primate either did not understand the meaning of the word Sabbath , Levit. 23. 15 , 16. or if he did , he would not seem to understand it , the better to carry on some design for the Sabbatarians : for by the tenour of his discourse , it appeareth most evidently that in both places he understands the word Sabbath in no other sense , but as it signifies the weekly Sabbath of the fourth Commandment , and thereupon concludes , that the computation of the fifty dayes beginning on the morrow after the Sabbath , and continuing till seven Sabbaths should be complete even unto the morrow after the seventh Sabbath the feast of Pentecost must of necessity fall upon the first day of the week which is now our Sunday . If so , the Sabbatarian Brethren are in the right , in making the falling of the first Christian Pentecost , on which the Holy Ghost came down , and sat on the heads of the Apostles ( three thousand souls being that day added to the Church of Christ ) to be an argument of some weight for their Lords-day Sabbath ; and Dr. Heylyn is in the wrong , for making the falling of that Pentecost upon the first day of the week , to be a matter of casualty , the feast of Pentecost not being tyed to a certain day , but falling on any day of the week , as the year did vary . But by his leave , by Sabbath in verse 15. ( And you shall count unto you from the morrow after the Sabbath ) we are to understand the feast of unleavened bread , which with all other of the Annual feasts had the name of Sabbath , as appears plainly by many several passages in this very Chapter . And this is that which is observed by some of the Fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Saint Chrysostom , Hom. in Matth. 39. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Isidore , Epist . 110. l. 3. And secondly , by Sabbath in the rest of those two verses , viz. Seven Sabbaths shall be complete ; even unto the morrow after the seventh Sabbath , &c. we are not to understand the weekly Sabbath , but the week it selfe , the whole seven dayes , which from the last in order , but the first in dignity , took the name of Sabbath . For so we read it in Chap. 18. of Saint Luke , where the Pharisee boasted of himself , that he fasted twice a week , verse 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Greek original , Jejuno bis in Sabbato , saith the vulgar Latine . Thus also in Matth. 28. & Luke 24. we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prima & una Sabbati , as the vulgar hath it , to denote the first day of the week , as our English reads it . And then the meaning of the Text will be briefly this , that the feast of Pentecost ( reckoning the computation from the morrow after the Sabbath , that is to say , the feast of unleavened bread ) was to be kept precisely on the morrow after the end of the seventh week , from the sixteenth of Nisan , on what day soever it should happen , and not on the morrow after the seventh weekly Sabbath , as the Lord Primate would fain have it . And therefore thirdly , if the Samaritans observing it until this day upon the first day of the week , which is our Sunday , produce the letter of the Law , Levit. 23. 15 , 16. by keeping it upon that day , they transgress the Law , because they take not along with them the true meaning of it , and the intent of him that gave it for a Law to the House of Israel . And this is just the case of Origen in the Primitive times , who by following the letter of the Gospel , made himself an Eunuch , contrary to the mind and meaning of Christ our Saviour , and therefore sinned against God and his own body . Fourthly , and finally , if Ruportus speak no otherwise then Isychius doth , he must be reprehended by the Lord Primate , as Isychius is for straining the signification of altera dies Sabbati , to express thereby the Lords day ; though both produced in this place to no other purpose , then to prove that the morrow after the seventh Sabbath was the first day of the week , which is now our Sunday . Let us next see what Superstructures have been made by the Lord Primate on the former grounds , what descant he hath made on the plain-song , which before we toucht at . And first he telleth us how considerable it is , th●t the old Pentecost is no where in Moses affixed unto any one certain day of the month , as all the rest of the feasts are , p. 90. But this is gratis dictum also the feast of Pentecost being as precisely tied to a certain day , as either the Passover , the feast of Expiation , or the feast of Tabernacles ; for being the Passover is sixt on the fourteenth of Nisan , the feast of unleavened bread on the fifteenth , the offering of the first fruits on the sixteenth ; and that the feast of Pentecost was to be kept on the fiftieth day after that : it must-needs fall expresly and of course ( allowing thirty dayes to the month , as the Jewes computed it ) on the fifth of Sivan ; which makes it evident , that the old Pentecost was affixt by Moses to one certain day of the month , as well as any of the rest . He telleth us next , that the old Pentecost may be presumed to have been a moveable feast , but varied so , that it might alwayes fall upon the day immediately following the ordinary Sabbath . Which were it so , it must needs be a movable immovable feast ▪ though being constantly reckoned from the sixteenth of Nisan , and kept as constantly on the morrow after the end of the seven weeks from thence computed ; seems to have nothing moveable in it , but all fixt and firm . Thirdly , whereas it is took for granted , and affirmed expresly , that the Pentecost did alwayes fall upon the day immediately following the ordinary Sabb●th ; there is not any thing more different from the truth it self , nor less agreeable to right reason . The Passov●r , though it was fixt on the fourteenth of Nisan , as to the day of the month , did ●all in course ( as the f●ast of Christmas , the Epiphany , the Annuntiation , and all the rest of the Festivals which depend not on the keeping of Easter do with us in England ) on every day of the week successively in their turns and courses . So that if the fourteenth of Nisan full upon the second day of the week , the feast of Pentecost must fall that year upon the Wednesday ; and if the fourteenth of Nisan fell upon the Tuesday , then the Pentecost must fall that year upon the Thursday , & sic de caeteris . Besides , the year was so unequal amongst the Jewes , that it was impossible the feast of Pentecost should be kept always on the first day of the week , or the morrow after the ordinary Sabbath , as the Lord Primate would fain have it . For the Jewes measuring their months by the course of the Moon , they made their year fall shorter by eleven dayes , than those who measured their year by the course of the Sun ; and therefore were necessitated at the end of every 2d ▪ or 3d. year , to insert a month , which they commonly called Veadar , or the second Adar , because it followed after the 12th . month , which they called Adar . By reason whereof , it was altogether impossible in the course of nature , or in the ordinary revolution of times and seasons , that the Pentecost should always fall on the first day of the week ; and therfore God himself is brought upon the Stage , and must work a miracle every year to make up the matter ; for so it followeth , viz God ( saith he ) so ordered the matter , that in the celebration of the feast of Weeks , the seventh day should purposely be passed over , and that solemnity should be kept upon the first . p. 90 And this I needs must look on as an high presumption in another man ( absit reverentia vero , in the Poets language ) that God should be entitled to the maintenance of our private fancies , and brought to act his part ( without any necessity ) in the abetting of mens quarrels . The Heathen Poet was a better Divine then so , who would not have God made an Actor in the common Enter●udes ( Nec Deus intersit nisi dignus vindice nodus Inciderit , as his own words are ) unless some great and weighty difficulty , not otherwise to be resolved , did require the same . But I am sure there is no such difficulty in the case which we have before us , as to make God a party in it , to bring him down once in every year to act a miracle , in ordering the matter so , that howsoever the course of the year did change and vary , the Pentecost or feast of weeks should alwayes fall upon the first day of the week , which is now our Sunday . Now though I should proceed to the examination of the inference which ariseth from the former premises , yet I shall first consider of the proofs and testimonies which the Lord Primate hath produced in this particular . And the first Argument which he brings , is from the practice of the Samaritans , of whom he tells us that the Samaritans do constantly observe the Pentecost on the first day of the week , which is now our Sunday , p. 87. their practise in it being preferred before the vulgar use of the Jewish Nation , by whose account it may now fall on any day of the week , as is there affirmed . Assuredly the Jews who so tenaciously adhere to their Circumcision and their Sabbaths , and so religiously observe the feast of unleavened bread , and the feast of Purim according to the times appointed in the holy Scripture , cannot be thought to violate the Law of Moses in keeping the feast of Pentecost on any day of the week whatsoever , as it chanced to fall . And on the other side , the Samaritans being lookt upon by the Jewes as Schismaticks , as Hereticks also by Epiphanius , and divers other Christian Authors , can make no president in this case , nor ought to have their practice used for an Argument to consute the practise of the Jewes , the more regular people , and more observ●●● of the Law , and the punctualities or nicities of it , then the others were . Much like to this was the point in difference , between the old Hereticks , called Quartodecimani ▪ and the Orthodox Christians , about the time of keeping Easter , which the Quartodecimani kept alwayes on the fourteenth day of the month , on what day soever it should happen , on which day the Jewes also kept their Passeover , the Orthodox Christians keeping it on the Sunday after , in memory of the Resurrection of our Lord and Saviour , for which the feast of Easter was first ordained . He that shall justifie the Samaritans against the Jewes in the case of Pentecost , may as well justifie the Quartodecimani against the Orthodox Christians in the case of Easter . And yet to justifie the Samaritans , it is after added , that they produce the Letter of the Law , Levit. 23. 15 , 16. where the feast of the first fruits ( otherwise called Pentecost , or the feast of Weeks ) is prescribed to be kept the morrow after the seventh Sabbath , which they interpret to be the first day of the week , p. 87 , 88. As if the Jewes did not , or could not keep themselves to the Letter of the Law , in keeping Pentecost at the end of fifty dayes , on what day soever it might fall , because the Samaritans pretend to have the Law on their side in that particular . Assuredly the Lord Primate did not consider of the absurdities he hath fallen into by thus advocating for the Samaritans , and fixing the feast of Pentecost on the morrow after the seventh weekly Sabbath ; for by this means in stead of a feast of Pentecost to be observed on the fiftieth day from the first account , we shall have a feast ( by what name soever we shall call it ) to be observed on the forty ninth , forty eighth , and forty seventh ▪ which though they may be called the feasts of Weeks , or the feasts of the Law , cannot by any means be called the feast of Pentecost . For if the sixteenth of Nisan , or the feast of first fruits fall upon the Monday , the feast of Pentecost ( improperly so called ) must be kept upon the forty ninth ; if on Tuesday , on the forty eighth day after ; and so abating of the number till we come to Saturday ; on which day , if the sixteenth of Nisan should chance to fall ( as sometimes it must , ) the next day after the seventh Sabbath would be but the forty fourth day ; and so by the Lord Primates Rule , we shall have a feast of Pentecost but once in seven years , that is to say , when the sixteenth of Nisan did fall upon the first day of the week , which is now our Sunday ; a feast of Weeks , or of giving of the Law on the other six . Adeo Argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent exitus , said Lactantius truely . The second proof is borrowed from the testimony of Isychius , an old Christian Writer ( who lived about the year 600. ) interpreting the morrow after the seventh Sabbath , as the Samaritans also do , to be the first day of the Week . And true it is , that Isychius doth so expound it ; and more then so , makes it to be the first intention of the Law-giver ▪ that the day from which the fifty dayes were to be reckoned , should be the first day of the week , which is now our Sunday . Planiùs , laith he , legislator intentionem suam demonstrare volens , ab altero die Sabbati memorari praecepit quinquaginta dies ; dominicum diem proculdubio volens intelligi . In which as the Lord Primate dares not justifie his Author for straining the signification of altera dies Sabbati , to signifie the Lords day , beyond that true meaning of the word , which in Moses denoteth no more then the morrow after the Sabbath ( though produced by him to no other purpose then to prove that point ; ) so dare not I justifie the Lord Primate in straining the words of his Author beyond their meaning , and telling us that he made no scruple to call the day of Christs resurrection another Sabbath day . For if we look upon it well , we shall not find that Isychius calls the day of the Resurrection by the name of another Sabbath day , but onely telleth us that the Lords day , the day on which our Saviour rose , was altera dies Sabbati , that is to say , the first day of the Week , or the morrow after the Sabbath ( understand by Sabbath in this place , the feast of unleavened bread ) from whence the fifty dayes , which ended in the feast of Pentecost , were to take beginning , as will appear by comparing these words with those before , viz. ab altero die Sabbati memorari praecepit quinquaginta dies . If the Lord Primate can find no better comfort from the Council of Friuli , cap. 13. for calling the day of Christs Resurrection by the name of another Sabbath day ; he will finde but little , if not less , from those words of Saint Ambrose , to which the said Council of Friuli is supposed to allude . The Fathers words on which the Lord Primate doth rely , to prove that the Lords day was then called a Sabbath , as both Isychius and the said Council of Friuli are presumed to do , are these that follow , viz. Vbi Dominica dies coepit praecellere , quâ Dominus resurrexit , Sabbatum quod primum erat secundum haberi coepit à primo . In which passage he would have us think that the Lords day is called primum Sabbatum , or the first Sabbath ; and the Saturday Sabbatum secundum , or the second Sabbath . Whereas indeed the meaning of the Father is no more then this , that after the Lords day had grown into estimation , and got the better , as it were , of the Jewish Sabbath ( ubi Dominica dies coepit praecellere , &c. ) the Sabbath of the Jewes , which was before the first in honour and account , began to be lookt upon in the second place , the first being given unto the day of the Resurrection . And as for the Council of Friuli , the Lord Primate doth not say for certain , that the Lords day is there called Sabbatum primum , and the Jewish Sabbath , Sabbatum ultimum ; but that they are so called , if he be not mistaken : but if he be mistaken in it ( why not as well in this as in all the rest ? ) the Council of Friuli will conclude no more then Saint Ambrose did , to whom it is said to have alluded . And on the contrary , if the Testimonies here alledged from Isychius , the Council , and Saint Ambrose may be properly used to prove , that the Lords day was then called by the name of the Sabbath , the Lord Primate must have very ill luck in finding no other testimony , but that of luxus Sabbatarius in Apollinaris , p. 75. to evidence that the Latine word Sabbatum , used to denote our Christian Festivities , of which in our first Section we have spoken suffi●iently . Nor is the Lord Primate less zealous to entitle the Lords day to some Divinity , then to gratifie the Sabbatarian Brethren , by giving it the name of the Sabbath day . For this is that which is chiefly aimed at in the inference , wherein I would very cheerfully concur in opinion with him , but that I am unsatisfied in the grounds of it . For if I were satisfied in this , that God so ordered the matter , that in the celebration of the feast of Weeks , the seventh day should purposely be passed over , and that solemnity should be kept upon the first ; I should as easily grant as he , that nothing was more likely to be presignified thereby , then that under the state of the Gospel the solemnity of the weekly service should be celebrated upon that day , p. 90. But being I cannot grant the first for the reasons formerly delivered , I cannot on the like , or for better reasons , admit the second . I grant that under the state of the Gospel , the solemnities of the weekly service were celebrated on that day ; and yet I can neither agree with him , nor with Thomas Waldensis , whom he cites to that purpose , that the Lords day did presently succeed . ( Tunc intrasse Dominicam loco ejus ) in the place thereof , as Baptism presently ( as he saith ) succeeded in the place of Circumcision . For though Saint John ▪ Apocal. 1. call the first day of the week by the name of the Lords day , as most Christian Writers think he did , yet doth it not follow thereupon that it was so called , statim post missionem spiritus Sancti ( as Waldensis would have it ) immediately on the comming down of the Holy Ghost . For not onely in the eighteenth of the Acts , which was some yeares after the first Christian Pentecost , but in Saint Pauls Epistle to the Corinthians , it is given us by no other name , then that of the first day of the Week ; nor did Saint John write the Revelation , in which the name of the Lords day is first given unto it , till the ninty fourth or ninty fifth year from our Saviours birth , which was sixty years , or thereabouts , from the coming down of the Holy Ghost , the first Christian Pentecost . And though I am not willing to derogate from the honour of so great a day , yet I cannot agree with the Lord Primate , That it is in a manner generally acknowledged by all , that on that day ( viz. the first day of the week ) the famous Pentecost in the second of the Acts was observed . For Lorinus in his Commentary on the second of the Acts , tells us of some who hold , that at the time of our Saviours suffering , the Passover fell upon the Thursday , and then the Pentecost must of necessity fall upon the Saturday , or Jewish Sabbath . But seeing it is said to be agreed on generally in a manner onely , let it pass for once . All which considered , I shall and will adhere to my former vote , viz. that if the rule be true , as I think it is , that no sufficient argument can be drawn from a casual fact , and that the falling of the Pentecost that year , upon the first day of the week , be meerly casual ; the comming of the Holy Ghost upon that day will be no Argument nor Authority to state the first day of the week in the place and honour of the Jewish Sabbath . And now before I shut up this Dispute about the Pentecost , I shall crave leave to put the Lord Primate in mind of a great mistake which he hath fallen into , by putting another sense on Tertullians words , about the first Pentecost , as observed by the Christians , than was intended by that Author . For telling us , p. 85. That the Gentiles did not celebrate their Saturdays with that solemnity , wherewith themselves did their Annual Festivities , or the Jews their weekly Sabbaths ; he bringeth for a proof thereof a passage cited out of the fourteenth Chapter of Tertullian , De Idololatria ; by which it may appear , saith be , that Tertullian thus speaks unto the Christians , who observed 52. Lords days every year , whereas all the Annual festivals of the Pagans put together did come short of fifty ; Ethnicis semel annuus dies quisque festus est , tibi octavo quoque die . Excerpe singulas solemnitates nationum , & in ordinem t●xe , Pentecosten implere non poterunt . But clearly Tertullian in th●t place neither relates to the 52 Lords dayes , nor the number of 50. but onely to the Christian Pentecost , which in his time was solemnized 50. dayes together , and took up the whole space of time betwixt Easter and Whitsuntide . And this appears plainly by the drift of the Author in that place , in which he first taxeth the Christians with keeping many of the feasts of the Gentiles , whereas the Gentiles kept not any of the feasts of the Christians , non Dominicam , non Pentecosten , no not so much as the Lords day , or the feast of Pentecost . And then he addes , that if they did it on●●y to refresh their spirits , or indulge something to the flesh , they had more festivals of their own then the Gentiles had . The number of the feasts observed by the Gentiles , being so short of those which were kept by the Christians of his time , ut Pentecosten non potuerint , they could not equal the festival of the Pentecost onely , much less the Pentecost and the Lords day together . And so it is observed by Pamelius in his Notes upon that place ; where first he telleth us , that the Author in that place understands not onely the feast of Pentecost it selfe , or the last day of fifty , sed etiam tempus illud integrum à die Paschae in Pentecosten , but the whole space of time betwixt it and the Passeover ( taking the word Passover in the largest sense , as it comprehends also the feast of unleavened bread . ) But what need Pamelius come in place , when it is commonly avowed by the ancient Writers , that all the fifty dayes which made up the Pentecost , were generally esteemed as holy , and kept with as great reverence and solemnity as the Lords day was ? No fasting upon the one nor upon the other ; Die dominico jejunium nefas ducimus , vel de geniculis adorare ; eadem immunitate à die Paschae in Pentecosten gaudemus , as Tertullian hath it . Saint Ambrose more expresly tells us , Sermon 61. that every one of those fifty dayes was instar Dominicae , and qualis est Dominica , in all respects nothing inferiour to the Lords day ; and in his Comment on Saint Luke c. 17. l. 8. that omnes dies ( that is to say , all those fifty dayes ) sunt tanquam Dominica . Adde hereunto Saint Jeroms testimony , Ad Lucinum , and then I hope Tertullians words in his Book De Idololatria , c. 14. will find another sense and meaning then that which the Lord Primate hath ascribed unto it . To shut up this Dispute , in which we have encountred so many errors , the Lord Primate tells us very rightly , that on the day of the Passeover , Christ our Passeover was slain for us , that he rested in the grave the whole Sabbath following ( commonly called the feast of unleavened bread ) the next day after that , the first fruits of the first ( or Barley ) Harvest was offered unto God , and that from thence the count was taken of the seven Sabbaths , and that upon the morrow after the seventh Sabbath ( which was our Lords day ) was celebrated the feast of weeks , &c. Upon which offering of the sheaf of the first fruits of the first , or ( Barley ) Harvest ( which hapned at the time of our Saviours suffering on the first day of the Week ) he gives this note , that Christ rose from the dead upon that day , and became the first fruits of them that slept ; many bodies of the Saints that slept arising likewise after him , p 91. And for this note , he receives great thanks from Dr. Twisse , signifying in a letter to him the great satisfaction which he received from him , in opening the mystery of the feasts of first fruits , to the singular advantage of the Lords day , in the time of the Gospel , p. 103. But herein Dr. Twisse may be said to be like those men of whom Tully speaks , Qui non tantùm ornarent aliquem suis laudibus , sed honorarent alienis . For without derogating in the least from the honour due to the Lord Primate , I cannot say that the honour of the first opening of this mystery doth belong to him ; it being an observation which I had both read in Books , and heard in Sermons many years before 1640. in which ( or but the year before ) the Lord Primate wrote this present Letter to Doctor Twisse . But because I have but few Books by me , and cannot readily call to mind in what Books I read it , I shall content my selfe at this present with the gloss of Deodati on the twentieth verse of the fifteenth Chapter of the first Epistle to those of Corinth , where it is said , that Christ was risen again , and was become the first fruits of them that slept , premising onely by the way , that Diodati began those Annotations in the Italian tongue , about the year 1606. to give his Country-men an insight of the darkness wherin they lived , which afterwards he polished and perfected in such manner , as they are now come into our hands . Now Diodati his note is this , viz. that Christ is called the first fruits of them that slept , not onely because he was the first in the order of the Resurrection , which is in Believers , as it were , a wakening from sleep ; but also in the quality of a Chief , the cause and pledge of it in all his members inseparably united to him by communion of Spirit , Rom. 8. 11. even as under the Law in the first fruits offered to God , the people had an assurance of Gods blessing upon all their Harvest . In a word , as some things are defined , or ( to speak more properly ) described amongst Philosophers rather by what they are not , then by what they are ; so it is easier to declare to whom the first opening of this Mystery of the first fruits ( if there be any mystery in it ) doth not of right belong , then to whom it doth . SECT . VI. The Historian charged for following the Greek Editions of Ignatius , in his Epistle to the Magnesians . An old Latine Translation of Ignatius preferred by the Lord Primate before any of the Greek Editions , and the reason why . Proofs from the best of the Greek Fathers , that the Sabbath was kept as an holy day by the Primitive Christians ; The contrary not proved by these two testimonies which are alledged from the Council of Laodicea , and the words of Gregory the Great . The Council of Laodicea prohibits not the keeping of the Sabbath day , but the keeping of it after the manner of the Jews , by abstaining from all kind of work . The Sabbatarians by imposing a restraint from all manner of work on the Lords day , are by Pope Gregory the Great made the Preachers of Antichrist . The Lord Primate picks a needless quarrel with the Bishop of Ely. THe third charge laid by name on the Historian , relates unto a passage cited out of the Epistle of Ignatius Ad Magnesianos ; in which he doth not stand accused either for falsifying the words of his Author , or putting a wrong sense upon them ; but onely for not consulting with an old Latine copy of Ignatius which he never heard of . The Historian had then by him no fewer then four Editions of that Father , one published by Mastreus the Jesuite , both in Greek and Latine ; another in both languages , published by Vedelius a Genevian , with his notes upon it ; a third more ancient then either of them , printed at Paris , in both languages also , but the year I remember not ; and a fourth in Latine onely , but of a very old Print , subjoyned unto the works of Dionysius the Areopagite . Out of all which compared together , he cited that passage out of the Epistle to the Magnesians , against which the Lord Primate hath excepted , and is this that followeth ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Let us not keep the Sabbath in a Jewish manner , in sloth and idleness ; for it is written , that he that will not labour shall not eat , and in the sweat of thy brows shalt thou eat thy bread . But let us keep it after a spiritual fashion , not in bodily ease , but in the study of the Law ; not eating meat dressed yesterday , or drinking luke-warm drinks , or walking out a limited space , or setling our delights , as they did , on dancing ; but in the contemplation of the works of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. And after we have so kept the Sabbath , let every one that loveth Christ , keep the Lords day festival , the Resurrection day , the Queen and Empress of all dayes ; in which our life was raised again , and death was overcome by our Lord and Saviour . So that we see he would have both dayes observed ; the Sabbath first , though not as would the Ebionites , in a Jewish sort : and after that the Lords day , which he so much magnifieth , the better to abate that high esteem which some had cast upon the Sabbath . Against this passage , and the inference which is raised upon it , the Lord Primate first objecteth , saying , that there is no such thing to be found in an old Latine copy of the works of Ignatius , which is to be seen in the Library of Caius Colledge in Cambridge , which for many respects he doth prefer before any Greek Edition then extant . And in that old Latine copy , saith he , there is nothing to be found in the Epistle to the Magnesians , touching the Sabbath and the Lords day , but these words onely , viz. Non amplius Sabbatizantes , sed secundum Dominicam viventes , in qua & vita nostra orta est . And thereupon he doth infer that all those other words alledged by Doctor Heylyn ( Part 2. page 43. ) to prove that Ignatius would have both the Sabbath and the Lords day observed , were afterwards added by some later Grecian , who was afraid that the custome of keeping both dayes observed in his time , should appear otherwise to be directly opposite to the sentence of Ignatius , p. 95 , 96. This is the easiest charge that may be , and if there were nothing else intended , but to shew that the Historian was not the Master of so much good fortune , as to have seen the old Latine Copy in Caius Library before he undertook that work , we might here end this Section without more ado . But the main matter aim'd at in it , is to disprove that which the Historian hath delivered , concerning the observing of both dayes , as well the old Sabbath , as the new Lords day by the Primitive Christians . That which the Lord Primate cites out of the third Book of Eusebius , to shew that the main intention of Ignatius was to oppose the Ebionites of his own time , is no more then what he might have found in the same Part and Page of the History of the Sabbath , which himselfe hath cited ; and therefore might have here been spared , were it not used by him as an Argument to prove that which no body doth deny , viz. That by their imitation of the Church herein the antiquity of the observation of the Lords day might be further confirmed , p. 96. Nor is it to much better purpose that he proves the universality of the observance of the Lords day , out of another passage of the same Eusebius in his Book De laudibus Constantini ; in which he doth but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having no other Adversary ( that I know of ) to contend withal . The Author of that History had said so much of the Antiquity of the Lords day , and the Universality of the observance of the same , with many other things conducing to the honour of that sacred day ; that he received thanks for it sent to him in the name of divers Ministers living in Buckinghamshire , and Surrey ( though of a different perswasion from him in other points about that day ) whom he never saw . But that the Saturday , or old Sabbath , was not kept holy at the first by the Primitive Christians , by those especially who lived in the Eastern parts of the Roman Empire ; neither the antiquity nor the universality of keeping the Lords day can evince at all . For on the contrary , that the old Sabbath was kept holy by the Primitive Christians , is proved first by the Constitutions of the Apostles ascribed to Clement ( of good Authority in the Church , though not made by them ) where it is said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . By which it evidently appears , that both dayes were ordered to be kept holy , the one in memorial of the Creation , the other of the Resurrection . Which Constitutions being not thought to be of weight enough to make good the point ( though of so great antiquity and estimation , as to be mentioned and made use of by Epiphanius , a right learned man ) are somewhat backt by the Authority of Theophilus Antiochenus an old Eastern Bishop , who lived not long time after Ignatius , Anno 174. by whom we are told of that great honour which the seventh day or Jewish Sabbath had attained unto ( qui apud omnes mortales celebris est , as before we had it in our fourth Section on another occasion ) with all sorts of people . But if this be not plain enough , as I think it is , they are secondly most strongly countenanced by the Authority of the Synod held in Laodicea ( a Town of Phrygia ) Anno 314. where there passed a Canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , touching the reading of the Gospels with the other Scriptures upon the Saturday or Sabbath ; that in the time of Lent there should be no oblation made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but on the Saturday , and the Lords day onely ; neither that any festival should then be observed in memory of any Martyrs , but that their names onely should be commemorated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon the Lords day and the Sabbaths . Which Canons were not made ( as may appear plainly by the Histories of these elder times ) for the introduction of any new observance never used before , but for the Declaration and Confirmation of the ancient usage . Thirdly , we find in Gregory Nyssen , that some of the people who had neglected to observe the Saturday , were reproved by him on the Sunday , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; &c. With what face , saith the Father , wilt thou look upon the Lords day , which hast dishonoured the Sabbath ? knowest thou not that these dayes are Sisters , and that whosoever doth despise the one , doth affront the other ? Fourthly , by Saint Basil the Saturday or Sabbath is reckoned for one of those four dayes , on which the Christians of his time used weekly to participate of the blessed Eucharist ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the Lords day , Wednesday and Friday being the other three . And though it cannot be denied , but that the observation of the Saturday began to lessen and decay in divers places towards the latter end of the fourth Century , and in some other places , as namely the Isle of Cyprus , and the great City of Alexandria ( following therein the Custom of the Church of Rome ) had never been observed at all ; Yet , fifthly , Epiphanius Bishop of Salamis in the Isle of Cyprus , could not but acknowledge , that in other places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they used to celebrate the holy Sacrament , and hold their publick meetings on the Sabbath day . And sixthly , the Homily De Semonte ascribed to Athanasius , doth affirm as much , as to the publick Assemblies of the Christians on the Sabbath day ; and so doth Socrates the Historian , who accounts both dayes for weekly festivals , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that on them both the Congregation used to be assembled , and the whole Liturgy performed . By which account , besides Socrates , and the Author of the Constitutions , against whom some objections have been pretended , we have the Testimonies of Theophilus Antiochenus , Gregory Nyssen , Basil , Epiphanius , and the Author of the Homily De Semente ascribed to Athanasius , most plain and positive in this point , that both the Sabbath and the Lords day were observed for days of publick meeting by the Eastern Christians , as was affirmed before out of the Epistle of Ignatius ad Magnes . And I conceive that the Lord Primate did not , or could not think ( or if he did , cannot be justified for so thinking ) that men of such an eminent sanctity as those Fathers were , would falsifie that Epistle of Ignatius to serve their turns , or adde any thing to that Epistle which they found not in it , out of a fear that the custome of keeping both dayes observed in their times , should appear otherwise to be directly opposite to the sentence of Ignatius , p. 96. And therefore Doctor Heylyn taking the words of Ignatius , as he found them in the several Greek Editions above mentioned , and finding them so well backt and countenanced by those holy Fathers which succeeded in their several times , need not be troubled at the starting out of an old Latine Manuscript , so different from the Greek Editions , as it seems to be ; nor to recede from any thing which he hath cited out of those Editions , because the Lord Primate findes it not in his Latine Manuscript . The passage of Ignatius Ad Magnesianos , cited by the Historian , being justified by so many good Authors , all living and writing ( except Socrates onely ) in the four first Centuries ; we must next see what the Lord Primate hath to object against it , or any thing therein delivered , or rather to confirm his correction of it out of the old Latine Copy in the Library of Caius Colledge . The old Latine Copy hath it thus , Non amplius Sabbatizantes , sed secundum Dominicam viventes , in qua & vita nostra orta est . And this he thinks to be a sufficient Argument to prove , that the Lords day was observed as a weekly holy day by the Christians in the room of the abrogated Sabbath of the Jewes , p. 93. Though no such thing can be collected , either as to the weekly celebrating of the Lords day , or the abrogating of the Jewish Sabbath from his Authors words . But then as well to justifie the reading of this old Latine Copy , as to refel that which the Historian had observed from the Greek Editions , he gives us two Authorities , and no more but two : The first is the Authority of the Fathers in the Council of Laodicea , touching the time whereof ( whether he or the Lord Bishop of Ely be in the right ) we dispute not now ; By whom it was declared , quod non oportet Christianos Judaizare , & in Sabbat o otiari , sed ipsos eo die operari ; diem autem Dominicam praeferentes , otiari ( si modo possint ) ut christianos , p. 98. But unto this it may be answered , that this Canon ( it is the 29 in number ) relates not to the meetings of the Christians on the Sabbath or Saturday for Gods publick service ; but to the usage of some men , who did seem to Judaize upon it , by giving themselves to ease and idleness , and to rest from labour when the service of the day was ended . And that the Canon meant no more then to reprove such men as observed the Saturday or Sabbath after the manner of the Jewes , and to take order for the conttary in the time to come , appears most evidently by the great care they took touching the solemnizing of that day , and the Divine Offices to be done upon it , declared in three several Canons , the summe whereof we have seen already in this Section . So that this first part of that Canon aimed at no other end , but by ordaining that the people should work on the Sabbath or Saturday ( suppose it still after the publick service of the day was ended ) thereby to distinguish them from the Jewes , who would not work at all upon it . And then that this distinction between them and the Jewes might appear more evidently , it was ordered in the later part of that Canon , that preferring the Lords day before it , they should as Christians rest from labour on that day , if their occasions would permit them : For if we mark it as we should , we shall not find that the Fathers absolutely prescribed any such cessation from all , or any work ( for which purpose it is chiefly cited ) but onely with a si modo possint , if neither Masters , Parents , or other Superiors should command them otherwise , or that the conveniency of their own affairs , or the doing of good offices to their neighbour , did not occasion them to dispose of it , or some part thereof on some bodily labour . The Canon must be thus expounded , or else it must run cross to those which before were mentioned , which were ridiculous to imagine in so grave a meeting . The next Authority is taken from Gregory the Great , who telleth us that it is the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist , qui veniens diem Dominicum & Sabbatum ab omni opere faeciet custodiri , who at his coming shall cause both the Lords day and the Sabbath to be kept or celebrated without doing any manner of work . A passage very strangely cited , and such as I conceive the Lord Primate will neither stand to , nor be ruled by upon second thoughts . For if it be the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist , that no manner of work is to be done upon the Saturday or Sabbath , it is the Doctrine of the same Preachers of Antichrist , that no manner of work be done on the Lords day neither . And if it be the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist , that no manner of work should be done on the Lords day , what will become of all our English Sabbatarians , and their Abetrers , who impose as many restraints of this kind upon Christian people , as ever were imposed on the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharisees ? What will become of those who framed the Articles of Ireland , or have since subscribed them , or preacht , or writ according to the tenour of them ; in one of which it is decreed , that the first day of the week , which is the Lords day , is wholly to be dedicated to the service of God , and that therefore we are bound therein to rest from all common and daily business ? The Lord Primate did not well consider of these inconveniencies , when he brought in Gregory the Great to bear witness for him . And in that want of consideration , he falls on Doctor Francis White , Lord Bishop of Ely , a right learned man , for rendring Pope Gregories words by a strange kind of mistake in turning this word and the Copulative , into or the Disjunctive . But possibly this may be a fault of the Printers , or a slip of the Pen , without any purpose or design of altering the least word , or true intention of that Father . And secondly , whether it be rendered by the Copulative and , or the Disjunctive or , is not much material ; for if it be the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist , to teach men to abstain from all manner of work both on the Saturday and the Sunday ; it is , no doubt , the Doctrine of the same preachers of Antichrist , to teach men to abstaine from all manner of work upon the Saturday , or the Sunday . So that the Lord Primate might have spared that exception against a man of his own order , and of so great Abilities in the Schools of Learning ; but he held a contrary opinion to the Sabbatarians , and therefore was to fare no better then the Author of the History had fared before him . And herein the Lord Primate seems to be of the same mind with the famous Orator , who held it very just and equitable , ut qui in eadem causa sint in eadem item essent fortuna . And so much for that . SECT . VII . The Historian charged for crossing with the Doctrine of the Church of England , and in what particulars ; Mr. Ley accused by the Lord Primate , for being too cold and waterish in the point of the Sabbath . That by the Declaration of the three Estates convened in Parliament , 5. & . 6. of Edw. 6. the times of publick worship are left to the liberty of the Church ; and that by the Doctrine of the Homilies the keeping of the Lords day hath no other ground then the consent of godly Christian people in the Primitive times . No more of the fourth commandment to be now retained , by the Book of Homilies , then what belongs to the Law of Nature . Working in Harvest , and doing other necessary business , permitted on the Lords day , both by that Act of Parliament , and the Queens Iniunctions . No restraint made from Recreations on the Lords day till the first of King James . The Sundaies and other Festivals made equal in a manner by the publick Liturgy , and equal altogether by two Acts of Parliament . The Answer to the Lord Primates Obiection from the Book of Homilies with reference to the grounds before laid down . The difference between the Homilies of England and the Articles of Ireland in the present case . Several strong Arguments to prove the Homily to mean no otherwise then as laid down in the said Answer . Doctor Bounds Sabbath Doctrines lookt on as a general grievance , and the care taken to suppress them . WE are now come unto the third & most material charge of all the rest , by which the Historian stands accused for opposing the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Book of Homilies , to which he had formerly subscribed ; and that too in so gross a manner , that all the Sophistry he had could neither save him harmless for it , nor defend him in it . This is an heavy charge indeed ; and that it may appear the greater , the Lord Primate layes it down with all those aggravations which might render the Historian the less able either to traverse the Indictment , or plead not guilty to the Bill . I wonder ( saith he in his Letter to an Honourable Person , pag. 110. ) how Doctor Heylyn , having himself subscribed to the Articles of Religion agreed upon in the Synod held at London , Anno 1562. can oppose the conclusion , which he findeth directly laid down in the Homily of the time and place of Prayer , viz. God hath given express charge to all men in the fourth Commandment , that upon the Sabbath day , which is now our Sunday , they shall cease from all weekly and week-day labour , to the intent , that like as God himself wrought six dayes , and rested the seventh , and blessed and consecrated it to quietness and rest from labour , even so Gods obedient people should use the Sunday holily , and rest from their common and dayly business , and also give themselves wholly to the heavenly exercise of Gods true Religion and service . This is the charge which the Historian suffers under , wherewith the Lord Primate , as it seems , did so please himself , that like a crambe his cocta , it is served in again in his Letter unto Mr. Ley ; but ushered in with greater preparation then before it was . For whereas Mr. Ley had hammered a Discourse about the Sabbath , which he communicated to the Lord Primate , to the end it might be approved by him , the Lord Primate finds some fault with the modesty of the man , as if he came not home enough in his Propositions to the point in hand ; Your second Proposition ( saith he p. 105. ) is too waterish , viz. That this Doctrine rather then the contrary is to be held the Doctrine of the Church of England ; and may well be gathered out of her publick Liturgy , and the first part of the Homily concerning the place and time of prayer . Whereas you should have said , that this is to be held undoubtedly the Doctrine of the Church of England . For if there could be any reasonable doubt made of the meaning of the Church of England in her Liturgy , who should better declare her meaning then her self in her Homily ? where she peremptorily declareth her mind ; That in the fourth Commandment God hath given express charge to all men , &c. as before we had it . Assuredly a man that reads these passages cannot chuse but think that the Lord Primate was a very zealous Champion for the Doctrine of the Church of England ; but upon better consideration we shall find it otherwise , & that he only advocateth for the Sabbatarians , not onely contrary to the doctrine of the Church of England , but the practise also : which that we may the better see , I shall lay down plainly , and without any sophistry at all , upon what grounds the Lords day stood in the Church of England at the time of the making of this Homily , both absolutely in it self , and relatively in respect of the other Holy dayes . And first we are to understand , that by the joint Declaration of the Lords Spiritual & Temporal , and the Commons assembled in Parliament in the 5. & 6. years of King Edw. 6. the Lords day stands on no other ground then the Authority of the Church , not as enjoyned by Christ , or ordained by any of his Apostles . For in that Parliament , to the honour of Almighty God it was thus declared , viz. Forasmuch as men be not at all times so mindful to laud and praise God , so ready to resort to hear Gods holy word , and to come to the holy Communion , &c. as their bounden duty doth require ; therefore to call men to remembrance of their duty , and to help their infirmities , it hath been wholsomly provided , that there should be some certain times and dayes appointed wherein Christians should cease from all kind of labour , and apply themselves onely and wholly unto the aforesaid holy works , properly pertaining to true Religion , &c. which works , as they may well be called Gods service , so the times especially appointed for the same , are called holy dayes : Not for the matter or the nature either of the time or day , &c. for so all dayes and times are of like holiness , but for the nature and condition of such holy works , &c. whereunto such dayes and times are sanctified and hallowed , that is to say , separated from all profane uses , and dedicated not unto any Saint or Creature , but onely unto God and his service . dayes●rescribed ●rescribed in holy Scripture ; but the appointment both of the time , and also of the number of dayes , is left by the Authority of Gods word unto the liberty of Christs Church , to be determined and assigned orderly in every Country by the discretion of the Rulers and Ministers thereof , as they shall judge most expedient to the setting forth of Gods glory , and edification of their people . Which Statute being repealed in the Reign of Queen Mary , was revived again in the first year of Queen Elizabeth ; and did not stand in force at the time of the making of this Homily , which the Lord Primate so much builds on , but at such time also as he wrote his Letter to Mr. Ley , and to that Honourable Person whosoever he was . But since he hath appeal'd to the Book of Homilies , to the Book of Homilies let him go , where he shall find as little comfort as he found in the Statute . For in the Homily touching the time and place of prayer , out of which the Lord Primate hath selected this particular passage , it is thus doctrinally resolved , viz. As concerning the time , in which God hath appointed his people to assemble together solemnly , it doth appear by the fourth Commandment , &c. And albeit this commandment of God doth not bind Christian people so streightly to observe and keep the utter Ceremonies of the Sabbath day , as it did the Jewes , as touching the forbearing of work and labour in the time of great necessity , and as touching the precise keeping of the seventh day , after the manner of the Jews ; ( for we keep now the first day which is our Sunday , and make that our Sabbath , that is , our day of rest , in honour of our Saviour Christ , who as upon that day rose from death , conquering the same most triumphantly : ) Yet notwithstanding whatsoever is found in the Commandment , appertaining to the Law of Nature , as a thing most godly ; most iust and needful for the setting forth of Gods glory , ought to be retained and kept of all good christian people . So that it being thus resolved , that there is no more of the fourth Commandment to be retained by good Christian people , then what is found appertaining to the Law of Nature ; & that the law of nature doth not tie us to one day in 7. or more to one day of the 7. then to any other : let us next see by what Authority the day was changed , & how it came to be translated from the 7th to the first . Concerning which it follows thus in the said Homily , viz. This example and commandment of God , the godly christian people began to follow , immediately after the Ascension of our Lord Christ , and began to chuse them a standing day of the week to come together in ; ( the very same with that before declared in the Act of Parliament ) yet not the seventh day , which the Jewes kept , but the Lords day , the day of the Lords Resurrection , the day after the seventh day , which is the first day of the week , &c. Sit hence which time Gods people hath always , in all ages , without any gainsaying , used to come together on the Sunday to celebrate and honour Gods blessed name , and carefully to keep that day in holy rest and quietness , both man and woman , child , servant , and stranger . So far the Homily ; and by the Homily it appears plainly that the keeping of the Lords day is not grounded on any commandment of Christ , nor any precept of the Apostles , but that it was chosen as a standing day of the week to come together in , by the godly christian people , immediately after Christs Ascension , and hath so continued ever since . So then , the keeping of the Lords day being built on no other grounds ( as is declared both in the Homily and the Act of Parliament ) then the authority of the Church , the consent of godly Christian people ; it must needs follow thereupon , that it is to be kept with no greater strictness ( with reference either unto worldly business , or honest recreations ) then what is required of the people by the Law of the Land , the Canons of the Church , or by the Edicts and Proclamations of the King , or other supreme Governour under whom we live . And if we please to look into the Act of Parliament before remembred , we shall find it thus in reference unto worldly business , viz. It shall be lawful to every Huusbandman , Labourer , Fisherman , and to all and every other Person or Persons , of what Estate , Degree , or Condition he or they be , upon the Holy dayes aforesaid ( of which the Lords day is there reckoned for one ) in Harvest , or at any other times in the year , when necessity shall so require , to labour , ride , fish , or work any kind of work at their free will and pleasure : any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding . The like we also find , as to worldly business , in the Queens Iniunctions published in the first year of her Reign ; in which the Sunday is not onely counted with the other holy dayes , but labour labour at some times permitted , and which is more , enjoyned upon it : For in those Injunctions it is ordered with a non obstante , That all Parsons , Vicars , and Curates shall teach and declare unto their Parishoners , that they may with a safe and quiet conscience , after Common-prayer , in the time of Harvest , labour upon the holy and festival dayes , and save that thing which God hath sent ; And if for any Scrupulosity or grudge of conscience , men should superstitiously abstain from working on these dayes , that then they should grievously offend and displease God. And though it may be said , that the Queens Injunction , and every thing therein contained , was buried in the same Grave with her ; yet cannot this be said of the Act of Parliament , which is still in force , and gives as much permission unto Worldly businesse , as the said Injunction . And as for Recreations , there was not onely permission of such civil pastimes , and man-like exercises , by which the spirits of men might be refresht , and their bodies strengthned ; but even of Common Enterludes , Bear-baitings , Bull-baitings , and the like , fit onely for the entertainment of the ruder or more vulgar sort . For though the Magistrates of the City of London obtained from Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1580. that Playes and Enterludes should no more be acted on the Sunday within the liberties of their City ; and that in the year 1583. many were terrified from beholding the like rude sports upon that day , by the falling of a Scaffold in Paris Garden , whereby many were hurt , and eight killed out right : yet there was no restraint of either in other parts of the Realm , till King James ( to give a little contentment to the Puritan party in the beginning of his Reign ) prohibited the same by his Proclamation , bearing date at Theobalds May 7. 1630. But for all other civil Recreations , they were not onely permitted as they had been formerly , but a Declaration issued from that King about sixteen years after , concerning lawful sports , from which some of the preciser sort of Justices had by their own authority restrained the people . In the next place let us behold the Sunday or Lords day comparatively with the Saints days , and other Festivals ; and we shall find them built on the same foundation , the same Divine offices performed in both , and the like diligent attendance required on both . For in the Act of Parliament 5 , 6. of Edw. 6. before remembred , the appointing of all holy dayes and set times of worship being first declared to be left by the Authority of Gods Word , unto the liberty of Christs Church , to be determined in every countrey by the discretion of the Rulers thereof ; it is next signified what dayes shall be accounted holy dayes , and what shall not . For so it followeth in that Statute ; Be it enacted , &c. that all the dayes hereafter mentioned shall be kept and commanded to be kept holy dayes , and none other : that is to say , all Sundayes in the year , the feasts of the Circumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ , of the Epiphany , of the Purification ( with all the rest now kept , and there named particularly . ) The like ennumeration we have also in the Book of Common-prayer , the publick Liturgy of this Church by Law established , where we shall find it thus expressed , That these shall be accounted holy dayes and none other ; that is to say , all Sundayes in the year , the feast of the Circumcision , the Epiphany , with all the rest before specified in the Act of Parliament . Nor doth the Church onely rank the Lords day with other holy dayes in that enumeration of them , but hath appointed the same Divine offices ( the Letany excepted onely ) to be performed upon the Saints days & other festivals , as upon the Sundays , each of them having his proper Lesson , Collect , Epistle , and Gospel , as the Sunday hath , and some of them their proper Psalms also ; which the Sunday hath not . And as for the attendance of the people , it is required with as much diligence upon the Saints dayes and other Festivals , as upon the Lords day , by the Laws of this land . For so it is enacted in the Statute of the first of Queen Elizabeth , viz. That all and every Person and Persons inhabiting within this Realm , &c. shall diligently and faithfully endeavour themselves to resort to their Parish Church or Chappel , &c. upon every Sunday , and other dayes ordained and used to be kept as holy dayes , then and there to abide orderly and soberly , during the time of common prayer , preaching , or other service of God. Nor was it only enacted , that men should diligently repair to their Church or Chappel , as well upon the other holy dayes as upon the Sunday , but that the same penalty was imposed on such as without any reasonable let did absent themselves , as well upon the one as upon the other . For so it follows in that Statute , viz. That every person so offending , shall not alone be subject unto the censures of the Church , but shall forfeit for every such offence twelve pence , to be levied to the use of the poor of the same parish , by the Church-wardens of the same , &c. Which grounds thus laid , the Lord Primates Argument from the Book of Homilies will be easily answered . For if the weight of his argument lie in the first words cited out of the Homily , that in the fourth Commandment God hath given express charge to all men , that upon the Sabbath day , which is now our Sunday , &c. and therefore that the Sunday or Lords day may be called a Sabbath ; this will prove nothing but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a contention about words , and not within the compass of the Homily neither , it being declared in the former words of the same Homily , that we keep now the first day , which is our Sunday , and make that our Sabbath , that is our day of rest . So that the destinating of the Sunday , or first day of the week for the day of rest , makes it ( at the most ) but a tanquam to the Sabbath , neither entituling it to the name nor prerogatives of it . But if the weight of the Argument lie in these words , viz. That men upon the Sunday or Lords day should cease from all weekly and work-day labour , &c. and also give themselves wholly to Heavenly exercises of Gods true Religion and service . For the first part thereof , touching the forbearing of all weekly and work-day labour , is no otherwise to be understood , but of such labours as are prohibited by the Laws of the Realm , or otherwise may prove an avocation from Gods publick service , at the times appointed for the same . And as for the last words , touching mens giving of themselves wholly to heavenly exercises of Gods true Religion and service ; they are of a far differing meaning from the Article of the Church of Ireland ( for which the Lord Primate chiefly stickleth ) in which it is declared , that the first day of the week , which is the Lords day , is wholly to be dedicated to the service of God. For certainly there is a great difference between the dedicating of a day wholly to the service of God , as in the Articles of Ireland ; and the giving of our selves wholly to heavenly exercises , as in the Homilies of England : the one implying that no part of the day is to be otherwise spent then in the service of God , no place being left either for necessary business , or for lawful pleasure ; the other , that in the Acts and times of publick worship , we should give our selves wholly , that is , our whole selves , souls and bodies , to the performance of those heavenly exercises which are then required . It had before been told us in this very Homily , that nothing in the fourth Commandment was to be retained , but what was found appertaining to the Law of Nature : but it appertaineth not to the Law of Nature , either that one day in seven should be set apart for Religious worship , or that this one day wholly be so imployed ; vel quod per totam diem abstineatur ab operibus servilibus , as Tostatus hath it , or that there be an absolute cessation , during the whole day , from all servile works . By consequence there is no more required of us by the Law of Nature in this case , but that at the times appointed for Gods publick worship , we wholly sequester our selves , yea , our very thoughts , from all worldly business ; fixing our souls and all the faculties thereof , upon that great and weighty business which we are in hand with . That does indeed appertain to the Law of Nature , Naturale est quod dum Deum colimus , ab aliis abstineamus , as Tostatus hath it ; and to this point we have been trained in the Schools of Piety , Orantis est nihil nisi coelestia cogitare , as was said before . So that the meaning of the Homily in that place will be onely this , that for those times which are appointed by the Church for the assembly of Gods people , we should lay by our daily business , and all worldly thoughts , and wholly give our selves to the heavenly exercises of Gods true Religion and service , as in the Homily we are willed . And that this only was the meaning of the Homily in that place , may be convincingly concluded from the reasons following . First , from the improbability that the Authors of that Homily should propound a Doctrine so evidently contrary to the Declaration of the Act of Parliament in the 5 , & 6. of Edw. 6. which was then in force ; and unto which not onely the Commons and the Lords Temporal , but even the Lords Spiritual , and the King himselfe did most unanimously concur ; or that the Queen should authorize a Doctrin in the Book of Homilies ( as by ratifying the 39. Articles she must be supposed to have done ) which was so plainly and professedly contrary to her own Injunctions . Secondly , from the strong Alarm which was taken generally by the Clergy , and the most knowing men of the Laity also , at the coming out of Doctor Bounds . Book about the Sabbath , Anno 1595. In which book it is declared amongst other things , that the Commandment of sanctifying every seventh day , as in the Mosaical Decalogue , is Natural , Moral , and Perpetual . That there is great reason why we Christians should take our selves as straightly bound to rest upon the Lords day , as the Jewes were upon their Sabbath ; that there should be no buying of victuals upon that day ; no Carriers , Packmen , Drovers , or other men to be suffered to travel ; no Scholars to study the Liberal Arts ; no Lawyers to consult the case of their Clients , or peruse their Evidences ; no Justices to examine Causes for preservation of the peace ; no Bells to ring upon that day ; no solemn Feasts or Wedding Dinners to be made on it ; with so many other prohibitions and negative precepts , that men of all sorts and professions looked upon it as a common grievance . Thirdly , from the great care which was presently taken by such as were in Authority , to suppress those Doctrines , the said Book being called in by Arch-Bishop Whitgift , both by his Letters missive and his visitations , as soon as the danger was discovered , Anno 1599. and a command signified in the Queens name by Chief Justice Popham at the Assizes held at Bury in Suffolk , Anno 1600. that the said Book should no more be printed ; though afterward in the more remiss Government of King James , it came out again with many Additions , Anno 1606. Fourthly , and finally , from the permitting of all sorts of Recreations ( even common Enterludes and Bear-baitings ) in the so much celebrated Reign of Queen Elizabeth ; as also by the Declaration about Lawful sports published by King James , An. 1618. and revived afterwards by King Charles , Anno 1633 ▪ which certainly those godly and religions Princes would neither have suffered , nor have done , had they conceived it to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England , of which they were such zealous Patrons , and such stout Defenders . No breaking of Subscription here by the Historian , no crossing or opposing of the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Book of Homilies , and consequently no such need of Sophistry to elude the Lord Primates Argument which was drawn from thence , as the said Honourable Person N. N. must believe there was . SECT . VIII . A further Argument to prove the meaning of the Homily , as before laid down . The high esteem which the Church of England hath of the ancient Fathers , as also of the usages of the primitive times ; with her respect unto the neighbouring Reformed Churches . No restraint from labour on the Lords day imposed by the Council of Laodicea . Beza's opinion of the liberty in those times allowed of . Law-suits and Handy-crafts prohibited in great Cities on the Lords day , by the Emperour Constantine , but Husbandry permitted in the country Villages . Proof from Saint Jerome , Chrysostom , Augustine , that after the Divine service of the day was ended , the rest of the day was spent in mens several businesses . Husbandry first restrained in the Western Churches in the Council of Orleans , Anno 540. and by the Edict of the Emperour Leo Philosophus in the Eastern parts about the year 890. Several restraints laid on the Lords day by the Council of Mascon , Anno 588. Pope Gregory offended at such restraints , and his censure of such as did enioyn them . The liberty allowed in the Lutheran Churches on the Lords day , as also in those of the Palatinate , till after the year 1612. Nor in the Churches of the Low-Countries , till the year 1618. Not onely servile Works , but Fairs and Markets continued on the Lords day in those Countries , till the same year also . Necessary labour permitted on the Lords day in the Reformed Churches of the Switzers , and honest Recreations in the French and Genevian Churches ; as also in the Kirk of Scotland . The conclusion and application of the last Argument . IT hath been proved sufficiently in the former Section , that the passage alledged by the Lord Primate from the Book of Homilies ( and that twice for failing ) is capable of no such sense and meaning as he puts upon it ; for if it were , the Homily must not only contradict it self , but the Authors of it must be thought to propound a Doctrine directly contrary to the Queens Injunctions , and the publick Liturgy of this Church , and several Acts of Parliament which were then in force . And which is more , the whole body of Gods people in this Land , by following their necessary business , and lawful pleasures upon the Sunday or Lords day , when no attendance at the place and hours of Gods publick service was required of them , must be supposed to have run on in a course of sin against Gods Commandments , and of contempt and disobedience to the publick Doctrine of the Church for the space of 80. years and upwards , without contradiction or restraint ; which to imagine in a Church so wisely constituted , and in a State founded on so many good Lawes , cannot find place with any man of sober judgement . But there is one Argument yet to come , of as much weight and consequence as those before , that is to say , that if any such restraint from labour and honest recreations was by the Doctrine of this Church imposed on the people of God ; this Church must openly oppose the Doctrine of the ancient Fathers , the laudable usages and customes of the Primitive times , together with the general practise and perswasion of all the Protestant and Reformed Churches in these parts of the world : a matter so abhorrent from the principles of the first Reformers , and from the Canons and Determinations of this Church and the Rulers of it , that no surmises of this kind can consist with reason . The Church of England hath alwayes held the Fathers in an high regard , whether we look upon them in their learned and laborious writings , or as convened in General , National , and Provincial Councils ; appealing to them in all Differences between her and the Church of Rome , and making use of their authority and consent in expounding Scripture ; witness that famous challenge made by Bishop Jewel in a Sermon preached at Saint Pauls Cross , Anno 1560. in which he publickly declared , that if all , or any of the learned men of the Church of Rome could produce any one sentence out of the writings of any of the ancient Fathers , or any General , or National Council , for the space of the first 600. years in justification of some Doctrines by them maintained , and by us denied , he would relinquish his own Religion , and subscribe to theirs . Witness the Canon made in a Convocation of the Prelates and C●ergy of England , Anno 1571. Cap. De concionatoribus , by which it was ordered and decreed that nothing should be preacht to the people , but what was consonant unto the Doctrine of the old and new Testament , quodque ex illa ipsa Doctrina Catholici Patres & veteres Episcopi collegerint , and had been thence collected by the Orthodox Fathers and ancient Bishops . And though H. B. of Friday-street in his seditious Sermon preached on the fifth of November , Anno 1636. and the Author of the Book entituled , The Liberty of Prophecy , published in the year 1647. endevour to make them of no reckoning ; yet was King James ( a learned and well studied Prince ) perswaded otherwise then so . And thereupon in some Directions sent by him to the Vice-Chancellor , and other of the Heads of the University of Oxford , bearing date January 18. An. 1616. it was advised and required , That young Students in Divinity be directed to study such Books as be most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England ; and excited to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils , School-men , Histories , and Controversies , and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators , making them the grounds of their study in Divinity . By which we see that the first place is given to Fathers and Councils , as they whose writings and decrees were thought to have been most agreeable to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England . The like may be said also of the usages and customes of the Primitive times , which the first Reformers of this Church had a principal care of ; it being asfirmed in the Act of Parliament , 2. 3. of Edw. 6. by which the first Liturgy of that Kings time was confirmed and ratified , that the Compilers of the same not onely had an eye to the most pure , sincere Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures , but also a respect to the usages in the Primitive Church . They had not else retained so many of the ancient Ceremonies , as bowing at the name of Jesus , kneeling at the Communion , the Cross in Baptism , standing up at the Creed and Gospels , praying toward the East , &c. besides the ancient Festivals of the Saints and Martyrs , who have their place and distinct offices in the present Liturgy . And as for the neighbouring Protestant and Reformed Churches , although she differ from them in her Polity , and form of government , yet did she never authorize any publick Doctrine , which might have proved a scandal to them in the condemning of those Recreations , works of labour , and other matters of that nature , which the general practice of those Churches both approve and tolerate . And therefore if it can be proved , that the spending of the whole Lords day , or the Lords day wholly in Religious exercises , accompanied ( as needs it must be ) with a restraint from necessary labour , and lawful pleasures , be contrary to the Doctrine of the ancient Fathers , the usages and customes of the Primitive times , and to the general practice of the Protestant and Reformed Churches ; I doubt not but it will appear to all equal and indifferent men , that there is no such mind and meaning in the Book of Homilies or in them that made it , as the Lord Primate hath been pleas'd to put upon it , or to gather from it . And first , beginning with the Fathers , Councils , and the Usages of the Primitive Church ; it is not to be found , that ever they required that the whole day should be employed in Gods publick service , without permission of such necessary business and honest recreations , as mens occasions might require , or invite them to . It was ordained indeed by the Council of Laodicea , spoken of before , that Christians on the Lords day should give themselves to ease and rest ( otiari is the word in Latine , which possibly may be meant also of a rest from labour ) but it is qualified with a si modo possint , if it may stand with the conveniences of their Affairs , and the condition which they lived in . And so the Canon is expounded by Zonaras in his gloss upon it . It is appointed ( saith he ) by this Canon , that none abstain from labour on the Sabbath day , which plainly was a Jewish custome , and an Anathema laid on those who offended herein . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. But they are willing to rest from labour on the Lords day , in honour of the Resurrection of our Lord and Saviour . But here we must observe that the Canon addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in case they may . For by the Civil Law it is precisely ordered , that every man shall rest that day , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Hindes and Husbandmen excepted ; his reason is the very same with that before expressed in the Emperours Edict , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for unto them it is permitted to work and travel on that day , because perhaps if they neglect it , they may not find another day so fit and serviceable for their occasions . Besides which it is to be considered , that many Christians of those times were servants unto Heathen Masters , or otherwise obnoxious to the power of those under whom they lived ; and therefore could not on the Lords day abstain from any manner of work further then it might stand with the will and pleasure of those Superiours to whom the Lord had made them subject . A Christian servant living under the command of an Heathen Master , might otherwise neglect this Masters business one whole day in seven , and plead the Canon of this Council for his justification ; which whether it would have saved him from correction , or the Church from scandal , I leave to be considered by all sober and unbiassed men . All that the Church required of her conformable Children , during the first 300. years , was onely to attend the publick ministration , or morning-service of the day , leaving them to dispose of the rest thereof at their will and pleasure ; the very toil of Husbandry not being prohibited or restrained for some ages following . For proof whereof take these words of Beza , a man of great credit and esteem not onely with our English Presbyterians , but the Lord Primate himself . Vt autem Christiani eo die à suis quotidianis laboribus abstinerent , praeter id temporis quod in coetu ponebatur , id neque illis Apostolicis temporibus mandatum , neque prius fuit observatum quam id à Christianis Imperatoribus , nequis à rerum sacrarum meditatione abstraheretur , & quidem non ita praecise observatum . That Christians ought , saith he , to abstain that day from their labour , except that part alone which was appointed for the meetings of the Congregation ; was never either commanded in the Apostles times , nor otherwise observed in the Church , until such time that so it was enjoyned by Christian Emperours , to the end the people might not be diverted from meditating on holy matters ; nor was it then so strictly kept as it was enjoyned . Now the first Christian Emperour was the famous and renowned Constantine , who was the first that established the Lords day ( which formerly had stood on no other ground then the Authority of the Church , and consent of Gods people ) by Imperial Edicts ; so by the like Imperial Edict he restrained some labours on that day , and permitted others . The Judges in that age used to hold their Courts of Judicature , even in the hours and times of Gods publick service ; by which means many were necessitated to absent themselves from the publick meetings of the Church , and neglect their duties unto God. Many of the Artificers also which dwelt in great Towns and populous Cities , whose penny was more precious with them then their Pater noster , used to do the like . For remedy whereof , it was ordained by the Emperours Edict , Vt omnes Judices , urbanaeque plebes , & cunctarum Artium officia venerabili die Solis quiescant . But on the other side it was permitted unto those who lived in Countrey Villages , to attend their Husbandry , because it hapneth many times , Ut non aptius alio die frumenta sulcis , vineae scrobibus mandentur , that no day is more fit then that for sowing Corn , and for planting Vines . And then he gives this reason for it , Ne occasione momenti pereat commoditas coelesti provisione concessa ; lest otherwise by neglect of convenient seasons , they lose those benefits which their God had bestowed upon them . And if the toyles of Husbandry were not onely permitted upon that day , but in a manner seemed to be enjoyned by the former Edict , no question but such worldly businesses as did not take men off from their attendance at the times of the ministration , might be better suffered . And so Saint Hierom doth inform us of Paula , a devout and religious Lady , that she caused her Maidens and other Women which belonged to her , to repair diligently to the Church on the Lords day ; but so that after their return operi distributo instabant , & vel sibi vel caeteris vestimenta faciebant , they betook themselves unto their tasks , in making garments either for themselves or others . Nor doth the Father censure or reprove her for it , as certainly he would have done , had any such Doctrine been then taught and countenanced in the Church of Christ , touching the spending of the whole day ( or the Lords day wholly ) in religious exercises . It appears also by S. Chrysoft . that after the Divine duties of the day were finished , which held but 1 or 2 hours in the morning ( unam aut duas hor as ex die integro , as it is in Origen ) the people were required only to spend some time in meditation at their coming home , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and were then suffered to pursue the works of their several callings . Saint Austine in his Tract De rectitudine Catholicae Conversationis adviseth us to be attent and silent all the time of Divine service , not telling tales , nor falling into jarres and quarrels , as being to answer , such of us as offend therein : Dum nec ipse verbum Dei audit , nec alios audire permittit , as neither hearkning to the word of God our selves , nor permitting others . But for the residue of the day , he left it in the same estate in which he found it , to be disposed of by Gods people , according as their several necessities and occasions required of them . Thus have we seen as well the Doctrine as the Practise of the African and Eastern Churches : Let us now turn our selves towards the West , and we shall find that some in France had begun to Judaize so far , as to impose many of those restraints on the Lords day , which the Jewes had put upon their Sabbath ; viz. that none should travel on the Lords day with Waines or Horses , or dress Meat , or make clean the House , or meddle with any manner of domestick business . Which being taken into consideration by the third Council of Orleance , Anno 540. it was there ordained , that since those prohibitions did savour more of the Jew then of the Christian ; Die Dominico quod ante licuit , licere , that therefore whatsoever had formerly been lawful on that day , should be lawful still . Yet so , that for the satisfaction and contentment of those troublesome Spirits , who would not otherwise submit to the Determinations of the Council , it was thought convenient , that men should rest that day from Husbandry , and the Vintage ; from sowing , reaping , hedging , and such servile works , quo facilius ad Ecclesiam venientes , orationis gratia vacent , that so they might have better leisure to go unto the Church , and there say their prayers . This as it was the first restraint from Husbandry on the Lords day , which had been made by the Canons of the Church ; so was it seconded by a Canon made in the Synod of Mascon in the 24. year of Ganthram King of the Burgundians , Anno 588. and followed by another in the Council of Auxerre in France under Clotaire the second , about two years after . In both of which it was decreed , Non licere die dominico boves jungere , vel alia opera exercere ; that no man should be suffered to yoke his Oxen , or do any manner of work upon the Sunday . But then we must observe withall , that these Councils acted onely by their own Authority , not charging those restraints on God , or on his Commandment ; it being positively declared by the Canon of the Council of Mascon , that the Lord did not exact it of us that we should celebrate this day in a corporal abstinence , or rest from labour ; who onely looks that we do yield obedience to his holy will , by which contemning earthly things , he may conduct us to the Heaven of his infinite mercy . Which Declaration notwithstanding , the Doctrine of it selfe was so offensive to Pope Gregory the first , that partly to encounter with some Christians of the Eastern Countries , who still observed the Jewish Sabbath , and partly to prevent the further spreading of these restraints in the Western parts , which made men seem to Judaize on the Lords day also ; he pronounced such as were active in promoting the practise and opinion of either side , to be the Preachers of Antichrist , qui veniens diem Sabbati & diem Dominicum ab omni opere faciet custodiri , as his own words are . Less forward were the Eastern Churches , in imposing any of these new restraints upon the people , then the Western were ; the toiles of Husbandry it self not being prohibited in the Eastern parts of the Empire , til the time of Leo Philosophus , ( he began his Government , Anno 886. ) who grounding himself on some command of the holy Ghost , and the Lords Apostles , which neither he nor any body else could ever finde , decreed by his Imperial Edict , ut omnes in die sacro , &c. à labore vacent . Neque Agricolae , &c. that all men whatsoever , as well the Husbandman as others , should on the Lords day rest from all manner of work . So long it was before any such general restraints were laid upon Gods people , either in the West or East . In all which time we neither find , that the setting of some whole day apart for Gods solemn worship , was lookt upon as Juris Divini naturalis , which is the Lord Primates own opinion ; or that the first day of the Week , which is the Lords day , was wholly to be dedicated to the service of God , and therefore that men should be bound to rest therein from their common and daily business , which is the Doctrine of the Articles of the Church of Ireland . Next let us look upon the Protestant Lutheran Churches , amongst whom , though restraints from labour , formerly imposed by many Canons , Laws , and Imperial Edicts , do remain in force , yet they indulge unto themselves all honest and lawful recreations , and spare not to travel on that day , as well as upon any other , as their necessities , or pleasures give occasion for it . If they repair unto the Church , and give their diligent attendance on Gods publick service , there is no more expected of them ; they may dispose of all the rest of the day in their own affairs , and follow all such businesses from which they are not barred by the Laws of the several Countries in which they live , without being called to an account , or censured for it . And as for the Reformed or Calvinian Churches , they give themselves more liberty on that day then the Lutherans doe , few of them having any Divine offices ( until now of late ) in the Afternoons ; as neither had the Primitive Christians , till toward the later end of the fifth , or the beginning of the sixth Century . In those of the Palatinate , the Gentlemen betake themselves in the Afternoon of the Lords day to Hawking and Hunting , according as the season of the year is fit for either , or spend it in taking the Air , visiting their Friends , or whatsoever else shall seem pleasing unto them : as doth the Husbandman in looking over his grounds , ordering his cattel , or following of such Recreations as are most agreeable to his nature and education . And so it stood in the year 1612. at what time the Lady Elizabeth , daughter to King James , and wife to Frederick the fifth , Prince Elector Palatine , came first into that Countrey ; whose having Divine Service every afternoon in her Chappel or Closet , officiated by her own Chaplains , according to the Liturgy of the Church of England , might give some hint to the Prince her Husband to cause the like religious offices to be performed in some part of the Afternoon in the City of Heidelberg , and after by degrees in other the Cities and towns of his Dominions . In the Netherlands they have not onely practice , but a Canon for it ; it being thus decreed by the Synod of Dort , Anno 1574. Publicae vespertinae preces non sunt introducendae ubi non sunt introductae , & ubi sunt , tollantur ; that is to say , That in such Churches where publick Evening prayer had not been admitted , it should continue as it was ; and where they were admitted , they should be put down . And if they had no Evening Prayers , there is no question to be made , but that they had their Evening Pastimes , and that the Afternoon was spent in such employments as were most suitable to the condition of each several man. And so it stood till the last Synod of Dort , Anno 1618. in which it was ordained , that Catechism-Lectures should be read in their Churches on Sundayes in the Afternoon , the Minister not to be deterred from doing his duty propter Auditorum infrequentiam , though possibly at the first he might have few Auditors ; and that the Civil Magistrate should be implored , ut omnia opera servilia & quotidiana , &c. That all servile works and other prophanations of that day might be restrained , quibus tempus pomeridianum , maxime in pagis , plerumque transique soleret ; wherewith the Afternoon , chiefly in smaller Towns and Villages , had before been spent , that so they might repair to the Catechizing . For both before that time , and since , they held their Fairs and Markets ( their Kirk-masses , as they used to call them ) as well upon the Lords day , as on any other , and those as well frequented in the Afternoon , as were the Churches in the forenoon . France , and even in Geneva it self ( the New Rome of the Calvinian party ) all honest Exercises , shooting in peeces , long-bows , cross-bows , &c. are used on the Sunday , and that in the morning , both before and after Sermon : neither do the Ministers find fault therewith , so they hinder not from hearing of the Word at the time appointed . And as for the Churches of the Switzers , Zuinglius avoweth it to be lawful , Die dominico , peractis sacris , laboribus incumbere , On the Lords day after the end of Divine Service , for any man to follow and pursue his labours ; as commonly we do , saith he , in the time of Harvest . And possible enough it is , that the pure Kirk of Scotland might have thought so too , the Ministers thereof being very inclinable to the Doctrine of Zuinglius , and the practise of the Helvetian Churches , which they had readily taken into their Confession , Anno 1561 , but that they were resolved not to keep those holy dayes which in those Churches are allowed of : all Holy dayes but the Lords day onely having been formerly put down by their Book of Discipline . Nor could I ever learn from any of my Acquaintance of that Kingdom , but that men followed their necessary businesses , and honest recreations on the Lords day , till by commerce and correspondence with the Puritan , or Presbyterian party here in England , the Sabbatarian Doctrines began by little and little to get ground amongst them . On all which premises I conclude , that the Authors of that Homily had neither any mind or meaning to contradict the Ancient Fathers , the usages and customes of the Primitive times , in the general practice of the Protestant and Reformed Churches ; and therefore that the words of the Homily are not to be understood in any such sense as he puts upon them . The Doctrine of the Church of England is clear and uniform , every way consonant to it self ; not to be bowed to a compliance with the Irish Articles of the year 1615. and much less with the judgement and opinion of one single person in 640. No Sophistry in all this , but good Topical Arguments , and such as may be more easily contemned then answered . And so much toward the exonerating of the fourth charge , the most material of them all , in which the Historian stands accused for opposing the Doctrine of this Church in the Book of Homilies , to which he had formerly subscribed . SECT . IX . The Historian charged for mistaking the affairs of Ireland in two particulars , which he ingenuously confesseth . The great cunning of the Puritan faction in effecting their desires in the Convocation of Dublin , Anno 1615. which they could not compass here in England . The Historian accused for shamelesness , &c. for the second mistake , though onely in a point of Circumstance ; the Articles of Ireland being called in , and those of England received in the place thereof by the Convocation , though not by Parliament . The Lord Primates narrative of this business ; he finds himself surprized in passing the Canon , and makes use of a sorry shift to salve the matter . The matter of a Commandment how , and in what sense made an Article of the Faith ; and made a matter of the faith in this particular of the Lords day by the Assemblie of Divines at Westminster . The consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops , as capable of being taken into the Creed , as the Parity of Ministers . No verdict passed in behalf of the Lords day Sabbath by the Church of England . The great difference between the Lord Primate and the Church of England in this business of the Lords day Sabbath . A parting dash bestowed by the Lord Primate on the Historian . THis leads me on to the fifth and last charge laid on the Historian , meerly extrinsecal , as to the main concernments of the point in hand , though such as hath better ground to stand on then the other four . The Historian having carried on his design as far as he could by the help of Books , was forced to take up two passages , concerning the affairs of Ireland , upon information ; an information not took up upon a vulgar hear-say , but given to him by such hands , from which he was confident he might receive it , without doubt or scruple . The first particular is this , that at such time as his Majesties Commissioners in Ireland employed about the setling of that Church Anno 1615. there passed an Article , touching the keeping of the Lords day , by which the English Sabbatarians were much confirmed in their Courses , and hath been often since alledged to justifie both them and their proceedings , Hist . Sab. p. 2. l ▪ c. 8. n. 9. But the Lotd Primate now assures us , that the said Article was passed , and the Book of Articles published in Print divers yeares before the Commissioners ( whom he meaneth ) came thither , p. 109. And thereunto Doctor Bernard addeth , that the said Articles were subscribed by the Arch-Bishop of Dublin , then Speaker of the House of Bishops in Convocation , by the Prolocutor of the House of the Clergy in their names , and signed by the Lord Deputy Chichester in the name of King James . If so , ( as now I believe it was ) I must needs say that the Sabbatarians , and the rest of the Calvinian party in England , were wiser in their generations then the children of light ; who seeing that they had no hopes of thrusting the nine Articles of Lambeth , their Sabbath Speculations , and the rest of their Heterodoxies ( of which particularly hereafter ) on the Church of England , they began to cast their eyes on Ireland , which lying further off might be less looked after . And in that Realm they made themselves so strong a party , that they obtained those Points in the Convocation held at Dublin , Anno 1615. which neither their seditious clamours in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , nor their Petition to King James at his first entrance on this Kingdom , nor their motion at the Conference in Hampton Court , nor their continual Addresses to the Houses of Parliament , were able to effect in England . The out-works being thus easily gained , they made from thence their Batteries on the Fort it self , of which they doubted not to make themselves Masters in short time , as in fine they did . For after this , when the Sabbath Quarrels were revived , and the Arminian Controversies in agitation , no argument was more hotly prest by those of the Puritan faction , then the Authority of these Articles , and the infallible judgement of King James , to confirm the same . The other particular , in which the Historian doth confess himself to have been too credulous in believing , and inconsiderate in publishing such mistaken intelligence , is , that the Articles of Ireland were called in , and that in their place the Articles of the Church of England were confirmed by Parliament in that Kingdom , Anno 1634. For this mistake , though it be only in the circumstance , not in the substance of the fact which is now before us , he stands accused by the Lord Primate of no less then shamelesness . Nor shames he to affirm ( saith he ) that the whole Book of the Articles of Ireland is now called in ( which is a notorious untruth ) and that the Articles of the Church of England were confirmed by Parliament in this Kingdom , Anno 1634. Which passage , with some others in this Letter , makes me apt to think , that it was never the Lord Primates meaning , or desire to have it published in Print , though Dr. Bernard hath been pleased to adventure on it . For if it had been so intended , he would have shewed less passion , and more civility towards a Doctor in Divinity , Chaplain in ordinary to the King , and one not altogether untravelled in the wayes of Learning ; then to brand him with Sophistry , Shamelessness , and extravagant Fancies , to tax him with notorious untruths , speaking inconsiderately ; and finally to send him back to School again to learn his Catechism . Egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla tulistis Tuque puerque tuus . Assuredly the Lord Primate and his Chaplain too have reapt great praise and micle meed for this notable victory , by which notwithstanding they have gain'd nothing but the name and noise . For if it can be proved ( as I think it may ) that the Articles of Ireland were called in , and that those of England were received in their place ; then , whether it were done by Parliament or Convocation , is not much material . But on the contrary , it is affirmed by the Lord Primate , That the House of Convocation in the beginning of their Canons , for the manifestation of their agreement with the Church of England , in the confession of the same Chrstian faith , and the Doctrine of the Sacraments , as themselves profess , and for no other end in the world , did receive and approve of the Articles of England : but that either the Articles of Ireland were ever called in , or any Article , or Canons at all were ever here confirmed by Act of Parliament , may well be reckoned amongst Dr. Heylyns fancies . This the Lord Primate hath affirmed , but takes no notice that the receiving of the Articles of England imports no less then the repealing of those of Ireland ; of which since Doctor Bernard hath discoursed more fully in his following Paper , I shall reserve my Answer unto this Objection , till I come to him . In the mean time we are to know , that the Lord Primate having been wrought on to propose the Canon which he speaks of about the Articles of England , did readily consent unto it , conceiving it to be without any prejudice to the other ; and thereupon he did not onely propose it in the House of the Bishops , but commended it to the House of the Clergy , where by his motion many assented the more readily , as Dr. Bernard hath informed us , p. 118. But afterwards , the Lord Primate , upon further consideration , conceiving that he had been surprized , and that he had passed more away in that Canon then he first intended , began to cast about for some expedient to salve the matter , and keep the Articles of Ireland in their former credit . And thereupon it was thought fit that both the Lord Primate himself , and some other Bishops of his party should at an Ordination , take the subscription of the party ordained to both Articles , the Articles of England not being received instead , but with those of Ireland , p. 120 , 121. A sorry shift , but such as was conceived to be better then none , though as good as nothing . But leaving this Dispute to another place , as before was intimated we now proceed to the Examination of some other passages in the Lord Primates Letter unto his Honourable Friend , in which he first chargeth the Historian for speaking inconsiderately , in saying , that before that time , viz. Anno 1615. The Lords day had never attained such credit as to be thought an Article of the Faith , though of some mens fancies . And why was this so inconsiderately spoken ? Because ( saith he ) he that would confound the ten Commandments ( whereof this must he accounted for one unless he will leave us but nine with the Articles of Faith , had need be put to learn his Catechisme again . But this I look on as a flourish , or a fansie onely . For I hope the Lord Primate doth not think the Historian so extremely ignorant , as to mean there a justifying and salvifical faith ; but that he takes faith there in the general notion , as it importeth a firm perswasion , and beliefe that those things are undoubtedly true which are commended to him by the Church in which he liveth , or found in any creditable and unquestioned Author ; And in this notion of the word , the matter of a Commandment being made a Doctrine , may be called an Article of the Faith , without any such scorn , as to be put to learn the Catechism again . The Articles of England by such as write of them in Latine , are called Confessio Ecclesiae Anglicanae ( praeter Confessionem Anglicanam quam mihi ut modestam praedicabant , &c. saith the Arch-Bishop of Spalato . ) In like manner and in the same sense and signification as the Articles of the Belgick Churches , and the Kirk of Scotland , are called confessio fidei Ecclesiarum Belgicarum , Confessio fidei Scoticana , & sit de caeteris , that is to say , the confession of the Faith of those several Churches . By which name the Articles of Ireland being also called by a most eminent , learned and judicious person ( as Doctor Bernard sets him out , p. 121. ) and the new Doctrine of the Sabbath being made a part of that Confession , it may be said without any absurdity , or being put to School again to learn the Catechisme , that till that time , viz. 1615. the Lords day never had attained that credit , as to be thought an Article of the Faith. But to make the matter sure , and beyond exception , I must put Dr. Bernard in mind of a Book entituled , The Humble Advice of the Assembly of Divines assembled at Westminster by the Authority of Parliament , concerning a Confession of Faith. In which Confession of the Faith it is said expresly , that , As it is in the Law of Nature , that in general a due proportion of time be set apart for the worship of God ; so in his word by a positive , moral , and perpetual Commandment , binding all men , in all ages , he hath particularly appointed one day in seven for a Sabbath to be kept holy unto him : which from the beginning of the world to the Resurrection of Christ , was the last day of the week ; and from the Resurrection of Christ , was changed into the first day of the week , which in Scripture is called the Lords day , and is to be continued to the end of the world , as the Christian Sabbath . The institution and keeping of the Lords day here is made an Article of the Faith , an Article of that Confession of the Faith which by the Assembly of Divines ( whereof the Lord Primate was nominated to be one ) was recommended to the two Houses of Parliament ; and yet I trow , the Lord Primate wil not send the whole Assembly to learn their Catechism again , unless it were one of the Catechisms of their own making , either the larger , or the lesser , 't is no matter which . But the Lord Primate stayes not here , he goes on and saith , That he that would have every thing which is put into the Articles of Religion , to be held for an Article of Faith , should do well to tell us whether he hath as yet admitted the Book of the ordination of Bishops , and the two volumes of Homilies into his Creed ; both which he shall find received in the Articles of Religion agreed upon in the Synod held at London , Anno 1562. But unto this it may be answered , that the Book of the Ordination of Bishops , and the two Volumes of Homilies may be so far taken into the Historians Creed , as to believe as much of either as is required of him in the Book of Articles . For he may very warrantably and safely say , that he does verily believe that the second Book of Homilies doth contain a godly and wholesome Doctrine , and necessary for those times ( that is to say , the times in which they were first publisht ) and that the Book of Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops , and ordering of Priests and Deacons , doth contain all things necessary to such Consecration and ordering , and that it hath nothing that of it self is superstitious or ungodly . All this the Historian doth and may believe without making it an Article of his Faith , except it be in that general notion of the word , which before we spake of ; and in which notion of the word , the Article of the Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops , &c. may as well finde a place in the Confession of the Faith of the Church of England , as that Article of the Parity of Ministers hath found admittance in the Confessions of the Belgick , Scotish , and other Reformed Churches . For in the Belgick Confession , Art. 31. it is thus declared , quantum vero attinet Divini verbi Ministros , ubicunque locorum sint , eandem illi Potestatem & Authoritatem habent , ut qui omnes sint Christi , unici illius Episcopi universalis , unicique Capitis Ecclesiae Ministri . The French Confession bearing this Title , Gallicarum Ecclesiarum Confessio fidei , that is to say , The Confession of the Faith of the French or Gallick Churches as the Scotish Confession is called Confessio fidei Scoticana ) doth affirm as much , viz. Credimus omnes veros Pastores ubicunque locorum collocati fuerint , eadem & aequali inter se potestate esse praeditos sub unico illo capite , summoque & solo universali Episcopo Jesu Christo . And so no question in the rest . The Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops may as well be an Article of the Faith amongst us in England , as the Parity of Ministers amongst those of France , or the Low-Countries . These Interlocutories being thus passed over , the Lord Primate comes at last to his final and definitive sentence ; for what remaineth after the Verdict is once given , but that Judgment in the Case be pronounced accordingly ? And the Judgment is given us in these Words , viz. By the Verdict of the Church of England , the Lords day had obtained such a pitch of credit , as nothing more could be left to the Church of Ireland in their Articles , afterward to adde unto it . But against this Judgment I appeal , and must reverse the same by Writ of Error . For first , although the Lords day had obtained such a pitch of credit in the Realm of England , as is here affirmed , it was obtained rather by the practises of the Sabbatarians , who were instant in season and out of season to promote the Cause , then by any countenance given unto it by the Church and the Rulers of it . And secondly , if any such Verdict had been given , it was not given by any Jury which was legally summoned , or trusted by the Church to act any thing in that particular . And then the Foreman of this Jury must be Doctor Bound , Master Greenham , Master Perkins , Doctor Lewis Bayley , Master Dod , Master Clever , Doctor Gouge , Master Whateley , Doctor Sibs , Doctor Preston , Master Bifield , Doctor Twisse , and Master Ley must make up the Pannel ; the five Smectymnuans , and he that pulled down the Cross in Saint Pauls Church-yard , standing by in a readiness to put in for the Tales , as occasion served . Unless the Verdict had been given by these , or such as these , the Lords day never had attained such a pitch of credit , as is here supposed ; but how a Verdict so given in may be affirmed to be a Verdict of the Church of England , I am yet to seek . So that except there had been something left to the Church of Ireland in their Articles to adde unto it ; The Sabbatarian Brethren would have found small comfort from any Verdict given on their side by the Church of England . The Church of England differs as much in this point from the Articles of Ireland , as the Lord Primate differeth in it from the Church of England . The Lord Primate sets it down for a Proposition , that the setting apart of one day in seven for Gods solemn worship , is juris Divini Positivi , recorded in the fourth Commandment , p. 105. But the Lords Spiritual , the most eminent Representers of the Church of England declared in the Parliament , in the 5 , & 6. of Edw. 6. That there is no certain time , or definite number of dayes prescribed in holy Scripture ; but the appointment both of the time , and also of the number of dayes , is left by the Authority of Gods word to the liberty of Christs Church , to be determined and assigned orderly in every Countrey , by the discretion of the Rulers , and Ministers thereof , as they shall judge most expedient to the setting forth Gods glory , and edification of their people . The Church of England hath declared in the Homily of the time and place of prayer , that the Lords day was instituted by the Authority of the Church , and the consent of godly Christian people after Christs Ascension . But the Lord Primate doth entitle it unto Christ himself , and to that end alledgeth a passage out of the Homily De Semente , ascribed ( but ascribed falsly ) unto S. Athanasius , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The proper meaning of which words hath been shewen already in the first Section of this Treatise . The Lord Primate in conformity to the Articles of the Church of Ireland , affirms for certain , that the whole day must be set apart for Gods solemn worship . But in the Church of England there is liberty given upon that day , not onely for honest Recreations , but also for such necessary works of labour , as are not , or have not been restrained by the Laws of the Land. Which makes the difference in this case between the Lord Primate , and the Church of England to be irreconcilable . And here I would have left the Lord Primates Letter writ to his Honourable Friend , the Contents whereof have been the sole Subject of the present Section ; but that the Lord Primate will not so part with the Historian , he must needs bestow a dash upon him before he leaves him , telling his Honourable Friend , How little credit the Historian deserves in his Geography , when he brings news of the remote parts of the world , that tells so many untruths of things so lately , and so publickly acted in his neighbour Nation . This I must needs say comes in very unhandsomely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictum at the best , and savours little of that moderation , humility , and meekness of Spirit , for which Doctor Bernard hath so fam'd him , not onely in this present Treatise , but his Funeral Sermon . But let this pass cum caeteris erroribus , without more ado . I have some other game in chase , to which now I hasten . SECT . X. Seven Points of Doctrine in which the Lord Primate differeth from the Church of England . The Lord Primates judgment in the point of Episcopacy , and the ordination of Ministers beyond the Seas . That Bishops and Presbyters did differ Ordine , and not onely Gradu , proved by three passages in the Book of Consecration , and by the different forms of the Ordination of Bishops , Priests and Deacons , used in the said Book . The form and manner of making Bishops , Priests and Deacons expresly regulated by the Canons of the fourth Council of Carthage . The Ordination of Presbyters by Presbyters declared unlawful , by the Rules of the Primitive Church . The Universal Redemption of Mankind by the blood of Christ , maintained by the Church of England ; but denied by the Lord Primate , not constant to himselfe in his own opinion ▪ A Real presence of Christ in the Sacrament maintained by the Church of England , and affirmed by the most eminent Prelates of it ; but both denied and opposed by the Lord Primate in his Answer to the Jesuites challenge . That the Priest hath power to forgive sins , proved by three several passages out of the Book of Common-Prayer . The meaning of the two first passages subverted by the Lord Primates Gloss or Descant on them ; but no notice taken by him of the last , which is most material . That the Priest forgiveth sins either Declarativè or Optativè better approved by the Lord Primate ; neither of which come up close to the Church of England , and the reason why . The Church of England holdeth that the Priect forgiveth sins Authoritativè , by a delegated , not a soveraign power ; and that she so holdeth is affirmed by some learned men of the Church of Rome ▪ The benefit of Absolution from the hands of the Priest , humbly desired and received by Doctor Reynolds at the time of his death . The Church of England maintains a local Descent , and the proof thereof . The Church not altered in her judgement since the first making of that Article , Anno 1552. as some men imagine ; The Lord Primate goes a different way from the Church of England , and the great pains by him taken to make it good . A transition to the nine Articles of Lambeth . THe difference between the Church of England and the Lord Primate in the point of the Sabbath , we have shewed already ; and well it were , if he differed from the Church of England in no point else . But Doctor Bernard gives us some , and the Answer to the Jesuites challenge hath given given us others . First , the Lord Primate tells us in a Letter writ to Doctor Bernard , and by him now published , That he ever declared his opinion to be ( but it was onely in private to some special Friends ) that Episcopus & Presbyter gradu tantum differunt , non ordine , and consequently that in places where Bishops cannot be had , the Ordination by Presbyters standeth valid . And howsoever ( saith he ) I must needs think that the Churches , which have no Bishops , are thereby become very defective in their Government , and that the Churches in France , who living under a Popish power , and cannot do what they would , are more excusable in this defect then the Low-Countreyes , that live under a a free State ; yet for the testifying my Communion with these Churches ( which I do love and honour as true Members of the Church universal ) I do profess that with like affection I should receive the blessed Sacrament at the hands of the Dutch Ministers , if I were in Holland , as I should do at the hands of the French Ministers , if I were in Charentone . And this I must needs say , though I never saw it before in Print , is no news to me at all . For I have heard long since , and from very good hands , that the Lord Primate did so fully communicate his judgement in the point of Episcopacy to Doctor Preston then of Cambridge ( a man of quick parts , and deep comprehensions ) that he used to say many times to his Friends and followers , that if the Bishops of England did lay the foundation of their calling on no other grounds then the Primate did , the differences between them would be soon agreed . But on the other side it is the Doctrine of the Church of England that a Bishop and a Presbyter do differ Ordine in respect of some super our order which the Presbyter hath not ; and not Gradu onely , in respect of some superiority of Degree , which every Bishop hath above the Presbyters . And this appears plainly by the Preface of the Book entituled , The form and manner of making and consecrating Bishops , Priests , and Deacons ; approved by the Articles of the Church , and established by the Laws of the Land , in which Preface it is said expresly , that it is evident unto all men , diligently reading holy Scripture , and ancient Authors , that from the Apostles time , there have been these Orders of Ministers in Christs Church , Bishops , Priests and Deacons . It follows not long after thus , viz. And therefore to the intent these Orders should be continued , and reverently used and esteemed in this Church of England , it is requisite that no man ( not being at this present Bishop , Priest , nor Deacon ) shall execute any of them , except he be called tried , examined , and admitted according to the form hereafter following . Here then we have 3. Orders of Ministers , Bishops , Priests and Deacons ; the Bishop differing ▪ as much in Order from the Priest , as the Priest differs in Order from the Deacon . But because perhaps it may be said , that this Preface is no part of the Book which stands approved by the Articles of the Church , and establisht by the Laws of the Land , let us next look into the body of the Book it selfe ; where in the form of consecrating an Arch-Bishop , or Bishop , we shall find a prayer in these words following , viz. Almighty God , giver of all good things , who hast appointed divers Orders of Ministers in thy Church , mercifully behold this thy servant , now called to the work and Ministry of a Bishop , and replenish him so with the truth of thy Doctrine , and innocency of life , that both by word and deed , he may faithfully serve thee in this office , &c. By which Prayer , it doth as evidently appear as it did before in the Preface , not onely that the office of a Bishop doth differ from the Office of the Priests and Deacons , but that the Bishop is of a different Order from all other Ministers . And this appears yet further by the different forms used in the ordering of the Priests and Deacons , and the form of consecrating an Arch-Bishop or Bishop . Which certainly the Church had never distinguished in such solemnity ( for frustra fit per plura quod fieri potest per pauciora ) if the consecrating of a Bishop did not adde some further Order to him , which before he had not as a Priest or Presbyter . But because possibly some may say that the Church of England is either singular in this point , or else did borrow these forms from the popish Ordinals , as it is said to have borrowed her publick Liturgy from the popish Missals ; it will be found on the first search , that nothing is done , or appointed to be done by the Church of England , but what was regulated and prescribed by the fourth Council of Carthage , Anno 401. or thereabout . In which Council it is first ordained , that in the ordination of a Priest or Presbyter , the Bishop holding his hand on his head , and blessing him , all the Presbyters that were present should hold their hands by the hands of the Bishop . Whereas in the ordination of a Deacon , it sufficeth that the Bishop alone put his hands upon the head of him that is ordained ; because he is not sanctified to priestly dignity , but to the service of the Church . But in the consecration of a Bishop it is there required , that two Bishops holding the Book of Gospels over his head , the third ( which regularly was to be the Metropolitan of the Province ) should pronounce the words of Consecration , all the other Bishops which are present laying their hands upon him as others did . I said that regularly the Bishop which pronounced the words of Consecration , was to be the Metropolitan of the Province , in which the New Bishop was ordained , because we find it so ordered in the Council of Antioch , Anno 365. in which it was decreed , that a Bishop should not be ordained without a Synod and the presence of the Metropolitan , that the Metropolitan by his letters should call unto him all the Bishops in the Province , if conveniently they might come together ; if not , that at the least the greater part should be present , or give their consent by writing . By which it seems , that the consecration of a Bishop was esteemed a work of so great dignity in it self , and of so great importance to the Church of Christ , that all the Bishops of the Province were required to be present at it , if they could conveniently . But to return again to the fourth Council of Carthage , we find therein three several and distinct forms of Ordination , and consequently three several Orders of Ministers to be so ordained . For otherwise it had been very unnecessary to use one form in the making of a Presbyter , & another in the consecrating of Bishops ; the one to be performed by the Bishop and some Presbyters onely , the other not to be attempted but with the presence ( or the consent at least ) of the Metropolitan , all other Bishops of the Province consenting to it , and giving their assistance at that sacred Ceremony , if not otherwise hindered . And though this fourth Council of Carthage was but National onely , yet was it universally received ( and that too in a very short time ) over all the Church , and made the standing Rule , by which the consecrating of Bishops , and the ordaining of Priests and Deacons was to be officiated . A Rule so punctually followed by the Church of England , that it seemeth to be rather of the Carthaginian then the Roman party , and more to savour of the Primitive , then the popish Ordinals . And to this Rule the Church did tie it selfe so strictly concerning the consecration of an Arch Bishop or Bishop , that though a Bishop in some cases might ordain a Priest or Presbyter , without the presence and co-operation of other Presbyters ; yet was there no case whatsoever , in which it was lawful for one or more Priests or Presbyters to ordain another . And so it was adjudged in the case of Coluthus , whose ordinations were therfore declared void & of no effect , because he was no Bishop but a Presbyter onely , as is affirmed by Athanasius in Apol. 2. Which as it clearly contradicted the Lord Primates judgement in the point of the lawfulness of the Ordination of Presbyters by Presbyters , without the concurrence of a Bishop ; so doth it justifie the Church of England against him in the point of Episcopacy , which she affirms , and he denies to be a distinct Order from that of the Priest or Presbyter . But nothing doth more fully manifest the Lord Primates judgement in this particular ( and consequently his dissent therein from the Church of England ) then his publishing the judgement and opinion of Doctor Reynolds in this point ; which he so far enlarged and explicated , that Doctor Bernard reckoneth it amongst his works . The title of the Book runs thus : The judgement of Doctor Reynolds touching the Original of Episcopacy , more largely confirmed out of Antiquity , by James Arch-Bishop of Armagh . The Doctors judgement is as followeth , viz. When Elders were ordained by the Apostles in every Church , through every City to feed the flock of Christ , whereof the Holy Ghost had made them overseers : they to the intent they might the better do it , by common Counsel , and consent , did use to assemble themselves and meet together . In which meetings , for the more orderly handling and concluding of things pertaining to their charge , they chose one amongst them to be the President of their Company , and Moderator of their Actions . As in the Church of Ephesus , though it had sundry Elders and Pastors to guide it ; yet amongst those sundry , was there one chief , whom our Saviour calleth the Angel of the Church , and writeth that to him , which by him the rest should know . And this is he whom afterwards in the Primitive Church the Fathers called Bishop . So far the words of Dr. Reynolds , then which there nothing can be said more contrary to the first institution , nor more derogatory to the Order and Estate of Bishops . And if the Lord Primate did magnifie his own office no better in other things , then he did in publishing this piece , Doctor Bernard might have spared that part of the character which he gives us of him for so doing , p. 151. For by this magnifying of his Office he made himself no better then the President of the Presbyters within his Diocess ( the chief Priest , or Arch-Priest we may fitly call him ) though possibly in regard of his personal abilities , he might be suffered to enjoy that presidency for term of life ; such a perpetual Presidency as Calvin was possessed of when he reigned in Geneva , and sate as Pope over all the Churches of his Platform ; and was enjoyed by Beza many years after his decease , till Danaeus ( thinking himself as good a man as the best ) made a party against him , and set him quite beside the Cushion . Since which time that Presidency hath continued no longer in any one man , then from Session to Session , from one Classical meeting to another ; & loco libertatis erat quod eligi coeperunt , in the words of Tacitus . Which fate would questionless befall all the Bishops in Christendom , if their Presbyters were once possessed with this fansie , that the Bishop was but a Creature of their own making , as is affirmed by Doctor Reynolds ; or that they and their Bishop did not differ Ordine , but Gradu onely , which the Lord Primate ( to the great magnifying of his office ) hath declared to be his own constant opinion . 3. In the next place the Church of England doth maintain an Universal Redemption of all mankind , by the death and sufferings of our Saviour . This first proved by that passage in the publick Catechism , by which the party catechized is taught to believe in God the Son , who redeemed him and all mankind : secondly , by that clause in the Letany , viz. O God the Son Redeemer of the world have mercy upon us , &c. thirdly , by the prayer of consecrating the Elements of Bread and Wine , viz. Almighty God , our Heavenly Father , which of thy tender mercy didst give thine onely Son Jesus Christ , to suffer death upon the cross for our Redemption , who made there ( by his own oblation of himself once offered ) a full , perfect , and sufficient sacrifice , oblation , and satisfaction , for the sins of the WHOLE WORLD , &c. Nor was it without some such meaning that she selected those words of our Saviour in Saint Johns Gospel , viz. God so loved the World , that he gave his onely begotten Son , &c. to be used in the preparation to the Communion ; as she reiterated some others , viz. O Lamb of God that takest away the sins of the world , incorporated into the Gloria in Excelsis at the end thereof . But in this point the Lord Primate is of a contrary judgement to the Church of England . For as he seems not to like their opinion , who contract the riches of Christs satisfaction into too narrow a room ; as if none had any interess therein , but such as were elected before the foundation of the world ; so he declareth his dislike of the other extreme ( as he is pleas'd to call it ) by which the benefit of this satisfaction is extended to the Redemption of all mankind . The one extremity ( saith he ) extends the benefit of Christs satisfaction so far , ut reconciliationem cum Deo , & peccatorum Remissionem singulis impetraverit , as to obtain a Reconciliation with God , and a Remission of sins for all men at his merciful hands , p. 21. Which though they are the words of the Remonstrants at the Conference at the Hague , Anno 1611. and are by him reckoned for untrue ; yet do they naturally result from the Doctrine of Universal Redemption , which is maintained in the Church of England . Not that all Mankind is so perfectly reconciled to Almighty God , as to be really and actually discharged from all their sins , before they actually believe ( which the Lord Primate makes to be the meaning and effect of that extremity , as he calls it , p. 2. ) but that they are so far reconciled unto him , as to be capable of the Remission of their sins , in case they do not want that faith in their common Saviour which is required thereunto . And here I should have left this point , but that I must first desire Dr. Bernard to reconcile these two passages which I find in the Lord Primates Letter of the year 1617. in one of which he seems to dislike of their opinion , who contract the Riches of Christs satisfaction into too narrow a room ; as if none had any kind of interess therein , but such as were elected before the foundation of the world , as before was said . And in the other he declares , that he is well assured , that our Saviour hath obtained at the hands of his Father Reconciliation , and forgiveness of sins , not for the Reprobate , but Elect onely , p. 21. Let Dr. Bernard reconcile these so different passages , & erit mihi magnus Apollo , in the Poets language . If the Lord Primate did subscribe the Articles of the Church of England , as Doctor Bernard saies he did , p. 118. I know who may be better blam'd for breaking his subscription , then he whom the Lord Primate hath accused for it , p. 110. For in the second Article of the Church of England , it is said expresly that Christ suffered , was crucified , dead , and buried , to reconcile his Father to us , and to be a sacrifice , not onely for original guilt , but also for the actual sins of men . In which as well the sacrifice , as the effect and fruit thereof , which is the Reconciliation of mankind to God the Father , is delivered in general terms , without any restriction put upon them ; neither the Sacrifice , nor the Reconciliation being restrained to this man or that man , some certain quidams of their own , whom they pass commonly by the name of Gods Elect. The sacrifice being made for the sins of men , of men indefinitely without limitation , is not to be confined to some few men onely , as the general current of the Calvinian Divines have been pleased to make it ; as if Christ really and intentionally died for none but them . 4. The Church of England doth maintain that Christ is truly and really present in the Sacrament of his most precious body and blood . Which Doctrine of a Real presence is first concluded from the words of the Distribution , retained in the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth , and formerly prescribed to be used in the ancient Missals , viz. The body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee , preserve thy Body and Soul unto life everlasting . The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ , &c. Which words being thought by some precise and scrupulous persons to incline too much towards Transubstantiation ( and therefore not unfit to justifie a real presence ) were quite omitted in the second Liturgy of that King , Anno 1552. whe● Dudly of Northumberland , who favoured the Calvinian party carried all before him ; the void place being filled up with th● words of the Participation , viz. Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee , &c. Take and drink this in remembrance , &c. An alteration not well grounded , and of short continuance . For when that Book was brought under a review , in the first year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , those words of the Distribution were re●●ored to their former place , and followed by those of the Participation , as it still continueth . It is proved secondly by that passage in the publick Catechisme , in which the Party catechized is taught to say , that the body and blood of Christ are verily and indeed taken and received of the faithful in the Lords Supper . Now if a Question should be made , what the Church means by verily and indeed in the former passage , it must be answered that she means , that Christ is truly and really present in that blessed Sacrament , as before was said ; the words being rendered thus in the Latine Translation , viz. Corpus & sanguis Domini quae vere & realiter exhibentur , &c. Verily and indeed , as the English hath it , the same with vere and realiter ( that is to say , truly and really ) as it is in the Latine . And thirdly , this appears to be the Doctrine of this Church , by the most Orthodox and Learned Prelates of the same , the words of three of which only I shall now produce , that out of the mouths of two or three witnesses the truth hereof may be established . God forbid ( saith Bishop Bilson ) we should deny that the flesh and blood of Christ are truly present , and truly received of the faithful at the Lords Table . It is the Doctrine that we teach others , and comfort our selves withal . Secondly , Bishop Morton , as great an enemy to the Superstitions of the Romish Mass as ever wrote against it , doth expresly say , That the question is not concerning a real presence , which Protestants , as their own Jesuites witness , do also profess : Fortunatus a Protestant , holding , that Christ is in the Sacrament most really , verissime , realissimeque , as his own words are . But none more positively and clearly , then Doctor Lancelor Andrews then Lord Bishop of Chichester , who in his Apology written in Answer to Cardinal Bellarmin , thus declares himself , as one , and one of the chief Members of the Church of England , viz. Praesentiam credimus non minus quam vos veram , de modo praesentiae nil temere definimus . We acknowledge ( saith he ) a presence as true and real as you do , but we determine nothing rashly of the manner of it . And in his Answer to the eighteenth Chapter of Cardinal Perrons Reply , he thus speaks of Zuinglius . It is well known , saith he , that Zuinglius to avoid Est ( in these words , hoc est Corpus meum ) in the Church of Romes sense , fell to be all for significat , and nothing for est at all : And whatsoever went farther then significat , he took to savour of the Carnal presence . For which if the Cardinal mislike him , so do we ; a further declaration of the true sense and meaning of the Church in this particular we have from Mr. Alexander Noel , Dean of Saint Pauls , and Prolocutor of the Convocation in the year 1562. when the Articles , or Confession of this Church were approved and ratified ; who in his Catechism publickly allowed to be taught in all the Grammar Schools of this Realm , thus resolves the point . The Question is , Coelestis pars , & ab omni sensu externo longe disjuncta , quaenam est ? That is to say , what is the Heavenly or Spiritual part of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ? To which the party Catechised returns this Answer . Corpus & sanguis Christi quae fidelibus in Coena Dominica praebentur , ab illisque accipiuntur , comeduntur , & bibuntur , coelesti tantum & spirituali modo , vere tamen atque reipsa ; id est , the Heavenly or Spiritual part is the Body and Blood of Christ which are given to the faithful in the Lords Supper , and are taken , eaten , and drank by them ; which though it be onely in an Heavenly and Spiritual manner , yet are they both given and taken truly and really , or in very deed , by Gods faithful people By which it seems , that it is agreed on on both sides ( that is to say , the Church of England and the Church of Rome ) that there is a true and real presence of Christ in the holy Eucharist , the disagreement being onely in the modus Praesentiae . But on the contrary , the Lord Primate in his Answer to the Jesuits challenge , hath written one whole Chapter against the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament ; In which though he would seem to aim at the Church of Rome ( though by that Church not onely the reall presence of Christ in the Sacrament , but the corporal eating of his body is maintained and taught ) yet doth he strike obliquely and on the by on the Church of England . All that he doth allow concerning the real presence is no more then this , viz. That in the receiving of the blessed Sacrament , we are to distinguish between the outward and th● inward Action of the Communicant . In the outward , wi●● our bodily mouth we receive really the visible elements of Bread and Wine ; in the inward , we do by faith really receive the Body and Blood of our Lord , that is to say , we are truely and indeed made partakers of Christ crucified , to the spiritual strengthning of our inward man. Which is no more then any Calvinist in the pack ( which either do not understand , or wilfully oppose the Doctrines of the Church of England ) will stick to say . 5. The Church of England teacheth that the Priest hath power to forgive sins , as may be easily proved by three several Arguments , not very easie to be answered . The first is from those solemn words , used in the Ordination of the Priest or Presbyter , that is to say , Receive the Holy Ghost , whose sins ye forgive they are forgiven , and whose sins ye retain they are retained . Which were a gross prophanation of the words of our Lord and Saviour , and a meer mockery of the Priest , if no such power were given unto him as is there affirmed . The second Argument is taken from one of the Exhortations before the Communion , where we find it thus , viz. And because it is requisite that no man should come to the holy Communion , but with a full trust in Gods mercy , and with a quiet conscience : therefore if there be any of you , which by the means aforesaid cannot quiet his own Conscience , but requireth further comfort or counsel , then let him come to me or to some other discreet and learned Minister of Gods word , and open his grief , that he may receive such ghostly counsel , advice and comfort , as his conscience may be relieved , and that by the Ministry of Gods word , he may receive comfort , and the benefit of absolution , to the quieting of his conscience , and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness . The third and most material proof we have in the form prescribed for the visitation of the sick ; In which it is required that after the sick person hath made a confession of his faith , and profest himselfe to be in charity with all men , he shall then make a special confession if he feel his conscience troubled with any weighty matter . And then it followeth , that after such confession , the Minister shall absolve him in this manner , viz. Our Lord Jesus Christ , who hath left power to his Church to absolve all sinners which truly repent and believe in him , of his great mercy forgive thee thine offences : and by his Authority committed to me , I absolve thee from all thy sins ; in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost , Amen . Of the first of these three places , deduced all of them from the best Monuments and Records of the Church of England , the Lord Primate takes notice in his Answer to the Jesuites challenge , p. 109. where he treatech purposely of the Priests power to forgive sins , but gives us such a gloss upon it , as utterly subverts as well the Doctrine of this Church in that particular , as her purpose in it : and of the second he takes notice , p. 81. where he speaks purposely of Confession , but gives us such a gloss upon that also as he did on the other . But of the third , which is more positive and material then the other two , he is not pleased to take any notice at all , as if no such Doctrine were either taught by the Church of England , or no such power had been ever exercised by the Ministers of it . For in the canvassing of this point , he declares sometimes that the Priest doth forgive sins onely declarative , by the way of declaration only , when on the consideration of the true Faith , and sincere Repentance of the party penitent , he doth declare unto him in the name of God , that his sins are pardoned : and sometimes that the Priest forgives sins only optativè , by the way of prayers and intercession ; when on the like consideration he makes his prayers unto God , that the sins of the penitent may be pardoned . Neither of which comes up unto the Doctrine of the Church of England , which holdeth that the Priest forgiveth sins authoritativè , by vertue of a power committed to him by our Lord and Saviour . That the supreme power of forgiving sins is in God alone , against whose Divine Majesty all sins , of what sort soever , may be truly said to be committed , was never questioned by any which pretended to the Christian faith . The power which is given to the Priest is but a delegated gower , such as is exercised by Judges under Soveraign Princes ( where they are not tied unto the Verdict of twelve men , as with us in England ) who by the power committed to them in their several Circuits and Divisions , do actually absolve the party which is brought before them , if on good proof they find him innocent of the crimes which he stands accused for , and so discharge him of his Irons . And such a power as this , I say , is both given to , and exercised by the Priests or Presbyters in the Church of England . For if they did forgive sins onely Declarativè , that form of Absolution which follows the general Confession in the beginning of the Common-prayer-Book , would have been sufficient , that is to say , Almighty God , the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , which desireth not the death of a sinner , but rather that he may turn from his wickedness and live ; and hath given power and commandment to his Ministers to declare and pronounce to his people being penitent , the absolution and remission of their sins ; and pardoneth and absolveth all them which truly repent , and unfainedly believe his holy Gospel . Or if he did forgive sins onely Optativè , in the way of prayers and intercession , there could not be a better way of Absolution , then that which is prescribed to be used by the Priest or Bishop , after the general confession made by such as are to receive the Communion , viz. Almighty God our Heavenly Father , who of his great mercy hath promised forgiveness of sins to all them which with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto him ; have mercy upon you , pardon and deliver you from all your sins , and confirm and strengthen you in all goodness , and bring you to everlasting life , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . Or else the first clause in the form of Absolution used at the visitation of the sick , would have served the turn , that is to say , Our Lord Jesus Christ , who hath left power to his Church to absolve all sinners which truely repent , and believe in him , of his great mercy forgive thee thine offences . And there could be no reason at all imaginable , why the next clause should be superadded to this prayer , viz. And by his Authority committed to me , I absolve thee from all thy sins , &c. if the Priest did not forgive sins Authoritativè , by such a delegated and commissionated power as before we spake of . And that this is the Doctrine and intent of the Church of England , appears by the acknowledgement of two learned men of the opposite faction . For thus saith one of the great sticklers for the Church of Rome , viz. Hereunto is also pertinent the Doctrine of those Protestants , who hold , that Priests have power , not onely to pronounce , but to give remission of sins . Yea , it seemeth to be the Doctrine of the Communion-Book , in the visitation of the sick ; where the Priest saith , And by his Authority committed unto me , I absolve thee from all thy sins . Then which there could not come a clearer Testimony from the mouth of an Adversary . And for the other side I will take Dr. Lewis Bayley ( afterwards Bishop of Bangor ) a man precise enough as to the perpetual morality of the Lords day Sabbath , and Calvinist enough in some other Tenets of that rigid Sect ; And yet this man in his Book called the Practice of Piety , not onely doth advise his sick Penitent to send in time for some godly Minister , to whom he may unfold his griefs & confess his sins , that so he may receive the benefit of Absolution ; but tells him , that then he should not doubt in foro conscientiae , but that his sins be as verily forgiven on earth , as if he did hear Christ himself , in foro judicii , pronouncing them to be forgiven in Heaven . And this he doth exemplifie in Doctor Reynolds , the ablest and most learned man of all that shewed themselves on the Puritan party , who being on his death-bed , did earnestly desire to receive the benefit of sacerdotal Absolution , according to the form prescribed in the Book of Common-prayer , and humbly received it at the hands of Dr. Holland , the Kings Professor in Divinity in the University of Oxon , for the time then being ; and when he was not able to express his joy & thankfulness in the way of speech , did most affectionatly kiss the hand that gave it : and yet this Doctor had not only a chief hand in the Millenary Petition ( as they commonly called it ) presented to K. James at his first coming to this Crown , wherein they excepted not only against the use , but the very name of Absolution , as being a forinsecal word which they desired to have corrected ; but managed the whole busines of it at Hampton Court. And this he did with such fidelity and zeal , that to give that party some contentment , it was ordered in the Conference there , that to the word Absolution in the Rubrick following the general confession , these words , Remission of sins , should be added for explanation sake , as it stil continueth : so powerful an Orator is death , as to perswade men in extremities of sickness to apply those remedies , which in the times of health , they neither thought lawful nor convenient to be used in such extremities . 7. But to proceed ; in the Article of Christs descending into Hell , the Church of England doth maintain a local descent , that is to say , That the Soul of Christ , at such time as his body lay in the grave , did locally descend into the nethermost parts , in which the Devil and his Angels are reserved in everlasting chains of darkness , unto the judgment of the great & terrible day . This proved at large by Bishop Bilson in his learned and laborious Work , entituled , The Survey of Christ's sufferings ; in which he hath amassed together whatsoever the Fathers , Greek and Latine , or any of the ancient Writers have affirmed of this Article , with all the Points and Branches which depend upon it . And that this was the meaning of the first Reformers , when this Article amongst others was first agreed upon in the Convocation of the year 1552. appears by that passage of S. Peter , which is cited by them touching Christs preaching to the Spirits which were in prison . And though that passage be left out of the present Article , according as it passed in the Convocation of the year 1562. yet cannot that be used as an Argument to prove that the Church hath altered her judgment in that Point , as some men would have it ; that passage being left out for these reasons following : For first , that passage was conceived to make the Article too inclinable to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome , which makes the chief end of Christs descent into Hell , to be the fetching thence the souls of the Fathers who died before and under the Law ; and secondly , because it was conceived by some learned men , that the Text was capable of some other construction than to be used for an argument of this Descent . The judgment of the Church continueth still the same as before it was , and is as plain and positive for a local descent , as ever formerly : She had not else left this Article in the same place in which She found it , or given it the same distinct Title as before it had ; viz. De Descensu Christi ad Inferos , in the Latine Copies of King Edward the Sixth , that is to say , Of the going down of Christ into Hell , as in the English Copies of Queen Elizabeths Reign . Nor indeed was there any reason why this Article should have any distinct place or Title at all , unlesse the maintenance of a local Descent were intended by it . For having spoken in the former Article of Christs Suffering , Crucifying , Death and Burial , it had been a very great impertinency ( not to call it worse ) to make a distinct Article of his Descending into Hell , if to Descend into Hell did signifie the same with this being buried , as some men then fancied , or that there were not in it some further meaning which might deserve a place distinct from his Death and Burial . The Article speaking thus , viz. As Christ died for us , and was buried , so is it to be believed that he went down into Hell , is either to be understood of a local Descent , or else we are tied to believe nothing by it but what was explicitely or implicitely comprehended in the former Article . Now that this is the Churches meaning cannot be better manifested then in the words of Mr. Alexander Noel before mentioned , who being Prolocutor of the Convocation in the year 1562. when this Article was disputed , approved , and ratified , cannot in reason be supposed to be ignorant of the true sense and meaning of this Church in that particular . And he accordingly in his Catechism publickly allowed of with reference to a local Descent , doth declare it thus , viz. Ut Christus corpore in terrae viscera , ita anima corpore separata ad Inferos descendit , pariterque Mortis ejus vis ad mortuos Inferosque adeo ipsos usque eò permanavit , ut & Animae incredulorum tristissimae ipsorum incredulitati maximè debitae condemnationis sensum perciperent , ipseque Satanas Inferorum Princeps , tyrannidis suae & tenebrarum potentiam omnem afflictam , profligatam , & ruina oppressam esse animad verteret . Id est , As Christ descended in his body into the bowels of the earth , so in his soul separated from that body he descended also into Hell , by means whereof the power and efficacy of his death was not made known onely to the dead , but the Divels themselves ; insomuch that both the souls of the unbelievers did sensibly perceive that condemnation which was most justly due to them for their incredulity , and Satan himself the Prince of Divels , did as plainly see that his tyrannie and all the powers of darknesse were opprest , ruined , and destroyed . But on the contrary , the Lord Primate alloweth not any such local Descent as is maintained by the Church , and defended by the most learned Members of it , who have left us any thing in writing about this Article . And yet he neither follows the opinion of Calvin himself , nor of the generality of those of the Calvinian party , who herein differ from their Master ; but goes a new way of a later discovery , in which although he had few Leaders , he hath found many followers . By Christs Descending into Hell , he would have nothing else to be understood , but his continuing in the state of separation between the body and the soul , his remaining under the power of Death during the time that he lay buried in the grave ; which is no more in effect , though it differ somewhat in the terms , then to say , that he died and was buried , and rose not till the third day , as the Creed instructs us . And yet to set out this opinion to the best advantage , he hath laid out more cost upon it , then upon all the rest of his Answer to the Jesuits Challenge , thronging together so many citations concerning the word Hades , out of old Greek Authors , so many Critical Observations on their Words and Phrases , out of Grammarians , Scholiasts , and Etymologists , as serve abundantly both to amaze the ignorant , and to confound the learned . Nothing lesse meant in all those Collections , then to assert the Doctrine of the Church of England in this particular , no more then he hath done in the other Points before remembred , though all of them are either to be found in the Book of Articles , to which he had subscribed , as Doctor Bernard hath informed us , p. 118. or in the Book of Common Prayer which he was bound to conform himself unto , both in judgment and practice , as being impos'd by Act of Parliament on the Church of Ireland . 7. I should now proceed to see what difference there is between the Doctrine of the Church of England and the Lord Primates own judgment in the point of Free-will , which he hath given us in his Answer to the Jesuits Challenge p. 464. But because that point hath some relation to the Nine Articles of Lambeth , I shall take no other notice of it , then as it is comprehended in those Articles ; in the defence whereof the Lord Primate did appear with so great affection as made him very gracious in the eyes of the Calvinian Party both at Home and Abroad . But this together with the little esteem he had of the Orders , Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , is left to be the subject of the following Section . SECT . XI . The Articles of Lambeth when made , and on what occasion ; Dislik't and supprest by Queen Elizabeth , and rejected by King James at the Conference at Hampton-Court ; Countenanced and defended by the Lord Primate , who for so doing is much honoured by the English Puritans . The History of Goteschalcus publisht by him , and the great thanks he received for it from Doctor Twisse . What else it was that made the Lord Primate so esteemed by the Brethren here . His Inconformity to the Orders , Rites , and Ceremonies of the Church of England in six particulars . WE are informed by Doctor Bernard , that the Lord ▪ Primate did fully approve the Articles of Religion of the Church of England in points of Doctrine , as the same more enlarged in the Articles of Ireland ; and that he also did approve the Discipline and Constitution of both Churches , p. 144. By which if Doctor Bernard means that the Articles of England were the same with those of the Church of Ireland ( though more enlarged in theirs of Ireland , than in ours of England ) he is much mistaken , there being many things contained in the Articles of the Church of Ireland extremely differing from the Doctrine of the Church of England , as shall be shewn particularly in a place more proper . But because the Lord Primate is no otherwise concerned therein then in relation to the Nine Articles of Lambeth , which are incorporated and contained in those of Ireland , I shall confine my self precisely unto that particular . And I shall find enough in that to shew the Lord Primates further differences from the Church of England ; those Articles containing all the Calvinian Rigours in the Points of Praedestination , Grace , Free-will , &c. which have produced so much Disturbance in these parts of Christendom . Those Articles first occasioned by some Differences which arose in Cambridge between Doctor Whitaker the Queens Professor , and Doctor Peter Baro the Lady Margarets Professor in that University ; agreed on at a private meeting in Lambeth-house , Anno 1595. None but the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , the Bishop Elect of London , and the Bishop of Bangor , with some learned men of Doctor Whitakers own party being present at it ; and being so made were sent to Cambridge , rather to silence Doctor Baro , than to compose the Differences by any equal expedient . So that being made on a particular occasion , at a private meeting , and by men not impowered to any such purpose , they were never looked on otherwise , than as private Opinions , not as the Tendries of this Church . So far disliked by Q. Elizabeth when she first heard of them , that they were presently supprest by her command , and so supprest , that we hear no more news of them till the Conference at Hampton-Court , where they found no better entertainment from the hands of King James : for Doctor Reinolds having mov'd that the Nine Orthodoxal Assertions ( as he called them ) which were made at Lambeth might be added to the Articles of the Church of England ; the motion was not onely opposed by the Bishops , but denied by the King : opposed by the Bishops by reason of their inconsistency with the Doctrine of the Church of England ; denied and rejected by the King , because he held the matters therein contained to be fitter for the publick Schools than the Book of Articles . But on the contrary , the Lord Primate alwayes shewed himself in favour of those Articles , those Orthodoxal Assertions , as the Doctor called them , praetermitting no occasion to defend and countenance them , and to that end caused them to be inserted into the Articles of the Church of Ireland , Anno 1615. For if we may believe Dr. Bernard ( as in this case questionless we may ) it was his doing that these Nine Articles of Lambeth together wth the precise observance of the New Lords-day-Sabbath , a different explication of the Article of Christs Descent into Hell , from that allowed of by this Church , and almost all the other Heterodoxies of the Sect of Calvin , were interserted and incorporated into the Articles of Ireland : we being told by Doctor Bernard in the History of his Life and Death , p. 49. that in the Convocation held at Dublin Anno 1615. he being then a Member of that Synod , was appointed to draw up those Articles , which then and there were approved and ratified for the establisht Doctrine of the Church of Ireland . This did he towards the advancing of the Calvinian Doctrines in his own native Countrey , and for so doing was much flattered and applauded by the English Calvinists as the chief Patron of the Cause , the Cause of God , as some of them were pleased to call it . Vissius , a Divine of the Low Countreys , publisht a Book entituled , The Pelagian History , demonstrating therein that the Fathers , and other ancient Writers , in their several ages , maintained successively those Opinions in the matters of Predestination , and the Points depending thereupon , as the Remonstrants ( or Arminians , as some call them ) did in the Belgick Churches . A Book which suddenly grew into great reputation with most knowing and unbiassed men , who had not been before engaged in the present quarrels . And thereupon to give a stop to it in the middle of its full carere , the Lord Primate published the History of Goteschalcus ; Of which thus Doctor Twisse in his Letter to the Lord Primate of the 29. of May 1640. Where having first spoken of his Singular Piety and Wisdom in reference to the necessitous condition of those times , in inserting the History of Pelagius in his Book De primordiis Ecclesiarum Britannicarum , so opportunely coming in his way ; he after addeth , that his History of Goteschalcus was a piece of the like nature , and that it came out most seasonably in respect of Vossius ; for the relieving of whose credit thereupon , there had been many meetings by some in London , that by the coming forth of that Piece , he was the better inabled in the pursuit of his Answer to Corvinus , which he was in hand with , and to meet with the Dictates of N. N. who endeavoured to justifie some conceit of Vossius , but upon very weak grounds . Thus ( saith he ) I have observed with comfort the hand of God to have gone along with your Grace , for the honouring the Cause of his Truth , in so precious a Point as is the glory of his Grace . And I nothing doubt but the same hand of our good God will be with you still , and his wisdom will appear in all things you undertake , whether of your own choice , or upon the motion of others . So he ; and in him we may partly see the minds of the rest . But there was somewhat else which did as much indear him to that Party , as the Nine Articles of Lambeth , namely the little esteem he had of the Orders , Rites , and Ceremonies of the Church of England , which made him so agreeable to them , that they plied him with continual Letters when he was in Ireland , Doctor Bernard telling us ( and I dare take it on his word ) That he had seen divers Letters wrote unto him from those who were aspersed with the name of Puritans , full of respect and large expressions of their love to him , p. 160. And at his comings into England he was much visited by the Grandees and learned Men of that Faction ; not that they found any reason to make use of him for design and counsel , but partly for the reputation which he brought with him to the Cause ; and partly for the benefit they received by conferring with him , who was indeed a walking Concordance , and a living Library . Nor was he less courted by their Followers , the Lay-Brethren also ; by whom he was caressed , complemented , feasted wheresoever he came , many good people being admitted to those Meetings as well to feed on his Discourses , as to fill their bellies . For though Doctor Bernard please to tell us that the Lord Primate did approve the Discipline and Constitutions of both Churches , yet when he comes unto particulars he confutes himself ; giving us gratis several instances which are but sorry proofs of such Approbation : whether we look upon the Canons of the Church of England separately and in themselves , or on the publick Liturgy also , which though first fitted for the use and edification of the Church of England , were afterwards imposed by Act of Parliament in that Kingdom on the Church of Ireland . In the particulars whereof we shall go no further then Doctor Bernard doth conduct us . First then , It is appointed by one Rubrick in the Liturgy or Common-Prayer Book , That all Priests and Deacons shall be bound to say daily the Morning and Evening Prayer either privately or openly , except they be let by preaching , studying of Divinity , or some other urgent cause : and in the rest it is directed in what course and order , the said Morning and Evening Prayer is to be Officiated , on what dayes the Letany is to be said or sung ; as also upon what dayes the Communion-service is to be used , and in what part of that service the Sermon is to have its place , and what other parts of that service are to follow after it . Which last observance being neglected by some who would not tie themselves unto any Rule by others , because being Lecturers onely , they were not charged with Cure of Souls , it was required by King Charles in some Instructions which he sent to all the Bishops severally and respectively in the Realm of England Anno 1628. That every Lecturer should read the Divine Service , according to the Liturgy printed by Authority , in his Surplice and Hood before the Lecture . But on the contrary Doctor Bernard tells us of the Lord Primate , That he was not so rigid , as to tie all men in the private , to an absolute necessary use of it , or in the publick , that a Sermon was not to be heard , unlesse that did precede , p. 145. He took great care ( as Doctor Bernard hath informed us p. 155. ) for the often publick reading of the Ten Commandments and the Creed before the Congregation , according to the custome of other Reformed Churches , of which care there had been no need , if the publick Liturgy had been read as it ought to be , as well the Commandments as the Creed being appointed to be read publickly in the Course thereof . But being it is said with reference to the Reformed Churches , I want reason to believe that the often publick reading of the Commandments and the Creed supplied the place of the Publick Liturgy on the dayes of Preaching , according to the Custome of some of the Reformed Churches which were therein imitated . Secondly , it is appointed by the Liturgy or Common-prayer-Book of Both Churches what dayes should be accounted holy , and observed as Festivals , each of them having their several Lessons , Collects , Epistles and Gospels , as well the Sunday or Lords day it selfe , or as the greater Festivals of Easter and Whitsuntide , or those of the Ascension and Nativity of our Lord and Saviour . No difference made between them ( except it be the addition of some proper Psalmes to some special Festivals ) in the intent and purpose of the publick Liturgies . But whether the Lord Primate observed all these several Holy dayes which the Church allows of , and in such manner as is prescribed by the Church , may be very well doubted . It s true , that Doctor Bernard tells us , that it was the Lord Primates judgement and opinion , That the Annual Commemorations of the Articles of the Faith , such as the Nativity , Passion , Resurrection of our Saviour , &c. were still to be observed ( which Saint Austin saith in his time were in use through the whole Catholick Church of Christ ) and is now in other Reformed Churches , as a means to keep them in the memory of the vulgar , according to the pattern of Gods injunction to the Israelites in the Old Testament , for the types of them , as appeared by his then constant preaching on those Subjects , p. 152. But then it is as true withal , that Doctor Bernard tells us nothing of the Lord Primates observation of the other Holy dayes , as certainly he would have done , had there been ground for it . And therefore if the Lord Primate were so punctual in keeping the Anniversaries of the Nativity , Passion , Resurrection and Ascension of our Lord and Saviour , and of the coming down of the Holy Ghost , as Doctor Bernard saith he was ; it may be probably conceived , that this was done rather in compliance with some of the forraign Reformed Churches , which observe those dayes , and those dayes onely , than in obedience to the prescripts of the Churches of England and Ireland . Thirdly , the day of the Passion of our Saviour , commonly called Goodfriday , is by both Churches reckoned for jejunium statum , a standing , though but an Annual Fast , as well as Lent , the Ember dayes , and Rogation week ; and hath its proper and distinct office , that is to say , its proper Lessons , Collect , Epistle , and Gospel , accommodated to the day , and every way instructive in the story of our Saviours passion . And it is ordered by the thirteenth Canon of the year 1603. That all Ministers shall observe the Orders , Rites , and Ceremonies prescribed in the Book of Common-prayer , as well in reading the holy Scriptures , and saying of Prayers , as in Administration of the Sacraments , without either diminishing in regard of preaching , or in any other respect , or adding any thing in the matter and form thereof . But on the contrary Doctor Bernard telleth us , that the Friday before Easter ( Good Friday by no means , take heed of that ) appointed for the remembrance of the Passion of our Saviour , was by the Lord Primate at Droghedah in Ireland , observed duly as a solemn fast , inclining the rather to that choice ( that is to say , of making it a solemn , not a standing fast ) out of prudence and the security from censure , by the then custome of having Sermons beyond their ordinary limit in England ; and that when the publick prayers were ended , ( that is to say , so much of the publick prayers as might be no hindrance to his preaching ) be preached upon that subject , extending himself in Prayer and Sermon beyond his ordinary time ; which being known to be his constant custom , some from Dublin , as other parts , came to partake of it , p. 154. Fourthly , by the 55. Canon of the year 1603. there is a form of Prayer prescribed to be used by Preachers before their Sermons , the beginning of which Canon is as followeth , viz. Before all Sermons , Lectures and Homilies , Preachers and Ministers shall move the people to joyn with them in prayer in this Form , or to this effect , as briefly as conveniently they may . Ye shall pray for Christs holy Catholick Church , &c. But on the contrary Doctor Bernard tells us of the Lord Primate , that he did not onely spin out his own Prayers to a more then ordinary length , as appeareth by the former passage ; but that he was also much for the Ministers improving of their gifts and abilities in prayer before Sermon and after , according to his own practice , p. 150. and that he required the like extemporary and unpremeditated prayers of his houshold Chaplains in his Family-prayers at six of the clock in the morning , and at eight at night . Fifthly , it is appointed by the eighteenth Canon of the year 1603. That as often as in the Divine Service the Lord JESUS shall be mentioned , due and lowly reverence shall be done by all persons present , as it hath been accustomed ; testifying by these outward Ceremonies & Gestures , their inward Humility , Christian Resolution , and due acknowledgment , that the Lord Jesus Christ , the true and eternal Son of God , is the onely Saviour of the World , in whom alone all Mercies , Graces , and Promises of God to mankind , for this life , and the life to come , are fully and wholly comprised . But on the contrary Doctor Bernard tells us of the Lord Primate , p. 147. That as for bowing at the name of Jesus , though he censured not those that did , either in our or other Reformed Churches , according to the custome of each ( which we of England must needs take for a special favour ) yet he did not conceive the injunction of it could be founded upon that of the Apostle , Phil. 2. 10. and wondered at some learned mens assertions , that it was the exposition of all the Fathers upon it ; ( a touch for Doctor Andrews , the late learned and most renowned Bishop of Winchester : ) and as the wise composers of the Liturgy gave no direct injunction for it there ; so in Ireland he withstood the putting of it into the Canon , Anno 1634. Sixthly , it is appointed by the said eighteenth Canon of the year , 1603. That no man shall cover his head in the Church or Chappel in the time of Divine Service ( whereof I hope the Sermon did deserve to be accounted part ) except he have some infirmity , in which case let him wear a night-Cap or Coif ; and in the seventh Canon of the year 1640. that all good and well-affected people , members of this Church , be ready to tender their acknowledgement unto the Lord ( in whose house they are ) by doing reverence and obeisance at their coming in and going out of the Church , Chancel or Chappel , according to the most ancient custome of the Primitive Church in the purest times , and of this Church also for many years in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth ▪ What low esteem the Lord Primate had of these two Canons , and how little he conformed himself to the tenour and intent thereof , might be easily proved , but that I am to go no further in these particulars , then Doctor Bernard doth conduct me . All therefore I shall adde is this , that though these Canons did not bind the Lord Primate unto any observance when he was in Ireland ; yet at such time as he was in England , and constantly repaired to one Church or other , he was obliged both in obedience to the Law , and for the avoiding of scandal , to conform unto them . Cum Romae sum jejuno Sabbato , cum hic sum non jejuno Sabbato , was the rule and practice of Saint Ambrose , who was not only Arch-Bishop of Millan , but perhaps Lord Primate of the Diocess of Italy also . All this considered , Doctor Bernard needed not to have told us of him , That he did not affect some arbitrary innovations , not within the compass of the Rule and Order of the Book ; and that he did not take upon him to introduce any Rite or Ceremony upon his own opinion of Decency , till the Church had judged it so . p. 147. It was too manifest by that which hath been said before , that there were no works of supererogation to be lookt for from him . It had been well if he had readily observed what was commanded in the Book ( as Doctor Bernard sayes he did when he was in Ireland , and had applyed himself to those Decencies which the Church had judged to be fit , when he was i● England . Nor needed so much boast be made of his Conformity to the Discipline , Liturgy , and Articles of the Church of England ; or that many of those who were asperst by the name of Puritans , received such satisfaction from him , as to concur with him in the above said particulars . p. 160. For this might very well be done , and yet the men remain as unconformable to the Rules of the Church ( their kneeling at the Communion excepted onely ) as they were before . Matters which had not now been brought to the publick view , if Doctor Bernard had not given as well the hints , as the occasion for these Discoveries . So that it may be truly said in the words of Tacitus , though not altogether in his meaning , Pessimum inimicorum genus laudantes , * viz. that the Panegyrist is sometimes a mans greatest enemy : unless perhaps it might be Doctor Bernards purpose to set forth the Lord Primate as the pattern of a complete Prelate ( as Xenophon set forth his Cyrus for the example of a gallant and perfect Prince ) by telling us rather what he should have been , then what he was . Finally , whereas the Doctor tells us that each party had a great and reverent opinion of him , p. 163. I am sorry that any part of it should be lost by this unlucky Adventure , this most unseasonable publishing of his private Letters . For my part , I had no intent of saying any thing to lessen that great and reverent opinion which each party had of him , and am sorry that Doctor Bernard hath provoked me to say so much . And so I lay him down again in the Bed of Peace , desiring heartily ut placida compostus morte quiescat , that he may rest in quiet there , without more disturbances . SECT . XII . Doctor Bernards endevour to revive the old quarrel touching the Lord Primate and the Earl of Strafford ; the Answerers resolution not to engage himself therein . The Canon of the year 1634. for the approving and receiving of the Articles of the Church of England . A Recapitulation of the Arguments used by the Observator , to prove that the superinducing of the Articles of the Church of England was a repealing of the Articles of Ireland . Doctor Bernards weak Answers to those Arguments , and his weaker Arguments to prove the contrary . The Difference between the Articles of England and Ireland consists not onely in some Circumstantials , as Doctor Bernard would fain have it . A view of some material and substantial differences between those Articles . The Conclusion of the whole Discourse . ANd now we are come to Doctor Bernard , who promising no more then the confirmation of something which the Lord Primate had written in one of his Letters , viz. That the Articles of Ireland were not called in Anno 1634. as Doctor Heylyn had affirmed , p. 173. must needs go somewhat out of his way , to hook in the remembrance of some former Quarrels which Doctor Heylyn had forgotten , and is not now willing to remember . The Author of the Book called Extraneus vapulans , whosoever he was , declares himself unwilling to receive that Question , Whether the Lord Primate had any sharp tooth against the Lord Lieutenant or not , in regard the parties were both dead , and all displeasures buried in the same grave with them , p. 292. He also wished that the Doctor by his Panegyrick had not awakened those enquiries , which were like to be so little advantagious to the memory of that learned Prelate , p. 296. And finally conceived , that Doctor Bernard would have done that reverend person , and himself some right , if he had suffered such Enquiries to die with the parties most concerned in them , without reviving them again by his double diligence , p. 298. Which passages if Doctor Bernard had laid to heart , he would not so unseasonably have endevoured to revive that Quarrel , and brought Doctor Heylyn on the stage , provoking him by several wayes to resume that Argument , which he had long since laid aside , and is resolved upon no provocation whatsoever to take up again . He hath laid the Lord Primate down again in the Bed of Peace , and will not raise him from it by a new disturbance . But whereas Doctor Bernard tells us that it is left to the prudence of a third person ( who hath a convenient opportunity in his History ) to clear the whole , in the Examination and Moderation of all the passages between Mr. l'Estrange and him , p. 114. That third person , whosoever he is , must be very prudent , if he can carry the matter so , and with such Moderation , as not to give offence to both parties , and be called to an account by each of them for his Examination . For so it hapneth many times , that he who voluntarily steps in to part a fray between two persons , gets some knocks on both sides , at the least from one . And therefore it was well resolved by one of the old Heathen Philosophers , Se nolle inter duos Amicos Arbitrum esse &c. that he vvould never arbitrate any business betvveen tvvo of his Friends , because he vvas sure that by his so doing , he must make one of them to become his Enemy . The preamble of Doctor Bernard being thus passed over , we next proceed unto the Confirmation which he hath in hand . And therein also pretermitting his whole Narrative , touching the carriage of the business in the Convocation of the year 1634. we will pitch only on the examination of this point , viz. whether the superinducing of the Articles of the Church of England were not a virtual repealing of the Articles of the Church of Ireland . And for the better proceeding in it , I think it not unnecessary to produce that Canon , which is the ground of the Dispute . The Title of it this , viz. Of the Agreement of the Church of England and Ireland , in the profession of the same Christian faith . The Body of it this , viz. For the manifestation of our Agreement with the Church of England in the Confession of the same Christian Faith and Doctrine of the Sacraments ; We do receive and approve the Book of Articles of Religion , agreed upon by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops , and the whole Clergy , in the whole convocation holden at London , Anno Dom. 1562. for avoiding of the diversities of opinions , and for the establishing of consent touching true Religion . And therefore if any hereafter shall affirm that any of those Articles are in any part superstitious or erroneous , or such as he may not with a good conscience subscribe unto ; Let him be excommunicated , and not absolved , before he make a publick revocation of his error . These are the very words of the Canon it selfe , and from these words the Observator did conclude that the Articles of England were received in stead of the other ; but Doctor Bernard makes this construction of the Canon , That there was not a reception of the one in stead of the other , but the one with the other , p. 119. That in the Canon the Articles of England are received not in stead , but with those of Ireland , p. 120. But which of the two is in the right will be best seen by the Arguments produced on both sides , and by the Answers which are made to those several Arguments . And first the Observator takes notice of some scandal given unto the Papists , and the occasion of some derisions which they had thereby , that in the Churches of three Kingdoms professing the same Religion , & being under the patronage of one soveraign Prince , there should be three distinct ( and in some points contrary ) confessions ; and that for the avoiding of this scandal , it was thought fit there should be one Confession , or one Book of Articles onely for the Churches of England and Ireland , not without hope that Scotland would soon follow after . And thereupon he doth infer , that if the superinducing or receiving of a new Confession be not a repealing of the old , there must be two Confessions in the same Church differing in many points from one another . Which would have been so far from creating an uniformity of belief between the Churches , and taking away thereby the matter of derision which was given the Papists , in two distinct ( and in some points contrary ) Confessions , yet both pretending unto one and the same Religion ; that it would rather have increased their scorn , and made a greater disagreement in Ireland it selfe , then was before between the Churches of both Kingdoms . The second Argument is taken from these words of Saint Paul , Heb. 8. 13. viz. Dicendo novum veteravit prius , &c. that is to say , in that he saith a new Covenant , he hath made the first old , as our English reads it , and then it followeth , that that which decayeth and waxeth old is ready to vanish away , that is to say , the old being disanulled by the new , there must necessarily follow the abolishment of its use and practice . So that unless it may be thought , that Saint Paul was out in his Logick , as I think it may not , the superinducing of a new Covenant must be the abrogating of the old . His third Argument is taken from the Abrogation of the Jewish Sabbath by superinducing of the Lords day for the day of Worship ; By means whereof , the Sabbath was lessened in authority and reputation by little and little , and in short time vvas absolutely laid aside in the Church of Christ ; the fourth Commandment , by vvhich it vvas at first ordained , being still in force . His fourth and last Argument vvas , that the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth confirmed in Parliament , vvith several penalties to those vvho should refuse to officiate by it , or should not diligently resort and repair unto it , as appears by the Statute 2 , & 3. Edw. 6. c. 1. vvas actually repealed by the authorizing of the second Liturgy of the 5 , & 6. of King Edw. 6. vvhich vvas forthvvith received into use and practice in all parts of the Kingdom , the former Liturgy being no otherwise suppressed and called in , then by the superinducing of this , the Statute upon which it stood , continuing unrepealed , in full force and virtue , and many Clauses of the same related to in the Statute which confirmed the second . Upon which Ground it was inferred that the Articles of Ireland were virtually , though not formally abrogated , by the superinducing of the Articles of the Church of England . Of the first and last of these four Arguments , Doctor Bernard takes no notice at all , and returns but one Answer to the second and third , which notwithstanding may serve also for the first and last ; just as an Almanack calculated for the Meridian of London , may generally serve for the use of all Great Britain . The Answer is , That the Apostles speech of making void the old Covenant by speaking of a new , or taking in the first day of the Week to be the Sabbath instead of the last , when but one of the seven was to be kept , doth not fit the Case ; for in these there was a Superinduction and reception of the one for the other ; but in the Canon , the Articles of England are received not instead , but with those of Ireland ; which by his leave is not so much an Answer to the Observators Arguments , as a plain begging of the Question : For if this Answer will hold good in Ireland , it might have held good also in the Land of Judaea , and the Parts adjoyning , where both the Lords-day and the Sabbath , the old Law and the Gospel , did for a time remain together . As for the Doctors Arguments , That the Reception of the Articles of the Church of England doth no more argue an Abrogation of the Articles of Ireland , than that the Apostles Creed was abrogated by the reception of the Nicene and Athanasian p. 118. it is easily answered . For as the Doctor well observes , the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds are but Enlargements of the other , and that in some particular Points onely in which the Hereticks of those times had disturbed the peace of the Church . So that those Creeds are but the Explanations of the other in the Points disputed , and were received by the Church with reference onely to the condemnation of some Heresies , and the Explication of some Orthodox or Catholick Doctrines , which had been opposed by those Heresies . More easily is the Argument answered , importing That the reception into our use the form of the Lords Prayer according to S. Matthew , should by the same reason abrogate that of S. Luke being the shorter . For first the Lords Prayer as it stands in S. Lukes Gospel was never received into the Lyturgie of the Church , and therefore could not be abrogated by the Churches making choice of the other which we find in S. Matthew . And secondly it was not in the power of the Church to have abrogated that Prayer as it stands in S. Luke , because it is a part of the Gospel of the word of God , which the Church hath no Authority to change or alter , and much lesse to abrogate . All that the Church can be said to have done in this particular , is that the Church made choice rather of the Lords Prayer as it stands in S. Matthew , then as it stands in S. Luke , when it was absolutely in her power to make choice of either . No contrariety to be found in any one clause of the said two Pater Nosters , nor any the least contradiction to be met with between those three Creeds , or any one Article of the same , differing no otherwise in a manner but as the Commentary and the Text. But so it is not in the Case which is now before us , nor in the supposition of making one general confession of all the Reformed Churches , if they were severally subscribed with the Irish Articles . He that subscribes unto the Articles of Ireland may without any doubt or scruple subscribe unto the Articles or Confessions of all the Reformed ( or Calvinian ) Churches . But if he take the Articles of England also into that account , he must of necessity subscribe to many plain and manifest contrarieties . Against this nothing hath been said , but that there is no substantial difference between those Articles , as was conceived by the Lord Primate p. 118. that both Confessions are consistent as is affirmed by Doctor Bernards most eminent , learned , and judicious person , p. 121. and finally that there is no difference in substance , but onely in Method , number of Subjects determined , and other circumstantials , as is declared by Doctor Bernard p. 119. But if the contrary be proved , and that it shall appear that there is a substantial difference between those Articles , that the Confessions of both Churches are inconsistent , and that they do not onely differ in the Circumstantials of Method , Number , and the like ; I hope that then it will be granted that the approving and receiving of the Articles of England was virtually and in effect an Abrogating of the former Articles of the Church of Ireland . And for the proof of this I shall compare some passages in the Articles of Ireland as they passed in Convocation Anno 1615. with the Doctrines publickly professed in the Church of England , either contained expresly and in terminis in the Book of Articles , or else delivered in some other publick Monument of Record of the Church of England to which those Articles relate : First then , The Articles of the Church of Ireland have entertained and incorporated the Nine Articles of Lambeth , containing all the Calvinian Rigours in the Points of Predestination , Grace , Free-will , &c. which Articles , or any of them , could never find admittance in the Church of England , by reason of their inconsistency with the authorized Doctrines of it , as before was said : so that by the incorporating of those Nine Articles into the Articles of Ireland , there are as many aberrations from the doctrine of the Church of England . Secondly , It is said of Christ ( Num. 30. ) that for our sakes he endured most grievous torments immediately in his Soul , and most painful sufferings in his Body . The enduring of which grievous torments in his Soul , as Calvin not without some touch of Blasphemy did first devise , so did he lay it down for the true sense and meaning of the Article of Christs descending into Hell. In which expression as the Articles of Ireland have taken up the words of Calvin , so it may rationally be conceived that they take them with his meaning and construction also ; the rather in regard that there is no particular Article of Christs descending into Hell , as in those of England , and consequently no such Doctrine of a local Descent as the Church of England hath maintained . Thirdly it is declared ( Num. 50. ) That the Abstinencies which are appointed by publick order of that State , for eating of Fish , and forbearing of Flesh at certain times and dayes appointed , are no wayes meant to be Religious Fasts , nor intended for the maintenance of any superstition in the choice of meats , but are grounded meerly upon Politick Considerations for provision of things tending to the better preservation of the Common-wealth . But the Church of England not taking notice of any Politick Considerations , for the breeding of Cattle , increase of shipping , or the like , as the Statists do , ( nor intending the maintenance of any Superstition in choice of meats , as the Papists do ) retaineth both her Weekly and her Annual Fasts ex vi Catholicae consuetudinis , as Apostolical and Primitive Institutions ; and she retains them also not as Politick , but as Religious Fasts , as appears by the Epistle for Ash-wednesday , taken out of the second Chapter of Joel from verse 12. unto verse 18. and by the Gospel for that day , taken out of the sixth Chapter of S. Matthew from verse 16. unto verse 22. And more particularly from the Prayer appointed to be used on the first Sunday in Lent , viz. O Lord , which for our sakes didst fast fourty dayes and fourty nights , give us grace to use such abstinence , that our flesh being subdued to the Spirit , we may ever obey the Godly motions in righteousness and true holinesse to thy honour and glory , which livest and reignest , &c. Fourthly , It is affirmed Num. 56. That the first day of the week which is the Lords day , is wholly to be dedicated to the service of God ; and therefore we are bound to rest therein from our common and daily businesse ; and to bestow that leisure upon Holy Exercises , both publick and private . How contrary this is to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Book of Homilies , we have seen already ; and if it be contrary to the Book of Homilies , it must be also contrary to the Book of Articles by which those Homilies are approved , and recommended to the use of the Church . Besides , it is declared in the seventh of those Articles , first , that the Law given by Moses as touching Ceremonies and Rites do not bind Christian men , nor ought the Civil Precepts thereof to be received in any Common-wealth ; and secondly , that no Christian whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments which are called Moral . So that the Ceremonial part of the Law of Moses being wholly abrogated , there is no more to be observed in any of the said Commandments then that which is naturally and plainly moral . For otherwise the Old Testament must be contrary to the New , which is denied in the first clause of this Article ; and secondly , this Article must be contradicted by the Book of Homilies , which in another of these Articles is approved , as before was said . As Adversaries to which truth the Author of the Book entitled , The Faith , Doctrine , and Religion professed and protected in the Realm of England , &c. being a Commentary on the 39. Articles , Perused , and by the lawful Authority of the Church of England allowed to be publick , doth account all such as have taught and published , first , that whereas all other things were so changed , that they were clean taken away , as the Priesthood , the Sacrifice , and Sacraments , this day ( that is ▪ the Sabbath day ) was so changd that it yet remaineth ; and secondly , that the Commandment of sanctifying every seventh day ( as in the Mosaical Decalogue ) is Natural , Moral , and Perpetual . If so , then no such thing required of Christians , as to dedicate the first day of the week wholly to the service of God , or to rest thereon from our common and dayly business , as it is positively determined in this Article of the Church of Ireland . Adde here , those desperate consequences , which have been raised by some men from these Sabbath-Doctrines ; It having been preacht in some of the Pulpits in this Kingdom ( as Mr. Rogers tells us in his Preface to the Book above mentioned ) that to do any servile work or business on the Lords day , is as great a sin as to kill a man , or commit adultery ; that to throw a Bowle , to make a Feast , or dress a VVedding Dinner on the Lords day , is as great a sin , as for a man to take a knife and cut his childs throat ; and that to ring more Bells then one on the Lords day , is as great a sin , as to commit a wilful murder . Most desperate consequents indeed , but such as naturally do arise from such dangerous premises . Fifthly , it is declared , ( Num. 71. ) that we ought to judg those Ministers to be lawfully called and sent , which be called and chosen to the work of the Ministry , by men who have publick Authority given them in the Church . This serves to countenance the Ordination of Ministers beyond the Seas , ordained ( if I may so call it ) by the imposition of the hands of two Lay-Elders for each single Presbyter , without the assistance or benediction of the Bishop ; and is directly contrary to the Book , entituled , The form and manner of making and consecrating Bishops , Priests , and Deacons ; according to which Book ( justified and approved by the 36. Article of the Church of England ) no Priest or Presbyter can be otherwise ordained , then by the laying on of the hands of the Bishop . Sixthly , it is declared ( Num. 74. ) That God hath given power to his Ministers , not simply to forgive sins ( which prerogative he hath reserved onely to himselfe ) but in his name to declare and pronounce unto such as truly repent , and unfainedly believe his Holy Gospel , the absolution and forgiveness of sins . VVhich Doctrine , how contrary it is to the Doctrine of the Church of England , hath been shewed at large in the tenth Section of this Book . To which I shall now onely adde , that for the better encouragement of the penitent party , to make a true and sincere confession of his sins , that so the Priest may proceed to Absolution on the better grounds , it is ordered by the 113. Canon of the year 1603. That if any man confess his secret and hidden sins to the Minister , for the unburthening of his conscience , and to receive spiritual consolation and ease of mind from him ; the said Minister shall not at any time reveale and make known to any person whatsoever any crime or offence so committed to his trust and secrecy ( except they be such crimes , as by the Laws of this Realm his own life may be called into question for concealing the same ) under pain of Irregularity : By incurring of which pain of Irregularity , he doth not onely actually forfeit all those spiritual promotions of which he is at that time possessed , but is rendered utterly uncapable of receiving any other for the time to come . Seventhly , it is declared ( Num. 80. ) That the Bishop of Rome is so far from being the Supreme head of the Universal Church of Christ , that his works and Doctrine do plainly discover him to be that man of sin , foretold in the holy Scriptures , whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth , and abolish with the brightness of his coming . Of which opinion the Lord Primate also was , as is affirmed by Doctor Bernard , p. 162. where he telleth , that the Lord Primate had in two learned Sermons given his judgement at large , that the Papacy was meant by Babylon in the seventeenth and eighteenth of the Revelation . But there is no such Doctrine concerning Antichrist in the Book of Articles , or in any other publick Monument or Record of the Church of England , but the contrary rather . And this appeareth by a prayer at the end of the second Homily for Whitsunday , viz. That by the mighty power of the Holy Ghost , the comfortable Doctrine of Christ may be truly preached , truly received , and truly followed in all places , to the beating down of Sin , Death , the Pope , the Devil , and all the Kingdom of Antichrist . In which words , the Pope , the Devil , and the Kingdom of Antichrist , being reckoned as the three great enemies of the Church of Christ ; it must needs be , by the Doctrine of this Church in the Book of Homilies , that the Pope and Antichrist are as much distinguished , as either the Devil and the Pope , or the Devil and Antichrist , which no man of reason can conceive to be one and the same . Eighthly , the Church of England in the tenth Article speaks very favourably of the will of man in the act of Conversion , and all the other Acts of Piety which depend upon it , viz. That we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God , without the grace of God by Christ preventing us , that we may have a good will , and working with us , when we have that good will ; according to that memorable saying of Saint Augustine , the greatest Champion of Gods grace against the Pelagian Heresies , Praevenit nos gratia Dei ut velimus , subsequitur , ne frustra velimus . Whereas it is declared in the Articles of Ireland , that man is meerly passive in the work of his own Conversion , velut inanimatum quiddam , as was said by Luther , the Article affirming ( Num. 32. ) That no man can come unto Christ , unless the Father draw him ; that is to say , unless the Father doth so draw him , that nothing be ascribed to mans will , either in receiving of Grace preventing , or working any thing by the assistance of Grace subsequent , or Grace concurring ; no other kind of drawing by our Heavenly Father being allowed of in this Act in the Schools of Calvin . For on this ground Calvin dislikes that saying of Saint Chrysostome , that God draws none but such as are willing to come . Illud totum à Chrysostomo repetitum repudiari necesse est , Quem trahit volentem trahit . So he in the second Book of his Institutions , Cap. 3. Upon which Dictate of their Master the Calvinists , or Contra-Remonstrants , ( whom the Lord Primate in compiling the Articles of Ireland followeth point per point ) affirmed expresly in the Conference holden at the Hague ; Sicut ad Nativitatem suam nemo de suo quicquam confert , neque ad sui excitationem à mortuis quicquam confert de suo : Ita etiam ad Conversionem suam nemo homo quicquam confert ; That is to say , that as a man contributes nothing either towards his natural Generation , or Resurrection from the dead ; so doth he not contribute any thing towards his Conversion and Regeneration . Ninthly , the twentieth Article of England ascribes unto the Church a power in determining Controversies of the faith ; of which the Articles of Ireland are utterly silent , as if the Church were vested with no such authority , contrary to Acts 15. v. 6 , &c. Tenthly , it is declared in the 34. Article of the Church of England , That whosoever through his private judgement , willingly and purposely , doth openly break the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church , which be not repugnant to the word of God , and be ordained and approved by common Authority , ought to be rebuked openly ( that others may fear to do the like ) as he that offendeth against the common order of the Church , and hurteth the Authority of the Magistrate , and woundeth the consciences of the weak Brethren . But of this there is nothing said in the Articles of Ireland , and thereby a wide gap laid open to all private men , either out of singularity , faction , or perverseness of spirit , to oppose the Ceremonies of the Church , and deny conformity thereunto at their will and pleasure . Eleventhly , the 36. Article of England approves the Book of the Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops , &c. of which Consecration we find nothing in the Articles of Ireland , as if such Consecrations had something in them which of it selfe is superstitious and ungodly , or that the calling of Bishops was not warranted by the word of God. Twelfthly , it is declared in the 38. Article of England , That the riches and goods of Christians are not common , as touching the right , title , and possession of the same , as certain Anabaptists do falsly boast . Of which the Articles of Ireland are as silent as in the point of Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops ; the dangerous consequence whereof may be felt too soon . I know that these two last passages may rather argue some deficiency in the Articles of Ireland , then any contrariety unto those of England : But I have cause enough to think that many of those who willingly subscribe the Articles of Ireland ( as being totally Genevian both in the matter and method ) will be apt to boggle at these two ; the first as being contrary to the common Principles of the Presbyterians ; the second as being no less opposite to that levelling humour which doth affect as great a Parity in the Civil State , as the others have contended for in the Ecclesiastical . And thus far I have gone along with Doctor Bernard in answering all the several Charges which are laid upon me , and freeing my selfe from all such opposition to the publick Doctrine of this Church as I stand accused for ; A crime for which I could not easily acquit my self , and not take notice by the way , how much the Doctrine , Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England were opposed by him who laid that heavy charge upon me . In the pursuit of which particulars I have not gone much further ( though somewhat further I have gone ) then I am warranted and instructed by Doctor Bernard himself , and possibly had not gone so far , but that I knew how speedily the examples of some men may be drawn into practice , their practice made exemplary , and the Obliquities of their judgement taken up as a Rule for others , if warning of the danger be not given in convenient time . Magnos errores magnorum virorum authoritate transmitti ( as was well observed by Vadianus ) is a thing too ordinary . It is my wish , that the business may rest here , though I fear it will not ; the Doctors Book being such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such an occasion of creating new contentions , and reviving the old , as if it had been publisht and intended to no other end then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to put the whole State of Greece into fresh combustions . Others there are , who either are concerned by name , or interessed in the defence of that which they have formerly written in the Churches cause , who may conceive themselves obliged to the like engagements ; as well to do themselves right in the eyes of the world , as to maintain the dignity of the Episcopal calling in behalfe of the Church . And to these last I shall refer the further prosecuting of the point of Episcopacy , as it relates to Doctor Bernards actings in it ; who by furnishing the Lord Primates naked Affirmation with some Armour of Proof , and citing many Forraign and Domestick Authors of the same opinion , hath made himself a second party in the Quarrel , and consequently stands bound by the Laws of Duel to abide the Combat . If in that part which I have done , I have done any thing amiss ( as I hope I have not ) I shall crave pardon for my errors ; though I may say with truth and modesty enough , Si fuit errandum , causas habet error honestas , in the Poets language : if well in any thing , I shall expect no thanks for it from the hands of men , considering that when I have done the best I can , I am but an unprofitable servant in the Church of Christ . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A86302-e660 a Tacit. in vit . Agric. b In Epist . ad Aenae . c 2 Kings 23. 18. d Tertul. Apolog. 1 Sam. 28. 15. Deut. 18. 11. Andriant . 12. Tom. 6. Contra Judaeos . Dial. cum Try●hone . Lib. 1. Epist . 2. Tostatus in Exod. 12. a Tract . in Joan. b De 10. Cordis cap. 3. In Psal . 91. c In Psal . 23. Notes for div A86302-e3190 Answ . to Sir Tho. More ▪ p. 287. Declarat . of Baptism . p. 96. Contra Valent. Gentil . Tom. 1. p. 254. Catech. qu. 103. Simner in Exod . 20. Gomarus de orig . Sabbati . Bound , Editio 2. p. 10. In Ezek. c. 20. In Rom. 3 ▪ In Orthod . fide l. 24. c. 4. In Luk. 19. In Exod. 2. qu. 11. Notes for div A86302-e8660 Hosp in de Fest . Ethn. & Jud. l. 3. c. 3. Annal. d. 7. De creat . hominis l. 1. ad finem . Hebr. 7. 10. Chap. 16. 29. In Decalogo . Opera & dies . Dies Geniales . l. 3. c. 18. Hospin . De orig . Fest . c. 5. 2 Edit . p. 65. Joseph . adversus Apion . l. 2. De Abrahamo . Problem . loc . 55 Apud Euseb . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Notes for div A86302-e13610 Purch . pilgr. l. 1. c. 4. Emend . Temp. l. 3. Id. l. 4. Id. l. 1. Ed. 2. In Levit. 13. qu. 3. Hist . l. 36. Marlorat . 7. a Illic secundâ feriâ populus terrae cum flamine & regulo convenire solebant propter judicia . Helmold . Chron. Sclav . l. 1. c. 24. Page 80. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. De doctr . temp . l. 7. c. 3. Notes for div A86302-e15740 Emend . temp . l. 2. Epist . Oenon. ad Parid. Isych . l. 6. in Levit. c. 23. In Psal . 47. De coronâ mil. c. 3. Notes for div A86302-e20140 Can. 16. Can. 49. Can. 52. De Castigatione . Epist . 289. Expos . fidei Cath. 24. Notes for div A86302-e22040 Injunct . 20. In Exod. 20. qu. 12. Ibid. Notes for div A86302-e24670 In Can. Con. Laod. In Can. Sol. Hom. 30. I● . omnes cap. de seriis . Ad Eustochian . In Num. Hom. 2. Hom. 5. in Mat. 1. Conc. Matiscon . Can. 1. Collat. doct . Cathol . & Protestant . cap. 68. Synod . Dordra . Sess . 14. Resp . ad Cal. Gent. Notes for div A86302-e26680 Consil . redeundi . Artic. 35. 36. Notes for div A86302-e29400 Carthag . 4 ▪ Can. 3. Ibid. Can. 4. Can. 2. Concil . Antioch . Can. 19. True subject . p. 779. Mont. Gag . cap. 11. p. 78. Notes for div A86302-e33950 * Tacit. in● . Agric. 
A43533	----	France painted to the life by a learned and impartial hand. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1656 Approx. 636 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 183 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43533 Wing H1710 ESTC R5545 12138982 ocm 12138982 54835 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43533) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54835) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 105:3) France painted to the life by a learned and impartial hand. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [4], 362, [2] p. Printed for William Leake ..., London : 1656. Attributed to Peter Heylyn. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Unauthorized ed. of the first part of: A full relation of two journeys, the one into the main-land of France, the other into some of the adjacent ilands. London, 1656; and, A survey of the estate of France, and some of the adjoyning ilands. London, 1656. Pages 253-256 are wanting. Advertisements ([2] p.) at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng France -- Description and travel. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion FRANCE PAINTED to the LIFE ▪ By a Learned and Impartial Hand . — Quid non Gallia parturit ingens . LONDON . Printed for William Leake , at the Crown in Fleet-street , betwixt the two Temple Gates . 1656. TO THE READER . HIstories are like Iewels , not valued by their bulk , but their beauty and lustre : Real worth exceeds words ; yet this History is furnished with both ; t is rare for the matter , method , truth and use . It needs no Apologie , it s own furniture will sufficiently praise it , especially amongst the Ingenuous and Learned ; here is a solid and pleasant relishment for any that desire forrain rarities . The Pen-man managed his time with advantage : And it may be said , that a Judicious Reader may see France in this Book as well as by travel . Nothing worthy observation hath escap'd the Author ; what hath , was not worth his Pen. Thou hast ( as it came to hand ) without any adulteration , a true Copy of his conceptions and labours without addition or diminution . Take hereof a serious view , thereby thou shalt inform thy judgement , please thy fancy , and be rendred able to discourse of the several places and passages therein mentioned , equally with those who have in person surveyed them . FRANCE Painted to the Life . The First Book . The beginning of our Journey , the nature of the Sea , a Farewell to England . ON Thursday the 28th of June , at the time when England had received the cheif beauty of France , and the French had seen the cheif beauties of England , we went to Sea in a Bark of Dover ; The Port we arrived at Diepe in Normandy , the hour three in the afternoon : the wind fair and high ▪ able , had it continued in that point , to have given us a waftage as speedy as our longing . Two hours before night it came about to the Westward , and the tide also not befriending us , our passage became tedious and troublesome . The next day being dedicate to the glory of God , in memory of St. Peter , we took the benifit of the ebb to assist us against the wind . This brought us out of the sight of England , and the floud ensuing compelled us to our anchor . I had now leisure to see Gods wonders in the deep , wonders indeed to us , which had never before seen them : but too much familiarity had made them none other than the Saylers play-fellows . The waves striving by an inbred ambition which should be the highest , which foremost : precedency and super-eminency was equally desired , and each enjoyed it in succession . The wind more covetous in appearance to play with the water than disturbe it , did onely rock the billow , and seemed indeed to dandle the Ocean . You would at another time have thought , that the Seas had onely danced at the Winds whistle , or that the Wind straining it self to a treble , and the Seas by a disdiapason supplying the base , had tuned a Coranto to our Ship. For so orderly we rose and fell , according to the time and note of the billow , that her violent agitation might be thought to be nothing but a nimble Galliard filled with Capers . The nimbleness of the waves , and correspondency of our Bark unto them , was not to all our company alike pleasing : what in me moved onely a reverend and awful pleasure , was to others an occasion of sickness : their heads giddy , their joynts enfeebled , their stomacks loathing sustenance , and with great pangs avoiding what they had taken ▪ In their mouthes nothing so frequent , as that of Horace , — Illi robur & aes triplex Circa pectus erat , qui fragilem truci Commisit pelago ratem . Hard was his heart as brass , which first did venture In a weak Ship on the rough Seas to enter . Whether it be that the noisom smels which arise from the saltness and tartness of that Region of waters , poisoneth the brain ? or that the ungoverned and unequal motion of the Ship stirreth and unsettleth the stomack , or both ? we may conjecture with the Philosphers rather than determine . This I am sure of , that the Cabbins and Deck were but as so many Hospitals or Pest-houses filled with diseased persons : whilst I and the Marriners onely made good the hatches : here did I see the scaly Nation of that Kingdom solace themselves in the brim of the waves , rejoycing in the light and warmness of the day , and yet spouting from their mouthes such quantity of waters , as if they had purposed to quench that fire which gave it . They danced about our vessel , as if she had been a moving May-pole ; and that with such a delightful decorum , that you never saw a Measure better troaden with less art : And now I know not what wave bigger than the rest ▪ tossed up our Ship so high , that I once more ken'd the coast of England ; an object which took such hold on my senses , that I forgot the harmless company which sported below me , to bestow on my dearest Mother this ( and for ought I could assure my self , my last ) Farewell . England adiew : thy most unworthy Son Leaves thee , and grieves to see what he hath done ; What he hath done in leaving thee , the best Of Mothers , and more glorious than the rest , Thy sister Nations . Had'st thou been unkind : Yet might he trust thee safer than the Wind. Had'st thou been weak : yet far more strength in thee , Than in two inches of a sinking Tree . Say thou wert cruel ? yet thy angry face Hath more love in it , then the Seas embrace . Suppose thee poor ! his zeal and love the less , Thus to forsake his Mother in distress . But thou art none of those : No want in thee , Onely a needless Curiositie , Hath made him leap thy Ditch . O let him have Thy blessing in his Voyage , and hee 'l crave The Gods to thunder wrath on his neglect , When he performs not thee all due respect : That Nemesis on him her scourge would pluck , When he forgets those breasts wich gave him suck : That Nature would dissolve and turn him earth , If thou bee'st not remembred in his Mirth . May he be cast from Mankind , if he shame To make profession of his Mothers name . Rest then assur'd in this : though some times he , Conceal'd perhaps his Faith , he will not thee . CHAP. I. Normandy in general , the Name and bounds of it , The condition of the ancient Normans , and of the present . Ortelius Character of them examined . In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk . The Commodities of it , and the Government . THe next ebb brought us in sight of the sea-coast of Normandy , a shoar so evenly composed and levelled , that it seemeth the work of Art not Nature , The Rock all the way of an equal height , rising from the bottom to the top in a perpendicular , and withal so smooth and polished , that if you dare beleive it the work of Nature , you must also think that Nature wrought it by the line , and shewed an art in it , above the imitation of an Artist ; This wall is the Northern bound of this Province ; the South part of it being confined with Le-Maine la Beausse & l' Isle du France . On the East it is divided from Picardy by the River of Some , and on the West it is bounded with the Ocean , and the little River Crenon which severeth it from a corner of Britain . It extendeth in length from the beginning of the 9th degree of longitude to the middle of the 23. viz. from the Cape of St. Saviour West , to the Port town of St. Valeria East . For breadth it lieth partly in the 49th partly in the 50th degree of latitude . So that reckoning 60. miles to a degree , we shall find it to contain 270. English miles in length , and 60 English miles in breadth where it is narrowest . Amongst the Nations it was accounted a part of Gallia Celtica , the name Neustria . This new title it got by receiving into it a new Nation . A people that had so terribly spoiled the Maritine Coasts of England , France and Belgia , that a furore Normannorum was inserted into the Letany . Originally they were of Norway , their name importeth it : Anno 800. or thereabouts they began first to be accounted one of the plagues of Europe : 900. they seated themselves in France by permission of Charles the Balde , and the valour of Rollo their Captain . Before this they had made themselves Masters of Ireland , though they long held it not , and Anno 1067. they added to the glory of their name by the Conquest of England . You would think them a people not onely born to the warrs , but to victory . But Vt frugum semina mutato solo degenerant , sic illa genuina feritas eorum amaenitate mollita est . Florus spake it of the Gaules removed into Asia , it is appliable to the Norwegians transplanted into Gallia ; yet fell they not suddenly and at once into the want of courage , which now possesseth them . During the time they continued English , they attempt the Kingdom of Naples and Antioch with a fortune answerable to their valour . Being once oppressed by the French , and inslaved under that Monarchy , they grew presently Crest fall'n , and at once lost both their spirits and their liberty . The present Norman then is but the corruption of the ancient : the heir of his name , and perhaps his possessions ; but neither of his strength nor his manhood : Bondage and a fruitful soil hath so emasculated them , that it is lost labour to look for Normans in Normandy . There remaineth almost nothing in them of their Progenitors but the remainders of two qualities , and those also degenerated , if not bastards ; a penurious pride , and an ungoverned doggedness : Neither of them become their fortune or their habit , yet to those they are constant . Finally , view him in his rags and dejected countenance , and you would swear it impossible , that those snakes should be the descendents of those brave Heroes which so often triumphed over both Religions , foyling the Saracens , and vanquishing the Christians . But perchance their courage is evaporated into wit , and then the change made the better . Ortelius would seem to perswade us to this conceit of them , and well might do it , if his words were Oracle . Le Gens ( saith he , speaking of this Nation ) sont de plus accorls , & subtills d' esprit de la Gaule . A Character for which the French will little thank him , who ( if he speak truth ) must in matter of descretion give precedency to their vassals . But as Imbat a French Leader said of the Florentines in the fifth book of Guicciardine , Non supena done consistesse lingeque tanto celebrare de Fior●ntini , so may I say of the Normans : for my part I could never yet find , where that great wit of theirs lay . Certain it is , that as the French in general are termed the King's asses : so may these men peculiarly be called the Asses of the French , or the veriest Asses of the rest . For what with the unproportionable rents which they pay to their Lords on the one side , and the immeasurable taxes laid upon them by the King on the other ; they are kept in such a perpetuated course of drudgery , that there is no place for wit or wisdom left amongst them . Liberty is the Mother and Nurse of those two qualities ; and therefore the Romans ( not unhappily ) expressed both the condition of a Free-man and a discreet and modest personage by this one word Ingenuous . Why the French King should lay a greater burden upon the backs of this Nation , than their fellows , I cannot determine . Perchance it is because they have been twice conquered by them ( once from King John , and again from Henry the sixth ) and therefore undergo a double servitude . It may be to abate their natural pride and stubbornness . Likely also it is , that being a revolting people , and apt to an apostasie from their Allegiance , they may by this meanes be kept impoverished , and by consequence disabled from such practises . This a French Gentleman of good understanding told me , that it was generally conceited in France , that the Normans would suddenly and unanimously betray their Country to the English , were their King a Cath●like . But there is a further cause yet of their beggarliness and poverty , which is , the litigiousness and frequent going to law ( as we call it : ) Ortelius , however he failed in the first part of the Character , in the conclusion of it hath done them justice . Mais en generall ( saith he ) its sont scavans an passible en prosses & pluideries . They are pretty well versed in the querks of the Law , and have wit more than enough to wrangle . In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolke . Ex infima plebe non pauci reperiuntur ( saith Mr. Cambden ) qui , si nihil sit litium , lites tamen ex ipsis jaris apicibus serere callent . They are pretty fellows to find out quirks in Law , and to it they will , whatsoever it cost them . Mr. Cambden spake not at random , or by the guess : for besides what my self observed in them at my being once among them in a Colledge-progress ; I have heard , that there have been no less than 340. Nisi prius's tried there at one Assises . The reason of this likeness between the two Nations , I conjecture to be , the resemblance of the site and the soyl : both lie upon the Sea , with a long and spacious coast , both enjoy a Country champain , little swell'd with hils , and for the most part , of a light and sandy mould . To proceed to more particulars , if there be any difference between the two Provinces , it is onely this , that the Country of Normandy is much better , and the people of Norfolk are somewhat the richer . For indeed the Country of Normandy is enriched with a fat and liking soil , such a one , quae demum votis respondet avari Agricolae , which may satisfie the expectation of the Husbandman , were it never so exorbitant . In my life I never saw Corn-fields more large and lovely extended in an equal level , almost as far as eye-reach . The wheat ( for I saw little Barley ) of a fair length in the stalk , and so heavy in the ear , that it even bended double , you would think the grain had a desire to kiss the earth its Mother ; or that it purposed by making it self away into the ground , to save the Plow-man his next years labour . Thick it groweth , and so perfectly void of weeds , that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by art , than these fields are by nature . Pasture ground it hath little , and less meadow : yet sufficient to nourish those few Cattel they have in it . In all the way between Diepe and Pontois , I saw but two flocks of Sheep , and then not above forty in a flock . Kine they have in some measure , but not fat , nor large : without these , there were no living for them . The Noblest eat the flesh , whiles the Farmer feeds on Butter and Cheese , and that but sparingly . But the miserable states of the Norman paissant , we wiil deferre till another opportunity . Swine also they have in pretty number , and some Pullen in their backsides , but of neither an excess . The principal Rivers of it is Seine , of which more hereafter , and besides this I saw two rivulets , Robee and Renel●e . In matter of civil Government this Country is directed by the Court of Parliament established at Roven : for matters Military it hath an Officer like the Lieutenants of our Shires in England , the Governour they call him . The present Governour Mounsieur Duc de Longueville , to whom the charge of this province was committed by the present King Lewis the thirteenth Anno 1629. The Laws by which they are governed , are the Civil or Imperial , augmented by some customes of the French , and others more particular , which are the Norman . One of the principallest is in matters of inheritance : the French custom giving to all the Sons an equality in their estate , which we in England call Gavel-kind . The Norman dividing the estate into three parts , and thereof allotting two unto the eldest brother , and a third to be divided among the others . A Law which the French account not just , the younger brothers of England would think the contrary . To conclude this general discourse of the Normans : I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe , were it subject to the same Kings , and governed by the same Laws which it gave unto England . CHAP. II. Diepe● the Town , strength and importance of it : The policy of Henry the fourth not seconded by his Son : The custom of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts : The breaden God there , and strength of their Religion : Our passage from Diepe to Roven : The Norman Inns , Women and Manners : The importunity of Servants in hosteries : The saucy familiarity of the attendants : Ad pileum vocare , What it was amongst the Romans , and jus pilearum in the Universities of England . IVne the 30th at six of the clock in the morning we landed at Diepe , one of the Haven Towns of Normandy , seated on an arm of the Sea , between two hils which imbrace it in the nature of a bag : this secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather , and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces , which should assault it by Sea , the Town lying within these Mountains a quarter of a mile up the channel . The Town it self is not uncomely , the streets large and well paved , the houses of an indifferent height , and built upright without any juttings out of one part over the other . The Fortifications ( as they say , for we were not permitted to see them ) are very good and modern , without , stones , within , earth . On the top of the hill a Castle finely seated , both to defend the Town , and on occasions to command it . The Garrison consisteth of sixty men , in pay no more , but when need requireth the Captain hath authority to arm the Inhabitants : The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville , who also is the Governour of the Province , intrusted with both those charges by Lewis the thirteenth , 1619. An action wherein he swarved somewhat from the ensample of his Father , who never committed the military command of a Country ( which is the Office of a Governour ) and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortress unto one man. The Duke of Biron might have as great a courtesie from that King , as the most deserving of his subjects : he had stuck close to him in all his adversities , received many an honourable fear in his service , and indeed was Fabius and Scipio , both the sword and buckler of the French Empire . In a word , he might have said to this Henry , what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius . Suum militem in obsequio mans●sse , cum alii ad sedetiones prolaberentur , neque daraturum Tiberii imperium , si iis quoque Legionibus cupido novandi fuisset ; yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Cittadel of Bourg , seated on the confines of his Government of Burgogne , the King denied it . The reason was , because Governours of Provinces which commanded in chief ought not to have the command of places and fortresses within their Government : there was also another reason , and more enforcing , which was , that the petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy whose Town it was . The same Henry though he loved the Duke Espernon even to the envy of the Court , yet even to him also used he the same caution . Therefore when he had made him Governour of Xanictoigne and Angoulmois , he put also into his hands the Towns of Mets and Boullogne , places so remote from his seat of Government , and so distant one from the other , that they did rather distract his power than encrease it . The Kings of England have been well , and for a long time , versed in this Maxime of State. Let Kent be one of our ensamples and Hampshire the other . In Kent at this time the Lieutenant ( or as the French would call him ) the Governour is the Earl of Montgomery ; yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckingham , and yet Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby . Of which the one commandeth the Sea , and the other the Thames and the Medway . In Hampshire the Lieutenant is the Earl of Southampton , but the Government of the Town and Garrison of Portsmouth is intrusted to the Earl of Pembroke . Neither is there any of the best Sconces or Block-houses on the shore side of the Country which is commanded by the Lieutenant . But King Lewis now raigning in France , minded not his Fathers actions , when at the same time also he made his Confident M. Luines Governour of Picardy , and of the Town and Cittadel of Amiens . The time ensuing gave him an insight of that state-breach ; for when the Dukes of Espernon , Vendosme , Longueville , Magenne and Nemours , the Count of Soisons and others sided with the Queen Mother against the King ; the Duke of Longueville strengthened this Dieppe , and had not peace suddenly followed , would have made good , maugre the Kings forces . A town it is of great importance , King Henry the fourth using it as his Asylum , or City of Refuge , when that League was hottest against him . For had he been further distressed , from hence might he have made an escape into England , and at this door was the entrance made for the English forces , which gave him the first step to his Throne . The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first , in his warrs against Philip Augustus , and in the declining of our affairs in France , it was a moneth together besieged by the Duke of York , but with that success which commonly attendeth a falling Empire . The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000. whereof 9000. and upwards are of the Religion , and have allowed them for the exercise of their Religion the Church of Argues , a Village some two miles distant . The Remainder are Papists . In this Town I met with the first Idolatry which ever I yet saw , more than in my books . Quas antea audiebam hodi● , video Deos , as a barbarous German in Velleius said to Tiberius . The Gods of Rome which before I onely heard of I now see , and might have worshipped , it was the Hoast , as they call it , or the Sacrament reserved , carried by a couple of Priests under a Canopy ; ushered by two or three torches , and attended by a company of boyes & old people which had no other imployment . Before it , went a bell continually tinckling , at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses , being warned that then their God goeth by them , make some shew of reverence ; those which meet it in the street , with bended knees and elevated heads doing it honour . The Protestants of this bell make an use more religious , and use it as a warning or a watch-peal , to avoid that street through which they hear it coming . This invention of the Bell hath somewhat of Turcisme , it being the custom there , at their Canonical hours , when they hear the cryers bawling in the steeples ; to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are , and to kiss it thrice , so doing their devotions to Mahomet . The carrying it about the streets hath no question in it a touch of the Jew : this Ceremony being borrowed from that of the carrying about the Ark upon the shoulders of the Priests . The other main part of it , which is the adoration , is derived from the Heathen ; there never being a people but they which afforded divine honour to things inanimate . But the people indeed I cannot blame for this idolatrous devotion , their consciences being perswaded , that what they see pass by them is the very body of their Saviour . For my part could the like beleif possess my understanding ▪ I could meet it with a greater reverence , then their charge can enjoyn me . The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned onely , who impose and inforce this sin upon their bearers , and doubtless there is a reward which attendeth them for it . Of standing it is so yoūg , that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Council holden at Rome , that there should be a Pixe made to cover the Bread , and a Bell bought to be rung before it . The adoration of it was enjoyned by Pope Honorius Anno Dom. 1226. Both afterwards encreast by the new solemn Feast of Corpus Christi day by Pope Vrban the fourth , Anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons in the Council of Vienna by Clement the third , Anno 1310. Such a punie is this great God of the Romans Lactantius in his first book of Institutions against the Gentiles taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ridiculousness , who worshipped Jupiter as a God , Cum eundem tamen Saturno & Rhea genitum confiterentur , since themselves so perfectly knew his original . As much I marvail at the impudency of the Romish Clergy , who will needs impose a new God upon their people , being so well acquainted with his cradle . It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven . The Cart stayeth , and it is fit we were in it ; Horses we could get none for money , and for love we did not expect them : we are now mounted in our Chariot , for so we must call it . An English man thought it a plain Cart , and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot , let it , sure I am it was never ordained for a triumph . At one end were fastened three carkasses of Horses , and three bodies which had been once Horses and now were worn to dead Images . Had the statue of a man been placed on any one of them , it might have been hang'd up at an Inn door to represent Saint George on horse-back : so liveless they were and so little moving ; yet at last they began to crawl , for go they could not . This converted me from my former heresie , and made me apprehend life in them , but it was so little , that it seemed onely enough to carry them to the next pack af Hounds . Thus accomodated we bad Farewell to Diepe , and proceeded with a pace so slow , that we thought our journey to Roven would prove a most perfect Emblem of the motion of the ninth Sphere , which was 49000. years in finishing . But this was not our greatest misery : The rain fell on us through our Tilt , which for the many holes in it we would have thought a net . The durt brake plentifully in upon us through the rails of our Chariot , & the unequal and unproportionable pace of it startled almost every bone of us . I protest I marvel how a French-man durst adventure in it . Thus endured we all the diseases of a journey , and the danger of three several deaths , drowning , choaking with the mire , and breaking of the wheel , besides a fear of being famished before we came to our Inn , which was six French miles from us . The mad Duke that in the Play undertook to drive two Snails from Millaine to Musco , without staffe , whip , or goad ; and in a bravery to match him , for an experiment would here have had matter to have tired his patience . On the left hand we saw Argues , once famous for a siege laid about it by our Richard the first , but wasted speedily by the French. It is now ( as before I told you ) the Parish Church of Diepe Protestants , their Preachers were Mr. Courteau and Mr. Mondeme , who had each of them an yearly stipend , fifty pound or thereabouts . A poor pay , if the faithful discharge of that duty were not a reward unto it self above the value of gold and siver . To instance in none of these beggerly Villages we past through : we came at last unto Tostes , the place destinate to our Lodging , a Town like the worser sort of Market Towns in England . There our Charioter brought us to the ruines of an house , an Alehouse I would scarce have thought it , and yet in spite of my teeth it must be an Inn , yea , and that an honourable one too , as Don Quixot's Host told him . Despair of finding there either bedding or victuals , made me just like the fellow at the Gallows , who when he might have been repreived , on condition he would marry a Wench , which there sued for him , having veiwed well , cried to the Hangman to drive on his Cart. The truth is , I' eschappay du tonnere etrencheu en l'es lair , according to the French proverb ; I fell out of the frying-pan into the hot fire . One of the house ( a ragged fellow I am sure he was , and so most likely to live there ) brought us to a room somewhat of kindred to a Charnel-house ; as dark and as dampish : I confess it was paved with brick at the bottom , and had towards the Orchard a pretty hole , which in former times had been a window , but now the glass was all vanished . By the light that came in at the hole , I first perceived that I was not in England . There stood in the chamber three beds , if at the least it be lawful so to call them . The foundation of them was of straw , so infinitely thronged together , that the wooll-pack which our Judges fit on in the Parliament were melted butter to them ; upon this lay a medley of flocks and feathers together , sowed up in a large bag ( for I am confident it was not a Tick ) but so ill ordered , that the knobs stuck out on each side of it , like a crabtree-cudgel . He must needs have flesh enough that lieth upon one of them ; otherwise the second night would wear out his bones . The sheets which they brought for us were so course , that in my consciente no Marriner would vouchsafe to use them for a sail : and the Coverlid so bare , that if a man would undertake to reckon the threeds , he need not miss one of the number . The Napery of the Table was sutable to the bedding , so foul and durty , that I durst not conceive it had ever been washed above once , and yet the poor cloth looked as briskly , as if it had been promised for the whole year ensuing to scape many a scouring . The Napkins were fit companions for the cloath ; Vnum si noveris , omnes nosti . By my description of the Inn , you may guess at the rest of France . Not altogether so wretched , yet is the alteration almost insensible . Let us now walk into the Kitchen , and observe their provision , and here we found a most terrible execusion committed on the person of a Pullet . My Hostess , cruel woman , had cut the throat of it , and without plucking off the feathers , tare it into pieces with her hands , and afterwards took away skin and feathers together , just as we strip Rabbets in England . This done , it was clapt into a pan , and fried into a supper . In other places where we could get meat for the spit , it useth to be presently broached , and laid perpendicularly over the fire : three turns at the most dispatcheth it , and bringeth it up to the table , rather scorched than roasted ; I say , where we could get it , for in these rascally Inns you cannot have what you would , but what you may , and that also not at the cheapest . At Pontoise we met with a Rabbet , and we thought we had found a great purchase . Larded it was , as all meat is in that Country , otherwise it is so lean , it would never endure the roasting . In the eating it proved so tough , that I could not be perswaded that it was any more than three removes from that Rabbet which was in the Ark. The price half a Crown English : My Companions thought it over dear , to me it seem'd very reasonable , for certainly the grass that fed it was worth more than thrice the money : but I return to Tostes . And it is time , you might perchance else have lost the sight of mine Hostess and her Daughters , you would have sworn at first blush they had been of a bloud , and it had been great pitty , had it been otherwise . The salutation of Horace , O mater pulchra , filia pulchrior , was never so seasonable as here . Not to honour them with a further character let this suffice that their persons kept so excellent decorum with the house and furniture , that one could not possibly make use of Tullies , Quam dispari dominaris domino ! But this is not their luck onely . The Women not of Normandy alone , but generally of all France are forced to be contented with a little beauty ; and she which with us is reckoned among the vulgar ; would amongst them be taken for a Princess . But of the French Women more , when we have taken a view of the Dames of Paris , now onely somewhat of their habit and condition . Their habit in which they differ from the rest of France , is the attire of their heads , which hangeth down their backs in fashion of a vail . In Roven and the greater Cities , it is made of linnen pure and decent , here and in the villages it cannot possibly be any thing else than an old dish-clout turned out of service , or the corner of a table-cloth reserved from washing . Their best condition is not alwayes visible , they shew it onely in the mornings , or when you are ready to depart , and that is their begging . You shall have about you such a throng of these ill faces , and every one whining out this ditty , Pour les servantes ; that one might with greater ease distribute a dole at a rich mans funeral , then give them a penny : Had you a purpose to give them unasked , their importunity will prevent your speediest bounty . After all this importunate begging , their ambition reacheth no higher than a Sol : He that giveth more out-biddeth their expectation , and shall be counted a spend-thrift . But the principal ornaments of these times are the men-servants , the raggedst regiment that ever I yet looked upon . Such a thing as a Chamberlain was never heard of among them , and good clothes are as little known there as he . By the habit of his attendants a man would think himself in Gaole , their clothes either full of patches , or else open to the skin . Bid one of them wipe your boots , he presently hath recourse to the curtains ; with those he will perhaps rub over one side , and leave the other to be made clean by the Guest . It is enough for him that he hath written the coppy . They wait alwayes with their hats on their heads , and so also do servants before their Masters : Attending-bareheaded is as much out of fashion there as in Turkey . Of all French fashions in my opinion the most unfitting and unseeming . Time and much use reconciled me to all other things , which at the first were offensive , to this irreverent custom I returned an enemy . Neither can I see how it can choose but stomack the most patient , to see the worthiest sign of liberty usurped and profaned by the basest of slaves . For seeing that the French paisants are such infamous slaves unto their Lords and Princes ; it cannot be , but that those which are their servants must be one degree at the least below the lowest condition . Certainly among the Ancients this promiscuous covering of the head was never heard of , it was with them the chief sign of freedom , as is well known to those which are conversant with antiquity . The Lacones a people of Peloponnesus , after they had obtained to be made free Denizens of Lacedaemon , in sign of their now gotten liberty would never go into the battel , nisi pileati , but with their hats on . Amongst the Africans , as it is written of Alexander , ab Alexandro , the placing of an hat on the top of a spear , was used as a token to incite the people to their liberty which had been oppressed by Tyrants : Per pileum in bast â propositum ad libertatem proclamari . But among the Romans we have more variety . The taking off the hat of Targuinius Priscus by an Eagle , and the putting of it on again , occasioned the Augures to prophesie unto him the Kingdom ; which fell out accordingly . In their Sword-playes when one of their Gladiators had with credit slain his adversary , they would sometimes honour him with a Palm , sometimes with a Hat , of these the last was the worthier ; the Palm onely honouring the Victor ; this also enfranchising the receiver ; therefore conferred commonly on him which killed most men in the Theaters : Hence the complaint of Tertuslian lib. de Spectaculis cap. 21. Qui insigniore cuiquam homicide leonem poscit , idem gladiatori atroci Rudem petat ( Redis was another token of enfranchizement ) & pileum proemium conferat . In their common Forum or Guild-Hall , when they purposed to manumit any of their servants , their custom also was , after the Lictor or Sergeant had registred the name of the party manumitted , to shave his head , and give him a cap , whence according to Rosinus , ad pileum Vocare , is to set one at liberty . Erasmus in his Chiliades maketh the hat to be the sign of some eminent worth iu him that weareth it . Pileus ( saith he ) insigne spectatae , virtutis . On this he conjectureth , that the putting on of caps on the heads of such as are created Doctors or Masters had its original . In the Universities of England this custom is still in force , the putting on of the Cap being never performed but on the solemn Comitia , and in the presence of all such as are either auditors or spectators of that dayes exercise : When I was Regent , the whole house of Congregation joyned together in a petition to the Earl of Pembroke , to restore unto us the jus pileorum , the licence of putting on our caps at our publike meetings , which priviledge time and the tyranny of our Vice-Chancellors had taken from us . Amongst other motives we used the solemn form of creating a Mr. in the Arts by putting on his cap , and that that sign of liberty might distinguish us that were the Regents from those boyes which we were to govern : which request he graciously granted . But this French sauciness had drawn me out of my way . An impudent familiarity , which I must confess did much offend me , and to which I will still profess my self an open enemy . Though Jack speach French , I cannot endure that Jack should be a Gentleman . CHAP. III. Roven a neat City : how seated and built . The strength of it . St. Kathe●ines Mount. The Church of Nostre-dame , &c. The Indecorum of the Papists in the several and unsutable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chappel of the Capuchins in Boulogne ▪ The House of Parliament . The precedency of the President and Governour . The Legend of St. Romain , and the priviledge thence arising . The Language and Religion of the Rhothomagenses . IVly the first we set out for Roven ; in ten hours our Cart dragged us thither , the whole journey being in all six miles French ; admirable speed . About three of the clock in the afternoon we had a sight of the Town , daintily seated in a valley on the River Seine : I know not any Town better scituated ( Oxford excepted ) which indeed it much resembleth , I mean not in bigness but in scituation . It standeth on all sides environed with Mountains , the North excepted , and hath a large and pleasant walk of meadow by the river side , to the South-Eastward , as Oxford hath towards Iffley . It is seated on the principal River of France , distant from the Metropolis of that Countrey fifty miles English or thereabouts ; as Oxford on the Thames and from London : watered also it is with two small Rillets , Rosee and Renelle , as the other with Charwell and Evenlode . The difference is , that Oxford is seated somewhat higher on the swelling of an hill , and a little more removed from those mountains which environ it , and that the Rivers which run through some part of Roven , do onely wash the precincts of the other . The buildings are in some places wood , in some stone , in others both . The houses without juttings or overlets four stories high , and in the front not very beautiful . The most promising house which mine eyes met with was that of Mr. Boniface , who being of obscure parents ; and having raised himself a fortune in the wars against the League , here built a receptacle for his age . It is fashioned after the manner of new buildings in London , composed all of dainty white stone , square and polished . On the partition betwixt the first story and the second it hath these words engraven , Vt & Virtute Martisopus ; Tentanda via amore & armis . A Motto sutable to his rising . The other buildings of note are the Bridge ( for I as yet omit the House of Parliament and the Churches ) and the Town wall by it . The Bridge whilst it was all standing , was thought to have been the fairest and strongest piece of that kind in all France , it consisted of twelve arches large and high , there now remain but seven of them , the rest being broken down by the English , in the falling of their affairs in France , the better to make good the Town against the French. The River is here about the breadth of the Thames at Fullham . Between the River and the Town wall is the Exchange or meeting place of the Merchants , paved with broad and even pebble-stones ; in breadth up to the wallwards thirty yeards , in length a hundred . A fine walk in fair weather . All along the bankside lay the Ships , which by reason of the broken bridge come up hither , and on occasion higher ; a good turn for Paris . The wall for the length of an hundred yeards is as streight as one may lay a line ; of a just height , and composed of square and excellent stone so cunningly laid , that I never saw the side of a Noble mans house built more handsomly . But it is not onely the beauty of the wall which Roven delighteth in , there must somewhat also be expected of it for strength . To which purpose it might seem indifferently well , were there some addition of earth within it . It is well helped on the outside by the breadth and depth of the ditches , but more by St. Katharines Fort seated on an hill at the East side of it . A Fort which , were it strengthned according to the modern art of fortifying , would much assure the Town , and make it at once both a slave and a Commander . The Marshal D'c Anere , when he was Lieutenant here for the Queen-Mother , began to fortifie this Mountain , Quilleboeuse and other places of importance ; but upon his death they were all razed . What were his projects in it , they know best which were acquainted with his ambition . Certainly the jarrs which he had sown among the Princes , one with the other , and between them and the King , shew that they were not intended for nothing . There are in Roven thirty two Parish Churches , besides those which belong to Abbeys and Religious Houses ; of which the most beautiful is that of St. Audom or Owen , once Arch-bishop of this City . The seat and Church of the Arch-bishop is that of Nostre-dame , a building far more gorgeous in the outside than within . It presents it self to you with a very gracious and majestical front , decked with most curious imagery , and adorned with three stately Towers . The first called La tour St. Romain ; the second La tour de beaurre ( because it was built with that money which was raised by Cardinal D' Amboyse , for granting a dispensation to eat butter in the Lent ) and a third built over the Porch , or great Door , wherein is the great Bell so much talked of : Within it is but plain and ordinary , such as common Cathedral Churches usually are , so big , so fashioned . Behind the high Altar at a pillar on the left hand is the remainder of the Duke of Bedford's Tomb , which for ought I could discern was nothing but an Epitaph , some three yeards high in the Pillar . I saw nothing in it , which might move the envy of any Courtier to have it defaced , unless it were the title of Regent du Rojaume de France , which is the least he merited . Somewhat Eastward beyond this is our Ladies Chappel , a pretty neat piece , and daintily set out . There standeth on the top of the Screen the Image of the Virgin her self between two Angels . They have attired her in a red Mantle laced with two gold laces , a handsom ruffe about her neck , a vail of fine lawn hanging down her back , and ( to shew that she was the Queen of Heaven ) a Crown upon her head . In her left arm she holds her Son in his side coat , a black hat and a golden hat-band . A jolly plump Lady she seemeth to be , of a flaxen hair , a ruddy lip , and a chearful complexion . 'T were well the Painters would agree about the limming of her ; otherwise we are like to have as many Ladies as Churches . At Nostre dame in Paris she is taught us to be brown , and seemeth somewhat inclin'd to melancholy , I speak not of her different habit , for I envy her not her changes of apparel . Onely I could not but observe how those of St. Sepulchres Church en la rue St. Denis , hath placed her on the top of their Screen in a Coape , as if she had taken on her the zeal of Abraham , and were going to make a bloudy sacrifice of her Son. They of Nostre-dame in Amiens have erected her Statue all in gold , with her Son also of the same mettal in her arms , casting beams of gold round about her , as the Sun is painted in its full glory . Strange Idolatries ! On the contrary , in the parish Church of Tury in la Beause she is to be seen in a plain petticoat of red , and her other garments correspondent . In my mind this holdeth most proportion to her estate , and will but serve to free their irreligion from an absurdity . If they will worship her as a Nurse with her Child in her arms , or at her breast , let them array her in such apparel as might beseem a Carpenters Wife , such as she might be supposed to have worn before the world had taken notice that she was the Mother of her Saviour . If they must needs have her in her estate of glory , as at Amiens ; or of honour ( being now publikely acknowledged to be the blessedness among Women ) as at Paris : let them disburden her of her Child . To clap them thus both together , is a folly equally worthy of scorn & laughter . Certainly had she but so much liberty as to make choice of her own clothes , I doubt not but she would observe a greater decorum . And therefore I commend the Capouchins of Boulogne , who in a little side Chappel consecrated unto her , have placed onely an handsom fair looking-glass upon her Altar , the best ornament of a Female Closet . Why they placed it there I cannot say : onely I conceive it was , that she might there see how to dress her self . This Church is said to have been built ( I should rather think repaired ) by Raoul or Rollo the first Duke of Normandy : Since it hath been much beautified by the English , when they were Lords of this Province . It is the seat of an Arch-bishop , a Dean and fifty Canons . The Arch-bishoprick was instituted by the authority of Constantine the Great , during the sitting of the Council of Arles ; Anidian who was there present being consecrated the first Arch-bishop . The Bishops of Seas , Aurenches , Constances , Beaux , Lysieaux and Eureux , were appointed for his Diocesans . The now Arch-bishop is said to be an able Schollar and a sound States-man : his name I enquired not . The Revenues of his Chair are said to be ten thousand Crowns . More they would amount to , were the Country any way fruitful of Vines : out of which the other Prelates of France draw no small part of their Intrado . The Parliament of this Country was established here by Lewis the twelfth , who also built that fair Palace , wherein Justice is administred , Anno 1501. At that time he divided Normandy into seven Cathes , Rapes , or Baliwicks , viz. Roven , Caux , Constentin , Caen , Eureux , Gisors , and Alenzon , This Court hath supreme power to enquire into , and give sentence of all causes within the limits of Normandy . It receiveth appeals from the inferiour Courts of the Dutchy unto it , but admitteth none from it . Here is also Cour des Esleuz , a Court of the general Commissioners for taxes : and la Chambre des aides , instituted by Charles the seventh for the receiving of his subsidies , Gabels , Imposts , &c. The house of Parliament is in form quadrangular , a very graceful and delectable building . That of Paris is but a Chaos or a Babel to it . In the great Hall ( into which you ascend by some thirty steps or upwards ) are the seats and desks of the Procurators , every ones name being written in Capital letters over his head . These Procurators are like our Attourneys , to prepare causes , and make them ready for the Advocates . In this Hall do suitors use , either to attend , or walk up and down and confer with their pleaders . Within this Hall is the great Chamber , the Tribunal or Seat of Justice , both in Causes Criminal and Civil . At domus interior regali splendida luxu Instruitur . As Virgil of Queen Dido's dining room . A Chamber so gallantly and richly built , that I must confess it far supasseth all the rooms that ever I saw in my life . The Palace of the Lou're hath nothing in it comparable . The seiling all inlaid with gold , and yet did the workmanship exceed the matter . This Court consisteth of two Presidents , twenty Counsellors or Assistants , and as many Advocates as the Court will admit of , The prime President is termed Mr. De Riz . by birth a Norman : upon the Bench and in all the places of his Court he taketh precedency of the Duke of Longueville . When there is a Convention of the three estates summoned the Duke hath the priority . We said even now , that from the sentence of this Court there lay no appeal : but this must be recanted , and it is no shame to do it . St. Austin hath writ his Retractions ; so also hath Bellarmine , Once in the year there is an appeal admitted ; but for one man onely , and that on this occasion . There was a poysonous Dragon not far from Roven , which had done much harm to the Country and City . Many wayes had been tried to destroy him , but none prospered . At last Roman , afterwards made a St. then Arch-bishop of the Town , accompanied with a theif and a murderer , whose lives had been forfeited to a sentence , undertaketh the enter prise . Upon sight of the Dragon the theif stole away , the murderer goeth in and seeth that holy man vanquish the Serpent , armed onely with a Stoale ( it is a neck habit sanctified by his holiness of Rome , and made much after the fashion of a tippet ) with this Stoale tyed about the neck of the Dragon doth the murderer lead him prisoner to Roven . To make short work ; the Name of God is praised , the Bishop magnified , the murderer pardoned , and the Dragon burned . This accident ( if the story be not Apocrypha ) is said to have hapned on Holy Thursday . Audom or Owen successor unto St. Roman , in memory of this marvellous act , obtained of King Dagobert the first ( he began his raign Anno 632. ) that from that time forwards the Chapter of the Cathedral Church should on every Ascension day have the faculty of delivering any Malefactor whom the Laws had condemned . This that King then granted , and all the following Kings to this time have successively confirmed it . I omit the ceremonies and solemnities wherewith this Prisoner is taken out of his Irons and restored to liberty . It is not above nine years agone , since a Baron of Gascoyne took occasion to kill his Wife ; which done , he fled hither into Normandy ; and having first acquainted the Canons of Nostredame with his desire , put himself to the sentence of the Court , and was adjudged to the Wheele . Ascension day immediately comming on , the Canons challenged him , and the Judge , according to the custom , caused him to be delivered . But the Normans pleaded , that the benefit of that priviledge belonged onely to the Natives of that Country , and they pleaded with such fury , that the Baron was again committed to prison , till the Queen Mother had wooed the people , pro eâ saltem vice , to admit of his repreival . I deferred to speak of the language of Normandy , till I came hither , because here it is best spoken . It differeth from the Parisian , and more elegant French , almost as much as the English spoken in the North doth from that of London or Oxford . Some of the old Norman words it still retaineth , but not many . It is much altered from what it was in the time of the Conqueror : few of the words in which our Laws were written being known by them . One of our company gave a Littletons tenures written in that language to a French Doctor in the Laws , who protested that in three lines he could not understand three words of it . The religion in this Town is indifferently poysed ▪ as it is also in most places of this Province . The Protestants are thought to be as great a party as the other , but far weaker : the Duke of Longueville having disarmed them in the beginning of the last troubles . CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoise ; the holy man of St. Claire , and the Pilgrims thither . My sore eyes . Mante , Pontoise , Normandy justly taken from K. John. The end of this Book . IVly the second we took our farewell of Roven ; better accommodated than when we came thither ; yet not so well as I desired . We are now preferred , ab asinis ad equos , from the Cart to the Waggon . The French call it a Coach , but that matters not ; so would they needs have the Cart to be Chariot ▪ These Waggons are ordinary instruments of travel in those Countries , much of kin to a Graves-end Barge : you shall hardly find them without a knave or a Giglot . A man may be sure to be merry in them , were he as certain of being wholesome . This in which we travelled contained ten persons , as all of them commonly do : and amongst these ten , one might have found English , Scots , French , Normans , Dutch , and Italians ; a jolly medley ; had our religions been as different as our Nations , I should have thought my self in Amsterdam , or Poland . If a man had desired to have seen a brief or an Epitome of the world , he could no where have received such satisfaction , as by looking on us . I have already reckoned up the several nations , I will now lay open the several conditions . There were then to be found among these passengers Men and Women , Lords and Serving-men , Schollars and Clowns , Ladies and Chamber-maids , Priests and Lay-men , Gentlemen and Artificers , people of all sexes , and almost of all ages ▪ If all the learning in the world were lost , it might be found in Plutarch , so said Budaeus . If all the Nations in the world had been lost , they might have been found again in our Waggon , so I : Seriously I think our Coach to have been no unfit representation of the Ark , a whole world of men and languages might have grown out of it . But all this while our Waggon joggeth on , but so leasuresy , that it gave me leave to take a more patient view of the Country then we could in the Cart. And here indeed I saw sufficient to affect the Country , yea to dote on it ; had I not come out of England . The fields such as already I have described : every where beset with Apple-trees , and fruits of the like nature : you could scarce see any thing which was barren in the whole Country . These Apples are both meat and drink to the poor Pesant , for the Country is ill provided with vines ( the onely want I could observe in it ) and Beer is a good beverage at a Gentlemans table . Sider then or Perry are the poor mans Clarret ; and happy man is he , which can once or twice in a week aspire so high above water . To proceed ▪ Through many a miserable Village ( Duburgs they call them ) and one Town somewhat bigger then the rest , called Ecquille , we came that night to St. Claire , ten French miles from Roven . A poor Town , God wot , and had nothing in it remarkable , but an accident . There dwelt a Monk grown into great opinion for his sanctity ; and one who had an especial hand on sore eyes : yet his ability herein was not general , none being capable of cure from him , but pure Virgins . I perswade my self France could not yeild him many Patients : and yet from all parts he was much sought unto . Hope of cure , and a charitable opinion which they had of themselves , had brought unto him divers distressed Damsels , which I am confident had no interest in his miracle . In the same Inn ( Alehouse I should say ) where we were to be harboured , there had put in a whole covey of these Ladies Errant . Pilgrims they called themselves , and had come on foot two dayes journey to clear their eye-sight . They had white vails hanging down their backs , which in part covered their faces , yet I perceived by a glimpse , that some of them were past cure : though my charity durst allow them Maids ▪ it was afraid to suppose them Virgins : yet so far I dare assure them they should recover their sight , that when they came home they should see their folly . At that time , what with too much watching on ship-board , what with the tartness of the water , and the violence of the wind working upon me almost forty hours together whilst I lay on the hatches mine eyes had gotten a rheum and redness . My Hostess ( good woman ) perswaded me to this holy and blessed Wight ; but I durst not venture ; not that I had not as good a claim to my virginity as the best there ; but because I had learned what a greivous sentence was denounced on Ahaziah King of Israel for seeking help of Beelzebub the God of Ekron : When I hap to be ill , let mine amendment come in God's Name . Mallem semper profanus esse , quám sic religiosus , as Minutius Felix of the Roman Sacrifices : let my body still be troubled with a sore eye , then have such a recovery be a perpetual eye-sore to my conscience . Rather than go on pilgrimage to such a Saint , let the Papists count me for an Heretick . Besides , how durst I imagine in him an ability of curing my bodily eyes , who above seventy years had been troubled with a blindness in the eyes of his soul . Thou Fool ( said our Saviour almost in the like case ) first cast out the beam of thine own eye , and then shalt thou see clearly to cast the mote out of thy brothers eye . The next morning , August the third , I left my Pilgrims to try their fortunes , and went on in our journey to Paris , which that day we were to visit . My eyes not permitting me to read , and mine ears altogether strangers to the French chat , drave my thoughts back to Roven ; and there nothing so much possessed me , as the small honour done to Bedford in his Monument . I had leisure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph ; and a short apology against the envy of that Courtier which perswaded Charles the eighth to deface the ruines of his Sepulcher , Thus : So did the Fox , the coward'st of the Heard ▪ Ki●k the dead Lion and profane his Beard . So did the Greeks about their vanquisht Hoast Drag Hector's Reliques , and torment his Ghost . So did the Parthian slaves deride the head Of the great Crassus , now betray'd and dead : To whose victorious Sword , not long before , They would have sacrific'd their lives , or more . So do the French assault dead Bedford's spright , And trample on his ashes in despite . But foolish Curio cease , and do not blame So small an honour done unto his Name , Why griev'st thou him a Sepulcher to have , Who when he liv'd had made all France a Grave ! His Sword triump'd through all those Towns which lie In the Isle , Main , Aniou , Guyen Normandy . Thy Fathers felt it . Oh thou worst of men ( If Man thou art ) do not endeavour then This Conqueror from his last Hold to thrust ; Whom all brave minds shall honour in the dust . But be not troubled Bedford ! Thou shalt stand above the reach of malice : Though the hand Of a French baseness may deface thy name ▪ And tear it from thy Marble : Yet shall Fame Speak lowdly of thee and thy acts . Thy praise A Pyramis unto it self shall raise . Thy brave Atchievements in the time to come Shall be a Monument above a Tombe Thy name shall be thy Epitaph : and he Which once reads Bedford shall imagine thee Beyond the power of Verses ; and shall say , None could express thy Worth's a fuller way , Rest thou then quiet in the shades of Night , Nor vex thy self with Curio's weaker spright : Whilst France remains , and Histories are writ , Bedford shall live , and France shall Chronicle it . Having offered this unworthy , yet grateful sacrifice to the Manes of that brave Heroe , I had the more leisure to behold Mante , and the Vines about it , being the first that ever I saw . They are planted like our Hop-gardens , and grow up by the help of Poles , but not so high . They are kept with little cost : and yeild profit to an Husbandman sufficient to make him rich , had he neither King nor Landlord . The Wine which is pressed out of them is harsh and not pleasing ; as much differing in sweetness from the Wines of Paris or Orleans , as their language doth in elegancy . The rest of the Norman Wines which are not very frequent , as growing onely on the frontiers towards France , are of the same quality . As for the Town of Mante it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinance ; having a wall , a competent ditch , and at every gate a Draw-bridge . They are still sufficient to guard their pullen from the Fox ; and in the night time to secure their houses from forrain burglaries : Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France , but the English were then within it : At last on honourable terms it yeilded , and was entred by Charles the seventh the second of August , Anno 1449. The Town is for building and bigness somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England . The last Town of Normandy towards Paris is Pontoise : a Town well fortified , as being a borderer , and one of the strongest bulwarks against France . It hath in it two fair Abbeys of Maubuisson and St. Martin : six Churches parochial , whereof that of Nostre-dame in the suburbs is most beautiful . The name it derives from a bridge built over the River of Oyse , on which it is scituated , and by which on that side it is well defended : the bridge being strengthened with a strong gate , and two draw-bridges . It is commodiously scituate on the rising of an hill ; and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles the seventh , Anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it . For having raised his armes upon the Duke of Yorkes coming to give him battel with 6000. men onely , the French Army consisting of double the number , he retired , or fled rather , unto St. Deuis . But there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians , even ready to mutiny ; and that the Duke of Orleance , and others of the Princes , stirred with the ignominiousness of his flight , began to practise against him ; he speedily returneth to pontoise and maketh himself Master of it by assault . Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of the Town , and all Normandy ; the French by that door making their entry into this Province ; out of which at last they thrust the English , Anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted Coward . This Country had once before been in possession of the English : and that by a firmer title than the Sword. William the Conqueror had conveyed it once over the Seas into England , & it continued an appendix of that Crown from the year 1067. unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sáns terre , third Son unto King Henry the second , having usurped the States of England , and the English possessions in France upon Arthur heir of Britain , and Son unto Geofrey his elder brother ; was warred on by Phillip Augustus King of France , who sided with the said Arthur , In the end Arthur was taken , and not long after found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven . Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practises of his Uncle , as the French say , or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape , as the English report , is not yet determined . For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King ; I dare be of that opinion , that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement . Certainly he that rebelled against his Father , and practised the eternal imprisonment and ruine of his Brother , would not much stick ( this being so speedy a way to settle his affairs ) at the murther of a Nephew . Upon the first bruit of this murther , Constance Mother to the young Prince , complained unto the King and Parliament of France ; not the Court which now is in force , consisting of men only of the long Robe : but the Court of Pairrie , or twelve Peers , whereof himself was one as Duke of Normandy . I see not how in justice Philip could do less than summon him : an Homager being ●lain , and an Homager accused . To this summons John refused to yeild himself . A counsel rather magnanimous than wise , and such as had more in it of an English King than a French Subject . Edward the third a prince of a finer mettal than this John obeyed the like warrant and performed a personal homage to Philip of Valoys : and it is not reckoned among his disparagements . He committed yet a further error or solaecisme in State , not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place , or plead his cause . Upon this none appearance the Peers proceed to sentence . Il fur par Arrest la dire Cour ( saith Du' Chesne ) condemne pour attaint , et convainuc du crime de parricide , & de felonnie : Parricide for the killing of his own Nephew , and felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French vassal and in France . Jhon de Sienes addeth a third cause , which was contempt in disobeying the Kings commandement . Upon this verdict the Court awarded ; Que toutes les terres qu' il avoit par deca de mourerient acquises & confisques a la corronne , &c. A proceeding so fair and orderly , that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion , than the French of injustice : when my estate or life is in danger , I wish it may have no more sinister a trial . The English thus outed of Normandy by the weakness of John , recovered it again by the puissance of Henry . But being held onely by the sword ; it was after thirty years recovered again as I have told you . And now being passed over the Oyse , I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy , here ending this Book , but not that dayes journey . The Second Book , or FRANCE . CHAP. I. France in what sense so called ; the bounds of it : All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation . The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules . That the Heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate , though the Inhabitants be changed . The quality of the French in private , at the Church , and at the Table . Their Language , Complements , Discourse , &c. IVly the third , which was the day we set out of St. Claire , having passed through Pontoise , and crossed the River , we were entred into France : France as it is understood in his limitted sense , and as a part onely of the whole . For when Meroveus the Grandchild of Pharamond , first King of the Francones , had taken an opportunity to pass the Rhene , having also during the warres between the Romans and the Gothes taken Paris ; he resolved there to set up his rest : and to make that the head City of his Empire . The Country round about it , which was of no large extent , he commanded to be called Francia , or Terra Francorum , after the name of his Francks whom he governed . In this bounded and restrained sense , we now take it , being confined with Normandy on the North , Campagne on the East , and on the West and South with the little Province of la Beausse . It is also called , and that more properly , to distinguish it from the whole continent , the Isle of France , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Isle ; I know not any thing more like it , then the Isle of Elie : the Eure on the West , the Velle on the East , the Oyse on the Northward , and a vein riveret of the Seine towards the South , are the Rivers which encircle it . But the principall environings are made by the Seine , and the Marne , a river of Champagne , which within the main Island , make divers Ilets : the waters winding up and down , as desirous to recreate the earth , with the pleasures of its lovely and delicious embraces . This Isle , this portion of Gaule properly and limitedly stiled France , was the seate of the Franks , at their first coming hither ; and hath still continued so . The rest of Gallia is in effect rather subdued by the French than inhabited ; their valour in time having taken in those Countries which they never planted . So that if we look apprehensively into Gaule , we shall find the other Nations of it , to have just cause to take up the complaint of the King of Portugal , against Ferdinand of Castile , for assuming to himself the title of Catholique King of Spain , eius tam non exiguâ parte penes reges alios , as Mariana relateth it . Certain it is , that the least part of old Gallia , is in the hands of the French ; the Normans , Britons , Biscaines , or Gascoynes , the Gothes ( of Languedoc and Provence ) Burgundians , and the ancient Gaules of Poictou , retaining in it such fair and ample Provinces . But it is the custome ( shall I say ) or fate of lesser and weaker Nations , to loose their names unto the stronger ; as Wives do to their Husbands : and the smaller Rivers to the greater . Thus we see the little Province of Poland to have mastered , and given name to the Pruteni , Marovy , and other Nations of Sarmatia , Europaea : as that of Moseo hath unto all the Provinces of Asiatica . Thus hath Sweden conquered and denominated almost all the great Peninsula of Scandia , where it is but a little parcell : and thus did the English Saxon , being the most prevailing of the rest , impose the name of English on all the people of the Heptarchy . Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo . And good reason the vanquished should submit themselves as well unto the appellation , as the Lawes of the Victor . The French then are possessors of some part of old Gallia , and masters of the rest ; possessors not of their Cities onely , but their conditions ; a double victory it seemeth they enjoyed over that people : and took from them at once , both their Qualities and their Countries . Certainly whosoever will please to peruse the Commentaries of Caesar de Bello Gallice , he will easily guess him an Historian , and a Prophet . He will rather make himself beleeve that he hath Prophicied the character of the present French , then delivered one of the ancient Gaules . And indeed it is a matter worthy both of wonder and observation , that the old Gaules , being in a manner all worn out , should yet have most of their condition surviving in those men which now inhabit that Region , being of so many several Countries and originals . If we dive into Natural causes , we have a speedy recourse unto the powerfull influence of the Heavens ; for as those celestial bodies considered in the general , do work upon all sublunary bodies in the general , by light , influence , and motion : so have they a particular operation on particulars : an operation there is wrought by them in a man , as born at such and such a minute ; and again , as born under such and such a climate : the one derived from the setting of the houses , and the Lord of the Horoscope at the time of his nativity : the other from that Constellation which governeth as it were the Province of his birth ; and is the Genius or Deus tutelaris loci . Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia , ( saith an Author , moderne rather in time than judgement ) et patriae sorte dur antia , quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant . Two or three Authors by name of paralel , will make it clear in the example , though it appear not obscure in the search of causes . Primus Gallorum impe●us major quàm virorum ; Secundus minor quam foeminarum , saith Florus of the Gaules . What else is that which Mr. Dallington saith of the French , when he reporteth that they begin an action like thunder , and end it in a smoak . Their attempts on Naples and Millaine , ( to omit their present enterprize on Genoa ) are manifest proofs of it . Neither will I now speak of the battaile of Po●cctiers , when they were so forward in the on-set , and furious in the flight , ut sunt Gallorum subita ingenia , saith Caesar ; and I think these people are well known to be as hair-brain'd , as the other ever were . Juvenal calleth Galliam foecundum Causidicorum , and amongst the modern French , it is related that there are tryed more Law cases in one year , than have been in England since the Conquest . Of the ancient Germaines , the next neighbours and confederates of the Gaules . Tacitus hath given us this note , Diem noctemque continaure potando nulli probrum : and presently after , de jungendis affinitatibus , de bello denique et pace inconviviis consuttant . Since the times of Tacitus hath Germany almost shifted all her old inhabitants , and received new ●lonie● of Lombards , Sueves , Gothes , Sclavonians , Hunn's , Saxons , Vandals , and divers other Nations unknown to that writer ; yet still is that exhorbitancie of drinking in fashion : and to this day do the present Germaines consult of most of their affairs in their cups : if the English have borrowed any thing of this humor , it is not to be thought the vice of the Country , but the times . To go yet higher and further , the Philosopher Anacharsis ( and he lived six hundred and odd years before Christ ) noted it in the Greeks , that at the beginning of their feasts they used little goblets , and greater towards the end , when they were almost drunken : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : as Laertius reporteth it . Sr. George Sandis in that excellent discourse of his own travells , reporteth the same custome to continue still amongst them , notwithstanding the length of time , and all those changes of State and People which have since happened . Their Empire indeed they have lost , their Valour , and all other Graces which set them out in the eye of the World ; and no marvail , these were not National conditions , but personall endowments . I conclude this digression with the words of Barklay , Haeret itaque in omnì gente vis quaedam inconcussa , quae hominibus pro conditione terrarum in quibus nasc● contigerit , sua fata dimiserit . The present French , then is nothing but an old Gaule , moulded into a new name : as rash he is , as head strong , and as hair-brain'd . A Nation whom you shall winne with a feather , and loose with a straw ; upon the first sight of him , you shall have him as familiar as your sleep , or the necessity of breathing , In one hours conference , you may indear him to you , in the second unbutton him , the third pumps him dry of all his secrets , and he gives them you as faithfully , as if you were his Ghostly Father , and bound to conceale them sub sigillo confessionis ; when you have learned this , you may lay him aside , for he is no longer serviceable . If you have any humor in holding him in a further acquaintance ( a favour which he confesseth , and I beleeve him , he is unworthy of , ) himself will make the first separation : he hath said over his lesson now unto you , and now must find out some body else , to whom to repeate it . Fare him well ; he i● a garment whom I would be loath to wear above two dayes together , for in that time he will be thred bare . Familiare est hominis omnia sibi remittere , saith Velleius of all ▪ it holdeth most properly in this people . He is very kind hearted to himself , and thinketh himself as free from wants , as he is full : so much he hath in him the nature of a Chynois ; that he thinketh all men blind but himself . In this private self conceitedness he hateth the Spaniard , loveth not the English , and contemneth the German : himself is the onely Courtier and compleat Gentleman ; but it is his own glass which he seeth in . Out of this conceit of his own excellencie , and partly out of a shallowness of brain , he is very lyable to exceptions ; the least distaste that can be , draweth his sword , and a minutes pause sheatheth it to your hand : afterwards if you beat him into better manners , he shall take it kindly , and cry Serviteur . In this one thing they are wonderfully like the Devil ; meekness or submission makes them insolent , a little resistance putteth them to their heeles , or makes them your Spaniels . In a word ( for I have held him too long ) he is a waling vanitie in a new fashion . I will give you now a taste of his Table , which you shall find in a measure furnished , ( I speak not of the Paisant ) but not with so full a manner as with us . Their Beef they cut out into such chops , that that which goeth there for a laudable dish , would be thought here a Vniversity Commons ; new served from the Hatch . A Loyne of Mutton serves amongst them for three rostings , besides the hazard of making pottage with the rump . Fowl also they have in good plenty ; especially such as the King found in Scotland : to say truth , that which they have , is sufficient for nature and a friend , were it not for the Mistriss , or the Kitchin wench . I have heard much fame of the french Cookes , but their skill lyeth not in the neat handling of Beef or Mutton . They ( have as generally have all this Nation ) good fancies , and are speciall fellowes for the making of puff pastes , and the ordering of banquets . Their trade is not to feed the belly , but the pallat . It is now time you were set down , where the first thing you must do , is to say your own Grace ; private Graces are as ordinary there , as private Masses , and from thence I think they learned them . That done , fall to where you like best ; they observe no method in their eating , and if you look for a carver , you may rise fasting . When you are risen , if you can digest the sluttishness of the Cookery , ( which is most abominable at first sight ) I dare trust you in a Garrison ; follow him to Church and there he will shew himself most irrereligious and irreverent : I speak not of all but the general . At a Masse in Cordeliers Church in Paris , I saw two French Papists , even when the most sacred Mistery of their faith was celebrating , break out into such a blasphemous and athiestical laughter , that even an Ethnick would have hated it : it was well they were known to be Catholiques , otherwise some French hot head or other , would have sent them laughing to Pluto . The French Language is indeed very sweet and delectable , it is cleared of all harshness , by the cutting and leaving out the consonants , which makerh it fall off the tongue very volubly ; yet in mine opinion , it is rather elegant than copious ; and therefore is much troubled for want of words to find out Periphrases . It expresseth very much of it self in the action : the head , body and shoulders concurre all in the pronouncing of it ; and he that hopeth to speak it with a good grace , must have something in him of the Mimick . It is enriched with a full number of significant Proverbs , which is a great help to the French humor in scoffing , and very full of Courtship , which maketh all the people complemental ; the poorest Cobler in the village hath his Court cringes , and his eau bemste de Cour , his Court holy water as perfectly as the Prince of Conde . In the Passadoes of their Courtship , they expresse themselves with much variety of gesture , and indeed it doth not misbecome them : were it as gracious in the Gentlemen of other Nations as in them , it were worth your patience ; but the affectation of it is scurvy and ridiculous . Quocunque salutationis artificio corpus inflestant , putes nihil ist â institutione mages convenice . Vicinae autem gentes ridiculo errore deceptae , eiusdem Venustatis imitationem ludieram faciunt et ingratam : as one happily observed at his being amongst them . I have heard of a young Gallant Sonne to a great Lord of one of the three Brittish Kingdomes , that spent some years in France to learn fashions ; at his return he desired to see the King , and his Father procured him an enterveiwe ; when he came within the presence Chamber , he began to compose his head , and carryed it , as though he had been ridden with a Martingale ; next he fell to draw back his leggs , and thrust out his shoulders , and that with such a graceless apishness , that the King asked him , if he meant to shoulder him out of his Chair , and so left him to act out his complement to the hangings . In their Courtship they bestow even the highest titles upon those of the lowest condition . This is the vice also of their common talk , the begger begitteth Monsieurs and Madames to his Sonnes and Daughters , as familiarly as the King : were there no other reason to perswade me , that the Welch or Brittaynes were the defendants of the Gaules , this onely were sufficient , that they would all be Gentlemen . His discourse runneth commonly on two wheeles , Treason and Ribaldry ; I never heard people talk less reverently of their Prince , nor more sawcily of his actions ; scarce a day passeth away , without some seditious pamphlet printed and published in the disgrace of the King , or of some of his Courtires . These are every mans money , and he that buyeth them is not coye of the Contents , be they never so scandalous : of all humors the most harsh and odious . Take him from this ( which you can hardly do till he hath told all ) and then he falleth upon his ribaldry ; without these crutches , his discourse would never be able to keep pace with his company . Thus shall you have them relate the stories of their own uncleanness , with a face as confident , as if they had no accident to please their hearers more commendible . Thus will they reckon up the several profanations of pleasure , by which they have dismanned themselves ; sometimes not sparing to descend unto particulars . A valiant Captaine never gloried more , in the number of the Cities he had taken , then they do of the several women they have prostituted . Egregiam verò Laudem , et spolia ampla ! Foolish and most perishing wretches , by whom each several incontinency is twice committed , first in the act , and secondly in the boast . By themselves they measure others ; and think them Naturals or Simplicians which are not so conditioned I protest I was fain sometimes to put on a little impudencie , that I might avoid the suspition of a gelding or a sheep-biter . It was St. Austins case as himself testifyeth in the second Book of his Confessions : Fingebam me ( saith the good Father ) fecisse quod non feceram , ne caeteris viderer abiectior . But he afterwards was sorry for it , and so am I , and yet indeed there was no other way to keep in a good opinion of that unmanly and ungoverned people . CHAP. II. The French Women , their persons , prating and conditions ; the immodesty of the French Ladies . Kissing not in use amongst them , and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England : The innocency and harmlesness of it amongst us : The impostures of French Pandors in London , with the scandall thence arising : The peccancy of our old English Doctor . More of the French Women : Their Marriages and lives after Wedlock : An Elegie to the English Ladies . I Am now come to the French Women ; and it were great pitty they should not immediately follow the discourse of the Men ; so like they are one to the other , that one would think them to be the same , and that all the difference lay in the apparel : for person they are generally of an indifferent stature , their bodies straight , and their wastes commonly small ; but whether it be so by , nature , or by much restraining of those parts , I cannot say . It is said that an absolute Woman should have ( amongst other qualities requisite ) the parts of a French Woman from the neck to the girdle ; but I beleeve it holdeth not good ; their shoulders and backs being so broad , that they hold no proportion with their middles : yet this may be the vice of their apparrel . Their hands are in my opinion the comelyest and best ordered parts of them , long , white , and slender ; were their faces answerable , even an English eye would apprehend them lovely : but here I find a pretty contradictory , the hand , as it is the best ornament of the whole structure , so doth it most disgrace it : whether it be that ill dyet be the cause of it , or that hot blood wrought upon by a hot and scalding ayr , must of necessity by such means vent itself , I am not certain : this I am sure of that scarce the tythe of all the maids we saw , had their hands , armes , and wrests free from scabs ; which had overrunne them like a Leprosie . Their hair is generally black , and indeed somewhat blacker , then a gratious loveliness would admit . The Poets commend Leda for her black hair , and not unworthily . Leda fuit nigris conspicienda comis . As Ovid hath it ; yet was that blackness but a darker brown , and not so fearful as this of the French women . Again the blackness of the hair is there accounted an ornament ; when the face about which it hangeth , is of so perfect a complection and symmetrie , that it giveth a lustre ; then doth the hair set forth the face , as a shaddow doth a picture , and the face becometh the hair , as a field argent doth a sable bearing : which kind of armoury the Heralds call the most fairest , But in this the French Women are most unlucky , Don Quixote did not so deservedly assume to himself the name of the Knight of the ill favoured face ; as may they that of the Damosells of it . It was therefore a happy speech of a young French gallant , that came in our company out of England , and had it been spoken amongst the Ancients , it might have been registred for an Apothegme : That the English of all the people in the World were only Nati ad voluptates : you have , saith he , the fairest Women , the goodliest Horses , and the best breed of Doggs under Heaven : for my part ( as farre as I could in so short a time observe ) I dare in his first beleeve him . Enland not onely being ( as it is stiled ) a Paradise for Women , by reason of their priviledges ; but a Paradise also of Women , by reason of their unmatchable perfections : Their dispositions hold good intelligence with their faces ; you cannot say of them as Sueton doth of Galba , Ingenium Galbae male habitat : they suit so well the one with the other , that in my life I never met with a better decorum . But you must first here them speak , Loquere ut te videam , was the method in old times , and it holdeth now . You cannot gather a better Character of a French Woman than from her prating , which is tedious and infinite ; that you shall sooner want ear●s , than she tongue . The fastedious pratler which Horace mentioneth in his ninth Satyre , was but a Puesne to her . The writers of these times call the Sicilians gerrae Siculae , and not undeservedly ; yet were they but the Scholers of the French ; and learned this faculty of them before the Vespers . It is manners to give precedency to the Maistresse , and she will have it , if words may carry it for two things , I would have had Aristotle acquainted with these Chartings ; first it would have saved him a labour in taking such paines about finding out the prepetual motion : secondly it would have freed him from an Heresie with which his doctrine is now inserted , and that is , Quicquid movetur , ab alio movetur ; their tongues I am certain move themselves , and make their own occasions of discoursing : when they are a going they are like a Watch , you need not wind them above once in twelve hours , for so long the thred of their tongues will be in spinning . A Dame of Paris came in a Coach with us from Roven , fourteen hours we were together , of which time ( I le take my oath upon it ) her tongue fretted away a eleven hours and fifty seven minutes ; such everlasting talkers are they all , that they will sooner want breath than words , and they are never silent but in the grave , which may also be doubted . As they are endless in their talk , so are they also regardless of the comyany they speak in ; be he stranger or of their acquaintance it much matters not ; though indeed no man is to them a stranger , within an hour of the first sight you shall have them familiar more than enough ; and as merry with you , as if they had known your bearing cloth . It may be they are chast , and I perswade my self many of them are ; but you will hardly gather it out of there behaviour . Te tamen et cultus damnat , as Ausonius of an honest Woman , that carryed her self lesse modestly . They are abundantly full of laughter and toying , and are never without variety of lascivious songs , which they spare not to sing in whose company soever : you would think modesty were quite banished the Kingdom , or rather that it had never been there . Neither is this the weakness of some few , it is an Epidemicall disease : Maids and Wives are alike sick of it , though not both so desperately . The Galliards of the Mayds being of the two a little more tollerable ; that of the Women coming hard upon the confines of shamelesness . As for the Ladies of the Court ( I can speak this but upon hear-say ) they are as much above them in their lightness , as they are in their place : and so much the worse , in that they have made their lightness impudent : for whereas the daughter of Pythagoras , being demanded what shamed her most to discourse of ? made answer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ those parts which made her a Women : these French Dames will speak of them even in the hearing of men , as freely , and almost as broadly as a Midwife , or a Barbar Surgeon . Nay I have heard a Gentleman of good credence relate , that being at a Tilting , he saw a Courtier going to remove a boy , who very roguishly looked under a Ladies Cloathes ; but when her Ladyship perceived his intention , she hindered him with this Complement , Laisse Monsieur Laisse les yeux ne pas Larrons , the boyes would steal nothing . A very merciful and gentle Lady : if that of Justin be still true , Vera mulierum ornament a pudicitiam esse non vestes : that modesty were the best apparrel of a Woman ; I am affraid many of the female sexe in France would be thinly clad , or else go naked . Being a people thus prone to a sudden familiarity , and so prodigal of their tongues and company ; you would scarce imagine them to be coy of their lips ; yet this is their humour . It seemed to me at first strange and uncivil , that a woman should turn away from the proffer of a salutation . Afterwards I liked the custom very well , and I had good cause for it ; for it saved me from many an unsavoury peice of mannerliness , This notwithstanding could not but amaze me , that they who in their actions were so light and wanton , should yet think themselves modest ; and confine all lasciviousness unto a kiss . A woman that is kissed , they account more than half whored , be her deportment never so becoming ; which maketh them very sparing of receiving such kindnesses . But this is but a dissembled unwillingness , and hath somewhat in it of the Italian ; As they had rather murther a man in private , than openly speak ill of him : so it may be thought , that these Damsels would hardly refuse a mans bed , though education hath taught them to fly from his lips . Night and the Curtains may conceal the one , the other can obtain no pardon in the eye of such as may happen to observe it . Upon this ground your French Traveller , that perhaps may see his Hostess kissed at Dover ; and see a Gentleman salute a Lady in the streets of London , relateth at his coming home strange Chymera's of the English modesty : to further this sinister opinion , he will not spare to tell his Comerades ( for this I have noted to you to be a part of his humour ) what Merchants Wives he enjoyed at London , and in what familiarity such a Lady entertained him at Westminster . Terrible untruths , and yet my poor Gallant thinketh he lieth not . I remember I met in Paris with an English Docter , and the Master of a Colledge there , who complained much of the lasciviousness of the English Women ; and how infamously every French Taylor that came from us reported of them , withall he protested it did not much greive him ; because he thought it a just judgement of God upon our Nation , that all the married men should thus suffer . A strange peice of Divinity to me , that never before heard such preaching . This was the occasion of the doctrine . In the old English Mass-book , called Secundum usum Sarum , the Woman at the time of marriage promiseth her future Husband to be bonny and buxome at bed and at board till death us depart , &c. This being too light for the gravity of the action then in hand ; and in mine opinion somewhat less reverent than a Church duty would require ; the Reformers of that Book thought good to alter , and thought fitter to put in , to love , cherish and obey . That this was a sufficient assurance of Conjugal faith he would not grant , because the promise of being buxome in bed was excluded . Besides , he accounted the supposed dishonesty of the English Wives as a vengeance plucked down on the heads of the people , for chopping and changing the words of the holy Sacrament ( for such they esteem the form of Matrimony . ) Though his argument needed no answer ; yet his accusation might expect one . And an English Gentleman ( though not of the English faith ) laid open the abuse , and seemed to speak it out of knowledge . When the Monsieurs came over full pursed to London , the French Pandars , which lay in wait for such booties , grow into their acquaintance , and promise them the imbraces of such a Dame of the City , or of such a Lady of the Court ; Women perhaps famed for admirable beauties . But as Ixion amongst the Poets expected Juno ▪ and enjoyed a Cloud : So those beguiled wretches , instead of those eminent persons mentioned to them , take into their bosomes some of the common prostitutes of the Town . Thus are they cozened in their desires : thus do they lie in their reports : whilst , poor fools , they think themselves guilty of neither imposture . For the other accusation , which would seem to fasten a note of immodesty upon our English Gentlewomens lips ; I should be like enough to confess the crime , were the English kisses like unto those of the French. As therefore Doctor Bale Master of the Requests said unto Mendoza the Spanish Embassador , upon his dislike of the promiscuous sitting of men and women within our Churches , Turpe quidem id esse apud Hispanos , qui etiam in locis sacris cogitarent de explendâ libidine , a quâ procul aberant Anglorum mentes : So do I answer to the bill of the Complaint . An Oxford Doctor upon this Text , Betrayest thou the Son of man with a Kiss ? made mention of four sorts of kisses , viz. Osculum charitatis , Osculum gratioris familiaritatis , Osculum calliditatis , and Osculum carnalitatis : Of these I will bestow the last on the French ; and the third on the Spaniards , retaining the two first unto our selves : whereof the one is enjoyned by the precept , and the other warranted by the examples of holy Scriptures : For my part I see nothing in the innocent and harmless salutations of the English , which the Doctor calleth Oscula gratioris familiaritatis , that may move a French mans suspition ; much , I confess , which may stir his envy ▪ Perhaps a want of that happiness in himself maketh him to dislike it in us : as the Fox that had lost his tayl perswaded all others to cut off theirs . But I have already toucht the reason , why that Nation is unworthy of such a favour ; their kisses being heat and sulphury ; and indeed nothing but the Prologue of their lust : whereas on the contrary , and I dare be confident in it , the chast and innocent kiss of the English Gentlewoman is more in Heaven , than many of their best devotions . It were not amiss to explain in this place a verse of Ovids , common in the mouthes of many , but in the understanding of few . Oscula qui sumpsit , & non & caetera sumpsit Hoec quoque quae sumpsit perdere dignus erat . He that doth onely kiss , and doth no more , Deserves to loose the kisses given before . Which must be understood according to the fashion of Rome and Italy ( and since of France and Spain ) where they were given as pawns of a dishonest contract , and not according to the customs of England , where they are onely proffered in the way of a gratious and innocent familiarity , and so accepted , I return again to the French women , and though I may not kiss them ( which he that seeth them will have good cause to thank God for ) yet they are at liberty to be courted : An office which they admit freely , and return as liberally : an office to which they are so used , that they can hardly distinguish complement from wooing , till the Priest expecteth them at the Church door : That day they set themselves forth with all the variety of riches their credit can extend to : A Schollar of the University never disfurnished so many of his Freinds to provide for a journey , as they do neighbours to adorn that wedding . At my being at Pontoise I saw Mrs. Bride return from the Church ; the day before she had been somewhat of the condition of a Kitchen wench , but now so tricked up with scarfes , rings and cross-garters , that you never saw a Whitson Lady better rigged : I should much have applauded the fellows fortunes , if he could have married the Clothes : but ( God be merciful to him ) he is chained to the Wench : Much joy may they have together most peerless couple . Hymen O Hymenaee , Hymen Hymen O Hymenaee . The match was well knit up among them . I would have a French man marry none but a French woman . Being now made Mistress of an house , she can give her self a dispensation to drink Wine . Before she had a fling at the bottle by stealth , and could make a shift to play off her whole one in a corner ; as St. Austin in the ninth book of his Confessions reporteth of his Mother Monica : Now she hath her draughts like the second Edition of a book augmented and revised ; and which is more , published cum Privilegio . Her house she keeps as she doth her self . It would puzzle a strong judgement to resolve which of the two was the most nasty : yet after ten of the clock you may come nigh her ; for by that time she hath not onely eaten , but it may be her hall hath had a brushing . If you be not careful of your time , you shall commonly find her speechless , her mouth being stopped with some of the reliques of last nights supper . To five meals a day she is very constant , and for variety sake she will make some of them at the street door . She is an exceeding good soul ( as Sancho Pancha said of his Wife ) and one that will not pine her self , though her heirs smart for it . To her Husband she is very servile , seldom sitteth with him at the table , readily executing all his commands , and is indeed rather a married servant than a Wife , or a houshold drudge under the title of a Mistress . Yet on the other side she hath freedome enough , and certainly much more than a moderate wisedome would permit her . It is one of her iura conjugalia to admit of Courtship even in the sight of her Husband , to walk arm in arm about the streets , or in the fields , with her Privado , to proffer occasions of familiarity and acquaintance at the first sight of one whose person she relisheth , and all this sans suspecion without the least imputation . A liberty somewhat of the largest , and we may justly fear , that having thus wholly in her own power the keys of the Cabinet , she sheweth her Jewels to more than her husband . Such are the French women , and such lives do they lead both Maids and Married . Then happy England ! Thy four Seas contain The pride of Beauties ; Such as may disdain Rivals on earth ; Such as at once may move , By a strange power , the envy and the love Of all their Sex besides . Admit a Dame Of France or Spain pass in the breath of Fame And her own thoughts for Fair : Yet let her view The common'st Beauties of the English crew ; And in despair shee 'l execrate the day Which bare her black , and sigh her self away . So pin'd the Phrygian Dames and hang'd the head , When into Troy Paris his Helen lead : But boast not Paris ; England now enjoyes Helens enough to sack a World of Troys : So do the vulgar Tapers of the Skie Loose all their lustre when the Moon is nigh . Yet English Ladies ( glorious Lights ) as far Exceed the Moon , as doth the Moon a Star : So do the common people of the Groves Grow hush't , when Philomel recounts her Loves : But when our Ladies sing , even she forbears To use her tongue ; and turns her tongue to ears : Nay more ; their beauties should proud Venus see , Shee 'd blush her self out of her Deitie ; Drop into Vulcan's forge , her raign now done , And yeild to them her Empire and her Son. Yet this were needless ; I can hardly find Any of these Land-stars , but straight my mind Speaks her a Venus ; and me thinks I spye A little Cupid sporting in her eye : Who thence his shaft more powerfully delivers Than e're did th' other Cupid from his quivers : Such in a word they are : you would them guess An harmony of all the Goddesses : Or swear , that partial Nature at their birth Had robb'd the Heavens to glorifie the earth . Such though they are ; yet mean these graces bi●● Compar'd unto the vertues lodg'd within : For needs the Jewels must be rich and pretious , The Cask that keeps them being so delicious . CHAP. III. France described : The Valley of Montmorancie and the Dukes of it . Mont-Martyr . Burials in former times not permitted within the Wals. The prosecuting of this discourse by manner of a Journal intermitted . The Town and Church of St. Denis . The Legend of him and his head . Of Dagobert and the Leper . The reliques to be seen there : Martyrs how esteem'd in St. Austin's time : The Sepulchers of the French Kings and the Treasury there . The Kings House of Madrit . The Queen Mothers House at Ruall , and fine devices in it ▪ St. Germanenly another of the Kings Houses : the curious painting in it . ( Gorrambery Window . ) The Garden belonging to it , and the excellency of the Water-works . Boys , St. Vincent and the Castle called Bisestre . I Have now done with the French both Men and Womē : a people much extolled by many of the English Travellers for all those graces which may enoble and adorn both Sexes : For my part , having observed them as well as I could , and traced them in all their several humours , I set up my rest with this proposition , that there is nothing to be envied in them but their Country ; To that indeed I am earnestly , and I think not unworthily affected : here being nothing wanting which may be required to raise and reward ones liking . If Nature were ever prodigal of her blessings , or scattered them with an over-plentiful hand , it was in this Island into which we were entred as soon as we were passed over the bridge of Pontoise . The first part of it , lasting for three leagues , was upon the plain of a Mountain , but such a Mountain as will hardly yeild to the best Valley in Europe out of France . On both sides of us the Vines grew up in a just length , and promised to the Husband-man a thriving vintage . The Wines they yeild are far better than those of Normandy or Gascoyne , and indeed the best in the whole Continent , those of Orleans excepted ; yet what we saw here was but as a bit to prepare our stomacks , least we should surfeit in the Valley . Here we beheld Nature in her richest vestments . The fields enterchangeably planted with Wheat and Vines : That had L. Florus once beheld it , he would never have given unto Campania the title of Cereris & Bacchi certamen . These fields were dispersedly here and there beset with Cherry-trees : which considered with the rest gave unto the eye an excellent object . For the Vines yet green , the Wheat ready for the sithe , and the Cherries now full ripened , and shewing forth their beauty through the vail of the leaves , made such a various and delightsome mixture of colours , that no art could have expressed it self more delectable . If you have ever seen an exquisite Mosaical work you may best judge of the beauty of this Valley . Add to this that the River Seine being now past Paris , either to embrace that flourishing soyl , or out of a wanton desire to play with it self , hath divided it self into sundry lesser channels , besides its several windings and turnings : So that one may very justly , and not irreligiously conceive it to be an Idaea or representation of the Garden of Eden ; the River so happily separating it self to water the ground . This Valley is a very large circuit . And as the Welch-men call Anglesea Mon Mam Gymry , that is , the Mother of Wales : so may we call this the Mother of Paris : for so abundantly doth it furnish that great and populous City , that when the Dukes of Bary and Burgundie besieged it with 100000. men , there being at that time three or 400000. Citizens and Souldiers within the wals , neither the people within , nor the enemy without , found any want of provision . It is called the Valley of Montmorencie , from the Town and Castle of Montmorencie seated in it . But this Town nameth not the Valley onely ; it giveth name also to the ancient family of the Dukes of Montmorencie , the ancientest house of Christendom . He stiled himself Lepremier Christien , & plus vicil Baron du' France , and it is said , that his Ancestors received the faith of Christ by the preaching of St. Denis the first Bishop of Paris . Their principal houses are that of Chantilly and Ecqucan , both seated in the Isle : This last being given to this present Dukes Father by King Henry the fourth , to whom it was confiscated by the condemnation of one of his Treasurers . This house also ( and so I beleive it ) hath been observed to have yeilded to France more Constables , Marshals , Admirals , and the like Officers of power and command than any three other in the whole Kingdom , insomuch that I may say of it , what Irenicus doth of the Count Palatines , the names of the Countries onely changed : Non alia Galliae est familia cui plus debent nobilitus . The now Duke named Henry , is at this present Admiral of France . The most eminent place in all the Isle is Mont-Martyr , eminent I mean by reason of its height ; though it hath also enough of antiquity to make it remarkable . It is seated within a mile of Paris , high upon a Mountain , on which many of the faithful , during the time that Gaule was heathenish , were made Martyrs : Hence the name ; though Paris was the place of apprehension and sentence , yet was this Mountain commonly the Scaffold of execution : It being the custom of the Ancients , neither to put to death , nor bury within the wals of their Cities . Thus the Jews when they crucified our Saviour , led him out of the City of Hierusalem unto Mount Calvary : unto which St. Paul is thought to allude , Hebr. 13. saying , Let us therefore go forth to him , &c. Thus also doth St. Luke ( to omit other instances ) report of St. Stephen , Acts 7. And they cast him out of the City and stoned him . So in the State of Rome ; the Vestal Virgin having committed fornication was stifled in the Campus Sceleritatus ; and other Malefactors thrown down the Tarpeian rock ; both scituate without the Town . So also had the Thessalians a place of execution from the praecipice of an hill , which they called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Corvi : whence arose the Proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be hanged . As they permitted not execution of Malefactors within their wals : so neither would they suffer the best of their Citizens to be buried within them . This was it which made Abraham to buy him a field wherein to bury his dead : and thus we read in the seventh of Luke , that the Widow of Naims Son was carried out to be buried . This custom also we find among the Athenians , Corinthians and other of the Graecians ; qui inagris suis ( saith Alexander ab Alexandro ) aut in fundo suburbano , ceuinavito aut patrio solo corpora humari consuevere . Amongst the Romans it was once the fashion to burn the bodies of their dead within their City . This continued till the bringing in of the Laws of Athens , commonly called the Laws of the twelve Tables : one of which Laws runneth in these words . In urbe ne sepelito , neve drito . After this prohibition their dead corps were first burned in Campus Martius ; and their Urnes covered in sundry places of the field . The frequent Urnes or sepulchral stones digged up amongst us here in England are sufficient testimonies of this assertion . Besides we may find in Appian , that the chief reason why the rich men in Rome would not yeild to the Law called Lex Agrariae ( for that Law divided the Roman possessions equally among the people ) was , because they thought it an irreligious thing , that the Monuments of their fore-fathers should be sold to others . The first that is registred to have been buried in the City was Trajane the Emperor . Afterward it was granted as an honorary to such as had deserved well of the Republique . And when the Christian Religion prevailed ; and Church-yards , those dormitories of the Saints were consecrated , the liberty of burying within the wals was to all equally granted . On this ground it not being lawful to put to death or bury within the Town of Paris ; this Mountain was destinate to these purposes : then was it onely a Mountain , now it is enlarged unto a Town . It hath a poor wall , an Abbey of Benedictine Monks , and a Chappel called La Chapelle des Martyrs : both founded by Lewis the sixth , called The Gross . Amongst others which received here the Crown of Martyrdom , none more famous than St. Denis ( said to be Dionisius Areopagita ) the first Bishop of Paris : Rusticus his Arch-preist , and Eleutherius his Deacon . The time when , under the raign of Domitian : the person by whose command Hesubinus Governour of Paris ; the crime ; for not bowing before the Altar of Mercury , and offering sacrifice unto him . Of St. Denis , being the Patron or Tutelary St. of France , the Legend reports strange wonders , as namely , when the Executioner had smitten off his head , he caught it between his arms , and ran with it down the hill , as fast as his legs could bear him . Half a mile from the place of his execution he sate down , rested , and so he did nine times in all , even till he came to the place where his Church is now built . There he fell down and died , being three milee English from Mount Martyr ; and there he was buried together with Rusticus and Eleutherius : who not being able to go as fast as he did , were brought after by the people . O impudentiam admirabilem & verè Romanam ! and yet so far was the succeeding age possessed with a beleif of this miracle , that in the nine several places , where he is said to have rested , so many handsom crosses of stones there are erected : all of a making . To the memory of this St. did Dagobert the first build a Temple , and the times ensuing improved it to a Town . Afterwards in honour of St. Denis , and because it lay near Paris , some of the following Kings bestowed a wall upon it . A wall it is of a large circuit , and very much unproportionable to the Town which standeth in it ; for all the world like a Spaniards little face in his great ruffe : or like a small chop of Mutton in a large dish of Pottage ( at the three-penny ordinary . ) Thus was the Town ( as you see ) built by means , but it was not so with the Temple : unless that be worth a Miracle in the building and in the consecrating of it , I will not give a straw for it . Thus then saith the story : Dagobert afterwards King of France , during the life of Clotarre the second his Father , had cruelly slain Sadrasagille his Governor . To avoid the fury of his Father , much incensed with that unprincely action , he was compelled to wander up and down France , hungry and thirsty : And as he went , and he went ( for this tale should be told in the same stile that Wenches tell theirs by the fires side ) till he came to the Sepulcher of St. Denis ; where he laid himself down and slept : and then there appeared unto him a fine old man , with a staffe in his hand , and he told him , that his Father was dead ; and that he should be King : and he prayed him of all loves , that when he came to be King , he would build a Church there , to the honour of St. Denis . He had an hard heart , that could deny so sweet an old man so little a curtesie for so much good news : and I trow he was more kind than so . And so when the Church was built , the Bishop was sent for in all hast to bless it . But it chanced the night before the day wherein the Bishop was to bless it , there came to the Town an ugly Leper , and the foulest that ever was seen . And this Leper would needs lie in the Church : and when he was there , about twelve a clock in the night our Saviour came to the Church in garments as white as the driven snow . There came with him the Apostles , the Angels , and the Martyrs , and the sweetest musick that ever was heard in the world . Then Christ blessed the Church ; and said unto the Leper , that he should tell the Bishop that the Church was already blessed : and for a token of it , he gave the Leper his health : who presently became as fine a sweet youth as one should see in a summers day . Auditam admisse risu●teneatis ? you may laugh if you please , but I will assure you this is the story : Neither is it a jot the less authentical because of the stile . Such ridiculous stuffe did the Monks and Friers of those times invent to please and blind the people . So prone were our Ancestors to beleive as Oracles whatever was delivered unto them by these Impostors . Majoribus nostris tam facilis in mendaciis fides fuit , ut temere credid●r●nt illa monstrosa mira●ula : & quicquid famae licet fingere , illis erat libenter audire . Minutius Felix spake it of his fore-fathers being Heathens , we may affirm it of ours also being Christians . But ( to omit the additions of the Legend ) true it is , that Dagobert was the first Founder of the Church : which was afterward rebuilt and beautified by the twenty fifth Abbot of it , called Sugger , in the raign of King Lewis the sixth . A reverent and comely Fabrick certainly it is : Dark , as the Churches of those times commonly were , and none of the poorest . It maintaineth sixty two Monks and an Abbot , whose single revenue is thought to be worth ten thousand Crowns and upward . The present Abbot is Henry of Lorrain , Son to the Duke of Guise , a young Gentleman of some fourteen years of age , or thereabouts : but of him more hereafter . The Abbot of it , among many other priviledges , hath a full power upon the lives , goods , and honours of his vassals ; and hath a voice in the Parliament of Paris as full and binding as any of the Counsellors there sitting . As for the Church it self , it is in height eighty foot , an hundred in breadth , and in length three hundred . The high Altar , under which the bodies of Saint Denis and his two fellow Martyrs are said to be buried , is a very rich and excellent work : the Crucifix standing over it being all of pure gold , embos'd with divers pearls and pretious stones of great value . Before it hangeth a silver Lamp continually burning ; and if you look about it , you shall see the richest and the fairest glass for painting in all France , that of Amiens onely excepted ; one thing I will further note in this Church , before I come to the Tombs and Reliques ; which is , how Henry the fourth in this Church said his first Mass after his last reconcilement to the Church of Rome : and good reason I have to say his last : For having first been brought up in the Romish faith ; he was by his Mother made a Protestant . At the Massacre of Paris , fear of death or imprisonment turned him Papist . Liberty made him again an Hugonot . In this he continued till the year 1595. And then once more re-embosom'd himself in the Roman Synagogue , which was the time we now speak of . Quo teneam nodo mutantem protea vultum ? the onely Proteus in matters of faith of our times , Doctor Perne , was a diamond to him . It is now time I should shew you the Reliques : but you must first stay till the Clerk hath put on his Surplice . I have heard of a blind Priest , that could never mumble over his Mass without his spectacles : this fellow and his Surplice is just like him . I perswade my self , that the Surplice without the Clark could marshal the Reliques , as well as the Clark without the Surplice . As soon as he was sadled for his journey , he put himself into his way , and followed it with a pace so nimbly , that there was no keeping of him company . His tongue ran so fast , that the quickest eye there was fain to give him over in plain ground : the fellow that sheweth the Tombs at Westminster , being no more to be compared to him for the volubility of his chops , than a Capouchin to a Jesuite : yet as we learned afterwards of him , when he was out of his road , they were thus disposed . On the right hand of the Altar ( not that high Altar above mentioned ) there are said to be kept one of the nails which fastened our Saviour to the Cross . Secondly , a peice of the Cross it self . Thirdly , some of the Virgin Maries Milk. Fourthly , the arm of St. Simeon set in a case of gold . And fiftly , the Reliques of St. Lewis reserved in a little Chappel , all of gold also , and built after the fashion of Nostre-dame in Paris . On the left there was shewed us the head of St. Denis , and a part of his body : But I mistake my self , it was not the head , but the Portraiture in gold ; the head being said to be within it . By this representation he seemeth to have had a very reverend and awful countenance ; though I perswade my self , that the rich Crown Miter which he there weareth ( and certainly they are of an high value ) never belonged to him in his life . On each side of the head are two Angels supporting it , reported to be the work of one Ely Le plus artiste orfeure de son temps : the cunningst Gold-smith of his time , who afterwards was made Bishop of Noyon and Sainted . Concerning Reliques I shall have occasion to speak further , when I come to the holy Chappel in Paris : somewhat now of the honour due unto the memory of Martyrs . I am none of those that think the memories of those Heroes of the Primitive times not to be honoured in the dust . Neither would I assault their shrines with an irreverent finger . On the other side , they shall never have my prayers directed to them , nor my devotions : nor can I think it lawful to give the remnants of them any bodily observance : though I do and will honour , yet I dare not worship them . St. Austin hath cut out the mid-way between the Papists and the Zelots , in the eighth book of his most excellent work de Civitate Dei , and his path it is best to follow : Honoramus sane memorias eorum , tanquam Sanctorum hominum Dei , qui usque ad mortem suorum corporum pro veritate certarunt . And a little after , he sheweth the end of these memorials : viz. Vt ea celebritate Deo vero gratias de eorum victoriis agamus , & nos ad imitationem talium coronarum eorum memoriae revocatione adhortemur . One Relique there is , of which this use cannot possibly be made , and what do you think that should be , but the Lanthorn which Judas used when he went to apprehend his Master . A pretty one I confess , it is richly beset with studs of Christal , through which all the light cometh , the main of it being of a substance not transparent . Had it been shewed me within the first Century of years after the Passion , I might have perhaps been fooled into a beleif , for I am confident it can be no elder . Being as it is , I will acknowledge it to be a Lanthorn , though it belonged not to Judas . From the Reliques of Martyrs , proceed we to those of Kings , and amongst those there is nothing which will long detain an English man. He that hath seen the Tombs at Westminster , will think those to be but trifles : if he consider the workmanship , or the riches and the magnificence . The cheif of those mean ones which are there , are those of Henry the second , and Katherine de Medices his Wife , in a little Chappel of her own building , both in their full proportion , and in their royal habiliments exceeding stately . Here is also a neat Tomb of the same Henry built all of brass , and supported by four brass pillars . His statue of the same mettal placed on the top of it , and composed as if at his prayers . The rest are more in tale than weight : but the chiefest beauties of the Church are in the Treasury , which was not mine happiness to see . As I am imformed , the most remarkable things in it are these . The Swords of Joan the Virgin , Charles the great , Rowland his Cozen , and that of Henry the fourth when he was crowned . His Boots , Crowns and Scepters , as those of his Son now raigning . A Cross of three foot high made of pure gold : A Crown , Scepter and golden Ball given by Pope Adrian to Carolus Magnus : A golden Crown of a larger size be decked with adamants and other pretious stones , given by Charles Martell after his victory over the Saracens : A very fair Chalice all of gold , in which St. Denis is said to have consecrated the Sacramental Wine . The others of lesser note I purposely omit : for having not seen them , I am loath to go any further upon trust . And so I leave St. Denis , a Church so richly furnished , that had I seen all the rarities and glory of it , that onely dayes content had deserved our journey ; Sed haec infaelici nimia , Not to continue this discourse any further by way of journal , or gesta dierum ; some few dayes after we had wearied our selves with the sight of Paris , we went to see some of their Majesties houses in the Country ; and here we passed by Madrit , so called of the King of Spains house at Madrit ▪ after the form of which it is built . The Founder of it was Francis the first , who being taken prisoner at the ba●tel of Pavi● , Anno 15●5 . and thence carried into Spain , had no less than a twelve-moneths leisure to draw that platform . A fine contrived house it seemed to be ; but our journey lay beyond it : One league beyond it lay Ruall , a small Town belonging to the Abbey of St. Denis . In the corner of this Town , the Queen Mother hath a fine summer house , abundantly adorned with retired walks , and a most curious variety of Water-works : For besides the forms of divers glasses , pillars and geometrical figures , all framed by the water , there were birds of sundry forts so artificially made , that they both deceived the eye by their motion , and the ear by their melody : Somewhat higher , in the midst of a most delicious garden , are two Fountains of admirable workmanship . In the first the Portraitures of Cerberus , the Bore of Calidon , the Naemean Lyon , and in the navel of it Hercules killing Hydra . In the other onely a Crocodile full of wild and unruly tricks , and sending from his throat a musick not far different from Organs . Had your eyes been shut , you would have thought your self in some Cathedral Church : this melody of the Crocodile , and that other of the Birds , so exactly counterfeiting the harmony of a well ordered Quire. And now we are come into the Grove , a place so full of retired walks , so sweetly and delectably contrived , that they would even entice a man to melancholy ; because in them even melancholy would seem delightful . The trees so interchangeably folded the one within the other , that they were at once a shelter against wind and sun , yet not not so sullenly close , but that they afforded the eye an excellent Lordship over the vines , and verdures of the earth imprisoned within them . It seemed a Grove , an Orchard , and a Vineyard , so variously enterwoven and mixed together , as if it had been the purpose of the Artist to make a man fall in love with confusion . In the middle of the wilderness was seated the house , environed round about with a moat of running water ; the house pretty and therefore little , built rather for a banquet than a feast . It was built and thus enriched with variety of pleasures by Mr. de Ponte Taylor to King Henry the fourth , and was , no question , the best garment he ever cut out in his life . Dying he gave it to Mr. Landerbone , once his servant , and now his Son by adoption , of whom the Queen Mother , taking a liking to it , bought it , giving in exchange an Office in the Treasury worth 400000 Crowns to be sold . Two leagues from Ruall is the Kings house of St. Germanenly , an house seated on the top of an hill , just like Windsore . The Town of St. Germain lyeth all round about it : the River Reine ( of the same breadth as the Thames is at the place mentioned ) runneth below it ; and the house , by reason of the scite , having a large command of the Country round about it . The Town is poor , and hath nothing in it remarkable but the name , which it took from St. Germain Bishop of Auxerre , who together with St. Lupus Bishop of Troyes sailed into Britain to root out Pelagianisme . The Castle or Seat royal is divided into two parts , the old & the new . The old , which is next unto the Town , is built of brick and for form it is triangular . Founded it was at the first by Charles the first , since strengthened and beautified by the English , when it was in their possession . Francis the first added to it the upper story , and the battlements , and in memoriam facti hath left a Capital F. upon every of the chimneys . The new house distant from the old about a furlong , and to Which you descend by a handsome green Court. It was built by Henry the fourth . It consists of three several parts all joyned together , the two outermost quadrangular ; that in the middle almost round , and in the fashion of a Jewish Synagogue . Here we saw the Volatory full of sundry forrein Birds , and in one of the lowest rooms great store of out-landish Coins , but these were but accessories . The principal was the majesty of the house , which is indeed worth the observation . The Palace of the Lou're so much famed , is not to be named the same day with that . The rooms are well ordered and well roofed : gorgeously set out with the curiosity of the Painter . In some of the Chambers they shewed us some poetical fictions , expressed by the pencil in the windows , and on the wainscot , and seemed to glory much in them . I confess they might plentifully have possessed my fancy , had I not seen the Window in Gorrambury gallery , belonging to the right Honorable Francis Viscount St. Albons , a Window , in which all the Fables of Ovid's Metamorphosis are so naturally and lively resembled , that if ever Art went beyond it self , it was in that admirable expression . Let us now take a veiw of the Water-works , and here we shall see in the first Water-house ( which is a stately large walk , vaulted over head ) the effigies of a Dragon just against the entrance . An unquiet Beast , that vomiteth on all that come nigh it . At the end toward the right hand is the statue of a Nymph sitting before a pair of Organs . Upon the loosing of one of the pipes the Nymphs fingers began to manage the keys , and brought the instrument to yeild such a musick , that if it were not that of an Organ , it was like it as could be , and not be the same : Unto the division of her fingers her head kept a proportionable time , jolting from one shoulder to the other : as I have seen an old Fidler at a Wake . In the same partition were the counterfeits of all sorts of mils , which before very eagerly discharged their functions , but upon the beginning of the harmony they suddenly stood still , as if they had ears to have heard it . At the other end toward the left hand we saw a shop of Smiths , another of Joyners , and backsides full of Sawyers and Masons , all idle : upon the first command of the water they all fell to their occupations , and plied them lustily : the Birds every where by their singing saving the Artificers the labour of whistling . Besides upon the drawing of a wooden curtain , there appeared unto us two Tritons riding on their Dolphins , and each of them with a shell in his hand , which interchangeably and in turns served them instead of Trumpets . A very happy decorum , and truly poetical . Caeruleum Tritona vocat , conchâque sonanti Inspirare jubet . — Afterwards follows Neptune himself sitting in his Chariot drawn with four Tortises , and grasping his Tricuspis or threefold Scepter in his hand ; the water under them representing all the while a Sea somewhat troubled . Thirty six steps from the front of the house we descended into this Water-house , and by sixty more descended into a second of the same fashion , but not of an equal length with the other . At the right hand of this , is the whole story of Perseus and Andromeda , and the whole lively acted : the Whale being killed and the Lady loosed from the rock very perfectly . But withall it was so cunningly mannaged , and that with such mutual change of fortune on the parts of both the Combatants , that one who had not known the Fable , would have been sore afraid , that the Knight would have lost the victory , and the Lady her life . At the other end there was shewed unto us , Orpheus in silvis positus , silvaeque sequentes . I say , there appeared unto us the resemblance of Orpheus playing on a treble Violl ; the trees moving with the force of the musick , and the wild Beasts dancing in two rings about him . An invention which could not but cost King Henry a great sum of money ; one string of the Fiddle being by mischance broken , having cost King Lewis his Son 1500. Livers . Upon the opening of a double leafed door , there were exhibited unto us divers representations and conceits : which certainly might have been more graceful , if they had not had so much in them of a Pudpet-play . By some thirty steps more we descended into the Garden ; and by as many more into a Green , which opened into the water sides : In which the goodliest Flower and most pleasing to mine eye , was the statue of an Horse in brass , of that bigness , that I and one of my companions could stand on the neck of him ; but dismounting from this Horse we mounted our own , and so took our leaves of Saint Germain . Upon the other side of Paris and up the River , we saw another of the Kings Houses called Saint Vincent , or Vincennes . It was beautified with a large Park by Philip Augustus , An. 1185. who also walled the Park and replenished it with Deer . In this House have died many famous personages , as Philip the fair , Lewis Hutin , and Charles the fair , but none so much to be lamented as that of our Henry the fifth , cut down in the flower of his age , and the middest of his victories . A man most truly valiant , and the Alexander of his times . Not far from thence is an old Castle , once strong , but time hath made it now unserviceable . The people call it Chasteau bisestre corruptly for Vincester , which maketh me beleive it was built by the English when they were Masters of this Isle . CHAP. IV. Paris , the names and antiquity of it . The scituation and greatness ; the cheif strength and fortifications about it . The streets and buildings . King James his laudable care in beautifying London : King Henry the fourth his intent to fortifie the Town : Why not actuated . The Artifices and wealth of the Citizens : The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber . WE are now come to Paris , whether indeed I should have brought you the same day we came from Pontoise . It hath had in several ages two several names ; the one taken from the people , the other from the scituation . The name taken from the people is that of Paris : Julius Caesar in his Commentaries making mention of the Nation of the Parisii : and at that time calling the City Vrbem pacisiorum : Amianus Marcellinus calleth it by the same name appellative : for as yet the name of Paris was not appropriated to it . As for these Parisii , it is well known that they were a people of Gallia Celtica : but why the people were so called hath been questioned , and that deservedly . Some derive them from a Son of Paris the Son of Priam : but the humor of deriving all national originations from Troy , hath long since been hissed out of the School of Antiquity : The Berosus of John Annins bringeth them from one Paris King of the Celtae : and this authority is alike authentical : The bastards which this Annius imposed upon the ancient Writers , are now taught to know their own Fathers . Others deduce it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Greek word , importing boldness in speech , which is approved by William Breton in the first book of his Philippiades . Finibus egressi patriis per Gallica rura Sedem quaerebant ponendis maembus aptum : Et se Parisios dixerant , nomine Graeco : Quod sonat expositum nostris audacia , verbis . Leaving their native Soil , they sought through Gaule A place to build a City and a Wall : And call'd themselves Parisians : which in Greek Doth note a prompt audacity to speak . It is spoken of the Gaules , who coming out of the more Southern parts here planted themselves Neither is it improbable , that a Gallick Nation should assume unto it self a Greek name ; that language having taken good footing in these parts long before and sans time ; as himself testifieth in his Commentaries . How well this name agreeth with the French nature , I have already manifested , in the character of this people both Men and Women : But I will not stand to this Etymology . The names of great Cities are obscure , as those of their Founders : and the conjecturall derivations of them are oftentimes rather plausible than probable , and sometimes neither . As for the antiquity of it , it is said to have been built in the time of Amaziah King of Judah ; but this also is uncertain , the beginnings of ancient Cities being as dark and hidden as their names . Certain it is , that it is no puisne in the world , it being a strong and opulent Town in the dayes of Julius Caesar . The other name of the City , which indeed is the ancient , and was taken from the scituation of it , is Lu●etia from Lutum , Durt ; as being seated in an exceeding clammy and durty soyl . To this also consenteth the above named William of Breton in his said first book of his Philippiades , saying . — Quoniam tunc temporis illam Reddebat palus , & terrae pinguaedo lutosam Aptam Parisii posuere Lutetia nomen . And since the Fens and clammy soyl did make Their City dirty : for that reasons sake The Town the name Lutetia did take . As for the Etymology of Munster , who derived the name from Paris one of the Kings of Celtae , it may ( for ought that I know ) deservedly keep company with that of Berosus already recited . This name of Lutetia continued till the coming of the Franks into these parts , who to endear the Nation of the Parisii , and oblige them more faithfully to do them service , commanded it for ever after to be called Paris . But the scituation of the Town gave it not onely the name , it gave it also ( as the custom of Godfathers is in England ) a Christening gift , which is the riches of it , and by consequence the preeminence . In how delicate and flourishing a soyl it is scituate , I have already told you in my description of the valley of Montmorencie wherein it standeth . If you will beleive Comines in the first book of his History , he will tell you , that ( ' est la cite que iamais ie veisse environn●e de meilleux pais & plantureux : of all the Cities which ever he saw , it is environned with the best and fruitfullest Country . The River of Seine is also no question a great help to the enriching of it : though it be not navigable to the Town ; yet it giveth free passage unto Boats of an indifferent bigg burden ; into which the Ships are unladen , and so their commodities carryed up the water : A profitable entercourse between the Sea and the City for the Merchants . Of these Boats there are an infinite company , which ply up and down the water , and more indeed ( as the said Cominces is of opinion ) than any man can beleeve , that hath not seen them . It is in circuit ( as Boterus is of opinion ) twelve miles ; others judge it at ten : for my part I dare not guesse it to be above eight , and yet I am told by a French man that it was in compasse no less than fourteen Leagues within the Walls : an untruth bigger than the Towne . For figure it is circular ; that being ( according to the Geometricians ) of all figures the most capacious . And questionless if it be true that Vrbs non in maenibus sed in civibus posita est , Paris may chalenge as great a circuit , as the most of Europe ; it being little inferiour to the biggest for the multitude of her inhabitants . Joyn the compass and the populousness together , and you shall hear the wisest of the French men say , Que ce qu'est l' ame a la raisen , et la prunet a locit , cela mesme est Paris a la France . Adde to this the virdict of Charles the fifth , who being demanded which he thought to be the biggest City of France , answered Roven : and being then asked what he though of Paris , made answer , Vn Pàis , that it was a whole Country ; the Emperour did well to flatter Francis the first , who asked him these questions , and in whose power he then was : otherwise he might have given men good cause to suspect his judgement . The truth is that Paris is a fayr and goodly Town , yet withal it is no thing like the miracle that some make it . Were the figure of London altered , and all the houses of it cast into a ring , I dare able it a larger and more goodly Town than Paris , and that in the comparison , it may give it at the least half a mile oddes . For matter of strength and resistance certain it is , that this City is exceeding well seated , were it as well fortified . It lyeth in a plain flat and levell , and hath no hills nigh unto it , from which it can any way be annoyed : and for the casting and making of rowling Trenches , I think the soyle is hardly serviceable . If Art were no more wanting to the strengh of it than Nature , in mine opinion it might be made almost impregnable . Henry the fourth , seeing the present weakness of it , had once a purpose ( as it is said ) to have strenthened it according to the moderne Art of fortifications : but it went no further than the purpose . He was a great builder , and had may projects of Masonry in his head , which were little for his profit ; and this would have proved less than any : for besides the infinite sums of money , which would have been employed in so immense a work ; what had this been in effect , but to put a sword into a mad mans hand . The oft mutinies and seditions of this people hath made it little inferiour to Laigh , or Gaunt , the two most revolting Townes in Europe . And again , the Baracadoes against the person of King Henry the third , and the long resistance it made to himself being weak , were sufficient to instruct him , what might be expected from it by his Successors , when it should be strengthened and enabled to rebellion . The present strength of the Town then is not great , the walles being very weak and ruinous ; and those other few helps which it hath being little available for defence . The beautifullest part of the whole resistance is the Ditch , deep , praecipitate , and broad ; and to say no more of it , an excellent ward were there any thing else correspondent to it . As for the Fort next to St. Antonies gate called the Bastille , it is in my conceit too little to protect the Town , and too low to command it . When Swords onely and Pick-axes were in use , and afterwards in the infancy of Gunnes , it did some service in the Nature of of a Fortresse ; now it onely serveth as a Prison , principally for those of the greater sort , who will permit themselves to be taken . It is said to be built by the English , when they were Lords of Paris : and the Vulgar are all of this opinion . Others of the more learned sort , make it to be the work of one of the Provosts of the City Du Chesne calleth him Hugues Ambriott , in the time of Charles the fifth , when as yet the English had nothing to do here . The word Bastille in general is a Fortresse ; the article la prefixed before it maketh it a name , and appropriateth it to this building . There are also two little turrets just against the Gallery of the Louure on both sides of the Seine , intended for the defence of the River ; though now they are little able to answer that intention . They also are fathered on the English ; but how true I know not . Another place I marked , designed perhaps for a Rampart , but employed only at this time by Wind-mills : it is a goodly mount of earth , high and capacious , scituate close unto the gate called St. Martin , the most defensible part ( if well manned ) of all Paris . Thus is the strength of this Town ( as you see ) but small , and if Henry the fourth , lay so long before it with his Army , it was not because he could not take it , but because he would not : He was loath ( as Byron advised him , ) to receive the bird naked , which he expected with all his feathers : and this answer he gave to my Lord Willoughby , who undertook to force an entry into it . For the Streets they are made of a lawfull and competent bredth , well pitched under the foot with fair and large Pebble : This paving of it was the work of Philip Augustus , Anno 1223. or therebouts : before which time it could not but be miserably dirty , if not unpassable . As it now is , the least rain maketh it very slippery and troublesome , and as little a continuance of warm weather , stinking and poisononus : But whether this noysomness proceed from the nature of the ground , or the sluttishness of the people in their houses , or the neglect of the Magistrates in not providing a sufficiency of Scavingers , or all , I am not to determine . This I am confident of , that the nastiest Lane in London , is Frankincense and Juniter to the sweetest Street in this City . The ancient by-word was ( and there is good reason for it ) I l destaint come la fange de Paris . Had I the power of making Proverbs , I would only change I l destaint , into Il puit , and make the by-word ten times more Orthodoxe . I have spoken somewhat of the Fortifications of this Town , but they are but triflles : the only venome of the Streets is a strength unto it more powerful , than the ditches or the Bullwark of St. Martin , Morison in his Itinerary relateth how the Citizens of Prague in Bohemia were reparing the walls of the Town for fear of the Turks : but withal he addeth , that if the stink of the Streets kept him not thence , there was assurance to be looked for of the walls : I know not now how true it is of that City ; I am sure it may be justly verified upon this . It was therefore not injudiciously said of an English Gentleman , that he thought Paris was the strongest Town in Christendome : for he took strong in that sense , as we do in England , when we say , such a man hath a strong breath . These things considered , it could not but be an infinite happinesse granted by Nature to our Henry the fifth , that he never stopped his nose at any stink , as our Chronicles report of him ; otherwise in my conscience he had never been able to have kept his Court here . But that which most amazeth me is , that in such a perpetuated constancy of stinks , there should yet be found , so large and admirable a variety ; a variety so specifical and distinct , that any Chymicall nose ( I dare lay my life on it ) after two or three perambulations , would hunt out blindfold each several street by the smell ; as perfectly as another by his eye . A Town of a strange composition : one can hardly live in it in the Summer without poisoning , in the Winter without myring . For the Buildings , they are I confess very handsomly and uniformly set out to the street ward ; not unseemly in themselves and very suitable one with another : high and perpendicular , with windowes reaching almost from the top to the bottome . The houses of the new mould in London are just after their fashion , wherein the care and designe of our late Soveraigne King James , is highly to be magnified . Time and his good beginnings well seconded will make that City nothing inferiour for the beauty and excellency of her structures , to the gallantest of Europe . Insomuch that he might truly have said of his London what Augustus did of his Rome . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : as Dyon hath it , Vrbem quam lateritiam inveni marmoreum relenquo . But as London now is , the houses of it in the inside are both better contrived , and more richly furnished by farre , than those of Paris : the inward beautie and ornaments most commonly following the estate of the builders or owners . Their houses are distinguished by Signes , as with us , and under every signe there is printed in Capital Letters what signe it is : neither is it more than needs . The old shift off , This is a Cock , and This is a Bull , was never more requisite in the infancy of Painting , than in this City , for so hideously , and so without resemblance to the thing signified , are most of these Pencill Works , that I may without danger say of them as Psuedalus implautus doeh of the Letter which was written from Phaenicium to his young Mr. Callidorus : An absecro herclé habent quoque gallinae manus : nam has quidem gallina scripsit . If a Hen would not scrape better Portraictures in a Dunghil , than they have hanged up before their doors , I would send her to my Hostesse of Tostes , to be executed . And indeed generally the Artificers of Paris are as slovenly in their Trades , as in their houses ; yet you may find nimble dancers , pretty Fidlers for a toy , and a Taylor that can trick you up after the best and newest fashion . Their Cutlers make such abominable and fearfull knives as would grieve a mans heart to see them ; and the Glovers are worse than they : you would imagine by their Gloves , that the hand for which they were made were cut off by the wrest ; yet on the other side , they are very perfect at Tooth-picks , Beard-brushes , and ( which I hold the most commendable Art of them ) the cutting of a Seal . Their Mercers are but one degree removed from a Pedler ; such as in England we call Chapmen ; that is , a Pedler with a shop : and for Goldsmiths there is little use for them , Glasses there being most in request ; both because neat and because cheap : I perswade my self that the two several ranks of shops in Cheapside , can show more Plate , and more variety of Mercery warres , good and rich , than three parts of Paris . Merchants they have but not many ; and those which they have not very wealthy . The River ebbs not and floweth , not nigher them than fifteen miles or thereabouts ; and the Boats which thence serve the City , be no bigger than our Westren Barges . The principal means by which the people do subsist , are the Court of the King , most time held amongst them , and the great resort of Advodates and Clients , to the Chambers of Parliament : without these two crutches the Town would get a vile halting , and perhaps be scarce able to stand . What the estates of some of the wealthiest Citizens may amount to , I cannot say : yet I dare conjecture it not to be superfluous . The Author of the Book entitled Les estats du monde reckoneth it for a great mervail , that some of our London Merchants should be worth 100000. Crownes : we account that estate amongst us not to be so wonderful ; and may hence safely conclude , that they which made a Prodegy of so little , are not much worth themselves . If you beleeve their apparrel , you may perhaps be perswaded otherwise , that questionless speaketh no less than Millions ; though like it is , that when they are in their best clothes , they are in the middle of their estate . But concernig the ridiculous bravery of the poor Parisian , take along with you this story . Upon our first coming into Paris , there came to visit a German Lord , whom we met a Ship-board , a couple of French Gallants , his acquaintance : the one of them ( for I did not much observe the other ) had a suit of Turkey Grogram dublet with Taffaty , cut with long slashes and carbonadoes after the French fashion , and belayed with bugle lace ; through the opening of his dublet appeared his shirt , of the Purest Holland , and wrought with curious needle-work ; the points of his wast and knees all edged with a silver edging , his Garters Roses and Hatband sutable to his points ; a Beaver hat , and a pare of silk Stokings : his Cloak also of Turkey Grogram cut upon black Taffaty : This Lord ( for who would have dared to guesse him other ) applied himself to me , and perceiving my ignorance in the French , accosted me in Latine , which he spake indifferently well . After some discourse he took notice of mine eyes which were then sore , and Sea sick ; and promised me , if I would call on him at his lodging the next morning , to give me a water which suddenly would restore them to their strength and vigor ; I humbled thanked his Lordship , for such an ineffable and immerited favour , in the best complement and greatest abaisance I could devise . It was not for nought thought I , that our English extoll so much , the humanity of this people : Nay I began to accuse report of envy , as not having published the one half of their graces and affabilities . Quantillum enim virtutum istarum famâ acceperam . And thus taking my leave of his Honour , I greedily expected the next morning : the morning come , and the hour of visitting his Lordship almost at hand , I sent a Servant to fetch a Barbar to combe me , and make me neat , as not knowing what occasion I might have of seeing his Lady , or his Daughters : upon the return of the messenger , presently followed His Altitude , and bidding me sit down in the chair , he disburdened one of his pockets , ( quis hoc credat nisi sit proteste vetustas ) of a case of instruments , and the other of a bundle of linnen . Thus accomodated he falleth to work about me , to the earning of a quart descu : in my life I had never more ado to hold in my laughter : and certainly had not an anger or vexation at mine own folly , in casting away so much humble rhetorick the night before upon him , somewhat troubled me , I should either have laught him out of his fine suit , or have broke my heart in the restraint , Quid Domini facient , audent cum talia fures . If a Barber may thus be taken in suspicion for a Lord : no doubt but a Mercer may be accused for a Marquesse . CHAP. II. Paris divided into four parts . The Faulx Bourgs in general . Of the Pest house . The Faulx Bourg , and Abbey of St. Germain . The Queene Mothers house there : her purpose never to reside in it . Of the Town and Government of Paris . The Provost of Merchands , and his Authority . The Armes of the Towne . The Grand Castellet . The Arcenal . The place Royall , &c. The Vicounty of Paris , and the Provosts seven Daughters . THey which write of Lusitania , divide it into three parts ; viz. Vlteriorum , lying beyond Duerus North. Citerioram , lying from Tagus , south ; and Interamnem , scituate betwixt both the Rivers . Paris is seated just as that Province , and may in a manner admit the same division ; for the River of Seine , doth there disperse it self , that it hath divided the French Metropolis into three parts also , viz. Citeriorem lying on this side the River which they call la Ville , the Towne ; Vlteriorem , lying beyond the further branch of it , which they call l' université ; and Interamnem scituate between both the streames , in a little Island which they call la Ceté . To these adde the Suburbs , or ( as they call them ) the Faulx Bourgs : and you have in all four parts of Paris . These Faulx bourgs are not incorporated into the Town , or joyned together with it , as the Suburbs of London are unto that Citie : they stand severed from it a pretty distance , and appear what indeed they are , a distinct body from it . For the most part the houses in them are old and ruinous ; yet the Faulx bourg of St. Jacques is in pretty good fashion , and the least unsightly of them all except St. Germain : The Faulx bourg of St. Martin also hath somewhat to commend it , which is , that the great Pest house built by Henry the fourth , is within the precincts of it . A House built quadrangular-wise , very large and capacious ; and seemeth to such as stand afarre off it ( for it is not safe venturing nigh it or within it ) to be more like the Pallace of a King , then the Kings Pallace it self . But the principallest of all the Suburbs is that of St. Germain , a place lately repared , full of divers stately houses , and in bigness little inferiour to Oxford . It took name from the Abbey of St. Germain , seated in it , built by Childebert the son of Clovis , Anno 542. in the honour of St. Vincint . Afterward it got the name of St. Germain , a Bishop of Paris , whose body was there buried , and at whose instigation it had formerly been founded . The number of the Monkes was enlarged to the number of 120. by Charles the bald , ( he began his raigne Anno 841. ) and so they continue till this day . The present Abbot is Henry of Burbon , Bishop of Metz , base son unto Henry the fourth : He is by his place Lord of all the goodly Suburbs , hath the power of levying taxes upon his Tennants , and to him accrew all the profits of the great fayre holden here every February . The principall house in it , is that of the Queen Mother , not yet fully built ; the Gallery of it , which possesseth all the right side of the square , is perfectly finished , and said to be a most royall and majestical piece : the further part also opposite to the gate is finished , so farre forth as concerning the outside and strength of it : the ornamentall part and trapping of it , being not yet added : when it is absolutely consummate , if it hold proportion with the two other sides both within and without , it will be a Pallace for the elegancy and politeness of the fabrick , not fellowed in Europe . A Pallace answerable to the greatness of her mind that built it ; yet it is by divers conjectured , that her purpose is never to reside there ; for which cause the building goeth slowly forward : for when upon the death of her great Privado , the Marquiss d' Ancre ( on whom she bestowed much of her grace and favour ) she was removed to Blois , those of the opposite faction in the Court , get so strongly into the favour of the King , that not without great struggling of those of her party , and the hazard of two Civil Warres , she obtained her former neerness to his Majesty . She can see by this what to trust to , should her absence leave the Kings mind any way prepared for new impressions . Likely therefore it is , that she will rather choose to leave her fine house unhabited ( further than on occasions for a Banquet ) then give the least opportunity to stagger her greatness . This house is called Luxembourg Pallace , as being built in a place of an old house , belonging to the Dukes of that Province . The second house of note in this Suburb , is that of the Prince of Condé , to whom it was given by the Queene Mother , in the first year of her Regency . The Town of Paris is that part of it which lyeth on this side of the hithermost branch of the Seine towards Picardie : what was spoken before in the general , hath its reference to this particular , whether it concernes the sweetness of the streets , the manner of the building , the furniture of the Artificer , or the like . It conteineth in it thirteen Parish Churches , viz. 1. St. Germainde l' Auxerre 2. St. Eustace . 3. les St. Innocents . 4. St. Sauveur . 5. St. Nicholas des Champs . 6. le Sepulchre . 7. St. Jacques de la boucherie . 8. St. Josse . 9. St. Mercy . 10· St. Jean , 11. St. Gervase et St. Protasse . 12. St. Paul. 13. St. Jean de ronde . It hath also in it seven Gates , sc . 1. St. Anthony upon the side of the River near unto the Arcenal . 2. Porte du Temple . 3. St. Martin . 4. St. Denis . 5. Porte Montmartre . 6. St. Honore . 7. Porte neufue ; so called because it was built since the others , which joyneth hard by the Tuilleries the Garden of the Louure . The principall Governour of Paris , as also of the whole Isle of France , is the Duke of Mont-bazon , who hath held the office ever since the year , 1619. when it was surrendred by Luines , but he little medleth with the City . The particular Governours of it are the two Provosts , the one called le Provost de Paris , the other le Provost des Merchands : The Provost of Paris , determineth all causes between Citizen and Citizen , whether they be crimical or civil : the office is for term of life : the place of judgement the Grand Castellet . The present Provost is called Mr. Sequse , and is by birth of the Nobilitie ; as all which are honoured with this office must be : He hath as his Assistants three Leiutenants : the Leiutenant Criminal , which judgeth in matters of life and death : the Leiutenant Civil , which desideth causes of debt or trespasse between party and party : and the Leiutenant perticulier , who supplyeth their several places in their absence . There are also necessarily required to this Court , the Procareur and the Advocate , or the Kings Solicitor and Atturney : twelve Counsellers , and of under Officers more than enough . This Office is said to have been erected in the time of Lewis the Son of Charles the great . In matters criminal there is an Appeale admitted from hence to the Attornelle . In matters Civil , if the summe exceed the value of 250. Liures to the great Chamber , or le grand Chambre in the Court of Parliament . The Provost of the Merchands and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus , who began his raigne Anno 1290. His office is to conserve the liberties and indulgences granted to the Merchants , and Artificers of the Citie , to have an eye over the sales of Wine , Corn , Wood , Coal , &c. and to impose Taxes on them : to keep the keyes of the Gates , to give the watch word in time of warre : to grant Passports to such as are willing to leave the Town ▪ and the like . There are also four other Officers joyned unto him ; Eschevins they call them , who also carry a great sway in the Citie . There are moreover Assistants to them in their proceedings ; yea the Kings Solicitor , ( or Procureur ) and twenty four Counsellers . To compare this Corporation with that of London : the Provost is as the Mayor : the Eschevins as the Sheriffs : the twenty four Counsellers , as the Aldermen : and the Procureur as the Recorder . I omit the under Officers whereof here there is no scarcity . The place of their meeting is called l' hostelle de ville , or the Guild Hall. The present Provost , Mr de Gri●ux ; his habit as also that of the Eschevins and Counsellers , half red , half sky coloured , the Citie Leveries with an Hood of the same . This Provost is as much above the other in power , as men which are loved commonly are above those which are feared . This Provost the people willingly , yea sometimes factiously obey ; as the Conservator of their Liberties : the other they only dread as the Judges of their lives ; and the Tyrants of their estates . To shew the power of this Provost both for and with the people against their Princes , you may please to take notice of two instances , for the people , against Philip devalois Anno 1349. when the said King desiring an impost of one liure in five Crownes , upon all wares sold in Paris , ( for his better managing his warres against the English ) could obtain it but for one year onely ; and that not without especial Letters reservall , that it should no way incommodate their priviledges : which the people Anno 1357. when King John was prisoner in England , and Charles the Daulphine , afterwards the fifth of that name , laboured his ransome among the Parisiens , for then Steven Marcell attended by the vulgar Citizens , not onely brake open the Daulphin●s Chamber , but slew John de Confluns , and Robert of Chermont , two Marshalls of France before his face . Nay to adde yet further insolencies to this , he took his parti-coloured hood off his head , putting it on the Daulphins , and all that day wore the Daulphines hat being a brown black , pour signal de sa Dictateur , as the token of his Dictatorship . And which is more than all this , he sent the Daulphin cloath to make him a Cloak and Hood of the Cities Liverie ; and compelled him to avow the Massacre of his Servants above named , as done by his command : Horrible insolencies ! Quam miserum est eum haec impunè pacere potuisse , as Tullie of Marc. Antonius . The Arms of the Town , as also of the Corporation of the Provost and Eschevins are Gules , a Ship Argent , a Cheife poudred with Flower de Luces Or. The seat or place of their Assemblies is called ( as we said ▪ ) Hostel de Ville or the Guild-hall . It was built or rather finisht by Francis the first , Anno 1533. and since beautified and repaired by Francis Miron once Provost des Merchands , and afterwards privy Counsellor to the King. It standeth on one side of the Greue , which is the publike place of the Execution , and is built quadrangular-wise , all of free and polished stone , evenly and orderly laid-together . You ascend by thirty or forty steps fair and large , before you come to the quadrate , and thence by several stairs into the several rooms and chambers of it , which are very neatly contrived and richly furnished . The grand Chastelet is said to have been built by Julian the Apostata , at such time as he was Governour of Gaul . It was afterwards new built by Philip Augustus , and since repaired by Lewis the twelfth . In which time of repaitation the Provost of Paris kept his Court in the Palace of the Louure . To sight it is not very graceful , what it may be within I know not . Certain it is , that it looketh far more like a Prison ( for which use it also serveth ) than a Town Hall or seat of judgement . In this part of Paris , called la Ville or the Town , is the Kings Arcenal or Magazin of War. It carrieth not any great face of majesty on the outside ; neither indeed is it necessary : Such places are most beautiful without when they are most terrible within . It was begun by Henry the second , finished by Charles the ninth , and since augmented by Mr. Rhosme great Master of the Artillery . It is said to contain an hundred field peices and their Carriage ; and also armour sufficient for ten thousand Horses , and fifty thousand Foot. In this part also of Paris is that excellent pile of building , called the Place Royal , built partly at the charges , and partly at the encouragement of Henry the fourth . It is built after the form of a Quadrangle , every side of the square being in length seventy two fathoms ; the materials brick of divers colours , which make it very pleasant , though less durable . It is cloystered round just after the fashion of the Royall Exchange in London ; the walks being paved under foot . The houses of it are very fair and large , every one having its garden and other out-lets . In all they are thirty six , nine on a side , and seemed to be sufficiently capable of a great retinue . The Ambassadour for the State of Venice lying in one of them . It is scituate in that place , whereas formerly the solemn tiltings were performed . A place famous and fatal for the death of Henry the second , who was here slain with the splinter of a Launce , as he was running with the Earl of Mountgomery , a Scottish man. A sad and heavy accident . To conclude this discourse of the Ville or Town of Paris , I must wander a little out of it ; because the power and command of the provost saith that it must be so : For his authority is not confined within the Town , he hath seven Daughters on which he may exercise it , Les sept filles de la Propaste de Paris , as the French call them . These seven Daughters are seven Bayliwicks comprehended within the Vicointe of Paris : Viz. 1. Poissy . 2. St. Germanenlay . 3. Tornon . 4. Teroiene Brie . 5. Corbeil . 6. Moutherrie : and the 7. Gennesseen France . Over these his jurisdiction is extended , though not as Provost of Paris . Here he commandeth and giveth judgement as Leiutenant Civil to the Duke of Mont-bâzon , or the supreme Governour of Paris and the Isle of France for the time being ; yet this Leiutenancy being an Office perpetually annexed to the Provostship , is the occasion that the Bayliwicks above named are called , Les sept filles de la Provaste . CHAP. VI. The Universitie of Paris , and Founders of it . Of the Colledges in general : Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them : The small maintenance allowed to Schollars in the Universities of France . The great Colledge at Tholoza . Of the Colledge of the Sorbone in particular , That and the House of Parliament the cheif bulwarks of the French liberty . Of the policy nnd government of the Universtty . The Rector and his precedency . The disordered life of the Schollars there being . An Apology for Oxford and Cambridge . The priviledges of the Scholars : Theer Degrees , &c. THis part of Paris which lieth beyond the furthermost branch of the Seine is called the University . It is little inferior to the Town for bigness , and less superior to it in sweetness or opulency ; whatsoever was said of the whole in general , was intended to this part also as well as the others . All the learning in it being not able to free it from those inconveniencies wherewith it is distressed : It containeth in it onely six parish Churches , the paucity whereof is supplied by the multitude of religious houses which are in it . These six Churches , are called by the names , St. Nicholas du' Chardomere . 2. St. Estienne at this time in repairing . 3. St. Severin . 4. St. Bennoist . 5. St. Andre : and the 6. St. Cosme . It hath also eight Gates ; 1. Porte de Nesse , by the water side , over against the Louure . 2. Porte de Bucy . 3. St. Germain . 4. St. Michell . 5. St. Jacques . 6. St. Marcell . 7. St. Victor : and the 8. Porte de la Tornelle . It was not accounted as a distinct member of Paris , or as the third part of it , until the year 1304. at which time the Scholars having lived formerly dispersed about the City , began to settle themselves together in this place , and so to become a peculiar Corporation . The Vniversity was founded by Charles the great , Anno 791. at the perswosion of Al'uine an Oxford man , and the Scholar Venerable Bede , who brought with him three of his condisciples to be the first Readers there . Their names were Rabbanus Maurus , John Duns surnamed Scotus , Claudus , who was also called Clement . To these four doth the Vniversity of Paris owe its original and first rudiments . Neither was this the first time that England had been the School-master unto France : we lent them not onely their first Doctors in Divinity and Philosophy ; but from us also did they receive the mysteries of their Religion when they were Heathens . Disciplina in Britannia reperta ( saith Julius Caesar Com. 6. ) atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur : an authority not to be questioned by any but by a Caesar . Learning thus new born at Paris continued not long in any full vigor ; for almost three hundred years it was fallen into a deadly trance , and not here onely , but almost through the greatest part of Europe . Anno 1160 ▪ or thereabouts , Peter Lambard Bishop of Paris , the first Author of Scholastical Divinity ; and by his followers called the Master of the Sentences , received it here in this , by the favour and incouragement of Lewis the seventh . In his own house were the Lectures first read : and after as the number of Students did encrease , in sundry other parts of the Town . Colledges they had none till the year 1304. the Schollars sojourning in the houses of the Citizens , accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment . But Anno 1304. Joan Queen of Navarre Wife to Philip the fair , built that Colledge , which then and ever since hath been called the Colledge of Navarre ; and it is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest : Non ibi consistunt exempla ubi caeperunt , sed intenuem accepta tramitem la●issima evaganoi viam sibi faciunt , as Velleius : This good example ended not in twenty it self : but invited diverse others of the French Kings and people to the erecting of convenient places of study : so that in process of time Paris became enriched with fifty two Colledges : so many it still hath , though the odd fourty are little serviceable to Learning : For in twelve onely of them is there any publike reading , either in Divinity or Philosophy . These twelve are the Colledges of 1. Harcourte . 2. Caillve , or the petit Sorbonne . 3. Liseuer , or Cerovium . 4. Boncorrte . 5. Montague . 6. Les Marche . 7. Navarre . 8. De le Cardinal de Noyne . 9. Le Plessis . 10. De Beavis . 11. La Sorbonne . 12. De Clermont , or the Colledge of the Jesuits . There are also publike readings in the houses of the four Orders of Mendicant Friers : Viz. the Carmelites , the Augustines , the Franciscans , or Cordeliers , and the Dominicans . The other Colledges are destinate to other uses : That of Arras is converted to an house of English Fugitives : and there is another of them hard by the gate of Jacques employed for the reception of the Irish : in others of them there is Lodging allotted out to Students , who for ther instruction have resort to some of the twelve Colledges above mentioned . In each of these Colledges there is a Rector , most of whose places yeild them but small profit . The greatest commodity which accreweth to them is raised from Chamber-rents : their Preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford : or that of a Treasurer in an Inne of Chancery in London . At the first erection of their Colledges they were all prohibited marriage , though I see little reason for it : There can hardly come any inconvenience or damage by it unto the Scholars under their charge , by assuming of leases into their own hands , for I think few of them have any to be so embezelled : Anno 1520. or thereabouts , it was permitted to such of them as were Doctors in Physick ; that they might marry ; the Cardinal of Toute-ville , Legate in France giving to them that indulgence . Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Laws petitioned the Vniversity for the like priviledge , which in fine was granted to them : and confirmed by the Court of Parliament . The Doctors of Divinity are the onely Academicals now barred from it , and that not as Rectors but as Preists . These Colledges for their building are very inelegant and generally little beholding to the curiosity of the Artificer . So confused and so ill proportioned in respect of our Colledges in England ; as Exeter in Oxford was some twelve years since in comparison of the rest ; or as the two Temples in London now are in reference to Lincolns Inne . The Revenues of them are sutable to the Fabricks , as mean and curtailed : I could not learn of any Colledge that hath greater allowances than that of the Sorbonne , and how small a trifle that is , we shall tell you presently . But this is not the poverty of the Vniversity of Paris onely , all France is troubled with the same want of encouragements in learning : Neither are the Academies of Germany in any happier estate ; which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times , having been here in England , and seen Cambridge , to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance : Vnum Collegium Cantabrigiense ( confidenter dicam ) superat vel decem nostra . It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings , in which sense he spake it , but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the Revenues . Yet I was given to understand , that at Tholoza there was amongst twenty Colledges one of an especial quality , and so indeed it is if rightly considered . There are said to be in it twenty Students places ( or Fellowships as we call them ) The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito six thousand F lorens or Liures , to stay there onely six years ; in the mean time to enjoy the profits of the House , & at the 6 , years end to have his 6000. Liures paid unto him by Successor : Vendere jure potest , emerat ille prius . A pretty Market . The Colledge of Sorbonni ( which indeed is the glory of this Vniversity ) Was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the Chamber to Lewit the ninth , of whom he was very well beloved . It consisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity : neither can any of another profession , nor any of the same profession , not so graduated , be admitted unto it . At this time their number is about seventy , their allowance a pint of Wine ( their pint being but a thought less than our quart ) and a certain quantity of bread daily . Meat they have none allowed them , unless they pay for it ; but they pay not so much : for five Sols ( which amounteth to six pence English ) a day they challenge a competency of flesh or fish to be served to them at their Chambers . These Doctors have the sole power & authority in conferring degrees in Divinity : The Rector and other Officers in the University having nothing to do in it . To them alone belongeth the examination of the Students in that faculty : the approbation and bestowing of the honours : and to their Lectures do all such assiduously repair as are that way minded . All of them in their turns discharge this office of reading and that by six in a day , three of them making good the Pulpit in the forenoon , and as many in the afternoon . These Doctors also are accounted together with the Parliament of Paris , the principal pillars of the French liberty ; whereof indeed they are exceeding jealous , as well in matters Ecclesiastical as Civil . When Gerson Chancellor of Paris ( he died Anno 1429. ) had published a book in approbation of the Council of Constance , where it was enacted , that the authority of the Council was greater than that of the Pope ; the Sorbonne Doctors declared that also to be their doctrine . Afterwards when Lewis the eleventh , to gratifie Pope Pius the second , purposed to abolish the force of the Pragmatick Sanction , the Sorbonnists in the behalf of the Church Gallican and the Vniversity of Paris magnis obsistebant animis ( saith Sleidan in his Commentary ) & a papâ provacabant ad Concilium . The Council unto which they appealed was that of Basil , where that Sanction was made : So that by this appeal they verified their former Thesis , that the Council was above the Pope . And not long since , Anno , viz. 1613. casually meeting with a Book written by Becanus entituled , Controversia Anglicana de potestate Regis & Papae , they called an Assembly and condemned it . For though the Main of it were against the power and supremacy of the King of England , yet did it reflect also on the authority of the Pope over the Christian Kings by the by ; which occasioned the sentence . So jealous are they of the least circumstances , in which the immunity of their Nation may be endangered . As for the government of the Vniversity , it hath for its cheif Director , a Rector , with a Chancellor , four Procurators or Proctors , and as many others whom they call his Intrantes to assist him ; besides the Regents . Of these the Regents are such Masters of the Arts , who are by the consent of the rest selected to read the publike Lectures of Logick and Philosophy . Their name they derive a regendo , eo quod in artibus rexerint . These are divided into four Nations : Viz. 1. The Norman . 2. The Picard . 3. The Germain . 4. The French. Under the two first are comprehended the Students of those several Provinces ; under the third the Students of all Forrain Nations , which repair hither for the attainment of knowledge . It was heretofore called Natio Anglica : but the English being thought unworthy of the honour , because of their separation from the Church of Rome , the name and credit of it was given to the Germains . That of the French is again subdivided into two parts ; that which is immediately within the Diocess of Paris , and the rest of Gallia : these four Nations ( for notwithstanding the subdivision above mentioned , the French Nation is reckoned but as one ) choose yearly four Proctors or Procurators , so called , Quia negotia nationis suae procurant . They choose also four other Officers , whom they call les Intrants , in whose power there remaineth the delegated authority of their several Nations . And here it is to be observed , that in the French Nation the Procurator and Intrant is one year of the Diocess of Paris , and the following year of the rest of France , the reason why that Nation is subdivided : These four Intrants thus named have amongst them the election of their Rector , who is their supreme Magistrate . The present Rector is Mr. Tarrisnus of the Colledge of Harcourte , a Master of the Arts , for a Doctor is not capable of the office . The honour lasteth onely three moneths ; which time expired , the Intrants proceed to a new election ; though oftentimes it happeneth , that the same hath the lease of his authority renewed . Within the confines of the University he taketh place next after the Princes of the Bloud : and at the publike exercises of Learning before the Cardinals ; otherwise he giveth them the precedency . But to Bishops and Arch-bishops he will not grant it upon any occasion . It was not two moneths before my being there , that there happened a shrewd controversie about it . The King had then summoned an assembly of twenty five Bishops of the Provinces adjoyning , to consult about some Church affairs ; and they had chosen the Colledge of Sorbonne to be their Senate-House : When the first day of their sitting came , a Doctor of the House being appointed to preach before them , began his Oration with Reverendissime Rector & vos Amplissimi Praesulei . Here the Arch-bishop of Roven , a man of an high spirit interrupted him , and commanded him to invert his stile . He obeyed , and presently the Rector riseth up with Impono tibi silentium , which is an Injunction within the compass of his power . Upon this , the Preacher being tongue-tied , the controversie grew hot between the Bishops and the Rector , both parties very eagerly pleading their own priority . All the morning being almost spent in this altercation ; a Cardinal wiser than the rest , desired that their question for that time might be laid aside , and that the Rector would be pleased to permit the Doctor to deliver his Sermon , beginning it without any Praeludium at all . To which request the Rector yeilded ; and so the contention at that time was ended . But Salus Academiae non vertitur in istis . It were more for honour and profit of the Vniversity , if the Rector would leave of to be so mindful of his place , and look a little to his office ; for certainly the eye and utmost diligence of a Magistrate was never wanting more ; and yet more necessary in this place . Penelopes suiters never behaved themselves so insolently in the house of Vlisses , as the Academicks here do in the houses and streets of Paris . Nos numerus sumus & fruges consumere nati Sponsi Penelopes , nebulones , Alcinoque , &c. Was never the mouth of any of these ; when you hear of their behaviour you would think you were in Turkey , and that these men were the Janizaries : For an Angel given among them to drink , they will arrest whom you shall appoint them ; double the money , and they will break open his house , and ravish him into Gaole ; I have not heard that they can be hired to a murder , though nothing be more common amongst them than killing , except it be stealing . Witness those many Carcasses which are found dead in a morning , whom a desire to secur themselves , and make resistance to their pillages , hath ( onely ) made earth again . Nay , which is most horrible , they have regulated their villanous practises into a Common-wealth , and have their Captains and other Officers , who command them in their night walks and dispose of their purchases . To be a Gypsie , and a Scholar of Paris are almost Synonime's . One of their Captains had in one week ( for no longer would the gallows let him enjoy his honour ) stoln no fewer than eighty Cloaks : Nam fuit Autolei tam piceata manus ? For these thefts being apprehended , he was adjudged to the wheel ; but because the Judges were informed . that during the time of his raign he had kept the hands of himself and his company unpolluted with bloud , he had the favour to be hanged . In a word , this ungoverned rabble ( whom to call Scholars were to prophane the title ) omit no outrages or turbulent misdemeanours which possibly can be , or were ever known to be committed in a place , which consisteth meerly of priviledge and nothing of statute . I could heartily wish , that those , who are so ill conceited of their own two Vniversities , Oxford and Cambridge , and accuse them of dissolutions in their behaviour , would either spend some time in the Schools beyond Seas , or enquire what news abroad of those which have seen them ; then would they doubtless see their own errors and correct them ; then would they admire the regularity and civility of those places , which before they condemned of debauchedness : then would they esteem those places as the seminaries of modesty and vertue , which they now account as the nurseries onely of an impudent rudeness . Such an opinion I am sure , some of the Aristarchi of these dayes have lodged in their breasts concerning the misgoverning of our Athens . Perhaps a Kinsman of theirs hath played the unthrift equally of his time and his money : Hence their malice to it , and their invectives against it . Thus of old . — Pallas exurere classem Argivum atque ipsos potuit submergere ponto Vnius ob noxam & furias Aiacis Oilei . An injustice more unpardonable than the greatest sin of the Vniversities . But I wrong a good cause with an unnecessary patronage , yet such is the peccant humour of some , that they know not how to expiate the follies of some one , but with the calumny and dispraise of all . An unmanly weakness , and yet many possessed with it . I know it is impossible , that in a place of youth and liberty , some should not give occasion of offence . The Ark , wherein there were eight persons onely , was not without one Canaan : And of the twelve which Christ had chosen one was a Devil . It were then above a miracle , if amongst so full a Cohort of young Souldiers none should forsake the Ensign of his General : He notwithstanding that should give the imputation of cowardise to the whole Army , cannot but be accounted malitious or peevish . But let all such as have evil will at Sion live unregarded , and die unremembred for want of some Sciolar to write their Epitaph . Certainly a man not wedded to envy and a spiteful vexation of spirit , upon a due examination of our Lycaea , and a Comparison of them abroad with those abroad , cannot but say , and that justly , Non habent Academiae Anglicanae pares , nisi seipsas . The principal cause of the rudeness and disorders in Paris had been cheifly occasioned by the great priviledges where with the Kings of France intended the furtherance and security of Learning . Having thus let them get the bridle in their own hands , no marvel if they grow sick with an uncontrouled licentiousness . Of these priviledges some are , that no Scholars goods can be seized upon for the payments of his debts : that none of them should be liable to any taxes or impositions : ( a Royal immunity to such as are acquainted with France ; ) that they might carry and recarry their utensiles without the least molestation : that they should have the Provost of Paris to be the Keeper and Defender of their Liberties , who is therefore stiled , Le conservateur despriviledges Royaux de le Vniversite de Paris , &c. One greater priviledge they have yet than all these ; which is their soon taking of degrees . Two years seeth them both novices in the Arts , and Master of them : so that enjoying by their degrees an absolute freedom , before the fol●ies and violencies of youth are broken in them , they become so unruly and insolent as I have told you· These degrees are conferred on them by the Chancellor , who seldom examineth further of them than hss Fees. Those paid , he presenteth them to the Rector , and giveth them their Letters Patents sealed with the Vniversities seal , which is the main part of the Creation . He also setteth the Seal to the Authentical Letters ( for so they term them ) of such whom the Sorbonists have passed for Doctors . The present Chancellor is named Petrus de Piere Vive , Doctor of Divinity , and Chanoin of the Church of Nostre-dame ( as also are all they which enjoy that Office. ) He is chosen by the Bishop of Paris , and taketh place of any under that dignity . But of this ill managed Vniversity enough , if not too much . CHAP. VII . The City of Paris in the place of old Lutetia : The bridges which joyn it to the Town , and University : King Henries statua : Alexanders injurious policy . The Church and Revenues of Nostre-Dame . The holy Water there , the original making and vertue of it . The Lamp before the Altar . The heathenishness of both customs . Paris best seen from the top of the Church : The great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder . The baptizing of Bels. The grand Hospital and decency of it . The place Daulphin : the holy Chappel and Reliques there . What the Ancients thought of Reliques . The Exchange . The little Chastelet . A transition to thc Parliament . THe Isle of Paris commonly called Isle de palais seated between the Vniversity and the Town , is that part of the whole , which is called la Cite the City : The Epitome and abstract of all France : It is the sweetest and best ordered part of Paris ; and certainly if Paris may be thought the eye of the Realm , this Island may equally be judged the apple of the eye . It is by much the lesser part , and by as much the richer , by as much the decenter , and affordeth more variety of delightful objects than both the other . It containeth an equal number of parish Churches with the Town , and double the number with the Vniversity . For it hath in it thirteen Churches parochial : Viz. 1. La Magdalene . 2. St. Geniveue des Ardents . 3. St. Christofer . 4. St. Pierre aux boeafs . 5. St. Marine . 6. St. Landry . 7. St. Symphoryan . 8. St. Denis de la charite . 9. St. Bartellemie . 10. St. Pierre des Assis . 11. St. Croix . 12. St. Marcial . 13. St. German le Vieux . Seated it is in the middle of the Seine , and in that place where stood the old Lutetia . Labienus cum quatuor legionibus ( saith Julius Caesar 7. Comment . ) Lutetiam proficiscitur , id est oppidum Parisioram positum in medio flumin●s Sequanae , it is joyned to the Main Land , and the other parts of this French Metropolis by six bridges , two of wood and four of stone . The stone bridges are , 1. Le petit pont , a bridge which certainly deserveth the name . 2. Le pont de Nostre-Dame , which is all covered with two goodly ranks of houses , and those adorned with portly and antick imagery . 3. Le pont St. Michell , ( so called , because it leadeth towards the gate of St. Michell ) hath also on each side a beautiful row of houses all of the same fashion so exactly , that but by their several doors you could scarce think them to be several houses . They are all new , as being built in the raign of this present King ; whose Armes is engraven over every door of them . The fourth and last bridge is that which standeth at the end of the Isle next the Louure , and covereth the waters now united into one stream . It was begun to be built by Katherine of Medices the Queen Mother , Anno 1578. her Son King Henry the third laying the first stone of it . The finishing of it was reserved to Henry the fourth , who as soon as he had settled his affairs in this Town , presently sent the workmen about it . In the end of it , where it joyneth to the Town , there is a Water house , which by artificial engines forceth up waters from a fresh spring rising from under the River , done at the charges of the King also . In the midst of it is the Statua of the said Henry the fourth all in brass , mounted upon his barbed Steed of the same mertal . They are both of them very unproportionable to those bodies which they represent , and would shew them big enough were they placed upon the top of Nostre-dame Church : What minded King Lewis to make his Father of so Gigantine a stature I cannot tell . Alexander at his return from his Indian expedition scattered armours , swords , and horse-bits far bigger than were serviceable , to make future ages admire his greatness : Yet some have hence collected , that the acts he performed are not so great as is reported , because he strived to make them seem greater than they were . It may also chance to happen , that men in the times to come , comparing the atchievements of this King with his brasen portraiture , may think that the Historians have as much belyed his valour , as his Statuary hath his person . A ponte ad pontifices . From the bridge proceed we to the Church : the principal Church of Paris being that of Nostre-dame . A Church very uncertain of its first Founder ; though some report him to be St. Savinian , of whom I can meet with no more than his name . But whoever laid the first foundation it much matters not , all the glory of the work being now cast on Philip Augustus , who pittying the ruines of it , began to build it Anno 1196. It is a very fair and awful building , adorned with a very beautiful front , and two towers of especial height . It is in length 174. paces , and sixty in breadth , and is said to be as many paces high , and that the two towers are seventy yards higher than the rest of his Church . At your first entrance on the right hand , is the Effigies of St. Christopher with our Saviour on his shoulders : A man the Legend maketh him , as well as the Mason , of a Gigantine stature , though of the two the Masons workmanship is the more admirable ; his being cut out all of one Fair stone , that of the Legendary being patched up of many fabulous & ridiculous shreeds . It hath in it four ranks of pillars 30 in a rank , and forty five little Chappels , or Mass-closets , built between the outermost range of pillars and the wals . This is the seat of the Arch-bishop of Paris , for such now he is . It was a Bishoprick onely till the year 1622. when Pope Gregory the fifteenth at the request of King Lewis raised it to a Metropolitanship . But beside the addition of Honour , I think the present Incumbent hath got nothing either in precedency or profit . He had before a necessary voyce in the the Courts of Parliament , and took place immediately after the Presidents , he doth no more now . Before he had the priority of all the Bishops , and now he is but the last of all the Arch-bishops . A preferment almost rather intellectual than real , and perhaps his successors may account it a punishment . For besides that , the dignity is too unweildy for the Revenue , which is but 600. liures , or 600 li English yearly ; like enough it is , that some may come into that See of Caesars mind , who being in a small Village of the Alpes , thus delivered his ambition to his followers , Mallem esse hic primus , quam Romae secundus . The present possessour of this Chair is one Francis de Gondi , by birth a Florentine , one whom I have heard much famed for a Statesman , but little for a Scholar . But had he nothing in him , this one thing were sufficient to make him famous to posterity ; that he was the first Arlh-bishop , and the last Bishop of the City of Paris . There is moreover in this Church a Dean , seven Dignities and fifty Canons . The Deans place is valued at 4000 ▪ liuree , t●●he Dignities at 3006. and the Canons at 2000. no great Intrado's , and yet unproportionable to the Arch-bishoprick . At Diepe ( as I have said ) I observed the first Idolatry of the Papists ; here I noted their first Superstitions , which were the needless use of holy Water ; and the burning of Lamps before the Alter . The first is said to be the invention of Pope Alexander , the seventh Bishop of Rome , in their account after Peter . I dare not give so much credit unto Platina , as to beleeve it of this Antiquity , much less unto Bellarmine , who deriveth it from the Apostles themselves : in this Paradox he hath enemies enough at home ; his own Doctors being all for Alexander : yet they also are not in the right . The principall foundation of their opinion is an Epistle Decretory of the said Alexander , which in it self carries its own confutation . The citations of Scriptures , on which this Superstition is thought to be grounded , are all taken out of the Vulgar Translation , Latine , attributed to St. Hierome ; whereas neither was there in the time of Alexander any publick Translation of the Bible into Latine ; neither was St. Hierome born within 300. years after him . Holy Water then is not of such a standing in the Church , as the Papists would perswade us ; and as yet I have not met with any , that can justly inform me at what time the Church received it . Many corruptions they have among them , whereof neither they nor we can tell the beginning . It consisteth of two Ingredients . Salt and Water ; each of them severally consecrated , or rather exorcized ; for so the words go , Exorcizo te creatura salis : and afterwards Exorcizo te creatura aquae &c. This done the Salt is sprinkled into the Water in form of a Crosse , the Priest in the mean time saying Commixtio salis et aquae pariter fiat in nomine Patris , &c. Being made it is put into a Cisterne standing at the entrance of their Churches : the people at their coming in sometimes dipping their fingers into it , and making with it the sign of the Crosse in their foreheads , and sometimes being sprinkled with it by one of the Priests , who in course bestow that blessing upon them . Pope Alexander , who is said to be the Father of it , gave it the gift of purifying and sanctifying all which it washed : Vt Cunesti illa aspersi purificentur et sanctificentur , saith his Decretall . The Roman Ritual published and confirmed by Paulus the fifth , maketh it very soveraigne , ad abigendos Daemones , et Spiritus imundos : Bellarmine maintaineth it a principall remedy ad remissionem peccatorum Venialium : and saith , that this was the perpetual doctrine of the Church . August . Steuchus in his Commentary upon Numbers , leaveth out Venialia , and pronounceth it to be necessary ; Vt ad eius aspersum debita nostra deleantur : So omnipotent is the Holy Water , that the blood of our Saviour Christ may be in a manner judged unnecessary . But it is not onely used in the Churches , the Rituale Romanum , ( of which I spake but now ) alloweth any of the faithfull to carry it away with them , in their vessels , ad aspergendos aegros , domos , agros , vineas et alia , et ad habendum eam in cubiculis suis . To which purposes it cannot but think this Water very serviceable . The second Superstition which this Church shewed me , was the continual burning of a Lamp , before the Alter : A Ceremony brought into the Churches ( as it is likely ) by Pope Innocent the third , Anno 1215. at which time he ordained there should a Pix be bought to cover the bread , and that it should therein be reserved over the Altar . This honour one of late times hath communicated also unto the Virgin Mary ; whose Image in the Church hath a Lanthorne ex diametro before it ; and in that a Candle perpetually burning . The name of the Donor I could not learn : onely I met on the Screene close by the Ladies Image this Inscription : Vne Ave Mariae et un Pater nostre pour luy qui ce la donne : which was intended on him that bestowed the Lanthorne . No question but Pope Innocent when he ordained this V●stall Fire to be kept amongst the Christians thought he had done God good service , in reviving this old Commandement given to Moses in the twenty seventh of Exodus and the twentieth and twenty one verses . If so the World cannot clear him of Judaisme , therefore the best way were to say , he learned it of the Géntiles ; for we read that the Athenians had Lychnum inextineti luminis before the Statua of their Pallas : that the Persians also had ign●m pervigilem in their Temples : and so also had the Medians and Asirians : to omit the everlasting Fire of Vesta , and come neer home , we meet with it also here in Britaine . In Britania quoque ( saith a good Philosopher ) Minervae numen colitur : in cuius Templo perpetui ignes &c. Afterwards the flattery of the Court applying divine honours unto their Kings , this custom of having fire continually burning before them , began to grow in fashion among the Romans : Herodian amongst other the ensigns of Imperial Majesty is sure not to omit this : and therefore telleth us , that notwithanding Commodus was fallen out with his sister Lucilla , he permitted her her antient seat in the Theater , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that fire should be carried before her . The present Romans succeed the former as in their possessions so in their follies . For calling the Sacrament their Lord God , and the Virgin their Lady ; they thought they should rob them of half their honour , should they not have their lamps and fires also burning before them . As are their Lamps , so is their Holy water , meerly heathenish , Siquidem in omnibus Sacris ( as we read in the fourth book Genialium Dierum ) Sacerdos cum Diis immolat & rem divinan facit , corporis ablutione purgatur . The Author giveth a reason for it , and I would no Papist , no not Bellarmine himself to give a better . Aquae enim aspersione labemtolli , & castimoniam praestare putant . Neither did the Preist onely use it himself , but he sprinkled the people also with it . Spargere rore Levi , & ramo faelicis Olivae Lustravitque viros . — As Virgil in the Aeneads . In which place two things are to be noted : First , ramus Olivae , now called Aspersorium , or the sprinkling rod , wherewith the water is sprinkled on the standers by : and secondly , the term Lustrare meerly heathenish , whence the Holy water of the Papists ( no question ) had the name of Aqua lustralis , by which they call it . That the Laicks also of the Gentiles were cleansed of sin by this water , is evident by that of Homer , where he maketh Orestes , having killed his Mother and threupon grown mad , at once restored to his wits by washing in the water . Perhaps Pilate might allude to this custom , when having condemned our Saviour , he washed his hands in the midst of the Congregation . Hereunto also Ovid. O faciles nimium , qui tristia crimina caedis Fluminae â tolli posse putatis aquâ . Too facil souls , which think such hainous matters Can be abolish'd by the River-Waters . Indeed in the word Fluminae â the Poet was somewhat out , the waters onely of the Sea serving for the expiation of any crime ; the reason was , cum propter vim igneam magnopere purgationibus consentaneae putaretur . And for this cause questionless do the popish Priest use salt in the consecration of their holy water , that it might as near as was possible resemble the waters of the Sea in saltness , so willing are they in all circumstances to act the Heathens . But I have kept you too long within the Church , it is now time to go up to the top , and survey the out-works of it . It hath ( as we have already said ) at the front two Towers of admirable beauty , they are both of an equal height , and are each of them 377. steps in the ascent . From thence we could clearly see the whole circuit of Paris , and each several street of it , such as we have already described , of an orbicular form , and neatly compacted . From hence we could see the whole valley round about it , such as I have delineated already though not in such lively colours as it meriteth . An object it is so delicious and ravishing , that had the Devil taken King Henry the fourth and placed him on the top of this Temple , as he did our Saviour on that of Hierusalem , and said unto him , all this will I give thee , this alone had been enough to have made him fall down and worship him . In One of those Towers there is a Ring of Bels , in the other two onely , but those for worth equal to all the rest . The bigger of the two is said to be greater than that of Roven so much talked of , as being eight yards and a span in compass , and two yards and an half in depth ; the bowl also of the clapper being one yard and a quarter round . Of a great weight it must needs be ; and therefore ( Multorum manibus grande levatur onus ) there are no less than four main ropes besides their several tayl ropes to ring it . By reason of the trouble it is never rung but in time of thunders , and these no mean ones neither . Lesser Bels will serve the lesser tempests ; this is onely used in the horrider claps , and such as threaten a dissolution of Nature . But how well , as well this , as the smallest discharge that office , experience would tell us , were we void of reason ; yet so much do the people affiance themselves to this conceit of the power of them , that they suppose it inherent to them continually , after the Bishop hath baptized them , which is done in this manner . The Bell being so hanged , that it may be washed within and without , in cometh the Bishop in his Episcopal robes , attended by one of his Deacons , and sitting by the Bell in his chair , saith with a loud voice the 50 , 53 , 56 , 66 , 69 , 85 , and 129. Psalmes , or some of them ; then doth he exorcize severally the Salt and the Water , and having conjured those ingredients into an holy water , he washeth with it the Bell , both on the inside and the outside ; wiping it dry with a linnen cloath , he readeth the 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 , 149 , 150 , Psalms ; he draweth a cross on it with his right thumb dipped in hallowed oyl ( chrysome they call it ) and then prayeth over it . His prayer finished , he wipeth out the cross , and having said over it the 48. Psalm , he draweth on it with the same oyle seven other crosses , saying , Sanctificetur & consecretur Domine Campana ista , in nomine , &c. After another prayer , the Bishop taketh another Censer , and putting into it Myrrh and Frankincense , setteth it on fire , and putteth it under the Bell , that it may all receive sume of it ; this done , the 76. Psalm read , & some other prayers repeated , the Bell hath received his whole and intire Baptisme , and these vertues following , viz. Vt per illius tactam procul pellantur omnes insidiae mimici , fragor grandinum , procella turbinum , impetus tempestatum , &c. for so one of the Prayers reckoneth them : prescribed in the Roman Pontifical authorized by Clement 8th . A stranqe piece of Religion , that a Bell should be baptized , and so much the stranger , in that those inanimate bodies can be received into the Church by no other ministery than that of the Bishop , the true Sacrament being permitted to every Hedge-Priest . Not farre from the West-gate of the Church of Nostre-dame is the Hosteldein , or le grand Hospital de Paris , first founded by King Lewis , Anno 1258. It hath been since beautified and inlarged , Anno 1535. by Mr. Anthony Prat Chancellor of France , who augmented the number of the hospitallers , and gave fair revenues for the maintaining of Surgeons , Apothecaries , and religious men amongst them . Since that time the Provost and Eschevins of Paris have been especial Benefactors unto it . At your first entrance into it you come into their Chappel , small but handsome and well furnished : After you pass into a large gallery having four ranks of beds , two close to the wals , and two in the middle . The beds are all sutable the one to the other ; their vallance , curtains and rugs being all yellow . At the further end of this a door opened into another chamber dedicated onely to sick women ; and within them another room , wherein women with child are lightned of their burden , and their children kept till seven years of age at the charge of the Hospital . At the middle of the first gallery on the left hand , were other four ranks of beds , little differing from the rest , but that their furniture was blew , and in them there was no place for any , but such as were some way wounded , and belonged properly to the Chirurgion . There are numbred in the whole Hospital no less than seven hundred beds ( besides those of attendants , Priests , Apothecaries , &c. ) and in every bed two persons . One would imagine , that in such a variety of wounds and diseases , a walk into it , and a view of it might savour more of curiosity than discretion . But indeed it is nothing less : for besides that , no person of an infectious disease it admitted into it , which maketh much for the safety of such as view it , all things are kept there so cleanly and orderly , that it is sweeter walking there , than in the best street of Paris , none excepted . Next unto those succeeded la Saincte Chapelle scituate in the middle of the Palais : a Chappel famous for its form , but more for its Reliques . It was founded by Lewis the ninth , vulgarly called St. Lewis , Anno 1248. and is divided into two parts , the Vpper and the Lower : the Lower serving for the keeping of the Reliques , and the Vpper for celebrating of the Mass . It is a comely spruce Edifice without , but farre more curious within : the glass of it for the excellency of painting , and the Organs for the richness and elaborate workmanship of the Case , not giving way to any in Europe . I could not learn the number of Chanoins which are maintained in it , though I heard they were places of three hundred Crowns revenue . As for their Treasurer , le Threasurier , as they call their Governor , he hath granted him by especial priviledge , the licence to wear all the Episcopal habits , except the Crosier-staffe , and to bear himself as a Bishop within the liberties of his Chappel . In the top of the upper Chappel ( it is built almost in the form of a Synagogue ) there hangeth the true proportion ( as they say ) of the Crown of Thorns : but of this more when we have gone over the Reliques . I was there divers times to have seen them , but it seemeth they were not visible to a Hugonots eyes ; though me thinketh they might have considered , that my money was Catholick . They are kept , as I said , in the lower Chappel , and are thus marshalled in a Table hanging in the upper . Know then that you may beleive that they can shew you the Crown of Thornes , the bloud which ran from our Saviours breast , his swadling Clouts , and a great part of the Cross ( they also of Nostre-dame have some of it , ) the chain by which the Jews bound him , no small peice of the stone of the Sepulchre , Sanctam taelam tabulae insertam , which I know not how to English ; some of the Virgins milk , ( for I would not have those of St. Denis think the Virgin gave milk to none other but to them ) the head of the Launce which peirced our Saviour : the Purple Robe : the Sponge , a peice of his Shrowd : the Napkin wherewith he was girt when he washed his Disciples feet : the Rod of Moses , the head of St. Blase , St. Clement , and St. Simeon , and part of the head of John Baptist . Immediately under this recital of these Reliques ( and venerable ones I durst say they were , could I be perswaded there were no imposture in them ) there are set down a Prayer and an Antheme , both in the same Table as followeth . ORATIO . Quaesumus Omnipotens Deus , ut qui sacra sanctissimae redemptionis nostrae insignia temporaliter veneramur , per haec indesinenter munite aeternitatis gloriam consequamur : dominum nostrum , &c. De sacrosanctis Reliquiis Antiphonae Christo plebs debita , tot Christi donis praedita Jucunderis hodie : Tota sis devota : Erumpens in Jubilum depone mentes nubilum Tempus est Laetitiae . Cura sit summota . Ecce Crux & Lancea , Ferrum , Corona spine● Arma Regis gloriae tibi offerantur , Omnes terrae populi laudent actorem seculi Per quem tantis gratiae signis offererantur . Amen . Pretty divinity if one had time to examine it . These Reliques , as the Table enformeth us , were given unto St. Lewis , Anno 1247. By Baldwin the second , the last King of the Latines in Constantinople , to which place the Christians of Palaestine had brought them , during the time that those parts were harrowed by the Turks and Saracens . Certainly were they the same , which they are said to be , I see no harm in it if we should honour them . The very reverence due to antiquity and a silver head could not but extort some acknowledgement of respect even from a heathen . It was therefore commendably done by Pope Leo , having received a parcel of the Cross from the Bishop of Hierusalem , that he entertained it with respect . Particulam Dominicae Crucis ( saith he in his 72. Epislte ) cum eulogiis dilectionis tuae Veneranter accepi . To adore and worship that , or any other Relique whatsoever , with prayers and Anthems , as the Papists you see do , never came within the minds of the Ancients , and therefore St. Ambrose calleth it Gentilis error , & vanitas impiorum . This was also Hierom's religion , as himself testifieth in his Epistle to Ruparius . Nos ( faith he ) non dico martyrum reliquias , sed ne Solem quidem & Lunam , non Angelos , &c. colimus & adoramus . Thus were those two Fathers minded towards such Reliques , as were known to be no others than what they seemed : Before too many Centuries of years had consumed the true ones , and the imposture of the Priests had brought in the false . Had they lived in our times , and seen the supposed Reliques of the Saints not honoured onely , but adored and worshipped by the blind and infatuated people , what would they have said , or rather what would they not have said : Questionless , the least they could do , were to take up the complaint of Vigilantius ( the Papists reckon him for an Heretick ) saying , Quid necesse est tanto honore , non solum honorare sed etiam ador are , illud nescio quid , quod in vasculo transferendo colis . Presently without the Chappel is the Burse la Gallerie des Merchands , a rank of shops in shew , but not in substance , like to those in the Exchange at London : It reacheth from the Chappel unto the great Hall of Parliament , and is the common through-fare between them . On the bottom of the stairs , and round about the several houses consecrated to the execution of justice , are sundry shops of the same nature , meanly furnished , if compared with ours , yet I perswade my self the richest of this kind in Paris . I should now go and take a view of the Parliament House , but I will step a little out of the way to see the place Daulphin , and the little Chastelet . This last serveth now onely as the Gaole or common prison belonging to the Court of the Provost of the Merchants , and it deserveth no other employment . It is seated at the end of the bridge called Petit pont , and was built by Hugh Aubriot , once Provost of the Town , to repress the fury and insolencies of the Scholars , whose rudeness and misdemeanours can no way be better bridled . Omnes eos qui nomen ipsum Academiae , vel serio , vel ioco nominassent ▪ haereticos pronunciavit ( saith Platina of Pope Paul the second ) I will say it of this wilderness ; that whosoever will account it as an Academy is an Heretick to Learning and Civility . The place Daulphin is a beautiful heap of building , scituate nigh unto the new bridge . It was built at the encouragement of Henry the fourth , and entituled according to the title of his Son. The houses are all of brick , high built , uniform , and indeed such as deserve , and would exact a longer description , were not the Parliament now ready to sit , and my self summoned to make my appearance . CHAP. VIII . The Parliament of France when began : Of whom it consisted : The Dignity and esteem of it abroad , made sedentary at Paris , appropriated to the long Robe : The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice : The seven Chambers of Parliament the great Chamber ; the number and dignity of the Presidents . The Duke of Biron afraid of them . The Kings seat in it . The sitting of the Grandsigneur in the Divano . The authority of the Court in causes of all kinds , and over the affairs of the King. This Court the main pillar of the liberty of France . La Tournelle and the Judges of it . The five Chambers of Enquests severally instituted , and by whom . In what causes it is decisive . The form of admitting Advocates into the Court of Parliament . The Chancellor of France and his authority . The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them . The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers . THe Court of Parliament was at the first instituted by Charles Marcell Grandfather to Charlemaine , at such time as he was Maior of the Palace unto the lazy and retchless Kings of France . In the beginning of the French Empire their King did justice to the people in person . Afterwards banishing themselves from all the affairs of State , that burden was cast upon the shoulders of their Maires . An Office much of the nature with the Praefesti Praetorio in the Roman Empire . When this Office was bestowed upon the said Charles Marcell , he , partly weary of the trouble , partly intent about a business of a higher nature , which was the estating of the Crown in his own Posterity , but principally to indear himself to the Common people , ordained the Court of Parliament , Anno 720. It consisted in the beginning of twelve Peers , the Prelates and Noblemen of the best fashion , together with some of the principallest of the Kings Houshold . Other Courts are called the Parliament with the addition of place , as of Paris , at Roven , &c. This onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Parliament . It handled as well causes of State , as those of private persons . For hither did the Embassadours of mighty Princes repair to have their audience and dispatch ; and hither were the Articles ( agreed upon in the National Synods of France ) sent to be confirmed and verified : Here did the Subjects tender in their homages and oaths of fidelity to the King : And here were the Appeals heard of all such as had complained against Comtes , at that time the Governors and Judges in their several Counties . Being furnished thus with the prime and choisest Nobles of the Land , it grew into great estimation abroad in the world , insomuch that the Kings of Sicily , Cyprus , Scotland , Bohemia , Portugal and Navarre , have thought it no disparagement unto them to sit in it . And which is more , when Frederick the second had spent so much time in quarrels with Pope Innocent the fourth , he submitted himself and the rightness of his cause to be examined by this Noble Court of Parliament . At the first institution of this Court it had no settled place of residence , being sometimes kept at Tholoza , sometimes at Aix la Chapelle , sometimes in other places , according as the Kings pleasure and the case of the people did require . During the time of its peregrination it was called Ambulatorie , following for the most part the Kings Court , as the lower Sphears do the motin of the Primum Mobile . But Philip le Belle ( he began his raign An. 1280. ) being to take a journey into Flanders , and to stay there a long space of time , for the settling of his affairs in that Countrey , took order that his Court of Parliament should stay behind him at Paris , where ever since it hath continued . Now began it to be called Sedentary , or settled , and also peu a pen by little and little to loose much of its lustre : For the Cheif Princes and Nobles of the Kings retinue , not able to live out of the air of the Court , withdrew themselves from the troubles of it , by which means it came at last to be appropriated to those of the long Robe , as they term them , both Bishops and Lawyers . In the year 1463. the Prelates also were removed by the Command of Lewis the eleventh , an utter enemy to the great ones of his Kingdom , onely the Bishop of Paris and the Abbot of St. Denis being permitted their place in it . Since which time the Professors of the Civil Law have had all the swaying in it , & cedeunt arma togae , as Tully . The place in which this Sedentary Court of Parliament is now kept is called the Pala●e , being built by Philip le Belle , and intended to be his Mansion or dwelling house . He began it in the first year of his reign , Viz. Anno 1286. and afterwards assigned a part of it to his Judges of the Parliament , it being not totally and absolutely quitted unto them till the dayes of King Luwis the tenth . In this the French Subjects are beholding to the English ; by whose good example they got the ease of a Sedentary Court : Our Law Courts also removing with the King , till the year 1224. when by a Statute in the Magna Charta , it was appointed to be fixt , and a part of the Kings Pallace in Westminster allotted for that purpose . Within the Virge of this Pallace are contained the seven Chambers the Parliament . That called le grand Chambre : five Chambers of Inquisition , or des Enquests , and one other called la Tournelle . There are moreover the Chambers , des aides , des accompts , de l'ediect , des Monnoyes , and one called la Chambre Royal : of all which we shall have occasion to speak in their proper places : these not concerning the common Government of the People , but onely the Kings Revenues . Of these seven Chambers of Parliaments , le grand Chambre is most famous : and at the building of this House by Philip le belle , was intended for the Kings bed . It is no such beautiful place as the French make it ; that at Roven being farre beyond it : although indeed it much excells the fairest room of Justice in Westminster . So that it standeth in a middle rank between them ; and almost in the same proportion as Virgil , between Homer and Ovid. Quantum Virgilius magno concessit Homero , Tantum ego Virgilio Naso Poeta m●o . It consisteth of seven Presidents , Councellers , the Kings Atturney , and as many Advocates , and Proctors , as the Court will please to give admission to . The Advocates have no settled studies within the Pallace , but at the Barre : but the Procureurs or Atturneys have their several Pewes in a great Hall , which is without this Grand Chambre in such manner as I have before described at Roven . A large building it is faire and high roofed , not long since ruined by casualty of fire , and not yet fully finished . The names of the Presidents are , 1. Mr. Verdun , the first President , or by way of excellencie le President , being the sec●nd man of the long Robe in France . 2. Mr. Sequer lately dead , and likely to have his Son succeed him as well in his Office , as his Lands . 3. Mr. Leiger . 4. Mr. Dosammoi . 5. Mr. Sevin . 6. Mr. Baillure . and 7. Mr. Maisme . None of these , neither Presidents nor Councellers can goe out of Paris when the Lawes are open , without leave of the Court. It was ordained so by Lewis the twelfth . Anno 1499. and that with good judgement ; Sentences being given with greater awe , and business managed with greater Majesty when the Bench is full : and it seemeth indeed that they carry with them a great terrour . For the Duke of Biron , a man of as uncontrolled a spirit , as any in France , being called to answer for himself in this Court , protested that those scarlet Robes did more amaze him , than all the red Cassocks of Spain . At the left hand of this Grand Chambre , or golden Chamber as they call it , is a Throne or Seate Royall , reserved for the King , when he shall please to come , and see the administration of Justice amongst his people . At common times it is naked and plain , but when the King is expected , it is clothed with blew purple Velvet , semied with Flowers de lys . On each side of it are two forms , or benches , where the Peers of both habits both Ecclesiastcal and Secular use to fit , and accompany the King , but this is little to the ease or benefit of the Subject ; and as little available to try the integrity of the Judges : his presence being alwayes fore-known , and so they accordingly pr●pared . Farre better then is it in the Court of the Grand Signeur , where the Divano or Counsell of the Turkish Affaires holden by the Bassa's is hard by his bed Chamber which looketh into it . The window which giveth him this enterveiwe is perpetually hidden with a curtaine on that side of the partition which is towards the Divano , so that the Bassa's and other Judges cannot at any time tell , that the Emperour is not listening to their Sentences . An action in which nothing is Turkish or Mahometan . The authority of this Court extendeth it self to all Causes , within the Jurisdiction of it , not being meerly Ecclesiastical . It is a Law unto it self , following no Rule written in their Sentences ; but judging according to equity and conscience . In matters criminal of greater consequence , the process is here immediately examined , without any preparation of it from the inferiour Courts , as at the araignment of the Duke of Biron ; and divers times also in matter personall . But their power is most eminent in disposing the affaires of State and of the Kingdome : for such prerogatives have the French Kings given hereunto , that they can neither denounce Warre , nor conclude Peace , without the consent ( a formall one at the least ) of this Chamber . An Alieniation of the least of the Lands of the Crown , is not any whit valued , unless confirmed by this Court ; neither are his Edicts in force till they are here verified : nor his Letters Pattents for the creating of a Peere , till they are here allowed of . Most of these I confess , are little more than matters of form , the Kings power and pleasure being become boundless : yet sufficient to shew the body of Authority which they once had , and the shaddow of it which they still keep : yet of late they have got into their disposing one priviledge belonging formerly to the Conventus Ordinum , or the Assembly of the three Estates ; which is the conferring of the Regency , or protection of their Kings during their minority . That the Assembly of the three Estates formerly had this priviledge is evident by their stories . Thus we find them to have made Queene Blanche Regent of the Realm during the non-age of her Son St. Lewiis , Anno 1227. that they declared Phillip le Valois successor to the Crowne , in case that the widdow of Charles de belle , was not delivered of a Son , Anno 1328. That they made Charles the Daulphin Regent of France during the imprisonment of King John his Father , Anno 1357. As also Phillip of Burgony , during the Lunary Charles the sixth , Anno 1394 with divers others . On the other side , we have a late example of the power of the Parliament of Paris in this very case ; for the same day that Henry the fourth was slain by Raviliae , the Parliament met , and after a short consultation , declared Mary de Medices , Mother to the King Regent in France , for the Government of the State , ( during the minority of her Son ) with all power and authority : such are the words of the Instrument , dated the 14. of May , 1610. It cannot be said but this Court deserveth not onely this , but any other indulgence whereof any one member of the Common-wealth is capable . So watchful are they over the health of the State , and so tenderly do they take the least danger threatned to the liberties of that Kingdome , that they may not unjustly be called Patres Patriae . In the year 1614. they seazed upon a discourse written by Suarez a Jesuite entitled Adversus Anglicanae sectae errores , wherein the Popes temporal power over Kings and Princes is averred : which they sentenced to be burnt in the Pallace yard by the publick Hangman . The yeare before they inflicted the same punishment upon a vain and blasplemous discourse penned by Gasper Niopins , a fellow of a most desperate brain , and a very incendiary . Neither hath Bellarmine himself that great Atlas of the Roman Church escaped much better ; for writing a Book concerning the temporal power of his Holiness , it had the ill luck to come into Paris , where the Parliament finding it to thwart the Liberty and Royalty of the King , and Country , gave it over to the Hangman ; and he to the Fire . Thus it is evident , that the titles which the French writers gave it , as the true Temple of the French justice , the Buttresse of Equity , the Guardian of the Rights of France , and the like , are abundantly deserved of it . The next Chamber in esteem is the Tournelle , which handleth all matters Criminal . It is so called from Tourner , which signifieth to change or alter ; because the Judges of the other several Chambers give sentence in this , according to their several turnes . The reason of which Institution is said to be , least a continual custome of condemning should make the Judges less merciful , and more prodigall of blood . An order full of health and providence ; it was instituted by the above named Phillip le Belle , at the same time when he made the Parliament sedentary at Paris ; and besides its particular and original employment , it receiveth Appeals from , and redresseth the errours of the Provost of Paris . The other five Chambers are called des Enquests , or Camerae Inquasitionum : the first and ancientest of them , was erected also by Phillip le Belle , and afterwards divided into two by Charles the seventh . Afterwards of Processes being greater than could be dispatched in these Courts , there was added a third . Francis the first established the fourth , for the better raising of a sum of money which then he wanted : every one of the new Counsellers paying right dearly for his place . The fifth and last was founded in the year 1568. In each of these severall Chambers , there be two Presidents , and twenty Counsellers , beside Advocates and Proctors , ad placitum . In the Tournelle which is the aggregation of all the other Courts , there are supposed to be no fewer than two hundred Officers of all sorts , which is no great number considering the many Causes there handled . In the Tournelle , the Iudges sit on matters of life and death ; in the Chambers of Enquests they examine onely civil Affairs , of estate , title , debts , and the like . The Pleaders in these Courts are called Advocates ; and must be at the least Licentiats in the study of the Law. At the Parliaments of Tholoza and Burdeaux , they admit of none but Doctors : now the form of admitting them is this . In an open and frequent Court , one of the agedest of the Long Robe , presenteth the party which desireth admission , to the Kings Atturney General , saying with a loud voice , Paisse a Cour recevoir N. N. Licencie ( or Docteur ) en droict civil , a l'office d' Advocate . This said ; the Kings Atturney biddeth him hold up his hand , and saith to him in Latine , Tu jurabis observare omnes Reges Consuetudines , he answereth Iuro , and departeth . At the Chamber door of the Court , whereof he is now sworne an Advocate , he payeth two Crownes , which is forthwith put into the common Treasury , appointed for the relief of the distressed-Widdows , of ruined Advocates and Proctors : Hanc veniam petimusque damusque . It may be their own cases , and therefore it is paid willingly . The highest preferment of which these Advocates are capable , is that of Chauncellor : an Office of great power and profit . The present Chauncellor is named Mr. d' Allegre , by birth of Chartres , he hath no settled Court wherein to exercise his authority ; but hath in all the Courts of France , the supream place whensoever he will vouchsafe to visit them . He is also President of the Councill of Estate by his place , and on him dependeth the making of good and sacred Lawes , the administration of Justice , the reformation of superfluous , and abrogation of unprofitable Edicts , &c. He hath the keeping of the Kings geeat Seal , and by vertue of that , either passeth or putteth back such Letters Pattents , and Writs as are exhibited to him . He hath under him immediately for the better dispatch of his Affairs , four Masters of the Requests , and their Courts . Their Office and manner of proceeding is the same , which they also use in England : in the persons there is thus much difference , that in Franee two of them must be perpetually of the Clergy . One of their Courts is very ancient , and hath in it two Presidents . which are two of the Masters , and fourteen Counsellers . The other is of a later erection ; as being founded Anno 1580. and in that the two other of the Masters , and eight Councellers give sentence . Thus have I taken a veiw of the several Chambers of the Parliament of Paris , and of their particular Jurisdictions , as far as my information could conduct me . One thing I noted further , and in my mind the fairest ornament of the Pallace , which is the neatness and decency of the Lawyers in their apparrel ; for besides the fashion of their habit , which is I assure you exceeding pleasant , and comely ; themselves by their own care and love to handsomeness , adde great lustre to their garments , and more to their persons . Richly drest they are and well may be so , as being the ablest & most powerfull men under the Princes & la Noblesse in all the Country . An happiness ( as I conjecture ) rather of the calling than of the men . It hath been the fate and destiny of the Law , to strengthen & enable its professors beyond any other any Art or Science : the Pleaders in all Common-wealths both for sway amongst the people , and vague amongst the Military men , having alwaies had the preheminence . Of this rank were Pericles , Phochion , Alcibiades , and Demosthenes , amongst the Athenians , Antonius , Mar. Cato , Caesar , and Tullie amongst the Romans : men equally famous for Oratory and the Sword ; yet this I can confidently say , that the several States above mentioned , were more indebted unto Tullie and Demosthenes , being both meer Gown men , than to the best of their Captaines : the one freeing Athens from the Armies of Macedon ; the other delivering Rome from the conspiracy of Catiline . O fortunatum natam me Consule Romam . It is not then the fate of France only , nor of England , to see so much power in the hand of the Lawyers ; and the case being general , me thinks the envy should be the less ; and less it is indeed with them than with us . The English Clergy though otherwise the most accomplisht in the World , in this folly deserveth no Apologie , being so strangely ill affected to the Pleaders of this Nation , that I fear it may be said of some of them , Quod invidiam non ad causam sed personam , et ad valantatem dirigant . A weakness not more unworthy of them , than prejudicial to them , for fostering between both Gownes such an unnecessary emulation , they do but exasperate that power , which they cannot controle , and betray themselves to much envy and discontentedness . A disease whose care is more in my wishes , than in my hopes . CHAP. IX . The Kings Pallace of the Louure , by whom built ; the unsutableness of it . The fine Gallery of the Queene Mother . The long Gallery of Henry the fourth ; his magnanimous intent to have built it into a Quadrangle . Henry the fourth a great builder ; his infinite project upon the Mediterranean , and the Ocean . Lasalle des Antiques . The French not studious of Antiquities . Burbon House . The Tuilleries , &c. WE have discharged the King of one Pallace , and must follow him to the other , where we shall find his residence . It is seated in the west side of the Town or Ville of Paris , hard by Porte neufue , and also by the new Bridge . An House of great fame , and which the Kings of France have long kept their Courts in . It was first built by Phillip Augustus , anno 1214. and by him intended for a Castle , it then serving to imprison the more potent of the Noblesse , and to lay up the Kings Treasury ; for that cause it was well moated and strengthened with walls and draw Bridges , very serviceable in those times . It had the name of Louure quasi L'oeuure , or the work : the Building by way of excellencie . An Etymologie which draweth nigher to the ear than the understanding , or the eye . And yet the French writers would make it a miracle : Du Chesne calleth it superbe bastiment qui n' a son esgal en toute la Christiente : and you shall hear it called in another place , Bastiment qui passe muiourd huy en excellenee et en grandeur , tous les autres . Brave Eligies , if all were Gold that glistered . It hath given up now its charge of money , and great prisoners to the Bastile ; and at this time serveth only to imprison the Court. In my life I never saw any thing more abused by a good report , or that more belyeth the rumours that go of it . The ordinary talk of vulgar travellers , and the bigg words of the French had made me expect at the least some prodigie of Architecture , some such Majestical house as the Sunne Don Phoebus is said to have dwelt in by Ovid. Regia solis erat sublimibus alta columnis , Clara micante auro , flammasque imitante pyropo : Cuius ebur nitidum , &c. Indeed I thought no fiction in Poetry had been able to have parralell'd it ; and made no doubt but it would have put me into such a passion ▪ as to have cryed out with the young Gallant in the Comidie , when he saw his Sweet heart ; Hei mihi qualis erat ? talis erat qualem nunquem ego vidi . But I was much deceived in that hope , and could find nothing in it to admire , much less to envy . The Fable of the Mountaine which was with child , and brought forth a Mouse , is questionless a Fable . This House , and the large fame it hath in the world is the Morall of it . Never was there an House more unsuitable to it self in the particular examination of parts , nor more unsutable to the Character and esteem of it in the general survey of the whole . You enter into it over two Draw-bridges ; and thorough three Gates , ruinous enough and abundantly unsightly . In the Quadrangle you meet with three several fashions of buildings , of three several ages ; and they so unhappily joyned one to the other , that one would half beleeve they were clapped together by an Earthquake . The South and West parts of it are new , and indeed Prince like , being the work of Francis the first , and his Son Henry : had it been all cast into the same mould , I perswade my self , that it would be very gratious and lovely . The other two are of ancient work and so contemptible , that they disgrace the rest : and of these I suppose the one to be at the least a hundred years older than his partner : such is it without . As for the inside it is farre more graceful , and would be pleasing at the entrance , were the Gaurd Chamber reformed . Some Hugonot Architect which were not in love with the errours of Antiquity , might make a pretty room of it : a Catholick Carpenter would never get credit by it ; for whereas the provident thrift of our fore fathers intended it ( for the House would else be too narrow for the Kings retinue ) both for a room of safety and of pleasure , both for Bellmen and Dancers ; and for that cause made up some six ranks of seats on each side . That sparingness in the more curious eyes of this time is little King like . Country wenches might with an indifferent stomack abuse a Galliard in it , or it might perhaps serve , with a Stage at one end , to entertain the Parisiens at a Play ; or with a partition in the middle , it might be divided into pretty plausible Cockpits . But to be employed in the nature it is now , either to solace the King and Lords in a dance , or to give any forraign Ambassadour his welcome in a Masque , is little sutable with the majesty of a King of France . The Chambers of it are well built , but ill furnished ; the hangings of them being somewhat below a meanness : and yet of these here is no small scarcity , for as it is said of the Gymnosophists of India , that Vnadomus et mansioni sufficit et sepulturae : so may we of this Prince . The same Chamber serveth for to Iodge him , feed him , & also to confer & discourse with his Nobility . But like enough it is that this want may proceed from the several Courts of the King , the Monsieur , the Queene Mother , and the Queene Regnant , being all kept within it . Proceed we now to the two Galleries , whereof the first is that of the Queene Mother , as being beautified and adorned exceedingly , by Catherine de Medices , Mother to Henry the third , and Charles the ninth . It containeth the Pictures of all the Kings of France , and the most loved of their Queens since the time of St. Lewis . They stand each King opposite to his Queen , she being that of his Wives , which either brought him most estate , or his Successor . The tables are all of a just length , very fair , and according to my little acquaintance with the Painter , of a most excellent workmanship . And which addeth more grace to it , they are in a manner a perfect history of the State and Court of France in their several times , For under each of the Kings pictures they have drawn the potraitures of most of their Lords , whom valour and true courage in the field ennobled beyond their births : Under each of the Queens , the lively shapes of the most principal Ladies , whose beauty and vertue had honoured the Court. A dainty invention , and happily expressed . At the further end of it stand the last King , and the present Queen Mother , who fill up the whole room . The succeeding Princes , if they mean to live in their pictures , must either build new places for them , or else make use of the Long Gallery built by Henry the fourth , and which openeth in to that of the Queen Mother . A Gallery it is of an incredible length , as being above 500. yards long , and of a breadth and height not unproportionable . A room built rather for oftentation than use , and such as hath more in it of the Majesty of ist Founder than the Grace : It is said to have been erected purposely to joyn the Louure unto the house and garden of the Tuilleries : an unlikely matter , that such a stupendious building should be designed onely for a cleanly conveyance into a Summer-house . Others are of opinion , that he had a resolution to have the House quadrangular , every side being correspondent to this , which should have been the common Gallery to the rest , which design had it taken effect , this Palace would at once have been the wonder of the world , and the envy of it . For my part I dare be of the last mind , as well because the second is in part begun , as also considering how infinitely this King was affected to building . The place Daulphin , and the place Royal , two of the finest piles of Paris , were erected partly by his purse , but principally by his encouragement . The new Bridge in Paris was meerly his work ; so was also the new Palace , and the most admirable Water-Works of St. Germanenlay ; this long Gallery and the Pesthouse owe themselves wholly unto him , and the house of Fountain bleau , which is the fairest in France , is beholding to him for most of its beauty . Adde to this his fortifications bestowed on the Bastile , and his purpose to have strengthened Paris according to the modern art of Towns , and you will find the attribute of Parietaria or Wall-floure , which Constantine scoffingly gave unto Trajane for his great humour of building , to be due unto this King , but seriously and with reverence . Besides the general love he had to building , h● had also an ambition to go beyond ensample , which also induceth me further to beleive his intent of making that large and admirable quadrangle above spoken of , to have been serious and real . For to omit others , certain it is , that he had a project of great spirit and difficulty , which was to joyn the Mediterranean Sea and the Ocean together ; and to make the navigation from the one to the other through France , and not to pass by the straight of Gibraltare . It came into counsel Anno 1604. and was resolved to be done by this meanes . The River of Garond is navigable from the Ocean almost to Tholoza ; and the Mediterranean openeth it self into the land by a little River ( whose name I know not ) as high as Narbonne . Betwixt these two places was there a navigable channel to have been digged , and it proceeded so far towards being actuated , that a workman had undertaken it , and the price was agreed upon . But there arising some discontents between the Kings of France and Spain , about the building of the Fort Fuentis , in the Countrey of the Grisons ; the King not knowing what use he might have of treasure in that quarrel , commanded the work not to go forward : However it is to be commended in the attempt , which was indeed Kingly , and worthy his spirit , and praise him in his heroick purpose and design : Quem si non tenuit , magnis tamen excidit ausis . But the principal beauty , if I may judge of this so much admired Palace of the Louure , is a low plain room , paved under foot with brick , and without any hangings or tapestry on the sides ; yet being the best set out and furnished , to my content , of any in France : It is called La salle des Antiques , and hath in it five of the ancientest and venerablest pieces of all the Kingdom : For the Nation generally is regardless of antiquity , both in the monuments and in the study of it ; so that you shall hardly find any ancient inscription , or any famous ruine snatched from the hand of time , in the best of their Cities and Churches . In the Church onely of Amiens could I meet with any antient Character ; which also was but a Gothish Dutch Letter , and expressed nothing but the name and vertue of a Bishop of the Church , in whose time it was . So little also did I perceive them to be inclining to be Antiquaries ; that both neglects considered ( si Verbis audaciadetur ) I dare confidently averre , that one Cotton for the Treasury , and one Selden ( now Mr. Camden is dead ) for the study of Antiquities , are worth all the French : As for these five peices in La salle des Antiques , they are , I confess , worthy our observation , and respect also , if they be such as our trudgeman informed us . At the further end of it , the Statua of Diana , the same ( as it is said ) which was worshipped in the renowned Temple of Ephesus , and of which Demetrius the Silver-smith and his fellow Artists cried out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Great is Diana of the Ephesians : Of a large and manly proportion she seemeth to be . Quantum & quale latus , quam juvenile femur . As Ovid of his Mistriss . She is all naked save her feet , which are buskin'd , and yet she hath a scarfe or linnen roul , which coming over her left shoulder , and meeting about her middle , hung down with both ends of it a little lower . In the first place towards the right hand , as we descended towards the door , was the Statua of one of the Gods of Aethiopia , as black as any of his people , and one that had nothing about him to express his particular being . Next unto him the Effigies of Mercury , naked all except his feet , and with a pipe in his mouth , as when he inchanted Argos . — Nam que reperta Fistula nuper erat . Saith the Metamorphosis . Next unto him the portraiture of Venus , quite naked and most immodestly apparreld , in her hand her little Son Cupid , as well arrayed as his Mother , sitting on a Dolphin . Last of all Apollo also in the same naked truth , but that he had shooes on ; He was portrayed as lately returned from a Combat , perhaps that against the Serpent Python . Quem Deus arcitenens , & nunquam talibus armis Ante , nisi in damis , caprisque fugacibus , usus Mille gravem telis ( exhausta pane pharetra ) Perdidit , effuso per vulnera nigra , veneno . The Archer-God , who , e're that present tide , Ne're us'e those arms , but ' gainst the Roes and Deer , With thousand shafts the earth made to be dy'de With Serpents bloud , ( his quiver emptied cleer . That I was in the right conjecture I had these reasons to perswade me ; the Quiver on the Gods right shoulder almost emptied , his warlike belt hanging about his neck , his garments loosly tumbling upon his left arm , and the slain Monster being a water-serpent , as Pithon is fained to be by the Poets . All of these were in the same side of the wall , the other being altogether destitute of ornament , and are confidently said to be the statues of those Gods , in the same forms that they were worshipped in , and taken from their several Temples . They were bestowed on the King by his Holiness of Rome , and I cannot blame him for it . It was worthy but little thanks to give unto him the Idols of the Heathen , who for his Holiness satisfaction had given himself to the Idols of the Romans . I beleive , that upon the same terms the King of Enggland should have all the Reliques and ruines of Antiquity which can be found in Rome . Without this room , the Salle des Antiques ; and somewhat on the other side of the Louure is the House of Burbon , and old decayed fabrick , in which was nothing observable but the Omen . For being built by Lewis of Burbon the third Duke of that branch ; he caused this Motto , ESPERANCE , to be engraven in Capital Letters over the door , signifying his hopes , that from his loyns should proceed a King , which should joyn both the Houses and the Families , and it is accordingly happened . For the Tuilleries I have nothing to say of them , but that they were built by Catherine de Medices , in the year 1564 , and that they took name from the lime-kils and tile-pits there being before the foundation of the house and the garden ; the word Tuillerie importing as much in the French language : I was not so happy as to see them , and will not be indebted to any for the relation . CHAP. X. The person , age and marraige of King Lewis : Conjectural reasons of his being issueless . Jaqueline Countess of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy : The Kings Sisters all married , and his alliances by them . His natural Brethren and their preferment . His lawful Brother the title of Monsieur in France : Monsieur as yet unmarried ; not like to marry Mont-Peusiers Daughter : That Lady a fit Wife for the Earl of Soisons : The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown , in case the Line of Navarre fail : How the Lords stand affected in the cause ; Whether a Child may be born in the eleventh moneth . King Henry the fourth a great Lover of fair Ladies : Monsieur Barrados the Kings Favorite , his birth and offices . The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinal of Richilieu ; The Queen Mother a wise and prudent Woman . THe King is the soul of the Court , without his presence it is but a Carcass , a thing without life and honour . I dare not so farre wrong the Louure , as to make it but a common house , and rob it of the fruition of its Prince , and therefore will treat of him here ; though during my aboad in France he lay all the while in Fountain Bleau : For person he is of the middle stature , and rather well proportioned than large . His face knoweth little yet of a beard , but that which is , is black and swarthy ; his complexion also much of the same heiw , carrying in it a certain boysterousness , and that in a further measure than what a graceful Majesty can admit of : So that one can hardly say of him without a spice of Courtship , what Paterculus did of Tiberius , Quod visus praetulerit principem , that his countenance proclaimed him a King. But questionless his greatest defect is want of utterance , which is very unpleasing by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering , which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him . At this time he is aged twenty four years , and as much as since the 27 day of September last , which was his birth day , an age which he beareth not very plausibly ; want of beard and the swarthiness of his complexion making him seem elder . At the age of eleven years he was affianced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain , by whom as yet he hath no children . It is thought by many , and covertly spoken by divers in France , that the principal cause of the Queens bartenness proceedeth from Spain , that people being loath to fall under the French obedience , which may very well happen , she being the elder Sister of the King. For this cause , in the seventh article of marriage there is a clause , that neither the said Infanta , nor the Children born by her ( to the King ) shall be capable to inherit any of the estates of the King of Spain ; and in the eighth article she is bound to make an act of renunciation under her own hand-writing , as soon as she cometh to be twelve years old , which was accordingly performed . But this being not sufficient to secure their fears , it is thought that she was some way or other disabled from conception , before ever she came into the Kings embraces : A great crime I confess if true : yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius : Novum crimen Caie Caesar , & hec tempus mauditum . Jaqueline Countess of Holland was Cozen to Philip Duke of Burgundie : Her being fruitful would have debarred him from those estates of Holland , Zealand and West-Freezland ; therefore though she had three Husbands there was order taken she should never have Child : with her two first Husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live : and when she had stollen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants , the Dukes Physitians gave him such a potion , that she might as well have married an Eunuch : upon this injury the poor Lady died ; and the Duke succeeded in those Countries ; which by his Grand-child Marie were conveyed over into the House of Austria , together with the rest of his estate . I dare not say , that that Family hath inherited his practises with his lands ; and yet I have heard , that the Infanta Isabella had the like or worse measure afforded her , before she was bedded to the Arch-duke Albertus . A diabolical trick , which the prostitutes of the heathen used in the beginnings of the Gospel , and before , of whom Octavius complaineth , quod originem futuri hominis extinguant , & paricidium faciunt , antequam pariunt . Better luck than the King hath his Sister beyond the mountains , I mean his eldest Sister Madame Elizabeth , married to the King of Spain now living , as being , or having been the Mother of two Children : His second Sister , Madame Christian , is married to Amadeo Victor Principe Maior , or heir apparent of the Duke of Savoy , to whom as yet she hath born no issue . The youngest , Henrietta Mariae , is newly married to his most Excellent Majesty of England , to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitful womb . Et pulchra faciat te prole parentem . Of these alliances the first were very profitable to both Princes , could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms as well as the Kings . But it is well known , that the affections of each people are divided , more unconquerable mountains , than their dominions : The French extreamly hating the proud humour and ambition of the Spaniard . We may therefore account each of them in these marriages to have rather intended the perpetuity of their particular houses , than the strength of their Empires ; and that they more desired a noble stock whereon to graft posterity , than power . The alliance with Savoy is more advantagious , though less powerful than that of Spain . For if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party , he need not fear the greatness of the other , or any of his faction . The continuall siding of this House with that of Austria , having given many and great impediments to the fortune of the French. It standeth so fitly to countenance the affairs of either King in Italy or Germany to which it shall incline , that it is just of the same nature with the estate of Florence between Millain and Venice : of which Guicciaraine saith , that Mantennero le cose●d Italia bilan●iate On this reason King Henry the fourth earnestly desired to match one of his Children into this Countrey , and left this desire as a Legacie with his Council . But the alliance of most use to the State of France , is that of England , as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours . An alliance which will make his Estate invincible , and incompassed about as it were with a wall of brass . As for the Kings bastard Brethren they are four in number , and born of three several beds . The eldest is Mr. Alexander , made Knight of the Order of St. John , or of Malta , in the life time of his Father . He is now Grand Prior of France , and it is much laboured and hoped by the French , that he shall be the next Master of the Order ; a place of great command and credit . The second and most loved of his Father , whose lively image and character he is said to be , is Mr Caesar , made Duke of Vendosme by his Father , and is at this time Governor of Brittain , a man of a brave spirit , and one who swayeth much in the affairs of State. His Father took great care for his advancement before his death , and therefore married him to the Daughter and Heir of the Duke of Mercuer , a man of great possessions in Brittain . It is thought that the inheritance of this Lady , - both by her Fathers side , and also by her Mothers , who was of the Family of Marsegues , being a stock of the old Ducal tree , is no less than 200000. Crowns yearly . Both these were born unto the King by Madame Gabriele , for her excellent beauty surnamed labelle , Dutchess of Beauforte , a Lady whom the King most entirely affected even to the last gasp , and one who never abused her power with him ; so that we may truly say of her what Velleius flatteringly said of Livia the Wife of Augustus , Ejus potentiam nemo senset , nisi levatione periculi , aut accessione dignitatis . The third of the Kings natural Brethren is Mr. Henry , now Bishop of Metz in Lorraine , and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris . As Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fairbourg of St. Germans , and hath the profits of the great Fair there holden , which make a large revenue . His Bishoprick yeildeth him the profits of 20000. Crowns and upwards , which is the remainder of 60000. the rest being pawned to the Duke of Lorraine , by the last Bishop , who was of that family . The Mother of this Mr. Henry is the Marchioness of Verneville , who before the death of the King fell out of his favour into the prison , and was not restored to her liberty till the beginning of the Queen Mothers Regency . The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie , born unto the King by the Countess of Morret , who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cave ▪ & hath as yet not fully six thousand pound a year , when his Mother dieth he Will be richer . The Kings lawful Brother is named John Baptist Gaston , born the 25th of April , Anno 1608. A Prince of a brave and manlike aspect , likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit , as the King doth of his Crown . He is entituled Duke of Aniou , as being the third Son of France , but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleance being dead in his childhood , he is vulgarly and properly called , Monsieur . This title is different from that of Daulphin , in that that title is onely appropriated to the Heir apparent , being the Kings eldest Son living . This limited to the Heir apparent , being the Kings eldest Brother surviving ; if there be neither Son nor Brother , then the next Heir apparent is stiled onely Le primier Prince du sang , The first Prince of the bloud . This title of Monsieur answereth to that of the Despote in the Greek Empire ; and in imitation of that it is thought to have been instituted . Others of the French Princes are called Monsieurs also , but with some addition of place or honour ; the Kings eldest Brother onely is called Monsieur sans quene , as the French use to say ; that is , simply Monsieur . This young Prince is as yet unmarried , but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchess of Mont-pensier , whose Father died in the time of Henry the fourth . Had the Duke of Orleance lived , he had espoused her long ere this ; but it is generally beleived , that this Prince is so affected . He seeth his elder Brother as yet childless , himself the next Heir to the Crown , and it is likely he will look on a while , and expect the issue of his fortune . Some that speak of the affairs of the Court , hold her to be a fit match for the young Count of Soisons , a Prince of the bloud , and a Gentleman of a fine temper . The Lady her self is said not to be averse from the Match ; neither will the King not be inclinable unto him , as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction , for not performing a Court promise , made unto him about marrying him to the young Madame , now Queen of England . As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes ; partly to joyn together the two Families of Mont pensier and Soisons , both issuing from the house of Burbon ; partly to enrich himself by adding unto his inheritance so fair an estate ; and partly by gaining all the Freinds and Allies of the Ladies kinred unto him ; the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde . The difference between them standeth thus : Lewis the first Prince of Conde had by two Wives , amongst other Children , two Sons ; by his first Wife Henry Prince of Conde , by the second Charles Count of Soisons . Henry Prince of Conde had to his first Wife Mary of Cleve , Daughter to the Duke of Nevers , by whom he had no Children : to his second Wife he took the Lady Katherine of Tremoville , Sister to the Duke of Thovars , Anno 1586. two years after his marriage he died of an old greif took from a poysoned cup , which was given him , Anno 1552. and partly from a blow given him with a Lance at the battel of Contras , Anno 1587. In the eleventh moneth after his decease , his young Princess was brought to bed of a young Son , which is now Prince of Conde . Charles Count of Soisons in the raign of Henry the fourth began to question the Princes legitimation ; whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris , to declare the place of the first Prince of the bloud to belong to the Prince of Conde : And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title , twenty four physitians of good faith and skill made an open protestation of oath in the Coutt , that it was not onely possible but common for Women to be delivered in the eleventh moneth . On this it was awarded to the Prince . This decree of Parliament notwithstanding , if ever the King and his Brother should die childless , it is said , that the young Count of Soisons ( his Father died Anno 1614. ) will not so give over his title : He is Steward of the Kings House , as his Father also was before him , a place of good credit , and in which he hath demeaned himself very plausibly . In case it should come to a tryal , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which God forbid , he is like to make a great party ▪ both within the Realm and without it ; without it by means of the House of Savoy , having married his eldest Sister unto Don Thomazo , the second Son of that Dukedom now living : A brave man at armes , and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree , next Heir of his Father after the death of Don Amadeo , yet childless : within the Realm the Lords have already declared themselves , which happened on this occasion . In the year 1620. the moneth of March , the King being to wash , the Prince of Conde laid hold on the towel , chalenging that honour as first Prince of the bloud : and on the other side the Count of Soisons seized on it as appertaining to his office of Steward , and Prince of the bloud also . The King to decide the controversie for the present , commanded it to be given to Monsieur his Brother , yet did not this satisfie . For in the morning the Friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause . To the Count came in general all the opposites of the Prince of Conde , and of the Duke of Luines and Guise ; in particular the Duke of Maien , the Duke of Vendosme , the Dukes of Longueville , Espernon , Nemours , the Grand Prior , the Dukes of Thovars , Retz and Rohan , the Viscount of Aubetene , &c. who all withdrew themselves from the Court , made themselves Masters of the best places in their Governments , and were united presently into an open faction , of which the Queen Mother declared her self head . As for the Commons , without whom the Nobility may well quarrel , but not fight , they are more zealous in behalf of the Count , as being brought up alwayes a Papist , and born of a Catholike kinred , whereas the Prince , though at this instant he be a Catholike , yet non fuit sic ab initio , he was born , they say , and brought up an Hugonot , and perchance the alteration is but dissembled . Concerning the Prince of Conde , he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side , and a verdict of Physitians , both weak helps to a soveraignty , unless well backed by the Sword. And for the verdict of the Physitians , thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty . Laurentius a Professor of M●nt-pellier in Languedoc , in his excellent Treatise of Anatomy , maketh three terms of a Womans delivery , Primus , intermedius , & ultimus : The first , the seventh and eighth moneth after conception , in each of which the Child is vital and may live if it be born . To this also consenteth the Dr. of their Chair Hippocrates , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that a Child born in the seventh moneth , if it be well looked to , may live . We read also , how in Spain the Women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth , and commonly in the end of the eighth : and further , that Sempronius and Corbula , both Roman Consuls , were born in the seventh moneth : Plinie in his natural History reporteth it as a truth , though perhaps the Women that told him either misreckoned their time , or else dissembled it to conceal their honesties . The middle time ( terminus intermedius ) is the ninth and tenth moneths , at which time Children do seldom miscarry : In the former two moneths they had gathered life , in these later they onely consummate strength , so say the Physitians generally . Non enim in duobus sequentibus mensibus ( they speak it of the intermedii ) additur aliquid ad perfectionem partium , sed ad perfectionem roboris . The last time ( terminus ultimus ) in the common account of this Profession is the eleventh moneth , which some of them hold neither unlikely nor rare . Massurius recordeth of Papyrius , a Roman Praetor , to have recovered his inheritance in open Court , though his Mother confest him to be born in the thirteenth month . And Avicen a Moor of Corduba relateth ( as he is cited in Laurentius ) that he had seen a Child born after the fourteenth . But these are but the impostures of Women ; and yet indeed the modern Doctors are more charitable , and refer it to supernatural causes , Vt extra ordinariam artis considerationem . On the other side Hippocrates giveth it out definitively , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that in ten moneths at the furthest ( understand ten moneths compleat ) the Child is born . And Vlpian the great Civilian of his times , in the title of Digests de Testamentis is of opinion , that a Child born after the tenth moneth ( compleat ) is not to be admitted to the inheritance of its pretended Father . As for the Common Law of England , as I remember , I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments , it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature and the severity of Law , leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge . But all this must be conceived ( taking it in the most favourable construction ) after the conception of the Mother , and by no meanes after the death of the Father , and so can it no way ( if I were first President ) advantage the Prince of Conde : His Father had been extreamly sick no small time before his death for the particular , and supposed since his poison taken , Anno 1552. to be little prone to Women in the general . They therefore that would seem to know more than the vulgar , reckon him as one of the by-blows of Henry the fourth , but this under the Rose : yet by way of conjecture we may argue thus . First , from the Kings care of his education , assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Februe , whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis . Secondly , from his care to work the Prince , then young , Mollis & aptus agi , to become a Catholike . Thirdly , the age of the old Henry of Conde , and the privacy of this King with his Lady , being then King of Navarre , in the prime of his strength , and in discontent with the Lady Margaret of Valoys his first Wife . Adde to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the general , and we may see this probability to be no miracle : For besides the Dutchess of Beaufort , the Marchioness of Verneville , and the Countess of Morret already mentioned , he is beleived to have been the Father of Mr. Luines the great Favorite of King Lewis . And certain it is , that the very year before his death , when he was even in the winter of his dayes , he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Conde , s Wife , a very beautiful Lady , and Daughter to the Constable Duke of Montmorencie , that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie , together with his Princess , into the Arch-Dukes Country , whence he returned not till long after the death of King Henry . If Marie de Medices in her Husbands life time paid his debts for him ( which I cannot say ) she onely made good that of vindicate· And yet perhaps a consciousness of some injuries not onely moved her to back the Count of Soison's and his faction against the Prince and his , but also to resolve upon him for the Husband of her Daughter . From the Princes of the bloud descend we to the Princes of the Court , and therein the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas , the Kings present Favourite , a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew , little bearded , and one whom the people as yet cannot accuse for any oppression or misgovernment . Honours the King hath conferred none upon him , but onely Pensions and Offices . He is the Governour of the Kings Children of Honour , ( Pages we call them in England ) a place of more trouble , than wealth or credit . He is also the Master of the Horse , or le grand Escuire ; the esteem of which place recompenceth the emptiness of the other ; for by vertue of this Office he carryeth the Kings Sword sheathed before him at his entrance into Paris : the Cloth of Estate carryed over the King by the Provosts and Eschevins , is his Fee. No man can be the Kings Spur maker , his Smith , or have any place in the Kings Stables but from him , and the like . This place ( to note so much by the way ) was taken out of the Constables Office ( Comes stabuli . is the true name ) to whom it properly belonged , in the time of Charles the seventh . Besides this he hath a pension of 500000. Crowns yearly ; and had an Office given him , which he sold for 100000. Crownes in ready money . A good fortune for one who the other day was but the Kings Page . And to say truth , he is as yet but a little better , being onely removed from his Servant to his play-fellow : with the affairs of State he intermeddleth not ; if he should , he might expect the Queene Mother should say to him , what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid . — Tibi quia cum fortibus armis , Mi puer : ista decent humeros gestamina nostros . For indeed first during her Sons minority , and after since her redentigration with him , she hath made her self so absolute a Mistress of her mind , that he hath entrusted to her , the entire conduct of all his most weighty affairs : for her Assistant in the managing of her greatest business , she hath pieced her self to the strongest side of the State , the Church , having principally ( since the death of the Marshall D' Anere Joneane ) assumed to her Counsails the Cardinal of Richileiu : a man of no great birth , were Nobility the greatest Parentage : but otherwise to be ranked among the Noblest . Of a sound reach he is , and of a close brain ; one exceedingly well mixt of a Lay Vnderstanding , and a Church Habit ; one that is compleatly skilled in the art of men , and a perfect Master of his own mind and affections . Him the Queene useth as her Counseller , to keep out frailty and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envy . She is of a Florentine wit , and hath in her all the vertues of Katherine de Medices her Ancestor in the Regencie : and some also of her vices , only her designes tend not to the ruine of her Kingdome , and her Children . John de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France , how the Queene Katherine suffered her Son Henry the third , a devout and simple Prince , to spend his most dangerous times even uncontrolled upon his Beades , whiles in the meantime , she usurped the Government of the Realm . Like it is that Queene Mary hath learned so much of her kinswoman , as to permit this Son of hers also to spend his time , in his Garden amongst his play fellows and his Birds , that she may the more securely mannage the State at her discretion . And to say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her vertue , she harh notably well discharged her ambition ; the Realm of France being never more quietly and evenly Governed , the●n first during her Regencie ; and now during the time of her favour with the King. For during his minority , she carryed her self so fairly between the Factions of the Court , that she was of all sides honoured : the time of Marquessd ' Ancre onely excepted . And for the differences in Religion , her most earnest desire was not to oppress the Protestants , insomuch that the warre raised against them during the Command of Mr. Luines , was presently after his death and her restoring to grace ended . An heroical Lady , and worthy of the best report of posterity : the frailty and weekness of her , as being a woman , not being to be accounted hers but her Sexes . CHAP. II. The Religions struggling in France , like the two Twins in the womb of Rebecca : The comparison between them two and those in general . A more peculiar Survey of the Papists Church in France ; In Policie , Priviledge , and Revenue . The Complaint of the Clergie to the King. The acknowledgement of the French Church to the Pope , meerly titular . The pragmatick Sanction : Maxima tua fatuitas , et Conventui Tridentino , severally written to the Pope and the Trent Councill . The tedious quarrels about Investitures . Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuit's . The French Bishops not to meddle with Friers : Their lives and Land. The ignorance of the French Priests . The Chanoins Latine in Orleans . The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured , &c. FRom the Court of the King of France , I cannot better provide for my self , than to have recourse unto the Court of the King of Heaven , and though the Poet meant not Exeat aulâ qui vult esse pius in that sense , yet will it be no treason for me to apply it so . And even in this Court the Church , which should be like the Coat of its Redeemer without seam , do I find rents and sactions ; and of the two , these in the Church more dangerous , than those in the Louure . I know , the story of Rebecca , and the Children struggling in her , is generally applyed to the births and contentions of the Law and the Gospell . In particular we may make use of it in the present estate of the Church , and Religions in France ▪ for certain it is , that there were divers pangs in the womb of the French Church before it was delivered : and first she was delivered of Esau , the Popish faith being first after the struggling countenaaced by authority , and he came out red all over like a hairy Garment , saith the text , which very oppositely expresseth the bloody and rough condition of the French Papist at the birth of the Reformation : before experience and long acquaintance had bred a liking between them . And after came his Brother out , which laid hold on Esaus heel , and his name was called Jacob : wherein is described the quality of the Protestant party : which though confirmed by publick Edict after the other , yet hath it divers times endeavoured , and will perchance one day effect the tripping up of the others heeles . And Esau ( saith Moses ) was a cunning hunter ; a man of the field : but Jacob was a plain man dwelling in Tents . In which words the comparison is most exact . A cunning Archer in the Scriptures , signifieth a man of Art and Power mingled : as when Nimrod in the 10th of Geneses is termed , A mighty Hunter . Such is the Papist , a side of greater strength and subtilty , a side of warre , and of the field . On the other side the Protestants are a plain race of men , simple in their actions , without craft and fraudulent behahaviour , and dwelling in Tents , that is , having no certain abiding place , no one Province which they can call theirs , but living dispersed and scatterred over the Country ; which in the phrase of Scripture , is dwelling in Tents . As for the other words differencing the two Brethren , and the elder shall serve the younger , they are rather to be accounted a Prophesie , than a Character : we must therefore leave the Analogie it holds with the Rebecca of France , and her two Sons , to the event and prayer . For a more particular insight into the strength and subtilty of this Esau ; we must consider it in the three main particular strengths of it , Its policy , priviledge , revenue . For the first , so it is , that the Popish Church in France is governed like those of the first and purer times , by Arch-bishops and Bishops : Archibishops it comprehendeth twelve , and of Bishops an hundred and four . Of these the Metropolitan is he of Rhemes , who useth to annoint the Kings , which office and preheminence hath been annexed to this seat , ever since the time of St. Remegius Bishop hereof , who converted Clovis King of the Franks unto the Gospel . The present Primate is Son to the Duke of Guise , by name Henry de Lorrein , of the age of fourteen yeares or thereabouts , a burden too unweildy for his shoulders , — Et quae non viribus istis Munera conveniunt , nec tam puerilibus annis . For the better government therefore of a charge so weighty , they have appointed him a Coadjutor to discharge that great function , till he come to age to take Orders . His name is Gifford , an English fugitive , said to be a man worthy of a great fortune , and able to bear it . The revenues of this Arch-bishoprick are somewhat of the meanest , not amouting yearly to above 10000. Crowns , whereof Doctor Gifford receiveth onely two thousand , the remainder going to the Cadet of Lorreine . This trick the French learnt of the Protestants in Germany , where the Princes , after the reformation began by Luther , took in the power and Lordships of the Bishops , which , together with their functions , they divided into two parts . The Lands they bestowed upon some of their younger Sons or Kinsmen , with the title of Administrator ; the office and power of it they conferred with some annual pension on one of their Chaplains , whom they stiled the Superintendent of the Bishoprick . This Archbishop , together with the rest of the Bishops , have under them their several Chancellors , Commissaries , Archdeacons and other Officers attending in their Courts , in which their power is not so general , as with us in England . Matters of Testament never trouble them , as belonging to the Court of Parliament , who also have wrested into their own hands almost all the business of importance , sure I am , all the causes of profit originally belonging to the Church . The affairs meerly Episcopal and Spiritual are left unto them , as granting licence for marriages , punishing whoredom by way of pennance , and the like : To go beyond this were Vltra crepidam , and they should be sure to have a prohibition from the Parliament . Of their Priviledges , the chief of the Clergy-men is , the little or no dependency they have on the Pope , and the little profits they pay unto their King. Of the Pope anon . To the King they pay onely their dismes or tithes according to the old rates , a small sum if compared unto the payments of their neighbours , it being thought , that the King of Spain receiveth yearly one half of the Living of the Churches . But this I mean of their Livings onely , for otherwise they pay the usual gabels and customs that are paid by the rest of the Kings Leige-people . In the general assembly of the three Estates , the Clergy hath authority to elect a set number of Commissioners to undertake for them & the Church , which Commissioners do make up the the first of the three Estates , & do first exhibite their greivances and petitions to the King. In a word , the French Church is the freest of any in Christendom , that have not yet quitted their subjection to the Pope , as alwayes protesting against the Inquisition , not subjecting themselves to the Council of Trent , and paying very little to his Holiness of that plentiful revenue wherewith God and good men have blessed it . The number of those which the Church-land maintaineth in France is tantum non infinite , therefore the intrado and revenues of it must needs be uncountable . There are numbred in it ( as we said before ) twelve Archbishopricks , an hundred and four Bishopricks : To these add five hundred and fourty Archpriorities , one thousand four hundred and fifty Abbies ; twelve thousand three hundred and twenty Priorities , the sixty seven Nunneries , seven hundred Covents of Friers , two hundred fifty nine Commendams of the Order of Malta , and one hundred and thirty thousand Parish Priests , yet this is not all . Their reckoning was made in the year 1598. since which time the Jesuits have divers Colledges founded for them , and they are known to be none of the poorest . To maintain this large wilderness of men , the Statists of France , who have proportioned the Country , do allow unto the Clergy almost a fourth part of the whole . For supposing France to contain two hundred millions of Arpens ( a measure somewhat bigger than one Acre ) they have allotted to the Church for its temporal revenue forty seven millions of them . In particular of the Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , and Parish Priests , they of Aulx , Alby , Clumai , and St. Estiennes in Paris , are said to be the wealthiest . The Archbishop of Aux in Gascoyne is valued at 400000. liures , or 40000 li. English yearly . The Bishop of Alby in Languedoc is prized at 100000. Florens , which is a fourth part of it , a great part of the revenue arising out of Saffron . The Abbot of Clumac in the Dutchy of Burgundy is said to be worth 50000 Crowns yearly , the present Abbot being Henry of Lorreine , Archbishop of Rhemes and Abbot of St. Denis . The Parish Priest of St. Estiennes is judged to receive yearly no fewer than eight thousand Crowns , a good intrado . As for the vulgar Clergy , they have little tithe , and less glebe ; most part of that Revenue being appropriated unto Abbies and other religious Houses . The greatest part of their meanes is the Baisemen , which is the Church offerings of the people at Christnings , Marriages , Burials , Dirges , Indulgences and the like , which is thought to amount to almost as much as the temporal estate of the Church : An Income able to maintain them in good abundance , were it not for the greatness of their number . For reckoning that there are ( as we have said ) in France one hundred and thirty thousand Parish Priests , and that there are onely twenty seven thousand four hundred Parishes , it must of necessity be , that every Prrish , one with another , hath no fewer than four Priests , too many to be rich . But this were one of the least injuries offered to the French , thrift , and would little hinder them from rising , if it were not , that the goodliest of their preferments are before their faces given unto Boyes and Children . An affront , which not onely despaireth them of the honours due unto their callings , but dishearteneth them in their studies , and by consequence draweth them to debauched and slanderous courses . — Quis emim virtutem exquireret ipsam . Praemia si tollas . The Clergy therefore , Anno 1617. being assembled at the house of Austin Friers in Paris , ( as every two years they use to do ) being to take their leaves of the King , elected the Bishop of Aire to be their Spokesman , and to certifie his Majesty of their greivances . In performing which business , the principal thing of which he spake was to this purpose . That whereas his Majesty was bound to give them Fathers , he gave them Children ; that the name of Abbot signifieth a Father , and the function of a Bishop was full of fatherly authority , yet Erance notwithstanding was now filled with Bishops and Abbots which are yet in their Nurses arms , or else under their Regents in Colledges . Nay more , that the abuse goeth before the being , Children being commonly designed to Bishopricks & Abbacies before they were born . He also made another Complaint , that the Sovereign Courts by their decrees had attempted upon the authority which was committed to the Clergy , even in that which concerned meerly Ecclesiastical discipline and government of the Church . To these Complaints he gave them indeed a very gratious hearing , but it never went further than a hearing , being never followed by redress . The Court of Parliament knew too well the strength of their own authority , and the King was loath to take from himself those excellent advantages of binding to himself his Nobility , by the speedy preferring of their Children : And so the Clergy departed with a great deal of envy , and a little of satisfaction . Like enough it were , that the Pope would in part redress this injury , especially in the point of Jurisdiction , if he were able , but his wings are shrewdly clipped in this Country , neither can he flie at all , but as farre as they please to suffer him . For his temporal power , they never could be induced to acknowledge it , as we see in their stories , Anno 1610. the Divines of Paris , in a Declaration of theirs tender'd to the Queen Mother , affirm the supremacy of the Pope to be an erroneus doctrine , and the ground of that hellish position of deposing and killing of Kings . Anno 1517. when the Council of Luteram had determined the Pope to be the Head of the Church in causes also temporal , the Vuniversity of Paris testified against it , in an Apoligie of theirs dated the twelfth of March the same year . Leo decimus ( saith the Apologie ) in quidam coetu non tamen in spiritu Domini congregato , contra fidem Catholicam &c. sacrum Basiliense Concilium damnavit ; In which Councill of Basill , the supremacy of the Pope was condemned . Neither did the Kings of France forget to maintain their own authority : And therefore whereas Pope Boniface the eighth , had in a peremptory Letter Written to Phillip le Belle King of France stiled himself , Dominus totius Mundi tam in temporalibus quam in spiritualibus : the King returned him an answer with an Epithite sutable to his arrogancy : Sciat maxima tua fatuitas nos intemporalibus alicui non subesse , &c. The like answer though in modester termes , was sent to another of the Popes by St. Lewis ; a man of a most mild and sweet disposition , yet unwilling to forgoe his Royalties . His spiritual power is almost as little in substance , though more in shew ; for whereas the Councill of Trent hath been an especiall authorizer of the Popes spiritual supremacy ; the French Church never would receive it : by this means the Bishops keep in their hands their own full authority , whereof an obedience to the decrees of that Councill would deprive them . It was truly said by St. Gregory , and they well knew it : Lib. 7. Epist . 70. Si unus universalis est , restat ut vos Episcopinon Sitis . Further the Vniversity of Paris in their Declaration Anno 1610. above mentioned , plainly affirme that it is directly opposite to the doctrine of the Church , which the Vniversity of Paris hath alwaies maintained ; that the Pope hath power of a Monarch in the spiritual Government of the Church . To look upon higher times , when the Councill of Constance had submitted the authority of the Pope , unto that of a Councill . John Gerson Theologus Parisiensis magni nominis , defended that deeree , and entitleth them Perniciosos esse ad modum adulatores , qui tyranidem istam in Ecclesia invexere , quasi nullis Regum teneatur vinculis ; quasi neque parere debeat Concilio Pontifex : nec ab eo judicare queat . The Kings themselves also befreind their Clergy in this Cause , and therefore not onely protested against the Council of Trent , wherein the spiritual tyranny was generally consented to by the Catholike faction , but Henry the second also would not acknowledge them to be a Council , calling them in his Letters by no other name than Conventus Tridentinus : An indignity which the , Fathers took very offensively . Put the principal thing , in which it behooveth them not to acknowledge his spiritual supremacy is the Collation of Benefices and Bishopricks , and the Annates and first fruits thence arising . The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christendom was about the bestowing the Livings of the Church , and giving the investiture unto Bishops . The Popes had long thirsted after that authority , as being a great meanes to advance their followers , and establish their own greatness ; for which cause , in divers petty Councels , the receiving of any Ecclesiastical preferment of a Lay-man was decreed to be Simony . But this did little edifie with such patrons as had good Livings : As soon as ever Hi●el brand , in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory the seventh , came to the throne of Rome , he set himself entirely to effect the business as well in Germany now he was Pope , as he had done in France whilst he was Legate . He commandeth therefore Henry the third Emperour : Ne deinceps Episcopatus & Beneficia ( they are Platina's own words ) per cupiditatem Simoniacam committat , aliter se usurum in ipsum censuris Ecclesiasticis . To this injustice when the Emperour would not yeild , he called a solemn Council at the Lateran , where the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacal , and afterwards excommunicated : Neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him till he had laid him in his grave . After this followed great strugling between the Popes and the Emperours for this very matter ; but in the end the Popes got the victory . In England here , he that first bickered about it was William Rufus , the controversie being , whether he or Pope Vrban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury . Anselme would receive his investiture of none but the Pope ; whereupon the King banished him the Realm , into which he was not admitted till the raign of Henry the second . He to endear himself with his Clergy relinquished his right to the Pope ; but afterwards repenting himself of it , he revoked his grant . Neither did the English Kings wholly loose it , till the raign of that unfortunate Prince King John , Edward the first again recovered it , and his Successors kept it . The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands this Priviledge , of nominating Priests and investing Bishops , they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased ; as on the Benefices , First fruits , Pensions , Subsidies , Fifteenths , Tenths ; and on the Bishopricks , for Palls , Mitres , Crosiers , Rings , and I know not what bables . By these means the Churches were so impoverished ; that upon complaint made unto the Council of Basel , all these cheating tricks , these aucupia & eapilandi rationes , were abolished . This Decree was called Pragmatica sanctio , and was confirmed in France by Charles the seventh , Anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church , and Kingdom of France , which yearly before , as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis the eleventh had drained the State of a million of Crowns . Since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the vigour of the Sanction , and sometimes also exacted it , according as their affairs with the Pope stood : for which cause it was called , fraenum pontificum : At the last King Francis the first having conquered Millain , fell unto this composition with his Holiness , namely , that upon the falling of any Abbacie or Bishoprick the King should have six moneths time to present a fit man unto him , whom the Pope legally might invest : If the King neglected his time limited , the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse , and institute whom he pleased . So is it also with the inferior benifices between the Pope and the Patrons ; insomuch that any or every Lay-patron and Bishop together in England , hath for ought I see ( at the least in this particular ) as great a spiritual supremacy as the Pope in France , Nay to proceed further , and to shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are , as well the spiritual as the temporal , you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites , which was thus . In the year 1609. the Jesuites had obtained of King Henry the fourth license to read again in their Colledge of Paris : but when their Letters Patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament , the Rector and Vniversity opposed them . On the seventeenth of December , Anno 1611. both parties came to have an hearing ; and the Vniversity got the day , unless the Jesuits would subscribe unto these four points : Viz. First , that the Council was above the Pope . Secondly , that the Pope had not temporal power over Kings , and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realms and Estates . Thirdly , that Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King , or his Realm , or any matter of treason in Confession , they were bound to reveal it . And fourthly , that Clergy men were subject to the Secular Prince , or Politick Magistrate . It appeared by our former discourse , what title , or no power , they had left the Pope over the estates and preferments of the French. By these propositions ( to which the Jusuits in the end subscribed , I know not with what mental reservation ) it is more than evident , that they have left him no command , neither over their consciences nor their persons . So that all things considered , we may justly say of the Papal power in France , what the Papists falsly say of Erasmus , namely , that it is Nomen sine rebus . In one thing onely his authority here is entire , which is his immediate protection of all the Orders of Friers , and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks , who acknowledge very small obedience , if any at all , to the French Bishops . For though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocess was directly under the care and command of the Bishop ; yet it so happened at the building of Monestaries in the Western Church , the Abbots being men of good parts and sincere life , grew much into the envy of their Diocesan . For which cause , as also to be more at their own command , they made suit to the Pope , that they might be freed from that subjection : Vtque intutelam Dive Petri admitterentur . A proposition very plausible to his Holiness ambition , which by this meanes might the sooner be raised to his height , and therefore without difficulty granted : This gap opened , first the several Orders of Friers , and after them the Deans and Chapters purchased to themselves the like exemptions . In this the Popes power was wonderfully strengthened , in having such able and so many props to uphold his authority ; it being a true Maxime in State , Quod qui privilegia obtenent , ad eadem conservanda , teneantur authoritatem concedentis tueri . This continued till the Council of Trent unquestioned , where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority , and imputed all the schismes and vices in the Church to this , that their hands were tied . Hereupon the Popes Legates thought it fit to restore to their jurisdiction their Deans and Chapters : At that of the Monks and Monestaries they were more sticking : till at the last Sebastian Pighinus one of the Popes Officers found out for them this satisfaction , that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks , not by any authority of their own , Sed tanquam a sede Apostolica delegati . But as for the Orders of Friers , the Pope would not by any means give way unto it . They are his Janizaries , and the strongest bulwarks of his Empire , and are therefore called in a good Author , Egregia Romanae Curiae instrumenta . So that with them the Diocesan hath nothing to do ; each severall religious House being as a Court of Peculiars , subject onely to the great Metropolitan of Rome . This near dependance on his Holiness maketh this generation a great deal more regardless of their behaviour than otherwise it would be , though since the growth of the reformation , shame and fear hath much reformed them . They have still howsoever a spice of their former wantonness , and on occasions will permit themselves a little good fellowship . And to say truth of them , I think them to be the best Companions in France for a journey , but not for acquaintance . They live very merrily , and keep a competent table , more I suppose than can stand with their vow , and yet far short of that affluency whereof many of our books accuse them . It was my chance to be in an house of the Franciscans in Paris , where one of the Friers , upon the entreaty of our Friend , had us into the Hall , it being then the time of their Refectory , a favour not vulgar . There saw we the Brothers sitting all on a side , and every one a pretty distance from the other ; their several commons being a dish of pottage , a chop of mutton , a dish of Cherries , and a large glass of water . This provision , together with a liberal allowance of ease , and a little of study , keepeth them exceeding plump and in good liking , and maketh them , having little to take thought for , maketh them ( as I said before ) passing good Company . As I travelled to Orleans we had in coach with us three of these mortified sinners ; two of the Order of St. Austin , and one Franciscan , the merriest Crickets that ever chirped . Nothing in them but mad tricks and complements , and for musick they would sing like Hawks ; when we came to a vein of good Wine , they would chear up themselves and their neighbour with this comfortable doctrine , Vivamus ut bibamus , et bibamus ut vivamus : and for Courtship , and toying with the Wenches , you would easily beleeve it had been a trade , with which they had not a little been acquainted . Of all men when I am married God keep my wife from them , and till then my neighbours . On the other side the common Priests of France are so dull and blockish , that you shall hardly meet with a more contemptible people . The meanest of our Curats in England for spirit and discourse are very Popes to them : for learning they may safely say with Socrates , Hoc tantum scimus , quod nescimus : but you must not look that they should say it in Latine . Tongues they have none but those of their Mother and the Masse Book ; of which last they can make no use ▪ unless the Book be open , and then also the Book is fain to read it self : for in the last Romanum Missale , established by the authority of Pius the fifth , and recognized by Clement the eighth , Anno 1600. every sillable is diversly marked , whether it must be sounded long or short ; just as the varifying examples are in the end of the English Grammer . When I had lost my self in the streets of Paris , and wanted French to enquire homeward , I used to apply my self to some of this reverend habit : But O soeclum insipiens et infacitum ; you might as easily have wrought water out of the flint , as a word of Latine out of their mouthes . Nor is this the disease of the vulgar Masse mumbler onely , it hath also infected the right worshipful of the Clergy : In Orleans I had business with a Chanoin of the Church of St. Croiz , a fellow that wore his surplice ( it was made of Lawne and Lace ) with as good a credit as ever I saw any ; and for the comliness and capacity of his cap , he might have been a Metropolitan : perceiving me to speak to him in a strange Tongue ( for it was Latine ) he very learnedly asked me this question ; Num potestis loqui Gallica ? which when I had denied , at last he brake out into another Interrogatory : viz. Quandiu fuistis in Gallice . To conclude having read over my Letter , with two or three deadly pangs , and six times rubbing of his temples , he dismissed me with this cordial ; and truly it was very comfortable to my humor . Ego necotias vestras curabo . A strange beast and one of the greatest prodigies of Ignorance , that ever I met with in mans apparrel . Such being the Romish Priests , it is no marvail if the French be no more setled and resolute in their Religion . If the eye be blind , the body cannot chuse but be darkned : and certainly there is nothing that hath prepared many of this Realm more to embrace the reformation , than this blockishness of their own Clergy : an excellent advantage to the Protestant Ministers , could they but well humor it ; and likely to be a fair inlargement to their party , if well husbanded . Besides this the French Catholicks are not over earnest in their cause , and so do lye open to the assaults of any politick enemy ; to deal with them by main force of argument , and in the servent spirit of zeal ( as the Protestants too often do ) is not the way : Men uncapable of opposition ( as this people generally are ) and furious , if once thwarted , must be tamed as Alexander did his Horse Bucephalus . Those that came to back him with the tyranny of the spur and a cudgel , he quickly threw down , and mischieved ; Alexander came otherwise prepared , for turning his Horse toward the Sun , that he might not see the impatiency of his shadow , he spake kindly to him , and gently clapping him on the back , till he had left his flinging and wildness , he lightly leapeth into the saddle , the Horse never making resistance . Plutarch in his life relateth the storie , and this the Morall of it . CHAP. XII . The correspondency between the King and the Pope : This Pope : An Omen of the Marriage of France with England ; An English Catholick's conceit of it : His Holiness Nuntio in Paris : A learned argument to prove the Popes universality . A continuation of the Allegory of Jacob and Esau . The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns : Their present estate and strength : The last War against them justly undertaken : not fairly mannaged . Their insolence and disobedience to the Kings command . Their purpose to have themselves a free Estate . The War not a War of Religion . King James in justice could not assist them more than he did : First forsaken by their own party . Their happiness before the War. The Court of the Edict . A view of them in their Churches : The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England : Their Discipline and Ministery , &c. WE have seen the strength and subtilty , as also somewhat of his poverties at home , let us now see the alliance which this French Esau hath abroad in the world : in what credit and opinion he standeth in the eye of B●e●i the Romish Hittite , the daughter of whose abominations he hath married : And here I find him to hold good correspondency , as being the eldest son of the Church : and an equal poize to ballance the affairs of Italy against the potency of Spain . O● this ground the present Pope hath alwayes shewed himself very favorable to the French side , well knowing into what perils a necessary and impolitick dependance on the Spanish party onely , would one day bring the state Ecclesiastick . As in the general , so in many particulars also , hath he expressed much affection unto him : as first by taking into his hand the Valtolin , till his Son of France might settle himself in some course to recover it : secondly , his not stirring in the behalf of the Spaniard during the last warrs in Italy ; and thirdly , his speedy and willing grant of the dispensation of Madames marriage , of which his Papacy was so large an Omen , so fair a Prognostick . Est Deus in nobis agitante calescimus illi . The Lar , or Angel Guardian of his thoughts hastened him in it , in whose time there was so plausible a presage , that it must be accomplished . For thus it standeth : Malachy now a Saint , then one of the first Apostles of the Irish , one much reverenced in his memory to this day by that Nation , left behind him by way of prophesie a certain number of Motto's in Latine , telling those , that there should follow that certain number of Popes onely , whose conditions successively should be hereby expressed in those Motto's , according to that order he had , placed them in . Messingham an Irish Priest , & Master of the Colledge of Irish fugitives in Paris , hath collected together the lives of all the Irish Saints , which book himself shewed me . In that volume , and the life of that Saint , are the several Motto's , and the several Popes , set down columewise one against the other . I compared the lives of them with the Motto's , as farre as my memory would carry me , and found many of them very answerable : as I remember there are thirty six Motto's yet to come , and when just as many Popes are joyned to them , they are of opinion ( for so Malachy foretold ) that either the world should end , or the Popedom be ruined . Amongst others , the Motto of the present Pope is most remarkable , and sutable to the cheif action likely to happen in his time , being this [ Lilium & Rosa ] which they interpret , and in my mind not unhappily , to be intended to the conjunction of the French Lillie and the English Rose . To take from me any suspition of imposture , he shewed me an old book , printed almost two hundred years ago , written by one Wion a Flemming , and comparing the number of the Motto's with the Catalogue of the Popes , I found the name of Vrban ( now Pope ) directly to answer it : upon this ground an English Catholike , whose acquaintance I gained in France , made a Copy of Verses in French , and presented them to the English Embassadors , the Earles of Carlisle and Holland : because he is my Friend , and the conceit is not to be despised , I begged them of him , and these are they . Lilia juncta Rosis . Embleme de bon ' presage de l' alliance de la France , avec l' Angleterre . Ce grand dieu quid ' un oecl voit tout ce que les a●s Souos leurs voiles sacrez vont a nous yeax cathans . Descouvre quelque fois ainsi qui bon luy semble Et les moux avenir , et les biene tout ensemble . Ainsc fit il iadis a ce luy , qui primier , Dans l' Ireland porta de la foye le laurier , Malachie son nom , qu' autymon de l' Eglise On verra soir un jour il qui pour sa devise Aura les Lys chenus ioints aux plus belles fleures Qui docent le pin●temps de leurs doubles couleurs , CHARLES est le fleuron de la roso pour pree HENRITTE est le Lys , que la plus belle pree De la France n●urit , pour estr● quelque iour Et la Reine des fl●ures , et des roses l' amour Adorable banquet bien beu reux cour●nne Que la bonte du ciel , en parrage nous donne Heu reux ma partie , heu reux mille fois Cela qui te fera reflorrier en les Roys . With these verses I take my leave of his Holiness , wishing none of his successors would presage worse luck unto England : I go now to see his Nuntio , to whose house the same English Catholike brought me , but he was not at home , his name is Ferdinando d' Espado ; a man ( as he informed me ) able to discharge the trust reposed in him by his Master , and one that very well affecteth the English Nation He hath the fairest Eglise , and keepeth the largest retinue of any ordinary Embassadour in the Realm , and maketh good his Masters supremacy by his own precedency . To honour him , against he was to take this charge , his Holiness created him Bishop of Damiata in Egypt . A place , which I am certain never any of them saw but in a Map ; and for the profits he receiveth thence , they will never be able to pay for his Crosier . But this is one of his Holiness usual policies , to satisfie his followers with empty titles . So he made Bishop whom he sent to govern for him in England Bishop of Chalcedon in Asia : and Smith also , who is come over about the same business with the Queen , Bishop of Archidala a City of Thrace . An old English Doctor used it as an especial argument , to prove the Universality of power in the Pope , because he could ordain Bishops over all Cities in Christendom . If he could as easily also give them the revenue ; this reason I confess would much sway me , till then I am sorry , that men should still be boyes and play with bubbles : By the same authority he might do well , to make all his Courtiers Kings , and he were sure to have a most Royal and beggerly Court of it . To proceed a little further in the Allegory : so it is , that when Jacob saw Esau to have incurred his Fathers and Mothers anger , for his heathenish marriage ; he set himself to bereave his elder brother of his blessing : prayers and the sweet smell of his Venison , the sweet smelling of his sacrifices obtained of his Lord and Father a blessing for him , for indeed the Lord hath given unto this his French Jacob , as it is in the Text : The dew of heaven and the fatness of the earth , and plenty of corn and Wine Gen. 27. 5 , 28. It followeth in the 41. ver . of the chapter : And Esau hated Jacob , because of the blessing wherewith his Father had blessed him : and Esau said in his heart , the dayes of mourning for my Father are at hand , then will I slay my brother Jacob : The event of which his bloudy resolution was , that Jacob was fain to relinquish all that he had and fly unto his Vncle . This last story expresseth very much of the estate of the French Church . The Papists hated the Protestants to see them thrive and encrease so much amongst them ; this hatred moved them to a war , by which they hoped to root them out all together ; and this war compelled the Protestants to abandon their good Towns , and strong Holds , and all their possessions , and to fly unto their friends wheresoever they could find them . And indeed the present estate of the Protestants is not much better than that of Jacob in Mesopotamia , nor much different ; the blessing which they expect , lyeth more in the seed than in the harvest , and well may they hope to be restored to the love and bosome of their brethren , of which as yet they have no assurance : For their strength it consisteth principally in their prayers to God ; and secondly , in their obedience to their King : Within these two Fortresses , if they can keep themselves , they need fear none ill , because they shall deserve none . The onely outward strengths they have left them , are the two Towns of Moutabon and Rochell ; the one deemed invincible , the other threatned a speedy destruction . The Duke of Espernon ( at my being there ) lay round about it , and it was said , that the Town was in very bad terms ; all the neighbouring Townes , to whose opposition they most trusted , having yeilded at the first sight of the Canon . Rochell its thought cannot be forced by assaults , nor compelled by a famine ; some Protestants are glad of it , and hope to see the French Church restored to its former powerableness , by the resistance of that Town meerly : I rather think , that the perverse and stubborn condition of it will at last drive the young King into a fury , and incite him to revenge their contradiction on their innocent Friends , now disarmed and disabled . Then will they see at last the issue of their own peremptory resolutions , and begin to beleive , that the Heathen Historian was of the two the better Christian , when he gave us this note . Non turpe est ab eo vinci , quem vincere esset nefas , neque illi , in honeste etiam summitti , quem fortuna super omnes extulisset . This weakness and misery which hath now befallen the Protestants , was an effect , I confess , of the ill will which the other party bare them ; but that they bare them ill will , was a fruit of their own grafting . In this circumstance they were nothing like Jacob , who in the hatred , which his brother Esau had to him , was meerly passive . They being active also in the birth of it . And indeed the lamentable and bloudy war which fell upon them , they not onely endeavoured not to avoid , but invited . During the raign of Henry the fourth , who would not see it , and the troublesome minority of Lewis the thirteenth . who could not molest them , they had made themselves masters of ninety nine Towns , well fortified and enabled for a siege . A strength too great for any one faction to keep tother under a King which desires to be himself and so rule his people . In the opinion of their potency they call Assemblies , Parliaments , as it were , when and as often as they pleased . There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion , made new Laws of government , removed and exchanged their general Officers , the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally asked . Had they onely been guilty of too much power , that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war against them , it not standing with the safety and honour of a King , not to be the absolute commander of his own subjects . But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies , they abused their power into a neglect , and in not dissolving them at his Majesties commandement , they increased their neglect into a disobedience . The Assembly which principally the war and their ruine , was that of Rochell , called by the Protestants presently upon the Kings journey into Bearne . This general meeting the King prohibited by his especial Edicts : declaring all them to be guilty of treason , which notwithstanding , they would not hearken to , but very undutifully went on in their purposes : It was said by a Gentleman of that party , and one that had been employed in many of their affairs , that the very zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences , had thrusted them into those desperate courses , and I beleive him . Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum . Being assembled , they sent the King a Remonstrance of their greivances , to which the Duke Lesdiguiers , in a letter to them written , gives them a ●e y fair and plausible answer , wherein also he entreateth them to obey the Kings Edict , and break off the Assembly : Upon the receit of this Letter those of the Assembly published a Declaration , wherein they verified the meeting to be lawful ; and their purpose not to dismiss themselves till their desires were granted . This affront done to the King , made him gather together his forces ; yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request , he allowed them twenty four dayes respite before his Armies should march towards them . He offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions , such almost as their Deputies had sollicited , but far better than those which they were glad to accept , when all their Towns were taken from them . Profect● meluctabilis fatorum vis , cujus fortunam mutare constituit , ejus corrumpit consilia : It holds very rightly in this people , who turned a deaf ear to all good advise , and were resolved , it seemeth , not to hear the voice of the charmer , charmed he never so sweetly . In their Assembly therefore they make Laws and Orders to regulate their disobedience ; as that no peace should be made without the consent of the general Convocation , about paying of the Souldiers wages , for the detaining of the Revenues of the King and the Clergy , and the like . They also have divided France into seven circles or parts , assigning over every circle several Generals and Lieutenants , and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the warr . Thus we see the Kings Army levied upon no sleight grounds . His regal authority was neglected , his especial Edicts violated , his gratious proffers slighted , his revenues forbidden him , and his Realm divided before his face , and alotted unto Officers not of his own election . Had the prosecution of his action been as fair as the cause was just and legal , the Protestants onely had deserved the infamy : But hinc illae lachrymae , the King so behaved himself in it , that he suffered the sword to walk at randome , as if his main design had been , not to correct his people , but to ruine them . I will instance onely in the tyrannical slaughter which he permitted at the taking of Nigrepelisse a Town of Queren , where indeed the Souldiers shewed the very rigor of severity , which either a barbarous Victor could inflict , or a vanquished people suffer . Nec ullum saevitiae genus omisit ira & Victoria : as Tacitus of the angred Romans : For they spared neither man , nor woman , nor child , all equally subject to the cruelty of the Sword and the Conqueror : the streets paved with dead carcasses , the channels running with the bloud of Christians : no noise in the streets , but of such as were welcoming death , or suing for life . The Churches , which the Gothes spared in the sack of Rome , were at this place made the Theaters of lust and bloud ; neither priviledge of Sanctuary , nor fear of God , in whose House they were , qualifying their outrage . Thus in the Common places . At domus interior gemitu miseroque tumultu Miscetur : Penitusque eavae clangoribus aedes Faeminiis ululant — As Virgill in the ruine of Troy. But the calamities which befel the men were merciful and sparing , if compared with those which the women suffered : when the Souldiers had made them the Subjects of their lust , they made them after the subjects of their fury ; in that onely pittiful to that poor and distressed Sex , that they did not let them survive their honours . Such of them , who out of fear and faintness had made but little resistance , had the favour to be stabbed ; but those , whose virtue and courage maintained their bodies valiantly from the rape of those villains , had the secrets of Nature ( Procul hinc este cast ae misericordes aures ) filled with Gun-powder , and so blown into ashes . Whether , O Ye Divine Powers , is humanity fled , when it is not to be found in Christians ? or where shall we find the effects of a pittiful nature , when men are become so unnatural ? It is said , that the King was ignorant of this barbarousness , and offended at it : Offended , I perswade my self , he could not but be , unless he had totally put off himself and degenerated into a Tyger : but for his ignorance , I dare not conceive it to be any other than that of Nero , an ignorance rather in his eye than in his understanding . Subduxit oculos Nero ( saith Tacitus ) jussitque scelera , non spectavit . Though the Protestants deserved affliction for their disobedience , yet this was an execution above the nature of a punishment , a misery beyond the condition of the crime . True it is , and I shall never acquit them of it , that in the time of their prosperity they had done the King many affronts , and committed many acts of disobedience and insolency , which justly occasioned the warr against them . For besides those already recited , they themselves first brake those Edicts , the due execution whereof seemed to have been their onely petition . The King by his Edict of Pacification had licensed the free exercise of both Religions , and thereupon permitted the Priests and Jesuites to preach in the Towns of Caution , being then in the hands of the Protestants . On the other side , the Protestants assembled at Loudan , straitly commanded all their Governours , Mayors , and Sheriffs , not to suffer any Jesuits , or any of any other Order , to preach in their Towns , although licensed by the Bishop of the Diocess : When upon dislike of their proceedings in that Assembly , the King had declared their meetings to be unlawful , and contrary to his peace , and this Declaration was verified against them by the Parliament ; they notwithstanding would not separate themselves , but stood still upon terms of capitulation , and the justifiableness of their action . Again , whereas it happened that the Lord of Privas , Town full of those of the Religion , dyed in the year 1620. and left his Daughter and Heir in the bed and marriage of the Viscount of Cheylane a Catholike ; this new Lord , according to law and right , in his own Town changed the former Garrison , putting his own servants and dependants in their places . Upon this the Protestants of the Town and Country about it , draw themselves in Troops , surprize many of the Towns about it , and at the last compelled the young Gentleman to fly from his inheritance ; an action which jumping even with the time of the Assembly at Rochell , made the King more doubtful of their sincerity . I could add to these divers others of their undutiful practises , being the effects of too much felicity , and of a fortune which they could not govern . Atqui animus meminisse horret , luctuque refuget . These their insolencies and unruly acts of disobedience made the King and his Council suspect that their designs tended further than Religion ; and that their purpose might be to make themselves a free Estate , after the example of Geneva and the Low Country-men . The late power which they had taken of calling their own Synods and Convocations , was a strong argument of their purpose : so also was the intelligence which they held with those of their faith at the Synod at Sappe , called by the permission of Henry the fourth on the first of October , Anno 1603. They not onely gave audience to Ambassadours , and received Letters from forrain Princes , but also importuned his Majesty to have a general liberty of going into any other Countreys , and assigning at their Counsel a matter of especial importance . And therefore the King upon a foresight of the dangers , wisely prohibited them to go to any Assemblies without a particular licence , upon pain to be declared Traytors . Since that time growing into greater strength , whensoever they had occasion of business with King Lewis , they would never treat with him but by their Embassadors , and upon especial Articles . An ambition above the quality of those that profess themselves Sorbonets , and the onely way , as Du Seirres noteth , to make an estate in the State : but the answers made unto the King by those of Alerack and Montanbon are pregnant proofs of their intent and meaning in this kind . The first , being summoned by the King and his Army the 22. of July , Anno 1621. returned thus , that the King should suffer them to enjoy their liberties , and leave their fortifications as they were for them of their lives , and so they would declare themselves to be his subjects . They of Montanbon made a fuller expression of the general design Disobedience ; which was , that they were resolved to live and die in the Vnion of the Churches : had they said , for the Service of the King , it had been spoken bravely , but now rebelliously . This union and confederacy of theirs King Lewis used to call , the Common-wealth of Rochell ; for the overthrow of which he alwayes protested that he had onely taken Arms : and if we compare circumstances , we shall find it to be no other . In the second of April , before he had as yet advanced into the Feild , he published a Declaration in favour of all those of the Religion , which would contain themselves within duty and obedience . And whereas some of Tours at the beginning of the warrs had tumultuously molested the Protestants at the burial of one of their dead , five of them by the Kings especial commandement were openly executed : When the warr was hottest abroad , those of the Gospel at Paris lived as securely as ever , and had their accustomed meetings at Charentan . So had those also of other places . Moreover when tidings came to Paris of the Duke of Mayens death slain before Montanbon , the Rascal French , according to their hot headed dispositions , breathed out nothing but ruine to the Hugonots ; the Duke of Montbazon , Governour of the City , commanded their houses and the streets to be safely guarded . After when this Rabble had burnt down their Temple at Charentan , the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained , that it should be built up again in a more beautiful manner , and that at the Kings charge . Add to this , that since the ending of the warrs , and the reduction of almost all their Towns , we have not seen the least alteration of Religion . Besides that , they have been permitted to hold a National Synod at Clarenton for establishing the truth of their doctrine , against the errors of Arminius Professor of Leiden in Holland . All things thus considered in their true being , I cannot see for what cause our late Soveraign should suffer so much envy as he did , for not giving them assistance . I cannot but say , that my self hath too often condemned his remissness in that cause , which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in . Had he been a meddler in it further than he was , he had not so much preserved Religion as supported rebellion ; besides the consequence of the example . To have assisted the disobedient French , under the colour of the liberty of Conscience , had been onely to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence , and to have troad the path of his own hazard . Further , he had not long before denyed succor to his own children , when he might have given upon a better ground , and for a fairer purpose ; and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another : For that other denial of his helping hand , I much doubt how farre posterity will acquit him , though certainly he was a good Prince , and had been an happy instrument of the peace of Christendom , had not the later part of his raign happened in a time so full of troubles . So that betwixt the quietness of his nature , and the turbulencies of his later dayes , he fell into that miserable exigent mentioned in the Historian : Miserrimum est cum alicui aut natura sua excedenda est , aut minuenda dignitas . Add to this , that the French had first been abandoned at home by their own friends : of seven Generals , whom they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France , four of them never giving them incouragement . The three which accepted of those inordinate Governments , were the Duke of Rohan his Brother Mr. Sonbise , and the Marquess la Force : the four others being the Duke of Tremoville , the Earl of Chastillon , the Duke of Lesdiguier , and the Duke of Bovillon , who should have commanded in cheif : So that the French Protestants cannot say , that he was first wanting unto them , but they to themselves . If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this rebellious contradiction of his Majesties commandements , we must answer , that it was too much happiness : Causa hujus belli eadem , quae omnium nimid faelicitas : as Florus of the Civil warrs between Caesar and Pompey . Before the year 1620. when they fell first into the Kings dis-favour , they were possessed of almost an hundred good Towns well fortified for their safety , besides beautiful houses and ample possessions in the Villages . They slept every man under his own Vine , and his own Fig-tree , neither fearing nor needing to fear the least disturbance with those of the Catholike party ; they were grown so intimate and entire by reason of their inter-marriages , that a very few years would have made them incorporated , if not into one faith , yet into one family : For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice , it pleased King Henry the fourth to erect a chamber in the Court of Parliament of Paris purposely for them . It consisted of one President and sixteen Counsellors ; their office , to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the Reformed Religion , as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris , as also in Normandy and Brittain , till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them . There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliament of Bourdeaux and Grenoble , and one at Chasters for the Parliament at Tholoza . These Chambers were called , Les Chambres de l' Edict , because they were established by a special Edict at the Town of Nantes in Brittain , April the eighth ; Anno 1598. In a word , they lived so secure and happy , that one would have thought their felicities had been immortal . O faciles dare summa Deos eademque tuer● Difficiles ! And yet they are not brought so low , but that they may live happily , if they can be content to live obediently , that which is taken from them being matter of strength onely , not priviledge . Let us now look upon them in their Churches ; which we shall find as empty of magnificence as ceremony : to talk amongst them of Common prayers , were to fright them with a second coming of the Mass : and to mention Prayers at the burial of the dead , were to perswade them of a Purgatory . Painted glass in a Church window is accounted for the flag and ensign of Antichrist , and for Organs , no question , but they are deemed the Devils Bap pipes : Shew them a Surplice , and they cry out , a rag of the Whore of Babylon , yet a Sheet upon a Woman when she is in child●bed is a greater abomination than the other : A strange people , that could never think the Mass-book sufficiently reformed , till they had taken away Prayers , nor that their Churches could ever be handsome until they were ragged . This foolish opposition of their first Reformers hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envy , and been no small disadvantage to their side , whereas the Church of England , though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of doctrine , is yet not uncharitably thought on by the moderatest Catholikes , by reason it retained such an excellency of discipline . When the Liturgie of our Church was translated into Latine by Doctor Mocket once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford , it was with great approof and applause received here in France by those whom they call Catholikes Royal , as marvelling to see such order and regular devotion in them , whom they were taught to condemn for heretical An allowance which with some little help might have been raised higher , from the practise of our Church , to some points of our judgement . And it is very worthy of our observation , that which the Marquess of Rhosney spake of Canterbury , when he came as extraordinary Embassadour from King Henry the fourth to welcome King James into England , for upon the view of our solemn Service and Ceremonies he openly said unto his fellows , that if the reformed Churches in France had kept the same orders amongst them which we have , he was assured , that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants than now there are . But the Marquess of Rhosney was not the last that said so : I have heard divers French Papists , who were here at the Queens coming over , and ventured so far upon an excommunication , as to be present at our Church solemn Services , extolling them , and us for their sakes , even almost unto Hyperboles : So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them . As are their Churches , such is their discipline , naked of all antiquity , and almost as modern as the men which embraced it . The power and calling of Bishops they abrogated with the Mass ; upon no other cause , then that Geneva had done it . As if that excellent man , Mr. Calvin , had been the Pythagoras of our age , and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his Ipse dixit had stood for Oracle . The Hierarchi of Bishops thus cast out , they have brought in their places Lay-Elders , a kind of Monsters never heard of in the Scriptures or first times of the Gospel . These men leap from the stall to the Bench , and partly sleeping , and partly stroaking their beard they enact Laws of government for the Church : So that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist : saying , Surgunt nobis e Sterquitineo magistratus , nec dum tot is manibus publica tractant negotia : yet to these very men , composed equally of ignorance and a Trade , are the most weighty matters of the Church committed . In them is the power of ordaining Priests , of conferring places of Charge , and even of the severest censure of the Church , Excommunication . When any business which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen , they must be called to counsel , and you shall find them there as soon as ever they can put off their aprons . Having blotted out there a little classical non-sense , and passed their consents , rather by nodding of their heads , than any other sensible articulation , they hasten to their Shops , as Quinctius the Dictator , in Florus , did to his Plow , Vt adopus relictum festinasse videatur . Such a platform though it be , as needeth no further confutation then to know it , yet had it been the more tolerable , if the Contrivers of it had not endeavoured to impose it on all the reformation ; by which meanes what troubles have been raised by the great Zealots here in England , there is none so young but hath heard some tragical relations . God be magnified , and our late King praised , by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel . As for their Ministery , it is indeed very learned in their study , and exceeding painful in their calling ; by the first they confute the ignorant of the Romish Clergy : by the second their laziness : And questionless it behoveth them so to be ; for living in a Country full of opposition , they are forced to a necessity of book-learning to maintain the Cause : and being continually ( as it were ) beset with spies , did therefore frequent the Pulpits to hold up their credits : The maintenance which is alotted them scarce amounteth to a competency , though by that name they please to call it . With receiving of tythes they never meddle , and therefore in their Systematical Tractats of Divinity , they do hardly allow of paying of them : Some of them hold , that they are Jewish and abrogated with the Law : Others think them meerly to be Jure Humano : and yet that they may be lawfully accepted where they are tendered . It is well yet , that there are some amongst thē which will commend grapes though they cannot reach them : This Competency may come to forty or fifty pound yearly or a little more . Beza that great and famous Preacher of Geneva had but eighty pound a year , and about that rate was Peter du Moulins pension , when he preached at Clarenton . These stipends are partly paid by the King , and partly raised by way of Collection . So the Ministers of those Churches are much of the nature of the English Lecturers . As for the Tythes , they belong to the several Parish Priests in whose precincts they are due : and those , I warrant you , according to the little learning which they have , will hold them to be Jure Divino . The Sermons of the French are very plain home-spun , little in them of the Fathers , and less of humane learning : it being concluded in the Synode of Sappe , that onely the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits ; they consist much of exhortation and use , and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge . A ready way to raise up and edifie the will and affections , but withall to starve the understanding . For the education of them being Children they have private Schools , when they are better grown , they may have free recourse unto any of the French Academies , besides the new Vniversity of Saumus which is wholly theirs , and is the cheif place of their study . CHAP. XIII . The connexion between the Church and Common-wealth in general . A transition to the particulars of France : The Government there meerly Regal . A mixt form of Government most commendable . The Kings Patents for Offices , Monopolies above the censure of the Parliament . The strange Office intended by Mr. Luines : The Kings gifts and expences . The Chamber of Accompts : France divided into three sorts of people : The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a Title . The inequality between the NoNobles and Commons in France . The Kings power how much respected by the Princes : The powerableness of that rank : The form of Execution done on them : The muititude and confusion of Nobility . King James defended . A Censure of the French Heralds : The power and command of the French Nobles and their Tennants , their baillages , giblets and other Regalia : Why they conspire with the King to undo the Commons . HAving thus spoken of the Church , I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth . Religion is as the soul of a State , policy as the body ; we can hardly discourse of the one , without a relation to the other ; if we do , We commit a wilful murder in the destroying a Republick . The Common-wealth without the Church is but a Carcass or thing inanimate : The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were , anima separata . The joyning of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body : and therefore as they are in nature , so in my relations , Connubio jungam stabili . Moreover such a secret simpathy there is between them ; such a necessary dependency of one upon the other , that we may say of them what Tullie doth of two Twinns in his book de Fato Eorum morbus eodem tempore gravescit , & eodem levatur . They grow sick and well at the same time , and commonly run out of their race at the same instant . There is besides the general respects each to other , a more particular bond betwixt them here in France , which is a likeness and resemblance in the Church of France . We have found a Head and a Body . This Body again divided into two parts , the Catholike and Protestant . The Head is in his own opinion and the minds of many others , of a power unlimited ; yet the Catholike party hath strongly curbed it : And of the two parts of the body , we see the Papists flourishing and in triumph , whilst that of the Protestants is in misery and affliction . Thus it is also in the Body Politick , the King in his own Conceit boundless and omnipotent , is yet affronted by his Nobles : which Nobles enjoy all freedom of riches and happiness ; the poor Pesants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage . For the government of the King is meerly Regall , or to give it the right name , Despotical : Though the Country be his Wife , and all the people are his Children , yet doth he neither govern as a Husband or a Father : He accounteth of them all as of his servants , and therefore commandeth them as a Master . In his Edicts , which he over-frequently sendeth about , he never mentioned the good will of his Subjects , nor the approbation of his Council , but concludeth all of them in this form , Cartel est nostre plaisir : sic volo , sic jubeo . A form of government very prone to degenerate into Tyranny , if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance . But this not the vice of the entire and Soveraign Monarchy alone , which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the other two good forms of regiment being subject also to the same frailty . Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracie to have been frequently corrupted into an Oligarchie : and Politeia ( or Common-wealth properly so called ) into a Democracie . For as in the body natural the purest Complexions are less lasting , and easily broken , and subject to alteration . So it is in the body Civil : The pure and unmixt forms of government , though perfect & absolute in their kinds , are of little continuance , and very subject to change into its opposite . They therefore which have written of Republicks do most applaud and commend the mixt manner of Rule , which is equally compounded of the Kingdom and Politeia , because in them Kings have all the power belonging to their title , without prejudice to the property . In these there is reserved to the King absolute Majesty , to the Nobles convenient authority , to the people an incorrupted liberty , all in a just and equal proportion . Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome , as it was moderated by Nerva . Qui res olim dissociabiles miscuerat principatum & libertatem : wherein the soveraignty of one endamaged not the freedom of all . A rare mixture of government . And such is the Kingdom of England . A Kingdom of a perfect and happy composition , wherein the King hath his full prerogative , the Nobles all due respects , and the People amongst other blessings perfect in this , that they are masters of their own purses , and have a strong hand in the making of their own Lawes . On the other side , in the Regal government of France , the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him , is banisht of his money as the Kings task-masters think fit , and suffereth many other oppressions , which in their proper place shall be specified . This Aristotle in the third book of his Politicks calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the command of a Master and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Such an Empire , by which a Prince may command , and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes , one of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings . For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusal of his Edicts before they pass for Laws , yet is this but a meer formality : It is the Cartell est nostre plaisir , which maketh them currant , which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperours , Justinian in the book of Institutions maketh five parts of the Civil Lawes : Viz. ( He meaneth the Law of the twelve Tables : ) Plebiscita , Senatus consulta , Prudentum responsa , and Principum placita : To this last he addeth this general strength , Quod principi placuerit legis habet valorem : The very foundation of the Kings powerfulness . True it is yet , that the Courts of Parliament do use to demurre sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees , and to petition him for a Reversal of them : but his answer commonly is , Stat pro ratione Voluntas . He knoweth his own power , and granteth Letters Patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly . If a moneyed man can make a friend in Court , he may have an Office found for him , of six pence upon every Sword made in France : a liure upon the selling of every head of Cattel : a brace of soles for every pair of boots , and the like . It is the onely study of some men , to find out such devices of enriching themselves and undoing the people . The Patent for Mines granted to Sir Giles Mompesson , was just one of the French Offices . As for Monopolies , they are here so common , that the Subject taketh no notice of it , not a scurvy petty book being printed , but it hath its priviledge affixed , ad imprimendum solum . These being granted by the King , are carried to the Parliament , by them formally perused , and finally verified : after which they are in force and vertue against all opposition . It is said in France , that Mr. Luines had obtained a Patent of the King for a quart d' Escu to be paid unto him for the Christning of every Child throughout the Kingdom . A very unjust and unconscionable extortion : Had he lived to have presented it to the Court , I much doubt of their denial , though the onely cause of bringing before them such Patents , is onely intended , that they should discuss the justice and convenience of them . As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them of verifying the Kings Edicts , his grants of Offices and Monopolies ; so hath the Chamber of Accompts , a superficial survey of his gifts and expences : For his expences , they are thought to be as great now as ever , by reason of the several retinues of Himself , his Mother , his Queen , and the Monsieur . Neither are his gifts lessened . The late warrs which he mannaged against the Protestants cost him dear , he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and Pensions . As the expences of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined , so are also the gifts and pensions by him granted to be ratified . The titulary power given to this Chamber , is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation ; the Officers being solemnly , at the least formally , sworn , not to suffer any thing to pass them to the detriment of the Kingdom , whatsoever Letters of Command they have to the contrary : But with this Oath they do oftentimes dispense . To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens . Anciently certain Lords , Officers of the Crown , and of the Privie Council , were appointed to look into the Accompts : now it is made an ordinary and soveraign Court , consisting of two Presidents , and divers Auditors , and after , under Officers . The Chamber wherein it is kept is called , La Chambre des Comptes , it is the beautifullest piece of the whole Palace , the great Chamber it self not being worthy to be named in the same day with it . It was built by Charles the eighth , Anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis the twelfth , whose Statua is there standing in his Royal Robes , and the Scepter in his hand ; he is accompanied by the four Cardinal-Virtues , expressed by way of Hieroglychick , very properly and cunning : each of them have in them its particular Motto to declare its being . The Kings Portraicture also as if he were the fifth Virtue , had its word under-written , and contained in a couple of verses , which ( let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading ) are these : Quatuor has comites fowro , caelestia dona Innocuae pacis , prospera sceptra gerens . From the King descend we to the Subjects , ab equis , quod aiunt , ad asinos ; and the phrase is not much improper ; the French Commonalty being called the Kings Asses . These are divided into three ranks or Classes ; the Clergy , the Nobless , the Paisants , out of which certain Delegates or Committees , chosen upon an occasion , and sent to the King , did anciently concurre to the making of the supreme Court for justice in France , it was called the Assembly of the three Estates , or Conventus Ordinum , and was just like the Parliament of England , but these meetings are now forgotten or out of use , neither indeed , as this time goeth , can they any way advantage the State. For whereas there are three principal if not sole causes of these Conventions , which are , the disposing of the Regency during the non-age or sickness of a King ; the granting aids or subsidies , and the redressing of grievances , there is now another course taken in them . The Parliament of Paris , which speaketh as it is prompted by power and greatness , appointeth the Regent : the Kings themselves with their Officers determine of the taxes , and as concerning their grievances , the Kings ear is open to private Petitions . Thus is that title of a Common-wealth , which went to the making up of this Monarchy , escheated or rather devoured by the King : that name alone containing in it both Clergy , Princes and People ; so that some of the French Counsellors may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar , Doleoque cum Respublica immortalis esse debeat , eam unius mortalis anima consistere : yet I cannot but withal affirm , that the Princes and Nobles of France do , for as much as concerneth themselves , upon all advantages fly off from the Kings obedience ; but all this while the poor Paisant is ruined . Let the poor Tennant starve , or eat the bread of carefulness , it matters not , so they may have their pleasure , and be accompted firm Zealots of the Common liberty , and certainly this is the issue of it ; the Farmer liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and laziness , the Lord leadeth the life of a King to oppress his Tennant by fines and exactions . An equality little answerable to the old platforms of Republicks . Aristotle , genius ille naturae , as a learned man calleth him , in his fourth book of Politicks hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproportion . In that chapter his project is to have a correspondency so far between Subjects under the King , or people of the same City , that neither the one might be over rich , nor the other too miserably poor . They , saith he , which are too happy , strong , or rich , or greatly favoured , and the like , cannot nor will not obey , with which evil they are infected from their infancy . The other , through want of these things , are too abjectly minded and base , for that the one cannot but command , and the other but serve , and this he calleth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a City inhabited onely by slaves and tyrants . That questionless is the most perfect and compleat form of Government : Vbi veneratur potentem humilis , non timet , antecedit , non contemnit humiliorem potens , as Velleius . But this is an happiness whereof France is not capable , their Lords being Kings , and their Commons Villains . And to say no less of them than in truth they are , the Princes of this Country are little inferior in matters of Royalty to any King abroad , and by consequence little respective in matter of obedience to their own King at home . Upon the least discontent they will draw themselves from the Court , or put themselves into Arms ; and of all other comforts are ever sure of this , that they shall never want partizans , neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully and at distance , but justifie their revolt by publike declaration , and think the King much indebted to them , if upon fair terms , and an honourable reconcilement , they will please to put themselves again into his obedience . Henry the fourth was a Prince of as undanted and uncontroulable a spirit , as ever any of his Predecessors , and one that loved to be obeyed , yet was he also very frequently baffled by these Roytelets , and at the last died in an affront . The Prince of Conde perceiving the Kings affection to his new Lady , began to grow jealous of him , for which reason he retired unto Bruxels . The King offended at this retreat sent after him , and commanded him home : The Prince returned answer , that he was the Kings most humble Subject and Servant , but into France he would not come , unless he might have a Town for his assurance , withal he protected in publike writing a Nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence . A stomackful resolution , and somewhat misbecoming a Subject : yet in this opposition he persisted , his humour of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted . But these tricks are ordinary here , otherwise a man might have construed this action by the term of rebellion . The chief meanes whereby these Princes become so head-strong , is an immunity given them by their Kings , and a liberty which they have taken to themselves : By their Kings they have been absolutely exempted from all tributes , tolles , taxes , customs , impositions and subsidies ; by them they have been alwayes estated in whole entire Provinces , with a power of Hante and many justice ( as the Lawyers term it ) passed over unto them : the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgement of them . To this they have added much to their strength and security , by the insconcing and fortifying their houses , which both often moveth & afterwards enableth thē to contemn his Majesty . An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochforte , belonging to the Duke of Tremoville , which in the long Civil Wars , endured a shelf of five thousand shot and yet was not taken . A very impolitick course ( in my conceit ) in the French , to bestow honours and immunities upon those , Qui ( as the Historian saith ) ea suo arbitrio aut reposcituri , aut retenturem videantur , quique modum habent in sua voluntate : For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves , the Princes have been alwayes prone to civil Warrs , as having sufficient means for safety and resistance . On this ground all they write the Kings authority , and disobey his justice . Insomuch that the greatest sort of Nobles in this Kingdom can seldom be arraigned or executed in person , and therefore the Laws condemn them in their images , and hang them in their pictures . A pretty device to work justice . If by chance or some handsome sleight any of them be apprehended , they are put under a sure guard , and not doomed to death without great fear of tumult and unquietness . Neither is it Vnus & alter , onely some two or three that thus stand upon their distance with the King , but even all the Nobility of the Realm - A rout so disordered , unconfined and numberless , that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the reckoning . I speak not here of those that are stiled La Noblesse , but of Titulados , men onely of titular Nobility , of the degree of Baron and above : of these there is in this Country a number almost innumerable , quot Coelum stellas , take quantity for quantity , and I dare be of the opinion , that Heaven hath not more Stars than France Nobles ; you shall meet with them so thick in the Kings Court especially , that you would think it almost impossible the Country should bear any other fruit . This I think I may safely affirm and without Hyperbole , that they have there as many Princes as we in England have Dukes , as many Dukes as we Earls , as many Earls as we Barons , as many Barons as we Knights . A jolly company , and such as know their own strength too . I cannot but as much marvel , that those Kings should be so prodigal in conferring honours , considering this , that every Nobleman he createth is so great a weakening to his power . On the other side , I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation , who have murmured against our late Soveraign , and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness , in bestowing the dignities of his Realm with so full and liberal an hand . Certainly could there any danger have risen by it unto the State , I could have been as impatient of it as another . But with us titles and ennobling in this kind , are onely either the Kings favour , or the parties merit , & maketh , whomsoever he be that receiveth them , rather reverenced than powerful . Raro eorum honoribus invidetur quorum vis non timetur , was a good Aphorism in the dayes of Paterculus , and may , for ought I know , be as good still : Why should I envy any man that honour , which taketh not from my safety , or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency , when that favour cannot make them exorbitant . Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer at the occasions of Subsidies : and the glory of the Kingdom , when the Prince is not attended by men meerly of the Vulgar . Add to this the few Noble men of any title , which he found at his happy coming in amongst us , and the additions of power which his coming brought unto us , and we shall find it proportionable , that he should enlarge our Nobility with our Country . Neither yet have we indeed a number to be talked of , comparing us with our neighbour Nations . We may see all of the three first rank in the books of Miles , Brook , and Vincent , and we are promised also a Catalogue of the creations and successions of all our Barons ; then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited . Were this care taken by the Heralds in France , perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberless , sure I am , not so confused : but this is the main vice of that Profession : of six Heralds which they have amongst them , Viz Mountjoy , Normandy , Guyenns , Valoys , Britain , and Burgoyne , not one of them is reported to be a Genealogist : Neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study . Peradine the onely man that ever was amongst them , hath drawn down the Genealogies of twenty four of the cheif Families , all eminent and of the bloud ; in which he hath excellently well discharged himself : but what a small pittance is that , compared to the present multitude . The Nobles being so populous , it cannot be but the Nobless ( as they call them ) that is , the Gentry , must needs be thick set , and onely not innumerable . Of these Nobless there be some that hold their estates immediately of the Crown , and they have the like immunity with the Princes . Some hold their feifes ( or seuda ) of some other of the Lords , and he hath onely Basse justice permitted to him , as to mulct and amerce his Tennants , to imprison them , or to give them any other correction under death . All of them have power to raise and enhaunce up their rents , to tax his Subjects on occasion , and to prohibite them such pleasures , as they think fit to be reserved for themselves . In Grettanl in Picardie I saw a post fastened in the ground , like a race-post with us , and thereon an inscription , I made presently to it , as hoping to have heard news of sōe memorable battel there fought , but when I came at it , I found it to be nothing but a declaration of the Prince of Condes pleasure , that no man should hunt in those quarters . Afterward I observed them to be very frequent . But not to wander through all particulars , I will in some few of them onely give instance of their power here . The first is Droict de Balliage , power to keep Assizes , or to have under them a Baillie , and an Imperial seat of justice , for the definition of such causes as fall under the compass of ordinary jurisdiction . In this Court there is notice taken of treason , robberies , murthers , protections , pardons , fairs , markets , and other matters of priviledge . Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction , and therein a Judge whom they call Le Guarde de Justice , for the decision of smaller business , as debts , trespass , breach of the Kings peace , and the like . In this the purse is onely emptied ; the other extendeth to the taking away of the life ; for which every one that hath Hante Justice annexed to his feife , hath also his particular Gibbet . Nay , which is wonderful methodical , by the Criticisme of the Gibbet you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it , for the Gibbet of one of the Noblesse hath but two pillars , that of the Chastellan three , the Barons four , the Earls six , the Dukes eight , and yet this difference is rather precise than general . The last of their jura Regalia , which I will here speak of , is the Command they have upon the people to follow them unto the warrs , a Command not so advantagious to the Lord , as dangerous to the Kingdom . Thus live the French Princes , thus the Noblesse , thus those Sheep which God and the Laws hath brought under them , they do not shear , but fleece them , and ( which is worse than this ) having themselves taken away the wooll , they give up the naked carcass to the King. Tonderi oves meas volo , non deglubi ; was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius , but it is not currant here in France : Here the Lord and the King , though otherwise at odds amongst themselves , be sure to agree in this , the undoing and oppressing of the Paisant . Ephraim against Manasseh , and Masnasseh against Ephraim , but both against Juda , saith the Scripture . The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons , is , as they pretend , the safety of the State , and their own particulars . Were the people once warmed with the feeling of ease , and their own riches , they would be presently hearkening after the Warrs . And if no employment were offered abroad , they would make some at home . Histories and experience hath taught us enough of this humour in this kind : it being impossible for this hot-headed and hare-brain'd people not to be doing . Si extraneus deest domi hostem quaerunt : as Justin hath observed of the ancient Spaniards . A pretty quality , and for which they have often smarted . CHAP. XIV . The base and low estate of the French Paisant . The misery of them under their Lords . The bed of Procrustes . The suppressing of the Subject prejudicial to a State. The Wisdom of King Henry the seventh . The French forces all in the Cavillery . The cruel Impositions laid upon the people by the King. No Demain in France . Why the trial by twelve men can be used onely in England . The gabel of Salt. The Popes licence for wenching . The gabel by whom refused , and why the Gascoines impatient of taxes . The Taille and Taylon . The Pancarte or aids , the vain resistance of those of Paris . The Court of aids . The manner of gathering the Kings moneys . The Kings Revenue . The corruption of the French Publicans . King Lewis why called the Just . The moneys currant in France . The gold of Spain more Catholike than the King. The happiness of English Subjects . BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobless , we may partly guess at the low estate of the Paisant or Country man : of whom we will not now speak , as Subjects to their Lords , and how farre they are under their commandment , but how miserable and wretched they are in their apparel and their houses : For their apparel , it is well if they can allow themselves Canvas , or an outside of that nature : As for Cloath , it is above their purse , equally , and their ambition : if they can aspire unto Fustian , they are as happy as their wishes : and he that is so arrayed , will not spare to aim at the best place in the Parish , even unto that of Church-Warden : When they go to Plow or to the Church they have shooes and stockings ; at other times they make bold with Nature and wear their skins . Hats they will not want though their bellies pinch for it : and that you may be sure they have them , they will alwayes keep them on their heads . The most impudent custom of a beggarly fortune that ever I met with , and which already hath had my blessing . As for the Women , they know in what degree Nature hath created them , and therefore dare not be so fine as their Husbands : some of them never had above one pair of stockings in all their lives , which they wear every day , for indeed they are very durable : the goodness of their faces tels us that they have no need of a band , therefore they use none . And as concerning petticoats , so it is , that all have such a garment , but most of them so short , that you would imagine them to be cut off at the placket : When the parents have sufficiently worn these vestures , and that commonly is till the rottenness of them will save the labour of undressing ; they are a new cut out and fittted to the Children . Search into their houses , and you shall find them very wretched , and destitute , as well of furniture as provision . No butter salted up against Winter , no poudering tub , no pullein in the rick barten , no flesh in the pot , or at the spit , and which is worse , no money to buy them . The description of the poor aged couple , Philemon and Baucis , in the eigth book of the Metamorphosis , is a perfect character of the French Paisant in his house-keeping , though I cannot affirm , that if Jupiter and Mercury did come amongst them , they should have so hearty an entertainment ; for thus Ovid marshelleth the dishes . Ponitur hic bicolor sincerae bacca Minervae Intubaque & radix , & lactis Massa coacti Ovaque non acri leviter versata favellâ , Prunaque & in patulis redolentia mala canistris Hic nux , hic mixta est rugosis carica palmis Et de purpurers collectae vitibus uvae . Omnia fictilibus nitede . They on the Table set Minerva's fruit ; The double coulour'd Olive : Endive root , Raddish & Cheese , and to the board there came A dish of Eggs ne're roasted by the flame : Next they had Nuts , course Dates & lenten Figs , And Apples from a basket made with twigs . And Plums and Grapes cut newly from the tree , All serv'd in earthen dishes huswifelie . But you must not look for this ohear often : At Wakes or feast days , you may perchance be so happy as to see this plenty : but at other times , onus omne patilla , the best provision they can shew you , is a piece of Bacon where with to fatten their pottage , and now and then the inwards of Beasts killed for the Gentleman . But of their miseries , this me thinketh is the greatest , that sowing so many acres of excellent Wheat in a year , and gathering in such a plentiful vintage as they do , they should not yet be so fortunate as to eat white bread , or drink Wine : for such infinite rents do they pay to their Lords , and such innumerable taxes to the King , that the profits arising out of these commodities are onely sufficient to pay their duties , and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine . The bread which they eat is of the coursest flower , and so black that it cannot admit the name of brown , and as for their drink , they have recourse unto the next fountain : A people of any the most infortunate , not permitted to enjoy the fruit of their labours : and such as above all others are subject to that Sarcasme in the Gospel , This man planted a Vineyard , and doth not drink of the fruit thereof . Neo prosunt Domino , quae prosunt omnibus artes . Yet were their cases not altogether so deplorable , if there were but hopes left to them of a better ; if they could but compass this certainty , that a painful drudging and thrifty saving would one day bring them out of this hell of bondage . In this questionless they are entirely miserable ; in that they are sensible of their present fortunes , and dare not labour nor expect an alteration . If industry and a sparing hand hath raised any of these afflicted people so high , that he is but four or five shillings richer than his neighbour , his Lord immediately enhanceth his rent , and enformeth the Kings task-masters of his riches ; by which meanes he is within two or three years brought into equal poverty with the rest . A strange course and much different from that of England ; where the Gentry take a delight in having their Tennants thrive under them , and account it no crime in any that hold of them to be wealthy . On the other side , those of France can abide no body to gain or grow rich upon their Farms , and therefore thus upon occasions rack their poor Tennants . In which they are like the Tyrant Procrustes , who laying hands upon all he met , cast them upon his bed : if they were shorter than it , he racked their joynts till he had made them even to it ; if they were longer , he cut as much of their bodies from them as did hang over ; so keeping all that fell into his power in an equality of stature . I need not make further application of the story but this , that the French Lords are like that Tyrant . How much this course doth depress the military power of the Kingdom , is apparent by the true principles of warr , and the examples of other Countries . For it hath been held the general opinion of the best judgements in matters of war , that the main buttress and pillar of an Army is the foot , or ( as the Martialists term it ) the infantry . Now to make a good infantry , it requireth that men be brought up not in a slavish or needy fashion of life , but in some free and liberal manner . Therefore it is well observed by the Viscount St. Albons in his history of Henry the seventh , that if a State run most to Nobles and Gentry , and that the Husbandmen be but as their meer drudges , or else simple Cottagers , that that State may have a good Cavilleria , but never good stable bands of Foot : like to Coppines wood , in which , if you let them grow too thick in the standerds , they will run to bushes or briers , and have little clean under wood . Neither is it thus in Franne onely , but in Italy also , and some other parts abroad ; insomuch that they are enforced to employ mercenary Souldiers for their battalions of Foot ; whereby it cometh to pass in those Countries , that they have much people but few men . On this consideration King Henry the seventh , one of the wisest of our Princes , took a course so cunning and wholesome for the encrease of the military power of this Realm , that though it be much less in territories , yet it should have infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces than its neighbour Nations . For in the fourth year of his raign there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages and decay of tillage , but purposely to make his Subjects for the warrs . The Act was , that all houses of Husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards should be maintained and kept up so , together with a competent proportion of Land to be used and occupied with them , &c. By this meanes the houses being kept up , did of necessity enfarce a dweller , and that dweller , because of the proportion of Land , not to be a beggar , but a man of some substance , able to keep hinds and servants , and to set the Plow going . An Order which did wonderfully concern the might and manhood of the Kingdom , these Farmers being sufficient to maintain an able body out of penury , and by consequence to prepare them for service , and encourage them to high honours : for , Haud facile emergunt , quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi — As the Poet hath it . But this Ordinance is not thought of such use in France ; where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the Horse ; which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battels upon them : As for the French Foot , they are quite out of all reputation , and are accounted to be the basest and unworthiest company in the world . Besides , should the French people be enfranchized as it were from the tyranny of their Lords , and estated in free hold , and other tenures after the manner of England , it would much trouble the Councill of France to find out a new way of raising the Kings Revenues , which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject . Anciently the Kings of France had rich and plentiful demeasnes , such as was sufficient to maintain their Majesty and greatness , without being burdensome unto the Country . Pride in matters of sumptuousness and the tedious Civil warrs which have lasted in this Country almost ever since the death of Henry the second , have been the occasion , that most of the Crown Lands have been sold and morgaged : insomuch that the people are now become the Demain , and the Subject onely is the revenue of the Crown ; by the sweat of their brows is the Court fed and the Souldier paid , and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idleness . What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them , it is almost a point of treason , not onely to deny , but to question : Apud illos vere regnatur , nefasque quantum regi liceat dubitare ; as one of them : The Kings hand lieth hard upon them , and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage : the poor Paisant being constrained to make up daily his full tale of brick , and yet have no straw allowed him . Upon the sight of these miseries and poverties of this people , Sir John Fortescue Chancellor of England , in his book intituled , De laudibus Regum Angliae , concludeth them to be unfit men for Jurers or Judges , should the custom of the Country admit of such a trial : for having proved there unto the Prince ( he was Son unto Henry the sixth ) that the manner of trial , according to the Common Law , by twelve Jurats , was more commendable than the practise of the Civil or Imperial Laws , by the deposition onely of two Witnesses , or the forced confession of the person arraigned : the Prince seemed to marvel , Cur ea lex Angliae quae tam frugi & optabilis est , non sit toti mundo communis : to this he maketh answer , by shewing the free condition of the English Subjects , who alone are used at these Inditements ; men of a fair and large estate , such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed : men that are of ingenuous education , such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted , and afraid of infamy . Then he sheweth how in other places all things are contrary : the Husbandman an absolute beggar , easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty : The Gentlemen living far asunder , and so taking no notice of the fact . The Paisant also neither fearing infamy nor loss of goods if he be found faulty , because he hath them not . In the end he concludeth thus : Nec mireris igitur princeps , si lex quae Anglia veritas inquiritur , ab ea non pervagetur in alias nationes : Ipsae namque , ut Anglia , nequeunt facere sufficientes , consimilesque juratas . The last part of the Latine savoureth somewhat of the Lawyer ; the word Jurata being there put to signifie a Jury . To go over all those impositions , which this miserable people are afflicted withal , were almost as wretched as the payment of them . I will therefore speak onely of the principal : and here I meet in the first place with the gabel or imposition on Salt. This gabelle de Sel , this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long , who took for it a Double , which is half a Sol , upon the pound . After whom Philip de Valoys , Anno 1328. doubled it . Charles the seventh raised it unto three Doubles , and Lewis the eleventh unto six ; since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Maid , which containeth some thirty bushels English , the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure . This one Commodity were very advantagious to the Exchequer , were it all in the Kings hands ; but at this time a great part of it is morgaged . It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly , that onely of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters being farmed at 1700000. Crowns the year . The late Kings since Anno 1581. being intangled in warrs , have been constrained to let it to others ; insomuch that about Anno 1599. the King lost above 800000. Crowns yearly : and no longer then Anno 1621. the King taking up 600000. pounds of the Provost of the Merchants and the Eschevins , gave unto them a Rent charge of 40000. pound yearly , to be issuing out of the customs of Salt till their money were repaid them . This gabel is indeed a Monopolie , and that one of the unjustest and unmeasurablest in the world : for no man in the Kingdom ( those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted ) can eat any Salt , but he must buy it of the King , and at his price , which is most unconscionable ; that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five liures , which in the exempted places is sold for one . Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished , there is diligent watch and ward , that no forrain Salt be brought into the Land , upon pain of forfeiture and imprisonment . A search that is made so strictly , that we had much ado at Diepe to be pardoned the searching of our Trunks and Port-mantues ; and that not but upon our solemn protestations , that we had none of that Commodity . This Salt is of a brown colour , being onely such as we in England call Bay Salt , & is imposed on the Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigor . For though they have some of their last provision in the house , or perchance would be content ( through poverty ) to eat their meat without it ; yet will these cruel villains enforce them to take such a quantity of them ; howsoever they will have of them so much money . But this tyranny is not general ; the Normans and Picards enduring most of it , and the other Paisants the rest . Much like unto this was the licence which the Popes and Bishops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines : for when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine , and for that cause made denial of the tribute , the Collectors would return them this answer , that notwithstanding this they should pay down the money , because they might have had the keeping of a Wench if they would . This gabel as it sitteth hard upon some , so are there some also , who are never troubled with it : of this sort are the Princes in the general release , and many of the Nobless in particular : insomuch that it was proved unto King Lewis , Anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt , there were two thousand of the Commons . There are also some entire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt , as Britain , Gascoine , Poictou , Queren , Naintogne , and the County of Boulonnois . Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption , as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady ( Nostre-Dame ) of which we shall learn more when we are in Bovillon . The Britains came united to the Crown by a fair marriage , and had strength enough to make their own Capitulations , when they first entered into the French subjection ; besides , here are yet divers of the Ducal Family living in the Country , who would much trouble the quiet of the Kingdom , should the people be oppressed with this bondage , and they take the protection of them . Poictou and Queren have compounded for it with the former Kings , and pay a certain rent yearly ; which is called the Equivalent . Xaintogne is under the command of Rochell , of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate . And as for the Gascoynes the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of rebellion . They are a stubborn and churlish people , very impatient of a rigorous yoak ; and such as inherit a full measure of the Beiseains liberty and spirit , from whom they are descended . Le Droit de fonage , the priviledge of levying of a certain peice of money upon every Chimney in an house that smoaked , was in times not long since one of the Jura Regalia of the French Lords , and the people paid it without grumbling : yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain , and for the paying of his Souldiers to whō he was indebted , laid this fonage upon the people , being then English , they all presently revolted to the French , and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters . Next unto the Gabel of Salt we may place the Taille and the Taillon ; which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England , being granted by the people , and the sum of that certain shall please to impose them . Anciently the Tailles were onely levied by way of extraordinary subsidie , and that upon four occasions , which were , the Knighting of the Kings Son , the Marriage of his Daughters , a Voyage of the Kings beyond Sea , and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner . Les Tailles ne sont point deves de devoyer ordicmer ( saith Rayneau ) ains ont este accorded , durant la necessite des Affaires Semblement . Afterward they were continually levied in times of warr , and at length Charles the first made them ordinary , neither is it extended equally , all of it would amount to a very fair revenue . For supposing this , that the Kingdom of France contained two hundred millions of acres ( as it doth ) and that from every one there were raised to the King two Sols yeerly ; which is little in respect of the taxes imposed on them ; that income alone , besides that which levied on goods personal , would amount to two millions of pounds in a year . But this payment also lyeth all on the Paisant . The greater Towns , the Officers of the Kings House , the Officers of Warrs , the Presidents , Counsellors and Officers of the Court of Parliament ; the Nobility , the Clergy , and the Schollars of the Vniversity being freed from it . That which they call the Taillon , was intended for the ease of the Country , though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it . In former times , the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages , the poor people being fain to find them diet , lodging and all necessaries for themselves , their horses and their harlots , which they brought with them . If they were not well pleased with their entertainment , they used commonly to beat their Host , abuse his family , and rob him of that small provision which he had laid up for his Children , and all this Cum privilegio . Thus did they move from one Village to another , and at the last returned unto them from whence they came , Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis istius , quae non semel aut bis in anno hac nefandâ pressurâ depiletur , as Sir John F●rtescue observed in his time . To redress this mischeif , King Henry the second , Anno 1549. raised his Imposition called the Taillon , issuing out of the lands and goods of the poor Country man ; whereby he was at the first somewhat eased : but now all is again out of order , the miserable Paisant being oppressed by the Souldier as much as ever , and yet he still payeth both taxes ▪ the Taille and the Taillon . The Pancarte comprehendeth in it divers particular imposts , but especially the Sol upon the Liure , that is , the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold ( corn , sallets , and the like onely excepted . ) Upon wine , besides the Sol upon the Liure , he hath his several customs at the entrance of it into any of his Cities , passages by Land , Sea , or River . To these Charles the ninth , Anno 1561. added a tax of five Sols upon every Maid , which is the third part of a Tun , and yet when all this is done , the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eighth penny he takes for that wine which he selleth . In this Pancart is also contained the bant passage , which are the tols paid unto the King , for passage of men and cattel over his bridges and his City gates , as also for all such Commodities which they bring with them . A good and round sum considering the largeness of the Kingdom , the thorough-fare of Lyons being farmed yearly of the King for 100000. Crowns . Hereunto belong also the Aides , which are a taxe also of the Sol on the Liure , upon all sorts of fruits , provision , wares and Merchandize , granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy , when John his Father was prisoner in England ; and since made perpetual . For such is the lamentable fate of that Country , that their kindnesses are made duties ; and those moneys which they once grant out of love , are alwayes after exacted of them , and paid out of necessity . The bedrolle of all these impositions and taxes is called the Paneart , because it was hanged up in a frame , like as the Officers Fees are in our Bishops Diocesan Courts ; the word Pan signifying a frame or pane of wainscot . These impositions time and custom hath now made tolerable , though at first day they seemed very burdensome , and moved many Cities to murmuring , some to rebellion . Amongst others the City of Paris , proud of her ancient liberties and immunities , refused to admit of it . This indignity so incensed Charles the sixth their King , then young and in hot bloud , that he seized into his hands all their priviledges , took from their Provost des Merchants and the Eschevins , as also the key of their gates , and the chains of their streets , and making through the whole Town such a face of mourning , that one might justly have said : Haec facies Troiae cum caperetur erat . This happened in the year 1383. and was for five years together continued ; which time being expired , and other Cities warned by that example , the imposition was established , and the priviledges restored . For the better regulating of the profits arising from these imposts , the French King erected a Court , Le Cour des Aides . It consisted at the first of the general of the Aides , and of any four of the Lords of the Councel , whom they would call to their assistance . Afterwards Charles the fifth , Anno 1380. or thereabouts , settled it in Paris and caused it to be numbred as one of the Soveraign Courts , Lewis the eleventh dissolved it , and committed the managing of his Aids to his Household servants , as loath to have any publike Officers take notice how he fleeced his people , Anno 1464. it was restored again . And finally Henry the second , Anno 1551. added to it a second Chamber , composed of two Presidens and eight Counsellors . One of which Presidents , Mr. Cavilayer , is said to be the best moneyed man of all France . There are also others of these Courts in the Country : as one at Roven , one at Montferrant in Averyne , one at Bourdeaux , and another at Montpellier established by Charles the first , Anno 1537. For the levying and gathering up of rhese taxes , you must know , that the whole Country of France is divided into twenty three generalities and Counties as it were , and these again into divers Eslections , which are much like unto our Hundreds . In every of the Generalities there are ten or twelve Treasurers , nine Receivers for the Generality , and as many Controulers , besides all under Officers , which are thought to amount in all to thirty thousand men . When the King levieth his taxes , he sendeth his Letters Patents to the principal Officers of every Generality , whom they call Les genereaux des Aides , and they dispatch their warrant to the Ezlenzor Commissioners . These taxing every one of the Parishes and Villages within their several divisions at a certain rate , send their Receivers to collect it , who account for it to their Controulers , by them it ascendeth Ezleie ; from him to the Receiver general of that Generality , next to the Controuler , then to the Treasurer , afterwards to the General des Aides ; and so Per varios cesus , per tot discrimina rerum Tendimus in Latium — By all these hands it is at last conveyed into the Kings purse : in which several passage , necesse est ut aliquid haereat , it cannot be , but it must needs have many a shrewd snatch : Insomuch that I was told by a Gentleman of good credence in France , that there could not be gathered by the several exactions above specified , an● other devices of prowling ( which I have omitted ) less than eighty five millions a year , whereof the King receiveth fifteen onely . A report not altogether to be sle●ghted : considering that a President of the Court of Accompts made it evident to the Assembly at Blois in the time of King Henry the fourth , that by the time that every one of the Officers had had his share of it , there came not to the Kings Coffers one teston ( which is one shilling four pence ) of a Crown : So that by reckoning five testons to a Crown or Escue , as it is but two pence over , these Officers must collect five times the money which they pay to the King ; which amouteth to seventy five millions , and is not much short of that proportion which before I spake of . The Kings revenues then , notwithstanding this infinite oppression of his people , amounteth to fifteen millions ; some would have it eighteen , which is also a good improvement in respect of what they were in times afore . Lewis the eleventh as good a Husband of his Crown , as ever any was in France , gathering but one and an half onely , but as you count the flow , so also if you reckon the ebb of his treasures , you will find much wanting of a full sea in his Coffers , it being generally known , that the Fees of Officers , Pensions , Garrisons and the men of Arms draw from him yearly , no fewer than six of his fifteen millions . True it is , that his Treasure hath many good helps by way of Escheat , and that most frequently when he cometh to take an account of his Treasurers and other Officers . An action so abominable , full of base and unmannly villanies in their several charges , that the Publicans of old Rome were milk and white broth to them : For so miserably do they abuse the poor Paisant , that if he hath in all the world but eight Sols , it shall go hard but he will extort from him five of them . Non missura cutim nisi plena cruoris hirudo . He is just of the nature of the Horsleach , when he hath once gotten hold of you , he will never let you go till he be filled , and which is most strange , he thinks it a greater clemency , that he hath left the poor man some of his money , than the cruelty was in wresting from him the rest . Nay they will brag of it , when they have taken but five of the eight Sols , that they have given him three , and expect thanks for it . A kindness of a very theevish nature , it being the condition of Robbers , as Tully hath observed , Vt commemorent iis se dedisse vitam , quibus non ademerint . Were the people but so happy as to have a certain rate set upon their miseries , it could not but be a great ease to them , and would well defend them from the tyranny of these theeves : but , which is not the least part of their wretchedness , their taxings and assemblings are left arbitrary , and are exacted according as these Publicans will give out of the Kings necessities . So that the Country man hath no other remedy , than to give Cerberus a crust , as the saying , is , and to kiss his rod and hug his punishment . By this meanes the Quaestors thrive abundantly , it being commonly said of them , Fari bouvier au jourd huy Cheualier , to day a Swineheard , to morrow a Gentleman ; and certainly they grow into great riches . Mr. Beaumarchais one of the Treasurers ( Mr. de Vi●●ry , who slew the Marquess de Ancri , married his onely Daughter ) having raked unto himself , by the v●l●ainous abuse of his place , no less than twenty two millions of Liures , as it is commonly reported : but he is not like to carry it to his grave , the King having seised upon a good part of it , and himself being condemned to the Gallows by the grand Chamber of Parliament , though as yet he cannot be apprehended & advanced to the ladder , And this hath been the end of many of them since the raign of this present King ( whom it may be for this cause they call Lewis the Just : ) This fashion of affixing Epithites to the names of their Kings , was in great use heretofore with this Nation . Carolus the Son of Pipin was by them surnamed Le magne : Lewis his Son Le Debonaire ; and so of the rest : since the time of Charles the sixth , who was by them surnamed the Beloved , it was discontinued and new revived again in the persons of King Henry the fourth and his Son King Lewis : ( but this by the way . ) It may be also he is called the Just by way of negation ; because he hath yet committed no notable act of injustice ( for I wink at his cruel and unjust slaughter at Nigrepelisse . ) It may be also to keep him continually in mind of his duty , that he may make himself worthy of that attribute : Vere Imperator sui nominis , as one said of Severus . Let us add one more misery to the State and Commonalty of France , and that is the base and corrupt money in it : for besides the Sol which is made of Tin , they have the Double made of Brass , where of six make a Sol , and the Deneir , whereof two make a Double : a Coin so vile & base of value , that one hundred and twenty of them go to our English Shilling : These are the common Coins of the Country . Silver and Gold not being to be seen but upon holy-dayes . As for their Silver it is most of it of their new coining , but all exceedingly clipt and shorn , their Gold being most of it Spanish . In my little being in the Country , though I casually saw much Gold , I could onely see two pieces of French stamp , the rest coming all from Spain , as Pistolets , Demi pistolets , and double Pistolets . Neither is France onely furnisht thus with Chastilian Coin ; it is happiness also of other Countries , as Italy , Barbary , Brabant , and elsewhere , and indeed it is kindly done of him , that being the sole Monopolist of the Mines , he will yet let other Nations have a share in the mettal . Were the King as Catholike as his money , I think I should be in some fear of him ; till then we may lawfully take that ambitious title from the King , and bestow it on his pictures : the soveraignty of the Spanish gold is more universally embraced , and more seriously acknowledged in most parts of Christendom , than that of him which stampt it . To this he , which entituleth himself Catholike , is but a prisoner , and never saw half those Provinces , in which this more powerful Monarch hath been heartily welcommed : And yet if he will needs be King let him grow somewhat more jealous of his Queen , and confess that his Gold doth royally deserve his embraces , whom before this extent of its dominion , the ancient Poets stiled , Regina Pecunia . True it is , that by the frame and shape of this Empress you would little think her to be lovely , and less worthy your entertainment , the stones which little boys break into quoyts , are a great deal better proportioned . If a Geometrician were to take the angles of it , I think it would quite put him besides his Euclide : Neither can I tell to what thing in the world fitter to resemble it , then a French Cheese , for it is neither long , nor square , nor round , nor thin , nor thick , nor any one of these , but yet all , and yet none of them . No question it was the Kings desire , by this unsightly dressing of his Lady , to make men out of love with her , that so he might keep her to himself ; but in this his hopes have cozened him : for as in other Cuckoldings , so in this , some men will be bold to keep his Wife from him , be it onely in spite . These circumstances thus laid together and considered , we may the clearer and the better see our own felicities , which to exprese generally and in a word , is to say onely this , that the English subject is in no circumstance a French-man : here have we our money made of the best and purest matal , that onely excepted which a charitable consideration hath coined into farthings : here have we our King royally , and to the envy of the world , magnificently provided for , without the sweat and bloud of the people : no pillages nor impositions upon any private wares ; no Gabels upon our Commodities : Nullum in tam ingenti regno vestigal : non in urbibus pontium vae discriminibus publicanorum stationes ; as one truly hath observed of us . The moneys which the King wanteth to supply his necessities are here freely given him , he doth not compel our bounties , but accept them . The Laws by which we are governed , we impart , are makers of : each Peasant of the Countrey hath a free voice in the enacting of them , if not in his person , yet in his Proxie : we are not here subject to the lusts and tyranny of our Lords ; and may therefore say safely , what the Jews spake factiously , that We have no King but Caesar : the greatest Prince here is subject with us to the same law ; and we stand before the Tribunal of the Judge : we acknowledge no difference : here do we inhabit our own houses , plow our own lands , enjoy the fruits of our labour ▪ comfort our selves with the Wives of our youth ; and see our selves grow up in those Children which shall inherit after us the same felicities . But I forget my self ; to endeavour the numbring of Gods blessings , may perhaps be as great a punishment as Davids numbring the people . I conclude with the Poet. O fortunati nimium bona si sua norint Agricolae nostri . THE THIRD BOOK : OR , LA BEAVSSE . CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans , the Towne , Castle , and Battaile of Montliherrie . Many things imputed to the English , which they never did . Lewis the 11th . brought not the French Kings out of Wardship . The Towne of Chastres and mourning Church there ▪ The Countrey of La Beausse , an old People of it , Estampes . The dancing there . The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey . Angervile , Toury . The sawcinesse of French Fidlers . Three kindes of Musick amongst the Ancients . The French Musick . HAving abundantly stifled our spirits in the stink of Paris , on Tuesday being the 12. of June , we took our leave of it , and prepared our selves to entertaine the sweet aire and winde of Orleans . The day faire , and not so much as disposed to a cloud , save that they began to gather about noon , in the nature of a Curtaine , to defend us from the injury of the Sun ; the winde rather sufficient to fan the aire , then to disturb it , by qualifying the heat of that celestiall fire , brought the day to an excellent mediocrity of temper . You would have thought it a day meerly framed for that great Princesse Nature to take her pleasure in , and that the Birds which cheerfully gave us their voices from the neighbouring bushes , had been the lowd musick of her Court ; in a word , it was a d●y solely consecrated to a pleasant journey , and he that did not put it to that use mis-spent it . Having therefore put our selves into our Waggon , we took a short farewell of Paris , exceeding joyfull that we yet lived to see the beauty of the fields againe , and enjoy the happinesse of a free Heaven . The Countrey , such as that part of the Isle of France towards Normandy , onely that the Corne fields were larger and more even : On the left hand of us we had a side-glance of the Royall house of Boys , and Vincennes , and the Castle of Bifectre , and about some two miles beyond them , we had a sight also of a new house lately built by Mr. Sillerie Chancellor of the Kingdome , a pretty house it promised to be , having two base Courts on the hither side of it , and beyond it a Parke , an ornament , whereof many great mansions in France are altogether ignorant . Foure leagues from Paris is the town of Montl'herrie ; now old and ruinous , and hath nothing in it to commend it , but the carkasse of a Castle ; without it , it hath to brag of a large and spacious plaine , on which was fought that memorable battaile between Lewis the 11. and Charles le Hardie Duke of Burgoyne . A battaile memorable onely for the running away of each Army , the Field being in a manner emptyed of all the forces , and yet neither of the Princes victorious . Hic spe celer , ille salute . Some ran out of fear to dye , and some out of hope to live , that it was hard to say which of the Soldiers made most use of their heels in the combat . This notwithstanding , the King esteemed himselfe the Conqueror , not that he overcame , but because not vanquisht . He was a Prince of no heart to make a warriour , and therefore Resistance was to him almost as much hugged as Victory . It was Anthonies case in his Warre against the Parthians , a Captain whose Launce King Lewis was not worthy to beare after him : Crassus before him had been taken by that people , but Anthonius made a retreat though with losse . Hanc itaque fugam suam , quia victus non exierat , victoriam vocabat , as Paterculus one that loved him not saith of him : yet was King Lewis so puffed up with this conceit of victory , that he ever after sl●ighted his enemies , and at last ruin'd them , and their cause with them . The Warre which they undertook against him , they entituled , the Warre of the Weale publick , because the occasion of their taking Armes was for the liberty of the Countrey and the People , both whom the King had beyond measure oppressed . True it is , they had also their particular purposes , but this was the main , and failing in the expected event of it , all that they did was to confirme the bondage of the Realm by their owne overthrow . These Princes once disbanded , and severally broken , none durst ever afterwards enter into the action : for which reason King Lewis used to say that he had brought the Kings of France Hors Pupillage out of their Wardship : a speech of more Brag than Truth . The people I confesse he brought into such terms of slavery , that they not long merited the name of Subjects : but yet for this great boast , the Nobles of France are the Kings Guardians . I have already shewn you much of their potencie , by that you may see , that the French Kings have not yet sued their Outre le maine , as our Lawyers call it . Had he also in some measure broken the powerableness of the Princes , he had then been perfectly his word's Master ; and till that be done , I shall think his Successors to be in their Pupillage . That King is but half himselfe , which hath the absolute command onely of half his people . The Battaile by this towne , the common people impute to the English ; and so do many others , which they had no hand in : for hearing their Grandames talk of their Warres with our Nation , and of the many Fields which we gained of them , they no sooner heare talk of a pitch'd Field , but presently ( as the nature of men in a fright is ) they attribute it to the English . Good simple soules , Qui nos non solum laudibus nostris ornare velint , sed alienis onerare : as Tullie in his Philippicks . An humour just like unto that of little children , who being once afrighted with the Tales of Robin Good-fellow , do never after heare any noyse in the night , but they streight imagine , that it is he which maketh it , or like the women of the villages neere Oxford ; who having heard the tragicall story of a Duck or a Hen killed and carried to the Vniversity , no sooner misse one of their chickins , but instantly they cry out upon the Schollars . On the same false ground also , hearing that the English whilst they had possessions in this Countrey were great builders , they bestow on them without any more adoe , the foundation and perfecting of most of the Churches and Castles in the Countr●y . Thus are our Ancestors said to have built the Churches of Roven , Amiens , Bayon , &c. as also the Castles of Boys , S. Vincennes , the Bastile , the two little Forts on the River side by the Louvre at S. Germaines ▪ and amongst many others this of Montl'herrie , where we now are , and all alike . As for this Castle , it was bu●lt during the reigne of King Robert , Anno 1015. by one of his servants named Thebald , long before the English had any poss●ssions in this Continent . It was razed by Lewis the Grosse , as being a harbourer of Rebells in former times , and by that meanes as a strong bridle in the mouth of Paris ; nothing now standing of it save an high Tower , which is seen a great distance round about , and serveth for a Land-mark . Two leagu●s from Montl'herrie is the twon of Chastres , seated in the farthest angle of France , where it confineth to la Beauss , a town of an ordinary size , somewhat bigger than for a market , and lesse than would beseem a city . A wall it hath and a ditch , but neither serviceable further than to resist the enemy at one gate , while the people run away by the other . Nothing else remarkable in it , but the habit of the Church which was mourning for such is the fashion of France , that when any of the Noblesse are buried , the Church which entombeth them is painted black within and without for the breadth of a yard , or thereabouts , and their coats of Armes drawn on it . To goe to the charges of hanging it round with cloath is not for their profits . Besides , this countefeit sorrow feareth thieves , & dareth out-brave a tempest . He for whom the Church of Chastres was thus apparelled , had been Lord of the Towne , by name as I remember Mr. St. Bennoist , his Armes were argent , three Crescents on a Mullet of the same , but whether this Mullet were part of the Coat , or a mark onely of difference I could not learn. Thelike Funerall churches I saw also at Tostes in Normandie , and in a Village of Picardie , whose name I minde not ; nec operae pretium . And now we are passed the confines of France , a poore River , which for the narrownesse of it , you would think a ditch parting it from the Province of La Beausse . La Beausse hath on the North , Normandie , on the East , the Isle of France , on the South , the River of Loyer , and on the West , the Countreys of Tourein and le Main ; it lieth in 22 & 23 degree of Longitude , and the 48 and 49 of Latitude , taking wholly up the breadth of the two former , and but part onely of each of the latter . If you measure it for the best advantage of length , you will finde it to extend from la Forte Bernard in the North west corner of it , to Gyan in the South east , which according to the proportion of degrees , amounteth to 60 miles English , and somewhat better ; for breadth it is much after the same reckoning . The ancient inhabitants of this Province , and the reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people ; neither can I find any certainty of it in my books , with whom I have consulted . If I may be bold to goe by conjecture , I should think this countrey to have been the seat of Bellocassi , a people of Gaule Celtick , mentioned by Caesar in his Commentaries . Certaine it is that in this Tract they were seated , and in likelihood in this Province ; the names ancient and moderne being not much different in sense , though in sound . For the Franks called that which in Latine is pulcher or bellus , by the name of Bell in the Masculine Gender ; Beu the Pronoune it , and Beau as it were the Faeminine . At this time Beau is Masculine , and Belle Faeminine : so that the name of Bellocassi is but varied into that of Beausse : Besides that Province which the Roman writers stile Bellovaci , the French now call Beauvais , where Belle is also turned into Beau. Adde to this , that the Latine writers doe terme this contrey , Bello Bessia , where the ancient Bello is still preserved ; and my conjecture may be pardoned , if not approved . As for those which have removed this people into Normandie , and found them in the city of Baieux , I appeale to any understanding man , whether their peremptory sentence , or my submisse opinion be the more allowable . — Haec si tibi vera videtur , Dede manus : aut si falsa est , accingere contra . The same night we came to Estampes , a towne scituate in a very plentifull and fruitfull Soile , and watered with a River of the same name , stored with the best Crevices ; it seemeth to have been a town of principall importance , there b●ing five walls and gates in a length , one before another . So that it appeareth to be rather a continuation of many townes together than simply one . The Streets are of a large breadth , the Buildings for substance are stone , and for fashion as the rest of France . It containeth in it five Churches , whereof the principall is a Colledge of Chanons , as that of Nostredame , built by King Robert , who is said also to have founded the Castle , which now can scarcely be visited in its ruines ; without the towne they have a fine green Meadow daintily seated within the circlings of the Water , into which they use to follow their recreations . At my being there , the sport was dancing , an exercise much used by the French , who doe naturally affect it . And it seems this natural inclination is so strong and deep rooted , that neither age , nor the absence of a smiling fortune can prevaile against it . For on this Dancing-green there assembleth not onely Youth and Gentry , but also Age and Beggery , old wives which could not set foot to ground without a Crutch in the streets , had here taught their feet to amble , you would have thought by the cleanly conveyance and carriage of their bodies , that they had beene troubled with the Sciatica , and yet so eager in the sport , as if their dancing-dayes should never be done . Some there were so ragged , that a swift Galliard would almost have shaked them into nakednesse , and they also most violent to have their carcasses directed in a measure . To have attempted the staying of them at home , or the perswading of them to work when they heard the Fiddle , had been a task too unweildy for Hercules . In this m●xture of age and condition did we observe them at their pastime ; the raggs being so interwoven with the silks , and wrinkled browes so interchangably mingled with fresh beauties , that you would have thought it to have been a mummery of fortunes ; as for those of both sexes which were altogether past action , they had caused themselves to be carried thither in their chaires , and trod the measures with their eyes . The Inne which we lay in was just like those of Normandie , or at the least so like , as was fit for Sisters , for such Guests take them . — Facies non omnibus una Nec diversa tamen , qualem de cet esse sororum . All the difference in them lay in the morning , and amongst the maid-servants , for there we were not troubled with such an importunate begging , as in that other countrey . These here had learned a more neat and compendious art of getting money , and petitioned not our eares , but our noses , by the Rhetorick of a Poësie ; they prevailed upon the purse , by giving each of us a bundle of dead flowers tacked together , seemed rather to buy our bounties than to beg them . A sweeter and more generous kinde of craving , than the other of Normandie , and such as may seem to imply in it some happy contradiction ; for what else is it , that a maid should proffer her self to be deflowred without prejudice to her modesty , and raise to her future husband an honest stock by the usury of a kindenesse . Refreshed with these favours , we took our leave of Estampes and the dancing Miscelanie , jogging on through many a beautifull field of corne , till we came unto Angerville , which is six leagues distant : a Town of which I could not observe or heare any thing memorable , but that it was taken by Montacute , Earle of Salisbury , as hee went this way to the siege of Orleans , and indeed the taking of it was no great miracle , the walls being so thin that an arrow could almost as soon make a breach in them as a canon . The same fortune befell also unto Toury , a place not much beyond it in strength or bignesse , onely that it had more confidence ( as Savage an English Gentleman once said ) in the walls of bones , which were within it , than in the walls of stones which were without it . This Town standeth in the middle way betwixt Estampes and Orleans , and therefore a fit stage to act a dinner on , and to it we went : by that time we had cleared our selves of our pottage , there entred upon us three uncouth fellowes with hats on their heads , like cover'd dishes ; as soon as ever I saw them , I cast one eye upon my cloak , and the other on my sword , as not knowing what use I might have of my steele to maintain my cloath . There was great talk at that time of Mr. Sonbise's being in armes , and I much feared that these might be some straglers of his army ; and this I suspected by their countenances , which were very thievish and full of insolence . But when I had made a survey of their apparell , I quickly altered that opinion , and accounted them as the excrement of the next prison , deceived alike in both my jealousies , for these pretty parcels of mans flesh were neither better nor worse , but even arrant fidlers , and such which in England we should not hold worthy of the whipping post . Our leave not asked , and no reverence on their parts performed , they abused our eares with a harsh lesson ; and as if that had not been punishment enough unto us , they must needs adde unto it one of their songs ; by that little French which I had gathered , and the simpering of a Fille de joy of Paris who came along with us , I perceived it was bawdy , and to say truth , more than patiently could be endured by any but a French-man , but quid facerem , what should I doe but endure the misery , for I had not lagu●ge enough to call them rogues handsomely , and the villaines were inferiour to a beating , and indeed not worthy of mine or any honest mans anger . Praeda canum lepus est , vastos non implet hiatus Nec gaudet tenui sanguine tanta s●is ▪ They were a knot of Rascalls so infinitely below the severity of a Statute , that they would have discredited the State , and to have hanged them had been to hazard the reputation of the Gallows . In a yeare you would hardly finde out some vengeance for them , which they would not injure in the suffering ; unlesse it be not to hearken to their ribaldry , which is one of their greatest torments . To proceed , after their song ended , one of the company ( the Master of them it should seem ) draweth a dish out of his pocket , and layeth it before us , into which we were to cast our benevolence . Custome hath allowed them a Sol , for each man at the table , they expect no more , and will take no lesse ; no large summe , and yet I assure you , richly worth the musick , which was meerly French , that is , lascivious in the composure : and French also , that is , unskilfully handled in the playing . Amongst the Ancients I have met with three kindes of Musick , viz. First , that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which consisted altogether of long notes or Spondees , which was the gravest and saddest of all the rest , called by Aristotle , in the last Chapter of his Politicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or morall , because it setled the affections : Boetius whom we account the classicall Author in this faculty , called it Lydian , because in much use with those of that Nation at this day : We may call it Italian , as being generally a peculiar musick to that people . This is the Musick which Elisha called for , to invite unto him the spirit of Prophesie , 1 Kings 3.15 . and this is it which is yet sung in our Churches . A practice which we derive from the Ancients ( however some of late have opposed it ) and which is much commended by Saint Augustine , this being the use of it , Vt per oblectamenta aurium infirmior animus in pietatis affectum assurgat . The second kinde the Artists call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which consisteth of a mixture of long and short notes , or of the Dactylus . The Philosopher termeth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . being it had been in much esteem amongst the Dores , a Greek Nation : we may now call it English , as being that Musick with which our Nation is particularly affected . This is that Musick , which cheereth the spirits , and is so soveraign an Antidote to a minde afflicted , and which , as the Poet hath it , doth Saxa movere sono . The third sort is , that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consisting altogether of short notes , or Tribracches . Aristotle calleth it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ravishing , because it unhinged the affections , and stirred them to lasciviousnesse . Boetius termeth this Phrygian , as being the strain of that wanton and luxuriant people . In these times we may call it French , as most delighted in by the stirring spirits , and lightness of this Nation , a note of Musick forbidden unto youth by Aristotle and Plato , and not countenanced by any of them , but on the common theatres , to satisfie the rude manners and desires of the vulgar , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to give them also content in their recreations , yet is this Musick altogether in use in this Countrey ; no lesson amongst their profest Musicians that I could hear which had any gravity , or solid Art shewed in the Composition . They are pretty fellowes , I confesse , for the setting out of a Mask or a Coranto , but beyond this nothing , which maketh the Musick in their Churches so base and unpleasing , so that the glory of perfect Musick at this time , lyeth between the English and Italian ; that of France being as triviall as their behaviour , of which indeed it is a concomitant . Mutata Musica mutantur mores , saith Tullie , and therefore he giveth us this lesson , Curandum itaque est , ut musica quam gravissima & sedatissima retineatur . A good item for the French. CHAP. II. The Countrey and Site of Orleans , like that of Worcester . The Wine of Orleans . Praesidiall Townes in France , what they are . The sale of offices in France . The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle . The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition of a Miracle , defaced by the Hugonets . Some things hated onely for their name . The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge . The Chappel and Pilgrim of St. Jacques . The form of Masse in St. Croix . Censing a heathenish Custome . The great Siege of Orleans , raised by Joane the Virgin. The valor of that Woman , that she was no Witch . An Eulogie on her . WE are now come into the countrey of Orleans , which though within the limits of La Beausse , will yet be accounted an intire County of it selfe , it is a dainty and pleasant Region , very even and large in the fields of it , insomuch that we could not see a hill or swelling of the ground within eye-reach . It consisted of an indifferent measure of Corne , but most plentiful of Vines , and hath of all other Fruits a very liberall portion . Neither is it meanly beholding to the Loyre for the benefits is receiveth by that River , on which the City of Orleans it selfe is sweetly seated . Of all places in England , Worcester-shire in my opinion cometh most nigh it , as well in respect of the Countrey , as the scituation of the Towne : for certainly that Countrey may be called the Epitome of England , as that of France . To the richest of the Corn-fields of Orleans we may compare the Vale of Evesham . Neither will it yeild for choyce and variety of Fruits , the Vine onely excepted . The Hedges in that Countrey are prodigall and lavish of those trees , which would become the fairest Orchards of the West , and in a manner recompenceth the want of Wine by its plenty of Perry and Syder . In a word , what a good Writer hath said of one , we may say of both , Coelum & sol●m ita propitium habent , ut salubritate & ubertate vicinis non concedunt . But the resemblance betweene the townes is more happy ; both seated on the second River of note in their severall Countreys ; and which are not much unlike in their severall courses . Severn washing the walls of Gloucoster , and passing nigh unto Bristoll , seated on a little Rivulet , and its Homager divideth the ancient Britaines from the rest of the English . The Loyre gliding to the city Tours , and passing nigh unto Angiers , seated also within the land on a little River , and one of its Tributaries , separateth the modern Britaines from the rest of the French. Posita est in loco modice acclivi , ad flumen , quod turrigero ponti conjungitur , & muro satis firmo munita , saith Mr. Cambden of Worcester . Orleans is seated on the like declivitie of an hill , hath its bridge well fortified with Turrets , and its walls of an equall ability of resistance ; Sed decus est ab incolis qui sunt numerosi & humani , ab aedificiorum nitore , à templorum numero & maxime à Sede Episcopali , saith he of ours in genrall ; we may see it fitly applied to this in each particular . The people of this town are not of the fewest , no town in France ( the proportion of it considered ) being more populous : for standing in so delicate an Aire , and on so commodious a River , it inviteth the Gentry or Noblesse of the countrey about it to inhabite there , and they accept it . Concerning their behaviour and humanity , certainly they much exceed the Parisians , I was about to say all the French-men , and indeed I not grudge them this Eulogie , which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent , and verifie that they are omnium incolarum longe humanissimi , my selfe here observing more courtesie and affability in one day , than I could meet withall in Paris , during all my abode there . The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves , and the rest of France ; the streets large and well kept , not yeilding the least offence to the most curious nostrill : Parish Churches it hath in it 26. of different and unequall beeing , as it useth to be in other places ; besides these , it containeth the Episcopall Church of S. Croix , and divers other houses of religious persons , amongst which is St. Jacques ; of both which I shall speak in their due order . Thus much for the resemblance of the Townes , the difference betwixt them is this , that Orleans is the bigger , and Worcester the richer . Orleans consisteth much of the Noblesse , and of Sojourners ; Worcester of Citizens and Home-dwellers ; and for the manner of life in them , so it is that Worcester hath the handsomer woman in it , Orleans the finer , and in my opinion the loveliest in all France . Worcester thriveth the most on Cloathing , Orleans on their Vine-presses . And questionlesse the Wine of Orleans is the greatest riches , not of the Towne onely , but of the Countrey also about it . For this cause A●dre dis Chesne calleth it , the prime Cellar of Paris , Est une pars ( saith he ) si henreuse & si secunde sur tout in vins quon la pent dice l'unde primiers celiers de Paris . Those Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy , deserve no lesse a commendation than he hath given them , as yeilding the best Wines in all the Kingdome , such as it much moved me to mingle with Water , they being so delicious to the Palate , and the Epicurisme of the taste . I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman , who being in Italy was brought acquainted with a kinde of Wine which they there call Lachrymae Christi ; no sooner had he tasted it , but he fell into a deep melancholy ; and after some seaven sighes , besides the addition of two gro●nes , he brake out into this patheticall Ejaculation : Dii boni , quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus ? This Dutchman and I were for a time both of one minde , insomuch that I could almost have picked a quarrell with Nature , for giving us none of this Liquor in England At last we grew friends , again , when I had perceived how offensive it was to the brain ( if not well qualified ) for which cause it is said , that K. Lewis hath banished it his Cellar , no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers , who may therefore say with Martial , Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina ? Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali ? This towne called Genabum by Caesar , was reedified by Aurelian the Emperour , Anno 276. and called by his name Aurelianum , which it still retaineth amongst the Latines . It hath been famous heretofore for four Councels here celebrated ; and for being the seat royall of the Kings of Orleans : though as now I could not heare any thing of the ruines of the Palace . The same of it at this time consisteth in the Vniversity and its seat of Justice : This town being one of them which they call Sieges Presidiaux . Now these Seiges Presidiaux , Seats or Courts of Justice , were established in divers cities of the Realme for the ease of the people , Anno 1551. or thereabouts . In them all civill causes not exceeding 250 Liu'res in Money , or 10. Liu'res in Rents , are heard and determined soveraignly and without appeale . If the summe exceed those proportions the appeale holdeth good , and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament , under whose jurisdiction it is . Their Court here consisteth of a Baille , whose name is Mr. Digion , of twelve Counsellors , two Lieutenants , one civill , the other criminall , and a publique Notarie . When Mr. Le Compte de St. Paul , who is the Governour or Lieutenant Generall of the Province cometh into their Court , he giveth precedency to the Baille , in other places he receiveth it . This institution of these Presidiall Courts , was at first a very profitable ordinance , and much eased the people , but now it is grown burdensome . The reason is , that the offices are meere sa●●able , and purchased by them with a great deale of money , which afterwards they wrest againe out of the purses of the Pa●sant . The sale of Offices drawing necessarily after it , the sale of Justice , a mischief which is spread so far , that there is not the worst under Officer in all the Realm Who may not say with the Captaine in the 22. of the Acts and the 28. verse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . With a great summe of money obtained I this freedome . Twenty yeares purchase is said to be no extraordinary rate ; and I have read , that onely by the sale of Offices one of the Kings had raised in twenty yeares 139 millions , which amounteth to the proportion of 7 millions yearly , or thereabouts , of all wayes to thrift and treasure the most unkindly . In the yeare 1614. the King motioned the abolishing of the sales of this Market , but it was upon a condition more prejudiciall to the people than the mischiefe . For he desired in lieu of it to have a greater imposition laid upon Salt , and upon the Aides , which those that were Commissioners for the C●mmonalty would not admit of , because then a common misery had been brought out of the State , to make their particular miseries the greater , and so the corruption remaineth unaltered . This Towne as it is sweetly seated , in respect of the aire , so is it finely convenienced with the walks , of which the chief are , that next unto Paris gate , having the wall on the one hand , and a rank of Palm trees on the other ; the second , that neere unto the bridge , having the Water pleasingly running on both sides : and a third which is indeed the principall , on the East-side of the City , it is called the Palle Malle , of an exercise of that name much used in this Kingdome , a very Gentleman-like sport , not over violent , and such as affordeth good opportunity of discourse , as they walk from one mark to the other . Into this walk , which is of a wonderful length and beauty ▪ you shall have a clear evening empty all the towne , the aged people borrowing legs to carry them , and the younger armes to guide them . If any young Dame or Monsieur walk thither single , they will quickly finde some or other to link with them , though perhaps such with whom they have no familiarity . Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the Palle Malle , not minding the shutting in of the day , till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing ; at all houres of the night , be it warm and dry , you shall be sure to finde them thus coupled ; and if at the yeares end there be found more children in the towne than fathers , this walk and the night are shrewdly suspected to be accessories ; a greater incnovenience in mine opinion , than an English Kiss . There is yet a fourth walk in this towne , called L'estappe , a walk principally frequented by Merchants , who here meet to confer of their occasions . It lieth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul , the Governour , and reacheth up to the Cloister of St. Croix : of the buildings of which Church I could never yet hear or read of any thing , but that which is meerly fabulous : for the Citizens report , that long since , time out of minde , there appeared a Vision to a holy Monk , which lived thereabouts , and bad him dig deep in such a place , where he should finde a piece of the Holy Crosse , charging him to preserve that blessed relique in great honour , and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been buried . Upon this warning the Church was founded , but at whose charges they could not inform me : so that all which I cou●d learn concerning the foundation of this Church , is , that it was erected by Superstition & a Lie. The Superstition is apparent in the worshipping of such rotten sticks , as they imagine to be the remnants of the Crosse : their calling of it holy , and dedicating of this Church unto it . Nay they have consecrated unto it two Holy-dayes , one in May , and the other in September , and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets , or high wayes , with these words , Ave salus totius Seculi , arbor salutifera . Horrible blasphemy , and never heard of but under Antichrist , Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas , being the lesson of the Ancients . As for the Miracle I account it as others of the same stamp , equally false and ridiculous . This Church in the yeare 1562. was defaced and ruined by the Hugonots , who had entred the town under the conduct of the Prince of Conde . An action little savouring of Humanity , and lesse of Religion ; the very Heathens themselves never demolishing any of the Churches of those towns which they had taken : but in this action the Hugonots consulted only with rashnesse and zealous fury , thinking no title so glorious as to be called the Scourge of Papists , and the overthrowers of Popish Churches . Quid facerent hostes captâ crudelius urbe ? The most barbarous en●mies in the world could not more have exercised their malice on the vanqu●shed . And this I pe●swade my selfe had been the fate of most of our Churches , if that Fict●on had got the upper hand of us ; but this Church notwithstanding is likely now to survive their madnesse , being Henry the fourth beg●n the repairing of it , and his Son Lewis hath si●ce continued it , so that the Quire is not quite finished , and the workmen are in hand with the rest . What should move the Hugonots to this execution I cannot say , except it were a hate which they beare unto the name , and perhaps not that unlikely . We read how the Romans having expelled the Kings banished also Collatinus their Consul , a man in whom they could finde no fault , but this , that his sirname was Tarquinius . Tantum ob nomen & genus regium , saith Florus : Afterwards quam invisum fuerit Regis nomen , is very frequent in the stories of those times . Among those which had been of the Conspiracy against Julius Caesar , there was one named Cinna , a name so odious among the people , that meeting by chance with one of Caesars friends , and hearing that his name was Cinna , they presently murthered him in the place . For which cause one Cassius , which was also the name of one of the Conspirators , published a writing of his name and ped●gree , shewing therein that he neither was the Traytor , nor any kin to him . The reason of his action Dion giveth us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ne si nominis causâ occideretur . With a like heat it may be were the French Protestants possessed against the name of the Crosse . For they not onely ruined that Temple , but beat downe also all those little Crosses betwixt Mount Mactre and St. Denis , though now King Lewis hath caused them to be re-edified . And what troubles the French party here in England have raised because of that harmlesse ceremony of the Crosse , Notius est quam ut stylo egeat , and therefore I omit it . This Church is the Seat of a Bishop , who acknowledgeth the Archbishoprick of Seines for his Metropolitan . The present Bishop is named Franciscus de Anbespins , said to be a worthy Scholar , and a sound Polititian ; though he were never graduated farther than the Arts : of his revenue I could learn nothing , but of his privileges this , namely , that at the entrance of every new Bishop into this Church , he hath the liberty of setting free of any of the Prisoners of the Gaole , though their crime be never so mortall . For the originall of this indulgence we are beholding to St. A●gnan , once Bishop here , and who defended the city against Atella the Huanne : At his first entrance into the towne ( saith the Story ) after he was invested Bishop , he besought Agrippinus the Governor that for his sake he would let loose all his Prisoners ; Vt omnes quos pro variis criminibus poenalis car●er detinebat inclusos , sibi in introitus gratiam redderet resolutos : When the Governour had heard this request , he denied it , and presently a stone falleth on his head , no man knew from whence . Wounded and terrified with this , the Governour granteth hi● desire , recovereth his health , and ever since the custome hath continued . For the truth of this story I intend to be no Champion , for I hold it ridiculous , and savouring too much of the Legend ; but this I am certain of , that every new Bishop maketh a solemn and majestick entry into the City , and at his entry releaseth a Prisoner . Let us follow the Bishop into his Church , and we shall finde him entertained with an high Masse , the ceremonies whereof are very pretty and absurd ; To goe over them all would require a volume , I will therefore mention those onely , wherein they diff●r from other Masses and they are two , the one Fantasticall , the other Heathenish ; for as soon as the Priest at the Altar hath read a certain lesson , but what , his voyce was not audible enough to tell me , out marcheth the Dean , or in his absence the senior Chanoin out of the Church ; before him two or three Torches , and a long Crosse silvered over ; after him all those of the Church , and lastly , the Lay-people both men and women , so that there is none left to keep possession , but the Priest at the Altar , and such strangers as come thither for curiosity ; they went out at one door , and just circuited the Quire , and the body of the Church , afterwards they return to their places , and the Priest proceedeth ; I have seen many a dumb shew in a Play just like it . This onely is the difference , that here we had no interpreter nor Chorus afforded us to shew us the mysterie of this silent je●iculation . The other addition which I observed here at the Masse ( though I have since been told , that it is ordinrary at High Masses in Cathedrall Churches ) was the censing of the people , which was performed in this manner : Whiles the Priest was busie at the Altar , there entred into the Quire at a side door , two Boyes in their Surplices bearing waxe Tapers in their hands , and immediately after them the foresaid fellow with the Crosse . In the rare there came two of the Priests in their Copes , and other stately vestments , between both a young lad with the Incense pot , made full of holes to let out the fume , which he swinged on all sides of him , with a chain to which it was fastned : Having thus marched through the Church , and censed the people , he ascended unto the Altar , & there censed the Cross , the Reliques , the Bread and Wine , the Chalice , the Images ▪ and I know not what not . A custome very much used amongst the Heathen : Omnibus vicis factae sunt statuae , & ad eas thus & cerei , saith Tully : and Jane tibi primùm thura merumque fero , saith Ovid in his book de Fastis ; so have we in Martiall , Te primùm pia thura rogent , and the like in divers other writers of the Antients . At what time it crept into the Churches of the Christians , I cannot tell . Sure I am , it was not used in the Primitive times , nor in the third Century after our Saviour , save only in their Burialls , Sciant sabae ( saith Tertullian , ( who at that time lived ) plures & chariores merces suas Christianis , saepeliendis profligari , quā Diis fumigantibus . Arnobius also in his first book , adversus gentes , disclaimeth the use of it , and yet their Councel of Trent in the 22 Session defineth it to be as boldly an Apostolicall institution and tradition , as if the Apostles themselves had told them so ; I know they had rather seem to derive it from the 10. chapter of Exodus , and the 1. verse , and so Bishop Durand is of opinion in his Rationale Divinorum , but this will not help them . Aaron there is commanded to burne Incense onely on the Altar , and not to cense Men and Images , Crosses and reliques , as the Papists doe ; so that will they , ●ill they , they must be counted followers of the Heathen , though I envy them not the honour of being Jewes . From the History and Revenue of the Church proceed we to that of the Town , where nothing occurreth more memorable , than the great si●ge laid before it by the English . A siege of great importance to both parties , France having been totally won unto King Henry , if this Town had yeelded , and once so nigh it was to submit it selfe , that the people proffered to yeeld themselves to Philip Duke of Burgundie , then a great confederate of our Nation , who had not been present in the Camp , but this the English Generall would not consent unto ; and it was the resolution of Antigonus a long time before us , Negavit Antigonus ( saith Justine ) se in ejus belli praedam socios admittere , in cujus periculum solus descenderat . On this determinate sentence of the Generall , ( he was Montacute Earl of Salisbury ) the Town purposed to hold out a little longer , and was at last relieved by Joane de Arca maid of vancoleure in Loraine whom they called la Puelle ; how by that excellent Soldier the Generall war slaine , and the siege raised , I need not relate , it is extant in all our Chronicles . This onely now , that ever since that time , the people of Orleans keep a solemn procession on every eighth day of May , on which day , An. 1427. their City was delivered from its enemies . But the atchievements of this brave Virago , stayed not here , sh● thinkes it not enough to d●pulse her enemies , unlesse she also vanquish them ; armed therefore cap a pea ; she went to seek an occasion of battaile ▪ and was alwayes formost , and in the head or her Troops . Duxit Amazonidum lunatis agmina bellis , Penthesilea furens , mediisque in millibus arde● . For her first service she taketh Jargean , discomfiteth the English which were in it , and maketh the Earl of Suffolk Prisoner : soon after followed the battaile of Patay , in which the English were driven out of the field , and the great Talbot taken . This done , she accompanieth Charles the 1. whose Angell-Guardian she was thought , all Champayne unto Rhemes , where she solemnly saw him Crowned , all the Townes of those Countreyes yeelding upon the approach of her , and the Kings Army . Finally , after many acts performed above the nature of her sexe , which I will not stand here to particulate : she was taken prisoner at the siege of Campaigne delivered over unto the Earle of Bedford by him sent unto Roven and there burnt for a Witch on the sixth of July Anno 1431. There was also another crime objected against her , as namely that she had abused the nature of her sexe , marching up and downe in the habit of a man ; & nihil muliebre p●aeter corpus gerens , of all accusations the most impotent , for in what other habit could she dresse her selfe , undertaking the actions of a General : and besides , to have worne her womans weeds in time of battaile , had been to have betrayed her safety , and to have made her selfe the marke of every Arrow . It was therefore requisite , that she should array her selfe in compleat harness , and in that habit of compleat armour have those of Orleans , erected those statua's all in brasse , upon the middle of their bridge . As for that other imputation of being a Witch , saving the credit of those that condemned her , and theirs also , who in their writings have so reported her , I dare be of the contrary opinion , for dividing her actions into two parts , those that precede her coming unto Orleans , and those that followed it , I find much in it of valour , somewhat perhaps of cunning , but nothing that is divelish ; her relieving of Orleans , and courage shewn at the battaile of Patay and Gargean , with the conducting of the King unto Rhemes , are no such prodigies , that they need to be ascribed unto Witchcraft : She was not the first woman whom the world knew famed in armes , there being no Nation almost of the Earth , who have not had a Champion of this sexe to defend their liberties : to omit the whole Nation of the Amazon's , to the Jewes in the time of their afflictions , the Lord raised up a Salvation by meanes of two women , Deborah and Judith : And God is not the God of the Jewes onely , but also of the Gentiles . Amongst the Sirvans , Zenobia , Queen of Palmira is very famous : the Romans ( whom she often foiled ) never mentioning her without honour . The like commendable testimony they give of Velleda , a Queen amongst the Germanes , and a woman which much hindered their affaires in that Countrey : thus had the Gothes their Amalasunta , the Assyrians their Semiramis the Scythians their Tomyres ; the Romans their Flavia , and brave Captaines , and such as posterity hath admired without envie . To come home unto our selves , the writers of the Romans mention the revolt of Britaines and the slaughter of 70000 Confederates to the Romans , under the conduct of Vocudia : and she in the beginning of her encouragements to the action telleth the people thus , Solitum quidem Britannis foeminarum ductu bellare . Of all these Heroicall Ladyes , I read no accusation of witchcraft ; innative courage , and a sense of injury , being the armes they fought withall . Neither can I see why the Romans should exceed us in modesty , or that we need envie unto the French this one female Warriour : when it is a fortune which hath befallen most nations . As for her atchievements , they are not so much beyond a common being , but that they may be imputed to naturall meanes . For had she been a Witch , it is likely she would have prevented the disgrace which her valour suffered in the ditches of Paris ; though she could not avoid those of Champeigne who took her prisoner . The Divell at such an exigent only being accustomed to forsake those which he hath intangled ; so that she enjoyed not such a perpetuity of faelicity , as to entitle her to the Divells assistance , she being sometimes conquerour , sometimes overthrowne , and at last imprisoned . Communia fortune ludibria , the ordinary sports of Fortune ; her actions before her March to Orleans having somewhat in them of cunning and perhaps of imposture , as the Vision which she reported to have incited her to these attempts ; her finding out of the King disguised in the habit of a Countrey-man , and her appointing to her selfe an old sword , hanging in Saint Katharines Church in Tours . The French were at this time meerly cr●●t-fallen , not to be raised but by a miracle . This therefore is invented , and so that which of all the rest must prove her a sorceresse , will onely prove her an impostor . Gerrard seigneur de Haillan , one of the best writers of France is of opinion , that all that plot of her coming to the King , was contrived by three Lords of the Court to hearten the people , as if God now miraculously intended the restauration of the Kingdome . Add to this , that she never commanded in any battaile , without the assistance of the best Captaines of the French Nation , and amongst whom was the Bastard of Orleans , who is thought to have put this device into her head . The Lord Bellay in his discourse of Art Military , proceedeth further , and maketh her a man , onely thus habited : Pour fair revenir le courage aux Francois , which had it been so , would have been discovered at the time of her burning . Other of the later French Writers ( for those of the former age savour too much of the Legend ) make her to be a lusty lasse of Lorreine , trained up by the Bastard of Orleans and the Seigneur of Brandicourt , only for this service & that she might carry with her the reputation of a Prophetesse , and an Ambassadresse from Heaven , Admit this , and farewell Witchcraft . As for the sentence of her Condemnation , and the confirmation of it by the Divines and Vniversity of Paris , it is with me of no moment , being composed onely to humour the Victor . If this could sway me , I had more reason to encline to the other party ; for when Charles had setled his estate , the same man who had condemned her of Sorcery , absolved her ; and there was also added in defence of her innocency , a Decree from the Court of Rome . Joane then with me shall inherit the title of La puelle d' Orleans , with me she shall be ranked amongst the famous Captaines of her time , and be placed in the same throne , equall with the valiant'st of all her Sex in times before her . Let those whom partiality hath wrested aside from the path of truth , proclaime her for a Sorceress : for my part I will not flatter the best Fortunes of my Countrey to the prejudice of a truth ; neither will I ever be induced to think of this female Warriour otherwise than as of a noble Captaine . — Audetque viris concurrere Virgo . Penthesilea did it , why not she Without the stain of Spells and Sorcery ? Why should those Arts in her be counted sin , Which in the other have commended been ? Nor is it fit that France should be deny'd This Female Soldier ; since all Realms beside Have had the honour of one , and relate How much that Sex hath ev'n forc'd the state Of their decaying strength : let Scytha spare To speak of Tomyris ; the Assyrians care Shall be no more to have their deeds recited Of Ninus's wife , nor are the Dutch delighted To have the name of their Velleda extoll'd , the name Of this French Warriour hath eclips'd their fame , And silenc'd their atchievements ; let the praise That 's due to Vertue wait upon her , raise An Obelisk unto her , you of Gaule , And let her Acts live in the mouths of all : Speak boldly of her , and of her alone , That never Lady was as good as Joane . She dy'd a Virgin , 't was because the earth Held not a man , whose Vertues , or whose Birth Might merit such a Blessing ; but above The Gods provided her a fitting Love , And gave her to St. Denis ; she with him Protects the Lillies and their Diadem . You then about whose Armies she doth watch , Give her the honour due unto her Match . And when in Field your Standard you advance , Cry ' loud , St. Denis and St. Joan for France . CHAP. III. The study of the Civil Law received in Europe . The dead time of Learning . The Schoole of Law in Orleans . The Oeconomie of them . The Chancelour of Oxford anciently appointed by the Diocaesan there . Method here , and Prodigality in bestowing Degrees . Orleans a great Conflux of Strangers . The Language there . The Corporation of Germaines there . Their House and Privilege . Dutch Latine . The difference between an Academy and an University . I Have now done with the Town and City of Orleans , and am come to the Vniversity or Schooles of Law which are in it , this being one of the first places in which the Study of the Civil Law was received in Europe ; for immediately after the death of Justinian , who out of no lesse than two thousand volumes of Law-Writers , had collected that body of the Imperiall Laws , which we now call the Digest , or the Pandects , the study of them grew neglected in these Westerne parts : nor did any for a long time professe or read them . The reason was b●cause Italy , France , Spaine , England and Germany , having received new Lords over them , as the Franks , Lombards , Saxons , Sarcens , and others , were faine to submit themselves to their Lawes . It happened afterwards that Lotharius Saxo the Emperour , who began his Raigne Anno 1126 , being 560 yeares after the death of Justinian , having taken the City of Melphy in Naples , found there an old Copy of the Pandects . This he gave to the Pisans his Confederates , as a most reverend relique of Learning and Antiquity , whence it is called Litera pisana . Moreover he founded the Vniversity of Bologne , or Bononia ordaining the Civill Law , to be profest therein , Wernir being the first Professor ; upon whose advice the said Emperour ordained , that Bononia should be Legum & Juris Schola una & sola , and here was the first time and place of that study in the Westerne Empire . But it was not the fate onely of the Civill Lawes to be thus neglected , all other parts of Learning , both Arts and Languages were in the same desperate Estates . The Poets exclamation , O coelum insipiens & infacetum , never being so appliable as in those times , for it is with the knowledge of good Letters as it is in the effects of Nature ; they have their times of growth alike , of perfection and of death like the Sea , it hath its ebbs as well as its flouds ; and like the Earth , it hath its Winter , wherein the seeds of it are deaded , and bound up , as well as a Spring wherein it re-flourisheth . Thus the learning of the Greeks ▪ lay forgotten , and lost in Europe , for 700 yeares , even unto Emanuel Chrysolarus taught it at Venice , being driven out of his owne Countrey by the Turks . Thus the Philosophy of Aristotle lay hidden in the moath of dust and Libraries ; Et nominabatur potiùs quam legebatur , as Ludovicus Vives observeth in his notes . S. Austin , untill the time of Alexander Aphrodiseus . Thus also lay the elegancies of the Roman tongue obscure , till that Erasmus Moor and Reuclyn in the several kingdomes of Germany , England and France endeavoured the restauration of it . But to return to the Civill Law , after the foundation of the Vniversity of Bologne , it pleased Philip le Belle King of France , to found another here at Orleans for the same purpose , Anno 1●12 . which was the first school of that profession , on this side the mountaines ; this is evident by the Bull of Clement the fifth , dated at Lyons in the yeare 1367. where he giveth this title ; Fructiferum Vniversitatis Aurelianum sis inter caetera Citramontana studia prius , solennius , antiquius , tam Civilis , quam Canonicae facultatis studium . At the first there were instituted eight Professors , now they are reduced unto four onely , the reason of this decrease being the increase of Vniversities : the place in which they read their Lectures is called , Les grands Escoles , and that part of the City , La Vniversitie , neither of which attributes it can any way merit : Colledges they have none , either to lodge the Students , or to entertaine the Professors ; the former sojourning in divers places of the Town , these last in their severall houses . As for their places of reading , which they call Les grands Escoles , it is onely an old Barne converted into a School , by the addition of five rankes of Formes , and a Pew in the middle ; you never saw any thing so mock its own name : Lucus not being of more people called so , à non lucendo , then this ruinous house is , the great School , because it is little . The present Professors are Mr. Fowrner , the Rector at my being there , Mr. Tullerie and Mr. Grand : the fourth of them named Mr. Angram , was newly dead , and his place , like a dead pay among Soldiers , not supplied : In which estate was the function also of Mr. Podes , whose office it was to read the book of Institutions , unto such as come newly to the town . They read each of them an houre in their turnes every morning in the week , unlesse Holy-dayes and Thursdayes , their hearers taking their Lectures of them in their tables . Their principall office is that of the Rector , which every three moneths descendeth down unto the next , so that once in a yeare , every one of those Professors hath his turne of being Rector . The next in dignity unto him is the Chancellor , whose office is during life , and in whose names all degrees are given , and of the Letters Authenticall ( as they terme them ) granted . The present Chancellor is named Mr. Bouchier , Doctor of Divinity , and of both the Lawes ; and Prebend also of the Church of S. Croix ; his place is in the gift of the Bishop of Orleans , and so are the Chancellors places in all France , at the bestowing of the Diocesan : anciently it was thus also with us of Oxford ; the Bishop of Lincolne nominating unto us our Chancellors , till the yeare , 1370. William of Renmington being the first Chancellor elected by the Vniversity . In the bestowing of their degrees here , they are very liberall , and deny no man that is able to pay his fees : Legem ponere , is with them more powerfull than Legem dicere , and he that hath but his gold ready , shall have a sooner dispatch , than the best Scholar upon the ticket . Ipsè licet venias Musis comitatus Homere , Si nihil attuleris , ibis Homere for as . It is the Money that disputeth best with them . Money makes the man , saith the Greek and English proverb . That of one of the Popes ( I remember not suddenly his name ) who openly protested , that he would give the orders of Priesthood to an Asse , should the King of England commend an Asse unto him , may be most appositely spoken of them . The exercise which is to be performed before the degree taken , is very little , and as trivially performed . When you have chosen the Law , which you mean to defend , they will conduct you into an old ruinous chamber , they call it their Library ; for my part I should have thought it to have been the Ware-house of some second hand Bookseller : those few books which were there , were as old as Printing , and could hardly make amongst them one cover to resist the violence of a Rat. They stood not up endlong , but lay one upon the other , and were joyned together with Cobwebs instead of strings ; he that would ever gesse them to have been looked into since the long reigne of Ignorance , might justly have condemned his own charity . For my part I was prone to believe , that the three last centuries of yeeres had never seen the inside of them or that the poor p●per had been troubled with the disease called Noli me tangere . In this unlucky room doe they hold their disputations , unlesse they be solemn and full of expectation : and after two or three arguments urged , commend the sufficiency of the Respondent , and pronounce him worthy of his degrees . That done , they cause his Authenticall Letters to be sealed , and in them they tell the Reader , with what diligence and paines they sifted the Candidate : that it is necessary to the Common-wealth of Learning , that Industry should be honoured , and that on that ground they have thought it fitting . Post angustias solamen , post vigilias requietem , post dolores gaudia , for so ( as I remember ) goeth the forme , to recompence the labours of N. N. with the degree of Doctor or Licentiate , with a great deale more of the like formall foolery ; Et ad hunc modum fiunt Doctores . From the Study of the Law , proceed we unto that of the Language , which is said to be better spoken here , then in any part of France , and certainly the people hereof spake it more distinctly then the rest , I cannot say more elegantly ; yet partly for this reason , partly because of the study of the Law , and partly because of the sweetnesse of the aire ; the Town is never without abundance of strangers of all Nations , which are in correspondency with the French : but in the greatest measure it is replenished with those of Germany , who have here a Corporation , & indeed do make among themselves a better Vniversity then the Vniversity . This Corporation consisteth of a Procurator , a Questor , an Assessor , two Bibliothecaries , and twelve Counsellors ; they have all of them their distinct jurisdictions , and are solemnly elected by the rest of the company every third moneth . The Consulship of Rome , was never so welcome unto Cicero , as the office of Procurator is to a Dutch Gentleman : he for the time of his command , ordering the affaires of all his Nation , and to say truth , being much respected by those of the Towne ; it is his office to admit of the young comers , to receive the moneyes due at their admission , and to receive an account of the dispending of it , of the Questor , and the expiring of his charge . The office of an Assessor , is like that of a Clerk of the Councell , and the Secretary mixt : fot he registreth the Acts of their Counsells , writeth Letters in the name of the House , to each of the French Kings , at their new coming to the Crown , and if any Prince , or extraordinary Ambassadour cometh to the town , he entertaineth him with a Speech . The Bibliothecaries look to the Library , in which they are bound to remain three houres a day in their severall tu●nes ; a pretty room it is , very plentifully furnished with choyce books , and that at small charge , for that it is here the custome , that every one of the Nation at his departure , must leave with them one of what kinde or price it best pleaseth him : besides , each of the Officers at the resigning of his charge , giveth unto the new Questor , a piece of gold about the value of a Pistolet , to be expended according as the necessities of their state require , which most an end is bestowed upon the increase of their Library . Next unto this Cite des Littres ( as one of the French writers calleth Paris ) is their Counsell-house , an handsome squire Chamber , and well furnished : In this they hold their consultations , and in this preserve their Records and Priviledges , the keeping of the one , and summoning the other , being meerly in the hands of the Procurator . About the Table they have five Chaires , for the five principall Officers , those of the Councell sitting round the Chamber on Stools : the arms of the Empire being placed directly over every of the Seats : If it happen that any of them dye there , they all accompany him to his Grave , in a manner mixt so orderly of Griefe and State , that you would think the obsequies of some great Potentate were solemnizing ; and to say truth of them , they are a hearty and loving Nation , not to one another onely , but to strangers , and especially to us of England . Onely I could wish that in their Speech and Complement they would not use the Latine tongue , or else speak it more congruously : You shall hardly finde a man amongst them , which can make a shift to expresse himselfe in that language , nor one amongst an hundred that can doe it Latinely . Galleriam , Compaginem , Gardinum and the like , are as usuall in their common discourse , as to drinke at three of the clock , and as familiar as their sleep . Had they bent their study that way , I perswade my self they would have been excellent good at the Common Lawes , their tongues so naturally falling on these words which are necessary to a Declaration : but amongst the rest , I took especiall notice of one Mr. Gebour , a man of that various mixture of words , that you would have thought his tongue to have been a very Amsterdam of Languages , Cras mane 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non irous ad magnam Galleriam , was one of his remarkable speeches when we were at Paris : but here at Orleans , we had them of him thick and threefold . If ever he should chance to dye in a strange place , where his Countrey could not be knowne but by his tongue , it could not possibly be , but that more Nations would strive for him , than ever did for Homer . I had before read of the confusion of Babel , in him I came acquainted with it : yet this use might be made of him , and his hotch-potch of Languages , that a good Chymicall Physitian would make an excellent medicine of it against the stone . In a word , to goe no more upon the particulars , I never knew a people that spake more words and lesse Latine . Of these ingredients is the Vniversity of Orleans compounded , if at least it be lawfull to call it an Vniversity , as I thinke it be not ; the name of Academie would beseem it better , and God grant ( as Zancho Panca said of his wife ) it be able to discharge that calling . I know that these names are indifferently used , but not properly ; for an Academie ( the name is derived from a place neer Athens , called Academia , where Plato first taught Philosophie ) in its strict and proper sense is such a study , wherein one or two Arts are professed , as Law at Orleans and Bononia , and Physick at Montpelleir and Padua . An Vniversity is so called , quòd Vniversae ibi traduntur disciplinae , as the name importeth , where Learning is professed in the Generality , and in the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it . The first the Germans call Schola illustris ; the latter , Generale studium : very opposite titles , and in which there is little of a German . CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University , till the coming of the Jesuits . Their Colledge there , by whom built . The Jesuits not Singers . Their laudable and exact Method of teaching . Their Policy in it . Received not without great difficulty into Paris . Their houses in that University . Their strictnesse unto the Rules of their order . Much maliced by the other Priests and Friers . Why not sent into England with the Queen . And of what order they were that came with her . Our returne to Paris . THe difference between an Vniversity and an Academy standing thus ; those which lived in our Fathers dayes , could hardly have called Orleans an Vniversity : a Shoole of Law being the name most fit for it . At this time , since the coming of the Jesuits , that appellation may not misbecome it ; they having brought with them those parts of Learning , which before were wanting in it ▪ but that hath not been of any long standing , their Colledge being yet not fully finished : By an Inscription over the gate , it seemeth to be the work of Mr. Cagliery , one of the Advocates in the Parliament of Paris , a man of large practise , and by the consequence , of great● possessions , and who having no child but this Colledge , is said to intend the fastening of his estate upon it . In this house doe those of this order apply themsevles to the study of good Letters ; in the pursuit whereof , as the rest of this Fraternity are , they are good proficients , and much exceed all other sorts of Friers , as having better teachers , and more leisure to learn. That time which the other spend at their High Masses , and at their Canonicall houres , these men bestow upon their books , they being exempted from those duties by their order . Upon this ground they trouble not their heads with the Crotchets of Musick , nor spend their mouthes upon the chanting out of their Services : they have other matters to employ their braines upon , such as are the ruine of Kingdoms & desolation of Countreys . It was the saying of Themistocles , being requested to play a Lesson on the Lute , That he could not fiddle , but he could tell how to make a little Town a great City . The like may we say of the Jesuites , they are no great singers , but are well skilled in making little cities great , and great ones little : and certaine it is , that they are so farre from any ability or desire this way , that upon any of their solemne Festivals , when their Statutes require Musick , they are faine to hire the Singing men of the next Cathedrall , as here upon the feast of their Patron St. Ignatius , being the 22. of July ; they were compelled to make use of the voyces of the church of S. Croix . To this advantage of leisure is added the exact method of their teaching , which is indeed so excellent , that the Protestants themselves in some places send their sons to their Schooles , upon desire to have them prove exquisite in those arts they teach . To them resort the Children of the rich as well as of the poor , and that in such abundance , that wheresoever they settle ; other houses become in a manner desolate , or frequented only by those of the more heavy and phlegmatick constitutions . Into their Schooles when they have received them , they place them in that forme or Classe , into which they are best fitted to enter . Of these Classes the lowest is for Grammar ; the second for the composition or making of Themes , as we call it ; the third for Poetrie , the fourth for Oratory , the fifth for Greeke Grammar and Compositions ; the sixth for Poesie and Rhetorick of that Language ; the seventh for Logick ; and the eighth and last for Philosophy . In each of these Schools there is a severall Reader , or Institutor , who onely intendeth that art , and the perfection of it , which for that yeare he teacheth . That yeare ended , he removeth both himselfe and Schollars with him into the Classes or Schoole next beyond him , till he hath brought them through the whole study of humanity . In the last Forme , which is that of Philosophy , he continueth two yeares , which once expired , his Scholars are made perfect in the Universality of Learning , and themselves are manumitted from their Tutors , and permitted their private Studies . Nor doe they onely teach their Scholars an exictnesse in those severall parts of Learning which they handle : but they also endeavour to breed in them an obstinacy of minde , and a sturdy eagernesse of spirit , to make them thereby hot prosecutors of their own opinions , and impatient of any contrary consideration : This it is which maketh all those of their education to affect Victory in all their controversies of Wit and Knowledge , with such a violence , that even in their very Grammaticall disputations , you shall find little boyes maintain arguments with such a fierce impatience , that you would think it above the nature of years ; and all this they perform freely , and for nothing : the poore Paisants sonne being by them equally instructed with that of the Noblesse . By this meanes they get into their Society great honour and great strength : Honour in furnishing their Schooles with so many persons of excellent quality , or nobility , of whom afterwards they make their best advantages for their strength also : As for those of the poorer sort , they have also their ends upon them ; for by this free and liberall education of their children , the common people doe infinitely affect them ; besides that , out of that rank of their Scholars , they assume such into their Fraternity , whom they finde to be of a rare wit , an excellent spirit , or any other way fitted for their profession . Thus do they make their owne purpose out of all conditions , and refuse no fish which either they can draw into their nets , or which will offer it selfe unto them . Si locuples quis est , avari sunt ; si pauper ambitiosi : quos non oriens non occidens satiaverit , soli omnium opes atque in piam opur affectu concupiscunt . Galgacus a British Captaine spake it of the Souldiers of the Roman Empire , we may as justly verifie it of these Souldiers of the Roman Church : they being the men whom neither the East nor West Indies can satisfie , and who with a like fervency desire the education of the needy and the wealthy . Moreover , by this method of teaching they do not onely strengthen themselves in the affections of men abroad , but also fortifie themselves within their owne walls at home ; for by this meanes there is not one of their society who hath perfectly concocted in his head the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of knowledge , but hath gained unto himself the true art of speaking , and readinesse of expressing what he knoweth , without the least demur or hesitancie ; the greatest happinesse of a Scholer . To conclude then , and say no more of them & their abilities ( for virtus & in hoste probatur ) it is thought by men of wisdome and judgement , that the planting of a Colledge of Jesuits in any place , is the onely sure way to re-establish that Religion which they professe , and in time to eat out the contrary . This notwithstanding they were at the first institution of them rightly opposed , & no where more v●olently than in the University of Paris . An Vniversity that standeth much upon its liberties & privileges , to which this order was imagined to be an hindrance , it being lawfull for them to take any degree in their owne houses without reference to any publique exercise or examination . In the year 1554. at which time they first began to set foot in France , the Colledge of the Sorbonists made a long Decree against them : in the end whereof are these words , and they are worth the reading , Videtur haec societas in negotio fidei periculosa , pacis & Ecclesiae perturbativa , Monasticae religionis eversiva , & magis ad destructionem quam ad aedificationem . A censure too full of vinegar and bitternesse : Afterwards in the yeare 1564. they preferred a Petition to the Vniversity , that the Colledge which the Bishop of Clermont had built for them , might be incorporated into the Vniversity , and every the immunities of it : Upon the Vniversities deniall of their desire , there arose a suit between them and the Vniversity in the High court of Parliament , Peter Versories pleading for the Jesuits , and Steven Pasquier for the other party : in the end they were admitted , though upon terms of wonderfull strictnesse . Anno 1594. John Chastell of Novice of this order , having wounded King Henry the fourth in the mouth , occasioned the banishment of this Society out of all France . Into which they were not againe received till the yeare 1604. and then also upon limitations more strict than ever . Into Paris they were not re-admitted untill Anno 1606. neither had they the liberty of reading Lectures , and instructing the Youth , confirmed unto them untill Anno 1621. which also was compassed not without great trouble and vexation . Per varios casus & tot discrimina rerum , as Aeneas and his companions came into Latium . In this Vniversity they have at this instant three Houses , one of Novices , a second of Institutors , which they call the Colledge , and a third of professed Jesuits , which they stile their Monastery , or the professed House of St. Lewis . In their house of Novices they traine up all those whom they have called out of their Schooles , to be of their order , and therein imitate them in the art of Jesuitisme , and their mysteries of iniquity . There they teach them not Grammaticall construction , or composition , but instruct them in the paths of Vertue , Courage , and Obedience , according to such examples as their Authors afford them . But he that made the Funerall Oration for Henry the fourth , Anno 1610. reported otherwise : Latini Sermonis obtentu ( saith he ) impurissime Gallicae juventutis mores ingenuos foedant : Bonarum artium praetextu , pessimas edocent artes ; Dum ingenia excolunt , animas perdunt , &c. In their College they have the same method of teaching , which the others of their company use in Orleans . A Colledge first given unto them by Mr. William Prat , Bishop of Clermont , whose House it was , but much beautified by themselves after his decease ; for with the money which he gave unto them by his Will , which amounteth ( as it was thought ) to 60000. Crowns ; they added to it the Court called de Langres , in S. James's street ; An. 1582. Their Monastery , or house of prayer or profession , is that unto which they retire themselves , after they have discharged their duties in the College , by reading and studying publickly in their severall Classes ; when they are here , their study both for time and quality , is ad placitum , though generally their onely study in it , is Policy , and the advancing of their cause . And indeed out of this Trojan Horse it is that those firebrands and incendiaries , are let out to disturb , and set in combustion the affaires of Christendome . Out of this Forge come all those Stratagems , and tricks of Machiavillianisme which tend to the ruine of the Protestants & the desolation of their Countries . I speak not this of their house of Profession here in Paris , either onely or principally ; wheresoever they settle , they have a House of this nature , out of which they issue to overthrow the Gospel . Being once sent by their superiours , a necessity is laid upon them of obedience , be the imployment never so dangerous ; and certainly this nation doth most strictly obey the rules of their order of any whosoever , not excepting the Capuchins , nor the Carthusians . This I am witnesse unto , that whereas the Divinity Lecture is to end at the tolling of a Bell , one of the Society in the College of Clermont , reading about the fall of the Angells , ended his Lecture with these words , Denique in quibuscunque ; for then was the warning given , and he durst not so farre trespasse upon his rule , as to speak out his sentence . But it is not the fate of these Jesuites to have great persons onely , and Vniversities to oppose their fortunes , they have also the most accomplisht malice , that either the Secular Priests , or their friends amongst whom they live , can fasten upon them . Some envy them for the greatnesse of their possessions , some because of the excellency of their Learning ; some hate them for their power ; some for the shrewdnesse of their braines ; all together making good that saying of Paterculus , that Semper eminentis fortunae comes est invidia . True indeed it is , that the Jesuites have in a manner deserved all this clamor and stomack by their own insolencies , for they have not onely drawne into their owne hands all the principall affaires of Court and State , but upon occasions cast all the storme and contempt they can , upon those of the other Orders . The Janizaries of the Turke never more neglectfully speak of the Asapi , than these doe of the rest of the Clergie . A great crime in those men who desire to be accounted such excellent Masters of their owne affections . Neither is the affection borne to them abroad , greater then that at home ; amongst those , I mean , of the opposite party , who being so often troubled and frumped by them , have little cause to afford them a liking , and much lesse a welcome . Upon this reason they were not sent into England with the Queen , although at the first they were destinate to that purpose . It was well known how odious that name was among us , and so little countenance the Court or Countrey would have afforded them . They therefore that had the governance of that businesse , sent hither in their places the Oratorians or Fratres Congregationis . Oratorii were a race of men never as yet offensive to the English , further than the generall defence of the Romish cause , and so lesse subject to envie and exception . They were first entituled by Philip Nerius , not long after the Jesuits , and advanced and dignified by Pope Sixtus the fifth , principally for this end , that by their incessant Sermons to the People of the lives of Saints , and other Ecclesiasticall antiquitie , they might get a new reputation , and so divert a little the torrent of the peoples affections from the Jesuits . Baronius , that great and excellent Historian ; and Bozius that deadly enemy to the soveraignty of Princes , were of the first foundation of this new order . I have now done with Orleans and the Jesuits , and must prepare for my returne to Paris , which journey I began the 13. of July , and ended the day following . We went back the same way that we came , though we were not so fortunate as to enjoy the same company we came in formerly : Instead of the good and acceptable society of one of the French Noblesse , some Gentlemen of Germany , and two Friers of the Order of S. Austin , we had the perpetuall vexation of foure Tradesmen of Paris , two Fulles de Joy , and an old Woman . The Artizans so slovenly attired , and greazy in their apparell , that a most modest apprehension could have conceived no better of them , than that they had been newly raked out of the Scullery : one of them by an inkhorne that hung by his side , wou●d have made us believe that he had been ● Notary ▪ bu● by the thread of his discourse , we found out that h● was a Sumner ; so full of Ribaldry was it , and so rankly did it savour of the French Bawdy court The rest of them talked according to their skill concerning the price of Commodities ; and wh● was the most likely man of all the City to be made one of the next yeares Eschevins : Of the two Wenches , one so extremely impudent , that even an immodest ●are would have abhorred her language , and of such a shamelesse deportment , that her very behaviour would have frighted Lust out of the most incontinent man living . Since I first knew mankinde and the world , I never observed so much impudency in the generall , as I did then in her particular , and I hope shall never be so miserable as to suffer two dayes more the torment of her , and of her conversation . In a word , she was a wench borne to shame all the Friers with whom she had traffiqued ; for she would not be Casta , and could not be Cauta ; and so I leave her . A creature extremely bold , because extremely faulty , and yet having no good property to redeem both these and other unlovely qualities ; but as Sir Philip Sidney saith of the strumpet Baccha , in the Arcadia a little counterfeit Beauty disgraced with wandring eyes , and unweighed speeches . The other of the young females ( for as yet I am doubfull whether I may call any of them women ) is of the same profession also , but not halfe so rampant as her companion ; Haec habitu casto cum non sit casta videtur . as Aus●nius giveth it of one of the two wanton Sisters : by her carriage a charitable stranger would have thought her honest ; and to that favourable opinion had my self been inclinable , if a French Monsieur had not given me her Character at Orleans : besides , there was an odde twinkling of her eye , which spoyled the composednesse of her countenance , otherwise she might have passed for currant , so that I may safely say of her , in respect of her fellow-harlot , what Tacitus doth of Pompey in reference to Caesar , viz. Secretior Pompeius Caesare , non melior ; they were both equally guilty of the same sin , though this last had the more cunning to dissemble it , and avoyd the infamy and censure due unto it . And so I am come to the old Woman , which was the last of our goodly companions ; A woman so old , that I am not at this day fully resolved whether she were ever young or no ; 't was well I had read the Scriptures , otherwise I might have been prone to have thought her one of the first pieces of the Creation , and that by some mischance she had escaped the Floud : her face was for all the world like unto that of Sybilla Erythraea in some old print , or that of one of Solomons two Harlots in the painted cloth ; you would not but have imagined her one of the Relikes of the first age after the building of Babel , for her very complexion was a confusion more dreadfull than that of Languages ; as yet I am uncertain whether the Poem of our Arch-Poet Spencer , entituled was not purposely intended on her : sure I am it is very appliable in the Title ; but I might have saved all this labour : Ovid in his description of Fames , hath most exactly given us her Portraiture , and out of him and the eighth book of the Metamorphosis , you may take this view of her ; Nullus erat crinis , cava lumina , pallor in ore , Labra incana situ , scabri rubigine dentes , Dura cutis , per quā spectari viscera possent , Ventris erat pro ventre locus , pēdere putares Pectus , & a spinae tantummodo crate teneri . Unhair'd , pale-fac'd , her eyes sunk in her head , Lips hoary-white , and teeth most rusty red . Through her course skin her guts you might espie In what estate and posture they did lie . Belly she had none , onely there was seen The place where her belly should have been : And with her Hips her body did agree , As if 't were fastned by Geometry . But of this our Companion , as also of the rest of the Coach full , Sunday-night and our arrival at Paris , hath at the last delivered us . Ablessing , for which ● can never be sufficiently thankfull : and thus , — Dedit Deus his quoque finem . The Fourth Book : Or PICARDY . CHAP. I Our return towards England , more of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses . The Towns of Luzarch and St. Lowp : The Country of Picardy and People : The Picts of Brittain not of this Country : Mr. Lesdiguier Governour of Picardy : The Office of Constable what it is in France ; By whom the place supplied in England . The Marble Table in France , and Causes there handled . Clermont and the Castle there : The Warrs raised by the Princes against D' Ancre : What his Designs might tend to , &c. IVly the twenty seventh having dispatched that business which brought us into France , and surveyed as much of the Country as that opportunity would permit us : we began our journey towards England in a Coach of Amiens ; better accompanied we were , than when we came from Orleans ; for here we had Gentlemen of the choisest fashion , very ingenuous , and in mine opinion finer conditioned than any I had met withal , in all my acquaintance with that Nation , and which appeared to me somewhat marvellous , we had no vexation with us in the shape of a French-woman , to torment our ears with her discourse , or punish our eyes with her complexion . Thus associated we began to wag on towards St. Lowp , where that night we were to be lodged . The Country such as already I have described it in the Isle of France ; save that beyond St Denis it began to be somewhat more hilly : by the way I observed those little cressets erected in the memory of St. Denis ( as being vainly supposed to be his resting places , when he ran from Mountmartyr with his head in his hand ) which the zealous madness of the Hugonots had thrown down , and were now reedifyed by King Lewis : It could not but call to mind the hate of that Nation unto that harmless monument of Christs suffering , the Cross ; which is grown , it seemeth , so exorbitant , that the Papists make use of it to discover an Hugonot . I remember that as we passed by water from Amiens to Abbeville , we met in the boat with a berry of French Gentlewomen . To one of them , with that little French which I had , I applied my self ; and she perceiving me to be English , questioned my Religion : I answered ( as I safely might ) that I was a Catholike : and she for her better satisfaction proffered me the little cross which was on the to● of her beads to kiss : I kissed it , and rathe● should I desire to kiss it than many of their lip : thereupon the rest of the company gave ●ome this verdict , that I was un urai Christien et 〈◊〉 point un Hugonet . But to proceed to our jour●ey . The same day we parted from Paris we passed through the Town of Luzarch , and came to that of St. Lowp . The first famous onely in its owner , which is the Count of Soisons : the second in an Abbey there scituate , built in memory of St. Lupus Bishop of Troyes in Campagne . These Towns passed , we entred into Picardy . Picardy is divided into the higher , which containeth the territories of Calais and Burlogne , with the Town of Monstrevelle and the lower ; wherein are the goodly Cities of Amiens , Abeville , and many other places of principal note . The higher , which is the lesser , and more Northern part , is bounded North and West with the English Ocean , and on the East with Flanders and Artoys . The later , which is the larger , the richer and the more Southern , hath on the East the little County of Veromandoys , on the West Normandy , and on the South the County of Campaigne . In length it comprehendeth all the fifty one degree of Latitude , and three parts of the fiftieth , extending from Cales in the North to Clermont in the South . In breadth it is of a great inequality : For the higher Picardy is like Linea amongst the Logicians , which they define to be Longitudo sine Latitudine , it being indeed nothing in a manner but a meer border . The lower is of a larger breadth , and containeth in it the wole twenty fourth degree of Longitude , and a fourth part of the twenty three . So that by the proportion of degrees this province is an hundred and five miles long , and seventy five broad . Concerning the name of Picardy , it is a difficulty beyond my reading and my conjecture . All that I can do is , to overthrow the less probable opinions of other Writers ; and make my self subject to the scoffe which Lactantius bestoweth on Aristotle . Recte hic sustulit aliorum disciplinas , sed non recte fundavit suam . Some then derive it from Pignan , one sorsooth of Alexander the greats Captains , who they fain to have built Amiens and Pigmingin ; an absurdity not to be honoured with a confutation . Some from the Town of Pigmingin it self , of which mind is Mercator ; but that Town never was of such note as to name a Province . Others derive it from Picardus , a fanatical heretick of these parts , about the year 1300. and after ; but the appellation is farre older than the man. Others fetch it from the Picts of Brittanie , whom they would have to fly hither , after the discomfiture of their Empire and Nation by the Scots . A transmigration of which all Histories are silent : this being the verdict of the best Antiquary ever nursed up in Brittain . Picti itaque praelio funestissimo debellati , aut penitus fuerunt extincti , aut paulatim in Scotorum nomen & nationem concesserint . Lastly , some others derive the name from Pigs , which signifyeth a Lance or Pike : the inventors of which warlike Weapon the fathers of this device would fain make them . In like manner some of Germany have laboured to prove , that the Saxons had that name given them , from the short Swords which they used to wear , called in their language Seaxen : but neither truly : For my part , I have consulted Ptolomie for all the Nations , and the Itinerarium of Antonius for all the Towns in this Tract , but can find none , of which I may fasten any probable Etymologie . All therefore that I can say , is that which Mr. Robert Bishop of Auranches in Normandy hath said before me , and that onely in the general : Quos itaque aetas nostra Picardos appellat , Vere Belgae dicendi sunt , qui post modum in Picardorum nomen transmigrarunt . This Country is very plentiful of corn and other grain , with which it abundantly furnisheth Paris ; and hath in it more store of pasture and meadow ground , than I else saw in any part of France : In Vines onely it is defective , and that ( as it is thought ) more by the want of industry in the people , than any inability ih the soyl ; for indeed they are a people that will not labour more than they needs must ; standing much upon their state and distance , in the carriage of their bodies savouring a little of the Spaniard ; when Picardiser , to play the Picard is usually said of those who are lofty in their looks ; or gluttonous at their tables : this last being also one of their simptomes of a Picard . The Governour of this Province is the Duke les Deguiers ; into which Office he succeeded Mr. Luynes , as he also did in that of the Constable ; two preferments which he purchased at a deer rate , having sold or abandoned that Religion to compass them , which he had professed for more than sixty years together . An Apostasie most unworthy of the man , who having for so many years supported the cause of Religion , hath now forsaken it , and thereby made himself guilty of the cowardice of M. Antonius , qui cumin desertores saeviri debuer at desertor sui exercitus factus est . But I fear an heavier sentence waiteth upon him ; the Crown of immortality not being promised to all those which run , but to those onely which hold out to the end : For the present indeed he hath augmented his honours . By this Office , which is the principal of all France , he hath place and command before and over all the Peers and Princes of the bloud , and at the coronation of the French Kings ministreth the Oath . When the King entereth a City in state , or upon the rendition of that , he goeth before with the Sword naked ; and when the King sitteth in an Assembly of the three Estates , he is placed at the Kings right hand : he hath command over all his Majesties Forces , and he that killeth him is guilty of high treason : he sitteth also as cheif Judge at the Table of Marble , upon all suits , actions , persons and complaints whatsoever concerning the warrs . This Table de Marble was wont to be continually in the great Hall of the Palace of Paris ; from whence at the burning of that Hall it was removed to the Louure . At this Table doth the Admiral of France hold his Sessions , to judge of traffiick , prizes , Letters of Marts , piracies and business of the like nature . At this Table judgeth all Le grand Maistre des eaures et Forrests , we may call him the Justice in Eire all his Majesties Forrests and Waters . The actions there handled are thefts and abuses committed in the Kings Forrests , Rivers , Parks , Fish-ponds and the like . In the absence of the Grand Maistre , the power of sentence resteth in the Les grands Maistres enquesteures , et generaux reformateurs , who have under their command no fewer than 300. subordinate Officers . Here also sit the Marshals of France , who are ten in number , sometimes in their own power , sometimes as Assistants to the Constable , under whose direction they are : with us in England the authority of the Marshalship is more entire , as that which besides its own jurisdiction , hath now incorporated in it self most of the matters anciently belonging to the Constables : which Office ended in the death of Edward Lord Duke of Buckingham , the last hereditary and proprietary Constable of England . This Office of Constable , to note unto you so much by the way , was first instituted by Lewis the Gross , who began his reign Anno 1110. and conferred on Mr. Les Deguiers on the 24th of July Anno 1622. in the Cathedral Church of Grenoble , where he first heard Mass , and where he was installed Knight of both Orders . And so I leave the Constable , to take a veiw of his Province : A man at this time beloved of neither parties ; hated by the Protestants as an Apostata , and suspected by the Papists not to be entire . To proceed : July the twenty eighth we came unto Clermont , the first Town of any note that we met with in Picardy . A pretty nea Town , and finely seated on the rising of an hill : For the defence of it , it hath on the upper side of it an indifferent large Castle , and such as were the scituations of it , somewhat helped by the strengths of Art , might be brought to good service . Towards the Town it is of an easie access , to the fieldward more difficult , as being built on the pendicular fall of a Rock . In the year 1615. it was made good by Mr. Haroncourt with the Regiment of eight Companies , who kept it in the name of the Prince of Conde , and the rest of that Confederacy ; but it held not long : For at the Marshal d' Ancres coming before it with his Army and artillery , it was presently yeilded . This warr , which was the second Civil warr that had happened in the reign of King Lewis , was undertaken by the Princes chiefly to thwart the designes of the Queen Mother , and to crush the powerableness of her grand favourite the Marshall . The pretence ( as in such cases commonly is ) was the good of the Common-wealth : the occasion , the cross Marriages then consummated by the Marshal between the Kings of France and Spain : For by those marriages they seemed to fear the augmentation of the Spaniards greatness ; the alienation of the affections of their ancient Allies , and by consequence the ruine of the French Empire . But it was not the fate of D' Ancre to perish ; two years more of Command and insolencies his destinies allowed , and then he tumbled : This opportunity of his death ending the third Civil war , each of which his faulty greatness had occasioned . What the ambition of his designs did tend to , I dare not absolutely determine , though like enough it is , that they aimed further than at a private or personal potency : for having under the favour and countenance of the Queen Mother , made himself Master of the Kings ear , and of his counsels , he made a shift to get into his own hands an authority almost as unlimitted , as that of the old Mayre of the Palace ; for he had suppressed the liberty of the general Estates , and of the Soveraign Court , removed all the Officers and Counsellors of the last King : ravished one of the Presidents of the great Chamber , by name Mr. Le Jay , out of the Parliament into the Prison ; and planted Garrisons of his own in most of the good Towns of Normandy , of which Province he was Governour : Add to this , that he had caused the Prince of Conde , being acknowledged the first Prince of the bloud , to be imprisoned in the Bastile : and had searched into the continuance of the lives of the King and his Brother by the help of sorcery and witchcraft : Besides he was suspected to have had secret intelligence with some forrain Princes , ill-willers to the State , and had disgraced some , and neglected others of the Kings Confederates : And certainly those actions seem to import some project beyond a private and obedient greatness ; though I can hardly beleive , that he durst be ambitious of the Crown ; for being a fellow of a low birth , his heart could not but be too narrow for such an hope , and having no party amongst the Nobility , and being less gratious among the people , he was altogether destitute of means to compass it . I therefore am of opinion , that the Spanish gold had corrupted him to some project concerning the enlargement of that Empire upon the French dominions , which the cross Marriages ( whereof he was the contriver ) and which seemed so full of danger to all the best Patriots of France , may seem to demonstrate . And again , at that time , when he had put the Realm into this third combustion , the King of Spain had an Army on foot against the Duke of Savoy , and another in the Countries of Cleive and Juliers ; which had not the timely fall of this Monsieur , and the peace ensuing prevented it , might both perhaps have met together in the midst of France : but this is onely conjectural . CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens , and greatness of it . The English feasted within it , and the error of that action : The Town how built , seated and fortified : The Cittadel of it thought to be impregnable , not permitted to be veiwed . The over-much openness of the English in discovering their strengths : The watch and form of government in the Town . Amiens a Visedamate , and to whom it pertaineth . What that honour is in France , and how many there enjoy it , &c. THat night we went from Clermont to a Town called B●etaul , where we were harboured , being from Clermont six French Leagues , and from Paris twenty . Our entertainment there such as in other places , as sluttish and as inconvenient . The next day , being the twenty ninth , about ten of the clock we had a sight of the goodly and fair City of Amiens . A City of some English miles circuit within the wals , which is all the greatness of it , for without the wals it hath houses few or none . A City very capacious , and for that cause hath been many times honoured with the persons and trains of many great Princes : Besides that , once it entertained almost a whole Army of the English . For King Lewis the eleventh having made an advantagious peace with our Edward , and perceiving how ingrateful it was amongst the military men , he intended also to give them some manner of satisfaction : he sent therefore unto them three hundred Carts laden with the best Wines , and seeing how acceptable a present that had proved , he intended also to feast them in Amiens ; within half a league of which their Camp was lodged . This entertainment lasted four dayes , each street having in it two long tables , and each table being furnished with very plentiful provision Neither were they denied entrance into any of the Taverns or Victualling-houses , or therein stinted either in meats or drinks , whatsoever was called for , was defraied by King Lewis . An action wherein , if my opinion might carry it , there was little of the Politician ; for there were permitted to enter into the Town so many of the English-men at once , that had they been but so minded , they might easily have made themselves as well Masters of the place , as of the Kings person : nine thousand are reckoned by Comminees to have been within together , and most of them armed ; so that they might very easily have surprised the Gates and let in the rest of the Army . Those of the French Kings Council feared it much , and therefore informed both Princes , the one of his Town , the other of his honour . But this jealousie was but a French distrust , and might well have been spared : the English being of that Generals mind , that scorned to steal a Victory , and of that generous disposition , that they would not betray their credits . Nunquam illis adeo ulla opportuna visa est victoriae occasio , quam damno pensa●ent fidei ; as the Historian of Tiberius . If then this City escaped a sack or a surprisal , it cannot be imputed to the wisdom of the French , but to the modesty and fair dealing of the English : but this was not the onely Solaecisme in point of State committed by that great Politick of his time King Lewis , there never being a man so famed for brain , that more grosly over-reached himself , than that Prince , though perhaps more frequently . The buildings of this Town are of divers materials , some built of stone , others of wood , and some again of both : the streets very sweet and clean , and the air not giving place to any for a lively pureness : Of their buildings the principal are their Churches , whereof there are twelve onely in number . Churches , I mean , parochial , besides those belonging unto Religious Houses . Next unto them , the work of most especial note , is a great large Hospital , in method and disposing of the beds much like unto the Hostel Dieu in Paris , but in number much inferior : Et me tamen capuerant : and yet the decency of them did much delight me . The sweetness and neatness of the Town proceedeth partly ( as I say ) from the air , and partly from the conveniencie of the River of Some , on which it is seated : for the River running in one entire bank at the further end of the Town , is there divided into six Channels , which almost at an equal distance run through the several parts of it . These Channels thus divided receive into them all the ordure and filth wherewith the Town were otherwise likely to be pestered , and affordeth the people a plentiful measure of water , wherewith to purge the lanes and by-corners of it , as often as them listeth . But this is not all the benefit of these Channels ; they bestow upon the City matter also of commodity , which is the infinite number of Griest-Mils that are built upon them . At the other end of the Town the Channels are again united into one stream , both those places , as well at the division as the union , of the Channels being exceedingly fortified with chains and piles , and also with bulwarks and out-works . Neither is the Town well fortified and strengthened at those passages onely in the upper parts of it , having enough of strength to enable them to a long resistance . The Ditch round about it , save where it meeteth with the Cittadel , is exceeding deep and steepy , the wals of a good height , broad and composed of earth and stone equally : the one making up the outside of them , and the other the inside . The Gates are very large and strong , as well in the sinewie composition of themselves , as in addition of the Draw-bridge . Subburbs this City hath none , because a Town of Warr , nor any liberal circuit of territoty , because a Frontier : yet the people are indifferent wealthy , and have amongst them good trading , besides the benefit of the Garrison and the Cathedral . The Garrison consisteth of two hundred and fity men ( five hundred in all they should be ) who are continually in pay to guard the Cittadel : their pay eight Sols daily . The Governour of them is the Duke of Chawne , who is also the Lieutenant or Deputy Governour of the whole Province under the Constable . Their Captain Mr Le Noyr , said to be a man of good experience , and worthy his place . This Cittadel was built by Henry the fourth as soon as he had recovered the Town from the Spaniards , Anno 1591. It is seated on the lower part of the City , though somewhat on the advantage of an hill ; and seemeth in my opinion better scituate to command the Town , than to defend it , or rather to recover the Town , being taken , than to save it from taking . They who have seen it , and know the arts of Fortification , report it to be impregnable . — Quod nec Jovis ira , nec ignes Nec poterit ferrum , nec edax abolere vetustas . Nor am I able to contradict it : for besides that it is a skill beyond my profession , we were not permitted to come within it , to take a survey of it at a distance : As soon as we approached nigh unto it , one of the Garrison offered us the musket , a sufficient warning not to be too venterous . So that all I could observe was this , that they had within themselves good plenty of earth to make their gabions and repair their breaches . With the same jealousie also , are the rest of the Forts and Towns of importance guarded in this and other Countries : no people that ever I heard of being so open in shewing their places of strength and safety unto strangers as the English : For a dozen of Ale a Forreiner may pace over the Curtain of Portsmouth , and measure every sconce and bulwark of it : for a shilling more he shall see their provision of powder and other munition , and when that is done , if he will , he shall walk the round too . A French crown fathometh the wals of Dover Castle ; and for a pint of Wine one may see the nakedness of the block-houses at Gravesend . A negligence which may one day cost us dearly , though now we think it not . For what else do we in it , but commit that prodigal folly , for which Plutarch condemneth Pericles ? Viz. _____ &c. that is , to break open all the pales and inclosures of our Land , to the end that every man might come in freely , and take away our fruits at his pleasure . Jealousie , though a vice in a man toward his Wife , is yet one of the safest Vertues in a Governour towards his Fortress , and therefore I could wish , that an English man would borrow a little of this Italian humor . Besides these Souldiers which are continually in garrison for the defence of the Cittadel , there are also three hundred which keep watch every night for the defence of the City . These watchmen receive no pay from the King , but discharge that duty amongst themselves , and in turns , every house finding one for that service twelve nights in the year : The Weapons which they use are Pikes onely and Musquets , there being not one peice of Ordinance all about the Town , or on the wals of it . The Governour of this Town , as it hath reference to the King , is a Bailly , who hath belonging unto him all the authority which belongeth to a Siege Presidial . Under him he hath a Lieutenant Generall and particular ; seven Counsellors , a publick Notary , and other inferior Officers and Magistrates . As it is a Corporation the Cheif Governour of it is a Mayor , and next to him the Eschevins or Sheriffs , as Protectors of the Inhabitants and their Liberties , besides those of the Common-Council . Another Circumstance there is which ennobleth this Town of Amiens , which is , that it is a Visedamate , or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility , who is called the Visedame of Amiens . This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chauny , Governour of the Cittadel , together with the Lordship of Pigingin ; both which he obtained by marrying the Daughter and Heir of the last Visedame of Amiens , and Lord of Pigingin , Anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes , & which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother , who also obtained for him of the King the title of Duke : His highest attribute before , being that of Mr. de Cadinet , by which name he was known here in England , at such time as he was sent extraordinary Ambassadour to King James . This honour of Visedame is , for ought that ever I could see , used onely in France . True it is , that in some English Charters we meet with Vice-Dominus , as in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in Lincoln-shire , dated in the year 948. there is subscribed , Ego Bingulph Vice-dominus , &c. but with us , and at those times , this title was onely used to denotate a subordination to some superior Lord , and not as an honorary attribute , in which sense it is now used in France : besides that , with us it is frequently , though falsly , used for Vicecomes : between which two Offices of Vicount and Vidame there are found no small resemblances : For as they which did agere Vicem Comitis , were called Vicecomites or Vicomits , so were they also called Vidames , or Vice-Domini , qui Domini Episcopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus . And as Vicountes from Offices of the Earles became honorary ; so did the Vidames disclaim the relation to the Bishop , and became Seigneural or honorary also . The Vidames then , according to the first institution , were the substitutes of the greater Bishops in matters of secular administration , for which cause , though they have altered their tenure , they take all of them their denomination from the cheif Town of some Bishoprick ; neither is there any of them , who holdeth not of some Bishoprick or other : Concerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine . Mr. Glover , otherwise called Sommerset Herald , in his discourse of Nobility , published by Mr. Miles of Canterbury , putteth it down for absolute , that here are four onely , Viz. of Amiens , of Chartres , of Chalons , and of Gerbery in Bauvice : but in this he hath deceived both himself and his Readers ; there being besides these divers others , as of Rhemes , Mans , and the like : but the particular and exact number of them , together with the place denominating , I leave to the French Heralds , unto whose profession it belongeth . CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre-Dame in Amiens . The Principal Churches in most Cities called by her name : More honour performed to her , than to her Saviour : The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside : The front of it . King Henry the seventh's Chappel at Westminster : The curiousness of this Church within : By what means it became to be so : The three sumptuous Massing-Closets in it : The excellency of Perspective works . Indulgencies by whom first founded : The estate of the Bishoprick . THere is yet one thing which addeth more lustre to the Citie of Amiens , than either the Visdamate , or the Cittadel , which is the Church of Nostre Dame : a name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France : there have we the Nostre Dame in Roven , a second in Paris , a third in this City , a fourth in Boulogne , all Cathedrall ; so also a Nostre Dame in Abbeville , and another in Estampes , the principal Churches in those Towns also ; Had I seen more of their Towns , I had met with more of her Temples ; for so of many ● have heard , that if there be more than two Churches in a Town , one shall be sure to be dedicated to her , and that one of the fairest . Of any Temples consecrated to the Name and memory of our Saviour . Ne gry quidem , there was not so much as a word stirring ; neither could I marvel at it , considering the honours done to her , and those to her Son ; betwixt which there is so great a disproportion , that you would have imagined that Mary , and not Jesus , had been our Saviour ; for one Pater Noster the people are enjoyned ten Ave Maries : and to recompence one pilgrimage to Christs Sepulchre at Hierusalem , you shall hear of two hundred undertaken to our Lady of Loretto : And whereas in their Kalendar they have dedicated onely four Festivals to our Saviour , which are those of his birth , circumcision , resurrection , and ascension , all which the English Church also observeth ; for the Virgins sake they have more than doubled the number . Thus do they solemnize the feast of her Purification and Annunciation , at the times which we also do : of her Visitation of Elizabeth in July ; of her Dedication and Assumption in August , of her Nativity in September , of her Presentation in November , and of her Conception in the womb of her Mother in December . To her have they appropriated set forms of prayers prescribed in the two books , called one Officium , and the other Rosarium beatae Mariae Virginis : whereas her Son must be contented with those Orisons which are in the Common Mass Book : her Shrines and Images are more glorious and magnificent , then those of her Son , and in her Chappel are more Vows paid , than before the Crucifix . But I cannot blame the Vulgar , when the great Masters of their souls are thus also besotted . The Officium before mentioned , published by the Command of Pius the fifth , saith thus of her . Gaude Maria Virgo , tu sola omnes haereses intermist● in universo mundo . Catherinus in the Council of Trent , calleth Fidelissimam Dei sociam : and he was modest , if compared with others . In one of their Councils Christs name is quite forgotten , and the name of our Lady put in the place of it , for thus it beginneth : Authoritate Dei Patris , & beatae Virginis , & omnium Sanctorum , &c. but most horrible is that of one of their Writers ( I am loath to say it was Bernard ) Beata Virgo monstra te esse Matrem , jube filium : which Harding in his confutation of the Apologie , endeavouring to make good , would needs have it to be onely an excess of mind , or a spiritual sport and dalliance : but from all such sports and dalliances , good Lord deliver us . Leaving our Lady , let us go see her Church , which questionless is one of the most glorious piles of building under the Heavens ; what Velleius saith of Augustus , that he was homo qui omnibus omnium gentium viris inducturus erat caliginem , or what Suetonius spake of Titus , when he called him Delias humani generis , both these attributes and more too , may I most fitly fasten on this magnificent structure . The whole body of it is of most curious and polished stones , every where born up by buttresses of excellent composure , that they seem to add more of beauty to it than of strength : the Quire of it is , as in great Churches commonly it is , of a fairer fabrick than the body , thick set with dainty pillars , and most of them reaching unto the top of it , in the fashion of an Arch. I am not well able to judge , whether the Quire of the Chappel of King Henry the seventh at Westminster be the more exquisite piece of Architecture , though I am not ignorant , that Leland calleth that of our King , Miraculum Orbis . I perswade my self , that a most discerning eye could find out but little difference between them , and that difference more subtil than sound : For if such perfections may receive the word of more , it might be said , that there were more majesty in this of Amiens , and more loveliness in that of Westminster ; yet so , that the ones majesty did exceed in loveliness , and the others loveliness excelled in majesty . Tam bene conveniunt & in unâ sede morantur Majestas & Amor — But now we are come unto the divinity of workmanship , the Front ; which presenteth it self unto us with two Towers , and three Gates , that in the middle being the principal : the Fronts of Wels or Peterborough , which we so much fam● in England , deserve not to be named in the same Myriad of years with this of Amiens : For here have you almost all the sacred Stories engraven so lively , that you would no longer think this story of Pigmalions image to be a fable ; and indeed at the first sight you would confidently beleive , that the Histories there represented were not carved but acted : To say no more of it ( for all my abilities will but disgrace it ) in the description : that of Zeuxis may most fitly be inscribed upon it : Invisur●m facilius aliquem , quam imitaturum : so infinitely is it above the ambition of imitation . The outside of the Church being so admirable you would have thought that Art and treasure had left nothing of themselves to bestow within it , yet herein would such thoughts deceive you : Nostre Dame in Paris and Roven lay most without ; yet here it serveth but as a mask to hide and conceal those more admirable graces which are within . As soon as you are entred , you will suppose that the materials of it are all of gold , such a lustre doth it cast upon the eyes of all those that look upon it : the glory of Solomons Temple , next unto the description of it in the Scriptures , is best read in this Church ; of which it seemeth to have been the pattern . Jupiters house in Heaven , described by the Poets , was never half so gorgeous as this on the earth , that therefore which Ovid poetically spake concerning that imagery Palace of the false God , we most truly verifie of this real Mansion of the true God. Hic locus est , quem si verbis audacia detur Haud timeam Magni dixisse Palatia Regis . To instance in particulars , the partition between the Quire and the body is so overlaid with gold , that the acutest sight could apprehend no other substance of it , and yet had the art of the workman so fully exprest its power on it ; that the cost was much inferiour to the workmanship ; so curiously was it adorned with excellent imagery , and what else the hand of man could fashion into portraiture . On the top of it was the Statua of our Lady , in the just height and proportion of a woman , all either of gold or gilded , her Child in her arms of the same making . She was there exprest , as standing in a round circle , unto every part of which she darted ou● rayes and beams of gold , just as the Sun doth seem to do , when the Painter hath drawn him in his full lustre . The glass of the Church generally , and particularly that about the Quire , the Virgins Chappel is the most full of life and beauty of any that I ever set eye upon : As much as that of St. Denis exceedeth ours at Canterbury , so much doth this St. Denis . But the largest measure of perfection in it is that of the pillars ; which though full of majesty in their height and compass , have yet an ornament added to them more majestical than that majesty , for upon each of them ( there are four ranks of them in all ) are fastened four tables , which take up their whole circuit , every table being in length two yards or thereabouts : In every of these are the pictures of sundry men and women of the better quality , so exactly limmed , that neither a curious eye could desire , or a cunning hand discharge it better . These tables are the monuments and tombs of the Burgers of the City , or of the Nobles of the Country nigh unto it , who in them have caused their pictures to be drawn , with as great art and state as cost could procure them , and in a subscription of golden letters have eternized their names , and that art to all succeeding posterity . So that we may justly say of the sumptuousness of this Church , what the Historian doth of the Temple at Delphos . Multa igitur ibi , & opul●nta regum populorumque visuntus munera , quaeque magnificen●ia sui reddentium vota gratans voluntatem magnifestant . Neither have these sepulchral ornaments been of any great standing ; the ancientest of them that I could observe , having been erected since the year 1570. Add to these the curious works which the Engraver hath cut in the main wals , and then perhaps you will fall into the same extasie that I did , and pick a quarrel with Nature and the Heavens , that they had not made you all into an eye . In this Church , as in others also of this party , besides the high Altar in the midst of the Quire , there are divers others in the private Clossets , which are destinate to the mumbling of their low Masses : of these here are in number twenty four , all of them seated within the two outermost ranks of pillars and the wals pretty neat pla●es , and it is pitty they should be abused to such Idolatries . Of three of them I took especial notice , they being indeed the cheifest of the rest , either for furniture or for use . The first of them is that of the Virgin , which was divided from the West of the Church by a sphere made of wood , which reached unto the top of the partition . On the outside , the Planets , Starrs and Constellations were most artificially set down in their proper Orbes , with the time of absolving their several courses : On the inside those places were filled up with a pack of verses in commendation of our Lady . The Alter there was for matter and making the most glorious that ever I yet looked upon : that on the other side in the Quire , and over which is the image of our Saviour , being more despicable than were fit for the credit of a Village . Over this Altar was the Virgins Statua , all gift , and of a full and womanly proportion : two Angels of the same materials attending on her : Finally , this Chappel , considering the richness and glory of it , may be stiled the Epitome of the Church : that attribute of immensae opulentiae templum , being no more deservedly appliable to Solomons Temple , which Tacitus spake it , than to this . The second of them stood , as I remember , at the further end of the Church behind the Quire , not directed , for ought I could perceive , to any particular Saint : yet not to be passed over without a due remembrance : It was separated from the rest of the Church by two ranks of brass pillars , one rank above the other . The pillars are curiously cast , and such as would not shame rhe workman . In the massing Closset over the Altar there was hanged a tablet , which by the many lines and shadows drawn in it , seemed to represent some piece of building . Moving my hand towards my eye , in the nature and kind of a perspective-glass , I perceived to be the representation of that Church wherein I stood to see it , and it was done with that cunning , that it would almost have perswaded a man out of himself , and made him beleive , that he had been in the Church-yard ; so perfectly did it shew the majesty of the Front , the beauty of the Iles , the number of the pillars , and the glory of the Quire ; a kind of work in my opinion of all others the most excellent , and such as would infinitely delight an Optick : Had not such peices been vulgar to me , it had more affected me : But in the gallery of Mr. Crane of Cambridge , once belonging to that humerous Physitian Mr. Butler , and in that of Sir Noel Caron late Leiger for the States at Lambeth , I had seen divers of them , whereof some perfecter . The third of these Massing Clossets was that of St. Peter , not so gorgeous as the rest unto the eyes of them that saw it , but more useful to the soules of those who had a mind to take the benefit of it , for therein hung an Indulgence granted by Pope Gregory the fifteenth unto that Church , dated the twenty seventh of July , Anno Dom. 1612. and of his Popedom the twentieth . The contents of it were , an absolute exemption from the pains and place of Purgatory , to those , who upon the Feast of All-Soules ( Festum commemorationis Sanctorum the Breif calleth it ) and the Octaves of it , would come to pay their devotions and moneys in that Temple . Had the extent of it been general , it would quickly have emptied the Popes treasury , and in time to have put an end to Purgatory . His Holiness therefore did wisely restrain it in his Bull to the natives of that Diocess . The author and first founder of those Indulgences ( if it be lawful to note so much by the way ) was Pope Vrban the second , who began his Popedom , Anno 1088. who conferred them on all such who would go into the warrs for the recovering of Hierusalem : Next they began to be conferred on those who would side with the Pope in his unlawful warrs against the Emperours . And lastly , about the time of Clem●nt the fifth ( he began his raign , Anno 1306. ) they began to grow merchantable , for to him that gainful invention of the Church treasury , consisting of the merits of our Saviour and the Saints , is imputed : but I return again to the Church of Amiens . This glorious Church is the seat of a Bishop , who acknowledgeth for his Metropolitan the Archbishop of Rhemes , Primate of all France : the first Bishop of it was one Firnamus a native of Pampelune in the Kingdom of Navarre , who suffered Martyrdom under the Emperor Dioclesian : to him succeeded another Firminus , to whom the first foundation of this Church is attributed : the present Diocesan is named Franciscus Faber , his intrado about six thousand Crowns a year : Chanoins there are in the Church to the number of forty , of whose revenue I could not learn any thing . Neither could I be so happy as to see the Head of St. John Baptist , which is said to be here entire : though it cannot be denied , that a peice of it is in the holy Chappel of Paris ; besides those fractions of it which are in other places . CHAP. IV. Our journey down the Some , and Company . The Town and Castle of Pigingi for what famous : Comminees censure of the English on matter of Propheoies . A Farewell to the Church of Amiens : The Town and Castle of Pont d' Armie Abbeville , how seated , and the Garrison there : No Governour in it but the Mayor . The French Post-horses , how base and tired : Mp preferment to the Trunk-horse : the House of Philip de Commi●ees : The Town and strength of Monstreville : The importance of these three Towns to the French border , &c. IVly the thirtieth we took boat to go down to Abbevi●e by the River of Some , a River ōf no g●e●t breadth , but deep and full : the boat that carried us , was much of the making of those Lighters that live upon the Thames , but that it was more weildy and fit for speed ; there were in it of ●●●hall to the number of thirty persons or thereabouts ; people of all conditions , and such with whom a man of any humour might have found a companion , under the tilt we espied a bearie of Lasses , mixt with some young Gentlemen . To them we applied our selves , and they taking a delight to hear our broken French , made much of our company , for in that little time of our abode , there we had learned onely so much of the French , as a little Child after a years practise hath of his Mothers tongue : Linguis dimidiata ad huc verba tentantibus & loquelâ ipso affectantis linguae fragmine dulciori . The Gentlewomen , next those of Orleans , were the handsomest that I had seen in France ; very pleasant and affable : one of them being she that put my Religion to the touchstone of kissing the cross of her beads : Thus associated we passed merrily down the stream , though slowly ; the delight which our language gave the company , and the content which their liberal humanity afforded to us , beguiling the tediousness of the way . The first thing which we met with observable , was the Town and Castle of Pignigni : The Town poor and beggerly ; and so unlikely to have named the Province , as Mercator would have it : besides the disproportion , and dissimilitude of their names . The Castle scituate on the top of the Hill , is now a place of more pleasure , than strength , as having command over an open and good Country , which lyeth below it ; it belongeth as we have said , to the Vidimate of Amiens , and so doth the Town also . This Town is famous among the French , for a tradition and a truth . The tradition is of a famous defeate given to the English ▪ neer unto it ; but in whose raigne , and under whose conduct , they could not tell us ; being thus routed they fled to this Town , into which their enemies followed with them , intending to put them all to the sword : but at last their furie being allayed , they proposed that mercy unto them , which those of Gilead did unto those of Ephraim in the Scriptures : life and liberty being promised to all them that could pronounce this word Pignigni : it seemeth it was not a word in those daies possible for an English mouth , for the English saying all of them Peguenie , instead of Pignigni , were all of them put to the sword : thus farre the tradition . The truth of story by which this Town is famous in the writers of both Nations , is an enterviewe there given between our Edward the fourth , and their Lewis the eleventh , upon the concluding of their nine years truce ; a circumstance of no great moment in it self , had not Phillip de Comminees made it such by one of his own observations . Upon this meeting the Chancellor of England , being Bishop of Ely , made an oration to both Kings ; beginning with a prophesie , which said that in this place of Pignigni , an honourable peace should be concluded between both the Kingdomes . On this ground , which himself also is the onely man that related , he hath built two observations : the one ( I have not the original by me ) that the English men are never unfurnished with Prophesies : the other that they ground every thing which they speak upon Prophesies : How far those times were guilty of that humor I cannot say ; though sure I am , we are not the onely men that were so affected : Paulus Jovius in some place of his Histories ( I remember not the particular ) hath vindicated that quarrel for us , and fastned the same imitation upon the French. So true is that of the Fragaedian , Quod quisque fecit , patitur ; authorem scelus Reperit : And now being past Pignigni , I have lost the sight of the Church of Amiens . The fairest fabrick , and most rich to see , That ere was guilty of mortalitie , No present structure like it : nor can Fame In all its bead rolles boast an equal name : Let then the barbarous Egyptians cease So to extol their huge Pyramides , Let them grow silent of their Pharus , and Conceale the other triumphs of their Land. And let the Charians henceforth leave to raise Their Mausolaea with such endless praise : This Church alone doth them as much excell As they the lowest Cottages ; where dwell The least of men ; as they those urnes : which keep The smallest ashes which are laid to sleep . Nor be thou vext , thou glorious Queen of night ; Nor let a cloud of darkness mask thy light : That renown'd Temple , which the Greeks did call , The Worlds seventh wonder ; and the fair'st of all That Pile ; so famous that the World did see Two onely great and high ; thy Fame and Thee ; Is neither burnt nor perisht : Ephesus Survives the follies of Herostratus , Onely thy name in Europe to advance , It was transported to the Realm of France : And here it stands , not robb'd of any grace Which there it had ; not altered save in place , Cast thy Beams on it : and t' will soon be proud , Thy Temple was not ruin'd , but remov'd : Nor are thy Rights so chang'd , but thou 'lt averre Ibis Christian is thy old Idolater . But oh great God , how long shall thy Decree permit this Temple to Idolatrie : How long shall they profane this Church and make Those sacred Walls and Pavements to partake Of their loud sins : and here that doctrine teach ' Gainst which the very stones do seem to preach ; Reduce them Lord unto thee : make them see How ill this building and their Rites agree ; Or make them know , though they be still the same , This House was purpos'd onely to thy Name . The next place of note which the water conveyed us to , was the Town and Castle of Pont d' Armie , a place now scarce vissible in the auines : and belonging to one Mr. Queran : it took name , ( as they said ) from a Bridge here built for the transpo●tation of an Armie ; but this I cannot justifie : Three Leagues down the River is the Town of Abbeville ; a Town conveniently seated on the Some , which runneth through it . It is of greater circuit within the walls , than the Citie of Amiens , and hath four parish Churches more in it , but is not so beautifull nor so populous : for the houses here are of an older stamp : and there is within the Town no scarcity of wast ground : I went round about the walls , and observed the thinness of the houses , and the largeness of the fields ; which are of that capacity and extent , that for ought I could apprehend ; the Town needs never to be compelled by famine , if those fields were husbanded to the best advantages : the walls are of earth within and stone without : of an unequal bredth and in some places rui●ous : A Castle it once had , of which there is now scarce any thing remaining ; instead of which and in places more convenient , they have built out three bastions very large and capacious ; and such which well manned , needs not yeeld up on a summons . There are also a couple of Mounts raised nigh unto the Wall at that place , where the Country is most plain ; upon which good Ordinance would have good command , but at this time there were none upon it : without the wal●s it is diversly strengthened , having in some places a deep ditch without water ; in some a shallower ditch , but well filled with the benefit of the benefit of the River : the others only a marish , and fennie levell , more dangerous to the enemie and service to the Town , than either of the rest ; and therefore never guarded by the Souldiers of the Garrison : but the chief strength of it is five Companies of Swisses , 100. men in a Company , proper tall fel●owes in appearance , and such as one would imagine fit for the service : It was my chance to see them begin their watch ; to which employment they advanced with so good order and such shew or stomack , as if they had not gone to guard a sown , but possess one . Their watch was at Port de Boys , and Port St. Valery : the first thing ●ear unto Hesden a frontier Town of Artoys : the other five Leagues only from the See and Haven of St. Valery : from these places most danger was feared , and therefore there kept most of their Souldiers , and all their Ordinance . The Captain is named Mr. Aille a Grison by birth , and reported for a good Souldier : besides him they have no Military Commander : the Mayor of the Town , contrary to the common nature of Towns of warre , being there in highest authority : A priviledge granted unto the Mayors hereof not long since , as a reward due to one of their Integrities , who understanding that the Governour of the Town held intelligence with the Arch Duke ; apprehended him , and sent him to the Court where he receceived his punishment . This Abbeville ( and so I leave it , and in it the berry of French Lasses ) is so called quasi Abbatis Villa , as formerly belonging to some Abbot . July the last we took post-horse for Boulogne , if at least we may call those Post-horses which we rode on : As lean they were as Envis is in the Poet : Macies in corporatota , being most true of them . Neither were they onely lean enough to have their ribs numbred , but the very spur-gals had made such casements through their skins , that it had been no greater difficulty to have surveyed their entrails . A strange kind of Cattel in mine opinion , and such as had neither flesh on their bones , nor skin on their flesh , nor hair on their skin . Sure I am , they were not so lusty as the Horses of the Sun in Ovid : neither could we say of them , flammiferis implent hinnitibus aur as : All the neighng we could hear from the proudest of them , was onely an old dry cough , which I le assure you did much comfort me , for by that noise I first learned there was life in them . Upon such Anatomies of Horses , or to speak more properly , upon such several heaps of bones were I and my company mounted , and when we expected , however they seemed outwardly , to see somewhat of the post in them , my beast began to move after an Aldermans pace , or like Envie in Ovid : Surgit humi pigre , passuque incedet inerti . Out of this gravity no perswasion could work them ; the dull jades being grown insensible of the spur ; and to hearten them with wands would in short time have distressed the Country . Now was the Cart of Diepe thought a speedy conveyance , and those that had the happiness of a Waggon were esteemed too blessed , yea , though it came with the hazard of the old woman and the wenches . If good nature , or a sight of their journeys ever did chance to put any of them into a pace like a gallop , we were sure to have them tire in the middle way , and so the remainder of the Stage was to be measured with our own feet : being weary of this trade , I made bold to dismount the Postilion , and ascended the Trunk Horse , where I sate in such magnificent posture , that the best Carrier in Paris might have envied my felicity : behind me I had a good large Trunk , and a Portmantue , before me a bundle of Cloaks , and a parcel of Books . Sure I was , that if my stirrups could poize me equally on both sides , that I could not likely fall backwards nor forwards . Thus preferred I encouraged my Companions , who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity : and certainly there was not any of them , who might not more justly have said of me , Tu as un meilleur temps que le pape , then poor Lauarillo's Master d●d , when he allowed him an Onion for four dayes . This circumstance I confess might have well been omitted , had I not great example for it . Philip de Comminees in the midst of his grave and serious relation of the battel of Mont l' hierrie , hath a note much about this nature , which gave me encouragement , which is , that himself had an old Horse half tired ( and this was just my case ) who by chance thrust his head into a pail of Wine , and drunk it off , which made him lustier and friskier that day than ever before , but in that his Horse had better luck than I had . On the right hand of us , and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Boulogne , we left the Town of Monstreville , which we had not leasure to see . It seemed daintily seated for command and resistance ; as being built upon the top and declivity of an hill , it is well strengthened with Bastions & ramparts on the outside & hath within a Garrison of five Companies of Souldiers : their Governour ( as I learned of one of the Paisants ) being called Lenroy : And indeed it concerneth the King of France to l●ck well to his Town of Monstreville , as being a border Town within two miles of Artoys ; and especially co●si●ering , that the taking of it would ●ut off all entercourse between the Countreys of Boulogne and Calais with the rest of France . Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens ; and that the French Kings are not ignorant of : Insomuch that those two onely , together with that of St. Quintin , being put into the hands of Philip Duke of Burgundy , to draw him from the party of the English , were redeemed again by Lewis the eleventh for 450000. Crowns , an infinite sum of money , according to the standard of those times , and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it ; for upon an hope onely of regaining those Towns , Charls Earl of Charoloys , Son to Duke Philip , undertook that warr against King Lewis , by which at the last he lost his life , and hazarded his estate . CHAP. V. The Country of Boulonnois , and Town of Boulogne , by whom enfranchised : The present of salt butter . Boulogne divided into two Towns. Procession in the low Town to divert the Plague . The forms of it . Processions of the Letany , by whom brought into the Church . The high Town garrisoned : The old man of Boulogne : The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens . The fraternity de la charite , and inconvenience of it . The costly journey of Henry the eigth to Boulogne . Sir Wa●ter Raleighs censure of that Prince condemned : the discourtesie of Charls the fifth towards our Edward the sixth . The defence of the House of Burgundy how chnrgeable to the Kings of England : Boulogne re-yeilded . WE are now come to the Country of Boulonnois , which though a part of Picardy , disdaineth yet to be so counted ; but will be reckoned a County of it self : It comprehendeth in it the Towns of Boulogne , Escapes and Neus-Chastel , beside-divers Villages , and consisteth much of hils and valleys , much after the nature of England ; the soyl being indifferent fruitful of corn , and yeilding more glass than any other part of France ( which we saw ) for the quantity . Neither is it onely a County of it self but it is in a manner also a free County ; it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary ; who is , no question , a very gracious Land Lady : For when King Lewis the eleventh , after the decease of Charles of Burgundy , had taken in Boulogne ▪ Anno 1477. As new Lord of the Town ( thus John de Sierries relateth it ) he did homage without sword or spurs , bare-headed , and on his knee before the Virgin Mary , offering unto her image an heart of Massie gold , weighing two thousand Crowns ; he added also this , that he and his successors after him being Kings should hold the County of Boulogne of the same Virgin , and do homage unto her image in the great Church of the higher Town dedicated to her na●e , giving 〈◊〉 every change of a Vassal an heart of pure gold of the same weight . Since that time the Boulonnois being the Tennants of our Lady , have enjoyed a perpetual exemption from many of those tributes and taxes under which the rest of France are miserably afflicted . Amongst others they have been alwayes freed from the gabel of Salt , by reason whereof , and by the goodness of their pastures , they have there the best Butter in all the Kingdom , I say , partly by reason of their Salt , because having it at a low rate they do liberally season all their Butter with it ; whereas they which do buy their Salt at the Kings price cannot afford it any of that dear commodity : Upon this ground , it is the custom of these of Boulonnois to send unto their Freinds of France and Paris a barrel of Butter seasoned according to their fashion ; a present no less ordinary and acceptable , than Turkeys , Capons , and the like are from our Country Gentlemen to those of London . As for the Town of Boulogne it is divided into two parts , la haute Ville , and la Bass Ville , or the High Town , and the Low Town , distant one from the other about an hundred paces and upwards . The high Town is seated upon the top of an hill ; the low Town upon the the declivity of it and towards the Haven : Or else we may divide it into two other parts , Viz. the Town and the City ; the Town that towards the water , and the City ; that which lieth above it . It was made a City in the reign of Henry the second , Anno 1553. at which time the City of Terorenne was totally ruined by the Imperials , and the Bishop was removed ●●ther : The Church of Nostre Dame being made the Cathedral : there came along hither upon the remove of the Bishop 20. Chanoins , which number is here still retained ; their revenues being about a 1000. Liures yearly : as for the present Bishop , his name is Pierre de Arme , his intrado twenty thousand Liures : His Metropolitan he of Rhemes : The Town or ( as they call it ) the low Town is bigger than the City , and better built , the streets larger , and the people richer , most of the Merchants living in it , because it lieth above the Haven : but that which made this low town most pleasing , was a solemn procession that passed through the streets of it , intended to pacifie Gods anger , and divert the plague , which at that time was in the City . In the first front there was carried the Cross , and after that the holy and sanctified Banner ; next unto it followed all the Priests of the Town bare-headed , and in their Surplices , singing as they went the services destinate to that occasion : after them followed the Men , and after them the Women of the Town by two and two , it being so ordered by the Roman Ritual . Vt Laicia Cl●ricis , faeminae a viris separatae prosequantur . On the other side of the street went the Brethren dela Charite , every one of them holding in his hand a little triangular Banner , or a Pennon : after them the Boys and Wenches : in this method did the solemnity measure every lane and angle of the Town , the Priests singing , and all the people answering them in the same note . At the Church they began it in prayer , and having visited all the Town , they returned again thither to end it with the same devotion . An action vety grave and solemn , and such as I could very well allow of , were it not onely for one prayer , which is alwayes said at the time of this performance , and addition of the Banners : The prayer is this ; Exaudi nos Deus salutaris noster , & intercedente beatâ & gloriosa Dei genetrice Mariâ semper Virgine , & Sebastiano beato Martyre tuo ( this Sebastian is their Aesculapius , or Tutelary Saint against the sickness ) & omnibus Sanctis populum tuum ab iracundiae tuae terroribus libera , & misericordiae tuae fac largitate securum . Amen . This onely excepted , there is nothing in the whole Liturgy of it , which can be offensive to any conscience not idle scrupulous . These Processions were first instituted by Pope Stephanus the second , who began his Popedom Anno 752. the intent of them is , as Platina reporteth , Ad placandam Dei iram . The first place that they ever went to in Procession , was the Church of our Lady in the Shambles , or ad Sanctam Dei genitricem ad praesepe , as the Historia calleth them . As for the Letany , which is a principal part of it , it was first compiled by Mamercus Bishop of Vienna in Daulphine , in the time of Pope Leo the first , which was 308. years after the time of Stephanus . The motive of it was the often danger to which France was subject by reason of the frequency of Earthquakes : Since those beginnings , which were fair and commendable , the Romish Church hath added much to them of magnificence , and somewhat of impiety and prophaneness . As for the Brethren de la Charite , I could not learn any thing of their original , but much of their office : for they are bound to visit all such as are infected with the Plague , to minister unto them all things necessary , and if they die , to shrowd them and carry them to their graves . These duties they perform very willingly , being possessed with this fancy , that they are priviledged from contagion by vertue of their Order ; and to say the truth , they are most of them old , and so less subject to it ; and indeed such sapless , thin , and unbodied fellows , that one would think almost no disease could catch them : yet hath their prerogative not alwayes held to them : Of thirty three of them in Callice three onely surviving the disease about four years since : But were the danger to which themselves are liable all the inconvenience of it , I should not much disallow it . There is a greater mischeif waiting upon it , and that is the infecting of others ; they immediately after their return from the Pest-house mixing themselves with any of their neighbours : A most speedy meanes to spread the pestilence , where it is once begun , though neither they nor the people will be perswaded unto it . The City or the high Town standeth , as we have said , on the top of the hill , environed with deep ditches , a strong wall , and closed with a treble gate ▪ and two draw-bridges : a little small Town it is , not much above a slights shoot thwart where it is widest ; and hath in it but one Church besides that of Nostre Dame , which is the Cathedral : the streets not many , and those narrow , unless it be in the market place ; where the Corpus du Guard is ●ept . What the outworks are , or whether it hath any or no I cannot say ; Even in this time of League and peace , their jealousie will not permit an English man to walk their wall , either within the Town or without . A Castle they said , that it hath ; bur such a one as seemeth more for a dwelling than a fort . The Garrison of this Town consisteth of five Companies , sixty in a Company , which amount in all to 300. their Governour being Mr. de Anmont sonne to the Marshal de Anmont , who so faithfully adhered to Henry the fourth in the beginning of his troubles : the cause why this Town being so small is so strongly Garrison'd is the safe keeping of the Haven which is under it ; and the command of the passage from the Haven up into the Country : The first of these services it can hardly perform without much injury to the low Town which standeth between them ; but for the ready discharge of the last it is daintily seated , for though to spare the low Town , they should permit an enemie to land ; yet as soon as he is in his march up into the higher Country , their Ordinance will tear him to pieces : But for the immediate security of the Haven , their Ancestors did use to fortifie the old Town standing on the top of the hill , called La Tower de Ordre ; it is said to have been built by Julius Caesar , at the time of his second expedition into Brittaine : this Haven being then Portus Gessorianus . This Tower which , we now see , seemeth to be but the remainder of a greater work ; and by the height and scituation of it , one would guesse it to have been the Key or watch Tower unto the rest ; it is built of rude and vulgar stone , but strongly cemented together ; the figure of it is six square , every square of it being nine paces in length : A compass to little for a Fortress ; and therefore it is long since it was put to that use : it now serving onely as a Sea mark by day and a Pharos by night . Vbi accensae noctu faces navigantium cursum dirigunt . The English men call it the Old man of Boulogue : and not improperly ; for it hath all the signes of age upon it . The Sea hath by undermining it , taken from it all the earth , about two squares of the bottom of it , the stones begin to drop out from the top ; and upon the rising of the wind , you would think it were troubled with the Palsie : in a word two hard winters , seconded with a violent tempest , maketh it rubbish : what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower , the wisdom of this age hath made good in a Garrison . And here me thinks I might justly ac●use the impolitick thrift of our former Kings of England , in not laying out some money upon the strength and safety of our Haven Townes ; not one of them ( Portsmouth onely excepted ) being Garrison'd : true it is , that Henry the eighth did e●ect Block-Houses in many of them ▪ but what b●bles they are , and how unable to resist a Flees royally appointed is known to every one ▪ I know indeed we were sufficiently Garrison'd by out Na●e ; could it either keep a watch on all particular places , or had it no● sometimes occasion to be absent ; I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the storie , qu● gloriosius ra●us est hostem 〈◊〉 , quam non admittere : neither will I take 〈◊〉 to give counsell ; onely I could wish that we were not inferiour to our neighbours in the greatness of our care ; since we are equal to the best of them in the goodness of our Country . This Town of Boulogne and the Country about it was taken by Henry the eighth of England , Anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege ; a very costly and chargeable victory . The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000. foot , and 3000. horse : Field Pieces he drew after him above a hundred , besides those of smaller making , and for the conveyance of their Ordinance , baggage , and other provision , there were transported into the Continent above 25000. Horses . True it is that his designes had a further aim , had not Charles the Emperour , with whom he was to join , left the field , and made peace without him , So that judging onely by the success of the expedition , we cannot but say that the winning of Boulonnois was a dear purchase ; and indeed in this one particular Sr. Walter Raleigh in the preface to his most excellent History saith not amiss of him , namely , that in his vain and fruitless expeditions abroad , he consumed more treasure , than all the rest of our victorious Kings before him did in their several Conquests : The other part of his censure of that Prince , I know not well what to think of , as meerly composed of gall and bitterness : Onely I cannot but much marvail that a man of his wisdom , being raised from almost nothing by the Daughter , could be so severely invective against the Father : certainly a most charitable judge cannot but condemn him of want of true affection and duty to his Queen : seeing that it is ( as his late Majesty hath excellently noted in his ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΟΝ ΔΩΡΟΝ ) a thing monstrous to see a man love the Child and hate the Parents : And therefore he may earnestly enjoyn his Son Henry , to repress the insolencie of such as under pretence to tax a vice in the person ▪ seek craftily to stain the Race . Presently after this taking Boulogne , the French again endeavoured the regaining of it , even during the life of the Conquerour ; but he was strong enough to keep his gettings : After his death the English being engaged in a warr against the Scots , and Kit having raised a rebellion in Norfolk they began again the reconquest of it , and that more violently than ever . Upon news of their preparations , an Ambassage was dispatched to Charles the fifth to desire succours of him ; and to lay before him the infancy and several necessity of the young King , who was then about the age of ten years . This desire when the Emperour had refused to hearken to , they besought him , that he would at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogne , and that for no longer time , than until King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home . An easie request ; yet did he not onely deny to satisfie the King in this , except he would restore the Catholike Religion , but he also expresly commanded , that neither any of his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English . An ingratitude for which I cannot find a fitting Epithite , considering what fast friends the Kings of England have alwayes been to the united Houses of Burgundy and Austria ; what moneys they have helped them with , and what sundry warrs they have made for them , both in Belgium to maintain their authority , and in France to augment their potency : from the marriage of Maximilian of the Family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundie , which happened in they ear 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth , which fell in the year 1548. are just seventy years , in which time onely it is thought by men of knowledge and experience , that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those Houses . An expense which might seem to have earned a greater requital than that now demanded . Upon this denial of the unkindful Emperour , a Treaty followed between England and France : The effect of it was , that Boulogne and all the Country of it should be restored to the French , by paying to the English at two dayes of payment 800000. Crowns . Other Articles there were , but this the principal : and so the fortune of young Edward was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end : Dum clementiam , quam praestiterant , expectant , incauti ab ingratis occupati sunt . The CONCLUSION . A Generall censure of France , and the French. A gratulation to England . The end of our journey . ON wednesday the third of August , having stayed in Boulogne three dayes for wind and company , and not daring to venture on Calice , by reason of the sickness there raging , we took ship for England : the day fair , and the wind fitly serving us , we were quickly got out of the harbour into the main . And so I take my leave of France , a Country which I know not whether it be more happy in it self , or more unhappy in its Inhabitants . This I am almost confident of , that the worst of its commodities are the people ; who by no vertue of theirs , which my understanding is yet guilty of , deserve to grow there : France then being in their possession , is like a delicate choice dish of meat disgraced in the cooking : Or to give you my verdict of them both , both Men and Country ; modestly , and in a word , I think you never saw a fair Lady worse marred , and indeed to speak the truth — , But soft ; What white is that which I espie , Which with its lustre doth eclipse mine eye ? That which doth Neptunes fury so disdain , And beats the billow back into the main ? It is some dreadful Scylla fast'ned there , To shake the Sayler into prayer and fear : Or it s some I stand floating on the Wave , Of which in Writers we the stories have : 'T is England ; hah ! 't is so : clap , clap your hands , That the full noise may strike the nighb'ring lands Into a Palsey : Doth not that lov'd name Move you to extasie ? Oh were the same As dear to you as me ; that very word Would make you dance and caper over board . Dull Shipemen , how they move not , how their hoof Grows to the planks : yet stay , here 's sport enough : For see the Sea Nimphs foot it , and the fish Leap their high measures , equal to my wish Triton doth sound his shell ; and to delight me , Old Nereus hobbleth with his Amphitrite . Excellent triumphs ! but ( curs'd Fates ) the Main Quickly divides , and takes them in again : And left me dying ; till I came to land And kist my dearest Mother in her sand . Hail happy England ! hail thou sweetest Ile , Within whose bounds no Pagan rites defile The purer Faith ; Christ is by Saints not mated ; And he alone is worshipp'd that created . In thee the lab'ring man enjoys his wealth ; Not subject to the Lords rape ; or the stealth Of hungry Publicans : In thee thy King Fears not the power of any underling , Or petty Prince ; but by his awful word Commands not more the Beggar than the Lord. In thee those heav'nly beauties lie , would make Most of the Gods turn Mortals for their sake : Such as out-go report , and make Fame see , They stand above her bigg'st Hyperbole : And yet to strangers will not grude the bliss Of salutation and an harmless kiss . Hail then sweet England ! May I breath my last In thy lov'd arms : and when my dayes are past , And to the silence of the grave I must , All I desire is , Thou would'st keep my Dust . And now I am safely come into my Country , where , according to the custom of the Ancients , I offer up my thanksgiving to the God of the Waters , and testifie before his Altars the grateful acknowledgement of a safe voyage , and a prosperous return : Blessings which I never merited . — Me tabula sacer Votiva paries indicat uvida Suspendisse potenti Vestimenta inariis Deo. FINIS . March 11. 1655. This Book is Entred J. BURROUGHS Printed or sold by William Leake , at the sign of the Crown in Fleetstreet between the two Temple Gates : These Books following . YOrk's Heraldry , Folio A Bible of a very fair large Roman letter , 40. Orlando Furioso , Folio Callis learned Readings on the S●at . 21. Hen. 8. Chap. 5 of Sewers Perkins on the Law of Engl. Wikinsons Office of Sheriffs Persons Law. Mirrour of Justice Topicks in the Laws of Engl. Sken de significatione Verborum Delamon's use of the Horizontal Quadrant . Wilby's 2d . set of Musique , 3 , 4 , 5 , and 6 parts Corderius in English Doctor Fulk's Meteors , with Observations Malthus Fire-works Nyes Gunnery and Fire-works Cator Major with Annotations , by Will. Austin Esquier Mel Helliconium by Alexander Rosse Nosce teipsum by Sr. John Davis Animadversions on Lillies Grammer The History of Vienna and Paris . Lazarillo de Tormes Hero and Leander by G. Chapman and Christoph . Marlow . Posing of the Accidence Guilliam's Heraldry Herberts Travels Man become guilty , by Iohn Francis Senalt , and Englished by Henry Earl of Monmouth Excersitatio Scolastica The Ideot in 4. books ; the first and second of Wisdom ; the third of the Mind ; the fourth of Statick Experiments of the Ballance . The life and Reign of Henry the eighth , written by the Lord Herbert . Aulalucis , or the house of light The Fort Royal of Holy Scriptures , by I. H. the third Edition . A Tragedy of Christs Passion , written by the most learned Hugo Grotius , and Englished by George Sands . Mathematical Recreations , with the general Horological Ring and the double Horizontal Dial , by William Oughtred The Garden of Eden , or an Acurate description of all Flowers and Fruits now growing in England , with particular rules how to advance their Nature & Growth as well in Seeds and Hearbs , as the secret ordering of Trees and Plants , by that learned and great Observer Sir Hugh Plat , Knight , the fourth Edition Solitary devotions with man in glory , by the most Reverend and holy Father Ansolem , Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . PLAYES . Henry the Fourth . Philaster The Wedding . The Hollander . Maids Tragidy . King and no King. The grateful Servant . The strange discovery The Merchant of Venice . 
A86287	----	Extraneus vapulans: or The observator rescued from the violent but vaine assaults of Hamon L'Estrange, Esq. and the back-blows of Dr. Bernard, an Irish-deane. By a well willer to the author of the Observations on the history of the reign of King Charles. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1656 Approx. 469 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 180 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A86287 Wing H1708 Thomason E1641_1 ESTC R202420 99862711 99862711 114885 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86287) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114885) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 206:E1641[1]) Extraneus vapulans: or The observator rescued from the violent but vaine assaults of Hamon L'Estrange, Esq. and the back-blows of Dr. Bernard, an Irish-deane. By a well willer to the author of the Observations on the history of the reign of King Charles. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [16], 72, 81-351, [1] p. Printed by J.G. for Richard Lowndes at the White Lyon, neere the little north-door of St. Paul's Church., London, : 1656. "To the reader" signed: P. Heylyn. The author of the Observations = Peter Heylyn. A reply to "The observator observ'd" by Hamon L'Estrange and "The life & death of the most reverend and learned father of our Church Dr. James Usher" by Nicholas Bernard. The first leaf is blank. Annotation on Thomason copy: "16. June.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bernard, Nicholas, d. 1661. -- Life & death of the most reverend and learned father of our Church Dr. James Usher -- Early works to 1800. L'Estrange, Hamon, 1605-1660. -- Observator observ'd -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Clergy -- Early works to 1800. Clergy -- Appointment, call, and election -- Early works to 1800. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Extraneus Vapulans : OR THE OBSERVATOR RESCUED FROM The violent but vaine Assaults OF Hamon L'Estrange , Esq . AND The Back-blows of Dr. Bernard , an Irish-Deane . By a Well-willer to the Author of the Observations on the History of the Reign of King Charles . Amicus Socrates , Amicus Piato , Magis amica veritas . LONDON , Printed by J. G. for Richard Lowndes at the White Lyon , neere the little North-door of St. Paul's Church . 1656. To the Reader . Good READER , I Am to give thee notice , that in one week of the last Term , I was plundered twice , first of my name , and secondly of my good name . First , plundered of my name by one William Leak a Book-seller , who publishing a Discourse of mine , under the title of France painted to the Life , ( but publishing it by a false & imperfect Copy ) hath father'd it in the Stationers Hall on one Richard Bignall , a fellow to me utterly unknown . Next , plundered of my good name by Mr. Hamon L' Estrange , the Authour of the History of the Reign of King Charles , who taking me to be the Author of the Observations on his History , not long since published , hath loaded me , both in my owne person , and in that of the Observator , to whom I am made the Alter Idem , or the same man with him , with many foule , unworthy , and opprobrious names , not more unfit for me to take , than for him to give . Reproached in my own person by the name of a Theologaster , called in the way of scorn a Doctor in Cosmography , impeached for impudent forging and falsifying Records , accused for loving the world , none like me , with many things of like odious nature ; which with the like titles of Honour , conferred upon me in the person of the Observator ( too many and too long to be here repeated ) thou shalt find briefly summed together in c. 2. and p. 40 , 41. of this present Book . I must confesse I was somewhat the more amazed at this strange proceeding , because I had not been of late accustomed to such Billingsgate language . There was indeed a time when my name was in almost every Libell , which exercised the patience of the State for seven years together ; & yet I dare confidently say , that all of them together did not vomit so much filth upon me , as hath proceeded from the mouth of the Pamphleteers , whom I have in hand . But then I must confesse withall , that I had been much more amazed at this strange alarme , had I not been prepared before-hand to receive the charge . For being informed , that the Historian looked upon me as the Author of the Observations , that he was hammering out an Answer , and that he would not handle me with over●much tendernesse , when once he had me on the Anvill ; I used some means , to get into my hands , the printed , but unpublished sheets of his first Edition , whereof thou shalt heare more in its proper place . I found there , that the Gentleman had a personall malice , an old grudge against me , and was resolved to make his , History doe the drudgery of his owne despight ; though in the Preface to the Reader , he professe ▪ the contrary . I found my selfe there called , The bold Champion of the Prelates , a Dr. in Cosmography , a Theologaster , accused of Ignorance , and Virulence in a Book bungled up ( for so he words it ) against the Bishop of Lincoln , on whom I am after said to fawne , and to cringe to him , no man more , &c. Evident Arguments , that his quarrell is not with the Observator , but with Dr. Heylyn ; though I was still to seek ( not without some trouble ) quid vel in vita , vel in gratia , vel in hac mea mediocritate despicere posset , what there might be in one of my meane parts , and meaner fortunes , that might provoke the mightiness of his Indignation . Not being Oedypus enough for so dark a Sphinx , he sends me in good time , his Pamphlet , called , The Observator observed ; which when I had perused , I perceived the grounds of his displeasures , and needed not that any body should tell me , where the Shoo did wring him . For finding him to be stiffly principled in the Puritane Tenets , a Semi Presbyterian at the least , in the forme of Gouernment , a Non con●ormist in matter of Ceremony , & a rigid Sabbatarian in the point of Doctrine , as ill a looking a Fellow as he makes me , I could easily see , that my known Contrariety in Opinion , had raised this Storme : it being the humour of too many of the Stoicall Sect , neither to treat their Opposites , with that Civility which belongs to them , as men , nor with that Charity and meeknesse which becomes them as Christians . Parcius Andromachen vexavit Achaia victrix , in the Poets language . Our Historian was not so uncivilly dealt with by the Observator , and he seemes much displeased at it ; the intemperancy of his own pen , being thereby made the more apparent , & the less excusable . If the Observator tell him , that he hath his parts and person in an high Esteem , he is wished to spare that cost of complement , his Bits being as little cared for , as his Knocks . If he give him the commendation ( as he doth ) of a good Historian , when he proceeds upon the grounds of true intelligence , then — Out upon this Observator , shall be all his thanks . If he direct his lines to him , with the tile of worthily esteemed , it shall be sent back againe , as not worth the keeping . What should a poore man doe to get a good word from him , if this will not do it ? Thou maist perhaps expect , Good Reader , that after so many neglects & provocations , I should cause him to be paid in the same coyn which I have received ; and if I should , I have a good example for it , from these words of Cicero , Non tractabo illum ut Consulem , nec ille quidem me ut Consularem ; but I have so much power on the hand which writes this Tractate , as to hold it back from any unbecoming language , considering rather what is fit for me to give way unto , than what he deserves . And besides , our Author may pretend unto some especial privilege , of which both the Observator & his Alter Idem , may be thought uncapable ; there being some creatures mentioned by Laertius , in the life of Socrates , which are not to be kick'd again , kick they never so often . Indignation may sometimes transport him beyond his naturall disposition , but never hurry him beyond the bounds of Wit or Manners , which both the Observator and my self are affirmed to want , and therefore sent to schoole to learn them . Lastly , I am to let thee know , that though our Author doth pretend to have written Animadversions on the Observations , yet he hath done it but in part , more than half of the Observations being left untouch'd . And as for those which he hath pleased to touch upon , they are but touch'd , not cured of any of the evils , of which he hath rendered them suspected . The whole body of the Observations , and every branch and clause thereof ( not above one or two excepted ) remaining in the ●ame condition in which he found them , as the discourse ensuing , will sufficiently evidence . And as for the discourse ensuing , that it may look more like to a methodicall , and well-composed discourse , I have not bound my self to the tract and method of the Pamphlet , but digested all the scattered limbes thereof under severall heads , to the end thou maist peruse them with the more content and satisfaction . Yet so , that there is not any one Paragraph , or any one part or member of it , which in some place or other , of this following Tractate , is not fully answered . Our Author shall finde no cause of complaint , as to that particular ; nor any just reason to give out , that any thing which hath passed his pen ( be it great or little ) hath not been fully taken into consideration . In that respect more justly and exactly dealt with , than is accustomed in these cases , or that he hath reason to expect by the unquestionable prescript of his own example . The points in difference by this meanes will be brought more punctually and succinctly under thy perusall . Judge thou according to the truth , and God blesse thee in it : So wisheth he , who would not with the losse of Truth buy the greatest Victory ; P. HEYLYN . Lacies Court in Abingdon , June 7. 1656 Peter Heylyn Dr. in Divinity , To Hamon L'Estrange , Esq . SIR , ON Saturday May 17. I received a Pamphlet from you , called The Observator observed , inclosed in a paper superscribed with your own hand , To the worthily Esteemed the Observator , PETER HEYLYN No title added of Degree , Profession , or any other mark of discrimination , no , not so much as D. in Cosmography , which out of your abundant bounty you have elsewhere given me , and that twice for failing . The Strangenesse of the Present , and the more than ordinary disrespect in the Superscription , put me upon a sudden perusall of it ; which having done ( and indeed before it was half done ) I was both sorry and ashamed , to see so much of the Coat , and so little of the Gentleman in it ▪ intituling me unto the Observations in your Superscripti●n , and 〈…〉 from it in your Pamphlet ▪ ( where you call it a groundless suspition , by me professedly disavowed ) fol. 25. you make your self an Adversary of you know not whom , & then proceed in handling him you care not how . But let them pass for mine this once , because the generall drift of your discourse , will have it so ; and the designe will fall to ground , of raising Trophees to your self , on the promised victory , without this concession . But then it seemes , you take me for a man of so dead a courage , that nothing but the sense of Smart can quicken me to accept your Challenge ; and therefore lay upon me the worst kinde of blowes , even reproachfull words , as scurrilous and unbecoming , as Scorn & Envy can suggest , or Impatience utter . Nor stay you here . The challenge of your Superscription , being sent in private , no body being able to testifie the delivery of it , might have been pocketed up in silence , without any engagement on my part , or satisfaction on yours . You have therefore added to the first a more publick and more bold defiance , to provoke an Answer . Proclaiming in the Pamphlet , fol. 25. how scarce credible it seemed unto you , that this Doctor of all men durst be so bold , as to meddle with you : that is to say , so bold as to finde fault with any thing , which had passed your Pen , or to presume to rectifie the Story in such particulars , wherein either your intelligence or diligence failed you . I was not wont to sit down tamely under such , and so many provocations ; nor find I any thing to affright me , from taking up the Bucklers against such an Enemy , whose tongue hath pro●ed his sharpest weapon . Yet were it otherwise , I durst have said with Cicero in another case , Catilinae gladios contempsi , non pertimescam tuos ; I have not feared the swords of more dangerous enemies , and therfore shall not now shrink back at the sight of yours ; nor needed you to have given me so much Gall and Vinegar , to quicken me to an encounter ; had you conceived I might have gotten any thing from such an Adversary , whom nothing but a few hard words , could render formidable . And therefore if I have withdrawne my self from the present action , put out the worke to some bold Champion , as you know who phrased it , and left the quarrel to be managed by a quicker hand ; I would not have it charged upon me , as a tergiversation , a turning back ( as those of Ephraim did of old ) in the day of battaile . There are so many interessed in your bold defiances , that I could neither want hands to fight this combat , nor you be disappointed of the satisfaction which you chiefly aime at . Onely , I feare , you will be somewhat disapointed of your expectation , and not of your own onely , but of that which you have raised in others , by promising a Rejoynder , added at the latter ●nd of your Volume ; and that , both in the Title of your History , and the Pamphlet too . Great men love nothing more than to be attended , and are commonly better knowne by their train of followers , than by any other outward bravery . But in this you have made your self too large a promise , and presume more upon your greatness , than you have just ground for . The Rejoynder , whosoever writes it , will not march in the reare of your ragged Regiment , or fill up the list of your Attendants , or be dragged after your triumphant Chariot , like a conquered Captive , and much lesse serve as an Apocrypha , to your pure Canonical . We poor Cavies have all somwhat in us of the Independent , and love to stand and go alone , without such weak Crutches , as either the countenance of your Name , or the fag end of your Reply , can afford unto us . I hope you will not find here any such reproachfull language , as you stand justly charged withall ; not onely in the whole course of your Pamphlet , but in much of the History it selfe , as it was first printed , and intended for the publique view A good Cause need not be so managed , though by interdicting all civil addresses to you by the name of Complement , there be lesse cost bestowed in Holy-water , than may possibly stand with your contentment . I deny not , but that the writer hereof may now and then incur the guilt of some Luxuriances ( you shall call them Follies , if you please ) and sport himself with greater liberty , than the gravity of a severe Judgement can dispense withall . But I desire , you would impute it , rather to an honest zeal unto his friend , than to a purpose of detracting any thing from you , when either the solidity of your discourse , or the weight of your arguments , might have required a more solid manner of proceedings , than such serious vanities . How my Adventurer will come off , must neither be left to your opinion nor to mine , both of us being too much interressed to determine in it . The Reader is made Judge between us , and to him I leave it . Only I shall crave leave to say in the Poets words ( and I hope it may be said without any of the selfe-deceivings of love or flattery ) Haec mala sunt , sed tu non meliora facis . Lacies Court in Abingdon , June 7 , 1656. Extraneus Vapulans , OR , THE OBSERVATOR RESCUED From the vain ( but violent ) Assaults of Hammond L' Estrange . CHAPT . I. The Laws of Historie , verified by Josephus , but neglected by our Historian . His resolution to content himself with saving truths ; the contrary resolution of the Observator . The Observator charged unjustly for writing against King Charles , and enveighing against King James . King Charles affirms not any where that he did well in excluding the Bishops from the Parliament . The Observator justified in the second passage which concerns that King. Our Authors intended bitterness against the generall government of King. Charles . The Observator is no inveigher against King James . Our Authors smart & un●ustifiable censure of King James . The Queen abused by our Author for Bishop Lands indulgence towards the Catholick party . His advocating for the Fame against the Countess of Buckingham ; his uningenuous censure of the Duke of Buckingham , the Lord Deputy Wentworth , the Earl of Portland , Mr. Noye , and the Courtiers generally , not sparing Mr. Prynne and the Presbyterians ; then censureth Scandalously and uncharitably of the Clergy , and Prelates in the generall , and in particular , the Court-Clergy , and the late Arch-Bishop . The Bishops Neile , Juxton , Williams , Mountague , Manwaring , and Wren , &c. The faint Amends made by him unto two of that number ; his mischievous intent in an unnecessary Advocating for Bishop Potter . THere were two Cautions given anciently to those who undertook the composing of Histories , that is to say , ne quid fals● audeant , ne quid veri non audeant ; that they should neither dare to write any thing which was false , nor fear to write any thing which was true . To these Josephus addes a third , touching the beautifying of the Style , and from him take them all together in these following words . Nam qui Historiam et rerum propter antiquitatem obscurarum expositionem , &c. for they ( saith hee ) that make profession to write Histories , and to recite such things as are observed by antiquity , ought not only studiously to conform their style , but also to beautifie the same with ornaments of Eloquence ; to the intent the Reader may converse in their writings with the more delectation . But above all things they must have an especiall care , so exactly to set down the truth , that they who know not how these things came to pass , may be the more duly and fitly informed and all this , to the end , as before he telleth us , that we neither omit any thing through ignorance , nor bury ought in forgetfulnesse . And certainly , if History be the great Instructor of succeeding times , the concealing of necessary truths , will as much conduce to the misunderstanding , or not knowing the true State of things , as any unnecessary falshoods ( and I conceive no falshood can be counted necessary ) are presumed to do . But our Author was not of this mind when he writ his History , and therefore came resolved , as his Preface telleth us , to content himself with saving truths ; the first Historian , I dare confidently say it , which ever published a profession so contrary to the nature and rules of Historie . For he that is resolved to write nothing but saving truths , must of necessity conceal much Truth , which he ought to write , and consequently subduct from the eye of the Reader , the greatest part of those instructions , which the true representing of affairs would afford unto him . And therfore it was well said by Mr. Fuller in his Church-History newly published , that though it be dangerous to follow a Truth too neer the the heels , yet better it is that the teeth of an Historian be struck out of his head for writhe Truth , than that they remain still , and rot in his jaws by feeding too much on the sweet-meats of Flattery . Lib. 9. fol. 232. The Observator ( as it seemeth ) was resolved thus also , professing , that as he undertook that business , with a mind free from love or hatred , or any of those other affections , which pre-engagements in a party do possess men with , so he would carry it all along with such impartiality and considence , as might witness for him that he preferred truth before interess : without respect to fear , self-ends , or any particular relation of what sort soever . But my Author , though he will not be thought to love the world so well , as the Observator is said by him to do , yet knoweth he much better how to save his stake , than twenty such Observators , and Church-Historians ; and therefore is not only content to enjoy himself in writing nothing but Saving truths , but falls upon the Observator , for writing truths which are not saving . How so ? marry saith he , the Title of his Pamphlet , might rather have been formed into the Observations against King Charles , than Observations upon his History . Fol. First . What , all or altogether against King Charles ? I presume no● so , for Fol. the fourth , he telleth us of the Observator , that he falleth foul upon King James , inveighing against , and withall detracting from his King-craft , and for that sends him to Squire Sanderson to learn wit and manners . Squire Sanderson ; with scorn and contempt enough . Squire Sanderson , for ought I know , may be as good a Gentleman as Squire L ' Estrange , there being at this time one Lord , and some Knights of that Family , which is as much as the Historian , or any of his Fathers House can pretend unto . Now to the matter of the charge , he telleth us , that the Observations are not so much upon his Narrative , as against King Charles , and yet takes notice only of two passages , which seem to him , to be upon or against that King. Had there been more , my Auth or was the more to blame to keep the Observators counsell , and conceal the crime , rendring himself thereby an accessary to the fact , and at least parcel-guilty of it , if not as guilty altogether as the Observator . The first of these two passages is , that the Bishops had sate longer ( in the house of Peers , ) in their Predecessors , than any of the Lay Nobility in their noblest Ancestors , having as much right of voting there , as either the Prerogative Royall , or the Laws could give them ; and therfore , it was ill done of our Author to exclude them then , and not well done ( by him that should have kept them in ) to exclude them afterwards . For this the Observator is called Canis Palatinus , a Court-cur at the least , a Fellow unconcerned in the business , and therefore not to snarl at the Kings heels now his back is turned . And why all this ? Fol. 19. Marry because the King hath told us , that he did it out of a firm perswasion of their contentedness to suffer a present diminution in their hights , and honour , for his sake . Our Author herexsupon undertakes for the contentedness of almost all ( not for all ) the Bishops in suffering that diminution for their Soveraigns sake . But what makes this unto the purpose ? Doth the King say he did well in it , or doth he not rather say elsewhere , ( in his Declaration , as I take it , of the 12 of August ) that he gave way unto the Bill for excluding the Bishops from sitting in the House of Peers , in hope by that means to preserve their Station in the House of God. Two evils being laid before him , he made choise of that which seemed the least , and yet affirms not any where ( for ought I can find ) that he did well in choosing either . So as the King not saying that he did well in it , nor my Author proving that he did , my Author hath no reason to deal thus with the Observator , but that some men have so much in them of the Curre , that they will be alwaies barking though they cannot bite . The other passage charged upon the Observator , is taxing the King and the Lords of the Scotish councell for Oversights , great oversights , in not punishing the principal Authors of the tumuls of Edenburgh , my Author thereupon infers with disdain and scorn , how gallantly all things will he ordered , when the Observator comes to be of a 〈◊〉 of State , Fol. 30. But Sir , The Observator did not only say it , but he proved it too , and it had shewn more judgement in you to confute his reasons , than to fall foul upon his person . Errors in conduct of affairs , and Effects in councell are not unprofitably noted by the best Historians , and that too in the greatest Princes . Their successors might be else to seek in the knowledge of some things of weight and consequence , and such as most nearly do concern their own preservation . He that soweth pillows under the Elbows of great Princes , when they are alive , shall be termed a Flatterer ; and he that flatters them being dead , to the prejudice and wrong of their posterity , deserves not to pass for an Historian . That wit is alwaies better cheap , which is purchased with the price of another mans errors , than with the feeling of our own . And here I might have left King Charles , would my Author let me , who though he tell us in his Preface , that the very failings of Kings have been in former times accompted , like their persons , so sacred , that to touch them , though never so tenderly , hath been esteemed petty treason ; yet at the present he makes bold to touch him , and to tax him too . For in those printed sheets of his , which were not thought fit to goe abroad with the rest of the book , he telleth us , That he never reflected upon his late Majesty , otherwise than upon a man that was within the incidence of fra●lty ; that he miscarried in his regal Ministration , by departing to arbitrary power ; that he and his Father failed extremely , in congesting and heaping honours upon so incredible a croud , yet not more ill advised in the number than the choice of the men ; that mo●● was the main , if not the only Turn-key to promotion , and Honours as vendible at Court , as Coals at Newcastle ; that though Kings might by their prerogative make as well leathern Lords , as leathern mony , yet make such Noble men they could no more , than transubstantiate leather into gold . His aiding the Rochellers is taxed by him as not sufficiently warranted , either by their communication with us , in Divine Principles ( as he words it ) that is to say in being of the same belief or perswasion with us , or by the French Kings breaking his faith with them in the demolishing of Fort Lewis , according to the conditions granted at this Kings instance , & mediation , adding withall , that he could have no Christian license to draw his sword for those , who in his own opinion wanted it for themselves ; that as there was little Christianity in it , in regard of the premises , so there was lesse policy in it , with reference to Monarchical interess : and finally , that standing thus a supin● and negligent Spectator in the defection of the Subjects of other Princes , but much more by abetting and siding with them , he could expect nothing , but a total desertion of all his friends , when he most should need them . He renders him inexcusably guilty , in advancing such as had been censured in open Parliament , which Act ( saith he ) could in a literal construction mind nothing else , but the defiance of his people ; as also in his effuse & liberal indulgence to Recusants , not only convicted , but condemned remitting to them the Penalties of their offences , notwithstanding the epidemical and general Out-cries against them . His Majesties Declaration about Lawfull sports upon the Sunday , he calls a Sacrilegious robbing of God , a maculating of ●is own honour , a Profane Edict . And finally ●he telleth us of him , that he was wondrous slow , no man living more , to believe amisse of those he trusted , which confidence not only followed , but led him to the fatal block ; that no King ( setting Solomon aside ) was ever able to give better , or ever followed worse advice ; & that being swayed by supine and implicit faith , in the either wisdom or integrity of those who seemed to advise him , he was precipitated upon designs which could promise nothing but confusion , there being nothing more easie than to impose upon the incuriosity of the Kings Faith. All this & more than this in the printed , but not publish'd sheets of my Authors History , a History as 't was intended not so much of , as agaitxsst that King , the grand concernment of his Annals , as the Preface cals him ; which renders him a most unfit Censurer of that innocent and modest freedom , which is taken by the Observator , whose observations are entituled , Oblique Descants , not only upon his Narrative , but against King Charles . But it is usual with most men , Omnia sibi remittere , nihil aliis , to condemn that in others which they allow in themselves ; not verified so much in any , as my present Author . Next for King James , he telleth us 〈◊〉 the Observator , that he falls foul on him inveighing against , and withall detracting from his King-craft . This is a general charge , and answereth not to any of those particulars , in which tha● King is thought to have failed in the Act● of Government ; and therefore without more adoe may be remitted by the Observator to the former passage , in which he cleareth himself from the like charge or crimination about King Charles . Besides , our Author cannot chuse but know , who tells us , that the noble Verulam hath not violated those Laws of History which he gave to all the world , by signifying , tha● one of the wisest of our English Kings had his Empson , and Dudly , and treated the Ear● of Oxford most disagreeably . It seems by this , that even our wisest Kings , may fail sometimes in the Arts of King-craft ; and that those failers may be also signified as Documents to succeeding times , without violating the Laws of History , or being sent to School to learn wit and manners , there being no reason in the world why that should be allowed of in the noble Verulam , which is so sharply taxed , so severely censured in the Observator . Assuredly a man would think that our Historian was a professed Champion for defence of the honour of the two last Kings , whereas indeed the Gentleman is only troubled , that any man should usurp upon his prerogative of taking the two Kings to task , or noting any thing ●misse in their several Governments . Qui ●alterum incusat probri , seipsum intueri opor●et , is a good old Rule , learnt by our Author in his Grammar , but forgotten now , he had not else enveighed so much against King James , and detracted also from his King-craft , as he after doth , and then accuse the Observator of the self-same crimes : For hath he not told us in his History , as it is now extant ? That in Religious exercises , where the extern Demeanor is a grand part of that sacred homage , he was somewhat too incurious and irreverent ; that he was too indnlgent to his Palate , and had a smack of the Epicure in him ; that being over-studious in pursute of Peace , he incurred the note of Pusillanimitie , which made the thought of warr be so terrible to him , that he was Cajolled , and kept in Delusory chat with specious fallacies by the Austrian Faction , whilst his children were exterminated from their lawfull Patrimony ; that in the severall negotiations of Carlile , Belfast , Bristoll and Weston , he spent so vast summes , that the moiety thereof disposed in military levies , would have totally dissipated all the forces of those usurpers , and re-estated the Palsgrave ; that there could be no stronger evidence of defect of courage , than his tedious courting the Alliance of Spain , whom his Predecessors had so often baffled . And finally , that by his faint-heartedness on the one side , and his undue levies on the other , he grew into such disaffection and contempt with his people , that though those dismal calamities which befell his Sonne , were ampliated by a superfetation of causes , yet was their first and main existence , derivative from the grounds which were layed by the Father . Thus also hath he told us , in his printed , but not publisht sheets , that never any treaty was by a wise Prince so bungled up ( the treaty with Spain it is he meaneth ) upon concessions so imprudent , so inconsistent with the welfare of his dominions , by making such an ample resignation of the Protestant interess ; and that his excessive indulgence in pursute of those Articles mightily exasperated , nothing more , the acute distempers , and irritated the bilious animosities of his people against him . What hath been said of him , touching his liberal and promiscuous bestowing of Honors , we have seen before ; take this now for the close of all , that by his luxury and dissolute pastimes , which were the only delights of his times , he wasted and decocted the publick treasury ; and by his most extravagant Largesses to his minions , he entailed a perpetuity of indigence upon his posterity , squandring his wealth , till he had given away even liberalitie herself , &c. What call you this my most dear Historian ? is not this an inveighing against King James , and a detracting from his King-craft ? greater I think , but I am sure with less excuse , than any thing which you have found in the Observator . Your hand then , gentle Sir , for the Observator , and get you gone together to Squire Sanderson to learn wit and manners , or let him rather stay at home , as not worth the teaching . Vel neutrum flammis ure , vel ure duos , as you know who said . Follow this Game a little further , now we are on the ●ents , and we shall find no sex , no order or degree of men , no persons of eminent imployment in Church or State , who are not brought under the censorious lash of our Authors pen. And first the Queen , notwithstanding all the miseries which have fallen upon her , must be made the more miserable in bearing the blame of that indulgence , which the late Arch-bishop shewed to them of the Romish Faction . The Observator gives two reasons why that Arch-bishop might afford some favours to the Catholick par●y , the one grounded upon point of State , the other on prudentiall considerations . But our Author not content with these , he subjoyns a third , and that which he conceives to be the very true cause thereof , Fol. 33. and so conceives not upon dubious reports , as formerly , but upon certain information ; that is to say , that it was done to please the Queen . Assuredly , if it had been so , the Arch-bishop was not of such weak parts , and so ill a keeper of his own counsel , as to make any such preclaration of his reason for it ; that being a readier way to displease than to please the Queen , who although she were willing that all offices of grace and favour should be extended to that party , yet was not willing , that the burden of it should be laid upon her shoulders . And besides this our Author cannot choose but know , that at such time as the Archbishop made his complaint unto the King , at the Counsell Table , against Mr. Walter Mountague , and Sir Toby Matthews , the Queen was almost at the highest of her power and greatness , and therefore had the Arch-bishop favoured the Romish Factions on a'desire to please the Queen , when her power was only in the increase , he would not have hazarded her displeasure when it was at the full . This therefore only serves to accuse the Queen , not to justifie him , or otherwise might have been spared at this time , when there was no necessity or occasion for it , but that our Author had a mind to fly at the whole Covy , as he knows who saith ; and therefore having made so bold with the King , as we saw before , he thinks it fit the Queen , like a loving wife , should bear him Company . But being so great a person as the Queen must not go alone , without some Ladies to attend her ; the Countesse of Buckingham comes in next , of whom our Author told us in the first Edition of his History , that ( if fame belied her not ) she loved the Bishop of Lincoln better than was fit . Reproved for this impudence by the Observator , he hath left that passage out of his new impression : But fearing lest the Lady might come off with too much honour , he pleadeth very strongly for the Fame , which , though not always an infallible Informer , some rumours being begot by malice , and nursed up by credulity , yet true it is , ( saith he ) that she is sometimes a publike testimony , and the wise Tacitus doth many times present her in the like concernments , Fol. 9. And this ( I take it ) is not a righting of the wronged Lady , but an authorizing rather of the scandal which was laid upon her . Nor will he have her Innocence as to that particular to be grounded on her own vertue , but the Bishops impotency : Not that the Bishop was ●unuchus ab utero , as was ridiculously affirmed by Brother Wilson , who went too far in that , as my Author telleth us ; but that he was made impotent when he was a Boy , by falling on a Stake , as it after followeth . Of this the Observator is not pleased to inquire any farther , nor is there reason why he should ; only I can assure our Author , that Welden ( another of the same tribe ) was perswaded otherwise , as is apparent in the Pamphlet called the Court of King James , Page 130. which I had rather you should look for in the Author , than expect from me . On from the Mother to the Son , from the Countesse to the Duke of Buckingham , accused of Luxury and Witchcraft ; of Witchcraft first , telling us in the unpublished and suppressed papers , that by the Diabolical practises and fascinations of Dr. Lamb , he won and preserved the high esteem he possest in the Affections of both his Soveraigns : And next of Luxury , affirming that he was a great sensuallist , giving his appetite free scope , and taking the greater pleasure in repletion , because it was subservient to the pleasure of evacuation in venereal excursions ( a little Rosewater , some good Body for my Authors mouth ) to which excessivly addicted , being in that as in all other points a perfect Courtier . He telleth us of the Lord Deputy Went●worth , that he rather frighted than perswaded the Convocation in Ireland to re●eal , ( much against their wills ) the Sy●teme or Body of Articles formed by that Church , Anno 1615 and in their place ●o substitute the 39 Articles of the Church of England , and that upon no o●her design than to advance the Arminian Tenets , and to cry down the honour of the Lords day , though uniformity of liberty was pretended openly . Of the Earl of Portland it is said , that being at first of a slender fortune , it was thought he did not reflect with so much intention of spirit upon the Kings profit , as the advancing of his own estate ; Of Mr. Noye the famous Atturney General ( besides those uningenious passages of him which are still left standing ) he telleth us also , that he became so servilely addicted to the Prerogative , as by ferretting old penal Statutes , and devising new exactions , he became for the small time he enjoyed that power , the most pestilent vexation to the Subjects that this latter age produced . Finally he assureth us of all Courtiers generally , that they are to be cleared from all imputation of pretio , as being incompatible with Court-qualifications , the most part of which tribe resigning themselves to Debauchery , and dissolutenesse , abandon Religion as too rigid and supercillious a Comptroler over them . Nay Mr. Prynne himself cannot scape the hands of our Historian , of whom though he borrow the whole Story of the Discovery made by Andreas ab Haberfeild ( which make up three whole Sheets of his History ) yet he disdains to be beholding to his Author for it , whom he esteems of little credit , saying expresly , that he inserts it , not on the accompt of Mr. Prynnes faith , who first made it extant , but because he was further assured of the truth of it by a more credible person , and one of principal relation to to Sir William Boswell : And that Mr. Prynne may have some Company of his own to go along with him , he telleth us of the Presbyterians , that by their demure formality , and supple mildnesse , they prevailed dayly on the affections of such , who little thought such out side Lambs had claws and asperities ( so cunningly did they conceal them ) far more sharp and terrible than the Prelates had , whereof they gave some years after sensible Demonstration . Our Author cares not much who knoweth it , Tros , Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine habentur , that all men are alike to him when they come before him . A man would think our Author were that John Kinsaider mentioned in the Comedy , called The Return from Parnassus , who lifted up his leg , and pissed against all the world , as it is there said , the Vice in an old English Play , or some Turkish Santo , whose port and privilege it is to snap at every one he meets , and yet no hurt done : But he is neither of all these , no such matter verily . Our Author ( he doth not care who knows it ) is a Gent. every inch of him , except his tongue ; A man at armes , or lineally descended from the house of knocking , so furiously doth he deal his blows on all sides of him , that without any trouble to the Herald , one may find his Pedigree ; But for a further proof hereof , we will see how he layeth about him when he comes to the Clergy , of whom in general he assures us in the unpublished pages before mentioned , that there is nothing so sordidly base , which will not find Partisans amongst the professors of sacred Orders , whose portly pride , portly ambition , or indiscretion at the best , all so mainly conduced to Englands Miseries , and their own ruine . The like of the Prelates , that they were many of them notoriously wicked Blasphemers of Gods sacred name , addicted to drunkennesse , lasciviousness , & such enormities ; some of them also guilty of a turgid swelling Pride , and intollerable insolencie , all of them charged with obtruding extravagancies , and erecting an arbitrarinesse in holy things , as others did in civil , whose actions and proceedings he calls afterwards prelatical whimzies , the Fictions and Chimeraes of their giddy brains . Of the Court-Clergy more particularly he assures us this , that they were deeply tinctured and stained with the Massilion and Arminian Errours , and withall vehemently inclined to superstition . But most particularly he telleth us of the late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , that he was of a pragmatical and factious spirit , a bold As●●rtor of some dangerous and superstitious Tenets , that being by the Kings extraordinary goodne●se promoved to that dignity , he thought he was now plenipotentiary enough , and in full capacity to domineer as he listed , and to let his professed Enemies feel the dint of his Spirit , that impetuously pursuing his over vast , and vain desires of rearing a specious Throne , agreeable to his projected Models , he put both Church and State into combustion , he being the man who most eminently moved the King to obtrude upon the Scots that unsavoury Liturgy , and to order the dissolution of the Parliament on the fifth of May ; Finally , that he was too undiscreet , too full of fire , and too pragmatical for so great trust , whose acting in things exorbitant , and out of the Sphear of his both cognisance & calling , ruin'd all . The most reverend Arch-Bishop Neile , he calleth most disgracefully an empty Tub , and fathers that phrase upon King James , who being a very able discerner of men , had questionlesse never raised him to so many Bishopricks ( Rochester , Leichfield , Lincoln , Durham ) if he had not found in him some especial merit . Thus gives he unto Bishop Williams , the title of an insolent and ungratefull person . To Mountague and Manwaring Bishops both , the scornefull appellation of unworthy wretches . Doctor fuxon the Lord Bishop of London , censured for none of the best Scholars , though he might passe in a throng for one of the worst Bishops ; and Bishop Wren condemned of turgid , swelling Pride , and intollerable insolency , in which he carried away the Garland from all the rest , a simple man , and elevated by a petit blaze of mistaken honours to an height of Frenzie . And though our Author be a high flyer , and loves to flye at none so much as high Peers and Prelates , yet he will play at small game rather than sit out , there being one ( and but one ) of the inferiour Clergy whom he hath in choice , and that is Peter Heylyn Dr. in Cosmography ( 't is well he will allow him to be Dr. in somewhat yet ) as he calls him there a Theologaster , as with scorn and disdain enough he is called there also ; of him he telleth us in those printed but unpublished sheets , fol. 131. That the Court Bishops netled with this Antithesis , this opposition ( he means that which was made by the Bishop of Lincoln against placing the Communion Table Altar-wise ) to their grand design , laboured as vehemently to maintain their own proceedings , and put out the work to their bold Champion Dr. Heylyn , who thereupon undertakes the Bishop , and bungleth up a reply to him full of ignorance and virulence , so much the fiercer because he thought the Bishop not in the state of operating any thing considerably noxious to him . But the next lustre this Bishop became for a while illustrious , and then he did fawn upon and cringe to him , on whom he had formerly trampled , no man more . What a Goliah have we here stretching himself upon his Tiptoes , and bidding a general defiance to the Hoste of Israel ! The Blatant Beast broke loose again , and no Sir Laniorack , or Sir Calidore to hunt him back unto his Den , and there tie him up . A second Mar-Prelate at the best , fit to be dealt withal by none , but Tom Nashes ghost , and to that I leave him . The honour he hath done the Dr. in giving him a place amongst so much good company , requireth from any friend of his , a more gentle usage , then Pap with anhatchet in those times to the elder Martinists . And though it is to be confessed , that much of this strain stuffe died under the Press , & never was permitted to come abroad ( whether upon the second & more sober thoughts of the Author himself , or the care and modesty of some friends who perused the sheets , doth not concern me to enquire ) yet doth our Author stand convicted in his first intention , & may be counted , voto saltem si non opere , as guilty of the crime of defamation , as any other whatsoever in these last ill times : great pity certainly , that such a two-hand sword as this , shou'd be kept in the scabbard , and that he was perswaded not to draw it out , though he had only fenced and flourished with it ( like a Whiffler in my Lord Maiors show ) to delight the multitude . And yet ( a blessing on him for it ) he would be sain thought to write some of them , but leaves them at the last in a worse condition , then he had brought them to at first . He is content to leave out the first part of that character , which he h●d given my Lord of London , whom he had formerly affirmed to be none of the best Scholars ; and now stands only to the last that he was none of the worst Bishops , not that he finds himself to be fully satisfied with the Observator touching the abilities of that Prelate , but that he was loath to abide any misconstructions , finding the Historians noate verified , Virorum ut magna admiratio , ita censura difficilis est , Fol. 26. and therefore he stands to it still , that he saw no reason , why he might not safely say , that this Bishop was none of the greatest Scholars , without disparagement to his function , Scholarship , or his own prudence , entring upon a wild discourse , touching the measure of learning , required to the qualification of a Bishop , and so resolves upon the point , that a Bishop may be Scholar sufficient for his place , though he be none of the greatest magnitude . Which , whether it be a righting of the person , or rather a wronging of the Bishop , I leave unto the consideration of the critical Reader . And for that part of the Character which he hath left standing by it self , without that Deleatur which he seems to brag of , it is such a sorry peece of commendation , as the Historian gives us of a noble Roman , of whom he sayth , that he , was magis extra vitia quam cum virtutibus , rather not guilty of any notorious vices , than adorned with any eminent virtues . No hearty commendations , this , according to the old style of England , but a cold negative commendation , a commendation Stylo novo , and such a one as I conceive our Author would not be well pleased with from another man. None of the worst Bishops , and none of the worst Historians , may seem to intimate , that neither are positively good in their several kinds , or though amongst so many bad ones ( as almost all the Bishops are by him presented ) they may pass for tolerable ; and therefore I desire our Author , if either the History or Pamphlet live to another edition , that he would pass a deleatur upon this part also , leaving this reverend person unto that amends which our Author hopes he hath made in the rest that followeth . Less candidly doth he deal with the other Bishop , accused for saying ( in his Pontificall ruffe , as he elsewhere phraseth it ) that he hoped to live to see the day when a Minister should be as good a man , as any Iack-Gentleman in England . For , though he doth confesse , that his information was not then so good as it hath been since , and hath therefore corrected that expression according to the Observators ( for so I think he meaneth by that Authors own Copy ) and added Vpstart to Jack-Gentleman in the new Edition , yet will he not allow that the Observators vindication of him , from any such distemper in his words or actions , as he freeth him from ; or that the expression so corrected , doth argue much of that temper or wisdom , which the Observator crieth up in him . Fol. 29. This is hard dealing in our Author , first to expose a man , one of the Fathers of the Church , for words which were never spoken by him , and not so spoken as presented to the eye of the Reader , to the publique hatred , and after when the expression stands so qualified and corrected in the Author himself , as to admit a justification with all sober men , to keep him still under the same uncharitable terms of reproach and obloquy . For why a Minister should not be as good a Man as any Vpstart Jack-Gentleman in all the Pack , I can see no reason ; the dignity , office , function , and the civillity of his breeding , with other necessary qualifications required in him , being well considered . With greater zeal , but with as mischievous intention , doth he advocate for Bishop Potter , of whom the Observator telleth us , that his preferment unto the Bishoprick of Carlile , could not get the King any love in the hearts of his people . Our Author hereupon inferreth , Fol. 14. That this must necessarily signifie something of abominable quality , in either the person or Doctrine of Dr. Potter , or both , to be efficatious to obstruct and impede the affection of the Subject . The Gentleman telleth us , Fol. 35. That really there are many better Historians than himself , which I readily grant , but addeth withal , that there are some worse Disputants also , which I more than doubt . For who can say which hath but the least smattering in the rules of L●gick , that the Observators Premises about the Bishop , must necessarily inferr any such Conclusion as our Author maketh ? he might as well conclude from that passage in the Observator , ( and perhaps more truely ) that there was something of abominable quality , in the Kings calling in of Montagues book , as in the person and Doctrine of Dr. Potter , which might obstruct the affection of the Kings Liege people , both being joyned together by the Observator to rove this Aphorisme , That it never falls out well with Christian Princes , when they make Religion bend to policy ; there being no reason eminently visible why that Doctor ( being a Thorow-paced Calvinian , and otherwise unqualified for so great a charge ) should be made a Bishop , but only ad faciendum populum , to gain the King some reputation and esteem with the rest of that party . But the vindication of this Bishop is not the main point which our Author driveth at . For taking an occasion by the word Calvinian , he telleth us , that though a man be never so great a Scholar , never so pious , never so conscientious in all his actions , he must ( if he passe under the notion of a Calvinist ) be said to dote , or to be an Hypocrite , or be called a Knave , with all which titles of honour ( as our Author saith ) he hath known the gallantest men in this Nation dubbed . He had done well to have specified the names of those , who have given any of those vile terms to such gallant persons , and not to leave it as a brand on all those of the contrary perswasion , so much the more odious and uncharitable , because delivered in the general . Thus I have layed together such particular passages as serve best to discover our Authors temper , and the ill spirit which doth guide him in all his Characters and censures ; that when it comes either to the Doctors turn , or the Observator to be arraigned ( but not convicted ) before his Tribunal , it may not seem any wonder to a charitable and Judicious Reader , to see them charged so frequently with the like reproaches . Which Premonition being given , I shall proceed in order to the rest that followeth . CHAPT . II. Our Authors affecting of hard words no part of eloquence . The sorry plea made by him for his justification . His incorrigibility therein , & a course prescribed for his cure . Neither the Observator nor the Dr. so ignorant in the meaning of the word Stylus as the Pamphleter makes them . Titles of honour given by the Pampleter to the Observator , and the Dr. also . A general view of the five charges laid upon them . The Observator freed from falsifying the Authors Preface , and vindicated in his credit from the Pamphleters scandals . The Authors faint plea for calumniating the English Clergy . The Dr. vindicated from that extreme love of the world , which the Pamphleter hath charged upon him . The Answer to his second charge , deferred to the Chapter of the Sabbath . The Dr. freed from any servile fawnings on the Bishop of Lincoln . A true Relation of the Drs. carriage toward that Bishop , and the Committee of Parliament at the time of these supposed fawnings . The Author corrupts his own Text , to make it justifie his Pamphlet in these four particulars , viz. First in the matter of the Kings power . 2ly . In the Jurisdiction of the Vice-Admirall . 3ly In the Informations about Arminianism . And 4ly . touching the Repeal of the Articles of the Church of Ireland . IT is the Counsel of Josephus , as before is noted , that they who make profession to write Histories , should beautifie the same with ornaments of Eloquence , to the end that the Reader may converse therein with the more delectation . Our Author likes this counsell well , but thinks all eloquence to consist in the affectation of new-minted and out-landish words , which rather seem to astonish and confound , than delight the Reader . For which being admonished by the Observator in a friendly and ingenuous way he laboureth more to justifie than refor● the errour . And first he tells us for himsel● that being conversant with Authors 〈◊〉 the noblest and chief remarque in several languages , not only their Nation● but their very words , especially being 〈◊〉 the most elegant import , became a● length so familiar with him , as when he applyed himself to that present work , he found it very difficult to renounce his former acquaintance with them . Fol. 2. Assuredly I cannot doubt but that many others are as conversant in writers of severall tongues , and as familiar with their words and phrases , as our Author is , who yet disdain to diaper their style with such in Inckhorn Tearms , as none but Rhombus or Rhomboides ( that is to say the son of old Father Rhombus ) would vouchsafe to use . But our Author hath borrowed his plea from Ignoramus , who could not speak out of the Dialect of the Law , and therefore urged these words for his justification , viz. linqua mea vadit ad verba accustumata , that is to say in our Authors English , that they were grown so familiar to him , that he found it very difficult to renounce his former acquaintance with them . He telleth us next , that Livy and Salust , two Historians , lye under the same censure ; the first for his Patavinity , as Asinius called it , the oother for his obsolete words extracted from Cato de Originibus , as Augustus said . But Sir , the censure under which Livy●ay ●ay was not for affectation of new-minted words extracted from the Tyrian , Gallick , or Greek originalls ; but for the flourishing Verdure of his Style , agreeable in some sort unto the fertility and redundancy of the soyle of Padua , his Patavinity , as for that cause Asinius called it . And for the obsolete words which are found in Salust , they are but very rarely used , nor were so Obsolete , but that the Romans very well understood their meaning , without any such interpreter to be sent along with them , as our Author hath been fain to send with some hundreds of foreiners . I know Sir Philip Sidney in his defence of Poesie hath for the same cause , blamed Edmund Spencer , our chief English Poet , for affecting in his Pastorals the like Obsolete words , considering that neither any of the Greeks or Latines in their Eclogues , or Bucolicks , did affect the like . Nor did Spencer , though he lived long after it , endeavour to justifie himself , as our Author doth : the affectation of new words never heard before , and of old words , worne out of use by long tract of time , being equally faulty and ridiculous . And though our Author promiseth ( twice for failing ) to reform this errour , yet I see little reformation in the new impression of his History , wherein the greatest part of those new-coyned Tearms , are still left remaining : as one that rather seems resolved as well in this , ( as many other things besides ) not to alter any thing , than to take any hint for it from such an inconsiderable fellow as the Observator , or one of so mean parts , as his alter idem , Doctor Heylin must be thought to be . I see our Author is past cure by any ordinary means and applications . No way to bring up these hard words , but that prescribed by Ben Iohnson to his Poetasters , and practised by Coln , and Cupes on their Ignoramus , and to that I leave him . And first with reference to his style , so high , as the Observator noted , that no English Reader could climb over it he telleth us , that it is a wooden conceit made by as wo●den an Observator , who had not his Head ( all but the face ) been made of blocks , or had he consulted with ancient Authors , he might have known that the word Style used by writers was not made of wood , as this Observator supposeth , but of metal , the very same with his own face , &c. Fol. 2. Now the Thunder-Thumping Jove transfund his Dotes into the Pericranion of our learned Author , who seems like Rhombus in Sir Philip ( old Father Rhombus , well may the bones rest of that good old Father ) to be even gravidated with Child untill he hath endoctrinated our Plumbeus Cerebrolities in the ad●equate sence , and perceptibility of the word Stylus , which neither that unconcerned fellow , the Observator , whose head is made of blocks and his face of brass , nor that Dull piece of ignorance the poor Dr. of Cosmography ( of whom wee shall hear more anon ) ever heard before . But Sir , in good earnest can you think , that neither the Doctor or the Observator could understand the meaning of a common ordinary word ( with the help of a Dictionary at the least ) untill they were instructed by your learned commentary . Assuredly , but that the Gentleman lieth continually at rack and manger with my Lady Philologie , and is so conversant with Authors of the noblest remarque in several languages , that a poor English writer cannot get a good look from him , he might have known that in the first Edition of his Cosmography , writ but when 20 years of age , or not much above , the Doctor understood the meaning of the old word Stylus . It is an Instrument ( saith he , pagina 741. of the Book called Micorocosm . ) with which they wrote , & was a sharp-pointed Iron , which they called Stylus , a word now signifying ( the original hence taken ) the peculiar kind of Phrase which any man used , as negligens Stylus in Quintilian , and exercitatus Stylus in Cicero . And if the Doctor and the Observator make but the same one person , as our Author telleth us , the Observator is as free from this piece of ignorance , as the Author himself , how poorly and scornfully soever he is pleased to think and speak of the one , and the other . To clear our way to that which followeth , I think my self obliged to present the Reader with a Catalogue of those scornfull names , and reproachfull charges , which he hath laid upon the Observator and the Doctor too , that I may shew what manner of man we have to deal with ; & what necessity there is of wiping off those slanders and calumniations which with a prodigal hand he bestoweth upon them . For if they be such men as our Author maketh them , the very truth will prove unwelcome for their sakes ; little credit being commonly given unto any such thing , as is commended by the Pen of unworthy Persons . Dividing therefore all these slanders and calumniations which are meerly verbal , from such as carry with them some charge of consequence , we will only make a generall muster of the first , and so pass them over , knowing full well , convitia spreta exolescunt , that obloquies of this nature have been better contemned than answered by the wisest men . And for such charges as our Author hath reproached them with , we doubt not but we shall be able to wipe them off , and to retort the intended imputation on the Authors head . First then , he telleth us of the wooden Observator , that his head is made of blocks , and his face of metal , Fol. 2. Sends him to Squire Sanderson to learn wit and manners , Fol. 4. Gives him the name of an impudent Observator , Fol. 9. Of Canis Palatinus , Court-curre , a fellow so unconcerned , &c. Fol. 12. of This man in the Moon , Fol. 15. of Doctor Coale whom the Bishop of Lincoln carbonadoed , Fol. 27. of one between Hawk and Buzzard , Fol. 30. of the light-fingered Observator , Fol. 35. of a modern Poet , and a wit every inch of him , Fol. 36. of an ill-looking Fellow , Fol. 36. of as arrant an errant as ever was , Fol. 39. accuseth him of metaphysical whim-whams , Folio 5. of failing and forging fouly , Fol. 9. of notorious corrupting and falsifying , Fol. 45. of juggling and supposititious foistings , Fol. 10. of being more shamefully out than ever man was , out of the story beyond all measure , and out of charity beyond all Religion , Fol. 41. Then for the Doctor he honoreth him with no other title than that of a Doctor in Cosmography , Fol. 22. the which he so vehemently affected , that though it was damned in one of the unpublished sheets , yet he must needs vent it in this second Pamphlet : in which unpublished sheets he makes him amends indeed ( and we thank him for it ) by calling him the bold Champion of the Prelates , or Prelalatical party , to all which they need say no more ( but that the accusations shall be answered in their proper places ) than as a wise man once did upon the like provocations , viz. Tu linguae nos aurium domini sumus , that is to say , that they have as much command of their eares to hear with patience , as our Author hath of his tongue to speak his passions , our Author being like those who love to say , with our tongue we will prevail , our lips are our own , who is Lord over us ? Psal . 12. v. 4. Then , for the charges they stand thus , First for the Obsetvator , that he hath fouly forged and failed , in leaving out a word in the Authors Preface , Fol. 9. for which called impudent Observator there , and taxed with notorious corrupting and falsifying in the latter end of this present Pamphlet . And 2ly . That the Observator doth save him part of his labour , ( that is to say in naming any of those men whom he had accused of being vicious even to scandall ) in naming himself for one of them , Fol. 28. Then of the Doctor it is said , that Cosmography was a work very proper for him , there being none fitter to describe the world than he , who all his life hath loved the World , none like him , Fol. 22. 2ly . That in the business of the Sabbath he hath falsifyed the words of Pareus by changing quando into quomodo ; it being submitted thereupon unto all the World , to consider what it is for a Doctor of Divinity , for so great a Champion of Antiquity against noveltie , not in an idle circumstance , but in the grand concernment of a controversie , to forge and falsifye a Record so boldly , the modest Gentlemam not daring ( as he telleth us ) to say , so impudently , Fol. 24. 3ly . That having , as all the World knoweth , most insolently trampled and insulted upon this Bishop , ( the Bishop of Lincoln he means ) he no sooner heard of his inlargement , but instantly he came creeping and cringing , and crawling , and crouching to him so servilely , as made his Lordship merry at the uncouth sight , and all this to stand his friend , or at least not appear his foe at that time , when that Doctor was in a most sorry plight , Fol. 40. Somewhat to this effect occurs in the unpublished sheets of our Authors History , which hath been touched upon already in their proper place , and therefore do not stand in need of a repetition . These are the charges which our Author hath drawn up against his adversaries , and unto these in generall , we shall say with Phaeton . — Pudet haec appropria nobis Est dici potuisse , et non potuisse refelli . That is to say , Foul shame it were , should he such men defie , And we stand mute , not able to reply . First then , it is charged on the Observator , that he hath fouly failed and forged , in leaving out a word in the Authors Preface . How so ? marry because our Author having expressed himself in these very words , viz. Confident I am , I stand secure against any substantiall falshoods , and I hope against circumstantiall also ; The Observator in trimming or abbreviating these words of the Author , leaves out I hope , making the whole sentence to run thus , viz. that he is confident he stands secure , not only from substantiall falshoods , but even from cercumstantial also ; and this he calls a notorious corrupting and falsifying of his Preface , Fol. 45. With pride and insolence enough , parturiant montes &c. you have shewed us the mountain gentle Sir , but pray you Sir where is the mouse ? For though you seem to qualifie your confidence in standing secure against circumstantial falshoods , especially in point of Temporalities , with this word , I Hope ; yet you are bold to say , in the following words , that no one thing or action , is so in those Annals of yours mislaid , as to super-Annuate ; no hoping here in referrence unto superanuating ( as you please to phrase it ) but an absolute confidence , as absolute a confidence as these words of yours , I will be bold to say , can express or signifie , & t is in reference to your superannuating , if you mark it well , that the Observator puts you in mind of your confident Preface , For thus it followeth word for word in the observations , that is to say , This is a very strange Hysteron proteron , setting the Cart before the Horse , as we use to say , For certainly the articles at Lambeth , being made part of the confession of the Church of Ireland , Anno 1615. as indeed they were , could not before that time be sent to the Assembly , or Synod of Dort , which was not held till three years after , Anno 1619. and this I take to be somewhat more ? than a super-annuating as he calleth it in his temporalities , though he be confident in his Preface , that he stands secure , not only from substantiall falshoods , but even from circumstantiall also , in assigning all , both things and actions , their proper places . How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part , and shall see more hereof hereafter , as occasion serveth . What think you now on the whole matter , my most precious Pamphleter ? Do not those words you quarrel in the Observator follow immediatly upon so grosse a super-annuating , as you stand convinced of , and was it not of your not super-anunating that you speak so boldly , without that qualifying hope , which though it may save your credit in some other circumstantiall falshoods , cannot d● it here ? Take therefore back unto your self , your failing and your forging , your notorious falsifying and corrupting , and your impudence too , into the bargain ; the Observator hath no title unto either of them . It is charged next on the Observator , that he saveth our Author part of his labour ( that is to say ) in nameing any of those men whom he had accused of being vitious even to scandal , in naming himself for one of them . This is good Fish indeed if it were well fryed , but who shall have the cooking of it ? It must sure be some Cook of the Devills sending , one who is accusator fratrum , a slanderer or Calumniator of the Brethren , as before was noted : for this charge he grounds himself on these words of Jerome , Quando sine nomine contra vitia scribitur , qui ir●scitur accusator sui est , that is to say , When vices are declamed against , and no person named , he who is angry , accuseth himself . A very saving maxim , I assure you that ; as saving and advantageous to our Authors purpose , as all the saving truths which are found in his History . And should that use be made of the Fathers maxim , which our Author mak●s of it in this case , any men might ponere Os in coelum , libell Archbishops , Bishops , a whole national Clergy , proclame them guilty of a vitiousnesse to the height of Scandal , and lay unto their charge even things they know not , in the Psalmist language ; yet none must dare to advocate for the common innocence , for fear of being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a Felo de se , as our Lawiers call it , a self condemnor at the least , and in this case a murderer of his own good name . The Pamphletter seems to have some knowledge of the Observator , telling us Fol. 45. That he hath met him in the same shop near a hundred times , and not less than ten times after the publication of this doubty History ; and questionless hath inquired with a diligent malice into the whole course of his life and actions . If therefore he can prove him guilty of any one vitious qualy , either in the habit or the disposition if at the least our Author be so conversant amongst the Moralists , as to know the difference between them ) let him speak out , & do it boldly , none shall blame him for it . But to talk thus of vitiousnesse even to scandall , and not be able to name any one ( when invited and required to do it ) but by the saving inferences of a generall maxim , makes him unworthy of any further answer , than what Michael the Arch-Angel gave unto you know whom . And whereas our Author pleadeth after for his justification to this particular , that History is not only , the repository of the virtues of Heroick spirits , but ●he testimony of the vices of bad men ; And therefore that he could do no lesse than ●ake some notice of this exorbitancy of some of the Clergy ; he should have named as well the vices , as the men , that so ( as it was hinted to him by the Observator ) the rest of the Clergy might have ●een discharg'd of that foul reproach , Fol. 2. But we know who it was that said , Do●olosus versatur in generalibns , that fraudu●ent and deceitfull men keep aloof in generals , that being a more saving way to preserve themselves from the danger of a ●tricter examination , than if they should ●lescend to particular instances . Nor do I ●hink our Author was indeed afraid of ●eing accused of I know not what , had he ●mitted this calumniating of some of the Clergy , as he seems to be ; but rather ●hat it had conduced very much to his ●onour , either in leaving it quite out of ●he first Edition , or suppressing it wholy ●n the second . The third in course , but first in order ●f these charges which he lays on ●he Dr. the Dr. of Cosmography , in his ●aunting language , is , That Cosmogra●hy was a work very proper for him , there being none fitter to describe the world , than he who all his life loved the world , none like him . None like him ? that were strange indeed ; what more Philargurous ( one of your fine words dear Sir ) and more addicted unto fil●hy lucre than the Presbyterians , according to your character of them in both Editions ? If so , the Cavaliers will be ashamed of him , and send him home to these men , with whom you make him to agree in such base affections . But good Sir do you speak in earnest ? hath he lost such a fair Revenue , above 800 l. per annum in Ecclesiastica● preferments , 1000 l. at the least in Books● Plate , & moveables , for the testimony of a good conscience ? hath his poor tempora● estate been first brought under Sequestration , under a Decimation since , onl● for his adhesion to those sacred verities to which he hath been principled by education , and confirmed by study , and ca● he be challenged notwithstanding , fo● loving the world all his life , and loving i● in such a measure , as no man like him ? the● Frange leves calamos & scinde Thalia li●bellos , in the Poets language ; It will b● high time for him to burn his books , & gi● over his studies , to abandon his forme● interess , like a right time-server , to assert none but saving truths , as our Author doth , and so to settle and apply himself to the love of the World indeed . When the Pampleter shal give as great , & as many testimonies of his not loving the world as the Dr. can , I may perhaps think fit to tell him , that I am confident as many men ( not being Domestiques ) have eaten of the Doctors Bread , and drunk of his Cup , during the whole time of his constant House-keeping , as ever did of his who objects this to him . But being as it is , the Doctor , though a Doctor of Cosmography only , may not unfitly use the words of a modern Poet , and one that was a wit every inch of him , as you know who said , a little being altered in the close to make it fit and suitable to his purpose ; thus . Have I renounc'd my faith ? or basely sold Salvation , or my Loyalty for Gold ? Have I some former practice undertook By Poyson , Shot , sharp Knife , or sharper look To kill my King ? Have I betray'd the State To Fire , or Fury , or some newer Fate ? If guilty in these kindes I am content To be thus branded for my punishment . 4 The 2 charge laid upon the Doctor , and the 4th . in order , is said to be the falsifying of the words of Pareus , by changing quando into quomodo , in the great businesse of the Sabbath , which with the inference thereupon shall be considered of at full , in its proper place : Let the Reader keep it on account , and when we come to that Chapter ( which relateth to the Sabbatarian Quarrels ) I shall quit that score . 5. The 3 charge laid upon the Doctor , and the fifth in course , is a matter of fact , viz. That having , as all the world knoweth , most insolently trampled and insulted upon the Bishop when he was down , he no sooner heard of his inlargement , but instantly he came creeping and cringing , and crawling , and crouching to him so servilely , as made his Lordship merry with the uncouth sight , and all this to stand his friend , or at least not appear his foe at that time , when that Doctor was in a most sorry plight . A pretty Tale , whether a Winter Tale , or the Tale of a Tub , ●is no matter now , our Author having no ground for it , but a tris●ing heresay , without producing his Tales-master to make it good , he only says that he hath been told , & told it by some credible persons , but who those credible persons were is a great State-secret , though many times it may so happen , that credible persons may be over credulous , and being such , may be as forward in divulging incredible ●hings , and consequently both may and doe , mendacium dicere , re●ort a thing that is not true , though they think ●●t be ; but since he hath desired the Reader , courted him by the name of the Gentle Reader , and conjured him ( if thou lovest me ) to put the Dr. to the question whether so or not ; I have accordingly asked the question , & am answered negatively , no , not a word true in all the ●able , so that I might here end with these words of Cicero , Quid m●nus est non dico Oratoris , sed hominis , quam id ob●icere ●adve●sar●o , quod si ille verbo negaver it , longè progredi non possis ? A bare denial is a sufficient Answer to a groundlesse slander . But since he layeth it home to the Observator , and would gladly know of him , whether so or no , partly to satisfie in behalf of the Observator , and partly to vindicate the Doctor from the scorns of contempt and laughter , I shall lay down the whole story from his own mouth , not only in reference to that Bishop , but to the sorry plight which the Pamphleter telleth us he was in , at the time of the supposed crouching and cringing . The Reader ( if he please ) may passe it over , as a thing impertinent , being written principally to undeceive , and disabuse our present Author , who otherwise taking it ( as he doth many things else ) on the credit of Hear-say , may give it some place in the next Edition of this famous History ; The most part of it being offered to the world already , in the printed but unpublished sheets so often mentioned . To him it only is intended , and to him thus dedicated , Sed tibi quando vacat , quando est jucunda relatu , Historiam prima repetens ab origint pandam . That is to say , Your leasure serving , and the story fit , From the beginning I will open it . Know then , that the Doctor having done his service to the King at the opening of his last Parliament , Novemb. 3. An. 1640. retired himself into the Country , that being far off , and out of sight , he might the lesse provoke the indignation of some turbulent men , who were resolved to bear all down that stood before them ; Not startled with the stones thrown at him in the Speeches of Sir Benjamin Rudyard , and some others , he continued there , till the news , that Dr. Bastwick , Mr. Burton , and Mr. Prynne were sent for from their several Prisons , brought him back to Westminster , there to abide such fortune , whether good or ill , as that conjunction of ill Planets , which seemed destructive to so many , should portend to him . No sooner was he come , but he was advertised , that his retreat into the Country , was taken by most men for a flight from England ; and wagers offered to be laid , that he should be seen no more while the Parliament lasted . The better to cry down this clamour , and satisfie all such as conceived so of him , He went the next morning in his Gown and Tippet into Westminster Hall , shewing himself with no lesse confidence than courage to the eyes of many , who would have been much better pleased with his Room than his Company . To the Bishop of Lincoln , then released from imprisonment , he gave no attendance at all , in his private lodging or elsewhere , till meeting him one day in Jerusalem Chamber , where the Prebends were then met together , he gave him in as few words as might be the common civility of a complement , for his return unto the College . The Doctor knew that Mr. Bagshaw , and Mr. Prynne , had been in private with the Bishop some two days before ; and he knew too much of that Prelate , ●nd his exasperations , either to look for aavour from him , or rely upon him . Summoned to attend before the Committee for the Courts of Justice , about the beginning of December , on the complaint of Mr. Prynne , who had joyned him in a Petition with the Lord Arch-Bishop , as the chief Agents and contrivers of all his sufferings , he appeared accordingly . In what a sorry plight he was , or rather how far from being in any such sorry plight , how little dijectednesse there appeared in his Spirits , with what vivacity of countenance , and with what readiness of speech , he behaved himself in the several times of his attendance , not only Mr. Prynne himself , but several Members of that Committee , who are still alive , are best able to testifie . The sequel of the whole was this , that though he made his first appearance with all those disadvantages of prejudice and prepossession , which commonly obstruct the way to an equal hearing , yet got he so much ground of them , by his own modest confidence on the one side , and want of fit ▪ roofs on the other , that in the end he was dismissed , not only with cheerfull countenance from them all , but with expressions also of esteem and favour from divers of them . And whereas it was ordered and resolved upon the Question , on Tuesday April 20. 1641. That the Sentences against Mr. Prynne in the Star-chamber were illegal , and without just ground , that he should be released of his impris●nment and fine , that reparation should be made him by all those Lords of his Majesties Council , whose names were to the warrant for his Commitment ; It was ordered at the same time that the charge against the Doctor should be transmitted to the Committee for Religion , to be considered of with such other charges and complaints as were come against him . So Mr. Prynne relates the businesse in the story of his own proceedings , Page 142 , and 143. After which time the Doctor never heard more of this businesse , nor of any other which did or might create any trouble to him from the Houses of Parliament , or any of the committees or members of it . It hapened in the mean season , that the Doctor preaching in the Abby-Church at Westminster , on the next Sunday after his first appearance before that Committee , was interrupted in his Sermon , ( after a very unusual manner ) by the Bishop of Lincoln , knocking with his Staff upon the Pulpit , and saying aloud , No more of that point , no more of that point , with which Alarm the Doctor was so little disturbed , that without any haesitance in speech , or change of countenance , He addressed himself unto his auditors , telling them , that he had not much to come of the present point , but being that he was commanded not to presse it further , he would proceed unto the next , which he did accordingly . No sooner was he brought back to his Stall , but the Bishop calling one Doctor Wilson ( another of the Prebendaries ) to bear witness of that which passed between them , required the Doctor to deliver a Copy of the Sermon by him preached , to which the Doctor chearfully yeelded , and presently gave his Lordship the whole book of Sermons which he had then with him : a thing , in which it was much feared by some of his friends , that he had been suddenly surprised , and gi●en thereby a great and notable advantage to a dangerous enemy But the Doctor knew well enough on what grounds he went , expecting without any trouble the successe of that daies adventure . The same day , as they came from the evening Service , the Bishop sent one of his Gentlemen , to desire the Sub-Dean , Doctor Wilson , and Doctor Heylyn to come to his lodging , to which it was answered openly , and in a full Cloyster , by Doctor Heylyn , that he would not go : that he would meet his Lordship in either of the Houses of Parliament , or any of the Courts in Westminster-Hall , or the publique Chapter-House of the Church , and would there answer any thing he could charge him with , but that he would never shuffle up the business in the Bishops lodging , or take a private satisfaction for a publick Baffle . Scarce had he put off his Church-vestments , when his most honoured friends the Lord Bishop of Peterborough , and Sir Robert Filmer ( who had heard all that passed before ) came to spend an hour with him , and not long after comes the Subdean , from the Bishop of Lincoln , with the Book of Sermons , assuring him that the Bishop meant him nothing but well , that he had read none of the Sermons but that which had been preached that morning , that he professed himself much beholding to him for committing into his hands so great a trust , and finally , that since the Doctor would not come to receive the Book , he had sent it to him . To which the Dr. made reply , that the Book was taken from him in the sight of hundreds , and that he would not otherwise receive it , than either in the same place , or a place more publick , that therefore he should carry back the Book to him that sent it , to the end that he might read over all the rest of the Sermons , and pick out of them what he could to the Doctors disadvantage ; that as he did not court his favours , or expect any thing from him , so neither did he fear his frown , or any further mischief which he could do to him , equall to what he had done already ; And finally , that he was more ashamed of the poorness of this prostitution , than at the insolencies of the morning , which being the best answer that the Sub-dean could at that time obtain from him , He threw the Book into the Room , and so went his way . The cariage of this business on the Drs. part was variously censured the next day , as men stood affected , Laudatnr ab his , culpatur ab illis : some thinking that he had carried it with too high a hand , others , that he had done no more , than what he was obliged to do for his own justification . What think you my most precious Author , where is the creeping aud cringing , the crawling and crouching which your Pamphlet speaks of ? where that servility of carriage which made his Lordship merry at the sight thereof ? though possibly as the case then stood , & in that very nick of time when the Bishop might either stand his Friend or appear his Foe , a little cringing in the Doctor had not been scandalous as the Gentleman makes it . Nor did the Doctor only consult his Fame , but he took order to provide for his safety also . And therefore understanding what reports had been spread abroad upon the accident , some saying that the Bishop had interrupted him for preaching against the Scots ( some of whose ( ō nissioners were then present ) others , for preaching in defence of Transubstantiation & others for Arminianism , and I know not what , he gave an accompt thereof to the King , and then transcribed a copy of the whole passage , which had been and was to have been spoken , and sent it in a letter to Mr. John White of the Temple , whom he observed to be at the Sermon , desiring him to communicate it at the next sitting of the Committee , that when he was to appear before them the second time , they might be satisfied in all things touching that particular . Which addresse took so good effect , that Mr. White ( though most eagerly bent against the Doctor at his first appearance ) did the businesse for him , reading the whole passage to that Committee , and testified what he saw and noted when he was at the Sermon ; and thereupon it was declared by the unanimous voice of all then present , that there was nothing in that passage which did not become an honest man to speak , and a good Christian to hear ; and not so only , but that the Bishop was transported beyond his bounds , and failed in his accustomed prudence . And this perhaps both smoothed the way unto the Doctor for his next appearance , where he found better entertainment than he did at the first ; and drew the Bishop unto gentler ; and more moderate Counsels . But to proceed , matters continuing between them in this State till aftre Candelmas , the Sub-dean findeth the Doctor ! walking in the Common Orchard , perswades him to apply himself to the Bishop , as being better able to help or hurt him than any other whatsoever , pressing the point with such a troublesom importunity , that the Doctor asked him at the last whether that Proposition came from himself , or the Bishop of Lincoln ? If from himself , it would no otherwise be look'd upon than a fruitles motion ; if from the Bishop , it would require some further time of consideration . Being assured that it came from the Bishop , and that he should not doubt of a fair reception , he took some time to consider of it , and to acquaint some friends therewith , for removing of all such umbrages and misapprehensions , as otherwise that interparlance might have occasioned , which having done , he signified to the Subdean about 2 days after , that he would wait upon his Lordship in the evening following , being Saturday night , when he conceived his Lordship would be most at leasure from the businesse and affairs of Parliament . His Lordship being thus prepared , the Dr. went accordingly to perform his visit , but finding some company in the room , whom he knew to be of the Scotish Nation , he recoyled again , followed immediatly at the heels by a Gentleman , whom the Bishop sent after him , to let him know , that the Company was upon the parting , and that he should find his Lordship all alone , at his coming back , as indeed he did ; Being returned , he was presently taken by his Lordship into his private Gallery , his Servants commanded to withdaw , and the Doctor left in private with him , where after some previous expostulations on the one side , and honest defences on the other , they came by little and little unto better terms , and at the last into that familiarity and freedom of discourse , as seemed to have no token in it of the old displeasures ; the Bishop in conclusion , accompanying the Doctor out of the Gallery , commanding one of his Servants to light him home , and not to leave him till he brought him to his very door . After which time the Doctor never saw him more ( except at the Church ) till his second commitment to the Tower ; whither the Doctor going on some other occasion , resolved to pay unto him the homage of a dutifull attendance , l●st else his Grace ( for then he was Archbishop of York ) hearing that he had gi●en a visit to the rest of the Bishops cōmitted at the same time for the Protestation , might think the former breach between them , was not well made up . And at this time I trow , there was no need of creeping , and ●ringing , and crouching ; The Doctors affairs being at that time and ●ong before ●n a good condition , and that Arch-bishops in as bad as the fury of a popular ●atred could expose him to . This is the ●ruth , the whole truth , and nothing but the ●ruth , as to the Doctors carriage in this particular , and to the sorry plight , which ●he Pamphleter makes him to be in , at ●he time of these supposed cringings and ●servile crouchings . The Readers pardon being asked ( if any shall vouchsafe to read it ) for this long but not unnecessary digression , I goe on again . The Observator being freed from those failings and forgings , those falsifyings and corruptings , which the Pamphleter had charged upon him , it will be worth our time to see , whether our Author be not truly guilty of the self same crime , which he falsly lays unto his charge , in falsifying and corrupting the Text of his own History , by soisting many words into it , to make his quarrel with the Observator the more just and rational . For as I have some where read of Calvin , that having first made his Book of Institutions , he did afterwards so translate and expound the Scripture as to make it speak agreeable to the sense and Doctrine which he had published in that Book : so I may very safely say , that our Author having framed his answer to the observations , as much to the disadvantage of the Observator as he possibly could , did after change and alter the very sense of his History , to make it speak agreeable to the words of his Pamphlet ; as for example . 1. The Observator faulted it in the Historian , for saying , that as a man without a female consort , so a King without his supreme Councel , was but a half-formed sterill thing , the natural extracts of the one , ( for so it followeth in the Author ) procreated without a wife , being not more spurious , than the politique descendents of the other , without the Caution of a representative . This looked on by the Observator , as a Paradox most dangerous to supreme Authority , in making Parliaments so necessary to all acts of State , as if that Kings , or they that have the power of Kings , could do nothing lawfully , but what they do with their assistance , and by their consent . What saith the Pamphleter to this ? marry he hopes , ( for he still saves himself by hoping ) that no man of any ingenuity , can so much as question , but that his politique Descendents imply Statute Laws , which no King of England hath power to make without Common consent in Parliament , Fol. 7. and that the text may speak agreeably to the words of this comment , he hath foisted the word Laws into it , where before it was not ; as may appear to any man who will be pleased to compare the Editions . 2ly . The Historian had affirmed for certain that Sir Robert Mansell as Vice-Admirall had an unquestionoble right of the chief conduct of that enterprize ( against the Spaniard ) upon the Dukes default . For which being contradicted by the Observator , grounding himself on the authority and common practice of our Kings , in granting those commands to any , as they see cause for it ; The Pamphleter stands stil to his former errour , upon this ground , that many men of wisdome and experience , hold it for a Rule , not only in this particular , but in all such as have vicariam potestatem , Fol. 7. But yet to make sure work withall , he hath thrust these words , as they thought , into the text of his History , and thereby made his own position , that Sir Robert Mansell had an unquestionable right to the chief comduct in that enterprize , to be the opinion of those many men of wisdome and long experience , whom the comment points too . New if we ask what these men were , who thought so of it , we find them in some lines before to be the Mariners ; men ( I confesse ) of long experience , but of no great wisdome , and such as better understand the Jurisdiction of their Masters-place , than of the Vice-admiral of England , and what such men as these may hold , touching the Powers and privileges of such as have vicarium potestatem , is so inconsiderable , that I shall not trouble my self to insist more on it . 3ly . The Historian had declared , that for Armianism , the informations were very pregnant , &c. For which being blamed in many things by the Observator , he puts off the odium from himself , to Mr. Pym and the Committee for Religion , professing that he only recited , what that Committee declared as the product of their enquiries , and with this answer he conceiveth he might easily avoid no less than 25 pages of the Observation , Fol. 15. So he , and that it may be thought so by the Reader too , he hath thrice foisted in these words , they said , into that part of his Narrative , which concerns this business , as Fol. 97. l. 27. for , Arminianisn , they said , informations were very pregnant , &c. and Fol. 98. l. 12 , 13. the hazard conceived from Rome , &c. flowed , they said , partly from the uncontrouled publishing of severall points tending and working that way , and ibidem ●ine 19 , 20. the greatest danger was from Popery direct , and from this , the danger they said appeared very great , &c. Here have we dicnnt , ferunt , aiunt , these words they said , no lesse than thrice , in half a leaf , foisted in the text , to make it suitable to the Pamphlet . And we had a praedicant in it too , ( that you may see , I have still some smattering of my Grammar , ) an accusation of some men for their uncontrouled preaching of several points tending and warping towards Popery , though now upon an admonition from the Observator , he hath turned preaching into publishing , as appears , fol. 98 line 14. guided thereto , by the illustration of his comment , and a desire to do some right to Doctor Cozens , which I thank him for , whom he had formerly accused for preaching many things which warped towards Popery , but now agreeth so far with the Observator , as to excuse him from publishing and direct Popery , in his Hours of Prayer . 4. The Observator had declared , that the Primate had conceived a displeasure against the Lord Deputy for abrogating the Articles of Religion established by the Church of Ireland , and setling in their place the Articles of the Church of Enggland , to which the Pampleter replyeth , that the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland were never abrogated , though those of England were received and approved by that convocation , Fol. 42. For proof whereof he hath produced a Certificate under the hands of Doctor Barnard , and one Samuel Pullain , whose title and degree I know , and therefore am not to be blamed , if I give none to him . Whether this Superinduction of the Articles of the Church of England amount not to an abrogation of those of Ireland , shall be considered of hereafter in that Chapter which concerns Armianism . Now I shall only tell you this , that whereas our Author had it thus in his first Edition , Fol. 132 , viz. that in the Synod assembled in Ireland , the body of Articles formed by that Church , Anno 1615. were repealed , and in their places were substituted the thirty nine Articles of the Church of England : Now to conform his text to the former Comment , he hath left out the word repealed in his new Edition , Fol. 137. and tells us a clean contrary story to that before , which shall be looked upon in the place before mentioned , as more proper for it . And so I close this Chapter , intended chiefly for the justication of the Observator , and the retorting of some Foistings , on the Authors head ; withall confuting many of the Pamphleters Answers , which could not be so well considered of in an other place . CHAP. III. The affairs of the two Kings considered . Of the impowering or not impowering the Earl of Bristol , by Letters of Proxie . The Proxie granted to the King of Spain ; and Don Charles his Brother . Our Author qualifieth the word ever , to make it serve his turn , and yet cannot do it . The Letter of Philip the 3. to Olivarez : nothing contained in it against the restoring of the Palanate , but the contrary rather . King James communicated not with the Parliament in the Breach with Spain : our Author pleadeth a Demonstration , but produceth none . Our Authors nicety between taking Coach to and for White-hall , and the vanity of it . Some solid Grandure , contributed to the throne of Kings in their Coronations . His Catholick Majesty how concerned in our Authors scoffs . That heretofore some Kings in Spain have been Crowned and anointed ; though of late those ceremonies be disused , and upon what reasons . The Pamphleters weak defences for our Authors mistake , about taking the Great Seal from the Bishop of Lincoln , and the Observator justified , as to that particular . Our Authors Annuating and Superannuating , in his Temporalities . His Superannuating , or subtertriennuating rather , in the ●ynod of Do●t , how weakly justified and excused . The Observators running leap made good , and his Reasons for it . A transition to the following Disputes about the Sabbath or Lords day . WEE are now come to the main body of the Pamphlet , in which we shall begin ( and good reason for it ) with such particulars as do relate to the two Kings , and such of their personal affairs as our Author treateth of . The first exception made by the Observator , is the impowering of the Eat● of Bristol , to celebrate by Proxie in the Princes name , the marriage with the Lady Infanta . That so it must be understood , appeareth by the words foregoing . The Spaniard ( saith he ) importunately moves his Highnesse ( the● ready to depart for England ) that b● would be pleased to assign in his absence some Proxie to contract with th● Infanta , after a new Dispensation ha● from Rome , to whom the Prince returned answer , that he would impower the Earl of Bristol , to give his Majesty all satisfaction in that particular , which accordingly he did . The Gentleman seems much displeased , that any such inference should be made from the former words , as the impowering of the Earl by Proxie , to proceed to the celebration of the Marriage , and cals it An adoe about nothing . How so ? Because ( saith he ) the Observator might have found his meaning in the page next following , where he speaks of the Earls delivering of the Proxie , clearly importing , it was only in his custody to consign to another , Fol. 3. But gentle Sir , men that write Histories , must write both properly and plainly , and not post off the Reader from one place to another , to finde out their meaning , or else be forced to put such a sense and understanding on their words , as they will not bear , whereof we shall speak more anon on another occasion . In the mean time he proceeds to tell us , first that the Proxie was to be consigned to the King of Spain only , not to him and Don Charles , as the Observator saith ; And secondly , that he would gladly know , who this Don Charles was , he being the first Don Charles , as he , or any body else he thought had ever heard of , Ibid. To reply first unto the last , he need not be desirous to know who this Don Charles was , the Observator having told him positively and plainly enough , that he was the King of Spains Brother ; and though the Gentleman pretending to the Spanish Tongue ( as his Encuerpoes , and Accollados do most plainly fignifie ) conceives the Observator should have called that Prince by the name of Don Carlo , as the Spaniards do : yet , if he please to look into the general History of that Kingdome , written in French by Lewis de Mayerne , and translated into English by Grimstone , he shall not fail of finding there the name of Don Charles many scores of times . But for his confident asseveration that the Proxie was made , or consigned only to the King , and not unto the King and his Brother , or to either of them , as the Observator hath enformed him ; if that prove true , I must renounce my knowledge in all other Languages , but my natural English . For in the instrument of the Proxie , it is said expresly , that the Prince , personam nominaturus magnitudini rei , ita praeexcelsae parem , & quae nomine suo , seque ipsum repraesentando , qua per est dignitate , & authoritate actui adeo solenni , henorifico & sumno possit satisfacere , & praedictum mat●imonium celebrare , & ad exitum perducere ; serenissimi regis Catholici Philippi 4. majestatem eligit , item & Carolum Hispaniarum infant●m ejus fratrem , unicuiqs eorum in solidum vices suas committendo , prout de facto & cum effectu , & melioribus via & forma commisit & dedit , & utrumquemq , eo um facit & constituit suum verum & legitimum & indubitabilem procuratorem , concedens unicuique &c. ut praedicto serenissimo Carolo Walliae principe , & ejus nomine , propriamque illius personam referendo , repraesentando , nuptias & matrimonium contrahat &c. cum praedicta serenissima domina Maria Hispaniarum infante &c. Th●se are the very words of the publick instrument , which if they do not prove , and prove most undeniably , that the Proxie was made unto the King of Spain , a●d his Brother Charles , or to either of them , the Pamphleter must have more knowledge in the Latine Tongue , then all men else that ever learn'd it . The next thing faulted in our Author , is , his affirming , that England had ever found the Spaniard a worse friend then Enemy . The contrary whereof being proved by the Observator , the Pamphlet telleth us , that any fair mannered man , would understand the word ever , with reference to the State of Reformation , Fol. 3. and then the meaning must be this , that the Spaniard hath ever been an ill friend to England , that is to say , ever since the time of her Reformation . This was perhaps the Gent. meaning , but we poor men that cannot search into his thoughts , must know his meaning by his gaping , by what he speaks or writes , not by what he thinks : and sure I am , the words can bear no such Grammatical construction as he puts upon them . Nor is his proposition true , with that limitation which he gives us of it ; the Spaniards never troubling our proceedings in the Reformation in the reign of King Edward , nor in the first beginnings of Queen Elizabeth ( of whose life next under God himself he was the principal preserver ) till first by an underhand fomenting , and after by appearing visibly in the broyles of the Netherlands , he was in forced to arm against her : reasons of State , and not the interests of Religion , being the motives of the long war which after followed . But he goeth on and telleth us , that the Observator seemeth to confesse it . He doth but seem so them , that 's one thing , and he doth not seem so , that is another : the Observator saying only , that if upon the provocations given by Queen Elizabeth in supporting the Netherlands , the Spaniard took up armes against us , he had all the reason in the world for his justification ; which certainly is not so much as a seeming confession , that either Religion or Reformation , was any cause of that quarrel , on the Spaniards part . Next for the businesse of the Pal●tilate , the Observator telleth us from some Letters of the Earl Bristols , that the Spaniard really intended the restoring o● it . Our Author doth oppose to this , a Letter of the King of Spain to the Count of Olivarez his especial favourite , in which it may be found ( saith he ) that neither the match it self , nor the restitution of the Palatinate , was sincerely intended , but delaies meerly sought for by the Spaniard to accomplish his pe●fidious ends . Now how he hath abused this Letter , in making it to speak of things which he findeth not in it , will best be seen by looking on the Letter it self , which is this that followeth . Philip the 3. to the Conde of Olivarez . The King my Father declared at his death , that his intention never was to marry my Sister the Infanta Donna Maria with the Prince of Wales , which your Unkle Don Balthaser well understood , and so treated this Match ever with an intention to delay it ; notwithstanding it is now so far advanced , that considering withall the aversnesse unto it of the Infanta , as it is high time to seek some means to divert the Treaty , which I would have you finde out , and I will make it good whatsoever it be , but in all other things procure the satisfaction of the King of Great Britain , who hath deserved very much , and it shall content me , so that it be not the match . This is that letter in the Cabala , to which the Author doth direct us , and refer himself , in which it is to be observed , first , that there is not one word in it touching the Palatinate , that being a point which the Spaniards would not hear of in that long Treaty , and without which the match was finally agreed on , as was plainly shewn by the Observator : which makes it evident how ill credit is to be given to our present Pamphleter citing this Letter for a proof , that the restoring of the Palatinate , was never sincerely intended by the Court of Spain . This Letter rather seems to prove , that the Spaniard would not stick at the Palatinate , if he could come off handsomely from the Match it self . The King commanding Olivarez , in all other things to procure the satisfaction of the King of Great Britain ; and therefore why not amongst other things , in the restitution of the Palatinate to the Prince Elector ? In the next place we are to know that this Letter was written before the Prince went into Spain : where by the gallantry of his carriage , and his prudent conduct of the businesse , he not only overcame all those difficulties , which had before been interposed , but conquered the aversnesse of the Lady Infanta , who became afterward extremely affectionate to him . And for the Rupture which ensued , it is most clear and evident , that it proceeded from the English , not from the fraudulency or delays of the Spanish Counsels . After this followes the Negotiation of the Match with France , communicated by King James ( as the Historian would inform us ) to his Houses of Parliament , by whom it was entertained with unanimous consent . The improbability of which , is proved by the Observator , by the aversnesse of that King from parting with such a speciall branch of his Royal Prerogative , and the disdain with which he entertained the like proposition from them , a few years before . To this the Pampletter replieth , That it was no more lessening of his Prerogative , to communicate with them in the entrance into , then in the breach of a treaty of that nature , as he did in that of Spain , which was the main businesse debated in the Parliament of the 21. of King James . But Sir , who told you that King James communicated with his Houses of parliament , in the Breach with Spain ? I trow you finde not any such thing in the Journals of either of the Houses , with which you seem at other times to be very conversant ; and doubtlesse would have vouched them now , had he found this in them . That King had no design or purpose of breaking off his correspondence with his Catholick Majesty , and could not communicate those counsels with his Houses of Parliament , which he never had . In the course of that businesse , he was meerly passive , forcibly drawn to yeeld unto it at the last , by the continual solicitation of the Prince , and the Duke of Buckingham , and an importunate Petition of the Lords and Commons , presented by Dr. Abbot then Archbishop of Canterbury , a principal Agent in promoting the intended Breach . It followeth by our Authors Logick , the King communicated not with his Parliament in the Breach with Spain ; Ergo ( which is in English therefore , as we know who said ) he did not communicate with them neither in his Treaty with France . Of the Observators not inveighing against King James , we have spoke already , and of King James his stickling against the Arminians ( so far forth as the Pamphleter leads me to it ) I shall speak hereafter . The error about the day of that Kings interment , and the new Kings marriage is confessed and mended by the Author , but so that he would fain have the first error accompted but a st●p of his pen , Fol. 6. and putteth on some reasons , signifying nothing , to conclude it for him . And for the second error , that about the marriage , he confesseth that he was mistaken . But saith withall , he could insallibly demonstrate , that it was designed upon the 8. concerning which I would first know , whether this demonstration were à Priore , or à Posteriore , as the Logicians have distinguished , or that it was not rather some such sorry Argument , drawn from the common Topick of Heresy , as he commonly builds on , or possibly some fallacy put upon him , a dicto secundum quid , ad dictum simpliciter , or some such like Elench . But let it be the first for this once , and then I shall next ask him , why he communicated not the infallible demonstration to us , which he saith he had , since otherwise we are not bound to believe him in it ; he being no niggard of his story , when there is lesse occasion for it , then was given him now . And we know the Rule in Logick to be very true , viz. non existentium & non apparentium , eadem est ratio , A Demonstration not produced , is as good as none . In their Majesties goings to Whitehall , the Pamphleter still adheres to his first expression , and seemeth displeased , that the Observator should not have so much ordinary capacity , as to discern the difference between the taking Coach to and for Whitehall , Fol. 6. But Sir , a good Historian ( amongst which number you would fain count your self for one ) must write both properly and plainly , as before was said , and not trouble and torment the Reader , in drawing dun out of the mire , in a piece of English . And he that shall compare those words , with the rest that follow , will finde no reason to collect any thing out of them , but that their Majesties went all the way by Coach , till they came to London . He that shall say , that any Gent. of Grays-Inne , takes Coach for Westminster , when he alighteth out of the Coach at the Temple-gate , walketh on foot to the stairs , from thence takes Boat to the Kings Bridge , and so walketh on foot again till he come to the Hall , must needs be thought to speak improperly at the least , that I say not worse : no man of ordinary capacity being able to understand him otherwise , but that the Gent. went by Coach all the way to Westminster , and not the least part of it only . But our Author will not yeeld himself to be out in any thing , whereof we have had many examples already , and have more to come . Of restraining the Kings power in Acts of State to the will of Parliaments , and the wrong supposed to be done to Sir Robert Mansell , with our Authors falsifying his own Text on those occasions , we have spoke before . The next thing which occurs de novo , is the scorn , put by our Author on the Coronation of Kings , which he plainly cals a serious vanity , affirming that they cannot be i●le to better purpose . Reproved for this by the Observator , and those solemn Inaugurations being proved , to be very ancient , directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God , exemplified not only , in David , and many other Kings of Judah , but also in the Son of David , the chief King of all : our Author standeth unto it still , because ( saith he ) it conferreth no one dram of solid Grandure to the Throne , Kings being perfect Kings , and qualified fully to all intent of Royalty without it , Fol. 7. Igrant indeed , that Kings are perfect Kings without this solemnity . The Case of Clark and Watson in the first year of King James , and of many Murderers and Felons in the first year of King Charles , make this plain enough : all of them being indited for their several Felonies and Treasons , committed by them against the peace of those several Kings , their Crowns and dignities , they neither of them crown'd at the time of those trials , so that I shall not trouble my self with looking into the case of the Post-nati , as to that particular . But yet I cannot yeeld unto him , that these solemnities confer not so much as a single dram of solid Grandure to the Throne . For certainly the Kings ▪ entry into a Cognizance or stipulation with his people , to govern them according to their several Lawes , and their Atturning Subjects to him , or acclaiming him to be their King , in our Authors language , must needs contribute much to the establishment of the Regal Throne . Were it not thus , King Charles had been very ill advised , in putting himself to such immeasurable charges for receiving the poor Crown of Scotland ; and the Scots , not more advised then he , in threatning him , that if he long deferred the duty of a Coronation , they might perhaps be inclined to make choice of another King. For which consult our Author , Fol. 125. It seems by this , that neither of them did esteem it a serious vanity , and that the King conceived it to have somewhat in it of a solid Grandure ; and this our Author saw at last , and therefore is compell'd by the light of Reason , and the convicting of his judgement ( whether by the Observator , or not , shall not now be questioned ) to conclude thus with him , that there is something of a solid signification in those serious vanities . But then he adds withall , that all Christian Kings are not concerned in it , as is affirmed by the Observator , his Catholick Majesty not being touched in it , because not Crowned . Nor doth this inference hold good by the Rules of Logick , that because his Catholick Majesty is not crowned at all , therefore the Rites of Coronation are not accompted sacred by him , or that he is unconcerned in those scoffs and scornes , which are put upon it by our Author . Betwixt all Kings there is that sacred correspondence , that the violating of the Rites or person of one concerns all the rest : and though the Catholick King hath not been Crowned in these last ages , yet do they still retain a solemn initiation into Regality , as our Author calleth it , at their first entrance into State. Not Crowned , I grant in these latter Ages , though they were of old ; that which our Saviour spake in the case of Marriage between man and woman , viz. Non fuit sic ab initio , that it was not so from the beginning , being true in the Political Marriages of these Kings and Kingdomes . For in the History of Spain written by Lewis de Mayerne , it is said of Inigo Arista the 6. King of Navarre , that he was anointed and crowned , after the manner of the Kings of France ( of which he i● said to have been a Native ) that custome being afterwards observed in the following Kings . And though it be believed by some , that this custome came only into Navarre , after they had Kings of the House of Champagn , yet that will give it the antiquity of Four hundred years , and prove withall that Crowning and Anointing , was observed by some Kings in that Continent . Nor was it thus only in Navarre , but in Castile also , Alfonso the third of that name , King of Castile and Leon ( fortunate in his wars against his Neighbours ) causing himself to be Crowned Emperour of Spain in the Cathedral Church at Leon , with the solemnities and ceremonies requisite in so great an Act , receiving the holy Unction , and the Crown from Don Raymond Archbishop of Toledo : performed in Leon , anno 1134. and afterwards iterated in Castile ( as some writers say ) for the Crown of Toledo as a distinct and different Kingdome . The chargeable repetition of which solemn Act in so many Kingdomes , as now and of long time have been united in the persons of the Catholick Kings , may possibly be the reason of the discontinuance of it in these latter daies : each Kingdome in that Continent , being apt to think it self neglected ( as the Scots did here ) in case the King received not a particular Coronation for it . Considedering therefore that one Coronation could not serve for all , it was the thriftiest way in respect of charges , and the way most like to please the particular Nations , not to receive the Crowns of any of them , in that solemn way , which was and is observed to this day in most Christian Kingdomes . The Coronation being past , the King prepareth for the Parliament approaching ; also in the way of preparation , he thought it fit , that some who in the last , had been uncivil towards the Duke , should be made examples ; upon which accompt ( saith our Historian ) the Lord Keeper Williams fell , and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventry . From which what can be possibly concluded by a knowing man , but that the displacing of the Lord Keeper Williams , must fall between the Coronation and the following Parliament ? And then our Author will not yeeld , that he was out in this Temporality . How so ? because ( saith he ) I never intended it , to be in that moment of time to which that Paragraph relates , Fol. 8 Is not this like to prove a brave historian think you , who professeth openly that he writes one thing and intends another ? Is not the Reader like to be very well edified by such reservations , as the Author keeps unto himself , and are not to be found , either positively , or by way of inference , in the Book he reads . Our Author certainly is put hard to it , when he can finde no other way to ev●de the errors of his pen but these silly shifts . And yet Solamen miseris , as the old verse hath it . It is some comfort to him , that the Observator should be out himself , in saying that the Great Seal was taken from him in October , whereas it is said by Mr. Howell , that he departed from the Seal in August , Fol. 8. But what if Mr. Howels intelligence fail him , who though a very honest man pretends not to the Spirit of infallibility , as our Author doth ? then certainly the Observator is not out , nor my Author in . But that we may not spend more time in tossing this debate like a Tenice Ball , from one hand to another ; the Pamphleter may be pleased to know , first , that the committing of the Great Seal to Sir Thomas Coventry , is placed by the Continuator of Stowes Chronicle after the 25. of September , which makes it very near October if it were not in it . Secondly , it is affirmed by those who have cause to know it , that the Seal was committed to that Gent. precisely on the first or second Sunday of October , neither sooner nor later . And Thirdly , I am very certain , that whensoeuer it was given to Sir Thomas Coventry , it was taken from the Bishop of Lincoln but a day or two before , the newes of taking it from the one , and giving it to the other , being brought to Oxford in the same Letters . But then admitting fourthly , that the Bishop parted with the Seal in August , yet what makes this to our Authors justification ? makes it not to his further condemnation rather ? Who placeth it after Candlemas , and makes it one of those things in which the King thought fit to prepare himself ( the Coronation being ended ) for the following Parliament . Never had writer such ill luck , or so little modesty ; such ill luck , in calling after any thing which comes in his way , but finding nothing that will keep him up from sinking in his own mistakes ; so little modesty , in yeelding to no evidence which is brought against him : our Author being like the bold Wrastler , I have somewhere read of , who though he had many fals , and was often foiled , would still perswade the company that he had the better . But yet he makes us some amends in the next that followes , Confessing that he was mistaken in making Dr. Laud Bishop of Bathe and Wells , when he officiated at the Coronation . But then withall , he slights the error , calling it scornfully Grande nefas , an horrid crime no doubt , Ibid. Not noted by the Observator as a crime , or a horrid crime , but as an error or mistake in his Temporalities ; concerning which he saith , and will be bold to say it , in the end of his Preface , that no one thing or action is so mislaid , as to superannuate , and not many to vary from the very day of their prime existence . Not from the very day of their prime existence ! that were brave indeed , but braver if it were good in the course of the History . Some variations from the very day of their prime existence , being seen already . We have here a super-semi-annuating ( a fine word of our Authors new fashion ) in making Doctor Laud Bishop of Bathe and Wells , seven moneths at least before his time : a superannuating in the great rout given to Tilly by the King of Sweden placed by our Author in the year 1630. whereas that battle was not fought till the year next following ; a super-triennuating in placing the Synod of Dort , before the convocation of Ireland held in the year 1615. that Synod not being holden untill three years after , and if I do not finde a super-supe-annuating ( that is to say , a lapse of six years ) either in the Pamphlet or the History , I am content , our Author shall enjoy the honour of a publick triumph ; he must take greater pains then this to relieve his Preface , from the purgatory of the Observator , of which he telleth us Fol. 9. or otherwise it is like to lie there , till the next general Gaol-delivery by a Bull from Rome . Now for the superannuating in the businesse of the Councel of Dort , ( a subterannuating call'd in the true sense of the thing ) our Author hath very much to say , though little to the purpose , in his own defence ; for he resolves to act the Wrastler above mentioned , and will not yeeld himself foyled , fall he never so often . And first he flyeth as formerly to his private intentions , telling us , that he intended his not superannuating of such things and actions , as have reference to the sixteen years of King Charles , whereof he treateth in that History , not of such things as antecedently occurred , and were taken in by the By , Fol. 8. And this is like an help at Maw , kept in his hands to turn the fortune of the game , when it seemeth most desperate . But besides this subtersuge of his private intentions , he not only telleth us , that in things taken in by the By , he never will , nor did ever mean , to warrant the truth to every particular year ; but that this errour being extravagant , and out of the bounds of his principal Narrative , may come within the confidence of his not superannuating . A rule and resolution no lesse saving then the truths he writes , and such as ill-becomes the mouth of a good Historian ; who if he please to walk abroad into forein Countreys , or look back into former times , must have as great care in the circumstances of time and place ( his Temporability and localities in our Authors language ) as in relating the ●ansitions and affairs at home , though these h●s principal concernment . But lest this should not serve the turn , he hath a trick to make all sure above all dispute , which is by fathering this mistake on the Committee for Religion , whose report , he there did , or at least intended ( he will be sure that his intentions shall not fail him ) to compleat . But dares he stand to this ? dar●s he stand to any thing ? no , we finde the contrary . For though he telleth us , that the Observator would be wondrous blank , at his Ridiculus mus , and after such a ranting triumph , if the error should be found to be none of his , but the infallible Committees , yet in the end it will appear , that it was infallibly his own , himself confessing , that thinking fit to contract the Report of that Committee to a narrow scantling , not minding the words , so he secured the substance , he failed in the transcript of his copy , which did erroneously ( he grants ) present the Articles sent to Dort , before those of Ireland , which makes it on the whole matter the greater wonder , that the man having made this ingenuous accompt as himself entituleth it , should reckon as a defence of his not superannuating in this particular ; which is ind●●d a plain confession of the Fact , a taking to himself , or his own copy of the Report , the mistake committed , and clearing of the Committee for Religion , upon which he had laid it . Or granting that the copy was not of his own transcribing , but the copy rather of some others , the broken fragments , and loose notes of that Report , wherewith some mercenary pen-man had abu●ed his credulity ; yet how can this be justified before that Committee ; that such a bold affront should be offered to their infallibility , by laying this mistake on them : or that Gent. Mr. Pym ▪ should be conjured from the Royal Sepulchres like Samuel by the Witch of E●dor , to bear witness to it ? But our Author will not leave it so . The Observator must be charged for fetching a running leap to pag. 96. rather then not finde another mistake ( sor so I think he meaneth ) in the History which is now before us . I thought the Observator had in this deserved a more fair acknowledgement , in laying these mistakes together , then if he had took them one by one , as they came in his way , especially considering that he gives a good reason for it , that is to say , that he might not trouble himself with the like observation at another time : and did I think the Pamphleter would be ruled again by reason , I could give him another reason for it : that he was now to take his leave of those Observations which personally related to the two Kings , in their several and distinct capacities : This of King James in sending the Articles of Lambeth to the convocation of Ireland , and the Assembly at Dort being the last point in which he was concerned in his own particular , without relation to King Charles , and not seconded by him . It 's true , we finde them acting afterward in the same design , but in several times ; King James first setting out the Declaration about lawfull sports , and King Charles seconding the same by a more strict command , to have it punctually observed throughout the Kingdome . Which giving the occasion to some observations , and those Observations occasioning a sharp and uncivill Answer in our Authors Pamphlet ; I shall here take another leap to fetch in those Controversies before we do proceed to the examination of the rest that followes : though the Debates touching the spreading of Arminianism , and the supposed growth of Popery , according to the course of time , and the method of our Authors History do occur before it . Only I must crave leave to hoop in here the Duke of York as a considerable Member of the Royal Family , before I close this present Chapter . Of him our Au●hor telleth us in his printed but unpublished sheets , that he was by Birth-right Duke of York ; but to avoid the Scilla of that mistake , he fals into the Charybdis of another as bad , telling us in that leafe new printed , ( but not new printed only , if at all , on that occasion ) that he was after styled Duke of York . For which , being reprehended by the Observator , as one that did accommodate his Style to the present times , the Gent. seemeth much distressed , and in the agony of those distresses , asks these following questions : 1. How it is possible to escape the Observators lash ? 2. What shall an honest Historian do in such a case ? Fol. 25. In these two doubts I shall resolve him , and resolve him briefly , letting him know , that an honest Historian should have said , he was after created Duke of York , and not styled so only : And 2. That if our Author shewed himself an honest Historian , the Observator hath no lash for him , and so it will be possible enough to scape it . Which said , we shall go on to that grand concernment , in which our Author spends his passions to so little purpose . CHAP. IV. The Pamphleters mistake , in making discontinuance equall to a calling in . The uncharitable censure of H. B. and our Historian , upon the first and second publishing of their two Majesties Declarations about lawful sports . The Divinity of the Lords Day not known to Mr. Fryth , or Mr. Tyndall , two eminent Martyrs in the time of King Henry 8. nor to Bishop Hooper , martyred in the time of Queen Mary . The opinions of those men , how contrary to this new Divinity . This new Divinity not found in the Liturgies , Articles , or Canons of the Church of England ; nor in the writings of any private man before Dr. Bound , anno 1595. The Observator justified in this particular by the Church Historian . The Authors ill luck in choosing Archbishop Whitgift for a Patron of this new Divinity ; and the argument drawn from his authority , answered . An Answer to the Pamphleters argument from the Book of Homilies ; the full scope and Analysis of the Homilie , as to this particular . The Pamphleters great brag of all learned men on his side , reduced to one , and that one worth nothing . The Book of Catechestical Doctrine ascribed to Bishop Andrewes , neither of his writing , nor approved of by him . Our Authors new Book in maintenance of this new Divinity . The Doctor vindicated from the forgings and falsifyings objected against him by the Pamphleter . Proofs from the most learned men of the Protestant and reformed Churches , ( 1 ) That in the judgement of the Protestant Divines , the sanctifying one day in seven , is not the moral part of the fourth Commandement . ( 2 ) That the Lords Day hath no other ground on which to stand , then the authority of the Church . And ( 3 ) That the Church hath power to change the Day , and to translate it to some other . WE are now come unto the business of the Lordsday , in which our Author sheweth himself a stiffe Sabbatarian , taking his rise from the Kings Declaration about Lawful sports , first published by King James at Greenwitch , May , 24. anno 1618. and by King Charles at Westminster , Octob. 18. anno 1633. when published first , it raised so many impetuous clamours , as our Author told us in his first , that the Book was soon after called in ; in which being otherwise informed by the Observator , and so far satisfied in the point that the Book never was called in , though the execution of it ( by the remisnesse of that Kings Government ) was soon discontinued , will notwithstanding keep himself to his former error , and thinks to save himself by this handsome shift , that the discontinuance of the execution of it , ( no matter upon what occasion , for he leaves that out ) was a tacite suppressing and calling of it in , Fol. 22. This is a piece of strange State Doctrine , that the discontinuance of the execution of any Law , Ordinance , Canon , or Act of State , should be equivalent unto the calling of them in . Our Author hath not found it so in the Act for Knighthood , nor have the Subjects found it so in such penal Statutes , as having lain dor● 〈◊〉 many years , were awakened afterwards ; nor can it be inferred from hence , that any of the Lawes against Priests and Jesuites are at the present , or have been formerly suppressed , and tacitely call'd in , because by the clemency of King James , the prudence of King Charles , and the temper of the present Government , there was and is a discontinuance of such Executions , as only are to be commended , when they may not , then when they may possibly be spared . What the occasion was in publishing of this Declaration , the Observator tels at large from the Books themselves . But H. B. in his seditious Sermon ( most undeservedly ) entituled , For God and the King , gives another reason for the publishing of it by King James , which , being not pertinent to my businesse with our present Author , I forbear to mention , that being already canvassed in another place . But the design of the re-publishing of it in the reign of King Charles , was by our Author in the first draught of his History , as it was sent unto the Presse , and printed , though suppressed with others of like nature spoken of before , affirmed to be a plot to gall and vex those godly Divines , whose consciences would not vail to such impiety , as to promote the work ; and for the not promoting of it to compell them to desert their Stations , and abandon their livings , in which their very vitality and livelihood consisted , Fol. 127. Then which there could be nothing more uncharitably , or untruly said . This as he makes there the first project of exasperation which Archbishop Laud and his confederates of the same stamp pitched upon , to let his professed Enemies feel the dint of his spirit ; so doth he call it in the King a profane Edict , a maculating of his own honour , and a sacrilegious robbing of God. All which , though afterwards left out , declare his willingnesse to make both Prince and Prelates , and the dependants of those Prelates ( the poor Doctor of Cosmography among the rest ) feel the dint of his spirit ; and pity 't was he was not suffered to go on in so good a purpose . Our Author having intimated in the way of a scorn or j●ar that the Divinity of the Lords day , was new Divinity at the Court ; was answered by the Observator , that so it was , by his leave , in the Countrey too , not known in England till the year 1595. &c. The Observator said it then , I shal prove it now , and having proved it in the Thesis , or proposition , will after return answer to those objections which the Pamphleter hath brought against it . And first it is to be observed , that this new Divinity of the Lords day was unknown to those , who suffered for Religion , and the testimony of a good conscience , under Henry 8. as appeareth by John Fryth ( who suffered in the year 1533 ) in a tract by him written about Baptism . Our fore-fathers , saith he , which were in the beginning of the Church , did abrogate the Sabbath , to the intent that men might have an Ensample of Christian Liberty , &c. Howbeit because it was necessary , that a day should be reserved , in which the people should come together , to hear the word of God , they ordained in stead of the Sabbath , which was Saturday , the next day following , which is Sunday . And though they might have kept the Saturday with the Jew , as a thing indifferent , yet they did much better . Next to him followeth Mr. Tyndall , famous in those times , for his translation of the Bible , for which , and for many of his Doctrines opposite to the Church of Rome , condemned unto the flames ann● 1536. in the same Kings reign , who in his Answer to Sir Thoma● More , hath resolved it thus : As for the Sabbath , we be Lords over the Sabbath , and may yet change it into Munday , or into any other day , as we see need , or may make every tenth day holiday only , if we see cause why , neither was there any cause to change it from the Saturday , but to put a difference between us and the Jewes : neither need we any ▪ holy day at all , if the people might be taught without it . The same Doctrine publickly defended in the writings of Bishop Hooper , advanced to the Miter by King Edward , and by Queen Mary to the Crown , the crown o● Martyrdome , in a Treatise by him written on the Ten Commandements , anno 1550. who resolves it thus : We may not think ( saith he ) that God gave any more holinesse to the Sabbath , then to the other daies . For if ye consider , Friday , Saturday , or Sunday , in as much as they be daies , and the work of God , the one is no more holy then the other , but that day is alwaies most holy , in the which we most apply and give our selves unto Holy works . No notice taken by these Martyrs of this new Divinity : The first speaking of the observation of the Lords day , no otherwise then as an institution grounded on their forefathers , a constitution of the Church ; the second placing no more Morality in a seventh-day , then in a tenth-day Sabbath ; and the third making all daies wholly alike , the Sunday no otherwise then the rest . As this Divinity was new to those godly Martyrs , so was it also to those Prelates , and other learned men who composed the first and second Liturgies in the reign of King Edward , or afterwards reviewed the same in the first year of Queen Elizabeth , anno 1558. in none of which there is more care taken of the Sunday then the other Holydaies ; no more divine offices performed , or diligent attendance required by the old Lawes of this Land upon the one , then on the other . No notice taken of this new Divinity in the Articles of Religion as they were published , anno 1552. or as they were revised and ratified in the tenth year after ; no order taken for such a strict observation of it , as might entitle it unto any Divinity , either in the Orders of 1561. or the Advertisements of 1565. or the Canons of 1571. or those which ●ollowed anno 1575. Nothing that doth so much as squint toward● this Divinity in the writings of any learned man of this Nation , Protestant ▪ Papist , Puritan , of what sort soever , till broached by Dr. Bound , anno 1595. as formerly hath been affirmed by the Observator . But because the same truth may possibly be more grateful to our Author , from the mouth of another , then from that of the ignorant Observator , I would desire him to consult the new Church History , writ by a man more sutable to his own affections , and so more like to be believed . About this time ( saith he ) throughout England , began the more solemn and strict observation of the Lords Day ( hereafter both in writing and preaching commonly call'd the Sabbath ) occasioned by a book this year set forth by P. Bound Dr. in Divinity ( and enlarged with additions , anno 1606. ) wherein the following opinions are maintained . 1. That the Commandement of sanctifying every seventh day , as in the Mosaical Decalogue , is moral and perpetual . 2. That whereas all other things in the Jewish Church were taken away ( Priesthood , Sacrifices , and Sacraments ) his Sabbath was so changed as it still remaineth . 3. That there is a great reason , why we Christians should take our selves as strictly bound to rest upon the Lords day , as the Jewes were upon their Sabbath , it being one of the moral Commandements where all are of equall authority . lib. 9. sect . 20. After this , he goeth on to tell us , how much the learned men were divided in their judgements about these Sabbatarian Doctrines ; some embraced them as ancient truths consonant to Scripture , long disused and neglected , now seasonably revived for the increase of piety ; others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottome , but because they tended to the manifest advance of Religion , it was pity to oppose them , seeing none have just reason to complain , being deceived into their own good . But a third sort flatly fell out with these positions , as galling mens necks with a Jewish yoke against the Liberty of Christians . That Christ as Lord of the Sabbath had removed the rigour thereof , and allowed men lawful Recreations : that his Doctrine put an unequal lustre on the Sunday ; on set purpose to eclipse all other Holy daies , to the derogation of the authority of the Church : that this strict observance was set up out of Faction to be a character of difference , to brand all for Libertines who did not entertain it . sect . 21. He telleth us fin●lly , that the Book was afterwards called in and command●d to be no more printed . The Doctrine opsed by the Archbishop , and the maintainers of it punished by Judge Popham ; though by the diligence and counterworking of the brethren it got ground again . This being said , we shall proceed unto the answering of the Pamphleters arguments not more remarkable for their paucity , then they are for their weaknesse . He telleth us first that Archbishop Whitgift in his defence of the Answer to the Admonition , saith , in the present tense , that the Sabbath is superstitiously used by some , and speaks soon after of a Sabbath , then commanded by the fourth Precept . The Pamphleter hereupon inferreth that he could not mean the Jewish Sabbath , and if not that , it must of necessity be the Lords day , Fol. 23. Here is a stout argument indeed , able to knock down any man which thinks the contrary ; for mark the inference thereof . Archbishop Whitgift , gives unto the Lords day ( in a Metaphorical and figurative sense ) the name of Sabbath , Ergo , which is in English , therefore , it must be kept with all the rigors and severities which were ●equired unto the observation of the Sabbath by the Law of Moses : or therefore , which is in Latine Ergo , there is as much divinity in the Lords day now by whomsoever it was ordained , as had been heretofore ascribed to the Sabbath-day of Gods own appointing . And then again , the Lords day is by him called a Sabbath , and said to be there commanded by the fourth precept , therefore there is such a Divinity in it as Dr. Bound ascribes to his Lords daies Sabbath , according to his Articles and petitions laid down . Did ever man so argue in a point which he makes to be of so great concernment , or make so ill a choice both of the Medium and the Author , which he groundeth upon ? First of the Medium ; for may we not conclude by the self-same Logick that there is a Divinity in all the holydaies of the Church ; because all grounded on , and warranted by the fourth commandement , as all learned writers say they are ? and that there is a Divinity in Tithes and Churches , because both places set apart for sacred Actions , and maintenance also for the persons , which officiate in them , as the Pamphleter afterwards alledgeth , are included also in this precept ? If there be a Divinity in these , let our Author speak out plainly , and plea● as strongly for the Divinity or divine Institution of Tithes and Churches , as he hath done ( or endevours to do at least ) for the Divinity of the Lords dayes Sabbath . If none in these , and I conceive our Author will not say there is , though grounded on the warrant of the fourth Commandement , let him not d●eam of any such Divinity in the Lords day , because now kept by vertue of that precept also . But worse luck hath the G●nt in the choice of his Author , then in that of his Medium ; there being no man , that more disrelished and opposed this new Divinity of the Sabbath , and all the Sabbatarian errors depending on it , then this most reverend Prelate did , insomuch that he commanded Bounds Book to be called in , upon the first discovery of the Doctrines delivered in it : which cert●inly he had not done , if he had been of the same Judgement with that Doctor , or had meant any such thing in his defence of the Answer to the Admonition , which our Pamphlete● hath put upon him . Assuredly unless the Pamphleter had been bribed to betray the cause , and justifie the Observator , he would have passed over the debating of this new Divinity , or else found more then one man in the space of 36 years ( so long it was from the first of Queen Elizabeth to the coming out of Bounds Book ) to have spoken for him ; and such a man , as had not shewed himself so professed an enemy to the newnesse of it , by causing the Book to be called in , that the Brethren commonly used to say , that out of envy to their proceedings , he had caused such a pearl to be concealed . Let us next see what comfort he can finde from the book of Homilies , of which he saith , that there was not any thing more especially taught in them , then the Divinity of the Lords day . This he affirmes , but they that look into that Book , will finde many points more specially taught , and more throughly pressed , then this Divinity he talketh of ; witnesse those long and learned Homilies , upon the peril of Idolatry , against disobedience and rebellion ( of these last six at least in number ) besides many others . But if it can be proved at all , no matter whether specially or more specially , that shall make no difference , and that it may be proved he telleth us , that they say [ God in that Precept ( speaking of the ●ourth ) commandeth the observation of the Sabbath , which is our Sunday ] Fol. 23. If this be so , and to be understood of such a Divinity , or such a divine institution of the Lords day , as our Author would fain put upon it : first then we must have some expresse warrant , and command from God himself , altering the day , from the seventh day of the week , on which he commanded it to be kept by the Law of Moses , unto the first day of the week , on which it is now kept by the Church of Christ . But secondly that Homily ( I mean that Of the time and place of prayer ) doth inform us thus : That the goldly Christian people began to follow the example , and commandement of God , immediately after the Ascension of our Lord Christ , and began to choose them a standing day of the week to come together , yet not the seventh day which the Jewes kept , but the Lords day , the day of the Lords Resurrection , the day after the seventh day , which is the fi●st day of the week &c. And thirdly , it is said in the same Homily , that by this commandement we ought to have a time , as one day in the week , wherein we ought to rest , yea from our lawful and needful works , &c. Which passages being laid together , will amount to this , first that the Homilie doth not say that by the fourth Commandement we ought to have one day in the week , which is plainly peremptory ; but that we ought to have a time , as one day in the week , which is plainly Arbitrary . Secondly , that being Arbitrary in it self , and so esteemed of by the Christians in the Primitive times , they thought it good , immediately after Christs ●scension , to choose a standing day of the week to come together in , namely the Lords day , or the day of the Resurrection . Not that they were required so to do by the fourth commandement , which limited the Sabbath ( the ordinary time of worship ) to the day foregoing ; nor commanded so to do by Christ , this choice of the day not being made till after his ascension , and no command of his approving in the holy Scripture ; nor finally by any Precept or Injunction of the holy Apostles : of which as the Scriptures are quite silent ; so the Homilie ascribes it wholly to the voluntary choice of godly Christian people , without any mention made at all of their authority . So the then meaning of those words , produced by our Author , for the ground of this new Divinity , will be only this , that as God rested on the seventh day , and commanded it to be kept wholly by the Jewes , so the godly Christian people after Christs Ascension , following his example , and warranting themselves by his Authority , did choose a seventh day of the week , though not the same which had been kept holy by the Jewes for the day of worship . And this is all we are to trust to for the Divinity , or Divine institution of the Lords day Sabbath , from the Book of Homilies ; neither so positively , nor so clearly rendred , as to lay a fit or sure foundation for so great a building . In the next place , the Pamphleter quarrels with the Observator , for making it a prodigie and a paradox too , that neither the order nor revenues of the Evangelical Priesthood , should have any existence , but in relation to the Divinity of the Lords day . But Sir the Observator doth not only say it , but he proves it too , and proves it by the authority of the holy Scriptures , mentioning the calling of the Apostles , of the seventy Disciples of S. Paul and others to the work of the Ministery , and pleading strongly in behalf of an Evangelical maintenance , as belonging to them ; at such time as the Lords day no such existence , no such Divinity of existence , as our Author speaks of . In stead of answering to these proofs , the Pamphleter telleth us , that there is not a man of note , who treateth of the 4. Commandement ( himself especially for one , and the chief one too ) that owneth not this prodigious opinion ; and therefore aske●h , where this Observator ha●h been brought up , that this Tenet of his , ye● of all learned men , should be so wondred at to be called a prodigie . Fol. 23. But the reply to this will be very easie . For first , all the men of note which write upon the 4. Commandement , all learned men ( our Author too into the bargain ) are no fit ballance for S. Paul , nor able to counterpoise the expresse and clear Authority of the holy Scriptures . And secondly , the Pamphleter after his great brag , that all learned men , almost all men of note , which write upon the 4 Commandement , are of his opinion , is fain to content himself at the present with only one , and such an one , who though he be insta● omnium with the Pamphleter , is not so with me , nor with the Observator neither . Not that we fail in any part of due honour to that Reverend Prelate , whose name he useth to make good the point which is in question , but that we think the work imputed to him by the Pamphleter to be none of his , never owned by him in his life , nor justified for his by any of relation or nearnesse to him , therefore to undeceive so many , as shall read these papers , they may please to know , that in the year 1583. Mr. Andrewes was made the Catechist of Pembrook-hall , for the instruction of the younger students of that house in the grounds of Divinity ; that though he was then but a young man , yet his abilities were so well known , that not only those of the same foundation , but many of other Colledges in that University , and some out of the Countrey also , came to be his Auditors ; that some of them taking notes of his Lectures as well as they could , were said to have copies of his Catechizing , though for most part very imperfect , and in many points of consequence very much mistaken ; that after his coming to be Bishop he gave a special warrant unto one of his Chaplains , not to own any thing for his , that was said to have been taken by notes from his mouth . And finally that hearing of the coming out of that Catechism , as in discourse with those about him he would never own it , nor liked to have it mentioned to him , so he abolished ( as it seemeth ) his own original Copy , which they that had command to search and sort his papers could not finde in his study : and though this Catechism came out since in a larger volume , yet not being published according to his own papers ( although under his name ) it can no more be said to be his , then many false and supposititious writings foisted into the works of Ambrose , Augustine , and almost all the ancient Fathe●● , may be counted theirs . Of all this , I am punctually advertised by an emin●nt person of near admission to that Prelate , when he was alive , and a great honourer of him since his death , and have thought fit to signifie as much upon this occasion to disabuse all such whom the name of this most reverend Prelate might else work upon : which said , there needs no Answer to this doughty argument , which being built upon a ruinous and false foundation , fals to the ground , without more ●doe , as not worth the answering . We see by this that all the learned men which our Author brags of , are reduced to one , which one upon examination proves as good as none , if not worse then nothing . But the Pamphleter may be pardoned for coming short in this present project , in regard of the great pains he had taken in writing a Book of the Doctrine of the Sabbath , or Divinity of the Lords day , published in the year 1640. unto which Treatise he refers all men who shall desire his judgement in that subject , that Book being never yet answered by any , as he gallantly braves it , Fol. 24. In this there are many things to be considered . For first it is probable enough that this Treatise to which we are referred for our satisfaction , was either so short lived , or made so little noise abroad , that it was not heard of . For had it either moved so strongly , or cryed so loud , that it intituled our Author ( the dear Father of it ) to any Estate of Reputation for term of life , as Tenant by the courtesie of the gentle Reader ; it is not possible , but that we should have had some tale or tidings of it in so long a time , and therefore I conceive that it was still-born , and obscurely buried , and perhaps buried by the Man-midwife , I mean the Bookseller or Printer , who gave it birth , before the Godfathers and Godmothers , and the rest of the good Gossips could be drawn together , to give a name unto the In●ant , or at the best like the solstitial herb in Plautus , quae repentino orta est , repentino occidit , withered as soon as it sprang up , and so came to nothing . Secondly , if it were not answered , I would not have the Gent ▪ think , that it was therefore not answered , because unanswerable ( though he were apt enough to think so without this Praecaution ) but for other reasons . For first the year 1640. was a busie year , and brought so much trouble and encumbrance on the English Clergy , as gave them neither list nor leisure to answer all impertinent scribbles , which by the liberty of that time , and the audaciousnesse thereby prompted unto severall men , did break out upon them : Securi de salute , de gloria certemus , as you know who said . Men have small edge to fight for honour , and undertake unprofitable and fruitlesse quarrels , when unsecure of life and safety , and all things else which are most near and dear unto them . But secondly , taking it for granted , that some men were at leisure to attend those services , how may we be assured , that there was any thing in the book which was worth the answering , or that any credit could be gotten from the work or Author ? For it is possible enough , that every man might not have such opinion of you , as you say the Observator had , who did therefore ( if you judge aright of his intentions ) professe an high esteem of your parts and person , only to make the world believe , that you were worthy the overcoming . And if they did not think so of you , they had all the reason in the world to decline a combate , ubi & vincere inglorium esset , & atteri sordidum , in which to overcome , or to be conquered , is like inglorious . But whatsoever opinion the Observator had of you , you have not the like opinion of his Alter idem , the Doctor in Cosmography , as you please to taunt him , whom you accuse , for forging and falsifying a Record so boldly , the modest Gent. will not say so impudently , and that too not in an idle circumstance , but in the grand concernment of a controversie with spight and calumny enough . And why all this ? Marry say you in the second book and 6. Chapter , of his History of the Sabbath , published in the year 1636. he hath misreported the words of Pareus in putting down quomodo for quando , adding withall , in vindication whereof , he never attempted any thing as yet , Fol. 24. This I confesse is grave crimen , & ante hoc tempus inaudi●um , a grievous c●ime , the like to which was never charged upon him by his greatest enemies . In answer whereunto , I must tell you for him that being plundred of his Books , and keeping no remembrances , and collections of his Studies by him , he cannot readily resolve what Edition he followed in his consulting with that Author . He alwaies thought , that Tenure in capite , was a nobler and more honourable tenure , then to hold by Copy , and therefore carelesly neglected to commit any part of his readings unto notes and papers , of which he never found such want as in this particular , which you so boldly charge upon him . Or were it so as you inform us , both he and I have cause to wonder why our learned Author did not rather choose to confute that whole History of the Sabbath , then spend his time in hammering some petit Tractate ; of which the world hath took no notice ; that being a work , which might have rendred him considerable , and made more noise then all the Geese in the Capitol to the awakening of the dull Doctor , and the drowsie Clergie : or if he thought this task too great , and the burden too heavie for his shoulders ; why did he let these falsifyings and forgings sl●p 20 years together , and never call to an accompt for it till this present time , when it may justly be supposed , that not your zeal unto the truth , but secret malice to his person did ex●ort it from you ? Thirdly , I am required to tell you that if there be such a mistake in the citation , which he more then doubts , it was not willingly and wilfully committed by him , and therefore not within the compasse of those forgings and falsifyings which you tax him with . For he would fain know cui bono , or cui malo rather , to what end , whether good or bad , he should use those forgings or falsifyings , in that Author , when he was compassed about with a cloud of witnesses , attesting positively and plainly to the point in hand ; or what need there should be of practising on Pareus to appear fair for him , when more then a whole Jury of learned and Religious men , as learned and as good as he , had given up their verdict in the case ? Now that this may appear to be so indeed , and that withall the Re●der may understand the true state of the Question , I will lay down that Section which the Pamphleter doth refer us to , together with the next before it and the next that followes , and so submit the whole controver●ie to his better judgement . This only is to be premised , that the 5. section shews , that the Reformators found great fault , both with the new Doctrine of the Papist , about the natural and inherent holinesse , which they ascribe to some daies above the rest , and the restraints from Labour on the Lords day and the other holy daies ; upon which it followeth in these words , viz. ( 6 ) Indeed it is not to be thought , that they could otherwise resolve and determine of it , considering what their Doctrine is of the day it self ; how different they make it from a Sabbath day : which doctrine , that we may perceive with the greater ease , we will consider it in three propositions , in which most agree : 1. That the keeping holy one day of seven , is not the Moral part of the fourth Commandement , or to be reckoned as a part of the Law of Nature . 2. That the Lords day is not founded on divine Commandement , but only on the authority of the Church ; And 3. That the Church ●ath still Authority to change the day , and to transfer it to some other . First for the first , it seems that some of Rome ( considering the restraints before remembred , and the new Doctrine thence arising , about the natural and inherent holinesse , which one day had above another ) had altered what was formerly delivered amongst the Schoolmen : and made the keeping of one day in seven , to be the Moral part of the fourth Commandement . This Calvin ( Instit . l. 2. c. 8. 11. 34. ) chargeth them withall , that they had taught the people in the former times , that whatsoever was ceremonial in the fourth Commandement , which was the keeping of the Jewes seventh day , had been long since abrogated : Remanere vero quod morale est , nempe unius diei observationem in hebdomade , but that the moral part thereof , which was the keeping of one day in seven , did continue still . Which what else is it , as before was said , then in dishonour of the Jewes to change the day ; and to affix as great a sanctity thereunto , as the Jewes ever did ? As for his own part he pro●esseth , that howsoever he approved of the Lords day meetings : Non tamen numerum septenarium ita se morari , ut ejus servituti ecclesias astringeret ; yet stood not he so much for the number of seven , as to confine the Church unto it . If Calvin elsewhere be of another minde , and speak of keeping holy one day in seven , as a matter necessary ; ( which some say he doth ) either they must accuse him of much inconstancy , and forgetfulnesse ; or else interpret him , with Rivet ( In Decalog . ) as speaking of an Ecclesiastical custome , not to be neglected ; non de necessitate legis divinae ; and not of any obligation layed upon us by the Law of God. Neither is he the only one that hath so determined . Simler ( in Exod. 20. ) hath said it more expresly , Quod dies una cultui divino consecratur , ex lege naturae est ; quod autem haec sit septima , non octava , nona , aut decima , juris est divini sed ceremonialis : That one day should be set apart for Gods publick worship , is the Law of nature , but that this day should be the seventh , and not the eighth , ninth or tenth , was not of divine appointment , but ceremonial . Aretius ( Loc. 55 ) also in his common places distinguished between the substance of the Sabbath , and the time thereof : The substance of it , which was rest , and the works of piety , being in all times to continue ; tempus autem , ut septimo die observetur , hoc non fuit necessarium in Ecclesia Christi , but for the time , to keep it on the seventh day alwaies , that was not necessary in the Church of Christ . So also Francisc . Gomarus , that great undertaker against Arminius , in a book written purposely , De origine & institutione Sabbati , affirms for certain , that it can neither be made good by the Law of Nature , or Text of Scripture , or any solid argument drawn from thence , unum è septem diebus ex vi praecepti quarti ad cultum Dei necessario observandum , that by the fourth Commandement , one day in seven is of necessity to be dedicated to Gods service . And Rivet as profest an enemy of the Remonstrants , though for the antiquity of the Sabbath , he differeth from the said Gomarus ; yet he agreeth with him in this : not only making the observance of one day in seven , to be meerly positive , as in our first part we observed ; but laies it down for the received opinion of most of the reformed Divines , Vnum ex septem diebus non esse necessario eligendum , ex vi praec●pti , ad sacros conventus celebrandos ; ( in Exod. 20. p. 190. ) the very same with what Gomarus affirmed before . So lastly for the Lutheran Churches , Chemnitius makes it part of our Christian Liberty , quod nec sint allegati , nec debeant alligari ad certorum vel dierum , vel temporum observationes , opinione necessitatis in Novo Testamento , &c. That men are neither bound , nor ought to be , unto the observation of any daies or times , as matters necessary , under the Gospel of our Saviour : Though otherwise he account it for a barbarous folly , not to observe that day with all due solemnity , which hath for so long time been kept by the Church of God. Therefore in his opinion also , the keeping of one day in seven , is neither any moral part of the fourth Commandement , or parcel of the Law of Nature . As for the subtle shift of Amesius ( Medull . Theolog . l. 2. 15. ) finding , that keeping holy one day in seven , is positive indeed , sed immutabilis plane institutionis , but such a positive Law , as is absolutely immutable ; & doth as much oblige , as those which in themselves are plainly natural and moral : it may then serve , when there is nothing else to help us . For that a positive Law should be immutable in it self ; and in its own nature , be as universally binding as the moral Law ; is such a piece of learning , and of contradiction , as never was put up to shew in these latter times . But he had learnt his lirry in England here ; and durst not broach it but by halves amongst the Hollanders . ( 7 ) For the next Thesis , that the Lords day is not founded on divine Commandement , but the Authority of the Church : it is a point so universally resolved on , as no one thing more : And first we will begin with Calvin , who tels us ( Institut . l. 2. c. 8. n. 3. ) how it was not without good reason , that those of old , appointed the Lords day , as we call ●it , to supply the place of the Jewish Sabbath . Non sine delectu Dominicum quem vocamus diem , veteres in locum Sabbati subrogarunt : as his words there are . Where none , I hope , will think that he would give our Saviour Christ , or his Apostles , such a short come off , as to include them in the name of Veteres only : which makes it plain , that he conceived it not to be their appointment . Bucer resolves the point more clearly : ( in Mat. 12. ) Communi Christianorum consensu Dominicum diem publicis Ecclesiae conventibus ac requieti publicae dicatum esse , ipso statim Apostolorum tempore ; viz. That in the Apostles times , the Lords day by the common consent of Christian people , was dedicated unto publick rest , and the Assemblies of the Church . And Peter Martyr upon a question asked , why the old seventh day was not kept in the Christian Church ; makes answer , That upon that day , and on all the rest , we ought to rest from our own works , the works of sin . Sed quod is magis quam ille , eligatur ad externum Dei cultum , liberum fuit Ecclesiae per Christum ut id consuleret quod ex re magis judicaret : nec illa pessime judicavit , &c. ( in Gen. 2. ) That this was rather chose then that , for Gods publick service , that , saith he , Christ left totally unto the liberty of the Church , to do therein what should seem most expedient ; and that the Church did very well , in that she did prefer the memory of the Resurrection , before the memory of the Creation . These two I have the rather thus joyned together , as being sent for into England in King Edwards time , and placed by the Protector in the Universities , the better to establish Reformation , at that time begun : and doubt we not , but that they taught the self-same Doctrine ( if at the least they touched at all upon that point ) with that now extant in their writings . At the same time with them lived Bullinger , and Gualter , two great learned men . Of these , the first informs us , Hunc diem , loco Sabba●i , in memoriam resurgentis Domini delegisse sibi Ecclesias . ( in Apoc. 1. ) That in memorial of our Saviours Resurrection , the Church set apart this day , in the Sabbaths stead , whereon to hold their solemn and religious meetings . And after , Sponte receperunt Ecclesiae illam diem ; non legimus eam ullibi praeceptam . That of their own accord , and by their own authority , the Church made choice thereof for the use aforesaid ; it being no where to be found that it was commanded . Gualter ( in Act. Apost . Hom. 13 ) more generally , that the Christians first assembled on the Sabbath day , as being then most famous , and so most in use : But when the Churches were augmented , Proximus à Sabbato dies , rebus sacris destinatus , the next day after the Sabbath was designed to those holy uses , If not before , then certainly not so commanded by our Saviour Christ : and if designed only , then not enjoyned by the Apostles . Yea Beza , though herein he differ from his Master Calvin , and makes the Lords day meetings , Apostolicae & verae divinae traditionis , ( Apoc. 1. 10. ) to be indeed of Apostolical and divine tradition : yet being a tradition only , although Apostolical , it is no commandement . And more then that , he tels us in another place ( in Act 20. ) that from St. Pauls preaching at Troas , and from the Text , 1 Cor. 16. 2. Non inepte colligi , it may be gathered not unfitly , that then the Christians were accustomed to meet that day ; the ceremony of the Jewish Sabbath , beginning by degrees to vanish . But sure the custome of the people makes no divine traditions ; and such conclusions , as not unfitly may be gathered from the Text , are not Text it self . Others there be , who attribute the changing of the day to the Apostles ; not to their precept , but their practise . So Mercer ( in Gen. ) Apostoli in Dominicum converterunt , the Apostles changed the Sabbath to the Lords day . Paraeus attributes the same Apostolicae Ecclesiae , unto the Apostolical Church , or Church in the Apostles times : Quomodo autem facta sit haec mutatio , in Sacris literis expressum non habemus : but how , by what authority such a change was made , is not delivered ( as he confesseth ) in the Scripture . And John Cuchlinus , ( in Thesib . pag. 733. ) though he call it consuetudinem Apostolicam , an Apostolical custome ; yet he is peremptory , that the Apostles gave no such commandment : Apostolos praeceptum reliquisse , constanter negamus . S. Simler ( de Festis Chr. p. 24 ) cals it only consuetudinem tempore Apostolorum rec●ptam : a custome taken up in the Apostles time . And so Hospinian , Although , saith he , it be apparent , that the Lords day was celebrated in the place of the Jewish Sabbath , even in the times of the Apostles ; Non invenitur tamen vel Apostolos , vel alios , Lege aliqua & Praecepto , observationem ejus instituisse : yet finde we not , that either they , or any other did institute the keeping of the same , by any Law or Precept , but left it free . Thus Zanchius ( in 4. praecept . ) Nullibi legimus Apostolos , &c. We do not read , saith he , that the Apostles commanded any to observe this Day : we only read what they and others did upon it ; Liberum ergo reliquerunt : which is an argument , that they left it to the Churches power . To those adde Vrsin in his Exposition on the fourth Commandment , ( in Catech. Palat. ) Liberum Ecclesiae reliquit alios dies eligere , that it is left unto the Church , to make choice of any day ; and that the Church made choice of this , in honour of our Saviours Resurrection : and so Aretius in his common places : Christiani in Dominicum transtulerunt : that by the Christian people the Sabbath was translated to the Lords day . Gomarus and Ryvet , in the Tracts before remembred , have determined further , viz. That in the choosing of this day , the Church did exercise as well her wisdome , as her freedome : her freedome being not oblig●d to any day , by the Law of God : her wisdome , Ne majori mutatione Judaeos offenderet ; that by so small an alteration , she might the lesse offend the Jewes , who were then considerable . As for the Lutheran Divines : it is affirmed by Dr. Bound , That for the most part they ascribe too much unto the liberty of the Church , in appointing daies for the assembly of the people : which is plain confession . But for particulars ; Brentius , as Dr. Prideaux tels us , cals it Civilem institutionem , a civil institutionem , and no Commandement of the Gospel : which is no more indeed then what is elsewhere said by Calvin , when he accounts no otherwise thereof , then ut remedium retinendo ordini necessarium , as a fit way to retain order in the Church . And sure I am , Chemnitius tels us , that the Apostles did not impose the keeping of this day as necessary upon the consciences of Gods people , by any Law or Precept whatsoever : sed libera fuit observatio ordinis gratia ; but that for orders sake , it had been voluntarily used amongst them , of their own accord . ( 8 ) Thus have we proved by the Doctrine of the Protestants , of what side soeever , and those of greatest credit in their several Churches , eighteen by name , and all the Lutherans in general , of the same opinion ; That the Lords day is of no other institution then the Authority of the Church : which proved the last of the three Theses . That still the Church hath power to change the day , and to transfer it to some other : will follow of it self , on the former grounds : the Protestant Doctors before remembred , in saying that the Church did institute the Lords day , as we see they do ; confessing tacitely , that still the Church hath power to change it . Nor do they tacitely confesse it , as if they were affraid to speak it out : but some of them in plain terms affirm it , as a certain truth . Zuinglius , the first reformer of the Switzers , hath resolved it so , in his discourse against one Valentine Gentilis , a new Arrian Heretick ( Tom. 1. p. 254. a. ) Audi mi Valentine , quibus modis & rationibus , Sabbatum Ceremoniale reddatur . Hearken now Valentine , by what waies and means the Sabbath may be made a Ceremony : if either we observe that day which the Jewes once did , or think the Lords day so affixed to any time , ut nefas sit illum in aliud tempus transferre : that we conceive it an impiety , it should be changed unto another ; on which , as well as upon that , we may not rest from labour , and hearken to the word of God : if perhaps such necessity should be , this would indeed make it become a Ceremony . Nothing can be more plain then this : yet Calvin is as plain ; when he professeth , That he regarded not so much the number of seven , ut ejus servituti Ecclesias astringeret , as to enthral the Church unto it . Sure I am , Doctor Prideaux ( in Orat. de Sab. ) reckoneth him , as one of them , who teach us , that the Church hath power to change the day , and to transfer it to some other . And that John Barclaie makes report , how once he had a consultation , de transferenda Dominica in Feriam quintam , of altering the Lords day unto the Thursday . Bucer affirmes as much , as touching the Authority : And so doth Bullinger , and Brentius , Vrsine and Chemnitius , as Doctor Prideaux hath observed . Of Bullinger , Bucer , Brentius , I have nought to say , because the places are not cited ; but take it , as I think I may , upon his credit . But for Chemnitius , he saith often , that it is libera observatio , a voluntary observation ; that it is an especial part of our Christian liberty , not to be tyed to daies and times , in matters which concern Gods service ; and that the Apostles made it manifest by their example , Singulis diebus , vel quocunque die : That every day , or any day , may by the Church be set apart for Religious Exercises . And as for Vrsine , he makes this difference between the Lords day and the Sabbath ( Catech . qu. 103. 2. ) That it was utterly unlawful to the Jewes , either to neglect or change the Sabbath , without expresse commandment from God himself , as being a ceremonial part of divine worship : but for the Christian Church , that may design the first , or second , or any other day to Gods publick service ; so that our Christian liberty be not thereby infringed , or any opinion of necessity or holinesse affixt unto them . Ecolesia vero Christiana primum , vel alium diem , tribuit Ministerio , salva sua libertate sine opinione cultus vel necessitatis ; as his words there are . To these adde Dietericus , a Lutheran Divine , who , though he makes the keeping of one day in seven , to be the Moral part of the fourth Commandment ; yet for that day , it may be Dies Sabbati , or Dies Solis , or Quicunque alius , Sunday , or Saturday , or any other , be it one in seven . ( Som. 17. post Trinit . ) And so Hospinian is perswaded : Dominicum diem mutare , & in alium transferre licet , &c. That if the occasions of the Church do so require , the Lords day may be changed unto any other : provided it be one of seven ; and that the change be so transacted , that it produce no scandal or confusion in the Church of God. Nay , by the Doctrine of the Helvetian Churches , every particular Church may destinate what day they please to Religious Meetings , to publick prayers , Preaching the Word , and Ministring the Sacraments . For so they gave it up in their confession ( cap. 2. ) Deligit ergo quaevis Ecclesia sibi certum tempus ad preces publicas , & Evangelii praedicationem , nec non Sacramentorum celebrationem . And howsoever for their own parts , they kept that day , which had been set apart for those holy uses , even from the time of the Apostles ; yet , that they conceived it free , to keep the Lords day , or the Sabbath ; Sed & Dominicum , non Sabbatum , libera observatione celebramus . Some Sectaries since the Reformation , have gone further yet , and would have had all daies alike , as unto their use , all equally to be regarded : And reckoned that the Lords day , as the Church continued it , was a Jewish Ordinance ; thwarting the Doctrine of S. Paul , who seemed to them to abrogate the difference of daies , which the Church retained . This was the fancie or the frenzie rather of the Anabaptist , taking the hint perhaps from something which had formerly been delivered by some wiser men ; and after them , of the Swinckfieldian , and the Familist : as in the times before , of the Petro-Brusians , and ( if Waldensis wrong him not ) of Wicklef also . By this it will appear , that the Doctor had no reason to forge and falsifie Pareus , as the Pamphleter saith he did , when the whole current of Protestant and reformed Divines do affirm that point for which Paraeus is produced . A greater vindication needs not in a case so clear ; and sooner had this vindication been made , if this foul charge had sooner come unto his ears . The Pamphleter findes fault with the Observator , in that he did not , viva vo●e , by conference , or by letters , hint those mistakes to him which were found in his History , as fit considerations for a second impression . Fol. 44. The Dr. findes the same fault in him , by whom he stands accused of forging and falsifying a Record , and thinks it would have represented him to be a man of more Christian , yea moral principles , to have given him a private admonition touching that mistake ( if it prove such upon the search of all Editions , then lay so soul a charge upon him in so great a controversie . By this it also will appear , 1. That in the judgement of the Protestant Divines , the sanctifying one day in seven , is not the moral part of the 4. Commandement . 2. That the Lords day hath no other ground on which to stand , then the Authority of the Church . And 3. That the Church hath power to change the day and to transfer it to some other . Crack me these nuts my most learned sir , and when you have broke your teeth about them , as I doubt you will , throw me your never-yet-answered piece of 640. and if the Doctors eyes and leisure will not serve to do it , 't is ten to one but I will finde some friend or other that shall kick you an Answer . CHAP. V. Our Authors opinion touching the Divine right of Episcopacy ; and his intention doubted in it . Bishops and Presbyters not alwayes of equivalent import in Holy Scripture . Proofs that the word Bishop in the first of Tim. c. 3. is taken properly and restrictively , drawn , 1. From the word there used in the singular number . 2. From his fitness for Government . 3. From the Hospitality required in him ; And 4. From his being no Novice , but of longer standing in the Church . Presbyters there included , under the name Diaconi , more properly in that place to be rendred Ministers . The like acceptions of the word in other places . Proofs that the Author speakes his own opinion under that of others ; 1. From the word Asserted , which is here explained . 2. From some passages in the published and unpublished sheets . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not rendred Senior ( as the Pamphleter would fain have it ) in all learned Authors . The word Presbyter fitter to be used then Elder in our English Translations . Mr. Selden no good friend to Bishops , and the reason why . The reason why King Charles his Testimony in behalf of Episcopacy was not produced by the Observator . The Pamphleters rage , for being said to make Episcopacy but a thing of indifferency ; That so he must be understood proved from the History it self , and the weak arguments brought by the Pamphleter to the contrary ; An Answer to those Arguments . HAving thus vindicated the Declarations of the two Kings about lawfull Sports , satisfied the objections of the Pamphleter , and cleared the Dr. from the forgings and falsifyings , so maliciously imputed to him ; and therewithall layed down the true state of the Controversie , touching the Lords day , out of the writings of the most learned men of the Protestant and reformed Churches : it is high time we should proceed to the rest that follows , and free the Bishops and their Actions , from those odious Calumnies , which are charged upon them . Our Author fol. 36. and 37. hath not unhandsomely stated the whole point of Episcopacy , ascribing a Divine Right to it , and thinks it as demonstrable out of Scriptures , as any thing whatsoever not fundamentall . That there was a Prelacy or Superiority , of some one over other Presbyters , within some certain Walks and Precincts ; that this Superiority was appointed by the very Apostles , to be exemplary , and to give law to succeeding times . Concerning which and many other good expressions , which follow after , I may justly say , as Bellarmine did of Calvin in another Case ; viz. Vtinam sic semper errasset , would he had never erred otherwise , then he doth in this . Only I could have wished , that for the better clearing of his own intentions , and satisfaction unto others , he had exprest himself more fully as to this particular , viz. whether the Superiority of such persons over such Presbyters in the Church Apostolique , was fixed in them during life ; or that passed from one to another in their severall turns like the M●deratorship , in the generall Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland , or the Chair-man , in the Conferences , and debates of Councell in the rest of the Calvinian Churches . For if he mean in this last sense , as I hope he doth not , Episcopacy is no more beholding to him , then it was to Beza ; who notwithstanding he maintained a party of Ministers without any fixed Superiority which one may claim above another , yet he allows a moveable Presidency to be not unusuall , nor unfrequent in the very times of the Apostles . And yet that some such secret meaning may be gathered from him by such as have a minde to interpret all things to their own advantage , will be made not improbable by his standing to this Proposition , That there is no place in Holy Text , wherein Presbyters import not Bishops , and Bishops Presbyters . Considering therefore that he still stands to his former Principle , that Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture phrase are of equivalent import , and denote the self same persons without the least distinction , and requireth it of the Observator , or of any man else 36. to tell him where such persons in Holy Text , are distinguished so really , that a Bishop doth not import a Presbyter , and a Presbyter doth not import a Bishop . I think my self as much concerned as the Observator , to make answer to it . First , then say I , that though those words may be sometimes , though but rarely used promiscuously , the word Presbyter denoting a Bishop , and the word Bishop importing nothing but a Presbyter , yet that more frequently and in other places they are used in a more limited and distinct sense , as in times succeeding . And 2. I say that the word Episcopus , 1 Timothy 3. 2. and the description of a Bishop which is therein made , is meant of a Bishop truly , and properly so called , according as the word was used and appropriated by the Antient writers , and not appliable to the Presbyters or inferior Ministers . For proof whereof , I shall offer some few considerations , out of the Text it self , leaving them to the judgement of the sober and intelligent Reader . And first , St. Paul speaks of a Bishop in the singular number , but of inferiour Ministers in the Plurall . One Church , or City , though it had many Presbyters , had one Bishop only . And therefore we may reasonably conceive , that the Apostle speaking of a Bishop in the singular number , speaks of him in his proper and true capacity , as one distinguished from , and above the Presbyters . 2. The Apostle seemeth to require in him an Act of Government , as being a man , that is to take care of the Church of God : and thereupon gives order for an Inquisition to be had upon him , whether he hath ruled his house well , &c. A charge of too transcendent , and sublime a nature , to be entrusted unto every common Presbyter , or discharged by him , who as our Hooker well observeth , though he be somewhat better able to speak , is as little able to judge as another man. And if not fit to judge , no fit man to govern . 3. St. Paul requireth in a Bishop , that he be given to Hospitality , i. e. that he receive the Stranger , entertain the Native , and in a word , admit all Comers . Hierom doth so expound it , saying , that if a Lay-man entertain but two or three , Hospitalitatis officium implebit , he hath exceeding well complyed with all the Rules of Hospitality ; Episcopus nist omnes receperit , inhumanus est , but that the B●shop is accounted a Churle or Niggard , if his House be not open unto all . Which howsoever it might possibly agree in those antient times to the Condition of a Bishop , who had the keeping and disposing of the Churches Treasures ; yet I can see no possibility , how it could be expected from the Presbyters , that out of his poor pittance from the sportula , he should be able to perform it . For I believe not that the Lord intended to work miracles daily , as in the lengthning and increasing the poor womans oyle . Fourthly and lastly , it is required by St Paul , that his Bishop must not be neophytus , a novice , as our English reads it , and exceeding rightly ; that is , as Chrysostom , and out of him Theophylact expound the word : one newly Catechized as it were , lately instructed in the Faith. Now who knoweth not , but that in the beginnings of the Church , some of these new plants , these Neophyti , must of necessity be taken into holy orders , for the increase and propagation of the Gospel ? The Presbyters were many , but the Bishops few . And therefore howsoever there must be found sufficient Standards , upon the which to graffe a Bishop ; yet I can hardly finde a possibility of furnishing the Garden of the Church , with a fit number of Presbyters , unless we take them from the Nurserie . It then it be demanded , whether St. Paul hath utterly omitted to speak of Presbyters , I answer no ; but that we have them in the next Paragraphe , Diacones similiter ; which why it should not comprehend the Presbyters , and all inferior Ministers under the degree of Bishops ; I can see no reason , there being no qualification requisite in or to the Presbyter , which is not found in the Apostles Character of these Diaconi . And though the word in our last translation , be rendred Deacons : yet in our old translation , and in that of Coverdale , we read it Ministers , according to the generall and native meaning of the same . An exposition neither new , nor forced . Not new , for Calvin doth acknowledge alios ad Presbyteros referre Episcopo inferiores , that some referred those words to Presbyters , subordinate or inferiour to the Bishop . Not forced , for if we search the Scriptures , we shall there perceive , that generally Diaconus is rendred Ministers , and that not only in the Gospel , before that Deacons had been instituted in the Church of God ; but also in St. Pauls Epistles , after the planting of the Church , when all the Officers therein had their bounds and limits . Thus Tychicus is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a faithful Minister , Eph. 6. 26. and Col. 4. 7. and so is Epaphras entituled , Col. 1. 7 , &c. And hereunto I shall further add , that I can see no convincing reason why the Episcopi , and Deacons , or the Bishops and Deacons mentioned in the first words of St. Pauls Epistle to the Philippians , may not be understood of the Bishops ( properly so called ) of Philippi and the bordering Cities , and of the Presbyters or inferiour Ministers under their authority . Not to say any thing of the Subscription of the Epistle to Titus , and the 2. to Timothy ; in which the word Bishop is taken in this proper and limited sense , because ( whatsoever opinion I have of them ) the Pamphleter perhaps may not think them to be authentick . Next that the word Presbyter is used sometimes in the same strict , and limited sense , as it denotes a person inferiour to the Bishop , and subject unto his authority aud jurisdiction , appeareth plainly , by that Text in the first of Timothy , c. 5. v. 19 , 20. where it is said , Adversus Presbyterum accusationem noli recipere , &c. Against a Presbyter , and Elder ( as our English reads it ) receive not an accusation , but before two or three witnesses . But if they be convicted , them that sin rebuke before all , that others also may fear . In the declaring of which power , I take for granted , that the Apostle here by Elder doth mean a Presbyter , according to the Ecclesiastical notion of that word , though I know that Chrysostom , and a●ter him Theopbylact and Oecumenius , do take it only ●or a man well grown in years . And then the meaning of St. Paul will be briefly this , that partly in regard of the Devils malice , apt to calumniate men of that holy ●unction ; and partly to avoid the scandal which may thence arise ; Timothy , and in him all other Bishops should be very cautious in their proceedings against men of that Profession . But if they finde them guilty on examination , then not to smother or conceal the matter , but censure and rebuke them openly , that others may take heed of the like offences . The Commentaries under the name of Ambrose , do expound it so , Quoniam non facile credi debet & Presbytero crimen , &c. because a crime or accusation is not to be credited against a Presbyter ; yet if the same prove manifest and undeniable , St. Paul commandeth that in regard of his irregular conversation , he be rebuked and censured publiquely , that others may be thereby terrified . And , saith he , non solum ordinatis sed & plebi proficit , will not be only profitable unto men in Orders , but to Lay people al●o . Herewith agreeth , as to the making of these Elders to be men in Orders , the Comment upon that Epistle a●cribed to Jerome . Presbyters then are subject unto censure ; but to whose censure are they subject ? not unto one another surely , that would breed con●usion , but to the censure of their Bishop . See to the same purpose also Epiphanius adversus Haeres . 75. n. 5. and Theophylact upon the place ; not to say any thing of Lyra and some others of a later standing . And in this limited sense , I understand those Presbyters ordained by St. Paul in many of the Churches of his Plantations , whom we finde mentioned in the Acts ; some of which he afterwards made Bishops , and over other placed such Bishops as he thought most fit . Thus having satisfied our Author , in telling him where Presbyters import not Bishops , and Bishops Presbyters ; we next proceed to answer those objections which are made against the Observator . And first , it is objected , that our Author doth not at all deliver his own opinion in this particular , but what many did then assert , fol. 35. To which I answer , First , that our Author puts the opinion down so savourly , and with such advantages , as any man would easily take it for his own , or at the least , that he himself was also of the same opinion . This not improbably to be gathered from the word assered , which plainly intimates that those many whom he speaks of did not only affirm or say , that Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture phrase were of equivalent import , &c. but had proved it too . For thus be understands the word in another place , where speaking of the Bishop of Lincolne , he telleth us that he published a Book , asserting positively , that the holy Table was to stand in Gremio or Nave of the Quire , fol. 137. By which if he means only a bare affirming of the thing , it then signifies nothing , and concludes as little to his purpose . For the word Assero ( if he be critick enough to understand the true meaning of it ) not only signifieth simply to affirm , or say , but to confirm that affirmation , and make good that saying . Once for all take this out of Ovid in his Metamor . lib. 1. At tu , si modo sum coelesti stirpe creatus , Ede notam tanti generis , meque assere Coele . That is to say , But if I be descended from above , By some known signe , make good my birth from Jove . 2. Though he tells us that if the Observator had not been an ill looking fellow , he might with half an eye have discerned , that he doth not at all deliver his own opinion in this particular ; But I have a bird in a corner which singeth the contrary . For fol. 137. of the printed but unpublished papers , it is said expresly that the truth contended for , touching the right on which the Hierarchy was founded was ( as his late Majesty hath ( no man better ) sufficiently demonstrated ) to be awarded to the Prelates ; which speaks more plainly for Episcopacy , then the reservedness of your last expressions , which in your Pamphlet you have given us for your full sense in this Controversie , enough ( you say ) to satisfie Spirits of the most modest and sober temper . Fol. 37. But in the Book as it comes published to our hands , these words are totally left out , which shews as plainly , that you have either altered your opinion ( if you ever were of that opinion ) or else for fear of offending the weak Brethren , dare not own it now . What meaneth else , this bleating of the Sheep in mine ears , and the lowing of the Oxe which I hear ? as you know who said ; that is to say , your placing Episcopacy amongst those things of indifferency , for the establishing whereof , to exact an Oath , was ( as you say Hist . fol. 185. ) an aff●ont to the very fundamentals of Government ; your positive declration , that the truth contended for , between the Bishops and those of the Puritans party , lay then so deep as few had perspicacity enough to discern ti . f. 185. adding in your unpublished sheets , that in the generality of votes , the Bishops were much worsted in that Contest ; which layes a greater prejudice upon them , then you found them in ; your quarrels with the Observator , for disproving the Identity or sameness of Name , of Ordination , of Office , &c. which is affirmed to be in Presbyters and Bishops without any distinction , telling him that his Arguments are nothing ad rem , and clear besides the cushion , fol. 36. which layed together , make up a clearer and fuller evidence , that you are but half Episcopall , and the worst half too , then all the fine flourishes you have given us in the present Pamphlet can perswade to the contrary . Your next quarrel with the Observator , is a meer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a strife and quarrell about words , because forsooth he doth not like that the word Presbyter , when it signifieth one in Holy Orders , should be rendred Elder . To which the Pamphleter objects , that all Latine Expositors , and Greek Lexicons , translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Senior , fol. 25. What all Expositors , all without exception ? so I hear you say , and so you must be thought to mean too , in case you have not here ( as elsewhere ) your most secret intentions . What think you of the Author of the vulgar Latine , a man as learned I believe , as any of those whom you have consulted in the point ? Yet he translateth not the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( when it is used to signifie a man in Orders ) by that of Senior , but by that of Presbyter ; as , Et cum constituissent illis per singulas ecclesias Presbyteros , &c. Act. 14. 23. qui be●e praesunt Presbyteri , &c. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Adversus Presbyterum accusationem noli admittere , 5. 19. as on the other side , when the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used to signifie a man in years , and not in orders , he rendreth it by Senior , and not by Presbyter-Seniorem increpaveris , sed obsecra ut patrem , 1 Tim. 5. 1. and this is that which the Observator faulted in our English Translators , viz. that they did not keep the word Presbyter , as the Latines did , which in short time would have been as familiar to an English ear ( in the Ecclesiasticall notion of it ) as those of Bishop or of Deacon , being both of them Greek of the same Originall , whereas the word Elder being of ambiguous sense , hath given occasion to the factiousness of the troublers of Israel , to grub up by the roots those goodly Cdars of the Church the Bishops , and plant their stinking Elders in the place thereof . But you go on and say , that you believe it will puzzle the Observator , to finde any one who ever interpreted Senior by Priest , fol. 35. But Gentle Sir , the Observator never told you that it was so rendred ; so that you need not trouble him to prove what he never said , or charge him with any vast difference in this particular from Dr. Heylyn , unless you can finde in him , that the antients did not call the Minister of the Sacrament of the Altar , sometimes Presbyter , Elder , and sometimes Sacerdos , Priest , as I think you cannot . If you come off no better in your other criticismes , then you do in this , your best way were to keep your self to plain Grammar learning , & leave my Lady Philology to more learned Mercurists to whom contracted by Martianus Capella , before you made love to her . You quarrel next with the Observator , first , for bringing in Mr. Selden amongst his Lay Champions for Episcopacy , who ( as the Pamphleter saith ) seems clear of another minde , in his Book De Synedriis , where he extols Salmasius , and Wal● Massalinus ( both enemies to the Episcopal order ) a note above Ela for their pains in this Argument , &c fol. 37. But had the Observator been observed here , as he should have been , he might have found that the learned Mr. Selden is not brought in by him , as a Champion ●or Bishops , but as not totally against them . And this he proves by the Retortion made to Mr. Grimstons double argument in the House of Commons . The Observator knew as well as the Pamphleter , that Mr. Selden was no friend to Bishops , as constituted and established in the Church of England ; and he knew too , which perhaps the Pamphleter doth not , what moved him to appear against them , when by the Complexion of affairs , he might safely do it . For being called before the High Commission , and forced to make a publique acknowledgement of his error and offence given unto the Church , in publishing a Book entituled The Historie of Tithes , it sunk so deep into his stomack , that he did never after affect the men , or cordially approve the calling , though many wayes were tryed to gain him to the Churches interest . The Pamphleters quarrels against Church-men ( perhaps as good a man as himself , or , I am sure , as true ) I shall defer unto a time and place more proper ; keeping my self here to those he hath with the Observator . And the next quarrel is , that he findes not King Charles amongst his Assertors for Episcopacy . Of whose performance in that Argument he makes indeed a very fair and ingenuous declaration , fol. 38. though all that he hath said can add nothing to him . But Sir , if you will look but with half an eye on the Observations , you will finde there , that in the naming of his Lay Champions as you call them , he made choice of such only , as were not likely to be suspected of partiality , men no wayes interessed ( but onely by their good affections ) in the Churches quarrels . According to which choice , he could not make use of that Royall pen , which gave the deaths wound to Henderson in the town of New-castle , and foyled the Presbyterians in the Isle of Wight . It was the interess of King Charles to maintain Episcopacy , as one of the chief Supporters of the Regall Throne . No Bishop , no King , the known old maxime of King James , in the sad events thereof , hath been found Propheticall . And therefore if the Observator had produced his testimony , the Pamphleter might have objected ( as perhaps he would ) that the Kings judgement was corrupted by Partiality , and swayed with interess , which rendred him no fit witness in the present Tryall . And to say truth , if all be Oracle which com●s from the deserts of Cyrene , there is good reason for saving all advantages of exception , against the Testimony of that King , had it been produced . The Pamphleter telling us , that he did not only employ the Pen , but took up the Bucklers in good earnest to defend Episcopacy , fol. 38. But Sir , who told you in good earnest , that his Majesty either drew the sword , or took up the Bucklers in that quarrell , or on that occasion ? His Majesty in all his messages , and declarations , professed solemnly , that he was forced to take up Armes to preserve himself : His Forts , Castles , Royall Navy , and the Militia of the Kingdome , being taken from him . His Negative voice denyed , his Magazine at Hull employed against him , his faithfull Servants threatned under the name of evill Counsellors , and nothing left unto him but the name of a King. Episcopacy not so much as touched on for a ground of that quarrel ; nor was there reason why it should . The King by former Acts had yielded up their place and vote in the House of Peers , and abrogated the Coercive power of their Jurisdiction : that which remained being then thought so inconsiderable , that in the 19. Propositions , containing the whole demand of both Houses , the Abolition of Episcopacy was not touched upon . So that there is not any thing more fals , then that the King took up the Bucklers to defend Episcopacy . But I know well enough what the Author aims at . The wars designed by this King against the Scots , is by our Pamphleter in his Historie , called the Bishops wars , and he hath layed some grounds here , to have the long wars raised in England , called by that name also , the Bishops war , no doubt of that , if he should fortune to go on with the rest of the story . Of which the Reader may take notice , and our Author too . His last quarrel with the Observator , with reference to the point of Episcopacy , is that he makes our Author take it for granted , that the Government of the Church by Bishops is a thing of indifferency , and thereupon was much agrieved that the Clergy should binde themselves by Oath not to consent to any alteration of it . On this occasion the Pamphleter flies out against them with no less violence and fury , then Tully against Cataline in the open Senate , crying in these great words , Quousque abuteris patientia nostra , how doth this Observator provoke us ? Assuredly the Gentleman is extreamly moved ; his patience much off the hinges , & Patientia laesa fit furor , as the saying is . One cannot tell what hurt or mischief he may do us now he is in this rage and fury , and therefore Peace for the Lords sake , Harry , lest he take us , And drag us back , as Hercules did Cacus . T is best to slip a side a while and say nothing , till his heat be over , and the man in some temper to be dealt with ; and then we will not fear to tell him , that his own words shall be the only evidence we will use against him . The introduction which he makes to his discourse against the Oath required by the new Canons instruct us , That many asserted in good earnest , that Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture phrase were of equivalent import , and denoted the self same persons , without the least distinction , &c. That thereupon , the Prelates seeing their deer Palladium so deeply concerned , and heaved at , did first cause the Press to swarm with Books , setting forth the right upon which Episcopacy was founded ; and finding how little this advantaged them , they took measure from their professed Adversaries the Generall Assembly of Scotland , and by their example framed the Oath as an Anti-Covenant . This is the substance of the Preamble to those objections , but that I would not stir the mans patience too much , I had called them Cavils , which our Author makes against that Oath , that some things were expresly to be sworn to which were never thought to have any shew or colour of sacred right , but were conceived Arbitrary , and at the disposition of the State ; and to exact an Oath of dissent from Civill establishments , in such things of indifferency , was an affront to the very fundamentals of Government . Now the Oath being made for maintenance of the Doctrine and Discipline , or Government , established in the Church of England , the Doctrine being confessed on all sides to be signanter , and expresly pointed at , and the discourse driving at the Government of the Church by Bishops ; who can conceive but that his Argument or Objection must tend that way also , and that Episcopacy must be reckoned in the number of those things of indifferency for which there was no reason to require the Oath ? And though the Pamphleter would fain have it that Episcopacy is not in those things of indifferency , but excluded rather , yet this will do him as small service , as the Press when it was said to have swarmed with Books , had done the Bishops . For first he doth not say that Episcopacy was not pointed at , at all , in those things of indifferency , but not signanter and expresly ; our Author keeping a reserve , or secret intention to himself , upon al occasions . Nor doth it help him , secondly , to say , that the things there spoken of are such , as never had any shew or colour of sacred right , whereas Episcopacy in the very account of its adversaries , hath some colour and shew of it , fol. 39. Where first , he pleadeth but very coldly for Episcopacy in giving it only some shew and colour which all Heresies , Enthusiasticks , and Fanaticall fancies , all that have set up any other Government , Papall , Anarchicall , Presbyterian , do pretend unto . And secondly , it is not true , hath any such colour or shew in the account of its adversaries . Episcopacy , as it stood in the Primitive times , being by Beza called Humanus , and Diabolicus , as it stood in these latter ages . An Humane invention in the first , a Diabolicall institution in the last times of the Church ; and therefore questionless without any shew or colour of sacred right . Nor doth he help himself much by the little Army raised out of the Northampton and Kentish forces under the command of the Lord Digby ; which is so far from putting the matter out of all dispute in the sense he meaneth , that it rather doth conclude against him . For if the Northampton-shire and Kent Exceptions limit themselves to Arch-bishops , Arch-deacons , &c. our Author certainly is to blame in these two respects : First , that he did not limit his things of indifferency as they did before him ; And secondly , that speakin such generall termes as he should think to help himself in the Postfact by their limitations . T is true , the History rendreth the Lord Digby as friend to Episcopacy , when the London Petition came to be considered of in the House of Commons , before which time he had begun to look toward the Court , but telleth us not that he was so in the very first openings of the Parliament , when the Oath required in the Canon was in most agitation . And this I hope is fair for a Senior Sophister ( as you please to call the Obfervator ) who could have pressed these answers further , but that the Gentlemans patience must not be abused , nor himself provoked . We must take care of that , though of nothing else . And so much for ou● Authors flutterings in the point of Episcopacy ; we will next see , whether the persons be as pretious with him , as the calling is . CHAP. VI. The light excuse made by the Pamphleter for our Author in pretermitting Bishop Bancroft : not bettered much in shewing the differences , between the Doctrine of St. Augustine and Calvin . Our Authors learned ignorance in the word Quorum . The Observator cleared from foisting any thing into the Text of the History ; with our Authors blunderings in that point . The disagreement between the Comment and the Text in the unfortunate accident of Archbishop Abbot . Foisting returned upon the Author , no injury done to Bishop Andrewes by the Observator . Of Doctor Sibthorps Sermon , and whether the Archbishop were sequestred from his Jurisdiction for refusing to license it . The Pamphleters nice distinction between most and many , in the repairing of St. Pauls , and that these many did keep off in reference to the work it self . The war against the Scots not to be called the Bishops war ; not undertaken by the King in defence of their Hierarchy , nor occasioned by Archbishop Laud. The Scots Rebellion grounded upon some words of the King touching Abby-Lands in the beginning of his reign ; hammered and formed , and almost ready to break out before the Liturgy was sent to them . The Archbishop neither the principal nor sole Agent in revising that Liturgie . Good counsels not to be measured by successe . On what grounds the Liturgie was first designed to be sent to the Scots . Disusing implies not an abrogation . Abeiance what it is in the common Law. The Communicants by what authority required to come unto the Ray●e to receive the Sacrament . The 82. Canon explained and regulated by the Kings Declaration , anno 1633. The Pamphleters Ipse dixit no sufficient ground for his London measure . Our Author satisfied in placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , and adoration toward the East ; the liberty granted by the Church in the last particular . The Bishops charged with the undiscreet practise of some private persons . The Gloria patri an Epitome of the Apostles Creed . Why kneeling is required at the saying of Gloria in excelsis . The Pamphleters &c. Our Author miserably out in the meaning of the Statute 1. Eliz. c. 2. That Statute opened and expounded , in the case alledged . The Pamphleter in danger of the Statute by out-running Authority . His excellent proof that standing at the Gloria patri had been obtruded by the Bishops anno 1628. because inquired into in Bishop Wrens visitation anno 1636. The Pamphleter confuted by our Author , and our Authors Panegyrick by himself . The Clergie freed from Doctrinal Popery by our Author himself . The scandal since given unto the Church by Bishop Goodman . FRom Episcopacy passe we to the Bishops , where the first thing we meet with is the rectifying of a mistake about Archbishop Whitgift , whom our Author had made the predecessor penultime , or next predecessor but one to Archbishop Laud. This he confesseth for an error , but puts it off , not as a want of diligence ( he will by no means yeeld to that ) but a lapse of memory , Fol. 35. A priviledge which if all other writers of History should pretend unto as frequently as our Author doth , we should finde little truth among them , and not much assurance of any thing upon which to rest : This not being the first time in which our Author hath been forced to use this remedy , as in these words ( as is beforesaid ) is here acknowledged . We had the same excuse before in the mistake about Marriage of the one King , and Funeral of the other , as also in that Hysteron proteron in placing the Synod of Dort before that of Ireland ; so that by this time this defence must needs be worn as threed bare as the Observators coat , Fol. 37. Of Dr. Abbot , the immediate predecessor to Archbishop Laud , the Historian telleth us , that he was stifly disciplined in the Doctrine of St Augustine , which they who understand it not call Calvinism . Charged for this by the Observator , and some points produced in which Calvinism and the Doctrine of St. Augustine , do extremely differ ; he answereth that he makes them not to be all one in all concernments , but only in opposition to the Massilian and Arminian Tenets , Fol. 23. And this I look on as another of our Authors priviledges , who when he hath given us any things in general termes , thinks all is well if he can make it hold good in a few particulars . Whereas if he had limited his proposition to those points alone , and told us that he was stifly principled in that part of St. Augustines Doctrine , which was in opposition to the tenets before remembred , there had been no occasion given to the Observator to except against him . But the best is , that seeming to make a question of that which is out of Question , viz. Whether St. Augustine and Calvin differ in the point of Episcopacy , he telleth us , that they differ in the point of the Sabbath or Lords day , which is more then the Observator had observed , and for which we thank him . In the story of the Sequestration of Archbishop Abbot , there are four mistakes noted by the Observator , 1. That in the Commission granted to the 5 Bishops Bishop Laud is said to be of the Quorum . 2. That the declared impulsive cause of it was a supposed irregularity . 3. That this supposed irregularity was incurred upon the casual killing of the keeper of his ( the Archbishops ) game . And 4. That the irregularity is said to be but supposed only , and no more then so . To this the Pamphleter first answereth in his usual way , that he should keep his own supposititio●s foistings at home , and that by the same art of jugling his own words into the Text , he that made them four , might have made them four hundred , Fol. 10. Why so ? because ( saith he ) I never said that Bishop Laud was of the Quorum more then any other , but only that he was of the Quorum , meaning thereby that he was one of the five . Auditum admisse risum teneatis amici ? Can any man hear this fine stuffe and abstain from laughter ? Such a ridiculous piece of intelligent non-sense , as might make Heraclitus grin , and put Democritus into tears , producing contrary operations on their several humours . I thought before I read this passage , our Gent. had been one of the right Worshipful of the Bench , in comission for the Peace at least , if not one of the Quorum but I see now that he is not so well skilled at it , as a Justices Clerk. Did the man ever hear of any Commission in which five or more persons were nominated , of which one or two are named to be of the Quorum , and by that word understand , with such an abundant want of understanding , that nothing more was meant in it , but that the said one or two , were to be of the number ? Confident I am ( and I think may confidently say it ) that we have not had such a learned piece of ignorance , since Jack Maior of Brackley being by his place a Justice of the Peace , and one of the Quorum by the publick charter of that Town , threatned to binde a poor countrey fellow ( who had carried himself somewhat sawcily to him ) not only to the Peace , but to the Quorum too . Passe we on to the next that followes . And there , or no where , we shall finde one of those many supposititious Foistings which are charged upon the Observator . The Historian having said that the Archbishop was sequestred from his Function , and a Commission granted by the King to five Bishops ( Bishop Laud being of the Quorum ) to execute Episcopal jurisdiction within his Province ; addes presently in the very next words , that the declared impulsive to it , was a supposed irregularity in him by reason of a Homicide committed by him per infortunium &c. Can any intelligent Reader understand otherwise by these wo●ds , but that the impulsive to this Sequest●ation , whatsoever it was , was declared , or supposed to be declared in that Commission ? For who but the King , that granted the Commission , should declare the impulsive causes to it ? or wh●r● else should they be declared but in that Commission ? Yes , saith the Pamphleter , the King granted the Commission , and common Fame , our Author , or I know not who , declared the Impulsives to it . What pity 't is our Author had not served seven years to the Clerk of the Crown , before he undertook the History of a King of England , that so being better versed in all kinde of Commissions he might the better have avoided these ridiculous errors which he falleth into ? And yet this is the only thing , namely , that the irregularity or supposed irregularity of the said Archbishop , was not touched upon in the Commission as the impulsive cause unto it ; for which not one alone , but many ( no man knoweth how many ) supposititious foistings are charged with so much noise and clamour on the Observator . Somewhat more modestly in the third , but with as little thought of rectifying any thing , as in those before . Told by the Observator , that the person whom this Archbishop so unfortunately killed , was not the keeper of his own Game , but a keeper of the Lord Zouches in Bramzill Park ; he acknowledgeth his error in it , Fol. 44. and yet not only keeps it in the Text of his new impression , as before it was ; but stands unto the truth of it in the very same Pamphlet , Fol. 11. and this he stands to on the authority of Aulicus C●quinariae , and Mr. Prynne ; Men elsewhere of no credit with him , though here they be , but both mistaken in this point on uncertain hearsay . Confessed for an error in the Pamphlet , because upon a further inquiry he could do no otherwise ; justified for no error in the very same Pamphlet , because he must not yeeld ( as inconsistent with his credit ) to be out in any thing ; And finally retains still , in the Text of the History , because he loves not to walk single in those paths of error , but must have many followers for the greater State. The fourth thing noted by the Observator , namely , that some pio●s and learned men being nominated and elected Bishops , refused to be consecrated by him , in regard that they conceived that there was more incurred by that misadventure , then a supposed irregularity only , is by the Pamphleter passed over ; in place whereof he foists in another , which he thinks may be more easily answered , that is to say , his vouching Bishop Andrewes for a vin●icator of the Archbishops Regularity , Fol. 11. Might I not here f●ll foul upon the Pamphleter , and pay him home in some of his own Billingsgate language , for falsifying so boldly , I will not say so impudently ( as you know who did ) the plain and manifest words of the Observator ; who is so far from vouching this amongst the rest of his errors , that he affirmes it to be true , that the learned Bishop Andrewes ( as our Author telleth us ) did do the Archbishop very great service in this businesse . Here is no fair dealing in this to begin withall , and far more sophistry then ingenuity in the rest that followes . For though the whole scope of that Commission , was to inquire into the matter of Fact , and to resolve whether the Archbishop ( notwithstanding that mischance ) was regular or not regular , as the Pamphleter tels us , fol. 11. Yet Bishop Andrewes in the executing of that Commission , might proceed with favour , and was not bound to presse the point to the utmost extremity , when he saw what further inconveniencies might ensue upon it . That learned Bishop might do this , and did really do it , without drawing blame upon himself , or being belied in it by the Observator , as in the ordinary eloquence of the Pamphleter he is said to be . But stay a while , we have another impulsive found out for this irregularity , and found out chiefly ( as it seems ) because the Observator so dislikes the other , fol. 46. And yet I trow the Observator never manifested any such dislike , as to the cause impulsive of his ( the Archbishops ) irregularity ; no such matter verily , but only shewed that the unfortunate accident which our Author speaks of , was not the declared impulsive cause in the commission for sequestring him from his Jurisdiction , and granting it to the five Bishops which are therein named , as indeed it was not . The impulsive cause it might be , though not there declared ; the Commission only saying in the general , That the said Archbishop could not at that present , in his own person , attend those services , which were otherwise proper for his Cognizance and Jurisdiction ; not rendring any certain impulsive cause , whereby he was conceived uncapable of performing his office . And now what new impulsive will he give us in exchange for the other ? marry he telleth us , that though it was not publickly declared , yet it was by knowing men in those affairs beheld as the reall and genuine cause of this commission ; that the Arch-Bishop had refused to license Dr. Sibthorps Book , Fol. 47. The Book here meant , was a Sermon preached at No●thampton by that Doct●r before the Judges of Assize anno 1627 ▪ and after printed with the name of Apostolical obedience . A Sermon made of such a temper , that if our Author be in the right , and Mr. Prynne be not in the wrong , it hath pleased all parties . Refused to be licensed by Archbishop Abbet , as our Author telleth us , though he doth not tell the reasons of it ; but if it were refused to be licensed by him , it was because it had too much of the Court , as tending partly to the justification of the generall L●an which was then required of the the Subjects . Not suffered to be licensed by Bishop Laud , because it had too little of the Court , till some passages which seemed offensive in it touching the profanation of the Sabbath , and toleration of Popery ( as we are told by Mr. Prynne ) had been first expunged . But whatsoever the Sermon was , the Archbishops refusal to license it ( if it were brought to him to be licensed ) could be no such crime , as to draw after it both his removing from the Court , and sequestring from his Jurisdiction , if other things of greater moment had not then concurred . Passe we unto the next Archbishop , of whom , being then Bishop of London , our Author telleth us , that many had no fancy to the work ( the repairing of St. Pauls Church ) meerly because he was the promoter of it . But the contrary being proved by the Observator , most of the Clergy , Nobility and Gentry , contributing very largely to it , because he promoted it , he only answereth , that many , and most , may be consistent , and that many may be opposite to the major vote , Fol. 21. but proveth not that any of those many , did dislike it in respect of the the Bishop , or that it was not rather disliked by them in regard of the work , which was there proved from a base and scurrilous passage in Bastwicks Letany . And to this last , our very Author himself hath hinted somewhat in his History , Fol. 124. where he affirmes , that some did not forbear to cry , what needs this cost to decore a superstitious Relique ? This the chief cause , why the work went so slowly forward , that at length the distempers of the State spoiled the temper of the mortar , as our Author there . Next look upon him as Archbishop , in which capacity we shall finde him made by our Historian , a principal occasion of the Scottish war ; Reproved by the Observator for calling the war against the Scots , the Bishops war , he now stands to it that it was , and might be so called for these reasons following : First , because not the Covenanters only , but many an English Protestant did so call it also , Fol. 30. Some English Protestants ! I beleeve not so . The English Protestants were otherwise perswaded of it , though the Puritans were not , and 't was the English Puritan , not the English Protestant , who joyned with the Covenanters in Scotland in the main design , and gave it consequently the name of the Bishops War. He asketh us secondly , If it were not a war undertaken at first for defence of their Hierarchy . Which question being equivalent to an affirmation , doth amount to this , that the war was first undertaken in the Bishops quarrel , and in defence of their Order . This is well said indeed , if it were well proved ; but this the Pamphleter doth not prove , I am sure he cannot : the King who best knew the reasons of his taking Armes , and published a large Declaration of the proceedings of the Scots , imputes the causes of the war to their continuing the Assembly at Glascow when by him dissolved , ejecting such of the Clergy , as had refused to subscribe to the Acts thereof , then commanded to do , suspended and repealed Lawes without his Authority , putting the Subjects into Armes , seizing upon his Forts and Castles , and intercepting his Revenues . All which , or any one of which might have moved the King to undertake a war against them , without consulting with our Author how to bring the poor Bishops into that engagement , and make it rather seem their quarrell , then the Kings own interesse , which inforced him to it . But he saith thirdly , That one of that Order ( he means the late Archbishop of Canterbury ) was the main cause of that war , by introducing the Liturgie amongst them , and thereupon he doth conclude , that the war which the Archbishop occasioned , and which was entred into for maintaining that Hierarchy , may , he hopes , without offence , be called the Bishops war. And now we are come to that we looked for , a very pretty tale indeed , and one of the finest he hath told us ; none of the Hundred merry Tales , nor such a tale as made his Lordship wondrous merry , which we had before , but a new Canterbury Tale , and the Esquires tale too . Our Author , a more modederate and sober Gent. then the Pamphleter is , hath told us , that the Kings demand of the Abby Lands in Scotland , in the first year of his reign ( made by the Observator ) was the true cause of the war , and the bug-words spoke by the Scottish Lords on that occasion , first generated a mutuall and immortal distance between them , which being in the unpublished sheets , Fol. 18. is seconded in the Book now extant , where we are told that those discontents ( upon which the war was after grounded ) did break out in Scotland , anno 1633. four years before the Liturgie was commended to them ; that the next year after , these discontents began to contract a little more confidence in his absence , and to attempt his patience by a most malicious plot against his Fame , as preambulatory to another against his person : That the first work and operation in the method of Sedition , being to leaven the masse of the peoples mindes with mischievous impressions , they first whispered and instilled into them close intelligence of some terrible plot against their liberties ; and after sent abroad a venemous libel , in which amongst other things , they suggested formidable fictions of his tendency to the Romish Belief , Fol. 133. And finally , that for the Liturgie ▪ it self , there was a purpose in King James , to settle such an one amongst them , as might hold conformity with that of England ; and that King Charles in pursuance of his Fathers purpose , gave directions to the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Bishop of Ely , and to divers Bishops of that Kingdome , to revise , correct , alter , and change as they pleased , the Liturgie compiled in his Fathers time ; and finally , that the Book so altered , was by the King sent by the Counsel of that Kingdome , with order to proclaim the Reading of it upon next Easter day , Fol. By this we see that sacriledge and rapine was the first ground of these discontents , these discontents brake out into sedition , and that sedition ended in an open war , to which the introducing of the Liturgie could not be a cause , though it might be made use of by those factious and rebellious spirits for a present occasion : and so much is confessed by the Pamphleter himself , in that there was no doubt , but many of them had other then Religious designs , as hoping to obtain that honour and wealth in a troubled State , which they were confident they should never arrive at in a calm , Fol. 31. Adeo veritas ab invitis etiam pectoribus erumpit , said Lactantius truly . By this it also doth appear , that the Arch-bishop had not the sole hand in the Scotish Liturgie , the Book being revised by many , by the Kings directions , and sent by him to the Lords of his Councell in that kingdome , with order and command to see it executed accordingly . But the best is , that the Pamphleter hath not only his tale ready , but his Tales master too , fathering it on the ingenious Author of the Elenchus motuum , in which he findes the Arch-bishop named for the main cause of introducing that Liturgie among the Scots , and that he did it spe quidem laudabili , eventu vero pessimo , with a good intent , but exceeding ill success , fol. 30. I have as great an esteem for the Author of that Book ( whosoever he was ) as any Pamphleter can have of him ; but yet could tell him of some things in which he was as much mistaken as in this particular , but since the Pamphleter hath made that Authors words his own , and seems to approve of the intent , though the success proved not answerable ; I shall only put him in mind of a saying in Ovid , viz. — Careat successibus opto , Quisquis ab eventu facta notanda putat . That is to say , Ill may he prosper in his best intents , That measures Counsels by their sad events . But to satisfie both the Pamphleter , and the ingenuous Author by him alleadged , I shall say somewhat here of the business of the Scotish Liturgie , which is not commonly observed , and tends both to the justification of the King himself , and of those whom he intrusted in it . Know then that when the Scots required aid of Queen Elizabeth ( in the beginning of their Reformation ) to expell the French , they bound themselves by the Subscription of their hands to embrace the form of worship , & other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England . Religionis cultui , & ritibus , cum Anglis communibus , subscripserunt , as Buchannan , their own Historian , and no friend unto the Anglican Church , informs us of them . But being cleared of the French Forces , and able to stand on their own legs , they broke their faith ( t is hard to say they ever kept it ) in this particular , and fell on those extemporary undigested prayers , which their own Fancies had directed , or were thought most agreeable to Knoxes humour . The confusion , inconveniencies , and sad effects whereof being well known to King James , he thought himself concerned ( I will not say obliged ) to bring them back again , to that first subscription ; or to commend such a Liturgie to them , as might hold some conformity with that of the Church of England . To this end having restored the Bishops , and setled the five Articles of Perth , as necessarie introductions to it , he gave order to the Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy then assembled , to compose a Liturgie for that Church , desiring it might be as near the English forms as they could conveniently . Wherin as he did little doubt of their ready obedience , so questionless , it had been finished by the sitting of the next Assembly , if the long and dubious expectation of the match with Spain , and the Kings death not long after had not layed it by . So that King Char. had not only the general subscription of the nation never yet lawfully reversed , but the order of King James registred in the Acts of the General Assembly , to proceed upon ; and he proceeded on it accordingly , as soon as by the Coronation , and the ensuing Parliament he had given contentment to that people . And therefore they who can conclude that the Liturgie first grounded on their own subscription , designed by their own generall Assembly , revised by their own Bishops , and confirmed by their own naturall and native King , was or could be the ground of their taking Armes ( for I must not say the Scots rebelled , though the Irish did ) may by the same Logick conclude as well , that the Doctrine of Luther , was the cause of the Insurrections of the Boors in Germany , or that Tenterden Steeple was the cause of Goodwins sands . We left the late Arch-bishop acquitted ( as we hope ) from being a principal occasion of the Scotch war , we must next free him and the rest of the Bishops from introducing Innovations , Popery , Arminianisme , and I know not what . And first , our Author told us of him , that be tampered to introduce some Ceremonies bordering up on superstition , disused by us , and abused by them , that is to say , by those of Rome . And being told by the Observator , that if they were disused only , they were still in force , as appeared by the case of Knighthood ; the Pamphleter answered thereunto , the word disused doth not at all imply , that those Ceremonies were in force , but rather layed aside by the Reformators , observing how much they were abused by the Church of Rome , and therefore not fit to be retained , fol. 33. A piece of Law like this we had in the former Chapter , where the Pamphleter had broached this Doctrine , that the discontinuance of the execution ( that is to say , of the Declaration of King James about lawfull sports ) was a tacite suppressing and calling of it in . To that we referre the Reader for an Answer to this . I adde now only by the way , and ex abundanti , that many things may be in abejance ( as your Lawyers phrase it ) which are not utterly lost , and irrecoverable , but carry with them a hope or longing expectance , that though for the present they be in no man , yet be in the hope and expectation of him who is next to enjoy them . For as the Civilians say of Haereditas jacens , that goods and lands do Jacere whilst they want a possessor , and yet not simply because they lately had one , and may shortly have another ; so the common Lawyers do say , that things in like estate are in Abejance . Thus Dr. Cowell hath defined that word in his Interpreter . And this I take to be the case of those antient Ceremonies , which were reduced into the Church by the Arch-bish . though a while disused : and this may serve for answer to the last Objection of this Pamphleter in the present point , viz. that things abused may be lawfully restored to the Primitive use ; but then it must be ( saith he ) by lawfull authority , and in a lawfull manner . Which Rule of his I hold to be undoubtedly true in the Proposition , but of no use at all in the application , the Arch-bishop having in himself a lawfull power of restoring such antient Rites and Ceremonies , as had been formerly disused only , and not also abrogated , and what he had not in himself , was made up by the Kings authority , of which more anon . But next our Author tells us of this Arch-bishop , that he commanded in his metropoliticall visitation , that the Communion-table which formerly stood in the midst of the Church or Chancell , should be placed at the East end , upon a graduated advance of ground with the ends inverted , and a wooden traverse of Railes before it . To which the Observator answereth , that the King had given sufficient authority to it , a year before the visitation which our Author speaks of , in the determination of the case of St. Gregory Church , November 3. 1633. The Pamphleter hereunto replyeth , that by the Arch-bishops out-running Authority , he intended not , his placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , at the East of the Chancell ( so then we have gained that point , if nothing else ) but by enjoyning a wooden Traverse of Railes to be set before it , and commanding all the Communicants to come to it to receive the Sacrament , fol. 27. which said , he makes a long discourse to prove that by the Queens Injunctions , and the 82. Canon , the Table is to be placed within the Church or Chancell , that the Communicants may in greater numbers receive the Sacrament , which is best done ( saith he ) when the Table is in the Body of the Church or Chancell . And against this , or in defence of setting Railes before the Table , so as the Communicant should come up to those Railes to receive . He is sure , that there is no such thing in the Declaration , not a syllable that tends that way . These Colworts have been boyled already , served in , and set by the Bishop of Lincolne on his Holy Table ; so that there needs no other Answer , then what we finde in the Antidotum Lincolniense , Chap. 7. and therefore I referre him thither for his satisfaction . But since he hath appealed to the Declaration ; to the Declaration he shall go . In which it is expresly said , That for asmuch as concerns the liberty given by the said Common Book or Canons , for placing the Communion Table in any Church or Chappell with most conveniency ; that liberty is not so to be understood , as if it were ever left to the discretion of the Parish , much less to the particular fancy of any humorous person , but to the Judgement of the Ordinary , to whose place and function it doth properly belong to give direction in that point , both for the thing it self , and for the time , when and how long as he may find cause . So that his Majesties Declaration leaves it to the power of the Ordinary ; and the Archbishop as chief Ordinary enjoyneth the Table to be placed at the East end of the Chancell , and the Communicants to come up to it to receive the Sacrament ; to which the adding of a Rail as a matter of decency , and for keeping off disorders and profanations , is but as an accessary . But he hath one more fling at the Observator , by which he is like to get as little as by that before . The Observator telleth us , that the Arch-bishop proceeded in his visitation according to his Majesties Declaration above mentioned , made the year before Anno 1633. And this saith he is London measure , and he proves it stoutly , because , I say ( this must be understood as speaking in his own proper person ) metropoliticall visitation was 1635. and therefore the Declaration being made , 1633. cannot be said to have been made the year before , but by London measure , fol. 27. What a Pythagoras have we here , with his Ipse dixit ; if not the whole man , yet the Soul at least of that grave Philosopher , transfused into our Authors body by a Metempsuchosis . I say it , therefore nothing truer , nothing to be replyed against it . But good Sir , not so fast , let a poor man speak and he wi●l tell you , if your Mastership will hear him out , that though perhaps the metropoliticall visitation was not held till the year 1635. in those parts and parishes , in which you served , as one of the E●ders of the Vestry , yet I am very well assured , that it was held in other places of the Kingdome , and more particularly ( if my memory deceive me not ) in all the Counties or Arch-deaconries , of the Diocess of Lincoln , Anno 1634. which was the next year after the Declaration , without making any such London measure as you sport your self with . Wee must next see how far the rest of the Bishops were concerned in those Innovations . They were first charged with the audacious obtruding of divers superstitious Ceremonies , as erecting of fixed Altars , and dopping and cringing towards them . But in the Pamphlet we hear nothing of these fixed Altars , or against placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , at the East end of the Chancell ; the Author seeming so far satisfied , that he sees not now any out-running of Authority in that particular . And he is so far satisfied also out of his own knowledge in the M●numents of most pure Antiquity , which the Observator had appealed to , that bodily adoration and worshipping toward the East , was an antient custom of the Primitive Church , of which he grants that there is evidence enough in the Antient writers : adding that as it was antient , so he could not say it was illaudable in them , and might be tolerable in us , as he conceiveth , were all men satisfied in the Decorum of it ; or a liberty left to those who are still dubious of the lawfulness thereof , to forbear it , fol. 17. In this we both agree , none better . Antient , laudable , and tolerable , who can wish for more ? yes , liberty to be left those who are dubious of it , either to use it or not use it , according to the light of their understanding . That if we do not grant him , we shall not deal so friendly with him as he hath deserved . Let him therefore consult the 7. Canon of the year 1646. in which the Church commending the reviving of this antient laudable custome to the serious consideration of all good people ( and not obtruding it on any ) concludeth the whole with this desire , that in the practise or emis●ion of this rite the Rule of Charity prescribed by the Apostle may be observed , which is , that they that use this rite , despise not them who use it not , condemn not those who use it . And in requitall of this kindness , I shall not stick to allow of his discourse ensuing , about the not using of such words and names , by the ambiguity whereof not easily discerned in ordinary discourse , any thing may seem to be intended not consonant to the Christian Faith , according to that golden saying of reverend Saint Augustine , which is cited by him . But now comes in the naughty Cow of Frier Richard of Roughton , which gave a good meals milk with one heel ( it should seem a Bull rather then a Cow , by the lowing of it ) and kicks it down with the other . For he telleth us That for dopping or cringing to , or towards the Altar or Holy Table , as oft as they approached to , or retreated from it , which was oft practised by some indiscreet pretenders to conformity with the Primitive Church , he finds not the least trace thereof in any genuine Author , of the first 500 years , fol. 17. Let us indulge him this also for his former kindness , yet what makes this unto the purpose ? The Bishops stand accused ( whether before the Committee or not , is all one to me ) of an audacious obtruding of new Rites and Ceremonies , and in particular of this cringing to , or towards the Altar , or Holy Table . This is the charge , a very heavy charge indeed , and but lightly proved ; the charge is of obtruding ; but the Proof of practising ; the obtruding charged upon the Prelates , but the practise layed on some indiscreet pretenders to conformity with the Primitive times ; who if they did it on their own heads , and had no warrant for it from their Superiours , let them stand or fall unto themselves . But that the children should eat sowre grapes , and the Fathers teeth should be set an edge , is such a manner of proceeding , as neither Proverb , Law , nor Gospel , can give countenance to . The next Innovation , affirmed to be obtruded by the Bishops , is standing up at the Gloria Patri , to which the Observator Answered , That the Rubrique of the Church requiring us to stand up at the Creed , obligeth us by the same reasons to stand up at the Gospels , and Gloria Patri , the Gospels being the foundation of the Creed , as Gloria Patri is the Abstract and Epitome of it . What saith the Pamphleter to this ? marry he first askes the Theologaster ( the Dr. or the Observator 't is no matter which ) of what Creed the Gloria Patri is by him said to be the Epitome ; and then resolves it of himself , that it is not that of the Apostles , at which the Rubrick enjoyned us to stand up , because there are in that Creed some other points , which relate not the Doctrine of the Trinity , fol. 18. But good Sir have a little patience , and I will pay you all . In the mean time take this for earnest or in part of payment , that though that Creed containeth the profession of our Faith , in some other points , then those of the Father , of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost , included summarily in the Gloria Patri ; yet are they all reducible to that part of the Creed , as being the repetition of such signall Benefits , as redound to us by the death and resurrection , of the Son , our most blessed Saviour , or communicated to us by the influences of the Holy Ghost . So that if this be all you have to object against us , we may stand up at the Gloria Patri , and stand up at it by the authority of that very Rubrick , which requireth our standing at the Creed . But then he telleth us not long after , that as standing is not improper ( we are glad to hear that howsoever ) so is it not a posture peculiar to the action of doxologie and glorifying God , as is evident by our Church , which sometimes ( as in our Communion Service ) requireth it from our knees , fol. 19. An objection easie to be answered . The Observator no where saith that standing is a posture peculiar to the Gloria Patri , as not to be communicated to any other part of Divine worship , it being practised at the Gospels , and required at the Creed , and so the first part of this Objection falls without more ado . And 2. though the Communion Book require kneeling in the people , when Gloria in excels●s , is said or sung by the Priest ; yet is not this required unto it as it is a doxologie , a giving of glory unto God , but as it is an invocation on Christ our Saviour to have mercy on us , and to receive those prayers which are offered to him . And kneeling doubtless is the most proper posture in the act of prayers , required therefore in all such as receive the Sacrament , because it is given them with a prayer by the Priest or Minister . That many things may be retained in a Church reformed , ex vi Catholicae consuetudinis , especially , where there is no Rule to the contrary . The Pamphleter alloweth well enough with a Bene , Bene ; but sayes withal that it is litle to the purpose , there being in the Act of Uniformity a Vae or Woe , to him who shall willingly use any other Rite or Ceremony , &c. then is set forth in the Book of Common Prayer , fol. 19. I thought our Author had been such an enemy to all etcaeteras , because of the mysterious import , as you know who said , which they carry with them , especially in a Law or Canon , that no such sham●full thing ( for he calls it somewhere a shamefull &c. if my memory fail not ) should have been found in all his writings ; but I see he can make use of them when there is occasion ; and that too in the citing of a Law or Statute , which , as he saith , doth binde all men to a strict conformity to the very letter of it . I finde by this , that our Author is better at the Bar then upon the Bench ; not so much studied in the Querks and Quorums of a Commission , as in the ferreting and fingring of a Statute-law , in which no Barrester of them all , no not the Utter Barrester of Lincolns Inne is to be named the same day with him . For what an Argument had here been for Mr. Prinne , if he could have seen so far into this mill-stone of the Law , as our Author can , against bowing at the name of Jesus ; no where appointed in the Rubricks of the publique Liturgie , but first retained , ex vi Catholica● consuetudinis , required afterwards by the Queens injunctions , and finally by the Canons of 603. Neither of which could stand before the face of an Act of Parliament , if produced against them . What a brave Argument could our Author have hinted and held forth to Harry Burton ( never the Princes Tutor Sir , you are out in that , though honoured by you with that title in the sheetes unpublished ) against standing up at the Holy Gospels , had he been consulted in the case , as he should have been ? Against how many men might he have brought his Action in the times of conformity , for standing up at the Athanasian and Nicene Creeds , at the Te Deum , Benedictus , and the other Hymnes ? all Trespasses against this Statute , which binds all men ( as we are told by this man of Law ) to a strict conformity to the very letter of it . But the best is , there is no such thing in all that Statute , as our Author speaks of , no Vae or Woe to him , who shall willingly use any other rite , or Ceremony , &c. then what is set forth in the Book of Common Prayer . The Statute speaks of Parsons , Vicars , or other whatsoever ministers , that ought or should sing or say the Common Prayer , or minister the Sacraments ; enjoyning such ( under the Penalties therein mentioned ) not to use any other Rite , Ceremony , Order , Form , or Manner of celebrating the Lords Supper openly or privily , or mattens , Evensong , Administration of the Sacraments , or other open Prayer , then is mentioned and set forth in the said Book . Nothing in this to restrain men from using any one or none single Rites or Ceremonies , which had been formerly in use , and against which there is nothing directed or commanded in the publique Rubricks , no such matter verily ; but a Command , that no man in the Quality of a man in Orders , shall use any other Rite , Ceremony , Order , Form , or manner of celebrating the Lords Supper , or officiating the morning and evening Prayer ; It is then the whole Form and Order of celebrating Divine offices which is here required , and not the restraint from using any one single Rite or Ceremony , other then such as are contained in that Book . For were it otherwise to expound or understand , none but such men as were enabled to officiate , the publique Liturgie , had been restrained from using any such Rites , or Ceremonies , as were here cut off with an &c. the people being left at liberty to use such Rites and Ceremonies , &c. as they had a minde to without any Vae or woe at all , or any Penalty whatsoever in that Statute mentioned ; unless it may be granted , as I think it will not , that every person so offending , is or may be possessed of some spiriturall Benefices and Promotions , of which to forfeit one whole years Profits for the first offence . Nor doth the Statute speak ▪ of such , who shall willingly use any other Rite or Ceremony , &c. ( our man of Law is out in that too , as in all things else ) but of such only as shall willfully and obstinately stand in the same . And I conceive our Author is so good a ●ritick in a plain piece of English , as to understand the difference between the doing of a thing willingly , and standing obstinately and wilfully to it after it is done . Had any of these things been found in the Observator , he had been told of forging and falsifying the Record , and I know not what . But in our Author it is only one of those Piae fraudes which necessarily conduce to the advancing of the Holy cause , and so let it goe . I might expect a fee of my Author for this point of Law , whom otherwise I finde like enough to have entangled himself in the danger of that Statute , pleading so strongly as he doth for stand●ng not only at the Gospels , but also at the Epistles and second Lessons ; though neither the Rubricks of the Liturgy , nor any Canon of the Church do require it of us . His following maxime , that standing is the most proper posture of Attention , I like wondrous well ; and I like better , that he saith it becometh him not , to have his Hat on , when his Lord and Master speakes to him , fol. 19. But for all , I would have him take a speciall care , lest whilst he thus zealously pursueth Order , he out-run authority , as we know who did . For certainly the Canon which he built upon will not bear him out in it against the Statute , if the Statute were to be so expounded , as to restrain the use of all Rites and Ceremonies , not specified and appointed in the Book of Common Prayer , as he told us lately . For though Genuflexion or bowing of the knee cannot be done ( saith he ) but in a stationary posture , yet men that sit may tender due and lowly reverence at the name of Jesus , by the humble bowing of their Bodies , and testifie by that sign and gesture , their inward humility , Christian Resolution , and due acknowledgement that the Lord Jesus Christ , the true and eternall Son of God , is the only Saviour of the world , &c. As in the 18. Canon of 603. But one good turn requireth another . The Pamphleter in requitall , shall advise the Observator , not to be too confident , in saying , he was sure , that standing at the Gloria Patri , was never obtruded by the Prelates ; for fear there should prove some flaw in his assurance , whosoever was of his Counsell in it , fol. 18. This is a friendly admonition , and I shall make the best use of it accordingly . But how doth he weaken this assurance , and abate this confidence ? Marry because in Bishop Wrens Articles framed for the Diocess of Norwich , sure he is Chap. 4. there are these words , viz. Do they , i. e. the people , at the end of every Psalm stand up , and say , Glory be to the Father , &c. And he thinks things inquired after in Diocesan visitations , may be said to be urged and obtruded , fol. 18. Hic Rhodus , hic saltus ; this is the man , and that 's his leap , ma●ch him he that can . But Sir , though I have heard some men ascribe insallibility to the Houses of Parliament , yet I never heard of any man till now , that did intitle them , their Committees instruments , and Agents to the Spirit of prophecy ; and 't is impossible , that they could otherwise tell , Anno 1628. what Bishop Wren would do at Norwich above seven years after , Anno 1636. For marke the story as it lieth . The Committee for Religion declared in Anno 1628. That upon due inspection they found it in a very tottering and declining condition , &c. partly from the audacious obtruding of divers superstitious Ceremonies by the Prelates , as standing at the Gloria Patri , &c. Hist . fol. 96. This is the information , but what Proofs have they of it ? The Information is in matter of Fact , of divers Superstitious Ceremonies , standing up at the Gloria Patri , &c. At that time and before obtruded by some audacious Prelates . The Proof is given them by the Spirit of prophecy , in telling them what was , or should be done above seven years after , when Bishop Wren should hold his first visitation for the Diocess of Norwich . I see our Author is as good at Logick as he is at Law. For mark the Argument in Bishop Wrens Articles , framed for the Diocess of Norwich ( Anno 1636. why was that left out ? ) it is enquired into , whether the people at the end of every Psalm did stand up and say , Glory be to the Father , &c. Ergo , which is in English , therefore , This Superstitious Ceremony of standing at the Gloria Patri , was obtruded by the audacious Prelates above seven years before . Anno 1628. Brave man at Arms I must confess , though weak to Baltazar . And now I hope I am quit with him for his Theologaster . But yet I have not payed him all , there is some behinde . For is not this the man that telleth us , that the remissness of the Government of Archbishop Abbot , made the future Reduction of tender conscienced men to long discontinued obedience , interpreted an Innovation , Hist . fol. 127. yet he remembreth it well enough ; For he tels us in his Pamphlet , fol. 27. Oportet esse memorem , but he leaves out the most significant word of all , that which most properly doth concern him , Mendacem : Oportet mendacem esse memorem , was the Rule of old , and it concerns our Author to take notice of it . I well remember those words saith he , but never meant they should relate to the setting Railes before the Holy Table , fol. 28. Well then allowing our Author his more secret meaning , we have gained thus much , that placing the Table Altar-wise , and bowing towards it , and standing at the Gloria Patri , are no more to be reckoned for Innovations , but Reductions rather , as our Author freely hath acknowledged . For telling us that he never meant , that the words alleadged should relate to the setting Railes before the holy Table ; he doth ingenuously confess he meant it in all the rest ; according to the good old Rule , Exceptio firmat Regulam in non exceptis . And again , is not this the man that tels us Anno 1635. in his new Edition , that he who desires to pourtray England in her full Stature of externall Glory , may now take her dimensions ; he shall behold her Church shining in transcendent Empyreall brightness , and purity of Evangelicall truth . Her religious performances , her holy offices , ordered and regulated agreeable to the strict expedient of such sacred actions . Her Discipline , Modell , sutable to the Apostolick form . The set and suite of her Holy Tribe renowned for piety and learning , and all those in so supereminent a degree , that no Church on this side of the Apostolique , can or ever could , compare with her in any one , fol. 142. Here is an Euge tuum , & belle , an excellent Panegyrick I confess , and I thank him for it , but very different from those Taxes , charges , and obtrusions , which we finde elsewhere . Out of which I shall only note , as proper to my present purpose . First , that this Panegyrick is placed by him Anno 1635. at what time placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , and bowing towards it , and standing at the Gloria Patri were grown more generally in use , then they had been formerly . And secondly , that it is here said , that her Religious performances , and holy offices , were then regulated agreeable to the strict Expedients of such sacred Actions . If regulated by the strict Expedients of such sacred Actions , as he saith they were , then neither placing the Table Altar-wise , nor bowing towards it , nor standing at the Gloria Patri , no nor the very Railes themselves coming within the compasse of these strict expedients , are to be reckoned of as Innovations , and Obtrusions by the Committee for Religion of which we speak , Anno 1628. The Prelates being thus freed , and freed even by our Author himself , from innovating in the Worship of God , here by Law established , we must next see , what danger there was feared from Doctrinal Poperie , by the uncontrouled preaching of severall points , tending and warping that way , by Mountague , Goodman , Cozens , and others , as in the History , Fol. 96. To which the Observator answered , That neither Mountague nor Cozens , were questioned for preaching any thing which warped toward Popery ; but the one of them for writing the Book called Appello Caesarem , the other for publishing a Body of Devotions , according to the Hours of Prayer , in neither of which , an equall and judicious Reader will find any Popery . What saith the Pamphleter to this ? Why , first he doth confesse , That in stead of preaching , he should have said publishing : and this mistake ( with more then ordinary ingenuity ) he hath rectified in the last Edition , Fol. 98. Secondly , as for Dr. Cozens , he grants ingenuously enough , that in his Book , there is no direct Popery , though something ( as he saith ) which might raise a jealousie of his tendency that way ; but yet forbears to presse it further ( and it is well for him , that he had so good a colour to forbear the pressing of that , which he could not prove ) Seeing that Doctor hath appeared of late so stout an Advocate for the Reformed Church ; as he hath been informed by some , and assured by others , fol. 17. To the Observators defence of Bp. Mountague , there is no Reply : so that the Action being withdrawn against one of the parties , and the other quit by Proclamation , we may discharge them of the Court , without more adoe . Finally , as for Bp. Goodman , the Observator hath informed you , that though he preached something once which might warp towards Popery , yet he did not preach it uncontrouled , being not only questioned for it , but sentenced to a Recantation before the King. To this I find no Reply neither , and I wonder at it , considering the great advantage given by that Bishop at his death , to increase the scandall ; a scandal so unseasonably , and untimely given , as if the Devil himself had watched an opportunity to despight this Church . And though some men have gladly cherished this occasion , to draw the rest of the Prelates , and Prelatical party , into a generall suspicion , of being as much inclined to Popery , as that Bishop was ; yet Christian charity should instruct them , not to think evil of all , for the fault of one , or prejudge any one man , much lesse the whole Body of a Clergy , for the fault of another . It rather should be wondred at by all moderate and discerning men , that notwithstanding so many provocations of want , and scorn , which have of late been put upon them , there should be found but one of that sacred order , and but three more ( that I have heard of ) of the Regular Clergy to fall off to Popery : though to say truth , it was not in this Bishop a late falling off , but a pursuance rather of some former inclinations which he had that way , that being thought to be the reason why he refused subscription to the Canons of 640. mentioned in our Historian fol. 186. But , oportet esse memorem , as we know who said : and now it will be time to passe from those Anomalous Innovations , which seemed to threaten , that Tiber would drown the Thames , in our Authors language , to those designs which tended to the bringing in of Arminianisme , if all be true , which was brought in to the Committee , or by our Author is reported to be brought in to them . CHAP. VII . Our Author not so little concerned in the controversies of Arminianism , as he would be thought . The Arminians not called a Faction by the Observator , nor said by him to be unsufferable in a Common-wealth . The Lawes and Privileges of the Netherlands never more violated , than in the proceedings against Barnevelt . The Conspiracy of Barnevelts Kinred not to be imputea to the Arminians . The moderation of King James on the like occasion . The Arminians no way turbulent , but as Calvinists only . St. Augustine did not think himself infallible , though the Pamphleter doth . The Observator misreported in delivering the Tenets of some Calvinists . The Pamphleters trifling in so great a matter as Eternity . The judgement of King James altered in the paints of Arminianism . Sir Humphries tale of the two Bishops canvassed and confuted . The Bishop of Winchester vindicated . Of Dr. More , Dr. Marshal , and their several grudges against that Bishop . The Lambeth Articles confessed by our Author not to be taken for the Doctrine of the Church of England . The Observators mistake in the first 3. years of Dr. Baro , and the grounds thereof . The Observator not disproved concerning that Doctors retiring into France , nor in the storie of those Articles ; With the Pamphleters mistakes in both . The Articles of Ireland abrogated , by superinducing those of England , proved first by the Certificate of the two Subscribers , and after by some parallel Cases in Scripture , and the Statute-Laws . The two Subscribers speak improperly for themselves , and deal unjustly with the Observator . Of the Differences in the Convocation of Ireland , between the Lord Primate , and the Bishop of Derry . An errour of the Printers charged on the Observator . BUt first we must remove a Block which lieth in our way , our Author telling us , how little he is concerned in these Arminian Controversies , which are to be the Subject of this present Chapter , Fol. 5. Thus do I hear our Author say , but I find the contrary , and then , quid verba audiam cum facta videam ? The bitternesse of his Style against those poor men whom he so nick-nameth , and all who seem to incline towards their opinions , declare plainly of what Spirit he is , how very little concerned soever he would seem to be . Of this we shall not need to look for any further evidence , than the Character he gives both of the men and of the Doctrine . Their Doctrin branded by the name of errours , and the Contrary opinions honoured with the title of Orthodox , Hist . Fol. 98. Their tenets joyned with those of the Massilians and Semipelagians , Fol. 6. 131. their persons stigmatized in the Pamphlet , as men having a strong tang of the Jesuites , in practical or Dogmatical concernments ; and indeed a Faction , a turbulent seditious faction , and so found all along by the united Provinces from the first of their spawning there , Fol. 46. The Lord Deputy of Ireland stands accused upon this accompt in the unpublished sheets of the History , to have frighted , rather than perswaded the Convocation of Ireland to repeal the Articles of that Church , principally to advance these Arminian Tenets ; the Court-Clergy generally defamèd , as deeply tinctured and stained with the Massilian and Arminian errors , and Mr. Mountague ( afterwards Bishop of Chichester ) called unworthy wretch , because he was supposed to incline that way . Strong Arguments that our Author doth not think himself so little concerned in this businesse ; as he would make the world believe , if he had the Art of it . But whereas the Pamphleter hath told us , that the Observator p. 73. hath very aptly stiled them , by the name of a Faction , if he consult the place again but with half an eye , he will not find them stiled so by the Observator , but by Dr. Whitacres , Dr. Willet , Mr. Chatterton , Mr. Perkins , and certain others , desiring the Archbishops assistance to suppresse that Faction , which was like to grow against them in that University . And here I think it not amisse to take another running leap , from Fol. 5. to Fol. 46. where he inferreth , out of I know not what words in the Observations , that reason of State and King craft , will not tolerate the Arminians in a Commonwealth . But no such thing occurs there , I am sure of that ; all that the Observator saith , being only this , that King James tendring the safety of the Prince of Orange , and the peace of those Provinces , thought it no small piece of King-craft , to contribute toward the Suppression of the weaker party , blasting them not only with Reproachfull names , but sending such of his Divines to the Assembly at Dort , as he was sure would be sufficiently active in their condemnation . Can any man inferre from hence by the Rules of Logick , that reason of State and King-craft will not tolerate the Arminiaus in a Commonwealth ? because as the Case then stood in the Belgique Provinces , betwixt Barnevelt and the Prince of Orange , King James thought fit to Countenance the partie of the Prince of Orange , and suppresse the other . Next as for Barnevelt himself , one of the wisest men that ever those Countries bred , he saw and feared that the great power to which the Prince of Orange had attained , if not evenly ballanced , might end at last in the Suppression of the Publique Libertie ; and make those Provinces , Unius quasi familiae haereditas , the Patrimonie and Inheritance of the Nassovian Familie . Hereupon finding that the Prince had made himself the head of the rigid Calvinists , he joyned himself to those , whom our Author calls Arminians , but passed in their own Country by the name of Remonstrants ; and thereby brought the Prince into such a streight , that to preserve his power , and make sure of Barnevelt , he violated all the privileges of those several States , for which they had first took up Armes against the Spaniards . For first drawing out such Forces as were most at his Devotion , he passeth from one Town to another , displaceth the Magistrates , changeth the Garrisons , and removes the Governours , putting none into the Rooms , but such as were of the other party , and assured unto him ; And 2ly , having thus altered the whole Face of the Common-wealth , Barnevelt by these new Magistrats is seized upon , and contrary to the Fundamental Laws of Holland ( whereof he was a native ) put over to certain Delegats appointed by the States Gen. ( men utterly uncapable of dealing in matters of that nature ) to hear his process , by whō he was condemned , and accordingly executed . And this is that wicked Conspiracy , for which he suffered so condignly , as our Author telleth us ; but whether it were so or no , the moderate and unconcerned Reader , but some what lesse concerned than the Pamphleter is , will be better able to discern , if he peruse the Apologie of the Remonstrants , in which are many things of note which concern this businesse . As for that Damnable and Hellish Plot about three years after , wherein the States sitting in Councel at the Hague , and after them all , other Anti-Arminian Magistrates were destin'd to slaughter , as the Pamphleter hath it , Fol. 46. If all be true that is reported , and the design as damnable and hellish , as the Pampleter makes it , yet doth not this concern the Arminian partie , but only the Children and Kinred of Barnevelt , whose design it was ; who to revenge his death , so unworthily and unjustly contrived ( and , as they thought ) so undeservedly , and against their Lawes , might fall upon some desperate counsels , and most unjustifiable courses in pursuance of it . But what makes this to the Arminian and Remonstrant partie ? Barnevelts Children were convicted of a Damnable and Hellish plot against the State ; Ergo , the Arminians or Remonstrants are a turbulent , seditious Faction ; and conseq●ently , not to be suffered in a Commonwealth . King James approved not of this Logick , when it was moved by some hot-headed Members of the Lower House , to seize upon the persons , and Confiscate the Fistates of all English Papists , as guilty of the Gunpowder Treason , because some discontented , turbulent and ambitious spirits had designed the Plot ; I know ( saith he , in his Speech to both Houses of Parliament , Anno 1605. ) that your hearts are so burnt up with zeal in this errant , and your tongues so ready to utter your dutifull Affections , and your hands and feet so bent to concurre in the execution thereof , ( for which , as I need not to spurre you , so can I not but praise you for the same : ) As it may very well be possible that the zeal of your hearts shall make some of you in your speeches rashly to blame such , as may be innocent of this Attempt : But upon the other part , I wish you to consider , that I would be sorry that any being innocent of this practice , either Domestical or Foreign , should receive blame or harm for the same : For although it cannot be denied , that it was the only blind Superstition of their errours in Religion , that led them to this desperate device ; yet doth it not follow , that all professing the Romish Religion were guilty of the same . So he . And how far different this is from the Pamphleters Logick , ( though that the best Logick of these times ) is left to the Consideration of all equal and Indifferent men . And 2ly , admitting that the whole Arminian partie were engaged in these Treasons , either in voto or in Re , yet doth it not follow hereupon with reference to other Countries ; that they are none of the best subjects , be their Doctrine as Orthodox as they pretend : Which is the Corollary which the Pamphleter hath inferred upon it . My reason is , because Arminianism it self , as it relates to the five points in difference ( which in our Authors Style is called Arminianism ) disposeth not the Professors of it to any such practices . And therefore if the Arminians should prove to be as turbulent and seditious , as the Pamphleter makes them , yet must we not impute it to them , as they are Arminians , that is to say , as men following the Melancthonian way , and differing in those five points from the rest of the Calvinists , but as they are a branch of the Sect of Calvin , to whose Discipline in all particulars , they conformed themselves , and to his Doctrine in the most , as was declared by the Observator . And we know well what Dangerous Practices and Positions have been set on foot within this Island , by such as have pursued the one , and embrace the other . This said , I must turn back again , where I find the Observator put to an unnecessary , but invidious task . The Observator had affirmed , that St. Augustines zeal against the Pelagians , transported him into such inconvenient expressions , as the wisest men may fall into on the like occasions . To this the Pamphleter replieth , That it were a work very proper for the Observator , to instance in those inconvenient expressions , and to undertake the confutation of them , Fol. 5. And this I call , both an unnecessary and invidious task : unnecessary , as being no way pertinent to the present businesse ; invidious , in regard of that high esteem which that great Father hath attained to in the Christian world . And yet I shall crave leave to say , that if he had not run himself into some Inconvenient expressions , in condemning Infants unbaptized to the pains of Hell , he never had incurred the name of Infanto-Mastix : A more particular accompt whereof I had rather the Reader should take pains to collect from his writings , than expect from me . All I shall further add is this , that St Augustine , when he was alive , did neither think himself infallible , or exempt from errours ; Nor was displeased with St. Hierome , for canvassing or confuting any point of Doctrine by him delivered . This liberty they mutually indulged on one another , and good reason for it ; Non tam Stultus sum ut diversitate explanationum tuarum me laedi putem , quia nec tu laederis si nos contraria senserimus . This was St. Hieromes resolution to St. Augustine in a point between them ; equally full of piety , and Christian courage . The next thing required of the Observator , is , To produce the men of the Calvinian party , who say , that a man is forcibly drawn and irresistibly with the Cords of Grace in the work of conversion . Fol 5. He grants indeed , that they take away an actual resistance of the will , as inconsistent , simul & semel , with efficacious Grace , and I grant that too : Grace not being efficacious , or deserving so to be accompted , when all mans actual resistance is not took away . But such an irresistibility , as the Observator mentioneth , he thinks that none of them assert . But he doth but think it , and he is able to think more then the most subtle disputant of that party is able to prove : But the Calvinists , or contra-Remonstrants , have thought otherwise of it , who in the conference at Hague maintained an irresistibility no lesse evident in the workings of Grace , then in those of the natural generation , or supernatural resurrection from the dead , man being no more able in their opinion to resist the operations of Grace , then he is able either to hinder his own begetting , or his last raising from the grave : Quemadmodum non est humani arbitrii nasci aut non nasci , excitari ex mortuis aut non excitari , ita neque ex nostro arbitrio pendet ullo modo nostra conversio . So they Collat. Hague , pag. 27. A more particular accompt , together with the names of those who maintain this Tenet , the Observator will produce , when required of him . But then the Pamphleter must have an explanation of this Metaphysical whim-wham , viz. How Eternity ( for so saith he the Observator saith ) not Salvation , can recipere majus & minus , receive either augmentation or diminution from man , ●ol . 5. But Sir , without any of your whim-whams , where find you any such thing , or any thing that looks that way in the Observator ? Cannot the Observator say , that by the doctrine of some Calvinists , and Rigid Lutherans , a man contributes nothing to his own Eternity , but presently you must cry out of I know not what Metaphysical whimwhams , as if he had affirmed , that Eternity might recipere majus & minus ? For though Eternity cannot recipere majus & minus , as indeed it cannot , yet I hope the Pamphleter or our Author will not stick at this , that some men do contribute more or less , to their own Eternity , or towards the attaining of their own Eternity ( if that will better please the man ) than some other do . But had the observator used the word Salvation , as the Pamphleter sayeth he should have done , had he spoken properly , then this great quarrel had been saved ; Salvation being susceptible of a majus et minus , ( what else can be inferred from the Pamphleters words ? ) though Eternity be not : which indeed I will not say is such a Metaphysical Whimwham , but such a fine piece of Norfolk Drapery , that t is pitty we should have no more of the Remnant , as well and wisely said the Gentleman on another occasion . Next for King James , the Pamphleter seems much displeased , that having been inclinable unto the Calvinian Tenets , as well by the course of his Education , as by the insinuations of Dr. James Mountague , first Dean of the Chapell , and afterwards Bishop of Bathe and Wells , and at last of Winchester , he should be thought to change his Judgements in those points on Reading of Mr. Richard Mountagues Book against the Gagger , and this ( saith he ) is most unlikely , It being well known , that in Theological controversies King James was able enough to go alone , and needed not , like a Child , be led up and down by the hanging Sleeves from one opinion to the other , Fol. 5. But then it is but unlikely only , though most unlikely , that it should be so ; And being but unlikely , though most unlikely , there is no such impossibility in it , but that it may be certified without any injury to the abilities of that King in Theological controversies : it being no unusuall thing in the greatest Scholars , not only to alter their opinions , in matters of opinion only , and not fundamentll ( as the Pamphleter makes these not to be ) but Retract and Recognize ( as Bellarmine and Saint Augustiue did ) what they said before . And that the King had either altered his opinion in those points , or abated much of his rigor in it , appeareth by the countenance which he gave to Mountagues Book , and the incouragements which the Author had from him , to vindicate both his Fame and Doctrine against Ward aud Yates , the two Informers ; a full accompt whereof we have in the observations . Fol. 33. But the Pamphleter will not have done with Master Montague , telling us a very pretty tale , that in the year 1628 this Mr. Mountague then Bishop , together with Doctor Neile Bishop of Winchester , being remonstrated to the King , as Abettors of those Tenets , professed with Tears in their eyes , that they hated those opinions , and before his Majesty and his Counsell renounced them , Fol. 6. Here is indeed a dolefull ditty , the Lamentation of a sinner , to the Tune of Lachrymae ; a tale like this wee had before , but that it was the Squires tale then , and the Knights Tale now . For if we ask what authority , what Proof he hath to make good the story ; Marry saith he , it was so averred by Sir Humphrey Mildmay in open Parliament , nemine contradicente , no one near the Chair contradicting . Never was story better proved , nor proved by more particulars of such waight and moment . It was averred by Sir Humphrey Mildmay ( whether mistaken in the name , or man , I regard not , ) and therefore most infalliblly true , for if Sir Humphrey said the word , it must needs be so : and yet I do not think that Sir Humphry , or Sir What you will , was any of the Kings Councell , or called into the Conncell Chamber , to behold the Comaedie . It was averred secondly in the open Parliament , there●ore there can be nothing truer ; nothing being told within the Walls , ( whether the tales of Dutch Skippers , or of Danish Flee●s , or the Plague-Plaster sent to Mr. Pym , or saying mass daily in the Streets at Oxford , and all the rest of the discoveries of Sir Walter Earl ) but ipso facto , by a strange kind of Alcumy , it was made a truth , a most unquestionable truth . It was averred thirdly , nemine contradicente , and very good reason for that too ; there being none perhaps then present , who were admitted to the sight of that Enterlude , as Sir Humphry was , or otherwise its worth the while to disprove the Fable . But here I find something worth the Learning , which is , that nemine contradicente doth not signifie only ( as the poor Theologaster might conceive it did ) no one contradicting , but no one contradicting who stood near the Chair . A pretty piece of Grammar-learning , and I thank him for it ; the rather , in regard it may be gathered from these words , that though no man who stood near the Chair did or durst contradict Sir Humpry in this pretty figment ; yet others who stood farther off ( and being procul à Jove , might be procul à fulmine ) did presume to do it . And this I hope will satisfie the Pamphleter , and Sir Humphry too . We have now done with Bishop Mountague , but we must have another pull about Bishop Neile , then Bishop of Winchester , by whose , and the Bishop of Londons Prevalencie , we were told in the History , the Orthodox party were depressed , and the truth they served , scarce able to protect them to impunity . Reproved by the Observator , for speaking thus at randome , and without any proof , of those great Prelates , ( both being Counsellors of State ) the Pamphleter comes in to make good the matter , telling us , that Sir Daniel Norton , and Sir Robert Philips , informed the House , that Doctor More and Doctor Marshall , were chid by the Bishop of VVinchester , for preaching against popery , both Drs. being ready to bear witness of the truth thereof , Fol. 16. Now mark the Justice of the man , and his Logick too . The Information is brought against the Bishops of London and VVinchester , but the proof ( such as it is , ) against the Bishop of VVinchester only ; No reparation being made unto the other for so great an injury . I trow this is but sorry Justice , and yet the Logick of the proof is a great deal worse . The information was about the danger of Arminianism , the Spreade●s of those errors advanced by the Prevalency of those Bishops to great preferment , the Orthodox party in the mean time depressed , and under inglorious disdain . Hist . Fol. 96. How doth he make this good in the Bishop of VVinchester ? Because for sooth he had chidden Doctor More and Doctor Marshall for preaching against popery . This is the Logick we must look for . The Premises are of Arminianism , The Conclusion of popery . Or else it must be argued thus , The Bishop of VVinchester chid Doctor More and Doctor Marshall , for preaching against popery , Ergo , which is in English therefore , the two Bishops of London and Winchester advanced the Arminian party , and depressed the Orthodox . Our Author telleth us Fol. 35. of this present Pamphlet , that there are some worse disputants than himself ; but if I know in what place to find them , may I burn my Ke●kerman . But if the man were chidden , and chidden for preaching against popery , it will as much conduce to the dishonor of the Bishop of Winchester , as if they had been chidden on the other accompt , and therefore we must take some time to inquire into it , it being possible enough , that they might be chidden by that Bishop not for their preaching against Popery , but for some indiscretion in the way of their preaching , & possibly enough ( let me adde that too ) that they might have some private grudges against that Prelate . Doctor Marshal claimed some fewell yearly out of that Bishops woods , in the right of his Parsonage , which that Bishop ( being an old Courtier , but of no great Courtship ) did refuse to make him . This gave him occasion of displeasure , and being withall a man of some indiscretion , he might possibly , not carry the matter so discreetly , but that he might be liable to some just reproof . But as for Doctor More , I shall need no other matter against him , than what I find in the unpublished sheets of our Author himself , where he tells us of him , that ●he was a man of an acute , but somewhat an ●aculeated wit , Fol. 69. A man ( it seems ) of more Sting than Hony , and was not sparing of it ( in his heats of zeal ) upon all occasions ; Insomuch that there goeth a story of him , that Mr. Hugh May who had commended Archie to the Court not long before , obtained a turn for this Doctor before King James , in which he shewed so much heat , and so little discretion , that the King told Hugh May when he saw him next , that he thanked him more for his Fool than he did for his Preacher . Besides our Author telleth us of him in the place above mentioned , that preaching after the Dukes return from the Isle of Rhe , he took occasion in his Sermon , to speak of the defeat given to the Roman Army , under the command of Quintilius Varus , by the German Nations , adding these words of the Historian , that this Army perished , propter inscitiam & temeritatem ducis : In which being thought to have put a scorn upon the Duke , and reprehended for it by his Diocesan , he was judged fit to be made use of against that Bishop , when the teeth of the Informers were edged against him . Proceed we next to the Lambeth Articles , the great Diana of the Ephesians of our times . It was affirmed by the Observator , that they were never looked on as the Doctrin of the Church of England , nor intended to be so looked upon by them that made them . But this the Pamphleter puts off to Mr. Pym , and the Committee for Religion ; but grants withall , That it is very probable , that the Compilers of the Book of Articles , and the Book of Homilies , differed from Calvins sense in the point of Predestination , and its subordinates , Fol. 15. Nor doth he only grant it to be probable , but he proves it also , It being ( saith he ) very rare for two , even of the same party , to agree exactly in all parcels of these Controversies . So then , whether it were our Author , or the Committee for Religion , which declare these Articles of Lambeth to speak the sense of the 39 Articles of the Church of England , it comes all to one , the Pamphleter leaving them in the plain field , and siding with the Observator in this particular . In the occasion of these Articles , or rather in one circumstance of it , the Observator was mistaken , affirming Page 74. That on the coming of these Articles to Cambridge , Dr. Baro found himself so discouraged & discountenanced , that at the end of his first 3 years he relinquished his Professorship , and retired not long after into France ; to this the Pamphleter makes answer , That Peter Baro relinquished not his professorship at the end of his first three years , proved by his Lectures upon Ionah , to be Professor there , Anno 1574. and confessed to be so by the Observator , Anno 1595. 2. That that Professorship is not eligible , from 3 years to 3 years , but at the end of each second year ; proved by the Statutes of the Lady Margaret ( Countesse of Richmond and Derby ) the foundresse of it . 3. That Peter Baro never went or retired into France , after the resignation of his Professorship , but lived and dyed in Crutched Friers , as may be proved by the Testimony of a Son of his , who is still alive . In the two first of these we have Confitentem reum , the Observator crying peccavi , and confessing guilty , but so that he had good authority for his errour in it ; For first the Pamphleter hath told us , That very many were of the contrary belief , that is to say , to the election of that Professor every second year , & so the wonder is the lesse , if the Observator should be one of those very many . 2. He had found in the History of the Lambeth Articles printed at London 1641. that Baro at the third years end ( for so long he was to hold that Lecture by their antient Ordinances ) relinquished his Professorship , and betook himself to his private studies . Baro ( saith he ) elapso tri●nnii spatio ( Nam vetere instituto in illius lectura triennalis est professio ) professione abiit & in privata se studia recondidit . 3. He had read in a book called Responsio necessaria , published by the Remonstrants , Anno 1615. That notwithstanding the coming of those Articles , he continued in his Professorship , Donec exacto suo triennio ( professio utique il a qua in Collegio fungebatur , in triennium solum prorogabatur ) professione se abdicavit , & tranquillam ut viveret vitam privatis se studiis totum dedit ; that is to say , that his three years being expired ( that Professorship being continued in that University but for three years only ) he left the place , retired unto a private life , and gave himself wholly to his studies . 4. He hath found also in the History of Cambridge , writ by Mr. Fuller a Cambridge man , and one that should have known the Customs and Statutes of that University , that the end of Doctor Peter Baro ( the Marguaret Professor ) his Triennial Lectures began to draw near , &c. Sect. 21. which layed together , I would fain know of the equal and impartial Reader , First , whether the Observator may not be excused for making that Lecture to continue from three years to three years ; And secondly , whether the exacto suo Triennio , in the Book called Responsio necessaria , and the end of his Triennial Lectures in Fullers History , might not induce him to conceive , that Dr. Baro gave over the Professorship at the end of his first three years . In the last point the cause is not so clear on the Pamphleters side , nay it will rather go against him . Mr. Prynne , a man diligent enough in the search of any thing which concerns his Argument , hath told us positively , in his Auli-Armianism , pag. 268. that being convented before the heads of that University , he was not only forced to forsake the University , but the Kingdom too ; For which he citeth Dr. Ward in his Concio ad Clerum , Anno 1626. and Thytius in his Preface ad Fratres Belgas ; Nor do the Pamphleters proofs come home to conclude the contrary ; unlesse the Argument be good , that Baro lived and died in London , and was buried there in St. Olaves Church . Ergo he retired not into France , upon his first relinquishing of the University . And if it be true which the Pamphleter telleth us , That the Bishop of London ordered the most Divines in that City to be present at his interment ; it is a good Argument , that both the Bishop , and most eminent Divines of London , were either inclinable to his opinions , or not so much averse from them , as not to give a solemn attendance at the time of his Funeral . As for the Story of these Articles , as layed down in the Observator , he tellerh us it was never heard off , till the year 1641. which sheweth how little he is versed in his own concernments , the same story , let him call it a Tale if he will , being published in the Responsio necessa●ia , Anno Dom. 1615. which was 26 years before , and but the 20th year from the meeting at Lambeth . And though the Kentish man he speaks of , whosoever he were , might be unborn at the time of the making of the Articles , as he saith he was , yet the Remonstrants who published the Responsio necessaria , must be born before , and probably might have the whole Story from Baro himself , with whom they coresponded in these points of controversie . Adeo absurda argumenta ineptos habent exitus , as Lactantius hath it . On what accompt these Articles were made a part of the confession of the Church of Ireland , hath been shewen elsewhere , we must next come unto the abrogating or repealing of them , for saying which the Observator stands accused , although repealing be the word of our Author himself in the first Edition , Fol. 132. yet now he singeth a new Song , and telleth us many things quite different from the common opinion , and from his own amongst the rest : assuring us , that the Articles established in the Church of Ireland , Anno 1615. were never abrogated , and proving it by a Certificate under the hands of Doctor Bernard , and one Mr. Pullein , ( if he be not of a higher degree , ) both of them convocation men , and present at the conclusion of it , Anno 1634. But this Certificate will prove upon examination to conclude nothing to the purpose . It is acknowledged both in the Certificate and Canon That they did not only approve ( which might a been a sufficient manifestation of their agreement with the Church of England , in the confession of the same Christian faith ) but that they also did receive the Book of Articles of religion , agreed upon by the Archbishops , and Bishops , and the whole Clergy , in the whole convocation holden at London , Anno Dom. 1562. Now the Receiving or superinducing of a new confession , will prove equivalent in the Fact , and I think in Law , ) to the repealing of the old , for otherwise there must be two confessions in the same Church , differing in many points from one another ; Which would have been so far from creating a uniformity of belief between the Churches , and taking away thereby the matter of Derision which was given the Papists , in two distinct ( and in some points contrary ) confessions , yet both pretending unto one and the same Religion ; that it would rather have increased their Scorn , and made a greater disagreement in Ireland it self , than was before between the Churches of both Kingdomes . And this the Certificate it self doth seem to intimate . In which we find , That one of the Assembly ( some rigid Calvinist belike ) stood up , and desired that the other Book of Articles , ( that is to say in the year 1615 ) should be be joyned with it which proposition , being it might have made some rub in the business , if it had been absolutely denied , was put off , by this cleanly and handsome Temperament , that this would be needless , that Book having been already sufficiently ratified by the dcer●e of the former Synod . With this all parties seem contented , and the Canon passed . So easily may the weak Brethren be out-witted by more able heads . To make this matter plainer to their severall capacities , I will look upon the two Subscribers , as upon Divines , and on the Pamphleter , our Author , as a Man of law . Of the Subscribers I would ask , whether Saint Paul were out in the Rules of Logick , when he proved the Abrogating of the old Covenant by the superinducing of the new . Dicendo autem novum , veteravit prius , &c. that is to say , as our English reads it , in that he saith , a new Covenant , he hath made the first old . Heb. 8. 13. and then it followeth , that that which decayeth and waxeth old , is ready to vanish away , that is to say , the old being disanulled by the new , there must necessarily follow the Abolishment of its use and practice . Nor find they any other Abrogation of the Jewish Sabbath , than by the super-inducing of the Lords day , for the day of Worship ; By means whereof , the Sabbath was lesned in authority and reputation by little and little , & in short time , was absolutely laid aside in the Church of Christ ; the 4th Cōmandement , by which it was at first ordained , being stil in force . So then , according to these grounds , the Articles of Ireland were virtually , though not formally Abbrogatad , by the super-inducing of the Articles of the Church of England , which is as much as need be said for the satisfaction of the two Subscribers , taking them in the capacity of Divines , as before is said . Now for my Man of law , I would have him know , that the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth , was confirmed in Parliament , with severall penalties to those who should refuse to officiate by it , or should not diligently resort and repair unto it . 2 , 3. Edw. 6th c. 1. But because divers doubts had arisen in the use and exercise of the said Book , ( as is declared in the Statute of 5 , 6. Edward 6. c. 1. ) for the fashion and manner of the ministration of the same , rather by the curiosity of the Ministers , and mistakers , than of any other worthy cause ; therefore as well for the more plain and manifest explanation hereof , as for the more perfection of the said order of Common service , in some places where it is necessary to make the same prayer and fashion of Service more earnest and fit to stir Christian People to the true honouring of Almighty God ; The Kings most Excellent Majesty , with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament a●embled , and by the authority of the same , hath caused the foresaid Order of Common service , entituled The Book of Common Prayer , to be faithfully and Godly perused , explaned , and made fully perfect . Which Book being thus fitted and explaned , approved by the King , and confirmed in the Parliament in the 5 , 6 years of his reign , was forthwith generally received into use and practice , in all parts of the Kingdom , the former Liturgy being no otherwise suppressed and called in , than by the superinducing of this , the Statute upon which it stood continuing un-repealed , in full force and vertue , and many clauses of the same related to in the Statute which confirmed the second . But fearing to be censured by both parties , for reading a Lecture of the wars to Annibal , I knock off again . Now , forasmuch as the Observator is concerned in this certificate , being said , to have abused the said Convocation with such a grosse mistake , so manifest an untruth , I would fain know in what that grosse mistaking , and the manifest untruth which these men speak of is to be discerned . The Premises which usher in this conclusion are these , viz. But that the least motion was then or there made for the suppressing of those Articles of Ireland , hath no truth at all in it : The Conclusion this , therefore the Observator , and whosoever else hath , or doth averr , that the said Articles either were abolished , or any motion made for the suppressing or abolishing of them , are grosly mistaken , and have abused the said Convocation in delivering so manifest an untruth . But first the Observator speaks not of any motion made there for the suppressing of those Articles . The Proposition for approving and receiving the Confession of the Church of England might be made effectually ( and so it seems it was ) without any such motion : And therefore if the Observator stand accused in that particular , the manifest untruth , and grosse mistake which those men dream of , must be returned upon themselves . And on the other side if he be charged with this grosse mistake and man fest untruth , for no other reason , but that he saith , those Articles were abolished , as they charge it on him ; they should have first shewed where he saith it , before they fell so rudely and uncivilly on a man they know not : The Observator never said it , never meant it , he understands himself too well to speak so improperly . The word he used was abrogated , and not abolished : The first word intimating that those Articles were repealed , or disannulled , & of no force in Law , whereas to be abolished signifieth to be defaced , or raced out , that so the very memory of the thing might perish . The word abrogated ( rightly and properly so taken ) is Terminus forensis , or a term of Law , derived from the custom of the Romans , who if they did impose a Law to be made by the people , were said Rogare Legem , because of asking , moving , or perswading to enact the same , velitis Iubeatisne Quirites , &c. from whence came prorogare Legem , to continue a Law which was in being for a longer time , and abrogare to repeal or abrogate it for the time to come , unlesse upon some further consideration it were thought fit to be restored : But giving these men the benefit and advantage of their own Expression , and let the two words Abrogated and Abolished signifie the same one thing ; where is their equity the while , for charging that as a grosse mistake , and manifest nntruth in the Observator , which must be looked on only as a failing , or an easie slip , within the incidence of frailty , as we know who said , in their friend our Author , the Systeme , the Body of Articles formed by that Church , Anno 1615 , were repealed , saith the Historian , Fol. 132. for abrogating the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland , saith the Observator . pag. 240 , 241. both right , or both wrong , I am sure of that ; a grosse mistake , a manifest untruth , in both , or neither . And so farewell good Mr. Pullein ; wi●h Doctor Bernard I shall meet in another place . In the next place , whereas the Observator said , that the abrogating of the Articles of Ireland was put on the Lieutenants score , because Doctor Bramhall , ( once his Chaplain , and ) then Bishop of Derry had appeared most in it : The Pamphleter answereth , that there was never any Controversie in that Synod , between the Lord Primate and that Bishop , concerning those Articles , Fol. 43. But tell me Gentle Sir , might not the Bishop of Derry be most active in it , without a personal controversie betwixt him and the Primate , if so , then was the Primate more engaged in the quarrel , about receiving , or not receiving the Articles of the Church of England , than you would gladly seem to have him ; If otherwise , your Answer is nothing to the purpose , nor confutes any thing affirmed by the Observator . Some disagreement he confesseth to have been between them in that Synod , about the Canons , not the Articles of the Church of England , but neither he nor the Observator being present at it , they must rely upon the credit of their Authors . The Observator ( as he telleth me ) had his intelligence from some of the Bishops of that Kingdom , men of integrity and great worth , present at all debates and conferences amongst those of their own order , and so most like to give a just account of all passages there . The Pamphleter takes his ( it seems ) from two members of the lower House of Convocation , who neither were bound to tell more than they knew , nor to know more than the advantages of the place they served in could communicate to them . Which of the two intelligences , have , or should have most power in moving the Sphear of any common understanding , let the Reader judge . The Pampheter is almost spent , and now plays with flies , quarrelling the Observator , for saying that this Convocation was held in Ireland Anno 1633. Whereas Dr. Heylyn , whom he makes to be his alter idem , hath placed it in his History of the Sabbath , Anno 1634. It could not then proceed from ignorance in the Observator , you have cleared him very well for that , and it will be very hard for you to prove , that it proceeded from negligence , or from ( your ordinary excuse ) a lapse of memory . Printers will fall into such errours do we what we can , though the calculation be put down , in words at length , and not in figures , more easily and frequently , when they meet with figures , not words in length . And so much for all matters which relate to Arminianism . The rest that follows shall be reduced into two Chapters , the first for Parliaments and Convocations , and the points coincident ; the second for all such other matters as cannot be contained under those two heads . CHAP. VIII . A voluntary mistake of the Author , charged on the accompt of the Observator . The Pamphleter agreeth with the Observator , about the sitting and impowering of the Convocation . Our Author satisfied in the &c. left so unhappily in the Canon of 640. That the Clergy in their Convocation may give away their own money without leave from the Parliament . The difference in that Case between a Benevolence and a Subsidie . The Impulsives to that Benevolence . The King not unacquainted with the differences between the Liturgies . The words of distribution in the first Liturgy of King Edward , no more favourable to Transubstantiation , than those which are retained in the present Liturgy . The reason why so many Papists have been gained of late to the Church of England . The Convocation of the year 1640 appeared not by their Councel in the House of Commons . New Lords created in time of Parliam●nt , not excluded from their suffrage in it . The difference between the Loan and the Tax made reconcileable ; the Commons in the Parliament , 1621. not to be called petty Kings . Our Authors weak excuses for it , and the damages of it . The Pamphleters great libertie in calculating the Estates of the Peers and Commons to make good his estimate . The Bishops purposely left out in the valuation . The true stating of the time of the charge against the late Arch-Bishop . The Bishops not excluded by the Canon-Laws , from being present at the intermediate proceedings in the businesse of the Earl of Strafford . Our Authors resolution , not to warrant Circumstances , but the Things themselves , of what not able advantage to him . The Observator justified in the day of taking the Protestation . The four Bishops sent to the King , and not sent for by him . The Bishop of London supernumerary . The Pamphleters weak argument upon his silence in that meeting . The Primate of Armagh , not made use of by the Lord Leiutenant in framing the Answer to his charge ; why chosen to be with him , as his Ghostly Father , before , and at the time of his death . A fair and friendly expostulation with Dr. Bernard . FRom the Convocation held in Ireland , proceed we now to that in England , both yeelding matter of Observation , and both alike unpleasing to the Presbiterian or Puritan party . And the first thing the Pamphleter layeth hold on , is a mistake , occasioned chiefly by himself . He told us of a new Synod made of an old Convocation , and Fathers the conceit , such as it is , on a witty Gentleman . But now the witty Gentleman proves to be a Lord , and therefore the Observators descant on Sir Edward Deering , must be out of Doors Fol. 34. Had the Historian spoke properly , and told us of a witty Lord , who had said so of that Convocation , the Observator would have took more pains in inquiring after him , but speaking of him in the notion of a Gent. only , though a witty Gentleman , the Observator had some reason to conceive it spoken by Sir Edward Deering , one of whose witty Speeches , was made chiefly upon that occasion . But as this Lord is here presented to us in the name of a Gentleman , so Mr. Secretary V●ne is given unto us in the unpublished Sheets , by the name of a Lord. Had he corrected himself in this expression , as he did in the other , he might have eas'd himself of some work , excused the Observator from some part of his trouble , and freed Sir Edward Deering from the Descant ( as he calls it ) of the Observator . The Historian had affirmed , that the Convocation was impowered to sit still by a new Commission . To this the Observator answereth , no such matter verily ; the new Cōmission which he speaks off , gave them no such power ; the writ by which they were first called , and made to be a Convocation , gave them power to sit , and by that writ they were to sit as a Convocation , till by another writ proceeding from the same authority , they were dissolved . Doth the Pamphleter deny any part of this ? no , he grants it all , and takes great pains to prove himself , a most serious Trifeler ; Confessing , that though the Convocation were not dissolved , by the dissolutiof the Parliament , yet that it had so little life in it , as the King thought fit to reanimate it with a new Commission , Fol. 34. not one word in this impertinent nothing of above 30 lines , till the close of all where the light-fingered Observator is said to have pocketed up the Break-neck of the businesse , in suppressing what the Lawyers sent along with their opinions ; viz. that they would advise the Convocation in making Canons to be very sparing . And this , he saith he is informed by a member of that Convocation , and one as knowing and credible a person as that Assembly had any , Fol. 35. For this we are to take his word , fot either he hath no witness to it , or else his witnesse is ashamed to own the testimony ; there being otherwise no danger or inconvenience likely to fall upon him , for giving evidence in the Cause . And thetefore I would fain know of this nameless witness , how , and by whom , the Lawyers sent this Advice to the Convocation ; whether in the same paper in which they had subscribed to their opinions , or by some message sent along with it , by word of month . Not in the Paper I am sure , there was no such matter ; I having opportunity both to see and transcribe the same , as it came from their hands . And if by message I would know , who it was that brought it , Not the Archbishop I am sure , by whom the paper was communicated , containing their opinions , with their names subscribed . The Lawyers durst not be so bold as to send him upon their errant ; or if they were , he lost his errant by the way , or betrayed the trust reposed in him , for he delivered no such message or advice , when he acquainted both Houses with their Subscription . And if by any body else , I must know by whom , when , where , and in whose presence , whether to one or both the Houses of Convocation , or only to this credible and knowing person , whose name must be concealed like an Arcanum Imperii , fit only for the knowledge of he Councill of State. When I am satisfied in these particulars , he shall hear more of me , till then I look upon a nameless witnesse sa no wirness at all . In the Declaration of the meaning of that unhappy &c. left so improvidently in the Oath , the Pamphleter seems to be very well satisfied , objecting not one word against it . Only he finds himself aggrieved , that these faults imputed to the Canon , and contrived by others , should be said or thought to be delivered as of his own suggestion , the exceptions being taken by the Kentish and Northamptonshire men , but especially by those of Devonshire , presented Septemb. 16. to the Lords of the Councel , and touched at in the Lord Digbi●s Speech Novemb. 12. Fol. 38. if so , ( and be it so this once ) I doubt not but all the said parties , or so many of them as are living , will be satisfied also , in the plain meaning of that Canon , which seemed to carry such a mysterious import with it , in our Authors language . Concerning the Benevolence granted by that Convocation , Our Author told us , that it was beheld as an act of very high presumption , and an usurpation upon the preheminence of Parliament ; No Convocation having power to grant any Subsidies or aid , without confirmation from the Lay Senate . To which the Observator saith , that never was any rule more false or more weakly grounded ; nor doth he only say it , but he proves it too . He proves it first by the powers granted to the Procurators or Clerks of the Convocation , from the several and respective Diocesses for which they serve ; next by a President of the like in Queen Elizabeths time , Anno 1585. exemplified and followed word for word by this Convocation . Against this the Pamphleter makes these two Objections : The first drawn from the most infallible judgement of the House of Commons , in which so many wise and learned men had declared it so , Fol. 39. To which there needs no other Answer , but that many things passed in that House , rather to pursue their own interest , and carry on the design which they had in hand , than that they should be urged in suceeding times , as a Rule to others . The next drawn from the practice of Convocations , constantly praying and desiring their Grants and Subsidies may be confirmed and ratified by the High Court of Parliament , Ibid. A practice taken up in the latter times of King Henry the 8th . when the censures of the Church were grown invalid , and held on in the reign of King Edward 6th . when the authority of the Clergy was under foot ; and though continued afterwards in the times of Queen Elizabeth , and the Kings succeeding , as the shorter and most expedite way ; yet not so binding , but that they did and might proceed by their own sole power , as is apparent by the President in the Observator . The Parliaments ratification , when desired by the Clergy , signifies all ; but when the Clergy have a mind to proceed without it , then it signifieth nothing . This said , I shall ex abundantia let the Pamphleter know , that the Convocation had in this particular , the advice of the Kings Counsell learned in the Laws , who at first were of opinion , that the Clergy could not make this grant , but by way of Parliament ; but when they had perused the Instrument , and found that the Grant passed not by the name of a Subsidie , but of a Benevolence or extraordinary contribution , according to the president before mentioned , they then changed their minds , and gave their Counsell and encouragement to go on accordingly . So then , according to this Criticism of the Councel learned , the Convocation may be delivered of a Benevolence , without the help and Midwifry of an Act of Parliament , but of a Subsidie it cannot . Now the Impulsives to this grant were not only the consideration of their duty owing to his Majestie , for his constant defence of the Faith , and protection of Christs holy Church , by the maintenance of the happy government , &c. but also of those great expences , whereat he was then like to be , as well for the honourable sustentation of his Royal Estate at home , and the necessary defence of this his Realm , as also for the effectual furtherance of his Majesties most Royal and extraordinary designs abroad . This gives me some occasion to look toward the Scots , and to consider so far of the Liturgie recommended to them , as it lyeth before me in my Author ; of this Liturgy he telleth us , how unhappily the King had been perswaded , that it little differed from the English ; to which the Observator answered , that the King needed no perswasion in this point , The difference between the two Liturgies ( whether great or little ) being known unto him before he caused that to be published ; the Pamphleter replyeth , that though the King was shewed the Alteration of the Scotish Liturgy ; yet might he so apprehend or be perswaded that the differences were small , and yet might they be great for all that , and perhaps not discovered by him . But might be and perhaps are but forry Mediums , on which to huild a Conclusion of such weight and consequence . 1. For if they might be great for all that , they might for all that not be great , the one as probable as the other ; if perhaps discovered by him , it is but a perhaps they were not , and perhaps they were ; So that his argument concludeth nothing to the contrary , but that the difference between the two Liturgies ( whether great or little ) were ( not only shewn , but ) made known unto him . The Observator noted next , that the alterations in the Liturgy being made and shewed to the King , he approved well of them ; in regard that comming nearer to the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth , in the administration of the Lords Supper ( and consequently being more agreeable to the ancient Forms ) it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church , who liked far better of the first , than the second Liturgy . In this the Pamphleter very cunningly ( that I say no worse ) leaves out these words , and consequently being more agreeable to the ancient Forms fastning the hopes of gaining Papists to the Church , on the nearness of the Scotish Liturgie to the first of King Edwards , without relating to the Forms of more elder times , to which the Papists stand affected , Fol. 29. This is no fair dealing by the way . But let that pass , he grants it is a matter beyond dispute , that the Papists liked the first Liturgy of King Edward , better than the second . Why so ? Because the words of Distribution of the Elements are so framed , as they may consist with transubstantiation . Fol. 30. If that be all , the Papists have as good reason to like the Liturgy of the Church of England now by Law established , as they had or have to like the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth , The words of Distribution used in the first Liturgy being still retained in the present , together with the words of Participation ( take and eat , take and drink , &c. ) which only did occur in the second Liturgy . No more consistency with transubstantiation , in the words of Distribution used in the first Liturgy of King Edward , nor consequently in that for Scotland , than in that continued in the first year of Queen Elizabeth . But then the Pamphleter subjoyns , that the gaining of Papists to our Church , was indeed the great pretended project of forty years continuance , and yet in all that time not so much as one taken with that Bait. In answer unto which I desire to know , where the fault was , that for the space of forty years the intended project of gaining Papists to the Church took no more effect . The Project certainly was pious , and intended really , and where the fault was we shall hear from our Author himself , the Bishops of late yeares ( saith he ) supinely , either careless or indulgent , had not required within their Dioceses , that strict obedience to Ecclesiastical constitutions , which the Law expected , upon which the Liturgy began to be totally laid aside , and inconformity the uniform practice of the Church . Hist . Fol. 137. The Papists loving comlinesse and order in Gods publique service , will not be taken with the hatefull Bait of Inconformity , and forty years of generall conformity will be hardly found , in which we might have gained upon them . Had Bishop Laud succeeded Bancroft , and the intended Project been followed without interruption , there is little question to be made , but that our Jerusalem ( by this time ) might have been a City at unity in it self . Besides , the Pamphleter might have observed , had he been so minded , that the Observator speaks these words of gaining Papists to the Church , as a thing hoped for by the King , of the Scotish Liturgy , and the nearnesse which it had to the first of King Edward , which they liked better than the second . If the pamphleter can prevail so far with my Lord Protector , as to settle the Scotish Liturgy in Scotland , and the first of King Edward in this Kingdom , we may in lesse than forty years give him a better accompt of the Papists gained unto the Church , than can be made ( for the reasons above mentioned ) for the like space of time now past . If any true Protestants have been lost hereby , as here is affirmed , when he hath told me who , and how many they are , he shall find me very ready to grieve with him for it . In the mean time I shall grieve for him who so vainly speaks it . We have one only thing to adde , relating to this Convocation , the Observator saying , that he had some reason to believe , that the Clergy of that Convocation did not appear in the Parliament by their Councel learned , sufficiently authorized and instructed to advocate for them . To this the Pamphleter replyeth by halves , professing that he will not determine ( 't is because he cannot ) how the Councel for the Clergy were instructed by them ; but withall confidently averring , that by their Councell they did appear , first by Mr. Chadwell of Lincolns Inne , Novemb. 26. then again by Mr. Holburn , the 15 day of Decemb. who argued two hours in defence of them , Fol. 40. That these two Gentlemen appeared in this businesse for the Clergy , I shall easily grant , that is to say , that they appeared in it , out of a voluntary piety , and an honest zeal to doe them the best offices they could in their great extremities . If the Pampleter mean no otherwise than thus , he shall take me with him ; But there he takes the word equivocally , and not according to the legal acception of it , and there can be no legal appearance , but by men authorized and instructed by the parties whom it doth concern , and that these Gentlemen were so , the Pamphleter can neither say , nor will determine . And certainly if the Members of that Convocation had been so ill-advised as to submit their persons , Cause , and Jurisdiction , which I am very well assured they did not , and would never doe , to the Iudgement of the House of Commons , it had been more proper for them to have made this appearance by his Majesties Attourney and Solliciter , and others of his Councell learned ; the Kings interesse and theirs , being so complicated and involved , as the case then stood , that the one could not fall without the other . Being thus entered on this Parliament , I will look back to those before , and take them in their course and order . And the first thing we meet with , is an ancient Order , said in the History to be found by the Lords , ( that is to say , the Lords which were of the popular party against the Duke ) that no Lords created sedente Parliamento should have voice during that Session , &c. whereupon their suffrage was excluded . The vanity and improbability of which Report , is proved by the Observator by these two Arguments ; First , that the Lords Seymore , Littleton , Capel , &c. created sedente Parliamento , Anno 1640. were admitted to their suffrages , without any dispute , though in a time when a strong party was preparing against the King. And 2ly . That when a Proposition of this nature was made unto the King at York , he denied it absolutely , though then in such a low condition , that it was hardly safe for him to deny them any thing which they could reasonably desire , which Arguments the Pamphleter not being able to answer , requireth a Demonstration of his . Errous from the Records themseves , or otherwise no recantation to be looked for from him , Fol. 10. Whereas indeed it doth belong unto our Author , according to the ordinary rules of Disputation , both to produce a Copy of that ancient Order , and to make proof out of the Journals of that House , that the new Lords were excluded from their suffrage accordingly : And this since he hath failed to doe , the Observators Arguments remain un-answered , and the pretended Order must be thought no Order , or of no authority . In the businesse of the Levy made upon the Subject , Anno 1626. there is little difference , the Observator calling it a Loan , because required under that name , in relation to the Subsidies intended and passed by the Commons in the former Parliament , our Author calling it a Tax , as being a compulsory tribute , imposed upon the Subject at a certain rate , and such is this affirmed to be in the following words , Fol. 10. And this is no great difference , nor much worth our trouble ; Only the Pamphleter is mistaken , in making this Loan or Tax to be imposed upon the Subject at a certain rate ; Whereas the Commissioners ( if I remember it aright ) imposed not any certain rate upon the Subject ; but scrued them up as high as they could , with reference to their Abilities in Estate , and Charge of Familie . Our Author calling the Members of the House of Commons , Anno , 1627. not only Petty Lords and Masters , but even Petty Kings ; and finding that the Observator marvelled at this strange expression , fitst puts it off upon King James , who having said the like before ( but rather in the way of Jear than otherwise ) he thinks it no great marvell that a poor Subject should use the same expression also , Fol. 11. The difference is , that the Pamphleter speaks that in earnest , which the King ( most probably ) spoke in Jest ; and proves it by the power which the Commons assumed unto themselves in the late long Parliament , of whom he telleth us , that they were not Petty Lords , but Lords Paramount ; not Petty Kings , but Superiours to Kings themselves , Ibid. T is true , he hath a kind of Plaister to salve this sore ( for he would willingly write nothing but saving truths ) advertising that the Expression above mentioned , doth not import what these Gentlemen were de jure , but what de facto , and what in reputation ; but then withall he leaves it standing in the Text , as a plain Position , to serve as a President to the Commons of arrogating the like powers unto themselves in succeeding Parliaments . And in this he may be thought the rather to have some design , because he makes no Answer to that part of the Observation , which declareth out of the very Writs of Summons , that they are called only to consent and submit such resolutions and Conclusions , as should be then and there agreed on by the Kings great Councill , or the great Council of the Kingdom ; that is to say , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , assisted by the Reverend Judges , and others learned in the Laws . To make this position the more probable , our Author telleth us , that the House of Commons was then able to buy the House of Peers , though 118 , thrice over , that is to say , although there were 354 Lords in the House of Peers . For this being called to an accompt by the Observator , in regard of the low value which was put upon the Peerage by it , he thus proceeds to make it good , valuing the estates of each L. in the House of Peers ato more than 3000 l. per annum , and each Member in the House of Commons at no lesse than 2124l . per annum , one with another . Whereas , unlesse he make the Baronage of England to be very despicable , there were but few whose estates could be valued at so mean a rate , as on the other side there were not very many members in the House of Commons whose Estates exceeded the proportion which he puts upon them , some of them being of mean estates , and some of very little or none at all . But give him leave to set the members of each House at what rate he pleaseth , then he may as well enable the House of Commons to buy the House of peers ten times over , as to buy it thrice . The Observator having entred into a a Consideration , why the Bishops or spiritual Lords should be left out by the Author , in this valuation , as if they were no members of the House of Peers , is answered , that if the Bishops were members of the House of Peers , then these words of his were turn-key enough to let them in ; if the Observator say not , their exclusion is his own manufacture ? Fol. 12. Well applyed John Ellis , and possibly intelligible enough in a place of manufactures , but nothing proper to the true meaniug of the word in the vulgar Idiome . But let us take his meaning whatsoever it be , and in what Country Dialect soever , we may trade the word ; and yet all will not serve the turn to save our Author from the purpose of excluding the Bishops from the valuation , and consequently from being members of the House of Peers ; my reason is , because it is affirmed by the Observator , that there were at that time about an hundred and eighteen Temporall Lords , in the Upper House , and therefore that the Bishops were not reckoned in the calculation . This is so plain , that the Pamphleters turn-key will not serve to let them in ; and I have reason to believe that he had as great a mind as any to thrust them out : it being one of his positions in the sheets unpublished , that the Root of Episcopacie had not sap enough to maintain so spreading and so proud a top as was contended for , Fol. 185. Whether the King did well or not , in passing a way the Bishops Votes , in the late long Parliament , hath been considered of already , and therefore we shall need to say nothing here as to that particular . No Parliament after this , till those of the year 1640. Where the first thing that offers it self , is the stating of the true time of the charge brought in against the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and his Commitment thereupon . The Observator following the accompt of that prelates Diary , abbreviated and published by Mr. Prynne , Anno 1644. doth state it thus , viz. That on Wednesday the 16th day of December , a Committy was appointed to draw up a charge against him ; that on the same day he was named an Incendiary by the Scotch Commissioners , who promised to bring in their Complaint on the morrow after , and that on Friday morning , December 18. Mr. Hollis was sent up with the impeachment , and presently came in the charge of the Scotch Commissioners The pamphleter tells us from the Journals ( if we may believe them , ) that on Thursday December 17. there was a conference between the two Houses , at which time the Lord Paget read the Scotch charge against the Archbishop , in which charge he was named an Incendiarie , Fol. 40. A man would think that the Arch-Bishops own Diary written with his own hand , and in a matter which so nearly concerned his life , should find as much credit in the world , as any thing which the Pamphleter pretends to have found in the Journals , especially , considering how easie a thing it was ( as was proved before ) to abuse his credulity , and make him pay for false Copies as if true and perfect . We found him in the snare before , when he was fain to rouse up Mr. Prynns Ghost , to help him out of it ; and now there is do remedy ( for ought that I can see ) but to conjure up the silly shaddow of Iohn Brown , that famous Clericus Parliamentorum ( as he stiled himself ) to give him a cast of his old Office in the present plunge . And yet upon these sorry grounds he builds his triumph , and doth not only reckon this among the Observators mistakes , Fol. 45. but tells him , that in this particular , he is as arrant an Errant as ever was , Fol. 39. If he must needs be an Errant as you please to make him , you will allow him to be a Knight Errant at the least , I presume of that , and then none fitter than our Author to be made his Squire ; 't is pitty that such a Don Quixot should not have his Sancho , especially considering how easily he may fit him , with some Ifland , or other of the Terra incognita , wherein the Vice may spend his wit , and abuse his authority . Our Author telleth us , that the Bishops , upon consideration of some antient Canons forbidding them to be assistant in causes of blood or death , absented themselves at the tryal of the Earl of Strafford : in which he more mistakes the matter than I thought he did , or the Observator hath observed . For whereas he conceivs the Bishops to absent themselves , as if they did it by their own voluntary act , of their own accord , in reference to some antient Canons : Certain it is , that they were purposely excluded by the Votes of both Houses , from taking Examinations , and hearing the Depositions of Witnesses in the course of that businesse , contrary to the former practice , and their antient rights , long time before this Cause was btought to a publike tryal ; and that not in relation to any such Canons , but for fear they might discover some of those secret practices which were to be contrived and hatched against him . Against which Preparations to a finall tryal , or taking the Examinations , or hearing the Depositions of Witnesses , or giving counsell in such Cases as they saw occasion ; the Council of Toledo saith nothing to their disadvantage ; and therefore is produced here by the Pamphleter , to no end at all , but only for the ostentation of his mighty reading . The Canon is , Si quis Sacerdotum discursor in altenis periculis extiter it apud Ecclesiam proprium perdat gradum , that is to say ( in our own Authors very words ) If any Priest shall intermeadle in cases endangering the life of others , let him be degraded , Fol. 40 , 41. Hereupon I conclude against him , that the Bishops were to be admitted to all preparatory examinations in the present businesse , because their Counsell and Assistance would have tended rather to the preservation , than conduced to the endangering of the parties life . Our Author being told by the Observator , that the paper which contained the names of the Straffordians , was not pasted on the Gates of VVestminster , but on the corner of the wall of Sir VVilliam Brunkards House , makes answer , that the Reports were various , concerning this paper , that some of them agreed with the Observator ; and finally that for his part , he had fastned upon another place ; not undertaking to warrant the circumstance , but the thing , Fol. 41. A very saving Declaration , and of great advantage , of which if our Author had bethought himself when he made his Preface , it would have served his turn better and with less exceptions than to exempt himself so confidently from substantial falshoods , and as he hopes , ( I must be sure not to leave out that ) circumstantiall also . Not undertaking to warrant the circumstance but the thing ? What a brave medicine have we here , a Panpharmacon fitted for all diseases in his Temporalities , and Localties too . He may now confidently go on , in mistaking not only daies but years , in his Super-semi-annuating , Super-annuating , Subter-trienniating , and Subter-sexenniating ( for I must cant to him in his own Language ) without all controul . He doth not undertake to warrant the circumstance , but the thing . He may misplace battels , feasts , and entertainments , with equal privilege . It is but a matter of Locality , and mere point of circumstance , and t is resolved , his undertakings extend only to warrant the things themselves , and not the circumstances . How easily might the Observator have excused the Errour about the first Trennium of P. Baro , could he have gotten but a lick on my Authors Gallipot , and helped himself with the same medicine , when his need required . But this preservative , our Author keeps only to himself , not having so much charity , as to allow any part of it to the Observator , should he mistake only in a day . He makes it one of his mistakes in the generall Catalogne , Fol. 45. that he had erred concerning the protestation , that is to say , for saying the protestation was taken the very same day in which it was framed , before the Members were permitted to go out of the House . Whereas saith he , the Protestation was debated on the 3 day of May , the ordering and framing thereof kept the House all that day , till late at night . So the Journals of that week , which also present us with the Reading , and taking thereof the next day by the whole House . Fol. 41. These Journals are an other of our Authors helps , but upon examination prove to be only false and imperfect Copies , as hath appeared by our inquiry into some of those which before were cited . But say his Copies what they will , the Observator shall not vary from what he said , nor save himself by declaring his undertataking , not to warrant circumstances so he had the Thing . The Author of the Book entituled , A Brief and perfect Relation of the Answers and Replies of Thomas Earl of Strafford , to the Articles exhibited against him by the House of Commons , &c. a very intelligent person , whosoever he was , and very punctuaal in the circumstances of time and place , doth declare it thus , viz. The House of Commons sate all that day ( Monday ) till 8 at night , nor were they idle all that time , but brought forth that Protestation , or Bond of Association ( as they term it ) which is now in print , it was then drawn up , and without further processe or delay , before they came out subscribed by the whole House , except the Lord Digby , and an Unkle or friend of his , pag. 87 , 88. If this suffice not as a Countercheck to the Pamphleters Journals , let him consult the Protestation it self , as it was first printed , where he shall find it with this Title , viz. The Protestation taken in the House of Commons , May the 3. 1641. I could adde somewhat of my own knowledge , living then near the place , and taking notice of all businesses from day to day , but that I will not light a Candle in so clear a Sun-shine . If no consideration could be had of the Observator , in the mistake but of a day only , had it hapned , so he is not to expect it in offences of a higher nature , wherein he is said to be so shamefully out , as never man was , out of the Story beyond all measure , and out of Charity beyond all Religion , Fol. 41. charged thus in general , the Pampheter sets upon him with 5 particulars , relating to the conference between the King and the Bishops in the businesse of the Earl of Strafford , that is to say : 1. These Bishops were not sent by the Parliament to the King , but sent for by him . 2ly . They were five , not four . 3ly . If any of them depended upon the Judgement of the others , it was the Bishop of London , who at the last meeting and consultation spake not one Syllable . 4ly . The Lord Primate had no sharp tooth against the Lieutenant . And 5ly . The Convocation of Ireland was not 1633. as the Observator placeth it . To the last of these we have already answer'd in the former Chapter , to the three first there are no proofs offered , but his ipse dixit , and therefore might be passed over without more adoe , but being Magisterially delivered , and delivered ad appositum , to that which had been said by the Observator , I will examine them one by one as they lie before me . And first he saith , that these Bishops were not sent by the Parliament to the King , but sent for by him , Fol. 41. And for this we have his own word , worth a thousand witnesses , without further proof . But first I remember very well , that on Saturday the 8th . of May , as soon as the House of Peers was risen , I was told of the designation of the four Bishops , that is to say , the Lord Primate of Armagh , the Bishops of Durham , Lincoln , and Carl●le , to go the next day unto the King , to satisfie and inform his conscience in the Bill of Attainder . 2ly . The King had before declared , the satisfaction which he had in his own conscience , publickly , in the House of Peers , on good and serious deliberation ; and therefore needed not to send for these Bishops , or any of them , to inform it now . 3ly . If any doubt were stirred in him after that Declaration , it is not probable that he would send for such men to advise him in it , in some of which he could place no confidence in point of judgement , and was exceedingly well anured in the disaffections of the other . For ( not to instance any thing in the other two can any man of wisdome think , that the King , out of so many Bishops as were then in London , would put his conscience into the hands of the Bishop of Lincoln , a man so many times exasperated by him , newly re●ca●ed from a long Imprisonment , and a prose●ed servant at that time to the opposite party in both Houses , and with whose ●requent prevarications , he was well acquainted ▪ or that , he would confide any thing in the judgement of Bishop Potter , a man of so much want , so many weaknesses , that nothing but the Lawen Sleeves could make him venerable and , so most like to be the man whose Syllogism the King faulted for having four tearms in it , of which the Pamphlet tells us , Fol. 42. None but a man of such credulity as onr Authors is , can give faith to this , and I must have some further proof , than his Ipse dixit , before I yield my assent unto it . He saith next , they were five , not four , Fol. 42. And five there were indeed , I must needs grant that , but neither sent to him , or sent for by him . For the truth is , that the King hearing of the Designation of the other four , sent for the fifth , the Bishop of London , to come to him in the morning betimes , with whom he had s●●e preparatory conference , with reference to the grand encounter which he was to look for ; And from him he received that satisfaction mentioned in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chap. 2. that Bishop counselling him , not to consent against the vote of his own conscience , as is there affirmed . So we have here five Bishops , in all , that is to say , four sent to him by the Houses of Parliament , and the fifth sent for by the King ; ei●her the diligence or intelligence of ou Author being wanting here , as in many other things besides , though he will by no means ye●ld to have failed in either . But thirdly , if any of them depended on the judgment of the others , it was the Bishop of London , Ibid. whether with greater injury to that Bishop , to have his judgement thus pinned on another mans Sleeve , or to the King in choosing so unfit a Counseller to inform his conscience , It is hard to say . Our Author in the first Edition had told us of him , that he was none of the best Scholars ; and the Pamphleter brings this argument now in full proof thereof . But how is this dependency proved ? Because ( saith he ) at the last meeting and consultation he spake not one syllable . A most excellent argument . He spake not a syllable at the last meeting ; Ergo , he spake nothing in the first . For if it be granred , that he declared himself in the first conference , though not in the last , it is enough , accotding to our Authors Logick , to save himself from the imputation of depending on another man. Or thus , admitting it for true , that the Bishop spoke nothing in the first conference neither , the argument will be as faulty as it was before . The Bishop of London , spoke nothing , not one syllable , during the whole time of the consultation , Ergo , which is in English therefore , he depended on the Judgment of the other four . For if he spake nothing all the while , how can the Pamphleter assure us , what his judgment was , or upon whom it did depend ? But the truth is , that wise Prelate , knew the temper of those present times , and how unsafe it would be for him to declare himself against the Sense of the Houses , and therefore having declared his judgment in the morning privately , and thereby given the King the satisfaction before mentioned , he rather chose to hear what the other said , than to say any thing himself . Whether the Lord Primate had any sharp tooth against the Lord Lieutenant or not , I dispute not now , the parties being both dead , and the displeasures buried in the same Grave with them , which for my part I am not wilto revive . But as to the occasion of them ( whatsoever they were ) in repealing the first Articles of the Church of Ireland , and the Debates between the Lord Primate and the Bishop of Derry , I have already vindicated the Observator in the former Chapter . The rest which doth remain in this redious nothing , which taketh up so great a part of rhe Pamphlet , consisteth of some offers of proof , that there was a more than ordinary dearnesse between the Lord Lieutenant and the Lord Primate ( by consequence no sharp tooth , no grudge upon either fide ) a thing ( saith he ) so likely , that it is almost Demonstrable . And first ( saith he ) the Lieutenant did from time to time advise with the Primate concerning his Answer to his change , Fol. 42. A thing so far from being almost Demonstrable , that it is not likely . For let me ask ( for I hope it will be no abusing of your patience , my most eloquent Cicero , to ask one question ) whether he advised with the Primate in point of matter , or of form , in framing his answer to the charge . I know you do not think the Primate so great a Lawyer as to be counselled and advised with , for putting the Answer into Form. The Lord Lieutenant being furnished with more learned Counsell as to that particular . And I think also that you know , how able the Lord Lieutenant was , how well studied in his own affairs , how well provided of all advantages , in Order to the following tryal , and consequently how unusefull the Lord Primate must needs be to him , as to the matter of his Answer . And whereas it is secondly said , that after sentence he desired and obtained of the Parliament , that the Primate might be sent to him , to serve him with his ministerial office in his last and fatal extremity , Fol. 43. There was good reason for this too , though it make nothing at all to our Authors purpose . For first the English Bishops were engaged in a dayly attendance , both in Parliament and Convocation , not to be taken off ( had he desired it ) upon his concernments , especially considering , that the Lieutenant had desired the Lord Primates company , not only from the time of his sentence ( as the Pamphleter saith ) but from the very time that the Bill of Attainder was formed against him . And 2ly . had he made it his request to have some or any one of the English Bishops to assist him , and advise with him in that last necessity , It is most probable , the Fears and Jelousies of the time considered , that the sute had absolutely been rejected . As for his taking him by the hand , and leading him along with him to the Scaffold , there wanted not very good reasons to induce him to it . 1. To declare to all the world the reality and sincerity of their Reconciliaty , the utter abolition of all former differences . And 2ly . That the Christianity and Piety of his last Deportment , reported from the mouth of one , who was known to be none of his greatest friends , might find the greater credit amongst his Enemies . I see my man of Law is a sorry Advocate , though he may be good for Chamber-Councel ; for never was good cause more betrayed , nor ill worse managed . Having thus done with the Pamphleter , as to this particular , I should proceed to my next and last Chapter ; but that I must needs meet with Doctor Bornard , whom I left but now upon that promise . Not thinking he had Edified sufficiently by the general Doctrine of the Certificate , without a particular application , he makes a use of Admonition and Reproof to the Observator , and fearing that might not be enough to confound the man ( for it appeareth not , that ●e aimed at his Conversion ) he must needs have a fling at him in his Sermon preached at the Lord Primates Funeral ; in which he had some words , to this , or the like effect , as I am credibly informed , viz. There is one thing which I cannot forbear ( and am wished by others also to it ) and that is to vindicate him from the unjust a●persions of a late Observator , as though he had advised the King to sign the Bill for the Earl of Straffords death , and afforded some distinction between his pe●sonal and politique Conscience : A matter altogether false , as the Lord Primate himself had declared in his life time , adding , that there was something in the Presses to justifie him against that presumptuous Observator . This is the substance of the charge , in the delivery whereof I think the Preacher might have made a better Panegyrick , had he been quite silent , and not awakened those inquiries , which are so little advantagious to the memory of that learned Prelate . Howsoever , if his zeal had not eaten up his understanding , he should have gone upon good grounds , and not have charged that on the Observator , which he finds not in him . Where finds he in the Observator , that the Lord Primate advised the King to sign the Bill for the Earl of Straffords death ? Nowhere I dare be bold to say it , and if h● can find no body else upon whom to Father it , the Calumny ( if such it were ) must rest at his own dores as the Broacher of it . The Observator only saith , that he was one of those four Bishops sent to the King by the Parliament to inform his Conscience , and bring him to yeeld unto the Bill . That the Primate had couceived a displeasure against him , for abrogating of the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland , Anno , 1615. and that the Kings conscience was not like to be well informed , when men so interessed were designed unto the managing and preparing of it . All this might be , and yet for all this it might not be , that the Lord Primate advised the King to sign the Bill . So that in brief , the Preacher first raised this Calmny against the Primate , and then Calumniates the Observator to make it good , audacter calumniare necesse est ut aliquid haereat , charge but the Observator home , the presumptuous Observator ( so the Preacher called him ) and that will be sufficient proof to make good the Calumny . Lesse reason is there in the next , the second part of the charge , though none in this , there being no such thing in the Observator , as the distinction between the Kings personal and politique Conscience ; The Preacher must look for that elsewhere , if he mean to find it . The Presumptuous Obsertator was not so presumptuous as to write things which till that time he never heard of , and possibly had never heard of them at all , if as well he as others had not been awakened by the Preacher to a further search . And now upon a further search , I can tell the Preacher where he may easily satisfie himself , if his stomack serve him . Let him but rake a Walk in the second part of Dodonas Grove , he shall find it there . And if not satisfied with that , I shall direct him to some persons of worth and honour , from whom he may inform himself more fully in all particulars . But as it had been better for him had he not startled this inquiry in a publique audience , for which he could not find just grounds in the Observations ; so I conceive that he will do that reverend person , and himself some right , if he suffer it to die with the party most concerned in it , without reviving it again by his double diligence . Non amo ●inium dilige●tes , is a good old Rule ; but causa patrocinio non bona pejor erit , is a great deal better . CHAP. IX . The Duke of Buckingham and the Earl of Bristol absolved from treason by our Author . Of the papers found sticking in Feltons Hat , and that they prove not , that the late Remonstrance of the House of Commons , was the motive to his killing the Duke . The Historian seems not unpleased with the Fact , or involves a great part of the Nation in the guilt thereof . Fame and Reports much built on by our Author in the course of his History , and to what intent . The History rectified b● the Observations in the Case of Knighthood , the Subjects summoned to the Coronation were to receive that order , in ( our Authors own confession ) if tbe King so pleased . Sir Edward Cooks opinion in the Case examined . The Pamphleters notable Arguments for the Sw●ord and Surcoat . Of the Earl of Newcastles two great Feasts at Welbeck and and Belsover . Our Author removes one of his mistakes from Guild-Hall to Cornhill . The Pamphleters causeless quarrell with the Observator , in reference unto the battel at Rostock ; no such beleguering of that Town , no such battel , nor any such ingagement of the Armies , ( before the battel of Lipsique , ) as the History mentioneth . The History rectified in the first issuing out of the writs for Ship money . And the Observator quarelled for directing in it . The Pamphleters grosse errour in pursute of that quarrell , together with his equity and ingenuity in the managing of it . Young Oxenstern was denied audience by King Charles . Of what authority an eye witniss is , in point of History . The Pamphleters weak defences , for his errour in that particular . He rectifieth his own discourse of the first differences between the King & the Scotish Lords by the Observator . His quarrels with him , and corrections of him , quite besides the Cushion . The Observator justified touching the constituting of the Lords . Of the Articles in the Scotish Parliaments . Our Authors false Arithmetique in Substracting from his own errours , and multiplying the supposed mistakes of the Observator . His sharp expostulation , how unjustly grounded . The Close of all . THis Chapter will be like that of Champion in his Decem Rationes , which he calls testes omnium generum ; an Aggregate body , a collection of incoherencies , as commonly it hapneth in the Fag-end of such discourses , in which a man hath not the liberty of using his own method , otherwise than as the Author whom he deals with shall give way unto it . And the first thing we meet with , is the absolving of the Duke of Buckingham , and Earl of Bristoll from the crime of treason , wherewith our Author had reproached them in the first Edition : where shewing ▪ how passing jocund many good men were at the contest betwixt those great persons , h● addeth , that the Question seemed not in the sense of many , which was the Traytor , but which the most , Hist . Fol. 29. Both charged as Traytors , in the first , and both absolved from being Traytots by leaving out this passage in the second Edition . For this he is beholding to the Observator , from whom he a●so takes a hint , of giving us a full Copy of the Dukes charge against that Earl , which before we had not . Now I would fain learn of him , whether this censure thus expunged were true , or false , whether it seemed so in his own sense , or in the sense of others . If if be false , why was it put in the first ; if true , why is it left o●t in the second . If so they seemed in his own sense , why doth he not declare how , and by whom his sense was altered in that point ? but if it were the sense of others , I would know the reason why he should suppresse it in this place , where it relates only to a private person , and stand unto it in all points concerning Episcopacie , the Clergy , and the Convocation , which still stand under the same tearms of reproach & obloquy , as before they did , How so ? because saith he , he speaks the sense of others and not his own , and passing as the words of others , they shall remain in evidence to succeding times , against all those concerned in it , though it be proved how much they are calumniated and abused in those scandalous passages . Yet deals he better with these great persons , than he doth with Mr. Attorney Noye ; whom ( notwithstanding the vindication of him , by the Observator , which he is not able to refute , ) he leaves still under the defamation of prating and bawling , giving him the odious Title of a Projector , a subtile Enginier , a man of cinicall Rusticity , with others of like nature , unworthy appellations for so brave a man. But kissing goeth by favour , as the saying is , and our Author loves to write ( none more ) with respect of persons , and to make History do the drugery of his own despight , though his Preface ( if it could ) would perswade the contrary . The next thing which occurs , but not so easily reducible to any of the former heads relates to the sttory of that horrible Paricide , cōmitted by John Felton , on the person of the Duke of Buckingham . Concerning which our Author had told us in his History , that the said Felton had stiched a paper in his hat , wherin he declared his only motive to the fact was , the late Remonstrance of the Commons against the Duke , & that he could not sacrifice his life in a nobler cause , than by delivering his Country from so great an enemy . To which the Observator answereth , first in the way of position , not that there were no papers found stitched in his Hat , as the Pamphleter fasly charged on him , Fol. 45. but that there were no such papers foundin his hat or elsewhere about him , as the Historian mentions , And 2ly . In the way of explication , that the first to whom that particular motive was communicated , was one Dr. Hutchenson , sent by the King ( upon the first hearing of the News , ) to sift it out of him . Against this last the Pamphleter hath nothing to say . For taking it upon his word , ( which we need not do ) that Captain Harvey signified as much , in his Letter dated the same day , Fol. 13. yet this concludes not in my Logick , nor in no mans else ( but his that thinks himself an Allsteed ) that that vile Murtherer did first communicate it unto him , before the Doctor by working on his conscience had first got it out of him . But this is like the rest of our Authors Arguments , viz. Captain Harvy , being one of those to whose custody he was committed , did signifie it on the same day to his friends at London , Ergo it was not first confessed to Doctor Hutchenson . But Captain Harveys Letter saith more than this . Felton ( saith he ) told me he was to be prayed for next day in London , therefore ( for one of these Conclusions must needs follow on it ) either Felton had acknowledged to him , that the late Remonstrance did induce him to kill the Duke ; or that it was affirmed to be so , in the papers which were stitched in his hat . Now for the matter of those papers ; That which they are produced for , is to prove this point , namely , that his only motive to the Fact , was the late Remonstrance of the Commons against the Duke . And if they prove not this , as I think they doe not , they prove nothing against the Observator , nor to the purpose of our Author . Now the first paper had these words , as the Pamphleter telleth us , viz. I would have no man commend me for doing it , but rather discommend themselves : for if God had not taken away their hear●s for their sins , he had not gone so long unpunished . The second Paper had these words , viz. The man is cowardly base in mine opinion , and deserves neither the fame of a Gentleman or Souldier , that is unwilling to sacrifice his life , for the honour of God , his King , and Country . To both these he subscribes his name , and Copies of both these were sent the same day by Captain Harvy to his friends in London , but neither of them do declare , that his only motive to the fact , was the late Remonstrance of the Commons against the Duke . The man might possibly be set on , and his discontents made use of to this barbarous murder , by some of those who wished well to this Remonstrance ( I deny not that ) and it may be believed the rather , because the Pictures of the wretch being cut in brasse , and exposed to sale , were caught up greedily by that party , and being the Copies of these Letters were printed in the bottom of it , it is more probable that our Author might have them thence , than from the Letters of the Captain ; but that he was induced to it by the Remonstrance is more than any man of common sense can collect from those papers ; and therefore very ill brought in with so much confidence and ostentation , to prove that positively , which by no Logical Inference can be gathered from them . If ever man were Animal Rationale Risibile , that is to say , a Creature ridiculous for his reasoning , it must needs be this . But certainly , our Author could not possibly be so much out , in his rational and discursive faculties , had he not wished well unto the man , and approved the Fact. He had not else accounted it an exploit of glory , or put that glosse upon the meaning of the Wretch , that he had stitched those Papers into the lining of his Hat , for fear , lest the Supposition of private revenge would infame and blemish the glory of the exploit ; nor had he told us , that it pleased the Common man too well , and that in vulgar sense , it rather passed for an Execution of a Malefactor , and an administration of that Justice dispensed from Heaved , which they thought was denied on earth , Fol. 91. Never did man so advocate for a willfull murder , or render a whole Nation so obnoxious to it , and so guilty of it ; there being little difference , if any , between the rejoycing at such facts , when done , and consenting to them ; Cicero speaking of the Murder of Julius Caesar , hath resolved it so , viz. Quid interest utrum velim fieri , an gaudeam factum ? He that applaudes a Murder acted , rendreth himself an Accessary to it , before the fact . We have not done with Felton yet , for our Author told us that His bodie was from thence conveyed to Portsmouth , and there hung in chains , but by some stole and conveyed away Gibbet and all . The contrary being proved by the Observator , and the thing too plain to be denied , he hath since rectified his History , as to this parricular , not on the credit of the Observator ( no , take heed o● that ) but because told so by his betters . Yet still he must be standing on his justification , and as long as he hath any common Fame , or confident Report ( be it never so erroneous ) to pretend unto , he conceives that sufficient for him , Fol. 14. Upon this ground , the honour of the Countess of Buckingham shall be called in question ; and an affront falsly reported to be done to publique Justice , shall passe into his Annals as a matter of truth . He could not else instruct Posterity , or the present age , how to defame the honour of Ladies , or commit the like Rapes upon the Law , without fear of impunitie , if either such superfaetations of Fame ( in his Canting Language ) should not passe for truths , or otherwise be wondred at as no grounds for History . If no such consequent follow on it , we must not thank the History , but the Observations . In the next place , our Author had told us in his History , That there was an old sculking Statute long since out of use , though not out of force , which enjoyned all Subjects , who had not some special privilege , to appear at the Coronation of every King , ad Arma Gerenda , to bear Armes , not to be made Knights as was vulgarly supposed . In this passage there are two things chiefly faulted by the Observator ; first his reproaching of that Law , by the name of an old Skulking Statute , which lay not under the Rubbish of Antiquity , but was printed and exposed to open view , and therefore needed no such progging and bolting out , as is elsewhere spoken of ; And 2ly . his Glosse upon it , as if it only signified the hearing of Arms , and not receiving the Order of Knighthood , as had been vulgarly supposed , the contrary whereof was undeniably , and convincingly proved by the Observator . He hath now fully rectified the first expression ▪ but seems to stand still upon his last . The first expression rectified thus , viz. By the common Law there was vested in the Kings of this Realm , a power to Summon ( by their Writs out of the Chancery ) all persons possessing a Knights Fee , and who had no special privilege to the contrary , to appear at their Coronation , &c. Fol. 115. So then , the antient Common Law , explained and moderated for the ease of the Subject , by the Statute of King Edward 2. is freed from the reproachfull name of an old Skulking Statute ; we have got that by it , The Observator being justified in our Authors Pamphlet , for so much of his discourse as concerns that point . And to the rest of that Discourse , proving that all those who were masters of such an estate as the Statute mentioneth , were by the same bound to be made Knights , or to receive the Order of Knighthood , and not simply to bear Arms , or to receive a Sword and Surcoat out of the Kings wardrobe , as the Author would have had it in his first Edition ; he comes up so close , as could be scarce expected from him . For first he telleth us in the Text of his new Edition , that such as appeared at the Coronation , were to receive a sword and Surcoat ( he still stands to that ) as the Ensignes of Knighthood : and therefore questionless to receive the Order of Knighthood also , if the King so pleased : And 2ly , he confesseth in his Comment on it out of Matthew Paris , that King Henry the 3. fined all the Sheriffs of England five Marks a man , for not distraining every one having 15 l. per annum , to be made Knights , as he had commanded ; adding withall , that he had read of the like Precept of King Edward the First , Fol. 20. So then , the Subjects were not called together to the Coronation , ad militiae a●ma gerenda , to bear Arms only , but to receive the Order of Knighthood ; we have got that too . But all this while the King is like to get nothing by it , if our Author might be suffered to expound the Law ; against which he opposeth only the Authoritie of Sir Edward Coke ; A learned Lawyer I confess , but not to be put in equal Ballance with the Law it self . Well , what saith he ? Now ( saith he ) tempora mutantur , the times are changed , and many a Yeoman purchaseth lands in Knights Service , and yet ( non debet ) ought not , for want of Gentry , to be a Knight : and a little after , the Fine to the mark , which is chiefly aimed at , Fol. 20. And in these words , taking the Citation as I find it , I observe these things , 1. That Sir Edward Cokes Non debet cannot bind the King , who may as well make Leathern Knights as Leathern Lords , ( as our Author phraseth it elsewhere ) the Sword of Knighthood taking away the blemishes of Vulgar birth , and stating the receiver of it , in the rank and capacitie of Gentry . Were it not thus , the Door of Preferment would be shut against well deservers , and neither honour gained in War , nor eminencies in Learning , nor fidelity in Service , nor any other Consideration in the way of merit , would render any person capable of the Order of Knighthood , for want of Gentry , or being descended only from a House of Yeomanrie . 2ly , I observe , that though he would not have such petsons honoured with the title of Knighthood , ( lest else perhaps that honourable Order might grow Despicable , were it made too common ) yet he confesseth , that they were to Fine for it ( if I understand his meaning rightly ) at the Kings pleasure . 3ly . I observe how lamely and imperfectly the Pamphleter hath delivered the last words of his Author ; which makes me apt enough to think , that he intended to say somewhat to the Kings advantage , if he had been suffered to speak out . And 4ly , if Sir Edward Coke should resolve the Contrary , and give sentence in this Case against the King , yet I conceive it would have been reversible by a Writ of error ; that learned Lawyer , having been a principal Stickler for the Petition of Right in the former Parliament , and therfore not unwilling to lay such grounds , whereby the King might be forced to cast himself on the Alms of his people . As for the Sword and Surcoat , affirmed to be delivered by the Lord High Chamberlain , out of the Kings Wardrobe , to such as were summoned to appear ; he still stands to that , not thinking it agreeable to his Condition to yield the cause , if not found against him by the Jury ; the point to be made good is this , that such as were summoned to the Coronation , were to have every man of them a Sword and a Surcoat delivered to him out of the Kings Wardrobe by the Lord High Chamberlain , if the Kings service so required ; which he proves by these Infallible witnesses . Gent. of the Jury , stand together , & hear your evidence . The first witness is an eminent Antiquary , than whom none can be fitter to give Testimony to the point in hand ; but he alas is long since dead , and it were pity to raise him from the Dust of the Grave , ( as we have done the Cl●ricus Parliamentorum , and Mr. John Pym , in another case ) for fear he put the Coutt into a greater fright , than when the solemn Assizes was at Oxford . Such a witness we had once before in the Case of the late Convocation , a credible and a knowing person , as the Pamphletet told us ; but nameless he , for blameless he shall be , quoth the gallant Sydney ; and here we have an eminent Antiquary , but the man is dead , dead as a door-nail , quoth the Pamphleter in another place . A nameless witness there , a dead witness here , let them go together . The next witness is old Matthew of Westminster , who , though dead , yet speaketh , who tells us , That King Edward the 1. sent forth a proclamation , that all such persons , who had possessions valued at a Knights Fee , should appear at Westminster , &c. what to do , he tells you presently , admissuri singuli ornatum militarem ex Regia Garderoba , to receive military accoutrements out of the Kings Wardrobe , Fol. 20. This witness speaks indeed , but he speaks not home . The point in Issue , is particularly of a Sword and a Surcoat , the witness speaks in general , of ornatus militaris only ; but whether it were a Sword , a Surcoat , or a pair of Spurs , or whatsoever else it was , that he telleth us not . So the first witness speaking nothing , and the second nothing to the purpose , the Pamphleter desires to be Non-suited , and so let him be . He tels the Observator , Fol. 36. that his Arguments are nothing ad rem , and besides the Cushion . But whatsoever his arguments were , I hope these Answers are not only ad rem , but ad Rhombum , and Rhomboidem also , and so I hope the Pamphleter will find them upon examination . In the great Feast at Welbeck there is no such difference , but may be easily reconciled . That the Earl of Newcastle entertained the King at VVelbeck , is granted by the Observator , and that it was the most magnificent entertainment which had been given the King in his way toward Scotland , shall be granted also ; Which notwithstanding , it was truly said by the Observator , that the Magnificent Feast so much talked of , was not made at VVelbeck , but at Balsover Castle ; nor this year , but the year next after , and not made to the King only , but to the King and Queen . In the first of which two entertainments , the Earl had far exceeded all the rest of the Lords , but in the second exceeded himself , the first Feast estimated at 6000 l. to our Author at York , but estimated on the unwarrantable Superfaetations of Fame , which , like a Snow-ball , groweth by rowling , crescit eundo , saith the Poet : or like the Lapwing , makes most noise when it is farthest from the nest , where the Birds are hatched . The Observator took it on the place it self , when the mo●ths of men were filled with the talk , and their stomacks not well cleared from the Surquedries of that Mighty Feast ; by whom it was generally affirmed , that the last years entertainment ( though both magnificent and August in our Authors language ) held no Comparison with this . So that the one Feast being great , and the other greater , the Observator is in the right , and our Author was not much in the wrong . More in the wrong he doth confess in the great entertainment given to the City by the King , affirmed before to have been made at the Guild-hall , but now acknowledged upon the reading of the Observations , to have been made at Alderman Freemans , Fol. 22. This he hath rectified in part , in the new Edition , and it is but in part neither . For whereas he was told by the Observator , that the entertainment which the City gave at that time to the King , was at the House of Alderman Freeman , then Lord Mayor , situate in Cornhill , near the Royall Exchange , and the entertainment which the King gave unto the City , by shewing them that glorious Masque , was at the Merchant-Tailors Hall in Thread-needle street , on the backside of the Lord Mayors House , an open passage being then made from the one to the other : Our Author placeth both of them in the Aldermans house . Thei● Majesties saith he , with their train o● Court-Grandees , and Gentleman Revellers , were solemnly by Alderman Freeman , then Lord Mayor , invited to a most sumptuous ▪ Banquet , at his House , where that resplendent shew was iterated and re● exhibitted . Hist . Fol. 134. This ( by his leave ) is but a Tinker-like kind of reformation , they mend one hole , and make another , that gallant shew , not being ●terated and exhibited in the Lord Mayors House , but in the Merchant-Taylors Hall , as more capable of it . It is an old saying and a true , that it is better coming to the end of a Feast , than the beginning of a Fray. Which notwithstanding , I must needs goe where the Pamphleter drives me , that is to say , to a great and terrible fight near Rostock , which I can find in no place but my Authors brains . He tells us in his History , That Tilly condacted a numerous Army of thirty three thousand foot , and seven hundred Horse for the relief of Rostock then besieged by the King of Sweden ; That the King alarmed herewith drawes out of his Trenches , to entertain him , seventeen thousand foot , and six hundred horse ; that in conclusion of the battle Tilly was put unto the worst , and his Army routed ; and that finally upon this Victory he immediately stormed the Town , and carried it , Hist. Fol. 112. The Observator finding no such rout given to Tilly near Rostock Anno 1630. where our Author placeth it , conceived it might be meant of the battell near Lipsique , Anno 1631. and made his observations accordingly . And upon this he might have rested , had the Pamphleter pleased , who in his introduction to the Feast at Welbeck advertise●h that the Observator mentioneth a Battel at Lipsique , spoken of before , but where he knows not , only conjectures that he had a good will to take him to task for a misplacing a battel , he supposes at Rostock , but upon better consideration , he found his errour to be his own , and not the Authors , and therefore cut out the Leafe containing the 101 , 102 pages , wherin his mistake lay , leaving that Paragraph tyed head and heels together Fol. 21. Did ever man so lay about him in a matter of nothing , for such is both his fight near Rostock , and this long prattle which he makes of the Observator . For first , the Lease which contained the 101 and 102 pages , was never cut out ; 2ly there is no such incoherence in any of the Paragraphs there , as if head and heels were laid together ; 3ly . the Leaf which was cut out , contained 107 and 108 pages , and was cut out , not in regard of any thing there spoken of our Authors battel , but the misplacing the train of Captives , and the rear of the triumphant masque , occasioned by the negligence of the Printers only : 4ly . That , in the leaf containing pages 101 , 102. The Author might have found mention of the battell of Lipsique , which he saith he knows not where to find , saying , that he , the Observator , mentioneth a battel at Lipsique spoken of before , but where he knows not , one evident argument , that either he looked but carelesly after it , or was not very willing to find it . And to say truth , it had been better for him , to have passed it by , for then he had been only chargeable with some prudent omissions ( as we know who was ) whereas by speaking in his History of a battel of Rostock , and seeming offended to be taxed for misplacing of it , he layeth himself open to the assaults of his adversaries . I have consulted diligently , the History of the Sweedish war in Germany till the death of that King , writen in Latin by Cluverut , together with that translated out of Italian by the Earl of Mo●mouth , ( on whose authority the Pamphleter relieth in another place , ) but can find nothing in either of them , either of any such seige or of any such battell , or of any such storming of that Town as my Author speaks of . All that I find concerning Rostock , shall be summed up thus , namely , that having sollicited , and practised the people of Rostock to declare for him in that War , he was peaceably received into it ; that having left no Garison in it , it was surprized by the Imperials , and strongly fortified ; that the King having recovered all the Dukedom of Mecklenburg , except the Towns of Rostock and Wismer , and not willing to waste time in besieging either , he fortified Anclam , to bridle the Garisons of those Towns , and secure the Country ; and finally , that after the great Battel of Lipsique , the Duke of Mecklenburg , and Marshal Tod , a Commander in the Swedish Army , laid siege to Rostock and reduced it , the Town not being otherwise stormed than by want of victuals . Next for the engagement of the Armies , I find that Tilly having mustered up his united forces , and finding them to consist of 34000. fighting men , drew thrice toward the King ; first as he lay intrenched between Landsperge and Franckford on the Oder , in the Marches of Brandenburg . 2ly , as he lay intrenched near Werben , not far from the Territory of Magdeburg . And 3dly , in his Retreat by Tangermond to his faster Holds : that there was no ingagement between the Armies at all in the two first times , and only some light Skirmishes in the third , without considerable disadvantage unto either side ; the Armies never engaging , till the Battel of Lipsique , in which Tilly received that dismal rout , which opened the Kings passage into Franconia and the rest of Germany . Besides which , it is more than certain , that if Tilly had received any such rout , as our Author speaks of , he could not have proceeded , as he did , to the sack of Magdeburg ; nor would he King have suffered him to recruit again after such a rout , wherein he had taken 16. Canons , 30 Ensigns , and 32 Cornets of Horse , and scattered the whole Imperial Army , opening thereby a way to relieve that City , which Tilly had besieged for declaring in his Behalf , without any other provocation . So that I must behold this Siege , this Battel , and the s●orming the Town upon it , as matters to be found only in the Pamphleters dreams ; not otherwise to be excused , but that our Author writing the History of the reign of King Charles , intends only to justifie such Things and Actions , as have reference to the 16 years whereof he treateth in that History , and that he neaver meant it of such things as were taken in by the By , as he declares himself , Fol. 8. A very Saving Declaration , and of as great advantage to him , as the Parliament Journals , or any of his witnesses , either Dead or Namelesse . Our Author had told us in his History , that presently on the Discovery of Mr. Atturney Noyes Design , he issued writs to all the Counties in the Realm , requiring that every County should for defence of the Kingdom , against a day prefix'd , provide Ships of so many Tun , &c. To this the Observator answereth , That in the first year of the payment of Shipmoney , the Writs were not issued to all the Counties in England , as our Author tells us , but only to the Maritime Counties , &c. and that in the next year , not before , the like writs issued out to all the Counties in England , that is to say , Anno 1636. What saith the Pamphleter to this ? First he acknowledgeth his error , and hath rectified it in the last Edition ; but adds withall , that the Observator gives him two for one : in saying first , that the Ship writs were directed in the first year to the Mari●ime Counties , whereas it was to the Port towns only ; and 2ly , in saying that the Ship writs were directed to all the Counties , Anno 1636. whereas saith he , it was 1635. Fol. 25. For the first of these , he offereth no proof but his Ipse dixit , and of what authority that is , we have seen already . He telleth us positively in his Preface , that for matter of Record he hath not consulted the very Originals , but hath conformed himself to Copies ; and having been so often cozened in the false Copies of Journals and Rep●rts , I can see no armour of proof about him , to keep his credulity from the wounds made by false Records . But 2ly , taking it for true , as perhaps it is , that the first Writs were directed to the Maritime or Port towns , only ; yet being the Maritime or Port towns , stand in the Maritime Counties , it is not very much out of the way , to say that the first Writ● were directed to the Maritime Counties : Not so much , I am sure , as to say they were directed to the Mediterraneans or Highlanders , in our Authors canting , unlesse by such a Fictio Juris as our common Lawyers call an action of Trover , a Port Town may be said to be in the Midland Countries . For the second he offereth us some proof , telling us those writs were issued out Anno 1635. as a consequent of the opinion of the Judges in that Novemb. But will the Pamphleter stand to this , will he stand to any thing ? If so , then certainly he is gone again . The Opinion delivered by the Judges , was grounded on a letter sent unto them from the King , with the Case inclosed ; which letter bears date the 2d . of February in the 12th year of his Majesties reign , Anno 1636. and is so dated by our Author , Fol. 143. Considering therefore that this Letter led the way unto their Opinion , it is impossible to any common apprehension , that the Judges should deliver their Opinions 14 moneths before the letter came to them , that is to say , in the moneth of Novemb. Anno 1635. and this I take to be a Subter or a Super-annuating in his Temporalties , and that too in such things and Actions as relate to the History of King Charles , and not in things extrinsecal , as the Battel of Rostock , or in things taken in on the By , as the Synod of Dort. But for the ingenuitie of the man , and his equitie too , The Observator had informed him of some other mistakes about this business ; as first , his making the Earl of Northumberland Admiral of the first years Fleet , whereas it was the Earl of Lindsey ; And 2ly , in affirming , that the King upon the Archbishops intreaty , had granted the Clergy an exemption from that general payment , whereas in●●●● there was no such matter . The first of these he hath rectifyed in the History , and confessed in the Pamphlet ; the second he hath rectifyed without any Acknowledgement , either of the Observators information , or his own mistake : And finally ( so indulgent is he to his own dear self ) ranking it amongst the errors ascribed by him to the Observator , for making the first writ to be directed to the Maritime Counties , whereas saith he , it was to the Maritime or Port Towns only , he reckoneth it not amongst his own , in saying that they were directed to all the Counties of the Kingdom , the Mediterraneans and Highlanders amongst the rest . Rather than so , Ships shall be sayling on the Mountains , and cast Anchor there , Whales shall be taken up in Cotswold , and Shelfish crawl in shoals on the top of the Chilterne , as they did once in the dayes of Pythagoras , whom our Author hath so often followed in his Ipse dixi● , that he will credit him in this also ; Of which thus the Poet , — vidi factas ex aequore terras , Et procul a Pelago Conchae jacuere Marinae Et vetus inventa est in montibas Anchora summis . That is to say . Oft have I seen that Earth , which once I knew Part of the Sea , so that a man might view Huge Shels of Fishes on the up-land ground , And on the Mountains top old Anchors found . In the Embassage of young Oxenstern to the Court of England , it is said by our Author , that he was denied audience by the King. The contrary affirmed and proved by the Autoplie , ( one of our Authors own words ) of the Observator , whose curiosity had carried him to behold that ceremony . I have heard it for a Rule amongst some good women , that a man ought to believe his own wife , before his own eyes ; but I never heard it for a good Rule in Law or History . Not in the Practice of the Law , in which it is a noted Maxim , plus valet occulatus testis unus , quam auriti decem , that is to say , that one eye-witnesse speaking to a matter of Fact , is of greater credit than ten that take it up on hear-say . Much lesse in History , the word being anciently derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to see , Intimating the relation of such remakable accidents at the performance of which the Author himself was present . Apud veteres enim ( saith Isidore in his origines ) nemo scribebat Historiam , nisi is qui interfuisset , et ea quae scribenda essent vidisset ; And though the customary use of the word , hath now taught it a more ample signification , yet an eye-witnesse in point of story is more to be believed than any of those which take up matter upon trust . Which notwithstanding against this Ocular observation ( as he calls it in another place ) of the Observator , he opposeth the Authority of an Italian Author in his History of the wars of Christendom , he confesseth in the Pamphlet , to be no competent Judge of our affairs ; and yet because the Earl of Monmouth doth translate it so , it can be no otherwise . How so ? because , saith he , that Earl is a person of so much honour and knowledge in this businesse , as he would have given us some Marginal Caveat , had it been so wide of truth as the Observator would make it , Fol. 26. Here is a non sequ●tur , with a witnesse : The History of Galiazzo , was translated by the Earl of Monmouth , Ergo his Testimony taken upon hear-say , to be believed before that of the Observator , though speaking as an eye-witnesse to the thing or thus , The Earl of Monmouth is a person of honour , Ergo he must confute his Author by some Marginal note , in a matter which he never heard of ; or thus , the Earl is a person of great knowledge , Ergo he knoweth all things which are done in Court , though not present there . The Premises I grant for truths , most undoubted truths , But the Conclusion follows as unluckily , as it doth in this Enthymeme , Homo est animal implume bipes ; Ergo , Gallus Gallinaceus non vertit stercorarium . As sweet a conclusion in the one as there is in the other . In laying down the true occasion of the Scotist broils , the Pamphleter seems willing to contribute something to the Observator , but in effect adds nothing pertinent which he finds not there . Only I shall observe two things in the course of his Narrative . For first , whereas he undertakes to illustrate and rectifie the Story , as he finds it in the Observator , he hath indeed rectified his own errour by it . In the unpublished , sheets where this narration was to passe , as a part of the History , we find it said , that when the Lord Maxwell came and entr●d the Councel of Scotland , the Lords refuse● to admit him , as many ways uncapable of such Authority . Fol. 18. But in the Story as it lyeth before us in the present Pamphlet , be hath rectified this passage by the Observator , ●elling us that he went no further than Barwick where being informe● that his person was so generaly ha●ed as even to the very undoing of his glorious Coach , he dust goe no further , but po●●ed back again unto the Court , Fol. 32. But 2ly . finds he nothing faulty in the Story of the Observator ? Yes , He first finds fault with him for saying , that the King intending a Parliament in that Kingdom , appointed the Earl of Niddisdale to preside therein , and furnished him with instructions , for passing of an Act of Revocation of Abby-lands and lands of Bishopricks ; whereas ( saith he ) he was commissionated with the Earl of Anandale , for summoning a Parliament ( not for revoking of Church and other lands formerly invested in the Crown ) but for contribution of monies and Ships against the Dunkirkers , Fol. 31. But this assuredly thwarts with nothing delivered by the Observator , the Observator no where saying , that the Parliament was to be summoned , for revoking of Church and other lands formerly invested in the Crown ; but that the Lord Maxwell , or Earl of Nidisdale ( call him which you will ) was furnished with instructions for passing an Act , to the purpose above mentioned . And furnished he might be , with such secret Instructions , though there was nothing to that purpose in the Writ of Summons , by which that Parliament was called , or in the Commission it self , by which he was appointed and authorized to preside therein . Much lesse doth that thwart any thing in the Observator , which the Pamphleter gives us in the close , when the Scotch Lords and Maxwell were brought Face to Face before the King , and when upon some Bugwords spoken by the Scots , his Majestie told them , and not before , he would make them restore all to the crown , which they had taken from it in his Fathers Minority , Fol. 32. which , whether it be true or not , is neither ad rem , nor ad Rhombum , as to this particular ; It being no where said by the Observator , that the King had told him so beofre . So that this long impertinency , might have well been spared , but that the Pamphleter had a mind to say something in it , though , he knew not what . Concerning the election of the Lords of the Articles for the Parliament in Scotland , there appeareth some difference between the Observator ; and the Historian ; to justifie himself , the Historian telleth us , in his answer , that his Informer being a person of such eminency of that Nation , and so versed in the affairs of that Kingdome , is ( as he thinks , ) more credible in this particular , than a foreiner , Fol. 32. this is another namelesse witnesse , given to us under the Nation of a person of eminency , one of that nation , and versed in the affairs of that Kingdome ; though where to find him out , and how to speak with him about it , we may seek elsewhere . But of these nameless and dead witnesses , we may speak so lovely , that wee need not put our selves unto the trouble of a repetition , nor the Observator want a witnesse of unquestioned credit , that is to say the famous Camden Clarentius King of Arms , a man so well versed iu the affairs of that Kingdome , as few Natives better . The rest that follows in the Pamphlet , confisteth first in an Enumeration of the Observators and his own mistakes , and s●●condly , In a sharp and severe expostulation with him for the close of all . His own mistakes , with great indulgence to himself , he restrains to 8. Which yet for quietness sake , and out of his superabundant goodness , he is willing to allow for ten ; whether they be but few or not , and whether the mistakes charged upon him by the Observator , are of such a nature , wherein the fame of no one man , the interest of no one ca●se , is either damnified or advantaged , as he fain would have it : and on the contrary , whether all and every of the points which lie in debate between us ( be they great or little ) besides which the Pamphleter hath pretermitted in the course of his answer , prove not so many errours and mistakes on the Authors side ; is left unto the judgment of the equall and indifferent Reader . The errours of the Observator , he hath raised to no fewer than 18 which is more than one for every sheet , one of which , as he saith , tends to the very destruction of sacred worship , as that of the Sabbath , another to the Defamation of one of the most glorious lights , of our Church , besides his ( the Observators ) most notorious corrupting , and falfying his Preface , and such like odious imputations , not to be pardoned in a man , pretending either to learning or ingenuity . How far the Observator is excusable , in these three last charges , and with what folly he is taxed with so many mistakes , the Reader hath seen before this time , if he hath seriously considered all the points and circu●stances in dispute between us . And that we may the better see it , I shall present him with a Catalogue of those 18 E●rours , which being perused , will need no other refutation , but to read them only . Now the eighteen are these that follow . 1. Denying the papers found in Feltons Hat. 2 , 3 , 4. concerning Peter Baro and the Marguaret Professorship 5. saying standing at Gloria Patri was never obtruded , 6 , 7. Concerning the Sabbath . 8 , 9. Concerning the setting forth of Ships . 10. Sir Edward Deering for the Lord Digby . 11. ArchBishop of Canterbnry voted an Incendiary . Decemb. 16. for the 17. 12. concerning the protestation . 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. Concerning the Bishops sent to the King , the Primate , and the Irish Articles . This is the Pamphleters Bill of Lading , wherewith he fraughts the small Bark of the Observator , consisting more in tale than it doth in weight ; his generall muster of mistakes , many of which like Souldiers in a poor Foot Company ) are counted over and over again , to increase the Captains pay , and make up his numbers ; His Catalogue , or his Comedy of Errors rather , which ●ike the Gallypots and Boxes in the shop of a young Apothecary , serve onely to make good the Shelves , and create him some credit with the Vulgar . For which , and for how many of which the Observator stands accomptable before God and man , or whether any of them may be charged on his score , or not , is left ( like that before ) to the Readers Judgement . In the expostulation there is nothing which requireth an Answer . But a complaint against the Observator , for want of Christian , yea Moral principles , in the course and way of his proceedings , with which had he been furnished in any measure or Proportion , he should have hinted these mistakes , either by Conference or by Letter , as fit Considerations for a second Impression , and this he doth the rather insist upon , because of those many opportunities which the Observator had of conferring with him , meeting together not only a hundred times in the same Shop , but ten times after the Coming out of the History , and thereupon it is concluded that it was not the information of the Author , but some precious quarrel rather , which was desired , Fol. 44 , 45. To Answer first unto the last , the Observator doth protest in his own behalf , that he had no desire or thought of such precious quarrels , as the Author ( conscious to himself of his own impatiencies ) doth accuse him of , and that he aimed at nothing else in those Observations , than the Illustration of the Story , and Rectifying some mistakes in the course thereof , as the title promiseth . How often they have met in the same shop , I am not able to say , the Observator telling me , that he never changed words with him above thrice , and then took such a scant survey of his Stature , Countenance , and habit , that he might meet him , a hundred times since , as the Author sayes he did in transitu , or intermixt with other Company , without taking any notice of him . Nor doth the Obsertor please himself in these paper quarrels , or would have took the least part of the pains he did , if he had found himself concern'd in his own particular , either in point of Fame or Fortunes , but 't is a good Rule in St. Hierome , In suspitione Haereseos se nolle que●quam Fore patientem . And if patience may be counted for a dull stupidity in a mans own Case , when himself is subjected to the guilt of such Suspitions , it may deserve a far worse name , when a whole National Clergy , a Provincial Synod , many great men of power and eminent degree , shall be taxed and branded with tendencies to Papery and Arminianism , unpardonable irregularities in their proceedings , vitiousness ( even to Scandal ) in their lives and Actions , and in ●eed what not ; which may expose them , in this low Estate of their Affairs , to the publique hatred . If in these points and upon these Considerations , the Observator thought himself obliged to right the Church , disabuse the Reader , and lay before the Historians eyes , those many particulars , in which either his Intelligence or diligence failed him , or his judgement was not well informed , or that he had been By●ssed from the mark of truth by the exeesse and transport of his own Affections , I hope that God himself will pardon , and all good men excuse me in the undertaking . In seconding which undertaking , and justifying all the injured parties , against the Recriminations of the Pamphleter , if I have carried my Discourse with too quick a hand , it is my hope , that it will rather be imputed to his own indiscretions , and the frequent provocations given , than to any propensions in my self , to deal ruggedly with him ; Medicum severum intemperans aeger facit . The Patients Intemperancy doth many times occasion the Physician to be more severe , than he would be otherwise . For my part , as I came not willingly to this employment , but was necessitated and thrust on by those many Indignities , which both the History and the Pamphlet had heaped on those , whose memory and good name , is most precious with me ; yet I despair not , but that the honest zeal which hath moved me to it , and the great pains I have taken in it , may merit a pardon at the least , if it gain not praise . Hic interim liber professione Pietatis , aut laudatns eri . , aut saltem excusatus , in the words of Tacitus . So God blesse us all . AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER , Concerning some ADDITIONS to the former WORK . Good Reader , AS well for thy fuller Satisfaction , as for the taking away of all exception from the Pamphleter , I have thought good , to add some further passages to the Book foregoing : which , without further preamble , I shall here present unto thee in this Order following . Addend . ad Page 29. line 25. — The Dignity of his Function , and the Civilitie of his breeding , with other necessary qualifications required in him , being well considered . But that I may do that Reverend person the greater right , I shall lay down the whole state of the Business , as it passed indeed , and not as taken up by our Author , upon Vulgar Fame , though Vulgar Fame be one of the best Authors he relyeth upon in the whole Course of his History . One Captain Gunter , as they called him , having purchased the Advowzon of a Benefice , in which one Mr. Brasgirdle was Incumbent , resolved to make some present advantage by it , and to that end Articled against Brasgirdle in the High Commission . Brasgirdle was advised by his Counsel to a Recriminatio● , in which he charged Gunter , for sweating that he would spit in his face whensoever he met him , and swearing afterward that he had spit in his Face accordingly , as also that the Ordinary or Official meeting with Gunter at a time , when the said Brasgirdle had preached at a General Meeting of the Clergy , took the said Gunter to dinner with him , and placed him at the head of the board , above all the Ministers , where the said Gunter spent the greatest part of the Meal in railing at and against the Preacher , to the great scandal and offence of all the Company . And to this Charge or Recrimination the Proofes came so home , that though Gunter did deny the Fact , as to his spitting in the Ministers Face , yet it was proved sufficiently , that he had sworn he would and did it , as before is said . The cause being pleaded on both sides , and the Reverend Person above aimed at , being then to passe censure on it , he openly declared , that he would proceed then , as at other times , secundum allegata & probata , according to the Proofes and Evidences which had been produced , that it had been proved that the Minister had taken the degree of a Master of Arts , and after of a Batchelor of Divinitie also , and had lived 20. years and upwards , in the place of his present dwelling , without any discredit or reproach ; that there was no Proof made of Gunters being a Captain , and he had reason to believe that he was no Gent. that he was confident no Gent. in England would either spit in the face of a Minister , or find no other way to shift off the shame and punishment , but by telling a lie ; and finally that the Official had deserved to be censured , for placing such a Jack-Gentleman as this , above all the Ministers at the publique meeting of a Clergy . These were the words then spoken by that Reverend Prelate , of this particular man , and not in any such general terms as our Author hath presented them in both Editions . And for the further proof of this , I shall give these reasons : First , that although he desire not to blazon himself ; yet he hath too much in him of the blood of the antient Gentry , to lay any such disparagement , or contempt upon them : And 2ly . That no such thing was articled or insisted on by the House of Commons in their impeachment brought against him . In which Impeachment , being many months in hammering , and liberty given to all manner of persons to inform against him , they would certainly have pitched on this , as a matter of most general concernment to them , if any proof could possibly have been produced to make good the charge . And with this Declaratiō of the true State of the businesse . I hope the Reader will be satisfied , though our Author be not ; the Impeachment being printed by an Order of the House of Commons , and easie to be seen by any who desires to see it . With greater zeal , but with as mischievous intention , &c. Addend . ad Page 36. l. 6. — as for that Cause Asinius called it . Keckerman , building on some words of Seneca in his book De Ira , placeth the Patavinitie imputed to him in this point alone ; and hereunto that of Fabius ( an old Latin writer ) gives a very good ground , who much commends that lactea ubertas , that milky redundance , or overflowing of Style , which he noted in him . But if our Author , ( as some of our modern Criticks doe ) conceive this Patavinity to consist rather in some phrases , which savoured more of the Paduan than the Roman Idiome , yet neither are they so frequent , nor so much affected , nor of such strange originations , as to give just cause to any but such severe censurers as Asinus was to except against him . Small comfort can our Author find from this Patavinity , to justifie that long Catalogue of Ourlandish and new-minted words , which is subjoyned unto the end of the Observations . And for the obsolete words which were found in Salust , &c. Addend ad Page 236. l. 12. — The Observator will produce when required of him . But that I may be free from his importunities at another time , and that I be not chidden now with a quid gaudia nostra moraris , for delaying his contentment so much and so presently desired , I shall give him both the names and words of some of that party , to justifie all that was said of them by the Observator . And first we will begin with Calvin , the father and founder of the Sect , and he tells us thus , Illud toties a Chrysostomo repetitum repudiari necesse est , quem trahit volentem trahit ; quo insinuat deminum porrecta tantum manu expectare an suo auxilio juvari nobis adlubescat . So he in the second of his Institutions , cap. 3. Those words ( saith he ) so often repeated by Chrysostom , viz. That God draws none but such as are willing to go , are to be condemned . By which he intimates that God expecteth only with an outstretched and ready arm , whether we be willing to accept of his help or not In which , though Calvin doth not express clearly that good Fathers meaning , yet he plainly doth shew his own , insinuating that God draws men forcibly and against their own will to his Heavenly Kingdome . Gomarus one of later date , and a chief Stickler in these controversies , comes up more fully to the words and desire of the Pamphleter . For putting the question in this manner An gratia haec detur vi irresistibili , id est , effiicaci operatione Dei , ita ut voluntas ejus qui regeneratur , facultatem non habeat illi resistendi , he answereth presently , Credo & profiteor ita esse . The question is whether the grace of God be given in an irresistable manner , that is to say , with such an efficacious operation , that the will of him who is to be regenerated , hath not rhe power to make resistance ; and then the answer follows thus , I believe and professe it to be so , So he in his Declaration , Page 20. Peter Martyr , a more moderate man than the most amongst them , in his Common place de libero Arbitrio , hath resolved it thus . Per absurdum sane est , ut ad immutationem seu regenerationem , aliquid active conferemus , quandoquidem nemo quicquam agit , ad seipsum generandum , Quod si verum est in eis ●hy sicis atque carnalibus , quanto magis est dandum in Spiritualibus , quae à nostris vi●ibus longius distent . It is very absurd ( saith he ) to think , that we contribute any thing activly in our Regeneration , considering that we are able to doe nothing towards our Generation ; And if it be so in these natural and carnal Acts ; how much more must we grant it to be so in Spiritual Actions , which are more beyond the reach of our power . The whole body of the Calvinists or Contra-Remonstrants in their Collatio Hagiensis , before mentioned , have affirmed as much , ascribing no more unto a man in the work of his own Regeneration , or in the raising of himself from the death of sin to the life of righteousnesse , than they ascribe unto him in his Generation , to the life of Nature , or in his Resurrection from the dead to the life eternal . For thus say they , Sicut ad nativitatem suam , nemo de suo quicquam confert , neque ad sui excitationem ex mortuis nemo quicquam adfert de suo ; Ita etiam ad conversionem suam nemo homo quicquam confert , sed est purum putum opus ejus gratiae Dei in Christo , quae in nobis operatur , non tantum potentiam credendi sed etiam fidem ipsum . Put this together , and then tell me whether the rigid sort of Calvinians do not hold and teach , that a man is drawn forcibly , and irresistably with the Cords of Grace in the work of conversion , without contributing any thing to , or towards his own Eternity . Nay Dontelock goeth further yet , and is so far from ascribing any thing to man , in order to his own salvation , that he counts all his best endeavours which tend that way , to be vain and fruitlesse , and to conduce more to his hurt than benefit , before Faith and the Spirit of Regeneration by irresistable operations , ( So I understand his meaning ) are iufused into him . Concludimus omnem zelum , omnemque curam quam promovendae saluti suae h●mines adhibent , variam & frustraneam esse , magisque obesse quam prodesse , ante fidem & Spiritum renovationis . But I am weary with raking in these dead mens Graves , whose Heterodoxies and unsound expressions should ( for me ) have lien buried in the same Grave with them , if the Pamphleter had not put me to this troublesome and thanklesse office . But then the Pamphleter must have an explanation , &c. Addend . ad Pag. 249. l. 3. — At the time of his Funeral . But whereas the Pamphleter addeth , that of this he hopes he is credibly informed by his ( the said Doctor Baroes ) own Son , who is still alive : The certain falsity of this , may very well seem to disprove all the rest of the Story . For Doctor Baroes Son died above twenty years since , and therefore is not still alive , nor could our Author consu●t with him about it by a saving hope , on which he grounds the credibility of his information . It must be a strong faith , not a saving hope which can raise the dead , though newly gathered to their Fathers ; and therefore how our Author could receive this credible information from the Son of Baro , without pretending to a greater power of working miracles , than ever was granted to any of the Sons of Men , is beyond my reach . The Pamphleter must find out some other Author for this his credible Information , or else it might remain as a thing incredible , for any proof that he hath brought us . But this is not the first time that our Author hath endeavoured to raise the dead to bear witness for him , and I think it will not be the last . As for the story of these Articles , &c. Addend . ad Pag. 298. l. ult . — non bona pejor erit , is a great deal better . T is true indeed , the words of the Doctors Sermon , as it came out yesterday in print ( viz. Monday June 16. ) seems at first sight , to differ somewhat from the passage before recited , as it was sent to me in writing : But first the Reader is to know , that the Sermon comes not to our Hands , as it came from his Mouth , it being confessed in the Title , that it hath not only been revized , but enlarged also ; of which Enlargements , that of Dodonas Grove may perhaps be one . 2ly . If if be not so , yet the Observator , as well as the Rainger of that Forrest stands charged with this , viz. That the Lord Primate had coined a distinction , between the Kings personal and political Conscience . For having eased his Stomach on the Rainger of the vocal Forrest , upon that occasion , he addeth , that there was a presump●uous Observator , who had of late more ridic●lously and malitiously abused him in it . Out of which Premises it cannot otherwise be concluded , but that the distinction of a personal and political Conscience must be found in the Observations also , and so found there , as to be charged on the Lord Primate by the Observator . And if the Preacher can find this in the Observations , the Observator was too blame , and the Preacher hath made the alteration to a very good purpose . But if it be not so , as indeed it is not , where lieth the malice or ridiculousnesse which the Pulpit rang of ? Not in imposing on the Lord Primate the pretended distinction above mentioned ; for that hath found another Father , and was perhaps begotten under some shady Oake in Dodonas Grove , in which the Observator is not so much as verderer , and hardly hunteth in the Pourlieus ; but for conceiving that the L. Primate gave this pretended distinction ( for let it be but pretended still I dispute not that ) as if the root of it was in revenge for the Earls suppressing the Articles of Ireland . Serm. Pag. 95. Admit it to be so conceived and said by the Observator , how doth the Preacher goe about to prove the contrary ? Why certainly by a most unavoidable Argument , declaring thus ; that both are of like falshood , as hath been already apparent in an Answer to him . Ibid. This is just Mulus Mulum fricat ( one galled Horse rubbeth another ) in the ancient Proverb . The Pamphleter justifieth himself on the Certificate of Doctor Bernard and his Brother Pullein ; Doctor Bernard justifieth himself on the answer of the learned Pamphleter , which is now before us . The falshood of that one thing which is touched on by the Observator , not being made apparent in the Pamphleters Answer , and to the other thing , the pretended distinction which he wots of , the Pamphleter makes no Answe● at all , as finding no ground for it in the Observations . But Bernardus non vidit omnia , as the saying is . And though he be not such an ill-looking fellow as the Observator is made to be by his friend the Pamphleter ; yet having lost himself in a Vo●al Forrest , he may sometimes mistake wood for trees , as well as another ; Only I could have wished he had forborn that passage in the close of all , where he relates , That when upon a rumour of the Lord Primates death , this businesse of the Earl of Strafford was objected against him ; the King with an Oath protested the innocency of the Lord Primate in it ; or else that he had given us the name of that person of quality , which was an Earwitnesse to the words , for I can tell him , and will tell him , if he put me to it , that there are persons of another manner of quality than those whom he pretends unto , who heard the contrary from the Kings own mouth , and will not spare to give testimony to the truth in that particular when required of them . But I forbear to presse it further , and could have wished the Preacher had permitted me not to say so much . I leave him at this time , with non tali auxilio , &c. and so fare him well . FINIS . ERRATA . PAge 8. for Effects read Defects . pag. 18. for impudence r. imprudence . p. 20. for liberty r. belief . p. 29. for office r. of his . p. 34. for seem r. serve . p. 42. l. 16. for one r. none . p. 44. for est r. Et. p. 45. for 1619 r. 1618. p. 68. for Masters place r. Masters Mate . p. 102. for super superannuating r. super sexannuating . Ibid for called r. rather . p. 103. for transitions r. transactions . p. 102. for Petitions r. positions before . p. 196. l. 19. del . not . p. 153. for party r. parity . p. 157 for must r. might . p. 162. l. 24. for but r. yet . p. 164. l. 22. for hath r. that it hath . p. 187. for hath pleased r. displeased . p. 191. l. 3. del . ) was . p. 192. for sent by r. sent to . p. 211. for 1646. r. 1640. p. 112. l. 1. ad . and they that use it not condemn not those who use it . p. 231. for when it was moved r. when it was signified to him that it would be moved . p. 240. for the walls r. these walls . Ibid. for its r. thought it . p. 250. for a been r. have been . Ibid. l. 26. del . whole . p. 256. for impose r. propose . p. 260. for so many r. no more . p. 300. for was denied r. was not denied , p. 303. for prating and bawling r. progging and bolting . 
A03139	----	Antidotum Lincolniense· or An answer to a book entituled, The holy table, name, & thing, &c. said to be written long agoe by a minister in Lincolnshire, and printed for the diocese of Lincolne, a⁰. 1637 VVritten and inscribed to the grave, learned, and religious clergie of the diocese of Lincoln. By Pet: Heylyn chapleine in ordinary to his Matie. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1637 Approx. 758 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 194 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A03139 STC 13267 ESTC S104010 99839751 99839751 4200 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A03139) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4200) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1106:04) Antidotum Lincolniense· or An answer to a book entituled, The holy table, name, & thing, &c. said to be written long agoe by a minister in Lincolnshire, and printed for the diocese of Lincolne, a⁰. 1637 VVritten and inscribed to the grave, learned, and religious clergie of the diocese of Lincoln. By Pet: Heylyn chapleine in ordinary to his Matie. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [32], 132, 132, 78, [2] p. Printed [by Miles Flesher, R. Bishop, and Thomas Harper] for John Clark, and are to be sold at his shop under St. Peters Church in Cornhill, London : 1637. A reply to: Williams, John. The holy table, name & thing, more anciently, properly, and literally used under the New Testament, then that of an altar. "Flesher pr[inted]. the prelims. and A-K; Bishop Aa-Ii; Harper the rest"--STC. Sections 2 and 3 each have separate pagination, and register beginning on 2A and 3A respectively. With a final errata leaf. Leaves D1,3, E1.8, F1,5, H2, 3A4, 3D1 are cancels in most copies. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Williams, John, 1582-1650. -- Holy table, name & thing, more anciently, properly, and literally used under the New Testament, then that of an altar -- Controversial literature. Altars -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-05 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-05 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ANTIDOTVM LINCOLNIENSE OR AN ANSWER TO A BOOK ENTITVLED , THE HOLY TABLE , NAME , & THING , &c. Said to be written long agoe by a Minister in Lincolnshire , And Printed for the Diocese of Lincolne , Ao . 1637. Written and inscribed to the grave , learned , and religious Clergie of the Diocese of Lincoln . BY PET : HEYLYN Chapleine in Ordinary to his M atie . 1 COR. 14. 40. Let all things be done decently and in order . LONDON , Printed for JOHN CLARK , and are to be sold at his shop under S t. Peters Church in Cornhill . 1637. TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAIESTIE , CHARLES , BY THE GRACE OF GOD King of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. Most dread Soveraigne : YOur Majesties exemplarie piety in the house of God , hath spred it selfe abroad amongst all your Subjects ; and they were ill Proficients in the schoole of piety , did they not profit very much under such a Master . Your Royall and religious care , that all things in your Regall Chappels be done according to the prescript of the publick Liturgie , and ancient usage of this Church , is a prevailing motive unto all your people , not to be backward in conformity to such an eminent part of your Princely vertues . Such a most excellent patterne would soone finde an universall entertainment in the hearts of men ; were there not some , the enemies as well of piety , as publick Order , that disswade from both . None in this kind more faulty than an obscure and namelesse Minister of Lincoln Diocese , in a discourse of his not long since published . A man that makes a sport of your Ma ties Chappell 's , as having never a heard of the use of the Chappel , nor read of any ordering and directing course from the Royall Chappell 's ; and puts a scorne upon b the piety of the times , in being so inclinable ( by your most sacred Ma ties divine example ) to decencie and uniformity in Gods publick service . Nay , whereas in the Primitive times , the holy Altars , as they then used to call the Communion Tables ( for other Altars they were not ) were esteemed so sacred , that even c the barbarous Souldiers honoured them with affectionate kisses : this man exposeth them to contempt and scandall , as if no termes were vile enough to bestow upon them . Nor deales hee otherwise with them , who out of their due zeale to God , and for the honour of the Reformation against the unjust imputations of those of Rome , and the procuring d of due reverence to Christs holy Sacraments ( too much slighted in these times , and in many places ) have travailed to reduce this Church to that ancient Order , which hath beene hitherto preserved in your Majesties Chappell 's , and the Cathedralls of this Kingdome : whom he hath openly traduced , as e if they were but taking in the out-works of religion , and meant in time to have about with the fort it selfe . In this regard , I thought it was my bounden duty to represent unto your Majesties faithfull and obedient Subiects the true condition of the businesse so by him calumniated : together with the doctrine and continuall usage both of the Primitive Church of Christ , in the world abroad , and the Reformed Church of Christ in this your Majesties Realme of England . Which worke , as it was principally intended to settle and confirme the mindes of your Majesties people , whom some have laboured to possesse with preiudicate feares : so to the end it may receive amongst them a more faire admittance , I have presumed to prostrate both my selfe and it , at your Royall feet , with that humility and reverence which best becomes Your Majesties most obedient Subject , and most dutifull Chaplaine , PET. HEYLYN . A PREFACE TO THE GRAVE , LEARNED , and religious Clergie of the Diocesse of LINCOLN . IT is well noted by the Poet , that the a remedy doth come too late , when once the mischiefe is confirmed and setled by too long delayes . And thereupon he hath advised us , Principiis obstare , to crush a spreading evil even in the beginning , before it gather head , and become incurable : On this consideration I applyed my selfe to the present businesse ; and so applyed my selfe unto it , that it might come unto your view with all speed convenient , before that any contrary perswasion , by what great name so ever countenanced , should take too deep a root in any of you , to be thēce easily rem●ved . In the beginning 〈◊〉 March last , there peeped into the world a booke entituled The holy Table , Name and Thing , said to be written long agoe by a Minister in Lincoln-shire , in answer to D r Coale , a judicious Divine of Queene Maries dayes ; and printed for the Diocese of Lincolne , An. 1637. So that being written by a Minister in Lincoln-shire , and printed for the Diocese of Lincoln ; who could conceive but that it was intended for the private use of you , the Clergie of those parts , and not to have beene scattered , as it was , over all the Kingdome : But being so faire a Babe , and borne in such a lucky houre , it would not be restrained in so narrow a compasse , and therefore took the libertie to range abroad ; secretly , and by stealth at first , as commonly such unlicenced Pamphlets doe , till it had gotten confidence enough to bee seene in publick ; and then , which was not untill the first of Aprill , I had the happinesse to reade and peruse it thorowly : So that as Florus said of the Ligurians b , that it was aliquanto major labor invenire , quam vincere ; the like may bee a●birmed of this and such like lawlesse , and nonli●●t Pamphlets , that it is no less● labour to finde them but , th●n having found them , to confu●● them . For having read , and thorowly perused the same , I found forthwith , that the most part of all the businesse , was to detect the extreme falshood of the man ; which is so palpable , and grosse , that I dare boldly sav it , and will make it good , such , & so many impostn●es of all sorts ; w●●● 〈◊〉 thrust upon the world in so small a Volume . For first , hee makes an Adversary of he knowes not whom , and then hee 〈…〉 ▪ hee cares not how ; mangling the Autho●s words , whom hee would confu●e , that so he may bee sure of the easier conquest ; and practising on those Authors whom he is to use , that they may serve his turne the better , to procure the victory . A strange and cruell kinde of Minister , equally unmercif●ll to the dead , as to the living ; with both of which he deales , a● did c Procrustes with his captives , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making them fit unto his bed ▪ ●f they be longer than his measure , then he cuts them sho●●er ; and if they bee too short , then hee racks them longer : Hardly one testimony or authoritie in the whole discourse that is any way mate●●●all to the point in hand , but is as true , and truely cited , as that the booke it selfe was writ long agoe in answ●r unto D r Coale of Queene Maris● dayes : which , as it is the leading tale , & stands in front of purpose to make good the entrance ; so doth it give a good essay of those fine stories and inventions , which we are like to finde within . One that conjectured of the house by the trimme or dresse , would thinke it very richly furnished : The wals thereof , that is , the Margin , richly set out with Antique Hangings ; and whatsoever costly workmanship all Nations of these times may bee thought to bragge of ; and every part adorned with flourishes , and pre●ty pastimes , and gay devices of the Painter : Nor is there any want at all of Ornaments or Vtensils to set out the same ; such specially as may serve for ostentation , though of little use , many a fine and subtile Carpet , not a few idle Couches for the credulous reader , and every where a Pillow for a Pur●tans Elbow ; all very pleasing to the eye , but slight of substance ; counterfeit stuffe most of it , and wrought with so much fraud , and falshood , that there is hardly one true stitch in all the Worke : From the beginning to the end , our Minister is still the same , no Changeling : d Servatur ad imum , Qualis ab incoepto processerit , et sibi constat . And yet if all these piae fraudes , ( for so they must be thought in so grave a Minister ) did aime at nothing else , than to advance the reputation of his holy Table ; the answering of his worke were more proper for another Adversary . The holy Table hath no enemies in the Church of England ; and therefore he is faine to flie to Rome , to finde out some that are ashamed of the name of the Lords Table . But so it is , that under the pretence of setting up his holy Table , this Minister hath dispersed throughout his booke , such principles of faction , schisme , and disobedience , that even that Table also is made a snare to those , who , either out of weaknesse , or too great a stomacke , doe greedily devoure what ever is there set before them . So venomous a discourse requires an Antidote , a timely and a present Antidote , before the malignitie of the poyson bee diffused too far ; and therefore I thought fit to provide one for you ▪ for you the learned & religious Clergie of the Diocesse of ●●nc . for whō , & for whose use alone , that worthy Work of his , whosoever hee bee , must be pretended to be printed , yet so , hat any others may be made partakers of it , whose judgment and affections have been , or are distempered by so lewd a practiser , who cares not if the Church were in a combustion , so hee may warme his hands by the flame thereof . The Author , what he is , is not yet discovered ; all that is openly revealed , is that hee was a Minister in Lincoln-shire , as in the Title ; some Minister of the Diocese , as the Licence cals him . The booke , if wee beleeve the Title-page , was writ long agoe , in answer unto Doctor Coal , a judicious Divine of Queene Maries dayes● : but what the Author meanes by Queene Maries dayes , is not so easie to determine . If hee speakes properly , literally , and anciently , as in the first part of the Title he would same be thought ; hee may perhaps meet with a e Doctor Coal in Queene Maries dayes ; but then that Doctor Coal would not serve his turne , because hee had no hand in the Coal from the Altar ; but if he meane the present times , and reckon them in the ranke of Queene Maries dayes , as if the light in which we live , proceeded not frō the cleer Sun●shine of the Gospell , but the fierce fire of persecution ; I would faine know what could bee said more factiously , to inflame the people , whom he , and others of that crew , have every were aff●ighted with these dangerous feares . Q. Maries dayes , we blesse God for it , were never further off , than now ; religion never more assured , the Church better setled , nor the Divines thereof more lea●ned , and religious , than at this time under the most auspitious Raigne of our Gracious Soveraigne . And therefore they that practise with all art and cunning to cast such scandals on the State , and such foule slanders on the Church , are utterly unworthy of those infinite blessings , which by the sword of God and Gideon , the favour of the Lord , and our religious Soveraigne , they enjoy in both : So that the supposition of a booke written long agoe , in answer to a Doctor of Queene Maries dayes , is at the best a factious figment , and a p●rnicious Imposture , to abuse the people ; and onely for that cause invented . This factious figment thus rejected , all that is left us to find out this Author , must bee collected by the style and argument , though that perhaps will give us but a blinde discovery . The argument , both in the maine , and on the by , shewes that hee is a true descendant of those old Ministers of Lincoln shire , which drew up the Abridgement in King Iames his time : in case hee bee not some remainder of that scattered company , which hitherto hath hid his head , and now thrusts out with Bastwick , Prinne , and Burton , to disturbe the State. The stile composed indifferently of Martin Ma●●e-Prelate , and Tom : Nash : as s●●●rillous and full of folly , as the one ; as scandalous and full of ●action , a● the other was : which , howsoever it may please young heads , and such as are affected as the Writer is , yet it gives just offence to the grave and learned , who would have serious matters handled in a serious manner . They that can finde him ●ut by either of th●se Characters , must have ▪ more knowledge of the Diocesse , than I dare preten● to ; who am pronounced before-hand , and by way of challenge , to be none of the Voisinage , and consequently no fit man to be returned of the Inquest . Onely I have made bold out of my care and zeale to the common●good , to give you this short notice of him ; that if by chance you should encounter with him any where in his private● 〈◊〉 , you may take heed lest hee seduce you by his practi●es ; and in the meane time be forwarned , lest he misguide you by his writings : For comming in the habit of a neighb●ur Minister , especially being recommended to you , for one so Orthodox in doctrine , and cons●nant in discipline to the Church of England ; you might perchance be apt to give credit to him , and lend too credulous an eare to his slie temptations . Therefore to save that title which the Church hath in you , and to preserve that interest which it claimes in your best affections , I have adventured to put in this Caveat , in the Churches name ; which if you should neglect , as I hope you will not , I must bee forced in maintenance of her right and interest , to bring my double quarrell . Bookes of a popular argument , and followed in a popular way , are commonly much cherished by that race of men , who love to runne crosse to all publick-order . And therefore it concernes all Churchmen , and you especially of that Diocese , for which that worthy Woke was printed , to have a wise and timely care , that those which are committed to your severall charges , be rightly ballanced , and not inv●igled and abused by the neate subtleties of those , who onely labour to deceive them . And it concernes us all , the rather , because those factious and schismaticall Pamphlets , that came out with , and since the good Ministers Booke , seeme to indeavour nothing more , than to possesse mens mindes , as before I said , with dangerous and desperate , though most needlesse feares , that all things goe not right amongst us . The placing of the holy Table in that comly sort , as is most cōsonant to the practise of the Primitive times , and to the generall usage of all Cathedrals in this Kingdom , and his Majesties Chappels , given out by false and factious men ; onely to bee a preamble to a greater change : And howsoever in it selfe it bee a matter of indifferent nature , and so acknowledged to bee both by the Minister himselfe , good man , and by the writer of the letter to the Vicar of Grantham ; and that the Table be so placed in his Lordships Chappell , ( by whom the Ministers booke was allowed and licenced ) as is f elsewhere said ; this comes all to one : for place them ▪ how they will in Cathedrall Churches , his Majesties and the Bishops Chappels , and be the matter so indifferent , as no one thing more ; yet take we heed we doe not place them Altar-wise in Parochiall Churches ; rather than so , poore people must bee frighted with wee know not what , and told that there is somewhat in it which is worth their feares ; something that mainly tends unto the alteration of religion here by law established . As if the Table could not stand where the Altar did , or be placed Altar-wise all along the wall ; but it must needs implie some Popish and prohibited sacrifice , to be intended for the same , though not yet ready to be offered . In which most false and scandalous imputations , as all the Pamphlets of these times are extremely guilty ; so there is none more positive in it , than this Minister of Lincoln Diocesse . These new Reformers ( I desire you to observe his words ) though they prepare and lay grounds for the same , dare not ( for feare of so many lawes and Canons ) apparently professe this Eleusinian doctrine . They are as yet busied in taking in the out-works , and that being done , they may in time have a bout with the Fort it selfe . A speech of that schismaticall , factious , and seditious nature , that greater of that kinde was never uttered by Bastwicke , Layton , Burton , Prynne , or any pestilent Pasquill of the present , ne dum in any of the former times . And though you may conjecture ex pede Herculem , what you are like to finde by this , in the whole bulke of the discourse : yet for your better satisfaction , I will lay before you , as by way of Parallel , the harmony or agreement which is betweene him in his holy Table , and H. Burton in his late seditious Sermon , and Apologie . Not in the language onely , which is in both so like , and so full of clamour , as if they had but one pen between them ; but in their factious and schismaticall positions , in which they doe agree so sweetly . Which done , it shall be left to you to consider of it , whether it may be possible that they should jump so even , in so many passages , by meere inspiration , and the enthusiasme of the same ill spirit , or that they rather fell upon it , ( as Iuglers sometimes doe their tricks ) by combination and confederacy . The Minister of Lincoln . M r. Burton of London . THese new reformers , though they prepare and lay grounds for the same , dare not ( for feare of so many laws and Canons ) apparently professe this Eleusinian doctrine . They are as yet busied in takeing in the out-workes , and that being done , they may in time have a bout with the fort it selfe . pag. 204. THey must first downe with Tables , and up with Altars , &c. And what then ? Surely a Priest is not farre off . But where is the sacrifice ? Stay a while ; that service comes last , and all these are preparations unto it . So as all these Preambles doe at last usher in the great God of the host , so soone as it is well baked ; and the peoples stomacks fitted to digest so hard a bit . pag. 105. I appeale to any indifferent men , that pretend to any knowledge in divinity ; if the Reading Pew , the Pulpit , or any other place in the Church ; be not as properly an Altar , as is our holy Table , howsoever situated . pag. 75 , 76. Well , yet a raile must bee made about it , to insinuate into peoples mindes an opinion of some extraordinary sanctitie in the Table , more than in other places of the Church , as the Pulpit , Pew , or Font. p. 33. A number of our Churches have their Iles of such a perfect crosse , that they cannot possibly see either high Altar , or so much as the Chancell . pag. 224. When they must use no prayer at all after the Sermon , but come downe , and reade a second or third service at the Altar , where in great Churches halfe the people cannot heare a word . pag. 150. Without which transposing of the Table , the Minister , were he that Stentor with the sides of brasse , could never be heard of his congregation . p. 204. Reading a second service at the Altar , where even in lesser Churches , the people cannot possibly heare without a St●ntorious voice of the Minister . In the Epistle to the King. Our Communion shall bee at the soonest our fourth , and by no meanes our second service . pag. 174. And reade a second or third service at the Altar . pag. 150. It seemes by you , wee are bound onely to pray , but not to speak the words of the Canons . pag. 75. When they forbid Ministers to use any prayer before their Sermons , but the bare and barren forme of words in the Canon . pag. 150. God is aswell God of the West , North , and South , as he is of the East : and it is Paganish to make him more propitious in any one corner of the world , than hee is in another . pag. 219. Praying with their faces towards the East , thus tying God to a fixed place . pag. 129. Whereas S. Paul reckoneth up a long Catalogue of graces , to be blamelesse , vigilant , s●ber , modest , learned , hospitall , and I know not what : the man is content the Puritans take all these for themselves , &c. pag. 191. The good Ministers of the Land ( i. e. the Puritan Ministers ) are the Kings most loyall , loving , dutifull , faithfull , obedient , and peaceable subjects . pag. 48. He might also marke some speciall differences which our Canons themselves doe make betweene Cathedrals and Parochiall Churches ; and particularly in an observation concerning the point in hand pag. 182 , 183. But let us examine a little what force there is in this Argument : Cathedrals are so and so : therefore all other Churches must conforme to them . I deny the Argument . Legibus vivendum est , non exempl●s . p. 160. I hope it will be no offence , if I pluck out this Cumane creature , ( who like a sawning Sycophant , thinkes to take sanctuary in that holy ground ) from the shadow and shelter of the Royall Chappell . pag. 35. In the last place being pulled away from the hornes of their Cathedrall Altars , as not able to shelter thēselves from their pursuers : they flye as to their last refuge , and most impregnable fort , to the Kings Chappell . pag. 165. Every Parish Church is not bound to imitate in all outward circumstances , the patterne and forme , and outward embellishment and adorning of the Royall Chappell . pag. 33. Why should subjects think to compare with the King , in the state of his Royall family or Chappell : there being many things in the Kings Chappell , which were presumption to have in ordinary Churches . pag. 165. It is not therefore his Majesties Chappell , but his Lawes , Canons , Rubricks , and Proclamations , which we are to follow in these outward Ceremonies . p. 34. The worship and service of God and of Christ , is not to be regulated by humane examples , but by the divine rule of the Scriptures . pag. 165. This Table , without some new Canon , is not to stand Altar-wise , and you at the North-end thereof ; but Table-wise , and you must officiate at the North-side of the same , by the Liturgie . pag. 20. The externall rites and ceremonies in the Church , are limited by Act of Parliament prefixed to the Communion booke , and no more to be added or used in Churches . pag. 166. Doctores legendi sunt cum venia . The Doctors must bee pardoned if they sometimes slip in their expressions . p. 91. Their works are not without their naevi or spots , so as they that reade them must margaritas è coeno legere , gather pearles out of the mud . pag. 112. I should therefore reasonably presume , that this good worke in hand is but a second part of Sancta Clara , and a frothy speculation of some few , &c. p. 85. The booke of Franciscus S. Clara , which hath beene now thrice printed , and that in London as they say , and is much applauded by our Innovators , &c. pag. 117. And so the Bishop of Norwich must bee ever sending forth letters of persecution : because Iohn Fox observeth , that one of them did so . p. 98. So hot is the persecution against Gods faithfull Ministers & people in those Counties of Norfolke and Suffolke , &c. pag. 25. that in all Queen Maries time there was not so great havo●ke made of the faithfull Ministers of God , &c. pag. 65. S. Cyprian aggravates the offence of these Testators , that by making Church-men executors and over-seers of their last wills , Ab altari sacerdo●●s , & ministros volunt avocare , will needes withdraw ministers from their Ecclesiasticall functions , with no lesse offence , than if under the law they had with-drawne the Priests from the holy Altar . pag. 167. When Clergy men dare in affront to Gods word , to Christs doctrine and example , &c. usurpe and take upon them to meddle in the managing even of the highest and weightiest affaires of Princes , States , and temporall kingdomes , which is incompatible with the Ministeriall function . Epistle to the Nobility . pag. 22. If the Ordinaries now command where there is no law or former Canon in force , it layeth a grievance on the subject , as a thing unjust , and consequently of a nature whereunto obedience is no way due . pag. 66. And herein we have ●ause to blesse the name of God , who hath raised up many zealous and couragious Champions of his truth , I mean faithful Ministers of his word , who choose rather to lose all they have , than submit themselves to their unjust and base commands , pag. 83. This fellow jumbles againe the King and the Bishop , tanquam Regem cum Regulo , like a Wren mounted upon the feathers of an Eagle . pag. 91. Little Pope Regulus playeth such Rex in Norwich Diocesse . And in the Margine . It signifieth both a little King , a Wren , &c. So farre the Parallel holds betweene them in their words and writings . And I pray God there be not a more unseene Parallel at least in their ends and aimes , between this Lincolnshire Minister , and Prinne , and Bastwicke , as well as betweene him and Burton . What thinke you now of this consent and harmony betweene the Minister of Lincoln Diocesse , and H. B. of London ? Thinke , you not that they hold intelligence with one another , and by their weekly packers give and receive advertisements , both what they meane to write of , and how to follow it ? Certainly this must needes bee done by mutuall correspondence and combination ; at least non sine numine divûm , not without speciall influence of the same ill spirit . Yet I must tell you by the way , that of the two , the Minister of Lincoln is the most adventurous : who befides all that here is said , hath a long studied discourse in maintenance of sitting at the holy Sacrament , which good Master Burton never winched at . But now upon the stating of the question by this man of Lincolnshire , some of the latter libells ( of which wee have had many since the Ministers booke ) have brought in that too ; and made it one of the disparities or Antitheses , betweene our Saviour and the Prelates . And yet the brethren may doe well , not to give too much credence to him . For howsoever hee hath strained so much to gaine their favour ; and set them out with a long Catalogue of graces , as vigilant , sober , blamelesse , modest , learned , hospitall , and I know not what . pag. 191. Yet at another time , he flings them off , as if they had no reference to him . For if they will expresse no reverence at their approach unto the holy Table , as you know they will not ; take them Donatus for him , they shall be ●ever written in his Calendar for the children of this Church . pag. 99. 100. Or if they doe dislike the callings of the Reverend Ordinaries of this land , as you know they doe : He wisheth them presently with M. Cotton in the new , as unworthy of that most happy government , which ( by the favour of God and the King ) all the Laity and Clergy doe here enjoy in the old England . pag. 64 , 65. And thus he deales with Calvin also , whom he endeavoureth to save harmelesse all he can , from having any hand in changing the English Liturgie : yet saith , he was a Polypragmon . pag. 144. a man pragmatically zealous , pag. 145. And thus he feeds them , as you see , with a bit and a knock , altera manu piscem ostendens , altera lap●dem : and will be sure to keepe them under , how much so ever he advance them . But O le quid ad te ? What makes all this to me , may this Minister say ; who am nor named nor glanced at in his holy Table ; or at least named no otherwise , then amongst those Authors , which were selected purposely to adorne his Margin ? It is true , the Minister , as if he knew not whom to pitch on for the Coal from the Altar , layes about him blindefold : and like the o naughty boy he speaks of , he flings his stones abroad where he sees most company ; not caring whom hee hit , so hee hit at some body . Yet generally the needle of his compasse points unto the North , and he drives much at one or other , that was not of the voisinage , but an inhabitant of a remote and another province . pag. 3. who used to travaile Grantham Roade , p. 71. and was a friend unto the Vicar , pag. 110. Iohn Coal , as hee is called by name , pag. 88. New-castle Coal , as from the place and parts of his habitation , pag. 114. A man whose learning lay in unlearned Liturgies , pag. 85. and used to crack of somewhat unto his Novices , pag. 122. but to be pit●yed for all that , in being married to a widdow , pag. 168. Who the man aimes at in these casts , is not here considerable . It is possible hee aimes at no body , but at have amongst you . However , all this while , that I may keepe my selfe unto my Accidence p Petrus dormit securus , and may sleepe safely if he will ; for none of all these by-blowes doe reflect on him . Done with much cunning I assure you , but with ill successe . For now he least of all expects it , I must draw the Curtaine , and let him see his Adversary , though he hide himself . q Me , me , adsum qui feci , in the Poets words . I am the man that never yet saw Grantham Steeple ; though for the Churches sake I undertooke the Patronage of the poor dead Vicar . The letter to the Vicar being much sought after , and by some factious hands spread abroad , of purpose to hinder that good worke of uniformity which is now in hand , did first occasion me to write that answer to it , which passeth by the name of A Coal from the Altar . Now a necessity is laid upon me to defend my selfe , and with my selfe that answere also , from the most insolent , though weake assaults of this uncertaine certaine Minister of the Diocesse of Lincoln ; who comes into the field with no other weapons , than insolence , ignorance and falsehood . In my defence whereof , and all my references thereunto , I am to give you notice here , that whereas there were two Editions of it , one presently upon the other ; I relate onely in this Antidote to the first Edition : because the Minister takes no notice but of that alone . The method which I use in this Antidotum , shall be shewn you next , that you may know the better what you are to look for . The whole discourse I have divided into three Sections . Into the first wherof I have reduced the point in controversie , as it relates to us of the Church of England : following the Minister at the heeles in his three first Chapters , touching the state of the question , the Regall and Episcopall power in matter of Ceremony ; and in the fourth bringing unto the test , all that he hath related in severall places of his booke , touching the taking downe of Altars , and alteration of the Liturgie in King Edwards time . The second Section comprehends the tendries of the Primitive Church , concerning Sacrifices , Priests , and Altars ; together with their generall usage in placing of the Altar or holy Table : and that containes foure Chapters also . In which we have not only assured our cause , both by the judgement and the usage of the purest Ages : but answered all those Arguments ( or Cavils rather ) which by the Minister have been studied to oppose the same . The third and last exhibites to you those Extravagancies , and Vagaries which every where appeare in the Ministers booke ; and are not any way reducible to the point in hand : wherein wee have good store of confident ignorance , fal●●fications farre more grosse , because more unnecessary ; and not a little of the old Lincolnshire Abridgement . And in this wise I have di●posed it for your ease , who shall please to reade it : that as you are affected with it , you may end the booke either at the first or second Section ; or else peruse and reade it thorowly , as your stomack serves you . In all and every part of the whole discourse , as I have laid downe nothing without good authority ; so have I faithfully reported those authorities which are there laid down : as one that cannot but have learned by this very minister , that all fals dealing in that kinde , however it may serve for a present shift ; yet in the end , 〈◊〉 both shame to them that use it , and disadvantag● to the cause , Great is the 〈…〉 the last , though for a while suppressed by mens subtile practises . Nor would I that the truth should fare the worse , or finde the lesse esteeme amongst you ; because the contrary opinion hath been undertaken , by one that calls himselfe a Minister of Lincoln Diocesse . You are now made the Judges in the present controversie , and therefore it concernes you in an high degree , to deale uprightly in the cause , without the least respect of persons : and having heard both parties speake , to weigh their Arguments , and then give sentence as you finde it . Or in the language of Minutius ; Quantum potestis singula ponderare , ea verò quae recta sunt , eligere , suscipere , probare . And that you may so doe , and then judge accordingly , the God of truth conduct you in the wayes of truth , and leade you in the pathes of righteousnesse , for his owne names sake . Westminster , May 10. 1637. PErlegi librum hunc , cui titulus est [ Antidotum Lincolniense , &c. ] in quo nihil reperio sanae doctrinae , aut bonis moribus contrarium ; qu● minus cum utilitate publicâ imprimatur . Ex Aedibus Londin . Maii die 7. 1637. Sa : Baker . The Contents of each severall Section and Chapter , contained in this Treatise . SECTION I. CHAP. I. Of the state of the question , and the occasion of writing the letter to the Vicar of Gr. The Author of the Coale from the Altar defended against him that made the holy Table , in respect of libelling , railing , falsifying his authorities , and all those accusations returned on the Accusers head . The Minister of Lincolnshires advantage in making his own tale , & altering the whole state of the question . The Vicar cleared from removing the Communion Table of his own accord ; as also from a purpose of erecting an Altar of stone , by the Bishops letter . That scandalous terme of Dresser , not taken by the writer of that letter from the countrey people . The Vicars light behaviour at bowing at the name of IESUS , a loose surmise . The Alderman , and men of Gr : repaire unto the Bishop . The agitation of the businesse there . The letter written and dispersed up and downe the countrey , but never sent unto the Vicar . The Minister of Lincolnshire hath foulely falsified the Bishops letter . A parallel betweene the old and the new Editions of the letter . CHAP. II. Of the Regall power in matters Ecclesiasticall , and whether it was ever exercised in setling the Communion Table in forme of an Altar . The vaine ambition of the Minister of Linc : to be thought a Royalist . His practise contrary to his speculations . The Doctor cleared from the two Cavils of the Minister of Linc : touching the Stat. 1. Eliz ▪ The Minister of Linc : falsifieth both the Doctors words ; and the Lo Chancellour Egertons . The Puritans more beholding to him than the King. The Minister of Linc : misreporteth the Doctors words , onely to picke a quarrell with his Majesties Chappell . A second on-set on the Chappell , grounded upon another falsification of the Doctors words Of mother Chappels . The Royall Chappell how it may be said to interpret Rubricks . The Minister of Linc quarels with Queene Elizabeths Chappell ; and for that purpose falsifieth both his forraine Authors , and domesticke evidences . Not keeping , but adoring images , enquired into in the first yeare of Q. Eliz. That by the Queenes Injunctions , Orders and Advertisements , the Table was to stand where the Altar did . The idle answer of the Minister of Linc. to the Doctors argument . Altars and Pigeon-houses all alike , with the Linc. Minister . The Minister of Linc : false and faulty argument , drawn from the perusers of the Liturgy , the troubles at Frankfort , and Miles Huggards testimony . Of standing at the North-side of the Table . The Minister of Linc : produceth the Pontificall against himselfe . His idle cavils with the Doctor touching the Latine translation of the Common prayer Book . The Parliament determined nothing concerning taking down of Altars . The meaning and intention of that Rubrick . The Minister of Linc : palters with his Majesties Declaration about S. Gregories . A copy of the Declaration . The summe and substance of the Declaration . Regall decisions in particular cases , of what power and efficacy . CHAP. III. Of the Episcopall authority in points of Ceremonie ; the piety of the times , and good worke in hand ; and of the Evidence produced from the Acts and Monuments . The Minister of Linc : arts and aymes , in the present businesse . Dangerous grounds laid by the Minister of Linc : for over-throwing the Episcopall and Regall power . He misreports the meaning of the Councell of Nice , to satisfie his private spleene . The Minister of Linc : overthrows his owne former grounds by new superstructures ; protesteth in a thing against his conscience Chargeth the Doctor , with such things as he findes not in him , Denyeth that any 〈◊〉 t●ing may have two knowne and proper names ; therefore that the Communion table may not be called an Altar also ; and for the proofe thereof doth fa●sifie his owne authorities . The Doctor falsified againe , about the Canons of the yeare 1571. The Minister beholding to some Arch-deacons for his observations . Their curtalling of the Bishops power , in moving or removing the Communion table , to advance their owne . The piety of the times , an● the good worke in hand , declared , and defended against the impious and profane derision of the Minister of Linc. The testimonies of Fryth , and Lambert , taken out of the Acts and Monuments , cleared from the cavils of the Minister of Linc. The Minister of Linc. cuts off the words of Lambert , Fox , Philpot , and Bishop Latimer , and falsifieth most foulely the Acts and Monuments : Corrects the Statute and the Writ about the Sacrament of the Altar : Pleads poorely for the Bishop of Lincolne and Deane of Westminster , in the matter of Oyster-boards and Dressers : and falls impertine●●ly foule on the Bishop of Norwich . CHAP. IV. Of taking downe Altars in K. Edw. time , altering the Liturgie first made ; and of the 82. Canon . The Doctor leaves the Minister of Lincolns Method , for this Chapter to keep close to England . Altars not generally taken down in the 4. of K. Edw. 6. The Minister of Linc. falsifieth the Bishops letter to the Vicar ; & palters with a passage in the Acts and Mon. to make them serve his turne about the taking downe of Altars . A most notorious peece of non-sence in the new Edition of the letter . The Altars in the Church of England , beaten down in Germany . Altars not beaten down de facto , by the common people , but taken downe by order , and in faire proceeding . Matters of fact may be made doctrinall sometimes , and on some occasions . The Order of the King but a kinde of law . The Minister of Linc. takes great pains to free Calvin , from ha●ing any hand in altering the Liturgie . Land marks and bounds laid down , for the right understanding of the story . Calvin excepts against the Liturgie , practiseth with the D. of Somerset , both when he was Protector , and after His correspondence here with Bp. Hooper , and ill affection to the ceremonies then by Law established . The plot for altering the Liturgie so strongly layed , that it went forward notwithstanding the Dukes attainder . The shamefull ignorance and most apparant falshoods of the Minister of Linc. in all this businesse . Calvin attempts the King , the Counsell , and Archb. Cranmer . The date of his Letter to the Archb. cleared from the cavils of the Minister of Linc. the testimony giuen the first Liturgie by K. Edw. 6. asserted from the false construction of the Minister of Linc. as also that given to it by the Parliament . Archb. Bancroft , and Io. Fox , what they say thereof . The standing of the Table after the alteration of the Liturgie , and that the name of Altar may be used in a Church reformed . SECTION II. CHAP. V. What was the ancient Doctrine of the Church concerning Sacrifices , Priests , and Altars : and what the Doctrine of this Church in those particulars . That Sacrifices , Priest● , and Altars , were from the beginning , by the light of nature ; and that not onely amongst the Patriarchs , but amongst the Gentiles . That in the Christian Church there is a Sacrifice , Priests , and Altars , and those both instituted and expressed in the holy Gospell . The like delivered by Dionysius , Ignatius , Iustin Martyr , and in the Canons of the Apostles . As also by Tertullian , Irenaeus , Origen , and S. Cyprian . How the Apologeticks of those times are to be interpreted , in their denyall of Altars in the Christian Church . Minutius Foelix falsified by the Minister of Linc. What were the Sacrifices which the said Apologeticks did deny to be in the Church of Christ. The difference betweene mysticall and spirituall sacrifices . S. Ambrose falsified by the Minister of Linc. in the point of Sacrifice . The Doctrine of the Sacrifice delivered by Eusebius : The Doctrine of the following Fathers , of Sacrifices , Priests , and Altars : What is the Doctrine of this Church , touching the Priesthood and the Sacrifice . The judgement in these points , and in that of Altars , of B. Andrews , K. Iames , B. Montague , and B. Morton . CHAP. VI. An Answer to the ●avils of the Minister of Linc. against the points delivered in the former Chapter . Nothing delivered in the 31 Article , against the being of a Sacrifice in the Church of Christ , nor in the Homilies . A pious Bull obtruded on the Doctor by the Minister of Linc. The Reading-Pew , the Pulpit , and the poor-mans Box made Altars by the Minister of Linc. And huddle of impertinencies brought in concerning sacrifice Commemorative , Commemoration of a sacrifice , and materiall Altars . The Sacrifice of the Altar known by that name unto the Fathers . Arnobius falsified . The Minister of Linc. questions . S. Pauls discretion , in his Habemus Altare , Heb. 13. 10. and falsifieth S. Ambrose . The meaning of that Text according unto B. Andrews , B. Montague , the Bishop and the Minister of Linc. The same expounded by the old Writers , both Greek and Latine . The Altars in the ●postles Canons made Panteries and Larders ; and Iudas his bag an Altar by this man of Linc. The Doctor and Ignatius vindicated in the three places touching Altars . The prophane Passage in the Ministers Book of a Widow-Altar . An answer to the Cavils of the Minister of Linc. against the evidence produced from Irenaeus and S. Cyprian . The Ministers ignorant mistakes about the meaning of Tertullian in the word Ara. Pamelius new reading about Charis Dei , not universally received . A briefe recitall of the substance in these two la●t Chapters . CHAP. VII . Of Churches , and the fashion of them , and of the usuall place allotted in the Church for the holy Altar . Places appointed for Divine worship amongst the Patriarc●●s , Iews , and Gentiles . The various conditions and estate of the Christian Church , and that the Churches were according unto those estates . What was the mening of the Apologeticks when they denied the having of Temples in the Church of Christ. the Minister of Linc. stops the mouth of Minutius Felix , and falsifieth Arnobius . Altars how situated in the troublesome and persecuted times of Christianity . The usuall form of Churches , and distinct parts and places of them in the Primitive times . That in those times the Altars stood not in the body of the Church , as is supposed by the Minister of Linc. Six Reasons for the standing of the Altars at the upper end of the Quire or Chancell in the dayes of old . Of Ecclesiasticall traditions , and the autority therof . The Church of England constant to the practice of the former times . The Minister of Linc. tels a Winter tale about the standing of an Altar in the Cathedrall Church of Dover . The meaning of the Rubrick in the Common-prayer-booke , about the placing of the Table in Communion time . CHAP. VIII . An answer to the Minister of Lincolns Arguments against the standing of the Lords Table at the upper end of the Quire. The Minister of Lincoln forsakes his Bishop , about the placing of the Altar in the body of the Church . The Altar in Eusebius Panegyrick , not in the middle of the Church . The Ministers confidence and ignorance , in placing the Altar of incense close unto the vaile . Tostatus falsified by the Minister of Lincoln . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ in the fift Councell of Constantinople , and the meaning of it . The Minister of Lincoln at a losse in his Criticall learning , both Greek and Latin. Varro corrupted by the Minister of Lincoln . Saint Augustine what hee meant by mensa illa in medio constituta . Albaspinus falsified . Durandus sets the Altar at the upper end of the Quire. The testimony of Socrates and Nicephorus , asserted to the Doctour from the Ministers Cavils . The Altars how now placed in the Greek Churches . The weak autorities produced by the Minister of Lincoln , for placing of the Table distant from the wall , and some of them corrupted also . The general Precedents of the Minister , for placing of the holy Table , forged : as also are the A●ts of the Councell of Millaine under Borromeo . The Minister confesseth guiltie , and confutes himselfe of falsification . Many particular Precedents brought in ; most of them counterfeit and forged ; and altogether conclu●e nothing to the point in hand . The Minister of Lincoln against himselfe . SECTION III. CHAP. IX . A brief survey and c●nsure of the first service of Ex●●avagancies , in the holy Table . The Ministers Extravagancies , one of the greatest part of his whole discourse . His ignorant mistaking in the Mathematicks concerning the inventions of Euclide , Archimedes , and Pythagoras . The Minister Faulters in the originall of Episcopall autority . His bringing in of Sancta Clara , and Sancta Petra , for the Iingle onely . The Minister mistakes the case of the German Priest● . His cauils at the forme of Prayer before the Sermon ; and turning towards the East in the Act of Prayer . The Ministers ignorant endevours to advance the autority of the Archdeacons . The Minister mistaken in the Diaconicon ▪ What the Diacony was , and that it addes but little to the dignity of Archdeacons , that the old Deacon had the keeping of it . The Minister absurdly sets the Deacon above the Priest. Portare Altare , not an honour in the first Deacons , but a service onely . The little honour done by the Minister to the Archdeacons , in drawing down their petigree f●om the first Deacons . The Ministers ignorant mistake in his own word utensil . The Minister subjects the Priest to the autority of the Churchwarden , and for that purpose falsifieth Lindwood . His ignorant derivations of the present Churchwarden from the old Oeconomus . The Minister endevours to exclude the Glergie from medling in secular matters ; and to that end abuseth the autori●ie of the ancient Fathers . His ignoranc● in the Catechisme , and confident mistakes in that . His heartless● plea for bowing at the name of IESVS . CHAP. X. The second service of Extravagancies , sent up and set before his guests by the Minister of Lincoln . The Metaphoricall Altar ; in the Fathers , good evidence for the proofe of Reall Altars in the Church . Ignatius corrupted by Vedelius . My Lord of Chichesters censure of Vedelius . The Minister misreports Saint Bernard , and makes ten Altars out of foure . A new originall of the Table in the Christian Church , from the Table of Shew-bread ; the Ministers fumbling in the same , deserted by those Autors that hee brings in for it . The Minister pleads strongly for sitting at the holy Sacrament ; and for that purpose falsifieth Baronius , misreports Saint Austin , and wrongs Tertullian . The Benedictines sit not at the Sacrament on Maundy Thursday . Of the Seiur de Pibrac . The Minister advocates for the Arians , and will not have them be the Authors of sitting at the holy Sacrament ; and for that cause deals falsly with the Polish Synods which impute it to them . Three Polish Synods ascribe the sitting at the Sacrament to the modern Arians . The ignorance of the Minister about accipere & reservare in Tertullian . What the Stations were . Lame Giles . The Minister slights the appellation of the second Service as did the Writer of the letter , and brings in severall arguments against that division . The Ministers ignorance in the intention of the Rubricks . Of setting up a Consistory in the midst of service . The authority of the Priest in repulsing unworthy persons from the Sacrament ; defended against the Ministers . He sets a quarrell between Cathedrall and Parochiall Churches ; and mistakes the difference betweene them . The Injunctions falsified . Of being ashamed at the name of the Lords Table . The Minister ashamed at the name of Altar . Of pleasing the people ; and the Ministers extreme pursuit therof . The Minister falsly chargeth on the Doctor , a foolish distinction of the Diptychs . The conclusion . ANTIDOTVM LINCOLNIENSE . SECTION I. CHAP. I. Of the state of the question , and the occasion of writing the letter to the Vicar of Gr. The Author of the Coale from the Altar defended against him that made the holy Table ; in respect of libelling , railing , falsifying his authorities , and all those accusations returned on the Accusers head . The Minister of Lincolnshires advantage in making his owne tale , and altering the whole state of the question . The Vicar cleared from removing the Communion Table of his owne accord ; as also from a purpose of erecting an Altar of stone , by the Bishops letter . That scandalous terme of Dresser , not taken by the writer of that letter from the country people . The Vicars light behaviour at bowing at the name of J●SUS , a loose surmise . The Alderman , and men of Gr : repaire unto the Bishop . The agitation of the businesse there . The letter written and dispersed up and down the countrey , but never sent unto the Vicar . The Minister of Lincolnshire hath foulely falsified the Bishops letter . A parallel betweene the old and the new Editions of the letter . IT was an old , but not unwitty application of the Lo : Keeper Lincolns , a when he was in place ; that as once Tully said of Plato , In irridendis Oratoribus maximus Orator esse videbatur : so he might also say of N. appointed speaker of the Parliament for the house of Commons , that with great eloquence he had desired to be excused from undertaking that imployment , for want of eloquence . The same may be affirmed as truely , I am sure , more pertinently , of this Non-nemo , M r Some body ; b some Minister of Lincolne Diocesse : Charging the Doctor whom hee undertaketh , with libelling , hee hath shewed himselfe the greatest libeller ; accusing him of railing , he hath shewed himselfe the veriest railer ; and taxing him for falsifying his Texts and Authors , hath shewed himself the most notorious falsifier that ever yet put pen to paper . And first , hee chargeth him with libelling , upon a new c but witty Etymologie of the Lo : Chauncellour S. Albans , that a libell was derived from two words , a lie , and a bell ; of which , the Doctor made the lie , and sent it for a token to his private friend ; the bell being put to by that friend , in commending it to the Presse , and ringing it abroad over all the Countrey , p. 1. Nor is it placed there onely in the front to disport the Reader , but it is called a libell , p. 21. and p. 60. The whole booke nothing but a libell against a Bishop . p. 58. and that you may perceive he is no changeling , but ad extremii similis sibi , the same man throughout ; a libell it is called againe towards the latter end . p. 220. Here is a libell with a witnesse , a libell published by authority , a licenced libell , printed with licence , as himselfe confesseth , p. 4. For whosoever made the lie , you make his Majesty , in effect , to be the author of the libell : because you cannot but conceive , that no man durst have printed his Declaration in the case of S. Gregories Church , without his Majesties expresse consent , and gracious approbation . Or if you would be thought so dull , as not to apprehend a thing so cleere , yet must the publishing of this libell rest in conclusion on my Lord high Treasurer , at whose house the book was licenced . Which is so high d a language against authority , against the practice of this Realm for licencing of books , and finally against the honour of the Star-Chamber , on whose decree that practice and authority is founded ; as was never uttered and printed with , or without licence , by any subject of England before this time . But this concernes not me so much , as the higher Powers : I onely touch upon it , and so leave it : and with it turne the libell back on this uncertain certaine Minister , who daring not to shew himselfe in the Kings high way , was faine to seeke out blind paths , and crooked lanes , in them to scatter up and downe those guilty papers , which are indeed a libell both for name and nature . For if a libell bee derived from a lie and a bell , it serves this turn exceeding fitly . First M r. Some-body , this some Minister , makes the lie , telling us of an answer writ long agoe by a Minister of Lincolnshire , against a booke that came into the world but the yeere before ; and then hee sends it to the Lord B● of Lincolne , Deane of Westminster , who forthwith puts a bell unto it , an unlicenced licence , and rings it over all the country ; e And it did give an Omen of what nature the whole book would prove , by that which followeth in the Title ; Printed for the Diocese of Lincolne . Whereas indeed it was not printed either for that Diocese , or for any other , but calculated like a common Almanack , for the particular Meridian of some one discontented humour ; with an intent that it should generally serve for all the Puritans of Great Brittain . Or if you are not willing it should be a libell , to gratifie you for this once , let it be a Low-belt ▪ A thing that makes a mighty noise to astonish and amaze poore birds , that comming after with your light , you may take them up , and send them for a token to Pere Cotton , or carry them along with you , when you goe your selfe with the next shipping for New-England . But being a low-bell and a libell too , take them both together , Vt si non prosint singula , juncta juvent . Your second generall charge is Rayling , Oyster-whore language as you call it , p. 98. And being some minister , some great man , such a one as Theudas in the Acts , who boasted of himselfe that he was some body : you think it a preferment to the Doctor , to weare your livery , which you bestow upon him with a badge , ( that you may know him for your owne ) and call him scurrilous railer , p. 140 Railing Philistin . p. 191. and Railing Doctor , p. ult . Where do you finde him peccant in that peevish kinde , that you should lay such load upon him ? What one uncivill , much lesse scurrilous passage , can you deservedly charge him with , in his whole answer to that letter , which you have tooke upon you to defend , maugre all the world ? The worst word there , if you finde any one ill word in it , was I trow good enough for your friend I. C. a Separatist from this Church , at that time ; perhaps a Se-baptist by this time : who by the Answerer is supposed to be the writer of that letter ; and might have beene supposed so still , for ought you know , had not you told us to the contrary , and got your Ordinaries hand to the Certificate . But be hee what hee will , pray Sir who are you , that you should quarrell any man for railing , being your self so ready a master in that art , that howsoever your fingers might perhaps be burnt , your lips assuredly were never touched with a Coale from the Altar . Quin sine rivali . I will not seeke to break you of so old a trick ; which I am very well contented you should enjoy without any partner . Onely I will make bold to deale with you , as Alexander did with his horse Bucephalus , f take you a little by the bridle , and turne you towards the Sunne , that other men may see how you lay about you , though your self doe not . Hardly one leafe from the beginning to the end , wherein you have not some one Title of honour to bestow upon him ; which without going to the Heralds , I shall thus marshall as I finde them . Poore fellow , p. 2. and 61. Animal pugnacissimum , Gander , Common Barretter , p. 3. Wrangler , p. 4. Haughty companion , p. 5. Doughty Doctor , p. 21. This animal , p. 24. Scribler , p. 26. Cumane creature , and fawning Sycophant , p. 35. Animal ratione risibile , a most ridiculous creature for his reasoning , p. 42. Pamphletter , p. 58. and poore pamphletter , 85. Firebrand , p. 62. most injudicious and trifling Novice , p. 65. Iudicious Rabbi , p. 76. A divine of Whims and singularity , p. 77. Mountebank , and madman , p. 88. Impostor , p. 94. Calfe , p. 103. Squeamish gentleman , p. 120. Poore Doctor , p. 132. and 158. A thing that cannot blush , p. 141. Mushrom , and audacious companion , p. 150. This man of rags , p. 154. Bishop Would●bee , p. 159. Impudent companion , p , 188. Blinking Doctor , p. 190. Base sycophant , p. 191. Whifler , p. 203. Braggard , p. 227. and to conclude with Railing Doctor . p. ult . He manus Trojam erigent ? Is this the meanes to save your g Troy from ruine , of which you tell us , p. 60 ? No other way to shew your Zeale unto the cause , but by forgetting all good manners ? Such stuffe as this , till you , and your confederate M r H. Burton came in print together , hath not beene set to open sale , since h Walgraves presse , in London , and that of T. C. which you wot of in the City of Coventry , i have been out of work . Burton & you , the onely two that have revived that kinde of language , which since old Martin Marre-Prelates daies hath not seen the Sun ; but being now brought again into the world , and on a thorow perusall ; confirmed and licenced , you may proceed for your part , Cum privilegio , none dares touch you for it . Fortunate man , whose very railings are allowed of , as being k most orthodoxe in doctrine , and consonant in discipline to the Church of England ; and therefore very fit to be printed , there is no question of it . Nobis non licet esse tam disertis : For us poore fellowes as wee are , it is not our ambition to looke upon that height of eloquence , which you so prosperously have attained to . Or could we reach it , ( being , I think , a matter feasible ) we should be sure to have a check for it , not an approbation . But I will ●ase you of that feare . Non l tractabo ut Consulem , ne ille quidem me ut consularem ; however it was Tullies plea , shall bee none of mine ; I must remember who I am , not what you merit : and therefore , in my answers to your sleights and cavills , I will reply ad rem , and not ad hominem . You have some Coales upon your head already : In using you thus gently , I m shall heape on more ; which is an honester revenge than you ever studied , and better than you have deserved . The first two faults you charge him with , were only criminall , in which the Star-Chamber , or the Guild Hall might afford you remedy : but that which followes in the last , is Capitall ; clipping the Kings owne coine , and such as is made currant within this kingdome : a generall falsifying of his Majesties Declarations , Lawes , Injunctions ; of all bookes , either printed here , or imported hither . The whole booke , as it is a libell against a Bishop , so every leafe thereof is a malicious falsification of some Author or other . p. 58. Quaerisne aliquid dici brevius ? Could any man have spoke more home , and used fewer words ? In case this bee not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nothing ever was . What ? not one leafe without some falsification , and a malicious one to boote , of some Author or other ? Assuredly , if so , you may justly call him false-fingred gentleman , bold man , a nibler at quotations , & what else you please . There is not a friend hee hath , but will thanke you for it . But if your challenges bee but such as those you mention , p. 23. in calling Ploydon Judge , being but a Counsellour at Law , ( no such malicious falsification , if you marke it well ) and setting downe Sir Robert , for Sir Edward Coke , a mistake onely of the Printer : have you not made your triumph before the victory ? The Author saw those errors , and saw them mended too , before you observed them : both of them being corrected in the second edition , which followed close upon the first , within one fortnight ; and which you cannot but have seene , though you dissemble it , onely to make your brethren merry when you meet together . For in your 90. pag. encountring with a passage of Bishop Latimers , you cite it from the author , as in p. 16. and so it is indeed in the second edition : whereas those words of Bishop Latimers are p. 15. in the first . This is no honest dealing to beginne with ; yet this is that which wee must looke for , Par my & par tout , as you know who say . And for the n sacriledge you complaine of , had it been the Authors ( as it was not ) of all men else , you have least reason to accuse him ; having your selfe offended in the self-same kinde , by taking from him his name given in Baptisme . For in your 88. pag. you call him Iohn Coal , as if you knew him from his cradle : which , if the Church book may be trusted , and those which are yet living that affirme the same , was not the name given by his Godfathers , and Godmothers ; though you may finde it in your o Accidence , if you seeke it there . And yet it is no wonder neither , that it should be thus : it being in some places a received custome , that children when they come for p Confirmation , do change the names which they had given them at the Font : Sufficient ground for you to deale thus with the Author ; and by what name soever he was called in Baptisme , to have him entituled by your owne . You tell us of some other things , wherein hee doth both q faine and faile , as you hunt the letter : but what you say , you say without booke . For upon examination it will soone appeare , that he hath fained in nothing , whatsoever you say ; nor failed in any thing , which you say he faines . And were it tolerable in another , to runne the wild-goose chase upon r words and letters , which is a sport you much delight in ; I have a friend in store should follow this train-scent with you , for your best preferment , and give you three for one in the bargaine too . But for your fainings and your failings , & whatsoever other falsifications you can charge upon him ; we shall see more hereafter when you bring them forth . Mean time you may be pleased to know how ill this office doth become you . You know who said it well enough , s Thou which teachest another , teachest thou not thy self ? Thou that preachest a man should not steal , dost thou steal ? And being that you came so lately from your Accidence , you cannot but remember the first example in Verba accusandi , damnandi , which you are most perfect in : if not , I le tell you what it is , Qui alterum incusat probri , ipsum se intueri oportet . This is so easie to be Englished , that you need no construing booke ; and tells you , who had need be told it , that it behoves you to take care that every thing bee well at home , before you come into the Court to accuse another . Otherwise you will prove such a Censor morum , as was Manutius Plancus in the Romane storie , t Qui nil objicere posset adolescentibus , quod non agnosceret senex : most guilty in your doting daies of those very crimes , which you have charged on them of the younger sort . Which said in generall , wee meane to lay before you plainly , without welt or guard , your jugling in the cariage of this businesse , as it relates unto the state of the question , and other the Contents of your first Chapter : and after all those manifest and most notorious falsifications and impostures which you have put upon the world , in your u holy table . The holy table never was so made an Altar , as you have made it in that booke ; by offering on the same such spotted , maimed , and most illegall sacrifices , to your faire x Laverna . First , for your stating of the question , you have an excellent advantage , ( could you hold it fast ) in making , as you doe , your owne case , your own evidence , and your owne authorities . The principals in this businesse , were the Vicar of Grantham , the Alderman thereof , and my Lord Bishop of the Diocesse ; the only Accessary thereunto , the Bishops Secretary . Of all these there is none that either can , or will confute you in any thing you say , say you what you will. The Vicar hee is dead , and you may use him as you please ; for mortui non mordent , as the saying is : But yet take heed , ( and say a friend advised you to it ) what you lay upon him . For though he cannot answer to your slanders now , hee may bring you to answer for them another day . The Alderman being set forth unto us for a a discreete and modest man , as the letter tells us ; b A prudent and discreet man , as your booke informes us ; did never shew his wisdome and discretion more , than that he was c affraid to offend the Bishop . And being , if he be alive , as prudent and discreet as ever , must needs be now as much affraid to offend the Bishop , as before he was ; and therefore you may say your pleasure , and call the Alderman , and the Aldermans letter to witnesse what you please to say ; you are sure of that . As for the Bishop , from whose mouth you must have the storie , hee hath good reason to confirme and justifie his owne relation ; that it may set him off the better , and give the world a full accompt of his most moderate proceedings in a point so agitated . Then for the Secretary , being wee finde not in the storie , that he was any more imployed , than d sitting up with his Lord that night , fetching the booke of Martyrs out of the hall , and borrowing Bishop Iewels workes from the Parish Church , and giving out the letters as his Lord directed , he was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a living instrument ; and if examined , can say nothing that will doe you hurt . So that in case , the Bishop can but keepe your counsell , as no doubt hee will ; and M r Alderman hath not lost his ancient prudence and discretion , which God forbid , you may stand forth , and tell your tale , and tell it with as high a confidence , as if wee were obliged to take all for Gospell . This you conceive at least , & goe on accordingly : not thinking that in some main points , those e of the voisinage & the same Province can detect you ; or that there is no way to bring truth to light , but by confession of the parties . Now in your storie of the businesse , you tell us that the Vicars head was full of ●rotchets . First , f turning out of the towne the Lecturers there , being two grave and painfull preachers , as you set them forth . For being salaried by the Parish ( to which the Bishop was so good a friend ) you cannot but extoll them , whatsoever they were ; or what just cause soever the poore Vicar had to rid the towne of them . Then for the second Crochet , that was , you say , the removing of the Communion table from the upper part of the quire , where it was comely placed before , ( and had stood time out of minde ) unto the Altar-place , as he called it ; and telling M r. Alderman ( who out of his discretion , must needs question the Vicar for it ) that he had done it , and would justifie it . What proofe have wee for this , ( for of the other you bring none ) I meane , that the Communion table stood in the upper part of the Quire , in such a comely fashion , for so long continuance ; and that it was removed by the Vicar onely , without consulting with the Chancellour , or perhaps the Ordinary ? For proofe of this we are referred to M r Aldermans letter . Then that the Vicar called the Communion table by the name of Tresle , saying that he would build an Altar of stone at his owne charge ; and that the rude people made reply , that hee should set up no dressers of stone in their Church : What proofe have we of that ? M r Aldermans letter . Next f that he used light gestures in bowing at the name of Jesus , so as sometimes his booke fell down , and once himselfe , to the derision of those that were not so well affected to that religious Ceremony : What evidence to make that good ? M r Aldermans letter . These are the most materiall things in the whole relation , so farre as it concerned the ground of the whole proceeding ; and for the proofe of all we must take your word , aswell as M r Aldermans letter . For what if M r Alderman writno such letter , or if he writ it on the Post-fact only , to make good your tale ; or if you make more of it than he mentioned in it : as who can tell but you may deale with M r Aldermans letters , as you have done throughout your booke with the Aldermans better ? Or what if M r Aldermans letter say as much as you would have him , why would you have us credit M r. Aldermans letter , to the discredit of the Vicar ; especially as things stood betweene them ? the Alderman being most apparently not a party only , but dux partium , the leader of a party against his Minister . For you your selfe have told us , that g M r Alderman ( being nor g Bishop , Chancellour , nor Surrogate , as I conceive him ) commanded his owne officers , ( Sergeants , and Beadles , and such fellowes ) to remove the Table to the place where it stood before . Which being done accordingly , he cries out first ; and makes h complaint unto the Bishop when he had no cause : but that hee thought it an high point of wisdome , being so prudent and discreet a man as you say hee was , to make sure worke there ; and then a fico for the Vicar . So that the Alderman being both a partie , and the Plaintife too , is not to be admitted for a witnesse also , except it be by some new order of your owne devising ; and like to be a rule hereafter in that i Can-none , and triviall law , the body of the which we daily looke for , of your setting out . But ●e the letter his , or not , you think that you have gained three points . First , a good ground to change the tenour of your owne , charging the Vicar in your printed Copy , with an intent of setting up an Altar of stone , which was not ▪ to be found in all the Manuscript : Besides , that you have brought him into some disfavour with his k friend , the Bishop , for daring to remove the Communion table , without leave from him . Next , for that slovenly and disgracefull phrase of Dresser , given in the Bishops written letter to the Communion table placed Altar-wise , and from him borrowed by M r Prynne , that is now found out to be a phrase of the rude peoples , as you call them ; and on them fathered in the printed letter , to take off that scandall . Last of all , whereas bowing at the name of JESUS was in the written letter glanced at , as if it did procure derision from the lookers on : that is now turned wholly on the Vicar , and his light gestures in performance of that pious ceremony : the printed letter being altered and explained in that particular accordingly . Having got thus much by the hand , you need say no more , but beare your head up bravely , and proclaime your victory . But as he in Macrobius said , Omne mcum , & nihil meum ; so may you also say , did you deale uprightly , all this that you have got is nothing , and you may put it in your eye , without feare of l blinking . For how may wee be sure that Monsieur the half-Vicar , as you call him , p. 70. did of his own head remove the Communion table without authority from the Bishop , Chancellour , or any of his Surrogates , m as out of M r Aldermans letter you affirme he did . It ●eemes to me , that he acquainted the Diocesan with it , and found from him , if not an approbation , a toleration at the least , conditioned no umbrages and offence were taken by the Towne against it . For thus the letter ; When I spake with you last , I told you that the standing of the Communion table was unto me a thing so indifferent , that unlesse offence and umbrages were taken by the towne against it , I should never move it , or remove it . Was not this faire leave think you , to make a triall , how farre the people would be pleased with the alteration , ( and whether they would think it tended to n decency and comlinesse in the officiating of Gods Divine service . ) And on this leave the table was removed to the Altar place ; and stood so , till the Alderman , o a discreet and modest man , and far from any humour of Innovation , did by farre lesse authority bring it down againe , and was never checked for it . Nor can you say , that the word last there mentioned , ( when I spake with you last ) is to relate unto that time , when the Vicar and the Alderman encountred at his Lordships house : Because it follows in the next words , that which I did not then suspect , is come to passe ; viz. the Alderman and better sort of the towne have complained against it . The conference then meant , wherein his Lordship shewed himselfe so indifferent in the businesse proposed unto him , must needs precede the Vicars action ; as did the Vicars action the Aldermans riot ; the Aldermans riot , the complaint ; and the complaint , that sudden and tumultuary journey to his Lordships house , which drew out the learned letter now betweene us . And so your first report of the half-Vicars hasty running , before hee was sent , is , for the truth thereof disproved , or made very disputable . The other branch thereof , touching the stone Altar that you talke of , is farre more improbable , and you are faine to chop & change the Bishops letter to make it good , and yet cannot doe it . For whereas it was charged upon the Vicar in the M. S. Copies , that he should be so violent and earnest for an Altar at the upper end of the Quire : you have it in the printed letter , that he should say he would upon his omne cost build an Altar of stone at the upper end of his Quire : which is too great a difference to be an errour in the transcripts . Secondly , instead of that oblation which the Papists were wont to offer upon their Altars , you now have made it that oblation which the Papists were wont to offer upon these Altars : and so by changing these to theirs , have turned a Protestant Table to a P●pish Altar . Thirdly and lastly , whereas the first section in the written copies , concluded thus , therefore I know you will not change a table into an Altar : you have converted it to this , therefore . I know you will not build any such Altar ; As great an alteration in the businesse , as the words themselves . For had that beene the businesse then in agitation ; and not the placing of the Table Altar-wise , his Lordship might have gone to bed that night , ( as indeed he did ) & ended all his letter with the first section ; being bu● 24. lines in your owne printed Copy , and that corrupted too to serve your turne : whereas there is a large discourse against the placing of the Table Altar wise , amounting to above two leaves in your owne edition . I trow the writer of the letter was too good an Arti-Zan , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to spend himself upon the accessary , and let the principall be the least part of his care and study : especially considering how he might thereby gratifie the whole towne of Grantham , to which he had beene such a friend , when he was in place . As little truth there is in your invention of the dresser , which you have turned upon the rude people : rude ones indeed , to give so vile and scandalous a name to a thing so sacred , in whatsoever posture it was placed or situated . What is it , I beseech you , that you have made the people say ? that he ( the Vicar ) should set up no dressers of stone in their Church . Dressers of stone ? It seemes the people were as rude as you describe them ; so little conversant in matters which concerned the Church , that they were yet to ●ee●● in things which did concerne the kitchin . Had the discreet Alderman no more discretion , than to informe his L p. of so rude a speech ; and tell him in his eare a storie of a stone-dresser , when as he might aswell have told him a tale of a Tubb ? Had the rude people , as you call them , applyed the name of dresser unto the holy table placed along the wall , the speech had beene more proper , though not lesse prophane . But now to put the name of dresser of stone into the mouthes of Country people , who never heard of any such thing as a dresser of stone : shewes plainly , that neither any Altar of stone was ever purposed by the Vicar , which might occasion such an idle and absurd expression ; nor that the writer of the letter tooke up the name of dresser from the Country people , but first invented it himselfe . Adeo mendaciorum natura est , ut cohaerere non possint , said Lactantius rightly . Your tresle , and your dresser then , may both goe together , ultra anni solisque vias , to your deare brethren in New Engl. and their great Patriarke there , your good friend I. C. who as they care not now in what place they dispose of the holy table ; so will they care as little , in a little while , by what name they call it . Of the same peece is that last observation made out of M r Aldermans letter , touching the Vicars light behaviour , in bowing at the name of Jesus : his booke sometimes falling downe , and once himselfe . Which were it so , why doe you think that that should make your friends of Grantham deride the ceremonie , when not the ceremonie , but the Vicar was in fault , if such fault there was . Have you not seene some men behave themselves so apishly in the Pulpit , that others , and those good men too , have smiled to note it ? And yet I hope you will not thinke , that therefore they derided that religious ordinance of preaching , when not the ordinance , but the Preacher was the sole object of the merriment . Or if the men of Gr. or rather the rude people there , were so profane and impious , as upon that or any other such occasion to deride the ceremony , the writer of the letter might have spent his pains to better purpose , r in writing to them somewhat more at large , than he hath used to expresse himselfe in that kind , to bring them to a better understanding of their Christian duties . And you , the Champion of the letter , had done a better office , as I conceive it , to have reserved your selfe for the defence of that , and the tenor of it , if any Puritan in the pack should have writ against it , than thus to have disturbed your selfe with so little profit . But what if wee joyne issue with an s Absque hoc , and tell you there was no such falling , either of the booke , or man , as you please to say . For tell me of all loves , where was it , in the Reading pew , or at the Communion table , or in what place else ? If in the reading pew , the deske and seat were able to have saved them both from falling ; and so was the Communion table , if it had beene there : If not there , say man , where it was , and wee will have a melius inquirendum about it presently . This is a trick of yours to disgrace the Vicar , on whom elsewhere you have left a staine , for taking his mornings draught before he went about it , p. 62. As if the man , not onely were not alwaies right t in the head peece , and u squirrell-pated , which might be some infirmity of nature : but that hee came unto the Church , disordered with drinke , and inter pocula told the people , quid dia poemata narrant of the name of JESUS , and so fell downe and worshipped , in stead of bowing . In the remainder of the storie , you put an excellent speech into the mouthes of those of Grantham , partly commendatory of themselves , that they were all a p●aceable and quiet men , save that they fought b once in the Church , about removing of the table ; conformable in all things to the Kings lawes ●cclesiasticall , save that they could not but deride the ceremonie of bowing at the name of Iesus ; and willing to submit themselves to any Order which his Lp should appoint , concerning the situation of the Lords table , so it might stand according as they would themselves . And it was also partly accusatorie of their Vicar , for putting down their weekly Lecture , and partly of their owne ill fortune , that they should live in the midst of Recusants , who did begin already to deride and jeere this new alteration : not withou●●ome reflexion on his sacred Majestie , for e placing over them a chiefe Governour of that religion . His Majesty was much to blame , there is no doubt of that , for not consulting with the Alderman about the fittest man to be Ld Lieutenant of the County : but more the Papists , to deride that decencie and situation of the Lords boorde , there , which they approve of elsewhere in all our Churches . And I could tell you , did I thinke you would thanke me for it , that the conformity of our Church in this particular , according to the practice of approved Antiquity , doth more amaze the Papists , than ever it did those of Grantham : as knowing better than they doe , that the more neere we come to the ancient practice , the lesse they can upbraid us , and our Church with novelty , which is now made the chiefest weapon that they fight withall . As for the d putting downe of Sermons , wherewith they were much scandalized , as your booke informs us , that was the very marrow-bone of the matter , the thing that most displeased the people , who must have Chaplaines of their owne , or else non vult fac . And had they had their tale of Sermons , it may bee probably conjectured , that M r Alderman had never removed the table , but rather left it for a text , on which the stipendarie Lecturers , there , might shew their store of zeale , and want of wisdome . But to goe on . The people having ended , and the Bishop forward in his speech , about the indifferencie of the matter , it was the Vicars Q. to enter , who came in e pale , and wanne , and staring , obstupuit , steterantque comae , as you know who saith , was by the Bishop used with all lenity and sweetnesse : and at last , having told his L p ( being f very earnest to get it out of him ) who it was that set him on these alterations , his L p spake aloud that all might heare him , that hee had supped on that which the Vicar told him . It is an old saying and a true , audacter calumniare , necesse est ut aliquid haereat ; by none more practiced than your selfe . For though you leave us in a wood , and tell us , that g it is not knowne particularly , what they there discoursed of : yet by this blinde discovery you make men suspect , that some great man , to whom the Vicar did retain , incouraged him , at the least , to ●rect an Altar , if not to say Masse on it , when it was erected . Well then , the Bishop , being gone , betakes himselfe unto his study , where ( as you say ) he sate up most of the night , and in the morning ( as you tell us ) came abroad this h filia unius noctis , this letter to the Vicar , which is now in question , addressed unto the Vicar , being then in the house ( if you tell us right ) but i sent to the Divines of the Lecture of Gr. and by them shewed unto the Vicar . A letter of so strange a making , that it would puzzle the best Lecturer there , to tell exactly what it was ; k digested in the former part into the fashion of a letter , but not so figuredly and distinctly in the latter : directed to no body , nor subscribed by any body . In all which story , there is nothing true , but that the papers were not sent unto the Vicar , but to some one or other of your Privados about those parts , the better to disperse it up and downe the Country : and that not on the morrow morning , but some ten dayes after . For that it was directed to the Vicar , the whole proeme shewes , which could not be applyed unto any other ; especially these words , Now for your owne satisfaction , and my poore advice for the future , I have written unto you somewhat more at large , &c. That it was fashioned like a letter in the latter end , the conclusion shewes , even in your owne edition of it , Which I recommend unto you , and am ever , &c. And I would faine know what these words , am ever , did relate unto , if not to the subscription following , which in my written copy was set downe thus ( although not printed with the rest ) and am ever , Your very loving friend , I. L. To draw unto an end of this new-nothing , you tell us confidently ( like all the rest ) what l satisfaction the poore Vicar had by this decision ; having gained all the points , you say , excepting the forme of placing the Table , which was the onely point hee stood on : and that the Vicar after this did reap much fruit and profit from his Lordships favour , from whom he never received any favour , from that time forwards . So fine a storie have you told , and so little probable ; that they that dwell farre off , and are not of the voisinage , can take you tripping . Now for the letter it selfe , you tell us , that it m varieth in some places in matter from the printed Copie , but little in forme . Nothing at all in forme , that is certaine , but much in matter : so much as you thought fit to alter in it , the better to set off the businesse , and give a faire face to so foule a cause . Those Copies which I met with , and compared , and had from very goods hands too , were word for word exemplified in the printed booke . And if you looke into Duck● lane for the old written copies , which , till the Doctors book came out , were sold for halfe a crowne a peece , and doubtlesse may be had there still , if not imployed to otheruses ; you will find no such variance in the matter , as you would perswade us . Which variance , what it is , and how it alters in a manner the whole state of the question , wee shall see the better , by placing columne-wise those particular passages , in which the variance doth consist , according to the old and the new edition , as hereunder followeth . The M. S. Copie printed with the Coal from the Altar . The Copie licensed and allowed by the B p of L. pag. 68. I have , &c. appointed the Church-wardens , whom ●t principally doth concerne , under the Diocesan , to settle it for this time . Pag. 12 , 13. I have &c. appointed the Church-wardens , whom , in my opinion , it principally doth concerne , under the Diocesan , and by his directions , to settle it for the time . Pag. 68 , 69. That you doe the reverence appointed by the Canon to the blessed name of JESUS , so it be done humbly , and not affectedly , to procure devotion , not derision of your Parishioners . Pag. 13. That you doe the reverence appointed by the Canons to that blessed name of JESUS , so it be done humbly , and not affectedly , to procure the devotion , and not move the derision of the Parishioners , who are not , it seemes , all of a peece . Pag. 69. But that you should be so violent and earnest for an Altar at the upper end of the Quire. Pag. 13. But that you should say , you will upon your owne cost build an Altar of stone at the upper end of your Quire. Pag. 69. That the fixing thereof in the Q●ire is Canonicall , and that it ought not to bee removed to the body of the Church . Pag. 13. That the fixing thereof in the Quire is so canonicall , that it ought not to be removed ( upon any occasion ) to the body of the Church . Pag. 69. That other oblation which the Papists were wont to offer upon their Altars , is a blasphemous figment , &c. Pag. 14. That other oblation which the Papists were wont to offer upon these Altars , is a blasphemous figment , &c. Pag. 69. It is not the Vicar , but the Church-wardens , that are to provide for the Communion . Pag. 14. It is not the Vicar , but the Church-wardens that are to provide Vtensils for the Communion . Pag. 70. And therefore I know you will not change a table into an Altar , which Vicars never were enabled to set up , &c. Pag. 14. And therefore I know you will not build any such Altar , which Vicars never were enabled to set up , &c. Pag. 71. For besides that the Country people would suppose them dressers , rather than tables . Pag. 15. For besides that the country people without some directiōs beforehand from their Superiours , would ( as they told you to your face ) suppose them dressers , rather than tables . Pag. 71. Not where the Altar , but where the steps of the Altar formerly stood . Pag. 15. Not where the Altar , but where the steps to the Altar formerly stood . Pag. 72. Or to make use of their Covers and ornaments , tables may be placed in their room . Pag. 16. Or to make use of their covers , fronts , and other Ornaments , tables may be placed in their roome . Pag. 72. And it seems the Queens Commissioners were content they should stand . Pag. 16. And it seemes the Queene and her Counsell were content they should stand . Pag. 73. The sacrifice of the Altar abolished , these ( call them what you will ) are no more Altars , but tables of stone and timber . Pag. 16. The sacrifice of the Masse abolished ( for which sacrifice onely Altars were erected ) these ( call them what you please ) are no more Altars , but tables of stone or timber . Pag. 73. Where there are no people so void of understanding . Pag. 16. Where there are no people so voide of instruction . Pag. 73. For upon the Orders of breaking downe Altars , all Dioceses did agree upon receiving Tables , but not upon the fashion and forme of the tables . Pag. 16. For upon the Orders of breaking downe Altars , 1550. all Dioceses , as well as that of London , did agree upon receiving Tables , but not so soone upon the form and fashion of their tables . Pag. 73. A table in regard of what is there participated by men . Pag. 16. A table in regard of what is thence participated by men . Pag. 73. For it answers that very objection out of Heb. 13. 10. Pag. 17. For it answers that merry objection out of Heb. 13. 10. Pag. 74. We have no Altar in regard of an oblation , but wee have an Altar in regard of participation and communion granted unto us . Pag. 17. Wee have no Altar in regard of an oblation , but we have an Altar , that is a table in regard of a participation and communion there granted unto us . Pag. 74. The use of an Altar is to sacrifice upon , and the use of a table is to eate upon . Pag. 17. The proper use of an Altar is to sacrifice upon , and the proper use of a table is to eate upon . Reasons , &c. 1550. Vide Acts & Monum●nts , pag. 1211. Pag. 74. The Church in her Liturgie and Canons calling the same a table onely , do not you call it an Altar . Pag. 17. The Church in her Liturgy and Canons calling the same a Table onely , do not you now , under the Reformation , call it an Altar . Pag. 74. In King Edwards Liturgie of 1549. it is every where called an Altar . Pag. 17. In King Edwards Liturgie of 1549. it is almost every where called an Altar . Pag. 74. The people being scandalized herewith in Countrey Churches , first beats them downe de facto , then the supreme Magistrates , by a kinde of law , puts them downe de jure . Pag. 17. The people being scandalized herewith in Country Churches , first , it seemes , beat them downe de facto ; then the supreme Magistrate ( as here the King ) by the advice of Archbishop Cranmer , and the rest of his Counsell , did Anno 1550. by a kinde of law , put them downe de jure , 4. Ed. 6. Novemb. 24. Pag. 74. And setting tables in their roomes , tooke from us , the children the Church and Common-wealth , both the name and the nature of former Alters . Pag. 17. And setting these tables in their roomes , tooke away from us , the children of this Church & Common-wealth , both the name and the nature of those former Altars . Pag. 75. It is in the Christian Church 200. yeares more ancient than the name of an Altar , as you may see most learnedly proved out of S. Paul , Origen , and Arnobius , if you but reade a booke that is in your Church . Pag. 18. It is in the Christian Church at the least 200. yeeres more ancient than the name of an Altar in that sense , as you may see most learnedly proved ( beside what we learne out of S. Paul ) out of Origen and Arnobius , if you doe but reade a booke that is in the Church . Pag. 76. That your table should stand in the higher part of the Chur ▪ you have my assent already in opinion : but that it should be there fixed , is so far from being Canonicall , that it is directly against the Canon . Pag. 18 , 19. That your table should stand in the higher part of the Chancel , you have my assent in opinion already : And so it was appointed to stand out of the Communion orders by the Commissioners for causes Ecclesiastical . 1561 But that it should bee there fixed , is so far from being the onely Canonicall way , that it is directly against the Canon . Pag. 77. This table must not stand Altar-wise , & you at the North end thereof , but table-wise , and you must officiate at the North end of the same . Pap. 20. This table ( without some new Canon ) is not to stand Altar-wise , and you at the North end thereof ; but table-wise , and you must officiate on the North side of the same , by the Liturgy . Pag. 78. And therefore your Parishioners must bee judges of your audiblenesse in this case . Pag. 20. And therefore your Parishioners must bee Iudges of your audiblenesse in this case , and upon complaint to the Ordinary must be relieved . Thus have I shewed in briefe your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , your tricks and artifices , whereby you seeke to varnish a rotten cause : falsifying the very Text which you are to comment on , that it may fit your notes the better . A pregnant evidence that there is no faire dealing to be looked for from you , when you shall come either to repeate your adversaries words , or cite your Authors . But faire or foule , we must goe through with you now we have begun : and so on in Gods name . CHAP. II. Of the Regall power in matters Ecclesiasticall , and whether it was ever exercised in setling the Communion table in forme of an Altar . The vaine ambition of the Minister of Linc : to be tho●gh● a Royalist . His practise contrary to his speculations . The Doctor cleared from the two Cavils of the Minister of Linc : touching the Stat. 1. Eliz. The Minister of Linc : ●alsifieth both the Doctors words , and the Lo : Chancellour Egertons . The Puritans more beholding to him than the King. The Minister of Linc : misreporteth the Doctors words , onely to picke a quarrell with his Majesties Chappell . A second on-set on the Chappell , grounded upon another f●lsification of the Doctors words . Of mother Chappell 's . The Royall Chappell how it may be said to interpret Rubricks . The Minister of Linc : quarrels with Queene Elizabeths Chappell ; and for that purpose falsifieth both his forraine authors , and domestick evidences Not keeping , but adoring images , enquired into in the first ye●re of Queene Elizabeth . That by the Queenes Injunctions , Orders and Advertisements , the Table was to stand where the Altar did . The idle answer of the Minister of Linc : to the Doctors argument . Altars and Pigeon-houses all alike , with this Linc : Minister . The Minister of Linc : false and faulty argument , drawn from the perusers of the Liturgy , the troubles at Franck ●ort , and Miles Huggards testimony . Of standing at the North-side of the Table . The Minister of Linc : produceth the Pontificall against himselfe . His idle cavils with the Doctor touching the Latine translation of the Common prayer Book . The Parliament determined nothing concerning taking downe of Altars . The meaning and intention of that Rubrick . The Minister of Linc : palters with his Majesties Declaration about S. Gregories . A copy of the Declaration . The s●mme and substance of the Declaration . Regall decisions in particular cases , of what power and efficacy . PLutarch relates of a Alexander , that he did use to say of his two chiefe favourits , Craterus and Hephestion , that the one of them was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the one a lover of Alexander , the other of the King ; Hephestion loved his person , as a private friend ▪ Craterus his estate and Monarchy , as a publique Minister . Princes are then best served , when these affections meet together ; when those that either are about their persons , or under their dominions , b do Craterū cū Hephestione confundere , and love them not alone as men , but Princes , whom they doe most truly love . Both of these parts this Some-body ▪ whom I am to deale with , would faine seeme to act : and he doth act them rightly , as a player doth , in a disguise or borrowed shape , which he can put off when he lists , & the play be ended . But yet for all his vizard it is no hard matter to discerne him , his left hand pulling downe , what his right hand buildeth ; all that authority and regard which he bestowed upon the King in the speculation , being gone in 〈◊〉 , as they say , when it should be reduced to practise . Of the originall of the Regall power , you tell us very rightly that it is from God , that the Kings c of England have had the flowers of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , stuck in their Imperiall garlands , by the finger of Almighty God from the very beginning of this Christian Monarchy within this Island ; and that the Kings Majesty may command a greater matter of this nature , than that the holy Table should be placed where the Altar stood . An excellent Royalist verily in your speculations . But look upon you in your practicks , and then you tell us in your corrected copy of the Bishops letter , that the Table ( without some new Canon ) is not to stand Altar-wise ; which is directly contrary to that before . I trow you are not ignorant that the Church makes Canons , it is the work of Clergy men in their Convocations , having his Majesties leave for their conveening , and approbation of their doings . His Majesty in the Declaration before the Articles hath resolved it so ; & the late practise in K. Iames his raigne , what time the booke of Canons was composed in the Convocation , hath declared so too . If then the Table may not be removed & placed Altar-wise , without some new Canon ; his Majesty may command it , for ought I see by you , and yet goe without . Or if you mean that any order from his Majestie , or intimation of his pleasure , shall be as forcible with you , as any Canon of them all ; why doe you so much slight his Majesties Declaration about S. Gregories ? For neither can the man indure it should be called an Act of Counsell , ( which yet the Doctor never calls it , to his best remembrance ; ) or that it should have any influence beyond that one particular case , which first occasioned it : in no respect that it should have the operation of Canon , either to force obedience , or induce conformity . So that in fine , you deale no otherwise with his Majesty , than did Popilius Lenas with the great King d Antiochus , qui regē circumscripsit virgula , as the storie hath it . You draw a ring about him with your willow scepter , as if you meant to conjure him into a circle , and so keepe him there . Thus deale you also with his person , ( for you would very faine be taken for Hephestion , as well as Crat●rus . ) You tell us of e his heavenly expressions used in that Declaration before remembred ; and yet think scorn to follow what he there allowes of : talke of his f sacred Chappell , and the Saint of that Chappell ; and in the same breath tell us , that Parish-Churches are as little bound to imitate the forme and patterne of the one , as you conceive your selfe obliged to imitate the piety and true devotion of the other . Saint of the Chappell ! Lord how the man bestowes his holy water , when he hath a mind to it . g Spargere rore levi & ramo felicis olivae , Lustravitque vir●s , in the Poets language . Yet no such Saint , I trow , as Ferdinando the third , of whom you say both in h the text , and in your margin , that in his long raigne of 35. ye●r●s , there was no touch of hunger or contagion . There was a Saint indeed , fit to be shewne unto the world , as a publike blessing : in reference to whom , and his most fortunate Empire , these wretched times have nothing whereof to glorie . Sir , that Parenthesis of yours , as it comes in impertinently , so it lookes suspiciously : and it had shewne more wisdome in you to have passed it by , than it can make for ostentation of your reading , so to take it up . But let your practice goe , and come we to your speculations , in which you have said much , and produced good proofe , to shew the true originall of the right of Kings . i Vtinam sic semper errasset , said once the learned Cardinall , of Calvin . It had been well if you had never handled any other argument . But good Sir , let the poore man live , and grow up under you , if you please , whom you expose so much to the publick scorne , and tantum non endite of treason against his Majesty . Assuredly the poore soule meant well , when he attempted to free the Statute 1. of Eliz. from some , ( perhaps some Ministers of Lincolnshire ) who had restrained it to the person of the Queene that was , and that it could not any way advantage the King that is . If he hath failed in any thing , I pray you let him have your pitty , and not your anger . Alas good Sir , you know it is impossible k nos illico nasci senes , that wee should all of us be experienced Statesmen at the first dash . We must first serve our time , and weare out our Indentures , before we come to those high mysteries , which any schoole boy might have taught you from l his Deus & Rex . Thinke you that no man ever knew till you found it out , that Kings had their authority from God alone ? or finde you any thing in the Doctor , which affirmes the contrary ? the Doctor , as before was said , thought fit to cleere the Statute 1. of Eliz. from those that went about to restraine all authority of ordaining rites and ceremonies unto the person of the Queen , because there is no mention in that clause of her heires and successors . To cleare which point he brought in sixe severall Arguments , borrowed , as hee tells you there , both from the common Law , and the Act it selfe . The foure first , as it seemes , you are content should stand without further censure ; save that you tell him that the fourth was taught him by some m Iustice his Clerk , and make your selfe merry with the fift and ●ixt . How justly , let the Reader judge , when he heares the businesse . The question was , whether the King lost any thing of that power which was acknowledged by that Statute to be inherent in the Queene when she was alive , for want of these few formall words , her heires and successors . And it is n answered fiftly from a resolution in the law , in a case much like : it being determined by that great Lawyer Ploydon , ( for so the last edition calls him ) that if a man give lands to the King by deed inrolled , a fee-simple doth passe , without these words successors and heyres , because in Judgement of Law the King never dyeth . This is an argument à comparatis ▪ And what see you therein with your Eagles eyes , ( the Doctor being but a blinker , o as you please to style him ) that you should fall upon him with such scorne and laughter , and tell him that he doth deserve but p a simple fee , for his impertinent ex●mple of this fee-simple . The Argument was good to the point in hand , which was not what the King could doe by his power Originall , that which he claimes onely from the King of Kings , which was never questioned : but how far hee might use that Statute , if occasion were , for the ordaining of such rites and ceremonies , as he with the advice of his Metropolitan , should think fit to publish . You may call in your laugh again , for ought I see yet : but that you have a minde to shew your teeth , though you cannot bite . But his q next pranke , you say , is worse , where hee affirmes , ( most ignorantly , and most derogatorily to his Majesties right and just prerogative ) that the Statute 1. of Eliz. 2. was a confirmative of the old law : whereas his Author hath it rightly , that it was not a Statute introductorie of a new law , but declaratorie of the old . This is the hint you take to introduce your studied discourse of the power of Kings in ecclesiasticis , which neither is ad rem , nor Rhombum : but that you would doe somewhat faine to be thought a Royalist ; however the poor people take it to be so deserted . For tell mee in good earnest , doth the Doctor say that the said Statute 1. of Eliz. was onely confirmative , and not declaratorie of the old ? Doth he not say expressely as you would have him ? Last of all , r ( saith his book ) it may be argued , that the said clause or any thing therein contained , is not indeed introductory of any new power , which was not in the Crown before , but rather declaratorie of the old , which anciently did belong to all Christian Kings , ( as before any of them to the Kings of Iudah ) and amongst others to ours also . If afterwards he use the word confirmative , you might have found his meaning by his first , declaratorie : & not have falne upon him in so fierce a manner , as if he had beene onely for confirmative , and for declaratorie not one word . But your next prank is worse than this , where you affirm with confidence and scorn enough , s that this right is not united to the Crown of England onely , as this scribler seemes to conceive , but to all other Christian Crowns , and chalenged by all Christian Princes accordingly . t Proh deum atque hominum fidem ! that ever man should write thus , and beleeve his Creed , in that which doth relate to the day of Judgement . For sure the Doctor saith as much , as all your studied nothing comes to , that the said power did u anciently belong ( what , to this Crown alone , as you make him say ? No but ) to all Christian Kings , ( good Sir note this well ) as before any of them to the Kings of Iudah , and amongst others to ours also . Not unto ours alone , but among others to ours also . Or if this yet be no foule dealing , we will try once more . You tell us , with great joy no question , x That to maintain that Kings have any part of their authority by any positive law of nations , ( as this scribler speaks of a jurisdiction , which either is or ought to be in the Crown by the ancient lawes of the Realm , and is confirmed by 1 El. c. 1. ) is accounted by that great personage ( the L d Chancellour Egerton ) an ass●rtion of a treasonable nature . But by your leave a little Sir , that passage of a jurisdiction , which either is or ought to be in the Crowne by the ancient lawes of the Realm , is not the Doctors , but Sir Edward Cokes , and cited from him whō you have honoured with the title of a deep learned man in his faculty , p. 25. affirming there that he hath stated the whole question rightly : as here , immediately on the recitall of the words before repeated , you take great paines , more than you needed , to give his words a faire construction . If it was rightly said by Sir Edw. Coke , why not by the Doctor ? If no such treasonable matter in the one , why doe you charge it on the other ? This is the thing complained of in the Court-historian : y Invidiam non ad causam , sed ad volunt atem personasque dirigere . But yet Gods blessing on your heart for your affection to Sir Edward : you deale with him far better and more honestly , than with your Lords great Master , the L d Chancellour Egerton : whose words you chop off with an hatchet , as if you wanted patience to heare him out . You cite him in your margine thus : It was neuer taught but either by Traytors , ( as in Spencers bill in Edw. 2. time , ) or by treasonable Papists , ( as Harding in the Confutation of the Apologie ) that Kings have their authority by the positive law . Why stop you there ? why doe you not goe forwards like an honest man ? Have you a squinancie in your throat , and cannot ? I will do it for you . Reade on then , z by the positive law of nations , and have no more power than the people hath , of whom they take their temporall jurisdiction ; and so Ficlerus , Simanca , and others of that crew : Or by seditious Puritanes and Sectaries , as Buchanande jure regni apud Scotos , Penry , Knox , and such like . This is flat felony , beleeve mee , to rob your Readers of the best part of all the businesse . For here we have two things which are worth the finding : First what it is , which , as you say , is by that honourable personage made to be of treasonable nature : viz. not onely to maintaine that Kings have their authority by the positive law of nations , but that they have no more power than the people hath . Next , who they be that teach this doctrine , not onely Traitors , and treasonable Papists , as you make him say , but also seditious Sectaries and Puritanes , Buchanan , Knox , and Penry , and such like . Nor was it taught by them , the leaders onely , but as it followeth in that place , by these , and those that are their followers , and of their faction , there is in their pamphlets too much such traiterous seed sowne . The Puritans are , I see , beholding to you , for lending them so fine a cloake to hide their knavery . And hereupon I will conclude , how great a Royalist soever you pretend to be , you love ' the King well , but the Puritans better . From the originall and fountaine of the soveraigne power , wee must next follow you unto the exercise thereof . And here you aske the question , a How doth the Doctor make it appeare , that his most excellent Majesty hath commanded any such matter ? or that there is ( as he avows ) any publick order for the same ? viz : for placing the Communion Table Altar-wise . To this you answer , ( for you play all parts ) that he shall make it cock-sure by three Apodicticall demonstrations : which are , as afterwards you dispose them , the practice of his Majesties Chappell , the Queenes Injunctions , and his most excellent Majesties declaration about S. Gregories . But first , before we proceed further , let mee aske one question : Where doe you finde the Doctor say that his most excellent Majesty hath commanded any such matter ? No where , most certaine , in the booke ; nor any where that I can tell of , but in the mint of your imagination , where there is coynage all the yeere of these poore b double ones . The Doctor saith indeed , His sacred Majesty hath already declared his pleasure in the case of S. Gregories , and thereby given incouragement to the Metropolitans , Bishops , and other Ordinaries , to require the like in all the Churches committed to them . c Incouragements are no Command , , you had best say so howsoever . For if they were , I could soone tell you in your eare , who is a very disobedient subject . But let that passe , cum coeteris erroribus , and see if that be better which comes after next . I would faine hope some good of you , but I finde no ground for it : you misreport him so exceeding shamelesly in every passage . The first ( you say ) of his three Apodicticall demonstrations , ( as you please to slight them ) is , that it is so d in his Majesties Chappell , where the ancient Orders of the Church of England have beene best preserved , and without which ( perhaps ) we had before this beene at a losse amongst our selves for the whole forme and fashion of divine service . The Chappell of the King being the best Interpreter of the law which himself enacted , wherein the Communion Table hath so stood as now it doth , sithence the beginning of Qu. Elizabeth , what time that Rubrick in the Common-prayer-booke was confirmed and ratified . Thus you report the Doctors words , and with shame enough . The Doctor saith not any where , ( exclusively of the Cathedralls , as you vouch him here ) that the ancient Orders of the Church of England have beene best preserved in his Majesties Chappell , without the which ( perhaps ) we had been at a losse , &c. These are your words , and not the Doctors . The Doctors words are these : e For certainly the ancient orders of the Church of England have beene best preserved in the Chappels of the Kings Majesty , and the Cathedrals of this Kingdome ( good Sir marke you that ; ) without the which , perhaps , we had before this beene at a losse amongst our selves , for the whole forme and fashion of divine service . Here you leave out , most wilfully , to say no worse , and the Cathedrals of this Kingdome , not so much to belye the Doctor , as to devise some quarrell with his Majesties Chappell , which you cast many an evill eye at . And thereupon conclude most gravely , f To what use serve our grave and worthy Metropolitans , our Bishops , our Convocation house , our Parliaments , our Liturgies , hedged in and compassed in with so many Lawes , Rubricks , Proclamations , and Conferences , if we had been long before this at a losse in England for the whole form and fashion of divine service , but for one Deane , and so many Gentlemen of the Kings Chappell . Lord what a grosse of words is here drawne together , to fight with nothing but a poore fancy of your own ; at most with one poore Deane , and a few simple gentlemen of that contemptible place , the Kings Chappell Royall . Lesse strength , and fewer weapons would have beene sufficient , to drive this silly troope before you ; whom you might easily have scattered with your very breath , and made them waite upon your triumph at the first words speaking . Dicite Io Paean , & Io bis dicite Paean . Never did any story tell of such a conquering combatant , since King William the Conquerour . As little truth you use in citing of the other passage from the Doctors text ; and far lesse modesty in your second onset on his Majesties Chappell . You make the Doctor say , The Chappell of the King , being the best Interpreter of the law which himselfe enacted , wherein the Communion table hath so stood as now it doth , since the beginning of Queene Elizabeth , &c. and then flie out upon him without all pitty , g Where did the man ever heare of any Chappell in the Christian world , that gave forme and fashion of divine service , to whole Provinces ? Good Sir have patience but a little , I will pay you all . And tell me I beseech you first , where did the Doctor ever say they should ? The former place you guelded in the very middle , and this you cut off in the end . Take the whole passage as it lieth together , h you will finde it thus . For if wee looke into the former practise either of the Chappels of the King , the best Interpreter of the law which himselfe enacted , &c. as before we had it : or of Collegiate and Cathedrall Churches , the best observers of the forme and order of Gods publike service ; the Vicar had good warrant for what he did . Here you leave out again the Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches , to pick a second quarrell with his Majesties Chappell : the Doctor saying no where , as you make him say , that the Parochiall Churches are to precedent themselves ( expresly and exclusively ) by the Chappell Royall ( though had he said so , you would hardly make your part against him ) but that they are to precedent themselves by the mother Churches . Finding such store of Spanish , French , Italian , Greeke , and Latin cited in your Margin , onely out of a poore ambition to shew your store : I need not doubt but you can understand a peece of English. Reade me this therefore which occurres in the 6. Paragraph of the second Section , i immediately upon these words , Without the which perhaps we had before this beene at a losse amongst our selves for the whole forme and fashion of divine service . For there it followeth , And therefore if it bee so in the Chappels and Cathedrall Churches , as the Epistoler doth acknowledge , it is a pregnant argument that so it ought to be in the Parochials , which herein ought to precedent and conform themselves , according to the patterne of the Mother Churches . The Mother Churches , note you that ; not the Mother Chappels . So that you might aswell have saved your needlesse disputation , about the inward and the outward motion of the Princes minde ; as those most triviall , and indeed undutifull inferences which you make upon it , I have heard often of a mother Church , but now behold a mother Chappell , p. 42. and worse than that , Teach not the daughter therefore against all antiquity , to jet it out before the mother , p. 37. you might have also spared you k severall observations of publishing the new Missall by Pope Pius Quintus , not at the sacred Chappell , but S. Peters Church ; the merry case , ( or , as you should have called it , the ridiculous case ) of S. Martins hood ; the distinct service in the Chappels of Salamanca , from those that are in Parish Churches ; the severall uses of singing service in this Church , the ancient courses in some others . All these are onely toyes to take up the time with , and conclude nothing to the purpose which we have in hand , as they confute not any thing that the Doctor saith . Yet since you speake so despicably of his Majesties Chappell , and the use thereof ; l as one that never heard till now the use of the Chappell : I trust you will not say that the Kings Chappell is set out in a contrary way , to that required in a law of the Kings owne making ; or that the constant usage of the Chappels in this particular , since the first making of that law , may not be thought to be a good Interpreter of the law it selfe . You know the old saying well enough , that praxis sanctorum , est interpres praeceptorum . And therefore being it hath beene still , as now it is , in K. Edwards Chappell , whom the m judicious divine , M r. Hooker calleth Edward the Saint , and Queene Elizabeths , and of K. Iames , and of his Majestie now living , ( whom God long preserve ) whom your self have honoured with the style of Saint : We may conclude , that the Kings Chappell in this kinde , or the Kings practise in his Chappell , may be , and is the best Interpreter of those Rubricks , Lawes , and Canons , which you elsewhere speake of . Nor could you preach a worse , though perhaps no more welcome doctrine to your deere disciples , than that his Majesties Chappell is not ordered as it ought to be : who presently might make this use thereof , that they would be as little carefull to observe the law in their severall Parishes . Regis ad exempl●m . You know right well what follows , though you will not follow it . If therefore the Communion table doe stand Altar-wise in his Majesties Chappell , as most sure it doth ; and that it be a sinne against many precepts , to doubt or whisp●r , but that the King doth wisely and religiously in it , as p. 34. you say it is : why should not that give law to the Parish-Churches ; or why should you debarre them from a conformity with that , which seemes so wisely and religiously done , in the Chappell Royall ? Here is a riddle indeed , if you talke of riddles . Having been bold , ( as never any man was more ) with his Majesties Chappell , you cannot leave off so , but you must have a fling at Qu : Elizabeth , and hers : and n wish the Doctor had not named at all the beginning of Qu : Elizabeth . For then say you , therewas an Altar in the Chappell , and the very old masse officiated thereupon . The very old Masse ? What is your meaning ? I hope you doe not thinke , though you speake suspiciously , that that which hath beene since officiated thereupon , is a Masse too , though somewhat newer o ; the English Masse , as your good friends the Puritans have been pleased to call it . Nor need you be so sorry for nameing the beginning of Q●een Elizabeth , as if you would have passed it over with a So it pour non dict , for feare the Doctor ( of whose credit you are very carefull ) should be suspected for some hopes of having the old Masse set up againe : as p. 51. you tell him what great hope he hath , of having one day an Altar and a sacrifice for joy of his diagram . The Doctor speaks not of placing the Communion table , so as it stood in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth ; but saith p that in the Chappell Royall it hath so stood as now it doth , since the beginning of Queene Elizabeth : i. e. for 80. yeares together without interruption or alteration . In the beginning of her raigne , and ever since the beginning of her raigne ; are two different things : and this you could not but observe , but that you had a minde to quarrell with that excellent Lady ; for which I trow , your brethren , who now so much adore her memory , will conn you little thankes in private . For whereas that most excellent Lady followed therein the practise of her brother q King Edw. 6. and kept her Chappell up in that forme and order as was most fit both for the decencie of Gods publike service , and the magnificence of her owne royall State : wee are now told that this was done r Pour flatter les Catholiques , & les Princes estrangers , only to flatter with the Catholiques , ( this flattering with the Catholiques , you very cunningly left out in your translation ) and with forraigne Princes . Nay , if Du Chesne may be beleeved ( or rather if you may bee beleeved that belie Du Chesne ) all this was done , not out of piety , but policy : s Et par my cette innovation laissa plusieurs choses qu'elle jugea indifferentes , come les Orgues , les Ornaments d'eglise , quoy que plus pour police que pour religion : as you cite the words . Andre du Chesne , an honester man than you , tells us no such matter . For having named the Organs and Ornaments of the Church , t he brings in Musick , the names and dignities in the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie , Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Canons of Churches , Curates , Priests and Deacons , as also Lent , and abstinence from flesh on Fridayes and Saturdayes . Then addes , what you have made him say of Organs , & the Church Ornaments , ( and not the Ornaments of her Chappell onely ) that this was done plus pour police , que pour religion , more for policy than religion . Which words , if you observe him well , are not to be referred to all that went before ( for then Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Priests and Deacons had beene retained onely in point of policy ) but to the keeping of Lent and other fasting dayes . Wherein du Chesne hath spoke no more than what is extant in the Statute of 5. Eliz. cap. 5. where it is said expressely , that the forbearing of flesh was meant onely politickly , for the increase of fishermen and mariners , &c. Or if you thinke , as I do , that he did not consult the Statute for it ; then out of doubt , he borrowed it from u Sanders de schismate Anglicano , where it is said terminis terminantibus , in this case of Lent , and fasting dayes , and in this onely , Non religionis , sed publici tantum commodi causa hoc ipsum mandari . Your other French-man , the freedome of whose language you so much commend , tooke his hint from the same hand also : and you are but a Doctor Slanders , to joyn with him and them in any thing , which tends to the dishonour of so brave a Lady . This said , you wheele about to fetch another blow at the Queenes Altar , placing a crucifixe on the same , ( which stood there but a little while ) and then demand whether the Parish Churches were to take patterne by this , when as not any of the subjects might in their private houses possesse a crucifixe . For proofe of which you cite the 45. Article of &c. for the Regall visitation , viz. x Whether you know any that keepe in their houses , any undefaced Images , tables , pictures , and cut off all the rest with an &c. Reade on then , pictures , paintings , and other Monuments of fained and false miracles , pilgrimages , Idolatry , and superstition , and doe adore them . Voyla Monsieur , not the possessing , but the adoring of the cruci●ixe , was enquired into . Welfare the French-men yet , who y out of the freedome of their nation , will be sure , parler tout , and conceale nothing that ever they heard of . You have a more retentive faculty , and you make your best of it . Your next quotation , that Images of Christ be not onely defects , but also lies , for which you vouch the Homily against the perill of Idolatry , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictum , nothing unto the point in hand ; but that you are a venturous gamester , and love to have at all , whatsoever it cost you . For if you take the reason of the Homily with you , z which is , that of the God-head which is the most excellent part of Christ , no Image can be made : it will appeare that in the meaning of the Homily , the images or picture of a mortall man , may not be only called a defect , but a lie also ; because no picture can be made of the soule , which is the most excellent part of the whole man. But either speak more unto the purpose , or else hold your peace . The Doctors 2. Argument , ( according as you please to new mould his booke ) is taken ( you say ) from the Queens Injunctions ; more pertinently , a you confesse , than was the former frō the Queens Chappell , but that it hath not any solidity to rest upon . Why so ▪ Do not the Queens Injunctions say , b that if the Altar were tooke downe ( which they commanded not ) the holy Table should be decently made and set in the place where the Altar stood , and there commonly covered as thereto belongeth . Yes , but you say , c there followeth somewhat which this false fingred Gentleman left out , viz. and as shall be appointed by the Visitors : Thereupon you conclude that placing and adorning of the table was referred to the Commissioners , who in their Orders , tertio of the Q●eene , appointed That the table should stand where the steps within the Quires and Chancels stood , and should be covered with silke or buckram : and having said so , winde your horne , d and blow the fall of the Injunction . In all this there is no solidity , and as little truth . Those words , and as shall be appointed by the Visitors , relate not to the placing of the table , which was determined of in the Injunction , but to the covering of the same , wherein the said Injunctions had determined nothing . For marke the words ; The holy Table in every Church shall be decently made , and set in the place where the Altar stood ; What more ? and there commonly covered as thereto belongeth , and as shall be appointed by the Visitors ; & so to stand , saving when the Communion of the Sacrament is to be distributed , &c. What thinke you now ? what is referred unto the Visitors , the placing of the table , or the covering only ? Not the placing surely , as you finde in the last period of the said Injunction ; viz. And after the Communion done , from time to time ( not till the Visitours should determine otherwise ) the same holy Table to be placed where it stood before . Then for the Orders of the yeare 1561. can you finde any thing in them that crosseth the Injunction ? Take the whole Order as it lieth , and then winde your horn . e It is ordered also , that the steps which be as yet at this day remaining in any Cathedrall , Collegiate , or Parish Church , be not stirred or altered , but be suffered to continue . And if in any Chancell the steps be transposed , that they be not erected againe , but that the steps be decently paved , where the Communion Table shall stand out of the times of receiving the Communion , having thereon a faire linnen cloth , with some covering of silke , buckram , or other such like● for the cleane ●●●ping of the said cloth . No order here , for altering the Communion table from that place and posture in which it had beene situated by the Queenes Injunction : or that it should stand where the steps within the Quires or Chancels stood ; much less , as you have made it in your falsified Copie of the Bishops letter ; where the steps to the Altar formerly stood : as if they would not have it stand close along the wall , but neere unto the steps , and so from the wall , as you thence most shamefully collect . Now whereas it is appointed further in the said Orders , f that there be fixed upon the wal over the said Communion board , the tables of Gods precepts imprinted for the said purpose ; or as in the g advertisements of An. 1564. upon the East-wall over the said table : the Doctor laying all together conclud●d thus , that being the table was ( by the Injunction ) to bee placed where the Altar stood , above the steps , ( as by the Orders , ) and under the Commandements ( as by the Orders and Advertisements ; ) therefore it was to stand all along the wall . Against this you have nothing to replie , but bold conjectures . h Why not aswell in the place of the steps , and endwise to the wall ? and i why not the Commandements over the Communion board , that is , in some higher place where they may be seene , although the table stand in the midst of the Quire ? and why not i over the Communion table , that is , over the end of the table ? I see you are excellent at Tick tack , as you have beene alwaies , and will not let a why not passe , if it come in your way . But this is , as Domitian said of S●neca's stile , Arena ●ine calce ; and hangs together , as we say in the English proverb , like pebbles in a withe . But so , it seemes , you will not leave us . You have another answer to the Queenes Injunction , touching the setting of the table in the place where the Altar stood : which is , that it might stand above the steps with the end Eastward , and the side Northward , and l yet obey the words of the Injunction , and be in the place where the Altar stood . How so ? Because , say you , the Injunction was directed to her Majesties subjects , not to her Mathematicians , and therefore was more likely to use the terme of a common and ordinary , than a proper and Mathematicall place . And so the place of the Altar , in this Injunction , is not all and in all dimensions , but some part onely of the room which the Altar filled . I gather by your style , you are some great body , some Minister , as the Licence stiles you ; & doubt not but you have many servants , although not many Mathematicians , attending on you . And let me put you a familiar case , this once . It is a thing I use not often . Suppose you have an old side-board , or Court-cupboard standing in your dining-room ; & you command your servants ( being no Mathematicians , suppose that too ) to take the ●aid old side-board , or Court-cupboard away , & set another in the place : If he should set it end-wise , where the other stood side-wise , would not your bloud be up , and your black staffe about his eares ? Your difference out of Aristotle between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , serves for nothing here , more than to make a shew , and to deceive poore people that understand it not . And yet in confidence of the cause , you tell the Doctor , that m for the great pains he hath taken , with his line and levell , in finding out the place where the Altar stood ; he might have spared it all against the building of a new Pigeon-house . n Naturam expellas furca licet ; I see there 's a prophanesse in your bones , which will never out . Never did man speak of sacred things , with so little reverence . Dressers , and Pigeon houses , and whatsoever scandalous conceit comes next to hand , we are sure to heareof . It would do better , as I take it , if when you write next of a sacred argument , some boy or other might cry out to you , as heretofore the Priest did when he was to sacrifice , o Procul hinc , procul esto prophane . And so much for your first and second answers , to the Queenes Injunction . Now for the 3. in which you have disposed the flower of all your Armie , your very Ianizaries , you tell us with like confidence , that p if by these Injunctions , the table was to stand where the Altar stood ; then should the said Injunctions vary from the rites , which but few daies before had been prescribed by Parliament , to be used in the booke of Common-prayers . How prove you that ? Marry say you , the Minister appointed to reade the Communion , is directed to reade the Commandements , not at the end , but the North side of the table , which implyes the end to be placed towards the East great window . 2. It was practiced so in K. Edwards time , as is ( not proved , but ) endeavoured to be proved out of the troubles at Francofurt . 3. Because it is very likely that Cox , Grindall , and Whitehead ( being halfe the number of the per●sers of the Liturgi● which was to be confirmed in the Parliament following ) would observe that ceremonie in placing the Communion-table , which themselves abroad , and at home had formerly practiced . These are the Arguments we must trust to , to confirme the point ; but these will not do it : for they are onely say-soes , and no proofes at all ; and might as justly be denied by us , as venturously affirmed by you . But we will scan them severally , beginning first with that comes last , and so proceeding ascendendo , untill all be answered . First then , Cox , Grindall and Whitehead , made not up halfe the number of the Perusers of the Liturgie . The Author whom you cite , q names us eight in all , Parker , Bill , May , Cox , Grindall , Whitehead , Pilkington , and Sir Thomas Smith ; all joynt-Commissioners in the business . So that unless it may be proved that three and three makes eight ; ( and if it may be proved you are more cunning at Arithmetick , than in all the Mathematicks beside : ) Grindall , and Cox , and Whitehead made not halfe the number . But let that passe for once , how shall wee know that they did place the Communion-table end-long , both at home and abroad ? For this we are directed to the troubles at Francofurt , pag. 23. and 24. in which there is not any word that reflects that way . All we finde there , is the recitall of a letter sent from the conformable English-men at Strasburgh to the schismaticall congregation of the English-men in Francofurt , about reducing them unto the booke of Common-prayers established in the latter end of K. Edward 6. which letter was delivered to them , by M r. Grindall and M r. Chambers , and signed by 16. of their hands , Grindals being one ; but not one word of Cox or Whitehead . Or grant this too , that Grindall , Cox and Whitehead placed their Communion table , end-long , when they were abroad , and might be fearefull of offending those amongst whom they lived : yet would it be no good conclusion , that therefore they appointed it should be so here , where they were safe and out of danger ; and had the countenance of the Q●eene , who liked old orders very well , for their incouragement . You saw this well enough , and therefore dare not say it for a certaine , but r a likely matter : and likelihoods , I trow , ( except it be for you ) are no demonstrations . This said , your second argument about the practise in K. Edwards time , endeavoured to be proved from the troubles at Francofurt , is already answered : Your poore s indeavours , and your simple likely-ho●ds may well go together . Nor is there any thing in all that relation , which concernes this practise ; more than a summary of the orders in K. Edwards booke drawne up by Knox and others of that crew , to be sent to Calvin ; by his determinat● sentence to stand or fall : where it is onely said , that the Minister is to stand at the North-side of the table . Which being a recitall onely of the Rubrick in the Common-prayer booke , makes but one Argument with the first ; or helps , God wott , but very poorely for the proofe of that . But where you knock it on the head , with saying that the placing of the table end-long , with one end towards the East great window , was the last situation of that table in K. Edwards time ; and call t Miles Huggard for a witness : most sure Miles Huggard tels you no such matter . u For thus saith Miles . How long were they learning to set their table , to minister the said Communion upon ? First they placed it aloft , where the high Altar stood . Then must it be set from the wall that one might go betweene : the Ministers being in contention on whether part to turne their faces , either towards the West , the North , or South . Some would stand west-ward , some north-ward , some southward . How say you now ? Doth Miles say any thing of placing the table end-long ? No point . He saith it was removed from the wall where at first it stood , that one might goe between the said wall and it ; and so I hope it might standing North and South : but that it was placed endlong , not one word saith Miles . Your out-works being taken in , come wee unto the fort it selfe , the Rubrick : where it is said , the Minister standing at the North-side of the Table , shal say the Lords Prayer . The Doctor answered this before in his Coal from the Altar , viz. x That being in all quadrangular and quadrilaterall figures there were foure sides , though commonly the narrower sides be called by the name of ends : the Minister standing at the north-end of the table , doth performe the Rubrick , the table standing in the place where the Altar stood ; as well as standing at the North-side , in case it stood with one end towards the East great window . And this he did conceive the rather ▪ because that in the Common-prayer booke done into Latine , by the command , and authorized by the great Seale of Qu. Eliz. it is thus translated , Ad cujus mensae Septentrionalem partem , Minister stans , or abit orationem dominicam ; that the Minister standing at the North-part of the table shall say the Lords Prayer . This is the summe of his discourse : what reply make you ? First , entring on a vaine discourse , touching the raptures of the soule , when it is throughly plunged in the study of the Mathematicks , and therein shewing your notorious ignorance , in mis-reporting the inventions of Archimed●s and Pythagoras , which wee will tell you of hereafter ; you fall on this at last for the maine of your answer . y Loquendum est cum vulgo , when we speake to the people of a side , we must take a side as they take it ; and that the Doctor was too blame to dispute out of Geometry against custome , and that with people which are no Geometricians : z Poore subjects that are penally to obey Lawes and Canons , not being to be spoken to according to the Rules of Art. a You tell us further , that every Art hath to it selfe its owne words of art , and thereupon produce an Epitaph on the Chanter of Langres , full of odde musicall notes , and pretty crotchets in that chanting faculty . And with another tale b of Euclide , and certaine Diagrams drawne in the sand by the Egyptians ; advise the Doctor to remember , that the Rubrick was written for the use of the English , and not of the Gyps●es . Of all this , there is little that requires an answer , consisting all of flourishes , and fencing-tricks ; but not one handsome ward to keepe off a blow . For speake man , was that Rubrick written for the Laitie , or for the Clergie ; for the poore subjects , as you call them , or a learned Ministery ? I trust you are not come so far , as to beleeve that every Cobler , Tayler , or other Artizan , may take his turne , and minister at the holy Altar : though you have something here and there , which without very favourable Readers may be so interpreted . If so , as so it was , the Rubrick being onely made for the direction of the Clergie , and amongst those the Ministers of Lincoln Diocese , ( whom I presume you neither will nor can condemne of so much ignorance : ) why doe you talke so idly of poore subjects that are penally to obey lawes and Canons , and ignorant people that are not to be spoken 〈◊〉 by Rules of Art ? But this , it seemes , hath beene your recreation onely . For c not to dally with us longer , you tell the Doctor , that learned men in these very particular ceremonies , which we have in hand , have appropriated the word sides to the long , and the word end , to the short length of an oblong square . This , if well done , is worth the seeing : and how prove you this ? Gregory the 13. who had about him all the best Mathematicians in Europe , when he renewed ( or changed ) the Calendar , doth call them so in his Po●tificall . Non sequitur . This is the strangest sequele that I ever heard of . Nor can it possibly hold good , unlesse it had beene said withall , that in the setting out the said Pontificall , he had consulted with those Mathematicians , in this very thing , by whose advise and counsell he renewed the Calendar . And be that granted too : what then ? Why then say you , in his Pontificall he makes no more sides of an Altar , ●han of a man , to wit , a right side , and a left side ; calling the lesser squares , the anterior and posterior part thereof . For proofe of this , you cite him thus : Et thuri●icat Altare undique ad dextrum & sinistrum latus , pag. 144. And then againe , in anteriori & posteriori parte Altaris , pag. 142. of your Edition , Venet. 1582. being in mine of Paris , 1615. pag. 232. & 247. But cleerely this makes good what the Doctor saith . For the anteriour part must needs be that at which the Priest stands when hee doth officiate ; which by their order , is with his face to the East : and the posteriour , that which is next the wall , which pag. 183. you call the back-side of the Altar . And then it must needs be , that the two sides thereof , as they are called in the Pontificall , must be the North-end , and the South-end , which justifieth directly the Doctors words , when he affirmeth d that the Rubrick , ( according to the meaning and intent thereof ) is aswell fulfilled by the Minister , standing at the North end of the Table , placed along the wall , as at the north side of the same standing towards the window . I hope you have no cause to brag of this discovery . That which comes after , concerneth the translation of the booke of Common prayer , e by Walter Haddon , as you conjecture : which you except against , as recommended to a few Colledges , and not unto the Church of England : and yet acknowledging in your margin , that it was recommended unto all the Colledges , which are the Seminaries , no doubt , of the Church of England . 2. That it never was confirmed by Act of Parliament , or by K. Iames his Proclamation ; but take notice of the authorizing thereof under the great Seale of Qu. Elizabeth , no lesse effectuall for that purpose than a Proclamation . 3. That in that translation f the Calendar is full of Saints , and some of them got into red scarlet ; which howsoever it may cast some scandall on the Queene , ( whom you have a stitch at ) is nothing to the prejudice of that translation of the Rubrick . 4. That D r Whitaker , when he was a young man , was set by his Vncle , the Deane of Pauls , to translate it again into Latine , which makes you thinke that other version was either exhausted , or misliked . Misliked you cannot say , till you bring a reason ; and if it was so soone exhausted , it is a good argument that it was well done , and universally received . Lastly , you fly to your old shift , affirming , that those times considered , the Liturgie was translated rather to comply with the forraigne , than to reigle and direct the English Churches . Which were it so , yet it makes nothing to this purpose . For whether it be pars septentrionalis , the northerne part , or latus septentrionale , the northerne side , it must be equally displeasing to the forraigne Churches , ( for you meane onely those of the Church of Rome ) in which the Priest officiating is injoyned to stand in medio Altaris , with his back towards the people ; being a different way from that prescribed the Minister in the Liturgie of the Church of England . Certes you doe but dallie in all you say ; and shew your selfe a serious trifler , but a sorry disputant . Securi de salute , de gloria certemus g I must have one pull more with you about this Rubrick ; and since you give so faire an hint , about the Statute which confirmes it . The Parliament 1. of Qu. Elizabeth began at Westminster , Ian. 23. An. 1558. and there continued till the 8. of May next following : in which there passed the Act , for uniformity of Common prayer , and service of the Church , and administration of the Sacraments , cap. 2. Together with this Act there passed another , inabling the Queene to delegate what part she pleased , of her supreame power in Ecclesiasticis , to such Commissioners as she should appoint , according to the forme in that Act laid down . Presently on the dissolving of the said Parliament , the Queene sets out a booke of Injunctions , aswell to the Clergie , as to the Laitie of this Realme : in one of h which Injunctions , it is cleere and evident , that howsoever in many and sundry parts of the Realme , the Altars of the Churches were removed , and Tables placed for the administration of the Sacrament : yet in some other places the Altars were not then removed , upon opinion of some other order to be taken by her Majesties Visitours . This put together , I would faine have leave to aske this question : The Rubrick ordering that the Minister should stand at the north-side of the Table , ( there where tables were ; ) and in so many places of this Kingdome , the Altars standing as before : where should the Minister stand to discharge his duty ? Not in the middle of the Altar , as was appointed in the Liturgie of K. Edw. An. 1549. That was disliked and altered in the Service-booke of the yeere 1542. confirmed this Parliament . Nor on the North-side , as you cal a side : for that supposeth such a situation , as was not proper to the Altar . Therefore it must be at the northern end , or narrower side thereof , as before was said ; or else no Service to be done , no Sacraments administred . The Parliament was so farre from determining any thing touching the taking downe of Altars , that a precedent Act 1 Mar. cap. 3. for punishment of such as should deface them , was by them continued . This was left solely to the Queene , the Metropolitan and Commissioners , to be done , o● not done , as might seeme most convenient to them : and yet the Parliament confirmed that Rubrick for standing at the north side of the Table . And for the Queene , the B p yeelds it in his letter , that shee and her Commissioners ( or as your altered Copie hath it , she and her Counsell ) were content the Altars should stand still as before they did : the Injunction leaving it as a thing indifferent , and of no great moment , so that the Sacrament be duely and reverently administred . Neither did the Commissioners in their Visitation , determine any thing for taking downe of Altars , where they found them standing , that wee can meet with in their Orders of the yeere 1561. Nor need you stick at the word Table , mentioned in the Rubrick , confirmed in that Parliament , as if that did imply , or intimate the necessary taking downe of Altars . For you your selfe have told us , that sacrifice and Altars being relatives , no sooner i was the sacrifice abolished , but these ( call them what we will ) are no more Altars , but tables of stone and timber ; in the Epistle to the Vicar . So then , that which was once an Altar , when there was a sacrifice , ( the sacrifice of the Masse you mean ) is now become a table only ; whether of stone or timber , that 's no way materiall : and therefore standing as they did when the Act was made , the Minister could not possibly officiate at the north-side , unlesse you call the narrower end , a side , as the Doctor doth ; and as your selfe doe , did you understand your selfe , out of the Pontificall . Besides , the meaning of the Act is to be considered , not the words alone : which was to fixe the Minister to some certaine posture . For in K. Edwards first Liturgie , An. 1549. the Minister was appointed , as before is said , to stand in medi● Altaris , with his back towards the people . After , when as the King had commanded to take downe the Altars , and to set up tables , then followed first a difference about the situation of those Tables ; some being placed like Altars , and some like tables , according as we have it in the Acts and Monuments , part 2. pag. 700. Hereupon followed that confusion which Miles Huggard speakes of amongst the Ministers themselves : some standing north-ward , some south-ward , and some west-ward . For remedy whereof , it was appointed in the second Liturgie , that hee , the Minister , should have some certaine point , whereupon to fixe : your selfe affirming , k that this contention was determined by the Rubrick , still in force , for the North-side of the Table . So that the meaning of the Rubrick being onely this , to assigne the Minister some certaine point whereon to fasten his aspect , in his officiating at the holy table ▪ that meaning is aswell complyed withall , in standing at the north or narrower side thereof , placed along the wall ; as standing at the longer side , with one e●d towards the East great window . Nay I will goe a little farther , and put it to consideration , ( and no more than so ) whether the Rubrick ordering that the Minister shall stand at the North side of the Table , doth not imply the Tables standing Altarwise , close along the wall , if within the Chancell ; and close to the partition , if within the Church . And I propose it on this ground : Because in case it had been meant in the composure of that Rubrick , that the holy Table should stand endlong , and farre off from the wall , or the partition , the fittest posture for the Minister had beene at the East-end thereof , with his face downwards , towards the people . Certaine I am , that in that posture he would be best both seene and heard of all the Congregation , ( better by farre than standing at either side thereof either north or south ) which seemes to be the thing most stood upon in the Bishops letter to the Vicar . But I propose this onely as a consideration ; I affirme it not . Next , wee must follow you to the third Argument of the Doctor , drawne from the exercise of that supreme power in Ecclesiasticis , which is invested in the King. For granting l that the King may command a greater matter of this nature , than that the Table should be placed where the Altar stood : you onely seeme to doubt m whether his Majesty hath any way declared his pl●asure ▪ that hee would have it so or not . Before you asked the Doctor where the King commanded it , as if not any thing but an expresse command , had the power to stir you : when other men , as wise as you , have thought the intimations of a Prince , in matters n of indifferent nature , ( as you acknowledge this to be ) sufficient inducements for a subject to conforme thereto . Now you have changed your style , and onely stand on the denyall , that his most sacred Majesty hath not in this case declared his pleasure : you meane , perhaps , not so declared it , as that it pleaseth you to obey his pleasure . The Doctor saith o in briefe , that his sacred Majesty hath hereupon already declared his pleasure in the case of S. Gregories , and thereby given encouragement to the Metropolitans , Bishops , and other Ordinaries , to require the like in all the Churches committed to them . Your answer is as short , but not halfe so sweet , p that it is most untrue , that his Majesty hath declared in that Act , one word of his pleasure hereupon : i. e. ( as you expound your selfe ) against the contents of the Bishops letter . Most gravely spoken . What had his Majesty to doe with the Bishops letter , that he should signifie his pleasure thereupon , when as the merit of the same was not called in question ? Aquila non capit muscas , you know the proverbe . The businesse then in question , was the standing of the Table in S. Gregories Church , which by the Ordinary there , was placed Altar-wise : and his most sacred Majesty did thereupon declare his pleasure , approving and confirming the Act of the said Ordinary . You chalenge this as most untrue , and presently fall foule on the poore man , for libelling against the Bishop , malicious falsifying of his Authors in every page : and finally ( your owne turne served ) for comming to that height of impudency , as ponere os in coelum , to out-face heaven it selfe , and mis-report the justice of so divine a Maiesty . Why so ? Because , say you , If we abstract from this Declaration , ( which the bold man hath printed for an Act of Counsell ) the allegations , which he , the said bold fellow , calleth the relations of both parties ; and his Maiesties iust pleasure for the dissolving of the appeale : the remainder will prove a full confirmation of the Bishops letter . If so , then q frange leves calamos , & scinde Thalia libellos , the Doctor tooke much paines to little purpose . And that it is so , you are peremptorie , as in all things else , because the Declaration tels us , That the liberty given by the Communion booke , or Canon , for placing the Communion Table in any Church or Chappell with most conveniencie , is not to be understood , as if it were ever left to the discretion of the Parish , much lesse to the particular fancie of any humorous person , but to the judgement of the Ordinarie , to whose place and function it doth properly belong to give direction in that point , both for the thing it self , and for the time when and how long , as he may finde cause . These are his Ma ties words indeed , mentis aureae verba bractcata , as you rightly call them : but they oppose not any thing that the Doctor saith . You finde not in the Doctor , that the placing of the holy table , or the interpreting of those Canons and Rubricks which concerne it , was either left to the discretion of the Parish , or to the particular fancie of any humorous person in the same : which is the onely thing which that part of his Majesties Declaration doth relate unto . That which the Doctor saith is this , that by the declaration of his Majesties pleasure in that present businesse , there was incouragement given to the Metropolitans , Bishops , and other Ordinaries to doe the like : i. e. to place the holy table in the severall Churches committed to them , as it was placed in S. Gregories by the Ordinary thereof . This I am sure , his Majesties words , which you applaud so , doe not contradict . And on the oth●r side , that the whole Declaration laid together , gives that incouragement to the Ordinaries , which the Doctor speakes of , you might plainly see ; but that you had no mind that any Ordinarie should be incouraged to so good a work ; which you deride and scorn throughout your booke , as shall be shewn more fully in the next Chapter . Mean time , that all the world may see , how wilfully you shut your eyes , and stop your eares , against whatever is contained therein , which you like not of ; I will once more set down the said Declaration , and after , gather thence some few observations , either to cure you of your wilfulnesse , or to shame you for it . At VVhite Hall the third day of November , 1633. Present , the Kings most excellent Majestie . L● : Arch B. of Cant. Lo : Keeper . Lo : Arch B. of York . Lo : Treasurer . Lo : Privie Seale . Lo : D. of Lennox . Lo : High Chamberlain . E. Marshall . Lo : Chamberlain . E. of Bridgwater . E. of Carlile . Lo : Cottington . M. Treasurer . M. Comptroller . M. Secretary Cooke . M. Secretary Windebank . THis day was debated before his Majesty sitting in Counsell , the question and difference which grew about the removing of the Communion table in S. Gregories Church , neer the Cathedrall Church of S. Paul , from the middle of the Chancell to the upper end , and there placed Altar●wise , in such maner as it standeth in the said Cathedrall & Mother Church , ( as also in all other Cathedrals , and in his Majesties owne Chappell ) and as is consonant to the practise of approved Antiquity . Which removall and placing of it in that sort , was done by order from the Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls , who are Ordinaries thereof , as was avowed before his Majesty by D r. King , and D r. Montfort , two of the Prebends there . Yet some few of the Parishioners , being but five in number , did complaine of this Act by Appeale to the Court of Arches , pretending that the booke of Common-prayer , and the 82. Canon , doe give permission to place the Communion table , where it may stand with most fitnesse and convenience . Now his Majesty having heard a particular relation made by the Counsell of both parties of all the cariage and proceedings in this cause , was pleased to declare his dislike of all Innovation , and receding from ancient constitutions , grounded upon just and warrantable reasons , especially in matters concerning Ecclesiasticall order and government , knowing how easily men are drawne to affect novelties , and how soone weake judgements in such cases may be over-taken and abused . And he was also pleased to observe , that if those few Parishioners might have their wills , the difference thereby from the foresaid Cathedrall mother Church , by which all other Churches depending thereon ought to be guided , would be the more notorious , and give more subject of discourse & disputes that might be spared , by reason of S. Gregories standing close to the wall thereof . And likewise for so much as concerns the liberty given by the said Common booke or Canon , for placing the Communion table in any Church or Chappell with most conveniency : that liberty is not so to be understood , as if it were ever left to the discretion of the Parish , much lesse to the particular fancy of any humorous person , but to the judgement of the Ordinary to whose place and function it doth properly belong to give direction in that point , both for the thing it self , and for the time , when and how long , as hee may finde cause . Vpon which consideration his Majesty declared himselfe , That he well approved and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary , and also gave command , that if those few Parishioners before mentioned , doe proceed in their said appeale , then the Dean of the Arches ( who was then attending at the hearing of the cause ) shall confirme the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter . This is the Declaration of his sacred Majesty , faithfully copyed out of the Registers of his Counsell-Table . Out of the which I doe observe , first , that the Ordinary did de facto , remove the Communion-Table from the middle of the Chancell , and place it Altar wise at the upper end . Secondly , that in the doing of it , they did propose unto themselves , the patterne not alone of their owne Cathedrall mother Church , but of all other Cathedralls , and his Majesties Chappell ; and therewithall the practice of approved Antiquity . Thirdly , that his most excellent Majestie upon the hearing of the businesse , declaring his dislike of all Innovations , did yet approve the order of the Ordinary ; which shewes , that hee conceived it not to be any variance from the ancient constitutions of this Church . Fourthly , that all Parochiall Churches ought to be guided by the patterne of the Mother Church , upon the which they doe depend . Fifthly , that not the people , but the Ordinary , is to interpret as well the R●brick as the Canon , touching the most convenient placing of the holy table . Sixthly , that i● pertaineth to the place and function of the Ordinary to give directions in that kinde , both for the thing it selfe ( how it shall stand ) and for the time , when and how long , ( it shall so stand ) as hee findes occasion . And last of all , that notwithstanding any thing that was objected from the said Canon and Communion booke , his Majesty did well approve the Act of the said Ordinary ; and not approve it onely , but confirme it too : giving command to the Deane of the Arches , that he should finally and judicially confirme the same , if the appeale were followed by the said Parishioners . This is , I trow , a Declaration of his Majesties pleasure ; not onely in relation to the present case , that of S. Gregories then and there by him determined ; but to all others also of the same nature . Hee that so well approved that Act of the Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls ; would questionlesse approve the like in another Ordinary . ●or being the case is one , the Chappell 's Royall still the same , the Mother Churches no lesse to be followed by the Parochials in one place than others : why should you thinke the sentence or decision should be different ? Or if you thinke this Declaration of his Majesties pleasure is no incouragement to other Ordinaries , to bring the Parish-Churches to conforme with the Cathedrals in this particular ; because his Majesty doth not say , in termes expresse , that hee would also very well approve the like in all other Ordinaries : you doe notoriously bewray , either your ignorance or wilfulnesse , or some worse condition . For know you not that Maxime in the Civill lawes , r Sententia Principis jus dubium declarans , jus facit quoa● omnes ? or that the Civill Lawyers say , Rex solus judicat de causa à jure non definita ? If not , consult that learned case of the Post-nati , stated by the Lord Chancellour Egert●n , pag. 107. whom you have elsewhere cited , and must neede have seene . The Declaration of the Kings pleasure , what ever you thinke of it , is no triviall matter : and that not onely in such things as hee shall command , but such as he alloweth of , confirmes , and sets his approbation on them . The booke of s Institutes , if you went no further , could tell you somewhat to this purpose : Where it is said , ( construe it as you list your selfe ) Quodcunque Imperator per epistolam constituit , vel cognoscens decrevit , ( N. B. ) legem esse constat : and is to stand for good in whatsoever case & businesse of the same nature ; unlesse it be in personall matters of praemium & poe●a , and such like . Regall decisions in this kind , are like the ruled cases ( as they cal thē ) in the Common law ; or the Responsa prudentum , the judgements and determinations of the Reverend Sages in that profession , extant in their Reports , Terme-bookes , and Commentaries : First made in reference to the cause which was then before them , but of authority ( as the least directive ) in all other businesse of the like condition , till over-ruled in open Court by equall both authority and judgement . And it is a good rule in such bouts as this , t De similibus ad similia iudicium & argumentatio recipiuntur . Last of all , for the Canon lawes , ( that you may see how much all lawes condemne you for your obstinate folly ) what is the whole body of the Decretals ( one of the greatest parts thereof ) but a collection of particular Rescripts and decisions made by severall Popes , upon particular and emergent cases ? which being so made , are still remaining on record as judgements , sentences , or decisions for all and every cases of the like condition ; Volentes igitur ut hac tantum compilatione omnes utantur , in judiciis & in scholis , as in the Proeme to the worke . This is , I trust , enough to sheild the Doctor from your fury , for saying onely that by this Declaration of his Majesties pleasure , in that one particular , the Metropolitans , Bishops , and other Ordinaries had no small incouragement , to reduce private Parish Churches to an uniformity with their Cathedrall . Against the which , as you have not one word to say , but your owne ipse dixit , that it is untrue ; and your own mecum st●tui , that nothing shall perswade you to the contrary , as long as M r. Alderman of Gr : and the good people of the Diocesse are not pleased withall : so might we well have saved this labour , and left you to the singularity of your sullen humour . And so I leave you for this time ; onely , I cannot choose but marvell why you should lay such impudency to the Doctors charge , for u misreporting the Iustice of so divine a Maiestie ; which he reports in the same words he found it copied forth unto him ; or calling him bold fellow , for printing it for an Act of Counsell , being a Declaration of his Majesties pleasure at the Counsell board , and which you call an Act your selfe , in the self-same page : or finally correcting him , for saying the Relation of both parties , not the Allegation ; when as the word Relation onely is in his copy of the Act. Had he dealt so with you , you would have called him halfe a dozen times , Animal pugnacissimum , Gander , Common Barretter ; and I know not what : you being in this case like the Cock , that is well fed with Garlick before the fight , who seekes to over-match his Adversary , rather with ranknesse of breath , than strength of body . CHAP. III. Of the Episcopall authority in points of Ceremonie ; the piety of the times , and good worke in hand ; and of the Evidence produced from the Acts and Monuments . The Minister of Linc ▪ arts and aims , in the present businesse . Dangerous grounds laid by the Minister of Linc : for overt●rowing the Episcopall and Regall power . He misreports the meaning of the Councell of Nice , to satisfie his private spleene . The Minister of Linc : overthrowes his owne former grounds by new superstructures ; protesteth in a thing against his cōscience . Chargeth the Doctor with such things as he findes not in him . Denieth that any one thing may have two knowne and proper names ; therefore that the Communion table may not be called an Altar also ; and for the proofe thereof doth falsifie his owne authorities . The Doctor falsified againe , about the Canons of the yeare 1571. The Minister beholding to some Arch-Deacons for his observations . Their curtalling of the Bishops power , in moving or removing the Communion table , to advance their owne . The piety of the times , and the good worke in hand , declared , & defended against the impious and profane derision of the Minister of Linc : The testimonies of Fryth , and Lambert , taken out of the Acts and Monuments , cleared from the ●avils of the Minister of Linc : The Minister of Linc : ●uts off the words of Lambert , Fox , Philpot , and Bishop Latimer , and falsifieth most foulely the Acts and Monuments : Corrects the Statute and the Writ about the Sacrament of the Altar : Pl●●ds poorely for the Bishop of Lincolne and Deane of Westminster , in the matter of Oyster-boards and Dressers : and falls imp●rtinently foule on the Bishop of Norwich . SVnt quos curriculo pulverem Olympicum Collegisse i●vat , &c. For still I follow him up and down in his owne fancies . The Poet tels us of some men that had a great delight in the Olympick exercises , in hope to winne the prizes which were there proposed . Our Some-body , some Minister , some I know not who , hath an itch that way ; a great desire to get the prize ; and I cannot blame him . Terrarum Dominos evehit ad deos ? What ? to be hoysted up by the common people , as a man more than mortall , one so like the gods , that it is hard to say whether he or Iupiter be the better man ? Who would not venture a fall , to finde such applause ? especially considering with what ●ase it may be attained . And certainely in two things he is very like them . For he doth onely raise a dust , colligere pulverem , as the Poet hath it , and labour what he can evitare metam , to shoot as wide as it is possible from the mark he aimes at : not caring ( so he looke like some furious driver , and make his chariot wheeles run on , and rattle , ) how it succeeds with him in the maine of the Argument . In the last Chapter , as he tells us , he hath a reduced into a body all the Regall ; and in this , all the Ecclesiasticall power , which the poore fellow , whosoever he was that wrote the Coal from the Altar , conceived to be any way opposite to his Lordships letter . In doing which , and patching up a broken Cento , out of particular and ( by him ) dismembred passages , collected here and there tumultuously from the Doctors booke ; he raiseth such a filthy dust , that one can hardly see what it is he aimes at ; and yet he may come off the better , if he misse his mark . However having undertaken him , we must do our best , to blow away this dust , and cleere the passage , that every one may see his courses , and what poore shifts he useth to attaine the prize he so much longeth for . The Doctor saith in severall places of his booke , that the Ordinary , of his owne authority , may , if he please , appoint the Communion-table to stand Altar-wise : that his most sacred Majesty hath given incouragement to the Bishops and other Ordinaries so to do , in his decision of the case about S. Gregories : and therefore as the case then stood with the Doctors friend , being it was exacted of his Ordinary , it did require more of his obedience , than his curiosity . Otherwise should all men be so affected as to demur on the commands of their Superiours , in matters of exteriour order and publick government , till they are satisfied in the grounds and reasons of the said commands ; or should they flie off from their duty , at sight of every new device that was offered to them ; there would soone be a speedy dissolution both of Church and State. And to that purpose there was used a speech from Tacitus , b viz. Si ubi ●ubeantur quaerere singulis liceat , pereunte obsequio imperium etiam intercidit . So farre you cite him rightly , ( which I wonder at , being a fault you are not guilty of too often ) save that you left out that of every new device , there mentioned : as loath to be conceived c a Divine of invention ; affecting as you do , to be accounted one of judgement . What you replie to this we shall forthwith see : that which concernes the incouragement given to the Bishops and other Ordinaries , by his sacred M tie , first being wiped off in this short parenthesis d the contrary whereof you have shewed in the precedent Chapter . Short work , beleeve me , you have as readie a way to confute an Adversarie , as he that undertooke to confute the Cardinall , with these two words , Mentiris Bellarmine . But since you do appeale to your performance in that Chapter , we must observe your method also , ( being you are so good an Artist ) and ●ell you with more truth , though not more words , that I have shewne the contrary in the former Chapter , to that which you affirme in this so bravely . Your answer to the next is more , but not more materiall . The Doctor told you that the Ordinary of his owne authority , might ( if he pleased ) appoint the Communion table to be set up in the place where the Altar stood , and there placed Altar-wise as in the Mother Churches , and the Cappels Royall . And he had good authority , he thought , for what he said ; His sacred Majesty having so declared it in the decision of the case about S. Gregories : affirming then and there , that it properly belongeth to the place and function of the Ordinary , to give direction in that point , both for the thing it selfe , and for the time , when and how long , as he may finde cause . O mentis aureae verba bracteata , e His Majesties Rescript fit to be written in plates of gold , is this , and this onely , concerning the point of controversie . However you applaud not His Majesties approbation and confirmation of what was done by the Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls , in the case there handled ; as crossing ex diametro your owne resolutions : yet this particular clause you have selected for an Euge tuum , a passage not to be extold sufficiently . But not being constant to your selfe , we must expect● you should confute it , and so eate your words . Nor do you meane our expectation should be frustrate . For entring on a vaine discourse of Episcopall government , which is to be , you say , by f Canan Law , not by Canon shot : you fall to telling us , that they neither have , nor challenge any exorbitant power ●ver their Clergie , Lawes , Canons , and Acts of Parliament ( with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( especially over ●ct of Parliaments ; ) that they must governe with a power of moderation , not of domination ; that sitting in their Chaires they are to judge according to the Canons , and not of the Canons : g that whatsoever power the Pr●lates had in former times of making Canons , and inflicting penalties in the same , it was all taken from them by K. Henry 8. and therefore if the Ordinaries now command where there is no Canon in force , it layes a burden and grievance upon the subjects , from which they may appeale as a thing unjust ; and Appeales being in the Canon Law , as ancient in the Church of God as the Canons themselves ; and purposely allowed of , because possibly a Prelate may propose unto himself some peevish , wrangling and wasp●sh humour of his owne , in stead of a Canon ; Hereupon you conclude , ( whatever hath beene said of his sacred Majesty in those his mentis ●u●eae verba bract●ata ) that it is untru● , h that the Ordinary hath any authority of his own , ( as he is Ordinary ) to place the holy table in one or other situation . And therefore for your part , ( Let the King use his pleas●●e in approving and confirming what he hath a minde to ; ) i the Liturgie continuing as it is , you had far leiver ●e ●e that should obey ( without offence to any man in place be it spoken ) than he that should peremptorily command i● this kind of Alteration . And as for the obedience of the people , the Ordinary may indeed expect it , k If hee command according to the Lawes and Canon● confirmed , for otherwise he is in his excentricks , and moves not as he ought to doe : Nay , if the Ordinary should command where there is l no law or former Canon in force , being it is a thing unjust that he should so doe , it is by consequence , of a nature , whereunto obedience is n● way due . m Not that you would advise any Clergie●an of what degree soever , to oppose his Ordinary , either in this or any other particular of so low a nature ; no God forbid ; you have more wit I trow then so ; but that you have a minde to lay such grounds , as any factious spirit may flie out upon , without more advising . For tell me , to what purpose else is all this discourse ? His Majesty being the best Int●rpreter of the Canon , hath left the matter absolutely unto the Ordinarie , as properly belonging to his place and function : yet if the Ordinarie doe command it , hee is in his eccentricks , commands a thing for which there is no law or Canon , judgeth not by the Canons , but of the Canons , governes his Clergie as a Generall doth his Army in a drunken mutinie ; rather affects a domination than a moderation , and finally proposeth somewhat out of a peevish , wrangling , and waspish humour , to which obedience is not due , non si me obsecres . What is this n up and downe thinke you , I. C. or T. C. as you phrase it pag. 70 ? This is an excellent kinde of Argumentation , to weaken not alone the Episcopall , but the Regall power : as if the one had no authority to interpret Rubricks ; nor the other to proceed according unto that interpretation . Hee that can gather any better conclusion from such factious premises , must have some Lincoln Logick , which never grew in either University . I will not tell you here , that I conjecture you doe aime at some particular , in this extravagant discourse ; as if all matters of the Church were carried in a higher straine than they ought to be ; because in a more orderly and canonicall way than your queasie stomack can admit of : but I must tell you needs , that you have falsified most abominably the Councell of Nice . You tell us , it is possible , a Prelate may propose unto himself some peevish , wrangling , and waspish humour of his owne in stead of a Canon ; from which there lyeth an Appeale by the Canon Law : And for that purpose cite those words of the Councell of Nice , cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But as you doe translate them falsely , for your private aime ; so you have made the Councell say what it never meant . The Councell speaks not there of any possibility , that Bishops should propose unto themselves their owne peevish , waspish , wrangling humours , in stead of Canons . All that it saith is this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. o It is required that no man should bee excommunicate by his Bishop , either out of weaknesse , stomack , or any other kind of harshnesse ; and that there should be Synods twice in every yeer , for the particular examination of such matters . Call you this a proposall of their owne waspish , wrangling and peevish humours , in stead of Canons ? But that you have a Licence to say what you list , you durst never have said it . And yet , I thinke wee may forgive you both this and that extravagant discourse which before wee spake of . For you have made us very faire amends , Amends for Ladies saith the play , in that which followeth ; and so confute your selfe to save me a labour . You tell us out of B p Bilson , p That whatsoever by the lawes of God , the Prince , or the Church , is once constituted , is no longer to be mooted upon , but absolutely obeyed by all inferiours . And what God , the King , and the Church have directed , is not to be put to deliberation , but to execution . Your Author , a most reverend and learned man , speaks plainer than you doe , who doe affect most miserably in all your style too much of the Barrister . q What is decreed ( saith hee ) by Superiours , must not by inferiours be debated whether it shall take place or no ; but be rather obeyed with readinesse . So that in all cases determined by the lawes of God , the Church , and the Prince , consultation is both superfluous and pr●sumptuous ; execution is onely needfull . And now I would assume , did I not thinke it would offend you , but by the King it is determined , that it doth properly belong unto the Ordinarie to place the Communion Table where hee thinkes most fitting , in reference both to place and time . Ergo , what ever you have said in your last discourse , is either to a very factious and undutifull purpose , or to none at all . In the next place , you grant it to be true as the Doctor saith , r That in all doubts that doe arise , how to understand , doe , and execute the things contained in the Liturgie , a deciding power is left to the Bishop of the Diocesse : But then you say , s It is as true , that the Doctor dasheth out with an &c. the maine pr●viso of this power ; so that the same be not contrary to any thing in this booke . What then ? Therefore it is untrue , that the Ordinarie hath an authority of his owne ( as he is Ordinarie ) to place the holy Table in one or other situation , more than what is given him ( in case of doubt and diversity onely ) by the foresaid Preface . This is just hide and seeke , or the blind-mans buf●e . The Preface gives the Ordinarie a deciding power , in case of doubting or diversitie , and in that case onely : yet when there is a doubt , and difference about the placing of the Table , either he hath no such deciding power , or else may not use it . The Ordinarie hath no authority , but what is given him by the Preface , and the Preface gives him an authority which he may not exercise . These are like sick mens dreames , t Cujus , velut aegri somnia , vanae Finguntur species , things of ill coherence . And if you hope to save your selfe by the proviso , so that the same be not contrary to any thing in this book , you are wide as ever : that contrariety which you dreame of , being taken away , by that decision of his Majesty , which you have honoured with your Eulogie of mentis aureae . Nay you goe further at the last , and cut your owne throat with your owne weapon : u Affirming that in a case of doubt , diversitie , and ambiguity , the Bishop , or Ordinary , is punctually to be obeyed by those of his jurisdiction : excepting onely when his said command doth expresly oppose an Article of the beliefe , one of the ten Commandements , or the generall state and subsistence of Gods Catholike Church . I think you are not of opinion , that placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , is expresly opposite to either of the three here mentioned : being , as you professe elsewhere , a x circumstance indifferent . Nor shall you chall●●ge mee for leaving out your preamble to this ●esolution , If hee command according to the lawes and Canons confirmed : unlesse you can make good , which I thinke you cannot , that any thing commanded according to the lawes and Canons confirmed , may oppose expresly an Article of the faith , &c. Besides , that in your following words you speake more generally , without relation unto lawes and Canons confirmed , y that in all other cases whatsoever ( except before excepted ) that are dubious , the inferiour is bound to beleeve his superiour . This point , you say , well poised , would cleer a world of errors both in the Church and Common-wealth ; but was here handled either very impertinently , or against your selfe . For your Protest , that z you have not heard of any L d Bishop that hath exacted of his Diocesse , the placing of the holy table , as this man would have it ; a credat Iudaeus appella , Non ego . I am too well acquainted with you , to take up any thing on credit . For harke you in your eare , what meane the bleating of those sheepe ? b this fellowes jumbling against the King and the Bishop , tanquam Regem cum Regulo , like a Wren mounted on the feathers of an Eagle ? You are not such a Sphinx , I hope , but you may meet an Oedipus at one time or other . And pray you tell me ere we part , whether did you borrow that trim conceit out of the Newes from c Ipswich , or lent you it to H. B. before hand , to try how it relished ? An excellent piece it was , beleeve me , and such a one as doth deserve the guerdon in Virgils Eclogue , d Et vitula tu dignus , & ille . Having thus battered downe the Episcopall power , for placing or displacing the Communion Table , which yet stands fast enough for all your assaults ; you sallie next upon the Vicar , Monsieur the halfe Vicar , e as you call him . Angry you are at somewhat , but you dare not say what . Where doth the Doctor say ( as you charge upon him ) that Monsieur the halfe Vicar should have power to remove ( of his owne head ) the Communion Table ; or to call that an Altar , which his Rubrick calls a Table , and no otherwise ; to be inabled to doe this by the Canons , and to be Iudge , yea a more competent Iudge of the conveniencie of the standing thereof , than the Ordinarie , and his Surrogates ; not permitting the Church-Officers to doe what they are injoyned by their immediate Superiours ? These Myrmidons , I assure you , swarmed out of your strong fancy onely , and are not extant any where in the Doctors booke , nor by you hudled up in your broken Cento . You onely charge the Doctor there , f for saying that the Vicar might desire to have an Altar , i. e. to have the Communion Table placed Altar-wise , at the upper end of his Quire. And why not so ? Desire to have a thing done thus , and thus , implies not any grant of power to doe it . To have a power of ones owne head to remove the Table , and to desire to have the Table placed Altar-wise ; are as farre asunder , as you are from obtaining the office of an Arch B ▪ although perhaps you may desire it . Nor doth the Doctor say in ter●inis , that it was lawfull for the Vicar to call that a● Altar , which the Rubrick calls no otherwise than a Table ; but that g the Epistoler ( whosoever he was ) had no reason to suspect , that any propitiatory sacrifice was aimed at by the Vicar of Gr. although he used the name of Altar for the holy table . Or had the Doctor said so in terms expresse ; had it been either h novum crimen , or ante h●c tempus inauditum ? May wee be sure , upon your word , that because i names were first invented to divide and sever one particular thing from another ; or that a thing cannot have two proper and distinct names ; therefore the holy Table may not be called an Altar . Is it not told us in the letter , k that in the Old Testament one and the same thing is termed an Altar , and a Table : an Altar in respect of what is there offered unto God ; and a Table , in respect of what is there ( or thence ) participated by men . And have not you your selfe informed us ou● of Cardinall ●eron , that it is ever called a Table when it points to the Communion , and an Altar when it points unto the sacrifice , pag. 102. I see your memorie is not altogether so good as your invention . Severall respects may give the ●ame one thing , two names ; as severall capacities to the selfe-●ame person . There is a licence to your booke , subsigned Iohn Lincoln Dean● of Westminster . Bishop of Lincoln , and Deane of Westminster , are two distinct and proper names ; and yet no doubt you would be sorry they should not both belong to the same one man. Your other reason , that it should not ▪ l be called an Altar , because the Church in her Liturgie and Canons doe call it a table onely , is no such m strong one , but that an ordinary head-piece may be fit to hold it . The Liturgie and Canons both , doe call the Easterne part of the Church by the name of Chancell n . The Table in Communion time shall stand in the body of the Church , or in the Chancell . So the Liturg●e . The Table shall be placed in so good sort within the Church or Chancell . So the Canon n . What then ? Therefore , according to your reason , the Church in her Liturgie and Canons calling the same a Chancell onely ; why doth the Epistoler so often call it a Quire , and you not check him for it ? That which you bring us from Barba●us , o that where wee have a Law and Canon to direct us , how to call a thing , we ought not to hunt after reasons and conceits to give it another appellation ; besides , that it is nothing to the purpose , is by you falsified of purpose , to helpe at need . Barbatus hath not in your margin any one syllable , that lookes that way : p Vbicunque habemus legem vel Canonem , non debemus allegare rationem , nisi lege vel Canone deficiente . What hath this rule to doe with names and appellations , that speaks of neither ? You should first learne to construe a piece of Latine , before you take upon you to be a disputant . There is another pretty fetch concerning Altars , which I will put off to the sixt Chapter , where wee shall looke on that discourse , which you have given us , piece by piece of the name of Altar , though sorry you should force me to waste my time in such a needlesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as this is . What followes next in your said Cento ? Because q for any thing the Canon tells us , the Vicar was to have a greater hand in ordering the said table , than the Bishops immediate officers the Church-wardens were , or ought to have : and that he did not any thing against the Canon , in causing the table to be disposed of to a more convenient place than before it stood in . Where finde you this ? Not in the Doctor certainly , if you marke him well . The Doctor speakes not any thing of the Canons generally , ( as you make him speak ) but of that one particular Canon , which was alleaged in the letter . The Vicar , as before you charged it , desired to have an Altar , i. e. the Communion table placed Altar-wise at the upper end of his Quire. The Bishop reasoneth against this out of the Canons , Anno 1571. that not the Vicar , but the Church-wardens were to provide ( utensils , saith your new Edition ) for the Communion , and that not an Altar , but a faire joyned Table . The Doctor hereunto replyes , r that for any thing those Canons ( and not the Canon ) tell us , the Minister ( as in this case the Vicar ) was to have a greater hand in ordering the said table , being so provided , than the Church-wardens were or ought to have . And that the Vicar did not any thing in this case against the Canon ( i. e. the Canon then proposed ) for he provided not the table , but onely caused the table which he found provided , to be disposed of to a more convenient place than before it stood in . Have you found any thing in those Canons that affirmes the contrary ? If yea , why ▪ doe you not produce it ? If not , why make you such a clamour upon no occasion ? The Doctor neither there , nor elsewhere , doth justifie the Vicars Act , peromnia ; nor indeed in any thing , if he did any thing in this , against the Canon : but saith in one s place what he did ▪ and in another what hee thought t to be most convenient . Nor could the Doctor but conjecture out of the Preamble of the letter , that the Vicar did acquaint the Bishop with his desires , and found from him a toleration at the least , if not an approbation , as before I said . Yet upon this weake ground , which will beare no foundation of a solid building , you runne into a long and vaine discourse , of the authority and office of Bishops , Archdeacons , and Church-wardens : for ostentation of your reading , and that you have a minde to traduce the Doctor , as if hee held ●ome u Iesuiticall tenets which might in time prove prejudiciall to the estate of Bishops . All that I can collect from thence , is , that you are beholding for your observations to one or more Archdeacons of your neere acquaintance : who were not willing , as it seemes , to take all this paines for you , and doe no honour to themselves . Yet let me tell you as a friend , you trust them somewhat further than a wise man would ; and suffer them to plume themselves with the Bishops feathers : taking that power unto themselves , which you full faine would fixe originally in the Diocesan . For what say you , from them , to the point in hand ? whether or not the Vicar ought to meddle with the holy table . It is , say you , x not the Ordinary , but the Apostles themselves , that have turned the Parsons and Vicars from being active in this kinde , to their diviner meditations . It is not reason that we should leave the word of God to serve table . Since when , from the first Deacons , then appointed , to our y present Archdeacons ( in whose office the ancient power of the Deacons is united and concentred ) Incumbents have beene excluded from medling with the Vtensils of the Church , or Ornaments of the Altar . But see you not withall , that by this reason the Bishops are excluded also . For were they not the Apostles , of whom it is affirmed , that it was no reason that they should leave the word of God to serve tables ? And who sustaine the place and office of the Apostles at this day , if not the Bishops ? See what credulity , and too much confidence in your friends hath brought upon you . I question not the matter now , meaning to meete with that hereafter . Besides , you suffer your Archdeacons to use the name of Altar without offence ; which you conceived to be so capitall a crime in Monsieur Vicar . z Ornaments of the Altar , — The very Altar it selfe with the Raile about it , — To move and remove the Altar : Altar thrice used in halfe a page , and you check not at it . The rest of your dismembred Cento , and the good sport you make your self , touching the advancing of the Church-wardēs above their Minister , & whatsoever other shreds you have patched together for your more delight , are not considerable in this place , or to this purpose . It is the Doctors undertaking , to answer to your arguments , and not your scornes : Nor loves he , howsoever you like of it , to have his portion with those men that sit in the seate of the scornfull . But non bonum est ludere cum Sanctis . What sport soever you are pleased to make with him ; take heed how you offend against God and piety . The piety of these times , though you are fully bent to make sport therewith , is no such waking dreame , that you should set your selfe to d●ride it , in so grosse a manner . The Doctor tells us of that letter , that it a was spread abroad of purpose , the better to discountenance that uniformity of publike Order , to which the piety of these times is so well inclined ; — of purpose to distract the people , and hinder that good worke is now in hand . This is the game you have in sent , and having taken up the cry , follow it up and downe over all the booke : not here alone , where ex professo you pursue it , but pag. 188. 192. 197. 214. 228. &c. This , be it what it will , you tell us , is as b yet in abeyante , pendant in the ayre , you know not where ; and like yer long to fall upon our heads , but you know not when : c that you have opened your eyes as wide as possibly you can , but cannot discover it : Or d if there be such an especiall inclination of these times to piety , it is a peculiar piety ( you assure us so ) differing from the piety of former times . And therefore you do e reasonably presume that this good work in hand is but the second part of sancta Clara , with whom you make the Doctor tamper in points of f doctrine , as in the points of discipline with sancta Petra . But tell me I beseech you , conceive you uniformity , and uniformity of publike Order in the officiating of Gods divine service , to be no good worke ? And finde you not the piety of these times , inclinable in an higher degree to that uniformity , than any of the times before ? When did you ever finde a King , that did so seriously affect Church-worke ; or that hath more endeavoured to advance that decency and comlinesse in the performance of divine Offices , which God expecteth and requires , than his sacred Majestie ? His owne example in the constant keeping of the houres of prayer , and most devout behaviour in the acts thereof : thinke you they are not sweet incitements unto all his subjects , to follow those most pious steps in the which he walks ? g Recte facere cives suos Princeps optimus faciendo docet . His Majesties religious carriage in the house of God , and due observance of those Orders which the law requires in common people , is a more excellent Sermon upon that text , than ever you yet preached on any . They must be needs exceeding dull , or somewhat worse , which will not profit very much by such heavenly doctrine . If you have opened your eyes so wide , as you say you have , it is not that you cannot , but you will not see it ; and are growne blinde , not out of want of sight , but want of piety . Adde to all these , the Princely zeale of his magnificent heart , for the repairing of S. Pauls ; by which example , questionlesse , the other Churches in this land will fare the better . And adde to that , his Majesties most sacred care , that in all places where he comes in Progresse , what scantnesse of roome soever was wont to be pretended , no consecrated place shall bee prophaned by those imployments , to which they have beene put in the times before . And see you nothing all this while , no good worke , no piety ? Then looke into those Countrey Churches , to which his Majestie in his times of Progresse repaires most frequently for hearing and attending Gods publike service : leaving the privacy of his owne Court , and presence , to set a copy to his people , how to performe all true humility and religious observations in the house of God. If you see nothing yet , and that there must be something which hath spoiled your eye-sight ; it is the too much light you live in : by which you are so dazeled that you cannot see this part of piety , or else so blinded that you will not . And we may say of you in the Poets language , Sunt tenebrae per tantum lumen obortae . Then to goe forwards , descendo , can you remember any Metropolitan of and in this Church ( and gather all your wits about you ) which hath more seriously endeavoured to promote that uniformity of publike Order , than his Grace now being ? His cares and consultations to advance this worke , to make Hierusalem ( if such as you disturbed him not ) at unity within it selfe , are very easie to be seene : so easie , that it were sensibile super sensorium ponere , to insist long on it . The very clamours raised upon him , by those who love nor unity nor uniformity , and have an art of fishing with most profit , in a troubled water ; are better evidence of this , than you have any in your booke to maintaine the cause . Nor heare wee any of the other bels , which are not willing for their parts to make up the Harmony ; but that great Tom rings out of tune . For when did you or any other know the Prelates , generally , more throughly intent upon the work committed to them ; more earnest to reduce the service of this Church to the Ancient Orders , appointed in the Common-prayer booke ? It is not long since , that we had but halfe prayers in most Churches ; and almost none at all in some , your friend I. Cottons for example . See you no alteration in this kinde ? Is not the Liturgie more punctually observed of late , in the whole forme and fashion of Gods service , than before it was ? Churches more beautified and adorned than ever since the Reformation ; the people more conformable to those reverend gestures in the house of God , which though prescribed before , were but little practised ? Quisquis non videt , coecus ; quisquis videt , nec laudat , ingratus ; quisquis laudanti reluctatur , insanus est ; h as the Father hath it . This , if ingratitude to God , and obstinate malice to his Church , hath not made you blinde , you cannot choose but see , though you would dissemble it : And if you see it , do you not thinke it a good worke ? and is there not a piety of and in these times , which more inclines to the advancement of that worke , than of the former ? would any man , that onely weares a forme of godlinesse , make this his May-game ; and scornefully intitle it the i imaginary piety of the times , and the Platonicall Idea of a good worke in hand ? Take heed , for vultu l●ditur pietas . Laughed you but at it in your sleeve , you had much to answer for ; but making it your publick pastime , you make your selfe obnoxious to the wrath of God and man , both for the sinne and for the scandall . And as for the good worke in hand , in case you will not help it forwards , ( as I doubt you will not ; ) doe not disturb it with your factious and schismaticall Pamphlets . Having made merry with your friends , about the inclination of these times to piety , and the advancement of so good a worke as the uniformity of publick order : you pass , I know not how , to the Acts and Monuments , and the examination of such passages as were thence taken by the Doctor . Perhaps you are a better Artist than I take you for : And being it is Art is celare artem , you meane to tender to the world such an Art of writing , as hath no art in it . But the lesse cunning , the more truth , as we use to say . If we could find it so , it were some amends ; and though I see but little hope , yet I meane to trie . The Doctor told you in his k Coale from the Altar , that not a few of those which suffered death for opposing the grosse and carnall doctrine of transubstantiation , did not onely well enough indure the name of Altar , but without any doubt or scruple called the Lords Supper sometimes a sacrifice , and many times the Sacrament of the Altar . So that if they indured it well enough , in others , or used it themselves without doubt or scruple ; it is as much as was intended by the Doctor . And for the proofe of this , he first brings in Iohn Fryth , relating in a letter to his private friends , that they his adversaries examined him touching the Sacrament of the Altar ; whether it was the very body of Christ , or no. These are l you say their words , not his . Why man , whose words soever they were in the first proposall , doth not he use the same without doubt or scruple ? finde you that he did stumble at them , or dislike the phrase ? Had he beene halfe so quarrelsome at the phrase , as you are , he might have testified his dislike in a word or two ; the Sacrament of the Altar , as they call it . Your selfe informe us from him , that in some cases , at sometimes , he used that qualification , as viz. p. 308. I added moreover that their Church ( as they call it ) hath no such power and authority , &c. An Argument there of his dissent , none here : their Church as they call it , there ; the Sacrament of the Altar here ; no dislike at all . You might have suffered the poore man to rest in peace , and not have called him m to the barre to so little purpose . The second witnesse was Iohn Lambert , who also used the word or phrase with as little scruple . n As concerning the other six Articles I make you the same answer , that I have done unto the Sacrament of the Altar , and no other . You quarrell this , as that before , being you say o their words , not his ; and hereunto we make that answer as unto the former : They were their words in proposition , his in rep●tition ; especially the repetition being such as s●ewed no dislike . But where you tell us of his Answer , p viz. I neither can nor will answer one word ; and thereupon inferre , Iohn Lambert answers there not one word for you : that 's but a touch of your old trick , in cutting short quotations when they will not help you . Iohn Lambert being demanded , not whether he approved the name of Sacrament of the Altar , but whether he thought that in the Sacrament of the Altar , there was the very body and blood of Christ in likeness of bread and wine ; replyed , I neither can ne will answer one word : what , ends he there , as you have made him ? no , by no meanes : I neither can ne will answer one word q otherwise than I have told you since I was delivered into your hands : which was , that he would make no answer of what hee thought , till they brought some body to accuse him . Iohn Lamberts other testimony used by the Doctor is , as followeth . Christ being offered up once for all in his owne person , is yet said to be offered up , not onely every yeare at Easter , but also every day in the celebration of the Sacrament , because his oblation , once for ever made , is thereby represented . Act. and Mon. part . 2. p. 435. These words you challenge as not his . How so ? Because it followeth in the place . r Even so saith S. Augustin . Even so saith S. Augustin ? what , and stops he there , as if he onely said those words from that Reverend Father ? Had it beene so , we had lost nothing by the hand , the words being his in the Originall , and Lamberts in the Application : but it is not so . For thus it followeth in the place ; Even so , saith Augustine , is the Sacrament of Christs body , the body of Christ ; and the Sacrament of Christs blood ; the blood of Christ in a certaine wise or fashion . You may call home the Montebank , ( for ought I can see ) which you s bestow upon the Doctor ; and keepe him to your selfe till the Doctor needs him . Touching Archbishop Cranmer , can you shew us any where , that at the terme or phrase of Sacrament of the Altar , he did take offence ? if not , you give the Doctor what he t there affirmes . And since on your discovery , which I thanke you for , I finde it was Iohn Fox , and not the Arch Bishop , which drew up those allegations against the six Articles ( which following so immediatly on the Arch Bishops opposition u to those Articles , might very easily be mistooke for his , by one that is not so much studied in the booke as you seeme to be ) wee have lost nothing by the change . I trow if M r. Fox tooke no offence thereat , you will have little thankes for your great precisenesse . Oh but , say you , there followeth x such a peale after it , as none but a mad-man would cite him for this purpose : viz. This monstrous Article of theirs in this forme of word● as it standeth , &c. What ? doth Iohn Fox call it a monstrous Article , onely because the Sacrament is there called , the Sacrament of the Altar ? If not , you might have kept your mad-man to your selfe , as you doe your Montebank . This monstrous Article of theirs in the forme of words as it standeth , is , that the Sacrament of the Altar is the very naturall body of Christ , the selfe same which was borne of the Virgin Mary . This you dash out with an &c. to make your partizans bele●ve , that no entitle the Lords Supper , by the name of the Sacrament of the Altar , was in Iohn Fox his judgement , a monstro●● ●●ticle . Vt magno it populo . In citi●●●● ●ohn Philpot , you proceed accordingly . a The D●●●●r told you out of him , in what respects the old Writers doe sometimes call the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ , amongst other names which they ascribe thereunto , the Sacrament of the Altar . To this you make reply , b that he hath dealt with Philp●t , exceeding hardly , cutting off the head and feet of his discourse , and thereby making the quotation , almost as true a Martyr , as the man himselfe . First for the head of his discourse , it is no more than this ; c I must needs ask a question of my Respondent D r. Chadsey , concerning a word or twaine of your supposition i. e. of the Sacrament of the Altar , what he meaneth thereby , and whether he take it , as some of the ancient Writers do , terming the Lords Supper the Sacrament of the Altar . This is the head . Where d is the shrewd tale it hath to tell ? Doth not the head confesse that it was called so by some ancient Writers ? And what more finde you in e the belly ? Then for the feete . Demanding ( as you make him say ) whether he tooke it as the Ancients did , or for the Sacrament of the Altar which is made of lime and stone , over which the Sacrament hangeth : and finding that they meant it this later way , he declares himselfe , Then I will speake plaine English , that the Sacrament of the Altar , is no Sacrament at all . Had you reported Philpot rightly , we should have no great cause to f like him : but it is you that martyr the quotation , and not the Doctor . His question was , g whether they tooke it otherwise than the Doctors did , as for the Sacrament of the Altar which is made of lime and stone , over which the Sacrament hangeth , and to be all one with the Sacrament of the Masse , as it is at this present in many places . And finding that they tooke the Sacrament of the Altar , and the Sacrament of the Masse to be all one ; then , quoth Philpot , I will speake plaine English , the Sacrament of the Altar which yee reckon to be all one with the Masse , once justly abolished , and now put in full use againe , is no Sacrament at all , neither is Christ present in it . See you Sir , how you cheat and abuse your Reader , leaving out , in the question , and to be all one with the Sacrament of the Masse ; and in the answer , that they tooke the Sacrament of the Altar , and the Sacrament of the Masse to be all one ; and in the resolution , which yee reckon to be all one with the Masse once justly abolished ? You should have dealt more faithfully in your quotations of those bookes , in which each petty Chapman will finde your falshood . The other passage which you cite from the said Ioh● Philpot , out of the Acts and Monuments , part 3. pag. 553. viz. as touching their Sacrament , which they terme of the Altar ; and so make it their terme , not his ; that is answered in , and with the former . Hee doth not say , The Sacrament which they terme of the Altar ; but their Sacrament which they so terme , that is , the Masse . The Sacrament of the Altar was the Fathers language ; to call their Masse so , was their owne . Your other instance touching Philpot , out of the same part , pag. 571. we shall see hereafter . Concerning Bp Latimer , the Doctor told you , h that hee plainly granteth , that it ( i. e. the holy Table ) may be called an Altar , and so the Doctors call it in many places ; but there is no propitiatory sacrifice but onely Christs . You , in your repetition , leave out this , It may be called an Altar , and make the Doctor say no more , than that old Latimer plainly granteth , that the Doctors call it so in many places : and thereupon inferre , he doth not i call it so himselfe . Then for the Doctors , ( having first called upon him to speake truth , and shame the devill , for he is the old clipper of speeches ) you tell us that it followeth in old Latimers words , that they may be deceived in some points , though not in all things : I beleeve them when they say well , or as it is in the margin , k Doctores legendi●s●nt cum venia ; which you construe thus , the Doctors must be pardoned if they sometimes slip in their expressions . No matter for the margin , that comes out of season . I trust you will not justifie all the marginall notes in the Acts and Mon. But as for Latimers speech , that they might erre in some points , though not in all things ; it seemes hee did not thinke that they erred in this ; himselfe affirming positively , that it may be called an Altar , as the Doctors call it ; though you leave that out . You may take with you home the old clipper of speeches , to wait upon the Mountebank , and the Madman , that are there already . To the first place l alledged from B. Ridley , viz. that in the Sacrament of the Altar , is the very body and bloud of Christ ; you answer onely as before , that they are their words , and not his ; m the words articulated upon him , and not his own . But whose soever they were in the proposition , he useth them without doubt or scruple in the repetition ; which was the onely point that they were produced for . Against the other passage of that Reverend Prelates , that the word Altare in the Scripture doth signifie as well the Altar whereupon the Iewes were wont to offer their ●burnt sacrifices , as the Table of the Lords Supper ; and that S. Cyril meaneth by this word Altare , not the Jewish Altar , but the Table of the Lord , &c. you have nought to answer : confessing plainly that n he saith as the Doctor doth . Which is the onely faire dealing he hath found yet from you ; though after you would faine retract , o affirming that the B p of Lincoln would smile very heartily , to see that such a passage , as this is , should be brought by the Doctor , to defend his Altars . Let them laugh that winne . That which comes next after , is the Act of Parliament , 1 Edw. 6. cap. 1. of which the Doctor tells us , p that it was resolved in the same , that the whole Communion should be restored , which in effect was a plaine abolition of the former Masse ; yet the Act was entituled , An Act against such persons as shall speak irreverently against the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ , commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar . Hee tells us also , that in the body of the Act , that there was a Writ determined of , upon such delinquencies , wherein it is expresly called Sacrosanctum Sacramentum Altaris : and that the said Act being repealed 1 Mar. cap. 1. was afterwards revived by Qu. Eliz. and every branch and member of it , 1 Eliz. cap. 1. So that the Act being still in force , the Sacrament of the Lords Supper is to this day entituled in the Statute law , the Sacram●nt of the Altar . This Statute you affirme to be produced by the Doctors with the same felicity as the Martyrs were , q that is , to witnes point blank against himself : the D r , only peeping over the wicket , but , as you say , not daring for his eares to open the doore , and looke into the body of it . Why doe you thinke the Doctor should be such a flincher ? First , as you say , r because the Sacrament of the Altar was not the name , but the addition onely to the name of the blessed Sacrament ; the very name it self being the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ : the one the name , the other the s nick-name , as you call it . This said ; t you fall upon the Doctor , and bid him come with shame enough into the body of the Act , and see what impostures he printeth for the people : because for●ooth it is there called the comfortable Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ , commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar , and in Scripture the Supper and Table of the Lord. Good angry Sir , doe you find any imposture here on the Doctors-part ? Affirmes hee otherwise , than that the Sacrament of the Lords Supper was , and is by that Statute ( still in force ) entituled also by the name of Sacrament of the Altar ? It is , you say , a penall law , and being it was a penall law , it was to speak ad captum vulgi . Doe you not call to mind , that you told us lately of the Queenes Injunctions , u that they were directed to her Subjects , not unto her Mathematicians ; and of the Rubrick in the Liturgie , that it was made for people x that were no Geometricians : and then conclude the point out of Chancellour Egerton , that y words must be taken sensu currenti , custome and use being the best expositor both of Lawes and words ? Take the Impostor home with you to make up the messe ; and then you have a Mountebank , a mad man , the devill an old clipper of speeches , and the said Impostor to keepe you company . You challenge upon all , and on no occasions , a speciall interest in antiquity ; and cite , as you have cause sometimes , some of the Ancients that call it the Sacrament of the Altar : yet tell us , upon better thoughts , that it is called so indeed , but not by the law of God , z nor by the law of man ; but commonly , that is , by the common error and Popery of these times . The Papists are beholding to you , for giving them such interest in the Ancient Fathers . The Fathers call it so , and it was called so only by the common error and Poperic of these later daies . Doe not you make the Fathers exceeding young , or Popery exceeding old , in that you make the Fathers and Popery of an equall standing . Your slender observation , that in those times this very Sacrament was called the Masse , and allowed to be called so by Act of Parliament , ( you meane it is so called in the Liturgie , confirmed that Parliament , 2. & 3. Edw. 6. c. 1. ) is not worth the noting . Yet thereupon you make this inference , that if the Doctor shall report of you , that you have said Masse , when you have onely administred the Communion , you will have your remedy against him , as in case of slander . And well you may . You know that Statute is repealed , there being another Liturgie confirmed by Parliament , which makes void the old . But so it is not with the Statute touching the Sacrament of the Altar , which is as much in force as the second Liturgie . Nor need you feare that any man will report of you , that you have said Masse , when you have only administred the Communion : though some perhaps may say ( and bid you take the remedy that the law allowes you ) that you , or some good friend of yours , have offered to say Masse , there where you ought to have administred the Communion onely . Be not too busie on your chalenges , as you love your selfe ; lest some adventurous Sword-man bid you doe your worst , and take up the wasters . As for the Writ , directed in the body of the Act to my LL. the Bishops , you say it doth not a call it ( as the Doctor falsifyeth the Act ) Sacramentum Altaris , but onely that it was grounded on the Statute made concerning the Sacrament of the Altar . Why Sir , the Doctor doth not say , that the Writ calls it so expressely ; b but that it is expresly called so in the Writ . And if you have no better answer to the Writ , than unto the Statute , both Writ and Statute will hold good against all your Cavills : and the poore Doctor may be c Lawyer good enough to defend the Writ , although there were no Precedents thereof in the booke of Entries . You saw the weaknesse of this plea , and thereupon you adventure on a further hazard . You tell the Doctor , elsewhere , of his great presumption in offering to d correct Magnificat : and that being never in such grace , as to be made Lord Keeper of the great seale of England , he e should presume to give a man a call to be a Iudge , who died but an Apprentise in the lawes . Yet now you fall on both those errours , of which you have already pronounced him guilty . For you must needs correct the Statute , which the whole Parliament ( wiser I take it than your selfe ) hath thought fit to stand : and tell us of the Writ , ( which yet my Lord B p of Lincoln , when he was Lord Keeper , had no power to alter ) that it f ought to be issued contra formam Statuti concernentis sacrosanctum Sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Dominici ; whereas the Statute gives no warrant for any such Writ to be issued from the Court of Chancery . Had you authority of making either Writs or Statutes , I doubt not but your first Statute should be this , that it should be lawfull for any man wheresoever , or whensoever he saw the holy Table placed Altar-wise , to call it a dresser ; and then a Writ to be awarded against all those that should speak unreverently of your said service of the dresser . At least it should and might be lawfull for the rude people so to call it , and none so bold as to controule them . On them indeed you have trans-ferred it , in your new edition of the letter , to excuse the Bishop : but then you never tell us , as you might have done as well in the same Edition , how sorely they were reprehended by the Bishop for it . Here very unseasonably , and by some g Susenbrotus figure , you have brought it in ; and seeme exceeding angry ( as I think you are ) that it should be so Prynned and pinned on the Bishops sleeve . But be not so extreamly angry though mass : Prynne may furnish you with as good a note as that when occasion serves ; and recompence you for the use of your Dresser by some trick of law . But where you say , that h if one Bishop of Lincoln , and one Deane of Westminster , shall speake irreverently of the Protestants table , ( I thought assuredly , it had been the Lords Table ) calling it oyster-table , and oyster-boorde ; by this new figure of the Doctors , all Bishops and Deanes of those two places must till the end of the world be supposed to doe so : you make a strange non sequitur which the Doctor meant not . Hee knowes there have beene many Bishops and Deanes of either , of such a noted piety , as no man can suppose it of them . All you can thence conclude is this : that as there was a Bishop of Lincoln , and a Deane of Westminster that called the Lords table standing Table-wise , or in the middle of the Chauncell , by the name of oyster-boorde : so to cry quitts with them , there is ( as you have now discovered him ) one Bishop of Lincoln and Deane of Westminster , that calls it standing Altar-wise , by the name of Dresser . As for Iohn Fox his marginall notes of the blasphemous mouth of D r Weston , ( the Deane of Westminster ) calling the Lords table an oyster-boorde , pag. 85. and Bishop White , ( then Bishop of Lincoln ) blasphemously calleth the boorde of the Lords Supper an oyster-table : those you may either take or leave , as your stomack serves you . And sure it serves you very well , you had not falne else on the B p of Norwich with so good an appetite , and furnished some of your good friends out of the Index of your Author , with an excellent note , against the next Edition of the Newes from Ipswich . But this is not the onely thing wherein H. B. and you have imparted notes to one another ; as may most manifestly be discerned in that generall Parallel , which I have elsewhere drawne betweene you . At this time I shall onely note how much you are beholding unto your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the back-doors of your books , your Indexes . Here i we are furnished with a note out of the Index of Iohn Fox , touching a Bishop of Norwich his sending forth letters of persecution . Pag. 129. you certifie us from the authority of the same learned Index , that Bishop Ridley ordered the Communion Table to be placed , not Altar-wise , but as a Table . Nor could you enter into the Fathers but by this back-doore , and there you found by chance ( such good luck you have ) that , Sacrificium Altaris k was foysted into the Index of S. Austin , by the Divines of Lovaine , as into others of the Fathers by the Priests and Iesuites . We now perceive what helps you had , to clog your margin with such a numerous and impertinent body of quotations , as serve for very little purpose , but to make a shew ; a generall muster , as it were , of your mighty reading . CHAP. IV. Of taking down Altar● in K. Edw. time ; altering the Liturgie first made ; and of the 82. Canon . The Doctor leaves the Minister of Lincolns Method , for this Chapter to keepe close to England . Altars not generally taken downe in the fourth of K. Edw. 6. The Minister of Linc. falsifieth the Bishops letter to the Vicar ; and palters with a passage in the Acts and Mon. to make them serve his turne about the taking downe of Altars . A most notorious peece of non-sense in the new Edition of the letter . The Altars in the Church of England , beaten downe in Germany . Altars not beaten downe de facto , by the common people , but taken downe by order , and in fa●re proc●eding . Matters of fact may be made doctrinall sometimes , and on some occasions . The Order of the King but a kind of Law. The Minister of Linc. takes great paines to free Calvin from having any hand in altering the Liturgie . Land mark●s and bounds 〈◊〉 downe , for the right understanding of the 〈◊〉 . Calvin excepts against the Liturgy , pract●seth with the D. of 〈◊〉 , both when he was Protector , and after . His correspondence her● with 〈◊〉 . Hooper , and ill aff●ction to the ceremoni●s then by Law ●stablished . The plot for altering the Liturgie so strongly laied , that it want forward notwithstanding the Dukes attainder , The 〈◊〉 ignorance and most apparent falshoods of the Minister of Linc , in all this businesse . Calvin att●mpt● the King , the Counsell , and Archb. Cranmen . The date of his Letter to the Archb. cleered 〈…〉 given the first Liturgie by K. Edw. 6. asserted from the false construction of the Minister of Linc. as also that given to it by the Parliament . Archb. Bancroft , and Io. Fox , what they say thereof . The standing of the Table after the alteration of the Liturgie , and that the name of Altar may be used in a Church reformed . HItherto we have followed you up and downe according as you pleased to leade the way ; and seene what Arguments you had against the placing of the holy Table Altar-wise , borrowed from the Regall and Episcopall power : or rather how you answer the Doctors Arguments from thence derived . We have gone also overall your Cavils , devised against his evidence from the Acts and Monuments ; wherein he shewed you how indifferently , those holy men , Fryth , Lambert , Philpot , Latymer , and Ridley , used the name of Altar , calling the blessed Sacrament , the Sacrament of the Altar , without doubt or scruple . And howsoever you endeavoured to stop their mouths , that so they should not speake at all ; or bribe them , that they might be drawn to serve your turne : yet they have shewne themselves right honest men , and stood to all things which they said at the first report . You may do well to deale more faithfully hereafter , a in your quotations of those bookes , wherein all sorts of men are so throughly versed . We also have made good the Statute , touching the Sacrament of the Altar , and the condition of the writ in the same awarded , from your vaine assaults ; by which you cannot but perceive , that if a man should call the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , by the old knowne and common name , ( as your selfe confesseth it to be ) of Sacrament of the Altar ; the Law will be his warrant in it against all your fury . So farre we have gone after you in your owne Method . But now we will crave leave , to collect out of you into one body , what ever more occurres betweene the Doctor and your selfe , of the point in hand , as it relates unto this Church , the Liturgies , and Canons of the same ; before wee looke abroad into forreine parts . And this we shall the rather do , because you brought us in your last Chapter , through the Acts and Monuments , into the times of K. Edward the sixt , and Qu. Elizabeth : whom we are loath to part withall , before we have examined every passage which concernes those times and them that followed . First then , besides the statute before remembred , enacted by K. Edw. 6. and revived afterward by Q● . Elizabeth , wherein the name of Sacrament of the Altar is contained expresly : the King did set out certaine b Injuctions , in the said first yeere of his raigne , where it is called the blessed Sacrament of the Altar . And in the Liturgie of the yeere 1549. being the third yeere of that Kings raigne , it is agreed upon both sides , that the holy Table is generally called an Altar : every where called an Altar , as in the first , and almost every where , as in your second Edition of the Bishops Letter . Nor was it to be doubted , but that the old Altars being standing , the old name continued . The difference is , both for the time , how long they stood ; and for the manner , how they were taken downe ; and for the Liturgie it selfe , on what occasion it was changed . First for the time , the Bishop tels us in his letter , that they stood a yeare or two in King Edwards time : Now you enlarge the time , to foure yeeres , as the D r. doth : saying c they stood three or foure yeeres before the Kings declaration ; but in the same you tell us also , that they stood not one compleat yeere , before the godly consideration of the people ( that is , as you expound your selfe , the irregular forwardnesse of the people ) had taken them to taske . That they stood foure yeeres at the least , the Doctor proves by an historicall deduction out of the stories of those times . d In which it doth appeare that An. 1547. the Act of Parliament was passe , wherein it was intituled the Sacrament of the Altar : that An. 1548. the Common-prayer booke was confirmed , although not published till the next , then neere at hand , which was 1549. where the word Altar is oft used , everywhere , or almost everywhere , you know not which . That in the said yeere 1549. an Order came to B p. Bonner from the Lords of the Councell , for abrogating private Masses , wherein it was appointed that the holy blessed Communion be ministred at the high Altar of the Church , and in no other place of the same , Act. and Mon. part . 2. p. 662. And finally , that in the fourth yeere of his raigne ( Novemb. 24. 1550 ) there came an Order from the Councell to B p. Ridley , ( who succeeded Bonner ) for taking downe the Altars in his Dioces . p. 699. which order comming to the B p. e with certaine reasons also sent from the Lords of the Councell , the forenamed B p. of London , as the storie tels us , did hold his Visitation , wherein he did exhort those Churches in his diocess , wherein the Altars did remaine , to conforme themselves unto those other Churches which had taken them downe , and had set up in stead of the multitude of their Altars one decent Table in every Church . Which exhortation , as it seemeth , did prevaile so farre , that not long after the Altars were taken downe , and Tables set up in the Churches . That it was done thus in all other dioceses , the Doctor finds not any where , but in the letter to the Vicar : where it is said indeed , and no more but said , that on the Orders of breaking downe Altars , all dioceses did agree upon receiving Tables ; all dioceses aswell as that of London , as your corrupted Copie hath it . For proofe of which , as you have falsified the Bishops letters to bring it in ; so you have falsified the Acts and Monuments to make it good . For where the words run on in a continued stile or sense ; you stop them where you list , to make them speake that , which they never meant . The words run thus in the Edition f which you choose to make up the matter . Furthermore in the yeere next following , 1550. other Letters likewise were sent for the taking downe of Altars in Churches , and setting up the Table instead of the same , unto Nicholas Ridley , who being Bishop of Rochester before , was then made B p. of London in Bonners place : the Copie and contents of the Kings letters are these as followeth . Here , say you , g the full point should be , at setting up the Table instead of the same . And then a new period to begin with the following words , unto Nicholas Ridley , &c. By this device you thinke to have wonne the day , not seeing that by this fine fancy , you have made non-sence of the first period , and very strange English in the last . For let the first be thus ; Furthermore in the yeere 1550. other Letters likewise were sent for the taking down of Altars , and setting up the Table in stead of the same : and then we shall have letters sent , to we know not whom ; which would be answered and obeyed , we know not when . Then take the second by it selfe ; unto Nicholas Ridley ( who being B p. of Rochester before , was then made B p. of London in Bonners place ) the Copie and contents of the Kings Letters are these as followeth : and then you set the Cart before the Horse , and give us such a kind of English , as is not justifiable by the grammar of the English tongue . Besides which handling of your Author , you venture on an affirmation that you have no ground for ; nay I am sure you know the contrary to what there you say . You cite us h elsewhere in your booke , the third Sermon of B p. Hooper upon Ionah , preached before K. Edw. An. 1550. say you , An. 1551. saith M r. Prynne , whose account I follow . And in that Sermon , It were well then ( saith he ) that it might please the Magistrates to turne the Altars into Tables , according to the first institution of Christ , to take away the false perswasion of the people , they have of sacrifices to be done upon the Altars . For as long as the Altars remaine , both the ignorant people , and the ignorant and evill perswaded Priest , will dreame alwaies of sacrifice . By which it is apparent , that whatsoever had beene done by ● p. Ridley , all other dioceses , aswell as that of London , did not agree on putting downe of Altars , and setting up of Tables , as you rashly say . Nor is it likely that the Altars generally were taken downe throughout the Kingdome , untill the second Liturgie was confirmed by Parliament , which was not till the yeere 1552 as you say your selfe . Next for the manner how they were taken downe , you tell us in the Bishops letter , h that the people being scandalized herewith ( i. e. with Altars ) in Country Churches , first beats them downe de facto , then the Supreme Magistrate , by a kind of Law , puts them downe de jure . Your Copie i stilo novo relates it thus , as viz. that the people being scandalized herewith in Country Churches , first , it seemes , beat them downe de facto ; then the Supreme Magistrate , ( as here the King ) by the advice of Archb. Cranmer and the rest of his Counsell did , An. 1550. by a kind of Law put them downe de jure , 4. Ed. 6. Nov. 24. This alteration you have made to shift the scene a little , and carry this tumultuous breaking downe of Altars , which you here describe , from hence to Germany . For you perceive by this , that he relates in the first place , k to the reformation of Altars beyond the seas ( because he speakes of Supreme Magistrates , ) which the people began by way of fact , before the Magistrates established the same by way of Law. And this , you say , Luther complaines of against Carolostadius , that he chose rather to hew down , than dispute downe Altars . No question but the Angels which removed our Ladies chamber , from her house in Bethlem l unto her Chappell at Loretto , assisted you in the performance of this miracle . It could not possibly be the worke of a mortall man , to shift so suddenly a businesse of this weight , from England , to the parts beyond sea . m Nec vox hominem sonat . Happy man be your dole , that are so highly in the favour of your friends and followers , that whatsoever you say unto them is received as Gospell . You had not else adventured on so fine a Legend , but that you can command beleefe , even from very Infidels . n Tam facilis in mendaciis fides , ut etiam crediderint alia monstrosa miracula . But tell me betweene you and me , I will keepe your counsell ; how can this businesse relate unto those of Germany ? because , say you , he speakes of Supreme Magistrates . Why man. Your owne o edition hath it Magistrate , not Magistrates ; and will you flie off from your owne ? Besides you tell us in the words immediatly before , that in K. Edwards Liturgie of 1549. it is almost every where ; but in that of 1552. it is no where called an Altar , but the Lords boord . Then you go on , and aske , why so ? and presently returne this answer , because the people being scandalized herewith in Country Churches , first it seemes beat them downe de facto ; and then the supreme Magistrate , &c. Kind-hearted Germanes , that liking not of Altars in K. Edwards Liturgie , would beat them downe at home , in their owne Countries , because the people ( which they never heard of ) were scandalized herewith in England . Faith tell mee , doe you not thinke them very honest fellowes , and that a dozen of Grantham Ale were well bestowed upon them , by the Alderman there , for doing such an excellent piece of service , to promote the cause ? I need not tell you more of this trim invention , which made you falsifie the letter , with a long Parenthesis , as here the King , &c. to bring in this Pageant . Onely I shall advise you as a speciall friend , to take a care you see it entred in the next edition of the Acts and Monuments , which every time it comes into the world , growes bigger , by such hands as yours ; and will , no doubt , in time grow great , and be p Livius ingens . Well then , the Altars in the Church of England being thus beaten downe by the high-Germanes , what did the English doe themselves ? No doubt but they did beat them downe too ; and so they did : the one , in your imagination onely , that dainty forge of new devices ; the other in very deed , de facto . And then the King came after with his bottle and bag , to learne of such good teachers what he was to doe in the case de jure . First beaten downe de facto , then put downe de jure : first by the people , after by the King ; who as the Doctor told you in his Coale from the Altar , could not but come too late to carry any stroake at all in so great businesse , which they had done before he came . I warrant you , the King , being young , could not containe himselfe within doores , but must needs runne to see the sport , when hee heard them at it : and being come , thanked his good people for their paines , and so sent them home . But that your thoughts were taken up amongst the Germans , you should have told your storie thus : viz. That first the people beat down some de facto , and then the King much taken with the example , put downe the rest de jure , and by publick order . Yet had you told it thus , the Doctor possibly might have questioned you for the relation : desiring you , as formerly , to tell where you find it : either that they were beaten downe , or beaten downe de facto by the common people . That they q were taken downe in the most part of the Churches of this Realme , the Kings letters tell us : but taking downe implies an orderly proceeding ; beating downe , hath none . And the Kings letters say withall , that they were taken downe on good and godly considerations : which as the Doctor thinks , r implyes some order and authority from them that had a power to doe it ; some secret Order possibly , from the Lord Protectour , or those that after signed the letter , who meant to try this way how the thing would relish , before they would appeare in it , or be seene to act it . Or put the case , some Bishops now , should on some grounds to them best knowne , give way unto the Clergie of their severall Diocesses , to place the Table Altar-wise ; and then the King should signifie to the Bishop of Lincoln , that it was come unto his knowledge , that in many places of the Kingdome the holy table was removed to the Altar place on certain good and godly considerations : would this be an Argument unto future ages , that this was done de facto by the Countrie people ? Besides , why should you think the people in most places of the Realme , were scandalized with Altars in the Countrie Churches ; when in so many places of the Realme , they tooke up Armes , because the Masse was taken from them . Those enterprises which you speake of , of some certaine ( s ) Zelots in the beginning of K. Edwards , Qu. Maries , and Qu. Elizabeths raigne , which sometimes you call good and godly considerations , and sometimes the irregular forwardnesse of the people , were before any law established : and therefore of no kin to these . Things were now setled by a law , and by that law the Altars were to stand as before they did . Nor durst the people in the most part of the Churches of the Realme have taken downe the Altars then by law established , on any private consideration how good soever : therefore I should rather think that it was done in some places , and by authority from some Ordinaries , such whom the Lords found fittest for the alteration . You cavill with the Doctor , and reckon it t amongst his fainings , for telling you what fine doctrine this was for the common people ; viz. this your report of beating downe the Altars in the Country Churches : wherein he failes , you say , because the writer onely mentioneth it as a matter of Fact. But being it was such a Fact , as drew on the law , the kind of law you tell us of , which after put them downe de jure : think you to meet with no apt schollers , that can tell how to raise a doctrine out of the relation ? Our Ancestours in K. Edwards daies were zealous of the reformation , and beat downe those dressers ; and why should we betray Gods cause , and suffer them to be advanced ? Are you assured , that none amongst your partizans will applie it so , and after vouch you for their Author ? As for the Order of K. Edward , which you have slighted off with a kind of law , ( as you did that in Q● . Elizabeths Injunctions with a kind of somewhat ) you still stand to that , as being neither Act of Parliament , nor Act of Councell , but an Act of the King sitting in Councell . A most pretty quillet u Here is a subtilty indeed , a subtilty in print , as they use to say . But take heed , nihil odiosius est nimio acumine . You should not spend too many of your nice distinctions upon Kings and Princes . Now for the alteration of the Liturgie , which did indeed draw with it a full and finall alteration in the thing now talked of : you take great paines to make it visible unto the world , that Calvin had no finger in it . It had beene happy for this Church , if hee and Beza could have kept themselves to their meditations , and not beene curiosi in aliena republica , as they were too much . You say of Calvin that he was a Polypragmon a and made his letters flie to all Princes in the world that did but looke towards a Reformation : and that no man b conceives him to be more pragmatically zealous than you doe , even in those Countries which cared least for him . If so , why take you up the Bucklers for him , or thinke hee might not stickle here , as in other places ? The Doctor drew a storie of it from his owne Epistles ; which you indeavour to refell , by making ante-dates , or false dates unto all his letters , and unto most of all the rest , whom you there produce . As for example : The Letter to my Lord Protectour , you date Octo. 22. 1546. which was a yeere before K. Edward came unto the Crowne c as you say your selfe : what time hee neither was Protectour , nor was there any English Liturgie to except against . Then that Archbishop Cranmer d did write for Bucer to come over , the 2. of Oct. An. 1549. when Bucer had beene here a long time before , and being at Canterbury , writes e a letter to P. Martyr , dated the 20. day of Iune that yeer : and so you make him come before hee was sent for . So for the treatie with the French , whereof Calvin speakes f you make that March 24. 1549. when Bucer had been here 10. moneths at least : and yet you date Pet. Alexanders letter g on the same day also , writ by the appointment of my Lord Archbishop to invite him hither . And thus you toile and moile your self , ( h ) pugnantia secum , frontibus adversis componere ; to joyn such things together as are not competible . But all is well enough so it please the people , and that you can set out the Doctor like a Iack of Lent , for every boy to fling his stick at . Therefore to set the matter right , and let you see the Doctor is not so extreamly ignorant in i all the story of those times , as you please to make him : I will set down some bounds and landmarks as it were , for our direction in this search , such as by no meanes can deceive us . Know then , that k on the last of Ian. 1547. according to the accompt of those forreine States , which doe begin the yeere at Christmasse , K. Edward came unto the Crowne : that l in the lulie following hee set out his Injunctions , in the which many things there are , that tend unto a Reformation of Religion : and that in the m November after , in the selfe same yeere , hee held his first Parliament , wherein the distribution of the Sacrament n subutraque specie , was by law established . An. 1548. Feb. 11. o an Order was sent forth by the Lords of the Councell for the abolishing of Images ; March the 13. next following , the Order of administring the Communion , p agreed upon at Windsor , by the Prelates and other learned men , q was by the King confirmed , and recommended to the Bishops for the publick use . And on the 2. of Oct. the same yeere , did the Archbishop write to Bucer to come over hither . r Veni igitur ad nos , & te operarium praesta in messe Domini , as the letter tells us . In the November of that yeere , began the second s Parliament of K. Edward , and held on till the 14. of March next after , falling in An. 1549. in the same accompt ; in which the first Liturgie was confirmed and ratified . The tenth day after that , March 24. Pet. Alexander , S●cretarie to the Archbishop , writes againe to Bucer t with a Veni igitur quàm citissimè poteris ▪ and the Iune after that wee finde him here at Canterbury , from whence he writ to Pet. Martyr , as before was said . u Apr. 6. Proclamation was made for putting downe the Masse throughout the Realme : x the Iuly following , those of Devonshire and Cornwall rose up in Armes , desiring to have their old religion restored againe ; and y on the 8. of August next , ( the Kingdome being thus embroyled ) the French Ambassadour made defiance to the King of England . z The 14. of Oct. after , the Duke of Somerset was committed to the Tower , and a thence released F●br . 6. 1550. and on the 8. of Aprill next , ( being before discharged of the Protectourship ) was sworne b Privy Counsellour . Meane time , c on Ian. 22. Commissioners were sent to treat of a peace with France , which was d proclaimed the last of March next after following . An. 1551. Ianuar. 30. Mart. e Bucer died . The 16. f of Oct. after , the Duke of Somerset was committed to the Tower , and on the first g of December following condemned to death . An. 1552. h Ian. 22. the Duke of Somerset was beheaded ; and on the morrow i next began the Parliament 5. & 6. of Edw. 6. in which the second Liturgie was confirmed . This said , we shall be sure to find how matters went ; and how far you have lost your selfe , by your too much quarrelling . The Doctor thus beginneth , k It seemes that Bucer had informed Calvin of the condition of this Church , and the publick Liturgie thereof , and thereupon he wrote to the Duke of Somerset , who was then Protectour . For thus he signifieth to Bucer , l Dominum Protectorem , ut volebas , conatus sum hortari , ut flagitabat praesens rerum status , &c , and then adviseth Bucer to be instant with him , ut ritus , qui superstitionis aliquid redolent , tollantur è medio , that all such rites as savoured of superstition should be took away . And how farre that might reach , you can tell your selfe , knowing the humour of the man , as it seemes you doe , Nay hee went somewhat further yet , bidding him , m as you note your selfe , to take heed of his old fault , ( for fault he thought it ) which was to runne a moderate course in his Reformations , mediis consiliis vel authorem esse vel approbatorem . Now Pet. Alexanders letter for calling in of Bucer , beares date in March , 1549. and Bucer was at Canterbury the Iune next following : the first thing that hee did at his comming hither , as hee saith himselfe , being to make himself acquainted with the English Liturgie . n Cum primum in hoc regnum venissem , &c. librum illum sacrorum , per interpretem , quantum potui , cognovi diligenter , as he relates it to the Archbishop . Of his he gave account to Calvin ; and as it seemes ( Dominum Protectorem , ut volebas , &c. ) desired some letter from him to my Lord Protector . Not as o you dreame , before his comming over hither , and before the Liturgie was published ; though possibly before he had beene seene of the Duke of Somerset ( the hurly-burlies of those times considered . ) For Calvin tels you in that letter , tumultu● jam intus sodatos esse confid● , that hee now hoped , that all the tumults and commotions within the Realme were composed and pacified ; and also that there was a rumour of a truce with France . So that this letter must needs be dated about the Autumne after Bucers comming hither : the Reb●lls not being fully crushed till the end of August ; and nothing , but the newes of our peace within , drawing the French men to assent to a truce abroad . Then for his letter to the Protector , which is herein mentioned , cleerely it is the letter printed , which beares not date two yeeres before . p as you with ignorance and confidence enough , have beene pleased to say . For you may finde the date hereof by a better character , being the ●ame with that to Bucer . For q he takes notice in that letter , of those Commotions , ingentes illae turbae , which had hapned here , ab aliquo tempore , not long before : as also that the al●eration of religion was , in part , the cause thereof ; quos ex parte mutati● i● religionis causa concitabat , as himselfe there tels you . So that this letter must be written ●alfe a yeere at least , after the Liturgie established by Act ●f Parliament , and not r three yeares before , as you ridiculously compute it . As for the substance of that letter , he there excepteth against Commemoration of the dead ( which he acknowledgeth however to be very ancient , as also against Chrisme , and extreme unction ; which last ( unctionis ceremonia ) you have most childishly translated s oyle in Baptisme . Which said , he wisheth illa omnia abscindi semel , that all these ceremonies should be abrogated ; and that withall he should goe forwards to reforme the Church , t without feare or wit , without regard of peace at home , or correspondency abroad ! Such considerations being onely to be had in civill matters , but not in matters of the Church , in quo nihil non ad Deiverbum exigi fas est , wherein not any thing is to be exacted , which is not warranted by the Word ; and in the managing whereof there is not any thing more distastefull in the eyes of God than u worldly wisdome , ut vel moderemur , vel rescindamus , &c. either in moderating , cutting off , or going backward , but meerely as we are directed by his will revealed . Nor were these three , and that about Impropriations , the onely things on which he toucheth , as you please to say . He toucheth also there on the booke of x Homilies , which very faintly he permits for a season onely , but not allowes of ; and thereby gave the hint to others , who ever since almost have declamed against them . And if you thinke that Calvin never after medled with the Duke , about this businesse , of the Orders of the Church of England ; you are exceeding much mistaken . For whatsoever y crush he had , he lost but little of his power , though he lo●t his Office : and Calvin still adressed himselfe unto him for the Advancement of the worke . Looke in his letter unto z Bullinger , dated Apr. 10. 1551. which was not quite a yeere before the Liturgie was altered , and he will tell you what he did : z I writ , saith he , to the most illustrious D. of Somerset to this effect , that there was no hope but that the Papists would grow insolenter every day than others , nisi mature compositum esset dissidium de ceremoniis , unlesse the difference were composed about the ceremonies . Composed , and how ? not by reducing the opponents to conformity , but by incouraging them rather in their opposition : especially by supporting Hooper then B p. of Gloucester , the principall leader of that faction , and very zealous ( amongst other things ) against the Altar's yet remaining , as before I shewed . For so it followeth in that letter , hortatus ergo sum hominem , ut Hoppero manum porrigeret ; which it seemes was done , as he propounded . For in another unto Bullinger dated the 29. of August following , he certifieth to him a that Hooper was restored to his Bishoprick . Now this being but the yeere before the alteration of the Liturgie , Calvin being so intent against the Orders of this Church , the Duke so forwards to complie with him ; and Hooper who had no lesse interest in Dudly of N●rthumberland , than Calvin with the Duke of Somerset , ( whereof consult your author , the Acts and Mon. par . 3. p. 147. ) being so eager on the chase : it is not to be doubted but the businesse went forwards , though the Duke went backwards . In the relating of which storie you flutter up and downe , and have no consistency . You tell us pag. 147. that in the first sitting of that Parliament wherein the second Liturgie was confirmed , he was attainted , and condemned , and presently executed : whereas indeed hee was attainted almost two months , and executed just a day , before that sitting . You tell us , pag. 149. that hee was a condemned Prisoner , looking every day for the stroke of the Axe , when the booke was passing the Committies ( if at all any such Committie ever was about that Booke , which I somewhat question : ) whereas the Axe had done , and the stroke was past , before the Session . Finally , whereas , in many places of the Bishops letter , you call the second Liturgie , the Liturgie of the yeere 1552. as indeed it was : you tell us here , pag. 148. of a certaine Letter which was delivered to the Duke from Calvin , An. 1551. ( as most true it was so ) the Liturgie being then newly altered . And so by that account , the Liturgie was altered , when as the Duke of Somerset was neither attainted , condemned , or executed , as before you said . Is this your looking unto the storie of the times , which you so much bragge of ? But as before I told you , however the Duke went backward , the worke went forwards ; the partie being growne so well compacted , that it could go alone , without any leader : especially Duke Dudley who then ruled the rost , having a great opinion of Bishop Hooper ; who being no friend unto the Altars of the Church himselfe , might easily induce his Patron to promote the cause . Next for his tampering with the King and Archbishop Cranmer , wee have good warrant from his Letters . In that unto Farellus Anno 1551. hee tels you of a Letter sent by him to the King by M r. Nicolas , ( one of his tel-tales b as you call him ; ) and of the welcome it found both with the King , and with his Councell : as also that he was advised by my Lord of Canterbury to write more frequently unto the King , than hee had done formerly : Not about restitution of Impropriations , that 's but your device ; the Archbishop sent him no such message , unlesse you finde it in your dreames . Calvin had other things to aime at , although hee tooke that also as it came in his way . c In statu Regni multa adhuc desiderantur ; many things were amisse that needed reformation . That was more like to bee the Argument of his adresses to the King. If you will please to take his word , himselfe shall tell you in his aforesaid Letter unto Bullinger , that he had writ both to the King and to the Councell ( and so had Bullinger it seemes . ) What was the purpose of those letters ? d ut ●os incitaremus ad pergendum , to set them forwards on the worke which was then in hand : writing withall unto the Duke of Somerset , to countenance Hooper in his opposition to the publick orders then established . Your selfe have told us of him , that he was e a Polypragmon , making his letters flie to all the Princes of the world , that did but looke towards a Reformation : If to all Princes , then no question but to our King also amongst the rest ; and what a kind of reformation Calvin aimed at , you know well enough . Then for his practising with the Archbishop ; the Doctor tells you f that he had written to him An. 1551. being the yeere before the Liturgie was altered , complaining in the same , that in the service of this Church there was remaining a whole masse of Popery , quae non obscuret m●d● , &c. which did not onely blemish , but even overwhelme Gods holy worship . This letter being placed betweene two others dated the same yeere , induced the Doctor to beleeve , that it was dated that yeere also : and this you chalenge as g a childish and erroneous Criticisme ; but bring no better of your own . Onely you would faine have it dated before this yeere , and if it might be , two yeeres sooner : because he tels the Archbishop there , of Chanting vespers here in England , in an unknowne tongue ; which was , you say , inhibited by Parliament h full two yeeres before the altering of the Liturgie . But if you marke it well , this will little helpe you . i Some Minister of Calvins ( perhaps his Tel-tale Monsieur Nicolas ) had from Cambridge certified him , how things went in England : particularly how all the Church was provided for , and what great spoyle was made of the meanes and maintenance thereto belonging . But more especially that those great men , who held Abby-lands , and consequently were to pay some pensions to the Monks surviving , did put them into benefices and cure of soules , who had nor minde nor meaning to discharge that dutie , ut pensione iis persolvenda se liberarent , onely to ease themselves of paying the Pensions . This being certified by Calvin , by a letter dated on Whitsunday , An. 1550. in his next missive to the Archbishop , k he complaines of both : First , that the Church was so exposed to open Port-sale ( quod praedae sunt expositi Ecclesiae reditus . ) and secondly , quod ex publico E●clesiae proventu aluntur otiosi ventres , &c. that the revenue of the Church should be bestowed upon those idle bellies ( and so you know they called the Monkes ) which in an unknowne tongue chanted out the Vespers . If this suffice not for the date , then be pleased to know , that Calvin in that letter relates to somewhat that had beene done by the Archbishop in the Reforming of this Church for three yeeres before . Atque utinam te duce aliquanto longiùs jam ante triennium progressi forent ; which ( saith hee ) had they done , there had not beene such superstitions left , as hee there complaines of . Now the first Reformation made by the Archbishops means , was the Communion book set out 1548. for the receiving of the Sacrament sub utraque specie . To which if you will adde those three yeeres which are there remembred ; you must needs date this letter as the Doctor doth , An. 1551. l not one minute sooner . The Doctor hereupon concludes , as before he did , that leaving the word Altar out of the Common-prayer booke last established , and other alterations which were therein made , grew not from any m scandall taken at the Altars by the Countrie people , but a dislike that Calvin had conceived against the Liturgie , as before was said . Of any hand that Martin Bucer had therein , more than that hee had signified unto Calvin , the quality and condition of this Church , and of the Liturgie thereof , the said Doctor saith not ; and this not absolutely neither , but with a sic videtur , n that so it seemed . Yet you cry out , without a cause , o that it was the King , the Lords , and the State , rather than any incitement of Martin Bucer , that made this alteration in the Liturgie , in the point of Altars . An alteration there was made by the King and State , though not by the incitement of Martin Bucer , but of Calvin rather , that Polypragmon , as you call him . For , that the Alteration of K. Edwards Liturgie proceeded rather of some motions from without , than any great dislike at home ; the Doctor was induced to beleeve , the rather , because the King o had formerly affirmed in his Answer to the Devonshire men , that the Lords Supper , as it was then administred , was brought even to the very use as Christ left it , as the Apostles used it , and as the holy Fathers delivered it . Acts and Monuments , part 2. pag. 667. And secondly , because hee had observed , that in the Act of Parliament , by which that Liturgie of 1549. was called in , the booke of Common prayer ( so called in ) was affirmed to be agreeable to Gods Word , and the Primitive Church . 5. & 6. Ed. 6. ca. 1. Unto the first of these , you promise such an Answer , p an An●wer set downe in such Capitall letters , that he that runnes may reade . And this , no doubt you meane to doe , onely in favour to the Doctor , who being but a blinker , as you please to call him , would hardly see your Answer in a lesser Character . But first , because we know your tricks , we will set downe in terminis , as the storie tells us , what was demanded by the Rebells , and what was answered by the King : and after looke upon the glosse which you make of both , that wee may see which of them you report most falsely , and what you gather from the same . The Rebels they demanded thus : q Forasmuch as wee constantly beleeve , that after the Priest hath spoken the words of consecration , being at Masse , there celebrating and consecrating the same ; there is very really the body and bloud of our Saviour Iesus Christ , God and man ; and that no substance of bread and wine remaineth after , but the very selfe same body that was borne of the Virgin Mary , and was given upon the Crosse for our Redemption ; therefore wee will have Masse celebrated as it was in times past , without any man communicating with the Priests , forasmuch as many rudely presuming unworthily to receive the same , put no difference between the Lords body , and other kind of meat ; some saying that it is bread both before and after ; some saying that it is profitable to no man except hee receive it , with many other abused termes . Now to this Article of theirs , the King thus replyed : r For the Masse , I assure you no small studie nor travell hath beene spent , by all the learned Clergie , therein , and to avoid all contention , it is brought even to the very use as Christ left it , as the Apostles used it , as the holy Fathers delivered it , indeed somewhat altered from that the Popes of Rome for their lucre brought it to . And although yee may heare the contrary from some Popish evill men , yet Our Majesty , which for Our Honour may not be blemished and stained , assureth you , that they deceive , abuse you , and blow these opinions into your heads , to finish their owne purposes . This is the plaine song , as it passed betweene the Rebells and the King. And now I will set down your descant on it , in your owne words verbatim , not a tittle altered , that all which runne may reade , and see how shamefully you abuse your owne dearest Author . s The Rebels , in their third Article , ( set on by the Popish Priests ) doe petition for their Masse ( that is , that which wee call the Canon of the Masse ) and words of consecration , as they had it before , and that the Priests might celebrate it alone , without the communicating of the people . To this the King answers , That for the Canon of the Masse and words of Consecration , ( which is nothing altered in the second Liturgie ) they are such as were used by Christ , the Apostles , and the ancient Fathers : that is , They are the very words of the Institution . But for the second part of their demand , which was for the sacrifice of the Masse , or the Priests eating alone , they must excuse him : For this the Popes of Rome for their l●cre added to it . So there is a cleare Answer to both parts of the Article . A very cleare answer , if you marke it well . The Rebels make demand of the whole Masse , modo & forma , as before it had beene celebrated : you make them speake onely of the Canon of the Masse , and words of Consecration . The King , in his reply , makes answer to the whole Masse , as it was commonly then called , the whole forme and order of the Communion in the publick Liturgie , that it was brought even to the very use as Christ left it , the Apostles used it , and the holy Fathers delivered it : you make him answer onely of the Canon , and words of Institution , as if that were all . This is not to report an answer , but to make an answer ; and draw that commendation to a part of the common Liturgie , which was intended of the whole . And yet your Inference is farre worse than your Report : For you have made the King to say , that they should have a Table , and a Communion , and the words of Consecration , as they were used by Christ , the Apostles , and the ancient Fathers : but they should have no Altar , nor sacrifice ; for these the Popes of Rome , for their lucre , had added to the Institution . This , were there nothing else , would set you forth for what you are ; a man that care not what you say , or whom you ●alsifie , so you may runne away from the present danger , though afterwards it overtakes you , and falls farre heavier on you than before it did . Next , let us see what you reply to that which concernes the Parliament , and the opinion which it had of the former Liturgie , as both agreeable to Gods Word , and the Primitive Church . And first you charge the Doctor with borrowing t that passage from father Parsons three Conversions . Whether it be in father Parsons , the Doctor knowes not . But whether it be or not , that comes all to one , as long as it is so delivered in the Act of Parliament . Then for the Act itselfe , u you answer , that whereas some sensuall persons , and refractorie Papists , had forb●rne to repaire to the Parish-Churches upon the establishment of the English Service , the Parliament doth in the Preamble tell the offenders against this new law , that praiers in the mother-tongue is no invention of theirs , as the Priests would make them beleeve , but the doctrine of the Word of God , and the practice of the Primitive Church : medling no farther with the Liturgie in this part of the Act , than as it was a service in the mother-tongue . I have been told , it was a saying of my Lord Chancellour Egerton , that D r Day , once Dean of Windsor , had the most excellent arts of creeping out of the law , of any man whose name was ever brought in Chanc●ry . That Doctor , and this Minister , are much of the same quality ; our Minister being as expert in creeping out of an authority , as ever was that Doctor in creeping out of the law . But yet hee creepes not so away , but a man may catch him : and catch him sure we will for all his cunning . For if wee looke into the Act of Parliament , wee shall easily finde , that not the language onely , but the order , forme , and fabrick of the divine Service before established , is said to bee agreeable to the Word of God , and the Primitive Church , which I desire you to observe , as it is here presented x to you . Whereas ( saith the Act ) there hath beene a very godly order set forth by authority of Parliament , for Common prayer and administration of the Sacraments to be used in the mother tongue , within this Church of England , agreeable unto the Word of God , and the Primitive Church , very comfortable to all good people , desiring to live in christian Conversation , and most profitable to the estate of this Realme , &c. What thinke you , on your second thoughts , is that so much commended by the Parliament ? either the very Order it selfe , of Common prayer and administration of the Sacraments , or the being of it in the English tongue . It could not be the being of it in the English tongue . For then the Romish Missall , had it beene translated word for word , without more alteration than the language onely , might have beene also said to be agreeable to the Word of God , and the Primitive Church ; which I am sure you will not say . And therefore it must be the whole forme and order , that godly order , as they call it , of common prayer and administration of the Sacraments , to be used in the English tongue ( take them both together ) which they so commended . Compare this testimony of the Parliament , with that before given of it by the King ; and see if they affirme it of the language , or of the order of the service . The King affirmed that it was brought unto that use as Christ left it , the Apostles used it , and the holy Fathers delivered it : the Parliament , that it was agreeable to the Word of God ( including Christ and the Apostles ) and to the Primitive Church , including the holy Fathers . Nor did the Parliament alone vouchsafe this testimonie of the first Liturgie y Archbishop Bancroft speaking of it in his Sermon preached at S. Pauls Crosse , An. 1588. affirmes that it was published first with such approbation , as that it was accounted the worke of God. Besides , Iohn Fox , z whose testimony I am sure you will not refuse , ( though you corrupt him too if hee come in your way ) hath told us of the Compilers of that Liturgie , first that they were commanded by the King to have as well an eye and respect unto the most sincere and pure Christian religion , taught by the holy Scriptures , as also to the usages of the Primitive Church , and to draw up one convenient and meet order , rite and fashion of Common prayer , and Administration of the Sacraments , to be had and used within the Realme of England , and the Dominions of the fame . And then hee addes de proprio , as his own opinion , that through the ayde of the holy Ghost , and with one uniforme agreement , they did conclude , set forth , and deliver to the King a booke in English , entituled , A booke of the Common prayer , &c. This , as it shewes his judgement of the aforesaid Liturgie , so doth it very fully explaine the meaning of the Act of Parliament ; and that it did not , as you say , relate unto the language onely , but the whole order , rite , and fashion , of the Common prayer booke . Thus have we seene the a●teration of the Liturgie ; and by that alteration , a change of Altars into Tables , for the holy Sacrament . The next inquiry to be made , is how the Table stood , and how they called it ; and that aswell upon the taking down of Altars , An. 1550 in some places by the Kings owne Order ; as on the generall removall of them , by the second Liturgie . First for the placing of the Table your owne Author tels you , a that on occasion of taking downe the Altars , here arose a great diversity about the forme of the Lords b●ard : some using it after the forme of a Table , and some of an Altar . But finally it was so ordered by the Bishop of London ( Ridley ) that he appointed the forme of a right Table , to be used in all his Diocesse : himselfe incouraging them unto it , by breaking downe the wall standing then by the high Altar side , in the Cathedrall of S. Paul. But that it was so ordered in all other Dioceses , the Doctor findes not any where , but in the new Edition of the Bishops letter , which you have falsified of purpose to make it say so , as before was noted . Nor did the old Edition say , that they the other Dioceses , agreed at all upon the forme and fashion of their Tables ; though they agreed , as you would have it , on the thing it self . And therefore you have now put in these words , so soone , which tells another tale , than before was told : as if all Dioceses having agreed as well as London , on receiving Tables , did agree too , but not so soone upon the fashion of their Tables . For that it was not thus in all other places , your owne Miles Huggard tells b you ; and to him I send you to observe it . But this diversity , c say you , was setled by the Rubrick , confirmed by law . What universally ? There is no question but you meane it ; or to what purpose doe you say so ? Yet in another place you tell us , that notwithstanding the said Rubrick , the Tables stood like Altars in Cathedrall Churches ; in some of them at least , which had no priviledge , I am sure , more than others had . For thus say you , d In some of the Cathedralls , where the steps were not transposed in tertio of the Queene , and the wall on the back-side of the Altar untaken downe , the Table might stand all along , as the Altar did . If it did stand in some , it might stand in all ; and if in the Cathedralls , then also in Parochiall Churches ; unlesse you shew us by what meanes they procured that might , which could not be attained unto by any others . Wee finde it also in the letter e that onely to make use of their covers , fronts , and other ornaments , the Tables might be placed in some of the Chappels , and Cathedrals , of the same length and fashion that the Altars were of : Why might not then the same be done in the Parish-Churches , which were provided at that time , of covers , fronts , and other ornaments of that nature . f Your selfe concludes it for a foolish dreame , that the State should cast away those rich furnitures of the Chappell , provided for the former Altars ; and sure it is as much a dreame that they should cast away their ornaments of the selfe same nature out of Country Churches . And this I am the rather induced to thinke , because that in the Statute 1 Elizab. g wherein the Common-prayer booke now in force , was confirmed and ratified , it was enacted , That all such ornaments of the Church shall be retained , and be in use , as was in the Church of England by the authority of Parliament , in the 2. of King Edw. 6. untill other order should therein be taken by the authority of the Queene , &c. Which makes it plaine in my opinion , that in the latter end of King Edw. the ●ixt , there had beene nothing altered in the point of the Churches Ornaments , nor consequently in the placing of the holy Table . Then for the name , it seemes they stood as little upon that , as upon the former . When the old Altars stood , they called them Tables ; and when the Tables were set up , they called them Altars . Your Author h could have told you at the first , that the book of Common prayer calleth the thing whereupon the Lords Supper is ministred , indifferently a Table , an Altar , or the Lords boord , without prescription of any forme thereof , either of a Table , or of an Altar . For as it calleth it an Altar , whereupon the Lords Supper is ministred , a Table , and the Lords boorde ; so it calleth the Table where the holy Communion is distributed with laud and thankesgiving unto the Lord , an Altar ; for that there is offered the same sacrifice of praise and thankesgiving . So when the Liturgie was altered , & the word Altar quite left out ; they spared not , as occasion was , to call the holy table by the name of Altar . The blessed Sacrament it selfe , they thought no sacriledge to intitle by the name of Sacrament of the Altar : so did the Martyrs , some of them , in Qu. Maries time ; and the whole body of the State , in Parliament , 1 Eliz. as was shewed before . Old Father Latimer speakes positively , that it may be called an Altar ; though you , in the repeating of his words , have slipped aside that passage , and made him cast the common calling of it so , i upon the Doctors , who might be mistaken . Yea and Iohn Fox himself hath told you k in a marginall note , The Table , how it may be called an Altar , and in what respect . The Rubrick was no other then , than we finde it now : and yet we doe not find , that any thought themselves so tyed to the words thereof , as to use no other . Yet this is pressed upon the Vicar . The Church in her Liturgie and Canons calling the same a Table onely , doe not you call it an Altar , l so the old edition : doe not you now , under the Reformation , call it an Altar : m so saith the new . Vnder the Reformation ? And why so ? Onely to make poor men beleeve , that Altars , and the Reformation , cannot stand together . But you are out in that , as in all the rest . The writer of the letter cannot but acknowledge , n that the Altars doe stand still in the Lutherane Churches ; and that the Apologie for the Augustane Confession doth allow it : the Doctors and Divines whereof , he doth acknowledge also to be o sound Protestants , although they suffer Altars to stand . And in those other Churches of the Reformation , some of the chiefe Divines are farre more moderate in this point , than you wish they were . Oecolampadius p doth allow the Eucharist to be called the Sacrament of the Altar : affirming also , that for peace sake they would not abhor from the title of sacrifice , if there were no deceit closely carryed under it : and that there is no harme , in calling the Lords Table by the name of Altar . Zanchie q more fully , Quod neque Christus , neque Apostoli prohibuerunt altaria , aut mandarunt quod mensis ligneis ut antur ; That neither Christ nor his Apostles have prohibited Altars , or enjoyned wooden Tables ; and therefore that it is to be accounted a matter of indifferenci● , whether we use an Altar of stone , or a table of wood , modo absit superstitio , so that no superstition be conceived of either . So they determine of the point ; not doubting , as it seemes , but that it might be lawfull now , under the Reformation , to call the holy Table by the name of Altar : and which makes more against your meaning , to use an Altar also in the ministration . Which said , Ibid adieu to England , and the practice here ; meaning to looke abroad into forrain parts in the rest that followeth ; where we will labour to find out what was the ancient doctrine in the Church of God , concerning Sacrifices , Priests , and Altars ; and what the usage in this point of placing the Communion table . Yet so that we will cast an eye , sometimes , and as occasion is , on our owne deare Mother , the Church of England , that wee may see how neare she comes both in her doctrine , and her practice , to the ancient Patternes . And wee will see withall , what you have to say ; and what it is whereof you purpose to arraigne the poore man you wot of , in all those particulars . SECTION II. CHAP. V. What was the ancient Doctrine of the Church concerning Sacrifices , Priests and Altars : and what the Doctrine of this Church in those particulars . That Sacrifices , Priests , and Altars , were from the beginning , by the light of nature ; and that not onely amongst the Patriarchs , but amongst the Gentiles . That in the Christian Church there is a Sacrifice , Priests , and Altars , and those both instituted and expressed in the holy Gospell . The like delivered by Dionysius , Ignatius , Iustin Martyr , and in the Canons of the Apostles . As also by Tertullian , Irenaeus , Origen , and S. Cyprian . How the Apologeticks of those times are to be interpreted , in their deniall of Altars in the Christian Church . Minutius Foelix falsified by the Minister of Linc. What were the Sacrifices which the said Apologeticks did deny to be in the Church of Christ. The difference betweene mysticall and spirituall sacrifices . S. Ambrose falsified by the Minister of Linc. in the point of Sacrifice . The Doctrine of the Sacrifice delivered by Eusebius : The Doctrine of the following Fathers , of Sacrifices , Priests , and Altars : What is the Doctrine of this Church ▪ touching the Priesthood and the Sacrifice . The judgement in these points , and in that of Altars , of B. Andrewes , K. Iames , B. Montague , and B. Morton . IT is the observation of Eusebius a , that the Fathers which preceded Moses , and were quite ignorant of his Law , disposed their wayes according to a voluntary kinde of piety ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , framing their lives and actions according to the law of Nature , which words relate not onely unto their morall conversation , as good men , but to their carriage in respect of Gods publick worship , as r●ligious men . The light of nature could informe them that there was a God , had not their Parents , from the first man Ad●m , beene carefull to instruct them in that part of knowledge : and the same light of nature did informe them also , that God was to bee worshipped by them ; that there were some particular services expected of him from his Creature . Of these , the first wee meet with , upon record , is that of Sacrifice almost to co-aevall with the world . For we are told of Cain and Abel the two sons of Adam b , that the one of them being a tiller of the ground , brought of the frui● of the ground an offering unto the Lord : the other , being a keeper of sheep , brought of the first lings of his flocke , and the fat thereof . This was , it seemes , the quit-rent which they paid to Almighty God , that supreme Lord , of and by whom they held their temporall fortunes ; and from whose hands they were to looke for a more excellent estate . c Lex naturalis aequum esse doouit , ut de do●is suis honoretur imprimis ipse qui dedit : Naturall reason , saith Ruper●us , told them it was fit that God the Donour should bee honoured with some part of that , which hee himselfe had given unto them . Thus in those early dayes have wee found a Sacrifice , and Sacrifices , as you say your selfe , are not to be found without Priests and Altars . It is true , we doe not reade in Scriputre of any Altar , till that built by Noah , nor of any Priest , before Melchisedec . Noah builded an Altar , saith the Text , Gen. 8. and of Melchisedec it is said , that hee was the Priest of the ●ost high God , Gen. 14. Not that there were no Altars nor no Priests before . For howsoever Pererius d makes it doubtfull , whether the use of Altars was before or not , An autem fu●rit usus Altarium , ne●ne , inc●rtum est : yet e a good friend of yours , whose Tractat de Altaribus & Sacrificiis , you make good use of ( though you scorne to tell by whom you profit ) is more assured that they were in use from the first beginning . For speaking of the sacrifices of Cain and Abel , he determineth thus f , Ad haec sacrificia aras extructas consent aneum est , that it is very likely that Altars were erected for them . Then for the Priest , wee need not take much paines to seeke him . The Office of the Priesthood g was then in Adam , and held by him entirely , till Seth came of age , to take part of the burden from him : that dignitie continuing alwayes after in the Pater-familias , the eldest of the line or family , till the Leviticall Priesthood was set up by Moses . An evidence whereof wee have in Noah , who though hee was in yeares , and that his sonnes were young and lustie h , did yet discharge the Pri●stly function ; Building an Altar to the Lord , and offering burnt Offerings on the Altar . Which sacrifice of his was Eucharisticall , not typicall : a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving for his preservation from the Flood ; not any way significative of Christs to come . And therfore Scaliger i doth very truly tell us of him , that presently as soon as he came out of the Arke . , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 immolavit Deo : which ( saith Rupertus ) Non scripta , sed naturalis lex ●quum esse docuit , was not commended to him by a written law , but meerly by the law of Nature . Such evidence we also have in the story of Melchisedec , who being the eldest of his line ( and commonly received for 〈◊〉 , the sonne of Noah ) is ●tiled k at the encounter betweene him and Abraham , the Priest of the most high God , as before was said : being also there reported to be King of Salem . And thus it also was , either by imitation or tradition , amongst the Gentiles . Their Princes being Patres Patriae , and consequently in loco Patrum-familias , the Grandfathers of all families in their Dominions , did also exercise the Priests , Office in their solemne sacrifices , Iethro the father in law of Moses , who l in the Text is called the Priest of Madian , is in the Margine of our Bibles , called the Prince . And Anius m in the Poet , is set out for both ; Rex Anius , Rex idem hominum Phoebique Sacerdos . After when as the house of Iacob was growne great and numerous , and setled by the Lord himselfe into the body of a Church ; it pleased the Lord to signifie by Moses how hee would be worshipped : to prescribe certaine Rites and formes of sacrifices , and for those sacrifices to appoint both Priests and Altars . These sacrifices were divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or gratulatorie , such as was that of Noah , before remembred ; and expiatorie , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which did relate to Christ our Saviour , as types of that most perfect expiatory sacrifice , which in the fulnesse of time hee was to offer on the Crosse , for the sin of man. Which practice of the Iewes , abstracted from the end to which by God it was intended , was generally in use also with the Gentiles : whether delivered to them by tradition from their predecessours , or that it was dying sparke of the light of Nature , or that they tooke it from the Iewes , whose Apes they were , needs not now be questioned . Suffice it , that however they could not reach the height of the true religion , nor knew not the intent of those frequent sacrifices which were imposed upon the Iewes ; yet they would come as neare it , as they could . And therefore as they had their sacrifices , so would they also have their Temples , their Priests , and Altars : places selected for divine worship , and Ministers appointed for those places , and Altars upon which to minister , being of like antiquitie . The severall gods in Rome , the Temples unto them belonging , the Altars in those Temples , and Colledges of Priests attending on those Altars , are things so generally knowne ; that it were losse of time to insist upon them . The like may also be observed in all other places , and of all Idols whatsoever . For whatsoever the Idol represented , and by whomsoever it was worshipped , if it were once set up and honoured as a Deitie , it drew along with it all those necessary attendants , which were by God himselfe thought fit to wait upon the true religion . The Groves and high places , the Priests and Altars destinated to the service of that foule Idol Baal , mentioned in the holy Scriptures , were proofe enough of this , were there no proofe else . But these things being notiora , n quam ut stylo egeant ; I passe them over with this note : that there was never any Nation , but had some religion , nor any religion ( of men civilized ) but had Altars , Priests and Sacrifices as a part thereof , or as dependants thereupon . Which mutuall agreement betweene Iew and Gentile in those outward things , although not in the end proposed : made them both severally persecute and deride the Christians , as men of no religion , having ( as they conceived ) no Temples , Altars , Priests , nor Sacrifices , and so by consequence no God. For when our blessed Lord and Saviour had by that one offering of himselfe once for all , o perfected for ever all them that are sanctified ; and by his owne blood entred into the holyplace , and obtained eternall redemption for us : there was forthwith an end of all those sacrifices in the law , by which this one of his had beene prefigured . They had beene onely given p in umbra , as a shadow of the things to come : but when the body came it selfe , the shadow was unserviceable , and for●hwith vanished . Yet did not Christ deprive his Church for ever of all manner of Sacrifices , but onely abrogated those which had beene before ; which if continued , might have beene a strong presumption of his not comming in the flesh : in which respect , those , and all other q Ceremonies of the Iewes , are by the Fathers said to bee , not onely dangerous , but deadly , to us Christian men . The Passion of our Saviour , as by the Lords own Ordinance it was prefigured to the Iews in the legall Sacrifices , à Parte ante ; so by Christs institution , is it to bee commemorated by us Christians , in the holy Supper , à Parte post . A Sacrifice it was in figure , a Sacrifice in fact ; and so by consequence , a Sacrifice in the commemorations , or upon the Post-fact . A Sacrifice there was among the Iewes , shewing forth Christs death unto them , before his comming in the flesh : a Sacrifice there must bee amongst the Christians , to shew forth the Lords death till he come in judgement . And if a Sacrifice must bee , there must be also Priests to doe , and Altars whereupon to doe it : because without a Priest , and Altar , there can bee no sacrifice : Yet so that the precedent sacrifice was of a different nature from the subsequent : and so are also both the Priest and Altar from those before : a bloudy sacrifice then , an unbloudy , now ; a Priest derived from Aaron then , from Melchisedech , now ; an Altar for Mosaicall sacrifices then , for Evangelicall now . r The Sacrifice prescribed by Christ , Qui novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem , saith Irenaeus l. 4. c. 32. who the same night in which he was betrayed , tooke bread , And when be had given thankes , he brake it , and said , Take , eat , this is my body which is broken for you . Doe this in remembrance of me . Likewise also he tooke the Cup when hee had supped , saying , This Cup is the New Testament in my blood , doe this as often as you drinke it , in remembrance of mee . Which words , if they expresse not plaine enough the nature of this Sacrifice , to bee commemorative , we may take those that follow by way of Commentary s : For as often as yee eate this bread , and drinke this Cup , ye doe shew the Lords death till he come . Then for the Priests , they were appointed by him also , even the holy Apostles who being onely present at the Institution , received a power from Christ to celebrate these holy mysteries in the Church of God. A power not personall unto them , but such as was from them to bee derived upon others , and by them communicated unto others , for the instruction of Gods people , and the performance of his service . Though the Apostles at that time might represent the Church of Christ , and every part and member of it ; yet this gives no authority unto private men , to intermeddle in the sacrifice , but unto the Apostles onely , and their successours in the Evangelicall Priesthood . Our Saviour hath left certaine markes of characters , by which each member of the Church may soone finde his dutie . For the Apostles and their successors in the Priesthood , there is an edite & bibite , an eating an drinking , as private men ; men of no Orders in the Church : but there is an Hoc facite belonging to them , onely , as they are Priests under , and of the Gospell . Hoc facite , is for the Priest , who hath power to consecrate ; Hoc edite , is both for Priest and people , which are admitted to communicate : and so is the Hoc bibite too by the Papists leave . Were it not thus , but that the people might hoc facere , take bread , and breake , and ●lesse it , and distribute it unto one another ; wee should soone see a quicke come off of our whole religion . The people then , being prepared and fitted for it , may edere and bibere , but they must not facere ; that belongs onely to the Priests , who claime that power from the Apostles , on them conferred by our Redeemer . Last of all for the Altar , wee need not goe farre . S. Paul , in whom wee finde both the Priest and Sacrifice , will helpe us to an Altar also . He calleth it once a Table , and once an Altar t a Table in the tenth of the same Epistle , non potestis mensae Domini participes esse , yee cannot bee partakers of the Lords Table , and the table of Devils ; an Altar in the last of the Hebrewes , u Habe●●us Altare , wee have an Altar whereof they have no right to ●ate that serve the Tabernacle : an Altar in relation to the Sacrifice , which is there commemorated ; a Table in relation to the Sacrament which is thence participated . Nay , so indi●ferent were those words to that blessed spirit , that , as it seemes , he stood not on the choice of either : but used the x word Table to denote those Altars on which the Gentiles sacrificed to their wretched Idols ; which he cals mensa● Daemoniorum , the table of Devils , in the Text remembred . If wee consult the Fathers who lived next those times , wee finde not that they altered any thing in the present businesse , for which they had so good authority from the Lords Apostles ; but without any scruple , or opposition ( that we can meet with ) used , as they had occasion , the name of Sacrifice , and Priest , and Altar , in their severall writings . Not that they tied themselves to those words alone , but that they balked them not when they came in their way , as if they were afraid to take notice of them . a Denys the Areopagite ( if it were hee that wrote the books de Ecclesiastica Hierarchia ) hath in one chapter , all those names of Priest , Altar , Sacrifice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his native language ; Sacerdos , Altare , Sacrificium , in the translation : the Altar being honoured with the attribute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or divine ; the Sacrifice with that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or most pure and holy . These workes of Dionysius , Monsieur du Moulin , doth acknowledge to be very profitable , Vtilia sane & plena bonae frugis , but withall thinkes b they are of a later date . And therefore on unto Ignatius , of whom there is lesse question amongst learned men : who in his severall Epistles useth the aforesaid names or termes , as being generally received , and of common usage . First for the Altar , the Doctor shewed you c in his Coal , that it is found there , thrice at least , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad Philadelph . one altar , and one Altar in every Church : and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gods Altar ▪ in his Epistle ad Tarsens . what is objected against these , we shall see hereafter . So for the Minister , he cals him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Priest , which your good friend Vedelius translates Sacerdos , d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Excellent ( or estimable ) are the Priests and Deacons , but more the Bishop . In the Epistle ad Smyr●enses the same word occurres , to signifie the Priest , or Minister of Christs holy Gospell : as also that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rendred by your Vedelius , Sacerdotium , by us called the Priesthood . Last of all for your sacrific● , the same Ignatius e gives it for a rule , as the times then were , that it is not lawfull for the Priest without the notice of his Bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , either to baptize , or offer , or celebrate the sacrifice . Where by the way , wee may perceive how much the Cardinall was mistaken , in that he tels us for a certaine , f that the Apostles and most ancient Fathers of the Church , as Iustin , and Ignatius , did purposely abstaine from the names of Priest and Priesthood , as they did also from that of Temple : ne viderentur adhuc durare Iudaicae ceremoniae , lest otherwise the Iewish ceremonies might be conceived to be in force . It is true , that for the most part , Ignatius use●● for the minister , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Presbyter , from which the French derived their Prebstre , and wee thence our Priest ; but doth not binde himselfe unto it . No more doth Iustin Martyr neither : for having laid this for a rule , that , God accepts no sacrifices but from his own Priests only ; g he addes that hee admits of all those sacrifices , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Iesus Christ commanded to bee celebrated in his Name : and are accordingly performed of all Christian people in the holy Eucharist of bread and wine . Performed in every place by all Christian people , as it is an Eucharist , h a sacrifice of praise and thanks to Almighty God , testified in and with a participation of the outward elements : but celebrated by the Priest , and especially as it is a sacrifice commemorative of the death and passion of our Lord and Saviour ; who only have a power to consecrate those elements , which doe exhibite Christ unto us . As for the Canons of the Apostles , which if not writ by them , are certainly of good antiquitie , ( and for the first 50 above all danger of discarding ) the Doctor told you i in his Coal from the Altar , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did occurre in the third , fourth , and fifth . And now hee tels you into the bargaine , that in the third Canon you shall find mention of the sacrifice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in the fourth of the oblation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All which assurance in this cause will fall , if you compute the time , within the first 200. yeeres , which you so much stand upon , and bate you 50. of your tale . So that you will not find , whatsoever you say , k that in the Christian Church , the name of Table is 200. yeeres more ancient than the name of Altar : both being of an equall standing , for ought I can see , and both used indifferently . Next these succeeded Irenaeus , of whom the l Doctor told you , that he did prove the Lords Apostles to be Priests , because they did Deo & Altari servire : attend the service of the Lord , and wait upon him at his Altars . What you except against in this , we shall see anon . Meane time you may take notice here , that we have found in 〈◊〉 , both a Priest and Altar : and thinke you that hee will not finde us a Sacrifice also ? Looke on him but a little further , and he will tell you this , that there were sacrificia in populo , sacrificia in ●cclesia , sacrifices in the Iewish Church , and sacrifices in the Christi●n church : and m that the kind or species was only altered . The kinde or nature of which Christian sacrifice he tels us of in the same chapter , viz. that it is an Eucharist , a tender of our gratitude to Almighty God , for all his blessings ; and a sanctifying of the creature to spirituall uses . Offerimus ei non quasi indigenti , sed gratius agentes donationi ejus , & sanctificantes creaturam . In this we have the severall and distinct Offices which before we spake of : a sanctificatio creatur● , a blessing of the bread ( for n bread it is he speakes of ) for holy uses , which is the Office of the Priest , no man ever doubted it : and then a gratiarum actio , a giving thankes unto the Lord for his marvellous benefits , which of the Office both of Priest and people . The sanctifying of the creature , and glori●ying of the Creator , doe both relate unto Offerimus : and that unto the Sacrifices which are therein treated of by that holy Father . So for Tertullian , the Doctor noted that hee tels us of the Altar twice , Si & ad Aram Deisteteris , in his Booke de Oratione , cap. 14. In that de poenitentia he remembreth us of those that did adgeniculari aris Dei , Standing before the Altar , at some times ; kneeling before the Altar at other times : but both before and at the Altar . And for the name of Priest , however the Cardinall was of opinion , that the Apostles and first-fathers of the Church did purposely forbeare it , as before was said : yet he hath found at last , o that Tempore Tertulliani , in Tertullians time , ( the difference o betweene Iewes and Christians being well enough knowne ) the name of Priest came to bee in use ; and for the proofe thereof referres us to his Bookes , de velandis virginibus , de monogamia , & alibi : And therefore thither I referre you . Origen next in course of time , hath an whole Homilie on the 18. Chapter of Numbers , intituled p de Primitiis offerendis . It is not to be thought that he composed that Homilie of purpose , to advance the reputation of the Iewish Priesthood : nor doth hee , if a man would thinke so , give any countenance thereunto . And why ? Pleading expresly for the maintenance of the Ministers of Gods holy Word , hee cals them in plaine termes , Sacerdotes Evangelii , Priest of the Gospell , affirming first-fruits to be due unto them at the least de congruo . Would you his own words ? take them thus ; Decet enim , & utile est , eti●m Sacerdotibus Evangelii ( N. B. ) offerri primitias . Would you the reason of it also ? Because he saith , the Lord appointed , that they which preach the Gospell , should live of the Gospell , and they that Minister at the Altar , should live of the Altar . Where if you should suspect that hee doth meane the Iewish Altars , himselfe shall take you off from that fond suspition . Et sicut hoc dignum & decens est , &c. and as ( saith he ) it is a fit and worthy thing that it should be so , so on the other side , 〈◊〉 is unworthy and unfit , if not utterly impious , that hee which honoureth God , and comes into his Church , Et scit Sacerdotes & Ministros adsistere A●tari , and knoweth that the Priests and Ministers doe wait upon the Altar q and labour in the Word and Ministerie , should not devote unto him the first fruits of the land wherewith God hath blessed him . In the whole drift of that which followeth , hee drives so clearly at this point , that it is needlesse in a menner to looke for more ; yet in his tenth Homilie on the ninth of Ioshua he is more particular and exact , than before he was : For speaking of some persons who were meere out-side-men and no more than so , he thus describes them ; viz. r That they came diligently to the Church , and made due reverence to the Priests , attended all Divine offices , honoured the sevants of the Lord , Adornatum qu●que Altaris vel Ecclesiae aliquid conferant , and did contribute somewhat also to the ornament of the Altar or the Church . I hope there 's proofe enough for Priests and Altars , and somewhat also for the maintenance of those Priests that waited at the Altars , in the time of Origen . Nor will I instance further in the Fathers of those Primitive times , than S. Cyprian only : and in him only in those places to which you were directed in the Coal from the Altar , s where you were told , that l. 1. c. 7. in the Epistle ad Epictetum , it was called Altare Dei , Gods Altar : and that there somewhat more occurred concerning Altars in the 8. and 9. Epistle of the same book also . Only I cannot chuse but tell you , that in the last of those remembred , we have not found an Altar only , but that there is a Sacrifice and a Priest to bee found there also . For there we have a maxime t concerning those which are promoted to the holy Priesthood , and in actuall Orders , that they ought only Altari & sacrificiis deser●ire , to attend the Altar and the sacrifices , and be devoted to their prayers and orizons to Almighty God. Thrice in the same Epistle we find punctuall mention of Sacrifices , Priests , and Altars ; enough of conscience to declare what was the usage of the Church in S. Cyprians time . Which being so , a question may bee justly made , how it should come to passe , that the Apologeticks of those very times , should so unanimously concurre against the being of Altars in the Christian Church : especially that Origen , who is so much for it in his Homilies , should be so much against it in his Contra Celsum . u Celsus objected it against the Christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they declined the building or setting up of Altars , Images , and Temples . Caecilius in the dialogue made the same objection : And having said not long before , Templu ut b●sta despiciunt , that they ( the Christians ) despised the Temples of the Gods ( conceive it so ) as funerall piles ; x makes this Quaere after ; Cur nullas aras habent , templa nulla , nulla nota simulacra ? what was the reason why they had , nor Temples , Images , nor Altars : not why they had no Altars only , as you make him say . The like is commonly objected from Arnobius also ; y Nos aceusatis , quod nec templa habeamus , nec imagines , nec aras : in which the words are changed a little , but not the matter of the accusation . Now as the objections seeme to oppose directly , what ever hath been said before concerning Altars : so the Respondents answers seeme as much to crosse what ever hath beene said concerning Sacrifices . Origen answers for his part , z that the Altar of a Christian was his understanding , from whence he offred to the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most sweet and pleasing sacrifices of prayers , and a pure conscience . Octavius a much to the same purpose , that the most acceptable sacrifice to Almighty God , was bonus animus , & puramens , & sin●era conscientia ; and briefly , b that he was counted the most religious towards God , which was most just and upright towards man. So much Octavius saith indeed , yet not enough , it seemes , to serve your turn ; and therefore you must needs corrupt his text with a false translation : making Octavius say , that with them the bottome of the heart supplies the Altar . Whereas you finde not such a word in all that period of Litabilis Hostia ▪ before remembred : no Altar there , but that you have nor bonum animum , nor puram mentem ; no nor sinceram conscientiam neither , in these wretched shifts . And last of all , Arnobius being asked the question , Whether the Christians thought c Sacrificia ●ulla esse omnino facienda , that there was no such thing as sacrifice to bee done at all ; is made by you to answer nulla , no , none at all : a saying of ( d ) Lactantius being patch'd unto it , viz. not any coporeall sacrifice , but hymnes and prai●e . What ever you may finde in Lactantius else-where , certaine I am , that you finde nothing to this purpose in all that place which you have noted in your margin , being lib. 6 cap. 23. though peradventure you have studied it more throughly , that any other Booke or Chapter , which concernes this point . Or if Lactantius say it else-where , which wee contradict not , being so like to that which is affirmed by others , of , and about those times : yet might you have perceived in him , an answer to your owne objections drawne from him , and them . The Question was , whether or no , the Christians had any Sacrifices ; No , saith Lactantius , as you cite him , no corporeall sacrifices . Lactantius saith not of the Christians ; that they had no sacrifices ; but no corporeall ones . You were , it seemes , so busie on some corporeall sacrifice , which you encountred with in the foresaid Chapter , that you regarded not the answer to your owne objection . Nor did the Doctour otherwise replie to those allegations , which you produced from Origen , and Arnobius , out of Bishop Iewell , and from Arnobius here in the place , than what you make Lactantius say , if you cite him rightly e : viz. that they , ( the Christians ) had no Altars for bloudy and externall sacrifices , as the Gentiles had . Corporeall sacrifices , saith Lactantius ; bloudy and externall sacrifices , saith the Doctor : Not bloudy or externall sacrifices , as you make him say f ; and then flie out upon him , as your custome is , and put him to this wretched choice , either to come to that for which you have been wr●●gling all this while , viz. that they ( the Primitive Christians ) had no Altars for externall sacrifi●es ; or else to shew that ever one father or schoolem●● did teach a nec●ssitie of an externall Altar for internall Sacrifice . Let the poore Doctors ( And ) stand still , and he will finde you Altars , in the Primitive Church , for vis●●le and externall sacrifices , though none for bloudie and externall sacrifices . The like may be replied to that which you produce from Minutius Felix ; Cur 〈◊〉 ●ullai habent , why they had no Altars . Altars they had , but no such Altars as Cecilius spake of , none for bloudie sacrifices of sheepe and oxen . Had you but looked a little forwards you would have found amongst them both Priests and Bishops ; g and therefore by your owne rule Altars also : the Priest a●d Altar being relatives , as you often tell us . Your Argument , drawne from a cavill h of Iulian the Apostata ; that wittie prin●e ( for sooth ) as you please to call him ; was not thought worth an answe● , when proposed by him ▪ S. Cyrill who made answer unto all the rest ; to his objection of not erecting Altars ( as i my Lord of 〈◊〉 rightly note●h ) doth not say one word . Iuli●ns objection was about such sacrifices ( as your selfe confesse ) in which the Iewes had an agreement in some particular with the Pagans ▪ and therefore his objection must relate to such Altars also . For that the Christians had their Alt●r● , for the Mysticall sacrifice , Iulian knew full well , being a Reader of the Church , when he was a Christian : and having , when he was a persecutor , defiled th● Altars of the Christians , k designed for their most pure and unbloudie sacrifice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with prohibited blood ; as 〈…〉 complaineth . As for your observation out of Plin●●s Epistle , drawne from l the r●cke indeed , as you truly say , there is nothing in it worth the marking . For if that , neither the Apostataes , nor the tortured Virgins , confessed any thing of the Christian Materiall Altar ; you can no more conclude against having Altars , than against having Reading Pewes and Pulpits , whereof they did confesse as little in their examinations . And I must tell you one thing more , that if you urge these tex●s in earnest , as if you though they would or could conclude against having Altars , you may as well produce them , on your second thoughts , against having Churches : which is the next newes I expect to heare from you . But of this more hereafter in our 7. Chapt. As for the sacrifices mentioned in Minutius Felix , and before him by Origen , in that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is not , nor was ever questioned , but that the sacrifices of each ●hristian privately , were of a meere spirituall nature . The Doctor named you some of them in his Coal from the Altar , f viz. the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving , Heb. 13. 15. as also the oblation of our whole selves , oursoules & bodies , to be a reasonable , holy , and lively sacrifice to Almighty God , 〈◊〉 . 12. 1. These and all other sacrifices of that nature , being spirituall meerely , need no materiall or corporeall Altar . The readiest way by which to offer them to the Lord our God , is first to sacrifice them on the Altar of our heart by faith , and afterwards to lay them on that Altar , by which they may bee rendred acceptable in the sight of God , even on Christ our Saviour . But then the Doctor said withall , that the Church allowed of a Commemorative sacrifice also , for a perpetuall memorie of Christs precious death , of that his full , perfect , and sufficient sacrifice , oblation , and satisfaction for the sinnes of the whole world , to be continued till his comming againe . The former sacrifices , being meerly of spiritual nature , the Lord expects from all his people severally . Every man is , himselfe , a Priest , one of the Royall Priesthood mentioned by S. Peter , in this sense , and in relation unto these spirituall and internall sacrifices ; which he is also bound to offer to the Lord his God continually , at all times , in all places , and on all occasions . No wood so wide , nor denne so darke , nor sea so spacious , which may not bee a Temple , for these devotions ; and in the which we may not finde an Altar , for these sacrifices . And these are they , done in g the singlenesse of heart , without hypocrisie and guile , whereof there is not any thing visible , neque Sacer d●s , neque Sacrificium , neque Altare , no more than is the Altar , on the Priest ▪ or Sacrifice , as S. Ambrose tels us . But so I trow it is not in the mysticall sacrifice , that of the Commemoration of the death and passion of our Lord and Saviour ; which purpo●ely is represented unto the eye , that it may sinke the deeper into the heart . The breaking of the bread , and the effusion of the wine , are they not sensible representations of his death for us ▪ the offring up of his body on the crosse , and shedding his most precious bloud for our redemption ? Which being visible in it selfe , and purposely so celebrated , that it may be visible to all the congregation ; comes not within the compasse of those sacrifices which S. Ambrose speaks of : though , like a false gamester you have cogged a die , and made S. Ambrose say what he never meant . For tell me of your honest word , doth the good father speake there of this mystic●ll sacrifice , that which the Priest did offer on the Alt●rs in the 〈…〉 God ? or those which every priva●e man did ●nd might offer on the Alt●r of his 〈◊〉 , by ●aith ? Doth h he say , Nihil hic visibile , that here ( i. e. in this Co●memorative sacrifice ) there is nothing visible , neither the Priest , the Altar , nor the 〈◊〉 ? Or saith hee , Nihil horum est visibile , that of the things before remembred , there is nothing visible , 〈◊〉 of the spirituall worship , done in the singlenesse of the heart , without hypocrisie , and in full confidence of faith ? For shame deale better with the Father● , how ill soever you deale with that poore fellow , whom you have in hand . S. Ambrose could not say , ( the times , in which he lived , considered ) that in the Representative sacrifice by the Church then celebrated , there was nothing visible : for in those times , the Priests and Altars both were at their full , moun●ed unto their height for reputation and esteeme ; as you know right well . When therefore it is said in the Apo●o●eticks of those times , that they ( the Primitive 〈◊〉 ) had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , images , nor temples , it must bee answered with 〈◊〉 to those times in the which they lived . And so the Doctor answers to them in his Coal from the 〈◊〉 , i First , out of Bishop Iewell , that then 〈…〉 feare of Tyrants , were faine to meet together in private houses , in vacant places , in woods and forrest● , and caves under the ground . Your selfe have told us of your selfe , ( though you have christned your discourse by the name of the holy Table ) that k you are not so unreasonably tied to one Table ; but if the woman were driven into the desert , you could bee content with the greene grasse . And then , why may you not conceive , that on the like distresse , the grasse should be to them in stead of an Altar , as well as unto you in stead of a Table . The Doctor answered secondly , that when they durst adventure to build them Churches , they neither were so gorgeously nor so richly furnished , as were the Temples of the Gentiles . And therefore Origen , and Arnobius ( and whosoever of them speake in the selfe same key ) are not to bee interpreted , as if the Christians had no Churches , or at the least no Altars in them : but that their Churches were so mean , that they deserved not the name of Temples ; and that they had no Altars for bloudie and externall sacrifices , as the Gentiles had . Hospinian , on whose judgement you doe much relie in other matters , could easily have told you ( and questionlesse you saw it in him , though you conceale it wilfully for your poore advantages ) that in the l Primitive Church , before the time of Constantine , the Christians had their Altars , both name and thing : and for the proofe thereof doth cite Tertullian , lib. de poenitentia . Cyprians Epistles , lib. 1. Epist. 7. & 9. and also , lib. 3. Epist. 13. All that hee stands upon is this , Eae autem ●rae non fuerunt lapideae , nec fixae , that the said Altars were not made of stone , and fastned to some certaine place , as was appointed not long after by Pope Silvester ; and as Durandus and the rest of the Roman Ritualists would have them now . Altars he grants , but wooden Altars ; which being once devoted to that holy use , might easily bee removed from place to place , as the necessities of those times did indeed require . No sooner was the Church setled and confirmed in peace , but presently the Altars also were fixed and setled . Now for the nature and condition of this Commemorative or representative sacrifice , which we have traced from the first Institution of it by our Lord and Saviour , to the times of Constantine , and found both Priests which were to offer , and Altars upon which they were to offer it to Almighty God : wee cannot take a better and more perfect view thereof , than from Eusebius , who hath beene more exact herein , than any other of the Ancients . In his first book de Domonstratione Eva●gelica , he brings in this prediction from the Prophet Esay , that in that day shall there bee an Altar to the Lord in the middest of the land of Egypt , Es. 19. 19. Then addes , that if they had an Altar , and that they were to sacrifice m to Almighty God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they must bee thought worthy of a Priesthood also . But the Leviticall Priesthood could not bee of any use unto them , and therefore they must have another . Nor was this spoke , saith he , of the Egyptians only , n but of all other nations , and idolatrous people ; who now poure forth their prayers , not unto many Gods , but to the one and only Lord : and unto him erect an Altar for reasonable and unbloudie sacrifices 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every place of the whole habitable world , according to the mysteries of the New Testament . Now what those mysteries were , hee declares more fully in the tenth Chapt. of the said first book . Christ , saith he , is the propitiatorie Sacrifice for all our sins , since when even those amongst the Jewes are freed from the curse of Moses law , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , celebrating daily ( as they ought ) the commemoration of his body and bloud , which is a farre more excellent sacrifice and ministerie , than any in the former times : Then addes ' , that Christ our Saviour , offering such a wonderfull and excellent Sacrifice to his heavenly Father for the salvation of us all , appointed us to offer daily unto God the commemoration of the same , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for and as a Sacrifice . And anon after , that whensoever wee doe celebrate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the memory of that Sacrifice on the Table , participating of the Elements of his body and blood ; we should say with David , Thou preparest a Table for me in the presence of mine enemies , thou annointest my head wih oyle , my cup runneth over . Wherin , saith he , he signifieth most manifestly the mysticall unction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & the reverend Sacrifices of Christs Table , where we are taught to offer up unto the Lord , by his owne most eminent and glorious Priest , o the unbloody , reasonable , and most acceptable sacrifice all our life long . This hee intituleth p afterwards the sacrifice of praise , the Divine , reverend , and most holy sacrifice , the pure sacrifice of the new Testament . So that we see , that in this Sacrifice prescribed the Christian Church , by our Lord and Saviour , there were two proper and distinct actions : The first , to celebrate the memoriall of our Saviours sacrificie , which he intituleth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the commemoration of his body and blood once offered ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the memorie of that his Sacrifice ; that is , as hee doth cleerly expound himse●fe , that we should offer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this our commemoration for a Sacrifice : The second , that withall wee should offer to him the sacrifice of praise & thanksgiving , which is the reasonable Sacrifice of a Christian man , and to him most acceptable . Finally , he joynes both these together in the Conclusion of that Book , and therein doth at full describe the nature of this Sacrifice ; which is thus as followeth . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Therefore , saith he , we sacrifice , & offer as it were with Incense , the memory of that great Sacrifice , celebrating the same according to the mysteries by him given unto us , and q giving thankes to him for our salvation ; with godly hymnes and prayers to the Lord our God ; as also offering to him our whole selves , both soule and body , and to his high Priest , which is the Word . See here , Eusebius doth not call it onely the memorie or commemoration of Christs Sacrifice ; but makes the very memory or commemoration , in , and of it selfe , to bee a Sacrifice which instar omnium , for , and in the place of all other Sacrifices , wee are to offer to our God , and offer it with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Incense of our prayers and prayses . This was the doctrine of the Church in Eusebius time , touching the Sacrament of the body and blood of our blessed Saviour . Of any expiatorie Sacrifice , of any offering up of Christ for the quick and dead , more than what had beene done by him once , and once for all , those blessed Ages never dream't . And howsoever some of the ancient Fathers did amplifie with the choicest of their Rhetorick the dignity and nature of this holy Sacrament , the better to inflame the people with a lively zeale , at their partaking of the same : yet they meant nothing lesse , than to give any opportunity to the future Ages of making that an expiatorie Sacrifice , which they did onely teach to bee Commemorative , or representative of our Saviours passion . A Sacrifice they did confesse it , Altars and Priests they did allow of , as necessary thereunto ; not thinking fit to change those terms , which had bin recommended to them from pure antiquitie . Those blessed spirits were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , contentious about words and formes of speech , in which there was not manifest impiety . The Supper of the Lord , they called sometimes a Sacrifice , and sometimes a memoriall of the Sacrifice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and so S. Chrysostome on the ninth Chapter to the Hebrewes : Sometimes a Sacrifice , and sometimes a Sacrament , and so r S. Austin for example ; for in his Bookes de Civitate Dei , hee calleth it a Sacrifice ; Id enim Sacrificium successit omnibus illis sacrificiis veteris Testamenti , &c. and saith that it succeeded in the place of those legall sacrifices , mentioned in the old Testament . The same S. Austin , as you tell us s , doth in the same Bookes call it a Sacrament of memory , and wee will take your word this once , that hee cals it so , ( because we know from whence you had it ) though in the place by you cited ( being l. 17. c. 20. ) there is no such matter : and I am sure , that in the very same Bookes it is called t Sacramentum Altaris , the Sacrament of the Altar : which was a very common appellation amongst the Fathers , as was acknowledged by the Martyrs in Queene Maries time . So for the Minister thereof , they called him u sometimes Presbyter , and sometimes Sacerdos , Elder , or Priest , indifferently without doubt or scruple : for which see the Margin . The Table , or the Altar , were to them such indifferent words , that they used both equally : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Eusebius in the tenth , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Eusebius in the sixt Chapter of his fi●s● de Demonstratione Evangelica : Altars saith S. Austin in the tenth , and mensa , saith the same S. Austin in his 17 de Civitate : x Gregory Nyssen in one breath doth make use of both , and cals the same one thing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the holy Table , the undefiled Altar : Altars of stone , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in this Gregory Nyssen ; Altars of wood , ligna Altaris , y in S. Austin ; both used with such indifferency , that Nyssen calleth his stone Altar by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Table ; and Austin calleth his wooden Table , Altare , Altar : So that in all this search into antiquitie , wee find a generall consent in the Church of God touching the businesse now in hand : the Sacrament of the Lords Supper being confessed to be a Sacrifice ; the Minister therein , inti●uled by the name of Priest ; that on the w ch the Priest did consecrate , being as usually called by the name of Altar , as by that of Table : and you may ●ake this testimony also from the mouth of a Gentile , that the Christians called their Table by the name of Altar ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in Zozimus , lib. 5. Not an improper Altar , and an improper Sacrifice , as you idly dreame of : For Sacrifices , Priests , and Altars being Relatives , z as your selfe confesseth , the Sacri●ice and the Altar being improper , must needs inferre that even our Priesthood is improper also : And wee may speake in proper and significant termes , as the Fathers did , without approving either the Popish Masse , or the Iewish Sacrifices ; from which the Doctor is as farre , as either you that made the booke , or hee that licensed it , though you have both agreed together to breed some base suspition of him a , as if he meant somewhat else than for feare of our gracious King he dares speake out . The Doctor , I assure you , dares speake what hee thinkes , ( though you , as I perswade my selfe , thinke not what you speake : ) and will now tell you what hee thinkes to bee the Doctrine of this Church in this present businesse , of Sacrifices , Priests and Altars , that wee may see shee is no flincher from the words and notions , no more than from the Doctrines of most orthodox Antiquity . And first beginning with the Priesthood , in case you are not growne ashamed of that holy calling , you may remēber that you were admitted into holy Orders by no other name : Being presented to the B●sh . at your Ordination , b you did require to bee admitted to the Order of Priesthood : and being demanded by the Bishop , if you did thinke in your heart that you were truly called according to the will of our Lord Iesus Christ , and the order of this Church of England unto the Ministerie of the Priesthood ; you answered positively , that you did : if you thought otherwise than you said , as you doe sometimes , you c lyed not unto men , but unto God. Looke in the Booke of Ordination , and you shall finde it oftner than once or twice , entituled the Office of Priesthood , and the holy Office of Priesthood : the parties thereunto admitted , called by no other name than that of Priests : Or if you thinke the Booke of Ordination is no good authority , ( to which you have subscribed however in your subscription to the Articles ; ) look then upon the Liturgie , and the Rubricks of it , by w ch you would perswade the world that you are very much directed in all this businesse : Finde you not there the name of Priest , exceeding frequent , especially in that part therof which concerns the Sacrament ; The Priest standing at the North side of the Table , — Then shall the Priest rehearse distinctly all the tenne Commandements , — Then shall the Priest say to them that come to receive the holy Communion , — Then shall the Priest turning himselfe to the people , give the absolution , — Then shall the Priest kneeling downe at Gods Boord , &c. Infinitum est ire per singula ; It were an infinite labour to summe up all places of , and in the Rubricks , wherein the Minister is called by the name of Priest ; which being so , as so it is , and that your own sweet selfe hath told d us that Altar , Priest , and Sacrifice are Relatives : the Church of England keeping . still as well the Office of Priesthood , as the name of Priest , must needs admit of Altars , and of Sacrifices , as things peculiar to the Priesthood : But not to trust so great a matter to your rules of Logicke , wee will next see , what is the judgement of the Church in the point of Sacrifice . Two wayes there are by which the Church declares her selfe in the present businesse : First , positively in the Booke of Articles , and that of Homilies ; and practically in the Booke of Common prayers . First , in the Articles ; e The offering of Christ once made , is that perfect redemption , propitiation , and satisfaction for all the sinnes of the whole world , both originall and actuall , and there is no other satisfaction for sinne , but that alone . This Sacrifice or oblation once for ever made , and never more to bee repeated , was by our Saviours owne appointment to bee commemorated and represented to us , for the better quickning of our faith : whereof if there be nothing said in the Booke of Articles , it is because the Articles related chiefly unto points in Controversie : but in the Booke of Homilies , which doe relate unto the Articles , as confirmed in them , and are ( though not dogmaticall , but rather popular discourses ) a Comment , as it were , on those points of doctrine , which are determined of elsewhere : f wee finde it thus : That the great love of our Saviour Christ to mankinde doth not only appeare , in that deare-bought benefit of our redemption , and satisfaction by his death and passion , but also in that he hath so kindly provided that the same most mercifull work might bee had in continuall remembrance . Amongst the which meanes is the publick celebration of the memorie of his pre●ious death at the Lords Table : — our Saviour having ordained and established the remembrance of his great mercie expressed in his passion , in the Institution of his heavenly Supper . Here is a commemoration of that blessed Sacrifice which Christ once offered , a publick celebration of the memorie thereof , and a continuall remembrance of it by himselfe ordained . Which if it seeme not full enough for the Commemorative sacrifice , in the Church observed , the Homilie g will tell us further : that this Lords supper is in such wise to be done and ministred , as our Lord and Saviour did , and commanded it to be done , as his holy Apostles used it , and the good Fathers in the Primitive Church frequented it . So that what ever hath beene proved to bee the purpose of the Institution , the practise of the holy Apostles , and usage of the ancient Fathers : will fall within the meaning and intention of the Church of England . For better manifesting of the which Intention , we will next looke into the Agenda , the publick Liturgie of this Church . Where first we finde it granted , that h Christ our Saviour is the verie Paschall Lamb that was offred for us , and hath taken away the sinne of the world : i that suffering death upon the crosse for our Redemption , he made there by his owne oblation of himselfe once offred , a full , perfect , and sufficient sacrifice , oblation and satisfaction for the 〈◊〉 of the whole world . And to the k end that we should alwaies remember the exceeding great love of our Master , and only Saviour Iesus Christ thus dying for us , and the innumerable benefits which by his precious bloodshedding he hath obtained to us : he hath instituted and ordained holy mysteries , as pledges of his love and continuall remembrance of his death , to our great and endlesse comfort ; l instituting and in his holy Gospell commanding us to continue a perpetuall memorie of that his precious death till his comming againe . Then followeth the consecration of the creatures of bread and wine , for m a remembrance of his death and passion , in the same words and Phrases which Christ our Saviour recommended unto his Apostles , and the Apostles to the Fathers of the Primitive times : which now , as then , is to bee done only by the Priest [ Then the Priest standing up shall say , 〈◊〉 followeth ] to whom it properly belongeth , and upon whom his Ordination doth conferre a power of ministring the Sacraments , not given to any other Order in the holy Ministerie . The memorie or com●emoration of Christs death thus celebrated , is called n a sacrifice , a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving ; a sacrifice representative of that one and only expiatorie sacrifice which Christ once offred for us all : the whole Communicants be seeching God to grant , that by the merits and death of his Sonne Iesus Christ , and through faith in his blood , they and the whole Church may obtain● the remission of their sinnes , and all other the benefits of his Passion : Nor stay they there , but forthwith offer and present unto the Lord their selves , their soules and bodies , to be a reasonable , holy , and lively sacrifice unto him : And howsoever , as they most humbly doe acknowledge , they are unworthy through their manifold sinnes ▪ to offer to him any sacrifice , yet they beseech him to accept that their bounden duty and service . In which last words , that present service which they doe to Almighty God , according to their bound●● duties , in celebrating the perpetuall memory of Christs precious death , and the oblation of their selves , and with themselves the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving , in due acknowledgement of the benefits and comforts by his death received , is himbly offered unto God , for , and as a Sacrifice , and publickly avowed for such , as from the tenour and coherence of the words doth appeare most plainly . Put all together which hath been here delivered from the Booke of Articles , the Homilies , and publick Liturgie , and tell me if you ever found a more excellent concord , than this betweene Eusebius and the Church of England , in the present businesse : Our Saviours sacrifice upon the Crosse , called there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and here acknowledge to bee the perfect redemption , propitiation , and satisfaction for all the sinnes of the whole world ▪ There wee have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mysteries delivered to us by our Lord and Saviour , for a remembrance of that great sacrifice ; and here o an Institution of holy mysteries , as pledges of his love , and continuall remembrance of his death . The memory or commemoration of this his death , called there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●d p here the publick celebration of the memorie of his precious death , at the Lords Table ; there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here q the remembrance of his great mercy expressed in his Passion ; there for the offering of this sacrifice to Almighty God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. there was a Priesthood thought to bee very necessary , and here the Priest alone r hath power to consecrate the Creatures of bread and wine , for a remembrance of his death and passion : There the whole action , as it relates to Priest and people , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; & here s the sacrifice of praise and thanks-giving : there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here in the selfe same words , a reasonable and holy Sacrifice : There the Communicants doe offer to the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and here they doe present unto him their selves , soules , and bodies . Finally , there it is said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they doe sacrifice unto the Lord the memory of that great oblation : i. e. as he expounds himselfe , they offer to him the commemoration of the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , and as a Sacrifice . And here t we doe besee●h the Lord to accept this our bounden dutie and servic● , for , and as a sacrifice , which notwithstanding wee confesse our selves unworthy to offer to him . Never did Church agree more perfectly with the ancient patternes . Yet lest you should endeavour , as you use to doe , to cast a mist before the eyes of poore ignorant people , as if the Church meant nothing lesse than what here is said ; will you bee pleased to looke upon those Worthies of the Church , which are best able to expound , and unfold her meaning : wee will beg●n with Bishop Andrewes , and tell you what hee saith u as ●on●erning sacrifices . The Eucharist , saith he , ever was and is by us considered , both as a Sacrament , 〈◊〉 as a Sac●ifice . A sacrifice is proper and appliable onely to Divine worship . The sacrifice of Christs death did succeed to the sacrifices of the old Testament ; which being prefigured in those sacrifices before his comming , hath since his comming beene celebrated per Sacrament um memoriae , by a Sacrament of memory , as S. Austin cals it . Thus also in his answer unto Cardinall Bellarmine , Tollite de Missa Transubstantiationem vestram , nec diu nobiscum lis erit de sacrificio , &c. Take from the Masse your Transubstantiation , and wee will have no difference with you about the sacri●ice . x The memorie of a Sacrifice we acknowledge willingly , and the King grant ▪ the name of Sacri●ice to have beene frequent with the Fathers . For Altars next . If wee agree ( y saith hee ) about the matter of sacrifice , there will be no difference about the Altar . The holy Eucha●ist being considered as a sacrifice ( in the representation of breaking the Bread , and pouring forth the Cup , ) the same is fitly called an Altar ; which againe is as fitly called a Tabee ▪ the Eucharist being considered as a Sacrament , which is nothing else but a distribution and application of the Sacri●ice to the severall receivers . So that the matter of Altars makes no difference in the face of our Church . As Bishop Andrewes wrote at King Iames his motion , against Cardinall Bellarmine ; so Isaac Casaubon writ King Iames his minde to Cardinall Peron ; and in expressing of his minde , affirmeth , Veteres Ecclesiae , Patres , &c. That the ancient Fathers did acknowledge one onely Sacrifice in the Christian Church , which did succeed in place of all those sacrifices in the law of Moses that hee conceived the said sacrifice to bee nothing else , nis● commemorationem ●jus quod semel in Cruce Christus Patri suo obtulit , than a Commemoration of that sacrifice which CHRIST once offered on the Crosse to his heavenly Father : z that oftentimes the Church of England hath professed , she will not strive about the Word , which shee expresly useth in her publick Liturgie . All this you seeme to grant , but then make a difference betweene a the Commemoration of a Sacrifice , and a commemorative sacrifice : And though you grant that in the Eucharist there is commemoratio sacrificii , yet you flie out upon the b Doctor , for saying that the Church admits of a commemorative sacrifice ; which is as much , you say , as P. Lombard and all his ragged regiment admit of ▪ If this be all you stand upon , you shall soone be satisfied . Arch●Bishop Cranmer ( whom you your selfe acknowledge to be the most learned on this Theame of our late Divines ) distinguisheth most cleerly c betweene the sacrifice propitiatory made by Christ himself only , and the sacrifice commemorative and gratulatory made by the Priests and people . My Lord of Durham also doth call the Eucharist d a representative and commemorative sacrifice , in as plaine language verily , as the Doctor did ; although hee doth deny it to bee a proper sacrifice : As for your Criticisme , or quarrell rather , betweene a commemorative sacrifice , and a commemoration of a Sacrifice , which you insist on , it was very needlesse , both termes being used by Bishop Andrewes ( as great a Clerke as any Minister of Lincolne Diocesse ) as aequipollent and aequivalent , both of one expression ; e of which see the Margin . But to goe forwards with the Sacrifice , my Lord of Chichester thus speakes unto his Informers : f I have ( saith hee ) so good an opinion of your understanding , though weak , that you will conceive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar , or the Communion Table , which you please , to be a sacrifice . What doe I heare the Bishop say , the blessed Sacrament of the Altar ? And doe you not perswade us , or at least endeavour it , out of his answer to the Gagger , that g Gaggers of Protestants call it so , but Protestants themselves doe not ? It is true , that in his answer to the Gagger , he hath those very words which you thence produce ; the Sacrament ( as you call it ) of the Altar : but then it is as true , that hee doth call it so himselfe ; and is resolved to call it so , howsoever you like it . Walk you g ( saith he ) at randome , and at rovers in your by-pathes , if you please . I have used the name of Altar for the Communion - Table , according to the manner of Antiquity , and am like enough sometimes to use it still . Nor will I abstaine , notwithstanding your oggannition , to follow the steps and practice of Antiquity , in using the words Sacrifice and Priesthood also . Finally , h hee brings in Bishop Morton professing thus , That he beleev●d no such sacrifice of the Altar , as the Church of Rome doth , and that he fancieth no such Altars as they imploy , though hee professed a Sacrifice and an Altar . Thus having plainly layed before you , the Doctrine , Vse , and Practice of Antiquitie in the present businesse , together with the tendries of the Church of England conforme thereto ; we will next see what you can say unto the contrary , and what faire dealing wee are like to finde in your proceedings . CHAP. VI. An Answer to the Cavils of the Minister of Linc ▪ against the points delivered in the former Chapter . Nothing delivered in the 31 Article , against the being of a Sacrisice in the Church of Christ , nor in the Homilies . A pious Bull obtruded on the Doctor by the Minister of Linc ▪ The Reading-Pew , the Pulpit , and the poore-mans Box made Altars by the Minster of Linc. An huddle of impertinencies brought in concerning sacrifice Commemorative , commemoration a sacrifice , and materiall Altars . The Sacrifice of the Altar knowne by that name unto the Fathers . Arnobius falsified . The Minister of Linc. questions S. Pauls discretion , in his Habemus Altare Heb. 13. 10. and falsifieth S. Ambrose . The meaning of that Text according unto B. Andrewes , B. Montague , the Bishop and the Minister of Linc. The same expounded by the old Writers , both Greeke and Latine . The Altars in the Apostles Canons made Panteries and Larders ; and ludas his bag an Altar by this man of Linc. The Doctor and Ignatius vindicated in the three places touching Altars . The prophane Passage in the Ministers Booke of a Widow-Altar . An Answer to the Cavils of the Minister of Linc. against the evidence produced from Ireuaeus and S. Cyprian . The Ministers ignorant mistakes about the meaning of Tertullian in the word Ara. Pamellus new reading about Charis Dei , not universally received . A briefexecitall of the substance in the so two last Chaepters . WEE ended our last Chapter with the Church of England , and with the Church of England wee must now begin ; your method leads me to it , which I meane to follow , as well as such a broken clew ▪ can leade mee , in so confused a Laberinth as of your compositions : And here you change the very state of the question at your first entrance on the same . The Bishop charged it home , as hee conjectured , a that if the Vicar should erect any such Altar , his discretion would prove the onely Holocaust to be sacrificed thereon : Now you have changed it b to a close Altar at the upper end of the Quire , where the old Altar in Queene Maries time stood . This is no honest dealing to begin with . The mention of close Altars , and Queene Maries time , comes in here very unseasonably , if not suspi●iously , onely to make poore men afraid , ( whom you have throughtly possessed already with such Panick feares ) that Altars and Queen Maries dayes are comming in againe amongst us . Nor have you dealt better with the 31 Article in your own Edition c of the Bishops letter , where you have made it say , that that other oblation , which the Papists were wont to offer upon these Altars is a blasphemous ●igment , and pernicious imposture . These , was not in the Text before , and is now onely thrust into it , to make the Vicar come up close to Queene Maries Altars . I pray you good Sir , whar spectacles did you use , when you found Altars , and these Altars , Papists , and that other oblation in the 31 Article , wherein my dull and heavy eyes can see no such word ? This is another of your tricks , to make your credulous followers beleeve , that by the doctrine of the Church in her publick Articles , Papists and Altars are meere Relatives ; that so whosoever shall but use the name of Altar , or speake of placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise , may be suspected presently to bee a Papist , or at least Popishly affected . Nor doe I speake this without good authority : For doe not you tell us , that the Phantasticall Vicar called his Communion-Table an Altar , as the Papists doe , p. 199 ? and have you not corrupted the Bishops Letter , to make it say , that Altars onely were erected for the sacrifice of the Masse , p. 16 ? which was not in the Text before . But Sir , the primitive Christians had their Altars , when there was no such thing in being , d as the Popish Lambe ; no such blasphemous figments , and pernicious impostures , as by the Article are charged on the Church of Rome , in those , by us , rejected sacrifices of the Masse : So that both I and you , may without danger of revoking our subscriptions to the Booke of Articles , set the Communion Table at the upper end of the Chancell , there where the old Altar stood in Queene Maries time , if you needs will have it so ; and yet no more dreame of the Popish Lambe , and those bl●sphemous figments which the Article speaks of , than did the holy Fathers in the Primitive times ; when neither your said Popish Lambe , nor any of those figments were in repum natura . Now , as you palter with the Article , so doe you onely play and dally with the Homilie ; as one that loves so dearly well , ( whatsoever you say unto the contrary ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make your selfe merry with sacred things . You tell us ●rom the Homily , that wee must take heed e lest the Lords Supper of a memory be made a sacrifice : and then proceed f , What saith the Doctor to this ? Hee saith that by these words the Church admits of a Commemorative sacri●ice . Which said , you make your Readers even burst with laughter , by telling them , that the poore man hath found a true and reall sac●ifice , ( in the Booke of Homilies ) but it is a Bull ; a very strange and hideous Bull which this Calfe makes the Church speake unto 〈◊〉 people in her publick Homilies . And what is that ? As wee must take heed , good people , wee apply not the Sacrament of the Supper to the dead , but to the living , &c. so must we take especiall heed , lest of a Commemorative Sacrifice it bee made a Sacrifice . A very g pious Bull indeed , you speak wondrous rightly ; but a Bull onely of your owne herd , and onely fit for such a Milo as your selfe , to carry . For tell me , doth the Doctor say , that by these words the Church admits of a Commemorative sacrifice ? On with your false eyes once againe , and you will finde the Doctor makes no other answer to your objection from the Homily h , but that the sacri●ice rejected in the Homily , is that which is cried down in the Booke of Articles , which the Epistoler had no reason to suspect was ever aimed at by the Vicar . Of a Commemorative sacrifice in those words of the Homilie , ●e gry quidem , there . Indeed the Doctor said before , in answer to your argument from the 31 Article , that though the Church condemned that other oblation of the Papists , as the Letter cals it : yet she allows of a Commemorative sacrifice for a perpetuall memory of Christs precious death , of that his full , perfeft , and sufficient sacrifice , oblation , and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world . And for the proofe thereof referred himselfe unto the Prayer of the Consecration ; which are not , sure , the words of the Homily , or by him cited thence , if you marke it well . Or had hee said it of those words in the Booke of Homilies , had it beene such a strange and hideous Bull , with foure Hornes , and I know not how many tailes , for you to lead by it up and do ●ne the Countrey , for ●he delight and solace of your sportfull Readers ? Could you not paraphase upon it thus ? We must take heed good people , lest the Lords Supper , of a memory be made a Sacrifice : i. e. le●t of a C●mmemorative sacrifice , it be made propitiatorie ? No : Hee that lookes for ingen●ity from such hands as yours , must have lesse knowledge of you , and more faith in you , than I dare pretend to . And for your Bull , that was but a device to make sport for Boyes . Shewing us so much Spanish in the Margin , you had a minde to let us see , that you did understand as well their customes , as their language : and therefore would set out a Fuego de Toros , a kind of Bull baiting for the Boyes , who must be pleased too in this businesse . You have not studied all this while , populo ut placerent only , but now and then ut pueris placeas , & declam●tio fias , as you know , who said . But would we see a Bull indeed , a Bull set out with flowers and Garlands , readie for the Sacrifice ? Out of your store you can afford us such a one , though not so pious altogether , as that you sent unto the Doctor . We saw before how well you pleaded against Altars , out of the Articles and booke of Homilies : and now behold an argument from the Common Prayer Booke , which , if the businesse be not done already , will be ●ure to doe it . For you i appeale to all indifferent men , that pretend to any knowledge in Divinitie , if the Reading Pew , the Pulpit , and any other place in the Church bee not as properly an Altar , for prayer , praise , thanksgiving , memorie of the passion , dedicating our selves to Gods very service ; and the Churches Box or Bason , for that oblation for the poore which was used in the Primitive times ; as is our holy Table , howsoever situated or disposed . Nay , you goe further , and demand , what one sacrifice can be inferred out of the Collects read by the Priest at the 〈…〉 which are not as easily deduced 〈◊〉 of the Te 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 said in the Quire , or Reading Pew : whether there be no praying , praising , commemorating of the Passion , and 〈◊〉 of our selves no Gods service in those two 〈◊〉 ▪ The Fathe●s were but 〈◊〉 soures in dreaming of one Altar only in each sev●rall Church ▪ wheras indeed there are as many as wee please to make . Here is the Poore-mans Box , the Communion Table , the Pulpit , and the Reading Pew , 〈◊〉 quatuor A●ns : foure in a knot , land yet not halfe enough for so many sacrifices . And therefore every place , the Bell-free , the Church-por●h , the 〈◊〉 house , the seat of every private person , the Vestrie chiefe of all , and whatsoever other place a man may ●ancy to himselfe , are now turned to Altars . This if we doe not yeeld to at the first proposall , we are pronounced alreadie to have no knowledge in Divinitie ; and not to be indifferent men , but parties . Not so indifferent men as I thinke you are : nor so well skilled in this new Lincolnshire divinitie , which onely you and one or two more of your deare acquaintance , have beene pleased to broach . What need we take this paines to looke after Altars , when by this Boston doctrine the Communion Table may as wel be spared ? 〈…〉 meae ! It alwayes was my hope , that howsoever wee lost the Altar , I might be confident wee should have a Table left us for the holy Sacrament , at least the Sacram 〈◊〉 it selfe . But see how strangely things are carried : Rather than heare of Altars , we will down with Tables ; yea with the Sacrament it selfe : and let the memorie of Christs passion bee celebrated how it will , or where it will , in the Pew , or Pulpit , the Porch or Bell-free . Is 't not enough to heare it 〈◊〉 of , but we must come and see it acted ? what are these Sacraments they speake of , but signes , and figures ; and by what figure can they make us bee in love with signes ? Or say that there bee some spirituall sacrifices expected of us by our God ; may wee 〈…〉 them without materiall Tables ? yea and without materiall Churches ▪ on therefore Westwa●d ho , for Salem , and the free Gospell of New England . This is the knowledge in Divinitie you so much pretend to : which , wheresoever you first learnt it , was never taught you , I am sure , in any of the bookes that you s●bscribed to , when you came to your place . We grant that those two Hymnes you speake of , are of excellent use : and purposely selected for the setting forth of Gods praise and glory , with an acknowledgement of our bounden duties to him , for his grace and goodnesse . But then the Liturgie hath taught you , that the Lords Table is the proper place at which to celebrate the ●emorie of our Saviours passion : k which ▪ the Priest standing at the same , and consecrating there the creatures of bread and wine , according to Christs holy institution , doth represent unto the people . And when , in testimonie of our common and publick gratitude for so great a mercie , we offer our whole selves unto him ▪ both soule and body , we are enjoyned to doe it at or neere the same place also ▪ l And here O Lord wee offer and present unto thee , our selves , soules and bodies ; here where thou hast been pleased to make us partakers of Christs bodie and bloud , and sealed unto our soules the benefits of his death and passion . Will you have more ? The m Homilie hath told us , that we are bound to render thanks to Almightie God for all his benefits briefely comprised in the dea●h , passion , and resurrection of his dearely beloved Sonne , the which thing because we ought chiefly at this Table to solemnize , ( marke you that , this Table ? ) the godly Fathers named it Eucharistia , that is , thanksgiving . Had I but such a Bandog , as your friend H. B. this Puritan Bull of yours might be better hai●ed , than his Popes Bull was . Your Popish lamb and Puritan Bull being both discarded by the Church , may goe both together But I must tell you ere we part , that that which I suspected is now come to passe , viz. that by your principles , every Cobler , Tinker , and other Artizan , may take his turne and minister at and on the holy Altar . That which you shew us next , is but another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a quarrell about words and Phrases ; touching the difference betweene n commemoratio sacrificii , and a commemorative sacrifice : the first being used , you say , by Chrysostome , K. Iames , and Pet. Lombard , S. Austin , Eusebius , and the book of Homilies ; the later only by this wretched Doctor , and such unlucky birds as he , the ragged regiment of P. Lombard . Which said , you presently confute your selfe , as your custome is , confessing that some o few learned men of the reformed Church , doe use the name of a Commemorative Sacrifice ; and yet ( God blesse them ) are not brought within the compasse of that ragged regiment . But hereof wee have spoke already in the former Chapter . For Sacrifices next , you cannot possible approve ( which p Protestants and Papists doe joyntly denie ) that ever materiall A●tar was erected in the Church , for the use of spirituall and improper sacrifices . Assuredly the Papists have good reason for what they doe ; and if you grant them this position , simply , and without restriction ; you give them all that they desire . For by this meanes they gaine unto them all the Fathers , who speake of Altars , passi●● , in their workes and writings ; materiall Altars , questionlesse , made of wood or stone . And if materiall Altars were not made for improper sacrifices , you must needes gran● they had some proper sacrifices to be performed upon those Altars : Besides , in case the note be true , that never materi●ll Altar was erected for a spirituall and improper sacrifice , and that the Sacrament of the Lords Supper be but a metaphoricall and improper sacrific● , as q you elsewhere say ; it may be done as well without a materiall Table , and any where as properly as in a materiall Church . Did you distinguish , as you ought , between the mysticall sacrifice in the holy Eucharist , commemorative and representative of our Saviours death ; and those spirituall sacrifices , which every Christian man is bound to offer to the Lord , at all times and places : you would finde the vanitie and weaknesse of these poore Conclusions . Yet you goe forwards still on a full careere , and having filled your margin with an huddle of impertinent quotations , you fall at last on this fine fancie : q how that God suffered not the first Ages of the world for 1650. yeeres to passe away without prayers , and thanksgivings ; and yet hee suffred it to passe without any Altars . May a man take it on your word , and not be called for it to an after reckoning ? Did you not say , the Page before , that Altar , Priest , and Sacrifice were relatives ? and find wee not in holy writ that Cain and Abel brought their offrings to the Lord their God ? their sacrifices as they are intituled , Hebr. 11. 4. if so , then by your owne rule doubtlesse , there wore Altars also . Or if God suffered all that time to passe without any Altars ; did it not passe away without any Tables , or any Churches that wee reade of ? But see the charitie of the man , and his learning too . For if the Doctor will r but promise not to disturbe the peace of the Church any more , this lusty Lad of Lincolnshire will finde him all the severall Altars , which have been spoke of by the Fathers for spirituall sacrifices . These wee shall meet withall hereafter , amongst your impertinencies . Meane time I passe my word to keepe covenant with you , and promise you sincerely before God and man , that as I never did , so I never will put my hand to any thing by which the Church may be disturbed . s You know Elijahs answere unto proud K. Ahab ; It is not I , but thou and thy Fathers house that have troubled Israel . From Altars we must follow you , as you lead the way , unto the Sacrifices of the Altar . Whereof though we have spoken before enough to meet with all your cavils : yet since you put me to the question , t where you may reade this terme of mine , Sacrifices of the Altar , if you reade not of them in the Sacri●ices of the Law ; I will tell you where . Looke through the booke of Genesis , and tell me if you meet not with many sacrifices , and sacrifices done on Altars , by Abel , Noah , Abraham , Iacob : sacrifices of the Altar , doubtlesse , and yet not sacrifices of the Law. The law you know was a Postnatus , not borne a long time after those good Patriarchs died ; you cite the Cardinall rightly , that all the sacrifices which we reade of in the scripture , were necessarily to be destroied . But presently you change his termes , and for his sacrifices in the Scripture , put downe your sacrifices of the law ; as if the Scripture went no further than the Law of Moses . If in the ancient Fathers wee doe finde not in terminis , the sacrifice of the Altar , it helpes but little to your purpose : the Doctour no where saying that hee had it from them . And if they call it not interminis , the sacrifice of the Altar , they call it so at least ex consequente , when they entitle the Lords Supper by the name of Sacrifice , and such a sacrifice as is to bee offred on a sacred or an hallowed Altar . And yet to satisfie your longing , it shall be hard but wee will finde it for you amongst the Ancients , and not consult the Index neither . For what conceive you of S. Austin , was not hee an Ancient ? and yet he cals it so interminis , without doubt or scruple . Cum ergo sacrificii sive Altaris [ N. B. ] ●ive quarumcunque eleemosynarum , &c. in the Enchiridion ad Laurentium , cap. 110. of the Edition of Danaeus . Nor shall S. Austin goe alone : it being called so by u Bede , no such verie puisnè , and that in terminis terminantibus , which is that you stand upon . But where you adde , that possibly the Ancient Fathers could not have any notice of this sacrifice of the Altar ; x and for a proofe therof produce a passage from Arnobius : besides , what hath before been answered to the place it selfe , the Doctor cannot chuse but tell you , that you have used Arnobius worse , than any Gentile would have done . Arnobius was not asked , as you put the question , What are you Christians to performe no manner of sacrifices at all ? but whether the Christians thought that no such thing as sacrifice was at all proper to the Gods ? Quid ergo ? Sacrificia censetis nulla facienda ? as your margin rightly . Nor doth Arnobius answere to the question , as you make him answer , no , not any at all : as if the Christiaus onely had had no sacrifices , or thought no kinde of sacrifice to be a fitting service for the heavenly powers : but ex Varronis vestri sententia , nulla ; none , if wee may beleeve your owne Authour Varro , a learned man amongst your selves . y And this he makes non nostra , none of our opinion ; though you most falsly make it both his and ours , that is , the Christians of th●se times . You must bring better proofes than this , or else it will be possible enough that the ancient Fathers might take notice of this Sacrifice of the Altar : which is the matter you denie , and to make good your negative , have thus used Arnobius . But , as you say , the Doctor hath found it in the Bible for all this , Heb. 13. 10. We have an Altar : And so have you . Doe not you finde it in the Bible , as well as hee ? Yes ; but you know the meaning of it better than any Doctor of them all ; better than Doctor Gentium , than S. Paul himselfe ; For in good faith , say you , a if S. Paul should meane a materiall Altar for the Sacrament in that place ( with reverence to such a chosen Vessell of the Holy Ghost , bee it spoken ) it would prove the weakest argument that was ever made by so strong an Artist . Which said , you descant on it thus : Wee have an Altar and a Sacrifice of the Altar , that you of the Circumcision may not partake of . And have you so ? That is no great wonder saith the Iew , when abundance of you Christians ( the discipline of your Church being so severe ) may not partake thereof your selves . And therefore you conclude , That for S. Paul to fright the Iewes with the losse of that , which so many millions of Christians were themselves bereaved of , had beene a very weake and feeble dehortation . Is not this b ponere os in coelum , to out-face heaven it selfe , in calling thus in question the judgement and discretion of that great Apostle : Tu quis es , O homo ; what art thou O man , that thou shouldest dare to dispute with Paul , and that upon such weake and feeble grounds ? For good Sir , tell me where you finde that those degrees you speake of , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c , that creeping on with time and le●sure unto the bosome of the Church ; were knowne or practised in the time of this Apostle ? Think you the discipline of the Church was grown to that severitie in so short a time , as that the Iewes might turn it back upon S. Paul , to elude his Argument ? That rigour , those degrees , were never heard of in the Church , till a long time after , though by you made as old as the faith it selfe : there being mention in the Acts of many families baptized , not a few thousands of particular persons , which did not runne through all those wearisome wayes , before they were admitted to the blessed Sacrament . Or were it that those wearisome wayes were travailed by the Christians in the Apostles time , before they were admitted to the Sacrament , yet were this but a sorry answere to his Argument , how d weake soever you conceive it . The Apostles argument is de jure , of a right to eat ; your answere is de facto , of the act of eating . Th●se of the Circumcision had no right to eate of the Christians Altar ; simply and absolutely no right at all . The Initiati had a kinde of right , nay a good jus ad rem , though in re they had not , and to this jus in re they tended by those steps and degrees you talke of . Because a stranger hath no right to my lands , have my children none ? and yet my children must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tarry a while , expect their time , before they enter into actuall possession of them . What a Goliah have we here to encounter David , what a Tertullus have we found , to dispute with Paul ; what a e Cerinthus , to make head against S. Peter : yet lest S. Paul should goe alone , you let us have S. Ambrose to beare him companie : and hard it is to say which of the two you use most coursly . You tax S. Paul with weaknesse , but yet you do it with a salva reverentia , and with a reverence be it spoken . S. Ambrose findes not in you so much good manners , whom you have falsified of purpose to make the Apostles argument as weake , as you say it is . For thus you shut up your Censura , ( or if you please your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of the blessed Apostle . f I will conclude with S. Ambrose , That we have nothing visible in all this disputation of S. Paul , neither Priest , nor sacrifice , nor Altar : And then produce him in your margin , saying , Nihil hic visibile , neque Sacerdos , neque sacrificium , neque Altare , in 10. ep . ad Hebr. How you have falsified S. Ambrose , by turning Horum , into Hic , g wee have shewn before . The Father speakes there onely of spirituall sacrifices ; and you will turne his horum into hic , as if he spoke there onely of the mysticall sacrifice . And were it hic in the originall of S. Ambrose , yet you are guiltie of another falshood against that Father by rendring it , in all this disputation . The Fathers hìc , if hee had said so , must have related to those points which were debated of , in the 10. Chapt. to the Hebr. whence the words were cited ; and those spirituall sacrifices , which are there described , you , by an excellent Art of juggling , have with a Hocas Pocas brought it hither , and make us thinke it was intended for this hìc , this place , Heb. 13. 10. of which now we speake , and which hath been the ground of that disputation , which you conclude with , from S. Ambrose . Vsing the Apostle , and the Fathers in so foule a fashion , it is not to bee thought you should deale more ingeniously with their Disciples . The servant is not above the Master ; nor lookes for better usage from you , than hee hath done hitherto . Having concluded with S. Ambrose , your next assault is on the Doctor : whom you h report to be the first sonne of the reformed Church of England , that hath presumed openly to expound this place of a materiall Altar ; i Not constantly , you say , but yet so expounded it . I beseech you , where ? Not in the Coal from the Altar , there is no such matter . Take the words plainly as they lie , you shall finde them thus . And above all indeed , S. Paul in his Habemus altare , Hebr. 13. 10. In which place whether he meane the Lords Table , or the Lords Supper , or rather the sacrifice it selfe , which the Lord once offred , certaine it is , that hee conceived the name of Altar , neither to be impertinent nor improper in the Christian Church . Finde you that hee expounds the place of a materiall Altar ? or that hee only doth repeat three severall expositions of it ? Now of those expositions , one was this , that by those words , we have an Altar , S. Paul might mean we have a Table , whereof it was not lawfull for them to eate , that serve the Tabernacle . If this bee the materiall Altar , that you complaine of in the Doctors exposition ; assuredly he is not the first sonne , by many of the Church of England , that hath so expounded it . The learned Bishop i Andrewes doth expound it so . The Altar in the old Testament is by Malachi called Mensa Domini . And of the Table in the new Testament , by the Apostle it is said , Habemus Altare : which whether it be of stone as Nyssen ; or of wood , as Optatus , it skils not . So doth my Lord of Lincoln also , one of the sonnes , I trow , of the Church of England . Citing those words of Bishop Andrewes , k you adde immediatly , that this is the exposition of P. Martyr mentioned in the letter ( i. e. my Lord of Lincolns letter to the Vicar of Grantham ) that as sometimes a Table is put for an Altar , as in the first of Malachi : so sometimes an Al●ar may be put for a Table , as in this Epistle to the Hebrewes . Next looke into the Bishop of Chichester , l who plainly tels you , that the Lords Table hath beene called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the beginning ; not , as some falsly teach , by succeeding Fathers : and that S. Paul himselfe may seeme to have given authoritie and warrant to the Phrase , Hebr. 13. 10. The Doctor is not then the first sonne of the Church of England , that hath so expounded it . Or if he were , hee hath a second , but such a second as is indeed Nulli secundus , for some things that I could tell you of , even your good friend the minister of Lincolnshire , one of the children of the Church , that writ the booke entituled the Holy Table . For presently upon the Bishop of Lincolns glosse , he addes m this de proprio , than the which solution there may be peradventure a more full ; but there cannot bee ● more plaine and conceiveable answere . I see you can make use sometimes of a leaden dagger , n though , as you tell us , throwne away by the very Papists ; yet not so utterly throwne away , ( as within two leaves after you are pleased to tell us ) but that it is still worne o by the Jesuites , Salmeron , the Remists , à Lapide , Haraeus , Tirinus , Gordon , Menochius , ( and Cajetan ) of which some are yet living , for ought I can heare . Nor doth your Authour say , it is throwne away , as if not serviceable to this purpose : p but onely that non desunt ex Catholicis , some of the Catholick writers doe expound it otherwise . I hope you would not have all Texts of Scripture to bee cast away like leaden Daggers , because , Non desunt ex Catholicis , some one or other learned man give such expositions of them , as are not every way agreeable unto yours and mine . Now as the Doctor was the first Sonne of the Church of England , so was Se●ulius q the first Writer before the Reformation , that literally , and in the first place did bend this Text to the materiall Altar . Iust so I promise you , and no otherwise . Or had Sedulius beene the first , the exposition had not beene so moderne , but that it might lay claime to a faire antiquity . Sedulius lived so neare S. Austin , that hee might seeme to tread on his very heeles ; the one being placed by Bellarmine , an . 420. the other an . 430. but ten yeares after . And if the Cardinals note r be true , that hee excerpted all his notes on S. Pauls Epistles , from Origen ▪ Ambrose , Hierom , and Austin : for ought I know , his exposition of the place may bee as old , as any other whatsoever . But for Sedulius , ( wheresoever he had it ) thus he cleares the place : s Habemus nos fideles Altare , prae●er Altare Iudaeorum , unde corpus & sanguinem Christi participamus : i. e. The faithfull have an Altar , yet not the Iewish Altar neither , from whence they doe participate of Christs body & blood : That is plain enough , and yet no plainer than S. Chr●sost . though you have darkened him as much as possibly you can , to abuse the Father . t Chrysostome expounds it ( as you say ) of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the things professed here amongst us : for proofe whereof you bring in Oecumenius with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Tenets , as it were , of Christian men . So that if you may bee beleeved , the Father , and his second , doe expound the place , of the Doctrine , Tenets , or profession of the Church of Christ. u First , to begin with Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The words you see , put neutrally , and so translated in the Latine , Non enim qualia sunt apud Iudaeos , talia etiam nostra sunt : That is , as I conce●ve his meaning , our Sacrifices , or our Sacraments are not such as the Iewish were , our Alt●r not as theirs , nor any of our Rites thereunto belonging . My reason is , because it followeth in the Father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so that it is not lawfull , no not to the High-Priest himselfe , to partake thereof . Of what I pray you ? Not of the things professed in the Christian Church ? I hope you will not say , but it was lawfull to the Priests to be partakers of the doctrine of our Lord and Saviour . Why did the Apostles preach unto the Iewes , in case it were not lawfull for them to make profession of the Faith ? Therefore the Father must needs meane the Christians Sacrifices , ( performed upon the Altar which the Apostle speakes of ) of which it was not lawfull for the High-Priest ( continuing as he was , High-Priest ) to bee partaker . And this I take the rather to have beene his meaning , because Theophylact who followed Chrysostome so exactly y , that hee doth seeme to have abridged him ; doth thus descant on it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Having before said ( v. 9. ) that no regard was to be had of meats , lest our owne Ordinances [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] might bee thought contemptible , as things unobserved ; hee addes , that we have Ordinances of our own , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] not about meats , ( as were the Iewes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but such as doe concerne the Altar , z or the unbloody sacrifice of Christs quickning body . Of which , which sacrifice [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] it is not lawfull for the Priests to bee partakers , as long as they doe service to the Tabernacle ; i. e. the legall signes and shadows . The like saith also Oecumenius with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which you have Englished Tenets , with the like felicitie , as you did the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Chrysost. For Oecumenius saying as Theophylact had done before , because the Apostle had affirmed , That no regard was to bee had of meates , &c. hee addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and have not we also our owne Ordinances or observations ? To which hee answers with Theophylact , but a great deale plainer , Yes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . not of meats , but of our Altar . If you goe downe ward to the Latines , they are cleare as day . Haymo who lived about the yeare ●●0 . affirmes expresly on the place , Altare Ecclesiae est , ubi quotidie corpus consecratur Christi ; that is the Altar of the Church , whereon the body of Christ is daily consecrated . And so Remigius , who lived , and writ about those times ; Ha●emus ergo Altare Ecclesiae , ubi consecratur corpus Dominicum ; the same in sense , though not in words , with that of Haymo . This , Doctor Fulk , almost as great a Clerke as you , conceives to bee so really intended by Oecumenius and Haymo a , that he reports , that they did doate upon the place ; even as you say b , the Doctor melts upon the place . But say you what you will. As long as hee can back it with so good authority , the Doctor will make more of Habemus Altare , than before hee did ; though you should raise Iohn Philpot from the dead to expound it otherwise ; as neare told he did in the Acts and Mon. p. 90. of your holy Table . From the Apostles Text , both re & nomine , proceed wee to the Apostles Canons , nomine at the least , if not re also ; which , if not writ by them , are by the Doctor said to be of good antiquity ; nor doe you deny it : Onely you ●ling them off with a Schoole-boyes jest , c affirming confidently , that all good Schollers reckon those Canons but as so many Pot-gunnes . Not all good Scholers certainly ; you are out in that . What thinke you of my Lord of Chichester , of whom the Doctor and the Minister of Linc. too d may well learne as long as they live ? He , a geod Scholler in your own confession , doth not alone call them the Apostles Canons , e but cites the 40 of them , as a full and strong authority to prove , that by the ancient Canons Church-men had leave to give , and bequeath their Goods and Chattels by their last Will and Testament . And this , in his reply unto Io. Selden , whom he knew too well , to thinke hee would give back at the report or blow of a School-boyes Pot-gunne . Next where those three Canons that the Doctor cited , doe speake so clearly of the Altar , and that by the same name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used by the Apostle to the Hebrewes , that there is no deniall of it , you flie unto your wonted refuge , a scornfull and prophane derision : f Hee that shall read , say you , what is presented on these Altars for the maintenance of the Bishop and his Clergie , will conceive them rather to bee so many Pantries , Larders , or Store-houses , than consecrated Altars . g O Curvae in terris animae , & coelestium inanes ! So dead a soule , so void of all coelestiall impressions , did I never meet with . I am confirmed now more than ever , for the first Author of the Dresser ; otherwise you had never beene allowed and licensed to call it as you doe , a Pantrie , or a Larder , and a Store-house . I see there is good provision towards , and as much devotion . Your Pig●on-house wee have seene already o , and Pottage you will serve in presently , if we can bee patient . Larders we have , and Store-houses , and Pantries , which portend good cheare . Thinke you a man that heares you talke thus , would not conceive your Kitchin were your Chappell ; the Dresser in the same , your High-Altar ; and that your Requiem Altars were your Larder , Pantrie , and Store-house ? Get but a Cooke to bee your Chaplaine , and on my life , Comus the old belly god amongst the Gentiles , was never sacrificed unto with such propriety of V●ensils , and rich magnificence , as you will sacrifice every day to your h god , your Belly . Nor need you feare that your estate will not hold out : I hope you are a provident Gentleman , and make your Altars bring you in ▪ what your Altars spend you . For say you not in that which followeth , i that Iudas his bagge may with as good reason , as these Tables , bee called ●n Altar ? I wonder what fine adjunct you will finde out next . You cannot probably goe on , and not set downe ad mens●m daemoniorum , that Table of Devils which Saint Paul speakes of . Iudas his bagge ? Just so , yet you would shift this off unto Baronius , as you have done the Dresser on the rude people of Grantham . Baronius , as you say , implieth it . Doth he so indeed ? All that Baroni●● saith , is this , k that those who ministred in the Church , did from the first beginnings of the Church receive their maintenance from the oblations of the faithfull . Immo cum adhuc dominus supe●stes , &c. And that the Lord himselfe when he preached the Gospell , used from these offerings to provide for himselfe and his . For Iudas ( saith S. Iohn ) bearing the bagge , Ea qu●● mittebantur , portabat , did carrie up and downe that store which was sent in to him . What say you ? doth the Cardinall imply in this , that Iud●s his bagge , may with good reason ( any how ) be called an Altar ? Take heed of Iudas and his ●agge , of Iudas and his qualities ; for feare you come unto that end that Iudas did . Your answers to the Doctors allegations from Ignatius , must be looked on next . And first the Doctor findes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one Altar , in his Epistle ad Magnesios . l You answer first , that by Vedelius this is thought to bee a supposititious fragment taken out of the Constitutions of Clemens : and yet proclaime it in your margin , that this doth not appeare so clearely to you , as to rest upon it . You answer secondly , that this was brought in by the Doctor only to make sport . How so ? Because , say you , the Altar there , is Iesus Christ. In that before , you left Vedelius , your good friend and helper in all this businesse ; and here he leaves you , to cry quit● . Searching as curiously as hee could , what to except against in all these Epistles , hee lets this go by . A pregnant evidence that hee knew not what to say against it . Runne , saith the Father , all of you as one man to the Temple of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as to one Altar , to one Iesus Christ : i. e. say you , who better understood the Father , than he did himselfe ; runne all of you to one Iesus Christ , as to one Altar . This is your old trick to abuse your Readers , and mak● your Authors speak what they never meant . The Father spake before of prayer , of common prayers to bee poured forth by all the people , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the selfe same place , in faith and love . And then exhorts them to runne together to the Church to pray , as to one Altar , to participate , as to one Iesus Christ , the High Priest of all . Had it been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the matter had been cleere on your side . But the distinction and repeating of the preposition , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , make a different businesse . The second place produced by the Doctor from Ignatius , was that m of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he makes mention of the unity that ought to be retained in the Church of God ; and then brings in amongst the rest , one Bread broke for all , one Cup distributed to all , one Altar also in every Church , together with one Bishop , &c. To this you answer , that in the place to the Philadelphians , hee doth expresse himselfe to meane by Altar , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Councell of the Saints , and Church in generall , and not any materiall Altar , as Vedelius proves at large . And do they so indeed ? That passage which you speak of , is in the Epistle ad Ephesios . And do you think he tels the Ephesians what hee did meane by Altar in his Epistle to the Philadelphians ? This is just like the Germans beating down of Altars , because the people here in England were scandalized with them in our countrey Churches . Then for Vedelius , proves he , as you affirme , that by Altar here , Ignatius meanes not any materiall Altar , but the Councell of the Saints , the Church in generall ? In the Epistle to the Ephesians he doth indeed correct magnificat ( as your own phrase is ) and play the Critick with the Author ; making him say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof we shall say more hereafter in our perusall and examination of your Extravagancies . But in this place hee deales more fairely , and understands him as the Doctor doth : for reckoning up foure kindes of Altars in the Primitive Church , he makes the fourth and last to be mensa Domini , qua utebantur in sacra coena peragenda , the table of the Lord , used in the ●elebrating of the holy supper . Then addes , that n sometimes by the Fathers , this table is also called an Altar , and for the proofe thereof brings in this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the Doctor mentioned . So that you have belied the Father and your friend to boot . Lastly , for that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gods Altar , in his Epistle ad Tarsenses , the whole place is this . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Those that continue in the state of Virginitie , honour yee as the Priests of Christ ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those which are widowes indeed , ( in the Apostles language ) or which o uphold their chastitie ( as your selfe translates it ) honour ye as the Altars of God. These are his words distinctly , and what ●ind you here ? Marry you say , some knavish scholler exscribed the passage for him to make sport withall : and that the Altar there intended becomes much better the upper end of his Table , than the upper end of his Church ; a plaine widow-Altar ; Which said , you bring in one of your young Schollers with a bawdy Epigramme , unfit to bee inserted into any booke of a serious Argument ; but more unfit to bee approved , allowed , and licenced , by any Ordinarie : But Sir , however you are pleased to make your selfe prophanely merry in these sacred matters , the place is plaine enough to prove an Altar ; and more than so , a reverence due unto the Altar , in Ignatius time : the men of Tarsus being here advised to honor chast and vertuous widowes , as they did Gods Altar . And for the widow that you wot of , if you have any speciall aime therein ( as some think you have ) shee may returne that answer to you , which once Octavia's Chamber-●●aid p gave to Tigellinus ; which I had rather you should look for in the Author , than expect from me . The place from q Iren●eus , by which he proved the Apostles to bee Priests , because they did Deo & Altariservire , attend the service of the Lord , and wait upon him at the Altar ; you make r to be an Allegory , and no more than so : But Bishop Montague of Chichester , of whom the Doctor ( as you bid him ) will thinke no shame to learne as long as hee lives , s findes more matter in it , and saith that Irenaeus , lib. 4. c. 20. spe●keth of the ministers of the new Testament , not of the old , that they doe Deo & Altari deservi●e : which is the very same that the Doctor said . Are not you scitus scriptor , a very proper squire , to quarrell with the exposition of a man , whose bookes you are not fit to carry ? what may be further said out of Irenaeus for sacrifices , Priests , and Altars , wee have shewn you in the former Chapter . Next for Tertullian , the Doctor gave c you thence two places , one from his booke de oratione , Si & adaram Dei steteris : the other out of that de poenitentia , Adgenic●lari aris Dei. Not to say any thing in this place of the St●tions mentioned in the first of those two passages [ nonne solemnior erit statiotua , Si & ad aram Dei steteris ? ] you answer first unto the first , d that by this Ara Dei , Tertullian in his African and ●ffected stile meanes plainely the Lords Table . Why man , who ever doubted it ? What saith the Doctour more than this ? Tertullian ( are not these his words ? ) hath the name of Altar , as a thing used and knowne in the Christian Church : as , nonne solemnior erit statio tua , Si & ad aram Dei steteris ? what finde you there , but that the Lords Table in Tertullians ●ime , was called Ara Dei , Gods Altar ; you might have saved your labour , of running into France for my e Lord du Pl●ssis , unlesse hee could have told you that Tertullian meant some other thing in his Ara Dei ; or that the name of Altar was not a thing then knowne and used in the Christian Church . Tertullian did indeed affect a litle of the African , in all his stile . But his said affectation doth appeare in nothing here , save that hee useth the word Ara , when as , in that proprietie of speech which generally was observed in Christian Writers , hee should have used the word Altare . Nor need you take such paines to adde some reason for your opinion , that there by Ara Dei , Tertullian plainely meaneth the Lords Table ; being a matter never questioned . And yet to shew your mighty reading , and that you have a great deale of the Critick in you : you fall into a tale of I know not what , that Ara in Tertullian doth not signifie an Altar , but any hillock or advantage of gro●nd . Once in Tertullian so it signifieth , as in that de Pallio . And therfore must it here be ara Dei , at Gods hillock , or ( as your selfe translate it after ) the rising of Almighty God ? But herein you mistake the point extremely , as in all things else : The proper signification of the word , is Altar , as you may see in Varro de lingua latina , lib. 5. and Isidore de Origin . lib. 15. c. 4. used for a banke or hillock by a Metaphor onely , as in that de Pallio . So that to call the Table ara , onely because it was a kinde of rising above the pavement ; and to call banks or risings aras , because of that similitude they had to Altars : were to runne round in circulo , and borrow Metaphors from metaphors , ad infinitum . And yet you take away this Metaphor also , by telling us immediately , that Tertullian by alluding to the reservations from the Heathen Altars , doth call the Communion-Table Ara Dei , Gods Altar . Doth he so ? That 's well . You give as much in this , as one needs desire , that were not too insatiably covetous . How you mistake Tertullian in his reservare & accipere , we shall see hereafter . For the next place , Adgeniculari aris Dei , you tell us that it is runne out of the text ; f and adgeniculari c●aris Dei put in stead thereof : the alteration being made by Pamelius , approved by all men else , besides this poore Doctor . Approved by all men else ? most confidently said indeed , but most weakely proved . What thinke you of Hospinian , whose judgement you relie upon in other matters of this nature ? Meminit enim & Tertullianus adgeniculationis poenitentium ad aras , in l. de poenitentia . So he , in his discourse de origine Altarium , published in the yeere 1603. What thinke you of Laurentius Renatus de la Barre , who reades it , as the Doctor doth ; Adgeniculari aris Dei ; And thereupon inferres , Hic vides antiquitus , Altaria venerationi fuisse , quibus adgenicularentur : By which ( saith hee ) you may perceive that anciently the Altars were had in reverence , and that the people kneeled before them ? What think you of Beatus Rhenanus , who doth not only reade it aris Dei , and makes that inference thereupon , which out of him was taken by de la Barre : but brings a testimony from S. Ambrose , that in those ancient times they did os●ulis quoque honorare , honour the Altars with their kisses ? What thinke you , finally , of Stephanus Durantis , which also reades it , Aris Dei , lib. de Ritib . Eccl. 1. cap. 15 ? You see Sir , here are some besides the poore Doctor that approve of the ancient reading : and for your new readings , as many times they have their uses , so other whiles they make an Author speake what hee never meant : the liberty of correcting and criticizing being growne so high , and that of falsifying ( you know it by your selfe ) so universall ▪ th●t the old Copies may bee thought to be the truest : And I am partly in these matters of old Timons minde , who being asked by Aratus g how hee might get a perfect Copie of Homers Workes , returned this answer , that hee should looke abroad for one of the old Editions , and not looke after those of the new corrections : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . You see the Doctors are divided , and that both Readings have their Patrons , and some that lived since the old reading was cast out of the Text h by Pamelius , have not for all that taken up his Charis Dei ; much lesse opposed the old , as you idly dreame . As for your sally on the Author of the Latine determination , which you speake of , p. 163. the Pocket-Author , as you call him , sicut tuus est mos , according to your wonted fashion of casting dirt on all you meet wi●h ; I leave him to himselfe ; it concernes not mee : Aetatem habet , hee is of age to doe you reason , as well in this , as in that other quarre●l which you have against him , and which you fall upon unseasonably , but that you love to be in action , p. 192. All that I meane to doe , is to divide the winde and Sunne betweene you , and see faire play on both sides , if you should chance to enter the lists about it . And so wee will proceed unto S. Cyprian , of ▪ whom the Doctor told you in his t Coal from the Altar , that in his Ep. ad Epictetum , he plainly cals it Altare D●i ▪ Gods Altar . But there , say you , u he meanes by Altar , Stipes , oblationes , lucra , the contributions , offerings , and all advantages belonging to the mans Bishoprick whom they had suspended . This you affirme indeed , but with as little proofe , as truth . The words are plainly otherwise , but that you have an itch that will never leave you , to make your Authors speake what they never meant . Now thus stood the case : One x Fortunatianus having Apostated in the time of persecution , and thereupon being deprived of his Bishoprick , would enter on his charge againe without more adoe , not being reconciled unto the Church . This the good Father there complains of , that he should dare to enter on the Priesthood , which he had betrayed , Qu●si post aras Diaboli , accedere ad aras Dei fas sit , as if it were a thing of nothing to come immediately from the Devils Altars to the Altar of God. Is this to talke of offerings , contributions , and matters of profit ? After indeed , hee mentioneth Stipes & Oblationes , but neither in this very case , nor any thing unto this purpose ; which you know well enough , though contrary unto your knowledge , you bring in those words to stop a gappe withall , and for no use else . That in the eighth Epistle , unum Altare , & unum Sacerdotium , doth signifie , you say , the summe and substance of the Gospell ; why doe you not make use of the same construction for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Ignatius , before remembred , rather than runne as farre as Ephesus for a bald device , to blinde the lustre of the place ? Both places intimate this onely , that in one Church , there was not , in those early dayes , above one Altar ; and may bee serviceable as others of this nature are , against the Pluralitie of Masses in the Church of Rome ; many of which you have in Bishop Iewell , Art. 13. § 6. But that it should be thence concluded , that there S. Cyprian onely means y the summe and substance of the Gospell ; is to make aliquid ex nihilo , so it serve your purpose : Or if it could bee thence collected , it could not but be much unto the honour of the Altar , and the Priesthood , both , that those two words should comprehend the whole bodies of religion , and yet the Priesthood and the Alter might stand well enough for all that collection . Nor need wee feare , that following this Interpretation , The Popedome z would be set up and erected in every Parish Church in England , because forsooth the Father speaks of una Cathedra in the words before . Saith not Igna●ius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one onely Bishop in a Church , as before was said . Neither of them I trow endeavoured to advance the Popedome , but , that for the avoiding of schismes and divisions there ought to bee one Bishop onely within one Diocese ; whereof see Bishop Iewel a passim , in that of the Supremacy : And as one Bishop , so one Priesthood , and one Altar onely in each Church , on the self-same reason . The like may bee replied to your evasion from S. Cyprians meaning in his b ninth Epistle , of which you tell us , as before , that hee meanes there by Altar the Ministeriall functions and offices . If so , it were but pars pro toto , the chiefest and most excellent part of the whole Ministerie put for all the rest . But are you sure of what you say ? are you sure of any thing ? Saint Cyprian speakes five times of Altars in that one Epistle , foure times of Sacrifices and Altars : Thinke you hee meanes in every place the Ministeriall functions and offices ? What say you then to this ? Nequ● enim meretur nominari ad Altare Dei in Sacerdotum prec● , qui ab Altare sacer ●otes avocare voluit : What signifieth Altare in the first place thinke you ? What ? the materiall Altar , or the 〈◊〉 function : However you may wrest this meaning in the later clause , to the Priestly function , yet in the first you cannot possibly give him any other meaning , than that the Priests officiated at the reall and materiall Altar . For shame d●ale better with the Fathers , and let them speake their mindes , according to the liberty of th●se most pure and pious times ; without those base disg●ises which you put upon them , onely to blinde your readers eyes , and abuse Antiqui●ie . Thus have I given you a briefe view in these two last Chapters , of the chiefe point in controversie , betweene the Doctor and your selfe ; and hunted you as well as my poore wits would serve me , out of all your starting holes . Altars , and Priests , and Sacri●●ces being Relatives , as you say your selfe , I have layed down in the first place the Orthodox and ancient doctrine of the Church , concerning Sacrifice ; followed it in the way of an historicall narration , from Abel downe to Noah , from him to Moses , from Moses to Christ , who instituted , as S. Irenaeus hath it , the new sacrifice of the new Testament ; novam oblationem novi Testamenti , in this Fathers language . This sacrifice thus instituted by our Lord and Saviour , the Church received from the Apostles , c and offers it accordingly to the Lord our God , throughout the habitable world : the passage and descent whereof from the Apostles times , untill S. Austins , wee have traced and followed . And wee have also found , that from the first times to the last , there was no sacrifice performed without Priests , and Altars ; excepting those spirituall S●crifices , which every man is bound to offer , in what place soever . All which , both Altars , Priests , and sacrifice , we have di●covered to you in the Church of England , out of the publick monuments and Records thereof ; and that so answerably unto the Patternes of Antiquitie , as if it had beene 〈…〉 the ancient Fathers , than the 〈…〉 have cleared up those mists , which you endeavoured to cast upon the ancient Writers , that so your Readers might not see the true intent and meaning of those passages , w ch concern this Argument ; those most especially whereby you would perswade weake men , such as are bound to take your word without further search , that in the Primitive Church , there was neither Altar , Priest , not Sacrifice , truly and properly so called : which what a ruine and confusion it would bring in the Church of God , taking away all outward worship , enabling every man to the Priestly function , robbing the Church of all the reverence due unto it ; no man knowes better than your selfe , who have endevoured to promote that doctrine for this purpose onely , that you may be cryed up , and honoured as the Grand Patron and defender of mens Christian libertie . Finally ▪ I have answered unto all those Cavils and exceptions w ch you had made against the Allegations and Authorities pressed and produced by the Doctor against the Writer of the Letter to the Vicar of Granthan ; and left him statu quo , in the same case wherein you found him , all your assaults and stratagems of fraud and falshood notwithanding . But this in reference onely to the thing it selfe , that the Church had Altars in those early and dawning dayes of Christianity ; we will next looke upon the place and situation of them , what you say to that . CHAP. VII . Of Churches , and the fashion of them , and of the usuall place allotted in the Church for the holy Altar . Places appointed for Divine worship amongst the Patriarchs , Iewes , and Gentiles . The various conditions and esta●te of the Christian Church , and that the Churches were according unto those estates . What was the meaning of the Apolog●ticks , when they denyed the having of Temples in the Church of Christ. The Minister of Linc. stops the mouth of Minutius Felix , and falsifieth Arnobius . Altars how situated in the troublesome and persec●ted times of Christianity . The usuall forme of Churches , and distinct part● and places of them in the Primitive times . That in those times the Altars stood not in the body of the Church , as is supposed by the Minister of Linc. Six reasons for the standing of the Altars at the upper end of the Quire or Chancell in the dayes of old . Of Ecclesiasticall traditions , and the authority thereof . The Church of England constant to the practice of the former times . The Minister of Linc. tels a Winter tale about the standing of an Altar in the Cathedrall Church of Dover . The meaning of the Rubrick in the Common-prayer-booke , about the placing of the Table in Communion tim● ; as also of the 82 Canon of the Church of England . IT is well noted by our incomparable Hoo●ker , That solemne duties of publick service to bee done unto God , must have their places set and prepared in such sort , as beseemeth actions of that regard . Which layed for his foundation , he thus builds upon it , that Adam , even during the space of his small continuance , in Paradise , had where to present himselfe before the Lord , Gen. 3. 8. that Adams sonnes had out of Paradise in like sort , whither to bring their Sacrifices , Gen. 4. 3. that the Patriarchs used Altars , and Mountaines , and Groves to the self-same purpose , Gen. 13. 4. & 22. 1. & 21. 33. that in the wildernesse , when as the people of God had themselves no setled habitation , yet were they then commanded by God to make a moveable Tabernacle ; and finally , that the like charge was given them against the time that they should come to settle themselves in the Land , which had beene promised to their Fathers . Nature informed them in the maine , that proper and peculiar places were to bee set apart to Gods publick worship , and God himselfe informed them in the circumstance thereof , for the forme and fashion , both when the Church was moveable ▪ and when after setled . The Tabernacle fashioned by his direction , was a moveable Temple ; the Temple fashioned by that patterne , was a settled Tabernacle . Each of them had their Courts , their Sanctum , and their Sanctum Sanctorum , according to the severall Ministeries by the Law required : which distribution stood in force , as long as there was any Temple so to be distributed , and any Ministeries in the same to be performed . A Temple , whilest it stood , of most rich magnificence ; immensae opulentiae Templum , as b Tacitus most truly called it ; and such as Titus labored to preserve with all might and cunning , at the destruction of the Citie ; knowing right well , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , c that the subversion of it would redound unto the losse and prejudice of the Romane Empire . A Temple on the which the people of the Ie●es had severally bestowed their costly offerings , as occasion was : and to the which the Kings of Asia , d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Iosephus tels us , had sent both many and those royall and magnificent presents , in testimonie of their service to the God of Israel . Nor was it otherwise with the Gentiles , than with Gods owne people . At first they worshipped their Gods sub dio , in the open aire : the Grecians sacrificing unto Aesculapius e on the mountaine tops , as the Bithynians did unto all their deities . Now as they had their high places , their montium cacumina , as mine Authour cals them ; so had they groves also as the Patriarks had ; and sacrificed unto their Gods under woods and trees . f The grove of Hercules neere Athens , and that of Vesta neere mount Palatine , were very famous in old time● . Some such there was in Carthage whereof Virgil g speaks , Lucus in urbe fuit mediâ , laetissimus umbra . And Servius notes h upon the place , that Virgil never speakes of groves , but you must take them to bee consecrated ; and nunquam sine religione ▪ in his Scholia on the third of the Aen●ids . So Lucan tels us of the Druydes , i Nemora alta remotis incolitis Lucis , that they delighted most in high woods , and private groves : the Oake being principally affected by them , whence k they had their name . But when the Lord had fixed his people in the Land of Canaan , and given them leave to build a Temple to his name : that grant was forthwith apprehended by the Gentiles also , in their magnificent structures of the selfe same kinde . The forme and distribution generally the same with that of Salomons : the Temples of the Gentiles being divided into three parts also ; viz. the Courts or Areas , the body of the same which they called Basilicas , and last of all their Adyta , or Penetralia . The Areas of their Temples , l the Porticos , and the Nave or bodie of them , were suffered to be used sometimes for walking , conference , and such civill businesses : but for their Adyta , m they were conceived to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to be looked into or touched , but by the Priests . These 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Latines generally called Penetralia , as before was said : Caesar , n occulta & remota Templi , the hidden and remote parts of the Temple ; and addes withall quo praeter sacerdotes adire fas non est , that it was lawfull unto none besides the Priests to goe into them . Finally , for the costly offerings bestowed upon them , and those rich presents which occasionally had been sent unto them : take once for all , that Temple of Apollo in Delphos , whereof the Historian o thus informes us . Multa ibi & opulenta Regum populorumque visuntur munera , quaeque magnificentia sui , reddentium vota gratam voluntatem , & deorum responsa manifestant . Thus also was it with the Christians in the Primitive times , compelled too often , to hold their meetings and assemblies , as Bishop Iewell rightly notes it , in vacant places , in woods and forrests , and caves under the ground . And after as by sufferance or by speciall favour , they were permitted to build them Oratories , for the publick use : they neither built them in such sumptuous manner , as might have drawne upon them the Common envie of the Gentiles ; or furnished them in such rich sort as might have been a burden to themselves in their poore estate . But when the Church was setled , and had got the better hand of her cruell enemies ; Temples in all parts were erected : the whole world seeming to exult that opportunity was given to poure out its treasures to so good a purpose . To these three periods , we may reduce what ever is to be observed in the present businesse . Touching the first , it is that we are told by Platina , p Occulta esse omnia , & sacella potius at que etiam abdita , & plerumque subterranea . Churches they had , places designed and set apart for their holy exercises ; but poore and meane , and almost hidden from mens eyes , agreeable unto the present state in the which they were . However being destinate to those holy uses , they were not suffered to bee defiled and abused by prophane imployments . That of S. Paul , q Have yee not Houses to eate and drinke in , discovers manifestly that there was a difference to be made between house and house , between Gods house and mans , the places of religious and civill meetings . Now as there was a difference between house and house ; so in the selfe same house , there was a difference between place and place : that which was separated for the Priest and the holy Sacrament , not being to bee pressed into by the Common people . And of the people there were some that might approch more neere to the holy places , than the others could : which is a thing so knowne , that no man which pretends to learning did ever doubt it . The second period was when the Church had rest , what times the Christians set themselves to build them Churches : Churches , I meane , avowed for such , and publickly frequented for religious meetings , visible as well unto the Gentiles as unto the faithfull , and well knowne to be so . The first observed by Polydor Virgil , r to have been publickly avowed in Rome , being that of therm● Novuti invico Patritio , consecrated by Pope Pius the first , An. 150. or thereabouts , by the name of S. Prudentianae . Another Church ( but somewhat after this ) doth Platina remember s to have been built by Pope Calixtus , in regione Transtyberina , and dedicated by the name of the Blessed Virgin. But for a generall view of their works of this kind , we may best take it from Eusebius , t who speaking of the calme that was between the ninth and tenth persecutions , informes us of the Christians , that not content with those small Churches which before they had , they built them fairer , and more large , in every citie . But take his owne words with you for your more assurance . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where you may also see , that they had Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as before hee cals them ) in the former times , but meane and small , agreeable unto those miserable and calamitous dayes . Nor was it long before those Churches built so lately , u were all againe demolished by Dioclesian ; and so continued till the time of the Emperour Constantine : what time being raised more beautifully , than before they had beene ; they were set out and furnished with all costly furnitures . So that when Iulian was in state , who next but one succeeded Constantine in the Roman empire , and that the treasures of the Church were made a pray unto the spoiler : Felix the Proconsul x could not chuse but breake out into this expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , behold in what rich utensiles they doe administer to the Sonne of Marie . Nor was it ever thought till now , in these later dayes , that God created such and so many glorious things , to be served only with the basest . This ground-work laied , we may the better see what wee have to say to those objections , which are and have beene made out of the Apol●geticks of thos● times , to prove that in those early daies of Christianity there were no Churches . And this I will the rather do , because the Authors which you have produced against the being of Altars in the Christians Churches , conclude aswell , that then they had no Churches for religious uses : which being examined in this place , will more cleerely manifest what kinde of Altars , and what kinde of Churches , were then enquired of by the Gentiles , and in what sence the having of them was denied by the Christian writers . Now they that gave the hint unto this surmise , lived either in the heat of persecution , when as the faithfull were dispersed , and neither durst or could be suffered to meet in publick : or else considering that their Churches were but mean and poore , they did not use to call them Temples ; as did the Gentiles those magnificent and stately structures , which had been consecrated to their Idols . When therefore they were chalenged by the Gentiles to render an accompt of their religion ; and were demanded why they had no Altars : they were interrogated also why they had no Churches . Not any of those Authors which you have produced , but speak of one as well as the other : the objection being made of both , and the answere unto both set down accordingly . Origen mentions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Minutius Felix , hath his Templa nulla , with his Aras nullas : and of Arnobius it a was asked , cur neque sacras aedes venerationis ad officia construamus ; as well as non Altaria fabricemus . In the reporting of which Authors you leave out whatsoever doth relate to not having Churches ; as if the Quaere only were of not having Altars in those Churches , and therefore cut Minutius off at cur nullas aras , not suffering him to come forth with his Templa nulla . As for Arnobius , you deale worse with him , than with Minutius , and make the Gentiles put the question , b why they ( the Christians ) built no Altars , venerationis ad officia , to officiate upon in any kind of divine worship : when as the question was not why they had no Altars to officiate on ; but why they had no Churches to officiate in . Is this faire dealing think you , in a great Professour ? Then for the Answers to these Cavils , in case they must be understood simply and absolutely , c as you please to say in the case of Altars : then will it follow thereupon , not only that they had no Churches , but that they ought to have none neither . You grant your selfe , that there were Altars in the Church in Tertullians time ; and Churches you must also grant , because you finde it in Tertullian , who makes mention of them , lib. d de Idol . c. 7. ad uxorem l. 2. cap. 9. de veland . virg . cap. 3. & 13. and also in his book de Corona militis , which makes it plain , that whereas Origen and Minutius Felix lived both after him , and yet reply unto the Quaere of the Gentiles , that they had neither Temples , nor Altars : it must be understood , not absolutely and simply , as you simply say , as if they had no Churches , or no Altars in them ; but with relation to those Temples , and those Altars , which were so honoured by the Gentiles . The like is also to bee said unto Arnobius , who living in those very times which Eusebius speaks of , wherein the Christians did inlarge their Churches , and publick Oratories ; cannot bee understood so absolutely and simply , as you and e your Haraldus conceive he may ; but only in that qualified sence before remembred . Churches they had for sacred and religious meetings , but no such stately and magnificent structures as were erected by the Gentiles , to be the locall habitation of their severall Idols . And they had Altars too for that mysticall Sacrifice , which had beene constantly continued in the Church of God ; but no such Altars as the Gentiles had , and enquired after , which were for bloody sacrifices of Sheep and Oxen. And this you might have seen in Arnobius also , but that you use to wink when you meet with any thing you would not willingly observe . For presently on this , quod non Altaria fabricemus , non ar as , he addes these words , non caesorum sanguinem animantium demus : which cleerely shewes what Altars they were said to want by the Inquisitors . Thus having found that in the primitive times the Christians had their Churches , and in them their Altars , our next iuquirie must be this , how , and in what particular place those Altars were disposed of in the Churches . For that they had some proper and peculiar place , is not a matter to be doubted . Not that I think the Altars were so fixed at first , that there was no removing of them if occasion was ; but that there was some certain place allotted to them , which was reserved for the Priest , and the Administration of the Eucharist : out of which place they were not to bee moved , unlesse they were quite moved out of the Church , as sometimes it hapned . For that they were not fixed at first may be well collected from the condition of the Church , which was then still in motion , and unsetled , the winds of persecution beating as they did , so fierce upon it . Nor were the Altars only moveable in those first daies , but also portable : and purposely made moveable , that they might be portable , according to the qualitie of the times . And if we may relie upon Gabriel Biel , as in this case I think wee may , he tels us of a Table , or Altar , ( Altare ligneum in his language ) f whereat the Popes of Rome did use to celebrate the Sacrament : which was removed by the Priests from place to place , ubicunque episcopus Romanus latuerit , where ever the then Roman Bishops did retire themselves in times of danger . Then for the situation of them , whether towards the East , or West , or any other part of the heavenly bodies , if Walafridus Strabo may be credited ; there was no certaintie thereof in the said times neither : the Altars or Communion Tables being sometimes disposed of g in diversas plagas , East , West , North , or South ; and that as there he tels us , propter aliquam locorum opportunitatem , according to the qualitie and conveniencie of the place it selfe . Indeed it was not possible , as the times then were , that it should be otherwise . For holding their assemblies , as before we told you , in private houses , in dennes , and cavernes under ground , they were to make a vertue of necessity , and suit themselves according to the qualitie of the place , considering that they could not suit the place to their own desires . But this held only for a time : no longer than the faithfull were in those extremities , and put unto their shifts , as wee use to say . For after when they were permitted , either on sufferance , or by speciall favour , to fit their Churches to their minds , they contrived them so , that in their prayers and addresse to Almightie God , they turned themselves unto the East . The Author of the Questions and Answeres ad Orthodoxos ascribed to Iustine , affirmes that in his time h the Christians offered up their hymnes and orizons to God , fixing their eyes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , towards or on the eastern parts : and ●aith withall , that they received this usage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the holy Apostles . i And sure I am , that in Tertullians time the Christians were accused of worshipping the Sunne : for which there was no other ground , but that they turned unto the East in the times of prayer . Inde suspicio quod innotuerit nos ad Orientis regionem precari , as he there informs us . Which being so , it is not to be thought but that the Churches were contrived and built accordingly , fit to the posture of the people in the times of prayer . Not that they were not built in any place , at any time , in any other form or fashion , but that it was thus generally , and for the most part , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in all parts of Christendome , from those times downwards . And so it is resolved by i Walfridus Strabo , usus frequentior est in Orientem or antes converti , & pluralitatem ecclesiarum maximam eo tenore constitui . For further proofe of which , let us but look upon the formes of our antient Churches , and wee shall finde that generally they are built in one uniforme fashion : which fashion questionlesse was borrowed from the pattern of the first Churches erected in the primitive times . Baronius tels us of some Churches k in his time standing , quae temporibus Constantini fuerunt à fundamentis extructae , which had beene built from the foundation , in the time of Constantine : and differed nothing in the forme , either for situation or distinction , from those which have beene since erected . And we may probably conclude with him , that those then built were built according to the ●orme of those which were demolished not long before , in the time of Diocletians furie : cum eadem in iis officia essent obeunda , exerce●dae functiones , a● mysteria consummanda ; the selfe same Offices , functions , and mysteries , being to be performed in them both alike . Now for performance of these functions , offices , and mysteries , the Churches were divided into severall parts : two of the which are most considerable in our present businesse . Of these the greater was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the nave or body of the Church ; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we call the Quire , or Chancell : the body for the most part , standing towards the West : the Quire or Chancell towards the East . And howsoever it was and might bee otherwise in some few particulars ; yet it was usitatior mos , the generall usage of the Church , l as Paulinus hath it , to place the Quire or Chancell in the Eastern part . Within the body of the Church , they had their Auditorium , their place for reading of the Scripture , and so much of the publick Offices , as might be heard by those whom they called Catechumeni , that were instructed in the faith , and not as yet admitted unto the Sacrament of Baptisme . The Quire or Chancell set apart for the performance of those rites , i● which they placed the greatest mysterie of their profession , which was the Sacrament of the bodie and bloud of our Lord and Saviour : A difference or distinction not took up in the latter times , but such as may plead strongly for as much antiquitie as any other custome in the Church besides ; and in the which they were directed as well by Gods command , as by naturall reason . For in the Taberna●le built by Gods owne appointment , and fashioned by his owne direction , there was a Sanctum sanctorum , a place more holy than the rest ; selected by the Lord for the most excellent part of the Iewish ceremonie , which was the expiating of his people . For which , if God thought fit that there should be a proper and selected ▪ place , and that the same should be secluded from all other use : the Christians by the selfe same warrant might in their Churches have a Sanc●●m Sanctorum also , for the commemorating of that expiation , which was in fact made for us by our Lord and Saviour . Besides , the Gentiles , had in their severall temples , their Adyta , or Penetralia , as before was said : wherein their greatest mysteries were performed and celebrated . Tota in Ad●tis divinitas , m saith Tertullian of them . In those they placed their deities , and in those their Altars . Excessere omnes , Adytis arisque relictis , Dii quibus imperium hoc steterat , n as the Poet hath it : which cleerly shewes their Altars were disposed of in their in most Adyta . And should you say that by this reason , the distribution of our Churches into a body and a Chancell , would savour too much either of the Iew or Gentile , you might betray your folly , but not hurt the cause . For there 's no question to be made but many Temples of the Gentiles were , without any alteration of the Fabrick , converted into Christian Churches . Nor can you shew a reason for it , why it should be more stood upon , as the times then were , to build new Churches of that fashion which the Gentiles used ; than to use those very Churches which the Gentiles built . And for conformitie with the Jewes , you finde that answered to your hand by a o judicious Divine indeed , who counts it no lesse grievous fault , for any King to build his house according to the modell of Salomons palace ; than for the Christians in contriving of their Churches , to have an eye upon the fabrick of K. Salomons Temple . Now where it is affirmed in the Bishops letter , that anciently the Communion-Tables stood in the middest of the Church ; and for the proofe thereof , the Vicar was referred to Bishop Iewell : before we come to an examination of the proofes there offered , we wil propose some reasons why it could not bee so . And first wee find it granted by that Reverend Prelat , Bishop Iewell , that wheresoever the Altar stood , it was divided with railes from the rest , whereof it was called Cancelli , a Chancell , and commonly of the Greeks Presbyterium , for that it was a place specially appointed unto the Priests and Ministers , and shut up from all others , for disturbing the holy Ministerie : Which given for granted we proceed , and will shew some reasons and authorities that the said Chancell or Presbyterie was not , as hee conceiveth , in the middle of the Church , but a distinct part and member of it , at one end thereof ; and yet I would not have you t●inke , but that I hold as reverend an opinion of Bishop Iewel , as you , or any other , be hee who hee will. My first authority shall be taken f●om the instance of , and in the Emperour Theodo●ius , which himselfe there makes . The Emperour Theodosi●s having beene long prohibited the Church , upon that great and rash Massacre of the Thessalonians , and afterwards admitted to p communicate : at his first entrance in the Church , casts himselfe downe upon the Pavement . After , the Offertory comming on , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee went into the Sanctuarie ; and having made his offering , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , continued still within the same , neare the partition or Cancelli : Which being noted by Saint Ambrose , hee signified unto him by his Deacon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that those Inferiour parts were only proper to the Priests , and to no man else . Now that which in Theodoret is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in q Sozomen is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Quire or Chancell , who addes withall , that in Constantinople the Emperour had his seat in the said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , during the celebrating of the holy Sacrament ; that so some difference might bee made betwixt himselfe and common persons . But this being not the use in Millaine , Saint Ambrose alloted him a place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , within the body of the Church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immediately before the barres that severed the Church and Chancell . And this hee did , that so the Emperour might have place before the people , as had the Priests before the Emperour . This cleerly shewes , that the Pres●yterium , or Chancell , was not in the middle of the Church , but was distinct and severed from it at one end or other ; for otherwise how could the Emperour have ● place betweene the people and the Priests , before the Chancell or Cancelli ; in case the Chancell stood in the very middest of the Church , and all the people round about it . My second reason shall be taken from a like storie of r Numerianus , one of the sons of the Emperour Carus , who comming into the Church at Antioch , wherof Saint Babylas was Bishop , and having a desire to behold their mysteries , quasi per transennam , privily , as if peeping through a Lattice , was presently rebuked by the Bishop for the said attempt . Now had the Quire or Chancell stood in the middle of the Church , and onely railed about , so that every man might see what was done within ; Numemerianus needed not to have peeped as through a Lattice to behold their doings : for being once within , it was no difficultie to discerne what they were about . Thirdly , it may bee proved from that which was before related from Baronius , who tels us of some Churches standing in his dayes , which had beene founded in the time of the Emperour Constantine , and differed nothing in their form , either for situation , or distinction , from those since erected . And fourthly , from the description of the ●tately Temple of S. Sophia , built by Iustinian the Emperour : of which Procopius doth informe us s , that the Quire or Chancell , wherein the holy mysteries were celebrated , did stand directly to the East : For having before described the Nave or body of the Temple , both for length and bredth , he addes , Ea autem quae ad solem Orientem vergunt , ubi Deo sacr● peraguntur , hoc modo aedificata sunt ; which hee goes forwards to describe : but what need more be said , than you say your selfe , who have so fairly , for this point , slipped your owne neck out of the Collar , and left your L. the Bishop in the lurch ? For wheras he refers the Vicar unto Bishop Iewell , to see how long Communion●tables have stood in the middle of the Church : you put it to the question t , whether it bee such a new thing in Israel , that the Tables heretofore , and the high Altars afterwards did stand in the middest of the Church or Chancell . The middle of the Church or Chancell , is not the middle of the Church ; and so you bid good night at once to both the Bishops . The Altar then stood not in the body of the Church , but in the Chancell , which was the first thing to bee cleared . Next , that the Altar or Lords Table was placed in the upper end of the Quire or Chancell , may be made evident by many plaine and pregnant reasons , which we will marshall ascendendo , from this time upwards . And first , it may be proved from the generall usage at this time in the Church of Rome ; which in those outward formes , no doubt , relates unto the use and practice of the Ancients : For why should wee conceive , that keeping still the ancient fashion in the contriving of their Churches ▪ they would desert the a●cient fashion in the disposing of their Altars . Conceive mee , that it was thus generally , and for the most p●rt , as you report mee very rightly , p. 40. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as before I said . Secondly , fr●m the words of Walafridus Strabo , where hee u informes us , that in Saint Peters Church in Rome , Altaria non tantum in Orientem , sed etiam in ali●s partes esse distributa ; The Altars stood not onely towards the East , but in other places : and this he makes to be a particular case , differing from the generall usage . The like to which may bee observed in his instances of the Pantheon in Rome , and that built by Helena in Hierusalem , being both round ; as also that he seeme●h to apologize for them , who propter aliquam locorum opportunitatem , were fa●ne to set their Al●ars otherwise than the custome of the Church permit●ed . Now Walafridus Strabo dyed , as your selfe accompts it x , Anno 846. or thereabouts . Thirdly , from the division of the Quires themselves , in which did fi●st accurre the Stalls or seats appointed generally for the Clergie ; next above that , the Bishops Chaire , and then the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Altar-place , or that whole space which was allotted purposely , and solely for the Lords Boord , or Altar , call it which you will , which was distinguished from the rest of the Chancell , by Railes or Curtaines . For it appears most manifestly in the ancient writers , y that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did not onely signifie the Altar or Lords ●oord it selfe , but the whole space and place thereof ; which by the Latines was sometimes distinguished by a proper name , and called Altarium . Fourthly , from that which doth occurre in Socrates , concerning the disposall of the Altars in the Church of Antioch , z which therein generally differed from all other Churches . How so ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ Would you his meaning in these words ? take it according as you finde it in Nicephorus of Langius translation ; a Sacra enim Ara non ad Orientem , sed ad Occidentem versus coll●cata ●ue●at ; because the Altar was not placed towards the East , but towards the West . Cassiodore in his b Tripartite History , rendreth this place with more advantage . In Antiochia verò Syriae , Alta ● non ad Orientem Ecclesiae , sed magis a● Occidentem habent ; in Antioch they have their Altar , not at the East end of the Church , ( ad Orientem Ecclesiae ) but rather bending toward the West : which makes it plaine , in my conceit , that generally in other places the Altar stood ad Orientem Ecclesiae , at the Easterne end . Fi●tly , from that which is affirmed by Bish. Iewell , c Who tels us that the Quire or Chancell , ( and consequently the Altar , and the Altar-place ) as it may bee gathered from Saint Chrysostome , at certaine times of the service , was drawne with Curtaines . Now if the Holy Table stood in the middle of the Chancell , and was thus hanged about with Curtaines ; there being space enough within for all the Priests and Deacons , which attended at the holy Ministery ; you cannot but conceive in your imagination , that it must needs bee very unsightly , and take up much more roome , than in a Chancell could bee spared . But let the Table be disposed of at the upper end , and then a Traverse Curtaine drawne betweene the Table and the people ; and both those inconveniences will be avoided , which before I spake of . And last of all , it may bee pleaded from a constant custome of the Christians , in praying towards the East , d Ad Orientis regionem , as Tertullian hath it ; ad solam e Orientis partem , as it is in Origen : which , though many reasons are assigned by Bellarmine , Baronius , and others of the Church of Rome ; yet , I conceive , there cannot a more probable reason be given thereof , than from the placing of the holy Table at the East end of the Church : For that being thought to bee more sacred than any materiall thing besides to the Church belonging , had a farre greater measure of reverence and devotion conferred upon it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a reverent salutation of the Table f in Dionysius ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an honour proper to the Altar , in g Ignatius ; and geniculatio ad Ar●s , a bowing of the knee before it , in h Tertullian . And therefore in what place soever it was placed or situated , there were the peoples eyes most like to be fixed and setled , and their aspects turned ▪ that way in the time of prayer ; as being that which they most longed for , and looked after , and of the which they most desired to bee partakers . Adde here that Damascen observes , i that when our Saviour Christ was upon the Crosse , his face was Westward , , so that all they that looked upon him , or desired to see him , did looke towards the East ; which were it so , the Altar being so lively a representation of the Crosse of Christ , might bee disposed of so in the Church or Chancell , as that the people should looke Eastward , that desired to see it : and if placed Eastward for that reason , then doubtlesse in the uppermost and most eminent place of the Quire or Chancell , so that no man who ever should have place beyond it . For if that any man had had place beyond it , either he must not pray towards the East , as the others did ; or praying towards the East , could not see the Altar , which was most looked after by all the rest . Now whereas you desire k the Doctor not to forget to tell you in his next booke , where God or his blessed Sonne , or the Apostles , or the Fathers after them , or any Councell , or any Canon law , or so much as a Popes Bull , hath commanded any Christian Church to set their Altars all along the wall : I answer you by asking another question , where you can find it was commanded , that Christians should pray with their faces Eastward . Things that have generally beene received in the Church of Christ , are generally conceived to have been derived from Apostolicall tradition , without any speciall mandat , left in Scriptis , for the doing of them . Praying directly towards the East , is by some Fathers , as l Iustin Martyr , & m S. Basil , conceived to be of that condition ; and Damascen conceives so too , de Orthod . Fid. lib. 4. cap. 13. Why may we not conceive the like , of setting up the Altar all along the wall , that it hath beene commended to us , if not by Apostolicall , yet questionlesse , by Ecclesiasticall tradition . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the said n Damascen hath truly noted . Many things come unto our hands by a successionall tradition , for which we cannot finde an expresse command in any of those wayes you speake of : which yet wee ought to entertaine , ex vi catholicae consuetudinis , by reason of the said tradition , and continuall custome . Of which traditions there are many which still retaine their force amongst us in England : particularly those which are most pertinent to the present businesse , viz. the turning of our selves unto the East , in our publicke prayers ; and the disposing of our Churches accordingly . And why not then in placing of the holy Table , or Altar also ? This Church , the Lord be thanked for it , hath stood more firme for Apostolicall and Ecclesiasticall traditions since the Reformation , than any other whatsoever of the Reformation . Nor in the times before can you finde out any , that stood more strongly for and in the Churches customes . If you have found , after much studie and long search , a o round Church in Cambridge , and a round Temple in London ; can you conclude from thence , that generally our Churches here ▪ have not beene built according to the Antient patternes ? if not , how excellent a discourse doe you shew your selfe in the application . You might as well have gathered , that all the Churches in Cambridge , doe stand North and South , because you finde it so in Emanuel College : or that all the Ministers in Lincolnshire are perfect in the arts of rayling , falsifying , and deceiving , because you know of one , that is . But that fine storie which you tell us p of S. Austins Altar , is indeed your master-peece : and therefore I will tell it in your very words , because it s your desire wee should marke it well . You say , that Austin the Apostle of the Saxons placed his first Altar in the Cathedrall Church at Dover , dedicated to S. Peter and S. Paul : and that he placed this Altar , in medio sui pene , almost in the very midst thereof , and dedicated it to the honour of S. Gregorie the Pope : and that the Priest of the place doth on that Altar every Sabbath day perform the agends of this Austin and S. Gregorie . Hereupon you inferre , as by way of Triumph , And shall we beleeve that , no Church of all the English nation , did imitate herein her first Metropolis ? It is impossible it should be so . Impossible indeed , if it bee true , as you have told us : but for our comfort , there 's not one word true , in all this storie . Nor doe I think that you intended it for any thing , but a winters tale ; to drive away the cold within a chimney corner , when th●re is no fire . For so ridiculous a confidence have you told it with , as they have the hap to heare it ( auditum admissirisum , and you know what followes ) will catch themselves an heat with laughing . To take a view thereof , per partes , Where , I beseech you , did the man ever heare of a Cathedrall Church at Dover ? the Author whom you follow , doth call it Doroverni , Canterburie , in that very Chapter ; and Regia civitas , the Regall citie , lib. 1. cap. 33. Secondly , the Cathedrall Church at Canterbury was not dedicated to S. Peter and S. Paul , but , as your Authour tels , q in nomine sancti Salvatoris , Dei & Domini nostri Iesu Christi , unto the honour of Iesus Christ our Lord and Saviour : and is called Christs Church to this day . As for the Church you meane , dedicated to S. Peter and S. Paul , that was a Monasterie Church , and no Cathedrall ; which , from the founder afterwards , was called S. Austins . Thirdly , it is not said in Beda , that Austin the Apostle of the Saxons did place this Altar , in that Church : but only , Habet haec in medio sui pene Altare , that in that Church there is an Altar , placed almost in the middle of it ; but by whom God knowes ; the Church not being r finished when this Austin died . Fourthly , your Authour doth not say that the said Altar was S. Austins first Altar ; no such matter neither ; the placing of that Altar was no leading case : but only habet haec Altare , that Edition , and no otherwise , In the body of the Church , or of the Chancell . p. 206. I see your fingers are so nimble , here can nothing scape you . Then for the body of the Church , however it was put unto the Question , y in the Bishops letter , that being the Rubrick saith , the Table shall stand in the body of the Church , or of the Chancell , wh●re morning and evening prayer he appointed to be said ; and being that morning and evening prayer be appointed to be said in the body of the Church ( as in most country Churches we see it is ) where should the Table stand most Canonically ? yet you recant it in your book . You tell us that the Writer of the letter did z never imagine , that the Table should stand most Canonically in the bodie of the Church : but onely that the Canons allow it not to be fixed to the end of the Quire ; but to bee made of moveable nature , to m●et with those cases in the law , in which without this transposing thereof upon occasions , the Minister cannot be heard of his Congregation . This is but small amends , save that you let us therin see , you are irresolute in your selfe , and know not unto what to trust . It 's true , the Rubrick sounding one way , and the continuall practice of the Church another way ; it might perplex as wise a man , as I know who is , to find out the intention of the Rubrick , and the reason of it . Yet would you give me leave to use a briefe conjecture , and not upbraid me for it in your next assault , I should make bold to tell you my opinion in it . Bucer , a moderate and ingenious man , in his survey or censure of the first Liturgie , a observed that all divine Offices were celebrated in the Quire , or Chancell ; In chorotantum , sacra representari , which he conceived to be a Popish custome , b ( perhaps because it might ascribe unto the place and Priest some inherent sanctitie ) and wisheth that a sharp and sudden remedie should be provided for the same . Hereupon in the second Liturgie , the appointing of the place for morning and evening praier was left unto the Ordinary : and as it seemeth by this Rubrick , the holy Sacrament was to be there administred , where he so appointed . Whether it hath been practised accordingly , I cannot positively say ; but if at all , it was aut raro aut nunquam , a thing seldome seen : and possibly the very Order might as much take off the opinion of inherent sanctitie ( if that were then the matter questioned , ) as the execution . Which were it so , the reason of the law being ceased , the law ceaseth also . But this I onely offer as a Consideration , and no more than so . Then for the 82. Canon , there it is said , that in the time of the Communion , the Table shall bee placed in so good sort within the Church or Chancell , as therby the Minister may more conveniently be heard of the Communicants , in his prayer and ministration , and the Communicants also more conveniently , and in more number may communicate with the said Minister . Now hereunto the Doctor answered , c that this was a permission rather , that so it might be , than a command , that so it should be : and a permission onely in such times and places , where otherwise the Minister cannot conveniently be heard of the Communicants . The writer of the letter seemes to grant as much , where hee affirmeth , the d placing of the Table Altar-wise is the most decent situation when it is not used , and for use too where the Quire is mounted up by steppes , and open , so that hee which officiates may bee seene and heard of all the congregation . If so , then certainly the Canon is not binding for all times and places , for then there was an Altar . Fiftly , you finde it not in Bed● , that the Agenda of Pope Gregorie , and the said S. Austin , were celebrated by the Priest of the place every Sabbath day ( as you meane Sabbath day , and would have ignorant people understand your meaning ) but onely every Saturday , per omne Sabbatum . It had been very fairely done , had you expressed your Authors proper Latine , in as proper English ; and called it Saturday , as you ought to doe , speaking in English to the people , who as they are not r all Geometricians , so are they neither all such Latinists as to descrie your falsehood in it . But we must take this for another of your Helenas to please the Puritans : who now are furnished with an Argument , to prove that the Lords day was called the Sabbath , and so reckoned in the time of Bede ; and therefore not so late an Vpstart , as some men have made it . Last of all for your strong conclusion , that it is utterly impossible , that no Church of the English nation should imitate herein her first Metropolis : when you have proved that the said Church there mentioned , was the first Metropolis , wee will tell you more . Meane time the most that you have got , ( besides the sport that you have made ) is ▪ that the Altar in a private Monasterie , did stand in medio pene sui , almost in the middest thereof : which possible might be , because the Church not being finished when S. Austin died , was not compleatly finished , neither , when Bede wrot the story . However it is there related , as a particular and extraordinarie case : and extraordinarie cases make no generall usage , unlesse it bee with such a disputant as you , who like a drowning man , are fain● to lay hold on every thing . Now from the evidence that ▪ you brought us , touching the Antient standing of the Altars , in the Church of England , in point of practise : wee must proceed to see what is determined of and for it , now in point of Law. For if the present Law be contrary to the antient practise ; the antient practise must give way , and the Law shall carry it . Now for our better understanding how the Law hath ordered it , the Bishops a letter to the Vicar of Gr. referr's us to the Rubrick , and the Canon ; we will look on both . And first beginning with the Rubrick , it is ordered thus , that b the Table at Communion time , having a faire white linnen cloath upon it , shall stand in the body of the Church , or in the Chancell , where morning and evening prayer be appointed to be said . So saith the Rubrick ; and for the former part thereof , there is not any thing that can serve for your present purpose . The Table , in Communion time , doth stand in the Chancell : though it stand Altar-wise , close along the wall : and in the Chancell too , i. e. in the most eminent part of it . The writer of the letter saw this well enough : and to avoyd the consequence could finde no better shift upon the sudden , than to corrupt the Rubrick , which was done accordingly . For in the c letter to the Vicar instead of in the body of the Church , or in the Chancell , we had it , in the body of the Church , or of the Chancell : as if the Rubrick did appoint , that in those places where the Communion was administred in the Chancell , the Table should bee placed at that time in the body of the Chancell . It 's true , your new Edition reads it , x in the Chancell : but then it is as true , that in your book you fall upon the former fault , and read it , in the body of the Church or Chancell , p. 44. and so you do againe , fitting the Canon to the Letter , of the old the writer of the letter would bee no good Canonist , but rath●r a directive Canon , to guide us as occasion is , and as may bee convenient for the Communicants . Now where you fall upon the Doctor , for saying it is a matter of permission rather than command : because , e say you , the Reverend house of Convocation is not convened to make permissions , that men may doe what they list ▪ but to make strong and binding Canons , to be obeyed by all the subjects , and pursued by all the Ordinaries of the Kingdome : In saying this , you doe not onely thwart your Bishop , but confute your King. For if it be to be pursued by all the Ordinaries in the Kingdome , ill did the Bishop state the Question , in saying the Table might stand Altar wise at the upper end of the Quire or Chancell , in ca●e the Minister may be seen and heard of all the Congregation . And on the other side , you both confute the King , and your selfe to boote . The King , in that he hath determined , that placing of the Table in Church or Chancell , as both the Rubricke and the Canon have resolved therein , is to be construed only a thing of libertie . And being a thing of libertie , is left unto the Judgement of the Ordinarie , both for the thing it selfe , and for the time when , and how long , as he may finde cause . Your selfe , in that you have selected that particular passage f for your Euge tuum , and honoured that alone with your mentis aureae verba bracteata ; as before was noted . Besides , you may observe in the Declaration , that those who pleaded for the Appellants in S. Gregories case , urged not the Canon or the Rubrick , for strong and binding lawes , as you please to call them : but onely urged them to this purpose , that g they did give permission to place the Table where it might stand with most fitnesse and convenience . So that you see , the Canon and the Rubrick are permissions onely , and not commands ; which is but what the Doctor said : and which you see confirmed by your Lord the Ordinarie , the Advocates in the plea aforesaid , the King , qui tot imperat legionibus ; and which is most of all , Your selfe . h Quod si nec ●ratris , nec te mea gratia tangit , At Coeli miserere tui . Besides , the Canon being generall , was so to be drawn up , as it might meet with all particular cases of what sort soever . Now you know well enough , that in some Churches there are no Chancels , and most especially in those of a latter building : and some such you m●y finde in London , if you please to look . So that in case the Canon had named onely Chancels , it might have left some Churches without Communions , because they had no Chancels in the which to celebrate ; and so by consequence there had been no remedie , in and by the Canon ; if the Communion should not bee duely ministred by the Priest , or not so frequently received by the people , as it ought to be . CHAP. VIII . An answer to the Minister of Lincolns Arguments against the standing of the Lords Table at the upper end of the Quire. The Minis●er of Lincoln forsakes his Bishop , about the placing of the Altar in the body of the Church . The Altar in Eus●bius Panegyrick , not in the middle of the Church . The Ministers confidence and ignorance , in placing the Alt●r of incense close unto the va●le . Tostatu● falsified by the Minister of L●ncoln . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the fift Councell of Constantinople , and the meaning of it . The Minister of Lincoln at a losse in his Criticall learning , both Greek and Latin. Varro corrupted by the Minister of Lincoln . Saint Austin what he meant by mensa illa in medio constituta . Albaspinus falsified . Durandus sets the Altar at the upder end of the Quire. The testimony of S●crates and Nicephorus , asserted to the Doctor from the Ministers Cavils . The Altars how now placed in the Gre●k Churches . The weak authorities produced by the Minister of Lincoln , for placing of the Table distant from the wall , and some of them corrupted also . The generall Prec●dents of the Minister , for placing of the holy Table ; forged : as also a●e the Acts of the Councell of Millaine under Borromeo . The Minister confesseth guilty , and confutes himselfe of falsification . Many particular Precedents brought in ; most of them counterfeit and forged ; and altogether conclude nothing to the point in hand . The Minister of Lincoln against himselfe . HAving made search at home , and not found any thing unto the contrary , either in the Rubrick or the Canon , but that the Table may be placed where the Altar stood ; and that as well in the Communion time , as at other times : wee must next take a view of what you have to say for the ancient practice . Not in the Church of England , that you have done withall already , and done it bravely too , no man ever better : for you have found a Monasterie , and that hardly finished , wherein the Altar , upon some speciall and extraordinary reasons , did stand in medio pene sui , not in the middle of the Church , as the letter goeth , but almost in the middle of it . In that which followes wee must travell after you , over all the world : First taking a review of those authorities which were related to in the Bishops letter , and answered by the Doctor in his Coal from the Altar . The writer of the letter , to let the Vicar see , i how long Communion Tables had stood in the midst of the Church , ( not in the midst of Chancels or Churches , as you make it now , p. 207. ) referred him unto Bishop Iewell . The testimonies there produced k are from Eusebius , Augustin , Durandus , and the fift Councell of Constanrinople . Beginning with Eusebius , l hee tels us of the Church of Tyre , that being finished and all the seats thereof set up . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the founder after all , placed the most holy Altar in the midst thereof , and compassed it about with rayles , to hinder the rude multitude from pressing neere it . Now hereunto the Doctor answered , first that the Altar though it stood along the Eastern wall , it may be well interpreted to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the middle of the Chancell , in reference to the North and South , as it since hath stood . And secondly that were it otherwise , yet it were only a particular case of the Church in Syria , wherein the people being more mingled with the Iewes than in other places , might possibly place the Altar in the middle of the Church , as was the Altar of Incens● in the midst of the Temple , the better to conforme unto them . And this hee was the rather inclined to think , because that Church in the whole structure of it , came very neere unto the modell of that Temple : the Gate or entrance of the same being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 directly open to the East , as was that of Solomons . Now you replie unto the first , ( after a scoffe or two bestowed on the simple Doctor ) that you had thought m the Panegyrist in Eusebius had beene describing in that place a brave Chancell , set all about with seats and other Ornaments , and that hee had placed the Altar in the midst of that Chancell . The Bishop of Lincoln had small reason to approve of this , had he so throughly perused your book , as the Licence tels us . He sends the Vicar unto Bishop Iewell , to learn how long Communion Tables have stood in the middle of the Church : & you confute both him & Bp. Iewell , by placing of the Altar in the midst of the Chancell . Do not you talk of Butter think you , when he spoke of Cheese . For contrary to what he purposed , and n you were Salaried to defend , we have here found an Altar in the midst of the Chancell , instead of a Communion Table in the middle of the Church . But howsoever being placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the midst of the Chancell , you cannot think , that he doth meane by middle , there , the middle between North and South . How so ? Because , say you , in case that Altar had stood along the Eastern wall , and in the middle of the wall , o a Grecian would not say that it stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over-aneanst the middle of the wall : even as the Septuagint describe the situation of the Altar of Incense , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over-aneanst the vaile of the Temple . Why man ? I trow you cannot say of any thing that standeth close unto the middle of a wall , and is built up to it , as commonly the Altars were ; that it is built 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over-aneant the middle of the wall . That forme of speech would fit farre better with the Communion Table , placed exactly in the middest of the Chancell . For then it would be placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over against the middle of the Eastern wall . You might have found this in your own instance of the Altar of Incense , said to be placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over against the vaile of the Temple , standing a pretty distance from it , and not p close to the vaile , as you unlearnedly relate . But this debate about the placing of the Altar of Incense will fall more properly within the compasse of your reply unto the Doctors second Answer ; to which now we hasten . Only I tell you by the way , that if the Pa●egyrist could not set the Table close along the wall , q in the middle between North and South , without a painted Sea-card of the winds , and the foure points in heaven ; as you are pleased to laugh it out : he must make use no doubt of the same invention , to place it in the very midst of the Chancell . Where , you say , he placed it . Your other flamme , is more impertinent , and absurd . For though all substantiall bodies here on earth , are equally measurable by those foure points in heaven , as you truly say : yet your illation thereupon , that it is not conceivable how this Altar should stand in the middle betweene North and South , rather than in the middle betweene East and West , is so ridiculous ; that no man but your selfe would have ventured at it . For when we talke of setting up a Table in the midst of a Roome , betweene East and West : I trow you do not think , but in that roome , it may stand rather in the middle between East and West , than in the middle of the same between North and South : though it stands equally distant from all foure points , in the heavenly bodies . Then to the Doctors second answer , you reply and say , that like r unto a child in a sandy banck , hee puls down with one hand , what he had built up with the other . Why so ? Because in case you did not like his former answer , you might see something else for your satisfaction . Call you this pulling down with one hand , what he had built up with the other ? I see the Doctor cannot please you , say he what he will. But being said , what answer do you make unto it ? Marry you tell us out f of Adricomius , that though Tyre was in Syrià , yet were the people thereof never mingled with the Iewes , nor the Iewes with them , untill their imbracing of the Christian faith , after the utter ruin and subversion of that Nation . Why man ? And doth the Doctor tell you , that the said Church or Temple in Eusebius , was built before the ruin of that Nation , or before any of the Iewes had received the faith ? You could not be so ignorant as not to know by course of story , that the said Church was built above 200. yeeres after the ruine and subversion of the Iewish Nation : and therfore it would best becom you , either to speak more to the purpose , or to hold your peace . Yes that you will you say . And rather than the Altar in Eusebius shal l stand in the middle of the Chancell , to carry some resemblance to the Altar of Incense , you will remove the Altar of Incense from the midst of the Temple , where it stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over against the vaile , as before you said ; and place it close unto the vaile , where never any man did place it , but your selfe alone . For tell mee , t doe Tostatus and Ribera fasten this Altar to the vaile , as you please to tell us . Not fasten it to the vaile , that 's flat : for it was u made with rings and staves , to bee removed ( as you are pleased to have the Communion Tables ) as occasion was . Then for your placing of it close along the vaile , you finde no warrant in the Scripture . The Latine reads it , Contra velum ; our English bookes before the vaile ; close unto it , you , that better understand the text , than all translatours whatsoever . Then for x Tostatus whom you cite for fastning it unto the vaile , all he saith is this : Dicitur Altare istud esse contra velum , i. e. ante velum . That Altar is here said to be against the vaile ; that is , before it . What else ? Hic ponitur situs hujus altaris , scilicet in qua parte Sanctuarii poneretur . Here is described the situation of this Altar , namely in what part of the Sanctuary it was placed . Is this to set it close unto the vaile , and there to fasten it ? we may conjecture how you use Ribera by your faire dealing with Tostatus , whom you thus abuse . Besides , your selfe hath told us , that the Altar of Incense did y stand between the Table on the North ( you mean the Table of Shewbread , do you not ? ) and the Candlestick upon the South : and I presume you will not say , the Table of the Shewbread , and the Candlesticke did stand close unto the vaile , or were fastned to it . But for these things , the Altar , and the Table , and the Candlesticke , how they were disposed of in the Tabernacle : you may consult the Schemes thereof in Torniellus , Ann. M. 2544. where you will finde the Altar stood not close unto the vaile , but a good distance off , towards the nether end , though not exactly in the midst . You might as well have let the Altar in Eusebius stand close along the wall , in the middle betweene North and South , as the Doctor placed it ; as have betraied your ignorance , both in the Criticisme and the fact , to so little purpose ; yea and your honestie to boot . And here I would have left you and Eusebius , but that you will not let the Doctor goe away with any thing . For whereas the poore Doctor said , that the Gate or entrance of this Church , like that of Salomons Temple , was unto the East : you say z it is not true , and that there is not any such thing in Eusebius . You grant that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Portico was towards the West ; the leading way or entrance into the Court , or Church-yard , as we call it now : And thinke you they went round about the Church , to finde another way at the further end ? Besides , you might have found , if you would have sought , that there were three dores into the very Church it selfe , all of them in the Easterne end , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a the Authour hath it . Finally , whereas you had said before , that there b was nothing true in all this relation , but that the word Altar is named in Eusebius ; now you have taken from him that comfort also : that Altar being by and by ( you say ) interpreted , to be a metaphoricall Altar , even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sanctification of a Christian soule . You might as well have said , the Temple there described is a Metaphoricall Temple : because the Panegyrist descanting upon it , compares the Soule unto that Temple , as the sinceritie thereof to the holy Altar . We have been long about Eusebius , but will be brieser in the rest ; as briefe as possibly we can , your old tricks considered . The next that followes is the first Councel of Constantinople , as it is called in Bish. Iewel , being that sub Agapeto & Menna , as the Doctor had it . Here you c conceive you have him at a fine advantage ; Agapetus being dead before that Councell sate ; and Menna Patriarch of Constantinople presiding in it . But Sir , you cannot chuse but know , that howsoever Agapetus died before the sitting of the Councell : yet it was called especially by his procuring ; ( being then at Constantinople ) although hee lived not to see the effects thereof : his Legates also being there , by vertue of a Commission to them made , when he was alive . And this was possibly the reason , why Binius in the top of every page throughout the Acts of this whole Councell , being 112. in all , sets it Sub Agapeto & Menna , as the Doctor did : your next exception , if it be not better , will be worse than nothing . The place alleaged by Bishop Iewell , is this , that Tempore dyptichoram , at the Reading of the Dypticks , the people with great silence drew together round about the Altar , and gave ●are unto them . The Greek text hath it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and to that phrase the Doctor answered , that d howsoever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in it selfe did signifie a Circle ; yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , could not be properly interpreted round about the Altar , so that there was no part thereof , which was not compassed with the people . This he illustrated with a like phrase in our English Idiom , of the kings sitting in his throne , and all his noble men about him : and by the very saying in the Greeke text of the Revelation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , round about the throne . Against this you have said but little , though you spend many words about it . All your great Grammar learning , out of Eustathius , and Hesychius , Tully , and Budaeus , excellent Criticks all ; that circles are exactly round , e without any Corners , and that a f Circle differs from a semicir●le ; is but your wonted art to divert the businesse . For did you not observe that the Doctor granted it , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of and in it selfe did signifie a Circle ? If so , what needs all this adoe ? The thing in question is not what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth , or whether Circles are not round : but whether that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can any way inferre that the Altar stood in the midst of the Church , so that the people , if they would , might runne round about it . For this you bring no proofe , but that g you thought the Throne in heaven had beene safe enough , and that it needed not a wall to rest upon . Why , who said it did ? That in the Revelation , was only brought for illustration of the Phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ not for the situation of the Altar against a wall . But then you say , the Angels may as conveniently be thought to compasse it about , as to cast themselves into a halfe mo●ne before the presence of Almighty God : and that all interpreters doe so expound it . You speake of all interpreters , but you name us none ; which shewes your all is very nothing : for where you have a store , wee are sure to finde it in the margin , how little soever to the purpose . But Sir , the Doctor speakes there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , h after the manner of men , touching the reference which the Prophet had in his description of the Throne in Heaven , unto the thrones of Kings on earth . And if you speake , or apprehend him speaking in that manner ; it would be very hard for you to untie the knot , and shew us i how foure beasts , though never so full of eyes , could compasse round the Throne in a perfect Circle . Nor doth that fragment which you bring us from S. Basils Liturgie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , say more than what the Doctor told you from the Revelation , that all the Angels stood round about the throne , Apoc. 7. 11. though Gentian Hervet , as you say , hath rendred it in orbem , which you translate in a ring or perfect Circle . For your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k in S. Peters Liturgie , you might doe well to keepe it by you , till the authoritie of that and other Liturgies affabulated to the holy Apostles , bee agreed upon . And had I thought you would have taken them for currant , I would have shewne you more in them for Priests and Altars , than you can doe with your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for placing the said Altars in the midst of the Church . However , by your owne confession , we have found an Altar in S. Peters Liturgie : and therefore to dispute ●dhominem , the name of Table is not 200. yeeres more ancient in the Christian Church , than the name of Altar . The compassing of the Altar l in S. Basils Liturgie , is an allusion only to the Phrase in the booke of Psalmes : and so is that also in the epistle of Synesius , if such thing bee in him : you have referred us in your text , to m one of his Epistles , but you tell not which . And in your Margin tell us that it is in constitut . habita ad Thatalaeum , but I find no such thing in his Epistles . But so or not so , all is one with you ; and with me too in this particular , being thus answered to your hand . Last of all for your passages in S. Chrysostomes Liturgie , where it is said , the Deacon fumes the holy Table , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , round about , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in all the circuit or compasse thereof , as your selfe translate it ; that might well be , and yet the Altar stand all along the wall . Fo● with a Censer in your hand , you could make shift , no doubt , to cense or fume the holy Table , in all th● circuit or compasse of it ; and yet not take the paines to goe round about it : even as they doe , at this day in the Church of Rome . But I must tell you by the way , that you have falsified your Authour , or at least chopped him off , having more to say . For p. 64. whither you referre us , hee speakes of censing of the Altar , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you say well in that , but then hee addes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the manner of a crosse ; which overthrowes your whole designe . For take it , as the Father meanes it , and it is no such impossibilitie , as you thinke it is , but that a single man n may doe it ; and fume in the Altar in a crosse : and therfore the poore Doctors interpretation not so absurd , as you would make it . The Doctor will stand close enough to his interpretation , till you bring stronger Arguments , and more faire dealing to remove him from it . You shew your selfe on all , and on no occasions to have some smattering of the law , and therefore cannot chuse but know , that in defect of an appearance , a Iurie in some cases may be up ex circumstantibus : for which see , 35 H. 8. c. 6. 2 Edw. 6. c. 32. and 5. Eliz. c. 25. and 14. Eliz. c. 9. And yet I trust you will not say , the Iudges that determine in writ of Nisi prius , sit in the middle of the towne Hall wheresoever they come ; because the people are conceived to bee circumstantes . None but this Minister of Lincolnshire would commit these follies . And yet it is no wonder neither : for you have given us centum tales , in stead of decem . Having made sport , ( to keepe us to your own sweet langugae ) in the Greeke with t●e Councell of Constantinople : we must next see o you doe as much in Latine , with S. Augustine . The place from him alleaged by Bishop Iewell , is this ; Christus quotidie pascit : Mensa ipsius est illa in medio constituta . Quid causae est , O audientes , ut mensam videatis , & ad epulas non accedatis ? i. e. as he translates it , Christ feedes us daily : and this is his Table here set in the midst . O my hearers , what is the matter , that ye see the Table , and yet come not to the meat ? To this the Doctor p answered , that mensa illa in medio constituta , in not to be interpreted the Table set here in the middest ; but the Table which is here before you : and this according to the Latine phrase afferre in medium , which is not to bee construed to bring a thing precisely into the middle , but to bring it to us , or before us . In your reply to this , you trifle as before you did , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And because every Schooleboy q knowes , that litterally and grammatically , medium doth signifie the middle part or space ; therefore afferre in medium cannot signifie to bring a thing unto us , or before us . This said , you make another sally , to shew your Criticall learning ( you have such store of it ) touching the derivation of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of Scaliger , and the latine word Mensa out of Varro , which was at first , say you , called Mesa , from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because this Vtensil , saith Varro , is ever placed in the middle space between us : so that according to this great and antient Critick , it cannot properly be called a Table , unlesse it be placed , as Saint Austin reports it , in medio , in the middle . Would you would leave this Criticall learning , except you were more perfect in it . All that you finde in Varro is r no more than this , that mensa escaria , a boord for meat , is called Cibilla , and that it was once square , but afterwards made round : Et quod a nobis media , a Graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mensa dici potest . Finde you in this that the latine word for a Table was not alwayes Mensa ; but at the first Mesa ? So you would make your Readers think , that cānot eve●y day consult the Author ; and for that purpose you have falsified him in your margin accordingly ; and made him say f what is not in him , viz. Mesa , quod à nobis media , à Graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mensa dici potest . But the first Mesa is your own , no such thing in Varro : and consequently Mesa was not the first Latine word for Table as you have falsified the Author , only to place it in the middle . Neither doth Varro say , that Mensa was derived from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , more than from the Latine : and further addes another reason of the name , which you would not see ; and that is , quod ponebant pleraque in cibo mensa , because that on the Table the meat was served out by measure . Every man had his own dimensum , as the word still holds . So then , it may bee called a Table , although not placed in the middle . Your Grammer learning being showne , we must next take a turne in your Divine and Theologicall Philology : where we are told t of Audientes , genuflectentes , competentes , and intincti , severall kinds of Catechumeni , in the primitive times ; as if those names had never beene heard of , but amongst the fennes : you would be thought to lie at wrack and manger with Lady Philology , though you never kist her . For had you but the least acquaintance with her , you would not runne into those errours which you do continually . You tell us of these Audientes , that u if the Table were in the Chancell , they could not be admitted to draw so neere as to see and view it : and therefore make Saint Austin say , that 's the Lords Table there , which you see placed in the midst of the Church . Why ? could they not more easily see it in the midst of the Church , than if it had been in the Chancell ? Were they so Eagle-sighted a far off , and could they not discerne it , if placed neerer hand ? This is a mystery indeed , above my capacity . Perhaps you think , that commonly , and at other times , it stood in the middle of the Church : but when the Catechumeni were driven forth , and the holy Sacrament to bee administred , it was removed into the Chancell . And then consider with your selfe , how fitly you would have the Table to bee set at other times in the upper end of the Chancell ; and be brought down in time of the Communion into the body of the Church . Next you have made S. Austin say , that if these Audientes could but by chance get a glympse of the holy Table , they were instantly ( all discipline notwithstanding ) to be baptized : and yet Saint Austin saith expressely , ut mensam videatis , that they did see the T●ble , though they came not to it ; nor do we finde they were baptized so presently on the sight thereof . Therefore to set the matter right , I rather should conceive that the word illae there , is of specall efficacie : and points not to a Table , which was then before them , ( for then haec mensa est ipsius , might have been more proper ) : but to some Table further off , in the Quire or Chancell , made ready for all those that purposed to Communicate ; which the said Catechumen ! might see , though they came not neere it . And so Saint Austin in these words , Mensa●ipsius est illa in medio constituta , must be thus interpreted ; His Table is that yonder which is now in readinesse . What is the matter , O you Audientes , that you can look upon the Table ; and yet not fit and prepare your selves to be partakers of the banquet . As for your note from x Albaspinus , that if the Audientes should but get a sight of the holy Table ; they were all instantly to be baptized : you do most shamefully abuse that learned Bishop ; who was too great a scholler to be so mistaken . And therefore take along that passage for a close of all , to which you point us in your margin : where you shall finde he speaks not of their getting a glympse the holy Table , but of the holy mysteries celebrated on the Table . Si cui contigisset Catecumeno , casu aliquo , aut sacrificiis interesse , aut occulis sacra illa intueri , ( call you this a Table ) cum protinus sacro fonte abluendum esse , Such a notorious falsifier of all kinde of Authors , did man never meet with . Next for Durandus , it was observed out of him by Bishop Iewell , that the Priest turning about at the Altar , doth use to say , Aperui os meum in medio Ecclesiae : which proves not , as the Doctor said y that the Altar stood in the midst of the Church ; but that the Priest stood at the midst of the Altar . You know this well enough , that the Priest doth stand so ; but you must needs say somewhat , what soever you know : and therfore bring Durandus z to expound himselfe . Well then , what saith Durandus to it . Per Altare Cor nostrum intelligitur , quod est in medio Corporis , sicut Altare in medio Ecclesiae . By the Altar is to be understood our heart , which is in the midst of the body , as the Altar is in the midst of the Church . This is almost the only place you have cited fairly in all your book : & in congratulation to your selfe for your honest dealing , you presently flie out on the poore Doctor , as if there were no sensible sacrifice , nor materiall Altar : because Durandus in his way of Allegories , compares the Altar to our heart . Iust thus before you dealt with the Panegyrist in Eusebius ; and too ridiculously in both . Therefore to let your Allegories passe , as not considerable in this case , we must reply unto the words . And here I will make bold to tell you , that by in medio Ecclesiae here , Durandus doth not meane the middle of the Church , that is , the body of the Church : but which I know you meane to laugh at , the middle of the upper end of the Quire , or Chancell ; there where the Altar stood in those times he lived , and long before him . Will you the reason why I say it ? then look into the former Chapter , where hee will tell you of those rayles , or barres , which part the Altar ( or the Altar place ) from the rest of the Quire : as it is now in our Cathedrals , and many others of this kingdome . Cancelli quibus Altare a Choro dividitur , separationem significat coelestium a terrenis . And so the Altar stood not in Durandus time , in the midst of the Church , but generally at the end ▪ of the Chancell , and thus much briefly for Durandus . For those exceptions which you make against the testimony produced by the Doctor a from Socrates and Nicephorus , about the standing of the Altars in Antiochia ; we must needs runne them over for your satisfaction , though not worth the while . What they affirme herein , we have at full laied down in our former Chapter : Cassiodore being there brought in , into the bargaine . The first thing you except against , is that the place he cited from Nicephorus b is not to be found lib. 12. c. 24. but lib. 12. c. 34. This is another of those malicious falsifications that you charge him with , p. 58. and c you beshrew him for it , here . p. 228. A very easie errour if you mark it well ; and such as Printers will commit , do we what we can . But it was found , it seems at last ; that 's well : more than man can say , of you and your quotations , I am sure of that : And so the wretched Doctor hath dealt with Socrates also , d citing him right , you say , in Latine , cap. 21. whereas it is the 22. Chapt. in the Greek . It would be well if you would cite your Authors right in any Language ; or else finde greater matters to except against , before you quarrell : yes that you will you say . For these Historians doe not note those rites of the Altars of the Citie of Antioch , as different from all other Altars , or from the generall practice of the Church : but that they differed in those rites from the Church of Rome , only , as Iosephus Vice-comes proves at large . What ever Vice-comes proves in other places , I am sure hee proves it not in the place you cite ; being de Missae Ritib . l. 2. c. 5. in which there is not one poore word that reflects that way . Nor will I take the paines to search , if hee saith it elsewhere . For whatsoever he saith in that , he can never prove it : the Authors being so expresse in the affirmation . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in Socrates ; contrarium ab aliis Ecclesiis situm , the translatour reades it , diversum prorsus quam alibi situm , so Nicephorus hath it . The words are generall enough , without relation any way to the Church of Rome . Now where you say , a that neither Socrates nor Nicephorus , doe say that the Altars did stand Westward ; that Socrates doth not speake of the position of these Altars , but the Churches onely ; and that Nicephorus adding besides his Author , the posture of the Altars , doth presently correct himselfe in the words of Socrates : all these are worse than so many mistakings , as you have made them in the Doctor , they are wilfull falsehoods . For doth not Socrates affirme , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and doth Nice●horus say otherwise , than Sacra ara non ad Orientem , sed ad Occidentem versus , collocata fuerat ? what finde you in Nicephorus like a recantation , passing directly from these words to another matter ? For shame presume not thus on the credulitie of your Readers : and think not all the world so stupid , as to bee cheated with your faire words , and a loaded margin . The rest of your exceptions are so slight , they need no reply . The Doctor saith not as you f charge him , that all the people in Syria , might possibly place the Altar in the midst of the Church : but spake it onely of the people of the citie of Tyre . And for the pudder that you make about the meaning of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is another smack of your criticall ignorance : bee pleased to know , that without an● wres●ing of the word , the Alta●s may be said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to look towards the East ; as well as th●t Priests looked that way , which did officiate at them , or upon them . And if you will vouchsafe to look in g Clemens of Alexandria , you will there finde that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is so used . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So hee in reference to some antient temples built amongst the Gentiles . Thus having saved the Doctor harmlesse from your vaine assaults ; we will next see , what you have studied of your owne against the standing of the Altar , at the East end of the Church . Where I must tell you your particular instances will prove but weake and silly Arguments , like the Cathedrall Church at Dover , or the round Church of Cambridge , which wee met with lately . That which you tell us from the Greek Churches is indeed considerable , if it were as true . You tell us out of Gentian Hervetus , h that in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Chancell there be two Altars , whereof the greater stands in the midst of that Roome , and the lesse close by , at the left side of it . Yet Bishop Iewell in his 13. Art. being of the Pluralitie of Masses , cites many of the Ancient Fathers that say , there is but one Altar in every Church : and then concludes with Gentian Hervet ; In Graetorum templis unum tantum est Altare , idque in med●o choro aut Presbyterio . Not in the middle of the Church then , we have gained so much : and wee have reason to beleeve it was not in the middle of the Chancell neither . One of you I am sure is out with your Gentian Hervet , touching the number of your Altars : and think you , that you are not both out in the placing of them ? No certainly say you , that cannot bee , i because the setter forth of the Greek and Latine Liturgies , hath affirmed as much : viz. that there be in those Churches two Altars , the greater in the middest , and called the holy Table , the lesser called the Prothesis , o● Table of Proposition . And then you bring in Claudius Sainctes , to tel us , that in the Greek Temples , there is but one high Altar , and that placed in the midst of the Quire. You should doe well to reconcile your witnesses , before you bring them to give evidence . Claudius Sainctes , as you cite him , hath told us of one Altar only ; the setter forth of the Greeke and Latine Liturgies , as you please to call him , tels us of two ; but placeth , as you cite him , the greatest only in the midst : and Gentian Hervet setting the great Altar in the midst , hath placed the least close by it , at the left side of the greater . Your selfe and Bishop Iewell with your Gentian Hervet , and Gentian Hervet with your setter forth , and his Claudius Sainctes , agree but very ill together . We might doe well to keepe them withou● fire and candle , till they agreed upon their verdict : but wee will take an easier Course , and dismisse them presently . And first beginning with your Claudius Sainctes , you cite him k in his Edition of the Greeke Liturgie at Paris , 1560. but you cite neither page , nor place where a man may finde it . Indeed it was most wisely done to conceale the matter ; that so your Reader might bee drawne rather to take it on your word , than take the paines to looke for it upon such uncertainties . But howsoever being looked for , and looked for with a diligent and care●ull eye ; we must returne non est inventus , no such words in Sainctes . Next for the setter forth of the Greeke and Latine Liturgie , you might have done us a good turne to have told his name : at least not to have sent us to enquire for him in l the Biblioth . vet . Patrum , Tom. 2. in Annot. without more punctuall direction . You mean , I trow , the setter forth of the Liturgies in Greeke and Latine ; and them wee finde indeed in the second Tome of that edition . But when you talke I know not how ▪ of a setter forth of the Greeke and Latine Liturgies , and send us to the Biblioth . vet . patrum , Tom. 2. you bid us looke into a place where no such man was ever heard of : the Greek and Latine Liturgies not being found in the second of those Tomes , but in the sixt . I see you were resolved that whosoever traced you , should have much to doe . But having found your Author out , we finde you had good reason to conceale his name , and give us such obscure directions for the finding of him . For Genebrard whom you blindly call the setter forth of the Greek and Latine Liturgies , hath told us such a tale as will marre your markets . l For hee divides their Churches into these five parts : the first called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the holy Tabernacle , so called quod gradibus in illam scandatur , because it is mounted up by steps ; and this is entred into by none but the Priests . The second hee entituleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Quire or Chancell ( properly and distinctly so intituled ) Locus Clero & Cantoribus deputatus , a place assigned ●or the clergie and the singing men . The third was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Pulpit-place , where the Epistles and Gospels were reade , and Sermons preached unto the people . ●he fourth called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the body of the Church , wherein the people had their places , both men and women , though distinct : and last of all the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or place for Baptisme , neere which stood the Penitents . Now for the Altars which he speakes of , they stood not , as you make them stand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Quire or Chancell , distinctly and properly so called , and much lesse in the middle of it ; but in the upper part thereof , mounted up by steps ( and severed from the rest by a vaile or curtaine ) which place was therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. the Altar-place , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Altarium , which m before we spake of . Illic sunt duo Altaria , there , in that upper end , above the steps , stood those two Altars which you talke of : not in the middle of the Chancell as you falsly say . And there , the greater of the two did stand in medio , in the midle between North and South as they still continue : the lesser , which hee cals the Prothesis , standing on the left side thereof , and thereon stood the bread appointed to be consecrated , till it was offred on the Altar . Nor doth he say , the greater is in the midst , and called the holy Table , and no more but so : but majus est in medio , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacra mensa , &c. the greater of them is in the midst , and is called the Altar , the holy Table , the Holy of Holies , with many other names which are there attributed to it . Where you may see , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath precedencie of sacra mensa , though you are pleased to leave out Altar ; as if he called it onely the holy Table : this said , your evidence out of Gentian Hervet will bee easily answered . And here I cannot chuse but tell you , that herein you have shewne most foulely , either your ignorance or your falshood . If you conceived that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there did signifie the whole Chancel , then it shews your ignorance : if that you knew it signified no more than the upper part , in quod gradibus scanditur , and yet set downe with m in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Chancell , as you have translated it , then you shew your falshood . And so I leave you with an Vtrum horum mavis accipe ; make your best of either : or if you will , take both ; being both your owne . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which you find in Gentian He●vet , is that which you had met with in your setter forth , a place distinguished from the Chancell , and raised above it , within the which the said two Altars stood , which your Author speaks of ; and stood , as you were told before ( one of your Authors borrowing from the other both his words and matter , ) though indeed one of them was no Altar , but a Table only ; a Table either of proposition , or of preparation , no great matter which . Next let us looke upon the Latines , and their use herein , from whom the English first received the faith of Christ , as your selfe confesse , calling their Austin , the Apostle of the Saxons . p. 223. And herein to begin with , wee have gained thus much , that neither the Tables heretofore , nor the high Altars afterwards did stand in the midst of the Church or Chancell ; but k so farre from the wall at least , as the Priests and Deacons might stand round about them . Wee hope you will come home in time . First you had placed the Altar in the midle of the Church ; then you removed it very fairely into the middle of the Chancell , and now you have advanced it so neere the wall , as there is onely roome for the Priests and Deacons to goe between . I finde you comming on apace , but that shall not helpe you : for I am bent to trust to nothing that you say , till I have examined it , no though it made unto my purpose : Now for the proofe of this , you bring us in some Authours , and some precedents . Amongst your Authors , l Walafridus Strabo hath been heard alreadie , who saith no more , but that in the first times the Altars in the Church were placed ad diversas plagas , according as , poore men , they could fit themselves , but makes the generall use to be otherwise , as be●ore was said . And so do m Bellarmine , and Suarez too , two other of your Authours , as it relates unto the Churches , which generally , they say , are built ad orientem , some few excepted , which could not otherwise bee erected ? But Bellarmine , I assure you , doth not speak one word in the place ●y you cited , touching the fixing of the Altars in any posture ; propter commoditatem loci , if the convenience of the place require it . That 's an addi●ion of your owne , no such thing in Bellarmine . And howsoever Suarez seeme to looke that way , yet he acknowledgeth withall , that placing of the Altar at the East end of the Church , was the ancient Custome . For Vice-comes , he doth take it as you say , for a very cleere and indubitable as●ertion , Altaria medio in templo allocata fuisse , that Altars were placed heretofore in the midst of the Church . And he doth take it too , I say , for as indubitable , and as cleere , n non nisi Constantini temporibus coepisse Christianos missam publice in Ecclesia con●icere , that till the time of Constantine the Christians did not celebrate the Sacrament in their Churches publickly : but neither you nor I am bound to believe him in it . No matter how hee saith it , but how hee proves it . o Your Aloysius Navarinus comes in here impertinently , who on these words , Circundabo Altare tuum , saith , that their situation was such in former times , that the Priests might compasse round about the holy Altar . But good Sir tell me in your next book , of what Priests he speaks . For that the Altar stood so in the law of Moses , we know well enough ; and the Priests compassed them about , we know that also . But that the Altars stood so in the Christian Church , you do not tell us from your Author : which is a pregnant argument , tha● it is not in him ? p But , as you say , the maine authority you relie upon , is the Pontificall : wherin the Bishop is enjoyned in three severall places at the least , to compasse the Altar round about , or circumcirca : which were it fastned to the wall , were as you say impossible for a man so to do . Iust so . But tell me in good earnest , do you conceive the Bishop is enjoyned in the Pontificall , to go round about the Altar , ( as you meane round about it , when you tell us so ) because you finde it , Pontifex circuit ter Altare , once ; and circuit semel , twice , as your margin rightly . The circumcirca , is your owne ; and none of the Pontificals . And for the compassings there spook of , they must be taken in circuitu possibili , to compasse so much of it , as may be compassed . And so you must interpret another passage in the said Pontificall . viz. Thurificat Altare undique ad dextrum & sinistrum latus , ante & desuper , p. 2●3 . and 232. of my Edition being of Paris , Anno 1615. Vndique there implies asmuch as circumcirca , and yet you finde not that the Bishop is to cense or fume the further part thereof . Why so ? because he could not come to do it . If not to cense it , then certainly much lesse to compasse it about , as you meane compassing . Compare your Circuit , with my undique , and tell me what you think of this proper Argument , upon wiser thoughts . From Authors you proceed to Precedents , q Precedents answering these Authorities in all ages , and in all countreys whatsoever . In case your Precedents serve your turne no better than your Authors did , there 's never a Scriveners Clerk in London , but will shew better Precedents for a poore Noverint Vniversi . And of this quality is your first , a generall Precedent , a perfect Noverint Vniversi . For as you say , you were extreamly laught at by all strangers , for making unto them such a foolish question , as they deemed it . And like enough , I would have laught at you my selfe , had I heard you aske it : for never did so great a Critick aske so poore a question . I know your meaning yet , however . You would bee thought to have been laught at , for thinking that the Altars generally stood at the East end of the Church : but if you asked the question , you were only laught at by the strangers , for thinking it a matter questionable , that they should stand in any other place than that . And though I take this for a tale , a very winters tale , fit only to bee told by such a confidence as yours : yet being told by one of the right faction , no doubt but it will passe for currant , and finde a credence among those who are not able to distinguish between chalk and cheese , but swallow all that comes before them . Your Noverint Vniversi being sealed and delivered , wee should look forwards to the rest of your observations ; but we will borrow leave a while , to look upon the Church of Millaine , and on the Reformation made therein , by the great Cardinall Borromaeo . It seemes , before his time , r that there had been some Altars raysed in very inconvenient places : some neere the Pulpit ; some neere the Organs ; some against one pillar , some against another ; and some neere the doore : yet finde I none particularly under the Reading Deske , nor do I think that you can finde a Reading Deske in any of the Millaine Churches . s Only because you sayd before , that the Pulpit and the Reading Pew might be called Altars no lesse properly than the Holy Table : you would now shew an Altar neere the Reading Deske , in hope the Reading Deske may one day become an Altar . I hope you cannot hence conclude , that the High Altar stood indifferently in any part of the Church ; or that in those small Churches wherein there was one Altar only , that one and only Altar stood as it hapned in the body of the Church , under t the Organ-loft , the Reading Deske , the Pulpit , or you know not where . There 's none so ignorant of the world abroad , but knowes that in the greater Churches there were severall Altars , none of the which come under our consideration , but that one Altar , which was disposed of in the Chancell . Your Pillar-Altars , and your Chappell-Altars were of another nature , and had their severall places in the Church , according as they might bee s●tuate with the most conveniency . But so , I trust it was not with the High Altar , as they call it . And yet in this you tell us , if we may beleeve you u that in the severe reformation which that Cardinall made in all the Churches of the state of Millaine , he doth require that there be left a space of eight Cubits at the least , between the High Altar and the Wall , to admit the assistance of more Priests and Deacons at feasts of dedication , and other appointments of solemne Masses . If this were true , it were enough , we would seek no further . But there is nothing true in all this story . The distance that you speak of , was not betweene the Altar and the Wall ; but betweene the Altar and the Rayle , quod septum ab Altari co●gruo spatio dis●et , the rayle , or barres , and not the wall ; as in the fourth Councell of Millaine , published by Binius , being the extract of those Acts , to which you send us . But lest wee should fall short of our present purpose , which is to set you for●h unto the world , for the most notable Counterfeit of these later Ages ; wee will bee bold to borrow helpe from your owne deere selfe , against this man of Lincolnshire that so abuseth his good Authors . You cite us in this place , Acta Eccles. Mediolan : part 4. lib. 10. de fabrica Eccles. and pag. 48. of your holy Table , you cite the very same againe . But there you sing another song , and report him rightly in these words . When you build an High Altar , there must be from the foot or lowest degree thereof , to the rayles that inclose the same , ●ight Cubits and more , if the Church will beare it , that there may be roome for the clergie to assist , ( as sometimes is required at solemne Masses . ) x Et me mihi per●ide prodis , me mihi prodis ait ? What have wee here , ●he Minister of Lincolnshire , confessing guilty ? His Author wronged in one place , and most miraculously righted in another ? Now fie upon thee that coul●st not keep thine owne counsell ; but must needs blurt out all , though against thy selfe . And so Ex ore tuo inique Iudex . The space you talk of was , as you see , betweene the Altar and the raile ; and not betweene the Altar and the wall , which was the matter to bee proved . The Cardinall was too good an Antiqu●rie , to make so great a distance as you falsly charge him with , betweene the Altar and the wall . And though he was not sainted , y as you idely dreame , for taking downe those petit Altars in his Church of Millaine : yet such a reverend esteeme the Popes had of him , that the whole z order of the Humiliati was suppressed for ever ; only because one desperate knave amongst them , made an attempt upon his person . This said , those few particulars which you have to shew , might very easily be granted , and do no prejudice at al to the cause in hand : and it were not amisse to do so , but that you falsifie your Authors with so high an impudence ▪ in some of those particulars , which you have to shew . Your instance of an a Antient Marble Altar , in the middle of the Catacombe , wee will freely yeeld you ? For say you not your selfe , that it was a place , in which the antient Bishops of Rome were wont to retire themselves in time of persecution ? If so , it was well they had an Altar . Those were no times to be sollicitous about the placing of the same , as before we told you . Next in Saint Peters Church in the Vatican you have found an Altar , called Altare Maggiore ; but the worst is , you know not where to place it . The Italian Author whom you b cite , tels you the posture of this High Altar , was in the midst of the Quire : and yet Chemnitius , whom you cite p. 222. and allow of too , hath placed it ante Chorum , before the very Quire. This , as you say , was not observed by your former Author ; you say true indeed . Your former Author , if you report him right , hath placed it in the midst of the Quire , and therefore could not well observe that it stood before it . But stand it where it will , what are you the wiser ? Do you not finde in c Walafrid●s Strabo , that in this very Church there are many Altars , some placed towards the East , and some in others parts thereof : Altaria non tantum in Orientem , sedetiam in alias partes esse distributa . And finde you not also in d Chemnitius , that in that very Church there are an hundred and nine Altars ; and then no marvell if some of them stand in the middle of the Quire , and some before it . Nor doth Chemnitius speak at all of that Altare Maggiore which before you spake of , for ought there appeares ; but only tels you , apud Altare ante Chorum , that before the Quire there was an Altar . And , which most cleerely shewes your falshood , hee most perfectly distinguisheth that before the Quire from that under the whi●h Saint Peter and Saint Paul lie buried , which your Italian Author speakes of , by the number of Indulgences . You might have spared Chemnitius well enough , for any service hee hath done you ; but that you love to clog your margin . And for Saint Peters Altar , place it where you will , either in the middle of the Quire , or before the doore , you cannot thence conclude that there was no High Altar anciently at the East end of the Church ; no more than if a man should say , there is an Altar in the middle of King Henry the Seventh his Chappell at Westminster , ergo there is no Altar at the East end of the Quire. From Italy your Bookes transport you into Germany , and there you heard another winters tale , of that alacrity which Witikind the ancient Saxon found in the face of Charles the Great , when hee began to approach that Table which was in the midst of the Church . For this you cite Cran●zius in Metrop . l. 1. c. 24. but there 's not one word that reflects that way in all that Chapter , nor indeed could be , if you marke it ; the Emperou● Charles being dead and buried Chapt. ●8 . That which you meane is Chapt. 9. ( should 〈…〉 〈◊〉 you for this mistake ) and there indeed it is 〈◊〉 in this sort : Postea vero mensam adieras● ▪ Templo mediam , it a hilari mihi conspectus ●s vultu , &c. that the good Emperour changed his Count●●ance , at his approach unto the Table . How ●eated ? Templo mediam ▪ What in the middle of the Church ? I cannot tell you that . For then hee would have said , in medio Templi , and not Templo mediam . The Table Templo media was the High Altar out of question , and stood as now it doth at the upper end of the Quire : and yet was Templo media just in the middle to the Church ▪ or ●any man that comming from the lower end , did approach unto it . Nor doth Hospinian tell us , f as you make him tell us , that in the Reformation which the Helvetians made at Tig●re , ( so great a Clerke as you should have called it Zuric● ) An 1527. they found that in old time the Fo●t had beene situated in that very place , where the Popish High Altar was then demolished . 〈◊〉 g onely saith , Non obs●uris not is deprehensum esse , that it was so conje●tured by certaine signes ▪ And thinke that those signes might not deceive them . Besides , Hospinian speakes not of the Popish High Altar , but cals it onely the High Altar , Al●a●● summum . Popish was ●oysted in by you , to make poore men be●eeve that all High Altars , were ipso facto , Popish Altars , and therefore ipso facto , to be demolished . Such excellent arts you have to infuse faction in mens mindes , as never any man had more . From Germany you passe to France , where you finde nothing for your purpose . You h are informed , you say , that there they doe not fasten their High Altars to the wall ; but the lesser or Requiem Altars only . I dare bee bold to say , no man ever told you so : the contrary thereunto being so apparent ; as I my selfe can say , of my own observation . So that your generall being false , that which you tell us of the rich Table in the Abbie Church of S. Den●s , will conclude no more , than your Cathedrall Church at Dover . And yet you tell us false in that too . For that the Table is i not laied along the wall , but stands Table-wis● , you find not in the Theatre , cited in the Margin : that you have added of your owne . Nor doth the Inscription which you bring , prove that it standeth Table wise : for the Inscription may as well fit an High Altar now , as a Communion Table heretofore . Besides , how ever it k was used before , in case it bee not used so now , it makes no matter how it stands . For if it bee a Table onely , a faire rich Table to ●eede the eye , and not imployed in any of ●heir religious Offices : place it in Gods name how you will ; and make your best of it having placed it so . l The ho●y Altar in the same Church placed before the Tombe of Charles the bald , stands , as you say , in a manner in the midst of that roome . Not in the midst expressely , but in a manner in the midst . Neither so , nor so . For the said holy Altar , as they call it , stands against the wall , 〈◊〉 of the Chappell being behinde it ▪ ( a place appointed for the Sacrist ) according , as you cannot chuse but have observed , in many of our Cathedrall Churches in this Realme . And these indeed , are n● strange postures in that Country ; you say right in that : but very wrong as you intend it , as if it were not strange in France to have the Altars ▪ stand in the midst of the●r Churches Both the rich Table that you speak of , and the holy Altar as they call it , stand there no otherwise than other Altars , both in France , and elswhere : which I can say of certaine knowledge , having marked them well . The other three rich Tables which you tell us of , m two of them in Const●ntinople , and one in Rome , conclude as little to your purpose : there being no proofe brought that they stood Table-wise , or were not laied along the wall ; but only your meere say-soes , and some bold conjectures . Nay it appeares most plainely , in tha● wherein you instance first , that it was made to stand against a wall , and in no place else . For it is said of that incomparable Lady Pulcheria , and not Pulchelia , as you call her , the Emperours Sister , that making such a costly and magnificent peece of worke as the Table was : n shee caused to bee inscribed on the Front thereof , that all might read it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the purpose of the gift , and true intentions of the giver . Had it beene then the use of the Church in ▪ Constantinople , to place the holy Table like a Comm●●●on Table ; no doubt but that shee would have caused the said Inscription to bee made accordingly . Not on the Front thereof , for Front it could have none , except you please to call the narrow ●nd by the na●e of F●ont , ( as none will call it , if you do not ; ) but round about it . And being inscribed ●ound about , it might as ●asily have beene read , the Table standing Table-wise ; as being on the Front , the Table standing Altar-wise . So that you have found out an excellent Argument against your selfe : and wee thanke you for it . Your second instance is o of a Table , sent from France , by King Pepin , to the Pope , and dedicated to Saint Peter . How prove you that this Table was not made an Altar , nor placed Altar-wise ? Marry say you , because the Pope returned this Answer to the King , that on that very Table hee had offered the sacrifice of praise to Almighty God , for the prosperity of his Kingdome . An admirable disputant . But good Sir , with your leave , might not the Pope offer the sacrifice of praise to Almighty God , on any thing but on that Table : or on that Table situate all along the wall , but in the posture onely of a common Table : or not upon that Table , changed into an Altar ? I see you are excellent good at all things ; but for non-sequiturs , a very none-such . For your last instance of the holy Table offered up by Iustinian in the Temple of Sophia in Constanti●ople ; you build on this , that the Inscription on the same was ingraven 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , round about it ▪ and therefore could not have beene seene , had the said Table beene laied ●●ong the wall . Thus you c●●●lude ▪ and your conclusion , as it should , followes deteriorem partem , in the worst sence too . Your Circuit , and your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have beene scanned already . Nor can you prove by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the inscription on the Table went quite round about it . It might bee done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not circum-circa . Cannot you walk 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about an Altar , or if that word offen● you about a Table placed against a wall , backwards and forwards , from the extreme corner on the North-east , to the extreme corner on the South-east , and yet not walk quite round about it , in a perfect circuit ? if no , you understand not what you meane when you say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if yea , then you may finde how the inscription might be engraven 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on Iustinians Table , and yet the Table stand all along the wall . You see , I hope , by this time , the exceeding weaknesse of your cause ; as other men may see by this , the extreme foulenesse of your carriage , in the handling of it . But to what purpose tell wee you , of what you see : who being nor blinde , nor blinker , as you make the Doctor , do shut your eyes most wilfully that you may not see ; or rather see too well , but will dissemble what you see . Great paines assuredly you take to prove that the Communion Table ought not to stand at the upper end of the Chancell : and that it is against the Liturgie and C●nons of this Church , against the practice of antiquity , yea and against the usage in the Church of Rome , to place it so . And which is yet more strange , you cast a scandalous staine on them which opine the contrary , as if they were of very desperate faith , and corrupt affections . For p. 76. you fling a jealousie abroad , as if in placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , they meant somewhat else , than for feare of our gr●cious King they dare speak out : the Masse at lea●● , no question , who can take it otherwise . And worse than so , p. 204. you tell us , that these 〈◊〉 Reformers , though they prepare and l●y 〈◊〉 for the same , dare not ( for feare of so many Lawes and Canons ) apparantly professe their Ele●sinian doctrines : and that they are busied as yet , in t●king in the outworks , that that being done , they may in time have a ●out with the fort it selfe : With spight and calumnie enough . One that should read these passages , would thinke that your selfe did place a great deale of religion , in these outward matters : yet such is your ill-luck , or want of memory , or somwhat which is worse , that you confesse in other places , that placing of the holy Table in the upper end of the Chancell , is of a very meane and inferior quality ▪ not to be stood upon or gain●said , if it be● required . For p. 67. you declare your selfe , that you would not advise a●y Clergie-ma● of what degre● soever , to oppose his Ordi●ary , eith●r 〈…〉 other particular of so low ● nature ▪ So low ●●●ture , marke y●u that ; and then consider with your selfe , how little cause you had , to take so much paines to ●o little purpose ▪ but that you have a minde to d●stur● the Church , that you may fish the better in a troubled water . So for the writer of the letter , hee sign●fi●th unto the Vicar , a that the standing ●f th● 〈◊〉 Table , was ●●to him a thing s●●●different , that 〈◊〉 offence a●d umbr●ges were taken by the town ag●inst it ▪ he would neither move it , nor remove it . And you your selfe have brought him in discoursing with the men of Granth●m , of the indifferenci● of this circumstance in its owne nature : as in another place , b you make his Lordships opinion to be very indifferent , in the said placing of the Table , however the Rubrick of the Liturgie did seeme apparently to be against it . Nor is he onely so resolved in point of judgement , but hee is positive for the ●etting of it Altar-wise , in point of practice : c the Table , as you tell us , in his Lordships private Chappell being so placed , and furnished with Plate and Orna●ents above any the poore Vicar had ever seene in this Kingdome , the Chappell Royall only excepted . A strange tale to tell , that for the placing of the Table Altar-wise , the Rubricke should bee so apparently against it ; and yet his Lordships opinion should be so indifferent in it : his practice peremptorie for the formes observed in the Royall Chappell ; and yet that you should bee allowed and licenced to write kim kam , so flatly contrary to that , which in his owne house hee approves and practi●eth . More strange that you should take this paines to falsifie your Authours and disturb the peace and uniformitie of the Church , in matters of so low a nature ; wherein you would have no man disobey his Ordinarie . Were you not taken with a spirit of giddinesse , we should have found some constancie in you , though but little truth . But thus you deale with us throughout your Booke ; and wander up and downe , you know not whither : the biasse of your judgement drawing one way , and your zeale unto the faction , pulling you another way . It seemes you have beene much distracted , aliudque ●upido , mens aliud su●det : and you are still irresolute what to do , or think . Though for the present fit , like the madde woman in the Poet , you set upon the businesse with a video meliora proboque : but will deterior● sequi , do wee what wee can . In which madde mood no wonder if you fall into many impertinencies , and extravagancies , to which now wee hasten : and having made a full discovery of you in them , will conclude the whole . SECTION III. CHAP. IX . A brief survey and censure of the first service of Extravagancies , in the holy Table . The Ministers extravagancies , one of th● greatest part of his whole discourse . His ignorant mistaking in the Mathematicks concerning the inventions of Euclide , Archimedes , and Pythagoras . The Minister faulters in the originall of Episcopall autority . His ●ringing in of Sancta Clara , and Sancta Petra , for the Iingle onely . The Minister mistakes the case of the German Priests . His ●●vils at the ●●rme of prayer before the Sermon ; and turning towards the East i● the Act of Prayer . The Ministers ignorant endevours to advance the autority of the Archd●acons . The Minister mistaken in the Diaconico● . What the Diacony was , and that it addes but little to the dignitie of Archdeacons , that the old Deacon had the keeping of it . The Minister absurdly sets the Deacon above the Priest. Po●tare Altare , not an honour in the first Deacons , but a service onely . The little honour done by the Minister to the Arch-deacons , in drawing down their petigree from the first Deacons . The Ministers ignorant mistake in his own w●rd utensil . The Minister subjects the ●riest to the autority of the Chu●chwarden , and for th●t 〈…〉 Lindwood . His ignorant d●●rivations of the present Churchwarden from the old O●conomus . The Minister endevows to exclude the Clergie from medling in sacular matt●●● ; and to that 〈◊〉 abuseth the autoritie of the ●●ci●●● F●thers . His ignorance in the Cat●chisme , and confident mistakes in that . His heartlesse plea for bowing at the name of IESVS . LAertius tel's us of Chrysippus the Philosopher , that being a great Writer , a he took up every thing that came in his way , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and swelled his Books with testimonies and quotations , more then needed . And thereupon Apollodoru● the Athenian used to say , that taking from Chrysippus writings , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all that was either not his own , or at all nothing to his purpose ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his Papers would be emptie of all manner of matter . Our Minister of Lincoln Diocese is much like that Autor . To make his Book look big upon us , hee l●ft out nothing that hee met with in his own collections ; or had beene sent in to him by his friends to set out the worke : and that it might appear a most learned piece , hee hath dressed up his margin with quotations of all forts , and uses . But with so little judgement and election , that many times he run's away so far from his may● bu●inesse , and from the Argument which he took in hand ; that wee have much adoe to finde him . And should one deal with him , according to the hi●● that wee have given us of Chrysippus ; we should find such a full in the mayn bulk of his discourse , that the good man would have a very sorry frame , to support his Table . Such and so many are his impertinences , and vaga●ies ; that the left part of all his worke , is the holy Table , though that were onely promi●ed in the T●●le : and we may say therof in the Po●ts language , Pars minima est ipsa puella sui ; the dresse is bigger then the body . However , that wee might not ●eem to have took all this pains , in a thing of nothing ; I have reduced into the body of this answer , what ever of him I could possibly bring in , though by head and shoulders : leaving the rest of his untractable extravagancies , such as by no means could be brought into rank and order , to be here examined by themselves . In marshalling of the which I shall use no method , but that which himself hath taught me ; which is to rank them as I finde them , and as t●ey crosse me in my way : taking them page by page , as they are pr●sented to my view ; or dish by dish , as hee hath set them before us . If you find any thing of the changeling in him , or that his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do not proove as full of ignorance and falshood , as his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is : I should conceive my time ill spent , in tracing him up and down in so wild a Labyrinth . Besides , we have in these extravagancies or vagaries , some fine smacks of Puritanisme , purposely sprinkled here and there to san ctifie and sweeten the whole performance ; and make it ad palatum to the Gentle Reader . Begin then my dear brother of Boston , and let us see what prety tales you have to tell us , for entertainment of the time , by way of Table-talke : for justifying as you do , the sitting of some men , at the holy Sacrament , I must needs thinke you have invited us unto a Common , not an holy Table . And first to passe away the time till your meate come's in , you tell us two or three stories , c of E●clid● , and his finding out of the Iacobs staffe ▪ of Archimedes and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when being in a brazen Lav●tory , he had found the Cor●net or circumference of the vessell : and finally of that sad y●●th Pythagoras , d who having found in a Diagr●m an eq●●litie of so●e lines in a right ●●gled triangle , dow●e went a whole Oxe to the Gods , for the Inspiration . These are hard words beleeve mee , and you do very ill to talke in such a c●nting Language , and that to poore unlearned e people , which are no Geometricians : but farre worse , trust mee , to betray your ignorance in so fowle a manner , to those that can detect you for a most confident ign●ro , to trifle thus in matters which you understand not . It is a good rule and an old , in mathematic is aut scire op●rtet , aut 〈◊〉 . But you that never cared for any rules , will not care for this . Incomp●r●ble , you say , f was the delight of Euclide , when he had found how to make but a Iacobs staffe . I pr●y you , good Sir , who told you that Euclide made the Iacobs staffe ▪ If it was Iacobs staffe , as you say it was ; it could not be of E●clides making . And I would pray you next to tell me , why naming it a Iacobs staffe ; you put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the margin . Think you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Iacobs staffe ? The word you cite from Plut●rch where indeed it is ; but a judicious and learned Mathematician , as you seem to be , would have considered with Xylander , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is vox nihili , no word at all , a mistake meerly of the transcripts . Then if you reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the l●arned do , it might be certainly a worke conteining some practicall The●remes wrought by the Quadrant or Astrolabe , as well as the Iacobs staffe . And then again , if Euclide wrote such Theoremes , it follows not that therefore he found out the Instrument . Many have told us of the use , but not found out the Author of it : g though P. Ramus would have told you , had you asked the question ▪ that it ▪ was called Iacobs staffe , Tanquam à sancto Patriarcha illo oli● inventus . However , were the difficulties more , and more debated by the learned in those noble studies , that 's all one to you . For like a bold Adventurer , you clap it downe a Iacobs staffe , in the Text , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the margin : and then deride both it and them , as being h but a twelve-penny matter , not worth the speaking of . From Euclide on to A●chim●des , who washing in a brazen Lavatorie , cryes out he had found it . What had he now found ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith your margin rightly : but very wrongly you translate it , and tell us it was nothing but the Corone● or circumference of the vessell . What will you give me to relate the storie ? Will you a●sure me on your word , though not worth the taking , that you will never medle with the Mathematicks , without further studie ? Well then , thus it was . i Hiero King of Syracusa , put out a Crowne to making , of pure gold : and the Artificer , like a knave , mixed some silver with it . This being informed of , Hiero would faine know , how much gold had beene taken out , and how much silv●r put in : and desired Archimedes to invent some way for the discoverie . He , at a certaine time going into his Bath , observed a quantitie of the water to over-flow according to the bignesse of his body ; whereby he presently conce●ted a device to solve the Kings Problem● , and cryes out , I have found it : i. e. a way to discover the Artificers theft by the proportion of the water over-flowing ; or in the words of your owne Author , did you understand him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a way of meas●ring the Kings Crowne ; which he did accordingly . I ●ee you understand the language , as you do the Mathematicks : and to betray your ignorance in both at once , must needs interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Coronet or circumference of the vessell . He found k a Coronet of gol● , when he cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : though the invention was not worth a Tester as you tell the storie . But the sad youth Pythagoras went beyond them all . Did he so indeed ? And so do you too in relating what he invented . It is your master-peece of Ign●rance ; not such another to be found in all the Countrey . But what did he ? Marry , say you , having found in a Diagramme an equalitie of some lines in a right-angled triangle , downe went a whole oxe for the inspiration . What said you , an equalitie of some lines ? How many were they for a wager ? There are but three in all , a triangle can have no more . One is not some ; and all the lines in a right-angled triangle cannot be equall , by no meanes ▪ it is both false in the Art , and utterly would take away that excellent invention of Pythagoras . If then all three cannot have this equalitie , nor any one of them in it selfe ; it must be either two or none : you needed not have kept aloofe with your equalitie of some lines . And to say truth , it is of none . For this invention of Pythagoras , respects not any equalitie or inequalitie of the lines or sides in a right-angled triangle ; but it l enquires the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or power of these lines : and it demonstrates the square described upon the line subtending the right Angle , to be ever equall to the squares of both the other compounded . Now did you either understand the invention it selfe , or else what admirable use is made thereof in all the practice of Geometry , you would not grutch Pythagoras an Hecatombe ; a poore Ox● was nothing : although as you most ignorantly have set it downe , an Oxe had beene too much by halfe ; A calfe had beene enough to offer for such a Bull. Not such a m Pious Bull indeed , as you have found out for the Doctor ; but a profane , a Gentile , and a Pagan Bull. Your next vagarie is , about Episcopall jurisdiction ; which we have met withall already , as it related unto practice , and the point then in hand betweene us : but wee must here conferre a little , about the institution of it . This you touch very gingerly ; and so , as one may see , you have a good mind to betray the cause . The reverend Ordinaries , and their calling are founded ( as you n say ) upon Apostolicall , and ( for all the essentiall parts thereof ) on divine right . The Reverend Ordinaries ? And why not rather , I beseech you , the Reverend Bishops ? Is the word Bishop so distastefull to your holy brethren , that you dare not use it ? Or doe you think , you should be out of credit with them , did you affirme that in plaine and positive termes , that Bishops are of Christs institution , and de jure divino ? It seemes you doe : and therefore in your Quo warranto , you ground their calling on Apostolicall and upon divine right . On Apostolicall in the first place , as being none of Christ our Saviours Institution , but onely founded by the Apostles , in their administration of the publicke government . The Ius divi●●● comes after , in s●cundis , but in upon the second : and that in some essenti●ll parts thereof , but you know not what . I hope there are not many Ministers in Lincol●shir● of this opinion . For let the Bishops stand alone on Apostolicall right , and no more than so , and doubt it not but some will take it on your word , and then pleade accordingly ; that things of Apostolicall institution , may be laid a●ide . Where are their Ecclesiasticall o wid●wes ; what service doe the Deac●ns p at the Table now ; how many are there that forbeare q from bl●●d , and things strangled ? Therefore away with Bishops too , let all goe together . And this I take it , is your meaning , though not as to the Application , yet as to the ground of the Application . I am the 〈◊〉 to beleeve it , because when Bishop Andrewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had learnedly asserted the Episcopall Order to bee of ▪ Christs Institution , I have heard that some who were then in place , did secretly intercede with King Iames to have had it al●●●ed ; for feare , forsooth , of offending our neighbour Churches . This ●●are you are possessed with also : and therefore wa●ve not onely the name of Bishop , but the maine ground-worke and foundation upon which they stand : Nay by this note of yours , Archdeacons hold by as good a claime as the Bishops doe . For being successours , as you say , r to the primitive Deacons , who were ordained by the Apostles , and Ordinaries too , they know that too well : what lets , but that they meane themselves for those Reverend Ordinaries , which were ordained on Apostolicall , and ( for the essentiall parts of their office ) on divine right also . Here is T. C. and I. C. and who else you will ; new England in the midst of old ▪ Yet all this while you are most orthodox in doctrine , and consonant in discipline to the Church of England . Having thus founded the Episcopall calling on Apostolicall authoritie , your next vagarie is upon the Doctor , for setting up the Vicar above his Ordinarie . How truly this is said , wee have seene already . And then you adde , that these judicious Divines that tamper so much in doctrine with Sancta Clara , and in discipline with Sancta Petra , will in the end prove prejudicious Divines to the estates of Bishops . Here is a fine jingle ▪ is it not , to make sport for boyes ? who cannot but applaud your wit , for bringing Sancta Clara , and Sancta Petra , in a string together . For , good Sir , tell me in a word , what other use was there of S●ncta Petra ; but that you love to play and dallie upon words and letters ? In all his booke , being in all 27. Chapters , what passage can you finde that tends unto the prejudice of Bishops ? Or how doth the poore Doctor , or any of those whom with so high a scorne you call Iudicious Divines , complie with any man that doth ? Your Sancta Clara , and Sancta Petra make a pretty noise ; but it is onely vox , & praeterea nihil . The Doctor thus shaked up , you goe on againe unto the point of Iurisdiction ; in which you spend two leaves together , but not one word unto the purpose . You tell us t that of old , some Priests of Germany were reprehended by Pope Leo the Great , because they did presume in the absence of their Bishops , Erigere Altaria , to erect Altars : then , that u a single Priest , quà talis , hath no key given him by God or man , to open the doores of any externall Iurisdiction , that x no man should presume to dispose of any thing belonging to the Church without the Bishop . What needed this adoe , when neither , as you know your selfe , the Vicar ever did intend to build an Altar : nor is it as you say your selfe , in any of the Bishops powers to doe it if they were so minded . So farre are you from giving way , that Bishops , of their owne authoritie , may erect an Altar : y that you denie them any authoritie of their owne , to transpose a Table . Nor doe you rightly sta●e the case , in Pope Leo neither . The businesse was not , as you dreame , that there were some Priests in France or Germany , that encouraged thereunto by the Chorepiscopi , or Countrey Suffragans , did presume in the absence of their Bishops , Erigere Altaria , to erect Altars , No such matter verily . The thing that Leo was offended at , was that some Bishops of France and Germany , did often-times appoint their Chorepiscopi ( who z by the Canons of some Councels were no more than Priests ) or sometimes others which were simplie Priests , to set up Altars in their absence ; and to hallow Churches : Qui absente Pontifice Altaria erigerent , Basilicasque consecrarent . As his words there are . The Bishops were in fault here , not the Priests : and you as faultie full as they , to raise a scandall both on them , and the poore Vicar , in things of which they were not guiltie . So that this needlesse disputation might have beene laid by , but that it is your fashion ●o wheele about , that being gotten on the right side , you may shew your learning . For having store sent in from so many hands , you think it would be taken for a great discourtesie , if you should not spend it . Your next vaga●●e is about formes of Prayer ; at which you have an evill tooth , that bites close , but deepe . The 55. Canon hath prescribed a forme of prayer , before the Sermon , according to the forme of bidding of prayers , prescribed and practised in the raignes of King Henry the eight , King a Edw. the sixth , and Queene Elizabeth . This you turne off with a backe blow , as if you strooke at somewhat else : and in a word or two give a faire Item to your brethren ▪ to use what formes of prayer they list , with a non-obstante . It seemes by you ( say you unto the Doctor ) That we are b●und onely to pray , but not to speake the words of the Canons , i. e. ( for so must be your meaning ) as little bound to the one as unto the other . No man conceives that hee is bound to use in other things no other words then the Canons use , because there is no Canon that requires it of him : and by your rule wee are not bound unto the forms of Prayer in the Canon m●ntioned , although the Canons doe require it . Now as you fling aside the Canon , and leave your Clergi●-friends a liberty to pray what they list : so in another place , you cast aside the Churches customes ; and give a liberty unto your Lay-brethre● to pray how they list . It is an Ancient custome in the Church of England , that in the times of prayer in the Congregation , wee turne our faces to the East . This many of your friends dislike , and it is reckoned by H. B. b amongst those In●ovations , which hee doth charge upon the Prelates ; as if it were ( forsooth ) a tying of God to a fixed place . It seemes you were agreed together , hee to invent the charge , and you to furnish him with Arguments , to confirme the same . This makes you farre more like Ch●ysippu● , than before you were ▪ of whom c Laertius doth informe us , that whosoever it was that found out the Dogmata , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee had an excellent Art of finding proofes to make it good . Now to make good this charge of your friend H. B. you tell us d that it is a Paganish thing to make God more propi●ious in any one corner of the world then hee is in an other ▪ For this you cite these words of Minutius Felix , viz. Deo cun●ta plena sunt . Vbique non t●ntum nobis proximus , sed infus●s est . But gentle Sir , those words are spoken in the Author , not in relation unto the placing of the Altars , or to the peoples turning of themselves in the Act ●f Prayer : but to the point of having Temples , i●e . such Temples as were then in use amongst the 〈◊〉 , for the immediate and locall habitations of th●ir God. Which being , as he saith , unnecessarie , in regard that God was everie where , and filled all things with his presence ; was a good Answer to the Argument that C●●ilius used ▪ but very ill brought in by you , upon no occasion . Onely you please to intimate unto your dependants ( who understand your meaning at halfe a word ) that as they may pray what they will , for all the Canon ; and h●● they will , for all the Custome ; so they may pray also when and where they will , for all our Churches . Excellent Doctrine , credit mee , not a New-Englander of them all , could have done it better . From your unnecessarie discourse about the jurisdiction of Bishops , and these ba●k-blo●es on the by , wee must next ●ollow you unto a more unnecessarie , about the Office of Archdeacons ; which they that perhaps sent you in your notes , desired to have extreamely heightned ; but all the proofes they bring to exalt the same , ●end to the diminution of it . Now for the finding out of that authoritie , which you ascribe to the Archdeacons , or rather they unto themselves , you goe as high as the first Deacons e ( whose ancient power , you say , is now united and concentred in that of theirs ; ) and tell us many things that before we knew not . Fi●st , take it as we will , that the very Altar it selfe with the Raile about it , hath beene termed in ancient Councels , the Diaconie , as a place belonging ( next after the Bishop ) to the care and custodie of the Deacon only . Secondly , that it is affirmed by an ancient Councell , that the Priest can boast of nothing that hee hath in generall , but his bare name ; not able to execute his very Office , without the autority , and ministery of the Deacon . Thirdly , that in a Precedent of this very particular , it was the Deacons office , portare , to move and remove the Altar , and all the implements belonging thereunto , as saith Saint Austine . And thereupon you draw this inference , that from these first Deacons to our present Archdeacons , Incumbents have beene excluded from medling with the utensils of the Church , or Ornaments of the Altar : and for the proofe hereof , you tell us in the Margin out of Lin●wood , that they ( the Archdeacons ) have in charge omnia ornamenta & ute●silia Ecclesiarum . This is a compound dish , and was perhaps served in for an olla podrida , or the Gra●d Sallet of the Feast : and therefore that we may the better judge of the ingredients , wee will taste them severally . And first you say , the very Altar it selfe with the ●●ile about it , in ancient Councels hath beene ●ermed the Diaconie . This is the first Caper in your Sallet , and it tastes very high indeed ; as high as the Councell of Laodicea , which was before the famous Synod of Nice . Now in this f Councell it is ordered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that no inferiour Minister should have place in the Diaconie , and touch the holy vessells , or the holy utensils . This Canon , afterwards was g incorporated into those made in a Councell held at Agatha or Agde , in Gaul Narbonnoyse , Anno 506. in this forme that followeth , viz. Quoniam non oportet insacratos ministros licentiam habere in secretarium ( quod Graeci diaconion appellant ) ingredi , & contingere vasa dominica . Now in al this you are mistaken very ●ouly ; no man ever more . For neither was the Diaconion , the place between the wall and rail , where the Altar stood : nor do those Canons give the Deacon any dignity above the Priests ; as you intend it . The Diaconion , or Diaconicon ( as the old translation in Binius read's it ) or the Diaconie , as you call it , doth signifie the Vestrie , and not the Altar place : a roome appointed for the keeping of the sacred utensils , not for the ministration of the holy Sacraments . And it was called Sacrarium also , as being the repositorie of the hallowed Ornaments : from whence wee have the name of Sa●rist , to whom the keeping of the same was in fine committed . That living magazin of Learning Sir Henry Spelman h could have told you this ; Diaconion & Diaconicum , locus in circuitu Ecclesiae conservandis vasis Dominicis , & ornamentis Ecclesiae deputatus ; alias secretarium , alias Sacrarium : and this he saith with reference to this very Councel of Laodicea , which you build upon . Then there 's Iosephus Vice Comes , whom you have magnified to our hand for the i most learned in ●ur age of all that have dealt with Rites and Ceremonies ; who affirmes the same . For speaking of the Councell of Agatha or Agde , the second of the two to which you referre us , k hee doth resolve of Secretarium , which is there said to be called Diaconion by the Grecians , that it is the Vestrie ▪ Secretarium i. e. locum sacris asservandis praestitutum , as hee there informes us . Nor can it but seem strange to any man that hath his wits about him as he ought to have , that the Altar with the raile about it , or the Altar place , should be entituled the Diaconie ; wherein the Deacons had so little , if at all anything to do . But were it so as you would have it , yet were this little to the honour of the Archdeacons office as now it stands ; and very much unto the Priests . All that is given the Deacons here is but a trust committed to them above those other Ministers which were insacrati ( as the later of your Councels cals them ) not yet admitted unto any of the holy Orders , or to them onely of the lowest or inferiour sort , which are not properly to be called Orders , but rather preparations to them . The washing of the plate , and laying up the sacred utensils , in their proper places , was not conceived to be a fitting service for so high a dignity as the holy Priesthood : and therefore was put off to them , who being in ordine ad spiritualia , in some degree or way unto it , were thought most fit to undertake it . So that this charge was plainly cast upon the Deacon , rather to ease the Priest , and for the honour of his calling ; than to give any place or priviledge unto the Deacon , ( who , as you might have seen in the l Canon next before , was not to sit downe in the presence of the Priest without speciall leave ) to perk before him . And you have done your Bishop but a sorry peece of service in giving him m a part of so meane a charge , which was conceived to bee unworthy of a common Priest. Polme occidist is amici , Non servastis , ait . Now as in that that went before , you have betrayed your ignorance , and too great want of knowledge in Antiquitie ; so in the next which now succeedes , you have betrayed a greater want , which is want of honestie . You tell us that the Pri●st can boast of nothing that hee hath in generall , but his bare name ; and that hee is not able to execute his very office , without the authority and ministery of the Deacon . Without the authority of the Deacon ? that were brave indeed : fit to be said by none but such a Minister as you , who care not what you say , so you may be heard . The practi●● in n Ignatius time , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Deacons should be subject unto the Priests : but see how strangely things were turned in a little time ; the Priests are now brought under , and forced to yield unto the Deacons . Good Sir , where may one reade of such a Law ? Not in the Councell of Aquisgrane , or Aken , I am sure of that , though thither you referre us in your marginall note . In all that Canon which you cite , the Deaconship is described as a place of Ministery , and not of dignity . Ipsienim o clara voce in modum Praeconis admoment cun●tos . The Deacons , as their Office is there described , do like so many cryers call upon the people to pray , to kneel , to sing , to be intent unto the Lessons : they call upon them also , to let their eares be open to the Lord their God , and are designed to read the Gospel . Then followes that which is presented in your 〈…〉 officium non ha●et , that without them the Priest may have a name , but not an office : that is , their 〈◊〉 and attendance was 〈…〉 that without them the Priest could not do 〈…〉 then according to the C●non , that the 〈◊〉 was not able to exe●●te his very Office without the 〈◊〉 of the De●con and you say very well ▪ none 〈…〉 you for it . Thi●●oysting in of thei● Au●●●ity was a trick of yours , one o●●ho●e many tricks 〈…〉 And you may now conclude as well ▪ that in some greater Churches , here in England , the Priest is utterly unable to ex●cute his very office without the 〈◊〉 of his Clerke , 〈◊〉 Cu●ate , bec●use he cannot do i● so conveniently ▪ without their ●i●isteries : as that the Pr●ests in these days were an emp●ie name , and could not stir a foot in the dis●harge of their imployments , without ●●tority from the Deac●n . That which you bring us from Saint Austi● , makes the m●tter plainer , plainer I mean as to the Priest ; and sets the Deacon in his owne place , a faire deale below him . It was the Deacons office ( as you p informe us from Saint Aug●stine , ) 〈◊〉 , to move and remove the Alt●r , and all the implements the runto belonging . What then ? Therefore the P●iests were not to meddle with the Alt●r , either to ●ove it , or remove it : that appertained unto the Deacon . But good Sir , let mee aske one question ? Did this removing of the Altar belong unto the De●con● , Ministerialit●r ▪ or A●toritative ? You cannot say , that it belong'd unto ●hem , A●toritative ; because you said before , that it belōged to them , nex● after the Bis●op A●l the autority then ( ●f your ●elf say true ) was radically in the Bishop ; the Deacon only ●●ved , as hee was directed . And then I would fain know , whether you th●nke that this 〈…〉 ●he Altar was so high an honour ▪ that the 〈…〉 durst not look after it , or aspire unto it . You must 〈◊〉 say you think so , though you know the 〈◊〉 ; or else this tale of movi●g and re●●vi●● Altars , were 〈◊〉 non-sense . Now therefore looke upon your Autor , and hee will tell you for your learning that it is quite contrarie q Qu● 〈…〉 What a strange boldnesse is it , saith the Father ; that any man should fancie an equalitie between the Priests & their own Ministers ? what rash presumption may we thinke it to compare the Priests , unto the P●yters of the Ta●●rnacle , & of the vessels of the same , & such as were imployed about cutting wood . The Deacons in the Church of R●me , though somewhat 〈◊〉 then they should be ▪ doe not presuso so it in the Congregation : and if they do not execute all ministeriall duties , it is because there are so many Cl●rks besides them . Nam utique & Altare portarent , & vasa ejus , & aquam in manus funderent s●cerdoti , &c. For otherwise , saith hee , they were to carrie or remove the Altars , with all the ●tensils of the 〈◊〉 , and to bring water for the P●ie●t to wash his hands , according as it is in other Churches . What thinke you now ? is the removing of the Altar so high a dignitie , as you would make the world believe ? If 〈◊〉 , how much more excellent were the Priests , to whom these mighty men did service ; and brought them water for their hands ? If no why doe you deale so shamefully with the Ancient Writers , in making them the instruments to abuse your Readers ? But this is so inveterate in you , it will never out . exhibited , that hee ●ay see in what estate things are , whether worse or better ▪ Your Authour saith no more then this ▪ and this is very small amends for the disgrace you did them , in your former follie● . Nor doth this reach neither to entitle them to any power of moving and removing the ▪ holy Table , which was the thing by you most aimed at . The Constitution speak's of ornaments and utensils , of Books and Vestments . To which of all these ●oure think you , can you reduce the Altar , or the holy Table ? No doubt but you will reckon it amongst the utensils of the Ch●●●h ▪ nay ( such is your grosse ignorance ) you think it would become the place exceeding fitly . No word more frequent in your book , then that of utensil ▪ by which you mean the holy Table . And if it were not p●uper is numerare pecus , I could as easily set downe how many times that word is used in your learned labours ; t as you have found how often that of Altar is in the D●termination that you wot of ▪ His Altar was more proper then your utensil , and might be used ten times for once , without any absurditie : whereas it had been childish and absu●d in you , to use your utensil , once onely , in that sense & meaning . By utensils your Autor means not , the holy Table , or the holy Altar , take which word you will , ( nor never did man use 〈◊〉 so but your 〈◊〉 selfe : ) but for the Vessell , Patens , Chalices , and the rest ▪ which are 〈◊〉 to the same . And so you finde it in u the Glosse ▪ if you p●ease to looke . 〈…〉 Next time you write , or print , let me beseech you to leave out this word ▪ as being worn 〈◊〉 by your much using ▪ and use those termes which either are commended to you by the 〈◊〉 ( your own rule , if you can remember ) or generally were received by the ancient Writers . But go we after you , in your vagaries . As you have brought the Priest to be inferior to the Deacon : ●o you will do your best , to bring him under the Churchwarden . God help poore Priests that must be under so many Masters ; Churchwardens , Deacons , and who else soever you shall please to set above them . But this , you say , is no new matter : x Churchwardens having beene of old , the Bishops hand to put all mandates in execution , that may concerne the utensils of the Church . For proofe of this , your Margin tels us , Oeconomus [ est ] cui res Eccl●siastica gubernanda mandatur ab Episc●p● : that the Churchwarden is an Officer to whom the government of Ecclesiasticall matters is committed by the Bishop . A very honorable office . You could not have bestowed a greater power , upon the Chancellour himselfe . And the Church-wardens are to thanke you ▪ that to advance their place and credit , sticke not to 〈◊〉 your Authors , and to straine your conscience : and that too in so foul a manner , that in my life I never knew an equall impudence . There 's no such thing in y Lindwood , whom you have ●ited for your Author . That adjunct ab Episcopo , is yours , not his , then the O●conomus there mentioned , is no Church-warden , but either a Farmour or a Bayliffe ▪ and last of all , the Res Ecclescas●ica which is therein mentioned , hath no relation unto the ut●nsils of the Church ; but meerely to the Tithes and profits . I must lay downe the ca●e at large , the better to detect your most shamelesse dealing . ●he constitution is as followeth . First for the title , Rectores non residentes nec Vicarios habentes 〈…〉 That Parsons not being re●ident , nor having any 〈◊〉 upon their 〈◊〉 , shall by their 〈◊〉 ( be they as they prove ) 〈…〉 The body of the 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 , though more full in words . 〈…〉 Now that we may the better know , what is the meaning of the word 〈◊〉 , we are thus instructed in the 〈…〉 . What 〈◊〉 Episcopo . ? No such matter , not one word of that ▪ That 's an old tricke of yours , and most 〈◊〉 yours , of all the men I ever deale with . How then ? why by the Rector onely ? Is he not called both in the title and the Text , 〈…〉 , his owne 〈◊〉 So al●o in the Glosse . Dicitur 〈…〉 And what to do ? Either to farme their profits of them , or to collect and manage their profits , for them . 〈…〉 & sic bona Eccl●siastica administrent . So that you have at onc● imposed foure falshoods ●n your Readers . For first , here 's no Chur●hwarden , but a Bayliffe , or a Farmour ; nor he appointed by the Bishop , but by the Parson ; and being appoin●●d medleth not in any thing which doth concerne the 〈◊〉 of the Church , but the profits of the Parsonage : nor finally is here any word of executing 〈◊〉 but onely of maintaining h●spitalitie ▪ If this b● all you have to say , I hope the 〈◊〉 may hold his owne , without being over-awed by the 〈◊〉 of the Parish ; how great soever you would make them . O but this i● not all , say you , for the Churchwarden i● an Ancient Gentleman , come of a great pigge-house , and co●en Germ●n to the Bishop , at most once removed . For you a conceive our Latine Canons now in force , by calling him O●cono●us , make him relate u●to that 〈◊〉 Ecclesiasticall Officer , famous in the 〈◊〉 and Latin● Councels : next , that of old , he was ▪ as now , a Lay-man , some domesticke or kin●●a● of the Bishops , that managed all things belonging to the Church according to the direacion of the Bishop ▪ still you are out , quite out in every thing you say . The 〈◊〉 are not now in f●rc● , as to the phra●e and Latine of them . For they were pa●●ed in English ▪ in the Convocation , and confirmed in English by King Iames : the Latine transl●●ion of them is of no authoritie , of no force at all ▪ And if you will needs borrow arguments from an identitie of names , you should have first consulted the Civill Lawy●●s , who would have told you , that Gardi●●●● Ecclesi● , is a more proper appellation of and for the Churchwarden , then your 〈◊〉 . Nor do the Authors whom you cite , informe you that the old Oecon●●●● was at first a Lay-man , a friend or kins●●● of the Bishops ; but a Church-man meerely ▪ b 〈◊〉 unto whom you send us , tels us plainly , that at the first the Bishop h●d the absolute and sole disposing of the revenews of the Church : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no man , nor friend , nor kinsman , nor domesticke , for ought there appeares , being privi● to i● : Which when it brought some ●eandall and complaint upon the Bishop : it was ordained in the Counc●ll of Chal●edon , Can. 26. that the supreme administration of the Churches treasurie should still remaine in him , as before it was , but that ●e should appoint some one or othe●●o be of counsell , with him in his actions . And from what ranke of men ▪ should they take that choice ? Not ( saith your Author ) from their domesticks , or their kinsmen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but from the Clergie of the Diocesse . Finde you in this ▪ that anci●ntly these Oeconomi were Lay-men , of the Bishops kindred ? I thought you had be●ne better at a petigree , then I see you are . Otherwise you would never have derived our present Churchwardens from those old Oecono●i , c those Clerg●e●men Churchwardens , as you please to call them ▪ of which if there be anything remaining in the Church of England , you have it in the Treasures of Cathedrall C●urches . The Deacons and the Churchwardens being thus advanced , it is no wonder that the Priest be left to his med●tations : as one that is no more then a dull spectatour , and hath no sphere of activitie to move in . O Godblesse c say you , all good holy Church-men from such a misadventure ; with contempt enough . God blesse them too , say I , from all such d merci●esse and hard-hearted men , ( by whomsoever they are licensed ) who labour to advance in this sort the authoritie of Churchwardens , or any other of that nature , so high above their Minister . Never did Clergie-man , so licensed and allowed of , speake so contemptiblie of the Ministerie , as this man of Lincolnshire : who though he bragges else-where of his e buenas entranas ( as the Spaniards speake ) those good and tender bowels which he hath within him ; yet the shews little pitie of these poore mens cases , which hee exposeth thus unto scorne and laughter . But it is true , and alwayes was , that a mans enemies are those of his owne house : and wee may speake it in the words , though not the meaning of the Prophet , Perditio tua exte est , that thy destruction is from thy selfe , O house of Israel . This crie , like that about the Pietie of the times , being taken up , we shall be sure to meete withall in every corner of your booke : as if there were no life in the game you follow , if pietie and the true promoters of it , should not be kept upon the sent . Nay you goe so farre at the last , that you disable Clergie-men in a manner , from being Executors and Over seers of mens wills and Testaments : telling f us of a passage in S. Cyprian , which lookes much that way , that it takes the Doctor by the nose , as one that cannot endure to be a looker on , and confined onely to his ministeriall meditations . However other of your passages might escape the Licenser ; I cannot chuse but marvell that he winked at this , being so contrarie unto his practice . For did he not when he was in place , put many a Churchman into commission for the peace ; not thinking it so great an avocation from their studies , but that they might doe well with both . And have you never been Executor or over-seer of any mans last Will and Testament ; and found it no such heavy load , but that a man might beare it with content enough ? But why doe I propose these questions , when you proclaime him for the Licenser of your holy Table , whose private practice in his Chappell , is so repugnant to the purpose of your whole discourse . But being licensed , printed , published , and scattered up and downe the Kingdome ( as such things flie farre : ) no doubt but you have made good game to all the brethren of your partie ; who are now authorised by so good authoritie , to turne their Ministers out of all imployment , yea in such things as doe concerne his Church and calling ; and bid him get him home to his meditations . Sponte sua properant . The people are too forwards in themselves upon these attempts : and you might well have spared the spur , but that you thinke they make not haste enough , because you out-ride them . Butyetwell fare your heart , you will say nothing without Fathers , though they say nothing for your purpose . S. Ambrose , as g you say , complaines of the like complainers of his time , who held that the ●tudie of the holy Scriptures was but a dull and idle kinde of imployment . Are you sure of that ? The Father there saith nothing of the like complainers . There was no occasion why hee should . The Priests were then in too great honour , to bee controuled and baffled by inferiour Officers . Nor were there any Bishops then that laboured to suppresse their Clergie ( or allowed others so to doe ) by putting them into the hands of the V●strie Elders . That which S. Ambrose speakes of there , is that some men preferred the active kinde of life , before the contemplative ; the doing of the workes of righteousnesse , before the studie of the Scriptures . h Nos autem ociosos nos putamus , 〈◊〉 verbo tantummod● studere videamur . What , stops he there , as you have made him ? I have before heard of a Gagger of the Protestants ; but here behold a Gagger of the holy Fathers . The Father sure proceedes as followeth , Et pluris aestimamus ●os qui●perantur , quàm eos qui studiu● veritatis congn●scendae exercent . Had you gone forwards as you ought , you would have found but little comfort from S. Ambrose . For mark how your conclusion follows on his words . S. Ambrose tells us of some men , who did preferre an active life before a contemplative ▪ Erg● according to Saint Ambrose , the Minister must be confined to his meditations , and suffer the Churchwardens to rule the rost . i S. Basil , he is brought in next , to bid his Clergie take especiall heed , that their Martha be ●ot t●oubled with many things . Admit that true . What then , Erg● the Clergie must sit still , permit the people to do all , and rest themselves content with being lookers on , the dull spectatours of their active undertakings . But know you what you say , or rather what the Father saith in the place you cite ? Tho●e Reg●l● fusiores whither you referre us , concerne Monks , not Priests ; those which did live in Monasteries , not those that had the Cure of Soules : which makes some difference in the case . But this is not all . The question k there proposed is thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what order they ( the Monks ) should follow in entertainment of Strangers . To this the Father answers , that their entertainment should be moderate , and verie little , if at all , above their ordinarie dy●t . And then come in those words which you have cited in your Margin ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Christ gave Martha little thanks for being so busie and distracted about her entertainment of him . What thinke you now ? Is this to bid their Clergie take especiall heed , that their Martha be not troubled about many things . i. e. that they referre all to the Churchwardens , and suffer them to do their pleasure in matters which concerne the Church ? Last of all for Synesius , he is brought in too . l You have a very strange Commission , that you can call in all the Fathers with a testificandum ; and when you finde they can say nothing , yet set them downe amongst the number of your witnesses , and give it out that all goes with you . Were it not for this trick , the cause would quickly have beene tryed , and never got such hold in the common vogue . What would you have Synesius say ? Marry you send him in a ticket , and tell him that he must deliver upon his oath , that he conceived it fitter for an Aegyptian then a Christian Priest , to be over-troubled with matters of wrangling . This if Synesius should affirme , yet it would little helpe your cause , and that your Partizans would report , that such a Reverend man as Synesius was , hath sworne directly on your side . But there is no such matter neither . All that Synesius saith is this , m that in old times the same men were both Priests and Iudges ; that then both the Aegyptians and the Hebrews , for a long time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were under the command and empire of their Priests ; that Christ had severed the two offices ; and therefore that Andronicus ( to whom that Epistle is inscribed ) should not endeavour to unite them . Nor doth he go thus farre in fine , allowing not much after , that those who have abilities to discharge both callings ( though he confessed it of himselfe , that he was no such man : ) n might both execute the Priests office , and yet beare rule also in the Common-wealth . So that this place serves very ill , to binde the Clergie to refer all matters of and in the Church , to the disposall of the Churchwardens , or other Elders of the Vestrie : but might have served exceeding fitly ( were it not for the close at last ) to barre them from employments in the Civill state ; for which use questionles●e it was here cited . But howsoever you mistake , corrupt , and rather then the life would subborn the Fathers , yet one may charitably presume that you are perfect in your Catechisme , and will not falsifie any thing which you bring from thence . I do most infinitely desire to finde some truth in you ; but I know not where . You charge the Doctor for reporting , that by a Statute still in force , the Sacrament of the Lords Supper is called the Sacrament of the Altar : though it be most true . And then o you adde , that presently after , this Act was revived by Queen Elizabeth ( i. e. the Act about the Sacrament of the Altar ) there was at the same Session an addition made to the Catechtsme ( and that likewise confirmed by Act of Parliament ) whereby all Children of this Church , are punctually taught to name our two Sacraments , Baptisme , and the Lords Supper ▪ Which said , you draw up this conclusion : So as this judicious Divine was very ill Catechized , that dares write it now , the Sacrament of the Altar . Bringing the Doctor to his Catechisme , a man would sweare that you were excellent therein your selfe . But such is your ill lucke , that you can hit the ma●ke in nothing . For tell mee of your honest word , when you were Catechised your selfe , who taught you punctually to name the two Sacraments , Baptisme and the Lords Supper ? Marrie say you , the Catechisme in the Common Prayer booke , in the addition made unto it by Queene Elizabeth , and confirmed by Parliament . I will joyn● issue on that point , and lay my best preferment against yours , that you were never taught so in that Catechisme . I see it 's good sometimes , to have a little p learning in unlearned Liturgies . You were past age , good man , to be taught your Catechisme , when that addition was put to it . Look into all the Common Prayer books of Queene Elizabeths time ; and if you finde mee that addition to the Catechisme , in any of them , I will quit the cause . Not one word in the Churches Catechisme , in all her reigne , that doth reflect upon the Sacraments , the number of them , or the names . That came in afterwards upon occasion of the Conference at Hampton Court : q where you have it thus : Next to this Doctour Reynolds complained that the Catechisme in the Common Prayer booke was too briefe , for which one by Master Nowell late Dean of Pauls was added , and that too long for young Novices to learn by heart : requested therefore that one uniforme Catechisme might be made , which and none other should be generally received : and it was asked of him , whether if to the short Catechisme in the Communion book , something were added for the doctrine of the Sacraments , it would not serve . You may perceive by this , that till that time , Ann● 1603 , there was no such addition to the Catechisme , as you idly dream of : which all the Children of this Church ( your selfe especially for one ) were taught when they were children , and required to learn it . Nor was this Catechisme so inlarged , confirmed by Parliament ; you are out in everie thing : but onely by King Iames his Proclamation , which you may finde with litle labour , before your Common Prayer book , if at lest you have one . You are so full of all false dealings with all kinde of Authors , that rather then be out of work you will corrupt your verie Primmer . Non fuit Autolyci t●● piceata manus : Like him that being used to steale , to keepe his hand in use , would be stealing rushes . And now we thought we should have done . For seeing after all this entertainment , that you were putting your selfe into a posture , and began to bow ; it was supposed you would have said grace , and dismissed the companie . But see how much we were mistaken . The man is come no further then his po●tage , in all this time . His stooping onely was to eat , and not to reverence . Being to speak of Altars , mentioned in the Apostles Canons , he call's them Larders , Store-houses , and P●ntries ; or if hee speake of the Communion-table , placed Altarwise , hee call's it dresser . Now comming , though unnecessarily , ( his Argument considered ) to speak of bowing at the name of IESVS , he cannot but compare it to r a messe of pottage : and comming so opportunely in his way , he cannot choose but fall upon it . One would conjecture by his falling to , that he did like it very well : but if wee note the manner of his eating , there is no such matter . For marke wee how hee ●all's upon it s Giving those proud Dames to Donatus , that practise all manner of Curtesies , or Masks and Dances , but none by any means for Christ , at their approach to the holy Table : he add's , that this come's in as pat as can be . How so ? Marry say you , the Doctor was serving in his first messe of Pottage , and the Bishop ( as the saying is ) got into it , and hath quite spoiled it by warning a yong man ( that was complained of for being a little santasticall in that kinde ) to make his reverence , humbly and devoutly . Doth this come in so pat , thinke you ? The Vicar was no prond Dame , was he ? Nor did the Alderman complaine of him , for his light behaviour in bowing towards the holy Table , but in bowing at the name of IESVS . Yet on you run , from bowing towards or before the Communion-table , to bowing at the name of IESVS , as if both were one : both warranted or enjoyned rather by the same Canon and Injunction ; though you had said before , that bowing , t though to honour him , and him onely in his holy Sacrament , is not enjoyned by the Canon . But being falne upon the dish , doe you like the relish ? No , You must like no more of it , then the Bishop doth . The Bishop he must have it done , to procure devotion , not derision : and you will have us keep old Cer●●onies , so that we taint them not u with new fashions , especially ap●sh ones . Would you would tell us what those apish fashions are , that wee should avoid ; or perswade him to tell us what we are to doe , to avoid derision of and from the scornfull . All our behaviour in that kinde , will be accounted apish , by such men as you ; and being ex tripode by you pronounced for apish , must needs procure d●rision from such men as they . A lowly and accustomed reverence , to this blessed name , we have received , you grant , from all Antiquitie : but when wee come to do that reverence , you dislike it utterly . Two x sorts of bowings you have met with in the Eastern Churches ; the greater when they bowed all the bodie , yet without bending of the knee , lowly and almost to the Earth ; the lesser when they bowed the head and shoulders only . But then againe you are not certaine whether that any of these were used in the Westerne Church , and by them delivered over unto us . So that you like nothing but y to make a courtesie ; and yet not that neither if it be not a lowly curtesie . Now to see men and amongst men the Priests , make a lowly curtesie , Onely by bending of the knee , without the bowing of the whole body , or the head and shoulders ; must needs be taken for a new and an apish fashion , fit to procure derision onely and not devotion : and so you leave no reverence to bee done at all . Assuredly you meane so though you dare not say it . For having slubbered over so great a point , in that slovenly fashion , you z shut it up with this proportionable close ; and so much for your preamble , that is your Pottage . I see you mind your belly , and therefore we will step down unto the Hatch , and send you up the second course of your Extravagancies : which how well you have cooked , will be seene apparantly , when wee are come to execute the Carvers Office. CHAP. X. The second service of Extravagancies , sent up and set before his guests by the Minister of Lincoln . The Metaphoricall Altar ; in the Fathers , good evidence for the proofe of Reall Altars in the Church . Ignatius corrupted by Vedelius ▪ My Lord of Chichesters censure of Vedelius . The Minister misreports Saint Bernard , and makes ten Altar● out of foure . A new originall of the Table in the Christian Church , from the Table of Shew-bread ; the Ministers fumbling in the same , deserted by those Autors that he brings in for it . The Minister pleads strongly for sitting at the holy Sacrament ; and for that purpose falsifieth Baronius , misreports Saint Austin , and wrongs Tertullian . The Benedictines sit not at the Sacrament on Maundy Thursday . Of the Seiur de Pibrac . The Minister advocates for the Arians , and will not have them be the Authors of sitting at the holy Sacrament ; and for that cause deals falsly with the Polish Synods which impute it to them . Three Polish Synods ascribe the sitting at the Sacrament to the modern Arians . The ignorance of the Minister about accipere & reservare in Tertullian . What the Stations were . Lame Giles . The Minister slights the appellation of the second Service as did the Writer of the letter , and brings in severall arguments against that division . The Ministers ignorance in the intention of the Rubri●ks . Of setting up a Consistory in the midst of service . The autority of the Priest in repulsing unworthy persons from the Sacrament ; defended against the Ministers . He sets a quarrell between Cathedrall and Parochiall Churches ; and mistakes the difference between them . The Injunctions falsified . Of being ashamed at the name of the Lords Table . The Minister ashamed at the name of Altar . Of pleasing the people ; and the Ministers extreme pursuit thereof . The Minister falsly chargeth on the Doctor , a foolish distinction of the Dyptychs . The conclusion . NOw for your second course , it consists most of Lincolnshire provision , such as your own home yields without further search , some sorts of fish , as Carpes , and many a slipperie Eele , but fowle abhominable ; fowle forgeries , fowle mistakes , fowle dealing of all kindes what ever . Nor can I choose but marvell , that in such verietie , there should be neither knot nor good-wit , or any thing that 's rare and daintie : all ordinarie fowle , but yet fowle enough . To take them as they lie in order , ( for I was never curious in my choice of diet ) the first that I encounter with , is a Quelque Chose , made of all Altars ; a stately and magnificent service , ten of them in a dish , no lesse . And this you usher in with great noise and ceremonie , assuring us , that there we have what ever of that kind , the whole world can yield us . If any of us have a minde to offer any spirituall sacrifices , of one sort or other ; a the ancient Fathers have provided you of severall Altars for them all : so many , that God neuer required more for these kinde of sacrifices . Take heed you fall not short of so large a promise , for you have raised our expectation to a wondrous height . But such is your ill lucke , that vaunting so extremely of your great performances ; you perform nothing worth the vaunting . For neither are these , severall Altars , which you have set forth ; n●r have you set forth all the Altars that are presented to you by the ancient Fathers : and lastly , were they either all , or severall , they conclude nothing to your ●urpose . Your purpose is , to shew unto your credulous Readers , that there is no materiall Altar to be used in a Christian Church : and for a proof thereof , you ma●e a muster of all those severall Metaphors and Allegorie● , which you have met with in old Writers , concerning Altars . This , did you weigh it ●s you ought , crosseth directly all your purpose ; and at one blow casts downe that building , which you so labour to erect . All Metaphors and Allegories must relate to somewhat , that is in being : and when a thing is once in being , severall wits may descant , and dilate upon it , as their fancie serves them . I hope you will not think that there was no such thing , as the Garden of Eden ; no such particular Vestments for the Pries●s , or sacrifices for the people ; because the ancient Writers , some of them at lest , have drawn them into Allegories ; or can a●●ord you at fi●st word , a Metaphoricall Ephod , a Met●phoricall P●sch , or a Metaphoricall Paradise . You know what ●●imme devices may be found in Durand , about the Church , the Quire , the Altar , the ornaments and utensils of earth , the habit of the Priests , the Prelate ; and whatsoever doth pertaine unto a Church , to the very Bell-ropes . And yet you would be b laug●t at by all strangers , more then you were , when you demanded how the Altar stood in forreine Churches ; should you affirme that in the Church of Rome , whereof Durand was , ther● neither was a Priest , nor Prelate , neither Quires , Altars , Churches , or any ornaments or utensils to the same belonging . Or to come nearer to our selves , there is a booke enti●uled Catechismus ordinis equitum Periscelidis , written long since by Belvaleti , the Popes Nuncio here , and published in the yeare 1631. by Bosquierus : wherein the Author makes an Allegorie on the whole habit of the Order , the matter , colour , fashion , wearing , to the very girdle . And were not you , or he that should approve you in it , c a wise peece indeed , if on the rea●ing of that booke , you should give out , that really and materially there is no such habit , worne by the Knights of that most honourable Order , as vaine men conceive : but that their habite is , as some made the Saint , onely an allegorie , a symbol , or a metaphore . So that if all you say were granted , and that your ten tropicall , metaphoricall Altars , were ten times doubled ; that would make to the prejudice of that reall and materiall Altar , which hath continued in the Church of Christ , since the Primitive times . Nay , as before I said , those metaphors conclude most strongly for a reall Altar ; as the conceits of Bel●●aleti , Durand , and some ancient Fathers , do for the realtie of those severall subjects , on which they did expresse their fancies . This said , we might put by this service , as not worth the tasting ; made rather to delight ; the eye with various shews , then to feed the stomacke : but we will fall aboard however , were it for nothing but to shew what Quelque choses you have set before us . Now the first Altar of your ten , d is Ignatius his Altar , the Councell of the Saints , and the Church of the first-begotten . For this you send us to his Epistle ad Ephesios , where there was never any such matter to be found , till your good friend Vedelius brought the old Father under his correction , and made him speake what ever he was pleased to have him . Ignatius , were he let alone , would have told another tale , then what you make him tell betweene you . For there he tells you of those men , that separate themselves from the communion of the faithfull , and do not joyne together with them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in e a consent of sacrifice , and in the Church of the first-begotten , whose names are written in the heavens ; This by a sleight of hand , is finely altered by Vedelius , and for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we must now reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Councell of the Saints , as you translate it . A pretty criticisme , but as too many of them are , more nice , then wise . For which and other his corrections of , and annotations on that Father , I rather choose to leave him to my Lord of Chichester , whom I am sure you know to be well versed in that kinde of learning ; then take him unto taske my selfe . And he will tell you , if you aske him , f Audacem illum & importunum Ignatii censorem , nec quicquam attulisse ad paginas suas implendas , praeter inscitiam & incuriam , & impudentiam singularem , dum ad suum Genevatismum ●ntiquitatem detorquet invitissimam , &c. According to which Character you could not possiblie have met a fitter Copesmate ; one every way more answerable to you , in all those excellent qualities , which are there recited . Of your next nine , foure of them are the very same , onely brought in in severall dressings , to beguile the Reader . g The second , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which you translate ( and be it so ) the commanding part of the reasonable soul , which is Origens Altar ; your h third , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 righteous soule , which is C●emens his Altar ; the fifth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sinceritie of the minde , which is the Panegyrists Altar ; the sixth , Cor nostrum , or S. Austins Altar : these are but severall expressions of the same one thing . The reasonable soule , the righteous soule , the sinceritie of the soule , are but the severall habitudes of the same one soule : And for the heart , that also must be understood spiritually , and so become a soule in fine . For if you understand it literally and materially , you over-throw your whole designe ; in finding us a materiall Altar , for a spirituall sacrifice , against the which you have so learnedly declared before . Now it is worth your marking , that all these Authors ( except Clemens ) do frequently in other places of their writings , informe us of the Altars in the Christian Church , materiall Altars either of wood or stone ; for the officiating of Gods publicke service : as we have shewed at large in our second Section . Nor are you other then a trifler to produce them here , as if they knew no Altars in the Church for the mysticall sacrifice , but those which you have showne us from them for spirituall sacrifices . The same may be affirmed of your seventh , the memorie , which is Philo's Altar ; and of the tenth , that our faith i S. Hieromes Altar . Philo , and Hierome both , acknowledged severall , reall , and materiall Altars , in their severall Churches : though in the places by you cited , they solace and delight themselves in conceits and allegories . So that of all your Altars we have left but three , the fourth , eight , and ninth ; and two of them will in conclusion prove but one . Of these the fourth is every place , k ( a most excellent Altar ) wherein , say you , we offer unto God the sweet smelling fruits of our studies in divinitie . And this you make Eusebius his Altar . Now if one aske you what you meane by this every place , I know you cannot choose but say , that you meane the Pulpit , if not the tables end in some secret Conventicle : every place wherein you offer unto God the sweet smelling fruits of your studies in Divinitie . But you finde no such matter l in Eusebius , nothing that any way concernes your studies . For then , none but such learned men as you , could make every place an Altar , for spirituall sacrifices ; as all men may , in the true meaning of your Author . Of offering up your studies , and the sweet smelling fruits thereof ( most fragrant fruits indeed , if you well consider it ) not one word saith he . Your eighth , S. Bernards Altar , is , as you say , the Sonne of God , become the Sonne of man. Which howsoever it be true , as to the thing it selfe , and in that metaphoricall sense as the former were : yet have you no such Altar , in S. Bernard ; your very Margin saith the contrary . Your Author saith m Altare Redemptor is humilis incarnatio : not that our Saviour God and Man , is become our Altar ; but that the Incarnation was our Saviours Altar . Or had S. Bernard said so , as he might have done , then had it beene the same with Aquinas his Altar , or the ninth of yours , which is the Sonne of God in heaven . I trust you will not separate the Sonne of God become the Sonne of man , from the Sonne of God now in heaven ; as if our Saviour had not took his body with him , to the heavenly glories . Which if you do not , as you cannot ( and I have so much faith in you , as to thinke you will not ) you might have either reported S. Bernard rightly , or quite left him out . There 's none that doth defend the materiall Altar , or thinks the name of Altar may be given to the holy Table ▪ but falls downe prostrate at this Altar : as being t●at one and onely Altar which sanctifies all our spirituall sacrifices , and divine oblations , and makes them acceptable in the sight of God the Father . Yet this concludes no more , that there should be no Altar in the Church , for the mysticall sacrifice ; because our high Altar is in heaven , Altare nostrum est in coelis , as n S. Irenaeus hath it : then that you may conclude that no man hath a naturall father , because we have one Father which is in heaven , our Pater noster qui est in coelis , as the Scripture hath it . In the next place you set before us a pretty quillet : the holy Table o in the Christian Church , not being exemplified , as you say , from the square Altars , Exod. 27. but from the long Table of the Shew-bread which stood in the Temple , Exod. 25. This is good fish indeed , if it were well fryed ; but upon better view , proves not worth the eating . You say the holy table in the Christian Church was not exemplified from the square Altars in the Law : and yet you tell us , p. 126. that by the Canons of their Church , that very forme is required amongst the Papists , and to them you leave it . You might do well , before you make it proper to the Papists , and to them alone , to have considered of the forme of the ancient Altars ; and told us what those Canons were , and of what antiquitie , that do so enjoyne it . You point us in your Margin , unto Suarez , in tertiam partem : as good and punctuall a direction to finde out the Canon , as if you had enjoyn'd us to enquire for your House in Lincolnshire , and never told us what 's your name . Then for the Table of Shew-bread , to which you do referre the originall of the holy Table , you flutter up and downe , as one that knows not what to trust to : as most an end they do not that propose new fancies . For p. 125. you bring in the conceits of two Iewish Rabbins , tending you say , unto your purpose . How fo ? Ezek. 4. 22. ( it should be 41. 22. ) it is thus written , And he said unto me , this is the Table before the Lord , meaning without doubt the Altar of incense . You say exceeding right in that , the Table spoken of by the Prophet , is the Altar of incense : but what hath that to do with the Table of Shew-bread ? This you confirme by that which followeth . The question then grows , how the Altar , is called a Table : p and you replie unto it from those Rabbins , that at this day the Table performes what the Altar was wont to do . Where first you blend together the Table o● the Shew-bread , and the Altar of Incense , as if both one thing : and next you make the Rabbins speake of the Christian Table , as if it did performe what the Altar should , whereas they spake it of their owne . For why should you beleeve that any of the Rabbins would conceive so honourably of the Christian Tables , q that since the destruction of the Temple , they should become the place of sacrifice and propitiation . Assuredly the Iews have no such conceit of the holy Table ▪ and it was done but like a Gentile to report so of them . Last of all , where before you make the holy Table to be exemplified from the long-table of the Shew-bread , you shut up this vagarie with this handsome close , r that the onely utensil you relate unto ( for the forme and fashion of your Table ) is the long-square table of the Incense . Which as it plainly contradicts what you said before , touching the Petigree of the holy Table , from the Table of Shew-bread , so it confutes the Scripture also : which never told you of a Table , but an Altar of Incense ; or if a Table , yet a square table certainly , for foure-square shall it be , saith the very Text , Exod. 30. 2. So excellent an invention was your new originall of the Christian Table ; and so bravely followed . But then you say , you have some Authors for it : so you have for every thing , till it is brought unto the tryall . Remember what you are to prove , and then shew your evidence . The point in issue , is that the forme and situation of the holy Table , in the Christian Church , is not exemplified from the square . Altars , but from the long Table of the Shew-bread that stood in the Temple . If you have any of the Fathers that speak home to this , we are gone in law ; but all your witnesses fall short . Isidore Peleusiota , whom you first bring in , speakes neither of the forme , nor situation of the Christian Table . But when a doubt was moved by Benjamin a Iew , touching the new oblation in the Christian Church , that it was done s in bread , and not in bloud , as were the sacrifices of the law : he makes replie unto the sa●e , that by the law , there were both bloudy sacrifices performed without , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the open Court , and that withi● the Temple there was a tabe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to be looked on by that people , whereon bread was placed . Then addes , that the said Benjamin was one t of those , and that he did not know that truth , which had beene hidden in the law , but was now revealed . This is the totall of his evidence . And this makes nothing for the forme and situation of the Table , which was the matter to be proved ; but onely that , as he conceived , the Shew-bread did prefigurate som●what , which afterwards was instituted in the Christian Church . And let me tell you as a friend , that if you presse this matter hard , as if our Christian sacrifice did relate to that ; you give the Papists more advantage for their halfe Communion , then you will gaine unto your selfe , about the forme and fashion of your holy Table . You say indeed u it will be long , yer we will bring so cleare and ancient an extruction for the forme and fashion of the Altars in Christianitie ; though you brought nothing hence for either . When we see more , we shall know better what to answer . To make a transcript of your allegations , from Irenaeus and S. Ambrose , Origen , and Hierome , being no more unto the purpose , were onely to wast time and paper . All that they say , is nothing to the forme and situation of the holy table , but to the analogy and proportion , betweene the bread in the Lords Supper now , and the Shew-bread then : & yet you falsifie your Authors also , to make that good . You tell us out of Irenaeus , that omnes justi sacerdotalem habent ordinem ; and you say true , they are his words . But when you say , all that are justified by Christ have a Priestly interest in this holy bread : though it be true you say , had it beene your owne ; yet you untruly father it upon Irenaeus , who in his fourth booke , cap. 20. whither you referre us , tell 's us no such matter : The like may be affirmed x of Saint Hierome also , whom you have cited twice for the self-same pu●pose , viz. In Epist. ad Tit. c. 1 ▪ and in Ezek. c. 44. though neither in his comment on that whole Epistle , or in his exposition on Ezek. c. 44. or cap. 41. which was most like to be the place ; can we finde any thing at all which reflects that way . But what need further search be made in so cleere a case ; and such as doth relate so little to the point in hand ? Especially since another of your Au●hors , y Cornelius à Lapide , from whom you borrowed your quotations in the margin , p. 126 ▪ out of Saint Hierom , in Malach. 1. Cyrill , Catech. myst . cat . 4. and Dam●scen , de orthod . fid . i. 4. c. 14. takes these interpretations to be onely Allegories ; as indeed they are : Allegoricè mensa panum propositionis significabat mensam corporis & sanguinis Christi : as z in the Tropologicall sence , saith hee , it signifies the works of mercie . Take for a farewell to the rest , that if you will derive the forme and situation of your holy Table , from the Table of Shew-bread : Your table must not stand at all within the Chancell , nor in the middle of the Church ; but on the North side of the Church , as you your selfe have placed it , out of Philo , p. 210. which though it thwarts as well your owne booke , as the Bishops letter : Yet you a proclaime , you care not how the Altars stood either in the Iewish or Popish Church ; your Table being quite of another race . And take this with you too for the close of all , that if your Table be descended of the race you mean ; it is more Iewish then the Altar : there being Altars doubtlesse before Moses Law , but no Tables of Shew-bread . Nor can the Altars be more Popish then your holy table ; there being Altars in the Church when there were no Papists . I did before conjecture that you had invited us , unto a common , not an holy Table ; and I am now confirmed more in it , then before I was : so strongly do you plead for sitting at it , and in excuse of them that allow that gesture . A matter no way pertinent to your present Argument , but that you must flie out sometimes , to please your followers : who but for such vagaries , would be little edified . Now for the proofe of this , that sitting at the holy Table is nor new , nor strange ; you tell us , b that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Lords supper were ●●ten for a certain time , at the same table ; and that , for ought appeare's in any Antiquitie , in the same posture . At the same Table , in the same posture ; that comes home indeed : but neither you , nor any one of those who have most endevoured it , have yet made it good . For your part you referre your selfe unto Baronius , whom you thus report . c Vtraque coena jungebatur , which he cleerly proves out of Chrysostome in 1. Cor. Hom. 27. in the beginning thereof . So you , and were it so indeed , yet this speak's nothing of the posture . But the truth is , you have most shamefully abused Baronius , and the Father too you finde not in Baroni●● , utraque coena jungebatur , as if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Lords Supper , were eaten at the same Table , and that they made but one continued action onely . Nay , you finde the contrary d utraque simul mensa jungebatur , are your Authors words : and you have better skill in Latine then the World besides , if you can picke mee one and the same table , out of mensa utraque , certainly , mensa utraque doth imply two Tables : and this you could not but have seen in that which followes , communis & sacra , one common , and the other sacred . Take the whole words together , and you finde them thus . Quoniam utraque simul mensa jungebatur , communis & sacra ; quid in unaquaque prastare deberent admo●●●● . Here are two Tables then , not one ; those Tables of two several natures , and not the same ; and therfore the behaviour of the people quid in unaquaque praestare debent , to be more reverent at the one , then at the other . You have an admirable searching eie , that can finde here both the same Table , and same posture too ; but a farre nimbler hand , that could so trimly turn two Tables , into one Supper . But this you say , is cleerly proved out of Saint Chrysostome . What , the same Table , and the same posture ? You are false in this too . Baronius doth produce S. Chrysostom to an use quite contrary . However Christ , saith he , began first with his ordinary supper , and then proceeded to the Sacrament : yet in the following times , they began first with the holy Sacrament , and after went unto their Love-feasts . And this is that for which he voucheth the Autority of that Reverend Father , Peracta Synaxi , post sacramentorum communionem inibant convivium : very plain & home . Had you dealt halfe as honestly with Baronius , as hee with Chrysostome , you had been blamelesse at this time : but then your friends , whom you strive to please , had lost an excellent argument , for a sitting Sacrament . From the Church primitive you fall upon the Church of e Rome , which doth not absolutely as you say , cōdem● this ceremony of sitting ; for if it did ▪ it would c●ll the Maundie of the Benedictines , who at the lest once in the yeere , ( that is on Maundie Thursday onely ) receive the Sacrament in that posture . If this be all you have to say , touching the indulgence in this case of the Church of Rome , o● the generall practice of the same ; you have got but little . Onely you had a minde to let people see , that the Church of England was more rigid and severe in this kinde , then the Church of Rome . For if the Church of Rome should connive at this , being a thing of so long continuance , and done within the walls of a private Monastery ; it cannot be drawn into example , or made a precedent for others to expect the like . But if it chance to prove , that it is not the Sacrament , but a resemblance onely of the olde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which on that day is celebrated sitting , by these Benedictines ; have you not then deluded us , in a shamefull manner ? Bullinger thus relates the matter , f that on that day , the Gospel of Saint Iohn being read publickly by the Deacon , in the mean time , ordine dispositis mensis convivae assident , the guests sit down in order , at their severall Tables . What then ? Frangentes panem azymum , & calicem invicem propinantes , &c. Breaking unleavened bread and drinking unto one another , they keep on foot some tracts of the ancient supper . What think you now ? Is this a Sacrament or a common Supper ; done in the Church , or in the Refectory ? I hope you will not say , that they had mensas dispositas , several tables in the Church , and those readie furnished ; or that they did invicem propinare , drink to one another in the holy Sacrament . Quanta de spe , how great a fortune are you falne from ; that thought to gaine such mickle meed for this good service ? But yet you will not leave us so f This custome , as you tell us , mounts hig●er then Saint Benedict , to S. Austins time . This custome ? what . Of sitting at the Sacrament upon Maundie Thursday ? No such matter verily . Saint Austine saith no more then this , that g some , ( and those against the generall custom ) did think it lawfull on that day , to receive the Sacrament after other meats . Not that they did receive it so , but that they thought it lawfull to receive it so , ut ●ost alios cibos offerri liceat corpus & sanguis Domini , as the Father hath it , which makes ( I trust ) as little for sitting at the Sacrament at that or any other time ; as that for which you falsified Baronius , hath made for all times . But you go higher yet , and tell us that it was the generall practice of the Gentiles , to worship sitting : that so it was enjoyned the h Romans by an expresse law of Numa Pompilius ; and that it seemes to be the custome of the Greeks also , by an old Quatrain of the Seiur de Pibr●c . How old I pray you was that Quatra●n ? Not many thousands sure , nor many hundreds , no nor many stories . The S●iur de Pibrac as I take it , i was Chancellour to King Henry the Third of France ; and so his Quatrain could not be very old , if you marke it well . And yet you thought it questionlesse to be verie ancient . You had not told us else k that the Apostles of Christ were not to learn ceremonies out of the lawes of Numa , or the Quatrains of Pibrac . Most learnedly resolved . They might as well have learnt divinity from the man of Lincolnshire , as ceremonies from the Quatrains of the Seiur de Pibrac . You tell us further in your margin , l how that Tertullian makes it a generall posture for all Pagans : so hee doth indeed . m Perinde faciunt nationes , as his owne words are . But then you had done well to have told us also , how highly hee condemnes it in them , and how irreverent he conc●ived it , assidere sub aspect● , contraque aspectum ejus , to sit them downe under the no●es ( as wee use to say ) of those verie Gods m whom they did worship and adore . This had been some faire dealing in you , could it have stood with your designe , of justifying the use of sitting in the holy Sacrament . Nay more then so , you say of Cardinall Peron , that he brings a passage out of Tertullian , to prove that some of the ancient Christians did adore , sitting : and that this position of theirs , this sitting , Tertullian did not blame . Not blame ? Why man , Tertullian mentions it for nothing else , but to reprehend it . Nor was it then a custome to adore sitting , as you say . Tertullian never told you that ; nor the Cardinall neither . n But adsignata oratione , assidendi mos est quibusdam : some men assoone as they had done their praiers , were presently upon their breech : as you would have them now at the praiers themselves . Never did any wretched cause , meet a fi●t●r Advocate . You would perswade us , that there is ▪ o little feare , that here , in England , the people will clap them d●wne upon their breech , about our holy Table : so I heare you say . But by those many libel●●us and seditious Pamphlets that have been scattered up and down , since your book came out ; wee finde the contrary . Perhaps the goodnesse of their Advocate makes them more forwards in the cause . I hope you know your owne words , and in them I speak , telling you , p If you were a scholar , you would have beene ashamed to write this Divi●itie . For forreigne Church●s next , you tax the Doctour , as if hee did q conclude the Ceremonies of so many neighbouring Protestants to be unchristian altogether . Where finde you such a passage in him ? All that the Doctour said is this , r that it was brought into the Churches first , by ●oth the modern Arians , ( who stubbornly gainsaying the Divinitie of our Lord and Saviour , thought it no robberie to be equall with him , and sit down with him at his Table : ) and for that cause most justly banished the reformed Church in Poland . And for the proof of this , he saith it was determined so in a generall Synod , as being a thing not used in the Christian Church , tantumque pr●pri● infidelibus Ari●nis , but proper to the Arians onely . This goes extremely to your heart , so that you cannot choose but wish s that he had spared to abuse that grave Synod , to make them say peremptorily , haec ceremonia Ecc●esiis Christianis non est usitata , especially as ●ee 〈◊〉 in into English , this ceremony is a thing not used in the Christian Church . Why how would you translate it , were you put to do it . The most that you could do , were to change the number ; and render it , the Christian Churches , for the Christian Church , which how it would ●dvantage you , I am yet to seek . But being so translated , what have you to object against it ; or to make good , that he hath any way abused so grave a Synod ? Marry say you , the Synod saith , 〈◊〉 ceremonia , licet cum 〈◊〉 liber● , &c. this ceremonie howsoever in its owne●nature it be indiff●●●ent and free , as the rest of the Ceremonies &c. Which you say , sweetens the 〈◊〉 very much . And so it doth indeed , sweetneth it very much to them which have a libertie to use i● : but not to them who are restrained to another gesture . Nor had you noted it , being so impertinent , but that you would be thought a Champion for mens Christian liberty , as before I told you . Next you object t they doe not say it is a thing not used in the Christian Church , ( that being a corruption of the Doctors ) but that it is not used in the Christian and Evangelicall Churches , nostri consensus , which agreed with them in the Articles of Confession . If so , the Doctour was too blame , and shall cry peccavi . But it is you that finger and corrupt the Synod . The Doctour tooke it as he found it . u H●●c ceremonia , ( licet cum caeter is libera ) Ecclesiis Christianis & coetibus Evangelicis ●on est usitata ; are the very words . If you can finde nostri consensus there , it must be of your owne hand-writing . There is no such matter , I am sure , in the printed books . It 's true , that in the former words it is so expressed , ne sessio sit in usu ad mensam Domini , in ullis ●ujus consensus Ecclesiis , that sitting at the Lords Table be not used in any of the Churches of their Cōfession . That 's nationall ▪ as unto themselves . But then the reason followes , which is universall . Haec enim ceremonia , &c. because that ceremonie was not used in any of the Christian Churches , or Evangelicall assemblies . This is the place the Doctour pres●ed ; and you can finde no consensus nostri there ; I am sure of that : Nay , it had been ridiculous nonsence ( such as you use to speak somtimes ) if it had been so . Now where you tell the Doctor , x that he ●●ole this passage from the Altar of Damascus ; and having 〈◊〉 it did co●rupt it ● hee must needs answer for himselfe , that it is neither so , nor so y The Altar of Damascus doth report the place , in terminis , as it is extant in the Synod ; and as the Doctor layed it down in his 〈…〉 Altar No● did he ever know 〈…〉 , till you d●rected him unto it . But ●o or not so , all is one in your opinion . a For both the Altar and the Coale are quite mistaken , as you give out , in thinking that the Synod did ever say , that this ceremony was brought in or used , by the 〈◊〉 Arians . Neither brought in , nor used ? that were strange indeed . What is it then that they intend ? Onely , say you , that it is Arianis propria , a thing fitter for the Arians , who by their doctrine and ten●ts placed themselves cheeke by joule with the Sonne of God then for devout and humble . Christians , compassed about with neighbours so fundamentally here●icall . b And this you say , the Altar espied at last , to be the meaning of the Synod , that sitting was proper to the Arians , not by usage , but secundum principia doctrinae suae , by the principles of their doctrine onely ; and so conclude , that contrary to all truth of story , the Doctor makes it first brought in by the moderne Arians . Had you looked forwards in the Synod ▪ you had found it otherwise . For there it followeth , c that sitting at the holy Sacrame●t first crept into their Churches , potiss . mum occasione & auspicio illorum , &c. especially by occasion and example of those men , which miserably had fallen away and denyed the Lord that bought them . Nor was it so resolved ▪ in this Synod onely , Anno 1583. It was concluded so before d in the Synod of Petricone , in the yeare 1578. that sitting at the Lords Table was first taken up by them , who rashly 〈◊〉 every thing in the Church , and ignorantly imitating Christs example , were fallen off to Arianisme ▪ But I will lay you downe the words for your more assurance . Sessionis verò ad mensam domini , &c. illi inter nos primi Authores extiterunt , qui omnia temere in ●cclesia immutantes , & sine scientia Christum quasi imitantes , nobis ad Aria●ismum perfidi 〈◊〉 facti sunt . That 's all that hath relation to the point in hand . The rest which is cut off with an &c. is a touch onely on the by , that the said sitting was repugnant to the use of all the e Evangelicall Churches throughout Europe . What followes next upon this declaration of the Synod ? Quar● hanc propriā ipsis , &c. Wherefore to leave this gesture as proper and peculiar unto them f who handle both our Saviour and his Sacraments with the like irreverence ; and being in it selfe , uncomely , irreligious , and very scandalous withall unto simple men . Nay , before that , Anno 1563. it was determined to this purpose also in another Synod at Crac●vi● , that if perhaps any did use to sit at the Lords Supper , ceremoniam eam Arianabapt●st is relinquant , they should desert it utterly , g as proper and peculiar to the Arian Anabaptists . This makes it cleere as day , that sitting at the Lords Table , was brought into the Churches first , by the moderne Arians . That which you interpose touching Iohn A Lasco is not worth the while . He h was not setled in Poland , as your selfe affirm , untill the yeare 1557. which was but sixe yeeres before the Synod at Cracovia , wherein this gesture was condemned of Arianisme . Nor was he setled then indeed , if you consider the Epistles unto Calvin , which your selfe hath cited : things not succeeding there , i saith Vtentionius , to their hearts 〈…〉 furiòse se opponit Satan propagationi regni Christi ▪ so furiously doth the divell oppose the propagation of Christs kingdome . But setled or not setled , all is one for that . The Arians were here started up before his comming : nor have I such a reverend opinion of Iohn A 〈◊〉 , but that some principles of his might tend that way also . And so I leave you to consider , whether the Arians or the Puritans are most bound unto you , for standing up so bravely to defend t●eir cause . That which comes next to hand is 〈◊〉 , a fo●le mistake or two , about the antient practise of the Church , and Tertul●●●● meaning . You say , k that in Tertullians time , they did not ( as wee now doe ) eate the consecrated bread upon the place , but accipere & reservare , re●erve it , and carry it home with them . You make this generall , that they did not as we do● now ▪ that is not eate the consecrated bread upon the place , whereas indeed it was but in particular cases : either in times of persecution , when they could not meet so often as they would , for feare of troubles ; or in the Stations , or dayes on which it was not lawfull to worship kneeling . In the first case , they did accipere & reservare , receive it of the Priest at Church in severall portions , and then reserve it , that is , take it home , and eate it there , at such times as they thought most fit for their ghostly comfort : and this they did especially , that they might be sure to have it for their last viaticum , at the approch of sudden unexpected dangers . This they did use to eate in secret , before other meates , as is apparant by that passage l in Tertullian , Nonne sciet maritus quid secret● a●te omne●● cibum gustes ? But this is no good proofe I trust , that therefore in the Church , they did not ●ate at all ; because they did reserve some part to be eaten at home . That were to overthrow the nature of the holy Supper , and make the Communion to become a private eating . In the next case , being that of Station , which you with confidence enough , have ma●e to be a fast or m publike meeting , ( as if there were no publike meetings but on Fasts , nor Fasts but on a publike meeting : ) it was ordered thus . There were some certaine times , in which it was not lawfull to worship n kneeling , as vis . every Sunday in the yeere , and the whole time from Pasch to Pentecost . Now in those dayes of Station , or standing daies , at which the people might not kneele , in the receiving and partaking the holy Sacrament ; they rather chose to forbeare the Communion , then to take it o standing . Which being well knowne unto Tertullian , he wisheth them to come , though they might not kneele , and take it standing at the Altar , [ Si & ad aram Dei steteris : ] and to reserve and take it home , and eate at their owne houses , kneeling , according unto their desires . By doing which , accepto corpore Domini & reservato , by their receiving of it in the Church , and carrying of it home to eate it there , they should p salve all fores : participate of the sacrifice , as they ought to doe , and yet retaine the old tradition , in those dayes of Station . This if you understood before , you did ill to hide it ; if not , you are a little wiser then before you were . The next that comes before us is a covered dish , and being uncovered , proves a Gelly , q a Claudius Gellius in your language , a lame Giles in ours . Who this lame Giles should be , you cannot guesse you say , but indeed you will not . Lame Giles his haltings is the title of a booke set out by Master Prynns , against Giles Widowes of Oxford : wherein the Doctor first encountred with the name of Dresser , applyed to the Communion-Table standing Altar-wise , and of the which hee thought him to have beene the Author , till he observed it in the Letter to the Vicar of Grantham , being the antienter of the two . But this is but a copy of your countenance . You have not so small interest in Master Prynne , as not to be partaker of his learned labours ; though you seeme loth , both here and elsewhere , that any thing of his , should be either pinned or prinned on you , or any friend of yours whoever . This dish being thus uncovered , and set by , let us now fall more roundly to your second service . In the beginning of your booke , you tell us that the Doctor r faines , that the writer of the letter doth slight , but failes , for he doth cite and approve the appellation of second service . The Bishops s letter hath it thus . The Minister appointed to reade the Communion ( which you out of the booke of Fast , in 10. of the King , are pleased to call second service . ) And towards the latter end , t either in the first or second service , as you distinguish . Is this to cite and to approve the appellation : Yes , that it is say you , and more . For the good writer of the letter , finding the u Vicar used it ( as it seemes ) in his discourse , and that the neighbours boggled at it , excuseth it as done in imitation of that grave and pious booke . That grave and pious booke , good Lord , how wise you are upon a sudden , and yet how suddenly doe you fall againe to your former follies ▪ That booke , as grave and pious as it is , was never intended ( as you say in that which followes to give Rubrickes to the publike Liturgie ; and therefore howsoever the Fast-booke cals it ( so grave and pious though it were ) let never any Country Vicar in Lincolne Diocese presume to call it so hereafter . Iust so you dealt before with his Majesties Chappell . Having extolled it to the heavens , and set forth all things in the same , x as wisely and religiously done : yet you are resolute , that Parish Churches , are not , nor ought not to be bound , to imitate the same in those outward circumstances . A grievous sinne it was no doubt , for the poore Vicar to apply the distribution of the Service , in the booke of Fast , unto the booke of Common-Prayer : and it was very timely to be done , to excuse him in it , as if he did relate onely to the Book of Fast. Else who can tell , but that the Alderman of Grantham and the neighbours there , might have conceived he used it y in imitation of the two Masses used of old ; that viz. of the Catechumeni , and that of the Faithfull : neither of which , the Alderman ( a prudent and discreet , but no learned man ) nor any of his neighbours had ever heard of . Great reason to excuse the Vicar from so foule a crime ; which God knows how it might have scandalized poore men , that never had tooke notice of it , till it was glanced at in the letter . The Vicar being thus excused , you turne your stile upon the Doctor , for justifying the distribution of the Common Prayers ▪ into a first and second service . You said even now , that you approved the appellation ; yet here you give us severall Arguments for reproofe thereof . For first , say you , a the Order of Morning Prayer , is not ( as the poore man supposeth ) the whole Morning Prayer , but a little fragment thereof called the Order of Matins , in the old Primers of King Henry the eight , King Edward the sixth , and the Primer of Sarum , what no where else ? Do you not finde it in your Common-Prayer book , to be called Mattins ? Look in the Calendar for proper Lessons , and tell me , when you see me next , how you finde it there ? Matens and Evensong , ●aith it there ; Morning and Evening Prayer , saith the Booke else-where ▪ which makes , I trow , the order of Morning prayer to be the same now , with the order of Mattins , and that in the intention of the Common-Prayer Book , not in the Antient Primers onely . Not the whole Morning prayer say you , but you speake without booke : your booke instructing you to finde the full course and tenor of Morning and Evening Prayer throughout the yeare . Yet you object , that if we should make one service of the Mattins , we must make another of the Collects , and a third of the Leta●●e : and the Communion at the soonest will be the fourth , but by no meanes the second service . Why Sir , I hope the Collects are distributed , some for the first , and others for the second service : there 's no particular service to be made of them . And for the Letanie , comparing the Rubrick after Quicunque vult , with the Queenes Injunctions , that seemes to be a preparatorie to the second service . For it is said b there , That immediately before the time of Communion of the Sacrament , the Priests with other of the Quire shall kneele in the midst of the Church , and sing or say plainly the Letany , &c. And you may marke it in some Churches , that whiles the Letanie is saying , there is a Bell tolled , to give notice unto the people , that the Communion service , is now coming on . Secondly , you c object , that by this reckoning , we shall have an entire service without a prayer for King or Bishop ; which you are bold to say , and may say it boldly , is in no Liturgie this day , either Greeke or Latine . Stay here a while . Have you not found it otherwise in your observations ? What say you then to these ? O Lord save the King , & then , Endue thy Ministers with righteousnesse . Are these no praiers for King or Bishop ? Those which come after in the Letanie , & that in the praier for the Church militant ; ●re but the same with these , though more large and full . Thirdly , say you , d the Act of Parliament doth call it service , and not services ; therefore ( for so you must conclude ) there is no distribution of it to be made into first and second . So in like sort say I , the Act of Parliament doth call it e Common-prayer , and not Common-prayers : therefore ( upon the self same reason ) there is no distribution to be made of praiers for plentie , and prayers for peace , prayers for the King , and prayers for the Clergie , prayers for the ●ick , and prayers for the sound , & sic de caeteris . Lastly , you make f the true and legall division of our Service , to be into the Common-praier , and the Communion : the one to be officiated in the Reading Pew , the other at the holy table , disposed cōveniently for that purpose . If so , then whēthere is no Communion , which is you know administred but at certain times , then is there no division of the service , and consequently no part therof to be officiated at the h●ly table ; which is expresly contr●ry to the R●brick after the Communion . You are like I see to prove a very able Minister , you are so perfect in your Portuis . But now take heed , for you have drawn your strēgths together , to give the poore Doctor a greater blow , accusing him of g conjuring up such doctrine , as might turn not a few Parsons and Vicars out of their Benefices in short time . How so ? Why by incouraging them , in a Book printed with Licence , ( I see you are displeased at the licence still ) to set up a consistorie in the midst of divine Service , & to examine in the same the worthines of all Communicants . The Doctor findes it in his Rubrick , that so many as intend to be partakers of the holy Communion , shall signifie their names unto the Curate over night ▪ or else in the morning before the beginning of Morning Prayer , or immediately after . From whence , and from the following Rubricks , the poore Doctor gathered , h that in the intention of the Church there was to be some reasonable time , betweene Morning Prayer and the Communion . For otherwise what liesure could the Curate have to call before him notorious evill●livers , or such as have done wrong to their neighbours , and to advertise them not to presume to come unto the Lords Table : or what spare time can you afford him , betweene the Reading Pew and the holy Table , to reconcile those men betweene whom he perceiveth malice and hatred to reigne , &c. as he is willed and warranted to do , by his Common-Prayer Booke . Call you this setting up a Consistorie in the middest of Service ? You might have seene , but that you will not , that here is nothing to be done in the midst of service : but in the middle space of time , betweene both services ; when as the people are departed , and the Curate gone unto his house . This was the ancient practise of the Church of England . The Morning prayer , or Matins to begin betweene six and seven ; the second service , or Communion service , not till nine or ten : which distribution still continues in the Cathedrall Church of Winchester , in that of Southwell , and perhaps some others . So that the names of those which purposed to communicate , being signified unto the Curate , if not before , yet presently after Morning Prayer : he had sufficient time to consider of them , whether he found amongst them any notorious evill livers , any wrong-doers to their neighbours , or such as were in malice towards one another , and to proceed accordingly , as he saw occasion . All this you wipe out instantly with a dash of wine , i Exig●o Pergama tota mero , as the Poet ha●h it : as if the notice given unto the Curate was for nothing else , k but that provision might be made of Br●od and Wine and other necessaries for that holy mystery . And were it so , yet could this very ill be done , after the beginning of Morning Prayer ( as l you needs will have it . ) For would you have the people come to signifie their na●●ies unto the Curate , when he was reading the Confession , or perhaps the Pater-noster , or the Psalmes , or Lessons ; & then the Curate to break off , as oft as any one came to him , to bid the Churchwardens take notice of it , that Bread and Wine may be provided . Besides , you must suppose a Tavern in everie Village , and a Bak●r two : else you will hardly be provided of Bread and Wine for the Communicants , in so short a space , as is between the beginning of Morning Prayer , and the holy Sacrament . Nay , not at all provided in such cases , but by Post and Post-horses , & much inconvenience ; the Market-towns being far off ; the wayes deep and mirie : which what a clutter would make especially upon the Sabbath , as you call it ; I leave you to judge . Assuredly what ever your judgement be , you are a Gentleman of the prettiest and the finest fancies , that I ever met with . Thus deale you with the other Rubricks , and wrest them quite besides their meaning ; especially the third , which concerneth the repulsing of those which are obstinately malicious , and will by no meanes be induced to a reconcilement . You tell us onely of the second , which requires the Curat m to admonish all open and notorious evill livers , so to amend their lives that the congregation may thereby be satisfied : that it were most ridiculously prescribed to be done in such a place , or in so short a time ; and therefore that it is intended to be performed by the Curate upon private conference with the parties . Good Sir , who ever doub●●d it , or thought the Church in time of s●●vice , to be a fitting place for personall reprehensions ? So that you might have spared to tell us , your n 〈◊〉 laudable practice , in not keeping backe , but onely admonishing p●blicke off●nders upon the evidence of ●act , and that no● publickly neither , nor by name : unlesse there had been somewhat singular in it , which no man ever had observed but your own deere selfe ; and that to be proposed as an I●stituti● sacerdotum , for all men else to regulate their actions by . But for the third , you say that it directs the Curate how o to deale with those , whom hee perceives by intimation given , and direction returned from his Ordinary , to continue in unrepented hatred and malice : whom having the direction of his Ordinary , he may keep from receiving t●e Sacrament , and that in an instant without chopping or dividing the divine service . And then , that otherwise it were an unreasonable and illegall thing , that a Christian man laying open claim to his right in the Sacrament , should be debarred from it by the meere discretion of a C●rate . Po●r● Priests ! I lament your case ; who are not onely by this Minister of Lincoln Diocese , debarred from moving and removing the holy Table : but absolutely turned out of all autoritie , from bindring scandal●●s and unworthy pe●sons to approach unto it . That 's by this Minister conferred on his p Deacon also : because forsooth it did belong unto the Deacon ▪ to cry , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , looke to the door●s there , to the doores ▪ and to take care , the Cate●●●meni , and those which were not to communicate , should avoid the Church . O saclum insipidum & infacetum ! Such a dull , drowsie disputant , did never undertake so great an Argument . As if the Deacon did these things of his own authoritie ; not as a Minister unto the Priest , and to save him a labour . That which comes q after from the Iesuites , and other Schoolmen will concerne us little who are not to be governed by their dictates and decisions , but by the rules and Canons of the Church of England . Now for the Rubrick , that saith thus . The Curate shall not suffer those to be partakers of the Lords Table , betwixt whom hee perceiveth malice and hatred to raigne , untill hee know them to be reconciled : and that of two persons which are at variance , that one of them be content to forgive the other , &c. the Minister in that case ought to admit the penitent person to the holy Communion , and not him that is obstinate . So for the Canons , they runne thus . r No Minister shall in any wise admit to the receiving of the holy Communion any of his Cure which be openly known to live in sinne notorious without repentance ; nor any who have maliciously contended with their neighbours , untill they shall be reconciled ; nor any Churchwardens or Sidemen who wilfully incurre the horrible crime of perjurie , in not presenting as they ought : nor s unto any that refuse to kneel , or to be present at publick praiers ; or that be open depravers of the Booke of Common Praier ; or any thing cōtained in the Book of Articles , or the Book of ordering Priests and Bishops , or any that have depraved his Majesties Sovereigne authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall &c. Here is no running to the Ordinary t to receive direction what to do , but an authority le●t unto the Priest without further trouble ; and more then so u a charge imposed upon him not to do the contrarie . Onely it is provided , x that every Minister so repelling any , shall on complaint , or being required by the Ordinarie , signifie the cause unto him , and therein obey his Order and Direction . Therin , upon the post-fact , after the repelling , and on return of the Certificate ; and not before as you would have it : for proof wherof , with an unparalleld kinde of impudence , you cite those very Canons against themselv●s ▪ But so extreme a spleene you have against the Clergie , that upon all and no occasions , you labour throughout your Pamphlet , to lay them open and expose them to the contempt and scorne of the common people . Now as you labour to expose the Clergie to contempt and scorne ; so you endevour , secretly and upon the by , to make the Chappels and Cathedrals guilty of some fowle transgress●on , the better to expose them unto cens●re also . The y Doctor charged thus on the Epistolar , whosoever he was , in his Coal from the Altar ; and you confesse the action in your holy Table . For reckoning it z amongst the Doctors faynings , that the writer of the Letter would cunningly draw the Chappels and Cathedrals to a kinde of Praemunire , about their Communion-tabl●s : you answer that he fayles , for the writer confesseth hee doth allow and practice it . Allow and practise it ? What it ? It is a relative , and points to that which went before ; viz. a cunning purpose and intent to draw Chappels and Cathedrals into a kinde of Praemunire ; which you acknowledge in plaine termes , the writer doth allow and practise . a Adeo veritas ab invit●● etia● pectoribus ●rumpit , said Lactantius truly . It seemes your book was not so tho●●wly perused , as the Licence intimates : for if it had , this passage had not bin so left to bewray the businesse . Yet you fall fowle upon the Doctor , and reckon it as one of his extravagancies , b that he should charge the writer for making such a difference between the Chappels and Cathedrals ●n the one side , and the Parochials on the other , ( in the point of Altars ; ) the Lawes and Canons ( in that point ) looking indifferently on all . Which said , you tell him of some speciall differences ( which he knew before ) made by t●e Canons themselves , betweene Cathedrals and Parochiall Churches . But Sir , the question is not of those things wherin the Canons make a difference , as in Copes , monethly Communions and such like , which there you instance in : but in those things wherin they make no difference , as in placing of the table . And yet you are besides the ●ushion too , in stating of those very differēces , which your selfe proposeth . One difference that you make betweene them , is in the place of reading the Letany ; which is officiated , as it ought , would be found no difference . You know that in Cathedrall Churches , the Letanie is said or sung in the middle of the Quire , where Morning and Evening Prayer are appointed to be said : and you may know , that in all Parish Churches by the Queenes Injunctions , ( which you have given us for a Canon ) the Priests with others of the Qu●re , shall kneele in the midst of the Church , ( where Morning and Evening Praier are said ) and sing or say plainly and distinctly the Letanie set forth in English. Another difference that you make ▪ is that Cathedrals are excepted from delivering to the Queenes Commissioners , the Ornaments and Iewels of their Churches : the Articles expresly naming the Church-w●rdens of every Parish onely . Not to take notice of the s●quele , which is weak and wrested , we will reply unto the Fact , and tell you plainly , there was no such matter , as delivering to the Queens Commissioners , the ornaments or jewels of the Parish Churches ; which you would gladly thrust upon us . All that you finde c in the Injunction , ( to which you send us ) is that the Church-wardens of every Parish , shall deliver unto the Visiters , the Inventories of Vestments , copes , and other ornaments , Plate , Books , especially Grayls , &c. apperteining to their Church . You see that not the Ornaments themselves , but the Inventories of them , were to be delivered to the Queenes Commissioners . No● had you so expresly falsified the Queens Injunction , but that you finde the Piety of the times inclining to ado●●e the Churches : and you would fain cast somewhat in the way to hinder the good worke which is now in hand ; by telling those which love to ●eare it , that in the reformation made by Queene Elizabeth , all Ornaments were took away , as tending unto Popery and Superstition . The lowest dish of all , as lest worth the looking after , is an extravagant wilde f●wle , which either hath no name , or is ashamed of it . The Writer of the Letter had ●aid d unto the Vicar , that he did hope he had more learning , then to conceive the Lords Table to be a new name , and so to be ashamed of the name . This , saith the Doctour , e might have well been spared , there being none so void of pi●tle and understanding as to be scandalized at the name of the Lords Table ; as are some men , it seemes , at the name of Altar , saving that somewhat must be said , to perswade the people that questionlesse such men there were , the better to indeere the matter . Now you reply , to the last clause of being scandalized and ashamed at the name of the Lords table ; that f surely of that kinde there are too many in the world , some calling it a profane Table , as the Rhemists ; others an ●yster-bo●rd , and an oyster table ; the Vicar , if his neighbours charged him rightly , a Tresle : and you know who a Dresser , why was that left out ? This said , you fall upon the Author of the Latine determinat●on , onely to make the m●n suspected of b●ing ashamed of the name of Table : and then upon the Church g of Rome , as being ( you say ) the true Adversary , that the letter aymed at , for leaving out of her Canon ( in the Reformation of the Missall by Pope Pius Quintus ) this very name of the holy Table , against the practise of all Antiquitie , and precedent Liturgies . But Sir consider in cold bloud , that that determination came not out , till five or six yeares after the Bishops letter . Your selfe hath given it for a rule , h that as all Prophets are not Ordinaries , s● all Ordinaries are not Prophets : and therfore cert●inly the writer of the letter being no Prophet , as you say , could not at all reflect on this determination ▪ Then for the Church of Rome , that comes in as idly : just as the Germ●ns were brought in , to beat downe all the Altars there ; because the Country people here were scandalized therwith in their Parish Churches . Whether the Church of Rome be ashamed or not , at the name of Table , is not materiall to this purpose : the letter being writ in English , and scattered up and downe amongst English men ; and therefore had you brought us some of them , that had conceived the Lords Table to be a new name , or were ashamed thereof , you had then done well . Which since you have not done , but wandred up and downe in a maze , or circle ▪ 〈…〉 I ●ee you will be served in state : your second course being tooke away , there is a banquet yet remaining ; some sweet meats from Placentia , and a piece of 〈◊〉 ▪ There is a 〈…〉 in the maine discourse , and an 〈…〉 in the ordering of it both of them intermixt so artificially , that it is hard to be discerned , whether of the two bee most predominant . But here , you give it cleere for the ●t p●pulo 〈◊〉 yea and ut magno in populo too , to make sure the matter ▪ not onely justifying your owne poore endeavours in that kinde , but falling foule upon the Doctor , because he joynes not with you in the undertaking . k You tell us , that the first Prot●s●a●●s of the Reformation had a better opinion of the co●mon people : and that the first inducements of King Edward and his most able 〈◊〉 , to 〈◊〉 the Altars and place holy Tables , 〈…〉 up superstitio● in the mindes of these , ( by him , the Doctor so much despised ) commont people . What an opinion the first Protestants had of the common people , is not now the question , but whether in their labours to reforme the Church , and root up superstition , they had relation to the humour of the people , or the glory of God. If you could shew us , that King Edward and his most able Councell ▪ ( as in your odious manner of comparisons you are pleased to stile them ) aymed at this onely , in that act of theirs , populo ut placerent , to please the people : you had said somewhat to the purpose . But you had laid withall a greater scandall on that King , and his so able Councell , then all your wit and learning would be able to take off againe . If not , why do you bring King Edward and his able Councell upon the stage , as if they could say somewhat in your defence , when they had no such meaning as you put upon them ▪ The people then , as it appeareth in the story , were so averse from that Act of the King and Counsell , that they were faine to set out l certaine considerations to prepare them to it , and make them ready for the change , which they meant to make . Call you this pleasing of the people ? It was indeed pretended , that the change would be for the peoples good , and to root up superstition out of their mindes : but nothing lesse intended then the peoples pleasure . An honest care that all things may be done for the common good , for training up the people in their obedience to Gods Commandements , the Kings just government , and the Churches orders ; no man likes better then the Doctor . If this will please the people , take me with you , and you shall never want a second to assist you in it . And this is that placenti● which the Apostle hath commended to us by his owne m practise , first ; I ▪ please , saith he ▪ all men in all things , no●●ee king 〈…〉 profit , but the profit of many , that they may be saved : and next by way of precept n or direction , Let every 〈◊〉 please his neighbour for his good to edi●●cetion . If you observe these rules , and looke not after your own profit , applause , or popular dependencies ▪ but th● edification of the people onely , that they may be 〈◊〉 ▪ you have Saint Paul , both for your warrant and e●ample . The Doctor had not faulted thus either in you , or in the write 〈◊〉 the letter , had he found it in you . But on the other side , ther● is 〈…〉 popularity which some men affect 〈◊〉 , an art to feed the peoples humour , that they themselves may be borne up and hoisted by the p●oples breath : and this appeareth every where , as well throughout that letter , as your whole discourse . This was the disease of o Pilate in the holy Gospel . Of whom it is recorded there , that to please the people , he released Barraba● unto them , and condemned Iesus : and this the itch of Dio●rephes p in S. Iohns Epistles , who loving to have the preheminence amongst ignorant people , disparaged the Apostles , and pra●ed openly against them with malicious words . In these designes to court the favour of the people , by casting scandals on the Church , and the publike government ; and by that meanes to be admired and honoured for a Zealoue Minister , and a stout Patriot for the publick ; for a q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Historian , or a r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Orators language , the Doctor leaves you to your selfe . You may draw after you , if you please , s A●b●bajaru●● collegi● , & h●c genus o●ne , the love and favour of the multitude for a day or two : but you will finde it a weak staffe to relie upon , though it may serve to puffe you up , and make you think your self to be some great bodie . The Doctor hath no such designes , & therfore n●●ds not take those courses : knowing especially that Saint Paul hath said , that if I yet pleased men , I should not be the servant of Christ. But t 〈…〉 You that did never any thing in ●ein , except a little ●or vain-glo●y ; have better studied those deep points , then the Apostl● did or could● & have found out a way so to serve the Lord , that you may please the people too . And therfore Mait●●anto Pa●t● simple S●int Paul , ( I hope you can remember your own sweet words ) that could not so well time it , as to se●ve t●o masters . How ●arre you are the servant of Christ , I have not to doe with ; look you to that but how farre you have laboured to please the people , that I can tell you p●esently without more ado . What made you undertake this Argument , being ▪ for ought you would be known of , no party in it : was it to shew your zeale and service unto Christ , or to please the people ? What makes you speak so slightly of the Institution of Episcopall power : and having spoke so sl●ghtly of it , what makes you speak so doubtfully of the present government , as if all things were carried with an higher hand then they ought to be , rather with canon shot then with Canon law : was it to s●rve Christ , who had before-hand , as you say , 〈…〉 down de facto : was not this done to please the people ▪ Such pleasers of the peoples humours , we have too many in this kingdome : and you , I take it , l●ke Mutatu● Curio in the Poet , are u 〈…〉 . And yet you might have done all this , wothout exposing the poore Doctor to the common 〈…〉 if so many x provisionarie Saints of God , so many nerves and sinews of the State , so many armes of the King to defend his friends , and offend his enemies ; were by hi● called in scorne , and for ●ant of ●it , po●re people . Good Sir , a word or two in private . Thinke you that there are no provisionarie Saints , no ●erves and sinews of the State , none of the Kings Ar●es in the Towne of Grantham ? and yet y the Bishop 〈◊〉 his Vicar , that it were fitter that the Altar should stand table-wise , then that the Table be erected Altar-wise , to trouble the p●ore Towne of Grantham . The Doctor tooke his phrase from thence , and onely turned those words upon him ( if you mark it wel ) which he had found there to his hand . Nor are you very free from so great a fault , in calling those provisionarie Saints , sinews , and nerves and Armes , the z rude people of Grantham . Or if you needs will make him meane it of the people generally , tell me , I pray you what is the difference ( for I know it not ) betweene the people and the sub●ects . If none , as surely none there is , how durst your mothers sonne in such a sta●e as this , in such a Church as this , and under such a Prince so beloved as this , call the said Saints , Armes , Nerves , and Sinews , for want of wit , or something else , a poore Subjects . It 's true , you make them faire amends , by giving them ●om● secret notice , of their authoritie and power in the civill government : concluding that extravagancie with the b 〈…〉 man , Iraser pop●lo R●man● 〈…〉 But Sir , I hope you do not make your p●●re Sub●●cts in England , any way equall to the people in the state of Rome , who were so formidable 〈◊〉 that time to all Kings and Princes , c ut 〈…〉 aliquen● juxta ●orum 〈…〉 of the state , was in the people at that 〈◊〉 , when this speech was used ▪ and so your application of it in this place and time , must needs be either very foolish , or extremely factious . 〈…〉 Here you report his words aright , which you do not often ; but then most sh●mefully mis-report his meaning . The Doctor doth not there lay downe a definition of the Diptychs , as you falsly charge him ; but onely doth expound the word , as it related to the case which was then in hand . You may remember , that the Bishop had sent the Vicar unto Bish●p Iewel , to learne how long Communion Tables had stood in the middle of the Church ▪ and Bishop Iewel tells him of a p●ssage in the fifth Councell of Constantinople , where it was said , that tempore Diptychorum cucurrit ●mnis cum magno silentio circumcirca Altare . i. e. saith he , When the Lesson or Chapt●r 〈◊〉 a reading , the people with silence drew together 〈◊〉 about the Altar . Now when the Doctor comes to scan this passage , not taking any notice of this mistake in Bishop Iewel , he concludes it thus . f So that for all is said in the fifth Councell of 〈◊〉 , the Altar might and did stand at the end of the 〈◊〉 , although the people came together about it , to heare the Dip●ychs ▪ i. e. the 〈◊〉 of those Prelates ▪ and other persons of 〈◊〉 note , who had departed in the ●aith . 〈…〉 to be his definition of the Diptychs ; a very ●oolish one , you say ▪ and fool●sh it had beene indeed , had it beene layed downe there for a definition . 〈◊〉 did you m●●ke it as you should , you would h●ve 〈◊〉 ●hat it was never meant for a d●finition of the Diptych● generally ; but onely for an expos●tion of the word , as in that place 〈…〉 if you look into the g 〈…〉 〈◊〉 heare the Diptychs ; and then , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that the recitall being made of the foure holy Oecumenicall Synods , as also of the Archbishops of blessed memorie , ●uphemius , 〈◊〉 , and Leo , the people with a loud voyce made this acclamation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gl●rice ●e to thee O Lord. This is the truth of the relation in that Councell . And I would faine learne of you , being so great ● Clerke , how you can fault the Doctor for his exposition of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that place and ●ime : when there was onely read ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the commemoration of those Prelates , Leo , Euphemius , and Macedonius , and other persons of chiefe note , those which had had their interest in the said foure Councels , which were all departed in the faith . You were neare driven to seeke a concluding quarrell , when you pitch'd on this . Onely you were resolved to hold out as you had begun : and as you en●red on the businesse , with a false storie of the Vicar ; so to conclude the same , with a false clamour on the Doctor . But Sir , let me advise you , when you put forth next , to shew more candour in your writings , and lesse shifting wit. Otherwise , let the Dip●ychs ▪ have as many leaves as any of your Authors old or new have mentioned to you : your name will never be recorded , but on the back-side of the booke ; in case you do not finde a roome in the h last columne of the foure , which you have given us from Pelargus . And so I shut up this debate with that Patheticall expression wherewith Octavius did conclude against Ceci●ius . Quid ingrati sumu● ? quid nobis invidem●s , s● veritas d●vinitatis aetate nostri temporis maturuit ? Fruamur b●no nostro , & recti sententiam temperemus : co●ibeatur superstitio , impiet 〈◊〉 expiet●● , 〈◊〉 Rel●gio ser●●tur . Why are we so ingratefull , why do we envy one another , if the true worship of the Lord , be growne more perfect in our times , then it was before ? Let us enjoy our owne felicitie , ●nd qui●tly maintaine that truth which we are possessed of ▪ let superstition be restrained , impietie exile● , and true Religion kept inviolable . This if we do endeavour in our severall places , we shall be counted faithfull Stewar●s in our Masters house ; and happie is the servans , whom his L●ra when he comm●th sha● finde so doing . Amen . FINIS . Errata . SEct. 1. p. 5. l. 16. for ratione , r. rationale . p. 44. l. ● for &c. r. and ib. l. 24. de . But , p. 54. ● . 14. for take notice r. take no notice , p. 56. for 1542. r. 1 552. p. 73. l. 3. dele and , p. 74. l. 18. for 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 , p. 85. l. 29. r. 〈◊〉 . p ▪ ●8 . l. 7. dele though ▪ p. 99. l. 5. for his , r. the , p. 100. l. 3. dele & of the 82 Canon , p. 103 l. 1. for passe , r. passed . Section 2. p. 7. l. 31. for an r. and ● . p. 10. l. 2. for your , r. the , ib. l. 30 , dele and p. 16. l 25. for the r. this , p. 40. l. 10. for 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 p. 46. l. 1. for finde not , r not finde , p. 54. l. 32. for ne●re r. we ●re p. 66. l. 23 for this r. thep . 86. for which r. of which p. 88. l. 15. r. discourser . p. 90 l. 23. for the Altar , r. an Altar p. 93. l. 27. for Altar-wise , r ▪ where the Altar stood . p 106. l. ●0 . for in the Altar , r. the Altar , p. 110. l. 8. for cu● , r. 〈◊〉 . Sect. 3. p. 5. 6 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 7 l. 26. dele that . p. 8. l. 1. dele in , p. 24. l. 16 ▪ r. Treasurers , ib. l. 22. dele O. p. 28. l. 14. for and r. but. p. 37. l. ●5 . for to , r. nothing to . p. 40. l. 1. dele that . p. 46. l. 28. make a full point at too . p. 49. l. 22 , for stories , r. scores . ib. l. 50. k. the 3 , r. Chancellour to the D●ke of Anjou , brother of King H●nr● 3. &c. p. 53. l. 26. for Petricone , r Petricove . p. 54. l. 8. for to , r. we ibid. l. 28. for V●entionius , r. Vtenhovious . 56 , r. Prynne , p. 62. l. 16. for two , ● . too p. 6 5. l. 19. for thus r. this . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A03139-e200 a Holy table , p. 36. b Ibi. p. 83 , 84 , 85 , &c. c Milites irruentes in Altaria , osculis significare pacis insigne . S. Amb. Ep. 33. l. 5. d Stat. 1. Eliz. cap. 2. e Holy Table , p. 204. Notes for div A03139-e410 a Serò medicina paratur , Cum mala per long●s invaluere moras . Ovid. b 〈…〉 c 〈…〉 . d Hor. de Arte. e Doctor Coal was Deane of ● . Paul , in Qu. Maries time , as in the Acts and ●on . part . 3. f Vide Sect. 2. ch . 4. in fine . o Holy Table . pag. 232. p Had the Doctor kept himselfe unto his A●cidence ▪ he could not have forgotten that Edwardas was his proper name . p. 23. q Virgil. Aeneid . 9. Notes for div A03139-e8160 a One who had beene a singular friend to that towne when he was in place . Sect. 1. b In the licence . c pag. 1. Cap. 1. d pag. 4. e pag. 1. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plut. g Si Troja dextra defendi pous est , &c. p. 60. h Walgraves presse , was the presse for Puritan P●mphlet● in Q. Elizabeths time , whereof see Mar. Marre-Prelate , Epist. to the Convocation p 23. i Holy table , pag. 5. k In the licence . l In Philip. 2. m Rom. 12. 20 n And mends it by a kinde of Sacril●dge , by taking from a noble Gentleman his name given in ●aptisme , p. 23. o Had the Doctor kept him to his Accidence . p. 23. p Camdens Remain●s . q pag. ● . r C●n-none , and Common ( or tri●iall ) law . p. 23. s Rom. 2. 21. t Vell. Pat. l. 2. u The Title . x Pulch●a Laverna , Da mihi fallere , da justūsanctum que videri . Horat. a pag. 12. b pag. 7. c pag. 7. d pag. 9 , 10. e For besides it is uncertain whether he be of the Voisinage , &c. pag. 3. f pag. 6. f pag. 7. g pag. 6. g pag. 6. h Whereupon the Alderman presently wrote unto his Lordsh. pag. 7. i The Doctor by his exquisite knowledge in the Can-none , & common ( or triviall ) law . pa. 23. k And having too much favour from his Diocesan . pag. 5. l Thi● blinking Doctor . pa. 190. m pag. 6. n It is wel● done that you affect decency and comelinesse , &c. pag. 13. o pag. 12 Cap. 2. Cap. 1. r I have written to you somewhat more at large , &c. let . pag. 13. s Negat ionis fo●mula , quam foro Angliae , Reus , Actoris assertionem infici●tur . Spelm. Gloss. t pag 8. u That squirrell . headed young man. p. 59. a pag. 8. b ●ut not without s●riking , &c. pag. 8. e Their chiefe governor being one of that p●ofession himselfe . pag. 8. d Onely they represented to hi● Lp , that they were much sca●dalized with the putting downe of their sermons . ib. e pag. 8. f His Lp was heard over-carnest with the said Vicar , to tell him who they were that set him on these alterations . pag. 9. g pag. 9. h pag. 21. i lb. k lb. l pag. 12. m pag. 11. Cap. 2. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In vit . Alex. b Eupho●mio in Epistol● ad ▪ Iacob . Reg. c pag. 32. d Vel. Pat. l. 2. e pag. 59. f pag. 33. g Vir. Aeneid . h Regnavit annos 35. in qu●bus n●c fames , nec pestis fuit in regno suo . pag. 27. i Bellarm. k Terence . l Printed 1615. m As those Probationers did , which ( p●●adventure ) some Iustic● his Clerk might tell you of . p. 25. n Coale from the Altar , p. 61. o pag. 190. p pag. 25. q pag. 25. r Coal , p. 61 , 62. s pag. 26 , 27. t Terence in Andria , Act. 1. S●● . 5. u Coal ●rom the Altar , p. 60. x pag. 31. y Vel. Pa● . l. 2. z ●a●e o● the 〈◊〉 p. 99. a pag. 32. b Double a piece of brasse coyn in France , of which five goe to an Engl●sh penny . c Co●l , p. 63. d pag. 32 , 33. e Coal from the Altar . p. 26 ▪ 27. f pag 35. g pag. 35. h Coal f●om ●e Altar , 51 , 52. i C●al . p. 27. k pag. 35 , 36 , 37. l pag. 36. m pag. 114. n pag. 37. o Missale Anglicanum , in Alt. Damasc. p. 716. p C●al . p. 51. q Vide Bish : Hoopers 3. Sermon on Ionah , before K. Edvv. r pag. 38. in marg . s Ibid. in marg . t Histoire d' Angleterre l. 21. §. 10. u Inlib . 3. x pag. 39. y I leave him to my Margin , where he shall finde two or three French-men , who out of the freedome of the nation , will be sure , parler ●out , &c. p. 39. z part 3. p. 42 a pag. 40. b I●junct . for Tables in the Church . c pag. 41. d And there , if you be a good Hunts man , you may winde your horne , and blow the fall of that Injunction . p. 41. e Orders taken the 10. day of Oct. &c. Order 4. f Order 5. g Advertisements partly for due or●er , &c. Printed . 1584. p. A. 4. 2. h pag. 42. i pag. 43. i pag. 43. l pag. 44. m pag. 45. n Horat. o Virgil. p pag. 47. q Camden in Eliz. An. 1558. r It being very like , that Cox , G●●nd●ll , &c. p●g . 47. s Which the writer of the ●etter ind●avoured to prove . pag. 46. t pag. 47 , 48. u Displaying o● Protestants . An. 1556. p. 81. x Coal , p. 23. y pag. 52. z pag 49. a pag. 53. b pag 57. c pag. 55. d Coal from the Altar . p. 24. e pag. 56. f pag. 57. g Tacit. de vit . Agri● . h Injunct . for Tables in the Chu●ch . i pag. 16. k pag ▪ 48. l pag. 42. m pag. 58. n The Bishop entring into a discourse of the indifferencie of this circumstance . p. 8. o Co●l , p. 63. p pag. 58. q Virgil. r Cod. l. 1. 〈◊〉 . 14. l. 1● . s Iust. Instit. lib. 1. t Post-nati . pag. 41. u pag. 58. Cap. 3. Horat. Carm. 1. lib. 1. a pag. 60. 61. b Hist. l. 1. c Whereas indeed he is but a Divine of inv●ntion , &c. p. 1. d pag. 61. e pag. 59. f pag. 65. g pag. 66. h pag ▪ 67. i pag. 69. k pag. 68. l pag. 66. m pag. 67. n Here i● not onely I. C. but T. C. up and down , p. 70. o Concil ▪ Nicen. c. 5. p pag. 66 , 67. q Perpet . government of Ch. ● . 14. p. 295. r pag. 67. s pag. 67. t Horat. de ●●te . u pag. 68 , 69. x The Bishop entring into a discourse of the indifferencie of this circumstance . p. 8. y pag. 69. z pag. 69. a Horat. b pag. 68. c where little Pope Reg●lios hath p●ayed such Rex . pa. 7. d Egl. 3. e pag. 70. f pag. 61. g Coal . i pag. 76. k Coal from the Altar , p. 32 , 33 , 73. l Letter to the● Vicar . m And is a s●ronger one than your head-piece is capable of , p. 75 n Rubr. befo●e the Communion , and ●anon 82. n Rubr. befo●e the Communion , and ●anon 82. o pag. 75. p Barbatus in Clement . de elect . c. 1. n. 11. q pag. 61 , 62. r Coal from the Al●ar , p. 10. s Coal , p. 10. t Coal , p. 51. u I am sure this te●●t is in the hig●est degree I●suiticall . p. 71. x pag. 78. y pag. 79. z pag. 79. a Coal from the Altar . p. ● . b pag. 64. c pag. 83. d pag. 84. e pag. 85. f I am af●raid 〈◊〉 judicious Divines that tamper so much in doctrine with Sancta Clara , and in discipline with Sancta Petra . p. 71. g Vel. Paterc . l. 2. h August de Civit. Dei l. 1. c. 7. i pag. 85. k Coal . p. 14. l pag. 86. m Vouz avez Fryth , Let him in Gods name come up to the 〈◊〉 . pag. 87. n Acts and Mon. part 2. p. 401. o pag. 87. p Ibid. q Acts and Mon. part . 2. p. 401. r pag 88. s Vouz avez An honest man , Iohn Lambert . Put stand you by for a Montebank , Iohn Coal . p. 8● . t Coal . pag. 14. u See the Acts and Mon. part . ● . p. 443. x pag. 88. a Coal . pag. 15. b pag. 89. c Acts and Mon. part . 3. p. 23. d I am sure he hath lopt off the head , which had a shrewd tale to tell . p. 89. e Leaving the relation like Philopoemens A●mie , all belly . pag. 89. f How like you Iohn Philpot. pag. 89. g Acts and Mon. part 3. pag. 23. h Coal from the Altar , p. 15. i pag. 90. k pag. 91. l Coal from the Altar , p. 15. m pag. 91. n In ●nswering to that place of 〈◊〉 objected to t●e Bishop of Lincoln , &c. ●e saith as you say . p. 〈…〉 . o pag. 92. p Coal from the Altar , p. 16. q pag. 92. r pag. 93. s pag. 94. t Ibid. u pag. 44. x pag. 52. y pag. 54. z pag. 95. a pag ▪ 96. b V. Coal from the Altar , p. 16. c How many Presidents of that writ , can t●is great La●yer shew in the book of Entries . p. 5. 95 d Correcting Magnificat , p. 77. e pag. 23. f pag. 97. g pag. 98. h Ibid. i pag. 98 k pag. 116 Cap. 4. a pag. 86. b Injunctions giv●n by t●e most excellent Prince , Edward 6. &c. An. 1547. c. 9. c pag. 88. d Coal f●om the Altar . p. 28 , 29. e part . 2. p. 70● . f Acts and M●n printed . 1596. g pag. 128. h p. 108 , 109. h Letter ( in the Coal . ) p. 74. i Letter ( in the holy Table ) p. 17. k pag. 186. m Aeneid . l. 1 n Minut. Felix . o Then the Supreme Magi●trate , p. 17. p Pellibus exiguis arctatur Livius ingens . Mart. q Acts and Mon. part . 2. p. 699. r Coal from the Altar , p. 41. t I will give you a short tast of his faining and his failing . p. 2. u pag. 128. a pag. 144. b pag. 145. c Ibid. d pag. 144. e Inter opu●cula Anglicana , pa. 550. f Epist. ad Buce●um . g pag. 143. in marg . i See then how well , on lookt into t●e stori●s of the time , p 144. k Io. Stow , p. 593. l Imprinted at London the last day of fuly . An. 1547. m V. the s●atutes of that King. n 1 Ed. 6. c. 1. o Acts and Mon. part . 2 ▪ p. 658. p Ibid. p. 658. q Ibid. p. 659 , 660. r Bucer in script . Anglic. p. 190. s 2 & 3. Ed. 6. V. the statutes . t In script . Anglic. p. 191. u Io. Stow , p. 596. x Id. ibid. y Id. 597. z Id. p. 600. a Id. p. 603. b Id. p. 604. c Id. p. 605. d Id. p. 604. e In a post-script ad censuram , ep . 503. f Ioh. St●w , p. 605. g Id. p. 606. h Io. Stow , p. 607. and Brooke tit . Somerset . i Vide Stat. 5. & 6. Edw. 6. k Coal from the Altar , p. 39. l Epist. ad Bucerum . p. 81. m pag. 144. n In praefatione ad censuram . o He desired Calv●n to write by him to the Protector , &c. p. 144. p Not the letter printed , bearing date two yeeres before p. 144. q Epist. ad Protect . Angl. pag. 66. r It must be full 3. yeeres before , &c. p. 145. s Chrisoms , oy●e in Bapti●me , and comme●ora●ion of the dead . pag. 1●6 . t Quia nempe ve●iti sunt , ut major re●ū muta●io fe●ri nō possit , praeser●●m ubi vicino●ū ratio habenda est . pag. 70. u Idem ibid. pag. 70. x Quoniam ver●or ne pauce ex●ē● in regno vivae 〈◊〉 : major pa●s autem 〈…〉 pag. 68. y 〈…〉 . z Interea sc●psi ad illu●trissimū Duce Some●seti . p. 98. z Interea sc●psi ad illu●trissimū Duce Some●seti . p. 98. a Certū est D. Hopperum episcopatui suo restitutum esse . pag. 103. b pag. 148. c Vide Epist. illam ad Farellū . p. 384. d Epist ad Bulling . p. 98. e pag. 144. f Coal 〈◊〉 the Altar . p. 39. g And if we give it a date from the Printers placing of the letter , which is your childish and erroneous Criticisme . p. 143. h pag. 148. i Epist. ad Calvin . p. 97. k Epist. ad Cranmer . p. 101 l But the Date seemes to bee much before Anno 1551. which is D. Coals conjecture . p. 148. m Coal , p. 40. n Ibid. p. 39. o pag. 145. o Co●l , p. 40. p pag. 150. q Acts and Mon. part . 2. p. 666. r Acts and Mon. part . 2. p. 667. s pag. 150 , 151 t pag. 151 u pag. 152. x 5. & 6. Ed. 6. cap. 1. y pag. 53. z Acts and Mon. part 2. p. 660. a Acts and Mon. part . 2. p. 700. b pag. 48. Of the holy Table . c Ibid. p. 48. d pag. 183. e Coal from the Altar , p. 72. Cap. 3. f pag. 38. of the holy table . g 1 Eliz. c. 2. h Acts and Mon. part 2. p. 700. i Holy table , p. 97. k Acts and Mon. part 2. pag 700. l Coal ▪ p. 74. m Holy table , p. 17. Cap. 4. n Ibid. p. 16. o Ibid. p. 18. p Admittimus &c. Epistola ad Barthol . Hadder . q De cultu Dei extern . l. 1. a De praeparat . Evangel . l. y. c. 6. Sect. 2. b Gen. 4. 2 , 3 , 4. c In Gen. 8. 20. d In Ge. 8. 20. Cap. 5. e Pet. de Moulin , de Altaribus & Sacr. f Cap. ● . g V. Bilson of perp●t . govern . of Ch. Ch. cap. 1. h Gen. 8. 20. i Scal. Emen . temp . lib. 5. k Gen. 14. 18. l Exod. 2. 16. m Aen●id . l. 3. n Pat●rc . Hist. o H●b . 9. 12. & 10. 14. p Col. 2. 17. q Perniciosas & mortiferas esse Christianis . Hie● . Ep. ●d August . r 1 Cor. 11. 23 , 24 , 25. s Ib. v. 26. t V. 21. u V. 10. x V. B. Mont●gues App. p. 288. a Cap. 3. b Sed posterioris avis . Tract . de Al● , cap. 7. c p. 46. d Epist. ad Philadelph . e ad Smyrrens . f abslinuisse non solum à vocabalo templi , sedetiam sacerdotii . Bellarm. de Cult . Sanct. l. 3. c. 4. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In dial . ad T●yphomem . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i p. 47. k Lett. to the Vicar . p. 75. l Co●● . p. 46. m Sed species immu●ata tantum . lib. 4. c. 34. n Quemad●odum enim qui est à t●rra panis , percipiens vocationem Dei , jam non communis panis est , &c. o Iam satis perspecta differentia inter Iudaeos & Christian●s . ●ell . de cult . Sanct. l. 3 cap. . 4 o Iam satis perspecta differentia inter Iudaeos & Christian●s . ●ell . de cult . Sanct. l. 3 cap. .4 p Hom. 11. Vol. primum , p. 209. q Et aut in verb● Dei , aut ministerio Ecclesiae deservire , &c. Ibid. r Vt ad Ecclesium veniant , & linent caput suum Sacerdotibus . In Ios. c. 9. s p. 46. t Divino sacerdotio ●onorati . lib. 1. ●p . 9. u Orig. l. 8. x Minut. ●elix cited p. 157. y Contr. Gent. l. 2. cited by B. Iewell , to which the letter doth re●erre . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cited p. 110. a cited p. 157. b Sic apud nos , religiosior ille est qui justior . c Lib. 7. in initio . cited p. 116. e Coal . p. 46. f p. 153. g Alii ●os feruntipsius Antistitis & sacerdotis colere , &c. h p. 56. 57. i Iustit . of the Sacr. lib. 6. c. 5. §. 15. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Orat. 2. in Iulianum . l p. 158. 159. f p. 8. g In quo accedamus fide & spiritual● cultura , in veraci corde , sine simulati●ne , in satisfactione fidei , quia nihil est visibile horum , neque Sacerdos , &c. Ambr. in Hebr. 10. h V. p. 118. Where he is made to say , nihil hic visibile . i p. 45. 46. k p. 140. l Non nego tamen habuisse primitivam ecclesiam ante Constantin●m , Altaria seu aras . de orig . Altarium . p. 99. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. cap. 6. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r Lib. 17. c. 20 s p. 109. in the Margin . t Lib. 10. c. 6. u Soli Episcopi & Presbyteri , propri● jam vocantur in Ecclesia Sacerdotes . Augde Civit. D●i , l. 20. cap. 10. x Orat. de 〈…〉 y Epist. 50. z p. 109. a p. 76. b Booke of Ordination . c Acts 5. 4. d p. 109. e Art. 31. f Hom. of the Sacrament , part . 2. p. 197. g Ibid. p. 198 ▪ h Preface on Easter day . i Praier of the consecration . k E●hortat●on before the Communion . l ●raier of the consecration . m Prai●r of the consecration . n ●rai●r after the communion . o E●hortation to the ●ommunion . p Hom. p. 19● q Hom. ibid. r Rubrick before the Consecration . s Prayer after the Communion . t Ibid. u Answ. to Peron . c. 6. x Memoriam ib● sacrific●● da●us non inviti . Resp. ad Card Be● . c. 8. y ●nsw . to Card. Peron . c. ● . z De verbo nullam se litem moturam . Ep. ad Card. Peron . a p. 105. b p. 106. c Defence of his 5 Booke against Gardiner , p. 439. d Of the Remish Sacrif . l. 6. ● . 5. e De Commemoratione ib. sacrificii seu sacrificio commemorativo . Respons . ad Car. Bell. f Appello Caesar●m . p. 287. g p. 95. g Appe●●● . p. 288. h Ibid. p. 286. Cap. 6. a Letter p. b p. 102. c p. 14. d The 31 Article having taken a 〈◊〉 Popish Lamb. p. 102. e Of the Sacrament . par● . 2. p 198. f p. 103 , 104. g 〈…〉 it be not 〈◊〉 Pius Quintus ●is , yet is a kinde ●f pious Bull. p. 104 h Coal . p. 8. i p. 75. 76. k 〈…〉 . l 〈…〉 . m ●f the Sac●ament part . 2. p. 203. n p. 104. 105. o p. 105. p p. 10● . q p. 141. q p. 110. r p. 110. s 1. King. 18. 18. t p. 115. u Eccle●iae mos obtinuit ut Sacrificium Altaris , &c. in Ma●c . c. 44. x p. 116. y Vt vobis non nostra , sed Va●ronis vestri sententia respon●eamus . l. 7 a p. 117. b V. p. 58. of the holy Table . c p. 117. d It would prove the weakest argument , &c. p. 117. e Epiphan . lib. 1. haer●s . 28. n. 2. f p. 〈◊〉 . g See the forme● Chapter . h p. 12. i and y●t not constantly nei●her . ●b . p. 47. i Answ. to Card. ●eron . cap. 6. k p. 120. l Appello Cae●sarem . p. 286. m p. 120. n I am sure this fellow is a mighty weake pe●ce to take up this leaden dagger , &c. p. 118. o p. 121. p Pella●n . de Missa , l. 1. c. 14. q p. 121. r S●ripsit explanation●s in omnes Ep●stolas S ▪ Pa●li , ex Origine , Ambrosio , Hi●ron●●● , & August●no 〈◊〉 . Ins●ript . Ecc●es . s Inlocum . t p. 122. u I● Hebr. 13. 1● . y Ita Chrysostomum secutus est , ut ejus abbreviator dici possit . Bell. de scrip . Eccl. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In locum . a Defence of the transl . c. 17. ● . 17. b p. 119. c p. 170. d p. 95. e Preface to M. Io. Selden , p. 53. f p ▪ 170. g Persius Sat. ● . o Cap. 2. h Quo●um Deus ●st venter . i p. 1. 0. k Ann. A. 57 l p. 168. m Ad Ph●lad . n Hanc mensam Patres interdum etiam Altare vocant ▪ Exercit. 6. ● . 1. o p. 168. p Tacit. Ann. lib. 14. prope finem . q lib. 4. c. 20. r p. 165. s Appello Ca●●em , p. ●●6 . c 〈◊〉 . p. 46. d p. 160. e As the Lord du Ples●is doth acknowledge . p. 1●0 . f p. 1●2 . h ●pp●sed by all learned men t●at have lived , since Pamelius time . p. 165. t p. 4● . u p. 166 ▪ x Cypr. Ep. li. 1. ep . 7. y p. 166. z Ibid. a Article . b Cited in the Co●l . p. 46. c Quam ab Apostolis Ecclesiae accipiens , in universo mundo offe●t Deo. Lib. 4. cap. 32. Cap. 7. b Hist. lib. 5. c Joseph . Hist. de bellis Ind●●orum . d Ant●q . I●d . lib. 13. cap. 6. e 〈…〉 f 〈…〉 g 〈…〉 h 〈…〉 i Pha● sal . l. 1. k 〈…〉 l Rosinus Aut. Rom. l. 2. c. 2. m Iul. Pollux li● . 2. c. 1. n. 8. n Bellicivilis lib. 3. o Iustin. hist. ●ib . 24. p in vit . Calisti . q 1. Cor. 11 ▪ 22 r de Invent. ●●rum . l. 5. c. 6. s in vita Calixti . t Hist. Eccl. lib. 8. cap. ● . u Ibid. cap. 2 x Theodor. hist. eccl . l. 3. c. 11. a Con● . Gent. lib. 6. in initio . b p. 156. c ibid. d ibid. e Potest intelligi simplicit●r , quod nulla haberent simpliciter . Harald . in ma●g . 156. f v. Hospi. de orig . Altar cap. 6. g de rebus Eccles. cap. 4. h qu. 118. i Apologet. Cap. 16. i de rebus Eccl. Cap. 4. k Baron . Ann. Anno. 57. l Epist. ●2 . m adv . Valent . cap. 2. n Virgil. Aeneid . o Hooker . ● . 5. Art. 3. §. 26. p Theodor. hist. Eccles. ● . 5. c 17. q lib. 7. c. 25. r Nicephorus lib. 6. c 33. s de Aedificii Iustin. lib. 1. t p. 218. u de rebus . Eccl. cap. 4. x p 219. y as viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in t●e Counc . La●d● . Can. 19 z Hist. Eccl. l. 12. cap. 24. a Hist. 1. Ec. lib. 12. c. 34. b lib. 9. c. 38. c Art. 3. divi● . 26. d Apolog. c. 16. e Homil. 5. 〈◊〉 ●umer . f de Hierarch Eccles. c. 2. g ad Tarsens . h de poenitent . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. de Orth. fid . lib. 4. c 13. k p. 123. l qu. ad Orth. 118. m de Sp. S. cap. 27. n de Orth. fid . l. 4. cap. 13. o p. 224. p p. 223. 224. ex Bed. his● . l. 2. c. 3. q li. 1. cap. 3● . r Quod ●a necdum fue●at per●●cta nec dedicata . lbid . y p. 76. in the 〈◊〉 from the Alt. and p. 19. of the holy Ta●le z p. 203. 204. a Censura . cap. 1. p. 457. b Quam pri●um & severissime corrigi . Ibid. c Co●l . p. 50. d Lett. to t●e Vicar . p. 70. r p. 54. a Coal . p. 76. and holy ●able . p. 19. b Rubrick before the Communion . c Coal . p. 76. x p. 19. e p. 205. f p. 59. g Coal from the Altar . p. 65. h Ovid. Met. lib. 2. Cap. 8. i p. 77. k Iewell Art. 3. divi● . 26 l Coal . p. 53. & 54. m p. 208. n I am not Salaried to defend the writer of t●e le●ter , in all words and syllables . p. 45. o p. 209. p p. 210. q p. 208. 209. r p. 209. f p. 209. 210. t and this Altar was close unto the vaile , as Tostatus and Ribera doe fast●n it , p. 210. u Exod. 30. 4. x in Exod. 30. y p. 210. z it is not true that the Gate or entrance of t● is Church , is sa●d to b●●pen to the East . p. 210. a Euseb. l. 10. c. 4. b p. 210. c p. 211. d p. 54. 55. e Circular ▪ w●ich h●th in it no c●rner at all . p. 212. f Circulos aut semicirculos consectari . ibid g p. 211. h 1. Cor. 15. i and round about the thron were foure beasts full of eies Apoc. 4. 6. k p. 214. l p. 214. m p. 214. n These are but sing●e men , and cann●t possibly be expo●nded to goe about the Alia , in the D●ctors absurd interpretation . ● . 214 ▪ o p. 214. p Coal . p. 55. q p. 215. r de lingu . la● . lib. 4. n. 2● . f p. 215. in margin . t p , 216. 217. u p. 217. x Observat ▪ l. 2. cap. 2. cited p. 217. y Coal . from t●e Altar . p. 56. z p. 226. a Coal . p. 56. b 228. c and I beshrew him for this t●ick . p. 228 d Ibid. a p. 229. f p. 229. g Strom. l. ● ▪ h p. 213. i p. 213. k p. 214. in margine . l p. 213. in margine . l de ritib. Graecorum , at the end ●f Sacra m ▪ steriorum ante consec●atorum . m ● cap. 7. m In the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Chancell the●e be two Altars , of which the greatest stood in the midst of that Roome . p. 213. k or at least wise so far●e from the wall , &c. p. 218. l p. 219. m 〈…〉 n Vicecomes de mi●●a● ritib. l. 2. cap. 21. o p. 219. p p. 220. q p. 218. r Concil . Mediolanens . 4. de Capelli● & Altar . s p. 75. 76. t p. 221. u p. 221 ▪ x Ovid Metamor . y Made a Saint it s●emes f●r t● is se●vice . p. 221. z Thuanus hist. l. a p. 220. b p. 221. c de rebus Eccl. cap. 4. d Examen Concil . Trid. pars . 4. p. 221 ▪ f p. 2●● ▪ g de Origin● Altarium . ca. ● ▪ h p. 222 i p. 223. k and by the inscription , must needs have been used for a Communion Table heretofore . p. 223. l p. 223. m p. 224. 225. n Sozomen . lib. 9. C. 1. o p. ●25 . a Holy Table . p 12 ▪ b Against t●e which he conceived the Rubrick to be very apparent , but h●s Lordships opiniō . to be very indifferent . p. 12. c Ibid. p. 12. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ in vit . Chrys. Cap. 9. c Pag. 50. d Pag. 51. e And that with people that are n● 〈◊〉 . p. 52. f Pag. 50. g Geomet●● h Which notwithstanding I can b●● for 12 ▪ P●●ce . p. 50 ▪ i Vitruv. l. 9. cap. 3. k His men 〈◊〉 g●t he had 〈…〉 of go●d , and it was nothing but the 〈◊〉 or circumference of the v●ssell . p. 50. l Euclide , l. ● . Sect. 47. m V. p. 104. of the holy Table . n pag. 64 ▪ o 1 Tim. 5. p Act. 6. q Act. 15. 20. r pag. 79. pag. 71. t pag. 72. u pag. 73. x p. 71. y pag. 67. z Qui juxta Canones Neo-Caesarienses five secundum aliorum dec●eta patr●m , iide● sunt qui & Presbyteri . Ep. 88. a Se● the I●●unctions of K. Edvv. 6. Qu. Eli. and Latimers Sermon to the Co●vocation . b In his 〈◊〉 Serm●● . p. 129. c In vita Ch●ysippi . d pag. 219. e Pag. 79. f Ca● . 10. g Concil . Ag●th●ns . Can. 6● . h In Glo●●● 100. i pag. 219. k De mi●●●e app●r●●u . l. 6. c. 4. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Con● . Laodic . c. 20. m Next after t●e B●shop , p. 79. n Ad Tarsens . o Concil . Aquisgranens . Can. 7. p Pag. 79. q Quaest. ex ●troque 101. t For in this shorf discourse , this w●rd Altar is thun●red out 105 ●everalltimes . &c. p. 192 u 〈…〉 x p. 80. y Lib. 3. de 〈…〉 re●●●ent . a p. 80 ▪ 〈◊〉 b In Conc. Chalced. Ca● . 26. c That th●se ●●urchwa●den● f●●m that time 〈…〉 , &c. p. 81. c p. 62. d Ob be not ●o ●●rd● hearted 〈◊〉 mercil●ss● . &c. p. 63. e p. 83. f pag. 167. g pag. 81. h In Psalm . 118. Serm. ●1 . i p. 8● . k S. Basil. regul . fu●ior ▪ 20. p. 454. l p. 82. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ep. 57. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lbid . o P. 95. 96. p Men learned onely in unlearned Liturgies . p. 85. q Conf. p. 83. r For he was serving in his first messe of pottage . p. 100. s Take them Donatus far me . p. 99. t P. 99. u P. 100. x P. 101. y P. 100. z p. 101. Cap. 10. a What if I finde you severa●● Altars f●r all these spirituall sac●●fices in the ancie●t 〈◊〉 , p. 110. b 〈…〉 c 〈…〉 p. 81. d p. 110. e N●● consentit in voluntate sacri●iciorum , a● Vedelius translates it . f Appar . primus num . 47. g p. 110. 111 h p. 111. i p. 112. k Hol● Table . p. 111. l 〈…〉 m p 111. in m●rgine . n Li. 4 c. 34. o p. 123. p 125. q Ibi. p. 125. r p. 126. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ep. 401. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. u p. 124. x P. 125 ▪ y In Hebr. 9. z Tropologicè vero significat opera misericordiae , in Hebr. 9. a P. 123. 124 ▪ b Pag. 132 ▪ c Pag. 132. in margine . d Annal. T. ● . Anno 57. e Pag. 133. f De orig . errorum circa coenam ● . 4. f P. 133. g Epistola 118. h Pag. 134. i Thuanus hist. sub . H. 3. k P. 135. l P. 134. m De Orat. c. 12. m Quem cum maxime reverearis & venereris . ● de ●rat . cap. 12. n Ibid. o P. 136. p P 132. q P. 135. r Coale from the Altar , p. 36. s P. 137. t 〈…〉 u Synod . 〈…〉 . x P. ●37 . y Altare Damasc . P. 751. 〈◊〉 . a P. 138. b P. 139. c Synod . V●lodis●●●iens . in Harm . Confess . d In Harmon . Confess . cap. 4. e P●aeter ritus in omnibus per ●uropam Evangelicis eccles●is vulgo consuetos . ib. f Vt Christum , ita & sa●ra ejus irreve●en●er tr●ctan●● bus , ibid. g Cap. 6. in ●●rm . ●o●fess . h P. 138. i Vtentioni●s Calvino , Anno 1557. in Epl. Calvin . k P. 161. l Ad uxorem lib. 2. m P. 160. n Di● dominico de geni●ul 〈◊〉 adorare n●fas e●●e duc●mus : eadem immunitate , a P●s●ha ad Pentecosten g●uidemus . Tertul. d● Cor. M●lit . o Quod sta●●o solvenda sit accepto 〈◊〉 dom . Id 〈◊〉 orat . p Vtrunque salvum est , & participatio ●acri●●cit , & executio officii q P. 172 ▪ r p. 3. s In the Co●l● from the Altar , p. 71. t Ibid. p. 77. u P. 173. 174 x p. 34. y p. 174. a p. 174. b Cap. 18. c p. 174 ▪ d p. 175. e An Act for un●for●itie of Common prayer and Service , &c. 10. El. c. 2. f p. 175. g p. 176. h Coal . p. 2● i Ovid. epist. Penelop . k p. 176. l Immediatly af●er the beginn●ng of Morning Prayer . p. 177. m P. 177. n P. 181. o P. 177. p P. 178. q Su●rez . Domini●us a Soto and others p. 179. 180. r Can. 26. s Canon . 27 t By intimation given , and direction received from his Ordinary , &c. p. 177. u No Minister shall in any wise , &c. as in the Canon . x Canon 27 y Coal . p. 27. z p. 2. a Lactant. ● . 2. c. 1. b P. 182. c In●unction 47. d Coal p. 74. 75. e Coal p. 43. f Holy Table . p. 192. g p. 194. h p. 82. k p. 201. l V. Acts and mon. part ● . p. 700. m I Cor ▪ 10 ▪ 33. n Rom. 15. 2. o Mark ▪ 15. ● 5. p L p. 3. q Plutarch . i● Demosth. r Isocrat . ad N●coc . s Horat. t Hor. de arte Poet. u Momentūque fu●● mutatus Curio re●um ▪ Luca. I. 1. x p. 201. y Coal . p. 76 z The rude people replying ●e shoul● set up no Dressers of ●words &c. p. 6. a Poore subject that are 〈…〉 b p. 202. c Iustin. hist. li. 29. f Coal . p. 55 g Act. 5. 〈◊〉 1753. h The last was enumeration of som● notori us & 〈◊〉 people , & ● . p 236. 
A43537	----	A help to English history containing a succession of all the kings of England, the English Saxons, and the Britans : the kings and princes of Wales, the kings and lords of Man, the Isle of Wight : as also of all the dukes, marquesses, earls, and bishops thereof : with the description of the places from whence they had their titles : continued with a supplement, and enlarged with the names and ranks of the viscounts and barons to the year 1652. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1652 Approx. 685 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 203 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43537 Wing H1715 ESTC R18930 12171628 ocm 12171628 55415 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43537) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55415) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 603:3) A help to English history containing a succession of all the kings of England, the English Saxons, and the Britans : the kings and princes of Wales, the kings and lords of Man, the Isle of Wight : as also of all the dukes, marquesses, earls, and bishops thereof : with the description of the places from whence they had their titles : continued with a supplement, and enlarged with the names and ranks of the viscounts and barons to the year 1652. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [2], 379, [59] p. Printed for Abel Roper ..., London : 1652. Each part of each table has special t.p. A supplement, p. [2]-[59] at end. First published in 1641 with title: Heroologia Anglorum, or, An help to English history. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Great Britain -- Kings and rulers -- Chronology. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-11 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-11 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A HELP TO ENGLISH HISTORY CONTAINING A succession of all the Kings of England , the English Saxons , and the Britans ; the Kings and Princes of Wales , the Kings and Lords of Man , the Isle of Wight . AS ALSO Of all the Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , and Bishops thereof , WITH The Description of the places from whence they had their titles ; CONTINVED With a supplement , and enlarged with the names and ranks of the Viscounts and Barons to the year . 1652. LONDON , Printed for Abel Roper at the Sun over against S. Dunstans Church in Fleet-Street . MDCLII . A GENERALL PREFACE , Touching the use of these three Catalogues or Tables . HAving a purpose to peruse our English Histories , and those of forraine Nations which had any intercourse or commerce with the affaires either of this Realme or Church of England : I found it no small trouble to me , to know the names of those , whose actions I encountred within the said perusall . For whereas commonly great persons are not called by the names of their Famllies , but of their Dignities : it was a matter of no meane difficulty to finde out , what and who they were , who were presented to us by their Dignities , as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall . Upon this ground , to save me from that troublesonie inquirie for the time to come ; I set-my selfe to draw up a complete and perfect Catalogue of all the persons of chiefe ranke in this Realme of England , from Earles inclusively and upwards ; so farre as any light of story , and warrantable ascent , ascent , would direct and guide me . And having formed it in that frame and order , as hereafter followeth , found manifestly that that paines it cost me , was not ill bestowed ; because of that great ease it did me , being once composed . For then no sooner did I meete in any story , with any , either Prince or Prelate , of , or in this Nation ; but I could forth with turne unto him : and by computing of the times , finde out exactly who he was . And yet me thought it was not perfect , till I had added to the same all those Soveraigne Princes , which have borne rule in all or any part hereof : the names and actions of the which occurre , as well in our owne Chronicles , as forraine stories . That done , I thought it not amisse , to note and adde , according as I met it in my course of reading , what Kings and Prelates of this Nation have beene ennobled in the Church with the stile of Saints : as also what great offices any of the Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Dukes , Marquesses , and Earles , had severally borne in the Civill State. By doing which , as I received great ease and benefit , as before is said ; so I was easily intreated to let all such partake thereof , who thinke it may be either profitable or usefull to them : and for that cause have suffered it to come abroad , that they that will , may take the benefit of my poore endeavours . And this I have the rather beene intreated to , satisfie the mindes of those ( if any thing will satisfie them ) that either are the enemies of Regall or Episcopall power . For whereas some conceive that Kings were instituted by the people , on sight perhaps of such confusions as had beene noted and observed in a populan government : these following Catalogues will make it evident and apparent , that in this Countrey there was never any other government then that of Kings either in any part thereof , or the whole together . And whereas it is factiously given out by others , that the Episcopall authority and regiment in and of the Church , is not the proper and peculiar government of the same , but violently obtruded on it by the power of man : the Tables of Episcopall succession will make it evident , that the said forme of Government , is of as long a standing as the Church it selfe ; Religion and Episcopall jurisdiction being brought into this Land together . Lastly , if any such there be , as have beene formerly , that would ●rie downe Nobility , and that precedencie and power which some men have above the rest , they may here see , that from the first setling of this Monarchie in the Norman Race , that Kings of England have advanced to place and dignity , whom they thought most fit ; and did it sans controule of inferiour people . And so they did no question in the Saxons times , and those before them : of which if we have no such cleare and evident succession , as in the rest of later ages ; it is because their digties , and honorarie titles were rather personall then hereditary . Now in these Catalogues , I shall begin , as reason is , with that of Kings , from the first entrance of the Romans to this present time : to which I shall adjoyne the Kings and Princes of Wales , as also the Kings and Lords of Man , and the Isle of Wight : assigning unto every one his time , according to the computation of our best Historians . The Catalogue of the Bishops I shall bring along , from the first planting of Religion here , amongst the Saxons ; since which we have a cleare and undeniable succession in the holy Hierarchy : the former times , under the Empire of the Britons , having transmitted to our hands onely some fragments of antiquity , by which we may perceive that the Episcopall government was here received together with the faith it selfe ; but cannot gather from the same a constant and continued succession of the persons governing . Then for the third Catalogue that of the Nobility , we have continued that from the first entrance of the Normans to this present day ; that at one view a man may see the quality and antiquity of those noble families , which are now both an honour and an ornament to this flourishing Kingdome . I shall not neede say more in this generall Preface , having prefixed particular Prefaces to each severall Catalogue , to which I rather shall referre the Reader , then detaine him here . THE FIRST TABLE , OR , A CATALOGVE OF All the Kings which have reigned in England , since the first entrance of the ROMANS . As Also of the Kings and Princes of Wales , the Kings and Lord of Man , and the Isle of Wight , together with the Princes and Lords of Powys . Printed at London . 1641. THE PREFACE TO THE CATALOGVE Of the KINGS of ENGLAND . THe Realme of England is that Southerne and more flourishing part of the Isle of Britaine : that which was civilized by the Romans , and made a Province of their Empire ; when as the Northerne parts thereof , were either neglected or not conquered . When it was under the command of the Roman Emperours , it wanted not its proper and peculiar Kings , over the chiefest and most principall of their Tribes and Nations : it being the custome of that Empire , as Tacitus hath truely noted , habere servitutis instrumenta etiam Reges . Of these inferiour tributary Kings , those which were in their severall times of more power then others , may probably be thought to have assum'd unto themselves the stile and title of Kings of the Britons : even as in after times , during the heptarchy of the Saxons , those which gave law unto the rest , did call themselves , and were accounted the Kings or Monarchs of the English . But those interiour petite Kings , being , in tract of time worne out , and almost all the South reduced under the immediate command of the Roman Empire : either the Emperours themselves , or such of their Lieutenants as did here usurpe the regall state , were stiled Kings of Britaine , till Constantine the Great united it in separably to the Roman Diadem : And in his ended the first line of the Kings of Britaine , according to the British story . The second line of Kings , beares date from the departure of the Romans : who being called from hence to looke unto their Empire in the Continent , left their possessions here unto the fury of the Scots and Picts , who dwelling in the Northerne and unconquered parts , attempted to subdue the Southerne . For the repressing of whose rage the Britons chose themselves a King out of Armorica , ( now called Bretagne ) being extracted from the old British bloud , which had not long before beene planted in that Region , by the Roman Emperours . Whose line continued here not long , till they were dispossessed both of Crowne and Countrey , by the Saxons , a German people , called in by Vortiger to oppose the Scots and other Nations of the North. Who having by degrees subdued all that which formerly had beene conquered by the Romans ( the Countrey beyond Severne excepted onely ) divided it amongst themselves into seven Kingdomes ; which finally being all brought under by the West-Saxon Kings , did at last settle , and continues in the name of England . A Kingdome , though of small extent , compared unto the greater Countries of France , Spaine , and Germany , yet of so high esteeme abroad , that it may challenge an equality with either of them , and in some kinde hath had precedencie before them . For to the honour of this Realme , as well before as since it had the name of England , we may say thus much . It was the first Kingdome which received the faith of Christ , which was here planted , as it is affirmed by Gildas upon certaine knowledge , toward the latter end of Tiberius Empire . Tempore ut scimus summo , Tiberii Caesaris , as his owne words are : which by computing of the times , will fall to be five yeares before Saint Peter came to Rome ; and but five yeares after the death of our Redeemer . It shewed unto the world the first Christian King , whose name was Lucius : and gave unto the Church her first Christian Emperour , even the famous Constantine here borne ; by whose example and incouragement the saith was generally received over all the Empire , and all the Temples of the Idols , either demolished or forsaken . It also was the first Christian Kingdome , out of which the Jewes , those bitter and most , obstinare enemies of the Crosse of Christ , were universally expulsed ; and out of which the insolent and usurped Supremacie of the Popes of Rome , was first ejected , after they had a long time domineered in the Church of Christ . The one of these performed by King Edward the first ; the other by King Henry the eighth . Nor to say any thing in this place of their warres and victories in France , Spaine , Scotland , the Netherlands , the Isle of cyprus and the Holy land . In these regards , the Kings of England , as they are as absolute , so they are as sacred , as of any Countrey whatsoever . What ever things are proper unto Supreme Majesty , Scepters , and Crownes , the Purple Robe , the Globe , or golden Ball , and Vnction , have beene as long theirs , as any others . The foure first are by Leland , a famous Antiquarie , ascribed unto King Art●ur , who did begin his reigne Anno 506. which was as soone as they were ordinarily : in use with the Roman Emperours . And this doth Leland justifie , out of an ancient Seale of the said King Arthurs kept in his time , as an especiall monument in the Abbie of Westminister : As for their Vnction , or Annointing , it appeares by the old Roman Provinciall , and the ancient practise , that of all the Kings of Christendome , there were none anciently annointed but the two Emperours of the East and West ; the Kings of France , England , Sicilie , and Hiervsalem . By reason of which Vnction or annointing ( besides what is united or annexed to the Crowne Imperiall of this Realme ) it was declared Term. Hilarii . 33. Edward 3. that the Kings of England were capaces jurisdictionis spiritualis , capable of Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction . As after in the regine of King Henry the eighth , it was declared rather then enacted , that the Kings highnesse was the Supreme head of the Church of England , and that he had authority to reforme all errours , heresies , and abuses in the same . 26. Henry 8. cap. 1. Which title of Supreme ●ead ; though used by King Edward 6. in a●l his reigne , and by Queene Mary for awhile ; was changed by Queene Elizabeth into that of Supreme Governour : and it is now reckoned as a part of the stile of the Kings of England , that they are Supreme Governours in all their Dominions and Countries , over all persons , in all causes , as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall . Now as the Kings of England are absolute at home ; so are they no lesse honoured and esteemed abroad : the Emperour being accounted filius major Ecclesiae , the eldest sonne of the Church ; the King of France , filius minor , or the second sonne ; and the King of England , filius ●ertius & adoptivus , the third and the adopted sonne . In generall Councels , the King of France took place at the Emperours right hand ; the King of England on his left , and the King of Scots having precedencie next before Castile . And whereas since the time of Charles the fifth , the Kings of Spaine have challenged the precedencie of all Christian Princes : yet in the time of King Henry 7. Pope Iulius gave it to the English before the Spaniard . Nay lest the Kings of England might fall short in any thing wherein their neighbour Princes glory , they also have an adjunct or peculiar title annexed unto the stile Imperiall . For where the King of France is stiled Christianissimus , most Christian ; and the King of Spaine , Catholicus , or the Catholick King : the King of England hath the title of Defensor fidei , or the defender of the Faith. A title not so much conferred on King Henry 8. by the Popes of Rome , as confirmed unto him . For in a Charter of King Richard 2. unto the University of Oxford , the same stile occurres : for which and other proofes here of consult the Epistle Dedicatory before Doctor Crakanhorp against the Arch-Bishop of Spalato ; and Sir Isaac Wake , in his Rex Platonicus . But now we goe unto the Kings . South-Britaine or ENGLAND , The Kings thereof , according to the British story , from I. Caesar unto Constantine .   1 CAssibelan .   2 Theomantius .   3 Cymbeline .   4 Guiderius . A. Ch   45 5 Arviragus , called Pra●usagus by Hector Boctius . 73 6 Marius . 125 7 Coilus . 180 8 Lucius , the first Christned King of Britaine and the world : who dying without Children , left the Roman Emperours his heire . 207 9 Severus Emperour of Rome . 211 10 Bassianus sonne of Severus . 218 11 Carausius a noble Briton . 225 12 Alectus . 232 13 Aesclepiodorus . 262 14 Coilus . II. 289 15 Helena daughter of Coilus , and Constantius Emp. of Rome .   16 Constantine , sonne of Helena and Constantius ; who added , or united his estate in Britaine , unto the Monarchy of Rome . South-Britaine or England , the Kings thereof , from the departure of the Romans , unto the setling of the Saxons . A. Ch.   431 1 COnstantine of Ar 〈…〉 rica or little Britaine . 443 2 Constantius sonne of Constantine . 446 3 Vo 〈…〉 iger Earle of the Gevisser , who called in the Saxons . 464 4 Vortimer , sonne of Vortiger . 471 5 Vortiger ( againe ) . 481 6 Aurelius Ambrosius second sonne of Constantine . 500 7 Uter Pendragon thi●ck so● of Const . 506 8 Arthur , son of Vter pendragon . 542 9 Constantine II. next Cousin of Artbur . 546 10 Conan . 576 11 Vorhpor . 580 12 Malgo. 586 13 Careticus . 613 14 Cadwan . 635 15 Cadwallan . 678 16 Cadwalladar . After whose death ( the Saxons having totally subdued all the Countrey on this side the Severne ) the British Princes were no longer called Kings of Britaine , but Kings of Wales : of whom more hereafter . The Kingdome and Kings of Kent . THe Saxons being called in by Vortiger to resist the Scots , and other people of the North , did by degrees expulse the Britons : and having totally subdued the Countrey , erected in the same seven Kingdomes . Of these the ancientest was that of Kent , confined within that County onely : the Kings these that follow . A. Ch.   455 1 Hengist the first King of Kent . 488 2 Eske or Osca . 512 3 Octa. 532 4 Immerick . 561 5 Ethelbert S. the first Christned King , the founder of S. Pauls in London . 617 6 Edbald . 641 7 Ercombert . 665 8 Egbert . 673 9 Lotharius . 686 10 Edrick . 693 11 Wightred . 726 12 Egbert . II. 749 13 Ethelbert . II. 759 14 Alricus . 794 15 Ethelbert . III. sirnamed Pren. 797 16 Cuthred . 805 17 Baldred , who in the yeare 827. lost both his life and Kingdome unto Egbert King of the WEST-SAXONS . The Kingdome and Kings of the SOUTH-SAXONS . THe Kingdome of the South Saxons was begun by Ella , a noble Captaine of that people . It contained the two Counties of Sussex and Surrey , which were thence denominated : the first so called quasi South sex , the Countrey of the South-Saxons ; the second quasi South ▪ rey , as lying on the South of the river ●hamise . This Kingdome lasted but a while , and had onely these foure Kings that follow . viz. A. Ch.   488 1 Ella the first King of the South-Saxons . 514 2 Cissa .   3 Ethelwolf or Edilwach the first Christned King of the South-Saxons .   4 Berthun and Authun two brothers both joyntly reigning , and both joyntly vanquished by Cradwall King of the WEST-SAXONS . The Kingdome and Kings of the WEST-SAXONS . THe third in order of these Kingdomes , and that which did in fine prevaile over all the rest , was that of the West-Saxons . It contained in it the Counties of Cornwall , Devon , Dorset , Sommerset , Wiltes , Southampton , and Berks : the Kings these . A. Ch.   522 1 Cerdicus the first King. 17. 539 2 Kinricus . 29. 565 3 Celingus or Cheuline . 10. 595 4 Celricus . 5. 600 5 Ceolwolf . 614 6 Kingil the first christned King. 646 7 Kenewalchin . 31. 677 8 Sigebertus . 1. 678 9 Esewin . 2. 680 10 Centwin . 7. 687 11 S. Cedwalla . 3. 690 12 Ina 35. who first gave the Peter-pence to the Church of Rome . 725 13 Ethelard . 14. 739 14 Cuthbert . 16. 755 15 Sigebert . II. 1. 756 16 Kinulphus . 31. 787 17 Bithrick . 13. 800 18 Egbert , of whom see more in the Saxon Monarchs . The Kingdome and Kings of the EAST-SAXONS . THe Kingdome of East-Saxons is the fourth in order , of the Hepiarchie ; begunne in Anno 527. some five yeares after that of the West-Saxons . It comprehended the Counties of Essex , Midlesex , and part of Hertfordshire ; the Kings these that follow . A. Ch.   527 1 Erchenwme . 587 2 Sledda . 596 3 S. Seber , tthe first Christned King of the East-Saxons ; and first founder of S. Peters in Westminster .   4 Seward and Sigebert . 623 5 Sigebert the little .   6 Sigebert . III. 651 7 Swithelme . 664 8 Sighere . 664 9 S. Sebba .   10 Sigherd .   11 Seofride . 701 12 Offa. 709 13 S●lred . 747 14 Suthred , subdued by Egbert ▪ King of the West-Saxons , and his Kingdome made a member of that rising Empire . The Kingdome and Kings of the EAST-ANGLES . NExt to the Kingdome of the East-Saxons , was that of the EAst-Angles ; containing in it the Counties of Norfolke , Suffolke , and Cambridge shire , with the Isle of Ely : and had these Kings following . A. Ch.   575 1 Uffa , the first King. 582 2 Titullus . 593 3 Redwald the first christned King. 624 4 Erpenwald . 636 5 S. Sigebert . 638 6 Egric . 642 7 Anna. 654 8 Ethelbert . 656 9 E●lelwald . 664 10 Alduffe . 683 11 Elsewolfe . 714 12 B●orne . 714 13 S. Etheldred . 749 14 Ethelbert . II. who died Anno 793. 870 15 S. Edmund . After whose slaughter by the Danes , and that his Kingdome had beene long wasted by that people ; it was atlast united to the West-Saxons , by King Edw. the elder . The Kingdome and Kings of the NORTH-HUMBERS . THe Kingdome of the North-humbers , of Northumberland , was the fifth in course of time , of the Saxon Heptarchy ▪ it was divided into two parts or Provinces , the one of which was called Bernicia ; the other Deira of which the former called Bernicia , was founded by one Ida , Anno 547. the other by one Ella , his fellow and companion in armes , Anno 559. This last contained the whole Countries from the North of Humber to the Twede , viz. the Counties of Yorke , Durham , Lancaster , Westmorland , Cumberland , and Northumberland : the other all that part of Scotland , which lieth betweene the river Twede , and the Frith of Edenbourg ; which was as farre as ever the Romans had gone before them . Those Kings of either , which were more powerfull then the other , were honoured with the name of Kings of the North humbers , and are mar●hailed thus . A. Ch.   547 1 Ella and Ida.   2 Adda and Elappea .   3 Theodwald .   4 Frethulse .   5 Theodorick . 589 6 Ethelrick . 593 7 Ethel●ride . 617 8 Edwine the first christned King. 633 9 Osrick . 634 10 S. Oswald . 643 11 Oswy , who having subdued Oswine King of Deira , was the first absolute King of all Northumberland . 671 12 Egfride . 686 13 S. Alfride . 705 14 Osred . 716 15 Kenred . 718 16 Osrick . II. 729 17 Ceolnulph . 738 18 Egbert . 758 19 Oswulph . 759 20 Edilwald . 765 21 Alured . 774 22 Ethelred . 778 23 Alfwald . 789 24 Osred . II. 794 25 Etheldred . II. After whose death this Kingdome much molested by the Danes , became a Province of the West-Saxons . The Kingdome and Kings of MERCIA . THe last and greatest of the seven Kingdomes of the Saxons , was that of Mercia , so called , for that being seated in the middle of the whole Countrey , it was a March or border unto all the rest which abutted on it . It comprehended the Counties of Gloucester , Hereford , Worcester , Warwick , Leicoster , Rutland , Northampton , Lincoln , Bedford , Nottingham , Buckingham , Oxford , Darby , Stafford , Shropshire , Cheshire , and that other part of Hertford●hire , which was not under the Kingdome of the East-Saxons . By reason of this great extent of Empire , they were a long time very powerfull , and over-awed their neighbour Princes : till at the last the fatall period being come , it fell into the Armes of the West-Saxons , after it enjoyed these twenty Kings which hereafter follow . A. Ch.   582 1 Cridda the first King of Mercia . 593 2 Wibba . 614 3 Cheorl . 625 4 Penda . 656 5 Peada , the first christned King. 659 6 Wulfhere . 675 7 Ethelred . 704 8 Kenred . 709 9 Chelred . 716 10 Ethelbald . 758 11 Offa. 796 12 Egfride . 797 13 Kenwolf . 819 14 Kenelm . 820 15 Ceolwolf . 8●1 16 Bernulf . 824 17 Ludecan . 826 18 Withlafe . 839 19 Berthulf . 852 20 Burdred . After whose death this Kingdome having beene shrewdly shaken in a great battell fought near Burford , Comit ▪ Oxon. wherein King Ethelbald was vanquished , and his whole strength broken by Cuthbert , or Cuthred , King of the West-Saxons , then his tributary : and after no lesse shrewdly shaken by the valiant Egbert , became a Province of that Empire . The Monarchs of the English-SAXONS . THe Saxons , though they were divided into the seven Kingdomes before named , were for the most part subject unto one alone ; who was entituled Rex Gentis Anglorum , or King of the English Nation : those which were stronger then the rest , giving the law unto them in their severall turnes , till in the end they all became incorporated into the Empire of the West-Saxons . Which Monarchs , who they were , and of whence entituled , is next in order shewne . A. Ch.   455 1 Hengist King of Kent . 481 2 Ella King of the South-Saxons . 495 3 Cerdick King of the West-Saxons . 534 4 Kenrick King of the West-Saxons . 561 5 Cheuline , or Celingus , King of the West-Saxons . 562 6 Ethelbert King of Kent . 616 7 Redwald King of the East-Angles . 617 8 Edwin King of Northumberland . 634 9 Oswald King of Northumberland . 643 10 Oswy King of Northumberland . 659 11 Wulfhere King of Mercia . 675 12 Ethelred King of Mercia . 704 13 Kenred King of Mercia . 709 14 Chelred King of Mercia . 716 15 Ethelbald King of Mercia . 758 16 Offa King of Mercia . 794 17 Egfride King of Mercia . 796 18 Kenwolf King of Mercia . 800 19 Egbert the sonue of Al●mond , King of the West-Saxons , the first and absolute Monarch of the whole Heptarchy : who having vanquished all , or most of the Saxon Kings , and added their estates unto his owne , commanded the whole Countrey to be called by the name of ENGLAND . The Kings whereof , after the Countrey was so named , are these that follow . The Kings of ENGLAND of the Saxon Race . A. Ch.   800 1 Egbert the 18 King of the West-Saxons , the 19 Monarch of the English , and first King of England . 37. 837 2 S. Ethelwolf 20. 857 3 Edelbald . 858 4 Edelbert . 5. 863. 5 Edelfride . 9. 873. 6 S. Alured , who totally reduced the Saxons under one Monarchy , and founded the University of Oxford . 23. 900 7 Edward the elder . 24. 924 8 Athelstane . 16. 940 9 Edmund . 6. 946 10 Eadred who stiled himselfe King of Great Britaine . 955 11 Edwin . 4. 959 12 S. Edgar . 16. 975 13 Edward the younger . 3. 678 14 Ethelred . 1016 15 Edmund Ironside . The Danish Race . 1017 16 Canutus King of Danemark ▪ 2● . 1037 17 Harald Harfager . 4. 1041 18 Hardie Cnute . 4. The Saxons repossessed . 1045 19 S. Edward who founded and endowed the Church of westminster , and was the first that cured the disease called the Kings-evill , leaving the same hereditary to his successors . 1066 20 Harald the sonne of Godwin ●surped the Crowne , and shortly lost both it and his life to boote , to William Duke of Normandy . The NORMAN Race . 1067 21 William Duke of Normandy , sirnamed the Conquerour . 22. 1089 22 William Rusus . 13. 1102 23 Henry Beauclenk . 35. 1136 24 Stephen E. of Bloys . 19. The Saxon line restored . 1155 25 Henry II. descended by his Grand-mother , from the bloud Royall of the Saxons . 34. 1189 26 Richard Coeur de Lyon. 12. 1201 27 John. 17. 1218 28 Henry . III. 56. 1274 29 Edward . I. 34. 1308 30 Edward . II. 19. 1327 31 Edward . III. 50. 1377 32 Richard. II. The line of Lancaster . 1399 33 Henry . IV. 15. 1414 34 Henry . V. 9. 1423 35 Henry . VI. 38. The line of Yorke . 1461 36 Edward . IV. 23. 1483 37 Edward . V. 1483 38 Richard. III. 3 ▪ The families united . 1486 39 Henry . VII . 23. 1508 40 Henry . VIII . 39. 1547 41 Edward . VI. 6. 1553 42 Queene Mary . 5. 1558 43 Queene Elizabeth . 45. The union of the Kingdomes . 1602 44 JAMES King of Scots , reassumed the title of Great-Britaine . 1625 45 CHARLES by the grace of God , King of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland ; the 63. King in descent from the West-Saxon Cerdick , the 64. Monarch of the English , and 45. King of England in descent from Egbert : whom God long preserve . Kings of WALES . THe Britons being outed of their Countrey by the conquering Saxons , retired themselves beyond the Severn , and therein fortified themselves ; which Countrey thereupon came to bee called Wales , and the people Walsh , or Welch men . Nor that the word Walsh , signified in the Saxon language , a Foreiner or Alien , as it is conceived ( for how could they be called Aliens in their native Countrey ? ) but Wales , and Wallish , for Galles and Gallish , by changing G into W , according to the custome of the Saxons . The Britons being descended of the Gaules , kept their old name still ; though somewhat altered in the letter , as before is said : and to this day the French doe call the Prince of Wales , by the name of le Prince de Galles . At first their chiefes were honoured with the title of Kings of Wales , aod are these that follow . A Ch.   690 1 Idwallo . 30. 720 2 Roderick . 35. 755 3 Conan . 63. 818 4 Mervyn . 25. 843 5 Roderick sirnamed the Great , who divided Wales betweene his three sonnes , allotting unto each his part : the Countrey being divided into North-Wales , South-Wales , and Powys-land which had their severall Lords and Princes , as hereafter followeth . The Principality and Princes of South-Wales . SOuth - Wales , in the division of the Countrey amongst the sonnes of Roderich Mawr , fell unto Gadel the second sonne● 〈◊〉 contained all that quantity and tract of ground , which now we call the Counties of Glamorgan , Pembreke , Carmarthen , Cardigan , and part of Brecknock : which being the richer and more fruitfull part of Wales , and lying most open re-invasion , both by sea and land , was soonest brought under the command of the Kings of England . The principall seat of the Princes of it , was Dynesar , or Dynevor Castle , not farre from Carmarthen , who thence were called by their subjects , the Kings of Dynevor ; and whilest they stood upon their own clegges , were these that follow . A. Ch.   877 1 Cadell second sonne of Roderick .   2 Howell . 907 3 Howell Dha . 948 4 Owen .   5 Eneas .   6 Theodore Mawr . 1077 7 Rhese . I. 1093 8 Gryffith . I.   9 Rhese . II.   10 Gryffith . II. in whom ended the line of the Princes of South-Wales , his Countrey being conquored by the English , and his two sonnes Meredith and Cynerick taken by King Henry the second , who caused their eyes to be put out . After which time South-Wales was reckoned as a part of the Realme of England . The Principality and Princes of North-Wales . NOrth-Wales in the division of the Kingdome of Wales , fell to the share of Amarawd , the eldest sonne of Roderick Mawr , the last King thereof ; with a superiority of power over both the rest , who were but homagers to this . It contained in it all that territory which now doth comprehend the Counties of Merioneth , Denbigh , Flint , Ca●na● von , and the Isle of Anglesey , which being the more mountainous parts ; and consequently of more difficult accesse then the others were , as they did longest keepe their liberties , so doe they still preserve their language from the incursions of the English. Abersraw in the Isle of Anglesey was the Princes seate , who were hence sometimes called the Kings of Abersraw , and were these ensuing . A. Ch.   8077 1 Amarawd eldest sonne of Roderick . 913 2 Idwallo .   3 Merick .   4 Joanes . 1067 5 Conan . 1099 6 Gryffith 1120 7 Owen . 1178 8 David . I. 1194 9 Llewellen . I. 1240 10 David . II. 1246 11 Llewellen . II. the last of the Princes of Wales of the British bloud , of whom , and the conclusion of his race , see the following Catalogue . The Kings and Princes of it , according to the History of Wales . IN the History of Wales , writ by Humphrey Lloyd , the Kings and Princes of Wales are reckoned differently from that succession of them before laied downe . The reason of which difference may be that he reciteth there the Predominant Princes , such as gave law unto the rest , whether of North-Wales , South-Wales , or of Powys-land : even as wee see was done before , in summing up the Monarchs of the English Saxons , out of the severall Kingdoms in that Heptarchie . Now for his Catalogue of the Welch , both Kings and Princes , he recites them thus . A Ch.   688 1 Ivor . 720 2 Roderick Molwinoc . 755 3 Conan Tindaethwy . 820 4 Mervyn Urich . 843 5 Roderick Mawr . 877 6 Amarawdh . 913 7 Edward Voel . 940 8 Howel Dha . 948 9 Jevaf , and Jago . 982 10 Howel ap Jevaf . 984 11 Cadwallan ap Jevaf . 986 12 Meredith ap Owen . 992 13 Edwal ap Meiric . 1003 14 Aedan ap Blegored . 1015 15 Lhewellen ap Sitsyl● . 1021 16 Jago ap Edwall . 1037 17 Gryffith ap Llewellen . 1061 18 Blethyn , and Rhywallon . 1073 19 Trahaern ap Caradoc . 1078 20 Gryffith ap Conan . 1137 21 Owen Gwineth . 1169 22 David ap Owen . 1194 23 Llewellen ap Jorweth . 1240 24 David ap Llewellen . 1246 25 Llewellen ap Gryffith , the last Prince of Wales of the British race , who lost his life and principality to King Edward the first , Anno 1282. After whose death , the King perceiving that the Welch had no affection to be ruled by strangers ; sent for his Queene then great with child , to come unto him to Carnarvon , and hearing tha● shee was delivered of a sonne , called the Welch Lords together , and proffered them a Prince to beare rule amongst them , of their owne nation , one who spake no word of English , and such a one whose life no man could tax . To such a Prince when they had all sworn to yeeld obedience ; he named his new-borne sonne unto them , and made him their Prince , since when the eldest sonnes of England have commonly beene created Princes of Wales . The Princes of it , of the bloud Royall of England . WALES thus brought under the obedience of the Kings of England , hath since beene commonly the honourary title and possession of their eldest sonnes . Not that they challenge it , as of due belonging to them ; but take it from their Fathers as of speciall Grace , by solemne creation and investure , tenendum sibi & baeredibus suis Regibus Angliae , to hold to them and their heires Kings of England : our Kings not being willing to deprive themselves of such a power of gratifying and obliging their eldest sonnes , as they saw occasion . Edward 2. who had been summoned by his Father unto the Parliament by the name of Prince of Wales , and Earle of Chester : summoned his eldest sonne ( King Edward 3. ) by no other name then Earle of Chester and Flint . Edward 3. first used the ceremony of creation , by letters Patents , and investiture , which hath since continued : and for the want of which , Edward 6. Queene Mary and Queen Elizabeth however in their severall turnes , they have beene called Princes and Princesses of Wales , were not truely such . Those which were so created , either by Parliamentary Writ or especiall Charter , are these that follow . 〈◊〉 Ch.     1 Edward of Carnarvon eldest sonne of King Edward the first . 1344 2 Edward the black Prince , eldest son of King Edward the third . 1377 3 Richard of Burdeaux , eldest sonne unto the black Prince 1399 4 Henry of Monmouth , eldest sonne of King Henry the sourth . 1454 5 Edward of Westminster , onely son of King Henry the sixth . 1472 6 Edward of Westminster , eldest son of King Edward the sourth . 1483 7 Edward Earle of Salisbury , eldest sonne of King Richard the third . 1492 8 Arthur , the eldest sonne of King Henry the seventh . 1506 9 Henry Duke of Yorke second sonne to King Henry the seventh , after K. Henry the eighth . 1610 10 Henry , eldest sonne of King Iames the first Monarch of Great Britaine . 1616 11 CHARLES Duke of Yorke , second sonne of King Iames , now the second Monarch of Great Britaine . Princes and Lords of Powys-land . POwys-land is the third part of Wales , but the least of all , containing onely the whole County of Montgomery , and part of Radnor , Brecknock , Denbigh , and Sbropshire . The chiefe seate hereof was Matravall , in Montgomery shire , from whence the Princes of it would be called the Kings of Matravall . It was bestowed by Roderick Mawr , in his division of Wales , on Mervyn his youngest son and did continue in his line a long time together ▪ but much afflicted and dismembred by the Princes of Northwales , who cast a greedy eye upon it . The first Prince of it was called Mervyn , but we have no good constat of his successors : the last that held it all entire , was Meredith ap Blethin , who divided it betweene his two sonnes , Madoc , and Gryffith , of the which Madoc died at Winchefter , Anno 1160 , and Gryffith was by Henry the first of England created Lord Powys , the residue of Powys-land which pertained to Madoc , depending still upon the fortune of North-Wales . The Lords of Powys . A. Ch.     1 Gryffith ap Meredith .   2 Owen Cynelioc .   3 Gwenwynnin .   4 Gryffith ap Gwenwynnin   5 Owen ap Gryffith .   6 John Charleton , one of the Bed-chamber to King Edward the second ▪ married Hawys daughter of Owen ap Gryffith . 1353 7 John Charleton , Lord Powys . 1360 8 John Charleton , Lord Powys . 1374 9 John Charleton , Lord Powys . 1401 10 Edward Charleton , Lord Powys . 1420 11 Henry Grey , nephew of Edward Lord Powys by his daughter Iam created Earle of Tanquerville by King H. 〈◊〉 .   12 Richard Gray Lord Powys .   13 John Gray Lord Powys .   14 John Gray Lord Powys .   15 Edward Gray , the last Lord Powys of the race of Mervyn , sonne of Roderick King of Wales . ●629 ▪ 16 William Herbert of Rod-castle ▪ sonne of Edward , second sonne of William Herbert Earle of Pembroke , created Lord Powys , 〈◊〉 . Car. Apr. 2. now living 1641. Kings and Lords of MAN. THe Isle of MAN is situate so equally betweene England and Ireland , that once it was a controversie unto the which it appertained ; but was in fine adjudged to England , in that some venemous wormes brought hi●ther , did not forthwith die : which kinde of creatures the nature of the Irish soyle will by no mea●ies brooke . It was once subject unto the crowne and Kingdome of Northumberland , but from them taken by the Danes , Norwegians , and other people of the North , in their i●ruptions on these parts : who having mastered it , ordained therein a petit King of their owne Nation ; who thus succeeded one another . Kings of MAN. A. Ch.   1065 1 Godred the sonne of Syrri● . 1066 2 Fingall sonne of Godred . 1066 3 Godred the sonne of Harald . 1082 4 Lagman eldest sonne of Godred . 1089 5 Dopnald sonne of Tade . 1098 6 Magnus King of Norway . 1102 7 Olave third sonne of Godred . 1144 8 Godred sonne of Olave . 1187 9 Reginald , base sonne of Godred . 1226 10 Olave the lawfull sonne of Godred 1237 11 Herald sonne of Olave . 1249 12 Raignald ▪ II. brother of Harald . 1252 13 Magnus . II. brother of Raignald . 1256 14 Magnus King of Man being deceased without issue , Alexander third King of the Scots , partly by conquest , and partly by money pa●ed to the Norweglans , brought this and all the rest of the Westerne Isles under his obedience . After this time , it was sometimes dependant on the Crowne of Scotland , and sometimes on England , according as their fortunes varied : till in the end , it was regained finally from the Scots , by William Mon 〈…〉 e Earle of Salisbury ( who was descended from the ancient Kings of Man ) and by him after sold to the Lord Scrope , on whose a●●ainder it fell unto the Crowne of England , and changed Lords as followeth . Kings and Lords of MAN , of English bloud . A. Ch.   1340 1 William Earle of Salisbury . K. 1395 2 William Lord Scrope . K. 1399 3 Henry Earle of Northumberland Lord. 1403 4 William Lord Stanley , Lord of Man.   5 John Lord Stanley , Lord of Man.   6 Thomas Lord Stanley , Lord of Man.   7 Thomas Lord Stanley , Lord of Man , created Earle of Darbie by K. Henry 7. 1503 8 Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby , Lord of Man. 1521 9 Edward Stanley Earle of Darby , Lord of Man ▪ 1572 10 Henry Stanley Earle of Darby , Lord of Man. 1593 11 Ferdinando Stanley Earle of Darby , Lord of Man. 1604 12 William Stanley now Earle of Darby , and Lord of Man ▪ 1640. Lords and Kings . THe Isle of Wight abutting on the coast of Hampshire , was taken from the English by William Eitz-Osborne , Earle of Hereford , in the time of William Duke of Normandy , and King of England : who thereupon became the first Lord therof . After whose death & the proscription of his sonne Roger , it fell unto the Crowne , and was by Henry the second bestowed upon the family of the Ryvers , Earles of Devon. On the extinction of which line , it fell againe unto the Crowne , in the time of King Edward the first ; and in the same hath since continued : giving the title onely of one King , and one Lord to two Potent subjects . Now for the Lords and King , they are these here following . A. Ch.     1 William Fitz-Osborne , Earle of Hereford . 1072 2 Roger de Breteville , Earle of Hereford .   3 Richard de Ryvers , Earle of Devon.   4 Baldwin de Ryvers , Earle of Devon. 1154 5 Richard de Ryvers , Earle of Devon . 1161 6 Baldwin de Ryvers , Earle of Devon .   7 Richard de Ryvers , Earle of Devon.   8 William de Ryvers , Earle of Devon. 1216 9 Baldwin de Ryvers , Earle of Devon. 1245 10 Baldwin de Ryvers , Earle of Devon. 1261 11 Isabell , sister to Earle Baldwin , and wife to William de Fortibus , surrendred up her interest in this Iland , to King Edward the first . 1445 12 Henry Beauchamp , Earle of Warwick , Anno 23. of Henry 6. was crowned King of the Isle of Wight , and shortly after made Duke of Warwick . 1466 13 Richard Lord Wideville Earle Ryvers , made by King Edward 4. Lord of the Wight . THE SECOND TABLE , OR , A CATALOGVE OF All the Bishops which have governed in the Church of England , and VVales , since the conversion of the SAXONS . Together with the honourary Offices which they , or any of them have enjoyed in the civill government . Divided into two parts . Printed at London . 1641. THE PREFACE TO THE ENSUING CATALOGUE of Arch-Bishops , and Bishops . THE saith of Christ being here planted as saith Gildas , tempore sum●o Tiberii Caesaris , towards the latter end of Tiberius Caesar , was as it seemes , concealed and hidden till the time of Lucius : who publikely making profession of it , procured three Archiepisco pals seates to be erected at York● , Ca●r-Leon upon Vsk , and London for the North , West , and Southerne parts ; and suffragan Bishops to be allotted and assigned unto each of them . Of these and their successors wee have little Consta● , onely some foot-steps in some places , whereby we may discerne the ruine of religion which had beene made here by the Saxons . But when the Saxons were converted to the Christian faith , they grew more zealous of the same , then formerly they had beene averse from it : and gave it suddenly a generall and unanimous admittance . Which being done , that part of England which was then in their possession , was divided into the two Provinces of Canterbury and Yorke : the ancient Britons or the Welsh continuing for a long time after under the rule and government of their owne Arch-Bishop ; but in the end were also brought to yeeld obedience to the See of Canterbury . The Church thus brought into a settled forme and order , became forthwith of such esteeme at home , that they have long time beene accounted Peeres of the Realme , and are by writ summoned unto all Parliaments , as are the temporall Barons ; and of such reputation and same abroad , that the Arch-Bishops of both Provinces were adjudged to be Legatinati : the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury having a superintendencie over all the Irish Bishops ; as he of Yorke , had a direct primacie over those of the Church of Scotland . And in the Councell held at Constance , what time the Fathers there assembled , were for the better dispatch of businesse , divided into severall Nations : the English Nation , Anglicana natio , was reckoned amongst the chiefest . At this time since this Church was manumitted from the Pope , it may be warrantably said to bee the most exact and perfect● of the Reformation : keeping a constant & continued succession in the holy Hierarchy , and consequently also in all holy Orders ; and whatsoever else is necessary , either in doctrine , government , or ceremony , unto the constitution of an Apostolicall and Orthodox Church . As for the method which we meane to use in this following Catalogue , it is briefely this : we will begin first with the Province and See of Canterbury , and those particular Suffragan Bishops which owe obedience thereunto , which we will marshall in the order of the Alphabet , those of Wales included . For howsoever they had once the honour to have an Arch-Bishop of their owne , yet being now reputed members of the Province of Canterbury ; we will dispose of them accordingly . That done , we will proceed unto the Province and See of Yorke , and those sew Bishopricks , which are now remaining of the same : which as the rest before , we will also take along , according to the order of the Alphabet . And this we take to be the easiest order for the Reader : that of the Antiquity of the Sees , being very intricate and perplext , and that of the Antiquity or consecration of the men themselves , both changeable and uncertaine . For if we went according to the way of precedencie which is now in use , established by Act of Parliament 31. H. 8. c. 10. we should dispose them in this manner : viz. First the two Arch-Bishops of Ganterbury and Yorke , next the three Bishops of London , Dunelm , Winchester , and last of all the residue of the Prelates according to the Seniority of their consecrations . This is the order of precedencie which is now in use , which yet is no new order in regard of London and Wintón , who anciently had place before the rest , in all assemblies of the Clergy : but this being changeable and uncertaine , as before was said , we shall make use rather of the other . Now in'each See and Diocese we will keep this course : First we will shew you the antiquity and ordination of each , together with the foundation of their Cathedrall Churches ; what Counties each of them containeth , what priviledges anciently they enjoyed , and still claime to have ; how many Parishes there be in every Diocese , by what Arch-Deacons they are governed , what is the tenth of the whole Clergie in every Diocese , and how much in the Kings bookes is every Bishoprick . We shall observe also , what and how many of the Prelates have beene extract from honourable houses , whose names shall be distinguished by a little Asterisme thus* , as also how many of them have beene canonized and accounted Saints , who and how many of them have beene made Cardinals in the Church of Rome , what honourable Offices have beene borne by any of them in the civill state . In the performance of the which S. shall stand for Saint , and Card ▪ for Cardinall : L. Ch. shall signifie L. Chancellour ; L. K. Lord Keeper ; L. Tr. Lord Treasurer ; L. Pr. Lord President , Ch. J. Chiese Justice . M. Ro. Master of the Rolls , and Ch ▪ Qx. Chancellour of Oxford , as Ch. Ca. of Cambridge . By which it will appeare most plainely what a perpetuall Seminary this our Church hath beene , of able and of learned men , not onely for discharge of Ecclesiasticall , but even temporall businesse . Which being premised once for all , we now proceede unto our Catalogue : beginning with the Provincc and See of Canterbury , and following in the order before proposed . THE FIRST PART OF THE CATALOGVE OF BISHOPS , CONTAINING THE SVCCESSION of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of the Province of CANTERBVRY . Printed at London . 1641. CANTERBURIE and the Arch-Bishops of it . THe Sce of Canter . was first founded with the plantation of religion the amongst English : Austin the Monk , who first did preach the Gospel to the one being the first Arch-Bishop of the other . The Chaire hereof originally fixt in the City of Canterbury ; which being once the Regall City of the Kings of Kent , was by King Ethelbert , on his conversion , bestowed on Austin the Arch-Bishop , and on his Successors forever . The Cathedrall , having beene a Church before in the Britons time was by the same Arch-Bishop Austin repaired , and consecrated , and dedicated to the name of Christ , which it still retaines ; though a long time together it was called Saint Thomas , in honour of Saint Thomas Becket who was therein slaine . The present fabricke was begun by Arch-Bishop Lanfran● , and William Corboyl ; and by degrees made perfect by their Successours . Take Canterbury as the seate of the Metropolitan , and it hath under it 21. suffragan Bishops , of the which 17. are in England , and 4. in Wales . But take it as the seate of a Diocesan , and it containeth onely some part of Kent to the number of 257. Parishes ( the residue being in the Diocese of Rochester ▪ ) together with some few particular Parishes dispersed here and there in severall Dioceses : it being an ancient priviledge of this See , that wheresoever the Arch-Bishops had either Manors or Advowsons , the place forthwith became exempted from the Ordinary , and was reputed of the Diocese of Canterbury . The other priviledges of this See , are that the Arch-Bishop is accounted Primate and Metropolitan of all England , and is the first Peere of the Realme : having precedencie of all Dukes , not being of the Royall bloud , and all the great Officers of the State. He hath the title of Grace offered him in common speech : and writes himselfe divina providentia , where other Bishops onely use , divina permissione . The Coronation of the King hath anciently belonged unto him : it being also formerly resolved that wheresoever the Court was , the King and Queene were speciales & domestici Parochiani Domini Archiepiscopi , the proper and domesticall Parishioners of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . It also did belong unto him in former times , to take unto himselfe the offerings made at the holy Altar by the King and Queene , wheresoever the Court was , if he were present at the same ; and to appoint the Lent Preachers : but these time hath altered , and the King otherwise disposed of . Abroad in generall Councels he had place at the Popes right foote ▪ at home ; this Royall priviledge , that those which held lands of him , were liable for Wordship to him , and to compound with him for the same , though they hold other lands in Cheife of our Lord the King. And for the more increase of his power and honour , it was enacted 25 ▪ H. 8 ▪ c. 21. that all licenses and dispensations ( not repugnant to the law of God ) which heretofore were sued for in the Court of Rome , should be hereafter granted by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and his successaurs : As also in the 1. Eliz. c. 2. that by the advise of the Metropolitan , or Ecclesiasticall Commissioners , the Queenes Majesty may ordaine and publish such rites and ceremonies , as may bee most for the advancement of Gods glory , the edi●ying of his Church , and the due reverence of Christs holy Sacraments . To come at last to the Arch-Bishops , this Diocese hath only one Arch-Deacon , which is he of Canterbury ▪ the Clergies tenth comes to 651. li. 18. s. 2. d. q. and the Arch-Bishoprick it selfe is valued in the Kings books , at the sum of 2816. li. 17. s ▪ 9. d. q. I onely adde in generall , that this See hath yeelded to the Church 16. Saints ; to the Church of Rome 9. Cardinals ; to the Civill state of England 11. Lord Chancellours , one Lord Treasurer , one Lord Chiefe Justice ; and to the University of Oxford . 9. Chancellours . The particulars follow . Arch-Bishops of Canterbury . A. Ch.   596 1 S. Augustinus . 611 2 S. Laurentius . 619 3 S. Melitus . 624 4 S. Justus . 634 5 S. Honorius . 655 6 S. Adeodatus , or Deusdedit . Vacavit sedes Annos 4. 668 7 S. Theodorus . 692 8 S. Brithwaldus . 731 9 Tatwinus . 736 10 Nothelmus . 742 11 Cuthbertus . 759 12 Bregwinus . 764 13 Lambertus . 793 14 Athelmardus . 807 15 Wulfredus . 832 16 Theogildus .   17 Celnothus . 871 18 Atheldredus . 889 19 Plegmundus . 915 20 Athelmus . 924 21 Wulfelmus , Lord Chancellour . 934 22 S. Odo . 961 23 S. Dunstan , Lord Treasurer . 988 24 Ethelgarus . 989 25 Siricius . 993 26 Alfricus . 1006 27 S. Elphegus . 1013 28 Livingus , allas Leovingus . 1020 29 Agelnothus . 1038 30 S. Eadsinus . 1050 31 Robert us Gemiticensis . 1052 32 Stigandus . 1070 33 S. Lanfrancus . Vacavit sedes Annos 4. 1093 34 S. Anselm . 1114 35 Rodulphus . 1122 36 William Corboyl . 1138 37 Theobaldus . 1162 38 S. Thomas Becket L. Chancel . 1171 39 Richardus Monachus . 1184 40 Baldwinus . 1191 41 Reginaldus . 1193 42 Hubert Walter , L. Chancel , and L. Ch. Justice . 1206 43 Stephen Langton , Cardinall . 1229 44 Richard Werhershed . 1234 45 S. Edmund , Chancel . of Oxford . 1244 46 Boniface of Savoy . * 1272 47 Robert Kilwarby , Card. 1278 48 John Peckham . 1294 49 Robert Winchelsey , Chan. Oxford ▪ 1313 50 Walter Raynolds . 1327 51 Simon Mepcham . 1333 52 Jo. Stratford , L. Chancel . 1348 53 Thomas Bradwardin . 1349 54 Simon Islippe . 1366 55 Sim. Langham , Gard. L. Chan. 1367 56 William Witlesey . 1375 57 Simon Sudbury , L. Chancel . 1381 58 William Courtney . Chan. Ox. * 1396 59 Thomas Arundel , L. Chan. * 1414 60 Henry Chicheley , Card. 1243 61 John Stafford , Card. * 1452 62 Jo. Kemp. Card. L. Chancel . 1454 63 Thomas Bourchier , Card. Lord Chan. and Chan. of Oxford . * 1486 64 John Morton , the like . 1501 65 Henry Deane . 1504 66 W. Warham , L. Ch. and Ch. Ox. 1533 67 Thomas Cranmer . 1555 68 Reginald Pole , Car. and Chan. Ox. 1559 69 Matthew Parker . 1575 70 Edmund Grindall . 1583 71 Jo. Whitgift . 1604 72 Richard Bancroft , Chan. Oxford . 1610 73 George Abbot . 1633 74 William Laud , Chan. of the University of Oxford , now being , 1641. SAINT ASAPH AND the Bishops there . THe Bishoprick of Saint Asaph is exceeding ancient ; first founded by one Kentigern a Scot , and there Bishop of Glasco , about the yeere 560. The Cathedrall there first built by him , upon the Banks of the river Elwy : whence it is called by the Welsh , L●an-Elwy ; the Bishop in the ancient Latine Elwensis , or Elguensis ; by us Saint Asaph , from Saint Asaph an holy man , whom Kentigorn returning into Scotland , left here his successor . It seems it stood not long , or not long in credit ; there being a great biatus in the succession of the Bishops : none to be found betweene this S ▪ Asaph , and Geofrie of Monmouth , who was here Bishop in the latter end of King Stephens raigne . And which is more , Henry of Huntington in his recitall of the Welsh Bishopricks reckoneth onely three , Saint Davids , Bangor , and Landaffe : which may be probably imputed to the frequent warres in this bordering Countrey ( for it is seated in the County of Flint , not farre from Chester : ) which made it an unquiet seate for religious persons . This Bishoprick , being at the best , not very rich , was made much poorer in the time of Bishop Parsew , who lived in the daies of King Edward 〈◊〉 . For where the Bishop had before five Episcopall houses , there is none now left but Saint Asaphs onely , the rest together with the lands to them belonging , by him made away , and aliened from the Church for ever : besides , that keeping an house above his meanes , he was faine to let the residue of his lands into tedious leases , not yet expired . This Diocese containeth in it no one whole County ; but part of Denbigh , Flint , Montgomery , Meri●neth , and some townes in Shropsh : wherein are to the number of 121. Parishes , most of the which are in the immediate ▪ Patronage of the Bishop . It hath but one Arch-Deaconry , called of Saint Asapb , which is united to the Bishoprick , for the better sustentation of it . The tenth of the Clergy commeth to 186. li. 19. s. 7. d. ob . q. and for the Bishoprick it selfe , it is valued in the Kings bookes , at the summe of 187. li. 11. s. 6. d. Bishops of Saint Asaph . A. Ch.   560 1 Kentigern .   2 S. Asaph .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1151 3 Geofry of Monmouth .   4 Adam . 1186 5 Reinerus . 1220 6 Abraham . 1235 7 Howel ap Ednever . * 1248 8 Anian . 1268 9 Anian . II. 1293 10 Llewellen de Bromfeild . 1319 11 David ap Blethin .   12 Ephraim .   13 Henricus .   14 John Trevaur . 1357 15 Llewellen ap Madoc . 1373 16 William de Stridlington 〈…〉 1382 17 Lawrence Child . 1390 18 Alexander Bach. 1395 19 John Trevaur . II. 1411 20 Robertus . 1493 21 John Lowe , tr . to Rochester . 1444 22 Reginald Peacock , transl . to Chich. 1450 23 Thomas . 1484 24 Richard Redman , tr . to Exeter . 1503 25 David ap Owen . 1513 26 Edm. Birkhead . 1519 27 Henry Standish . 1535 28 William Barlow , tr . to S. Davids . 1536 29 Robert Parsew , tr . to Hereford . 1555 30 Thomas Goldwell . 1559 31 Richard Davies , tr . to S. Davids . 1561 32 Thomas Davies . 1573 33 Thomas Hughes . 1595 34 William Morgan . 1604 35 Richard Parry . 1622 36 John Hanmer . 1629 37 John Owen , now Bishop of Saint Asapb . 1641. BANGOR , and the Bishops there . BAngor , another of the Bishopricks of Wales , is of ancient standing ; but by whom founded , not yet knowne . The Cathedrall there is dedicated by the name of S. Daniel , who was Bishop here about the yeare 516. which being cruelly defaced by that wretched Rebell Owen Glendowr , was afterward repaired by Henry Deane , who was once here Bishop . The ruine of this Bishoprick , came in the time of Bishop Bulk 〈…〉 , who not content to alienate and let out the lands ; made a sale also of the Bels : and going to the Sea-shoare to see them shipped , in his returne was smitten with a sudden blindnesse . This Diocese containeth in it the entire County of Carnarvon , wherein Bangor standeth , and the whole Isle of Anglesey ; together with parts of Denhigh , Merioneth , and Mountgomery , and in them to the number of 107 Parishes , whereof 36. impropriated , It hath moreover in it , three Arch Deaconries , viz. of Bangor , Anglesey , and Merioneth , one of the which is added to the Bishoprick , for support thereof . The Bishoprick is valued in the Kings bookes , 131. li. 16. s. 4. d. and answereth for the Clergies tenth , 151. li. 14. s. 3. d. q. Bishops of Bangor . A. Ch   516 1 S. Daniel .     ✚ ✚ ✚   1 Hernaeus , translated to Ely. 1120 2 David . 1139 3 Mauritius .   4 Gulielmus .   5 Guido , alias Guianus . 1195 6 Albanus . 1197 7 Robertus de Salopia . 1215 8 Caducan . 1236 9 Howel .   10 Richardus . 1267 11 Anianus . 1306 12 Caducan . II. 1306 13 Cryffith . 1320 14 Ludovicus . 1334 15 Matthaeus . 1358 16 Thom. de Ringstede . 1367 17 Gervasius de Castro . 1370 18 Howell . II. 1374 19 John Gilbert , tr . to S. Davids . 1376 20 John Clovensis .   21 John Swaffam . 1400 22 Richard Young , tr . to Rochester .   23 Ludovicus . II. 1408 24 Benedict Nicols , tr . to S. David . 1418 25 William Barrow , tr . to Ca●lile .   26 Nicolaus . 1436 27 Thomas Cheriton . 1448 28 John Stanbery , tr ▪ to Hereford . 〈◊〉 29 Jacobus . 1464 30 Thomas Ednam . 1496 31 Henry Deane , tr . to Salisbury . 1500 32 Thomas Pigor . 1504 33 Joh. Penvy , tr . to Carlile . 1505 34 Thomas Skevington . 1534 35 John Capon . tr . to Salisbury . 1539 36 John Bird , tr . to Chester . 1541 37 Arthur Bulkeley . 1555 38 William Glynn . 1559 39 Rowland Merick . 1566 40 Nicolas Robinson . 1585 41 Hugh Bellott , tr . to Chester . 1595 42 Richard Vaughon , tr . to Chester . 1595 43 Henry Rowlands . 1616 44 Lewys Bayly . 1632 45 David Dol●in . 1633 46 Edward Gryffith . 1637 47 William Roberts , Sub-Almoner , now Bishop of Bangor . 1641. BATH AND WELLES , and the Bishops of it . THe Diocese of Bath and Welles , although it hath a double name , is one single Bishoprick . The Bishops seate originally at Welles , where it still continues , and in respect whereof this Church is called in some Writers , Fontanensis Ecclesia . The stile of Bath came in bu● upon the by . The Church of Welles first built by Ina , King of the West-Saxons , Anno 704. and by him dedicated to Saint Andrew : after endowed by Kenu●se , an other King of the same people , Anno 766. and finally made a bishops See in the time of Edward the elder , Anno 905. the first that bore that title being Adelmus , before Abbat of Glastenbury . The present Church , in place where that of Ina had stood before , was built most part of it by Bishop Robert , the eighteenth Bishop of this See ; but finished and perfected by Bishop Iote●ine , sirnamed de Welles . Iohannes de villula , the sixteenth Bishop having bought the towne of Bath of King Henry the first for 500. markes , transferred his seate unto that City , 1088. Hence grew a jarre betweene the Monks of Bath and Canons of Welles , about the election of the Bishop . At last the difference was thus composed by that Bishop Robert , whom before I spake of , that from thence forward the Bishop should be denominated from both places , and that precedencie in the stile should be given to Bath ; that in the vacancie of the See , a certaine number of Delegates from both Churches should elect their Prelate , who being elected , should bee installed in them both ; both of them to be reckoned as the Bishops Chapter , and all his Grants and Patents confirmed in both . And so it stood untill the reigne of King H. 8. what time the Monastery of Bath having beene dissolved , there passed an Act of Parliament for the Deane and chapter of Welles , to make one sole Chapter for the Bishop : Anno 35. H. 8. c. 15. But to proceed , this Diocese hath yeelded to the Church of Rome , one Card. and to the civill state of England , sixe Lord Chancellours , five Lord Treasurers , one Lord Privie Seale , one Lord President of Wales , one principall secretary of Estate . The Diocese containeth in it the whole County of Somerse● , and in that 388. Parishes , whereof 160. are impropriate . It hath moreover three Arch-Deaconries of Bath , Welles , and Taunton ; is valued in the Kings bookes , at 533. li. 1. s. 3 d. and answereth for the Clergies tenth , 353. li. 18. s. ob . q. Bishops of Welles . A. Ch.   905 1 Adelmus , translated to Cant.   2 Wulfelmus , translated to Cant.   3 Elphegus .   4 Wulfelmus . II. 955 5 Brithelmus . 973 6 Kinewardus . 985 7 Sigarus . 995 8 Alwinus .   9 Burwoldus . 1002 10 Leoningus , translated to Cant.   11 Ethelwinus .   12 Brithwinus .   13 Merewith . 1031 14 Dudoco , alias Bodeca . 1059 15 Giso . Bishops of Bath and Welles . 1088 16 Johannes de Villula . 1123 17 Godefridus , L. Chancel . 1136 18 Robertus Lewensis . 1174 19 Reginald Fitz-Joceline translated to Cant. 1192 20 Sava●icus , who removed the See to Glastonbury . 1205 21 Joceline de Welles . 1224 22 Rogerus . 1247 23 Gul. Button , L. Chan. and Treas . 1264 24 Walt. Giffard , transl . to Yorke . 1267 25 Gul. Button . II. 1274 26 Rob. Burnell , L. Chan. and L. Tr. 1292 27 Gul. de Marchia , L. Treas . 1302 28 Walt. Haselshaw . 1310 29 Joh. Drokensford , L. Treas . 1329 30 Radulphus de Salopia . 1336 31 Joh. Barnet , transl . to Ely. 1366 32 Joh. Harewell . 1386 33 Walt. Skirlaw , transl . to Durham . 1388 34 Radulph Erghum . 1401 35 Henry Bowet , transl . to Yorke . 1408 36 Nic. Bubwith . 1425 37 Joh. Stafford , L. Chan. and Treas . transl . to Cant. * 1443 38 Thomas Beckington . 1465 39 Robert de Stillington , L. Pr. Seale , and afterward L. Chan. 1491 40 Rich. Fox , transl . to Durham . 1495 41 Oliver King principall Secretary . 1505 42 Adrian de Castello , Card. 1518 43 Tho. Wolsey , changed this See for Durham , L. Chan. 1523 44 John Clarke , Master of the Rolls . 1541 45 William Knight . 1549 46 William Barlowe . 1554 47 Gilbert Bourne , Lord President of Wales . 1559 48 Gilbert Barkely . 1584 49 Thomas Godwin . 1592 50 John Still . 1608 51 James Montagu . 1616 52 Arthur Lake . 1626 53 William Laud , trans : to London . 1628 54 Leonard Mawe . 1630 55 Walter Curle , trans . to Winton . 1632 56 William Piers , now Bishop there ▪ 1641. BRISTOL , and the Bishops thereof . THe Bishoprick of Bristol is of new erection , first sounded by King Henry 8. who having had the spoile of the Monasteries , and religious houses , was pleased to refund some of it backe againe upon the Church , for the incouragement of learning , and increase of piety . For this end he procured an Act of Parliament , for the erecting of new Bishopricks by his letters Patents , 31. H. 8. c. 9. and did accordingly erect sixe new Bishops Sees , viz. at Bristol , Oxford , Wesstminster , Gloucester , Peterburgh , and Chester . According to the tenor of which Act , he did immediately erect sixe new Bishopricks on the foundations of such ancient Monasteries , as he thought fittest for that purpose , and most convenient of honour , in regard of their situation : Wherein he failed not any where so much as in this of Bristol , the Diocese thereof being very much distant from the See ; atque alio subsole jacens . Now for this Bishoprick , the seate , thereof is Bristol , as before I said , one of the fairest Cities in the Realme of England ; and a just County in it selfe . The Cathedrall Church is dedicated by the name of Saint Austins , founded by Robert Fitz-Harding sonne to a King of Danemarke , once a Citizen here ; and by him stored with Canons Regular . Anno 1148. But this foundation being dissolved , King H. 8. made it a Bishops See , and placed therein a Deane , and sixe Prebendaries , as it still continueth . For 32. yeeres together in Qu Eliz. time it had never a Bishop , but all that while was held in Commendam by the Bishops of Gloucester : the Patrimony of the Church being in the interim much wasted . The Diocese hereof containeth , besides the City of Bristol , the whole County of Dorset ( belonging heretofore to the See of Salisbury : ) and therein 236. Parishes , of which 64. impropriated . It hath onely one Arch-Deacon , which is he of Dorset ; is valued in the Kinges bookes , 383. li. 8. s. 4. d. and answereth for the tenth of the Clergy , 353. li. 18. s. ob . q. Bishops of Bristol . A. Ch.   1542 1 Paul Bush . 1554 2 John Holiman , died 1558.     ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1589 3 Richard Fletcher , translated to London . 1593.     ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1603 4 John Thornbourgh , translated to Worcester . 1617 5 Nicolas Fe●ron , translated to Ely. 1619 6 Jo. Serchfeild . 1622 7 Robert Wright , translated to Lichfeild . 1632 8 George Cooke , translated to Hereford . 1636 9 Robert Skinner , now Bishop there . 1641. CHICHESTER , and the Bishops thereof . THe See of Chichester , was anciently in the Isle of Selsey , not farre from thence : first planted there by Wilfrid Arch-Bishop of Yorke , who being banished his Countrey by Egsride King of the Northumbers , did preach the Gospel to the South-Saxons . To him did Edilwacl● , the South-Saxon King assigne this Iland for his seate ; and after Gedwall King of the West-Saxons , having wonne this Kingdome , built in the same a Monastery , which he made the Bishops See. Here it continued till the time of Bishop Stigand , who first removed the See to Chichester , the principall City of these parts ; first built by Cissa the second King of the South-Saxons , and by him called Cissan-Ceaster . The Cathedrall Church was anciently dedicated to Saint Teter ; new built by Radulph the third Bishop here , after the See removed by Stigand : which being almost all consumed by a raging fire , was afterwards rebuilt and beautified by Siffridus the second . But to proceede , this See hath yeelded to the Church two Saints , to the Realme three Lord Chancellours , to the Court two Almoners , one Chancellour to the University of Oxford : and anciently the Bishops here were Confessours to the Queenes of England , ( for which they have to shew an ancient Charter ) and had allowance for the same . This Diocese containeth the County of Sussex , and in the same : 250. Parishes ; whereof 1 〈…〉 12. impropriated . It hath moreover two Arch-Deacons , viz. of Chichester , and Lewys ; is valued in the Kings bookes , at 677. li. 〈…〉 s. 3. d and answereth for a tenth of the whole Clergy . 287. li. 2. s. ob . q. Bishops of Selsey . A. Ch.     1 Wilfride . 711 2 Eadbertus .   3 Eolla . 733 4 Sigelmus , altas Sigfridus .   5 Alubrith .   6 Osa , vel Bosa .   7 Giselherus .   8 Tota .   9 Wig 〈…〉 n.   10 Ethelulfus .   11 Beornegus .   12 Coen●ede . 131 13 Gutheatd . 960 14 Alfredus . 970 15 Eadhelmus . 980 16 Ethelgarus . 988 17 Ordbright . 〈◊〉 18 Elmar . 1019 19 Ethelricus . 1038 20 Grinketellus . 1047 21 Heca . 1057 22 Agelricus , after whose death the Bishops See and Chaire : was removed to Chichester ; and from henceforth they were entituled by the name of Bishops of Chichester . A. Ch.   1070 23 Stigandus .   24 Gulielmus .   25 Radulphus . 1125 26 Sefsridus .   27 Hilarius . 1174 28 John de Greenford . 1187 29 Seffridus . II. 1199 30 Simon de Welles . 1209 31 Nicolas de Aquila . 1215 32 Richard Poore , 〈◊〉 . to Sallsbury . 1217 33 Radulph de Warham . 1223 34 Radulph de Nevill , L. Chan. * 1245 35 S. Richard sirnamed de la Wich . 1253 36 John Clipping ? 1261 37 Stephen de Berkstede . 1288 38 S. Gilbert de Scon. Leofardo .   39 John de Langton , L. Chan.   40 Robert Stratford , L. Chan. 1362 41 Gul. de Lenn . 1369 42 Gul. Reade . 1385 43 Thomas Rushooke .   44 Richard Mitford , tranflated to Sarum . 1395 45 Robert Waldby . 1396 46 Robert Reade . 1417 47 Stephen Patrington . 1418 48 Henry Ware. 1422 49 John Kempe , transl . to London . 1423 50 Thomas Poldon , translated to Worcester . 1428 51 John Rickingale . 1430 52 Simon Sidenham .   53 Richard Praty , Chancellour of Oxford . 1445 54 Adam Molius , Clerke of the Counsell . 1450 55 Reginald Peacock . 1458 56 John Arundell . 1477 57 Edward Story . 1504 58 Richard Fitz-James , translated to London . 1508 59 Robert Sherborn . 1536 60 Richard Sampson , translated to Lichfeild . 1543 61 George Day . 1551 62 John Scory , after of Hereford . 1557 63 John Christopherson . 1559 64 William Barlowe . 1570 65 Richard Curteys . 1585 66 Thomas Bickley . 1596 67 Anth. Watson , Bishop Almoner . 1605 68 Lancelor Andrewes , 〈◊〉 . to Ely. 1609 69 Sam. Harsenet , tr . to Norwich . 1619 70 George Charleton . 1628 71 Richard Montagu , tr . to Norwich . 1638 72 Brian Duppa , now Bishop and Tutor to the Prince his Highnesse . COVENTRY AND LICHFEILD , and the Bishops thereof . THhe Bishoprick of Coventry and Lichfeild is like that of Bath and Welles ; a double name , a single Diocese . The Bishops See originally at Lichfeild , from thence removed to Chester , and from both to Coventry . Hence is it that the Bishops are called sometimes Cestrenses , sometimes Lichfeildenses , sometimes Coventrienses , and now of late , Bishops of Coventry and Lichfeild . For in the yeere 1088. being that very yeere wherein the See of Welles was removed to Bath ; Robert de Limesey did remove this See to Coventry Hugo Novant , the sixth from him brought it backe to Lichfeild , not without great opposition of the Monkes of Coventry : and in the end , the difference finally was composed by Bishops Savensby , much after the same manner , as before at Welles . For here it was agreed on that the Bishop should be denominated from both places , and that precedencie in the stile Episcopall , should be given to Coventry : that they should choose their Bishop alternatim , in their severall turnes ; that they should both make one Chapter unto the Bishop , in which the Prior of Coventry should be the principall man. And so it stood till that the Priory of Coventry being dissolved by King Henry 8. ( the stile or 〈◊〉 of the Bishop continuing as before it did ) there passed an Act of Parliament 33. H. 8. c. 29 to make the Deane and Chapter of Lichfeild the sole Chapter for the Bishop . The Cathedrall Church here first built by Oswy King of the Mercian● , about the yeere 556. who gave unto the Bishops many faire possessions . But that old Church being taken downe by Roger de Clinton , the 36. Bishop of this Diocese , that which now standeth was built by him in place thereof , Anno 1148. and dedicated to the Virgin Mary and Saint Chad. In sollowingtimes , and almost in the infancie thereof , the revenues of it were so faire , that Lichfeild was thought fit to be the See of an Arch-Bishop . And one it had , no more , his name Adulfus , Anno 783. the Bishops of Winion , Hereford , Sidnacester , Dorchester , ( which two now make Eincoln ) and those of Elmham and of Dunwich ( both which now make Norwich ) being appointed to him for his Suffragans . But with him and King Offa who procured it , this great title died . And now it is content to be a Bishoprick , the Diocese whereof containeth the whole Counties of Darby , and Stafford , together with a good part of Warwickshire and Shropshire . In these are comprehended 557. Parishes , of which 250. are impropriate : for better government whereof , it hath foure Arch-Deacenries , viz. of Stafford , Darby , Coventry , and Shrewsbury . It is valued in the Kings bookes , 559. li. 18. s. 2. d. ob . q. and for the Clergies tenth , it commeth unto 590. li. 16. s. 11. d. q. and finally hath yeelded to the Church three S. to the Realme one Chancellour , and three Lord Treasures ; to Wales three Presidents , one Chancellour to the University of Cambridge , and to the Court one Master of the Wardrobe . Arch-Bishops and Bishops of Lichfeild . A. Ch.   656 1 Dwina . 2 Cellach .   3 Trumher . 4 Jarumanus . 669 5 Saint Chad , or Cedda , tr ; to York . 672 6 Winfridus . 672 7 S. Sexulfus . 692 8 Headda , alias Eatheadus . 721 9 Aldwinus . 733 10 Witta .   11 Hemel . 764 12 Cuthfridus .   13 Bert●●nnus . 785 14 Higbertus . 793 15 Aldulphus the Arch-Bishop .   16 Humbertus .   17 Herewinus .   18 Higbertus . II.   19 Ethelwaldus . 857 20 Humbertus . II. 864 21 Kinebertus . 872 22 S. Cymbertus .   23 Tunbright .   24 Ella . 928 25 Alfgar .   26 Kin●ey .   27 Winsey .   28 Elphegus .   29 Godwinus .   30 Leofgarus .   31 Brithmarus . 1039 32 Wolfius L. Chancell . 1054 33 Leofwine . 1067 34 Petrus , who removed the See to Chester . Bishops of Coventry and Lichfeild . 1088 35 Robert de Limesey , removed the See to Coventry . 1117 36 Robert Peccham . 1119 37 Roger de Clinton . * 1149 38 Walter Durdent . 1161 39 Richard Peche . 1182 40 Gerardus la pucelle . 1186 41 Hugo Novant . 1191 42 Galfridus de Muschamp . 1210 43 Walter Grey , translated to Worcester . 1215 44 William de Cornhull . 1220 45 Alexander de Savensby . 1240 46 Hugh de Pateshul , Lord Treasurer . 1245 47 Roger de Wescham . 1257 48 Roger de Longespee . 1295 49 Walter de Langton , Lord Treasurer . 1322 50 Roger de Northbrook , Master of the Wardrope , and Lord Treasurer . 1360 51 Robert Stretton . 1385 52 Walter Skirlaw , tran● . to Welles . 1395 53 Richard Scrope , tr . to Yorke . * ▪ 1399 54 John Burghill . 1415 55 John Ketterich . 1419 56 Jacobus Caric. 1420 57 Gul. Heyworth . 1447 58 Gul. Boothe . 1452 59 Nicolas Close , Chancellour of Cambridge . 1453 60 Reginald Butler . 1459 61 John Hales . 1492 62 Gul. Smith , tr . to Lincoln . 1496 63 John Arundel , tr . to Exeter . 1503 64 Geofry Blythe , L. Pres . of Wales . 1524 65 Roland Lee , L. Pres . of Wales . 1543 66 Richard Sampson , L. President of Wales . 1555 67 Radulph Bayne . 1559 68 Thomas Bentham . 1578 69 Gul. Overton . 1609 70 George Abbot , tr . to London . 1610 71 Richard Neile , tr . to Lincoln . 1614 72 John Overall , tr . to Norwich . 1618 73 Thomas Morton , tr . to Durbam . 1632 74 Robert Wright , now Bishop of Coventry and Lichfeild . 1641. SAINT DAVIDS , & the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of it . SAint Davids now the seate of a Suffragan Bishop , was once a Metropolitans See in the British Church , and long time the supreme Ordinary of the Welch . In the first planting of the Gospel in King Lucius time , wee shewed that there were three Arch-Bishops seates appointed , viz. at London , York , and of Ca●r-Leon upon Vik . That of Caer-Leon upon Vsk was , in the time of Arthur , King of the Britons , translated further off from the Saxons furie , to a place called Menew , ( Menevia is the Latine name ) but since , in memory of David the Arch-Bishop who so translated it , by us called Saint Davids . From the first name it is , these Bishops use to stile themselves , Menevenses . When Austin the Monk first entred England , the Metropolitan of Saint Davids had then remaining under his jurisdiction seven Suffragan Bishops ; all which gave meeting to the said Austin and his Associates , for the composing of some differences which were between the old and the new-come Christians : viz. the Bishop of Worcester ( Wicciorum ) Llandaff , Bangor , Hereford , Llan-Elwy , or Saint Asaph , Llan-Badern , ( called in Latin Paternensis a place in Cardigan shire , the last is called in Latin Morganensis , which possibly might have his seate in Margan of Glamorgan shire , a place still so called . Of these , Llan-Badern , and this Morganensis are quite extinct , and have long so beene ; Hereford and Worcester a long time reckoned as English Bishopricks , and so none left unto the Metropolitan of S. Davids , but Llandaff , Bangor , & S. Asaphs Now for these Bishops of Saint Davids , we finde that 26. of them retained the title of Arch-Bishops : The last whereof was Sampson , who in a time of pestilence transferd the Archiepiscopall Pall , & with the same the Archiepiscopall dignity to Dole in Bretagne , yet his successours , though they lost the name , reserved the power of an Arch-Bishop : nor did the residue of the Welch Bishops receive their consecration from any other hand then his ; till in the time of H. 〈◊〉 . Bernard the 46. Bishop of this See was forced to submit himselfe to the Church of Canterbury . For the Cathedrall here , it had beene ost spoyled and ruined by the Danes , Norwegians , and other Pirats : as standing neare the Sea , in the extreme corner of Pembroke shire . That which we now see is the worke of Bishop Peter , ( he was the 48. Bishop of this Diocese ) and by him dedicated by the name of Saint Andrew , and Saint David ; though now Saint Andrew be left out , and David onely beares the name . This See hath had the greatest number of Bishops of any in England , 91. in all : and amongst them the Church hath had one Saint , the Realn●e of England three Lord Treasurers , one Lord Privie Seale ; the University of Oxford one Chancellour , and the Queene another . The Diocese containeth the whole Counties of Pembroke , Cardigan , Carmarthen , Radnor , Brecknocke , and some small parts of Monmouth , Hereford , Mountgomery ; and Glamorganshires . In which great quantity of ground there are no more then 308. Parishes , whereof 120. are impropriate . For the more easie government of which here are foure Arch-Deacons , viz. of Cardigan , Garmarthen , Brecknock , and Saint Davids . Finally , it is valued in the Kings bookes , at 457. li. 1. s. 〈◊〉 . d. ob . q. the Clergies tenth amounting unto 336. li. 14. s. 10. d. Arch-Bishops of S. Davids . A. Ch.       519 1 S. Davids . 〈◊〉 Eliud .   3 Theliaus . 4 Kenea .   5 Morvael . 6 Harnurier .   7 Elvaeth . 8 Gurnell .   9 Llendiwith ▪ 10 Gornwist .   11 Gorgan . 12 Eynean .   13 Cledanc . 14 Eludgeth .   15 Eldunen . 16 Elvaoth .   17 Maelsewith . 18 Madeve .   19 Catulus . 20 Silvay .   21 Nanus . 22 Sathveny .   23 Doythwell . 24 Asser . 906 25 Athvael .       26 Sampson , the last Arch-Bishop of the Welch .     Bishops of S. Davids , with Archiepiscopall power .   27 Ruclinus .   28 Lyworch .   29 Nergu .   30 Sulhyder . 942 31 Eneuris . 944 32 Morgeneu .   33 Rhoderick . 961 34 Nathan .   35 Jevan .   36 Argustell .   37 Morgenveth . 998 38 Ervyn . 1038 39 Caermeryn . 1055 40 Joseph .   41 Ble●●●●d . 1070 42 Sulgheym . 1076 43 Abraham . 1088 44 Rithmark .   45 Wilfridus , alias Griffry . 1115 46 Bernardus , Chancellour to Qu. Adeliza , who first submitted himselfe and Church to the See of Cant. Bishops of S. Davids Suffragans to the See of Cant. 1148 47 David Fitz-Gerald . 1176 48 Petrus .   49 Galfridus . 1198 50 Silvester Giraldus . 1215 51 Jorwerth . Vacat sedes per An. 9. 1228 52 Alselmus . 1247 53 Thomas Wallensis . 1255 54 Thomas Carren . 1280 55 Tho. Beck . L. Treas . 1293 56 David de S. Edmundo . 1320 57 David Martyn . 1328 58 Henry Gower . 1347 59 John Thursby , tr . to Wor● . 1349 60 Reginald Brian . tr . to Wor● . 1353 61 Thomas Fastolf . 1361 62 Adam Houghton , Chanc. of Ox. 1369 63 John Gilbert , L. Treas . Vacat sedes An. 4. 1401 64 Guido de Mona , L. Treas . 1409 65 Henry Chicheley , tr . to Cant. 1414 66 John Ketterich , tr . to Lichf . 1415 67 Stephen Patrington , tr . to Chich. 1417 68 Benedict Nicols . 1424 69 Thomas Rodburne . 1435 70 Gul. Lindwood , L. Pr. Seale . 1446 71 John. Langton , Chanc. of Cambr. 1447 72 John Delabere .   73 Robert Tully . 1482 74 Richard Martin . 1483 75 Thomas Langton tr . to Sarum . 1485 76 Hugh Pavy . 1503 77 John Morgan , alias Young. 1504 78 Roger Sherborne , tr . to Chich. 1509 79 Edward Vaughan . 1523 80 Richard Rawlins . 1536 81 William Barlow , tr . to Welles . 1549 82 Robert Farrar . 1554 83 Henry Morgan 1559 84 Thomas Young , tr . to Yorke . 1561 85 Richard Davies . 1567 86 Marmaduke Midleton . Vacat sedes Annos . 4. 1594 87 Anthony Rudd . 1615 88 Richard Milborne , tr . to Carlile . 16●1 89 William Laud , tr . to Welles . 1627 90 Theoph. Feild , tr . to Hereford . 1635 91 Roger Mainwaring , now Bishop of S. Davids . 1641. ELY , and the Bishops of it . THe Church of Ely , anciently was a Monastery : first built by Ethelreda wife to Egfride , King of the Northumbers , and by her planted with religious Virgins , whereof she made her selfe the Abbesse . But her plantation being supplanted by the Danes , and the Church quite ruined , Ethelwold Bishop of Winchester did againe rebuild it , and furnished it with Monkes good store : to whom King Edgar , and the succeeding Kings gave such ample priviledges , and faire possessions , that it did seeme to equall any Church in England . Richard the eleventh Abbat having a minde to quit himselfe of the Bishop of Lincoln , within whose Diocese it stood ; deale with King Henry the first , both with purse and Pater noster , to turne the Abby into a Cathedrall . And though the King asse●ited to it , and that the businesse was transacted with the Bishop of Lincoln , ( who had three Manors of this Abby , viz. Spaldwick , Biggleswad , and Bockden , in exchange for his jurisdiction : ) yet Richard lived not to possesse it , leaving the benefit of his industry and ambition to be enjoyed by another man , which was one Hervey , Bishop of Bungor . As for the Church now standing , it is the worke of severall Bishops : the west parts being with great charge repaired by Bishop Ridall or new built rather ; as were the Quire and Lanterne by Bishop No●wold , which afterwards were fully finished by Bishop Fordham . The whole Church dedicated to S. Ethelred . Ely thus made a Bishoprick , however fortified with great priviledges , ( for in the Isle of Ely the Bishops had all rights of a County Palatine● ) and that it was endowed with so great possessions , as hardly any better in the Realme of England , hath yet beene subject to those changes which time hath wrought . For many of the Palatine rights were taken off , or much restrained by the Act of Parliament , touching restoring to the crowne the antient royalties , 27. H. 8. c. 25. in the which Act it was enacted , that ( instead thereof ) the Bishop of Ely , and his temporall Steward for the Isle of Ely , should from thenceforth be Iustices of the peace in the said Iland . However Ely may be still reputed amongst the first Bishopricks of the second ranke : and may rejoyce 〈◊〉 selfe in this , that it yeelded to this Realme as many great officers as any other in the Kingdome . For it hath given the state● no lesse then nine Lord Chancellours , seven Lord Treasurers , one Lord Privie Seale , one Chancellour of the University of Oxford , one of the Exchequer , two Masters of the● Rolls 〈◊〉 besides two Saints unto the Church , two Gardinals to the Church of Rome , and to the English Court three Almoners . The Diocese hereof containeth onely Cambridg●shire , and the Isle of Ely 〈◊〉 in which there are 14● . Ra●ishes . whereof 75● impropriate . It hath but one Arch-Deacon , which is he of Ely ; is valued in the Kings bookes , 2134. li. 18. s. 5. d. ob . q. the Clergies tenth amounting to the summe of 384. li. 14. s. 9. d. q. Bishops of Ely. A. Ch.   1109 1 Hervey , Bishop of Bangor . 1133 2 Nigellus , Lord Treasurer . 1174 3 Galfridus Rydall . 1189 4 Gul. Longchamp , L. Chan. 1198 5 Eustachius , L. Chan. 1219 6 S. John de Fontibus , L. Treas . 1225 7 Galfredus de Burgo . 1229 8 Hugh Norwold . 1255 9 Gul. de Kilkenny , L. Chan. 1257 10 S. Hugh Balsam . 1286 11 Joh. de Kirby , L. Treas . 1290 12 Gul. de Luda . 1299 13 Radulfe Walpoole . 1302 14 Rob. Orford . 1310 15 Joh. de Keeron . 1316 16 Joh. Ho●ham . Ch. of the Exch. L. Chan. and L. Treas . 1336 17 Simon Montacute . * 1344 18 Tho. Lyde . 1361 19 Sim. Langham , L. Chan. and tr . to Cant. 1366 20 Joh. Barnet , L. Tr. 1375 21 Tho. Arundel , L. Chan. transl . to Yorke . * 1388 22 Joh. Fordham . 1425 23 Phil. Morgan , L. Pr. Seale . 1435 24 Lewis of Luxembourg , Card. * 1443 25 Tho. Bourchier , Card. translated to Cant. * 1454 26 Wil. Grey , L. Treas . * 1478 27 Joh. Morton , Master of the Rolls . L. Chan. 1486 28 Joh. Alcock , Master of the Rolls . 1501 29 Rich Redman . 1506 30 James Stanley . * 1515 31 Nicolas West . 1534 32 Tho. Goodrich , L. Chan. 1554 33 Tho. Thirlby . 1559 34 Rich. Cox , Alm. Chan. Oxford . Vacat sedes , Annos 20. 1599 35 Martin He●on . 1609 36 Lancel . Andrewes , Alm. transl . to Wint. 1618 37 Nicolas Felton . 1627 38 Joh. Buckeridge . 1631 39 Francis White , Bishop Almoner . 1638 40 Matthew Wrenn , Deane of the Chappell , now Bishop of Ely 1641. EXETER , and the Bishops there . THe Diocese of Exeter containeth that in it , which was once two Bishopricks . For at the first planting of the Church in these westerne parts , it was thought convenient to erect two Bishops Sees , the one for Cornwall at S. Germans ; the other for Devonsh . at Cridington , now Kinton , a small Village . But that of Cornwall , being annexed to Cridington , about the yeere 1032. both were , not long after , removed to Exeter , the most noted City of these parts , where it still continueth . Now for the Church of Exeter it was once a Monastery , founded by King Athelstane , and by him dedicated unto Saint Peter-Edward the Confessour , removing all the Monkes from hence to Westminster , which he had newly founded and endowed , made it the Bishops See for Devonsh . and Corne wall , then united . The Church as now it standeth doth owe it selfe to severall Patrons ; the Quire to Bishop Warlwast , the body of the Church to Bishop Quivil , the side Isles to Grandison : that which is now our Ladies Chappell , being a remnant of the old fabrick . The Patrimony thereof once very large , was wasted and destroyed by Bishop Voisie : who being made Bishop here by King Henry 8. fate out the residue of his raigne , and all K. Edwards , and some part of Queene Maries also . For whereas at his comming hither , he found the Church possessed of 22. goodly Manors , and 14. Mansion houses richly furnished : he lest not above seven or eight of the worst . Manors , and those let out in long leases ; and charged with pensions ; and not abovè two houses , both bare and naked ; of which see Bishop Godwins Catalogue , and Powels History of Wales . This Diocese hath yeelded to the Realme of England , three Lord Chancellours , two Lord Treasurers , one LordPresident of Wales ; and to the University of Oxford , one Chancellour . It containeth in it the two Counties of Devon , and Cornwall , and in them 604 Parish Churches , whereof 239. are impropriate ; for government whereof it hath foure : Arch-Deacons , viz. of Cornwall , Exeter , Barnestable , and Taw●on . The Bishoprick was once valued at 1566. li. 14. s. 6. d. But since the diminution , or destruction rather , made by Bishop Voisie ; it is now valued at 500. l. just . The Clergies tenth here very high , or mounting to the sum of 1240. li. 15. s. 2. d. ob . Now for the marshalling of the Bishops of this once divided Diocese , we will present you with those of Devo●shire and Cornwall , columne-wise , one against the other , according to their time and order , untill wee meete them both in the Church of Exeter . Bishops of Devonsh . Cornwall . A. Ch.         905 1 Eadulphus . 905 1 Athelstan . 906 2 Putta .   2 Conanus . 910 3 Eadulfus . II.   3 Ruidocus . 932 4 Ethelgarus .   4 Aldredus . 942 5 Algarus .   5 Britwinus . 952 6 Alswoldus .   6 Athelstā . II 972 7 Alswolfus .   7 Wolfi . 981 8 Sidemannus   8 Woronus . 990 9 Alfredus .   9 Wolocus . 999 10 Alswoldus . II.   10 S●idio . 1014 11 Eadnothus .   11 Aldredus . 1032 12 Liningus , who after the death of Burwoldus Bishop of Cornwall , procured that Bishoprick to bee annexed unto his owne : which was no sooner done , but that his next successour removed both to Exeter ; since when the Bishops have beene called   12 Burwoldus , the last Bishop of Cornwall . Bishops of Exeter . A. Ch.   1049 1 Leofricus , who removed the See to Exeter . 1079 2 Osbernus . 1107 3 William Warlewast . 1122 4 Robert Chichester . 1150 5 Robert Warlewast . 1159 6 Bartholm . Iscanus . 1186 7 Johannes . 1191 8 Henry Marshall . 1206 9 Simon de Apulia . 1224 10 Gul. Brewer . 1245 11 Richard Blondy . 1257 12 Walter Bronescomb . 1280 13 Peter Quivill . 1293 14 Thomas Button . 1307 15 Walter Stapleton , L. Treas . 1326 16 Jamēs Barkeley . * 1327 17 John Grandison . * 1370 18 Thomas Brentinsham . L. Treas . 1395 19 Edm. Stafford , L. Chan. * 1419 20 John Ketterich . 1419 21 John Carle . 1420 22 Edm Lacy. 1455 23 George Nevill , L. Chan. and Chan. of Oxford , tr . to Yorke . * 1466 24 John Boothe . 1477 25 Peter Courtney , tr . to Winton . * 1486 26 Richard Foxe , tr . to Weles . 1492 27 Oliver King , tr . to Welles . 1495 28 Richard Redman . 1501 29 John Arundell . 1504 30 Hugh Oldham . 1519 31 John Voysie , L. Pres . of Walles . 1551 32 Miles Goverdale . 1556 33 James Turberville . 1560 34 Gul. Alley . 1570 35 Gul. Bradbridge . 1579 36 John Woolton . 1594 37 Gervase Babington . 1598 38 Gul. Cotton . 1621 39 Valentine Cary. 1627 40 Joseph Hall , now Bishop of Exeter . 1641. GLOCESTER , and the Bishops there . GLocester was anciently the scate of a British Bishop , whose stile sometimes occurres in the subscriptions of Synodicall Acts , by the name of Cluviensis ; this towne being formerly called Clevid , as Camden noteth . And I remember that I have seene in the Palace os Glocester , the name of ✚ ✚ ✚ said to bee Bishop there in the Britons time . But whether it were so or not ; or whether Glocester were a Bishoprick in those dayes of old , is not materiall to our purpose . For that which was , was brought to nothing by the Saxons , and when they entertained the faith of Christ , it was first under the authority of the Bishops of Lichfeild , as afterwards of those of Worcester . But in these later dayes it was dismembred from that Diocese , and by King Henry 8. made a Bishops See , what time the rest of new erection were by him founded , as we have spoke before , when we were in Bristol . Now for the indowment of this Bishopricke by him erected , ( besides a Chapter of a Deane , and sixe Prebendaries by him so founded ) he assigned over all , or most of the lands , unto the ancient Monasteries here , once belonging : which being first built by Aldred , Arch-Bishop of Yorke , and Bishop of Worcester , and afterwards repaired by Hanley , Farley , Mo●went , Herton , Trowcester , and Sebroke , severall Abbats here , became in fine to be , what it still continueth , one of the fairest Fabricks in the Realme of England . The Diocese containing onely Glocester shire , hath in it 267. Parishes , whereof 125 are impropriations ; and one Archdeacon , being called of Glocester . Valued it is in the Kings bookes , 315. li. 17. s. 2. d. according to the estimate thereof at the first foundation : though in two vacancies which it had in Queene Eliz. time , much of the lands were taken from it ; ( sor which see what was said before in the case of Ely. ) And for a tenth of all , the Clergie pay unto the King 358. l. 15. s. Bishops of Glocester . A. Ch.   1541 1 John Wakeman , last Abbat o Tewkesbury . 1550 2 John Hooper . 1555 3 James Brookes . Vacat sedes Ann. 3. 1562 4 Kichard Cheinie . Vacat sedes Ann. 3. 1581 5 John Bullingham . 1598 6 Godfr Goldsbourgh . 1604 7 Thomas Ravys , tr . to London . 160● 8 Henry Parry , tr . to Wo●cest . 1611 9 Giles Tomson . 1612 10 Miles Smith . 1624 11 Godfr . Goodman , now Bishop there . 1641. HEREFORD , and the Bishops there . HEreford also was of old one of the Bisho pricks erected in the Britons time ; sirst under the Metropolitan of Caer-Leon upon Vske , of Saint Davids afterwards , and when these parts were conquered by the Saxon Kings , it came to be a member of the Province of Canterbury . The Carhedrall Church here founded first by Milfride , one of the Noblemen of this County in honor of Ethelbert , King of the East Angles treacherously made away by the Queene of Mercia , his intended mother in law . That which now standeth , oweth the most part of it selfe to Bishop Reinelm ; and what he lived not to performe , was finished ? by his ▪ successours , as they had either meanes or opportunity . The Diocese hereof containeth the Co●nty of Hereford , and part of Shrop-shird ; wherein it hath 313. parish Churches , of which 166. are impropriations : and for the government hereof , hath two Arch-Deacons , viz. of Hereford and Salop. It hath affordediro the Church one Saint , to the state two Chancellours , and three Lord Treasurers , one Deputy to the Realme of Ireland , two Chancellours to the University of Oxford , and one unto the Queenes of England . Finally 〈…〉 valued in the Kings bookes , 768. li. 10. s. 6. d. ob . q. the tenth of the Clergy comming 〈…〉 3●0 . li. 2. 5. 2. d. ob . Bishops of Hereford . A. Ch.   680 1 Putta .   2 Tirtellus .   3 Torteras .   4 Wastoldus . 740 5 Cuthbertus .   6 Podda .   7 Ecca .   8 Cedda . 857 9 Albertus .   10 Esna . 885 11 Gelmund .   12 Utellus .   13 Wulfehard .   14 Benna .   15 Edulfus .   16 Cuthwolfus .   17 Mucellus .   18 Deorlaf .   19 Cnnemond .   20 Edgar .   21 Tidhelm .   22 Wulfehelm .   23 Alsricus .   24 Athulfus .   25 Athelstan . 1055 26 Leovegard . Vacat sedes Ann. 4. 1060 27 Walterus . 1079 28 Robert Losinga .   29 Gerrardus , 〈◊〉 to Yorke . 1107 30 Reinelmus Chan. to the Queene . 1115 31 Galfredus de Cliva . 1120 32 Richardus . 1131 33 Robert de Betun . 1149 34 Gilbert Foliot , ●r . to London . 1162 35 Robert de Melun . 1174 36 Robert Folion 1186 37 Gul. de Vero , 1200 38 Egidius de Bruse . 1216 39 Hugh de Mapemore . 1219 40 Hugh Folior . 1234 41 Radulph de Maydestone . 1239 42 Peter de Eg●eblad● . 1268 43 John Breton , the geat Lawyer . 1275 44 S. Thomas Canterupe , 〈◊〉 of Oxford , and L. Chan. 1282 45 Richard Swinfeild . 1317 46 Adam de Orlton , L. 〈◊〉 . translto Worcest . 1327 47 Thomas Carlton , Deputy of Ireland , and L. Treas . 1344 48 John Trilleck . 1361 49 Lud. Charlton . 1369 50 Gul. Courtney , tr . to London . * 1376 51 John Gilbert , L. Treas . tr . to S. Davids . 1389 52 John Treffant . 1405 53 Robert Mascall . 1417 54 Edm. Lacy , tr . to Exeter . 1420 55 Tho. Polton , tr . to Chichess . 1422 56 Tho. Spofford . 1448 57 Rich. Beauchamp , tr . to Sarum , * 1450 58 Reginald Butler . * 1453 59 John Staubery . 1574 60 Tho. Milling . 1492 61 Edm. Audley , tr . to Sarum . * 1502 62 Adrian de Castello , tr . to Welles . 1504 63 Rich. Mayo , Chan. of Oxford . 1516 64 Charles Boothe . 1535 65 Edward Foxe . 1539 66 John Skipp . 1553 67 John Harley . 1554 68 Robert Persewe . 1559 69 John Scorie . 1585 70 Herbert Westfaling . 1602 71 Robert Benner ,   72 Francis Godwin . 1633 73 Augustin Lindsell . 1634 74 Matthew Wrenn . 1635 75 Theophilus Feild . 1636 76 Ge●● Cooke , now Bishop . 1639. LLANDAFF , and the Bishops there . LLandaff is one of the most ancient Bishops Sees either in England or Wales ; and claimeth a direct succession from the Arch-Bishops of Caerleon upon Vske , as unto the Bishopricke ; though for the Metropolitan dignity it bee content to let S. Davids , have what is left thereof . The first Bishop here , of whom is any good record , is S. Dubritius , consecrate Bishop of this places by Lupus and Germanus , what time they came hither out of France , for the extirpation of the Pelagian heresie . The Church here dedicated to S. Thelians , the next successour to S. Dubritius ; founded upon the River Taffi , and thence called Llandaff ; Llan , in the Welch tongue , signifying a Church ; a Church very well endowed by the munificence and piety of great persons in those times : so well , that as it is affirmed by Bishop Godwin , were it possessed now of the tenth part onely of what once it had , it might be reckoned one of the richest Churches in all Christendome . The ruine of it came in the time of Bishop Dunstan , alias Kitchin , who thereupon is called sundi nostri calamitas by Bishop Godwin ; The Diocese containeth onely part of Glamorganshire , and part of Momnouthshire , though the most of each : and in those parts , 177. Parishes , whereof 98. impropriations and for them one ▪ Arch-Deacon , which is called of Llandaff . The Bishopricke is valued in the Kings bookes , 154. li. 14. s. 1. d. the Clergy paying for their tenth , somewhat neere that summe , viz. 155. li. 5. s. 4. d. It is to be observed , or may be if it please the Reader , that neither here , nor at Saint Davids , there is any Deane , nor never was in any of the times before us : the Bishop being head of the severall Chapters ; and in his absence the Arch-Deacon here , as is the Chanter at S. Davids . Bishops of Llandaff . A. Ch.     1 S. Dubritius . 522 2 S. Telian , alias Eliud .   3 S. Oudoceus .   4 Ubilwmus .   5 Ardanus .   6 ●●gistil .   7 Limapejus .   8 Comegern .   9 Argwistill .   10 Garvan .   11 Guodioin .   12 Edilbmus .   13 Grecielus .   14 Berrhgwen .   15 Trychan .   16 Elvogus .   17 Cargwaret .   18 Cerenhir .   19 Nobis .   20 Gulfridus .   21 Nudd .   22 Cimelianc .   23 Libian .   24 Marclnith .   25 Pater . 982 25 Gogwan . 993 27 Bledri . 1022 28 Joseph . 1056 29 Herewaldus . 1107 30 Urbanus . Vacat sedes Annos . 6. 1139 31 Uhtred . 1148 32 Galfridus . 1153 33 Nicolas ap Gurgaur . 1183 34 Gul. de Salso Marisco .   35 Henricus . 1219 36 Gulielmus . 1229 37 Elias de Radnor . 1244 38 Gul. de Burgo . 1253 39 John La Wate . 1256 40 Gul. de Radner . 1265 41 Gul. de Brews . Vacat sedes Annos 9. 1296 42 John Monumeteus . 1323 43 John Eglescliffe . 1347 44 John Pascall . 1362 45 Roger Cradoc . 1383 46 Thomas Rushooke , translated to Chichester . 1385 47 Gul. de Bottlesham , translated to Rochester . 1389 48 Edm. Bromfeld . 1391 49 Tidemannus , translated to Worcester . 1395 50 Andrew Barrer .   51 John Burghill , translated to Lichfeild . 1399 52 Thomas Peverell , translated to Worcester . 1408 53 John Zouch . * 1423 54 John Wells . 1441 55 Nicolas Ashby . 1458 56 John Hunden .   57 John Smith . 1478 58 John Marshall .   59 John Ingleby . 1504 60 Miles Salley . 1516 61 George Athequa . 1537 62 Robert Holgate , translated to Yorke . 1545 63 Anthony Kitchin. Vacat sedes , Annos . 3. 1566 64 Hugh Jones . 1575 65 Gul. Blethin . 1591 66 Gervase Babington , translated to Oxford . 1595 67 William Morgan , tr . the Bible into Welch . 1601 68 Francis Godwin , tr . to Hereford . 1618 69 George Carleton , tr . to Chich. 1619 70 Thoph . Feild , tr . to S. Davids . 1628 71 John Murrey , Bishop of Kilfanore in Ireland . 1639 72 Morgan Owen , now Bishop there 1641. LINCOLN , and the Bishops there . THe Bishopricke of Lincoln , like that of Exeter , was once two Dioceses : the Bishops of the which had their severall seates , the one at Dorchester now a private Village , seven miles from Oxford ; the other at Sidnacester , not farre from Gainsburgh , ( as Camden thinkes ) in the County of Lincoln , the ruines of the which are now invisible . But Sidnacester being in little time united unto Dorchester ; the Bishops See was not long after removed to Lincoln : and that by reason of a Canon made about that time , viz. An. 1075. by which all Bishops were enjoyned to live in the most famous and conspicuous place within their Dioceses . Which was the cause , why many of our Bishops did about this time remove their Sees ; as we have seene already , and shall see hereafter . For the Cathedrall Church here , it s of no more standing then the removall of the Bishops See to this place from Dorchester ; that which was once here founded by Paulinus , Arch-Bishop of Yorke , having beene long before this time quite ruined . But when Remigius translated hither the Episcopall Chaire , hee also built this Church for receipt thereof . Which being not long after defaced by fire , was for the most part repaired and beautified by Bishop Alexander , one of his successours : but brought unto that state in which now it is , by Hugh of Burgundy , and certaine other of the Bishops the Church is dedicated to the Virgin Mary , and All Saints . As for the Diocese , it is the greatest still for jurisdiction , and was once one of the greatest for revenue in all the Kingdom . But for the jurisdiction that hath been shortned , though at severall times : the Bishoprick of Ely being taken out of it by King Henry the first , as those of Peterburgh , and Oxford , by King Henry 8. yet still it is the largest Diocese in all the Kingdome ; containing the whole Counties of Lincoln , Leicester , Huntingdon , Bedford , Buckingham , and part of Herefordshire . In which great quantity of ground , there are 1255. Parishes , whereof 577. are impropriations ; for government of which under the Diocesan , there are sixe Arch-Deacons , viz. of Lincoln , Leicester , Bedford , Buckingham , Stow , & Huntingdon . The Clergies tenth is answerable unto this great extent of jurisdictiō , being no lesse then 1751. li. 14. s. 6. d. The Bishoprick being valued at 894. li. 10. s. 1. d. 0b . in the K. bookes . Now for the dignity of this feare , wee will adde but this , that it hath yeelded to the Church three Saints , and to Rome one Cardinall ; unto the realme of England sixe Lord Chancellours , and one Lord Treasurer , and one Lord Keeper ; foure Chancellours to the University of Oxford , two to Cambridge ; And that the Bishops here , were heretofore Vice chancellours to the See of Canterbury , Which being thus premised , I shall proceede in ordering the Bishops here , as I did at Exeter . Bishops of Sidnacester . A. ch .   678 1 Eadhedus .   2 Ethelwinus .   3 Edgar .   4 Kinelbertus . 733 5 Alwigh . 751 6 Eadulfus . 764 7 Ceolulfus . 787 8 Eadulfus , II. after whose death this Church being a long time vacant , was joyned to Dorchester . Bishops of Dorchester . 635 1 Birinus . 650 2 Agilbertus .   ✚ ✚ ✚ 737 3 Tota . 764 4 Edbertus .   5 Werenbertus . 768 6 Unwora . 816 7 Rethunus . 851 8 Aldredus . 873 9 Ceolredus .   10 Halardus .   ✚ ✚ ✚ 905 11 Ceolulfus .   12 Leoswinus , who first united the See of Sadnacester , unto that of Dorchester . 960 13 Ailnothus .   14 Asewinus .   15 Alshelinus .   16 Eadnothus . 1016 17 Eadhericus . 1034 18 Eadnothus . II. 1052 19 Ulsus Normannus . 1053 20 Wulfinus , after whose death Remizius his successour removed the Bishops See to Lincoln , who from hence forward are to be entituled Bishops of Lincoln . 1070 21 Remigius de Feschamp S. 1092 22 Robert Bloet . L. Chan. 1123 23 Alexander , L. Chan. 1147 24 Robert de Chesney . Vacat sedes , Annos 17. 1183 25 Walter de Constantiis , L. Chan. 1186 26 S. Hugh . 1203 27 Gul. Bleserrsis . Vacat , Annos 3. 1209 28 Hugo Wallis , L. Chan. 1235 29 Robert Grosthead . 1254 30 Henry Lexington . 1258 31 Benedict de Gravesend . 1280 32 Oliver Sutton . 1300 33 John Aldbery . 1319 34 Thomas Beake . 1320 35 Henry Eurwesh , L. Treas . * 1341 36 Thomas Le Beck . 1351 37 John Sinwell . 1363 38 John Bokingham . 1397 39 Henry Beauford . * 1405 40 Phil. de Repingdon , Card. Ch. Ox. 1420 41 Richard Flemming . 1431 42 Gul. Grey . 1436 43 Gul. Alnwick . 1450 44 Marm. Lumley , Chan. Camb. 1452 45 John Chadworth . 1471 46 Thomas Rotheram , Lord Chancel . and Ch. cambr . 1480 47 John : Russell , Lord Chan. and Chan. Oxford . Vacat Annos 5. 1495 48 Gul. Smith , Chan. Oxford . 1412 49 Thomas Wolsey Almoner , trransl . to Yorke . 1414 50 Gul. Atwater . 1521 51 John Longland , Chan. Oxford . 1547 52 Henry 〈…〉 bech . 1552 53 John Tayler . 1553 54 John White . 1557 55 Thomas Watson . 1559 56 Nicolas Bullingham . 1570 57 Thomas Cowper , tr . to Winton . 1584 58 Will. Wickham , tr . to Winton . 1594 59 Will. Chadderton . 1608 60 Will. Barlowe . 1613 61 Rich. Neyle , tr . to Durham . 1617 62 Geo. Monteine , tr . to London . 1921 63 John Williams , L. Keeper , now Bishop of Lincoln . 1641. LONDON , and the Bishops there . LOndon was heretofore the principall of the three Arch-bishopricks amongst the Britons , and by Pope Gregory was intended to have beene so too amongst the English : but that Saint Austin whom hee sent to convert the Saxons , liking of Canterbury well , resolved to set his staffe up there , without going further . This had before beene prophecied by Merlin , that Dignitas Londoniae adornaret Doroberniam , and was now accomplished . What , and how many were the Arch-bishops here , we have no good Constat . Sixteene are named by Bishop Godwin , but with no great confidence : but howsoever doe nor come within my compasse , who have confined my selfe to the Saxons time , in the first infancie of whose conversion , this City was designed for a Bishops See. The Cathed , Church built also in those early dayes by Ethelbert , the first Christian King of all the English ; but afterwards much beautified and enlarged by Erkenwald , the fourth Bishop . Which Church of theirs being 500. yeeres after destroyed by fire : that which now stands was built in the place thereof , by Mauritius , Richardus his successour , and certaine others of the Bishops ; a great part of it at their owne charge , the residue by a generall contribution over all the Kingdome . And when it was defaced by fire in the late Queenes time , An. 1561. the Qu. forthwith directed her letters to the Major of London , willing him ( as Iohn Stowe , the City Chronicler reports it ) to take order for speedy repairing of the same : which was done accordingly . The Bishop of this Diocese hath precedencie before all Bishops of the Realme , next the two Arch-bishops , together with the dignity and place of Deane , unto the Metropolitan See of Canterbury . The nature of which office is , not onely to preside over the rest of the Bishops at Synodicall meetings , in case the Metropolitan be absent : but to receive his mandats , for assembling Synods , and other businesse of the Church ; and having so received them , to intimate the tenour and effect thereof to the Suffragan Prelates . Examples of the which see in the Acts and Monuments . And for this Diocese it selfe , it containeth in it the two Counties of Middlesex , and Essex , with that part of Hertsordshire , which is not in the Diocese of Lincoln : wherein are reckoned 623. Parishes , and of them 189. impropriated : for government whereof there are five Arch-Deacons , viz. of London , Middlesex , Essex , Colchester , and Saint Albans . Valued it is in the Kings bookes 1119. li. 8. s. 4. d. the Clergies tenth amounting to the summe of 821. li 15. s. 1. d. Finally , this See hath yeelded to the Church three Saints , to the State nine Lord Chancellours , sixe Lord. Treasurers , one Chancellour of the Exchequer , two Masters of the Rolls , besides foure Almoners to the Court , and two Chancellours to the University of Oxford ; whose names occurre amongst these following . Bishops of London . 606 1 S. Melitus , tr . to Cant.     ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 654 2 Ceadda . 666 3 Wina . 665 4 S. Erkonwald . 685 5 Waldherus .   6 Ingualdus .   7 Egwolfus .   8 Wighed .   9 Eadbright .   10 Edgarus .   11 Kenwalchus .   12 Eadbaldus .   13 Hecbertus . 801 14 Osmundus , alias Oswinus . 833 15 Ethelnothus .   16 Ceolbertus .   17 Renulfus , alias Ceonulfus ,   18 Suithulfus . 851 19 Eadslanus . 860 20 Wulfius .   21 Ethelwardus .   22 Elstan . 898 23 Theodredus .   24 Walstanus .   25 Brithelmus . 958 36 Dunstanus , S. tr . to Cant. 962 27 Alfstanus .   28 Wulfstanus .   29 Alhumus .   30 Alwy .   31 Elfwardus . 1044 32 Robert Normannus . 1050 33 Gul. Normannus . 1070 34 Hugo de Orevalle . 1087 35 Mauritius , L. Chan. 1108 36 Richard de Beaumis . 1128 37 Gilbertus . Vacat sedes , Annos 7. 1140 38 Robert de Sigillo . 1151 39 Richard Beaumis . II. 1161 40 Gilbert Folior . 1189 41 Richard Nigellus , L. Treas . 1199 42 Gul. de S. Maria. 1222 43 Eustatius de Falconbridge . Chan. of the Exchequer , and L. Treas . * 1229 44 Roger Nigor . 1244 45 Fulco Basset . * 1259 46 Henry de Wingham . , L. Treas . 1261 47 Richard Talbot . 1263 48 Henry de Sandwich . 1274 49 John de Chisul . L. Chan. and L. Treas . 1280 50 Richard de Gravesend . 1305 51 Radulf de Baldock , L. Chan. 1313 52 Gilbert Segrave . 1317 53 Richard Newport . 1318 54 Stephen Gravesend . 1338 55 Richard Bentworth , L. Chan. 1339 56 Radulf Straford . 1355 57 Nicol. Northbrooke . 1361 58 Sim. Sudbury , tr . to Cant. 1375 59 Gul. Courtney , Chan. Ox. transl . to Cant. * 1381 60 Rob Braybroke . 1404 61 Roger Walden , L. Treas . 1406 62 Nicolas Bubweth , Master of Rolls , and L. Treas . 1407 63 Richard Giffard . 1421 64 John Kemp. L. Chan tr . to Cant. 1426 65 Gul. Grey , tr . to Lincoln . 1431 66 Robert Fitz-Hugh . * 1435 67 Robert Gilbert . 1449 68 Thomas Kemp. 1489 69 Richard Hill. 1497 70 Thomas Savage . 1500 71 Will. Warham , L. Chan. transl . to Cant. 1505 72 William Barnes . 1506 73 Richard Fitz-James . 1522 74 Cutbert Tunstall , tr . to Durham . 1530 75 John Stokesley . 1540 76 Edm. Bonner , displa . by K. Edw. 6. 1549 77 Nicolas Ridley , displaced by Qu. Mary , and Bonner restored againe , 1553. 1559 78 Edm. Grindall , tr . to Yorke . 1570 79 Edwin Sandis , tr . to Yorke . 1576 80 John Elmer , Bishop Almoner . 1594 81 Richard Fletcher , Bishop Almoner 1597 82 Richard Bancroft , tr . to Cant. 1604 83 Richard Vaughan . 1607 84 Thomas Ravis . 1609 85 George Abbot , tr . to Cant. 1611 86 John King. 161 87 George Monteine , Bishop Almoner . 1628 88 Will. Laud. Ch. Oxford , transl . to Cant. 1633 89 William Juxon , Bishop of London , and L. Treas . 1641. NORWICH , and the Bishops there . THe Diocese of Norwich , like those of Exeter and Lincoln , was once two Bishopricks : the one of Suffolk , whose seate was D 〈…〉 ich on the Sea shoare ; the other of Norfolk , whose See was at North-Elmham , now a poore Village not farre from Repeham . The Bishop of the first was Felix a Burgundian , who first converted the East-Angles . The third from him was Bisus , who finding himselfe , by reason of his age , too weake for so great a burden , divided his Diocese into two , making North Elmham the Episcopall seate for that part of the whole which we now call Norfolke . Both of them lay long dead in the times of the Danish furie : that of North-Elmham after an hundred yeeres desolation , reviving onely ; the other laid to rest for ever . North Elmham thus possessed of the whole jurisdiction , could not hold it long : the Bishops . See being removed to Thelford first by Herfastus ; as afterwards from thence to Norwich by Herebert Losinga . There it hath since continued till these very times , though nothing else continue of it but the See alone , For all the lands thereto belonging were taken from it by King Henry the 8. those which did formerly appertaine unto the Monastery of Saint Bennets in the Holme ( by that King dissolved ) being assigned unto it by exchange . For which consult , the Statute , 32. H. 8. 47. in the which Statute it is said that the lands given in recompence were of a greater yeerely value then those taken from it . So that the Bishop , as it seemes , got in revenue then , though he lost in priviledge . For whereas the Bishops here had the first fruits of all the Benefices within the Diocese , by an ancient custome : that was united to the Crowne by Act of Parliament , 26. H. 8. c. 3. Now for the Church of Norwich , it was founded first by him who first removed hither the Bishops See , even by Herebertus Losinga ; and by him dedicated to the blessed Trinity : Which being much defaced by fire , ( which was it seemes , a common calamity of all the Churches of those times ) was afterwards repaired by Iohn of Oxford , the third after him ; and once againe being fire-touched , by Bishop Midleton , who brought it to that state in which now it stands . This See hath yeelded to the Church two Saints , to the Realme five Chancellours , one Lord Treasurer , and one Lord Chiefe Justice , one Bishop Almoner to the Court , and to the King one principall Secretary of State. The Diocese containeth in the two Counties of Norfolke and Suffolke , 1121. Parish Churches , whereof 385. impropriate : for better ordering of the which it hath foure Arch-Deacons , viz. of Norwich , Norfolke , Suffolke , and Sudb●ry . Finally , this Bishoprick is valued in the King's bookes , 899. li. 18. s 7. d. ob . The tenth of the whole Clergy amounting to the summe of 1117. li. 13. s. ob . Now for the line of Norwich it is thus drawne downe . Bishops of the East-Angles . A. Ch.   630 1 S Felix . 647 2 Thomas Diaconus . 652 3 Bregilfus . 665 4 Bisus , by whom this Diocese was divided into those of Elmham . Dunwich .   1 Bedwinus .   1 Acca .   2 Northbertus .   2 Astwolfus .   3 Headulacus . 734 3 Eadfarihus .   4 Eadilfredus .   4 Cuthwinus .   5 Lanferthus .   5 Aldberthus .   6 Athelwolsus .   6 Aglafius .   7 Alcarus .   7 Hardulfus .   8 Sibba .   8 Aelphunus .   9 Alherdus .   9 Thedfridus .   10 S. Humbertus , after whose death , both Sees lay vacant for the space of 100. yeeres .   10 Werēundus .         11 Wilredus . the last Bishop of Dunwich . 955 11 Astulphus , Bishop of both Sees .   12 Alfridus .   13 Theodredus .   14 Athelstan .   15 Algarus .   16 Alwinus .   17 Alfricus . 1038 18 Alifrejus .   19 Stigandus , tr . to Winton . 1043 20 Grinketell . 1047 21 Ethelmar . 〈◊〉 22 Herfastus , who removed the See to Thetford , L. Chan.   23 Gul. Galsagus , L. Chan. after whose death the Bishops See was removed to Norwich , and his successours thence intituled Bishops of Norwich . 1088 24 Herebert Losinga , L. Chan. 1120 25 Everardus . 1151 26 Gul. Turbus . 1177 27 John Oxford . 1200 28 John Grey , L. Chiefe Justice . Vacat Annos . 7. 1222 29 Pandulphus . 1226 30 Tho. de Blundeville . 1236 31 Radulphus . Vacat Annos 3. 1239 32 Gul. Ralegh , tr . to Winton . 1244 33 Walter de Sufeild . 1253 34 Simon de Wantam . 1268 35 Roger de Skerwing . 1278 36 Gul. Middleton . 1288 37 Radul . Walpoole , translated to Ely. 1299 38 John Salmon , L. Chan. 1325 39 Robert Baldock , Lord Chancellour . 1325 40 William Ayermyn , Lord Keeper , and L. Treas . 1337 41 An● de Beck .   42 Gul Bateman . 1354 43 Tho. Percy . * 1370 44 Henry Spencer . 1408 45 Alexander . 1413 46 Richard Courtney . * 1416 47 John Wakering . 1426 48 Gulielmus Alnwick , translated to Lincoln . 1436 49 Tho. Browne . 1445 50 Walter Harr. 1472 51 James Goldwell , principall Secretary . 1499 52 Tho. Jan. 1500 53 Richard Nix . 1536 54 Gul. Rugg , alias Reppes . 1550 55 Thomas Thirleby , translated to Ely. 1554 56 John Hopton . 1560 57 John Parkhurst . 1575 58 Edm. Freke , translated to Worcester . 1584 59 Edm. Scambler . 1594 60 Gul. Redman . 1602 61 John Jegon . 1618 62 John Overall . 1619 63 Sam. Harsnet , tr . to . Yorke . 1628 64 Fr. White , Almoner , tr . to Ely. 1632 65 Richard Corbet . 1635 66 Matthew Wrenn , Deane of the Chappell , tr . to Ely. 1638 67 Richard Montague , Bishop of Norwich , died 1641. OXFORD , and the Bishops there . THe Bisho prick of Oxford is of new erection , first founded by King Henry 8. and by him endowed our of the lands belonging to the late dissolved Monasteries of Abingdon and Osney . It was before a part of the Diocese of Lincoln : and being now made a Bisho prick , had first the Abbey Church of Osney ( being some halfe a mile from Oxford ) for its Cathedrall , Anno 1541. from whence it was removed to Oxford about five yeeres after . That which is now the Cathedrall , was anciently dedicated to Saint Frideswide : but being by King Henry made the Bishops See , was entituled Christ Church : the Chapter there consisting of a Deane and eight Prebendaries by him also founded , part of the lands which had been purchased or procured by Cardinall Wolsey for the indowment of his Colledge , being allotted thereunto . This Bisho prick was founded then , An. 1541. and from that time , unto the yeere , 1603. when Doctor Bridges was made Bishop , are 63. yeeres onely , or there abouts : of which it was kept vacant above 40 yeeres even almost all the long raigne of Queene Elizabeth ; to the impoverishing of the Church , before well endowed . The Diocese containeth onely the County of Oxford , and therein 195. Parish Churches , of which 88. are impropriated . It hath but one Arch-Deacon , which is he of Oxford ; is valued in the Kings bookes , 354. li. 16. s. 4. d. ob . the Clergies tenth comming unto 255. li. 8. s. Bishops of Oxford . A Ch.   1541 1 Robert King , last Abbat of Osney . Vacat Ann. 10. 1567 2 Hugh Curwyn . Vacat Ann. 20. 1589 3 John Underhill . Vacat Ann. 11. 1603 4 John Bridges . 1619 5 John Howson , tr . to Durham . 1628 6 Richard Corber , tr . to Norwich . 1632 7 John Bancrost , died Bishop of Oxford ; Anno 1640. PETER BURGH , and the Bishops there . THe Bishoprick of Peterburgh is of new erection , and taken also out of Lincoln , as Oxford was . The Cathedrall Church was anciendy a Monastery , the place or towne of old called Med●shamstede ; but on the building of the Abby-Church , founded by Wolpher King of the Mercians , Anno 633 and by him dedicated to Saint Peter , it gained the name of Peterburgh . This Church by him thus built , was after ruined by the Danes , and againe built and beautified by Ethelwoldus Bishop of Winton , Anno 960. or there abouts : upon whose mediation it was exceedingly liberally endowed by Edgar then King of England ; Adulph then Chancellour to that King , giving unto it also his whole estate . Thus it continued in a flourishing and faire estate , untill King Henry dissolved it : and having so dissolved it , did by his Letters Parents make it a Bishops See , and founded also here a Chapter consisting of a Deane and sixe Prebendaries . The Diocese hereto allotted , containeth the two Countics of Northhampton , ( in the which Peter burgh standeth ) and Rutland : and in them both 293. Parishes , whereof 91. are impropriate . It hath but one Arch-Deacon , which is entituled of Northhampton : is valued in the Kings bookes 414. li. 19. s. 11. d. the Clergy paying for their tenth , 520. li. 16. 〈◊〉 . 8. d. Bishops of Peterburgh . A. Ch.   1541 1 John Chamber , the last Abbat of Peter burgh . 1557 2 David Poole . 1560 3 Edm. Scamber , tr . to Norwich . 1584 4 Richard Howland . 1600 5 Thomas Dove . 1630 6 Gul. Piers , tr . to Welles . 1632 7 Augustine Lindsell , tr . to Heref. 1634 8 John Dee of Chichester . 1638 9 John Towers , Dean of Peter burgh , now Bishop here . 1639. ROCHESTER , and the Bishops there . THe Bishoprick of Rochester , is the most ancient next to Canterbury , of all in England : a Bishops See being here erected by that S. Austin , who first did preach the Gospel unto the Saxons , Anno 606. which was about ten yeeres after his entrance into England . The Cathedrall Church here , first erected by Ethelbert King of Kent , when it was first made a Bishops See ; and by him dedicated to Saint Andrew : which growing ruinous and dedicated , was afterwards repaired by Gundulphus , one of the Bishops of the same , about the yeere 1080. This Bishoprick was anciently , and a long time together , in the immediate Patronage of the Arch Bishop of Canterbury ; who did dispose thereof as to them seemed best ; and so continued , till under the pretence of free and capitular elections , the Popes had brought all Churches into their owne hands . However after this , the Bishops of Rochester owed more then ordinary obedience to their Metropolitan : and in all solemne Pompes were commonly their Crosse-bearers . The Diocese hereof is the least in England , containing onely a small part of Ke●t , and therein not above 98. Parishes , of which 36. impropriate : for ordering of which jurisdiction , there needed not but one Arch-Deacon , which is he of Rochester . Nor is the valuation much , either of the Bishoprick , or of the Clergy : the one being in the Kings bookes , 358 li. 3. s. 〈◊〉 . d. q. the other paying for their tenth , the least of any of the English , viz. 222. li. 14. 6 d. ob . q. And yet this little See hath yeelded to this Realme , one Chancellour , one Lord Keeper of the great Seale , and one Lord Treasurer , and to the Church of Rome , one Cardinall . The Bishop of this Church writes himselfe Roffensis . Bishops of Rochester . A. Ch.   606 1 Justus , tr . to Canterbury . 622 2 Romanus . 631 3 Paulinus , Arch-Bishop of Yorke . 644 4 Ithamar . 656 5 Damianus . 669 6 Putta . 676 7 Quichelmus . 681 8 Gebmundus . 693 9 Tobias . 717 10 Adulfus . 741 11 Duina . 747 12 Eardulfus .   13 Diora .   14 Weremundus . 800 15 Beornmod .   16 Tadnoth .   17 Bedenoth .   18 Godwinus .   19 Cutherwolf .   20 Swithulfus .   21 Buiricus .   22 Cheolmund .   23 Chireferth .   24 Burrhicus .   25 Alfanus . 984 26 Godwinus . II.   27 Godwinus . III. 1058 28 Siwardus . 1075 29 Arnostus . 1077 30 Gundulphus . 1108 31 Gadulphus , tr . to Cant. 1115 32 ●arnulphus . S. 1125 33 Johannes . 1137 34 Ascelinus . 1147 35 Walterus . 1183 36 Gualeranus . 1185 37 Gilbertus Glanvill . 1214 38 Benedictus . 1227 39 Henry de Samford . 1238 40 Richard de Wendover . 1251 41 Laurent . de S. Martino . 1274 42 Walt. de Merron , L. Chan. 1278 43 John de Bradfeild . 1283 44 Tho. de Inglethorp . 1291 45 Tho. de Wuldham . 1319 46 Haimo de Heath . 1352 47 John de Shepey , L. Treas . 1361 48 Gul. de Witlesey , tr . to Worcest . 1363 49 Tho. Trilley . 1372 50 Tho. Brinton . 1389 51 Gul. de Bottlesham . 1400 52 Joh. de Bottlesham . 1404 53 Richard Young. 1419 54 John Kemp , tr . to Chichester . 1422 55 John Langdon . 1434 56 Tho. Browne , tr . to Norwich . 1436 57 Gul. de Welles . 1443 58 John Lowe . 1467 59 Tho. Rotheram , tr . to Lincoln . 1471 60 John Alcock , L. K. tr . to Worcester . 1476 61 John Russell , tr . to Lincoln . 1480 62 Edm. Audley , tr . to Heresord . * 1492 63 Tho. Savage , tr . to London . 1496 64 Rich. Fitz-James , tr . to Chichester . 1504 65 John Fisher , Cardinall . 1536 66 John Hilsey . 1539 67 Nic. Heath , Almoner , tr . to Wor● . 1544 68 Henry Holbech , tr . to Lincoln . 1547 69 Nic. Ridley , tr . to London . 1550 70 Jo. Poynet , tr . to Winton . 1551 71 John Scory , tr . to Chichester . 1554 72 Maurice Griffin . 1559 73 Edm. Gheast , tr . to Sarum . 1571 74 Edm. Freake , tr . to Norwich . 1576 75 John Piers , Almoner , tr . to Sarum . 1578 76 Jo. Young. 1605 77 Gul. Barlowe , tr . to Lincoln . 1608 78 Rich. Neyle , tr . to Lichfeild . 1611 79 John Buckeridge , tr . to Ely. 1627 80 Walt. Curle , tr . to Welles . 1630 81 John Bowle , now Bishop , 1637. 1637 82 John Warner , Deane of Lichfeild . now Bishop of Rochester , 1641. SALISBURY , and the Bishops there . THe Bishoprick of Salisbury succeeded in the rights of two severall Dioceses , whereof the one had its Cathedrall or chiefe See at Sherborn , in the County of Dorset ; the other at Wilton , once the chiefe towne of Wiltshire , but since the growth of Salisbury very much decayed . Of these the ancienter was Sherborn , whose Diocese extended once over all those Countries , which are now subject to the jurisdiction of Salisbury , Bristol , Welles , and Exeter . But Welles and Exeter being made peculiar Dioceses , Anno 905. as we there have shewed , another was erected the same time at Wiston also . Which when it had continued under nine Bishops , and no more , was then againe united unto Sherborne ; and both together presently removed to Salisbury , as being the chiefe City of these parts , and consequently more fit for a Bishops See. And yet it stayed not long there neither , being removed againe in little time , unto a more convenient place . For by Hermannus it was fixed upon the hill , in that old fortified towne , now called old Salisbury : which being found by soone experience to be no proper seate for a Bishops dwelling ; the See was presently brought lower , and with it the towne . Hermannus who removed the See from Sherborne , did first begin the Church at old Sarum ( for so some Latine writers call it ) which Osmund his successor finished . Rich. sirnamed Poore , the fourth from Osmund , removed the See into the Valley , and first began that Church which wee , now see standing : whcih being finished in the yeere 1258. by Bishop Bridport , was ded cated to the honour of the blessed Virgin. Thus was the See of Sherborne removed to Salisbury , where it hath ever since continued in great fame and lustre . As for the priviledges of this Church , the Bishops anciently did claime to be Praecentors to their Metropolitan , and of more late dues to bee Chancellours of the most noble order of the Garter . Which office being instituted by King Edward 4. and by him vested in the person of Rich. Beauchamp of Sarum , and his successors in that See : was after in the new Statutes made by Henry 8. left solely to the Kings disposing , either to Clergy-man or Lay-man , as to them seemed best . Nor hath it beene enjoyed by any Clergy-man since that time , though in the yeere 1608. it was much laboured for by Bishop Cotton . This Diocese containeth in it the Counties of Berks , and Wiltes , ( for that of Dorset was dismembred from it by King Henry 8. and laied to Bristol , ) and in them two , 544. Parish Churches , of which 109. are impropriations . It hath moreover three Arch-Deacons , viz. of Salisbury , Berks , and Wilts ; is valued in the Kings bookes , 1367. li. 11. s. 8. d. the Clergy paying for their tenth , 901. li. 8. s. 1. d. Finally , this See hath yeelded to the Church one Saint , and to Rome two Cardinals , unto the Realme of England , one Lord Cheife Justice , three Lord Chancellours , two Lord Treasurers , as many Masters of the Rolls ; two Chancellours to the University of Oxford , and one to Cambridge . The Bishops of this See , we will Marshall thus . Bishops of Sherborne . A. Ch.   705 1 Adhelmus . 709 2 Fordhere . 738 3 Herewaldus .   4 Ethelwaldus .   5 Denefrith .   6 Wilbertus . 817 7 Easthanus . 868 8 Eadmundus . 872 9 Eheleage .   10 Alsy .   11 Asserius , sirnamed Menevensis . 883 12 Swithelmus , alias Sigelmus .   13 Ethelwaldus , II. after whose death this Diocese was divided into many parts , those of Welles , Cridington , and Saint Germans , ( both which now make Exe●er ) being taken out of it , Anno 905. by Plegmundus Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . At which time also there was another See erected for these parts at Wilton , whose seate was sometimes there , and sometimes also at Ramsbury , and Sunning . Bishops of Sherborn . Wilton . A. Ch.         905 14 Werstanus . 905 1 Ethelstanus . 918 15 Ethelbaldus .   2 Odo .   16 Sigelmus . II. 934 3 Osulphus . 934 17 Alfredus . 970 4 Alfstanus . 940 18 Wulfeinus . 981 5 Alfgarus . 958 19 Alfwoldus .   6 Siricus , tr . to Cant. 978 20 Ethelricus .         21 Ethelsius . 989 7 Alfricus , tr . to Cant.   22 Brithwinus .       1009 23 Elmerus . 998 8 Brithwoldus .   24 Brinwin . 1045 9 Hermannus , the last Bishop of Wilton .   25 Elfwoldus , after whose death Hermannus , who had before beene Bishop of Wilton , and resigned that Church , because the Monkes of Malmesbury would not give him leave to remove his See Episcopall unto their Abby ; was made Bishop of She●borne : and having joyned both Sees together , did shortly after remove both to Salisbury : of which himselfe , and his successors were afterwards entituled       Bishops of Salisbury .   26 Hermannus , the 26 Bishop of this Diocese , and first that had his See at Sarum .   27 S. Osmundus , L. Chan. 1107 28 Rogerus , L. Chiefe Justice , Lord Chan. and L. Treas . 1139 29 Jocelinus . Vacat sedes Ann. 4. 1189 30 Hubertus Walter , tr . to Cant. 1193 31 Herebertus Pauper . 1217 32 Richard Poore . 1229 33 Robert Bingham . 1247 34 Gul. Eboracensis . 1256 35 Egidius de Bird-port . 1263 36 Walter de la Wile . 1274 37 Robert de Wike-hampton . 1284 38 Walter Scammell . 1287 39 Henry de Braundston . 1289 40 Gul. de la Corner . 1291 41 Nicolas Longespee . * 1298 42 Simon de Gandavo . 1315 43 Roger de Mortivall . 1329 44 Robert Wivill . 1375 45 Radulph Erghum , tr . to Welles ▪ 1388 46 John Waltam , Master of the Rolls , and L. Treas . 1395 47 Richard Metford . 1407 48 Nicolas Bubwith , tr . to Welles . 1408 49 Rob. Hallam , Card. Chan. Oxford . 1417 50 John Chaundler . 1427 51 Robert Nevill . * 1438 52 Will. Aiscoth , Clerk of the Coun. 1450 53 Richard Beauchamp , first Chan. of the G. * 1482 54 Lionell Widdeville , Chancel . Oxford . * 1485 55 Tho. Langton , tr . to Winton . 1493 56 John Blythe , Master of the Rolls , Chan. of Cambridge . 1500 57 Henry Deane , tr . to Cant. 1502 58 Edmund Audley . * 1524 59 Laurence Campejus , Card. 1535 60 Nicolas Shaxton . 1539 61 John Salcot , alias Capon . 1559 63 John Juell . 1571 64 Edm. Gheast , Bishop Almoner . 1578 65 John Piers Bishop Almoner , tr . to Yorke . Vacat Ann. 3. 1591 66 John Coldwell . Vacat Ann. 2. 1598 67 Henry Cotton . 1615 68 Robert Abbot . 1618 69 Martin Fotherby . 1620 70 Robert Tonson . 1621 71 John Davenant , died Bishop of Salisbury . 1641. WESTMINSER Bishops , Deans , and Ahbats . THe Bisho prick of Westminster , as it related to the Saxons , was of late erection ; and being so erected was of small continuance : but anciently in the Britons time , the Church there was the See for the Arch-bishop of London . For whereas some had found in some Record , that the Arch-Bishops See was planted in the Church of Saint Peter in Cornbill : certaine it is , that that was a mistake for Saint Peters in Thorney . Now Thorney is the ancient name of that , which is since called Westminster : and being an ancient Saxon name , was farre more likely to be meant by the first reporter , then that of Cornebill , which is meerely moderne . But this Arch-Bishoprick being brought to nothing by the Saxons , Sebert the first christned King of Essex , erected here a Church , where the former was , and dedicated it unto Saint Peter , as was that before , which standing Westward of Saint Pauls , was by the common people commonly called Westminster . This Temple of King Seberts , being in tract of time growne ruinous , and almost deserted , Edward the Confessour againe rebuilt , and liberally endowed , and stored with Monkes , by him removed hither from Exeter . After King Henry 3. taking downe the fabrick of the Confessour , erected it as now it standeth ; save that the Abbats much enlarged it towards the West , and that King Henry 7. built that most goodly Chappell at the East end thereof . The Abbats here had Archiepiscopall jurisdiction within their liberties , and had the keeping of the Regalia , and a chiefe service in the Coronation of the Kings of England , and place in Parliament : in all which rights , save that of Parliament , the Deanes now succeed them . For when this Monastery ( which at the suppression was valued at 3977. li. ) was dissolved by King Henry 8. first he erected here a Deanrie , Anno 1539. then added to the Deane a Bishop , Anno 1541. Thirleby the Bishop , having delapidated all the Patrimony to his See allotted ; and robbed S. Peter to pay Paul , as the saying is , was removed to Norwich , and so the Bisho prick determined ; having continued nine yeeres onely : and Middlesex , which was the Diocese thereof , was restored to London . Queene Mary afterwards brought in an Abbat , and her foundation being dissolved by Queene Elizabeth , she made it a Collegiate Church , consisting of a Deane and 12. Prebendaries , as it still continues . The Bishop , Deanes , and Abbat of Westminster . A Ch.   1539 1 Gul. Benson , the last Abbat , and first Deane . 1541 2 Thomas Thirleby , the one , and onely Bishop of Westminster , tr . to Norwich . 1550.   3 Richard Coxe Deane , after Bishop of Ely. 1553 4 Hugh Weston Deane . 1556 5 John Fechnam Abbat . 1560 6 Gul. Bill Deane . 1561 7 Gabriel Goodman . 1601 8 Lancelot Andrewes , after Bishop of Chichester , &c. 1605 9 Richard Neyle , after Bishop of Rochester , &c. 1610 10 George Monteine , after Bishop of Lincoln , &c. 1617 11 Robert Tonsou , after Bishop of Sarum . 1620 12 John Williams , Lord Keeper Bishop of Lincoln , and Deane of West . minster . 1641. WINCHESTER , and the Bishops there . THe Bisho prick of Winchester ( Wintoniensis in the Latine ) is of good antiquity , and never changed the See since the first foundation , as all the rest have done in the South-West parts . The City once the Regal seat of the West - Saxon Kings . The Cathedrall Church first founded and endowed by Kingil , or Kinegilsus , the first Christian K. of West-Sax : who gave unto it all the land within seven miles of winchester . Kinelwalchin , son unto this Kingil , went forwards with his fathers fabricke , ratified his donation , and added to it amongst other things , the Manors of Alresford , Down●en , and Worthy . The Church now standing was begun by Bishop Walkelin , the worke pursued by his successors , but yet not finished till the time of William de Wickham , who built the greatest part of the West end thereof . The Chappels on the East end beyond the Quite , had their severall founders . The whole Church dedicated first unto Saint Amphibalus , then to Saint Peter , after unto Saint swithin , once . Bishop here ; and last of all unto the blessed Trinity , as it still continues . The Bishops here are Chancellours to the See of Canterbury , and Prelates of the most noble order of Saint George , called the Garter : which office was first vested in them by King Edward 3. at the first foundation of that Order , and hath continued to them ever since . They were reputed anciently to be Earles of Southampton ; and are so stiled in the new Statutes of the Garter , made by Henry 8. but that now otherwise disposed of . Finally what for priviledge , and what for large possessions it was prized so high , that Henry of Bloys , ( he was the brother of King Stephen ) once Bishop here , had got a faculty from the Pope , to make it an Arch Bishops See ; seven of the Suffragans of Canterbury , being allotted thereunto . And William de Edington , one of the Bishops of this Church , being elected unto Canterbury , refused it , saying , though Canterbury had the highest rack , yet Winchester had the deepest manger . The Diocese hereof contained of old , the Counties of Surrey , and Southampton , and the Isle of Wight : to which was added in Qu. Elizabeths time , the Islles of Iarsey , Garnsey , Sack , and Aldern●y , once members of the Bishoprick of Constance in Normandy . Of these the English Isle and Counties containe 362. Parishes , of which , 131. impropriate ▪ the Isle of Iarsey , 121. and Garnsey with the other two , as many more . For government of the English part there are two Arch-Deachns , the one of Winchester ; and the other of Surrey : Iarsey is governed by a Deane or Commissary , according to the manner of the English Church ; and Garnsey with the Isles appendant , follow the fashions of Geneva . The Bishoprick was anciently valued in the Kings books , 3885 li. 3. s. 3. d. ob . q. now at , 2793. li. 4. s. 2. d. q● . q. lesse by a thousand pounds then before it was : which plainely sheweth that there hath beene a great abatement of the old revenue ; The tenth of the Clergy amounteth unto , 846. li. 12. d. Finally , this See hath yeelded to the Church seven Saints , and to Rome , two Cardinals ; to England , one Lord Chiefe Justice , sixe Lord Chancellours , two Lord Treasurers , one Lord Privie Seale , one Chancellour of the University of Oxford , another of the Exchequer , and 21. 〈◊〉 of the Garter , whose names are to be found amongst these following . Bishops of Winton . A. Ch :     1 Wina .   2 Eleurherius . 673 3 S. Headda . 704 4 Daniel . 744 5 Humfridus . 756 6 Kinchardus .   7 Hathelmardus , tr . ●o Cant.   8 Egbardus .   9 Dudda .   10 Kinebertus .   11 Alhmundus .   12 Wighthenius .   13 Herefridus . 834 14 Edmundus .   15 Helmstanus . 837 16 S. Swithinus . L. Chan. 863 17 Adhferthus . 871 18 Dumbertus . 879 19 Denewulfus .   20 S. Athelmus , alias Bertulfus . 905 21 S. Frithstanus . 931 22 Brinstanus . 946 23 Elpheus Calvus .   24 Elssinus , alias Alfius . 958 25 Brithelmus . 963 26 S. Ethelwoldus . 984 27 S. Elphegus . 1006 28 Kenulphus . 1008 29 S. Brithwoldus . 1015 30 Elsinus . 1038 31 Alwinus . 1043 32 Stigandus , tr . to Cant. 1070 33 Walkelinus . Vacat sedes , Annos 10. 1107 34 Gul. Giffard . 1129 35 Henricus Blesensis . * Vacat sedes , Annos 3. 1174 36 Richard Toclivius . 1189 37 Godfr . de Lucy . 1204 38 Petr. de Rupibus , L. Ch. Justice . 1243 39 Gul. de Ralegh . 1249 40 Ethelmarus . Vacat sedes , Annos 4. 1265 41 John Oxon. 1268 42 Nicolas Eliensis . 1280 43 John de Pontisara . 1304 44 Henry Woodlock . 1316 45 John Sandal ; Chan. of the Exch. L. Chan. and L. Treas . 1320 46 Reginald Asserius . 1323 47 John Stratford , L. Chan. L. Treas . tr . to Cant. 1333 48 Adam de Orlton . 1345 49 Gul. de Edingdon , L. Treas . and the first Prelate of the Garter . 1365 50 Will. de Wickham , L. Chan. 1405 51 Henry Beaufort , Card. L. Ch. * 1447 52 Will. de Waniflete , L. Ch. 1486 53 Peter Courtney . * 1493 54 Tho. Langton . 1502 55 Rich. Foxe , L. Privie Seale . 1530 56 Tho. Wolsey , Card. L. Chan. 1534 57 Stephen Gardiner , displaced , 1549. 1550 58 John Poynet , who being removed , Bishop Gardiner was restored , 1553. and made L. Ch. 1556 59 John White . 1560 60 Robert Horne . 1580 61 John Watson . 1584 62 Thomas Cowper . 1595 63 Will. Wickham . 1595 64 Will. Daye . 1596 65 Tho. Bilson . 1617 66 James Montagu , Deane of the Chap. 1618 67 Lancel . Andrewes , Deane of the Chap. 1628 68 Rich. Neyle , tr . to Yorke . 1632 69 Walt. Curle , now Bishop of Winton , Prelate of the Garter , and Bishop Almoner , 1641. WORCESTER , and the Bishops there . THe Bishoprick of Worcester , ( Wigorniensis in the Latine ) was founded by Etheldred , King of the Mercians , Anno 679. and taken out of the Diocese of Lichfeild , of which first it was . The Cathedrall Church here , by him also built ; but afterwards repaired , or new built rather by severall Bishops of this See. Oswald the eighteenth Bishop here did first undertake it , and casting out the married Priests , first brought in the Monkes , Anno 964. but his foundation being ruined by the Danes , the Church was brought to that perfection wherein now it standeth , by Bishop Wulstan , about the yeere 1030. Since when it hath enjoyed a flourishing and faire estate : and ( which is very rare ) can hardly make complaint of any vacancie : save that on the exauctoration of Bishop Heath , it was assigned over in Commendam to Master Hooper then Bishop of Gloucester . But it held not long . This Diocese containeth in it the County of Worcester , and part of Warwickshire : and therein 241. Parishes , of which 71. impropriate : for these there is but one Arch-Deacon , which is called of Worcester . Valued it is in the Kings bookes , 1049. li. 17. s. 3. d ob . q. the Clergy paying for their tenth , 228. li. In point of honour it may● pleade thus much , that in the flourishing times of the See of Canterbury , the Bishops here were the peculiar Chaplaines of the Metropolitans : and by their Office to say Masse in all assemblies of the Clergy , wherein he was present . As also that it hath yeelded to the Church foure Saints ; five Chancellours to the Realme of England , and one to Norwandy ; Lord Treasurers three , one Chancellour to the Queen then being ; one L. President of Wales , and one Vice-President : whom , with the residue of the Bishops , take here in order . Bishops of Worcester . A. Ch.   679 1 Boselus , first Bishop of Worcest .   2 Ostforus . 693 3 S. Egwinus . 714 4 Wilfridus . 717 5 Milredus .   6 Weremundus . 778 7 Tilherus . 781 8 Eathoredus . 799 9 Denebertus . 822 10 Eadbertus . 844 11 Alwinus . 872 12 Werefridus . 911 13 Wilfreth . 915 14 Ethelhunus . 922 15 Wilfreth . II. 929 16 Kinewoldus .   17 S. Dunstanus , tr . to London . 950 18 S. Oswaldus . 971 19 Adulfus .   20 Wulfstanus .   21 Leofsius . 1033 22 Britteagus . 1038 23 Livingus . 1049 24 Aldredus . 1060 25 S. Wulfstanus . 1097 26 Sampson . 1115 27 Theolphus . 1125. 28 Simon , Chan. to Qu. Adefize .   29 Aluredus .   30 John Pagham .   31 Rogerus . 1181 32 Baldwinus , tr . to Cant. 1189 33 Gul. de Northale . 1191 34 Robertus .   35 Henricus . 1196 36 John de Constantiis . 1200 37 Maugerus . 1212 38 Walt. Grey , L. Ch. tr . to Yorke . 1216 39 Silvester . 1218 40 Gul. de Bloys . 1237 41 Walt. de Cantilupe . 1268 42 Nich. de Ely , L. Chan. translated to Wint. 1269 43 Godfr . Giffard , L. Chan. 1302 44 Gul. de Gainsburgh . 1308 45 Walt. Reynold , L. Chan. and L. Treas . tr . to Cant. 1313 46 Walt. Maydestone . 1317 47 Thomas Cobbam . 1327 48 Adam de Orlton , tr . to Wint. 1333 49 Simon de Montacute . * 1337 50 Tho. Hennyhall . 1342 51 Wulstan de Brandford . 1349 52 Joh. Thursby , L. Ch. tr . to Yorke . 1352 53 Reginald Brian . 1362 54 Joh Barnet , L. Treas . tr . to Welles . 1363 55 Gul. Wittelesey , tr . to Cant. 1368 56 Gul. de Lynne . 1375 57 Henry de Wakefeild , L. Treas . 1395 58 Tideman de Winchcomb . 1401 59 Rich. Clifford , tr . to London . 1407 60 Tho. Peverell . 1419 61 Phil. Morgan , Chan. of Normandy , tr . to Ely. 1426 62 Tho. Polton . 1435 63 Tho. Bourchier , tr . to Ely. * 1443 64 John Carpenter . 1476 65 John Alcock , L. Chan. tr . to Ely. 1487 66 Robert Morton . 1497 67 John Gigles . 1491 68 Silvester Gigles . 1521 69 Julius de Medices , after Pope Clement the 8. * 1522 70 Hieron . de Nugutiis , an Italian . 1535 71 Hugh Latimer . 1539 72 John Bell. 1543 73 Nicol. Heath , displaced by King Edward 6. and the See put over in Commendam to Master Hooper Bishop of Glocester , but restored after by Queene Mary , Anno 1553. and made L. pres . of Wales , tr . to Yorke . 1554 74 Richard Pates . 1599 75 Nich. Bullingham . 1576 76 John Whitgift , Vice-President of Wales , for Sir H. Sidney , transl . to Canterbury . 1584 77 Edm. Freake . 1593 78 Rich. Fletcher , tr . to London . 1596 79 Tho. Bilson , tr . to Winton . 1597 80 Gervase Babington . 1610 81 Henry Parry . 1617 82 John Thornborough , now Bishop of Worcester . 1641. THE SECOND PART OF THE CATALOGVE OF BISHOPS , CONTAINING THE SVCCESSION of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of the Province of YORKE . Printed at London . 1641. YORKE , and the Arch-Bishops there . YORKE is the ancientest Metropolitan See at this time in England , so made at the first generall admittance of the Gospel in the time of Lucius , the first Arch-Bishop by him here established , named Sampson , and he who held out last in the Britons time , being called Tadiacus . We have a constat onely of two more , viz. Taurinus , and Pyra●●us : of all the rest no name , or memory to be found amongst our writers . On the conversion of the Saxons , this See was by Pope Gregory designed to its former honour : which not long after took effect , when as Paulinus was made Arch-Bishop of Yorke , Anno 622. In which designment of the said Pope Gregory , the Metropolitan of Yorke , was to have as many Suffragan Bishops , as he of London ( for there the See was to be placed by Pope Gregories order ) to either of them twelve a peece , which if they ever were erected in this Northerne Province , were certainly of meane estate , not able to support the honour ; and consequently , swallowed up by the greater Churches of Yorke and Durham : which two were onely left here a long time together untill Carlile first was made a Bishopricke by K. Henry the first ; as Chester afterwards by K. Henry 8. But that which was the greatest addition to the Province of Yorke , was the direct and Metropolitan jurisdiction which it claimed and had over all the Bishops of Scotland , who did from hence receive their consecration , and swore Canonicall obedience unto this See. In this regard , and that it was conceived that by Pope Gregories in stitution , he of the two Arch-Bishops which was first confirmed , should have precedencie over the other : there grew a great contention there abouts , betweene them , and much recourse was made to the Court of Rome . At last it was determined in savour of the See of Canterbury : yet so that still it might be lawfull to the Arch-Bishop of Yorke to write himselfe Primate of England ; as the other taking to himselfe the stile of Primate of all England , as it still continueth . The next misfortune which befell the See and Metropolitan of Yorke , was that the Bishops of Scotland did in fine withdraw themselves from his obedience , and had Arch-Bishops of their owne . This hapned whilest George Nevill was Arch-Bishop here , who was advanced unto this See , An. 1466. not above ninescore yeeres agoe : and then upon pretence , that in consideration of the many and most deadly warres betweene both Realmes , the Metropolitan of Yorke could beare no fatherly affection to his sonnes of Scotland . However the Archbishop still retaines his wonted place , having precedencie before all Dukes , not being of the royall bloud ; as also before all the great Officere of state , except the Lord Chancellour . For the Cathedrall Church of Yorke , it was first built , or begun rather , by King Edwyn , King of the North-Humbers , Anno 627. but finished by King Oswald who succeeded him , and dedicated to Saint Peter . But this of their foundation being destroyed by fire , and by the fury of the Danes , at the first entrance of the Normans : that which now standeth was erected in the place thereof by Arch-Bishop Thomas ( the 25. of this See ; ) and after , by degrees , adorned and beautified by his successors . The Diocese hereto belonging , containeth in it the two Counties of Yorke and Nottingham : and in them both 581 Parishes , of which 336. are impropriations . For government whereof , it hath foure Arch-Deacons , viz. of Yorke , Cleveland , East-riding , and Nottingham . This Bishoprick was at the first rated in the Kings bookes , 2035. li. 14. s. 6. d. but now , since the great diminution made by King Henry 8. 1609. li. 19. s. 2. d. And for the Clergy of the same , their tenth amounteth unto 1113. li. 17. s. 9. d. ob . q. To draw unto an end , this See hath yeelded to the Church eight Saints , to the Church of Rome three Cardinals , unto the Realme of England twelve LL. Chancellours , and two LL. Treasurers , and to the North of England two Lord Presidents . The Bishops write themselves in Latine , Eboracenses , or Eborum , and are these that follow . Arch-Bishops of Yorke . A. Ch.   622 1 S. Paulinus , died 644. Vacat Annos 20. 666 2 Cedda .   3 Wilfridus .   4 S. Bosa . 687 5 S. John of Beverley . 718 6 S. Wilfridus . II. 731 7 S. Egbertus . 767 8 Adelbertus . 781 9 Eanbaldus . 797 10 Eanbaldus . II.   11 Wolsius . 832 12 Wimundus . 854 13 Wilferus . 897 14 Ethelbaldus .   15 Lodewardus .   16 Wulfitanus . 955 17 Oskitellus . 972 18 Athelwaldus . 972 19 S. Oswaldus . 993 20 Aldulphus . 1003 21 Wulfstanus . II. 1023 22 Alfricus . 1050 23 Kinsius , 1061 24 Aldredus . 1070 25 Thomas . I. 1101 26 Girardus . 1109 27 Thomas . II. 1119 28 Thurstan . 1141 29 Henry Murdac . 1153 30 S. Gulielmus . 1154 31 Rogerus . Vacat sedes Annos 10. 1191 32 Geofr . Plantagenet , L. Chan. * Vacat sedes Annos 4. 1217 33 Walter Grey , L. Chan. 1256 34 S. Sewalius . 1258 35 Godfrey de Kinton . 1265 36 Walter Giffard , L. Chan. 1279 37 Gul. Wickwane . 1285 38 John Romanus . 1288 39 Henry de Newark . 1299 40 Tho. Corbridge . 1305 41 Gul. de Greenfeild , L. Chan. 1317 42 Gul. de Melton , L. Ch. & L. Treas . 1342 43 Gul. Zouche , L. Treas . * 1352 44 John Thursby , L. Chan. 1373 45 Alexander Nevill . 1388 46 Tho. Arundel . L. Chan. tr . to Cant. * 1396 47 Robert Waldby . 1397 48 Richard Scrope . * 1406 49 Henry Bowet . 1425 50 John Kemp , L. Chan. tr . to Cant. 1453 51 Gul. Boothe . 1466 52 George Nevill , L. Chan. * 1477 53 Lawrence Boothe . 1480 54 Thomas Rotheram , L. Chan. 1501 55 Thomas Savage . 1508 56 Christopher Bambridge , Card. 1515 57 Thomas Wolsey , Card. L. Chan. 1531 58 Edward Lee. 1544 59 Robert Holgate , Lord Pres . of the North. 1553 60 Nicolas Heath , L. Chan. 1560 61 Tho. Young , L. Pres . of the North. 1570 62 Edm. Grindall . tr . to Cant. 1576 63 Edwyn Sandys . 1588 64 John Piers. 1594 65 Matthew Hutton . 1606 66 Tobias Matthewes . 1627 67 George Monteine . 1628 68 Sam. Harsner . 1631 69 Richard Neyle , who died Octob. 31. 1640. CARLILE , and the Bishops there . THe most of that which doth now make the Diocese of Cartile , was in the infancie of the English Church , as I conceive it , part of the Diocese of whit herne , or Casa Candida , in the Province of Galloway● now reckoned as a part of Scotland , but th●● a parcell of the Kingdome of the North-Humbers , But when the Scots had mast●●d all those countries beyond Tweede and Solway , the towne of Carlile , with the County of Cumberland , in the which it standeth , were severed from that Diocese : Carlile , with 15. miles about it being bestowed upon S. Cutbert , Bishop of Lindisfarne , by Egfride , King of the North-Humbers , Anno 679 ; the residue of the Country submitting to the jurisdiction of the Arch-Deacon of Richmond , then being subordinate the See of Yorke . Thus it continued till the yeere 1133. what time a Bishops See was here first established : and by that meanes , another Suffragan Bishop added to that Metropolitan . The Cathedrall Church here had beene founded not long before , by Walter , Deputy of these parts for King William Rufus ; and by him dedicated to the honour of the blessed Virgin : but finished and endowed by King Henry the first , out of that wealth which the said Walter had amassed for that very purpose , by the perswasion of Athulphus or Athelwolfus , whom afterwards , hee made the first Bishop there . The Diocese containes the County of Westmorland , and most part of Cumberland ; and therein onely 93. Parishes , but those ( as all the Northerne are ) exceeding large ; and of them 18. are impropriate . Arch-Deacon here was never any , the jurisdiction being claimed by him of Richmond , as anciently to him belonging . The Bishoprick is valued in the Kings bookes 530 li. 4. 〈◊〉 . 11. d. ob . the Clergies tenth amounting onely unto 161. li 1. s. 7. d. ob . And yet this little See , and so farre remote , hath yeelded to this Kingdome one Chancellour , and two LL. Treasurers , besides three Chancellours unto the University of Cambridge . Bishops of Carlile . A. Ch.   1133 1 Athelwolfus , or Athelwardus .   2 Bernardus died Anno 1186. Vacat sedes Ann. 32. 1218 3 Hugo . 1223 4 Walt. Mau-Clerke , L. Treas . 1247 5 Silvester de Everdon , L. Chan. 1255 6 Tho. Vipont . * 1258 7 Rob. Chause . 1280 8 Rad. de Ircton . 1288 9 John de Halton . 1318 10 John de Rosse . 1332 11 John de Kirkby . 1353 12 Gilbert de Welton . 1363 13 Tho. de Appleby . 1396 14 Robert Reade . 1397 15 Tho. Merkes . 1400 16 Gul. Strickland : 1419 17 Roger Whelpdale : 1423 18 Will. Barrowe . 1430 19 Marm. Lumley , L. Ch and Ch. Ca. * 1450 20 Nith . Close , tr . to Lich. 1452 21 Gul. Percy , Chan. of Camb. * 1362 22 John Kingscore . 1464 23 Richard Scrope . * 1468 24 Edw. Storey Ch. of Camb. 1478 25 Rich. Dunelmensis . 1496 26 Gul. Sever , tr . to Durham . 1503 27 Roger Leibourne . 1504 28 John Penny. 1520 29 John Kite . 1537 30 Robert Aldrich . 1356 31 Owen Ogilthorpe . 1561 32 John Best . 1570 33 Rich. Barnes , tr . to Durham . 1577 34 John Mey . 1598 35 Henry Robinson . 1616 36 Robert Snowdon . 1620 37 Rich. Milborne . 1624 38 Rich. Senhouse . 1628 39 Francis White , tr . to Norwich . 1629 40 Barnabas Potter , now Bishop of Carlile . 1641. CHESTER , and the Bishops there . THe Bishoprick of Chester , as it is here to be considered , is of new erection , one of those founded by King Henry 8. whereof we spake before when we were in Bristol . Anciently it was in the Diocese of Lichfeild , one of the Bishops of which Church , removing his See hither , Anno 1075. as to the more remarkable and noted place ; occasioned that his successours many times were called Bishops of Chester . But being severed from that Diocese by King Henry 8. it was erected into an Episcopall See , made up of the revenue and jurisdiction of the two Arch-Deaconries of Richmond and Chester : of which the first had jurisdiction over Richmondshire , and part of Cumberland ; the other over Lancashire and Chest-shire . It was at first foundation ordained to be of the Province of Canterbury ; and that in the letters Patents of the foundation of the same , 33. H. 8. But the King taking into minde , as well the long distance of the same from the See of Cancerbury , as also that the Arch Bishop of Canterbury had a sufficient number of Suffragans before , whereas the Arch-Bishop of Yorke had but onely two : did in the Ianuary following , by Act of Parliament , annex the same for ever to the Province of Yorke . 33. H. 8. c. 31. The Cathedrall Church here was once a Monastery , founded by Leofricus , once an Officiary Count , in these parts ; and by him dedicated to Saint Wereberg : but repaired , beautified , endowed , and stored with Monkes by Hugh , sirnamed Lupus , the first Earle of Chester . These Monkes being ejected by King Henry 8. he brought into their place a Deane and Prebendaries : and made it of a Monastery , a See Episcopall : Whose Diocese containeth , in the Counties before remembred , 256. Parishes , of which 101. are impropriations . The Bishoprick is valued in the Kings bookes , 42● . li. 1. s. 8. d. and for a tenth unto the Crowne , the Clergy pay the yeerely summe of 435. s. 12. The Bishops of Chester . A. Ch.   1541 1 John Bird , removed hither from Bangor . 1556 2 John Cotes . 1556 3 Cuthbert Scott . 1561 4 William Downeham . 1579 5 William Chadderton , tr . to Lincoln 1595 6 Hugh Billet . 1597 7 Rich. Vaughan , tr . to London . 1604 8 George Lloyde . 1616 9 Tho. Morton , tr . to Lichfeild . 1618 10 John Bridgeman , now Bishop of Chester . 1641. DURHAM , and the Bishops there . THe Bishops See now fixed in Durham , was first placed in Lindisfarne , a little Iland on the Sea-coast of Northumberland : and there placed by the first Bishops of this Northerne region , because of the primacie and solitude thereof , which made it thought more fit and proper for devotion . But both the Bishop and his Monkes being driven from thence , by the mercilesse furie of the Danes , ( who here raged extremely ) about the yeere of Christ , 800. they wandred up and downe from place to place for 200. yeeres , not finding any place where they might repose themselves in safety , till in the end they sate them downe in Durham , Anno 990. or there abouts , where it hath ever since continued . The Church here dedicated to Saint Cuthbers , the 6. Bishop of Lindisfarne , a man of speciall renowne for piety ; whose reliques the said Bishops carried up and downe with them in all their wandtings : till at the last they were deposited in this Church , as in a place of rest and safety . The founder of it , that Aldwinus , by whom the See was first here setled . But his foundation being taken downe by William de Carileso , about the first entrance of the Normans : that which now standeth was begun by him in the place thereof ; and finished by Ranulpbus Flambard , his next successour . Somewhat hath since beene added to it by Bishop Fernham , and Thomas Welscomb Priour hereof , about the yeere 1242. Nor did Saint Cuthbert onely give name unto the Church , but also unto all that countrey , which now we call the Bishopricke of Durham , and anciently was called Saint Cuthberts Patrimony . For upon him , and his successours in that See , was all the countrey betweene Teis and Tine , conferred by Alfred King of England : which his donation was confirmed , and in part increased by his successours , Edward , Athelstan , and Cnute the Dane . So fortified it was with priviledges , and royall grants , that at the comming in of the Norman Conquerer , the Bishop was reputed for a County Palatine : and did engrave upon his Seal an armed Chivalier , holding a naked sword in one hand , and in the other the Bishops a 〈…〉 es . Nay it was once adjudged in law , that the Bishop was to have all forfeitures & Escheates within the liberties , ut Rex habet extra , as the King of England had without . But these immunities and priviledges were in part impaired by the Statute of King Henry 8. 27. H. 8. c. 25. and altogether with the lands and whole rights thereof , conferred upon the Crowne by Act of Parliament , in the last yeere of the raigue of King Edward 6. But in the second Parliam . of Qu. Maries reigne , that Act was totally repealed , and a reviver made of the said late dissolved Bishopr . and all the royalties therof , 〈◊〉 . Mar. c. 6. As for the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , the Diocese thereof containeth the County of Northumberland , and that which properly and distinctly is entitiled the Bishopricke of Durham : each of the which hath an Arch-Deacon of its owne ; in both , 135. Parishes , whereof 87. impropriate : the Clergy of the which pay for their tenth unto the Crowne , 385. li. 5. s. 6. d. ob . the Bishopricke being valued in the first fruit Office. 1821. li. 1. s. 5. d. qa . The Bishops of this Church doe write them selves in Latine Dunclmenses ; of which five have beene dignified with the name of Saints ; one with the Patriarchate of Hierusalem , and one with the title of a Cardinall in the Church of Rome . There have been also of them , one Lord Chiefe Justice , five LL. Chancellours , three LL. Treasurers , one principall Secretary of Estate , one Chancellour of the University of Oxford , and two Masters of the Rolls . Which wee will now lay downe in order , even the whole succession , beginning with those who had their See and habitation in the Isle of Lindisfarne . Bishops of Lindisfarne . A. Ch.   637 1 S. Ardanus . 651 2 S. Finanus . 661 3 Colmannus . 664 4 Tuda . 665 5 S. Eata . 684 6 S. Cuthbertus . 687 7 S. Eadbertus . 698 8 Egbertus . 721 9 Ethelwoldus . 738 10 Kenulfus . 781 11 Higbaldus . 802 12 Egbertus . II. 819 13 Egfridus . 845 14 Eanbertus . 854 15 Eardulfus .   16 Cuthardus . 915 17 Tilredus . 927 18 Witherdus . 944 19 Uhtredus .   20 Sexhelmus .   21 Aldredus . 968 22 Alfius , alias Elfinus . 990 23 Aldwinus , who first setled the See at Durham , from whence both hee and his successors have beene stiled Bishops of Durham . 1028 24 Eadmundus , 1048 25 Eadr●dus . 1049 26 Elgelricus .   27 Egelwinus . 1071 28 Walcher , Earle of Northumb. 1080 29 Gul. de Carilefo , L. Ch. Justice . Vacat sedes Annos 4. 1099 30 Ranulfus Flambard , L. Treas . 1128 31 Gulfredus Rufus , L. Chan. 1143 32 Gul. de S. Barbara . 1154 33 Hugh Pudsey , E. of Northomb . * 1197 34 Philip de Pictavia . 1217 35 Rich. de Marisco . 1228 36 Rich. Poore . 1241 37 Nich. de Fernham . 1250 38 Walt. de Kirkham . 1260 39 Rob. Stitchell . 1274 40 Rob. de Insula . 1283 41 Ant. Beck , Patriark of Hierusalem . 1311 42 Rich. Kellowe . 1317 43 Ludowick Beaumont . * 1333 44 Rich. de Bury , L. Ch and L. Treas . 1345 45 Tho ▪ Hatfeild , princ ▪ Secretary . 1381 46 John Fordham ; L. Tr. tr . to Ely. 1388 47 Walt ▪ Skirlawe . 1406 48 Tho. Langley , Card. L. Ch. 1438 49 Rob. Nevill . * 1457 50 Lawrence Boothe , L. Chan. 1476 51 Gul. Dudley . * 1383 52 John Sherwood . 1494 53 Rich. Foxe , tr . to Winton . 1502 54 Gul. Sevier , Chan. of Oxford ? 1507 55 Chr. Bambridge , Master of the Rolls tr . to Yorke . 1508 56 Tho. Ruthall . 1523 57 Tho. Wolsey , then Arch Bishop of Yorke . 1530 58 Cuthbert Tunstall , Master of the Rolls . 1360 59 James Pilkington . 1577 60 Rich. Barnes . Vacat sedes Annos 2. 1589 61 Matth. Hutton , tr . to Yorke . 1594 62 Tobias Matthew , tr . to Yorke . 1606 63 Gul. James . 1617 64 Rich. Neyle , tr . to Winton . 1628 65 John Howson . 1632 66 Tho. Morton , now Bishop of Durham . Anno 1641. HEXAM , and the Bishops there . THe Bishoprick of Hexam , Hagulstad , or Hextold , was founded in the infancie of the Saxon Church . The seate thereof called by the old Latines Axelodunum , by Beda Hagulstadiensis ; by us now Hexam : the first who had the name of Bishop there being S. Eata , the fifth Bishop of Lindisfarne . Ten Bishops it enjoyed successively , and then ▪ by reason of the spoyle and ravin of the Danes , it discontinued : the jurisdiction of it being added to the See of Yorke . From this time forwards , Hexamshire was held to be a see of that Arch-Bishoprick , and had reputation , of a County Palatine : but taken from that See by K. H. 8. ( of which consult the Statute , 37. H. 8. c. 16 ) and by authority of Parliament united to the County of Northumb. Now for the Bishops of this Hexam , they are these that follow . A. Ch.   655 1 S. Eata , Bishop of Lindisfarne . 685 2 S. John of Beverley , ●r . to Yorke . 709 3 S. Acca . 734 4 Frithebertus . 769 5 Alhmundus .   6 Tilherus . 789 7 Ethelbertus . 787 8 Heandredus . 809 9 Eanbertus .   10 Tidferthus , the last Bish of Hexam . MAN , and the Bishops there . TOuching the Isle of Man , we have spoke already in our first Table . The Bishoprick here of was first erected by Pope Gregory , of that name the fourth , and for its Diocese had this Isle , and all the Hebrides , or Westerne Ilands anent Scotland . The Bishop hath his seate in Russin , or Castetowne , as now we call it ; and in the Latine , is entituled Sodorensis . But when this Isle was made a member of the English Empire , the Westerne Isles withdrew themselves from the obedience of their Bishop , and had a Bishop of their own , whom they entitle also Sodorensis , but commonly , Bishop of the Isles . The Patronage of the Bishoprick , was given together with the Iland , by K. H. 4. unto the Stanleys ; who still keep it : and on the vacancie thereof they nominare their designed Bishop unto the King , who having given his Royall assent , dismisseth him to the Arch-Bishop of Yorke for his consecration . This is perhaps the reason why the Bish . of Man , is no Lord of Parliament , because not at the Kings disposing ▪ none having fuffragt in that house , but those that hold immediately of the King himselfe ; nor is it reason that they should . Whether the Bishop of this Isle ▪ was anciently a Su●●ragan to the See of Yorke , I can hardly say . I finde ordered in the Act of Parliament , 33. H. 8. c. 31. wherein the Bishoprick of Chester was made a member of that Province ; that that of Man should be reputed of it also : which may perhaps perswade one , that it was otherwise before . The Diocese hereof containeth onely 17 Parishes , of the which five are Market Townes ; the rest Villages , the people of them all , being very conformable unto the rites and ceremonies of the Church of England . Now for the Bishops of this See , I can meete with few : and therefore shall desire those who are more conversant in the businesse of this Isle , to supply this want , and make a perfect catalogue of the Bishops of Man , out of the fragments here ensuing . Bishops of Man. A. Ch. ✚ ✚ ✚   Michael , Bishop of Man. 1203 Nicolas . 1217 Reginald . 1257 Richard , Bishop of Man , dedicated the Church of S. Maries in Russin .   ✚ ✚ ✚   Henry Mann , who died , Anno 1556 , John Merick .   George Lloyd , removed to Chester , An. 1604.   Forster .   Parry , now Bishop of Man , 1641. THE THIRD TABLE , OR , A CATALOGVE OF All the Dukes , Marquesses , and Earles , which have been in England since the first entrance of the NORMANS . TOGETHER With the honourary Offices which they , or any of them have enjoyed in their severall times . Printed at London . 1641. The Preface to the ensuing Catalogue of Dukes , Marquesses , and Earles . THe Kings of England as they are the fountaine of all authority and jurisdiction in their owne Dominions : so are they the fountaine also of all civill honour ; which they dispose of and dispence , as to them seemes best . Kings have so much of God in them , whose Deputies they are on earth , as many times where they finde merit and desert , to raise the poore out of the dust , that they may set them with the Princes , even with the Princes of their people . Now for their honourary attributes , which by our Kings have beene conferred upon their Subjects ; the ancientest are those of Earle and Baron : the Kings of England , of the Norman race , not giving unto any the stile of Duke , untill that Edw. the third , created his sonne Edward the black Prince , Duke of Cornwall , Anno 1336. As for the title of Marquesse , that was made honourary by King Richard the second , who first created his great favourite , Robert de Ve●e , then Earle of Oxford , Marquesse of Dublyn : as afterwards he made his Cosen German , Iohn de Baufort , one of the sonnes of Iohn of Gaunt , by Katherine Swinfort , then Earle of Somerset , the first Marquesse Dorset . But that of Earles hath beene as ancient in this Kingdome , as the line of Normandy : William the Conquerer advancing many to that honour at his first entrance on this State , both to reward them for their service , and oblige them to him . Of which ranke were the Earles of Arundell , Chester , Cornwall , Kent , Oxford , with some others , Anno 1067. being the next yeere after he attained the Kingdome . Which with the other Earles of ancient creation , were commonly endowed de tertio denario placitorum Comitatus , with the third penny of the pleas of that County whereof they were Earles : the other two parts being accompted by the Sheriffe ( the Vice-Comes ) into the Exchequer , for the Kings use . And though we mean to go no lower in our following Catalogue , then the stile of Earle ; yet by the way we may take notice , that Viscount here became an honourary title in the time of K. H. 6. who in the 18. of his raigne advanced Sir Iohn Beaumont unto that honour , and gave him place above all Barons , as Richard 2. gave his new Marquesses precedencie before all Earles . Now at the ennobling of deserving persons into these high dignities , it is , and hath beene of later times the custome of the Kings of England , to give unto them some set pension for the support of their estate : which is now generally brought unto this proportion , that Viscounts have a fee of 20. markes , Earles of 20. li. Marquesses of 40. markes , and Dukes of 40. li. assigned unto them , out of some part or other of the Kings revenues . Which bounty I observe not to have beene used in the creation of a Baron , excepting onely that it pleased his sacred Majesty now being , when hee created the right honourable Montjoy Blount ( now Earle of Newport ) L. Montjoy of Thurle●●on , in the County of Darby , to give unto him and his heires , a fee of 20. markes per annum : which I note here , by reason of the singularity and rarenesse of it . Nor have the Kings of England beene accustomed to frame new honourary titles , for the advancement of those men which are dear unto them : but to preferre them before others of the same honourary ranke and order . Henry the sixth bearing especiall affection unto Henry Beauchamp , Earle of Warwick , first made him the prime Earle of England , or Praecomes Angliae . And when he after made him Duke of Warwick , hee ordered him to have precedencie , next after the Duke of Norfolke , and before the Duke of Buckingham . The same King Henry making his halfe-brother Edmund of Hadham , Earle of Richmond , gave him the place above all Earles , and next of all unto the Dukes . Thus did King Iames of blessed memory conferre upon the Earle of Nortingham , ( on his surrendry of the place and Office of Lord Admirall ) the seniority and precedencie of the Mowbraies , ( out of which house he was extracted ) during the life of the said Earle . And thus his sacred Majesty now being , when he created the right honourable the Viscount Wallingford , Earle of Banbur● ▪ gave him precedencie before all Earles , created since his Majesties happy comming to the Crowne . And in the Patent of creation of the right honourable the Lord M 〈…〉 joy , 3. Can there was a clause of precedencie inserted , before all the Barons of ●hat yeere , by which hee forthwith had the place both of the Lord Craven , and the Lord Falconbriage , though created before him . So absolute a power have our English Monarchs in the dispensing of their honours , and marshalling those persons whom they have advanced to these high dignities . As for the Female sex , they have no reason to complaine that they have beene neglected or omitted in the distributing of these honourary rewards and dignities : some of them having had the happinesse to taste the bounty of the Prince in the highest honours . For thus the Lady Margaret de Brotherton , daughter of Thomas of Brotherton , Earle of Norfolke , was by King Richard the second , made Dutchesse of Norfolke , Anno 1398. And thus the Lady Anne Bullen , daughter of Thomas Earle of Wilts , was by King Henry 8. made Marchionesse of Pembroke , Anno 1532. as was the Lady Margaret , daughter of George D. of Clarence , created Countesse of Salisbury by the same King Henry ; Anno 1514. Thus also the Lady Elizabeth Einch , being by King Iames created Viscountesse Maidstone , was by our gracious Soveraigne Lord now being , created Countesse of Winchelsey , Anno 1628. the dignity entailed on the heires males of her body begotten . And finally , thus was the Lady Elizabeth Richardson , wife of Sir Thomas Richardson Lord Chiefe Justice , created Baronesse Cramont , by his Majesty now reigning not to say any thing of the Lady Mary Fane Baronesse Despencer , or of the Lady Margaret Lennard , Baronesse Dacres of the South ; being restitutions rather then creations . Now for the method which I am to use in this following Catalogue , it shall be after the most naturall of the Alphabet ; as being of most ease and speediest use in finding what we have a minde to looke for . And in the same I shall lay downe the just successions of and in each severall title , ( premising first a brief description of the place denominating ) together with the yeere of Christs nativity , wherein each severall Duke , Earle , or Marquesse either succeeded in the place , or was advanced unto the same . I also shall report in briefe , on what pretext of bloud such and such men attained those honours which they have enjoyed ; If any neernesse or descent of blood was pretended by them : and where a family breakes off , and a new comes in , that I have marked with a few crosses thus . ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ I have observed also who and how many of each title have managed any of the great and honourary Offices in the Common-wealth : as those of Lord high Steward , Lord high Chamberlaine , Lord Constable , Lord Admirall ; Lord Chancellour , Lord Treasurer , Lord Chiefe Justice , or Lord Privie Seale ; together with the Lord Steward , and Lord Chamberlaine of his Majesties houshold , and the LL. Presidents of Yorke and Wates , and Chancellours of either of the Universities . Such of them as have had the honour to be admitted into the Order of the Garter , I have noted with this little Asterisme * . And all this I have done with as much brevity as was possible ; professing nothing in this place but a Nomenclator ; a bare and naked Catalogue of names and honours , for the more easie understanding of our English History , which was the matter which first moved me to compose these Tables . As for the order of precedencie of the men themselves , that are thus dignified and advanced , as now they stand ; that is to be accounted from and by the seniority of their creations in their severall series : save that a course was tooke in Parliament , 31. H. 8. c. 10. for placing those above the rest , which were entrusted with the greatest Offices of State and Court. As , viz. that of the Lord Chancellour , or Lord Keeper , Lord Treasurer , Lord President , Lord Privie Seale , Lord Constable , Lord high Chamberlaine , Lord Admirall , Lord Marshall , together with the Lord Steward , and Lord Chamberlaine of his Majesties houshold . Which manner of precedencie being it is personall , as unto the men , and hath no reference to their place and titles , varieth and changeth with the times , according as they are in trust and favour with their Lord and Soveraigne . But for the places which have given name and title to Dukes , Marquesses , or Earles ; and for the men that have beene honoured with those titles , they are these that follow : taking along such Lords , and Viscounts , as have beene dignified with and by the selfe-same titles , and no more but those . Saint Albans . S. Albans is the fairest and the goodliest town in the County of Hertford . It arose out of the ruines of old Verulamium , a towne more strong and ancient farre , ( as being the strongest Fort of all the Britaines , in the time of Caesar ) though not halfe so beautifull . It took both name , original , & Grandour , from Alban , once a Citizen of Verulamium : who suffering Martyrdome for the faith of Christ , during the persecution of Dioclesian ; had first a faire Church built in memoriall of him , in that very place : or if you will , Ecclesia mirandi operis , atque ejus martyrio condigna , in the Authors language . ( Bedae hist . lib. 1. c. 7. ) But this Church and towne of Verulam being both destroyed , in those fierce warres , which were betweene the Saxons and the Britains , Offa the great and puissant K. of the Mercians , built not farre off from the old seate , a Monastery to the honour of Saint Alban ; endowed it with a great revenue , and many goodly priviledges , as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall . This in short time , improved the Monastery into a towne : the Abbat in regard of his great possessions , and jurisdiction correspondent , drawing no ordinary confluence of all sorts of people . Pope Adrian , borne at Abbats-Langley , about five miles off , added this honour to the place , that as Saint Alban was the first Martyr of the English nation : so should the Abbat have precedencie of all English Abbats . This house was valued at the suppression , at 2510. li. 6. s. 〈◊〉 . d. per annum ; and was surrendred into the hands of Sir. Thomas Pope , Doctor Petre , and Master Cavendish , for the use of K. H. 8. Decemb. 5. Anno 1639. The Abby Church being a stately and magnificent fabrick is left standing still : townesmen purchasing the same at the price of 400. li. and turning it into a Parish Church , as it now remaines . For the great battels fought about this towne , and in the very streets thereof , between the two contending houses of York and Lancaster ; I leave you to the common Chronicles . The persons which it hath ennobled , are these that follow . Viscounts and Earles . 1620 1 Francis Bacon , L. Verulam , and L. Chan. of England , created Visc . S. Albans , Jan. 18. 1628 2 Rich de Burgh , E. of Clan-Ricard in the Kingd . of Irel. creat . E. of S. Albans , Aug. 23 1636 3 Vlike de Burgh , E of S. Albans , and Clan-Ricard , now living . 1641. Anglesey . ANglesey is an Iland of North-Wales , situate over against Carnarvonshire , from which it is divided by a narrow straight : called in the Latines Mona , by the Britains Mon ; but being conquered by the English , obtained the name of Anglesey , as one would say , the Iland of the English-men . It is exceeding fruitfull both in corne and cattell , from whence the Welch are liberally stored with both : And therefore it is said proverbially , Mon mam Cymbri , that Anglesey is the mother of Wales . It was the ancient seate of the Druides , and brought with no small difficulty under the command of the Romans , by Iulius Agricola the people fighting here , ut pro aris & focis , for their religion and their gods . It containeth in it 74. Parishes , the principall wherof is named Beaumarish , being at this time the head towne of the shire : and Abersraw , now an obscure and homely place , but anciently the Royall seate of the Kings of North-Wales . The persons which it hath given title to are onely these . Earles of Anglesey . 1624 1 Christop . Villiers , brother of Geo. D. of Buck. created E. of Angles . Sept. 24. 1630 2 Charles Villiers , now living . 1641. ARundell is the name of an ancient towne and Castle in the County of Sussex , pleasantly seated neare the river of Arun : whence it was called Arundale , or Aruntina vallis , in some Latine Authors . The Castle of great fame and strength ; but farre more famous for the Lords and Earles therof , then the strength or beauty . A place in this farre different from the rest of England : the title of the Earle of Arundell , being annexed unto the Castle , honour , and signeurie of Arundell ; and going along with the possession of the same : as was adjudged in that great controversie , between Sir Iohn Fitz-Alan , being in possession of the Castle , against Iohn Mowbray D. of Norfolke , being the right heire in the nearest degree . The Earles hereof in regard that by ancient Charter they had had the ●ertium denarium , or the second penny of the Plees of Sussex ; and that they sometimes had their residence and abode in Chichester , as the chiefe City of that County : are in some old Charters called Earles of Sussex ; and in some others , Earles of Chichester . That which was theirs most properly , hath stayed longest by them : and is of late increased by the addition of the titles and dignities of the Batonies of Fitz-Alan , Clun , Oswaldstree , and Maltravers , with divers other lands , tenements , and hereditaments , annexed unto the title , name , and dignity of Earle of Arundell , by speciall Act of Parliam . An. 3. Car. R. the noble personages which have borne this title , are these that follow . Earles of Arundell . 1067 1 Rog. Montgomery . 1091 2 Hugh de Montgomery . 1098 3 Rob. de Montgomery , devested of this honour , An. 1102.     ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚   4 William de Albeney . 1189 5 Will. de Albeney . 1196 6 Will. de Albeney . 1199 7 Will. de Albeney . 1224 8 Hugh de Albeney , died 1243.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1289 9 Rich. Fitz-Alan , descended of the Lady Isabell ; sister of Hugh de Albeney . 1301 10 Edm. Fitz-Alan . 1326 11 Rich. Fitz-Alan . * 1375 12 Rich. Fitz-Alan , L. Tr. & L. Adm. 1397 13 Tho. Fitz-Alan , L. Tr. died 1416. * 1434 14 John Fitz-Alan , L. Maltravers . * 1439 15 Will. Fitz-Alan . * 1487 16 Tho. Fitz-Alan . 1524 17 Will. Fitz-Alan . * 1543 18 Henry Fitz-Alan , Ch. of Oxford . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1579 19 Philip Howard , son of Tho. D. of Norfolk , & the La. Mary Fitz-Alan ▪ 1604 20 Tho. Howard , now E. of Arund and Surry , and E. Marshall of Engl. Anno 1641. AUmer'e , or Alb●marle , is the name of a small town and territory in the Dukedome of Normandy . It belonged heretofore to Stephen , the sonne ▪ of Odo , descended from the Earles of Champagne : whom William the Conquerer made Earle of Albemarle , as being the sonne of his halse sister by the mothers side ; and gave unto him for the further maintenance of his estate , the territory of Holdernesse in Yorkeshire . This title hee enjoyed , and left the same to his posterity , who enjoyed it also . And when his issue sailed , the Kings of England honoured others with it ; though they had long since lost their estate in Normandy ; the Dukes and Earles whereof , take thus in order . Dukes and Earles of Aumerle . 1095 1 Stephen , sonne of Odo , Earle of Bloys . 1128 2 Will. le Gros.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1182 3 Will. de Magnaville , E. of Essex ▪ Hawys daught . of Will. le Gros.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1191 4 Will. de Fortibus . 1196 5 Will. de Fortibus . 1244 6 Will. de Fortibus . 1258 7 Tho. de Fortibus .     ✚ ✚ ✚   8 Tho. of Woodstock , D. of Gloc. *     ✚ ✚ ✚     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1378 9 Edw. Plantagenet , D. L. Adm. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1412 10 Tho. D. of Clarence , E. *     ✚ ✚ ✚   11 Rich. Beauchamp , E. of Warwick , created Earle of Aumerle , by King Henry . 6. BAnbury is a towne in Oxfordshire , the second both for wealth and beauty in all that County : Most famous in our common Chronicles , for the great battell there-by fought betweene the two great houses of Lancaster and Yorke : in which the victory fell to the Eare of Warwick , then chiefe of the Lancastrian party , who forthwith tooke King Edward prisoner ( of that name the fourth ) now forlorne and hopelesse . It was not long since much wasted by a devouring fire , but very well repaired and beautified ; and still is as it hath beene anciently , case● conficiendo notissimum , as Camden notes it , a towne much famed for the best and most delicate sort of Cheeses . It never had but one Earle , and he 1626 1 William , L. Knollys , Visc . Wallingford , created E of Barbury , Aug. 18. and died , Anno 1631. BAthe , is the fairest , and the principall City in all Somersetshire , seated in a very low Plaine , and round about environed with hils very high and sleepe : from whence come many rivulets and fresh-water springs , to the great commodity of the people . But that which brings most wealth unto the place , are not the waters from without , but those waters which are within ; sending up from them much thinne vapours , and a strong sent withall ; which springs are very medicinable unto many maladies . Three of these springs there are in all , the waters of the which being received in large and fitting receptacles for the publick use ; they call the Kings Bath , the crosse Bath , and the hot Bath . From bathing in these waters , it was called the Bath ; and thence Bathania in the Latine : unlesse perhaps you rather thinke that bathing tooke its hint from hence , and that this place tooke name from Badon , or mons Badonicus , not far off , as certainely Ca●r Badon , the old Britains called it : The Greeks and Latines gave it names according to the nature and condition of the waters , or the Baths there being : it being called by Ptolom●e , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 waters ; by 〈◊〉 Aquae solis the waters of the Sunne , on the 〈◊〉 same reason . Of the faire Church here we have spoke already in out description of the Bishoprick : which being ruined amongst other Monasteries in the time of K. H. 8. hath of ●are times beene , as it were reedified , but certainely repaired , and beautified , and made fit for use , by the great costs of Bishop Montague , a late Bishop there . Earle it had none untill the time of H. 7. since it hath had divers ; whose names and times we now present you . Earles of Bathe . 1486 1 Philibert de Chandew .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1536 2 John Bourchier , Lord Fitz-Warin , created E. of Bathe , by H. 8. July . 10. 1539 3 John Bourchier . 1561 4 William Bourchier .   5 Edward Bourchier . 1638 6 Henry Bourchier , now E. of Bathe , Anno 1641. BEdford is one of those three Counties which anciently were possessed by the Castic●●bla ni● the Countrey indifferently well provided of all necessaries , both for foode and fewell . It taketh denomination from the chiefe town thereof , called Bedford , or in the old Saxon , Bedanford ; i. e. Beds , or Innes at the Ford. A towne conveniently seated on both sides of a river which runneth through it ; well built , and populous , as having in it no lesse then five Churches . But the chiefe commendations which it hath , is for the antiquity and strength thereof ; as being a towne of no small note and consequence , Anno 572. when as Cuthwulf the Saxon vanquished the Britains in the open feild , and became Master of the Countrey . The Castle here being counted very strong , and almost impregnable , brought no small mischeife to the place , being a peece much aimed at by all those in the former times , which either pretended to the Crown , or bare armes against it . But all the fortifications being demolished in the reigne of K. H. 3. the people have since lived in quiet : and the chiefe repuration of it now consisteth in this , that it hath given the title of Dukes and Earles to these persons following , being in their severall ages Dukes and Earles of Bedford . 1365 1 Ingelram de Cowcy , E. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1414 2 John , son of Henry 4. L. Adm. Const . and Regent of Fr. D. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1470 3 George Nevill , D.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1485 4 Jasp . de Harfeild , E. of Pembroke , halfe brother to King H. 6. D. 〈◊〉     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1549 5 John L. Russell , L. Pr. and L. Adm created E of Bedford by Edw. 6. * 1554 6 Francis Russell . 1585 7 Edward Russell . 1628 8 Francis Russell , now Earle . 1641. BErkley is the name of a noble and an ancient family , dispersed in many places of this Kingdome . They tooke this name from Berkley Castle , situate neare the Severne bankes in the County of Gloucester , of which they were made Barons by King H. 2. Whereas before that time they were called Fitz-Harding ; as being descended from one Robert Fitz-Harding of the bloud Royal of the Danes . Which Robert Fitz-Harding by the name of Robertus filius Hardingi filii Regis Datae , is joyned as a Co-founder with King. H. 2. of the Cathedrall Church of Bristoll , ( but then a Monastery onely ) as doth appeare by an inscription over the gate of the said Church . William L. Berkley of this house , being descended from the Mowbiaeies , who amongst other ri●les were Earles of Nottingham , was in the yeere 1482. created Visc . Berkley by King Richard 3. afterwards Earle of Nottingham , and Earle Marshall by King H. 7. and finally , created Marqu . Berkley by the same King H. Arno 1509. But dying without issue all those titles ended with him : that of the Lord Berkley still continuing in the line collaterall . Visc . and Marqu . Berkley . 1509 1 Will. L. Berkley , created Viscount Berkley , by King R. 3. was created Marqu . Berkley by K. H. 7. mort sans issue . BErkshire was anciently in the Saxon times called Berro●schire : which name the learned Antiquary Master Camden out of Asserius Menevensis deriveth from Berroc , a certaine Forrest , where grew good store of Box , to which the people used in the time of danger to retire themselves . It lieth conveniently all along the bankes of the river of Thames , which serves them well for the conveyance of their corae , fewell , and other commodities to the City of London : and containeth in it 140. Parishes , of the which 12. are Market townes ; the chiefe , Reading , and Abington . But that which gives most lustre to it , is the royall Palace and Castle of Windsore , the principall seate and residence of the most honourable order of the Garter : and indeed the most magnificent mansion of the Kings of England . Camden in his description of this County doth conclude it thus . Thus much of Barksh . which ( as yet ) hath given the title of Earle to no man. And true it was when he so said it . But since it hath bestowed that title on these : Earles of Berks. 1620 1 Francis L. Morrys , crea . E. of Berkshire , Jan. 28. mort sans issue masse .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1625 2 Tho. Howard , Visc . Andover , created E. of Berksh . Feb. 7. now living . Anno 1641. BRIDGEWATER . BRidgewater , but more properly and in the old records Burgh-Walter , that is ; Walters Burgh , so called of Walter de Duaco , who came in with the Normans , & had faire lands given him in these parts by the Conquerour ; is a town of Somerset-shire . A great and populous town it is , descending by the Chaworths to the Dutchy of Lancaster : and vvas by Hen. 8. the heire of the Lancastrian family , adorned with the tlitle of an Earledome ; which hee bestowed on Sir Henry Dawbeney , son of that Giles Dawbeney , who came in with King Hen. 7. from Britaine in France ; and was by him made his L. Chamberlaine , and Knight of the Garter . Which Henry dying without issue , this title lying long a sleep , was afterward awakened in another family , ordeined to be a seminary for the Earles of Bridgewater . A. Ch.   1538 1 Henry L. Diwbeney created Earle of Bridgewater . 30. H. 8.   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1617 2 Iohn Egerton Visc . Brackly , created E. of Bridgewater , May 15 L. President of Wales now living , Anno 1641. BRISTOL . BRistol the third in ranke of the Cities of England , is situate on the rivers of Frome and Avon , not far off from the entrance of the Severne into the Ocean . In that regard it stands commodioussy for trade and trafick , the ships with full sayle comming up into the bosome of the City ; and verily the Cityzens there are wealthy Merchants , and trade into the most part of the world with good faith and fortune . Part of it stands in Somersetsh . and part in Glocester shire , though they account themselves of neither : being a County in it selfe incorporate , and independent upon any other than its own Officers . A town exceeding populous , and exceeding cleanly : there being sinks and sewers made under ground , for the conveyance of all filth and nastinesse , which by them passeth into the rivers . The Castle of it once was a place of strength , and in it K. Stephen was kept a prisoner by Maud the Empresse : but now not able to defend it selfe from the ruines of time . Churches it hath in it , and thereto adjoyning , to the number of 18 , or thereabouts , whereof the fairest and most memorable , next to the Cathedrall ( of which we have already spoken in our description of the Bishoprick , is S. Maries of Radcliffe , without the wals , esteemed to be the fairest Parish Church in England , yet however it hath long been a town of Fame ; it is not full an hundred yeares , since it was made a Bishops see : But lesse since it became a title of nobility , viz. not till King James conferred the honour of Earle of Bristol , on 1622 Iohn L. Digby of Sherborne , cr . E. of Bristol , Sept. 15. Jac. 20. now living 1641. BUCKINGHAM . Bvckingham is another of the three Counties , which were once the seate of the Catlieuchlani : and is supposed to take that name from Bucken , that is , Beech-trees , with which the Countrey is well stored . It is generally a very rich and plentifull soyle , equally good for corne , and grazing , and lieth al along on the banke of the Thames , confronting Bark-shire . It conteines in it , 185 Parishes , eleven of the which are market townes ; and amongst them the chiefe in name is Buckingham , the head town of the County . A town of no great note , when it was at the best ; but more considerable heretofore , than at the present ; being once fortified with a Castle , now hardly to bee found in the very ruines , as also with a rampire and certaine sconces , built for defence thereof against the Danes , now more invisible than the Castle . The greatest honour it can chalenge , is that it hath given titles of the highest honour , to many a brave and worthy personage , as well of the bloud Royall as of other families : who by the Kings of England have been hence denominated . Dukes , Marq. and Earles of Buckingham .   1 Walter Giffard , E.   2 Walter Giffard .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1164 3 Richard Strongbow Earle of Pembroke .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1377 4 Thom. of Woodstock , D. of Glouc. L Constable . * 1397 5 Humfrey Plantagener , died 1400.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1444 6 Humfrey Stafford , D. L. Constable ; descended from a daughter of Thom of Woodstock . * 1460 7 Henry Stafford D. L. Consta . * 1468 8 Edvv. Stafford D. L. Consta . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1616 9 George visc . Villiers , or Earle of Buck. 14 Jac. Jan. 5. Marq. Buck. Jac. 17. Jan. 10. and finally D. of Buck. 21. Jac. May , 1613 ▪ Lord Admirall and Ch. Camb. * 1628 10 Geo. Villiers , now Duke , 1641. BVLLINGBROKE . BVllingbroke is an antient town in Lincoln-shire , heretofore belonging to the Lacies E. of Lincolne : and by the marriage with Alice daughter and heire of Hen. Lacy E. of Lincolne , to Thomas E. of Lancaster ; this with the residue of the lands of Lincolne , became united and incorporated with those of Lancaster . The greatest fame thereof , was for a Castle built there by William of Romara , E. of Lincoln : but much more famous in succeeding times , in that it was the birth place of K. H. 4. surnamed ( according to the fashion of that age ) of Bullingbroke . ) It hath beene almost eversince his time , one of the honours ( as we call it ) of the crown of England : but never made an honorarie title unto any family , untill K. James conferred it on Sr. Oliver S. Johns who possibly might affect to bee thence denominated , as fetching his descent from the Ladie Margaret Beauchamp , grand-mother to King Henry the 7 , the heire of the Lancastrian Family . Earle of Bullingbroke . 1624 1 Oliver L. S. Iohn of Bletho , created E. of Bullingbroke , Jac. 22. Dec. 28. Now living , 1641. CAMBRIDGE . CAmbridge-shire was once part of the possessions of the old Iceni , and takes that name from Cambridge the chiefe town thereof ; and that derived either from the old town called Camboritum , which Antoninus mentions in this tract , or else , as other have conceived , from a bridge built on the river Cam , on whose banks it standeth . A town that hath beene long since dedicated unto learning : here being a publique Schoole erected An. 630 or thereabouts , by Sebert King , of the East Angles , and that ad morem Cantuariorum , as it is in Beda . But Schooles and studies being overthrown by the Danish fury , it lay long forlorne and discontinued , till it beganne to flourish under the calmer times of the Normans government , that is to say , about the middle of the reign of K. H. the first , the 3 K. of the Norman Kings . Nor was it long before , that of a famous Schoole , or Schola illustris , as we phrase it now , it did become as famous an Vniversity : Robert de Remington affirming , that in the reigne of Edward the 1 it was made an Vniversity such as Oxford is , by the Court of Rome . There are now 16 Colleges and Hals endowed , replenished with such store of students , that unlesse it be in her sister Oxford , the like are not found in all Europe . But we must leave this speculation of it as an Academy ; and look upon it next as a title of honour : in which consideration we shall find it no lesse fortunate , than we did before , in these Earles of Cambridge .   1 William do Meschines , son to Randolph E of Chester .   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1342 2 Iohn de Hainalt uncle to Qu. Philip , wife of Edw. 3.   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1349 3 William Marq of Iuliers .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1362 4 Edm. of Langley D. of York . * 1401 5 Edw. Plantagenet D. of York . * 1414 6 Rich. de Co 〈…〉 isburgh , 2 son of Ed● . of Langley .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1619 7 Iames marq. Hamilton cr . Earle of Cambridge , 17. Jac. Jun. 15. Lord Steward . 1625 8 Iames Marq. Hamilton , Master of the horse , and now E. of Cambridge , 1641 CARLILE . CArlile is the principall City in the County of Cumberland , situate in the furthest part of the Kingdome toward Scotland , on the Westerne marches : fortified with a Citadel and sundry Bulwarks for a defence against the Scots , as standing in a place of most advantage for the securing of that border . It flourished heretofore in the time of the Romans , and was by them called Lugu-vallum , as standing on the Trench , or Vallum Picticum , the Picts wall , as our stories call it ; made by the Romans to defend their Province from the Picts and Scots . So that it seemes of old to have been the boundary betweene the nations : though the Northumbers after , in the Saxon times , enlarged their Empire to the banks of Dunbritton Fryth . From whence , or when it first was called Carlile , our Authors say not ; but by that ●●me , and in the Latin by Carleo 〈…〉 , it hath long been known . The Danes consumed it into ashes , and it lay unrepaired in rubbish , til the time of William Rufus , who rebuilt it . Since which by the accession of the Episcopall See , erected there by H. the first , who succeeded Rufus ; it came to be of wealth and credit : and hath given the title of an Earldome to two severall Families , which being of a different quality , have in as different times beene Earles of Carlile . Earles of Carlile . 1321 1 Andrew de Harcla .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1622 2 Iames Hay , Visc . Doncaster , created E. of Carlile , 18. Jac. Sept. 17. 1636 3 Iames Hay now E. of Earlile , 1641. CARNARVON . CArnarvon is a shire of North-wales , butting upon the Irish seas , and parted from the Isle of Anglesey by a streit , or Fretum . A mountainous and rocky Countrey : but the defects thereof are plentifully supplyed by the Isle adjoyning . It tooke name from Carnarvon , the chiefe town thereof : heretofore very strongly walled , and fortified with a faire Castle . Edward the 2. K. of England was here borne ; and hence according to the custome of those times , entituled Edward of CARNARVON . For the occasion of it I refer you to the common Chronicles . The Princes of Wales had in this place their Chancery and Exchequet for all North-Wales : which was no small improvement to it . Earle it had never any till the present Age , in which our Soveraigne Lord now reigning conferred that title on 1628 1 Rob. L. Dormer of Wing , created E. of Carnarvon 4. Car. Aug. 2. now living , Anno 1641. CHESTER . CHester is the principall City of Cheshire , antiently part of the Cornavii . The Country not so plentifull in corne , as in fish and cattell ; but fruitfull in no one thing more than the production of ancient Gentry ; of which it can still shew more antient Families than any one County in the Kingdome . The City built in form of a quadrant , fouresquare , is enclosed with a wall that taketh up more than 2 miles in compasse , and hath 11 Parishes ; the houses being very faire , and well built , and having all along in the chief streets before the doors , a kind of gallerie ; through which a man may walk dry from one end to the other . Seated it is upon the river of Dee , on which , to shew his splendor and magnificence , K. Edgar was once rowed by 7 petie kings of the Scots and Britans , to the great joy of the beholders . The Earles hereof were anciently accounted Palatines . William the Conquerour giving this Earldome to Hugh Lupus , a noble Norman ; to be holden us freely by his sword , as the King himselfe held England by his own . And though it be now , and hath long beene incorporated into the Patrimony regall ; yet it still holds the rights and privileges of a County Palatine : and hath for the administration thereof , a Chamberlaine , a Iustice for the Common plees of the Crown , two Barons of the Exchequer , a Sheriffe , an Eschetour and other Officers ; to the great ease of all the country in expedition of their businesse . The Palatines hereof , before it came into the Crown , are these here following , Earles of CHESTER . 1067 1 Hugh sirnamed Lupus . 1103 2 Richard son of Hugh .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1120 3 Randolph de Meschines . 1129 4 Randolph de Gernoniis . 1153 5 Mugh Kivilioc , son of Randolph . 1181 6 Randol . Blondeville son of Hugh .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1233 7 Iohn le Scot , sonne to the Lady Maud eldest sister of Randolph .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1245 8 Edw. eldest son of K H. 3.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1255 9 Simon de Montford , Earle of Leicester , after whose death Chester was laid unto the Crowne ; and hath beene since united to the Principality of Wales : so that who list to see the residue of the Earles of Chester , shall find them in the former Catalogue of the Princes of Wales , which have beene of the Royall bloud of England . CHESTERFEILD . CHesterfield is a town of Darbysh , commonly called Chesterfeild in Scardale . A towne , which by the ruines of it doth seem to be of good antiquity ; and therefore likely to have had some more ancient name , which seemes to be now buried in those ruines ; or by continuance of time , quite worne out and lost . It glorieth much of being made a free Burrough , in the time of K. John ; and for the battaile fought hard by between K. Henry the 3 , and his rebellious Barons , in which Rob. de Ferrers , Earle of Darby , being taken prisoner , lost his Estate and Dignity , though not his life . But that in which it hath most cause to glory , is that from an ordinary Market Town , it is become the seate of an Earldome ; the stile and title of Earle of Chesterfeild , being conferred by our dread Soveraigne now being , upon 1628 1 Philip Lord Stanhop of Shelford , or Earle of Chesterfeild , 4 Car. Aug. 4 and is now living , Anno 1640. CLARE & CLARENCE . CLare is an ancient Town on the edge of Suffolk , where it joyneth to Essex , seated not far off from the banks of the river S●oure by which the Counties are divided . A Town that hath not any thing whereof to boast ( the Castle and the Collegiall Church being both in rubbish ) but that it gave both name and title unto that noble Family , sirnamed De Clare ; who in their times were Earles of Hartford , Clare and Gloucester . But the male issue of these Clares being failed , Lionel the 3 sonne of K. Edw. the 3. ( having married the sole daughter and heire of William de Burgh , E. of Ulster in Ireland , begotten on the body of Elizabeth , one of the sisters and coheires of Gilbert de Clare , who died Anno 1291 , the last E. of Clare and Glocester of that name ) was made Duke of Clarence ; the termination of the title , being only changed , not the place denominating . And from the change thus made ( which I note only by the way ) the second king of Armes is surnamed Clarentieux ; as apperteining formerly to the Dukes of Clarence : whom with the Earles preceding and succeeding , take in order thus ; Dukes and Earles of Clarence . 1139 1 Gilbert E. of Clare . 1152 2 Roger de Clare . 1174 3 Richard de Clare , after whose death , this title lay long drowned in that of Gloucester .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1362 4 Lionel , D. of Clarence , 2 son to K. Edw. the 3.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1411 5 Tho. D. of Clarence , 2 son to K. H. the 4. L. Admirall .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1461 6 Gro. D. of Clarence , brother to K. Edw. the 4. L. Constable .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1624 7 Iohn Hollys Lord Houghton , cr . E. of Clare , Com. Suffolk , 22. Jac. Nov. 2. 1638 8 Iohn Hollys now Earle of Clare , 1641. CLEVELAND . CLeveland , is a w●pon-take or hundred in the northriding of York-shire , taking that name as Camden tels us , of the steepe banks which we call Clyffes , which run all along the side thereof , and at the foot of which the Countrey spreadeth into a plaine ful of fertile fields . It seemeth to be a place of a faire extent , as being one of those 3 Arch-deaconries into which the whole County is divided ; and doth give the title of an Earle , to 1625 1 Thomas L. Wentworth created E. of Cleveland , 1 C●r . Feb. 7. who doth still enjoy it , An. 1641. CORNWALL . COrnwall is the most western part of England , and takes denomination from the shape and fashion of it , being like an horne ; which the old Britans called Kern , as now the Welch call the countrey Kernaw . The people of it are a remainder generally of the antient Britans ; whose language , for much of it , they do still retaine : although by intermixture of the Saxons , not easie to be understood by the Welch themselves . The Countrey very mountainous , as Wales is also ; and therefore of the lesse accesse to the Conquering Saxons : but the sea-costs well beautified with goodly townes , able to set to Sea , a good Fleet of shippes . And for the mountaines , they doe recompence their defects without , by their abundant wealth within ; as being very full of mines of tinne , which yeelds great profit to the Countrey , and furnisheth most parts of Christendome with that commodity . The Earles of Cornwall heretofore gave great immunities and liberties to those that laboured in these mines ; and when this Earldome fell again unto the Crown , Edw. the 3 erected a L. Warden of the Stannaries , to have the government thereof . And at that time of its reverting to the Crown , the L. K. Edw. gave it to his son , surnamed the black Prince ; since the which time , the eldest sons of the Kings of England , whether it be by birth , or by the death of their Elder brothers , are ipso facto Dukes of Cornwall , without any creation , and are at age to sue their livery , how young soever . Whom with their predecessors we shall marshall thus , Dukes , and Earles of Cornwall .   1 Robert of Morton , E of Cornwal . 1087 2 Wil. de Morton .   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1140 3 Reginald Fitz-Harry , base son unto K. Hen. the first .   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚   4 Iohn second son of K. H. the 2. 1227 5 Rich. Plantagenet , 2 son of K. Iohn K. of the Romans . 1272 6 Edw. Plantagenet , son of Rich.     ✚ ✚ ✚   7 Piers Gaveston .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1336 8 Iohn of Eltham , 2 son of Edw. 2. 1336 9 Edw. the black Prince . 1357 10 Rich of Burdeaux eldest son of the black Prince . * 1399 11 Hen. of Monmouth , eldest son of H. the 4. * 1422 12 H of Windsore , eld . son of H. 5. * 1453 13 Edw. of West . eld . son of H. 6. * 1470 14 Edw of West . eld . son of Edw. 4. * 1483 15 Edw. of West . eld . son of Rich. 3. * 1487 16 Arthur eld . son of K. H. 7. 1503 17 Hen. 1 son of K. H. 7. * 1537 18 Edw. eld . son of K. H 8. 1602 19 Hen eld . son of K Iames. * 1612 20 Char 2 son of K. Iames. * 1630 21 Charles eld . son of our dread Sover●i now being , An. 1641. * COVENTRY . COventry is a faire and goodly City , within the limits of Warw●ck shire , but now within the County of Warwick ; heretofore called so from the Convent , by which and the translating of the See Episcop all from Lichfeild hither , it grew exceeding rich and wealthy . And though it now hath neither Convent , nor Episcopall See ( more than in ruine and in title ) it still continues its old wealth ; being the best City of mart and trade in all these parts ; commodiously built and seated , and more than ordinarily frequented for an Inland Towne . It belonged once unto the Barles of Chester , and afterward by many meane conveyances to John of Eltham Earle of Cornwall ; and so this place became annexed unto that Earldome . Nor lost it any thing , but rather gained much by that annexation : Henry the 6. laying unto it certaine of the adjacent Villages : and making it with them a County corporate , cleerely distinct from that of Warwick . It is now one of the honourary titles of the Duke of Buckingham , George Marquesse of Buckingham , being created Duke of Buckingham , and Earle of Coventry , by letters patents bearing date in May , 21 Jac. and for the remnant of his life he , and since him , his son enjoyed both the title of Dukes of Buckingham , and Earles of Coventry . 1623 1 Georges Villiers , Marquesse of Buckingham . 1628 2 George Villiers , now Duke of Buckingham , and Earle of Coventry , 1641. CUMBERLAND . CUmberland is the furthest Country of England , on the Northwest side , antiently part of the Brigantes . It is called Cumbria in the Latine , and Cumbrorum terra , as being inhabited by the true and naturall Britans , ( who in their own language are cald K●mri ) when as the residue of these Northern parts had yeelded to the conquering Saxon. A Countrey , for the situation of it , neither unpleasant nor unprofitable ; the Valleis yeelding corne sufficiently , the Mountaines breeding great flocks of sheep , the Meeres replenished with all kind of wild foule , and the adjoyning Sea affording a variety of excellent fish . It conteineth in it not above 58 Parish Churches , but very many Chappels of Ease , as big and large as any Parish . Of these there are 9 Market Townes , whereof the chiefe ( next Carlile ) for dispatch of busines , is that of Perith , wherein they hold their Sessions and Assises . Late was it ere this County became an Earldome : viz. when as K. H. the 8. bestowed the stile and dignity of Earle of Cumberland , upon Henry Lord Clyfford , whose issue still continue Earles of Cumberland . 1525 1 Henry L. Clifford created Earle of Cumber . 17 of K. H. 8. Iun. 18. * 1542 2 Henry Clifford . 1569 3 George Clifford . * 1605 4 Francis Clifford . 1640 5 Henry Clifford , Now Earle of Cumberland , 1641. DANBY . DAnby is an ancient Castle in the hundred or Wapontake of Cleveland , in the North-riding of York-shire , seated neare to a large Parke , and a goodly chase of the same name . It belonged anciently unto the L. Latimer , and was sold with other lands belonging to that Family unto Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland , who forth with gave the same to his son Sir George Nevil , whom K. H. the 6. not long after summoned to the Parliament by the name of Lord Latimer . His issue male failing in Qu Elizabeths time , and the Estate being divided betweene his two daughters and coheires , this Castle with the lands adjoyning fell unto the share of his daughter Mary , who being married to Sir Iohn Danvers o● Wilish . was by him mother of S Hen. Danvers , created by K. Iames L. Danvers of Dantesey , and by our Sovereigne now being the first E of Danby . 1629 1 Henry L. Danvers of Dantesey , cr . E. of Danby , Feb. 7. 10 Car. now living , Anno 1641. DARBY . DArbyshire is a part of the Coritani , and tooke that name of Darby , the chief town thereof . A Town conveniently seated on the River of Derwent , beautified with five Parish Churches , a goodly stone Bridg , and a large Market-place : and no lesse famous for Good Ale , than Banbury for Cakes and Che●se . Finally , the Town is well traded , and of good resort ; and is the usuall place of holding Sessions and Assisses for all the County . The Countrey of the East and South parts well manured and fruitfull ; yeelding a very spacious and pleasing prospect , both out of Tutbury Castle , and that of Boulsover . The West part which they call the Peak , is not so pleasing to the eye , though possible as profitable to the purse ; being rich in iron , lead , and coales , which it yeelds abundantly ; and grazing multitudes of sheep on the Mountaine tops . It containes in it 106 Parish Churches , of the which 8 be Market towns ; the chiefe thereof being Darby , as before is said : the Catalogue of whose Earls now followeth . Earles of Darby . 1199 1 William de Ferrars . 1247 2 Wil. de Ferrars . 1254 3 Wil. de Ferrars .   4 Robert de Ferrars .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1131 5 Edm. of Lancaster , 2 sonne to King Henry the 3. after which time , this title was continued in the house of Lancastor . 1338 6 Henry of Lancaster son of Henry Earle of Lancaster , cr . Earle of Darby in his fathers life , 11. Edw. 3. * 1386 7 Henry of Bullingbroke sonne of Iohn of Gaunt , Duke of Lancaster , cr . Earle of Darby in his fathers life , 9 Ric. 2. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1485 8 Thomas Lord Stanley , cr . Earle of Darby by King Henry the 7. L. Constable . * 1503 9 Tho Stanley . 1521 10 Edward Stanley . * 1572 11 Henry Stanley . * 1593 12 Ferdm . Stanley . 1594 13 William Stanley , Earle of Darby , 1641. * DENBIGH . DEnbigh-shire is one of the shires of North-wales , heretofore appertaining to the Ordevices . The Countrey very mounteinous , and as barren generally ; though by the paines and industry of the husband-man , it be made in some parts very fruitfull . The chiefe towne Denbigh is well seated on the banks of the river Istrad , which from thence runneth into the Cluyd , the fairest river of this countrey . A town well peopled and inhabited , especially since it became the head of the county ; which was not till the 27 of Hen. the 8. what time the five new shires were added to the rest in Wales , of which this was one . But before that it was the head town of the Barony of Denbigh , being conceived to be one of the goodliest territories in all Englind , as having more Gentlemen holding thereof in see , and by service , than any other . Lords it hath had good store , and of severall Families ; but none of them a Parliamentary Peere ( in reference hereunto ) till these later times . Of late it hath given title both of Lord and Earle to two severall Families ; viz. to these Lords and Earles of Denbigh . 1564 1 Rob. Dudley , created B. of Denbigh , & E. of Leicester , Eliz. 6. Sept. 29.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1622 2 William Visc . Feilding , created Earle of Denbigh , 20. Iac. Sept. 14 Master of the Wardrobe , and novv living , 1641. DEVONSHIRE . DEvonshire is the most Western Countrey of all England , excepting Cornwall , together with the which it made up the possession of the old Danmonii . It is called Devi●an by the Cornish Britans , that is , the country of Lovv-valleies , because the people dvvel for the most part beneath in vales . From thence the Saxons had their Devenshire ; and the Latines borrow their Devonia A countrey harborous on either side with commodious Havens , enriched with inexhaustable mines of tinne , beautified with fresh and pleasant meadows , shaded again in other parts with greater store of woods , and very well replenished with Towns and Villages ; whereof it reckoneth in the whole 394 Parishes , and therein 37 Market townes of good note and trade . The countrey of it selfe not so fit for corne , but that the toyle and travaile of the ploughman supplies that defect , and addes unto it both by cost and industry what it wants by Nature . Earles it hath had of severall Families ; of which the Rivers and the Courtneys held the title long : as now the Cavendishes may doe , who have possession of it in the third generation . But how long any of them held it , and who they were that interloped , wee shall best see , by looking over the particular Names and Families of the Earles of Devonshire .   1 Ric. de Rivers or Riparis . 1106 2 Baldwin de Rivers . 1154 3 Ric. de Rivers . 11●● 4 Baldvv . de Rivers .   5 Rich. de Rivers .   6 Wil. de Rivers . 1216 7 Baldvv . de Rivers . 1245 8 Baldvv . de Rivers .     ✚ ✚ ✚   9 Wil. de Fortibus , husband of Isabel , sister of the last Baldvv .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1335 10 Hugh Courtney , next heire of Isabel de Fortibus . 1340 11 Hugh Courtney . 1378 12 Edw. Courtney . 1418 13 Hugh Courtney . 1421 14 Tho. Courtney . 1461 15 Hen. Courtney .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1469 16 Humfrey L. Stafford of Southwick , made E. of Devon. by K. Edw. the 4.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1469 17. Iohn Courtney , slaine at Tewksbury . 1487 18 Edw. Courtney . 1509 19 Wil. Courtney . 1525 20 Henry Courtney , Marquesse of Exeter . 1553 21 Edw. Courtney , died 1556.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1603 22 Charles Blount Lord Montjoy , created E. of Devon , by K. Iames.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1618 23 Wil. Lord Cavendish of Hardwick created E , of Devonshire , 16 lac . Aug. 20.   24 Wil. Cavendish .   25 Wil. Cavendish , now E. of Devonshire , 1641. DORSET . THe County of Dorset , abbutteth upon that of Devonshire , having the Sea upon the South , and Somersetshire upon the North. It was inhabited hertofore by the Durotriges , and was all the land they did inhabit . The aire good , and of an healthfull constitution ; the soyle fat and rich in many places , and where in that it is defective ; it yelds good store of woods and pasture . The Country generally very pleasant , in her situation , as being no lesse beholding to the inner-land Rivers , than the bordering Ocean ; the one yeelding merchandise from far , the other the commodity of conveyance to most parts thereof ; and both of them good store of fish . It conteines in it 248 Parishes , and in them 18 Market-Townes , the chiefe of which in name is Dorcester , as that which doth denominate the whole Country , and tooke that name it selfe from the Durotriges , whom before I spake of ; unlesse you rather think that it comes from Durnium , which Ptolomy placeth in this tract . A Towne not famous for much els , than that it hath long been , and doth still continue the honorary title of these Noble personages , which have beene severally Marquesses and Earles of Dorset .   1 Osmund de Sees , E.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1397 2 Iohn Beaufort , Marquesse , Lord Admirall .   3 Thomas Beaufort , Earle Duke of Exeter , Lord Chancellor and L. Adm. 1444 4 Edmund Beaufort Earle and Marquesse . 1454 5 Hen. Beaufort , Marq. 1462 6 Edm. Beaufort , Marq.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1474 7 Tho. Grey , Marq. 1494 8 Tho. Grey ; Marq. 1530 9 Hen. Grey , Marq. D. of Suff.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1603 10 Tho. Sickvill L. Buckhurst , created E. of Dotset . 10. Iac. March 13 L. Tres . and Chanc. of Oxf. 1608 11 Rob. Sackvill 1609 12 Rich. Sackvill . 1625 13 Edw. Sackvill , now E. and Lord Chamberlain unto the Queen 1641. DOVER . DOver , is a well knowne and famous Town , both for the Haven and the Castle , for the security and renown of which and the convenient situation of it over against France , it hath long beene accounted one of the Cinque Ports . Seated it is in the very South-East point of Kent , from whence a man may easily discerne the coast of France as being but 24 miles distant . The Town stands in the bottom between the clyffes , very warme and safe ; the Castle mounted up aloft , both to command and to defend it . A place indeed of such impregnable strength and so great importance ; that Philip King of France , when Lewys his son being called in hither by the factious Barons against their Soveraigne L. King Iohn , had gotten many Townes and Forts , but yet could not get the mastery of this peece , despised all , saying , verily my son hath not one foot of land in England , if he be not master of Dover Castle . It now gives title of an Earle to 1627 1 Henry Cary , Visc . Rochfort , created E. of Dover 3 Car. Mart. 8 , and is now living , 1641. ESSEX . ESsex was anciently perteining to the East . Saxons , and made a chiefe part of their Kingdome ; hence it took the name . Before it did belong to the Trinobantes . A Countrey large in compasse , fruitfull of corne and other sorts of graine , plentifull in saffron , wel wooded and wel watred also ; & that not only by the Sea , and the River of Thams , which washeth all one side thereof , but with faire , and fresh , and fishful Rivers , which do afford no small commodity unto it . The greatest want it hath is of sweet fresh aire ; those paris thereof which lye along upon the Thames , ( which they call the hundreds ) being very aguish and unhealthy . This County conteineth in it 415 Parish Churches , whereof 21 are Market Townes , of which Colchester is farre the richest , fairest and best traded . Yet in regard it standeth in the extremity of all the Countrey , the Sessions and Assisses are held most commonly at Chelmesford , which is almost in the middle of it . But it is time to leave the Countrey , and come unto The Earles of Essex .   1 Geofrey de Mandeville .   2 Geofrey de Mand. 1166 3 Wil. de Mand. 1199 4 Geof . Fitz-Piers , L. Ch. Iustice . 1213 5 Geof . de Mand. 1216 6 Wil. de Mand.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1228 7 Humfrey de Bohun , E of Hereford who married Maud , sister and heire of Wil. de Mand. 1234 8 Humf. de Bohun , L. Con.   9 Humf. de Bohun , L. C. 1298 10 Humf. de Bohun , L. C. 1322 11 Iohn de Bohun , L. C. 1336 12 Humf. de Bohun . * 1361 13 Humf. de Boh. L. C.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1461 14 H Visc . Bourchier , L. Ch. & L. T. * 1483 15 Hen. Visc . Bourchier , *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1539 16 Tho. L. Cromwell . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1543 17 W. L. Parre , Marq. of Northamp . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1572 18 Walt. d'Evreux , L. Ferrars , descended by the Bourchiers from the Bohuns . * 1576 19 Rob. d'Evreux , master of the horse B. Marsh . and Ch. of Cam. * 1604 20 Rob. d'Evreux , now E. of Essex , 1641. EXETER . EXeter is now the chiefe City of Devonshire as heretofore of the Danmonii , by Ptolomy called Isca , and so by Antonine , but that the Copies are mistaken , in which , instead of Isca Danmoniorum , we read Isca Dunmoriorum . A faire and goodly Town it is , seated upon the Easterne banke of the river Ex , from whence it had the name of Excester . In circuit it coutrines within the wals about a mile and a halfe , besides the suburbs which every way stretch out to a great length ; and in that circuit there are numbred 15 Parish Churches , besides the Cathedrall . The whole environed with deep ditches , and very strong wals having many towrs therein very well disposed , and yet the animosity of the inhabitants is a greater strength unto it , than the wals or ditches ; where of they have given notable proofe , in these later times . But for that I refer you to the common Chronicles ; and now present you with the Dukes , Marq. and Earles of Exeter . 1389 1 Iohn Holland , E of Huntingdon , made D. of Exeter by K. Rich. 2. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1416 2 Tho. Beaufort , E of Dorset , L Ch. and Adm. made D. of Exeter by K. H. the 5.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1444 3 Iohn Holland , D. L. Adm. * 1474 4 Hen. Holland , D. L. Adm.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1525 5 Hen. Courtney , E. of Devonsh . cr . Marq. of Exeter by K. H. the 8. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1605 6 Tho Cecill L. Burleigh , cr . E. of Exeter , 3 Iac May 4. * 1623 7 Wil Cecill , 1639. * 1640 8 David Cecill , now E. of Exeter , 1641. FLINT . FLintshire , is one of the old shires of North-wales , and though augmented somewhat by K. H. the 8. what time the March-ground was appropriated unto severall shires ( for which see 37. H. c. 26 ▪ ) Yet it is still the lest of all , as not containing above 28 Parishes , and of them only one market Town . The Countrey not so mounteinous as the rest of Wales ; exceedingly well furnished both with corne for men , and grasse for cattell ; of which it hath good store for number , though for bulke but litle . It tooke denomination from the Castle of Flint , begun by H. 2 , but finished by K. Edw 1 , for a goodfence against the Welch . This Country hath been always held to bee an appendant on that of Chester , and doth ad gladium Cestriae pertinere , as the old books say : but both united now unto the principality of Wales . Edward of Windsore eldest son of K. Edw. 2 was summoned by his father to the Parliament by the name of E. of Chester , and Flint ; since which it hath continued as a title in the Princes of Wales ; and there you shall be sure to find who were Earles of Flint . GLOCESTER . GLocester-shire , antiently was part of the possessions of the Dobuni . A fruitful and a pleasant Countrey , being honoured with a full course of the river of Severne , and the originall or fountaine of the River of Thames . That part thereof which is beyond the Severne is overspread with woods ; all which included in one name , make the Forrest of Deane . That part that butteth upon Oxsord-shire , is swelled up with hils , called the Cotswold hils ; but these even covered , as it were with sheep , which yeelds a wooll of notable finenesle , hardly inferiour to the best of England . Between those two is seated a most fruitfull Vale , fruitfull to admiration , of all kindes of graine , and heretofore of Vines and Vineyards ; the want of which is now supplied by a drink made of Apples , called Syder , which here they make in great abundance . In this so fruitfull Vale stands the City of Glocester , denominating all the Countrey ; and taking name from the old Gle●um , herein placed by Antonine ; for Gleaucester the Saxons stiled it . A fine and neate city I assure you t is , daintily seated on the Severne ; with a large Keye or wharfe on the bankes thereof , very commodious to the Merchandise and trade of the place . The streets are generally faire , and the town well built . And which addes no small lustre to it , Richard the 3 ▪ once Duke hereof , by laying unto it two of the adjacent hundreds made it a County of it selfe ; calling it the County of the City of Glocester . A City finally it is , as worthy to denominate so rich a Countrey , as is the Countrey to give title to those eminent persons , that in their severall times and ages , have been the Dukes and Earles of Glocester . 1100 1 Rob. base son of K. H. 1. E. 1147 2 William .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1189 3 Iohn sans Terre , son to K. H. the 2 who married Isabel , daughter and coheire of Wil. E. of Gloce.     ✚ ✚ ✚   4 Geof . de Mandeville E. of Essex , 2. husband of Isabel .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1216 5 Abmeric de Evreux , sen of Mabell , another coheire of E. Wil.     ✚ ✚ ✚   6 Gilbert the Clare , son of Amice another of the Coheires . 1230 7 Rich. de Clare . 1262 8 Gilb. de Clare , who married Ioane of Acres , daughter to K. Edw. 1.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1297 9 Ralph . de Monte Hermer , 2 husband of Ioane of Acres .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1314 10 Gilb. de Clare , son of Gilb. and Ioane .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1337 11 Hugh L. Audley , married Isabell sister and coheire of Gilb.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1347 12 Tho. of Woodstock , D. of Gloc. & L. Constable .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1398 13 Tho. L. Spencer , grand son of Eleanor coheire of Gilb E.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1414 14 Humf. son to K. H. 4. D *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1461 15 Rich. Plantagenet brother to K. Edw. 4 L. Adm. and Const . D. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1640 16 Henry 3 son of our dread Soveraigne L. K. Charles : declared by his Royall Father D. of Gloces . and so now entituled , An. 1641 but not yet created . HARTFORD . HArtford-shire is another of those Countries , which formerly were inhabited by the Cattreuchlani . A Country , as it is described by Camden , rich in corne fields , pastures , meadowes , woods , groves , and cleere riverets ▪ and which for● ancient Townes may compare with any of its neighbours ; there being no one shire in England , that can shew more places of antiquity , in so small a compasse . It conteines in it but 120 Parishes , and of them 18 are market Townes . The Shire-towne , which doth also give denomination unto all the Country is Hertford , s●●ted on the banke of the river Lea , by Beda called Herudford , which some interpret the Redford , and others some the Ford of herts . A Towne not much frequented , nor greatly inhabited , as overtopped by Ware , which enjoyeth the through-fare ; and by S. Albans , which enjoyeth the trade of all the Countrey . The greatest commendation of it is in the antiquity ; and that it hath been longest a title of honour , of any other in this Country : the Family of the Clares and Seymours having been long enobled with the stile of Earles of Hartford . 1139 1 Gilbert de Clare . 1152 2 Rog. de Clare . 1174 3 Rich. de Clare .   4 Gilb. de Clare . 1230 5 Rich. de Clare . 1262 6 Gilb de Clare . 1314 7 Gilb. de Clare .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1537 8 Edw. Seymour , Visc . Beauchamp , created Earle of Hartford , by King Henry the 8 , after D. of Somerset , died 1551. * 1558 9 Edw. Seymour . 1621 10 Wil. Seymour , now E. of Hertford 1641. HEREFORD . HEreford-shire , was in times past inhabited by the Silures . A Countrey , which besides that it is right pleasant , is for yeelding of corne , and feeding of cattell , in all places most fruitfull , and therewith passing well furnished with all things necessary for mans life ; insomuch that it would scorne to come hehind any one County in England , the people using it for a byword , that for three W. W. W. that is , Wheat , Wooll , and Water , it yeeldeth to no shire in all the Kingdome . The name it taketh from Hertford , the chief Town thereof , which rose out of the ruines of old Ariconium , here placed by Antonine ; the tract and foot-steps of which name , it doth still retaine . The Town is seated very pleasantly upon the banks of the River Wye , in the middle of most flourishing Meadowes , and no lesse plentifull corne fields : and for defence thereof , had once a strong and stately Castle , which now time hath ruined . The Normans became masters of the place , assoone almost as they had made their entrance into England , and unto them the Castle oweth its original ; and 2 yeares after the said Conquest , it was made an Earldom , and hath since given the title of Dukes , Earles , and Viscounts . 1068 1 Wil Fitz-Osborn . E. of Heref. 1072 2 Rog. de Breteville .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1141 3 Miles de Glocest . L. Con.   4 Rog. L. Co. 1154 5 Walter L. Co.   6 Henry L. C.   7 Makel , L. C.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1199 8 Henry de Bohun , grand-child of Marg. daughter of B. Miles , L. C. 1220 9 Humf. de Bohun , L. C. 1275 10 Hum. de Bohun , L. C. 1298 11 Hum. de Bohun , L. C. 1322 12 Iohn de Bohun , L. C. 1336 13 Hum. de Bohun , L. C. 1361 14 Hum. de Bohun . L. C. died 1372. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1397 15 Hen. of Bullingbrooke , D. of Hereford , married Mary daug . and coheire of E. Hum. after the extinction of his line , the Staffords did sometimes use the stile of Hereford . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1547 16 Walt. d'Evreux , Visc . descended by the Bourchiers from the Boh. * 1558 17 Walt. d'Evreux , Visc . E. of Essex . * 1576 18 Rob. d'Evreux , Visc . E of Essex . * 1604 19 Rob. d'Evreux , now Visc . Heref. and E. of Essex , 1641. HOLDERNESSE . HOldernesse is the name of a large Promontory or head-land , in the East-riding of York-shire , lying on the South-east of the river of Hull : Ptolomy seems to call it Ocellum , a certaine Monk Cavam Deiram , or the Hollow Country of the Denians ; expressing in those words the new name of Holdernesse . William the Conquerour gave this territory to Stephen the son of Ode of Champaigue Lord of Aumerle , in Normandy ; whose issue did continue Lords hereof , whiles any issue of that house continued . But that line being extinct in Aveline , first wife of Edmund Earle of Lancaster , the Earldome of Aubermarle , and the honour of Holdernesse were seised into the Kings hands , for default of heires . It hath lien dormant since , till these later days ; in which K James bestowed this title , on 1620 x Iohn Ramsey , Visc . Hadington in Scotland , cr . E. of Holdernesse and Bar. of Kingston upon Thames , 18 Jac. Dec. 30. Mort sans issue . HOLLAND . HOlland is one of the 3 parts of Lincolnsh . situate on the South-West corner of it , in the fennes and marishes . The ground surrounded much with waters , heretofore yeelded very small store of graine , but great plenty of grasse , and plentifully furnished both with fish and fowle . But now upon the dreyning of this fenny Country , they begin to plough it , and sowe the same so ploughed with rape-seed , which yeelds a very great increase , and is become a rich commodity . The Town of most antiquity is Crowland , heretofore famous for the Abby , valued at the supression at 1217 l. 5● . 11 d. per Annum . That of most trade and note is Boston ; a fine Town indeed , and very famous for the lanterne , which is a very excellent sea-mark , and a land-mark too . And this with all , is to be noted of this Country , that howsoever one can hardly find a stone in it ( such is the softnesse of the soyle ) yet you shall no where finde more beautyfull Churches , all built of square and polished stone . It now giveth title of an E. to 1624 1 Hen. Rich. L. K●sington , cr . E. of Holland , 22 Jac. Apr. 3 , now living and Chan. of Cam. 1641. HVNTINGDON . HUntingdon-shire was heretofore inhabited by the Iceni . A Country generally good for corne and tillage ; and towards the East , where it adjoyneth on the fennes , as rich in pasturage : elsewhere it is as pleasant , though not so profitable , by reason of the rising hils , and fine shady groves . It hath been heretofore well beset with Woods , and was indeed a Forest till the time of King Henry the second , in the beginning of whose reigne , disforested . In this regard , the Forest yeelding speciall opportunity , and delight for Hunters , the chiefe Town of it had the name of Hunter downe , we now call it Huntingodn , with very little variation . The Towne commodiously seated upon the northern bank of the River Quse , rising unto the North on the ascent of an hill : adorned with foure Parish Churches , and had a little Abbey once , founded by Maud the Emper. and Eustace Loveloft : the ruines of the which , and of a farre more ancient Castle , built by King Edward the older , Anno 917 ; are yet to be seene . This County conteineth in it five other market Townes , besides the shire-Towne , and 79 Parishes in the whole : and did become an Earldome presently on the Norman Conquest , as it hath ever since continued in these Earles of Huntingdon . 1068 1 Waltheof .   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1075 2 Simon de Senlys , married Maud the daughter of Waltheof .   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚   3 David Pr. of Scotland , 2 husband of Maud. 1138 4 Henry sonne of David King of Scors .     ✚ ✚ ✚   5 Simon de S. Lyz.     ✚ ✚ 1152 6 Malcolm King of Scots , sonne of Hen.   7 Wil. after K. of Scots . 1174 8 Simon de S. Lys , E. 1190 9 David 3 son of Henry . 1219 10 Iohn le Scot son of David .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1337 11 Wil. de Clinton .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1377 12 Guiscard d'Angolesme . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1388 13 Iohn Holland , L. high Chamb. 1400. 1416 14 Iohn Holland , D. of Exct. * 1447 15 Hen. Hol. D. of Exon.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1474 16 Tho. Grey , Marq. Dorset .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1479 17 Wil. Herb.   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1529 18 George Lord Hastings , created Earle of Huntingdon by King H. the 8. * 1544 19 Fr. Hastings . * 1560 20 Hen. Hastings . 1595 21 Geo. Hastings .   22 Henry Hastings , now Earle , 1639. KENDALL . KEndall , is the name of a Town in Westmorland , called also Candale , and Kirk by Candals , as being seated in a dale neere the river Can. The Town built in the manner of a Crosse , two long and broad streets crossing one another ; a Town of great resort & trade , especially for woollen cloaths , which they make there in great abundance , and thence vent through all parts of England . This Town hath been an ancient Barony , descending from the Talboyses , to the Breoses or Bruces ; by them unto the Rosses of Wark , some of whose line attained the title of L. Rosse of Kendal , so to distinguish them from the Lord Roos of Hamlake ; and so at last unto the Parres , to one of which it gave the title of Baron of Kendall , as it hath done before of E. to others , of more note and eminency ; which are these that follow ,   1 Iohn D. of Bedford , 3 son unto K. H. 4 , Regent of France , and E. of Kendall . *   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚   2 Iohn D. of Somerset , E. of Kend. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1446 3 Iohn de Foir , cr . E. of Kend. by K. H. 6 , since which , those of that Family do write themselves Earles of Longueville and Kendall .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1539 4 William Parre ▪ Knight , created Lord Parre of Kendall , 30 Henry the 8. March 9 ( created after Earle of Ex. by King Henry the 8. and Marquesle of Northampton ▪ by King Edward the 6 the rights and interests of which house are now devolved unto the Herberts , Earles of Pembroke , descending from the Lady Anne , sister and heire of the said Lord Parre . KENT . KEnt , in Latine Contium ; so called as being seated in the Canton or corner of the kingdome , is a very rich and pleasant Countrey , lying between the Thames and the narrow Seas . A Countrey very good for corne , and fit for pasturage , according to the severall plots and parts thereof ; and wondrous full of fruitfull and well-ordered Orchards , from whence the City of London is supplied with most sort of fruit . The Villages and Towns stand exceeding thick , being in all 398 Parishes ; besides lesser Hamlets , which make up the two Diocesses of Canterbury and Rochester . It hath also divers safe Roades , and sure Harbours for ships ; and those exceeding well defended with Forts and Castles . Caesar , when he arrived in Kent , found here 4 kings , ( for so they cal'd the Chiefes of the principall Families ) and gives this testimony of the people , that they were the most courteous , and civill of all the Britan● . In the declining of whose Empire , Vortiger gave this Countrey unto the Saxons , who being Heathens , when the rest of the Isle were Christians , gave an occasion to the Proverb of Kent and Christendome . At that time it was made a Kingdome ; as in the entrance of the Normans it was made an Earldom , and so it hath continued in the persons of these Earles of Kent . 1067 1 Odo B of Baieux , halfe brother to the Conq. L. Ch. Iust . & L. Tr.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1141 2 Wil. of Ypres .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1227 3 Hub. de Burgh , L. Ch Iust .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1321 4 Edm. of Wood stock , son to K. E. 1. 1330 5 Edm. Plantag . 1333 6 Iohn Plantag .     ✚ ✚ ✚   7 Tho Hol. married the La. Ioane , of Kent , daugh . of Edm. of Wood. * 1360 8 Tho. Holland . * 1397 9 Tho. Hol. D. of Surrey . * 1400 10 Edm. Hol. L. Adm.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1461 11 Wil. Nevill L. Falconbridge .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1464 12 Edm. Grey , L Ruthyn . L. Tr. cr . E. of Kent by K. Edw. 4.   13 Geo. Grey . 1506 14 Rich. Grey died 1523. 1571 15 Reginald Grey . 1572 16 Henry . Grey . 1613 17 Charles Grey .   18 Hen. Grey . 1639 19 Anthony Grey , Clerk , Parson of Burbage in the County of Leicester , grand-child of Anthony , 3 son of George Grey E. of Kent , novv living , anno 1641. KINGSTON . Kingston , is the name of a well known and eminent Tovvn in the East Riding of York-shire , which standing on the mouth of the river Hull , where it doth fall into the Humber , is better known amongst us by the name of Hull . A town indeed of no antiquity , being first built by Edward the 1 , who liking the situation of the place , compounded for it with the Abbot of Meaux , ( to whom it formerly belonged ) and there built the town , and caused it to be called Kingston . It rose up in a little time to great reputation ; so that for faire and sumptuous buildings , strong Slockhouses , well furnished ships , & wealth of trade , it is become the most remarkable town for merchandise in these parts of Eng. Michael de la Pole , the first E. of Suffolk of that Family , being son of Wil. de la Pole , a rich merchant here , obtained great priviledges for the place , which his successors as they grew in favour , did increase and multiply : and in the dayes of H. 6. Wil. E. Marq. and Dof Suffolk , procured it to bee made a County incorporate , as our Lawyers phrase it . Of late dayes of a County it became the Earldome , of 1628 1 Rob. Pierrepont , Visc . Newark , cr . E of Kingston upon Hull , 4. Car-July 25 , who is now living , Anno 1641. LANCASTER . LAncashire , or the County Palatine of Lancaster , was heretofore a part of the Brigants ; and lieth upon the Irish sea , to the North of Ch●shire . The ground accounted not so fertile as in other places , fitter for oates and such leane corne , than wheate or barley . And yet it is observed with all , that in those parts thereof , in which the husband-man is not wanting to it , in cost and labour , that there it yeldeth corne in a very good measure . The ayre thereof may seem to be very healthfull ; and one would easily conjecture so by the complexion of the people , which are faire and beautifull . And yet the Country is not much inhabited , as in the neighbouring shires about them : there being in so large a quantity of ground , as this shire containes , not above 36 ▪ Parishes , though indeed many Chappels of Ease , equall to Parishes elsewhere for multitudes of people . ●o takes name from the Town of Lancaster , or more truly Loncaster , seated upon the banks of the river Lonc , whence it had the name ; the Saxons adding Ceaster ( as in other places ) for the termination . The Town not very well peopled , nor much frequented ; and yet of that authority / and credit , that it gives name to all the County , and hath obteined this priviledge from K. Edw. the 3 , that the Sessions and Assises should be held in no other place . What Lords and Governours it had in the former times , we regard not here . The first time it became an Earldome , was when K H. 3 , conferred that title on his 2 son Edm. and it was destinate to greatnesse in the first foundation ; there being layed unto it at the very first , besides this County , the whole confiscated estates of the Earles of Leicester and Darby , and the Barony of Monmouth . And into this by marriages accrewed in time , the great estates of Wil. de Fortibus , E. of Aumerle and Lord of Holdernesse , Beausort , and other goodly lands in France ; the Earldome of Lincoln , and good part of that of Salisbury , the Lorships of Ogmore and Kidwelly in Wales , which were once the Chaworths . John of Ga●nt added hereunto the Castles and Honours of Hertford , and Thickbill , and his son Bulling broke a moyetie of the lands of Bohun . being E. of He●eford , Essex , and Northampton : so that it was the greatest patrimony ( as I verily thinke ) of any subject Prince in Christendome . Lancaster finally was made a County Palatine by K. Edward the 3 , and hath been honoured with these Dukes and Earles of Lancaster . 1267 1 Edm. Plantagenet , 2 son of K Hen. the 3 , E. of Lanc. 1295 2 Tho. Plantagenet . 1324 3 Hen. Planta . 1345 4 Hen. Planta . first D of L.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1361 5 Iohn of Gaunt son of K Edw. the 3 married the La. Blanch daughter of H. D. of Lanch . 1399 6 Hen. of Bullingbroke , son of Iohn of Gaunt , after K. of Eng. by whom this County Palatine , and all the lands and honors belonging and incorporate into the Dutchy of Lancaster , were brought unto the Crown of Eng. though governed as an Estate apart , then by its proper Officers , as it continued til the time of K. Edw. the 4 , who did appropriate it to the Crown , and dissolved the former government thereof , to which it was restored again by K. 〈◊〉 ▪ 7 , and so still remaineth under the guidance of the Chancellor , and other Officers of the same . LEICESTER . LEicester-shire is a part of the Coritani , and tooke that name from Leicester the chiefe town thereof ; a town indifferent large , and of a reasonable handsom building , and as wel traded as most inland towns that want ( as this ) the benefit of a navigable river . It had once a very faire Collegiate Church within it , & a faire Abbey close unto it , and a strong Castle therewithall ; but all these the iniquity and injury of time hath ruined . Only the Hospitall , of all the antient edifices ; stands still undefaced . As for the Countrey hence denominated , it beares corne good plenty , but is bare of woods ; the want of which is well supplyed with it-coale , with which the North part of the Country doth store al the rest . It cō cineth in the whole 200 Parishes , and of them 12 are market Towns ; the biggest , as in bulke being Leicester , so in title too ; as that which hath beene honored even before the Conquest , with the stile and reputation of an Earldome ; and hath continued it till now in the names and families of these Earles of Leicester . 1057 1 Algartthe Saxon.   2 Edwyn died 1071.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1103 3 Rob. de Bellomont . 1118 4 Rob. de Bellomont . 1167 5 Rob. de Beaumont L. Stew. 1190 6 Rob. de Beaum. L. high Stew.     ✚ ✚ ✚   7 Simon de Montf . married Amicia , sister and coheire to the last E. Ro. E. of Lei. and L. high Stew. 1239 8 Simon de Mont. L. high Stew.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1267 9 Edm. E. of Lanc. L. high Stew. 1295 10 Tho. E. of Lanc. L. high Stew. 1324 11 Hen. D. of Lanc. L. high Stew. 1345 12 Hen. D. of Lanc. L. high Stew. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1360 13 Wil of Bavaria , E. of Heinalt married the La. Maud of Lanc.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1361 14 Io. of Gaunt , D. of Lan. L. Stew. 1399 15 Hen. D. of Lanc. L. high Stew.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1564 16 Rob. Dudley , L. Denbigh , L. S. and of the house to Q. E. died , 1588.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1618 17 Rob Sidney , Vise . Lisle , descended of a sister of the last Rob. E. of Leicest . was by K. James cr . E. of Leic. Aug. 2.   18 Robert Sidney now Earle of Leices . Ambassadour extraordinary with the K of France , Anno 1641. LINCOLN . LIncoln-shire antiently belonged to the Coretani . A very large and spacious Countrey , extending almost 60 miles in length , and some 30 in breadth ; within which compasse are included 630 Parish Churches , and of them 30 market Towns. It is accounted very kindly ground for the yeeld of corn , and feeding of cartell , and furnished in the lower part thereof with good store of fowle , which from hence are convcied to London in great abundance . It takes name from the principall City , by Ptolomy and Antonine , called Lindum ; and after by the Saxons Lind●colline , either because it stands on so high an hill ( from the Latine Collis ) or that it had been formerly some Roman Colony . A Town of great renown and strength in the times of the Britans , and in the Normans time ( as saith William of Malmesbury ) it was one of the best peopled Cities of England ; a place of merchandise and traffick for al c●mmers , both by sea and land ; insomuch that Remigius then Bishop of Dorcester , thought fitting to translate hither his Episcopall see . From this opinion it then had , first began the Proverb , that Lincoln was , London is , &c. The Bishops of Lincoln what and how they were , we have seen already . We will now look a while on the Earles of Lincoln . 1140 1 Wil de Romara , E of Lincoln .     ✚ ✚ ✚   2 Gilb. de Gaunt . 1216 3 Gilb. de Gaunt .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1218 4 Randal de Meschines , E. of Che ▪ whose grand-father , halfe brother unto Wil. de Romara , by the mothers fide .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1232 5 Iohn Lacy descended by his mother from E. Randall . 1251 6 Henry de Lacy , whose daughter Alice was married unto Tho. E. of Lancaster , and settled all her lands upon that Family .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1354 7 Hen. D. of Lanc. * 1361 8 Iohn of Gaunt D. of Lanc. * 1399 9 Hen. of Bullingbroke D. of Lane. after K. of Eng.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1467 10 Iohn de la Pole , son and heire of Iohn D. of Suffolke .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1525 11 Henry Brandon son and heire of Charles D. of Suffolk .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1572 12 Edward Fenys , Lord Clinton , Lord Admirall , created Earle of Lincolne , by Queen Elizabeth . 1585 13 Hen. Fenys . 1616 14 Tho. Fenys . 1618 15 Theophilus Fenys . now Earle of Lincoln , 1641. LINDSEY . LIndsey is one of the 3 parts of Lincolnshire , ( the other 2 being Holland , which we spake of lately , and Kesteven , not yet become an honourary title , as the others are . It conteineth all the Northerne parts thereof , from the river Witham unto Humben , and from the Ocean to the Trent . Happy above the rest , not in bignesse only ; but that in this part stands the City of Lincoln , the chiefe denominator of the County , which being the antienly called Lindum ( as before I said ) gave to this part the name of Lindsey , for by that name of Lindsey , it is now the Earldome of 1626 1 Robert Bertu , Lord Willoughby of Eresby , and Lord great Chamberlaine of England , created E. of Lindsey , 2 Car. Novemb. 29 , now living , 1641 , MANCHESTER . MAnchester is a good Town of Lancashire , situate on the hithermost part thereof , where it joyneth to the County of Darby . A Town of very great antiquity , known to the Emperour Antonine , by the name of Mancunium ; part of which name it still retaines . And still it carrieth a good accompt , and far excels the Townslying round about it , both for the beautifull shew it carrieth , and the resort unto it of the neighboring people , and which allures them thither , the great trade of Cloathing , Manchester Cartans being famous in all drapers shops . It is remarkable also in those parts for the large Market place , for a faire Church , and for the Colledge : which last being founded first be the Lord De la Ware , was afterwards refounded or confirmed by Qu. Eliz. consisting of a Warden and certaine fellows , which notwithstanding , it is yet more famous , in being made the honorary title of 1625 1 Henry Montague , Visc . Mandevi cr . E. of Manch . 1 Car. Feb. 7 , being then L. President of the Councel , now L. Privy Seale , Anno. 1641. MARCH . MArch is a name of different nature , from the rest before , as being neither Towne nor County . Vnder that name of March or of Marches rather , our Ancestors did comprehend those batable grounds between Wales and Eng. for governance whereof , and the repressing of the insolencies of either side , there were certaine Lords and Potent men , whose lands lay nearest to these parts , which were called Lords Mar●●ers , who had great power and jurisdiction in their severall quarters . Amongst these were the Mortimers of Wigmore , men of great authority , who after were advanced above the rest , and made Earles of March. And it continued in that Family , untill it fell by marriage to the house of York ; and so by Edw the 4 , to the Crown of Eng. Nor was it long before the authority of the Lords Marchers was extinguished quite , by the uniting of Wales to En. & either making new shires of the said March ground ; ( such 〈◊〉 are Monmouth , Brecknoch , Radnor , Denhigh and Montgomery ) or laying it unto the old , for which consult the Act of Parliament 27. H. 8. cap. 26. However the title of E. of March is revived again 3 only translated from the house of Mortimer , to that of Stewart ; out of which houses have been successively , these . Earles of March. 1327 1 Rog. L. Mortimer of Wigmore . * 1354 2 Roger Morti. 1359 3 Edm. Morti. 1381 4 Rog. Morti. 1399 5 Edm. Morti.     ✚ ✚ ✚   6 Edw. Plantagenet , son of Rich. D. of York , and after K. of Eng. of that name the 4.   7 Edw. eldest son of K. Edvv. 4. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1619 8 Esme Steward L. Aubigny ; created E. of March 17 Jac. Jun. 7. after D. of Lennox . * 1624 9 Iames D. of Lennox and Earle of March , Anno 1641. * MARLEBVRGH . MArleburgh is a Town in the North east part of Wilt-shire , seated not , far off from the head of the river Kenet : which runneth thence to Hungerford , and Newbury , and so by Reading into the Thames . The Towne called antiently Cunetio in Antonine's Itinerarium , as the river was : but by the Normans , in whose time this Town revived ( out of the ruines of the old ) it was called Marleburgh , as being seated in a chaulky foyle , which in some places still we call by the name of Marle . A Town stretched out from East to West , upon the pendant of an hill , and had a Castle once belonging unto John , sirnamed Sans tarre , who afterwards was K. of England , which is still , famous in our Law books , for a Parliament there held , 52. H. 3 , in which were made the statutes ( from hence called ) of Marleburgh , right necessary for the peace and tranquility of the people , as is affirmed in the preamble unto the same . Our Soveraigne at his Coronation made it yet more notable , in making it the honour , as it was the neighbour of 1625 1 Iames L. Ley , L. Tr. cr . E. of Marleburgh , 1 Car. Feb 7. 1628 2 Henry Ley.   3 Iames Ley , now E. of Marleburgh , Anno 1641. MARSHALL . THe title of E. Marshall is different from the rest of England , all of the which ( the title of Earle Rivers excepted only ) are locall , or denominated from some place ; this only personall : the residue being only honorary , this honorary and officiary , both together . Antiently they that had this office were only Marshals of the Kings house , according as the same is now discharged by the Knights Marshall . But in succeeding times it grew to be a place of great power , and honour ; as it still continueth . At first they had the title of L. Marshall only . Rich. the 2 was the first , who by letters Parents advanced them to the dignity of Earles Marshals , and with all gave them power to beare a staffe of gold , enammeled black at both ends , with the Kings Armes on the upper end , and their own Armes on the lower ; whereas before that time , the Marshals ; had no other than a wooden staffe , as other the Great Officers have at Court. Before this time , they were L. Marshals only , as before I said . For howsoever the title of E. Marshall and Comes Marescallus , doth many times occurre in our antient histories . Yet I conceive that it was only giventhem then by the courtesie or curiality of England , because the Office in those dayes was vested in the person of none but Earles ; as by the like mistake or courtefie , we find the title of Comes Seneschallus , and Comes Constabularius ▪ 〈◊〉 some old Records . The manour of Hamsted Marshall in the County of Berkshire , was held of old by Grand Sergianty of the Kings of England ; conditioned that the Grantees should for ever be the K. Marshals , according as the Offices of Steward , Constable , and Lord High Chamberlaine , in those times were granted . What the authority and jurisdiction is of this great Officer , we regard not here , it being our undertaking only to lay down the names of those ( as many at lest as I have met with in my reading ) which in their severall times have borne the title of Lords and Earles Marshall . 1135 1 Gilbert de Clare , L. Marshal , created E of Pembrok by K. Stephen . Anno 1139. 1149 2 Richard de Clare , si●●●med Strongbovv , E. of Pemb. and L. Marsh . died Anno 1176. 1176 3 Iohn , sirnamed Marshall , from this Office , which was conferred on him by K. H. 2. upon the death of Rich. E. of Pemb.   4 William Marshall , L. Marshall , the grand-child of the former Iohn , who having married Isabel daug . and heire of Ric. Strongbow , was cr . E. of Pemb. by K. Jo. An. 1201 1219 5 William Marshall , the younger , E. of Pemb. 1231 6 Rich. Marsh . E. of Pemb. 1234 7 Gilb Marsh . E. of Pemb. 1242 8 Wal Marsh . E. of Pemb. 1245 9 Anselm . Marsh . E. of Pemb. 1245 10 Roger Bigot , E. of Norfolk , L. Marshall , in right of Maud his mother , one of the sisters and heires of the 5 last Marshals . 1269 11 Roger Bigot Earle of Norfolke , whose estate being confiscated to the Crown , came after his decease to the K. hands . 1307 12 Robert de Clyfford , made Lord Marshall by K. Edw. 2 , durante beneplaci●o .   13 Nicolas de Seagrave . 0315 14 Thomas de Brotherton Earle of Norfolk , was in the 9. of Edw. 2. made L. Marsh . 1388 15 Margaret , daughter and heire of Thom. de Brotherton , is often honored with the title of La. Marsh . and was afterwards cr . Dutch. of Norf.   16 Wil. de Montacute .   17 Tho. Beauchamp .   18 Edmund Mortimer , did severally and successively discharge the Office of L. Marsh . but whether as Deputies for the La. Marga. nondum planè constat . 1377 19 Henry Lord Percy , L. Marsh . at the coronation of K. Rich. 2. Earles Marshall . 1383 20 Tho. L. Mowbray , E. of Notingh . nephew unto the Lady Marg. by her daughter Eliz. was made the first E. Marsh . by K. Rich. 2 , and was after D. of Norfolk . 1398 21 Tho Holland , E. of Kent and D. of Surrey , was made E. Marsh , upon the banishment of the D. of Norfolk . 1399 22 Tho. L. M● wb . E. of Noting . did on his fathers death ( at Venice ) assume the title of E. Marsh . but the office was exercised by   23 Ralp . Nevill E. of Westmerland , made L. M of En. by K. H. 4. for terme of life , in the beginning of his reigne . 1412 24 Iohn L. Mowb. brother of Tho. E. M. was by K. H. 5. restored unto the title of E. of Notingham , and E. M. and by K. H. 6. to that of Norfolk . 1432 25 Iohn L. Mowb. D. of Norf. E. Mar.   26 Iohn L. Mo. D. of Nor. & E. M.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1476 27 Ric. D. of York , 2 son of K. Edw. 4 , was by his Father cr . D. of N. and E. Marsh . and after married Anne daughter and heire of the last Mow. D of Norfolk . 1483 28 Iohn L. How. descended from the L. Tho. Mow first D. of Norf. cr . D. of Norf. and E. Marsh . by K. Rich 3. 1486 29 Wil. L Berkley , E of Notingham descended from another daughter of the said first D. of Norfolk c● E. Marsh by K. H. 7. and Marq. Barkeley . 1497 30 Hen. D. of York , the 2 son of K. Hen 7. cr E. M. by his Father , & was after K. of Eng. 1509 31 Tho. How. Earle of Surrey , son of Ioh. L. How. D. of Norfolk , was by K H. 8. cr . first E. M and afterwards restored to the Duk. of Norfolk . 1546 32 Tho. How. D. of Norfolk , and E. Marsh . attainted An. 1546. 1547 33 Edw. Seymour , D. of Somerset , and L. Protector of K Edw. the 6 , was in the said Kings time cr . E. Marshall . 1553 34 Tho. D. of Norfolk and E. Marsh . restored unto his bloud and honours , by Q. Mary . 1554 35 Thomas Howard D. of Nor. and E. Marsh . beheaded , 1571. 1572 36 Geo Talbot , E of Shrewsbury & E. M. died anno 1590. 1597 37 Rob. d'Evrcux E. of Essex , and E. Mar. died anno 1601.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1603 37 Edw. Somerset , E. of Worcester executed the office of Earl Marshall at the Coronation of K James , after which time the Office was a long time executed by Commission . 1621 38 Thomas Howard , Earle of Arundell and Surrey , ( grand son of Thomas , Duke of Norfolk , by his son Philip Earle of Arundell ) was by King James created Earle Marshall , as hee still continueth , Anno 1641. MIDDLESEX . MIddlesex is a part of the Trinobantes , lying upon the banks of the river Thames . A County not so large as others , but far more remarkable , for sumptuous houses , wel-built villages , a fertile soyle , and temperate aire ; and which addeth most unto it , for the great Cities of London and Westminster , which are seated in it , and for the constant residence of the Court , the Receptacle and aboade of the Kings of Eng. who have made this County happy above others with their Royall mansions . Whitehall , and Hampton Court , Somerset house and S. James , still in the possession of the Crown ; Enfeild , and Hanworth , aliened now , have either been the chiefe aboades , or retiring places of our Kings and Princes . In which regard , the Kings of E●g . antiently ( as Camdex notes it ) vouchsafed the title of Middlesex unto none , neither D. Marq. E. nor B. although , I know not by what popular error , the Citizens of London reckoned the L. Major elect , for E. of Middlesex . Which whatsoever ground it had , hath none now to stand on , that title being not long since bestowed on 1622 1 Lionel L. Cranfeild . L. Tr. of Eng. cr . E. of Middlesex , 20. Jac. Sep. 17. & now alive , Anno 1641. MONMOVTH . Monmouth-shire is the neerest shire of Wales , though it desires rather to be accounted a part of England , and is indeed included in the circuit of the English Iudges . It lieth upon the North of the river Sevorn , there where it groweth into a Sea , the East parts full of grasse and woods , the West somewhat hilly , and stony withall ; yet not unprofitable to the husbandman , if he be not wanting to himselfe . It takes name from the chiefe Town Monmouth , and that from being seated on the mouth of the River M 〈…〉 , there where it shoores into the Wye . It was the Barony once of Iohn L. of Monmouth , on whose attaindure it was setled in the house of Lancasier ; from whom it after did receive great priviledges and immunities , which they still enjoy . Henry the f●r , son unto King Henry the fourth ( the first of the Lancastrian Family ) was in this place borne , ( which stiewes that noble Family so highly prized it , to make it their dwelling ) and was from hence called Henry of Monmouth . That one particular enough , to renown the place , and therefore we shall adde no more . It is belonging still to the home of Lancaster , as to the possession , being dependent on the Dutchy ; and not much aliened from it as unto the title : the Caries , which derive themselves from Lancaster , by the line of Somerset , being now honoured with the title of Earles of Monmouth . 1625 1 Robert Lord Cary of Leppington , created E. of Monmouth , a Car. Feb. 7. 1639 2 Robert Cary now Earle of Monmouth , now living , Anno 1641 , MONTACVTE . MOntacute is the name of a very antient & illustrious Family , so called from Montacute , a sharp hill in the South parts of Somerset-shire , between Evill and Martok . The place called Biscopeston by the Saxons , but by the E. of Moriton brother by the mothers side to William the Conquerour ( who built a Castle on the top of it ) it was called Montacute ▪ It afterwards gave name to that noble Family ( as before I said ) who being Lords hereof came after to be Earles of Salisbury , and since in other Families ( but descending from them ) hath been the honorary stile and appellation of these Marq. Lords & Visc . Montacute . 1461 1 Iohn Nevill , grandchild of Thom , Montacute , E. of Salis cr . L. Mon. 1 Edw. 44. and after Marq. Monta. Anno 1470. *   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1504 2 Hen. Pole , great granchild . of Rich , Nevill , the elder brother of the said Iohn L. Mont.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1553 3 Antho. Brown descen . from the La. Lucy , daugh . of Ioh. Mar. Mont. cr . Visc . Mont. 1 Mar. Sept. 2. 1592 4 Anth. Brown Visc . Monta.   5 Anth. Brow. now living , An. 1641. MONTGOMERY . MOntgomery-shire is one of the new shires of Wales , taken out of the March-grounds by K. H. S. Anno 27 ; of his reigne , so called from the Town and Castle of Montgomery , & that from Roger. de Montgomery a noble Norman , Earle of Shrewsbury , who winning much land herabouts from the Welch , first built it to secure his Conqu . It standeth not far from the banks of the river Severne , upon the rising of a rock ; from whence it hath overyfree prospect into a pleasant plaine that lyeth beneath it . The Family of the Herberts is very much diffused , and of great authority in this Country , out of which Family 1605 Philip Herbert 2 son of Hen. Earle of Pembrok , was cr . E. of Montgomery 3 Jac. May. 4 , and is now also E. of Pembrok and L. Cham. An. 1641. MOVLGRAVE . MOulgrave is an antient Castle in the north riding of York-shire , situate neare unto the sea , and not far from Whitbay . First built it was by Peter de Manley , ( or de malo lacu , in the Latine ) in the time of Rich. 1 , and being in his eye , a very beautifull pile , was by him called Moult-Grace , but being a greivous yoke to the neighbour inhabitants , was by them called Moult-grave , by which name , and no other , now the world takes notice of it . It continued in his line for seven generations , and all of them called Peters too : and then the issue male failing , it passed through severall Families by the heires generall , and now belongeth to the Sheffeilds ; out of which house : 1625 1 Edm. L. Sheffeild L. President of the North , was cr . E. of Moulgrave , 1 Car. Feb. 7 , and is still alive , Anno 1641. NEWCASTLE . NEw-Castle is the hithermost town of all Northumberland , and the chiefe of the North , seated upon the further banke of the river Tine , which is there so deep , and well fenced withall , that it giveth a very safe station to the tallest ships . It standeth on the declining of a very steep hill , adorned with 4 Churches , fortified with strong wals , & beautified with goodly buildings . A town of very great resort , ) especially by reason of the trade of Sea cole , which is conveyed hence to all parts of the Kingdome , and many other parts of Christendome . It rose out of the ruines of old Gabrosenlum : and had this new name from a Castle built by Robert son of Wil. the Conq. And thriving by the benefit and entercourse of trade , became at length of such reputation , that by K. H. 6. it was made a County incorporate , as we use to say ; and finally thought worthy to give the honour of an E to 1623 1 Ludowick D. of Lennox and E. of Richmond , cr . E. of Newcastle , 2 Joc. in May.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1627 2 Wil. Cavendish , Visc . Mansfield , cr . E. of Newcastle , 3 Car Mar. 7. Now Gover. and Gent. of the Bedchamber of the Prince his high . A. 1641. NEWPORT . NEwport is the chiefe Town of the Isle of Wight , called in times past Medena , afterwards No●us burgus de Meden , and by us now , Newport . A Town well seated and much frequented , and withall populous in it selfe ; which most ariseth from the benefit of a little haven capable of vessels of the smaller burden , which come up to the very key . For government within , it hath a Major and Burgesses , being made a Corporation by K. James , and for a further lustre to it , in the world abroad , it pleased our Soveraigne L. K. Charles , to create 1628 Montjoy Blount , Lord Montjoy , E. of Newport , 3 Car. Aug. 3 , who is now Master of the Ordnance , and of the Counsell for warre , Anno 1641. NORFOLK . NOrfolk is the greatest County of Eng. next to Yorksh . but far more populous than that ; as comprehending in the whole 660 Parish Churches , of which 27 are market towns . It antiently was a part of the Iceni , and next the Northern part of the Kingdome of the East-Angles , from whence it had the name of Northfolk , as hath the Southern people of it , the name of Southfolk . The soyle according to the variety of places is of different nature ; in some fat , rank , and full of moysture ; in others very light and sandy : yet so that one contributing unto the other , and the sea giving help to both , it is a very plentifull country for corne , sheep and fish . The people norably industrious both for plough and manufactures ; in somuch that one shall hardly see a begger throughout all the Countrey : And yet ( which makes the merveile much the greater ) they are notable wranglers , well versed and studied in the quirks of Law , and consequently create more work for the Assises , than almost all the circuit else . But then it is observed withall , that this disposition hath brought some reputation with it , as furnishing the Courts of Iustice with many an eminent man in the laws of Eng : and yeelding generally the best breed of Lawyers . It is observed , by a great antiquary of this Kingd . that in this County are 100 Families of antient Gentry , which never were attainted of high treason , which if it be true , the Gentry of Norfolk have had better fortune than the Dukes and Earles . 1070 1 Ralph . de Ware , E. of Norf.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1137 2 Hugh Bigot . 1177 3 Rog. Bigot .   4 Hugh Bigot . 1125 5 Rog. Bigot . 1270 6 Rog. Bigot .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1312 7 Tho. de Brotherton , first son of K. Edw. 1 , E. of Norf. 1398 8 Marga. daugh . of Tho. of Brotherton , Duch. of Norf.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1398 9 Tho. L. Mowbray son of the Lad. Marg. D. of Norf. * 1427 10 Iohn Mowb. * 1434 11 Iohn Mowbray . * 1461 12 Iohn Mowbray . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1475 13 Rich. D. of York , & Norf. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1483 14 Iohn L. How. descended from the Lad. Margaret daugh of Tho. 1. D. of Norf. died 1486. * 1512 15 Tho. How. L. Tr. and Adm. * 1524 16 Tho. How. L. Tr. * 1554 17 Tho. How. last D. of Norf. died 1572. NORTHAMPTON . THe County of Northampton , is situate almost in the very middle and heart of Eng. A Champion Countrey for the most part , exceeding populous , and so replenished with Townes and Churches , ( being in all 326 , whereof 10 are markets ) that in some places there are 20 or 30 steeples to be seen at once . The soyle exceeding fertile both for tillage and pasture , maintaining numerous flocks of sheep , and herds of cartell ; but somewhat destitute of woods . It takes name from Northampton , the chiefe towne thereof , seated upon the river Nen ; which antiently called A●fona , but corruptly Antona , bestowed this name upon the town , being indeed built on the Northern bank . A town which for the beauty and circuit of it , may be well ranked with many Cities of the Kingdome : and heretofore so safe and sure by reason of the strong wals , ( from whence there is a goodly prospect into all the County ) & a strong Castle , no● demolished ; that once the students of Cambridge had a purpose to remove their Vniversity unto it . This strength however made it obnoxious to some disadvantage , as being a place much aimed at in our Civill wars , and many a battaile fought about it , Yet never were the times so turbulent , or the place so dangerous , but that there were some persons of superior ranke , who did afsect the name , and enjoy the title of Earles and Marq. of Northampton .   1 Walt. E. of Huntingdon .     ✚ ✚ ✚   2 Simon de Senlis married Maud daugh . of Waltheof . 1153 3 Simon de Senlis .   4 Sim de Senlis .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1337 5 Wil. de Bohun . * 1360 6 Humf. de Boh. who being after E. of Hereford , added this title to that house , from whom it came unto the Staff. D. of Buck. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1547 7 Wil. L. Parre , Marq. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1693 8 Hen. How. brother of Tho. last D. of Norf. L. Pr. Scale . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1618 9 Wil. L. Compton , cr . E. of Northa . 16 Jac. Aug. 2. L. Pres . of Wa. * 1630 10 Spencer Compton , now E. 1641. Northumberland is a more contracted namenow , than in former times . Heretofore it included all the Countries on the North of Humber , possessed of old by the Brigantes , and the Ottadini , now only the extreame and most northerne part , betwixt the rivers of Tine and Twede , all which the Ottadini once inhabited . The aire exceeding sharp and piercing , as being often visited with boystrous winds , hard frosts , and tedious snows ; to remedy which it yeelds abundance of sea-coale for fuell , and at very cheap rates . The soyle in generall neither fertile for corn or pasturage , as being for the most part exceeding rough and very hard to be manured , only in some parts towards the sea , by the late industry of the ploughman , and benefit of sea-weed , wherewith they do improve their ground , it is become indifferent fruitfull . The Countrey meanly populous , and but ill inhabited ; partly by reason of the barrenness : of the Country , as before is said , and partly for the bad neighbourhood of the Scots , as commonly it is in March-lands ▪ or frontier countreyes . In this regard , it had almost as many Castles for defence of themselves , as is Parish Churches for the service of God , there being 26 of the one , and but 46 of the other ; but then withall the Parishes were and are exceeding large , and have many Chappels of case perteining to thē , which inconvenience of the soyle & seas may possibly have beene the reason why the possession of it held not long in any Family ( although the title and possession of it had been given to many ) untill the Percyes : who not without some interruption too , have continued long . By reason of which intermixture of severall Families ; it hath given to those Families the severall titles of Duke , and Earles of Northumberland . 1065 1 Morcar . E. of Northumb.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1071 2 Gospatrick .   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1072 3 Waltheof . E. of Huntingd.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1076 4 Walcher Bish of Durham .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1086 5 Rob. de Mowb. devested 1095.     ✚ ✚ ✚   6 Hen Pr. of Scotl.   7 William K of Scots .     ✚ ✚ ✚   8 Hugh Pudsey B. of Durham .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1377 9 Hen. Per. L. Const . 1414 10 Hen , Percy . 1455 11 Hen. Percy . 1461 12 Hen. Percy .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1465 13 Iohn Nevill , L. Monta. cr . E. of Northumb. by K. Edw. 4 , who after 6 yeares resigned it to the said Hen. Percy . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1489 14 Hen. Percy .   15 Hen. Percy died 1537.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1551 16 Iohn Dudley E. of Warwick , and L. Adm. D. of Northumb. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1557 17 Tho. Percy , E. of Northumb. * 1574 18 Hen. Percy . 1585 19 Hen. Percy . * 1633 20 Algernon Percy , now E. of Nort. and L. Adm. 1641. * NORWICH . NOrwich is the chiefe City of Norfolk , and took that name as did the County , from the Northern situation of it . It standeth upon the river of Yare , which runs thence to Yarmouth , lying out in length a mile and an half ; not above halfe so much in breadth , and in that space conteineth about 30 Parishes ; well walled about with many a turret , and 12 gates for entrance . A City which for faire buildings , and resort of people , the painefull industry of the common sort , the great humanity of the richer , and the firme loyalty of all , in seditious times , may justly be accounted the 3 of England . Amongst the buildings those of speciall note ( next unto their Churches ) are the 2 Palaces of the D. of Norfolk , and earles of Surrey . And for the wealth and opulence , which it now enjoyeth , it standeth much indebted to the Netherlanders , who flying from the D. of Alva , and the Inquisition , brought with them the making of baies and sayes and other manufactures ; whereby the poore are set on work , and the rich grow pursie . A place that hath been honored long with a see Episcopall , but never made a title of Civill honour , till 1626 Edw. L. Denny of Walthan was cr . E. of Norwich , 2 Car. Aug. 24. Mort sans issue masle . NOTTINGHAM . Nottinghamsh , antiently was a part of the Coritani , well watred with the river of Trent , and many other pleasant streames . The people generally divide it into the sand , and the clay ; that being the E. part , taking up the forrest of Sherwood , famous for Rob. Ho●d , and his companions , this being the South , and Eastern part , more fruitfull , and more fit for corne ; and throughout well furnished both with wood and coale . It conteineth in it 168 ▪ Parishes , of which the chiefe , and that from whence the shire takes name is Nottingham . A Town well seated on the Trent , though very high upon an hill which overlookes it : for buildings , and faire streets , and a spatious market place , not giving way to many Cities . But that which gave the greatest ornament unto it , was indeed the Castle , a Royall and magnificent building , which for strength , statelinesse , and command of prospect , may justly challenge the precedency of the best in Eng. Of Martimets hole there , who was hence haled to his executiō , and of the long imprisonment which David K. of Scots here suffred , the people areas good as a common Chronicle , and intermixe too , not a few Fables with the truth of story . But that which we have good record for , without fraud or fiction , is that it hath afforded in successive Ages , these Lords and Earles of Nottingham .   1 Wil. Peverell , L. of the honour of Nottingham .   2 Wil. Peverell , L.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1141 3 Rob. de Ferrers , married Margar. daughter of Wil. Peverell .     ✚ ✚ ✚   4 Iohn , after K. of Eng.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1377 5 Iohn L. Mowbray . 1382 6 Tho. Mow. E. Mar. after D. of Nor. 1400 7 Tho. Mow. E. M. and D. N. 1405 8 Iohn Mow. E. M. and D. N. * 1432 9 Iohn Mow. E. M. and D. N. * 1461 10 Iohn Mow. E. M. and D. N. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1475 11 Rich. D. of York , 2 son of K. Edw. 4 married the La. Anno , sole child of Iohn D of Norf.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1483 12 Wil. L. Berkley descended from the L. Isab . daugh . of Tho. 1. D. of Nor. & E. of Nott. 1597 13 Charles L. How. of Essing & L. Adm. descended ▪ by the home of Not from the Mow.   14 Charles How. now E. of Nottin . Anno 1641. OXFORD . OXford-shire is a part of the Dobuni , situated North-ward of the Thames , which parteth it all along from Berk shire . A plentifull and fruitfull Countrey , wherein the plaines are garnished with cornefields and meadows , the hils well covered with woods and the downes with sheep , and wanting in no kind of pleasure , which either hawke or hound can afford a Gentleman . It conteines in it , being no great circuit , 270 Parish Churches , and 10 market townes , the chiefe of which in name and beauty , giving denomination to the County , is the famous City and Vniversity of Oxford . A faire and goodly City , both for site and building ; whether one look on the magnificence of the publique structures , or the compacted uniformity of private houses . And sure it may be said without immodesty and heard without dislike or envy , that for the statelinesse of the Schooles and publique Library ; the bravery and beauty of particular Colledges , all built of faire and polished stone ; the liberall endowments of those houses , and notable incouragements of industry and learning in the salary of the Professors in most Arts and Sciences ; it is not to be parallelled in the Christian world : and for the number of her studens , and the well ordering of those Students by good laws and ordinances , not to be equalled by any but her sister Cambridge . From whencè it had the name of Oxford , is adhuc sub judice : whether of Vad 〈…〉 Isidos , the ford of Ouse or Isis , on whose banks it stands , and so called Ousford ; or Vada boum , the ford of Oxen ( as the Greeks had their B●sphori in former times ) I determine not . Suffice it that this name is very antient , and that it antiently hath beene an Vniversity or seat of learning ; in which respect , it hath co-evity with that of Paris , if not priority above it , as being refounded by K. Alfred , Anno 806 , after it had been overborne a while by the Danish fury . Colledges it conteineth in all 18. Hals for students 6 , and about 13 Parish Churches . It is moreover a see Episcopall , and it hath withall received no small honour from the noble Family of the Veres , who now for 20 generations have been Earles of Oxford . 1067 1 Edgar Atheling :     ✚ ✚ ✚   2 Aubrey de Vere , L. high Chamb. 1146 3 Aubrey de Vere , L. high Ch. 1214 4 Rob. de Vere , L. high Ch. 1233 5 Hugh de Vere , L. high Ch. 1263 6 Rob. de Vere , L. high Ch. 1295 7 Rob de Vere , L. high Ch. 1331 8 Iohn de Vere , L. high Ch. 1358 9 Tho. de Vere , L. high Ch. 1310 10 Rob. de Vere , D. of Ireland . 1393 11 Aubrey de Vere . 1400 12 Rich de Vere . * 1415 13 Iohn de Vere . 1462 14 Iohn de Vere , L. high Ch. * 1512 15 Iohn de Vere , L. high Ch. 1526 16 Iohn de Vere . * 1539 17 Iohn de Vere , L. high Ch. 1562 18 Edw. de Vere , L. high Ch. 1604 19 Hen. de Vere , L. high Ch. 1624 20 Rob. de Vere . 1632 21 Aubrey de Vere , now Earle of Oxon , 1641. PEMBROKE . PEmbrok-shire was inhabited of old by the Dimetae , a Countrey quite surrounded by the Sea , save where it joyneth unto Cardigan and Carmarthen shires . A Countrey plentiful in corne and Cattell , not destitute of pit coale ; and which is far above the rest ( as Giraldus tels us ) considering that it is to neare to Ireland , of a temperate and wholesome Aire . It conteines in it 140 Parish Churches , and 5 Markets ; that which is most of note being Milford , renowned for its safe and capacious haven . But that from which it takes denomination , is the town of Pembrok , seated upon a forked arme of Milford haven , and in the best part of all the Countrey . A town consisting principally of one long street on a long narrow point of rock ; and hath within the wals thereof , two Churches . The Earles here of in former times were County Palatines , and passed al things that concerned that County under the seale of the Earldom . And it continued so untill the reigne of H. 8. when as Wales was reduced to England , and the authority of the great Lords there , dissolved by Parliament . Since which the Earles of Pembrok have been meerely titular , as of other places , and of each sort were these in their severall Ages , the Marq. and Earles of Pembrok . 1139 1 Gilb. de Calre . 1149 2 Ric. de Clare , sirnamed Strongbow .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1199 3 Wil. Mar. married Isabel , daughter and heire of Rich. Strongbow . 1219 4 Wil. Marsh . and L. chiefe Iustice . 1231 5 Rich. Marsh . 1234 6 Gilb. Marsh . 1242 7 Walt. Marsh . 1245 8 Anselm Marsh .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1247 9 William de Valence halfe brother to King Henry the 3 whose wife was daughter of a sister of Ans . Marshall . 1296 10 Aymer de Valence .   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1341 11 Lawrence Hastings , who married the Lady Isabell de Valence . * 1348 12 Iohn Hastings . * 1373 13 Iohn Hastings .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1414 14 Humf. D. of Glocester .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1447 15 Wil. de la Pole ; D. of Suff.   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1452 16 Iasp . of Hatfeild half brother to K. H. 6 , after D. of Bedf. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1468 17 Wil. Herbert . * 1469 18 Wil. Herbert .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1479 19 Edvv. Prince of Wales , son of K. Edw. 4.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1532 20 Anne Bolen , Marchionesse . of Pemb. wife of K. H. 8.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1551 21 Wil. Herb. L. Steward , crea . E. of Pemb. by K. Edw. 6. * 1570 22 Hen. Herbert . * 1601 23 Wil. Herb. L. Steward and Chan. of Oxon. * 163● 24 Philip Herb. now E. of Pembrok and Montgom . and L. Chamberlaine , 1641. * PETERBVRGH . OF Peterburgh , as it is an Episcopall see , we have spoke already and have not much to adde of it , as it hath the title of an Earldom . It standeth in the very nooke or angle of Northampton-shire ; where formerly had been a gulfe or whirle poole of exceeding depth : but made firme ground by Wolpher K. of the Mercians , when with great paines and diligence , he laid the foundation of the Church . A Town , but for the Church , of no great nore , as standing out of the way for trade and traffick , and seated in no plausible place ; whether one look to health or pleasure . Yet by occasion of the Abbey in the former times , and now by reason of the Bishop there ; it drawes resort of people for dispatch of businesse , hath a large marketplace , a faire Parish Church , and a handsome streets . Of late unto the Ecclesiasticall relation of it is joyned an honourary , it pleasing he Kings Majesty that now is , to create 〈…〉 ▪ 1627 Iohn L. Mordant , E. of Peterburgh , 3 Car. March. 9. who now enjoyes that title , Anno 1641. PORTLAND . POrtland , was once a little Island , but now adjoyneth to the mainland of Dorset-shire , lieth full against the good town of Weymouth , and seemes to take this name from Port , a noble Saxon , who about the yeare 703 infested and annoyed these Coasts , and made here his station . It is not above 7 miles in compasse ; and very scatteringly inhabited ; but plentifull enough of corne , and good for pastures . On the East side it hath a Church on the North a Castle , which seems to guard the entrance of Weymouth haven . But however it was in former times , it is now remarkable , it gave and gives the stile of Earle , 1632 1 Richard Lord Weston , L. high T 〈…〉 created Earle of Portland , Feb. 15. 8 Car. 1635 2 Hier. Weston now E. of Portland , Anno 1641. RICHMOND . RIchmond-shire is no County of it selfe , but a part of York-shire lying towards the North-west , with rugged rocks and swelling mountaines , whose sides in some places be are good grasse , the bottomes underneath not being unfruitfull ; and in the hils themselves are found good mines of lead and pit-coale . The chiefe Town of the whole is Richmond , of a small circuit in the wals , but by reason of the Suburbs lying out in length , very well peopled and frequented . A Town first built by Alane E. of Bretagne , the first E. here , after the entrance of the Normans , who fenced it with a wall and a most strong Castle , the better to assure these parts against the English , and having finished , the same according to his own content , gave it the name of Richmount , as a place equally participating of strength and beauty . It standeth on the banks of the river of Swale , which with a mighty noise runneth underneath it : A River reputed very sacred by antient English , for that in it , Paulius the first Archb. of Yorke baptized in one day above 10010 men , besides women and children . The Earles of Bretagne for a long time together continued in the title and possession of this Countrey : Since it hath been bestowed upon other Families , who in their severall times have been adorned with the stile of Dukes and Earles of Richmond .   1 Alan the Red , E. of Bretagne . 1093 2 Alan the black , E. of Breta .   3 Steph. E. of Bret. 1104 4 Alan E. of Bret. 1166 5 Conan D. of Bret.   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1170 6 Geof . Plantag . son of K. H. 2 , married Const . daught . of Conan . 1186 7 Arthur , the son of Geof .     ✚ ✚ 1201 8 Guido , Visc . of Touars , 2 husband of Constance .     ✚ ✚ ✚   9 Randolph of Chester , 2 husband of Constance .     ✚ ✚ ✚   10 Peter of Dreux , D. of Bret.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1241 11 Pet. of Savoy unckle to Qu. Eleon . wife of H. 3.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1268 12 Iohn de Dreux , D. of Bret. 1305 13 Iohn de Dreux , D. of Bret.   14 Iohn de Bret. E. of Richm. 1334 15 Iohn de Dreux , D. of Bret.   16 Iohn de Montf . D. of Richm.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1341 17 Iohn of Gaunt , after D. of Lanc.     ✚ ✚ ✚   18 Iohn de Montf . sirnamed the valiant , D. of Bret. and E. of Rich.     ✚ ✚ ✚   19 Ralph Nevill , E. of Westm . cr . E. of Rich. for term of life . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1425 20 Iohn D. of Bedford . *   ✚ ✚ ✚ 1452 21 Edm. of Haddam , halfe brother to K. H 6.   22 Hen. E. of Rich. after K. of Eng.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1525 23 Hen. Fitz-Roy base son of H 8. D. of Rich. and Somerset , L. Adm. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1613 24 Lodow. D. of Lennox , crea . E. of Richm. 11 Jac. Oct. 9. and after D. of Rich. 1623 , May , L. Stew. RIVERS . THe title of Earle Rivers is of different nature from all the rest of England , those being locall ( that of E. Marsh , excepted ) and this nominall : those taking their denomination from some speciall place , and this from an illustrious Family . The antient name was Redvers , or de Ripariis ; thence it came to Rivers . At first they were but Barons of Plimpton in the County of Devon ; after they came to bee Earles of Devonsh . which title 8 of them enjoyed successively , and then the masculine issue failing , the name and patrimony both were lost amongst the female or heires generall . From some of these , as 〈◊〉 conjecture , came S. Rich. Woddeville , whom first K. H. 6. advanced unto the honourable title of L. Rivers , and after Edw. 4. marrying his daughter , advanced him higher , and made him E. Rivers . Which title ending in the 3 E. of this name and Family , was since again revived in the honourable houses of Darcy and Savage , this last deriving a descent hereto by the line of Worcester , & Huntington , from one of the daught . and coheires of the first E. Rivers , whom and his successors take in order , thus 1466 1 Rich. Woodville , L. Tr. and L. Con. father of Qu. Eliz. wife of Edw. 4* 1469 2 Ant. Wood. * 1483 3 Rich. Wood.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1626 4 Tho. L. Darcy Visc . Colch . cr . E. Rivers . 2 Car. Nov. 4. 1639 5 Iohn Savage , son of Tho. Visc . Sav. and Eliz. his wife , eldest daught . and one of the coheires of Tho. E. Riv. by vertue of a speciall entaile in the said creation , succeeded him in the titles of Earle Rivers , and Visc . Colchester , is now living , 1641. RVTLAND . RUtland , for quantity , is the least Country of Eng. for quality not inferior to the very best , as being a pleasant and fruitfull Countrey , especially about the vale of Catmosse . The earth thereof is generally very red of colour , so red that even the fleeces of the sheep are coloured with it ; in which regard it had the name of Rudland , the Saxons calling that Rud , which we now call Red , as we retaine the use of Ruddy still ; in the selfe-same sence . Heretofore it was reckoned for a part of Northampton-sh . not made a County till of late ; and now again is laid unto Northampton-sh the better to make up a Diocesse for the see of Peterburgh . It contineth in it but 48 Parish Churches in the whole ; the chiefe of which are Uppingham and Oakham , two small market towns , of which the last is the shire town for the Assises , Sessions , and all publique businesses . Yet small and little though it be , can shew the seats and titles of 4 Parliamentary Barons ; and besides that hath honored many a noble person with the name and title of Earles of Rutland . 1390 1 Edw. Planta . eldest son of Edm. of Langley D. of York *     ✚ ✚ ✚   2 Ed● . Plantage . 2 son of Rich. D. of York .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1525 3 Tho. Mannours , L. Roos , descended by the L● Anne his mother from the said Rich D. of York , cr . E. of Rutland by K. H. 8. * 1543 4 Hen. Man. * 1563 5 Edw. Man. * 1586 6 Iohn Mann . 1587 7 Rog. Man. 1612 8 Franc. Man. 1632 9 Geor. Man. 1641 41 Iohn Man. now Earle of Rutland , 1641. SALISBVRY . SAlisbury is the chiefe City of Wilish . antiently called Sorbiodunum , which name it held untill the entrance of the Saxons , who gave new names and laws to all parts of Eng. It was at first seated high upon an hill , as being a place designed for strength and war , yet honored for a while with a Bishops see , and a faire Cathedrall . But the Bishops and the Clergy finding no good quarter amongst the Souldiers , which were there in garrison , and being destitute of water on so dryan hill ; about the time of Rich. 1 , began to leave it , and plant themselves down lower by the water side . Being once setled there , and raising a new Minster for Gods publike service , the people also followed after , and left old Sarum to it self , which in short space became so totally deserted , that now the ruines of it are hardly visible . But for new Salisbury , that grew up presently into great renown , pleasantly seated on the river , which watreth every street thereof , and for the populousnesse of the place , plenty of provision , a spacious market place , and a faire Townhall , is esteemed to be the second City of all this Tract . And which addes no small lustre to it , a place that hath been very fortunate in those ominent persons , on whom the Kings of England have bestowed the title of Earles of Salisbury .   1 Patrick d'Evreux . 1168 2 Wil. d'Ev.     ✚ ✚ ✚   3 Wil. Long-espec ; base son of K. H. 2 who married Ella , daughter of Wil. d'Ev. 1225 4 Wil. Long-espee .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1333 5 Wil. de Montacute . * 1343 6 Wil. de Mont. 〈◊〉 1396 7 Iohn de Mont. 1400 8 Tho. de Mont. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1428 9 Rich. Nevill , who married Eleanor daughter of Th. Mont. L. Ch. * 1460 10 Rich. Nevill , E. of Warwick . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1472 11 Geo. D. of Clarence , who married Isab . daugh . of Rich. E. of War. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1477 12 Edw. eldest son of K. Rich. 3. and Anne , the 2 daugh . of Rich. Nev.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1514 13 Marg. daugh of Geo. D. of Clar. cr . Countesse of Salisb. by K. H. 8.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1605 14 Rob. Cecil , Visc Cranborn , cr . E. of Salisb. 3 Jac. May 4● L. Tr. * 1612 15 Wil. Cecil now E. of Salisbury , and Captain of the Pensioners , 1641. * SHREWSBVRY . SHrewsbury is the principall town in Shropshire , called by our Ancestors the Saxons Scrobbesbyrig , for that it was of old a very thicket of shrobs . A place that rose out of the ruines of old Uriconium , seated not far off ; but grew not into any great request till the Norman Conquest . The town stands neatly on a hill , and is almost incompassed round by the river Severn : that part thereof which is not fenced by the River , being fortified with a very strong Castle built by Roger de Montgomery , the first E. hereof . A faire and goodly Town it is , well traded and frequented by all sorts of people both Welch & Eng. by reason of the trade of cloth , and other merchandise ; this being the common mart or empory between Wales & Eng. It standeth in the very midst or center , as it were , of the whole County , which generally is inferiour unto none about it , for delight and plenty ; and for the number of Townes and Castles standing exceeding thick on every side ( as having formerly been a frontier-Country ) very far above them . It belonged antiently to the Cornavii , and presently on the Norman Conquest , was bestowed on Roger de Montgom , whom before I spake of , who and his successors , and since them the honorable Family of the Talbots , enjoyed the stile and title of Earles of Shrewsbury . 1067 1 Rog. de Montgomery . 1093 2 Hugh de Montg . 1098 3 Rob. de Montg .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1442 4 Iohn Talbot Marsh . of France , cr . E. of Shrewsbury by K. H. 6. * 1453 5 Iohn Talbot , L. Tr. * 1460 6 Iohn Talbot . 1473 7 Geo. Talbot . * 1541 8 Francis Talbot . * 1559 9 Geo Talbot . * 1590 10 Gilb. Talboy . * 1616 11 Edw. Talbot . 1618 12 Geor. Talbot . 1630 13 Iohn Talbot , now E. of Shrewsbury , 1641. SOMERSET . SOmersetsh , antiently was inhabited by the Belgae . A Country of a fertile soyle , hoth for corne and pasture , exceeding populous ( as comprehending in the whole 385 Parish Churches , where of 33 are market towns ) & furnished also with commodious havens for trade and traffick . A Country howsoever pleasant in the Summer season ; yet in the Winter time so deep & miery , that it is scarce passable ; from whence the people have a proverb , that it is bad for the Rider , but good for the abider . Yet in some parts thereof , those specially which are towards Wiltsh . it is both hilly and stony ; but in the bowels of those hils , particularly in those of Mendip , they find rich veines of lead , to the great enriching of the Country , and benefit to all the Kingd . It took this name from Somerton , once the most famous and considerable in all the County , now a small market Town of no note nor credit , but for a faire of Cattell which is kept there yearely ; in which respect Asserius calls it , Comitatum Somertunensem , or Somertonsh . But by the name of Somerset it is now best known , and by that name hath given the honorary title of Dukes , and Earles to   1 Wil. de de Mohun , E.     ✚ ✚ ✚   2 Wil. Long-espee ; E. of Salisb. and Somerset .     ✚ ✚ ✚   3 Reginald de Mohun .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1396 4 Iohn Beaufort eldest son of Iohn of Gaunt by his 3 wife , E. * 1409 5 Henry Beauf. 1419 6 Iohn Beauf. D. of Somer . * 1442 7 Edm. Beauf. E. and D. * 1454 8 Hen. Beauf. D. 1462 9 Edm. Beauf.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1499 10 Edm. 3 son of K. H. 7.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1525 11 Hen. Fitz-Roy , base son of K. H. 8. D. of Somer . & Rich. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1546 12 Edw. Seym , L. Pro. of K. E. 6. D. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1614 13 Rob. Carre , Visc . Rochester , cr . E. of Somer . 12 Jac. now living , 1641. * SOVTHAMPTON . SOuthampton is the 2 Town of Hamp-shire , in bignesse and circuit , but not inferiour to the first for wealth and riches . A Towne commodiously seated on an arme of the sea , and capable of ships of burden to the very Keie ; the opportunity whereof hath made it very faire and populous , as having in it 〈◊〉 Churches for Gods publique service , fenced with strong wals and a double ditch , and to secure the haven with a right strong Castle , which now time hath ruined . It standeth on the banks of the river of Anton , ( which rising about Andover , runs here into the Sea ) from whence it had the name of Southampton and by that name hath given denomination to the whole Countrey , though generally it be called Hamp-shire . A Country rich in all commodities , both of sea and land , and in the upper parts thereof , those which are farthest from the sea , of a very pure and excellent aire . It conteines in it 253 Parishes , many of which have Chappels of ease as big as Parish . besids those in the Isle of Wight , which is reckoned for a part of Hantshire . To return back unto the Town , which though it bee within the County , yet is a County in it self ( for which it stands beholding to K. H. 6. ) And both before and since hath been counted worthy to be the highest honourary title of 1067 1 Beauvois of Hampton , that famous Soldier so much talked of .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1527 2 William Eitz-Williams , Lord Adm.   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1547 3 Thomas Wriothesley , Lord Chancellour , created Earle of South . by K. Edw. 6. 1550 4 Henry Wriothesley 1581 5 Henry Wriothesley . * 1624 6 Thomas Wriothesley now Earle , 1641. STAFFORD . STaffordsh . apperteined antiently to the Cormibii ; a potent people in these parts , which afterwards by Beda , were called Angli mediteranei , or the midland Englishmen . A Countrey on the north part full of hils , and woods ; on the South ; stored with coales and mines of iron ; and in the middle part where it is watred with the Trent , bravely adorned with meadows , & faire fields of corn It conteineth in it 120 villages with Parish Churches , the City , or Episcopal see of Lichfeild . & 12 other market Towns , of which the chief is Staff. on the river of Owe ; the head Town of the shire , which from thence taketh name . A Town exceedingly beholding to the Barons of Staf. who were once Lords hereof and were hence denominated : who both procured it to be made a Burrough , with ample priviledges , by K. John , and also fenced it with a wall , save where it was secured by a large poole of water on the East and North. And on the other side , the Town by way of thankfull retribution , honored that noble Family with the stile of E. who were from hence entituled in their severall ages , Earles , & Lords and Visc . of Stafford . 1353 1 Ralph Stafford , E. * 1372 2 Hugh Staff. 1383 3 Tho. Staff.   4 Wil. Staff.   5 Edm. Staff. * 1403 6 Hen. Staff , D. of Bucking . * 1444 7 Hum. Staff E. 1460 8 Hen. Staff. D. of Buck. * 1486 9 Edw. Staff. D. of Buck. * 1521 10 Hen. Staff. L.   11 Edw. Staff. L.   12 Hen. Staff. L. who dying An. 1639 the Family of the Staffords died also with him , and is quite extinguished . 1640 13 Wil. How. Knight of the Bath , 2 son of Tho. E. of Arundel and Surrey , having to wife a sister of the last L. Staff. was by his Majesty now being cr . Visc . Staff. in Nov. 1640 , and is now living , Anno 1641. STAMFORD . STamford is the hithermost Town of Lincoln-sh . seated upon the river W●lland , by which it is there parted from Northampton-sh . It standeth in that part thereof , which is called Kesteven , of which it is the principall town . A town vvell peopled and of great resort , conteining about 7 Parish Churches . But that which gives it most renown , is that upon some quarrell and contention between the Southern and Northern men in the Vniversity of Oxford , the Schollers in the reign of King Edw. 3 removed hither , and here held publique schooles of al sorts of learning . Nor did they leave the place , or return again , untill they were commanded so to do by the Kings Proclamation , and thereupon it was ordeined in the Vniversity , that the Schollers in the taking of their degrees , should make oath , not to reade publiquely at Stamford , to the prejudice of Oxford . Neverthelesse Tovvn still flourished in trade and merchandise , and doth now give the title of an Earle to 1628 Hen. L. Grey of Groby , cr E. of Stamf. 3 Car. March. 26 , now living . Anno 1641. STRAFFORD . STrafford , or Strasforth is the name of a Wapontake , or hundred , in the West-riding of York-shire , and lieth on the South therof , where it abutteth on the Counties of Nottingham and Darby . A territory of a large extent , conceived to be almost as big , as the whole County of Rutland , and in it comprehending the good towns of Sheafeld , Rotheram , Doncaster , and the honour of Tickhil , besides many smaller Villages and Hamlets . The ancient Family of the Wentworths , out of which cometh the Earle of Cleveland , have long flourished here , and have their seate at Wentworth-Wood house , and many a faire and large possession in this Wapontake . In which consideration , it was selected purposely for the highest title of 1639 Tho. Visc Wentworth , L. Newmerch and Oversley , and L. Deputy of Ireland , cr . E. of Strafford and Baron of Raby , with great solemnity at Whitehall , 15 Car. Jan 12 , and shortly after L. Lieut. of Ireland . SVffolk was antiently part of the Iceni , and afterwards together with Cambridg-sh . and Norfolk , made up the Kingdome of the East Angles , of which this being the Southerne part gave to the Count. and the people both the name of Southfolk . A very large and spacious countrey , conteining 575 Parish . Chur. of the which 28 are market townes , with many a safe and capacious haven . Of those the most remarkable towards the sea , is Ipswich , a very faire and spacious town , well peopled and well traded too : adorned with 14 Churches for the service of God , & many a faire and goodly edifice for private use . That of most credit in the Island is Bury , or S. Edmundsbury , heretofore famous for the Abbey , valued at the suppression at 23361. 16● . per ann . a fine neat town , and much inhabited by the Gentry , who resort thither from all parts of the Countrey . As for the Coun. it selfe it sheweth in every place most rich & goodly fields of corne , with grounds as battaille and rich for the feeding of Cattell , wherof there is good plenty out of question , as may appeare by the great store of cheese here made and vented to the great commodity of the inhabitants , not only into all parts of Eng. but Spain , France and Germany . Long time it was , before the title of Suffolk was conferred on any . But when the Gapp was opened once , it hath been severally conferred on several Families , who as they stood in grace and favour with their Princes , attained the titles of Dukes , Marq. and Earles of Suffolk . 1335 1 Rob de Vsford , E. * 1369 2 Wil. de Vsford . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1385 3 Mich. de la Pole , L. Ch. 1389 4 Mich. de la Pole. 1414 5 Mich. de la Pole.   6 Wil. de la Pole , first E. after Mar. & at last D. of Suff. * 1450 7 Iohn de la Pole , D. * 1491 8 Edm. de la Pole , E. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1513 9 Char. Brandon , D. of Suff. L. great Master . * 1545 10 Hen. Brandon .   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1551 11 Hen. Grey , Marq Dorset , married Frances daugh . of Ch. Brandon , and was D. of Suff. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1603 12 Tho. L. How. of Walden , cr . E. of Suff. 1 Jac. July 21 , L. Tr. and Ch. of Camb *   13 Theo. How. E. of Suff. and L. Warden of the Cinque Ports . * 1640 14 Iames L. How. now E. 1641. SVNDERLAND . SUnderland is a demy-Island in the North-East part of the Bishoprick of Durham , over against the mouth of the river of Were ; which being pulled a sunder from the land , by the force of the Sea , hath the name of Sunderland . A place of no great note or reputation , till it was made the title of 1627 Emanuel Lord Scrope of Bolton and Lord President of the North , created Earle of Sunderland , 3 Car. Jun. 19. Mort sans issue . SURREY . SUrrey and Sussex antiently were inhabited by the Regni , and afterwards made up the Kingdome of the South-Saxons . This lieth on the South of the river Thames , whence it had the name ; the Saxons calling that Rea , which we call a River : and so from Suthrea , came the name of Surrey . A Countrey on the outward parts thereof very rich and fruitfull , especially on that side which is towards the Thames , where it yeelds plenty both of corne and grasse ; but in the middle part , somewhat hard and barren . From whence the people use to say , that their Countrey is like a course peece of cloth , with a fine list . And yet the middle parts thereof what they want in riches , they supply with pleasures as being famous for good aire , and well stored with parks ; the downes affording excellent opportunity aswell for horse-races , as hunting . A Country finally it is of no great quantity , and yet conteines 140 Parishes ( of the which 8 are market townes ) and amongst them the Royall mansions of Richmond , Otelands and None-such . The chiefe town of the whole is Guilford , a fine neat town , seated on the declining of an hill toward the river Mole , consisting of 3 Parish Churches ; which notwithstanding never gave title unto any , of Lord , Earle or higher . But that defect hath beene supplied by the whole body of the County , in the name of Surrey , with which our Kings have dignified these Dukes and Earles .   1 Wil. de Warren , E. 1088 2 Wil. de War. 1138 3 Wil. de War.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1148 4 Wil. de Blois son of K. Steph. first husband of Isa . de War.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1164 5 Hameline Planta . base son of Geo. E. of Anjou , and halfe brother to K. H. 3 , 2 husband of Isa . de War. 1202 6 Wil , Plantag . 1240 7 Iohn Planta . 1305 8 Iohn Plantag . died 1347.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1347 9 Rich. Fitz-Alan , E. of Arund . son of Alice , sister and heire of Ioh. Plantag . 1375 10 Rich Fitz. Alan , L. Tr.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1398 11 Tho. Holland , E. of Kent , and D. of Surrey . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1461 12 Iohn L. Mowb. son of Iohn Lord Mow. D. of Nor. aft . D. of Norf. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1475 13 Rich. 2 son of K. Edw. the 4 , D of York , and Norf. & E. of Sur. *   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1483 14 Tho. How. L. Tr. aft . D. of Norf. * 1514 15 Tho. How. L. Tr. & D. of Nor. * 1554 16 Tho. How. E. Marshall and D. of Norf died 1572. * 1604 17 Tho. How. grand son of Tho. D. of Norf. now E. of Arund . and Sur. and E. Marsh , 1641. * SVSSEX . SUssex is the other part of the old possessions of the Regnians after that of the South-Saxons , from whom it took the name of Suthsex . A Country that lyeth all along the Ocean in a goodly length , extending East and West above 60 miles ; and yet for all so long a Coast hath very few havens , the shore being full of rocks and shelves , and the wind impetuous . The Northerne parts towards Kent & Surrey are well shaded with woods , as was all the Country heretofore , untill the Iron works consumed them . The Southerne parts which are towards the sea , lying upon a chalke or marle , yeeld corne abundantly ; with a delightfull intermixture of groves and meadows . It conteines in it to the number of 312 Parishes , of which 18 are market towns . And amongst these the chief of note is Chichester , of which we need say nothing here , having spoke of it in its proper place , amongst the Bishopricks . It now rests only that I give you a compendious Catalogue of the Earles of Sussex .   1 Wil. de Albeney , E. of Arundell . 1178 2 Wil. de Alb. 1191 3 Wil. de Alb. 1199 4 Wil. de Alb. 1224 5 Hugh de Alb.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1243 6 Iohn Plantag . E. of Surrey . 1305 7 Iohn Plantag . E. of Sur.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1529 8 Rob. Radclyffe , Visc . Fitz-Walter , cr . E. of Sussex by K. H. 8. 〈◊〉 1542 9 Hen. Rad. 〈◊〉 1559 10 Tho. Rad. L. Ch. 〈◊〉 1583 11 Hen. Rad. 〈◊〉 1593 12 Rob. Rad. 〈◊〉 1630 13 Edw. Rad. now E. of Sussex , Anno 1641. THANET . THanet is a little Island in the North-East of Kent , environed on 3 parts by the sea , & towards the West , severed from the main-land of Kent , by the river of S●ourc , which is here called Yenlade . An Island by Solinus called Atlanatos , in some copies Thanatos ; from whence the Saxons had their Thanet , famous as in other things , so in these particulars , that it was here the Sax , landed when they came first for Britani ; and that S. Austin the Monk here landed also , when he brought the Gospel to the Saxons . The whole about 8. m. in leng . and 4 in brea , was reckoned then to hold about 600 Families : and is now very populous for the bignesse , and very plentiful withall of all commodities necessary , but of corn especially . The people generally are a kind of Amphibii , and get their livings both by sea and land , being well skilled according to the year , aswel in stearing of a ship at sea , as holding of the plough at land ; & in both courses notably industrious . Such is the Isle of Tha●et , which was of late times made the title of an Earldome , in the persons of 162● 1 Nico. L. Tufton . cr . E. of Thanet , 4. Car. Aug. 5.   2 Iohn Tuf . E. of Thanet now living Anno , 1641. TOTNES . TOtnes is a Town in the Southwest of Devonshire , situate on the banks of the River of Dert , about 6 miles from its influxe into the Sea. An ancient little Town it is , and standeth on the fall of an hill , lying East and West . It hath a Major for the chiefe Magistrate , and so hath had ever since the time of K. John ; and being a burrough town withall , hath a vote in Parliament . The greatest reputation which it had in the former times , was that it gave the title of an Arch-deacon , to one of 4 Arch-deacons of the Diocesse of Exeter , who is hence called Arch-deacon of Totnes , And by that name George Carew , Doctor in Divinity ( after Deane of 〈…〉 subscribes the Acts of Convocation , 〈◊〉 1536 which possibly may be the reason , why 1625 George L. Carew of Clopton , son of the said George , desired , as hee enjoyed , the title of E. of 〈◊〉 , unto the which he was advanced , 〈◊〉 C 〈…〉 ▪ Feb. 〈◊〉 〈…〉 s issue . WARWICK . WArwickshire heretofore was part of the Cornavii , a Country which for aire and soyle , wants nothing for the profit or pleasure of man. It is divided into two parts by the river Avon , that on the South side being cald the Feldon , which yeelds good store of corn , and grasse , and makes a lovely prospect from the neighbouring hils ; that on the North being called the Woodland , from the great plenty of woods which grew here formerly , but nowgrown thin enough by the making of iron . It conteineth in it 158 Parishes and market towns ; of which the chief ( if one exclude Coventry as a County of it selfe ) is that of Warwick , called by the Romans antiently Praesidi 〈…〉 , from the garrison there , which name it still retained in a different language . A town adorned with very faire houses , a strong and well compact stone bridge on the river Avon , and two goodly Churches ▪ But the chief beauty of it heretofore , as now , is a most stately and magnificent Castle ; which as it was of late repaired at the great cost and charges of Sir Fulk Gre●ill , the late L. Broks , who therein dwelt ; so was it antiently the seat and abiding place of the Dukes and Earles of Warwick . 1067 1 Hen. de Newburgh , E. 1123 2 Rog. de New. 1153 3 Wil. de New. 1183 4 Waleran de New. 1200 5 Hen. de New. 1233 6 Tho. de New.   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1242 7 Iohn Marsh . first husb . of Margery sister and heire of Tho. de Nevv . 1243 8 Iohn de Plessetis , 2 husband of the said Margery .     ✚ ✚ ✚   9 Wale . de New. uncle and heire of the said Margery .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1262 10 Wil. Miuduit son of Alice sister & heire of Waleran .   ✚ ✚ ✚ 1258 1 Wil. Beauchamp , son of the La. Isa . sister and heire of Wil. Maud. 1291 12 Guido Beauch . 1315 13 Tho. Beau. E. Marsh . * 1369 14 Tho. Beau. * 1401 15 Rich. Beau. Regent of Fr. * 1439 16 Hen. Beau. D. of Warw.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1446 17 Rich. Nevill , who married Anne , sister of Hen. D. of Warw.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1471 18 Geo. D of Clarence , who married Anne , daughter of Rich. Nevill , E. of Warw. 1478 19 Edw. Plantag . son of George D. of Clarence .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1547 20 Iohn Dudley , Visc . Lis . descended from the Lady Margaret , daughter of Rich. Beauchamp , E. of Warw. * 1562 21 Amb. Dudley . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1618 22 Robert L. Rich of Leeze , created Earle of Warwick , 16 Jac. Aug. 2.   23 Rob. Rich , now living , 1641. WESTMORLAND . WEst morland was a part of the possessions of the old Brigantes , and lyeth on the West of York-sh . from whence and from the Mores , as they call them here ( that is , those barren heathy grounds , which are not tractable for corn ) it was named West-more-land . The ayre accounted sharp and piercing ; the soyle in most parts barren and unprofitable ; yet in the Vales , which are neither large nor many , indifferently fruitfull . So that the greatest profit and commodity , which here the people make unto themselves , is by the benefit and trade of cloathing . It containes in it only 26 Parishes , which plainly shews that either the Countrey is not very populous , or that the Parishes are exceeding large , as generally indeed they are , in these Northerne parts ; 4 of those 26 are market towns , the chiefe of which next Kendale ( which wee spake of formerly ) is called Appleby , and passeth for the shire town or head of the Countie . The Viponts antiently , and by them the Clyffords were the hereditary Sherifs hereof ; which notwithstanding , it pleased K. R. 2 , to adde unto the titles of the Nevils of Raby , the higher and more eminent stile of Earles of Westmorland . 1398 1 Ralph Nevill , L. of Raby , E. Marsh . 1425 2 Ralph Nevill . 1484 3 Ralph Nevill .   4 Ralph Nevill . * 1523 5 Hen. Nevill . 1564 6 Charles Nevill .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1624 7 Francis Fane , eldest son of Mary La. Despencer , descended from the Nevils E. of Westmorland , cr . E. of Westmorland , 22 Jac. Dec. 29. 1628 8 Mild may Fane , now E. of Westmorland , 1641. WILTSHIRE . WIlish belonging to the Relgae in the former times , took this new name from Wilton , once the chief town of it ; like as it of the river Willy , on the which it standeth . A region which as it breeds a race of hardy men , who in old time , with those of Devonsh . & Cornwal , chalenged the seconding of the main battaille in our Eng. armies ; so is it very plentifull and fruitfull , and withall very pleasant and delightsome . The middle parts thereof , which they call the Plaines , are most scant of corne ; but those plaines being large and spacious , & reaching round about to the horizon , do feed innumerable flocks of sheep , which bring as great commodity to the inhabitants by their fleece & wool , and the most gamefull trad of cloathing , as other parts that are more fertile . It conteineth in it 304 Parish , & is traded in 19 market towns ; the chiefe and fairest are Salisbury and Marlborough , which before we spake of Wilton was formerly the principall , & heretofore a Bishops see , honored with the residence of 9 severall Bishops : But by translating of the see to Salisbury , and carrying thither therewithal the throughfare into the West countrey , which before was here , it fel by little and little to decay , and is now hardly worth the reputation of a poor market town , yet still it gives denomination to the Country : as that the stile and honor to these Earles of Wiltshire . 1397 1 Wil. L. Scrope L. Tr. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1458 2 Iam. Butler , E. of Ormōd , & L. T. *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1470 3 Iohn Stafford . 2 son of Humf. D. of Buck. * 1473 4 Edw. Staff. died , 1499. 1510 5 Hen Staff. 2 son of Hen D. of Buck.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1529 6 Tho. Bollen , Visc . Rochf . father of the La. Anne Bollen . *     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1550 7 Wil. Pawlet , cr . after Mar. of Winchester , Anno 5. Edw. 6. * 1571 8 Iohn Paw . 1576 9 Wil. Paw . 1598 10 Wil. Paw . 1628 11 Iohn Paw . now Marq. of Winche . and E. of Wiltsh Anno 164● ▪ WINCHELSEY . WInchelsey is a sea . Town in the East part of Sussex , where it adjoyneth upon Kent , accounted ' by a general error to be open of the Cinq Ports ; whereas indeed it is no Cinq port , but a member of them , as Rhit and 〈…〉 sham , and others are . A Towne in former times of great strength and beauty , inclosed with strong wals , and a well placed Rampier , for the defence thereof against forreign force : but the sea shrinking from it by little and litle , brought the town by the like degrees into great decay , though still it beare the shew of a handsome town , and hath a Blockhouse for defence raised by H. 8. But what it lost in wealth , it hath got in honour , being advanced unto the reputation of an Earld . in the names and persons of 1628 1 El●● . Finch . Vise . Maidstone , cr , C. of Winchel . 4 Car. July 11. 1634 2 Hen. Finch , son of the said Eliz. 1639 3 Henneage Finch , E. of Winchelsey . now living , 1641. WINCHESTER . WInch , is the chief City of Ha 〈…〉 sh . & heretofore the seat Royal of the West-Saxon K. By Antonine and Ptolomy called Venta Belgarum ; and then accounted the prime City of all the Belgae , out of which Venta , adding ceaster to it , ( according to their wonted manner ) the Saxons hammered their Vent-ceaster , and we our Winchester . In these our dayes , it is indifferently wel peopled , and frequented , commodiously seated in a Valley betweene high steep hils , by which it is defended from cold and wind . It lyeth daintily on the banks of a pleasant river , stretching somewhat in length from East to West , and conteineth about a mile and a halfe within the wals , besides the suburbs ; but much within the wals is desolate and altogether unbuilt . Many things certainly thereare which may conduce unto the reputation of it , especially a beautifull and large Cathedrall , a goodly and capacious Palace for the Bishops dwelling , which they call Wolvescy house ; a strong and gallant Castle bravely mounted : upon an hill , with brave command on all the Countrey ; a pretty neat Colledge neare the wals , buile and endowed by Wil. of Wickham , for a seminary to his other in Oxford ; and not far off a very faire Hospitall , which they call Saint Crosses . And yet lest all this might not raise it high enough , our English Monarchs have thought fit to dignifie these following persons with the stile and title of Marq and Earles of Winchester . 1207 1 Saer de Quiney , E. 1220 2 Rog. de Quin. died 1264.   ✚ ✚ ✚ ✚ 1322 3 Hugh Despencer , 1326.     ✚ ✚ 1472 4 Lewys de Bruges .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1551 5 Wil. Pawlet ; E. of Wil●sh . and L. Tr. cr . Marq. of Winch. by K. Edw. 6. 1571 6 Iohn Paw . 1576 7 Wil. Paw . 1598 8 Wil. Paw . 1528 9 Iohn Paw . now Marq : of Winchest . and E. of Wil●sh . Anno 1641. Worcestersh . is a part of the Gornavii , once a great nation in these parts . A Coun. of an aire so temperate , and a soyle so fortunate , that it gives place to none about her , for health and plenty . Abundant certeinly it is in all kinds of fruits ; and of peares especially ; wherewith , besides the use they have of them for the table , they make a bastard kind of wine , which they here call Pirry , which they both sell and drink in great abundance . Salcpits it also hath in some parts thereof , and about Powyck , and many places else good store of Cherries : and every where well watred with delicious rivers , which afford great variety of fish . A Country of no great extent for length and compasse , as not conteining above 152 Parish Churches , and amongst them 10 market towns . Of these the principall is Worcester , and gives denomination to the whole . A City delectably seated on the banks of S●v 〈…〉 ( which runneth quite through the County from North to South ) over which it hath a faire bridg with a tower upon it : and thence arising with a gentle ascent , affordeth to the upper parts , a very goodly prospect in the vale beneath . A City every way considerable , whether you looke upon it in the situation , or in the number of its Churches , or the faire near houses , or finally on the inhabitants , which are both numerous and wealthy , by reason of their trade of cloathing , which doth there flourish very much . Of the Cathed . here we have spoke before , and of the Castle we shall now say nothing , as having nothing left of it but the name and ruines . All we shall adde is a briefe nomenclature of The Earles of Worcester . 1144 1 Waleran de Beaumont .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1397 2 Tho. Percy , L. Adm.     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1420 3 Rich. Beauchamp .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1450 4 Iohn . Tiptoft , L. Tr. and L. Con. * 1471 5 Edw. Tiptoft .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1514 6 Char. Somer . L. Ch. cr . E. of Worcester by K. H. 8. 1526 7 Hen. Som. L. Herb.   8 Wil. Somerset . 1589 9 Edw. Som. Master of the Morse , & L. Privy Seale . * 1627 10 Hen. Som. now living , Anno 1641. YORK . York-shire is past all peradventure the greatest County in England , conteining 70 miles in length from North to South , and 80 miles in bredth from West to East ; the circuit being above 300. In this great quantity of ground , are not above 563 Parish Churches , which is no great number , but then withall there are great plenty of Chappels of Ease , equall for bignesse and resort of people , to any Parish ; elsewhere . The soyle is generally fruitfull in a very good measure . If that one part therof be stony and barren ground ; another is as fertile and as richly adorned with come and pasturage : If here you find it naked and destitute of woods in other places you shal find it shadowed with most spacious forrests : If it be somwhere moorish , mirie and unpleasant ; elsewhere it is as beauteous and delightsome as the eye can wish . It is divided ordinarily into 3 parts , which according to the quarters of the world are called East-Riding , West-Riding , and North-Riding ; Richmondsh . comming in to make up the 4 , which is a part of York-sh . as before was said . The whole was antiently possessed by the Brigantes , who were diffused all over those Northerne parts , beyond the Trent ; and for their capitall City had Eboracum , seated upon the river Vre which we now call Ouse ) in the Westriding of this County ; and by a later Saxon name is now called York . This is the 2 City of all Eng. both for fame and greatnesse ; A pleasant large and stately place , well fortified & beautifully adorned , as well with private as publike edifices , and rich and populous withall ; Seated ( as erst was said ) on the river Ouse , which cutteth it , as it were , in twaine ; both parts being joyned together with a faire stone bridge , consisting of high and mighty Arches . A City of great fame in the Roman times , and of as eminent reputation in all Ages since ; and in the severall turnes and changes , which have befallen this Kingdome under the Saxons , Danes and Normans , hath still preserved its antient lustre . Adorned it was with an Archiepiscopall see in the times of the Britans ; nor stooped it lower when the Saxons received the Faith. Rich. 2 , laying unto it a little territory on the Westside therof , made it a County of it selfe , in which the Archbishops of York enjoy the rights of Palatines . And for a further lustre to it , H. S. appointed here a Councell for the governance of the Northern parts , consisting of a L. P. recertaine Councellors , a Secretary and other Officers . And yet in none of these hath York been more fortunate , than that it adorned so many Princes of the Imperiall line of Germany and bloud Royall of England , with the stile and attribute of Dukes and Earles of York . 1190 1 Otho of Baveria E. of York .     ✚ ✚ ✚ 1385 2 Edm. of Langley 5 son of K. Edw. 3 E. of Camb. and D. of York . * 1401 3 Edw. Planta . son of Edm. of Lang. E. of Rutl. and D. of York . * 1426 4 Rich. Planta . nephew of Edm. of Lang. by his son Rich. E. of Cam. D. of York . * 1474 5 Rich. of Shrews . 2 son of K. Edw. 4. D. of York . * 1495 6 Hen. 2 son of K. H. 7. after K of En. 1604 7 Char. 2 son of K. James , now the 〈◊〉 Monarch of Gr. Brit. * 1633 8 Iames , 2 son of K Charles , declared D. of York , by his Royall Father , and so instituted , but not yet created . FINIS . A Supplement to the former Table , containing the Successions and Creations of the Dukes , Marquesses , and Earles of England , from the yeare 1641 , to the yeare 1652. Together with The Names and Rankes of the Viscounts and Barons , as they Stand at this present , Jan. 6. 1652. ARUNDEL . 1647. HEnry Howard , Lord Mowbray , succeeded Thomas Howard his Father in the Earledome of Arundel , and the rest of his Estates and Honours . BANBURY . 1641. Charles Knollis , son of William Lord Knollis Earle of Banbury , upon the death of the said William became Earle of Banbury . BEDFORD . 1641. William Russell , Eldest son of the Lord Francis Russell on the decease of his said Father succeeded in the Earledome of Bedford . BRENTFORD . BRentford a well known Town in the County of Middlesex , tooke name from the River Brent , which rising out of a fountaine now called Brawns-wed , but more truly Br●n-well , and passing betweene Henden and Hamsted hils , falleth at this place into the Thames . Of most renown in former times for the good successe which Edmund Iron-side King of England had against the Danes . Anno 1116. which he compelled hereby to rise from the Siege of London . Now of most note for the thorow-fare betwixt London and the westerne Countries , the passage up and down by water for the ease of travellers , a rich and well-frequented Market ; and that it giveth the title of Earle 1641 Patrick Ruthen Earle of Forth in Scotland created Earle of Breniford at Oxon May 27. in the 20 year of King Charles , the second Monarch of Great Brtitaine . BRIDGEWATER . 1646. John Egerton succeeded his Father , of the same , name , in the Earledome hereof . BULLINGBROOK . Oliver Saint-John , the grand child of Oliver Lord Saint-John , Earle of Bullingbrook , by Pawlet his second Son ( Oliver Lord Saint-John the eldest Son being slaine at the Battell at Edgehill ) succeeded his Grand-Father in this Title . CAMBRIDGE : 1649. William Hamilton Earle of Lanarick in the Realme of Scotland , brother of James Duke of Hamilton and Earle of Cambridge , succeeded after his decease in all his Honors and Estates . But dying without issue male not long after the great fighter Worcester , the Title of Earle of Cambridge was extinguished with him . CARNARVAN . 1643. Charles Dormer succeeded in this Earledome on the death of the Lord Robert Dormer his Father , slain at the first fight neare Newbery . CHICHESTER . CHichestr the chief City of Sussex , built by Cissa the second King of the South-Saxons , and by him called Cissanc-easter , or the City of Cissa , whence the present name . A City large enough , of a circular forme , and well walled ; the buildings generally faire , and the Streets capacious : foure of which leading from the foure Gates of the City cross one another in the middest : and in or neare that Crosse a very beautifull Market place , supported with Pillars round about , built by Bishop Read. Of no esteeme till the Norman Conquest , known only by a small Monastery of Saint Peter , and a little Nunnery . But on the removall of the Episcopall See from Sealesey hither , in the time of the Conquerour , it encreased both in wealth and greatness , and would be richer then it is , if the Haven not far off were made more commodious . At the present there is no small addition made to the honour of it , by giving the title of an Earle to 1643. Francis Leigh Lord Dunsmore created Earle of Chichester in the 19th . yeare of King Charles , the second Monarch of Great Brittaine . CUMBERLAND . 1643. Rupert Count Palatine of the Rhene , second Son ( living of Frederick Prince Elector Palatine , and the Princess Elizabeth his wife , the only Daughter of King James , was by King Charles his Uncle created Duke of Cumberland , ( the Family of the Cliffords ending in Henry the last Earl hereof ) and Earle of Holdernesse , January 24. 19. Caroli . DARBY . 1642. James Stanly Lord Strange , succeeded his Father William in the Earledome of Darby . 1651. Charles Stanley Lord Strange , on the death of James his Father , became Earle of Darby . DENBIGH . 1643. Basil Lord Feilding after the death of William his Father was Earle of Denbigh . DORCHESTER . DOrchester is the chiefe Town of the County of Dorset , so called from the Durotriges the old Inhabitants of these parts in the time of the Romans , or from the Durnium of Ptolomy , the word Chester being added by the Saxons afterwards . A Town of great Antiquity , as appeareth by many peeces of Roman Coine found neare unto it : once walled , and beautified with a strong and goodly Castle : but the wals many Ages since pull'd down by the Danes ; and the Castle being decaied and ruinous , converted into a Covent of Friers , now demolished also . Once of large compasse as may be well conjectured by the tract of the wals and trenches ; but in the time of the Danish furies so spoiled and plundered , that it never could recover the wealth and beauty which before it had : yet it hath still three Parish Churches , and seemeth in some sort to have recovered its former dignity , in giving the title of a Marquesse to 1645. Henry Lord Pierre-point Earle of Kingston , created Marquesse of Dorchester , in the 〈…〉 20 yeare of King Charles March 25. EXETER . Iohn Cecil , son of David Cecil succeeded his Father in this Earledoms . GLAMORGAN . GLamorgan is one of the Shires of South-wales , Lying along the Sea-coast , betwixt the Counties of Monmouth and Pembroke : once part of the Siluris , and by the Welch called Glath-Morgan , from Morgan a great Prince hereof , as some conceive , but rather from the word Mor , which in the antient British Language signifieth a Sea ; agreeable to the scituation of it , all along the Shores. The northern parts hereof very rough and mountainous , but the Southerne of a better composition , beautified with many pleasant valleyes , and traded on every side with a number of Townes , there being reckoned in it 118 Parishes , the chiefe of which for strength and beauty is the Town of Caerdiffe , the Barony at this time of the Earles of Pembroke . Reduced to the obedience of the Crown of England in the time of William Rufus by the valour of Robert Fitz-Haimon Lord of Corboile in Normandy , and 12 adventurous Knights , whom he brought in his company ; betwixt whom the Country was divided ( with the Kings consent ) as soone almost as conquered by them . But the Posterity of most of these Adventurers being quite worne out , the greatest Lords hereof were of the Family of the Herberts ; in which respect , 164● ▪ Edward Somerset Lord Herbert obtained of King Charles the title of Earle of Glamorgan , his Father the Lord Marquesse of Worcester being then alive . HARTFORD . 1641. William Seymore Earle of Hartford , was by King Charles in the 17th of his Reigne made Marquesse of Hartford . HEREFORD . 1646. Walter Devereux Knight , on the death of Robert Devereux Earle of Essix , ( the last Earle of that Family ) succeeded in the title of Viscount Hereford . HOLDERNESSE . 1643. Rupert Count Palatine of the Rhene , created Duke of Cumberland , and Earle of Holdernesse , Jan. 24. of whom more in Cumberland . HOLLAND . 1649. Charles Rich , son of Henry Rich Earle of Holland succeeded his Father in that honour . HUNTINGTON . Ferdinand Lord Hastings succeeded his Father the Lord Henry Hastings , in the Earledome of Huntingdon . KENT . 1642. Henry Grey son of Anthony , Henry Grey son of Henry . KINGSTON . 1644. Henry Pierre-point Viscount Newark , on the death of his Father Robert ▪ Lord Pierre-point Earle of Kingston succeeded him in his title of Earle , and was afterwards created Marquesse of Dorchester . LINDSEY . 1642. Montague Bertu , Lord Willoughby succeeded in this title on the death of the Lord Robert his Father , slaine at the battle of Edgehill . LICHFIED . LIchfield the chief City of Stafford-shire , signifieth in the old Saxon tongue , the field of dead bodies , so called from a number of Christian bodies which there lay unburied in the Persecution raised by Dioclesian . Situate in a low and moorish ground , on a shallow pool , by which divided into two parts , but joyned together by a bridge and a causey both together making up a City of indifferent bigness . In the South part , which is the greater of the two , stands a Grāmarschool for the education of their Children , and an Hospital dedicated to S. Iohn for relief of their poor . In the other parts not anything considerable but the fair Cathedrall , though that sufficient of self to renown the place . But hereof we have spoke already when we looked on Lichfield as honoured in the first times of Christianity among the Saxons with a Bishops See. Not made an honorarie Title till these Late daies , in which it gave the title of Earl to 1645. Barnard Steward , youngest son of Esme Duke of Lennox and Earl of March , created Earl of Lichfield , and Baron of Newbery , in the 21. year of the reign of King Charles . MANCHESTER . 1642. Edward Montague Lord Kimbolton succeeded his Father Henry in this Earldom . MARSHAL . 1647. Henry Howard , son and heir of Thomas Earl of Arundel , and Earl Marshal of England , enjoyed these with his other Honours , after his decease . MIDDLESEX . 1646. James Cranfield succeeded his Father Lionel Cranfield in the title of Middlesex . 1651. Lionel Cranfield the Brother of James . MONTGOMERIE . 1650. Philip Herbert son of Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomerie succeeded his Father in both titles . MOULGRAVE . 1648. Edmand Scheffield Nephew of Edmund Lord Sheffield Earl of Mouligrave , by Sir John Sheffield his second son , succeeded his Grandfather in the Earldom . NEWCASTLE . 1643. William Gavendish Earl of Newcastle created Marquess of Newcastle , Octob. 27. By Charles the second Monarch of Great Grittain . NORFOLK . 1644. Thomas Howard Earl of Arundel and Surrey , to prevent the alienation of this honour from his Family obtained to be created Earl of Norfolk , June 6. 1647. Henry Howard son and heir of Thomas . NORTHAMTON . 1643. James Lord Compton on the death of his Father Spencer Lord Compton stain in the Moorelands of Stafford-shire , succeeded in his estates and honours : NORWICH . 1644. George L. Goring , Novemb. 28. In the twentieth year of King Charles made Earl of Norwich . NOTINGHAM . Charles Howard , half brother to Charles Howard the last Earl of Notingham , suceeded him in estate and title . PEMBROKE . 1650. Philip Herbert son of Philip Earl of Pembroke and M●ntgomcrie , enjoyed both honours on the death of his Father . PETERBURG . 1643. Henry L. Mordant , son of Iohn Lord Mordant Earl of Peterburgh , succeeded him in Estate and honours . RICHMOND . 1641. Iames Stewart Duke of Lennox and E. of March by Charles the second Monarch of Great Britain made Duke of Richmond . August 8. SCARSDALE . SCarsdale is one of the Divisions of Darbyshire , a valley compassed round about with Rocks and Mountains , as the name imports : Dale in the Saxon and in old English signifying a valley ; and Scarre the cragginess of a Rock . The chief Town of it , Chester field , ( the Earldom of the L. Philip S●anhop ) from hence called Chester field in Scarsdale . Not else observable , but forgiving the title of an Earl to 1645. Francis Leak , L Deyneourt created E. of Scarsdale , Novemb. 15. 1645. STRAFFORD . 1641. William Wentworth son of Thomas L. Wentworth Earl of Strafford , succeeded his dead Father in this Earldom . SUNDERLAND . 1643. Henry L. Spencer ( the L. Scrope E. of Sunderland dying without Lawfull issue ) was by K. Charles honoured with this title , Iune 8. Robert Lord Spencer son of Henry . SURREY . 1647. Henry Howard , succeeded the Lord Thomas Howard his Father in the title of Surrey , as in these also of Earl of Arundel , Norfolk , and Earl Marshal . SUSSEX . 1644. Thomas Lord Savil of Pont-fract ( the families of the Ratcliffes ending in Edward the , Last Earl of that house ) was on the 25. May made Earle of Sussex . WORCESTER . 1642. Henry Somerset Earl of Worcester created Marquesse of Worcester . 1649. Edward Somersert Earl of Glamorgan , son and heir of Henry , Earl and Marquesse of Worcester . YORK . 1643. JAMES the second son of CHARLES , the second Monarch of Great Britaine , entituled Duke of York from the time of his birth ; but not created so till the 27. of Janu. 1643. being the 19. year of his Fathers reign . A SUPPLEMENT To the Table of Bishops . BRISTOL . 1642. 10 Tho. Westfield Archdeacon of S. Albans , on the translation of B. Skinner to the See of Oxon , succeeded him in the Church of Bristol . 1644 11. Thomas Howell Prebend of Windsor . CHICHESTER . 1641. 73. Henry King Dean of Rochester , on the translation of B. Duppa to the See of Sarum , succeeded in the Church of Chichester . COVENT . & LICHFIELD . 1644. 75. Accepted Frewen Dean of Glocester , and President of Magdalen Colledge in Oxon , on the death of B. Wright was made Bishop hereof . EXETER . 1641. 42. Ralph Brownrig , Master of Catharine Hall in Cambridge , on the translation of B. Hall to the See of Norwich , succeeded Bishop of this Church . LINCOLNE . 1641. 65. John Winnyffe , Dean of S. Pauls , in London , on the translation of B. Williams to the See of York , was made Bishop of Lincoln . NORWICH . 1641. 68. Ioseph Hall B. of Exeter , on the death of B. Montague translated to Norwich . OXFORD . 1641. 8. Robert Skinner Bishop of Bristol , on the death of B. Bancroft translated to Oxon. SALISBURLE . 1641. 72. Brian Duppa B. of Chichester , and Tutor to the Prince his Higness on the death of B. Davenant was translated to Salisburie . WORCESTER . 1641. 83. Iohn Prideaux Publick Professor of Divinity in the Vniversity of Oxon , on the death of B. Thornborough was made Bishop of Worcester . YORK . 1641. 70. Iohn Williams B. of Lincoln and Dean of Westminster after the death of Arch. B. Neile succeeded in the Metropoliticall See of York . The Names and Ranks of The Viscounts and Barons of England , with the time of the advancement of their severall Families . VISCOUNTS . VVAlter Devereux Visc . Hereford . Francis Browne Vis . Montague . Iohn Villiers Visc . Purbeck . Will. Fines Visc . Say. Edward Conwey Visc . Conwey . Baptist Noel , Visc . Camden . Will. Howard Visc . Stafford . Tho. Bellasis Visc . Falconbridges BARONS . Iohn Nevill , L. Aburgavenny . Iames Touchet , L. Audley . Charles West L. De la ware . George Berkley L. Berkley . Henry Parker L. Morley and Monteagle . Francis Lennard L. Dacres . Longville L. Gray of Rutbin . Cogniers Darcy L. Darcy and Cogniers Edward Sutton Lord Dudley . Edward Stour●on L. S●or●ton . Edward Vaulx Lord Vaulx . The. Cromwel L. Cromwel of Okeham , Earl of Argl. in Ireland . William Eure Lord Eure of Witton . Philip Wharton Lord Wharton . W. Willoughby L. Willougby of Parham . Will. Paget L. Paget of Beaudefort . Dudley North L. North of Cartline . James Bruges L. Chandois of Sadeley . William Petre L. Petre of Writtle . Dutton Gerrard L. Gerrard of Gerrards Bromley . Charles Stanhop L. Stanhop of Harrington . Thomas Arundel L. Arundell of Wardour . Christopher Rooper . L. Tenham . Ro. Grevil L. Brook of Beauchamps Court. Ed. Montague L. Montague of Boughton . William Gray L. Gray of Wark . John Roberts L. Roberts of Truro . William Craven L. Craven of Hamsted ▪ Marshall . John Lovelace L. Lovelace of Hurley . John Pawlet Lord Pawlet of Hinton-S . George . William Harvey L. Harvey of Kidbrook : Thomas Brudenell Lord Brudenell of Stoughton : William Maynard Lord Maynard of Estair●es Thomas Coventry L. Coventry of Ailesborough . Edward Howard L. Howard of Escrigg . Warwick Mohun Lord of Okehampton . John Boteler L. Boteler of Branfield . William Herbert L. Powys . Edward Herbert L. Herbert of Cherberie . Francis Cottington L. Cottington of Hanwell . John Finch Lord Finch of Forditch . Thomas Bruce E. of Elgin in Scotland , made L. Bruce of Ampthill . Francis Seymor L. Seymor of Trubridge . Arthur Capell L. Capell of Had●am . Richard Newport L. Newport of High-Arcall . John Craven L. Craven of Ruiton . Henry Percy L. Percy of Alnwick . Henry Wilmot L. Wilmot of Adderbury . Thomas Leigh L. Leigh of Stoneley . Christopher Hatton L Hatton of Kerby : Ralph Hopton L. Hopton of Stratton . Henry Jermin L. Jermin of Edmonds-Bury . Richard Vaugham E. of Carbery in Ireland made L. Vaughan of Emlin . Henry Hastings L. Loughborough . John Byron L. Byron of Rochdale . Charles Smith L. Carrington of Worton . Will. Widrington Lord Widrington of Blankney . Humble Ward L. Bromicham . John Brook L. Cobbam . John Lucas L. Lucas of Shenfield . Lew is Watson L. Rocking ham . Iohu Culpeper L. Culpeper of Thoresway . Iacob Astley L : Astley of Reading . Richard Boile Earl of Cork in Ircland made L : Clyfford of Lands-dale . Iohn Bellasis L. Bellasis of Worlaby . Iohn de Rede Ambassadour from the States Generall created Baron de Rede , but without the Priviledge of having a Voice in Parliament . Charles Gerrard L. Gerrard of Brandon . Robert Sutton L. Lexington . Robert Cholmondleigh an Irish Vilcount , made L. Cholmondleigh of Witch-Malhrook . Windsor Hickman L. Windsor of Bradenham sisters son of Thomas L. Windsor the last of that name . The Baronets of England , made by King Iames , and King Charles , with the time of their Creation . SIr Nich. Bacon Kt of Redgrave in Suffolk ▪ Sr Rich. Molineux , Kt of S●●ton Lancash ▪ St Tho. Maunsell Kt of Morgan Glamorg . George Shirley Esq of Stanion Leiceste●sh . Sr John Stradling Kt of St Donates Glamorg . Sr Francis Leake Kt of Su●ton Derbysh . Thomas Pelham Esq of Langhton Susses Sr Rich. Houghton Kt of Houghton Tower Lanc. Sr Henry How●art Kt of In●wood Norfolk . Sr George Booth Kt of Dunham massie Chesh . Sr John Payton Kt of Isleham Cambridgsh . Lionel Telmache Esq of Helningham Suffolk . Sr Jervis Clifton Kt of Cliston Notingham ▪ Sr Thomas Gerard Kt of Brin Lancash . Sr Waller Aston Kt of Tixhal Staffordsh . Philip Knevel Esq of Bucknam Norfolk . Sr John Saint-John Kt of Lediard Tergos Wilt. John Shelly Esq of Michelgrove Sussex . Sr John Savage Kt of Rock savage Chesh . Sr Fran. Barrington Kt of Barringt ▪ hall Essex . Henry Berkeley Esq of Wymondham Leicest . William Wentworth Esq of Wentworth Woodhouse Yorkesh . Sr Rich. Musgrave Kt of Hartle-castle Westm . Edward Seymour Esq of Bury castle Devonsh . Sr Moyle Finch Kt of Eastwell Kent . Sr Anthony Cope Kt of Hanwel Oxfordsh . Sr Thomas Mounson Kt of Carleton Lincoln . George Greisley Esq of Drakely Derbysh . Paul Tracy Esq of Stanway Glocestersh . Sr John Wentworth Kt of Co●●eild Esser . Sr Henry Bellassis Kt of Newborough Yorkesh William Constable Esq of Flamborough York . Sr Thomas Leigh Kt of Stoneleigh Warwick . Sr Edward Noell Kt of Brook Rutlandsh . Sr Robert Cotton Kt of Connington Hunting . Robert Cholmondleigh Esq of Cholmondleigh Chesh . John Moleneux Esq of Tevershalt Notting . Sr Prancis Wortley Kt of Wortley Yorksh . Sr George Savile Kt of Thornehill Yorksh . William . Kniveton Esq of Mircaston Derby . Sr Philip Woodhouse Kt of Wilberly hall Norf. Sr William Pope Kt of Wilcott Oxfordsh . Sr James Harrington Kt of Ridlington Rutl. Sr Henry Savile Kt of Methely Yorksh . Henry Willoughby Esq of Risley Derbysh . Lew is Tresha● Esq of Rushton Northam . Thomas Brudenel Esq of Deine Northam . Sr George Saint-Paul Kt of Snarsford Lincol. Sr Philip Tirwhit Kt of Stainefield Lincoln . Sr Roger Dallison Kt of Loughton Lincoln . Sr Edward Carre Kt of Sleford Lincoln . Sr Edward Hussey Kt of Hennington Lincoln . Le Sirange Mordant Esq of Massingham parva Norfolk . Thomas Eendish Esq of Steeple Bamsteed Ess . Sr John Winne Kt of Gwidder Carnarv . Sr Will Throgmorton Kt of Tortworth Gloc. Sr Richard Worsley Kt of Appledorecombe Ham. Richard Fleetwood Esq of Cakewish Staff. Thomas Spencer Esq of Yarington Oxford . Sr John Tufton Kt of Hothfield Kent . Sr Samuel Peyton Kt of Knowlton Kent . Sr Charles Morison Kt of Cashiobury Hertf. Sr Henry Baker Kt of Sissinghinst Kent . Roger Appleton Esq of south ▪ Bamsteet Essex . Sr William Sedley Kt of Ailsford Kent . Sr William Twisden Kt of East Peckham Kent . Sr Edward Hales Kt of Woodchurch Kent . William Monyns Esq of Walwarsher Kent . Thomas Mildmay Esq of Mulsham Essex . Sr Will. Maynard Kt of Easton parva Essex . Henry Lee Esq of Quarrendon Bucking . Sr John Portman Kt of Orchard Somerset Sr Nicholas Sanderson Kt of Saxby Lincoln . Sr Miles Sands Kt of Wimbleton in the Isle of Ely William Gostwick Esq of Willington Bedford . Thomas Puckering Esq of Weston Hertford . Sr William Wray Kt of Glentworth Lincoln . Sr William Ailoffe Kt of Braxted-magna Essex . Sr Marmaduke VVivell Kt of Cunstable . Burton York . Iohn P. shan . Esq of Ho●s●●y St●fford ▪ Franc●● Engl●field Esq o● Wotton Basse● Wilt● S● Thomas Ridgeway K● of To●re Devon. William Essex Esq of Bewcot B●rks . Sr Edward Go●g●s Kt of Langford Wilts . Edward Dev●reux Esq of Castle Bramwi●ch Warwick Regnald Mo 〈…〉 Esq of B 〈…〉 kennock Co●nw . St Harb●●●le Gr●mston Kt of Bradfield Essex . St Thomas Ho●● Kt of Aston Warwick . Sr Robert Napar alias Sandy Kt of Lewtonhow Bedfold . Paul Bayning Esq of B●ntly parva Essex . S● Thomas Temple Kt of Stow Bucking . Thomas Peneyston Esq of Leigh Sussex Thomas Blackston Esq of Blackston Durham . Sr Robert Dormer K● of Wing Buckingham . Sr Rowland Eger●on Kt of Egerton Chesh . Roger Towneshend Esq of Ra●●am Norfolk . Simon Clarke Esq of Salford Warwick . Edward Fitton Esq of Houseworth Chester . Sr Richard Lucy Kt of Broxborne Hertford . Sr Ma●●hew Boynton Kt of Barm●lone York . Thomas Littleton Esq of Frankely Worcest . Sr Francis Leigh Kt of Newneham Warwick . Thomas Burdet Esq of Bramcot Warwick . George Morton Esq of St Andrewes Milborne Dorser . Sr William Hervey K● . Thomas Mackworth Esq of Normanton Rutl. William G●●y Esq of Chillingham Northum . William ●●lleirs Esq of Brookesby Leicester . Sr Iames Ley of Westbury Wilts . William H●●ks Esq of Beve●ston Gloucest . Sr Thomas Beaumont Kt of Col●or●on Leicest . Heney Sal 〈◊〉 bury Esq of Leweny Denbigh Erasmus D●iden Esq of Canons Ash by North. William Armine Esq of Olgodby Lincoln . St William Bamburgh Kt of H●wson York . Edward H●r●op Esq of F●eat●by Leicest . I 〈…〉 M 〈…〉 ll Esq of Commons-Court S●●●ex . Fran●●s Ra 〈…〉 e Esq o● Dar●●●water C●●●● . Sr David Foulis Kt of Ingleby York . Thom●● Philips Esq of Barington Somerset . Sr Claudius Foster Kt of Bambrough Castle Northumb. Anthony Chester Esq of Chichely Bucking . Sr Samuel Trion Kt of Layre-Marney Essex . Adam Newton Esq of Charleton Kent Sr Iohn B●●elar Kt of Ha●field Woodball Hert. Gilbert Gerard Esq of Harrow on the Hill Middlesex . Humphrey Lee Esq of Langley Salop. Richard Ber 〈…〉 y of Parkehall Norfolk . 〈…〉 Humphrey Foster Esq of Alderm 〈…〉 on Berks. Thomas Biggs Esq of Lenchwick Worcest . Henry Bellingham Esq of Helsington West● . William Yel●●●ton Esq of Rougham Nor● . Iohn Scudamore Esq of Homelacy Heref. Iune . Iohn Packington Esq of Alesbury Bucking Ralph Aston Esq of Lever Lancast . Sr Baptist Hicks Kt of Camden Glocest . Sr Thomas Roberts Kt of Glassenbury Kent . Iohn Hanmer Esq of Hanmer Flint . Edward Osborn● Esq of Keeton York . Henry Felton Esq of Playford Suffolk . William Chaloner Esq of Glisborough York . Edward Fryer Esq of Water-Eaton Oxford . Sr Thomas B●shop Kt of Parham Sussex . Sr Francis Vincent Kt of Stockdaw-Barton . Surrey Henry Cl●r● Esq of Orin●●by Norfolk . Sr Benjamine T 〈…〉 no K● of Tichhurno Southamp . Sr Richard Wilbraham Kt of Woodhey Chesh . Sr Thomas Delves Kt of DuddingtonChester . Sr Lewis Wa●son Kt of Rockingham Castle Northamp● . Sr Thomas Palmer Kt of Wingham Kent . Sr Richard Roberts Kt of Tr●wro Cornwall . Iohn Rivers Esq of Chafford Kent . Henry I●rn●gan ▪ Esq of Coss●y . Norfolk . Thomas Da●nell Esq of H●yling LincoIn . Sr Isaac Sid●●y Kt of Great Chartre Kent . Robert Browne Esq of Walcot Northam . Iohn H●wet Esq of Headley Hall York . Sr Nicholas H●de Kt of Alb●●ry Hertford . Iohn Phillips Esq of Picton Pembroke . Sr Iohn Stepn●y Kt of Prendergust Pembroke ▪ Baldwin Wake Esq of Clevedon S●merset . William Mas●●am Esq of High-Laver Essex . Io●n Col●brond Esq of B●tham Sussex . Sr Iohn Hotham K● of Scarborough Yo●k . Francis Mansell Esq of Mudlescomb C●rmar . Edward Powell Esq of Penk●lly Hereford Sr Iohn G●●rard Kt of Lamer Her●ford . Sr Richard Grosvenor Kt of Eaton Chesh . Sr Henry M●dy Kt of Gar●sdon Wil●s . I●●● Baker Esq of Grimston Hall Suffolk . Sr William Button Kt of Alcon Wilts . Iohn Gage Esq of Farle Sassex . William Goring Esq of Burton Sassex . M●y ▪ 〈…〉 . Peter Co 〈…〉 n Esq of A●d●ngton Wo●cest . Sr Rich●rd Norton Kt of R●th●● s 〈…〉 S 〈…〉 ham . Sr Iohn Leventhorp Kt of Shingle hall H●rtf . Capel Bedell Esq of Hamerton Hunting . Iohn Darell Esq of Westwoodhey Berks. William Williams Esq of Veynol Carnarv . St Francis Ashbey Kt of Hartfield Middlesex ▪ Sr Anthony Ashley Kt of St Giles Wimborne Dorse● . Iuly 〈◊〉 Iohn Cooper Esq of Rocbourne Southam . Edmund Prideaux Esq of Netherton Devon. Sr Thomas Heselrigge Kt of Nosely Leic●st . 〈◊〉 Sr Thomas B●rton Kt of Stockerston Leicest . Francis Foliambe Esq of VValton De●by . Edward Ya●e Esq of Buckland Berks. George Chudleigh Esq of Ashton Devon. Aug. Francis Drake Esq of Bu●kland Devon. 〈◊〉 VVilliam M●redith Esq of Stansty Denbigh . 〈◊〉 Hugh Middleton Esq of Rut●in Denbigh . Octob. Gifford Thornechurst Esq of Agne Court Kent . Novem. Percy Herbert of Redcastle M●ntgom ▪ Sr Robert Fisher Kt of Packington Warwick ▪ Hardolph VVastneyes of Henden Nortingh ▪ Sr Henry Skipwith Kt of Prestwould Leicest ▪ Thomas Harris Esq of Boreatton Salop ▪ Nicholas Tempest Esq of Stella Durham ▪ Francis Cottington Esq . Thomas Harris of Tong Castle Salop ▪ Edward Barkham Esq of Southacre Norfolk . Iohn Corbet Esq of Prowston Norfolk . Sr Thomas Playte●s Kt of Sotterley Suffolk . SIr Iohn Ash field Kt of Nether-ball Suffolk Henry Harper Esq of Calke D 〈…〉 by . Edward Seabright Esq of Befford Worcest . Iohn Beaumont Esq of Gracedieu Leicest . Sir Ed. D●●ring Kt of S●renden D●ering Kent . George Kempe Esq of Pentlon Essex . VVilliam Br●reton Esq of Hanford Chess● . Patricke Carwen Esq of VV●rkington Cumb. VVilliam Russell Esq of VVitley Worcest . Iohn Spencer Esq of Offley Her●f . Sr Giles Escourt Kt of Newton Walts . Thomas Aylesbury Esq one of the Masters of the Requests . Thomas Style Esq of VVateringbury Kent . Frederick Cornwallis Esq — Suffolk . Drue Drury Esq — Norfolk . VVilliam Skevington — Stafford . Sr Robert Crane Kt of Chil●on . Saffolk . May 〈◊〉 Anthony VVing field Esq of Goodwins Su●t . VVilliam Culpepper Esq of Preston hall Kent ▪ Giles Bridges Esq of VVil●o● Hertford . Iohn Kirle Esq of Much-marele Hereford . Sr Humphrey Stiles Kt of Beckham Kent . Henry Moore Esq of Falley Berks. Thomas Heale Esq of Fleet Devon. Iohn Carleton Esq of HolcumOxford . Thomas Maples Esq of S●ow Hunting . Sr Iohn Isham Kt of Lamport Northam . Henry Bagot Esq of Blithfield Stafford . Lewis Pollard Esq of Kings Nimph Devon. Francis Mannock Esq of Giffards hall Suffolk Henry Griffith Esq of Agnes Burton York Lodowick Dyer Esq of Staughton Hunting . St Hugh Stowkley Kt of Hinton Southam . Edward Stanly Esq of Biggarstoffe Lancast . Edward Littleton Esq of Pileton hall Stafford Ambrose Browne Esq of Betswirth Castle Sur. Sackvile Crow Esq of Lanherme Carma . Michael Lives●y Esq of East-Church Kent . Simon Benne● Esq of Benhampton Bucking . Sr Thomas Fisher Kt of Giles Parish Middle . Thomas Bayer Esq of L●gthorne Saffex . Bulls Bacon Esq of Mildenhall Suffolk . Iohn Corbet Esq of Stoke Salop. St. Edward Tirrell Kt of Thoraeton Bucking . Basil Dixwel Esq of Terlingham Kent . St Richard Young Kt of the Privy Chamber . VVilliam Pennyman Esq of Maske York . VVilliam Stonehouse Esq of Radley Berks. S● Thomas Fowler Kt of Islington Middles . Sr Iohn Fenwick Kt of Fenwick Northum . Sr VVilliam VVray Kt of Trebitch Cornw ▪ Iohn Trelawny Esq of Trelawncy Cornw. Iohn Conyers Gent. of Norden Durham . Iohn Bowles Esq of Scampton Lincoln . Thomas Afton Esq of Aston Chester . Kenelme Ienour Esq of Much Dunmore Essex Sr Iohn Price Kt of Newtowne Montgom . Sr Richard Beaumont Kt of VVhitley York . VVilliam VViseman Esq of Cansield hall E●s . Thomas Nightingale Esq of Newport Pond Ess . Iohn Iaqi●ex Esq Gent. Pensioner Middles . Robert Dillingham Esq of the Isle ●f VVight Southampton . Francis Pile Esq of Compton Berks. John Pole Esq of S●ur Devon. William Lewis Esq of Langors Brecknock . William Culpepper Esq of Wakeburst Sussex . Peter Van-loor Esq of Tyle●●st Berks. St John Lawrence of Juer Bucking . Ant●ony Slingesby Esq of Sorevin York . Thomas Vavasor Esq of Haslewood York . Robert Wolseley Esq of Wolseley Stafford . Rice Rud Esq of Aberglainey Carmarth . Richard Wiseman Esq of Thundersley Essex . Henry Ferrers Esq of Skillingthorpe Lincoln . John Anderson Esq of St Ives Hunting . Sr William Russell Kt of Chippenham Cambr. Richard Everard Esq of Much Waltham Essex . Thomas Powell Esq of Barkenhead Chester . William Luckin Esq of Waltham Essex . Richard Graham Esq of Eske Cumber . George Twisleton Esq of Barly York . William Acton Esq of London Nich. le Strange Esq of Hunstanton Norf. John Holland Esq of Quidenham Norf. Edward Aleyn Esq of Hatfield Essex . Richard Earle Esq of Craglethorp Lincoln . Robert Ducy Alderman of London . Sr Richard Greenvile Kt and Coll. Edward Moseley Esq of Rowle●●on Staff. Martin Lumley Esq of Great Bradfield Essex . Ian. 〈◊〉 . William Datston Esq of Datston Cumber . Henry Fletcher Esq of Hatton Cumber . Nich. Cole Esq of B 〈…〉 peth Durham . Edmund Pye Esq of Leckhamsted Bucking . Simon Every Esq of Eggington Darby . Will. Langley Esq of Higham Golein Bedford Will. Paston Esq of Oxonead Norf. John Palgrave Esq of Norwood Barningham Norf. Gerard Napper Esq of Middlemerhall Dorset Thomas Whitmore Esq of Apley Salop. James Stonehouse Esq of Amerdanhall Essex . John Maney Esq of Linton Kent . Sr Tho. Cave jun Kt of Stansord Northam . Sr Christopher Yelverton Kt of Easton Manduyc Norf. William Botelar Esq of Teston Kent . Sr Tho Hatton Kt of Long Stanton Cambr. Thomas Abdy Esq of Felxhall Essex . Tho. Bampfield Esq of Poltmore Devon. Sr John Cotton Kt of Landwade Cambr. Sr Symonds D'Ewes Kt of Stowhall Saffolk . Henry Frederick Thynne Esq of Caurse Castle Salop. John Burgoyne Esq of Sutton Bedford . John Northcote Esq of Haine Devon. Sr Will. Drake Kt of Sberdelowes Bucking . Tho. Rous Esq of Rouslench Worcest . Radus Hare Esq of Stow Bardolfe Norfolk . Sr John Norwith Kt of Brampton Northam . John Brownlow Esq of Belton Lincoln . Will. Brownlow Esq of Humby Lincoln . John Sidenham Esq of Brimpton . Somerset . Henry Prat Esq of Col. sh●ll Berks. Francis Nichols Esq of Hardwick Northam . Sr Will. Strickland Kt of Baynton York Sr Tho Woolrich Kt of Dudmaston Salop. Aug. 〈◊〉 Tho. Mawleverer Esq of Allerton Mawleverer York . Will. Boughton Esq of Lawford Warwick . John Chichester Esq of Raleigh Devon. Norton Knatchbull Esq of Mershamhuch Kent Hugh Windham Esq of Pilsd●● Court Dorset . Richard Carew Esq of Antony Cornwall . Aug. Will. Castleton Esq of St Edmunds Bury Suff. Richard Price Esq of Gogerthan . Cardigan . Hugh Cholmely Esq of Whitby York . Will. Spring Esq of Pakenham Suffolk . Tho. Trever Esq of Endfield Middlesex . Sr Iohn Curson of Kedliston . Darby . Hugh Owen Esq of Or●lton Pembroke . Merton Brigs Esq of Haughton Salop. Henry Heyman Esq of Somerfield Kent . Tho. Sa●dford Esq of Howgil Castle West me . Sr Francis Rhodes Kt of Balbrough Darby Rich Sprignell Esq of Coppenthorpe York Sr Iohn Pots Kt of Mannington Norfolk Sr Iohn Goodericke Kt of Ribston York . Robert Bindlosse Esq of Berwick . Lancast . VVill Walter Esq of Sarseden Oxford . Tho. Lawley Esq of Sr Powell Salop Will. Farmer Esq of Eston-Neston Northam . Sept. Iohn Davye Esq of Creedy Devon. Tho. Pettus Esq of Rackheath Norfolk . Will. Andrew Esq of Denton Northam . Decem 〈…〉 Iohn Meux Esq of the Isle of VVight South . Sr Richard Gurnty Lord Maior of London . Tho. VVillis Esq of Fenditton Cambr. Francis Armitage Esq of Kirklees York . Rich. Halford Esq of VVistow Leicest . Sr Humphrey Tufton Kt of Mote Kent . Edward Coke Esq of Langford Darby . The late Act of Parliament doth exempt these following . Isaac Astley Esq of Melton Constable Norf. David Cunningham Scotch Bar. of London . Sr Iohn Rayney Scot. Bar. of VVrotham Kent . Revet Eldrid Esq of Saxham Magna Suffolk Iohn Gell Esq of Hopton Darby . Sr Vincent Corbet Kt of Morton Corbet Salop. Sr Iohn Wray Kt of VVoodsome York Tho. Trallop Esq of Casewick Lincoln . Edw. Thomas Esq of Michaels Town Glam . St Will. Cowper Sc. Bar. of Raling Court Kent . Denner Strut Esq of Little VVotley Essex . VVill Saint Quintin Esq of Harpan York . Sr Robert Kempe Kt of Gissing Norf. Iohn Reade Esq of B●ocket Hall Hartf . Iames Enyon Esq of Flower Northam . Edw. VVilliams Esq of Marlehul Dorset . Iohn VVilliams Esq of Minster Court Kent . Sr George VVinter Kt of Huddington Worc. Iohn Burlace Esq of Bockmer Bucking . Henry Knallys Esq of Groveplace Southam . Iohn Hamilton of the City of London . Edward Morgan Esq of Lanternam Munmoth Nicholas Kemeys Esq of Kevenmably Glamor . Trever VVilliams Esq of Llangibbye Munm . Poynings Moore Esq of Loseley Surrey . Christopher Dawney Esq of Cowick York . Iohn Reresby Esq of Tri●ergh York . VVill Ingleby Esq of Ripley York . Tho. Hampson Esq of Toplow Bucking . Tho Williamson Esq of East Mackham Nottin . Will Denny Esq of Gillingham Norfolk . Richard Hardres Esq of Hardres Kent . Christopher Lowther Esq Yorksh . Sr Thomas Alston Kt Westmerl . Edward Corbet of Leyton . Edward Payler Esq York●sh . Sr George Middleton Kt Lancash . Matthew Walkenburgh Esq Yorksh . Philip Constable Esq Yorksh . Sr VVill. VVidrington Kt Northumb. Sr Edw. VVidrington Kt. Northumb. Robert Markham Esq Lincoln . S● Stephen Leonard Kt of West Wickham Kent . Philip Hungat Esq York . Ralph Blackston Esq Durham . S● VVill. Therold Kt Lincoln . VValter Rudstone Esq Yorksh . Robert Throgmorton Esq Warwick . VVill. Halton Esq Essex . VValter Wrottesley Esq Staffordsh . Edward Golding Esq Notting . VVill. Smith Esq Cornw. Henry Hen Esq Berks. Brocket Spencer Esq Hartford . VValter Blunt Esq Worcest . Adam Littleton Esq Salop. Sr Tho. Haggerston of HaggerstonNorthum . Tho. Liddell Esq Duresme Richard Lawdy Esq Exon . Thomas Chamberlain Esq Oxfordsh . Henry Hunlock Esq Darby . Thomas Bad Esq South imp . Richard Crane Esq Norfolk . Samuel Danvers Esq Northāmp . Sr Henry Iones Kt Carmarthen . VVilliam Vauasor Esq Sr Edward VValgrave KtKent . Iohn Pare Esq Leicest . VVilloughby Hickman Esq Lincoln . Sr George Bateler KtHertford . Edward Acton Esq Salop . Sr Francis Hawley KtSomerset . Iohn Preston Esq Lincash . Thomas Prestwick Esq Lancash . Robert Therold Esq Lincoln . Gervase Lucas Esq Lancash . Henry Bard Esq Middlesex . Henry VVilliams Esq Brecknock . VVilliam Vancolster Esq VVilliam de Boreel . George Carter Esq Thomas VVindebanke Esq Wilts . Benjamin VVright Esq Suffolk . Richard VVill is Esq Cambr . Sr Evan Lloyd Kt of YaleDenbigh . A Catalogue of the Knights made by King Charles , with the time of their making . SIr Morr is Abbot Merchant . London . Sr Abraham VVilliams . Sr Iames Lasly . Sr Paul Harris of Boreatton . Sr Iohn Meller of Little Breda Dorset . Sr Charles Glenham . Sr Edward Clarke of Reading Berks. Sr Edward Griffin of Braybrooke Castle North. Sr Iohn Halts . Sr VValter Long of VVarall Wilts . Sr Truston Smith of VValpotSuffolk . Sr Christopher Man of Canterbury Kent . Sr Iohn Finch of Canterbury . Kent . Sr Robert Hony-wood of PetKent . Sr Thomas Power of Newcastle . Sr Hugh Stukeley Hamp . Sr Roger Martin of Long Milsord . Suffolk . Sr VVilliam Gourdon Scotus . Sr Martin Lister . Sr Morris Drummon Scotus . Sr Nich. Row of Mousewelhill . Middle . Sr Rich Hutton of Gouldesborow . Sr Morgan Randell of Oxonford Surry . Sr Thomas Pope of VVioxton Oxon. Sr Thomas Morton of Eastnon Kent . Sr Thomas Yorke of Brackley Northamp . Sr Thomas Baker Sr Henry Killegrew Lincoln . Sr VVilliam Sanderson Sr Thomas Brodery of Arnbury Lincoln . Sr VVilliam Morley . Sr Iohn Ashburnham of Bromham Suffolk . Sr Edward Barkley de Bruton Sommet . Sr Richard Reynell of East Ognel Devon. Sr Thomas Reynell his Brother Devon. Sr Iohn Young Sr Iohn Chichester Devon. Sr Iohn Carew Devon. Sr Iames Bagge of Plimouth Devon. Sr Thomas Thornix Kent . Sr William Courtney Devon. Sr Henry Sprey Devon. Sr Iames Scot. Sr Sheffield Chapham . Sr Iohn Gibson . Sr Henry VVilloughby . Sr Thomas Love. Sr Michael Geare Sr Iohn VVatts . Sr Iohn Chidley Capt. Devon. Sr Simon Leech . Devon. Sr Francis Dodington Somerset . Sr Thomas Pawlet Somerset . Sr Tho. Jay of Neiheihaven W●lts . Sr Robert Cock. Sr Richard Shelden . Sr Edw Bathurst of Horton Kirby Kent . Sr Edw Bishop of Parham Suffolk Sr Edw. Spencer of Batton Middle . Sr Peter Killigrew . Sr Dodmore Cotton . Sr William Killig . ew . Sr Hugh Cholmondley . Sr John Loder of Loder Westmer . Sr John Gore late Lord Maior of London . Sr Allen Cotton then Lord Maior of London . Sr Francis Harvy of Cotten end North. Sr John Underhill . Sr Will. Gardener of Peckham Surrey . Sr George Cenit . Sr Thomas Huncks . Sr Thomas Richardson of Throp-Market Norf. Sr Walter Leech of Cadley Devon Sr Simonds D' Ewes of Scowlangtoft Suffolk Sr Miles Sands of VVilberton Cambr. Sr Richard Minshall Chesh . Sr Robert Sands . Sr Peter VVich . Sr Nicholas Hide . Sr Francis Clarke of Hitcham Bucking . S● George Kemp of Pentlow Essex . Sr VVilliam Craven London . Sr VVilliam Carre . Sr VVilliam Poshall . Sr VVilliam Alexander . St Christopher Trentham Staff. S● Edward Seabright Wigor . Sr Robert Barkely of Pe●sley Wigor . Sr Thomas Kelleyon Scotur . Sr Toby Cage . Sr John Hanbery North. Sr VVilliam B●iers Bedford . Sr Cutbert Hacket Sr Martin Snowkers of Flanders . S● Iohn Savill of Lupsil York ▪ Sr Richard Greenvile . Sr Thomas Fryer . Sr VVilliam Cunningham . Sr Iohn Tolcarne . Sr Simon Harcourt . Sr Robert Honywood . Sr Drew Dean● of Dinshall Essex . Sr George Russell of Richmonds Bedf. Sr Henry A●trey of VVoodend . Sr Lawrence VVashington . Sr Edward Clarke of Arlington Berks. S● Cope Doyley of Greenland Bucking . These six following were Knighted by the King of Sweden . Sr Peter Young. Sr Henry St George . Richmond Herald . Sr Patrick Rutbin a Coll. Scotus . Sr Alexander Lesley a Coll. Scotus . Sr Thomas Muschamps a Coll. North. Sr Iohn Heybron Stotur . Sr Henry Morison of Tuly Parke Leicest . Sr VVilliam Blake of Kensington Middle . Sr Garret Rainsford Sr VVilliam Denny of Norwich Norfolk ▪ Sr Iohn Tufton . Sr George Vernon of Hassington . Sr Francis Radcliffe of Newcastle Northumb. Sr Iohn Terrill Essex . Sr Phillip Oldfield of Somerford Chesh . Sr Marmaduke Langdale of Pighall York . Sr VVhite Beconshaw of Moyls-Court Hamp . Sr Ba 〈…〉 Dixwell of Folson Kent . Sr Timothy Featherston North. Sr Thomas Lucas of Colchester Essex . Sr Iohn Sackvill of Sudlescomb Sussex . Sr Thomas Lewis of Penmalk Glamor . Sr Charles Crofts of Bardwell . Suffolk . Sr Edw. Richard of Southampton Hamp . Sr Iohn Lyster York . Sr Hugh Bethell of Alne York . Sr Robert Morton of Easture Kent . Sr Thomas Hope Scotus . Sr Hugh Hamersley Lord Maior of London . Sr Thomas Gerard of Asbydelazouch Leicest . Sr Iohn Trelawney of Trelawney Cornw. Sr VValter Langdon of Kaverell Corn. Sr John Fotberby of Canterbury Kent . Sr Iohn Rowth of Romley Darby . Sr VVilliam Hopkins of Coventry Warwick . Sr Iohn Miles of Devington Kent . Captaines : Sr Thomas Ismond Sr Iohn Crosby Sr Iohn Langworth 〈◊〉 Sr Iohn Harvy . Sr Iohn Leigh of Newport Southam ▪ Sr Thomas Culpepper Sussex . Sr George VVilmot of Charleton Berks. Sr Edward Dodsworth of Trowtsdaile Ebor. Sr VVill. Salter of Ritchking Bucking . Sr Cornelius Faire-Madow of Fulham Middl. Sr Iervis N●vill of Haddington Lincoln . Sr VVill ▪ Catchmay of Bixweere Gloucest . Sr VVill. Ashton of Tingery Bedfordsh . Sr VVill. Quadring of Iraby Lincoln . Sr George Grimes of Peckam Surrey Sr James Harrington of Merton Oxon. Sr Iohn Bracking of Eaton Bedf. Sr Cornelius Vermuden of Hadfield Ebor. Sr Iohn Heydon of Backenstrop Norf. Sr Richard Grimes . Sr Richard Manley : Sr VVill. Rowe of Higham Hill Essex . Sr Lewes Morgan . Sr Iervis Elwis Notting . Sr VVill. Dalton of the City of Yorke Sr Richard Deane Lord Maior of London . Sr VVill. Acton Sheriffe . Sr VVill. Calley of Burdrop W●lt● . Sr Balthazar Gerbeir . Sr Cranmer Harris of Crixsey Essex . Sr Iohn Lee of Lawshall Saffolk . Sr Hardres VValler Kent . Sr Anthony Mansell of ●retton Gloucest . Sr Popham Southcot . Sr Henry Cason of Poyton Sussex . Sr Iohn Yate of Buckland Berks. Sr Nathaniel Brent Doctor at Law. Sr VVill. Spencer of Yarnton Oxford . Sr Iohn Stonehouse of Rudley Berks. Sr Thomas VVortley . Sr Thomas VVarner . Sr Christopher Abdy of Belgat Kent . Sr Leonard Feerby of Pauls Cray Kent . Sr Edmund Mounford of Fel●wall Norf. Sr Thomas Gawdy of Gawdy Hall Sr Ferdinando Cary. Sr Thomas Thornborough of Elmly Wigon . Sr Nicholas Byron . Sr Edmund Scot of Lambeth Surrey . Sr Peter Pawle Rubens . Sr Ralph Blackstone of Blackston Ebor. Sr Dudley Carleton of Holcombe Oxon. Sr George Herbert of Dorrow Hiber . Sr Lawrence De la Chamber of Rodmill . Sr George VVentworth of VValley Ebor. Sr Iohn Morley of Chichester Sussex . Sr Oliver Nicholes of Manningford Bruse . Sr Iames Cambell Lord Maior of London . Sr Philip Stapleton of VValrer Ebor. Sr VVilliam Fairefax Ebor. Sr Robert Needham . Sr Philip Langdon of Handleby Lincoln . Sr Edw. Masters of East Handon Kent . Sr Thomas Gower of Sillingham . Sr VVilliam Strickland of Hildingley Ebor. Sr Iervis Scroope of Ackrinton . Lincoln . Sr Edward Floid of Berthloid Montgom . Sr VValter Pye. Sr Iames Steward Duke of Lenox . Sr Stephen Scot of Haies Kent . Sr Iohn Harper of Swarson Daiby . Sr Iames Montgomery Scotus . Sr Richard Pigot of Dothersoll Bucking . Sr Thomas Bows of Much Bromsey Hall Ess . Sr Iohn Thorowgood Sr Henry Dawfrey of More . Sr Henry Atkins London . Sr Iames Hamilton M. Hamilton . Sr Thomas Carleton of Carleton Cumb. Sr Fredricke Cornwallis of Bromehall . Sr VValter Alexander of St Iames Middle . Sr Iohn Sucklin of VVitham Middle . Sr Thomas Swan of Southfleet Kent . Sr Arthur Robinson of Deighton Ebor. Sr Martin Barnham of Hellingborne : Sr Iames VVeston of Castle Campe Cant. Sr Robert Ducy Lord Maior of London Sr Iohn Banks of Graies Inne Middle . Sr Robert Yelverton . Sr VVilliam Polcy of Bicksteed . Sr Iohn Caswell , Sr Edward Powell . Sr Thomas VVindham of Renssord Somer . The Ventian Embassador . Sr VVilliam VViddrington of VViddrington . Sr George Devereux of Sheldon . Sr Iohn Somerset of Plantley Court. Sr Richard Prince of Salop. Sr George VVhitmore Lord Maior of London . Sr George Fleetwood Collonel . Sr George Carnegay Scotus . Sr Francis Windebanke Sr Francis Rainsford . Sr James Carmichadell . Sr George Cary of Bradford . Sr Anthony Vandike . Sr John Hall. Sr Robert Paine of Barton Stacy . South . Sr Nicholas Slanneing Devon. Sr John Melton Yorke . Sr Francis Crawley of Luton Bedf. Sr Thomas Honywood of Markhall Essex . Sr Edward Alsord of Offonington Sussex . Sr William Brockman of Bitchborow . Sr Arnold Wareing of Sivingson Buck. Sr John Coult of Rickemersworth Hertf. Sr Henry Knowlis . Sr John Ramsay . Sr Alexander Hall of Allemerhall . Sr Nicholas Rainton Lord Maior of London . Sr John Wolstcnholme of London . 〈◊〉 . Sr Abraham Daws of Putney . Sr Iohn Iacob of London . Sr George Douglas Scotus . Sr William Allenson Maior of Yorke . Sr William Belt Recorder of Yorke . Sr Paul Neale . Sr Lionel Maddison Northumb. Sr William Boswell . Sr William Robinson . Sr Edmund Boweur of Camberwell . Sr Pelham Cary. Sr Iohn Coke . Sr Patrick Abereromy . Sr Thomas Hopton . Sr Thomas Alston . Sr VVilliam Lyre . Sr Iames Achmoti . Sr Francis Siddenham . Sr Robert Wood. Sr Mathew Howland . Sr George Theobals . Sr Iohn Saltinston . Sr George Windham . Sr David Kirke . Sr Thomas Tresse . Sr John Thoroughgood . Sr Nicholas Servin . Sr John Temple . Sr Roger Higgs . Sr Thomas Dakers . Sr VVilliam Riddall Northum . Sr Richard Howbart . Sr Selwin Parker . Sr Thomas Coghill Oxon. Sr Francis Norris Oxon. Sr Tho. Dayrell of Eillington Dayrel Buck. Sr Iohn Pennington . Sr VVilliam le Neve Nors . Sr Thomas Moulson Lord Maior of London . Sr Anthony Cage of Stow Camb. Sr Edward Hartop of Euckminster Leicest . Sr Iohn Brampston Essex . These 4 came over with the Swedish Embassador . Sr Iacob Skitt●e . Sr Iohn Crus . Sr Gustavus Banir . Sr Gabriel Oxensterne . Sr Iohn Skittee . Sr Robert Earkehurst Lord Maior of London . Sr Edw. Littleton . These six Knighted by the Earle of Lindsey on Shipboord . Sr Iohn Lord Pawl●t . Sr Iohn Pawlet his Son. Sr Iames Douglas . Sr Iohn Digby . Sr Charles Howard . Sr Elias Hicks . Sr Ralph VVhitfield of Tenterden Kent . Sr Thomas Corbet of Sprouston Norf. Sr Richard VVeston Decem. Sr Iohn Dalton of VVest-VVretting Camb. Sr Richard Vivian of Treloteren Cornw. Sr Henry Calthrop of Cockthrop Norf. Sr VVilliam Shelley of Michelgrove Sus . Sr Charles Herbert of Moore Hertf. Sr Symon Baskervile of London . Sr Mathew Lister of London . Sr Thomas Ingram of Yorke . Sr Christopher Clethero Lord Maior of London . Sr William Howard of B●●vor York . Sr Edw Bromfield Lord Maior of London . Sr Charles Mordant of Massinghall Norf. Sr Job Harvy of London . Sr Arthur Hopton of Witham Somer . Sr Rowland Wandesford of Haddegly York . Sr Thomas Milward of Eaton Dovedale Der. Sr John Barrington of Barrington Essex . Sr John Lucas neare Colchester Essex . Sr Richard Fe● Lord Maior of London . Sr Thomas Bedding field of Halborne Middle . Sr Balihazar Garbeire . Sr Edmund Williams of London . Sr Arthur Jenny of Know●shall Suff ▪ Sr Richard Allen. Sr Gillam Merricke . April 〈◊〉 . Sr Roger James of Yorke Lord Ma●or . Sr Thomas Widdrington Recorder . Sr Alexander Davison of Blackston Du 〈…〉 Sr Thomas 〈…〉 ddel of 〈◊〉 Sr John Hele of 〈◊〉 Devon. Sr 〈◊〉 Thinne . Sr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Sto● Co 〈…〉 Sr Edward Savage of west minster ▪ Sr William Darcy of Witton Castle Durh Sr Charles 〈◊〉 of Crossehall Su●● Sr William Selby of Twisle North. Sr Vivian M●llencux . Sr Iohn Pawlet . Sr Humphrey Sidenham . Sr Peregrine Bertu . Sr Charles Howard Sr Richard Bellars . Sr Iohn Morley . Sr William Gun. Sr Charles Lucas . Sr Michael Earnly . Sr Douglas . Sr Iohn Barkley . Sr VVilliam Barkley . Sr Thomas Not. Sr Iervis Eyr of Rampton Notting . Sr William Craven of Com Abbey Warwic . Sr Edmund Reve of Stratten Norf. Sr Thomas Daws of Putney Surrey . Sr Nicholas Cri●● of London . Sr Iohn Nuls of London . Sr Robert Foster of Fosters Egham . Sr Henry Blunt. Sr Thomas Fotherley . Sr George Sayer of Bewsers Hall Essex . Sr Nathaniel Finch of Ash Kent . Sr Henry Garraway Lord Maior of London . Sr Henry Vane . Sr Thomas Ashton of Weedhill . Sr George Vane . Sr Iohn Harrison● Sr He●neage Proby . Sr Martin Lumley Kt and Bar. Sr Iohn Gore . Sr Thomas Fairfax . Sr Edward Herbers . Sr Robert Wildgoose . Sr Simon Fanshaw . Sr Nicholas Coat-Cole Kit and Bar. Sr Arthur Ashton . Sr Iohn Witterong . Sr Thomas Meautis is of Gorambury Her●● . Sr Wilford Lawdson . Sr Ralph Sr Ralph Varney . Sr Nicholas Miller . Sr Richard Howell . Sr William Palmer . Sr William Poele . Sr Edmund Pye. Sr Peter Rickard . Sr Samuel Owefield . Sr Iohn●key . Sr William Butler . Sr Nicholas Kemish . Sr Robert Therold . Sr Simon Every . Sr Iohn Wortley . Sr George Winter . Sr Robert Fielding of Barnacle Warw. Sr Peter Temple . Sr Harbert Whitfield . Sr Thomas Dike . Sr Edmund Wright Lord Maior of London . Sr George Courtup . Sr Robert de Gray . Sr Christopher Athoe . Sr Thomas Cave . Sr Iohn Evelin . Sr Iohn Cotton . Sr Thomas Whitmore . Sr Iohn Palgrave . Sr Vincent Corbit . Sr Iohn Mayne . Sr Gerrard Nappard . Sr Rowland Barkeley . Sr Valentine Pell . Sr William Butler . Sr Anthony Augher : Sr Richard Napper . Sr Thomas Bernard●ston . Sr Thomas Mallet . Sr Thomas Abdy . Sr Samuel Sly . Sr William Doy● 〈◊〉 Sr Edward Duke . Sr Thomas Gibbon . 〈◊〉 Sr Thomas Hewyt . Sr Roger Smith . Sr Robert Litton : Sr William Drake . Sr Iohn Herwich . Sr Iohn Curson . Aug. 〈◊〉 Sr Iohn Rolt . 〈◊〉 Sr. George Ascough . Sr Francis Williamson . Sr Robert Fen. Sr Mi 〈…〉 Hatchinson . Sr Isaac Sidney . Sr Roger Burgoyne . Sr Thomas Godfrey . Sr Peter Godfrey . Sr Thomas Woolridge . Sr Thomas Eversfield . Sr Iohn Wild , Sr Henry Prat Kt and Bar. Sr Iohn Henden . Sr Iohn Gore . Sr Thomas Bridges . Sr Norton Knatchbutt . Sr George Stroud . Sr William Dalstone Kt and Bar. Sr Edward Partridge . Sr Robert Barkeham . Sr Robert Kempe . Sr Sampson Eure. Sr Henry Hamond . Sr Iohn Glancile . Sr Thomas Hamersly . Sr Francis Rhodes . Sr Robert Crooke . Sr Iohn Pets. Sr Thomas Bishop . Sr Hugh Owen . Sr Hugh Windbam . Sr Edward Nicholas . Sr Richard Gurney L. Maior . Sr Tho. Gardiner Recorder . Sr Iohn Petus . Sr Iohn Cordell . Sr Thomas Soame . Sr Iohn Gayre . Sr Iacob Gerrard . Sr Iohn Wollaston . Sr George Garret . Sr George Clarke . Sr Edward Astley . Sr Anthony Piercivall . Sr Thomas Trever . Sr Iohn Spelman . Sr Iohn Roberts . Sr Iohn Tusion . Sr Iohn Mallery . Sr Henry Cholmelcy . Sr Thomas Lunsford . These following were Knighted since the 4th of Ianuary 1641. and are exempted by the late Act of Parliament . THe Martin . Rich. Halford . Iohn Darrell . Isaac Astley . Iohn Rayney . William Springate . Iohn Gennet . Henry Palmer . Edward Philmore . Henry Scradling . Iohn Menys . William Man. Martin Van Trumpe . William Cooper . 〈◊〉 William Cawley Iohn Read. Robert Crampton . For 〈…〉 . Richard Stone . Edmund Cooper . The Duke of York . Earle of Carnarvan . Lord Obignie . Lord Iohn . Lord Bernard . Brian Palmes . Thomas Nortcliffe . Iames Pennyman . Francis Butler . Thomas Boswell Iordan Mctham . Richard Trencard . Iohn Girlington . Thomas Williamson . Ingram Hopton . Francis Munkton . George Middleton . Edmund Duncomb . Peter Courting . Iohn Digby . Charles Dallison . William Coney . Robert Tredway . Richard 〈◊〉 Iohn Burrell . Iordan Cros●land . Eus 〈…〉 〈◊〉 . George 〈◊〉 . Anthony Sellenger . Francis Cob. William Clarke . Edm. Fortescue . Edw. Iarret . George Theaine . Robert Leigh . Thomas Leigh . John Middleton Henry Jones . Robert Stapleton . John Wild. Francis Otley . John Wild Iun. Hugh Calveley . Richard Crane . Thomas Byron . Arnold de Lille . Thomas Screven . Richard Willis . Thomas Lister . Richard Byron . 〈◊〉 Richard Floid . Gerrard Eaton . Thomas Eaton . Anthony Morgan . Rich. Shugburrough John Smith . Robert Welch . William Palmer . 〈◊〉 . Wingfield Bodenham . Edward Sidenbam . Henry Hen. Iohn Tirringham . Tho. Maynwaring . Tho Blackwell . Henry Huncks . Edward Chester . Robert Murray . Henry Vaughan . William Mallery . William Neale . George Vaughan . Edward Hyde . Isaac Astley . John Pen Rudduck . John Winford . Henry Hunlock . Tho. Bad. Iohn Penruddock . John Scudmore . Walter Floyd . Francis Floyd . William Blackston . Lewis Kirke . Edward Lawrence . James Murray . Charles Kemish . Edward Stradling . John Hurray . Humble Ward . Butler . Charles Mobune . John Greenfield . Sam. Cosworth . Christopher Wray . Richard Chowley . William Morton . William Howard . Michael Woodhouse . Timothy Terrell . George ap Roberts Edward Alston . Edward Ford. Peter Ball. Francis Chock . Arthur Blayney . Otley . Joseph Seamore . Orlando Bridgman Henry Bare . Edw. Vaughan . Robert Breerwood . Edmund Varney . Charles Compton . William Compton . Spencer Compton Marmad . Royden . Richard Lane. William Manwaring . Robert Holborne . John Read. Thomas Gardner . VVill. Courtney . Hugh Cartwright . Henry VVood. Thomas Cheddle . George Villers . VVill. Godolphin . Robert Byron . George Parry . Iune . Martin Sands . Barnard Astley . Daniel Tyers . Iuly . Hugh Crocker . Robert Howard . Thomas Basset . Francis Basset . Charles Trevanian . John Arundell . Iohn Grills . Francis Gamull . Ioseph VVagstaffe . Edward Brett . Sackvill Glenbam . VVilliam Ratcliffe . Thomas Prestwich . Hugh Gage . Charles Floyd . Peter Brown. VVill. Campion . Iohn Owen . Chichester Luteno Gilbert Talbot . The Lord Capell . Lord Henry Scam Henry Chichley . Richard Hatten . George Bunckle . Iohn Dabridge . Edward VValker . Stephen Hawkins . Thomas Rives . Charles Cotterell . Richard Breme . Richard Malev●● Robert Peake . Iohn Ratcliff●● Lodowick VVyrc . Barthol . la Roche . Edward Barret . Richard Page . VVilliam Bridges . Mathew Appleyard . Edward Hapton . Dudly VVyat . Henry Lingham . Herbert Lunsford . Edmund Peirce . Iohn VVallpoole . VVill. Layton . Barraby Sc●damore . Henry VV●oth . Iohn VVales . Theophilus Gilby . Edward Cooper . George Lisle . Ferdinando Fisher . Charles Lee. Iohn Ogle . Anth. VVilloughby . Allen Butler . Iohn Surcot . Thomas Sherley . VVilliam Byron . George Englandby . Francis Rouse . James Bridgmam . Edmund Polcy . Iohn Knottessord . Ioseph VVagstaffe . Tho. Longue●vile . Edward Bathurst . Edmund Bray . Edw. Pridcaux . Allen Zouch . Allen Apsely . Edw Clarke . George Probat . VVill ▪ Morgan . Edw. VValgrave . Henry Iones . Iohn ▪ Norris . Gamalicl Dudle● . Iohn Duncomb . 
A86299	----	The parable of the tares expounded & applyed, in ten sermons preached before his late Majesty King Charles the second monarch of Great Britain. / By Peter Heylin, D.D. To which are added three other sermons of the same author. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1659 Approx. 791 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 213 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A86299 Wing H1729 Thomason E987_1 99860436 99860436 168623 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86299) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 168623) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 147:E987[1]) The parable of the tares expounded & applyed, in ten sermons preached before his late Majesty King Charles the second monarch of Great Britain. / By Peter Heylin, D.D. To which are added three other sermons of the same author. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [20], 395, [7] p. printed by J.G. for Humphrey Moseley, at the Princes Arms in St. Pauls Church-yard, London : 1659. With 3 final leaves of 'To the Reader'. Annotation on Thomason copy: "June 17.". Variant has "for Humphrey Moseley, at the Prince's Armes" in imprint. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Sower (Parable) -- Early works to 1800. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PARABLE OF THE TARES EXPOVNDED & APPLYED , In TEN SERMONS Preached before his late Majesty KING CHARLES The Second MONARCH of Great BRITAIN . By Peter Heylin , D. D. To which are added three other Sermons of the same Author . LONDON , Printed by J. G. for Humphrey Moseley , at the Prince's Arms in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1659. To his ever Honoured Cousin LAVRENCE BATHVRST Esquire , Eldest Son of Sr. Edward Bathurst of Lerhlad in the County of Gloucester , KNIGHT and BARRONET . IT was the Saying of St. Gregory surnamed the Great , that the holy Scripture was nothing else but an Epistle sent from Almighty God to his Creature man , by which he might be rightly informed in all those points which were fit or necessary to be known and trained up in the practise of all those duties which were fit and necessary to be done : Quid enim est Scriptura sacra , nisi epistola Omnipotentis Dei ad creaturam suam , as that Father hath it . According to which great example ( though possibly not in reference and relation to it ) it hath been the custom of men in all times and nations not extremely barbarous , when they could not personally expresse their minds to one another , to mannage intelligence in the way of Letters of Epistles ; in which they comprehend all such particulars as were expedient to be known to either party . Inventae erant epistolae ( as Tully tels us ) ut certiores faceremus absentes , si quid esset quod eos scire , aut nostrum , aut ipsorum interesset . And to say truth they are our ordinary Messengers of love and friendship , our extraordinary Posts for dispatch of busines● . By them we commonly receive advice & counsel in our affairs of greatest moment , and to them we commit the close conveyance of such secrets , as cannot with like confidence be trusted to friends or servants , His arcana notis terra pelagoque feruntur , as Ovid's passionate Lady writeth to her dear Hippolitus . In which respect , considering that God hath placed us at a distance , so that I cannot personally acquaint you with some particulars touching the publishing of these Sermons , which I think fit for you to know , that you may make them known to others , I am compelled ( in a manner ) to expresse them in this present Epistle . In which I shall first present you with those impulsives which have induced me ( contrary to my former custom and resolutions to commit these Sermons to the Press , and then to let you know the reason why I have made choice of your name in this Dedication . And first I must needs say ( and I may say it very truly ) that I never did any thing in this kind , of which I found my self more obliged to render a just account , then of the publishing the ensuing Sermons ; which seems like the adding of fresh leavs to a well grown tree in the midst of Sommer , of stars to a cleer firmament in a Winter night , or finally , of water to a full and unfathomed Ocean : and you may justly say to me in the Poets words , Quid folia Arboribus , quid pleno sidera Coelo , In Freta collectas alta quid addis aquas ? That is to say , Why dost thou adde fresh leaves unto the Trees , Stars to the Heavens , or Water to the Seas ? In answer to which objection , I can neither plead the importunity of friends , the command of superiors , nor the preventing of false Copies from being brought unto the Press , which I observe to be the common pretences for printing Sermon upon Sermon ; most of the which , without any sensible losse to Learning , or disadvantage to the Church , might have been buried in the Studies of them that made them . And yet I would not have it thought but that I have some reason for what I do , more then the vulgar desire of being in print , there having been so much of mine on the Press already , as might have satisfied the folly of that desire , were I guilty of it : and therefore I shall let you know ( and in you all others who shall read them ) thas these Sermons are now published on the same occasion on which they were first penned and preached , which was briefly this . It was about the Year 1636. in which the Press began to swarm with libellous and seditious Pamphlets , destructive of the publick peace , and tending to a manifest desertion of the received Government and Formes of Worship by Law established in this Kingdom . In most of which the Bishops generally were accused for having a design to bring in Popery , the regular Clergie of this Church ( my self more frequently then any of my ranck and quality ) traduced and defamed for subservient instruments : I had before , and sometimes after , been cast upon the managing of some of the puritan Controversies , ( as they then called them ) particularly in writing the History of the Sabbath , the Answer to the seditious Sermon and Apologie of Mr. H. B. of Friday-street , the book entituled A Coal from the Altar , & the defence thereof called Antidotum Lincolniense , touching the ancient & most convenient scituation of the holy Table , which so exasperated the spirits of those bitter men , who then disturbed both Ch. and State with their venemous libels , that hardly any of that numerous litter had crept into the world in which I was not openly accused of Popery , or at the least of being an Under-factor unto those who had the chief managing of that design . For the decrying of which scandal so unjustly raised ( for actū est de homine , ubi actum est de nomine , as the old rule was ) I fell upon a resolution of preaching these ensuing Sermons before the King , ( whose Chaplain for Ordinary I then was , and had been many years before ) upon the Parable of the Tares ; and giving in them such an assurance of my Orthodoxie in Religion and averseness from Popery , as might declare me for a true son of the Church of England . And this I did at such a time when the inclinations unto Popery were thought ( but falsly thought ) to be most predominant both in Court and Clergy : a course which gave such satisfaction unto a great part of the auditors , who before did seem to be otherwise perswaded of me , that some of the more moderate sort did not stick to say ( not to touch here on some comparative expressions which were used by others ) that in the third and fourth of these Sermons I had pulled up Popery by the very roots , and subverted the foundations of it . Not much unlike to which was the expression of a great Peer of the Realm , who being present at the sixth Sermon , was pleased to say , that it was generally affirmed in the Country , that no Sermons were preached before the King , but such as might be preached in the Popes Chapel , but that if the Doctor had preached the said Sermon before the Pope , what breakfast soever he had made for himself , he would have found but a sorry dinner . This , as it was the occasion which moved me at that time to make choice of this parable for the constant argument of my Sermons before the King , so on the like occasion I am now induced ( I may not unfitly say compelled ) to make them publick unto others . For , notwithstanding that I have so fully declared my self against the errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome in my late Comment on the Creed , yet on a sudden ( whither I will or no ) I must be a Papist , a Jesuit , or some Agent for the See of Rome , suspected at the least for such by Dr. Bernard , and ( as he tells us ) by others , for which consult the book entituled The Judgement of the late Lord Primate , &c. pa. 115. The author of the History of the Life and Reign of King Charles ecchoeth the words of Dr. Bernard , which , like an Eccho , he reiterateth ( vocesquè refert , iteratque quod audit , as it is in ovid ) in his scurrilous pamphlet called the Post-Hast Reply , &c. It was accounted for a prudent part in Sophocles ( as indeed it was ) when he was once accused of madness , to produce one of his Tragedies then newly written , to read the same before the people of Athens , and then to ask his Judges , Num illud carmen videretur esse hominis delirantis , whether they thought it like to be the work of a man distracted ? And I hope it will be counted no imprudence in me , being again accused of popery , or at the least suspected of it to commit these Sermons to the Press , to offer them to the reading of the people of Engl. & then to put this question to them , Whether they think such Sermons could proceed from the pen of a Papist , som Jesuit , or Agent for the See of Rom ? Adde hereunto , that finding it wondred at in print , that so many of my books do so little concern my profession ( though I know none that do so little concern the same as the Pamphlets hath it ) I hope the printing of these Sermons will take off the wonder , & that they will be looked upon as in which my profession is concerned . Such being the reason of bringing these Sermons to the publick view , I shall observe in the next place with what injustice the Court-Chaplains have been accused for flatterie and time serving , for preaching up the Kings prerogative , and derogating from the property and liberty of the English subject ; in which if one or two were faulty , it stands not with the rules of Justice , and much less of Equity , that for the fault of one or two ( unius ob culpam & furias in the Poets words ) a general blemish should be laid on all the rest . Certain I am , no flatterie or time-serving , no preaching up the Kings prerogative , or derogating from the propertie of the English subjects will be found in these Sermons , nor could be found in any other of mine , had they been sifted to the bran . In confidence whereof , when some exceptions had been made against some passages in one of my Sermons preached at VVestminster by a mistake of some that heard it , I offered the Committee for the Courts of Justice , before whom that exception had been started , to put into their hands all the Sermons , which I had either preached at Court or in Westminster Abbie , to the end that they might see how free and innocent I was from broching any such new Doctrines as might not be good Parliament-proof when soever they should come to be examined : and had they took me at my offer , certain I am , it might have redounded very much to the clearing of my reputation in the sight of those Gentlemen , and nothing to my hurt or disadvantage at all . In the digestion of these Sermons I made it my chief care , rather to inform the understanding then to work on the affections of them that heard me . For having for seven or eight years before felt the pulse of the Court , and finding that many about the King were not well principled in the constitution of the Church of England , and thereby gave occasion to others to think as sinisterly of it as they did themselves , I thought that course most fit to be followed in my preaching , which was like to be most profitable to them that heard me ; for the Understanding being well informed , and the Judgement of men well setled on so sure a bottom , I doubted not but that their affections would be guided by the light of their Understanding , and bring them to be all of one mind and of one soul , like the Christians in Acts 4. 32. Voluntas sequitur intellectum , is a maxime of undoubted truth in the schools of Philosophie , and holds good in all the practical duties which concern Religion . Which way of preaching , had it been more generally followed , ( as it might have been ) I think it probable enough , that we might better have kept the unity of the spirit in the bond ●f peace , then by striving to stir up the affections with little or no improvement to the understanding . Knowledg without Zeal may be resembled to a candle carried in a Dark-lanthorn or hid under a bushel , which wasts it self without giving light to others , and is uuprofitably consumed without any benefit to the publick ; but on the other side , zeal without knowledg or not according to knowledg , may be compared unto the meteor which the Philosophers call an Ignis Fatuus , which for the most part leads men out of the way , and sometimes draws them on to dangerous precipices , or to a brush-Bavine-faggot in a Country Cottage , more apt to fire the house then to warm the chimney . So much being said as to the Motives which induc'd me to print these Sermons upon the parable of the Tares , and to my handling and accomodating that Parable to the use of the Church , as then it stood established by the Laws of the Land , I am in the next place to let you know the reason why I have made choice of you name in this Dedication . And herein I can make as little use of those common aims , which are so frequent in Dedications of this nature , that is to say , protection , profit or preferment , as I did before of those common pretences which are so frequently alledged for publishing many of those books , which , without any loss to Learning or disadvantage to the Ch. ( as before was said ) might have been reprieved from the Press . Protection I expect none from you in these perilous times , in which , without a prudent care of your life and actions , you will be hardly able to protect your self : nor is this dedication made in the way of gratitude for any benefit or profit formerly received from you , ( in which respect I dedicated my book called Ecclesia Vindicata to my kind and honoured Schoolmaster Mr. Edward Davies ) or out of any covetous hopes of being gratified by you with any profit or preferment in the Church for time to come : of which if I were capable , I might by the same capability return again unto my own , and being made uncapable , can receive none from you or from any other ; & though , my present condition be not such as to make me the subject of any mans envy , so neither is it so mean & despicable as to make me the object of any mans charity . And yet I would not have it thought but that I have some reason for this Dedication , and if I had no other reason then to give a publick testimony of that dear affection which I have to your person , it neither were without example , for such as might not justifie and endear the action . But besides this I have another reason for it that concerns my self , which is the leaving of my picture with you , or rather the picture of my nobler part , my mind ; if whensoever it shall please God to gather me unto my Fathers , you may be able to preserve some remembrance of me . Patricius telleth us that the daughter of Diaburranes the Scitionian , being to take leave of her husband then going to war , drew the chief lineaments of his face with a coal on the wall , and this she did ne taedio desiderii ejus contabesceret , for fear lest she might otherwise languish for the want of his company during his necessary absence . In imitation of which art it was an ancient custom of the Greeks and Romans to preserve the Images of their Ancestors and neerest kindred , and sometimes to advance them in the publick places of their Cities with an inscription of their noblest actions , of their most memorable atchievments , giving thereby the rewards of vertue to the dead , and brave examples to the living , sic et defunctis praemiū , et posteris dabatur exemplum , as Minutius hath it Upon the like reason I have sent you these lineaments of my soul , not drawn with a coal upon the wall , but ( which hath som resemblance to it ) with inke on paper : a portraiture not cut in brass or Parian Marble , but cast into a mould of another mettal , which possibly may be as lasting as either of them ; and I have sent them unto you as ( next to your Father ) to my nearest and best beloved Kinsman by my Mothers side , to the end that if any question shall be made in your hearing concerning my sincerity in the true Protestant Religion here by Law establisht , when I shall not be in a capacity of advocating for my self , you need but bring them to the sight of this picture , which will sufficiently serve to scatter any of those false reports which the uncharitableness of some and the credulity of others may have fastened on me . It was my happiness to be bred under such a father as very well understood the constitution of the Church of England , and was a diligent observer of all publick duties which were required of him in his place and station . And though my Tutor in Hart-Hall ( of which House I was before I went to Magdalen Colledge ) was biast on the other side , and that I was then very young and capable of any impression which he might think fit to stamp upon me , yet I carried thence the same principles I brought thither with me , & which I had suckt in as it were with my mothers milk . Nor found I any thing in all the course of my following studies which might invite me to a change of those first principles , but very much which did incourage and confirme me in adhering to them ; according to the which , seconded by the best light of my understanding , I have acted ever since , and on all occasions , as easily will appear to those who have heard any of my preachings and consulted any of my writings from the first to the last . In all which I have really done my best eudeavours to show my self a true son of the Church of England , not looking with one eye toward Rome , or squinting with the othr toward G●neva , but keeping both upon the rules and dictates of the Church alone , in which I have been bred & have lived so long , and by the grace of God am resolved to die . And therefore I must needs think my self in a sorry condition in being forced upon those helps for preserving a fair memory in the eyes of posterity ; which neither the importunity of friends ( when the publishing of these Sermons might have been more seasonable ) nor any other private considerations could have wrested from me . I might here end , but that I am to give you an account of a great hiatus which you will find betwixt the 6. & 7. Sermons , the one being preached the 21. of Jan. 1639. and the other not till the 26. of Sept. 1643. To give you the reasons whereof I must let you know that from the beginning of the long Parliament Nov. 3. 1640. till his Majesty retired to Windsor on the 10. of Jan. 1641. the Sundaies tu●ns before the K. were preached by such of my Lords the Bishops as were attending on the service of the Ch. and State ; and on the Tuesdaies , not only all the Lords of the Council , and the principal Officers of the Household , but most of the Gentlemen of worth & quality about the Court followed the business of the Parl in their several houses . So that I thought it not convenient to pursue the parable till I might have the happiness of enjoying my former auditory which was not , and as it pleased God could not be till his Majesty and the Court had been setled for some time at Oxon. There I resumed my former argument , because I found there a great part of my former auditors , & brought these Sermons to an end ; which have lain by me ever since ( without the least alteration in words or matter ) as they then were preached , and as they then were preached so they now are publish'd . Which said , I have no more to do but desire your pardon for the tediousness of this Address , and that you would be pleasd to accept that Portraiture or Picture which is herewith sent , to make such use of it as may stand best with your contentment , and thereby to preserve a fair esteem in your self and others of , Sir , Lacies Court in Abindon , Jan. 25. 1658. Your most affectionate friend and Cousin to do you service , PET. HEYLIN . An Advertisement to the Reader . THe Reader is to understand that of the three last Sermons which are subjoyned to those of the Tares , the First was preached in the Chappel of Lambeth House , at the Consecration of the Right Reverend Father in God Dr. John Towers Lord Bishop of Peterburg , Jan. 13. 1638. The Second in the Abby-Church of Westminster , on the fifth Sunday of Lent , commonly called Passion Sunday , Anno 1640. The Third in Windsor Castle before the King , at such time as he had removed from White-hall , Jan. 24. 1641. Which I thought fit to signifie , in regard that the said Sermons , the two first especially , are fitted to the particular times and occasions before remembred , and not so easily applyable unto any other ; Advertisement whereof should have been given in the Title of each of the said Sermons , but that it was unhappily left out when they were at the Presse . Parabola Zizaniorum . MAT. XIII . VERS . XXIV . &c. 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 26 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 27 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Versio Vulgaris . 24 ALiam Parabolam proposuit illis , dicens , Simile factum est Regnum Coelorum homini , qui seminavit bonum semen in agro suo . 25 Cum autem dormirent homines , venit inimicus ejus , & super seminavit Zizania in medio Tritici , & abiit . 26 Cum autem crevisset herba , & fructum fecisset , tunc apparuerunt & zizania . 27 Accedentes autem servi patris-familiâs dixerunt ei : Domine , nonne bonum semen seminasti in agro tuo ? unde ergo habet zizania ? 28 Et ait illis , inimicus homo hoc fecit : servi autem dixerunt ei , vis imus , & colligimus ea ? 29 Et ait , non ; ne fortè colligentes zizania , eradicetis simul cum iis triticum . 30 Sinite utraque crescere usque ad messem , & in tempore messis dicam messoribus , colligite primùm zizania , & alligate ea in fasciculos ad comburendum , triticumautem congregate in horreum meum . Versio Bezana . 24 ALiam Parabolam proposuit eis , dicens , Simile est Regnum Coelorum homini serenti bonum semen in agro suo . 25 Quum autem dormirent homines , venit ejus inimicus , & serit Zizania inter triticum , & abiit . 26 Quum verò germinasset herba , & fructum edidisset , tunc apparuerunt etiam zizania . 27 Accedentes autem servi patris-familiâs dixerunt ei , Domine nonne bonum semen sevisti in agro tuo ? unde ergo habet zizania ? 28 Ille vero dixit eis , inimicus quispiam hoc fecit : servi autem dixerunt ei , vis igitur abeamus & colligamus ea . 29 At ille dixit , non , ne colligendo zizania eradicetis simul cum eis triticum . 30 Sinite utraque simul crescere usque ad messem , & tempore messis dicam messoribus , colligite primum zizania , & ligate ea in fasciculos ad exurendum ea , triticum vero colligite in horreum meum . THE PARABLE OF THE TARES Expounded and Applyed . At WHITE-HALL Jan. 9. 1637. MATTH . 13. 24. Another Parable put he forth unto them , saying , The Kingdom of Heaven is likened to a man which sowed good seed in his field . DEus quantum satis esse judicavit locutus , Scripturam condidit : God , saith St. Austin , having manifested so much of his heavenly will as he thought sufficient for our use , composed the body of the Scriptures : And in composing of it , he contrived it so , that it gives wisdom to the simple , and exerciseth the abilities of the greatest Clerks . Now as the Scripture is , which is verbum Dei , such also was the Preacher , which is Deus verbum . In his most heavenly Sermon made upon the Mount , he taught the people plainly , without tropes or figures . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : For , as St. Chrysostome hath noted , those unto whom he then discoursed were plain simple men , uncapable of Parables , and Allegories , and such mysterious arts of speaking . But here we meet with men of another mettle ; the Scribes , the wise men of the World , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , together with the subtle Pharisees , as Theophylact calls them . These , as they would believe no Gospel , which did not come accompanied with signes and wonders , so might they judge all Doctrine to be poor and base which was not represented to them in an handsome habit . There are some men that are more taken with those things which they understand not , then such as are familiar to their apprehensions . Others to whom no truth is pleasing , nisi quod auditu suave est , as Lactantius hath it ; but that which is apparelled in a curious dresse . In which regard our blessed Saviour , of whom St. Paul learnt to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did sometimes , as he had occasion , speake in Parables ; partly to make his Auditors the more attent , partly to grave the deeper and more firm impression in their hearts and memories , but principally to excite them to a more diligent enquiry after that which they understood not . Perspicua obscuris miscet , ut per ea quae intelligunt provocentur ad eorum notitiam quae non intelligunt ; as St. Hierome hath it . Besides , our blessed Saviour hath compared himselfe to a certain man which made a great supper , and bad many ; his Kingdom to a certain King , which made a marriage for his Sonne . Now to a great Supper , or a Wedding Feast , some come for hunger , some for dainties ; and others only out of curiosity , to observe the order of the entertainment . He therefore that would please all commers , must provide accordingly , and furnish out his Table with that rich variety , that he hath wherewithall to content each palate , lest else some one or other go away unsatisfied . And so it was with our Redeemer , whilest being here upon the Earth , he was at once the entertainer and the feast . Some flocked unto him to partake of the bread of life , poor souls that hungred after righteousness ; others to prie into his actions , and observe his sayings : and some out of a curiosity , as once the Queen of Sheba came to Solomon , only to wonder at his wisdom , and from whence it came . One and the same continual manner of discourse was never likely to have sorted to that variety of humours which resorted to him . And therefore to poor simple men he spake home , but plainly ; Loe now thou speakest plainly , and speakest no Parables . But to the captious and the curious , to the wise and learned , it pleased him to speak sometimes in dark speech and Parables , to set an edge upon their appetites , and keep them from a loathing of that Manna which came down from Heaven : God so sets out his word as men do their feasts , ut locis apertioribus fami occurreret , obscurioribus fastidia detergeret , in St. Austines Language : as well to quicken and revive our appetites , as allay our hunger . Nor have we onely here a Parable , but we have aliam parabolam , another Parable ; a Banquet superadded to the second course . The Lord , as Hi●rome hath observed , provides his guests of several dainties , ut unusquisque secundum naturam stomachi sui varia susciperet alimenta ; that each mans stomach may be fitted with the meate he likes . Here then we have a Parable , and another Parable ; and we have reason also why our Saviour spake at this time in Parables , in matters which concerned the Kingdom of Heaven : Some other reasons there are of it , which we shall meete withall hereafter . The next thing here to be considered , is that very Kingdom , which in my Text , and other places of this Chapter , is in so dark a way pointed out unto us . Which Kingdom , whether that it be the preaching of Christs Gospel , or the imparting of his graces to the soul of man , it is resembled very fitly unto the work and travels of the Husband-man , who having laboured and manured his field with his utmost care , and sowed it with his choycest seede , betakes himselfe unto his rest , in expectation of a plentiful and joyful Harvest : yet so it hapneth many times , that notwithstanding all his cost and travel , it brings forth tares instead of Wheat , weedes instead of flowers : Longique perit labor irritus Anni . Gods field is many times too like his Vineyard ; when he had digged it , and dressed it , and that there could be nothing done unto it which he had not done , yet when he came and looked for grapes , it brought forth wilde grapes , such as were only fitted for the Wine-presse of his indignation . So that at last the meaning of the Text will be briefly this , That it so falls out with our Saviour in the administration of his heavenly Kingdom , as with a man that sowed , and sowed good seed , and sowed it in a field of his own possession ; but at the comming on of harvest , found it full of tares . And he put forth another Parable unto them , saying , The Kingdom of Heaven is likened unto a man , &c. Hitherto have we gone in the way of preparation , and spake as much as was convenient touching the subject of and in this Parable , the Kingdom of Heaven . And in the Predicate thereof , wherein the substance of the Text doth consist especially , we have these parts to be considered ; The Husband-man , the Seede , the S●yle . First for the Husband-man , it seemes he was a man of action , for we finde him sowing ; and next a man of quality , as one that did not all his work by himself immediately , but used sometimes the ministery of his servants , as may appeare out of the 25. and the 27. Verse compared together . Then for the Seed , that is to be considered also ; first , in the substance , it was Wheat , the best kinde of grain , for the Text tells us of the Tares , that they were sowen in medio tritici , in the middle of the Wheat ; and secondly , it was bonum semen , a good sort of Wheat . Last of all for the field , we will look on that , first in it selfe , as it is ager , a place fit for tillage ; and then in the Proprietarie , it was Ager suus , his own field , a field not hired nor rented , but his own possession . Of these , &c. Prima Ceres ferro mortales verteret erram Instituit . The art of Husbandry is of such antiquity , that it is attributed by the Poets to the Gods themselves , That and the calling of the Shepheard coeval in a sort with the very world . We read it of the Sonnes of Adam , that Abel was a keeper of Sheep , and Cain a tiller of the ground . Both Offices united in the first man Adam , till his Sonnes came to age to discharge them for him : and both united also in the second Adam till he intrusted them to his Apostles , & their successors in the Evangelical Presthood . Philo hath noted to our hands , that the name of Shepheard was antiently applyed unto Kings and Law-givers , yet not to Kings and Statesmen only , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but that it is as justly attributed to the Lord Almighty . But behold , a greater then Philo is here . For Christ hath told us of himself that he is a Shepheard , Ego sum pastor bonus , I am the good Shepheard , Joh. 10. And his Apostle tells us of him , that he is Princeps Pastorum , the chief Shepheard ; and Pastor animarum , the Shepheard of our souls , Even that good Shepheard which did once lay down his life for his Sheep , and doth still feede them in the pastures of eternall life . But questionless , the Husband-man is of the two the better Gentleman , descended , as we use to say , of the Elder house . And therefore Philo in his Book de sacrificiis Cain & Abel , conceives , that in the distribution of their Fathers business , Cain having choyce of both as the elder Brother , made choyce of Husbandry . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as his words there are Indeed it was the first imployment of our Father Adam : No sooner was he fallen & cast out of Paradise , but he was put to till the Earth ; and that too in su●dore frontis , with great care and sorrow . So that being in the infancy of the world the portion of the elder Brother , and before him , the business of his Father Adam , sole King and Monarch of the world : it came in fine , to be the exercise and delight of the greatest Potentates ; For it is written of Uzziah King of Judah , that he loved Husbandry . And Florus writes of Quinctius the Dictator in the State of Rome , that being taken from the Plough , to manage the affaires of that growing Empire ; after the Warres were ended , and his Triumphs over , he returned back unto his labours ; Rediit ad boves suos triumphalis Agricola . But behold a greater then either Quinctius or Uzziah is here also . For Christ himself hath told us of his heavenly Father , that he is an Husband-man , Joh. 15. I am the true Vine , and my Father is the Husband-man . So that the marvel is not much if having likened his most glorious Father to an Husband-man , he doth resemble his most heavenly Kingdom , and his administration of and in the same , unto a man that sowed , and that sowed good Seed . In this respect our Saviour is as well the Husband-man as he is the Vine ; an Husband-man , whose labour like the Countrey Plough-mans is never at an end , but runs round in circulo . My Father worketh hitherto , saith Christ our Saviour , and I also work . As if he had thus said in more plain discourse ; Hitherto hath my Father worked , from the beginning of the world to this very time , nec ullum sibi cessationis statuisse diem , and lost no time , nor intermitted any opportunity of sowing the celestial seed of life eternall : And I his deare and onely sonne work also , and am continually imployed in doing the will of him that sent me . For wot ye not that I must go about my Fathers business ; and that what ever thing he doth , he doth it in and by the Sonne ? Per me enim facit cum fecit , & per me regit cùm regit . God made the world , but by the Sonne ; for by him all things were made , Joh. 1. And God instructs the world in his holy mysteries , but it is only by the Sonne , who is both God the word , and the word of God. Master , said his Apostle to him , whither shall we go ? Thou only hast the words of eternall life . Which institution , being , as it is here called , but a kinde of sowing , hath been the care and labour of the heavenly Husband-man from the first fall of Adam to this very day , and will still be his care and labour , from this day forwards to the end of all things . For , the first man being fallen almost as soon as made , became the most calamitous ruine of a goodly fortune ; His understanding darkened with the clouds either of ignorance or error ; his will corrupted , and the affections of the same depraved , and his Conscience hardned . So that the Earth and he were both of the like condition : [ Both pure and perfect in themselves at the first creation ; the one being framed according to the Image of Almighty God , in Justice and Integrity ; the other bringing forth of its own accord whatever thing could please the eye , or delight the palate . But presently upon the curse , the Earth was fruitful only in thorns and thistles ; and so was man upon the fall : those thorny cares and troubles which afflict the minde , those thistles of corruption which invaded his will and passions . ] That stood in need of tillage , and so did he : the Plough to work and break the one , that so it might be fit to receive that seed which by the careful Husband-man is designed unto it ; the preaching of the word to prepare the other ▪ for the reception of the graces and gifts of God : That required sowing at due seasons , and so did he ; the Earth not bringing forth good fruit without pains and labour , yet yielding good Increase of the seed allotted ; nor man producing any thing that is just and righteous , out of his own corrupted nature , yet sometimes bringing forth the fruits of plety , according to the seed sowne in him , [ Si modò culturae patientem commodet aurem , as the Poet hath it . ] Nay , as it seemes , these several kindes of sowing are of equal date ; For when it first was laid as a curse on Adam , that in the sweat of his browes he should eat his bread , it also was communicated as a blessing to him , that he should finde relief in the promised seed . That the first seed of faith and comfort that was sown in Adam , a seed of so divine a nature , that it did quicken without dying , and dying did give life to all men ; a seed that sowed it self in the Virgins womb , and so became the Sonne of man , that by his meanes poor man might be redeemed from sin and Satan , and so become the Sonne of God. Nor did he only sowe in the heart of Adam the comfort and assurance of the promised seed ; but he instructed him to typifie and prefigurate his death and passion , for the redemption of the world , in the way of sacrifice : For howsoever the first bloody sacrifice we read of in the holy Scripture was that of Abel , and that it generally is conceived that he was taught it by his Father ; yet there 's no question to be made , but that Adam learnt it of the Lord. Deus solus docere potuit ut se vellet orari , as Tertullian hath it . And for those other seeds of faith and piety , by which , or they , or Seth or Enoch , or any of the Patriarchs before the Flood , were quickned and inabled to the works of righteousness , they were all of them sowne by the Lord our God , sometimes by Dreams and Visions , as the Prophets tell us , and sometimes also viva voce , by a more evident and personal manner of discourse . Many and frequent were the visits that God made to Abraham , after that he had called him from his own Country , and his Fathers house ; and there was none in which he did not manifest something to him of his will and pleasure : Not to say any thing of Isaac , Jacob , and those other good and godly men , to whom the Lord appeared and spake face to face , thereby implanting in their souls the seeds of piety and vertue . But when the house of Abraham was grown great and numerous , and had withall degenerated from the example and integrity of their common Parent , then did the Lord begin to commit this part of heavenly Husbandry to his menial Servants , Prophets , and Seers , Priests and Levites . For it was he that said to Moses , These are the judgements which thou shalt set before the people ; the words and judgements of the Lord , as he elsewhere calls them : Which said unto his Servant Jeremïe , Behold , I have put my words in thy mouth ; and to Ezekiel , Heare therefore the word from my mouth , and give them warning from me . Where we may see , that howsoever God makes use of men to dispatch this business , yet they are still Gods words , Gods judgements , the words of his most sacred mouth , which they impart unto the people . God so disposed of this imployment unto his Servants and Disciples , that still he kept unto himself the power and reputation of the principal Workman . Thus in these several wayes , spake God in times past to our Fathers ; and every several way of these was a several sowing : but in these last times hath he spoken to us by his onely Sonne , whom he appointed to be Heire of all things , and by whom also he made the Worlds . Himself hath told us of himself , in the Exposition of this Parable , that he that soweth the good Seed is the Sonne of man. And indeed , what was all his life , but a continual sowing of the word of God , at Nazareth , Hierusalem , Capernaum , in Galilee , in the Land of Judah , in the fields and Cities ? Hardly one step in all Judaea which he had not measured , and in the which he did not punctually perform the Office of a faithful Seeds-man . He sowed his Word amongst them , and it brought forth faith ; he sowed his Grace among them , and it brought forth godliness ; he sowed miracles among them , and they brought forth followers . And which is yet more marvellous then all the rest , he sowed Himself , the Christ among them , and forthwith all the World , ab ortu Solis ad occasum , as Lactantius hath it , did in a manner become Christians : [ he sowed the very Kingdom of Heaven amongst them ; and every one of his Disciples did presently grow greater with Gods heavenly Kingdom ; Behold , the Kingdom of God is within you , Luke 17. ] No miracle in all the Scripture parallel to this , that he that was the Sower should become the Seed ; and the same person , at and in the self-same instant , should be the Preacher and the Gospel . And though it pleased him for a time to withdraw himself , and leave the pursuit of his work unto his Apostles , yet did he promise to be with them alwayes , even to the end of the World. Cum vobis & successoribus vestris , alwayes with them and their successors , as Denys the Carthusian notes it ; Alwayes , in reference to his power and Spirit , by which he is for ever with us ; and alwayes , in relation to his care and providence , by which his Servants and Disciples have been still amongst us : For s●me he hath given Prophets , and some Apostles , and some Evangelists , and some ●astors and Teachers ; for the perfecting of the Saints , for the work of the Ministry , and for the edifying of his body . So then these Teachers , Prophets , and Apostles which Christ left behind him , are all of them the servants of that heavenly Husbandman whom we finde mentioned in this Text : Not servants of so mean and poor a quality as the world would make them ; for St. Paul tells us of them , That they are Labourers together with God , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Fellow workmen of the Lord. It is the priviledge of Princes , and great Commanders , to say unto their Servants , do this and they do it ; but for the Husband-man , he is alwayes one in every business that concerns him , and doth not say unto his people , see that this be done , but let us do it . So that God doth not work the lesse , because he hath so many Servants employed from time to time in his holy Husbandry ; He works not only by them , but he labours with them : For howsoever Paul may plant , and Apollos water , yet it is He alone that gives increase . His Eye it is that doth direct them , and his Hand that guides them , as well as that it is his Word which is sowed by them . And sowe they must continually , in all times and places , in season , out of season , without end or ceasing ; otherwise they will fall full short of that glorious title of being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and Labourers together with Almighty God. And on the other side , it is to be observed withall , that as the Priest is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Fellow-Labourer with God , so are the people called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Gods Husbandry , in that very Verse . For we are Labourers together with God , and ye Gods Husbandry : Not his field only , nor his V●neyard only , but his very Husbandry , his business , his imployment , his ground ready tilled , about the which he hath bestowed so much care and travel . And being so , it is expected at your hands , that you bring forth the fruits of good living , that you be answerable to the vote and expectation of the heavenly Husband-man . The Lord hath pretermitted neither cost nor pains , to make his field exceeding fruitful of good works ; for he hath fatned it with the blood of his only Sonne , and with the blood of many and most glorious Martyrs . Luxuriat sacro Sanguine pinguis humus . He hath manured it with the hands of his holy Prophets , which hath been since the World began ; watred it with the dew of Heaven , and sowed it with the Seed of his holy Word . What could he do more to it that he hath not done ? It after all this care and cost , instead of Grapes , you bring forth nothing but wild grapes ; if when he sowes amongst you his most sacred seed , he findes his field over-run with thorns and thistles , or that it brings forth Tares when he looks for Wheat ; it cannot possibly be said , that God is wanting unto us , but we are wanting unto God. Nor can it be replyed , ( were a man minded to dispute with Almighty God ) that every man is as the Lord hath made him , and that the fault is rather in the seed then in the soyle : For whatsoever God created , he looked upon it , and behold , it was good : and whatsoever seed he soweth , let us look upon it , and we shall finde it good also . Gods Kingdom is here likened unto that man , not which sowed every sort of seed , but the good seed only ; the next particular , and next in order to be handled . Necesse est sumptum facere qui quaerit lucrum ; He that intends to reap must sowe . It is not now , as once in the golden Age , when as the Earth brought forth its fruit without seed or ploughing ; Mox etiam fruges tellus inarata fer●bat , as the Poet hath it . And he that hopes to reap good fruit , must also have a care that he sowe good seed ; for no man is to look for Grapes from thorns , or for Figs from thistles . The Husbandman in the present Parable was well experienced in this rule , and did not only sowe his field , but he sowed good seed . Now for this seed , the context tells us it was wheat , the best kinde of grain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Galen call's it . And the Text tells us it was good , the best kind of Wheat , as that of which the purest bread , the bread of life was to be made , whereby the Children of the Kingdom are begotten to a lively hope , to an incorruptible inheritance . A Protestant writer of good credit doth expound it so ; Semen , saith he , propriè exponitur verbum Dei , unde enati filii regni . And this with good congruity enough unto our Saviours Exposition , who having said , that he that soweth the good seed is the Sonne of man , adds , that the good seed are the Children of the Kingdom . The Children of the Kingdom then , there 's no doubt of that . And being that Children of the Kingdom are begotten by the celestial seed of Gods holy Word , the Word of God may put in also for its part , and come within the compasse of the seed here mentioned . Hierome indeed hath given it to us for a rule , that , Ubicunque Dominus exponit sermones suos , cavendum est ne vel aliud , nec plus velimus intelligere quàm ab eo expositum est . But this , I think , is to be understood of such expositions as are repugnant to our Saviours , and not subservient thereunto . But yet to keep our selves more neer unto our Saviours Exposition , [ the Children of the Kingdom here , and the Children of the wicked one in the following words , are not to be interpreted of the men themselves : For , being it is said , that the enemy sowed tares , and that the tares are the children of the wicked one , it might then follow thereupon , that wicked men , quà men , are the Devils children , seeds of his sowing , and people of his own creating . And that might serve to usher in the damnable impiety of the Manichees , who had devised two several Gods , the one good , the other evil ; the one the maker of good men , the other the creator of wicked men ; as St. Austin hath informed us of them . ] When it is said , the good seed are the Children of the Kingdom , it may be further understood , as of the men themselves adopted to eternal life , of those sanctified thoughts , of those celestial gifts and Graces , by which a man is made a Child of the most high God. Quaecunque sunt in hominis animo bona , condita sunt à Verbo quod in principio erat apud Deum , as it is in Origen . Whatever God soweth in the heart of man is most pure and perfect ; for being good himself , yea most infinite goodness , nothing can be supposed to come from him but what is absolutely good . We may conjecture of the seed by the fruit it yieldeth ; If that the fruit be good , then the seed is such ; for an evill Tree bringeth not forth good fruit , as our Saviour tells us : and then we may be sure that it is of God. But if the fruit prove evil , we may easily guesse from whence it commeth , both from what Sower , and what Seed ; even from that seed of lust and disobedience which was first sowen in Adam by the Tempter , and hath since proved too fruitful in all his progeny . The Devil sowed in man the first seeds of Lust , and lust conceiving brought forth sin . God had no hand therein at all , more then in executing justice for the sinne committed , and imposing death upon the sinner . Therefore let no man say when he is tempted , I was tempted of God ; for God cannot be tempted with evill , neither tempteth he any man ; but every man is tempted , when he is drawn away of his own lust , and enticed . So the Apostle hath resolved it . And well it is , that it is so resolved by the Apostle ; otherwise one might happily have met with some , who not considering that whatsoever God made was good , and that the Seed he soweth is also good , would take upon them to make him guilty of all the sinne and mischief which lewd men commit . Florinus taught so once in the primitive times , one of the Scholars of Montanus , and the Cataphrygians . Thereupon Irenaeus published a Discourse , with this Inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that God was not the Authour of sinne : And he gave this Inscription to it , as the Story tells us , because Florinus with great violence and earnestnesse had taught the contrary opinion . It seemes Florinus was an Heretick of no common aimes , and would not satisfie himself with these vulgar follies which had been taken up before him , but was resolved ponere os in coelum , to strike at Heaven , and plant his battery against the very Throne of Almighty God. And therefore it is said of him by Irenaeus , that he had spread abroad those blasphemous tenets which never any of the former Hereticks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had once dared to broach . Yet bold and venturous though he were we do not finde that he became the head of any faction in the Church ; or that his followers , if he had any , ever attained unto the height of their Masters impudence . Some therefore of the ensuing Hereticks , who in their hearts had entertained the same opinions , did in their writings recommend them to the world in a different habit ; for they had cloaked and clothed this blasphemy with the more plausible and specious titles of destiny , and of the Starres ; the most inevitable decrees of the one , and unresistible influence of the other , necessitating men unto those foule actions which they had committed . Thus are we told of Bardesanes , Quòd fato conversationes hominum ascriberet , that he ascribed all things to the power of fate . And thus it is affirmed of Priscillianus , fatalibus astris homines alliga●os esse , that men were governed by the Starres : which last St. Austin hath affirmed also of one Colarbas , save that he gave this power and influence to the Planets only . But these , if pondered as they ought , differ but little , if at all , from the impiety of Florinus , before remembred ; only they were expressed and published in a better Language , and seemed to savour somewhat of the Philosopher ; for if the Lord had passed such an unevitable and irreversible Law of Fate , that these and these men should be guilty of those foul transgressions which they so frequently committed , it were all one in the true sense and meaning of it , as if he were proclaimed the Author of those sins which they had committed ; and then why might not every man take unto himself the excuse and plea of Agamemnon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it was not I that did it , but the Gods and Destiny : or if the Lord had given so irrefistible a power unto the Starres , as to inforce men to be wickedly and lewdly given , what differs this from making God the Author of those vicious actions to which by them we are inforced ? and then why might not every man return his sins upon the Lord , and say as did some such in St. Austines time , accusandum potiùs authorem syderum quàm commissorem scelerum : which granted , we might passe an Index Expurgatorius on the holy Creed , and quite raze out the 7th Article , that viz. of our Saviours comming unto judgement ; for how could God condemn his creatures to unquenchable flames , in case the sins by them committed were not so properly and truly theirs , as his in them ; or punish them for that whereof he is Author , or unto which he doth inforce them ? So excellently true is that which Fulgentius tells us , Deus non est eorum ultor quorum est autor . But were Florinus , and those other Hereticks in the former times , the only men that broached these Doctrines ? and have these latter dayes , think we , been free from so great impiety ? certainly I could wish they were , though I dare not hope it , finding the same blasphemous follies charged upon the Libertines , a late brood of Sectaries . These taught , as did Florinus in the dayes of old , Quicquid ego et tu facimus Deus efficit , nam in nobis est , and so made God the Author of those wicked actions which themselves committed . The founders of the Sect , Coppinus and Quintinus , Flemmings both , and these Prateolus affirms for certain to be the Progenie of Calvin , and other leading men of the Protestant Churches . Bellarmine somewhat more remissely , Omnino probabile esteos ex Calvinianis promanasse , and makes it only probable that it might be so ; but neither rightly ; for Staphylus reckoning up the Sects that sprung from Luther , however that in other things he flies out too farre , yet makes no mention of these fellows . Paraus on the other side , in his corrections on the Cardinal , assures us that they both were Papists , acquaints us with the place of their nativity , and the proceedings had against them . Calvin , who writ a tract against them , makes one Franciscus Poquinus , a Franciscan Frier , a principal stickler in the cause . And we may adde ex abundanti , that the said Sect did take beginning Anno 529. when Calvin yet was very young , and of no credit in the world , no not amongst those very men , who have since admired him , and made his word the touchstone of all Orthodox Doctrine . So that for the reviving of this Heresie in these latter Ages , so farre forth as it is delivered positively , and in expresse termes , ( which was the blasphemy of Florinus ) we are beholding for it to the Church of Rome , or some that had been members of it , how willingly soever they would charge it on the Protestant Doctors . Yet true it is , ( for , magna veritas & praevalebit ) that some , and those of no small name in these forraign Churches , which think themselves a pattern unto all the rest , have given too just a ground for so great a scandall . And well it were they had observed that caution in their publick writings , which Caesar looked for from his Wife , and that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they had been as free from the suspicion as the crime it selfe ; for howsoever they affirm it not in termes exprest , which was the desperate boldness of Florinus , yet can it hardly be denyed that they came too near it , to a tantamont , by way of necessary consequence and deduction , which was the Artifice of Bardesanes and Priscillian ; for if that God from before all eternity did purpose and decree the fall of Adam , ut sua defectione periret Adam , ( as some men have taught us , ) there was in Adam a necessity of sinne , because the Lord had so decreed it : if without consideration of the sinne of man , he hath by his determinate sentence ordained so many millions unto destruction , and that too , necessariò & inevitabiliter , as they please to phrase it , he must needs preordain them also unto sin ; because , as they themselves affirm , there is no way unto the end but by the meanes : And then what can the wicked and impenitent do but ascribe all their sins unto the Lord , by whose inevitable and fatall will they were lost in Adam ; by whom they are particularly and personally necessitated unto death , and therefore also unto sin : for thus Lycomedes in Plautus pleaded for himself , when he defloured old Euclio's daughter ; Deus mih● impulsor fuit , is me ad illam illexit : it was Gods doing , none of his , that he was so vicious . But let us not deceive our selves , God , as he is not mocked , so he is no mocker : He tells us by his Sonne , that his Seed is good ; by his Apostle , that men are tempted by their own lusts ; by his Prophets , that a mans destruction is from himself , Perditio tua est ex te , O domus Israel ; for his part , he hath planted in our mindes many saving notions , poured out upon our hearts the influence and dew of his heavenly graces , and kindled many times within us the flames of an affectionate zeal to his holy service . If that we quench these flames , and expel these graces , and root out these notions , or else permit the enemy to sowe his false and dangerous T●res , even in the middle of Gods Wheat , is it not then our faults , either to do the one , or permit the other ? God cannot possibly be accused of sowing other then good Seed , who soweth the good Seed and no other : Should we think otherwise , the smallest error we could fall into is that of Bardesanes and Priscillian , who ascribed all unto fatality , and the Starres and Planets ; of which St. Austine tells us plainly , that it aimed principally at the ruine and subversion of our whole Religion , Nec aliud agit nisi ut nullus omnino aut rogetur aut colatur Deus , as the Father hath it . Well then , the seed God sowes is good , he neither made man evil at his first creation , nor suggests evil thoughts unto him being once created ; nor did he preordain him unto sinne , or dispose him to it : God is the God of peace , and sowes not dissention ; the God of order , and sowes not confusion ; the God of love , and sowes not debate ; the God of truth , and sowes not error , or false Doctrine ; the God of Justice , and sowes not iniquity : Nor doth God sowe his good Seed only in this man or that , some chosen Vessels of his mercy , some few selected ones of his own right hand , and neglect all the rest , as not worth the looking after ; not in his Vineyard only , or in his Garden , his Church , the Congregation of his Saints , but universally over all his field , and every part and parcel of it ; God is here likened to the man that sowed good seed , and sowed the same in agro suo , in his own field ; my next particular . Ager colendo fit bonus , a field is bettered by manuring ; and the more large the field , the greater culture it requires . How great then is the labour that Gods field hath need of ? how great a quantity of seed must be sowen upon it ? Himself hath told us of this field , that it is the World , viz. the general corporation , or bodie aggregate of mankind , the World , and not the Church alone , & mundus , non tantùm Ecclesia , as it is in Origen . This vast and universal field the Lord hath dressed and laboured with his mighty hand , and fatned with his most precious blood of his only Sonne ; For God so loved the World , as the Scriptures tell us , that he gave his onely begotten Sonne to be a propitiation for our sinnes , and not for ours onely , [ Gods selected ones ] but for the sinnes of all the World , that the World through him might be saved . It is the will of God the Father , as St. Paul hath told us , that all men should be saved , and come to the knowledge of his holy truth . It is the will of God the Sonne , that all men which are heavy laden should come unto him , upon the promise & assurance that he will ease them . It is the will of God the holy Ghost , that all men should be made partakers of those meanes that lead to happiness eternal ; who therefore fell on the Apostles in the similitude of cloven tongues , that every man might heare them speak in his own Language the wonderful works of God : which being the will and pleasure of the Godhead joyntly , and each person severally , could not be possibly fulfilled , in case the blessed word of God had been restrained to any , either place or people , and not proclaimed and published universally over all the World : and therefore when our Saviour sent forth his Apostles , he gave them a Commission of a large extent , Ite in universum mundum , Go into all the world , saith he , and preach the Gospel unto every Creature : nor were they backward in performance of the Lords Commandement , scattering themselves abroad over all the Earth ; and where they could not go themselves , sending out others in their room ; so that they might have taken up that speech in Virgil , Quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ? as well as that which is reported of them by St. Paul , Exivit sonus eorum in omnes terras , their sound went forth into all Lands . The World then is this field , not the Church alone ; and in this field , the Sonne of man , the heavenly Husbandman , hath sowen his good seed , generally and universally , no one part excepted , In toto mundo filius hominis seminavit bonum semen , so saith Origen ; for there 's no barbarous nation , either past or present , which may not in the book of nature read the works of God , and so attain to the first principle of Religion , Deum esse , that a God there is . This the Apostle hath observed , that the invisible things of God from the Creation of the World , have been plainly seen , i. e. as Austin doth expound it , Per visibilia creaturae pervenisse eos dicit ad intelligentiam invisibilis creatoris ; and they were also well enough informed of this , that God was to be worshipped by them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that too in the first place , with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Isocrates hath it : nor did they know this only in the general notion , which might be a remaining spark of the light of nature ; but some of them , as Aristotle , Plato , Tully , have written so divinely touching the nature , attributes , and works of God , that they may seem to have consulted with the Scriptures : and yet God did not leave them so , as if he had done bountifully for them in giving them this knowledge that there is a God , and that this God is to be worshipped ; but he revealed so much of his will unto them , as might enable them to live in a vertuous manner , or leave them utterly inexcusable before God and man. The Gentiles ( saith St. Paul ) which know not the Law , do by nature the things contained in the Law , which shewe the Law written in their hearts , their Conscience also bearing witnesse . Hence it is , that the ancient Heroes attained to such a height in all moral vertues , that for bounty , valour , magnanimity , chastity , justice , and the rest , they stand ennobled on record unto all posterity : so that God did his part among them , and sowed good seed , his seeds of knowledge and Religion over all his field . It was no want in him that they went no further , that they proceeded not from morall to spirituall graces ; the fault was only in themselves , who when they had received as much as might make way for their ambition , or vain-glory , or esteem with men , cast off all further progresse in the works of piety , as an unnecessary burden , of no use at all : by meanes whereof , as St. Paul chargeth it upon them , they held the truth of God in unrighteousness , and so became without excuse . Others there were who made no benefit at all of the seed sown in them , whose hearts were waxed grosse , their eares dull of hearing , such as had closed their eyes , as it were of purpose , that so they might not see the great works of God : whence , I beseech you , came this backwardness , this most stupid dulnesse ? not from the Lord , who is natura naturans ; nor from the faulty error and defect of nature , which is natura naturata ; but it came meerly from themselves , from their own evil wills , and corrupt affections , their wilfulness , or negligence , or both together . The Lord hath so made man , that he hath naturally in himself a power of seeing : How comes it then to passe that some do not see ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so saith Theophylact ; there 's none so blinde as they that will not see , so saith the Proverb . God gives men eares , that they may hear ; and hearing , may conceive his most holy will : How comes it then to passe that they do not heare , or hearing do not understand ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith mine Author , it was their own fault only that they are so wilful : And being so wilful as they were , and so regardless of the mercies and grace of God , no marvel if the Lord withdrew from them his most heavenly seed , or sowed it with a sparing and lesse liberal hand . The carelesse servant in the Gospel , that hid his talent in a napkin , and neither did employ it to his own or his Masters benefit , not only was rebuked for so great a negligence , but had his talent taken from him , and it was given to one that knew how to use it . Gods field is large , and like a large field it consists of severall parts ; some places full of stones , and some full of thorns , and many times a foot-path , or high-way , that crosseth over it : God soweth his good seed every where over all his Field ; but more in some parts then in others ; more in the good soyle , then in the stony or the thorny-ground , or the high-way side ; more in the Church , then in the Synagogue ; more in the Synagogue of the Jewes , then amongst the Gentiles , according as it gives increase . Of this we have a pregnant instance in the Jewes themselves : the Word of God had been long preached unto them , and hearing they did hear , but would not perceive : the Sonne of God had been long conversant among them , and they had seen those wonders that he had performed ; which seeing they did see , but would not believe . They had ascribed the one to Belzebub ; he casts out Devils by the help of Belzebub the Prince of Devils : the other t as Diabolical and impure a spirit ; Said we not that thou art a Samaritan and hast a Devil ? both of them slighted and contemned in that scornful question , whence hath this man this wisdom , and these mighty things ? Such men as these , that had so vilified and abused the grace of God , could not but make themselves unworthy of a clearer light , then that which might shine forth unto them , from a Cloud of darkness : therefore he spake unto them in a Parable , and without Parables spake he not unto them : not that the Lord envied them a more perfect ray of his Divinity , he being that light which lighteth every man that comes into the World : or that he was not willing to impart unto them sufficient meanes for their salvation , who would that all men should be saved : not so , but that he found by their former actions , how his Gospel would be entertained , if it came among them ; how strong a resolution they had made , not to be converted : he that had lessoned his Disciples , not to cast Pearles before the Swine , had very ill observed his own direction , had he layed open all the treasures of salvation to such obstinate Chapmen , as were resolved to buy neither milk nor honey , though they might buy them without money : yet that he might not leave them destitute of all outward meanes , by which they might attain to the eternal life : he speaks unto them , though farre off , openeth his mouth to them , though obscurely , in dark speech and Parables . This served to intimate that he was not yet departed from them , that he had still a care of their preservation ; that he would yet be found , if they pleased to seek ; that even they also should finde favour , to understand the Word of God , if they , as his Disciples were , would be sollicitious to enquire the meaning , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Father hath it : and he himself hath said , They that seek shall finde , and unto them that aske , to them it shall be given , to know the Mysterie of the Kingdom of Heaven . Thus also is it with the Gentiles , with Gods Field in general , God sowes it only with good seed ; but so disposeth that good seed , as may be most unto his Glory . God sowes his good seed in his Field , over all the World , although not over all in an equall measure ; but the Church only brings forth fruit agreeable unto the seed sowne in her ; and God rewards this fruitfulness with a further favour , in speaking to her after a more evident and significant manner , then unto those that are without . In which regard , the holy Prophet having said , that God had shewn his word to Jacob , his Statutes and his Ordinances unto Israel , exults with a non taliter , that so he had not done unto other Nations , nor had the Heathen so exact a knowledge of his holy Laws . God sowes his good seed in his Church , his best seed in that , as being not his Field only , but his Garden too , ( for so the Spirit calls it in the Book of Canticles : ) and men , we know , are farre more curious in their Gardens , then about their Fields : But in this Church , this Garden dress'd with Gods own hand , there are some Plants that thrive and prosper more then others ; and those the Lord hath chosen to inoculate in the Tree of Life ; for every branch that beareth fruit he purgeth , as himself hath told us , that it may bring forth more fruit , John 15. Let us all therefore have a care in our severall places , that we amend our lives , and yield fruits worthy of Repentance , that being fruitful of good works in this present Nursery , we may be all of us transplanted into the glorious Eden of eternal life . I should now speak of Gods propriety in this Field , and shew that it is ager suus , Gods own Field alone ; but I have spoken of it sparsim , through and in each part of this discourse , and cannot but perswade my selfe , that you all know the Earth is his , because he made it ; and the World his , because he governeth and directs it . And therefore here I will conclude , beseeching God , &c. SERMON II. At WHITE-HALL Jan. 21. 1637. MATTH . 13. v. 25. But while men slept , his enemy came and sowed Tares among the Wheat , and went his way . SPiritus isti insinceri non desinunt perditi jam perdere , &c. It is the observation of Minutius , that the Devil being alienated from the love of God , endeavours nothing more then mans destruction . It is too great a misery , as he conceives it , to be miserable by ones selfe alone , and Hell too hot to be ●●dured , if none else should endure it but the Devils : upon this ground , no sooner had the Lord made man , but Satan laboured to undo him . He had before procured himself a party in the Heaven of glories , and amongst the Angels , how much more easie was it for him to infect Paradise , and seduce a woman ? In which attempt , the issue proved so answerable to his hopes , that man became devested of his chief indowments , his Justice and Integrity . Nor was there any way to repair those ruines , but by the preaching of the word , which he hath laboured ever since , either to hinder , that it be not preached at all , or so to practise on the hearers , that it be preached with little profit . Three parts of that good seed which God had sown upon his Field , are by those arts made barren and unprofitable : and for the fourth , that which did fall upon good ground , and took root downward , and began to bear fruit upwards , even that if possible , shall be corrupted in it self , or mingled with a grain of different & dangerous nature ; for sin , as Chrysost . hath noted ; he neither could destroy it in the seed , nor scorch it in the blade , nor choak it in the stalks , as we are told he did in the former Parable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he is resolved upon another neat device , not like to fail : this was to watch his opportunity : and when the servants of the Husbandman were grown no lesse careful of their charge , to scatter tares among the wheat , and go his way , Cum autem dormirent homines , &c. These words contain in them the two inseparable qualities of the old murderer , his malice and his subtility ; his malice first express'd in this that he is inimicus ejus , Gods enemie ; and secondly , in his devilish plot to destroy Gods harvest , sevit zizania in medio tritici , his sowing tares among the Wheat . His subtlety described in this ; first , that he took his opportunity , when as the servants of the Husbandman were fast asleep , cum dormirent homines , while men slept : and lastly , by his quick and crafty leaving of the place , venit & abiit , he came secretly , and departed suddenly . Of this his speedy going thence , and of the manner of his comming , we shall say nothing at this time . It is not for our benefit , to be too zealous of his company , in a business of this nature , and therefore abeat , let him go : as for the residue of the Text , we shall discourse thereof in these several Couplets . First , we shall speak unto you of the Devill and his diligence , sevit inimicus ejus , his enemy sowed ; next of the Seminary and the seed , zizania in medio tritici , tares in the middle of the Wheat ; and thirdly , of the servants and their sluggishness , cum dormirent homines , while men slept : of these in their order . Victoria sine certamine constare non potest , nec virtus ipsa sine hoste , vertue is never made more amiable then by opposition ; nor should the valiant man be more remembred then the Coward , if he had no Adversary : how little had we known of David , had he consumed his time in sloth , and payed perhaps unto the Nations round about him , for a secure and quiet bondage : for this cause God hath pleased to let his enemy the Devil continue still , and his creatures , and to continue still a Devil : had he but said the word , he could have quickly made him nothing ; or had he pleased , he could have made him meerly passive , and only capable of torments ; but God did leave him as he was , ( save that he cast him down to Hell , ) ut eo superando vim suam vel exerceat , vel ostendat , that so there might be still some enemy , on which to exercise his power , and expresse his greatnesse , I will put enmity ( saith God ) between thee and the Woman , and between thy seed and her seed , not betwixt the Devil and us men , though we do all descend from her , who was the Mother of all living ; but between him and our Redeemer , the promised seed , the expectation of the Gentiles ; he only is of power to bruise the head of the old Serpent ; the Devil therefore is at enmity with him alone : to him an enemy ex professo , inimicus ejus , his enemy , to us an enemy no further then we have reference to him , and are the children of his Kingdom , the servants of his holy Houshold : with this St. Chrysost . accords ; Satan ( saith he ) doth bend his forces most against us men ; but the occasion of his malice is not so much in hate to man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as an inveterate hate to God , whose badge and cognizance we bear : just so the King of Ammon dealt with Davids servants , not that he was displeased with them , ( for how could they poor men deserve the anger of so great a Prince ? ) but that he bare no good affection to the King their Master . In ancient times , the Images of such as capitally had offended , or otherwise were grown odious with the common people , were broken down , and publickly defaced in the chief assemblies ; on them the people used to expresse their fury , when such as they distasted were above their reach , too high for them to strike at . Thus they of Rome , effigg●es Pisonis in Gemonias traxerant , had drawn the Images of Piso unto the place of execution , had not the Emperors power withstood it . Thus when Sejanus fell into disfavour with his Prince , they threw down all his Statues , and brake them every one in pieces , as if , ( saith Dion ) their fury had been executed on the man himself . The like hath Basil noted of this enemy the Devil ; Immediately ( saith he ) on his Apostasie from God , he grew an open enemy unto his Creator ; but since he could not reach at him , he turns his fury on us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being made after the Image of our Maker : yet with this difference , that he is naturally and originally a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and profest enemy to God ; but a man-hater , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , onely in reference to this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because we are Gods Image , and do bear his character and superscription . So then the Devil is not properly and principally our enemy , inimicus noster , but Gods alone ; and therefore inimicus ejus , his enemy , as the Text here calls him . But Satan , as he is Gods enemy , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so he is Gods Ape also , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; He is still haunted and possessed with his old ambition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be great as God ; and they that aime at the same greatness take commonly the same courses . Therefore if God , in the advancement of his Kingdom , be as a man that sowed and manured his field , his enemy will be very diligent in pra●●sing the very self-same arts , still sowing and still sowing as he findes occasion . As for example ; it pleased the Lord to make a Covenant with Abraham , & as a sign thereof to institute the Sacrament of Circumcision : consult with Origen upon the 2d to the Rom. & there we find , non solùm Aegyptiorum Hierophantas , that not alone the Priests of Egypt had been taught the use of circumcision , but that it had been taken up by the Phoenicians , Aethiopians and Arabians . The Lord thought good to teach the Jewes , as in a shadow , that certain meates should be reputed as unclean ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. We are informed by the same Author in his disputation against Celsus , that the Egyptians and the Pythagoreans did the like , though in divers kindes . But what needs more ? In many of the miracles which God wrought by Moses , we read that the Magicians did the like by their Inchantments : And in the body of the Scripture , we meet not oftner with the Prophets of the Lord , then with those of Baal . And what was all this but a kinde of sowing , a sowing of such Ceremonies and religious Ordinances , ( though in the object misapplied , and in the purpose ill-directed ) which God had sowed upon his field ? But since the good seed is interpreted of the Word of God , whereby Gods Children are begotten , we will restrain our selves more punctually to that kinde of sowing , which comes neerest thereunto , At sundry times , and divers manners , ( saith the Apostle ) spake God in times past to our Fathers , viz. in dreames and visions , and in the Sanctuaries of the Temple . The Enemy soon learnt this Order , and will communicate his Counsels also , either in dreams and visions , called by Philosophers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or else by Oracles , delivered in the inmost Adyta , and most choyce revestries of his Temples . After , when as the Lord vouchsafed to use the Ministery of his Prophets in the composing of the Scriptures , and had ordained that they should openly be read in the Congregation , his enemy also did the like : For in an Apish Imitation of Gods truth , ( saith Justin Martyr ) there were composed not a few Books of Pagan Theologie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he procured by his suggestions to be read publickly amongst the Gentiles : nay , to suppress the Gospel writ by the Evangelists , and to eclipse , as much at least as in him was , the glorious works of our Redeemer , he set on work too lewd and shameless wretches , Hierocles and Philostratus , to write the life of Apollonius Tyanaeus the Magician . This the most divellish and malicious plot of all the rest , inventum planè diabolicum , as Lactantius calls it , a stratagem in which the enemy went beyond himself ; for unto this the project tended , ut ostenderent Apollonium vel paria vel majora fecisse , that Apollonius had done more and greater miracles then the Messiah . When this succeeded not aright , and that Gods holy truth did notwithstanding mightily prevail in every place , he then took order to divulge a Gospel , as I so may say , of his own enditing . This he entituled The true History of Christ and Pilate , though full indeed of dangerous , false , and foolish fancies ; and wonne so farre upon the Emperors then being , ( men fit enough for such a mischief , ) that they gave order to all Schoolmasters throughout the Empire , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they should catechise their Scholars according to the Story so set out and falsified . So careful is the enemy not to be wanting to his hopes , but still to be in action , still to pursue those Arts and Counsels which may advance him to his greatness . If God advance his Christ , the enemy will have his Antichrist ; if God raise up his Jesus , the enemy will have his Jesuites ; if God be as a man that soweth , or a Seminator , will not the enemy also have his Seminaries ? I have pursued this Argument , the rather in this manner , because I would not have the enemy estimated either by his diligence , or by his cunning : not by his diligence , his constant following of the Plough , his frequent scattering of his seed ; for all his pains , his sowing in our Saviours field , and mingling with the Sonnes of God , tends to this alone , to make them filii nequam , the Children of the wicked one , fit only for the fiery Furnace : nor by his cunning , his subtile imitation of the wayes and paths of God ; for God himself hath told us of him , that Satan can transform himself into an Angel of light , and that his Ministers also are transformed as the Ministers of righteousness . Diligence and a seeming sanctity are not the most infallible signs of the true Husbandman indeed , unless they be applyed to their proper end , the furthering and promoting of Gods heavenly Husbandry . There never was a more industrious and active generation then the Arian Hereticks , either in working on the choicest and most excellent wits , or in insinuating into the hearts and bosomes of the greatest Princes . Never did any sort of men bear greater sway amongst the vulgar then did once the Donatists , by meer appearances of their zeal and devout affections ; and yet both of them doubtless were the Devils Agents . No question but it is a Trade more full of gain then godliness , to be continually sowing in the fields of other men , to build upon anothers ground , to range abroad and graze , and fat our selves upon other mens inclosures . What then advise we to be done ? only that we would try the spirits , whether they be of God or not ; that we consider of the fruits , for by their fruits , as Christ hath told us , we shall know them . Of us it is expected that we rest not satisfied with the outward shew , that we esteem not of the seed , because the Husbandman is painful at his Plough continually , and seemes in face as was Nathaniel in his heart , an Husbandman that had no guile : Of us it is expected that we sift the grain , to see if it be Wheat indeed , or at best but tares . This we shall easily discern , if we reflect a little upon the nature of these tares , and take a just view of the same , both in the seminary and the seed ; zizania in medio tritici , tares among the wheat , my next Couplet . Naturale est odisse quem laeseris , It is a natural vice in man , having once wronged another , to resolve to hate him ; and being once resolved to hate him , to seek occasions how to wrong him . A vice derived originally from the Devil , in whom my Author first observed it drawn into practise by them only whom the old enemy of God hath instructed in it ; for he by his aspiring sins having displeased his Lord and Maker , conceived so deep an hate against him , that now it is not possible he should desist from doing the effects of spight and fury . In the expressing of which hate and fury , he deales with God as Sampson with the Philistins , when he could hurt him no way else , he destroyes his Harvest . So much the Text affirms for certain , sevit zizania in medio tritici , that he sowed tares among the Wheat . And of the tares themselves , what they should be , and how the place must be expounded , it resolves so clearly , that if we will , we may with ease compose that difference of opinion which seemes to be betwixt the Fathers . a Clemens of Alexander , b Origen , c Eusebius , d Athanasius , eh St. Hierome , and Theophylact , conceive by tares , the Devils Doctrine , haereses , mala dogmata , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dogmata haereticorum . Beda will have them to be generally vices , faeditates vitiorum ; not to descend to later writers . And on the other side , i St. Basil , k Chrysostome and Euthymius , interpret it of Hereticks , of the men themselves . l St. Austin makes a question whether the Schismatick should not be added to the other , and leave it in a manner with a potest dubitari , as a matter doubtful . St. Cyprian m conceives it generally of the wicked men : and Justin n Martyr seemes to me , to lean more that way then the other . And unto these , these Fathers that do so expound it , our Saviours glosse upon the Text gives most advantage , who tells us , that the Tares are the Children of the wicked one , i. e. of the Devil . To reconcile which difference , or rather to interpret favourable of those other Fathers , who seem to have departed from the letter of our Saviours Commentary , we may thus resolve it ; that those whom first we named apply the Text as in the morall , and that the others keep themselves unto the letter . Or thus ; the tares are said to be the Children of the wicked one , not properly , but by a Metonymie ab effectu , that is , they are that seed by which the Children of the wicked one are all begotten . A Protestant Writer of good note doth expound it thus , Quid fecit inimicus ? Seminavit in agro Domini haereticam doctrinam , ex eo autem semine nascuntur zizania , i. e. filii nequam : nor doth he stand alone herein without some to second him ; for Origen amongst the ancients comes up close unto him ; In toto mundo seminavit malus ille zizania , quae sunt sermones pravi , ex malitia orti , mali filii . Where plainly he makes wicked and malicious Sermons , sermones pravos , as he calls them , to be these tares , these children of the wicked one ; which must needes be , because the children of the wicked one are many times begotten by them . So then , we draw to this atonement , that we may understand these tares not only of the Hereticks , and other children of the Dev●l , as in the letter ; but of their wicked Doctrine , as in the morall ; yea , and according to our Saviours garb of speech , which was by Allegories , Tropes and Parables , in the true meaning of the figure . Sevit zizania inimicus , the enemy sowed tares : And certainly , the Devil could not more cunningly have express'd his malice then in this particular , for in it self the tare is of a dangerous and malignant nature ; and in particular , it is noted by the Herbalists of all times and ages , lolium oculis officere , that it hurts the eyes . This Ovid also hath observed in his book de Fastis ; Et careant loliis oculos vittantibus agri , as his words there run . An observation so exact , that lolio victitare , to feed on tares , was grown into a common Proverb , applyed to those which were dim-sighted . It is an excellent note of Aristotle , that as the eye is to the body , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that so the minde or understanding is to the soul : it is that part thereof which doth illuminate and direct the rest , the will and the affections ; and if that eye be single , the whole body will be full of light ; but if we feed upon these tares , tares of the Devils sowing , and doctrines of the Devils raising , how great a darkness will invade us , what a perpetual night confound us ? For if the light be darkness , ipsae tenebrae quantae ? how great then is that darkness , saith Christ our Saviour ? shall we not then be like the Citizens of Sodom , blind upon the sudden , enquiring for the Sun at noone , wearying our selves to finde that door that is shut against us ? or rather , shall not that great misery befall us , which we finde mentioned in this Chapter , that seeing we shall see , but shall not perceive ? Error , and Heresie , and Schisme , how plausible soever they may seem in the outward shew , are but unkind and treacherous guests . We may compare them to those sparrowes in the Book of T●bit , which roosted in his walls , and made their nests within his Courts ; but when he took his rest , and did least expect it , they muted warm dung in his eyes , and a grosse whitenesse came upon them , that he could not see ; nor knew his Doctors how to help him . They are blinde leaders of the blinde , saith Christ our Saviout , i. e. as Lyra glosseth on it , exaecant alios errore suo , they make the people blind with errors . There is another dangerous quality in the tare as great as this ; for being mixt in bread it procureth giddiness . Aera ( saith Plinie ) cùm est in pane celerrimè vertigines facit . Rovillius a late Herbalist observes , that it is intoxicating also , et temulentiam vini modo excitare , and that it makes men drunk as it were with Wine . So farre avowed by Theophrastus , that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sluggish and dull , and breedes Diseases in the head , the capitall and chief fortresse of the Isle of man , which once surprized with ache and giddiness , and distemper , how easie will it be to subdue the rest ? Thus is it also with false Factions and Schismatical Doctrines , if mingled with the bread of Life . The Word of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , how excellent is it in it self , how sweet a nourishment unto life eternal ? But if the tares of Heresie and Schisme be mingled with it , then it becomes , as the wise man calls it , panis impietatis , bread of wickedness ; panis mendacii , bread of lies ; and panis mendax , bread of falshood . Such as do eat thereof , however it may please the palat , will finde it gravel in their mouthes , and bitterness within the stomach , and giddiness within the head . The Cup of the New Testament , how pleasant is it in it self , how powerful to the remission of our sins ? yet if the juyce of these foule tares be mingled in it , then is it vinum iniquitatis , the wine of wickedness , and vinum prostitutionis , the wine of fornication , as the Prophet calls it : such as do drink thereof , how drunken will they be with the Cup of abomination and filthiness , the wine of the wrath of God poured out in the Cup of his indignation ? We note it of this kind of men , with what a giddiness they are possessed in all their wayes , how strangely they are madded on their own dear fancies , and as it were besotted with the folly of their own inventions . The Lord hath mingled spiritum vertiginis , the spirit of giddiness and perverseness in the midst of Egypt , and made them erre in every work thereof , as a drunken man staggereth in his vomit . Galen relates in his first Book de facultate alimoniae , how once , the year being unseasonable and intemperate , there sprung up an exceeding quantity of tares among the wheat ; the store of wheat in the mean time , was very small ; and therefore neither the Husbandmen nor Bakers did sift it , as they ought to do , with skreenes and triers for that purpose , but sold the wheat and tares together : hereupon many of the people began to be diseased , and ill affected in their heads ; but at the comming on of Summer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they brake out all of them into boyles and botches . On this the wise Physitian gives this Caveat , that we do carefully pick out these tares , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as his words there are ) and part them from our heaps of Corn , lest else we also fall into the same distempers and inconveniences . Do we not note it also thus in the condition of false , schismatical , and factious Doctrines , and the progress of them ? The enemy hath been diligent , there is no doubt of that , in sowing tares amongst the wheat ; and many of his Bayl●ffs careless in the sifting of them , because their store of wheat is small ; and are not some of them , which are ( as were those Bakers of whom Galen speaks ) the makers , the dividers of this bread unto the people , either on negligence or set purpose , guilty alike of this Imposture ? That such there are , fraudulent and deceitful Bakers of the bread of life , is more then certain : the destiny of Pharaohs Baker be upon them ; for what can follow hereupon but strange distempers in the head , and foul diseases in the body , fallings away from God , breach of the common bond of peace ; and in the end , perhaps totall Apostasies from the faith and Gospel ? And then what next , but that , in the Apostles Language , as they did not like to acknowledge God , so doth God give them over to a reprobate minde , to do those things which are not convenient . If Nicolas the Deacon fall away from the holy truth , and overthrow the faith of some , no question but that he or his will also do those things which the Lord hateth : and Simon Magus , if he have once the Gall of bitterness within , what else can be expected from him , but a promiscuous and lawless liberty indifferenter utendi foeminis , which came in fine to be his Doctrine ? The Shipwreck of the faith is commonly attended by as great a Shipwreck of the Conscience ; however , for the most part notably dissembled : for remedy whereof , we will apply the counsel and advice of Galen in our Saviours Language , Take heed of the leaven of the Pharisees and of the Sadduces : or in the phrase of the Apostles Purge therefore out the old leaven , the leaven of wickedness and malice , and let us keep the feasts of God with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth . But yet the Devil stayed not here , the Devil as in malice he is inimicus , a malignant enemy , so in his cunning he is serpens , as wise and subtile as a Serpent : therefore he did not only sowe his tares in agro Domini , in the Lords field ▪ but even in medio tritici , in the middle of the wheat it self ; and in that act play'd both his prizes : for it is generally noted of the tare , that it is frugum pestis , the very bane and plague of all other grain , and for that reason called by Virgil , infelix lolium : nor doth the name thereof in the Greek Originalls assure us of a better Omen ; for the zizanion of my Text is in the grand Etymologicon so called , quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it growes up with the wheat , and at last destroyes it . And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which name the two great Doctors , Galen and Theophrastus , have given it to us , in the same work is said to be derived by a Metathesis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to vitiate , or to corrupt ; the tares corrupting the good seed , by being mixed and made up with it into bread , as I have told you out of Galen ; but that which is the greatest danger , is , that if not looked to in time , the wheat may chance to be destroyed , and all the field run over and pestred with them ; for Pliny tells us of a certain , triticum circumligando en●care , that winding round about the wheat , at the last it kills it ; or if not so as he delivers , yet it devoures it in the end , by growing up with it , and overspreading all the field in the which it groweth , as Theophrastus rather thinketh . And have we not observed it thus in Heresie , false Doctrine , Schisme ? Hath not St. Chrysostom observed , that Satan did forbeare his tares , when there was nothing to be hurt ; and that he sowed them when the wheat had taken root , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that so he might destroy the hopes and whole endeavours of the heavenly Husbandman ? And hath not Lyra noted well , that therefore did the enemy sowe his tares , even in the middle of the wheat , ad ipsius destructionem , only of purpose to destroy it : destroy it ? how ? either by winding round about it , or over-running all the field in which it is . By winding round about it first , as doth the Ivie with the Oak , till it hath sucked out all the juyce , and made it fit for nothing but the very fire . Faction and error so behave themselves to the Word of God , as Judas did to God the Word . They are both of them cunning Traytors , killing sometimes in their embraces , and sometimes betraying in their kisses . Or if not thus , yet they destroy it at the last by over-spreading all the Church , and eating out the truth of Doctrine ; if not , tell me , if in the Jewish Church the Pharisees had not almost made the Commandements of God of none effect by their traditions . Tell me , if in the Christian Church the tares of errour and false Doctrine had not even overgrown the Gospel ; if the Popes Canon , and the proud dictates of the Schoolmen , had not usurped into the Chair and Throne of Scripture : certain I am , that Frier Richard de Man 's in the Trent-Councel did publickly maintain , and with good applause , that all the points of faith had been so clearly handled by those Schoolmen , ut ea ex Scripturis discere nil opus esset , that now the word of God was no longer serviceable : so truly was it Satans purpose , not only by the sowing of his tares to corrupt Religion , but by that cunning to supplant it . And all this while , what was become of those to whom the Lord had farmed his field , and leased out his Vineyard ? My Text makes answer to this question , and tells us that they were asleep , wherein we have the Servants and their sluggishness , my last Couplet ; cùm dormirent homines , while men slept . Invadunt urbem somno vinoque sepultam . Cities are sometimes soonest taken when the siege is raised , and all the Watch-men made secure ; for when the enemy is neare , and a Trench cast about the Walls , the Watch is doubled , and there are Centinels and Scouts in every corner , to mark the motions of the Enemy , and observe his purposes : so also was it with the grand enemy of Gods Field in generall ; but more especially in reference to that particular part thereof which we call the Church . As long as he essay'd to batter down the Bulwarks in the House of God , he was more closely watched , and all mens eyes were bent upon him ; but having lulled it once asleep , drenched it in sensuality , corrupted it with ease and prohibited pleasures , then was his time to venture on it , and to sowe his tares ; an opportunity well watch'd . No sooner did men sleep , no sooner were the servants drowsie , and regardless of so great a charge , but he was straight about his business ; no sooner did men sleep : what men ? Lyra makes answer , the Apostles : what of their negligence ? no , God forbid ; but of the death , the last sleep and departure of those blessed spirits . a St. Austin and b Euthymius do a little touch at this conceit , and they only touch it : but c Egesippus with great confidence affirms it , saying , that after the Apostles deaths , the Hereticks did then begin to lift up their heads , and advance their errors , mingling their tares , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their false and commentitious Doctrines , with the truth and Gospel . This we believe indeed , that then the Hereticks became more insolent and adventurous then before they were , and did oppose the Gospel , as he tells us there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the greater impudence ; but yet I am not of opinion , that this should be the sleep , and these the men intended in the present Scripture . With how much better reason doth the Glosse expound it of a general negligence both in the Pastor and the people ? a negligence of private men , circa custodiam suae propriae personae , in the preserving and defence of their several souls ; a negligence of the publick Pastors , circa custodiam gregis sui , in the ill tending of the flock committed to them . This exposition of the Glosse confirmed by Chrysostom , where he informs us of a misery of no mean quality , like to befall those sleepy souls to whom the Husbandman had left his field ; yet not the Priest or Prelate only , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the people also : otherwise , as the Apostle said , that if there were no Resurrection , then were the Christians of all men most miserable ; so were the Priest and Prelate the most miserable of all other Christians , if all mens sins were rated only on their scores ; and they to give up an account of every soul in their several charges . It s true indeed , that both Euthymius and St. Hierome understand here only magistros & praeceptores ecclesiarum , the teachers and overseers of the Church . And so far we may yeeld unto them , that it is meant of them principally , and as publick Ministers , which are to have a care of the common safety ; but so , that every private man is included also in the Parable . The Devil first makes his advantage of the negligence of private persons , and whiles they sleep secure and careless , he scattereth in their hearts the seeds of Heresie and error , that so they may be able to infect their brethren . The enemy never sends out any of his Foxes to destroy Gods Harvest , till he put fire-brands in their tails . This done , he seeks occasion to employ them in the destruction of the wheat , in the infection of the Church ; and therein also makes advantage of the security and negligence of their Superiours , of their Rulers . These the Lords Bayliffs , as it were , to whom he hath intrusted his holy Husbandry : and if they sleep , if once they grow remisse and careless , what else can we expect , but that these tares take root , and outgrow the Wheat , and in conclusion overcome it ? Now in the Church we may observe three severall kindes of sleepiness , all of them in their course predominant , and of ill effect ; the sleep of negligence , the sleep of ignorance , and the sleep of sensuality . The first , the sleep of negligence ; and so St. Austin doth expound it , but while men slept , i. e. saith he , Cùm negligentiùs agerent praepositi Ecclesiae , when as the Rulers of Gods House grew dull and careless of their Watch , and were not mindful of their duties . This the disease , even of the best and purest Ages ; for which is there almost of the Angels of the seven Churches , which is not branded with this mark , during the lives of the Apostles , the falling from the love of Christ , the tolerating of the Nicolaitans , the suffering of the Woman Jesebel to seduce Gods servants ; the want of piety in one , zeal in another , and that poor little strength of faith which was remaining in the third , what were they but the sad effects of dull and negligent security in the severall Pastors ? But the Apostles being gone , those which did oversee the overseers , there followed by degrees an infectious drowsiness over all the Church , still more inclining to this sleep the more they were accustomed to it . The times of Nazianzen , how watchful were they in respect of those succeeding ? yet he complains , in his Epistle to Nectarius , as if the providence of God had been quite wanting to his Church . The Arians grown so insolent , that they made open profession of their Heresie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if they had been authorized and licensed to it . The Macedonians so presumptuous , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that they were formed into a Church , and had a titulary Bishop of their own Sect. The Apollinarians held the●r Conventicles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with as much safety and esteem as the Orthodox Christians . And for Eunomius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bosom-mischief of those times , he thought so poorly of a general connivence , that at last nothing would content him but to have all men else to be his Disciples . Of all which scandalls and disorders , the said Nectarius then being Patriarch of Constantinople , the greatest Prelate of the East , is there affirmed to be the cause : A man , as the Historian saith of him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of an exceeding faire and plausible demeanor , and very gracious with the people ; one that chose rather , as it seemes , to give free way to all mens fancies , and suffer every mans proceedings , then draw upon himself the envy of a stubborn Clergy , and a factious multitude . A pregnant evidence , that possibly there cannot be a greater mischief in a Christian Church then a popular Prelate : If so , if by the negligence & connivence of one man alone so great a spoil was made in the Church of God , how busie think we was the enemy in sowing tares , when as this negligence was epidemical , and in a manner universal over the people ? The second kind of sleep which did invade the Church of God , was the sleep of ignorance ; a sleep of such a generall latitude , that neither Priest nor people were able to hold up , or to look abroad . The Priests lips destitute of knowledge , the people so regardless , that they did not seek it ; both so defective in their duties , that at the last the Priest , like those in Irenaeus , veritatis ignorantiam cognitionem vocant , taught , that the safest knowledge was to know nothing ; and , as they preached , even so the people did believe : if not , tell me who can what was become of the gift of tongues ? is it not noted to our hands , Quòd Graecè nosse suspectum foret , Hebraicè propè haereticum , that it was Heresie almost to be seen in Hebrew , and a misprision of Heresie to be skilled in Greek ? And for the Latine , the Books still extant of those times will inform us easily , that there was nothing left of it , no not the words : Or of the Arts ; doth not Sabellicus complain how totally they were forgotten in the middle Ages , Quanta bonarum artium per id tempus oblivio invaluerit ? Or of the Lawes ; do we not read how they were buried in a manner with the great Emperour their Collector , till in the latter dayes , Lotharius Emperour of Germany found an old Copy of them at Amalphi in the Realm of Naples ? Or of the Scriptures ; was not the Book sealed up for many Ages ? and had not worldly policy so farre prevailed above true piety , that it was made unlawful , if not capitall , to look into it ? Nor was this ignorance only in the people ; but as the Prophet said in another case , A● is the people such was the Priest , and as the Priest was such were the people : nay , even the Cardinal complaineth of an infelix seculum , an unhappy age in which was neither famous Scholar , nor Pope that cared much how Religion went : which being so , Divinity it self , and all the Arts and helps unto it , layed to so long and dead a sleep , no question but the enemy was exceeding diligent , both in the ripening of his old tares , and in sowing new . There is a kinde of sleep yet left as hurtful ●o the Church as the other two , the sleep of sensuality , and of immoderate ease and pleasures ; a sleep like that described in the sixth of Amos , They lie ( saith he ) upon benches of Ivory , and stretch themselves upon their couches ; they carouse wine in bowles , and anoint themselves with the chief oyntments . Did not the Prophet think you reflect a little on the last Ages of the Church ? or may not his description with good reason be applyed unto them ? if not , why did St. Bernard in a pious anger upbraid the Clergy of those times with their Stage-like gestures , their meretricious neatness , their pompous habits and retinue ? Incedunt nitidi & ornati , & circumamicti varietatibus , more like ( saith he ) unto a spruce and Court-like Bridegroom , then the severe Guardians of the Spouse of Christ . Could it be thought that men so neat and complete as those , drowned in effeminacy and ease , and surfeited with too much fullnesse , would leave the pleasures of the world , to minde the business of the Church ; or shake away their pleasant slumbers , to entertain so sowre a Mistress as the perplexities of learning , and the severities of Discipline ? Nunquam putabam fore , I never thought ( said Cicero ) that such a curious youth as Caesar , one that so smoothly comb'd his hair , and rnbbed his head with his fore-finger , would either have the happiness or the heart to vanquish Pompey . Though Tully was deceived in the event of that great action , yet his conjecture had good grounds . And we may well apply it to them ; that sure such men as in those dayes had the sole managing of the Church when as these tares were sowen , and had brought forth fruit , were never like to crosse the enemy in that purpose , or disappoint him of his hopes , or overcome him at the last in the main encounter : not that the Priests and Prelates were all such without exception , ( for the worst times have brought forth brave and vertuous men , and such as stand upon record for their eminent piety ; ) but that they were thus for the most part , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus have I shewn unto you three several kindes of sleep , which had not only seized the people , but also had surprized the Watchmen , and made blinde the seers , and laid up the Guardians ; and hard it is to say which of the three gave most increase to the Devils Harvest . The Pastors , careless of their duties , aimed at this especially , that they themselves might live in peace , and die , if possible , in the generall love and good opinion of their people . Here were the tares first sowen , and neither noted in the seed , nor in the blade ; for either the opinion taken up was but the fancy of some few , eminent like enough in point of learning ; or some such innovation in the Churches orders , as seemed not in it self to violate the sacred truth , or threaten any present danger to the common quiet . And then what was it but a vain and faulty curiosity , either to quarrel with a man so much renowned in point of knowledge , or to enquire into their meaning and intentions who loved the Lord too well to disturb his Church ? By which connivence , this plausible and popular beheaviour of the Watchmen , the enemy first entred upon Gods inheritance ; and having sowen his tares , departed , went away in good assurance of success . Afterwards , when this negligence was lulled into an ignorance , the tares were grown into a stalk , and began to sprout ; but who was able to discern them ? Bellarmine counts it an especial happiness in those dayes of darkness , ut nullae novae surgerent haereses , that there arose not in the Church any upstart Heresie . And why so great an happiness , but because that wretched Age neither afforded learned Scholar to confute them , nor publick Councel to condemn them ? How much more happy had it been had not those seeds of error which were sowen before , then took advantage to spring up ? had not the darkness been so great , like that of Egypt , that one scarce saw another , neither rose any from his seat , to look unto the publick safety ? But in the end , when as the Priest and Prelate became luxurious and wanton , stretched on their beds of case , and lulled asleep with too much plenty , then came the tares to bring forth fruit , and to appear in their own likeness ; yet was there then lesse hope then ever . Did those that dwelt upon the Nile , and were accustomed to the noise , ever observe the fall and roaring of the waters ? Or grant we , that they saw these tares , and took notice of them , shall we conceive that men so drowned in ease and pleasure would undertake a restitution of the ancient Discipline ? Was any thing more odious to the Court of Rome , then the attempts that some of the more pious Popes had made of a Reformation ? rather like the Amyclae , an Italian people , they passed a Law , Ne quis de hostium adventu famam spargeret , that no man should presume from that time forwards to give them notice of these tares , or of the neer approach of the common enemy . Nay , at the last this Bastards Reign shall be legitimated by the Common-Councel , proclaimed to be good seed of the Lords own sowing ; and then what man is he that dare call them tares ? In which so long a night of several and distracted sleepes , in what a wretched state had the Church been think we , had not the Lord awakened some to have a care unto his field , and to take notice of these tares ? Once the affaires of Rome were brought unto so low an ebbe , that there was nothing of the City left them but the very Capitoll , and that too in a possibility to have been surprized , ni anseres Diis dormientibus vigilassent , had not their Geese been better to them then their Gods. Hus , as my Books inform me , in the Bohemian Language , of which Land he was , doth signifie a Goose ; had not this Hus , this Goose , and such men as he , H●erome of Prague , W●clif and Luther , and the rest , ( though men which had , I grant , their own several errors ) discovered by their noyse and cackling the neere approches of the enemy , and so awakened all the World out of that dull security in the which it was , how easie had it been for Satan to have gained the Capitoll ; yea , to have rooted all the Wheat out of the field of our Redeemer ? But at the last the World awakened , and being throughly awakened , some discerned those tares which had so long been sowen by this subtile enemy ; and having once discerned them , took a speedy order in many places of Gods field to weed them out : a thing of great offence to the Court of Rome , which took it very ill to be so awakened and startled from their pleasant slumbers . Marvel it is , that like unto the sensual Sibarites , their Italian Neighbours too , they banished not all cocks the verge and territory of their Church , ut mollùs viz. cubarent , nulloque illorum strepitu interpellarentur ; for fear their sleepes should be disturbed , and themselves called on to repentance . For our parts , as we are a parcel of this common field , it cannot be denied by our greatest adversaries , that from the sleep of ignorance and sensuality we have been very well awakened ; and we begin to be awakened also from the sleep of negligence . And certainly it is high time that it should be so , standing besieged as we do by two several enemies ; both labouring to subvert our Church , and to advance their own in the ruines of it : For , to speak truth , the present quality of our Church may with most fitness be resembled unto that of the Primitive times , when both the powerful Arians ▪ and the popular Donatists were both at once in Arms against it : or if we will , we may compare it no lesse fitly to the State of Rome , during the second Punick Warre . We have the Macedonians upon all the skirts and quarters of our Empire , calling to minde the Reputation of their Ancestors , the great Dominion they have lost ; and watching all advantages to enlarge their border . And there is Annibal ad portas , a neerer enemy at hand , at our very Gates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Father called Eunomius , a bosom Traytor , which grindeth upon our very entrails like Prometheus vulture . One side assailes openly , and profess their enmity ; and by a signe distinctive , as they please to call it , give us to understand that they are but tares : These , like the wild Bore in the Psalms , endeavour in a publick way to destroy our Vineyard . Secretior Pompeius Caesare , non melior ; The other , a more close and secret enemy , doth not so much assault the Church , as undermine it ; but they aim both of them at the same mark , the subjugating of the Church , and the chief Soveraignty of the State , and have the same end of their journey , although they travel diverse wayes . Is this a time think we to sleep and slumber , and stretch our hands in negligence and a carelesse sloth ? Did ever any Mariner permit his eyes to sleep , or eye-lids to slumber , sailing betwixt Sylla and Charibdis ? Or can we think the Romans looked not then about them , assailed at once by Greece and Carthage ? or that the primitive Christians stood not on their Guard , when both the subtile Arian and Saint-seeming Donatist did oppose her Doctrine ? Assuredly when men are compassed round with dangers , and that they have not only forraign , but domestick enemies , they have good reason to be watchfull . Thus , as we see , our dangers are alike on both sides , though we perhaps are not alike or equally affected in apprehension of those dangers . On the one side , we think there never can be watch enough , that all those Lawes and Proclamations which are out against them are not sufficient to secure us , and dispossess us of our feares : And now that his most sacred Majesty hath given new life unto those Lawes , and by his royall Edict declared his pleasure , that no man shall presume hereafter to practise on his weak and unsetled subjects , for the reduction of them unto the superstition of the Church of Rome ; we think , as true indeed it is , that he hath shewn his zeal to the House of God , and that we cannot magnifie him as we ought to do . But on the other side , we think there needs no watch at all , that those few Lawes and Canons which are now in force for preservation of the Churches peace and safety , may very well be spared , and layed by for ever . And if his Majesty vouchsafe to give command unto his Prelates , to have an eye unto the unity and uniformity of their severall Churches , and to reduce them to her primitive lustre : he is not only sure to hear of it in those scandalous Pamphlets which every day are offered to the publick view , but shall have many close ill-willers , that secretly repine & murmur at so brave a piety ; I wil not say from what bad humour this proceeds , but sure I am , to say the best , that it proceeds from a misapprehension of the Churches danger ; and that we would perswade our selves , that the intentions of these men are harmless , and themselves contemptible ; and that their wheat is pure and clean , not any dangerous tare amongst it ; but I could tell you , had I time , and may perhaps take time to do it in prosecution of this Parable , that they have introduced into the Church the ancient Heresies of the Novatians , Donatists , Aerians , Priscillianists , and the Apostolici ; with those of Bardesanes and Florinus ; which I spake of lately : not to say any thing of those dangerous principles which they are known to hold among them against peace and government . High time assuredly both for Prince and Prelate to have an eye upon them , and to watch their doings . Gird then thy Sword upon thy thigh , O thou most mighty man of valour , ride on with Worship and Renown because of Gods , thine and the Churches enemies . And may it be thine happiness , as it is thy care , to have thy Watchmen vigilant , thy Servants faithful , and thy Councel circumspect , that so no tare , either of error or false Doctrine , may ever grow upon those Churches under thy Dominion . SERMON III. At WHITE-HALL Jan. 28. 1638. MATTH . 13. v. 26. But when the blade sprung up , and had brought forth fruit , then appeared the tares also . PRosperum ac felix scelus virtus vocatur : Succesfull mischief is oft crowned with the name of vertue ; and he is counted fortunate , whose designes do prosper , how wretched and unjust soever . The wicked man is not ashamed of doing ill , but of being detected ; nor doth he fear the sin but the discovery : this makes them , as they love to sin , so to sin in secret , as if the darkness would conceal their naughtiness ; or if it could be hid from God , because committed in a corner . But God from Heaven looks down upon them , and derides their follies , and brings them at the last to the open light , that howsoever they have sinned in secret , they may receive the wages and reward of sinne in publick . And thus it was with Satan in the present Parable , whose foot-steps and example his Disciples follow . When he intended to destroy Gods Harvest , he did it in a time of darkness , Cùm dormirent homines , when all the servants were asleep . And that he might be sure to avoid discovery , he did the feat alone , in private , without any company ; Venit & abiit , ●aith the Text , his comming was in secret , his departure sudden , so that no notice could be taken of him when the deed was doing , and not much neither being done : for he made choice of such a seed to sow and scatter in Gods field , which was so like the wheat in an outward shew , and promised such a rich increase to the heavenly Harvest , that it was no small difficulty to distinguish which was Gods , which his . And all this while who could have otherwise conceived but that he had been very fortunate in his undertaking , and his tares good wheat ? but yet at last it fell out contrary to his expectation , God making a discovery of his subtile practices , and manifesting to his Church the danger in the which it stood . And howsoever that men slept when the seed was sowen , and that they looked not after it when the blade sprung up ; yet when it came to bring forth fruit , then their eyes were opened , and they were able to distinguish between wheat and tares . But when the blade sprung up , and had brought forth fruit , Cùm autem crevisset herba , & fructum fecisset , then appeared the tares also . In handling of these words , I shall consider these things following . First , Of what kinde those Doctrines were which were sowen by Satan , and are decipher'd here by the name of tares . Secondly , That there was no way to discern those Doctrines , the falshood and ill nature of them in the seed or stalks , until they came to bring forth fruit . Thirdly , That every Doctrine of what sort soever doth produce some fruit , by which it may be known whether true or false : and Fourthly , That when the fruits appeared , then it was easie to discover of what sort they were . Of these , or of as many of them as the time will suffer , beginning with the nature of these Doctrines which are here intended . Sapientis est malè facere si & utile sit & tutum . It was a maxime with the Epicures , that no wise man forbears to pursue his most wicked counsels , in case they might conduce to profit , and be done with safety . A dangerous and most mischievous principle , if once put in practice ; and such as could proceed from no other Fountain , then the first Father of all falshood . He indeed had been versed therein from the first beginnings , even from the first attempt that he made on man ; in which he took upon himself the shape and title of a Serpent , the most subtile beast , to work upon the weakness of a woman , the most feeble sex . The profit that he aimed at in that grand imposture , was to attain that Empire on the earth over wretched man which he had failed of in the Heavens , and amongst the Angels . And he conceived himself secure in the undertaking , both in regard of this disguise , and the condition of the party that he was to deal with . Thus was it then , and thus it hath been ever since . For the old Serpent is no changeling , but still keeps his own , qualis ab incoepto processerit , the same Serpent still . God had no sooner sowen his field with celestiall seed , but straight the Devil was at hand to disperse his tares : by doing which he might not only spoyl Gods Harvest , but increase his own . This was the profit that he aimed at : which that he might be sure to procure with safety , and not incurre the least suspicion of imposture till his croppe was ripe , he did not only watch his opportunity whiles the servants slept ; but sowed the field with such a grain that could not easily be discerned when they were awake . For tares , zizania , if we consider them according to the first appearance , and in the manner of their growth , are not much different from the wheat . Folio oblongo sunt , & culmo tritici graciliore , so sayes Rovillius , and with him divers others of the modern Herbalists . Nay many of the ancient writers have observed no lesse , Zizania tritico similia esse in arundine , dissimilia in fructu ; the difference is not in the blade or stalk , but the fruit alone : So saith Euthymius Zigabenus . Between the tares and wheat , whilest they are yet in herba , in the blade or stalk , grandis similitudo est , there is no small similitude : So Hierome . Lastly , To add no more , we are told by Chrysostome , that it was Satans cunning to disguise his errors under the mask and veil of truth , that so he might more easily seduce the simple , and beguile the ignorant . And for that very cause ( saith he ) he made choice of these tares , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being so like unto the wheat in the first appearing , that it was very hard to know which was right . [ Tostatus hath affirmed as much in his work on Matthew ; Nam herba tritici & zizaniorum similis est , sed grana dissimilia , the fruit , saith he , is different , though the blades be like . ] Lay these particulars together , and they come to this , that the false Doctrines noted and intended in the present Parable were such as had a shew of truth , and might be easily mistook for sound Orthodox Tenets ; but being afterwards discovered and examined , were disproved as dangerous . So then the errors and false Doctrines which are noted here , and said to have been sowen by Satan , in medio tritici , even in the middle of the Church , were not like those of Arius , who denied the Deity , or of the Valentinians , who denied the Manhood of our Lord and Saviour ; or of the Marcionites and Maniches , which blasphemed the very Majesty of God the Father ; or of the Macedonians , who quarrelled the Divinity of the holy Ghost : Nor were they , finally , like those which had been set on foot in the primitive times by those desperate writers , who in their severall turns and courses had impiously opposed and quarelled every , or any Article of the Christian faith . These we may rather liken unto briers & brambles , discerned as soon as in the blade , or in the very first appearance . The Church soon spied those Heresies , and as soon condemned them ; nor ever were the servants eyes so heavy , as not to note the time , and observe the Authors of those wicked Doctrines , leaving to us upon record the knowledge and relation of the whole proceedings : so that those wretched and blasphemous Heresies wherewith the Church was exercised in the Primitive times , were generally but like Jonahs gourd , of a dayes continuance ; or the Solstitial Herbe in Plautus , quae repentino ortae sunt , repentino occidunt , almost as soon supprest as risen . Few of them , though they had been sowen with all care and cunning , came to take deep root ; fewer to cùm crevisset herba , to the blade or blossom ; but none unto fecissent fructum , to bring forth their fruit , before they were descried and censured . And however some of them , as that of Arius , became of universall latitude and long continuance , so that ingemuit orbis , as St. Hierome hath it , the whole world groaned under the weight and burden of so foule an heresie : yet did it never passe for Wheat , or was counted Orthodox , but still pursued and execrated as a wicked blasphemy . But for these tares , the Doctrines and erroneous tenets of the present Parable , the case was otherwise . either the servants were not able to discern them at first peeping forth ; or else conceived there was not so much danger in them as in truth there was ; or else were willing to believe that possibly they might prove wheat , and so become a plentiful addition to Gods holy Harvest . For either the opinion taken up was but the fancy of few , however had in admiration for their parts and learning , and so not likely to prevail ; or some such division from the Churches tenets , as did not seem to threaten any present danger to the common quiet , and so the lesse to be regarded . And this is that which is observed by Lirinensis , that many errors and false Doctriens had secretly been introduced into the Church , quos nec cito deprehendere valeas , nec facil damnare fas ducis ; which neither could be soon discerned , nor were thought fit to be condemned on the first discovery . By meanes whereof it came to passe , that the said new , but false opinions , as they were scattered and dispersed when no man saw them , so they took root when no man marked them . And when they came to cùm crevisset herba , when it came to that , and that the blade sprung up and had shewn it self , yet were they still so like the wheat , both in shape and colour , that few there were of such a searching and discerning eye , as to pronounce aright from what seed they sprung : nay when they came unto the triall to fecissent fructum , and that their fruit discovered them to be but tares , yet then they shewed themselves to the publick view with such a Copy of old age , and reputation of Antiquity , that they contended for priority with the wheat it selfe . Such are the errors and false Doctrines whereof we challenge and accuse the Church of Rome ; such as a long time passed for truth , and were not noted either in the seed or blade . Errors which being set on foot by some private men , and having gotten credit by continuance and long tract of time , were first debated in the Schools as probable ; afterwards entertained in the Church as true ; and last of all , imposed on mens souls as necessary . Errors which at their first appearing did not directly , ex professo , either oppose the Churches Doctrine , or disturb her peace ; but such as seemed to have upon them the character and superscription of sacred verity , and grew up sensim sine sensu with Gods holy truth : we charge them not with any of those impious blasphemies , or wicked heresies , derogatory to the honour of our Lord and Saviour , or any other person of the glorious Trinity , or any other common principle of the Catholick faith , which Simon Magus , and the rest of that damned crew have opposed and quarrelled . In that they have done bravely for the Church of Christ , and publickly opposed those wretched heresies which the Socinians have revived in these latter dayes , Utinam sic semper errassent , would they had erred thus alwayes , had they erred no otherwise , as once the Cardinal said of Calvin . That which we have to say against them is , that they have forsaken their first love , like the Church of Ephesus , and cast a stumbling-block before the people , like to that of Pergamus ; and suffered the woman Jezebel , which calleth her self a Prophetess , to seduce Gods servants from the right way of his Commandements , like the Thyatirians . So that the aberration from the Gospel which we charge upon them , is not from the profession , but the purity of the Christian faith ; not from the outward signes and Sacraments , but the sincerity and soundness of Religion ; not from the Church of Christ , but in it . And yet I would not be mistaken , as if I thought there were no Heresie to be found in the Church of Rome : or that their errors which they teach , were neither positively dangerous in themselves , nor possibly pernicious and destructive to them that hold them , without true repentance . That which was first an error only , when first taken up , in them that taught it , may by an obstinate pertinacy become an Heresie in them that hold it . It s true , that every deviation from the truth , or opposition made against it , doth not denominate an Heretick : nor doth the voluntary taking up of a false opinion , create such mischief to the Church , as the unwillingness to lay it down . Were it not for pertinaciter defensa , sponte electa would beare no great stroke in the definition of an Heresie . This was the case between St. Cyprian and the Donatists ; S. Cyprian and some other holy Bishops of the African Churches , conceived rebaptization to be necessary in some certain cases ; but modestly , and with submission to the Church of God determining according to his word in Scripture . The Donatists maintained the same opinion , but they did it obstinately , refused to hearken to the Church , or to admit of any Judges but themselves , to decide the controversie . The error was the same in both , the Doctrine false alike in both ; and yet the Donatists stand branded for it by the name of Hereticks , whereas St. Cyprian and his Associates are accounted Catholicks . Why so ? because of pertinaciter defensa , because the Donatist maintained it with so great perverseness , that there was no reclaiming of him to the sound Doctrines of the Church . And this is that which Lerinensis speaks of with such admiration , O mira rerum conversio ! Authores opinionis Catholici , sectatores haeretici judicantur ; absolvuntur magistri , condemnantur discipuli . This also is the case of the Church of Rome , the enemy had sowen his tares in agro domini , and they sprung up in medio tritici . When they were sowen they were not noted ; and having taken root , and put forth the blade , they looked so like the wheat , with so fair a shew , that very few , if at all any , did suspect them . And so long these of Rome were in the same condition and estate with the African Prelates : either their ignorance or inadvertency might have salv'd the sore ; but when the fruit discover'd them to be tares indeed , and that they notwithstanding would defend and countenance them , proclaim them to be wheat of the Lords own sowing , sell them for such to simple people in the open markets , and make them eat ( as one may say ) their own damnation , then fell they into the condition of the desperate Donatist , and that which was an error only in the first broachers of the Doctrine , is in them made Heresie . And here I may repeat that of Lirinensis , Authores opinionis Catholici , sectatores haeretici . They which first set on foot the opinion , whatsoever they were , might have no ill intention in it , conceiving that which they delivered not to be contrary to the Churches tendries , though perhaps besides them . And so it might be with them also which took them upon trust , and assented to them , not having meanes or opportunity to come unto the knowledge of the truth in those particulars . But so it is not with our Masters in the Church of Rome , who have not only means to know them , and opportunity to consider of the fruit they bear ; but having been informed of that long mistake in which their Predecessors lived , and of the dangers which those tares do threaten to the Church of God , do obstinately shut their eyes against the sacred light of truth , and will not see the beames thereof , shine they never so brightly : In which estate , if they continue wilful without true repentance , let them take heed lest that befall them which my Authour speaks of , Absolvuntur magistri , condemnantur discipuli : and so I leave them to Gods mercy , & with them the first point of this Discourse , viz. the kind or nature of the Doctr. which are here intended , proceeding hence unto the 2d , the difficulty to discern them in the seed or blade , until they came to bring forth fruit , to fecissent fructum . Nil magis curant quàm occultare quod praedicant . Tertullian notes it of the Valentinians , that they did use to hide their tenets , and conceal their Doctrines . A Lesson taught them by their sire the Devil , who when he had a purpose to destroy Gods Harvest , not only did it at a time when the servants slept , and in so quick a manner that he was not noted , but sowed Gods field with such a seed , as could not easily be discerned from the wheat it self , until the very fruits proclaimed it . In all his other projects to subvert the Gospel , the Watchmen of the Church so traced him , and kept so vigilant an eye upon him , that all his machinations were detected , and his hopes made frustrate : he is resolved to cheat the very Watchmen , and therefore sets on foot such Doctrines in which was no apparent danger , and much lesse any visible impiety ; that whilest the Watchmen let them passe , neither examining from whence they came , nor to what they tended ; he might by them effect his purpose with the greater safety , and by degrees endanger and subvert Religion . And certainly it is no marvel that they should passe without discovery , and prevail so farre , considering how closely the design was carried , how little noyse it made abroad , and by what leisure and degrees it did gather strength . For howsoever it be true which the Cardinall tells us , that in omni insigni mutatione religionis , in every notable change and alteration of Religion , a man may easily discern both the change it self , and all the circumstances that pertain unto it ; yet in the sowing of these tares it was not so . We neither know the Authors , time or place , by whom , when , where , the said false tenets were first broached : nor finde we any that opposed them at their rising up , or whether any did take notice of them when the blade sprung up . And yet it is most manifest , that such tares there were , and that they had almost corrupted and destroyed the wheat , before the servants had espied them . The Cardinalls Rule holds good in all sudden changes , which are made publickly and professedly , and all at once , in publick and notorious Heresies , which come in with violence , and aim at the foundation of the House of God. And any man of common reading can tell as well as he , when , and by whom , and where , the Macedonian , Arian , Valentinian Heresies , or any of the rest of so high a nature did at first begin ; but between those and these in the body mystical , the difference is as great and signall , as between open Arms and Clandestine conspiracy in the body politique , whereof that may be easily discerned , this not : or an outragious burning Feaver , and a dull Consumption in the body naturall , of which that comes with fury , this growes on insensibly : it fares no otherwise with the tares in the present Parable , then with the good Seed in another of our Saviours Parables : which is , as if a man should cast his seed into the ground , and should sleep , and rise night and day , and the seed should spring and grow up , but he knoweth not how . Our Saviour tells us of his Kingdom , non venire cum observatione , that it commeth not with observation , but growes upon us , in us , with us , insensibly and by degrees . And so it is also in the Kingdom of Antichrist , in the beginning , working and increase thereof : which with the whole abominations of it , was to be introduced into the Church , not openly and ex professo , so that all might see it ; but mystically , covertly and silently , without noyse or clamour , so that it might deceive even the very Watch-men . They who advanced this business , were such men as those , of whom St. Paul tells us in the first of Timothy , that they should speak all falshood in hypocrisie . The meaning is , that they should so disperse their Doctrines with such a shew of godliness , and pretence of piety , that no man should have cause to suspect their doings , untill the very fruits bewrayed them ; and so it proved in the event . That generall aberration from the power and purity of Christs glorious Gospel , the seeds whereof were sowen by Satan , even in the lives of the Apostles , was not discovered fully till these latter dayes : St. Paul , who diligently traced his foot-steps , and found by good conjecture , that he had been sowing , calls it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a very mystery of iniquity . A mystery in the seed , and in the blade ; but in the fruit thereof a plain iniquity . Had it not brought forth wickedness , iniquitatem , it had not been of Satans sowing ; and had the working of it been notorious , and sensible to every eye , it had been no mystery ; but it was both , and both together made up the true nature of it , mysterium iniquitatis . That wicked one in the Apostles time did already work , although he was not then revealed ; but in our dayes , mystery , which before was written upon the forehead of the woman , is quite vanished ; and there is nothing to be seen at all , but Babylon the Great , the Mother of abominations . And I said well , that mystery was writ upon the forehead , and not only in a mystical , but a literal sense ; for Scaliger in his notes on the Revelation reports , that in the former times the word mysterium was ingraven in Capitall Letters upon the front , or fore-part of the Triple Crown ; and that it so continued till the Reign of Julius , who caused the old one to be broken , and a new one made , and his own titles , Julius Pont. Max. to be inchased with Pearls where the old word stood . This he delivereth from the mouth of D. Montmorency , who learnt the same at Rome from men of good repute and quality who had seen the same , upon whose faith we must relie for the truth hereof . But to proceed : They therefore much mistake themselves , and the condition of the tares here sowen by Satan , who either think they may be easily discerned as soon as sowed , or that they will disclose their malignant nature upon the first Essay and Triall . The Scripture tells us of these tares , that they appeared not to be tares , till the fruits proclaimed them . And Galen notes , that when some covetous and careless Husbandmen , not winnowing their Corn as they ought to do , had sold both tares and wheat together , those which did feed thereon found no disease , nor ill effect thereof , at the very instant ; but that on the approch of Summer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they broke out all of them into biles and sores . When therefore he prescribes this course in the way of diet , that we should carefully cast away the tares , and sift them from our heaps of Wheat , he gives this reason of his counsel ; for though ( saith he ) the inconvenience be at first so small , that we scarce feel it for the present , yet at the last , when the ill humors and corruptions which do thence arise , are grown full and pregnant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then the malignity of their nature doth at large appeare . So is it with the juyce of tares , if we drink thereof , ( as sometimes it is mingled with the Cup of Life , ) it doth not work upon the sudden : that poysoned Cup wherewith the Princes of the Earth , and the Inhabiters thereof have been made drunk so long together , was of a soft and gentle nature , not of quick dispatch ; tempered according to the neat Italian fashion : The venom of the same being insensibly pernicious , brings on death at last , and yet we never feel it working ; which briefly we return for a general Answer unto those Cavils of the Cardinall , who therefore will allow no tares to have been sowen at all in the Church of Rome , Eò quòd tempus certum designare non possumus , because we cannot tell the circumstances of time , place and persons , when , and by whom , and where the Devil sowed them . A more particular Answer thereunto is neither possible nor necessary in the present case . And first it is not possible as unto the Author , which is the first and greatest circumstance by him required . All that the Text informs us is , inimicus sevit , that the enemy sowed them ; and that this enemy is the Devil ; but by whose hands the Devil did it , what instruments he used to effect his purpose , as Christ our Saviour hath not told us , so are we still ignorant : we finde no further light here then a venit , abiit , that he came secretly , and departed suddenly , he staid not long upon the place ; and for the little time he stayed , he took his opportunity , cùm dormirent homines , when all the servants were asleep , and did not see him ; and if they did not see him , as t is plain they did not , I would fain know how they could possibly produce him . Besides , it is most likely that he came disguised in the apparel of some Houshold-servant belonging to the heavenly Husbandman , having a form of godliness , and a shew of zeal ; so that in case the other servants had not slept , he might have past away without discovery . The Devil when he came to Eve , came not like the Devil , but in the shape of a Domestick , one of Adams Family ; and of a Serpent , in whose shape he came , Tertullian tells us , abscondit se serpens quantum potest , to tamque prudentiam in latebrarum ambagibus torquet , that he conceales himself as much as possibly he can , and shews his wit in nothing more then in finding lurking-holes : nay , sometimes when he hath a purpose to abuse poor man , he doth transform himself into an Angel of Light , his Ministers into the Ministers of Righteousness : and who could possibly suspect any hurt or danger from those who are accounted Ministers of Righteousness , or celestial Angels ? Nor is the Rule of Bellarmine so generally true in this particular of the Author , but that it will admit of some exceptions ; for there were very many Heresies in the primitive times , acknowledged and avowed for such in the Church of Rome , as viz. of the Gnosticks , Nazarenes , Ophites , Cainites , Sethians , cum multis aliis , mentioned in Epiphanius , Austin , and Theodoret , and many other antient Writers , of which it would extremely puzzle Bellarmine , and all his followers in that Church , to produce the Authors . So is it also with the circumstances of time and place in which those heresies began , which neither he nor any of the best Philologers in the Church of Rome , can assigne precisely , but wander up and down in the search thereof , as their blinde fancies and conjecture lead them ; and so the wonder is the more , that not being able to assigne the certainty of time and place , in publick and notorious Heresies , which came in with clamor , they should expect the same from us , in the detecting of those errors which came in by stealth . In their authentick vulgar Latine , there are many errors , corruptions , transpositions , barbarismes , which are by Cajetan , Senensis , Oleaster , and the English Rhemists , ingenuously confessed & published . Isidore Clarius , a Spanish Monke , professeth that he found no fewer then 8000 errors , some of them very grosse and palpable . And should we turn the scale , and demand of Bellarmine , when , in whose time , by whose neglect , all the said errors and corruptions crept into the Text : I trow he would be fain to answer , cum dormirent homines , that it was done when as the Watchmen were asleep , and looked not to the publick safety of the Church of God. So for the circumstance of place , all that we know , or possibly can know , at so farre a distance is , that these tares were sowen in agro domini , not in this part alone , or that ; but in medio tritici , even in the middle of the Wheat , as well in one place as another . Dic quibus in terris , were too hard a taste for the best Apollo in the Conclave ; and we may say , Qua terra patet , when they ask that question . A more particular designation of these two last circumstances , in all the points debated between them and us , is a thing impossible . The Text informs us , that these tares were sowen , cùm dormirent homines , when all the servants were asleep ; and would you have them give accompt of time and place , in matters which were done when they were asleep ? Such an accompt indeed they might ha●e given , as did the Souldiers in the Gospel of our Saviours body , who gave it out , and stood to it , like brave men of arms , that his Disciples came by night , and stole it whilst they were asleep . A very likely tale I promise you ; for if they were asleep , as they said they were , how could they tell , that either any body came to steal him , or that the Lords Disciples were the men that did it ? Adeo mendaci rum natura est , ut cohaerere non possunt , said Lactantius truly . Besides , those errors which we note in the Church of Rome , as they came in privily , so they grew up insensibly . And first of all they came in privily , there being not only many errors , but even damnable heresies , which came in privily and by stealth , as St. Peter tells us . There shall arise ( saith he ) false Teachers in those dayes , that privily shall bring in damnable Heresies , sectas perditionis , as the Latine reads it . The Devil in this point is like the Peacock ; as he is Angelus in penna , and can transform himself into an Angel of light , when he thinks it necessary : so is he pede latro too , a creature of a silent and a theevish gate , when he sees occasion . It is no easie tracing of him in his private paths . Secondly , those errors as they came in privily , so they grew insensibly , like to the finger of a Diall , which we finde varied from the place where before it was , and yet we do not see it vary ; for so do private mens opinions , if they be but probable , gain by degrees we know not how , on the affection and good liking of particular persons , and after on the approbation of the Church it self , till in the end of Paradoxes , they became to be counted School-points , then taken , or mistaken rather , for the traditions of the Church ; and finally received as Articles of the Christian faith . The holy Ghost hath said of Christ , that he is a Rock , Petra autem erat Christus , in St. Pauls Epistles ; and Christ hath told us of the Confession of his faith , that it is a Rock , super hanc petram , in St. Matthews Gospel . Now one of those four things which seemed so wonderful and unsearchable in the eyes of Solomon , is via serpentis super petram , that of a Serpent on a Rock ; or , if you like the Application , that of the Devil , in subverting the faith of Christ : nor is it thus only in the points of faith , but in that of Ceremonies , which by degrees , insensibly , and without observation , have very much declined and varied in the Church of Rome from what they were in their original institution , there being many things ordained of a good intent , as one amongst themselves complaineth , quae nunc videmus partim in abusum , partim in superstitionem verti , which are now changed into abuse , and altered into superstition . But yet the Cardinal stayes not here , we must enquire , quis eam oppugnaverit , what men opposed these new opinions , and made head against them at their first appearance , or else all is lost . A Quere not more capable of resolution than the others were ; for if the Authors were not known , the opinions private , and that there is no Constat of the time or place , when , and wherein the seeds were sowen , then certainly , to look for an opponent , were an excellent folly . And it is plain , that in the sevit , no man saw them , they were all asleep ; in the crevisset no m●n knew them , they looked so like unto the Wheat ; but when they came to fructifie , to fecissent fructum , and that the fruits did yield the least suspicion to the vigilant servants of an ensuing mischief to the Church of God , then did God stir up some to take notice of them , and to give warning to the rest of the common danger : if not , tell me what Caveats had been entred in the Churches name , by Gregory the Great , against the Doctrine of the Popes supremacy ; by Berengarius , against that of the carnall presence ; by Charles the Great , and all his Clergy in the Synod of Frankford , against the worshipping of Images ; by Huldrich B. of Ausburg , in defence of the married Clergy ; by the Waldenses , Pauperes de Lugduno , Clemanges , Petrus de Alliaco , Wiclif , Hus , and others , ( though men that had , I grant their own personal errors ) against the severall corruptions of the Church of Rome , both in faith & manners ? Nay , if we thought that that would please him , we could tell the Cardinall , out of Rainerius , one of the Popes Inquisitors , that there have never wanted some since the time of Constantine that have opposed the errors of the Church of Rome ; the names of whom who list to see , may finde them in Catalogus testium veritatis , with their times and qualities : so that the Cardinall might well have spared this bold expression , non solum pastores sed et Deum valde dormivisse , that God , not men alone , had been fast asleep , had he not in so many ages stirred up one or other to make resistance to those errors which were sowen by Satan . A speech , which in another man might be called a Blasphemy ; but comming from the mouth of so grave a Father , may passe among the Oracles of the Roman Conclave . But since those circumstances of time , place and person , are pressed so frequently by the adversary , and that the Cardinall insists so much upon it , quod nullum horum in nobis possunt ostendere , that we can finde none of them in the Church of Rome : we must answer further , that as the satisfaction of these Queres is not possible , so it is not necessary . Shall not my Doctor think me sick , although he finde a general decay over all my body , not one sound part from head to foot , unless I can inform him punctually , both when , and where , and in whose company I sickoned ? or should we conceive him a sory Architect , that being called to view an old ruinous Building , would not believe it wanted any thing , or was out of order , unless I could acquaint him where it first took wet , and in what part it first decayed , and who then dwelt in it ? Do not corruptions creep into the strictest Governments , labente paulatim disciplina , the rigour and severity of Discipline , day by day declining ? And should we not repute him a most excellent Statesman , that would think nothing fit for a Reformation , unless some wiser then himself could tell him , when and by whom , and in whose Government the abuse crept in ? But to restrain our selves to matters that concern Religion , Josephus tells us of the Pharisees , what innovations they had made in the Jewish Church , and that they published many things as the traditions of the Fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were not to be found in the Books of Moses . Our Saviour also tells us of them , that they had made the Word of God of none effect by their traditions . But for the time when they began , and from what Authour they descended , Josephus could not tell us , and our Saviour did not , which shewes our Saviour did not think it necessary , nor Josephus possible . Our Saviour looked not on the root , but upon the fruit , and by the fruit gave judgement of the Tree it self , there being no Doctrine of what sort soever , but it beares some fruit , by which it may be known whether true or false : my next particular , and next in order to be handled . Nemo non in vitia pronus est . There are few men but are addicted to some vice , either by the corruption of their nature , or the iniquity of their education . We are all sinners from the womb , but are then most sinful , when we are seasoned with ill Principles ; and that the poyson of our education is superadded to the venom of our dispositions . And this is that which Tully charged upon Mr. Anthony , that he had took great pains , and studied most extreamly hard to be lewd and vitious , ac si putaret se natura tam improbum non potuisse evadere , nisi accessisset etiam disciplina . But on the other side , the benefit of a vertuous institution is so great and excellent , that it correcteth in us our most prevalent frailties , and rectifieth the obliquities of our affections , which made the wise man give this testimony of , and to Philosophy , that by his knowledge in the same he could live uprightly , and exercise those vertuous actions of his own accord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which others did upon compulsion , and for fear of law . How much more operation think we have those Doctrines on us , which come apparalled in the habit of Religion , and the Cloak of piety ? on a conformity to the which we are perswaded , that all our comforts do depend for the present life , and all our hopes for that to come . Assuredly these precepts and instructions which we take from them , whose words and dictates we imbrace as celestial Oracles , are of power incredible , either to make us fit for mischief , or to inable and prepare us for the works of goodness : so that in case there were no other way to know what leaders we have followed , and what instructions have been given us , the fruits of our affections would at full declare it . The reason is , because of that dependence which the affections have on the understanding , that which the understanding apprehends as true , being recommended to the will as good , and forthwith by the will desired and followed : so that as often as the understanding is deceived in its proper object , and entertaineth falshood instead of truth , so often is the will misguided , in courting those things which indeed are wicked , but yet are clothed in the habit of dissembled vertue : upon this ground St. Paul hath told us of the Gentiles , that having their understanding darkned through the ignorance which was in them , they gave themselves over unto lasciviousness , to work all manner of uncleanness with greediness . If so , if that so sad effects did follow upon the darkness of the understanding , no question but the misperswasion wherewith sometimes it is effected , produce more wretched consequents in our outward actions ; for if the understanding be depraved with false opinions , the will most commonly is led aside by vain affections ; the errors of the same being farre more dangerous , because more active . Now there is nothing entertained in the understanding which is not recommended to it by the outward senses , Nil est in intellectu quod non priùs fuit in sensibus , say the old Philosophers . And of all outward senses , there is none more serviceable to the understanding then the sense of hearing ; for Fides ex auditu , Faith is by hearing , saith the Apostle . By meanes whereof it comes to passe , that as we preach , even so the people do believe ; and as they do believe , even so they practise . Take we heed therefore what we preach , and that we sowe not tares among simple men , who cannot know them from the Wheat . Now of the tares I told you in my last Discourse from Galen , Plinie , Theophrastus , and many of the best of our modern Herbalists , that they affect the sight with dimness , and the head with giddiness , and the whole body with Diseases : And so it is also with the false opinions , those dangerous and erroneous Tenets intended in the present Parable ; for in our eyes , ( conceive we of our understanding ) they do occasion such a dimness , that either we cannot see the way that leads to happiness , or seeing , see the same , but will not perceive it . And in our heads it doth produce so great a giddiness , that we are constant unto nothing , halting , as once the Israelites , between two opinions , divided betwixt God and Mammon , in great distraction with our selves , whether we shall adhere to Christ , or follow Antichrist ; continue in old England , or hoyst sail for New. And for the sores upon the body , the blemishes of our behaviour , the stains and scandalls of our conversation , by which we grieve the Spirit , and disgrace Religion , what are they but the frequent , though most lewd effects of a perverted understanding , and a poysoned will ? The Heresies of the Gnosticks and the Carpocratians , what vile and wretched things they were ! A man might easily conjecture what fine points they held , by the condition of their lives , which were so filthy and obscene , that for their sakes the name of Christian first grew odious to the sober Gentile . Vide Christianos quid agunt , In illis patitur lex Christiana maledictum , as devout Salvian oft complained . The errors of the Church of Rome in point of judgement have they not bred as grievous errors in the points of practice ? Whence else proceeds it that the Priests are debarred from Marriage , and permitted Concubines ; that open Stewes are suffered and allowed of , so they pay rent unto the Pope , and supply his Coffers ; that Princes may have dispensation to forswear themselves , and break those Covenants which they have solemnly contracted with their confederates ; that subjects may take arms against , and depose their Princes , if the Pope do but say the word , and free them from the Oath of their Allegeance ? And on the other side , when we behold men factiously bent to oppose the Church , seditiously inclined to disturb the State , disloyally resolved to resist their Soveraign , rebelliously disposed to excite the people ; when men refuse to pay the King his lawful tributes , and yet consume them on their lusts ; when they let loose such rogues as Barrabas , that they may crucifie their Lord and Master ; may we not certainly affirm , that they have hearkened to the Doctrines of Knox and Cartwright , and their successors in the cause ? Such as the Doctrines are which the eare takes in , such also are the lives which are framed thereafter . Cavete itaque quid auditis , take you heed therefore what ye hear , lest whilest you lend an eare to those false Apostles , you partake with them of their sins . And certainly there is good reason why we should take heed . The Devil never was more busied in sowing of his tares , then now ; nor ever had he better opportunity to effect his purpose . So dull and sleepy are men grown circa custodiam propriae personae suae , in reference to themselves and their private safety , that they are angry with the Prelates for being so vigilant and careful circa custodiam gregis sui , and having more care of them then they have themselves : so that if Satan be but diligent , as no doubt he is , and send his instruments abroad , as no doubt he doth , he may disperse his tares securely , and bring them to fecissent fructum , ere they be discovered . And how comes this to passe , but for want of heed , for want of taking heed what it is we hear , and unto whom it is we hearken , False ? factious and schsmatical Doctrines are the seeds of Satan ; and many instruments he hath , both in the Pulpit and the Parlor , to disperse those seeds : some speaking evil of Authority , and despising Dignities ; others perverting of the people , and forbidding to pay tribute unto Caesar : some taking up provision of the choicest wits , and persons of most power and quality for the Church of Rome ; and others leading out whole Families to seek the Gospel in the Desert . He that doth look for better fruit from such dangerous Doctrines , then discontent and murmuring against their Rulers , associations and conspiracies against lawful Government , and finally , a flat Apostasie from the sincerity of that Religion which is here profest , may as well look for Grapes from Thorns , or Figs from thistles . A good Tree bringeth forth good fruit ; but for these evil Trees which bear evil fruit , what are they profitable for but for the fire ? that as they are the cause of combustions here , they may adde fuel to the fire hereafter . Thus have I brought you at the length to that which did occasion the discovery of the Devills practise . The sowing of these Tares , the Sevit we had seen before : We have now took a brief view of them in crevisset herba , and brought them to fecissent fructum . There remains nothing further but apparuerunt , that they appeared , and how they were discovered ; but that must be the work of another day . SERMON IV. At WHITE-HALL Jan. 27. 1638. MATTH . 13. v. 26. Tunc apparuerunt & Zizania . Then appeared the tares also . LAtet anguis in herba : The Snake or Serpent doth delight to hide himself under the covert of the grasse , so that we hardly can discern them till we tread upon them ; and treading on them unawares , when we think not of it , are in danger to be bitten by them when we cannot help it . Et sic palleat , ut nudis qui pressit calcibus anguem : so is it also in the Text. Here is a Serpent in the grasse , anguis in herba , in the tares , when they first peeped out , and anguis in crevisset , when the blade grew up . Yet all this while the enemy was either in his latitat , and so was not seen ; or else disguised and veiled with an alias dictus , and so passed unknown . And had he not been found in fecissent fructum , when the fruit was ripe , and men were able to discern him , we might have bin worse bitten , and more shrewly punished then were the Israelites in the Desert by the fiery Serpents . But God was pleased to deal more mercifully with his Church then so . And though it seemed good unto him for some certain space to let the enemy rejoyce , and admire himself in the success of his designes , yet it held not long ; for when his hopes were highest , and his tares well grown , so that they seemed to have preeminence of the wheat it self , then did the Heavenly Husbandman awake his servants , and let them look upon the tares in fecissent fructum , when they appeared to be what indeed they were , infelix solium , frugum pestis , and whatsoever other name the Poets and Philosophers have bestowed upon them . But when the blade sprung up , and had brought forth fruit , tunc apparuerunt & zizania , then appeared the tares also . The words you see are very few , and so the parts not like to be very many . We will observe only these two particulars . 1. That the tares appeared at last , apparuerunt & zizania ; when , or how they were discovered , and that we finde in the word tunc , then when the blade had brought forth fruit . Of these in order , begining what the Quod sit first , and so proceeding to the Quando . Veritas non quaerit angulos , Truth seeks no corners , saith the Proverb : And therefore Christ our Saviour hath compared it unto a Candle set upon an hill , which shewes it self unto the eye of each beholder . We may affirm thereof , as doth St. Ambrose of the Sun , deficere videtur , sed non deficit ; the light thereof cannot be possibly extinguished , although sometimes darkened : Opprest sometimes it is , as it hath been formerly , by errors , Heresies , and false opinions ; supprest it cannot be for ever . For magna veritas , great is the truth , and it prevaileth at the last , however for a while obscured by mens subtile practises . That Heresies shall arise St. Paul hath told us , and he hath brought it in with an oportet , oportet esse haereses , in the Epistle . And that there must be scandalls Christ himself hath told us , and he hath told it too with a necesse est ut scandala veniant , in the holy Gospel . The reasons both of the oport●t and necesse , we shall see hereafter , when we shall come to scan those motives which might induce the Lord to permit these tares ; Sinite utraque crescere , usque ad messem , v. 30. Mean while it doth concern us to take special notice , that as it pleased the Lord to give way to error , and suffer sometimes heresies of an higher nature , and sometimes false opinions of an inferior quality to take fast footing in his Church ; yet he did never suffer them to destroy his harvest , but brought them at the last to apparuerunt . The comfortable beams of truth dispersed and scoured away those Clouds of error wherewith the Church before was darkened , and by the light thereof the foulness and deformity of falshood was made more notorious : so that from hence two special Queres may be raised , first , why these tares or errors were so long concealed ; and secondly , how they were at last revealed . And first they were concealed as it were of purpose to let the Church take notice of her own condition , how careless and how blinde she is in the things of God , did not the eye of God watch over her , and direct her goings . Her carelesness we had before in dormirent homines , when as we found her sleeping , and regardless of the common enemy ; that time the tares were in their Sevit , and no man would hold up his head to look unto the publick safety . Her blindness we may note in this , that being left unto her self , she could not see them in crevisset , when they put forth the leaf , and the blade sprung up , and that they did begin to spread abroad , and justle with the truth for the preeminence . If either no false Doctrines had been sowen at all , or had they all been noted at the first peeping forth , the Church might possibly impute it to her own great watchfulness , pleaded some special priviledge of infallibility , and so in time have fallen into presumption . God therefore left her to her self , that falling into sin and error , and suffering both to grow upon her by her own remisseness , she might ascribe her safety unto God alone , whose eyes do neither sleep nor slumber . The Church is then in most security when God watcheth over her ; when he that keepeth Israel hath his eye upon her ; Gods eye , he being ●culus infinitus , as the learned Gentile , and totus oculus , as the learned Father , is her best defence . Which if it be averted from her , she walketh forthwith in darkness and the shadow of death , subject to every rising error , obnoxious to the practises of her subtile enemies . And in this state she stands , in this wretched state , till he be pleased to shine upon her , and blesse her with the light of his holy countenance , the beames whereof discover every crooked way , and bring them to apparuerunt , to the publick view . And to apparuerunt all must come , every false Doctrine whatsoever , there 's no doubt of that ; for Idem est non esse & non apparere . No Tenet is erroneous in respect of us , till it appear to us to be so ; and till it doth appear to be so , we may mistake it for a truth , imbrace it for a tendry of the Catholick Church , endeavour to promote it with our best affections , and yet conceive our selves to be excusable , in that it is amoris error , not erroris amor . In th●s regard our Fathers might be safe in the Church of Rome , and may be now triumphant in the Church of Heaven , though they believed those Doctrines which were therein taught , or possibly maintained them with their best affections . The errors of that Church were not then discovered , nor brought to their apparuerunt ; and being taken or mistaken for sound Orthodox Tenets , were by them followed and defended in their several stations . So that we may affirm of them as once St. Peter of the Jewes , novimus quia per ignorantiam fecerint , we know that through ignorance they did it : or if we know it not so clearly as St. Peter did , yet we may charitably hope that it was no otherwise , in those particular points and passages wherein we know not any thing unto the contrary . He that makes any doubt of this , what faith soever he pretends to , shewes but little charity , and makes no difference between an accidentall and a wilful blindness . There are some errors in the Church , like some Diseases in the body ; when they are easie to be cured , they are hard to be known ; & when they are easie to be known , they are hard to cured ; but every error & disease is of that condition that it must first be known , & the true quality thereof discovered , or else it is impossible to prescribe a remedy . But so it is not now with us , nor any of our Masters in the Church of Rome , as it was anciently with our fore-fathers in and of that Church . Those errors which in former times were accounted truths , or not accounted of as errors , are now in the apparuerunt , we see them plainly as they are ; and by comparing them with Scripture , the true rule of faith , are able to demonstrate the obliquity of those opinions and false Doctrines which they have thrust upon the Church in these latter ages . And we may say of them in Tertullians Language , Ipsa Doctrina eorum cum Apostolica comparata , ex diversitate & contrarietate sua pronunciabit neque Apostoli alicujus ess● , neque Apostolici . The difference which appeares between the Doctrines of the Church of Rome , delivered in the new Creed of Pope Pius quartus , and those which were delivered once unto the Saints in the old Creed of the Apostles , shewes plainly that they neither came from the Apostles , nor any Apostolical Spirit : so that in case we shut our eyes against the sacred beames of truth which now shine upon us ; or if they so long after the apparuerunt will not see those tares which are discovered to their hands ▪ both we and they are all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , utterly uncapable of excuse in the sight of God. If any man will be so obstinately wedded to his own opinion , as to take up his Lodging in a Pest-house , after he hath been made acquainted with the present danger , however we in charity may say , Lord have mercy upon him ; yet he hath reason to believe , that God in justice will inflict that judgement on him which usually doth befall those men which do wilfully and perversly tempt the Lord their God. Nor was it only necessary in regard of us , of private and particular men , that the tares should come to their Epiphanie , their apparuerunt ; God did it most especially for his Churches sake , whom he had promised to conduct in the wayes of truth , and to be with her alwayes to the end of the world . The tare is in it self , as the Poet calls it , infelix lolium , a wretched and unlucky weed , and frugum pestis , the bane and plague of other grains , as the learned Herbalist . And of the mischief which it brings to Gods holy Husbandry , either by eating up the wheat , the Lords own good seed , or over-running all the field in the which it growes , I have at large discoursed already . Suffice it that the Devil sowed them with a devillish purpose , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that so he might destroy the labour of the Heavenly Husbandman . And doubt we not but that he had in fine effected his malicious ends , had not God brought them in due time to apparuerunt ; had he not made a plain discovery of their noxious nature , and called upon his servants to take notice of them . We may conceive what reputation they had gained by a longer sufferance , how ill it would have gone with the Church of God in the attempt of reformation , in that being so long since detected , and brought to their apparuerunt , so many in the world are not yet perswaded that there was any thing in point of Doctrine fit to be reformed . It is with errors now , as with temples anciently ; the more antiquity they have the greater sanctity , Tantumque sanctitatis tribuerunt quantum vetustatis , as Minutius Felix . God therefore took his time to detect these errors , and to give notice to the world , that they were but tares , before they could prescribe to truth , or challenge such an interest in antiquity , as was not possible to be disproved . And this the Lord did partly for his own sake too , that so he might acquit himself of those gracious promises which he had made unto his Churches , and by that meanes became her debtor . He promised to be with her alwayes , and therefore could not possibly forsake her in her greatest need : He promised to conduct her in the wayes of truth ; and therefore could not leave her as a prey to error . He promised that the gates of Hell should not prevail against her , and therefore could not give her over to the snares of Satan . God never doth forsake his Church , though he sometimes leaves her to her self for her further trial ; nor turn away his face , though he look aside , for her correction and chastisement ; for should he utterly desert it , and leave it as a prey unto sin and error , the Church indeed were in a very sory taking ; but in the mean time , where were all Gods promises ? Might not the enemy rejoyce , and advance his head , and say that either God did not see his practises , or was not able to prevent them ? that he was only rich in promises , promissis dives , but when it came to the performance , then Quid dignum tanto ? And might not his most trusty servants have complained with David , Ut quid Deus repulisti in finem . O God wherefore art thou absent from us so long ? we see not our tokens , there is not one Prophet more , no not one is there among us that understandeth any more . This the Lord heard , but would not suffer . And therefore when he had made trial of his Church , and let her see her own infirmities , he brought those errors and false Doctrines which did seem to threaten it , to their apparuerunt , to the open light . And of false Doctrines , many are of that condition , that being once discovered , they are soon confuted , majorque aliquanto labor est invenire quàm vincere , How this was done , and when , we must next consider , which for the time thereof was tunc , and for the manner of it , in fecissent fructum ; my next particular , and next in order to be handled . Rectum est sui index & obliqui . There is no better way to discern any thing that 's crooked then by laying it to a right line ; or to discover errors and erroneous Tenets , then to compare them with the truth . Truth doth not only justifie it self , but by the light thereof we are made more able then before to judge of falshood . And howsoever many false opinions have passed , and still may passe for currant , in the conceit of those which have took them up ; yet by comparing them with Scripture , which is truth it self , or with the Catholique tendries of Gods holy Church , the best Expositor of Scripture , their folly and their falshood will at once appear . Thus was it with the tares in the present Parable ; They seemed so lovely to the eye in the blade or stalk , that few were able to discern them . Most took them to be Wheat of the Lords own sowing , a very excellent piece of Wheat , and such as might have recompenced the labour of the heavenly Husbandman ; but when they came unto fecissent fructum , when both the Wheat and tares came to bring forth fruit , and that the fruits of each were balanced in the scale of the holy Sanctuary , then was it no great difficulty to determine of them , to say that this was Wheat , and that these were tares ; that this was truth , and that was error ; that this was seed of Gods own sowing , the bonum semen mentioned in the 24. and for the others , unde haec ? they could proceed from none but ab inimico . So true is that which Christ our Saviour tells us in another case , igitur ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos , by their fruits you shall know them . As for example ; The Doctrine of the Popes supremacy , as it is represented to us in the fairest colours , how specious seemes it to the eye , how necessary for the preservation of peace and unity in the Church of God ? how excellent a piece of Wheat would a man suppose it at first looking on ? Nature pleads for it , in regard that all living Creatures , as Bees and Birds , and Sheep and all other Cattel love to have some chief , by which the rest may be directed . Rex unus apibus , dux unus gregibus , & in armentis rector unus , as St. Cyprian hath it . St. Hierome adds , & grues unum sequuntur literato ordine , that the Cranes also have some Prince whom they love to follow . The Politicks stand up in defence of Monarchy , as the most excellent form of Government , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith our Master Aristotle . And that they may not stand alone against those popular Estates which the world then cherished , they bring the Poets in for seconds ; for whom , & in the name of all the rest it is said by Homer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there is never any unity without one supreme . The Theologues or Divines have affirmed as much , in that the monarchie of all forms of government comes neerest to the Government of Almighty God , who as he hath alone created all things by his Almighty hand , so he alone doth govern all things by his mighty power . Multoque facilius ab uno regi potest quod est ab uno constitutum , said Lactantius truly ; which being so , as so it is , and that the Church is the most glorious State of all bodies aggregate , good reason that it should be ordered according to the most complete and best kind of Government , and be obedient to the voyce of one supreme Judge . This being taken pro confesso , what can follow next , but that this supreme Government ought to have been in some one or other of the Lords Apostles ? And of that glorious company who so proper for it as divine St. Peter ? whom the Evangelist● alwayes make the Marshall in one constant place , and that is primus Simon Petrus , to whom our Saviour said , T●bi dabo claves , super hanc petram , pasce oves ; and whatsoever else might seem to intimate that he designed him for a Chief over all the rest . Now being that these priviledges and prerogatives were not conferred on Peters person , but upon him and his Successors , as 't is said they were ; where should we look to finde them but in Peters See , the Renowned City of Rome , the Imperial Seat , the Queen and Lady of all Nations ? Good reason that the Bishops of that most famous Church , whose faith was spoken of through all the world , Et quae domina●i in caetera possit , and had sufficient power to command the rest , should sit chief amongst them , chief President in all general Councels , chief Justice in all publick controversies , yea , and Lord Treasurer too to dispense all indulgences , and other graces of the Church . Nay , the commodities which the Christian world enjoyes by the sole benefit of the Popes Supremacie , are said to be so great and weighty , that they are able to bear down all cavils and objections which are made against it ; for what a signal blessing is it to have one common Father over all the Church , to whom as to a Catholick Moderator , and indifferent Umpire , all Christian Kings and Princes may refer their quarrels ; one supreme head , to whom as to a visible and infallible Judge , the Prelates of the Church , and other learned men may refer their controversies : unity must begin from one ; and who more fit to be this one , then he that can derive unto himself so faire a title ? And a faire title t is indeed , and hath been so well pleaded by the Advocates of the Court of Rome , that for long time together there was no suspicion that it would ever come in question whether true or false . So fair a field could bring forth nothing but the purest Wheat , the bread of life , even manchet for the Lords own Table . He that had thought or given it out that there was any tare amongst it , much lesse , tares all over , might possibly have had some hearers , but few believers . The reason was , because that all this while the Doctrine was but in crevisset herba , in the blade or stalk ; not come unto the height , to fecissent fructum . But when it came to that , and that the fruits thereof appeared in their proper likeness , it proved to be so grosse a tare , such an infelix lolium , such a frugum pestis , that a more dangerous was never sowen by Satan in the Church of God. For then it was discovered plainly , that the Popes in a manner had forsook the claim of being successors to Peter , and would be Vicars unto Christ ; that they had changed Quodcunque ligaveris in terra , into Omnis potestas data est mihi in coelis ; the Priestly and Prophetical power into the Kingly ; and built their rise not on the priviledges which Christ gave to Peter , but upon those which God the Father gave his Christ ; and what did follow thereupon , but that his Courtiers honoured him with the title of Vice-God , or Vice-Deus ? as in the Inscription of Paulo Quarto Vice-Deo : others with that of Dominus noster Deus ●apa , our Lord God the Pope : some giving him authority to make vertue vice , and vice vertue , as did Card. Bellarmine ; others , to make a new Creed , and coin new Articles of Faith , as did Thomas Aquinas : and finally some of them having gone so farre , as to condemn our Saviour Christ of great indiscretion , nisi unum post se talem vicarium reliquisset , had he not left behind him such a Vicar , so absolutely endowed with all manner of power , as did Peter Berhardus . So for the Popes themselves , when they had layed the foundation of their Grandeur on those words of Christ , Omnis potestas data est mihi , how quickly did they turn that primacy which before they had in point of order , into a soveraignty or supremacy in point of power ? with what subtile blasphemy did they shift the Scriptures , to make them serviceable to their wicked and ambitious ends ? Instead of Tibi dabo claves , one findes out ecce duos gladios , behold here two swords , the one spiritual , the other temporall . And thereupon Pope Julius passing over Tiber , drew out his sword , and threw his keyes into the River ; affirming openly , that since St. Peters keyes would not serve his turn , St. Pauls Sword should . Instead of super petram hane , a second brings in super aspidem & basiliscum : and that Pope Alexander useth , to justifie his treading on the neck of the Emperor Frederick . Instead of Pasce oves meas , a third hath found out Surge Petre occide & manduca , Arise Peter , kill and eat : and this Pope Paul the Fifth alledged for an Authority that he might kill , assassinate , and murder disobedient Princes ; and by the same Authority , for ought I can see , he may eat them too . And finally to mend the matter , the Popes Supremacy thus founded and promoted by such wretched shifts , mnst be reputed as an Article of the Christian Faith ; and that too primus & praecipus Romanensium fidei articulus , the first and principal Article of the Church of Rome : certain I am , that so it was defended in the time of Pope Clement the Eighth , & hath been since so ranked and marshalled in the new Creed of Pius Quartus . Add unto these their practise in the points aforesaid , proclaiming errors to be truth , and publickly condemning truth for errors ; making new Articles of Faith , and misinterpreting the old ; deposing Kings , disposing of their Kingdoms , and bringing them to be at their devotion ; and tell me if the ordinary fruits of the Supremacy do not discover it most manifestly for a dangerous tare . Next for the single life of Priests , when it first sprung up , how lovely seemed it to the eye ? how few had reason to suspect that it was a tare ? Paul seemes to advocate the cause , wishing that all men were as he ; affirming also , that for the present distresse it were good for all men so to be ; that the unmarried cares more for the things belonging to the Lord , how he may please the Lord , then the married doth . The Fathers many of them are exceeding copious , if not hyperbolicall , in commendation of Virginity ; especially after that Jovinian seemed to undervalue it , fideliumque matrimoniorum meritis adaequabat , and made it of no greater merit then a vertuous Wedlock . Which general Rules of the Apostle became appropriated to the Clergy , first , by conforming thereunto of their own accord , as a matter voluntary : next , by the Authority of the Fathers , who recommended it unto them for a more perfect state of life then that of marriage ; but left it howsoever as a matter arbitrary . But after-ages finding out further motives to endure the business , as viz. that being freed from domestick cares they might more readily attend Gods service , more constantly pursue their studies , more bountifully cherish and relieve the poor , but specially that they might more chearfully infeoffe the Church with their possessions , it came at last , insensibly and by degrees , to be imposed upon them as a matter necessary . By meanes whereof the single life being generally imbraced by Clergymen in these Western parts , it grew in time to be disputed whether ever it had been otherwise in the Church of God. And in conclusion it was determined , that however in some cases the Clergy were permitted to retain those Wives which they had taken before Orders , yet that the Examples of men married after Orders were exceeding few , if at all any could be found . Thus was it in the blade or stalk , & no fault found with it . But when it came to bring forth fruit , to fecissent sructum , then the case was otherwise ; and it appeared , that howsoever continency and virginity were the gifts of God , yet the restraint of marriage was a tare of Satans ; for what did follow hereupon , but that the Clergy grew infamous by their frequent lusts ? Panormitan complaining , plerosque coitu illi cito commaculari ; Cassander publickly affirming , ut vix centesimum invenias , that hardly one amongst a hundred did contain himself within the limits of his Vow : the Canonists withall maintaining , that Clerks were not to be deprived for their incontinency , cùm pauci sine illo vitio inveniantur , the mischief being grown so universal that it was thought uncapable of any remedy . I willingly passe by their unnatural lusts , for which they stand accused in the Poet Mantuan ; venerabilis ara cynaedis servit , and that which followeth after ; nor will I tell you of the Fish-pond in Pope Gregories time , wherein were found the skulls of 6000 Infants , ex occultis fornicationibus & adulteriis sacerdotum , conceived to be the tragical effects of their loose affections . And notwithstanding that these things were known , and bitterly complained of by such devout and consciencious men as observed the same , yet to so high an impudencie did they come at last , that John the Cardinal of Cova preaching at noon against the marriage of Priests , was the night following taken in adultery ; and Cardinal Campegius in the Diet of Norimberg did not shame to say , that it was more lawful for a Priest to have many Concubines , quàm vel uxorem unam ducere , then one lawful Wife . And why was all this suffered think you ? upon grounds of piety ? no , but in point of policy , to uphold the Popedom . For when this matter was debated in the Co●ncel of Trent , and that the Prelates there did not seem unwilling to ease the Clergy of that heavy , but more scandalous yoke ; the Pope returned his absolute Negative , and was much offended that they had suffered it to come in question . Why so ? because that Church-men having Wives and Children , to be as Hostages or pledges for their good beheaviour , would become more obnoxious to the secular powers , and more obedient to the pleasure and Command of their natural Princes ; adeoque Pontificem redigere ad solius Romae Episcopatum , which would in fine prove prejudicial to the Popes Supremacy , and limit his Authority to the Walls of Rome . The fruits thus palpably discovering the true condition of the Doctrine , begat withall a shrewd suspicion that possibly the reasons commonly alledged in defence thereof might be weak and wrested . And upon search it did appear that the directions of St. Paul were general , and did no more concern the Clergy then all people else ; some of them being only fitted to the present time , and therefore not to make a rule for all future Ages : that though the Fathers magnified and extolled the single life , they imposed it not ; or if they did , it was not more upon the Clergy then upon the Laicks : and finally , that Pope Siricius , who imposed it first , could find no Text in Scripture whereupon to ground it , and therefore most prophanely wrested and abused that place , Qui in carne sunt non possunt placere Deo , to make it serviceable to his wretched ends . And it was also found on further search into antiquity , that this restraint of marriage being proposed unto the Fathers of the Council of Nice , was by Paphnutius and the sounder part of that great Synod openly rejected ; that it was neither new nor strange to marry after holy Orders , Eupsychius a Bishop of the Cappadocians , whom Althanasius highly praiseth , taking a Wife after he was advanced unto a Bishoprick ; and of a Bridegroom instantly become a Martyr , dum adhuc quasi sponsus esse videretur , saith the Tripartite History . The like , as to the point of marrying after holy orders , Vincentius tells us of one Phileus , an Egyptian Prelate . The same may also be made good not only in the Eastern Church , where the Priests are not yet debarred from marriage after Orders taken , as it is noted on the Glosse on Gratian ; but for 1000 years together in these Western parts . So lately it was before the Clergy were generally minded to yield to that slavish tyranny : nor was it manifest on more mature deliberation , that marriage in and of it self did any way disable men from Gods publick service , the studying of the holy Scriptures , o● the works of charity ; Greg. Nazianzen affirming of some friends of his , which lived in Wedlock , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. That they were every way as eminent in all acts of godliness as those that did professe virginity . Which , with the wretched consequents before remembred , being taken into consideration by our first Reformers ; and being it was observed withall that the restraint depended upon positive Lawes , no Divine Commandement ; the wisdom of this State thought fit to take away those positive lawes on the which it stood , and leave it arbitrary as at first . And this they were the rather induced to do , by reason that the rigorous necessity of a single life had formerly affrighted many a man of parts and learning from entring into holy Orders , and filled the Church with ignorant and infamous persons . By meanes of which indulgence granted as before , the gift of continency is become more eminent in them that have it , & without reproch to them that want it . The freedom which the Church hath given in the use of chastity , makes the vertue greater ; no vertuous action being commendable if it be not voluntary . And since the granting of this liberty in the point of marriage , how many of each order hath this Church produced , Bishops , Priests and Deacons , that have embraced the single life out of choyce , not force ? with far more honour to themselves , and greater lustre to the Church , and a more gracious acceptance with Almighty God , then if it were imposed upon them by a positive Law. Of whom we may affirm with safety , as did Minutius of some Christians in the primitive times , perpetua virginitate fruuntur poti●s quàm glori●ntur . But of this ●are enough ; what is that comes next ? let it be the religious Worship ascribed unto the blessed Virgin , which by a name distinct is in the Schools entituled hyperdulia , being a kind of veneration inferior unto that of God , but greater then may be communicated to the other Saints . The Church in the beginning had been exercised with many Heresies touching the incarnation of our Lord and Saviour : The Valentinians hold that he took not from her his humane nature , but brought it with him from the Heavens ; with whom concurred Apollinaris , and the Secundiani . Nestorius on the other side affirmed , that he who was born of her was the Sonne of Mary , but by no meanes the Sonne of God : and therefore he allowed not that she should be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Mother of God , but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Mother of Christ . Helvidius and the Antidico-Maritan had a further reach , and envied her the glorious title of the Virgin Mary , affirming with like impudence and ignorance , eam post Christum natum viro suo fuisse commixtam , that after our Redeemers birth she was known by Joseph . In which respects , both to restore her to her rights , and to depress those Hereticks that had so debased her , the Fathers have conferred upon her many glorious attributes ; but yet no more then she deserved . Hence is it that we finde the Titles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Mother of God , perpetual Virgin. Hence is it that St. Cyril , a most zealous persecutor of the Nestorian faction , calls her pretiosum totius orbis thesaurum , &c. the most rich Treasure of the World , a Lamp that cannot be put out , the Crown of Chastity , and very Scepter of true Doctrine ; sceptrum rectae Doctrinae , and not the Scepter of the Catholick Faith , as our Rhemists render it . Which honorarie attributes not being given , ( nor possibly appliable ) to any of the other Saints in true antiquity , as they proceeded then from a just necessity , so were they afterwards continued without just offence . For who could reasonably conceive but that a greater reverence must be due to her then any other of the Saints , whom God had sanctified and set apart for so great a blessing , as to be the Mother of her Saviour ? Hitherto omnia bene , for what hurt in this ? what soul so dull in her devotions , so cold in her affections to our Lord and Saviour , as not to magnifie the Womb which bare him , and blesse those papps that gave him suck ? Who could suspect that possibly there should be any tare in so fair a Field ? who could suppose that any warrantable honor done or tendred unto the Mother of our Lord ( as Elizabeth styled her ) did not redound unto the Sonne ? And certainly , as long as those of Rome contained themselves within the limits of the ancient Fathers , and that O quàm te memorem virgo ! their pious flourishes , Rhetorical Apostrophes , and devout Meditations went no higher then a Religious commemoration of her life and piety , they did not more then what had warrant from the Scripture and the Angel Gabriel ; Benedicta tu mulieribus would have born all that : nor had it done much hurt , had they ventured further , even to nec vox hominem sonat , and made her somewhat more then mortal , had they tarried there . But when they could not stop in the full careire , and would needs hold it out to the D●a certè , as Mantuan and Antonius in plain termes have done , and to create her Queen of Heaven , and call her by the name of Regina Coeli , then drew they very neere to the old Idolaters mentioned in the Prophet Jeremy , in case they did not go beyond them . This that we may the better see , and so discern withall what a tare it proved , let us look next upon the fruits , and we shall finde that there is nothing lesse in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this Virgin-Worship , if I may so call it , then true Wheat indeed . Let us but look upon the fruits , and we shall see that Anselm gives this reason , why Christ when he ascended into Heaven left his Mother here , Ne curiae coelesti veniret in dubium , &c. for fear the Court of Heaven might have been distracted , whom they should first go out to meet , their Lord or their Lady , that Bernardin Senensis , one of her especial votaries , doth not fear to say , Mariam plura fecisse Deo quàm fecit Deus toti generi humano , that she did more to Christ in being his Mother , then Christ hath done to all Mankind in being their Saviour : That Gabriel Biel , a School-man of good note and credit , hath shared the Government of the World betwixt God and her , God keeping justice to himself , miscricordia matri virgini concessa , and left to her the free dispensing of his mercies . That Petrus Damian tells us , that when she mediates for any of her Supplicants with our Saviour Christ , non rogat ut ancilla , sed imperat ut domina , she begs not of him as an Handmaid , but commands as a Mistress : that Bonaventure , in composing of our Ladies Psalter , hath applyed to her what ever was intended by the Holy Ghost for the advancement of the honour of our Lord and Saviour : and finally , that Bellarmine hath made no difference between the veneration due to her , and that which doth of right belong unto Christ as man. Add unto these their usage of the vulgar sort in point of practise , saying so many Ave Maries for one single Pater Noster , hearing so many Masses of our Lady , and not one of Christs ; decking her Images with all cost and cunning that mans wit can reach , when his poor Statues stand neglected , as not worth the looking after . These , and the rest if we should add , what could be imagined but that the Apostles were mistaken when they made the Creed ; and that it was not Jesus , but the Virgin-Mother that suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , dead and buried for the sin of man ? You see then what most monstrous tares have grown up in the Church of Rome , under the new devise of Hyperdulia . Let us next see what their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carrieth with it , what a strange multitude of tares that one word doth carry . The Cardinall makes this difference between the termes , hanc sanctis caeteris , that that belongs indifferently to all the Saints , illam humanitati Christi & matri ejus ; but this alone to Christs humane nature only , and his blessed Mother . The ground of the distinction , and how they differ from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or indeed rather how they differ not , we shall not canvasse for the present . Suffice it that in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they comprehend both prayers to Saints , and adoration of their Images . And first for prayers unto the Saints , the Fathers taught , according to the word of God , that the Saints departed pray for us , as fellow-members with them of that mystical body whereof Christ Jesus is the head . Which as it is unquestionably true of the Saints in general , so was it thought by Maximus Taurinensis , and that not improbably , that of the Saints none were more constant in it then the holy Martyrs , qui & supplicia pro nobis pertulere , who suffered death for our incouragement and confirmation . In this regard the faithful of the primitive times used to repair unto their Tombs , and did there offer up their supplications to the Lord their God ; next , ventured to implore the Lord to grant them their desires and prayers , even for the blessed sake of those Saints and Martyrs at whose Tombs they kneeled ; and in the end began to implore the Martyrs to recommend their prayers to the Lord Almighty , for their more quick dispatch in the Court of Heaven . By which degrees came in the invocation of the Saints , and ther with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Religious worship of them which the Schools maintain , and is defended for good Doctrine in the Church of Rome . This Doctrine , of what sort it is , whether wheat or tare , must be determined by the fruits : and if we bring it once to fecissent fructum , the true condition of this Doctrine will at full appear . For what did follow hereupon , but that the Saints were made our Mediators at the Throne of Grace ? every man choosing some or other of those blessed Spirits to be his Advocate and Intercessor with Almighty God ; our Saviour Christ meanwhile neglected , or but little thought of ▪ Nay , they went so far at the last , that Christ was fain to mediate with the Saints , as if their passions , and not his , had been the meritorious causes of Redemption : as in that prayer of the Portuice touching Thomas Becket , Christe Jesu per Thomae vulnera quae nos ligant relaxa scelera . Nor stayed they there , but as they made their prayers unto them , so did they come at last to make their vowes , not by but to the Saints departed ; and finally , to dedicate unto their proper and immediate service , Temples , and Festivalls , and Altars , and set forms of worship ; which being all materiall parts and circumstances of religious adoration , and so confessed to be even by those of Rome , hath so plunged poor ignorant people into grosse and palpable Idolatry ; it having been the constant Doctrine of Antiquity , that all religious worship , of what sort soever , is so peculiar unto God , that without manifest Idolatry it cannot be communicated unto any creature . And howsoever those of wit and learning have found a mentall reservation to deceive themselves , yet that will prove no plaster for the general sore , nor save the common people from the down● right sins . The Cardinall indeed thus resolves the case ▪ Licet dicere , S. Petre miserere mei , &c. that it is lawful for us men to pray unto S. Peter to have mercy upon us , to save us , and set open to us the Gates of Heaven , to grant us health and patience , and what else we want , modò intelligamus his precibus & meritis , if so we understand it thus , Do all these things that I request by thy prayers and merits . But this I would fain know of Bellarmine , with all his wit , how many of the vulgar sort have ever learnt or practised such a reservation ; or if they have , how farre it may extenuate and excuse the sin . So it is also in the point of Images , first introduced into the Church for Ornament , history and imitation . Sic & defunctis praemium , & posteris dabatur exemplum , as Minutius hath it . Had they stayed there , it had been well , and no fault found with them . They might have used them so sans question , and therewithall have given them that respect and reverence which properly belongs to the similitude and representations of celestiall things . Posterity had never questioned them or their proceed●ngs in the point , had they gone no further . But when the Schools began to state it , that idem honor debetur imagini & exemplari , that the same veneration was to be afforded to the Type and Prototype , then came the Doctrine to the growth , to fecisset fructum . When , and by whom , and where it was first so stated , it is not easie to determine , and indeed not necessary . It is enough that we behold it in the fruits . And what fruits think you could it beare , but most grosse Idolatry , greater then which was never known amongst the Gentiles ? witness their praying , not before , but to the Crucifix , and calling on the very Crosse , the wooden and materiall Crosse , both to increase their righteousness , and remit their sins . Auge piis justitiam , & reis dona veniam , as the Portesst had it . Nor could we look for better fruit from so lewd a Tenet , it being defended in the Schools , that the Image of Christ is to be worshipped with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the highest kind of worship in their own opinion , cum Christus adoretur adoratione latriae , because that kind of Adoration doth properly belong to Christ our Lord. And for the Images of the Saints , they that observe with what laborious Pilgrimages , magnificent processions , solemn offerings ; and in a word , with what affections , prayers , and humble bendings of the body , they have been & are worshipped in the Church of Rome , might very easily conceive that she was once again relapsed to her ancient Paganisme . It s true , the better to relieve themselves in this desperate plunge , they have excogitated many fine distinctions , as terminative and objective , propriè & impropriè , per se & per accidens ; which howsoever they may satisfie the more learned sort , are not intelligible to poor simple people . What said I , that perhaps they may give satisfaction to the learned ? No such matter verily ; for Bellarmine himself confesseth , that those who hold that any of the Images of Christ our Saviour are to be honoured with that kind of worship , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are fain to find out many a nice distinction , quas vix ipsi intelligunt , nedum populus imperitus , which they themselves , much lesse poor ignorant people , could not understand : which makes me think , that sure the Cardinall was infatuated with the spirit of dotage , himself defining positively in the self-same page , Imagines Christi impropriè & per accidens posse honorari cultu latriae , that by the help of a distinction , our Saviours Images may be adored with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And this I may account for another fruit of this Image-worship , that it drawes down on them that use it that curse recited in the Psalms , viz. That such as worship them are like unto them . Add unto these the scandall which is hereby given unto Jewes and Turks , and the great hindrance which it doth occasion unto their conversion , who do abominate nothing more in all Christianity then this profane and impious adoration of Images . In which respect we may affirm that of the present Romans , which St. Paul tells us of the ancient , nomen Dei per vos blasphematnr inter gentes , that by their meanes God is blasphemed among the Gentiles . In●initum est ire per singula ; To run through all particulars in this manner were an infinite business . Suffice it that there is no point in difference between them and us , the falshood and absurdity whereof is not discovered in the fruits , in fecisset fructum , however it lay hid in crevisset herba . The Doctrine of indulgences and merchantable pardons to be bought for money , what fruit doth it produce but licentious living , when for so small a trifle one might purchase pardon , non solum pro praeteritis , verùmetiam pro futuris , not only for sins past , but for those to come . The holding back of Scripture from the common people , and celebrating Gods divine service in an unknown Tongue , what fruits do they afford but ignorance of Gods holy pleasure , and blind obedience to the precepts of sinful men , and coldness in the exercise of devotion ; and finally , contempt of Gods word , and whole Commandements ? The equalizing of their own Traditions with Gods holy word , according to the Canon of the late Trent-Councel , what fruits doth it afford but contempt of Scripture ? The Doctrine of that Church in the point of merit , what fruits doth it produce but high presumption ? or that of transubstantiation , but most grosse Idolatry ? or that of half Communion , but most horrible Sacriledge ? Such fruits , if all meanes else should fail us , would serve sufficiently to manifest and declare their noxious nature , and thereby make us able to determine of them , though none at all observed them when they were in semine , and few were able to distinguish them , when they were in herba : Nam quod latebat in herba manifestatur in spica , & quod celatur in germine aperitur in fructu , as saith Paschasius on the Text. You see by this that hath been spoken that there are other meanes still left us by Gods infinite mercy , to know Gods Seed from Satans , the good Wheat from tares ; besides the observation of time , place and persons , Ex sructibus corum cognoscetis eos , by their fruits ye shall know them , saith our Saviour . And yet the triall of these tares is not made only by the fruits ; the fruits first brought them to apparuerunt , made them plain and visible , and brought them to appear in the open Court. But having entred their appearance , they were to be examined , tried and judged by the word of God. The Lord hath given it for a Rule , ad legem & testimonium ▪ that in all doubtful controversies , we should have recourse to the law and testimonies . And Christ our Saviour being asked his judgement touching the business of Divorce , refers himself to the first Institution , saying , Ab initio non fuit sic , it was not so in the beginning . So that whoever can demonstrate from the Book of God , that either the Doctrine or the practice of the Church of Rome differeth from that which was first preached and published by our blessed Saviour , and the holy Apostles , doth manifestly prove a change therein ; nay prove as forcibly that they have departed from the rule of Faith , which was once given to the Saints , as if he could , or did demonstrate all the circumstances , when , and by whom , and in what Country , every particular deviation and corruption did at first creep in . Quid verba audiam , cùm facta videam ? what need we search for circumstances , when we have the substance ; or look into the root , when we see the fruit ? But here may those of Rome reply and say , Are there no ●ares at all in your reformation ? are all your Geese Swans ? and your Grain good Wheat ? Did Satan never take you sleeping ? Whence is it then we see amongst you such opposition to all publick Orders , such a neglect of fasting , such contempt of holy dayes , though both of Apostolical institution ? such practises and attempts against Episcopacy , though ordained by Christ ? such quarrelling against those sacred Ceremonies in Gods publick service , which you pretend to be derived from most pure antiquity ? Whence is it that we have observed such Covenants and Combinations against lawful Government ; such obstinate and strong , if not perverse resistance against just Authority of your supreme Lord , as well in temporal matters as Ecclesiastical ; such common stocks and contributions to support your factions , and relieve those that are condemned for their disobedience ? Whence is it that there are maintained amongst you such blasphemies , in laying upon God the blame of sin ; such Stoicisme in necessitating all mens actions by the fatality of Gods Decrees ; such Donatisme in appropriating to some few amongst you the names of Saints and true Professors ? Qui alterum incusat probri , &c. you that have found so many tares in the Church of Rome , had best be sure that your own floore be very throughly purged , and your wheat well winnowed ; and that you search not our wounds with too sharp an hand , till you have cleansed and cured your own . This they object ; and what shall we return for answer ? We will be more ingenious , then they are to us , and confess the action , and so not put them to the needless trouble of looking after the particulars of time , place and persons . Too true it is , that some amongst us , though not of us , have set on foot those Doctrines , and pursued those practises , which are become a scandal to our Reformation and further will dishonour it , and in time subvert it , if care and order be not taken to prevent the mischief . We see them in their fruits already , and that hath brought them at the last to apparuerunt . But what they are , and whose , and what fruits they bear , and what is aimed at in those innovations which they have thrust upon this Church , and yet cry out of innovations , as if these were none , I cannot shew you for the present . The time is too far spent , and the season past , to venture on a new Discovery ; but what is wanting now , shall be made good hereafter at next setting out , when I shall come to the unde haec zizania , in the following verse . Have patience but till then , I will pay you all : which that I may the better look for , I shall not tire your patience further at this present time ; and therefore here I will conclude . SERMON V. At WHITE-HALL Jan. 12. 1639. MATTH . 13. v. 27. So the Servants of the Housholder came , and said unto him , Sir , didst not thou sowe good Seed in thy Field ? from whence then hath it tares ? PRimus felicitatis gradus est non peccare , &c. The first degree of happiness is not to sin : The second , to be sensible of a fault committed . It had been well done of the servants in the present Parable , to have been careful in their Masters business , and not have given the enemy advantage by their dull security , for the dispersing of his tares . And it was well done , although not so well , that they discerned them in good time , before they had destroyed Gods Harvest , and devoured his Wheat . A fault had been committed by their sloth and drowsiness , that they saw too well ; but every man was willing to excuse himself , and cast the blame upon his fellow . Proprium est humano ingenio omnia sibi remittere , nihil aliis , said Velleius rightly . And tares they saw sprung up which they had not sowen ; but how they came there , that they could not tell : certain they were , that they had sowen good seed in their Masters Field , and that the Field was well manured , and fitted for so great a blessing . To see this Field so dressed and cultivated , overgrown with tares , and to be ignorant withall what malicious hand had plotted and performed so great a mischief , must needs produce both wonder and amazement in their doubtful mindes : therefore as well to satisfie their Master , that they had sowen good seed in his blessed Field , according unto his appointment ; and to be satisfied themselves , whence those tares should come , they came unto the Housholder , and said unto him , Domine , nonne seminasti bonum semen ? Sir , Didst not thou sowe good Seed in thy Field ? whence then hath it tares ? In our discourse upon this Text , I shall present you with an Explication , and an Application : an Explication for the Text , an Application for the time . In the first general , the Explication , we shall behold the servants of this Parable in their addresse unto their Master , and their conference with him . In the next general , the Application , we shall endeavour a discovery of those tares and errors which have been sowen by Satan in this Field of God. And first , we must begin with the Explication , and therein with the matter of address . Sic accedentes s●rvi patris-familias , so the servants of the Housholder came , &c. Frustra quaeritur quod per viam suam non quaeritur . There is but one way leading to the truth , which they that misse do rather wander then travel , and shall finde their journey at the last , without end or profit . The servants of the Heavenly Husbandman were at a losse among themselves touching the unde of these ●ares ; That there they were , even ripe and ready for the Harvest , that they saw too plainly ; but how they came there , ▪ who it was that sowed them , was not yet discovered ; nor was it probable , that they who had committed so great a villany would confess the action . The taking of their opportunity , cùm dormirent homines , when as the servants were asleep , did manifestly shew , that by whomever it was done , it was intended for a work of darkness ; and therefore very little hope , that they themselves would bring it to the open light . In this uncertainty , there could be found no better way to inform themselves , then to repair unto the Lord , the celestiall Housholder , whose eyes do neither sleep nor slumber . Gods eye is alwayes open , though his servants sleep ; Interest tenebris , saith Minutius , no darknesse is so grosse which he cannot penetrate , nor fact so secret and obscure which he discerns not . The Lord is totus oculus , & totum lumen , as the Father hath it ; and therefore cannot be kept ignorant of mens private practises , how close soever they are carried . Can any man hide himself in secret places , so that I shall not see him , saith the Lord Almighty ? Besides , there was a ruled case in the point before , it was the Custom of the Jewish Church , in all doubtful cases , as long as they continued in Gods grace and favour , to ask for counsel of the Lord. No resolution so perspicuous , as that which came from God in his holy Tabernacle , or was delivered by his Seers . Our Saviour Christ , as he is Deus de Deo , God of God ; so he is also lumen de lumine , light of light . His providence as watchful , and his eye as piercing as that of his Almighty Father . No better resolution of a doubtful case , then that which might be had from him , Domine quò eamus ? Lord , saith St. Peter , whither shall we go ? thou hast the words of everlasting life . Himself , our blessed Saviour , gives them more incouragement to have recourse to him in their doubts and difficulties . Ego sum via , veritas & vita , I am the way , the truth , and the life , John 14. The servants of my Text need not make a question , either of finding out the truth , which they were in search of , or gaining life eternal , which they sought by truth : when he which was the Journies end , was the way also . And therefore in my minde St. Bernard descants very pretily on that Text of Scripture ; Eamus ergo post Christum , quia est veritas , per Christum , quia est via ; ad Christum , quia est vita . Let us walk after Christ , because he is the truth ; by Christ , because he is the way ; to Christ , because he is life . St. Austin also gives us a good hint for our direction in this journey , both for truth and life ; Non est quò eamus nisi ad te , non est quà eamus nisi per te ; Whither O Lord shall we repair but to thee ? and which way shall we come unto thee , if we come not by thee ? The Servants here were well acquainted with this way , they knew none better , that howsoever God inhabits in luce inaccessibili , in light inaccessible , yet he was easie of access unto them that fear him ; and therefore accedentes , they came unto him . Accedentes autem servi , So the Servants came . The servants in the plural number , they came not one by one to make their own excuse apart , they came all together . They had been faulty all alike , and therefore if a check were feared , good reason they should be all partakers of it . The Heathen Orator thought it an equitable point , ut qui in eadem causa fuerunt , in eadem item essent fortuna , that they who had been interessed in the self-same business , should beare their equal shares in the self same fortune ; but this was not the business that they were in quest of . Their errand was , not only to be satisfied upon the unde haec zizania , whence the tares should come ; but to enquire their Masters pleasure , what he thought sitting to be done on the discovery , vis imus & colligimus ea ? as it follows after : this was indeed a weighty business , such as required a generall unanimity , and a joynt assistance . The reformation of the Church is no easie work , nor to be undertaken by a single man. It is a business that requires much help , and many hands , and all those hands to work together to one end , God blessing their endeavours by his Grace and Spirit . Tacitus tells us of the Britains , that though a very valiant Nation , yet they were very easily made a thrall to Rome , quòd in commune non consul●bant , because they never held together , never communicating for the common safety either their counsels or their purses . I hope we never shall again commit that error , though there be dangerous Symptoms of it , the servants of my Text may instruct us better : who howsoever they had done amisse by their former drowsiness , in giving Satan opportunity to sowe his tares , yet now they are resolved to combine together , for the preventing of all further mischief . Accedentes autem servi , so the servants came . Well , they are come , and well come , what comes after next ? Dixerunt ei , they say unto him , it seemes they stood not mute not fearful , — Alter in alterius jactantes lumina vultus , looking on one another who should first begin . They saw the Church in no small danger of approching ruine , by the quick spreading of those tares ; and consequently , thought it fit to know truly how the matter stood : not that he needed to be told , but that he looked that they should tell him . The Lord knowes our necessities before we ask , yet he expects that we should call upon him in our servent prayers . He knowes more of our sins and frailties then we do our selves , and yet he hath enjoyned us to confession . And this he doth , to keep on foot an intercourse between Heaven and Earth , to rouze our spirits , and inflame our zeal , and quicken our devotions . Dixerunt ei , they said unto him , and that too in the plural number ; What , spake they all together , as they came together ? I believe not so : God is the God of order , not of confusion . They therefore which repair unto him , must come unto him in an orderly and decent way : so that it is most likely that they had some Speaker , who had in charge the representing of the common businesse ; or that they spake by turns , as occasion served . And yet they are all joyned in dixerunt here , to shew that howsoever they had many tongues , they had all one voyce ; or that whoever spake , spake the mindes of all . Such unity of hearts and tongues is to God most grateful , being the best expression of the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace . We must not rest upon the quod sit , that they came and said , we must examine next what it was they said . They craved access upon no other ground and motive , but to come to conference . That was the thing most aimed at in the accedentes , in their coming to him . Now in the Proeme to this conference , they propose two questions : first , Domine , nonne seminasti bonum semen ? Sir , didst not thou sowe good Seed in thy Field ? next , unde haec zizania ? whence then hath it tares ? In one of these there was no satisfaction needful ; for none knew better then themselves , that God had sowen it with his choysest Seed , so picked and cleansed , and fit for his sacred Field , that there was neither weed nor tare amongst it . Themselves had laboured and manured it , and sowed and harrowed it , according to the rules of that holy Husbandry . In which respect , St. Paul not only calls them Labourers , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and fellow-Labourers with God. God looking on , blessing the piety of their endeavours , and giving his increase unto it . It s true indeed , St. Hierome makes the servants here to be the Angels ; Servos Dei non alios accipias quàm Angelos . So doth Theophylact , and others of the Fathers also ; but this can no way stand with our Saviours Comment , who in his Comment on this Parable hath made the reaping of the Corn , not the sowing of it , for the work of Angels . This question therefore being asked by those that knew how to answer it , may passe amongst those data , matters of concession , which are required in many Sciences . Questions or Interrogatories in the Book of God are oftentimes equivalent to affirmations , not proposed as doubts . But for the other question , unde haec Zizani● , that was indeed a true quaesitum , a doubt considerately proposed , in hope of satisfaction or solution . And in this question there are two things to be considered , the substance of it , and the circumstances . The substance or the matter of it doth concern the tares , what kind of grain they were , who sowed them , and from whence they came . These have been touched upon before , in our Discourses upon the 25. verse , upon the Sevit , and shall be yet more throughly canvassed in the following Answer , when we are come to the sive fecit inimicus . But for the circumstances of the question , who asked it , and of whom they asked it , those come in fitly here to be considered . And first , the men that asked it were the servants of the Heavenly Husbandman , who having sowen no other seeds then the seeds of piety and true Religion , could not but wonder at the tares . Next , being full of doubt and wonder , they made repair for resolution to their Lord and Master , whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and fellow-Labourers they were . They knew not of the Enemy , nor his subtile practises , and therefore took the speediest course that could be for the removing of their doubts ; and put the question unto him who knew how to salve it . Not one amongst them but he might have said , Davus sum , non Oedipus . We have more need to be resolved of you , and come you to us ? The stating of this point might make the injustice of our Romish Adversaries the more inexcusable . We challenge them of several errors and corruptions in the Church of Rome : we tell them what they are , how many , wherein they differ from Gods word , and from the tendries of the Church in the purest Ages . They make reply unto us with an unde haec , quo tempore , quo loco , quo autore ? Shew us , say they , when , and by whom , and where your said tares were sowen , or else they shall not passe for tares . We have replyed to all these Queries in a former Sermon ; not on constraint , as forced unto it by the equity of the demand , but gratis , to demonstrate the absurdities and the follies of it . But now we answer more resolvedly , that this is not to make , but mistake the question , to change at once both scene and Actors . The servants of the Housholder askt the question here ; there they that askt it are the servants of the very enemy . He who is asked the question here is the heavenly Husbandman , whose eyes are alwayes open for his Churches safety , and who beheld the enemy through all his vizards , even whilest he was about this deed of darkness . By them a question is demanded of poor ignorant servants , who either weary of their labour , or inclined to ease , or careless of their Masters business , had been fast asleep , and knew not what was done till they were well wakened . If they must needs be further satisfied in these curious cavills , let them repair to their own Master , and enquire of him , who being conscious to himself of his own lewd acts , can give them a more punctuall answer . We are no servants of the enemy , nor ever were imployed in sins dark designs , and therefore unacquainted with his plots and counsels . To us , according to this Parable , the asking of the question appertains , not to the answer of it . But put the case the worst that may be , and let it passe for granted , that our adversaries may pervert and change the question as they list themselves ; yet why should we return them any other Answer then the Lord made unto his servants ? Why may not we make this reply to all their Queries , inimicus homo hoc fecit , that the enemy did it ? The Lord out of his infinite wisdom thought it not improper to give a general answer to a particular demand . And why should we be wiser then our Master ? The servants ask in special , unde haec zizania ? the Lord returns in generall , inimicus fecit . But as for the particulars of time , place and persons , wherewith our Adversaries presse and charge us against right and reason , those he reserves unto himself , and conceales from us . And 't is a learned ignorance not to know those things which God endeavours to keep secret . Ea nescire quae magister optimus non vult docere , erudita est inscitia , as mine Authour hath it . Some things the Lord reserves to the day of judgement , when all hearts shall be open , all desires made known , and no secrets hid : And then we shall be sure to know , what times the enemy made choyce of to sowe his tares ; what instruments he used in the doing of it ; what place or Country he selected for their first appearance ; with all the other curious circumstances which are so much insisted on by the common Adversary . If this suffice not , we must finally return that Answer which once Arnobius made to some foolish questions propounded by the enemies of the Christian faith ; Nec si nequivero causas vobis exponere cur aliquid fiat illo vel illo modo , sequitur ut infecta sint quae jam facta sunt . In case we are not able to declare unto them , when , by what persons , in what Countries , the Doctrines by us questioned were first set on foot , it followeth not , that therefore none of them are tares of the enemies sowing . I have no more to say for the Explication , most of the points having bin treated of before in our former discourses on this Argument . And for the Application , I must give you notice , that it relates not to the matter only at this time delivered , but to the whole intent and purpose of the present Parable . I have already layed before you those tares and errors which have been noted and observed in the Church of Rome . Our own turn is next , and it comes in agreeably to the Text it self ; in which it is supposed as granted , that there was good feed sowen by the Heavenly Husbandman , however afterwards the field became full of tares . According unto which Proposall , I shall first shew you in the Thesis , what speciall care was taken in our Reformation , that all things might be fitted to the word of God , and the best ages of the Church . Next , I shall make a true discovery of those several tares wherewith this Field is over-grown , and Gods seed indangered . So doing , I am sure I shall not be accused of partiality , or respect of persons . And therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , encouraged by your Christian patience , let us on in Gods name . Si de interpretatione legis quaeritur , inspiciendum est inprimis , quo jure civitas retro in ejusmodi casibus usa suit . It is a Maxime in the Lawes , that if a question do arise about the sense and meaning of some Law or Statute , the best way is to have recourse to the decisions of the State in the self-same case . An Axiome no lesse profitable in Divinity , then it is in Law. The State Ecclesiastical hath her doubts and changes , as great and frequent as the civill : the body mystical as subject to corruptions as the body politick . In which condition , either of distractions or of distempers , no better way to set her right , to bring her to her perfect constitution , then to look back upon her primitive and ancient principles . Ad legem & testimonium , was the rule of old : And this the Church of Christ hath thought fit to follow , when she hath found her self diseased with plain and manifest corruptions , or otherwise distracted with debates and doubtful disputations , as St. Paul calls them . The Law of God , the Gospel of our Saviour Christ , for points of Doctrine ; the usage and testimony of the primitive Church , for points of practice , hath alwayes been her rule and Canon in such desperate plunges . In the observance of which rule , as generally the Church of God hath discharged her duty , as may appear by the inspection of her ancient Co●ncels , and other Monuments and Records of her acts and doings ; so , aut me amor suscepti negotii fallit , either I erre through too much filiall piety to the Church my Mother , or else there never was a National Church , in what Age soever , that hath more punctually observed this rule then this Church of England . For in that great business of the Reformation , those Worthies here , whom God had raised and fitted for the undertaking , were not possessed , for ought we finde , with any spirit of contradiction , or humour of affecting contrarieties . That which they found before established , which either was agreeable to the word of God , in point of Doctrine , or to the usage of the primitive Church , in point of order and devotion , they retained as formerly : so farre endeavouring a conformity with the Church of Rome , that where she left not Christ and the Primitive Church , there they left not her . Luther and Calvin , however honoured and admired in the World abroad , were here no otherwise considered then as learned men , whose works and writings possibly might be counted useful , but not thought Authentick . Our Prelates here that were engaged in this great business , Cranmer and Ridley , and the rest of these brave Heroes , were of as able parts as they , but more moderate spirits . They knew the Church had first been founded upon the Prophets and Apostles , our Saviour Christ being the Corner-stone ; and therefore would not build their reformation on the names of men . Christianus mihi nomen est , Catholicus cognomen , was Pacianus's Speech of old ; but they made it theirs , and still we keep it as our own . But what need more ? The fair succession of the Bishops , and the vocation of the Ministry , according to the ancient Canons ; the dignity of the Clergy in some sort preserved ; the honour and solemnity of Gods publick worship restored unto its original lustre ; the Doctrines of Religion vindicated to their primitive purity , shew manifestly that they kept themselves to that sacred rule , Ad legem & testimonium , to the Law and Testimony . Two things there are especially considerable in the Church of Christ ; matters of Doctrine , and of worship . The first of these we find comprized in the Book of Articles ; the other in the Book of Common Prayer , and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England . In both of which the Fathers of this Church proceeded with a temperate hand , having one eye upon the Scriptures , the other on the practice of the Church of God in her purest Ages ; but none at all , either on Saxonie or Geneva . It s true indeed , that Calvin offered his assistance to Archbishop Cranmer , for the composing of our Articles , si quis mei usus fore videbitur , if his assistance were thought necessary ; and would have crossed the Seas about it . But the Archbishop knew the man , and how he had been practising with the Duke of Somerset , ut Hoppero manum porrigeret , to countenance Bishop Hooper in his opposition to the Churches Ordinances , and thereupon refused the offer . Latimer also tells us , in a Sermon preached before King Edward , Anno 1549. That there was a Speech touching Melanchthons comming over ; but it went no further then the Speech . And he himself , Melancthon , writes to Camerarius , Regiis literis in Angliam vocor , that he was sent for into England ; but this was not till 53. as his Letters testifie : the Articles of this Church being passed the year before in Convocation , and the Doctrine setled . God certainly had so disposed it in his heavenly wisdom , that so this Church depending upon neither party , might in succeeding times be a judge between them , as more inclinable to compose , then espouse their quarrells . And for this Doctrine what it is , how correspondent to the word of God , and to the ancient tendries of the Catholick Church , the Challenge and Apology of Bishop Jewel , never yet throughly answered by the adverse party , may be proof sufficient . But we have further proof then that ; for the Archbishop of Spalato at his going hence professed openly , that he would justifie and defend the Church of England for an Orthodox Church in all the essentiall points of Christianity ; and that he held the Articles thereof to be true and profitable , and none of them at all heretical . And he that calls himself Franciscus , à S● Clara in his Examen of those Articles denies not , but that being rightly understood , they do contain sound Catholick Doctrine . Adeò veri●as ab invitis etiam pectoribus erumpet , said Lactantius truly . Now , as the Church of England did not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as once the Orator affirmed of the Grecian Oracles , ) in the points of Doctrine : so neither did it Calvinize in matter of exterior order , and Gods publick Worship . The Liturgy of this Church was so framed and fitted , out of those common principles of Religion , wherein all parties did agree , that it was generally applauded and approved by those , who since have laboured to oppose it . Alexander Alesius a learned Scot did first translate it into Latine ; and that , as he himself affirms , both for the comfort and example of all other Churches which did endeavour Reformation , and increase of piety . The Scots in their first Reformation divers years together used the English Liturgy : the fancy of extemporary prayers not being then took up not cherished , as Knox himself confesseth in his own dear History . And howsoever now of late they have divulged a factious and prohibited Pamphlet against the English Popish Ceremonies , as they please to call them ; yet in the structure of their Reformation , they bound themselves by Oath and by Covenant too , to adhere only to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England ; Religionis cultui , & ritibus cum Anglis communibus subscripserunt , as it is in Buchannan . So for the other opposite party , those of Rome , they made at first no doubt nor scruple of coming to our publick Service , or joyning with us in the worship of one common Saviour . Sir Edward Coke , a man who both for age and observation was very well able to avow it , both in his pleadings against Garnet , and his Charge given at the Assizes held in Norwich , and the sixth part of his Reports , in Cawdries case , doth affirm expresly , that for the ten first years of Queen Elizabeths Reign , there was no Recusant known in England : whose testimony , lest it should stand single , and so become obnoxious to those scorns and cavils which Parsons in his Answer unto that Report hath bestowed upon it , Sanders himself , in his seditious Book de Schismate , shall come in for second . Frequentabant haereticorum Synagogas , intererant eorum concionibus , ad easque audiendas filios & familiam suam compellebant . So he ; but not to stand upon his testimony , or build so great an edifice on so weak a ground , as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the suffrage and consent of the vulgar Meinie ; the Pope himself , as Cambden doth relate the Story , made offer to confirm our Liturgie , the better to make up the breaches of the House of God ; which since , the Priests and Jesuites have disswaded from , out of a wretched policy to make them wider . A point which verily that Pope had not yielded to , being a very stiffe and rigorous Prelate , but that he found the Liturgie to be so composed , as it could no wayes be offensive unto Catholick eares . Either the Pope must lose his infallibility , and become subject unto error , like to other men ; or else there is no error to be found in the English Liturgie . Thus have we seen a Church reformed , according to the prescript of the Word of God , by the Law and Testimony . A Church that seemes to have been cultivated by the Lords own hand , planted by Paul , and watred by Apollos , God himself giving the increase . A Church that grew up in the middle of two contrary factions , as did the Primitive Church between Jew and Gentile , and was the better strengthened and consolidated by the opposition . Gods Field was no where better husbanded , the good seed no where sowen with a clearer hand , then it was in this . O faciles dare summa Deos ! But as it fared at first with the Primitive Church , so it hapned here . We must not so far flatter and abuse our selves , as to conceive there are no tares at all in our Reformation , because it was first sowen with the Lords good Seed . The Devil as he stayed his time , donec dormirent homines , till the servants slept , so he made use of such a grain , and used such subtile instruments to effect his purpose , that many will not think them to be tares of the enemies sowing now they are awake . But being they are come at lest to fecissent fructum , unto the bringing forth of fruit , we must needs challenge them for tares , and so pronounce them . And first it was accounted in Aerius for a capitall Heresie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Priests and Bishops were all one , no difference at all between them . This Epiphanius who records it calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a frantick dotage , and such as could not then obtain belief or credit . Nor did it otherwise succeed in the world abroad ; Aerius and all his followers being exiled from the society of mankind , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , flying to Woods and Precipices , and to desolate places . I hope it cannot be denied , but that this tare hath taken a deep root amongst us . The Bishop is not only in these dayes put below the Priest , but thought to be at all no Order in the Church of God. Aerius was too gentle to ascribe them any thing ; nor was he so well studied in the controversie as we have been since . And here methinks we may resume , as well the wonder as the words of Lyrinensis : Here we have miram rerum conversionem , a strange turn indeed . The world is finely brought about ; It is the Bishop in our times , and not the Heretick , that is turned out of House and home , pronounced to be an Alien to the Tribes of Israel ; and cursed are they that give them room or entertainment . It was so ordered in Geneva , when in their Reformation , if I so may call it , they expelled their Bishop : and they that since that time have imbraced their principles , have ever since pursued their practises . Nor is this Doctrine thus disseminated , a deviation only from Antiquity , no hereticall Tenet ; or made to be an Heresie by the Bishops only , ab episcopis , as Danaeus hath it , such as were Epiphanius and St. Austin , who do so define it : The learned Cracanthorp , who if he did decline in any thing from the Church of England , it was in favour of that party , calls it in plain termes Puritanorum haeresin , or the Puritan Heresie , in his defence against Spalato . But yet Aerius stayed not here . He had before blown down the Bishops , as he thought himself , and must now have a blow at the civil State. He could by no meanes like of fasting , especially of fasting on set dayes and times ; but would by all meanes have it left to mens Christian liberty , to be omitted or performed as men list themselves . Non celebranda esse statura jejunia , sed cùm quisque voluerit jejunandum , saith St. Austin of him . Where we may see what kind of fastings they were that the man disliked , viz. Statuta jejunia , fastings ordained by Law , and imposed by Statute : An arbitrary fast of his own appointment no man liked better then himself . Nay , he was so averse from all publick order , that whereas antiently those Eastern Churches did use to fast the Wednesday and the Friday , and feast it alwayes on the Sunday ; this man and his Disciples must needs fast the Sunday , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and revel it , whosoever said nay , upon the Wednesday and the Friday . I must needs follow this fine fellow a little further in his courses . The Church in those most blessed times did use to spend the week which preceded Easter , the holy week , as pure antiquity did call it , in watching , fasting , prayer , and other exercises of humiliation ; on no day more then on good Fryday . Aerius on the contrary and his Disciples , used not alone to pamper and inflame the flesh in that holy time , but to deride all those that carefully and religiously observed the same , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Father . I put it to the Consciences of those who this day hear me , whether they have not eaten of this tare too liberally . Certain I am , that many a pious man amongst us may complain with David , I humbled my self with fasting , and that was turned to my reproof . Arius comes somewhat neer in sound unto Aerius ; and they agreed in other matters of their Heresie , though not in these . What Arius and Aerius taught in derogation of the honour of our Lord and Saviour , we all know sufficiently . And though I will not say with some Lutheran Doctors , Calvini anam religionem ejusmodi principia continere , ex quibus facilis est prolapsus ad Arianismum , yet one might say , I doubt too justly , that some amongst us of that party come too neer the Arians in their expressions and behaviour . In their expressions , making Christ our Saviour no better then an elder Brother , the first begotten of the Saints , and no more then so . So that in case these men should hold in Heaven by Burgh English , ( as doubtless wheresoever they come , they will start new tenures ) their share in the eternal glories , for ought I conceive , may be the greater of the two : for their behaviour , that is fitted unto their expressions . For if our Saviour be but in the state of an elder Brother , why may they not be honoured when they stand before him , talk with him as familiarly as with one another , and sit down with him at his Table ? A gesture at the holy Supper , however much desired both here and else-where , which in three severall Synods of the Polish Churches , stands condemn'd of Arianism● , Ritum sedendi ad mensam dominicam , profectum esse ab Arianis tran fugis . It came , say they , expresly from the Arian Hereticks ; and to them I leave it : I only note it as a tare of the Enemies sowing , you may discern it by the fruits . And now I am fallen upon the point of gesture in the holy Sacrament , I must needs speak a little of the point of gesture in the act of prayer . Pious and pure Antiquity used in the time and act of prayer , ad orientis regionem precari , in Tertullians Language , to turn their faces towards the East . A Custom of such universal latitude , that Epiphanius reckoneth it amongst the Heresies , or follies rather of the Osseni , a sort of Hereticks mixt of Jew & Christian , that they prohibited their followers to observe the same , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Father hath it . How much we have of these Osseni , and how this Church hath been traduced in these latter dayes , need not now be said . Or were it needfull , I should say no more then this , that Cartwright first began the cry in the late Queens Reign . Burton with his Associates have since took it up ; the Authour of the Holy Table opening as wide as any of the rest to make up the Consort . But to proceed ; Optatus tells us of the Donatists , that they confined the Church to their private Conventicles , making that part of Africk wherein they resided to be the Catholick Church of Christ , the residue of all the world being quite excluded . And this they did , saith he , quia specialem sanctitatem sibi vendicabant , because they challenged to themselves a peculiar sanctity , not incident to other people . In confidence of this , they did not only think all Christians else unworthy of their salutation , and of the common courtesies between man and man ; but taught their followers and Disciples , ne ave dicant cuiquam nostrum , not to bestow an Ave or All hail upon them . And more then so , scandala contra nos ponitis , they raised false clamors , scandalous reports against their Brethren : nor was there one of all the Sect , qui non convitia nostra suis tractatibus misceat , whose Pamphlets were not full of opprob●ious railings against the Orthodox professors . Nay , they went so farre at the last , as violently to assault and kill their opposites ; as did Purpurius Lerinensis , who with his own hands killed his own Sisters Sonne : and being asked the reason of it , returned this answer , Et occidi , & occido non eos solos , sed & quicunque contra me fecerit , that he had done it , and would do the like to any he who durst oppose him . How came they shall we think to this dangerous height ? why certainly , because they had discl●imed the jurisdiction and authority of the civill Magistrate thinking themselves exempt from all hum●ne Ordinances ; and that not only in such matters which concern the Church , according to that frequent dictate of Donatus , quid imperatori cum Ecclesia ? No , they were better studied in the point then so , and thought the King , or supreme Magistrate , a most unnecessary calling in a Christian State. Quid Christianis cum Regibus ? What need have Christians of a King , was their common saying , and that went very high indeed . Other particular notes and characters of this desperate Heresie I omit of purpose . These are enough , if not too many , to make plain & manifest how deep a root this dangerous tare hath gotten in our Reformation : for he knowes not any thing who knowes not this , that some amongst us have appropriated to their secret Conventicles the name and title of the Church ; and to themselves , the names of Christians and Professors ; that they bestow no better attributes on such as are conformable to the publick Government , both in their Pamphlets and their prattles , then such as are not fit for the eares of Christians ; that out of an opinion of their own dear sanctity , they will have no commerce , and much lesse humanity , with such as they conceive not to like their courses . These things are notiora quàm ut stylo egeant . There are some other points and circumstances , in which they come more near the Donatist : one Burchet , a great zelot of the former times , being come at last to be of this opinion with them , Licitum esse Evangelicae veritati adversantes occidere , that it was lawful to destroy all those which opposed the Gospel . How the said Burchet put in execution his own divellish Principles , and what effects they wrought on that furious Welchman , in that most barbarous Assassinate on his innocent Mother , is not now my business . All I shall say is briefly this , that men are principally led into these extremities , on this misperswasion , that Kings have no Authority in sacred matters ; and consequently , every man , of what sort soever , in matters which concern Religion may be a King unto himself . Which if it once be took for granted , if once they come to ask this Question , quid imperatori cum Ecclesia ? assuredly in little , very little time , they will make bold to alter and invert the other , and ask , quid regibus cum Christianis ? what right have Kings to Lord it over Gods Inheritance ? Occultior Pompeius Caesare , non melior . Pompey , saith Tacitus , was something secreter then Caesar in his proceedings , though nothing sounder in his purposes to the Common-wealth . So stood the case between Priscillian and the Donatist : Priscillian was the warier of the two , but perhaps more wicked : his Doctrine and his practise too , tending to the subversion of all publick Government and humane society . His Doctrine was , fatalibus astris homines alligatos esse , that all mens actions were necessitated by the Starres above . A Paradox by him derived from Bardesanes , who ascribed all things unto Fate ; by Bardesanes from the Stoicks . And for their practise what it was , we may conjecture at it by their so celebrated Maxime , which St. Austin speaks of , Jura , perjura , secretum prodere noli , That swearing , forswearing , any thing was lawful which did conduce to the concealing of their counsels , and the promoting of their Sect. The Doctrine of Predestination , as by some delivered , comes home unto the dreames and dotages of Bardesanes and Priscillian , necessitating all mens actions by the fatality of Gods Decrees : By which we are informed , decretum esse à Deo ut sua defectione periret Adam , that God decreed the fall of Adam before all eternity ; and that the actions of the Sonnes of Adam are so prescribed and limited by the like Decrees , ut nec plus boni faciant , nec plus mali omittant , that they can neither do more works of piety , nor commit fewer deeds of darkness then their stint or measure . But for the Maxime of Priscillian , and the great use is made of that , whether for the concealing of their purposes , or the advancement of their projects , Cartwright himself shall come to give in evidence : who being cited to appear in a Court of Judicature , indicted an Assembly of his Church in London , and there proposed this question to them , Whether or not it were convenient for him , being to be examined upon Oath , to reveal any of the matters which had passed amongst them ? A very tender case of conscience , such as I trust is neither to be found nor parallel'd in all the Casuists and School-men from Bonaventure down to Bonacina . I only add this , and so leave Priscillian ; and that is , how Justantius , one of his Associates , and a chief stickler in the Sect , was for his factious and seditious cariage banished for ever to the Isles of Scilly , Ad Sillinam insulam ultra Britanniam deportatus , as Sulpitius hath it . But Popery and Pelagianisme are the darling errors , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bosom-mischiefs of the time , as some men conceive it . Are none of these crept up in our Reformation ? Pelagianisme some , that 's certain : and that no otherwise esteemed and cherished , than if it were a part of our Saviours Gospel . St. Hierome tells us of Pelagius , how generally he was offended with the Surplice , how much it went unto his heart , Ecclesiasticum ordinem in candida veste procedere , to see the Priest administer the blessed Sacrament in a white Vesture . Pelagians of this kinde we have too too many ; such as not only hate the Surplice , and refuse to wear it , but think the Gospel of our Saviour to be unprofitable and of none effect , if preach'd by one that doth approve it . A learned man who once was of that party , & pars magna too , hath so informed me in his Books , and I dare take it on his credit . For Popery , that is grown amongst us to the very height ; and in the points and parts thereof , in which the life and essence of Popedom doth consist especially . The time was , when as Kings and Emperors had the sole power of calling Councils , of moderating or presiding in them by themselves or Deputies ; and finally , of confirming their Acts and Canons . This power the Popes have long usurped , and think it a great favour unto secular Princes , if they vouchsafe to give them notice of their purposes , or trust them with the execution of their Lawes and Ordinances . The time was too when Princes thought themselves supreme in their own Dominions , accomptable to none but God. But now the Popes have challenged a disposing power , both of their Persons and Estates : as being the Vice-gerents of Almighty God , the Vicars general of Christ our Saviour . To produce Authors for the proof of such evident truths , especially in such a knowing and discerning audience , were a foul impertinency , and indeed sensibile super sensorium ponere , to light a Candle to the Sun. In these two points , which are the very life and essence of the Popedom , as before I said , the Puritan is no lesse Popish then the Pope himself . The power of calling the Assembly , that appertains no longer unto Kings and Princes ; it belongs only to the Church , that is , themselves . God was mistaken sure when he said to Moses , Fac tibi duas tubas argenteas , that he should make to , or for , himself two silver Trumpets ; t is well if Dathan , Corah and Abiram will allow him one . And for the civill power , to command that one , according to the Doctrine now , it is originally in the people too , and in the King by way of derivation only : and that too cumulativè , not privativè , as they please to word it ; the people having still a liberty inherent in them to reassume the Government , as they see occasion . There is much talk indeed of Solomon , and all his wisdom : think we , he was not out when he broached this Doctrine , per me Reges regnant , by me Kings reign ; or speaking as he did , in Parables and Proverbs , which are hard to construe , his words may brook some other meaning then they seem to signifie ? Buchanan was a learned man too , but speaks plainer farre ; Populo jus est imperum cui velit deferat . The people have a power , saith he , to dispose of Kingdoms , from man to man , and line to line , as they list themselves . Nor stood he single in it neither . Goodman and Knox , the two Apostles of the Sect , led the way to him , and they first brought it to Geneva ; The Kings and Princes of the Earth must change their styles and tenures , if this Doctrine hold : It is no longer Dei Gratia that they hold their Scepters , but Populi clementia , by the peoples courtesie . And Tenant at the will of another man is the worst tenure or estate in all my Littleton . The greatest Kings and Princes , by their opinion , are but as Bayliffs and sworn Officers of the Common-wealth , and therefore to be called to a publick reckoning , either upon pretence of mal-administration , or any popular dislike or disgust whatsoever : nor will there want some Tribunitial Spirit , when occasion serves , to take them by the throat , and say unto them , Redde rationem villicationis tace , that is to say , as our last Translations read , Give an account of thy Stewardship , for thou shalt be no longer Steward . This is indeed the Doctrine proper to the Sect , for which they have no precedent nor pattern in the former times ; and is withall the true foundation of that disobedience and desire of liberty , which is become so Epidemical amongst us . There are none so blind but may discern this for a tare of the enemies sowing . It is already come to fecissent fructum . I could now to these points of Popery add a point of Judaisme , in the imposing of a Sabbath on the Church of Christ ; and that to be observed with so great severity , that they have gone beyond the Jewes , and shewed themselves more Pharisaical then the very Pharisees . But hereof I have spoken more at large elsewhere , and cannot now contract it in a narrower compasse . I could say somewhat also of those Pharisees , both for their Doctrine and their practise : their Doctrine , in maintaining Fate and Destiny as the Stoicks did , and setting up their own traditions above the word of God and the Churches Ordinances : their practises , in the compassing of Sea and Land to increase their Proselytes , the ostentation of their zeal and piety to the publick view ; the absolute command they attained unto both on the purses and the consciences of the common people ; and on the strength thereof , their disobedience and contempt of all Authority : but these I only glance at , and so passe them over . Nor shall I now insist on the Nazaraei , excluding the necessity of good works out of the Covenant of grace : nor on the Heresie of the Anomaei , or Eunomians , who for themselves and their Disciples had cancelled the Obligation of the morall Law ; nor of the Apostolici , who had all things common , or rather common stocks and contributions , for the promoting of the Sect. I should be endless in this tedious and ungrateful search , should I present you all those tares which have been scattered in Gods Field since the Reformation . Tares then there are we see in our Churches too , not only in the Church of Rome : those I discovered to you at my last being here ; these I reserved untill this present , with promise then , that if you would have patience , I would pay you all ; and now I hope I have discharged my self of that Obligation . And in this way I went the rather , for the performance of my duty to Almighty God , and to your sacred Majesty , as Gods Vice-gerent in these Kingdoms ; and unto those who under God and you have the chief ordering of this Church . These tares I saw not in the Sevit , I was then unborn ; nor in crevisset herba , when the blade sprung up ; for if born then , I was then too young . But being now a servant , though the meanest of the heavenly Husbandman , and having noted and observed them in fecissent fructum , I have made bold to come before you , as did the servants of my Text , saying , Sirs , There was good seed sow●n in the Field of God ▪ but unde haec zizania ? but behold these Tares . And having said this , I have done my duty . God so direct your royall Counsels , and the aviso's of your P●elates for the Churches peace , for the averting of those mischiefs which these tares do threaten , that so not any of them , no nor all together may either prove infectious to the Wheat , the Lords own good Seed , or any way destructive to the Field it self . And let all good Christians say , Amen . SERMON VI. At WHITE-HALL Jan. 21. 1639. MATTH . 13. v. 28. Et ait illis , Inimicus homo hoc fecit . He said unto them , An enemy hath done this . FAcilius est in contubernalibus disputare quàm conserere sapientiam . It is observed exceeding well by Minutius Felix , that men of equall parts and power may farre more easily debate then defend a question . Disputes are sooner raised then they are determined : and every one that knowes how to start a question knowes not how to lay it . Determinations and Decisions are matters of Authority and Judgement , which howsoever they were agitated and prepared in Schools , are pronounced ex Cathedra . If the Dispute become so vehement , and the point so intricate , that neither the Master of the Schools , nor Doctors of the Chaire do determine of it , then Dic Ecclesiae comes in next , devolve the business to the Church , and hearken with obedience to her resolutions . The Church is furnished by our Lord and Saviour with sufficient power to settle and compose such questions as are raised within her : nor wants she the assistance of Gods Spirit to direct that power for the appeasing of the same ; yet if the Church be wavering and unsetled in her resolutions , or that the point in question be de summa rerum , the safety and subsistence of the Church it self , then must we do as did the servants of my Text , make our addresse unto the Lord , who keeps unto himself the dernier resort . The servants came , but how ? in the spirit of prayer . Accesserunt ad Deum per orationem , as it is in Lyra : Corde & mentis desiderio , in purity of heart , and fervency of spirit , as Remigius hath it . And he whose eares are alwayes open to the affectionate desires of his faithful servants , le ts them know the truth , Diaboli calliditate hoc factum , that that which they enquired about was of Satans doing . They came unto him with an unde , and he makes answer with an ait , He said unto them , inimicus homo hoc fecit , the enemy hath done this . These words contain in them these two generall parts , a quis respondet , and a quia respondet : first , who it is that answers ; and then , what he answereth . The quis respondet in the first words , & ait illis , he said unto them ; the quid respondet in the last , inimicus homo hoc fecit , an enemy hath done this . In this last generall , the quid respondet , we have these particulars ; first , who it was that did this mischief , an enemy , inimicus homo ; next , by what practises and arts he did it ; which we may easily finde , if we look well for them , in the fecit hoc . I shall speak first unto you of the quis respondet , who it is that answereth , Et ait illis , he said unto them . Nec Deus intersit nisi dignus vindice nodus Inciderit . It is prescribed by Horace , in his Art of Poesie , not to bring in the Gods to bear a part in any of their scenes and Comedies , but where some speciall difficulty did arise , which of necessity might seem to require their presence . The Parables in Scripture are a kinde of Poesie , fitted and framed to our capacity , and for our instruction . And we may take it for a rule , that in what Parable soever God comes in discoursing , there is some weighty point in agitation , which could not be determined of but by him alone . God we finde here discoursing with his Houshold-servants , though not here as God : The Parable holds in this also a true decorum with the Rules of Poesie , and shewes us God presented in the shape of man , Et Deus humana sub imagine , as it is in Ovid. God here appeares unto us like an Housholder , or an Husbandman , the homo seminans of the Text , conferring with his servants , his subordinate Ministers , about the quality and success of their employment . He in this place , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and ille in the Greek and Latine , is not demonstrative , but relative , and doth relate unto the Housholder of the former verse , the Pater-familias , as the Latine ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Master of the House , as the Greek calls it . And indeed , call him by which name you will , it comes all to one : Each of them doth express sufficiently both his power and greatness . The whole world , the united body of all mankind is but one great Family ; and who the Pater-familias , the Father of this Family , but the Father Almighty ? His Sonnes we are , if we behold our selves in the first Creation ; not only as the Father of the first man Adam , from whose loynes we come , but even of all and every one in his particular . The very bodies of us men are too too excellent a structure for man and nature to erect : And therefore said Lactantius truly , hominem non patrem esse , sed generandi ministrum , Man only is the Instrument which the Lord doth use to raise that goodly edifice of flesh and blood , which he contemplates in his Children . His servants we are too in our several functions ; the King , as the chief Steward of his Family , to go in and out before his people ; the Bishop and the Priest , to instruct and teach them ; the Peeres , to countenance and protect them ; the Judge , to regulate and defend them . Some in one place , and some in another , all servants , all Domesticks in that numerous family . And he , as Father of the Family , doth not he take care that every one according to his place and quality receive his portion of meat in due season ? Doth not he feast the rich with dainty , and the poor with plenty ? Doth not he heal the sick , and cure the wounded , and comfort the afflicted , and support the weak ? Sic curat unumquemque tanquam solum curet , sic omnes tanquam singulos , as my Authour hath it . Never did Father of a Family so discharge his duty . Next , let us look upon the world as it is an House , the generall habitation of mankind , and of all Gods creatures ; and who should be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Lord and Master of this House , but the Lord Almighty ? Deo una domus est totus hic mundus , as saith Octavius in the Dialogue . An House so orderly disposed , so well contrived , so richly furnished , that one may very well conjecture that certainly it hath some Lord and Master of great power and wisdom . They say , the model of an House is fashioned according to his brain that builds it : Then sure , the builder of this House is of infinite wisdom , who hath contrived and ordered it in such an excellent manner , as well for state and entertainment as inferiour Offices . And when we come into an House wherein we see the servants vigilant and laborious in their severall stations , neither omitting their own duties , nor intermedling in those Offices which belong to others , we use to say , that such an House is prudently and wisely ordered . Crederes universitatis esse dominum ; The Lord of all this Universe hath his House so fitted , alotting every man unto some employment , as a barre to idleness ; and limiting each man to his own employment , to avoid confusion . They which will needs be medling in anothers office , either the affaires of Church or State , which they are not called to , d●sturb the order of Gods House , and subvert the Discipline thereof , and so become unworthy to be counted servants to so wise an Housholder . But God is not an Housholder only , and no more then so , though so translated in my Text : The Lord is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Lord of the soyle , as well as Master of the House ; the House being such as hath good store of Land , and a fair demesne belonging to it . Ager est mundus totus , non ecclesia ; The whole World is the Field of God , and therefore called Ager suus , his Field . v. 24. and Ager tuus , thy field , the servants speaking to their Master , v. 27. The Earth is the Lords , and the fulness of it ; the whole World , and all that dwell therein , as the Royal Psalmist hath it . Satan was but a silly braggard , when he said to Christ , Haec omnia tibi dabo , all these will I give thee . The Kingdoms of the Earth , and the glories of them are of Gods disposing : And all the Princes of the World , even the Mahometan and Heathen , hold their Crowns of God , though they do service for them to the Devil . The enemy is so far from being Lord in chief of all the Universe , that he hath no propriety in the smallest part : No Field , no not the corner of a Field , which he can challenge to himself , or say to any of his servants , that 's mine own , go plough , and fallow , and manure it , and then sowe my seed . If he be so inclined at any time as to be sowing of his tares , it must be done in agro Domini , some part or other of the Lords Field . And then he comes but on the post fact neither , after the Field was sowen with good seed before . For howsoever Heresies may be antiqua , yet they are not prima ; Heresie may be very ancient , but never primitive . Truth was first sowen , though many times it hapneth by the Devils practises that Heresie doth overcome it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wholsom Doctrines , had first of all been planted in the Church of Christ ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , other Doctrines , as the Apostle calls them , 1 Tim. they came in after , as the fruits of a latter sowing . So much of ille , he , the relative , as it stands marshalled in my Text : and what did he ? Et ait illis ; He said unto them . And it was no small grace to his poor servants that he vouchsafed to look so low as to hold conference with them , and admit of parlies in matters which himself alone knew how to remedy . But being it was a matter which concerned his Church , and in the which the servants did address themselves unto him with so great affection , he thought it no disparagement to hearken to their information , and return an answer . Nor stops he here , as if he had done too much for them ; but he permits them also to propose their counsels , vis imus & colligimus ea ? in the words next following : and to that also he replies : Such conferences between the heavenly Husbandman and his Houshold-servants , God and the Prophets , Christ and his Disciples , are no rare matters in the Scripture . Not that God either stood in need of their intelligence , or was made wiser by their counsels ; but leaving thereby an example unto Kings and Princes , and such as are in authority from and under them , not to despise the information , or undervalue the advice , of the meanest person , how much soever ranked below them both in place and power . Such men as are inquisitive in asking questions , or prompt in giving their advise in emergent difficulties , however they may seem unseasonable , yet if they do it on good grounds , as the servants here , are not to be rejected as unserviceable . Certain I am my Housholder conceived it so ; He neither blames his servants for their curiosity , with nolo nimiùm curiosos ; nor taxeth them of indiscretion in the delivering of their opinions , with nolonimiùm diligentes . For howsoever to their counsel he returns a non , yet he acquaints them fully with those weighty reasons which did incline him thereunto . And as unto the unde , to the point proposed , to that he makes such answer as removed the doubt ; which is the quid respondet , and my second general , inimicus homo hoc fecit . Where first we must consider who it was that did this mischief ; and that was inimicus , an enemy . Dicuntur in Scripturis inimici Dei qui non naturâ sed vitiis ejus imperio adversantur . It is a Maxime of St. Austins , That those are called Gods enemies in holy Scripture , which are not such by nature , in their first creation , but only by their own corrupt affections . His reason is , naturam non esse contrariam Deo , sed vitium , because that nature of it self is not contrariant unto God , but subservient rather . Sin is the instrument which first made the breach between God Almighty , and those who in the Book of God are called his enemies . So was it also with the enemy which is mentioned here , God made him good , though not unchangeably good . By nature he created him a living and immaculate spirit , inferior unto none but to God himself . But he would needs aspire beyond his nature ; and so , as many times it hapneth unto proud usurpers , lost both the Crown he aimed at , and his own Inheritance . For whereas God professeth of the Angels , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and were by him created to be ministring Spirits , Lucifer , so the Scriptures call him , did not like of that : He thought himself a creature of too glorious a composition to be sent on errands , or to be ready at command , and therefore aimed at higher matters , et ero similis Altissimo , said the proud Aspirer ; He must be equall to the Almighty , both in place and power . This pride and blind ambition cast him out of Heaven , and made him of an Angel , and a Friend of God , to become an enemy , an enemy unto the Lord and to all his Saints . This is the enemy which I am to speak of , the enemy that took such pains to destroy Gods Harvest . We met with him before in the 25. but there we found him with his clogge . There he is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , inimicus ejus , his enemy ; the enemy of God alone , and there we did consider him accordingly . To God an enemy ex professo , on the ancient qua●rel , upon the sentence passed against him for his first aspirings . To man an enemy no further then he weares Gods Livery , and retains unto him : and therefore in that place , inimicus ejus , Gods enemy . But here we finde him more at large , an enemy ; or inimicus quispiam , some enemy , as Beza reads it . An enemy to God , and to Man , Gods Image , and the Church , Gods Spouse : to each of these an enemy in their several places . In the first , to God ; to God indeed an enemy , but an harmless enemy . His malice unto God doth consist much more in a continual purpose to resist his will , then a power to hurt him : non potestate laedendi , sed voluntate resistendi , as the Father hath it . The mischiefs which he meanes to God , are but like Arrowes shot against a Rock of Adamant , which rebound back on him that shot them , nihil illi valentes nocere , sed sibi . The hurt he doth is to himself , in filling up the measure of his own iniquities , and thereby adding to the weight of his just damnation . Things not succeeding to his wish with Almighty God , his next design is upon man. With him he had a quarrel too at his first Creation : It grieved him at the very heart to see poor man , composed of such vile matter as dust and ashes , adopted unto those celestiall glories , whence himself was fallen : and therefore he resolves to work him to the like Apostasie . This onset he then gave , and hath since continued , endeavouring nothing more then the fall of man , that he might triumph on his ruines . For being alienated from the love of God , he hath been labouring ever since the World began to fill mens mindes with false opinions touching God , and to bring in strange forms of worship , which the Lord abhors . Et alienati à Deo , inductis pravis religionibus , non desinunt homines à Deo segregare ; as mine Author hath it . Hence came the monstrous dotages of the antient Gentiles concerning God ; the infinite and innumerable multitude of the Gods themselves , their most ridiculous , and sometimes most obscene and filthy ceremonies at many of their publick Festivals : their barbarous and unnatural sacrifices , not of the flesh of strangers only , as in Gaul , Pontus , Egypt , yea and Rome it self ; but making their own Children passe through the fire to Moloch , as amongst the Israelites . If Socrates , or any of the Learned and more noble souls , oppose these manifest impieties , and seek to vindicate and restore the true knowledge of God , him he will first disgrace with the common people , deprive him of his fame and substance , and at last his life . If Job , or any pious and religious spirit , live not according to the will of Satan , and the wicked multitude , him he will labour to accuse before God himself ; that getting him into his hands , to spoyl and plague him to the utmost , he may inforce him in the end to curse God and die . So then we see the difference of the Devils enmity unto God and man. To God he is an enemy affectu only , in his minde and purpose ; to man an enemy affectu and effectu too ; not only seeking whom he may devoure , but devouring many . Thus deales he also with the Church , with the united body of Gods chosen servants . Christ had no sooner raised himself from the bonds of death , and placed himself at the right hand of God in the heavenly places , but presently the Woman , the Church of God , however cloathed with the Sunne , and crowned with Starres , was by the Great Dragon brought into distress , and forced to flie into the Wilderness . Nor was it long before there was a Warre in Heaven , Michael and his Angels against the Devill and his angels . And howsoever the Arch-angel had the better then , and that the Dragon was cast out and vanquished , to the great comfort of the Saints , yet hath he never left to persecute and afflict the Church . The case stands so between the Devil and the Church of God , as it was once 'twixt Rome and Carthage . Semper inter eos populos aut bellum , aut belli praeparatio , aut infida pax fuit , as the Story hath it . Either they were in open Warre , or preparing for it ; or if at any time in peace , it was a peace more dangerous then the Warre it self . For in the infancy of the Church , what persecutions did he raise against her ? what monstrous Heresies did he raise within her ? what havock did he make of the Saints of God ? what a red Sea did he create of the blood of Martyrs ? If that at any time his wretched Instruments grew weary of their own tyranny , as sometimes they did , he then prepares the way unto new afflictions , by charging those poor innocent souls with incestuous mixtures , and drinking the warm blood of a new slain Infant : which were those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so oft confuted and retorted by the antient Fathers . Nay , when the Church was setled in a perfect peace by the hand of Constantine , yet was it still infida pax , a peace but ill observed by the treacherous enemie , intent on all occasions , watching all advantages , if not to cut it down at once by open violence , yet to supplant it at the last by his subtile practises . This to perform , he was to deal in other manner , and by other instruments then before he did ; more like a cunning practiser then an open enemy . Before we finde him styled inimicus simply , or inimicus quispiam , as Beza here . But in this place he comes in with a speciall adjunct , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in the Greek , or inimicus homo , in the vulgar Latine : wherewith agree Castellio and Erasmus , in their translations of the Text. Our English versions do somewhat differ in the point . The Bishops Bible , as they call it , reads it a malicious man ; that of Geneva , an envious man ▪ the Rhemists literally , an enemy man. All of them keep themselves unto the homo as well as to the inimicus ; except our last Translation , therein following Beza . But what the reason is why Homo should be superadded unto inimicus , that 's not yet agreed on . St. Hierome is of this opinion , Diabolum propterea inimicum hominem appellari , quod Deus esse desiit , that Satan is here called inimicus homo , because he left off to be God. But this I can by no meanes like of : the Devil in the height of his ambition aspired not to be God , but like him . It was not ero Deus , but ero Deo similis , that procured his downfall . Lupoldus in his Book de vita Christi , tells us , that homo is here joyned to inimicus , as Africanus was to Scipio ; to denotate that Conquest which he gains on man , when he subjects him to his will. Others conceit , that he is therefore called inimicus homo , to shew that correspondence and affinity which is between the Devil and the wicked man : the Devill in this place being called a man , and Judas in the sixth of John being called a Devil ; but these , as I conceive it , are but tricks of fancy , and come not home unto the point . For my part , I should rather think that Satan is here called inimicus homo , because in sowing of his tares he used the help of envious and malicious men , whom he had fitted for that purpose . When he first set upon the Church by violent and bloody persecutions , he made use of Beasts . The Tyrants all from Nero down to Dioclesian , what were they else but Beares , and Wolves , and Pards , and Lyons ; creatures that never sucked the milk of Women ? Certain I am , as most Interpreters agree , that by the name of Lyon , in the 2d of Tim. St. Paul designes the Emperor Nero ; I was delivered , saith the Apostle , out of the mouth of the Lyon , Ex ore leonis , i. e. persecutoris , saith St. Hierome ; i. e. Neronis , saith Lyranus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so saith St. Chrysostome ; with whom accord Theophylact and Oecumenius . And when he laboured to envenom it by scandalous and noysom Hereticks , he made use of Serpents , that by the poyson of their impious Doctrine , she might be brought unto destruction . Certain I am that Epiphanius resembleth every severall Hereticks unto some speciall sort of Serpent . But in the sowing of these tares , in bringing in that deviation from the true Religion which is intended in this Parable ; he then thought it his best way to make use of men , men who knew how to time it , and to watch advantages , and to make use of all occasions ; and so with more assurance might effect his purpose , because leas● suspected . The Devill never went beyond himself but in this invention , in putting on the shape of man when he did this feat , that he might passe unseen by the houshold-servants . This is the true cause as I conceive it , why Satan is here called inimicus homo , the envious and malicious man ; or if you will , the enemy-man , as the Rhemists read it . What kinde of men the enemy made use of to effect his purpose , and how he makes the lusts and passions of his several instruments subservient to his wretched purposes , we shall see in the hoc fecit , my last particular . Aetatis cujusque notandi sunt tibi mores . He that desires to be esteemed a Master in the Art of man , must be well skilled in all the humors and affections , which are peculiar to his nature , and incident unto his age . Nay , he must be well read in mens wants and weaknesses , their imperfections and defects : which if applied with cunning , and employed with care , may prove exceeding serviceable to the aims and projects of the cunning practiser . And as the thrifty man that desires to prosper , turns every thing unto his profit , and makes no small commodity out of toyes and trifles ; so he that trades in men , and hath the art of diving into their affections , may husband and improve the meanest passion to his great advantage . The Devil , the old enemy , is a cunning man , a subtle practiser , and is not now to learn this lesson . When he was once resolved on the fecit hoc , to sowe his tares , his dangerous and hereticall Doctrines in the Church of God , he was not to be taught how to deal with men , how to make use of their affections , of their lusts and passions , for the promoting of his purpose ; or how to use their weaknesse and deficiencies , as an help unto it . Whether men be voluptuous , arrogant , or vain-glorious , whether they pine with envy , or are stirred with choler ; or be they rash , or head-strong , t is all one to him . He knowes full well his opportunities , how to apply himself unto them , as the humour takes : and by their meanes to do that businesse , which he durst never undertake without them . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Not that the Devil hath a power , as the Father notes it , to thrust men into his employments whether they will or not ; but that he makes such use of their lusts and passions as may best suit with his intendments . The enemy in this business deales by craft , not force . And first , if we begin with the ambitious man , ( as certainly he would take it ill , if we should do otherwise , ) how much hath Satan wrought upon this affection from the beginning of the world ? What was it but ambition in our Father Adam , when he desired to be as God , knowing good and evill ? And did not Satan work upon that humour , to the undoing of that wretched upstart , and his whole posterity ? What was it but ambition in Simon Magus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first-begotten of the Devil , as Ignatius calls him , which made him love to be entituled the great power of God ? And did not Satan work upon that humour , for the promoting and divulging of those desperate blasphemies , with which the Church was long tormented ? What was it but ambition in the Popes that moved them to affect the Title of Universall Bishop in the Church of Christ ? And hath not Satan wrought upon that humour , to the distraction of the Church , if not the totall ruine of it ? This Doctrine of the Cardinall , Si Papa doceret virtutes esse vitia , &c. that if the Pope determine vertue to be vice , all men are to believe so , without more ado : that of Aquinas and the Schools , that he may make new Articles of faith ; which Pius Quartus put in practise : that of the Canonists in generall , that as the Vicar-generall of our Saviour Christ , he is Lord of all , and consequently hath a power to do what he list ; as also to dispense what , and how he list , in matters which concern the Church , with Oaths and Vowes , and Leagues and Mariages ; yea , with the very Law of nature : these and the rest what are they but the fruits of the Popes supremacy ? and what produced the Popes supremacy but the Popes ambition ? I fear a spice of this ambition , and a shrewd one too , is still left amongst us : in them most visible , who would be every one a Pope in their severall Parishes . The Fathers of the Consistory claim as great Authority , as ever Pope did in the Conclave ; and at their feet , according to their own dear principles , the P●inces of the Earth must lay down their Scepters . Huic disciplinae omnes orbis principes fasces suos submittere , & parere necesse est , as Travers hath resolved it in his Book of Discipline . Vain-glory may come next ambition , and many times they go together . This was the motive that incited Theudas to take upon himself the name of some doughty Prophet , that he might draw away much people after him , and be counted somebody . This Austin notes to be the fountain of all Heresies ; Superbia mater heres●on , as the Father hath it . St. Bernard speaks it out more fully , captare gloriam de singularitate scientiae , to get himself a name for a man of eminency . Somewhat they needs must teach which is not ordinary , to gain themselves opinion , and increase their followers . St. Dominick , St. Francis , and all the rest which have so surfeited the Church with their several Orders , what aimed they at in all their institutions , but the vain-glory of a new Invention , and to have their followers called by their own names ? So fared it also with the Schoolmen , Lombard , Aquinas , Bonaventure , and the rest that followed ; every one superadding some new niceties unto those before them . Those intricate debates first raised amongst them touching Predestination , Grace , Free-will , the Merit of good works , as well excongruo , as condigno ; the number and nature of the Sacraments , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the like perplexities ; Their new distinctions , and new termes of Art , new notions , or indeed new nothings , what served they for , but the ostentation of their singularities in point of learning , to the no small increase of disputations , and decrease of piety ? Nor hath it fared much better with the Chutch in these latter times ; She is , and hath been long , afflicted with this New Disease . New Doctrines now are no lesse pleasing to the people , then once newes at Athens ; and many a man we have , as there , that spends his time for nothing else then to hear new things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in the Greek , some Doctrine of the newest fashion . In case they have not what they look for , then presently what would this babler have ? say some : he seemes to be a setter forth of strange Gods , say others ; because perhaps he preached unto them touching obedience , and conformity to the publick Government . Such being the humour of the people , Sermonibus opinantium faciles praebere aures , to hearken greedily to such Sermons as are fraught with fancies : whoever hath the art to feed that humor , shall have many followers . And who I pray you would not buy a company at so cheap a rate , for fear of hazarding so poor a trifle as the Churches peace ? Desire of glory leads the way to desire of gain , or indeed cannot go without it . He that doth feed upon the aire of popular applause , and live upon the breath of acclamation , may carry all his dinner in an empty belly . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , T is money makes the man , said the old Greek Proverb . And therefore they that are vain-glorious , and hunt for popular applause amongst their followers , are for the most part also covetous , and suck no small advantage from them too . Wer 't not for spes dolosi affulserit nummi , the flattering hopes of filthy lucre , digito monstrari would not serve the turn . Desire of gain , and love of money , are the predominant affections that the enemy works on . The love of money , saith the Apostle , is the root of all evill ; the which whilest some have coveted after , à fide erraverunt , they have erred from the faith . And if that men subvert whole houses , and teach things they should not , do we not finde it by experience that it is turpis lueri gratiâ , even for the sake of filthy lucre ? Certain it is , the prosecution of these covetous hopes hath given the enemy no small advantage in the disseminating of his tares in the field of God. It hath been magnus laqueus diaboli , a great snare of Satans , who no sooner found that Clergy-men were covetous , and intent on riches , but streight he layed before them , many opportunities to feed that humour . As for example ; The Church was used , according to the rigor of the primitive times , to enjoyne strict and tedious penance on the party criminall : why might not this be turned to money ? Hence came the preaching , and the prizing too , of Indulgences and the year of Jubile ; no small Revenue of the Popedom . Christ had left power unto his Ministers to absolve the penitent , and to remit the sins of a contrite person : may not some gain be made of that ? may not a pardon be obtained for money , as a thing of course ? yes questionless , & that not for the present only , but many thousand years to come ; not for poor trifles only , or peccadillos ; but such as a religious ear would abhor to think of , non pro praeteritis tantùm , sed & pro futuris ; not for sins past only , but for those to come : the gates of Heaven are never opened with more speed to the formall penitent , then by silver keyes . Some of the Fathers speak of a fire of Purgatory , though doubtingly , and as a matter not agreed on : might not that fire be made to warm their Kitchins , and prepare all them in a readiness for the common Refectory ? The Passion of our Lord and Saviour was a sufficient sacrifice both for quick and dead : Might not the Masse , or the commemoration of that sacrifice be taught to be of equall value ? And having taught the people so , might they not sell their Masses at a dearer rate then the false traytor sold his Master , whom the Masse commemorates ? The times began to be exceedingly inclined to superstition : Wer 't not an excellent piece of cunning to feed that humour , and put the people to the charge of the entertainment ? From hence came shrines , and vowes to Saints , and Pilgrimages ; and , which was worst of all , false and feigned miracles , only to gain greater reputation to their shrines and temples , and the more profit to themselves . I could hunt further on this sent , but that I have more game to follow ; and for the rest , refer it to the Poet Mantuan . Now as ambition , and vain-glory , and the love of money have prevailed on some , and made them fit and ready for the Devils service ; so discontent and envy have perswaded as much with others . Florinus never had been so ungracious as to make God the Authour of sin , or stained the peoples eares with so lewd a blasphemy , but that he had been formerly degraded from the holy Priesthood ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Eusebius hath it . The discontent he took upon that disgrace made him apt to mischief ; and Satan took the opportunity to make him useful for his purpose . Nor ever had Aerius broached this foolish fancy , Episcopum nulla ratione debere discerni , that Priests and Bishops were all one , but that he saw Eustathius , his companion on●e , advanced unto a Bishoprick before him . Himself , as Epiphanius doth relate the Story , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , did very earnestly affect that dignity ; but he could not get it . Eustathius was preferred before him ; hence began the quarrel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Father hath it . This envy at the fortunes and preferment of another man made him first quarrel with Eustathius , though his very Friend ; and after with the Calling , with the very dignity . Just so the Fox complained that the Grapes were sowre , because he saw he could not reach them . Whether this folly , or this frenzy rather ( for Epiphanius calls it in plain termes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a frantick heresie ) be not revived again on the self-same grounds ; whether Episcopacy be not now cryed down by those especially who either look with envious eyes on the preferment of their betters , or else are discontented at their own misfortune , in not attaining to that eminency in the Church of God , is no hard matter to determine . This I am sure , and speak it upon good Authority , that if some men had been advanced unto those honours which they laboured for , and others had attained those Bishopricks which they were in quest of , we had not been disquieted with those Schismes and ruptures wherewith the Church of God is now torn in pieces . Envy and ignorance sometimes go together . Sure I am ignoratio recti & invidia are so placed in Tacitus ; This we account not as a passion or affection in the minde of man , unless it be a voluntary and affected ignorance , but as weakness or defect . And yet of this the enemy hath raised himself a greater fortune then out of any of the rest . There was a time when ignorance was in request , the tenth Age from Christ , the very next to that wherein hell brake loose ; a dark and sullen night of ignorance , in which the servants of the Husbandman did not only slumber , but slept and snorted . A seculum obscurum , as Baronius ; a seculum infelix , an unhappy Age , wherein was little reading , and lesse writing , saith the Cardinall Bellarmine : An age quite destitute of eminent men , both for wit and learning , as their Bishop Genebrard . Can we conceive the enemy let slip the opportunity of so dark a night , and slept for company ? or that he would not husband it to his best advantage , when there was either none so vigilant as to watch his doings , or so industrious as to commit to writing what they had observed ? What fitter time then this , to sowe the seeds of transubstantiation , and adoration of the Host ; with all those severall points and Articles , those uncouth Ceremonies and gesticulations which depend upon it , when all divine and humane learning were laid up in silence ? What fitter time then this to seal up the Bible , and take the Scriptures from the Laity , when there was such a fair pretence , that few or none could understand it ? What fitter time then this , to captivate mens understandings to the Churches dictates , and to advance their own traditions into the Chair and Throne of the Word of God , when men were taught , to the great obloquy and contempt of learning , that ignorance was the mother of devotion ? And in a word , what fitter time then this , to open and bring forth the tares of Image-worship , and invocation of the Saints , and prayer for the dead , and restraint from marriage ; ( the seeds whereof were sowen in those slumbring times which usher'd in this Epidemicall and dismall darkness ) when men had wilfully sealed up their eyes , and professed blinde obedience to the Popes decrees ? Here was a season for the nonce to spread abroad false Doctrines , and unsound opinions . The Devill had been an Asse indeed , if he had not spyed it . And yet it is not easie to determine neither , whether the negligence both of Priest and people did not as much promote the purpose of the enemy , as did their ignorance . Now for this double kind of negligence , that which we charge upon the people is circa custodiam personae suae , touching the looking to themselves ; that which we charge upon the Priest , circa custodiam gregis sui , touching the looking to his Flock . ● The people I find faulty in these two respects ; 1. In not doing of their duties , and 2dly , In not claiming of their dues . The Church in the first Ages of it used every day to celebrate the blessed Sacrament , which thereupon St. Ambrose calls quotidianum cibum , our daily bread . The times were then severe and quick , the people pious and devout ; and few there were that failed to be present at it . But when the Sun of peace and liberty shined upon the Church , the people grew remisse and careless , took cold in their devotions , and forbare the Church , and left the Priest , who by the ancient Canons was to do this Office , to say his lesson to himself . By this meanes and no other came in private Masses , wherein the Priest participates by himself alone ; not upon any positive constitution , which debarres the people , but for defect of piety and devotion in them . Harding & other learned men in the Church of Rome , so excuse the matter ; and not perhaps without just reason . But certainly the Priest was to blame the while , who either did not call upon them to attend their duties , or in default thereof did not proceed against them , as he should have done , according to the ancient Discipline . But more to blame no doubt was the Church of Rome , who on complaint of the abuse , not only hath ordained no remedy for the recalling of the people to the primitive custom , but hath established and confirmed these private Masses maugre all opposition and resistance , inflicting an Anathema upon every one that dares d●sprove them . As then the people were first faulty in the not doing of their duties , so we shall finde them as deficient in the second point , for the not claiming of their dues . For if the question should be asked , how and by whom the Laity were first denied the Cup in the blessed Sacrament : It must be answered , the People lost it by degrees , for want of putting in their claim to assert the title ; for not demanding the performance of our Saviours will delivered and declared in his holy Testament . That it was instituted in both kinds by Christ , administred by St. Paul in both kindes at Corinth , and that it was so used in other places during 600 years and upwards , is confessed by Harding in his reply to B. Jewell . When , and upon what Motives , and by whose Authority , this innovation was first made , is not yet agreed upon among themselves . Greg. de Valentia , who took much pains in the examination of this business , returns an Ignoramus , or a minimè constat , unto all these Queries ; and at last is fain to father it upon the usage of the Church , and consent of the faithfull . For the consent , or at the least the not gainsaying of the faithful , there is no doubt of that , for ought I can finde , and that 's the point we now complain of . But for the usage of the Church , which also he pretends , to make up the matter , that came in of late . Thomas Aquinas , who lived about 300 years ago , no more , hath delivered plainly , calicem in quibusdam locis populo non dari , that the Cup was not then administred unto the people in some certain places . An undeniable Argument that it was universally received then in all places else . Nor was it ever otherwise determined that I can hear of , till the Assembly held at Constance ( for I can hardly think that it was a Councel ) decreed it , against Christ himself , with a non obstante ; which after was confirmed and ratified in that of Trent . Now , as the Prophet once complained , as was the People then , such was the Priest ; and as the Priest was then , such were the People ; both ignorant alike , and both alike negligent : The negligence incumbent on the Priests was of two sorts also ; first , in not teaching of the People as they ought to do ; and 2dly , in not applying speedy and peculiar remedies to emergent mischiefs . The Priests lips , by the Lords appointment , were to preserve knowledge , and at their mouthes the people were to seek the same : so the Prophet Malachi . But when the Priest became quite destitute of knowledge , through affected ignorance ; or had his lips sealed up , through affected idleness ; they fed the People with dumb shewes and Images , the Lay-mens Bible , and with the pomp and ceremonies of the Masse , the Lay-mens Idoll ; or with the counting of their Beades , the poor peoples Pater-noster : Quae non officio mentis , sed ministerio corporis consistunt , as once Lactantius scoffed it of the ancient Gentiles . By meanes whereof the rites and ceremonies of the Church were grown so numerous , that they became a burden to the Church of God ; and being first ordained as helps and accessories to Gods publick worship , came in the end to be accounted the meritorious and essential parts thereof : and having in their Institution first no more then usum significandi , a power to signifie , attained at last to usus efficiendi , a power to dignifie , in the production of the works and effects of Grace . As for the fault in not applying speedy remedies to emergent mischiefs , that relates chiefly to the Prelates , as those who are intrusted by our Saviour with the powers of Government . For if at first , upon the broching of some new opinions which seemed to tend to any alteration in the things of God , the Prelates had bestirred themselves , tryed and examined it by the holy Scriptures , or by the tendries and expressions of the Primitive Church , we had not now been troubled to decry those Doctrines which are obtruded on the Church for Catholick : Or if they had compelled the People to observe those Ceremonies which had been recommended to them from most pure Antiquity , and not have suffered others to be thrust upon them , either by practise or connivence we had not been troubled to discard those usages , which had defiled , if not prophaned the whole Worship of God. So when the Latine Tongue in these Western parts , by reason of the intermixture of Gohes , Hunnes and Vandalls , and other Nations of the North , began to alter and degenerate from its ancient purity , if then the Prelates of the Church had also changed the Language of the publick Liturgy , and fitted it to the understanding of the common people , the Church of Rome had never been accused of so foul a crime , as to inforce poor people to a Latine Service , to which they cannot say Amen . For sure it is an excellent rule of him in Gellius , that men must speak according to the times in which they live , and live according to the times which old Stories speak of : Moribus antiquis , praesentibus utere verbis , as that Author hath it . Agreeably to which good Rule , those in the Church of Rome might have kept together the ancient Piety and Discipline with the modern Languages . Hitherto we have noted and surveyed the Devils practises upon the nobler●sex of man : Think we he holds so wretched an opinion of the other , though the weaker Vessel , as to conceive them utterly unserviceable for the improving of his Harvest ? If we observe his doings , we shall finde it otherwise . He had so good success with Eve , in his first attempt , that he had shewn himself at once ingrateful and unprovident to have left them so . He knew that by the constitution of their sex , they were weak , but wilful ; easily won to entertain new fancies and opinions , but not so easily to forgo them . He also knew , that by the eagerness of their affections , and the insinuating powers which they have by nature , they are most diligent and industrious in draw●ng their Husbands , Children , friends and servants , to entertain that cause which themselves affect : Upon this ground he would not send out Simon Magus without an Helena ; nor would Montanus venture on the Stage alone to disperse his Heresies , but must have Maximilla and Priscilla joyned Assistants with him . And if Priscillian have a mind to pervert the People , and raise a faction to himself in the Church of God , he will not fail to court the Women , and make them fast unto his party . Sulpitius so assures us of him , that he was much admired and followed by the female sex , who loving novelties , and being of unsetled judgement , catervatim ad eum confluebant , resorted to him by whole flocks and multitudes . So for the sowing of his tares in the middle Ages , what use the enemy made of Maud the Countesse , in the advancing of the Popes supremacy ; what of St. Briget and St. Clare , ( if I may so call them ) in laying the burden of professed virginity upon the necks of tender Maidens , which they can neither carry as they should , nor cast down when they list , the Story of those times can witness , and these Ages feel . The enemy is still the same , qualis ab incoe ep●o processerit , the same Satan still , and will not suffer this poor sex to remain in quiet ; but works upon them by his Emissaries , and practiseth upon them by his Agents , as knowing what fit Instruments they are to advance a party . Not that he doth employ them often in the setting , but in the selling of his tares ; their business lies not in the Field , but in the Market , to passe them up and down , and from hand to hand , and raise the price of the Commodity . St. Paul foretells us of a sort of men that should creep into Houses , and lead captive silly women laden with sin , and driven about with divers lusts . Now we finde it verified ; where we may note , ( and I but note it by the way ) that those who are led captive so , in the Apostles Judgement , are but silly women , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he calls them , laden with sin , and therefore easie to be wrought on , and so not walking in the wayes of Gods Commandements ; and driven about with divers lusts ▪ therefore not rightly grounded in the rules of constancy . Such women as are there described by the Apostle , silly and sinful , and unconstant too , let them for me be still led captive ; t is a gain to lose them . Thus have I represented to you a discovery of the enemies practises ; 1. the use he makes of the affections , passions and deficiencies of his severall instruments , to bring about the fecit hoc which my Text here speaks of . And though it be a matter of no small difficulty to trace the Prince of darkness in his deeds of darkness , yet I have done the best I could , directed by the light of Scripture , and by the Candle of antiquity , to observe his goings . The use we make of all is this , that we avoid those humors and deficiencies in our severall stations which Satan is so apt to work on ; that we be neither puffed up with ambition , nor tickled with vain-glory , nor filled with covetous desires , nor pined with discontent and envy , nor dulled with ignorance , nor finally besotted with a lazie negligence . These passions and defects if we yield not to , we need not fear the enemy , no● his fecit hoc : For God , even our own God , shall give us his blessing , and strengthen us in every good , both word and work . To whom be glory , &c. Amen . SERMON I. At CHRIST-CHURCH Septemb. 26. 1643. MATTH . 13. v. 28. part . ult . Vis imus & colligimus ea ? The Servants said unto him , Wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? TAm vari se gessit , ut nec laudaturum magna , nec vituperaturum mediocris materia deficeret : It is affirmed by the Historian of Caius Caesar , how he behaved himself in such different manner , that there wanted not forcible reasons to condemn , yet excuse sufficient to commend him . The like may we affirm of our Servants here ; he that doth look upon them in their sleep and negligence , and findes them ut dormirent homines , cannot but think them accessary to so great a mischief as Satan brought upon the Church in sowing Tares . The opportunity they gave him by their dull security , or at the least their supine carelesness , makes them parcel-guilty . And he that undertakes to defend them in it , will questionless as much betray his Client , as they their Cause . But look upon them when they were awakened , when they had seen their own error , and the Churches danger , and then how many things are there worthy at once of our applause and imitation ? In servis habemus tam quod laudemus quàm quod imitemur , as my Author hath it . First , their fidelity , quòd accesserunt , in that they came unto their Master , made him acquainted with the accident , and so prepared him for the Remedy . Their coming was an Argument of their good intentions , and that they had not willingly betrayed the trust reposed in them ; they did not fly on the discovery . And next we have their care , quòd quaesierunt , that they could never be at quiet till they were satisfied in the Original and Instrument of so great a mischief , till they had learnt the unde , whence the tares should come . And when their Master had informed them in the fecit hoc , and told them that the Enemy had done it , yet they stayed not here , as if the question had been made out of curiosity , more to inform their understandings , then reform the matter . They thought it did concern them to redeem the time , because their former fact was evill . And as the enemy had entred by their sloth and negligence , and thereby took occasion to destroy Gods Harvest ; so they conceived it did belong to them especially to labour in the Reformation , and to reduce Gods Field to its primitive lustre by their zeal and courage . This was the thing most aimed at in the Accescerunt , this the chief reason of their coming . No sooner had they heard that the enemy did it , and that this enemy was the Devil , ( Diaboli calliditate factum esse , as it is in Lyra ; ) but presently they make an offer of their service to redress the mischief , and by their joynt endeavours to root out those ●ares by which Gods Field was so indangered . The servants said unto him , Vis imus & colligimus ea , Wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? This is the last part which the Servants have to act in this present Dialogue ; and in this part they give a fair expression of their zeal and wisdom . He that will take their Picture right , shall finde that it consisteth of these five Lineaments : For first , we have a noble courage , vis imus ? Sir , Wilt thou that we go and give the onset ? T is not the Devil whom we fear , nor any of his wretched Instruments , how great soever they may be , both in power and malice . Vis imus ? Say but the word only , and thy servants go . And next , we finde an honest zeal to rectifie what was amisse in the Field of God. Vis imus & colligimus ea ? Is it your pleasure that those Tares shall be rooted up ? T is not the Tares we are in love with , how fair soever to the eye , how plausible soever they may seem in the opinion and esteem of seduced people . Say thou but faciat is hoc , and thy servants will do it . In each we have their readiness and unanimity . First , imus & colligimus , we go and gather , in the plural number ; then imus & colligimus , we go and gather , in the present tense ; and last of all , we have their temper and obedience , guiding their counsels by their Masters will , and governing their zeal by his direction , Vis imus & colligimus ea ? This we are ready to perform , if you please to have it so ; if otherwise , we neither are so in love with danger , nor so ambitious of imployment , as not to take your Warrant and Commission with us for our justification . And therefore fiat voluntas tua , not our will , but thy will be done ; Vis imus & colligimus ea ? Wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? These are the features which I am to draw , though I confess with an ignorant and unskilful pencil ; leaving them to be better limmed and polished by your more seasonable meditations . And first I am to lay before you their heroick courage ; vis imus ? wilt thou that we go ? Scientia parum est nisi accedat & virtus ; Knowledge is little worth when it comes alone , when it is neither joyned nor seconded with vertuous purposes . Some desire knowledge only that they may be known , and this is vanity : some only for the thing it self , to know , and this is curiosity : others , that they may edifie therewith , and this is charity . This last kinde was the desire of knowledge which these servants brought , when they repaired unto their Master with an unde haec ? They only laboured to discern whence the Tares should come , that so they might bethink themselves of some present Remedy . And having found out what they sought for , a man would easily have thought they had found enough to save them any further trouble : To tell them that the enemy was abroad , and that by his false Arts and Practises he had sowen those Tares , might well have been a Supersedeas to all further care ; for who would willingly provoke an enemy , especially in matters which concern the publick , when by declining of the business , & quitting an employment of such dangerous nature , he may preserve himself both in peace and quietness ? But when this Enemy is discovered further , to be an enemy of no common rank , but even the very Prince of darkness , qui tot Legionibus imperitat , one that commands so many Legions ; I trow it were no part of wisdom to incur his anger , when by a plausible and discreet connivence we may hold fair with him . To go against an enemy of such power and quality were a desperate madness , such as no man of ordinary brains would be guilty of , when he may safely sit at home , and take such fortune as the success and issue of affaires should offer : yet such was the undaunted courage of the servants here , that none of all these cautions or considerations could preponderate with them , or hinder them from venturing in their Masters cause ; vis imus ? Wilt thou that we go ? And 't was no mean note of a noble courage that they would be going : It seemes they thought it not becomming to sit still at home , and spend their time in consultations , how , and by what close meanes , without the open hazard of their lives and fortunes , so great a business as that was might be best effected . The mischief which they feared was imminent , not capable of long debates , of slow and lingring deliberations . Dum quid sis dubitas , j am potes esse nihil . And whilest they spent the time in Disputes and Questions , casting of doubts , and raising casuall or emergent scruples , the mischief which they feared might have fallen upon them . 'T is true , the enterprise was great , and full of danger ; and therefore was to be encountred with an equall courage , both in the onset and pursuit . The greater the attempt was conceived to be , the braver resolutions were required in them that durst undertake it . Poor are the spirits of those men who in a time of common danger , when the whole Church is threatned , and the State oppressed , dare not go forth to meet an approching mischief . To sink under the burden of calamitous fortune , and not to struggle with adversity , is the next way to tempt and invite it to us . When troubles are at hand go forth to meet them ; Tu ne cede malis , sed contra audentiùs ito , was a brave old Rule , both given and practised by the Heathens in matters of farre lesse concernment then the present business . And 't was a gallant speech of Pompey , worthy the Reputation and Renown of so great a spirit , Necesse est ut eam , non ut vivam . He was imployed by his Country , the State of Rome , to scoure the Seas , and bring in such provisions of Corn and Victuall as the Town then wante● : from which when some who seemed to be his friends disswaded him , urging the difficulty of the action , and the apparent hazards he was like to run ; he answered , that his going was more necessary then his life could be ; Necesse est ut eam , non ut vivam . No life could be so precious to him as his Countries safety ; and therefore go he would , though the windes said nay , and all the forces of the World had been raised against him . But Pompey shall not go alone ; the Church of Christ can yield him Equals , though Rome yielded none . Pompejusque parem , which was there a Paradox , is here the ordinary practise of Gods Saints and Servants . More then so , major hic Pompeio , what speciall Servant is there of the Lord our God who hath not shewen a braver and more noble courage ? When Moses was imployed by God on so sowre a Message , as to solicit Pharaoh the Egyptian Tyrant for the dismission of the House of Israel , what dangers might not he have feared ? what reasons might not fairly have been pretended to excuse the Journey ? And when he was resolved upon it , what difficulties did he meet with ? how many times was he repulsed with threats and terrors ? yet God no oftner said to Moses , though he said it often , Ingredere ad Pharaonem , Go unto Pharaoh , that bloody Butcher of my Children , that merciless oppressor of my people Israel , and tell him that he shall no longer keep them in that house of bondage ; but Moses went immediatly upon the errand . It was no need to bid him hast , when the afflictions of his people , and the necessities of that poor Church did require his going . Moses , though celebrated in the Scripture for a man of meekness , mitissimus super omnes homines , as the Vulgar reads it , wanted not courage to go on when the Lord commanded . But this perhaps shewed more of his obedience then his resolution ; and Moses did no more in this then the other Prophets , none of which stayed behind , or put off the service ( excepting once the Prophet Jonah ) when God bad them go . Let us next therefore look on the Prophet Esay , who when God wanted one to reform his Church , and seemed thus to proclaim his wants , Quem mittam , & quis ibit nobis ? Whom shall I send ? who will go forth for us on this desperate and ungrateful service ? made offer on his own accord to undertake it , Ecce ego ! mitte me ; Here am I , ( saith the Prophet ) let me be sent , and see if I decline the business , or dare not put my self on the undertaking . The Prophet was resolved upon the imus , to go , as soon as he perceived the Churches dangers . He stayed but for his Mission & Commission ; Vis imus ? Wilt thou that we go ? And yet we are not come to the best examples which the Church yields us in this case . The Prophets , though they were imployed by the Lord their God , in matters of this thankless and invidious nature , yet were they seldom sent abroad beyond the bounds and limits of their native Countrey , where they were countenanced and backed with their friends and kindred . It was not so with the Apostles , their Ite was of a more large , almost an infinite extent ; Ite in omnes gentes , Go into all the World and preach the Gospel . And they were told before they undertook the business , Ecce mitto vos , Behold I send you forth as sheep amongst the Wolves ; and needs must tell you beforehand , that you shall be convented before Kings and Councels , the Rulers of the Synagogue , and the Court of Sanhedrim of the Elders , by whom ye shall be buffeted and reviled , condemned and executed . More then so yet ; Satanas expetivit , Satan himself desires to sift and winnow you . And though I give you power to cast out Devils , yet do not think that Satan will so easily forgo his hold , or lose the Kingdom which he hath so long possessed in the souls of men . T is neither against Principalities and Powers , nor only against flesh and blood that you are to wrestle ; but against the Devil and his Angels , against the Rulers of the darkness of this present world : yet finde we not that any of those blessed Spirits was therewith discouraged , or did not think themselves obliged the rather to fulfill their Ministry , because it seemed so full of danger . Which of them did not travel both Lands and Seas , when once the Ite was pronounced ? Which of them might not well have said in the Poets Language , Quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ? What corner was there of the Earth which they went not to , in which they did not cultivate the Field of God ; and in so doing bid defiance to the powers of darknesse ? We must not look to finde a Parallel to the Apostles in the Ages following . And yet the servants of my Text , in point of courage , came not much behind ; whom neither the report of so great an Enemy as had been practising of late in the Field of God , could terrifie from going forth to secure the Harvest ; nor the complexion of the Tares , which was fair and specious , could hinder or divert from offering their endeavours to root them out . He that had seen the Fathers of the Primitive times grapling with Hereticks , pleading the Churches cause in their Apologeticks , refusing to comply with those impieties which were obtruded on them by the secular powers ; and sinally , in going to the Scaffold with no lesse a bravery then if some Actor had been hired to mount the Theater , would surely have conceived them to be men of courage : and 't was no wonder if the Church did then thrive and flourish when men of courage had the conduct of her chief Affaires . The like may be observed of the times succeeding , though somewhat colder in their love to the Lord our Saviour , as something further off from the dayes he lived in . The renowned Athanasius would not stoop to Arius , though patronized for a time by the famous Constantine ; nor yield a Temple to the Arians , although required by Constantius to give way unto it . St. Ambrose was resolved not to submit his judgement in a point of faith to the decisions and decrees of a Lay-Tribunal , though nothing but apparent ruine was to be expected on his refusal of the same . Non tanti est Ambrosius ut propter se deijciat sacerdotium . And when he was commanded to desert his charge , and leave it to Auxentius , an Arian Heretick ; rather then to betray his trust , he would lose his life . Prius est ut animam mihi quàm fidem auferant . An equal courage unto which we finde in Chrysostom , contesting openly with Gainus , who then commanded all both in Camp & Counsel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , though he required but one Church only within the City , wherein the Arians whom he favoured might have leave to meet . Nor might these latter and degenerate Ages wanted examples of this kind : Witness that stout and noble courage which appeared in Luther , who being sent for unto Wormes by Charles the Emperor , to render an account of his Faith and Doctrine , and much disswaded by his Friends from that desperate journey ; returned this gallant and couragious Answer , that go he would , licèt contra se tot insurrecturi essent daemones quot in tectis aedium cernerentur tegulae , though all the Houses in the Town were tiled with Devils . It is a saying of Paterculus , Eminentes viros magnis adjutoribus usos esse , that the most eminent sort of men have commonly the ablest servants . And it concerns them so to have ; they could not else go through with those great affaires which are incumbent on their places . Josuah and Caleb , Moses Ministers , were they not men of faith and courage ? What notable exploit could Moses have atcheived against his Enemies , or in the conduct of Gods People to the Land of Canaan , if not so seconded and assisted ? And if we finde so many famous Victories obtained by David , was it not that he was well served and followed by men of Valour and Renown , his mighty men , as they are called in holy Scripture ? Men of weak spirits are not fit for great undertakings , as being neither constant to their principles , nor resolute in their conclusions . And therefore 't is to be observed in Almighty God , that when he sent out any of his servants on some great design , he used this Item most an end , viriliter agite & confortamini , i. e. Be strong and of a good courage , as the English reads it . It seemes God doth not think himself well served when he findes it otherwise ; when those whom he employeth in his publick service had rather flie to Tarshish then go on to Ninive . And being he is the Husbandman intended in the present Parable , he could not chuse but take it kindly from his Servants , that they expressed so great a courage , as to make offer of their best endeavours for the promoting of his business ; vis imus ? Wilt thou that we go ? This sheweth that they were resolved upon the imus , to go forth couragiously , and not to sit down idly in a time of danger . But to what end they would be going , and what they did resolve to do when they were going forth that we shall finde in the Colligimus . We had their courage in the imus ; their zeal comes next in the Colligimus ; vis imus & colligimus ea ? Wilt ●hou that we go and gather them up ? my next particular . Qui non zelat non amat . Where there 's no zeal , there is no love , no sincere affection . A truth so clear and evident in St. Austins time , that it was grown into a Proverb ; however afterwards disputed amongst the Schoolmen . In vain do they pretend to love , who are not zealous in behalf of the thing beloved : they love not God , who are not zealous of his glory ; nor cordially affect the Church , who have no zeal unto her peace : K. David rightly understood the nature of it , when he affirmed it of himself , in regard of God , Tabescere me fecit zelus meus , My zeal hath even consumed me , because mine enemies have forgotten thy words ; and in relation to Gods Church , quoniam zelus domus tuae comedit me , The ●eal of thi●e house hath eaten me . This last kind of zeal ( I must needs say that ) either hath been much mistaken , or not rightly practised : the times being such wherein the zeal of some Reformers hath eaten up many of the Houses of Almighty God ; and doubtless , will devoure the remnant of Gods dwelling-places , if not stopped in time : therefore to set the matter right , that both the Text may be restrained to its proper meaning , and zeal be regulated & directed by the holy Text , we will explain those words of David by these words of Austin : What is the man , saith he , who is devou●ed or eaten by a zeal to the House of God ? Even he , qui omnia quae fortè ibi videt perversa satagit emendare , cupit corrigere , who studieth to amend and rectifie whatever stands inneed of a Reformation : the ordinary glosse makes the same glosse on it , but with some little alteration of the words and Phrase . Such was the zeal expressed by the Servants here . No sooner had they seen the tares in fecissent fructum , and by their Masters answer found from what seed they came , but they were vehemently zealous to root them out . They knew full well what mischief would ensue , if it were not looked to , both in relation to the Field , in danger to be overgrown and mastered by them ; and to the Children of the Church , who when they trusted to be fed with the bread of life , might unawares be poysoned with the bread of wickedness . In both respects , no course more proper as they thought , than ire & colligere , to go and gather them , before they had destroyed the Wheat , or by that Gods people . This they resolved to do , there 's no doubt of that . Their imus & colligimus make that plain enough ; but in what way they meant to do it , hath been made a question . Lyra conceives their purpose was to gather them to root them up , in such a way as was peculiar to the Church , separando eos à communione Ecclesiae , by severing them from the Communion of the faithful . The like saith Gorran also , and some latter Writers ; others , and those of more Antiquity , but farre more eminency in the Church , think rather that their meaning was to cut them off , not only from the body of the Church , but of all mankind ; to go against them with the Sword ; and destroy them utterly . Chrysostom so conceives it , saying , that if they had gone on as they were resolved , in prosecuting of the Heretick with fire and sword , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blood-shed and warre must needs have followed over all the World. Theophylact goes to work more plainly , and tells us , that the servants being offended at the growth of Heresies , by consequence incensed against the Hereticks themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were of a minde to make quick work with them , to rid them of the troubles of this wretched life , and so to save the trouble of more tedious process . To which of these two courses their zeal might bend them , is in the next place to be considered ; I conceive the last . And this I am induced to think by the Masters Answer ; who on the hearing of the Proposition returned a non , ( for it is plain , he had a negative voyce , of which more hereafter . ) He did not like of the intention : and to dislike their purpose there had been no reason , had their design been to proceed only by the Churches censures . He that committed to the Church in St. Peters name , the power and dispensation of the keyes , intended not that they should serve for nothing but a dumb shew , a sign and token only of a powerless Ministery . And when he gave to his Apostles so direct a power of binding and retaining sins , and giving over unto Satan the impenitent person , think you , his meaning was they shonld never use it ? If so , St. Panl must needs be guilty of no small offence , in dealing so severely with the man of Corinth : and wonder 't was , there was no relaxation sued for from the Court of Heaven , in case of so severe and just a sentence . And to what end serves Dic Ecclesiae , if the poor Church have power to hear , but not to censure ? or if upon the Churches censures , none be so fit to be accounted either an Heathen or Publican , as he who is intrusted by the Church to inflict the same ? Assuredly God would not disallow the course which himself prescribed ; or by removing from the Church the power of censure , open a gapp to all impurity both of life and doctrine . There was a time once in the Church of England , ( I do not say it is so now ) wherein the censures of the Church , under pretence or colour of some civill sanctions , were either quite abolished , or of no effect ; to the no small increase of vice , because it nourished a presumption of impunity in vicious persons . Of this old Father Latimer doth thus complain in a Sermon preached before King Edward : Lechery ( saith he ) is used in England , and such lechery as is used in no other place of the World. And yet it is made a matter of sport , a matter of nothing , a laughing matter , a trifle , not to be passed on nor reformed . Well , I trust it will be amended one day , and I hope to live to see it mended as old as I am . And here I will make a suit to your Highnesse , to restore unto the Church the Discipline of Christ , in excommunicating such as be notable offenders . Nor never devise any other way ; for no man is able to devise any better then that God hath done , with excommunication to put them from the Congregation , till they be confounded . Therefore restore Christs Discipline for Excommunication , and that shall be a meane , both to pacifie Gods wrath and indignation ; and also that lesse abomination shall be used then in times past hath been , and is at this day . I speak this of a Conscience , and I mean to move it of a will to your Grace , and your Realm . Bring into the Church of England the open Discipline of Excommunication , that open sinners may be stricken withall . So farre the very words of Father Latimer . Let every one consider of them as he thinks most necessary : perhaps the Sermon may be more effectuall with some kinde of men , when one is raised up from the dead to preach unto them . Besides , this could not be the way which was intended by those servants , if either we consider their Colligimus , or the eradicetis of their Master in the following words . The servants , or the Church in them might have gone on to excommunication of the Heretick , and the condemning of the Heresie , without the least fear or imagination , that by so doing , eradicetur simul cum eis triticum , the wheat , the Lords good seed would be pulled up with them . The censure of an Heretick doth rather strengthen then destroy the truth of Doctrine , and he that doth correct a stubborn and impenitent sinner , hindreth not , but confirms the vertuous person in the way of godliness . And for Colligimus , that is we know a compound word , as is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Original , and doth not so much signifie a single gathering , as a gathering up of all together : and so the word is used in the following Verses . It seemes the servants of my Text would have made short work , and swept away these tares at once , without more ado : which howsoever it may be done sometimes in ore gladii , which devoures all things where it is permitted to range at liberty : yet is it seldom done , if ever , in gladio oris , by Admonitions , Excommunications , or any other kind of spiritual punishments , Non excommunicandam multitudinem , was the rule of old ▪ The censures of the Church do only legere , pick here and there a man out of many sinners , by whose exemplary corrections others may beware of the like offences . Tormenta paucorum sunt exempla omnium , as my Authour hath it . Colligere is none of hers in this sense and meaning . And therefore here was no such meaning , as to proceed by excommunication , to bring these tares to be arraigned and tryed at the Churches Barre . And being their meaning was not so , their zeal though more remarkable , was yet lesse warrantable . A zeal like that of James and John , the two Sonnes of Thunder , Vis dicimus ut descendat ignis ? Wilt thou that fire come down from Heaven to destroy these miscreants ? No dealing with some zelots of both sides , but by fire and faggot , by the sword at least ; for which they have no warrant I am sure from either Text. Neither indeed do they which stand most on it fetch their grounds from hence ; or if they did , how wretchedly would those grounds deceive them ? neither the Brethren there , nor the servants here , had any calling from the Lord , to be the instruments of his vengeance . The Apostles were ordained by Christ , amongst other things , to offer unto God the sacrifice of prayer for the sins of the people ; but not to sacrifice the people for their sins to God. No such burnt-offering to be found ( Iam sure of that ) in all the Gospels . And 't was the duty of these servants , not to confound the Heretick , but to confute the Heresie ; rather to pray for the conversion , then practise the subversion of the wicked man. Our Saviour Christ rebuked the two Brethren for their fiery zeal , nescitis cujus spiritus estis , Ye know not of what spirit you are . Nor fared it otherwise in effect with the servants here , although the reason of their indignation was more just and visible . For though we do not finde that this zeal of theirs was openly reproved by their Lord and Master ; yet it was tacitly disproved , because not suffered to proceed unto execution . The goodness of our God winks at the errors of an honest zeal , and doth so love the strength of our good affections , that it passeth over their infirmities . If it transport us , as it doth sometimes , beyond our limits and due bounds , he rather pardoneth the exiliencies of our heat and ●ervency , then the indifferences of our lukewarmness . How highly would the Lord esteem a well-governed zeal , when as his mercy crowns it many times even with all its faults ? And yet this zeal of theirs , if considered rightly , was neither faulty nor ill-governed , although mistaken in the meanes and instruments which God intended to make use of in so great a work as the eradication of these tares , the finall condemnation of them . God purposed to bring them to destruction , but not by their hands , not by their endeavours ; and thoroughly to purge his field of a seed so dangerous , though not so soon as they expected , not till the very coming on of Harvest . The error of their zeal was but in the circumstances , not in the substance of the work . The work was to be done , but not by them ; and at another time , not then when they made the offer : but this was more then God had formerly revealed unto them . So as the worst which can be said of this act of theirs , was , that they had a zeal to the glory of God , but not according unto knowledge , I mean the knowledge of all points and circumstances which God did purpose to observe in so great a business . Which zeal of theirs , how infinitely may it condemn the coldness and stupidity of this present Age , in which there are so few , if any , that are affected zealously in the cause of God ? How few made offer of their service , when occasion was ; I say not to root out , but suppress those tares which threatned then such imminent dangers , and have since brought so sad a desolation on this Church of Christ ? And now that they are come so fully to fecissent fructum , how few present themselves to their Lord and Master , saying , vis imus & colligimus ●a ? is it your pleasure that we go and gather ? Hujusmodi si zelus singulorum esset non sic abundarent zizania , as mine Author hath it . Were there more zeal amongst the servants of the Houshold , there would not be so many tares in the field of God. There 's no doubt of that ; especially if this zeal be armed with courage , and both these seconded with readiness and unanimity in the promoting of the work , according as we finde it in the servants here . For , as was formerly observed , they did not only come before their Master with zeal and courage , but shewed in both their readiness and unanimity . First , imus & colligimus , we go and gather , in the plural number ; then imus & colligimus , we go and gather , in the present tense . First , imus & colligimus , in the plural number . And it was wisely done that they went together , they might have otherwise been foiled in the undertaking . The enemy against whom they resolved to go , was strong , and his Army numerous , a Legion of them in one man ; how many Legions then were they to meet withall in the present enterprise , in which so many men were ingaged and interessed ? Had they gone severally one by one , as in distracted times men do use most commonly , how easily had they been made a prey to the roaring Lion ? how little good had they been able to effect , had they scaped his Clawes ? We know who said it well enough , and on what occasion , Dum singuli pugnabant universi vincebantur : Our Ancestors the Britains when they fought one by one were all quickly vanquished ; when they joyned hearts and hands together , they were then impregnable . If therefore we will go and gather , as becomes men of courage in a time of danger , let it be imus & colligimus , in the plural number , as becomes men of wisdom in a common cause . Let not zeal make us inconsiderate , nor too much gaitè de coeur , prompt us to be fool-hardy , as they use to call it . The Servants of my Text had as much zeal and courage as the work required , ( and 't was a great and weighty work , if we mark it well : ) yet they resolved to joyn together , not only for their own security , but to assure themselves of a speedier Conquest . United forces are no lesse necessary in the field of God for the suppressing of his enemies , then are united prayers in the Congregation , for the obtaining of his mercies : therefore vis imus & colligimus , in the plurall number . Next it is imus & colligimus , in the present tense . They were not only on a resolution to go and gather , but to do it presently . Their courage was too great to delay the action , their zeal too fervent to procrastinate so desired a service . Non aiunt ibimus , sed imus , as mine Author hath it . They say not , we will go hereafter , on more mature deliberation ; but were ready to advance as the word was spoken . They did not only speak of going , but were even going whilest they spake . The servants of my Text were too full of courage to trifle and delay the time in their Masters business , as did the Father in the work of his own conversion , with modò , ecce modò , and sin● paululum : they cryed not with the sluggard in the Book of Proverbs , A little more sleep , a little more slumber , a little more folding of the hands . The Father tells us of himself , that modò & modò non habebant modum , and sine paululum in longum ibat , how one delay begat another , till he had almost lost the opportunity which had been offered to him by the Lord his God. And one inferior unto Solomon in all parts of wisdom could say unto his Generall , tolle moras , that to delay the onset , was to lose his Victory . The Iron must be struck when it is at hottest ; he that works on it when t is cold , doth but beat the Anvil . And t is an excellent Rule in Physick , though a Poet gave it , Principiis obstare , to have an eye to a Disease when it first breaks forth . The Medicine comes too late to remove a malady , which is confirmed and setled by a long delay . And so t is also in this case with the Churches Doctors : He that doth undertake the cure of a crazie Church , must be instant in it , not put it off until the morrow . Hodie si vocem ejus , To day if you will hear his voyce , saith the Prophet David ; and operamini cùm vocatur ●odie , Work whilest t is called to day , saith the Sonne of David . No tense so proper as the present for this weighty work . If they intend to go and gather , either by labouring in his Vineyard , or by setting forth against the enemies , it must be imus and colligimus in the present tense , before their courage is grown cold , and thei● zeal abated . Sure I am , so it was with my servants here : and yet they were not so intent on the present service , as not to take their Masters leave and instructions with them , guiding their courage by his will , and governing their zeal by his directions . This shewes their temper and obedience , as before I noted . Vis imus & colligimus ea● Wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? Turpe est in extremo actu deficere . To fail in the last Act in the close of business , is a foul reproch ; and derogates not only from the Agent , but from the enterprise . The servants had done all things well since they were awakened , both in their coming and enquiry , the resolute expressions of their zeal and courage , their readiness and unanimity in the promoting of their Masters business : There wanted nothing now to dispatch the work but a Commission from their Master . And certainly it stood with reason , that in a business wherein their Master was concerned in so high a manner , they should do nothing rashly without his consent . Had they gone otherwise to work , they had not merited so much for their zeal and courage , as they had forfeited and lost for want of wisdom . Saepe honestas rerum causas , ni judicium adhibeatur , perniciosi exitus consequuntur , as he in Tacitus . Zeal without judgement and advice may be compared to a brush-Bavin-Faggot in a Country-Cottage , more likely farre to fire the House then to warm the Chimney . And zeal and courage destitute of consent and counsel is but like Sampson in the Story , when as his hair was grown , and his eyes put out ; and seldom serves to other purpose then to pull the House upon our heads . But here zeal yielded to obedience , and courage thought it no disparagement to submit to temper . Here was both modus caritatis , & temperamentum fortitudinis . This made them first consult their Master , before they went to execute their own desires ; and it did well with them : the bit of respect being oftentimes as useful as the spur of courage . Discretion is a sure guide to zeal , and only that which keeps it that it breaks not out into open fury . If good directions do not hold the reins , our good intentions many times may chance to break their own neck , and the Riders too : and which is yet most strange of all , without such guidance and instruction our zeal to God may lead us from him . Besides , the business which they came about , was their Masters chiefly : the field of which they were so zealous , did belong to him , as the sole owner and Proprietary ; and therefore Ager suus , his field , v. 24. The enemy against whom they resolved to go was not theirs , but his ; or their 's no otherwise then as they did retain to him , and weare his Livery : and therefore inimicus ejus , his enemy , v. 25. Men might have said they had bin desperately bold , and perversely zealous , if they had entred on his field , and against his enemies , without his liking and consent . It had been little to the prayse of their discretion , of their duty lesse ; how much soever they might have been admired by unknowing men for great undertakers . And though they had returned with success and victory , yet who can tell but that instead of being made welcom with an Euge , Well done my good and faithful Servant , they might have been reproved at their coming home with a quis haec quaesivit , who required these things at your hands ? It is the approbation of Authority which makes courage usefull ; and zeal , if it be publick , warrantable . Without that both become unprofitable , in some cases dangerous . We may affirm of them as we say commonly of fire and water , that they are excellent Servants , but ill Masters : or as St. Ambrose of the Sun , that it is melior in ministerio quàm imperio ; never more useful to us men then when the beames thereof are most meek and gentle , and so the more applyable to our necessities . In these regards the servants had too much neglected both themselves and him , had they been all for imus & colligimus , and ascribed nothing unto vis , to the Masters pleasure . Solomon in the Book of Canticles compares the Church unto an Army , an Army terrible with banners . And t is indeed an Army most exactly ordered . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , never was Army better marshalled in the words of Chrysostom . Now t is well known that an Army is a gallant sight , when it hath all one motion , and that so many thousand bodies seeme to be guided by one soul ; and every one observeth that rank and station in which he hath been placed by the chief Commander , or other Officers of the field . The poor Centurion in the Gospel , was so far sensible of his own Authority , as to appoint the Souldiers under his Command not only what they were to do , but when it was fit to go , and when fit to come . Had they been doing of their own accord , without his Fiat , or going upon any action without his vade , or appointment , no question but they should have felt their error , though they would not see it . And he affirms it of himself , that he was sub potestate constitutus , a man under the Authority and command of others ▪ implying this , that as he did expect obedience from the common Souldier , so he did yield it to his Colonel , or his Serjeant Major , or whosoever else was in place above him . The Discipline of Warre could not else be kept . Ita se ducum autoritas , sic rigor Disciplinae habet . And if that be not kept as it ought to be , confusi Equites p●ditesque in exitium ruunt , the whole will soon run on to a swift destruction . Thus is it also with the Church , with the Camp of God , that Acies castrorum ordinata , as the Scripture calls it . If there be no subordination in it , if every one might do what he list himself , ( as did Gods people in those dayes , in which there was no King in Israel , ) what a confusion would ensue , how speedy a calamity must needs fall upon it ? The servants of my Text understood this rightly , and therefore though they came provided , and desired nothing more then to give the onset , yet thought they ●it to hear how their Master liked it , and to apply themselves to his resolution . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in Chrysostom . They durst not trust , saith he , to their own opinion , in a matter of so great concernment , but referred all unto their Master . Courage and zeal do never shew more amiably then when they are subordinate to good directions : especially , when they take direction from the right hand , from their Master only , not from the interest and passion of their fellow-servants . Though it be imus & colligimus , in the plural number , yet t is vis only in the singular . One to command , and many to obey , makes the sweetest government . 'T was prayse and commendation enough for them , that they came fitted and prepared to pursue the action . It was the Masters office to direct , and theirs to execute . Vobis arma & animus , mihi consilium & virtutis vestrae regimen relinquite , as he in Tacitus . Nor were the two Brethren , those Sonnes of Thunder which I spake of , to be taught this lesson , however they may seem transported with zeal or passion . Though the Samaritans had incensed them in an high degree , and that they long'd for nothing more , then to inflict some grievous punishment upon them yet they submitted their affections to their Masters judgement . They fell not presently on the affront to their imprecations , nor called for fire from Heaven to consume them utterly , as on the blasting of the breath of their displeasure : As vehement as their zeal and displeasure was , yet they proposed the business to their Master first . It is not dicimus ut descendat ignis , it is our pleasure to command that fire come down from Heaven , to destroy these wretches ; but it is vis dicimus , is it your pleasure that we shall ? Vis imus & colligimus here , & vis dicimus there . In both the Masters leave and liking , is the thing most sought for . And 't was no newes this in the Church of God , that they who were in any publick place or Ministry should fit their zeal and courage to the will of God , and to the guidance of such persons , who under him , and by his appointment , had the chief ordering of the Church . Isa●ah , though both bold and zealous in the cause of God , and that his lips were touched with a Coal from the Altar , yet durst not meddle in Gods matters , before he had both Mission and Commission too . God had first said , Vade & dices huic populo , Go and tell this people , before he undertook the business , or put himself upon the work of reformation . And which is there of all the Prophets that went upon Gods errands without his consent , and stood not more on dixit Dominus , then on dicam populo ? I trow , the times were then corrupt , and the people sinful . The whole contexture of their several Prophecies make that plain enough : yet finde we none of them so hasty in rebuking either , as not to take a speciall Warrant and Commission from the hand of God. No imus & colligimus in the dayes of old , in point of extraordinary mission and employment ; but still there was a vis expressed , some warrant looked for from the Lord , to make way unto it . So for the way of ordinary Reformation , when the fabrick of the Church was out of order , & the whole worship of the Lord either defiled with superstitions , or intermingled with Idolatries , as it was too often ; did not Gods servants tarry and await his leisure , till those who were supreme both in place and power , were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation ? How many years had that whole people made an Idol of the Brazen Serpent , and burnt incense to it , before it was defaced by King Hezekiah ? How many more might it have longer stood undefaced , untouched by any of the common people , had not the King given order to demolish it ? How many Ages had the seduced Israelites adored before the Altar of Bethel , before it was hewen down and cut in pieces by the good King Josiah ? Where can we finde that any of Gods faithful Servants , any of those 7000 souls which had not bowed the knee to Baal , did ever go about to destroy the same ? or that Elijah or Elisha , two men as extraordinary for their Calling as their zeal and courage , did excite them to it , or told them it was lawful for them so to do , without the Fiat of Authority to make good the work ? Where shall we read in the whole course and current of the Book of God , that the common people in and by their own authority removed the high places , or destroyed the Images , or cut down the Groves , those excellent Instruments of superstition and Idolatry ; that they appointed Fasts , and ordained Festivals ; or that they did so much as attempt such matters , without this vis , the power and approbation of the supreme Magistrate ? This was the Doctrine and practise both of the former times , so far forth as Gods Book directs us in the search thereof : nor ever was it preached or printed till now of late that it should be otherwise ; or that the work of Reformation belonged unto the common people , in what capacity soever they were clothed and vested . Of late indeed I finde it to be so determined , it being affirmed by Glesselius , one of the Contra-Remonstrants of Roterdam , that if the Prince and Clergy did neglect their duties in the reforming of the Church , necesse esse tum id facere plebeios Israelitas , that then it did belong to the common people . And t is with a necesse , if you mark it well ; they might not only do it , but they must be doing . Do it , but how ? what ? in the way of treaty , by mediation and petition , and such humble meanes by which the dignity of the supreme Magistrate may be kept indemnified ? not so , but even by force and violence , licèt ad sanguinem usque pro eo pugnent , even to the shedding of their own and their Brethrens blood . In which it is most strange to see how soon this desperate Doctrine found as lewd an use ; how soon the people put in practise what the Preacher taught them ; but farre more strange to see , ( and who can chuse but see it , if he be not blinde ? ) how infinitely their Scholars in this Island , both for the theory and the practise , have out-gone their Masters . And wonder t is in all this time they made it not an Article of their Christian Faith , and put it not into the place of some one or other of the twelve which they think lesse necessary . Here is a vis indeed , they say true in that ; but no such vis as is intended in the Text. The servants of my Parable knew no other vis , then that of Proposition only , it being not their intent nor custom , either to run before or against Authority . And having made the Proposition , they did with patience and humility attend the Answer of their Master , which they were faithfully resolved to conform unto , however it might crosse their own dear designes ; but what that answer was you may see hereafter . For though the Master took no time to consider of it , who comprehendeth all things in one generall view ; yet being it is a business of such weight and moment , and that your patience hath been tired too much already , I shall defer the same till another time . And therefore here I will conclude , desiring God , &c. SERMON II. At CHRIST-CHURCH Jan. 28. 1643. MATTH . 13. v. 29. But he said , nay ; lest while ye gather up the Tares , ye root up also the Wheat with them . SPernit coelestis animus humana consilia : The divine wisdom is not swayed nor balanced by humane advice . God doth sometimes make use of Man as a meanes and Instrument whereby to compass his intents ; but he takes counsel of himself alone . For who hath known the mind of the Lord that he might instruct him ? aut quis consiliarius ejus fuit , or who hath been his Counsellor ? saith the Apostle . How inconsiderable and impertinent are our opinions , in matters which pertain to his heavenly judgement ? how blind in points above , or beyond our sight ? The Servants of my Text , no doubt , thought themselves fit and able to advise their Master , and did not make a proffer of their help and service , but that they thought it likely to be entertained . And though they do not take upon them positively to prescribe a course for the preserving of the Wheat which was then in danger ; yet by the tender of themselves to root out the Tares , they declare expresly that they conceived that way most proper to effect the business . In which , if they exceeded their accustomed duty , or went beyond the modesty of domestick Servants , yet made they fair amends in that humble reverence wherewith they did submit to his resolution . Non multùm pugnabant ut sua vinceret sententia , as a late Writer hath observed of a Pope of Rome : They were not so much wedded to their own opinion , but that a clearer judgement might divorce them from it . And therefore , as before was noted , Fiat voluntas tua , not their will , but his will be done . They offered their advise and assistance in it , vis imus & colligimus ea ? Wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? which having done , they did expect his resolution , to which they were in duty and discretion to conform themselves . And hereto he returns his non , a plain refusal of their service , grounded upon a plain dislike of their intentions . Et ait non , But he said , nay ; lest while ye gather up the Tares , &c. These words contain the Masters answer to the Proposition which by the servants was presented in the former verse . We may behold therein these two general parts , His Power , His Providence . His Power first , that he was not bound to give obedience to their counsels , or to submit his judgement unto their opinions : His Providence , in having such a tender care of his own good seed , as not to yield unto the gathering of the Tares in the way proposed , for fear the Wheat might have incurred some danger by it . His Power we finde no otherwise set forth unto us then in a bare dissent , a plain negative voice , & ait non , but he said nay : he did not like of their Proposition , and therefore was not bound to assent unto it . His Providence , first that he left them not unsatisfied , but layd them down a reason of his Resolution ; and then in giving such a reason as counterballanced their desires of a quick dispatch , and made them see the error of their former hast ; Ne fortè colligentes Zizania , lest while ye gather up the Tares , &c. Which reason , though but one in shew , that is to say , the preservation of the Wheat , the good Seed it self , doth yet contain as many reasons as there are severall wayes and meanes , by which in gathering the Tares they might have rooted up the Wheat also . For going the way by themselves intended , which was in ere gladii , as before was told you , either in the violence of their proceedings they might have rooted up the Tares and the Wheat together ; or else by prejudice or inadvertency have taken that for Tares which indeed was Wheat ; or finally , by too much hast and precipitation have destroyed some Tares which might in time have proved good Wheat , and so become a plentiful addition to the Lords Harvest . And therefore non , he did not like of their intention , nor would give way unto the Proposition which they brought unto him , ne fortè , lest under colour and pretence of gathering the Tares in the way propounded , eradicetur simul cum eis triticum , the Wheat , the Lords own Seed , might be rooted up . These are the points to be observed , and these I shall run over as they lie before me , beginning with the Masters power ; & ait non , But he said nay . Magna negotia magnis egent adjutoribus : Great Honours are great burdens , and therefore do require more shoulders to support the weight , then those that rest under the quiet and protection of a private fortune : the man that travelleth in affaires of high and generall concernment , is ill advised , if he trust only to himself and his own abilities , and use not the assistance of such friends and servants whose wisdom and fidelity he is well assured of . Plus vident oculi quàm oculus , Two eyes see more then one , was the ancient Proverb : And therefore he shall follow but a blinde direction , who puts out any of the light which is offered to him , & will see only by the blaze of his own Candle . And on the other side , those whom great persons do make use of for advice and counsel , should do well to ponder with themselves , that they are only Adjutores , not Governours themselves , but helps in Government ; that they are Ministers , not Masters ; and Counsellors , but not Controllers . He that desires to have an Adjutant to ease him of some part of the care and trouble which is incumbent on his office ; or to instruct and counsel him in discharge thereof , would yet be loth to have him in the nature of a Coadjutor , to give him any sha●e in the publick Government , or to submit himself with a blind obedience to all his dictates and prescriptions . That were to alter and invert the whole course of nature , if the head could not choose but be swayed that way which the feet would carry it ; and make so foul a Monster of the Body Politick , as either to have too many heads , or else none at all . The servant may do well to advise his Master for the best , when his opinion is required ; and he should ill discharge his duty , if he did not do it : but 't were an high degree of Arrogance in the ablest servant , to think that his advise must needs be followed ; and as great weakness in the Master , should he submit to every proposition which is tendered him by those whose Counsel he requires in his great affaires . The Master in my Text did better understand himself and his place then so : And therefore though the proposition which was made unto him was both fair and specious , and seemed most clearly to conduce to the advancement of his service , and the publick good ; yet he rejects it with a non , he refused it utterly . He neither liked their imus , though they came with courage ; nor their Colligimus , although it were accompanied with zeal and chearfulness ; nor indeed any thing at all in the Proposition , but that they closed it with a vis , and did refer it wholly unto his discretion . And he accordingly made use of that power and priviledge which properly and naturally was inherent in him ; not putting out his own eyes , in hope to see the better by their Spectacles ; much lesse denying the use of his own reason , that they might the more abound in their own sense . But as a negative voyce had been vested in him , both by the Lawes of nature , and the rules of Occonomy , so he is resolved to let them see , that as well now when he was compassed round with dangers , and his field in such a way to ruine , as formerly in the best and securest times , he knew how to use it , and when 't was fit to stand upon it . Nay though the Proposition was of no lesse moment then the preservation of the Church , and they that moved it to him of no lower rank then Magistri & praeceptores Ecclesiae , the Rulers and instructers of the Church , as St. Hierome tells us , yet he still kept himself to his own conclusions , Et ait non , But he said nay . He would not put the Sword into their hands when they went a gathering , though they much desired it , and that they thought no way to be so effectual for the securing of the Harvest . Nor was this any new Authority which the Master had usurped against former precedents , but such as he had used and practised upon all occasions . For if our Saviour be the Master in the present Parable , ( as no doubt he was ) it was no newes in him to proceed this way , and stand upon his own Prerogative , when either his own Honour , or the Churches safety did depend upon it . St. Peter doubtless did conceive that it concerned his Master in point of safety not to go down unto Hierusalem , where he was like to be despitefully intreated by the Priests and Pharisees ; and therefore laboured to disswade him from that dangerous journey . And this most probably he did , with the consent , and on the motion of all the rest of the Apostles , whose mouth he was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Father calls him . But whether it were so or no , no question but the counsel did proceed from that true affection which the Apostle carried towards his Lord and Master , and the respect he had to the little Flock , whose preservation and support depended , as he thought , on the Shepherds safety . And yet our Saviour did not only disapprove the counsel , but told him plainly to his face , quia non sapis ca quae Dei sunt , that it did too much savor of the World , and of God too little . And the two Sonnes of Zebedee did believe as strongly , that it as much concerned him in point of honour not to put up that foul affront which had been offered him by the Samaritans ; and therefore made this motion to him , vis dicamus ut descendat ignis ? shall we command that fire come down from Heaven to consume these wretches ? Which motion , though it arose from a just resentment of that indignity and wrong which had been done unto their Master , yet did their Master absolutely reject the same , not without some dislike of their fervor in it ; Nescitis cujus spiritus estis , in the words next after . In both it is to be observed , that the Lord did not put them off with any dilatory Answer , as if he either wanted time to consider of it , or were afraid to stand upon his just prerogative ; but gave them a refusal in plain termes , and gave it with a check to boot , to let them see how sensible he was of his own Authority . Nor was it otherwise in this case with the Sonne of David , then with David formerly ; who though he had a patient ear , and was content to heare his Servants , ( and in matters of the highest points , both of life and Soveraignty , ) yet he conceived himself to be left at liberty either to dissent or assent , as he thought most fit . Upon which principle of power , and point of liberty , he absolutely refused to hearken to the counsel of his Men of Warre , when they advised him to make use of the opportunity which the Lord had given him in delivering Saul into his hands . And though he found by many clear signes and apparent circumstances , that the Sonnes of Zerviah were so potent amongst the Military men , and so respected of the people , that it was not safe for him , as the case the● stood , to oppose their doings ; yet he conceived himself not bound to embrace their counsels , or to assent to every proposition which they made unto him . And therefore when they pressed him for the death of Shimei , who had so utterly reviled him in the day of his tribulation , that nothing more could have been acceptable to the common people then such a gratefull piece of justice , he had resort unto his negative , & refused absolutely to give way unto it . The reasons which induced him to dissent , I regard not here : T is plain , he thought himself at liberty to assent , or not ; and t is as plain , that he made use thereof when he saw occasion ; and yet was never quarrelled for it , or thought to have usurped a power which belonged not to him . David had bin in a worse condition then the meanest Subject , if he had been nothing but a State-Eccho , necessitated to repeat those words which his servants did prescribe and dictate to him ; if ait , aio , negat , nego , which was the Parasites part in the Roman Theatre , had been all the part he was to act on the Stage of Government . But to return unto my Parable ; It seemes the servants were as well perswaded of their Masters Power in this particular , as the Master was ; and thereupon submitted without more dispute to his will and pleasure . They came not to him out of Complement , or tentandi causâ , to try what metall he was made of , whether he would give way or not unto their desires ; and if not , then to carve themselves , and to proceed in their own way , to the contempt and scorn of his Authority . T is true , that some of the Disciples had so served him once , in the great case of the Militia : They came unto him with a Question , Domine , si percutimus eos gladio , Lord , shall we strike them with the sword ? shall we betake our selves unto our weapons in this dangerous time , in which we have not a bare ground only of feares and jealousies , but see too evidently that many of our enemies are in Arms against us ? But without tarrying for an Answer , non expectato Domini responso , as my Author hath it , one of them puts himself into a posture of Warre , and drawes his Sword , and gives the onset , as if they had sufficiently complied with the Obligation wherein they stood bound to their Lord and Master , by telling him before hand what they meant to do . But so it was not with the Servants of my present Text ; all which they did , and all they thought they had to do was to make the motion ; and having made the motion , to expect his Answer : which as in duty they were bound to conform unto , so in compliance with that duty , they desisted presently from prosecuting their own projects . No sooner had they found by their Masters Answer , that they had been mistaken in the time and instruments in and by which so great a business was to be effected , but they gave over the pursuit , and left the work to be performed by the Heavenly Angel , to whom their Master had reserved it . No further speech of imus & colligimus , after their Lord and Master had returned a non . And certainly this moderation and submission of themselves to their Masters pleasure shewed exceeding lowly , and tends not more unto the commendation of their modesty , then of their piety . In vain it is for man to dispute with God , to stand as 't were on equall termes , and expostulate with him , if our desires and counsels do not take effect : O homo , tu quis es qui respondeas Deo ? For who art thou O man that disputest with God ? saith the great Apostle . It carrieth something in it of that monstrous Warre which rhe Giants made against the Gods in ancient Fables ; Altaque congestos struxisse ad sydera montes , when they heaped hills on hills to come neerer to them , to fight it out upon even ground . And t is as vain to set our selves against those Powers , to whom God hath not only pleased to impart some branch of his Authority , but to communicate his name ; to think that we can binde them by our votes or wishes , or circumscribe them by our Counsels . It is no Argument of weakness to give way to them who are too strong to be resisted , or by resisting whom we shall but agravate our own guilt and ruine . Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vincere est nefas ; It is no shame , said the Historian , to yield to him whom it were sin to overcome : nor is it a dishonour to submit to those whom Fortune , or the Gods rather , have advanced above us . And therefore they who plunge whole States in Warres , and themselves in miseries , because their propositions may not passe for Lawes , are but like Achitophel , of whom it is recorded that he hanged himself because his counsel was not followed . It is well said by him in Tacitus , Suadere Principi quod oportet multi laboris est , that to give good counsel to a Prince is a work of difficulty ; and he that doth it well , hath discharged his duty : The issue and success thereof he must leave to God , who hath committed to his Substitutes the supreme power of ●udging what is fittest for them to consent unto . The vertue of obedience is the Subjects glory : And he may well perswade himself , that as he had some reasons which induced him to advise one way , so there were others no lesse weighty which might incline his Master to pursue another . Which reasons , if they be made known unto him , he may then satisfie himself and others whom it doth concern : If not , he hath no reason to complain at all ; Princes being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Statists terme it , not bound to render an account of their words or actions , further then as they shall be pleased of their own accord to impart the same unto their servants , for the removing of such umbrages and discontentments as the rejecting of their Counsels might occasion otherwise . This leades from the Masters power unto his Providence , in that he did not leave his servants without satisfaction , but layed them down a reason of his refusall , and such a reason as came home to the point proposed : But he said , nay , ne fortè colligentes zizania , for fear lest while ye gather up the Tares ye root the Wheat up also with them : My second Generall . Majoribus nostris nulla reddita ratione rationis est credere , said the Heathen Orator . It was the easiness and flexibility of some former times to give belief to any thing which was commended to them by their Ancients , without examining the grounds and reasons . Which though it was a course that did not much conduce to the advancement of knowledge , served notwithstanding very well to train the people up in the Schools of obedience . But then withall it was observed , that though some tendries were so ancient that they grew i refragable , some Authors so esteemed of that they grew Authenticall ; yet to discerning men , men of abilities and parts in the wayes of learning , neither the Antiquity of the Tenet , nor the Authority of the Teacher , carried so much sway , as did the reason which appeared in these points and tendries . Et quanquam in Autore satis rationis est , ratio tamen quemlibet magnum Authorem facit . In which regard , those who have took upon them to be Guides to others , and to instruct them in the Arts of life or learning , found a necessity at last of making them acquainted with the grounds and reasons of that which they did dictate and prescribe unto them . Men being of a reasonable soul by nature , are best ruled by reason , and then most ap● to yield obedience , when they perceive there is some reason in the point commended to them , some reason for the imposition or command which is laid upon them . And so it also holds in the Arts of Government , the actions of the supreme Powers being then most acceptable , when they are pleased to give a reason of those Acts and Results of State in which the Subjects are concerned . T is true indeed which the wise Statesman hath observed , abditos Principis sensus , that the thoughts of Soveraign Princes are most dark and hidden ; and that to prie into them with too curious eyes , is not unlawful only , but exceeding dangerous . But then withall , it is as true , that sic volo sic jubeo is but a sorry piece of Rhetorick to perswade obedience ; and that the Subject yields but a dull conformity to the Commands of his Superiour , when the imperiousness of those Commands is not backed by Reason , but founded only upon Will. The Master in my Text understood this rightly ; and therefore when he was resolved ( upon mature consideration of the Servants offer ) not to give way to their imus & colligimus , yet he thought fit to make some answer to the vis , to let them see the reason why he differed or dissented from them . In this we have the Servants modesty , and the Masters goodness . The Servants were too modest to demand the reason why he refused to hearken to the Proposition which they brought unto him : They knew that he was liber agens , not bound to tell them any more of his resolutions then he had a minde to ; and that it was a speciall favour , if he told them any thing which he might lawfully have kept within the Cabinet of his own bosom . The Master of a Family is a Petit-Prince , especially as the paternal power stood fortified in our Saviours time , the Father having then potestatem vitae & necis , the power of life and death over all the Houshold . And for the exercise thereof , He saith to this man , Go , he goeth ; and to another , Come , he cometh ; and to a third , Do this , he doth it : In no case bound to give a reason for any of those severall Commands he layes upon them , or to set out a Declaration of those grounds and motives which might induce him to dissent in opinion from them . But if he please to let them see so farre into him of his own accord , it is to be interpreted for an act of Grace , as it relates unto themselves ; though possibly it be an act of especial providence , is it reflects upon the service . The servant is then most obedient to the Masters pleasure , and takes most patiently the refusal of his profered service , when it is sweetned by some plausible prevailing reasons . And so we finde it in this case ; The Servants of the Text had performed their duty , in making a discovery of the Tares , and in the offer which they made to go and gather them before they had destroyed the Harvest . An offer not to have been slighted , or passed lightly over , but that the Master saw more in it then the servants did , and found it could not be accepted without greater danger to his field then the Tares did threaten . Which being visible to him , though unseen by them , he thought it not amisse to acquaint them with it , and let them see the error they were fallen upon , in offering such a remedy to remove the mischief as would have been more mischievous then the Tares themselves which they made offer to remove . A mischief which the servants did not think of when they came before him , being transported then by their zeal and courage ; and perhaps might not have discerned it upon second thoughts . Though they were men of excellent and discerning Spirits , yet they were but men , and could not look so farre into the issue and success of things as the more penetrating eye of Almighty God. Nil inter Deum hominemque distaret , &c. There were no difference , said Lactantius truly , between God and man , were not men subject unto error , and might not sometime lose themselves as well in the fallibility of their own counsels , as the unsearchableness of his . Therefore to let the servants understand more clearly how infinitely short they were of his heavenly wisdom , that all their wit was folly , and their counsels foolishness , he doth not only answer nay , which had been sufficient , but adds ne fortè to his non , and lets them know the reason of his disallowance , that so they might perceive the danger of their rash design . A reason then was given , but what reason was it ? A reason certainly which counterbalanced their desires of a quick dispatch , and made them see the error of their former haste . The way in which they meant to go was in ore gladii , to go against them with the Sword , and destroy them utterly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cut them off not only from the body of the Church , but of all mankind , as Theophylact hath it ; to raise an holy Warre ( if I may so call it ) which should have had some influence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , over all the Quarters of the World , as we finde in Chrysostom . And had they gone this way to work , as they meant to do , no doubt but in the violence of their proceedings , they would have rooted up the Wheat and the Tares together . The Sword , though never so well sharpned , is but an ill distinguisher between Tares and Wheat : and Warre the most improper Judge that was ever thought of to determine Controversies in Religion . Where the Sword strikes , it strikes on both sides ; it is gladius Delphicus , and makes as little difference between the Doctrines , as between the Teachers . And when Warre rageth in a Nation , it beares all before it : Hallowed places and prophane , the innocent person and the guilty are all alike involved in the same calamity . We may affirm of them , as the good Writer doth of the dreadful Thunder-bolts , Sine delectu tangunt loca sacra & profana ; homines noxios feriunt , saepe & religiosos . But saepe will not serve our turn , it must be Saepius , or else nothing ; and so indeed it proves most commonly . For when the Sword and Warre are to act their Tragedies , the best and holiest men speed worst , as they who least know how to time it , and to comply with the iniquities of the place they live in . And therefore saeviente ardore belli meliores potius occumbere , saith mine Author rightly . But never is the Sword more fatally , nor more unhappily imployed , then when t is managed by those men who ought to know no other Weapons then the Sword of the Spirit : no Warre more cruel and unnatural , then when the bellows of sedition which inflames the State , are blown by those who should be Ministers of peace . Ne fortè is good counsel here : No imus & colligimus in the way proposed , for fear of rooting up more Wheat then Tares in the prosecution . The dangerousness of this design we shall further see , if we look first upon the Tares , what is meant by them ; and then upon the Servants , of what rank they were , who were so hot upon the service , upon the imus & colligimus of the former verse . First , for the Tares , besides that many , if not most of the ancient Fathers interpret them of false opinions , of haereses & mala dogmata ; St. Chrysostom and others do expound them of the Hereticks , of the men themselves . St. Austin seemes to make a question , whether the Schismatick be not also comprehended in them ; and Cyprian conceives it of the wicked generally , as do also others . But be it which it will , it comes all to one . Warre and the Sword are but of little use God knowes in the confuting of the Heretick , or the converting of the sinner , or the reduction of the Schismatick to the Fold of Christ . Non tali auxilio : the Lord hath chosen other meanes , and other Ministers for the performance of these services , and needs no such helps . How farre , and in whose hands they may be serviceable for the correction of the wicked , we shall see anon . In the mean time we must take notice , that by the Servants in this Parable are meant the Rulers of Christs Church , Magistri & Praeceptores Ecclesiae , as before I told you out of Hierome ; to whom our Saviour gave the keyes , and the Church afterwards the Crozier , or the Pastoralls Staffe , the badge and emblem of their Office. But neither our Saviour nor the Church gave them any power to take the Sword into their hands , or to proceed in ore gladii , when they found any thing amisse in life or Doctrine which stood in need of Reformation . Look upon which of these you will , either upon the Servants or upon the Tares , and we shall quickly finde that the Sword and Warre are never more unfitly used , then by such men , and in such cases . For the Tares being sowen in medio tritici , amongst the Wheat , v. 25. and growing intermingled with it in the blade or stalk , v. 26. if the Sword chance to mow them down , down go both alike . And should the Field be weeded by the hand of Warre , impossible it is but that in gathering up the Tares eradicetur simul cum eis triticum , the Wheat must needes be rooted up at the self-same time . Bonorum malorumque fata mixta , merita confusa . The wicked and the righteous person , the Schismatick and conformable man , the Heretick and Orthodox Professor ▪ are all alike subject unto those calamities which the Warre brings upon a Nation ; their Persons , their Estates , their Families , all comprehended in the masse of the same perdition : which as they are the ordinary consequents of the Sword and Warre , so do they fall most heavily on the Church of Christ ; when the Sword is put into unskilful hands , who neither have a right unto it , nor the Art to use it ; or when the Warre is undertaken and pursued under the mask and colour of Religion . When once the Successors of St. Peter , as they claim to be , laid aside the keyes , and betook themselves unto the Sword , what havock did they make in the Christian Church ? how often have they died their Robes in the blood of the Saints ? And when the Warre begun by the Christian Princes on the Turks and Saracens , was turned upon the Albigenses by the Popes of Rome ; and that the Cruciata was proclaimed against those poor souls , only because they differed in some points of Doctrine from the opinions of that Church ; how many hundred thousands of well-meaning men , who made a conscience of their wayes , and erred not , ( if they erred at all ) out of pride , but ignorance , were rooted up , and made a sacrifice to the offended Deities of the Roman Conclave ? The miseries of those Warres , and the nature of them , are but a Glasse , wherein we may behold the troubles and distractions of these latter times , in which the Sword hath been so often made the Judge of controversies ; & almost all the States in Christendom have been imbroiled in Warres , under pretence of Reformation . That Maxime of Illyricus , the Father of the rigid Lutherans , as they use to call them , terrendos Principes metu seditionum , that Princes must be frighted into Reformation by the fear and threatning of seditions : that of Gesselius , a more rigid Calvinist , that if the Prince and Clergy did neglect their duties in the reforming of the Church , the people then must undertake it , licèt ad sanguinem usque pro eo pugnent , although they have no other way to effect the same , then by raising Warres , and stirring up the Subjects against their Soveraigns : that of some zelots of our own , who now the Sword is drawn , would not have it sheathed , till it be fully glutted in the blood of Malignants : what ruine and destruction hath it brought on the Church of God , defiled the Sanctuaries of the Lord , and defaced his Temples , laid desolate the beauties of our dwelling-places , and made us Christians both a derision and a prey to the Turks and Gentiles ? Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum . Such mischiefs have the Sword and the Warre produced , under pretence of imus & colligimus , of gathering up such Tares as have been thought to grow in the Field of God ; and rectifying such abuses as in long tract of time had risen in his publick worship . With how much better judgement was the Question stated in the Heroick times of Christianity ? when as it was both taught and practised , Defendendam esse Religionem non occidendo sed moriendo , that the Gospel was to be defended not by blood and slaughter , nor by destroying those who opposed the same , or harboured any Tenets which agreed not with it ; but by submitting our own lives to the hand of death , in testimony of the truth and a good conscience , whensoever the necessities of the Church shall require it of us . With how much greater love to the Church of Christ , did the good Father give this Comment on the present text ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God , saith he , would not let the Hereticks be destroyed by Warres , for fear the righteous person and the true believer should also suffer with them in the same destruction . But what will some men say ? Is there no use of the Sword at all in the confounding of the Heretick , or the reclaiming of the Schismatick , or the correction of the wicked and flagitious person ? I say not so ; the Sword may have its use in all these particulars , and Warres be serviceable in some of them : But then the Sword must be committed to the hands of the proper Minister , not to the Servants of my Text , or any Minister of the Gospel of what rank soever ; and Warres must be denounced and pursued by those in whom the supreme Government of the State is vested , to whom it appertains of right , Parcere subjectis & debellare superbos , to be indulgent to the quiet and obedient subject , but to pull down the stomach of the proud and rebellious person . Each of them hath their several way , and their severall weapons in the effecting of this work ; but each of them must stay the time . The Heretick is first to be attempted by the power of the word , by which Apollos mightily convinced the Jewes ; and which St. Paul assures us is exceeding profitable , not onely for Doctrine , but reproof . It is the faithful word , as he elsewhere tells us , by which the Prelate is inabled not only to exhort , but convince gainsayers . The same course must be also taken in the recovery of the Schismatick , in reduction of the stray-sheep to the Fold of Christ : it being the duty of the diligent and careful Shepherd to seek out that which was lost , and bring back that which was driven away . Which meanes , if they should prove to be ineffectual , and that the word and Doctrine will not work the cure , it then pertains unto the Pastor to have recourse unto the censures of the Church , Et flagellorum terroribus vel etiam doloribus revocare , to fetch them back again by the Rod of Discipline ; and if that faile , to excommunicate them , and deliver them to the hands of Satan . Further then this they may not go , t is beyond their bounds : what may be done upon Certificate hereof by the Civil Magistrate , and how farre he may use the Sword in cutting off the obstinate Heretick , and the perverse Schismatick , we shall see hereafter , when we are come to look upon the Sinite in the following verse : in which it was appointed by the heavenly Husbandman , that both the Tares and Wheat should be permitted to grow up together till the Harvest . In the mean time there is no question to be made , but that notorious offenders , ( & such S. Cyprian takes to be the Tares which are here intended ) are most immediately subject to the sword of the Civil Magistrate , if single persons ; and to be rooted up by the hand of Warre , if they unite themselves together , & by their wretched ma●hinations do imbroyl the State : God gave the Sword into the hands of the higher powers , for no other purpose , but that they should be his avengers , vindices in iram , saith the vulgar , to execute wrath and judgement upon those that do evill , and amongst other evill that do resist the powers . He that imployes it not to that end and purpose , and doth not make himself a terror unto those which do evill works , beares the Sword in vain , and gives some countenance unto , the error shall I call it , or the frenzie rather ? of the foolish Anabaptists , who do affirm expresly , and in terminis , That the Sword is not to be used by the Civill Magistrate : which were it so , in case the Magistrate might not use the Sword when he saw occasion , or will not use the same when he may and ought , God needed not have put the Sword into his hands . A Scabbard and a pair of Hilts would have served the turn . And as for Warre , it is the last remedy which a Prince can use for the correction of a stubborn and rebellious people ; not to be thought on , nor imbraced , but in great extremities . Warre is then only just when it is necessary , and can no longer be avoided ; and then too to be used with alloyes and temperaments , as Poysons are sometimes in a Course of Physick . That Prince , as wittily and tartly the Italians tell us , who upon every slight occasion doth take up Arms against his Subjects , may be compared unto the m●n which sets his House on fire for to rost his Eggs. But if the Prince hath tryed all other courses , and can speed in none ; if when he speaks of peace they prepare for Warre ; if they refuse to hear his Charms , charm he never so sweetly , Viribus utendum est quas fecimus , God and the Sword must end the quarrel . Let him then gird his sword upon his thigh , like a mighty man , according to his Worship and Renown : Let him ride on couragiously against them that hate him ; let his right hand teach him terrible things ; and finally , let his Arrowes he sharp in the hearts of his enemies , till the people be subdued unto him ; and that he be anointed with the Oyl of gladness above all his fellows . No Physick better then Phlebotomy for corrupted bodies , when as the spirits are inflamed , and the blood boyles high . But of this Argument enough . There is another thing to be considered in this present Answer , in the ne fortè of the Master , and that was this ; for fear lest out of prejudice or inadvertency they might have taken that for Tares which indeed was Wheat ; and so have done more hurt to the Field of God then the Tares themselves . For as I have observed before on the 26. the Tares are very like the Wheat in the blade or stalk , as both Euthymius ; Zygabenus , and St. Hierome tell us . So like they are to one another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith St. Chrysostom , according to the outward shew , that he must have discerning eyes who can distinguish them aright till their fruits be ripe , who on the first discovery can expresly say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that these be Tares , and this is Wheat , saith Athanasius . And this he doth illustrate and exemplifie by the similitude and resemblance which seemes to be betwixt the Hypocrite and the righteous man : Both of them come unto the Church and receive the word , and seem to entertain the same with such equal joy , that the spirituall Husbandman himself is many times deceived in them , not being able to determine by the outward view ; but when the Doctrine which they heard comes to bring forth fruit , then , saith he , it is easily seen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who is the true Believer , and who the Hypocrite . By meanes of which similitude and resemblance , as many counterfeit Christians have been taken for right honest men , and divers dangerous and unsound opinions found entertainment in the Church for true Orthodox Tenets ; so t is not only possible , but also probable , that either through prejudice or inadvertency , some honest and religious men may be condemned for lewd and reprobate ; some Orthodox and true opinions rejected as unsound and dangerous . First , for the men themselves , let us look on them , and we shall finde that t is not only probable , as before t is said , but even of ordinary course for the best men to be traduced , and to be branded with some Character of reproach and infamy . Our Saviour Christ himself did not scape so well but that he was accounted a Samaritan , a Wine bibber and a glutton , a friend of Publicans and sinners . St. Peter stands accused by the Magdeburgians for a forward fellow , a rash and inconsiderate person : St. Paul by the Athenians for an idle prater , a setter forth of strange Gods , a babler . And who is he of all the gallant Spirits in the Primitive times , who is not branded on record for incestuous mixtures , those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , remembred and confuted in the works of our Christian Advocates ? Prejudice blindes the eyes as much as malice , and inadvertency betrayes the judgement to an error with as great facility as either . If we be biassed with the one , vertue will be accounted vice , obedience treason , loyalty rebellion ; and upon those whom we finde guilty of those crimes an imus & colligimus shall be passed immediately . If we are governed by the other , and judge of men according to the Character which the World gives of them , each light report or foolish fear , or slight suspicion , shall serve for a sufficient ground to condemn the innocent ; and though he be right Wheat indeed of the Lords own sowing , vote him to be a Tare , and the work is done , the imus & colligimus will come after as a thing of course . Good reason therefore had the Master to restrain his Servants , to check them in the midst of their hot pursuit , and not to let them go and gather , quòd multi falso deferuntur qui sanctimoniam & pietatem in occulto colunt , considering how easie a thing it is for the best men to be misreported , and so accordingly destroyed . And what he said to them he saies to us and others on the like occasions ; there 's no such need of imus & colligimus as we think there is . So is it also with opinions , with some points of Doctrine , which if beheld with prejudice , or inadvertently looked over , will be counted Tares , though in themselves of that good seed wherewith Gods Field was sowed from the first beginning . There is so specious a resemblance , such a fair similitude between the merit of good works , and the reward that 's due unto them according to the will and pleasure of Almighty God ; between the efficacy of good life in the point of justification , and the necessity thereof in the way of salvation ; between the influence of Gods grace on the will of man , & the cooperation of mans will with the grace of God ; between the conscientious confession of our sins to those from whom we may receive the benefit of absolution , and that auricular Confession which hath been so abused of late by some Priests and Jesuites ; between the reverence required at the receiving of the Sacrament in the Church of England , and that unjustifiable Adoration of it which is obtruded on the people in the Church of Rome ; between the dedicating of some dayes to the honour of God , with a relation to the creature , and a devoting of them to the creature with some relation unto God ; that the true Tenet in those points , as in many others , commended to us in the writings of the ancient Fathers , if eithe● looked upon with the eye of prejudice , or through the false lights of inadvertence , may be took for Tares . And what can follow thereupon but an eradication of the Tenet and the Teachers too , if every man may go and gather when and where he listeth , and that ne fortè be not laid as a barre before them by their Lord and M●ster ? Indeed there is no reason we should look for other , or that the Doctrines of the Fathers may not passe for Tares , when the Apostles Creed it self is subject to the same misprision ; one of the Articles whereof hath been already noted with a Deleatur , and all the rest obnoxious to the like calamity , on the next imus & colligimus , upon the setting out of the Expurgatorius Index which is now in hand . Therefore to set the matter right , that neither zeal may be disheartned , nor the edge of courage taken off , and yet that imus & colligimus may both be regulated , and restrained to its proper bounds ; there 's a ne fortè in the way , which shewes how farre it is fit to go , and when fit to stop . We must so cherish zeal , and give way to courage , that the Lords work may be promoted , and his Field preserved ; and yet so curb and keep them in when they grow irregular , that they transport us not beyond our limits , or make us run upon mistakes . Zeal many times is full of prejudice , and an excess of courage makes us inconsiderate . In both these cases , ( and they are such cases as do happen often ) we are not governed by truth , but by appearances ; and he that is good Wheat indeed is looked upon as a Tare , and condemned accordingly . He that beholds his Brother with the eye of prejudice , either looks on him through a Multiplying Glasse , which makes his faults seem greater then indeed they be ; or by some new invented Optick , which represents things contrary to what they are . And he that doth condemn a man on no other grounds then the opinion and esteem which the world hath of him , is but like Herod in the Acts , who when he stretched out his hands to vex the Church , killed James and then imprisoned Peter , videns quia placeret Judaeis , because he saw it pleased the people . ] Our Saviour therefore gives this Caveat unto his Disciples , Nolite judicare secundum faci●m , Judge not according to the appearance , but judge righteous judgement . If we took notice of this Caveat as we ought to do , zeal should not swallow up our charity , or inadvertency put out the eyes of our understanding : nor should we be so hot and urgent upon the imus & colligimus as we have been lately , without reflecting on ne fort● , those inconveniencies and dangers which the Church of Christ might suffer by it . Now t is a property of charity , as St. Paul hath told us , that it thinketh no evill ; and t is a rule in charity , as St. Bernard tells us , non temerè de fratre mali aliquid credendum esse , not easily to entertain an ill opinion of our Brother , nor lend too credulous an eare unto those reports which the world makes of him . And as for Doctrinalls , which are the proper subject of the understanding , he who doth take them upon trust without further search , shall run upon received opinions , as Calderinus in Ludovicus Vives went to Masse , Eamus ergo quia sic placet in communes errores ; And in defence of these opinions , shall condemn for Tares , whoever doth oppose , or opine the contrary . Ne fortè is a good caution here , as in most things else ; which had it been regarded as it should have been , so many points of Protestant Doctrine had not been rooted up for Tares , under the odious name of Popery ; nor had Episcopacy been so often and so blindly struck at , under pretence of being but a step to the Throne of Antichrist ; nor Monarchy so openly undermined as inconsistent with the liberty of the Sonnes of God : therefore no imus & colligimus , but ne fortè first . This further justifieth the non , the wise Masters Negative ; but there is one thing yet to come which indeares it further , and was a seasonable fear , lest that by too much hast and precipitation they had gone and gathered up some Tares , which might in fine have proved good Wheat , and so become a plentiful addition to the Harvest . For such is the nature of the Tare , that though it generally ariseth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from its own proper seed , as St. Basil tells us ; yet , as good Authors do observe , they do often spring , ex corrupto tritici semine , from some corrupted corns of Wheat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Theophrastus . The Greek Etymologians seem to look this way , who tell us of those Tares , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that not being sowen , nor coming from their proper seed , they took root together with the Wheat , and grew up with it . Of the same minde is Galen also , who justifieth this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or transmutation of the Wheat to Tares , by his own observation and experience . Which transmutation or corruption , as it hapneth often , so is it then most frequent and apparent when the Wheat takes wet , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in Theophrastus , either by some great glut of rain , or from the moorishness of the ground in which t is sowen . Galen affirms it more expresly , who in his first de facultate alimentorum relates a passage , that once the constitution of the year being unseasonable and intemperate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as his words there are ; there sprung up an exceeding quantity of Tares amongst the Wheat , mo●e then had ever been observed in the years foregoing . And hereunto as other good Authors do agree , so is it further verified and confirmed by those who are habituated and experienced in the Arts of Husbandry . Which being so , considering that the Wheat , the good seed it self degenerates sometimes into Tares , there is no question to be made but that the Tares by care and husbandry may be restored in time to their first perfection , and prove Wheat again . The Fathers do resolve it so , especially as they behold it in the Morall , and look on the condition of such mortall men as in the Tares are represented . For if by Tares we mean the Heretick , Fieri potest ut ille qui noxio dogmate depravatus est , cras resipiscat , & defendere incipiat veritatem : T is not impossible , saith St. Hierome , but that the man who is infected with unsound opinions , may repent thereof , and prove a zealous Champion of the Truth and Gospel . Witness St. Austin , once a Manichee , but after malleus Haereticorum , the greatest Champion of the Church against Sects and Heresies . If by the Tares we mean the wicked , who makes no conscience of his wayes , so he may enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season , multi primò zizania sunt , & postea triticum fiunt , many at first are Tares which at last prove Wheat , as St. Austin tells us . Witness St. Paul , a persecutor first , and a Martyr afterwards . St. Matthew first a Publican , an Evangelist after . Zachaeus an oppressor of the poor , but in fine a Confessor ; and Mary Magdalen , of an Harlot made a famous Convert . Or finally , if by the Tares we mean the Schismatick , who out of pride and arrogancy doth divide himself from the main body of the Church ; Prodeant ipsae picturae calicum , as Tertullian hath it : The very Chalices of the Church , in which they used to carve the figure of a Shepherd bringing home the stragling sheep upon his shoulders , is Argument enough that possibly the Separatist may be gained upon , and reunited to the Church . Witness - And yet to say the truth , examples of this kind are more hard to finde , then either of converted sinners , or reclaimed Hereticks , by how much the perverseness of the will is more hard to cure then any error of our judgements , or the obliquities and defects of our conversation . This being premised , we may more fully see the reason of the Masters Negative ; for had the Servants gone the way which themselves propounded , they had wronged the Harvest . How so ? in rooting up the Wheat : what Wheat ? futurum triticum , that which in fine would have proved Wheat , as one Author hath it , quod pia praesumptione , which we may charitably presume would prove Wheat in time ; quod fieri potest triticum , which by the diligence and care of the spiritual Husbandman , may be made Wheat at last , though it now be none , as some others tell us . The Fathers generally do incline this way : Monemur non citò amputare fratrem ; By this we are advised , saith Hierome , not to be too hasty with our Brethren , nor to cut them off without great care and expectation ; for he that is to day infected with un●ound opinions , may prove another man to morrow . Many at first are tares , as St. Austin notes , but afterwards become good wheat ; whose reformation and amendment had not God patiently expected when man intended to destroy them , ad laudabilem mutationem non pervenissent , they never had attained to such a blessed change . Had not Gods patience , saith Chrysologus , preserved the tares from extirpation , from being rooted up on the first discovery , nec Matthaeum de Publicano Evangelistam , Matthew the Publican had not lived to be an Evangelist , nor Saul the persecutor to be an Apostle . And certainly , had not God seen more into this last then Ananias did , who was sent unto him , no notice had been taken of the service which he was to do unto the Church for the time to come , but of the spoyl and havock he had made thereof for the time preceding ; and then the Church had lost the benefit of his pains and preaching , the notable Examples which he left behind him of his zeal and constancy . And therefore very well saith a modern Author , Si Deus eradicasset Paulum persequentem ecclesia non haberet Saulum praedicantem : If God had rooted up Saul the Persecutor , the Church had wanted Paul the Preacher . Ne fortè is most usefull here ; There 's no such hast of imus & colligimus , but that we may defer it till a further time . Here then we see the patience of Almighty God towards sinful men ; and here we see the reasons of it : God beares with men in expectation of their conversion and amendment ; there being none so desperately ingaged in a course of sin , but by Gods grace he may draw back and turn again , and seriously repent him of his former wickedness . Datur ergo locus poenitentiae , saith an ancient Father , there 's alwayes place left for repentance : And God hath promised for his part , that when the wicked man turneth away from the wickednesse which he hath committed , and doth that which is lawfull and right , he shall save his soul alive . T is to this end , and on this expectation , that God sheweth such a strong and unwearied patience towards sinful man , notwithstanding all his provocations . Patientia Dei ad poenitentiam invitat malos , as the Father hath it ; God doth as well invite them to repentance by his love and patience , as scourge them to it by his punishments . And this St. Paul doth also witness , where he tells us , saying , that God endured with much long-suffering the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction . Endure them , why ? To the intent that being purged from all their evill wayes , they may be made vessels of mercy , sanctified and meet for the Masters use , and prepared for every good work , as in that to Timothy . St. Austin by comparing both the Texts together doth expound it so ; Inde dicitur Deus tolerare vasa irae formaliter talia , ut ●iant vasa misericordiae . The shewing of his wrath , and making of his power to be known upon them , which the Apostle speaks of in the former place , is but at such times , and in such cases , when neither his promises can wooe them , nor his threats reclaim them , nor his patience win so farre upon them , but that they will run headlong on their own destruction . This patience of Almighty God must be our instruction , and teach us not to be too forward in the condemning of our Brethren . Shall God be rich in goodness , full of forbearance and long-suffering towards sinful man , in expectation of his repentance and amendment ; and shall not men , being all alike obnoxious to the wrath of God , conceive some hopes of one another ? Doth God forbear to strike us with the Sword of Justice , and cut us off even in the middle of our sins ; and shall we wrest the Sword out of his hands , to execute judgement on our selves ? Doth he expect the reformation and conversion of the sinner , till the eleventh houre of the day ; and will not we tarry for him till the sixth or ninth ? Is God so patient towards the tares , as to expect whether they will prove wheat , or not , to lay ne fortè as a barre in the way of those who came prepared to go and gather them up without more delay ; and are we men so inconsiderate of their case , and our own condition , as to be all for imus & colligimus , for ne fort● nothing ? May we not say in this case with the great Apostle , inexcusabilis es O homo , Thou art inexcusable O man whosoever thou art that judgest another , thou condemnest thy self ? or if thou wilt be judging , take this rule along which the Apostle gives thee in another place , Nolite judicare ante tempus , Judge nothing before the time , till the Lord cometh , &c. 1 Cor. 4. 4. Assuredly it argues little Christianity , but farre lesse charity , to condemn them to death whom God meanes to save ; to go about to cut them off , and bring them unto execution , whom God is purposed to reprieve to a further triall ; to cast them out of the house as Vessels of wrath , who in due time , though not so soon as thou expectest , may be vessels of mercy . Therefore take heed of imus & colligimus ; be not too hasty and precipitate in acting thine own Counsels , or in pursuit of those designes which thou hast in hand towards the reformation of the Church of God , the extirpation of those tares which thou hast an eye on , and by the which thou thinkest Gods Field to be so indangered ; but let ne forte hold the reines , and make thee look with care and circumspection on the work before thee . At least refer it all to Vis , to the Masters pleasure , and then proceed according unto his directions . So doing , thou shalt more promote thy Masters business , then by following the devices and desires of thine own heart ; for so doing thou shalt be entertained in the Court of Heaven with Euge bone serve , Well done thou good and faithful Servant , enter into thy Masters joy . Which Christian care and moderation God of his goodness grant us all , that we may all be made partakers of the like reception in Gods glorious Kingdom . Amen . SERMON III. At CHRIST-CHURCH Jan. 5th . 1644. MATTH . 13. v. 30. Sinite utraque simul crescere usque ad messem . Let both grow together till the Harvest . QUantum inter opera divina & humana interest , tantum necesse est distare inter Dei hominisque sapientiam : It was the observation of Lactantius an ancient Writer , That look how great the difference was between the visible works of Almighty God , and the poor undertakings of us mortall men , so great or greater was the difference between his Heavenly Wisdom and our deepest Counsels . Which rule if it be true , as no doubt it is , how infinitely short must we needes conceive that Solomons wisdom , though the wisest of the Sonnes of Adam ; or Moses knowledge , though well trained in all the learning of the Egyptians ; or the Prophetick spirits of Isaiah , Daniel , and the rest of the ancient Seers , was of the wisdom , knowledge , foresight of Almighty God ? For alas , what proportion hold the Worlds seven Wonders , so celebrated in the Writings of the elder dayes , or any of the most heroical achievements of the greatest Potentates , with the Creation of the World , nay , with the composition of the meanest creature , in which there is not any thing but what may breed both wonder and astonishment in the mightiest Monarch ? The wisdom of the wise is it not foolishness with God ? saith the great Apostle . Doth not the same Apostle tell us , that our knowledge is imperfect and our fore-sight blinde ; seeing no more then in Aenigmate , through a dark Glasse , or a broken Perspective ? We know , saith he , in part , and in part we prophesie . And if in part onely , then is neither perfect . A clearer instance of this truth we can hardly finde , then in the process of this Parable , comparing the advice of the Houshold-servants with the decree and finall resolution of their heavenly Master . The servants thought there was no safer way to secure the Harvest , then an eradication of those dangerous tares which had been sowen during their negligence and security by the crafty enemy . To this end they made offer of their help and service , vis imus & colligimus ea ? Wilt thou that we go and gather them up ? v. 28. and they expected thanks at least for the proposition , if not an approbation of their course and Counsel . But contrary , their Master seeing further then the servants could , and being apprehensive of the dangers which might follow on it , had their advice been entertained , first countermands their offer with an absolute Negative , Et ait Non , but he said Nay , he did not like of their intention : the gathering of the tares in the way proposed would have procured more mischief to the Field of God , then the tares themselves did seem to threaten . And more then so , he lets them see , ( which all the wisdom of the world would have never thought of ) that the best way to save the Harvest , and preserve the Wheat , was to permit the tares and wheat to grow up together till they were ready for the Reapers ; and then to gather them and dispose them in their proper places , according to the will and pleasure of the Lord their God. This the coherence of the Text with the former passages , this the Text it self , Sinite utraque , &c. In these words we have these two general parts to be considered ; the sufferance of Almighty God , and the season of it : 2ly . the condition of the Church , and the causes of it : the sufferance of Almighty God towards sinful man , in the first word Sinite , suffer them both to grow together ; the season of it in the last , usque ad messem , till the Harvest . The condition of the Church represented to us in the intermixture of the Wheat and Tares , both which are here permitted simul crescere , to grow up together till the Harvest : the causes of this intermixture not expressed in terminis , but to be found , if sought for , without much adoe . In the first generall we shall examine these three points ; 1. What is meant by messis , the approching Harvest , and the use thereof . 2. What induces the Heavenly Husbandman to give so long a sinite to the Tares , when meanes and opportunity was offered for their extirpation . And 3. Whether the sinite of the Text delivered in the Imperative mood , be so strong and binding , that in no case the tares are to be rooted out till the Harvest come . In the next generall we shall shew you , 1. That the Church here militant is of such condition , that good and bad , the Orthodox Professor and the Heretick , are so intermingled , that there is no perfection to be looked for here : and 2. That there want not great and weighty reasons why it should so be ; of which some relate unto the Tares , some unto the Wheat , some to God himself , whose glory is most chiefly aimed at . These are the points to be considered : and of these I shall discourse in order , beginning with Gods sufferance , and the season of it , and therein with the first enquiry , What is here meant by messis , the approching Harvest ; and what use we may make thereof for our own advantage . Priùs dividendum quàm definiendum ; It was the Orators Rule of old , First to distinguish of the termes , before we take upon us to state the question . A Rule exceeding necessary in the present business , and much conducing to the Explication of the points in hand . For the word messis is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word of various significations , according to the scope of the severall places where it doth occur . And first , not taking notice of it in the literall sense in the 9th Chapter of St. Matthew , it signifieth the times and seasons fit for the preaching of the Gospel . There read we messem esse multam , that the Harvest was great , i. e. that there were many people whose mindes were cheerfully prepared to receive the word . And there 's another Harvest which the Baptist speaks of , the bringing forth of fruits meet for repentance , fruits worthy of the Preachers pains , and the hearers diligence ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Harvest of good works which we finde in Chrysostom . But we have other Corn to thresh , and therefore must look out for another Harvest ; an Harvest not of hearing , nor of fructifying , but of receiving the reward of our severall labours ; an Harvest in the which each workman shall receive his wages , according to the works which he hath wrought in the flesh , whether good or evill . And this again is either taken for the day of Gods temporall judgements upon particular Men , or Sects , or Collective bodies ; or for the day of generall judgement , when all flesh shall appear before the Lord to receive its sentence . In this last sense the word is taken in the 14 of the Revelation , where the Angel said to him that sate upon the Throne , mitte falcem & mete , Thrust in thy sickle and reap , for the time is come , and the Harvest of the Earth is ripe , i. e. all Nations were now ready to receive that judgement which God in his just anger should pronounce against them . And in the other sense it is said by the Prophet Jeremy , The Daughter of Babylon is a threshing-floore , the time of her threshing is come , yet a little while and the time of her Harvest will come . Tempus messionis ejus veniet ; and what time was that ? even that wherein she had made up the measure of her iniquities and abominations , and was to be given up for a prey to the Medes and Persians . I know that most Interpreters , as well old as new , do take the Harvest in my Text for the generall judgement , that which our Saviour doth describe in the 25. of this Gospel : And they expound it thus for this reason chiefly , because our Saviour gives this descant on his own plain song , v. 39. Messis est consummatio seculi , the Harvest is the end of the World. A man would think the sense must be very obvious , even to the vulgar wits , when he that writ the Text made the comment also . But then a question may be made what our Redeemer meanes by consummatio seculi , or the end of the World , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek Text hath it . Assuredly not alwayes the last day precisely , but the last times generally , or the particular time appointed by Almighty God for the effecting of some speciall and particular purpose . For in the 9 Chapter to the Hebrews the same words occur , where the Apostle treating of the passion of our Lord and Saviour , saith it was done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in consummatione seculi , in the end of the World. Ask Beza what is meant there by the end of the World , by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he will tell you that it is the same which the Apostle calls in another place plenitudinem temporis , or the fulness of time , i. e. saith he , and so both Caietan and Ribera do expound the Text , Seculorum perfectionem & complementum , the full perfection and accomplishment of some time appointed . So then upon this disquisition we have gained thus much , that though the Harvest in my Text be for the most part understood of the general judgement , of which hereafter in the next ; yet may it also mean the time of Gods temporal punishments upon particular men , or Sects , or Collective bodies : Whom though God suffereth for a while till their sins be ripe , and lets them flourish and grow mighty both in power and wickedness , yet have they all their severall Harvests , in which they shall be mowed , and threshed , and winnowed , to his greater glory . The sickle of the Lord is alwayes ready , and his van alwayes in his hand . And when his Harvest-time is come , and the fruits of wicked men be ripe , he shall not only mowe them down , as when the Harvest-man gathereth the corn , and reapeth down the eares with his arme , in the Prophets language ; but he will throughly purge his floore , and make them like the chaffe , in the Psalmists words , which the wind drives away before it . But for the just and righteous person , he either shall be saved from the day of trouble , or preserved in it : Or if he fall , as fall he may sometimes into the hand of the Reapers , like a good eare of corn well grown , or Grapes fully ripe , he shall be congregatus in horreum , gathered into the barn of the heavenly Husbandman . In execution of which acts of his will and justice he many times makes use of Angels , literally and properly so called , which are the Reapers of this verse and the 39 , and many times of other Ministers who do supply the place of Angels , and may be called so in a borrowed , metaphoricall sense ; as Attila the Hun , the scourge of the impenitent Western Christians , was in the Stories of those times called Flagellum Dei. That there have been such Harvests in former times , and that such Harvests are in the compass of our Saviours meaning , the Stories of Gods Book , and all the Monuments of the Church do most clearly evidence . And to say truth , did not the Text admit such Harvests , all the seditious aggregations of unquiet men ; all the Idolatries of Rome Heathen , and superstitions of Rome Christian ; the Pride of Babylon , and the filths of Sodom , with all the rabblement of pernicious Hereticks , and factious Sectaries , which have disturbed the Church in foregoing Ages , must be still extant and unpunished to this very day . But they have had their severall Harvests , and the Lord hath reaped them , reserving them with the Apostate Angels , in eternall chains , to the judgement of the great and terrible day . And though this be a truth so clear that it needes no proofs , yet we will instance in some few , the better to set forth the necessary truth of this , together with the longanimity and justice of Almighty God. In the old World , the sinnes of men were very great , all the imaginations of their hearts corrupt and evill , so that the very Sonnes of God were tempted to go in to the Daughters of men ; and yet God spared them a long time , and added 120 yeeres unto the dayes of their repentance . But when their sins were grown so ripe that God repented him at last of Mans creation , he brought the flood upon them , and destroyed them all ; but saved righteous Noah , and his Houshold with him . The Citizens of Sodom had long swelled in pride , and surfeited on fulness of bread , and abundance of idleness , as the Prophet tells us ; and yet God suffered them to live , and fulfill their lusts . But when the voyce of their sins became so loud , as to cry unto the Heavens for vengeance , and to occasion God himself to come down and see majorne infamia vero , whether their sins were answerable to the cry which was come unto him , then were they ready for the sickle , 't was high Harvest then ; and the Lord sent his Angels to consume their City , and rained down fire from Heaven upon them ; but delivered Lot and his small Family , like a fire-brand snatched out of the flames . Passe we on forwards into Egypt , and we shall finde how patiently the Lord expected that the proud Egyptians would at the last dismisse his people with peace and safety ; but when that did no good upon them , when they had added tyranny unto oppression , and unto both a proud contempt of his Word and Messengers , he brought his people out with a mighty hand ; the Angel of the Lord going before the Camp of Israel , but overwhelming Pharaoh and his Host in a second deluge . And if God did not presently invest his people in the possession of the Land so often promised , it was not only for their disobedience , or their unbelief , nor for their murmuring against God , and groundless exclamations against Moses and Aaron ; though these did all concur to retard their entrance : The Scriptures give another reason , and questionless the true reason of that long suspension ; nondum completa est iniquitas Amorrhaeorum , the wickedness of the Amorites was not yet full , 't was not Harvest yet , and therefore God had not given order to the Land to spew out her Inhabitants . Thus do we read in holy Scripture of the Harvest of Babylon , and of the Harvest of Damascus , i. e. of those appointed times , in which for their Idolatries and abominations they were to be delivered over to the hands of their severall enemies . And for those very Jewes themselves , though God spared them long , notwithstanding all their provocations , and only visited them sometimes with Warre or thraldom , yet he stayed not there ; for when they had made up the measure of their Fathers sins , and added to the same the blood of the Sonne of God , more precious then the blood of Abel and of all the Prophets , then did the Lord destroy their City , and disperse their people , making them that they were no longer to be called a Nation , but a poor scattered remnant of what once they were . But for the persecuted Saints of Christ which lived amongst them , the Lord withdrew them from that plague , warning them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a Dream or Oracle , to remove thence to Pella , a small Town of Syria , before the first approch of the Roman Armies . Thus was it also with the Church since the time of the Gospel ; The Princes of the Earth sometimes raged against it , and harried it with fire and sword , and all kinde of torments : And though the souls of them which were slain for the word of the Lord had cryed unto their God for vengeance , yet was it said to them from above , ut requiescerent adhuc modicum tempus , that they should rest yet for a season , and tarry till their Brethrens blood was cast into the ballance also to make up the weight . Which time being come , the Lord did plague the persecutors with such grievous plagues , that in the anguish of their souls , and guilt of conscience , they cryed unto the Rocks to fall upon them , & on the hills to hide them . Never Dog barked against the Crosse but he grew mad after it , saith the Author of the Book of Martyrs . So for those vile and wretched miscreants which did afflict the Church of Christ with Schismes and Heresies , they did exalt their horns a while , and bare all before them ; the Arians especially being so predominant , ut jam non portiunculam quandam , that they thought scorn to be confined to one Church or Nation , but like a generall scab or Leprosie , had invaded almost all the parts of the body mysticall : yet when their pride was greatest , and their power most formidable ; when their impieties and blasphemies were so strongly backed , that these few Orthodox Professors which were left untainted did tremble at the apprehension of the present danger , God then conceived them fit for vengeance , and put in his sickle , the time being come for him to reap , and the Harvest ready ; so that of all those Sects and Heresies which did afflict the Church in her purest Ages , there is scarce any thing remaining but the name and infamy . And though the Christians of those times being delivered from the fear of their deadly enemies , had surfeited on peace and prohibited pleasures , yet God reprieved them a long time from the hand of punishment ; but when their sins were grown so publick , and so full of scandall , ut pateretur lex Christiana maledictum , that even the Gospel grew to be ill reported of by the Jew and Gentile , then poured he out the Nations of the North upon them , who sacked their Cities , and laid waste their Palaces , and in conclusion dispossessed them of their Countries also . Now by this Standard we may take the measure both of Gods patience and his justice , in all parallel Cases : If we see Sects and Heresies rise up to disturb the Church , and not to rise up only , but grow strong and prevalent , and in a way like Pharaohs seven lean Kine to devoure the fat ; if we see wickedness grow successful , and rebellion prosperous , and the best men become a prey to the cruel spoylers , we must not think that God is all this while asleep , and regards it not ; not so , the Lord that keepeth Israel neither sleepes nor slumbereth . But when the sins of men be ripe , and the time of wrath is come that they should be judged , the God that dwelleth in the Heavens shall scourge them with a whip of Scorpions , and break them into pieces like a Potters vessel . And though some of them have the hap , or the seeming happiness , to go down into the grave in peace , yet God will finde them at the last , and meet with these sowre grapes in his general vintage , and tread them in the wine-presse of his indignation . And to say truth , there are as great and weighty reasons why some mens punishments should follow after them , as that the rest should have a trial and essay of their future miseries by those which they endure in this present life ; for , as St. Austin well observes , should all mens sins be punished in this present life , nihil ultimo judicio reservari putaretur , it would occasion some to think that there were no necessity nor use of the generall judgement : as on the other side , if none , nulla esse divina providentia crederetur , others would be too apt to think that there were no God ; or at least rob him of his Providence , and say with him in Davids Psalms , Tush , God doth not see it . If therefore God permit the Tares to grow up together with the Wheat , it is to shew his patience and longanimity in expectation of their conversion and amendment ; but that he brings them to the Harvest , and moweth them down at last , is to shew his justice . And doubt we not , but that the Lord in his just judgement will destroy those Tares which at this present threaten ruine to his blessed Field , when they once be ripe , and that we are sufficiently awakened out of that dull security which had seized upon us ; God dealing still with wicked and seditious men , as heretofore with Haman , Abs●lom , Achitophel , and such other instruments ; when they have served his turn then he hangs them up . But I must tell you this withall , that if we do exexpect an Harvest of Gods temporall judgements upon the heads of those that lay wast his Church ; we must first put away those customary unrepented sins , which have drawn them down upon our selves . Si vis me flere dolendum est primùm ipsi tibi . If we desire that God be pittiful to us , in freeing us from those which do play the Tyrants over our bodies and estates , we must be pittiful to our selves , in labouring to free our souls from a greater tyranny , that of sin and Satan . We must first repent us of the punishment that is due unto them . But I see little hopes of so great a change ; or indeed any hopes at all , either great or little , except it be unto the worse , in the corrupting of those meanes which should work our peace . For tell me I beseech you , is not our fasting grown so formall , and our humiliation mixt with so much hypocrisie , that we are sicker of repentance then before of sin ? Is not our common talk so overgrown with oaths and prodigious cursings , as if we meant to bid defiance to the Host of Heaven ? and our devotions in Gods House so cold and careless , as if we thought as poorly of the Lord himself , as of the Preacher , or the Prayers ? And can we look for blessings from the hands of God , when we send curses to his eares ? or that the Lord should work a double miracle upon us , whether we will or not ; one in removing from us a deserved punishment , the other in forgiving unrepented sins ? Assuredly , unless we make our peace with God , and wrest deliverance from him by our prayers and penitence , the Lord in his just anger will afflict us further , and give us over for a prey unto those that hate us . God is not bound to bring upon the wicked and seditious person , the Heretick and Schismatical man , the Harvest of his temporal judgements , though sometimes he do it : sometimes he lets them passe till the general Harvest , and calls them not unto account untill he bring them at the last to the finall reckoning . But whether it be first or last , it pleaseth him to give the Tares a longer Sinite then his servants did desire he should , and suffered them to grow in his holy Field , when meanes and opportunity was offered for their extirpation . What might incline him thereunto , and how farre we are bound by this present Sinite , are the next enquiries . Expertâ morbi molestiâ evidentior fit jucunditas sanitatis . No man can judge so well of health , as they that have been long afflicted with a wounded body , or visited with some grievous sickness : nor set so high a price on the light of Heaven , as he who hath been lodged in a dolefull Dungeon . Now that which darkness is in the Aire or Firmament , and wounds and sickness in the body , the same are errors and corruptions in life and Doctrine , ( or scandala , & qui faciunt iniquitatem , as our Saviour tells us of these tares , v. 38. ) in the Church of Christ : darkness best sets off light , wounds and sickness health ; and so doth error truth , and corruption purity . God therefore doth sometimes permit the ungodly man to have his habitation with the just and righteous , that so the justice of the righteous might be made more eminent : of which we shall say more anon in the Simul crescere . And sometimes he permits his People to walk in darkness , & wander in the crooked lanes of deceit & error , that when they come into the light , and to the saving wayes of truth , they may imbrace the same with the greater fervour : were it not for this reason , and in this respect , it is not probable that God who is the God of truth , and the Father of lights , would suffer any Heresie , or erroneous Tenet to be sowen or rooted in his field ; but either would discover them on the first appearing , or cause them to be rooted up on the first discovery ; at least he would have harkened to the Proposition , to the vis imus & colligimus of the former verse , were it not that the light of truth would appear more brightly , after it had been long eclipsed with the Clouds of error ; Et sic deterrima comparatione gloriam sibi compararet . For contraries when they are looked upon together , do appear most visibly . Besides , Oportet esse haereses , there is a farther use of Heresies , which brings them in with an Oportet , as we read of in the 18. of St. Matthew , necesse est ut veniant scandala . Scandala saith St. Matthew , haereses saith S. Paul ; but in both Texts the same , saith the Learned Scholiast ; and both attended or brought in by the same necesse . Not a necessity simpliciter dicta , an absolute necessity that so it must be , as if truth could not stand without them ; but an Oportet , a necessity secundum quid , it being expedient that so it should be , because truth stands the better by them . How many excellent tractates , grave discourses , learned and pious writings had these Ages wanted , had not the Primitive Church been exercised with so many Heresies ? In what an ignorance had we lived in matters which concern the glorious Trinity , the powers of Grace , the influences of the holy Spirit ; had not the Arians and Pelagians startled those opinions which put the Church to a necessity of setting learned men on work to confute and crush them ? And doubt we not but that Posterity will fare the better for those monstrous Paradoxes in Divinity which have been vented since the meeting of this new Assembly , and penetrate more throughly into some deep questions which now disturb the peace both of Church and State , then any of the former Ages . Firmior multò fides est quam reponit poenitentia . Faith , saith the Father , stands more firmly when it is built upon repentance ; as doubtless Peters faith was most strongly setled , after he had denyed his Master . And 't is no otherwise with truth then it is with saith , best setled , and confirmed and planted , when strugling long with error or heretical Doctrines , it hath got the victory . God , as before I said , is the God of truth , and they that wilfully oppose the least truth of Gods , are Rebels against God , and against his truth . And 't was known to be an experiment in the School of Politicks , conatus subditorum irritos imperium semper promovere , that the rebellion of a people when it is supprest , doth make a Prince more strong and absolute then he was before . But the Oportet goes yet further ; it reacheth not to the truth alone , but to all those who do defend it . There must be heresies , saith St. Paul , ut qui probati sint , that those who are approved amongst you may be known and manifested . St. Austin tells us of two sorts of enemies which do afflict the Church of Christ : whereof the one is blinde with error , and the other with malice . And then he adds , That if these enemies have leave to afflict it corporally with any kinde of persecution , exercent ejus patientiam , they give the Church occasion to shew forth her patience ; but if they do assault the same with Sects and Heresies , or malè sentiendo , with their false opinions , exercent ejus sapientiam , they give her opportunity to declare her wisdom . There were no need of Champions to defend the truth , should there be none that did oppose it : nor could we know by any meanes who would take part with Christ , and who sight against him , were it not brought unto the triall . Hectora quis nosset felix si Troja fuisset ? Hector had never been so famed for his feats of Arms , had not Troy been beleaguered by the powers of Greece : Nor had the valour and fidelity of Joab , the wisdom and fidelity of Cushai , the bounty and fidelity of Barzillai , the piety and fidelity of the Priests and Levites ; no not so much as Shimeis slanderous tongue , or the inconstant mutability of the vulgar herd been manifested and made known to David , had not Achitophel contrived , Absolom actually raised , a Warre against him . What had we known of Athanasius , had not the Arian faction joyned themselves together in a League against him , and spent their whole united forces on his single person ? Parque novum fortuna videt concurrere bellum , Atque virum . As if that holy Patriarch had been born unto Ishmaels destiny , to have his hand against every man , and every mans hand against him . How little had been left unto us of Irenaeus , Basil , Hierome , Austin , and all the brave Heroes of the Primitive times , had not the Gnosticks , Valentinians , Arians , Donatists , afforded them occasion to expresse their piety , and manifest their zeal to the cause of Christ ? And to come neerer to our selves ; where had been all the glories of renowned Jewel , or of incomparable Whitgift , had not this Church been crucified from the first beginning , between the Popish superstitions and the Puritan frenzies ? All men are apt enough to professe the Gospel in a time of peace , and to declare themselves for truth , when there are no heresies : therefore Oportet esse haereses , that so it may be known more clearly , as Tertullian notes it , tam qui in persecutionibus steterint quàm qui ad haereses non exorbitaverint , as well who dare stand bravely out against persecutions , as who dare bid defiance unto Sects and Heresies . So then there are some notable reasons for the present Sinite , and suffering of the Tares and Wheat to grow up together till the Harvest , besides the dangers mentioned in the former verse . But then a question will be made , whether the Sinite in this place be so strong and binding , that in no case the Tares are to be rooted up till the Harvest come . Where first we take it for a truth unquestionable , which we finde in Chrysostom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. It is not here forbidden , saith that learned Father , either to curb the Heretick , or silence him , or suppress his insolencies , or to prohibit their Assemblies , or disperse their Conventicles . God hath not so disarmed his Church , as to lay it open to the assaults and violence of malicious enemies , and left her with no other weapons then defensive only . In the spirituall Armorie which St. Paul describes , there is as well the sword of the spirit , as the shield of faith ; and truth appointed for a Girdle , as well as righteousness for a Brest plate . Gods Church is furnished with a power to convince gainsayers , as well as to exhort , or rebuke the sinner ; and may employ the pen , though not tosse the Pike . Else not the Heretick , but the true Professor would be put to silence , and God should send out men to fight , and yet binde their hands . And more then so , the Lord hath given his Church Authority to deal with obstinate Hereticks , and with perverse Schismaticks , as St. Paul did with Hymenaeus and Alexander , who having made shipwrack of the faith , were by him cut off from the society of the faithfull . For though some men of eminency in point of learning , out of their love to that libertas Prophetandi now so much in fashion , would have the Church be very wary in exercising this authority ; yet they profess they have no purpose utterly to deprive her of that power and priviledge , segregandi eos à suis coetibus qui doctrinam adulterant , of excommunicating those who corrupt her Doctrines . What then is that which is denied the Church in the present Sinite ? Assuredly not to restrain the Heretick , or confute the Heresie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but to kill and slay them . The Servants , as we told you formerly , were much scandalized to see Gods Field indangered by those wretched Tares : errors in Doctrine , and corruptions in point of manners being grown so prevalent , that there was little hope to preserve the Church , but by a sudden extirpation of them , of what sort soever : and thereupon they purposed as before I told you , to go against them with the Sword , to raise an holy Warre , and destroy them utterly . Which how unfit a way it was , either to plant the Gospel , or reform Religion , I then told you also : Warre being a Tragedy of such a nature , as commonly destroyes the Stage whereupon t is acted ; and no such Weapon as the Sword , ( except it be the sword of the Spirit ) committed to the Ministers of the Word and Sacraments , which are the Servants aimed at in our Saviours Parable . It is the Civill Magistrate , and t is he alone which hath jus gladii materialis , as our Lawyers call it , the power of the materiall Sword , and the right to use it . And if he use it not as occasion serves , in cutting off notorious Malefactors , and punishing seditious or rebellious persons , frustra gladium gerit , he beares the Sword in vain , as the Scriptures tell us . But how farre he may use the same in cutting off the obstinate Heretick , and the perverse Schismatick , after the Church hath done her part , and that Certificate be returned of her whole proceedings , is a point worthy of a further and more punctuall search . At this we only touched before , referring the full disquisition of it to the present Sinite , as a place more proper for that purpose . And first perhaps it will be thought but an easie Controversie , and of no great difficulty to determine , in which the disagreeing parties are so well agreed . The practise of the Church of Rome makes it clear enough what they do hold in point of Doctrine ; although they have not yet improved it ( for ought I can tell ) into an Article of the faith , as many of their School-points were in the Tridentine Council . Bellarmine gives it for a Maxime , or a ruled case rather in the Divinity of that Church , Posse haereticos ab Ecclesia damnatos temporalibus poenis & etiam morte mulctari , that Hereticks condemned at the Churches barre are to be executed on the Scaffold of the Civil Magistrate . And this he laboureth to make good , as his Custom is , both by Authority of Scripture , and consent of Fathers , though he bring some sory proof from either . Our Saviour tells us of false Prophets , that they should come in Sheeps Clothing , but inwardly were ravenous Wolves ; and that whoever comes not into the fold by the ordinary doore , but climbs in at the Window , is a Thief and a Robber . At Lupi rapaces optimo jure occiduntur ; But Wolves , saith he , are justly killed , and t is well known what punishment belongs to Theeves ; and thereupon concludes without more adoe , that Hereticks are to be punished like Wolves and Robbers . Would any man believe that so great a Clerk could be so seriously foolish in a matter of such main concernment as the life of his poor Christian Brother ; or that he meant good earnest when he urged those Texts ? Might not a man conclude with as good a Conscience ( I am sure he may with as much equity and Logick as the Cardinall doth ) that Christ our Saviour ought to be crucified again at his second comming , because he tells us of that comming , that it will be Sicut fur in nocte , like a Thief in the night ? and we well know what punishment belongs to Burglarers : or , that prophane and wicked persons are to be cherished in their riotous and licentious courses , because the Scripture likeneth them to a dogg which returneth to the vomit ? and yet such doggs are oft times cherished by their Masters . The Cardinall had never set so light a price on the life of his Brother , had he considered at how great a price it was bought by Christ . So also for the Protestant Doctors , though at the first they did unanimously detest both the opinion and the practice of the Church of Rome in this particular , ( and certainly they had good reason so to do , as the case then stood ) yet they soon altered their opinion ; for after that Servetus had been burnt at Geneva by the instigation of Calvin , and Valentine Gentilis executed at Brasil by the Command of the Switzers , the Allobrogian party set their wits on work to defend the action , and after drew in many others of the Protestant Churches to concur with them in that point . Calvin first sets it down in thesi , haereticos jure gladii coercendos , that Hereticks were to be restrained by the Sword of the temporal Magistrate ; which though it was in generalls only , yet did he make it serve the turn for the present shift . But Beza , building a large Tract upon his foundation , entituled , De haereticis à Magistratu puniendis , sets up this Position , almost the same in termes with that of Bellarmine , viz. haereticos interdum capitali etiam supplicio à magistratu coercendos , that Hereticks sometimes are to be punished by death . For which , though he produce no evidence from the Evangelists or Apostles , which are the best Judges in this case , but that of Ananias and his Wife Saphira , both whom St. Peter most miraculously condemned and executed by a word of his mouth ; yet he confesseth of this instance , non posse in exemplum trahi , that it is not to be drawn into example . And if not to be drawn into example , as he saith it is not , then certainly no such proof to confirm the point as he thinks it is : yet that we might not think him singular , or to stand alone , he brings in Bullinger , Melancthon , and Wolfgangus Capito , as being of the same judgement with him ; to whom Aretius might be added , in his defence of the proceedings against Valentine Gentile , and some others since : so incident it is to our humane frailty to square our judgement by the rule of our private interests ; and not so much to ponder what we ought to do , as to finde Pleas and Arguments to defend our doings . But notwithstanding this agreement of the adverse parties , we may resolve upon the question , as our Redeemer did in another case , quòd ab initio non fuit sic , it was not so from the beginning . The Primitive Fathers knew of no such meanes for the confuting of an Heretick , or the suppressing of an Heresie , as the fire and faggot . St. Chrysostomes judgement in the point you have heard already , take St. Austins now ; who tells us of himself , that he was once perswaded , neminem ad unitatem Christi cogendum esse , that no man was to be compelled by force and punishments to joyn himself unto the Church . But afterwards , upon experience of the peace and benefit which did most commonly redound to the Church thereby , he so farre altered his opinion , as to allow of banishment , or fine and ransom , in case of obstinate perverseness ; but by no meanes of death in what case soever . And this the Cardinall confesseth , though against himself , ingeniously affirming of that holy Father , semper excepero supplicium mortis , that alwayes he excepted death as too sharp a remedy , and inconsistent with the meekness of our Saviours Gospel . T is true , that Valentinian , Martian , and other of the following Emperours , when they could finde no other way to restrain their insolencies , have added also poenam sanguinis in their publick Edicts : But this was only in terrorem . No execution done upon them in a long time after , and then but by some Arian Kings of the Gothes and Vandalls , in the declining times of the Christian purity . Onely the Tyrant Maximus , who usurped the Empire , though otherwise an Orthodox Prince , caused the Arch-Heretick Priscillian , and some of his Associates to be put to death , at the instigation of Ithacius , a Catholick Bishop , whom the impieties of the man had extremely stirred . Concerning which Sulpitius Serverus tells us , that though they were homines luce indignissimi , men most unworthy of the light , yet they were pessimo exemplo necati , and that their execution was of dangerous consequence to succeeding Ages . And as it seemes , the French and German Prelates did conceive so of it , by whom Ithacius was deprived of the Communion , for no other reason , then that he had been a chief Actor in that woful Tragedy . Thus also when Alexius of Constantinople had caused Basilius and others of the Bongomili to be burnt to ashes , ( Hereticks lewd enough of conscience , if their Opinions have been transmitted to us by ingenious hands ) the Eastern Prelates generally disallowed the fact . But what need further search be made in this particular , when we have confitentem reum ? For even Baronius doth acknowledge , though otherwise a professed Champion both of the customs and corruptions of the Church of Rome , that anciently it was the usage of the Christian Bishops , when they addressed themselves to the secular powers in matters of this present nature , so to insist on the correction of the Heretick , ut tamen à capitali supplicio inferendo dehortati sunt , that they disswaded them by all meanes imaginable not to shed their bloods . From which sweet moderation of the Primitive Prelates , how miserably the Church hath deviated in these latter dayes , the publick Martyrologies of both sides do declare too evidently . What then , may some men chance to say , shall Theeves and Murderers die the death , which onely rob us of our goods , or destroy our bodies , and shall the Heretick which robs us of our precious faith , and damn both soul and body to the pit of hell , either escape unpunished , or be punished onely with some light pecuniary mulct , or short imprisonment ? Is there no case in which the desperate Heretick may be rooted up , and such vile tares be liable to an extirpation ? I say not so . The Lord himself decreed in his holy Law , ( and caused execution to be done upon it ) That whosoever did blaspheme the name of the Lord should be stoned to death ; and that if a Prophet did arise which did entice the people after other Gods , they should also slay him , without either pity or delay . The Jewes , though they transgressed in the second case , were alwayes zealous in the first ; and howsoever they connived at some grosse Idolatries , would not spare a blasphemy . This made them when they sate in judgement on our Saviour Christ , to balk all other Accusations , and lay hold on this ; interpreting some words of his , in which he called himself most truly the Sonne of God , for blasphemous passages . And then the high Priest said ( with great joy no question ) what need we any further witnesses ? we have heard his blasphemy : and thereupon they all concluded he is guilty of death . In which the ground was true and justifiable , it was Gods own Rule ; but the judgement wicked and erroneous , as being utterly perverted in the Application . Now though these Lawes were given particularly to the Jewes for their square and measure , by which they were to punish malefactors of that odious nature ; yet in the equity thereof they relate to us , to whom the honour of Almighty God ought to be as precious as ever it was among the Jewes , and all blasphemers of his name to be held as execrable as in the Commonwealth of Israel . If therefore there arise an Heretick which belcheth his blasphemous follies against the Majesty of God , or any person of the holy undivided Trinity ; or seeks to draw the people after other Gods , or add the Jewish Ceremonies , or the heathenish sacrifices to the pure worship of the Lord , as did the Manichees of old , and Anatolius in the close of the sixth Centurie ; let the Sword in Gods name passe upon him . My eye shall neither pity him , nor my house conceal him . There are some Heresies as well as sins , which if unretracted , are neither pardoned in this World , nor in that to come . Such wretched miscreants as these in the body mystical are like a gangrened member in the body natural , and must be cut off in due time , or else will suddenly infect and destroy the whole : so true a Rule is that in the Poet Ovid , — Namque immedicabile vulnus Ense rescindendumest ne pars sincera trahatur . Next to the Majesty of God is that of Kings and Soveraign Princes ; to whom God hath not onely pleased to impart his name , but delegated a great part of his royall power : And therefore if an Heretick set on foot such Doctrines as tend to the destruction of the Princes person , or the seducing of his Subjects from their due allegiance ; or otherwise grow practical , and embroyl the State , for the promoting of their dreams and dotages , though of lower quality , let them receive the wages due to their lewd attempts . There are as well seditious Doctrines as seditious practises , both dangerous alike , and therefore to be punished with the like severity : and this have the chief Priests of the Jewes understood full well , when having brought our Saviour to the Judgement-hall , and fearing Pilate would be little moved with the noyse of blasphemy , they cast their accusation in another mould ; We found ( say they ) this fellow perverting our Nation , forbidding to pay tribute unto Caesar , and calling himself Christ a King : & then if Pilate will not hasten to his condemnation , he shall be instantly proclaimed for no friend of Caesars . In which , although they shewed themselves to be false accusers , yet they declared sufficiently , that in their opinion , and in the opinion of a vigilant and careful Magistrate , all Doctrines which may tend to perturb the State , or rather that all such , whoever , which have raised factions in the State to promote their Doctrines , were worthy of a Crucifige . And so farre we may take St. Paul along for Company , who tells us of coitiones in Synagogis , seditions raised in the Synagogues as well as in the streets or Citie , Acts 24. Of either of the which if his malicious enemies could have proved him guilty , he had deserved to die , as himself doth intimate , Acts 25. v. 11. And this no question was the reason why some Roman Emperors proceeded more severely against the Donatists , then against many other Heresies of an higher nature ; because they were an active sect , and cared not to distract or subvert a Province , so they might settle their opinions , and increase their Proselytes : though , to say truth in this and all such parallel cases , it was their faction not their faith , not their Religion , but rebellion which was punished in them . In these two cases , and these onely , dare I set any edge on the temporal Sword , though even in these it be a remedy to be last applied ; and more to be commended where it may not , then where it may possibly be spared . In other cases where the error lieth in the understanding , although most commonly backed with obstinacy and perverseness in the will and affections , the adverse parties in the Church have been too farre transported beyond their bounds , and drawn too much blood from one another , though both pretend the Lawes for their justification . For who seeth not how little it doth savour of the spirit of Christ , to hale young boyes , and silly women , and poor ignorant Tradesmen to the Funeral-Pile , because they could not fathom the deep Mystery of transubstantiation ; or thought it not an acceptable sacrifice to devoure their God ; or found not Purgatory in the Scriptures ; or did not think it fit to invocate the Saints their Brethren , when as the way lay open unto God their Father ; or durst not give that honour to a painted Crucifix , which properly belonged to their crucified Saviour ? And on the other side , it wants not reprehension amongst moderate men , that Christians should be dragged unto the Scaffold for no other reason , then taking sacred Orders from a forreign hand , or treading on prohibited ground ; not being otherwise convicted by sufficient evidence , either of practising against the State , or labouring to seduce the Subjects from their natural duties . The Christians of the Primitive Ages had lost the most effectual part of their Apologies , if difference in Religion only had been a crime sufficient , without further guilt , to draw those fiery storms upon them under which they suffered . And though I say not of these Lawes , to which each parties do pretend for their justification , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , like unto Draco's Lawes of old , which were written in blood ; yet one might say , and say it without just offence , that they were neither made nor executed within these Dominions , but either when the Dragon was a chief Supporter of the Arms Imperiall ; or else on those unfortunate wretches , who have since fallen in regionem Draconum , into the place of Dragons , as the Psalmist calls it . Certain it is , that by those bloody executions both sides have rather been confirmed then weakned , and both have given advantage to the growth of Heresies . Just as Sulpitius hath observed , that by the execution of Priscillian , which before I spoke of , non tantùm non repressa est ejus haeresis , sed & propagata , his Heresie was so farre from being suppressed , that it grew the faster for the cutting . Christs Sinite stands not here for nothing ; but shewes , that till the time of the general Harvest , there will be tares amongst the Wheat , do we what we can : Which leads me to my last particular , to the condition of the Church here militant , delivered in the Simul crescere , in that the tares and Wheat are ordered to grow up together . Of which , and of the reasons of that intermixture , I shall crave leave to insist a little , and so commend you unto God. Perplexae sunt istae duae Civitates in hoc seculo , invicemque permistae : It was the saying of St. Austin , that the two Cities which he was to write of , the City of the Lord , and the City of Satan , were so intermingled , that there was little hope to see them separated till the day of Judgement : The same may we affirm of the Church of Christ ; it is of such a mixt condition , compounded so proportionably of the good and evil , the Heretick and true Professor , that neither of the two is likely to suppress the other , till God take up the controversie in the day of doom . And therefore not without good reason is the Church compared to a threshing-floore , on which there is both wheat and chaffe ; and to a Fold , wherein there are both Sheep and Goats ; and to a casting-net , which being thrown into the Sea , drew up all kind of Fishes , whether good or bad ; and to an House , in which there are not only vessels of honour , as of gold and silver , but also of dishonour , and for unclean uses ; and in my Parable , to a field , wherein besides the good seed which the Lord had sowen , Infelix lolium & steriles dominantur avenae , the enemy had sowed his tares . And this is thought by some of good note and learning to be the chief intention of our Saviours Parable , who tells us , that he meant not by the Sinite so farre to patronize the Heretick , or protect the wicked , as to respit either of them from the censure of the Church or State , under pretence of calling them to an account at the general Audit ; but to set forth the true condition of the Church here militant , in which the wicked person and the righteous man are so intermingled , that there is no perfection to be looked for in this present World : and therefore very well said a modern Authour , Docetur hic non quale sit officium nostrum , aut magistratus , aut Pastorum , sed tantùm quae futura sit Ecclesiae conditio : Christ doth not here inform the Minister , or the Civil Magistrate , or any private person , what they are to do , but onely represents unto his Disciples the true condition of his Church till the end of the World ; which can be never so reformed and purified , but that some errors and corruptions will continue in it . But whether it be so or not , certain it is , that such is the condition of the Church in this present World , that it is subject to corruptions , and never absolutely free from sin and error . There is much drosse amongst her gold ; and although that her foundations be of precious stones , yet there is wood and hay , and stubble in the superstructure ; which are so intermingled & made up together , that nothing but a general fire can exactly part them , I mean the fire of conflagration , not of Popish Purgatory . Were it not thus , we need not pray for the Church militant , but glory as in the triumphant . And yet the Church is counted holy , and called Catholick still , this intermixture notwithstanding ; Catholick in regard of time , place and persons , in and by which the Gospel of our Saviour is professed and propagated : Holy , secundum nobiliores ejus partes , in reference to the Saints departed , and those who are most eminent in grace and piety : And it is also called Ecclesia una , one holy , Catholick and Apostolick Church , though part thereof be militant here upon the earth , and part triumphant in the Heavens ; the same one Church both now and in the world to come . The difference is , that here it is imperfect , mixt of good and bad ; there perfect , and consisting of the righteous onely , according to this determination of St. Austin , eandam ipsam unam & sanctam Ecclesiam nunc habere malos mixtos , tunc non habituram . For then , and not till then , as Hierome , Augustine , and others do expound the place , shall Christ present her to himself a most glorious Church , without spot or wrinkle , and marry her to himself for ever . Till that day come , it is not to be hoped or looked for , but that many Hypocrites , false Teachers and licentious livers will couch themselves under the shelter of the Church , and passe for members of it in the eye of men , though not accounted such in the sight of God. The eye of man can possibly discern no further then the outward shew , and mark who joyn themselves to the Congregation to hear the Word of God , and receive his Sacraments ; Dominus novit qui sunt sui , the Lord knowes only who are his , and who are those occulti intus whose hearts stand fast in his Commandements , and carefully possess their souls in truth and holiness . And yet some men there are , as here hath been formerly , who fancy to themselves a Church without spot or blemish , and dream of such a field as contains no tares ; of such a house as hath no vessels but of honour , sanctified and prepared for the Masters use : And where they finde not such a Church , they desert it instantly , and cry , Go out of her my people , be not partakers of her sins . The Cathari in the East , the Donatists in the South , & the Novatians in the West , which made one faction only , though of several names , were anciently of this opinion , and set up Churches of their own of the new Edition ; for flattering themselves with a conceit of their own dear sanctity , they thought themselves too pure and pious to joyn in any act of worship with more sober Christians ; and presently confined the Church , which before was Catholick , to their own private Conventicles , and to them alone ; or intra partem Donati , as they phrased it then . Who have succeeded them of late , both in their factions and their follies , we all know too well : The present ruptures in this State do declare most evidently , that here is pars Donati now , as before in Africa . A frenzy which gave great offence to the ancient Fathers , who laboured both by speech and pen to correct their insolencies ; and of such scandall to the Churches of the Reformation , that Calvin , though a rigid man , did confute their dotages , and publickly expose them to contempt and scorn . The Ancients and the Moderns both have agreed on this , that though the Church of Christ be imperfect alwayes , and may sometimes be faulty also , yet are not men rashly to separate themselves from her Communion , and make a rupture for poor trifles in the Body mystical . It argues little faith , lesse charity , saith renowned Cyprian , if when we see some tares in the Church of God , de Ecclesia ipsa recedamus , we presently withdraw our selves , and forsake her fellowship . And here we might bring in St. Austin , and almost all the ancient Writers to confirm this point ; but that they are of no authority with the captious Schismatick , and now of late disclaimed by our neater Wits . Therefore for further satisfaction to the stubborn Donatist , let us behold the constitution of the Church in the Book of God , and take a view of the chief types and fortunes of it , to see if we can sinde such a spotless Church as they vainly dream of . In Adams Family , which was the first , both type and Seminary of the Church of God , there was one Cain , a murderer , that slew his Brother : and in the Ark , the next , and perhaps the greatest , a Cham , which wretchedly betrayed the nakedness of his aged Father . In Abrahams house there was an Ishmael , which mocked at Isaac , though the Heire , and the Heire of promise . In Isaac's , a prophane Esau , who made his belly his God , and sold Heaven for a break-fast . In Jacob's , there was Simeon and Levi , Brethren in evill , besides a Reuben , who defiled ●is old Fathers bed . And in the Church of Israel , when more large and populous , how many were mad upon the worship of the golden Calf , more mad in offering up their Children to the Idol Moloch ; thousands that bowed the knee to Baal ; ten thousands which did sacrifice in the Groves and prohibited places ? yet all this while a Church , a true visible Church , with which the Saints and Prophets joyned in Gods publick worship . Let us next look upon the Gospel , and we shall find that when the bounds thereof were so strait and narrow , that there were few more visible members of it then the twelve Apostles , yet amongst them there was a Judas which betrayed his Master . When it began to spread and inlarge it self to the number of one hundred and twenty , there were among them some half-Christians , such as Nicodemus , who durst not openly profess the Gospel , but came unto the Lord by night ; and some false Christians , such as Demas , who out of an affection to the present world , forsook both the Apostle and the Gospel too . See them increased to such a multitude , that they were fain to choose seven Deacons to assist the work ; and one of them will be that Nicolas the founder of the Nicolaitans , whom the Lord abhorred . Follow it out of Jewrie to Samaria , and there we find a Simon Magus , as formall a Professor as the best amongst them , yet full of the gall of bitterness within . Trace it in all its progress through Greece and Asia , and we shall see the factiousness of the Corinthians , the foolishness of the Galatians , and six of the seven Asian Churches taxed with deadly sinne . Good God! into what corner of the Earth can the Donatist run , to finde a Church without corruption , free from sin and error ? It must be sure into the old Utopia , or the new Atlantis , or some fools Paradise in Terra incognita , which no Mapp takes notice of ; unless ( as Constantine once said unto Acesius a Novatian Bishop ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they can erect a Ladder of their own devising , and so climb up unto the Heavens ; whilest they are here upon the Earth , they have no such hopes . God better knowes then we what he hath to do ; and he already hath determined of a Simul crescere , that both the Tares and Wheat shall grow up together . Nor wanted his eternal wisdom some especial reasons which might incline him thereunto : First , in relation to the wicked , who owe their preservation chiefly to this intermixture ; For certainly , the note is true , Deum propter bonos sustinere malos ; That God gives many temporal blessings to ungodly men , because they live so intermingled with his faithful servants ; and respites them sometimes from the hand of punishment , not for their own , but for the righteous persons sake amongst whom they dwell . The Lord , we know , blessed Laban for the sake of Jacob , and prospered the whole house of Potiphar , out of the love he bare to Joseph . If Sodom stood so long unpunished , it was in part because of righteous Lot , who sojourned with them : and possibly it might have stood to this very day , but certainly have scaped that fiery storm which fell upon it , had it contained no more then ten righteous persons . Farre is it from the Lord our God to slay the righteous with the wicked , the Judge of all the World is more just then so . When God rains vengeance from above on the wicked man , it cannot be but that the righteous must partake of the common miseries which do befall the State or Nation in the which he lives ; as Abraham , Isaac and Jacob did of the several famines which God had sent upon their Neighbours . There are not alwayes such distinctions as was between the Land of Goshen and the rest of Egypt : God therefore sometimes holds his hands , when the sins of wicked men cry loud for punishment , out of his favour and compassion on the righteous person ; or else abbreviates the time of their tribulation , out of regard to his Elect : or , if they both partake alike of the common miseries of Famine , Pestilence and Warre , as sometimes they do , it is because that even the best men have their imperfections , and ever and anon commit some foul sins which God thinks fit to expiate with a temporall Purgatory . Now as the righteous do this service to the wicked man , in reference unto his temporal conservation ; so he receives in lieu thereof a farre greater benefit , in reference to his own spiritual conversation : For first , the filthy lives of ungodly persons are as a glasse wherein Gods Children see the foul face of sin , and thereby learn to frame their lives by a better rule . Permixti bonis mali sunt , ut eorum comparatione ad melius nitantur , as mine Authour hath it . Just so the Spartans used to shew their drunken slaves to their Sonnes and Nephews , that they might bring them to a loathing of that beastly vice . And then they make them farre more careful of their lives and actions , yea of their words and speeches also : David resolved , and 't was a necessary resolution if you mark it well , to set a bridle on his mouth , for fear of offending with his Tongue ; but it was only for quamdiu , quamdiu impius in conspectu , as long as the ungodly was in his sight , who hearkened unto his discourses , as the Jewes did unto our Saviours , only of purpose to betray him . And this was it which made the Primitive Christians so severe in their conversations , and keep so diligent a watch upon all their actions , because the inquisitive and malicious Gentiles amongst whom they lived , were as so many spies upon them to observe their doings . They durst not else have stood so stoutly on their justification , defied the favour of their Judges , and openly professed before all the world , non scelus aliquod , sed nomen , that there was nothing in them which deserved either bonds or death , but only the bare name of Christian . And last of all , they serve as meanes and instruments , per quos exerceantur boni , by which the Saints have opportunity to manifest their faith in Gods gracious promises , and to set forth their patience in the time of trouble . The Israelites had never cryed so fervently to the Lord their God , had not the Canaanites , like pricks in their sides , spurred them on unto it : and where had been the story of Jobs memorable patience , had not the Chaldees and wild Arabs been neer neighbours to him ? So that in this respect we may crosse the Proverb , Est aliquod bonum propter vicinum malum , There comes much good assuredly from an evill neighbour . In each of these respects , or in all together , the Lord permits the wicked man to live and tarry out his time in this present world , as being very useful to his faithful servants , which grow the better for them , and the wiser by them . And yet the Lord hath other reasons which incline him to it , and such as do relate to himself alone , viz. to shew his grace and goodness over all his creatures , whether they be the sheep of his Pasture , or the work only of his hands . This makes him send his rain promiscuously on the just and wicked , and cause his Sunne to shine alike on the sinner and the righteous person ; opening his hands , and filling all things living with plenty . And more then so , he gives them such a general hint towards their salvation , that by the book of Nature , and general notions of the Spirit , they may attain this principle of the saving faith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that God is , and that he is a rewarder also of all them that seek him . By meanes whereof , he doth not only shew his grace in their great unworthiness , melius & potentius esse judicans etiam malis bene facere , by doing well to those who deserve ill of him ; but makes them all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or without excuse , in matters which relate unto life eternal . Finally , as they are the Objects of his power and goodness in this present world , so by ill using of his gifts , and by neglecting of the meanes which is offered to them , shall they become the objects of his wrath and justice , and serve as special instruments to set forth his glory in the world to come ; when he shall say unto his Angels , ( which are the Reapers mentioned in the following words ) Gather the Tares together , and binde them in bundles to burn them ; but gather the Wheat into ●y Barn. Which as it is to be the work of a further time , and the last act of justice which the Lord shall execute in consummatione seculi , in the close or consummation of the world present ; so shall the handling of it be the business of another day , in the conclusion of my Meditations on this present Parable . SERMON IV. At CHRIST-CHURCH , March 12th . 1634. MATTH . 13. v. 30. And in the time of Harvest I will say to the Reapers , Gather ye together first the Tares , and binde them in bundles to burn them ; but gather the Wheat into my Barn. RUmpit , interdum moratur proposita hominum Fortuna , The projects and designes of us mortall men are many times delayed , and sometimes overthrown by higher Power . Which power , though the Historian being a Courtier , ( who ascribes all things to good luck ) entituled by the name of Fortune ; yet the Philosopher , or contemplative man , who had been studied in the Government of humane affaires , would have called it Providence . That divine Axiom , Proponit homo , disponit Deus , Man purposes , and God disposeth , was the Rule of this ; the Rule by which it was first squared and fitted to the use of men ; the Rule by which we are instructed to submit our selves , our Counsels , our desires , our actions to the will of God. And this we finde exemplified and made clear unto us in the design and purpose of the Houshold-servants , touching the extirpation of the Tares so often mentioned ; which God delayed as to the time , and utterly overthrew , as for the hopes they had conceived of their dealing in it , and consequently of the course which they meant to take . The servants were hot upon the spur , had not patience to defer the action till a fitter time , but would have fallen upon it instantly , with more hast then speed ; Vis imus & colligimus ? in the present Tense , without deliberation or delay at all . And they intended to have gone in so sharp a way , which in the heat and violence of ungoverned zeal must of necessity have been dangerous to the Lords good Seed , and pulled up many a man for suspected Tares , which either were right Wheat of the Lords own sowing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or in due time , according to the course and seasons of the heavenly Husbandry , might have been changed unto the better , and become good grain . How did the Lord approve this project ? What comfort did he give them to pursue their Counsels ? No , saith the Lord , as to the time , there is no such hast , Sinite utraque simul crescere , let both grow together till the Harvest , till their fruits be ripe , until they may be gathered up in a safer way , more to the glory of the Lord , and lesse unto the hurt of his faithful people . If they desired to have these Tares destroyed , ( as no doubt they did ) and to destroy them in a way which should bring neither wrong nor danger to the Wheat it self ( as was fit they should , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they must expect a fitter and more proper time , which the Lord had not yet bin pleased to make known unto them . And No , saith he , as to themselves , whom he intended not to use in so great a business ; knowing full well , that if they did go on according to the proposition which they made unto him , how much they would be biassed by their own affections ? what dammage might redound to his Church thereby ? We must ( saith he ) have care and patience towards these Tares , of which you have complained in such sensible termes , and let them grow until the Harvest , in hope they may prove better then you are aware of . But if this do no good upon them , if they make no more use of this longanimity , then to bring forth the fruits of customary unrepented sins , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vengeance and Hell shall overtake them at the last , there 's no other remedy : For then in the conjuncture of those circumstances , in the time of Harvest , I will cause the Ministers whom I mean to use , to appear before me , and say unto them being come , My Reapers , Colligite primum zizania , Gather ye together first the Tares , &c. These words contain the full and finall resolution of the heavenly Husbandman , in the disposing of the Tares , so much , so earnestly complained of . In which we must behold him in the quality of a Judge or Magistrate , pronouncing his determinate sentence in an open Court , upon the pleadings and debate of the point before him . And here we have two genenerall parts to be considered , the Judgement and the Executioners : The Executioners , the Ministers rather of the Court , are the Heavenly Angels ( though here represented to us by the name of Reapers ) to whom it appertaineth to bring forth the Prisoners , and to see justice done upon them in the form pronounced . The Judgement doth consist especially of these two Acts , t●● condemnation of the wicked , the exaltation of the just : The condemnation of the wicked , the sentencing of the Tares to the f●re of Hell , we finde delivered briefly in these three particulars ; Colligite , colligate , comburite : Gather them first , for they shall be no longer suffered in the field of God. 2. Binde them , and binde them in the chains of eternal darkness , to let them know there is no hope , no possibility to escape their punishment . 3. And having bound , then cast them presently into the everlasting flames , to fire unquenchable . This is the Judgement of the Tares , of the wicked man. In that which doth concern the Wheat , we have these two parts , an Action first , and that is congregate , gather ; Gather the several corns thereof in a Body or a Congregation : next , the Repository , the place it self in which they are to be disposed of , Horreum meum , the Lords Barn , the House or Habitation of his Heavenly glories : There 's the condition of the Wheat , of the righteous soul . Of these I ●hall discourse in order , as they lie before me ; beginning with the Executioners , or the Ministers rather of the Court , the Angels : And in the time of Harvest I will say unto the Reapers , Dicam messortbus , that 's the first . Eminentes viri magnis adjutoribus usi sunt , The greatest persons have commonly the most able Ministers , whether it is in point of Counsel or of execution . And he that is well studied in the art of men , will so imploy his Ministers and their abilities , as may be fittest to advance the business which he hath in hand . Every mans Talent lieth not in the Camp or Senate ; some are for the Ministerial or more servile Offices , but yet as useful to the publick in their several places , though not so honourable in themselves ; and these too have their proper and distinct Activities , beyond the bounds whereof if they be commanded , they become dull and sluggish , and unprofitable , and rather do incumber then promote the service . Thus it is also in the Oeconomy of the Heavenly Husbandman ; The Lord hath several sorts of Ministers , some for cultivating and manuring of his holy Field , others for bringing in the harvest : That the imployment of the Prelates and inferior Clergy ; this of the holy Angels , of the Hosts of Heaven ; Messores autem Angeli sunt , the Reapers are the Angels , v. 39. And 't is an excellent Rule which St. Hierome gives us in this business , Quae exposita sunt à Domino his debeo accommodare fidem , That in those things which are expounded by our Saviour , it were absurd to look for any clearer Commentary . Which makes me wonder by the way , that Hierome should so easily forget himself and his own good rule , as to expound the Servants of the 27. of the Angels also . Assuredly the Servants of the 27. with whom the Master doth discourse throughout this Parable , must needs be different from the Reapers of this present Text , of whom he speaks unto those Servants , as distinct Ministers designed to their severall Offices . So then the Reapers are the Angels , there 's no doubt of that . And they we know are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ministring spirits , saith the Scripture , imployed by God , as often as he sees occasion , in his affaires of greatest moment ; in none more frequently then such as do relate to the Sonnes of men , either in point of punishment or preservation . We told you not long since of a double Harvest , within the compasse and intention of the present verse ; an Harvest of Gods temporal judgements upon particular men and Nations , and collective bodies : an Harvest of Gods general judgement , when all flesh shall appear before him to receive their sentence . And in both these the Angels are the Ministers of that dreadfull Court ; the ordinary Officers or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Almighty Judge , and bound to execute the mandates which are issued thence , whether mens sins be ripe for vengeance , or that affliction and repentance make them fit for mercy . First , in the wayes of temporal punishment , it is most clear and evident in holy Scripture , that God sent down his Angels with a full Commission to destroy Sodom and Gomorrah , two rich populous Cities , after they had so long abused his patience , and their own prosperities ; and that he sent his evil Angels amongst the Egyptians , when neither signes nor wonders could prevail upon them ; by whom he gave their life over to the Pestilence , slew the first-born in all their dwellings , and finally overwhelmed them in the red Sea. Where note , that they are there called mali angeli , or evill Angels , not that they were so in themselves , but ab effectu , by reason of the several evils which they did inflict on that perishing and wretched people , by the Lords appointment . Thus do we also read of a destroying Angel , by whom , according to the Word and Command of God , no fewer then 7000. of the Jewes were consumed in an instant , when once they boasted in their numbers , and did presume too farre in the arm of flesh : and of another which went out and smote in the Camp of the Assyrians no lesse then 185000. men , after they had blasphemed the Lord , and put a scorn upon the holy one of Israel : not to say any thing of Herod , who when he had beheaded James , imprisoned Peter , and troubled certain of the Church , was miserably smitten by an Angel , and consumed by worms . It pleased God to imploy them in these acts of vengeance , though well affected in themselves to the good of mankind ; and a necessity was layd upon them to obey his pleasure . Nec quicquam est in Angelis nisi parendi necessitas , said Lactantius truly . So farre the point is clear from the Book of God ; and if we will believe the Learned ( as I think we may ) there is no signall punishment of ungodly people ascribed to God in holy Scripture but what was executed by the Ministry of these blessed Spirits , except some other meanes and Ministers be expresly named . That great and universall deluge in the time of Noah was questionless the work of God ; Behold I , even I , do bring a flood of waters upon the Earth : But this was done Ministerio Angelorum , by the Ministry and service of the holy Angels , whom God employed in breaking up the Fountain of the great deep , and opening the Cataracts of Heaven , for the destruction of that wicked unrepenting people . Thus when it is affirmed in the 14. of Exod. That the Lord looked into the Host of the Egyptians through the pillar of fire , and overthrew them in the midst of the Sea : non intelligendum est de Deo , sed de Angelo qui erat in nube , we must not understand it of the Lord himself , but only of the Angel , or that ministring spirit , of whose being in the Cloud we had heard before . And when we read , that in the Battel of the five Kings against the Israelites , the Lord cast down great stones from Heaven upon them , in the 10. of Josuah , it is not to be thought , as Tostatus notes it , quòd Deus mitteret , sed Angeli jubente Deo , that this was done by Gods own hand , but by the holy Angels at the Lords appointment . The like may be observed of those other acts of power and punishment , whereof we find such frequent mention in the holy Scripture , that though they be ascribed to God as the principal agent , yet were they generally effected by his heavenly Angels , as the meanes and instrument . But the most proper office of the holy Angels is not for punishment , but preservation ; not for correction of the wicked , but for the protection of the just and righteous ; not for the rooting up of the Tares , but for the safety of the Wheat ; for they are ministring Spirits ( saith St. Paul ) sent out to minister unto them who shall be heirs of salvation . That 's the chief part of their imployment , the businesse which they most delight in ; and God accordingly both hath and doth employ them from time to time . For , by the Ministry of his Angels did he deliver Ishmael from the extremities of thirst , and Daniel from the fury of hunger , Lot from the fire , and trembling Isaac from the Sword ; our Infant-Saviour from one Herod , his chief Apostle from another ; all of them from the common prison , into the which they had been cast by the Priests and Sadduces . But these were only personal and particular Graces : Look we on those which were more publick ; and such as did concern his whole people generally , and we shall find an Angel of the Lord encamping between the Host of Israel and the Host of Egypt , to make good the passage at their backs , till they were gotten safe to the other side of the Sea : Another Angel marching in the front of their Armies ; as soon as they had entred the Land of Canaan , and he the Captain of the Lords Host ; Princeps Exercitus Domini , the vulgar reads it ; some great and eminent Angel doubtless , but whether Michael , Gabriel , or who else it was , the Rabbins may dispute at leisure , and to them I leave it ; More then so yet ; That wall of waters which they had both on the right hand and upon the left , when they passed thorow the Sea as upon dry ground , facta est à Deo per Angelos exequentes , as learned Abulensis hath it , was the work of Angels , directed and employed by Almighty God. Which also is affirmed by the Jewish Doctors of the dividing of the waters of Jordan , to make the like safe passage for them into the promised Land which the Lord had given them . The like saith Peter Martyr of the raising of the Syrians from before Samaria , when the Lord made them hear the noyse of Charets , and the noyse of Horsmen , that this was Ministerio Angelorum , effected by the Ministry of the holy Angels , whom he employed in saving that distressed City from the hands of their enemies . And by an Angel , or at least an Angelical vision , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a Dream or Oracle delivered unto them in their sleep , as Eusebius tells us , did he forewarn the Christians dwelling in the Land of Palestine , to remove thence to Pella , a small Town of Syria ; and so preserved them from the spoyl and fury of the Roman Armies . This was Gods way of preservation in the times before us ; and for his way of preservation in all Ages since , God is the same God now as then , his holy Angels no lesse diligent in their attendance on our persons , then they have been formerly . Let us but make our selves by our faith and piety worthy to be accounted the Sonnes of God , and the Heires of salvation , and doubt we not of the assistance of those ministring Spirits in all the times of personal or publick dangers . It 's true , the apparition of the Angels in these latter times hath been very rare , and God dealt very graciously with the sonnes of men , that they come so seldom ; for , being too many are so prone to give divine honours to the Images of the Saints departed , how easily might they deceive themselves of their reward in a voluntary humility and worshipping of Angels ( which was the fault of the Colossians , and after the Heresie of those whom Epiphanius and St. Austin call Angelici ) did they appear unto us ordinarily in some visible glorious form . But then it is as true withall , & one of the most eternal truths of holy Scripture , That the Angel of the Lord encampeth about them that fear him , and delivereth them . Whether we see , or see them not , it comes all to one ; and so resolved by Clemens of Alexandria , an old Christian Writer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : The Lord saith he , doth still preserve us by the Ministry of his holy Angels , though we behold them not in any visible shape , as the Antients did . When therefore and as often as we fall into any danger , let us address our prayers to the Lord our God , that he would please to give command unto his Angels to come in to help us ; that he would make our enemies like the chaffe before the wind , and the Angel of the Lord scattering them ; and having so made known our desires unto him , to look for their assistance accordingly . This is warranted unto us in the words of Calvin , Ut in periculis constituti à Deo petamus protectionem Angelorum , & confidamus eos ex mandato Dei praestò fore . But behold a greater then Calvin here ; for we are warranted as much both by the Doctrine and the practice of the Church of England , who teacheth us to pray , and we pray accordingly , That God who hath ordained and constituted the service of Angels and men in a wonderful order , would mercifully grant that they which do him service in Heaven , may by his appointm●nt , succour and defend us upon the Ea●th ; as in the Collect for the day of St. Michael the Archangel . But this is but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the main design ; for though these temporal judgements and deliverances may come within the compass of the Harvest which is here mentioned , yet is the Harvest chiefly meant of the general Judgement , when all flesh shall be brought before Gods Tribunal , and brought before it by the Ministry of the holy Angels , who are the Reapers of my Text , the Ministers or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that dreadful Court. For proof whereof , we need but look into the process of St. Matthewes Gospel , in which we find , That the Lord shall come to judgement , riding on the Clouds with great power and glory , accompanied with Angels and Archangels , and the sound of the Trumpet . So great a Judge coming to hold his grand Assises , cannot be ushered in with lesse Pomp and Majesty . And to what purpose serve those Angels ? Assuredly , not only to fill up the Train , to make the manner of his coming the more brave and glorious , but for some other special and more weighty use . And therefore when our Saviour hath informed us this , That the Sonne of man shall come in his glory , and all the holy Angels with him ; he tells us in the following words , That before him shall all the Nations of the World be gathered . Gathered together , but by whom ? by these very Angels . Then , saith he , shall he send his Angels with a great sound of a Trumpet , and they shall gather together the Elect from the four winds , from one end of Heaven unto the other . What the Elect , and none but they ? Not so . These Reapers must root up the Tares as well as gather in the Wheat . Our Saviours Exposition of the Text makes that clear enough , where we shall find , that at the end of the world , the Sonne of man shall send forth his Angels , and they shall gather out of his Kingdom all things that offend , and them that do iniquity . And in the Parable of the casting Net , That the Angels shall come forth at the end of the World , and sever the wicked from the just . There are two sorts of men to be brought together , the Elect and Reprobate ; two sorts of Grain which must be gathered by these Reapers ; but how they must be ordered , being brought together , and what the Angels have to do in execution of those orders , we shall soon find by looking over the particulars of the second generall : where we have , first , the condemnation of the wicked represented to us in three words , Colligite , Colligate , Comburite , Gather ye together first the Tares , and bind them in bundles to burn them . Of this next in order . In Patrefamilias habemus qu●d amemus & imitemur . There are four things remarkable in the Heavenly Husbandman , as he is represented to us in this present Parable , worthy of our applause and imitation : His goodness first , Seminando bona , in that he sowed his field with the good seed only ; his patience next , tolerando mala , in suffering the Tares , though otherwise a corrupt and adulterate seed , to remain ungathered till the Harvest came . In the next place , we have his wisdom , praecavendo pericula , in taking such especial care to preserve his Wheat , which doubtless had been subject to some notable mischief , had he imbraced the other which his Servants made , the imus & colligimus of the 28. And last of all , we have his justice , reddendo secundum merita , in giving unto every one as he had deserved , according to the works which he hath wrought in the flesh , whether good or bad . Praemium & Poena , Reward and punishment have in all Ages been esteemed the Rule and measure , not only of all Earthly Governments , but the Heavenly also . Who would endeavour piety and the works of vertue , were there not some reward to allure him to it ? or rob his Genius of the dalliances of this present life , and not give way unto the sensuality of his lusts and Appetite , were there not punishments in store to affright him from it ; were not the punishments so grievous , and of such eternity , as farre surmount the sweetness of these sinful pleasures , which in themselves are short and momentany , and enjoyed only for a season ? The fear of punishment and Hell are of greatest efficacy to affright many a man from sin , ( whom the love of God and godlinesse will hardly work on ; ) and well it were if the consideration of it would prevail so farre . Of this , the condemnation of the wicked , I am first to speak , the method of my Text doth invite me to it ; and the first word we meet with is Colligite , gather ye together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek Text hath it ; and that doth signifie such a kind of gathering as intimates a plucking up by the roots withall . We had it in this sense in the former verse , where the Servants having made an offer to go and gather up the Tares , were absolutely refused , on this reason chiefly , ne fortè colligentes zizania , lest while ye gather up the Tares , ye root up the Wheat . Certainly , had the Tares been gathered , either by pulling off the eares , as the Apostles did the Corn on the Sabbath-day ; or breaking off the stalk in the very midst ( each of which wayes they might have gone ) they might have gathered in the Tares , and not hurt the Wheat , at least as to the rooting up , the totall eradication of it . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then is not to gather only , but to gather up ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to gather up the Tares by the very roots ; which shewes the desperate and remediless condition of the wicked man , if once delivered over unto condemnation ; for where there is a gathering or a rooting up , there is no hope that ever it shall grow again : weeds which are only mowed may spring up again ; and Tares that have their eares pulled off , and no more then so , cumber the ground at least , if they do not worse ; they have still place and footing in the Field of God , and take up so much room therein , that they permit not Gods Seed to inlarge large and spread it self , and yield such fair increase to the Heavenly Husbandman as it would do otherwise ; but if they once be gathered up , or pulled up by the Roots , which comes all to one , they are then past growing any more ; they shall be able from thenceforth to do no more hurt , or work unto the Wheat any further dammage . But then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is withall a compound word , and doth not only signifie a gathering up , but a gathering up of all together : Gather ye the Tares together , so the English . All of them , not a Tare excepted ; neither the Heretick nor the Schismatick , the formall , nor the false Professor ; neither the counterfeit not the false-faced Protestant , the open nor the secret sinner , shall escape the gathering . Though they procure the Rocks to fall upon them , and the hills to hide them , yet shall these Reapers find them out , and gather them from every corner of the Earth , be they where they will. And we may say of them , as Moses of the Herds and Cattel of the House of Israel , ne ungulam esse relinquendam , that not an hoof of all these unclean beasts shall be left behind . Though they have flattered their poor souls , and said , Tush , God will not see it ; or have disguised themselves with fig leaves , out of a silly hope to conceal their nakedness ; or wiped their lips so cunningly , with the Harlot in the Book of Proverbs , that no men can discern a stolen kisse upon them , yet all this will not serve the turn : God for all this will bring them every one to judgement , and apprehend them by his Angels , the Ministers of the mighty Judge , when they go a gathering . There shall not one of them escape the hands of these diligent Serjeants , ne unus quidem , not so much as one . It is colligite in the Text , a gathering up of all together . And yet this is not all contained in this gathering neither ; it is a gathering in which implies a severing , or a separation , and then it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gather them up , that is to say , sever them , set them by themselves to receive their sentence . For in the following Parable of the casting-Net , the gathering of every kind of fish had a severing with it . The Angels shall come forth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and shall sever the wicked from the just . And in that of the Sheep and of the Goats , in the 25. the gathering of all Nations before the Lord , brings in a separation , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the one from the other . So then Colligite in this place must be separate , Sever them from the Wheat , from the Lords good grain , that their impieties and iniquities may appear more evidently ; and separate them from the presence of the Lord their God , of whose most blessed vision they deserve not to be made partakers . First , sever , or part them from the Wheat , let them stand alone . Though in this World the Lord doth sometimes spare the wicked and ungodly man , propter praesentiam justorum , as my Authour hath it , out of his love to the Elect ; or in profectum humanae salutis , for the salvation of his Saints , to whom they serve for an increase both of faith and patience , as we read in Hilary ; yet in the day of judgement they shall find it otherwise . In that day they shall neither be partakers of Gods blessings with them , nor receive any benefit or protection by them ; and much lesse borrow any of their Oyl to trim their Lamps , or enter with the Bridegroom by that borrowed light . The ungodly shall not then stand in the judgement with them , nor sinners in that Congregation of the righteous , as the Psalmist hath it . And next , they shall be separated from the presence of the Lord their God , of whose most blessed and beatifical vision they deserve not to be made partakers ; for being severed from the just , and standing before God in their own uncleanness , without the light of faith , and the robes of charity , there followeth a Discedite à me , Depart from me ye cursed , get you farre from hence . And this is dira & infelix discessio , a miserable and most wretched case , in case it went no further then a poena damni , a losse of those inseparable comforts which do arise unto the Saints upon the sight of God. Discedite à me , Depart from me : O the most terrible sentence of a most just Judge , which neither the guilty can escape , nor the condemned man withstand ; against which no sinner can except , & from which the damned cannot appeal ! Depart from thee ! why , whither shall we go , O God , being driven from thee ? whither , but from the Paradise of glories to a world of shame , from the Father of lights unto utter darkness , from the fulness of joy to howling and perpetual lamentation , from pleasures unto weeping and gnashing of teeth ? The gathering being finished , next comes in the binding : It is Colligite first , and Colligite primùm , before we come to alligate ; First gather , and then binde them fast . I know that some Interpreters refer this primum to the order of the several judgements ; first , gather up the Tares , then bring in the Wheat . But this doth ill agree with our Saviours method used in other places ; for in the Parable of the Net cast into the Sea , the good fish were first gathered into Vessels , before the bad were thrown away : and in the other , of the Sheep and of the Goats , Venite hath precedence of discedite ; the blessed of the Father were first absolved , before the cursed were condemned to the pit of torments . Nor will it serve the turn which is said by some , that though the merits of the just are pri●s in discussione , first taken into consideration and inquired into , yet shall the punishment of the wicked and ungodly man be pri●s in executione , first put in execution , and inflicted on them ; for this as ill agrees with those Texts of Scripture , where it is said , not only in particular of the twelve Apostles , that they shall sit on twelve Thrones , judging the twelve Tribes of Israel ; but also of the Saints in generall , Do ye not know that the Saints shall judge the World ? and that not only sola comparatione , by upbraiding their impieties and impenitencies , in which respect the Ninevites and the Queen of the South are in the Gospel said to condemn the Jewes ; but approbatione divinae sententiae , by approving and applauding that most righteous judgement which Christ the supreme Judge shall pronounce against them : which could not be , in case the wicked did receive their finall sentence before the righteous were admitted into some participation of the heavenly glories . The gathering of the Tares is here first propounded , not because first in order of the several judgements , but because they gave occasion unto this discourse betwixt the heavenly Husbandman and his houshold-Servants , for no other reason . Colligite primum , first gather , in that sense , but in no sense else ; alligate next . First gather , and then bind . And binding is a terme derived or borrowed from the Courts of secular Judges , according to the course whereof the condemned Prisoners are led bound to their execution , so to prevent all hope and possibility of their escape , and make them yield unto their punishment with the lesse resistance . I Lictor , liga manus , verberato , infeliciarbori suspendito : Here Lictor , binde the Prisoner , scourge him , or hang him on the Gallow-Tree , as the sentence varied . But whether verberato , or suspendito , there was still Liga manus , as a part of the punishment . Thus when the great Tyrant Nebuchadnezzar had condemned the three Hebrew Children to the fiery Furnace , he first commanded them to be bound , and then to be cast in the midst of the flames . And when the Priests and Pharisees had voted our Redeemer to be guilty of death , they led him bound to Pontius Pilate , ( vinctum adduxerunt , saith the Text ) to have their bloody sentence put in execution . This binding of the wicked after condemnation is the first poena sensus , the first part of the sensible torments which they are damned unto by the righteous Judge : and a great aggravation of their torments 't is , if you mark it well ; it takes away all hope and possibility of escape , as before was said ; letting them see , that how intolerable and extreme soever their damnation be , they must endure it to the utmost , there 's no after-remedy . And therefore alligate ut non possint evadere , saith my Author well . The Chains in which they are here bound are everlasting Chains , aeterna vincula , as St. Jude calls them : and therefore they which are thus bound , are bound for aye and everlastingly , without expectation on of release . There is no saying in this case , rumpamus vincula , let us break their bonds in sunder , and cast their cords from us ; they are aeterna vincula , everlasting these . Next , it deprives them of all ease , of all meanes and help , of lessening any part of those terrible torments which the most righteous Judge hath inflicted on them . It is a great refreshing unto one that languisheth under the rage and tyranny of a burning Feaver , that he can sometimes shift his side , and tumble from one part of the bed to another ; no small comfort to a Prisoner , if he have liberty to walk or stir up and down , in the midst of all the torments which are laid upon them : But they which are tormented in the flames of Hell , and laid up in that dreadful Dungeon , have not the liberty to move , and to change their places , further then as it shall seem good unto their tormentors , for the multiplication and increase of their pains and miseries . And this we may be sure of also , that the greater Libertines we are here , the more licentiously we live in this present world , the greater shall our thraldom be , the more strict our bonds , in the estate of condemnation in the world to come . Too many which profess the Gospel have been loosly given , addicted unto all uncleanness and lasciviousness ; and therefore alligate , binde them , make them fast enough . A binding to the good behaviour to the purpose this : others have had their feet swift to shed innocent blood , and lifted up rebellious hands against Gods anointed . I Lictor , lig a manus , Hold Satan , take him hence , binde him hands and feet , in the eternal chains of darkness , never to stir a foot in the way of peace , or lift up a repenting hand to the God of mercy ; never to be restored to liberty , nor released from misery : the Fable of Prometheus being bound in the mountain Caucasus for a perpetual prey to devouring Vultures , hath some resemblance unto this : but that was but a Fable , this a most sad truth ; never were known such bonds as these , such a binding never . And yet the binding is the worse , and the torment greater , in regard they are not severally bound , every one by himself in his own Irons , but in fasciculos , in bundles , every man with his fellows and Associates which were guilty of the same sin with him ; that sin I mean which either was most grievous in the sight of God , or most predominant in the heart of the sinful man. It is not alligate simply , but alligate in fasciculos , binde them in bundles , so the English ; or into Fagots rather , as the words do signifie ; and Fagots are the fittest fewel for the fire of Hell. This shewes that God doth punish sinners in the world to come , non secundum statum quem in hoc seculo habuerunt , sed secundum delicta ; according to the nature of their several crimes , not of their qualities or degrees ; and that as men confederate together in the acts of sin , so they shall burn together in the fires of horror ; for besides what is said to confirm the same by Gregory and Austin , two old Catholick Bishops , who spake herein according to the light of Scripture ; the Heathen Orator , though guided by no other rule then the common Principles of Justice , hath resolved it so ; by whom it is affirmed as a thing most equitable , ut qui in eadem causa sint in eadem item essent fortuna , that they who were partakers in the sweets of sin should be made partners also in the smarts of punishment . They then that have defiled themselves in the self-same filth , how different soever in estate and quality , must be bound up together in the self-same Fagot . Facinus quos inquinat aequat , said the Poet rightly : The Murderers , and such as kill without the Sword of Authority , shall make one Fagot , the secret and the open Traytors another ; the Adulterers and Adulteresses shall make one Fagot , and the Fornicators another ; the Hereticks shall make up one Fagot , the Schismaticks and Sectaries shall be bound up in another ; the Idolaters shall make one Fagot , they that commit sacriledge to pull down Idolatry , shall make up another ; the Glutton , whose belly is his God , shall make one Fagot , the Drunkard whose glory is his shame , another : The Thief , that knowes no other Trade to maintain himself but by undoing of his Neighbour ; the cunning Hypocrite , who makes a gain of godliness , and puts his Religion unto usury ; and they who basely and perfidiously invert the publick money to their private profit , shall each make up their several Fagots . Pares cum paribus , saith St. Austin ; every man shall be punished in the world to come , according to the sin which he hath committed , and in the company of those with whom he hath most offended . And though it be an old said Saw , Solamen miseris , that it is a comfort to those in misery to have others bear a share in their griefs and sorrows , ( a miserable comfort at the best , there 's no doubt of that ; ) yet it is nothing so in the present case ; for of that nature are the punishments which attend this binding , that the pains thereof are nothing lessened by being communicated , but are then multiplied when divided . Well , being bound , and bound in bundles , what comes after next ? Ad comburendum , saith the Text , binde them in bundles for to burn them . And here the case is somewhat altered , as it relates unto the Ministers , though still the same as it hath reference to the Malefactors . It was before colligite & alligate ; here , not comburite , but ad comburendum . The holy Angels were the Ministers to attach the sinner , to bring him before Gods Tribunal ; and after sentence was pronounced to lay hands upon him , and make him ready for the punishment which he is condemn'd to ; but that being done , they give him over to the fiends of Hell , to the tormenters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as our Redeemer calls them in the 18 Chap. The Officers of the Court , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he speaks of in the 7 of Matth. differ from these tormenters , from these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of which he tells us in the 18. as the Usher or Cryer of a Court from the Executioner , or the Under-Sheriff from the Hangman . The Angels then , I mean the holy and good Angels , they only do colligere & alligare , and having so gathered and bound them up , deliver them ad comburendum , assign them over by Indenture to the Executioners , to see them punished and tormented according to the will and sentence of the dreadful Judge . The holy Angels are the Ministers , the Devil and his Angels are the Executioners , who bearing an old grudge to man , as being adopted by the Lord unto those felicities from which he miserably fell , will doubtless execute his office on him with the most extremity : Non desinunt perditi jam perdere , said Minutius truly . It hath been his chief work to tempt man to sin , out of an hope to have him at his mercy one day ; and be we sure he will not spare him when he hath him there . The Devills chief delight is in mans calamity : And could we fancy such a thing as an Heaven in Hell , the Devill would enjoy it in this opportunity of tyrannizing over those whom he hath seduced and brought into that pit of torments . Ad comburendum , to be burnt ; for that 's the punishment appointed to the wicked in the Book of God. Here , in the Exposition of this Parable , it is said by Christ , that the Angels shall gather out of his Kingdom all things which offend , and them that do iniquity , and shall cast them in caminum ignis , into a furnace of fire . And in the Parable of the Net , we have it in the very self-same words , in caminum ignis . Thus the rich Glutton in St. Luke , is said to be tormented in the flames : And in the 20th . of the Revelation it is called expresly Stagnum ignis & sulphuris , a Lake of fire and brimston , a most dreadful Lake . A truth communicated to and by the Prophets of the former times , who give us this description of Tophet , or the Vallie of Gehinnon , that the Pile thereof is fire and much wood , that the breath of the Lord is like a stream of Brimstone to kindle it ; and that the stream thereof shall be turned to Pitch , and the dust into Brimstone . And Malachi speaking of the day of Judgement , telleth us , that it shall burn like an Oven , and that all which do wickedly shall be as the stubble , Et inflammabit eos dies veniens , whom the day that commeth shall burn up . A truth so known amongst the Gentiles , whether by tradition from their Ancestors , or conversation with the Jewes , need not now be argued ; that , by the verses of the Poets , and the works of the most learned Philosophers , illius ignei fluminis admonentur homines , men were admonished to beware of that burning Lake . And unto those it were impertinent to add the testimony of the ancient Fathers , by some of which it is called Divinus ignis , poenale incendium by another , ardor poenarum by a third , aeternus ignis by a fourth , Et sic de caeteris . And though a question hath been made , ( as all things have been questioned in these captious times ) whether this fire be true and reall , or only metaphorically called so in the Book of God : yet by all sound Interpreters , it is thus agreed on ( as a learned Jesuite hath observed ) metaphoram esse non posse quae sit tam perpetua , that such a constancy of expression doth exclude a Metaphor . Now as it is a fire , a devouring fire , so is it ignis inextinguibilis , a fire unquenchable , in the third ; ignis aeternus , an everlasting fire , in the 25. of St. Matthew , the smoak whereof goeth up for ever , in the Prophet Esay ; a fire which feeds both on the body and the soul , yet shall never consume them : and such a fire as breeds a kind of worm within it , which shall never die , but alwayes gnaw upon the conscience of the man condemned , and create farre more anguish to him then all bodily torments . And to this truth all the old Catholick Doctors do attest unanimously , whether Greeks or Latines : Tatianus , one of the most ancient of the Greeks , calls the estate of the damned in Hell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a death which never dieth , an immortal misery . Tertullian , the most ancient Latine , cruciatum non diuturnum sed sempiternum , not only a long and tedious torment , but an everlasting one . St. Austin answerably unto that of Tatianus , doth call it mortem sine morte ; adding moreover of those fires , punire , non finire corpora , that they torment the body , but destroy it not : he goeth further , and saith , that it burns the body , but repaires it also , and calls it flammam nutricem , a fire which so devoures , as it also nourisheth ; with whom Lactantius doth consent ; so also doth Minutius Fel. Prudentius , Cas●iodorus , and indeed who not ? And why should this be thought a wonder so farre beyond the reason and belief of a meer natural man , or such who taking on themselves the name of Christians , will yet believe no more then may stand with reason ? Doth not the Scripture tell us of a burning bush , a bush that burned with the fire , and was not consumed ? and the Historians of the Hills of Aetna and Vesuvius , which do almost continually send out dreadful flames , and yet never wast ▪ and the Philosophers of a Worm , or Beast , which they call the Salamander , whose natural Habitation is in the midst of the fire ? and the Poets of Prometheus and Titius Vultures , which having fed so many hundreds of yeers upon their bowels , had not yet devoured them ? Doth not experience tell us daily , that the lightning glanceth on our bodies often , but doth seldom hurt us ? and doth not Ovid say expresly , Nec mortis poenas mors altera finiet hujus , that there 's a second death which shall never end ? yet I confess , that the prevailing Heresie which pretends to such wit & piety , hath no small reason to declare , interire posse animas , aut ab exitio liberari , that the souls of wicked and impenitent men shall either be annihilated , or in fine released ; for we may safely say of those new pretenders , as once Minutius did of the old Philosophers , malunt extingui penitus , quàm ad supplicia revocari ; Considering how they have subverted all the fundamentals of the Christian faith , 't is all the reason in the world that they should rather wish the soul annihilated , then survive to torments , such torments as do know neither end nor measure . O the most sad condition of the soul condemned ! which being cast into the lake of fire and brimston shall be alwayes burning , and yet never consumed ; continually falling , yet never come to the bottom ; perpetually dying , and yet never dead : where he shall hear no noyse , but weeping , howling , and gnashing of teeth ; nor voyces , but of blasphemy and execrations ; nor musick , but the woful tune of lamentation : where he shall see no light but the fire which burns him ; nor company , but that of the Devil and his Angels , which take a pleasure to torment him : where he shall have no other food then hot burning coals ; nor drink , but from a stream of fire and brimston ; nor comforts , but variety and change of torments , which howsoever they be dressed in several fashions , yet are they still but torments , everlasting torments ; tormenta quibus nec modus ullus nec terminus , torments which never know any ease of pain , nor ever shall admit any end of time : of which the least which can be said is this , that they are unsufferable , and the most this , that they are unspeakable . And yet unto this miserable and calamitous end come the Tares at last , after so long a flourishing in the field of God. They had been cunningly sowen at first , cùm dormirent homines , whilest the servants were supine and careless , and looked not to their Masters business as they ought to do . Being sowen , they passed a long time undiscovered , and went for very good Wheat , even with knowing men , till they came unto fecissent fructum , till their fruits betrayed them , and that they neither would nor could be concealed longer , and by this time were grown to so great an height , and threatned so much danger to Gods sacred Field , that the awakened servants thought there was no other way to secure the same , then by a quick and general extirpation of them all together . Which though the Lord refused to give eare unto , but was resolved to suffer them to grow till the Harvest came ; yet , when their time was come , and their fruits were ripe , he brought some of them to the Harvest of his temporal judgements ; and for the rest , condems them ( as we see ) to everlasting and unquenchable flames . Farre otherwise is it with the Wheat , with the Lords good seed , which though it do endure some danger and oppressions here , sometimes in fear to be destroyed and brought to nothing , by the growth and spreading of these Tares , yet in the end shall be preserved , and layd up safely in the barn of the heavenly husbandman : which is the exaltation of the just , and my next particular , Congregate triticum in horreum meum , Gather ye the Wheat into my Barn. Deus adversus impios rectissimus Judex , ita erga pios indulgentissimus Pater . God ( saith Lactantius ) as he is a just and terrible Judge towards the wicked and ungodly , so towards his conformable and vertuous Children , a most gracious and indulgent Father . And if a Father , a gracious and indulgent Father , as no doubt he is , no question but he will provide his Children of all things necessary in this life , and settle them in an inheritance immortal , undefiled , and which never fadeth in the life to come . Though he do sometimes feed them with the bread of sorrows , chastning those most frequently whom he loves most fervently ; expose them unto many dangers , and suffer them to be affronted and despised by the worldly wicked : yet by those wayes , though they may seem to lead to the vale of misery , doth he conduct them at the last to the hill of mercy ; and lets them see , there is no readier way to the Land of Canaan , then thorow a Wilderness of trouble , and a Land of enemies , Per varios casus & tot discrimina rerum , as Aeneas travelled into Italy . In prosecution of which Journey as he vouchsafes them the assistance of his holy Angels , whom he hath given in charge to encamp about them , and to defend them in all their wayes ; so when the time is come that they must be gathered to their Fathers , they shall be carried on the wings of Angels into Abrahams bosom , and layd up safely at the last in the Lords Repository , in the Heaven of Glories , whether we look on Congregate , or on horreum meum , they both say the same . Congregate , that 's the action here , and the first word to be considered , which though our English rendreth Gather , yet is it a farre different gathering from that which did occur before . Before it was colligite , congregate here , gather them into a Church or a Congregation ; Before it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pluck them up together ; but here 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , draw them into a Synagogue , a place of general Assembly . This is the old word by which the Fathers used to denote the Church of God amongst the Jews , before the coming of our Saviour ; and that the new , by which they many times express the Church of God amongst us Christians since our Saviours passion . Both of them words of Ecclesiastical use and notion , and both do signifie the same , though in diverse Languages . They which be true and faithful members of the Church of God , whether it be under the Law , or under the Gospel , shall all be drawn into one Synagogue or Congregation in the day of the Lord ; and all , together with the holy Patriarchs before Moses time , shall make up that one glorious Church which is entituled in the Scriptures Universalem Congregationem , the general Assembly , the Church of the first-born whose names are written in the Heavens . We have the word thus used , as in other places , so in the 24. of St. Matthews Gospel , where it is told us of these Angels , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , congregabunt electos , that they shall gather the Elect out of every corner of the world , i. e. that they shall gather them in sacram Synaxin , in sanctam congregationem , into an holy Congregation , a religious Assembly . So that the gathering of the Saints together in the day of Judgement is but a Translation of them from one Church to another ; or rather from that part of the same one Church which is here militant on the Earth , to that which is triumphant in the Heaven of glories . The Saints both here and there make but one Communion ; we praising God for manifesting his great power and Grace on them , they praying unto God to send his choycest blessings of grace and mercy upon us . The difference is no more then this , that here it is exposed to disgrace and ignominy ; sorrows & age have ploughed deep wrinkles on her face ; too many spots there are in her feasts of charity ; and sometimes she takes cold in her affections , like the Church of Ephesus , starting aside from her Redeemer like a broken bow ; but there shall Christ present her to himself a most glorious Church without spot or wrinkle , and marry her to himself for ever : Here we have Tares amongst the Wheat , more Tares perhaps then Wheat in too many places ; but there shall be no place in Heaven but for Wheat alone ; no unclean thing shall enter into the new Hierusalem , no Tares into the Barn of the heavenly Husbandman ; that was provided for the Wheat only , and for none but that . For so it followeth in the Text , Congregate triticum in horreum meum , Gather the Wheat into my Barn , the place designed by all good Husbands for the disposing of the Wheat , their best sort of grain . Not in a Barn , according to the literal sense , ( we shall have too many Congregations held in Barns , if this world go on ) but according to the mystical meaning . In horreum meum , into my Barn , i. e. as he expounds himself in the 25. in gaudium Domini , into the joy of the Lord ; regnum à constitutione mundi paratum , the Kingdom prepared for the righteous from the foundations of the World , i. e. as the Apostle tells us , in requiem Domini , into the rest of the Lord ; in civitatem Dei viventis , the City of the living God. So then it is a rest , a joy , a glorious City , an eternall Kingdom ; and all of these may serve in part to set forth the condition of this heavenly dwelling : A rest for them which die in the Lord , in which they rest from all their labours . And this sit of which St. Paul speaks in the 4th to the Hebrews , There remains therefore a rest for the people of God : a joy of so divine and sublime a nature , that no tongue is able to express it , nor heart so large as to conceive it ; for , in his presence is the fulnesse of joy , and at his right hand there is pleasure for evermore ; Et nunquam turbata quies , & gaudia fi●ma . A City of pure Gold , and as clear as Chrystal ; the Walls of Jasper-stone , and the Gates of Pearl ; watered with the most pleasant Rivers of the waters of life , according as it is described in the Revelation : the man of God describing the full glories of the new Hierusalem in such a manner , and by such materials , as he conceived to be most estimable in the sight of men . And finally , a Kingdom , an eternall Kingdom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Kingdom , as it is called by way of excellency ; in which each true believer shall receive his Crown , according to the eminency of his faith and piety ; a Crown of martyrdom for those who patiently submit themselves to the hands of the persecutors , in maintenance of Gods Church and the true Religion ; a Crown of Virginity for those who subdue concupiscence , and give no entertainment to prohibited lusts ; a Crown of chastity and fidelity for those who have faithfully kept the vow of wedlock , and the bed of Marriage undefiled ; a Crown of charity for those who have exhausted their estates in the works of mercy , and the acts of piety , in founding Temples for the Lord , or Hospitals for relief of the poor and needy ; and finally , a Crown of righteousness for all those who walk unblameably in their Conversation before God and man. When all the Monarchs of the Earth have laid down their Scepters at the feet of Christ , God shall be still a King of Kings , a King ( to speak the truth ) of none but Kings ; Rex Regum , Dominus dominantium , alwayes , but most amply then . Never was corn so housed , so laid up before . Thus , as before we brought the Tares , the worst sort of weeds , unto the fire of condemnation ; so have we brought the Wheat , the best kind of grain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Galen calls it , to the barn of glory : A grain , which as it doth require a ground well tilled and cultivated , so lieth it longest buried in the earth of any , before it spring into a blade ; and being sprung into a Blade , doth endure much hardness , congealed sometimes with snow , sometimes nipped with Frost , before it grow into a stalk ; and when the stalk is grown , the ear is formed , it is exposed to many hazards , drencht with unseasonable showres , and scorched with as intemperate heats ; laid flat upon the ground by tempestuous winds , some of the grains thereof being scattered by those blasts over all the field , before t is brought into the Barn. Ecce jam seges cana imbre corrumpitur , grandine caeditur , as Cecilius noted in the Dialogue . And so t is also with the just , with the righteous person ; He doth require much Husbandry , great care and Tillage , in fitting him to receive the seeds of faith and piety ; and lyeth long strugling in the womb of regeneration , before he doth come forth a spiritual man , and is renatus , born again , advanced unto the state of a man regenerate . Multa tulit fecitque puer , Much must be suffered , and much done , before it come to that , there 's no question of it . Suppose him brought so farre in his way to Heaven , as that he hath received the Seal of his regeneration and adoption , the testimony of the Spirit , that he endeavoureth nothing more then the advancement of Gods glory and increase of piety , shall he not be reviled and howted at like the Owl among the wanton birds , forsaken by his old acquaintance and familiar friends , like a Pellican in the desert Wilderness ? Shall not he presently be exposed unto the heats of persecution , and colds of poverty , and drowned in the Waves of cruel and unprosperous fortune ? Shall not the storms of trouble and affliction shew their fury on him , till they have laid him flat on his very back , and scattered his dispersed and mangled members over all the Earth ? yet shall this man , this faithful and religious man , that hath endured so great a measure of affliction , such a s●o●m of tyranny , be gathered at the last in horreum Domini , into the Barn , the safe Repository of the Heavenly Husbandman . Not one of all those scattered limbs , not a broken bone , but shall be recollected by the Angels when they go a gathering , made up into the same one body which before it was , and laid up in the Lords Barn with joy and triumph ; that the body which fell in dishonour may be raised in honour , and the bones which have been broken may rejoyce together . Come then thou blessed Soul into the place of thy rest ; Thou hast been long a wearied Pilgrim on the face of the earth , tossed from one station to another , spent with continual travel , and worn out with labours , yet all this while couldst find no rest for the sole of thy foot : Here is an everlasting rest provided for thee , Enter thou good and faithful Servant into the joy of the Lord ; Thou hast been faithful in a little , employed thy Masters Talent to the best advantage , and for so doing hast been reviled and beaten by thy fellow-servants , wounded and shamefully intreated by those Husbandmen to whom the Lord let forth his Vineyard ; and slain in fine , in hope the Lords Inheritance would be shared among them . Here is a joy , a perfect everlasting joy , made ready for thine entertainment . Welcom thou glorious Citizen of the new Hierusalem to the continuing City thou hast so long looked for ; in which thou shalt enjoy , after all thy troubles , the Beatifical vision of Almighty God , the goodly fellowship of Prophets , the glorious company of the Apostles , the noble Army of the Martyrs , the dear society of those who have died before thee in and for the Lord. Mount , mount victorious Soul ▪ into the Throne prepared for thee ; where thou shalt presently receive the immarcessible Crown of glory , which Christ the righteous Judge shall give thee in that joyful day with great pomp and triumph ; millions of the celestial spirits attending on the solemnities of thy Coronation , and the harmonious quire of Angels singing with thee , and with the residue of the Saints departed , Allelujah , Gloria in excelsis Deo , and all the holy Anthems extant in the Book of God. And for our parts , although we are not worthy in this humane frailty to sing in quire and consort with those blessed spirits , yet let us bear the burden of those heavenly ditties which are chanted there ; singing with heart and voice all with one accord , All honour , praise , and power , and glory , be unto him that sitteth in the highest Throne , and to the Lamb , and to the blessed and eternal Spirit , now and evermore . And let all the people say Amen . SERMON I. At LAMBETH , Jan. 13. 1638. ACTS 20. 30 , 31. Also of your own selves shall men arise speaking perverse things , to draw away Disciples after them ; Watch therefore . I Might here shut the Book and end , and say as did our Saviour in another case , Impleta in nostris haec est Scriptura diebus ; this day is this Scripture fulfilled in our eyes ; So many are there of our selves that rise up continually , whose lips speak proud words , and pervert good meanings , that so they may be followed and cryed up , and draw away much people after them . St. Paul foresaw this mischief , and forewarns us of it ; and of a Preacher instantly becomes a Prophet : He doth begin his charge with an Attendite , Take heed unto your selves , and to all the flock ; and he concludes the same with a vigilate , Watch therefore , and remember that you have been warned . Reason enough there was for both , as well for the attendite as the vigilate : Wolves , grievous Wolves were entring in , and such as would not spare the Flock ; that follows close on the attendite : and perverse Fellows rising up to make a rupture in the Church , and draw away Disciples after them ; that goes immediately before the Vigilate ▪ Attendite & vigilate are two good Caveats , and entred here by the Apostle in the name of Christ , that so he might preserve that interest in the Church of God , which he had purchased to himself with his own dear blood . In one of these he arms his Prelates contra saevitiam persecutorum , against the fury of the persecutors , which assault without ; and in the other he prepares them contra fraudulentiam deceptorum , against the fraud of the perverters ; and other secret sicknesses which infect within . In both he layes before them the Churches dangers , that so they may bethink themselves of convenient remedies . As for the words now read unto you we may consider in them these two generals ; the sickness of the Church , and the cure thereof . The sickness is a swelling , or a rising up of certain ill-affected humours in the body mystical : which we shall first consider in the thing it self , Exurgent viri , then shall men arise . Secondly , in the unde , from what part or place , Ex vobis ipsis , from our selves . Thirdly , in the effect , what they do being risen ; loquuntur perversa , speaking perverse things : And lastly , what it is they aim at ; ut abducant discipulos post se , to draw away Disciples after them . In the next general , the Cure , we have these particulars : 1. The Physician , that 's the Prelate , to whom the charge promised is given . And 2. The Medicine here prescribed , which is the care and vigilancy of the Prelates , Vigilate igitur , Watch therefore . Of these , &c. Exurgent viri , that 's the first . And sure it might be well supposed , comparing these two dangers with one another , that the poor Church were in no mean degree of safety , having escaped those grievous Wolves , to fall into the hands of men ; for homo homini fit Deus , as the Proverb hath it . But , if considered as it ought , the danger is no lesse then before it was ; for homo homini fit lupus , is a Proverb too . There we had men who for their rage and cruelty were entituled Wolves ; here Wolves , who for their seeming gentleness and humanity are entituled men . But here and there their purpose is the same to subvert the Church ; there openly by force and violence , here secretly by fraud and cunning : and therefore here the danger greater , because lesse suspected , as undermining is more dangerous to beleaguered Cities then an open battery . As long as Satan had no other instruments to subvert the Church then those grievous Wolves , he took great pains to lose his labour : The Tyrants all from Nero down to Dioclesian , when they made havock of the faithful , what did they but confirm them in their resolutions , and increase their numbers ? Nec quicquam proficit exquisitior crudelitas vestra , illecebra sectae est , as Tertullian hath it . The Hereticks all from Simon Magus to Priscillian , the last that stands upon the Register in St. Austins Catalogue , when they did openly assault the faith it self , and struck at the foundations of it , what did they but occasion only that the faith became the better setled , and that all those which were approved were made more manifest ? In which regard that of Euagrius is most true , that from those very men and matters which made so many ruptures in the Church of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by those the Doctrine of the Church was confirmed and setled . This when the Devil had perceived , he called in his Wolves , and exercised the Church no more with Heresies and persecutions : He found it more expedient to make use of men , who knew how to time it , to watch their opportunities , and espy advantages ; and so with more assurance might effect his purpose , because lesse suspected . The Serpent never had beguiled poor Eve , had he not used the voyce of man ; nor had the Syren● captivated and bewitched so many passengers , had they not had the face of Women ; Virginei vultus , & vox humana remansit , as the Poet hath it . Of all the instruments of mischief which the world hath bred , there 's none like man , the Master workman , whose winding wit , and subtile reaches make him most fit for all imployments . Xerxes , when as with all his forces , his most numerous forces , he could not force an entry through the walls of Babylon , met with a man , Zopyrus , by whose craft and cunning he found the gates set open to him ; which made him oftentimes affirm , malle se Zopyrum integrum quàm viginti Babylonas , that he preferred Zopyrus before twenty Babylons . No battery doth assault so forcibly , nor mine work so surely , as the wit of man ; which if it be once set on mischief , is indeed most mischievous . Our Saviour Christ , when he was led by Satan into the Wilderness , found neither Bear nor Wolf , nor Lion , that durst set upon him ; but when he came into the open Country , and conversed with men , then was he assaulted on the one side by the Scribes and Pharisees , and on the other side by the Herodians , all of them lying in wait how they might betray him . And therefore when he sent out his Disciples , he arms them with this wholsom Caveat , Cavete itaque ab hominibus , beware of men ; Ab ipsis potiùs hominibus quam à feris timendum , as Beza glosseth on the place . And yet there is no fear of men , if they would be quiet ; the danger is not in the men , but in their rising , it is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that works all the trouble . And indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place is an active word , or verbum operativum , as the Lawyers call it . This aggravates the Churches dangers ; for when the Wolves came in , they came in with intrabunt , at the common entrance : The whole Church saw it , and observed it , and knew how to trace them ; but for these risings , it is hard to say whence they take beginning , or to what they tend , or who it is that doth support them . When Jupiter had transformed his Io into an Heifer , and was demanded whence she came ; the crafty God returned this answer , that she did rise immediately from the very earth ; ut autor desinat inquiri , that so there might no further search be made of what herd she was . And so it is in all these risings , Jupiter è terra genitam mentitur ; there 's no man will confess from what root they came , or own them till they grow into a body , and are made ready for an head . And when t is come to that , t is a rising still ; a popular , seditious , and tumultuous rising . The word so used twice for failing in the 5th Chapter of the Acts , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Before those dayes arose up one Judas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( that 's the word , ) boasting himself to be somebody , to whom a number of men joyned themselves . In the next verse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , After this man rose up Judas of Galilee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 's the word again , in the dayes of taxing , and drew away much people after him . Here have we risings , popular and seditious risings ; the one against the civil Magistrate , in the point of taxing , the other against the peace and polity of the Church in matters which concern Religion ; both of them layd before us in that very word which my Text makes use of ; which shewes us that the rising mentioned in my Text is like that of Theudas , or of Judas , a sudden & tumultuous rising of unquiet men . Yet were this but a rising simply , and no more then so , the danger were not great , if any ; for men may sometimes rise and sit down again , rise , and repent them of their rising upon better thoughts ; and having so repented , set them down without more hurt done . Such was the rising of the holy Pilgrims in King Henries time , who bound themselves by solemn Covenant to defend Religion , although then changing to the better ; but on the first report of the Kings approch disbanded and went home again ; every man to his House O Israel . But this we must not look for alwayes . The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of my Text , as it doth signifie to rise , so it doth intimate unto us such a rising as brings destruction with it , and desolation after it . The word so used oftentimes in the best Greek Authours ; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eversa est civitas , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to raise a City . Such risings as those are which St. Paul here mentioneth , however they may hap to speed , aim at the utter ruine of that State against which they rise ; nor do the risers think themselves in safety whilest there are any to resist : They never use to talk of peace till a desolation , Et ubi solitudinem faciunt pacem appellant , as he in Tacitus . And yet we do not see the bottom of our danger neither ; Some risings have been easily suppressed by art and wisdom , and other some dissolved by force and power : But this is such a kind of rising , that though it be supprest a while it will up again ; and , like Antaeus in the Poet , rise up with greater strength then before it had , majorque accepto robore surgit , as it is in Lucan . The word in the Original doth signifie resurgere as well as surgere ; and then we have an insurrection with a resurrection , a rising that will still be rising , if composed only for a while , or setled only for the present . The Church is never safe in such storms as these , until it happen to these risers as unto Theudas and his followers , of whom the Story saith , that both himself and as many as believed on him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were scattered and confounded , and brought to nothing ; Redacti sunt ad nihilum , as the Latine hath it . And when we once come to annihilation there 's no resurrection . You see here 's ground enough for a Vigilate , and that as well à parte ante , to prevent these risings , as afterwards à parte post , to quiet and appease them when they once are up : Both necessary , though the first more safe ; as commonly preventing Physick stirs the humors lesse , then when the sickness is confirmed by some long delay . And yet though this be ground enough for a vigilate , the duty is farre more necessary in reference to the unde whence the danger riseth , which is ex vobis ipsis , from amongst your selve . As long as Christ our Saviour did foretell his followers , Exurget gens contra gentem , That Nation should rise up against Nation , and Kingdom against Kingdom in the latter dayes , the matter seemed not very great , the World had long been used to the like hostilities ; and therefore it is said of those warres and troubles , that they were initium dolorum , the beginnings of sorrows : But when it came to this , exurgent filii in parentes , that Children should rise up against their Parents , and Brother should betray his Brother , then could not any thing be added to the Churches miseries but the abomination of desolation , spoken of by the Prophet Daniel . It was not bella per Emathios that made Rome complain ; she had before advanced her Standards in the field of Macedon with success and honour : plus qu●m civilia was the thing which did all the mischief ; the cruelty and the unnaturalness of the civill Warres which consumed her forces , and at last brought her unto bondage . The damage which the Church hath sustained by Wolves hath indeed been great , yet not to be compared unto those calamities which she hath drawn upon her self by her own dissentions . And this St. Chrystome confesseth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the danger here is greater then it was before ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that it was a civill Warre which is here forespoke of . Ex vobis ipsis , from your selves , from men of holy Church , that do partake with you in the same profession , and have given up their names to Christ , and do wear his Livery . Were it not for ex vobis ipsis , the danger were not great from exurgent viri . The time was when the Kings of the Earth rose up , and the Rulers took counsel together against the Lord and against his anointed : But what became of them and their machinations ? He that dwelleth on high laughed them to scorn , and the Lord had them in derision : bruïsing them with a rod of iron , and breaking them in pieces like a Potters Vessel . Non posse Romanos nisi suis armis vinci , The Church was never overcome but by the Church , nor Christ betrayed by any but his own Disciples . Our Saviour read his own and the Churches destiny , in that general speech , inimici hominis sunt domestici ejus , that a mans enemies are those of his own house . That this hath alwayes been the destiny of the Church of God is St. Cyprians note , Inter initia mundi Abel justum non nisi frater occidit , &c. Abel , saith he , had none to kill him , Jacob none to persecute him , nor Joseph any to make sale of him , but their Fathers Children . Which said , he adds , how Christ foretold us in that generall Maxime before delivered , ips●s qui sacramento unitatis copulati fuerint , se ipsos invicem tradituros , that those who had been joyned together in the holy Sacraments should betray each other . So that as well in this regard , as in that of sin , we may take up the saying and complaint of the Prophet Esay , Perditio tua ex te est , Thy destruction is from thy self O House of Israel . Ex vobis ipsis , from your selves . What , from the Elders of the Church , the Overseers of the flock , should men arise from them to pervert the people ? No question but it was so meant by the Apostle ; For to the Elders , to the Overseers , did St. Paul give this charge , and direct this Caveat , Attendite vobis ipsis & universo gregi , Take heed unto your selves and to all the flock . There have we vobis ipsis , vobis ipsis here ; which makes it manifest and apparent that even from them should men arise speaking perverse things , to draw away much people after them . The Elders here were Priests , there 's no doubt of that ; Pastors and Teachers of the people : Nor is it any miracle that such men as those should have their hands or heads in those publick quarrels wherewith the Church hath been distracted . The first disturbance which befel the Church was by certain men which came down from Judaea , and taught the people ; And what did sollow thereupon but disputations and dissentions , as the Text informs us ; and those so great , and followed with such heat and violence , that the Apostles had no small adoe to compose the business ? Our Saviour Christ foresaw this mischief , and therefore hath repeated no one caution more then , Cavete à Pseudoprophetis , Beware of false Prophets and of false Apostles : For they , and such as they , as they teach false Doctrines , so are they too indulgent to their own affections , too easily inclined to foment a party , and contribute their utmost to those frequent quarrels which have afflicted and disquieted the Church of God. Examples of which I could shew you many , both in our dayes , and in the dayes which were before us , did I conceive the Elders mentioned here were but simply Priests . But sure , ( as I shall shew anon ) the Elders which assembled here were of an higher rank , a superior order ; Bishops , or Overseers , call them which you will. And shall we think that any of the holy Hierarchy could take so little heed unto themselves and to the flock , as either openly or covertly to foment a faction , and to hunt counter to the Church , and her publick Ordinances ; I would be very loth they should . And yet I cannot chuse but tell you , that I have met in my small reading with some of them : Meletius had his name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Greek word signifying care : but he was not Episcopus sui nominis , not a true Meletius ; for he shewed little care of the Churches peace , but his whole designes were to increase his party , to draw Disciples after him ; as dangerous for the time , but not of such a long continuance , as that of the Novatians before remembred : Novatus had no sooner received the Episcopal Order , but presently he set himself upon Cornelius , his chief Bishop , the Patriarch at the least of the Roman prefecture ; professing a more rigid kind of piety then the Church allowed of , making himself the head of a Schismatical faction , and drawing many Disciples after him , not only in Italy it self , but in Greece and Asia . But as Novatus was his name , so Innovation was to be his business ; and he plyed it well , being the founder of the Cathari , as they ( in some respects ) of our English Puritans . The like may be affirmed of Meletius also , an Egyptian Bishop , raising a long and tedious Schisme against the Patriarch of Alexandria , to whom the Canons of the Church had made him subject . The like of many of the African , or Southern Prelates , so wedded to the cause and faction of the ancient Donatists , that they confined the whole Church intra partem Donati , within the pale and limits of the faction of these Donatists only ; and in some points were not unlike the Anabaptists of these latter times , drawing so many Disciples after them , that in the end they grew a terror to the Orthodox party . Assuredly the Church was most unhappy in these popular Prelates , how fortunate soever they conceived themselves in the multitude of their Disciples , in being countenanced and abetted by the common people . And so she is in those who pursue their courses ; who being placed as Overseers in the Church of God , do not alone neglect their duties in the attendite and the vigilate which are here prescribed , but have their part in the exurgunt , a principal and leading part in the rising up . Great pity 't is that either they , or any other of the flock of Christ , that ought to speak peace to the Church , should rise up against it ; and being risen up in so soul a manner , should spend their tongues and talents to so lewd a purpose as speaking perverse things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to draw away much people after them , and be the leaders of a party . Yet this the humour and the aim of these rising men , loquuntur perversa ut abducant discipulos post se ; my next particular , and next in order to be handled . David complains of a vexatious people in his dayes , which used to say that with their tongues they would prevail , and that they were the men which ought to speak , without regard to any power that was above them ; Quis noster dominus est ? Who is Lord over us , say they , or shall command us not to speak when opportunity is given us to advance our selves , and draw away Disciples after us ? Such lawless Tongues as these doth St. Paul here speak of , who that they might be sure to possess the people , cared not what they said , whose actions they traduced , whose good name they slandered , or whose good meaning they perverted . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the Original , doth signifie perverse or froward , as in the 17th of Matthew , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , O faithlesse and perverse Generation . And in the 2d to the Philippians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the middle of a froward and perverse Generation . This shewes us that these exurgentes are a perverse and froward people , very hard to please , and such as will take nothing in good part , how real and sincere soever : A sullen and unsociable race of men , quorum superbiam frustra per obsequium & modestiam effugeris , whom when we strive to please we lose them , being still further off the more sought after : A stubborn and untractable Generation , quos nunquam persuadebis etiamsi persuaseris , that will adhere to the conclusion , though they be beaten off the premises ; and will not yield to reason , although vanquisht by it . And yet this sad and froward humour would not hurt any but themselves , did they keep it in ; but here is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that brings all to nought : This froward humour must be vented and break wind in speech , and having broken out in speech , is as full of frowardness as was the stomach whence it came . The perverse humour which affects them would else eat them up , and gnaw upon their entralls like Prometheus vulture . This makes them seek out such as are like themselves , or easily inclined to give eare unto them ; to whom they powre out their complaints , and bemoan the times , as if the Church were like to fall , did not they support it . St. Paul and they so equal in their jurisdiction , that it is very hard to say which of them hath the greatest care of all the Churches ; Hence is it that they fill the heads of poor ignorant people with most groundless feares of innovation in Religion , and changes in Gods publick worship ; the Church continually traduced , as if she were unsound in her intentions towards Christ ; the Prelates generally accused as Factors for the mystical strumpet ; and the inferior Clergy which submit themselves to the Commands of their superiors in the Lord , what are they counted but the wretched instruments to usher in those innovations which are so much feared ? And certainly this is perversa loqui , in the proper sense , in the true meaning of the word ; when men are grown to such a measure of perverseness , that we pervert the words and purposes of all publick persons , and wrest them to a meaning which they never dreamt of . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek is properly and truly to distort and wrest ; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wrest a matter from the truth , in the famous Orator : A thing not seldom used by these perverse speakers , who , to set off their projects , and promote their cause , not only wrest the words and actions of their innocent Brethren beyond their true intent and meaning , but too too often wrest the Scripture , even the most blessed Word of God , to make it serviceable to their factious and seditious ends . The Scribes and Pharisees of old , when they watched our Saviour , seeking occasion to betray him , what did they else but wrest and pervert his actions ? reporting that he cast out Devils by the help of Devils , that all his miracles were forged , and his Doctrine false , tending to introduce a new Religion , and annul the old . And what , conceit you , was their aim , but to animate the people by those perverse speeches , that in a zeal unto the preservation of Religion they might combine together with them , unite themselves in some strict Covenant against the Lord and his anointed , and cry out nolumus hunc regnare with the better stomach ? This is indeed the utmost mischief which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 carries with it ; the word not onely signifying to distort or wrest , but by so doing to seduce and pervert poor people . Thus read we Luke 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , We found this fellow perverting our Nation ; and so of Elymas the Sorcerer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that that he endeavoured to pervert the Deputy , and turn him from the faith of Christ . This is the thing they aim at in their perverse speakings , to captivate , seduce and bewitch the people , and make them fit for any mischievous attempt which they shall please to animate and excite them to ▪ We find in Ovid , that when ●allas had commanded Cadmus to sowe Vipers teeth , motae supponere terrae vipereos dentes , as the Poet hath it , there presently rose up an Army very well appointed , crescitque seges clypeata virorum . Nor have we reason to expect any better Harvest , when these men sowe their Vipers Tongues ; when by calumniating and traducing both the Church and State , they do not onely stir up envy and great thoughts of heart , which were the wonted strifes of Reuben , but lay a ground-work also for sedition , which is the ordinary consequent of the gain-saying of Corah . The holy Leagues , Covenants and Associations which this age hath bred , and the like combinations against lawful Government , and lineall succession unto Crowns and Scepters , what are they but the natural , though sad , effects of these perverse speakers ? Certain I am , that by these male-contented and seditious artifices they augment their numbers , and increase their followers , and draw away Disciples after them ; which is the only thing they aim at . To draw away Disciples after them . This is strange indeed : Hath there been any age so happy in which the people need be drawn to imbrace new fancies , to hearken after factious risers , and lend too credulous an ear to their perverse speeches ? I cannot tell , I would be loth to brand all preceding times ; though in my slender reading I have met with none of so composed and fine a temper , no Age wherein men were not prone enough to hearken to perverse and seditious talkers : Sponte sua properant , the people commonly are too hot of their own accord to follow after such pursuits , and need little drawing . But drawing in this place is no word of force , unless it be of forcible and strong perswasions ; as when it is affirmed in Scripture , That no man commeth unto the Sonne , except the Father please to draw : Except the Father draw him ; how ? not by compelling of the will , or forcing men to Heaven whether they will or not ; or drawing them velut inanimatum quoddam , as men draw after them a Log or Stone , as sometimes Luther pleased to phrase it : Not so , but by inviting men to their salvation , calling upon them to accept it by his holy word , and working on them by the operations of his holy Spirit . So the word traho hath been used in best Latine Authours ; Trahit sua quemque voluptas , in the Poet Virgil ; me trahit invitam nova vis , in the Poet Ovid. What ? by applying any outward violence ? No , but by hearkening to the motions of our own desires , and giving way to our affections ; for so it followeth in the Poet , aliudque cupido , mens aliud suadet ; Our understanding and our lusts draw two several wayes : and we may properly be said to be drawn by either , when either we submit our selves to the rule of Reason , or follow the dictamen of our lusts and passions . And such , and none but such , is the present drawing , the drawing of weak men by more subtile wits , to hearken to their perverse speakings , and thereby to become their followers and be accounted their Disciples . Nor do they only ducere , but they do abducere , not only draw , but draw away : the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Original must be so interpreted , and is so used in other Texts of holy Scripture . Drawes them away ? from whence ? from the main body of the Church , the Congregation of Gods chosen . The Church is often called in Scripture the body of Christ , of which each faithful Christian is a speciall member . Now ye are the body of Christ , and members in particular , as said St. Paul to those of Corinth . They therefore which withdraw a Christian from the Church of Christ , not only pierce his side , as the Souldiers did , but teare a member from his body , which the Souldiers durst not . And therefore Beza reads the word , ut abstrahant ; and gives this reason why he doth so read it , Loquitur Luca● ut de membris crudeliter corpore suo avulsis . But it would little profit these perverse speakers to draw poor people from the Church , to make them disaffected to the present Government , and so give them off ; what should they get , if any , or if every man were so misperswaded ? There 's a post eos in the Text which they chiefly aim at , to make men so leave the Church as to follow them . Not one amongst them but will be a leader , and must have followers of his own , some fair retinue to come after him , for the greater state . Such men as these stand more upon post eos , then upon abducunt ; and be their Proselytes what they will , noble , ignoble , rich or poor , they must come behind . Post nos bonus mos , is the best rule in all their Ethicks ; and , primus ibi ante omnes magna comitante caterva , accounted by them the most heroick verse in all Virgils works . The Scholar must not be above his Master ; there 's no sense in that : And therefore that they may be sure not to lose post eos , their Scholars shall be Scholars still , still learning , like St. Pauls old women , but never comming unto the knowledge of the truth . And certainly there is good reason why the holy Spirit doth not entitle those which are drawn away by the name of followers , or dependents , but by that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Disciples . Men commonly reward their followers , but they take pay of their Disciples ; and something hath some favour , as the saying is . Dignus est operarius mercede sua , The Labourer is worthy of his wages : And he that is taught ought to communicate unto him that teacheth in all good things , so saith the holy Scripture . Administer in all good things that 's true , but in what proportion ? In omnibus bonis , in all his good things , saith the true Apostle ; omnia bona sua , even all his goods , say these false Apostles . The better pay , the better Scholars while you live ; A matter out of which the Pharisees sucked no small advantage , becoming so much master of the peoples purses , that being once fined by Herod for their disobedience , a principal Lady of their faction mustred up her store , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and payd the fine down for them without more adoe . Besides , the Disciple is obliged to believe his Master ; oportet discentem credere , as the old rule is , and if he yield up his belief to his Masters dictates , his Master may dispose of him as his own creation . Hence is it that these exurgentes have attained such credit , that their words passe for Oracles with their credulous followers : And when they once have misperswaded them of their superiors in the Lord , whether Prince or Prelate , it is not in the power of men or Angels to bring them to a right opinion . Josephus tells us of the Pharisees , that they had gotten much footing in the affections of their followers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that whatsoever they pleased to say either of the high Priest , or the King himself , how false and scandalous soever , it was received for truth without further question . And now I am fallen upon the Pharisees , I shall add this further , that the great pains they took in compassing both Sea and Land to increase their Proselytes , and add unto the number of their dear Disciples , shewed plainly that they aimed at more then obedient greatness . The power and sway they had with the common people had so farre inabled them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to hurt their enemies , and promote their friends ; that happy was the man could be favoured by them . Nay , more then this , they would have Kings and Princes stand at their devotion , and be directed by them in all matters both of Church and State , or else controll and terrifie them with their numerous followers , the multitude of their Disciples . Which lest I may be thought to report without book , we need but look into Josephus , where we shall finde that Alexandra durst not enter on the Government in her Childrens non-age , until she had permitted all things unto their disposing ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and promised to do nothing without their directions . What was the reason , think ye , why that excellent Lady humbled her self so lowly to so proud a Sect ? marry she did it by advice of her dying Husband , whose Government proved not so successful as the Prince deserved , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that he had offended that prevailing faction . We need not doubt but that all such as have pursued the courses of these Pharisees do propose their aims , laying the foundation of their greatness upon the backs of their Disciples ; whom if they have infected with their dangerous principles , there is no man so safe , whom they may not mischief , nor any estate so sure which they may not ruine . Examples of the which , in the Priests of Meroe , and that command they held on the Aethiopians , I could tell you some , but desire rather to refer you to Diodorus Siculus for your satisfaction . So true is that of Quintus Curtius , Multitudinem vana religione captam meliùs vatibus suis quàm ducibus parere , The common people once possessed with a false Religion are more obedient to their Priests then unto their Princes . Thus have I brought the Churches sickness to the pitch or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the utmost extremity of this strange Disease . Pity it were to leave her in this desperate state ; and therefore I make hast , all the hast I can , to call in the Physician , and attend the cure , Vigilate igitur , Watch therefore . There is a great similitude between the body natural and the body mystical , the bodies of us men , and the Church of Christ : each of them hath their infancy , their youth , their age ; each of them their peculiar maladies , and their proper cures . And as in bodily Diseases , no sooner we begin to be ill-disposed , but presently we look out for the Physician ; so in these griefs and sicknesses which befall the Church , it is not safe to trifle or delay the time , but have recourse to the Physician with all speed that may be . Now the Physicians in this case , the Churches Doctors , are those to whom this charge was given by the Apostle , and they are said to be the Elders of the Church of Ephesus . What the Lay-Elders of the City , men of shops and Trades ; this day a bencher in the Consistory , the next a botcher on the stall ? Not so , though some have so delivered ; but such as were at least in sacris ordinibus constituti , men in holy orders , such as had parts to feed the flock , and power to rule it . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 28. will admit both duties , and so exclude Lay-Elders from being any way concerned in the present business . Those of the Laity must either lose the name of Elders in the present sense , or else take the office ; and if they undertake the charge , they must be Pastors , and not Lay-men . The Office proper to these Presbyters was that which Christ commended to St. Peter , and that was pascere greg●m Dei : If they did this , then were they Pastors ; if they did not , they were no Presbyters , the name and Office here must needs go together . And though in our Translation both here and elsewhere , we render the word Presbyter by that of Elder , yet when we finde it so translated , we must take it thus , that howsoever for their age they were called Elders , yet by their Office they were Ministers of Gods Word and Sacraments , such as had senectutem cordis , though not corporis , in St. Gregories language . Priests they were then that here assembled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Church-construction ; and yet not simply Priests , and no more then so , but such as were above the rest both in place and power , the Bishops and chief Rulers both of that and the neighbor-Churches . The Text is plain , in quo vos Sp. S. posuit Episcopos , that the holy Ghost had made them Bishops , or Overseers , as we read in the last Translation . And I said well , that so we read it in the last ; for ab initio non fuit sic , it was not so in the beginning . An ancient M. S. Translation , which by the Character and Language I guesse to be as old as Wiclif , reads it plainly Bishops . So doth that also of Miles Coverdale , a fervent Protestant in King Henries dayes , and no great friend unto the calling , although one himself . Beza , though he dislike the Hierarchy , and makes it a device of man , if not of Satan , yet renders it Episcopos , as the vulgar doth . And so do the Divines of the Lutheran Churches , though generally in common speech they rather do affect the Title of a Superintendent ; and so ex Graecis bonis Latinas fecere non bonas , as the Poet hath it . Only our last Translators , of all people else , when as they might have kept themselves with safety to the Greek Originals , have brought us in an Overseer for a Bishop . Which if it were not done ut placerent populo , to please the people , yet possibly it might be done quia timebant sibi à populo , because they were afraid to offend the people . A vein of which timidity one may easily finde in many places of the Acts and Writings of the holy Apostles . But Overseers let them be , the Overseers , if you please , of Christs Will & Testament , the overseers of the Clergy , which are the Executors of that Will & Testament , appointed to administer the Word and Sacraments , which are the Legacies Christ left behind him unto all the people . And Overseers let them be in name and dignity as well as Office ; For being that the Priest may be called a Seer , according to that meaning of that notion , in the first of Samuel , ( He that is now called a Prophet was before called a Seer , ) then certainly , the Bishop being over and above the Priest may well be called an Overseer . And so all circumstances pondered and compared together , we have gained thus much ; that those to whom this charge was given were Bishops , or Overseers if you will , such unto whom the oversight of the flock was trusted ; such unto whom St. Peter speaks in his first Epistle , Pascite gregem Dei qui in vobis est , Feed you the flock of Christ which is amongst you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Text , playing the Bishops in the same , or taking the oversight thereof , as the English reads it . Nor doth it any way contradict this Tenet , that those who are entituled Bishops , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 28. are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Priests or Elders only in the 17th verse ; For Beza tells us in his Notes on the first of Peter , Generale nomen est Presbyteri , that the word Presbyter is so general in some Texts and places , ut ipsi quoque Apostoli hoc nomine comprehendantur , that even the holy Apostles are comprized therein . If so , as so it is , and that the Apostles may be comprehended in the name of Presbyters , then certainly it is no absurdity or incongruity to say , that the Presbytery in the 17th verse , whom St. Paul called from Ephesus and the Neighbour-Cities , ( ab Epheso & à reliquis proximis civitatibus , as in Irenaeus , ) were not simply Presbyters , but such as had preeminence above the rest , whom the Text honoured in the 28. with the name of Bishops . The Bishop of Ephesus was anciently a Metropolitan , and had many Suffragans ; which possibly may be the reason why Ephesus is only named in the relation of this Story . Having thus found out the Physician , I need not dwell upon the remedy , but leave that to them ; credendum est artifici in arte sua . We have had many Phormio●s lately which take upon them to instruct their betters , and teach the Bishops how to govern . All that I have to say is but vigilate , that it concerneth the Prelate to be very watchful ; and that not only in regard of Wolves , Hereticks , and all such as are counted Hereticks , as some men would have them ; but in relation unto subtile practisers , and such as would fain rise in the Churches fall . Not only heterodox and heretical teachers , but factious and perverse Preachers are brought within the compass of this vigilate ; and that by the direction of St. Paul himself , who had his Warrant from above , and knew how to use it . And indeed vigilate is the safest Physick in the present case , not only to prevent , but remove the sickness . If vigilate be well followed , either men will not rise at all , or being risen , dare not talk perversly ; or if they do , it must be closly and in corners ; and that will draw away but few Disciples to follow after and admire them . Other the Ministers of God and his holy Church are Watchmen in their several places over the little flocks committed to them , the Bishop is Praefectus vigilum , the Captain of the Watch , the common Centinel , who by his Office is to walk the round , and see that the inferior Watchmen do discharge their duties . The tidings of our Saviours birth was first proclaimed unto a company of Shepherds keeping watch over their flocks by night ; their care and vigilance deserved that comfort which the Angels gave them , Nolite timere , Fear not , I bring you tidings of great joy . The Watchmen which expect the like grace and favour must not be short of them in their pains and travell ; if they expect from God or his holy Angels at Christs second comming , Evangelizo vobis gaudium magnum , they must be vigilantes super gregem suum . Ezekiel tells us of the living Creatures which he beheld as in a vision , totum corpus plenum oculis in circuitu , that they were full of eyes round about them : the perfect Emblem of a vigilant and careful Prelate , who must not only see before him , but have his eyes in every corner of his Diocess , in every member of his body : Eyes in his head , to understand his place and function , that he be able to perform what belongs unto him : Eyes in his feet , to have a care unto his goings , that he give no offence or scandall in so high a calling : Eyes in his hand , or Oculatus manus , as he in Plautus , that he ordain no man unworthily : Nay , even his Crozier he must have eyes , he must have oculatum baculum , as Antiochus hath it , that so he punish none but those that deserve correction . In a word , as the good Father Iraeneus said of God Almighty , that he is totus oculus , & totum lumen ; so should it be reported of a careful Prelate , that he is eye all over , and sees round about him . Which if he do , however he may wink at some things out of humane frailty , and possibly connive at others out of just necessity , yet will he still have one eye open to have a care upon the main . The Tale of Argus with his hundred eyes , how they did watch and sleep by turns when the guarded lo , how he was voce nova captus , and virga medicata tactus , won with a song , and blinded with a touch of a charmed rod , is a pretty fable , but very useful in the morall : And it doth plainly shew the Prelate this , that if fine words can win him , and corruption blind him , he will become a prey to every Mercury , and in conclusion , lose himself and the Church together . Vigilate igitur , watch therefore , you that are this day advanced to so high a dignity : And what I say to you I say to all the rest in their several stations , Vigilate , Watch. Now unto God the Father who keepeth Israel , whose eyes do neither sleep nor slumber ; to God the Sonne , the chief Shepherd , and Bishop of our souls ; and unto God the holy Ghost , which hath made you Bishops to feed and rule the Church of God , let us ascribe all honour , praise , and power , and glory , now and for evermore . Amen . A SERMON PREACHED At WESTMINSTER . JOHN 10. v. 11. I am the good Shepherd , The good Shepherd giveth his life for the Sheep . AMongst those severall Allegories which are used in Scripture to signifie the state of the Church of God , there is not any one which doth more lively represent the same unto us then that of the Shepherd and the Sheep : The Shepherd vigilant and intent , not only in the feeding , but the preservation of the flock committed to him : the Sheep obedient to the voyce of the careful Shepherd , and apt to follow in the way which he leads before them . The Office of this heavenly Shepherd , as it relates unto the feeding of his flock , we finde most punctually expressed in the 23. Psalm of David ; but as it doth concern them in their preservation , we finde it no where more exactly then in this whole Chapter of St. John. His life he laid down for his Sheep , for their Redemption , that he might take it up again for their justification . This made him take unto himself that glorious attribute of Pastor ille bonus , that good Shepherd ; good absolutely in himself as the Sonne of God , and good respectively to us as he is a Shepherd ; especially if we reflect upon the hireling and the Thief , which here he speaks of ; for if we mark the situation of the Text , we finde it crucified in a manner between two Malefactors , the Thief upon the one hand , and the hireling on the other . The Thief we finde in the 10th verse , who comes into the Fold to no other end , nisi ut furetur , & mactet & perdat , but to steal , and kill , and to destroy . And this doth manifest the more our Saviours goodness , who came not to destroy , but to save the Flock . The hireling he comes after , v. 12. who undertakes the charge with no other purpose then that of Balaam the sonne of Bosor , amans mercedem iniquitatis , even for the wages of unrighteousness . And therefore when he sees the Wolf , he takes care for one ; not for his sheep , ( for the Text tells us , v. 13. that he cares not for them ) but for himself : He leaves the sheep and flieth , and the Wolf catcheth them , and scattereth them . This doth the more advance the reputation of the good Shepherd of my Text , who knoweth the sheep , and loves them as his own ; and for a Pledge and Testimony of his great affection , chose rather to expose his own life to a certain ruine , then that his flock should run the hazard of a dissipation . And so we briefly fall on the words themselves , Ego sum Pastor ille bonus , I am the good Shepherd , &c. These words contain in them these two generall parts , a Position and an Exposition : the Position in the first , Ego sum Pastor ille bonus , I am the good Shepherd ; the Exposition in the last , Bonus pastor animam suam dat proovibus suis , The good Shepherd giveth his life for the Sheep . We may resolve them both into this Proposition ; Our Saviour Jesus Christ is that good Shepherd which layeth down his life for his Sheep . Now in this Proposition we have these three parts ; the Person first , and that is Christ himself who speaks it , Ego sum , I am . 2. The office ; and that 's a Shepherd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek , that Shepherd ; and last of all his eminent piety in the discharge of that imployment , he is Pastor bonus , the good Shepherd . Where in the Greek , as we had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ille Pastor , so have we 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ille bonus too . And so our Saviour is that Shepherd also , the best no doubt that ever was , none ever laying down his life for his sheep but he . These are the parts , and these I shall discourse of as they lie in order , beginning with the Person first , which is Ego , I. Ego sum , I am ; So the Text expresly : But who this Ego is , that we finde not here . This must be looked for in the 7th verse . Dixit eis iterum Jesus , then said Jesus unto them again : And having found this we need seek no further , nor ask with Johns Disciples , art thou he , or shall we look for another ? This Ego is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he that was to come , whom St. John asked after , that Jesus whom the other John , St. John the Evangelist , in the beginning of this period , doth call ostium ovium , the door of the Sheep : the door there , and the Shepherd here ; but both secundum similitudines , non secundum proprietates , saith St. Austin ; A door in a similitude , a Shepherd in a Parable , but in propriety of speech a Saviour , a true Jesus verily , so called before his birth by the holy Angel ; Jesus by name , the Sonne of God by nature and propriety , filius unicus de patre in aeternum ab aeterno genitus , begotten by his Father before all worlds , God of God , light of light , very God of very God , as the Creed instructs us . And yet a Shepherd and a door , a Rock , a Vine , the Lion of the Tribe of Judah ; besides those many other Attributes which are accumulated on him in the Scripture , secundum aliquam similitudinem , according to the trope or allegory . But of all adjuncts given unto him , those of the Sheep and Lamb , do seem most incompetible ; for if he be a Sheep , who is then the Shepherd ? and if he be a Lamb , who takes care to feed him ? And yet a Lamb he is , even that Agnus Dei , that Lamb of God that takes away the sins of the World , as was vouched of him by St. John : the holy Lamb , the very Paschall Lamb indeed , whose blood being sprinkled on our doores , keeps away the destroying Angel that he come not near us . And yet a sheep he is , even that harmless sheep whereof Esay speaks , which being afflicted and oppressed opened not his mouth , but like the sheep before the Shearer he was dumb and silent . And this the sacred name of Jesus , if there be any faith to be had in Anagrams , doth either intimate or presuppose ; for out of that most blessed name , as it is written in the Greek , the original Tongue , those which have traded in that art , have found this Anagram ( and a most excellent one it is indeed ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thou art that Sheep , that namely whereof Esay prophecied , and in whose name ( according to the transposition of the Elements ) the Eunuch was baptized by the Evangelist . So then this Ego of my Text hath somewhat in him more then ordinary , being both the Shepherd and the Sheep ; Ille & Pastor est & Ovis , as the Father hath it . But all this , as before I said , secundum similitudines , as in a figure or resemblance . Would you be pleased to know what he is indeed , in his own nature and condition , as he is Ego , I , one of the persons in the Syntax of the blessed Trinity ? Si quaeras à me proprietatem , as St. Austin hath it ; would you be satisfied in that ? then know assuredly , that he is filius hominis & filius Dei , the Sonne of God and man , even the man Christ Jesus ; God of the substance of the Father , begotten before all worlds , man of the substance of his Mother , born in the world : As God , the second Person in the glorious Trinity , begotten by his Father before all time , generatione , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in an unspeakable manner , without any concurrence or act of woman : As man , the first person of the Sonnes of Adam , born of his Mother in the fulness of time , generatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a most supernaturall way , without help of man. The very true Melchisedeck which the Scriptures speak of , who in the unity of his person , being God and man , is without Father , without Mother , without descent , having neither beginning of dayes nor end of life : Without a Father as the Sonne of man , without a Mother as the Sonne of God ; in both respects without descent , nam generationem ejus quis enarret ? for who can tell the manner of his Generation , or derive his Pedigre ? Without a Father , yet the Sonne of God ; without a Mother , yet the Sonne of the Virgin Mary ; here without Father , without Mother there . In terris sine Patre , in coelis verò sine matre , as it is in Origen . Shall we explain this Riddle by another ? Know then , that in despite of Grammar and the Rules of Accidence , Ego is here the second person , and yet as worthy as the first . That God by his meanes would repaire the ruines of our mortall nature , himself had frequently foretold in holy Scripture : It was the first promise made to Adam , to comfort and revive him after his defection , that the seed of the woman should bruise the Serpents head ; that he should crush the sting of death , and swallow up the grave in victory . It was the first promise which God made to Abraham , when he commanded him to leave his own Country and his Fathers House , that in his seed should all the Nations of the World be blessed . Promises not to be fulfilled but in him that made them , never to be accomplished till God descended so much beneath himself , as to come down from Heaven , and be incarnate in the womb of the Virgin Mary . This the great mystery of godliness which St. Paul inculcates , God manifested in the flesh ; the Verbum caro factum , which St. John remembreth . For who but he that is the Word could by his words procure this testimony from his enemies , nec vox hominem sonat , never man spake as this man speaketh ? Who but God manifested in the flesh could by his works extort this true Confession from his executioners ? Surely this was no other then the Sonne of God. Adeo veritas ab invitis etiam pectoribus erumpit , said Lactantius truly . And yet besides Gods gracious pleasure , and the necessity of mans estate that so it must be , it stood with most convenience that so it should be . Qui alterum erigit seipsum incurvat , He that lifts up another must first stoop himself , and bow down his own body first , before he can raise up a man that 's fallen . And this was it for which the second person in the glorious Trinity became the first in the construction of my Text ; He made himself the Sonne of man , that so we might be made the Sonnes of God. He for a time did bow down the Heavens , and remained with us on the Earth for a certain season , that man created of the Earth , might be taken with him up to Heaven , and there live for ever . His incorruptible did put on our corruption , that so our mortall might be clothed with his immortality . And this in the good Fathers Language , non similitudo , sed res ipsa est , is neither Allegory , Trope nor Figure , but a most sacred necessary truth , and of all men to be believed who have not forfeited their faith to advance their wits ; or rather have not forfeited those great wits they boast of , in bringing all the Principles of the Christian faith to be indicted and arraigned at the Barre of Reason . Id fides credat , intelligentia non requirat , was the Fathers Rule , but thrown aside in this unlucky Age , wherein men are so apt to dispute themselves out of all Religion , and set up a new Creed of their own devising . So then this Ego of my Text relates to Jesus , v. 1. and that unto the first of Matthew , where he had his name , and where he was proclaimed by the heavenly Herald to be conceived of the holy Ghost by the Virgin Mary . Ego here , Jesus there ; in both Texts a Saviour , a person of a mixt condition between God and man , such as a Saviour ought to be ; For being sensible of our infirmities as a man , and able to relieve us in them as our God , as God and man he mediates for us , that being freed of those infirmities which are inherent in our flesh , we may hereafter reign with him in his endless glories . We read in Livie , that when the Romans had violently surprized the Sabine Women , and taken them to their Wives , the angry Sabines took up Arms to revenge the injury . The Armies being ready for the fight , the Women seriously taking into consideration , that as they were begotten by the one , so they are now as flesh with the other people , rush in between them , Hinc viros , inde Patres orabant , Sometimes they pray unto their Fathers to remit the wrong , and sometimes call unto their Husbands to admit a Parley ; never desisting from that pious office , till both the Armies were made friends , and an eternall League was sworn between them . The Application is so easie and familiar that I need not press it : Only I note , that this great work of our Reconciliation could not be wrought by any but a Saviour , and such as had relation to both parties , both to God and man ; that being jealous of the honour of the one , and zealous for the preservation of the other , he might make up that peace betwixt us which all the powers of Hell should not interrupt . Which work of reconciliation , being a special part of that Pastorall charge which he hath taken to himself , leads me on fairly to my second generall , which is the Office of our Saviour ; Ego sum ille Pastor , I am that Shepherd . And here perhaps it may be said , that we have took great pains to a little purpose : Have we endeavoured all this while to prove our Saviour to be the Sonne of the eternall ever-living God , and do we now so much debase him as to make him a Shepherd ? Have we advanced him up on high , and set him at the right hand of God in the heavenly places , ut lapsu graviore ruat , only to make his fall the greater ? Or with the Tempter in the Gospel , have we advanced him to the top of the highest Pinacle , and told him that he was the Sonne of God , and then come out with mitte te deorsum , cast thy self down as farre as poverty and contempt can make thee ? This were a cunning peece of malice , if it were so meant , in case the office of a Shepherd were so contemptible and inconsiderable as some men have made it . But if we look upon it well , we shall finde the contrary ; there being no inferior place of charge or Government , more like unto the Kingly Office then the Shepherds is : Upon which ground Homer calls Agamemnon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Shepherd of his People . And Philo gives it for a Rule , that not Homer only , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the whole Tribe of Poets also have honoured good Princes with the same Attribute . Nay , in his Book of the life of Joseph he gives this note , that the best Shepherd makes the best King : and in his Tract de vita Mosis doth affirm expresly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the best preparation to the Kingly Office is to be a Shepherd . In which regard St. Basil tells us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Pastoral and Imperial Offices were near of kin ; the one being but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or preparation to the other . But behold a greater then Philo or St. Basil here : For God himself hath said of Cyrus , that he was his Shepherd ; and purposely exalted David from the Sheep-fold to the regall Throne , that he might know the better how to feed Jacob his people , and Israel his Inheritance , Psal . 78. v. 70. Nor hath the name of Shepherd been accounted anciently an honorary adjunct only to the greatest Princes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but to God himself , as Philo hath observed in his Book of Husbandry . An observation not so strange in Philo , by birth a Jew , and so acquainted with the Scripture , as it may seem to be in Plato , who was a meer stranger to the Covenant : And yet in Plato do we finde it , and that in termes no lesse expressive then in those of Philo ; for speaking of the peaceable and happy lives which men are said to lead in the first Ages , he gives this reason for it in his Book de Regno , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. God , saith he , was their ●hepherd , and he did lead them and conduct them as now Princes do ; whom therefore we are bound to honour in the next degree to the Gods immortal . A Speech so excellent and divine , that nothing but the written word can go beyond it . But behold a greater then Plato is here also ; for God hath told us by the mouth of his Servant David , that he is a Shepherd ; Dominus Pastor meus , the Lord is my Shepherd , Psal . 23. and hear O thou Shepherd of Israel , Psal . 80. If therefore God may , without diminution of his power and greatness , assume unto himself the name of a Shepherd , assuredly the Sonne of God will think it no disparagement to be called so too . Or if it were , what poor and low condition would not he gladly undergo for the sake of man , whose bowels yerned so oft within him , when as he saw his wretched and neglected people wandring like sheep without a Shepherd ? And certainly , if we consult the Scriptures , we shall there finde that God designed him to this Office , long time before his incarnation , the taking of our flesh upon him ; for in the 34. of Ezekiel , thus saith the Lord about his flock , I will set up one Shepherd over them , and he shall feed them , & ipse erit eis in Pastorem , and shall be their Shepherd . A Prophecie accomplished by our Lord and Saviou● in the whole work and business of his life amongst us ▪ for being appointed by Almighty God to be the Shepherd of his people , he caused the first tidings of his Birth to be proclaimed to a company of shepherds ; & chose a stable , or a sheep-coat rather , ( as most Fathers think ) to be the place of his Nativity . Conversing here amongst us men , he took unto himself the name of a Shepherd , being styled so in this Chapter twice , and talking of his Sheep throughout the whole . After all this , being to take his farewel of us , ( for as much as did concern his bodily presence ) he left no greater charge unto his Disciples , then , Pascite oves meas , to feed his sheep . One further evidence to this purpose we will make bold to borrow out of Plutarchs works , who tells a Story of one Thames , that as he sailed towards Greece , was by a strange voyce , but from whence he knew not , commanded to make known when he came on Land , that Pan the Shepherds God was dead . This Pan the Authour takes to be the sonne of Mercury and Penelope , when the Gentiles worshipped : But they which looked with more advice into the matter , conceive it rather to be meant of the Sonne of God , and the Virgin Mary ; who much about the time which that Authour speaks of , did suffer death upon the Crosse for our redemption , and was indeed the true God Pan , chief Shepherd of the soul of man. A Shepherd then our Saviour was , there 's no doubt of that ; we might have took it absolutely on his Ipse dixit . But how he doth discharge the office , is in the next place to be considered . And this we shall the better see , by looking for a while on the Country-shepherd , whose duty doth consist in three points especially ; 1. In the feeding , 2. In the ordering , And 3. In the guarding of the sheep committed to him . For feeding first , there is no question to be made but that it is a part of the shepherds office . The very name doth intimate so much unto us ; for Pastor à pascendo , a shepherd is so called from feeding , and that not in the Language of the Latines only , but in Greek and Hebrew . This duty mentioned in the Georgicks , Luciferi primo cum sydere frigida rura carpamus : in which he doth advise his shepherd , that at the dawning of the day he unfold his sheep , and drive them out into their Pasture . And this exemplified in Jacob , and the sonnes of Jacob , honest shepherds all ; it being said of Jacob in the Book of God , that he did feed the Sheep of Laban ; of Jacob's sonnes , that they did feed their Fathers flocks in Sichem . And finally , this took for granted in Almighty God , in his expostulation with the Priests and Prophets of the House of Isra●l , nonne greges à Pastoribus pascuntur ? should not the Shepherds feed the Flocks ? That Christ doth punctually discharge this duty , is past all controversie : The Prophet hath foresignified that he should so do ; I will set up one Shepherd over them : and the Evangelists declare that he did so do , For what were all those heavenly Sermons , those frequent exhortations unto faith and piety which he so often made unto them , but a spirituall feeding of the inward man , a sweet refection of the soul , a celestiall nourishment ? His feeding of so many thousands by a few Loaves of Bread , and two small fishes , what was it , though a signall miracle , compared with those many millions which he doth feed continually with the bread of life ? We need not doubt of the success , when he that fed them with the Word was the Word it self ; or of the spreading of the Gospel , when he that was the Preacher was the Gospel too ; or of the nourishment of the Guests in the fruits of godliness , when he that carved unto them the life of bread was of himself the bread of life . For he indeed was magnus ille panis qui mentem replet , non ventrem , that holy bread which feedes the soul , and not the body , as the Father hath it ; the living bread ( as himself tells us of himself ) which came down from Heaven , of which whosoever eateth he shall live for ever . Which bread , if it be meant of Christ , who is God the Word , we then partake it principally in the Sacraments ; but if we understand it of the Word of God , ( as St. Hierome doth ) we must then look for it in the Scriptures . By these two meanes , the preaching of Gods holy Word , and the administration of his Sacraments , are we still fed and nourished unto life eternal ; if not by Christ himself , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or chief Shepherd , as St. Peter calls him , yet by those under-Officers , those inferior Ministers to whom he hath intrusted that most weighty duty . First , for the preaching of the Word , that belongs equally to all his Ministers ; to whom he granted a Commission to this end and purpose , when he commanded his Apostles , and in them all other Ministers of his holy Gospel , to teach all Nations ; or , as St. Mark doth change the Phrase , to preach the Gospel . This the most excellent kinde of feeding , and most peculiar to our Saviour in his Pastoral Office ; the feeding of our bodies appertaining rather unto God the Father , who on the opening of his hand filleth all things living with plenteousness . In which respect , our Saviour tells us in his Gospel , that man liveth not by bread alone , but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God. This is that part of heavenly nourishment from which we are at no time barred ; from which no age , no sex , no quality is to be repelled . Universos homines , sine discrimine sexus vel aetatis , ( Minutius adds vel dignitatis ) ad coeleste pabulum convocamus . This bread is offered unto all , of what condition or estate soever ; and being offered unto all requireth the more hands to make tender of it . And therefore all the Ministers of the Church in their Ordination have this authority intrusted to them , that they should preach the Gospel , where and whensoever they are appointed thereunto . For the administration of the Sacraments , especially the holy Eucharist , that belongs only to the Priests , who hath power to consecrate and blesse the creatures , which are appointed by the Lord our Saviour for the commemoration of his death and passion . Hoc facite is there the Priests Commission , to take the bread , and blesse and break it ? hoc edite , hoc bibite , take , eat and drink , are a Commission to the people to partake thereof : And certainly , never was Table better furnished then that of our Redeemer in the blessed Sacrament ; a Banquet of all others the most rich and nourishing , where Jesus Christ is set before us , and he himself is both the Entertainer and the Feast . If any hunger , here is the bread of life , spiritual Mannah , farre better then the food of Angels ; whoever eateth of this Bread he shall live for ever . Is any thirsty , here is the well of life eternal , farre better then the well of Jacob , or the waters of Jordan ; Whoever drinketh of these waters he shall never thirst . Will you have more ? and in that more the proof and reason of the whole ; he telleth us , that his flesh is meat indeed , and that his blood is drink indeed , in St. Johns Gospel . A bountiful and liberal feast , and such whereof our blessed Saviour is no niggard ; we may participate of it monethly , weekly , daily , as our spiritual necessities and estates require : Panem hunc dat quotidie , dat omnibus , dat semper , as Ambrose hath it . The second duty of the Shepherd is , that he order and direct the Flock committed to him : so to direct them that they do not wander ; or if they do , that he reduce them back to the Fold again ; to order them , both when they are in state of health , and when they chance to fall into those Diseases to which they naturally are inclined . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek doth imply a Government ; the Poet else had not called Agamemnon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Prince or shepherd of his people . And so we finde it also in the Book of God , in which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is interpreted to rule or govern ; as in the 2d of St. Matthew , for out of thee shall come a Governour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which shall rule my people Israel . Now for the exercise of this part of his Office , the shepherd hath not only his Oyls and waters , and other implements of Chirurgery , Scyllamque helleborosque graves , nigrumque bitumen , as the Poet hath it ; but he is armed also with his Shepherds Crook , which is the Scepter of his Empire ; called therefore Pedum in the Latine , eò quòd retineat pecudum pedes , as Servius notes it upon Virgil. In this regard the shepherds in the Book of Jeremy are called Optimates gregis , the Princes , or the principalls of the Flock , as the English reads it , as having principal authority in ordering and disposing of them . And David , when he kept his Fathers sheep in Bethlehem , is represented to us with his Shepherds staffe , Et tulit ba●ulum suum in manibus suis , He took his staffe in his hand , as the Text informs us , i. e. the staffe or Shepherds Crook wherewith he used to order and direct his flock , and pull them in as often as they went astray . Thus also deals our Lord and Saviour with the sheep of his Pasture : Did any of them prove unsound ? he then applyed himself unto the cure , Et medicas adhibere manus ad vulnera , and to the salving of their sores . Witness that heavenly speech of his , when being taxed for keeping company with Publicans and sinners , he returned this answer , that the whole had no need of the Physician , but the sick . Did any of them go astray ? he tells us of himself by his holy Prophet , that he would seek that which was lost , and bring back that again which was driven away ; and tells us by himself in his holy Gospel , that the Sonne of man was come to seek and save that which was lost ; which in the Parable of the lost sheep is at large exemplified . Were they grown wanton and unruly ? we finde him armed with power to destroy the fat and the strong , & pascere illos in judicio , and to feed them with judgement , Ezek. 34. to feed the flock of his inheritance with a rod , Micah 7. and finally the Prophet David doth represent the Lord his Shepherd , with a rod and a staffe , Psal . 23. i. e. as Austin doth expound it , with a corrective power , with the Rod of Discipline , according to the quality of the offence , and the condition of the offender . Disciplina tua tanquam virga ad gregem ovium , & tanquam Baculus ad grandiores filios , as he states the business . This power of Government , the Lord when he withdrew himself from the sight of man , transmitted over to the Church , and the Ministers of it . Whether indifferently to all alike , that 's the point in question . Bellarmine looking through the Spectacles of the Popes Ambition , ascribes this solely to St. Peter , and to his Successors in the See of Rome . His reason is , because the charge of Pasce oves meas , Pasce agnos meos , was given peculiarly to Peter , and to him alone : But herein he and those of his opinion , are destitute of that antiquity and consent of Fathers , which usually they do pretend to . In this the Fathers leave them to themselves to make good the cause , and run a very different opinion from them . A Jury of them at the least might be here impanneled , which opine the contrary . And if St. Austine were the fore-man , he would find it thus ; that P●ter oftentimes in the holy Scripture , sustained the person of the Church , Et cum ci dicitur , ad omnes dicitur , pasce oves meas . And therefore when our Saviour said unto him , feed my Sheep , he said the same in him , unto all the rest . So then the rest of the Apostles have as much interest in this weighty charge , as St. P●ter had , they being all equally invested pari consortio potestatis & honoris , with an equall measure both of power and honour ▪ as Cyprian , and generally all the Fathers tell us . The next enquiry will be this , whether that all the Ministers of our Saviours Gospel be equally intrusted with a power of feeding , and may all equally take upon themselves the name of Pastors . Some would fain have it so indeed ; for seeing that the word of God is the food of the soul , non video cur Pastor non dicatur , qui pabulum hoc subministrat , we see no cause say they , that those who preach the Word of God , should not be honoured also with the name of Pastors . And Pastors let them be , if the name will please them , though ab initio non fuit sic , it was not so from the beginning ; for anciently the Prelates only had the name of Pastors . St. Austin knew no other Pastors in the Church of God , then the Apostles and the Bishops , in the 47. Tract on John. Our learned Andrews is resolute upon the point , neminem veterum sic locutum , that the Antients never otherwise understood the word . And Binius in his notes upon the Councils , excepts against a fragment of the Council of Rhemes , as being not of that Antiquity which is there pretended : quod titulum Pastoris tribuat Par●cho , because the name of Pastor is communicated to the Parish●Priest , contrary to the usage of those elder times : But Pastors let them be in Gods name , if the name will please them , so they usurp not on the power : Pastors , as Pasco is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to feed , but not to govern , For whereas there are divers acts of the Pastoral charge , as viz. to beat down the body of sin , to warn the unruly , comfort the feeble-minded , support the weak , to infuse balm into the sick and wounded soul , and with all care and industry to call the sinner to repentance : all these do equally belong to those , who are invested by the Church with holy Orders . The Parish-Presbyter would very ill be called a Rector , did we not grant him this authority , And for the power corrective , let him take that too , so farre as he may do it with the sword of the spirit , Et virga oris sui , and with the rod of his mouth , as the Prophet calls it . But for the power of correction , by the Rod of D●scipline , or the staffe of punishment , or by the censures of the Church , that pertains only to the Prelate , the superior Pastor ; and it concerneth him highly , that he use it well . For many times it hapneth , that the stragling sheep will not be brought into the Fold by fair perswasions , or by the Ministery of the Word . What then ? Ad diligentiam Pastoralem pertinet , it then belongs unto the Pastor , Flagellorum terroribus vel etiam doloribus revocare , to fetch him back again by the stripes of D●scipline , by the coercions of the Church . Which power , were it committed to the hands of each several Minister , would doubtless prove the greatest tyranny , that ever the poor Church of Christ did suffer under . This is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and pertains solely to the Prelate , as an act of Government ; Who therefore anciently was armed with his Crozier , or Pastoral staffe , ( and by the Law of England he may use it still ) that by the same he might reduce the stragler , and correct the stubborn , and rouze up the affections of the sluggish person . According to the good old verse , — Attrahe per primum , medio rege punge per imum ; A perfect Embleme of his duty : for howsoever that of Nazianzen be exceeding true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the good Shepherd should oftner use his Pipe then his . Shepherds-staffe : yet the Sheep become unruly , and will not hear the Shepherds-pipe , pipe he never so sweetly ; he must needs take his staffe in hand , there 's no other remedy . But I touch onely on these Controversies , and so passe them by . The third and last duty which pertains unto the Shepherd is , that he guard his sheep , and keep them safe , from the devouring malice of the enemy . In which regard , it is the Custom of those Countries which are plagued with Wolves , to lodge their sheep at night in defossis specubus , in some strong Caverns under ground , and free from violence . In which regard , the Poet Virgil doth advise his shepherd to provide himself of some fierce Mastives , acres molossos , as he calls them , by whom the flock may be defended , during his own necessary absence . And finally , in this regard the faithful Shepherd doth expose his person unto much peril , many inconveniences , and several assaults of enemies . Thus Jacob tells us of himself , that when he kept the sheep of Laban , the drought consumed him by day , and the Frost by night , and that sleep departed from his eyes . And in the Story of Gods Book we are told of David , that when he kept his Fathers sheep , and that a Bear and a Lion had surprized a Lamb , he set himself against the fury of those ravenous Beasts , and delivered the poor Lamb out of their pawes , and in a single combat slew them both . So is it with our Saviour Christ in the protection of his Church , in the defence of those who are the sheep of his Pasture . It was his glory , as it was his comfort , that of all those whom God had given him , he had lost not one . And 't was his comfort as it was his care , that he had lodged them in a place of such strength and safety , even in his strongest hold , his holy Tabernacle ; against the which the Gates of Hell shall never be able to prevail . A place in which if we continue , we need not fear the violence of Satan that roaring Lion , who walks about the Fold continually , seeking out whom he may devoure . And it is well said that he walks about ; for get into the Fold he cannot : and therefore doth he walk about it , that so if any of the flock do forsake the Fold , him he may make his prey , and ravish him into his Den. T is true , that Christ hath sent us out like sheep among the Wolves , as himself hath told us . But then it is as true withall , that he hath furnished us with doggs , and placed them round about his Church , in each corner of it ; that by their fierceness , and their watchfulness , and continual barking , they may keep farre aloof the common enemy , by whom the straglers are endangered . Vigilant enim & latrant boni Canes , & pro Pastore , & pro Grege , as St. Austin hath it . The Wolf and other enemies of the flock , know this well enough , and indeed labour all they can to destroy these Mastives . Which when they could not do by violence , they treated with the sheep , as the Fable hath it , to deliver them up into their hands ; but mark what followed thereupon . Oves presidio Canum destitutas laniant , the doggs being gone , they fell upon the sheep and worried them , and brought them to a swift destruction . Lastly , He hath supplied his Church from time to time with faithful Pastors , for the defence and custody thereof from the common enemy : such as have evermore exposed their persons to apparent dangers , their good names to the calumnies of malicious tongues , their fortunes many times to apparent ruine ; all for the safety of the flock , for the defence of Christs and the Churches cause . Witness those many sufferings of the Apostles , as St. Paul describes them , reviled , yet blessing ; persecuted , yet still suffering ; defamed , and yet intreating : and in a word , ut mundi purgamenta facti , accounted as the filth of the world , and the off-scouring of all things to this very day . And more then so , in perils of waters , in perils of robbers , in perils by their own Countreymen , in perils by the Heathen , in perils in the City , in perils in the Wilderness , in perils by Sea , in perils amongst false Brethren . And to make up the total summe of their afflictions , in stripes above measure , in prisons more frequent , in deaths oft . The Devil knew how much the safety of the Flock depended on the care and vigilancy of the Shepherd , and therefore he aims most at them . Percutiam Pastorem & dispergam gregem , is the best Text in his Divinity . This he hath practised in all times and ag●s , upon the Prophets , the Apostles , Prelates , Pastors ; the Shepherds of all ages many , of all places some ; but upon none more visibly then our Saviour Christ , who was not only il Pastor fido , the faithful Shepherd , whose eyes do neither sleep nor slumber , that so his sheep might feed in safety on the Hills and Mountains ; but Pastor ille bonus , the good Shepherd too , even that good Shepherd of my Text. Not onely willing to expose his person to contempt a●d scorn , as many of his followers since have done ; but also to lay down his● life to save his sheep , which never any did in this world but he . And so I come unto the eminent piety of our Saviour , in the discharge of this imployment ; being not only ille Pastor , that Shepherd , but ille bonus Pastor , that good Shepherd also ; my last particular , and now in order to be handled . Ego sum Pastor ille bonus , I am the good Shepherd . And first this goodness of the Lord , though indivisible in it self , hath been divided by the Schoolmen , with good propriety both of words and meaning , into two kindes or species . The first they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Original , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exemplified . Illa in Deo existens , haec in creatur is expressa : the first existing solely on the Lord our God ; the other copied out ▪ and manifested in his creatures . That which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or original , we may define to be an everlasting and unalterable quality in Almighty God , qua modis omnibus & summè bonus est , whereby he is supremely and entirely good . In which regard Plato hath said of God , that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , good only in and of himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the only ▪ saving good , as others of the Heathen call'd him . And he that knew him best , our most gracious Saviour , hath given this to us for a Maxime , That there is none good but onely God. So good , that the most blessed Vision of the Almighty is the most excellent good , the summum bonum , which any of the Saints or Angels can aspire unto . Philosophers may wrangle and dispute amongst themselves , of mans chief felicity , and may ascribe it , if they please , to pleasure , or riches ; or as the wiser sort have done , to the works of vertue . But we that are the sheep of our Saviours Pasture , look for this summum bonum , only in the Lord our God , and there we shall be sure to finde it . The other kind of goodness call'd by the Schoolmen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or exemplified , is that which God hath mani●ested on his creatures , and imparted to them . This they divide again into general and special , that being extended unto all his Creatures , this more particularly restrained to his chosen servants . This generall goodness clearly manifested in the Creation of the World , ( quid enim aliud est Mundus quam Deus explicatus , said the old Philosopher ) and in preserving of the same created , cloathing the Lillies , and feeding the young Ravens when they call upon him ; making his Sun to shine as well upon the sinner , as the righteous person ; and in a word , opening his hand , and filling all things living with his plentiousness . In which respect , David most truly tells us of him , repleta est terra bonitate Domini , the Earth is full of the goodness of the Lord. But that which most especially doth concern this business , is his special goodness , restrained unto his chosen servants , to such as fear his name , and observe his precepts . The Lord is good to Israel , ( saith the royal Psalmist ) his qui recto sunt corde , even unto all such as are of a clean heart . And the Book of Lamentations , The Lord is good to them that wait for him , to the soul that seeks him . This goodness is manifested & declared in delivering them from evil , the evil both of sin and punishment ; and in accumulating on them his most sacred blessings both of grace and glory . For if an earthly Father , ( as our Saviour urgeth ) though full of evil in himself , knoweth how to provide good things for his natural Children : how much more shall our Father which is in Heaven , bestow good things on those whom he hath adopted . This is enough to make us sensible of Gods goodness to us . And yet the way by which this goodness is procured for us is far more admirable : the Lord not sparing his own Sonne , but delivering him up for us all , that with him he might also freely give us all things , as St. Paul instructs us . This is indeed the highest point of heavenly goodness . And very hard it is to say , whether deserve more of our admiration , either that God the Father should appoint it so , or God the Sonne considered in our flesh , should act the Tragedy . I shall no longer wonder at the strange Command which God once layd upon our Father Abraham . Abraham take now thy Sonne , thine only Sonne Isaac , whom thou lovest , and offer him for a burnt Offering to the Lord thy God. Here finde we God the Father really performing what he imposed on Abraham , tentandi causa , only for triall of his faith , and his obedience . Nor shall I much admire at the zeal of Moses , desiring in a pious fervency , that he himself might be blotted out of the Book of God , upon condition that the peoples sins might be forgiven them . Here finde we God the Sonne actually laying down his most precious life , not only for his own people and the sheep of his hands , but even for those which were not of his Fold , and did never know him . Alias enim Oves habeo . For other sheep I have which are not of this Fold , as in the 16. of this Chapter . An action beyond all example ; and such wherein our blessed Saviour went beyond himself . Himself had given it for a Maxime , that greater love could no man shew then this , that a man lay down his life for his friend . And yet behold how willingly he gave his life for those who either were false friends , or apparent enemies , Never did Sheepherd act such a part of goodness , never were sheep so much obliged unto the goodness of their Sheepherd . O the unsearchableness of Gods mercy ! the most unlimited extent of his grace and goodness to mortality ! It had been farre above the possibility , either of our merit or requital , had he but only bowed the Heavens and come down to visit us . It had been such a prodigie as would have startled the most setled mindes of the sonnes of nature , to have heard only this , that for a good mans sake , some peradventure would yet dare to die . But God ( saith the Apostle ) commends his love to us in this , in that whilest we were yet sinners , Christ di●d for us . The Lord and giver of life , submits himself unto the death ; mortem autem Crucis , to the reproachful death of the accursed Crosse . He yields himself to the most shameful of all deaths , the accursed Crosse for the most wretched and unworthy of all his Creatures , rebellious man. Rebellious man , which had so often provoked his God to anger , and crucified as it were the Lord of Glory , before his comming in the flesh . And wh●ch doth add unto the miracle of his goodness to us , divinitatem dat in proemium , he died for us that we might live with him for ever ; and therefore put on our corruption , that we might all be cloathed with his immortality . Good God! how gladly could I wish unto my self , the tongues of men and Angels at this present time , that I might speak a little of thy Grace and mercy . And yet O Lord , the tongues of men and Angels would fall so short of true expression , that they would seem no better then a sounding brasse , or a tinckling Cymball . Thou only hast ability to relate the history of thine own great mercies , who hadst alone the power to do them . The story of thy sufferings will be then best told , when we shall see thee face to face ; and thou which wert the Argument , art the Authour too . Christ died then . Animam suam posuit pro Ovibus suis , and laid down his most precious life to preserve ●is flock . Besides his gracious pleasure that so it should be , there was in a manner a necessity that so it must be . Without the shedding of blood ( saith the Apostle ) there is no remission ; and what blood else could have that efficacy , but his that speaks farre better things unto us , then the blood of Abel . No saving of the sheep , but by the blood of the Shepherd : no raising of the sonnes of men to the life of righteousness , but by subjecting the Sonne of God to the death of nature . For our transgressions was he wounded , for our iniquities was he bruised , the chastisement of our peace was upon him , and by his stripes we are healed , saith the Prophet Esay . Percutiam Pastorem is salvation here . Besides , the enemy against whom he fought , had been else invincible . For as upon some sodain exigents , the surest way to conquer is to flee ; so here , the readiest way for him to get the victory , was to lose his life . Novum ad victoriam iter sanguinis sui semita aperuit , as the Historian said of Decius . This was indeed a battel of a strange condition , in which the Conqueror must first lose his life , before he could obtain the victory , and live again before he could enjoy it . No other way to subjugate the powers of death , and ransom his distressed sheep from the hands of Satan , but by his death to overthrow him which had the power of death , which is the Devil . So the Apostle to the Hebrews , A miracle saith the Glosse indeed , that the Devil should be beaten at his own weapon ; and being the first that brought in death , should be conquered by it . Mors enim erat arma per quae vincebat diabolus , & per en victus est à Christo . So the Glosse expounds it . Thus punctually hath the Lord our Saviour discharged the duty of the good Sheepherd unto us ; and somewhat we must do reciprocally in the correspondence thereunto . But what that is , will be too long a business , to be discoursed of at this present . The 27. of this Chapter will be a more convenient Theme , whereupon to build an Application of the present Doctrine ; as it relates unto the Pastoral charge of Christ our Saviour , in feeding of our souls with the bread of life , curing our wounded consciences with the Physick of the Word , correcting out obliquities with the rod of Discipline ; and lodging us in a most safe and secure place , whilest we are made partakers of his heavenly comforts . But as our present Text relates to the Sheepherds goodness , the Application will be here more proper then it can be there : the hearing of his voyce , and the requital of his goodness in a mutual suffering , being of very different natures . For questionle●s , as Christ out of his infinite goodness did will●ngly lay down his life for us ; so may ●e well expect a mutual readiness in us , not only to die with him , but to die for him● also , when our ●piritual necessities ▪ and the extremities of his Church shall so require . The first of these two wayes , is by dying with him , cruc●●ying our sins upon his Crosse , burying our corrupt affections in his Grave , mortify●ng our earthly members , and killing in our selves the whole body of sin . This to be done by chastising of our souls with watchings , fastings , labours , patience , afflictions , sufferings . Duties so throughly practised in the former times , by many of the Primitive Christians , that their very flesh was rarified into spirit ; and the whole man so fitted for eternal glories , as if they did not look to die , but to be translated . Which duties , as they are at all times to be practised by us , so most especially on those dayes and times , which are designed according to the pattern of pure Antiquity , for fasting , prayer , and such like acts of Christian humiliation : though now not only generally neglected by most sorts of men , as if there were no difference between Christian libertie and antichristian licentiousness ; but branded and defamed as superstitious , if not somewhat worse . So that I fear we may too truly take up the complaint of the Royal Psalmist I humbled my self and fasted , and put on Sackcloth , and it was turned to my reproof . The second way of mutual suffering with our Saviour , is by dying for him . This was the salt wherewith he seasoned his Disciples , and● it preserves their memories most sweet and fragrant to this very day . A matter not so gracious I confess unto flesh and blood , but such as may be entertained without great difficulty , in any heart that is truly Christian ; by any one who seriously considers how much the most that he can suffer for the sake of Christ , comes short of that which Christ hath suffered for the sake of man : he being immortal , and not subject unto death , unless he would ; we mortal , & of necessity to die , how much soever w● decline it . Death is a sleep , which first or last must bind up all our senses ; and in the bottom of the Grave we shall all be lodged . This all the difference , that some of us may be sooner had to bed , and not laid down so easily as the others are . Add unto this the comfortable words of Christ our Saviour , in St. Matthews Gospel , qui perdiderit animam suam propter me , he that loseth his life for my sake , shall be sure to finde it . And tell me then if thus to die , be not the readiest way to live for ever : if thus to venture all for the sake of Christ , be not the surest way to keep all from hazard , and to receive our own with usury . Thus must we be resolved , if ever , as God knowes how soon , there should be occasion : and though there never be occasion , ( as God grant there be not ) yet must we all be thus affected , at the least in voto . So doing , we are Martyrs though we do not suffer , and shall die whilest we live . And dying for him , whilest we live in our earthly Tabernacles ; we shall live with him when we die in his endless Glories . Which God of his great mercy vouchsafe unto us all . Amen . A SERMON PREACHED At WINDSOR , Jan. 25. 1641. JOHN 10. v. 27. My Sheep hear my voice , and I know them , and they follow me . THe Sheepherd and the Sheep are a kind of relatives , and there are mutual and reciprocal Offices to be done between them . The Sheepherd calls the Sheep by name , and they hear his voice ; he leads them in the way , and they follow him . This Sheepherd who it is we have seen already ; it is Christ our Saviour , the great Sheepherd of the Sheep as St. Paul ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or chief Sheepherd , as St. Peter calls him . But what need more be said of this , then what our Saviour hath affirmed in that kind before , who did not only take upon himself the name and office of a Sheepherd , but chalenged to himself the title of the good Sheepherd too , the best without all question that was ever known ; none ever laying down his life for the sheep but he . So for the sheep , look we but on our selves , we shall quickly finde them : we being all of us , oves manuum ejus , the sheep of his Hands , the workmanship of his Creation , & oves pascuae ejus the sheep of his pastures , fed and brought up by him in the works of godliness . And this the good Father Greg. N●ss . doth reckon as a principal part of our felicity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Christ doth cause us to be called his sheep , and feed us with the viands of eternal life . How farre our blessed Saviour hath discharged his Office , not only as a Sheepherd , but the good Sheepherd too , we have shewn already . Superat pars altera curae lanigeros agitare greges ; That which remains behind , doth concern our selves , the duties wherein we stand bound by the Lord our Sheepherd . For certainly , it is to be expected , that if he speak unto us , we should also hearken ; if he preach to us , we should practise . More then this he requires not of us ; and lesse then this we could not do , did he not require it . The hearing of his voyce when he speaks unto us , is an easie piety : and we should ill deserve the benefit even of outward sense , did we not hearken unto him who made the eare ; or lend an eare to him , who first gave it us . The following of his steps in the way of godliness , may perhaps seem an harder duty ; and yet of no such difficulty , if considered rightly , when he which leads the way doth support us in it . We shall ill finde the way to immortality , if we were left unto our selves ; who cast such doubts , and make such poor excuses to delay the journey , having so sure a Guide , such a brave Conductor , not only to direct us that we do not erre , but to sustain us also that we do not fall . These the chief duties which he looks for from us ; and these he gives us in the words now read unto you . Oves meae vocem meam audiunt , My Sheep hear my voyce , and follow me . These words , as they relate unto our selves , present unto us these three things to be considered . 1. The condition of Gods people , as they are represented to us in the name of sheep : first Oves , and then Oves meae , Christs Sheep , the sheep of his most blessed Pastures . 2. The duties here expected from them , which are audire & sequi , to hear and to follow ; or rather so to hear that we may follow the better . 3. We have the object of this duty , which is twofold also , vocem meam , me ; not my voice only , but my foot-steps too . These are the points to be considered ▪ beginning first with the condition of Gods people , as they are represented to us in the name of sheep : first single in themselves as Oves , then as united in one fold , under one chief Shepherd , oves meae , my sheep , the whole flock together . First then , Ovis est molle pecus , corpore inerme , animo placidum . The sheep is said by Isidore , to be a creature of a very meek and quiet nature , of great , both innocency and simplicity : disarmed , and so by consequence disabled from doing the least hurt or injury to any other . In this regard , our Saviour Christ was likened by the Prophet Esay , unto a sheep before the Shearer . Who though he was not only shorn , but fleeced ; nay both oppressed and afflicted , as the Text informs us : yet he indured it all with patience . He opened not his mouth , but was dumb before them ; reviling not again when he was reviled , nor using threatning words when he suffered wrongfully ; but withall , meekness and humility committed his whole cause to him who judgeth righteously . In this regard , our Saviour being to warn his followers of those false Prophets , which the Devil did intend to send amongst them , he lets them know that they should come in Sheeps cloathing , i. e. that they should be apparelled with all shewes of meekness , innocency and humility , and such like amiable qualities , such as win most on the affections of misguided men . Nay it is noted by Aquinas , in nomine Ovis innocentiam & simplicitatem per totam scripturam designari ; that through the whole body of the Scripture , innocency and simplicity are expressed unto us under the notion of the sheep . Which though perhaps it be not universally true ( as perhaps it may be ) yet doth it very well agree with the condition of the sheep , which is not only molle pecus , a creature of a mild and tender nature ; but for the most part white of color , quam dives nivei pecoris , as he in Virgil , which is the sign or robe of innocence . Such also are the sheep of our Saviours Pasture , walking in their vocation , as St. Paul adviseth , with all lowliness and meekness ; washing their hands in innocence with the ▪ Prophet David ; putting away high mindedness and pride , and arrogance , as things which are not competible with their Christian Calling . Our Saviour Christ hath not only taught us to be wise as Serpents , but to be innocent as Doves also . Nor hath he called upon us only that we be holy as he is holy , and per●ect , as our Father in Heaven is perfect : but he would have us learn of him , how to be meek and lowly of heart , ut requiem inveniamus animabus nostris , that we may finde rest unto our souls . Humility is the first step in that sacred ladder which reacheth up from Earth to Heaven ; and there we must begin our rise , if ever we intend to attain the top . And for the Gates of Heaven , they are strait and narrow , and can be entred only by the meek in heart , by the poor in spirit . It was the lowliness of the Virgin Mary that the Lord regarded ; the humble and the meek that he exalteth . The wise man Chilo , though an Heathen , could have taught us this . Who being asked what Jupiter did use to do , returned this answer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the very same with that of the Magnificat . Deposuit potentes de sede sua , He doth put down the mighty from their Seat , and doth exalt the humble and meek . Exalt them then he will , for himself hath said it ; and that not only in this world above their Brethren , but in the world to come amongst the Angels . That Christ who hath assured us this , that blessed are the meek in heart , for they shall inherit the Earth ; he also hath affirmed , that blessed are the poor in spirit , quoniam ipsorum est Regnum coelorum , for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven . These qualities of lowliness , meekness and humility , as they are at all times very necessary ; so most especially at that time , when we come to hear , to exercise that Office , and perform that duty which is here required . The proud man hates to be instructed , and the impatient will not brook a reprehension . The one thinks no man good enough to be his remembrancer ; the other storms and flies out into fury on the least reproof . The one thinks scorn to come to Christ , wh●lest he is preaching in the Temple , and such publick places ; They expect rather , and King Herod did in the holy Gospel , till he be brought unto their Houses : and then too , if they be not satisfied in their curiosities , they set him at naught , laugh at him to his very face , & veste alb● indutum illudunt , put the fools coat upon him , and so send him going . The other come about him like the Scribes and Pharisees , and hearken greedily to his words . But if he touch upon their vices , if he denounce a woe against them for their pride and arrogance , their covetousn●ss , hypocrisie , and desire of glory , they then take counsel presently , how they may destroy him . Neither of these are in a fit condition to repair to Christ ; or if they do , are like to get but little by their coming to him . Dirigit mansuetos in judicio ; they are the meek only whom God guides in judgement , the meek whom he instructeth in his holy wayes . In vain do they resort unto him to hear his voyce , who use to come with hardned , not with humbled hearts . But there 's another quality of the sheep , as necessary to the work of hearing on the Post●fact , as meekness and humility in the preparation , or a parte ante : which is the chewing of the Cud , as we use to call it . The Latines call it rumination . Illice sub nigra ▪ pallentes ruminat herb as , as the Poet hath it . And they derive that terme from the old word rumen , which signifies that little bag or ventricle , into the which it is conveyed before the second chewing of it ; or else as Servius hath it in his notes on Virgil , from the most prominent part of the throat , called Ruma , per quam demissus cibus revocatur , by which they do recall that food into their mouthes , which they had lodged within their stomacks . The reason of this rumination I regard not here , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It properly belongs to the Philosopher , and to him we leave it . All I shall note from hence is this , that ruminare by a Metaphor , is sometimes taken for in memoriam revocare , to call again to our remembrance : the recalling of such things into our memories , which either have been lost out of them , or mislaid in them , being much of the same nature in a man , as is the other in a Beast . The sheep comes hastily to feed , and in that hast , doth not so thorowly chew and prepare their food , and fit it for digestion , as do other creatures : but when the fury of their Appetite is a little slackned , they bestow upon it as it were a second eating , that it may be more perfectly concocted , and made fit for nourishment . Atque iterum pasto pascitur ante cibo , as it is in Ovid. And this no question is required in every one who doth desire to be accounted for a sheep of our Saviours Pasture , and comes with hast and hunger to hear his voyce . It was the Precept given by David to the great Kings Daughter , not to hear only , but to consider : hearken O Daughter and consider , Psal . 45. And ' ●was the greatest commendation of the Virgin Mary , a Daughter of the great King also , that she did keep the sayings of her Lord and Saviour , conferens in corde suo , and pondered them duly in her heart . This is that commanded by the Lord to his people Israel , that they should lay up his words in their hearts , and meditate on the same both day and night ; commended by St. Luke in the Beroeans , who did not only receive the Word with all readiness of mind , but carefully compared it with the holy Scriptures : and is indeed an excellent chewing of the cud , a profitable art of benefiting by the word revealed . For they who thus do chew the cud , are of all others the most likely , not only to preserve the word in their hearts and memories , but to observe it also in their words and actions . This is indeed the principal end both of our preaching and your hearing , ut ●a retineatis in mente , impleat is in opere , that you do keep it in your mindes , and manifest the same in your conversations . And happy were it with us all , did we imploy our memories to so good a purpose ; could we take counsel of the sheep , and learn this excellent art of chewing the cud as we ought to do ; for as it hapneth too too often , the soul hath never lesse command upon the memory , then in those things which appertain to its own salvation . Trifles and toyes , conceits and pleasant passages of wit float on the top thereof , and are still at hand . Posco & adsunt illico , as St. Austin hath it . But such things as concern Christs Kingdom and his holy words , these either are quite lost , and we look not after them , or so mislaid , we cannot find them . Such is the common frailty of us mortal men , that the best things are last learnt , and first forgotten . A frailty no way to be rectified , but by a frequent pondering of the word of God , a due revolving of it in our thoughts and memories : whether we read it in the Scrip●ures , or hear it published in our Churches . By doing whereof , we shall not only hear Gods Word , nor peruse it onely , nor onely keep it in our memories , as a tale or Story ; but turn the words thereof to works : and thereby verifie that good note of Bernard , Is legit rectè scripturas sanctas qui verba vertit in opera . This if we do , we shall come nearer to the condition of the sheep then before we were : which is a very profitable creature and exceeding fruitful of good works . For whereas it was either profit or pleasure which first brought Beasts into the service and acquaintance of man ; the sheep hath the preheminence of them all in the point of profit . Quadrupedum qua● utilitatis causa homines incluserunt , primas fuisse oves , saith Conradus Gesner . And certainly from that little creature , we have not only all things necessary for the life of man , but many things which are for pleasure and convenience . Thus have we Cloaths of courser wearing from their Skins , of finer from their Wooll ; meat from their flesh , medicine from their blood , and Musick from their Bowels . And when the Sun withdrawes his comfortable beames from the sight of man , we make our selves an artificial day by their fat and Tallow . Nay , they afford us an increase also , both of Bread and Beere ; and in some parts are beneficial to their Masters , in all the bounties of a Dairy . Ad cibum lac & caseum praebent . So Varro , and such others who have written of the arts of Husbandry . For further proof , consult the 25. of St. Matthews Gospel , where our Redeemer gives the sheep this commendation . I was ( saith he ) an hungry , and you gave me meat ; thirsty , and you gave me drink ; naked , and you cloathed me ; a stranger , and you took me in ; sick and in prison , and you came to visit me . Which as it doth express most fully the bountiful condition of the sheep , ( which questionless , is the most plentifull and liberal House-keeper of all creatures else : ) so doth it also shew , what kind of men they ought to be which are the sheep of our Redeemer , that most glorious Shepherd ; free in imparting all those blessings wherewith by his great mercies we have been inriched . But here some men may chance to say , what means have we of yielding any profit to our Lord and Master , the great Shepherd of our souls , as St. Peter calls him . He dwells not near us , that we should invite him to our Feasts or Banquets ; nor can we see him face to face , to make him partaker of our substance . But this , although it be a common , is a false pretence . God dwells amongst us in his poor , and in his Prophets ; and he expects that we be bountiful to them whom he hath substituted in his place , either as instruments of our edification , or objects of our liberality . The Prophet or the Priest , call him which you will , is in the Scriptures called a Sheepherd ; and all that are committed to his charge and care are his Sheep , his Flock . And doth not equity require and the Scriptures dictate , that he which feedèth the Flock , should also feed himself with the milk of the Flock , and sometimes cloath himself with the Fleece thereof ? The Law of nature and of Nations have resolved this case . And he must needs rebel against both of them , who grudgeth the poor Priest that maintenance which the Law allowes him ; or shall compel him to make up his full tale of bricks , and take away the straw and stubble which before he had . So for the poor , they also have a warrant dormant ; or if you will , a general Letter of Atturney , to receive our bounties ; and to receive them also in the name of God. Verily saith our Lord and Saviour to his blessed sheep , in as much as you have done these works of mercy unto the least of these my Brethren , ye have done them also unto me . An excellent motive unto bounty and the works of charity . There is another quality in the sheep , which Albertus speaks of , viz. that mutual love and correspondency which is between them . Oves se mutuò amant , & una condolet alteri , as he tells us of them . Some also have observed ▪ that if a sheep that 's strong and healthy do see another of the same Fold sick and fainting , Soli pro eadem se objicit , & umbram ei obtendit , he will stand betwixt him and the Sun , and keep him from the fury and the heats thereof . Which if it be so , as I have no reason to suspect the Authours , it is a sympathy full of scandal to the sonnes of men ; who for the most part , are so farre from making shade to the afflicted and oppressed , that if their ruine and destruction will any way conduce unto our advantage , we use to lay them in the Sun. Such miserable comforters were the friends of Job , who when they should have laboured to revive his spirits , endeavoured to afflict his conscience : and such the Ziphites unto David , instead of being a comfort to him in the time of his exile , they practise to deliver him into the hands of Saul . We are all of us apt enough to comply with one part of St. Pauls injunction , which is gaudere cum gaudentibus , to rejoyce with them that do rejoyce , to share with men in their prosperities , and be partakers of their glories ; and do it , though we be not bidden . But for the other part thereof , which is dolere cum dolentibus , to weep with them that weep , and bear a part in their affliction ; we will by no means yield to that , though we be intreated . In that quite contrary to the counsel of the wise Philosopher , who would have no man come uncalled to a friend or neighbour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in the times of his affliction and his adversity . Next , let us look upon the sheep , as they are a flock ; as they are Oves first in the plural number , and secondly , as Oves meae , my sheep , the sheep of Christ , a multitude , or number , under the command of one supreme Sheepherd . First , Oves in the plural number , otherwise Christ could have no Church , and the great Sheepherd would have never a Flock . One sheep can no more properly be called a Flock , then one Swallow may be said to make a Summer ; and on the other side , a multitude of sheep without rule or Government , is no more a flock , then several shreds of Cloth may be called a Garment . So is it also with the Church , one man though never so replenished with celestial Graces , cannot so properly be called a Church , as a Chappel of Ease : and multitudes of men that live not under one Lord , one Faith , one Baptisme , cannot with such propriety be termed a Church , as a confusion of opinions . To the making therefore of a Church , a Flock ; there is a number first required , and next an union or consolidation of those numbers . It s true , this number hath not been at all times eminent , nor equally conspicuous in all places ; and yet there have been still a number . Seven thousand knees there were in Israel , which Elijah knew not , that had not bowed themselves to Baal , and infinite numbers in the Realm of Judah , who never offered sacrifice to that wretched Idol ; visible Professors of Gods saving truths and devout worshippers of his holy name . Nor ever was the Church so destitu●e of the grace of God , as not to hold those necessary fundamental Doctrines which are required unto salvation : and those professed and taught in some place or other according to the will and pleasure of Almighty God. Since God first had a Church , there have still been numbers of Professors ; though more or lesse , according unto times and seasons , more in some places then in others , although not alwayes in such whole and sound condition , so free from erro● and corruptions as it ought to be . But number simply , is not so great a strength to the Church of God , as is the unity thereof . For as the holy Ghost in the Book of Psalms , compares the Church not unto men , but to a City , a City at unity in it self , and in the Canticles , not unto Souldiers , but an Army , an Army terrible with banners ; so doth he liken it not unto sheep , but to a flock , a flock new come from washing , in the same Song of Solomon ; a little flock , as himself calls it in St. Luke . And if a flock , it must be then united and collected into one Fold , under the leading and command of the same one Sheepherd : unum ●vile , and unus Pastor , being joyned together in this Chapter , v. 16. To finde this one Sheepherd who it is , we need seek no further then my Text , it is Christ our Saviour ; who therefore calleth them oves meas , his own sheep ; his as the chief sheepherd and proprietary , the Lord and owner of the flock . And this supreme and universal sheepherd we acknowledge gladly , and should account our selves in an ill condition were we not under his command , fed by his blessed Word and Sacraments , and safely sheltered under the wings of his protection . There is indeed another who pretends to this , this universal Empire over all the Flock : one who cries out with Polyphemus in the Poet , Hoc p●cus omne meum est , that all the sheep upon the Downs are his ; or like the sheepherd in the Eclogue , Mille meae Siculis errant in montibus Agnae , and so are all the Lambs on a thousand Hills . And whereas antiently it was conceived to be a perfect definition of the Church of Christ , viz. that it was a body of men professing one Lord , one Faith , one Baptisme : our Masters in the Church of Rome , have now added this , sub unius Christi in terris Vicarii , Romani Pont. that this collected body must be under the command of the Bishop of Rome . A patch subjoyned to the old definition of a Church , much like the piece of new Cloth put to an old Garment , which our Saviour speaketh of . That which is added to it to make up the rent , takes from the beauty of the Garment ; Et scissura fit pejor , saith the Text , the Schisme or rupture is made worse then before it was . For by this patch , this new addition , the Churches of the East which are large and numerous ; those of the Moscovites and A●thiopians , which are farre more entire , though not so populous ; and all the Churches also of the Reformation are cut off for ever from having any part in David , or hope of an inheritance in the sonne of Jesse . But with this new Divinity we have nought to do . We know but one chief Sheepherd onely , even the Lord Christ Jesus , whose voyce we are to hear , whom we ought to follow . If it be asked , whether the number or the unity of the flock , be the more considerable ; no question but we must determine it in behalf of unity . A small flock if it hold together , are lesse obnoxious to the Wolf , then multitudes of sheep dispersed and scattered without rule and order . Luporum insidiis oves minus patent , quod ita catervatim incedant , & à reliquis non aberrent , as mine Authour hath it . When the sheep keep together in a flock , a Body , the Wolf dare hardly meddle with them ; for it were madness in him to attempt a flock . But if he meet them single , or in scattered Companies , divided from the main Body of their fellows ; or otherwise stragling from the Fold : then takes he his advantage of them , and destroyes them utterly . As long as Dinah kept her self within the Sanctuary of her Fathers House , fenced by the valour of her Brethren , and guided by the counsels of a careful Parent ; it went well with her , she preserved her honour . But when the gadding humour took her , and she must needs abroad to see the Daughters of the Land ; she forthwith met with Sichem the Sonne of Hamor , who seized upon her and defiled her . And so it also is with the stragling Christian , such as do peevishly divide themselves from the Communion of the Church , and wander from the rest of that sacred Body ; They either fall into the jawes of the roaring Lion , who walkes about in expectation of his prey , seeking out whom he may devoure ; or else by hearkening to the voice of strangers , whom they should not follow , they make themselves a spoyl unto Theeves and Robbers . Keep we then all together in one Fold , one Flock ; and so we need not fear the violence of Satan , nor the power of Hell , nor any mischievous design of malicious men . And if we would preserve the spirit of unity in the bond of peace , we cannot do it with lesse hazard , nor with more assurance , then if we hearken diligently to the voyce of Christ , and tread with patience in his steps , which are the duties to be done , and come next in order to be handled . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sense of hearing ( saith our Master Aristotle ) is the sense of Discipline , that sense whereby we are made capable of learning ; and thereby gain unto our selves that knowledge , which could not be begotten with us by our Parents . We may upon the same grounds , call it the sense of salvation . For Fides ex auditu , Faith comes by hearing , saith St. Paul. And without faith , it is impossible we should be saved , because it is impossible that without faith we should please the Lord. Now no man brings this knowledge of , or this faith in Christ , into the World along with him ; nor can a man believe in the Sonne of God , into whose soul the Doctrine of belief is not distilled and infused through the outward senses . Faith , though an habit principally of the Lords infusing , yet requires somewhat on our parts to be done and acted , as hearing , reading , conference , and such like preparatives ; whereby our understandings are informed , and our mindes enlightned , and so prepared to entertain it . Besides , it is the observation of an ancient Father , that many faculties of the soul , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are likened and resembled to the outward members . Upon which ground , the eare may not improperly be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the spirituall mouth , by which we do receive both food and Physick for the languishing soul . It hath been noted of the sheep that it is naturally subject to the rot . Ossa minutatim morbo collapsa trahebat , as the Poet hath it . Which as it naturally doth arise from the moyst and flegmatick constitution of their bodies ; so is it then most frequent and predominant in them , when to the natural moysture of their bodies is added also the corrupt moysture of their Pastures . No way to help it or prevent it , but to change their Pastures , to lead them up unto the Mountains , to places of a sweet , but more wholsom Herbage . So is it also with us men , with our Saviours sheep . We are all rotten from the womb : in sin our Mothers have conceived us , saith the Royal Psalmist : but then most dangerously affected with it , when to the natural corruptness of our disposition are added also the diseases of our education : Crederes nos naturâ non tam improbos esse , nisi accederet etiam disciplina . But being thus diseased and ill-affected , what means is left us for the cure ? surely there is no other way to remedy the diseases of our conversation , but by the physick of the Word ; nor other way to make that physick efficacious , but by applying it to the ear , That is the mouth wherewith we must take down those potions which the Physitians of our souls have prescribed unto us . Next let us look upon the Word as it is our food , man living not by bread alone , but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God ; food fitted for all Ages and for all conditions . Are we but Novices in the things of God , but Babes of yesterday ? then it goes for milk . As new-born babes desire ye the sincere milk of the Word , that ye may grow thereby , so St. Peter hath it . Are ye of riper years and more setled judgments ? then it stands for meat . Strong meat belongs to them that are of full age , who have their senses exercised to discern both good and evil , so St. Paul hath told us . Are ye of curious tasts and affected palates ? then it is a banquet , a banquet of all others the most rich and nourishing . A banquet full of all Varieties ; in which there are both Sweet-meats to delight the Tast , Salsado's to revive the Palate , Tart stuff to set an edge upon the Appetite , Lenitives to open and unknit Obstructions , Cordials to heighten and advance our Spirits . And by what means do we become partakers of those heavenly Viands , but onely by the mouth of our Understanding ; auditu devorandus est hic panis , Intellectu devorandus , Fide digerendus . This sacred and celestial food must be first swallowed with our Ears , chewed with our Intellect or Understanding , and finally digested by our Faith , as Tertullian hath it : so that in each of those respects and in all together , Qui habet aures audire , audiat , He that hath ears to hear let him hear : and yet that 's not all . Not all assuredly , there 's no thought of that ; the way to Heaven were very easie if it should be so . There 's not a Scribe or Pharisee in all the Gospel but had been Sainted long before this time , if hearing onely in it self , ex opere operato , as the Schoolmen phrase it , could have brought them thither . They heard the voice of Christ , none oftner , but they onely heard it ; and in this place audire goes a little further . The hearing , as it is the sense of discipline , so was the ear ( the instrument of hearing ) of old times consecrated to the memory . Physici dicunt singulas corporis partes Numinibus consecratas esse , ut aurem Memoriae , frontem Genio , as Servius notes it upon Virgil . We must so hear then that we do remember , not make our ears a thorough-fare , and no more then so : and yet this is not all we must look to neither . Audire est credere & obedire , as mine author tells me . To hear is to believe and practise ; first to believe that what we heare delivered in the Word is true , and then to practise it as fit and necessary to be done : this is the hearing we must trust too if we look for Heaven . 'T is not the shutting of our eyes , and turning all the body into an ear that will save our soules ; there 's somewhat else which must be thought of . First to commit to memory those saving Doctrines which we have heard delivered from the Word of God , and next to express the power thereof in our lives and actions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in Oecumenius , with all alacrity of mind and spirit ; for not the hearers of the Word , but the doers of it shall be justified , so the Apostle to the Romans . Nor is it strange that hearing in the Book of God should be interpreted Obedience . It was the first quarrel which God had with Adam , quia audiisti vocem uxoris tuae , because he had hearkened to the voice of his wife . What , had God given her to him for a comfort , and doth he now find fault that he heard her speak ? what comfort can there be in a sullen woman ? in a dumb woman none at all . Not so : 't was not the hearing of Eves voice that the Lord condemned , but his obeying of the same , his yielding to her wanton motions , and attributing more unto her desires then to Gods Commandements . Audisti , i. e. adimplesti , to hearken there is to obey ; because thou hast obeyed the voice of thy wife , and willfully transgressed the precepts of the Lord thy God , therefore the Lord shall curs● the earth , and make thee labour for thy living ; so in the 1 of Samuel and the 15th Chapter , Melior est obedientia quàm victimae , to obey is better then sacrifice , and to hearken then the fat of Rams . Where auscultare & obedire to hearken and obey are plainly used as words of the same signification , the same in sense though not in sound ; and therefore when Almighty God did give this testimony of our Saviour , This is my beloved Son , in whom I am well pleased , and then immediately subjoyned audite ipsum , hear ye him , it is not to be thought that he required no more then their outward ears : That had been to invite his followers to that very fault which he blamed in others , which was audientes non audiunt , the people heard his word , and yet heard it not : i. e. they heard the Word but did not do it . They onely hear his Word aright , which do hear with profit : which if we do , we shall not onely hear his word as is here commanded , but shall so hear his voice as to follow him , which is most chiefly here intended ; but of this we shall speak more anon . In the mean time we must take notice of the object which we are to hear . Audite ipsum , hear ye him , so saith God the Father ▪ audite vocē meam , hear my voice , so saith God the Son , and both these are one . Ipse there , which is God the word , is here vox mea , or the word of God , both most apparently the same . Indeed it is not to be thought , that he which is the Word should more conveniently express himself in any other way then by his voice : for howsoever that of the Apostle be most unquestionably true , that God at sundry times and in divers manners spake in times past unto our Fathers by the Prophets , yet still we are at locutus est Deus , that God spake unto them , & speak he could not properly but by a voice ; nay , if we look upon it well , we shall surely find that the first external action ascribed to God in holy Scripture is dixit Dominus , the Lord spake ; and that was a miraculous kind of speech indeed , he spake not onely words but works . He spake the word and it was made , he said the word onely and they were created . From that time forwards unto this ▪ God never did express himself in a cleerer way then by that of speaking , either in dreams and visions as unto the Patriarcks , or Angelorum atque hominum ministerio , by the tongues of holy men and Angels , as unto the Jews , till in the last dayes locutus est nobis in filio , he spake unto us by his Son the heir of all things . This is that He , and his that Voice which we are to hear ; and well it is , and most agreeable to our infirmities that he should speak to us by a voice . For should he speak unto us now as at the giving of the Law in Sinai , in thunder and lightning , what flesh were able to abide it ? Or should he speak unto us in a cloud of darkness , & cum clangore Tubae , and with the sound of a Trumpet , what ear were able to endure it ? Speak thou unto us ( said the Jews to Moses ) and we will hear , but let not God speak to us lest we die , i. e. let not the Lord so speak unto us that we dare not hear , or shew himself in such a terrible way unto us , that we dare not approch unto him . Indeed it is not often that God speaks otherwise unto us , then in a still and gentle voice , such as the Jews call Bath-col , filia vocis , a small slender voice ; such as Job calleth vocem aurae lenis , a still silent voice ; such as may charme but not astonish , and which is fitter to invite attention then to excite our fears . Now of this truth we find a very pregnant instance in the history of Elijah , as it is represented to us in the Book of Kings , God called upon him to go forth and stand upon the Mount before him , & then it follows , And behold the Lord passed by , and a great strong wind rent the Mountains , and broke in peeces the Rocks before the Lord , but the Lord was not in the wind , and after the wind an Earthquake , but the Lord was not in the Earthquake ; and after the Earthquake a Fire , but the Lord was not in the Fire ; and after the Fire a still small Voice , sibilus aurae tenuis , as the vulgar hath it , and in that voice the Lord appeared unto the Prophet , and signified his will unto him . Which , as it doth most excellently expresse the manner of Gods speaking to his people in the former times , so is it , as it were , as history of those wayes and means by which the Lord hath spoke to us ( to us particularly of this Nation ) in these latter dayes . The time was when the Lord passed by us in a mighty wind , a wind that blew down violently before it those majestick structures which had been consecrated anciently to religious uses and the service of God , but sure God was not in that wind ; next he passed by us in an Earthquake in King Edwards dayes , an Earthquake or Commotion as the vulgar reads it , by which the very foundations of the State were almost utterly subverted by rebellions , and the whole fabrick of the Government dissolved by potent factions , At non in Commotione Dominus , but the Lord was not in that Earthquake . Post commotionem Ignis , after the Earthquake came a Fire , a cruel and devouring Fire , a Fire more raging then the Babylonian Furnace , not heated for three onely but for thrice three hundred ; a Fire intended for the utter ruine of Gods Saints and Servants , though it proved rather in the event a fiery Chariot , such as was that provided for Elijah , for their conveyance into Heaven , At non in igne Dominus , I am sure God was not in that Fire . At last he shewed himself unto us in sibilo aurae tenuis , in a still small voice ; a voice of comfort and of consolation , a voice which for these eighty years hath spoken far better things unto us then the blood of Abel : a voice which we must hearken to with fear and reverence , as did Elijah to that still small voice which appeared unto him , as being vox Dei there , and vox mea here , no difference at all between them . But what may some men chance to say , How shall we know whether the voice that speaks unto us , and which we go so greedily to hear , be the vox mea of the Text , since every one pretends to the like Commission , and hath a dixit Dominus in his mouth , be he who he will ? The readiest way to satisfie this doubt , is to look back upon the story of Elijah , and resolve our selves : for if the Preacher speak unto you in a still small voice , if he deliver nothing to you but the truth with soberness , verba veritatis & sobrietatis as the Apostle calls them , then doubt you not but God is present in that voice , and t is your Christian duty to give ear unto it : but if he speak unto you in Fires and Earthquakes , in Storms and Tempests , or like the sons of Boanerges call for fire from Heaven , it is a shrewd conjecture that God is not there . Those voices savour of a different spirit from the Lord our Sheepherd , whose lips dropped Myrrhe , who spake unto his people in so mild a way , that his reproofs were gentle , his corrections sweet . No Fire , nor Storm , nor Earthquake in that sacred voice wherein he speaks unto his Flocks , nor can it stand indeed with his pastoral Office , or with the safety of his sheep that it should be otherwise . The sheep is naturally of a timorous and weak condition , easily frighted from their food should they be terrified with the cries of Wolves , though false and counterfeit ; or the continual barking of the dogs , though perhaps their own . In which regard the Poets often represent the Sheepherd with his pipe and songs , and his flocks feeding round about him , Stant & oves circum , &c. Such is the voice we are to hear , a still silent voice , vox aurae lenis , or sib●lus aurae tenuis , a still small voice , a voice proceeding from a meek and humble spirit : and yet it is not vox & preterea nihil , not a bare voice onely which we are to hear , but there 's a guide also whom we are to follow ; audire vocem ejus will not serve the turn , if we do not sequi . The voice but leads us on to him whom we ought to follow , and we are bound to hear his voice for no other reason , but that we may the better know how to follow him , my next particular and very briefly to be handled . Oves meae vocem meam audiunt , & sequuntur me , my sheep hear my voice and they follow me , i. e. they do so hear his voice as to follow him . They stand not gazing after him like men astonished , as did the men of Galilee at his ascention , or as Elisha did upon Elijah at his assumption , but are still going and in motion , if they follow him . And if we follow him as we ought to do , in all the paths of piety and vertue which he hath pleased to lead before us , we shall be hearers of his voice , there 's no doubt of that , and hearers of it to the purpose . And I said well , if we do follow him through all the paths of piety and vertue which he hath pleased to lead before us : for many things our Saviour did , in which it is impossible we should follow him ; or else not necessary if we could . Miracles , and such works of wonder as he wrought daily by the power of his Divinity , are objects of our Faith onely and our admiration ; and in these we cannot follow him . Particular actions , whether of Ceremonie , as his sitting whilst he taught the people ; or Circumstance , as his administring the Sacrament in an upper Chamber , are left arbitrary ; and in these we need not follow him . But in all Morall duties whatsoever , as Prayer , and Fasting , and Alms-deeds , in pardoning such offences as are done unto us , and humbling our selves under the mighty hand of God ; in these he hath commanded an obedient imitation , and in all those we ought to follow him . If therefore Christ hath taken up his Crosse , and is gone before us , it is no small part of our obedience to take up our Crosses also , and to follow after . Oportet primum haec pati , we must first suffer all these things , Afflictions , Persecutions , Buffetings , Revilings , yea and Death it self before we enter into glory . As he hath led the way before us in all the works of Godliness and the fruits of Mercy , what better can become us then to do so too ? to tread in his most sacred steps as he makes us able : Himself hath so commanded , and we must obey , Be ye followers of God as dear children , saith the great Apostle , i. e. as children love to imitate the gestures , speech , and other actions of their Parents , so must we follow the example of our heavenly Father , sequimurque patrem non passibus aequis . St. Peter to the self same purpose , that Christ hath left us an example , ut sequamur vestigia ejus , that we should follow his steps . And though St. Paul doth in another place exhort those of Corinth that they should be followers of him , yet he subjoyned this limitation , sicut ego Christi , as I am of Christ . Were it not for this tie , sicut ego Christi , we might be Pharisees in our youth , and Persecutors in our age , ( as too many have been ) and justifie our selves in both by St. Pauls example . So that however that of the Poet be exceeding true , vivitur exemplo melius , that men are guided easier by example then they are by precept , yet it concerns us all to be very careful in choosing of the patterns which we mean to imitate ; and not to follow any man how great soever , further then he doth follow Christ the chief Lord of all . And certainly our Saviour did not limit and restrain this duty , and tie it to himself alone without special reason . He knew , none better , the faulty humour of the sheep ; how apt they are ( out of their natural inclination ) to run that way which some of their unruly fellows have first led before them , though contrary to the direction of their Sheepherd , and many times to their own ruine and destruction . Ubi mares viam ducunt , reliquus grex facilè sequetur . Aristotle long ago did observe this in them , in his Historia Animalium , and it holds good still in our own observation . Thus is it also with us men , we are all apt to follow bad example , especially the example of some noted Bell-wether ; and few there are which are not very much in love with the faults and errors of their betters : which as it may advise all those of more eminent ranck , to have a special care of their wayes and actions , because their actions many times are made exemplary , so may it lessen those of the lower sort , that to be governed by the example of frail sinful men , is at the best a simple and sheepish quality . O Imitatores stultum pecus , said the Poet truely , the reason is because the best men have been guilty of notorious crimes , and therefore should we make their lives a general pattern unto ours , we may be drunk with Noah , and incestuous with Lot , swearers with Joseph , Murderers with David , Idolaters with Solomon , Persecutors with Paul , Deniers of the Lord with Peter , and indeed what not . 'T is not sequuntur then which is here commanded , an art of Imitation onely which is here required , for then our Saviour had not told us in their commendation , Alienum autem non sequuntur , that they would not follow after strangers . 'T is the word me that makes all sure , the following of the Lord our Sheepherd , and of none but him , which in the end will bring us unto life eternal . He is the carkase which is gone before us , and we the Eagles that must follow after him , and follow after him to that place where our reward is gone before , and provided for us : For doubt we not but if we follow our most gracious Sheepherd in all those paths of grace and godliness which he hath gone before us in this present world , but we shall also follow the Lamb whether soever he shall go in the world to come . And yet I must not leave my Text : there is one word more to be considered , and such a word as is of special use and efficacy to move vs to the following of our Saviour , and of none but him , and this is Et cognosco eas , and I know the sheep . A knowledge not in general onely , how many and how fat they are , of what size and colour , which every one may quickly know as well as he , but a particular knowledge of their several states , of their strength or feeblenesse , how they have prospered in his pastures , to what infirmities they are subject , and the way to cure them . A knowledge so exact and punctual , as to know them every one by name , & proprias oves vocat nominatim , he calls them every one by name , in the third of this Chapter ; such as ascertains them of his favour here and his glories hereafter . For Dominus novit qui sunt sui , The Lord knows who are his , saith the great Apostle ; and this he terms fundamentum firmum & signaculum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek text hath it , the sure foundation and the seal of our Christian hope ; the sheep-mark if I may so call it , of the heavenly sheepherd : more then this yet : It is a knowledg which begets a mutual confidence and acquaintance in and with one another : I am the good sheepherd and know my sheep , and am known of mine , ver . 14. He knows them so as to take special notice of them , and to observe whether they follow him or not , as they ought to do . Not one of them can go astray but his eye is on him , nor hide himself so closely that he cannot find him ; and having found him at the last , will either bring him back to the fold in triumph , or leave him if he find no hope of his reduction , with some brand or other that all the rest may be admonished to forbear his company . And they so know him on the other side as to rest assur'd that he will lead them in no other paths then the paths of righteousnesse , nor conduct them unto any other pastures then the green pastures of the Word , or drive them to any other waters then the waters of comfort , whereof David speaks . No Vallie of the shadow of Death , no dreadful Precipice , no dangerous or uncomfortable walk to be feared at all , if we take care to follow him : they are all sure enough of that , and this assurance doth proceed from cognosco eas , that knowledg which he is pleased to take of his sheep particularly , and to vouchsafe them of himself and his favours towards them . Follow him then we may with safety , for he will lead us onely in the way to Heaven ; and follow him we must with care , for he takes notice of our wandrings , of going astray ; and follow him we must both with hope and confidence , for he knows our frailty , and will provide us of all necessaries for so long a journey . And then we may be sure of this , that as we do our best to follow him in the paths of righteousness , so he will do his part ( for he knows our hearts ) that Grace and Mercy shall attend us in the course of this life , and bring us in conclusion to the house of the Lord our God , where we shall dwell for evermore : and to this house God of his grace and mer●y bring us all even for Christ his sake ; to whom with God the Father and the Holy Ghost , be ascribed all Honor , Praise and Glory , now and ever more , Amen . FINIS . ERRATA . PAg. 6. l. 28. for surdore r. sudore . p. 15. l. 22. for of those r. so of those . p. 24. l. 23. for witness r. witnesses , &c. p. 30. l. 19. dele no. p. 31. l. 20. for and r. amongst . p. 35. l. 11. for as r. it . p. 38. l. 13. for presipus r. praecipuus . p. 99. l. 13. for endures r. endeare . p. 123. l. 12. de . sive . p. 124. l. 31. de . lo. p. 140. l. 8. for Justantius r. Instantius . p. 142. l. 17. for Geneva r. from Geneva . p. ib. l. 30. for tare r. tuae . p. 146. l. 25. for quia r. quae . p. 183. l. 16. for might r. have . p. 210. l. 6. for utterly r. bitterly . p. 211. l. 30. for lowly r. lovly . p. 315. l. 29. for is r. as . p. 223. l. 22. for evil r. those evils . p. 235. l. 21. for another r. wherein thou judgest another . p. 236. l. 13. for for r. and for . p. 257. l. 2. for some r. but. p. 262. l. 26. for Rescindendum r. Recidendum . p. 268. l 26. for here r. there . p. 272. l. 1. for 7000 r. 70000. p. 290. l. 14. for false r. half . p. 312. l. 31. for promised r. premised . p. 314. l. 13. for faces r. faces and tongues . p. 327. l. 17. for much r. so much . p. 344. l. 11. for as flesh r. as one flesh . p. 347. l. 23. for Thumes r. Thamus . Ibid. l. 28. for when r. whom . p. 356. for yet r. yet if the. TO THE READER . Reader , THou hast here a few Questions proposed by one , who desires to lye lowe in his own eyes : and after all his Reading , rather to doubt , ( doubting is no more the way to errour , than to truth ) than to assert . I know not how long thou mayest be in perusing them , I am certain they were not long in penning : yet this thou mayest be secured of , tha● the citations here are not obtruded upon thee a● second hand , being not transcribed out of men that mis●lledged them , but fetched from their Originall Authors . H●●●ho queried , did not so much as trust 〈…〉 , or juvenile collection , but brought all 〈…〉 by a faithfull reveiw . The interrogatories 〈◊〉 of such ●●men● , that he thought they might deserve a satisfactory answer : and he had observed that neither the P●lpiteers , nor VVriters of these tim●s did contribute by their labours any thing towards such conscience-work , though the posture of their Affairs require it . He thought fit in his questions , to produce such testimonines as made for the Negative and Heterodoxe part . Vnto which process he was enclined by severall reasons : One is , because that the generall prejudices of many in this age , are such , that if he had not done this , they would not have thought these things questionable . Secondly , he had a tender regard to those who have made the subject of these queries to be their Assertions : in the behalf of these , he did set down what you see , that their Opponents ( though they pride themselves with the conceipt of learning and esteem of others as illiterate ) may at last own them for less than fanaticall and groundless Opinionists . He did not alledge any proofes for the other part ▪ both because he knew that others would do that for him ; as also because he had not that esteem for quotations to the contrary , which he had for these : not that he is much prepossessed through prejudice , but upon an old protestant consideration , that records and presidents differing from the received ways and interests of men , are more to be regarded from any that make for them ; since the forgeryes and falsifications of precedent Ages make it propable , that such passages might be inserted and foysted in , but why or how these should be adulterated he did not see . Even in matters of common transaction , in our English Courts of judicature , he thought he had been told , that one precedent or verdict against the juri●diction of a Court is of more validity than a thousand for it : because it is supposed that none will , contrary to right and equity , infringe their own power . Further ; if any should oppose the sayings of others in the behalf of humane learning , to what he had vouched , he hoped they would produce them out of Authors contemporaries with his , or else they should not imagine that he would think any such averrements to be contradictory to what his query may seemingly assert , nor yet satisfactory to the question , nor doth he think ( and. Heraldus , Ouzelius and others concurr with him herein ) that out of Antiquty they can alledg any such quotations . If they oppose his query with the practise and use of humane learning which is found in Clem. Alexandr . Orig. Tertullian , Lactantius , Arnobius , Minucius Felix , &c. He shall not think such dealing to be fair : since the question is what was their judgment ? not what they did practise ? Of the latter no man will suppose the querist to be ignorant ; and if any should , yet would the Objection be of no value , untill they shall evince that every man did in those times live up to the light he had ; and acted as he spake . He thinks it may have been with the Ancients as with [ Vega ] that excellent methodest in Physick , who being sick of a feavour , a friend visited him , & found him drinking wine ; whereupon he charged him with having formerly prohibited the use thereof in feavours by his writings : The infirme replyed , in my books you see the practise of Physick , but in me the practise of Physicians . He supposes that after persons have been brought over from Paganisme to Christianity , something may stick by them , as an ill scent may when one comes out of a jakes , yet that is their failing , not their justification . If Moses learnt the Egyptian skill , it was whilst he remained in Pharaoh's Court : And so Paul was learned in Heathen Authors , but it was before he came to the School of Christ , he hath used them but three or four times in his works , whereas now they are more frequent than Texts of Scripture . Athanasius against the Gentiles , saith the Scriptures are sufficient to declare the truth of themselves ; and that if his friend Macarius did read other Religious writers , It was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a lover of ●legance , not as a lover of Christ . Other things there were which he saw might be objected , which he will not now insist upon , having weighed them in the ballances and found them light . About the call of the Ministry and the first Reformers , he hopes not to be opposed with the afterjudgment of Luther , or the rest . He is not of their Opinion , who thinke the first reformers did use that Artifice of bending a crooked stick , as much the other way , that so it may at least become straight . Such dealings are not to be admitted in the service of our God , who is a consuming fire : It is to charge them with a great hypocrisie ( since they never owned any such actions , but delivered all as precious and glorious Truths ) and to make them guilty of the ruine of those poor souls , who dyed in the profession of a belief their teachers did not intend them . In fine , it is to make the first Reformation as bad ( or not much better ) a way as th●t of Popery , and all that embraces it , and adhere thereunto , to be in a different only , and sinfull estate . It is a slur to the greatest wonder God hath produced after the Churches being 1200. years in the Wilderness : How much more ought we to prejudge all succeeding times from their Doctrines ? and having such pregnant motives to believe they were spirited by God , let us impute their after-change to failings upon carnall considerations , when Luther went to settle himself Pope in Germany , and his writings were advanced as the test of truth ; and an Oligarchy of Ministers setled elsewhere . Let us owe our Reformation to God and not Belial or Antichrist , to the call and excitement of the former , not consecration of the latter . Let us acknowledge their zeal , their chatity & those more glorious principles of spirituall graces , rather than prudentiall contrivements . Are not those there first works which are here quoted ? are not those the works by which Luther said he would have men and Angels tryed ? If you say , that there is a difference betwixt a Church setled and unsetled : a question will arise ( if that can be questioned ) whether the Papists did not say their church was then setled ? and whether any settlement politicall will suffice to debarr those actings ? for then the first Reformers , yea , first Christians , and Christ himself , all are cast . If only what is a settlement of truth , or Gospel-settlement be intended , doth not this resolve all into a tryall of doctrines ? & a proof that the present way is the sole Gospel-way ? Which whosoever shall avow , he need not want employment for his thoughts from the severall writings of Papists , Episcoparians , Presbyterians , Independents , &c. however the Questionist should rest . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A86299-e2470 In Matth. 13. v. 3. In Matth. 13. Lib. 5. c. 1. In Mat. 13. Luk. 14. 16. Matth. 22. 2. Matth. 5. 1 Kings . Joh. 16. 29. De Doct. Ch. l. 2. c. 3. in locum . Ovid. met . lib. 1. Georgic . l. ● . Gen. 4. 2. Lib. de Agricultura . Joh. 10. 11. 1 Pet. 5. 4. 2. 25. Gen. 4. 2 Chron. 26. 10. Hist . Rom. l. 1. c. 11. v. 1. Joh. 5. 17. Augustine . J●h . 5. Joh. 6 61. Gen. 3. 15. Tertul. Exod. 21. 1. cap. 1. v. 9. c. 3. v. 17. Heb. 1. 1. 2. v. 37. Matth. 28. v. 20. In locum . Ephes . 4. v. 11 , 12. 1 Cor. 3. 9. 1 Cor. 3. 6. Ovid. Plautus . Metam . l. 1. Bu●ling . In Matth. 13. Homil. in Matth. 3. James 1. v. 13 , 14. Eusebius Hist . 5. 19. Aug. de haeres . c. 35. Ibid. c. 70. Ibid. c. 15. De Gen. ad lit . l. 2. c. 17. Calv. Instruct . adv . Libertinos . In Quintino . Plutarch in Caesare . Calv. Institut . l. 3. c. 23. Se. 7. De Civit. l 5. c. 1. Joh. 3. 16 , 17. 1 Joh. 2. 2. 1 Joh. 2. 2. Acts 2. 3 , 11. Mark 16. 15. Aene. l. 1. Notes for div A86299-e6150 In Octav. In locum . L●ctant . de qusecio de c. 20. Lact. ibid. Gen. 3. In locum . Tacit. Annal. l. 13. Hist . l. 58. Homil. Quòd Deus non sit autor peccati . Origen . Origen . Heb. 1. Dial. cum Tryphone . Lib. 5. c. 3. Euseb . hist . l. 9. c. 4. 2 Cor. 11. 14 , 15. Minut. Fe● . a Strom. l. 6. b In locum . c Hist . Eccle. d. 3. c. 26. d Tom. 2. p. 318. gl . eh In locum . i Hexaem . hom . 5. k In locum . l qu. Evang. in Matth. m Epist . 3. l. 3. n qu. 22. ad Orthod . v. 38. Hemingius in Postill . In locum . Ovid. E●hico●um . l. 1. c. 7. In locum . Nat. Hist . l. 18. c. 17. l. 4 : c. 24. Hist . Plant. l. 9. Prov. 4. 17. & 20. 17. & 23. Esay 19. 14. Cap. ult . Rom. 1. 28. ●ugust . de ●eres . c. 1. Matth. 16. 1 Cor. 5. v. 8. De caus . Plantarum , l. 5. 22. In locum . In locum . Hist . Con. T●id . Vi●gil . I● locum . a Qu. Evang●● . in Mat. b In locum . c Eus●b . hist . l. 3. c. 26. I● locum . In locum . Orat. 46. Socrat. Hist . l. 5. c. 8. Ennead . 9. In Chronolog . S●rm . 33. & 37. in Cant. Pluta●ch . Chronol . Aug. de ●ivit . l. 2. 4. Notes for div A86299-e10200 Seneca . Lactan. l. 3. 17. Horace . In locum . In Matth. 13. In Pseudo lo. Cap. 15. Cap. Lib. 1. In initio . Bell●rm . de Eccl l. 4. c. 5. Mark 4. Luke 17. v. 20. Cap. 1. D● facultate al. mon. l. 4. Antiqu. l. 13. c. 18. Eph. 4. 19. Notes for div A86299-e13110 Cyprian . Ethicorum l. 8. c. 10. Lactant. De R. P. l. 4. c. 5. De Jurisd . Eccl. c. 7. 1 Cor. 7. 7. De Excel . V. c. 1. Notes for div A86299-e16400 ●yprian . Vill. Paterculque . Lact. l. 3. c. 28. Psal . 121. Minut. Felix . Ierenaeus . Jerem. c. 6. 68. Tull. pro Marcello . v. 28. I● vita Agricolae . Ovid. In Matth. 13. Bellar. l. 4. c. 5. l. 2. cont . gentes . De legib . & longa cons●ctud . Rom. 13. v. 1. Livie . Pacian . Epist . fo● . ●00 . Epist Calv. ad Bulling . fol. 98. Lat. p. 47. Mel. Epist . Anno 1553. Spalat . shifting , &c. p. 90. & pag 41. In Epist . ad Buceri censaram . Hist . Scot. lib. 19. Arist . Eth. Ann. Eliz. Anno 1561. Lucan : Haeres . 75. n. 3. Ibid. Cont. haer : cap. 9. cap. 41. num . 3. De haeres . cap. 53. Ep●phan . hae●es . 75. n. 3. Ibid. Dieter . con ▪ Lam. p●d . Consens . Eccl. Pol : Apologer : Haeres . 19 : n. 3. De schism . Donatist . lib. 1. lib. 4. Id. p. 122. Id. ibid. p● 522. Id. l. 1. Id. l. 3. Id. l. 1● Cambd : in Annal. Anno 1573. P : Studley looking-gl . of Schisme . Hist . l. 1 : Aug. de haeres . c. 10 ▪ Id. ibid : Calv : Instit . Piscat . ad Vorstium . Baner . of l. 3. c 9. Sulpit. Sever. hist . l. 1. Adv. Pelag. l. 1. D. Burges . Numb . 10. 1 , 2. De Jure Regni . Epiph. haeress . 29. n. 6. Id. haeres . 76. n. 4. August . de haere● . c. 40. Notes for div A86299-e20490 Minut. Felix . In locum . De Art Poet. M●tam . lib. 1. Lib. 5. c. 19. Minu● . Id. ibid. Minut. Origen . in Mat. 13. cap. 6. v. 3. De civitar . Dei. l. 12. c. 3. Id. ibid. Isaiah 14. v. 4. August . de civ vit . l. 12. c. 3. Gen. 3 : Minut. Fel. Diog. Laert. in vir . Socrat. Job c. 1. &c. Apocal. c. 12. 1 : &c. Apocal. c. 12 : v. 7. 9. Patercul . hist . l. 2. Just . Martyr . Apol. ●n Mat. 13. cap. 64. c : 4. v. 18. In locum . Epiphan . Horar : de arte . Epiphan . haeres . 75. num . 1. Gen. 3. Ep● . ad . Acts 8. v. 10. De Discip . Eccl. p. 141 , 143. Acts 4 : Epl. cont : Fundan . Manicha . cap. 6. Se●m . 65. in Cantu . Acts 17 ▪ 21● Ibid. v. 18. Tacit. Pe●sius . 1 Tim. c. 6. v. 10. Titus . c. 1. v. 11 : Chemnit . Exam. C. Tr. Euseb . hist . 1. 5. cap. 14. August . de haeres . 53. haeres . 74. n● 1. Ibid : Id. ibid. In vita Agric. Ap●cal . c. 20. v. 2. Annls. Anno 900. 1. In Chronolog . In Chron. Gloss . ord . in Mat. 13. v. 25. de Sacrament . l. 6. c. 4. Against Jewel . Art. ● . S. 7. Syn. Trid. Sess . 22. Can. 8. Art. 2. S. 8. Ibid. S. ●8 . De legit . usu . Eucharist . l. 10 Malach● Div. Inst : l. 4. c. 3. Noct. Att. Gen. 3 : S. August . de haeres . c. 1. Id. c. 27. Sulpitius Sever . l. 2. Horat. de Arte. 2 Tim. 3. v. 6● Notes for div A86299-e24310 Velleius Pater● . l. 2. Gorran : in locum . v. 27. v. 28. Lyran. in locum . Lactant. l. 3. c 8. Martial . Ovid : Plutarch . in Pomp. Numb . 12. 3. Esay c. ● . v. 8. Matth. 28. Id. cap. 10. Luk. 22 : S●crat . hist . ●lccl . Lib. ● . Ep. 32. Id O●● . 5. Socr. hist . l. 6. c. 5. Hist . Conc. Trid. l. 1. Patercul . hist . l. 2. Deut. 31. 6. 2 Chron. 32. 7. Augustin . Contr. Adamant . c. 13. Tho. A qu. 1 , 2. qu. 8. S. 4. Ps . 119. v. 139. Psal . 39. v. 9. Tract . 10. in Joh. Lyran. in Mat. 13. Gorran in locum . Chrysost . in Matth. Theophyl . in cund . Matth. 16. Joh. ●0 . v. 23. 1 Cor. c. 5. v. 5. Matth. 18. Serm. 2. Stapleton . in Promp● . Luk. ● . v. 54. v. 55 : Tacitus in vit . Agric. Stapleton in Prompt . August . Confess . l. 8. c. 5. Id. Ibid. Lucan . l. 1. Psal . 95. Tacitus . hist . l. 1. Id. Ibid. Ambrose . Chrysost . Mat. 8. v. 9. Taci●us hist . l. 1 ▪ Chrysost . in Matth. Tacitus hist . l. 1. Luk. 9. Notes for div A86299-e27810 Velleius Patercul . 1 Cor. 2. v. 16 : Rom. 11. 34. Cicurella in Sixto . Qu. Velleius Patere . Hieron . in Matth : Mat. 16. v. 21. Chrysost . in Matth. v. 23. Luk. 9 ▪ v. 54. v. 55. 1 Sam. 24. v. 4. 2 Sam. 19. 21. &c. 2 Sam. 19. v. 21 , 2● . &c. Luk. 22. v. 49 : Grotius Annotat. Rom. 9. 20. Ovidii Metam . l. 1. Rom. 13 : 2. Velleius hist . l. 2. 2 King. 17. 23. Histor . l. 4. Tullius . Velleiu . l. 2. Tacitus Annal. l. 6. Ovid. Minsiner . in Institut . lib. 1. tit . 9. Mat. 8. v. 9. Lactant. l. 1. c. 1 ▪ The●ph . in locum . Chrysost . in Matth. Minut. Fel. Apol. Id. ibid. V. the 2d Sermon on this Parable . Min. Fel. Histor . Albigens . Necessar . Respons . Ibid. Jo. Durant . Lucan . Lactant. lib. 5. c. 20. Theophy●act . in locum . Virgil. 2 Tim. 3. 18. Tit. 1. 9. Ezech. 34. August . Eph. 50. Ro● . 3. v. 2. 4. Sleidan Comment . 1. Luc. Psal . 45 : In locum . Athanas . Homil. de Semente . Id ibid. Cent. 1. Acts 17. 18. Justin M. Acts 12. 2 , 3. J●h . 7. v. 34. 1 Cor. 13. Bernard . Whitak . Contr. 2. qu. 5. c. 8. Basil in H●xan . 4. Aretius . Hist . de Plantis . l. 8. c. 8. Aretius in locum . De facult . Aliment . l. 1. c. ult . De causis Plant. l. 2. c. 21. D● facult . Aliment . l. 1. c. ult . Quaest . Evan. l. 3. c. 12. Tertul ▪ Stapl●ton . Gorran . Question . Evangel . Chrysol . Ser. 97. Stapleton in Prompt . Hierom. Ezek. 28. 27. Rom. 9. v. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 21. Rom. 2. v. 4. Rom. 2. v. 1 , 2. Notes for div A86299-e31630 Institut . div : l. 7. c. 4. 1 Cor. 1. 20. 1 Cor. 13. 12. 1 Cor. 13. 9. v. 29. Tull. v. 7. Matth. 3. In locum . v. 14. c. 51. v. 30. Beza in Heb. 9. Matth. 3. Esay 17. 5. Psal . 2. 2 Pet. 2. v. 4 ▪ Gen. 6. v. 2 , 5. Gen. 7. Ezek. 16. Ovid. Gen. 18. 21. Gen. 19. Exod. 14. Gen. 15. 16. Esay 17. 5. & 51. 33. Euseb . hist . l. 3. c. 5. Apoc. ● . 9 , 10 , 11. Fox in the Acts & Mon. Vincent . Lerinens . Calvin . Psal . 122. Psal . 2. De Civit. D●i l. 1. c. 8. Horat. de Arte Poet. De Civit. Dei , l. 14. c. 17. Tacit. Annal. l. 1. 1 Cor. 11. 19. v. 7. G●otius in Matth. 13. August . Tacit. Annal. 1 Cor. 11. 19. August . 2 Sam c. 17 , 18. Lucan . Phars . De praescript . advers . haeres . in Matth. 13. Ephes . 6. 1 Tim. 1. v. 19 , 20. Grotius in Matth. 13. Chrysost . in Mat. 13. Bract●on . Rom. 13. De Laicis l. 3. c. 21. 2 Pet. 2. 22 Acts 5. Bez. ibid. August . in Ep. l. 48. Bellarm. de Laic . l. 3. c. 21. Sulpit. Sever. hist . sacr . l. 2. Zonar . Annal. Eccl. Levit. 24. v. 16. Deut. 13. v. 1. &c. Matth. ●6 . v. 65 , 66. Nic. hor. hist . Eccl. Metam . l. 1. Plutarch . in Solo● . Hist . Sacr. l. 2. Aug. de Civit. l. 1. Mat. 3. 12. Mat. 25. 33. Mat. 13. 47. 2 Tim. 2. 20. Beauxamis in locum . 1 Cor. 3. 12. In Collat. cont● ▪ Donatist . Eph. 6. 27. 2 Tim. 2. 19. 〈◊〉 . ●8 . v. 〈◊〉 . Insti●u● . l. 4. c. 1. Epla . 3. l. 3 ▪ Gen. 4. 8. 9. 22. 21 9 25. 31. 49. 4 , 5. Acts 1. Joh. 19. 39. 2 Tim. 4 10. Acts 6. 5. Apoc. 2. 15. Acts 8. v. 13 , 15. Apoc. c. 2. & 3. Sozomen . l. 1. c. 21. Stapleton in locum . Gen. 30. 27. 39. 5. 18. 32. Gen. 12. 10. 3● . & 42. Exod. 8. 22. Mat. ●4 . 22. Gloss . Ord. Psal . 39. Tertul. Apolog. c. 2. Gloss . O●d . Mat. 5. 45. Psal . 145. 16. Heb. 11. 6. Aug. de civit . l. 22. Notes for div A86299-e36760 Vellcius hist . l. ● . Chrysost . in Mat. 13. Id. ibid. Id. ibid. Patercul . hist . l. 2. in Mat. c. 13. Gen. 19. v. 13. Ps . 78. 49 , 50. Bellar. & Lorin : in Ps . 77. 2 King. 19. v. 35. Act. 12. 2 , 3. 23. l. 2. c. 17. Gen. 6. v. 17. v. 24 , 27. Tostat . in Exod. 14. Id. in Jos . 10. qu. 8. H. b. 1. v. 14. Jos . 5. 15. Exod. 14. v. 22. Tostat . in in Exod 14. Id. in Jos . 3. P. Mart. 2 King. 7. v. 6. Eus●b . hist . l. 3. c. 5. 2 Col. 15. Psal . 34 7. Stromat : lib. 6. Psal . 35. 5. Institut● l. 1. c. 14. Mat. 24. v. 30. Mat. 15. v. 30. 24. 31. v. 40. &c. v. 49 : Gorran . in locum . ver . 29. v. 49. v. 31. Stapleton . Hilarius . Psal . 1. 5. Gorran . in locum . v. 48. Mat. 25. Gorran . in locum . Mar● 19. v. 28. 1 Cor. 6. v. 2 : Estius in 1 Cor. 6. Livius passim . Dan. 3. Matth. 27. Gorran . Psal . 2 , 3. Stapleton . Greg●●n Job . l. 9. c. 47. Aug. 〈◊〉 . 30. 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 . Tull. pro Lig●●io . Lucan . v. 34. Min. Fel ▪ v. 41 , 42. v. 50. Luk. 16. v. 24. v. 10. Isa . 30. 35. 34. 10. c. 4. v. 1. Min. Fel. in Octav. L●ctant . Minut. Austin . Maldonat . in Marc. 9. v. 12. v. 41. Isa . 34. 10. Mar. 9. v. 48. Tatian . adv . gent. Exod. 3. Ovid. in Ibin . Ap. Grot. in Matth. 25. in Octav. Min. Fe● . in Octav. v. 25. v. 26. v. 28. v. 30. Iastitut . l. 1. c. 1. 1 Pet. 1. Virgil. Heb. 12. Ephes . 6. Heb. 4. v. 12. c. 4. Notes for div A86299-e41080 Mark 13. 8. v. 14. Psal . 2. v. 2. Tacit. in Agric. Acts 13. Gal. 6. 6. Joseph . l. 17 : c. 3. Antiqu. l. 13. c. 18. Ibid. l. 13. c : 23. Ibid. 1 Sam. cap. 9. v. 9. Notes for div A86299-e44490 v. 17. 2 ▪ Pet. 2. 15. v. 12. Matth. 11. v. 3. v. 7. Matth. 1. v. 2● . Augustin in Joh● Esay 53. Acts 8. v. 38. In Joh. Sym●ol . A●h●n● . Heb. 7. v. 3. Esay 53. v ▪ 8. Gen. 3. 15. Gen. 12. v. 3. Jo● . 1. 14. Joh. 7. 48. Matth. 27. v. 54. Institut . Augustin in Joh. Lactant. Hist . Rom. Dec. 1. ● . 1. Claudian . de Agricultura . Esay 44. v. 28 : Plato de Reg●o . v. 1. v. 1. Matth. 9. v. 36. v. 23. Luk. 2. 8. 12. v. 11. 14. Joh. 21. v. 16 , 17. Plutarch de Oracul . cessat . Gen. 30 , 31. 37. 12. Ez●k . 34. v. 2. v. 25 ▪ Augustin . Joh. 6. 51. in Psal . 1. 47. 1 Pet. 5. Mat. 28. 28. Mark 16. Psal . 145. ●●ct . l. 1. M●n . Fel. Joh. 8. 51. Ioh. 4. 14. in Psal . 18. v. 6. 25 : 34. 1 Sam. 17. v. 40. Virgil : Mat. 9. v. 12. Ezek. 34. Luk. 19. 10. &c. v. 10. v. 14. August . in Psal . 23. de R. Pont. l. 1. c. de Agon . Chr. c. 40 : Cypr. Moulin ad Winton . ●●nton . ad Moul. Tom. 3. part . 2. 1 Thes . 5. 14. Esay 11. August . E● . 50. Nazianz. Gen. 31. v. 40. 1 Sam. 30 , 35. John. 1 Pet. Epist . 59. 1 Cor. 4. 12 , 13. 2 Cor. 11. 24 , 25. A●rian . E●●ctet . Mat. 19. v. 17. Psal . 145. Psal . 32. 5. Psal . 73. Matth. Rom. 8. 32. Gen. 22. 2. Exod. 3. 32● . John 15. 1● . Rom. 5. 8. August . 1 Cor. 13. Heb. 9 ▪ c. 53. v. 5. Florus hist ▪ Rom. l. 1. c. 2. v. 14. Closs . O●dinar Mat. 10. 39 Notes for div A86299-e49020 Heb. 13. 1 Pet. 5. Psal . 95. 53. 7. 1 Pet. 2. 23. Luke 1. Laert in chil . Ma● . 5. 5. Luke 23. Mat. 23. Luke 2. 19. Deut. 11. 18. Acts 17. 11. ●●ra . Confess . Bernard . Histor . Animal . Varro de re Rusticâ . v. 35 , 36. 1 Pet. 2. 1 Cor. 9. Mat. 25. Psal . 122. c. 6. v. 4. v. 6. c. 12. Ovid. Met. 1. 13. Virg. 2. Bellarm. de Eccles . l. 3. c. 2. Mat. 9. 17. Gen. 34. 1 Pet. John 10. de sens . & s●nsibil . Rom. Basil . in Psal . 33. Georgic . 3. Tully in Phil. 2 1 Pet. 2 Heb. 5. 12. de resur . carnis . Servius in Aeneid . 3. Guil. in Joh. in 2 Pet. Gen. 3. v. 22. Mat. 3. Heb. 1. 1. Gen. 1. Psal . Exod. 19. Exod. 20. 4 v. 16. 1 Kings 19. 11 , &c. Acts 26. Luke 24. Eph. 5. 1. Virgil. 1 Pet. 2. 21. 1 Cor. 11. 1. Claudum . Aristotle in Hist . Animal . Horat. 2 Tim 2. 19. Psalme 24. 
A86280	----	Certamen epistolare, or, The letter-combate. Managed by Peter Heylyn, D.D. with 1. Mr. Baxter of Kederminster. 2. Dr. Barnard of Grays-Inne. 3. Mr. Hickman of Mag. C. Oxon. And 4. J.H. of the city of Westminster Esq; With 5. An appendix to the same, in answer to some passages in Mr. Fullers late Appeal. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1659 Approx. 759 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 213 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A86280 Wing H1687 Thomason E1722_1 ESTC R202410 99862703 99862703 114876 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86280) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 114876) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 214:E1722[1]) Certamen epistolare, or, The letter-combate. Managed by Peter Heylyn, D.D. with 1. Mr. Baxter of Kederminster. 2. Dr. Barnard of Grays-Inne. 3. Mr. Hickman of Mag. C. Oxon. And 4. J.H. of the city of Westminster Esq; With 5. An appendix to the same, in answer to some passages in Mr. Fullers late Appeal. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. Bernard, Nicholas, d. 1661. Hickman, Henry, d. 1692. Harrington, James, 1611-1677. [16], 310, [2], 311-397, [3] p. Printed by J.M. for H. Twyford, T. Dring, and J. Place, and are to be sold at their shops, in Vine-Court in the Middle Temple, at the George near S. Dunstons Church in Fleet-street, and at Furnivals-Inne gate, in Holburn, London, : 1659. A reply to "The Grotian religion discovered" by Baxter, "Patro-scholastiko-dikaiōsis" by Hickman, and "The stumbling-block of disobedience & rebellion cunningly imputed by P.H. unto Calvin, removed in a letter to the said P.H. from J.H." by Harrington. The exchange with Bernard concerns the burning of Heylyn's "Respondet Petrus". Parts 2 and 3, and "An appendix to the former papers", each have separate dated title pages (the latter an insert); pagination and register are continuous. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aprill". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fuller, Thomas, 1608-1661. -- Appeal of injured innocence, unto the religious learned and ingenuous reader -- Early works to 1800. Hickman, Henry, d. 1692. -- Patro-scholastiko-dikaiōsis -- Early works to 1800. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. -- Respondet Petrus -- Early works to 1800. Harrington, James, 1611-1677. -- Stumbling-block of disobedience & rebellion cunningly imputed by P.H. unto Calvin, removed in a letter to the said P.H. from J.H. -- Early works to 1800. Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691. -- Grotian religion discovered -- Early works to 1800. Church of England -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Certamen Epistolare , OR , THE Letter-Combate . MANAGED By Peter Heylyn , D. D. With 1. Mr. Baxter of Kederminster ▪ 2. Dr. Barnard of Grays-Inne . 3. Mr. Hickman of Mag. C. Oxon. And 4. J. H. of the City of Westminster Esq With 5. An Appendix to the same , in Answer to some passages in Mr. Fullers late APPEAL . Ovid. in Epist . Phedrae . Perlege quodcunque est , quid Epistola lecta nocebit , Te quoque in his aliquid , quod juvet , esse Po●est . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for H. Twyford , ● . Dring , and ● . Place , and are to be sold at their Shops , in Vine-Court in the Middle Temple , at the George near S. Dunstons Church in Fleet-street , and at Furnivals-Inne Gate , in Holburn , 1659. To my dear Brethren , The poor Remainders of the old Regular and Confromable Clergy of the Church of ENGLAND . IT was fore-signified by the Prophet , of Christ our Saviour , Arundinem quassam non confringere , &c. That he should not break a bruised Reed , nor so much as quench the smoking flax ; that is to say , as * Maldionate very well expounds the place , that his goings should be so gentle , and his weight so light , that though he trod upon a bruised Reed , he should not break it ; and though he walked on smoaking flax , yet he should not quench it . Which showeth ( saith he ) quam incredibili mansuetudine , ac Lenitate usurus esset : with what incredible meekness , and incomparable tenderness our Saviour should proceed in all his Actions . The breaking of a bruised Reed was unknown to Christ , though nothing be more frequent in the practise of those , who most pretend to be his followers in their Words and Actings . And if the bruised Reed ought not to be broken , if we are to carry our selves with the spirit of meekness towards all those wich have been bruised onely by ungentle usage ; with how much tenderness and compassion should those men be handled , who have been broken by the blows of unprosperous fortune , and crusht almost to nothing by unmerciful Pressures . For certainly there cannot be a greater Argument of an uncharitable and unchristian disposition , then to insult on those that are oppressed , and add affliction unto such as have suffered wrong ; to multiply Reproaches , even on guilty persons when they have satisfied the Law , and paid their utmost debt to justice . Malice in this respect is far worse then Cruelty , Cruelty many times is satisfied with the blood and death of such as have been marked out for a publick slaughter . But Malice commonly out-lives Cruelty , and will not suffer those to remain in peace on whom the face of heaven hath frownned , & against whom the hands of men have bin lifted up , to their destruction and undoing . Yet such is the unhappy age in which we live , that nothing is more ordinary then the adding of sorrow to affliction , and reproach to trouble ; practised most commonly by those men who pretend most to follow the example of Christ our Saviour , of which there cannot be a clearer and more evident proof then the procedings of some men towards you ( my dear Brethren ) of the Regular , and conformable Clergy of the Church of England ; smitten into the Den of Dragons , and almost broken to pieces like a Potters vessel : For when the sword had spent its fury , and the hand of power filled it self with subverting so many mens estates , the ejecting some , sequestring others , and sifting almost every one of us to the very bran ; there started up a race of men , who agreed together to afflict them in a further measure , saying to one another ( as did those Sons of Belial ) in the Book of God ) Come let us smite them with the Tongue . The fury of the Sword and the hand of Power hath already laid them open unto want and poverty ; let us expose them therefore to contempt & scorn ; let us add shame unto their sufferings , and sport our selves in their mis-fortunes . These are the men whom God hath smitten , and now we have them down , let us keep them under , not suffering them to rise in Reputation , or revive in credit , for fear of drawing pitty towards their calamities , or some commiseration at the least to their grievous sufferings . It hath been grown into a Proverb , that when a man is once thrown flat upon his back , ( qui jacet in terram &c. ) he could fall no lower . But these men are so cross of nature , and have so long run cross to all publick Order , that now , they will be crossing Proverbs , to bring us lower then we are , disabling us of all means towards our subsistence , and laying all manner of disgraces on us , which either an insolent Enemy could inflict , or an impeverisht Clergy suffer . This cry first taken up in that uncharitable Pamphlet , Intituled , The first Century of scandalous and malignant Priests , was eagerly pursued by those , who had got their Benefices , whom it concerned to make them seem as foul as they could , the better to justifie the wiping them of their means and livelihoods . And it had been the less considerable , if onely men so interessed by their own concernments had kept up the clamour , and that some others who would fain be looked on as the Sons of the Church , had not continued it as industriously , as it was maliciously begun . One of our Civil Historians * diverting on the late Archbishop of Canterbury , tels us that some of those whom he imploy'd as instruments and subordinates under him , were so far from being blameless , that they were vicious even as to scandal , so far from being of such meek and humble behaviour , as was to be wished , that they were grown insolent , at a rate intollerable . Which though it be as much as could be thronged together in so narrow a compass ; yet falls it infinitely short of that in the * Church Historian : Who speaking of a great and general purgation of the Clergy in the Parliaments Quarters , a little before the coming out of that infamous Century , tels us expresly , that their offences were so foul , as it was a shame to report them crying to justice for punishment , that when Constantine was wont to say , that if he saw a Clergy-man offending , he would cover him with his Cloak , he was to be understood of such offences , as were but frailties and infirmities , not scandalous enormities ; that such unsavory salt was good for nothing , no not for the Dunghil , because as the savour was lost that made it useful , so the freting was left which made it useless , whereby it was so far from being good Composs to fatten Ground , that it did rather make it barren ; and therefore that Baal should be left to plead for himself , there being nothing to be said in their excuse . And thus far he had dipt his Pen in the Gall of Bitterness before he had bethought himself of a salve for it , before he considered whether the crimes had been sufficiently proved , as they never were , which he makes to be the main matter , as indeed it was . But M. Baxters hand was filtered with a sicker quil , and his Ink mixt with more of the durty puddle , then the Church Historians was with gall and vinegar , when he bespattered the poor Clergy in the Preface to his Book of the Grotian Religion , with all the filth that could proceed from a Pen so qualified . I need not ( saith he ) go to M. Whites Centuryes to be acquainted of the qualities of the ejected : our Country have had too many of them , that have long been a burthen instead of a blessing ; some never preached , but read the Common Prayer Book , and some preached much worse then they that were never called Preachers . Some understood not the Catechism or Creed : many of them lived more in the Ale-house then the Church , and used to lead their people in drunkenness , cursing , swearing , quarrelling , and other ungodly practises , and to amend all by railing at the Puritans & Praecisians : some that were better would be drunk but now and then , and preach once a day ( remembring still to meet with the Precise , least their hearers should have any mind to becom Godly ) but neglecting most of the Pastoral cure , and lived much in worldliness and prophaneness , though not so disgracefully as the Rest . Which passage when I read over , it caused in me so great an horror , and amazement , that I could not tell whether I might give any credit to my senses or not ; the words sounding loud in my ears , but not sinking at first into my heart . For who could possibly believe , that one who doth pretend to so much piety , should shew himself the master of so little charity . To all the Acts and offices of which excellent virtue , enumerated by S. Paul in his 1. Epist . to the Corinthians , cap. 13. he hath shewed himself so great a stranger ▪ as if his Soul had never been acquainted with the Graces of it . Such as have thrust themselves into other mens livings , and they who patronize them in it , seem to have quitted all the other properties of Charity to the Sequestred Clergy , and retain only to themselves the not seeking their own . For they seek after the Benefices and Goods of others . The Rear brought up by a young man of * Magdalen Coll. Oxon ( whom I shall not call a whelp of the same litter , though he hath pleased to give me no other title then that of a bird of the same feather ) who spends his mouth by telling his Reverend brethren of the Brackly breed , that the Episcopal Government will be desired by the bad , and therefore that they should take care that the Good did not wish it restored also ; that the Prelatical oppressions were such as might make wise men mad : that some of the Prelates might with reason be called Antichristian , whose Courts vexed sundry laborious Preachers , becaus they could not bow at the name of Jesus ; when as , sundry idle sots , whom they might frequently observe to stagger in the streets , were never questioned ; and finally he leaves it unto consideration , whether it be not envy rather then conscience , which maketh some to exclaim with so much bitterness , against the late Ejections , Sequestrations & Deprivations : and whether our late Sequestrations were not more justifiable then those proceedings in the late Archbishops times , when men were suspended ab officio & beneficio , meerly for not Reading the Book of sports : In which particulars although he doth not ●ark so loud , yet he bites as close as any other in ●he Pack who have deeper mouths . I must confess that neither finding my self particularly named in that infamous Century , nor concerned more then any other in those general calumnies , I did not think my self obliged to take notice of them . It was my expectation rather , that some one or other of those who sustained most wrong , would have done themselves the right of a vindication ; and not have suffered those reproaches to have gained belief , by such a dul and dangerous silence . But at the last finding the cry revived by the Civil Historian , the Divine Right of Episcopacy called in question , the Bishops and Clergy ignorantly censured for their Proceedings in Convocation , and the subordinates of the late Archbishops ( whereof I had the honour to be one ) so unhandsomely handled , I thought it my duty to appear in defence of those points , wherein I found the Author either by inadvertency , or want of better intelligence to have been mistaken . And so far I was liberum Agens , prompted by none , but my own good affections to the pulick interess , to that undertaking . But so I cannot say of my engagings with the Church Historian , being solicited thereunto by persons of all Orders , Degrees and stations , as wel Ecclesiastical as Accademical , in the pursuance whereof , I could not but take notice of that passage before laid down , & do the poor Clergy so much right as the nature of an Animadversion might comport withal . Nec solum ad nos haec in juriavenit ab illo , in the Poets words ; it is not we alone , that are the poor sequestred and ejected Clergy , but the whole Church which hath been injured by him in her power and priviledges ; for the asserting whereof , and rectifying such mistakes as I found therein , I first applyed my self unto that performance . What led me to this Letter-Combate , with M. Baxter , you will find in the discourse it self . In which you may perceive how sensible I am of those reproaches , which he so prodigally casts abroad upon those poor men , whom the late Ordinance for ejecting of ignorant and scandalous Ministers hath brought under his power , I must needs say , I might have slipt my self out of this employment , as one of those whose casting out he hath disowned among many others , under the notion of being Prelatical , and so far interessed in the late Civil Wars , as my attending on the Kings person at Oxon can ascribe unto me . But in this case I will not sever my own interess from that of my Brethren , my brethren not like Simeon and Levi , in the evil of sin , but like to * Paul and Barnabas in the evil of Punishment , when used despitefully and threatned to be stoned to death by the men of Iconium . For though we are all guilty through human frailties of our several sins , yet for those sins we stand accomptable onely at the Bar of Heaven : Those scandalous crimes under colour whereof so many of us have received the punishment of Sequestration and Ejection , that the Hands of men , falling so short from being proved , that the nonproseuting of the Evidence to a legal Tryal , may rationally be thought to acquit us of them . And therefore I shall weave up your defence in the same peece with my own , that as we fell together , we may stand together in the recovery of that Reputation which is dearer to us then our lives , not suffering our common Adversaries , to deal with us as Ignorant Jurors do too often in passing their verdict upon the Prisoners at the Bar , when , without consideration of the crimes or evidence , they resolve to save one half , and hang the other . Whatsoever I have done herein , as it was done chiefly for your sakes , so ( my dear Brethren ) it is wholly submitted to your fair and favourable accepta●ion ; beseeching you to pardon the exuberances of that honest zeal , which carried me rather to the maintainance of yours and the Churches Cause , then to the preservation of my own Peace , and more particular Contentments : And to this resolution I shall stand to the very last , without retracting any thing which hath passed my hand , in reference to the just Power and Honour of the Church , or to the vindication of all Orthodox and Conformable Church-men ; which I think fit the rather to make known unto you at this time , because I have met with a report , that I should supplicate for a pardon from the two Historians , for writing the Examen Historicum lately published , in which the Church and you ( my Brethren ) are so much concerned ; the eport was founded ( as I have been nce advertized ) from a passage in one of Squire Sandersons Pamphlets , in which the foolish fellow is said to affirm , That he would have spared his own and the Readers pains , in his Pursuit of me , if I had had so much ingenuity , as to crave pardon of him , as I did of the other , whose Histories I had also quarrelled . What he hath done in this Pursuit I am not able to say , not having troubled my self to enquire after the Pamphlet , or ever heard more of it then that passage only : But if he follow the Hue and Cry no better now , then he did in his Post-hast Reply , &c. which crept out last Summer , he may be Shipt away with the next fair winde to the Isles of Scicilie . So far I am from craving pardon of this Squire , that I am sorry I have used him so like a Gentleman , and passed by so many of his follies and falsities as remain untouched : And so far I have been from craving pardon of the other , that being to write to him on another account , I began my Letter in these words , viz. I understand you have an Answer on the Press to my Animadversions , which I am very glad to hear of , because I hope the truth will come out between us : If you can show me any mistakes , I shall be one of the first that shall give you thanks for it , and do my endeavour to correct them : If you can charge me with any viciousness in life or conversation , do it in Gods Name , and spare not , I will not be unthankful to you for that neither , because I shall the better know what I am to Reform , &c. After which preamble , I descended unto that particular which gave occasion to my writing , relating wholly to a third Person , utterly unconcerned in the differences which were betwixt us , to which he presently returns a very civil , full , and satisfactory Answer : If this be craving of pardon , I am guilty of it ? And for the truth hereof , I do Appeal to Mr. Fuller himself , though for my better justification , I could produce two several Copies of that Letter , one of them kept by my Amanuensis here at home , the other taken by a friend in London , before it came to his hands ; the certainty whereof I do most humbly desire you to make known , to such as come in your way , who possibly may not have the opportunity of perusing these Papers . How Mr. Fuller hath dealt with me , I am yet to learn ; neither his Book it self , nor the name thereof , nor any of the Contents of it being come unto me ; † Which hath made me the more willing to lay hold upon this occasion , of clearing my self from that poor Aspersion , which this Squire of low Degree ( they of no kin to him whom Spencer speaks of ) hath thrown upon me ; not knowing whether I shall trouble my self in making an Answer to the one , but being resolved never to foule my fingers in a Reply to the other . But all these Windes shake no Corn of mine , who have long since learned to contemn those Calumnies , which from my first appearing in the Churches service , have been thrown upon me : Nor can I doubt of finding the like resolution in you ( my Brethren ) who have so long been trained up in the School of Patience , that the suffering of reproaches , whether from the Tongue or Pen , from the Press or Pulpit , cannot be taken out as a new Lesson , never learnt before . I know I speak to men who are not to be put in minde of that , which you once learned in * Aesops Fables , in one of the Morals whereof , you are taught to imitate those generous Horses Qui latrantes canicusos cum contemptu pretereunt , which use to pass by barking curs with neglect and scorn ; or to be told of that which you once read in the Annuals of * Tacitus , viz. Convitia spreta exolescant , that contumelies soonest dye , when regarded least ; or to be remembered of that memorable saying of S. Cyprian , who had suffered as much in this kind as the most amongst us : But having suffered no more by the tongues of his Enemies , then Christ our Saviour did before from the hands of Judas , he thus encouraged himself , and others , by this Golden Sentence , Nec nobis turpe esse pati , quae passus est Christus , nec illis gloriam facere quae fecerit Judas . Which passages , though very full of use and comfort , how infinitely short are they of that Celestial consolation , which our Saviour gives us in his Gospel , pronouncing * a blessing on all those which were persecuted and reviled , and against whom all manner of evil is falsely spoken for his Name sake ; assuring them , that it should be a cause of gladness and rejoycing to them in this present life , and of a great reward in Heaven for the life to come . Let us therefore behave our selves with such sobriety and moderation , such piety and Christian candour , * that the ignorance of foolish men may be put to silence , and that all those who speak against us as evil doers , may be convicted of their faults and malicious speakings before God and Man : But more particularly let us not suffer our selves to be abused , by any flattering and deceivable hopes of bettering our condition by the change of times ; but entertain Fortune by the day , and patiently submit our selves to the appointments of that heavenly Providence , which powerfully disposeth all things to the good of the Vniuerse : So doing , we shall show ovr selves the followers of that Lamb of God , which opened not his mouth before the shearers ; the Scholars of that gracious Master , who when he was reviled , reviled not again , nor used any unbecoming speeches in the midst of his sufferings . For my own part , I hope I have so carried my self in these . Letter Combates , that my language shall not be offensive to any , though possibly the matter prove unpleasing to some , who are of a different judgment from me in the Points Disputed . From whom if I heare nothing which may force me to Replication , I am resolved to sit down quietly for the time to come , having concluded with my self , not to engage hereafter in any of these unhappy Controversies , which this unhappy Age hath bred , but where some unavoidable necessity shall compel me to it : For though Mr. Baxter hath been pleased in a late Book of his , to give me the Title of an hot Anti-Puritan , as I am credibly informed by a Letter , which is come newly to my hands : I verily perswade my self , that neither you nor he , will finde any such heat in my Conference with him , as may render me obnoxious to that accusation : But whether it be so or not , and whether that which I have done in that whole Discourse , to which Mr. Baxter is a party , will be taken for an acceptable service to your selves and the Church our mother , remains in you to be determined ; to whose upright , just , and impartial censure , I do most chearfully recommend my performance in it ( the other tracts having particular applications ) as I do you to the divine consolations of the Heavenly Comforter , with that affection which becometh . The most unworthy of your Brethren in these common Sufferings . Peter Heylyn Lacies Court in Abing don , ●●y 2. 1659. Certamen Epistolare , Or The Letter Combate . Managed by P. Heylyn , D. D. with M. Baxter of Keederminster , &c. IT was about the middle of August last , that M. Baxter's Book , Entituled , The Grotian Religion , was put into my hands ; and it was put into my hands with this advertisement , that I should finde somewhat in the Preface which concerned my self : That intimation gave me the curiosity of turning first to that which was said to be of my own concernment , as indeed it prooved , not without much amazement to me , that a man whom I had never known by face , and not much by fame , should put such an unnecessary provocation on me : For speaking of the various acceptations of the word Puritan , he lets us know , that with the late Prelates a Puritan was ei●her a Non-Conformist , or a Conformist that in Doctrine was not Arminian ( of which set Peter Heylyn gives us a description by their opinions , Ser. 23. ) My first amazement being over , I began to examine my memory upon these two points : First whether in any Book or Books of mine , I had applied the name of Puritan to any such of the Clergy , who being conformable to the Church in Rites and Ceremonies , agreed not in some Doctrinal points , with such of their Brethren whom M. Baxter there brandeth with the name of Arminians . And secondly , whether in any Book or Books of mine , I had made any such description of those Puritan-Conformists ( for so I may express M. Baxter's meaning ) by their opinions , as might and did distinguish them from other men ; but not being able to find the remembrance ( or any the least foot-steps of it ) of any such application of the name , or any such description of the men , as is described to me in that Preface ; I began to consider with my self what might be M. Baxter's design in it . Doubtful I was whether it might not be his purpose , to render my name as unpleasing to the conformable Clergy , by attributing to them the title of Puritans , because they hold not with those whom M. Baxter calls Arminians in some points of Doctrine , as it had been before to the Presbiterians , for standing in defence of the Church , and the conformable Children of it : good sport it would have made amongst them , if such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ball of discord , such a bone of division being cast amongst us , we had fallen foul on one another ; whilst they attending the success , and taking opportunity to go on securely , might in fine triumph over both . And no less doubtful was I , whether it might not be done upon some design of drawing me into fresh disputes , and multiplying those invidious controversies , which I chuse rather to decline . Amongst so many uncertainties , I thought it most agreeable unto my present condition , to dispatch a fair but short Letter to him , to let him know in what I found my self concerned , and to desire him so far to assist my memory , as to direct me to such Book or Books of mine , and the particular places in them , in which the name of Puritan was so applied , and they to whom it was applied , had been so described . According to which resolution , I had no sooner put an end to some business , which detained me in London till the end of August , and renewed the acquaintance betwixt me and my Study , at my coming home , but I prepared and sent away a Letter to him , bearing date the thirteenth of September ; but either by my own incogitancy , or the carelesness of my Scribe or Amanuensis , there was no Copy of it taken ; so as I am necessitated to hit upon the matter and expressions of it as well as I can , desiring M. Baxter to rectifie my mistakes therein , if any shall be committed by me in laying down the sum and substance of that Letter , which in brief was this . The Substance of D. Heylyn's first Letter to M. Baxter of Keederminster . SIR , I Have lately caused your Book of the Grotian Religion to be read over to me , and cannot but approve the modesty of your expressions , and the ingenuity which you have shown in the carrying on of your designe . Only I could have wished you had spared my name , unless you would have proved me to have been one of that Religion , as I think you cannot , or else have had some more particular matter wherewithal to have charged me , then I find you have : For whereas it is said by you in your Preface , That with the late Prelates a Puritan was either a Non-Conformist , or a Conformist that in Doctrine was no Arminian ( of which sort Peter Heylyn gave us a description by their opinions ) I desire you to please to let me know in what Book or Books of mine , you either find the name Puritan to be so applied , or any such description made of them , as your Preface speaks of : Which favour if you please to do me , you will not only therein supply the defect of my memory , by which I may the better discern what I am to do , but give me very just occasion to subscribe my self . SIR , Your very humble Servant , and Christian Brother , Peter Heylyn . Lacies Court in Abingdon , Septemb. 13. 1658. This Letter being thus dispatched , I proposed these two hopes unto my self . First , That M. Baxter seeing his mistake , would do me right , and make me such amends in a publique way , as might be answerable to the wrong he had publickly done me ; or otherwise that without any suspition of pragmaticalness , or any new desire of being in action , I might right my self . What I have done in the last case must be left to the Reader , M. Baxter having failed on his part of doing it for me : For after more then six weeks expectation , I received an Answer to my Letter on Saturday the thirtieth of October ; In the first part whereof , he name●mpuring ●mpuring it to his temerity , that he made mention of me on that occasion , and finally acknowledging , that the principal part of what he intended , was in a Book of M. Dow's . But scarce had he absolved me from it , when he indeavoured presently to make good the charge out of some scattered passages , in a Book of mine against M. Burton , published in the year 1637. so that it seems to be my fortune to be called unto as late a reckoning by M. Baxter , for some passages in my Answer to Burtons most seditious Pamphlets , and by D. Barnard and him both , for some things taken up here and there out of my History of the Sabbath , first published in the year 1635. And as if this had not been enough to quicken me to a new encounter , he passeth from one point unto another , charging me with profaneness in reproaching extemporary Prayer , and being an enemy to the holy improvements of the Lord's day , &c. accusing me for many unjust as well as uncharitable speeches , against my brethren , for having some bloody desires , and making such rigorous Laws to hang up all that are against me , for speaking more favourably of the Papists then the Protestant partie , with many other things intermixed here and there ; in some of which he disputes against me , and in others he desires to be satisfied by me : So that taking one thing with another , he hath afforded me work enough in returning an answer ; which being to long to be contained in a Letter , I have digested it Letter-wise , into a set discourse upon all particulars which are offered to me . Now M. Baxter's Letter was as followeth . The Copy of M. Baxter's Answer to the first Letter of D. Heylyn's . Reverend SIR , I Received yours of September 13. containing your favourable judgment of my extorted discourse of Grotius his Religion , with your exception of that only which concerns your ●elf . And first , you here wish I had spared your name , unless I could have proved you to have been one of that Religion , which y●u think I cannot , or found some more particular charge against you , &c. To which I answer . First , I now wish I had spared your name my self , for the reason that I shall render you anon . But secondly , I never gave the least intimation that I took you to be of Grotius Religion , and therefore you need not call for proof of it ; it is another subject ( the sensing of the word Puri an ) that I am speaking of , where I mention your name : I hope you think not that I charge every man with the same opinion that is but named by me in the same Book . Thirdly , Yea , I did not so much as charge you at all , that is accuse you , but tell the world who you took for a Puritan ; Concerning which words , in Answer to the rest of your Letter , I shall give you the just account . I had read on one day ( above 20. years ago , when it first came out ) your Book against M Burton , and M. Dow's Book against him , and I think one of M. Pocklinton's on another occasion ; I certainly remembred the foresaid character of a Puritan in one of them , and I was perswaded that it was in yours , and that something of it more or less was in both : I now confess to you it was my temerity , the concomitant of hast , to mention you upon the trust of my memory , after above 20. years time ( for I never had your Book since ) and now upon search I find the principal part of what I intended is in M. Dow's , who charactereth them from their Doctrines of predestination , perseverance , or non-ability to fulfill the Law , &c. 4. But so much of it I find in yours , as justifieth what I said of you , if I can understand you , you deal with M. Burton , as the Puritans Oracle , page 152. their superintendent Champion , &c. ( Preface ) And your description of him containeth , first that he follows Illyricus in his Doctrines , providentia , predestinatione , gratia , libero Arbitrio , &c. pag. 182. And to satisfie us fully what you meant , you refer us to the Arminians , necessaria responsio , pag. 83 : where ( with pag. 82. 84 , 85. ) it is expresly manifest , that it is the Doctrine of Pareus and the rest of the Contra-remonstrants , that the Arminians there do charge upon Illiricus , and consequently that you do charge on M. Burton , the Oracle ( as you call him ) of the Puritans , and so upon the Puritans with him . If you say , you charge not these on him quatenus a Puritan . I Answer , You carry it openly in all your Book , as if you dealt with him only as a Puritan , and seditious , and so describe Puritans by him . If you mix such Doctrinal charges , and afterwards tell us that you meant them on some other account , you satisfie your Reader , that understandeth you as describing Puritans only , when you so often give the person described that name , and profess to oppose him as such , and tel us of no other ground : And what else you mean by their accustomed wresting of the Article in the point of predestination , is past my understanding , there being no accustomed Doctrine but the Anti-Arminian among the Puritans , in the point of Predestination , that you can call a wresting of the Article ; you add also to help us further to understand you , that it is false that D. Jackson ' s Books are to maintain Arminianism , pag. 122. 123. 5. Sir , You are the expounder of your own words , and may give us the Law in what sense we shall understand them , because they are the signs of your own mind , which is known only to your self : And if you shall but tell me that you meant somewhat else then your words in the common sense import , I shall take my self bound to understand you accordingly hereafter ; and if you require it , I shall willingly publish an account of my mis-understanding of you , with my following satisfaction to the world to do you right : But till you shall give us another sense of your own , you must needs allow us to take your words in the common sense . 6. I shall not trouble you with any more on that subject : But were it not that in your writings I ●avour a spirit so very distant from my disposition , that I have small hopes that my words will escape your displeasure , I should on this occasion have dealt freely with you , about many things in many of your Books , that have long been matter of scandal and grief , to men that have much Christian meekness and moderation ; Many reproaches against extemporary Prayer , the holy improvement of the Lords day , &c. with many unjust as well as uncharitable speeches of your Brethren , whom you took for adversaries , are matters that I am exceeding confident you have exceeding cause in tears and sorrow , to bewaile before the Lord , and for which you are very much obliged to publish your penitential lamentations to the World ; and were it my case , I would not for ten thousand Worlds dye before I had done it ; and if I erre in this , I think it not through partiality , but through weakness . Oh the holy breathings after Christ ! the love to God! the heavenly mindedness ! the hatred of all known sin ! the humility ! self-denial ! meekness ! &c. that I have discerned ( as far as effects can shew the heart to others ) in abundance of those people that differ from you in some smaller things , which occasioned your frequent bitter reproaches : if God love them not , I have not yet met with the people whom I may say he loveth ; if he do love them , he will scarcely take your dealing well , especially when you rise to such bloody desires , of hanging them , as the better remedy then burning their Books , as in your History of Sabbath , pag. 254. Ecclesia vindicata , Preface , and passim you express ▪ 7. I am not an approver of the violence of any of them , nor do I justifie M. Burtons way , nor am I of the minde of the party you most oppose in all their discipline ( as a Book now in the Press will give the world an account ; ) but I am sure the Church must have unity and charity , in the ancient simplicity of Doctrine , Worship and Government , or not at all . And if you would have men live in peace as Brethren , our union must not be Law or Ceremonies or ind●fferent Forms ; nor must you make such rigorous Laws for all , and hang them that are against you : Scripture , and reason , and the primitive practise , and great experience , do lead us all to another course . But of these words if I could procure your pardon , I expect no more because of our difference . 8. To pass by many others , I am also much unsatisfied in three things you say concerning Popery . 1. That the Papist was the more moderate adversary , and the Puritan faction hurried on with greater violence , &c. Preface to Ecclesia vindicata . 2. That you maintain against M. Burton , that the Religion of the Papists is not rebellion , nor their faith faction . I prove both . 1 That Religion which defineth the deposition of Princes , and absolving their Subjects from their fidelity by the Pope , because they deny Transubstantiation , &c. is rebellion ( Doctrinal ; ) but such is the Popish Religion : The Minor is evident : That which is defined by a Pope and general Council , is the Papist● Religion ; ( It is defide , yea , and essential , because they will have all essentials , and deny our distinguishing them from the rest : ) But the aforesaid Doctrin is defined by a Pope and an approved general Council , viz : at the Laterane under INNOCENT III. That if any Protestant Writers should teach the same , that puts it not into our Creed , as this is in theirs . 2. If it be an Article of the Papists faith , that none are members of Christ and his Church , but the Subjects of the Pope , then the Papists faith is faction : But the Antecedent is true , being defined by Pope LEO X. in a general Council . 3. I am a sorry Lawyer , but truly I would fain understand whether it be true , that written by M. Dow and you ( his page 185. and yours 210. of the History of the Sabbath ) That the Popes decretals the body of the Canon Law , is to be accepted ( as not abrogated ) which being made for the direction and reiglement of the Church in general , were by degrees admitted and obeyed in these parts of Christendom , and are by Act of Parliament so far still in force , as they oppose not the Prerogative Royal and the municipal Laws and Statu●es of this Realm of England ; these are your words , and M. Dow gives some reason for them , out from a Statute of HEN. 8. But little know I by what Authority the Popes decretals are Laws to the Church in general , or to us , and I will yet hope they are not in force : But if ever I live to see another Parliament , if I be mistaken , I shall crave a freedom from that bondage : I thought the Acts that impose the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , had disobliged us from all forreign power , and nulled the Popes authority in England . 9. I am very glad that you ( who are esteemed the Primipilus among the defenders of the late turgid and persecuting sort of Prelacy ) do so freely disclaim the Grotian Religion ( which I never charged you with ) I hope the more confidently that most of the Prelatical Divines will disown it ; but if ever you put your self to the trouble of writing to me again , I should be glad to understand how you can take the Popes decretals and the body of the Canon Law , as a Law for the government of the Church in general , and here received to be still so far in force as you affirm , and yet not hold , that the Pope and his Council have the power of making Laws for the government of the Church in general , and see that we and all other Christians are his Subjects . Sir , I crave your pardon of the displeasing plainness of these lines , and remain , Your unfaignedly well willing Brother , and fellow Servant , R. Baxter . Octob. 20. 1658. To this Letter being thus received and seriously considered of , I thought my self obliged to return an Answer , and such an Answer as might satisfie him in all particulars which were in difference between us ; and it is here chearfully presented to the eye of the Reader . The Answer of Peter Heylyn D. D. to M. Baxter's Letter of Octob. 20. SIR . YOur Letter of Octo. 20 last , I received on Saturday the 30. of the same Month , at what time I was preparing for a Journey to London , from whence I returned not till that day Month ; I had there so much other business to take up my thoughts that I could not give my self the leasure to read and consider the Contents of that your Letter , much less of dispatching an Answer to it . But being now at home in full peace of minde and health of body , I thank God for it , I have more thorowly considered of all particulars which may s●em necessary for me to take notice of , in order to my owne defence and your satisfaction , which shall go hand in hand together . 10. But first , I must needs tell you , that I could not chuse but wonder at the extream but most unnecessary length thereof , and the impertinencies of the greatest part of it , in reference to that Letter of mine which it was to Answer , and whereunto you had given so full an Answer in the first 25. lines ( which make but the fifth part of the whole ) that there was no need of any thing to be added to it . The cause of my address unto you was to let you know , how much I wished that you had spared my name in your Preface to your Book of the Grotian Religion , unless you could have proved me to have been one of that Religion , which I thought you could not , or had had some more particular charge to have laid against me , then I sound you had . And secondly , To desire you to let me know in what Book or Books of mine you had found a Puritan defined to be a Conformist who was no Arminian , a description of whom , one Peter Heylyn had given us by their opinions . To both which you return this Answer . First , that you wish you h●d spared my name as well as I. Secondly , that you never took me to be of Grotius his Religion , and therefore that I needed not to have called for proof of it . And thirdly , that though it was in the sensing of the word Puritan , in which you were pleased to use my name , telling the world whom you took for a Puritan ; yet upon further consideration , you ascribe it unto your temerity , the ordinary concommitant of hast ; and having blamed your self for mentioning me upon the trust of your memory after above twenty years ( for so long it is ( as y●u please to tell us ) since you saw my Book against M. Burton , wherein you thought to have found such a description of a Puritan : ) You father the chiefest part thereof upon M. Dow , who had writ likewise against M. Burton much about that time : It seems your notions are like ware mislaid in a Pedlers pack , you have them , but you know not where to finde them , whether in me , or in M. Dow ( for D. Pocklinton comes in upon another occasion ) it is hard to say . Two Books of the same argument coming into your minde , you were perswaded first , that it was in mine ; next , that the chiefest parts of that description were to be found in M. Dow's , and finally , that somwhat of it more or less might be found in both , though perhaps in neither : How ever we have here that great advantage spoken of by the Orator , Confitentem reum , which gives me as much private satisfaction as I could desire . And when you have made good your promise , in publishing an account of your misunderstanding me , with your following satisfaction to the world to do me right ( for doing whereof you have declared so great a readiness ) I shall then much applaud your ingenuity in doing me that peice of justice , and shall with chearfulness affirme in the Poets language , Vna eademque manus , vulnus opemque tulit , That the same hand hath righted me , which had done me wrong . 11. If your Letter had been ended here , it would have put a period to all differences and disputes between us . But much I fear that by giving you new matter of provocation , you will not give me any such cause of magnifying that ingenuity in you , of which I cannot see the expected fruits : For contrary to the former part of your Letter , wherein you had absolved me from that accusation , which you laid against me in your Preface , and charged it in M. Dow ; you use your best indeavours to prove me guilty of that charge implicitely , and by consequents at the least , if not in terminis and expresly . But first , how may we be assured that you deal better with M. Dow , then with Peter Heylyn ( for you allow neither of us the title of Doctors ) considering that you direct us not to that part of his Book in which we may find any such description of a Puritan , as you put upon him ; as you have sent us to pag. 185. of the very same Book , in which he is said to speak of the Authority , which some of the Popes Decretals and other parts of the Canon Law have obtained in England . But admitting what you tell us of him to be true , yet all that you have told us from him , amounts not to a full description of the Puritans by their opinions , but only to a principal part ( as you now confess ) of what you intended ; and what you intended in those words will be hard for any man to say , unless you make a further explication of them , then you have done hitherto : For if you have no other meaning then your words in the common sense import , may not D. Dow tell us ( as perhaps he doth ) of what judgment or opinion the Puritans are in the points of predestination , perseverance , or inability to fulfill the Law , &c. But presently this must be taken for a Description of the Puritans by their opinions , as you please to word it : I am sure you never learned this in Baxter's Logick , published at Frankford , Anno 1593. which was a Book in some credit at my first coming to Oxon ; nor in your Aditus ad Logicam , or your Breerwoods Element . In all or any of these you might have learned , that the Definition is to be Reciprocal with the thing defined , as , Omnis homo est animal rationale , omne animal rationale est homo . And though a description by the rules of Logick be of a larger latitude then a definition ▪ yet there is par ratio in them both , the description being to be made commensurate to the thing described ; so that though D. Dow might say , that every Puritan was a Calvinist , in matters of predestination , grace , free will , &c. yet cannot this be called the character or description of a Puritan ( as you please to make it ) because it followeth not è converso , that every one who followeth Calvin's judgment in the points aforesaid , is a Puritan also ; no more then if a man should say , Every Presbiterian is an enemy to the Authority of the King and supream Magistrates in the concernments of the Church ; and therefore it must follow also , that all which do not allow any such Authority in the supream Magistrate ( Papists of all sorts , Jesuites , yea the Pope himself ) must be Presbiterians . 12. Having thus rescued D. Dow , I shall next come unto my self , in whom you hope to find such a description of a Puritan , as you have charged on me in your Preface , though but just now you had ascribed that charge unto your temerity , and seem to cry pecavi for it , for you say next that so much you have found in a Book of mine against M. Burton , as justifies what you said of me , if you can understand me ; and if you cannot understand me , 't is no fault of mine , who commonly speak plain enough to be understood , and shall now give you leave to understand me in your own sense , or in any other which shall please you better . I have not so much of the Frenchman in me , as either to speak what I do not think , or not to write as I speak , nor so much of the Hypocrite , Ore aliud retinens , aliud sub pectore condens , ( as we know who saith ) as to write otherwise with my pen then my heart inditeth : My heart and my tongue goes still together , and my pen keeps pace with both ; leaving equivocation to the Jesuites , and mental reservation to the Presbiterians , who are better studied in them both then I can pretend to : I am a kind of plain Tom tell troth , and have so much in me of the old Spartan , as to call a Spade a Spade . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as they phrased it without fear or wit ; so that you might have spared your Metaphysical discourse about the nature of words , as they are the expressions of the mind ; and the suspition that you have that I reserve some other meaning to my self then my words in the common sense import , though I desire that my words should be understood alwaies in the litteral sense , or in any other sense that you shall give them , as afore was said , which being premised , I would fain see how you prove the point which you have so blindly undertaken . Marry , say you , I deal with M. Burton as the Puritans Oracle , pag. 152. their superintendent , Champion , &c. as in my Preface to that Book ; and my des●r●pti●n of him , is that he followeth Illyricus in his Doctrines , de providentia , predestinatione , gratia , libero arbitrio , &c. pag. 182. Stay here a little M Baxter ; do you not tell us in the former part of your Letter , that you had not seen that Book against M. Burton above 20. years , and therefore condemned your temerity in mentioning me on the trust of your memory after so long time ; and can you now direct us not only unto single words , Oracle , Superintendent , Champion , &c. and to the several pages where they are ? Can you direct us to a marginal Note , pag. 182. relating to a Book called Necessaria Responsio , and to the folios of that Book , viz. pag. 82. with pag. 82 , 84. 85. or tell your Read●● in what part or page of that Book he may find D Jackson acquitted from maintaining Arminianism and the Puritans condemned for wresting the Articles of the Church , pag. 122 , 123. Can you do this , and yet with confidence declare that it is 20. years since you saw that Book ? Assuredly your memory must be very good , in remembring so many single words and particular passages , with the very places where they are , after the space of twenty years ; or very bad , in not remembring that the description of a Puritan ( which you had charged on Peter Heylyn ) was to be found in M. Dow , and perhaps not there . Quid verba audiam , cum facta videam ? You tell us that you have not seen that book this twenty years , and here is evidence enough that you have it by you ( for I cannot think that you clogged your Note Book with such petit remembrances ) unless the term of twenty years may pass in your account for no more then yesterday . 13. But be your memory good or bad , I am sure your Logick is far worse ( none of old Baxter's this ) then your memory can be . The Charge you are to prove is this , That with the late Prelates a Puritan was either a Non-Conformist , or a Conformist , that in Doctrine was no Arminian ( of which sort Peter Heylyn gave us a description by their opinions ; ) By which we are to understand ( if you mean nothing else but what your words in the common sense import ) that the Puritans ( of whom ( the said sorry fellow called ) Peter Heylyn hath given us a description by their opinions ) is such a Conformist who in Doctrine is no Arminian . This is the point you are to prove ; and for the proof of this , you instance in M. Burton of Fryday-Street , who though he was no Arminian in point of Doctrine , yet was he so far from being a Conformist , that since the hanging up of Penry at Saint Thomas of Waterings ( where he Preached before a very thin audience on the top of the Ladder ) ( as Johannes Stow informeth us ) Anno 1593. There never was a more profest , outragious , violent and seditious Non-Conformist in the Church of England : Now if the Puritans be there described by M. Burton as you say they are ; or if the Reader understand me as describing Puritans only , because I have so often given the person described that name , as I am willing that he should , and you say he must ; It must needs follow thereupon , that the Puritans against whom I write , cannot be such Conformists as are no Arminians , but such notorious Non-Conformists as their Oracle and Champion M. Burton was . There was an old distinction made by I know not whom , betwixt the Knaves Puritan , and the Knave Puritans , the Knaves Puritan being one that made a conscience of his waies , and followed not profane and licentious persons in their ungodly way of living : But the Knave Puritans were those , who under pretence of long Prayer devoured widdows houses , and wilfully opposed the Rights and Ceremonies of the Church , and clamorously cried down the Lordly Prelacy and jurisdiction of the Bishops , that they might themselves Lord it over Gods people , in their several Parishes , and sit as so many petit Popes in their Classical Sessions . These and no others are the Puritans against whom I write ; not against those who walk unblamably before God and man ; nor against those who following Calvin's judgment in the matter of predestination and the points concomitant , conform themselves unto the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , here by Law established ; of which last sort were many Bishops , Deanes & Dignitaries in Cathedral Churches , whose parts & piety I admire as much as any , whom it had been a madness to condemn for Puritans , such Puritanism and their several dignities being inconsistent . 14. So then the Puritan whom I aim at in the person of M Burton , is a notorious Non-Conformist ; and whither I had described him or them we are next to see . And my description of him ( as you tell us ) contain●th , first , that hee follows Illyricus in his Doctrines d● providentia , predestinatione , gratia , libero arbitrio , &c. If it conteins that first ( as you say it doth , it must needs contain something in the second , third and fourth places , which you are willing not to speak of : For if ●ou look into the place by you cited , pag. 882. you will there find that M. Burton is not only said to be a follower of Illyricus in his Doctrines de providentia , &c. but to have also followed him in his fiery nature and seditious principles one of which was , Principes potius metu seditionum terrendos , quam vel minimum pacis causa indulgendum , That Princes should be rather terrified with the feares of tumults , then any thing should be yielded to for quietness sake : All which being laid together , as it stands in your Author , falls so much short of being a description of such Puritans , as being conformable to the Church in Rites and Ceremonies , are notwithstanding no Arminians in point of Doctrine , which you have charged on Peter Heylyn , that it conteineth not such a principal part of that description , as you have laid on D. Dow : For besides that the Puritans hold the same opinions with those who follow Calvin's judgment in some controverted points before remembred ; they hold also some opinions of their own , that is to say , it is not lawful to use the Cross in Baptism , or to bow at the blessed name of Jesus ( which M. Burton calls Cross-worship and Jesu-worship ) nor to be uncovered in the time of Divine Service , to wear the Surplice , kneel at the Communion , to marry with the Ring , and finally to stand up at the Gospels , and the Gloria Patri : In all which he and they were as much opposed by those of the Conformable Clergy , who follow Calvin's judgement in the points aforesaid , as by any of those Divines whome you call Arminians . You grant that I behold not M. Burton as a Puritan only , but as a Puritan and seditious , and being such might pass the better in the train of Illyricus his followers , without drawing after him all the rest which hold the same opinions in some doctrinal matters , as Illyricus did : Nor doth it help your cause at all , that M. Burton is accused for wresting the Articles of the Church , to make good his Doctrines in that point pag. 122. or said to have dealt fasly with D. Jackson , in charging him to be a maintainer of Arminianism , pag. 123. for M. Burton might do both , as indeed he did ; and those who are of M. Burton's judgment in those Doctrinal matters ( whom you here call by the name of Anti-Arminians ) might and did wrest the Articles from their proper sense : For did not many of them draw the Article aside , refusing to submit to the full and plain meaning of it , but puting their own sence or comment to be the meaning of the Article , and consequently not taking it in the litteral and grammatical sense ? Contrary to the tenour and command of his Majesties D●claration , prefixed before the Book of Articles , Anno 1628. All this may be or may not be , and you be not a jot nearer to your Journie● end , which was to let us know in what Book or Books the said Peter Heylyn , by gathering together their opinions , had made up the description of such Puritans , who being Conformists ( you may add Non-Conformists also , if you have a mind to it ) as were no Arminians ; for if you find not this upon your Melius inquirendum , you have found just nothing , but must return a non est inventus , as at first you did : Where by the way I would fain learn , why those that are of different perswasion from you in the points aforesaid , must be called Arminians , or D. Jackson must be said to maintain Arminianism , instancing to the established Doctrine of the Church of England . Assuredly Arminius was too much a Puisue , of too late standing in the world , to be accounted the first Broacher of those Doctrinal points , which have such warrant from the Scripture , and were so generally held by the Ancient Fathers , both Greek and Latine , till S. Austin's time , defended since that time by the Jesuites and Franciscans in the Church of Rome , by all the Melancthonian Divines among the Lutherans by Castelio in Geneva it self , by Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper , in the time of K. Edward , by some of our Confessors in Prison in Q Maries days , by Bishop Hursnet in the Pulpit , and Peter Barrow in the Divinity Scholes of Cambridge , during the raign of Q. Elisabeth , by Hardem Bergius , the first reformer of the Church and City of Emden ; and finally by Anastatius Veluanus , Anno 1554. and afterwards by Henrious Antonii , Johannis Ibrandi , Clemens Martini , Cornelius Meinardi . the Ministers generally of the Province of Vterick , Manaus the Divinity Professor of Leyden , Gellius Suecanus in the Province of Friezland , before the name of JACOB VAN ' HARMINE hath been ever heard of in the World. Lay all that hath been said together , and the sum is this , that I apply not the name of Puritan ( in any Book or Books of mine ) to such Conformists as in Doctrine are no Arminians , not have given any such description of them by their opinions , as your Preface speaks of ; and therefore once again I shall claim your promise of publishing an account of your misunderstanding me in that particular , with your following satisfaction to the World to do me right . 15. And here again you might have left me , teling me that you have no more wherewith to trouble me on that subject , which was indeed the only subject in which you had been troublesome to me , and for which trouble I desire satisfaction from you . But having said thus much to so little purpose , you will proceed a little further to no purpose at all , but that you cannot let me pass without a use of Exhortation and Reproof to conclude the business : In order whereunto you tell me , that had you not savoured in my writings a spirit so very distant from your disposition , that you have small hopes that your words shall escape my displeasure , you would on this occasion have dealt freely with me about many things in many of my Books , which have long been matter of scandal and grief , to men that have much Christian meekness and moderation . What your own disposition is , as I know not otherwise , so I cannot gather it from your Writings , having never seen any of them but this of the Grotian Religion , which is now before us , and what I find in that you shall see hereafter . But if you be of such a disposition as inclines to peace , and chearfully submissive to the higher Powers under which you live ; you shall not find such a spirit in me , but that we may take sweet councel together , and walk in the house of God as friends . Certain I am you savour not in my Writings any such spirit as bends me to despise dominion and speak evil of dignity , or tends to the embroilment of Kingdomes , the subversion of Churches , and the confusion of Estates . If the Writings of many of your party and perswasions , had savoured of no other spirit then mine ▪ there had not been such scandal given to the rest of Christendom , by our Schisms and Heterodoxies , by lifting up our hands against Gods anointed , ●nd washing them in the blood of one another . My Writings have all tended unto peace and unity , and if they had been better followed , we might have kept the spirit of unity in the bond of peace . Nor need you fear that any thing which you can either say or write shall escape my displeasure , as I think you do not ; I have been alwaies patientissimui veri , I thank God for it , and can give ear to friendly admonition and severe reproof , without any disturbance ; and therefore you may deal as freely with me as you please : your tongue is your owne , and my ears are mine , nor can you speak or write more of me , then I can willingly hear without any displeasure , Tu linguae , ego aurium dominus sum , as once he in Tacitus . 16. Useing the freedom which I give you , you say ( as in the way of reprehension and reproof ) that there are many things in many of my Books , that have long been matter of scandal and grief , to men that have much Christian meekness and moderation . Matter of scandal there hath been , there is no question of it ; but whether it be Scandalum pusillorum , or Pharisaicum , whether it be datum or acceptum , as the Schools distinguish : A scandal given by me to those whom you have honoured with the Attributes of much Christian meekness and moderation , or causl●sly and perverslesly taken by them against the Rules of Christian meekness and moderation , is the thing in question ; but you think it to be past all question , exemplifying in my many repr●ac●es against extemporary Prayer , the holy improvement of the Lords day , &c. but where I beseech you , in what Book or Books of mine may a man meet with any of those many reproaches against extemporary Prayer ? May you not be again mistaken , and find upon a further search that those many reproaches against extemporary Prayer are to be found in D. ●olkinton or in some body else ? The most that I have said ag●inst extemporary Prayer occurreth in a brief discours touching the form of Prayer appointed to be used before the Sermon . Sect. 22. in which you read , That whereas the Church prescribes a set form of Prayer in her publique Liturgie , from which it is not lawful for any of her Ministers to vary or recede ; she did it principally to avoid all unadvised effusions of gross and undigested Prayers , as little capable of piety , as they are uterly void of order : and this she did upon the reason given in the Melevitan Council , viz. least else through ignorance or want of care any thing should be uttered contrary to the rules of faith , Ne forte aliquid contra fidem . vel per ignorantiam , vel per minus studium si● compositum , as the Canon hath it . And again page 348. We plainly see by the effects , what the effect of theirs would tend to : What is the issue of the liberty most men have taken to themselves ; too many of that sort who most stand upon it , useing such passages in their Prayers before their Sermons , that even their Prayers in the Psalmist's language , are turned into sin . Thus find we in the General Preface , That the inconveniencies which the liberty hath brought upon us in these latter days , are so apparent , that it is very hard to say , whether the liberty of Prophesying , or the licentiousness in Praying what and how we list , hath more conduced to these distractions which are now amongst us ; and if there were no such effect too visible of this licentiousness ( which I desire the present state to take notice of ) the scandal which is thereby given unto our Religion , in speaking so irreverently , with such vain repetitions and tautologies to almighty God ( as in extemporary and unpremeditated Prayers is too frequently done ) seem a sufficient consideration to bring us back again to that ancient form which the wisedom of the Church prescribed to prevent that mischief . And finally , that men never did so litterally offer unto God the Calves of their lips as they have done of late , since the extemporary way of praying hath been taken up : ●nd if it were prohibited by the Law of Moses , to offer any thing unto God in the way of the legal Sacrifices , which was maimed , sported or imperfect ; how can it rationally be conceived that God should be delighted with those Oblations , or spiritual Sacrifices , which have nothing almost in them but maims , spots and blemishes . These are my words I must confess ; but that they are reproaches , I must needs deny . But first , I do not speak these words of all extemporary Prayers in general , or more particularly of those which gifted men may make in their private devotions , but of those unpremeditated , undigested Prayers which men ungifted , and unlearned men , have poured out too frequently in the Church of God. And secondly , if they be reproaches , they are such reproaches and such only , as when a man is said to have been slandered with a matter of truth , and for the proof hereof , besides the authority of the Council of Melevis , before remembred , I ma● bring that our incomparable Hooker , in the fifth Book of his Eccles : Politie , Num 25. Who though he actually saw but few , did foresee many of ●ho●e inconveniencies which the humor of extemporary Prayer at last would bring into the publique worship of Almighty God ; for there he tells us of the grievous and scandalous inconveniences whereunto they make themselves daily subject , who by their irksome deformities , whereby through endless and sensless effusions of undigested Prayers , they oftentimes disgrace in most unsufferable manner , the worthiest part of Christian duty towards God , when being subject herein to no certain order , pray both what they list , and how they list . But behold a greater then Hooker is here ; even His most Excellent and most Incomparable Majesty , the late King CHARLS , who telleth us in his large declaration against the Scots , That for want of a set form of Prayer , they did sometimes pray so ignorantly , that it was a shame to all Religion , to hear the Majesty of God so barbarously spoken unto ; and sometimes so seditiously , that their very Prayers were either plain libels against Authority , or manifest lies , stuffed with all the false reports in the Kingdom . And what effects he found of them among the English , appears by his Proclamation against the Directory , bearing date Novemb. 30. Anno 1644. where we are told , That by abolishing the Book of Common-Prayer , there would be a means to open the way , and give the liberty to all ignorant , factious or evil men , to broach their own fancies and conceits , be they never so wicked and erroneous , and to mislead people into sin and rebellion , and to utter those things even in that which they make for their Prayers , in their Congregations , as in Gods presence , which no conscientious man can assent to say Amen to . And hereunto I shall add no more but this , viz. that the passages produced before out of two of my Books , and countenanced both by sad experience , and such great Authorities , must needs be either true or false ; if true , they can be no reproaches ; if false , why do you not rather study to confute them , then reprove me for them . 17. The next charge which you lay upon me , and thereby render me obnoxious to a new reproof , relates to my reproaches against the holy improvements of the Lords day , &c. How far your ( &c. ) will extend is hard to say ; and therefore had you done more wisely , had you left it out ; especially consider how many doubtful descants and ridiculous glosses were made upon a former ( &c. ) and happily left standing in one of the Canons , Anno 1640. for either I am guilty of more reproaches against piety and the power of godlines , or I am not guilty ; if guilty , why do you not let me know both their number and nature , that I may either plead my innocence or confess my crime ? If not , why do you thus insinuate by this ( &c , ) that you suppress some other charges which you have against me ? But letting that pass cum ceteris ●rroribus , Where ( I beseech you ) can you point me to any reproaches of that day , or of the holy improvements of it ? Much I confess is to be found in some of my Books , against the superstitious and more then judaical observation of it , which cannot come within the compass of being a reproach unto it . Might not the Scribes and Pharisees ( Si licet exemplis in parvo grandibus uti , in the Poets words ) have charged our Saviour with the like , and reckoned him for a reproach to the holy improvements of the Sabbath , by justifying his Disciples in plucking off the ears of Corn upon that day ; commanding the man whom he had cured of his diseases , to take up his bed and walk , though upon the Sabbath ; and finally giving this general Aphorism to his Disciples , That the Sabbath was made for man , and not man for the Sabbath ; Then which there could be nothing more destructive of those superstitions wherewith that day was burthened by the Scribes & Pharisees , and thereby more accommodated to the ease of the Ox and Asse , then to the comfort and refreshment of the labouring man : might not the latter Rabines among the Jews defend themselves in those ridiculous niceties , about the keeping of that Sabbath ( Queen-Sabbath as they commonly call it ) ( for which they stand derided and condemned by all sober Christians ) by reckoning them for such holy improvements , as D. Bound and his Disciples have since encogitated and devised to advance the dignity of the Lords day ( Saints Sunday , as the people called it in times of Popery ) to as high a pitch ? Restore the Lords day to that innocent freedom in which it stood in the best and happiest times of Christianity , and lay every day fresh burthens upon the consciences of Gods people ( in your restraints from necessary labours and lawful pleasures ) which neither we nor our forefathers have been able to bear , though christned by the name of holy improvements . The coming out of Barbours's Book ( Printed and secretly dispersed , Anno 1628. but walking more confidently abroad , with an Epistle Dedicatory to his Sacred Majesty , about five years after ) declare ▪ sufficiently what dangerous effects your holy improvements had produced , if not stopt in time ; and stopt they could not be by any who maintain your Principles ; that poor man being then deceived into the errour of a Saturday Sabbath ( a neer neighbour of this place hath been of late ) by the continual inculcating ( both from the Pulpit and the Press ) of the perpetual and indispensable morality of the fourth Commandment , as it hath been lately urged upon us . But so much hath been said of this by others , and elsewhere by me , that I forbear to press it further ; nor indeed had I said thus much , had you not forced me upon it for my own defence . 18. And for those most unjust as well as uncharitable speeches ( those bitter reproaches as you call them afterwards ) which you charge upon me in reference to my brethren whom I take for adversaries ; when you have told me what they are , and of whom they are spoken , and where a man may chance to find them , I shall return a more particular answer to this calumny also ; but till then I cannot : In the mean time , where is that ingenuity and justice you so much pretend too ; you make it foul crime in me , not easily to be washed away with the tears of repentance , that I have used some tart expressions ( which you sometimes call bitter reproaches ) sometimes unjust and uncharitable speeches against my brethren , many of them being my inferiours , and the best but my equals , and take no notice of those odious and reproachful Attributes which you have given unto your Fathers , all of them being your superiours de facto , though perhaps you will not grant them to be such de jure : You call me in a following passage , the Primipilus ( by which I finde you have studied Godwin's Antiquities ) or chief of the defenders of the late turgid or persecuting sort of Prelates ; whither with greater scorn to me , or reproach to them , it is hard to say ; the merit of the accusation we shall see anon ; I note here only by the way in S. Paul's expression , that that wherein you judge another you condemn yourself , seeing you do the same things , and perhaps far worse : But to return unto my self , take this in general , that though I may sometimes put vinegar into my inck to make it quick and opulative , as the case requireth , yet there is nothing of securrility or malice in it , nothing that savoureth of uncharitableness , or of such bitter reproaches as you unjustly tax me with : But when I meet with such a firebrand as M. Burton ( whose ways you will not seem to justifie in that which followeth ) I hope you cannot think I should pour Oyl upon him to encrease the flame , and not bring all the water I had to quench it , whither soul or clean : Or when I meet with such unsavoury peices of wit and mischief as the Minister of Lincoln Diocesse , and the Church Historian , would you not have me rub them with a little salt to keep them sweet ? The good Samaritan when he undertook the care of the wounded passenger , is said to have poured into his wounds both Oyl and Wine , that is to say , the Oyl to cherish and refresh it , and the Wine to cleanse it , Oleum quo foveatur ▪ Vinum quo mordeatur , as I have read in some good Authors ; he had not been a skilful Chyrurgion if he had done otherwise ; one plaister is not medcinal to all kind of sores , some of which may be cured with Balm , when others more corrupt and putrified , do require a lancing ; but ●o I shall not deal with M. Baxter , nor have I dealt so with others of his perswasion ; insomuch that I have received thanks from the Ministers of Surrey and Buckingham shire ( in the name of themselves and of that party ) for my fair and respectful language to them , both in the Preface to my History of the Sabbath , and the Conclusion to the same . 19. But you go on , and having given me some good councel which I shall thank you for anon ; you tell me that besides those many bitter reproaches of my Brethren which I take for adversaries , I rise unto such bloody desires of hanging them , as the better remedy then burning their Books : For this you point us to the History of the Sabbath , pag. 2 pag. 254. and in the general Preface to Ecclesia vindicata , Sect. 8. In which last place we find it thus , " That partly by the constancy and courage of the Arch-Bishop Whitgift , who succeeded Grindal , Anno 1583. the opportune death of the Earl of Leicester their chief Patron , Anno 1588. and the incomparable pains of judicious Hooker , Anno 1595. but principally by the seasonable execution of Copping and Thacker , hanged at Saint Edmonds bury in Suffolke , for publishing the Pamphlets of Robert Brown against the Book of Common-prayer , they became so quier , that the Church seems to be restored to some hopes of peace . Nothing in this that savoureth of such bloody desires as you charge upon me , I am sure of that ; and there is little more then nothing in the other passage , where speaking of D. Bound's Book of Sabbath-Doctrines , and the sad consequents thereof , I add that on the discovery of it , this good ensued , that the said Books were called in by Arch Bishop Whitgift in his V●sitations , and by several Letters ; and forbidden to be Printed and made common , by Sir John Popham , Lord Chief Justice at the Assizes held at Bury ; and thereunto I subjoyned these words , viz. Good remedies indeed , had they been soon enough applied : yet not so good as those which formerly were applied to Thacker and his fellow Copping , in the aforesaid Town of Bury , for publishing the Books of Brown against the Service of the Church . But here is no mention , not a syllable of burning the said Books of Sabbath-Doctrines , but only of suppressing and calling in ; Which makes me apt enough to think that you intended that for a private nip , relating to a Book of mine called Respondit Petrus ; which was publiquely voyced abroad , to have been publiquely burnt in London ( as indeed the burning of it was severely prosecuted ) though itscaped the fire ; a full account whereof being too long to be inserted in this place , I may perhaps present you with , in a place by it self . And secondly , what find you in that latter passage , which argueth me to be guilty of such bloody desires as I stand accused for in your Letter ? Cannot a man report the passages of former times , and by comparing two remedies for the same disease , prefer the one before the other , as the case then stood , when the spirit of sedition moved in all parts of the Realm , but he must be accused of such bloody desires , for makeing that comparison in a time of quietness , in a time of such a general calm , that there was no fear of any such tempest in the State as did after follow ? If this can prove me guilty of such bloody desires , the best is , that I stand not single , but have a second to stand by me , of your own perswasion ; for in the same page where you find that passage , viz. page 254. you cannot chuse but find the story of a Sermon , Preached in my hearing at Sergeants Inn in Fleetstreet ; in which the Preacher broach'd this Doctrine , That temporal death was at this day to be inflicted by the Law of God on the Sabbath breaker , on him who on the Lord's day did the works of his daily calling ; with a grave application to my Masters of the Law , that if they did their ordinary works on the Sabbath day , in taking fees , and giving counsel , they should consider what they did deserve by the Law of God. The man that Preached this was Father Foxly , Lecturer of S. Martins in the Fields ▪ Superintendent general of the Lecturers in S. Antholin's Church , and Legate à Latere from the Grandees residing at London , to their friends and agents in the Countrey ; who having brought these learned Lawyers to the top of the Ladder , thought it a high piece of mercy not to turn them off , but there to leave them , either to look after a Reprieve , or sue out their Pardon . This Doctrine you approve in him ( for you have passed it quietly over , & qui tacet , consentire videtur , as the saying is , without taking any notice of it , or exceptions against it ) and consequently may be thought to allow all those bloody uses also , which either a blind superstition , or a fiery zeal shall think fit to raise : But on the other side , you find such bloody desires in the passages before remembred , which cannot possibly be found in them , but by such a gloss as must pervert my meaning , and corrupt my text ; and it is , Male dicta glossa quâ corrumpit textum , as the old Civilians have informed us , 20. But to come nearer to your self ; May we be sure that no such bloody desires may be found in you as to the taking away of life , in whom we find such merciless resolutions , as to the taking away of the livelyhood of your Christian Brethren . The life of man consists not only in the union of the soul and body , but in the enjoyment of those comforts which make life valued for a blessing ; for ▪ Vita non est vivere , sed valere ; as they use to say ; there is as well a civil as a natural death ; as when a man is said to be dead in law , dead to the world , dead to all hopes of bettering his condition for the time to come ; and though it be a most divine truth , that the life is more then food , and the body then rayment ; yet when a man is plundered both of food and cloathing , and declared void of all capacities of acquiring more , will not the sence of hunger and the shame of nakedness be far more irksome to him then a thousand deaths ? How far the chiefs of your party have been guilty of these civil slaughters , appears by the sequestring of some thousands of the Conformable and Established Clergy from their means and maintainance , without form of Law ; who if they had done any thing against the Canons of the Church , or the Laws of the Land , were to be judged according to those Laws and Canons , against which they had so much transgressed ; but suffering as they did , without Law or against the Law , or by a Law made after the fact ( a●ainst which last his Highness the late LORD PROTECTOR complaineth in his Speech made in the year 1654. ) they may be truly said to have suffered as Innocents , and to be made Confessors and Martyrs against their wills : Either they must be guilty , or not guilty of the crimes objected : If they were guilty , and found so by the Grand Inquest , why were they not convicted and deprived in due form of Law ? If not , why were they suspended , sine die , the profits of their Churches , sequestered from them , and a Vote passed for rendring them uncapable of being restored again to their former Benefices ? Of this , if you do not know the reason , give me leave to tell you ; The Presbyterians out of Holland , the Independents from New - England , the beggerly Scots , and many Tr●n ch●r-Chaplains amongst our selves were drawn together , like so many Vultures , to seek after a prey ; for gratifying of whom , the regular and established Clergy must be turned out of their Benefices , that every Bird of r pine might have its nest ( some of them , two or three for failing ) which holding by no other Tenure then as Tenants at will , they were necessitated to performe such services as their great Patrons from time to time required of them . 21. Now for your part how far you are and have been guilty of these civil slaughters , appears abundantly in the Preface which is now before us ; in which you do not only justifie the sequestring of so many of the regular and established Clergy , to the undoing of themselves and their several families ; but openly profess , That you take it to be one of the charitablest works you can do ▪ to help to cast out a bad Minister , and to get a better in the place ; so that you prefer it ( as a work of mercy ) before much sacrifice : Which that it may be done with the better colour , you must first murther them in their fame , then destroy them in their fortunes , reproaching them with the Atributes of utterly insufficient , ungodly , unfaithful , scandalous , or that do more harm then good ; and reckoning their ejection to be one of the most pious and charitable worke you can put your hand to : And as if this had not been enough , you tell us , that many of them have long been a burden to the Church , instead of a blessing ; that they understood neither the Catechism nor the Creed ; that many of them lived more in the Ale-house then the Church ( which might be done , though they spent but three hours at the Ale house in all the week ) and use to lead their people in drunkenness cursing swearing ▪ quarrelling , and other ungodly practises ▪ and that such of them as were better then the rest , would be drunk but now and then , and lived in much worldl●ness and profaneness , though not so disgracefully as the rest . Our Ecclesiastical Historians tell us of one Ithasius ( a professed enemy of the Priscili●nists , a potent Sect at that time in the West of Christendome ) who if he met with any man that walked not directly in his own way , put him down presently in his Catalogue of suspected Priscilianists . Take heed I beseech M. Baxter , that you be not of the same humour as Ithasius was , and that you put not every one into your ●able book for a good fellow , or a drunkard , &c. in whom you finde not such an affected austerity of deportment such an unsociableness of conversation , such a disguisedness in their countenance● , as if their faces were not made at the same time with the rest of their bodies . And take heed also , that you be not of their minde , who think that God sees no sin in his Elect ; and that you put not some men out of their Benefices , who never were at an Ale-house , and put such others in their places , who never●ly out of it ▪ as hath been done ( and I could tell you where and when if it were material ) under pretence of such a Reformation as you are in hand with : And that you do not in this case , as LEWIS XI . of France did in another , of whom it is Recorded , That when he had lost the Battel of Mount le Herie , he took many Offices and Commands from some who ran a little out of the Field , & conferred them upon those who ran ten miles further . In order whereunto , I desire you to let me know what justice these poor men ( of whom you have undertaken the prosecution ) are to look for from you , whom you have thus prejudge before hand , and condemned without hearing ? Or with what equity you can charge me with useing such unjust and uncharitable speeches ( which you call afterwards by the name of bitter reproaches ) against my brethren , when you have shewed your self more really guilty in that kind , then you have unjustly reported me to be ? And in the turn thereof , I shall let you know , how vast the difference is between the old Incumbents and the new Intruders ; the greatest part of those who have been sequestered or ejected , being far more eminent in all parts of learning , and no less eminent for their exemplary piety , then the best of them who have been thrust into their places ! Had I observed the passages in your Preface , before I writ my first Letter to you , I should not have so much commended the modesty of your expressions , as I did therein , when I had looked upon no more of it then that which did concern my self , and then passed directly to your description of the Grotian Religion , which gives the Title to your Book . 22. But then admitting that some of those who have been sequestred and ejected , had not been altogether so unblamable in their conversation , as the dignity of their calling and the strictness of the time required ; yet might they take heed unto themselves , and unto Doctrine , and continue therein , which you make to be God's appointed means to save themselves , and them that hear them , as indeed it is . But then I hope you do not think , that the Doctrine becomes ineffectual by proceeding from an unclean mouth ( for veritas à quocunque est , est à spiritu sancto , as S. Ambrose hath it ) or that the waters of Life contract any corruption by passing through an impure Channel ; for if you do , you cross not only with the Church of England , but with Christ himself ▪ The Church of England in the twenty sixth Article teacheth thus , viz. Although in the visible Church , the evil be ever mingled with the good , and sometimes the evil have chief authority , in the ministration of the Word and Sacraments ; yet forasmuch as they do not the same in their own name , but in Christs , and do minister by his Comission and Authority , we may use their ministry both in hearing the Word of God , and in the receiving the Sacraments ; neither is the effect of Christ's Ordinance taken away by their wickednesses , nor the grace of God's gifts diminished from such as by faith and rightly do receive the Sacraments ministred unto them , which are effectual , because of Christ's institution and promise , although they be administred by evil men ; and Christ our Saviour having told the Multitude in Mat. 23. That the Scribes and Pharisees ( whose palpable Hypocrisie and corruptions he describeth at large ) sit in Moses Chair , adds this , viz. All therefore whatsoever they bid you do that observe ye and do ; but after their works do not : for they say and do not . Had you been present at that time , you would have interposed and said , There was no such need the Scribes and Pharisees ( having by their own vitiousness rendred themselves uncapable of it ) should sit any longer in that Chair , but rather be sequestred , ejected , and turned out of all , that so the Gaulonites ( men eminent for their zeal to the publique liberty , and such as taught the people not to give to Caesar that which belonged unto Caesar ) might possess their places . It s true that we find this clause in the former Article viz. Nevertheless it appertaineth to the Discipline of the Church , that enquiry be made of ev●● Ministers , and that they be accused by those that have knowledg of their offences ; and finally ▪ being found guilty by just judgment , be deposed . And it is true ▪ that I find the name of Richard Baxter of Keederminster , in the front of those Ministers of Worcester shire , who are to be subservient to the Commissioners authorised by the Ordinance of August 29. 1654. For the ejecting of scandalous , ignorant ▪ and insufficient Ministers . But as the one gives you no authority to prejudge your brethren before hand by your bitter reproaches , and your uncharitable speeches , or to accuse any of them on a partial fame , but only on the certain knowledg of their offences : So neither are you impowered by the other , to sit as Judge upon the life and conversation of any Minister , but only to deliver your opinion ( if it be required ) touching his ignorance and insufficiency , and no more then so . And therefore M. Baxter , let me advise you to follow the counsel of the old Proverb , and be good in your Office , that you may continue longer in it ; and that you do not too much Lord it over your brethren of the Clergy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in the Original ( neither dominantes in cleris , as the vulgar Latine ) by vertue of any such Commission as I find your name in . You say you are a sorry Lawyer , and I think so too ; for else you could not chuse but know , that every minister upon his institution and induction ▪ is actually possessed of a free hold in that Benefice into which he is instituted or inducted ; of which he is not to be dis-placed ( if the Magna Charta be in force , as I think it is ) but by the Laws of the Land ; and therefore ceaseth not by his own vitiousness to have a right to the mantainance which belongs unto it ( as you strangely tell us ) until he be convicted according to those Laws , and deposed accordingly . 23. But you proceed , and having charged me with some bloody desires , which you find not mine ; you tell me , that I must not make such rigorous Laws for all , and hang them that are against me . This , if you speak to me in my personal capacity , you might well have spared it , knowing that I have no authority of making Laws , and that the Legislative Power is in other hands ; but if you speak to me as the Primipilus ( as in scorn you call me ) amongst the chi●● of the defenders of the late turgid and persecuting sort of Prela●y , you may do well to let us know what rigorous Laws have been made at the instigation of the Prelates , for hanging all that were against them ! what execution hath been done upon any of the Puritan faction , since the so much celebrated Raign of Q. ELIZABETH ! What Confessors and Martyrs have been added lately unto Fox's Kalender ▪ The Prelates in the mean time must be thought to be in a sad condition , and every one of them might have said in his own particular , Si b●ne r●xe●o ●civ●s ; si mlae Deos iratos habeo ; If they discharged the trust reposed in them , for suppressing Heresies and Schisms , and preserving Order in the Church , according to the Canons of the Church and the Laws of the Land , they were sure to get nothing but anger and hate from men ; if not , they were as sure to incur the high displeasure of almighty God : And yet for this , for doing nothing but their duty ( and would to God they had done that as they should have done ) they must be branded by the odious name of Persecutors . But certainly M. Baxter , if they may be called a persecuting sort of Prelates ▪ they must be called so , à non Pers●qu●n●o ( as Lucus was à non Lucendo , by some old Gramarians ) for being too indulgent to the Puritan faction , for standing in the gapp betwixt them and the Kings displeasure , when he might more easily have crushed them then have spoke the word : For if you look into his Majesties Proclamation against the Scots , bearing date Febr. 20 ▪ in the 14 year of his Raign , when he first took up Arms against them , you will there find ▪ First that it was given out by the Covenanters , that some of power in the Hierarchy of England have been the cause of his Majesties first taking Arms to invade that his Native Kingdome , and of medling with their Religion . And secondly , that his Majesty Answers thereunto , that it was most certain , that no one of them had done any thing therein , but by his own Princely direction and command ; and that it was notoriously known to all the Councel then present , that their counsels were for peace , and that they were the perswaders ( as much as in them lay ) of the undeserved moderation wherewith he had hitherto proceeded towards so great offenders . And therefore tell me , if you can , in what this persecuting humour of theirs did consist especially . Cannot such a seditious wretch as Burton , such a rake-shame as Vicars of Stamford , such a notorious piece of Non-Conformity as Rood of Abingdon , be censured in the high Commission ( perhaps to deprivation , and some short imprisonment ) but presently you must c●y out of a Persecution ? Cannot the Ordinaries in their several and respective Jurisdictions , proceed unto the silencing of a factious Lecturer , or the suspending of an unconformable Minister , usque ad Reformationem , but that must pass also under the same account ? If there be persecuting on the one side , there must be martyrdom , and other sufferings on the other side ▪ And then such sufferings must not be ( for it is Causa , non Paena , quae facit Martyrem ) either for factious Preaching , or seditious Writing , or an incorrigiable opposition to established Orders ; but for the testimony of a good conscience , in bearing witness to the truth , and constantly adhering to the faith of Christ , when the abnegation or renouncing of it is required of them : Such sufferers , if you can shew me , you have gained the cause ; and for such Persecutions as you complain of , they so seldom happened , that there was the more notice taken of them , because they were so rare , and came so seldom ▪ once in a year , or perhaps not above once in two or three years , we might hear the news of some one or other notoriously known for his inconformity , who was brought upon the stage for a terrour to others , which is the most you can complain of ▪ but so , I trow , it was not with the Presbyterians when they were in power , whose little finger was heavier on the Regular Clergie , then the loins of all the Bishops had been on them . Consult the Acts of the High Commission , inquire into the Registers of the several Bishops , and tell me , if for every one of the Puritan party who had been silenced , suspended or deprived , according to the Laws of the Land during the last 20. years of Episcopal Government ; some scores at the least , of the conformable Clergie have not been sequestred , ejected , and turned out of all ( without law , in lesse then half that time ) by the Presbyterians . Here is a persecution indeed , ( undecima persecutio , as the Book not unfitly calls it ) A Persecution with a witnesse . 24. But you have other Titles of Honour to bestow upon them , and think it not enough to brand the Bishops with the odious title of a persecuting sort of Prelacie ; but you must adde the word Turgid , to make up the measure as well of your incivilities as of their afflictions : which word , although it be not usual in the English Tongue , yet we can understand it without the help of a Dictionarie , and understand by it , that you tax the Prelates with a high swelling kind of pride . I heard one preach in Westminster Abbey about the beginning of the long Parliament , who much bemoaned the sad condition of the Clergie , and the impossibilities under which they lay , of giving content unto the people ; for if ( said he ) they kept close and privately , or lived any thing below their means , the people were then apt to cry , O the base sordidness of the Clergie ! but if according to their means and in any little outward lustre , they then cried on the other side , O the pride of the Clergie ! But tell me , M. Baxter , ( if you can at the least ) in what the turgidness , or the high swelling pride of the Prelates did appear most visibly ; was it in the bravery of their apparel , or in the train of their attendance , or in their lordly port , or lofty looks , or in all , or none . Admitting the worst and most you can of these particulars , would you have men that shine in an higher Orb , move in a lower Sphere then that in which God hath placed them ? o● being ranked in order and degree above you , would you not have them keep that distance which belongs to their places ? or because you affect a Paritie in the Church , ( and perhaps in the State ) would you have all men brought to the same level with your self , without admitting sub and supra in the Scale of Government ? If they were your Fathers in God , why did you not look upon them with such reverence as becometh children ? If your superiors in the Lord , why did you not yield them that subjection which was due unto them ? If fixt in place and power above you by the Laws of the Land only , and no more then so , why did you not give obedience to those Laws under which you lived , and by which you were to be directed ? Take heed I beseech you M. Baxter , that more spiritual pride be not found in that heart of yours , then ever you found worldly and external pride in any of my Lords the Bishops , and that you do not trample on them with a greater insolence ( calco Platonis fastum , sed majore fastu , as you know who said ) in these unfortunate dayes of their calamity , then ever they exprest towards any in the times of their Glory . Were it my case as it is yours , I would not for 10000 worlds depart this life before I had obtained their pardon , and given satisfaction to the world for these horrible scandals . 25. This leads me from your uses of reproofs or reprehension , ( which for my better method I have laid together ) to that of Exhortation , which comes next in order . For having told me of my many reproaches against extemporary prayers , the holy improvements of the Lords day , &c. with my uncharitable as well as unjust speeches against my brethren ; you adde , how confident you are , that they are matters which I have exceeding cause in tears and sorrow to bewail before the Lord , and for which I am very much obliged to publish my penitential lam●ntations to the world , and that if it were your case you would not for 10000 worlds dye before you had done it . This is good counsel I confess , if it were well grounded , and as divine ●hysick as could be given , if it were properly administred as it ought to be . But let me tell you M. Baxter , you goe not the right way to work in your Application ; you should first convince me of my errours , before you presse me to a publick Recantation of them ; and make me sensible of my sins , before you preach repentance to me , or can require such a solemn and severe repentance as you have prescribed ? It was in the year 1635. that the History of the Sabbath was first published , which if it doth contain such matters of Reproach against the holy improvements of the Lords day , as you say it doth , why hath it not been answered in all this time ; my errors , falsities , and mistakes , layd open in the sight of the world ? It is true , that in the Postscript of a Letter writ from Dr. Twisse to the late Lord Primate , bearing date May 29. Anno 1640. I find it signified ( with great joy no question ) that M. Chambers of Clouford by Bath , hath long agoe answered Dr. Heylins History of the Sabbath , but knew not how to have it printed . But this was nothing but a flourish , a cup of hot water as it were , to keep life ●nd soul together till the pang was over . For M. Chambers might as well know how to get his Book printed , had he been so pleased , as M. Byfield of Surry could get a Book of his printed in answer to that of Dr. White then Lord Bishop of Ely , which came out at the same time with that History . Or if he could not get it printed before that time which the Doctor speaks of , I am sure he might have done it since , the Presse being open to all comers : but to none more then unto such as write against the Government and established Orders of the Church of England . And it is more then 20. years since I published that Book ( so much complained of ) against M. Burton , in which I answered all his Objections against the preheminence of Bishops , their function in the Church , the exercise of their Jurisdiction ; and cleared them from the guilt of all innovations in Doctrine , Discipline , and Forms of Worship , which M. Burton in a furious zeal had laid upon them : Why hath not that been answered neither ? in which the differences between us are so briefly handled , that it would have required no great study , but that the truth is mighty . and prevaileth above all things . Giue me but a satisfactory answer to those two Books , not nibling at them here and there , like a Mouse at a hard piece of Cheese which he cannot Master ; and then you may take further time to look into the History of Episcopacy , and that of Liturgies . Give me I say a full and satisfactory answer to those two Books , and you shall find I have a malleable soul , that I shall be as ready to publish my penitential Lamentations to the world ( as Origen did his in the Primitive times ; ( and cast my self , as Esebollus did ) before the dores of the Church , and call upon the Congregation passing in and out , to trample on me , for an unsavoury piece of salt ( calcate me tanquam salem insipidum ) fit only to be thrown on the common dunghil . Till you do this , you have done nothing , but must leave me in the same state in which you found me ; and when you doe it , I hope you will give me leave to use your own words , and say , that if I have erred , it hath been through weakn●sse , not by partiality , much lesse by any willful opposition to a manifest truth . 26. This said , you fall into rapture , and cry out , Oh the holy breathings after Christ , the love to God , the heavenly mindedness , the hatred of all known sin , the humility , self denial , meekness , & c ! that you have discerned as far as effects can sh●w the heart to others , in abundance of those people that differ from you in some smaller things . Here is a Panegyrick indeed , fit only for Angelical spirits , or such at least as live only on the food of Angels . How well accommodated and applyed to the present subject we shall best perceive by consulting some of the particulars . Some of your holy breathings we have seen before , and shall see more in that which follows ; tell me then what you think of these passages , these breathings of M. Burton in his Apologie and Appeal . In which he calls on the Nobility , To rouse up their spirits and magnanimous courage for the truth , and to stick close to God and the King , in helping the Lord and his anointed against the mighty ; upon the Judges , to draw forth the sword of Justice , to defend the Laws against such Innovators , who as much as in them lieth , divide between the King and People : upon the Courtiers to put too their helping hands and prayers to rescue our religion and faithful Ministers then suspended from the jaws of those devouring Wolves and tyrannizing lordly Prelates , &c. Upon the people generally to take notice of the desperate practises , innovations and Popish designs of these Antichristian Prelates , and to oppose and redress them with all their force and power . And yet ( as if this had not been enough to declare his meaning ) he breaths more plainly in his Libel called The News from Ipswich ; in which he lets us know That till his Majesty shall hang up some of these Romish Prelates & Inquisitors before the Lord , as the Gibbeonites once did the seven sons of Saul , we can never hope to abate any of Gods plagues , &c. What think you of these breathings of Buchannan in his book De Jure Regni apud Scotos , where he adviseth , Regum interfectoribus proemia discerni , &c. that Rewards should publickly be decreed for those who kill a Tyrant ( and the meekest King that ever was shall be called a Tyrant if he oppose the setting up of the holy Discipline ) as usually are proposed to those who kill Wolves or Bears . And finally , what think you of these breathings in one of the brethren , who preaching before the House of Commons in the beginning of the long Parliament , required them in the name of the Lord to shew no mercie to the Prelatical party their wives and children , but that they should proceed against them as against Babylon it self , even to the taking of their children and dashing their brains against the stones . Call you these holy breathings the holy breathings after Christ which you so applaud ? Or are they not such breathings rather a● the Scripture attributes to Saul before his conversion , who in the ninth chapter of the Acts is said to be Spirator minarum & caedis adversus discipules Domini , that is to say , that he breathed out threatnings and slaughter against the disciples of the Lord. 27. As are their breathings , such also is their meekness , their humility , their hatred of known sin , their heavenly mindedness , and that self-denial which you so commend , for of their love to God I can take no notice . As well as they are known unto you , may you not be deceived in your opinion of them , and take that first for a real and Christian meekness which is but counterfeit and pretended for their worldly ends . Doth not our Saviour tell us of a sort of men , false-preachers , seducers , and the like , which should come in sheeps clothing but inwardly they are ravening wolves . What means our Savior by sheeps clothing , but that innocence , meekness , and humility , which they should manifest and express in their outward actions : it being the observation of Thomas Aquinas that grand dictator in the Schools , In nomine ●vis innocentiam & simplicitatem per totam Scripturam designar● . And yet for all this fair appearance they were inwardly but ravening Wolves , greedily thi●sting for the prey , and hungry after spoil and rapine . Astutam rapido gestan●es pectore vulpem , in the Poets language . This you may find exemplified in the Sect of the Anabaptists , who at their first appearance disguised themselves in such an habit of meekness and humility , and Christian patience as gained them great affection amongst the people , but when they were grown unto a head , and had got some power into their hands , what lusts , what slaughter , what unmerciful cruelties did they not commit , when Tyrannie and K. John of Leyden did so rage in Munster . But because possible you may say that these are not the men whom your character aims at , tell me what spirit of meeknesse you find in Calvin , when he called Mary Q. of England by the name of Proserpine , and tells us of her , that she did superare omnes diabolos , that all the Devils in hell were not half so mischievous : or what in Beza when he could find no better title for Mary Q. of Scots then those of Athaliah and Medea , the one as infamous in Scripture for her barbarous cruelty , as the other is in heathen Writers : or what of Peury , Vdal , and the rest of the Rabble of Mar ▪ Prelates in Queen Elizabeths time , to whom there never was the like generation of railing Rabshakehs since the beginning of the world . Or what of Dido Clari●s who calls King James ( for neither Kings nor Queens can escape them ) intentissimum Evangelii hostem , the most bitter enemy of the Gospel : and I say nothing of the scandalous reports and base reproaches which were laid upon his son and successor by the tongues and pens of too many others of that party . 28. Look upon their humility and you shall find them exalting themselvs above Kings & Princes , and all that is called God , the Pope and they contending for the supreme power in the Church of Christ . For doth not Traverse say expresly , in his Book of Discipline , Huic Disciplinae omnes principes fasces suas submittere necesse est , that Kings and Princes must submit their Scepters to the Rod of that Discipline , which Calvin had devised , and his followers here pursued so fiercely . Have not some others of them declared elsewhere , that Kings and Princes must lay down their Scepters at the Churches feet , yea and lick up the dust thereof ; understanding always by the Church their one holy Discipline ; did they not carry themselves so proudly in the time of that Queen , whom they compared to a sluttish housewife , who swept the middle of the room , but left the dust behinde the door and in every corner , that being asked by a grave Counsellor of State , whether the removal of some Ceremonies would not serve the turn ; they answered with insolence enough , ne ungulam esse relinquendam ; that they would not leave so much as an hoof behind . And that you may perceive they have been as good at it in Scotland as ever they have been in England . Take here the testimony of King James ( who had very good experience of them ) in the Preface to his Basilicon Doron where telling us what he means by Puritans , he describes them thus , I give this stile ( saith he ) to such brain-sick and Headie Preachers as refusing to be called Anabaptists , participate too much with their humours ; not only agreeing with the general rule of all Anabaptists in the contempt of the Civil Magistrate , and in leaning to their own Dreams and Revelations ; but particularly , in accounting all men prophane that swear not to all their phantasies , in making for every particular question of the Policie of the Church , as great commotion , as if the Article of the Trinitie were called in controversie ; in making the Scriptures to be ruled by their conscience , and not their conscience by the Scripture ; and he that denies the least jot of their Grounds , sit tibi tanquam Ethnicus & Publicanus , not worthy to enjoy the benefit of Breathing , much less to participate with them of the Sacraments : and before that any of their Grounds be impugned , let King , People , Law and all be trod under foot . Such holy Warrs are to be preferred to an ungodly Peace : no , in such cases Christian Princes are not only to be resisted unto , but not to be prayed for : for Prayer must come of Faith , and it is not revealed unto their Consciences that God will hear no prayer for such a Prince . I would to God you had not put me to these remembrances , which cannot be more unpleasing unto you , then they are to my self . But taking them for most good truths , may we not thereupon inferr , that as the Masters were , such are the Scholars ; or as the Mother was , such are the Daughters ; and as the Fathers were , such are the Sons . Nil mirum est si patrizent filii , saith the old Comoedian . 29. Then for their Heavenly mindednesse we have seen somewhat of it before , and shall see more thereof , as also of their hatred of all known sin , in that which follows . And here again we will take the Character which King James makes of them in the second Book of his Basilicon Doron before mentioned . In which he telleth us , That there never rose Faction in the time of his minority , nor trouble since , but they that were upon that factious part were ever carefull to perswade and allure those unruly Spirits among the Ministry to Spouse that quarrel as their own ; and that he was calumniated by them to that end , in their popular Sermons , not for any evil or vice which they found in him , but only because he was a King , which they thought to be the highest evil ; informing the People that all Kings and Princes were naturally enemies to the Libertie of the Church , and could never patiently bear the yoke of Christ . After which having spoken of the violence wherewith they had endeavoured to introduce a parity both in Church and State , he gives this counsel to the Prince , Take heed therefore my son ( saith he ) to such Puritans , very pests in the Church and Common-weale , whom no deserts can oblige , neither oaths or promises bind ; breathing nothing but sedition and calumnies ; aspiring without measure , railing without reason , and making their own imaginations ( without any warrant of the Word ) the square of their conscience , protesting to him before the great God , that he should never find with any Highlander , base● Thieves , greater ingratitude , and more lies and vile perjuries , then with those fanatick spirits . And suffer not ( saith he to his son ) the principles of them to brook your Land , if you like to sit at rest ; except you would keep them for trying your patience , as Socrates did an evill wife . Such is the heavenly-mindednesse , and such the hatred of all known sin , which you have observed in many of those who differ from me as you say , in some smaller things , nec ovum ov● , nec lac lacti similius , as you know who said . 30. And then as for their Self-denial , I could wish you had spared it , unless you had some better ground for it then I doubt you have . For if you ask the Country people , they will tell you generally , that they have found in those who live upon Sequestrations , so little self denial , that they are more rigorous in exacting of their Tithes , even in trifling matters ; and far less hospitable for relief of the Poor , or entertainment of the better sort of the Parishioners , and consequently to have more of Earth and Self in them , then ever had been found , or could be honestly complained of in the old Incumbents ; whom if you look on with an equal and impartial eye , you will find them to be of another temper , notwithstanding all the provocation of want and scorn which from day to day are laid upon them ; neither repining openly at their own misfortune , nor railing malitiously on those whom they know to be the Authors of them ; nor libelling against the persons , nor wilfully standing out against the pleasure and commands of the higher Powers ; but bearing patiently the present , and charitably hoping for some better measure , then hath been hitherto meeted to them ; as best becomes the scholars of that gracious Master , who when he was reviled , reviled not again ; when he suffered , he threatned not ; but committeth himself to him that judgeth righteously : but the Crow thinks her own birds fairest , and so let them be . 31. But you proceed , and tell us , That if God love them not ( that is to say , the persons whom you so extol ) you have not yet met with the people whom you may hope he loveth : and if he do love them , he will scarcely take my dealing will : spoken with confidence enough . But how came you to know the mind of the Lord , or to be of his Councel , that you can tell so perfectly whom he loveth or hateth , e● nos scire Deus voluit , quae oportet scire ad vitam aeternam consequendam , as the Father hath it , God hath communicated to us all those things which are fit and necessary to be known for the attaining of everlasting salvation , but keeps such secrets to himself . And though we are most sure and certain that the Lord , knoweth who are his , yet how may we be sure or certain that he hath made you acquainted with it . I cannot easily believe that you have been either wrapt up into the third heaven , or perused the Alphabetical Table to the Book of Life , or have had any such Revelation made unto you , by which you may distinctly know whom the Lord loveth , or whom he doth not . But if you go by outward signs , and gather this love of God unto them from the afflictions and chastisements which they suffer under ( God chastning every son whom he doth receive ) that mark of filiation runneth on the other side ; those of your Partie injoying as much worldly prosperity , as the reaping of the fruits , and living in the houses of other men , ( which you call by the name of carnal accommodations ) can estate them in . If you conclude on their behalf from their outward prosperity , you go on worse grounds then before : for David tells us of some wicked and unrighteous persons , that they are neither in want or misery like other men ; that they live plentifully on the lot which is fallen unto them , and leave the rest of their substance unto their babes . And Christ the Son of David tells us , that the Lord God makes the Sun to shi●e and the rain to rain as well on the sinners as the just . All mankind being equally capable of those temporary and temporal comforts : and finally if you collect it from those spiritual graces and celestial gifts which you have attributed to them ( as far as the effects can shew the heart to others ) I have before took some pains to let you see how easily men may be mistaken , when they behold a man through the spectacles of partiality and defection , or take the visible appearances for invisible graces ; the fraudulent art fi●●s and deceits of men , for the coelestial gifts of God. And as for that which you have inferred hereupon , viz. that if he love them he will scarcely take my dealing well . You should first prove the Premises before you venter upon such a strange conclusion , and not condemn a Christian brother upon Ifs and Ands. 32. In the next place , you please to tell me , that you are not an approver of the violence of any of them : and that you do not justifie M. Burtons way , and that you are not of the mind of the party that I most oppose in all their Discipline ( as a Book now in the Press will give the world an account . ) In the two first parts of which Character ( which you have given us of your self ) as I have great reason to commend your moderation , and hope that you will make it good in your future actions ; so I can say little to the last , not having heard any thing before of the Book you speak of , nor knowing by what name to call for it when it comes abroad . But whereas you tell us , in the next , that you are sure the Church must have unity and charity in the ancient simplicity of Doctrine , Worship and Government , or not at all . I take you at your word , hold there , and we shall soon agree together . Vnity and charity in the ancient simplicity of Doctrine Worship and Government , no man likes better then my self ; bring but the same affections with you , and the wide breach which is between us , ( in some of the causes which we mannage on either side will be suddenly closed , but then you must be sure to stand to the word ancient also , and not to keep your self to simplicity only : if unity and charity will content you in the ancient Doctrine , in the simplicity thereof without subsequent mixtures of the Church , I know no doctrine in the Church more pure and ancient then that which is publickly held forth by the Church of England in the book of Articles , the Homilies , and the Chatechism authorized by Law , under the head or rubrick of Confirmation . Of which , I safely may affirm , as S. Augustine doth in his Tract , or Book Ad Marcellinum , ( if my memory fail not ) his qui contradicit , ●ut à Christi fide alienus est , aut est haereticus ; that is to say , he must be either an Infidei or an Heretick who assenteth not to them . If unity and charity in the simplicity of Worship be the thing you aim at , you must not give every man the liberty of worshiping in what form he pleaseth , which destroys all unity ; nor cursing many times in stead of praying , which destroyes all charity : the ancient and most simple way of Worship in the Church of God was by regular forms prescribed for the publick use of Gods people in their Congregations , and not by unpremeditated , indigested prayers , which every man makes unto himself as his fancy shall lead him ( which I hope I have sufficiently proved in my Tract of Liturgies . ) And if Set Forms of Worship are to be retained , as I think they be , you will not easily meet with any which hath more in it of the ancient simplicity of the Primitive times , then that by which we did officiate for the space of fourscore years and more , in the Church of England . And finally , if the ancient simplicity in Government be the point you drive at , what Government can you find more pure and ancient then that of Bishops ; of which I shall only present you with that Character of it which I find in that Petition of the County of Rutland , where it is said to be , That Government which the Apostles left the Church in , that the three ages of Martyrs were governed by ; that the thirteen ages since have alwayes gloried in , ( by their succession of Bishops from the Apostles , proving themselves members of the Catholick and Apostolick Church ) that our Laws have established , so many Kings and Parliaments have protected ; into which we were baptized , as certainly Apostolical , as the observation of the Lords day , as the distinction of Books Apocryphal from Canonical , as that such Books were written by such Evangelists and Apostles , as the consecration of the Eucharist by Presbyters , &c. An ample commendation of Episcopal Government , but such as exceedeth not the bounds of truth or modesty . Stand to these grounds for keeping unity and charity in the ancient simplicity of Doctrine , Worship , and Government in the Church of God , and you shall see how cheerfully the Regal and Prelatical party ( whom you most oppose ) wil join hands with you , and embrace you with most dear affections . 33. But you begin to shrink already , and tell me , that if I will have men live in peace as brethren , our Union must be Law , or Ceremonies , or indifferent Forms . This is a pretty speculation ( I must needs confesse ) but such as would not passe for practicable in any well-governed Common-wealth ; unless it be in the Old Vtopia , or the New Atlantis , or the last discovered Oceana . For how can men possibly live in peace as brethren , where there is no Law to limit their desires , or direct their actions . Take away Law , and every man will be a Law unto himself , and do whatsoever seemeth best in his own eyes , without control : then Lust will be a law for one , Felony will be a law for another ; Perjury shall be held no crime , nor shall any Treason or Rebellion receive their punishments ; for where there is no law , there is no transgression ; and where there is no transgression there can be no punishment , punishments being only due for the breach of Laws . Thus is it also in the service and worship of Almighty God , which by the hedge of Ceremonies is preserved from lying open to all prophaneness ; and by Set Forms ( be they as indifferent as they will ) is kept from breaking out into open confusion . God ( as S. Paul hath told us ) is the God of Order , not of Confusion in the Churches . If therefore we desire to avoid confusion , let us keep some order ; and if we would keep order , we must have some forms : it being impossible that men should live in peace as brethren in the house of God , where we find not both . David hath told us in the Psalms , that Jerusalem is like a City which is at unity in it self , and in Jerusalem there were not only solemn Sacrifices , set Forms of blessing , and some significant Ceremonies prescribed by God ; but Musical Instruments , and Singers , and linnen vestures for those Singers ; and certain hymns and several times and places for them ordained by David ▪ Had every Ward in that City , and every Street in that Ward , and every Family in that Street , and perhaps , every person in that Family used his own way in worshiping the Lord his God. Jerusalem could not long have kept the name of a City , much lesse the honour of being the City which was at unity in it self . And Solomon in the book of Canticles , compareth the Church unto an Army , an Army terrible with banners : now an army is a gallant sight when it moves one way , when every Regiment and Troop marcheth in order , with , and under their proper Ensigns ; and as long as they do so they may seem invincible : but if their files and ●anks be broken , if they march either without order , or against direction , consusi Equites Pedit●sque in exitium ruunt , both Horse and Foot will be easily vanquished , and the whole Army put to rout by the weakest Enemies . When therefore the Apostle gives us this good counsel , that we endeavour to keep the spirit of unity in the bond of peace ; he seems to intimate that there can be no unity where there is no peace ; and that peace cannot be preserved without some bond . If you destroy all Ceremonies and subvert all Forms , you must break the bond ; and if the bond be broken , you must break the peace , and if you break the peace , what becomes of unity : so that it is but a dream of a dry Summer ( as the saying is ) to think that without Law or Forms or Ceremonies . men may live peaceably together , as becometh brethren , though they profess one Faith , acknowledge one Lord , and receive one Baptism , and be the sons of that one Father which is in heaven . 34. When therefore you subjoin that Scripture and reason , and the Primitive practice , and great experience do lead in all to another course ; I would fain know particularly to what that passage doth relate : if to the words immediately foregoing , in which you tell me that I must not make such rigorous laws to hang up all that are against me ; I grant indeed , that the Church hath no authority to make any such laws , either from Scripture or the practice of the Primitive times . Neither can any reason justifie , or any great experience , adde strength to such executions : defendenda●est religio non occidendo , sed moriendo , was the rule of old ; but if those words relate to the former clause , as intimating that an union which is built on Laws , preserved by Forms , and cemented by Ceremonies in Gods publick Worship ; is neither consonant to Scripture , agreeable to Reason , conform unto the Primitive times , nor countenanced by great Experience ; there is not any thing in the world which can be more unfitly spoken , or more impossible to be proved . What may be ▪ said in that behalf from Scripture , Reason , and the practice of the Primitive times , hath briefly been presented to you in the former passages ; and would to God we had not found by too great experience , how much our union ( which made us gloried and renowned in the eyes of the World ) is broken in pieces for want of those good Laws , those religious Forms , & those decent Ceremonies which were before in use amongst us ; certain I am , that neither Scripture , Reason , the Primitive times , or great Experience do lead us to any other course for preserving union in the Worship of God , but by established Laws , set Forms , and commanded Ceremonies : in which if you conceive me to be mistaken , you must endeavour to prove it , & not say it only . But this you seem willing to decline , telling me , that if you could procure my pardon for those words , you would expect no more , because of our distance . My pardon is as easily obtained , as asked ; if you conceive it worth the asking , when there is no offence either given or taken . But whether you expect any more or not , that remains wholly in your self , it being a matter of your own seeking that you have so much . My desires are to live in peace , and not to engage my self in new embroilments , having had too many Irons in the fire already : howsoever as you like this , you may have more if you please , the distance of our habitations not being so great , but that we may manage these Pen Combates without any great trouble ; and the distance in our affections being so little , that I shall very chearfully embrace the freindship , and somwhat ambitiously desire a place in your good opinion : Distantia locorum non tollit amicitiam , is a known Aphorism in our Ethicks ; A friendly correspondence being once begun , cannot be intermitted by the distance of places , or the remoteness of habitations , if both parties equally endeavour to maintain the same . 35. And here again we might have parted , but that you have a mind ( for what ends I know not ) to ingage me in some fresh disputes : For thinking you had satisfied me , you desire that I would satisfie you ( passing by many other things ) in three points especially , concerning Popery , in which you seem to be much unsatisfied ; such satisfaction as I can , I am bound to give you , as unto any other man , who modestly shall require an account from me , for any thing which hath passed my Pen , or come within the compass of my small ability ▪ and the first thing for which satisfaction is desired , is , That the Papists are affirmed by me , to have been the more moderate Adversaries then the Puritans ; and the Puritan Faction hurried on with greater violence , &c. For this you cite the Preface of my Ecclesia Vindicata , where I am sure there is no such matter ; no such thing ( I am sure ) delivered in such general tearms as you here express it ; but with limitations and restrictions , unto one particular , which is the Argument there handled ; so that you enter upon these new Disputes concerning Popery , with that kind of fallacy which the Logicians call , A dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter : And how can I hope for a fair end from so foul a beginning ? Look on that Preface once again , and you will find , that I speak not generally of all the differences which are betwixt us and the Papists ; but only of those heats which have passed on both sides about the liturgie : for having told the Reader , That the Liturgie was faulted by the Papist , because it had abolished the Mass , and was communicated to the people in the English tongue , and blamed by the Genevians , for having too much in it of the Roman Rituals : I presently subjoyn , That the Papist of the two was the moderate Adversary , and such whose edges were sooner taken off , from the prosecution of the quarrel , then others were . Would you be satisfied in this ? You may then please to know , that after the first heats were over , the Papists presently grew cool , and relinquished the quarrel ; considering seasonably and discreetly , that the Liturgie being founded upon those common Principles of faith and piety , in which both parties did agree , was not so subject to disputes and contradiction , as at first it seemed : And hereupon it was that Pope PIVS IV. offered to confirm it by his Papal Authority , that the English Papists dilligently resorted to it ; that after the Schism made by Pope PIVS V. little or nothing for many years together ( comparatively with those of the other party ) was writ against it ; that being newly translated into the Latine tongue , about the year 1618. it gave great content to the more moderate sort of Papists amongst the French , as Bishop Hall informeth us , in his Quo Vadis ; and being translated into Spanish ( at such times as his late Majesty was in Spain ) it gave no less contentment to the learned and more sober sort amongst the Spaniards , who marvelled much to see such a regular order and form of Divine Worship amongst the English , of whom they had been frequently informed by our English Fugitives , that there was neither form nor order to be found amongst us : But on the other side , the Genevians beginning to take up the cry ( called Puritans upon that account ) in the 6. or 8. year of Q. ELIZABETH , animated by Billingham and Benson , conntenanced by Cartwright , and headed by the Earl of Leicester , followed it with such a violent impetuosity , that nothing could repress or allay that fury ; neither the patience and authority of Arch-Bishop Whitgift , the great pains and learning of Bishop Bilson , the modesty of M. Hooker , nor the exactness of D. Co●ens ( all which did write against them in Q. ELIZABETHS time ) was able to stop their current , till the severity of the Laws gave a check unto them : Nor was King JAMES sooner received into this Kingdom , but they again revived the quarrel , as may appeare by their Petitions , Admonitions , and other Printed Books and Tractates ; to which the learned labours of Bishop Buckridge , Bishop Morton and D. Burges ( who had been once of that party , but regained by K. James unto the Church ) were not by them thought to give such ample satisfaction , that they must be at it once again , during the life of K. James , in their Al●are Damuscenam , in which the whole body of the English Liturgie , the Hierarchy of Bishops , the Discipline and Equ●nomy of the Church of England , was publickly vi●●ified and decried . How egerly this game was followed by them after the first ten years of his late Majesty K. Charles , till they had abolished the Liturgie , destroyed the discipline , and pluckt up Episcopacy both root and branch , is a thing known so well unto you , that it needs no telling : And this I hope hath satisfied you in your first enquiry , viz. why and in what respects it was said in the Preface to my Ecclesia Vindicata , That the Papist was the more moderate adversary ; and for the other words which follow , viz. That the Puritan faction hurried on with greater violence , &c. which you find in the 17. Sect. of it ; they relate only to the violent prosecution against the Episcopal Government , in which , how far they out went the Papists , is made so manifest in that and the former Section ▪ that it is no small wonder to me , that you should seek for any further satisfaction in it ; read but those Sections once again , and tell me in your second and more serious thoughts , if any thing could be spoken more plainly , or proved more fully , then that the Puritan ●action , with greater violence and impetuosity , were hurried on towards their design ( that is to say the destruction of Episcopal Government ) then the Papists were . Secondly , You seem much unsatisfied that I maintained against M. Burton , That the Religion of the Papists is not rebellion ▪ nor their faith faction : But this when I maintained against M. Burton , I did it not in the way of laying down my own reasons , why it neither was nor could be so , but in the way of answering such silly Arguments as he here brought to prove it was ; but now that I may satisfie you ▪ and do right both to the Church and State , you shall have one Argument for it now , and another I shall give you when I shall come in order to answer yours : The Argument which I shall give you now , is briefly this , shall be founded on a passage of the Speech , made in the Star Chamber by the late Arch Bishop , at the sentencing of D. Bastwick , M. Burton , &c. in which he telleth us , That if we make their Religion to be Rebellion , then we make their Religion and Rebellion to be all one ; and that is against the ground both of State and the Law : for when divers Romish Priests and Jesuites have deservedly suffered death for Treason , is it not the constant and just profession of the State , that they never put any man to death for Religion , but for Rebellion and Treason only ? Doth not the State truly affirm , that there was never any Law made against the life of a Papist quatenus , a Papist only ? And is not all this stark false , if their very Religion be Rebellion ? For if their Religion be Rebellion , it is not only false but impossible , that the same man in the same act should suffer for his Rebellion , and not for his Religion : And this ●aith he , K. James of ever Blessed Memory , understood passing well , when ( in his Premonition to all Christian Monarchs ) he saith , I do constantly maintain that no Papist , either in my time , or in the time of the late Queen , ever dyed for his conscience : therefore he did not think their very Religion was Rebellion , thus he . And if for all this you shall thus persist , and say that the Popish Religion is Rebellion : you first acquit Papists from suffering death , banishment , or imprisonment , under the Raign of the three last Princes , for their several Treasons and Rebellions ; and lay the guilt thereof upon the blood-thirstiness of the Laws , and of the several Kings and Parliaments by which they were made : And secondly , you add hereby more Martyrs to the Roman Kalender , then all the Protestants in the world ever did besides . 36. But this you do not only say , but you prove it too ( at the least ▪ you think so . ) Your argument is this , 1. That Religion which defineth the deposition of Princes , and absolving their subjects from their fidelity by the Pope , because they deny Transubstantiation , &c. is rebellion doctrinal . But such is the Popish Religion : that is to say , the Popish Religion defineth the Deposition of Kings , and absolveth their Subjects from their fidelity by the Pope ▪ because they deny Transubstantiation , &c. The Minor you say is evident ; but I am willing to believe that you mean the Major , & that this only is an escape of the pen , because you do not go about to prove the Major but the Minor only . To the whole Sylogisme , I answer , first , that it is of a very strange complection , both Propositions being false : and therefore that it is impossible by the Rules of Logick , that the conclusion should insue : that the Proposition , or the Major as they generally call it , is altogether false , may be proved by this ; that the thing which teacheth , cannot be the thing which is taught , no more then a Preacher can be said to be the word by him preached ; or the Dog which hunts the Hare , is the Hare which is hunted : so that although the Religion of the Church of Rome had defined the Deposition of Kings by the Pope , for denying Transubstantiation ▪ &c. ( as it never did ) yet could not the Popish Religion upon that account be called Rebellion , Rebellion by the Law of England 25. Edw. 3. c. 2. is defined to be an actual levying of War against our Soveraign Lord the King in h● Realm , or an adhering to the Kings enemies in his Realm , giving to them aid and comfort in the Realm , or elsewhere . And by the Civil Law all those qui arripiant arma contra eum cujus jurisdictioni subditi sunt , who tak up arms against such persons , to whose Authority they are subject , are declared to be Rebels , for which see Spigelus in his Lexicon of the terms of Law. But that Religion which defineth the Deposition of Princes by the Pope , because they deny Transubstantiation , &c. is not an actual levying of War against our Soveraign Lord the King in his Realm , or an adhering , & c.. Nor the the taking up of Arms against such persons to whose Authority they are subject ▪ Therefore that Religion which defineth the Deposition of Princes , &c. neither is really or nominally to be called Rebellion ; if either the laws of England , or the Civil laws do rightly understand what Rebellion is , as I think they do . And whereas you hope to mend the matter by calling it a Rebellion doctrinal , you make it worse on your side then it was before , For besides that there is no such thing as Rebell on doctrinal ( though some Doctrines there may be too frequently preached for inciting the people to Rebellion ) you find not the word Doctrinal in the proposition which you have undertook to prove , and wh en presents it self simply to you in these words , that the Religion of the Papists is Rebellion . 37. Such being the faultinesse of your Mejor , we will next consider whether the Assumption or your Minor be any thing more evident then your Major was . Your Minor is , that the Popish Religion is such , that is to say , such a Religion that defineth the Deposition of Kings by the Pope , because they deny Transubstantiation , &c. This is the matter to be proved , and you prove it thus , That which is defined by a Pope and General Councel , is the Popish Religion : But the aforesaid Doctrine is defined by a Pope and an approved General Councel , viz , at the Laterane under Innocent the 3. Erge , &c. This makes it evident indeed , that you never saw the Cannons nor Decrees of the Laterane Councel , ( and possibly your learning may not lie so high ) but that you took this passage upon trust , from some ignorant hand , which had seen them as little as your self . Your Major I shall grant for true ; but nothing can be falser or mere unable to be proved then your Minor is . Consult the Acts of that Councel , search into all Editions of them , and into the Commentaries of such Cannonists as have writ upon them , and you shall neither find in the one or the other , that the Deposition of Kings and Princes by the Pope was defined to be lawful , ( for that I take to be your meaning , either for denying Transubstantiation , or for any other cause whatsoever . Most true it is , that the word Transubstantiation then newly hammered on the Anvil by some of the Schoolmen to expresse that carnal presence of Christ in the Sacrament , as they then maintained , was first received in this Councel ; and received then ad ●vitanda● haere●icorum tergiversationes , as my Author hath it , for avoiding the wrangling● and fallacious shifts , which Hereticks otherwise might use . But that the word was made such an Idol in this Councel that all Christian Kings and Princes which would no● fall down and worship it , were to be deposed , hath neither colour nor foundation in the Acts of that Councel . And therefore I wil first lay down the Canon which I think you aim at , for otherwise there is none in that Councel which you can pretend to : and then acquaint as well with the occasion and the meaning of it , and your own mistakings . 38. And first , the words of the Canon ( as these now stand in the Tomes of the Councels are these that follow , Si quis Dominus temporalis requisitus & monitus ab Ecclesia terram suam purgare neglexerit ab hac haeretica foeditate , per Metropolitanum & com provinciales Episcopos excommunicationis ●inculo innodetur . Etsi satisfacere contempserit infra annum significetur hoc summo Poniifici , ut ex tunc ipse vassallos ab ejus fidelitate denunciet absolutos , & terram exponant catholicis occupandam qui eam exterminatis haereticis ●ine ulla contradictione possideant , & in fidei puritate conservent , salvo jure domini principalis , dummodo super hoc ipse nullum praestet obstaculum , nec aliquod impedimentum opp●nat , eadem nihilominus lege servata circa eos qui non habent Dominos principales , such is the Canon or Decree . And this was the occasion of it . The Albigenses and Waldenses , differing in many points from the received opinions of the Church of Rome , and constantly denying the Popes Supremacy amongst other things , some years before the calling of this Councel , was grown to a very great power and insolencie ▪ countenanced therein by the two last Raimonds Earls of Tholouse , and some of the Petit Lords of Gascoyn ; all which , though absolute enough in their several Territories in respect of their vassals , but were fudataries either to the Empire or the Kings of France , as the Lords in chief , for the reduction of these Albingenses to the Church of Rome . Dominick a Spaniard ( the Founder afterwards of the Order of Dominical Fryars ) used his best endeavours in the way of Argument and perswasion but failing of his design therein , he instigated Pope Innocent the 3. to call this Councel , Anno , 1215. and the Prelates there assembled , to passe this Canon for the suppressing both of them and their Patrons also ; for having summed up the principle heads of that Religion which was then publickly maintained in the Church of Rome , they framed an Oath to be taken by all secular Magistrates , ut haereticos universos ab Ecclesia denotatos bona fide pro viribus ex terminare studeant , to use their best endeavours for the exterminating of all Hereticks ( that is to say , all such as did oppose those Doctrines before laid down ) out of their dominions : and then it followeth , as before , si quis vero dominus temporalis , &c , that if any Temporal Lord being thereunto required by the Church , should neglect to purge his Territories of that Infection , he should be excommunicated by the Metropolitan and other Bishops of that Province in which he lived ; and if he gave no satisfaction within the year , notice thereof was to be given to the Pope , that thereupon he might absolve his vassals from their Allegiance , and give their Countries to the next Catholick Invador . who on the rooting out of the Hereticks should possess the same , to the end that he might keep it in the holy Faith. But this was with a salvojure , a preservation of the Rights and Interests of the Lords in chief , if they gave no hindrance to the work . And with this clause , that it should after be extended to those also which had no Lord Paramount superiour to them . According unto which decree , the Albigenses and their Patrons were warred on by the Kings of France , till both sides were wearied with the War ; and compounded it at last upon these conditions : viz. That Alphonso younger brother to King Lewis the 9. of France , should marry Joan daughter and heir to the last Raimond , and have with her the full possession of the Country after his decease ; provided also , that if the said parties died without issue , the whole estate should be escheated to the Crown , as in fine it did , An. 1270. 39. This the occasion of the Canon and this the meaning and the consequent of it ; but what makes this to the Deposing of Kings and such supreme Princes as have no Lord Paramount above them . For if you mean such inferiour Princes as had Lords in chief , your argument was not home to the point it aimed at . If you alledge that Emperours and Kings ( as well as such inferiour Princes ) are hooked in the last clause of , viz eadem nihilominus lege servata circa eos qui dominos non habent principales : I answer with the learned Bishop of Rochester in his book De Potestate Papae , ● . 1. c. 8. clausulam istam à Parasito al quo , & Pontificiae tyrannidis ministro , assutam esse : that it was patched unto the end of the decree , by some Parasite or other Minister of the See of Rome . And this he proves by several reasons ; as namely , that Christian Kings and Emperours are n●● of such low esteem as to be comprehended in those general words , qui dominos non habent principales ▪ without being specially designed and distinguished by their soveraign Titles . Secondly , that if any such thing had been intended , it is not likely that the Embassadors of such Kings and Emperors who were then present in that Councel , would ever have consented to it ; but rather have protested against it , and caused their Protestation to be registred in the Acts thereof in due form of Law. Thirdly , In one of their Rescripts of the said Pope Innocent , by whom this Councel was confirmed , in which ●e doth plainly declare ; That when inferiour persons are named or pointed at in any of his Commissions , majores & digniores sub generali clausula non intelligantur includi : that is to say , that persons of more eminent rank , are not to be understood as comprehended in such general clauses . Adde hereunto , that in the manner of the proceeding prescribed by this Canon , such temporal Lords as shall neglect to purge their Countries of the filth of Heresies , were to be excommunicated by the Metropolitan and other Bishops of that Province ( per Metropolitanum & ceteros com . provinciales Episcopos , as the Canon hath it ) before the Pope could take any cognizance of the cause . And I conceive that no man of reason can imagine that the Metropolitane and Provincial Bishops , could or durst exercise any such jurisdiction upon those Christian Kings and Emperours under whom they lived . I grant indeed , that some of the more turbulent Popes did actually excommunicate , ( and as much as in them lay ) depose some Christian Kings and Emperors , sometimes by arming their own Subjects against them , and sometimes giving their Estates and Kingdomes to the next Invador . But this makes nothing to your purpose , most of those turbulencies being acted before the sitting of this Councel , none of them by authority from any Councel at all ; but carried on by them ex plenitudine potestatis , under pretence of that unlimited power which they had arrogated to themselves over all the world , and exercised too frequently in these Western parts . 40. Such is the Argument by which you justifie M. Burton in his first position , viz. That the Popish Religion is Rebellion : and may it not be proved by the very same argument , that the Calvinian Religion is Rebellion also . Calvin himself hath told us in the closes of his Institutions , that the 3 Estates in every Kingdome , ( Pareus in his Comment on Rom 13. ) that the inferiour Magistrates , and Buchannan ( in his book Dejure Regni ) that the people have a power to curb and controll their Kings , and in some cases , ( as in that of Male-administration ) to depose him also ; which is much as any of the Popes Parasites have ascribed unto him : If you object that these are only private persons and speak their own opinions , not the sense of the Churches ; I hope you will not say that Calvin is a private person , who sate as Pope over the Churches of his platform ; whose writings have been made the Rule and Canon by which all men were to frame their judgments ; and whose authority in this very point , hath been made use of for the justifying of Rebellious actions . For when the Scots Commissioners were commanded by Queen Elizabeth to give a reason of their proceedings against their Queen , whom not long before they had deposed from the Regal Throne ; they justified themselves by the authority of Calvin ; whereby they endeavoured to prove ( as my Author hath it ) That the Popular Magistrates are appointed and made to moderate and keep in order the excesse and unrulinesse of Kings ; and that it was lawful for them to put the Kings that be evil and wicked into prison , and also to deprive them of their kingdoms . Such instances as this we may find too many , enough to prove that none of the three above mentioned ( though the two last were private persons ) delivered their own opinions only but the sense of the party . The Revolt of the Low-Countries from the King of Spain , the man●old embroilments made by the Hugonots in France , the withholding of the Town Embden from its natural Lord , the Count of Friesland ; the commotions in Brandenburg , the falling off of the Bohemians from the house of Austria , the translating of the Crown of Sweden from Sigismond K. of Poland to Charles Duke of Suderman ( the father of the great Gustavus ) ; the Armies thrice raised by the Scots against King Charls , and the most unnatural warrs in England , with the sad consequents thereof : by whom were they contrived and acted but by those of the Calvinian Faction , and the predominancy which they have ( or at the least aspired unto ) in their several Countries . The Genevians having lead the dance in expelling their Bishop , whom they acknowledged also for their temporal Prince ; the daughter Churches thought themselves obliged to follow their dear Mother Church in that particular , and many other points of Doctrine : sic instituere majores posteri imitantur , as we read in Tacitus . 41. But against this blow you have a Buckler , and tell me , that if any Protestant Writer should teach the same that puts it not into our Creed , as this is in theirs . But first I hope you do not think that whatsoever is agreed in a General Councel , is presently put into our Creed , or becomes an Article of the Faith ; there being some things determined in the first General Councel held by the Apostles in Jerusalem , which being long disused are not now binding at all ; and such as are now binding not being observed because they were decreed in that Councel , but as they have their foundation in the Moral Law. Secondly , if you think the doctrine of Deposing Kings is put into the Papists Creed , you must tell me in what Creed it is ; in none of their old Creeds I am sure of that , nor in the new Creed made by Pope Pius the fourth , nor in the Roman Catechism published by the authority of the Councel of Trent , nor in any other Authentick Record or publick Monument of that Church : for if this doctrine had been made a part of their Creed , as well before as since the Laterane Councel , so many learned men in the Church of Rome ( as Brian , Marsepius , Butavinus , and divers others ) had not writ against it ; nor had so many secular Priests , living or abiding here in England , so freely written in behalf of the Oath of Allegiance ( in which this doctrine is disclaimed ) had it been entertained in that Church as a part of their Creed . And on the other side , why may we not conceive that this doctrine of Deposing Kings is made an Article of the Creed by the Sect of Calvin , considering first how generally it is defended , how frequently practised and endeavoured by them as before was said ; considering secondly , that though many National and Provincial Synods have been held by them in their several and respective Churches , yet did they never in any one of them disclaim this doctrine , or seek to free their Churches from the scandal of it . All which clearly shews that they did very well approve the doctrine , together with all the consequents thereof , in the way of practice . And then , quid interest utrum velim fieri , an gaudeam factum , as the Orator hath it ; what will the difference be I pray you between advising before hand such ungodly practises , and approving of them on the post-fact as they seem to do . For were it otherwise amongst them , they never had a better oportunity to have cleared themselves from being enemies to Monarchical Government ; from justifying such seditious writings , from having a hand in any of those commotions which had before disturbed the peace of Christendome ; then in the Synod of Dort , Anno 1618. where the Commissioners , or Delegates of all the Calvinian Churches , both in the higher and the lower Germany ( those of Geneva and the Switzers being added to them ) were convened together . Their doing nothing in it then , declares sufficiently how well they liked the doctrine , and allowed the practice . 42. Having thus justified M. Burton in his first assertion , you next proceed unto the maintenance of his second ; which is , that the Papists Faith is Faction : and how prove you that ? Marry thus , You say , if it be an article of the Popish Faith , that none are Members of Christ and his Church but the subjects of the Pope , then the Popish Faith is Faction . But the Antecedent is true , being defined by the Pope Leo the 10. in a General Councel This is the Argument by which you hope to justifie M. Burtons second proposition , though afterwards you would be thought to be no approver of his wayes . But let me tell you M. Baxter , your Hypothetical Syllogism is as faulty , and halts as much on both legs as your Categorical . For taking it for granted , that such an article of the Faith was made by Pope Leo the 10. in a General Councel , yet can you not with any reason or justice , either upbraid the whole Faith of the Papists with being a Faction because of the obliquity and partiality of one article of it . Nor 2ly . can the Papist Faith be termed Faction , supposing that any such article had been made in that Councel ; for it would follow thereupon , that if a Canon had been made in the Convocation of the Bishops and Clergie ( which make the representative body of the Church of England , that whosoever should oppose the Rites . and Ceremonies by Law established , should not be capable either of the Sacraments , or Sacramentals , that Canon might be called Faction ; whereas the Faction lies not in the Canon , but in them that do oppose the Ceremonies . Or if any act or statute should be made in a free and lawful Parliament that every one who shall not pay the Subsidies and Taxes imposed on them by the same should be put out of the protection of the Laws of the Land ; that Statute could not be , or be called Faction ; because the Faction lies not in the Act or Statute , but in them who do refuse the payment . My reason is , because the main body of a Church or State , or any of the Products or results thereof , cannot in any propriety of speech , be held for Faction ; whether considered in themselves , or in relation to some few who dislike the same , and violently pursue their dislikes thereof . For Faction ( to speak properly ) is the withdrawing of a smaller or greater number from the main body either of a Church or State , governing themselves by their own Councels , and openly opposing the established Government ; as here in England , they who communicate not with the Church in favour of the Pope of Rome , are commonly called the Popish Faction , as they are called the Puritan Faction who conform not to the Rites and Ceremonies by Law established . But on the other side , the whole body of the Church is by no means to be called a Faction , in reference to either of the opposite parties . And then again , you should have told us whether you take the word Faith in your proposition , for a justifying , historical , temporary Faith , or a Faith of Miracles ; whither you take it for the Habit or Act of Faith , by which they believe , or for the Object of Faith , or that is to say the thing believed : If you can take the word Faith in none of these senses ( as I think you cannot ) it must be taken in a more general comprehension , for the true knowledge and worship of God ; and then it signifies the same with the word Religion ; the Christian Faith and the Christian Religion , denoting but one and the same thing under divers names ; so that upon the whole matter you are but where you were before ; the Papists Religion being no more properly to be called faction in this Proposition , then it was Rebellion in the former : Had you formed your Proposition thus , viz. If it be an Article of the Papists faith , that none are members of Christ and his Church , but the Subjects of the Pope , then the Papists faith ( or rather that one Article of the Papists faith ) tends to the making of a faction , you had come neerer to the truth ; but standing in the same tearms in which I find it , you are as far from it as ever you were . 43. Howsoever taking that your Proposition to be undeniable , you proceed and say , But the Antecedent is true , &c. which is a very strange piece of news to me : You confess your self to be but a sorry Lawyer , and you have shewd your self in this to be but a sorry L●gician neither : For tell me what you mean by the Antecedent , by which ( if you understand the terms of Logick●he●e ●he●e can be nothing understood but the first clause or member in your Proposition : For in every Hypothetical Silogism , the Major P●oposition consisteth of two parts or branches ; whereof the one is called the Antecedent , and the other the Consequent ; as in this of your● , these words , viz. If it be an Article of the Papists R●ligion , that none are members of Christ and his Church , but the Subjects of the Pope , make the Antecedent ; the following words . viz. then the Papists faith is faction , make the consequent of it : Now both these parts or members being laid together , the Proposition is entire and perfect , and may be either true or false , according to the subject matter of it ; as this of yours is by you affirmed to be true , and by me proved to be false ; But the Antecedent in this of yours , as in all other Hypothetical Propositions , being conditional , imperfect , and of no full sense , cannot be said to be either true or false , as your own reason will inform you : For what sense , truth , or falshood can be found in the first branch of your Proposition , viz. If it be an Article of the Papists faith , that none are members of Christ and his Church but the Subjects of the Pope , until the following words be added . Had you formed your Silogism thus , If it be an Article of the Papists faith , that none are members of Christ and his Church , but the Subjects of the Pope , then the Papists faith is faction : But it is an Article of the Papists faith , that none are members of Christ and his Church , but the Subjects of the Pope , Ergo , the Papists faith is faction . Had you contrived it thus , I say , your Silogism had been made in due form of Logick , though either Proposition might haue been denied , as it pleased the Respondent &c. Had you cast your Argument into the form of an Enthimeme , thus , viz. It is an Article of the Papists faith , that none are members of Christ and his Chu●ch but the Subjects of the Pope , Ergo , the Papists faith is Faction ; the Antecedent had been false , and therefore of necessity the consequent of Illation could not passe for true . And such a sorry Disputant was D. Burges , who undertaking to answer in the Divinity Act at Oxon , shewed himself so sufficiently ignorant in the terms of Logick , that in stead of saying negatur major , & negatur minor , he could say nothing else but negatur id . Whereupon D. Prideaux said to him openly with a merry jear , tu potes bene praedicare , sed non potes bene disputare ; that he might possibly be a good preacher , though he had shewed himself but a silly disputant . 44. But taking your meaning along with me , and supposing you to have said the Minor ( as you ought to have called it ) how do you prove it to be true , because say you , It was so defined by Pope Leo the 10. in a General Councel . The Councel which you mean , is called Consilium Lateranense , as the other was ; and you have shewed your self as little skilled in this Laterane Councel as you were in the other . So against that which you have said in this answer of yours , I have these Exceptions ; First , That all things which are not determined nor defined in a General Councel , pass not for Articles of the Faith. Secondly , The Councel held at Rome by Pope Leo the 10. was no General Councel : and Thirdly , There was no such Article of the Faith defined in it , as you say there was : and these three points being proved , I shall close the argument : Haec tria cum docuero perorabo , in the Oracles language . And first all things which are determined and defined in General Councels become not Articles of the Faith , though for the time they bind mens assent unto them until the point be further canvassed , and the mistakes or errours of it manifested in some following Councel . But hereof I have spoken already , and shall adde but this , viz. That if you please to look into the Tomes of the Councels , you will find that they do more consist in Laws and Canons for Reformation of Manners , then either in the D●claration of points of Faith , or the Determination of matters Doctrinal . Secondly the Councel held at Rome by Pope Leo the 10. was no General Councel , as being called on a particular occasion , and consisting of such a slender number of Italian Bishops , that it could hardly make good the Reputation of a National Synod : which that you may the better see , I must let you know the occasion of the calling of that Counsel too ; which was briefly this . Lewis the 12. of France having lately recovered the Dukedome of Millain to which he did pretend some title in the right of his Mother , was warred on by Pope Julio the 2. who liked not the neighbourhood of the French. Ferdinando King of Spain , and some of the Italian Princes , confederating with him in that quarrel . To curb the insolency of the Pope , a Councel is called by the Cardinal S. Severine and Caravaiali at the instigation of the French King , to be held at Pisa , a Town belonging to the Seig●oury and Estate of Florence , Anno 1512. To which some of the French Bishops , and as many Italian Prelates as lived within the Dukedome of Millane , or elsewhere under the command of the F●ench , received order to repair . And on the other side , the Pope to over ballance that Scismatical Councel , ca●sed another to be held in Rome , consisting of so many of the Bishops of Italy as could conveniently be drawn together in a time of War. But Pope Juli● dying not long after , before any thing could be done in that Councel , more then the condemning that of Pisa , and declaring all the Acts thereof to be null and void ; the Cardinal John de Medices succeeded by the name of Pope Leo the 10. who being of a sweeter temper then his predecessor , closed up that breach , admitting the two Cardinals and the rest of the Assembly at Pisa , to a redintegration with the whole body of the Church from which they were before divided . Nothing determined in this Councel touching matters of Faith , but that a Decree was made against some Philosophers ( or rather phylosophizing Schoolmen ) what or about that time had began to teach quod anima rationalis sit mortalis ; that is to say , that the rational soul of man was subject to Mortality . And therefore thirdly , there was no such article of Faith defined in that Councel , that none should be counted members of Christ and his Church , but such as were subject to the Pope . Neither indeed was there any need at that time of this Councel , that any such Definitions should be made ; no new Heresie , or any new doctrine which by them might be called Heresie , being then on foot , ( for Luther did not rise in Germany till this Counsel was ended ) which might create any disturbance to the peace of that Church . If any such priviledges were arrogated by Pope Leo the 10. that none should be accounted members of Christ and his Church but such as were subject to the Pope , which you cannot find definitively in the Acts of that Councel , you must rather have looked for it in the Bulls of that Pope , after Luther had begun to dispute his power , and question his usurped authority over all the Church . In one of which Bulls you may finde somewhat to your purpose ; where you shall find him saying , that the Church of Rome is Mother and Mistress of all Christians ; and that her doctrines ought to be received , of whosoever would be in the Communion of the Church . If this be that you mean , much good do it you with , though this be rather to be taken for a Declaration then a Definition . 45. But if your meaning is ( as perhaps it may be ) that the Papists Faith may be called Faction , because they appropriate to themselves the name of the Church , and exclude all other Christians from being members of Christ and his Church , which are not subject to the Pope , ( as indeed they do ) take heed you lose not more in the Hundreds then you got by the County ; for then it may be proved by the very same Argument , if there were no other : that the Puritan Faith is Faction , and so to be accounted by all that know it , because they do appropriate unto themselves the name of the Church , as the old Affrican Scismaticks confined it , intra partem Donati . For proof whereof , if you please to consult B●shop Bancrofts book of Dangerous Positions an● Proceedings , &c. part . 3. chap. 15. you will find them writing in this manner , viz I know the a state of this Church , make known to us the state of the Church with you . Our b Churches are in danger of such , as having been of us , do renounce all fellowship with us . It is long c since I have heard from you ( saith one Blake ) of the state of the Church of London . Another , By M. West and M. Brown you shall understand the state of the Churches wherein we are . A third , If my offence may not be passed by without a further confessi●n , even before God and his Chur●h in London , will I lye down and lick the dust off your feet ( where you may see what it is which the heavenly-mindednesse , the self-denial , meeknesse , and Humility which the brethren aim at ) and confesse it , &c. I have received ( saith the fourth ) a Letter from you in the name of the rest of the Brethren , whereby I understand your joining together in choosing my self unto the service of the Church , under the Earl of Leicester . I am ready to run if the Church command me according to the holy Decrees and Orders of the Discipline . Lay all which hath been said together , and tell me he that can ( my wits not being quick enough for so great a nicety ) whether the Papists Faith , or that of the Puritans most properly and meritoriously may be counted Faction . 46. The third thing in which you seem unsatisfied in what I say , concerning Popery , is , whether it be true or not , that the Popes Decretals , the body of the Canon Law , is to be accepted , ( as not being abrogated ) which being made for the direction and rei●lement of the Church in general , were by degrees admitted and obeyed in these parts of Christendome , and are by Act of Parliament so far still in force , as they oppose not the Prerogative royal or the municipal laws and statutes of this Realm of England . These words I must confesse for mine , owning Hist . Sab. pa. 2. ch . 7. p. 202. and not 210. as your Letter cites it , your parenthesis being only excep●ed ; and you name it this Kingdome in stead of the Realm of England , though both expressions be to one and the same effect . In which you might have satisfied your self by M. Dow , who , as you say , gives some reason for it out of a Statute of Hen. 8. But seeing you remain still unsatisfied in that particular , I shall adde something more for your satisfaction . In order whereunto , you may please to know that in the Stat. 29. Hen. 8. ch . 19. commonly called the Statute of the submission of the Clergy , it is said expresly ▪ First , that the Clergie in their convocation , promised the King in verbo Sa●erdoris ; not to enact or execute any new Canons but by his Majesties royal assent , and by his authority first obtained in that behalf : and secondly , that all such Canons , Constitutions , Ordinances , and Synodals Provincial , as were made before the said submission , which were not contrary or repugnant to the Laws , Statutes , and Customes of this Realm , nor to the dammage or hurt of the Kings Prerogative Royal , were to be used and executed as in former times . By which last clause the Decretal of preceding Popes , having been admitted into this Land , and by several Canons and Constitutions of the Church of England , and the main body of the Canon-law having for a long time been accounted for a standing rule , by which all proceedings in the Courts Ecclesiastical were to be regulated and directed , remain still in force and practice as they had done formerly . But then you are to know withall , that they were no longer to remain in force and practice , then till the said preceding Canons and Constitutions ( as appears by the said Act of Parliament ) should be viewed and accommodated to the use of this Church , by 32. Commissioners selected out of the whole body of the Lords and Commons , and to be nominated by the King. But nothing being done therein during the rest of the Kings reign , the like authority was granted to King Edw. 6. 3. 4. Edw 6. c. 11. And such a progresse was made in it , that a Sub-committee was appointed to review all their said former Canons and Constitutions , and to digest such of them into form and order , as they thought most fit and necessary for the use of this Church . Which Sub committee consisted of eight persons only , that is to say , Thomas Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , Thomas Lord Bishop of Eli , Dr. Richard Cox the Kings Almoner , Peter Martyr his Majesties professor for Divinity , William May , and Rowland Taylor Doctors of the Law , John Lucas , and Richard Gooderick Esquires ; who having prepared and digested the whole work into form and order , were to submit the same to the rest of the 32. and finally to be presented to the King for his Royal Assent and confirmation . And though the said Sub-committee had performed their parts , as appears by the Book entituled , REFORMATIO LEGUM ECCLESIASTICARUM ex authoritate primum Regis HENRICI VIII . inch●a●a . Deinde per Regem EDW. VI. provecta , &c. Reprinted not long since at London , 1641. But that King also dying , before the said Canons so digested and accommodated , could be confirmed and ratified by the Royal Assent , and authorised under the Great Seal of England , the former Canons , Consti●utions and Ordinances , and consequently the Decretals of the Popes and the body of the Canon law , according to the limitations and restrictions by the Statute of King Hen. 8. did remain in force , and so continue to this day : so that your hopes of their not being in force amongst us , declares you for as sorry a Lawyer as you confesse your self to be . 47. Next , when you say , how little you know by what authority the Popes Decretals are laws to the● Church in gen●ral or to us . I will improve you● knowledge in that particular also as far as I can : and for so doing , I am to put you in mind , that the Popes for a long tract of time , were possessed of the Supreme power in Ecclesiastical matters over all the Churches in the Western and North-western parts , and amongst others , in this also ; and that he did pretend the like authority over all the Churches in the East and South : so that their Decretals were made by them intentionally to serve for a rule and reiglement of the Church in general , but were admitted only in the Churches of the Western and North-western parts , which did acknowledge his Supremacy , and made themselves subject to his power . But having now shaken off his power in the three Kingdomes of England , Scotland , and Ireland , in the three Realms of Denmark , Norway , and Sweden ; in the united Provinces of the Netherlands , and many great Provinces and Estates of the Higher Germany , besides some thousands of the Protestant Churches in the Realm of France : he hath now lost that power which before he challenged , of making laws for the Government of the Church in general ; though such of them as we here received , are still so far in force , as I have affirmed ; that is to say , according to the sad restrictions and limitations before laid down . And therefore I can well maintain , that the Pope and his Councels had a power ( you never heard me say he hath ) of imposing his Decretals and the body of the Canon law , as a law for the Government of so much of the Church as was then actually under his command , having been made intentionally for the reiglement of the Church in general , and that being here received , are still so far in force ( that is to say , in such form and maner ) as I have affirmed ; and yet not grant that he and his Councels have any such power at this present time , or that are , and all other Christians must be thought to be his Subjects ; which is the thing you seem glad to understand ; if ever I should put my self to the trouble of writing to you again , as I have done now . 48. Having thus laid before you the true state of the Question , I am in the next place to answer such Objections as you make against it ; and your Objections being built chiefly on your own thoughts , and such hopes as you had fancied to your self : For want of knowledg in these matters , will be easily answered . You object first , That you will yet hope that they are not in force ; but I have proved to you that they are . And you object next , That you thought the Acts that impose the Oathes of allegeance and supremacy , had disobliged us from all forreigue power , and nulled the Pope's authority in England ; and though you thought well enough in this ; yet if you think that because those Acts of Parliament above mentioned , have disobliged us from all forreign power , and nulled the Popes authority in England ; and therefore that all the Decretals of the former Popes , or Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical , made in times of Popery , are either by those Acts and Oths anulled and abrogated ; your thoughts will prove to be as deceitful , as your hopes are groundless , and therefore when you say , that if ever you live to see another Parliament ( which you are like to do very shortly , if the news be true ) you will crave a freedom from that bondage . I would fain know from what b●ndage you desire this freedom ; If from subjection to the Pope , you are freed from it by the Act primo Eliz. cap. 1. by which all the Popes authority and jurisdiction in the Realm of England , as well over the consciences as the pens of men , were finally exterminated and abolished : If from their Canons and Decrees made , and in force within this Realm , before the 25. of King Henry 8. they were confirmed by the Parliament of that year ( according to the limitations before expressed ) and are so complicated since that time with the Laws of the Land , that the alteration will be far more difficult then you may imagine ; so that you may do well to spare your address to the following Parliament , and reserve that strong influence which you believe you have upon it , for some greater occasions , or at the least , for such as are more possible to be compassed then this present project : Besides you may be pleased to know , that a great part of the Civil or Imperial Laws are in force amongst us ; and that they are the standing rules by which the Court of Admiralty , as also that for the probate of Wills and Testaments are generally regulated and directed : and yet you may conclude as strongly , that because no forreign Prince , Person , Prelate , State , or Potentate , hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence , or authority within this Realm ; no not the Emperour himself , though honoured with the Title of Augustus Cesar , and such like glorious attributes , belonging to the Roman Empire ; therefore the Civil and Imperial Laws , so long continued in this Kingdom , are to be reckoned of no force and effect amongst us , but to be utterly abrogated and abolished also ; which if it should be took for granted ( as you take the other ) you must then double your design in moving and soliciting the next Parliament to free you from that yoke of bondage ; that the Pontificial and Imperial laws may be for ever banished and expelled this Kingdome , that so it may be said of us as Haman once objected against the Jews , their Laws were contrary to all Nations ; Divis●s orbe Brittannos , even in that sense also . It is reported of Alphonso surnamed the Wise , one of the Kings of Castile in Spain , that he used many times to say ( never the wiser for so saying ) that if he had stood at Gods elbow when he made the World , many things should have been ordered better then they were in the first Creation . Take heed left that you be thought no wiser then Alphonso was , in pressing at the Parliament dores , and urging your desires for abrogating all those ancient Canons and Constitutions , by what name soever they are called , and by what Authority soever they were first enacted , which so many Kings and Queens of this Realm have continued in force , and so many Parliaments since the first Reformation have left unquestioned . 49. Your Letter now draws towards an end , in which you professe some seeming gladnesse , that I whom you call the Primipilus amongst the defenders of the late turgid and persecuting sort of Prelacy ( I like your words so well that I must needs bring them to a repetition ) do so freely disclaim the Grotian Religion ( which you say you never charged me with ) and thereupon conceive some confident hopes that the rest of the Prelatical Clergie will disown it also . How far the most of the Prelatical Clergie shall think fit to disown the Grotian Religion ( as you have described it in your book ) I am not able to determine Aetatem habent they are all old enough to answer for themselves if you put them to it . But if you have no better hopes of their disowning , then you have assurances from me of my disclaiming that Religion , you may cry out , O spe● inanes & frustra cogitationes meae , without help or remedy . For tell me , I beseech you , where is it that I have so freely disclaimed the Grotian Religion as you say I have . Not in my letter I am sure , there is no such matter . All that I say in that , is no more then this , that I could have wished you had spared my name ( in that Preface of yours ) unlesse you could have proved me to have been one of that Religion , as I think you cannot . Which notwithstanding I may be one of that Religion , and yet may warrantably think that you cannot prove it ; you being so great a stranger to my private discourses , and finding nothing to that purpose in publick writings . But whether I positively am , or really am not of the Grotian Religion , ( that is to say , of that Religion of Hugh Grotius , of which M. Baxter hath given us a description by his opinions ) I am not bound to tell you now , finding my self unwilling by such an unnecessary declaration to engage my self with fresh disputes , with any one of either party , who finds himself unsatisfied with it , may involve me in . But so farr I assure you , I am of the Religion of Hugh Grotius , that I wish as heartily as he did , that the breaches in the walls of Jerusalem were well closed up ; that the Puritans submitting to the Church of England , and the Church of England being reconciled with the Church of Rome , we might unite and center in those sacred truths , those undeniable principles , and established Doctrines , which have been universally received in the Church of Christ , and in which all parties doe agree ; and then I little doubt but that the Lutheran Churches in Germany , Denmark , Sweden , and Norway , and the Calvinian party in their several Countries , would not unwillingly take the benefit of a publick peace ▪ leaving all doubtful disputations to be managed in the publick Schools , not prest with so much heat and with so little edification to the weak in faith in the common pulpits . This I am certain is no more then what is taught us in the prayer for the good estate of Christs Church militant here upon the earth . In which we do beseech the Divine Majesty , to inspire continually the universal Church with the spirit of truth , unity , and concord ; and to grant that all they which do confesse his holy name , may agree in the truth of his holy word , and live in unity and godly love : which godly and most Christian prayer , I do most heartily recommend to your consideration ; and not unto your consideration only , but your practice also ; as I do you , and all that do delight in the spirit of unity , to his heavenly blessings , who is the Author of Peace and the Lover of Concord . And this I do with that affection which becometh Your very humble Servant , and Christian Brother in Jesus Christ to be commanded Peter Heylyn . Lacies Court in Abingdon , Decemb. 10. 1658. 50. When I had finished this Answer and found it to amount to a greater bulk then was first desired ▪ I was in some conflict with my self by what means it might so come to M. Baxter that it might also be communicated to such others , as had took notice of the injury done me , and might expect to have some notice also of the right I had done my self . I had some reason to believe that M. Baxter had imparted the Contents of his Letter to some or other of his friends before it was dispatcht to me ; to the end that they might see , and know , and relate to others of that party , to what a sad reckoning he had called me . And how , unable I must prove to render an account of those several charges , which he had justly laid upon me . And I had reason to suspect , that when he had perused my answer , and seen how little he had gotten by the Provocation , it might be secretly kept by him , or perhaps , committed to the fire for the greater security ; that on the one side he might be held to be invincible by those who look upon him as the Atlas which supports the cause , and on the other side I might be condemned for an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by my silence had declared my self guilty of a self : conviction . There was somewhat also to be done in reference to the conformable clergy and the Prelatical Divines , as also ▪ to the turgid and persecuting sort of Prelates ; who otherwise could not but admire that I who had been so active in vindicating the fame and reputation of other men , should be so lame and negligent in preserving my own . And other way I could find none to satisfie all parties and right my self , then to publish these passages betwixt M. Baxter and my self ; and so to publish them that coming , from the presse as M. Baxters first provocation had done before , it might be universally dispersed over most parts of the Land. If any shall conceive my Answer to be too long , he shall conceive no otherwise of it then I do my self . But I was willing to take some pains with him to satisfie him word by word , and line by line , where I found any thing considerable in it self , or capable of receiving satisfaction from me . And to say truth , I have been the more punctual and exact in all particulars , that M. Baxter having sufficient measure , pressed down , if not running over also , might rest himself contented with that satisfaction , and supercede all further troubles to himself or me . And being he hath pleased to conclude his Letter with a complemental desire of pardon for the displeasing plainnesse of it : I shall also conclude this discourse between us , with an assurance to him of my kind acceptance of that Letter ; there being nothing which can be more agreeable to me then an honest plainnesse . And as for pardon , there needs none where there is no injury complained of , as by me there is not . And therefore I shall shut up all in these words of S. Jerome to S. Augustine , on the like entercourse between them ; viz. Non tam stultus sum , ut diversitate explanationum tuarum , me ladi putem , quia nec tu laesiris , si nos contraria senserimus . A POST-SCRIPT To the former Answer : Containing The Exchange of Letters between Dr. Heylyn and Dr. Barnard , tonching the intended burning of the book called Respondit Petrus : With that which followed thereupon . 51. MY Answer long enough before , must be made longer by this Post script ; because I would not leave you ( M. Baxter ) without full satisfaction to every point you have objected in your Letter , or keep you longer in suspense then needs I must . You gave some glances in your Letter of the burning of Books for which you had no ground in either of the places you refer me to , where you find nothing at all touching the burning of the books of the Sabbatarians , but only of the suppressing and calling of them in , which made me apt enough to think ( as I told you then ) that you intended that for a private nip relating to a book of mine called Respondit Petrus , which was publickly noised abroad to have been publickly burnt in London ( as indeed the burning of it was severely prosecuted , though it scaped the fire . A full account whereof being too long to be incorporated into the body of that Answer I promised then to give you in a place by it self . And therefore I have writ this Post-script to make good that promise . I wish you too well to suffer you to remain long in any errour which I am able to remove , or to be wrought upon by any false rumours and reports which I am able to disperse ; and as I have endeavoured the first in all my applications to you , so I shall now endeavour the last , that I may disperse the others also . And this I shall the rather do , that I may , Duos parletes una fidelia dealbare , as in the Latine , or , Kill two birds with one Stone , in the English Proverb . My satisfying you in this publique manner will much contribute to the undeceiving of such others also , who either out of too much credulity in themselves , or dis-affection toward me , have been as apt to report as they were easie to believe it . Many such I have had the chance to meet with , as well at London as elsewhere , in whom this Fame had taken so deep a root that I could hardly pluck it up ; Some of them whom I endeavoured to perswade to a dis-belief of that false report , conceiving rather that I rather spake favourably for my selfe , then advantagiously and impartially for the truth of the fact . And if those persons whom I met with were so hardly satisfied , when they heard the story from my self , how much more hardly could such others receive satisfaction who live farther off , and could have it only from my friends But beside this there was another motive to induce me to it , and that is the preventing of all such as possibly may make use of that report to my disadvantage ; For whereas Mr. Sanderson ( in the end of his Post Haste , scurrilous Pamphlet called the Reply , &c. hath used some threats , That , whensoever I shall appear armed again , he will be ready to meet me at my own weapon , be it sharp or smooth ) he will be apt to catch at any thing which may serve his turn , without examining the truth , or enquiring into the certainty of it . The like measure I may chance to have from some others also , who speak as big , and threaten me as much as he , but threatened men live long , they use to say , so perhaps may I , and sure I am , that none of these threatnings will prevail so far upon me , as to shorten the number of those dayes I have to come , for your sake therefore and for theirs , I have drawn up a full and perfect Narrative of the whole business in this manner following . The Intercourse of LETTERS , Between D. Heylyn and D. Barnard , Touching the intended burning of the Book called Respondit Petrus . 52. PHylosophers tell us of a Meteor , called Ignis fatuus , whose property it is to lead men out of their way , and draw them many times into dangerous precipices ; and such an Ignis fatuus hath of late deceived and abused many in all parts of the Land , whom therefore I shall endeavour to unundeceive , and bring them back into the way of truth and knowledge . The fame is , and it is made a common fame by the , spreading of it , That the Book called Respondit Petrus hath been publiquely burnt , and burnt by the order of the Council : A fame which hath little truth in it , though it hath more colour for it , and appearances of it , then many other charges which have lately been laid upon me . Concerning which the Reader , may be pleased to know , That on Saturday the 26. of June last past , intelligence was given to a friend of mine , that an Order was sent by the Council to the Lord Mayor of London , requiring him to see the Book called Respondit Petrus , to be called in and publiquely burnt . Notice whereof being given to me , who was then in London , I was advised by some of my friends to neglect the matter , it being a thing that would redound unto my honour ( as they pleased to say ) considering it might be rationally concluded by all knowing me , that the Book could not other wise be confuted then by fire and faggot . I knew full well what sentence had been passed by Facitus , upon the order of the Senate or great Consul of Rome , for burning the Books of Cremutius Cordus the Historian , Neque aliud externi Reges , aut qui eadem sevitia usi sunt , nisi dedecus sibi , a ▪ que illis gloriam peperere , that is to say , that such who formerly had exercised that kind of severity , gained nothing but ignominie to themselves , and glory to all those whose Books they burnt . But for my part I was rather of Sir John Falstaffs minde in that particular , and did not like such grinning honour , and therefore chose rather to prevent the obloquie , then to glory in it . In order whereunto , I thought fit to apply my self to D. Barnard of Grays Inn , who as he first began the quarrel , in publishing the Book Entituled , The Judgment of the late ▪ Lord Primate , &c. so was he supposed to have moved the first wheel in the Engine , although he stood behind the Curtain , and appeared not in it ; conceiving that if he might be taken off , the whole business would soon come to nothing , without any more ado ; upon which ground I wrote the following Letter to him on the Munday morning , and received his answer to the same in the afternoon ; the Coppies of which Letter , and the answer to it I shall here subjoyn . Dr. Heylyn's Letter to Dr. Barnard . SIR , 53. WIth what unwillingness I entred upon my answer to that Book of Yours , Entituled , The Judgment of the Late Lord Primate , &c. I doubt not but you have found before this time , both in the Preface to it , and the two first Paragraphs of it . In handling of which argument , as I kept myselfe within the bounds of Modesty and Christian Charity , so I expected I should have been encountred with no other weapons then such as I brought into the field out of the Magazines and Store-houses of the ancient Fathers , and some of the most Learned Writers of these latter times . But contrary to my expectation I was advertised on Saturday night , that certain Articles have been presented against that Book to the Lords of the Council , and that it is ordered thereupon by some of their Lordships , that the Lord Mayor of London , and one Mr. Weeler of Westminster shall seize upon the said books and see them burnt . I have so much charity as to think that this is done without your privity and consent , but I cannot but conceive withall that if the business be carried on to such extreamities , the generality of men will not be so perswaded of it ; but that it will be rather thought , that since the matter of that book was not otherwise to be answered , it was thought fittest to confute it by fire and faggot . How little such a course may possibly redound to your honour amongst men of ingenuity and learning I leave you to judge . And though I am no fit Counsellour for such a business , in which I am concerned as the principal party ; yet if you please to take the matter into your serious consideration , you will perhaps find no councel more fit to be followed , then that you presently appear in putting some stop to those proceedings ; which though for the present they may end with some disgrace to me , will bring no credit to your self . If there be any thing in that Book either for matter or expression , which you stumble at , try it ou● with me by the Pen , or by personal conference , as becomes a Scholar and Divine ; and if you bring better reason on your side , then I have on mine , I shall be your Convert ; if not , the burning of the Book will neither suppress the Argument , nor confute the Author ; but only shew how passionately some men are carried to their private ends , under the pretence of publique justice . Your answer hereunto shall be attended in the afternoon : In the mean time , I recommend these my desires to your consideration , as I do you unto the grace and blessings of almighty God , with the affection which becomes , SIR , Your very humble Servant , and Christian Brother , Peter Heylyn . Lond. Jun. 28. 1658. D. Barnard's Letter to D. Heylyn . SIR , 54. FOr that Order mentioned in your Letter , I find your charity prevented me , in any further assurance of you , that I was not the mover of it . Since your Servant was here , I have further enquired after the ground of it ; and this I am told , That it was not in relation to the Primate , or me , or any disputes between us ; but only to the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons , Anno 1644. For the better observation of the Lords day ; wherein there is such a clause as this , That whosoever have or shall write against it , the Books shall be burned by the hands of justice . For my part , I have no minde either by personal conference , or the Pen ( as you write ) to have any disputes or contentions with you , in that or any other subject ; neither do I intend to give any answer to your last Book : And had I been acquainted with you , I should have advised you , as a friend , for your own sake , not to have shewn so much disaffection to that eminent and pious Primate ; for which I find you condemned by most , if not by all sorts of persons , as the sole man so declared against him : and as he is too high in the esteem of the world to receive any injury by you ; so what liberty you have been pleased to take in some expressions concerning me , either in your former Book or this , I can easily pass it over in silence , without the least breach of Charity ; and notwithstanding , shall be ready to do you what service may lye within my compass : But for the Order , seeing I was no mover of it to the Lords of the Council , and that it doth no ways concern me , it is not proper for me to interpose in it . I rest , SIR , Your very humble Servant , and Christian Brother , N. Barnard . Grays Inn , Jun. 28. 1658. 55. Having received this Letter , and considered the contents thereof ; I found it no way necessary nor convenient for me , to trouble my self with a reply : for first , I was unwilling to be brought under a new temptation , in having more to do in any thing which related to the late Lord Primate , but where extream necessity should compel me to it ; though D. Barnard very unadvisedly ( that I say no way ) endeavoured in the last part of his Letter , to put me upon fresh ingagements ; to what else tended those upbraidings of my disaeffction to that eminent and pious Prelate , from which I had cleared my self before , and that twice for failing ? His reproaches of my being condemned , for I know not what , by most , if not by all sorts of persons ? Whereas I have reason to believe , that he hath spoke with very few upon that subject , and therefore cannot know the mind of the most , and much less of all sorts of men ; or the reiteration of the high esteem in the world , which the Lord Primate had above me , being so willingly acknowledged by me in the beginning of that Book which was then in question . Had I not tied my self to this resolution , I could have directed D. Barnard to a passage in the Preface of a Book , called Canterburys Doom , by which he might be satisfied , that as I was not the first , so I am not the only one who had declared against his eminent pious Prelate , as he saith he was . But howsoever , had he been greater then he was , and I less then I am , I should not have been terrified from writing in my own defence , or doing the best service I was able to the Church of England , whose Doctrine , Government , and established Order I found so openly opposed . And secondly , I had the less reason to make any reply , because I found no hopes that D. Barnard would be perswaded to do himself or me any right in either of the ways proposed : For first , he had declared before hand , when he published the Lord Primates Papers , that he would not take upon him the defence of any thing contained in them : For thus he tells us in his Preface , If ( saith he ) the Readers opinion shall descent any of the above-named , or swell into an opposition , let him not expect any defensive arms to be taken up by me , it being my part to declare his judgment as I find it , &c. By which it seems that D. Barnard had no other intention , then to add more fewel unto those combustions , which had so long embroyled the Church ; and not to bring any water to quench the flame . Secondly , He declared in this present Letter , That for his part , he had no mind , either by the Pen or personal conference , to have any disputes or contentions with me , in that or any other subject : and finally ( which most concerned me in relation to the present business ) he had apparantly declined to appear in any thing , for the reversing of that Order , which was supposed to have been made by the Lords of the Councel ; it being improper , as he saith , for him to interpose therein , with the Lords of the Council , to whom he had been no mover in it , and no more concerned in that Order then he saith he was ; so that I found my self necessitated to tack about , and try if I could stere my course by another compass ; Hac non successit , alia tentandum est , via , as it is in the Comedy . 56. For D. Barnard having thus left the field , without so much as looking towards it at all , and left the business in the same state in which he found it ; the next morning I addressed some few lines unto the Lord Mayor , Sir Richard Chiverton , a person of known prudence and moderation ; beseeching him , that if any such Order had been sent unto him , from the Lords of the Council , he would be pleased to respite the execution of it for a day or two , there being litle doubt on my part , but that I might be able within that time , to procure an Order from the Council for the reversing of that Judgment , if any such judgment had been given in the case before : to which Letter , the Lord Mayor returned this answer , by word of mouth , That he would not be over hasty in a business of that nature ; and that he had commited the Book to the perusal of some grave and learned Divines about the City , and that having received their opinions of it , he should be better able to resolve what he had to do . On the return of which answer , I presently applied my self to a chief Personage in the Council of State , from whom I might assure my self of all lawful favours : But there I found I had been in an error all this while , as to that particular ; that honourable Person giving me to understand , that no such Order had been made by the Council , as to the burning of the Book ; that information had been made by the Council , as to the burning of the Book , that information had been made to the Bar against it , with no small importunity by him that followed the imformation : For having Order from their Lordships for the burning of it , according to the Ordinance mentioned in the Doctors Letter ; finally , that the Council did no more in it , then to commit the whole matter to the Lord Mayor of London , to be proceeded in according to his discretion . 57. Being thus assured from all fear and danger on that side , I made it my next business to enquire after the names of those to whom the Lord Mayor had committed the perusal of it ; and understanding who they were , I was less solicitous then before : For well I knew , that men of so much modesty as I knew some of them to be , would not be easily moved to pronounce any thing rashly , either of the Book , or of the Author ; especially considering , that if that Book should be condemned to the fire , not only many of the Ancient Fathers , but even Calvin , Beza , Zanchius , Vrssin , and many other leading men of the Reformation , must have suffered in the same flame also ; being all cited by me , for the confirmation of my judgment , as to that particular . And so this busine●s having made so great a noise at first , began as suddenly to repose , and in short time to come to nothing , there being nothing effected by it , but a continuation of the fame , made greater by the spreading of it , and findthe more credit the farther it went , according to the nature of such reports ; which we have thus described by Ovid , in his Metamorphosi● , where he lays down the Character of the House of Fame . Ovid. Metamorph. lib. 12. — lata est ex are sonanti , Lata fremit , vocesque refert iteratque quod audit , &c. Atria turba tenet , veniunt l●ve vulgus exeuntque . Mixtaque cum veris , passim commenta vagantur , &c. Hi narrata ferunt alio , mensuraque ficti ; Crescit , & auditis aliquid novus adjicit Autor . Which with the rest , are thus translated by George Sandys . All built of ringing brass , throughout resounds , They hear reports , and every word rebounds , &c. Hither the idle vulgar come and go ; Millions of rumors wander too and fro : Lyes mixt with truths , in words that vary still , Of these , with news unknowing ears some fill ; Some carry tales ; all in the telling grows , And ev'ry Author adds to what he knows . 58. According to this Character of the House of Fame , the report of burning the Book aforesaid , being taken thence , flew far , and grew the greater by the flying ; affirmed so confidently to be true , by some whose business it was to disperse the fame ; as if the very flame and smoake of the fire which burned it , might easily have been discerned at High-Gate , or from Shooters-Hill : But false fires are of short continuance , so hath this been also ; the sooner quencht , if by my satisfying you , I may give satisfaction unto all the rest who have been abused in the report . Had D. Barnard done me right , or consulted his own credit in it , I might have saved the pains of writing , and you the trouble of reading this present Narrative , But being as it is , we must thank him for it , who having so imprudently begun the quarrel , refused to justifie it by the pen , or a personal conference , which had he done , there would have been no need of any such fame , which might either never have been conceived , or else might have been strangled in the birth , without the least wrong to any : But D. Barnard thought himself secure enough from falling into any such disgrace , for publishing the Lord Primates Judgment , &c. as was intended to the Book and the Author of it , by which he found it to be answered ; and therefore pleads it fitter for him to take his ease and let things happen as they would . In that point not so equal and impartial as the Heathen Orator , who held it most agreeable to the rules of Justice , Vt qui in eadem causa sint , in eadem item essent fortuna , That they who were partakers in any cause , should be partakers also in the fortune which did follow on it . But I hope of more equality ( or impartiality rather ) from you , then I did from him : And therefore if your zeal transport you , to execute such a private judgment upon that Book , as it hath not suffered in the publique , because you like not the opinions therein contained , you may do well to let D. Barnard's Book consume in the same fire also , as having given the first occasion to these new disturbances , which are the grounds of your dislike . And so I leave you unto that Dilemma which I find in Ausoniu● , viz. Vel neutrum stammis ure , velure duos . Decemb. 14. 1658. Certamen Epistolare , Or The Letter Combate . PART . II. Containing the Intercourse of Letters between Peter Heylyn , D. D. And Mr. Hickman of Magd. Coll. Oxon. Relating To the Historicall part of a Book Intituled The Justification of the Fathers and Schoolmen , &c. Vell. Puterc . Histi . Lib. 2. Ubi semel a recto deerratum est in preceps pervenitur , nec quisquam sibi turpe putat , quod aliis est Fructósum . Ide . ibid. Familiare est hominibus , omnia sibi remittere , nihil aliis ; Et invidiam non ad causam sed advoluntatem personasque dirigere . LONDON , Printed in the Year , 1659. To His much Respected Friend , Thomas Peirce , Master of Arts , and Rector of Bringhton in the Diocess of Peter-burrough . SIR , 1. BEfore you had writ your Letter of the 8th of March , I had received another from an unknown hand , by which I was made acquainted that your Antagonist of Magdalen Coll. had published his Pamphlet a second time , and made bolder with me in the second then the first Edition . And having given me some account of the Book , ( which I could find no time of sufficient leisure to Enquire much after ) he makes this request , that I would undertake an answer to the Historical part thereof , in which he labours to Evince , that the Calvinistical opinions were the avowed doctrines of this Church . I had then some other work in hand , from which I was not willing to be taken off , by this diversion , and therefore desired him to excuse me from that ingagement , which he so zealously ( but very modestly withal ) recommended to me . It was not long before I had received the like Advertisement from a friend nere London , which I past over with as little Apprehension of the indignities and affronts which were done unto me , as I did the other . But yours of the Date above mentioned , following close upon them , I began to consider with my selfe , that there was somewhat more then ordinary in this invitation , in which so many men concurred of such different dwellings , without communicating their designs and thoughts unto one another . I found many Reasons in my selfe to decline the business ; my growing into years , my decay of Sight , my want of necessary helps , the disparity between the persons ; and that having Adversaries enough already , it would be a great imprudence in me to encrease their number , and make them swell into an Army . But on the other side , I considered also , the multiplicity of your Employments , the Charity which might be shown in easing you of some part of your burthen , the bitterness of the man against persons of Eminence , on whom he ought not to have looked without veneration ; but most especially , that as I had appeared in defence of the Church in my younger dayes , so it might ill become me to desert her now , being as yet in some Capacity of doing that service which you and others have so earnestly desired of me . Defendi Rem publ . Adolescens , non deseram senex , was Cicero's Resolution once , and shall now be mine . And because it was your Letter which prevailed upon me more then any other , I have made bold to render my account to you from whose hand most especially I received the charge . First laying down the narrative of such preparatory Entercourse as passed betwixt me and your Antagonist , before I setled positively on the undertaking ; and then descending to the satisfaction of so many good friends , as far as I am able to serve them , and the Church in performance of it . Give me your patience for a time , whilest I address my lines unto you in my own behalf , and I shall little doubt of it , when I write of him , who hath made one Enemy of both . Alterum a te p●to , ut me , pro me benigne ; Alterum ipse Efficiam , ut contra illum cum dicam attente audias , in the Orators words . But it is time to end my preamble , and begin my story , which is thus . 2. It was by accident that Mr. Baxters Book of the Grotian Religion was unexpectedly offered to me , with intimation that I should find somewhat in the preface , which concerned my selfe . By the like accident , and with the same intimation also I came to know of Mr. Hickmans late Book in Justification of the Fathers , and Schoolmen , &c. It is not to be wondred if my Curiosity , or desire of self satisfaction , first carried me to the consideration of my own concernments ( as before it did ) or that I should be much amazed to find my self so coursely handled by a person I never heard of , nor perhaps never might have done , but on that account . The Positivity of Sinne might be a Paradox or a truth , and so declared on either side without drawing me into the Quarrel , who have not hitherto engaged on the one side or the other . But Mr. Hickman that thinks so well of his own abilities , as to conceive no one man was to be looked upon as a competent Adversary , on whom to exercise his Pen , and therefore must raise up another who had not the least thoughts of contending with him . And that he might be sure to sharpen me to the Encounter he doth not onely touch upon me and so pass it over , as Mr. Baxter did before , but spends the best part of a leafe in loading me with Reproach and infamy . He had before given this unhandsome Character of you , whom he looks on as his principal Adversary ; that you are one that drinks up scorning like water , and knows not how to mention the worthiest man alive , if of a different judgment , without contempt ; which he concludes with this smart Expression , that rather then you will not fight , you would contend with your own shaddow . Which said , he calls me a Bird of the same feather , makes me to take my flight from the Angel in Ivy-lane , intitles it to no small wonder that a Doctor in Divinity should so unworthily handle a Reverend Person , ( it is the Lord Primate whom ▪ he means ) and finally declares , that a Book of mine had received the desert of its bitterness , in being burnt ( for so he saith he was informed ) by the hand of the Hangman . But let not these vinegar expressions be a trouble to you , which I assure you stirre not me , who have long learnt with him in the old Historian , civili animo laceratam existimationem ferre , to bear with an undisturbed mind , the greatest Calumnies which either the tongues or pens of malitious men can lay upon me . 3. For though this provocation might have been sufficient to have awakened one of a duller spirit , yet I resolved to sleep on still , and lookt no otherwise on this passage then as the inconsiderable Phantasme of an Idle Dream . I had before resolved not to put my hand to any controversie in which the Lord Primate was concerned , and so far satisfied Mr. Baxter in the not burning of the Book , that I conceived all further answer to that scandalous charge , to be altogether as unnecessary as the Charge was false . In satisfying him I should have sati●fied all others who had taken up the information or vulgar Hear-s●y , without inquiring into the falsity or malice of the first Report , if Mr. Hickman would have had the patience to have stayd so long . 4. But long I had not lain in this quiet slumber , when I was rouzed by your Letter of March 8. informing me of a second Edition of that Book ; in which I did not bear a part in the Prologue only , as in that before , nor was made one of the Actors only in the body Tragi-Comedy , but that the matter of the whole Epilogue was of my mistakings : All which I could have slept out also , if the same Letter had not directed me to page 23 , 24. where I should find a passage to this effect , viz. That Dr. Holland had turned Dr. Laud ( the most Renowned Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ) out of the Schools with disgrace , for but endeavouring to maintain , that Bishops differed in order , not only in Degree from inferiour Presbyters . A son of Craesus which was dumb from his very birth could find a tongue , when he perceived his Father in danger of death , whom no extremity of his own might possibly have forced on so great a Miracle : And therefore I conceive , that it will not be looked upon in me as a matter of Prodigie , that the Dishonour done to so great a Prelate , who in his time was one of the Fathers of this Church , and the chief amongst them , should put me to a Resolution of breaking those bonds of silence , which had before restrain'd me from advocating in my own behalfe . I was not willing howsoever to engage my self too rashly with an unknown Adversary , without endeavouring further to inform my self in his Grounds or Reasons . In which respect I thought it most agreeable to the ingenuity which I had shown to Mr. Baxter on the like occasions , to let him see how sensible I was of the injury done unto my self , and the indignity offered to the fame of so great a Person , before I would endeavour the righting of my self , or the vindicating of his honour , in a publique way . To which end I addrest unto him these ensuing Lines . Dr : Heylyn's first Letter to Mr. Hickman : SIR , 5. YOur Book of the Justification of the Father● , &c. was not long since put into my hands , w th a direction to a passage in the Preface of it . It was not long before I consulted the place ; in which I found mention , that a Book of mine had received the desert of its bitterness , in being burnt by the hand of the publique Hangman . It seems you were so zealous in laying a Reproach upon me , that you cared not whether it were true or false : It was thought a sufficient warrant to you , that you were informed so , without any further enquiring after it : Which pains if you would please to take , you might have learned , that though such a thing was much endeavoured , yet it was not effected , i. e. that it went no further then noise and fame , which served to some instead of all other proofs . I was advertised yesterday by several Letters , that the Book is come to a second Edition , in which you have not only made bold with me ( which I can easily contemn ) but have laid a fouler Reproach on the Late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , in being disgracefully turn'd out of the Schools by Dr. Holland . But Sir , however you may please to deal with such a poor fellow as I am , you ought to have carried a greater Reverence towards a Prelate of such eminent Parts , and Place , whose Memory is more precious amongst all that love the Church of England , then to suffer it to be so defamed , and by such a person . You pretend Information for the ground of your other errour , but for this I believe you would be troubled to produce your Authors . And if there be no more truth in the other parts of your Book , in which you deliver points of Doctrine , then you have shown in these two passages , in which you relate to matters of fact ; you had need pray to meet with none but ignorant Readers , such as are fit to be abus'd , and not with any knowing and intelligent man. Excuse me if my love to truth , and my tenderness to a name which I so much honour , have extorted from me these few lines , which are most heartily recommended to your consideration , as you are to the grace and blessings of Almighty God , by Your very affectionate friend , and Christian Brother Peter Heylyn . Abingdon . March. 19. 1658. 6. By this time I had got the Book , which I caused to be read over to me , till I came to page 38. where I found my self as much concerned as before in the Preface , and the integrity of Dr. Burlow once Dean of Chester , and afterwards successively Bishop of Rochester , and Lincoln , to be more decryed , then Dr. Laud the late Arch-Bishops , was dishonoured in the former passage . This put me to a present stand , and I resolved to go no further till I had certified the Author of my second Grievance , which I did accordingly . I had waited somewhat more then a week since I had writ my other Letter , without receiving any answer . The shooting of a second Arrow after the first might possibly procure a return to both , and so it proved in the event . But take my second Letter first , and then we may expect his answer unto both together . Now the second Letter was as followeth . Dr. Heylyn's second Letter to Mr. Hickman . SIR , 7. SInce the writing of my former Letter , the last Edition of your Book hath been brought unto me . In which I find p. 23. that you ground your self upon the Testimony of some who are still alive , for Laud's being disgracefully turned out of the Dinity Schools by Dr. Holland . I find also p. 38. that Dr. Burlow did upon his death-bed with grief complain of the wrong he had done to Dr. Reynolds , and those who joyned with him in mis-reporting some of their Answers , and certain passages therein contained . And of the truth of this you say that you are able to give a satisfactory account to any person of ingenuity , who shall desire it . Sir , I am not ashamed of having so much of a Suffenus , as to entitle my self to some ingenuity , and therefore think it not amiss to claim your promise , and to desire a more satisfactory account in that particular then your bare , affirmation . This with your nomination of the parties , who are still alive , and able to testifie to the truth of the other , I desire you would please to let me have with the first conveniency . If no speedy opportunity doth present it self , you may send to me by the Preacher who comes hither on Sunday . I expected that my former Letter would have been gratified with an answer ; but if you send me none to this , I sha●l think you cannot And so commending you and your Studies ( so far forth as they shall co-operate to the peace of the Church ) to God's heavenly Blessing , I subscribe my self , Your very affectionate Friend , to serve you , Peter Heylyn . Abingdon , Mar. 28. 1659. 8. This Letter being sent after the other , it was no hard matter to divine of the answer to it , if any answer came at all . I might have learned by my address to M. Baxter , that there was nothing to be gained by such civilities , but one reproach upon another , men of that spirit being generally for quod scripsi scripsi ( as we know who was ) seldome accustomed to retract or qualify what they once had written : But as my own ingenuity invited me to write the first , so to the sending of the second , I was directed in a manner by the Justificator , pag. 15. where he complains , that you , M. Peirce , did not endeavour to purge the peccant humor by a private Letter , before you made the passionate adventure , of calling him obstinate : This made me not without some thoughts , that a private Letter might prevail upon such a person , who desired not to be accounted obstinate in his own opinions ; from which modesty I might collect a probable hope , that he would not persevere in any error when he was once convinced of it , but rather make amends to truth , and reparation to the parties which were injured by him : The least I could expect ( if he vouchsaft me any answer ) was to learn the name or names of those , by whom the yong man had been abused in the information , which might entitle me perhaps to some other adversary , whom I had more desire to deal with : But if no answer came at all , as perchance there might not , I should be able to conclude , that he had neither proof nor Author for either calumny ; which whether he had or not , will evidently appear by the following Letters ; which , though unlookt for , came at last , to make good the Proverb , and are here subjoyned verbatim , without alteration . M. Hickman's Answer to D. Heylyn's first Letter . SIR , 9. YOu are pleased to honour me with a Letter , and to subscribe your self , my very loving Friend , and Christian Brother ; I take it for a great favour , and shall be heartily glad , if my Answer may procure a good understanding betwixt us , and prevent any further trouble . Your charge is threefold . 1. That in the Preface to my first Edition , I say , That your Book had , as I was informed , received the desert of its bitterness , being burnt by the hand of the common hang-man . I deny not the words , nor can I see any reason to be ashamed of them : For 1. There is an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons still in force , commanding that all Books of the complexion yours is of , should be seized , and publiquely burnt . 2. It was commonly noised , that your Book against the Arch-Bishop of Armagh was actually burned . 3. I proceeded not barely upon common report , but had my intelligence from one of no mean employment , who hath his constant residence at White Hall ; and I am pretty confident your Book had been de facto so disgraced , if the sickness and death of the late Protector , had not put the Privy counsel upon minding matters of higher concernment . And will you now say that I was so zealous in fastening a reproach upon you , that I cared not whether it were true or false . You have in your own Books printed many matters of fact , with more confidence , for which you cannot pretend so much ground . 2. You charge me that I have made bold with you in my second Edition , Novum crimen & ante haee tempora inauditum : You had in your Examen Historicum bestowed some ugly words upon a Colledge , never to mentioned without honour and I , by a true relating the whole business , against which you so much exclaim , labour to vindicate the credit of the Society , and for this I must be accounted bold : Who can help it ? 3. You charge me for laying a fouler reproach on the late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , because I intimate , that he was disgracefully turned out of the Divinity Schooles by Dr. Holland ; and for this you say , I would be troubled to produce my Author : It may be you and I are not agreed what it is to be disgracefully turned out of the Schools ; but if this be it , to be publiquely checkt for a seditious person , who would unchurch the Protestant Churches beyond the Sea , and sow division betwixt us and them , by a novel Popish Position : You cannot sure think , that it will be any trouble to me to produce my Author : For you censure , and therefore I presume have read M. Prinne's Breviate , in which all this is extant totidem verbis ; That Author having laid such a charge , and none of the Arch-Bishops friends having all this while pleaded not guilty , I might take it pro Confesso : yet I must tell you , M. Prinne's is not the onely Ground on which I proceed , though what my other Grounds be I shall not declare , till I well understand what use you intend to make of my Letters . And now , Sir , I hope that lamentable jeer of my standing in need to pray for Ignorant Readers , and such as are fit to be abused might have been spared , ( & been bestowed upon some Temporizer , whose design it is to ingratiate himselfe with great ones , who can complement a Prince so Highly , as to style himselfe his Creature , and the workmanship of his hands ; For my own part , Favour , and Riches , I neither want nor seek : I have so much of a man in me , to be very subject to Errors , but I hope I have not so little of a Christian in me , as not to be very willing to recall any Error , which by any learned man shall be discovered to me . The Design of the Historical part of my Book , is to prove that till Bishop Laud sat in the Saddle , our Divines of prime Note , and Authority , did in the Five points deliver themselves consonantly to the determinations of the Synod of Dort ; and that they were enjoyn'd Recantation , who were known either to Broach or Print that which now is called Arminianism : Can any one deny this ? In my Doctrinal part , I assert that malum morale quà tale non est Ens positivum . In which I promise my self , that I shall not have you ( who profess to take your Opinions from the Fathers ) an Adversary . I deny not whose name you so much honour , hath in many things deserved well of the University , but that his name should be so precious as you intimate to all who love the Church of England , I am not yet convinced ▪ Me thinks the Character Isidor . Pelus ▪ gives of Eusebius , lib. 2. Epist . 246. doth too well suit him . That whole Epistle is most heartily recommended to your Reading , and so are you to the Grace of Jesus Christ by Your most humble Servant , Henry Hickman . Mr. Hickmans Answer to Dr. Heylyns second Letter . SIR , 10. THis Letter was drawn up the last week , and had been sent but that I was necessitated to be absent from the University for two or three days : I have now received a second Letter , wherein you desire ( by virtue of a promise made in my second Edition ) to know what Grounds I had had to affirm , that Dr. Burlow , did declare his trouble for some wrong done to Dr. Reynolds , &c. in relating the Hampton-Court Controversie . Sir , I will not censure you to have no Ingenuity ; but yet you must pardon me if I refuse to give you any further account of the matter till I understand , first , whether you will deal as plainly with me about some things contained in your own Examen Historicum . Will you send me word what the names of those men are , who said two of your Sermons about the Tares had done more mischief to the Papists , then all the Sermons that ever Dr. Prideaux preached against them , and what the name of that man is , who did by Bishop Williams his appointment , give a pension out of his place for the maintenance of a Scholar . 2. I would gladly know whether you intend what I write , onely for your own private satisfaction , and not for publick view . 3. I would willingly be informed what you would take for satisfaction , whether it will suffice if I prove the business from the mouth of one , who was a lover of the English Prelacy , Liturgy , and Ceremony . When you have satisfied me , you may suddenly expect an answer from him , who again subscribes himself Your humble Servant , Henry Hickman . Magd. Coll. Ap. 1. 1659. 11. These Answers leaving me as unsatisfied as before I was , I found that I had lost both my hopes , and labour , for the declining of a business which I was not willing to appear in , if any satisfaction had been given me otherwise ▪ And therefore since he was not pleased to declare himselfe so freely to me in a private way , as to beget between us such a right understanding , as might prevent all further trouble ( which his first Letter seemed to wish ) I see not how I can avoid the making of a more publick business of it then I first intended , unless I should betray my self unto scorn , and censure : My Letters being in his hands cannot be recalled , and if I should not now proceed , to give the world that satisfaction which I lookt for from him , in the retracting of his Calumnies , and salfe Reports ; he and his friends might think I could not . In the pursuit whereof I purposed , to have gone no further , then the vindicating of my self , and those whose names are dear unto me , from the obstinacy of his Reproaches . But he hath hinted me , I thank him , to another Argument , relating to the Historicall part of his discourse ; of which perhaps I may render you an account also before we part . Beginning at the lowest step I shall ascend at last by leisure , to the top of the Stairs ; that having answered for my self , I may be credited the more when I speak for others . The Answer of P. Heylyn D. D. to Mr. Hickman's Letters of April 1. Relating to some Passages in a Book called , The Justification of the Fathers , &c. 11. IT was good Councel which Demaratus of Corinth gave to Philip of Macedon , when he advised him to settle all things well at home , before he intermedled in the differences , amongst the Grecians . In correspondence whereunto I shall first do my best Endeavour , to acquit my self from those Reproaches , which the Justificator with a Prodigal hand hath bestowed upon me ; and thereby fit my self the better for advocating in behalf of those eminent persons , of whose Renown I am more solicitous then my one Concernments . Beginning therefore with my self , in the first place I must take notice of his practise to make me clash with the Lord Primate , whose Rest I desire not to disturbe upon any occasion . He should have first reconciled those two passages which I proposed to D. Barnard . p. 103. 104. of Respondit Petrus , before he had made it such a wonder that a Doctor of Divinity should so unworthily handle a Reverend person , and fasten upon him a dissent from the Church of England , in a mater wherein he doth so perfectly agree with her . If so , if he agree so perfectly with the Church of England , how comes he to differ from himselfe , and speak such contradictions as D. Barnard , nor no other of his great Admirers can find a way to reconcile to the sence of the Church ? Or if they can , or that they think those contradictions , not considerable for making his Agreement the lesse perfect with the Church , of England , you have gained the point which you contended for , in your dispute which M. Bu●le , and D. Barnard laboured to deprive you of in his Book of the Lord Primates Judgment , intended against none by name , but your selfe and me , though others be as much concerned in the General Interess . 12. Much good may the Concession do you . What comes after next ? the burning of the Book by the common Hangman . I thought that Ignis fatuus had had been quencht sufficiently by the assurance , which I gave him to the contrary in my Letter of the 19th of March. But his desire to have it so is so prevalent with him ▪ that he neither doth deny the words , nor can find any Reason to be ashamed of them , be they never so false . And what Ground can we find for so great a confidence ? 1. He appeals unto an Ordinance made in the year 1646. Which Ordinance he pretends to be still in force ▪ but whether it be so or not , is a harder Question then a greater Lawyer can determine . That Ordinance making ●o Report ▪ he flyes next to a common noise , which Rings still in his Ears , and must gain credit , either as a noise or common , or as both together ; though for the most part , the louder the noise is , and the more common it grows , the less credit to be given unto it . You know well what the two great Poets say of Fame , — Fama malum velox — quae veris addere falsa , Gaudet , & Eminimo sua per mendacia crescit . But yet not seeming to lay much strength upon common Fame ( though it be one of his best Authors in some other cases ) he pretends unto a special Revelation from the Privy Council , and grows so confident upon the strength of the intelligence , that he holds at White-Hall ( which all great States-men must pretend to ) that he is sure the Book de Facto had been so disgraced ( though whether disgraced by being so burnt is another question ) if the sickness and death of the late Protector , had not put the Privy Council upon minding maters of higher concernment . The contrary whereof my Postscript unto M. Baxter hath most clearly Evidenced . 13. The second charge wherein I stand single by my self , is onely toucht at in the Letter , where I am said to have bestowed some ugly words upon a Colledge not to be mentioned without honour ; insisted on more largely in the fag end of the Book without the least coherence or relation to it . And there this man of brass makes me worse then a Tinker ( a rude Expression , which declares him to be better studied in his Metaphisicks , then his Moral Philosophy ) in committing more and fouler Errors then those I find in Mr. Fuller . Not universally I hope , but in that particular passage touching Magdalen Colledge ; but whether so or not , we shall see anon ; first taking notice of the Proverb , Concerning Birds which defile their own nests , as he thinks I do . But ( be it spoken in good time ) there is an observation or tradition amongst Country people , that the Cuckow layeth her Eggs in the Hedge . Sparrows nest , where they are hatched and cherished till they grow so strong , as to drive the poor Sparrows out of their nest , and keep it wholly to themselves . Now , Sir , if any of the old Sparrows , should discover the Rapacity of these young Cuckowes ▪ & signifie the same to the rest of the Birds ; could they be properly accused for defiling their own nest in so doing ? I believe they could not , and I conceive all understanding men will believe so to . In this particular I stand condemned , but not convicted , for being injurious to the Reformation , and to Magdalen Colledge , for disquieting the Ashes of a Reverend and most pious professor , by telling the world so long after his death , that he had the infelicity of being joyned to an unthrifty wife ; and finally for uttering as much uncharitableness and partiality as could well be contained in so few lines . 14. But first where is it to be found , that I impute this act of Rapine to the Reformation . The Reformation may be good , and the Alteration to the better for any thing that can be found in that Animadversion , though some that had the benefit of it intended more their private gaine then the publick honour If any were injurious to the Reformation , it must be they that took the purse , and not the officers who follow the Hue and Cry , to bring back the money . I confess Magdalen Colledge is a name by me never to be mentioned without honour , and I should be more ashamed of my self then the Justificator , had I bestowed any ugly words ▪ upon that foundation . But the Cuckowes do not make the nest , nor can some Vsu-Fructaries , though they pretend a jus in re , ( as you know who saith ) affirme themselves to be the Colledge . As little injury then is done to the name and memory of that Pious Professor , D. Humphries , of whose unthrifty wife , it is he that tells the world , not I. He distinguisheth frequently in his Book , betwixt a Negation and a Privation , betwixt Positivum , and Privativum ; and therefore cannot chuse but know that there is a difference , betwixt my Character , and his . The Gentlewoman might be no provident Housewife , which is all I say , and yet not be unthrifty neither , as the Phrase is varied , which of the two hath more disquieted the husband , or been more injurious to the wife , may be easily judged without putting the difference to a tryal in the Court of Honour . And for uncharitableness and partiality , I would fain know , in what respect I can be charged with either of them ▪ unless it be , in speaking more favourably of the Fact , then it hath deserved ; and passing by in silence the offence it gave to the Right Learned Selden , which as is said ( but I am sure not said by me ) did hinder him from bestowing his Library on the Vniversitie . 15. Let us next see whether the Brasier or the Tinker , make the foulest work . The Tinker charges it no farther then to be a Tradition , that some considerable summe of Mony had been left by the Founder , for the ends there mentioned . The Brasier hath produced a Statute for it , to which all those of that Society ought to take their Oath , and consequently in excusing them of Rapine , he condemns them of perjury . The Tinker takes no notice of any but the Fellows who had the division of the spoil , of no more then thirty double Pistolets to every Fellow ; and of no greater Exchange for every Pistolet then 16 s. 6 d. In which particulars he had as good intelligence as some Friends whom he imploy'd in the Enquiry , could return unto him . The Brasier acknowledges , that every Pistolet was exchanged for 18 s. 6 d. at the least , some of them for 19 s. and some for 20 s. that every fellow had 33 peeces for his single share , and that the booty was so Rich , that even the under graduate Choristers had their part therein ; Which as it makes the crime the greater , and the more diffusive , so is the guilt thereof increased by the Distribution . The Tinker saith as he was inform'd , that the Old Doctor had no fewer then 100 peeces for his part of the spoil , of which the Brasier doth assure us , that little justice , if not great injustice hath been done her in it . How so ? because saith he , That he first denyed his consent . For taking the Gold out of the Tower. Secondly , Because the Doctor , said once at a publick meeting ▪ That all mony must be restored . And 3. because he continued in the same minde , when he lay on his death bed . All which might be , or might not be , 't is no matter which ; and yet he might have no fewer then 100 of those peeces for his part of the spoil ; which with so little justice or great injustice is imputed to him . If any General Restitution hath been made of the Money , it was well done of them that did it , of which as I never heard before , ( D. Cross excepted ) so I am glad to hear it now ; though if the summe should be made up it will not be preserved with such care and conscience , as in former times . The secret being once discovered , will be a strong temptation to some itching fingers , when any colour of necessity may disguise the sacriledge . If this be all he hath to say , in the defen●e of the society , for which he fears to have provok'd me to become his adversary , I shall absolutely free him from that fear , as I shall do a common Lawyer that speaks for his Client , with better title to his Fee , then this Advocate can pretend unto for the present service , for Causa Patrocinio , and the rest that follows , proves plainly , that a broken cause is made much worse by often and unskilful handling . 16. But for all that the Brasier is the better trade he makes all things new , a fine New Nothing touching the Miraculous discovery of this Golden Mine , not to be parralell'd by Purchas his Pilgrims . Joskpha Costa his Navigations , or Hackluit's Voyages . Necessitated by a vast debt of 1600 l. contracted by the old Sparrows with the Great Rush of Madagascer , of which huge bird Mr. Buvechus telleth us out of Paulus Venetus lib. 7. cap. 2. Which if it were false , why was it told to the Demites ; if true , why told to no body else . This vast debt payd , and 500 ▪ . layd up in the common Treasury , and that too in so ●hort a space , that the Fellows and Scholars must be ●hought to live in the mean time upon air , or hope , ●r somewhat of as thin a nature , an arrear of 700 ▪ . being also lost , like King Johns Bag and Bagga●● , ●n the Fenns of Lincolnshire . The mistaking of a ●iberal summe in old French Pistolets , unknown to ●ny of the society for a mutuum annually borrowed , ●nd repaid in good English Silver , the apprehensi●n of their danger , left the Souldiers garrisoned in ●he Town , and looking on themselves as Lords of the soil should lay some claim unto the money as Treasure trou-ve though it were only lockt up in a chest , not under the ground . But the strange manner how they found it goes beyond all this , Porcede luck on 't . Hilkiah the High-Priest by searching into the treasures of the Temple , found the book of the Law ; but these good Fellows looking after a book of the Law , must find the treasures of the Temple . What pitty was it , that such a heap of dainty Gold should be spoiled with rust , whilst so many Purses languisht under a vacuity , then which there could be nothing more abhorrent from the Rules of Philosophy . I had before read over the Legenda Aurea , and some part of the Legenda Lignea also . But row behold , Tertia post illam succ●ss●● Ahenea . See here a brazen legend to be added to the other two , but more worth then both . 17. But your Adversary will not leave me yet ; he hath two questions to propose . 1. Whether he that takes money for the Resignation of a fellowship be bound to restore . And 2. Whether he that is married , and carrieth it so clancularly , that the house can make no just proof of it , be not bound to restore all the benefits that he received from his place , after his halfe year is expired . And here I might take leave to follow your Adversaries way of Disputation , in answering one Question with another , and standing for some satisfaction to two Queries of mind before I return any to his . And my two Queries shall be these . 1. Whether the taking away of the Almes-Basket and the suppressing of so many Gaudies , and Pie-Gaudies , to the destruction of the hospitality and charity of the noble f●undation , do not tend more unto the profit of the present Fellows then to the credit of the Society ? 2. By what Rule of Equity they can dep●ive the Demies and Choristers ( whose dinners were too small before ) of that unlimited allowance of bread and beer which of old they had , reducing them at first to an allowance of 2s s 6d by the week , and afterwards retrenching that to two shillings only . I might defer the satisfying of his Questions till he answer these ; but I shall deal more freely with him , and content him presently . First then for answer to the last . Mime adsum qui feci . This reflects on me , who held my Fellowship above a twelve month more then his allowance . But first it was no clandestine or clancular marriage , but carried openly enough ▪ The Colledge Chappel was set out by my appointment with it's richest Ornaments , the Marriage was performed on St. Symons and Judes day , between 10 and 11 of the clock in the morning , and in the presence of a sufficient number of Witnesses of both Sexes , according both to Law and Practise . The wedding dinner kept in my own Chamber , some Doctors and their wives , and five or six of the Society invited to it . My wife placed at the head of the Table , and by me publickly desired to make much of the company ▪ the Town Musick playing , and my self waiting at the Table the most part of the Dinner , no old formality wanting to my best remembrance which was accustomably required ( even to the very giving of Gloves ) at a solemn wedding . No clancular carriage in all this , no deceit put upon the Colledge , and therefore no necessity of a Restitution ; the Colledge saving my dyet , and the Fellows getting my Minor Dividents for the greatest part of the time till I left the house . And for the other , admitting I should determine in the Affirmative , what would the Colledge get by that ; For granting that he who takes money for a Resignation , be bound to restore it ; yet must it be restored unto the parties , and to their Relations , of whom he received it , and not to the Society or corporation of whom he received it not . And therefore granting , that those who have taken money for a Resignation should be bound to restore it , the Colledge Chest would prove so far from being fuller then the Founder left it , that it would still remain as empty as these Confounders made it . If he hath any more questions to propound unto me he shall not take me unprovided of as ready Answers . 18. In the mean time I must desire you to take notice how Eagle-ey'd he is in his own concernments , and how blind in others . He tells you p. 14. that if you had been a Resident at the Vniversity , Mr. Vice-Chan . had been bound upon his complaint to have punished you with banition , or at least with incarceration or publique Recantation , for bestowing some smart speeches and expressions on him : and therefore I may tell him , on far better Reasons , that if I were a resident in Magdalen Colledge ▪ the President had been bound to put him out of Commons , upon the Local Statute of Verba Brigosa ; or the Vice Chancelour obliged to inflict the same punishments on him which he finds for you , or the next Justice to have bound him to his Good Behaviour , for offending contra bonos more 's , in using to a Doctour of Divinity such reproachful words as he doth in the Preface , and giving him the odious name of Tinker in the end of his Pamphlet . But I leave him to Gods mercy , and your Castigation , saying no more of him at this present time , then Bishop Jewel did of Cartwright , when he first took up arms against the Church , viz Stultit●a est in corde p●eri , sed virga disciplinae fugabit eam . 19. In the next charge I cannot seperate my own interest from that of the right Reverend Father in God , D. William Burlow , once Lord Bishop of Lincoln ; though there be somewhat in it which concerns my self , and some which relates only to that Reverend Prelate . In reference to my self alone , he tells me in his second Letter , That though he will not censure me to have no ingenuity , yet I must pardon him if he refuse to give me any account of that particular , which I conceived by vertue of a promise he was bound to give me : Where you may see , that though he will not censure me to have no ingenuity , yet he doth not grant me to have any ; which whether it be a negative or a privative condemnation , I leave to be disputed at the next encounter in the School of Complement . And secondly , you may see what shifts he hath to avoid the satisfying of the debt , which he cannot pay , but by putting such Conditions on me as are not to be found in the Obligation : I am charged also in the Book , for lashing the Church Historians for any expression that is in the least favorable to the poor Puritans ( as he calls them ) of which let him that feels the smart seek out for remedies . That which concerns me in relation to Bishop Burlow , is my acquitting him from shewing any partiality , in summing up the conference at Hampton Court ; a matter never charged upon him by the Puritan faction , more then twenty years after his death , and more then thirty years after the publishing of that Book ; which as the Church Historian saith , to have been complained of , so doth he only say , not prove it ; and affirmations or complaints are no legal evidences , where there are any reasons of strength to evince the contrary ; but what he wants shall be supplied by the Antagonist ; who fearing to be prevented in it , puts the best legg forwards , crying out with more hast then good speed , That he will Answer the Doctor : Admit him to his Answer , and he will tell us , That the times were evil , that the prudent did think themselves obliged to be silent , and that God did so order the matter , that they lost no credit by a quiet committing their cause to him . How so ? Because ( saith he ) D. Burlow lying on his death bed ▪ did with grief complain of the wrong which he had done to D. Reynolds , and others that joyned with him in that conference . If this be prooved , we will admit of all the rest ; but if this be not proved , all the rest is nothing : And for the proof of this he is able ( as he saith ) to give a satisfactory account to any person of ingenuity , who desires it of him : I would have took him at his word , desiring earnestly to be satisfied in the truth thereof , presuming that I might lay claim to so much ingenuity , as would entitle me to a capacity of obtaining that favour ▪ 20. But in this point I reckoned without my host ; for though I pressed my desire so far , as to conclude that if he did not gratifie me with an Answer , I should think he could not ; yet I am stil as far from satisfaction as at first I was : I must first gratifie him , in answering such demands as he puts unto me , impertinent to the cause in hand , and such as the nature of the point in issue cannot bind me too , by any Rule of Disputation in the Schools of Logick , or else the evidence desired must not be produced . I gave some reason why I was not willing to name the parties who received or paid the pension , given by Bishop Williams ▪ towards the maintenance of a Scholer ; two of the parties to my knowledg , and the third for any thing I know to the contrary , being still alive otherwise I could not only name the men , but produce the acquittance . And for the words relating to Bishop Prideaux , they were spoke at a great Table in the Court in the hearing of many ; and being spoken in the Court , must refer only to such Sermons as were preached at the Court , and not to all which had been preached elswhete , by that learned Bishop : The Sermons will be shortly published , if not done already , and will be able to speak as much for themselves , as can be desi●ed of me to do . The witness in the cause touching Bishop Burlow , may appear securely , without drawing danger to himself , and will be heard , no Question , both with love and freedom : For if he be a lover of the English Prelacy , Liturgie , and Ceremonies , who is to attest unto this truth , I know of none who can refuse to give credit to it ; but if he take up the report at the second hand ▪ from one who told him that he took it from the Doctors mouth , and not from the man himself that spake it , his witness may be lyable to just exception , and then we are but as we were , without proof at all . He vaunts it somewhere in his Book , That he is furnished with a cloud of Witnesses , to justifie his cause against you ; but in this point , and the next that follows , his Witnesses are all in a cloud ( shadowed as Aeneas and his followers were from the sight of Dido ) so that no mortal eye can see them . Et idem est non esse et non apparere , was the Rule of old . 21. Upon no better grounds then this , he lays a fouler reproach on the late most Reverend and still Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , as being turned out of the Divinity Schools with disgrace by D. Holland , in publicis , commitiis , for but endaevouring to maintain ▪ That Bishops differed in order , and not in degree only , from inferiour Presbiters . I reproved him for this in my first Letter , and told him how much he would be troubled to produce his Author ; he shifted it off , by saying that he means no otherwise by being turned out of the Schooles with disgrace , then that he was publiquely checkt by the said D. Holland , for maintaining the said opinion ; and having M. Prinnes Breviate for the truth of this , he thinks it a sufficient proof ▪ also to confirm the other : but is it possible that any man , who pretends but to a grain of ingenuity or learning , should dare to lay so base a calumnie on so great a person , and hope to salve the matter by such a ridiculous explication , as may justly render him contemptible to the silliest School-boy : Assuredly if he received a publique check , be that same with being disgracefully turned out of the Schools , there must be more turned out of the Schools with as much disgrace , because as much reprehended and checkt as he , of whom the foulest mouth could never raise so leud a slander . The Doctor of the Chair in the Divinity Schools at Oxon , would be more absolute in his decisions and determinations , were this once allowed of , then all the Popes that ever sate in Peter's Chair , since they first laid claim to it . 22. But he goes on , and adds that this disgrace was put upon him , for maintaining such a novel Popish Position , as that before . Not Novel I am sure : for the ancient Writers call the solemn form of consecrating a Bishop by no other name then that of Ordinatio Episcopi ; and if the Bishop at his Consecration doth receive no Order , his consecration ought not to be styled an Ordination . And if it be not Novel , then it is not Popish , ( for id verum quod primum , as they Father it ) unlesse he will be pleased to make Popery Primitive , and intitle it to the Eldest times of Christianity . But Popish if it needs must be , then must the Form of Consecration of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. be accounted Popish , for which it stands acquitted by the Book of Articles , and the two Parliaments of K. Edw. 6. Queen Eliz. must be Popish also , by which that Form of Consecration was confirmed and Ratified . Twice in the Preface to the Book , we find mention of three Orders , of Ministers in the Church of Christ , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , and this distinction made as antient as the very times of the Apostles . And in the Book it selfe , besides the three distinct forms of Ordination ; the one for Bishops , the other for Priests , and the third for Deacons , in one of the Prayers used at the Consecrating of a Bishop , it is distinctly called an Order ; all which he could not chuse but see in that very Chapter of the Book called , Respondit Petrus , in which he finds me questioning the Lord Primates Iudgement , touching the universality of Redemption by the death of Christ . The Books confirmed by Act of Parliament in the 5th . and 6th . of Edw. 6. Repealed in the first yeare of Queen Mary , continuing notwithstanding in use and practise for the first seven years of Queen Elizabeth , and reconfirmed by Parliament the next year after , upon occasion of a difference , between Bon●er the late bloody Bishop of London , and Horn then Bishop of Winchester . His Grace had therefore very good Reason not to change his judgement , and to press very hard on Bishop Hall not to wave that point ( for which he stands censured by our Adversary , p. 24. ) and to insist upon it more then at other times when the Scotish Presbyterians had began to revive the question , for which he stands condemned also . p 25. 23. But see the Candor of the man , and how like he seems to Aesops Dog when he lay in the Manger ; not giving the Arch-Bishop a good word himselfe , nor suffering any other to do it without snarling at him . I had signified in my first Letter , that the Arch-Bishops memory was too precious , amongst all that loved the Church of England , to suffer him to be so defamed , and by such a person . Your Adversary doth not deny , because he cannot , that in many things he had deserved well of the Vniversity , but will not yield himself convinced , that his memory should be so precious , ( as my Letter intimates ) to all that love the Church of England . And a squint eye he casts on some body for a Temporizer , whose design it was to ingratiate himself with great ones , and could complement a Prince so highly , as to style himself his Creature , and the workmanship of his hands . But who it is whom he so decyphereth , or whether he means any one man or not , but onely casts abroad his censures ( as Boyes throw their stones ) without any proper aim ▪ or object but the love of the sport ; I am not able to find out , in my best remembrance . Passing by therefore such Aenigma's as I cannot unriddle , I must needs take notice , how he applyes the Character to him , of which Isidore Pelusi . gives unto one Eusebus a wretched fellow of those times , and one who took upon himself the name and office of a Bishop ; The Character to be found in the 24. Epistle , of his second Book ; and the Epistle recommended to my diligent Reading . 23. He tells me that the Character contained therein ▪ doth two well suit with the Arch-Bishop ; but I find it otherwise . Eusebius ( as the Author tells us ) would not know the difference between the Temple and the Church , between the place of the Assembly , and the Congregation ; sparing no cost to build , repair , and beautifie the one ; but vexing , disquieting and expelling the righteous soul , to many of which , he had given great matter of offence or scandal , dum multis offendiculis causam prebet , probos viros expellere , &c. The same he florisheth over again in the following words , concluding with this Observation , That in the Primitive times when there were no Temples , the Church was plentifully adorned with all heavenly Graces ; but that in his time the Temples were adorned beyond Moderation ; Ecclesia vero , Canviciis & Cavillis in cessitur , but the poor Church reproached and reviled upon all occasions , such is the Character which Isidore gives to this Eusebus . But that this Character should suit too well with the late Arch-Bishop , is a greater scandal then ever Eusebus gave to the weak brethren of the Church of Pelusium . For will your Adversary confine the Church ( as some wild Affricans did of old ) intra partem Donati , within the Conventicles and Clancular meetings of the Puritan Faction ? Or hath he confidence to averre , that any Righteous and Religious person was expelled this Church ( understand me of the Church of England ) whom either Faction or Sedition , in conformity or disobedience , spiritual pride , or fear of punishment did not hurry out of it . Just so it was Railed out by Brother Burton , in his Libel falsly called a Sermon , where he affirms that the edge of Dscipiline was turned mainly against Gods people and ministers , even for their virtue , piety and worth ; and because they would not conform to their ( the Bishops ) impious Orders . Just so it was once preached in a Latine Sermon at St. Maryes in Oxon , by Bayley one of the old brood of Puritans in Magdalen Colledge , that good and Godly men were purposely excluded from preferments there , ob hoc ipsum , quod pii , quod boni , onely because they were enclined to virtue and piety . With spight and callumnie enough , but not to be compared with his who so reproachfully hath handled this Renowned Prelate , and the poor sequestred , and ejected Clergy of the Church of England . But Judas did the like before to his Lord and Master . And thereupon St. Cyprian very well inferres , nec nobis turpe esse pati ▪ quae passus est Christus , nec illis gloriam facere , quae f●cerat Judas . 24. And here I would have ended with your puissant Adversary , but that his Letter carries me to a new ingagement . He tells me there , that in the Historical part of his discourse he hath proved , that till D. Laud sat in the Saddle , our Divines of prime Note and Authority did , in the five points , deliver themselves consonantly to the determination of the Synod of Dort , and that they were enjoyned Recantation , who were known either to preach or print that which is now called Arminianism , and thinks that no body can deny it for a truth infallible . But first if we allow this for a good and sufficient Argument , it will serve as strongly for the Papists against all those who laboured in the Reformation . For what one point do we maintain against those of Rome in which the Divines of prime Note and Authority in the Church of Rome did not deliver themselves as consonantly to the preceding Doctrines of the Schoolmen there , and to the subsequent determinations of the Council of Trent ; and for opposing which manner of Persons , were constrained to a Recantation , who either preacht or printed in defence of that which is now called Protestantism . And 2dly , if we behold the constitution of our University , when D. Humphrys a moderate non-conformist ( but a non-conformist howsoever ) as M. Fuller is pleased to call him , possest the Divinity Chaire , for almost forty years ; and D. Reynolds , a Rigid non-Conformist , publiquely read a Divinity Lecture , founded by Sir Francis Walsingham ( the principal Patron of the Sect ) as you will find in the beginning of his Lectures on the Books Apocriphal ; it is no marvail if we find that the Doctrine and Discipline of Calvin , should be so generally received by the Students there ; or being so generally received , that they should put all manner of disgraces upon all or any of those that opined the contrary . The like may be affirmed of Cambridge , when D ▪ Whittakers sat in the Divinity Chair , and M. Perkins great in the esteem of the Puritan Faction , had published his Book , Intituled , The Golden Chain ; which Book containing in it the whole Doctrin of the Supra-Lapsarians , was quarrelled first by Arminius in the Belgicks Churches , and sharply censured afterwards by D. Robert Abbot in his Book against Tompson . By these two first , and after on the coming down of the Lambeth Articles ( of which more anon ) as hard a hand was kept upon all those who embrace not the Calvinian Rigors , as was done at Oxon : the Spirit of that Sect being uncapable of opposition , in the least degree . Under which two Generall Answers , but the last especially , we may reduce all Arguments which are drawn from the severe proceedings of those Professors , and their adherents against all such as held any contrary opinion to them ; that is to say against Bishop Laud , by Doctor Holland , and D. Abbot ; by the last against D. Houson also , and by D. Prideaux against Mr Bridges ; and in the other university by D. Whittakers against M. Barret , by the whole faction there against Peter Barrow ; and finally , by the two Professors then being against M. Simpson . And yet those times were not without some Eminent men , ( and men of prime Note and Authority , as he calls their opposites ) which bear witnesse to the genuine Doctrines of the Church of England now miscalled Arminianism ; who never were subjected to the ignominy of a Recantation . Amongst which I may Reckon , D. Hursnet for one , Master of Pembrook Hall in Cambridge , afterwards successively Bishop of Chichester , Norwich , and Arch Bishop of York . Whose Sermon a● St. Pauls Cross , the 27 of Octob. 1584. sufficiently declares his judgment in those points of Controversie . And I may Reckon D. Buckridge for another President of S. Johns Colledge , &c. and Tutor unto Bishop Laud at his first coming to Oxon ; who carring these opinions with him to the See of Rochester , maintained them in a publick conference at York house , against D. Morton Bishop of Lichfield , and D. Preston Master of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge , Anno 1626. 25. I have already written , a full discourse shewing upon what Principles and Positions , the Church of England did proceed at her first Reformation . But this being designed as an Ingredient to a larger work now almost finished , I must not wrong that work so far , as to make use of it at the present , and therefore you must needs have patience till a further time . In the mean season I shall endeavour an answer to all those Arguments , which your Adversarie hath made use of to evince the point he chiefly aims at ; leaving the positivity of Sin to your abler hand . Where by the way give me leave to tell you , that one who seems to wish me well , though known no further to me then by the first Letters of his name , signified in his Letter to me of the 3d. of March , that Mr. Hickman was not the Author , but the Compiler of the Book , which is now before us , having all the Assistance ( as he was credibly informed ) which the University could afford him . But in this I cannot be of his opinion , far less assistance being needful to this petty performance , then the united Councels of an university : Though my Eyes be very bad , and unuseful to me in this way , yet I am able to trace the steps of this young Serpent in all the Cliffs and precipices of the Rock upon which he glideth ; not onely as to follow him in his Proofs and arguments , but many of his Phrase● and florishes also . I could direct you to the Authors from which he borroweth his faining , and his failing in the Advertisement at the End of his Book ; his charging you with tumbling in your Tropes , and rowling in your Rhetorick , p. 4 his dealing with you as Alexander did with his Horse Bucephalus , taking him by the Bridle , and leading him gently into the Sun , that other men may see how lustily you lay about you , though your selfe do not ▪ p. 7. I could direct you also to the very pages in M. Prinns book of Anti-Arminianism , and that called Canterburies Doom ▪ out of which ( without acknowledging his Benefactor ) he takes all his Arguments , Except that of Gabriel Bridges in Oxon , and M. S●mpson in Cambridg , & perhaps these also . But being they are made his own , ( as some unhappy Boys mak● knives when they do but steal them ) I will Answer them one by one in Order as they come before me . 26. In the first Entrance to his proofs he begins with Wicklife , concluding , that because the Papists have charged it on him , that he brought in fatal necessity , and made God the Author of sinne , therefore it may be made a p●obable Gu●ss , that there was no disagreement between him and Calvin . The Course of which Argument stands thus , that there being an agreement , to these points betwixt Wickliffe and Calvin , and the Reformers of our Church , embracing the Doctrins of Wickliff , therfore they must embrace the Doctrine of Calvin also . But first it cannot be made good that our Reformers embrace the Doctrine of Wickliffe , or had any Eye upon that Man ; who though he held many points against those of Rome , yet had his field more tares then wheat , his Books more Heterodoxies then sound Catholick Doctrines . And secondly admitting this Argument to be of any force in that present case , it will as warrantably serve for all the Sects and Heresies which now swarm amongst us , as for that of Calvin , Wickliffe affording them the Grounds of their several dotages , though possibly they are not so well studied in their own concernments . For they who have consulted the works of Thomas Walde●sis , or the Historia Wiclesiana , writ by Harpfield , will tell us that Wickliffe amongst many other Errors maintained these that follow . 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of Bread. 2. That Priests have no more Authority to Minister Sacraments then Lay men have . 3. That all things ought to be common , 4. That it is as lawful to Christena child in a Tub of water at home , or in a ditch by the way as in a Fontstone in the Church . 5. That it is as lawful a● all times to confess unto a Layman , as to a Priest . 6. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in , or to do any divine service in . 7. That buryings in Church Yards be unprofitable and vain . 8. That Holidayes ordained and instituted by the Church ( taking the Lords day in for one ) are not to be observed and kept in Reverence in as much as all dayes are alike . 9. That it is sufficient and enough to believe , though a man do no good works at all . 10. That no humane Laws or Constitutions do oblige a Christian , and finally , that God never gave Grace or knowledge to a great person or Rich man , and that they in no wise follow the same . What Anabaptist , Brownist , Ranters , Quakers , may not as well pretend that our first Reformers were of their Religion , as the Calvinists can ; if Wicklif● doctrines be the Rule of our Reformation . 27. It is alledged in the next place , that the Calvinistical Doctrines in these points may be found in the writings of John Fryth , William Tyndall , and Dr. Barnes , collected into one Volumne ▪ and to be seen the easier ( as he knows who saith ) because it was printed by John Bay 1563. Who as they suffered death for their Religion in the time of King Hen. 8. so Mr. Fox in his Preface to the said Book , calls them the Ring-leaders of the Church of England . But first , I do not take Mr. Fox to be a fit Judge in matters of the Church of England , the Articles of whose confession , he refused to subscribe , being thereto required by Arch-Bishop Parker ; and therefore Tyndal , Fryth , and Barnes , not to be hearkened to the more for his commendation . Secondly , If this Argument be of any force , for defence of the Calvinists , the Anti-Sabbatarians may more justly make use of it in defence of themselves against the new Sabbath speculatio●s of Dr. Bound , and his Adherents , imbrac'd more passionately of late then any one Article of Religion here by Law established . For which consult the History of the Sabbath , lib. 2. c. 8. Let Fryth and Tyndal be admitted as sufficient Witnesses when they speak against the Sabbath Doctrines , or not admitted when they speak in behalf of Calvin ; and then the Brethren I am sure will lose more on the one side then they gain on the other . Thirdly , taking it for granted that they maintain'd the same opinions in these points which afterwards were held forth by Calvin , yet they maintained them not as any points of Protestant Doctrine in opposition to the Errors of the Church of Rome , but as received opinions of the Dominican Friars , in opposition to the Franciscans ; the doctrine of the Dominicans , by reason of their diligent Preaching , being more generally received in England then that of the other . Fourthly , it is to be considered that the name of Luther at that time was in high estimation ▪ as the first man which brake the Ice , and made the way more easie for the rest that followed ; who concurring in judgment with the Dominicans , as to these particulars , drew after him the greatest part of such learned men as began to fall off from the Pope . And so it stood till Melancthon ( not underservedly called the Phaenix of Germany ) by moderating the rigours of Luther , and carrying on the Reformation with a gentlier hand , became a pattern unto those who had the first managing of that great work in the Reign of King Edward . Fiftly , it is Recorded in the 8th of St. Mark , that the blind man whom our Saviour at Bethsaida restored to sight , at the first opening of his eyes saw men , as trees walking , v. 24. that is to say , that he saw men walking as trees ; quasi dicat homines quos ambulantes video , non homines sed arbores mihi videntur ▪ as we read in Maldonate . By which words the blind man declared ( saith he ) so quidem videre aliquid , cum ante nihil videret , imperfecte tamen videre , cum inter homines & arbores distinguere non posset . More briefly Estius on the place , Nondum ita clare & perfecte video , ut discernere possim inter homines & arbores ; I discern somewhat said the poor man , but so imperfectly , that I am not able to distinguish betwixt trees and men . Such an imperfect sight as this the Lord gave many times to those whom he recover'd out of the Aegyptian Darkness , who not being able to discern all divine truths at the first opening of the eyes of their understanding , were not to be a Rule or precedent to those that followed , and lived in clearer times , and under a brighter beam of illumination then the others did . 28. In the third place he referres himself to our Articles , Homilies , Liturgies , and Catechisms , for the proof of this , that the Calvinistical opinions were the establish'd doctrines of the Church of England ; and if his proof holds good in this he hath gained the cause . But first he directs us to no particular place in the Catechisms , Homilies , or Liturgies , where any such matter may be found , but keeps himself aloof , and in generals only ; and we know who it was that said , Dolosus versatur in gener●libu● . When he shall tell us more particularly what he would insist on , I doubt not but I shall be able to give him a particular answer . Secondly , skipping over those passages of the Liturgie and Cat●chisms , which maintain the Universality of Redemption by the Death of Christ ; and taking no notice that the possibility of falling from grace is positively maintained in the 16th Article , and the Cooperation of mans will with the Grace of God , as clearly published in the tenth ; he sets up his rest on the 17th . Article , touching Predestination and Election , as if the Article had been made in favour of Calvin's Doctrine . But first the Papists have observed two Reformations in the Church of England , the one under King Edward the 6th . which they called the Lutheran , and the other under Queen Elizabeth , which they called the Calvinian . And thereupon we may conclude that the 17th Article , as well as any of the rest , being framed , approved , and ratified under Edward 6. was modelled rather in relation to the Lutheran then Calvinian doctrines ; the Reformers of the Church of England , and the Lutheran Doctors , holding more closely to the Rules of Antiquity , and the practise of the Primitive Church , then the Zuinglians and Calvinists were observed to do . Secondly , The 17th . Article doth visibly presuppose a curse or state of Damnation in which all Mankind was presented to the sight of God , which overthrows the Doctrine of the Supra-lapsarians ▪ who make the Purpose and Decree of Predestination to precede the Fall , and consequently also to precede the curse . Thirdly , It is to be observed , that the Article extends Predestination to all those whom God hath chosen in Christ out of Mankind , that is to say , to all true Believers . For so the phrase Ephes . 1. 4. is generally interpreted by the ancient Fathers . For thus St. Ambrose amongst others . Sicut eligit nos in ipse , as he hath chosen us in him ; Prescius enim Deu● , omnes scit qui credituri essent in Christum ; for God ( saith he ) by his general Prescience did fore-know every man that would believe in Christ . The like saith Chrysostom on that Text. And that our first Reformers did conceive so of it , appears by that of Bishop Latimer in his Sermon on the third Sunday after the Epiphany . When ( saith he ) we hear that some be chose● , and some be damned ▪ let us have good hope that we be amongst the chosen , and live after this hope , that is , uprightly and godly , then shall we not be deceived . Think that God hath chosen those that believe in Christ , and Christ is the book of life . If thou believest lievest in him , then art thou written in the book of life , and shalt be saved . 29. In the last place we are to note , that there is a clause in the end of the Article , viz. that we are to receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture ; then which nothing can be more contrary to the Doctrine of the Supralapsarians , which restrains Election unto life to few particulars without respect had to their Faith in Christ , or Christs death for them ; and extendeth the Decree of Reprobation to the far greatest part of Manking without relation to their incredulity or unbelief . And though your adversary tells us , that he who reads the common Prayer Book with an unprejudiced mind , cannot chuse but observe divers passages which make for a personall and eternal Election ; yet I find but little ground for the affirmation , the Promises of God as they are generally set forth unto us in Holy Scripture , being the ground of many Prayers and Passages in the Publique Liturgie ; for in the General Confession it is said expresly that the Promises of God , in Christ Jesus our Lord , are declared ( not to this or that man particularly ) but to all mankind ; declared to all , because first made to all mankind in Adam , in the promise of Redemption by the seed of the woman , Gen. 3. 15. Secondly , it is said in the Te de um , that when our Saviour Christ had overcome the sharpness of Death he did open the Kingdom of Heaven to all Believers . Thirdly , we find a Prayer for the day of the Passion , commonly called Good-Friday ▪ which is so far from pointing to any personal Election , that it bringeth all J●ws , Turk● , and Infidels within the possibility and compass of it , Morciful God ( so the Church teacheth us to pray ) who host made all men , and hatest nothing which thou hast made , nor wouldest the death of a sinner , but rather that he should be converted and live , have mercy upon all Jews , Turks , Infidel● , and Hereticks , and take from them all ignorance , hardness of heart , and contempt of thy word , and so fetch them home ( blessed Lord ) to thy flock , that they may be saved amongst the remnant of the true Israelites , and be made one fold under one Shepherd Jesus Christ our Lord , who liveth and reigneth , &c. Can your Antagonist read this Prayer , and observe those passages , and think the Liturgy so contradictory to it self , as to afford him any proof , that such a personal Election from all Eternity , as an unprejudiced mind may desire to meet with . If not , why doth he talk so confidently of divers passages which a careful Reader cannot chuse but observe in the Common Prayer Book which enclines that way ; yea , let him direct us to those passages , and reconcile the differences which he finds betwixt them . 30. And though it was not my intent to produce any arguments at this time in Justification of the Doctrine of the Church of England , as by you maintained ; yet since your Adversary stands so much on the 17th . Article , and thinks it makes so strongly for defence of the Calvinists . I will here lay down the Judgment of two Godly Martyrs , who had a chief hand in the Great Work of this Reformation , and therefore must needs know the meaning of the Church therein more then any of us . The first of these shall be Bishop Hooper , who in the Preface to his Exposition on the ten Commandments hath expresly told us , That Cain was no more excluded from the Promise of Christ , till he excluded himself , then Abel , Saul , then David , Judas , then Peter , Esau then Jacob ; that God is said to have hated Esau , not because he was dis-inherited of Eternal Life , but in laying his Mountains and his Heritage waste for the Dragons of the Wilderness , Mal. 1. 3. that the threatnings of God against Esau ( if he had not of his own wilful malice excluded himself from the Promise of Grace ) should no more have hindred his Salvation then Gods threatnings against Nineve , &c. That it is not a Christian mans part to say that God hath written Fatal Laws as the Stoick , and with necessity of destiny violently pulleth the one by the hair into Heaven , and thrusteth the other headlong into Hell , that the cause of Rejection or Damnation is Sin in man , which will not bear neither receive the Promises of the Gospel , &c. And secondly we shall find Bishop Latimer in his Sermon on the third Sunday after the Epiphany , speaking in this manner , viz. That if the most are damned the fault is not in God but in themselves ; For , Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri , God would that all men should be saved ; but they themselves procure their own Damnation , and despise the passion of Christ by their own wicked and inordinate living . He telleth us also in his fourth Sermon preached in Lincoln shire , That Christ only , and no man else , merited Remission , Justification , and sound felicity for as many as will believe the same ; that Christ shed as much blood for Judas , as for Peter ; that Peter believed , and therefore was saved ; that Judas did not believe , and therefore was condemned ; the fault being in him only and in no body else . More to which purpose I have elsewhere noted ( as afore was said ) and give you this only for a tast to stay your stomack . And though Archbishop Cranmer , the principal Architect in the work , spent his endeavours chiefly against the Papists ; yet that most holy Martyr tells us somewhat in his fifth Book against Gardiner , fol. 372. which doth directly look this way . Where speaking of the sacrifice which was made by Christ , he lets us know , That he took unto himself not only their sinnes that many years before were dead , and put their trust in him ; but also all the sinnes of those , that until his coming again , should truly believe in his Gospel , so that now we may look for no other Priest nor sacrifice to take away our sins , but onely him and his sacrifice ; that as his dying once was offered for all , so as much as pertained unto him , he took all mens sinnes unto himself . In all which passages , and many others of like nature in the other two : there is not any thing which makes for such a personal , absolute , and irreversible decree of Predestination , as Calvin hath commended to us ; and therefore no such meaning in the 17th . Article , as his Disciples and adherents ( in defence of themselves , and their opinions ) would obtrude upon it . For if there were , your Adversary must give me some better Reason then I think he can , why Cranmer , Ridly , Hooper , and the rest that laboured in this Reformation , should command the Paraphrases of Erasmus to be translated into English , studied by Priests , and so kept in Parish Churches to be read by the People , whose Doctrines are so contrary in all these particulars to that of Calvin and his followers . 31. But I return again unto your Adversary , who in the next place remembreth us of a Catechism , published by John Poynet Bishop of Winton , which he sets forth with many circumstances to indear it to us ; as namely , that it was publick in the next year after the passing of the Book of Articles in the Reign of K. Edw. 2dly . That being by that King committed to the perusal of certain Bishops ; it was by those Bishops certified to be agreeable to the Scriptures , and Statutes of the Realm . and 3dly , That upon this Certificate the King prefixt his Royal Epistle before it , charging their moral Schoolmasters within his dominions , that diligently and carefully they should teach the same . Thus have we seen the Mountain , now comes out the Mouse ; for having thus swelled our expectation , we had reason to look for some great matter but finde none at all . Instead of laying down some clear passages out of Poynets Catechism , which might evince the point he aims at : he asks the Question , ( answer him any man that dares ) How do the Master and the Scholar plainly declare themselves to be no friends to any of the Tenents M. P contends for ? A Question which a very well studied man may not easily answer , that Catechism being so hard to come by , that scarce one Scholar in 500. hath ever heard of it , and hardly one of a thousand hath ever seen it . But your Antagonist hath good reason for what he doth , there being somewhat in that Catechism , which more confirms the points M. Pierce contends for then he is willing to make known , witness this Passage of the Catechism in the Anti-Arminianism ( from which your Adversary makes the greatst parts of his proofs & evidence ) p. 44. After the Lord God ( faith the Catechism ) had made the Heaven , Earth he determined to have for himself a most beautiful Kingdom and holy commonwealth . The Apostles and ancient Fathers that wrote in Greek , called it Ecclesi● , in English , a Congregation or Assembly , into the which he hath admitted an infinite number of men , that should be subject to one King , as their soveraign and onely head : him we call Christ , which is as much as to say , anointed , &c. to the finishing of this Common-wealth belong all they , as do truly fear , honour , and call upon God , duly applying their minds to holy and Godly living , and all those that putting all their hope and trust in him , do assuredly look for bliss of everlasting life . But as many as are in this faith stedfast were fore-chosen , predestinate and appointed to everlasting life before the world was made . For though he seems to make such onely to be the members of the Church , as were predestinated unto life from all Eternity , yet we must understand it of them chiefly ( as being the most Excellent Members of it ) not of them alone : For afterwards he enlargeth the acception of the word Ecclesia , according to the natural and proper construction of it ▪ telling us that the Church is the company of those who are called to eternal life by the Holy Ghost ; The company of all those which are called to Eternal life , and therefore not of those onely which are chosen or elected out of the number ; For many are called but few are chosen , saith our Lord and Saviour . Secondly , it is not said , that such as are Members of this Church were chosen to this end and purpose , that they might be stedfast in the Faith , and being stedfast in the faith , might in the end obtain everlasting life ; but that being stedfast in the faith , that is to say considered and beheld as such in the eternal Prescience , or fore-knowledge of Almighty God , they were predestinate and appointed to eternal life before the beginning of the world . And Thirdly , if these words or any other which he finds in Poynet , may be drawn to any other construction , which may serve his turn , he must be made to speak contrary , to the three Godly Bishops and Martyrs before remembred , who being men of greater age and more experience in the affairs of the Church , the chief Architects in the Great work of Reformation , & withal being three for one , are more to be relyed on for delivering the true sence of the Church , then any one single witness who speaks otherwise of it . 31. For whom speaks Poynet in this place , for M. Peirce or Mr. Hickman ? If he had spoke for M. Hickman , we shovld have heard of it more at large , as in that which followeth out of Nowel ; and if he do not speak for him , it must speak for you more plainly , speak the Answers unto certain Questions , to which M. Prinne directs him in the end of the Bible Printed by Robert Barker , Anno 1607. But the worst is they signifie nothing to the purpose which they were produced for . For I would fain know by what Authority those Questions and Answers were added to the end of that Bible ? If by Authority , and that such Authority can be proved , the Argument will be of force which is taken from them ; and then no question but the same Authority , by which they were placed there at the first , would have preserved them in that place for a longer time then during the sale of that Edition . The not retaining them in such Editions as have followed since , show plainly that they were of no authority in themselves , nor intended by the Church as a Rule to others ; and being of no older standding then the year 1608. they must needs seem as destitute of Antiquity as they are of Authority . So that upon the whole matter your Adversary hath limited me with a very strong argument , that they were foysted in by the fraud and practise of some Emissaries , of the Puritan Faction , who hoped to have them pass in time for Canonical Scripture , such piae Fraudes , as these are , we have too many , were those once allowed of ; some prayers , were also added at the end of the Bible in some Editions , and others at the End of the publick Liturgie ; which being neglected at the first and afterwards beheld as the authorized prayer of the Church , were by command left out of those Books and Bibles , as being the Compositions of private men , not the Acts of the Church , and never since added as before . 32. In the next place it is said , That the Composers of the 39. Articles were the Disciples and Auditors of Martin Bucer , and Peter Martyr ; or at least such as held consent with them in Doctrine : none of them their Disciples , and but few of them their Auditors , I am sure of that : Our first Reformers were too old ( Bishops , and Deans most of them ) to be put to School again unto either of them . And as for their consent in points of Doctrine , it must be granted in such things , and in such things onely in which they joyned together against the Papists , not in such points whe●●in those learned men agreed not between themselv●● ; Bucer being more enclined to the Lutheran Doctrines , and Martyr ( as it afterwards appeared ) unto those of Calvin . Besides it is to be observed , that the first Liturgy of K. Edw. 6. which was the Key to the whole Work , was finished , confirmed , and put in execution before either of them was brought over ; dispatcht soon after their arrival to their several Chair'es , Martyr to the Divinity , Lecture in Oxon , and Bucer , unto that of Cambridge where he lived not long . And dying so quickly as he did , vix salutata Accademia as my Author hath it , though he had many auditors there , yet could he no● gain many Disciples in so short a time ▪ And though Peter Martyr lived to see the death of King Edward , and consequently the end of the Convocation , Anno , 1552. in which the Articles of Religion were first composed and agreed on ; yet there was little use made of him in advising , and much less in directing any thing which concerned that business . For being a stranger , and but one , and such an one as was of no Authority in Church or State ; he could not be considered , as a Master builder , though some use might he made of him as a Labourer to advance the work . Calvin had offered his assistance , but it was refused . Which showes that Cranmer , and the Rest , to whom he made offer of his service , ( Si quis mei usus esset , as his own words are ) if they thought it needful were not so favourable to the man , or his Doctrines either as to make him or them the Rule of their Reformation . 33. Pass we next to Alexander Nowel , Dean of St. Pauls , and Prolocutor of the Convocation . An. 1●●2 . in which the Articles were Revised , and afterwards ratified , and confirmed by the Queens authority . In which capacity I must needs grant it for a truth , that he understood the conduct of all affairs in that Convocation , as well as any whosoever . But then it is to be observed , that your Adversary grants their 17. Articles to be the very same verbatim , which had before passed in the Convocation of King Edw. 6. No new sence being put upon it by the last establishment : And if no new sence were put upon it , ( as most sure there was not ) it must be understood no otherwise then according to the Judgement of those learned men , and Godly Martyrs before remembred , who concurred unto the making of it . From which if M. Nowels sence should differ in the least degree , it is to be looked upon as his own , not the sence of the Church . And secondly , it cannot rationally be inferred , from his being Prolocutor in that Convocation , and the knowledge which he needs must have of all things which were carried in it ; that therefore nothing was concluded in that Convocation , which might be contrary to his own judgement as a private person ; admitting that he was inclinable to Calvin in the points disputed , which I grant not neither . For had he been of his opinions , the spirit of that Sect is such as could not be restrained from showing it self dogmatically , and in terms express , and not occasionally onely , or upon the by ; and that too in such general terms , that no particular comfort for your Adversary can be gathered from them . And it were worth the while to know , first , why your Antagonist , appealing to his Catechism , should decline the Latin Edition of it , which had been authorized to be publiquely taught in all the Grammer Schools of England , and the English translation of the same by a friend of the Authors , 1572. both still in use , and both reprinted in these times since the year 1647 And secondly , what it was which moved him to fly for succour to the first draught of it in the English Tongue , out of which the two last were extracted ; that first draught or Edition being laid aside many years ago , and not approved by any such publick Authority as the others were , somewhat there must be in it , which brought that first Edition so soon out of credit , and therefore possibly thought fit by your Adversary for the present turn : and thought to let us know which Catechism it is he means , he seems to distinguish it from the other by being dedicated to the two Arch-Bishops , yet that doth rather betray his ignorance then advance his cause ; the Authors own Latine Edition , and the English of it being dedicated to the two Arch-Bishops as well as that ▪ 34. But since he hath appealed to that English Catèchism , to her English Catechism let him go ▪ In which he cannot find so much as one single question touching the Doctrine of Predestination , or the points depending thereupon ; and therefore is necessitated to have recourse unto the Articles of the Catholick Church , the members , and ingredients of it . from thence he doth extract these two passages following ; the first whereof is this , viz. To the Church do all they properly belong , as many as do truly fear , honour , and call upon God , altogether applying their minds to live holily and Godly , and with putting all their trust in God , do most assuredly look for the blessings of Eternal life , they that be stedfast , stable and constant , in this faith , were chosen and appointed , and ( as we term it ) predestinate to this so great felicity . The second which follows not long after ( as his Book directeth ) is this that followeth , viz. The Church is the body of the Christian Commonwealth , i. e. the universal number and fellowship of the faithful , whom God through Christ hath before all beginning of time appointed to everlasting life . And here again we are to Note , that the First of these two passages not being to be found in the Latine Edition , nor the English Translation of the same , is taken almost word for word out of Poynets Catechism , and therefore to be understood in no other sence then before it was : And that the second makes the Church to consist of none but the Elect , which the nine and tenth Article makes in a more comprehensive signification . So that to salve this sore , he is fain to fly to the destinction of a visible , and invisible Church , fit for his definition unto that which he calls invisible ; making the visible Church of Christ to consist of such as are assembled to hear the Gospel of Christ sincerely taught , to call on God by prayer , and receive the Sacraments . Which persons so assembled together , are by the Article called a Cong egation of faithful men , as well as those which constitute and make up the Church invisible . And yet I doubt your Adversary will not not grant them all to be in the number of the Elect. But granting that the Church doth consist of none but the Elect , that is to say , of none but such who have been through Christ appointed to everlasting life from before all time , as is there affirmed ; yet there is nothing in all this , which justifieth the absolute and irrespective decree of the predestinarians , nothing of Gods invincible workings in the hearts of his chosen ones , which your Antagonist maintains ; or which doth manifestly make for such a personal Election , as he conceives is to be found in many passages of the Common Prayer Book ; though what those passages are , and where they are to be found ; he keeeps as a secret to himself for some new discovery . 35. For M. Nowel ▪ who sate Prolocutor in the Convocation Anno 1562. he takes a leap to the year 1587. in which he findes a Book published by D. John Bridges , Dean of Salisbury ( and afterwards Lord Bishop of Oxon ) Entituled , A Defence of the Government established in the Church of ENGLAND : And that he might come to it the sooner , he skips over the admission of Peter Barro a French man , to the Lady Margarites Professor-ship in the University of Cambridge , Anno 1574 ▪ who constantly held these points in a contrary way to that of the Calvinian plat-form , and relinquished not that University , till after the year 1595. of which more hereafter . And he skips over also Doctor Hars●ets Sermon at Pauls Cross , Octob. 27. 1584. in which he so declared himself against the Calvinistical Doctrines of Predestination , that neither Mountague , nor any that have writ since him , did ever render them more odious unto vulgar cars : But being come to him at the l●st , what finds he there ? Marry , That D. Bridges was of opinion , That the Elect fall not finally and totally from Grace ; and so did D. Overal also ( of whom more anon ) who notwithstanding , disallowed the Doctrine of Predestination , as maintained by Calvin , and puts not any such Comment on the 17. Article as your Antagonist contends for . The like he findes in M. Hookers Discourse of Justification ; from whence he concluded no more , but that M. Hooker was of a different opinion from you , in the point of falling away from Grace ▪ Which point he might maintain as D. Overal , D. Bridges , and some others did , and yet not be of the same judgment with the Calvinistical party , either sub or supra , touching that absolute and iresistable decree of Predestination , the restriction of the benefit of Christs death and passion to particular persons , and the invincible or rather irresistable operations of the grace of God , in the conversion of a sinner , which were so rigidly maintained in the Schools of Calvin . I see then what is said by D. Bridges , and what is said by M. Hooker ; but I see also what is said by the Church of England , in the 16. Article , in which we find , That after we have received the holy Ghost , we may depart from Grace given , and fall into sin , and by the grace of God , we may arise again and amend our lives . No such determination as either totally or finally to be found in the Article , nor suffered to be added to it when it was motioned and desired by D. Reynolds , in the conference at Hampton Court ; that old saying , Non est distinguendum , ubi lex , non distinguit , being as authentical as true , and as true as old . Howsoever I am glad to hear from your adversarie , that M. Hooker could not tell how to speak Judicially , as he saith he could not ; and then I hope he may be brought in time to approve of all things , which he hath written so judiciously , in behalf of the Liturgie , and all the Offices , Ceremonies , and Performances of it , which whensoever he doth , I make no question but but that he may come to like the Episcopal Government , and by degrees desert the Presbiterians , both in Doctrine and Discipline , as much as he . Certain I am , that M. Hooker maintained no such determination of humane action , by any absolute decree or prelimitation , as the Calvinists do , and declared his dislike thereof in Cartwright , the great Goliah of that Sect , who had restrained all and every action which men do in this life , to the preceding will and determination of Almighty God. Even to the takeing up of a straw , a fine piece of Dotage . 36 But he demands , How the Church came to dispose of the places of greatest influence , and trust to such as hated Arminianism as the shadow of death ? If she her self consented to those opinions , which he calls Arminian ; amongst which reckoning the Arch Bishops till the time of Laud he first leaves out Arch Bishop Cranmer , the principal instrument under God , of this Reformation ; which plainly shews , that Cranmer was no favourer of those Opinions , which your Antagonist contends for , and consequently that the Articles were not fitted in these points unto Calvin's fancie ▪ And secondly , he brings in Parker and Grindal , whom M. Prinne ( whose diligince few things have escaped which serve his turne ) hath left out of his Catalogue ; in which he hath digested all our English Writers , whom he conceived to be Antiarminianly enclined , in a kind of Cronologie . Thirdly , he brings in Bishop Bancroft , as great an enemy to the Predestinarian and Puritan Faction , as ever sate in the See of Canterbury ; he had not else impeacht the Doctrine of Predestination , as it was then taught by the Calvinians for a desperate Doctrine . You have the whole passage in the Conference at Hampton Court , impartially related by D. Burlow , though your Adversary hath some invisible vileness or other to affirm the contrary : Whereon a motion made by D. Reynolds , about falling from Grace , The Bishop of London ( this very Bancroft whom we speak of ) took occasion to signifie to his Majesty , how very many in these days , neglecting holiness of life , presumed too much of persisting Grace . If I shall be saved , I shall be saved , which he tearmed a desparate Doctrine , shewing it to be contrary to good Divinity , and the true Doctrine of Predestination : Wherein ( saith he ) we should reason rather ascendendo , then descendendo , thus ; I live in obedience to God , in love with my neighbour , I follow my vocation , &c. therefore I trust that God hath elected me and predestinated me to salvation : Not thus , which is the usual course of argument , God hath predestinated and chosen me to life , therefore though I sin never so grievously , yet I shall not be damned : for whom he once loveth , he loveth to the end ; so little a friend was this great Pralate to the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination , and persisting Grace . 37. But your Adversary not content with this , hath found some proofs , as he conceives , That Bancroft hated that which he calls Arminianisme like the shadow of death , he telleth us that in his time came out the Book called , The Faith , Religion , Doctrine , professed in the Realm of England , and Dominions thereof . In this as much mistaken as in that before , that Book being published in the time of Arch-Bishop Whitgift , Anno 1584 , as he might have found in Mr. Fullers Church History lib. 9 fol. 172. being twenty years almost before Bancroft came to the See of Canterbury , and 12. at least before he was made Bishop of London . And being then published , was ( as he saith ) disliked by some Protestants of a middle temper , whom by this his Restrictive Comment , were shut out from a concurrence with the Church of England whom the discreet ●uxity of the Text admitted thereunto . And if disliked by Protestants of a middle temper , as he saith it was , there is no question to be made , but that it was disliked much more by all true Protestants ( such as your Adversary calls Arminians ) who constantly adhered to the determinations of the Church of England , according to the Literal and Grammatical sense , and the concurrent Expositions of the first Reformers . I grant indeed that the Book being afterwards re-printed was dedicated with a long Epistle to Arch-Bishop Bancroft . But that intituleth him no more to any of the propositions or opinions which are there maintained , then the like Dedication of a Book , to an Eminent Prelate of our Nation in denyal of Original Sin , intituled him to the maintenance of the same opinion , which he as little could digest ( they are your Adversaries own words in the Epistle to the Lecturers of Brackley ) as the most rigidly Scotized Presbyterian . Nor stays he here ; for rather then lose so great a Patron he will anticipate the time , and make Dr. Bancroft Bishop of London almost 18 moneths before he was , and in that Capacity agreeing to the Lambeth Articles . An errour which he borrowed from the Church Historian , who finding that Richard Lord Elect of London contributed his Assent unto them , puts him down positively for Dr. Richard Bancroft , without further search , whereas he might have found upon further search , that the meeting at Lambeth had been held on the 26th of November , 1595. that D. Richard Flesher Bishop of Worcester , was then the Lord Elect of London , and that D. Bancroft was not made Bishop of that See , till the 8th of May , Anno 1697. 38. The next Considerable preferments for learning the Clergy , he makes to be the two Chairs in the Universities , both to be occupied by those who were profest Enemies to such Doctrines as he calls Arminianism . Which if it were granted for a truth , is rather to be looked on as an infelicity which befell the Church , in the first choice of those Professors , then to be used as an argument , that she concurred with them in all points of Judgement . That which was most aimed at in those times in the preferring men to the highest dignities of the Church and the chief places in the Vniversities , was their zeal against Popery , and such a sufficiency of learning , as might enable them to defend those points , on which our separation from Rome was to be maintained , and the Queens interess most preserved . The Popes supremacy & the Mass , with all the points and niceties which depended on it justification by faith the marriage of Priests , Purgatory , and the power of the civil Magistrate , were the points most agitated . And whosoever appeared right in those , and did withal declare himself against the corruptions of that Church in point of manners , was seldome or never looke into for his other opinions , until the Church began to find the sad consequents of it , in such a general tendency to innovation both in doctrine and discipline as could not easily ▪ be redressed . From hence it was that we find a non-conformist ▪ though ● moderate one in the chaire at Oxon ; a Mother , but a violent Patron of in-conformity ▪ in a Professorship in Cambridge , so many hankering after Calvin in almost all the Headships of both Vniversities . And it was hardly possible , that it should be otherwise ; Such of the learned Protestants as had been trained up under the Reformation made by King Edw. 6. and had the confidence , and courage to stand out to the last in the Reign of Queen Mary ; were either martyred in the flames , or consumed in prisons , or worn out with extremity of Grief , and disconsolation . And most of those which had retired themselves beyond the Seas returned with such a mixture of outlandish Doctrines , that it was hard to find amongst them , a sufficient number of men so qualified , as to fill up the number of Bishops , and to be dignified with the Deanrys of Cathedral Churches . By means whereof there followed such an universal spreading of Calvinism over all parts of the Church ▪ that it can be no matter of wonder if the Professors of the Vniversity should be that way byassed . And yet as much as the times were inclined that way : I believe it will be hard , if not impossible for your Antagonist to prove that those Professors did agree upon such a platform of Gods decrees , as he and others of the same perswasions would fain obtrude upon us now . In Cambridge , D. Whitaker maintained the supra-Lapsarian way of Predestination , which D. Robert Abbot of Oxon condemned in the person of Perkins . And I have heard from persons of very good Esteem , that Dr. Abbot himself was as much condemned , at his first coming to the Chair , for deviating from the moderation of his Predecessor , D. Holland ; who seldome touched upon those points , when he might avoid them . For proof whereof it may be noted , that five onely are remembred by Mr. Prynne in his Anti . Arminianism , to have maintained the Calvinian tenents in all the time of that Professor , from the year 1596. to the year 1610. whereas there were no fewer then 20. who maintained them publickly in the Act ( as the others did ) in the first six years of D. Prideaux . And as for D. Overal ( one D. Overal as your Adversary calls him in contempt ) afterwards Dean of S. Pauls , Bishop of Lichfield , and at last of Norwich , that his opinion were not that for which you are said to stickle : I am sure it was not that for which he contends , that he did not Armintanize in all things , I am sure he Calvinized in none . 39. Proceed we next to the Consideration of that Argument which is derived from the censures inflicted in either Vniversity upon such as trod the Arminian path , so soon as they began to discover themselves Exemplified in Cambridge by the proceedings there against Barret , Barrow , and Simpson , in Oxon by the like , against Laud , Houson , and Bridges . Of Barret , Simpson and Bridges , I shall now say nothing , referring you to the 23. Section of this discourse , where you will find a general answer to all these particulars ; In the case of Dr. Laud , and Dr. Houson , there was somewhat else then that which was objected against the other . Your Adversary tells us of D. Housons Suspention for ●●urting onely against Calvin . If so the greater the injustice , and the more unjustifiable the suspension ; for what was Calvin unto us , but that he might be flurtad at as well as another , when he came cross unto the discipline or Doctrine of the Church of England . But Mr. Fuller tells you more particularly , that at a Sermon preached in St. Maries in Oxon , he accused the Geneva Notes , as guilty of mis-interpretation touching the divinity of Christ and his Mesiah-ship , as if symbolizing with Arrians and Jewes against them both ▪ and that for this he was suspended by D. Robert Abbot , propter Conciones publicas minus Orthodoxas & offensione plenas : Which though it proves this Reverend person to be rufly handled , yet it makes nothing to the purpose of your mighty Adversary , which was to show that some such Censures of Arminianism might be found in Oxon , as had been met withal in Cambridge ; nor doth he speed much better in his instance of D. Laud , inveighed against most bitterly in a Sermon preach'd by the said D. Robert Abbot , then Vice-Chancellor , on Easter Sunday , doth affirm it was . For in that Sermon there is nothing charged upon him in the way of Arminianism ( which was the matter to be proved , but that under Colour of preaching against the Puritans he showed himself so inclinable to some Popish opinions , that he seemed to stand upon the brink , and to be ready on all occasions to step over to them ; a Censure which hath little truth and less charity in it ; that Renowned Prelate , giving a greater testimony of his aversness from the Romish Religion at the time of his death , then any of his persecutors , and accusers did in the best Act of their lives . 40. More pertinent , but not more memorable is the case of Peter Bar●e , Professor for the Lady Margaret in the University of Cambridge ; a forrainer by birth , but one that better understood the Doctrine of the Church of England ; then many of the Natives , his Contemporaries in the University : Some differences falling out between him , and Whitakers , in the Predestinarian points , the whole Calvinian Faction rose in Armes against him ; Tyndal , Some , Willet , Perkins , Chatterton , and the rest of the tribe siding with Whitaker in the quarrel . But not being able altogether to suppress him by Argument , they resolve to work their Ends by power , apply themselves to Archbishop Whitgift , to whom they represent the danger of a growing Faction which was made against them , to the disturbance of their peace , and the disquiet which might happen by it to the Church in general . By their continuall complaints and solicitations they procure that Reverend Prelate to advise with such other Bishops as were next at hand , that is to say , the two Elected Bishops of London and Banger , with whose consent some Articles were drawn up and sent down to Cambridge for the appeasing of the controversies which were then on foot . These Articles being nine in number , contained the whole Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination with the concomitants thereof , received at Cambridge for a time , and again suppressed , rejected by King James , in the conference at Hampton-Court , Anno 1603. inserted by D. Vsher , afterwards Archbishop of Armah , in the Articles of Ireland , Anno 1615. and finally suppressed again by the Repeating of those Articles in a full Convocation , Anno 1634. Concerning which your Adversary tells us many things which must be examined . 41. For first he tells us , that his Arminianism did not only lose him from his place but lost him the affections of the University . But I must tell him , that his Arminianism , as he calls it , caused not the losing of his place ; for I am sure he held his place till the expiring of the term , allowed by the Lady Margarets Statute , whose professor he was ; Which term expired , he left it in a just disdain , of seeing himself so over-powered , and consequently exposed unto contempt and scorn , by the Arts of his Enemies . Secondly , If he lost the affection of the university , which is more then your Adversary can make proof of , unless he mean it of that part of the university onely which conspired against him , yet gained he as much love in London , as he lost in Cambridge . For dying there within few years after , it was ordered by Bishop Bancroft , that most of the Divines in the City should be present at his interment , which may be a sufficient argument that not the Bishop onely , but the most eminent Divines of London were either inclinable to his opinions , or not so much averse from them , as not to give a solemn attendance at the time of his Funeral . In the next place he quarrels with Bishop Mountague of Chichester , for saying that those Articles were afterwards forbid by Authority , and brings in M. Fuller , making himself angry with the Bishop for the when and the where , thinking it strange that a Prohibition should be conspired so softly that none but he alone should hear it . But first the Bishop living in Cambridge at that time , might hear it amongst many others , though none but he were pleased to give notice of it , when it came in question . And Secondly , the noise thereof did spread so far , that it was heard into the Low Countries ; the making of these Articles , the Queens displeasure , when she heard it , her strict command to have them speedily supprest , and the actual suppression of them , being all laid down distinctly in a Book , published by the Remonstrants of Holland Entituled , Necessaria Responsio , and Printed at Leyden , 1618. almost seven years before the comming out of Mountague's Book . 42. And now I am fallen upon this Bishop , I cannot but take notice of your adversarys most unequal dealing against him and you ; in his discrediting that part of your Argument , which contains K. James's Judgment of him , the incouragement he gave him to proceeed in his appeal , and his command to have it Dedicated unto him ; to which you might have added , for further proof of the Kings concurring in opinion with him , that he had given him his discharge or quietus est from all those calumnies of his being a Papist or Arminian , which by the two Informers had been charged upon him . And secondly , that the appeal being recommended by that King , to D. Fr. White , then Dean of Carlisle ( exceedingly cried up at that time , for his zeal against Popery ) was by him licensed to the Press , as containing nothing in the same , but what was agreeable to the publique Faith , Doctrine and Discipline , , established in the Church of England . And whereas your adversary doth not think , that the King should command any Book , written by a private Subject to be Dedicated to himself ( which to my knowledge is a matter not without examples ) he doth not so much clash with you , as put a lye into the mouth of the Reverend Prelate , from whose hand you took it . That Bishop certainly must be a man of an unheard of and unparalleld impudence , in putting such an untruth on the King deceased , to gain no greater favour from the King then Raigning , then what of ordinary course might have been presumed on . 43. For other points , which are in difference between you upon this account , I leave them wholly to your self , advertising you only of these two things ; First , that when King James published his Declaration against Vristius , in which there are so many bitter Expressions against Arminius , Bertius , and the rest of that party , he was much governed by the Counsels of Dr. James Montague , who having formerly been a great stickler against Barnet and Baroe , in the stirrs at Cambridge , was afterwards made Dean of the Chappel , Bishop of Bath and Wells , and at last of Winton ; an excellent Master in the art of insinuations , and the Kings Ecclesiastical Favourite till the time of his death , which happened on the 19th . of July 1618. Secondly , that the Reason why King James so branded the Remonstrants in the Declaration , That if they were not with speed rooted out , no other issue could be expected then the curse of God , in making a perpetual rent and destruction in the whole body of the state , pag. 39. was not because they were so in and of themselves , but for other Reasons , which our great Masters in the Schools of policy , called Reason of State. That King had said as much as this comes too , of the Puritans of Scotland , whom in the second Book of his Basilicon Doron , he calls the very pests of a Common-wealth , whom no deserts can oblige , neither Oaths nor Promises bind , breathing nothing but sedition and calumny , &c. Advising his Son Prince Henry then Heir of the Kingdom , not to suffer the Principles of them to brook his Land , if he list to sit at rest ; except he would keep them for trying his patience , as Socrates did an evil wise . And yet I trow your adversary will not grant , upon these expressions ( though he might more warrantably do it in this case then he doth in the other ) that Puritans are not to be suffered in a State or Nation , especially in such a State , which hath any mixture in it of Monarchical Government . Now the Reason of State which moved King James to so much harshness against the Remonstrants , or Arminians , call them which you will , was because they had put themselves under the Patronage of John Olden Barnevelt , a man of principal authority in the Common-wealth , whom the King looked upon as the profess'd Adversary of the Prince of Orange , his dear Confederate and Ally , who on the other side had made himself the Patron and Protector of the Rigid Calvinists . In favour of which Prince , that King did not only press the States to take heed of such infected persons , as he stiles them , which of necessiry would by little and little bring them to utter ruine , if wisely and in time they did not provide against it ; but sent such of his Divines to the Synod of Dort , as he was sure would be sufficiently active in their condemnation . By which means having served his own turn , secured that Prince , and quieted his neighbouring provinces from the present distemper , he became every day more willing then other to open his eyes unto the truths which were offered to him , and to look more carefully into the dangers , and ill consequence of the opposite Doctrines , destructive in their own nature of Monarchial Government ; a matter not unknown to any , who had acquaintance with the Court in the last times of the King. No● makes it any thing against you that his Majesties repeating the Articles of the Creed two or three days before his death , should say with a kind of sprightfulness and vivacity , that he believed them all in that sense which was given by the Church of England , and that whatsoever he had written of this faith in his life , he was now ready to seal with his death . For first the Creed may be believed in every part and article of it according as it is expounded in the Church of England , without reflecting on the Doctrine of Predestination , and the points depending thereupon . And secondly I hope your Adversary doth not think that all the bitter speeches and sharp invectives which that King made against Remonstrants , were to be reckoned amongst those Articles of his faith which he had writ of in his life , and was resolved to seal with his death ; no more then those reproachful speeches which he gives to those of the Puritan Faction , in the conference at Hampton Court , the Basilicon Doron ( for which consult my answer to Mr. Baxter neer 29. ) and elsewhere , passim in his Writings . 44. The greatest part of his Historical Arguments being thus passed over , we will next see what he hath to say of his Late Majesties Declaration , printed before the Articles , An. 1628. and then proceed unto the rest . He tells us of that Declaration , how he had learned long since that it was never intended to be a two edged Sword , nor procured out of any charitable design to setle the Peace of the Church , but out of a Politique design to stop the mouths of the Orthodox , who were sure to be censured , if at any time they declared their minds , whilst the new upstart Arminians were suffered to preach and print their Heterodox Notions without controul . And for the proof hereof , he voucheth the Authority of the Late Lord Faulkland , as he finds it in a Speech of his delivered in the House of Commons , Anno 1640. In which he tells us of these Doctrines , that though they were not contrary to Law , yet they were contrary to custome , that for a long time were no ofter preached then recanted . Next he observes that in the Recantation made by Mr. Thorne , Mr. Hodges , and Mr. Ford , it is not charged upon them , that they had preached any thing contrary to the Doctrine of the Church , according to the ancient Form of the like Recantations enjoyned by the ancient Protestants ( as he calls them ) but onely for their going against the Kings Declaration , which but only determined , not having commanded silence in those points . Thirdly , that the Prelatical oppressions were so great in pressing this Declaration , and the other about lawful Sports , as were sufficient in themselves to make wise men mad . 45. For answer to these Arguments , if they may be called so , I must first tell you that the man and his Oratour both have been much mistaken , in saying that his Majesties Declaration was no two edged sword , or that it tyed up the one side and let loose the other ; for if it wounded Mr. Thorn and his companions on the one side , it smote as sharply on the other against Dr. Rainford , whose Recantation he may find in the Book called Canterbury's Doome , out of which he hath filched a great part of his store . He is mistaken secondly in saying that this Declaration determined nothing ; for it determineth that no man shall put his own sence or Comment to be the meaning of the Article , but should take it in the Literal and Grammatical sense , which Rule if the Calvinians would be pleased to observe we should soon come to an agreement . Thirdly , if the supposition be true , as I think it be , that the Doctrines which they call Arminianism , be not against the Law , but contrary to custome only , then is the Law on our side , and nothing but custome on theirs ; and I think no man will affirm that Custome should be heard or kept when it is against Law. But fourthly , if the noble Oratour were mistaken in the supposition , I am sure he is much more mistaken in the proposition , these Doctrines being preach'd by Bishop Latimer , and Bishop Hooper , in King Edwards time , by Dr. Harsnet and Peter Baroe in Queen Elizabeths time , by Dr. Howson and Dr. Laud in King James his time , none of which ever were subjected to the infamy of a Recantation . Fiftly , if the Recantation made by Mr. Thorn and his companions imported not a retracting of their opinions ( as he saith they did not ) it is a strong argument of the mildness of his Majesties Government , and the great Moderation shown by Bishop Laud in the use of his power , in not compelling men to say or do any thing against their Conscience ; a moderation which we find not amongst those of the Sect of Calvin , when any of the opposite party fell into their hands : Sixthly , whereas it might be thought , that the Ancient Protestants ( as he merrily calls them ) had past many such severe censures upon those whom he stiles Arminians , he instanceth in none but in Barret and Bridges , which make too small a number for so great a bragg . Quid dignum tanto , and the rest . And finally for answer to the Prelatical oppressions , I shall referre you to my former Discourse with Mr. Baxter ( num . 20 , 21 , 23 ) repeating only at the present , that the Proceeding of the Bishops were mild and gentle compared with the unmerciful dealings of the Presbiterians ; by whom more Orthodox , Learned , and Religious Ministers , were turned out of their Benefices within the space of three years , then by all the Bishops in England since the Reformation . 46. But the King must not think to carry it so , the Puritan Faction being generally Calvinistical in Doctrine as well as in Discipline , prevailed so in the House of Commons , Jan. 28. 1628. that they agreed upon this Counterpoise or Anti-declaration following , viz. We the Commons now assembled in Parliament , do claim , profess and avow for truth the sense of the Articles of Religion , which were established in Parliament , 13. Eliz. Which by the publick Acts of the Church of England , and the general current Exposition of the Writers of our Church have been delivered to us ; and we reject the sense of the Jesuites and Arminians , and all other wherein they differ from us . Which counterpoise made in direct opposition to the Kings Declaration , your adversary makes a product of the Civil Authority ; whereas the House of Commons was so far at that time , from being looked on as the Civil Authority of the English Nation , that it was of no Authority at all , nor could make any Order to bind the Subject or declare any thing to be Law , and much less Religion , till it was first countenanced by the Lords , and finally confirmed by the Royal assent . But this he doth in correspondence to the said Protestation , in which the Articles of Lambeth , are called the publique Acts of the Church of England , though made by none but the Arch Bishop of Canterbury , two Bishops ( of which onely one had actually received Consecration ) one Dean , and half a dozen Doctors , and other Ministers , or thereabouts , neither impowered to any such thing by the rest of the Clergy , nor authorized to it by the Queen . And therefore their determinations , can no more properly be called the Acts of the Church , then if one Earl , with the eldest Sons of two or three others meeting with half a dozen Gentlemen in Westminster Hall , can be affirmed to be in a capacity of making Orders , which must be looked on by the Subject as Acts of Parliament . 47. Your Adversary begins now to draw toward the Lees , and in the Dreggs of his discourse offers some Arguments , to prove that those doctrines and opinions which he calls Arminianism were countenanced to no other end but to bring in Popery . And for the proof hereof , he brings in Mr. Prinn's Report to the House of Commons in the Case of Montague . An. 1626. In which it is affirmed , that the whole frame and scope of his book was to discourage the well affected in Religion , and as much as in him lay , to reconcile them unto Popery . He gives us secondly a fragment of a scattered Paper , pretended to be written to the Rector of the Jesuites Colledge in Bruxels . In which the Writer lets him know that they had strongly fortified their Faction here in England , by planting the Soveraign Drug Arminianism , which he hoped would purge the Protestants from their Heresie . Thirdly , he backs this paper with a clause in the Remonstrance of the House of Commons , Anno 1628 , where it is said that the hearts of his Majesties Subjects were perplex'd in beholding the dayly growth and spreading of the faction of Arminianism , that being as his Majesty well knew ( so they say at least ) but a cunning way to bring in Popery . All which he flourishes over by a passage in the Lord Faucklands Speech before remembered , in which it is affirmed of some of the Bishops , that their work was to try how much of a Papist might be brought in without Popery , and to destroy as much as they could of the Gospel without bringing themselves in danger of being destroyed by the Law , &c. To all which , being but the same words out of divers mouths , I shall return one answer only , which is briefly this . Your adversary cannot be so ignorant , as not to know that the same points which are now debated between the Calvinians and the Old Protestants in England , between the Remonstrants and Contra-remonstrants in the Belgick Churches , and finally , between the Rigid and Moderate Lutherans in the upper Germany , have been as fiercely agitated between the Franciscans and Dominicans in the Church of Rome ; the old English Protestants , the Remonstrants , and the moderate Lutherans , agreeing in these points with the Franciscans ; as the English Calvinists , the Contra-Remonstrants , and the Rigid Lutherans , do with the Dominicans : So that there is a complyance on all sides , with one of the said two parties in the Church of Rome . And therefore why a general compliance in these points with the Friers of St. Dominick ( the principal Sticklers and Promoters of the Inquisition ) should not be thought as ready a way to bring in Popery , as any such compliance with the Friers of St. Francis , I would fain have your Adversary tell me when he puts out next . 49. The greatest of the storm being over , there remains only a few drops which will make no man shrink in the wetting , that is to say , the permission of some books to be frequenly printed containing the Calvinian Doctrine ; and the allowance of many questions to be maintained publiquely in the Act at Oxon , contrary to the sence of those which he calls Arminians . Amongst the Books so frequently printed , he instanceth in the Practise of Piety , Perkins his Principles , Balls Catechism , &c. which being incogitantly licensed to the Press at their first coming out , could not be afterwards Restrained from being Reprinted ( notwithstanding the many inconveniences which ensued upon it ) till the passing of the Decree in Star-Chamber , July 1637. concerning Printing ; by which it was ordered ( to the great grief and trouble of that Puritan faction ) that no Book whatsoever should be reprinted , except Books of the Law , till they were brought under a review , and had a new License for reprinting of them . And though D. Crakanthorps Book against the Archbishop of Spalato was but once printed , yet being called Defens●o Ecclesiae Anglicanae ; it serves your Adversaries turn as well as if it had been Printed an hundred times over . How so ? because Dr. Abbot said of that Treatise , that it was the most accurate piece of Controversie which was written since the Reformation : If you are not affrighted with this Apparition , I dare turn you loose to any single Adversary made of flesh and blood . These words if spoken by D. Abbot , being spoken by his Ghost , not the Man himself . For D. Abbot dyed in March , Anno 1617. And Crakanthorps Book dedicated to King Charles ( as your Author no●eth ) came not out till the year 1625. which was eight years after . Nor can your Antagonist help himself by saying he means the other Abbot , Archbishop of Canterbury who lived both at and after the coming out of the Book ; for he speaks positively & by name of that Dr. Abbot whom King James preferred to the See of Salisbury . At the Ridiculousnes of which passage now the the first terrible fright is over , you may make your self merrier , if you please , then Mr Fuller is said to make himself with the Bishop of Chichester . 49. To set out the next Argument in the fairer Colours , he tells us of some Act Questions were appointed by the Congregration to be disputed of at the Publick Acts which were maintained by the Proceeders in a Calvinistical way . And this he ●sher●th in with this Interrogation . Whether the Vniversity did not know the opinions of the Church of England , or would countenance any thing which had so much as the appearance of a contrari●ty thereunto ? Had this Question been particularly propounded , voted and allowed in the General Convocation of that University ( as M. Prinne affirms they were ) it might be Logically inferred ( as M. Prinne concludes from those faulty premises ) that the Judgement and Resolution of the whole University is comprised in them as well as of the men that gave them ; For which see Anti-Armin . p. 241. But I hope your Adversary will not say the like of the Congregation ( in which onely those Articles are allowed of , consisting of no other then the Vice-Chancellor , the two Proctors , the Regent Masters , and some Regents ad pla●itum , few of which ( the Vice-Chancellor ▪ and Proctors Excepted onely ) are so well studied in those Deep points of Divinty , as to be trusted with the Judgement of the University . If any be now living , as no doubt there be , who heard this Question maintained negatively by D. Lloyd , Anno 1617. viz : An Ex Doctrina Reformatorum sequatur deum esse Authorem Peccati : He may perhaps be able to tell what satisfaction the Calvinians received in it . But he must be as bold a Man as your Antagonist , who dares affirm , That the Arminian Doctors shewed themselves rather Angry then able Opponents . Howsoever you have here some Arminian Doctors , in the year , 1617. At what time D. Laud was so far from sitting in the Saddle , ( as your Author words it ) that he had scarce his foot in the stirrup , being at that time advanced no higher then the poor Deanry of Glocester . 50. And as the Bishop , so the Duke was but Green in favour , when those Arminian Doctors shew'd themselves such unable Opponents ; his first honours being granted to him but the August before , and his Authority at that time in the blossome onely : so that I must needs look upon it as an act of impudent injustice in your Antagonist to ascribe the beginning of those doctrines , which he calls Arminian , to Laud and Buckingham ; and a high degree of malice in him as to affirm , that the last had so much of an Herod , as would not have suffered him so long to continue with friendship with the former , if he had not had too little of a St. John Baptist . And yet not thinking he had given them a sufficient Character , he tells us within few lines after , that their ●●●rishing was the decay of Church and State , that neither body could well recover but by spewing up such evil instruments . Whether with more Puritanical Passion , or unmannerly zeal , it is hard to say . Methinks the fellow which dares speak so scandalously of such eminent persons , should sometimes cast his eye on those , who have suffered condign punishment for such libellous language . Scandalum magnatum being a crime , which the most moderate times have published in most grievous manner . For my part , I must needs say to him , as Cicero once did to Marcus Antonius , Miror to quorum facta immittere , earum exitus non per horrescere ; that I admire he doth tremble at the Remembrance of the punishments of so many men ▪ whose facts he imitateth . But as Abigal sayes of the Churle her Husband ▪ that Nabal was his name , and Folly , was with him ; so I may say , that there is somewhat in the name of your Adversary which betrayes his nature , ( and showes him to be . I will not say ( as she did ) a man of Belial , but ) a man of scorn . For if Hickman in the Saxon Tongue signifie a Scorner , a man of scorn , or one that sits in the seat of the scornful ( as I think it doth ) this fellow , whom a charitable man cannot name with patience , hath showed himself abundantly to be vere scriptor sui nominis , as the Historian once affirmed of the Emperour Pertinax . Let me beseech your pardon for these rough expressions , to which my pen hath not been accustomed , and which nothing but an invincible indignation could have wrested from me . And then for his part let the shame and sence thereof work so far upon him as to purge out of him all Envy . Hatred ▪ Malice , and uncharitableness ( from which good Lord deliver us ) for the time to come . 51. And here I might have took my leave both of him and you , in reference to the Historical part of his tenpenny trifle which we have before us , so far forth as it concerns your selfe , and your particular ingagings . But finding some other passages in it relating to the late Archbishop , and the other Prelates which require Correction , I shall not let them pass without endeavouring to rectifie his Errata in them . And first he asks , How was the late ArchBishop an obedient Sonne of the Church of England , who put Mr. Sherfield a Bencher of Lincolne ▪ Inne , and Recorder of Salum , to so much cost , and a disgraceful acknowledgement of his fault , and caused him to be bound to his Good behaviour , for taking down a Glasswindow , in which there were made no less then seaven Pictures , God the Father in form of a little old Man clad in a blew and red Coat , with a Pouch by his side about the bigness of a Puppet ? A question easie to be answered , and my Answer is , that the Archbishop did nothing in it but what became a true Sonne of the Church of England , and more then so , that he had not shewed himselfe a deserving Father in this Church , if he had done otherwise . For take the story as it stands apparell'd with all its circumstances , and we shall find such an encroachment on the Episcopal power and jurisdiction , as was not to be expiated with a gentler sentence . They had a Bishop in the City , continually Resident amongst them , and one that hated the Idolatries and superstitions of the Church of Rome , with a perfect hatred . This Reverend Father must not be consulted in the business , for fear it might be thought , that it was not to be done without him . A Parish Vestry must be called , by which M. Sherfield is inabled to take down the offensive Pictures , and put new white Glass in the place , though he be transported with a fit of unruly zeal , instead of taking it down breaks it all in pieces , Here then we have an Eldership erected under the Bishops nose , a Reformation undertaken by an Act of the Vestry , in contempt of those whom God and his Majesty , and the Laws had made the sole Judges in the case . An example of too sad a consequence to escape unpunished , and such as might have put the people upon such a Gog , as would have le●t but little work to the late Long Parliament . Non ibi consistent Exemplaubi ceperunt sed in tenuem recepta tramitem latissime evagandi sibi viam faciunt ▪ as my Author hath it . 52. But he proceeds according to his usual way of asking Questions , and would fain know in what respect they may be accounted the obedient Sons of the Church , who study by all their learning to take off that ignominous name of Antichrist from the Pope of Rome , which had bin fastned on him by King James , Archbishop Whitgift , Bishop Andrews , and the late Lord Primate ; and finally , by the whole Clergy in their Convocation , An. 1605. In the recital of which Proof , I find not that the name of Antichrist was ever positively and and in terminis , ascribed unto the Popes of Rome by any Article , Homily , Canon , or injunction , or by any other publick Monument of the Church of England , which leave it to the Liberty of every man to conceive therein according as he is satisfied in his own mind , and convinced in his ▪ understanding ▪ Arch-bishop Whitgift , the Primate , & Bishop Andrews conceived the Pope to be Antichrist , and did write accordingly ; Archbishop Laud , and Bishop Mountague were otherwise perswaded in it , and were not willing to exasperate those of the Popish Party , by such an unnecessary provocation , yet this must be accounted amongst their crimes : For aggravating whereof he telleth us ▪ that the Pope was proved to be Antichrist by the Pen of King James , which is more then he can prove that said it . K. James used many Arguments for the proof thereof ; but whether they proved the point or not , may be made a question ▪ Assuredly the King himself is to be looked on as the fittest Judge of his own intentions & performance . And he declared to the Prince at his going to Spain , that he writ not that discourse concludingly , but by way of Argument , to the end that the Pope and his Adherents might see there was as good Arguments to prove him Antichrist , as for the Pope to challenge any temporal Jurisdiction over Kings and Princes . This your Antagonist might have seen in his own Canterburies doom , fol. 264. Out of which Book he makes his other Argument also which proves the name of Antichrist to be ascribed unto the Pope by the Church of England because the Lords spiritual in the upper house and the whole Convocation in the Act of the subsidy , 3. Jacobi , so refined ●● ▪ If so ▪ If any such Definition passed in the Convocation , it is no matter what was done by the Lords Spiritual in the upper House of Parliament ( for that I take to be his meaning ) as signifying nothing to the purpose . Wherein Gods name , may ▪ such an unstudied man as I find that definition ? not in the Acts of Convocation , I am sure of that , and where there was no such point debated and agreed upon ; all that occurs is to bee found onely in the preamble to the Grant of Subsidies , made at a time when the Prelates and Clergy were amazed at the horror of that Divellish plot for blowing up the Parliament Houses , with the King , Prelates , Peers Judges , and the choicest Gentry of the Nation by the fury of Gun-powder . But were the man acquainted amongst Civilians , they would tell him that they have a Maxime to this Effect , that Apices juris nihil ponuns . The Titles and preambles to Laws are no definitions , and neither bind the subject in his purse or Pater-noster , 53. As for the rest of the Bishops , I find two of them charged particularly , and the rest in General . Mountague charged from ▪ D. Prideaux , to be merus Grammatius , and Linsel charged from M. Smart to have spoken reproachfully of the first Reformers on the Book of Homilies . But as Mountague was too great a Scholar to be put to School to D. Prideaux in any point of Learning of what kind soever ; so Linsol was a Man of too much sobriety to use those rash and unadvised speeches which he stands accused of . And as for Mr. Smart , the apology of D. Cosens speaks him so sufficiently , that I may very wel save myself the labour of a Repetition . More generally he tells us from a speech of the late Lord Faulkland , that some of the Bishops , and their adherents have destroyed unity under pretence of uniformity , have brought in superstition and scandal under the title of Reverence and decency , and have defiled our Churches , by adoring our Churches &c. p. 40. and not long after , p 64. That they have so industriously laboured to deduce themselves from Rome , that they have given great suspition , that in Gratitude they desire to return thither , or at least to meet it half way . Some have evidently laboured to bring in an English , though not a Romish Papacy ; not the out side and dress of it onely , but equally absolute a blind dependence of the People on the Clergy , and of the Clergy on themselves ▪ and have opposed Papacy beyond the Sea , that they might settle one beyond the water But these are onely the evaporations of some discontents which that noble Orator had contracted . He had been at great charges in accommodating himself with necessaries , for waiting on his Majesty in his first expedition against the Scots , in hope of doing service to his King and Country , and gaining honour to himself , dismist upon the Pacifiation ( as most of the English Adventurers ) without thanks of honour ; where , he made himself more sensible of the neglect which he conceived he suffered under , then possibly might consist with those many favours which both Kings had shewed unto his Father . But no sooner had that noble soul dispers'd those clouds of discontent which before obscured it , but he brake out again in his natural splendor , and show'd himself as zealous an advocate for the Episcopal order , as any other in that house , witness this passage in a speech of his not long before the dismissing of the Scottish Army . Anno 1641. viz. The Ground of this Government by Episcopacy is so ancient , and so general , so uncontradicted in the first and best times that our most laborious antiquaries can find , no Nation no City , no Church , no Houses under any other , that our first Ecclesiastical Authors tell us of , that the Apostles not onely allowed but founded Bishops ; so that the Tradition for some Books of Scripture , which we receive as Cunonical , is both less ancient , less General , and less uncontradicted then that is . We have lived long happily and Gloriously under this form of Government , it hath very well agreed with the Constitutions of our Laws , with the disposition of our people : How any other will do I the less know , because I know not of any other , of which so much as any other Monarchy hath had eperience , they all having ( as I conceive ) at least superintendents for life ; and the meere word Bishop I supposed , is no mans aim to destroy , nor no mans aim to defend , &c. so that if we should take away a Government which hath as much testimony of the first Antiquity to have been founded by the Apostles , as can be brought for some parts of Scripture to have been written by them , my fear is least this may avert some of our Church from us , and rivit some of the Roman Church to her . So he when he was come again to his former temper , and not yet entred or initiated into Court Preferments . 54. And thus at last I shall end my trouble and your own , having performed as much as I proposed to my self in answer to the Historical part of your Antagonists discourse , in which he laboureth to evince that the Calvinian Doctrines by you opposed , are no other then the establisht Doctrines of the Church of England . In the managing whereof I could wish he had carried himself with more Respect towards some great persons whom he ought not to have looked on but with eyes full of Duty and reverence ; and that he had not given me so just cause to think that by his speaking Evil of Dignities , he may be also one of those who despise Dominion , I could have wisht also , that both M. Baxter and himself would have given me leave to have worn out the remainder of my days in peace and quiet ▪ without engaging me in any of those disputes by which they have given so much trouble to themselves and others . For your part ( happy man be your do●e ) I see there is a way chalkt out for your Redintegration . It is but going over to your Adversary in the point of Election ▪ and Gods invincible working on the hearts of his chosen ones , & then he doth asture you of a speedy agreement , or at the least , that you should easily bear with one another in the present Differences . Can M. Pierce remain so obstinate , as not to hearken to a Pacification , on such easie terms , as giving to his Adversary the right hand of fellowship , & captivating his own judgement to the sence of Calvin , the great Dictator , in the Churches of the Reformation , to whom so many ▪ knees have bowed , and much tribute of obedience hath been paid both with heart and hand ? Why do not you offer the same terms , to so kind an adversary , and tempt him to a Reconciliation on the like conditions ; which if he be not willing to accept when offered , you may then keep your selfe at that honest distance , which hitherto hath made you unaccessible to all approaches , and kept you out of the reach of their shot , whether bolts or shafts . What fortune will befall my selfe upon this encounter , I am not able to determine ; having done nothing to deserve the just displeasure and little hoping to obtain the favour of those men , who shall think themselves concerned in it , some men are so in love with their own opinions , that they do not onely hate to be Reformed in the Psalmists Language , but carry an evil eye towards those who have laboured in it ; looking upon them with as much disdain & indignation as Hanun the King of Ammon did on Davids Messengers when he returned them to their Masters with their beards half shaven , and their Garments cut off in disgrace to their very buttocks , 2 Sam. 10. 4. But be my fortune what it will , it will , be a most infinite content unto me , that by my weak endeavors I have contributed any thing to the Glory of God , the vindication of the truth , the edification of the Church , and the satisfaction of those pious souls who heartily do pray for the peace of Jerusalem , and most effectually endeavor to promote the Work. Amongst which number there is none who can more possionately desire to be entertained , then Your most affectionate friend and Brother in Christ Jesus , Peter Heylyn . Lacies Court in Abingdon , April 15. 1659. A POST-SCRIPT To the former Papers . SIR , AFter I had dispatched the Papers foregoing to the Press , I called to mind a passage in a Letter , sent from Dr. Ridley , then Bishop of London , to Mr. Hooper , Bishop of Glocester ( which you shall find , amongst many others , in the Acts and Monuments ) in which he signifieth unto him , that though they had sometimes differed in matter of Ceremony , yet there had been an uniform consent between them in matter of Doctrine : So that unto the testimonies of Arch Bishop Cranmer , Bishop Latimer , and Bishop Hooper in maintenance of the cause which you contend for : you may add also the concurrence of Bishop Ridley ; whose judgement in carrying on the Reformation , was of such Authority , that Canmer more relied on him then on any other . I have been also further advertised of two Letters , which are to be seen of M. Barrets own hand writing , the one to D. Goad , Master of Kings Colledg ▪ the other to Mr. Chatterton , Master of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge ; in which he plainly lets them know , That he would never yield to make that recantation , to which for fear of losing his fellowship , and being expelled the Vniversity , endeavoured to draw him ; as also that D. Cosens and D. Martin , making a diligent search into the Registers of the University , could never find any such Recantation , to have been made by the said Barret , as is exemplified unto us in the Anti Arminianism , & from thence taken by M. Hickman , though he do not so much as once acknowledg by whom he profiteth : & I am the more apt to believe , that Barret never made the Recantation , which is fathered on him ; because it appears clearly by the Acts themselves , that though he did confess the Doctrines wherewith he was charged , to have been positively and expresly delivered by him , yet he averreth as expresly , Quod contenta in iisdem Religione Ecclesiae Anglicanae omnino noti repugnant , That they contained nothing contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England . All that I find in the said Acts , is the enjoyning of a Recantation , the drawing of it into form , and the delivering of it to Barret on the 5. of May , by him to be published in S. Maries Church on the Saturday after ; and all this done , when neither the Margaret Professor , was of the same judgement with Barret , nor the Vice-Chancellor himself , whom it concerned as much as any , were consulted in it : But that Barret ever made this Recantation , or that this Recantation was the same in all particulars with that which he was required to publish , depends upon the credit of a scattered Paper ; those which have most insisted on it , appealing rather to private Authors for the proof thereof , then to the authentick Records of that Vniversity : So that when it is said so positively by M. Prinne , that this Recantation was made by M Barret , on the 10th of May , 1595. in the University Church of S. Marys in Cambridge , & out of him repeated by Mr. Hickman with as great a confidence , they do both wrong the dead , and abuse the living . For it appeareth by a Letter sent from the heads of Cambridge , to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , then being Chancellor of that University , that Barret had not made that Recantation on the 8 of March , which was full ten months after the said 10 of May , in which the publishing of this Recantation is affirmed of him . About a year past , say they , ( amongst divers others , who here attempted publickly to teach new and strange opinions in Religion ) one M. Barret more boldly then the rest , did preach divers Popish Errors in St. Marys , to the just offence of many , which he was joyned to retract , but hath refused so to do in such sort as hath been prescribed him . Out of which Letter bearing date the 8th of March , 1595. exemplified by M. Prynn in the Anti-Arminianism ( 254 ) and therefore seen by M. Hickman in the course of that Book , I conclude three things . 1. That M. Prinne , and M. Hickman have ●aid a Defamation upon Barret , which they cannot justifie , as being contrary to their own knowledge in that particular . 2. That besides Barret there were diuers others who preacht the sad new and strange opinions in Religion , as the Letter calls them , though not so confidently and boldly , as Barret did ; and 3. That it is not said in the Letter , that Barrets Doctrines gave offence to all , or the greatest part , but that they gave offence to many ; and if they gave offence but to many onely , there must be many others ( and possibly the greatest part ) in that University , to whom they gave no offence at all . I find also in the Title to this Recantation as it stands in the Anti-Arminianism ( p. 56. ) that M. Harsenet of Pembrook-Hall , is there affirmed to have maintained , the supposed Errors for which Barret was condemned to a Recantation : And 't is strange that Harsnet should stand charged in the Tiltle of another mans sentence , for holding and maintaining any such points as had been raked out of the Dunghil of Popery and Pelagianism , as was there affirmed ; for which he either was to have been questioned in his own person , or not to have been condemned in the title to the Sentences passed on another man. Which circumstance , as it discredits the Title , so the title doth as much discredit the reality of the recantation : Adeo mendaciorum natura est , ut coherere non possint , said Lactantius truly . Besides it is to be observed , that Harsnet did not only maintain the said Opinions in the Vniversity , but preacht them also at S. Paul's Cross , Anno 1584. not sparing any of those dious aggravations , with which the Calvinian Doctrines in those points hath been charged by others ; and yet we cannot find that any offence was taken at it , or any recantation enjoyned upon it , either by the High Commission , or the Bishop of London , or any other having Authority in the Church of England , as certainly there would have been , if the matter of that Sermon had been contrary to the rules of the Church , and the appointments of the same : And thereupon we may conclude ( were there no proof else ) that where Doctor Baroe had for 14. or 15. years ( as is said in that Letter ) maintained those Opinions in the Schooles , which M. Hickman noveliseth by the name of Arminians ; and such an able man as Harsnet , had preached them without any control , and the greatest Audience of the Kingdome did stand to him in it , There must be many more Barrets who concurred in the same opinions with them in that Vniversity , though their names through the envy of those times are not come unto us . And this appears more fully by that which followed on the death of D. Whitacres , who died within few days after his return from Lambeth , which the nine Articles so much talkt of : Two Candidates appeared for the Professorship after his decease , Wotton of Kings Colledge , a professed Calvinian , and one of those who wrote against Mountague's Appeal , Anno 1626. Competitor with Overal of Trinity Colledg , as far from the Calvinian Doctrine in the main plat-form of Predestination , as Baroe , Harsnet , or Barret are conceived to be . But when it came unto the vote of the Vniversity , the place was carried for Overal by the major part , which plainly shows , that though the Doctrines of Calvin were so hotly stickled for by most of the heads , yet the most part of the members of that learned body entertained them not . And thereby we may guess at another passage , which I finde in yo● Adversary , where he declares that Peter Baroe's Arminianism c●● him the loss of his place , and which was worse , lest him the affect ons of the University . Where first , it may seem very strange , th● Baroe should loose his place for Arminianism , An. 1595. when as t●● name of Arminianism was not known in England til the year 16●● Secondly , that he should loose the affection of the University , ●● maintaining those Doctrines , in which there was such a good compliance betwixt him and Overal . And therefore thirdly , it is ver● improbable , that Baroe should be put out of his place by those wh● ha● brought Overal in , after no less then twenty years experience ●● his pains and studies : In which respect it is more likely that he relinquished the place of his own accord , in which he found his Doctine crossed by the Lambeth Articles , his peace disturbed by sever● Informations , preferred against him by some of the Calvinians , an● thereupon a Letter of complaint presented to the L. Treasurer Burleigh of whose affections towards him , he seemed more diffident then there was good cause for ; so that the most that can be said , is no more then this , that he was willing to depart from that place in peace , in which ●e saw he could not live without disturbance ; and therefore that he rather left the place , then the place left him , though possibly he might see that he could not keep it without loosing himself . I began this Post-script with Bishop Ridley . and shall end it with a note relating to Bishop Laud : Reproached by your Antagonist , for justifying the picturing of God the Father in the form of an old man , out of that place of Daniel , where he is called the Ancient of Days ; and this ( saith he ) I have from a Gentleman of good repute , though that Gentleman must not be named , for fear of being taken notice of for his best Benefactor ; the story you may find at large in Canterburies Doom , fol. 102. 103. where that Author mentioneth the censure past upon M. Sherfield , in the Court of Star-Chamber , for defacing the Pictures in one of the windows , in S. Edmunds Church , in the City of Salisbury : What I have said in this case , as to Sherfields censure , you have seen already ; I shall now add what I then hastily passed over , that is to say , that the Bishop did not justifie the picturing of God the Father in that or any Form what soever , but only touched upon the reasons which induced some Painters to that representation , which they grounded on Dan. 7. 9. where God the Father is not only called the Ancient of Days , to fignifie his Eternity before all time ( which was so much insisted on by the Earl of Dorset ) but described after the similitude of an old man , whose garments were as white as snow , and the hair of his head like the pure wooll , as the Text informs us . Certamen Epistolare , OR , The Letter Combate . PART . III. Containing a Decertation about Forms of Government , the power of the Spartan Ephori , and the Jewish Sanhedrim . Managed Letter-wise betweene Peter Heylyn , D. D. And J. H. of the City of Westminster Esq Tacit Annal. Lib. 1. Suspecto , Senatus Populique imperio ob certamina Potentium , & Avaritiam Magistratuum , invalido legum auxilio , quae vi , Ambitu , postremo Pecunia turbabantur . LONDON , Printed in the Year , 1659. To his ever Honoured Friend , S EDVVARD FILMER of Sutton , in the County of KENT . SIR , HOw great a loss I had in the death of my most dear and honoured Friend , your deceased Father , no man is able to conjecture , but he that hath suffered in the like . So affable was his conversation , his discourse so rational , his Judgment so exact in most parts of Learning , and his affections to the Church so exemplary in him , that I never enjoyed a greater felicity in the company of any man living , then I did in his : In which respects I may affirm both with safety and modesty , that we did not onely take sweet counsel together , but walked in the House of God as Friends , I must needs say , I was prepared for that great blow , by the loss of my preferment in the Church of Westminster , which gave me the opportunity of so dear and beloved a neighborhood ; so that I lost him partly before he ▪ dyed , which made the misery the more supportable , when I was deprived of him for altogether . But I was never more sensible of the infelicity , then I am at this present , in reference to that satisfaction , which I am sure he could have given the Gentleman whom I am to deal with : His eminent abilities in these Political Disputes , exemplified in his judicious observations on Aristotles Politiques ; as also in some passages on Grotius , Hunton , Hobbs , and other of our late Discoursers about Formes of Government , declare abundantly how fit a Man he might have been , to have dealt in this cause , which I would not willingly should be betrayed by unskilful● handling : And had he pleased to have suffered his Excellent Discourse called Patriarcha to appear in publick , it would have given such satisfaction to all our great Masters in the Schools of Politie , that all other Tractates in that kind , had been found unnecessary : But since he cannot be recalled , and that he did not think it fit while he was alive , to gratifie the Nation in publishing that excellent Piece ( which might have served for a Catholicon or General Answer to all Discourses of this kind ) I have adventured on that work , which the Consciousness of my own inability might deter me from , if the desire of satisfying the expectation of such a modest and ingenious Adversary , had not over-ruled me : Whatsoever I have done therein , as it is now left to the publique Censure , so do I submit it more particularly to your equal Judgement , in whom there is so much of the Father , as renders you a competent Judge in the case between us . Which trouble I had sooner given you , but that the Papers lay so long with a friend in London , before they could finde the way to the Press , that I was put upon the necessity of another Encounter , which was to have precedence of it in the course of the Book . But it comes time enough to interrupt your studies and affairs of greater Moment , to be a Testimony of the confidence I have in your favourable opinion of me , and finally to serve as a publique acknowledgment of those many undeserved civilities , which your Father , your self , and the rest of your Family , have been from time to time vouchsafed unto , SIR , Your most affectionate Friend and Devoted Servant . Peter Heylyn . Lacies Court in Abingdon , April 20. 1659. The Answer of P. H. D. D. to the Letter of J. H. Esq ; The Introduction of the whole . SIR , AT my coming to London about Midsommer last , I found some Papers left for me in the way of a Letter ( at my accustomed Rendezvouz ) with this following Title , viz. The Stumbling Block of Disobedience and Rebellion , cunningly imputed by P. H. unto Calvin ; Removed in a Letter to the said P. H. from J. H. By which Title of Superscription , it was easy to know whom you had designed for your Adversary in the two first Letters ; and it was not hard for me to find by the two last Letters , with whom I was to deal , having received some advertisment of it from a friend in Oxon , before I set forwards on my journey . The Papers being put into my hands , I could no longer defer the curiosity of having them read over to me , then the withdrawing into a more convenient room must of necessity admit ; and having had them read over to me . I found my self pressed with this Dilemma , that either I must return an answer to you , or confess the whole Book to be answered by you . I found no reason for the last , and therefore thought it more convenient to give you content in the first with as much conveniency as I could . But I had then other fish to fry , whereof perhaps you may have tasted before this time . Nor was I without other businesses , which as they brought me to the City , so they occasioned a longer stay there then I first intended . In the mean time a book of one Mr. Baxter's was by chance offered to my perusal , in which I found my self concerned , and so concerned , that I thought it safer to venture somewhat on your patience , then to sink under those Reproaches which were laid upon me . In which till I had satisfied both my self and him , I could not give my thoughts the leasure of rendering you that satisfaction which you had required . But having now dispatch'd with him , I shall be the betterable to attend your Motions ; and shall therefore follow after you step by step as you move before me . I must confess you are an Adversary whom I look'd not for , Non expectato vulnus ab hoste venit . In the Poets words ; but then I must confess withal that I am fallen into the hands of a generous Adversary , of whom I am sure of fair quarter , if I should be vanquished , and no reviling Language ( as I have had of late from others ) should I win the day ; and to be overcome by such an enemy , is a kind of Victory . With this encouragement I put my self into the lists , notwithstanding all those disadvantages which appear against me ; You coming fresh into the field , well seconded , and dayly exercised in those Political Disputes , which either I have never managed , or ( being tired and broken with other businesses ) have long since dis-used . 2. But first I am to purge my self ( according to the old known Laws of Duel ) from having about me any spells , any charmes or Magical spells , from being guilty of that cunning and indirect proceedings which you put upon me . Those two words , cunningly imputed , which I find in your Title , are many in effect , though few in number , and tend to render me shspected of fraud and forgery , as if I had laid a stumbling block before Calvins doors , which bind no Grammatical Construction , or by any Logical inference can be gathered from them . But if you look upon us both with a single and impartial eye , you will find no such cunning in me , ( for I am not of his mind ) who said , Dolus an virtus quis in boste requirat . Nothing but plain and down ▪ right dealing , nothing but what the Scots Commissioners collected from those words of Calvin to justifie their disobedience and rebellion against their own most rightful Queen , whom they had persecuted , and deposed , and driven out of her Kingdom ; a full account whereof I have given elsewhere , both in the Preface to that book of which you have undertaken the Confutation , and in the 128th Section of my answer to Mr. Baxters Letter , in either of which you may consult it . And secondly , I must crave leave according to the Laws of Duell , to take the length of your weapon , that I may fit my own unto it . I mean , that with your leave and liking , I may take the measure of your Letter , transcribing it line for line , and word for word , as it came unto me , that my answer may be fitted and proportioned to it . Without which I can neither manage the Combate , as I ought to do , nor the spectators be delighted with the sight thereof as they ought to be ; Nor such as are to judge between us can be enabled to determine as of right they ought , to whom the victory belongeth . Hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim . as you know who said . Now the Copy of your Letter is as followeth . The Letter of J. H. to P. H. SIR , I Gave my Judgment upon your late Book ( that I mean against Calvin ) in such manner among some Gentlemen , that they desired me to write something in answer to it , which if there happen to be need , I may ; In the mean time , it will perhaps be enough , if I acquaint you with as much as I have acquainted them . In this Book of yours , you speak some things as a Polititian only , others as a Polititian and a Divine too . Now to repeat a few , and yet as many I think as are needful of each kind , I shall begin with the former . The Rise , Progress , and Period of the Common-wealth of Lacedemon is observable in Authors by these steps . 1. The insufficiency of the Monarchy . 2. The Form of the Common-wealth . 3. An infirmity in the Form , and a cure of it . 4. The corruption and dissolution of the whole . All which happened within the compass of 800 years . To the first you say , That the Spartan Kings were as absolute Monarchs as any in those times , till Eurytion or Eurypon to procure the good will of the Rascal-rabble ( so you commonly call the People ) purchased nothing by the loss of Royalty besides an empty name unto his family , thence called the Eurypontidae . It is true that Plutarch in the life of Lycurgus says that Eurypon was the first , who to obtain favour with the people , let loose the reins of Government ; and this he saith there without shewing any necessity that lay upon the King so to do ; Nevertheless that such necessity there was , is apparent in Agis , where he affirmeth , that a King of Lacedemon could never come to be equal unto any other King , but only by introducing equality among the people ; forasmuch as a Servant or Lievtenant of Seleucus or Ptolemy , was worth more then ever were all the Kings of Sparta put together . Which latter speech , if a man consider the narrowness of the Laconick Territory , being but a part of Peloponesus , must needs evince the former action to have been not so voluntary in Eurypon , as in prudence unavoidable . But Eurypon having by this means rather confessed the infirmity of the Monarchy , then introduced any cure of the Government , it remained that the people , not yet brought under fit orders , must needs remain in disorders , as they did , till the Institution of the Common-wealth . The Monarchy that is or can be absolute must be founded upon an Army planted by Military Collonies , upon the over-ballance of Land , being in the Dominion of the Prince , and in this case there can neither be a nobility , nor a people to gratifie , at least without shaking the foundation , or dis-obliging the Army . Wherefore the Spartan Kings having a Nobility or People to gratifie , were not absolute . It is true you call the Kings of France absolute , so do others , but it is known that in the whole world there is not a Nobility nor a People so frequently flying out or taking Arms against their Princes , as the Nobility and people of France . The Monarch that is founded upon a Nobility , or a Nobility and the People ( as by the rise and progress of the Norman Line in our Story is apparently necessary ) must gratifie the Nobility , or the Nobility and the People , with such Laws and Liberties as are fit for them , or the Government , as we have known by experience , is found in France , and no doubt was seen by Eurypon , becometh tyrannical , be the Prince otherwise never so good a man. Thus Caril●●s ( in whose Reign the Common-wealth was instituted by Lycurgus ) is generally affirmed to have been a good man , and yet said by Aristotle to have been a Tyrant ; It remaineth therefore with you to shew how a good man can otherwise be a Tyrant then by holding Monarchial Government without a sufficient ballance , or if you please ▪ how he that shall undertake the like ( be he never so good , or well deserving a man ) can be any other ; or confess that not the favour of Princes ( by which if they be well ballanced they lose nothing ) nor the usurpation of the people ( by which without a popular ballance they get nothing ) but the infirmity of the Monarchy , caused the Common-wealth of Lacedemon . And what less is said by Plutarch , or thus rendered by your self : Not the people only sent Messages to Lycurgus for his counsel , but the Kings were as desirous he should return from his travels , in hope that his presence would bridle and restrain the people ; but Lycurgus applyed not himself unto either , being resolved to frame both into one Common wealth . To the form of this Common-wealth you say , That whatsoever the King lo●● , the people got little by this alteration , being left out of all employment in affairs of State , and forced to yeild obedience unto 30. Masters , whereas before they had but two : A strong affirmation , seeing the Oracle containing the Model of Lacedemon , is thus recorded by your Author . When thou hast devided the people into Tribes and Lineages , thou shalt establish the Senate , consisting with the two Kings , of thirty Senators , and assemble the people as there shall be occasion , where the Sena●e shall propose , and dismiss the people , without suffering them to debate . Now who seeth not , that the people having no right to debate , must therefore have had the right to resolve , or else were to be assembled for nothing ? But the ultimate result is the soveraign Power in every Government : It is true , the Greek of the Oracle is absolute and abstruce ; but then it is not only interpreted by Plutarch , in the sense I have given ; but by the verses of the Poet Tyrteus , which the Kings themselves , though they would have made other use of , acknowledged unto the people to be Authentique . They having of Apollo sought , This Oracle from Delphos brought , Vnto the Spartan Kings , among The Senators , it doth belong To moderate in Royal Chairs , And give their votes in all Affairs ; And when they have proposed these , The people chuse what are they please . Of many other testimonies , I shall add no more then one , out of Isocrates : I am not ignorant ( saith he to the Areopagites ) that the Lacedemonians flourish , for this cause especially , that their Government is popular . To the infirmity of this form , and the cure of it , you say , That the Royalty and power of the Kings being thus impaired , the people absolutely discharged from having any hand at all in publique Government , and the Authority of the Senate growing every day more insolent and predominant , by reason that ( albeit the Senators were elected by the people ) they had their places for tearm of life ; the Kings resolved upon a course of putting the people into such a condition , as might inable them to curb and controul the Senatours ) to which end they ordained the Ephori . Magistrates to be annually chosen out of the body of the people . In which first you make that to be a practise of the Kings against the Senate , which by your Author is plain to have been a combination of the Kings and the Senate against the people ; for the people upon the insolency and predominancy of the Kings and the Senate , fell , as in that case , the inevitable nature of them , upon counsel how to defend themselves , and so assumed the power of debate . Hereupon the Kings Theopompus and Polidore would have added unto the tenour of the Oracle , that if the people went about by debate to change the propositions of the Senate , it should be lawful for the Kings and Senate to null the result of the people , which practise if it had past , must have made the Kings and the Senate altogether uncontroulable . Wherefore the people incensed at it , put a bitt into the mouth of the Senate by the institution of the Ephori . This is the clear sence of Plutarch which he taketh out of Plato , who affirmeth the Ephorate to have been set up against the Hereditary Power of the Kings , with whom agree both Aristotle and Cicero ; the former affirming in as much as the people have obtained it , were quiet , and the latter that the Ephori in Lacedemon were so opposed to the Kings , as the Tribunes in Rome to the Consuls . Now if other Authors attribute the institution of Ephori unto the Kings , and there be a story as well affirmed by Plutarch as others , that Theopompus having created the Ephori , and being told by his Queen , he had done that which would leave narrower power to his children , answered well , that it would leave narrower but longer . This is neither any riddle nor kind of contradiction to the former sense , seeing , when we say , that Hen. 3. instituted , the Parliament to be assistant to him in his Government , we do no more doubt of that then how it is to be understood , nor if his Queen had said , as she of Lacedemon , and our King had made the like answer , would that have altered any thing or proved the woman to have been ( as you well have it ) the better Prophet , seeing either Government lasted longer for either Reformation , nor came to alter , but through the alteration of the Ballance , which was nothing to the womans Prophecy . The ruine of this Ballance , and corruption of the Common ▪ wealth you wholly omit , to the end , that picking up your objections against the Government in vigour . Out of the rubbish and dissolution of it , you may cast dust in mens eyes , or perswade them , that the Ephori trusting to the power and interest they had in the Commonalty , came to usurp upon the Kings , and to be Tyrants as they are called by Plato and Aristotle , so you affirm . But the truth is thus recorded by Plutarch in the life of Agis . So soon as the Lacedemonians having ruined Athens , became so full of gold and silver , the Common-wealth began to break ; Nevertheless the lots and division of Lands made by Lycurgus yet remaining , the equality of the foundation held good till Epitadeus an ill natured fellow became Ephore , and having a mind to dis-inherit his son , got a Law to pass , whereby any man might dispose of his lot as he pleased : This by him pursued of meet malice to his son , was hurried on by the avarice of others whose riches came thus to eat the people out of their lands , that in a short time there remained not above an hundred Free holders in all Sparta . This he shews to have been the rise of the Oligarchy . The Oligarchy thus ballanced totally excluded the people , and murthered Agis the first King that was ever put to death by the Ephori , and to these times ( about which Plato and Aristotle lived ) relateth that tyranny which they who ( as was shown ) commended the Ephorate in the Common-wealth , now laid unto it in Oligarchy . Thus have you fetcht an argument against a Common-wealth that are nothing to it . Again , whereas Agis and Cleomenes , by the restitution of the lots of Lycurgus , were Asserters of popular power , you insinuate them to have been Asserters of Monarchy , such is your play with humane Authors , or as a Polititian : Now let us see , whether you have dealt any thing better with Scripture , or been more careful as a Divine . In order to this Discovery I shall repeat that piece of Calvin , which you call the stumbling block of disobedience . Calvin having preached obedience to your good approbation , comes at length to this expression . But still I must be understood of private persons ; for if there be now any popular Officers ordained to moderate the licentiousness of Kings ( such as were the Ephori , set up of old against the Kings of Sparta . The Tribunes of the people against the Roman Consuls , and the Demarches against the Athenian State , of which perhaps a● the world now goes , they three estates are seized in each several Kingdom , when solemnly assembled ) so far am I from hindering them to put restraints upon the exorbitant power of Kings as their office binds them , that I conceive them rather to be guilty of perfidious dissimulation , if they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants , or wantonly insult on the people ; in that so doing they betray the Liberty of the Subject , of which they know themselves to be made Guardians by Gods own Ordinance . What Calvin says of the Athenian Demarches ( they having been Magistrates of another nature ) is a mistake , but such an one , as destroys no other part of his assertion , the rest of the Parenthesis , or that which he saith of the Ephori and the Tribunes , being confirmed , as hath been already shown , by Plato and Aristotle , by Cicero and Plutarch . Wherefore of the Ephori and the Tribunes enough ; Now why the Estates in a Gothick Moddel should be of less power , no Politician in the world shall ever shew a reason ; the Estates are such by vertue of their Estate , that is , of their over-ballance in Dominion : You are then either speculatively to shew , how the over-ballance of Dominion should not amount unto Empire , or practically , that the over-ballance of Dominion hath not amounted unto Empire , and that in a quiet Government , or can it be no otherwise in a quiet Government then that the over-ballance of Dominion must amount unto Empire . This principle being now sufficiently known is the cause it may be why you chuse in this place to speak rather like a Divine , as you suppose , then a Polititian , for you would fain learn , you say , of Calvin , in what part of the world we shall find any such Authority given to such popular Magistrates as he tells us of . To which by the way I answer , that God founded the Israelitish Government upon a popular ballance , that we find the people of Israel judging the tribe of Benjamin , and by the Oracle of God levying War against them , which are acts of soveraign power , therefore a popular ballance even by the Ordinance of God himself expressed in scripture , amounted unto Empire . But you ( when you have asked in what part of the word of God we shall find any such Authority given to popular Magistrates ) Answer , Not in the Old Testament you are sure ; For when Moses first ordained the seventy Elders , it was not to diminish any part of that power which was invested in him , but to ease himselfe of some part of the burden lying upon him , as you will have to appear plainly by the 18th of Exodus , where Moses upon the advice of Jethro , chose able men out of all Israel , made them Rulers of thousands , Rulers of Hundreds , Rulers of fifties , Rulers of tens . Now I am sure that about this time , the number of these men of Israel was above 6 hundred thousand , and so any man may be sure that the Elders thus chosen ( should we count but the Rulers of the thousands only ) must have come at the least to six hundred , wherefore you cannot be sure that this makes any thing to the election of the 70. Elders . Well , But out of these ( say you ) God afterwards , in the 11th of Numb . willed Moses to chuse the seventy Elders . You may do me a greater favour then you can suddenly imagine , to tell me really for what cause or upon what Authority your speech is so positive , that God willed Moses to chuse the seventy Elders out of those that were chosen in the 18. of Exodus ; for whereas Moses is willed to chuse them out of such as he knew to be Elders , such there were in Honour among the people , though not in power before the Election of those advised by Jethro , as appears , Exod. 3. 16 ▪ and 4. 29. But had this been as you would have it , what is the necessity , that because there lay an appeal unto Moses from those in Exodus ( that is from the Jethronian Elders , or Courts which sat afterwards in the Gates of the Temple , and of every City ) therefore there must needs lye an appeal from the seventy Elders , or the Sanhedrim unto Moses ; Especially while the whole stream of Jewish Writers , or Talmudists ( who should have had some knowledg in their own Commonwealth ) unanimously affirm that there was no such thing : whereupon to the Election of the former Elders , saith Grotius , In the place of these came the Judges in the Gates , and in the place of Moses , the Sanhedrim . Nor need we go further then the Scripture , for the certainty of the Assertion , where the seventy are chosen , not to stand under Moses , but with him not to diminish his burthen , or bear it under him with an appeal in difficult cases to him , as is expressed in the Election of the Jethronian Elders , but to bear the burden with him , and without any mention of such appeal . Moses before the Election of the Jethronian Judges , had the whole burthen of Judicature lying upon him , after their Election the burthen of the Appeals onely : Wherefore if the seventy Elders were indeed instituted to bear the burthen with Moses , there thenceforth lay noappeal unto Moses , which is yet clearer in this precept ; If there arise a matter of Controversie within thy Gates ( which is plainly addrest unto the Jethronian Courts ) too hard for thee in Judgement , then shalt thou come unto the Priest , and the Levite , ( by which in the sense of all Authors , Jewish and Christian , is understood the Sanhedrim , or to the Judge that shall be in those days ( the Suffes or Dictator ) and they shall shew thee the sentence of Judgement ; whence by the clear sense of Scripture , all matter of appeal in Israel lay unto the Sanhedrim . Your next Argument , that there must be nothing in all this but easing the supream Magistrate of some part of the burthen , which was before two heavy for him , without any diminution , in the least respect of his power , is that when God had taken of the spirit which was upon Moses , and put it upon the seventy Elders , the spirit yet rested upon Moses in as full a measure as it did at first : I grant in a fuller , for I believe his wisdom was the greater ; for this diminution of his power , it being through the nature of the ballance , apparently impossible that he could be any more then a Prince in a Commonwealth ; but your Argument can be of no force at all , unless you will have him to have been less wise , for not assuming soveraign power , where without confusion it was altogether impossible he should have held it . A Prince in a Commonwealth subsisteth by making himself , or being made use of unto the free course of Popurall Orders ; but a soveraign Lord can have no other substance or security , then by cutting off and tearing up all roots that do naturally shoot and spring up into such branches . To conclude , if the Congregation of the People , in law to be made , had such power as was shewn , and in the law , so made , the ultimate Appeal lay unto the Sanhedrim ; why are not here two Estates in this Commonwealth , each by Gods own Ordinance , and both plain in Scripture ? Well , but when they came ( you will say ) to make unto themselves Kings , what ever power they had formerly was now lost ; this at best were but to dispute from the folly of a people against an Ordinance of God , for what less is testified by himself in those words to Samuel , They have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me , that I should not raign over them . The Government of the Senate and the people , is that onely which is or can be the Government of Lawes . The Government of Lawes is that onely which is or can be the Government of God , and not of men . He that is for the Government of Lawes ; is for the Government of God ; and he that is for the Government of Man , is for the Government of a Beast . Kings no question , where the ballance is Monarchical , are of divine right , and if they be good , the gr●atest blessing , the Government , so standing , can be capable of : but the ballance being popular , as in Israel , in the Gretian , in the Scicilian Tyranny , they are the direst curse that can befall a Nation . Nor are Divines , who will alwaies have them to be of divine right , to be hearkened too , seeing they affirm that which is clean contrary to Scripture ; for in this case , saith Hosea , They have set up Kings , and not by me they have Princes , & I knew it not Pharoah may impose the making of Brick without the allowance of straw , but God never required of any men , or of any Government , that they should live otherwise then according to their Estates : It is true , if a Man want , make him a servant , there are rules in Scripture that enjoyn him the duty of a servant ; but shew me the rule in Scripture , that obligeth a man who can live of himself unto the duty of a servant . Hath God ▪ less regard unto a Nation then a man ? yet the people of Israel continuing upon a popular Agrarian , though God forewarned them , that by this means they would make themselves servants , would needs have a King ; whence saith the same Prophet , O Israel thou hast destroyed thy self , but in me is thine help , I will be thy King , ( which foretells the restitution of the Common-wealth ) Where is any other that may save thee in all thy Cities ? and thy Judges of whom thou saidst , give me a King and Princes ; I gave th●e a King in mine anger ( that is in Saul ) and I took him away in my wrath ( that is in the Captivity ) so at least saith Rabbi Bechai , with whom agreed Nachmony Gers●ho●e , and others . Kimchy it is true , and Maim●●ides are of opinion that the people making a King , displeased God not in the matter , but in the form onely , as if the root of a Tree , the ballance of a Government , were form onely and not matter ; nor do our Divines yet , who are divided into like parties , see more then the Rabbies : Both the Royalists and the Common ▪ wealths men of such sort , that is , whether Divines or Talmudists appeal unto the letter of the Law , which the Royalists ( as the translators of the Bible ) render thus , When they shall say , the Commonwealths men ( a● Diodatus ) thus ) If thou come to say ) I will set a King over me , like all the Nations that are about me , thou shalt in any wise set him King over the● , whom the Lord thy God shall chuse . The one party will have the Law to be positive , the other contingent , and with a mark of detestation upon it , for so where God speaketh of his peoples doing any thing , like the Nations that were about them , it is every where else understood ; but let these which are no niceties be as you will , who seeth not that to argue from this place , for the necessity of the King , is as if one from that foregoing should argue for the necessity of the Judges . The words are , these , Thou shall come unto the High Priest and to the Levite , ( which as was said was unto the Sanhedrim ) and ( that is or ) to the Judge that shall be in those dayes ; yet that the Judge not by any necessity implyed in these words , but through the meer folly of the people , came to be set up in Israel , is plain by Josephus , where he showes that the Israelites laying by their Arms , and betaking themselves unto their pleasures , while they did not as God had commanded , root out the Canaanites from among them , but suffered them to dwell with them , suffered also the form of their Commonwealth to be corrupted , and the Senate to be broken , the Senators nor other solemn Magistrates being Elected as formerly , which both in word and fact is also confirmed by the Scripture : In words , as where it is thus written ; When Josuah had let the people go , ( that is , had dismissed the Army , and planted them upon their popular ballance ) the children of Israel went every man unto his inheritance to possess the Land , and the people served the Lord all the days of Josuah ▪ and all the days of the Elders that out lived Josuah , ( that is , while the Sanhedrim continued after him ; but when the Elders hereof came to dye , and the people elected them no successors ) they did evil in the sight of the Lord ( and having broken their civil Orders , forsook also their Religion , the Government whereof depended upon the Sanhedrim ) and served Baalim . And for the matter of fact included in these words , it farther appears , where Judah saith unto Simeon his brother , Come up with me into my lot , that we may fight against the Canaanites , and I likewise will go with thee into thy l●t ; so Simeon went with him . By which the Tribes leaguing at their pleasure one with another , it is plain , that the Sanhedrim their common ligament was broken : now except a Man shall say , that this neglect of Gods Ordinance was according unto the Law of God , there is no disputing from that Law to the necessity of the Judge , which hapned through no other then this Exigence ( quippe aut rex , quod abominandum , aut quod unum liberae civitatis consilium est , Senatus habendus est ) wherefore the judge of Israel was not necessitated by the will of God , but foreseen onely by his providence , not imposed by the Law , but provided by it as expedient in case of necessity ; and if no more can be pleaded from the Law , for the Judge , against whom God never declared , much less is there to be pleaded from the same for the King , against whom he declared so often . There is nothing more clear nor certain in Scripture , then that the Commonwealth of Israel was instituted by God , the Judges and the King no otherwise then through the imprudence and impotency of the people ; But you who have no better name for the people in a Commonwealth , then the Rascal Rabble , will have Kings at a venture to be of Divine right , and to be absolute , where as in truth , if divine right be derived unto Kings from these of the Hebrews , onely it is most apparent that no absolute King can be of Divine right : For these Kings if they were such by the Law alledged , then by the same Law they could neither multiply Horses , nor wives , nor Silver , nor Gold , without which ●o King can be absolute ; but were to keep all the words of this Law , and these Statutes , and so by consequence were regulated Monarchs ; nay could of right Enact no Law , but as those by David , for the reduction of the Ark , for the regulation of the Priests , for the Election of Solomon , which were made by the suffrage of the people , no otherwise then those under the Kings of Rome , and ours under the late Monarchy , what then is attributed by Calvin unto popular Magistrates , that is not confirmed by Scripture and reason ? yet nothing will serve your turn , but to know what power there was in the Sanhedrim to controle their Kings ▪ to which I answer , that both Skickardus and Grotius , with the full consent of the Talmudists have assured you , that in case the King came to violate those Laws and Statutes , it was in the power of the Sanhedrim , to bring him unto corporal punishment . Moreover it is shewn by the latter out of Josephus , that Hircanus when he could not deliver Hierom from the Sanhedrim by power , he did it by art : Nor is your evasion so good as that of Hircanus , while you having nothing to say to the contrary , but that Herod when he was question'd was no King , shuffle over the business without taking notice as to the point in controversie , that Hircanus who could not save Herod , from the question was King. The manner of the restitution of the Sanhedrim made by Jehoshaphat , plainly shewes , that even under the Monarchy ▪ the power of the Sanhedrim was co-ordinate with that of the King , at least such is the judgement of the Iewish Writers ; for saith Grotius , the King ( as is rightly noted by the Talmudists ) was not to judge in some cases , and to this the words of Zedekiah seem to relate , whereto the Sanhedrim demanding the Prophet Jeremiah , he said , Behold he is in your hands , for the King is not he that can do any thing without you ; nor ( except David ) had ever any King Session or vote in this Councell : to which soon after he adds , that this Court contiued till Herod , the Great , whose insolency , when exalting it self more and more against the Law , the Senator had not in time as they ought , suppressed by their power , God punished them in such a manner for the neglect of their duty ; that they came all to be put to death , Herod except Sameae onely , whose foresight and frequent warning of this or the like calamity , they had as frequently contemned : In which words Grotius following the unanimous consent of the Talmudists ( if they knew any thing of their own orders ) expresly attributes , the same power unto the Sanhedrim , and chargeth them with the same dury in Israel , that is attributed unto the three Estates in a Gothick Moddel , and charged upon these by Calvin . Thus that there never lay any appeal from the Sanhedrim unto Moses ( except when the Jews were in captivity ▪ or under provincial Government ) to any other Magistrate ; as also that they had power upon their Kings , being that your self say , I● the objection paramount , and which not answered , you confess that the three Estates convened in Parliament , or any other papular Magistrate Calvin dreams of , notwithstanding any discontinuance , or non-usage on their parts , or any prescription , alledged by Kings to the contrary , may resume and exercise that authority which God hath given them , when ever they shall find a fit time for it . And this letter shewing plainly that you have in no wise answered this objection ; it remains that your whole Book ( even according to your own acknowledgement ) is confuted by this letter , Or if you be of another mind , I shall hope to hear further from you . 3. These are the very words of that you Letter to which an answer is required , though to no part thereof , but that which doth concern the Spartan Ephori , and the Iewish Sanhedrim , I can ( by any rules of disputation ) be required to answer the rest of your discourse , touching the balancing or over-balancing of such degrees and ranks of men , of which all Government ; consist , is utterly Extrinsecally and extravagant unto my design ; which was not to dispute the severall forms of Government , and in what the differences between them did most especially co●sist ; but onely to declare that neither the Spartan Ephori ; nor any such popular Magistrates as Calvin dreams of , had any authority originally invested in them to controul their Kings , much less to murder or depose them . Howsoever I shall not purposely pass by any thing , which by your self or any indifferent Reader shall be thought material , without giving you my judgement and opinion in it . Some things ( you say ) I writ as a Polititian ( a silly one I am , God help me ) and some things as a Polititian , and divine too . And as a Polititian ▪ I am charged by you to have affirmed , that the Spartan Kings were as absolute Monarchs as any in those times , till Euripon the 3d. King of the Race of Hercules , and the 2d . King of the younger house , to procure the favour and good will of the Rascal rabble loosened the raigns of Government , and thereby much diminishing the Regall power . This I affirm indeed , and this you deny ; but you neither Answer my Authorities nor confute my Reasons ; my Authorities I derive from Plutarch first , who speaking of the said Euripon , whom he calleth Eurition affirms , that till his time the Government of Sparta was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sufficiently Monarchical , if it were not more . ( And secondly , from Aristotle , who calls the Government of Charilaus , the sixt King of that House ( who as you say was generally affirmed to be a good man ) by the name of a tyranny . And if it might be called a Tyranny then when the Regall power was under such a diminution by the folly of Euripon , there is no question to be made but that the Spartan Kings were absolute Monarchs before any such diminution had been made . To these two proofs you answer nothing , nor say you any thing at all in confutation of the Reason by me brought to prove it : Which is , That having acquired the Estate by conquest , and claiming by no other title then by that of Armies , there was no question to be made , but that they Governed in the way of absolute Monarchs ; it being not the guise of such as come in by conquest , to covessant and capitulate with their Subjects , but to impose their will for a Law upon them : This being the custome of all Kings who claim by conquest , it must belong to you to prove the contrary , and tell me why the Spartan Kings should not observe the same rule in the Acts of Government as all others did . Crowns which are purchased by the Sword seldome sit fast upon the head of the Conquerors , if they deliver up that Sword by which they were purchased : And therefore it was noted for a great error in Julius Cesar ( a man of greater parts and power then a King of Sparta ) to hope that he might hold that supream Authority by love of the people , which he got by force of Arms , and was so to hold it . Against this you object , First , That the Spartan Kings could not be absolute , because they had a Nobility & Pe●ple to gratifie . But then you should have told us by what rule in Government , the Spartan Kings who preceded Eurypon , could be obliged to gratifie either the People or Nobility of that Country , which they had conquered by the Sword. And whereas you alledge in defence of Eurypon , That his letting loose the Reines of Government , to obtain favour with the people , was a confession of the infirmity of the Monarchy , and that his Action in so doing , was not so voluntary in it self , as unavoidable imprudence . It was indeed a plain confession of the infirmity of the Monarch , in not being able to hold the Kingdom in the same Estate , in which it had been held by his Father and Grand father : Of the infirmity of the Monarchy , that is to say , the form of Government by them established , and to which the Spartans formerly had been accustomed , I cannot think it to be any confession at all ; nor can I see how that imprudent Act of his , can be affirmed to have been unavoidable in point of prudence , by that which you produce from the words of Agis , the five and twentieth King of Sparta of the younger house , where he affirms , that a King of Sparta could never come to be equal unto any other King but only by introducing equality among the people . But first a King of Sparta might be as absolute in his own Dominions as any other King whatsoever of a larger Territory , with whom he could not be thought equal in power and Riches : The absoluteness or Autocraty of Kings ( if I may so call it ) depending not upon the greatness of their revenues , or extent of Empire , but only in their form of Government . And secondly , I would fain know how by the introducing an equality among the people , could render a poor King of Sparta equal to any other King , either of any greater power or larger Territory . It was not possible for Agis ( a● he said himself in his address unto his Mother ) se alios reges pecunia aquare posse , to equal other Kings in wealth and riches ; and therefore he resolved upon some exploit by which his name and reputation might grow great in the sight of the people ; and no exploit seemed in his eyes so probable to obtain that name and reputation which he aimed at , then by introducing equality among the people , which probably might make him a great King in the love and estimation of the common people ( for I must no longer call them the Rascal rabble ) though in no bodies else . Nor could the low condition of the Kings of Sparta impose any such necessity upon Eurypon to change the Government , as you say it did ; neither Eurypon nor any of his Successors encreasing either in power or riches , by the alteration ; and finally , whereas you seem to justifie this necessity by those words of Agis , in which he told his Mother , That a Servant or Lievtenant of Selinus or Ptolomey was worth more then ever were all the Kings of Sparta put together . First , Agis speaks not of any of the Lievtenants of those two Princes , who possibly might amass more treasures then all the Kings of Sparta had done before , but only of the Servants of those Leivtenants ; for it is Satraparum famuli , & servi Procuratorum , in the translation of Xyland , with which ( not having the Greek by me ) I content my self . And secondly , these words being spoken of the Servants of such Lievtenants , and of the Servants of such great Persons , which lived under either of those two Kings , must needs have more of Rhetorique in them then of real truth : For Agis did not only tell the people , when he came to put this project in execution , that he would devide amongst them his own Fields and Pastures , of which he had very many in his own possession ; but that he would deliver up ten thousand Talents , to be put into the common Treasury : And if this one King were so rich in Lands , and so stored with Money ( Dives agris , dives positis in soenore nummis ) it must be very strange to think that a Servant of any of the Princes , or Lievtenants of either of the said two Kings , should be worth more then all the Kings of Sparta , were they put together . 4. But here before we can proceed , I must clear my self from that Parenthesis of yours , in which you say , that I commonly call the people by the name of Rascal rabble , as in another place you tell me that I have no better name for them then that ; but I hope you do not , and I am sure you cannot gather out of any such words , that I bestow that title on the people generally , which either make up the main body of a Common wealth , or comprehend all sorts of people which are not in the Rank and order of titular Nobility . There is a great difference in the ellegancy and propriety of the Latine tongue , between Plebs and Populus , Populus signifying somtimes the agregative body of a State , as , Irasci populo Romano nemo sapienter potest , in the words of Livie . Somtimes all such of a State or Nation that are not in places of command , as , Senatus populusque Romanus , in the vulgar stile of Republick : But Plebs is of lower alloy , relating unto none but those of inferiour quality , as Laborers , Handicrafts , Artificers , which commonly make up the greatest part of a State or Nation , and yet pass under the account of the Rout or Rabble : And such are they of whom Aristotle telleth us in his Books of Politiques , That they are not only base or wicked Judges in their own Cases , and that many of them differ little from Beasts . You may do well to quarrel him for the one , or not me for the other . 5. In the next place you let us know , That the Monarchy that is or can be absolute , must be founded upon an Army planted by military Colonies upon the over balance of Land being in the Dominion of the Prince . And so far I concur in opinion with you , ( seeing it proved by late experience amongst our selves ) that no Prince can be an absolute Monarch without an Army ; that is to say without some standing Forces , to be ready at command upon all occasions . But then what reason have you to think that Aristodemus having conquered the Realm of Sparta , did not withal keep up his Army to secure the conquest , and that this Army or some other was not kept on foot , till the time of Euripon , who being either of weaker parts , or more apt to be wrought on , or else unwilling to be at the continual charge of paying an Army ; might suppose it an high point of Husbandry , to disband his Forces , and cast himself entirely on the love of the people . And secondly , Admitting that of the two former Kings , what reason can you give me why that Army should be planted in Colonies ; the territory of Sparta ( as you say your selfe ) being very narrow , and consequently not much room , nor any necessity at all for many such Colonies to be planted in it . A standing Army answerable to the extent of the Country , and the number of the old inhabitants , disposed of in their Summer Camp , and their Winter-Quarters , would have done the work , and done it with less charge and greater readiness , then dispersed in Colonies . And therefore when you say in such general terms , That the Monarchy that is or can be absolute , must be founded upon an Army planted by military Colonies upon the over balance of Land being in the Dominion of the Prince ; I must profess my self to differ in opinion from you . For then how could a Prince possessed of his Kingdom from a long descent of Royal Ancestors , and exercising absolute power upon his people , be said to be an an absolute Monarch , because his standing forces cannot be setled or disposed of in any such Colonies , upon the over balance of Land within his Dominion . In Countrys newly conquered , or farre remote fom the chief residence of the Prince , or the seat of the Empire , such Colonies have been thought necessary in the former Ages ; the wisdome of the Romans not finding out any better or more present way to serve their Conquest . But then such Colonies wanted not their inconveniencies , and may in time produce the different Effect from that which was expected of them . For being possessed of City , and indowed with Lands , and challenging a property in those Lands and Cities , they came in tract of time by intermariages and alliances to be all one with the old Natives of the Country , and stood as much upon their terms against the incroachments of those Princes under whom they served , and by whose Ancestors they were planted . A better Evidence whereof we can hardly find then in those English Colonies which were planted in Ireland at the first conquest of that Kingdom ; many of which by mutuall correspondency and alliances became so imbodied with the Irish that they degenerated at the last , from the manner and civility of the English Nation , and ( passing by the name of the English-Irish ) proved as rebellious ( if not more then the Irish themselves . What therefore hath been found defective in Colonies , in reference to the first intent of their plantation , the wisdome and experience of these last ages , have supplyed in Garisons : Which consisting for the most part of single persons , or otherwise living on their pay , and suddenly removed from one place to another , as the nature of the service leads them , are never suffered to stay long enough in any one Town by which they may have opportunity to unite themselves with those of the Neighbourhood or Corporation , in design and interess . 6. But for a further proof of your position , that is to say , that there can be no absolute Monarch who hath a Nobility and People to gratifie , you first instance in the Kings of France , which I as well as others , ( and others then as well as I ) do account for Absolute : But it is known ( say you ) That in the whole world there is not a Nobility ; nor a People , so frequently flying out , or taking Arms against their Princes , as the Nobility and People of France . This I acknowledge to be true , but affirm withall , that the frequent flyings out of that Nobility and People against their Kings , proceed not from any infirmity in the Monarchy , but from the stirring and busie nature of the French in general , who if they make not Wars abroad , will find work at home ; so that we may affirm of them as the Historian doth of the Ancient Spaniaras , Si foras hostem non habent , domi quaerunt . And this the wise Cardinal of Richelieu understood well enough , when having dismantled Tachel , reduced such Peers as remained in the hands of the Hugonets , and crusht the Faction of the Monsieur now Duke of Orleans , he presently engaged that King in a War with Spain ; that so the hot and fiery spirits of the French might be evaporated and consumed in a forrain War , which otherwise had they stayed at home , would ever and anon have inflamed the Kingdom . For otherwise that the Kings of France were Absolute Monarchs , there be many reasons to evince ; For first , his arbitrary Edicts over-rule the Laws , and dispose soveraignty of the chiefe concernments of the State , which by the Parliament of Paris , the supream Judicatory of that Kingdom ( and looked on as the chief supporter of the Rights and Liberties of the subject ) seldom or never are controled though disputed often . And if the Observation be true which we find in Justine , that in the Monarchies of the first ages , Abitria principum pro legibus erant be of any truth ; or if the Maxime which we find in Justinians Institutes , viz. Quod principi placuerit legis habet vigorem , be any badge or cognisance of an absolute Monarch ; the Kings of France may as well portend to such an absoluteness , as any of the Roman Emperours or preceding Monarchs ; ( ar ▪ tell est nostre plaisir , with which formal words he concludeth all his Royal Edicts , are as significant as that Maxime in Justinians Institutes , or the said observation which we find in Justine . Nor is his absolute power less visible in the raising of Moneys , then in the passing of his Edicts ; it being in his power without asking the consent of his people in Parliament , to levy such sums upon the subjects ( besides his Gabells , Aides , and accustomed Taxes ) as his Treasurers under-Treasurers , or other Officers of his Revenue shall impose upon them . From the patient bearing of which burthens , the King of France is commonly called Rex Asin●rum , or the King of Asses . Nor doth he want such standing Forces , as are sufficient to preserve his power and make good his actions ; it being conceived by some , and affirmed by others , that he is able to bring into the field for a sudden service , no less then sixty Companies of Men of Arms , twenty Cornets of light Horse , and five Companies of Harque Bushiers on Horse-Back , which amount to 10000 in the total , together with 20 Ensigns . of French Horse , and 40 of Swisses , and yet leave his Garisons well manned , and his Forts and Frontiers well and sufficiently defended . By all which laid together , it is clear and manifest , that the French Kings are absolute Monarchs , and that their Government is as sufficiently Dispotical as a man could wish ; the frequent flyings out of the Nobility and People , during the Minority of Lewis the 13th . and the omni-regency of his Mother ( for I think there be not many other instances of it ) being no sufficient argument to prove the contrary . And this you could not chuse , but see ( though it seems you will not ) when you tell us within few lines after , that the Government of France , for want of Gratifying the Nobility and People with such Lawes and Liberties as were sit for them , did become Tyrannical ; and if it be Tyrannical , it , must needs be absolute . 7. You instance secondly , in the rise and progress of the Norman li●e within this Kingdom , concerning which you first suppose that their Monarchy here was founded on a Nobility , or a Nobility and the People , that is to say ( for so I am to understand you ) upon the love and good affections of the Nobility and people of England : And secondly , that being so founded , they were to gratifie the Nobility , or the Nobility and the people with such Laws and Liberties as are fit for them ; or else there Government in this Land had become Tyrannical . But first the Monarchy of Normans was not founded here on the Nobility , and the people conjunct or separate . The greatest part of the Nobility , were either lost or forfeited at the battel of Hastins . And most of those that were not engaged in Battel , were either outed of their Estates , which were immediately distributed amongst the Normans , according to their several Ranks & qualities ; or forcedly to take them back on such terms and tenures , as the Conquerors was pleased to give them . And that he might make sure work with them , he compelled some of them to fly the Land , and wasted others in his Wars against the French ; so that the poor Remainders of them were both few in number , and inconsiderable in power . And then as for the common people , they were so bridled by his Souldiers Garisoned up and down in several Castles ( some old , and others of his own erection ) that they could never stir against him , but the Souldiers were presently on their backs ; and though disperst in several places , were ready to unite together upon all occasions . Nor staid he here but to prevent all practises and contrivances which might be hammered in the night ( which the eye of no humane providence could be able to see into or discover ) he commanded that no light or fire should be seen in any of their Houses after the ringing of a Bell at eight of the clock , called thence the Cover ▪ few , or the Cur ▪ few Bell , as it is called to this very day . Which rigorous courses were held also by the Kings succeeding , till there was no male Prince surviving of the Saxon race , and that King Henry● . had married a daughter of that line ; by means whereof the people seeing no hopes of bettering their condition in the change of time , became obedient to that yoke which was laid upon them , and looked upon their Kings of the House of Normandy as their natural Princes . 8. Nor is your inference better grounded then your suposition ; the Norman Kings not gratifying the Nobility and people wi●h such Laws and Liberties as were fit for them , for fear least otherwise the Government ( which ( you say ) we have known by experience , and no doubt was seen by Eurypon ) might be thought tyrannical . What you intend by these words ( we have known by experience ) as I am loth to understand , so I am not willing to enquire . What had been seen by Eurypon ( though you make no doubt of it ) I believe you know as little as I ; but what was practised by the Normans , I may perhaps know as much as you ; and if I know any thing of them and of their affairs , I must needs know this , that the first Norman Kings did never Court the Nobility or the people of England , by gratifying them with such Laws and Liberties as you speak of here , but governed them for the most part by the Grand Customeiur of the Normans , or in an arbitrary way , as to them seemed best : For though sometimes for quietness sake , they promised the abolishing of Dane gelt , and the restoring the Laws of King Edward the Confessor ; yet neither was the one abolished till the Raign of King Steven ( who came in upon a broken Title ) nor the other restored , though often promised , till the time of King John , and then extorted from him by force of Arms ; so that by this account , the Government of the first sinking of the Norman Race , must become Tyrannical , because they gratified not the people with such Laws and Liberties , as ( in your judgment ) were fit for them : For having gained the Magna Charta , with the other Charta de Foresta in the time of King John , and being frequently called to Parliaments by the Kings which followed , they had as much as they had reason to expect in those early days . Where by the way ( that I may lay all things together which relate to England ) I would fain know what ground you have for the position which you give us afterwards , that is to say , That King Henry 3. instituted his Parliament to be assistant to him in his Government . Our ancient Writers tell us , that Parliaments or Common Councils , consisting of the Prelates , Peers , and other great men of the Realm , were frequently held in the time of the Saxon Kings ; and that the Commons were first called to these great Assemblies at the Coronation of King Henry 1. to the end that his succession to the Crown being approved by the Nobility and People , he might have the better colour to exclude his Brother : And as the Parliament was not instituted by King Henry 3. so I would fain know of whom you learnt , that it was instituted by him , to be assistant to him in his Government , unless it were from some of the Declaration of the Commons in the late long Parliament , in which it is frequently affirmed , That the fundamental Government of this Realm was by King , Lords and Commons : For then what did become of the Government of this Kingdom under Henry 3. when he had no such Assistants joyned with him ; or what became of the foundation in the intervals of following Parliaments , when there was neither Lords nor Commons , on which the Government could be laid : And therefore it must be apparantly necessary , either that the Parliaments were not instituted by King Henry 3. to be his Assistants in the Government , and that the Lords and Commons were not a part of the foundation on which the Government is built ; or else that for the greatest space of time since King H. 3. the Kingdom hath bin under no Government at all for want of such Assistants , and such a Principal part of the fundamentals as you speak of there . The Government of such times must be in obeysance at the least , as our Lawyers phrase it . But because you make your Proposition in Geneneral terms , and use the rise and progress of the Norman line , for an instance onely : I would fain learn who should be Judge , touching the fitness or unfitness of such Laws and Liberties , by which the people , or the Nobility and the People , are to be gratified by their Kings . For if the Kings themselves must judge it , it is not like that they will part with any of their just prerogatives , which might make them less obeyed at home , and lesser feared abroad ; but where invincible necessity , or violent importunity might force them to it . And then the Laws and Liberties which were so extorted , were either violated or anulled , whensoever the Granter was in power to weaken , or make void the grant ; for malus diuturnitatis est custos metus , as you know who said , But if the people must be judges of such laws and liberties as were fittest for them , there would be no end of their demands , reasonable in their own nature , and in number infinite . For when they meet with a King of the giving hand , they will press him so to give from one point to another , till he give away Royalty it self ; and if they be not satisfied in all their askings , they will be pleased with none of his former Grants . 9. But you go on , and having told us that in such cases , as before , the Government becomes tyrannical , be the Prince otherwise never so good a man , you prove it , first by instancing in Carilaus , King of Sparta , in whose raign the Common-wealth was instituted by Licurgus , who is generally affirmed to have been a good man ▪ and yet is said by Aristotle , to have been a Tyrant , and then conclude , that it remaines with me to shew how a good man can otherwise be a Tyrant then by holding Monarchicall Government , without a sufficient balance . But certainly no such thing remains to be shown by me , there being no occasion given you to require it of me , in the Book against Calvin ( by which name you call it ) which your letter undertakes to answer . The difference between us is , whether the Ephory were ordained by the Kings of Sparta , to curb the Senate , or by the people to oppose and controul their Kings ; of which hitherto you have said nothing ; If you put an hundred questions on the by , I am not bound by any rule of Disputation to make answer to them , or so much as to any one of them as it comes in my way . But in this point I shall not leave you without satisfaction , In order whereunto you may do well to call to mind , that the word Tyrant at the first was used to signifie a just and lawfull King ( qui postquam tecta Tyranni intravere sui , as we find in Ovid ) though afterwards more frequently used to signifie such Princes onely , who having supprest the popular Government , in some Cities of Greece , assumed the power unto themselves , or otherwise rerestrained the people from running in to such disorder to which they had formerly been accustomed , but at the last to signifie such merciless men , who having unjustly gained the supream Authority by blood and violence , continued in the same with the like cruelty and injustice . Thus in the second sence and signification of the word , we find mention of the Tyrants of Syracuse , ( though some of them were just and moderate Princes ) as also of Nabis the Tyrant of Lacedemon , of Alexander the Tyrant of Pherae ; And finally the 30. Magistrates which were sent from Sparta , to govern the affairs of Athens ( which was before the most Popular and Democratical Government that ever was ) are best known by the name of the 30. Tyrants till this present time . And in this second sence of the word , the Government of Carilaus , is by Aristotle said to be a Tyranny , not because he supprest any popular Government , which had before been setled in Lacedemon , but because he restrained the people from having their own wills as before they had in the time of some of his predecessors , or from living under such an Anarchy as they most desired . And in this sence and signification of the word , any good Prince may be called a Tyrant , if he gratifie not his people , or his Nobility and People with such Laws and Liberties as they conceived to be fittest for them ; or shall endeavour to retain so much of that soveraign power , derived upon him by a long descent of Royal Ancestors , by which he may be able to defend and protect his subjects . But when you press me to this point , that if I do not grant the former , I must needs confess , that not the favour of the Princes , nor the usurpation of the People , but the infirmity of the Monarchy caused the Commonwealth of Lacedemon , I shall in part confess it , and in part deny it . For I shall willingly confess that the infirmity of the Monarchy might occasion the institution of the Commonwealth , looking upon the Monarchy , as it was broken and unsetled during the raign of Carilaus ; and yet shall absolutely deny that there was any such infirmity or insufficiency in the Monarchy , till the reins of Government were let loose by the folly of Euripon . 10 More then this is not said by Plutarch , where he tells us that both Kings & People agreed upon the calling home of Licurgus , for remedying such disorders as were grown amongst them . And less is not said by Plutarch then is said by me , where I affirm that whatsoever the Kings lost , the people got nothing by the alteration , as being left out of all imployments in affairs of State , and having thirty Masters instead of two , which you pronounce to be a strange Affirmation , because , say you , it was ordered by the Oracle , that when the people were assembled . The Senate should propose and dismiss the people without suffering them to debate ; and if they were not suffered to debate such businesses as were propounded by the Senate , what other imployment could be left them in affairs of State , praeter obsequii gloriam , besides the Reputation of obedient Citizens : But for this sore you have a plaister , and tell us that if the people had had no right to debate , they must therefore have had the right to resolve , or elsewhere to be assembled for nothing . It may be neither so nor so , but that the common people of Sparta were called unto the publick assemblies , as the Commons of England were antiently and originally summoned to the Court of Parliament , that is to say , Ad consentiendum , & faciendum to give consent and yield obedience to those Lawes and Ordinances , which by the Great Council of the Peers and Prelates ( de communi consilio regni nostri ) as the Writ still runneth ) should be concluded and agreed on . So that you might have spared the Oracle , and Plutarchs Explication of it , or the destant of Tyrteus upon the same ; unless you could conclude from any of them , or from altogether , that the people of Sparta were possessed of a negative voice , and therewith of a power to frustrate the proceedings of the Kings and Senate , which if they had , the ultimate Result ( as you truly say ) and consequently the soveraign power in Government must remain in them : And then the Government of Sparta , had been as meerly Popular and Democratical , as of most other Cities in Greece ; but by no means to be accounted for an Aristocratie , by which name Aristotle himselfe , and most of our great Masters in the Schools of Politie do most commonly call it . And therefore when Isocrates saith , ( as here cited by you ) that the Lacedemonians flourish'd for this cause especially that their Government is Popular . The word ( Popular ) is not to be understood in the stricter sence , as differing the Government from that which they called an Aristocratie , consisting of some part of the people , though the wealthier , better , and more understanding men amongst them , but as it did distinguish them from the Regall or Monarchical Government in which neither the whole body of the People , nor any of the better , wealthier , and more sober men could pretend a share . 11. And now at last you come to the institution of the Ephori , affirmed by me ( and I had Plutarch for my Author ) to be ordained by Theopompus the 9th . King of the second House ( with the consent of Polydorus his Colleague ) to curb the insolencies of the Senate , in which ( you say ) that I make that to be a practise of the Kings against the Senate which by your Author is plain to have been a combination of the Kings , and the Senate against the people : If so , my Author must contradict himself , I am sure of that , For positively , he ascribes the institution of the Ephori to no other end but the controlling of the Senate , nor unto any other person or persons , then to Theopompus , as out of my Book against Calvin , you relate the story : That which you tell us out of Plutarch in another place , is told by Plutarch upon another occasion ; which was indeed a combination of the Kings and Senate against the people , and a just one too . For as your self relates the passage out of Plutarch , the people upon the insolency and predominancy of the Kings and the Senate fell upon councel how to defend themselves , and so assum'd the power of Debate ; and that hereupon the Kings Theopompus and Polydore would have added unto the tenour of the Oracle ; that if the people went about by debate to change the Propositions of the Senate , it should be lawful for the Kings and the Senate to null the Result of the people . This I acknowledg to be true . But this makes nothing to the institution of the Ephori , of which Plutarch speaks nothing in that place , though he did soon after . But whereas you subjoyn that the people incensed at the practise , put a bit into the mouth of the Senate by the institution of the Ephori , you make therein a grosser addition to the words of Plutarch , then the two Kings and the Senate did to the words of the Oracle : And then whereas you tell us out of Plato , that the Ephorate was set up against the haereditary power of the Kings ; you either do mistake your Author , or else must make him contradict himself as much in this place , as you did Plutarch in the other : Plato affirming in the place which you find cited in the Margin of the Book , against Calvin , ( so you please to call it ) that Lycurgus did not onely ordain the Senate , but that he did also constitute the Ephorate for the strength and preservation of the Regal power . But granting , that it may be said by Plato in his 3 de legibus ( as you cite the place ) that the Ephorate was set up against the Hereditary power of Kings ; what reason have you to believe , but that Plato might as well be mistaken in the end and purpose , for which the Ephori were ordained , as in the first Author of that institution , which he makes to be Lycurgus himself , contrary to Aristotle , Plutarch , and all other writers . And finally , whereas you tell us , That Cicero ( agreeing in this point with Plato ) hath affirmed , that the Ephori in Lacedemon were so opposite to the Kings , as the Tribune in Rome to the Consuls : You make therein an Argument against your self ; and I prove it thus . As the Tribunes of Rome were first ordained to oppose the Consuls , so were the Ephori of Sparta instituted to oppose the Kings ; but the Tribunes of Rome were not ordained at first to oppose the Kings , but only to interpose in behalf of the people ; therefore the Ephori of Sparta were not instituted to oppose the Kings . 12. The conference between Theopompus and his Queen , touching his unadvisedness in ordaining these popular Officers , and that which might ensue upon it , you relate them no otherwise then I do ; but that you slight the womans foresight into business , as not worth the noting ; indeed it had not been worth the noting , if she had reproved that in the King , which was the fact of the people only : nor have you made any Answer to the other two Arguments , by which I prove that the Ephori were instituted by the Kings , and by none but them ; which might make a credulous man believe , that they are unanswerable , because unanswered : And therefore being of such weight , I shall add nothing to them , to make them more weightier then they be , but an explication of the second : That second Argument I derive from the words of Cleomenes ( as they stand in Plutarch ) in which he lets the people know , that one reason why the Ephori were instituted by the former Kings , was , that the Kings being ingaged in forreign wars , might have some certain friends to sit in judgment in their stead , whom they called Ephori . And hereupon I may very well infer thus much , That if the people had first instituted this Ephori ( as you say they did ) they would have chosen them out of such of their own number whom they might confide in ; and not have chosen them out of those , who being the Kings especial friends , must have a different interest from that of the people . 13. Your discourse about the Ephori drawing towards an end , you charge me with omitting as well the ruine of the Ballance , as the corruption of the Common wealth , which did thence arise ; and you charge it on me to this purpose , That picking up my objections against the Government in vigor , out of the rubbish and dissolution of it , I may cast oust in m●ns eyes . or perswade them that the Ephori ( trusting to the power or interest they had in the Commonalty ) came to usurp upon the Kings , and to be Tyrants , as th●y are called by Plato and Aristotle . The first of which two charges is against all Reason ; for why should I be charged with omitting that which was extrinsecal unto my project and design , it being no part of my intent , to take notice of the several changes and corruptions in the State of Sparta ; but only of the institution of the Ephori , their insolencies towards their King , and their final ruine . And the other of these charges is against all truth ; for how doth it appear , or possibly can be made apparent , that I have used any Article for casting dust into mens eyes , the better to perswade them to give credit to any thing which may serve my turn ; when I have said nothing in all this business about the Ephori , but what is justified by the Authority of the most famous States-men , and renowned Writers , who have committed to our knowledge , the true condition of Affairs in that Common-wealth ; so that you might have spared the story of Hipitadeus , the selling of his lot or his portion of Lands , contrary to the Laws of Lycurgus ; the following of that bad example by other men , and the reducing of all the Free-holders in that Common-wealth , to the number of 100. only , unless you had found any thing in that Book of mine , which had sounded contrary unto it : But whereas you infer in that which followeth , That the ingrossing the Lands of that Common wealth into such few hands , altered the Government into an Oligarchy , that by this it was no Oligarchy that Agis was murthered , and that in reference to this Oligarchy , Plato and Aristotle called the Government of Sparta by the name of Tyranny ; in all these things you may be said to cast dust into the eyes of the Readers , that they may not see the light of truth : For certainly the Government of the State of Sparta , consisting in the Kings and Senate , remained only as it was before by the Laws of Lycurgus ( the superinduction of the Ephori being added to it ) not altered any thing at all , by the ingrossing of the Lands of that Common-wealth into those few hands : Nor was it by the Authority of those ingrossers ( whom you call the Oligarchy ) though possible enough at their instigation , that Agis was murthered by the Ephori : nor was it finally in relation to these Ingrossers that the Government of Sparta was called a tyranny ( there was no reason why it should ) both by Plato and Aristotle ; but only in reference to the unparaleld cruelties and abominable insolencies of the Ephori , committed on and against their Kings ; it being said by Aristotle in as plain tearms as may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Ephorate ( and not the Oligarchy of Ingrossers ) was an absolute Tyranny . Thus have you fetcht Arguments against an Oligarchy in the State of Sparta , which you find not in it : And for the close of all , you say , That whereas Agis and Cleomenes , by the restitution of the Lots of Licurgus , were assertors of popular power , they are insinuated by me , to have been assertors of Monarchy . But first , the restitution of the Lots of Licurgus , by the industry and endeavours of those two Kings , improved not at all the power of the people , who were still kept under as before , but only reduced them unto that equality in respect of Riches , which might secure them from being trampled on , and insulted over by their fellow Commoners . And secondly , it appears by Plutarch , that the designe of those two Kings in that restitution , was to get glory to the one , and preservation to the other ; which could not be effected , but by gaining the good will of the common people , and make them sure unto their side , whensoever they should be ready for that great design of destroying the Ephori . And so much in Answer to that part of your Letter , which concerns the rise , insolencies , and destruction of those popular Villains , which Calvin makes his first example for opposing Kings . 14. Such being my play ( no foul play I am sure ) with humane Authors , or as a Polititian ; you will next show me whither I have dealt better with the Scripture , or been more carefull as a Divine : But first you must look backwards upon somwhat which was said before . And having laid down the words of Calvin , which occasioned this discourse between us . you cannot but confess that what he saith of Demarchy of Athens , is a plain mistake , they being officers ( as you truly say ) of another nature ; and then why he may not be as much mistaken in the Spartan Ephori , and the Roman Tribunes , as in the Athenian Demarchy you can show no reason . For if he be of a fallible spirit in one point , he can be infallible in none . Which mistake , notwithstanding it betrayes his ignorance in the Greek Antiquities , you tell us not to be such an one , as destroyes no other part of his Assertion . First , The supereminent Authority of the Ephori over the Kings , & of the Tribunes over their Consuls , standing good however : The contrary whereof ( to use your own words ) hath been already proved by Plato , Aristotle , and Plutarch , though you would willingly perswade the Reader that they speak for you . Which said , you put me to it once again as a Polititian , and tell me that no Polititian in the world can show a re●son , Why the Estates in a Gothick Moddel , should be of less power then either the Spartan , Ephori , or the Roman Tribunes . So much I shall be willing to grant , that the Estates in a Gothick Moddel , have as much power in the publick Government , and over the persons of their Kings ; as the Ephori had over their Kings , and the Tribunes over their Consuls , at their first institution . But that they had the like power in either case , as the Ephori and the Tribunes exercised by violence and usurpation in their severall Cities , no Polititian in the world can be able to show me . And this we may the better see by looking on their power in matters which concern the publique , in the Realm of Spaine ; the Kings and people whereof ( those of Portugal excepted onely ) are of Gothick race , and therefore likely to retain most of the Gothick Moddels : And looking on it , we shall find first , that their Curias or General conventions consist there ( as in other places ) of the three Estates , Prelate , Peer , and People . And secondly , that though the Government of that King , be not so Arbitrary Despotical as it is in France ; yet , he both rules and manageth those Conventions to his own contentment . For neither can they meet together but by his appointment ; nor are their acts and consultations of any effect , further then as they are confirmed by the Kings consent ; nor finally can they sit any longer , or depart any sooner , then as it may stand most with the Kings conveniency . But Bodin goes a little further . And having showed us with what Reverence and Devotion , the the three Estates of France addressed themselves to Charles the 8th . in a convention held at Tours , ( at what time the Authority of the Assemblies was greater and more eminent then it hath been since ) affirms expresly , Majorem etiam Obedientiam & majus obsequium Hispanorum regi Exhiberi . The King of Spain hath more obedience and observance from his three Estates , then that which was afforded to the King of France . The General conventions of both Kingdoms being much alike , may seem to have been cast in the same mould ( for the French neighbouring the Goths , who then possest those Provinces in the Realm of France which lie on the west side of the Loire , could not but know the manner of those Assemblies which Charles Martel thought good to introduce , and settle in the Realm of France , that giving them some influence in the publick Government , and binding them unto him by so great a favour , he might make use of their Authority to preserve his own , as his Son Pepin after did to obtain the Crown . But that the. Assembly of Estates in either Kingdom did take upon them to fine , imprison , or to depose or murder any of their Kings , as the Tribunes sometimes did the Consuls , and the Ephori did the Kings of Sparta , you cannot easily prove out of all their stories . 15. But you go on ( and tell me first , that the estates in a Gothish Moddel , are such by virtue of their estates , that is of their over ballance in dominion ; and then you put it upon me to show both why the over ballance in dominion should not amount to Empire , and practically that it amounteth not to Empire in quiet and well governed times . But this , by your leave , is a strange way of Disputation , by cutting out what ●work you please , and sending it to me to make it up as well as I can : But being sent to me , I am bound to dispatch it out of hand for your satisfaction . I say then first , that the Estates in a Gothish Moddel , are not such by virtue of their Estates , that is to say , by being above the rest of the people in titles of Honour and Revenue , which you call an over ballance in Dominion . For were it so , they were of power to exercise the same Authority , as you suppose the Tribunes and the Ephori to have done before them in all times alike , and not when they are called together by the Kings command . For being Masters of their Estates , as well out of as in those Generall Assemblies and Conventions , and consequently in all times alike ; what reason can you show me that they should make no use of that Power which belongs to them in right of their Estates , but in those General Assemblies and Conventions onely . Secondly , If they have that power by virtue of their Estates , and yet cannot exercise , but in such Conventions ; how doth it come to pass that such Conventions are not of their own appointment , but onely at the pleasure and command of their several Kings ? And Thirdly , If they hold and enjoy that Power by virtue of their said Estates , you may do well to show some reason , why all that are above the rest of the people in Titles of Honour and Revenue , should not be called to those assembly of Estates , but onely some few out of every Order , ( as in France and Spain ) to represent the rest of their several Orders : For being equal or somewhat near to an equality with one another in Estates and Honours , those which were pretermitted have the greater wrong , in not being suffered to make use of that natural power which their over balance in dominion hath conferred upon them . And then I would be glad to right whether this over ballance in Dominion be ascribed unto them , in reference to the King or the common people : If in relation to the King , you put the King into no better condition then any one of his subjects by making him accomptable to so many Masters ; who may say to him whensoever they shall meet together , Redde rationem villicationis tuae , and tell him plainly , That he must give up an account of his stewardship , for he shall be no longer steward . And then have Kings done very ill in raising so many of their subjects to so great a Power , and calling them together to make use of that power , which they may make use of if they please to his destruction . And if they have this over-ballance of Dominion , in reference onely to the common people , above whom they are raised in Estates and Honours ; what then becomes of that natural liberty of Mankind , that underived Majesty of the common people which our great Masters in the School of Politie have so much cryed up . The people must needs take it as ill as the King , to be deprived of their natural Liberty , without giving their consent unto it , or to be deposed from that Majesty which is inherent in themselves , without deriving it from any but their first Creator . But on the other side , if the three Estates in a Gothick Moddel , receive that power , which they enjoy in those Conventions either from the hands of the King , as the Lords Spiritual and Temporal ( which make up two of the three Estates ) did here in England , or from the hands of the People , as the 3d. Estate have done in all Kingdoms else , ( which is the generall opinion and practise of all Nations too ) you must stand single by your self in telling me that they have that power by virtue of those Estates which they are possest of . And this may also serve to show you , that an over ballance in Dominion , or the greatness of Estate which some subjects have above the rest , amounteth not to such an Empire as may give them any power over Prince or people , unless it can be showed as I think it cannot , that the King doth not over ballance them in the point of Dominion , as they do the rest of their fellow subjects , or that the whole body of the people cannot as well pretend to Dominion over themselves , as any of their fellow-subjects can pretend to have over them : And then if this Dominion do amount to an Empire also , we shall have three Empires in one Kingdom ; that is to say , the King , the three Estates , and the Common people . I must confess , I have not weigh'd all Orders and degrees of men in so even a scale as to resolve which of them ballanceth , counter-ballanceth , or over-ballanceth the other ; which must be various and uncertain , according to the Lawes of severall Countrys , and the different constitutions of their several Governments . And I conceive it altogether as impossible to make a new Garment for the Moon , which may as well fit her in the full , as in her wainings and increasings ; as to accommodate these Metaphisical speculations to the rules of Government , which varying in all places must have different forms : And having different forms , must have different ballances according to the Lawes and constitutions of each several Country . And yet I am not altogether so dimme sighted as not to see what these new Notions ( which otherwise indeed would prove new Nothings ) do most chiefly aim at ; the chief design of many of the late Discourses , being apparently no other then to put the supream Government into the hands of the common people , or at least into the hands of those whom they shall chuse for their Trustees and Representors ; which if it could be once effected , the underived Majesty of the common people would not appear so visibly in any one person whatsoever , as in those Trustees and Representors , and then the King or supream Magistrate being thus out shined , would seem no other then a Star of the lesser Magnitude , which though moving in an higher sphere , should neither give the light nor impart such influences to the world , as the two Great Luminaries ( such as you fancy the Estates in a Gothick Moddel ) in case he prove not rather a falling Star , as perhaps he may . But hoping you will pardon this irruption in me , I proceed unto the second part of your Letter , in which I am said to speak rather like a Divine then a Polititian : And yet not like a Divine neither , but like a Divine as I suppose , and no more then so . 17. But letting all things be as they may , you tell me that I aske of Calvin , in what part of the word of God we may finde any such Authority given to popular Magistrates as he tells us of . And for an answer hereunto , you prepare the way by laying down the constitution of the Government of the people of Israel , which you affirm to have been founded on a popular ballance . And were it so , there is no question to be made , but that a popular ballance even by the Ordinance of God himself in Scripture , both did and may amount to Empire ; for who ●rt thou O man , which disputest with God , or callest in question any of the Divine Acts of that heavenly providence . The Question will be onely this , Whether the Government of the Israelites was founded in a popular ballance , which you say it was , and I think rather that it was not : The reason why I think so I shall show anon , and in the mean time I will look upon the Argument which you suppose it to be proved , We find ( say you ) the people of Israel iudging the tribe of Benjamine , and by the Oracle of God leavying War against them ; Which being an act of soveraign power , declares that Government to be founded on a popular ballance . But first , it appears not by the text , that all the people of Israel did sit as Judges on the tribe of Benjamine , the judgement might be passed ( for what you can say to the contrary ) by the Elders onely , that is to say , the heads or chiefs of the several families of the tribes of Israel ; and nothing but the execution of the sentences by them committed to the people . Secondly , It appears not by the Text , that the War was leavied against the Benjamites by any Oracle of God , but the contrary rather ; For it is said , that the children of Israel were gathered tother as one man , at a place called Mizpeh , that they resolved upon the War , and concluded how to have it carried before they asked Councel of the Lord , Judg. 20. 18. And when they asked councel of the Lord , it was not whether they should proceed in the War or not , ( that being a thing resolved before hand ) but which of the tribes should go up first to the battail again the children of Benjamin , as in the Book of Judges , Cap 20. 18. which probably might be the cause of their ill success in the first encounter , as having engaged themselves in a bloody War against their brethren , before they sought for councel at the Oracle of God , as they should have done . And therefore , Thirdly , this rather showes the people of Israel to be under no Government at all , then to be governed by a Democratical or popular form ; and serves as a most excellent commentary on the last words of the book of Judges , viz : In those dayes there was no King in Israel : every Man did that which was right in his own eyes . Had it been under any one form of Government ; ( Popular or Democratical , call it what you will ) every man durst not to have done that which is right in his own eyes , though there had been at that time no King in Israel . And as they were not under any popular Government , by which they might have been restrained from doing what was right in their own eyes ; so you confess that they were not at that time under the Government of the Sanhedrim ; for speaking of that passage in the first of Judges , where Judah said unto Simeon 〈◊〉 Brother , come up with me into my lot , that we may fight against the Canaanites and I likewise will go with thee into thy lot , so Simeon went with him , &c. you thereupon infer , that by this leaguing at their pleasure one with another , it was plain the Sanhedrim , their common Ligament was broken , so that the Sanhedrim being broken , the Kings not instituted , nor any form of popular Government set up among them by common consent ; nothing remains , but that they must be governed by the Heads or Chiefs of the several Families into which the Tribes were Generally divided in those times . Had there been any such Councel , or establisht body , as that of the Generall Estates of the united Provinces ; or that of the Cantons and their Confederates amongst the Switzers , they might have been said to have been under such a popular Government as those people are , though every Tribe had a distinct Government of its own , as those Provinces and Cantons have . 18. And here I should proceed to the Examination of that part of your Letter which concerns the Sanhedrim , as being the point of greatest difference between us in the present business . But considering that you have spent so much of your Paper , about the Original institution and authority of the Kings of Israel , and consequently of all those who have enjoyed that power and dignity in their severall Countrys ; I shall first lay all together which you have deliver'd on that subject , with my opinion in the same as it comes before me . In order whereunto , I am first to say , that the Government of that people , when they were in Aegypt , was under the Heads or Chiefes of their several families , who by a paternal right derived on them from their first Father Adam , challenged and enjoy'd a Fatherly authority over all those who descended of them : And unto these did Moses address himselfe , when he was to communicate from the Lord that most joyful news of their deliverance out of Aegypt , called by the name of Elders in the Book of Exodus , 3. 16. & 4. 29 not called so onely , because they were in honour onely amongst the rest of the people ▪ ( as you seem to say ) but because they were above them also in this point of power . The people else had had no remedy in any differences and debates which might rise amongst them , but suing in the Courts of Aegypt ; which it was as unfit for them to do , as it was amongst the Primitive Christians , to go to Law with one another in Emergent differences , and that before the unbelievers . But this dispersed authority being united in the person of Moses , ( as many lines united in one Center from a large circumference ) the whole Government of the people did remain in him till by the advice of Jethro , they were divided and sub ▪ divided into several Companies . Each of them having over him their appointed Rulers ; By Gods appointment afterwards , a standing Court of 70. Elders , which they called the Sanhedrim , were chosen to bear part of the publick Government ( but whether chosen out of the Jethronian Judges or not , we shall see anon ) Moses being dead , and Josuah who succeeded in the supream Authority , being also gathered by his Fathers , the authority of the Sanhedrim dying also with them , as your self confesseth ; the Ordinary Government returned again to the heads of the several Families , as before in Aegypt , the extraordinary being vested in those several Judges , whom God raised up from time to time , to free them from the power of those cruel Enemies , from whose Tyranny they were not able otherwise to have freed themselves . And in this state they stood till the time of Samuel , when being vexed by the Philistines with con●inual Wars , the Ark of God was taken not long before , and their condition no less miserable under the times of Samuel , then it was at the worst , they desire to have a King to fight their Battails , and to go in and out before them , like to other Nations . And that their future King might settle on the surer foundation , he had not only the approbation of the Lord , 1 Sam. 8. 22. and the acclamations of the people , chap 10. v. 24. but the Heads and Chief● of the several Families devolved their whole power upon him ; the motion being made to Samuel by the Elders of the people , aswell in their own names , as in the names of all the rest of the Tribes , as appears , 1 Sam. 8. 4. 19. Before this time , that is to say , after the deaths of Moses and Joshua ( who were Kings in fact , though not in title ) the Israelites had no King to Raign over them but the Lord himself ; from whom they first received their Laws , from whose mouth they received direction in all cases of difficulty , and from whose hands they received protection in all times of danger : And when they had any visible Judge or supream Governour , God did not only raign in their persons , in regard of that immediate vocation which they had from him ; but also of the gifts of the Spirit , and the co-operation of his Grace and Power : In which respect , the Government of the Israelites , during that interval of time , is called by many learned Writers , by the name of Theocratie , or the immediate Government of the Lord himself : And this the Lord himself not obscurely intimates , when he said to Samuel , They have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me , ne regnem super eos , that I should not raign over them . I know the general stream of Writers , do understand these words as words of dislike and indignation , in that the people seemed to be weary of his Government , in their desire of having a King , like to other Nations ; but I conceive ( with all due reverence unto those who opine the contrary ) that God spake these words rather to comfort Samuel , whom he found much displeased and troubled at the Proposition of the Elders , as if a greater injury had been offered to himself , then was done to the Prophet ; then out of any dislike which he had of the matter : For if he had disliked the matter , that is , that they should have a King like other Nations ; he neither would have fore signified it as a blessing on the seed of Abraham , Gen. 17. or as prerogative of Judah , Gen. 49. nor have foretold the people , that when they should desire a King , they should set him to be King over them , whom the Lord their God shall chuse , Deut. 17. nor would he have commanded Samuel to give them a King as they desired , nor have directed him particularly to that very man whom he had designed for the Kingdom . But on the contrary say you , we find it otherwise in the Prophet Hosea , where the Lord said unto the people , That he had given them a King in his anger ( that is ( as you affirm ) in Saul ) and that he took him away in his wrath ( that is ( say you ) in the Captivity ) Hos. 13. 11. And to this purpose you alledge another passage in the same Prophet , ch . 8. v. 4. where it is said , They have set up Kings , and not by me ; they have made Princes and I knew it not : But for all this , your explication of the one Text , and your application of the other , are alike erroneous . The Prophet Hosea lived in the time of Jerohoam , son of Joah , King of Israel , and directed the words of his Prophesy to the people chiefly , as they were separated and abstracted from the Realm of Israel . And first , beginning with the last , it appears plainly by the verse foregoing , that the words by you cited , are addressed particularly to the house of Israel ; and it had been hard dealing in the Prophet , to charge the ten Tribes with setting up of Kings , but not by him , had it been so understood of Saul , as you say it was ; when it was the fault ( if it were a fault ) of all the twelve ; and therefore saith S. Hierome , Potest hoc quod dicit ( ipsi regnaverunt , & non , &c. ) Etiam de Jeroboham acc●pi filio Nabath , & de ceteris principibus , qui ei in imperio successerint . More positively some learned Writers in the Church of Rome , by whom it is affirmed , Hun● locum pertinere ad Reges Israel , quorum primus erat Jeroboham , qui tempore Reaboham , filii Salamonis , Regnum decem Tribuum invasit . And to the same effect saith Deodati amongst the Protestants , viz. The people of their own proper motion , without enquiring after Gods will , or staying for his command or permission , have chosen and made Kings of their own heads , separating themselves from the lawful Rule of David ' s posterity , 1 King. 11. 31. And then the meaning of the other Text will be plainly this , I gave thee ( or I gave thee leave to have ) a King in mine anger , that is to say in Jeroboham the Son of Nebat , who by with-drawing the people from the worship of God , to worship the golden Calves of Dan and Bethel , is said to have made Israel sin , and thereby plagued them irremediously ( without repentance ) into the heavy anger and displeasure of the Lord their God : And I took him away in my wrath , that is to say , in the person of Hosheah , the last King of Israel , carried away captive , together with the greatest part of his people , into the land of Assyria ; the people being dispersed in the several Provinces of that Empire , never returning since that time , to their native Country , nor having any King of their own to raign over them as afore they had . Not to say any thing of many of the Kings of Israel treacherously slain by their own subjects , out of an ambitious desire to obtain the Kingdom ; of whom it may be justly said , That God took them away in his wrath , before they had lived out their full time in the course of nature . Nothing in these two Texts which relates to Saul , and the captivity , that is to say , the Captivity of Babylon as you understand it . Such is your play with holy Scripture , when you speak ( as you suppose ) like a Divine . 20. But you have another use to make of the Prophet Hosea , whose words you cite unto a purpose that he never meant , namely to prove that Kings are not of Divine Right : For having said , that such Divines who will alwaies have Kings to be of divine right , are not to be hearkned too , seeing they affirm that which is clean contrary to Scripture ; you add , that in this case , said Hosea , they have set up Kings , and not by me , they have made Princes , and I knew it not . But first , these words are not spoken by the Prophet touching the institution of Kings in General , but onely of a particular fact in the ten Tribes of Israel , by with drawing themselves from the house of David , and setting up a King of their own without consulting with the Lord , or craving his approbation and consent in the business . Secondly , If it may be said that Kings are not of Divine Right and institution , because God saith here by the Prophet , that some Kings have been set up , but not by him , you have more reason to affirm , that Kings are of Divine Right and institution , because he saith in another place , less capable of any such misconstruction as you make of this ) by me Kings reign . All Kings are said to reign by God , because all reign by his appointment , by his permission , at the least . And yet some Kings may be truly said not to reign by him , either because they are set up by the people in a tumultuous and seditious way , against the natural Kings and Princes ; or else because they come unto their Crowns by usurpation , blood , and violence , contrary to his will revealed , and the establisht Laws of their severall Countrys . Which Argument if it should be good , we could not have a stronger against such Papists as hold alwayes ( for it seems no mater if they did hold so but somtimes ) that the Pope by Divine right is head of the universall Church ; then by showing them out of their own Histories , how many Popes have raised themselves into that See , either by open faction , or by secret bribery , and by violent and unjust intrusion . Of whom it may be said , and that not improperly , that though they pretend to be Christs Vicars , and the successors of St. Peter , yet were they never plac't by Christ in St. Peters Chair . Now to dispute from the persons to the power , and from the unjust wayes of acquiring that power , to the original right and institution of it , is such a sorry piece of Logick , as you blaming those who dispute from the folly of a people against an Ordinance of God. For upon what ground else do you lay the foundation of the legall Government ( especially amongst the Hebrews ) but on the folly of the people . p. 11. the imprudence and importunity of the people p. 14. upon which ground also you build the supream authority of the Judges , who onely by the meet folly of the people came to be set up in Israel , p. 13. But certainly if their desires to have a King were folly , and imprudence in them , it must be felix fatuitas , a very fortunate imprudence , and a succesful folly , I am sure of that , that people never live in a settled condition till they come to the Government of Kings . For was it not by the fortunate conduct of their Kings , that they exterminated the rest of the Canaanites , broke the Amalekites in pieces , and crusht the power of the Phylistins , growing by that means formidable unto all their Neigbours ? Was it not by the power and reputation of their Kings , that they gained some strong Towns from the Children of Ammon , and enlarged their Territories by the conquest of some parts of Syria ; that they grew strong in shipping , and mannaged a wealthy trade from Esion-Geber , in the streights of Babel-Mandel , to the Land of Ophir , in the remotest parts of India ? Prosperities sufficient to justifie and endear such burdens , as by the alteration of the Government might be said upon them . 21. From such Divines in Generall , as will always ( I must keep that word ) have Kings to be by divine Right , you come to me at last in my own particular , charging me that at a venture I will have Kings to be of Divine Right , and to be absolute ; whereas in truth ( say you ) if Divine Right be derived unto Kings from these of the Hebrews onely , it is most apparent that no absolute King can be of Divine Right . And first to answer for my self ( for having sometime been a Parson , ( I shall take leave to Christen my own Child first ) I think that I was never so rash , nor so ill advised , as to speak any thing at aventure in so great a point , as the originall institution and divine right of Kings . Secondly , I am sure I have not so little studied the Forms of Government , as to affirm any where in that Book against Calvin , as you call it , that all Kings be absolute . The second Sect. of the sixt Chapter , of that Book , being spent for the most part , in shewing the differences between conditional Kings , and an absolute Monarch . And Thirdly , They must be as sorry Divines , and as bad Historians as my self , who ascribe the ▪ absolute Power , or the Divine right of Kings , to the first institution of a King amongst the Hebrews . For who knows not ( if he know any thing in that kind ) that there were Kings in Aegypt , and Assyria , as also of Scycionia in Peleponesus , not long after the Flood ; Kings of the Aborigines , and the Trojan race in Italy ; in that of Athens , Argos and Micenae amongst the Greeks , of the Parthians , Syrians , &c. in the Greater , and of Lydia in the lesser Asia , long time before the Raign of Saul the first , King of the Hebrews : all which were absolute Monarchs in their several Countrys . And as once Tully said , Nulla gens tam barbara , that never Nation was so barbarous , but did acknowledge this principle , that there was a God ; so will you hardly find any barbarous Nation , who acknowledge not the supream Government of Kings : And how then all Nations should agree in giving themselves over to the power and Government of Kings ; I believe none cannot show me a better reason , then that they either did it by the light of natural reason , by which they found that Government to be fittest for them , or that the first Kings of every Nation , were the heads & families that retained that paternal right over all such as descended of them , as might entitle their authority to divine institution . For proof whereof , ( since you have such a prejudice against Divines ) you need look no farther then your self , who tells us p. 12. That Kings no question , where the ballance is Monarchical , are of Divine right ; and if they be good , the greatest blessing that the Government so standing can be capable of ; or if you will not stand to this , then look on the first Chapter of Aristotles Politicks , where he makes the Regall Government to stand upon no other bottom then paternal Authority . Initio civitates regibus parebant , &c. At the first ( saith he ) Cities were Governed by Kings , and so still at this day are such Nations , as descended of men accustomed to the King by Government . For every houshold is governed by the eldest , as it were by a King , and so consequently are the Colonies or Companies multiplyed from thence , governed in like sort for Kindreds sake . Which words of Aristotle seconded by the general practice of all Nations , I look on as a better Argument of the Original institution & Divine Right of Kings ( that great Philosopher in the 4th . Book of his Politicks , cap. 2. giving unto the Regall Government the attribute of Divinissima , or the most Divine ) then to fetch either of them from the institution of the first King among the Hebrews , so that you might have spared the labour of showing the inconsequences , of arging from a contingent case to a matter of absolute necessity ( as from the making of the first King amongst the Hebrews , to the necessity of making Kings in all other Nations ) unless you could have found some adversary to contend withal . And with like thrift you might have saved your self the trouble of proving that the words of Moses in Deut. 17. v. 18. touching recourse to be had unto the Judge ( which should be in those dayes ) in some certain cases , inferred not a necessity , of having any such supream Judge as God raised up from time to time , to govern and avenge his people in their greatest misery , unless you have met with any ( which I know not of ) which trust as much to that Text of Scripture for those supream Judges , as you rely upon it for the Court of Sanhedrim , of which more anon . The corollary wherewithal you close this passage ; I like well enough , had you grounded your discourse on some clearer Text : For I conceive as well as you , that those Judges are not necessitated by the will of God , but foreseen onely by his providence , not imposed by the Law , but provided by i● as an Expedient in case of necessity . 22. But before I come to examine the Text of Scripture , on which you ground both the Authority of the Sanhedrim , and those supream Judges which governed in their several times the affairs of Israel ; I must first see what form of Government it is which you chiefly drive at , and in comparison whereof you so much vilifie and condemn the Regall . And fi●st the Government you drive at , mus● be plainly Popular , and such Popular estate call i● Timocraty , or a Democratie , or what else you please , into which the old Agrarian laws must be introduced , for the better settling of equality amongst the people . And such a Common-wealth as this , you fancy to be most agreeable to the natural liberty of Mankind , and Divine institution ; There is nothing ( say you ) more clear nor certain in Scripture , then that the Commonwealth of Israel was instituted by God , p. 14. and settled on a popular Agrarian , p. 12. And that the Restitution of their Common-wealth was fore-signified in these words of the Prophet , Hosea , I will be thy King , cap. 13. 10. But if you have no better grounds for the Institution , then for the Restitution of this Common-wealth , they are too weak for foundation of so great a building . The Prophet speaks in that place particularly to the house of Ephraim , v. 1. the people of the Realm of Israel v. 9. as appears more distinctly by their kissing the Calves ( the Golden Calves of Dan and Bethel ) v. 2. Of whose reduction to their native Country after their being carried away captive by Salmanasser King of Assyria , there is nothing signified in the Scripture in the way of prophesie , nor no relation of it as a matter of Fact. Nor can you show me any clear and evident text , by which I may be sure that this Commonwealth was instituted by God , considering that Moses during the whole time of his life governed authoritatively and supreamly without any appeal unto the people , or unto any other power either co-ordinate with him , or superior to him ; which I believe is more thenyou can show me in any Duke of Venice , or any State-holder of the Netherlands , or any other Prince in a Common-wealth , which onely serve as second Notions in a State , to put their business into form , and give date to all publick instruments , as the Keepers of the Liberties , not long since in England . Nor do I finde that Josuah abated any thing of that power which Moses had , advising sometime with the Elders of the people , but not governed by them ; so that the first Government amongst the Israelites , had more in it of the Regal , then the popular Forms ; to which they did desire to return again , upon the apprehension of the Anarchy , and confusion under which they lived , when there was no King in Israel , as in other Nations . And as for your Agrarian laws ( your Popular Ballance , as elsewhere ) upon which this Commonwealth is supposed to be settled ; I conceive it will be very hard for you to prove that also . For though the Land of Canaan was divided by Lot amongst the Tribes , yet neither had the Tribes themselves their equal portion , nor every family in those Tribes , their equal shares in those unequal portions with one another ; some of the Tribes enjoying little or nothing of the lot which had fallen unto them , and some of the Families of those Tribes , being scattered up and down the Country , as Jacob had prophesied of Simeon in the Book of Gen. which utterly destroyes that popular Agrarian on which this Common-wealth is supposed to be founded , and in which ( you say ) they might have continued , but that they desired to have a King like other Nations . 23. Your second Argument for a preferring a popular Estate before a Monarchy is derived from reason , and that reason grounded on the natural liberty of all mankind ; which cannot better be preserved them in popular Governments . God never required ( as you say ) . of any Man , or any Government , that they should live otherwise then according to their estate , that there are rules in Scripture to show the duty of a servant to such whose wants have made them servants ; but that there is no rule in Scripture that obligeth a man unto the duty of a servant , which can live of himself . And finally having askt this question , whether God hath less regard of a Nation , then he hath of a man ; you tax the Israelites for making themselves servants by desiring a King to be set over them , when they might have continued as they were in a free condition . But first that natural liberty of Mankind , which our great Polititians so much talk of , hath no ground in nature , for as servants are bound by positive Lawes to obey their Masters , so ▪ women are bound by the law of Nature to submit themselves unto their Husbands , and children by the same law to be obedient to their parents ; This if the Scripture had not taught you , you might have learnt from Aristotle , as he did from Homer , who in the ninth Book of his Odyssees , gives this Aphorism , viz Vxori & natis jus dicit quisque virorum , That every man gives law to his wife and children : And though the children come to such a condition both of age and fortunes , that they are well enough able to live of themselves , yet do they still continue servants to their natural parents , ( for Iu●a patris naturalis , minime solvantur , sath the civil Lawyers ) and therefore are required by God to do the duty of servants , till either their Fathers free consent , or the Constitution of the Government under which they live , shall lease them from it . Secondly , Admitting this natural liberty of all mankind which our late Polititians so much dream of , yet man in his depraved nature is such a violent head-strong and unruly beast , that he stands as much in need of a ●it or bridle , as the Horse or Mule , least otherwise he run headlong to his own destruction . And therefore if he will not have a King , he must be under the command of some other Government , aut R●x , au● Senatus habendus est , as once Pacuvius●aid ●aid unto those of Capua ; and whether he live under the command of a King , or the power of a Senate , he must be servant unto either ; though otherwise he pretend to the ability of a self-subsistence , for unto whomsoever you give your selves servants to obey , his servants ye are unto whom ye obey , saith the Great Apostle . And then the question will be this , whither the natural liberty of mankind may be best preserved under a Monarchical Government , where he hath but one Master to observe , whose tempe● and affections he may without much difficulty comply withal , under the Government of a Senate or popular State , where he must serve some hundred● of Masters , to every one of which , or to the greater part of which it is impossible for the wisest man to give any contentment ? Supposing Thirdly , That the Q●estion be resolved , in favour of the Popular Government , yet every popular Government is to be ordered by some Lawes , and every Law is the restraining of the use of this pretended liberty , and binds the subject to observance . ( Lex , being so called a Ligando , say the old Grammarians ) in all such cases , concerning which the Laws are made by what power sover . 24. But then say you , these laws are of their own making , not imposed by others , which makes no alteration in the case at all ; my fetters not being the easier to me , because they are of my own making , then if they were made by the next Smith , or provided for me by some others : Besides which you your self have told us , that all such Kings as claim by Scripture can be but regulated Monarchs , and could of right enact no Law , but by the suffrage of the people , pag. 15. Which is as notable a preservative of the peoples liberty , as ever was enjoyed by them in a popular Government . O but say you , the people in a popular Government have a power to chuse the Senate , which they have not in chusing of their King , and that the people with such a Senate , have power to make what Laws they please ; and what can follow thereupon , but that a Government so setled in a Senate and people must be accounted for a Divine Institution , and be called the Government of God , because it is the Government of Laws and not of men , as you tell us , pag. 11. But first , how may we be assured , That a Senate so established will not Lord it over the people with greater insolency , and put more heavy pressures on them then ever they suffered under Kings ; for being many in number , and all equal in power , every one of them will endeavour to enrich himself , and serve their turn upon the people , there being no superiour power to controul them for it . And next , how may we be assured , That the people ( I mean the whole body of the people ) have any power to chuse their Senate , or that the Senate being chosen , they have a power in voting with them for the making of Laws . The Famous Senate of the Romans , was ordained by Romulus their first King , their number doubled by Tarquinius Priscus , and a third hundred added by Brutus , which continued in the first times of the Consular Government , the people having no hand at all in the nomination : nor was it otherwise at Athens , though that was the most popular and Democratical Estate that ever was in the World ; the main body of the people in each Citty , having as little to do in the choise of the Senate , as they had in making of their Laws . And first , in the making of their Laws , none of the City of Athens were permitted to vote ( or to give their voices ) but such as were accounted and enrolled for Citizens ; and none were either so enrolled or reckoned but the Chief of the City , all Servants , Labourers , Handicrafts-men , and Artificers ( which make the far greater part in every City ) not passing in account for Citizens , and consequently having no voice nor power , either in making Laws , or electing Magistrates . And secondly , as it was in the Democratie of Athens , so was it in the Timocratie of Rome ; the infinitly greatest part of the Inhabi●an●s having no hand at all in the making of Laws , or in any other Act of Government , of what kind soever : For if a Law were past in Senate , none of inferiour Order had a suffrage in it : If it were made in the general Assembly of the Centuries , those of the Nobility agreeing together , might pass a Law without the rest ; and whither they agreed or not , the Law was always p●ssed by the other Centuries , before it came to the sixt , consisting of the poorer sort , which were never called unto the vote : They did in number far exceed all the other five Centuries . And finally , if the Law were made in the Assembly of the Tribes , as all the poorer sort ( which made up the far greater part of the City ) could never make any use of their voices in the Assembly of Centuries , so the Nobility ( which made up the most considerable part of the City ) were quite excluded from having any suffrage or voice at all in the Assembly of the Tribes . Admitting finally , that all the Inhabitants of Rome , Athens , Syracuse , &c. had vote in the Election of their Magistrates , and in the making of their Laws ; yet what makes this unto those multitudes of people , which live dispersed in the Territories of those mighty Cities , or in any of the remoter Provinces which were subject to them ; who being infinitely more in number then the Inhabitants of those several and respective Cities , unto which they were subject , had neither voice in the Election of the Senate , or in the making of their Laws , or in any matter of concernment to their several Nations ; but will they , nill they , they must submit to the will and pleasure of their great Masters in those Cities , under whom they served , though otherwise as able to subsist of themselves , as any of the common sort of people in those Common-wealths . The like may be observed also , in some Common-wealths of a later standing , in which the greater part of the people have no voice at all , as to the making of their Laws , or chusing such as are to make them for the use of the publique ; and therefore are so far from having any part in the publique Government , that for the most part they are Governed against their wills . Such an imaginary speculation , such an empty nothing , is the supposed liberty of the people in a popular Government . 25. We must next see ( notwithstanding all that hath been said ) how much you vilifie and contemn the Regal Government , in respect of that popular , which you chiefly drive at : For having told us , That the Government of the Senate and the people , is that only which is or can be the Government of Laws , and not of men ; and that the Government of the Laws , and not of men , is the Government of God , and not of men ; You tell us out of Aristotles Politiques , That he that is for the Governmens of Laws , is for the Government of God ; and he that is for the Government of a man , is for the Government of a Beast : But Aristotle's words must be understood according to Aristotle's time , Cum arbitria Principum pro legibus erant , when the Subjects were Governed by no other Law , then the will of the Prince , and cannot be aplied to any King or Monarch in the Christian world , which have not only the Law of God for a rule in Government ; but many positive Laws of their own establishing , for the well ordering of the people in their several Kingdoms . You tell us secondly , That when the ballance is popular , as in Israel , in the Grecian in the Scicilian Tyrannies , Kings are the direst curse that can befall a Nation . But first ( to pretermit the extream harshness of the expression ) so far were Kings from being a curse to the people of Israel , that ( admitting the former Government to have been setled on Popular Agrarian , as it never was ) they proved the greatest temporal blessing to them , as before was said , that ever the Nation did enjoy . And Secondly , you fall from such Kings , as exercise no other , then a lawful power to the Grecian and Scicilian Tyrannies , as if the case in setting up a King over the people of Israel , not onely by Gods approbation , but their own consent , were to be paralelled with those Tyrannies which were erected in some Cities of Greece and Sicily , by Dy●nisius and other Monsters of those ages , infamous for their lusts and most barbarous cruelties . For had the change been made by persons of sobriety & moderation , ( as that in Rome from a Democraty to a Monarchy , by Augustus Caesar ) the alteration might have been for the benefit of the common people , by bringing them from that which Aristotle calls the worst kind of Government , to that which comes nearest to the Government of Almighty God , and is therefore called the most Divine . Nor had the people lost any thing by such change in the point of liberty , which never is enjoyed more peacefully and securely ( nunquam libertas gratior extat , quam sub Rege pio , as it is in Claudian ) then under the Government of a just and merciful Prince , witness the difference in the Government of the state of Florence , between the tranquillity which all sorts of People do now enjoy under the protection of the Princes of the House of M●dices , and those confusions and disorders to which they were continually subject in the popular States . In the Third place , you tell us that a King or soveraign Prince , can have no other subsistence or security , then by cutting off or tearing up all roots that do naturally sheat or spring up into such branches : that is to say , to the free course of Popular Orders ; which may perhaps be true in some of the Scicilian and Gretian Tyrannies , where every obstacle was removed , which was conceived to stand in the Tyrants way ; yet cannot this possibly be made good in any Christian Kings and Princes in these parts of the World , in which we find not any example of cutting off ▪ or tearing up such popular Orders ( or any roots which branch unto them ) as have been settled and confirmed in the times fore-going . Nor are you satisfied with that distinction of the Rabbins , ( whose Authority , when it serve● your turn , you do much insist on ) viz. that the people of Israel making a King , displeased God not in the matter , but the forms onely , that is to say , in desiring to have a King like other Nations ; which is no more then what generally is affirmed by such Christian Writers as have discoursed on this subject . Take this of Peter Martyr among the rest ▪ who telleth us that the people 's sinned in this request by desiring of a King after the manner of all other Nations , and not according to the rule of Gods word . Deut. 17. and in that they desired a King without consulting with the Lord , or having direction or order from him in that business . All which may be , and yet the ballance of a Government may not be onely form but matter : the main matter of their request ( which is the root of the tree you speak of ) being to change the Government , and to have a King : the form of their Request ( or the formall words in which they made it ) being to have a King like other Nations . 26. Finally you conceive so poorly of the Kings of the Hebrews ( and in them , of all other Kings for ought I can see ) that they were but regulated Monarchs when they were at the best : And in case of Mal-administration , obnoxious unto corporall punishment from the hands of the Sanhedrim : To prove the first , you tell us they were so tyed up to the Rules of Government prescribed in Deut. 17. that they could neither multiply Horses nor Chariots , nor Silver nor Gold ; nay , could of right enact no law ( as in those by David ) but for the reduction of the Ark for the regulation of the Priests , ( for the Election of Solomon ) which were made by the suffrage of the people . To answer first unto the last , David might gratifie the People in some popular actions , as in the Reduction of the Ark , and gratifie himself by the power of the people , as in setling the succession in the person of Solomon ; and yet not be obliged to it by that place in Deut. or any other fundamental law , which required it of him . And so the first place is answered , that the Kings of Israel were by that rule prohibited from multiplying Gold and Silver , and Chariots , and Horsemen , in a greater measure then what was necessary for the support of their Estate , and the protection of their people against forrain invasions . And to this very well agrees , the Gloss or Exposition of Diodati , in which we find that the end thereof was , that the King of Gods People should not exalt himself in pride and Tyranny ; nor put his confidence in humane means ; or be corrupted with pleasures . Which if it were not thus , the rule of Government prescribed by God in Deut. 17. must b● directly contrary unto the manner of the King , ( that is to say , the customary practise of those Kings in the course of their Government ) which God himself describes , 1 Sam. 8. 17. And yet this manner of the King , being told by Samuel unto the People , was so farre from terrifying them , from having a King as they desired , that they cryed out the more vehemently , Nay but we will have a King over us , &c. And which is more , Samuel having again informed ihem at the auguration of Saul , touching the manner of their King ; it follows in the Text , ●hat Samuel wrote it in a Book , and laid it up before the Lord , 1 Sam. 20. 25. Which to what purpose it was done , unless it were to serve for a standing measure both of the Kings power , and the peoples obedience , it is hard to say : And if you look upon the practise of David and his posterity , we shall find how little they conceived themselves to be circumscribed within those limits which you have assigned them ; of which you cannot take a better survey then what is given you by the excellent , but unfortunate Sir Walter Rawleigh in his conjecture of the causes hindring the reunion of Israel with Judah , during the troubles of that Kingdom , Hist . of the World. Part. 1. cap. 19. Sect. 6. Where having first told us , that the dis-affection of the ten Tribes ( if we look upon humane reason ) was occasioned by desire of breaking that heavy yoak of bondage , wherewith Solomon had galled their necks ; discourseth further of the hinderances of a re-union of the Kingdoms , in this manner following . Surely ( saith he ) whosoever shall take the paines to look into those examples , which are extant , of the differing courses held by the Kings of Israel and Judah in the administration of Justice , will find it most probable , that upon this ground i● was that the ten Tribes continued so averse from the line of David , as to think all adversity more tolerable then the weighty Scepter of that House . For the death of Joab and Shimei was indeed by them deserved , yet in that they suffered it without form of judgement they suffered like unto men innocent . The death of Adoniah was both without judgement and without any crime objected other then the Kings jealousie , out of which by the same rule of Arbitrary justice ( under which it may be supposed , that many were cast away ) he would have slain Jeroboham , ( if he could have caught him ) before he had yet committed any offence , as appears by his confident return out of Aegypt , like one that was known to have endured wrong , having not offered any . That which comes after in that Author , being a recapitulation onely of the like arbitrary proceedings of Jehoram , and other of the following Kings . I forbear to add , marvelling onely by the way , that the Sanhedrim did not take these Kings to task , for violating the standing rules of their Government laid down ( as you affirm ) in Deut. 17. and lay some corporall punishment on them , as you say they might . 27. This leads me on to the institution of the Sanhedrim , their power , and period : In the two first whereof you place the greatest part of your strength for defence of Calvin , though possibly you may be mistaken in all three alike . In the first Institution and authority of the Jethronian Judges , there is no difference between us ; The first thing you accept against is , that I make the 70. Elders to be chosen out of the Iethronians ; concerning which , you tell me , that I may do you a greater favour then I can suddenly imagine to tell you really , for what cause , or upon what Authority my speech is so positive , that is to say , that God willed Moses to chuse the seventy Elders out of those that were chosen in the 18th of Exodus . If I can do you any favour in this , or in any thing else , I shall not be wanting in any thing which I can do for your satisfaction ; And therefore you may please to know that my speech is grounded on those words in Numbers 11. v. 1. viz. And the Lord said unto Moses , Gather unto me seventy men of the Elders of Israel ▪ whom thou knowest to be Elders of the people , and officers over them ; And bring them unto the Tabernacle of the Congregation , that they may stand there with thee , &c. By which you may perceive , that the 70. were not to be chosen out of the Elders onely , but out of the Elders and Officers , and other Officers at that time there were none to be found , but those which were ordained by Moses in Exo. 18. to be Rulers of thousands , Rulers of Hundreds , Rulers of fifties , and Rulers of ●ens , for the determining of such smaller differences , and suits in Law that might arise among the people . And Secondly , it is consonant with reason that it should be so , that none should be admitted into the number of the 70. but such of whose integrity and abilities , there had been some sufficient trial in the lower Courts . Concerning which , take here the Gloss of Deodati on the former words , viz : Elders ] viz. chosen out of the greater number of the other heads of the people , Exo. 18. 25. ( that is to say , Rulers of thousands , Rulers of hundreds , &c. for to make up the great Councel or Senate . Thou knowest ] viz. those thou hast thy self chosen into office , or known and approved of in the exersising of it . Would you have more , ( for I am willing to do you any favour within my power ) then know that Ainsworth , a man exceedingly well versed in all the learning of the Hebrews , hath told me in his Notes or Comment on the former Text , that by Officers in this place , it seemeth to be meant of such Elders and Officers as were well known , and had approved themselves for wisdome and good carriage , for which they might with comfort be preferred to this high Senate : For they that have Ministred well , ( as the Apostle saith ) Purchased to themselves a good degree , 1 Tim. 3. 13. And more particularly thus , Our wise men have said , that from the great Sanhedrim they sent into all the Land of Israel , and made diligent enquiry , whomsoever they found to be wise , and afraid to sinne , and meek , &c. They made him a Judge in his City . And from thence they preferred him to the Gate of the Mountain of the House ( of the' Lord ) and from whence they promoted him to the Gate of the Court , ( of the Sanctuary ) and from thence they advanced him to the great Judgement Hall , for which he citeth Maimony ( one of the chief Rabbines in all that part ) in his Book of the Sanhedrim , cap. 2. Sect. 8. ( which gives me very good assurance that the seventy were first chosen by Moses out of the Iethronian or Ruling Elders which were afterwards called Judges in the Gates , because they were chosen out of that body in the times succeeding . 28 But granting this to be as you say , I would have it , you ask me what necessity there should bee in it , that because there lay an appeal to Moses , from those in Exodus , ( that is from the Iethronian Judges ) therefore there must needs lie an appeal from the seventy Elders the Sanhedrim unto Moses also . Which seems to me to be a contention de non Ente . For neither doth the Scripture say in the 18th of Exodus , that there lay any appeal from the Iethronian Judges to the 70. Elders ; nor do I say any where ( as I can remember ) that there lay any such appeal from the Sanhedrim or 70. Elders to Moses himself , though I think that such appeals might be brought unto him . All which the Scripture sayes concerning the Iethronian Judges , is onely this , That they shall bring every greater matter unto Moses , but that they should judge in every small matter amongst themselves , v. 22. which they are said to have done accordingly , v. 26. But what makes this unto appeals ? Appeals are made onely by the party grieved , not by the inferiour Courts themselves to the Courts above them ; and therefore when it was said , that they should bring the greatest matters to M●ses , and keep the smaller to themselves , it is to show the bounds and limits of their jurisdiction which they might not pass . Just as the practise is in England , in which the Sheriffs turn , & the Courts of the particular Hundreds determine not in any action above the value of 40 s. ( as here in Abingdon , not above five pounds ) All greater causes of what weight or value soever they be , being referred unto the Courts or Judges in Westminster Hall. Nor say I any where , that I can remember ) that there lay an appeal from the Sanhedrim unto Moses himselfe , though I make no question but there did , and you have said nothing to prove the contrary . For what makes this unto the purpose , that because ome of the Iewish Rabbines & the learned Grotius out of them , have told us , that as in the place of the Jethronian Judges , succeeded their Judges in the Gates , so the Sanhedrim succeeded in the place of Moses ; therefore there lay no appeal to Moses from the Sanhedrim or 70. Elders . For first , this may be understood , no otherwise , then that they came into the place of Moses , after his decease , or rather after the death of Josuah , who succeeded Moses till the first 70 were deceased . And Secondly , it may be understood , that they succeeded in the place of Moses , during that interval of time which past between the destruction of the Temple , and the captivity of the People , until the setling of the Government in the Race of the Maccabees : & that which happened from the Reign of Herod the Great , to the finall rooting out of that Nation by the Emperour Aerian , of which times most of your great Rabines seem to speak , & in which times neither any of the Kings of Iudah , after their reftitution by Iehoshaphat , or any of the Maccabeans were in place and power . Moses had otherwise made himselfe of no significancy in the publick Government , and stood but for a Cypher in the Arithmetick of State , if he had not kept unto himself the Dernier Resort in receiving any just appeals from that higher Court , as that both lawfully might , and did from the Courts beneath them . Which solecism in the Arts of Government had been committed by Jehoshaphat also , if he had left the Sanhedrim an unlimitted power , from which there could be no appeal ( either Agrarimine or Sententia ) to the Kings themselves . 29. But then you say , That we need not go further then Scripture for the certainty hereof , where the seventy are chosen , not to stand under Moses , but with him ; not to diminish his burden , or bear it under him , with an appeal in difficult cases to him ; as is expressed in the Election of the Jethronian Elders ; but to bear it with him , with out any mention of such appeal : On which distinction , between bearing the burden with him , and under him , you raise this conclusion , That if the seventy Elders were indeed instituted to bear the burden with Moses , therefore thenceforth lay no appeal unto him . But this foundation is too weak , for any Argument of weight to be built upon it ; there being no such difference betwixt the tearms , but that by bearing the burden with him , they might also bear it under him , as indeed they did . When Romulus ordained the Senate of Rome to be Assistants to him in the Government , and to bear part of the burden with him , did they not bear it also under him , aswel as with him ? And when a King elects some principal persons to be of his Council , and to bear some part of that great burden which is laid upon him , do they not therefore bear their part of the burden , as inferiour Ministers or Counsellors of Estate , but as equals to him ? I believe not so ; I might enforce this matter further , but that the Scripture is so evident and express against you . You grant that the Jethronian Judges did bear their part of the burden under Moses , and yet the Scripture says expresly , Exod. 18. 22. that they did bear the burden with him ; and therefore it must follow also , that though the Sanhedrim was said to stand with Moses , and to bear part of the burden with him , yet they did bear it under him also , as the others did ; which notwithstanding you conclude , That if the seventy Elders were indeed instituted to bear the burden with Moses , there thenceforth lay no appeal unto Moses . But then you hope to mend the matter , by telling us , that Moses gained in wisedom what he lost in power , and so the change was for the better : For whereas it was said by God to Moses , in Num. 11. viz. And I will take of the spirit which is upon thee , and I will put it upon them ; these words are so interpreted by all sorts of Expositors , as not to tend unto the diminution of the power of Moses , God's Spirit resting on him in as full a manner as before it did : This you are pleased to grant , and more ; for you say it rested in a fuller . How so ? Because ( say you ) you do believe , his wisedom was the greater for this diminution of his power : Where first you take for granted , that the power of Moses was diminshed by the institution of the seventy Elders , which hitherto you have not proved ; and then believe that his wisedom was the greater for it , which is as hard to prove as the other is , For if the Spirit of God , which before rested upon Moses , was not diminished by any communication of it to the seventy Elders , as the text doth not say it was , you have no reason to believe , that any such comunication of it to others , to so many as seventy , should make it rest upon him in a fuller measure then it did before ; or if you mean that his wisedom was the greater , because he had so many able Assistants in the Government with him , you should then turn the Text , and say that God took of the Spirit which was upon the seventy Elders , and put it upon Moses ; for otherwise his wisedom cannot be said to have been greater , for having so many wise Assistants , no more the personal vallour of a Prince may be said to be greater then it is , by having many men of valour in his Council of War , or the beauty of a Queen said to be greater then before , by having many beautiful Ladies attending on her . And so your argument against apealing from the Sanhedrim , as the supream Court , to Moses , as the supream Prince , is brought to nothing : Which notwithstanding you conceive so highly of the Sanhedrim , because it hath some resemblance to the Senate in a popular estate , that you make it to be a State distinct from the rest of the people ; and all this to no other purpose , but to multiply the number of estate in every Nation , that Kings , and such as have the power of Kings , may not be ridden only with the bitt and bridle , but a Martingal also : For if the Congregation of the people , in Law to be made , had such power as was shown ( but whither it be shown in your Papers or any where else , I am yet to seek ) and that in Law so made , the ultimate appeal lay unto the Sanhedrim ( as you can never prove it did , when there was any King in Israel ) you ask this Question , Why are not here two Estates in this Common wealth each by Gods own Ordinancce , and both plain in Scripture ? Which Argument or Question needs no other Answer , but that , a male suppositis ad non valet Argumentum . ad ●ejus concessa ( as the Logicians use to tell us ) . You must have plainer Texts of Scripture to prove this Ordinance of God , which here you speak of , or else the Sanhedrim and the people could not mak two distinct Estates in that Common-wealth , as you say they did . 30. Now for the clearer proofs of this , that is to say , that there lay no appeal to Moses from the seventy Elders , you have recourse to those words in Deut. 17. 8. where it is said , That if there arise a Controversie within thy gates , too hard for thee in judgment ; then shalt thou come unto the Priest and to the Levite , or to the Judge that shall be in those days , and they shall shew thee the sentence of Judgment ; upon which Text you first deliver this gloss , viz. that by the Judge which shall be in those days , we are to understand those supream Judges which governed the affairs of Israel , from time to time , betwixt the death of Joshua and the raign of Saul . Secondly , That by the Priests and Levites , we are to understand the Sanhedrim , according to the sense of all Authors , as they stand , both Jewish and Christian . And thirdl● , by these words within thy Gates , the Jethronian Judges , because they sate and gave judgment in the Gates of their Cities . And thereupon you raise this Conclusion , without doubt or hesitancy , That by the clear sence of Scripture , all matter of appeal in Israel lay unto the Sanhedrim : And yet perhaps it may be said , that the sence of that Text of Scripture is not so clear as you would have it , the words being otherwise glossed , and therefore otherwise to be understood then you seem to do . For First , How may we be assured , that the Pri●sts and Levites made such a considerable number in the Sanhedrim , as to be taken in this place for the woole Court ; Some which are skilled in all the learning of the Hebrews , telling us that the 70. Elders were first chosen by six and six out of every Tribe which make up 72 in all . And yet say they , they passed by the name of the 70. Elders , ad retundationem numeri ▪ for the evenness and roundness of the number ; even as the 72 Disciples , ( Post haec autem designavit dominus & ali●s Septuaginta duos , saith the vular Latin , Luk. 10. 1. ) are for the same reason called the seventy . If so there could but six Priests and Levites be chosen into that great Council , admitting that the Tribe of Levi were at that time reckoned to be one of the Twelve ; and therefore it is very improbable , that the Priests and Levites should stand here for all the Sanhedrim ; but if the Tribe of Levi were not accounted , at that time amongst the Twelve ( as they were not afterwards ) then could there be no Priests or Levites in that Court at all , at the first institution of it ; though afterwards when Ten of the Twelve Tribes were fallen from the house of David , the Priests and Levites might be taken in to make up the number . And thereupon it needs must follow , that Moses i● that place did not intend the whole Sanhedrim , by the Priests and Levites , or lookt upon the Priests and Levites as the greatest and most considerable thereof . Secondly , It is affirmed by some Christian Writers , that the Priests and Levites here mentioned , are to be understood in their single capacities , and not as parts and members of the Iewish Sanhedrim ; for when a matter seemed too hard to be determined by the inferiour Judges , they are enjoyned ( saith Deodat . ) to go to the Priests by way of consultation and Enquiry , to be informed of the true sence and meaning of Gods Laws : The Priests ( being great Lawyers among the people ) understanding and experienced in the meaning of Gods Law , according to which judgement was to be given in all the cases comprehended therein ; for which we cannot have a better proof then that of the Prophet Mal. cap. 2. 7. where it is said , that the Priests lips should keep knowledge , and they should seek the Law at his mouth ; for he is the Messenger of the Lord of Hosts . Nor is it so certain as you make it , that by the Judge who should be in those dayes , we are to understand , the supream Judge or Judges , or any of them , who governed the affairs of Israel , as aforesaid . For Ainsworth who had well studied the Iewish Rabbines , understands these words of the Sanhedrim it self : By the Judge ( saith he ) is understood the high Councel or Senate of Judges , which were the Chiefs or Heads of the Fathers of Israel . And this he doth not onely say , of his own Authority , but refers himself in generall to the Hebrew Records , and more particularly to Rubbige Maimony in his tract of Rebels , ca. 1. Sect. 4. By both it is agreed , that this direction is not given to the parties themselves , who had any suit or controversie depending in the low Courts , but to the Judges of those Courts , and to them alone ; for which I must confess I can see no reason in the Text or context . 31. For if you look into the first words of that chapter , we shal find it to be a general direction to the people of Israel , by which they are commanded not to sacrifice to the Lord their God any bullock or sheepe wherein is blemish or any ill favouredness , &c. which no man can conceive to relate onely to the Judges of the lower Courts . Nor find I any variation in the rest that follows , no nor in that which comes after neiher , v. 14. where those directions do begin which concern the people ( and not the Priests or Judges onely ) in the Election of their King. And therefore give me leave to think , ( and laugh not at me I beseech you for my singularity ) that there is no other meaning in that Text but this , i e. That if a doubt or scruple should arise amongst them in their severall dwellings in matters which concerned Religion , and the right understanding of the law of God , they should have recourse to the Priests and Levites , for satisfaction in the same , according unto that of the Prophet Malachy , that the people were to seek the Law from the mouth of the Priest , as before we had it . But if it were a civil controversie , matters of difference , which they could not end amongst themselves , and by the interposition of their friends and Neighbours , they should refer it to the Judge or Judges , in whose times they lived to be finally decided by him . And for this Exposition I have not onely some authority , but some reason also : My Authority shall be taken from the words of Estius , who makes gloss upon the Text , viz. Haec sententia modo sacerdotem modo judicem nominat propter duplicem magistratum qui erat in populo dei ; sacram & civilem ; quamvis contingeret aliquando duplicem magistratum in eandem personam concurrere . My reasons shall be taken first from that passage in the 12. verse , in which it is said , that the man that will do presumptuously , and will not hearken unto the Priest ( that standeth to Minister there before the Lord thy God ) &c. Where the Priest seems to be considered in personal capacity , as he stands ministring before the Lord at his holy Altar , not as he sits upon the bench , and acts ●with other of the Judges in an open Court. But whether that be so or not ; certain I am , that many inconveniences must needs happen amongst the people , if the Text be no otherwise to be understood , as you would have it . It is confest on all hands , that there was some intervall of time from the death of every one of the supream Judges and the advancing of the next , though in Chronologies the years of the succeeding Judges are counted from the death of his Predecessor . And you your selfe confess , p. 14. that the Sanhedrim did not continue long after Josuah : And I can find no restitution of it till the time of Iehoshaphat . For though you tell us , p. 16. that never any King , except David , had Session or Vote in this Councel , by which you intimate , that the Sanhedrim was on foot again in the time of David . Yet you have shewed us neither reason nor authority for it . And therefore you may do me a greater favour ( as your own words are ) then you suddenly imagine , to tell me really in what Book of Scripture , or in what other Author I may find it written , that either the Sanhedrim was on foot again in the time of David , or that David did at any time sit and vote amongst them . Hereupon I conclude at last , that if the Text be to be understood as you would have it ; and as you say it is understood in the sence of all Authors both Iewish and Christians , then must the people be without remedy ( at the least without remedy of Appeal ) in their suits and controversies during the interval of time betwixt the Judges , and without remedies also in their doubts & scruples touching the meaning of the Law , for the whole space of time which past betwixt the death of Iosuah , and the raign of Iehoshaphat , which comes to 511. years , or there abouts , which I desire you seriously to consider of . 32. And yet the matter were the less , if having given the Sanhedrim the Dernier Resort , or the supream power in all appeals ; you did not ascribe to them an authority also to controul their Kings . For proof whereof you tell us that both Skickardus and Grotius , with the full consent of the Talmudists , have assured you , that if the King came to violate the Laws and the Statutes , it was in the power of the Sanhedrim to bring him unto corporall punishment . How far Skickardus hath assured you I am not able to say , not being directed by you to any Book or Books of his where it may be found . But if you find no more in Skickardus then you do in Grotius , you will have little cause to brag of this discovery . For Grotius in his first Book , de jure belli &c. cap. 3. ) and not cap. 1. as is mistaken in the print ) first telleth us thus , viz. Samuel jus regum describens satis ostendit adversus Regis injurias nullam in populo relictam potestatem , &c. Samuel , saith he , describing the power of the King of Israel showes plainly , that the people had no power to relieve themselves from the oppressions of their Kings , according unto that of some antient Writers on those words of David , Against thee onely have I sinned , Psal . 51. And to show how absolutely Kings were exempted from such punishments , he presently subjoyns the testimony of Barnach monus an Hebrew . In dictis Rabinorum titulo de judicibus , which is this nulla creatura judicat regem sed benedictus ; that is to say , that no creature judgeth ( or can judge ) the King , but onely God for ever blessed . According unto which I find a memorable Rule in Bracton , an old English Lawyer , relating to the Kings of England , viz. Omnem esse sub rege , & ipsum sub nullo , sed tantum sub deo , That every man is under the King , but the King is under none but God. Betwixt which passages , so plainly destructive of the power ascribed to the Sanhedrim ; Grotius interlopes this following passage from some Iewish Writers , viz. Video consentire Hebraeos regi in eas leges quae de officio regis scriptae extabant , peccanti inflicta verbera , sed●a apud illos infamiâ carebant , & a rege in signum penitentiae sponte suscipiebantur ; ideoque non a lictore , sed ab eo quem legisset ipse probatur , & suo arbitrio verberibus statuebat modum . I have put down the words at large , that the learned and judicious Reader may see what he is to trust to in this point . The sence whereof is this in English , viz. that stripes were inflicted on the King , if he transgressed those Lawes which had been written touching the Regal office ; But that those stripes carried not with them any mark of infamy , but were voluntary undergone by him in testimony of his repentance ; upon which ground , the said stripes were not laid upon him by a common Officer , but by some one or other of his own appointment , it being also in his power to limit both the the number and severity of those stripes which they were to give him . Nothing in all this which concerns the Sanhedrim , nothing which speaks of such a power as the bringing of the Kings unto corporal ●punishment ; this punishment being onely such as the Kings had condemned themselves unto in the way of penance , for their transgression of the Laws : This is enough to show how little credit is to be given to the full and general consent of the Talmudists , whom Grotius builds upon , for proving the supream power in the Sanhedrim , in bringing their Kings to corporal punishment which they never had . And yet to make the matter clearer , he presently subjoyns these words unto those before ( but whether they be his own words , or the words of some of his Hebrew Writers , let them judge that list ) viz. a paenis autem coactivis adeo liberi erant reges , ut etiam excalceationis lex quippe cum ignominia conjuncta in ipsis cessaret . There Kings ( saith he ) were so far exempted from the coactive power of Law , that they were not liable to the penance of going barefoot , because it carried with it a mark of infamy . If there be any other place in Grotius , which may serve your turn , you must first direct me where to find it , before you can expect it should have an answer . 33. The Talmudists having failed you , you have recourse unto the Scripture , and to the Authority of Josephus , a right good Historian , but with no more advantage to the point in hand , then if you had never lookt upon them : You tell us of a Restitution of the Sanhedrim was made by King Jehoshaphat , as I think it was , for so I find it , 2 Chron. 19. v. 8. Moreover ( saith the Text ) in Jerusalem did Jehoshaphat set of the Levites , and of the Priests , and the chief of the Fathers in Israel , for the judgement of the Lord , and for controversies when they return to Jerusalem . But how can you inferre from hence , that by the manner of this Restitution , ( admitting that it relates unto the Sanhedrim , as I think ●it may , though other Writers make it doubtful ) doth so plainly show that ever under the Monarchy the power of the Sanhedrim was co-ordinate with that of the King , which consequent if it can be rationally collected from that text of Scripture , or any which depends upon it , I have lost my Logick . Jehoshaphat , though a just King , and a godly man , could neither be so unskilful in his own affairs , or so careless of the regalities of his posterity , as to erect another power which might be co-ordinate with his own , and might hereafter give a check to himself and them in all Acts of Government ; But then supposing Jehoshaphat to be so improvident , as to erect a power which was to be co-ordinate with him ; yet being but a co-ordinate power , it gave them no Authority to bring their King to corporal punishment , as you say they did . I know it is a rule in Logick , Co-ordinate se invicem supplent , that one co-ordinate doth supply the defects of another . But I never heard of any such Maxime , as , Co-ordinata se invicem tollent , that one co-ordinate power may destroy the other ; and if it hath no power to destroy the other , then can it pretend to no power correcting the other , which is the next degree to a totall destruction . For , par in parem non habet potestatem , as the saying is ; Besides all which , if any such power had been given the Sanhedrim either at the first institution of it ▪ by Almighty God , or at the Restitution by Jehoshaphat , there is no question to be made , but that we should have either found it in the Original Grant , or by some exemplications of it in point of practise ; but finding neither of the two in the Book of God , or in any approved humane Authors , I take it for a very strong Argument , that no such power was ever given them , Non apparentium , & non existentium , eandem esse rationem , was a good maxime in the Schools , and I build upon it . 34 , But on the contrary , you hope to help your self by two examples , one of them being taken out of the Prophet Jeremiah , the other out of the Jewish Antiquities ; you instance first in Zedekias , who to the Sanhedrim demanding the Prophet Jeremiah , made answer , Behold he is in your hands ; for the King is not he that can do any thing without you . Out of which words you would infer , First , that the King ( according to the opinion of some of the Talmudists ) was not to judge in some cases ; which whether he was or not , is not much material ; most Kings conceiving it most agreeable to their own ease , & the content of their Subjects , to divolve that power upon their Judges , obliged by oath to administer equal Justice betwixt the King and his people . You infer secondly from those words , that the Sanhedrim were co-ordinate with the Kings of Judah , though there be no such matter in them . My answer unto this objection , and my reasons for it , you must needs have met with in the Book against Calvin , as you call it ; of which since you have took no notice , I am forced to bring them here to a repetition . My answer is , That Calvin ( whom it most concerned to have it so ) finds fault with them who did expound the place , to that end or purpose which you most desire , or though the King did speak so honourably of his Princes , ac si nihil iis sit negandum , , as if nothing was to be denied them ; whereas he rather doth conceive that it was , amarulenta Regis quaerimonia , a sad and bitter complaint of the poor captivated King against his Councellors , by whom he was so over-ballanced , ut velit nolit cedere iis cogeretur , that he was forced to yield to them , whether he would or not ; which he punctually and expresly calls , inexcusabilem arrogantiam , an intolerable piece of sawciness in those Princes , and an exclusion of the King from his legal rights . This makes the matter plain enough , that the Princes ( by whom you understand the Sanhedrim ) had no such power in Calvins Judgment , as might make them equal to the King , or legally enable them to controul his rections ; but the reason which I there give makes the matter plainer ; and my reason is , that Calvin , who is said by some , to have composed his Expositions on the Scripture according to the Doctrine of his institutions , would not have lost so fair an evidence , for the advancing of his popular Magistracy , and consequently of the three Estates in most Christian Kingdomes , had he conceived , he could have made it serviceable to his end and purpose : for then how easy had it been for it , in stead of the Demarchy of Athens , in which you say he was mistaken to have understood the Jewish Sanhedrim , in which he could not be mistaken , if you judge aright : Besides we are not very sure , that the Princes mentioned in that place , did make up the Sanhedrim , or came unto the King in the name of Councell , of which some of them might be members , but rather that they were the Peers and most powerful men of the Realm of Judah , out of whose Families the Kings did use to chuse their wives . Who being incensed ▪ against the Prophet , and knowing that the King was not able to dispute the point with them , as the case then stood , preferred the executing of their malice against the one , before their duty to the other . But granting that by Princes here , we must mean the Sanhedrim , and that the Sanhedrim taking the advantage of those broken and unsetled times carried some things with an high hand against that King , yet this is no sufficient proof , that either by the rules of their institution , or their Restitution , they were co-ordinate with their Kings , or superiour to them . Great Councils , commonly are intent upon all advantages , by which they may improve their power , as in the minority of Kings , or the unsetledness of the times , or when they meet with such weak Princes , who either for want of natural courage , or a right understanding of their own affairs , suffer them by little and little to get ground upon them . But then I hope you will not argue a facto adjus , that because they did it therefore they might lawfully do it ; that maxime of the Civil Lawyers , id possumus , quod jure possumus ; being as undeniably true in the case of the Sanhedrim , or any other publick Council , as in that of any private person . 35. Your second example is that of Herod and Hircanus , which you found also in the Book against Calvin , by which name you call it ; but press it quite beyond my purpose . Baronius had affirmed of the Sanhedrim , ( as you also do ) Eorum summam esse potestatem qui de lege cognoscerent , & Prophetis & simul de regibus judicarent , that they had power of judicature over the Law , the Prophets and the Kings themselves , which false position he confirms by as false an instance , affirming in the very next words , horum judicio Herodem regem postulatum esse , That Herod being then actually King of Jurie , was convented by them , for which he cites Josephus with the like integrity , so that I had no other business with Baronius , then to prove that Herod was not King , when he was summoned to appear before the Sanhedrim ; and having proved that point , I had done my business without any shufflings and Evasions as you put upon me . But since Hircanus must be brought in also to act his part in a controversie of which I was not bound to take any notice . I must let you know , that if Hircanus could not by power save Herod from the hands of the Sanhedrim , and therefore shifted him away , as you say by art ; it was not for want of power in the King , but for want of spirit in the man. For first , Hircanus at that time was no more King of the Jews then Herod was , though he be sometimes called so by my self , and others , because he succeeded in the Kingdom , and was actually in possession of it , upon the death of Alexandra . But having afterwards relinquished the Kingdom to Aristobulus , and not restored again by Pompey , when the differences betwixt them came to be decided , he was forced to content himself with the Dignity and Title of High Priest , and was no other at such time as this business hapned . But granting that he was then King , yet living in a broken and distracted time , and being a Prince of little judgement and less courage , every one had their ends upon him ▪ and made him yield to any thing which was offered to him . So that this Argument comes into as little purpose as that before of Zedekias ; and therefore for a further answer to it , I refer you thither , without giving any more trouble to my self or you . But when you add , and add it out of Grotius , that this Court continued till Herod the G. who caused them all to be put to death except Sameas only ; it must needs follow hereupon , that Herod did not onely destroy the Members of that Court , but the Court it selfe . For when you say , that this Court continued till Herod the Great , you tell us in effect that it contiued no longer ; and by so doing , you must either contradict the four Evangelists , who make frequent mention of this Councel , as Mat. 5. 22. Joh. 11. 47. &c. or the general current of Interpreters which have written on them . Nor am I much moved with that which you say from Grotius ( supposing that he hath the Talmudists or his Au●hors in it ) that is to say , that God punished the Sanhedrim for neglect of their duty , in not supressing by their power , ( as they ought to have done ● he insolencies of Herod , in exalting himself against the Laws For I believe that neither Grotius , nor the Talmudists , or any who depends upon them , were of Gods councel in the business , or can tell us any more of it then another man : And therefore if the three Estates in a Gothish Moddel , have no better legs to stand upon then the authority of the Talmudists , and the power of the Sanhedrim , they can pretend to no such power after the persons , or actions of soveraign Princes , as Calvin hath ascribed unto them . 36. But you draw towards a conclusion , and so do I , you tell me upon confidence of your former Arguments , and take it as a matter proved , that there never lay an appeal from the Sanhedrim unto Moses , nor to any other Magistrate ( excepting onely when they lived under the Provincial Government of some forrain Princes ) as also that they had power upon their Kings . You tell me that I must confess that the three Estates concerned in Parliament , or any other Popular Magistrate Calvin doth dream of , are to be left in that condition in which Calvin finds them . And so perhaps I may when I see this proved , which as yet I do not , though there be no necessity on my part to make such confession , and much less to acknowledge that the whose book is answered , by your endeavour to make answer to some passages in it . Had it been proved ( unanswerably that the Ephori of Sparta , by the first Rules of their institution , had a jurisdiction over their Kings , and the Sanhedrim also over theirs , which are the only two points to which you have endeavoured to return an answer ) you have no more reason to expect that I should acknowledge the whole Book to be fully answered , then that you or any man may be said to have confuted all the Works of Cardinal Bellarmine , because he hath confuted two or three of his chief Objections . And thus in order to your expectation of hearing further from me , which you seem to hope for , rather then out of any desires engaging my self either with fresh Adversaries or new disputes . I must needs say , that I look upon you as a generous and ingenious Adversary , as before I did : Of whose society and friendship I should count it no crime , to be ambitious , had not my great decay of ●ight , ( beside other infirmities growing on me ) rendered me more desirous of a private and retired life , then of such an agreeable conversation . But the window of my shop being almost shut , & almost all my Wares plundered with the loss of my Library , it is high time for me to give over this trade , leaving to nimbler Pens the managing of these Political Discourses , wherewith mine hath been already dulled . P. H. Lacies Court in Abingdon . December 24. 1658. AN APPENDIX To the former Papers in Answer to some passages in M. FULLERS late Appeal , for INJURED INNOCENT . 1. IT is observed of Cicero that renowned Orator , that having spent the greatest part of his life , in the service of the Commonwealth , and in defence of many of the principal Citizens whose cause he pleaded , when they stood in need of so great an Eloquence : there was none found to advocate in his behalf , when his occasions most required it , Cum ejus salutem nemo defendisset qui per tot annos , & publicam civitatis , & privatam Civium defenderat , as Paterculus hath it . An infelicity , which I have some reason to expect , though I do not fear it : when after so many services to the Church in Generall , and appearing in defence of so many particular persons of most note and eminence , I shall be loaded with reproach by some , and contempt by others . Two adversaries I have lately drawn upon me for my love to truth , my zeal unto the Church , and the injured Clergy : By one of which ( notwithstanding my Respectful usage of him ) I have been handled in so rude and scurrilous a manner , as renders him uncapable of any honest correction , there being no Pen foul enough to encounter with him , which would not be made fouler by engaging in so foul a subject . From the other ( though more exasperated ) I have received a well studied Answer , composed with ingenuity and judgment , not standing wilfully in an Error of which he finds himself convinced , though traversing many points in debate between us , which with more honour to the truth might have been declined . And in the end thereof , I find a Letter directed or superscribed unto me , tending especially to the begetting of such a friendly correspondence betwixt us , as may conduce to the establishment of a following Peace . Which Letter I shall first lay down , and after some considerations had and made on the book it self , I shall return as fair an Answer . Now the words of the Letter are as followeth . To my Loving Friend , Dr. Peter Heylyn . 2. I Hope , Sir , that we are not mutually unfriended by this difference which hath hapned betwixt us . And now , as Duellers , when they are both out of breath , may stand still and Parley , before they have a second Pass ; let us in cold blood exchange a word , and mean time let us depose , at least suspend our Animosities . Death hath crept into both our Clay-Cottages through the Windows ; your Eys being Bad , mine not Good , God mend them both ; and sanctifie unto us those monitors of mortality , and however it fareth with our corporall Sight , send our Souls that Collyrium and Heavenly Eye-salve mentioned in the Scripture . But indeed , Sir , I conceive our Time , Paines , and Parts , may be better expended to Gods Glory , and the Churches Good , then in these needless Contentions ; Why should Peter fall out with Thomas , both being Disciples to the same Lord and Master . I assure you , Sir , ( what ever you conceive to the contrary ) I am cordial to the Cause of the English Church , and my Hoary Hairs will go down to the Grave in sorrow for her sufferings . You well remember the Passage in * Homer how wise Nestor bemoaned the unhappy difference betwixt Agamemnon and Achilles . * O Gods ! how great the grief of Greece the while , And Pryams self , and Sons do sweetly smile , Yea all the Trojan Party swell with laughter , That Greeks with Greeks fall out and fight to slaughter . Let me therefore tender you an expedient intendency to our mutual agreement . You know full well , Sir , how in Heraldry , two Lioncels Rampant endorsed , are said to be the Embleme of two valiant men , keeping appointment , and meeting in the Field , but either forbidden to fight by their Prince : whereupon , Back to Back , neither Conquerors nor Conquered , they depart the Field several wayes , ( their stout stomacks not suffering them both to go the same way ) least it be accounted an injury , one to precede the other . In like manner I know you disdain to allow me your Equal in this Controversie betwixt us , and I will not allow you my Superiour . To prevent further trouble , let it be a drawn Battel , and let both of us abound in our own sence , severally perswaded in the truth of what we have written . Thus parting , and going out back to back ( here to cut off all contest about Precedency ) I hope we shall meet in Heaven Face to Face , hereafter . In order whereunto , God willing , I will give you a meeting , when and where you shall be pleased to appoint , that we , who have Tilted Pens , may shake hands together . S. Paul , writing to Philemon concerning Onesisimus , saith , For perhaps he therefore departed for a season , that thou mightest receive him for ever . To avoid exceptions , you shall be the Good Philemon , I the Fugitive Onesimus . Who knoweth but that God in his providence permitted , yea ordered , this difference to happen betwixt us ; not onely to occasion a Reconciliation , but to consolidate a mutual friendship betwixt us , during our lives ; and that the survivor , ( in Gods pleasure onely to appoint ) may make favourable and Respectful mention of him , who goeth first to his Grave , The desire of him who Remains , SIR , A Lover of your Parts , and an Honourer of your Person , Tho. Fuller ▪ 3. This Letter I must needs confess to be very civil , and the add●ess agreeable enough to my disposition ; so that I am obliged , both in point of manners and good nature , to return such an answer to it , as may sufficiently declare that my contentions rather aim at Truth , then Victory , or Victory no further , then it triumpheth in the vindication of an injured truth . But first I am to enter into consideration of some particulars relating to the late Appeal , my Adversary , my self , and finally to some few differences which remain between us . 4. And first concerning The Appeal , ( for by that name he calls his Answer to my Animadversions ) I cannot make a fitter Resemblance of it , then to a well digested Answer to a Chancery Bill , which for the most part endeth with these formal words , viz. Absque hoc , that any matter or thing material , or effectual , for him the defendant to make Answer unto , in this his Answer , is not sufficiently Answered , confessed , or avoided , traversed or denyed to the best of his knowledge . Many particular Errors which were charged upon him , he hath ingeniously confessed , and promised to correct them in the next Edition ; so that I must needs think that I have not bestowed my labour in vain , in case it produce no further good effect upon him , as I hope it will , some he endeavoureth to avoid , and seeks all Subterfuges which wit or cunning can devise to save himself from the sence and guilt of a conviction . In which Respect as the Lord Chancellor Egerton was wont to say of Dr. Day , ( then being Dean of Windsor , and Provost of Eaton ) that he was the best at creeping out of the Law of any that ever came before him ; so it may be affirmed of the present Appealant , that he hath an excellent way of avoiding that Argument , the strength whereof he cannot Master , as will appear to any equal and judicious Reader . And other Arguments there are , which he ●o avoideth , as to make no Answer to them at all , of which sort most especially are those Charges in the Adnimadversions , as that about the Brittish Laws , a Copy whereof was desired from Luciu● by Pope Euleutherius , num . 14 His bringing the H●ns and Vandals out of the Cimbrick Chersonese , the first whereof inhabited beyond the Fennes of Meotis in the Greater Asia , the othes in the Dukedom of Mertlenburg , on this side of the Bullich , num . 49. His bringing of the Brittish Lawes into the Collection made by K. Edward the ●onfessor , num . 53. that about St. Stephens Chappel , num . 64. His making of Cardinal Beawfort to be the founder of the Hospital of S. Owsse , near Winchester , num . 106. His skipping over the Head of Henry of Albret , the second Husband of the Dutchess of Alanzon , sister to King Francis the first of France , num . 108. His making Cain to be one of the four primitive persons in the beginning of the world ( which must be understood of the time when he killed his Brother ) num . 129. His not distinguishing between the first Liturgy of K. Edw. the 6th . and a form of administring the Communion made the year before . And numb . 136. his not Answering to the Argument in behalfe of the Articles agreed upon in Convocation , An. 1552. nor numb . 141. to that against Conning of Loyalty by Heart out of the Statute of succession , derived from the short time which intervened between the making of that Statute , and the Raign of Queen Mary : And num . 143. His making Callis not to be worth the charge which it cost in keeping , num : 150. His Ascribing the precedings of some Bishops to a power given them by the Canons , at what time no such Canons were made as the Author dreams of , num . 165. His passing over the Statute , 23. of Eliz purposely made for suppressing the impetuosities of the Puritan faction , num . 175. His two mistakes in making Bancroft Bishop of London , to be present at the framing of the Lambeth Article : and num . 189. and the Lady Margarets Professor in Cambridge , to continue in his place from three years to three years , num . 190. Thesulri , his placing the Earl Marshal before the Constable , as if the one had gone before the other in that Royal Pomp , when as they march by two and two , num . 229. Some he cuts off with an &c as numb . 130. in Baulking the Discovery of such Lands as are held Tith free under colour of belonging to the Cistercians , Templers , and Hospitalers , and num . 135 , about the sitting of the Lords of the Councell on Sundays as well as others Holy-days , for affairs of State , and num . 144. about the Priviledges granted in the Convocation by Act of Parliament ; and num . 855. touching the reasons which induced Queen Elizabeth not to commissionate the Clergy in her first Convocation , to treat of any thing which concerned Religion , besides divers others . And many Paragraphs there are in the Animadversions which he hath totally preter ▪ mitted , without taking any notice of them at all , as , viz. Num. 130. 135. 138. 140. 158. 163. 176. 177. 178. 182. 197. 201. 202. 204. 207. 208. 209. 210. 212. 218. 275. 278. 279. 280. 282. 297. 312. 320. to which for brevity sake I refer the Reader ; and to his Judgment also , I refer the consideration of all those particulars , whether he thinks them pretermitted as unanswerable , or not worth the answering . 5. Such being his Avoidings in matters which relate to the story only , we must next see how he doth traverse such Indictments as had been brought against himself . He stands suspected in the Animadversions , for harbouring some disaffection to the Regal and Episcopal Government , the power and Rulers of the Church , and the Orders and the members of it : First being touched in point of Loyalty , for laying down a dangerous Doctrine in reference to the person of King Henry 6. Lib. 4. to 190. he pleads the benefit of one of the Erratas in the Animadversions , where fol. 109. is mistaken for 190. and finding nothing to the purpose in the place mistaken conceives himself to be discharged by Proclamation , from the Crime objected : But when it comes to be considered in its proper place , he maks so sorry a defence , that the last words of it , though but few , viz. The less we touch this Harsh-string the better Musick , make the best part of the Answer , pag. 2. fol. 52. In the beginning of the Raign of Queen Elizabeth , he advocates i● behalf of some violent spirits , who being impatient to attend the leisure of Authority , fell before hand to beating down of some superstitious Pictures and Images ; and several reasons are alledged for their justification , without pretending unto any other Author , out of whom he had them ; and this he traverseth , by saying , that he subjoyned somewhat in confutation of their extravigancies ; and somewhat is subjoined indeed , but that which rather speaks the sense of others then his own : Others ( saith he ) condemned their indiscretion herein , because although they might reform the private persons and families , yet publique reformation did belong to the Magistrate : Where first , those others whom he speaks of , are of a different sense from him , who puts such tempting reasons into the mouths of those violent hot-spurs ; and then he makes those others to be so indifferent , as to condemn them only of some indiscretion , and no higher Crime , pag. 2. fol. 53. 6. Being indicted for pleading so coldly for the Hierarchy of Bishops , as if he had a minde to betray the Cause , he traverseth the point and tells us , that possibly he might do it weakly , for want of ability , but not coldly , for want of affection ; and therefore that from thence-forward , he would stand by and resigne his place at the Barr , to better pleaders then himself : More fully thus in the Church History , fol. 143. I will now ( saith he ) withdraw my self , or at leastwise stand by as a silent Spectator , whilst I make room so for my betters , to come forth and speak in the present controversie of Church Government ; call it not cowardise , but count it caution in me , if desirous in this difference to ly at a close ward , and offer as little play as may be on either side : which words of his , whether they do not argue rather a coldness for want of affection , then any weakness or want of ability , is left to the verdict of the Jurie . Acoused for mitigating the scandalous offences of the Martin Mar-Prelates , in their reviling of the Bishops , by passing no other censures on them then this , viz. That wits will be working , and such as have a Satyrical vane , cannot better vent it , then in lashing of si● : He complains of being dis-ingeniously dealt with by the Prosecutor , because he lets us see in the following words , that whatsoever his own judgment and opinion was , yet the most discreet and devout sort of men , even of such as were no great friends to the Hierarchy , did condemn the practise , pag. 2. fol. 89. His disaffection to the Church and the power thereof , being urged against him in his congratulation , for taking away the High Commission and the Oath Ex Officio , which had been formerly the greatest curbs of the Puritan Faction , and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church ; he pleads no otherwise to the first part of the charge , then by praying , That God would please to restore the Church , in his good time , so her just rights , and give her wisedom moderately to use it : And to the second part thereof , that he desireth from his heart , that no such analogical Oath ( that is to say , no Oath which carrieth any analogy to the Oath Ex Officio ) may be offered to him , but giving the Animadvertor leave to have it to himself if he doth desire it . Ibid ! 7. Impeached for reckoning the Cross in Baptism amongst the Popish trinkets , the Episcopal Ornaments for trifles , the Le●any , Surplice , and other Ceremonies in Service and Sacraments , counted both as superfluous and superstitious : He answereth to the 1 , that though he call the Cross in Baptism a Popish trinket ▪ yet it is not called so simply and absolutely , that he holds it for an ancient and significant Ceremony , though it be neither essential to or completory of the Sacrament ; but that it is high time to tearm them superstitious trinkets , when that or any others Ceremonies , shall intrude themselves as necessary and essential , pag. 1. pag. 155. neither of which ( I mean necessity nor essentiallity ) hath hitherto been ascribed to the Cross in Baptism , by any of the greatest Trinketers in the Church of Rome : So that he might have spared those words ( in reference at least to the Church of England . ) A Chain of Gold is an eminent Ornament ●bout the neck ; but it may be drawn so close , as to choak and strangle the wearer thereof . And in like manner , Ceremonies , though decent and useful , when pretending to essentiality become ( as Luther saith ) carnificinae conscientiae , and therefore justly may we beware thereof , pag 2 ▪ fol. 9. The second part of that charge , for calling the Episcopal Ornaments by the name of ir●fles , he exonerates on the Duke of Northumberland , as better able to bear it , pag. 2. fol. 78. though the words plainly are his own . And in full Bar , to the third , he appeals to all such as knew his conformity in the Colledge Chappel , Country Parishes , and Cathedral of Sarum for his compurgators , pag. 2. fol. 80. 8. And finally , ( not to descend to more particulars ) having reproacht the sequestred Clergy by the name of Baals Priests , unsavory Sal● , not fit to be thrown upon the a●nghil , and charged them with such foul offences , as did not onely cry to ●●sti●e for punishment , but were too shameful to b●●●ported ; He Traverseth the point , and saith , That his Pen and Tongue hath been , and shall be tender of their Reputation , p. 3. fol. 56. And this is such a kind of Protest , as the Civilians call Protestation contraria facto , when the Protestation made of a Man 's own innocenc●es , is evidently contrary to the fact , against which he protesteth ; though for the clearer proof hereof , as in the former part of the charge , he had fathered his own words on the Duke of Northumberland ; so in this last , he assumes those de●ences upon himself , which in his Histo ▪ he ascribes to the Oxford Royalists , alledging many just exceptions for their sequestred Friends , against the proceedings of the Houses . Which Traverses of his , whether they wil hold good or not , must be left to the judgement of the Court. Certain I am , that by these Traverses on the one side , and his Avoydings on the other , he seems to be as much distracted betwixt Science and Conscience , as was Medea in the * Poet , betwixt judgement and Passion ; rather Resolved to plead not guilty to the Bill whatsoever it be , then to stand mute , or to be taken pro confesso , and have a verdict pass against him ▪ by a nihil Dicit . 9 ▪ The Generall Avoidings , and particular Traverses , which ( together with the Points or Articles confessed ) make up the greatest part of The Appeal , being thus passed over , I should proceed according to the method and style before remembred to the Considertion of those few Charges which in the Answer are denyed , and so remain in difference between us , as at first they did . But first I must prepare my way , by taking notice of such Ma●●●●●s and Things , as most especially relate unto my Adversary and my self . And if I do begin with my self , I shall refer it to my Adversaries Determination , whether I do it in reference to the old Rule in the Accidence , That the first person is more worthy then the second , and the second more worthy then the third ; or to the Proverb which instructs us , That charity begins at home , or Egomet proximus sum mihi , as the Latines have it . First then , he chargeth me with Cavils . Cavils without cause , and Cavils without measure , and yet observes it to be so easie a peece of work , that a Pigmy may be a Giant ; enough for such a purpose . p. 1. If so , then either I must be a Pigmy , compared to such a Giant , such a Son of Anak , in Historical matters ; or such an easie peece of work must be much beneath me , whom he is willing to acknowledge to be of abler parts and Learning , then indeed I am , in hope to gain the greater Honour by his victory on me . But my exceptions are too just to be called Cavils ▪ too few to be reckoned without measure , and too well grounded to be accompted without cause ; for otherwise what need was there on his part for so many confessions , such frequent Traverses and Avoidings of those Accusations , from which he could not clear himself by a positive Answer : And yet he makes the ca●sless Cavils so frequent in me , and the humour of Cavilling so Predominant in my affections , as to be able to affright all those from writing Histories , who have both commendable Inclinations , and proportionable qualifications , for such undertakings . * For saving to my self the benefit and advantage of exception , now and at all times hereafter against the injustice of such a false and undeserved calumnie ; I do hereby assure the Appeallant , and all others whosoever the● be , who shall apply themselves to writing of Histories , that my Pen shal never be imploy'd about them to the disgracing of their persons , or the discountenancing their performance in what sort soever . And in persuance hereof , I shall be somewhat better natured then the Lady Moore ; of whom my Author knows a tale , that coming once from Shrift , she pleasantly saith unto her Husband , be merry Sir Thomas , for I have been well shriven to day , and mean to lay aside all my old shrewishness : yea , Madam , ( saith he ) and to begin again afresh . 10. But so it shall not be with me ▪ that which my adversary takes for a shrewishness in me , shall be laid aside , never to be resumed again upon any occasion , when I am not personally concerned . In which case , if either my spirit prove so eager , or my style so tart and smart , as he * says it is , I hope the naturall necessity of self preservation will excuse me in it . Where by the way , I must needs think my self unequally dealt with by the present Appeallant , who is not pleased with my humour , be it Grave or Pleasant : If I am Grave , and serious in my Animadversions , he ascribes it ever and anon to my too much Morosi●y , as if I were the Morose himselfe in Ben Johnsons Epicaene . I● smart and jocular , I shall be presently accused o● Railing as if I had been bred in Billings-Gate Colledge . I can not make my selfe merry with a mess of Fullers , but I must have a Rail laid in my Dish , and a quail to boot ; especially if I touch on our Author himself , who will behold me for so doing , with no other eyes , then the servants of Hezekiah looked on Rabsecah , p. 2. fol. 95. And if I do but speak unhappily of a Waltam Calf , the application of the Harmless Proverb without more a●o , must be Railing also , and such a railing as is like a To●d swelled with venome , as much beneath a Doctor as against Divinity . p. 3. fol. 33. But let not my Author be too Angry upon this account , my Title to the Calf being like to prove as good as his , especially if our Contentions be so needless , as his Letter intimates . For i● our Quarels onely be , de lana caprina , the equall Rider may bestow the Calf upon both alike ; Et vitulo tu dignus & ●ic est , as said the Umpire in the Poet. And in all this I hope there is is nothing of the snarling dog , to which he i● pleased to compare me within few lines after , though he knows well that I can Bite , as well as Bark , if I set my self to it . 11. But now I am to change my weapons , or rather , to throw down the Sword and take up the Buckler , that I may save my self the better from those furious blows which the Appealant le●s fly at me . He charges m● in Generall , first with not being over dutiful to the Fathers of the Church fol. 2. Dutiful then I am to the Fathers of the Church , though not over dutiful , which I believe is more then all men , who have read his History canaff●●m of him ▪ and next particularly , for writing against the two Arch-bishops of York , and Armah , Dr. Prideaux , Dr. Hackwell , and Calvin ( who against all the Rules of Heraldry , must be marrialled first ) my engaging with M Lestrange , with D. Barnard and his Squire not being forgotten . Of which the first four might have slept in Peace in the Bed of Rest , without any disturbance on my part , if three of them had not been conjured up , by Dr. Barnard , and his Squire to begin the Quarrel ; and the fourth raised by M. Lestrange , when I least lookt for him . And as for Calvin , who must needs lead the Van in this General Muster ; I know no reason which can hinder me , or any other who have subscribed unto the Government of the Church of England , or have taken the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance to the Kings thereof , from taking him to task if he com●●n our way , as well as any other forrain o● Domestick Writer of what name soever . 12. But my ●ndutifulness hath transported me beyond the Fathers of the Church . And I am next accused , for waving my Loyalty and Discretion together , in having so ●au●ily and unsubject-like counted how often King Charles waved his Crown . p. 1. fol. 56. Somewhat is also intimated within few lines after , concerning some of those whom he calls ●igh Royalist● , who maintaining that all the Goods of the subjects are at the Kings absolute dispose , have written of him in a base and disparaging language , since the time of his death . If any were faulty in this last kind , let them speak for themselves , neither my Tongue nor Pen shall ever be imployed in their behalf . Certain I am , that I am free enough from the accusation ; my nearest kindred being persons of two fair a Fortune to be betrayed by one of their own blood to a loss of that Property , which they have by Law in their Estates . And no less certain am I , that no flattery or time-serving , no preaching up the Kings Prerogative , nor derogating from the property of the English subjects , could be found in any of my Sermons before his Majesty , had they been sifted to the very Bran. In confidence whereof ( as in the way of Anticipation hath * been said elsewhere ) I offered the Committee of the Courts of Justice , ( before whom I was called in December 1640. on the complaint of M. Prinne ) to put into their hands all the Sermons which I had either preacht at Court , or in Westminster Abby to the end that they might see how free and innocent I was from broching any such new Doctrines as might not be good Parliament proof , whensoever they should come to be examin'd . The 2d crimination for waving my Loyalty and discretion together , in speaking something freely , ( let it be called saucily to please my Author ) of the Kings waving of hs Crown , is already answered , und the Appeallant might have found it in my Answer to the Observator Observed , where the like Objection had been made . My Answer is ; That Errors in conduct of affairs , and effects in Councels , are not unprofitably noted by the best Historians , and that too in the greatest Princes ; Their successors might be else to seek in the knowledge of some things of weight and consequence , and such as most nearly do concern their own preservation . He that soweth Pillows under the Elbows of Great Princes , when they are alive , shall be termed a flatterer ; and he that flatters them being dead , to the prejudice and wrong of their Posterity , deserves not to pass for an Historian . That wit is alwaies better cheap , which is purchased with the price of another mans Errors , then with the feeling of our own . So that my Adversary in these Criminations doth but Actum agere , and therefore is to be content with such former Answers as have been made unto his hands . 13 Now as I stand accused for two little Loyalty to the King , so I am charged with two much doting on the Queen , even the Great Queen and Empress of this world , called Regina Pecunia ; whose Letter must be made more prevalent with me , for publishing the Animadversions , then all the other considerations pretended by me . And for proof hereof , he calls the Book it self to witness . Offered to , and Refused by some Stationers , because that by reason of his Hi●h terms , they could not make a saving Bargain to themselves , fol. 57. For Answer whereunto I must let him know , that the Animadversions when they stood single by themselves in the first draught of them , were offered to M. Roycro●t the Printer for a peece of Plate of five or six pounds , and a quartern of Coppies , which would have cost him nothing but so much paper , conditioned that he should be bound to make them ready b● Candlemas Term , 1657. but he not performing that condition , I sent for them again , enlarged them to a full third Part , and seconded them with the Advertisements on Sandersons Histories ; and having so done , offered them to M. Royston , and M Marriot , who had undertook the Printing of the Book , called Respondit Petrus , after my old friend had refused it , whose Propositions ( for I reserved the offer to be made by them ) being very free and ingenuous , were by me cheerfully excepted . But M. Marriot afterwards declining the business , it was afterwards performed by M. Royston and M. Seyle , his said old friend , on no better conditions then had been offerred at the first . And now I am forced upon this point , I shall add this also , that for the Obseruations on the Hist . of H. L. Esq ; and the defence thereof against the Observator Observed , the Help to History ( which now I shall boldly take upon me being thus put to it ) my Commentary on the Creed , and the Book called Ecclesia Vindicata , I never ma●e any conditions at all ; and for the four last never received any consideration but in Copies onely , and those too in so small a number , that I had not above seven or eight of the three first , and but twelve of the last . And for the Printing of these Papers , so far am I from making any Capitulation , that it remains wholly in the ingenuity of the Stationer to deal with me in it as he please● ; so that I scrible for the most part , as some Cats kill M●se , rather to find my self some Recreation , then to satisfie hunger . And though I have presented as many of the said Books , and my large Cosmographies within seven years past , as did amount at the least unto twenty pound , I never received the value of a single ●●●thing , either directly or indirectly , either in money or any other kind of Retribution of what sort soever . When my Adversary can say the like , let him upbraid me with the Love of Regina Pecunia , but till then be silent . 14. But he goes on and charges me with addressing my History of St. George , by several Letters to the Earls of Danby , Lindsey , &c. And it is fit that he should have an answer to that Charge also . And therefore be he pleased to know , that when I first came came to the Kings service , I was very young , a stranger , and unpractised in the wayes of the Court ; and therefore thought it necessary to make my self known to the Great Lords about his Majesty , by writing that History , having presented it to three or four of the Lords , which were of the Order of the Garter ; the Earl of Rutland would needs force upon me , the taking of two twenty shilling peeces in Gold. The sence and shame whereof did so discompose me , that afterwards I never gave any one of them with my own hands , but onely to the Earl of Sommerset , whom I had a great desire to see , and from whose condition I could promise my self to come off with freedom . But afterwards addressed them with several Leters by some one or other of my servants ; with whom I hope my Adversary will not think that I parted stakes , as many Country Madams are affirmed to do in the Butlers Box. And though I dedicated two of my Books since his Majesties death , to two great Peers of this Realm ; yet for avoiding all such sinister interpretations which otherwise might have b●●n made , I sent the one of them with a Letter into Wiltshire , and another unto High-Gate , by one of my Sons not above 15 : years of age ; receiving from the one a civil acknowledgment in curteous language ; but from the other not so much as a verbal thanks : And give me leave to add this also , that I have found more civility in this Kind , from a Noble Lady of Hertfordshire whom I never saw , and unto whom I never made the least application of this nature , then from all persons , of both Sexes , that ever I addrest my self unto , since this scribling humour seised upon me . I thank God I never was reduced to such a necessity , as to make the writing of Books any part of the trade which I was to live by ; for if I had , I should have found from it such an hungry subsistence , as would not have given a chick its breakfast when first out of the shell . If the great Queen Regina Pecunia , had not been better courted by some of our late Scripturients , then she hath hitherto been by me , they might have put up all their gettings into a Sempsters Thimble , and not filled it neither . 15. These Charges being thus blown aside , I must be told of many Errors in my Cosmography , and the brief view of the Raign of King Charles , not long since published , the not discovering whereof , my Adversary imputes unto himself for a work of merit . In reference to the fi●st , I must needs confess , that in the last Edition of my Cosmography there are many Errors , but they are rather Errors of the Press , then of the Pen. And the Appeallant cannot chuse but know , since he pretends to have read that Book , that I complain more then once or twice for want of true intelligence in the discribing of some remote Countrys ( and India amongst the rest ) which were but little known to Ancient Writers , and have been so imperfectly discribed by our modern Travellors , that no certainty in History or Chorography can be gathered from them . If any person shall be pleased to improve my knowledge , and certifie me of the Errors which I have committed , I shall not spurn against him as the Appeallant doth at me , but thankfully acknowledge their humanity in it , and cheerfully reform what is found amiss . In the composing of this Book , he is pleased to tell me , that the extravagancies by me committed are as great as his , that 16. parts thereof in 20. are meerly Historical , alien from the subject in the strictne●s thereof . The Ped●grees of so many Princes , not being reducible to the subject which I have in hand , fol. 37. But if he h●d been please● to consult the Title , he might have found that the History of the whole world , and all the principal Kingdoms , Seas , and Iles thereof , is as much promised in that Book , as the Chorography , or Topical Discription of the severall places ; and therefore nei●her Alien , Extrinsecal , or Extravagant to my first design . And whereas he is pleased to tell us a merry tale of a Gentleman who bespoke a Carp for his Dinner when he was in Geneva , because he had read in that Cosmography , that the Lemm●n Lake had plenty of that Fish , the best and biggest of that kind , p. 3. fol. 4. Let me subjoyn a word or two for my just●fication : And first it is not there affirmed as a matter of certainty , but with a sie serunt , ( as some say ) lib. 1. fol. 159. And Secondly , the Author out of whom I had it , is no worse a man then Guiovanni Botero , an Italian Writer , in whose Relations ●f the W●rld , tra slated into English with some Enlargements , lib. 2. p. 197. 198. of the Edition of the year 1616. he shall find this passage , viz. The River and the Lake ( near and on which the City stands ) affords divers sorts of fresh Fish ; as Pike , Roch , Carp , Tench , &c , and above all the best and biggest Carps of Europe ; so many are my Extravagancies , and so unpardonable the mistakes which the Author hath found out to upbraid me with in so great a volume . 16. Let us next look upon those errors which he pretends to have discovered in the Short View of the Life and R●ign of King Charles , which he p●omiseth calmly to discover , in his Answer to the Animadversions , fol 7. The first mistake which he objects in that short view is , That King James design●d the Spanish match in order to the recovery of the Palatinate , whereas that match had been projected for Prince H●nry , and af●er his death for the P●int● then being , before the Elector Palatine's accepting the Crown of Bohemia , pag. 2. fol. 103. This is no more then what I very well knew before , having by me a Co●py of the Instructions , which King James gave to John Lord Digby . for his resuming the treaty of this match , the said Instructions being signed at Linco●n , in his Majestys progress towards Scotland , Anno 1617. But the business having been coldly m●nnaged for three or four years , without any visible advance , it was more hotly followed and negotiated in o●der to the Recovery of the lost Palatinate , then it had been formerly ; and therefore the negotiating of it is ascribed to that point of time , which gave most life to it , and was the sole occasion of the Princes voyage . Being in Spain , he was necessitated ( saith the short view of his Life ) to hold a plausible correspondence with the Catholick Par●y , p. 2 fol. 15. which Title I therefore gave them there , that I might show some fair compliance with him in relating the story . And if I give the like Title any where to our English Papists , as he saith I do , there can be no such ill use made of it ( the term being taken in late times for a second notion ) as in giving Bellarmine or Pits , or any other Learned Papists , the name and Appellation of a Catholick Writer . More reason is there in the next though it be but little . I must be charged for saying that Laughorne , Powel , and Poyer , the three Welch Commanders , submitted to that mercy which they never tasted , because forsooth , Poyer onely suffered death , as the others did not , which though it be undoubedly true , yet the Proposition stands good howsoever ; it being as undoubtedly true that they submitted to that mercy which they never tasted ▪ if one of them never tasted of that mercy unto which he submitted . But the next Error exceeds all that ever was committed by the Pen of an Historian , discovered in these words of the short view , viz. that Prince Charles being taken from the care of his Women , was committed to the Pedagogy of M. Thomas Murrey , a Scot by Nation , sufficiently qualified for that service , but otherwise ill principled in the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England . Not so , saith he , but S●r James Full●rton had the charge also of his Education as well as Murrey ; and yet that charge which Fullerton had in his education , was not to be called a Pedagogy , but a super-intendency ; he being placed as Governour over the young Duke , in which capacity Sir Thomas Challoner served King James in the Education of Prince Henry , not as his Pedagogue , or Tutor , far greater is the injury done to M. Murrey , in taxing him as dis-affected to the English Church , of whom he telleth us , that when he was made Provost of Eaton , he took his Oath , and therein professed his good liking of our discipline , as appears by the Cabala . p. 2. fol. 1. But what if no such thing do appear in the Cabala , but the contrary rather : Then certainly M. Fuller is more out of the way then he was before , and cannot but give us a tast of his old zeal to the Puritan Party upon all occasions . We find a Letter in his Cabala , from the Lord Keeper Williams to the Marquess of Buckingham , p. 66. wherein he makes many just objections against Murreys preferment to that place , suspecting him to be averse from the Church-Government , and adding , that if it should be so , his advancement to that place ( considering the number of Fellows and Students there ) would be the greatest blow which had been given to the Church in 50. years . In a Postscript to which Letter he subjoyns this Note , that M. Murrey had since come to him , and that he had schooled him soundly against Puritanism , which he dissavowed , though somewhat faintly . Call you me this the taking of an Oath , or the prosessing in it of a good affection to the English discipline ? An Oath he possibly might take at his admission , to keep the Statutes of the Colledge ; but there is no such oath as binds him to profess a liking of the English Discipline . And these being all the knots which he can find in this Bulrush , are neither proved so many , nor so hard to unty , as the Reader might have been perswaded , by the first overture which was made of this Calmne Discovery . 17. I could not so much forget my self to be a Parson , as not to Christian my own child first ; which chare being done , I am the most at leisure to attend my Adversary , of whose parts and praise I shall not speak , because I would not take a work our of his hands , which he thinks no man so fit to do as himself . And therefore I shall onely take such a measure of him as he makes of himself in this Appeal ; where he spends much more time in justification of the Errors , falsities and mistakes which are charged upon him , then would have served to have written a far better History . In order whereunto we find a preparation couched in fourteen Chapters , to smooth the way before his favourable Readers , that they might judge the more indulgently of his slips and failings . Such care and pains for bespeaking friends in his excuse , argues him conscious to himself of far more Errors then he is willing to confess in the face of the World. The like may be collected also from the fear he had of falling into the hands of the Animadvertor , which takes up the whole second Chapter of his Apparatus ; and where there is a fear , there must be some guilt , some doubt at least that all is not well as it should have been ▪ The Animadvertor was not of such eager spirit , as to let fly at every one which came in his way , and possibly might never have heard of this Church History , ( living far of , and no such trading in the Books of the time ) if the frequent clamours of the wrongs done to the Church and Clergy had not come to his ears before the Book it selfe had been brought to his hands . And when it was brought into my hands , it found me so far unresolved to do any thing in it , that nothing but invincible importunity could have drawn me to the undertaking . The Appealant therefore may be sure , that I never sent him any such message , as that if I had not been visited with bl●ndness , I would have been upon his bones before that time ; of which , whosoever did it from him , he knew as little of my corporal blindness , which I thank God is not yet fallen on me , as he did of my secret intentions , as to that particular , so far as I was from sending anysuchmessage to him , that I resolved not to be known for the Author of those Animadversions , whensoever they should come abroad , and to disguise my self the better , related in the Margin to a passage in my own Cosmogrophy , fol. 19 , which now the Appealant chargeth on me , as a solecism in point of Heraldy , in laying mettal upon mettal , p. 2. fol. 12. 18. My Authors first fears being fallen upon him , he finds himself brought under a new debate , whether he should return an Answer to the Animadversions , or sit down in silence . The cause being pleaded on both sides , he resolves at last to return a plain full and speedy Answer , fol. 3. Full enough I confess of needless questïons and disputes , which rather showed a Resolution not to bear the Quarrel , then an ability to maintain it . I remember I have somewhere read of a famous Wrastler , who being many times overthrown , who did suddenly start up , and by an Eloquent Oration , perswaded the people , that he rather fell by the slip of his own foot , then by the strength of his Adversary : Such a wrastler I have met with in the present Appealant , who imputes all his faults to slips , slips of the Pen , slips Pretal ( as he words it ) and slips of memory . To which three heads the Greatest Errors and mistakes which occurs in the faltiest and falsest writing , may notunfitly be reduced , so much the fuller in regard he hath incorporated the greatest part of the Animadversions into the body of his Book ; which if abstracted from the rest of the Authors , one would make the Greater Book of the Law ( upon a just a perfect Calculation of the line and folio's ) by one part in five , Fuller then otherwise it needed , or could have been by making use of such of the additionall Notes intended more for supplement and illustration , then the disparagement of the Author , or disgrace of the work . But my Adversary thinks his work so perfect , as to stand no more in need of Illustration , then it doth of Correction ; supplements supposing some defects , as Corrections presuppose some Errors . Onely I hope the Animadversions will be well paid for before all is done , the Authors being so well paid for the first Original ( as is said before ) and the Appealant better paid by the Book-sellers , and his many Patrons ( to whom they are presented like the prayers of some old Mendicants at the doors of their good Masters and Dames ) for the transcript of them . 19. But whether it be full or not , I am sure it is more full then speedy : For though the Appealant would be thought to be furnished with the Pen of a ready Writer ; yet had he time and leisure more then enough for a greater Work , considering what helps he had to set it forward , and therefore I may say in the words of Sampson , that if he had not ploughed with my heifer , he must have askt more time ( though otherwise he had time enough ) to have read my Riddle . If Mason , one of the Correctors to some Presses in London , had not falsely and unworthily communicated the sheets to him as they came from the Press , we might have heard of this Appeal about Michaelmas next , in case it had not cooled in the heats of Summer , and been retarded by the leisure of a long vacation . But making use of this Advantage , and having all such other helps as the Libraries and shops in London , the use of his own hands and eyes , the contribution of his friends , and an excellent memory to boot could supply him with , it could not come abroad against Easter term , without the Midwifery of three Presses to assist at the Labour : The making of a full and speedy Answer ( for it must be both ) could not else have agreed with that want of leisure , his many various imployments , and coming twice a Lords day to the Pulpit , ( which without oftentation , he pretends to in that very Chapter ) But some like Aesops fellow servants ( whom he tells me of ) presumes so much upon themselves , as to promise that they can do all things , and that whatever thing they do shall be full and speedy , though there be little speed and less fulness in them . 20. So much being said of the Appealant in reference to his engaging and dispatch ; let us behold him next in his qualifications . One of the fellow servants of the Animadvertor , a fellow sufferer with him in the cause of the King , and one of the same party in the Church . All this I am very glad to hear of , and am sorry I did not hear it sooner , especially if there be any truth ( as I hope there is ) in the insinuation . My fellow servant if he were , it must not be in the capacity of a Chaplain in Ordinary ( for I never saw his name in the list of the forty eight ) accompanied with his fixt times of Attendants , as the others were , but supernumerary and at large , of whom there is no notice taken in the Court , though they may make som noise in the Country . And a sufferer he could not be , because he willingly relinquisheth both his cure and prebend , which he advanceth by the name of none of the worse Benefices , and one of the best Prebends in England ; not holding both or either of them , till they were forcibly taken from , him as well as from the rest of his brethren , fol. 2. no suffering where no injury or wrong is offered , and there can be no injury done in disposing that which he so willingly abandoned , as he saith himself ; for volenti non fit injuria , as the saying is , never applyed more aptly then on such emergencies : And if he were of the same Party in the Church ; ( as he saith he was ) he would have show'd some greater zeal in maintenance of the intress and concerments of it , some greater measure of compassion towards those poore men , who being spoiled of their Goods and Livings by the infelicity of the times , must afterwards be spoil'd of their good name , and living fame , by such undeserved reproaches as he layes upon them . He speaks unto us now in the voice of Jacob , but in the History he handleth both the Church and Church-men , even from the highest to the lowest with the hands of Esau , so that it might be said two justly , quid verba audiam , cum facta videam ? What credit may be given to words , when they are confuted by our Actions . 21. But whatsoever suspitions and sinister opinions might formerly have been conceived of him , he either is not the same man he was , or hath been hitherto mistaken for the man he was not . At the least intimation of disloyal thoughts , he flyes out into an open defiance , fol. 55. and wishes that the Ravens of the valley ( who he beholds as Loyal subjects ) would in vindication of the Eagle their soveraign , pick out his eyes . If any such Rebellious Doctrine can be found in his book , as he conceives himself to be charged withal by the Animadvertor , fol. 45. He now professeth that he doth not derogate in the least degree from the power of the Church , fol. 55. and wished ( without Pharisaical pride ) that his Mother would not onely spit in his face , but spew him also out of her mouth , if either by his Pen or practise , he had done any thing unworthily ( to the best of his knowledge ) to the destroying of her interess by his Pen or his Practise , fol. 14. He now declares himself so well affected to the late Arch-Bishop , as to have spoken two and twenty lines in his commendation , fol. 46. Referring us to the places in his History , where they are to be found and rancking them under four Heads in as many Columes , in reference to his Naturals , Morals Intellectuals , and spirituals , fol. 67. so much affection he expresseth for the sequestred Clergy , that he appealeth to the searcher of all hearts , if he did not desire to do them all just favour , as he hoped to find favour from him when he most needed it ; so far forth as it might be done without running himself into apparent danger ; assuring all who chance to read him , that his Tongue and Pen hath been , and shall be tender of their reputations , p 3. fol. 56. He now declares that he doth cordially wish well to the cause of the Hierarchy , fol. 46. and affirms absolutely not onely that he hath not in any place of his Books declared himself for a Presbyterian in point of Government ; but that if ever he had scattered such a syllable which might countenance such presumption , he would presently snatch it up again , for fear ( if I rightly understand him ) of giving scandal to himself , and offence to others , p. 2. fol. 91. Yet as Basurius in the Comedy , said of Captain Bessus , that he was none of those that believed his conversion from Coward ; so I much fear that very few will believe any conversion in our present Appealant , as the former passages and protestations do pretend unto . But for my part , I have such an easinesse of nature in me , as to give credit to so many asseverations , though many passages in this Appeal might encline me otherwise , not being willing to force any man out of the Church ( as was Tertullian by the continual clamours and reproaches of the Roman Clergy ) as long as he desires to remain in the bosome of it . All therefore I shall say at the present time , is that which he himself hath said of Dr. Theodore Price , ( with a little variation onely ) that is to say , That if he be a true Sonne of the Church , 't is the better for him ; but the contrary hath been generally reported , Printed , and believed , p. 3. fol. 79. 22. These preparations being thus laid down , the points which he denyeth still remain in difference between us will be very few . His Confessions being all allowed ( as of common course ) be Traverses submitted to the Rule of the Court. His first Avoidings being offered to the judgement , and his last presented and directed to the Eye of the Reader . And first beginning with the Brittains , the Arguments which he hath offered , against the judgement of Bishop Goodwin , and Mr. Cambden , two Right Learned Antiquaries , prove nothing to the contrary of that which I have affirmed ; that is to say , that though the Brittains had many Topical and Tutelar Gods ; yet that the Druides instructed them in the knowledge of one supream deity , as had been taught by many of the learned Gentiles both Greeks and Romans , no more then it may be truly said of the present Papists , that they acknowledge and adore but one supream God , notwithstanding their superstitious worshipping of so many National , Typical , and Tutelor Saints , whom they embrace as Patrons of their persons , and their several Countrys . And as for his Derivation of the name of London , from the western Llan-dian , it stands but as it did before as a fancy onely ; no proof being made that Diana was known by that name amongst the Brittains , before the coming of the Romans . The great Welsh Antiquary whom he speaks of , might say well enough , that the Brittains called Diana by the name of Dain , but proves not that she was so called before the Romans came amongst them ; the Argument which he brings from Guarthey Demol , that is to say , Diana's Castle , being so farre fetched ( considering the little or no Analogy ) betiwixt Dain and Demol that nothing can be built upon it . Nor finds he any countenance in it from the Annotations of the famous Selden and the Polyol bion . For Selden was not Selden , when he made those Notes , which were were written in the year 1612. as one of the first Essayes of his Great Abilities . And being that the whole depends on the story of Brute , which all our learned Antiquaries have exploded as an idle fiction , the Derivation from Llan-Dian , falls together with it . For Selden doth otherwise plead for the story of Brute for to come up to the design of Drayton ; or to show rather how much he could be able to say in defence of a truth , who hath delivered so much Learning , in defence of a Fable , as commonly men spend their greatest wits in maintaining Paradoxes , When M. Fuller can point me out to that Isle of Largeria , where Bruit is said to make his Prayers unto Diana ; I shall not only entertain the story of Bruit , and the Etymologie of London from Llan-dian , but shall give that Island some fit place in my Cosmography , whensoeuer it shall come to a new Edition ; till then I must behold it as one of those Islands , which is not to be found in all or any of our Mapps , as Don Quixot said right truly to Sancho Pancha . 23. Next coming to the time of the Saxons deviding Gloster-shire into three chief parts , * laying the parts beyond the Severn to the Welsh or Brittanes , those on this side the Severn to the Realm of West-Sex , and Cotswald , with the Vail adjoyning between Glosester and Worcester , to the Kingdom of Mercia , makes not that place were Augustine gave a meeting to the Brittish Bishops , to be in the confines of the Wiccians and West Saxons , as he saith it was : that part of Glostershire which lay on the other side the Severn , and some part of the Cotswald division of it being interposed : And as for the mistake , * in making Jeffery of Monmouth ( who was brought in for a principal witness ) to be the fore-man of the Grand Inquest impannelled at the arraignment of the said Augustine , for murthering the Monks of Banchor ( which in a man who wholly trusts to the eyes of a mother , may be easily pardoned ) it makes no difference in the case for which it was produced by the Andimadvertor ; rather it makes for confirmation of the point which is there delivered , Jeffery of Monmouth being brought in as the principal witness , by whom the Jurors were to be directed in the course of their evidence . The conversion of the Saxons being thus passed over , the Author speaks of the beginning of the several languages , how truly , let the Reader judge , by comparing the Animadversions thereupon , with the Answer to them ; and in particular affirms , that the Hebrew was the common tongue of all the world , before it was inclosed into several Languages , Ch. Hist . lib. 2. fol. 65. Which proposition seeming groundless to the Animadvertor , he took occasion to discourse upon these four Questions . First , Whether the Hebrew were the tongue which was spoken in Paradise . Secondly , Whether it were the common language in all the World , before the confusion . Thirdly , whither it were appropriated to Heber and his Posterity , as the proper Language of that line . Fourthly , Whether Abraham brought it into the Land of Canaan with him , or found it spoken by the Natives at his coming thither ? The two first of these four Questions , are held in the affirmative by the Church Historian , and for the proof thereof he pretends unto some Authorities ; which whether they be strong enough to conclude the point , is left ( as all the other points betwixt us ) to the Readers Judgment . But the Appealant being unwilling to take any information from the Animadvertor , and yet not able to confute the Arguments by him alledged , against the common opinion in the other two , he is fain to shift off that Dispute in such a way , as would have been called a tergiversation in another man : For mark the weighty reasons which induce him to decline that Controversie , and not to * gratifie the Animadvertor with a better Answer , till either it should come in his way or make for his wish , which happy conjuncture we may hear of at New-years-tide next : The first whereof is to show his liberty , that he is free-born , and not bouod to Lacquey after the Animadversions , when he hath other business of his own . The second is to wean the Animadvertor from his moreseness , by not indulging too much to his humour therein . The last to time his own and his Readers pains , that he may more seasonably spend them hereafter on matters of more importance . Our Author here like Captain Bessus , skips over the fight , or rather runs plainly ou● of the field , leaving the Animadvertor the sole Master of it . With how much greater care of preserving his credit , might he have cut of this unluckie section with a thrifty &c. as he doth some others , or totally pretermitted it as not worth the looking after ; which prudent omission he makes use of frequently , when he meets with any knot which he cannot untye : Or rather how happy had it been , if he had entered on these considerations , before he ventured on the work ; and in like manner passed over all the rest of the Animadversions ; by doing which he might have more gratified himself , by sparing so much pretious time to a better purpose , then he hath gratified the Animadvertor in the want of an Answer : But he proclaims himself free-born , and may therefore speak both when he list , and what he list , by his Fathers Coppy . In the mean time I must change my own , and instead of finding fault with the Appealant for some sins of omission , must save my self as well as I can from a sin of commission ; I mean from a supposed error which he lays upon me , in making the small River of Lech to fall into the Thames neer Lechled , whereas Thames saith he , * is more then eighteen miles from Lechled by land , and thirty by water , not taking the name untill the confluence of Thame with Isis , nere to Dorchester in Oxford-shire . But by his leave , though our great Critiques call that part of this River which ariseth in Glocester-shier by the name of Isis , yet it is known to all the people inhabiting on each side thereof , in the Counties of Glocester , Wilts , Berks , and Oxford , by no other name then that of Thames : Our Author having lived seventeen weeks in Oxford , as he saith himself , cannot chuse but know , that it is called there by that name , and by no name else ; and should he travel from Dorchester to the head of that River , and enquire of any whom he met with for the River of Isis , it would be as hard for them to direct him to it , as it is for him to point me to the Isle of Largeria , or for Dame Miso to find out the Oudemian street in Mantinaea ; whereas the name of Thames is so known amongst them , that every child of seven years of age which lives neer the River , can direct him to it . The nominations by the rules of Logick , are taken commonly from the Name of the principal part ; and by that rule this River may properly be called the Thames , before the confluence or meeting of Thame and Isis : Nor am I so much mistaken as he makes me in K. Haralds Mother , whom out of Cambden he calls Githa , and I call Theyra out of Reusner , one of the most exact and painful Genealogists that ever travelled in those studies . And therefore probably , that Lady might have two names which was no rare matters in those times , or might be called Theiras , by the Danes , and Githa by the Saxon Writers ; and so both Authors being reconciled , the Animadvertor may be in the right , though the Appealant be not in the wrong . And as for Harolds Title by his Mother to the Crown of England , I doubt not but I may be able to prove that his Title to it as brother by the whole blood , to Harald , Hartiger , and by the half blood to Canulus the second , was little worse then that of Edward the Confessor , as the Son of Elthdred . 24. Proceed we next unto the Kings of the Norman Race , and the first thing he quarrelleth in me , is my denying Richard Duke of York to be Earl of Cambridge , p , 1. fol. 34. And I conceive I had good reason so to do , not finding them amongst the Earls of Cambridge in Glovers Catalogue of Honour , published by Mills of Canterbury , a right knowing man , not finding this amongst the other of his Titles in the Tables of the Dukes of Yorke , or the Capitulations made betwixt him and King Hen. the 6. nor in any one of his many Children , though Edmund his third Sonne was made Earl of Rutland ; which Title had been formerly conferred on Edward Duke of York in his Fathers life time . And though I give no credit to Ralph Brook whom I have found to be as full of Errors as our Author himself ; yet the Authority of Augustine Vincent shall prevail for the present , and so let it go . But then our Author might have found in the Animadversions , that admitting Richard Duke of Yorke to be Earl of Cambridge , he must have been the seventh not the eighth Earl of it , as he saith he was , and then that Errors lies before our Authors Doors as before it did . And then again whereas our Authors tells us . p. 2. fol. 49. that it is questionable whether his Father ( that is to say , Richard of Conningburg Earl of Cambridge , were Duke of York ) I must needs look upon it as a thing unquestionable , and so must all men else which are skilled in Heraldry ; that Richard being executed at Southampton by King H●n . the 5. before Edward Duke of York , his elder Brother had been slain at the Battel of Agen-Court . 25. But whereas our Author thinks it not onely difficult , but impossible to defend a Title of the House of Lancaster to the Crown of England , except I can challenge ●the priviledge of the Patriarch Jacob , by crossing my hands to prefer the younger child in the succession before the Elder . p. 2. fol. 43. admitting Richard the Second to resign the Crown , or dying without children by course of nature . For I behold Hen. of Bullingbrook , Duke of Lancaster , as Cousin German to that King , and consequently his nearest Kinsman at that time , wherein Edmund Mortimer , Earl of March , in whom remained the Rights of the House of Clarence , was but Grandchild to the Lady Philip , Daughter and sole Heir of Lionel , Duke of Clarence , and consequently more remote by two degrees from King Richard the Second then the other was . By which proximity of blood , as Edward the Third laid claim to the Crown of France , and Philip the Second carried the Crown of Portugal ; and Robert Bruce the Crown of Scotland against the Balions ; so I am confident of some ability to prove , that Henry of Bullingbrook , Duke of Lancaster , had a better Title to this Crown , then the house of Mortimer . For thoughby the common Law of England he may find it otherwise , yet there are many things in the common Law , which cannot extend to the succession of the Kings of England ; as in the case of Aliens , which was that of King James , or in the case of Parseners , as in that of the two Daughters of King Hen. the 8. or in that of the half blood in the case of the sisters of King Edw. the 6. and finally in that of the tenure by curtesie in the case of King Philip the 2d of Spain , admitting that Queen Mary had been Mother of a living Child . And now I am fallen on these matters of Heraldy , I will make bold to take in a Remembrance of the House of the Mountagues , descended in the Principal branches of it , from a Daughter of King Edw. the Third , concerning which , our Author tells us , that I have made up such a heap of Errors as is not to be paralelled in any Author , which pretends to the emendation of another , p. 2. fol. 37. How so ? because forsooth I have made Sir Edward Mountague the Grand-child of the Lord chief Justice , and the first Lord Mountague of Broughton , not to have been the elder Brother of Henry Earl of Manchester , and James Bishop of Winton , but their Brothers Son. But first this Error was corrected in a Postscript to the Examen Historicum , before he could accuse me of it , and consequently he doth but Actum agere , and fit a Plaister for that sore , which had before been cured by a better Chyrurgion ; Secondly , This can be at the most but a single Error , in case it had not been retracted , and therefore no such heap of Errors , as is not to he paralelled in any other . And Thirdly , It appears by another passage in this present Appeal , p. 2. fol. 96. that he had seen the Postscript to the said Examen , which rendereth him the more inexcusable , by raising such an out-cry on no occasion . In which passage he taxeth me with sallery in my third endeavour , touching the late Barons of that House , in making the said Sir Edward Mountague , to be Lord Mountague of Broughton in Northamptonshire , which acknowledged for one of his Mannors , but not his Barronie . For I knew well that Broughton , and not Broughton gave the nomination to this branch of that Family ( having never heard before of any Estate they had in Broughton . ) And therefore I must needs charge this Error , which he so triumpheth at , as one of the Errata's which were made at the Press , though not observed when the sheets were read over to me , and so not Printed with the rest . Less candidly deals he with me in another place , about the mistaking of a number , that is to say , 1555. for 1585. p. 1. fol. 41. The Errors being meerly pretal ( as is own phrase is ) And this he could not chuse but see , though he can winck sometimes when it makes best for his meeting of that precedent once again , on a more particular occasion then was given at the present , where the time thereof is truly stated , and where he spends some few lines in relation to it , so that the motion was direct , not Retrograde , but that he had a mind to pull me a little back , seeing how much I had got the start of him in the present race . And as for the Error in the Errata , I know not how it came ; but a friend of mine in reading over the first sheets as they came from the Press , had put a Quere in the Margin , whether Melkinus , or Felkinus ; and that afterwards by the ignorance , or incogitancy of my Amanuensis , it might be put in amongst the rest of the Errata , which is all that I am able to say , as to that particular . 26. Our Author had affirmed , that St. Davids had been a Christian some hundred years , whilst Canterbury was yet Pagan . The contrary whereof being proved by the Animedvertor , he flyes to Caerleon upon Vsk . p. 2. fol. 29. by which instead of mending the matter , he hath made it worse . Mistaking wilfully the point in difference between us . For if the Reader mark it well , the question is not whether St. Davids or Canterbury , were the Ancienter Archi-Espiscopal See , or how many hundred years the one was elder then the other ; but for how long time Canterbury had continued Pagan , when the other was Christian , which he acknowledgeth to be no more then 140 years , as was before observed by the Animadvertor . And though Caerleon upon Vske had been an Archi-Episcopal See , some hundreds of years , before that honour was conferred on the City of Canterbury ; yet Canterbury might be be Christian as soon as Caerleon upon Vske ( for any thing our Author can affirm to the contrary , and was undoubtedly such at the first coming in of the Saxons ) though afterwards for the space of 140. years , as before is said , it remained Pagan , so that our Author might have spared his pains in proving the Metropolitans of St. Davids , to be successors unto them of Caerleon ( which was never denyed ) unless he could infer from thence , that Caerl on was Senior in Christianity unto Canterbury for four hundred years ( as he expresly saith it was ) as well as in the Metrapolitical Dignity invested in it . And this if he can do , I shall conclude him willingly for a subtle Logitian , though I shall hardly ever allow him for a sound Historian . 27. The like imperfect defence he makes about the time when Lillies Grammer was imposed by King Hen. the 8. on all the Grammer Schools of England , plac'd by him in the 11th year of that King , Anno 1619 which was full eleven years before it was ordered by the Convocation of the year 1630. ut una edatur formula , Authoritate hujus sacrae Synodi , &c. that one onely form of Teaching Grammer should be enjoyned from thenceforth by the authority of the Convocation to be used in all the Grammer Schools of the Province of Canterbury . And questionless the Clergy in their Convocation would not have troubled themselves , in ordering one onely Form of Grammer to be taught in all the Schooles of the Province of Canterbury , if the King so many years before had commanded Lillies Grammer to be used in all the Schools of England . Considering therefore , that this order of the Convocation , preceded the command of King Henry the 8. and that Lilly dyed some years before the making of this Order ( as our Author plainly proves he did ) the difference between us may be thus made up , that Lillies Grammer being one of those many , the multiplicity whereof had been complained of in that Convocation , was chosen out of all the R●st , by the Convocation , as fittest for the publick use , and as such Recommended by the King to all the Grammer Schools within his Dominions . The Animadvertor was mistaken , in making Lilly to be living after the Convocation , who was dead before . And yet he discovers no such indiscretion , not made any such cavelling at a well timed truth in the Authors Book , as the Appealant lays upon him ; the time of the imposing , and not the making of Lillies Grammer , being the matter in dispute , in which the Appealant must be found as much mistaken for the Reasons formerly laid down , as the Animadvertor in the other . 28. His next defence is worse then this , because he finds not any shift to convey himself out of the Reach of the Animadversion , For finding it so clealy proved from the words of the instrument , that the payment of the 100000. for the Province of Canterbury , was to be made in five years , and not in four , which he held most probable , he hopes to save himself , by saying , that not reckoning the first summe which was paid down on the n●il , they had just four years assigned them for the payment of the remaind●r . And so indeed it must have been , if the first twenty thousand pound had been paid down upon the nail , as he saith it was , but indeed was not ; the instrument of that Grant bearing date the 22. of March , 1530. and the first payment to be made at Michaelmas following . As bad an Auditor he is in casting up the smaller summe of Pilkintons pension , as in the true stating of this payment , making no difference , no great difference betwixt taking away 1000 l. yearly from the Bishoprick , and charging it with an annual pension of 1000 l. For he that hath 1000 l. per annum , in Farms and Mannors , may pay a 1000 l. pension yearly out of it to a publick use , and reserve a good Revenue out of it for his own occasions , by fines and casualties in the Renovation of E●●ates , and in such services and provisions for domestick uses as commonly are laid upon them . 29 Our Author tells us of the Homilies , as a Church Historian , That if they did little good , they did little harm ; but he avows as an Appealant , that he hath as high an esteem of them as the Animadvertor . p. 2. fol. 87. And then I am sure he must needs acknowledge them to be in a capacity of doing much good , and no harm at all , which is directly contrary to his first Position . That the Homilies had been Reproached by the name of Homily Homilies , by many of the Puritan faction ; I have often heard , but never heard before , that they had been called so by any of the same party with the Animadvertor , and am as farre as ever I was from knowing whom that one man should be who did call them so , he not being named by the Appealant , Where by the way the Author hath uncased himself , & appears in his own proper person , without any disguise : for having first told us in the second Chapter of his Apparatus , that he was one of the same party with Dr. Heylyn , he now declares himself to be of the other , and well it had been , saith he , for the peace and happiness of the Church , if the Animadvertor , and all of his party had as high an esteem as the Author hath , &c. where if the Author hath not plainly declared himselfe to be of a different party from the Animadvertor ( his many protestations & pretences notwithstanding ) I must needs think my selfe as much darkned in my understanding , as in my Bodily sight , when he can extricate himselfe out of this entanglement , I may perhaps think fit to enter on a set discourse , whether the Images of God and his Saints may be countenanced in Churches ( I know by the word Countenancing whom he chiefly aims at ) without a visible opposition to the second Homily of the second Book , but till then I shall not . 30. As little am I bound to return any answer to his Argument taken , Acts 2. 27. against the Local descent of Christ into H●ll ; this being not a fit time and place for such set discourses . The question and dispute between us , relates unto the judgement of the Church of England touching this particular , in which he cannot concur with the Animadvertor , that any such Local descent hath constantly been maintained by the Church of England . But that this is the positive Doctrine of the Church of England , appears first , by giving that Article a distinct place by its selfe , both in the Book of Articles published in the time of King Edward the 6. Anno 1552. and in the Book agreed upon in the Convocation of the 5. of Queen Eliz. An. 1562. In both which it is said expresly in the self same words , That as Christ dyed for us and was buried , so is it to be believed that he went down into Hell , which is either to be underderstood of a Local descent , or else we are tyed to believe nothing by it but what explicitely and implicitely is comprehended in the former Article , in which there is a particular mention of Christs sufferings , crucifying , death and Burial . This appears secondly , by the exposition of this Article , in the Catechism of Mr. Alexander Nowel , Dean of St ▪ Pauls , who being Prolocutor of the Convocation , Anno 1562. ( when this Article by reason of those words of S. Peter , touching Christs preaching to the spirits in prison , ( which before was in it ) was brought under debate ) is not to be supposed to be ignorant of the Churches meaning in that point : And he accordingly in that Catechism ( commanded to be taught in all the Schools of this Kingdom ) doth declare expresly , ut Christus corpore in terrae viscera , ita anima corpore seperate ad inferos descendit , &c. that is to say , ( according to the English Translation of it , published in the year 1512. ) as Christ in his body descended into the bowels of the Earth , so his soul severed from the body , he descended into Hell , and that therewith also the virtue of his death so pierced through to the dead , and to very hell it self , that both the souls of the unbelieving felt their painful and just damnation for infidelity , and Satan himself the Prince of Hell felt that all the power of his tyranny and darkness , was weakened , vanquished , and fallen to ruine . And thirdly it appears by the learned and laborious work of D. Thomas Bilson . Bishop of Winton , a co●temporary for the greatest part of his life , which the said M. Nowel , and a stout assertor of this Doctrine of a Local descent ; against : the new sence put upon the Article , by the Sect of Calvin , not to descend to ●any instances of a lower date . Which Arguments if they do not seem sufficient to make good the point , let our Author answer them ; and then , as he now confesseth himself to be one of that party , I shall so afterwards account him for Pars Magna too , one of the principal pillars and supporters of it . 31. He tells us in his History of a Statute made in the thirteenth of the Queen against covetous conformists , by which it was provided , That no Spiritual person , Colledg , or Hospital , should l●t a Lease other then for twenty one years , or three lives . For which being justly taxed by the Animadvertor , there being no such thing as covetous Conformists to be found in that Statute ; he justifies himself by saying , That if the Animadvertor will say they were Conformists ( as indeed they were ) he then dares swea● ( if called hereunto ) that they were covetous , as who by unreasonable Leases ( as the Statutes call them ) w●ste● the Lands of the Church , till they were seasonably retrenched by that wholesom Law. But first , the Animadvertor will not say ( because he cannot ) that they were Conformists , having already said the contrary in his Animadversions ; for there it may be found expresly , that the Nonconformists by that time had got a great part of the Church Preferments , and were more likely to occasion those delapidations , then the regular and conformable Clergy , this latter looking on the Church with an eye to succession , the former being intent only on the present profit : And thereupon he ads this note that covetousness and inconformity ( if we mark it well ) are so married together , that it is not easie to divorce them , though here the crime of Covetousness be wrongfully charged on the Conformists to make them more odious in the eye of the vulgar Reader . All which the Appealant cunningly cuts off with an &c. p. 2. so . 88. And then cryes out with admiration , how much he wondreth at the Animadvertor , advocating for their actions so detrimental to the Church , who though otherwise they might be Regular in other things , were in this one Regular to the Rules of Avarice . So tender is our Author of his non-●onformists , as not to bring them to the light , or suffer there name to come in question , a● Parcel Guilty at the least , if not obnoxious altogether to the acculation : and thereupon to mend the matter , he tells us , that if the Epithet of Covetous be so offensive , he will change it in his next Edition into sacril●gious , as in a line or two before , that though conformity did not make them Covetous , yet Covetousness , perhaps , might make them conformable ; which dashes more disgrace upon them ( though he seem studiously to decline it ) then any thing that ever was laid upon them by any whelp of old Martins Litter , when the Heats were greatest . 32. This Passage with some other , which are next to come , begin to stagger me , and make me very apt to think that the Lord Bacurius was in the right , when he delieved there was no such conversion from coward in Captain Bessus , as report made of it . For look upon him in his judgement about the power of the Church , and we should find but little cause to give much credit to his protestations , and Declarations , as to that particular . He tells us , p. 1. fo . 45. that he never deprived the Church of her authority , and fo . 53. that he derogates not in the least degree from the power of the Church ; and p. 2. fo . 55. that if his Back would Buttress it up , it should not be wanting , wishing ( as formerly was noted ) that if by his Pen or practise he had done any thing unworthily to the betraying of the Church of England , that the Church would not onely spit in his face , but spew him out of her mouth , fol. 14. But for all this he still persists in his own Error , in denying any power to the Church of making Canons , which are of force to binde the subject till confirmed in Parliament . In defence whereof , he mustereth all his strength together , p. 2. fo 28 as afterwards , fo . 67. 68. 69. Declaring plainly , fo . 67. in that in all the Animadvertors long discourse upon that subject , he finds very little that he hath learnt thereby , and less ( if any thing ) which he is to Alter . And notwithstanding all that hath been said by the Animadvertor , touching the not expiring of the Convocation , An. 1640. by the death of the Parliament ; yet he resolves upon the question , that after the dissolution of the Parliament , the Clarks thereof elected for their several Cathedrals , and respective Diocesses , desisted from being publick persons , and lost the notions of Representatives , and returned to their private conditions . In which capacity they might have given for themselves what summes they pleased , but could not vote away the estates of other Clergy-men , except the respective Cathedrals and Diocesses , had re elected them ; which had it been done , they might no doubt have justified the giving away of Subsidies , as authorized thereunto , though the Parliament had been dissolved . 33. So the Appealant hath resolved it , and if old Nicholas Fuller of Grays-Inne , whom he so much magnifieth ( that Fuller of Devotion , if I much mistake not , of whom I find such honourable mention in the Verses on the Parliament F — ) were alive again , he could not have mooted on the point with more zeal and ignorance . A writing is subscribed on the 10th of May , by Finch Lord Keeper , Manchester Lord Privy Seal , Littleton Chief Justice of the Common Pleas , Banks Atturney General , Witsield and Heath his Majesties Serjeants at the Law , in which it was declared expresly , that the Convocation being called by the Kings writ , ought to continue till it was dissolved by the Kings Writ , notwithstanding the dissolution of the Parliament . But what makes this unto the purpose ? Our Author , a more learned Lawyer then all these together , hath resolved the contrary , and throw it out as round as a boul , that after the dissolution of the Parliament , the Clarks of Diocesses and Cathedrals desisted from being publick persons , and lost the notion of Representatives , and thereby returned to their private condition . The Animadvertor instanced in a convocation held in the time of Queen Eliz. An. 1585. which gave the Queen a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised on the Estates of all the Clergy by the meer censures of the Church , without act of peachment ▪ Against which not able to object as to the truth and realty of it in matter of F●ct , he seems to make it questionable , whecher it would hold good or not in point of Law , if any turbulent Clergy-man had proved Recusant in payment : and having slighted by the name of a bl●ck ●wan , a single instance of an unparliamented inpowred Convocation ; he imputes the whole success of that ●ash adventure , rather unto the popularity of so Peerless a Princess the necessity of her occasions , and the tranquillity of the times , then to any efficacy or validity in the act it self . And to what purpose all this pains ? but to expose the poor Clergy of the Convocation ▪ An. ●640 . to the juster censure for following this unquestioned precedent in granting a more liberal benevolence to a gracious soveraign , by no other authority then their own . 34. If the ●ppealant still remain unsatisfied in this part of the Churches power , I shall take a little more p●ins to instruct him in it , though possibly I may tell him nothing which he knows not already , being as learned in the Canons , as in the common Law. In which capacity I am sure he cannot chuse but know how ordinary a thing it was with Bishops to suspend their Clergy not onely ab officio , but a Beneficio ; and not so onely but to sentence them , if they saw just cause for it to a deprivation . Which argues them to have a power over the property of the Clergy in their several Diocesses ; and such a power as had no ground to stand on , but the authority of the Canons , which conferred it on them . And if our Author should object , as perhaps he may , that though the Canons in some cases do subject the Clergy , not only to suspentions but deprivations of their cures and Benefices , ●in which their property is concerned ; yet that it is not so in the case of the Laity , whose Estates are not to be bound by so weak a thred : I must then lead him to the Canons of 1603 for his satisfaction . In which we find six Canons in a row , one after another , for providing the Book of Common Prayer , the Book of Homilies , the Bible of the largest Edition ; a Font for Baptism , a fair Communion Table , with a Carpet of Silk , or other decent stuff to be laid upon it ; a Pulpit for Preaching of Gods Word , a Chest to receive the alms for the Poor , and finally for repairing of the Churches or Chappels , whensoever they shall fall into any decay ; all these provisions and reparations to be made at the charges of the several and respective Parishes , according to such rates as are indifferently assest upon them by the Church wardens , Sides men , and such other Parishioners as commonly convened together in the case , which rates if any did refuse to make payment of , they were compellable thereunto , on a presentment made to the Ordinary , by the said Church-wardens , and other sworn Officers of the several and respective Parishes . And yet those Canons never were confirmed by Act of Parliament , as none of the like nature had been formerly in Queen Eliz : time , though of a continual and uncontroled practise upon all occasions . The late Lord Primate , in * a Letter more lately published by D. Barnard , assures the honourable person unto whom he writ it , that the making of any Articles or Canons at all to have ever been confirmed in that Kingdom by Act of Parliament , is one of Dr. Heylyns Fancies . And now it must be another of the Doctors Fancies , to say that never any Articles or Canons , had ever been confirmed by Act of Paliament in England , though possible they may relate unto the binding of the subject in point of Poperty . 35. But our Author hath a help at Maw , and making use of his five fingers , hath thrust a word into the proposition in debate between us , which is not to be sound in the first drawing up of the issue . The Question at the first was no more then this , whether such Canons as were made by the Clergy in their Convocations , and authorized by the King under the broad Seal of England , could any further bind the subject , then as they were confirmed by Act of Parliament . And Secondly , Whether such Canons could so bind , either at such times as the Clergy acted their own Authority , or after their admission to King Hen. the 8. in such things as concerned Temporals or temporal matters , otherwise then as they were confirmed by national Customes ; that is to say , as afterwards he expounds himselfe , until they were consirmed by Act of Parliament . Which points being so clearly stated by the Animadvertor in behalf of the Church , that no honest evasion could be found to avoid his Argument ; the Appealant with his five fingers , layes down life at the stake ; and then cryes out that the Animadvertor arrogates more power unto the Church then is due unto it , either by the laws of God or man ; maintaining , ( but he knows not where ) that Church men may go beyond Ecclesiastical Censures , even to the limbs and lives of such as are Recusants to their Constitutions , p. 2. so . 53. And having taken up the scent , he hunts it over all his Book with great noise and violence , assuring us that such Canons were constantly checkt and controlled by the Laws of the Land , in which the temporal Estate , life and limbs of persons were concerned , p. 2. fol. 27. As also , that the King and Parliament , though they directed not the proceedings of Ecclesiastical Courts in cases of Heresie ( which is more then his History would allow of ) yet did they order the power of Bishops over declared Hereticks , without the direction of the Statute , not to proceed to limb and life , p. 2. fol. 45. And finally reduceth the whole Question to these two Propositions , viz. 1. The proceedings of the Canon Law , in what touched temporals of life , limb , and estate , was alwayes limited , with the secular Laws and national Customes of England . And 2ly . That the King by consent of Parliament , directed the proceedings of Ecclesiastical Courts , against declared Hereticks , so that they could not punish them in life or limb , but as directed by the statute , p. 2. fol. 69. In confutation of which Proposition , the Animadvertor is cunningly tempted to write two or three sheets , upon assurance , that it will be richly worth the Writers and the Readers pains , and the hope of having an answer to it from no worse a hand then that of the Appealant himselfe . This I shall be ready to do , whensoever he shall show me in what place of my Animadversions , or any other Book of mine whatsoever , I have maintained that the Church hath power of making Canons , which may extend either unto the life or limb of the English subject . Certain I am that no such thing ever past my hand , or c●me into my head sleeping or waking , sick or sound : and therefore this must be a device of his to render me as distastful to all sorts of people , as he hath made himselfe to all the true Sonnes of the Chruch of England , whether they be High-Royalists , or covetous Conformists , as our Autho● words it . 36. He puts it to the Readers Judgement , whether any man alive can from these words , viz. The right lay not in this Henry , but in Mortimer Earl of March , in for an insinuation that Kings may legally be deposed . And I confefs as readily , as any other man whatsoever , that no such insinuation can be gathered from those words of his , as they are laid down in the Appeal . But then the Appealant should have took his rise a little higher , where it is said , as positively and plainly as words can speak it , that granting Ki●g Richard , either deservedly deposed , or naturally dead ▪ without issue , the Right to the Crown lay no● in this Henry , but in Edmond Mortimer Ea of March &c. for which consult , Ch. Hist . lib. 4 fo 153. And therefore let the Reader judge , whether without more Perspicacity in the Organ , or perspicuity in the Object , any man may not easily perceive such an Insinuation in the words foregoing , that Kings deservedly or legally , may be deposed . All further medling in which point as I then declined , so I have greater Reason to decline it now . And on that reason I shall spare to press him whether another of his Inferences , Apothegmes , and Maxims of State , in reference to the person of King Hen. 6. and the calami●ous death of that religious but unfortunate Prince , which I find him willing to shift off with this one evasion ( which the change of times hath made more passable then before ) ▪ that the less we touch on this harsh string , the better the Musick , p. 2. fol. 53. 37. These points relating to the King and the Church , being thus passed over , the residue of the things or matters material and effectual to be Answered , and by him denyed are neither very many , nor of any great consequence ; though truth be as much violated in a matter of the smallest moment , as in that of the greatest . That which comes first , and I must fetch a great leap to it , ( a great part of the intervening Animadversions , being either out off with a● &c. or otherwise avoyded without making any answer to them at all ) as farre as to the middle part of Queen Eliz. Raign , where I found our Author advocating in behalf of Peoples sidings , as they were used in those times , and show the dangerous consequents and effects thereof , not onely in the apprehension of King James , but of Queen Eliz. All which the Appealant shifts aside , and thinks to satisfie all expectations , in changing onely one of his expressions , which made those peoplefidings to be grounded on the words of S Paul. And therefore if you read in the next Edition , that those people sidings were but pretended to be grounded on the words of St. Paul , we mu●● then think the Arch-bishop Gryndal did well in pleading for them to the Queen , that the Queen did ill in causing them to be suppressed , and that King James was more miserably our , in dreaming of so many dangers in that Apostolical Institution ( which our Father entitles plainly by the name of Gods and the Ghurches Cause ) as were not to be found in it at any rate . In the Historians relating the story of Martin Mar-Prelate , and the great injury done to the Bishops by those scandalous Libels , an occasion is taken by the Animadvertor , to put him in remembrance of a rule of his to this effect , That the fault is not in the Authour , if he truly cite what is false , on the credit of another : Which rule so dangerous in it self , and so destructive to the truth , so advantatageous to the slandering of the godliest men , and mis-reporting the Occurrents of all times and ages , is very justly faulted by the Animadvertor ; and thereupon he thus proceeds in his Animadversions , That this rule whether true or false , cannot be used to justifie our Author in many passages , though truly cited , considering that he cannot chuse but know them to be false in themselves ; and he that knowing a thing to be false , sets it down for true , not only gives the lye to his own Conscience , but occasions others also to believe a falshood : And from this charge I cannot see how he can be acquitted , in making the Bishops to be guilty of those filthy sins , for which they were to be so lashed by Satyrical wits , or imputing those base Libels unto wanton wits , which could proceed from no other fountain then malitious wickedness : All which the Appealant passeth over without taking the least notice of it ; and to say truth , he had good reason so to do , knowing that dangerous rule to be so recessary for his justification and indempnity upon every turn . And thereupon fixing himself upon this Rule . That the W●iter is faultless , who truly cites what is false on the credit of another ; he thinks he hath sufficiently confuted the Animadvertor , by telling him , that if this Rule should not be true , he must needs have a ●ard task of it ▪ in making good all things in his own Geography on his own knowledge , who therein hath traded on trust as much as another . I must have been a greater Travellor then either the Greek Vlisses , or the English Mandivile , all Purchas his Pilgrims , many of our late Jesuits , and Tom Corriot too , into the bargain , if it had been otherwise ; if in describing the whole world , with all the Kingdoms , Provinces , Seas , and Iles thereof , I had not relyed more on the credit of others , then any knowledge of my own ; if the Appealant could have charged me with citing any thing for truth , which I know to be false , and justified my so doing upon the credit of any Author whom I know to be mistaken in his information , he had said somewhat to the purpose . And when he can say that I desire no favour , either from him or any other whatsoever . In the mean time if any Gentleman , Merchant , or other Travellor , shall please to let me understand in what such Authors as I trusted have not well informed me , let it be done in jest or earnest , in love or anger , in a fair manner or a foul , with respect or disrespect unto me in what way soever , I shall most thankfully receive the instruction from him , and give him the honour of the Reformation when that Book shall come to another Edition . I am not of the humour of the Appealant , or my Doughty Squire , either in kicking against those who rub upon such sores as I have aboutme , or flinging dirt on them who shall take the pains to bestow a brushing on my Coat . I was trained up when I was a child to kiss the Rod , and I can do it , I thank God , now I am a man , Cur nescire pudens pravae quam discere mallem ? rather to be ashamed of mistaking in any thing I have written , then to learn of any body what I was to write , was taken up by me both for a rule and resolution , in the very first putting out of my Geography , and I shall be at the same pass to the very last . 39. In the Raign of King James ; there remain onely two passages which are to be brought under consideration , all the rest , being either confessed , Traversed , or Avoided , as before is said . The first relates to Dr. Hackwel , whom he affirms to have been put out of his Chaplains place , for opposing the Spanish Match when first tendred to Prince Henry : But by his leave , Dr. Hackwel was not put out of his Chaplains place for opposing the Match , but for some indiscretion in the managing of it , for having written a well studyed peece against that Match , not without some reflections on the Spaniard , which could not be pleasing to the King ▪ he to whom he presented it , the King soon undermined him , and blew him up . For finding it to be transcribed in a very fair Character , he gave the Doctor thanks for it within few days after ; adding that he had seen few great Scholars which were Masters of so good a hand . To which when the Doctor modestly answered , that it was none of his own hand-writing , but that he was fain to make use in it , of another mans ; the King reply'd in no small choller , that he that would commit a matter of such weight and secresie to the trust of a Clark or common Scrivener , was not fit to live about a King , and so dismist him of his place without more ado . The second Relates to Dr. Davenant , Bishop of Salum , whom he affirms to have received consecration from Arch-bishop Abbot , notwithanding the Irregularity under which he was supposed to lie , by some squemish and nice conscienced Elects , which before refused it . But our Author is as much out in this , as in any thing else : for first we find in the late . Arch-bishops Breviat published by M. Prinne , An 1644. that he ( the said Bishop Laud ) was consecrated Bishop of S. Davids at the Chapel in London House , Novemb. 18. 1621 : the solemnities of the Consecration being performed by the Bishops of London , Worcester , Chichester , Ely , Landaff and Oxford , the Archbishop being thought irregular for casual Homicide . Then look into the continuation of Godwins Catalogue of Bishops , and we shall find it thus exprest . Novemb. 18. 1621. Johannes Davenant , Sacrae Theologiae Doctor , &c. ad hanc sedem , ( that is to say , the See of Salisbury ) Consecratus est una cum Exoniensi , & menevensi Electis . And certainly , if he were consecrated on Sunday , together with the Bishops of Exeter and St. Davids , as he saith he was , he must be consecrated in the same place , and by the same hands also , as the others were . Whereof see more in the said Continuation , for Laud and Cary. 40. Proceed we next unto the Raign of King Charles , where the first thing in which I am to grapple with him , relates unto his making dependance of the Kings Coronation upon the sufferage of the People . Disproved by such passages as occur in the same particular in the Coronations of King James , and King Edward the 6. But neither being willing to acknowledge the dangerous consequences of that Error , nor able to deny their words , with which he was charged , he hopes to reconcile all parties , by making little or no difference , betwixt the peoples acknowledging their Allegiance to their Soveraign , when required to do it at the Solemnities of the Coronation of the said two Kings , and the asking of their consent unto it , as is affirmed by our Author in the case of King Charles . Which words or Phrases he finds to encline to an agreement , there being , as he saith , not onely a vicinity , but an affinity betwixt them , and much condemns the Animadvertor for endeavouring to make the difference to be vast , exceeding vast , and utterly against the will of the words . But fearing that these Grammatical speculations would be no fit plaister for the sore , he hopes to salve the help of an old Receipt taken out of Mills , but in what age he hath not told us ; in which it is recorded , That after the King had a little reposed himself in the Chair or Throne , erected upon the Scaffold , then the Archbishop of Canterbury shall go unto the fore-squares of the Scaffold , and with a loud voice ask the good liking of the people , concerning the Coronation of the King To which it will be easily answered , that when the good liking or consent of the People , was publickly required to a Coronation , it was at such times onely , and in such cases , when the Kings came in by broken Titles , for maintenance whereof the favour and consent of the people seemed most considerable ; which consent I find to have been asked at the Coronations of King Hen. 4. and K. Rich. 3. to whose times it is very possible that the old precedent found in Mills is to have relation ; such arts were used by Otho in the Roman story , scattering abroad his Complements , distributing his Embraces , prostituting the most affectionate pledges of love and friendship , & omnia serviliter pro dominatione , as it is in Tacitus . Courses not used by any of the Kings of England , who claimed the Crown in their own Right , as their lawful inheritance , and not as Tenants to the people . 41. The next particular which we meet with , is the substituting of Viscount Doncaster , whom he makes to be assisting at his late Majesties Coronation , Feb. 2. 1625. by virtue of an office which his Father , is affirmed to have had in the Wardrobe . But I must needs confess my self to be much unsatisfied in the one and the other , the charge of the Wardrobe being at that time in the E. of Denbigh , and Viscount Dorchester two young to perform that service . When I have more of Assurance of the truth hereof , I shall conceive the place to be rightly mended , but till then I shall suspend my beliefe therein . The next thing which occurreth , comes in upon occasion of Bishop Andrews ; the footsteps of whose moderation are proposed as a part of those who so much admire him ; content with the enjoying , without the enjoyning their private practises and opinions in others ; Conceived in this to have a fling at Archbishop Laud , he disclaims all reflecting on him in that passage , confessing that he had an eye in that expression to another person , relating unto Bishop Andrews ; whom since he doth forbear to name , I shall not force him to it by my Reply , being as well able by this short Character to find out the name , as he is to direct me to him . But then the Reader is to know , that though the Appealant hath transferred the charge , from one man to another , yet it lies as heavy where he leaves it , as it did before , and that person whosoever he is , must be Reproched with enjoyning his own private Practises and Opinions upon other men . And this he is so farre from retracting , and thereby making Reparation to the party wronged , that he resolves to stand his Ground . To which end he telleth us , that the controversie in hand is about additional Ceremonies , enjoyned by no Canons . ( save some mens over imperious commanding , and others ●ver officious complying ) justly deserving the censure of private Practises . Take him Bacurius to thy charge , for I begin to find my self deceived in my expectation . 42. But he will make the Archbishop a large amends and having disclaimed all Reflections on him in the former charge , preferreth him to be of the Quorum , in the commission granted to the five Bishop● for exercising the Archi-Episcopal Jurisdiction of the Province of Canterbury . Being certified of the mistake which he might have seen rectified before in the Observations , he makes it more rediculous by his learned Gloss , telling us , p. 3. fol. 10. that he used the word Quorum , not in the legal strictnesse thereof , but in that passable sence in common discourse , viz. for one so active in a business that nothing is ( though it may be ) done without him therein , which Exposition of the word ( never heard before ) deserves for the excellency and significancy of it , to have a place in the next Edition of Cowels Interpreter , and there I shall bespeak one for it , or else in Minshaws Dictionary ( who hath filched all his Law terms from that learned Doctor ) if that first come out . As much unprofitable paines he takes in making Mr. Prinne to be born ( about Bath ) in Glocestershire ; And unto this expression he resolves to stand , though satisfied that Bath , is a chief City in the County of Sommerset , accusing the Animadvertor to have dealt disingeniously with him touching that particular . But I do not mean to quarrel with the Appealant about M. Prynne , and hope that the two Counties of Glocester and Sommerset , will not fall out about him neither , as the seven Cities once contended for the birth of Homer . For my part , I alwayes took Mr. Prynne to have been born in Sommersetshire , but if he prove a Glocestershire man , ( as I doubt he will not ) he will be so much nearer to me then he was before . 42. He hath informed us in his History , That Orders made by some of the Judges for suppres-pressing of Wakes and Revels in their several Circuits , had been enjoyned the Church-wardens to deliver Copies thereof to the Minister of every parish ; * which Ministers , were to publish the same on the first Sunday in February , and the two first Sundays before Easter , every year , ( but how the two Sundays before Easter every year , can be both called the first Sundays , I believe would puzzel the most learned Constable that ever served any such Order upon the Minister of his Parish ) prest by the Animadvertor that the Bishop might as lawfully command the Ministers in the several Diocesses , to publish his Majestie● declaration about lawful sports , as the Judges , to make publication of their several , orders ; he now demurs upon the point , not knowing whether the said orders were mandatory , or , by way of Advice , by which the Ministers were desired to do that which might be advantagious to Religion : From which doubt being desirous to free him , I shall subjoyn so much of the said Order , as concerns this business , viz. And to the end that this order may be better observed , it is further Ordered , that the Clark of Assize shall leave a a Copy hereof with the Clark of the Peace , and the under Sheriff ; and from them , or one of them , every Constable shall take a Copy for his several Hundred and Liberty , and shall particularly deliver a copy to the Minister of every Parish within his several Hundred and Liberty : and shall take a Note of every Minister under his hand , of the day upon which he received it from him ; and that every Minister which so receiveth it , shall publish it yearly in his Parish Church the first Sunday in February . And it is likewise further Ordered , that every Constable shall at every Lent Assize , present to the Judges of this Circuit , a note of the Receipt of the said Order , under the hands of the Minister . I shall make no Gloss upon this Clause , but present it nakedly as I find it to the Eye of my Author : who though he will not not take upon him to ●udge the Judges , ( and I know no man who desires he should ) for laying any such command upon the Ministers ; yet he will take upon him to condemn the Bishops , for requiring no more of them in their several Diocesses , then the Judges did : so strongly is he hurried by the transport of his own affections , as to make that a crime in the one , which may be justified in the other . 44. But never did he make a clearer discovery of himselfe , then he doth now upon occasion of the contest about placing the Communion Table . Whereas ( saith he ) the Animadvertor saith , That an Expedient would not have tended to that uniformity , that was designed herein , before God and man , I will speak out my thoughts . That multiformity , with mutual charity , advanceth Gods Glory , as much as uniformity it self in matters merely indifferent ; which , as the Pipes of an Organ may be of several length and bigness , yet all tuned into good Harmony together . And if the Organs did not make a better Harmony , then our Authors Pipe is like to do , which is so tuned , that every man may dance his own dance after it , we should have very sorry Musick , and such a face of confusion over all the Church , as could not find a paralell in the worst of times . For what can else ensue upon it but a possibility , that every ward in some great City , and every street in that ward , and every Family in that street , and perhaps every person in that Family ; might use his own way of worshipping his Lord his God , which whether it would prove the means to make Jerusalem preserve the name of a City , and much less the honour of being a City which was at unity within it self , I leave unto the Judgment of the equal and unbiassed Reader : But whereas for a proof of this strange assertion , he instanceth in that great contention between the Eastern and Western Bishops , in the Primitive times , about the day on which they were to celebrate the Feast of Easter : I must needs say he could no● instance in a worse , or find out any other example for this inconformity , which could be more destructive of the hopes which he builds upon it : For though he verily believeth , as he saith he doth , that God was equally honored by both , by such as religiously observed it , I cannot think but that he also doth believe , that the contention much redounded to the dishonour of God , the disgrace of Religion , the renting of the Church into Schisms and Factions , the grief of many sober and pious Christians , and the great rejoycing of the Gentiles ; that difference begetting such animosities between the Churches , and proceeding from one heat to another , they fell at last to mutual Excommunications of the opposite parties . One thing I must confess I am glad to hear of , that is to say , that God is honoured by such men who do religiously observe the Feast of Easter ; but what offence he may give by it to some others , as I cannot guess , so neither shall I make it any part of my care : And therefore I shall leave him as he doth the Judges , as best skilled in his own faculty , to make good his own Acts. 44. Charged by the Animadvertor , for making the distractions and calamities which befel this Kingdom , to be occasioned primarily by sending a new Liturgie to the Kirk of Scotland , he positively denies that he ever said any such word , as that the Liturgie did primarily occasion the war with Scotland ; Rather ( saith he ) the clean contrary may ( by charitable Logick ) be collected from my words ; when having reckoned up a compliaction of heart burnings among the Scots , I thus conclude , Ch. Hist . Lib. 11 : 163 : Thus was the Scotish Nation full of discontents , when this Book being brought amongst them , bare the blame of their breaking forth into more dangerous designes ; as when the Cup is brim full , the last ( though least ) superadded drop , is charged alone to be cause of all the running over ; and then he adds , Till then that the word primarily can be produced out of my Book , let the Animadvertor be held primarily as one departed from truth , and secondarily , as a causless accuser of his brother . I have stood behind the Curtain all this while , to hear the Appealant rant himself out of breath , without fear of discovery ; and that being done , I shall take him gently by the hand , and walk him to the beginning of the Scotish tumults , where we find thus , viz. But now we are summoned to a sadder subject , from the suffering of a private person , to the miseries and almost mutual ruine of two Kingdoms , England , and Scotland ; miseries caused from the sending of a Book of Service , or new Liturgie thither , which may sadly be tearmed a Rubrick indeed , dyed with the blood of so many of both Nations , slain on that occasion , Ch. Hist . Lib. 11. fol. 159. 160. And now I would fain know with what charitable Logick , any thing else can be collected out of those words , but that the miseries and calamnities which befel the Kingdom of England were occasioned primarily by sending a new Liturgie to the Kirk of Scotland , : For first , in Marshaling the Causes of those miseries and ruines in which both Kingdoms were involved , he makes the sending of the Book of Service and new Liturgie thither , to be the prime cause both in order and nature , of the whole disturbance . Secondly , he speakes plainer in these words to confute himself , then had been formerly observed by the Animadvertor ; the Animadvertor charging him for no more then saying , that those calamities and miseries were occasioned by sending the new Liturgie thither , which now he plainly doth affirm to be caused by it . And thirdly , though the word primarily be not found in that passage , yet he must be a very charitable Logician , who will not find it in the order and method of Causes , which are there offered to his view ; deduced they may be from his book , though it cannot be produced out of it ; and therefore he may take the departure from the truth on himself alone , and send for the accuser of the Brethren to keep him company . 45. Concerning the release of the twelve Bishops ( for now he grants them to be twelve , which before he did not ) he hopes to have me upon some advantage , for denying them to have continued eighteen moneths in the Tower , without any intermediate discharge , pro tempore ; but not being willing out of his abundant charity , to have me persist wilfully in any error , he directeth me to be informed by Bishop Wrenn , that none of them were released before May 6. And from that reverend Prelate I could as willingly take my Information , if I had any convenient opportunity to ask the Question , as from any other whosoever ; but being I am at such a distance , I must inform my self as well as I can by my Lord of Canterbury , who in his Breviate tels us this . That on February 14. 1641. there came an Order , that the twelve Bishops might put in bail if they would , and that they should have their hearing upon Fryday , and that on Wednesday the 15. they went out of the Tower : Assuredly my Lord of Canterbury cannot be thought to be so ignorant in the affairs of his Brethren , being then fellow Prisoners with him , as not to understand their successes , whether good or bad , or to be of such a careless Pen , as to commit so gross an error in matter of fact , especially in such things as were under his eye ; and therefore I resolve as before I did ( till I shall see some better reason to the contrary , then I have done hitherto ) that there was a general Order for the discharge of the twelve imprisoned Bishops , on Feb. 14. and that they were remanded back again , by the power and importunity of the House of Commons , upon the reasons formerly laid down in the Animadversions . 46. And here I would have left the Bishops to enjoy their liberty , but that I am called back again to congratulate with the Archbishop of York , for holding the Deanry of Westminster in commendam , on so good an account . I thought till now that he received it as a favour , not an act of Justice ; but the Appealant hath enlightned my understanding with a clearer notion , telling me that King Charls confirmed that Deanry upon him for three years , in lie● of the profits of his Archbishoprick , which the King had taken , sed● vacante : If so , his Majesty must be either more just or more indulgent to Bishop Williams , then he had been to Bishop Neil , his old trusty Servant , whom I find not to be gratified with any such commendam or compensation , either when he was promoted from Durham to receive Winchester , or translated from Winchester to the See of York ; and yet the King had taken the vacant profits of those Sees for a longer time , that is to say , from the death of Bishop Andrews and Archbishop Hars●et , then he had taken those of York on this last occasion : But I hope on● Author was somewhat more then half asleep when this note fell from him ; for otherwise me thinks he could not be so much a stranger to the affairs of the Church , as not to know , that ever since the time of William the second ( for so long that ill custome hath continued ) nothing hath been more ordinary with the Kings of England , then to enter on the temporalities of all vacant Bishoppricks , whether it be by death , promotion , or what way soever , and to receive the mean profits of them , till the new Bishop after the doing of his homage , hath taken out a writ for their restitution . 47. Our Author now drawes toward an end , and for a conclusion to his Book ( contrary in a manner to all former Precedents ) addresseth an Epistle , To the Religious , Learned , and judicious Reader . In which he feeds himself and his Reader also , with the hopes of this , that there are no more Errors to be found in his History , then those which have been noted in the Animadversions . This I will add , saith he , ( for thus he doth bespeak his Reader ) for my comfort , and thy better confidence in reading my Book , that according to the received rule in Law , Exceptio firmat Regulam in non exceptis ; it followeth proportionably , that Animadversio firmat Regulam in non Animadversis . And if so , by the Tacit consent of my Adversary himself , all other passages in my Book are allowed sound and true , save those few which fall under his reproof . But if so ( as it is much otherwise ) the passages which fall under the Reproof of the Animadvertor , are not so few , as to give the Reader any confidence , that all the rest are to be allowed for sound and true . Non omnem molitor quae fluit unda videt , as the Proverb hath it ; The Miller sees not all the water which goes under his Mill , much of it passing by without observation , and if the blind eat many a fly , as the English Adage saith he doth , he may swallow many an Error also , without discovery , when he first finds them in his dish . And so it was with me in the Review of our Authors History , the second perusal whereof presented many Errors to my consideration , which had not been noted in the first . And since the publishing of the Animadversions , I have fallen accidentally upon divers others , not observed before , of which I shall advertise him in a private way , whensoever he shall please to desire it of me . 48. And here I thought I should have ended , but the Appealant puts me to the answering of two Objections against the Bishops , having place in Parliament as a third Estate . Which two Objections may be Answered without being heard , as being made against the clear letter of the Law , the express words of several Statutes and Records of Parliament , as also against the positive determination of Sir Edward Cook , the most learned Lawyer of our times , whose judgement in that point , may seem to carry the authority of a Parliament with it , because by Order of this Parliament his Books were appointed to be Printed ; But since the Appealant doth require it in the way of curtesie , I will serve him in it as well as I can , at the present , without engaging my self in any further enquiry after those particulars . And first as to the Bishop of Man , the reason why he hath no vote in Parliament , is not because he doth not hold his Lands per integram Baro●iam , as is implyed in the Objections , but because he doth not hold his Lands of the King at all . The Bishop of Man is Homiger to the Earl of Darby ( as the chief Lord of the Island ) of his sole nomination and dependance ; and therefore there could be no reason which might induce the King of England to admit those Bishops to a place and vote in Parliament , who held nothing of them , and of whose dutie and affections they could promise little . And so much I remember to have read in the learned Work of Francis Mason , de Ministerio Anglicano , building therein ( if my memory do not too much fail me ) upon the judgement and authority of the learned Andrews , in his Elaborate Apologie against Cardinal Bellarmine . To the second Objection , That some Statutes have been made , absente , or Exclus● clero , which notwithstanding are esteemed to be good and valid , therefore that the Bishops sit not in the Parliament , as a third Estate : I shall for brevity sake refer the Appealant to my answer , to the Book called , The stumbling Block , &c. cap. 5. Sect. 7. 8. &c. where he shall find the point discoursed more at large then these short Remembrances can admit of . I shall onely now adde thus much , that in the Protestation made by the twelve Bishops , which was enrolled amongst the Records of that house , they thereby entred their Protest against all such Laws , Orders , Votes , Resolutions , and determinations , as in themselves null and of none effect , which in their absence since the 27th . of December , 1641. as were already passed ; and likewise against such as should hereafter pass in that most honourable house during the time of their forced and violent absence from it , &c. Which certainly so many Grave , Learned , and Judicious men would never have done , if they had not looked upon themselves in the capacity of a third Estate , according to the Laws of the Realm , exprest in several Acts and Records of Parliament . And whereas he requests me when my hand is in , to answer an Objection taken from a passage in the Parliament at Northampton , under Hen. the second , in which the Bishops claimed their place not as Bishops , but Barons ( Non sedemus hi● Episcopi , sed Barones , &c. ) it must be understood with reference to the case which was then before them ; in which they thought themselves better qualified to pass their judgements in the capacity of Barons , then in that of Bishops . For that the Bishops sat in Parliament in a double capacity , will be no hard matter to evince ; considering that they sat as Bishops in all publick Councels , before the entrance of the Normans ; and that when William the Conqueror changed their tenure , from Frank Almoigne , to B●r●nage , he rather added some new capacity to them , which before they had not , then took any of their old Capacities from them , which before they had . But this dispute is out of doors , as the case now stands , which makes me willing to decline all such further trouble , which the Appealant seems desirous to impose upon me . 50. That which I have already done in Order to his satisfaction , is more then he can challenge in the ordinary course of Disputation , or hath deserved at my hands in the managing of it . He tells us in the Third Chapter of his Apparatus , that finding himselfe necessitated to return an answer to the Animadversions , he was resolved first to abstain from all Rayling , that being a sick wit , or the sickness of wit , as he truly notes ; And secondly , not to be bitter against the Credit of the Animadvertor , though perchance he may have something tart to quicken the Appetite of the Reader . As for the credit of the Animadvertor , it hath past through too many tryals , both publick and private , to be foiled by such an empty insinuation ; Fama velim credas , crimine n●stra caret , in the Poets words . If he can find any hole in my Coat , let him make it wider if he can ; I do not hold my credit of him , either as Tenant at will , or Tenant by courtesie ; nor as the Bishops anciently held their Lands of the Crown , as Tenant in Frank Almoigne , by Alms or Charity . It is my hope that I have acquired a free hold in it , a good Estate for term of life , of which a st●onger Adversary then this Appealant , shall never be able to disseize me . But how farre he is infected with that sickness of wit , that sick wit of Railing , against which he seems to be resolved , two many passages in his Book , are sufficient symptoms . In his Examination of the general Preface , that my Antidote against his Book hath more of poyson then of Cordial in it ; and that I envenome many plain and true passages , with my false Glosses , forced Inferences , and pestilent Applications , p. 1. fol. 20. as afterwards calls me a Deforming Reformer , fol. 19. An Adventurous Emperick , fol. 22. upbraids me with my flouncing and flattering , fol. 59. accuseth me of Don-Quixotism , p. 2. fol. 49. Gives me the name of Rabsecah , fol. 95. brings me to sit down in the seat of the scornful , p. 1. fo . 20. reproacheth me with Rayling , such rayling as not onely beneath a Doctor , but against Divinity , making me to be bred in Billings-Gate Colledge , p. 3. fo . 33. and in the same calls me by craft ( as we poor Country folk use to say ) a snarling Dog , and in plain terms , a very Malignant indeed , p. 49. I must confess I have found some worser language from the hands of others , though this be more then may comport with that Declaration of his declining all expressions which might savour of Railing , to which how near he comes in all these particulars , and how far he hath dipt his Pen in the Gall of bitterness , is not mine to Judge . 51. But his fine Master-piece of wit , is that which he conceives to be an Anagram of his own making in the name of Heilin , out of the which Letters whereof being transposed , he makes Nihili , that is to say , Nothing worth ; a conceit not of his discovery , for it was found out long since , when I was a School boy ; And I had thought we should have had no boys play revived between us . But since he hath led the way unto it , I hope he will give me leave to follow , and ●ub up some of the first fancies of my younger dayes . In confidence of which leave , on the first scanning of his name with my bad eyes , I was able to disc●●n an Halter in it , and some full Halter too , to make up the Anagram . But I shall not doom the man to so sad an End , or leave him to the mercy of a second Miracle , from King Hen. the 6. the Tutelar or Patron Saint of old Thomas of Hammer-smith , for which consult the Animadversions , p. 176. and the Appeal , p. 3. fol. 32. Rather I shall content my selfe with such ●a moderate retaliation as the letters of his name will give me without any such stretching ; which in relation to his frequent Haltings , betwixt State and Monarchy , Episcopacy and Presbytery , the Common-prayer Book , and the Directory , will set forth Thomas Fuller for a fulsome Halter , and so let him pass . 52. I must beseech the Reader to excuse this Levity , which nothing but invincible indignation could have forced upon me : and in the next place , not to wonder that I have made so short a Replication to so long an Answer ; For first it is to be considered , that three parts in five of the Appeal are the very words of my Animadversions ; and I do not yet find my self reduced to any necessity , being an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a condemner of my self for any thing by me delivered in that Book . And in the two parts which are remaining as the Authors were , there are many things in which he confesseth himselfe to have been formerly mistaken , of which he hath promised Reformation in the next Edition of his History , if ever it shall come to a second birth ; whereof I had no reason to make a particular repetition in this short Appendix . Some other passages there are in the Animadversions , to which the Traverses of the Appealant are so slight and perfunctory , that they are tantamount to a plain acknowledgement , and therefore are to pass in the account of Confessions also . But his Avoydings ▪ as they make up the greatest part of his own discourses , so I conceive they will appear no otherwise to a learned and judicious Reader , then as Subterfuges and Avoydings only , not to be qualified by the name of satisfactory , and sufficient answers ; and therefore no especial Replication to be needful to them , which might occasion a Rejoyner , and consequently spin out the cause to an endless length . Which being the general Anatomy of the whole Appeal , there remains onely some few parts to be dissected , in which the Appealant stands too stifly , though erroneously to his first opinions ; or fathers the mistakes of his own begetting on the Animadvertor ; or otherwise creates new Errors in labouring too sollicitously to palliate and defend the old . 53. Till this was done , I could not think my selfe in a condition to embrace any of those civil and ingenious overtures which are made in the Appealants Letter . And yet there was some other reason , which made this short answer seem so necessary , as not to be honestly avoided ; A report being spred abroad and printed in one of Squire Sandersons bald and scurrilous Pamphlets , that I had begged pardon of the Appealant by a supplicatory and submissive Letter , for my writing against him , which base and scandalous Report might have found belief ( notwithstanding my labouring to decry it in the general Preface to this book , before the Appealants was sent to me ) if I had not showed my selfe in this short Reply , to be as free from any fear of Mr. Fuller , as I conceive my self to be out of his Danger . But whether I be out of his danger or no , must be referred to the equal and impartial Reader , whom I beseech not to be wanting to himself in a diligent comparing of the Animadversions , with this Answer to it , in every branch and clause of either as they lye before him ; And then I shall not doubt of such a favourable sentence , as on an equal hearing , can be given in Chancery to an honest cause . Which brief account being offered to Examination , will prove , I hope , as satisfactory in the summa Totalis , as if the several Items had been specified , and summed up particularly , whensoever any equal & judicious Auditor , shall trouble himself in casting up the Reckonings which are between us . And in this hope I shall apply my self to Answer Mr. Fullers Letter , whom I thus salute . To my Loving Friend , Mr. THOMAS FULLER . SIR , AT the End of your Appeal ( which came not to my hand till Friday the sixt of this moneth ) I find a very civil Letter directed to me , in which you propose a breathing time , after some wearinesse in the encounters which have past between us ; and the suspending of such Animosities as we may be supposed to harbour against one another . But for my part as I have had no such long breathing time , ( since those Papers which relate to you first past my hands ) as might make me the more ready for this second onset ; so you may take as long or little time , as you please , to consider of it , before you return to the encounter . Animosities I have none against you , and therefore none to be suspended in this Inter-Parleance : My affections being fair to your person , though not to the cause , for which you seem most to have appeared in the whole course of your History : And if you had appeared so , onely to my apprehension , I had been the more inexcusable both to God and Man ; and the more accomptable to you , for conceiving otherwise of you , then you had deserved . But I am confident there are very few true Sonnes of the Church of England , who could make any other judgement of you , out of your History , then was made by me ; and therefore you must thank your selfe , if any greater noise hath been made about it , then you could willingly have heard ▪ You know what Caesars Resolution was about his wife , for having her as free from the suspition , as the crime of Incontinency ; and therefore if your Conscience do acquit you , from the crim it self , in Acting any thing against the Interest of the Church your Mother , you had done very well , and wisely , had you kept your selfe free from the suspition also of such disaffections . You tell me , that you are cordiall to the Cause of the English Church , and that your hoary hairs will go down into the Grave in sorrow for her sufferings . But then as * Samuel said to Saul , What meaneth this bleating of the sheepe ●in my Ears , and the lowing , of Oxen which I heare . What mean those dangerous Positions , and those many inconvenient expressions ( that I may give them no worse name ) which occur so frequently in your Book , and which no man , who is cordial to the Cause of the English Church , can either read with patience , or pass over with pardon . If you would be believed in this , you must not speak the same Language in your second Edition , as you have done in the first , or leave so much in it of the former Leven as may soure the whole lumpe of your performance . Nor would I have you think it to be any dishonour to cast aside those soure Grapes , whensoever they shall come to a second gathering , at which so many of the teeth of your Mothers Children have been set on edge : there being no greater Victory to be gained in the World , then what a Man gets upon himself . You have said as much as could be in your own defence , and therefore may come off with satisfaction to your self and others . In altering all or any of those passages , which have given occasion of offence to the most of your brethren . And you may take this occasion for it , not as necessitated thereunto by the force of Argument , but as Sylla resigned his Dictator-ship , rather out of his good affections to the peace and happiness of the Common-wealth , then compelled by Arms. You are pleased to take notice of some Parts that God hath given us , thinking we might have used them better , then in these Pen Combates ; and that the differences betwixt us will occasion such Rejoycings in the common Enemy , as was amongst the Trojans , on the fallings out of Agamemnon and Achilles . But I hope you doe not think in earnest , that either of us are so considerable in the sight of our Enemies , as those Great Commanders were in theirs , or that any great matter of Rejoycings can be given them by our weak contentions . In which what satisfaction you are able to give your selfe for spending so much of your Parts , Pains , and Time , in the drawing up of your Appeal , is known onely to God and your own Conscience . But for my part , I am not conscious to my selfe of any mispendings in that kind , in reference to the writing of my Anim●dversions ; in which as I had no other end , then the vindicating the truth , the Church , and the injured Clergy ; so I can confidently say , that I have writtten nothing in the whole course of that Book ( to the best of my knowledge ) which was not able to abide the touchstone of truth , whensoever it was brought unto it . The smallest truth is worth the seeking , and many truths are worth the finding : No loss of time , or mis-imployment of our parts or pains , to be complained of in that pursuit . And therefore I shall say in the Words of Judicious Doctor Hackwell , That such is the admirable Beauty and Soveraignty of truth in it self , and such infinite content doth it yeild the soul being found and embraced ; that had I proposed no other end to my self in this present Treatise then the discovery and unfolding thereof , I should hold it alone a very ample recompense and sufficient reward of my labour . Fracta , vel leviter imminuta Auctoritate veritatis , omnia dubia remanebant , as S. Augustine hath it . You tell me also , that as you know , I will not allow you to be my equal , so you will not acknowledg me to be your superiour ; whereby you tacitly conclude your self for the better man , as much above me in the fortune and success of the present Duel , as Cesar was above Pompey in the War between them : In which though I may suffer you to enjoy the jollity of your own opinion ; yet it is more then probable , that such as have observed the conduct of the action on either side , may think otherwise of it : Which being referred to the finall sentence of those only who are made Judges of the field , I shall not be unwilling to shut up the Quarrel , upon such conditions as are propounded in your Letter , one only of my own being added to them : & I conceive , that having offered these short notes to the publick view , I might do it without any disadvantage of reputation . By some passages in your Book and Letter : I find that you take notice of a remediless infirmity , and decay of sight , which is fallen upon me , rendring me almost wholly unfit for further engagements of this nature ; and I finde also on the other side that you have many advantages above me , both in friends and Books , of both which by the plundering of my Library , and the nature of a Country life , I am almost totally unfurnished : Which though it may give you many fair and flattering hopes of an easie victory , whensoever you shall enter the Lists again ; yet as unfurnished as I am of all humane helps , but such as I have within my self , I little doubt of making good the cause against you , if every point thereof should stand in need of re-examining , as I think none doth : However I have learned of Christ our common Master , to agree with mine Adversary while I am in the way with him , especially where it may be done , not only salva Charitate , but salva Veritate also ; where the agreement may be made , as well without any loss to truth , as improvement to charity . I must needs say you have offered me very fair conditions , whereby I am put into the way toward this agreement , which I shall follow with the greater chearfulness ( you may call it passion if you please ) when I shall see some good effects of your Protestations , such reparation made to INJVRED INNOCENCE , as is professed in your Appeal . Which happy hour whensoever it comes , I shall not only give you the right hand of Fellowship , as the Apostles did to Paul , when from a Persecutor of the Church , he became one of the chief Pillars in it , but the right hand of precedency also , which the old and dim-sighted Patriarch gave to Ephraim , though the younger Brother . We shall not then enter into the Dispute , which of us goes first out of the field , or turn our backs toward one another , according to your Emblem of the two Lions endorsed ( which you have very well noted out of Gerrard Leigh ) for avoiding contentions in the way ; but hand in hand together as becometh Brethren , the Sons not only of the same Father , but of the same Mother too . Nor shall we then enter into a Dispute , which of the two shall be reputed for the good Philemon , or which the Fugitive Onesimus ; there being as great a readiness in me , to submit unto you in all points of civility , as there can be aversness in you to acknowledg me for your Superiour by way of Argument . So doing we shall both be Victors , though neither can be said to be vanquished , and shall consolidate a friendship , without the intervening of a reconcilement . And on these tearms none shall be readier to preserve either a valuable esteem whilst we live together , or a fair memory of you , if you go before me , then SIR , The most unworthy of your Brethren , amongst the true Sons of the Church of England Pet. Heylyn . Lacies Court in Abingdon , May 16. 1659. The Contents of this Book . 1. AN Exchange of Letters with Mr. Baxter , occasioned by a passage in the preface to his Grotian Religion , page 1. 2. An Exchauge of Letters with Dr. Barnard , relating to the Book called Respondit Petrus , and the supposed burning of it . p. 97. 3. The Intercourse with Mr. Hickman , in answer to some passages in his Justification of the Fathers and Schoolmen , &c. p. 113. 4. A Declaration about Forms of Government , the power of the Spartan Ephori , and the Jewish Sanhedrim managed Letter-wise with J. H. Esq p. 205. 5. An Appendix to the former Papers in Answer to some passages in M. Fullers late Appeal for Injured Innocence . p. 311. An Advertisement touching the Errata . THe Reader is to be Advertised touching some mistakes which have occurred at the Press , and are desired to be corrected with his Pen , before he set himself to peruse these Papers . As first , p. 159. for these words , viz. Should command the Paraphrases of Erasmus , to be translated into English , studied by Priests , &c. read thus , viz. Should commend the Paraphrases of Erasmus translated into English , to be studied by Priests &c. And p. 183. for which but only determined , not having commanded silence in those points , read thus , which determined nothing , but onely commanded silence , &c. p. 108. dele . these words that information had been made as to the burning of the Book . The rest of Erratas being onely literal , may be mended thus : Page 2. l. 10. for described , r. ascribed , p. 10 l. 1. for difference , r. distance . p. 23. l. 8. for instancing r. in standing , p. 27. l. 4. for our r. of our , p. 29. l. 30. f. lay , r. lay not , p. 40. l. 5. f. any r. to , p. 50. l. 3. f. Spirator , r. Spirans , p. 53. l. 8. f. no r. any , p. 54. l. 19. f. baser r. border , p. 68. l. 18. f insue r. be true , p. 86. l. 15. d. owning . p. 87. l. 1. f. 29. r. 25. p. 95. l. 26. f. Fame r. Tame , p. 96. l. ult . f. laesives , r. Laeseris , ibid l. 9. f. Consul r. Councel , 105. l. 16. f. way r. worse , p. 109. l. 2. & 3. f. lata r. tota . In the Second Part , f. Burlow , r. Barlow ubique p. 126. l. 34. f. whos 's r. but he whose , p. 130. l. 13. f. Burle , r. Barlee . p. 135. l. 21. f. Burechus r. Purchas , p 145. l. 4. f. 24. r. 246. p. 147. l. 10. f. manner . r. all manner , ibid l. 19. f. supra r. Sublapsarians . p. 148. l. 19. f. Barrow r. Baroe , p. 167. l. 13. f. nine & ten r. ninteen & twenty , p. 174. l. 3. for a Mother r. another . p. 238. f. Tachee r. Rochel . p. 243. l. 5. f. sinking r. six Kings . p. 244. l. 17. r. Abeyance . p. 251 l. 8. f. Kings r. Consuls . p. 253. l. 14. d. it was no. p. 258. l. 30. f. right r. know . p. 292. l. 3. Agraramine . p. 297. f. Rubbige r. Rabine . p. 310. l. 1. to new disputes , ad . you have had my Answer . p. 316. for Bullick r. Ballick . p. 317. l. 16. d. Thesulri . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A86280-e380 * Isa . 42. 3. in Mat. 12. &c. * Hist . of K. Charles , fol. 144. * Ch. Hist . lib. 11. 207 Preface to the Grotian Religion , Ser. 23. Hickmans defence of the Fathers &c. * Act. Apost . 14. 5. M. Fuller's Appeal was sent unto the Author about four days after the date of this Preface Aesopi Fabuloe . * Tac. An. lib. 13. * Mat. 5. v. 11. 12. 1 Pet. c. 2. v. 12. 15. Notes for div A86280-e2140 1 Pet. 2. 23 a Snape to Field . b Knewstub to Field . c Blake to Field . Notes for div A86280-e20250 H. B. for Gek. p. 127. Notes for div A86280-e36110 pag. 39 , 40 , 41. pag. 45. de lege 3. Pol. l. 2. de leg . 31. Cal. Just . l. c. 20. Sect. 31. Iudg. 20. p. 29. Num. 1. 46. Gro. ad Ex. 18. 21. Num. 21. Deut. 17. 8. Arist . Pol. 3. c. 12. Hos . 8. 4. B● . 5. c. 2 Judg. 1. 3. Pacuvi●● ap . Livi. lib. 23. Dan. 1. 7. De jure Blac. p. lib. 1. ch . 1. Jer. 38. 5. p. 289 * Iliad . p. 254. * I am forced to omit the Greek verses because my Amanuensis is not Scholar enough to transcribe them distinctly for me . Vell. Pater . Hist . 121. * Aliudque cupido , mens aliud suadet video melioraproboque deteriora s●equor Ap. p. 23. Ap. p. 2. fol. 20. * Epist . Ded. before the Sermons on the Tares Ob. Rese . p. 8. p. 2 p. 52. p. 2. fol. 6. p. 1. p. 67. p. 2. fol. 14. p. 2. fl● . 15. p. 2. p. 24. Appeal . p. 2. f. 56. ● 2. f. 59. p. 2. f. 70. p. 1. f. 47. Judgement of the L P. p. 112. p. 2. f. 43 : I see a Lambe in his own can be a Lion in Gods and the Churches cause . Ch. Hist . l. 9. f. 130. p. f. 2. 19. p. 2 f. 101 p. 3. f. 5. p. 3. f. 4. p. 3. f. 7. C. Hist . l. 11. p. 147 p. 3. f. 15. p 3. f. 20. p. 3. f. 54. * 1 Sam. 15. 14. G● . 48. 14 
A86290	----	Historia quinqu-articularis: or, A declaration of the judgement of the Western Churches, and more particularly of the Church of England, in the five controverted points, reproched in these last times by the name of Arminianism. Collected in the way of an historicall narration, out of the publick acts and monuments, and most approved authors of those severall churches. By Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1660 Approx. 797 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 179 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A86290 Wing H1721 Thomason E1020_1 Thomason E1020_2 Thomason E1020_3 Thomason E1020_4 ESTC R202407 99862701 99862701 130574 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86290) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 130574) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 151:E1020[1]; 151:E1020[2]; 151:E1020[3]; 151:E1020[4]) Historia quinqu-articularis: or, A declaration of the judgement of the Western Churches, and more particularly of the Church of England, in the five controverted points, reproched in these last times by the name of Arminianism. Collected in the way of an historicall narration, out of the publick acts and monuments, and most approved authors of those severall churches. By Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [32], 80, 112, [2], 110, [16] p. printed by E.C. for Thomas Johnson at the Key in St. Pauls Church-yard, London : 1660. In three parts, each with separate pagination and dated title page beginning quire A, 2A, or 3A; separate Thomason numbers. With a postscript and a final errata leaf. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aprill 11". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- History -- Early works to 1800. Arminianism -- Early works to 1800. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Historia Quinqu - Articularis : OR , A DECLARATION OF The Judgement of the Western Churches , And more particularly Of the Church of ENGLAND , IN The Five Controverted Points , Reproched in these Last times by the Name of ARMINIANISM . Collected in the way of an Historicall Narration , Out of the Publick Acts and Monuments , and most approved Authors of those severall CHURCHES . By PETER HEYLYN . Jerem. VI. 16. State super vias , & videte , & interrogate de semitis antiquis , quae sit via bona , & ambulate in ea , & invenietis resrigerium animabus vestris . Macrob. in Saturnall . Omne meum & nihill meum . LONDON , Printed by E. C. for Thomas Johnson at the Key in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1660. TO THE READER . IT is well known to some in London and elsewhere , that these Papers were finished for the Presse , before August last . But the first breaking out in Cheshire , and the unsetledness of affairs which ensued upon it , proved such discouragements to all Engagings of this kinde , that Michaelmas was past , before the undertakers would adventure on it . And what distractions have since followed in the Publick Government ( sufficient to retard a work of greater consequence ) is unknown to none . But long looked for comes at last , as the saying is , though why it should come out at all may be made a question ; And I shall also give the Reader some account of that , but in so doing must make use of somewhat which was said elsewhere . It was more then half against my will , and rather through the indiscretion of others , then any forwardness of my own , that I was drawn to shew my self in these present Controversies . But being unseasonably brought upon the stage by Dr. Bernard , impertinently enough by Mr. Baxter , and with more then ordinary Petulancy by the Man of Scorne ; the Occasion was laid hold on by some very able and discerning men , for pressing me to search into the History of these disputes , so far forth as the Church of England was concerned in them , and to make publick what I found upon that inquiry . To which request I made such answer at the present , as the consideration of my many unfitnesses for an employment of that nature , might suggest unto me . But coming to me from so many hands , that it could not fairly be denyed , I was prevailed with in the end , to apply my self to the undertaking , as soon as I had dispatched such other businesses as lay then upon me . In the mean time I thought I might comply sufficiently with all expectations , by fashioning some short Animadversions on the principal passages , relating to the Doctrine of the Church of England ; which had been purloyned for the most part out of Mr. Prinnes book of Anti-arminianism , by a late Compiler . By which name the old Criticks and Grammarians , used to call those men , who pilfering their materials out of other mens writings , did use to lay them close together as their own , to avoid discovery . And so the word is took by Horace in his Compilasse , Serm. 1. verse ult . as is observed on that verse by the learned Scoliasts . So that a Compilator and a Plagiary , are but two terms of one signification . And he that would behold a Plagacy in his proper colours , may finde him painted to the life in the Appendix to Mr. Pierce his Vindication of the learned Grotius ; to which for further satisfaction I refer the Reader . That preamble having led the way , and my other businesses being over , I prepared my self unto that search , to which I was so earnestly moved , and so affectionately intreated . My helps were very few and weak , which might sufficiently have deterred me from the undertaking . But a good cause will help to carry on it self , and truth will finde the way to shine , though darkned for a time with the clouds of Errour ; as the Sun breaking from an Eclips , doth appear more glorious , though a while obscured ; Delitere videtur sol , non delitet , as in the like case the Father hath it . The Five disputed Points which in these last times are Reproached by the name of Arminianisme , had more or lesse exercised the Church in all times and ages ; especially after the breaking out of the Pelagian Heresies ; when all the Niceties thereof were more thoroughly canvassed . Neither the piety and sobriety of the Primity times , nor the authority of the Popes , nor the commanding spirit of Luther , nor the more powerful name of Calvin , have prevailed so far ; but that the Church and every broken fragment of it hath found some subdivision about these Debates . So that it can be no great wonder if the Church of England be divided also on the same occasion ; or that a Deviation should be made from her publick Rules , as well as in all other Churches , and all former times . Which way the general vote had passed in the elder ages , hath been abundantly set forth by John Gerrard Vossius , in his Historia Pelagiana : But he descended not so low as these latter times , conceiving he had done enough in shewing to which of the contending parties , the general current of the Fathers did most encline . And if Turtullians rule be good , that those opinious have most truth which have most antiquity , ( id verum est quod primum , as his own words are ) the truth must run most cleerly in that part of the Controversie which hath least in it of the Zuinglian or Calvinian Doctrines . And so far I shall follow his method , or example rather , in the pursuit of that designe which I have before me . For though it be my principal purpose to search into the Doctrine of the Church of England ; yet I shall preface my Discourse by laying down The Judgement of the rest of the Western Churches , before I come to that of our first Reformers . By means whereof it may be seen what guides they followed , or rather with what parties they concurred in judgement ; since in those times the Church was generally so distracted about these disputes , that with the whole the aggregate body of believers , there could be no agreement hoped for , no compliance possible . In the pursuance of this work I have exemplified so much of the Debates and Artifices in the Councel of Trent , as concerns these points , and may be parallel'd with the like proceedings , in the Synod of Dort : I have consulted also tho Confessions , the Synodals , and other publick Monuments , and Records of the several parties , and so many of the best and most approved Authors of this Church of England , as either were within my power , or could be advised with at a further distance : One whole discourse I have transcribed about Freewill , not obvious to be met withall in Shops or Libraries . The like I have done also with one whole Homily , though the book be easie to be found by those that seek it , knowing full well how unwilling most Readers are to take more pains in turning over several books , and examining all quotations which are brought before them , then of necessity they must . Nor have I purposely concealed or subducted any thing considerable which may seem to make for the advantage of the opposite party : And have therefore brought in a discourse of the Martyrologist in favour of the Calvinian Doctrine . I have also given a just account of the first breaking out of the Predestinarians in Queen MARIES time , and of the stirs in Cambridge , in Queen ELIZABETHS ; not pretermitting such particulars as may be thought to make for them , in the course of this Narrative , even to the Articles of Ireland , and the harsh expressions of King JAMES against Arminius . And therefore I may say in the words of Curtius , Plura equidem transcribo quam credo ; nec enim affirmare aufuge sum , quae dubito ; nec subducere sustinco quae accepi . I have related many things , which I cannot approve , though I have not let them passe without some censure ; that so I may impose nothing on the Readers belief , without good grounds ; nor defraud him of any thing conducible to his Information . I was not to be told how much my first engageing in this business might offend those men who loved to countenance their extravagancy by the name of the Church , and what loud clamours they had raised against the most Reverend Dr. Whitgift , for encountring with T. C. in behalf of the Liturgy ; against Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarisbury , for standing in defence of the sacred Hirarchy ; against the most learned Bishop Bilson for crossing Calvins new device about Christs descent ; against Dr. Barce for opposing the Genevian Rigors in the points before us ; against Mr. Richard Mountague for separating the opinions of private men from the Churches Doctrins ; and finally against the late Renouned Archb. for labouring to restore this Church to its primitive Lustre . And though I could not hope to be more favorably dealt withall in this ●ase , then my Letters were ; yet I might reasonably expect to be used no worse . But on the contrary . I have lately seen a Scurrilous Pamphlet , the Author ●hereof hath licked up all the filth of for● 〈…〉 els , to vomit it at once upon me ; without ●es●●ct to that civility which beseems a Scholar , or that sobriety and modesty which adorns a Christian ; so Cocks are dieted sometimes with Garlick before they fight , that they may rather overcome their Adversaries , by the stinck of their breath , then by the sharpeness of their spurs , or the strength of their blows . But I have been so long accustomed to the noise of this Rayling Rhetorick , that I am now no more troubled at it , then were the Catadupi at the Rorings of the River Nilus , or Socrates to see himself derided and exposed to scorn on the publick Theatre ; Or could I be exasperated to a Retaliation , that saying of St. Cyprian would recall me to my wonted temper ; who being bitterly railed at by some of his Presbyters , retruned this Answer , Non Oportet me paria cum illis facere ; that it becomes not me to answer them with the like revilings . And yet I cannot but take notice of a mischievious project , for throwing a Ball of discord betwixt me and some friends of mine , Doctors in title and degree , and by the Libeller declared to be of my own perswasion , one of which is affirmed to say , That I was an unhappy Writer , and marred every thing which I medled with ; and for the finding of this one I have nothing but a blinde direction of Hist . in the margin ; placed there of purpose , as it seemeth , to put me into a suspition of all eminent persons , whose names begin with those two Letters . It is recorded in the History of Amianus Marcellinus , that certain men informed the Emperour Valence , by their Devilish Arts , that one whose name began with THEO should succeed in the Empire . Which put the Jealous Prince into such a generall distrust of all whose Names had that beginning ( Theodoret , Theodosius , Theopulos , Theodulos , Theodore ) that he caused many of them , though men of eminent worth , and most exemplary Loyalty , to be made the subjects of his fear and cruelty . And such a Devillish Art is this of T. C. the younger ( by which two Letters he affects to disguise his name ) to work me into a suspition of some eminent persons , and such as must be also of my own perswasions . But I have no such jealousies as Valence had ▪ and therefore shall create no trouble to my self or others , upon that temptation . For first , I know the parties pointed to in those two letters , to be the masters of so much Candor and Ingenuity , that I am confident they rather would excuse my infelicities , or insufficiencies ( be they which they will ) then bring me under the reproach of any such censure , as none of different judgement ever laid upon me . And secondly , so much they have descended beneath themselves , as of their own accord to certifie me both by Letters and Messages , how free they were from giving any ground to that base suspition , which was contrived with so much malice and design , to divide between us . And so Autorem Scelus repetet , the Calumny must be left at the Authors dore , as the natural parent of it , till he can find out more distinctly upon whom to charge it . In the mean time I leave him to the mercy of the Laws , as a common Barrator , " Drenched over head and ears in the waters of strife , a sower of discord and discention amongst faithful friends . " But I have wasted too much time on this piece of impertinency , and might perhaps have better studied my own fame , if I had took no notice of the Libell , or the Author either , but that to have been silent altogether , in so just a grievance ▪ might possibly be taken for an argument of insensibility . For otherwise as there is nothing in the Author , but the stolne name of Theophilus Churchman , which descries my Pen , so there is nothing argumentative in the Pamphlet , either , which was not b●th foreseen and satisfied in the following papers , before it came unto my hands . I return therefore to my Post , which if I can make good by Records and Evidence , ( the fittest weapons for this Warfare ) I shall not easily be forced from it by Reproach and Clamors , as were the Ancient Gauls from surprising the Capitol , by the noise and gagling of the Geese . But whether I have made it good or not , must be left to the Reader ; to whom I hope it will appear , that Calvinism was not the native and original Doctrin of the Church of England , though in short time it over ▪ spread a great part thereof , as Arrianism did the Eastern Churches in the elder times ; Ubi ingemuit orbis , as St. Hierom hath it , when the world groaned and trembled under the calamity of that dangerous Heresie . And I hope too it will appear by this discourse , that I am not yet so far reduced ad secundam pueritiam ( as the Scorner taunts it ) as that my venerable back and buttocks ( pardon me for repeating such unmannerly language ) should be intituled to the Rod of this proud Orbilius . Or if I be , I doubt not but that God Almighty , who ordaineth praise out of the mouths of babes and sucklings , will raise some glory to his Name from that second Childhood . To which great God , and his unspeakable mercies in Jesus Christ , our common Saviour , I do most heartily recommend this Church , and all them that love it . Lacies Court in Abington , December , 26. 1659. Peter Heylyn . SYLLABVS CAPITVM : OR , The Contents of the Chapters . CHAP. I. The severall Heresies of those who make God to be the Author of sin , or attribute too much to the naturall freedome of Mans Will in the works of Piety . 1 GOD affirmed by Florinus , to be the Author of sin , the blasphemy encountred by Irenaeus , and the foule consequents thereof . 2. Revived in these last Ages by the Libertines , said by the Papists to proceed from the Schools of Calvin , and by the Calvinists to proceed from the Schools of Rome . 3. Disguised by the Maniches in another Dresse , and the necessity thereby imposed on the wills of men . 4 The like by Bardesanes and the Priscilianists , the dangerous consequents thereof exemplified out of Homer , and the words of St. Augustine . 5. The error of the Maniches touching the servitude of the will , revived by Luther , and continued by the Rigid Lutherans . 6. As those of Bardesanes and Priscilian by that of Calvin , touching the Absolute Decree ; the Dangers which lye hidden under that Decree : and the incompetiblenesse thereof with Christs coming to Judgement . 7. The large expressions of the Ancient Fathers , touching the Freedome of the will , abused by Pelagius and his Followers . 8. The Heresie of Pelagius in what it did consist , especially as to this particular , and the dangers of it . 9. The Pelagian Heresies condemned and recanted , the temper of St. Augustine touching the Freedome of the will in spirituall matters . 10. Pelagianisme falsly charged on the moderate Lutherans : How far all parties do agree about the Freedome of the Will , and in what they differ . CHAP. II. Of the Debates among the Divines in the Councel of Trent , touching Predestination and Originall Sin. 1. THE Articles drawn from the Writings of the Zuinglians touching Predestination and Reprobation . 2. The Doctrine of Predestination according to the Dominican way . 3. As also that of the Franciscans , with reasons for their own , and against the other . 4. The Historians Judgement interposed between the parties . 5. The middle way of Catarinus , to compose the differences . 6. The newnesse of St. Augustines Opinion , and the dislike thereof by the most learned men in the Ages following . 7. The Perplexities amongst the Theologues touching the Absoluteness of the Decrees . 8. The Judgement of the said Divines , touching the possibility of Falling from Grace . 9. The Debates about the Nature and transmitting of Originall sin . 10. The Doctrine of the Councell in it . CHAP. III. The like Debates about Free-will , with the Conclusions of the Councell in the Five Controverted Poynts . 1. THE Articles against the Freedome of the Will extracted out of Luthers Writings . 2. The exclamations of the Divines against Luthers Doctrine in that Poynt , and the absurdities thereof . 3. The severall judgements of Marinarus , Catarinus and Andreas Vega. 4. The different Judgement of the Dominicans and the Franciscans , whether it lay in mans power to believe , or not to believe , and whether the freedome of the Will were lost in Adam . 5. As also of the poynt of the co-operation of Mans Will with the Grace of God. 6. The Opinion of Fryer Catanca in the poynt of irresistability . 7. Faintly maintained by Soto a Dominican Fryer , and more cordially approved by others , but in fine rejected . 8. The great care taken by the Legates , in having the Articles so framed as to please all parties . 9 The Doctrin of the Councell in the Five Controverted Points . 10. A Transition from the Councell of Trent to the Protestant and Reformed Churches . CHAP. IV. The Judgement of the Lutherans and Calvinians in the said Five Poynts , with some Objections made against the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort. 1. NO difference in the Five Poynts betwixt the Lutherans and the Church of Rome , as is acknowledged by the Papists themselves . 2. The Judgement of the Lutheran Churches in the said Five Poynts , delivered in the famous Confession of Ausberge . 3. The distribution of the Quarrell betwixt the Franciscans , Melancthonians , and Arminians , on the one side , the Dominicans , Rigid Lutherans , and Sublapsarian Calvinists on the other ; the middle way of Catarinus parallelled by that of Bishop Overall . 4. The Doctrine of Predestination , as laid down by Calvin ; of what ill consequence in it self , and how odious to the Lutheran Doctors . 5. Opposed by Sebastian Castellio in Geneva it self , but propagated in most Churches of Calvins Platform ; afterwards polished by Perking a Divine of England , and in him censured and confuted by Jacob Van Harmin a Belgick Writer . 6. A brief view of the Doctrine of the Supralapsarians , and the odious consequences of it . 7. The judgement of the Sublapsarians in the said Five points , collected and presented at the Conference at the Hague , An. 1610. 8. The Doctrin of the Synodists in the said Five points . 9. Affirmed to be repugnant to the Holy Scripture , as also to the purity , justice and sincerity of Almighty God. 10. As also subversive of the Ministry , and all acts of Piety , illustrated by the example of Tyberius Caesar , and the Lant-grave of Thurin . CHAP. V. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants , and the story of them , untill their finall condemnation in the Synod of Dort. 1. THe Doctrine of the Remonstrants ancienter then Calvinisme , in the Belgick Churches , and who they were that stood up for it before Arminius . 2. The first undertakings of Arminius , his preferment to the Divinity Chair of Leyden , his commendations and death . 3. The occasion of the names of Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants , the Controversie reduced to Five points , and those disputed at the Hague , in a publick Conference . 4. The said five Points , according to their severall heads , first tendred at the Hague , and after at the Synod of Dort. 5. The Remonstrants persecuted by their Opposites , put themselves under the protection of Barnevelt , and by his means obtain a Toleration of their Doctrines , Barnevelt seized and put to death by the Prince of Orange . 6. The calling of the Synod of Dort , the parallel betwixt it and the Councell of Trent ; both in the conduct of the businesse against their Adversaries , and the difference amongst themselves . 7. The breaking out of the differences in the Synod into open quarrells , between Martinius one of the Divines of Breeme , and some of the Divines of Holland , and on what occasions . 8. A copy of the Letter from Dr. Belcanquall to Sir Dudly Carleton his Majesties Resident at the Hague , touching the violent prosecution of those quarrells by the Dutch Divines . 9. A further prosecution of the Parallel between the Councell and the Synod ; in reference to the Artifices used in drawing up the Canons and Decrees of either , and the doubtfull meaning of them both . 10. The quarrelling parties joyn together against the Remonstrants , denying them any place in the Synod , and finally dismiss them in a furious Oration made by Boyerman , without any hearing . 11. The Synodists indulgent to the damnable Doctrines of Macorius , and as unmercifull in the banishment and extermination of the poor Remonstrants . 12. Scandalously defamed to make them odious ; and those of their perswasions in other places ejected , persecuted and disgraced . CHAP. VI. Objections made against the Doctrine of the Remonstrants , the Answers unto all , and the retorting of some of them on the Opposite Party . 1. AN Introduction to the said Objections . 2. The first Objection , touching their being enemies to the grace of God , disproved in generall by comparing the Doctrine with that of St. Augustine , though somewhat more favourable to Free-will then that of Luther . 3. A more particular Answer in relation to some hard expressions which were used of them by K. James . 4. The second charging it as introductive of Popery , begun in Holland , and pressed more importunately in England , answered both by Reason and Experience to the contrary of it . 5. The third charge , of filling men with spirituall p●ide , first answered in Relation to the testimony from which it was taken , and then retorted on those who object the same . 6. The fourth Charge , making the Remonstrants a furious and seditious People , begun in Holland , prosecuted in England , and answered by the most Religious Bishop Ridley . 7. What moved K. James to think so ill of the Remonstrants , as to exasperate the States against them . 8. The Remonstrants neither so troublesome nor so chargeable to the States themselves , as they were made by the Objector ; the indirect proceedings of the Prince of Orange in the death of Bannevelt , and the injustice of the Argument in charging the practises of his Children against the Prince of Orange , upon all the party . 9. Nothing in the Arminian Doctrine that may incline a man to factious and seditious courses , as is affirmed and proved to be in that of Calvin . 10. The Recrimination further proved by a passage in the Conference of the Lord Treasurer Burleigh with Queen Eliz ▪ in a letter of some of the Bishops to the Duke of Buckingham , and in that of Dr. Brooks to the late Archbishop . 11 ▪ More fully prosecuted and exemplified by Campneys an old English Protestant . 12. A Transition to the Doctrine of the Church of England . CHAP. VII . An Introduction to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Points disputed , with the removall of some Rubs which are laid in the way . 1. THe Doctrine of the Homilies , concerning the endowments of man at his first Creation . 2. His miserable Fall. 3. And the promised hopes of his restitution in the Lord Christ Jesus . 4. A general Declaration of the judgment of the Church of England , in the points disputed , exemplified in the story of Agillmond and Lamissus Kings of Lombardy . 5. The contrary judgment of Wickleff objected , answered , and applyed to all modern Heresies . 6. The general answer of the like Argument pretended to be drawn from the writings of Frith , Tyndall and Barns ; but more particularly . 7. The judgment of Dr. Barns in the present Points , and the grounds on which he builded the same . 8. Small comfort to be found from the works of Tyndall in favour of the Calvinian Doctrin . 9. The high flyings of John Frith and others in the Doctrine of Predestination , reproved by Tyndall . 10. A parallel between some of our first Martyrs and the blind man restored to his ●ight in the 8. of St. Mark. CHAP. VIII . Of the Preparatives to the Reformation , and the Doctrin of the Church in the present Points . 1. THe danger of ascribing too much to our ancient Martyrs , exemplified in the parity of Ministers , and popular Elections unto Benefices allowed by Mr. John Lambert . 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgment by our first Reformers , but much to the Augustan Confession , the writings of Melancthon ; and 3. unto the Authority of Erasmus , His paraphrases being commended to the use of the Church by King Edward ▪ 6. and the Reasons why . 4. The Bishops book in order to the Reformation , called The Institution of a Christian man , commended by King Henry 8. 1537. corrected afterwards by the Kings own hand , examined and allowed by Cranmer , approved by Parliament , and finally published by the name of A necessary Doctrin , &c. Anno 1543. 5. The Doctrine of the said two books in the Points disputed , agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward 6. 6. Of the two Liturgies made in that Kings time , and the makers of them ; the testimony given to the first , and the alterations made in the second . 7. The first book of Homilies by whom made , approved by Bucer , and of the Arguments that may be drawn from the method of it , in the points disputed . 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the book of Articles , with the harmony or concent in judgment between Archbishop Cranmer , Bishop Ridly , and Bishop Hooper , &c. 9. The Doctrin delivered in the book of Articles touching the Five Controverted points . 10. An answer to the objections against these Articles , for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them . 11. An objection against King Edwards Catechism , mistaken for an objection against the Articles ; refelled as to that late Schisme by John Philpot Martyr , and of the delegating of their powers by the Convocation to a choice Committee . 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensive or ambiguous termes to please all parties , but to be understood in the Restrictive letter and Grammatical sense , and the Reasons why . CHAP. IX . Of the Doctrin of Predestination , delivered in the Articles , the Homilies , the publick Liturgie , and the writings of some of the Reformers . 1. THe Articles differently understood by the Calvinian party , and the true English Protestants , with the best way to finde out the true sense thereof . 2. The definition of Predestination , and the most considerable points contained in it . 3. The meaning of those words in the Difinition , viz. Whom he hath ch●sen in Christ , according to the exposition of St. Ambrose , St. Chrysostom , and St. Jerom as also of Archbishop Cranmer , Bishop Latimer , and the book of Homilies . 4. The absolute decree condemned by Bishop Latimer , as a means to licentiousness and carnall living . 5. For which , and making God to be the Author of sin , condemned as much by Bishop Hooper . 6. Our election to be found in Christ not to be sought for in Gods secret Councels , according to the judgment of Bishop Latimer . 7. The way to finde out our Election delivered by the same godly Bishop , and by Bishop Hooper , with somewhat to the same purpose also from the book of Homilies . 8. The Doctrin of Predestination delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford , with Fox his glosse upon the same to corrupt the text . 9. No countenance to be found for any absolute , personal , and irrespective Decree of Predestination in the publick Liturgy . 10. An answer to such passages out of the said Liturgy as seem to favour that opinion , as also touching the number of Gods elect . CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation , and Universal Redemption . 1. THE absolute Decree of Reprobation not to be found in the Articles of this Church , but against it in some passages of the publick Liturgy . 2. The cause of Reprobation to be found in a mans self , and not in Gods Decrees , according to the judgement of Bishop Latimer , and Bishop Hooker . 3. The Absolute Decree of Election and Reprobation how contrary to the last Clause in the 17. Article . 4. The inconsistency of the absolute Decree of Reprobation with the Doctrine of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ . 5. The Universal Redemption of mankinde by the death of Christ , delivered in many places of the publick Liturgy , and affirmed also in one of the Homilies , and the Book of Articles . 6. A further proof of it from the mission of the Apostles , and the prayer used in the Ordination of Priests . 7. The same confirmed by the writings of Archbishop Cranmer , and the two other Bishops before remembred . 8. A generality of the Promises , and an universality of Vocation maintained by the said two godly Bishops . 9. The Reasons why this benefit is not made effectual unto all sorts of men , to be found in themselves . CHAP. XI . Of the Heavenly influences of Gods Grace in the conversion of a sinner , and Man's cooperation with those Heavenly influences . 1. THE Doctrin of Deserving Grace ex congruo , maintained in the Roman Schools before the Councel of Trent , rejected by our antient Martyrs , and the book of Articles . 2. The judgement of Dr. Barnes and Mr. Tyndall touching the necessary workings of Gods Grace on the Will of man , not different from the Church of England . 3. Universal Grace maintained by Bishop Hooper , and proved by some passages in the Liturgy and book of Homilies . 4. The offer of Universall Grace made ineffectual to some for want of Faith , and to others for want of Repentance , according to the judgement of Bishop Hooper . 5. The necessity of Grace preventing , and the free cooperation of mans will being so prevented , maintained in the Articles , in the Homilies , and the publick Liturgy . 6. The necessity of this Cooperation on the part of man defended and applyed to the exercise of a godly life , by Bishop Hooper . 7. The Doctrin of Irresistability first broached by Calvin , and pertinaciously maintained by most of his Followers , and by Gomarus amongst others . 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer . 9. And their gainsaying justified by the truth Article of King Edwards book ; and 10. the book of Homilies . CHAP. XII . The Doctrin of Free-will agreed upon by the Clergie in their Convocation , Anno 1543. 1. OF the Convocation in the year 1543. in order to the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrin . 2. The Article of Free-will , in all the powers and workings of it , agreed on by the Prelates and Clergy of the Convocation , agreable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England . 3. An answer to the first objection concerning the Popishnesse of the Bishops and Clergy in that Convocation . 4. The Article of Free-will approved by King Henry the 8. and Archbishop Cranmer . 5. An answer to the last objection concerning the Conformity of that Article to the present established Doctrine in the Church of Rome . CHAP. XIII . The Doctrin of the Church of England concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance . 1. THe certainty of Grace debated in the Councel of Trent , and maintained in the affirmative by the Dominicans , and some others . 2. The contrary affirmed by Catarinus , and his adherents . 3. The doubtful Resolution of the Councell in it . 4. The Calvinists not content with certainty of Grace quoad statum praesentem , presume upon it also quoad statum futurum . 5. The bounds and limits wherewith the Judgment in this point ought rationally to be circumscribed . 6. The Doctrin of the Church of England in the present Article . 7. Justified by the testimony of Bishop Latimer , Bishop Hooper , and Mr. Tyndall . 8. And proved by several Arguments from the publick Liturgy . 9. The Homily commends a probable stedfast hope ; but 10. allowes no certainty of Grace , and Perseverance in any ordinary way to the sons of men . CHAP. XIV . The Plain Song of the second Homily touching the falling from God , and the Descants made upon it . 1. MOre from some other Homilies touching the possibility of falling from the Grace received . 2. The second Homily or Sermon touching Falling from God laid down Verbatim . 3. The sorry shifts of Mr. Yates to illude the true meaning of that Homily , plainly discovered and confuted . 4. An answer to his objection touching the passages cited from the former Homily in Mr. Mountague's Appeal . 5. The judgement of Mr. L. Ridley Archdeacon of Canterbury , in the points of Election and Redemption . 6. As also touching the Reasons why the Word was not preached unto the Gentiles , till the coming of Christ ; the influences of Grace , the Co-working of man , and the possibility of Falling from the faith of Christ . CHAP. XV. Of the Author and Authority of K. Edwards Catechism ; As also of the judgement of Martin Bucer , and Peter Martyr in the Points disputed . 1. THe Catechism published by the Authority of K. Edward 6 , 1553. affirmed to have been writ by Bishop Poynet , and countenanced by the rest of the Bishops and Clergy . 2. Several passages collected out of that Catechism to prove that the Calvinian Doctrins were the true genuine and ancient Doctrins of the Church of England . 3. With a discovery of the weakness and impertinency of the Allegation . 4. What may most probably be conceived to have been the judgement of Bishop Poynet in most of the Controverted points . 5. An answer to another objection derived from M. Bucer and P. Martyr , and the influence which their Auditors and Disciples are supposed to have had in the Reformation . 6. That Bucer was a man of moderate Counsels , approving the first Liturgie of K. Edward 6. assenting to the Papists at the Dyet of Ratisbone , in the possibility of Falling from Grace ; and that probably P. Martyr had not so far espoused the Calvinian quarrels , when he lived in Oxon , as after his return to Zurick , and Calvins neighbourhood . 7. The judgement of Erasmus , according as it is delivered in his Paraphrases on the Four Evangelists , proposed first in the generall view ; 8. And after more particularly in every one of the poynts disputed . CHAP. XVI . Of the first breakin gs out of the Predestinarians , and their Proceedings in the same . 1. THe Predestinarians at the first called by the name of Gospellers . 2. Campneys a professed enemy to the Predestinarians , but neither Papist nor Pelagian . 3. The common practises of the Calvinists to defame their Adversaries , the name of Free-will-men to whom given and why . 4. The Doctrine of John Knox in restraining all mens actions whether good or evill to the determinate will and Councell of God. 5. The like affirmed by the Author of the Table of Predestination , in which and the Genevian Notes , we finde Christ excluded from being the foundation of mans Election , and made to be an inferiour cause of salvation only . 6. God made to be the Author of sin , by the Author of a Pamphlet , entituled , Against a Privy Papist , and his secret Councells called in for the proof thereof , both by him and Knox , with the mischiefs which ensued upon it . 7. The Doctrine of Robert Crawley , imputing all mens sins to Predestination , his silly defences for the same , made good by a distinction of John Verons , and the weaknesse of that Distinction shewed by Campneys . 8. The Errors of the former Authors opposed by Campneys , his book in Answer to those Errors , together with his Orthodoxie in the point of Vniversall Redemption , and what he builds upon the same . 9. His solid Arguments against the imputing of all actions either good or evill , to Predestination , justified by a saying of Prosper of Aquitain . 10. The virulent prosecutions of Veron and Crowley , according to the Genius of the Sect of Calvin . CHAP. XVII . Of the Disputes amongst the Confessors in Prison , in Queen Maries dayes , and the resetling of the Church on her former Principles under Queen Eliz. 1. THe Doctrine of Predestination disputed amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries dayes . 2. The Examination of John Carelesse before Dr. Martin . 3. Considerations on some passages in the said Conference . 4. A review made of the publick Liturgy , by the command of Queen Eliz. and the Paraphrases of Erasmus commended to the reading both of Priests and People . 5. The second Book of Homilies how provided for , and of the liberty taken by the Gospellers and Zuinglian Sectaries , before the reviving and confirming of the Book of Articles by the Queens Authority . 6. Of the reviving and authority of the Book of Articles , An. 1562. and what may be thence inferred . 7. An Answer to the Argument drawn from omitting the ninth Article of King Edwards Book , the necessity of giving some content to the Zuinglian Gospellers , and the difficulties wherewith they were induced to subscribe the Book , at the first passing of the same . 8. The Argument taken from some passages in the English Catechisme , set forth by Mr. Alexander Nowell , and the strength thereof . 9. Considerations made on the said Catechisme , and the rest of that Authors making , and what his being Prolocutor in the Convocation might adde to any of them in point of Orthodoxy . 10. Nothing to be collected out of the first passage in Mr. Nowels Catechisme , in favour of the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination and the points depending thereupon , and less then nothing in the second if it be understood according to the Authors meaning , and the determination of the Church . CHAP. XVIII . A Declaration of the Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new Establishment made by Queen Eliz. 1. THe Doctrine of the second Book of Homilies , concerning the wilfull Fall of Adam , the miserable estate of man , the restitution of lost man in Jesus Christ , and the universall Redemption of all Mankinde by his Death and Passion . 2. The Doctrin of the said second Book , concerning Universal Grace , the possibility of a totall and finall Falling , and the cooperation of mans will with the grace of God. 3. The judgment of Reverend Bishop Jewell touching the universal Redemption of Mankinde by the Death of Christ ; Predestination grounded upon faith in Christ , and reached out unto all them that believe in him , by Mr. Alexander Nowell . 4. Dr. Harsnet in his Sermon at Pauls Crosse , 1584. sheweth , that the absolute decree of Reprobation , t●rneth the truth of God into a lye , and makes him to be the Author of sin . 5. That it deprives man of the naturall freedome of his will , makes God himself to be double-minded , to have two contrary wills , and to delight in mocking his poor creature Man. 6. And finally that it makes God more cruel and unmercifull then the greatest Tyrant , contrary to the truth of Scripture , and the constant Doctrin of the Fathers . 7. The rest of the said Sermon reduced unto certain Heads , directly contrary to the Calvinian Doctrines , in the points disputed . 8. Certain considerations on the Sermon aforesaid , with reference to the subject of it , as also to the time , place and person , in and before which it was first preached . 9. An answer to some Objections concerning a pretended Recantation affirmed to have been made by the said Mr. Harsnet . 10. That in the judgment of the right learned Dr. King , after Bishop of Reading , the alteration of Gods denounced Judgements in some certain cases , infers no alteration in his Councels ; the difference between the changing of the will , and to will a change . 11. That there is something in Gods decrees revealed to us , & something concealed to himself ; the difference between the inferiour and superiour causes , and of the conditionality of Gods Threats and Promises . 12. The accommodating of the former part of this discourse to the case of the Ninivite 13. And not the case of the Ninivites to the case disputed . CHAP. XIX . Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church , by whom made , and what was done toward the making of it up again . 1. GReat Alteration made in the face of the Church from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary ; with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service , if otherwise of known zeal a gainst the Papists . 2. Severall examples of that kinde in the places of greatest Power and Trust in the Church of England , particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist , and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of Predestination ; 3. His Notes on one of the Letters of Mr. John Bradford martyr , touching the matters of Election therein contained , and his perverting of the Text on which he writeth . 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text , and between the Author of the Comment and Bishop Hooper . 5. Exceptions against some passages , and observations upon others in the said Notes of Mr. Fox . 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrin , made greater by the countenance which was given to the Acts and Monuments , by the Convocation , 1571. 7. No argument to be drawn from hence , touching the approbation of his Doctrine by the Convocation , no more then for the approbation of his Marginal Notes , and some particular passages in it , disgracefull to the Rites of the Church , & Attire of the Bishops . 8. A Counter-ballance made in that Convocation against Fox his Doctrines and all other Novelismes of that kinde . CHAP. XX. Of the great Innovation made by Perkins in the Publick Doctrine , the stirs arising thence in Cambridge , and Mr. Barrets carriage in them . 1. OF Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination , with his recitall of the 4 Opinions which were then maintained about the same . 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrin , according to the Supralapsarian , o● Supracreatarian way . 3. The severall censures past upon it both by Papists and Protestants , by none more sharply then by Dr. Robert Abbots , after Bishop of Sarum . 4. Of Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professor in that University , his Doctrine touching the Divine decrees , upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgment against the Ninivites . 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians , and the great encrease of his Adherents . 6. The Articles collected out of Barrets Sermon derogatory to the Doctrin an● persons of the chief Calvinians . 7. Barret convented for the same , and the proceedings had against him at his first Convention . 8. A form of Recantation delivered to him , but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianisme , nor to be found in the Records of that University . 9. Severall arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed upon him . 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own Letter to Dr. Goade being then Vice-chancellor . 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantation , no argument that his Doctrin was repugnant to the Church of England , and that the body of the same Uuiversity differed from the Heads in that particular . CHAP. XXI . Of the proceedings against Baroe , the Articles of Lambeth , and the generall calm which was in Oxon , touching these Disputes . 1. THe differences between Baroe and Dr. Whitakers , the Address of Whitakers and others to Archbishop Whitgift , which drew on the Articles of Lambeth . 2. The Articles ag●eed on at Lambeth , presented both in English and Latine . 3. The Articles of no Authority in themselves , Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them , together with the Queens command to have them utterly suppress'd . 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship , nor compelled to leave it , the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had desired it . 5. A copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe . 6. Dr. Overald encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from Grace received ; his own private judgment in the point , neither for totall , or for finall , and the concurrence of some other learned men in the same opinion 7. The generall calm which was at Oxon at that time , touching these Disputes , and the reasons of it . 8. An answer to the objection out of the writings of Judicious Hooker , as to the totall and finall falling . 9. The disaffection of Dr. Buckridge and Dr. Houson to Calvins Doctrins ; an Answer to the objection , touching the paucity of those who oppose the same . 10. Possession of a truth maintained but by one or two , preserves it sacred and inviolable from unfortunate times ; the case of Liberius Pope of Rome , , and that the testimonies of this kinde are rather to be valued by weight then tale . CHAP. XXII . Of the Conference at Hampton-Court , and the severall encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of K. James . 1. THe occasion of the Conference at Hampton-Court , and the chief persons there assembled . 2. The 9 Articles of Lambeth rejected by K. James . 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition . 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decried by Bishop Bancroft , disliked by King James , and the reasons of it . 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused : the inserting of the Lambeth Articles into the Confession of Ireland , no argument for K. James his approbation of them , by whom they were inserted , and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession . 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their Predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the Old Testament , An. 1607. discovered , censured and rejected , with the reasons for it . 7. The great encouragement given by King James to the Anti-Calvinians , and the increase of that Party both in power & number , by the stirrs in Holland . 8. The offence taken by K. James at Conradus Vorstius , animateth the Oxford Calvinists to suspend Dr. Houson , and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud. 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge , against Mr. Symson , first prosecuted by K. James , and on what account , that the King was more incensed against the party of Arminius , then against their perswasions . 10. Instructions published by K. James in order to the diminishing of Calvins authority , the defence of Universal Redemption , and the suppressing of his Doctrins in the other points , & why the last proved so unusefull in the case of Gabriel Bridges . 11. The publishing of Mountagues Answer to the Gagger , the information made against it ; the Author and his Doctrins taken by K. James into his protection , and his Appeal licensed by that Kings appointment . 12. The Conclusion of the whole discourse , and the submission of it to the Church of England . Historia Quinqu - Articularis : OR , A DECLARATION OF The Judgement of the Western Churches , And more particularly Of the Church of ENGLAND , IN The Five Controverted Points , Reproched in these Last times by the Name of ARMINIANISM . PART . I. CONTAINING The Debates and Determinations in the said Five Points , amongst the Learned Romanists in the Councel of Trent ; as also of the Lutheran Churches , the Supralapsarian , and Sublapsarian Calvinists , and the Arminians or Remonstrants . LONDON , Printed by E. C. for Thomas Johnson at the Key in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1660. Historia Quinqu - Articularis : OR , A DECLARATION Of the JUDGEMENT of the Western-Churches ; And more particularly of the Church of ENGLAND ; In the five Controverted Points , &c. CHAP. 1. The several Heresies of those who make God to be the Author of Sin , or attribute too much to the Natural freedom of Man's Will in the Works of Piety . I. GOD affirmed by Florinus to be the Author of sin , the blasphemy encountred by Irenaeus , and the foul Consequents thereof . II. Revived in the last Ages by the Libertines , sayd by the Papists to proceed fram the Schools of Calvin , and by the Calvinists to proceed from the Schools of Rome . III. Disguised by the Maniches in another dress , and the necessity thereby imposed on the ●ils of men . IV. The like by Bardesanes , and the Priscilianists , the dangerous consequents thereof exemplified out of Homer , and the words of S. Augustine . V. The error of the Maniches , touching the servitude of the Will revived by Luther , and continned by the rigid Lutherans . VI. As those of Bardesanes and Priscilian , by that of Calvin , touching the Absolute Decree , the dangers which lye hidden under the Decree , and the incompetibleness thereof with Christs coming to Judgment . VII . The large expressions of the Ancient Fathers touching the freedom of the ●ill , abused by Pelagius and his followers . VIII . The Heresie of Pelagius , in what it did consist , especially as to this particular , and the dangers of it . IX . The Pelagian Heresie condemned and recalled : the temper of S. Augustine touching the freedom of the Will in spirituall matters . X. Pelagianism falsly charged on the Moderate Lutherans : How far all parties do agree about the freedom of the Will , and in what they differ . 1. OF all the Heresies which exercised the Church in the times , foregoing , there never was any more destructive of humane Society , more contrary to the rule of Faith and Manners , or more repugnant to the Divine Justice and Goodness of Almighty God , then that which makes God to be the Author of sin . A blaspemy first broacht in terms express by Florinus , Blastus , and some other of the City of Rome , about the year 180. encountred presently by that godly Bishop and Martyr S. Irenaeus , who published a Discourse against them , bearing this Inscription a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Viz. That God was not the Author of sin . And he gave this Inscription to it ( as the Story telleth us ) because Florinus not content with those Vulgar Heresies , which had been taken up before , would needs break out into blasphemous Phrensies against God himself , in making him the Author of all those sins , which lewd men commit . Which Doctrine were it once admitted , not only the first sin of Adam , but all the sins that have been hitherto ▪ perpetrated by his whole Posterity , must be charged on God , and he alone must be accountable for all Murthers , Robberies , Rapes , Adulteries , Insurrections , Treasons , Blasphemies , Heresies , Persecutions , or any other Abominations , which have been acted in the world , since the first Creation . For certainly there can be no reason , why every man may not say , on the committing of any sin , whatsoever it be , as did Lyconides in Plautus , when he de●●owred old Eudio's Daughter , Deus mihi impulsor fuit , is me ad illam illexit ; it was God alone who tempted and provoked them to those wicked Actions . II. What Arguments the good Father used to cry down this Blasphemy ( for a Heresie is a name too milde for so lewd a Doctrine ) I cannot gather from my Author , but such they were , so operative and effectuall in stopping the current of the mischief ; that either Florinus and the rest had no followers at all ( as most Hereticks had ) or such as never attained to the height of their Masters Impudence . And so that damnable Doctrine ( the doctrine of Devils , I may call it ) seems to be strangled in the birth , or to be buried in the same grave with the Authors of it , never revived in more then thirteen hundred years after the death of Irenaeus , when it was again started by the Libertines , a late b●ood of Sectaries , whom each of the two opposite parties are ashamed to own . This taught as did Florinus , in the Primitive times , b Quicquid ego , & tu facimus , Deus efficit ; nam in nobis est , That whatsoever thing they did , was Gods working in them ; and therefore God to be intituled to those wicked Actions which themselves committed . The time of their first breakings out affirmed to be about the year 1529. The Founders of this Sect Loppinus , and Quintinus , Flemmings both ; and this Prateolus affirms for certain to be the Progeny of Calvin , and other leading men of the Protestant Churches , They came ( saith he ) Eschola nostrae tempestatis Evangelicorum . d Bellarmine somewhat more remisly , Omnino probabile est , eos ex Calvinianis promanasse , e and makes it only probable , that it might be so , but not rightly neither : The Libertines breaking out , as before was said , Ann. 1527. when Calvin was of little credit , and the name of Calvinists , or Calvinians not so much as heard of . And on the other side , Paraeus Professor of Divinity in the University of Hidelberg , writing some Animadversions on the Cardinals Works , assures us that they were both Papists , acquaints us with the place of their Nativity , and the proceedings had against them . Nor was Calvin wanting for his part , to purge himself from such an odious imputation , not only by confuting their Opinions in a set Discourse , but making one Franciscus Porquius , a Franciscan Fryer , to be a chief stickler in the Cause . Against which I know nothing that can be said but that the doctrine of the Libertines in this particular , doth hold more correspondence with Calvins Principles , then any of the received Positions of the Fryers of S. Francis. But whether it were so or not , I shall make this Inference , That the Doctrine must needs be most impious , which both sides detested , which the Papists laboured so industriously to Father on the Schools of Calvin , and the Calvinians no less passionatly to charge on some of our great Masters in the Church of Rome . III. But so it is , that though the Impiety was too gross to appear bare fac'd , yet there have been too many both in the Elder and these later times , who entertaining in their hearts the same dread●ul madness , did recommend it to the world under a disguise , though they agreed not at all in that Masque or Vizard , which was put upon it . Of this sort Manes was the first , by birth of Persia , & Founder of the damnable Sect of the Manichaeans , An. 273. or thereabouts . This Wretch considering how unsuccesfully Florinus had sped before , in making God ( who is all , and only good ) to be the Author of sin : did first excogitate two Gods , the one good , and the other evil , both of like eternity ; ascribing all pious Actions to the one , all Sins and Vices to the other : Which ground so laid , he utterly deprived the will of man of that natural liberty , of which it is by God invested ; and therefore that in man there was no ability of resisting sin , or not submitting unto any of those wicked Actions which his lusts and passions offered to him . d Contendebant , item , peccatum non esse a libero arbitrio , sed a Daemone , & ●apropter non posse per liberum arbitrium impediri , as my Author hath it . Nor did they only leave mans will in a disability of hindering or resisting the incursions of sin , but they left it also under an incapability of acting any thing in order to the works of Righteousness , though God might graciously vouchsafe his assisting grace , making no difference in this case , betwixt a living man and a stock or Statua , for so it follows in my Author . Sed & nullam prorsus voluntati tribuebant Actionem , nec quidem adjuvante spiritu sancto : quasi nihil interesset inter statuam & voluntatem . In both directly contrary to that divine counsel of S. James , where he adviseth us to lay apart all filthiness , and superfluity of naughtiness , and to receive with meekness the ingrafted word , which is able to save your souls . Cap. 1. ver . 21. That of S. Peter exhorting , or requiring rather , That we work out our salvation with fear and trembling . And finally that golden Aphorism of S. Augustine ; si non sit liberum arbitrium quomodo , Deus judicabit mundum ? With what justice saith the Father , can God judge or condemn the world , if the sins of men proceed not from their own free will , but from some over-ruling power which inforc'd them to it ? IV. Others there were who harbouring in their hearts the said lewd opinions , and yet not daring to ascribe all their sins and wickednesses unto God himself , imputed the whole blame thereof to the Stars and Destinies , the powerful influence of the one , and the irresistable Decrees of the other , necessitating men to those wicked actions which they so frequently commit . Thus we are told of Bardesanes , Quod fato conversationes hominum ascriberet , e That he ascribed all things to the power of Fate . And thus it is affirmed of Priscilianus , Fatalibus Astris homines alligatos , That men were thralled unto the Stars , f which last S. Augustine doth report of one Colarbus , save that he gave this power and influence to the Planets only ; but these if pondered as they ought , differed but little , if at all from the impiety of Florinus before remembred , only it was expressed in a better language , and seemed to savour more of the Philosopher then the other did . For if the Lord had passed such an irresistible Law of Fate , that such and such should be guilty of such soul Transgressions as they commonly committed , it was all one as if he was proclaimed for the Author of them : and then why might not every man take unto himself the excuse and plea of Agamemnon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g It was not I that did it , but the Gods and Destiny . Or if the Lord had given so irresistable a power to the Stars of Heaven , as to enforce men to be wickedly and lewdly given ; what differs this from making God the Author of those vitious actions , to which by them we are inforced ? And then why might not every man cast his sin on God , and say , as did some good fellows in S. Augustines time . h Accusandum potius esse Autorem syderum , quam commissorem scelerum . That he who made the Stars was in the fault ; not the men that did it . 5. But this absurdity being as much cryed down by Augustine and other learned Writers of those elder times , as the impiety of Florinus had been before ; were either utterly extinguisht , or lay concealed for many hundred years together . Amongst the Philosophical Heterodoxies of the Roman Schools , that of the Maniches first revived by Martin Luther , who in meer opposition to Erasmus , who had then newly writ a book De Arbitrio libero , published a Discourse , intituled , De Arbitrio servo . In which Discourse he doth not only say , That the freedom ascribed unto the Will , is an empty nothing , Titulus , & nomen , sine re , A name of no such thing in nature ; but holds expresly , that man is drawn no otherwise by the grace of God , then Velut inanimale quiddam , No otherwise then as a senseless stock or stone ( the Statua of the ancient Maniches ) in the great work of his conversion , to a state of Righteousness . And though Luther afterwards conformed his Judgment in this Point , unto that of Melancthon , as appeareth by the Augustan Confession , in drawing up whereof he is acknowledged to have had a principal hand ; yet was he followed in this first Error , as in almost all the rest of his extremitys , by the rigid Lutherans , headed by Flaccus Illyricus , and his Associats in the City of Magdeberg , at his first separation from the Melancthonian Divines , who remained at Wittenberg , and had embraced more moderate and sober counsels : of which more hereafter . 6. But Luther shall not go alone , and not take Calvin along with him , how much soever they might differ in some other Points : Luther revived the Error of the Maniches , in denying all freedom to the will , especially in matters which relate to eternal life ; and Calvin will revive the Errors of Bardesanes , and Priscillian , in charging all mens wicked actions on the Stars , and Destiny , not positively and in terminis , I must needs say that , but so that he comes close up to them , to Tantamo●● ▪ ascribing that to the inevitable decrees of Almighty God , which Bardesanes attributed to the powers of Fate : Priscillian , Clolarbus to the influences of the Stars and Planets : For if God before all Eternity ( as they plainly say ) did purpose and decree the Fall of our Father Adam , Vt sua defectione periret Adam : In the words of Calvin i There was in Adam a necessity of committing sin , because the Lord had so decreed it . If without consideration of the sin of man , he hath by his determinate sentence ordained so many millions of men to everlasting damnation , and that too necessario , and inevitabiliter , k as they please to phrase it , he must needs pre-ordain them to sin also : there being ( as themselves confess ) no way unto the end but by the means . The odious Inferences which are raised out of these opinions , I forbear to press , and shall add only at the present , That if we grant this Doctrine to be true and Orthodox , we may do well to put an Index expurgatorius upon the Creed , and quite expunge the Article of Christs coming to Judgment . For how could God condemn his Creature to unquenchable Flames ? or put so ill an Office upon Christ our Saviour , as to condemn them by his mouth , in case the sins by them committed were not theirs , but his ; or punish them for that himself works in them , unto which rather he decreed them before all Eternity . Nothing more true then that excellent saying of Fulgentius , l Deus non est eorum ultor , quorum est Autor . That God doth never punish his own actings in us . 7. Such were the men , and such the means , by which the blame of sin was transferred from man , and charged on the account of God , either expresly and in terms , or in the way of necessary consequence and undeniable Illation , by which lost man was totally deprived of all abilities for resisting Satan , or otherwise concurring with Gods grace in his own conversion . Nor wanted there some others in those elder times , who did ascribe so much to mans will , and the powers of Nature , as to make Gods Grace unprofitable , or at least unnecessary in either of the Acts aforesaid . The Fathers generally which lived before the starting of the Pelagian Heresies , declared themselves so largely , if not lavishly also , in the present Point , that the greatest Patrons of Free will in the Church of Rome , were fain sometimes to qualifie their expressions , and put a milder sense upon them , then the words import . For being to deal with the fatal necessity of the Pagans on the oneside , and the Impiety of Ma●iches on the other side ; they gave themselves such liberty in advancing the powers of Nature , as might best serve to the refelling of either Adversary ; not dreaming then that any Heresie could arise in opposition to the free Grace of God , to the advancing of free will above all degrees of power and possibility . But on the contrary Pelagius , a Britain born , either misguided by the lavishness of their expressions , or otherwise willing to get a Name unto himself by some new Invention , ascribed so much unto the freedom of the will in all Acts of Piety , Vt ▪ gratiam Dei necessariam n●n putaret , as Vincentius Strynensis telleth us of him . VIII . This man associated with Caelestinus , and 〈…〉 s two of his Companions , whom he had either drawn into the same opinion with him , or found them ready of themselves to promote the work , began to spread abroad their Errors about the year 405. Amongst the which those that especially concern this purpose are these two that follow , m Viz. 1. Non esse liberum Arbitrium , si Dei indiget auxilio , quoniam in propria voluntate habet unusquisque facere aliquid , vel non facere . 2. Victoriam nostram non ex Dei adjutorio esse ; sed ex Libero Arbitrio ▪ That is to say , 1. That there is no freedom of the will , if it stand in any need of Gods assistance , because every man hath it in the power of his own will , either to do a thing , or not to do it , as to him seems best . And 2. That our Victory over sin and Satan comes not of any help which we have from God , but our own free will. Add unto this , that which must follow of necessity from the former Principles . Orationes quas facit Ecclesia pro infidelibus , & aliis peccatoribus ut convertantur , sive pro fidelibus ut perseverent , frustra fieri . That is to say , That the Services of the Church , which are made either for the conversion of the wicked , or the perseverance of the Just , are but labour lost ; because ( say they ) our own free will is able of it self to attain those ends , and therefore it is to no purpose to ask those things at the hands of God , which we may compass of our selves : n Quod ad illa omnia sufficicere dicant nostri Arbitrii liberam potestatem , & ita non opus esse a Deo petere quae nos ipsi consequi possumus , as my Author hath it ; whose words I have layd down at large , that we may see how much the world was carried to the other extreme , how much the truth was lost on both sides , and yet how easie to be found by those who went a middle way in the search thereof . IX . For looking on these last opinions as they stand in themselves , we may affirm of them in general , as Augustine doth particularly of the Stoical Fates ; Nil aliud agere nisi ut nullus omnino aut rogetur aut colater Deus . They seem to aim at nothing more then the utter abolition of the Worship and Service of God. But these Pelagian Heresies did not hold out long , being solemnly condemned in the 2 Affrican Councels of Carthage , and Milevis , confuted by S. Augustine with great care and diligence : and finally retracted by Pelagius himself in the Synod of Palestine . So that the Heresie being suppressed , the Catholick Doctrine in that Point became more setled and confirmed by the opposition ▪ such freedom being left to the will of man , as was subservient unto grace , co-operating in some measure with those heavenly influences : And so much is confessed by S. Augustine himself , where he asks this question , Quis nostrum dicit , quod primi hominis peccato perierit Arbitrium de humano genere ? Doth any man ( saith he ) affirm that free will is perished utterly from man by the fall of Adam ? And thereunto he makes this answer : Libertas quidem periit per peccatum ; sed illa quae in Paradiso fuit habendi plenam cum immortalitate justitiam . That is to say , Freedom is perished by si● , but it is that freedom only which we had in Paradise , of having perfect righteousness with immortality . For otherwise it appears to be his Opinion that man was not meerly passive in all the Acts of Grace which conduced to Glory , according to the memorable saying of his ( so common in the Mouths of all men ) Qui creavit te sine te , non salvabit te sine te : That he who first made us without our help , will not vouchsafe to save us at the last without our concurrence . If any harsher expressions have escapt his Pen , ( as commonly it hapneth in the heats of a disputation ) they are to be qualified by this last Rule , and by that before ; in which it was affirmed , That God could not with justice judge and condemn the World , if all mens sins proceeded not from their own free will , but from some over-ruling providence which enforc'd them to it . 10. After this time we meet with no such Enemys to the Grace of God , no such Advancers of mans free will and the power of Nature , as might intitle any man to the Crime of Pelagianism . It cannot be denied but that Illyricus and some other of the rigid Lutherans upbraided Melancthon and all the Divines in a manner , both of Lipsique and Wittenberge , with teaching that a man by the powers of Nature may yeild obedience to the Word , embrace the Promises , and make no opposition to the workings of the Holy Ghost● as hath been noted by p Lyndanus . But then it must be granted , that when their works came to be weighed in the Scale of the Sanctuary , it will be found that they speak only of such a Synergie ▪ or cooperation , as makes men differ from a sensless stock , or liveless statua , in reference to the great work of his own conversion . And thereupon we may resolve that at the last the Church in general concentred upon these Propositions : 1. Man in the state of corruption hath freedom of will in Actions natural and civil . 2. That considered in the same estate he hath free will in matters moral . And , 3. That man hath free will in Actions of piety , and such as belong unto his salvation ; that is to say , Being first prevented by Gods Grace , and having afterwards the assistance and support thereof : which Propositions being easie and intelligible as they stand by themselves , but are made more difficult and obscure , even to learned men , by interweaving them with many intricate disputes , touching the correspondence of free will , with Prescience , Providence , and Predestination : disputes so intricate and perplexed , that Armachan●s ( as great a Clerk as almost any in his time ) travelled no less then twenty years in the search of one of them alone , and yet could not find it . And yet I cannot say , that the consent in those three Propositions before remembred , in which the Church hath generally concentred : since the death of S. Augustine hath met with no dissenting Judgment in these later times . Some men restraining all our Actions to so strict a Rule , as to make the will of man determined and tyed up in all particulars , even to the taking up of a Rush , or Straw , as in another case it was taught by Cartwright the great Bel-weather of the Flock in Queen Elizabeths time , sufficiently derided , or rather gravely reprehended for it by judicious Hooker . And if we meet with any thing which looks that way in the writings of some Dominican Friers , who stifly stand to all the rigours of S. Augustine in the controversies of Predestination , Grace , free Will , &c. against the Jesuits , and Franciscans : it is to be imputed rather to the errour of their Education , a stifness in maintaining their old Opinions , or finally to that Animosity , which commonly the weaker party carrieth against the stronger , then to any clear and evident Authority , which they can pretend to from that Father , or any other ancient Writers of unquestioned credit ; which said , I hope it will be granted without much difficulty , that such a doctrine of predestination , as neither directly nor indirectly makes God to be the Author of sin , nor attributes so much to the will of man , in depraved nature , as to exclude the influences of Gods heavenly Grace ; is more to be embraced then any other , which dasheth against either of the said extremes : And that being granted or supposed , I shall first lay down the Judgment of the differing parties , in the Article of Predestination , and the Points depending thereupon ; and afterwards declare to which of the sayd differing Parties , the Doctrine of the Church of England seemeth most inclinable . CHAP. II. Of the Debates amongst the Divines in the Councel of Trent , touching Predestinations , and Original Sin. I. The Articles drawn from the Writings of the Zuinglians , touching Predestination and Reprob●ation . II. The Doctrine of Predestination according to the Dominican way . III. As also the old Franciscans , with Reasons for their own , and against the other . IV. The Historians Judgment interposed between the Parties . V. The middle way of Catarinus to compose the differences . VI. The newness of St. Augustines Opinion , and the dislike thereof by the most Learned men in the Ages following . VII . The perplexities amongst the Theologues , touching the absoluteness of the Decrees . VIII . The Judgment of the sayd Divines , touching the possibility of falling from Grace . IX . The Debates about the nature and transmitting of Original Sin. X. The Doctrine of the Councel in it . I. IN such condition stood Affairs in reference to the doctrines of Predestination , Grace , Free-will , &c. at the first sitting down of the Councel of Trent , in which those Points became the subject of many sad and serious Debates amongst the Prelates and Divines , then and there Assembled , which being so necessary to the understanding of the Questions which we have before us : I shall not think my time ill spent in laying down the summe and abstract of the same , as I find it digested to my hand by Padre Paulo , the diligent and laborious Author of the Tridentine Historie ; only I shall invert his method , by giving precedency to the Disputes concerning Predestination , before the Debates and Agitations , which hapned in canvasing the Articles touching the Freedome of mans Will , though those about Free-will do first occur in the course and method of that Councel : It being determined by the Councel , as that Author hath it , to draw some Articles from the Writings of the Protestants , concerning the Doctrine of Predestination : It appeared that in the Books of Luther , in the Augustan Confession , and in the Apologies and Colloquies , there was nothing found that deserved censure ; But much they found among the Writings of the Zuinglians , out of which they drew these following Articles ; Viz. 1. For Predestination and Reprobation ; that man doth nothing , but all is in the will of God. 2. The Predestinated cannot be condemned , nor the Reprobate saved . 3. The Elect and Predestinated only are truly justified . 4. The Justified are bound by Faith to believe , they are in the number of the Predestinated . 5. The Justified cannot fall from Grace . 6. Those that are called , and are not in the number of the Predestinated , do never receive Grace . 7. The Justified is bound to believe by Faith , that he ought to persevere in Justice until the end . 8. The Justified is bound to believe for certain , that in case he fall from Grace , he shall receive it again . II. In the examining the first of these Articles , the Opinions were divers . The most esteemed Divines amongst them thought it to be Catholick , the contrary Heretical ; because the good School Writers ( S. Thomas , Scotus , and the rest ) do so think , that is , that God before the Creation , out of the Mass of man-kind , hath elected by his only and meer mercy , some for Glory , for whom he hath prepared effectually the means to obtain it , which is called , to predestinate . That their number is certain and determined , neither can there any be added . The others not Predestinated cannot complain , for that God hath prepared for them sufficient assistance for this , though indeed none but the Elect shall be saved . For the most principal reason they alledged , that S. Paul to the Romans having made Jacob a pattern of the Predestinated , and Esau of the Reprobate , he produceth the Decree of God pronounced before they were born , not for their Works , but for his own good pleasure . To this they joyned the example of the same Apostle : That as the Potter of the same Lump of Clay , maketh one Vessel to honour , another to dishonour ; so God of the same Mass of men , chooseth and leaveth whom he listeth : for proof whereof S. Paul bringeth the place where God faith to Moses , I will shew mercy , on whom I will shew mercy , and I will shew pity , on whom I will shew pity . And the same Apostle concludeth ; It is not of him that willeth , or of him that runneth , but of God who sheweth mercy ; adding after , that God sheweth mercy , on whom he will , and hardneth whom he will. They sayd further , That for this cause , the Councel of the Divine Predestination and Reprobation is called by the same Apostle , The height and depth of wisdom , unsearchable and incomprehensible . They added places of the other Epistles , where he sayth , We have nothing but what we have received from God , that we are not able of our selves , so much as to think well : and where , in giving the cause , why some have revolted from the Faith , and some stand firm , he sayd , it was because the Foundation of God standeth sure , and hath this seal ; the Lord knoweth who are his . They added divers passages of the Gospel of S. John , and infinite Authorities of S. Augustine , because the Saint wrote nothing in his old Age but in favour of this Doctrine . III. But some others though of less esteem , opposed this opinion , calling it hard , cruel , inhumane , horrible , impious , and that it shewed partiality in God , if , without any motive cause , he elected one , and rejected another ; and unjust if he damned men for his own will , and not for their faults , and had created so great a multitude to condemn it . They sayd , it destroyed Free-will , because the Elect cannot finally do evil , nor the Reprobate good : that it casteth men into a gulph of desperation , doubting that they be Reprobates ; That it giveth occasion to the wicked of bad thoughts , not caring for Pennance , but thinking if they be elected , they shall not perish ; if Reprobates , it is in vain to do well , because it will not help them . They confessed , that not only works , are not the cause of Gods election , because that is before them , and eternal ; but that neither Works foreseen , can move God to Predestinate , who is willing for his infinite mercy , that all should be saved , to this end prepareth sufficient assistance for all , which every man having Free-will receiveth or refuseth , as pleaseth him : and God in his eternity foreseeth those who will receive his help , and use it to good , and those who will refuse ; and rejecteth these , electeth and predestinateth those : They added , That otherwise there was no cause why God in the Scriptures should complain of sinners ; nor why he should exhort all to repentance and conversion , if they have not sufficient means to get them : that the sufficient assistance invented by the others , is insufficient , because , in their opinion , it never had nor shall have any effect . IV. The first Opinion as it is mystical and hidden , keeping the minde humble , and relying on God , without any confidence in it self , knowing the deformity of sin , and the excellency of Divine Grace ; so this second was plausible and popular , cherishing humane presumption , and making a great shew ; and it pleased more the preaching Fryers , then the understanding Divines . And the Council thought it probable , as consonant to politick Reason : It was maintained by the Bishop of Bitonto , and the Bishop of Salpi shewed himself very partial . The Defenders of this , using humane Reasons , prevailed against the others , but coming to the testimonies of Scripture , they were manifestly overcome . V. Calarinus , holding the same Opinion , to resolve the places of Scripture , which troubled them all , invented a middle way ; That God of his goodness had elected some few , whom he will save absolutely , to whom he hath prepared most potent , effectual , and infallible means ; the rest he desireth for his part they should be saved ; and to that end hath promised sufficient means for all , leaving it to their choice to accept them and be saved , or refuse them and be damned . Amongst these there are some who receive them and are saved , though they be not of the number of the Elect ; of which kinde there are very many . Other refusing to co-operate with God , who wisheth their salvation , are damned . The cause why the first are predestinated , is only the will of God : why the others are saved , is the acceptation , good use , and co-operation with the Divine assistance , foreseen by God : why the last are reprobated , is the foreseeing of their perverse will , in refusing , or abusing it . That S. John , S. Paul , and all the places of Scripture alledged by the other part , where all is given to God , and which do shew infallibility , are understood only of the first , who are particularly priviledged ; and in other for whom the common way is left , the admonitions , exhortations , and general assistances are verified , unto which he that will give ear and follow them , is saved , & he that wil not , perisheth by his own fault . Of these few who are priviledged above the common condition , the number is determinate and certain with God , but not of those who are saved by the common way , depend on humane liberty , but only in regard of the fore-knowledge of the works of every one . Catarinus sayd , He wondred at the stupidity of those , who say , the number is certain and determined , and yet they add that others may be saved ; which is as much as to say , that the number is certain , and yet it may be enlarged : and likewise of those who say ; That the Reprobates have sufficient assistance for salvation , though it be necessary for him that is saved to have a greater , which is to say , a sufficient , unsufficient . VI. He added , that S. Augustines Opinion was not heard of before his time , and himself confesseth it cannot be found in the works of any , who wrote before him , neither did himself alwaies think it true , but ascribed the cause of Gods will to merits ; saying , God taketh compassion on , and hardneth whom he listeth . But that will of God cannot be unjust , because it is caused by most secret merits ; and that there is diversity of sinners : some who though they be justified , deserve justification . But after the heat of Disputation against the Pelagians transported him to think , and speak the contrary ; yet when his opinion was heard , all the Catholicks were scandalized , as S. Prosper wrote to him , and Genadius of Marselles , fifty years after in his judgment which he maketh of the famous Writers , sayd , That it hapned to him according to the words of Solomon ; That in much speaking one cannot avoid sin : and that by his fault exagitated by his Enemies , the question was not then risen , which might afterwards bring forth heresie , whereby the good Father did intimate his fear of that which now appeareth ; that is , that by that opposition some Sect and Division might arise . VII . The censure of the second Article was divers , according to the three related Opinions . Catarinus thought the first part true , in regard of the efficacy of the Divine Will , towards those who were particularly favoured : But the second false , concerning the sufficiency of Gods Assistance unto all , and mans liberty in co-operating . Others ascribing the cause of Predestination in all to humane consent , condemned the whole Article in both parts . But those that adhered unto S. Augustine , and the common opinion of the Theologans , did distinguish it , and sayd , it was true in a compound sense , but damnable in a divided : a subtilty which confounded the minds of the Prelates , and his own , though he did exemplifie it by saying , he that moveth cannot stand still , it is true in a compound sense , but is understood , while he moveth : but in a divided sense it is false , that is , in another time . Yet it was not wel understood because applying it to his purpose ; It cannot be sayd , that a man predestinated , can be damned , in a time when he is not predestinated , seeing he is alwaies so : and generally the divided sense hath no place , where the accident is inseparable from the subject . Therfore others thought to declare it better , saying , that God governeth and moveth every thing , according to its proper nature , which in contingent things is free , & such , as that the act may consist together with the power to the opposite ; so that wth the act of predestination , the power to reprobation & damnation doth stand . But this was worse understood then the first . VIII . The other Articles were censured with admirable concord . Concerning the third and sixth , they sayd , it hath alwaies been an opinion in the Church , that many receive divine Grace , and keep it for a time , who afterwards do lose it , and in time are damned . Then was alledged the example of Saul , Solomon , and Judas , one of the Twelve : a case more evident then all , by these words of Christ to the Father ; I have kept in thy name all that thou hast given me , of which not one hath perished , but the son of Perdition . To these they added Nicholas one of the seven Deacons , and others , first commended in the Scriptures , and then blamed : and for a conclusion of all , the Fall of Luther . Against the sixth , they particularly considered , that Vocation would become impious derision ; when those that are called , and nothing is wanting on their side , are not admitted : that the Sacraments would not be effectual for them ; all which things are absurd . But for censure , first , the Authority of the Prophet was brought directly contrary in terms , where God sayth , That if the Just shall abandon justice , and commit iniquity I will not remember his works . The Example of David was added , who committed Murther and Adultry , of Magdalen , and S. Peter , who denied Christ : They de●ided the folly of the Zuinglians , for saying , the Just cannot fall from Grace , and yet sinneth in every work . The two last were uniformly condemned of temerity , with exception of those unto whom God hath given a special Revelation , as to Moses and the Disciples , to whom it was revealed , that they were written in the Book of Heaven . IX . Now because the Doctrine of Predestination doth naturally presuppose a Curse from which man was to be delivered : it will not be amiss to lay down the Judgment of that Councel in the Article of Original sin ( which rendred man obnoxious to the dreadful curse ) together with the preparatory Debates , amongst the Scool-men and Divines , which were there Assembled ; touching the nature and transmitting of it from Adam unto his Posterity , and from one man to another . Concerning which it was declared by Catarinus , That as God made a Covenant with Abraham , and all his Posterity , when he made him Father of the faithful : So when he gave Original Righteousness to Adam , and all man-kinde , he made him seal an Obligation in the name of all to keep it for himself and them , observing the Commandment : which because he trangressed , he lost it , as well for others as himself , and incurred the punishent also for them ; the which as they are derived in every one , and to him as the cause to others , by vertue of the Covenant : so that the actual sin of Adam is actual sin in him , and imputed to others in Original ; for proof whereof he grounded himself upon this especially , that a true and proper sin must needs be a voluntary Act , and nothing can be voluntary , but that transgression of Adam imputed unto all . And Paul saying , that all have sinned in Adam , it must be understood that they have all committed the same sin with him ; he alledged for example , that S. Paul to the Hebrews affirmeth that Levi payd Tythe to Melchisedeck when he payd in his great Grandfather Abraham : by which reason it must be sayd , that the Posterity violated the Commandments of God when Adam did it : and that they were sinners in him , as in him they received Righteousness . X. Which Application as it was more intelligible to the Prelates Assembled together in the Councel , then any of the Crabbed Intricacies , and perplexities of the rest of the Scoolmen , irreconcilable in a manner amongst themselves : so did it quicken them to the dispatch of their Canons , or Anathamatisms ( while they had the Notions in their heads ) against all such as had taught otherwise of Original sin , then was allowed of and maintained in the Church of Rome , but more particulary against him , 1. That confesseth not , that Adam by transgressing hath lost Sanctity and Justice , incurred the wrath of God , Death , and Thraldom to the Devil , and is infected in Soul and Body . 2. Against him that averreth that Adam by sinning hath hurt himself only , or hath derived into his Posterity , the death only of the Body , and not sin , the death of the Soul. 3. Against him that affirmeth the sin , which is one in the beginning , and proper to every one ( committed by Generation , not imitation ) can be abolished , by any other remedy then the death of Christ ) is applied as well to Children , as to those of riper years , by the Sacrament of Baptism ministred in the form and rite of the Church . CHAP. III. The like Debates about Free-will , with the Conclusions of the Councel ; in the Five Controverted Points . I. The Articles against the Freedom of the Will , extracted out of Luther's Writings . II. The exclamation of the Divines against Luther's Doctrine in the Point , and the absurdities thereof . III. The several Judgments of Marinarus , Catarinus , and Andreas Vega. IV. The different Judgment of the Dominicans , and Franciscans , whether it lay in mans power to believe , or not to believe ; and whether the Freedom of the Will were lost in Adam . V. As also of the Point of the co-operation of mans Will with the Grace of God. VI. The opinion of Fryer Catanca , in the point of irresistibility . VII . Faintly maintained by Soto a Dominican Fryer , and more cordially approved by others , but in time rejected . VIII . The great care taken by the Legates in having the Articles so framed , as to please all parties . IX . The Doctrine of the Councel in the V. controverted Points . X. A Transition from the Councel of Trent , to the Protestant and Reformed Churches . I. THese Differences and Debates concerning Predestination , the possibility of Falling away from the Faith of Christ , and the nature of Original sin : being thus passed over ; I shall look back on those Debates which were had amongst the Fathers and Divines in the Councel of Trent , about the Nature of Free-will , and the power thereof . In order whereunto these Articles were collected out of the Writings of the Lutherans , to be discussed and censured , as they found cause for it . Now the Articles were these that follow , Viz. 1. God is the total cause of our works Good : and Evil , and the Adultry of David , the cruelty of Manlius , and the Treason of Judas , are the works of God as well as the Vocation of Saul . 2. No man hath power to think well or ill , but all cometh from absolute necessity , and in us is no Free-will , and to affirm it is a meer Fiction . 3. Free-will since the sin of Adam is lost , and a thing only titular , and when one doth what is in his power he sinneth mortally : yea , it is a thing fained , and a Title without reality . 4. Free-will is only in doing ill , and hath no power to do good . 5. Free-will moved by God , doth by no means co-operate , and followeth as an Instrument without life , or an unreasonable Creature . 6. That God correcteth those only whom he will , though they will not spurn against it . II. Upon the first Article they spake rather in a Tragical manner , then Theological ; that the Lutheran Doctrine was a frantick wisdom : that mans Will as they make it is prodigious ; that those words , a thing of Title only , a Title without reality , are monstruous : that the Opinion is impious and blasphemous against God ; that the Church hath condemned it against the Maniches , Priscillianists , and lastly against Aballardus , and Wickliff : and that it was a folly against common sense , every one proving in himself his own Liberty ; that it deserveth not confutation , but as Aristotle sayth , Chastisement and Experimental proofe , that Luther's Scholars perceived the folly , and to moderate the Absurdity , sayd after , that a man had liberty in External , Political , and Oeconomical Actions , and in matters of Civil Justice , that , which every one but a Fool knoweth , to proceed from Councels and Election , but denied Liberty in matter of Divine Justice only . III. Marinarus sayd , That as it is foolish to say , no humane Action is in our power , so it is no less absurd to say , that every one is : every one finding by Experience , that he hath not his Affections in his power : that this is the sense of the Schools , which say , that we are not free in the first motions ; which freedom because the Saints have , it is certain , that some freedom is in them which is not in us . Catarinus according to his opinion , sayd , That without Gods special assistance , a man cannot do a moral good ; sayd , there was no liberty in this , and therefore that the Fourth Article was not so easily to be condemned . Vega after he had spoken with such Ambiguity , that he understood not himself , concluded that between the Divines and the Protestants , there was no difference in Opinion . For they concluding now that there is liberty in Philosophical Justice , and not in Supernatural , in External works of the Law , not in external and spiritual ; that is to say , precisely with the Church , that one cannot do spiritual works belonging to Religion , without the assistance of God. And though he sayd , all endeavour was to be used for composition ; yet he was not gratefully heard : it seeming in some sort a prejudice , that any of the Differences might be reconciled ; and they were wont to say , that this is a point of the Colloquies , a word abhorred , as if by that , the Laity had usurped the Authority which is proper to Councels . IV. A great Disputation arose upon them , Whether it be in mans power to believe , or not to believe ? The Franciscans following Sotus , did deny it ; saying , That as Knowledge doth necessarily follow Demonstrations , so Faith doth arise necessarily from perswasions ; and that it is in the understanding , which is a natural Agent , and is naturally moved by the Object . They alledged Experience , that no man can believe what he will , but what seemeth true , adding , that no man would feel any displeasure , if he could believe he had it not . The Dominicans sayd , that nothing is more in the power of the Will , then to believe , and by the determination and resolution of the Will only , one may believe the number of the Stars is even . Upon the Third Article , Whether Free-will be lost by sin , very many Authoritys of S. Augustine being alledged , which expresly say it ▪ Soto did invent , because he knew no other means to avoid them , that true Liberty is equivocal ; for either it is derived from the Noun Libertas , Freedom , or from the Verb Liberare , to set Free : that in the first sense it is opposed to necessity , in the second to servitude ; and that when S. Augustine sayd , That Free-will was lost , he would infer nothing else , but that it is made slave to Sin and Satan . This difference could not be understood ▪ because a servant is not free , for that he cannot do his own Will , but is compelled to follow his Masters : and by this opinion Luther could not be blamed for entituling a Book of SERVILWIL ; many thought the Fourth Article absurd , saying , That Liberty is understood to be a power to both the contraries : therefore that it could not be sayd , to be a Liberty to Evil , if it were not also to Good : But they were made to acknowledge their Error , when they were told that the Saints and blessed ▪ Angels in Heaven , are free to do good , and therefore that ● was no inconvenience that some should be free only to do Evil. V. In the examining the fifth and sixth Articles of the consent which Free-will giveth to Divine Inspiration , or preventing Grace , the Franciscans and Dominicans were of divers Opinions : The Franciscans contended that the Will being able to prepare it self , hath Liberty much more to accept or refuse the divine Prevention when God giveth assistance , before it useth the strength of Nature . The Dominicans denied that the Works preceding the Vocation , are truly preparatory , and ever gave the first place to God. Notwithstanding there was a contention between the Dominicans themselves . For Soto defended , that although a man cannot obtain Grace , without the special preventing assistance of God , yet the Will may ever some way resist and refuse it ; and when it doth receive it , it is because it giveth assent , and doth will so : and if our assent were not required , there would be no cause why all should not be converted . For according to the Apocalyps , God standeth always at the Gate and knocketh : and it is a Saying of the Fathers , now made common , That God giveth Grace to every one that will have it ; and the Scripture doth alwaies require this consent in us , and to say otherwise were to take away the Liberty of the Will , and to say , that God useth violence . VI. Fryer Aloisius Catanca sayd to the contrary , That God worketh two sorts of preventing Grace in the Minde , according to the Doctrine of S. Thomas , the one sufficient , the other effectual : To the first , the Will may consent or resist , but not to the second , because it implyeth contradiction , to say , that Efficacy can be resisted ; for proof he alledged places of S. John , and very clear Expositions of S. Augustine : He answereth that it ariseth hence , that all are not converted , because all are not effectually prevented . That the fear of overthrowing Free-will , is removed by S. Thomas , the things are violently moved by a contrary Cause , but never by their own : and God being the cause of the Will ; to say it is moved by God , is to say , it is moved by it self . And he condemned , yea , mocked the Lutherans manner of speech ; that the Will followeth as a dead and unreasonable Creature : for being reasonable by Nature , moved by its own Cause , which is God , it is moved as reasonable , and followeth a reasonable . And likewise that God consenteth , though men will not , and spurn at him : For it is a contradiction that the Effect should spurn against the Cause . That it may happen that God may effectually convert one , that before hath spurned , before sufficient Prevention , but afterwards cannot because a gentleness in the Will moved , must needs follow the Efficacy of the Divine Motion . VII . Soto sayd , That every Divine Inspiration was onely sufficient , and that , that whereunto Free-will hath assented , obtaineth efficiency by that consent , without which it is uneffectual ; not by the defect of it self , but of the man. The Opinion he defended very fearfully , because it was opposed , that the distinction of the Reprobate from the Elect , would proceed from man , contrary to the perpetual Catholick sense ; that the Vessels of Mercy are distinguished by Grace , from the Vessels of Wrath. That Gods Election would be for Works foreseen , and not for his good Pleasure . That the Doctrine of the Fathers in the Affrican , and French Councels against the Pelagians , hath published , that God maketh them to will , which is to say , that he maketh them consent ; therefore giving consent to us , it ought to be attributed to the Divine Power ; or else he that is saved would be no more obliged to God , then he that is damned , if God should use them both alike . But notwithstanding all these Reasons , the contrary Opinion had the general Applause , though many confessed that the Reasons of Catanca were not resolved : and were displeased that Soto did not speak freely , but sayd , that the Will consenteth in a certain manner ; so that it may in a certain manner resist : as though there were a certain manner of mean , between this Affirmation and Negation . The free speech of Catanca , and the other Dominicans did trouble them also , who knew not how to distinguish the Opinion , which attributeth Justification by consent from the Pelagian ; and therefore they counselled to take heed of leaping beyond the Mark , by too great a desire to condemn Luther : that Objection being esteemed above all , that by this means the Divine Election or Predestination would be for Works foreseen , which no Divine did admit . VIII . The Ground thus layd , we shall proceed unto a Declaration of the Judgment of the Church of Rome , in the five Articles disputed afterwards with such heat , betwixt the Remonstrants , and the contra Remonstrants in the Belgick Church , so far forth as it may be gathered from the Decrees & Canons of the Councel of Trent , and such preparatory Discourses as smoothed the way to the Conclusions which were made therein . In order whereunto , it was advised by Marcus Viguerius , Bishop of Sinigagli , to separate the Catholick Doctrine from the contrary , and to make two Decrees ; in the one to make a continued Declaration and Confirmation of the Doctrine of the Churches , and in the other to condemn and Anathematize the contrary . But in the drawing up of the Decrees , there appeared a greater difficulty , then they were aware of , in conquering wherof the Cardinal of Sancta Cruz ( one of the Presidents of the Councel ) took incredible pains , avoiding as much as was possible to insert any thing controverted amongst the School-men ; and so handling those that could not be omitted , as that every one might be contented . And to this end he observed in every Congregation , what was disliked by any , and took it away , or corrected it as he was advised ; and he spake not only in the Congregations , but with every one in particular , was informed of all the doubts , and required their Opinions . He diversified the matter with divers Orders , changed sometimes one part , sometimes another , until he had reduced them unto the Order in which they now are , which generally pleased , and was approved by all . Nor did the Decrees thus drawn and setled , give less content at Rome then they did at Trent , for being transmitted to the Pope , and by him committed to the Fryers , and other learned men of the Court , to be consulted of amongst them , they found an universal approbation , because every one might understand them in his own sense : And being so approved of were sent back to Trent , and there solemnly passed in a full Congregation , on the thirteenth of January , 1647. according to the account of the Church of Rome . And yet it is to be observed , that though the Decrees were so drawn up , as to please all parties , especially as to the giving of no distast to the Dominican Fryers and their Adherenrs ; yet it is easie to be seen , that they incline more favourably to the Franciscans , whose cause the Jesuits have since wedded , and speak more literally and Grammatically to the sence of that party , then they do to the others : which sayd , I shall present the Doctrine of the Councel of Trent , as to these controverted Points in this Order following . 1. Of Divine Predestination . IX . All man-kind having lost its primitive integrity by the sin of Adam , they became thereby the Sons of wrath , and so much captivated under the command of Satan ; that neither the Gentiles by the power of Nature ; nor the Jews by the Letter of the Law of Moses were able to free themselves from that grievous Servitude . In which respect it pleased Almighty God the Father of all Mercies to promise first , and afterwards actually to send his only begotten Son Jesus Christ into the world , not only to redeem the Jews who were under the Law , but that the Gentiles also might embrace the Righteousness which is by Faith , and altogether might receive the Adoption of Sons . b To which end he prepared sufficient assistance for all , which every man having free-will might receive , or refuse , as it pleased himself ; and foreseeing from before all Eternity who would receive his help , and use it to Good : and on the other side , who would refuse to make use thereof ; he predestinated and elected those of the first sort to Eternall Life , and rejected the others . 2. Of the Merit and Effect of the Death of Christ . Him God proposed to be a propitiation for our sins by his Death and Passion , and not for our sins only , but for the sins of all the World. But so that though Christ died for all men , yet all do not receive the benefit of his death and sufferings , but only they to whom the merit of his Passion is communicated in their new birth or regeneration , by which the grace whereby they are justified , or made just , is conferred upon them . 3. Of mans Conversion unto God. The Grace of God is not given to man by Jesus Christ , to no other end , but that thereby he might the more easily divert himself in the waies of Godliness , and consequently merit and obtain eternal life , which otherwise he might do without any such Grace , by his own free-will , though with more difficulty and trouble . And therefore if any man shall say , that without the preventing Inspiration of the Holy Ghost , and his heavenly Influences , a man is able to even hope , love , or repent , as he ought to do , that so he may be justified in the sight of God : let him be Anathema . 4. Of the manner of Conversion . The Freedom of the Will is not so utterly lost in man , though it be diminished and impaired , as to be accounted nothing but an empty name , or the name of no such thing existing in nature : in that the Will of man moved and stirred up by the grace of God , retains a power of co-operating with the heavenly Grace , by which he doth prepare and dispose himself for the obtaining of that Justification , which is given unto him . And therefore if any one shall say that a man cannot resist this grace though he would , or that he is meerly passive , not acting any thing , but as a stock or senseless stone , in his own Conversion , let him be also held accurst . And so are they who have presumed to affirm and teach , that it is not in the power of man to do evil , but as well bad as good works are done not only by Gods permission , but by his proper working : so that as well the Treason of Judas , as the Calling of Paul , is to be reckoned for the work of Almighty God. 5. Of the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance . No man is so far to presume on the secret Mystery of Predestination , as to account himself for certain to be within the number of the Elect ; as if he were assured of this , that being justified , he could neither sin no more , nor were sure of repentance if he did . And therefore no man is to flatter himself with any such certainty of perseverance , though all men ought to place a constant and firm hope ( for the obtaining of the same ) in the help of God. They which by sin have faln away from the grace received ; may recover their lost Justification , if being stirred up from above , they endeavour the recovery of it by sincere repentance , or by the Sacrament of Pennance , as the words there are ; And finally the grace of Justification ( or the grace by which a man is justified ) is not only lost by infidelity , by which the Faith it self doth suffer Shipwrack , but even by every mortal sin , though Faith be not lost also at the same time with it . X. Such is the Doctrine of this Councel in the Points disputed , extracted faithfully out of the Canons and Decrees thereof : one only clause being added to the Article of Predestination , agreeable to the Opinion in the Conferences and Debates about it , which prevailed most upon the Prelates and all others who were interessed and intrusted in drawing up the Products and Conclusions of it : which how far it agreeth or disagreeth with , or from that which is maintained by the opposite Parties in the Reformed and Protestant Churches , we are next to see . CHAP. IV. The Judgment of the Lutherans and Calvinians in these Five Points , with some Objections made against the Conclusions of the Councel of Dort. I. No Difference in Five Points betwixt the Lutherans and the Church of Rome , as is acknowledged by the Papists themselves . II. The Judgment of the Lutheran Churches in the sayd 5 Points , delivered in the famous Confession of Ausperge . III. The distribution of the Quarrel betwixt the Franciscans , Melancthonians , and Arminians , on the one side , the Dominicans , Rigid Lutherans , and Sublapsarian Calvinists on the other ; the middle way of Catarinus paralleled by that of Bishop Overal . IV. The Doctrine of Predestination as layd down by Calvin , of what ill Consequence in it self , and how odious to the Lutheran Doctors . V. Opposed by Sebastian Castellio in Geneva it self , but propagated in most Churches of Calvins Plat-form , and afterwards polished by Perkins , a Divine of England , and in him censured and confuted by Jacob Van Harmine , a Belgick Writer . VI. A brief view of the Doctrine of the Sublapsarians , and the odious Consequences of it . VII . The Judgment of the Sublapsarians ▪ in the sayd Five Points , collected and presented at the Conference at the Hague , Ann. 1610. VIII . The Doctrine of the Synodists in the sayd Points . IX . Affirmed to be repugnant to the holy Scripture , as also to the Purity , Mercy , Justice , and Sincerity of Almighty God. X. And the subversion of the Ministry , and all Acts of Piety , illustrated by the example of Tiberius Caesar , and the Lantgrave of Thurin . I. SUCH being the Doctrines of this Councel in the Points disputed ; we need not take much pains in looking after the Judgment of the Lutheran Churches , which comes so neer to that of the Church of Rome , as to be reckoned for the same . For in the History of the Councel , it is sayd expresly , as before is noted , that in the Books of Luther , in the Augustan Confession , and in Apologies and Colloquies , there was nothing found ( as to the Doctrine of Predestination ) which deserved to be censured . And therefore they were fain to have recourse unto the Writings of the Zuinglian Party , ( among which , Calvin and his followers were to be accounted ) to find out matter to proceed upon in their Fulminations : And in particular it is sayd by Andreas Vega , one of the stiffest and most learned men amongst the whole pack of the Franciscans , when the Points about Free-will * were in agitation , that between themselves and the Protestants there was no difference of opinion , as to that particular . How neer they came to one another in the other Points , may easily be found in the Debates and Conferences before layd down , compared with the Judgment of the Lutheran Doctors , not only in their private Writings , but their publick Colloquies . But then we are to understand , that this Agreement of the Lutheran Doctors expressed in their private Writings and their publick Colloquies , and especially the solemn Confession at Ausperge , relates to that interpretation of the Decrees and Canons of the Tridentine Councel , which is made by the Jesuits and Franciscans , and not unto the Gloss or Exposition which is made thereof by the Preaching and Dominican Fryers . II. But not to leave so great a matter to a Logical Inference , I shall lay down the Doctrine of the Lutheran Churches in the sayd Five Points , extracted faithfully out of the Augustan Confession , with the Addition of one Clause only to the first Article ( the Makers of the Confession declining purposely the point of Predestination ) out of the Writings of Melancthon , and other learned men of the same perswasion . Now the Doctrine of the sayd Churches so delivered is this that followeth , Viz. 1. Of Divine Predestination . After the miserable fall of Adam , all men which were to be begotten , according to the common course of Nature , were involved in the guilt of Original sin , by which they are obnoxious to the wrath of God , and everlasting damnation : In which Estate they had remained , but that God , beholding all man-kinde in this wretched condition , was pleased to make a general conditional Decree of Predestination , under the condition of Faith and Perseverance ; And a special absolute Decree of electing those to life , who he fore-saw would believe , and persevere under the means and aides of Grace , Faith and Perseverance : and a special absolute Decree of condemning them whom he fore-saw to abide impenitent in their sins . 2. Of the Merit and Efficacy of Christs Death . The Son of God , who is the Word , assumed our humane Nature in the Womb of the Virgin , and being very God and very Man , he truly Suffered , was Crucified , Dead , and Buried , to reconcile his Father to us , and to be the Sacrifice not only for Original sin , but also for all the Actual sins of men . A great part of S. Pauls Epistle to the Hebrews is spent in the proving of this Point , that only the Sacrifice or Oblation made by Christ , procured for others Reconciliation and Remission of sins , inculcating that the Livitical Sacrifices were year by year to be reiterated , and renewed , because they could not take away sins , but that satisfaction once for all was made by the Sacrifice of Christ for the sins of all men . 3. Of Mans Will in the state of depraved Nature . The Will of man retains a freedom in Actions of Civil Justice , and making Election of such things as are under the same pretension of natural Reason , but hath no power without the speciall Assistance of the Holy Ghost to attain unto spiritual Righteousness , according to the saying of the Apostle ; That the natural man perceiveth not the things which are of the spirit of God. And that of Christ our Saviour , without me you can do nothing . And therefore the Pelagians are to be condemned , who teach that man is able by the meer strength of Nature , not only to love God above all things , but also to fulfil the Law , according to the substance of the Acts thereof . 4. Of Conversion , and the manner of it . The Righteousness which is effected in us by the opperation and assistance of the Holy Ghost , which we receive by yeilding our assent to the word of God : according to that of S. Augustine , in the third Book of his Hypognosticks , in which he grants a freedom of the Will to all which have the use of Reason , not that they are thereby able either to begin or go through with any thing in the things of God , without Gods assistance , but only in the Affairs of this present life whether good or evil . 5. Of falling after Grace received . Remission of sins is not to be denied in such who after Baptism fall into sins , at what time soever they were converted ; and the Church is bound to confer the benefit of Absolution upon all such as return unto it by Repentance . And therefore as we condemn the Novatian Hereticks , refusing the benefit of absolution unto those , who having after Baptism lashed into sin , gave publick Signs of their Repentance : so we condemn the Anabaptists , who teach , that a man once justified can by no means lose the Holy Ghost , as also those who think that men may have so great a measure of perfection in this present life , that they cannot fall again into sin . Such is the Doctrine of the Lutheran Churches agreed on in the famous Augustan Confession , so called , because presented and avowed at the Diet of Auspurge . ( Augusta vindelicorum the Latines call it ) 1530. confirm'd after many struglings on the one side , and oppositions on the other , by Charles the fifth , in a general Assembly of the Estates of the Empire holden at Passaw , Ann. 1552. and afterwards more fully in another Dyet held at Auspurge , Ann. 1555. A Confession generally entertained not only in the whole Kingdoms of Denmark , Norway , and Sweden , but also in the Dukedom of Prussia , and some parts of Poland , and all the Protestant Churches of the High Germany : neither the rigid Lutherans , nor the Calvinians themselves , being otherwise tolerated in the Empire , than as they shrowd themselves under the Patronage , and shelter of this Confession . For besides the first breach betwixt Luther and Zuinglius , which hapned at the beginning of the Reformation , there afterwards grew a sub-division , betwixt the Lutherans themselves , occasioned by Flacius Illyricus , and his Associates ; who having separated themselves from Melancthon and the rest of the Divines of Wittenberge , and made themselves the Head of the rigid Lutherans , did gladly entertain those Doctrines , in which they were sure to finde as good Assistance , as the Dominicans and their party could afford unto them . The wisdom and success of which Councel being observed by those of the Zuinglian or Calvinian Faction , they gladly put in for a share , being not meanly well approved , that though their Doctrines were condemned by the Councel of Trent , yet they found Countenance ( especially in the Sublapsarian way ) not only from the whole Sect of the Dominicans , but the rigid Lutherans : And that the Scales might be kept even between the Parties , there started ou● another Faction amongst the Calvinists themselves , who symbolized with the Melancthonians , or moderate Lutherans , as they did with the Jesuit and Franciscan Fryers . For the Abetting of which their Quarrel , this last side calling to their Ayde all the Ancient Fathers , both Greek and Latine , who lived before the time of S. Augustine , the others relying wholly on his single Judgment , not alwayes constant to himself , nor very well seconded by Prosper , no● any other of great Note in the times succeeding . Finally that Catarinus may not go alone in his middleway , I will follow him with one of his own Order ( for he was afterwards made Bishop of Mi●ori in Italy ) that is to say , the right learned Doctor Overall , publick Professor of Divinity in Cambridge , Dean of S. Pauls , and successively Bishop of Lichfield , and Norwich , whose Judgment in a middle way , and though not the same that Catarinus went , the Reader may finde in Mr. Playferts notable Piece , intituled , Apello Evangelium : to which I refer him at the present , as being not within the compass of my present Design , which carries me to such Disputes as have been raised between the Calvinians and their Opposites in these parts of the world , since the conclusion and determination of the Councel of Trent . IV. And for the better carrying on of my Design , I must go back again to Calvin , whom I left under a suspition , of making God to be the Author of sin ; from which though many have took much pains ( none more then industrious Doctor Feild ) to absolve and free him ; yet by his Doctrine of Predestination , he hath layd such grounds as have involved his Followers in the same guilt also . For not content to travel a known and beaten way , he must needs finde out a way by himself , which neither the Dominicans nor any other of the Followers of Augustine's Rigors had found out before , in making God to lay on Adam an unavoidable necessity of falling into sin and misery , that so he might have opportunity to manifest his Mercy in the electing of some few of his Posterity , and his Justice in the absolute rejecting of all the rest . In which as he can finde no Countenance from any of the Ancient Writers , so he pretendeth not to any ground for it in the holy Scriptures . For whereas some objected on Gods behalf , De certis verbis non extare , That the Decree of Adams Fall , and consequently the involving of his whole Posterity in sin and misery , had no foundation in the express words of Holy Writ , a he makes no other Answer to it then a quasi vero , as if ( saith he ) God made and created man , the most exact Piece of his Heavenly Workmanship , without determining of his end . And on this Point he was so resolutely bent , that nothing but an absolute Decree for Adams Fall , seconded by the like , for the involving of all his Race in the same Perdition , would either serve his turn , or preserve his Credit . For whereas others had objected on Gods behalf , that no such unavoidable necessity was layd upon man-kinde by the will of God ; but rather that he was Created by God unto such a perishing estate , because he foresaw to what his own perversness at the last would bring him : He answereth that this Objection proves nothing at all , or at least nothing to the purpose , which sayd , he tels us further out of Valla , though otherwise not much versed ( as he there affirmeth ) in the holy Scriptures , ' That this Question seems to be superfluous , because both Life and Death are rather the Acts of Gods Will , then of his Prescience , or fore-knowledge . And then he adds as of his own , that if God did but fore-see the successes of men , and did not also dispose and order them by his Will , then this Question should not without cause be moved , Whether his fore seeing any thing , availed to the necessity of them . But since ( sayth he ) he doth no otherwise fore-see the things that shall come to pass , then because he hath decreed that they should so come to pass : it is in vain to move any Controversy about Gods fore-knowledge , where it is certain that all things do happen rather by divine Ordinance and appointment . ' Yet notwithstanding all these shifts , he is forced to acknowledge the Decree of Adams Fall to be Horribile decretum , A cruell and horrible Decree , as indeed it is a cruell and horrible Decree to pre-ordain so many Millions to destruction , and consequently unto sinne , that he might destroy them . And then what can the wicked and Impenitent do , but ascribe all their sinnes to God , by whose inevitable Will they are lost in Adam , by whom they were particularly and personally necessitated to death , and so by consequence to sin . A Doctrine so injurious to God , so destructive of Piety , of such reproach amongst the Papists , and so offensive to the Lutherans , of what sort soever , that they profess a greater readiness to fall back to Popery , then to give way to this Predestinarian Pestilence ( by which name they call it ) to come in amongst them . V. But howsoever having so great a Founder as Calvin was , it came to be generally entertained in all the Churches of his Plat-form , strongly opposed by Sebastian Castellino in Geneva it self ; but the poor man so despightfully handled both by him and Beza ( who followed him in all , and went beyond him in some of his Devises ) that they never left pursuing him with Complaints and Clamours , till they had first cast him out of the City , and at the last brought him to his Grave . The terrour of which example , and the great name which Calvin had attained unto not only by his diligent Preaching , but also by his laborious Writings in the eye of the World : As it confirmed his power at home , so did it make his Doctrines the more acceptable and esteemed abroad . More generally diffused , and more pertinaciously adhered unto in all those Churches , which either had received the Genevian Discipline , or whose Divines did most industriously labour to advance the same . By means whereof it came to pass ( as one well observeth ) ' that of what account the Master of the Sentences was in the Church of Rome ; the same and more amongst the Preachers of the Reformed Churches Calvin had purchased ; so that they were deemed to be the most perfect Divines , who were most skilful in his Writings . His Books almost the very Canon by which both Doctrine and Discipline were to be judged : The French Churches both under others abroad or at home in their own Country , all cast according to the Mold which he had made . The Church of Scotland in erecting the Fabrick of their own Reformation , took the self same pattern . ' Received not long after in the Palatine Churches , and in those of the Netherlands : In all which as his Doctrine made way to bring in the Discipline ; so was it no hard matter for the Discipline to support the Doctrine , and crush all those who durst oppose it . Only it was permitted unto Beza and his Disciples , to be somewhat wilder then the rest , in placing the Decree of Predestination before the Fall , which Calvin himself had more rightly placed in Massa corrupta , in the corrupted Mass of Man-kinde : and the more moderate Calvinians as rightly presuppose for a matter necessary , before there could be any place for the Election or Reprobation of particular persons . But being they concurred with the rest , as to the personal Election or Reprobation of particular persons ; the restraining of the Benefit of our Saviours Sufferings to those few particulars ( whom only they had honoured with the glorious name of the Elect ) the working on them by the irresistible powers of Grace in the Act of Conversion , and bringing them infallibly by the continual assistance of the sayd Grace unto life everlasting : there was hardly any notice taken of their Deviation , they being scarce beheld in the condition of erring brethren , though they differed from them in the main Foundation which they built upon ; but passing under the name of Calvinists , as they thus did . And though such of the Divines of the Belgick Churches as were of the old Lutheran Stock , were better affected unto the Melancthonian Doctrine of Predestination , then to that of Calvin ; yet knowing how pretious the Name and Memory of Calvin was held amongst them : or being unwilling to fall foul upon one another , they suffered his Opinions to prevail without opposition . And so it stood till the year 1592. when Mr. William Perkins an eminent Divine of Cambridge published his Book called the Armilla Aurea , &c. containing such a Doctrine of Predestination as Beza had before delivered , but cast into a more distinct and methodical Form. With him as being a Foreiner both by Birth and Dwelling , a Supralapsarian in Opinion , and one who had no personal Relations amongst themselves , it was thought fittest to begin to confute Calvins Doctrines in the person of Perkins ; as many times a Lion is sayd to be corrected by the well Cudgelling of a Dog , without fear of danger . And against him it was , his order in delivering the Decree of Predestination , that Arminius first took up the Bucklers in his Book , intituled , Examen Praedestinationis Perkinsoniae , which gave the first occasion to those Controversies which afterwards involved the Sublapsarians also , of which more hereafter . VI. In the mean time , let us behold the Doctrine of the Supralapsarians , first broacht by Calvin , maintained by almost all his Followers , and at last polished and lickt over by the sayd Mr. Perkings , as it was charged upon the Contra Remonstrants in the Conference at the Hague , Anno 1610. in these following words , Viz. ' That God ( as some speak ) by an eternal and unchangable Decree from amongst men , whom he considered as not created , much less as fal● , ordained certain to eternal life , certain to eternal death , without any regard had to their righteousness , or sin , to their obedience , or disobedience ; only because it was his pleasure ( or so it seemed good to him ) to the praise of his Justice and Mercy , or ( as others like better ) to declare his saving Grace , Wisdom , and free Authority ( or Jurisdiction : ) ' many being also so ordained by his eternal and unchangable decree , fit for the execution of the same , by the power or force whereof , it is necessary that they be saved after a necessary , and unavoidable manner , who are ordained to Salvation , so that 't is not possible that they should perish , but they who are destined to destruction ( who are the far greater number ) must be damned necessarily and inevitably ; so that 't is not possible for them to be saved . Which doctrine first makes God to be the Author of sin , as both Piscator and Macarius , and many other Supralapsarians , as well as Perkings , have positively and expresly affirmed him to be ; & then concludes him for a more unmerciful Tyrant , then all that ever had been in the world , were they joyned in one : A more unmerciful Tyrant then the Roman Emperour , who wished that all the people of Rome had but one Neck amongst them , that he might cut it off at a blow , he being such in voto only , God alone in opere . VII . But this extremity being every day found the more indefensible , by how much it had been more narrowly sifted and inquired into : the more moderate and sober sort of the Calvinians forsaking the Colours of their first Leaders , betook themselves into the Camp of the rigid Lutherans , and rather chose to joyn with the Dominican Fryers , then to stand any longer to the dictates of their Master Calvin . These passing by the name of Sublapsarians , have given us such an order of Predestination as must and doth presuppose a Fall , and findes all man-kind generally in the Mass of Perdition . The substance of whose doctrine both in this and the other Articles were thus drawn up by the Remonstrants in the Conference at the Hague before remembred . 1. That God Almighty , willing from eternity , with himself to make a decree concerning the Election of some certain men , but the rejection of others ; considered man-kinde not only as created , but also as faln and corrupted in Adam , and Eve , our first Parents , and thereby the deserving the Curse : And that he decreed out of the fall and damnation , to deliver and save some certain ones of his Grace , to declare his Mercy ; But to leave others ( both young and old , yea truly , even certain Infants of men in Covenant , and those Infants baptized , and dying in their Infancy ) by his just Judgment in the Curse , to declare his Justice : and that without all consideration of Repentance and Faith in the former , or of Impenitence or unbelief in the latter . For the execution of which decree , God useth also such means , whereby the Elect are necessarily and unavoidably saved ; but Reprobates necessarily and unavoidably perish . 2. And therefore that Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World died , not for all men , but for those only who are elected either after the former or this latter manner , he being the mean and ordained Mediator , to save those only , and not a man besides . 3. Consequently that the Spirit of God and of Christ doth work in those who are elected that way , or this , with such a force of Grace that they cannot resist it : and so that it cannot be , but that they must turn , believe , and thereupon necessarily be saved . But that this irresistible grace and force belongs only to those so elected , but not to Reprobates , to whom not only the irresistible Grace is denied , but also grace necessary and sufficient for Conversion , for faith , and for salvation , is not afforded . To which Conversion and Faith indeed they are called , invited , and freely sollicited outwardly by the revealed Will of God , though notwithstanding the inward force necessary to Faith and Conversion , is not bestowed on them , according to the secret Will of God. 4. But that so many as have once obtained a true and justifying Faith , by such a kinde of irresistible force , can never totally nor finally lose it , no not although they fall into the very most enormious sins ▪ but are so led and kept by the same irresistible force , that 't is not possible for them ( o● they cannot ) either totally , or finally fall , and perish . VII . And thus we have the doctrine of the Sublapsarian Calvinists , as it stands gathered out of the Writings of particular men . But because particular men may sometimes be mistaken in a publick doctrine , and that the Judgment of such men , being collected by the hands of their Enemies , may be unfaithfully related ; we will next look on the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort , which is to be conceived to have delivered the Genuine sense of all the parties , as being a Representative of all the Calvinian Churches of Europe ( except those of France ) some few Divines of England being added to them . Of the calling and proceedings of this Synod , we shall have occasion to speak further in the following Chapter . At this time I shall only lay down the Results thereof in the five controverted Points ( as I finde them abbreviated by Dan. Tilenus . ) according to the Heads before mentioned , in summing up the doctrine of the Councel of Trent . Art. 1. Of Divine Predestination . That God by an absolute decree hath Elected to salvation a very smal number of men , without any regard to their Faith or obedience whatsoever ; and secluded from saving Grace all the rest of man-kinde , and appointed them by the same decree to eternal damnation , without any regard to their Infidelity , or Impenitency . Art. 2. Of the Merit and Effect of Christs Death . That Jesus Christ hath not suffered death for any other , but for those Elect only , having neither had any intent nor commandment of his Father to make satisfaction for the sins of the whole World. Art. 3. Of Mans Will in the state of Nature . That by Adam's Fall his Posterity lost their Free-will , being put to an unavoidable necessity to do , or not to do , whatsoever they do , or do not , whether it be good , or evil ; being thereunto Predestinated by the eternal and effectual secret decree of God. Art. Of the manner of Conversion . That God to save his Elect from the corrupt Mass , doth beget faith in them by a power equal to that , whereby he created the World , and raised up the dead , insomuch that such unto whom he gives that Grace , cannot reject it , and the rest being Reprobate cannot accept of it . Art. 5. Of the certainty of Perseverance . That such as have once received that Grace by Faith , can never fall from it finally , or totally , notwithstanding the most enormious sins they can commit . IX . This is the shortest , and withall the most favourable Summary , which I have hitherto met with , of the conclusions of this Synod : that which was drawn by the Remonstrants in their Anti●●tam , being much more large , and comprehending many things by way of Inference , which are not positively expressed in the words thereof . But against this , though far more plausible then the rigorous way of the Supralapsarians , it is objected by those of the contrary perswasion ; 1. That it is repugnant to plain Texts of Scripture , as Ezek. 33. 11. Rom. 11. 2. John. 3. 16. 2 Tim. ● . 4. 2 Pet. 3. 9. Gen. 4 7. 1 Chron. 28. 9. 2 Chron. 15. ● . Secondly ▪ That it fighteth with Gods Holiness , and makes him the cause of sin , in the greatest number of men . 1. In regard that only of his own will and pleasure he hath brought men into an estate in which they cannot avoid sin ; that is to say , by imputing to them the transgression of their Father Adam . And 2. In that he leaves them irrecoverably plunged and involved in it , without affording them power or ability to rise again to newness of life . In which case that of Tertullian seems to have been fitly alledged , Viz. In cujus manu est ne quid fiat , eideputatur cum jam sit . That is to say , In whose power it is , that a thing be not done , to him it is imputed when it is done ; as a Pilot may be sayd to be the cause of the loss of that Ship , when it is broken by a violent Tempest , to the saving whereof , he would not lend a helping hand when he might have done it . They Object thirdly , That this doctrine is inconsistent with the mercy of God , so highly signified in the Scriptures , in making him to take such a small and speedy occasion , to punish the greater part of men forever , and for one sin once committed , to shut them up under an invincible necessity of sin and damnation . For proof whereof they alledge this Saying out of Prosper , Viz. Qui dicit quod non omnes homines velit Deus salvos fieri , sed certum numerum praedestinatorum : durius loquitur quam loquutum est de altitudine inscrutabilis gratiae Dei. That is to say● He which sayth that God would not have all men to be saved , but a certain set number of predestinate persons only : he speaketh more harshly then he should of the light of Gods unsearchable Grace . 4. It is affirmed to be incompatible with the Justice of God , who is sayd in Scripture to be Righteous in all his waies , according unto weight and measure , that the far greatest part of man-kinde should be left remedilesly in a state of damnation , for the sin of their first Father only : that under pain of damnation , he should require faith in Christ , of those to whom he hath precisely in his absolute purpose , denied both a power to believe , and a Christ to believe in ; or that he should punish men for the omission of an Act which is made impossible for them by his own decree , by which he purposed that they should partake with Adam in his sin , and be stript of all the supernatural power which they had in him before he fell . And fifthly , It is sayd to be destructive of Gods sincerity , in calling them to repentance , and to the knowledge of the faith in Jesus Christ , that they may be saved to whom he doth not really intend the salvation offered , whereby they are conceived to make God so to deal with men , as if a Creditor should resolve , upon no terms to forgive his Debtor the very least part of his debt , and yet make him offers to remit the whole upon some conditions , and binde the same with many solemn Oaths in a publick Auditory . The like to be affirmed also in reference to Gods passionate wishes , that those men might repent , which repent not ; as also to those terrible threatnings which he thundreth against all those that convert not to him : all which together with the whole course of the Ministry , are by this doctrine made to be but so many Acts of deep Hypocrisie in Almighty God , though none of the Maintainers of it have the ingenuity to confess the same , but Piscator only , in his , Necesse est , ut sanctam aliquam si mutationem statuamus in Deo , which is plain and home . X. And finally it is alledged that this doctrine of the Sublapsarians , is contrary to the ends by God proposed , in the Word and Sacraments , to many of Gods excellent Gifts to the Sons of men , to all endeavours unto holiness and godly living , which is sayd to be much hindered by it , and tend to those grounds of comfort , by which a Conscience in distress should be relieved . And thereupon it is concluded , that if it be a doctrine which discourageth Piety ; if it maketh Ministers ( by its natural importment ) to be negligent in their Preaching , Praying , and other Services , which are ordained of God for the eternal good of their people : if it maketh the people careless in hearing , reading , praying , instructing their Families , examining their Consciences , fasting and mourning for their sins , and all other godly Exercises ; as they say it doth : it cannot be a true and a wholsome doctrine , as they say 't is not . This they illustrate by a passage in Suetonius , relating to Tyberius Caesar , of whom the Historian gives this note : Circa Deos & Religiones negligentior erat , quippe addictus mathematicae , persuasionisque plenus , omnia fato agi . That is to say , That he was the more negligent in matters of Religion , and about the Gods , because he was so much addicted to Astrologers , fully perswaded in his own minde that all things were governed by the Destinies : And they evince by the miseserable example of the Landgrave of Turinng , of whom it is reported by Heistibachius , that being by his Friends admonished of his vitious Conversation , and dangerous condition , he made them this Answer , Viz. Si praedestinatus sum , nulla peccata poterint mihi , regnum coelorum auferre ; si praescitus , nulla opera mihi illud valebunt conferre . That is to say , If I be elected , no sins can possibly bereave me of the Kingdom of Heaven , if reprobated , no good Deeds can advance me to it . An Objection not more old then common : but such I must confess to which I never found a satisfactory Answer , from the Pen of Supralapsarian , or Sublapsarian , within the small compass of my reading . CHAP. V. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants , and the Story of them , untill their finall Condemnation in the Synod of Dort. I. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants ancienter then Calvinism in the Belgick Churches , and who they were that stood up for it before Arminius . II. The first undertakings of Arminins , his preferment to the Divinity Chair at Leiden , his Commendations , and Death . III. The occasion of the Name Remonstrants , and Contra Remonstrants ; the Controversie reduced to Five Points , and those disputed at the Hague , in a publick Conference . IV. The sayd five Points according to their severall Heads first tendred at the Hague , and after at the Synod at Dort. V. The Remonstrants persecuted by their Opposites , put themselves under the protection of Barnevelt , and by his means obtained a collection of their Doctrine . Barnevelt seised and put to death by the Prince of Orange . VI. The Calling of the Synod of Dort , the parallel betwixt it and the Councel at Trent , both in the conduct of the business against their Adversaries , and the differences amongst themselves . VII . The breaking out of the differences in the Synod in open Quarrels , between Martinius one of the Divines of Breeme , and some of the Divines of Holland ; and on what occasions . VIII . A Copy of the Letter from Dr. Belconyvel to S. Dudly Carlaton , his Majesties Resident at the Hague , working the violent prosecutions of those Quarrels by the Dutch Divines . IX . A further prosecution of the Quarrel between the Councel and the Synod , in reference to the Articles used in the Draught upon the Canons and Decrees of either , and the doubtfull meaning of them both . X. The quarrelling Parties joyn together against the Remonstrants , denying them any place in the Synod ; and finally dismist them in a furious Oration made by Boyerman , without any hearing . XI . The Synodists indulgent to the damnable Doctrines of Macorius , and unmerciful in the banishment or extermination of the poor Remonstrants . XII . Scandalously defamed , to make them odious , and th●se of their perswasions in other places , Ejected , Persecuted , and Disgraced . I. HAving thus run through all the other Opinions , touching Predestination , and the Points depending thereupon : I come next to that of the Remonstrants ( or Arminians , as they commonly call them ) accused of Novelty , but ancienter then Calvinism , in the Churches of the Belgick Provinces , which being Originally Dutch , did first embrace the Reformation , according to the Lutheran model , though afterwards they suffered the Calvinian Plat-form to prevail upon them . It was about the year 1530. that the Reformed Religion was admitted in the Neighbouring Country of East-Friezland , under Enno the First , upon the preaching of Hardingbergius , a Learned and Religious man , and one of the principal Reformers of the Church of Emden , a Town of most note in all that Earldom : from him did Clemens Martini take those Principles , which afterwards he propagated in the Belgick Churches , where the same Doctrine of Predestination had been publickly maintained , in a Book called Odegus Laicorum , or the Laymans Guide , published by Anastasius Velluanus , An. 1554. and much commended by Henricus Antonides , Divinity Reader in the University of Francka : But on the other side the French Ministers having setled themselves in those Parts , which either were of French Language , or anciently belonged to the Crown of France , and having more Quicksilve in them then the others had , prevailed so far with William of Nassaw , Prince of Orange , that a Confession of their framing was presented to the Lady Regent , ratified in a forcible and tumultuous way , and afterwards by degrees obtruded upon all the Belgick Churches : which notwithstanding the Ministers successively in the whole Province of Vtrecht adhered unto their former Doctrines ; not looked on for so doing as the less Reformed : Nor wanted there some one or other of eminent Note , who did from time to time oppose the Doctrine of Predestination , contained in that Confession of the year 1567. when it took beginning . Insomuch that Johannes Isbra●di , one of the Preachers of Rotradam , openly professed himself an Anticalvinian , and so did Gellius Succanus also in the Country of West-Friezland , who looked no otherwise upon these of Calvin's Judgment , then as Innovators in the Doctrine which had been first received amongst them . The like we finde also of Holmanus , one of the Professors of Leyden , of Cornelius Meinardi , and Cornelius Wiggeri , two men of principal esteem , before the name of Jacob Van-Harmine , was so much as talked of . II. But so it hapned , that though these learned men had kept on foot the ancient Doctrines , yet did they never finde so generally an Entertainment in those Provinces , as they did afterwards by the pains and diligence of this Van-Harmine : ( Arminius he is called by our Latine Writers ) from whom these Doctrines have obtained the name of Arminianism , called so upon no juster Grounds then the great Western Continent , is called by the name of America ; whereas both Christopher Collumbus had first discovered it , and the two Cabots Father and Son had made a further progress in the sayd discovery , before Americus Vespatius ere saw those shores . As for Arminius ; he had been fifteen years a Preacher ( or a Pastor as they rather phrase it ) to the great Church of Arastandam , during which times , taking a great distast at the Book published by Mr. Perkins , intituled , Armilla Aurea , he set himself upon the canvasing of it , and published his performance in it , by the name of Examen Praedestinationis Perkinsoniae , as before was sayd . Incouraged with his good success in this adventure , he undertakes a Conference on the same Argument with the learned Junius , the summe whereof being spread abroad in several Papers , was after published by the name of Amica Collatio . Junius being dead in the year 1603. the Curators or Overseers of the University made choice of this Van-harmine to succeed him in his place . But the Inhabitants of the Town would not so part with him , till they were over-ruled by the Entreaties of some , and the power of others , A matter so unpleasing to the rigid Calvinians , that they informed against him to the state for divers Heterodoxies , which they had noted in his Writings . But the business being heard at the Hague , he was acquitted by his Judge , dispatcht for Leyden , and there confirmed in his place . Toward which the Testimonial Letters sent from the Church of Amsterdam , did not help a little . In which he stands commended , Ob vitae inculpatae , sanae doctrinae & morum summam integritatem . That is to say , for a man of an unblameable life , sound Doctrine and fair behaviour , as may be seen at large , in the Oration which was made at his Funeral in the Divinity Schools of Leyden , on the 22. day of October , 1609. III. Thus dyed Arminius , but the Cause did not so dye with him . For during the first time of his sitting in the Chair of Leyden , he drew unto him a great part of the University , who by the Piety of the man , his powerful Arguments , his extreme diligence in that place , and the clear light of Reason which appeared in all his Discourses , were so wedded unto his Opinions , that no time nor trouble could drown them : For Arminius dying in the year 1609. as before was sayd , the heats betwixt the Scholars , and those of the contrary perswasion , were rather encreased then abated ; the more encreased for want of such a prudent Moderator , as had before preserved the Churches from a publick Rupture . The breach between them growing wider and wider , each side thought fit to seek the Countenance of the State , and they did accordingly : for in the year 1610. the Followers of Arminius address their Remonstrance , containing the Antiquity of their Doctrines , and the substance of them ) to the States of Holland , which was encountred presently , by a Contra Remonstance , exhibited by those of Calvins Party : from hence the names of Remonstrants , and Contra Remonstrants , so frequent in their Books and Writings ; each Party taking opportunity to disperse their Doctrines , the Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversarys : For the whole Controversie being reduced to these five Points , Viz. The Method and Order of Predestination ; The Efficacy of Christs Death , The Opperations of Grace , both before and after m●●s Conversion , and perseverance in the same ; the Parties were admitted to a publick Conference at the Hague , in the year 1611. in which the Remonstrants were conceived to have had much the better of the day . Now for the five Articles above mentioned , they were these that follow ; VIZ. I. De Electione ex fide praevisa . DEus aeterno & immutabili Decreto , in Jesu Christo filio suo , ante jactum mundi fundamentum statuit , ex lapso & peccatis obnoxio humano genere , illos in Christo , propter Christum , & per Christum servare , qui spiritus sancti gratia in eundem filium ejus credunt , & in ea fide , fideique obedientia , per eandem gratiam , usque ad finem perseverant . VIZ. I. Of Election out of Faith foreseen . ALmighty God by an eternal and unchangable Decree , ordained in Jesus Christ , his only Son , before the Foundations of the World were layd , to save all those in Christ , for Christ ; and through Christ , who being faln , and under the command of sin , by the assistance of the Grace of the Holy Ghost , do persevere in faith and obedience to the very end . II. De Redemptione universali . Proinde Deus Christus pro omnibus ac singulis mortuus est : atque id ita quidem , ut omnibus per mortem crucis Reconciliationem , & Peccatorum Remissionem impetrarit : Ea tamen conditione , ut nemo illa peccatorum Remissione fruatur , praeter hominem fidelem , Joh. 2. 16. 1 Joh. 2. 2. II. Of universal Redemption . To which end Jesus Christ suffered death for all men , and in every man , that by his death upon the Cross , he might obtain for all mankind , both the forgiveness of their sins , and Reconciliation with the Lord their God ; with this Condition notwithstanding , that none but true believers should enjoy the benefit of the Reconciliation and forgiveness of sins , John 2. 16. 1 John 2. 2. III. De causa fidei . Homo fidem salutarem a seipso non habet , nec vi liberi sui arbitrii , quandoquidem in statu defectionis , & peccati , nihil boni , quod quidem vere est bonum ( quale est fides salutaris ) ex se potest cogitare , velle , aut facere : sed necessarium est , eum a Deo , in Christo , per spiritum ejus sanctum regigni , renovari , mente , affectibus , seu voluntate , & omnibus facultatibus , ut aliquid boni posset intelligere , cogitare , velle , & perficere , secundum illud John 15. 5. sine me potestis nihil . III. Of the cause or means of attaining Faith. Man hath not saving Faith in and of himself , nor can attain it by the power of his own Free-will , in regard that living in an estate of sin , and defection from God , he is not able of himself to think well , or do any thing which is really , or truly good ; amongst which sort saving faith is to be accounted . And therfore it is necessary that by God in Christ , and through the Workings of the Holy Ghost he be regenerated and renewed in his understanding , will , affections , and all his other faculties ; that so he may be able to understand , think , will , and bring to pass any thing that is good , according to that of Saint John , 15. 5. Without me you can do nothing . IV. De Conversionis modo . Dei gratia est initium , progressus , & perfectio omnis boni , atque adeo quidem , ut ipse homo Regenitus , absque hae praecedanea seu Adventitia , excitante , consequente , & co-operante gratia , neque boni quid cagitare , velle , aut facere potest , neque etiam ulli malae tentationae resistere , adeo quidem ut omnia bona opera , quae excogitare possumus , Deigratiae in Christo tribuenda sunt . Quoad vero modum co-operationis illius gratiae , illa non est irresistibilis : de multis enim dicitur , eos spiritui sancto Resistisse . Actorum 7. & alibi multis locis . IV. Of the manner of Conversion . The Grace of God is the beginning , promotion , and accomplishment of every thing that is good in us ; insomuch that the Regenerate man can neither think well , nor do any thing that is good , or resist any sinfull temptations , without this Grace preventing , co-operating and assisting ; and consequently all good works , which any man in his life can attain unto , are to be attributed and ascribed to the grace of God. But as for the manner of the co-operation of this Grace , it is not to be thought to be irresistable , in regard that it is sayd of many in the holy Scriptures , that they did resist the Holy Ghost ; as in Acts 7. and in other places . V. De Perseverantia incerta . Qui Jesu Christo per veram fidem sunt insiti , ac proinde spiritus ejus vivificantis participes , ii abundehabent facultatum , quibus contra Satanam , peccatum , mundum , & propriam suam carnem pugnent & victoriam obtineant ; verum tamen per gratiae spiritus sancti subsidium . Jesus Christus quidem illis spiritu suo in omnibus tentationibus adest , manum porrigit , & modo sint ad certamen prompti , & ejus Auxilium Petant , neque officio suo desint , eos confirmat : adeo quidem ut nulla satanae fraude , aut vi seduci , vel e manibus Christi eripi , possint , secundum illud Johannis 10. Nemo illos e manu mea eripiet , Sed an illi ipsi negligentia sua , principium illud quo sustentantur in Christo , deserere non possint , & praesentem mundum iterum amplecti , a sancta doctrina ipsis semel tradita deficere , conscientiae naufragium facere , a gratia excidere ; penitus ex sacra scriptura esset expendendum , antequam illud cumplena animi tranquillitate , & Plerephoria dicere possumus . V. Of the uncertainty of Perseverance . They who are grafted into Christ by a lively Faith , and are throughly made Partakers of his quickning Spirit , have a sufficiency of strength , by which ( the Holy Ghost contributing his Assistance to them ) they may not only fight , but obtain the Victory , against the Devil , Sin , the World , and all infirmities of the flesh . Most true it is , that Jesus Christ is present with them by his Spirit in all their temptations , that he reacheth out his hand unto them , and shews himself ready to support them , if for their parts they prepare themselves to the encounter , and beseech his help , and are not wanting to themselves in performing their duties : so that they cannot be seduced by the cunning , or taken out of the hands of Christ by the power of Satan , according to that of S. John , No man taketh them out of my hand , &c. cap. 10. But it is first to be well weighed and proved by the holy Scripture , whether by their own negligence , they may not forsake those Principles of saving Grace , by which they are sustained in Christ , embrace the present World again , Apostatize from the saving doctrine once delivered to them , suffer a Shipwrack of their Conscience , and fall away from the Grace of God , before we can publickly teach these doctrines , with any sufficient trauquillity or assurance of mind . ' V. It is reported , that at the end of the Conference between the Protestants and Papists , in the first Convocation of Q●een Maries Reign , the Protestants were thought to have had the better , as being more dextrous in applying and in forcing some Texts of Scripture then the others were , and that thereupon they were dismissed by Weston the Prolocutor , with this short come off : You , sayd he , have the word , and we have the Sword. His meaning was , That what the Papists wanted in the strength of Argument , they would make good by other waies , as afterwards indeed they did by Fire and Fagot . The like is sayd to have been done by the Contra Remonstrants , who finding themselves at this Conference to have had the worst , and not to have thrived much better by their Pen-comments , then in that of the Tongue , betook themselves to other courses ; vexing and molesting their Opposites in their Classes , or Consistories , endeavouring to silence them from Preaching in their severall Churches : or otherwise to bring them unto publick Censure . At which Weapon the Remonstrants being as much too weak , as the others were at Argument and Disputation ; they betook themselves unto the Patronage of John Van Olden Burnevelt , a man of great Power in the Councel of Estate for the Vnited Belgick Provinces , by whose means they obtained an Edict from the States of Holland , and West-Fri●zland , Ann. 1613. requiring and enjoyning a mutual Toleration of Opinions , as well on the one side as the other . An Edict highly magnified by the Learned Grotius in a Book , intituled , Pietas Ordinum Hollandiae , &c. Against which some Answers were set out by Bogerman , Sibrandus , and some others , not without some reflection on the Magistrates for their Actings in it : But this indulgence , though at the present it was very advantageous to the Remonstrants , as the case then stood , cost them dear at last . For Barnevelt having some suspition that Morris of Nassaw , Prince of Orange , Commander Generall of all the Forces of those United Provinces both by Sea and Land , had a design to make himself the absolute Master of those Countries , made use of them for the uniting and encouraging of such good Patriots , as durst appear in maintenance of the common liberty , which Service they undertook the rather , because they found that the Prince had passionately espoused the Quarrel of the Contra Remonstrants . From this time forwards the Animosities began to encrease on either side , and the Breach to widen , not to be closed again ; but either by weakning the great power of the Prince , or the Death of Barnevelt . This last the easier to be compassed , as not being able by so small a Party to contend with him , who had the absolute command of so many Legions . For the Prince being apprehensive of the danger in which he stood , and spurred on by the continuall Sollicitations of the Contra Remonstrants , suddenly put himself into the Head of his Army , with which he marcht from Town to Town , altered the Guards , changed the Officers , and displaced the Magistrates , where he found any whom he thought disaffected to him ; and having gotten Barnevelt , Grotius , and some other of the Heads of the Party into his power , he caused them to be condemned , and Barnevelt to be put to death , contrary to the fundamental Laws of the Country , and the Rules of the Union . VI. This Alteration being thus made , the Contra Remonstrants thought it a high Point of Wisdom to keep their Adversaries down , now they had them under , and to effect that by a National Councel , which they could not hope to compass by their own Authority : To which end , the States General being importuned by the Prince of Orange , and his Sollicitation seconded by those of King James ( to whom the power and person of the Prince were of like Importance ) a National Synod was appointed to be held at Dort , Ann. 1618. Barnevelt being then still living . To which besides the Commissioners from the Churches of their several Provinces , all the Calvinian Churches in Europe ( those of France excepted ) sent their Delegates also ; some eminent Divines being Commissionated by King James to attend also in the Synod : for the Realm of Britain . A Synod much like that of Trent , in the Motives to it ; as also in the mannaging and conduct of it . For as neither of them was Assembled till the Sword was drawn , the terrour whereof was able to effect more then all other Arguments : so neither of them was concerned to confute , but condemn their Opposites . Secondly , The Councel of Trent consisted for the most part of Italian Bishops , some others being added for fashion sake ; and that it might the better challenge the Name of General , as that of Dort , consisted for the most part of the Delegates of the Belgick Churches , to whom the forein Divines were found inconsiderable . The Differences as great at Dort , as they were at Trent , and as much care taken to adulce the discontented Parties ( whose Judgments were incompatible with the ends of either ) in the one as the other . The British Divines , together with one of those which came from the Breme , maintained the universal Redemption of Mankinde by the Death of Christ . But this by no means would be granted by the rest of the Synod , especially by those of North - Holland , for fear of yeilding any thing to the Arminians ; as Soto in the Councel of Trent opposed some moderate Opinions , teaching the certainty of Salvation , because they were too much in favour with the Lutheran Doctrines . First , The general body of the Synod not being able to avoid the inconveniences which the Supra-lapsarian way brought with it , were generally intent on the Sublapsarian : but on the other side , the Commissioners of the Churches of South-Holland , thought it not necessary to determine which were considered , man faln , or not faln , while he passed the Decrees of Election and Reprobation . But far more positive was Gomarus , one of the four Professors of Leiden , who stood as strongly to the absolute irrespective and irreversible Decree , ( exclusive of mans sin , and our Saviours Sufferings ) as he could have done for the Holy Trinity . And not being able to draw the rest unto his Opinion , nor willing to conform to theirs , he delivered his own Judgment in writing apart by it self , not joyning in subscription with the rest of his Brethren , for conformity sake , as is accustomed in such cases . But Macorius one of the Professors in Frankar , in West-Frizeland , went beyound them all , not only maintaining against Sibrandus Lubbertus , his fellow Collegiate in their open Synod ; That God wills sin , That he ordains sin as it is sin : and , That by no means he would have all men to be saved ; but openly declaring , That if these Points were not maintained , they must forsake their chief Doctors who had so great a hand in the Reformation . VII . Some other differences there were amongst them , not reconcilable in this Synod ; as namely , whether the Elect be loved out of Christ , or not : whether Christ were the cause and foundation of Election , or only the Head of the Elect ; And many others of like nature . Nor were these Differences mannaged with such sobriety as became the gravity of the persons , and weight of the business , but brake out many times into such open heats and violences , as are not to be parallel'd in the like Assemblies ; the Provincial Divines banding against the Foreiners , and the Foreiners falling foul upon one another : for so it hapned ; that Martinius one of the Divines of Breme , a moderate and learned man , being desired to speak his minde in the Points last mentioned , signified to the Synod , ' That he made some scruple touching the Doctrine Passant , about the manner of Christs being Fundamentum electionis , and that he thought Christ not only the Effector of our Election , but also the Author and Procurer of it . Gomarus presently as soon as Martinius had spoken , starts up and tells the Synod , Ego hanc rem in me recipio , and therewithall casts his Glove , and challenges Martinius with this Proverb , Ecce Rhodum , ecce Sullum , and required the Synod to grant them a Duel , adding , That he knew Martinius could say nothing in Refutation of that Doctrine . ' So my dear Friend Mr. Hales of Eaton relates the story of this passage in a Letter to Sir Dudly Carleton , bearing date Jan. 25. 1618. according to the style of the Church of England : and where he endeth , Dr. Belcanquall shall begin relating in his Letters to the sayd Ambassadour , the story of a greater Fray , between the sayd Martinius , and Sibrandus Lubberius above mentioned , upon this occasion . Martinius had affirmed God to be , Causa Physica Conversionis ; and for the truth thereof , appealed to Goclenius a great Philosopher , being then present in the Synod , who thereupon discoursed upon it out of Th●mistinus , Averores , Alexander Aphrodisaeus , and many more ; affirming it to be true in Philosophy , although he would not have it to prescribe in Divinity . Sibrandus Lubbert taking fire at this , falls upon them both : but the Fray parted at the present , by the care of Boyerman . Gomarus within few dayes after picks a new Quarrel with Martinius , and the rest of the Divines of Breme , for running a more moderate course then the rest of the Synod : many other of the Provincials seconding Gomarus in the Quarrel , and carrying themselves so uncivilly in the prosecution ; that Martinius was upon the Point of returning homewards . But this Quarrel being also taken up , the former is revived by Sibrandus in the following Session , concerning which Belcanquall writes to Sr Dudley Carleton , this ensuing Letter , which for the rarity and variety of the passages contained in it , and the great light which it affords to the present business : I shall crave leave to add it here . Dr. BELCANQUALLS LETTER TO Sir Dudley Carleton . My very good Lord , VIII . SInce my last Letters to your Lordship , there hath been no business of any great Note in the Synod , but that which I am sure your Lordship will be very sorry to hear ; Contention like to come to some head , if it be not prevented in time : for there hath been such a Plot layd ex compositò , for disgracing of the Bremenses , as I think the Synod shall receive small grace by it . D. Gomarus being he at whom the last Disquisition of the third and fourth Articles ended , was entreated by the President to speak his minde of the sayd Articles ; but Sibrandus desireth the President , first , to give him leave to add some few things to that he had spoken the day before : Now what he added was nothing but a renewing of the strife , which was between him and Martinius in the last Session : two things ●e alledged ; First , That he had been at Goclenius his Lodging , conferring with him about that Proposition , whether God might be called Causa Physica of humane Actions , and delivered certain Affirmations pronounced by Goclenius , tending to the Negative ; for the truth of his relation he appealed to Goclenius there present , who testified that it was so : next Martinius had alledged a place out of Paraeus for the Affirmative in opere conversionis . Sibrandus , read a great many places out of Paraeus tending to the contrary : and ( no question it being pleaded before ) he entreateth some of the Pallatines ( naming them all severally ) who were Paraeus his Colleagues , would speak what they did know of Paraeus his minde , concerning the sayd Proposition : Scultetus beginneth with a set Speech , which he had writ lying before him ; but such a Speech it was , as I , and I think all the Exteri , were exceedingly grieved it should have come from a man of so much worth : the summ of it was this , That he did know upon his own knowledge , that Paraeus did hold the contrary of that which had been fasly fathered on him in the Synod , that he could not endure to hear his dearest Colleague so much abused as he had been by some men in the Synod : Moreover he could not now dissemble , the great grief he had conceived that some in the Synod , went about to trouble sound Divinity with bringing in Tricas Scholasticas , such as was to make God Causam Physicam Conversionis ( that was for Martinius ) such portenta vocabulorum , as determinare , and non determinare voluntatem : that some men durst say , that there were some doubts in the Fourth Article , which Calvin himself had not throughly satisfied , nor other Learned Reformed Doctors ; that it was to be feared that they intended to bring in Jesuits Divinity in the Reformed Churches , and to corrupt the Youth committed to their Charge , with a strange kind of Divinity . This last Speech concerned D. Grotius . Scultetus delivered his minde in exceeding bitter and disgraceful words , and repeated his bitterest sentences twice over : he having ended , Martinius with great modesty answered , first , That he would read Paraeus his own words , which he did ; next that for Sibrandus he wondred that he would now in publick bring these things up , since out of his love to Peace , that very day he had sent his Colleague Grotius to Sibrandus , with a large explication in that sense , in which he had delivered the Proposition , with which explication Sibrandus himself had sent him word he was fully satisfied , and so he made account that that business had been peaceably transacted : all this while Grotius spake nothing ; Gomarus beginneth to go on in the Disquisition , but I think he delivered a Speech against the Bremenses , which none but a mad man would have uttered . First , Whereas Martinius had sayd , that he did desire the resolution of this doubt , Qui Deus possit ab homine cujus potentia est finita , fidem , quae est opus omnipotentiae , exigere : and that neither Calvin , nor any of the Divines , had yet plainly enough untyed the Knot : he replyed , first , That he that sayd so was not Dignus qui solveret Calvino Corrigiam : and that for the doubt it self , it was such a silly one , that ipsi pueri in trivio , could ipsius solutionem decantare ( at which Speech every body smiled . ) Moreover , whereas Martinius in his Answer to Scultetus , had not spoken one word against him , but only this , That he was sorry that one who had now been 25 years a Professor of Divinity should be thus used for using a School-term : Gomarus very wisely had a fling at the Two , and telleth the Synod , that since some men thought to carry it away annorum numero , he himself had been a Professor not only 25 , but 35 years . Next he falleth upon Grotius , and biddeth the Synod take heed of these men that brought in the Monstra & Portenta vocabulorum , the Barbarisms of the Schools of the Jesuits , determinare , & non determinare voluntatem , with many such speeches delivered with such sparklings of his eyes , and fireceness of pronunciation , as every man wondred the President did not cut him off , at last he cut off himself I think for want of breath ; and the President giveth Celeberrimo Doctori Gomaro , many thanks for that his Grave and accurate speech : the Exteri wondred at it ; at last my Lord of Landaff , in Good faith , in a very grave short speech ( for which , as for one of the least , I am perswaded he ever delivered , we and all the Exteri , thought he deserved infinite Commendations : ) he spake to the President to this purpose , That this Synod called Disquisition , was instituted for Edification , not for any man to shew Studium Contentionis ; and therefore did desire him to look that the knot of Unity were not broken . In this his Lordships speech , he named no man , the last word was hardly out of my Lordships mouth , but furious Gomarus , knowing himself guilty , delivered this wise Speech ; Reverendissime D. Praesul , non agendum est hic in Synodo authoritate , sed ratione . That it was free for him to speak in his own place , which no man must think to abridge him of by their Authority . My Lord replyed nothing ; but the President told my Lord , that Celeberrimus D. Gom. had sayd nothing against mens Persons , but their Opinions , and therefore that he had sayd nothing worthy of Reprehension : This gave every man just occasion to think the President was of the Plot. Martimus against this Speech of Gomarus sayd nothing , but that he was sorry that he should have this Reward for his far Journey : The Disquisition went on to Thysius , who very discreetly told the Synod , he was sorry Martinius should be so exagitated for a speech , which according to Martinius his explication was true . Just as Thysius was thus speaking , Gomarus and Sibrandus who sate next him , pulled him by the Sleeve , talked to him in a confused angry noise , in the hearing and seeing of all the Synod , chiding him that he would say so : afterwards Thysius with great moderation , desired Martinius to give him satisfaction of one or two doubtful Sentences he had delivered ; which Martinius , thanking him for his Courtesie , fully did . The President was certainly in this Plot against Martinius , for at the same time he read out of a Paper publickly , a note of all the hard Speeches Martinius had used . All this while D. Grotius his patience was admired by all men , who being so grosly abused and disgraced , could get leave of his affections to hold his peace . IX . I could pursue these Differences further both in weight and number , without any great trouble ; but that I have some ther work to do , which is the pressing of some other Conformities between this Synod and the Councel : the same Arts being used in drawing up the Cannons and Conclusions of the one , as were observed in the other ; what Care and Artifice was used in the Councel of Trent , so to draw up the Canons and Decrees thereof , as to please all the differing Parties , hath been already shewn in the third Chapter of this Book . And in the History of the Councels , we shall finde this passage , Viz. That immediatly after the Session , Fryer Dominicus S●to principal of the Dominicans , wrote three Books , and did Intitle them of Nature and of Grace : for Commentary of this Doctrine , and in his Expositions all his Opinions are found . When this Work was published , Fryer Andrew Vega , the most esteemed of the Franciscans , set forth fifteen great Books for Commentarys , upon the sixteen Points of that Decree , and did expound it all according to his own Opinion ; which two Opinions sayth my Author , do not only differ in almost all the Articles , but in many of them are expresly contrary . A perfect parallel to which we may finde in this Synod ; the Conclusions and Results whereof , being so drawn up , for giving satisfaction to the Sublapsarians , that those of the Supralapsarian Faction might pretend some Title to them also : Concerning which , take here this passage from the Arcan . Dogm . * Remonstr . long since published , where we are told of a bitter Contention , betwixt Voetius and Maresius , about the sense of this Synod : the one of them maintaining that the Synod determined the Decree of Predestination and Reprobation , to antecede the consideration of the Fall of Adam ; the other opposing him with an Apology in behalf of the Synod , against that Assertion . So that though assembled on purpose to decide these Controversies , and appease the Broyls that Emerged , and were inflamed upon them , yet ( that they might seem to agree together in some thing ) have they wrapt up their Decrees and Canons in so many Clouds , and confounded them with so many Intricacies ( if a man hath recourse to their Suffrages for an Interpretation ) that they are like to fall into a greater new Schism , before they come to a setled Resolution , of knowing what the meaning of that Synod is . And so much of the parallel between the councel of Trent , & the synod of D●rt ▪ touching the managery of all affairs both in fact , and post fact . X. It was to be supposed in the midst of so many Differences and disorders , the Remonstrants might have found a way to have saved themselves , either by fomenting the Contentions , or by finding some Favours at their hands , who seemed to be any thing inclinable to their Opinions : but no such favour could be gained , not so much as hoped for ; though Ephraim was against Manasses , and Manasses against Ephraim , yet were they both together against Judah , as the Scripture tells us . Nor did the differences between the Supralapsarians , and the Sublapsarians , or those which were of equal moment in the other Points extend so far , as to be any hindrance to the condemning of those poor men , to whom they were resolved not to give an equal hearing before the final sentence of their recondemnation : so truly was it sayd by some of the Remonstrants themselves ; Adeo facile Coeunt , qui in fatalitatem absolutam tantum consentiunt . In order whereunto , many indirect proceedings had been used to hinder those of the Remonstrant , or Arminian Party , by excommunicating some , and citing others to appear as criminal persons , from being returned Commissioners from their several Classes ; and to refuse admittance to them into the Synod , upon such Returns , except they would oblige themselves to desert their Party , as in the case of those of Vtrecht , there when the Parties whom they cited , were authorized by the rest to present themselves before the Synod , and to press for audience , offering to refer their Cause to a Disputation : their offer was not rejected only , but they were commanded to forbear any further attendance , unless they would submit themselves unto two Conditions ; First , To acknowledge the Members of the Synod ( whom they beheld as Parties ) to be competent Judges in that case . And secondly , To proceed in such a Method as they conceived would be destructive of their Cause : On the refusal of which last , the former Point being in a manner yeilded to , in hope of some fair dealing from the forein Divines , they were dismist without hearing what they could say for themselves , as before was noted . For Boyerman President of the Synod , having some suspition that they would openly retort those gross Impieties , which were contained under the absolute Decree of Reprobation ; dismissed them the Assembly in a most bitter Oration , his eyes seeming to sparkle fire , for the very fear , or fervency of spirit which was then upon him , which though I might report with safety enough from the Pen of some of the Remonstrants , in their Books called the Synodalia Remonstrantium , and the Antidotum , &c. yet I choose rather to relate it from a more impartial Author , even from the mouth of my dear Friend , Mr. Hales ( the most learned and ingenious John Hales of Eaton ) who being then Chaplain to Sir. Dudley Carleton , King James his Resident at the Hague , was suffered to be present at the hearing of it ; so that it might be sayd of them , as was affirmed by Tertullian of the ancient Gentiles , when the persecuting humour was upon them : A●dire nolunt , quod auditum damnare non possunt ; they were resolved not to hear those Arguments which they could not answer , or to give ear unto the proving of those Points , which they could not honestly condemn , if they had been proved . XI . More favourable were they unto those of the other extremity , looking no otherwise on the Supralapsarians , then as erring Brethren ; but on the Remonstrants , or Arminians , as their mortal Enemies . Macorius before-mentioned , is charged to have brought many dangerous and blasphemous Paradoxes , in making God to be the Author of sin , and openly maintaining in the Synod it self , that God willed sin , that he ordained sin , as sin , and that by no means he would have all men to be saved , as before is sayd . He had taught also in his Writings , * Deum Reprobis verbum suum prop●nere non alio fine , quam ut inexcusabiles reddantur : That is to say , That God doth propound his Word to Reprobates for no other end , then that they might be left without excuse : That if the Gospel be considered in respect of Gods intention , the proper end of it , and not the Accidental , in reference to Reprobates , is their inexcusableness . More then so yet , That Christ knoweth all the hearts of Reprobates who he kn●weth neither can nor will open to him ; not that he may enter in , but partly that he may upbraid them for their impotency , and partly that he may encrease their damnation : And finally , Deum ideo eis locutum esse , ut ex contemptu , & odio filii unigeniti , Gravior condemnatio esset . That God doth speak unto them to no other end , but that by the contempt and hatred of his only son , they might incur the greater condemnation . For which and many other expressions of the like foul Nature , occurring frequently in his Writings , and those ▪ Positions which he stood to in the open Synod , he received no other Censure from them , but a fair and friendly Admonition , to forbear such Forms of speech , as might give offence to tender Ears , and could not be digested by persons ignorant and uncapable of so great Mysteries : As also that he would not set light by those distinctions of Divines who had deserved well of the Church of Christ . But on the other side , the Remonstrants who maintained no such Impieties , whose Writings neither charged God with Tyranny and Hypocrisie or having any hand in the Act of sin , were most reproachfully handled and thrown out of the Senate , without so much as hearing , what they had to say in their own defence , though that was the least part of the misery intended to them : For when the Synod had concluded in the condemnation of their Doctrine , they next proceeded to the destructon of their persons , calling upon them to subscribe to the Acts of the Synod ; and setting them a peremptory day for conforming to it : And when they saw that would not do it , by their incensed importunity , they procured a Proclamation from the States-Generall , to banish them from their Native Countrey , with their Wives and Children , and so compelling them to beg their Bread , even in Desolate places . XII . But yet this was no end of their sorrows neither . He must come under a new Crosse , and be calumniated for maintaining many horrid Blasphemies , and grosse impieties , which they most abhorred . For in the continuation of the History of the Netherlands , writ by one Crosse , a fellow of no parts or judgement , and so more apt to be abused with a false Report ; It is there affirmed ( whether with greater ignorance or malice , it is hard to say ) That there was a Synod called at D●rt , to suppresse the Arminians ; and that the said Arminians held amongst other Heresies , First , That God was the Author of sin ; and secondly , That he created the far greater part of Mankinde , only of purpose for to damn them ; with severall others of that kinde : VVhich every man of reason knowes , not only to be the consequence and results of Calvins Doctrine , but to be positively maintained and taught by some of his followers . By which and such like subtile , and malicious practises , they endeavoured to expose their Adversaries to the publick hatred , and make them odious with the people ; till at last these poor men might have said most justly , as once the primitive Christians did , under the burden of the like Calumnies and Imputations , Condemnati sumus quia nominamur , non quia convincimur , as Tertullian hath it , the name of an Arminian carried a Condemnation in it self without any conviction . Nor was their fury satisfied in Exauctorating , Banishing , and destroying those of the adverse party , who lived within the compasse of the Belgick Provinces ; the genius of the Sect being active in all parts alike , in none more visibly then the neighbouring City of Ledan , the principal seat and Signory of the Dukes of Bovillon : Out of which Franciscus Auratus a most faithfull Minister of that Church , is said to have been shamefully ejected for no other reason , by those of the Calvinian party , but because , preaching on the Text of St. James 1. 13. God tempteth no man , &c. he largely declared , that God was not the Author of sin . With what severity they proceeded in England , when they had gotten the advantage of Power and Number , and with what Calumnies and Reproaches they aspersed all those which were of a contrary perswasion to them ; the sequestring and ejecting of so many hundreds of learned and religious men from their severall Benefices , the most odious Pamphlet called , The First CENTURY of SCANDALOVS and MALIGNANT PRIESTS , together with many uncharitable and disgracefull passages against them , in the Writings of some Presbyterian Ministers , do most clearly evidence . CHAP. VI. Objections made against the Doctrine of the Remonstrants , the Answers unto all , and the retorting of some of them on the Opposite Party . I. An Introduction to the said Objections . II. The first Objection , touching their being enemies to the Grace of God , disproved in generall , by comparing the Doctrine with that of S. Augustine , though somewhat more favourable to Free Will then that of Luther . III. A more particular Answer , in relation to some hard Expressions , which were used of them by King James . IV. The second charging it as Introductive of Popery , begun in Holland , and pressed more importunately in England , answered both by Reason and Experience to the contrary of it . V. The third , as filling men with spirituall pride , first answered in relation to the testimony from which it was taken , and then retorted on those who object the same . VI. The fourth Charge , making the Remonstrants a factious and seditious people , begun in Holland , prosecuted in England , and answered in the generall by the most Religious Bishop Ridly . VII . What moved King James to think so ill of the Remonstrants , as to exasperate the States against them . VIII . The Remonstrants neither so troublesome nor so chargeable to the States themselves , as they are made by the Assertor ; the indirect proceedings of the Prince of Orange , viz. the death of Barnevelt , and the injustice of the Argument in charging the practises of his Children , and the Prince upon all the party . IX . Nothing in the Arminian Doctrine , which may incline a man to seditious courses , as it is affirmed and proved to be in the Calvin . X. The Racrimination further proved by a passage in the Conference of the Lord Treasurer Burleigh with Queen Eliz. in a Letter of some of the Bishops to the Duke of Buckingham , and in that of Dr. Brooks to the late Archbishop . XI . More fully prosecuted , and exemplified , by Campney's an old English Protestant . XII . A Transition to the Doctrine of the Chrurch of England . I. IT may be thought , that some strange mystery of iniquity , lay hidden under the Mask or Vail of the Five Articles last mentioned , which m●de the Synodists so furiously to rage against them ; to use such cruelty ( for severity is too milde a name to expresse their ●igor ) towards all those who did maintain them . For justifying whereof in the eye of the World , both before , and after the Synod , course was taken to impeach their Doctrine in these points of no smaller crimes , then to be destructive of ●ods Grace , introductory of Popery , tending unto spiritual pride , and to Sedition or Rebellion in the Civil Government . Which Objections I shall here present , as I have done the Arguments of most importance which were Excogitated , and enforced against the Conclusions , and Determinations of the Synod in the said five poynts ; and that being done , I shall return such Answers as are made unto them . II. First then it is objected , that this Doctrine is destructive of Gods Free Grace , reviving the old Pelagian Heresies , so long since condemned . This is press'd by Boyerman , in his Annotations on the book of Grotius , called Pietas Ordinum , &c. where he brings in Pareus , charging them , with having proceeded E Schola Caelestii & Pelagii , from no other School , then that of Pelagius , and Caelestius , those accursed Hereticks . Thycius another of the Contra-Remonstrants , but somewhat more moderate then the rest in this particular , conceives their Doctrine to incline rather to Semi-Pelagianisme , Et aut candem esse , aut non multo diversam , and either to be the very same , or not much different . But the authority of King James was of greatest weight , who in his heats against Vorstius , calls them the Enemies of Gods grace , Atheisticall Sectaries , and more particularly , the Enemy of God Arminius , as the King once called him . To which Objection it is answered , that whatsoever Pareus and the rest might please to call them , they had but little reason for it ; the Remonstrants speaking as honourably of the Grace of God as any other whatsoever . And this they prove , by comparing the first branch of the Fourth Article , with that Golden saying of St. Augustine , viz. Sine gratia Dei praeveniente ut velimus , & subsequente ne frustra velimus , ad pietatis opera nil valemus ; that is to say , that we may will the things which are good , and following or assisting , that we do not will them to no purpose , we are not able to do any thing in the works of piety . And by comparing the said Clause with St. Augustines words , it cannot easily be discerned , why the one party should be branded for the Enemies of the Grace of God , while the other is honoured as the chief Patron , and Defender of it . It can not be denyed , but that they ascribe somewhat more ●o the will of man , then some of the rigid Lutherans and Calvinians doe , who will have a man drawn forcibly , and irresistably ▪ with the cords of Grace , velut in animatum quiddam , like a senselesse stock , without contributing any thing to his own salvation . But then it must be granted also , that they ascribe no more unto it , then what may stand both with the Grace and Justice of Almighty God , according to that Divine saying of St. Augustine , viz. Si non est gratia Dei quomodo salvat mundum ? Si non est liberum arbitrium , quomodo judicat mundum ? Were it not for the Grace of God , no man could be saved , and were there not a freedome of will in man , no man with justice could be condemned . III. And as for the Reproachfull words which King James is noted to have spoken of them , it hath been said ( with all due reverence to the Majesty of so great a Prince ) that he was then transported with prejudice or particular Interesse ; and therefore that there lay an Appeal , ( as once to Philip King of Macedon , ) from the King being not then well informed , to the same King , whensoever he should be better informed . Touching their proceedings , it was observed , 1. That he had his Education in the Kirk of Scotland , where all the Heterodoxies of Calvin were received as Gospel , and therefore could not so suddenly cast off those opinions , which he suckt in as it were with his Mothers Milk. 2. He was much governed at that time by Dr. Mountague , then Bishop of Bath and Wells , and Dean of his Majesties Chappell Royall , who having been a great Stickler in the Predestinarian Controversies , when he lived in Cambridge , thought it his best way , to beat down all such Opinions by Kingly Authority , which he could not over-bear by the strength of Arguments . And thirdly , that K. James had then a turn to serve for the Prince of Orange , of which more anon , which turn being served , and Mountague dying not long after , his ears lay open to such further informations as were offered to him , which drew him to a better liking both of the Men and their Opinions then he had formerly entertained of either of them . IV. It is objected secondly , that these Doctrines symbolize so much with the Church of Rome , that they serve only for a Bridge for Popery to passe over , into any Church , into which they can obtain admittance . This Calumny first laid upon them in a Declaration of the States Generall , against Barnevelt before remembred ; wherein they charge him with a design of confederating with the Spaniard , to change the Religion of those Countreys , and countenancing to that end the Arminian party , as his fittest Instruments ; which clamor being first raised in Holland , was afterwards much cherished , and made use of , by the Puritan , or Calvinian party amongst us in England . By one of which it is alleadged , that Mr. Pym being to make a report to the House of Commons , An. 1626. touching the Books of Richard Mountague , after Bishop of Chichester , affirmed expressely , that the whole scope of his Booke was to discourage the well-affected in Religion , and as much as in him lay , to reconcile them unto Popery . He gives us secondly , a Fragment of a scattered Paper , pretended to be written to the Rector of the Jesuites Colledge in Bruxells ; in which , the Writer lets him know , that they had strongly fortified their Faction here in England , by planting the Soveraign Drug Arminianisme , which he hoped would purge the Protestants from their Heresie . Thirdly , he backs this Paper with a Clause in the Remonstrance of the House of Commons , 1628. where it is said that the hearts of his Majesties Subjects were perplexed in beholding the daily growth and spreading of the Faction of Arminianisme , that being , as his Majesty well knew , ( so they say at least but a cunning way to bring in Popery . To all which , being but the same words out of divers mouths , it is answered , first , That the points which are now debated between the Calvinians and the old Protestants in England ; between the Remonstrants , and the Contra-Remonstrants in the Belgick Churches ; and finally between the rigid and moderate Lutherans in the upper Germany , have been as fiercely agitated , between the Franciscans and the Dominicans in the Church of Rome : The old English Protestants , the Remonstrants , and the moderate Lutherans , agreeing in these points with the Franciscans ; as the English Calvinists , the Contra-Remonstrants , and the rigid Lutherans do with the Dominicans : So that there is a compliance on all sides with one of the said two differing parties in the Church of Rome . And therefore why a generall complyance in these poynts with the Fryers of St. Dominick , the principall sticklers & promoters of that Inquisition , should not be thought as ready a way to bring in Popery , as any such complyance with the Fryers of St. Francis , he must be a very wise man indeed which can give the reason . Secondly , it is answered , that the Melanctonian or moderate Lutherans which make up infinitely the greatest part of the Lutheran Churches , agree in these points with the Jesuites or Franciscan Fryers , and yet are still as far from relapsing to the Church of Rome , as when they made the first separation from it . And therefore thirdly , that if Arminianisme , as they call it , be so ready a Bridge for passing over to Popery , it would be very well worth the knowing , how and by what means it should come to passe , that so few of the Remonstrants in the Belgick Provinces , and none of those whom they call Arminians in the Church of England , should in so long a time pass over that Bridge , notwithstanding all the Provocations of want and scorn , which were put upon the one , and have been since multiplyed upon the other . V. In the next place , it is objected , that the Arminian Doctrines , naturally incline a man to the sin of pride , in attributing so much to the power of his own will , & so little to the Grace of God , in choosing both the means , and working out of the end of his own salvation . And for the proof hereof , a passage is alleadged out of the History of the Councell of Trent , that the first opinion , ( that is to say , the Doctrin of Predestination , according to the opinion of the Dominican Fryers ) as it is hidden and mysticall , keeping the minde humble , and relying on God , without any confidence in it self knowing the deformity of Sin , and the excellency of Divine Grace ; so the Second ( being that maintained by the Franciscans ) was plausible and popular , and cherished humane presumption , &c. The whole passage we have had before in the Second Chapter , Num. 4. but we shall answer to no more of it then the former Clause . Concerning which , it may be said , that though Father Paul the Author of the History hath filled the Christian World with admiration , yet it is obvious to the eye of any discerning Reader , that in many places he savoureth not so much of the Historian , as he doth of the Party ; and that being carryed by the Interest of his Native Countrey , ( which was the Signory of Venice ) he seldome speaks favourably of the Jesuites , and their adherents , amongst which the Franciscans in these poynts are to be accounted . Secondly , that either Father Paul did mistake himself , or else that his Translator hath mistaken his meaning , in making the Second Opinion to be more pleasing to the Preaching Fryers , then the understanding Divines ; the name of Preaching Fryers , being so appropriated in common speech to those of the Dominican Order , that it is never applyed unto any other . And Thirdly , that the Authority of Father Paul is no otherwise to be embraced in Doctrinall matters , ( what credit soever may be given to him in point of History ) then as it is seconded by Reason . And certainly , if we proceed by the rule of Reason , that Doctrine must needs more cherish humane presumption , which puffeth men up with the certainty of their Election , the infallibility of assisting and persisting Grace , & the impossibility of falling from the attaining of that salvation which they have promised to themselves ; then that which leaves these poynts uncertain , which puts a man to the continuall necessity of calling on God , and working out the way unto his salvation with fear and trembling . He that is once possessed with this perswasion , that all the sins which he can possibly commit , were they as many as have been committed by all Mankinde , since the beginning of the World , are not able to frustrate his Election , or separate him from the love and favour of Almighty God ; will be too apt to swell with Pharisaicall pride , and despise all other men as Heathens and Publicans ; when such poor Publicans as have their minds humble and relying ●n God , will stand aloof , not daring to approach too neer the Divine Majesty , but crying out with God be mercifull unto me a sinner , and yet shall be more justified in the sight of God then the others are ▪ For this we need produce no proof , we finde it in the supercilious looks , in the haughty carriage of those who are so well assured of their own Election ; who cannot so disguise themselves , as not to undervalue and despise all those who are not of the same party , and perswasion with them . A race of men , whose insolence and pride there is no avoyding by a modest submission , whose favour there is no obtaining by good turns , and benefits . Quorum superbiam frustra per modestiam , & obsequium , effugeris , as in another case was said by a Noble Britain . VI. And finally it is objected , ( but the Objection rather doth concern the men , then the Doctrine ) that the Arminians are a Faction , a turbulent , seditious Faction , so found in the United Provinces , from their very first spawning ; not to be suffered by any Reason of State in a Common-wealth . So saith the Author of the Pamphlet called the * Observator observed , and proves it by the wicked conspiracy ( as he calls it ) of Barnevelt , who suffered most condignly ( as he he tells us ) upon that account , 1619. And afterwards by the damnable and hellish plot of Barnevelts Children and Allies , in their designs against the State , and the Prince of Orange . This Information seconded by the Author of the Book called , The Justification * of the Fathers , &c. who tells us , but from whom he knowes not , that the States themselves have reported of them , that they had created them more trouble , then the King of Spain had by all his Warres . And both these backt by the Authority of K. James , who tells us of them in his Declaration against Vorstius , That if they were not with speed rooted out , no other issue could be expected , then the Curse of God , infamy throughout all the Reformed Churches , and a perpetual rent , and distraction in the whole body of the State. This is the substance of the Charge : So old and common , that it was answered long since , by Bishop Ridly in Queen Marys dayes , when the Doctrine of the Protestants was said to be the readiest way to stir up sedition , and trouble the quiet of the Common-wealth ; wherefore to be repressed in time by force of Laws . To which that godly Bishop returns this Answer , " That Satan doth not cease to practise his old guiles and accustomed subtilties : He hath ever this Dart in a readinesse , to whirle against his adversaries , to accuse them of sedition , that he may bring them , if he can , in danger of the Higher Powers ; for so hath he by his Ministers , alwayes charged the Prophets of God. Ahab said unto Elias , art thou he that troubleth Israel . The false Prophets complained also to their Princes of Jeremy ; that his words were seditious , and not to be suffered . Did not the Scribes and Pharises falsly accuse Christ , as a seditious person , and one that spake against Caesar . " Which said , and the like instance made in the Preachings of St. Paul , he concludes it thus , viz. But how far they were from all sedition , their whole Doctrine , Life and Conversation doth well declare . And this being said in reference to the Charge in generall , the Answer to each part thereof is not far to seek . VII . And first it hath been answered to that part of it which concerns King James , that the King was carried in this business , not so much by the clear light of his most excellent understanding , as by Reason of State ; the Arminians ( as they call them ) were at that time united into a party , under the command of John Olden Barnevelt , and by him used ( for the reasons formerly laid down ) to undermine the power of Maurice then Prince of Orange , who had made himself the Head of the Contra-Remonstrants , and was to that King a most dear Confederate . Which Division in the Belgick Provinces , that King considered as a matter of most dangerous consequence , and utterly destructive of that peace , unity and concord , which was to be the greatest preservation of the States Vnited ; on whose tranquillity and power , he placed a great part of the peace and happiness of his own Dominions . Upon which reason , he exhorrs them in the said Declaration , to take heed of such infected persons ; their own Countrey-men being already divided into Factions , upon this occasion , which was a matter ( as he saith ) so opposite to unity ( which was indeed the only prop and safety of their State , next under God ) as of necessity it must by little and little bring them to utter ruine , if justly and in time they did not provide against it . So that K. James considering the present breach , as tending to the utter ruine of those States , and more particularly of the Prince of Orange , his most dear Allye ; he thought it no small piece of King-craft , to contribute toward the suppression of the weaker party ; not only by blasting them in the said Declaration , with reproachfull names , but sending such Divines to the Assembly at Dort , as he was sure would be sufficiently active in their condemnation . VIII . So that part of the Argument which is borrowed from the States themselve● , it must be proved by some better evidence , then the bare word of Mr. Hickman , before it can deserve an answer ; the speech being so Hyperbolicall ( not to call it worse ) that it can hardly be accounted for a flower of Rhetorick . The greatest trouble which the States themselves were put to all this businesse , was , for the first eight years of it , but the hearing of Complaints , receiving of Remonstrances , and being present at a Conference between the parties . And for the last four years , ( for it held no longer ) their greatest trouble was to finde out a way to forfeit all their old and Native Priviledges in the dea●h of Barnevelt , for maintenance whereof they had first took up Arms against the Spaniard . In all which time , no blood at all was drawn by the Sword of War , and but the blood of 5 or 6 men only , by the Sword of Justice , admitting Barnevelts for one : Whereas their warres with Spain had lasted above thrice that time , to the sacking of many of their Cities , the loss of at least 100000. of their own lives , and the expense of many millions of Treasure . And as for Barnevelt , if he had committed any Treason against his Countrey , by the Laws of the same Countrey he was to be tryed . Contrary whereunto , the Prince of Orange having got him into his power , put him over to be judged by certain Delegates , commissionated by the States Generall , who by the Laws of the Union , can pretend unto no Authority over the Life and Limb of the meanest subject . Finally , for the conspiring of Barnevelts Children , it concerns only them whose design it was . Who to revenge his death , so unworthily and unjustly contrived , and ( as they thought ) so undeservedly , and against their Laws , might fall upon some desperate Councels , and most unjustifiable courses in pursuance of it . But what makes this to the Arminian and Remonstrant party ? Or doth evince them for a turbulent and seditious Faction , not to be suffered by any Reason of State in a well-ordered Common-wealth . Barnevelts Kindred might be faulty , the Arminians innocent , or the Arminians faulty , in their practise against the life of the Prince of Orange , under and by whom they had suffered so many oppressions ; without involving those in their Crimes and Treasons , who hold the same Opinion with them in their Neighbouring Churches . IX . The reason is , because there is nothing in the Doctrine of the Arminians , ( as it relates to the Five points in difference ) which can dispose the Professors of it to any such practises . And therefore if the Arminians should have proved as turbulent and seditious as their enemies made them , yet we were not to impute it to them , as they were Arminians , that is to say , as men following the Melanctonian way , of Predestination , and differing in those points from the rest of the Calvinists , but as exasperated , and provoked , and forced to cast themselves upon desperate courses , Quae libertatis arma dat ipse dolor , in the Poets language . But so some say , it is not with the Doctrine of the other party by which mens actions are so ordered & predetermined by the eternall will of God , even to the taking up of a straw , as before was said , ut nec plus boni nec minus mali , that it is neither in their power , to do more good , or commit less evil then they do . And then according to that Doctrine , all Treasons , Murders and Seditions , are to be excused , as unavoydable in them , who commit the same , because it is not in their power not to be guilty of those Treasons or Seditions which the fire and fury of the Sect shall inflame them with . And then to what end should Princes make Laws , or spend their whole endeavors in preserving the publick Peace , when notwithstanding all their cares , and travails to prevent the mischief , things could no otherwise succeed , then as they have been predetermined by the will of God. And therefore the best way would be , ( Sinere res vadere quo vult ( in the Latin of an old Spanish Monke ) to let all matters go as they will , since we cannot make them go as we would ; according to that counsell of the good old Poet. Solvite mortales animos , curisque levate , Totque super vacuis animum deplete querelis : Fata regunt Orbem , certa stant omnia lege . That is to say , Discharge thy soul poor man of vexing fears , And ease thy self of all superfluous cares . The World is governed by the Fates , and all Affairs , by Heaven's decree , do stand or fall . X. To this effect , it is reported , that the old Lord Burleigh should discourse with Queen Eliz. when he was first acquainted with the making of the Lambeth Articles * . Not pleased wherewith , he had recourse unto the Queen , letting her see how much her Majesties Authority , and the Laws of the Realm were thereby violated , and it was no hard matter to discern what they aimed at , who had most stickled in the same . For saith he , this is their opinion and Doctrine ; that every Humane action , be it good or evil , it is all restrained and bound up by the Law of an immutable decree ; that upon the very wills of men also , this necessity is imposed , ut aliter quam vellent homines , velle non possent , that men could not will otherwise then they did will. Which Opinions , saith he , Maddam , if they be true , Frustra ego aliique fideles Majestatis tuae ministri , &c. then I and the rest of your Majesties faithfull Ministers do sit in Councel to no purpose , 't is in vain to deliberate and advise about the affairs of your Realm ; Cum de his quae eveniunt necessario , stulta sit plane omnis consultatio , since in those things that come to passe of necessity , all consultation is foolish , and ridiculous . To which purpose it was also press'd by the Bishop of Rochester , Oxon and St. Davids , in a Letter to the Duke of Buckingham concerning Mountagues Appeal , An. 1625. * In which it is affirmed , that they cannot conceive what use there can be of Civil Government in the Common-wealth , or of Preaching , and externall Ministry in the Church ; if such fatal Opinions , as some which are opposite & contrary to those delivered by Mr. Mountague , shall be publickly taught and maintained . More plainly and particularly charged by Dr. Brooks , once Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge , in a Letter * to the late Archbishop , bearing date Decemb. 15. 1630. in which he writes , that their Doctrines of Predestination , is the root of Puritanisme , and Puritanisme is the root of all Rebellions , and disobedient untractablenesse in Parliaments , &c. and of all Schisme and sawcinesse in the Countrey , nay in the Church it self ; making many thousands of our people , and too great a part of the Gentlemen of the Land very Leightons in their hearts ; which Leighton had published not long before , a most pestilent and seditious Book against the Bishops , called Sions Plea , in which he excited the people to strike the Bishops under the fifth rib , reviling the Queen by the name of a Daughter of Heth ; and for the same was after censured in the Star-Chamber , to Pillory , loss of Ears , &c. XI . But because perhaps it may be said , that this is but a new device , excogitated by the malice of these later times , to defame this Doctrine , let us behold what Campneys hath delivered of it in the first or second year of Queen Eliz. at the first peeping of it out to disturb this Church . Where , saith he , who seeth not the distraction of England , to follow this Doctrine ? Who seeth not the confusion of all Common-wealths to depend hereupon ? What Prince may sit safely in the seat of his Kingdome ? What subject may live quietly possessing his own ? What man shall be ruled by the right of Law ? If there Opinions may be perfectly placed in the hearts of the People ? Which Corollary he brings in , in the end of a Discourse touching the Rebellion raised by Martin Cyrnell , and seconded by the Earl of Lincolne , Martin Swarth , and others , against Hen. 7. For , building on the Calvinian Maxim , that as God doth appoint the end , so he appointeth also the means and causes which lead unto it ; he thereupon inferreth , that Martin Swarth , and his men ; according to that Doctrine were destined by God to be slain at the Battle of Stoke . In order whereunto , first Sir Richard Simon the Priest must be appointed and predestinate of God to powre in the pestilent poyson of Privy Conspiracy , and trayterous mischief of vain glory into the heart of Lambert ( his Scholar ) as a cause leading to the same end . Secondly , that he the said Lambert was appointed and predestinate of God to consent and agree unto the pestiferous perswasion of his Master * S. Richard , in the pride of Lucifer , to aspire unto the Royall Throne , as another cause leading to the same end which God ordained . Thirdly , that the Irish men were appointed of God , to be Rebellious Traytors against their Soveraign Lord the King of England , and to maintain the false and fithy quarrell of Lambert , as another cause leading to the same end . Fourthly , that in order to the said end , the Lady Margaret ( sister to K. Edw. 4. ) was appointed and predestinate of God to be a Traytoresse to England , and to imploy all her wits , forces and power ; to the utter destruction of her naturall Countrey : And Fiftly , in particular , that the said Lady Margaret was appointed of God to hi●e the said Martin Swarth and his men , to invade the Realm of England . Sixthly and finally , that the said Martin Swarth , the Earl of Lincoln , the Lord Lorell , the Lord Gerrard , and divers others , Captains of the Rebels , we●e appointed and predestinate of God to be of such valiant courage in maintaining the false quarrel of traytetous Lambert , that they were slain , ( & on the other side , many a brave English mans blood was shed ) at the battell of Stoke , which was the end of this wofull Tragedy . Let them say therefore what they can or will ; this meer necessity which our men te●ch , is the very same which the Stoicks did hold ; which opinion because it destroyed the state of a Common-wealth , was banished out of Rome , as St. Augustine declareth in lib. Quest Vet. & Nov. Testam . XII . And thus the different Judgements of all the other Western Churches , and the severall Subdivisions of them , in the five controverted Points , being laid together , with such Discourses and Disputes , as have occasionally been made ▪ and raised about them , we will next shew to which of the said differing parties the Church of England●●●ms ●●●ms most inclinable , and afterwards proceed in the story of i● . Historia Quinqu - Articularis : OR , A DECLARATION OF THE Judgement OF THE WESTERN CHURCHES ; And more particularly of the CHVRCH of ENGLAND , IN THE Five Controverted Points ; Reproached in these last times by the name of Arminianism . PART II. Containing the Judgement of the Church of England , and the most Eminent Divines thereof in the Reign of King Henry the eighth , and King Edward the sixth . By Peter Heylin D. D. London , Printed for Tho : Johnson , 1660. PART II. The Judgement of the Church of England in the five controverted Points . CHAP. 7. An Introduction to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the points disputed , with the Removal of some rubs which are laid in the way . 1. THe Doctrine of the Homilies , concerning the Endowments of man at his first creation . 2. His miserable fall . 3. And the promised hopes of his Restitution in the Lord Christ Jesus . 4. A general Declaration of the judgement of the Church of England in the points disputed , exemplified in the story of Agilmond and Lamistus , Kings of Lombardy . 5. The contrary iudgement of Wicklif objected , answered , and applied to all modern Heresies . 6. A general answer to the like Argument pretended to be drawn from the Writings of Frith , Tyndall and Barns . But more particularly , 7. The judgement of Dr. Barns in the present points , and the grounds on which he builded the same . 8. Small comfort to be found from the works of Tyndal , in favour of the Calvinian Doctrines . 9. The falsifyings of John Frith and others in the Doctrine of Predestination , reproved by Tyndal . 10. A parallel between some of our first Martyrs , and the blinde man restored to sight in the eighth of Saint Mark. 1. BEing therefore in the next place to declare the Judgement of the Church of England , I shall prepare the way , by laying down her publique Doctrine touching the Fall of Adam , and the Restitution of mankinde in Jesus Christ , that having cleared God from being the Authour of sin , and having laid a sure foundation for the Restitution of Mankinde to Gods grace and favour , and consequently to the hopes of Eternal life , we may proceed with more assurance to the rest that followeth : And this we cannot better do , then by laying down the words of the Homily concerning the Nativity and Birth of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ ; where we finde it thus : ' Among all the Creatures ( saith the Homily ) that God made in the beginning of the world , most excellent and wonderful in their kinde ; there was none ( as the Scripture beareth witness ) to be compared almost in any point unto man ; who as well in body as soul , exceedeth all other no less then the Sun in brightness and light exceedeth every bright and little Star in the Firmament : He was made according to the similitude and image of God , he was endued with all kinde of heavenly gifts , he had not spot of uncleanness in him , he was sound and perfect in all parts , both outwardly and inwardly ; his reason was uncorrupt , his understanding was pure and good , his will was obedient and godly ; he was made altogether like unto God , in righteousness , in holiness , in wisdom , in truth ; to be short , in all kinde of perfection . ' 2. After which , having spoken of mans Temporal 〈◊〉 , relating to the delicacies of the Garden of Eden , and the Dominion which God gave him over all the Creatures ; the Homily doth thus proceed ; viz. ' But as the common nature of all men is in time of prosperity and wealth , to forget not onely themselves , but also God ; even so did this first man Adam , who having but one Commandment at Gods hand ; namely , That he should not eat of the Fruit of Knowledge of Good and Evil ; did notwithstanding most unmindefully , or rather most wilfully break it , in forgetting the strait charge of his Maker , and giving ear to the crafty suggestion of the evil Serpent the Devil ; whereby it came to pass , that as before he was blessed , so now he was accursed ; as before he was loved , so now he was abhorred ; as before he was most beautiful and precious , so now he was most vile and wretched in the sight of his Lord and Maker ; instead of the image of God , he was now become the image of the Devil ; instead of a Citizen of Heaven , he was now become the bond-slave of Hell , having in himself no one part of his former purity and cleanness , but being altogether spotted and defiled ; insomuch , that now he seemed to be nothing else but a lump of sin ; and therefore by the just judgement of God was condemned to everlasting death . ' 3. This being said touching the introduction of the body of Sin the Homily doth first proceed to the propagation and universal spreading of it , and afterwards to the Restitution of lost man by faith in Christ : ' This so great and miserable plague ( for so the Homily proceedeth ) if it had onely rested in Adam who first offended , it had been so much the easier , and might the better have been born ; but it fell not onely on him , but also on his posterity and children for ever ; so that the whole brood of Adams flesh should sustain the self same fall and punishment , which their forefather by his offence most justly had deserved : S. Paul in the fifth to the Romans saith , By the offence of onely Adam , the fault came upon all men to condemnation ; and by one mans disobedience , many were made sinners : By which words we are taught , that as in Adam all men universally sinned , so in Adam all men universally received the reward of sin ; that is to say , became mo●t●l and subject unto 〈…〉 themselves nothing 〈…〉 tion both of body and soul , &c. Had it been any marvel , if mankinde had been utterly driven to desperation , being thus fallen from life to death , from salvation to destruction , from Heaven to Hell ! But behold the great goodness and tender mercy of God in this behalf ! albeit mans wickedness and sinful behaviour was such , that it deserved not in any part to be forgiven ; yet to the intent he might not be clean destitute of all hope and comfort in time to come , he ordained a new Covenant , and made a sure promise thereof ; namely , that he would send a Mediator , or Messias into the world , which should make intercession , and put himself as a stay between both parties , to pacifie the wrath and indignation conceived against sin , and to deliver man out of the miserable curse , and cursed misery whereunto he was fallen head-long , by disobeying the Will and Commandment of the onely Lord and Maker . ' 4. Which ground thus laid , we will proceed unto the Doctrine of Predestination , according to the sense and meaning of the Church of England ; which teacheth us ( according to the general current of the ancient Authors before Augustines time ) that God from all Eternity intending to demonstrate his power and goodness , designed the Creation of the World , the making of man after his own image , and leaving him so made , in a perfect liberty to do or not to do what he was commanded , and that fore-knowing from all Eternity , the man abusing this liberty , would plung himself and his posterity into a gulf of miseries ; he graciously resolved to provide them such a Saviour , who should redeem them from their sins , to elect all those to life eternal who laid hold upon him , leaving the rest in the same state in which he found them for their incredulity . And this I take to be the method of Election unto life Eternal , through Jesus Christ our Lord , according to the Doctrine of the Church of England : For although there be neither prius nor posterius in the will of God , who sees all things at once together , and willeth at the first sight without more delay ; yet to apply his acts unto our capacitie , as were the acts of God in their right production , so were they primitively in his intention : But Creation without p 〈…〉 did forego the fall ; and the disease or death which ensued upon it , was of necessity to be , before there could be a course taken to prescribe the care ; and the prescribing of the care must first be finished , before it could be offered to particular persons . Of which , and of the whole Doctrine of Predestination , as before declared , we cannot have an happier illustration then that of Agilmond and Lamistus in the Longobardia● story of Paul the Deacon : In which it is reported , That Agilmond the second King of Lombard , riding by a fish-pond , saw seven young children sprawling in it , whom their unnatural mothers ( as the Author thinketh ) had thrown into it not long before . Amazed whereat , he put his hunting spear amongst them , and sti●●ed them gently up and down ; which one of them laying hold on , was drawn to land , called Lamistus , from the word Lama , which is the language of that people , and signifies a fish-pond ; Trained up in that Kings Court , and finally , made his Successor in the Kingdom . Granting that Agilmond being forewarned in a vision , that he should finde such children sprawling for life in the midst of that pond , might thereupon take a resolution within himself to put his hunting ●pear amongst them , and the which of them soever should lay hold upon it , should be gently drawn out of the water , adopted for his son , and made heir of his Kingdom ; no Humane story can afford us the like parallel case to Gods proceeding in the great work of Predestination to Eternal life , according to the Doctrine of the ancient Fathers ▪ and the Church of Rome , as also of the Lutheran Churches , and those of the Arminian party in the Belgick Provinces . 5. Now that this was the Doctrine also of the Church of England , will easily appear upon a due search into the Monuments and Records thereof , as they stand backed by those learned , religious men , who had a principal hand in carrying on the great work of the Reformation . Among which , those of the Calvinian party would fain hook in Wicklif , together with Fryth , Barns and Tyndal , which can by no means be brought under that account , though some of them deserved well of the Churches for the times they lived in . They that desire to hook in Wicklif , do first confess that he stands accused by those of the Church of Rome for bringing in Fatal Necessity , and making God the Author of sin ; and then conclude , that therefore it may be made a probable guess , that there was no disagreement between him and Calvin : The cause of which Argument stands thus , That there being an agreement in these points betwixt Wicklif and Calvin ; and the Reformers of our Church embracing the Doctrines of Wicklif ; therefore they must embrace the Doctrines of Calvin also . But first , it cannot be made good that our Reformers embraced the Doctrines of Wicklif , or had any eye upon the man ; who though he held many points against those of Rom , yet had his field more tares then wheat ; his books more Hetrodoxies , then sound Catholick Doctrine . And secondly , admitting this Argument to be of any force in the present case , it will as warrantably serve for all the Sects and Heresies which now swarm amongst us , as well as for that of Calvin ; Wicklif affording them the grounds of their several dotages , though possibly they are not so well studied in their own concernments : For they who consult the works of Thomas Waldensis , or the Historia Wicklifiana , writ by Hartsfield , will tell us that Wicklif , amongst many other errours , maintained these that follow : 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of Bread. 2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments then Lay-men hav● . 3. That all things ought to be common . 4. That it is as lawful to Christen a childe in a Tub of water at home , or in a Ditch by the way , as in a Font-stone in the Churches . 5. That it is as lawful at all times to confess unto a Lay-man , as to a Priest . 6. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in , or to do any Divine Service in . 7. That burying in Church-yards is unprofitable , and in vain . 8. That Holy Days ordained and instituted by the Church , ( and taking the Lords Day in for one ) are not to be observ●d and kept in reverenc● , inasmuch as all days are alike . 9. That it is sufficient and enough to believe , though a man do no good works at all . 10. That no Humane Laws or Constitutions do oblige a Christian . 11. And finally , That God never gave grace nor knowledge to a great person or rich man , and that they in no wise f●llow the same . What Anabaptists , Brownists , Ranters , Quakers , may not as well pretend that our first Reformers were of their Religion , as the Calvinists can , if Wicklifs Doctrine be the rule of our Reformation : Which because possibly it may obtain the less belief , if they were found only in the works of Harpsfield and Waldensis before remembred , the Reader may look for them in the catalogue of those Mala Dogm●ta complained of by the Prolocutor in the Convocation , An. 1536. to have been publikely preached , printed and professed by some of Wicklifs Followers ; for which , consult the Church History , lib. 4. fol. 208. and there he shall be sure to finde them . 6. It is alledged in the next place , that the Calvinistical Doctrines in these points , may be found in the writings of John Frith , William Tyndall , and Dr. Barns , collected into one volume , and printed by J●ha Day , 1563. of which the first suffered death for his conscience , An. 1533. the second , An. 1536. and the third , An. 1540. called therefore by Mr. Fox in a Preface of his before the Book , the Ring-leaders of the Church of England : And thereupon it is inferred , that the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination must be the same with that which was embraced and countenanced by the first Reformers . But first , admitting that they speak as much in Honour of Calvins Doctrine as can be possibly desired , yet being of different judgements in the points disputed , and not so Orthodox in all others as might make them any way considerable in the Reformation , it is not to be thought that either their writings or opinions should be looked on by us for our direction in this case . Barns was directly a Dominican in point of Doctrine ; Frith soared so high upon the wing , and quite out-flew the mark , that Tyndal thought it not unfit to call him down , and lure him back unto his pearch ; and as for Tyndal , he declares himself with such care , and caution , excepting one of his flyings out against Freewil , that nothing to their purpose can be gathered from him . Secondly , I do not look on Mr. Fox as a competent Judge in matters which concern the Church of England , the Articles of whose Confession he refused to subscribe , he being thereunto required by Archbishop Pa●ker ; and therefore Tyndal , Frith and Barns not to be hearkned to the more for his commendation . Thirdly ; if the testimony of Frith and Tyndall be of any force for defence of the Calvinists , the Anti-Sabbatarians may more justly make use of it in defence of themselves , against the new Sabbath speculations of Dr. Bond and his adherents , embraced more passionately of late then any Article of Religion here by Law established : Of which the first declares the Lords day to be no other than an Ecclesiastical Institution , or Church Ordinance ; the last , that it is still changeable from one day to another , if the Church so please : For which consult the Hist . of Sab. l. 2. c. 8. Let Frith and Tyndal be admitted as sufficient witnesses when they speak against the new Sabbath Doctrines , or not admitted when they speak in behalf of Calvins , and then I am sure his followers will lose more on the one side , th●n they gained on the other , and will prove one of the crossest bargains to them which they ever made . And then it is in the fourth place to be observed , that the greatest treasury of learning which those and the Famerlines could boast of , was lockt up in the Cloisters of the Begging Friers , of which the Franciscans were accounted the most nimble Disputants , the Dominicans the most diligent and painful Preachers ; the Augustinians for the most part siding with the one , and the Carmilites or White Friers joyning with the other ; so that admitting Frith and Tindal to maintain the same Doctrine in these points , which afterwards was held forth by Calvin , yet possibly they maintained them not as any points of Protestant Doctrine , in opposition to the errours of the Church of Rome ( which had not then declared it self on either side ) but as the received opinions of the Dominican Friers , in opposition to the Franciscans . The Doctrine of which Dominican Friers , by reason of their diligent preaching , had met with more plausible entertainment , not onely amongst the inferiour sort of people , but also amongst many others of parts and learning . 7. And as for Barns , the far most learned of the three , he had been once Prior of the Augustinian Friers in Cambridge , whose Doctrines he had sucked in at his first coming thither , and therefore might retain them to the very last , without relation to the Zuinglian or Calvinian Tenents , or any differences then on foot between the Protestant Doctors and the Church of Rome : Besides , being of the same Order which Luther had quitted , the might the more willingly encline to Luthers first opinion touching servitude of the will , mans inability in cooperating with the grace of God , and being forcibly drawn in his own conversion , velut inanimatum quiddam , like a stock or stone , in which he was tenaciously followed by the rigid Lutherans , though he had afterwards changed his judgement touching that particular : So that beholding Dr. Barns either as one that followed Luther in his first opinions , or travelled the Dominican way in the present points as an Augustinian , it is no marvel if we finde somewhat in his writings agreeable to the palate of the Calvinists and rigid Lutherans . From whence it is that laying down the Doctrine of Predestination he * discourseth thus ; viz. ' But yet sayest thou , that he giveth to the one mercy , and the other none . I answer , what is that to thee ? is not his mercy his own ? is it not lawful for him to give it to whom he will ? is thine eye evil because his is good ? take that which is thine , and go thy way ; for if he will shew his wrath , and make his power known over the vessels of wrath , ordained to damnation ; and to declare the riches of his glory unto the vessels of mercy , which he hath prepared and elected unto glory ; what hast thou therewith to do ? — * But here will subtil blindeness say , God saw before that Jacob should do good , and therefore did he chuse him ; he saw also that Esau should do evil , therefore did he condemn him . Alas for blindness ! what will you judge of that which God foresaw ? how know we that God saw that ? and if he saw it , how know we that it was the cause of Jacobs Election ? These children being unborn , they had done neitheir good nor bad , and yet one of them is chosen , and the other is refused : S. Paul knoweth no other cause but the will of God , and will you needs discuss another . He saith not , I will have mercy on him that I see shall do good ; but , I will shew mercy to whom I will : He saith not , I will have compassion on him that shall deserve it de congruo ; but , Of him of whom I will have compassion . ' Now as he followeth the Dominicans or rigid Lutherans , in laying down the grounds and method of Predestination ; so he draws more to them also , and the Zuinglians also , touching Gods workings on the will , then possibly may be capable of a good construction . * ' God , saith he , of his Infinite power , letteth nothing to be exempted from him , but all things to be subject unto his action ; and nothing can be done by them , but by his principal motion : So that he worketh in all manner of things , that be either good or bad , not changing their nature , but onely moving them to work after their natures : So that good worketh good , and evil worketh evil , and God useth them both as instruments , and yet doth he nothing evil , but evil is done alone through the will of man : God working by him ( but not evil ) as by an instrument . ' Which last Position ( notwithstanding all the subtilty in the close thereof ) how far it is from making God to be the Author of sin , I leave to be determined by men of more Scholastical and Metaphysical heads , then my simplicity can pretend to . 8. For Tyndal next , though I shall not derogate in any thing from his great pains in translating the Bible , nor from the glory of his suffering in defence of those truths for which he dyed ; yet there were so many Heterodoxes in the most of his writings , as render them no fit rule for a Reformat on , no more then those of Wicklif before remembred ; the number and particulars whereof , I had rather the Reader should look for in the Acts and Monuments , where they are mustered up together ( about the latter end of the Reign of King Henry the eighth ) then expect them here . That which occureth in him touching Predestinat on , is no more then this ; 1. ' Grace * ( saith he ) is properly Gods favour , benevolence , or kinde minde , which of his own self , without our deservings , he reacheth to us , whereby he was moved and inclined to give Christ unto us , with all other gifts of Grace . ' Which having told us in his Preface to St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans ; he telleth us not long after , that in the 9 , 10 , 11. Chapters of the Epistle , the Apostle teacheth us of Gods Predestination ; ' From whence it springeth altogether whether we shall believe or not believe , be loosed from sin , or not be loosed : By which Predestination , our Justifying and Salvation are clear taken out of our hands , and put into the hands of God onely , which thing is most necessary of all ; for we are so weak , and so uncertain , that if it stood in us , there would of truth no man be saved ; the Devil no doubt would deceive him ; but now God is sure of his Predestination , neither can any man withstand or let him ; else why do we hope and sigh against sin ? ' Discoursing in another place of the act the will hath on the understanding , he telleth us , ' that the will of man followeth the wit ; that as the wit erreth , so doth the will ; and as the wit is in captivity , so is the will ; neither is it possible that the will should be free , when the wit is in bondage , &c. — as I erre in my wit , so I erre in my will ; when I judge that to be evil which is good , then indeed do I hate that which is good ; and then when I perceive that which is good to be evil , then indeed do I love the evil . ' Finally , in the heats of his Disputation with Sir Thomas Moor , who had affirmed , That men were to endeavour themselves , and captivate their understandings , if they would believe . He first crys out , ' How Beetle-blinde is fleshly reason ! and then subjoyns , that the will hath no operation at all in the working of faith in my soul , no more then the childe hath in begetting of his father ; for , saith Paul , it is the gift of God , and not of us ; my wit must conclude good or bad , yet my will can leave or take ; my wit must shew me a true or an apparent cause why , yet my will have any working at all . ' 9. I had almost forgot John Frith , and if I had , it had been no great loss to our rigid Calvinists ; who not content to guide themselves in these disputes by Gods will revealed , have too audaciously pried into the Ark of Gods Secret Counsels ; of which spirit I conceive this Frith to be ; not that I finde him such in any of his writings extant with the other two , but that he is affirmed for such , in a letter of Tyndalls directed to him under the borrowed name of Jacob : For in the collection of his pieces , neither the Index nor the Margent direct us unto any thing which concerns this Argument , though to the writings of the others they give a clearer sense ( howsoever made then ) in favour of the Calvinian party , then the books themselves , or possibly was ever meant by the men that made them : * Now Tyndals Letter is as followeth ; Dearly beloved Jacob , my hearts desire in our Saviours Jesus is , That you arm your self with patience , and be bold , sober , wise and circumspect ; and that you keep you a low by the ground , avoiding high questions that pass the common capacity ; but expound the Law truly , and open the Rule of Moses , to condemn all fl●sh , and prove all men sinners , and all deeds under the Law ( before mercy hath taken away the condemnation thereof ) to be sin , and damnable : And then as a faithful Minister , s●t abroach the mercy of our Lord Jesus , and let the wounded consciences drink of the water of life : And then shalt your preaching be with power , not as the Doctrine of Hypocrites , and the Spirit of God shall work with you , and all consciences shall bear record unto you , and feel that it is so : And all doctrine that casteth a mist on these two , to shadow and hide them , I mean , the Law of God , and mercy of Christ , that resist you with all your power . Of him it is , or of such high Climers as he was , who we finde Tyn-speaking in another place : ' But here ( saith he ) we must set a mark upon those unquiet , busie , and high-climing wits , how far they shall go ; which first of all bring hither their high reasons and pregnant wits , and begin first from on high to search the bottomless secrets of Gods Predestination , whether they be predestinated or no : These must needs either cast themselves headlong down into desperation , or else commit themselves to free chance careless : But follow thou the order of this Epistle , and nuzzel thy self with Christ , and learn to understand the Law and the Gospel means , and the office of both , that thou mayest in the one know thy self , and how thou hast of thy self no strength but to sin ; and in the other the grace of Christ ; and then see thou fight against sin and the flesh , as the seven first Chapters teach thee . ' Of these high flyings , Lawbert , another of our Martyrs , was endicted also , who as he would not plead Not guilty , so he stood not mute , but bound to the Endictment in this manner following ; ' Unto the Article ( * saith he ) whether it be good or evil , cometh of necessity , that is ( as you construe it ) to wit , whether a man hath freewill , so that he may deny joy or pain : I say ( as I said at the beginning ) that unto the first part of your Riddle , I neither can nor will give any definitive answer , forsomuch as it surmounteth my capacity , trusting that God will send hereafter others that be of better cunning then I to endire it . ' 10. If there be any thing in this which may give any comfort to our rigid Calvinists , much good do them with it ; and if they meet with any in the former passages , let them look back upon the answers before laid down , and then consider with themselves what they have got by the adventure , or whether Tynd●ll , Barn● , and Fr●th , conjunct or separate , may be considered as a rule to our first Reformers ; which having done , I would have them finally observe the passage in the eighth of S. Mark , where the blinde man , whom our Saviour at B●thsaida restored to his sight , at the first opening of his eyes said , he saw men as trees walking ; that is to say , he saw men walking as trees , quasi dicat Homines quos ambulantes video , non homines , sed arbores mihi videntur ; as we read in Maldi●nale : By which the blinde man declared ( saith he ) se quidem videre aliquid , imperfecte tamen videre , cum inter homines & arbores distingure non posset : I discern somewhat said the poor man , but so imperfectly , that I am not able to distinguish between trees and men : Such an imperfect sight as this might these Martyrs have , in giving unto men no greater power of walking in the ways of Gods Commandments , then as if they had been senseless trees , or liveless shadows : And such an imperfect sight as this the Lord gave many times to those whom he recovered out of the Egyptian darkness of Popish Errours , who not being able to discern all divine truths at the first opening of the eyes of their understanding , were not to be a Rule or President to those that followed and lived under a brighter beam of illumination . Finally , taking all for granted as to the judgement of these men in the points disputed , which the Calvinians can desire and pretend unto , and leting them enjoy the title which Mr. Fox hath given them , of being called the Ring-leaders of the Church of England ( which Bi●ney , Byfield , Lambert , Garet , or any other of our ancient Martyrs may aswel lay claim to ) yet as they suffered death before the publike undertaking of the Reformation under E. 6. so nothing was ascribed to their Authority by the first Reformers . CHAP. VIII . Of the Preparatives to the Reformation , and the Doctrine of the Church in the present points . 1. THe danger of ascribing too much to our ancient Martyrs , &c. exemplified in the parity of Ministers and popular elections unto Benefices , allowed by Mr. John Lambert . 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgement by our first Reformers , but much to the Augustine Confession , the writings of Melancthon . 3. And to the Authority of Erasmus , his Paraphrases being commended to the use of the Church by King Edward the sixth , and the Reasons why . 4. The Bishops B●ok in order to a Reformation , called , The institution of a Christian man , commanded by King Henry the eigth , 1537. corrected afterwards with the Kings own hand , examined and allowed by Cranmer , approved by Parliament , and finally , published by the name of Necessary doctrine , &c. An. 1543. 5. The Doctrine of the said two books in the points disputed , agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward the sixth . 6. Of the two Liturgies made in the time of King Edward the sixth , and the manner of them ; the testimony given unto the first , and the alterations in the second . 7. The first Book of Homilies , by whom made , approved by Bucer , and of the Argument that may be gathered from the method of it in the points disputed . 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the Book of Articles , with the Harmony or consent in Judgement between Archbishop Cramner , Bishop Ridley , Bishop Hooper , &c. 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles , touching the five controverted points . 10. An answer to the Objection against these Articles , for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them . 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism , mistaken for an Objection against the Articles , refelled , as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr , and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee . 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensive or ambiguous terms to please all parties , but to be understood in the respective , literal and Grammatical sense , and the Reasons why . 1. I Have the longer stood upon the answering of this Objection , to satisfie and prevent all others of the like condition , in case it should be found on a further search , that any of our godly Martyrs , or learned Writers , who either suffered death before the Reign of Edw. 6. or had no ha●d in the carrying on of the Reformation , embraced any opinions in Doctrine or Discipline contrary to the established Rules of the Church of England : For otherwise , as we must admit all Tyndalls Heterodoxies , and Friths high flying conce●ts of Predestination , which before we touch'd at , so must we also allow a Parity , or an Identity rather in Priests and Bishops , because John Lambert ( another of our godly Martyrs ) did conceive so of it . ' In the primitive Church ( saith he ) there were no more Officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons ; that is to say , Ministers , as witnesseth , beside Scripture , S. Hierom in his Commentaries on the Epistles of S. Paul ; Whereas ( saith he ) that those whom we now call Priests , were all one , and no other but Bishops , and the Bishops no other but Priests , men ancient both in age and learning , so neer as could be chosen ; nor were they instituted and chosen as they be now adays , the Bishop and his Officer onely opposing them whether they can construe a Collect ; but they were chosen also with the consent of the people , amongst whom they were to have their living , as sheweth S. Cyprian : But alack for pity , such elections are banished , and new fashions brought in . ' By which opinion ( if it might have served for a Rule to the Reformation ) our Bishops must have been reduced to the rank of Priests , and the right of Presentation put into the hands of the people , to the Destruction of all the Pa●●o●s in the Kingdom . 2. If then the question should be asked ( as perhaps it may ) On whom , or on whose judgement , the first Reformers most relied in the weighty business ? I answer negatively , first , That they had no respect of Calvin , no more than to the judgement of Wicklif , Tyndall , Barns , or Frith , whose offered assistance they refused when they went about it ; of which he sensibly complained unto some of his friends , as appears by one of his Epistles . I answer next affirmatively in the words of an Act of Parliament , 2. & 3. Edw. 6. where it is said , That they had an eye in the first place to the mo pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures ; and in the next place to the usages of the Primitive Church . Being satisfied in both which ways , they had thirdly a more particular respect to the Lutheran Plat-forms , the English Confession or Book of Articles being taken in many places word for word out of that of Ausberg , and a conformity maintained with the Lutheran Churches in Rights and Ceremonies ; as namely , in kneeling at the Communion , the Cross in Baptism , the retaining of all the ancient Festivals , the reading of the Epistles and Gospels on Sundays and Holy-days , and generally in the whole Form of External Worship . Fourthly , in reference to the points disputed , they ascribed much to the Authority of Melancthon ( not undeservedly called the Phoenix of Germany ) whose assistance they earnestly desired , whose coming over they expected , who was as graciously invited hither by King Edw●rd the sixth ( Regiis literis in Angliam vocari ) as himself affirms in an Epistle to Camerarius : His coming laid aside upon the fall of the Duke of Sommerset , and therefore since they could not have his company , they made use of his writings , for their direction in such points of Doctrine in which they thought it necessary for the Church to declare her judgement . 3. I observe finally , That as they attributed much to the particulars , to the Authority of Melancthon , so they ascribe no less therein unto that of Erasmus , once Reader of the Greek Tongue in Cambridge , and afterwards one of the Professors of Divinity there ; whose Paraphrases on the four Evangelists being translated into English , were ordered to be kept in Churches for the use of the People , and that they owned the Epistles to be studied by all such as had cure of souls : Concerning which it was commanded by the injunctions of King Edward the sixth , published by the advice of the Lord Protector Somerset and the Privy Council , in the first year of the said Kings Reign : 1. ' That they should see provided in some most convenient and open place of every Church , one Great Bible in English , with the Paraphrase of Erasmus in English , that the people might reverendly , without any let , read and hear the same at such time as they listed , and not to be inhibited therefrom by the Parson or Curate ; but rather to be the more encouraged and provoked thereunto . And 2. That every Priest under the degree of a Bachellour of Divinity , should have of his own , one New Testament in English and Latine , with the Paraphrases of Erasmus upon the same , and should diligently read and study thereupon , and should collect and keep in memory all such comfortable places of the Scripture , as do set forth the Mercy , Benefits and Goodness of Almighty God towards all penitent and believing persons , that they might thereby comfort their flock in all danger of death , despair or trouble of Conscience ; and that therefore every Bishop in their Institution , should from time to time try and examine them how they have profited in their studies . ' A course and care not likely to have entred into the thoughts of the Lord Protector , or any of the Lords of the Council , if it had not been advised by some of the Bishops , who then began to have an eye on the Reformation , which soon after followed ; and as unlikely to be counselled and advised by them , had they intended to advance any other Doctrine , than what was countenanced in the writings of that learned man. Whereupon I conclude , the Doctrine in the points disputed , to be the true and genuine Doctrine of the Church of England , which comes most near to the plain sense of holy Scripture , the general current of the Fathers in the Primitive times , the famous Augustane Confession , the Writings of Melancthon , and the Workes of Erasmus : To which Conclusion I shall stand , till I finde my self encountred by some stronger Argument to remove me from it . 4. The ground thus laid , I shall proceed unto the Reformation which was built upon it , first raking in my way some necessary preparations made unto it by H. 8. by whom it had been ordered in the year , 1536. That the Creed , the Lords Prayer , and the ten Commandments , should be recited publiquely by the Parish Priest in the English Tongue , and all the Sundays and other Holidays throughout the year : And that the people might the better understand the duties contained in them , it pleased him to assemble his Bishops and Clergie in the year next following , requiring them , ' Upon the diligent search and perusing of Holy Scripture , to set forth a plain and sincere Doctrine , concerning the whole sum of all those things which appertain unto the Profession of a Christian man. ' Which work being finished , with very great care and moderation , they published , by the name of an Institution of a Christian man , containing the Exposition or Interpretation of the common Word , the seven Sacraments , the Ten Commandments , the Lords Prayer , &c. and dedicated ●t to the Kings Majestie , ' Submitting to his most Excellent Wisdom and Exact Judgement , to be by him recognized , overseen , and corrected , if he found any word or sentence in ●t amiss , to be qualified , changed , or further expounded , in the plain setting-forth of his most vertuous desire and purpose in that behalf . ' A ▪ Dedication publikely subscribed in the name of the rest , by all the Bishops then being , eight Archdeacons , and seventeen Doctors of chief note in their several faculties : Amongst which I finde seven by name , who had a hand in drawing up the first Liturgie of King Edward the sixth ; that is to say , Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury , Goodrich Bishop of Ely , Hobeach then Bishop of Rochester , and of Lincoln afterwards , Skip then Archdeacon of Dorset , after Bishop of Hereford , Roberson , afterwards Dean of Durham , as Maro was afterwards of S. Pauls , and Cox of Westminster : And I finde many others amongst them also , who had a principal hand in making the first Book of Homilies , and passing the Articles of Religion in the Convocation of the year , 1552. and so it rested till the year , 1643. when the King making use of the submission of the Book which was tendred to him , corrected it in many places with his own hand , as appeareth by the Book it self , remaining in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton : Which having done , he sends it so corrected ▪ to Archbishop Cranmer ; who causing it to be reviewed by the Bishops and Clergie in Convocation , drew up some Annotations on it : And that he did for this intent ( as I heard exprest in one of his Letters bearing date June 25. of this present year ) because the Book being to be set f●rth by his Gra●es censure and judgement , he would have n●thing therein that Momus himself could reprehend , referring notwithstanding all his Annotations to his Majesties exacter judgement : Nor staid it here , but being committed by the King to both Houses of Parliament , and by them very well approved of , as appears by the Statutes of this year , Cap. 1. concerning the Advancing of true Religion , and the abolition of the contrary , it was published again by the Kings command , under the title of Ne●essary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian man : And it was published , with an Epistle of the Kings before it , directed to all his faithful and loving Subjects ; wherein it is affirmed , 'To be a true Declaration of the true knowledge of God and his Word , with the principal Articles of Religion , whereby men may uniformly be led and taught the true understanding of that which is necessary for every Christian man to know , for the ordering of himself in this life , agreeable unto the will and pleasure of Almighty God. ' 5. Now from these Books , the Doctrine of Predestination may be gathered into these particulars ; which I desire the Reader to take notice of , that he may judge the better of the Conformity which it hath with the established Doctrine of the Church of England . 1. That man by his own nature was born in sin , and in the indignation and displeasure of God , and was the very childe of Wrath , condemned to everlasting death , subject and thrall to the power of the Devil and sin ; having all the principal parts or portions of his soul , as Reason and understanding , and free-wil , and all other powers of his soul and body , not onely so destituted and deprived of the gifts of God wherewith they were firstendued , but also so blinded , corrupted and poysoned with errour , ignorance and carnal concupiscence , that neither his said powers could exercise the natural function and office for which they were ordained by God at the first Creation , nor could he by them do any thing which might be acceptable to God. 2. That Jesus Christ the onely begotten Son of God the Father , was eternally pre-ordained and appointed by the Decree of the Holy Trinity , to be our Lord ; that is to say , to be the onely Redeemer and Saviour of Mankinde , and to reduce and bring the same from under the Dominion of the Devil and sin , unto his onely Dominion , Kingdom , Lordship and Governance . 3. That when the time was come in the which it was before ordained and appointed by the Decree of the Holy Trinity , That Mankinde should be saved and redeemed , then the Son of God , the second Person in the Trinity , and very God , descended from Heaven into the world , to take upon him the very habit , form and nature of man , and in the same nature to suffer his glorious Passion for the Redemption and Salvation of all Mankinde . 4. That by this Passion and Death of our Saviour Jesus Christ , not onely Corporal death is so destroyed , that it shall never hurt us , but rather that it is made wholesome and profitable unto us ; but also , that all our sins , and the sins also of all them that do believe in him , and follow him , be mortified and dead ; that is to say , all the guilt and offence thereof , as also the damnation and pains due for the same , is clearly extincted , abolished and washed away , so that the same shall never afterwards be imputed and inflicted on us . 5. That this Redemption and Justification of Mankinde could not have been wrought or brought to pass by any other means in the world , but by the means of this Jesus Christ , Gods onely Son ; and that never man could yet , nor never shall be able to come unto God the Father , or to believe in him , or to attain his favour , by his own wit and reason , or by his own science and learning , or by any his own works , or by whatsosoever may be named in Heaven or Earth , but by faith in the Name and Power of Jesus Christ , and by the gifts and graces of his Holy Spirit . 6. But to proceed , the way to the ensuing Reformation being thus laid open ; The first great work which was accomplished in pursuance of it , was , the compiling of that famous Liturgie of the year , 1549. commanded by King Edward the sixth ; that is to say , the Lord Protector , and the rest of the Privy Council , acting in his Name , and by his Authority , performed by Archbishop Cramner , and the other six before remembred , assisted by Thirdby Bishop of Westminster , Day Bishop of Chichester , Ridley Bishop of Rochester , Taylor ( then Dean , after ) Bishop of Lincoln , Redman then Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge , and Hains Dean of Exeter , all men of great abilities in their several stations ; and finally , confirmed by the King , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commons in Parliament assembled , 23 Edw. 6. In which Confirmatory act it is said expresly to have been done by the especial aid of the Holy Ghost ; which testimony I finde also of it in the Acts and Monuments , fol. 1184. But being disliked by Calvin , who would needs be meddling in all matters which concerned Religion ; and disliked it chiefly for no other reason ( as appears in one of his Epistles to the Lord Protector ) but because it savoured too much of the ancient forms , it was brought under a review , the cause of the reviewing of it being given out to be no other , than that there had risen divers doubts in the Exercise of the said Book , for the fashion and manner of the Ministration , though risen rather by the curiosity of the Ministers and Mistakers , then of any other cause , 5 , 6 Edw. 6. cap. 1. The review made by those who had first compiled it , though Hobeach and Redman might be dead before the confirmation of it by Act of Parliament , some of the New Bishops added to the former number , and being reviewed , was brought into the same form in which now it stands ; save , that a clause was taken out of the Letany , and a sentence added to the destribution of the blessed Sacrament , in the first year of Queen Elizabeth , and that some alteration was made in two or three of the Rubricks , with an addition of Thansgiving in the end of the Letany ; as also of a Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue in the first of King James . 7. At the same time , and by the same hands which gave us the First Liturgie of King Edward the sixth , was the first Book of Homilies composed also ; in which I have some cause to think , that Bishop Latimer was made use of amongst the rest , as one who had subscribed the first other two Books before mentioned , as Bishop of Worcester , anno 1537. and ever since continued zealous for a Reformation , quitting in that respect such a wealthy Bishoprick , because he neither would nor could conform his judgement to the Doctrine of the six Articles Authorized by Parliament : For it will easily appear to any , who is conversant in Latimers writings , and will compare them carefully with the Book of Homilies , that they do not onely savour of the same spirit in point of Doctrine , but also of the same popular and familiar stile , which that godly Martyr followed in the course of his preachings ; for though the making of these Homilies be commonly ascribed ( and in particularr by Mr. Fox ) to Archbishop Cranmer , yet it is to be understood no otherwise of him , then that it was chiefly done by encouragement and direction , not sparing his own hand to advance the work , as his great occasions did permit . That they were made at the same time with King Edwards first Liturgie , will appear as clearly , first by the Rubrick in the said Liturgie it self , in which it is directed , that after the Creed shall follow the Sermon or Homily , or some portion of one of them , as they shall be hereafter divided . It appears secondly by a Letter writ by Matrin Bucer , inscribed To the holy Church of England , and the Ministers of the same , in the year 1549. in the very beginning whereof he lets them know , That their Sermons ●r Homilies were come to his hands , wherein they godlily and effectually exhort their people to the reading of Holy Scripture ( that being the scope and substance of the first Homily , which occurs in that Book ) and th●rein expounded the sense of the faith whereby we hold our Christianity and Justification , whereupon all our help consisteth , and other most holy principles of our Religion , with most godly zeal . And as it is reported of the Earl of Gondomar , Ambassador to King James from the King of Stain , that having seen the elegan● disposition of the Rooms and Offices in Burleigh-House , not far from Stansord , erected by Sir William Cec●l principal Secretary of State , and Lord Treasurer to Queen Elizabeth , he very pleasantly affirmed , That he was able to discern the excellent judgement of the great Statesman , by the neat contrivance of his house : So we may say of those who composed this Book , in reference to the points disputed , A man may easily discern of what judgement they were in the Doctrine of Predestination , by the method which they have observed in the course of these Homilies : Beginning first with a Discourse of the misery of man in the state of nature ; proceeding next to that of the salvation of mankinde by Christ our Saviour onely , from sin and death everlasting ; from thence , to a Declaration of a true , lively , and Christian faith , and after that of good works annexed unto faith , by which our Justification and Salvation are to be obtained ; and in the end descending unto the Homily bearing this inscription , How dangerous a thing it is to fall from God : Which Homilies in the same form and order in which they stand , were first authorized by King Edward the sixth , afterwards tacitly approved in the Rubrick of the first Liturgie before remembred , by Act of Parliament , and finally , confirmed and ratified in the Book of Articles agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergie of the Convocation , anno 1552. and legally confirmed by the said King Edward . 8. Such were the hands , and such the helps which co-operated to the making of the two Liturgies , and this Book of Homilies ; but to the making of the Articles of Religion , there was necessary the concurrence of the Bishops and Clergy assembled in Convocation , in due form of Law ; amongst which there were many of those which had subscribed to the Bishops Book , anno 1537. and most of those who had been formerly advised with in the reviewing of the Book , by the Commandment of King Henry the eighth , 1543. To which were added , amongst others , Dr. John Point Bishop of Winchester , an excellent Grecian , well studied with the ancient Fathers , and one of the ablest Mathamaticians which those times produced ; Dr. Miles Coverdale Bishop of Exon , who had spent much of his time in the Lutheran Churches , amongst whom he received the degree of Doctor ; Mr. John Story Bishop of Rochester ( Ridley being then preferred to the See of London ) from thence removed to Chichester , and in the end by Queen Elizabeth to the Church of Hereford ; Mr. Rob. Farran Bishop of St. Davids , and Martyr , a man much favoured by the Lord Protector Sommerset in the time of his greatness ; and finally ( not to descend to those of the lower Clergie ) Mr. John Hooker Bishop of Gloucester , and Martyr ; of whose Exposition of the Ten Commandments , and his short Paraphrase on Romans 13. we shall make frequent use hereafter ; a man whose works were well approved of by Bishop Ridley ( the most learned and judicious of all the Prelates ) who notwithstanding they differed in some points of Ceremony , professeth an agreement with him in all points of Doctrine ; as appears by a Letter written to him when they were both Prisoners for the truth , and ready to give up their lives ( as they after did ) in defence thereof : Now the words of the Letter are as followeth , But now my dear Brother , forasmuch as I understand by your works , which I have but superficially seen , that we throughly agree , and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our Religion , against the which the world now so rageth in these our days : Howsosoever in times past , in certain by-matters & circumstances of Religion your wisdom and my simplicity and ignorace have jarred , each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgement : Now , I say , be you assured , that even with my whole heart , God is he witness , in the bowels of Christ , I love you in truth , and for the truths sake that abideth in us , and I am perswaded , by the grace of God , shall abide in us for evermore . The like agreement there was also between Ridley and Cranmer , Cranmer ascribing very much to the judgement and opinion of the learned Prelate , as himself was not ashamed to confess at his Examination ; for which see Fox in the Acts and Monuments , fol. 1702. 9. By these men , and the rest of the Convocation , the Articles of Religion ( being in number 41 ) were agreed upon , ratified by the Kings Authority , and published both in Latine and English , with these following Titles ; viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinens . A. D. 1552. ad tollendam opinionum dissentionem , & consensum verae Religionis firmandum , inter Episcopos & alios eruditos viros , convenerat , Regia authoritate Londin . editi ; that is to say , ' Articles agreed upon , by the Bishops and other learned men assembled in the Synod at London , anno 1552. and published by the Kings authority , for the avoiding of diversities of opinions , and for the establishing of consent to the loving of true Religion . ' Amongst which Articles ( countenanced in Convocation by Queen Elizabeth , an . 1562. ) the Doctrine of the Church in the five controverted points is thus delivered , according to the form and order which we have observed in the rest before . 1. Of Divine Predestination . Predestination to life is the everlasting purpose of God , whereby ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constantly ordered by his Council , secret unto us , to deliver from curse and damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankinde , and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation , as vessels made to honour . Furthermore , we must receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture , and in our doing the will of God that is to be followed , which we have expresly declared to us in the Word of God. 2. Of the Redemption of the world by the faith of Christ . The Son , which is the Word begotten of the Father , begotten from everlasting of the Father , &c. and being very God , and very man , did truly suffer , was crucified , dead and buried , to reconcile his Father to us , and be a Sacrifice not onely for Original guilt , but also for the actual sins of men . The Offering of Christ once made , is this perfect Redemption , Propitiation and Satisfaction to all the sinnes of the whole world , both Original and Actual . 3. Of mans will in ●he state of depraved nature : Man by Original sin is so far gone from Original ●ighteousness , that of his own nature he is inclined to evil , so that the flesh lusteth always contrary to the Spirit ; and therefore . Works done before the grace of Christ , and the inspiration of his Spiri● , are not pleasant to God , forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ , neither do they make men meet to receive grace , or ( as the School Authors say ) deserve gra●e of Congruity . 4. Of the manner of Conversion . The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such , that he cannot turn and prepare ▪ himself by his own natural strength and good works , to faith and calling upon God ; wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God , without the grace of God by Christ preventing us , that we may have a good will , and working with us , when we have that good will. 5. Of the uncertainty of Perseverance . The Grace of Repentance is n●t to be denyed to such as fall into sin after Baptism , in regard that after we have received the Holy Ghost , we may depart from grace gi●en , and fall into sin ; and by the grace of God ( we may ) arise again and amend our lives ; and therefore they are to be condemned which say they can no more sin as long as they live here , or deny the place of Repentance to such as truly repent . 10. Now in these Articles , as in all others of the Book , there are these two things to be observed ; 1. What Authority they carried , in respect of the making . And 2. How we are to understand them in respect of the meaning . And first for their Authority ; it was as good in all regards as the Laws could give them , being first treated and agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergie in their Convocation , and afterwards confirmed by the Letters Patents of Edw. 6. under the Great Seal of England . But against this it is objected , That the Records of this Convocation are but a degree above blanks ; that the Bishops and Clergie then assembled , had no Commission from the King to meddle in Church business ; that the King durst not trust the Clergie of that time in so great a matter , on a just jealousie which he had of the ill affections of the major part ; and therefore the trust of this great business , was committed unto some few Confidents , cordial to the cause of Religion , and not unto the body of a Convocation . To which it hath been already answered , That the Objector is here guilty of a greater crime than that of Scandalum magnatum , making King Edward the sixth of pious memory , no better than an impious and lewd Impostor , in fathering those children on the Convocation , which had not been of their begetting : For first , the title to the Articles runneth thus at large , Art●culi de quibus , &c. as before we had it ; which title none durst adventure to set before them , had they not really been the products of the Convocation . Secondly , the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergie , but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion ; this Convocation being holden the sixth year of his Reign , when Gardiner , Bonner , Day and Tunstall , and others of the stiffest Romanists , were put out of their places ; most of the Episcopal Sees , and Parochial Churches being filled with men according unto his desires ▪ and generally con●ormable to the Forms of Worship here by Law established . Thirdly , the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth , retained these Articles , and no other , as the publike ●endries of the Church in point of Doctrine ; which certainly she had not done , had it been recommended to her by a less Authority than a Convocation lawfully assembled and confirmed . And Fourthly , that it is true , that the Records of Convocation during this King , and the first years of Queen Mary are very defective and imperfect , most of them lost ; amongst others , those of this present year : And yet one may conclude as strongly , that my mother dyed childeless , because my Christening is not to be found in the Parish Register ; as that the Convocation of this year was barren , because the Acts and Articles of it were not entred in the Journal Book . 11. To salve this sore , it is conceived by the Objector , that the Bishops and Clergie had passed over their power to some ' select Divines appointed by the King ; in which sense they may be said to have made these Articles themselves , by their delegates , to whom they had deputed their Authority , the case not being so clear , but that it occasioned a cavil at the next Convocation the first of Queen Mary , when the Papists therein assembled , renounced the legality of any such former transactions . ' And unto this it shall be answered , That no such defect of legality as was here pretended , was charged against the Book of Articles it self , but onely against a Catechism which was bound up with it , countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents prefixt before it , approved by many Bishops and learned men , and generally voyced to be another of the products of this Convocation : And therefore for so much as concerns this Catechism , it was replied by Mr. John Philpot Archdeacon of Winchester , who had been a member in the former , and was now a member of the Convocation in the first of Queen Mary , That he thought they were deceived in the Title of it , in that it owned the Title of the last Synod of London , many which were then present , not being made privy to the making or publishing of it . He added , That the said former Convocation , had granted the Authority of making excellent Laws , unto certain persons to be appointed by the Kings Majestie ; so as whatsoever Ecclesiastical Laws they , or the most part of them did set forth ( according to a Statute in that behalf provided ) might be well said to be done in the Synod of London , though such as were of the house , had no notice thereof before the promulgation : And thereupon he did infer , That the setters forth of the Catechism did not slander the House , as they went about to perswade the world , since they had the Authority of the Synod unto them committed , to make such Spiritual Laws as they thought convenient and necessary for the good of the Church . In which discourse we may observe , that there was not one word which reflects on the Book of Articles , all of it being made in reference to the Catechism before remembred ; though if the Objection had been made ( as indeed it was not ) against the Articles themselves , the defence of that learned man , and godly Martyr , would have served as fully for the one , as it did for the other . But whatsoever may be said in derogation to the Authority of the Book of Articles , as it was published in the time of King Edward the sixth , Anno Dom. 1552. certain I am , that nothing can be said unto the contrary , but that they were received , and the far greater part of them agreed upon in full Convocation , Anno , 1562 , And therefore for avoiding of all disputes , I am resolved to take them in this last capacity , as they were ratified by Queen Elizabeth , Anno , 1563. confirmed by King James , Anno 1604. and finally established by the late King Charls , with his Majesties Royal Declaration prefixt before them ▪ Anno 1628. 12. Less doubt there is concerning the intent of this Convocation in drawing up the Articles in so loose a manner , that men of different judgements might accommodate them to their own opinions , which I finde both observed and commended in them by the former Author ; by whom we are informed , that the Articles of the English Protestant Church , in the infancy thereof , were drawn up in general terms , foreseeing that posterity would grow up to fill the same ; meaning , that these holy men did prudently discover , that differences in judgement would unavoidably happen in the Church , and were loth to unchurch any , and drive them off from an Ecclesiastical communion for petty differences , which made them pen the Articles in comprehensive words , to take in all , who differing in the branches , meet in the root of the same Religion : This hath been formerly observed to have been the artifice of those who had the managing of the Council of Trent , and is affirmed to have been used by such men also as had the drawing up of the Canons at the Synod at Dort : But the Composers of the Articles of the Church of England had not so little in them of the Dove , or so much of the Serpent , as to make the Articles of the Church like an upright shoe , which may be worn on either foot ; or like to Theranc●nes shoe , as the Adage hath it , fit for the foot of every man that was pleased to wear it ; and therefore we may say of our first Reformers , in reference to the present Book of Articles , as was affirmed of them by Dr. Brancroft then Bishop of London in relation to the Rubrick in private Baptism ; that is to say , that those reverend and learned men intended not to deceive any by ambiguous terms ; for which , see Conf. at Hampton Court , p. 15. And to this supposition or imagination it is also answered , That the first Reformers did not so compose the Articles , as to leave any liberty to dissenting judgements , as the said Author would fain have it in some words preceding , but did not binde men to the literal and Grammatical sense ; they had not otherwise attained to the end they aimed at , which was ad tollendam Opinionum Dissentionem , & consensum in vera Religione firmandum ; that is to say , to take away diversity of opinions , and to establish an agreement in the true Riligion . Which end could never be effected , if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting , or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles , as they list themselves : For where there is a purpose of permitting men to their own opinions , there is no need of definitions and determinations in a National Church , no more than is of making Laws to binde the Subjects in an unsettled Common-wealth , with an intent to leave them in their former liberty , either of keeping or not keeping them , as themselves best pleased . Which said , we shall enquire into the meaning of the Articles , as before laid down , whether they speak in favour of the Melancthonian or Calvinian way , so far forth as the meaning of them can be gathered from the publique Liturgie and Book of Homilies , or from the Writings of those men , who either had a hand in the making of them , or dyed in the Religion here by Law established . CHAP. IX . Of the Doctrine of Predestination delivered in the Articles , the Homilies , the publique Liturgies , and the Writings of some of the Reformers . 1. THe Articles differently understood by the Calvinian party , and the true English Protestants , with the best way to finde out the true se●se thereof . 2. The definition of Predestination , and the most considerable points contained in it . 3. The meaning of those words in the Definition ; viz. Whom he hath chosen in Christ , according to the Exposition of S. Ambrose , S. Chrysostome , S. Jerome , as also of Archbishop Cranmer , Bishop Latimer , and the Book of Homilies . 4. The Absolute Decree condemned by Bishop Latimer , as a means to Licentiousness and Carnal living . 5. For which , and making God to be the Author of sin , condemned as much by Bishop Hooper . 6. Our Election to be found in Christ , not sought for in Gods secret Counsels , according to the judgement of Bishop Latimer . 7. The way to finde out our Election , delivered by the same godly Bishop , and by Bishop Hooper , with somewhat to the same purpose also from the Book of Homilies . 8. The Doctrine of Predestination , delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford , with Fox his gloss upon the same to corrupt the sense . 9. No countenance to be had for any absolute , personal and irrespective decree of Predestination in the publique Liturgie . 10. An Answer to such passages out of the said Liturgie , as seem to favour that opinion ; as also touching the number of Gods Elect. 1. THus have we seen the Doctrine of the Church of England in the five controverted Points , according as it is delivered in the Book of Articles ; but in what sense we ought to understand it , hath been made a Question : Some take the Articles in the Literal and Graminacal sense , which is the fairest and most approved way of Interpretation ; according to the saying of an ancient Writer , That if the Literal sense of holy Scripture will stand with the Analogie of faith and piety , it is to be preferred before any other : Others they are ( of which his late Majestie complained ) who draw the Articles aside , and put their own sense or comment to be the meaning of the Articles ; fashioning them to their own fancies , as they please themselves : Each of the parties in those curious points in which the present differences do most consist , conceive the Articles of the Church to speak for them , exclusive wholly of the other , but with a notable difference in the Application . The Calvinists , by which name they love to be called , endeavour to captivate the sense of the Article , and bring it to the bent of their own understanding ; but the true English Protestants ( whom for distinction sake we may call Confessionists ) accommodate , though they do not captivate , their own sense to the sense of the Church , according to the plain and full meaning of the Articles in the points disputed . But because possibly both parties may not be agreed on a Rule or Medium by which the proper sense and meaning of the Articles may be best discovered , it will not be amiss to follow the directions of the Civil Laws , in cases of like doubtful nature ; which is briefly this , viz. Si de interpretatione Legis quaeritur , i●●ri●●is insp c●endum est , quo jure Civitas ●●●●● in huj●smodi casibus usa fuit : And this we shall the better do , if we enquire into the Doctrine of those Learned , Religious and Godly men , who either had a principal hand in the Reformation , or were most conversant with them , and beloved of them in their several stations , taking along with us the Authority of the Homilies and publique Liturgie , to which all parties have subscribed . In order whereunto , it will first be necessary to lay down the definition of Predestination , as before we had it in the Article , to sum up the particular points and contents thereof , to shew the sense of one phrase in it , and then to travel more exactly in this enquiry , whether the method of Predestination , illustrated by the story of Agilmond and Amistus Kings of Lombardy , cap. 7. num ▪ 4. agree not more harmoniously with the true sense and meaning of the Church of England , than any other whatsoever . 2. First then , ' Predestination unto life , is defined in the 17 Article to be the Everlasting purpose of God , whereby , and before the foundations of the world were laid , he hath constantly decreed by his Council secret unto us , to deliver from damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankinde , and to bring them by Christ unto everlasting salvation . ' In which definition there are these things to be observed : First , That Predestination doth presuppose a curse or state of damnation in which all mankinde was represented to the sight of God , which plainly crosseth the opinion of the Supra-Lapsarians , the Supra-Creaturians , or Creabilitarians , as some call them now . Secondly , That it is an act of his from Everlasting , because from Everlasting he foresaw into what misery whretched man would fall , by the abuse of that liberty in which first he stood . Thirdly , That he founded it , and resolved for it in the Man and Mediator Christ Jesus , both for the purpose and performance ; which crosseth as directly with the Sublapsarians , who place the absolute decree of Predestination to life , and of Reprobation unto death , both of body and soul , before the decree or consideration of sending his onely beloved Son Jesus Christ into the world , to be the common Propitiation for the sins of men . Fourthly , That it was of some special ones alone , Elect called fort , and reserved in Christ , and not generally extended unto all mankinde ; a General Election , as they say , being no Election . Fifthly , That being thus elected in Christ , they shall be brought by Christ ( but not without their own consent and co-operation ) to everlasting salvation . And finally , That this Council is secret unto us ; for though there be revealed to us some hopeful signs of our Election and Predestation destination unto life , yet the certainty thereof is a secret hidden in God , and in this life unknown to us ; For who hath known the minde of the Lord , or hath been his Counsellour ? ( or of his Secret Council ) saith the great Apostle . 3. Such is the definition of Predestination , and the substance of it , in which there is nothing so obscure , no term so intricate , as to need any especial or distinct explication , as those words Whom he hath chosen in Christ : which being the very words of the same Apostle , Ephesians first , cap. 4. we will first paraphrase in the words of some ancient Writers , and then illustrate them by others of our holiest Martyrs , who had a principal hand in the Reformation : First , S. Ambrose , amongst others , s●cut elegit nos in ipso , as he hath chosen us in him , Praescivit enim Deus omnes , scil . qui credituri essent in Christum : For God ( saith he ) by his general prescience , did foreknow every man that would believe in Christ : To the same purpose speaks S. Chrysostome , saying , Quod dicit perinde est ac ●si dicat , Per quem nos benedixit , per eundem ▪ & elegit ; and a little after , Quid est in ipso elegit ? per eam quae in ipso habenda esset , fidem ; For , praestitit prius quam ipsi essemus , magis autem prius quam mundi hujus jacerentur Fundamenta : Which is as much as to say ( saith he ) as if he had said , That we are blessed in him , in whom we are chosen ; and we are chosen in him in whom we believe ; which he performed before we our selves had any being , or rather before the foundations of the world were laid : And to the same effect , the Commentary upon S. Pauls Epistles , ascribed to S. Jerome ; viz. in hoc praedestavit , ut haberent potestatem filii Dei fieri homines , qui credere voluissent ; that is to say , in this he hath predestinated us to Eternal life , that men may be made the sons of God , if they will believe . Which sayings of those ancient Writers , we shall expound by others of our holy Martyrs ; and first Archbishop Cranmer , in his Answer to Gardiner touching the holy Sacrament , telleth us this ; viz. ' Christ ( saith he ) took unto himself not onely their sins that many years before were dead , and put their trust in him ; but also the sins of those that until his coming again , should truly believe in his Gospel : ' More fully Bishop Latimer , thus , ' When ( saith he ) we hear that some be chosen , and some be damned , let us have good hope that we be amongst the chosen , and live after this hope ; that is , uprightly and godly , then shall we not be deceived ; think that God hath chosen those that believe in Christ , and Christ is the Book of Life : If thou believest in him , then art thou written in the Book of Life , and shalt be saved . ' By which we may the better understand that passage in the Book of Homilies , where it said , ' That the Scripture shutteth up all under sin , that the promise by the faith of Jesus Christ should be given unto them that believe ; ' which is as much as can be comprehended in so narrow a compass . 4. This said , as in the way of Explication , we will next see what hath been positively delivered by our first Reformers , concerning the fatality or absoluteness of Gods Decrees maintained by Calvin then , and his followers since : Of which thus Bishop Latimer in his Sermon upon Septuag●s●m● . ' Some vain fellows make their reckoning thus , What need I to mortifie my body , with abstaining from all sin and wickedness ? I perceive God hath chosen some , and some are rejected ; now if I be in the number of the chosen , I cannot be damned ; but if I be accounted amongst the conde●ned number , then I cannot be saved : For Gods judgements are immutable ; such foolish and wicked reasons some have , which bringeth them either to carnal liberty , or to desperation : Therefore it is as needful to beware of such reason or Exposition of the Scriptures , as it is to beware of the Devil himself . To the same purpose in his third Sermon after the Epiphany ; viz. We read in the Acts of the Apostles , that when S. Paul had made a long Sermon at Antioch , there believed ( saith the Evangilist ) as many as were ordained unto everlasting life : With the which saying , a great number of people have been offended ; and have said , We perceive that onely those shall come to believe , and so to everlasting life , which are chosen of God unto it ; therefore it is no matter whatsoever we do ; for if we be chosen to everlasting life , we shall have it : And so they have opened a door unto themselves of all wickedness and carnal liberty , against the true meaning of the Scripture : For if they must be damned , the fault is not in God , but in themselves ; for it is written , Deus v●lt omnes homines salvos fieire , God would have all men should be saved : But they themselves procure their own damnation , and despise the passion of Christ , by their own wicked and inordinate living . ' 5. Hooper is bolder yet than he , even to the censuring of those who by the fatality of these Decrees , make God to be the Author of sin : And first he lets us know in general , ' That the blinde Southsayers that write of things to come , were more to be esteemed of than our curious and high-climing wits ; for they attribute the cause of ill to the evil Aspect , and sinister conjunctions of the Planets . ' Which said , we shall hear him speaking more particularly to the present point , in this manner following ; viz. ' It is not a Christian mans part to attribute to his own freewil , with the Pelagian , and extenuate Original sin , nor to make God the Author of evil , and our damnation , nor yet to say , God hath written fatal Laws , with the Stoicks , and in the necessity of Destiny , violently pulleth one by the hair into Heaven , and thrusteth the other headlong into Hell. ' And in another place 'Our Gospellists , sa●th he , be better learned than the Holy Ghost ; for they wickedly attribute the cause of punishment and adversity to Gods Providence , which is the cause of no ill , as he himself could do no ill ; and every mischief that is done , they say , it is Gods will. ' And then again — ' Howsoever man judgeth of Predestination , God is not the cause of sin , thou art not the God that willest sin ; and it is said , That thy perdition , O Israel , is of thy self , and thy succour onely of me . ' And finally , to shut up his discourse hereof with some Application , he shall tell us thus ; ' Being admonished by the Scripture that we must leave sin , and do the works commanded of God , it will prove but a carnal opinion which we blinde our selves withal , of Fatal Destiny ; and in case there follow not in us knowledge of Christ , amendment of life , it is not a lively faith that we have , but rather a vain knowledge , and meer presumption . ' 6. Next let us look upon such passages in the writings of those those godly men , which teach us to enquire no further after our Election , than as it is to be found in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : Of which Bishop Latimer in the first place thus , viz. ' If thou art desirous to know whether thou art chosen to everlasting life , thou mayest not begin with God ; for God is too high , thou canst not comprehend him , the judgements of God are unknown to man , therefore thou must not begin there : But begin with Christ , and learn to know Christ , and wherefore that he came ; namely , That he came to save sinners , and made himself a subject of the Law , and fulfiller of the same , to deliver us from the wrath and danger thereof , and therefore was crucified for our sins , &c. — Consider , I say , Christ and his coming , and then begin to try thy self whether thou art in the Book of Life or not : If thou findest thy self in Christ , then thou art sure of everlasting life : If thou be without him , then thou art in an evil case ; for it is written , nemo venit ad patrem nisi p●r me ; that is , no man cometh to my Father but through me ; therefore if thou knowest Christ , thou mayest know further of thy Election . ' And then in another place , — ' When we are troubled within our selves , whether we be elected or no , we must ever have this Maxime or principal rule before our eyes ; namely , that God beareth a good will towards us , God loveth us , God beareth a Fatherly heart towards us . But you will say , How shall I know that ? or how shall I believe that ? We may know Gods good will towards us through Christ ; for so saith John the Evangelist , Filius qui est in sinu patris ipse revelavit ; that is , The Son who is in the bosom of the Father , he hath revealed it : Therefore we may perceive his good will and love towards us . He hath sent the same Son into the world , which hath suffered most painful death for us ; Shall I now think that God hateth me ? or shall I doubt of his love towards me ? ' And in another place , ' Here you see how you shall avoid the scrupulous and most dangerous question of the Predestination of God ; for if thou wilt enquire into his Councils , and search his Consistory , thy wit will deceive thee , for thou shalt not be able to search the Council of God : But if thou begin with Christ , and consider his coming into the world , and dost believe that God hath sent him for thy sake to suffer for thee , and to deliver thee from sin , death , the Devil , and Hell ? Then when thou art so armed with the knowledge of Christ ; then ( I say ) this simple question cannot hurt thee , for thou art in the Book of Life , which is Christ himself — For thus it is writ , Sice Deus dilexit mundum , that God so entirely loved the world , that he gave his onely begotten Son , to the end that all that believed in him should not perish , but have everlasting life ; whereby appeareth most plainly , that Christ is the Book of Life , and that all that believe in him , are of the same Book , and so are chosen to everlasting life ; for onely those are ordained that believe . ' Nor stays that godly Bishop here , but proceeds ( after some intervening passages ) towards this Conclusion : ' Here is now taught you ( saith he ) how to try your Election ; namely , in Christ : For Christ is the Accompting Book and Register of God , and even in the same Book , that is , Christ , are witten all the names of the Elect ; therefore we cannot finde our Election in our selves , neither yet the high Council of God ; for inscrutabilia su●t judicia Altissimi : Where then shall I finde my Election ? in the Compting Book of God , which is Christ , & c. ' Agreeable whereunto we finde Bishop Hooper , speaking thus , ' The cause of our Election , is the mercy of God in Christ ; howbeit , he that will be partaker of this Election , must receive the promise in Christ by faith ; for therefore we be elected , because afterwards we are made the members of Christ — So we judge of Election by the event or success that hapneth in the life of man ; those onely to be elected , ' that by faith apprehend the mercy promised in Christ . To the same purpose also ( but not so clearly and perspicuously ) speaks the Book of Homilies ; where we finde it thus , viz. ' That of our selves ( as in our selves ) we finde nothing whereby we may be delivered from this miserable captivity in which we were cast ( through the envy of the Devil ) by breaking Gods Commandment in our first Parent Adam : It is the Lord with whom is plenteous Redemption ; he is the God which of his own mercy saveth us , &c. not for our own deserts , merits , or good deeds , &c. but of his meer mercy freely , and for whose sake truly , for Christ Jesus sake , the pure and undesiled Lamb of God , &c. for whose sake God is fully pacified , satisfied and set at one with man. Such is the Doctrine of the Church in the matter of Predestination unto life , according to the judgement of these learned men , and godly Martyrs , who were of such Authority in the Reformation . ' 8. Proceed we next to one of an inferiour Order , the testimony of John Bradford Martyr , a man in very high esteem with Martin Bucer , made one of the Prebends of S. Pauls Church by Bishop Ridley , and one who glorified God in the midst of the flames , with as great courage as his Patron ; of whom we finde a Letter extant in the Acts and Monuments directed to his friends N. S. and R. ● . being at that time not thorowly instructed in the Doctrine of Gods Election : The words of which Letter are as followeth , ' I wish to you my good Brethren the same grace of God in Christ , which I wish and pray the Father of mercies to give me for his holy names sake , amen . Your Letter , though I have not read my self , because I would not alienate my minde from conceived things , to write to others , yet I have heard the sum of it , that it is of Gods Election ; wherein I will briefly relate to you my faith , and how far I think it good and meet for a Christian to wade in . I believe , That man made after the image of God , did fall from that pleased estate , to the condemnation of him and all his posterity : I believe that Christ ( for man being then fallen ) did oppose himself to the judgement of God , as a Mediator paying the ransome and price of Redemption for Adam and his whole posterity , that refuse it not finally : I believe , that all that believe ( I speak of such as be of years of discretion ) are partakers of Christ and all his merits : I believe , that faith and belief in Christ is the work and gift of God , given to no other then to those which be his children ; that is , to those whom God the Father before the beginning of the world , hath Predestinated in Christ unto Eternal life . Thus do I wade in Predestination , in such sort as God hath patefied and opened it . Though to God it be the first , yet to us it is the last opened ; and therefore I begin with Creation , from whence I come to Redemption , so to Justification , so to Election . On this sort I am sure that warily and wisely a man may walk it easily by the light of Gods Spirit , in and by his Word , seeing this faith is not to be given to all men , 2 Thess . 3. but to such as are born of God , Predestinated before the world was made , after the purpose and good will of God , & c. ' Which judgement of this holy man , comes up so close to that of the former Martyrs , and is so plainly cross to that of the Calvinistical party , that Mr. Fox was fain to make soom Scholia's on it , to reconcile a gloss like that of Orleance , which corrupts the Text ; and therefore to have no place here , however it may be disposed of at another time . But besides the Epistle above mentioned , there is extant a Discourse of the said godly Martyr , entituled , The sum of the Doctrine of Predestination and Reprobation ; in which is affirmed , That our own wilfulness , sin , and contemning of Christ , are the cause of Reprobation , as is confessed by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism , p. 103. though afterwards he puts such a gloss upon it ( as he doth also on the like passages in Bishop Hooper ) as makes the sin of man to be the cause onely of the execution , and not of the decree of Reprobation . 9. But it is said , That any one that reads the Common-Prayer Book with an unprejudiced minde , cannot chuse but observe divers passages that make for a Personal , Eternal Election . So it is said of late , and till of late never so said by any that ever I heard of , the whose frame and fabrick of the Publique Liturgie being directly opposite to this new conceit . For in the general Confession , we beseech the Lord to spare them that confess their faults , and restore them that be penitent , according to his promises declared unto mankinde in Christ Jesus our Lord : In the Te Deum it is said , that Christ our Saviour having overcome the sharpness of death , did open the Kingd●m of heaven to all believers : In the Prayer for the first day of Lent , That God hateth nothing which he hath made , but doth forgive the sins of all them that be penitent : In the Prayer at the end of the Commination , That God hath compassion of all men , that he hateth nothing which he hath made , that he would not the death of a sinner , but rather that he should turn from sin and repent : In the Absolution before the Communion , That God of his great mercy hath promised forgiveness of sins to all them , which with hearty repentance and tru● faith turn unto him . Can any one which comes with an unprejudiced minde to the Common-Prayer Book , observe any thing that savoureth of a Personal Election in all these passages ? or can he hope to finde them in any other ? Look then upon the last Exhortation before the Communion , in which we are required above all things , 'To give most humble and hearty thanks to God the Father , and the Holy Ghost , for the Redemption of the world , by the death and passion of our Saviour Christ , both God and man , who did humble himself even to the death upon the Cross , for us miserable sinners , which lay in darkness and the shadow of death . ' More of which nature we shall finde in the second Article . Look on the Collect in the form of publique Baptism , in which we pray , ' That whosoever is here dedicated unto God by our Office and Ministrey , may also be endued with heavenly vertues , and everlastingly rewarded through Gods mercy : O blessed Lord God , & c. ' And in the Rubrick before Confirmation ; where it is said expresly , That it is certain by Gods Word , that children being baptized , have all things necessary to their salvation , and be undoubtedly saved . Look on these passages and the rest , and tell me any one that can , whether the publique Liturgie of the Church of England , speak any thing in favour of such a Personal and Eternal Election ; that is to say , such an absolute , irrespective , and irreversible Decree of Predestination ( and that of some few onely ) unto life Eternal , as is maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin . 10. Some passages I grant there are , which speak of Gods people , and his chosen people , and yet intend not any such Personal and Eternal Election , as these men conceit unto themselves : Of which sort these , viz. To declare and pronounce to his people being penitent — O Lord save thy people , and bless thy heritage — that it would please thee to keep and bless all thy people — and make thy chosen people joyful , with many others interspers'd in several places : But then I must affirm with all , that those passages are no otherwise to be understood , than of the whole body of the Church , the Congregation of the faithful , called to the publique participation of the Word and Sacraments : Which appears plainly by the Prayer for the Church Militant here on earth ; where having called upon the Lord , and said , To all thy people give thy heavenly grace ; we are taught presently to adde , especially to this Congregation here present ; that is to say , the members of that particular Church , which there pour forth their prayers for the Church in general . More to their purpose is that passage in the Collect for the Feast of All-Saints ; where it is said , That Almighty God hath knit together his Elect in one communion and fellowship in the mystical body of his Son Jesus Christ ; though it doth signifie no more but that inseparable bond of Charity , that Love and Unity , that Holy Communion and Correspondency which is between the Saints in Glory in the Church Triumphant , and those who are still exercised under the cares and miseries of this present life in the Church here Militant . But it makes most unto their purpose ( if any thing could make unto their purpose in the Common-Prayer Book ) that at the burial of the dead we are taught to pray , That God would please of his gracious goodness shortly to accomplish the number of his elect , and to hasten his Kingdom : From whence , as possibly some may raise this inference , That by the Doctrine of the Church of England , there is a predestinated and certain number of Elect , which can neither be increased nor diminished , according to the third of the nine Articles which were agreed upon at Lambeth : So others may perhaps conclude , That this number is made up out of such Elections , such Personal and Eternal Elections as they have fancied to themselves . But there is nothing in the Prayer , which can be useful to the countenancing of any such fancy , the number of the Elect , and the certainty of that number , being known onely unto God in the way of his Prescience , by which he seeth all things past , and all things to come , as if present with him . And therefore having past a general Decree of Predestination , touching the saving of all those which believe in Christ , and knowing most infallibly who , and how many of all Nations will believe in Christ , continue in the faith to the end of their lives , and consequently attain salvation : The number of the persons so Predestinated , is as well known unto him in the universal comprehension of his Heavenly Prescience , as if they had been personally elected unto life Eternal , the accomplishing of which number , that so his Kingdom may be hastned , and the hastning of his Kingdom , that we , with all the rest which are departed in the true faith of his holy Name , may have our perfect Consummation and bliss both in body and soul , is the scope and purpose of that Prayer : And being the sole scope and purpose of it , cannot imply such a Personal and Eternal Election as some men imagine , though it conclude both for a number , and for a certain number of Gods Elect. CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation , and Universal Redemption . 1. THe absolute Decree of Reprobation not found in the Articles of this Church , but against it in some passages of the publike Liturgie . 2. The cause of Reprobation to be found in a mans self , and not in Gods Decrees , according to the judgement of Bishop Latimer , and Bishop Hooper . 3. The Absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation , how contrary to the last clause in the seventeenth Article . 4. The inconsistency of the Absolute Decree of Reprobation , with the Doctrine of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ . 5. The Universal Redemption of mankinde by the death of Christ , declared in many places of the publique Liturgie , and affirmed also in one of the Homilies and the Book of Articles . 6. A further proof of it from the Mission of the Apostles , and the Prayer used in the Ordination of Priests . 7. The same confirmed by the writings of Archbishop Cranmer , and the two other Bishops before mentioned . 8. A Generality of the Promises , and an Universality of Vocation , maintained by the said two godly Bishops . 9. The reasons why this benefit is not made effectual to all sorts of men , to be found onely in themselves . 1. AS the speaking of Heaven doth many times beget the discovery of Hell ; so the foregoing Discovery of Predestination to Eternal life , conducts me to the speaking of a few words concerning the Doctrine of Reprobation , Rejection , Eternal Death , a point of which the Church of England is utterly silent , leaving it to be gathered upon Logical inferences from that which is delivered by her in the point of Election ( for contrariorum , contraria est ratio , as Logicians say ) though that which is so gathered , ought rather to be called a Dereliction than a Reprobation : No such absolute , irreversible and irrespective Decree of Reprobation , taught or maintained in any publique Monument or Record of the Church of England , by which the far greater part of mankinde are pre-ordained , and consequently pre-condemned to the Pit of torments , without any respect had unto their sins and incredulities , as generally is maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin . Much , I am sure , may be said against it out of the passages in the Liturgie before remembred ; where it is said , that God hath compassion upon all men , and hateth nothing which he hath made ; but much more out of those which are to come in the second Article , touching the Vniversal Reconciliation of mankinde unto God the Father , by the death of Christ . Take now no more than this one Collect , being the last of those which are appointed for Good Friday , on which we celebrate the memorial of Christ his death and passion ; and is this that followeth ; viz. ' Merciful God , who hast made all men , and hatest nothing that thou hast made , nor wouldst the death of a sinner , but rather that he should be converted and●●ve , have mercy upon all Jews , Turks , Infidels , and Hereticks , and take from them all ignorance , hardness of heart , and contempt of thy Word ; and so fetch them home blessed Lord , to thy flock , that they may be saved amongst the remnant of the true Israelites , and be made one fold , under one Shepherd , Jesus Christ our Lord. ' A Prayer as utterly inconsistent with the Calvinians Decree of Reprobation , as the finding of an Hell in Heaven , or any thing else which seems to be most abhorrent both from faith and piety . 2. More may be said against it out of the writings of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper before remembred : Beginning first with Latimer , he will tell us this , viz. ' That if most be damned , the fault is not in God , but in themselves ; for Dus vult omnes homines salvos fieri , God would that all men should be saved , but they themselves procure their own damnation . ' Thus also in another place , That Christ onely , and no man else , merited Remission , Justification , and Eternal Felicity , for as many as believe the same ; that Christ shed as much blood for Judas , as for Peter ; that Peter believed it , and therefore was saved ; that Judas could not believe it , therefore was condemned , the fault being in him onely , and no body else . More fully , not more plainly , the other Bishop in the said Preface to the Exposition on the Ten Commandments ; where it is said , ' That Gain was no more excluded from the promise of Christ , till he exlcuded himself , than Abel ; Saul , than David ; Judas , than Peter ; E●au , than Jacob ; ' concerning which two brethren , he further added , ' That in the sentence of God given unto Rebecca , that there was no mention at all , that Esau should be disinherited of Eternal life , but that he should be inferiour to his brother Jacob in this world ; which Prophecy ( saith he ) was fulfilled in their Posterity , and not the persons themselves ( the very same with that which Arminius and his followers have since declared in this case . ) ' And this being said , he proceedeth to this Declaration , ' That God is said by the Prophet to have hated Esau , not because he was disinherited of Eternal life , but in laying his mountains and his heritage waste for the Dragons of the wilderness , Mal. 1. 3. that the threatning of God against Esau ( of he had not of wilful malice excluded himself from the promise of grace ) should no more have hindred his salvation , than Gods threatning against Nineve ; that the cause of Rejection or Damnation is sin in man , which will not hear , neither receive the promise of the Gospel . And ●●●ally thus , That by Gods grace we might do the good , and leave the evil , if it were not through malice of accustomed doing of sin ; the which excuseth the mercy and go d●●ess of God , and maketh that no man shall be excused in he latter judgement , how subtilly soever they now excuse the matter , and put their evil doings from them , and lay it u●on the Predestination of God , and would excuse it by ignorance : o● say he cannot be good , because he is otherwise destined ; which in the next words he calls A Stoical 〈…〉 refuted by those words of Horace , Nemo adeo f●rus est , & c. ' 3. But that which makes most against the absolute , irrespective , and irreversible decree of predestination , whether it be life or death , is the last clause of our second Article , being the seventeenth of the Church , as before laid down ; where it is said that we must receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture , and that in all our doings that will of God is to be followed which we have expresly declared to us in holy Scriptures . And in the holy Scripture it is declared to us , That God gave his Son for the world , or for all man-kind , that Christ offered himself a Sacrifice for all the sixs of the whole world , that Christ redeemed all man-kinde , that Christ commanded the Gospel to be preached to all ; that God wills and commands all men to hear Christ , and to believe in him ; and in him to offer grace and salvation unto all men : That this is the infallible truth , in which there can be no falshood ; otherwise , the Apostles , and other Ministers of the Gospel , preaching the same , should be false witnesses of God , and should make him a liar ; than which nothing can be more repugnant to the Calvinian Doctrine of predestination , which restrains predestination unto life in a few particulars , without respect had to their faith in Christ , or Christs suffering & death for them , which few particulars so predestinate to eternal life , shall ( as they tell us ) by an irrestible Grace , be brought to God , and by the infallible conduct of the holy Spirit , persevere from falling away from grace and favour : Nothing more contrary to the like absolute decree of Reprobation , by which the infinitely greatest part of all Mankinde is either doomed remidilesly to the torments of Hell , when they were but in the estate of Creability ( as the Supralapsarians have informed us ) and unavoidably necessated unto sin , that they might infallibly be damn'd ; or otherwise , as miserably leaving them under such a condition , according to the Doctrine of the Sublapsarians , which renders them uncapable of avoiding the wrath to come , and consequently subjected them to a damnation no less certain then if they were created to no other purpose ; which makes it seem the greater wonder , that Doctor Vsher ( afterwards Lord Primate of Ireland ) in drawing up the article of predestination for the Church of Ireland , anno . 1615. should take in so much as he doth of the Lambeth articles , and yet subjone this very clause at the foot thereof , which can no more concorporate with it , then any of the most Het rogeneus mettals can unite into one piece of refined Gold ; which clause , as it remaineth in the articles of the Church of England , how well it was applyed by King James , and others in the conference at Hampton Court , we shall see hereafter . 4. In the mean time we must behold another argument , which fights more strongly against the Apostles decree of Reprobation then any of the rest before ; that is to say , the reconciliation of all men to Almighty God ; the universal redemption of Man-kinde by the death of Christ , expresly justfied and maintained by the Church of England . For though one in our late undertaking seem exceeding confident , that the granting of universal redemption will draw no inconvenience with it as to the absoluteness of Gods decrees , or to the insuperability of converting Grace , or to the certain infallible perseverance of Gods elect after conversion : Yet I dare say , he will not be so confident in affirming this , That if Christ did so far dye for all , as to procure a salvation for all , under the condition of faith and repentance , as his own words are , there can be any room for such an absolute decree of reprobation , 〈…〉 and precedent to the death of Christ , as his great masters in the school of Calvin , have been pleased to teach him . Now for the Doctrine of this Church , in that particular , it is exprest so clearly in the second article of the five before laid down , that nothing needs be added either in way of explication or of confirmation ; howsoever , for avoiding of all doubt and Haesitancy , we will first add some farther testimonies touching the Doctrine of this Church in the point of universal redemption : And secondly , touching the applying of so great a benefit by universal vocation , and finally we shall shew the causes , why the benefit is not effectual unto all alike . 5. And first , as for the Doctrine of universal redemption , it may be further proved by those words in the publick Carechism , where the Childe is taught to say , that he believeth in God the Son , who redeemed with him all mankinde ; in that clause of the publique Letany , where God the Son is called the Redeemer of the world ; in the passages of the latter Exhortation before the Communion , where it is said , That the Oblation of Christ once offered , was a full , perfect , and sufficient Sacrifice for the sins of the WHOLE WORLD ; in the proper Preface appointed for the Communion on Easter-Day , in which he is said to be the very Paschal Lamb that was offered for us , and taketh away the sins of the world , repeated in the greater Catechism to the same effect . And finally , in the Prayer of Conservation ; viz. Almighty God , our heavenly Father , which of thy tender mercies didst give thine onely Son Jesus Christ to suffer death upon the Cross for our Redemption , who made there by his own Oblation of himself once offered , a firm , and perfect , and sufficient Sacrifice , Oblation , and Satisfaction for the sins of the WHOLE WORLD . To this purpose it is said in the Book of Homilies , That the World being wrapt up in sin by the breaking of Gods Law , God sent his onely Son our Saviour Christ into this world to fulfil the Law for us ; and by shedding of his most precious blood , to make a Sacrifice and Satisfaction , or as it may be called , amends to his Father for our sins , to asswage his wrath and indignation conceived against us for the same . Out of which words it may be very well concluded , That the world being wrapt up in sin , the Recompence and Satisfaction which was made to God , must be made to him for the sins of the world , or else the plaister had not been commensurate to the sore , nor so much to the magnifying of Gods wonderful mercies in the offered means of Reconcilement betwixt God and man ; the Homily must else fall short of that which is taught in the Articles : In which ( besides what was before delivered from the second and 31. concerning the Redemption of the world by the death of Christ ) it is affirmed in the 15 as plain as may be , That Christ came to be a Lamb without spot , who by the Sacrifice of himself once made , should take away the sins of the world : Then which there can be nothing more conducible to the point in hand . 6. And to this purpose also , when Christ our Saviour was pleased to Authorize his Holy Apostles to preach the Good Tidings of Salvation , he gave them both a Command and a Commission To go into all the world , and preach the Gospel to every Creature , Mark 16. 15. So that there was no part of the world , nor any Creature in the same , ( that is to say , no Rational Creature ) which seems to be excluded from a possibility of obtaining Salvation by the Preaching of the Gospel to them , if with a faith unfeigned they believed the same . Which the Church further teacheth us in this following Prayer , appointed to be used in the Ordering of such as are called unto the Office of the Holy Priesthood ; viz. ' Almighty God and Heavenly Father , which of thine Infinite Love and Goodness toward us , hast given to us thy Only and Most Dear Beloved Son Jesus Christ , to be our Redeemer and Author of Everlasting Life ; who after he had made perfect our Redemption by his Death , and was ascended into Heaven , sent forth abroad into the world , his Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Doctors and Pastors , by whose Labour and Ministry , he gathered together a great Frock in all the Parts of the World , to set forth the Eternal Praise of his Holy Name : For these so great Benefits of thy Eternal Goodness , and for that thou hast vouchsafed to call thy Servant here present to the same Office and Ministry of Salvation of Mankind , we render unto thee most hearty thinks , and we worship , & preise thee ; and we humbly beseech thee , by the same , thy Son , to grant unto all , which either here , or elsewhere call upon thy name , that we may shew our selves thankful to thee for these and all other thy benefits ; and that we may daily encrease and go forward in the knowledge and faith of thee and thy Son , by the Holy Spirit : So that as well by these thy Ministers , as by them to whom they shall be appointed Ministers , thy Holy Name may be always glorified ; and thy Blessed Kingdom enlarged , through the same , thy Son , our Lord Jesus Christ , who liveth and reigneth with thee in the Unity of the same Holy Spirit , world without end , Amen . ' Which Form in Ordering and Consecrating Bishops , Priests , and Deacons ( I note this onely by the way ) being drawn up by those which had the making of the first Liturgie of King Edward the sixth , and confirmed by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth of the said King , was afterwards also ratified by Act of Parliament in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth , and ever since hath had its place amongst the Publique Monuments and Records of the Church of England . 7. To these I shall onely adde one single testimony out of the Writings of each of the three godly Martyrs before remembred , the point being so clearly stated by some of our Divines , commonly called Calvinists ( though not by the Outlandish , also ) that any longer insisting on it may be thought unnecessary : First then , Bishop Cranmer tells us in the Preface to his Book against Gardiner of Winchester aforementioned , ' That our Saviour Christ , according to the will of his Eternal Father , when the time thereof was fully accomplished , taking our nature upon him , came into this World , from the high Throne of his Father , to declare unto miserable sinners the Goodness , &c. To shew that the time of Grace and Mercy was come , to give light to them that were in darkness , and in the shadow of death , and to preach and give Pardon and full Remission of sin to all his Elected : And to perform the same , he made a Sacrifice and Oblation of his body upon the Cross , which was a full Redemption , Satisfaction and Propitiation for the sins of the whole world . ' More briefly Bishop Latimer thus , ' The Evangelist saith , When Jesus was born , &c. What is Jesus ? Jesus is an Hebrew word , which signifieth in our English Tongue a Saviour and Redeemer of all Mankinde born into the World. This Title and Name To save , appertaineth properly and principally unto him ; for he saved us ; else had we been lost for ever . ' Bishop Ho●per in more words to the same effect , ' That as the sins of Adam , without Priviledge or Exemption , extended and appertained unto all and every of Adams Posterity ; so did this Promise of Grace generally appertain as well to every and singular of Adams Posterity as to Adam ; as it is more plainly expressed , where God promiseth to bless in the seed of Abraham , all the people of the world . ' 8. Next for the point of Universel Vocation , and the extent of the Promises touching life Eternal : Besides what was observed before from the Publique Liturgie , we finde some Testimonies and Authorities also in the Book of Homilies . In one whereof it is declared , That God received the learned and unlearned , and casteth away none , but is indifferent unto all . And in another place more largely , that the imperfection or natural sickness taken in Adam , excludeth not that person from the promise of God in Christ , except we transgress the limits and bounds of this Original sin , by our own folly and malice ; If we have Christ , then have we with him , and by him all good things whatsoever we can in our hearts wish or desire ; as , victory over death , sin , hell , &c. The truth hereof is more clearly evidenced in the writings of the godly Martyrs so often mentioned ; as first of Bishop Latimer , who discourseth thus : ' We learn , saith he , by this sentence , that multi sunt vocati , that many are called , &c. that the preaching of the Gospel is universal , that it appertaineth to all mankinde , that it is written in omnem terram exivit so●us eorum , through the whole world their sound is heard . Now seeing that the Gospel is universal , it appeareth that he would have all mankinde be saved ; that the fault is not in him if they be damned ; for it is written thus , Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri , God would have all mankinde saved ; his Salvation is sufficient to save all mankinde . Thus also in another place , That the promises of Christ our Saviour are general , they appertain to all mankinde : He made a general Proclamation , saying , Qui credit in me , habet vitam aeternam , whosoever believeth me , hath eternal life — ' And not long after in the same Sermon , ' That we must ● consider wisely what he saith with his own mouth , Venite ad me omnes , &c. Mark here , he saith , mark here , he saith , Come all ye ; wherefore should any body despai● , or shut out himself from the promises of Christ , which be general , and appertain to the whole world ? ' The like saith Bishop Hooper also , telling us , ' There was no diversity in Christ of Jew or Gentile ; that it was never forbid , but that all sorts of people , and every progeny of the world , to be made partakers of the Jews Religion . ' And then again in the example of the Ninivites : ' Thou hast , saith he , good Christian Reader , the mercy of God , and general promise of salvation performed in Christ , for whose sake onely God and man were set at one . ' 9. The less assistance we had from Bishop Hooper in the former points , the more we shall receive in this , touching the causes why this great benefit is not made effectual unto all alike : Concerning which , he lets us know , ' That to the obtaining the first end of his justice , he allureth as many as be not utterly wicked , and may be helped , partly with threatnings , and partly with promises , and so provoketh them unto amendment or life , &c. and would have all men to be saved ; therefore provoketh now by fair means , now by foul , that the sinner should satisfie his just and righteous pleasure ; not that the promises of God appertain to such as will not repent , or his threatnings unto him that doth repent ; but these means he useth to save his creature ; this way useth he to nurture us , until such time as the Holy Spirit worketh such a perfection in us , that we will obey him , though there were neither pain nor joy mentioned at all — ' And in another place more briefly , ' That if either out of a contempt or hate of Gods Word we fall into sin , and transform our selves into the image of the Devil , then we exclude our selves by this means from the promises and merits of Christ . ' Bishop Latimer to the same point also : ' His Salvation is sufficient to satisfie for all the world , as concerning it self ; but as concerning us , he saveth no more than such as put their trust in him ; and as many as believe in him shall be saved ; the other shall be cast out as Infidels into everlasting damnation ; not for lack of salvation , but for infidelity and lack of faith , which is the onely cause of their damnation . ' One word more out of Bishop Hooper to conclude thi● point ; which in fine is this , 'To the Objection ( saith he ) touching that S. Peter speaketh of such as shall perish for their false doctrine , &c. this the Scripture answereth , that the promise of grace appertaineth to every sort of men in the world , and comprehendeth them all , howbeit within certain limits and bounds , the which if men neglect to pass over , they exclude themselves from the promise of Christ . ' CHAP. XI . Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a sinner , and mans co-operation with those heavenly influences . 1. I The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo , maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent , rejected by our ancient Martyrs , and the Book of Articles . 2. The judgement of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndall , touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man , not different from that of the Church of England . 3. Universal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper , and proved by some passages in the Liturgie and Book of Homilies . 4. The offer of Universal grace made ineffectual to some , for want of faith ; and to others , for want of repentance , according to the judgement of Bishop Hooper . 5. The necessity of Grace Preventing , and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented , maintained in the Articles , in the Homilies , and the publique Liturgie . 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man , defended , and applied to the exercise of a godly life , by Bishop Hooper . 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility , first broached by Calvin , pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers , and by Gomarus amongst others . 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper , and Bishop Latimer . 9. And their gainsayings justified by the tenth Article of Kings Edwards Books . And 10. The Book of Homilies . 1. THis leads me unto the Disputes touching the influences of Grace , and the co-operation of mans will with those heavenly influences , in which the received Doctrine of the Church of Rome seems to have had some alteration to the better , since the debating and concluding of those points in the Council of Trent ; before which time the Doctrine of the Roman Schools was thought to draw too near to the lees of Pelagianism , to ascribe too much to mans Freewill , or so much to it , at the least , as by the right use of the powers of nature , might merit grace ex congruo ( as the Schoolmen phrase it ) of the hands of God. Against this it was that Dr. Barns declared , as before was said in his Discourse about Freewill ; and against which the Church of England then declared in the 13 Article , affirming , That such works as are done before the grace of Christ , and the inspiration of his Spirit , do not make men meet to receive grace ; or ( as the Schoolmen say ) deserve grace of Congruity . Against which Tyndall gives this note , That Freewill preventeth not Grace ; which certainly he had never done , if somewhat to the contrary had not been delivered in the Church of Rome ; and against which it was declared by John Lambert , another of our ancient Martyrs , in these following words ; viz. Concerning Freewill ( saith he ) I mean altogether as doth S. Augustine , that of our selves we have no liberty nor ability to do the will of God , but are subject unto sir , and thrals of the same , conclusi sub peccato ; or as witnesseth S. Paul ; But by the grace of God we are rid and set at liberty , according to the proportion that every man hath taken of the same , some more , some less . 2. But none more fully shewed himself against this opinion then Dr. Barns before remembred ; not touching onely on the by , but writing a Discourse particularly against the errours of that time in this very point : ' But here ( saith he ) we will search what strength is of man in his natural power , without the Spirit of God , to will or do those things that be acceptable before God , unto the fulfilling of the will of God , & c. ' A search which had been vain and needless , if nothing could be found which tended to the maintenance of acting in spiritual matters , by mans natural power , without the workings of the Spirit : And therefore he saith very truly , ' That man can do nothing by his Freewil , as Christ teacheth ( For without me ye can do nothing , &c. ) where it is opened , that Freewil without Grace can do nothing ( he speaks not of eating and drinking , though they be works of Grace ) but nothing that is fruitful , that is meritorious , that is worthy of thanks , that is acceptable before God. ' To which effect we also finde these brief Remembrances , Mans Freewil without Gods Grace , can do nothing that is good , p. 263. that all which Freewil can do without Grace , is but sin , &c. fol , 269. In which passages of those godly Martyrs , as there is nothing in it self not Divine and Orthodox , so finde we somewhat in their writings , which doth as truly and Religiously express the workings of Gods Spirit in the heart of man , without depriving him of the ability of co-operation , which afterwards was taught and countenanced by the Church of England : Of which thus Tyndall in his Pathway ; ' When the Evangelion is prearhed ( saith he ) the Spirit of God entreth into them whom God hath ordained and appointed to Everlasting life , and openeth their inward eyes , and worketh such a belief in them , when the woful Consciences feel and taste how sweet a thing the bitter death of Christ is , and how merciful and loving God is through Christs Purchasing and Merits , so that they begin to love again , and consent to the Law of God , how that it is good , and ought so to be , and that God is righteous that made it , and desire to fulfil the Law , as a sick man desireth to be whole . ' According to which Doctrine , the Church hath taught us to pray thus ; viz. ' O God , forasmuch as without thee we are not able to please thee , grant that that working of the Spirit may in all things direct and rule our hearts , through Christ our Lord , Amen . ' More of which Prayers might be produced to the same effect , were not this enough ; the point concerning the necessity of Gods grace towards mans Conversion , not being in Dispute between the Parties . 3. Now for Gods Grace , according as it is set forth in the Church of England , we shall consider it in the general offer and extent , the efficacious workings of it , and the concurrence of mans will in the beginning and accomplishment of his own Conversion : And first , as to the general offer of the Grace of God , we finde Bishop Hooper thus discoursing in the sixth Chapter of his Exposition of the Ten Commandments : ' Thus did S. Paul ( saith he ) convince the Gentiles of sin , because they knew the evil they did was condemned by the testimony of their own Conscience ; for the Law of God to do well by , is naturally written in the heart of every man : He that will diligently search himself , shall somtime find the same ; and in case man should behold his own misery both in body and soul , although there were no Law correcting , nor no Heavens over our heads to testifie the justice and judgement of God , and the equity of an honest life , mans Conscience would tell him when he doth well , and when he doth evil — ' ' Further ( saith he ) the judgement and discovery of Reason , directs not onely to live just in this world , but also to live for ever in Eternal Felicity without end : And that cometh by the similitude of God which remaineth in the soul since the sin of Adam ; whereby we plainly see , that those excuses of ignorance be damnable , when man sees that he could do well if he followed the judgement of his own Conscience . ' Our Articles indeed say nothing to this particular , but our Liturgie doth ; and somewhat is found also of it in the Book of Homilies : For what can be more clear and full than that clause in the Collect , where it is said of God Almighty , That he sheweth to all men being in errour , the light of his truth , to the intent they may return to the way of righteousness , &c. What more comfortable to a man deprived of the outward benefit of the Word and Sacraments , than that clause in the Homily , where it is said , That if we lack a Learned man to instruct and teach us , God himself from above will give light unto our mindes , and teach us those things which are necessary for us . 4. If then it be demanded , How it comes to pass that this general Overture of Grace becomes so little efficacious in the hearts of men ? we shall finde Bishop Hooper ascribing it in some men to the lack of faith ; and in others , to the want of repentance : Touching the first ; he tells us this , ' That S. Paul concludes , and in a manner includeth the Divine Grace and Promise of God with in certain terms and limits ; that onely Christ should be profitable and efficacious to those that apprehend and receive this abundant Grace by faith ; and to such as have not the use of faith , neither Christ , nor Gods Grace to appertain . ' After which he proceedeth in this manner toward the other sort of men , which make not a right use of this general Grace for want of Repentance : ' Howbeit ( saith he ) that we know by the Scripture , that notwithstanding this imperfection of faith , many shall be saved ; and likewise , notwithstanding that Gods pro 〈…〉 be general , unto all people of the world , yet many shall be damned . These two points must therefore diligently be discussed ; first , how this faith being unperfect , is accepted of God ; then , how we be excluded from the promise of grace that extendeth to all men &c. To which first it is thus answered , That S. Paul , S. John , and Christ himself , damneth the contemnets of God , or such as willingly continue in sin , and will not repent ; these the Scripture excludeth from the general promise of Grace . ' 5. Here then we have the Doctrine of the Church of England delivered in the Liturgie , and the Book of Homilies , more punctually pressed and applied in the words of godly Bishop Hooper ▪ concerning Universal Grace , and somewhat also of the reasons of its not being efficacious in all sorts of men , relating to that liberty which remains in man , of closing or contending with it , as he is either ruled by reason , or else misguided by the tyranny of his lusts and passions . But before I come unto this point , we may behold the necessary workings of Gods Grace , preventing man by the inspirations of his holy Spirit , and the concurrence or co-operation of mans will being so prevented , which is the Celestial influences of the Grace of God : Of which the Church hath spoke so fully in all the Authentick Monuments and Records thereof , that no true English Protestant can make question of it : For thus she tells us in the tenth Article of her Confession ; viz. That the condition of man after the fall of Adam , is such , that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works , to faith and calling upon God : Wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable ●nto God , without the Grace of God by Christ preventing us , that we may have a good will , and working with us , when we have that good will. In the first clause the Church declares her self against the old Pelagians , and some of the great Schoolmen in the Church of Rome ; and in the last , against the Maniches , and some of the more rigid Lutherans in the Churches Protestant , which make man in the work of his own Conversion to be no other than a Statue , or a senseless stock : Contrary whereunto we are instructed in the Homily exhorting to the reading of Holy Scripture , to use all possible endeavours in our own Salvation . If we read once , twice , or thrice , and understand not , let us not cease so , but still continue reading , praying , asking of other men , and so by still knocking , at last the door shall be opened ( as S. Augustine hath it ) which counsel had been vain and idle , if man were not invested with a liberty of complying with it . More plainly is the same exprest in many of our Publique Prayers , as partly in the Collect for Easter-Day ; in which we humbly beseech Almighty God , That as by his special Grace preventing us , he doth put in our minde good desires , so by his continual Fellowship , that he would bring the same to good effect . And in that on the sevententh Sunday after Trinity , That his Grace may always prevent and follow us and make us continually to be given to all good works . But most significantly we have it in one of the Collects after the Communion , that namely in which we pray to the Lord , To prevent us in all our doings by his most gracious favour , and further us with his continual help , that in all our works begun , & continued in him , we may so glorifie his holy Name , that finally , by his mercy , we may obtain life everlasting , through Christ Jesus our Lord. So that upon the whole matter it needs must follow , that as we can do nothing acceptable in the sight of God , without Grace preventing ; so by the freedom of mans will , co-operating with the Grace preventing , and by the subsequent Grace of God Cooperating with the will of man , we have a power of doing such works as are agreeable to the will of our Heavenly Father . 6. Now to this Plain Song of the Articles , the Homilies , and the Publique Liturgie , it may be thought superfluous to make a descant , or adde the light of any Commentary to so clear a Text. And yet I cannot baulk some passages in Bishop Hooper , which declare his judgement in the point ; where he not onely speaks of mans concurrence or co-operation with the Grace of God , but lays his whole damnation on the want thereof : ' Look not therefore ( saith he ) on the promises of God , but also what diligence and obedience he requireth of thee , lest thou exclude thy self from the promise : There was promised to all those that went out of Egypt with Moses , the Land of Canaan ; howbeit , for disobedience of Gods Commandments , there were but one or two that entred . ' This he affords in his Preface , and more than this in his tenth Chapter of the Exposition , relating to the common pretence of Ignorance : ' For though ( saith he ) thou canst not come to so far knowledge in the Scripture as others that believe , by reason thou art unlearned , or else thy vocation will not suffer thee all days of thy ●●●e to be a student , yet must thou know , and upon pain of damnation art bound to know God in Christ , and the Holy Catholick Church ; by the Word written , the Ten Commandments , to know what works thou shouldst do , and what to leave undone ; the Pater noster , Christ his Prayer , which is an Abridgement , Epitome , or compendious Collection of all the Psalms and Prayers written in the whole Scripture , in the which thou prayest for the remission of sin , as well for thy self , as for all others , desirest the Grace of the Holy Ghost to preserve thee in vertue , givest thanks for the goodness of God toward thee and all other . He that knoweth less than this , cannot be saved ; and he that knoweth no more than this , if he follow his knowledge , cannot be damned . ' 7. But the main Controversie in the point of mans Conversion , moves upon this hinge ; that is to say , Whether the influences of Gods Grace be so strong and powerful , that withal they are absolutely irresistible , so that it is not possible for the will of man not to consent unto the same . Calvin first harped upon this string , and all his followers since have danced to the tune thereof , Illud toties à Chrysostomo repetitum repudiari necesse est , Quem trahit , volentem trahit , quo insinuat Dominum porrecta tantum manu expectare an suo auxilio juvari nobis adlubescat . These words ( saith he ) so often repeated by Chrysostome ; viz. That God draws none but such as are willing to go , are to be condemned , the Father intimating by those words , that God expecteth onely with an outstretched and ready arm , whether we be willing or not : In which though he doth not express clearly the good Fathers meaning , yet he plainly doth declare his own , insinuating , that God draws men forcibly , and against their will to his Heavenly Kingdom . Gomarus , one of later date , and a chief stickler in these Controversies , comes up more fully to the sense which Calvin drives at : For putting the question in this manner , An gratia hac datur vi irresistibili , id est ; efficaci operatione DEI , ita ut voluntas ejus qui regeneratur , facultatem non habeat illi resistendi ? He answereth presently , Credo & profiteor ita esse ; that is to say , his question is , ' Whether the Grace of God be given in an irresistible manner ; that is to say , with such an efficacious operation , that the will of him who is to be regenerated hath not the power to make resistance ? ' And then the answer follows thus , ' I believe and profess it to be so . ' More of which kinde might be produced from other Authors , but that this serves sufficiently to set forth a Doctrine which is so little countenanced by the burning and most shining lights of the Church of England . 8. Beginning first with Bishop Hooper , we shall finde it thus : ' It is not ( saith he ) a Christian mans part to attribute his salvation to his own Freewil , with the Pelagian , and extenuate Original sin , nor to make God the Author of ill and damnation , with the Maniche ; nor yet to say , that God hath written Fatal Laws , and with necessity of Destiny , violently pulleth the one by the hair into heaven , and thrusteth the other headlong into hell , &c. More fully in his glosse on the text of Saint John , viz. No man cometh to me except my Father draw him , chap. 6. 44. Many , saith he , understand these words in a wrong sence , as if God required no more in a reasonable man than in a dead post , and mark not the words which follow , Every man that heareth , and learneth of my Father , commeth unto me , &c. God draweth with his Word and the holy Ghost , but mans duty is to hear and learn ; that is to say , to receive the grace offered , consent to the promise , and not to impugne the God that calleth . ' More fully , but to the same purpose also speaks Bishop Latimer , ' Gods salvation , saith he , is sufficient to save all mankinde ; But we are so wicked of our selves , that we refuse the same ; and we will not take it when 't is offered unto us , and therefore he saith , pauci vero electi , few are chosen ; that is , few have pleasure and delight in it , for the most part are weary of it , cannot abide it ; and there are some that hear it , but they will abide no danger for it — And in few lines after thus , Such men are cause of their own damnation ; for God would have them saved , but they refuse it , like Judas the traytor whom Christ would have had to be saved , but he refused his salvation , he refused to follow the Doctrine of his Master Christ . ' The like occurs in another place of the same Sermon , where we finde ' that seeing the preaching of the Gospel is universal , it appeareth that God would have all mankind saved ; and that the fault is not in him if they be damned ; For thus it is written , Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri , God would have all men to be saved , but we are so wicked of our selves that we refuse the same , and will not take notice of it when 't is offered . ' 9. And here for strength and confirmation unto all the rest , we are to know that these two godly Martyrs have delivered no other Doctrine than what is positively expressed , or may be rationally inferred both from the tenth Article of King Edwards Book , and the Book of Homilies . And first for the tenth Article of King Edwards Book , it is this that followeth , viz. Gratia Christi , sive Spiritus Sanctus qui per eundem datur , cor lapideum aufert , & dat cor ●arneum . Atque licet ex nol ●tibus quae recta sunt , volentes faciat , & ex vole●tibus prava , nolentes reddat ; Voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert , & n●mo hac de causa cum pe caverit , ut eam ob causum , accusari non meretaur aut damnar . That is to say . — ' The Grace of Christ , or the Holy Ghost which is given by him , doth take from man the heart of stone , and giveth him a heart of flesh ; And though it rendreth us willing to do those good works which before we were unwilling to do , and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did ; yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man ; so that no man when he hath sinned can excuse himself , as if he had sinned against his will , or upon constraint ; and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account . ' The composition of which Article doth most clearly shew that our first Reformers did as little countenance that Doctrine of the Irresistibility of Gods grace in its workings on the will of man , which the Calvinians now contend for , as they did the Dreams and Dotages of some Zuinglian Gospellers , into whose writings if we look , we shall easily find that Gods divine Predestination , is by them made the cause of sinne , by which men are necessitated and compelled to those acts of wickednesse which they so frequently commit ; By the vertue of Gods will , saith one , all things are done yea even those things which are evil and execrable . By Gods Predestination , sa●th another , we are compelled to do those things for which we are damned , as will appear more fully in the sixteenth Chapter , when the extravagancies of the Predestina●ians come to be considered . And it is probable enough , that to encounter with these monstrous Paradoxes of the Zuinglian Gospellers , this Article was first composed ; in which Provision seemes to have been made against all those who taught that men sinned against their wills , or upon constraint , or that men might excuse themselves from the blame thereof upon that consideration . If any of the Calvinian factions can finde any thing in this Article against Arminianisme , ( as they call it ) or in defence of the determining of the will by converting grace , or the consistency of the freedome or liberty of the will , much good may it do them . But then they should think themselves obliged to give a better reason , than I think they can , why : this Article is not to be found in the Book as now it is printed . Either this Article was not made in favour of Calvinisme , when it was published with the rest in King Edwards time ; or the Reformers of the Church under Queen Elizabeth were no friends to Calvinisme in causing it to be left out in the second Book , Anno 1562. to which subscription is required by the Lawes of the Land. 10. Proceed we next unto the Book of Homilies ; in the one of which we find this passage ' that few of the proud , learned , wife , perfect and holy Pharisees were saved by Christ , because they justified themselves by their counterfeit holinesse before men . — ' And in another thus . ' But the corrupt inclination of man was so much given to follow his own fancies ( and as you would say ) to favour his own b●rd , that he worships himself , that all the admonitions , exhortations , benefits , and the precepts of God , could not keep him from their intent on . ' More clearly and expressely in another place , where after the recitation of some pious duties by God commended to the Jewes , the Homily proceeds in this manner following : ' But these things they passed not of , they turned their backs and went their way ; they stopped their eares that they might not hear , and they hardned their hearts as an adamant stone , that they might not listen to the Law , and the words that the Lord had sent through his holy Spirit : wherefore the Lord shewed his great indignation upon them . It came to passe ( saith the Prophet ) even as I told them , and they would not hear , so when they cryed they were not heard , but were scattered into all Kingdoms , which they never knew , and their land was made desolate . And to be short , all they that may not abide the Word of God , but following the perswasions and stubbornnesse of their own hearts , go backward , and not forward ( as is said in Jeremy ) they go and turne away from God. ' Nor is this spoken only of such a temporary resistance as may be overcome at last by the unconquerable power of the Spirit of God ? but even of such an obstinate and perverse resistance , as in the end will lead the way to a final Apostacy , an unrecoverable forsaking of God , and being as irrecoverably forsaken by him : Of which we shall speak more at large in the fifth and last Article , concerning the uncertainty of perseverance . CHAP. XII . The Doctrine of Freewil agreed upon by the Clergie in their Convocation , An. 1543. 1. OF the Convocation holden in the year , 1543. in order to the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine . 2. The Article of Freewil in all the powers and workings of it , agreed on by the Prelates and Clergie of that Convocation , agreeable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England . 3. An Answer to the first Objection concerning the Popishness of the Bishops and Clergie in that Convocation . 4. The Article of Freewil approved by King Henry the eighth , and Archbishop Cranmer . 5. An Answer to the last Objection concerning the Conformity of the Article to the present Established Doctrine in the Church of Rome . 1. BUt First , I am to take in my way another evidence , whi●h though it hath not so directly the force of Law to binde us to consent unto it , and perhaps may not be considered amongst the Monuments and Records of the Reformation ; yet it speaks plainly the full sense of our first Reformers . I speak this of a pithy , but short Discourse , touching the nature of Freewil , contained amongst some others , in the Book published by the Authority of King Henry the eighth , in the year , 1543. entituled , A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for all Christian men : Concerning which , as we have spoke at large already in Chap. 8. of this Work , so now we must adde something touching this particular , of which there was no notice taken in the Bishops Book : For when the Bishops Book , which had been printed in the year , 1537. under the title of An Institution for a Christian man , had for some time continued without alteration , it was brought under the review of the Bishops and Clergie assembled in their Convocation , anno 1543. and having been reviewed in all the parts and members of it , a particular Treatise touching the nature of Freewil , which in those times had exercised the greatest wits : Of which I finde this Memorandum in the Acts of the Convocation ; that is to say , That on Monday , being the last of April , Lecto & publice exposuo Articulo Liberi Arburii in vulgari , &c. The Article of Fre●wil being read , and publiquely expounded in the English Tongue , the most Reverend Archbishops delivered it into the hands of the Prolocutor , to the end that he should publish it before the Clerks of the lower House of Convocation , as is accustomed in such cases , Quo lecto , & per eos approbato ; which being read and approved by them , it was returned with the residue to the upper House of Convocation , with this Approbation , Quod pro Catholicis & Religiosis acceperunt , n●c non gratias in gentes patribus egerunt , qu●d tan●●s labores , sudores , & vigilias Religionis & Reipublicae causa , & unitatis gratia subicra●t ; that is to say , that they embraced them all for sound and Orthodox , rendring unto the Fathers there most humble thanks for the great care and pains which they had undertaken for the good of the Church and Commonwealth , and the preserving of peace and unity amongst the people . Which passage I have at large laid down , to shew by whose hands , and by what Authority , as well the Book it self , which we have spoken of before , as this particular Treatise in it , was at first fashioned and set forth . And that being said , I shall first present the Treatise or Discourse it self , and after Answer such Objections as either prejudice or partiality may devise against it . Now the Article followeth in hac verba . The Article of Freewil . 2. THe Commandments and threatnings of Almighty God in Scripture , whereby man is call●d upon , and put in remembrance what God would have him to do , most evidently do expresse and declare , that man hath Free-will also now after the fall of our first father Adam , as plainly appeareth in these places following . Be not overcome of evil , neglect not the grace that is in thee ; Love not the world , &c. If thou wilt enter into life , keep the Commandments . Which undoubtedly should be said in vaine , unlesse there were some faculty or power left in man , whereby he may by the help and grace of God ( if he will receive it , when it is offered him ) understand his Commandments , and freely consent unto and obey them : which thing of the Catholick Fathers is called Free-will , which if we will describe , we may call it conveniently in all men , A certain power of the Will joyned with Reason , wherby a reasonable creature , without constraint in things of Reason , discerneth and willeth good and evil ; but it willeth not the good which is acceptable to God , except it be holpen with Grace ; but that which is ill it willeth of it self . And therefore other men define Free-will in this wise ; Free-will is a power and Reason of Will by which good is chosen by the assistance of Grace , as evil is chosen without the assistance of the same . Howbeit the state and condition of Free-will was otherwise in our first Parents , before they sinned , than it was either in them or their Posterity after they had sinned . For our first Parents , Adam and Eve , untill they wounded and overthrew themselves by sinne , had so in possession the said power of Free-will by the most liberal gift and grace of God their Maker , that not only they might eschew all manner of sinne , but also know God and love him , and fulfill all things appertaining to their felicity and welfare ; For they were made righteous , and to the image and similitude of God , having power of Free-will ( as Chrysostome saith ) to obey or disobey ; so that by obedience they might live , and by disobedience they should worthily deserve to die . For the wise man affirmeth of them that the state of them was of this sort in the beginning , saying thus , God in the beginning did create man , and left him in the hands of his own counsel , he gave unto him his precepts and commandments , saying , If thou wilt keep these Commandments , they shall preserve thee ; He hath set before thee fire and water , put forth thine hands to whither thou wilt ; before man is life and death , good and evil ; what him listeth , that shall he have . From this most happy estate our first Parents falling by disobedience , most grievously hurted themselves and their posterity ; for besides many other evils that came by that transgression , the high power of mans Reason and Freedome of will were wounded and corrupted , and all men thereby brought into such blindnesse and infirmity , that they cannot eschew sin , except they be made free and illuminated by an especial grace , that is say , by a supernatural help and working of the holy Ghost , which although the goodnesse of God offers to all men , yet they only enjoy it , which by their Free-will do accept and embrace the same . Nor they also that be holpen by the said grace can accomplish and performe things that be for their wealth , but with much labour and endeavour : So great is in our nature the corruption of the first sinne , and the heavy burden bearing us down to evil . For truly albeit the light of Reason doth abide , yet is it much darkned , and with much difficulty doth discerne : things that be inferiour , and pertain to this present life ; but to understand and perceive things that be spiritual , and pertain to that everlasting life , it is of it self unable . And so likewise there remains a certain freedome of the will in those things which do pertain unto the desires and works of this present life ; yet to performe spiritual and heavenly things , Free-will of it self is unsufficient ; and therefore the power of mans Free-will being thus wounded and decayed , hath need of a Physitian to heal it ; and one help to repaire it , that it may receive light and strength , whereby it may be so , and have power to do those godly and spiritual things which before the fall of Adam it was able and might have done . To this blindnesse and infirmity of mans nature , proceeding of Original sinne the Prophet David hath regard , when he desired his eyes to be lightened of Almighty God , that he might consider the marvellous things that be in his Law. And also the Prophet Jeremy saying , Heal me O Lord , and I shall be made whole . Augustine also plainly declareth the same , saying , We conclude that Free-will is in man after his fall , which thing who so denieth , is not a Catholick man ; but in spiritual desires and works to please God , it is so weak and feeble , that it cannot either begin or performe them , unlesse by the Grace and help of God it be prevented and holpen . And hereby it appeareth that mans strength and Will in all things which be helpful to the soul , and shall please God , hath need of the graces of the holy Ghost , by which such things be inspired to men , and strength and constancy given to performe them , if we do not wilfully refuse the said Grace offered to them . And likewise as many things be in the Scripture which do shew Free-will to be in man ; so there be now fewer places in Scripture which declare the Grace of God to be so necessary , that if by it Free-will be not prevented and holpen , it neither can do , nor will any thing good and godly , of which sort be these Scriptures following , Without me you can do nothing : no man cometh to me except it be given him of my Father . We be not sufficient of our selves as of our selves to think any good thing . According unto which Scriptures and such other like it followeth , That Free-will , before it may will or think any godly thing , must be holpen with the grace of Christ , and by his Spirit be prevented and inspired that it may be able thereunto . And being so made able , may from thenceforth work together with grace ; and by the same sustained , holpen and maintained , may , doth accomplish good works , and avoid sinne , and persevere also , and encrease in grace ; It is true of the grace of God only that first we are inspired and moved to any good thing : but to resist temptations , and to persist in goodnesse and go forward , it is both of the Grace of God and our Free-will and endeavour . And finally after we have persevered unto the end , to be crowned with glory therefore , is the gift and mercy of God , who of his bountiful goodnesse hath ordained that reward to be given after this life according to such good works as be done in this life by his Grace . Therefore men ought with much diligence and gratitude of minde to consider and regard the inspiration , wholsome motions of the holy Ghost , and to embrace the Grace of God which is offered to them in Christ , and moveth them ●o work good things . And furthermore to go about by all means to shew themselves such , as unto whom the Grace of God is not given in vaine . And when they do settle , that notwithstanding their diligence , yet through their infirmity they be not able to do that they desire , then they ought earnestly and with a fervent devotion and stedfast faith to aske of him , which gave the beginning , that he would vouchsafe to performe it : which thing God will undoubtedly grant , according to his promise , to such as persevere in calling upon him . For he is naturally good , and willeth all men to be saved , and careth for them , and provideth all things by which they may be saved , except BY THEIR OWN MALICE they will be evil , and so by the righteous judgement of God , perish and be lost . For truly men be to themselves the AUTHOR OF SIN and DAMNATION . God is neither the AUTHOR of SIN , nor the CAUSE OF DAMNATION . And yet doth he most righteously damne those men , that do with vices corrupt their nature , which he made good , and do abuse the same to evil desires , against his most holy will ; wherefore men be to be warned , that they do not impute to God their vice , or their damnation ; but to themselves , who by Free-will have abused the grace and benefits of God. All men be also to be monished , and chiefly Preachers , that in this high matter they looking on both sides , so attemper and moderate themselves , that neither they so preach the Grace of God , as to take away thereby Free-will ; Nor on the other side so extol Free-will , that injury be done to the grace of God. 3. Such was the judgment of the Bishops and Clergy assembled in Convocation , An. 1543. touching the nature of Free-will , and the co-operations of it with the grace of God ; In which I can see nothing not agreeable to the present establisht Doctrine of the Church of England . And if it be objected , as perhaps it may , that this Convocation was held in times of Popery , and managed by a Popish Clergy ; it may be answered that the Bishops and Clergy then assembled were such as had a principal hand in the Reformation , and generally subscribed unto the Articles of Religion , agreed upon , and published in King Edwards time , Anno 1552. At which time fifteen of the Bishops which had been present at the Convocation , Anno 1543. were not only living , but present , and consenting to the Articles in King Edwards time , that is to say , Cranmer Arch-bishop of Canterbury ; Parfew , Bishop of Saint Asaph ; Buchely , Bishop of Bangor ; Bush , Bishop of Bristol ; Sampson , Bishop of Litchfield ; Butler , Bishop of Saint David ; Goodrich , Bishop of Elie ; Ship , Bishop of Hereford ; Folgate , Bishop of Landaff , and afterwards Arch-bishop of York ; King , Bishop of Oxon ; Chambers , Bishop of Peterborough ; Cepon , Bishop of Sarum ; Thi●bly , then Bishop of Westminster ; Aldrich , then Bishop of Caerlile ; and Bird , Bishop of Chester : By which proportion , we may conclude that a farre greater number of the Deans and Arch-deacons , who have a personal right of voting in all Convocations , and coming to the number of eighty and thereabouts , must be living and consenting also to the Reformation , as being younger men than the Bishops were ; not to say any thing of the Clerks or Procurates of Cathedral Churches , and those of the Diocesan Clergy , as being variable and changeable from time to time , though possibly a great part of them might be present and consenting also , 1552. Nor stood this Book nor the Article of Free-will therein contained , upon the order and authority only of this Convocation , but had as good countenance and encouragement to walk abroad as could be superadded to it by an Act of Parliament , as appears plainly by the Kings Preface to that Book , and the Act it self , to which for brevity sake I refer the Reader . 4. But if it be replyed , that there is no relying on the Acts of Parliament which were generally swayed , changed , and over-ruled by the power and passions of the King ; and that the Act of Parliament which approved this Book , was repealed in the first year of King Edward the sixth , as indeed it was : we might refer the Reader to a passage in the Kings Epistle , before remembred , in which the doctrine of Free-will is affirmed to have been purged of all Popish errors ; concerning which take here the words of the Epistle , viz. And forasmuch as the heads and senses of our people have been imbusied , and in these days travelled with the understanding of Free-will , Justification , &c. We have by the advice of our Clergy for the purgation of Erroneous Doctrine , declared and set forth openly , plainly , and without ambiguity of speech , the meere and certaine truth of them : so as we verily trust , that to know God , and how to live after his pleasure to the attaining of everlasting life in the erd , this Book containeth a perfect and sufficient Doctrine , grounded and established in holy Scriptures . And if it be rejoyned , as perhaps it may , that King Henry used to shift opinion in matters which concerned Religion , according unto interest and reason of State ; it must be answered that the whole Book , and every Tract therein contained , was carefully corrected by Arch-bishop Cranmer , the most blessed instrument under God , of the Reformation , before it was committed to the Prolocutor and the rest of the Celrgy . For proof whereof I am to put the Reader in minde of a Letter of the said Archbishop , relating to the eighth Chapter of this Book ; in which he signified to an honourable friend of his , that he had taken the more paines in it , because the Book being to be set forth by his Graces ( that is to say the Kings ) censure and judgement , he could have nothing in it that Momus himself could reprehend , as before was said : And this I hope will be sufficient to free this Treatise of Free-will from the crime of Popery . 5. But finally , if notwithstanding all these Reasons , it shall be still pressed by those of the Calvinian party , that the Doctrine of Free-will , which is there delivered , is in all points the same with that which was concluded and agreed on in the Council of Trent , as appears Cap. de fructibus justificationis , & merito bonorum operum Can. 34. and therefore not to be accounted any part of the Protestant Doctrine ; which was defended and maintained by the Church of England , according to the first Rules of her Reformation : the answers will be many , and every answer not without its weight and moment . For first , it was not the intent of the first Reformers to depart farther from the Rites and Doctrines of the Church of Rome , than that Church had departed from the simplicity both of Doctrine and Ceremonies , which had been publickly maintained and used in the Primitive times , as appears plainly by the whole course of their proceedings , so ▪ much commended by King James in the Conference at Hampton Court. Secondly , this Doctrine must be granted also to be the same with that of the Melancthonian Divines or moderate Lutherans ▪ , as was confessed by Andreas Vega , one of the chief sticklers in the Council of Trent , who on the agitating of the Point , did confesse ingenuously , that there was no difference betwixt the Lutherans and the Church touching that particular . And then it must be confessed also , that it was the Doctrine of Saint Augustine , according to that Divine saying of his , Sine gratia De● praeveniente ●t velimus , & subsequente ne frustra velimus , ad pietatis opera nil valemus , which is the same of that of the tenth Article of the Church of England , where it is said , That without the grace of God preventing us , that we may have a good will , and working with us when we have that good will , we can do nothing that is acceptable to him in the wayes of piety . So that if the Church of England must be Arminian , and the Arminian must be Papist , because they agree together in this particular ; the Melancthonian Divines amongst the Protestants , yea , and S. Augustine amongst the Ancients himself , must be Papists also . CHAP. XIII . The Doctrine of the Church of England concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance . 1. THe certainty of Grace debated in the Council of Trent , and maintained in the Affirmative by the Dominioans , and some others . 2. The contrary affirmed by Calarinus and his adherents ▪ 3. The doubtful resolution of the Council in it . 4. The Calvinists not coment with certainty of Grace quoad statum presentem , presume upon it also quoad statum futurum . 5. The bounds and limits wherewith the judgement in this point ought rationally to be circumscribed . 6. The Doctrine of the Church of England in the present Article . 7. Justified by the testimonies of Bishop Latimer , Bishop Hooper , and Master Tyndal . 8. And proved by several arguments from the publick Liturgie . 9. The Homily commends a probable and stedfast hope ; but 10. Allows no● certainty of Grace and perseverance ( in any ordinary way ) to the sons of men . 1. OF all the Points which exercised the wits and patience of the Schoolmen in the Council of Trent , there was none followed with more heat between the parties , then that of the certainty of Grace , occasioned by some passages in the writings of Luther , wherein such certainty was maintained as necessary unto justification , and an essential part thereof . ' In canvasing of which point , the one part held that certainty of grace was presumption ; the other that one might have it meritoriously . The ground of the first was , that Saint Thomas , Saint Bonaventure ; and generally the Schoolmen thought so ; for which caule the major part of the Dominican● were of the same opinion ; besides the authority of the Doctors , they alledged for reasons ▪ that God would not that man should be certaine , that he might not be lifted up in pride , and esteeme of themselves , that he might not prefer himself before others , as he that knoweth himself to be just would do before manifest sinners : and a Christian would so become drowsie , carelesse , and negligent to do good . Therefore they said that uncertainty was profitable , yea and meritorious besides , because it is a passion of the mind which doth afflict it ; and being supported , is turned to merit . ' They alledged many places of the Scripture also ; of Solomon , that a man knoweth not whether he be worthy of hate or love ; of Wisdome , which commandeth not to be without fear of these sinnes pardoned ; of Saint Peter , to work out our salvation with fear and trembling ; of Saint Paul , who said of himself , though my conscience accuse me not , yet I am not thereby justified . ' These Reasons and Testimonies , together with many places of the Fathers were brought and amplified , especially by Levipandus , Vega , and Solo. 2. ' But Calarinus and Marinarus had other places of the same Fathets to the contrary , which shewed they had spoken accidentally in this particular , as the occasions made most for their purpose , sometimes to comfort the scrupulous , sometimes to represse the audacious ; yet they kept themselves close to the authority of the Scripture . They said that to as many as it is read in the Gospel that Christ hath forgiven sins , to all them he said , Believe that your sinnes are forgiven , and it would be an absurdity that Christ should give an occasion of temerity and pride ; or , if the contrary were profitable , or a merit , that he would deprive all men of it . That the Scripture bindeth us to give God thanks for our justification , which cannot be given except we know that we have obtained it ; for to give them when we are uncertain , would be ▪ most foolish and impertinent . That Saint Paul doth plainly confirme the certainty , when he putteth the Corinthians in mind to know that Christ is in them , except they be reprobates : And when he saith , we have received from God the Spirit to know what is given us by his divine Majesty ; and more clearly , that the holy Spirit doth bear witnesse to our spirit that we are the sons God : and it is much to accuse them of rashnesse who beleeve the Holy Ghost that speaketh with them . For Saint Ambrose saith that the Holy Ghost doth never speak unto us , but doth make us know that it is he that speaketh . After this he added the words of Christ in Saint John , that the world cannot receive the Holy Ghost , because it seeth him not , nor knoweth him , but that the disciples shall know him , because he shall dwell in them . Calarinus did fortifie himself strongly by saying that it was the opinion of a man in a dream , to defend that Grace is voluntarily received , when we know not whether we have it or not ; as if to receive a thing willingly , it be not necessary that the willing receiver should know it is given him , that he doth really receive it , and that after it is received , he doth possesse it . ' 3. ' The force of these Reasons made them first retire a little that censured the opinion of Temerity , and yield that there might be a conjecture ; though not an ordinary certainty ; yet they acknowledged a certainty in the Martyrs , in the newly baptized , and in some by special revelation , and from conjecture , they were brought to call it moral Faith : And that Vego who in the beginning admitted probability only , overcome by these Reasons , and beginning to favour the certainty , for fear of conforming himself to the Lutheran opinion , said that there was so much certainty as did exclude all doubt , and could not be deceived ; ' yet that it was not Christian Faith , but humane and experimental . But Calarinus and his party which were all the Carmelites , not resting satisfied either in the termes of an experimental faith , or a moral perswasion , did presse the certainty so farre , that many of the Prelate● began to encline to that opinion , and to perswade themselves , that certainty of Grace was founded upon such an assurance as might in some sort be called divine ; though when they came to draw up the Decree therein , they found themselves involved in more perplexities than they were aware of ▪ For the Point being followed with great heat between the parties , and each of them conceiving that the truth was clearly on their side ; it was found necessary to cast the Decree into such a mold , as those of the two contrary opinions might repose themselves on it . And certainly he that looks on the ninth Chapter of the sixth Session of the Council entituled Contra inanem Haereticorum fiduciam , may easily perceive into what streights they were reduced by seeking to content the Leaders of the several factions . For when the Decree came to be discussed , it was no hard matter to make them joyne against that confidence which was maintained by many of Luthers followers , as if a man were no otherwise justified than by the confidence which he had in his own justification ; yet when they came to expresse that certainty which had occasioned that intricate and perplexed dispute , they were not so well able to state the point , as not to shew their own irresolution and uncertainty in it . For in the conclusion of the Decree in which they were to declare some cause for which no man could certainly know that he hath obtained Grace at the hands of God , the Cardinal to satisfie one part , added certainty of faith : and he with the Dominicans not thinking it to be enough , urged him to adde the word Catholick to it ; so that the sence thereof might seeme to be to this effect ; that no man could assure himself of obtaining Grace by any such certainty of Faith as may come under the notion of Catholick . But because the Adherents of Calarius were not so contented , instead of those words of Catholick Faith ( on which the Deminicans insisted ) it was thought necessary to declare that they meant it not of such a faith , cui non potest subesse falsum , which cannot be subject to falshood . And thereupon the conclusion was drawn up in these following words , viz. Quilibet dum seipsum , ●uan●que propriam infirmitatem & indispositionem respicit , de gratia formidare & timere potest , cum nullus scire valeat certitudine ▪ Fidei cui non potest subesse falsum , se gratiam Dei esse consecutum ; that is to say , that every one in regard of his own disposition and infirmity may doubt with himself whether he hath received this Grace or not , because he cannot know by certainty of infallible faith that he hath obtained it . A temperament which contented both sides . For one party inferred that all the certainty of faith which could be had herein , might be false or fallible , and therefore to be thought uncertaine ; the others inferred with equal confidence and content that the certainty therein declared , could have no doubt of falshood or fallibility , for the time that it remained in us ; and that it could no otherwise become false or fallible , than by changing from the state of grace to the state of sinne , as all contingent truths , by the alteration of their subjects may be made false also . 4. By which last clause it doth appear that all the certainty with Catarinus and the Carmelites contended for , was no more but this , that the Regenerate and righteous man might be certaine of grace and his own justification , quo ad statum praesentem , but not that he could challenge or pretend to any such certainty , quo ad statum futurum , or build on a continual perseverance in it for the time to come . For even those men who stickled most in maintenance of the certainty of Grace quo ad statum praesentem , concurred with those who maintained the uncertainty of perseverance , together with the possibility of falling Totally and Finally from the Grace received , for which see Chap. 2. Num. 8. of this present Book . But the Calvinists being men of another making , presume not only ( as one saith of them ) to know all things that belong to their present justification , as assuredly as they know that Christ is in heaven , but are as sure of their eternal election , and of their future glorification , as they are of this Article of our Creed , that Christ was borne of the Virgin Mary . And that he may not be thought to have spoken this without good authority , we need look no farther than the fifth Article of the Contra-Romonstrants which was disputed at the Hague , according as it is laid down in our fourth Chap. Numb . 7. compared with the determination of the Council of Dort touching the point of Perseverance ; the summe whereof is briefly this , viz. ' That God will preserve in the Faith all those who are absolutely elected from eternity , and are in time brought to faith by an almighty and irresistible operation or working , so that though they fall into detestable wickednesses and villanies , and continue in them some space of time , against their conscience , yet the said wicked villanies do not hinder so much as a straw amounts to , theit election , or salvation ; neither do they or can they by means of , or because of these , fall from the Grace of Adoption , and from the state of Justification , or lose their faith ; but all their sinnes how great soever they be , both which heretofore they have committed , and those which after they will or shall commit , are surer than assuredly forgiven them , yea and moreover , they themselves , at last , though it be at the last gasp , shall be called to repentance , and brought out into possession of salvation . ' To which determination of the Synod it self , it may be thought impertinent to subjoyne the words and suffrages of particular men , though those of Roger Donlebeck are by no means to be omitted : by whom it is affirmed , That if it were possible for any one man to commit all the sinnes over again which have been acted in the world , it would neither frustrate his election , nor alienate him from the love and favour of God ; For which and many other passages of like nature , too frequent in the writings of the Contra-Remonstrants , the Reader may consult the Appendix to the book called Pre● . Declaratio , Sententiae Remonstratium , printed at Leiden , Anno 1616. and there he may be satisfied in his curiosity . 5. But on the other side such as have looked into the mysteries of Eternal life with the eye of Reverence , are neither so confident in the point , nor so unadvised in their expressions as Donlebeck and others of the presumptuous sort of our moderne Calvinists , by whom we are informed , that all assurance is twofold , that is to say , in respect of the object known , believed ; and in regard of the subject believing , knowing : As man relyeth upon his Evidence , or as his Evidence to relie upon , that all Evidence is divine or humane , from God or man ; that Evidence divine , if apprehended , is ever certaine , and infallible , both for the necessity of our object , God , in whom is nor change , nor shadow of change ; as also for the manner of determining the Evidence , whereby that is certaine or necessary for effect , which is but contingent otherwise in it self ; that such Evidence as is most clear , and such assurance as is most certaine in it self , may be contingent and uncertaine , as we may both use it and dispose it , who are here and there , off and on as our judgements vary , being irresolute in our wayes , and as inconstant constant in our works : And thereupon it is inferred in behalf of those who maintain the infallibility of such assurance , that they mean no otherwise than this ; that is to say , that in regard of God , faithful and true ; in respect of his promises , Yea and Amen ; every child of God renewed by Grace , may ( and ought infallibly ) assure himself of his own salvation procured in Christ , who yet in regard of his own infirmity and inconstancy , cannot chuse but waver in his assurance , and feare the worst , though he hope the best . And this , if Bellarmine say right , is Saint Augustines doctrine , out of whom he collects thus much , Ex promissione Christi potest unusquisque colligere se transisse à morte ad vitam , & in ▪ ●udicium non venire , that is to say , that every man ( he means it only of the regenerate man ) may collect from the promise of Christ , that he is translated from death to life , and shall not be brought unto the judgement of condemnation ; the Cardinal thereupon resolves , that a man may collect so much by infallible assurance and divine , if he look into the● faithfulnesse of him that promiseth ; but if he consider his own disposition , we assigne no more but probable and conjectural assurance only . 6. Which said as to the certainty and incertainty of the assurance which a man may have within himself , not only concerning his present being in the state of Grace , as his continuance and perseverance in it for time to come : we must next look into the Doctrine of this Church in the point it self : For having formerly maintained in the tenth Article of her Confession that there remains a freedome of the Will in man , for laying or not laying hold upon those means which are offered by the Grace of God for our salvation ; she must by consequence maintaine also , that there is a freedome from the Will in standing unto Grace received , or departing from it . Certaine I am that it is so resolved in the sixteenth Article for her Confession , in which it is declared , that after we have received the Holy Ghost , we may depart from the Grace ▪ given , and fall into sin ; and by the Grace of God we may arise again and amend our lives ; where plainly the Church teacheth a possibility of falling or departing from the Grace of the Holy Ghost , which is given unto us , and that our rising again , and amending of our lives upon such a rising is a matter of contingency only , and no way necessary on Gods part to assure us of a Doctrine so repugnant to that of the Calvinists , that to make the Article come up to their opinion , they would faine adde neither finally nor totally ( as appears by that of Doctor Reynolds at Hampton Court ) to the first clause of it ; By which Addition , as they would make the last part of it to be absolutely unprofitable , and of no effect ; so do they wilfully oppose themselves against the known maxim in the Civil Laws , which telleth us , Non esse distinguendum , ubi lex non distinguit , that no distinctions must be made in the explicating or expounding of any Law , which is not to be found in the Law it self . And therefore for the clear understanding of the Churches meaning , we must have recourse in this as in other Articles to the plain words of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper , so often mentioned in this Work. 7. And first we finde Bishop Latimer discoursing thus , ' Let us not do , saith he , as the Jewes did , which were stiff-necked ; they would not leave their sinnes , they had a pleasure in the same , they would follow their old Traditions , refusing the Word of God ; therefore their destruction came worthily upon them ; And therefore I say let us not follow them lest we receive such a reward as they had , lest everlasting destruction come upon us ; and so we be cast out of the favour of God , and finally lost , world without end . And in another place — I say there be two manner of men ; some there be that are not justified , not regenerate , not yet in the state of salvation , that is to say , not Gods servants : they take the Renovation or Regeneration , they be not come yet to Christ , or if they were , be fallen again from him , and so lost their justification ; as there be many of us when we fall willingly into sin against conscience , we lose the favour of God , and finally the Holy Ghost — But you will say , How shall I know that I am in the Book of Life ? I answer , that we may be one time in the Book , and another time come out of it again , as it appeareth by David , who was written in the Book of Life , but when he sinned ●oully , at that time came out of the favour of God , until he repented , and was sorry for his faults : so that we may be in the Book one time , and afterwards when we forget God , and his Word , and do wickedly , we come out of the Book which is Christ . The like we finde in Bishop Hooper , first telling us that the causes of Rejection or Damnation is sinne in man , that will not hear , neither receive the promise of the Gospel , or else after he hath received it , by accustomed doing of ill , falleth either unto a contempt of the Gospel , or will not study to live thereafter , or else he hateth the Gospel because it condemneth his ungodly life . After which he proceedeth to the application — Refuse not therefore the Grace offered , nor once received , banish it with ill conversation . If we fall , let us hear Almighty God that calleth us to repent , and with his Word ; and return ; let us not continue in sinne , nor heap one sinne upon another , lest at last we come to a contempt of God and his Word . ' In the beginning of his Paraphrase or Exposition to the thirteenth Chapter of the Romans , he speaks as plainly to this purpose ; which passage might here deserve place also , but that I am called upon by Master Tyndall , whose testimony I am sure will be worth the having , and in the Prologue to his Exposition on the same Epistle he informs us thus . ' None of us ( saith he ) can be received to Grace but upon a condition to keep the Law , neither yet continue any longer in Grace than that promise lasteth . And if we break the Law , we must sue for a new pardon , and have a new light against sinne , hell , and desperation ; yet we can come to a quiet faith again , and feele that sinne is forgiven ; neither can there be in thee a stable and undoubted faith , that thy sinne is forgiven thee , except there be also a lusty courage in thy heart , and trust that thou wilt sinne no more ; for on this condition that thou wilt sinne no more , is the promise of mercie and forgivenesse made unto thee . ' 8. But against all this it is objected that Montague himself , both in his Gag and his Appeale , confesseth that the Church hath left this undecided ; that is to say , neither determining for finally or totally , and much lesse for both . And that he doth so in the Gag , I shall easily grant , where he relateth only to the words of the Article , which speaks only of a possibility of falling , without relating to the measure or duration of it . But he must needs be carried with a very strange confidence , which can report so of him in his book called Appello Caesarem , in which he both expressely saith , and proveth the contrary . He saith it first in these words , after a repetition of that which he had formerly said against the Gagger . ' I determine nothing in the question , that is to say , nor totally nor finally , or totally not finally , or totally & finally ; but leave there all to their Authors and Abettors ; resolving upon this , not to go beyond my bounds , the consented , resolved and subscribed Articles of the Church of England ; in which , nor yet in the Book of Common Prayer , and other divine offices , is there any tye upon me to resolve in this much disputed question , as these Novellers would have it ( not as these Novellers would have it , there 's no doubt of that , ) For if there be any , it is for a possibility of total falling , of which more anon . ' He proves it next , by several Arguments extracted from the Book of Homilies and the publike Liturgy . Out of which last he observeth three passages , the first out of the Forme of Baptisme , in which it is declared , that the baptized infant being born in original sin , by the Laver of Regeneration in Baptism , is received into the number of the children of God , and Heirs of everlasting life ; the second out of the publick Catechism , in which the child is taught to say , that by his Baptism he was made a member of Christ , the child of God , and an inheritor of the Kingdom of heaven . The third out of the Rubrick before Confirmation , in which it is affirmed for a truth , that it is certain by Gods word , that children being baptized , have all things necessary for their salvation , and be undoubtedly saved . And thereupon he doth observe that it is to be acknowledged for a Doctrine of this Church , that children , duly baptized , are put ' into a state of Grace and salvation ; and secondly , that it is seen by common experience , that many children so baptized , when they come to age , by a wicked and lewd life do fall away from God , and from the state of Grace and salvation wherein he had set them , to a worse state , wherein they shall never be saved . ' From which what else can be inferred , but that the Church maintains a total , and a final falling from the grace of God ? Adde hereunto that the Church teacheth men to pray to Almighty God not to take his holy Spirit from us . And in another place , that he suffer us not at our last hour for any pains of death to fall from him : which certainly she had never done , were it not possible for a man so far to grieve and vex the holy Spirit of God , and so far to despair of his gracious mercie , as to occasion him at the last to deprive us both of the one and the other . 9. Next for the Homilies , as they commend us unto Gods people a probable and stedfast hope of their salvation in Christ Jesus ; so they allow no such infallibility of persisting in grace , as to secure them from a total and final falling . In reference to the first , they tell us in the second part of the Sermon against the fear of death , ' that none of those their causes of the fear of death ( that is to say , the sorrow of repenting from our worldly pleasures , the terrible apprehension of the pangs of death , and the more terrible apprehension of the pains of hell ) do make any trouble to good men , because they stay themselves by true faith , perfect charity , and sure hope of the endlesse joy and blisse everlasting . All therefore have great cause to be full of joy , that be joyned to Christ with true faith , stedfast hope , and perfect charity , and not to fear death , nor everlasting damnation . ' The like we finde not long after , where it speaks of those ' when being truly penitent for their offences , depart hence in perfect charity and in sure trust , that God is merciful to them , forgiving them their sins , for the merits of Jesus Christ the only natural Son. ' In the third part of which Sermon it is thus concluded ; ' He that conceiveth all these things , and beleeveth them assuredly as they ought to be believed , even from the bottom of his heart , being established in God , in his true faith , having a quiet conscience in Christ , a firm hope and assured trust in Gods mercy through the merits of Jesus Christ , to obtain this rest , quie●ness , and everlasting joy , shall not only be without fear of godly death when it cometh , but greatly desire in his heart ( as S. Paul did ) to be rid from all these occasions of evil , and live ever to Gods pleasure , in perfect obedience of his Will , with Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour , to whose gracious presence , & c. ' By all which passages it is clear and evident , that the Church teacheth us to entertain a probable and stedfast hope of our salvation in Christ Jesus ; but whether it teacheth also such an infallibility of persisting in grace , such a certainty of perseverance , as to exclude all possibility of a total or a final falling , we are next to see . 10. And see it we may without the help of Spectacles , or any of the Optical instruments , if we go no farther than the title of two of those Homilies , the first wherof is thus inscribed , viz. A Sermon shewing how dangerous a thing it is to fall from God. And it had been ridiculous if not somewhat worse , to write a Sermon de non ente , to terrifie the people with the danger of that misfortune , which they were well enough assured they should never suffer . Out of which Homilies the Appellant makes no use but of these words only . ' Whereas God hath shewed unto all them that truly do believe his Gospel , his face of mercy in Christ Jesus ; which doth so enlighten their hearts , that they be transformed into his image , be made partakers of the heavenly light , and of his holy Spirit ; be fashioned to him in all goodnesse requisite to the child of God : so if they do afterwards neglect the same , if they be unthankful unto him , if they order not their lives according unto his Doctrine and Example , and to the setting forth of his glory , he will take from them his holy Word , his kingdom whereby he should reign in them , because they bring not forth fruit which he looked for . ' Besides which there are many other passages to this effect , where it is said , that as by pride and sin we fall from God , so shall God and all goodness go from us — that sometimes men go from God by lack of faith & mistrusting of God — and somtimes by neglecting his commandments concerning their neighbours . And after some examples given in these several cases , it followeth that by these examples of holy Scripture we may know that as we forsake God , so shall he forsake us . And what a miserable estate doth consequently and necessarily follow thereupon , a man may easily consider by the horrible threatnings of God , &c. And finally having not only laid before us the said horrible threatnings , but the re●ital also of those gentle courses by which he doth endeavour to gain us to him , it concludeth thus , viz. that if these will not serve , but still we remain disobedient to his Word and will , not knowing him , or loving him ; ●ot fearing him , nor putting our whole trust and confidence in him : and on the other side to our neighbours , behaving our selves uncharitably by disdain , envy , malice , or by committing murder , robbery , adultery , gluttony , deceit , lying , swearing , or other like detestable works , and ungodly behaviour ; then he threatneth us by terrible comminations , swearing in great anger , that whosoever doth these works , shall never enter into his rest ▪ which is the kingdom of heaven . CHAP. XIV . The Plain Song of the second Homily , touching the falling from God , and the Descants made upon it . 1. MOre from some other Homilies , touching the possibility of falling from the grace received . 2. The second Homily or Sermon touching falling from God , laid down verbatim . 3. The sorry shifts of Mr. Yates , to illude the true meaning of the Homily , plainly discovered , and confuted . 4. An Answer unto his Objection , touching the passage cited from the former Homily , in Mr. Mountagues Appeal . 5. The Judgement of Mr. Ridley , Arch-Deacon of Canterbury , in the points of Election and Redemption . 6. As also touching the reasons why the Word was not preached unto the Gentiles till the coming of Christ , the influences of grace , the co-workings of man , and the possibility of falling from the truth of Christ . 1. Nor doth the Church declare this only in the former Homily , where the point is purposely maintained ; but in some others also obiter , and upon the by , where it discourseth principally on some other subject ; for in the second part of the Sermon of good Works , we shall finde Saint Chrysostome speaking thus ; viz. " The thief that was hanged when Christ suffered , did believe only , and the most merciful God just fied him . And because no man shall say again that he wanted time to do good works , for else he could have done them ; truth it is , and I will not contend herein ; but this I will surely affirm , that faith only saved him . If he had lived , and not regarded faith , and the works thereof , he should have lost his salvation again ; which words of Chrysostome passing for a part of the Homily , declare sufficiently , that by the doctrine of the Church in King Edwards time , not only faith , but justification once had , may be lost again . ' To the same purpose in the second part of the Homily against swearing it is plainly said ; " That whosoever forsaketh the truth for love or displeasure of any man , or for ●ucre and profit to himself , doth forsake Christ , and with Judas betray him . ' And somewhat also to this purpose may be found in the third Sermon against the peril of Idolatry ; and in the second part of that touching the time and place of prayer ; though not so proper at the present , because not made within the compass of the first Reformation in King Edwards reign ; and keeping my self within the compass , I think it not amiss to present unto the eye of the Reader , the second part of the Sermon , about falling from God , and to present the same verbatim , as it stands in the Book ; and afterwards to clear it from all such evasions and objections which the sullenness rather than the subtilty of some men have found out against it ; Now the said second Sermon , ( beginning with a recapitulation of that which had been taught in the first ) is this that followeth . The Second Part of the Sermon of falling from God. ' 2. In the former part of this Homily , you have learned how many manner of ways men fall from God ; some by Idolatry , some for lack of faith , some by neglecting of their neighbours , some by not hearing of Gods Word , some by the pleasure they take in the vanities of worldly things ; yea , have also learned in what misery that man is which is gone from God ; and how that God yet of his infinite goodness to call again man from that his misery , useth first gentle admonitions by his Preachers ; after he layeth on terrible threatnings : Now if this gentle monition and threatning together do not serve , then God will shew his terrible countenance upon us , he will pour intolerable plagues upon our heads , and after he will take away from us all his aid and assistance wherewith before he did defend us from all such manner of calamity as the Evangelical Prophet Isaiah , agreeing with Christ his Parable , doth teach us , saying , That God hath made a goodly Vineyard for his beloved children ; he hedged it , he walled it round about , he planted it with chosen Vines , and made a Turret in the midst thereof , gathering also a Wine-press , and when he looked that it would bring forth good grapes , it brought forth wilde grapes , and after it followeth ; Now shall I shew you ( saith God ) what I will do with my Vineyard , I will pluck down the hedges thereof that it may perish ; I will break down the walls that it may be trodden under foot ; I will let it lie waste , it shall not be cut , it shall not be digged , but bryers and thorns shall overgrow it , and I will command the clouds that they shall no more rain upon it . ' By these threatnings we are monished and warned , that if we which are the chosen Vineyard of God , bring not forth good grapes , that is to say , good works that may be delectable and pleasant in his sight , when he looketh for them , when he sendeth his Messengers to call upon us for them , but rather bring forth wilde grapes ; that is to say , four works ; unsavoury and unfruitful ; then will he pluck away all defence , and suffer grievous plagues of famine , battel , dearth and death to light upon us . Finally , if these serve not , he will let us lie waste , he will give us over , he will turn away from us , he will dig and delve no more about us , he will let us alone , and suffer us to bring forth even such fruit as we will , to bring forth brambles , bryers and thorns , all naughtiness , all vice , and that so abundantly , that they shall clean over-grow , choak , strangle , and utterly destroy us . But they that in this World live not after God , but after their own carnal liberty , perceive not this great wrath of God towards them , that he will not dig nor delve any more about them , that he doth let them alone even to themselves : but they take this for a great benefit of God to have all their own liberty ; and so they live , as if carnal liberty were the true liberty of the Gospel : But God forbid ( good people ) that ever we should desire such liberty ; for although God suffer sometimes the wicked to have their pleasure in this world , yet the end of ungodly living is at length endless destruction ; the murmuring Israelites had that they longed for , they had Quails enough , yea , till they were weary of them ; but what was the end thereof ? their sweet meat had sowre saw●e ; even whil'st the meat was in their mouths , the plague of God alighted upon them , and suddenly they dyed : So if we live ungodly , and God suffereth us to follow our own wills , to have our own delights and pleasures , and correcteth us not with some plague , it is no doubt but he is almost utterly displeased with us ; and although it be long ere he strike , yet many times when he striketh such persons , he striketh them once for ever ; so that when he doth not strike us , when he ceaseth to afflict us , to punish or beat us , and suffereth us to run headlong into all ungodliness , and pleasures of this world that we delight in , without punishment or adversity , it is a dreadful token that he loveth us no longer , that he careth no longer for us , but hath given us over to our selves . ' As long as a man doth prune his Vines , doth dig at the root , and lay fresh earth to them , he hath a mind to them , he perceiveth some token of fruitfulness that may be recovered in them ; but when he will bestow no more such cost and labour about them , it is a sign that he thinks they will never be good : And the father as long as he loveth his childe , he looketh angerly , he correcteth him when he doth amiss ; but when that serveth not , and upon that he ceaseth from correction of him , and suffereth him to do what he list himself , it is a sign he intendeth to disinherit him , and cast him away for ever ; so surely nothing should pierce our hearts so sore , and put us into such horrible fear , as when we know in our conscience that we have grievously offended God , and do so continue , that yet he striketh not , but quietly suffereth us in the naughtiness that we here delight in , then especially it is time to cry , and to cry again as David did , Cast me not away from they face , and take not thy holy Spirit from me ; hide not thy face from me , lest I be like unto them that go down into hell . The which lamentable prayers of his , as they do certifie us what horrible danger they be in from whom God turneth his face , ( for the time , and as long as he so doth ) so should they more and more stir us to cry unto God with all our heart , that we may not be brought into the state which doubtless is so sorrowful , so miserable , and so dreadful as no tongue can sufficiently express , nor any heart can think ; for what deadly grief can a man suppose it is to be under the wrath of God , to be forsaken of him , to have his holy Spirit the Author of all goodness , to be taken from him ; to be brought to so vile a condition , that he shall be left meet for no better purpose than to be for ever condemned to hell ? for not only such places of David do shew , that upon the turning of Gods face from any persons , they shall be left bare from all goodness , and far from hope of remedy ; but also the place rehearsed last before of Isaiah , doth mean the same , which sheweth , that God at length doth so ●o sake his unfruitful Vineyard , that he will not only suffer it to bring forth weeds , bryars and thorns , but also further to punish the unfruitfulness of it , he saith he will not cut it , he will not delve it , and he will command the clouds that they shall not rain upon it ; whereby is signified the teaching of the holy Word , which Saint Paul after a like manner expressed by planting and watering , Meaning that he will take that away from them , so that they shall be no longer of his Kingdom they shall be no longer governed by his holy Spirit , they shall be put from the grace and benefits they had and ever might have enjoyed through Christ ; they shall be deprived of the heavenly light and life which they had in Christ whilst they abode in him ; they shall be ( as they were once ) as men without God in this world , or rather in a worse taking . ' ' And to be short , they shall be given into the power of the Divel , which beareth the rule of all men which be cast away from God , as he did in Saul and Judas , and generally in all such as work after their own wills , the children of mistrust and unbeilef ; let us beware therefore good Christian people , lest that we rejecting , or casting away Gods Word ( by which we obtain and retain true faith in God ) be not at length cast so far off , that we become as the children of unbelief , which be of two sorts far divers , yea , almost clean contrary , and yet both be very far from returning to God ; the one sort only weighing their sinful and detestable living with the right judgement and straitness of Gods righteousness , be so without content , and be so comfortless , ( as they all must needs be from whom the Spirit of counsel and comfort is gone ) that they will not be perswaded in their hearts , but that either God cannot or else that he will not take them again to his favour and mercy ; the other , hearing the loving and large promises of Gods mercy , and so not conceiving a right faith thereof , make those promises larger than ever God did , Trusting that although they continue in their sinful and detestable living never so long , yet that God at the end of their life will shew his mercy upon them ; and that then they will return . And that both these two sorts of men be in a damnable estate , and yet nevertheless God ( who willeth not the death of the wicked ) hath shewed means whereby both the same ( if they take heed in season ) may escape . The first , as they defend Gods rightful justice in punishing sinners ( whereby they should be dismayed , and should despair indeed , as touching any hopes that may be in themselves ) so if they would constantly and stedfastly believe , that Gods mercy is the remedy prepared against such despair and distrust , not only for them , but generally for all that be sorry , and truly repentant , and will therewithall stick to Gods mercy , they may be sure they shall obtain mercy , and enter into the Port or Haven of safeguard , into the which whosoever do come , be they before time never so wicked , they shall be out of danger of everlasting damnation , as godly Ezekiel saith , What time soever a sinner doth return , and take earnest of true Repentance , I will forgive all his wickedness . ' ' The other as they be ready to believe Gods promises , so they should be as ready to believe the threatnings of God ; as well believe the Law as the Gospel ; as well that there is an hell , and everlasting fire , as there is an heaven , and everlasting joy ; as well they should believe damnation to be threatned to the wicked and evil doers , as salvation to be promised to the faithful in Word and Works ; as well they should believe God to be true in the one as the other . ' And for sinners that continue in this wicked living , they ought to think that the promises of Gods mercy and the Gospel pertain not unto them being in that state ; but only the Law , and those Scriptures which contain the wrath and indignation of God , and his threatnings , which should certifie them that as they do over boldly presume of Gods mercy , and live dissolutely ; so doth God still more and more withdraw his mercy from them , as he is so provoked thereby to wrath at length , that he destroyeth such presumers many times suddenly ; for of such Saint Paul said thus , When they shall say it is peace , there is no danger , then shall sudden destruction come upon them ; let us beware therefore of such naughty boldness to sin ; for God which hath promised his mercy to them that be truly penitent , ( although it be at the latter end ) hath not promised to the presumptuous sinner either that he shall have long life , or that he shall have true Repentance at the last end . But for that purpose hath he made every mans death uncertain , that he should not put his hope in the end , and in the mean season ( to Gods high displeasure ) live ungodlily : Wherefore let us follow the counsel of the Wise man , let us make no sarrying to turn unto the Lord , let us not put off from day to day ; for suddenly his wrath comes , and in time of vengeance he will destroy the wicked ; let us therefore turn betimes , and when we turn , let us pray to God as Hosea teached , saying , Forgive all our sins , receive us graciously : And if we turn to him with an humble and a very penitent heart , he will receive us to his favour and grace for his holy Names sake , for his Promise sake , for his Truth and Mercies sake promised to all faithful believers in Jesus Christ his only natural Son , To whom the only Saviour of the world , with the Father and the Holy Ghost , be all honour , glory and power , world without end ; Amen . ' 3. These are the very words of the second Homily , touching falling from God , in which we have many evident proofs , not only that there is a falling , and a frequent falling , but also a total , yea , a final falling from the grace of God , according to the Doctrine of the Church of England . And hereunto I must needs say , that I never met with any satisfactory and sufficient Answer , how much soever some have slighted the authority of it , or the strength rather of the Argument which is taken from it ; for Mr. Yates of Ipswitch ( from whose candle most of them that followed , borrow all their light ) in his book intituled , Ibis ad Caesarem , writ against Montagues Appeal , can finde no better answers to it , or evasions from it , then they four that follow ; viz. 1. That the Homily speaks of the visible Church , and therefore is not to be construed in the same sense of all ; whereas the Homily speaketh of Gods chosen people , ( his chosen Vineyard are the words ) and consequently not only of the mixed multitude in a visible Church : He answers secondly , That it speaks with limitation and distinction ; some beholding the face of Gods mercy aright , others not as they ought to do ; the one of which may fall quite away , the other being transformed , can never be wholly deformed by Satan : But this is such a pitiful shift , as could not save the man from the scorn of laughter , had he been dealt with in his kind ; the Homily speaking largely of those men , which having beheld Gods face of mercy in Jesus Christ as they ought to do , do afterwards neglect the same , prove unthankful to him , and order not their lives according to his Example and Doctrine , &c. for which , consult the place at large in the former Church . He answers thirdly , that the Homily speaks conditionally , if they afterwards , &c. ( that is to say , if afterwards they neglect the same , prove unthankful to him , and order not their lives according to his Example and Doctrine , &c. ) and so concludes nothing positively and determinately ; which is a sorrier shift than that which you had before ; for if such conditional Propositions conclude nothing positively , what will become of all those Propositions in the Scriptures by which we are assured , That if a sinner do repent him of his sins and wickednesses , he shall find mercy from the Lord ? Do they conclude nothing positively neither ? most miserable were the state of man , if these conditional Propositions should conclude nothing to the comfort of a troubled conscience . And finally , he answereth thus , that the Homily speaks of Gods dreadful countenance appearing in plagues , sword , famine , and such like temporal punishments , wherewith the Elect may be chastened as well as others , that they may not for ever be condemned with the wicked ; the first part of which Allegation I confess to be true , Gods judgements falling promiscuously on all sotts of people ; but the addition is unknown , and is not to be found in the words of the Homily . And secondly , the Homily speaks not only of Gods temporal judgements , with which the Elect be chastened as well as others , that they may not for ever be condemned with the wicked ; but positively and determinately , of taking from them his Kingdom ; and holy word , as in the former , so that they shall be no longer of his Kingdom , governed no longer by his holy Spirit , put from the Grace and benefit which they had , &c. 4. But Master Yates intends not so to leave the matter , we must first see that he is as good at raising an Objection , as at the making of an Answer ; and he objecteth out of another of the Homilies , that though the godly do fall , yet they walk not on purposely in sinne , they stand not still to continue and tarry in sinne , they sit not down like carelesse men , without all fear of Gods just punishment for sinne ; through Gods great grace and infinite mercy they rise again and fight against sinne , &c. But first it may be hoped that Master Yates could not be ignorant how great a difference there is betwixt such passages as fall occasionally , and on the by , from the pen of a Writer , discoursing on another Argument , and those which do occur in such Discourses , Sermons , and other Tractates , as purposely are made and fitted to the point in hand . And secondly , though it be affirmed in the said Homily , that the godly man which shall adde sinne to sinne , by Gods great grace and infinite mercy may arise again and fight against sinne : Yet can it not be gathered thence , that it is so at all times , and in all such cases ; that is to say , that neither the great grace , nor his infinite mercy shall be wanting at any time unto such as are fallen from God ; or that man shall not be wanting to himself in making a right use of it to his rising again . And then this passage in the Homily will affirme no more to this purpose , than the * Article doth ; where it is said , that after we have received the holy Ghost , we may depart from grace given , and fall into sinne , and by the grace of God ( we may ) arise again and amend our lives . 5. Now to these testimonies from the Homilies , the publick Liturgy , and the writings of the learned men and godly Martyrs before remembred , it will not be amisse to adde one more ; that is to say , Master Lancelot Ridley Arch-Deacon of Cantenbury , who by his name seemes to have had relation to Doctor Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London , and by his office to Doctor Cranmer Arch-bishop of Canterbury , the two chief Agents in the work of the Reformation . This man had published some Expositions on Saint Pauls Epistles to the Ephesians and Philippians , as he did afterwards on that to the Collossians also ; which last was printed by Richard Grafton , 1548. At which time both the first Liturgy and the first Book of Homilies were in force and practice , and therefore was not like to containe any point of Doctrine repugnant unto either of them . And if we look upon him in his Comment upon the Epistle , we shall finde him thus declare himself in the points disputed ; which I will lay all together , according to the method formerly observed in setting down the Articles or points themselves . For first in reference to Election unto life eternal , he telleth us , ' That all fulnesse of the Father is called to dwell in Christ , that all men should know all the goodnesse they have to come of God by Christ to them ; that all that believe in Christ , should not perish , but be saved , and should have life everlasting by Christ with the Father . ' And afterwards speaking on those vertues which Saint Paul commends in the Elect , he tells us ' that those vertues do shew unto us who be elected of God , and who not , as farre as man can judge of outward things ; and that those men may be concluded to be elected of God who hate all vice and sinne , that love vertue , and godly living , and in it do walk all their life-time by true faith and works of the spirit . ' 2. More plainly doth he speak in the second place of Universal Redemption , telling us that ' all men which either for their Original sinne , or for their Actual sinne , were out of Gods favour , and had offended God , should by Christ only be reconciled to Gods favour , and have remission of their sinnes , and he made partakers of everlasting life ; that Christs death was a full and sufficient satisfaction for the sinnes of the whole world , and for all them that shall be sanctified and saved ; that Christ by his death once for all hath fully and perfecty satisfied for the sinnes of all men ; and finally that therefore this is an undoubted truth , ever to be believed of all Christians , that Christ by his Passion and and Death hath taken away all the sinnes of the world . ' 6. In the next place he puts the question with reference to the application of so great a benefit , for what causes God would not have his Word preached unto the Gentiles till Christs time ; and makes this answer thereunto , First , ' that it is a point not to be too curiously searched , or enquired after . Secondly , that it is enough for us to know that it was so ordered by Gods Will , and for his glory . But thirdly , that it might yet be done , either because by their sins they had deserved their blindnesse and damnation ( as indeed they had ) or that God saw their hard hearts , or their stiff necks , and that they would not have received it before Christs coming , if the Gospel had been preached unto them ; or finally , that God reserved that mystery unto the coming of our Saviour Christ , that by him all goodnesse should be known to come to us , & c. ' As for the necessary influences of Gods Grace , and mans co-working with the same , he telleth us briefly , ' that no man ought to ascribe the good works that he doth to himself , or to his own might and power , but to God the Author of all goodnesse ; but then withall that it is not enough for men to have knowledge of Christ and his benefits , but that they must encrease in the knowledge of God , which knowlege cometh by Gods Word . And finally as to the point of falling away , he gives us first the example of Demas , who as long as all things were prosperous with S. Paul , was a faithful minister to him , and a faithful Disciple of Christ ; but when he saw Paul cast into prison , he forsook Paul and his Doctrine , and followed the world ; then he inferreth that many such there be in the world , & c. ' — of whom speaketh Christ . Mat●h . 13. ' Many for a time do believe , but in time of tribulations they shrink away . And finally he concludes with this advice , that he that standeth should look that he did not fall ; and that he do not trust too much to his own might and power ; for if he did , he should deceive himself , and have a fall as Demas had . ' And so much for the judgment and opinion of Master L. Ridley in the points disputed , who being Arch-deacon of Canterbury , as before was said , may be presum'd to be one of those who concurred in Convocation to the making of the Articles of K. Edwards Book , 1552. to finde the true and natural meaning of which Articles we have took this pains . CHAP. XV. Of the Author and Authority of King Edwards Chatechisme , as also of the Judgement of Martin Bucer , and Peter Martyr , in the Points disputed . 1. THE Catechisme published by the Authority of King Edward the sixth , Anno 1553. affirmed to have been writ by Bishop Poinet , and countenanced by the rest of the Bishops and Clergy . 2. Several passages collected out of that Catechisme , to prove that the Calvinian Doctrines were the true , genuine , and ancient Doctrines of the Church of England . 3. With a discovery of the weakness and impertinency of the Allegation . 4. What may most probably be conceived to have been the judgement of Bishop Poinet , in most of the Controverted Points . 5. An Answer to another Objection derived from Mr. Bucer , and Peter Martyr ; and the influence with their Auditors and Disciples are supposed to have had in the Reformation . 6. That Bucer was a man of moderate Counsels , approving the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth , assenting to the Papists at the Dyet of Ratisbone , in the possibility of falling from grace ; and that probably Peter Martyr had not so far espoused the Calvinian quarrels , when he lived in Oxon , as after his return to Zurick and Calvins Neighbourhood . 7. The Judgement of Erasmus , according as it is delivered in his Paraphrases on the four Evangelists , proposed first in the general view , and after more particularly in every of the Points disputed . SE●ur● de salute , de gloria corte●●s ; Having shewed the cause by so many pregnant Evidences , derived from the Articles and Homilies , and back't by the consenting Testimonies of learned Men and godly Martyrs ; it would adde something at the least in point of Reputation , if not of glory also , to gain Bishop Poinet to the side ; of whom , as to his personal capacity we have spoke already , and must now look back upon him in relation to a Chatechism of his setting forth ; Printed by Wolfe in Latine , and by Day in English , Anno 1553. being the next year after the Articles were agreed upon in the Convocation ; a Catechisme which comes commended to us with these advantages , * that it was put forth by the Authority of King Edward the sixth , to be taught by all Schoolmasters in the Kingdome . By another of the same perswasion , ' that the King committed the perusal of it to certain Bishops , and other learned men , whom he much esteemed ; by whom it was certified to be agreeable to the Scripture , and Statutes of the Realm ; that thereupon he prefixt his Epistle before it , in which he commands and charges all Schoolmasters whatsoever within his Dominions , as they did reverence his Authority , and as they would avoid his Royal displeasure , to teach this Catechism diligently and carefully * in all and every their Schools ; that so the youth of the Kingdome might be setled in the grounds of true Religion , and furthered in Gods worship . ' The Church * Historian seems to give it some further countenance , by making it of the same extraction with the Book of Articles , telling us that by the Bishops and Learned men before mentioned , ●e are to understand the Convocation ; and that it was not commanded by his Majesties Letters Patents to all Schoolmasters only , but by him commended to the rest of the Subjects ; which cost these several Authors have bestowed upon it ▪ out of an hope of gaining some greater matter by it , towards the countenancing and advancing of the Calvinian Doctrine , Predestination , as the true genuine and ancient Doctrine of this Church ; certain I am , that both Mr. Prin and his Shadow so declare themselves ; the * one affirming that all these passages are directly for them , and punctually opposite to their Arminian Antagonists ; the * other crying out with some admiration , How do the Master and Scholar plainly declare themselves to be no friends to the Tenents which the English Arminians now concend for but notwithstanding all this ●ry , I fear we shall get but little wool , when we come to consider of those passages in Poynets Catechisme , which are most relyed on , and which here follow , as I finde them in the Anti-arminianism● , without alteration of the words or syllables , though with some alteration in the method of the Collection : Now the passages collected out of Poynets Catechisme , are these that follow ; viz. 2. ' The a Image of God in ●●● by original sin and evil custome , was so obscured in the beginning , and the natural judgement so corrupted , that man himself could not sufficiently understand the difference between good and bad , between just and unjust , &c. b As for the sacrificings , cleansings , washings , and other Ceremonies of the Law , they were Shadows , Types , Images , and Figures of the t●●● and eternal sacrifice that Jesus Christ made upon the Cross , by whose benefit alone all the sins of all believers from the beginning of the world are pardoned , by the sole mercy of God , and not by any merit of their own . c Assoon as ever Adam and Eve had eaten of the forbidden fruit , they both dyed ; that is , that they were not only liable to the death of the body , but likewise lost the life of the soul , which is righteousness , and forthwith the Divine Image was obscured in them ; and those lineaments of Righteousness , Holiness , Truth , and Knowledge of God , exceeding comely , were disordered and almost obliterated : the terene Image only remained , coupled with unighteousness , fraud , carnal affections , and great ignorance of Divine and heavenly things ; from thence also proceeded the infirmity of our flesh , from thence corruption , and confusion of affections and desires ; hence that plague , hence that seminary and nutriment of sin , wherewith all mankind i● infected , which is called Original sin Moreover , nature is so depraved and cast down , that unless the goodness and mercy of Almighty God had helped us , by the medicine of grace , as in body we were thrust down into all the miseries of death , so it was necessary that all men of all sorts should be cast into eternal torments and fire which cannot be quenched . d Those things which are spiritual are not seen but by the eye of the Spirit : he therefore that will see the Divinity of Christ on earth , let him open the eyes , not of the body , but of the mind , and of Faith , and he shall see him present , whom the eye doth not see ; he shall see him present in the midst of them ; Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in his Name , he shall see him present with us to the end of the end of the world : What have I said , he shall see Christ present : yea he shall both see and feel him dwelling in himself no otherwise then his own soul , for he doth dwell and reside in the soul , and in the heart of him who doth place all his confidence in him . ' 3. e ' Above all things this cannot be concealed , that the benefits which are brought unto us by the death , the Resurrection and Ascention of Christ , were so great and ample , that no tongue either of men and Angels can express it , &c. From these , and from other Actions of Christ , two benefits do accrew unto us . One , that whatsoever he did , he did it all for our profit and commodity ; so that they are as much ours if we cleave fast to them with a firm and lively Faith , as if we our selves had done them . He verily was nailed to the Cross , and we are crucified with him , and our sins are punished in him . He died and was buried ; we likewise with our sins are dead and buried ; and that so as that all the memory of our sins is utterly abolished ; he rose again , and we also are risen with him , being made partakers of his resurrection and life , that henceforth death might no more domineere in us : for there is the same Spirit in us that raised Jesus from the dead . Lastly , as he ascended into celestial glory , so we are exalted together with him . f The Holy Ghost is called holy , not only for his own holiness , but because the Elect of God , and the Members of Christ are made holy by him . g The Church is the company of them who are called to eternal life by the holy Ghost , by whom she is guided and governed ; which time she cannot be understood by the ●ight of Sense or Nature , is justly placed amongst the number of those things which are to be believed ; and is therefore called the Catholick , that is the universal Assembly of the faithful , because it is not tyed to any certain place . h God who rules : and governs all things , can do all things . No man is of so great power that he can so much as withstand him , but he gives whatsoever he shall decree according to his own pleasure : and those things which are given to us by him , he is able to take them away . ' 4. i ' After the Lord God had made the Heaven and Earth , he determined to have for himself a most beautiful Kingdom , and holy Common-wealth . The Apostles and Ancient Fathers that writ in Greek , called it Ecclesia , in English a Congregation or Assembly , into the which he hath admitted an infinite number of men , that should be subject to one King as their Soveraign and only Head ; him we call Christ , which is as much as to say Anointed ; or to the furnishing of this Common-wealth belong all they as many as do truely fear , honour , and call upon God , daily applying their minds to holy and godly living , and and all those that putting all their hope and trust in him , do assuredly look for bli●s of everlasting life . But as many as are in this Faith stedfast , were fore-chosen , predestinate , and appointed to everlasting life before the world was made , witness whereof they have within their hearts the merit of Christ the Authour , earnest and unfallable pledge of their Faith : which Faith only is able to perceive the mysteries of God , only brings peace unto the heart , only taketh hold on the Righteousness which is in Christ Jesus . Master . ' Doth then the Spirit alone and Faith ( sleep we never so securely , or stand we never so wrestless or slothfull ) work all things for us , as without any help of our own to convey us to heaven ? Scholar . ' Just Master ( as you have taught me ) to make a difference between the Cause and the Effect . The first principal and most proper cause of our Justification and Salvation , is the goodness and love of God , whereby he chose us for his , before he made the world , After that God granteth us to be called by preaching of the Gospel of Jesus Christ , when the Spirit of the Lord is poured upon us ; by whose guiding and governance we be led to settle our trust in God , and hope for the performance of his promise . With this choice is joyned as companion , the mortifying of the Old man , that is , of our affections and Iusts , from the same Spirit also cometh our Sanctification , the love of God and of our neighbour , justice and uprightness of life . Finally , to say all in summe , whatever is in us , or may be done of us , honest , pure , true , and good , that altogether springeth out of this most pleasant Rock , from this most plentiful Fountain , the goodness , love , choice , and unchangeable purpose of God ; he is the cause , the rest are the fruits and effects . Yet are also the choice and Spirit of God , and Christ himself , causes conioyned and coupled each with other ; which may be reckoned amongst the principal causes of salvation . As oft therefore as we use to say , that we are made righteous and saved by Faith only , it is meant thereby , that faith , or rather trust alone , doth lay hard upon , understand , and perceive our righteous making to be given us of God freely ; that is to say , by no deserts of our own , but by the free grace of the Almighty Father . Moreover , Faith doth ingender in us love of our neighbour , and such works as God is pleased withall ; For if it be a lively and true Faith quickned by the Holy Ghost , she is the Mother of all good saying and doing ; by this short tale it is evident by what means we attain to be righteous . For not by the worthiness of our deservings were we heretofore chosen , or long ago saved , but by the only mercy of God , and pure grace of Christ our Lord , whereby we were in him made to do those good works that God had appointed for us to walk in . And although good works cannot deserve to make us righteous before God , yet do they so cleave unto Faith , that neither Faith can be found without them , nor good works be any where found without Faith ; k immortality and blessed life God hath provided for his chosen , before the foundations of the world were laid . ' 3. These are the passages which Mr. Prin hath gathered out of Poynets Catechism , to prove that Calvinism is the true , genuine , and Original Doctrine of the reformed Church of England , in the Points disputed ; for my part , I can see no possible inconvenience which can follow on it , in yeilding so far to his desires , as to admit the passages before recited , to be fully consonant to the true , genuine sense , and proper meaning of all , but more especially of our 9. 10. 13. 16. and 17. Articles then newly composed ; so that whatsoever is positively and clearly affirmed in this Catechisme of any of the Points now controverted , may be safely implied as the undoubted Doctrine of our Church and Articles . For who can find , if he looks upon them with a single and impartial eye , that all or any of the passages before treated , can be made use of for the countenancing of such a personal and eternal election , without relation unto sin , as is supposed by the Supra-Lapsarians , or without reference to Christs death and sufferings , as is defended by the Sublapsarians in the Schools of Calvin ? what ground can a man find here for the Horribile Decretum , that cruel and most unmerciful decree of preordaining the far greatest part of all mankind to everlasting damnation , and consequently unto sin that they might be damned ? What passage find we in all these , either in opposition to the Doctrine of Vniversal Redemption ( though that be afore said to be here condemned ) or in maintenance of the irresistible working of the grace of God , as takes away all freedom and cooperation from the will of man , and renders him as unable to his own conversion , as to the work of his own being begotten to the life of nature ; or to the raising of his dead body to life of glory ? And finally what assurance is here , that the man once justified shall not fal into deadly sin , or not continue in the same , multiplying one sin upon another till he hath made up the measure of his iniquities ? and yet all this while remain in the favour of God , and be as sure and certain of his own salvation by the like unresistible working of the holy Spirit , as if he had never wandred from the ways of Righteousness ! He must see further into a Milstone then all men living , who can conclude from all , or any of these passages , that the Zuinglian and Calvinian Doctrines ( the Anti - Arminian Doctrines , as that Author calls them ) are manifestly approved , and undeniably confirmed by them , as the only ancient , established and professed Doctrines of our Church and Articles , or that can honestly affirme ( as his echo doth ) that both the Master and the Scholar declare themselves plainly in that Catechisme , to be no friends to any of the Tenents which those of the opposite side contend for . 4. Which said , we will endeavour to finde out Bishop Poynes judgement in the points disputed ( or so many of them at the least as are touched upon ) as well from such fragments as are offered to us in the Anti-Arminianisme , as from such passages as have been cunningly slipt over , of purpose to subduct them from the eye of the Reader . And first the Author let us know that God created man after his own Image , that is to say ( in ea absolutissima Justitia , & perfectissima sanctimonia , &c. ) in such a high degree of righteousness and perfect holinesse as came most neare unto the nature of God himselfe ; that this Divine image was so defaced by the sin of our first parents Adam and Eve , that those lineaments of righteousnesse , holinesse , truth , and knowledge of God were disordered , and almost obliterated ; that man being in this wretched case , it pleased God to raise him to a new hope of Restitution in the seed of the woman , that is to say , in Jesus-Christ his only Son , conceived of the holy Ghost , and born of the pure and most immaculate Virgin Mary ; the Actions of whose life do so much redound to our benefit and commodity , that if we cleave fast unto them with a true and lively faith , they shall be as much ours as his ; and finally , that as many as are in this faith stedfast , were fore-chosen , predestinate , and appointed to everlasting life before the world was made . 2. In the next place he lets us know ( which the Author hath amongst his fragments ) that the sacrificings , cleansings , washings , and other Ceremonies of the Law were shadows , types , images , and figures of the true and eternal sacrifice of Jesus Christ made upon the Crosse ; by whose benefit alone all the sins of all believers from the beginning of the world , are pardoned by the sole mercy of God , and not by any deserts of their own . But then he lets us know withal ( which that Author doth not ) that he did truly die , and was truly buried , ut ●ratum humano gener● Patrem suavissimo sacrificio placaret ▪ that by so sweet a sacrifice he might reconcile his angry and offended father unto all mankinde . 3. In the third place , by asking this question , viz. whether the Spirit alone and faith , sleep we never so securely , or stand we never so worthlesse or slothful , work all things for us , as without any help of our own to carry us to heaven ? He plainly sheweth first that some men there were who did so conceive it , but that they were to be condemned for conceiving so of it . And , secondly , that all men were to lend a helping hand toward their salvation , not only by laying hold on Christ with the hand of faith , but in being fruitful of good works , without which , faith is neither to be reckoned true and lively ▪ or animated by the holy Ghost . 4. He telleth us finally , that the Church is the company of them that are called to eternal life by the holy Ghost , by whom she is guided and governed . And yet it cannot but be feared , that many of those who are called to eternal life by the holy Ghost , and chearfully for a time obey the calling , and live continually within the pale of the Church , which is guided by the most blessed spirit , do fall away from God and the grace received , and thereby bring themselues into a state of damnation from which they never do recover by sincere repentance . 5. As little comfort can be drawn from that Argument , by which they hope to make the Articles in these points to speak no otherwise then according to the sense of Martin Bucer , and Peter Martyr , by whose Disciples and Auditors they are alledged to have been composed , or at the least by such as hold consent with them in Doctrine ; but unto this it hath been answered , that our first reformers were two old Arch-Bishops , Deans , and Arch-Deacons , most of them to be put to School again to either of them . Secondly , the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth , which was the key to the whole work , was finished , confirmed , and put in execution before either of them were brought over ; Dispatcht soon after their arrival to their several chaires ; Martyr to the Divinity Lecture in Oxon , and Bucer unto that of Cambridge where he lived not long . And dying so quickly as he did , ( Luctu Academiae , as my Author hath it ) though he had many Auditors there , yet could he not gain many Disciples in so short a time . Thirdly , that though Peter Martyr lived to see the Death of King Edward , and consequently the end of the Convocation , An. 1552. in which the Articles of Religion were first composed and agreed on ; yet there was little use made of him in advising , and much lesse in directing any thing which concerned that business ; for being a stranger , and but one , and such an one who had no Authority in Church or State , he could not be considered as a Master-builder , though some use might be made of him as a labourer to advance the work . And , fourthly , as to their consent in point of doctrine , it must be granted in such things , and in such things only in which they joyn together against the Papists , not in such points wherein those learned men agreed not between themselves , and therefore could be no foundation of consent in others . 6. For they who have consulted the Lives and Writings of these learned men , have generally observed that Bucer having spent the most part of his time in the Lutheran Churches , was more agreeable to the doctrines which were there maintained ; as Martyr who was most conversant amongst the Suitzers , shewed himself more inclinable to the Zuinglian or Calvinian Tenents . And it is generally observed also that Bucer was a man of moderate counsel , and for that received a check from Calvin , at his first coming hither , putting him in remembrance of his old fault ( for a fault he thought it ) M●dici consiliis Autorem esse vel approbatorem , of being an Author or an approver of such moderate courses as the hot and fiery temper of the Calvinists could by no means like . And governing himself with such moderation , he well approved of the first Liturgie , translated into Latine by Alexander Alesius a learned Scot , that he might be the better able to understand the composure of it , and passe his judgment on the same accordingly . And yet it cannot be denied , but that there are many passages in the first Liturgie which tend directly to the maintenance of universal Redemption by the death of Christ , of the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God , and finally of the possibility of falling from that grace , and other the benefits and fruits thereof before received . In which last point it is affirmed that he amongst some others of the Protestant Doctors , assented to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome at the Dyet at Ratisbone . And it is more then probable that Peter Martyr was not Peter Martyr , I mean that he was not the same man as the Zuinglian and Calvinian Doctrine is , and his espousing the same being here as he was after his departure , when he had spent some further time amongst the Suitzers , and was thereby grown a nearer neighbour unto Calvin then he was in England . For whereas his Book of Common-places , and his Commentary to St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans , are most insisted on for the proof of his Calvinisme ; it appeares plainly by his Epistle to Sir Anthony Coke , that the last was not published till the year 1558. which was more then five yeares after his leaving of this Kingdom . And as for his Book of Common Places , although it was printed first at London , yet it received afterwards two impressions more , the one at Zurick , and the other at Basil , before the last Edition of it by Massonius after his decease , An. 1576. By which Edition being that which is in Oxon Library , and probably remaining only in the hands of Students , or in the private Libraries of Colledges , it will be hard , if not impossible , to judge of his opinion in these points , when he lived in England . 7. And now I am fallen amongst these strangers , it will not be amiss to consult the Paraphrases of Erasmus in the English tongue , which certainly had never been commended to the reading both of Priest & People , as well by the injunctions of Queen Eliz. as K. Edw. 6. if they had contained in them any other Doctrine then what is consonant to the Articles , the Homilies , and the publick Liturgie of this Church . Now in his Paraphrase on the third chap. of St. Joh. v. 16. we shall find it thus . Who ( saith he ) would have believed the charity of God to have been so great towards the world , being rebelli us aegainst him , and guilty of so many great faults : that not only he did net revenge the ungracious acts that had been committed therein , but also sent down his only Son from heaven unto earth , and delivered him to suffer death , yea , even the most shameful death of the Crosse , to the intent that what man soever would believe in him , were he Jew , Grecian , or never so barbarous , should not perish , but obtain eternal life through the saith of the Gospel . For albeit that in time to come the Father should judge the universal world by his son at his last coming ; yet at this time which is appointed for mercy , God hath not sent his Son to condemn the world for the wicked deeds thereof , but by his death to give free salvation to the world through faith . And least any body perishing wilfully should have whereby to exercise his own malice , there is given to all folks an easie entry to salvation . For satisfaction o● the faults committed before , is not required . Neither yet obseration of the Law , nor circumcision ; only he that believeth in him shall not be condemned , for as much as he hath embraced that thing , by which eternal salvation is given to all folk , be they never so much bu●dened with sins , so that the same person after he hath professed the Gospel , do abstain from the evil deeds of his former life , and labour ●o go forward to perfect holiness , according to the doctrine of him whose name he hath professed . But whosoever condemning so great charity of God towards him , and putting from himself the salvation that was freely offered , doth not believe the Gospel , he hath no need to be judged of any body , for as much as he doth openly condemn himself ; and rejecting the thing whereby he might obtain everlasting life , maketh himself guilty of eternal pain . 8. By which passages and the rest that follow on this Text of Scripture , we may have a plain view of the judgement of this learned man in the points disputed , as to the designation of eternal life to all that do believe in Christ , the universality of Redemption by his death and passion , the general offer of the benefit and effect thereof to all sorts of people ; the freedom of mans will in co-operating with the grace of God , or in rejecting and refusing it when it is so offered , and relapsing from the same when it is so offered , and relapsing from the same when it is received . All which we finde in many other passages of those Paraphrases , as occasion is presented to him . But more particularly it appears , first , that he groundeth our election to eternal life , on the eternal and divine prescience of Almighty God ; telling us in his Explication of the 25. ch . of St. Matthews Gospel , that the inheritance of the heavenly Kingdom was prepared by the providence and determination of God the fore-knower of all things before the world was made . Secondly , of universal Redemption , in his glosse on the 1. chap. of St. John , he telleth us thus ; This Lamb ( saith he ) is so far from being subject to any kind of sin , that he alone is able to take away all the sins of the whole world . He is so well beloved of God , that he only may turn his wrath into mercy ; He is also so gentle , and so desirous of mans salvation , that he is ready to suffer pains for the sins of all men , and to take upon him our evils , because he would bestow upon us his good things . Thirdly , of the manner of the working of Gods grace , he speaks as plainly in his Explication of the 6. chap. of the same Evangelist ; where he telleth us , that of a truth whosoever cometh unto Christ , shall obtain eternal life ; that by faith must men come to him , and that faith cometh not at all aventures , but is had by the inspiration of God the Father , who like as he draweth to him mens mindes by his Son , in such wise that through the operation of both joyntly together , men come to them both : the Father not giving this so great gift , but to them that be willing and desirous to have it ; so that who with a ready will and godly diligence , deserves to be drawn of the father , he shall obtaine everlasting life by the Son. No violent drawing in these words , but such as may be capable of resistance on the part of man , as appears by his descant on that plain song of our Saviour in Mat. 23. in which he makes him speaking in this manner unto those of Hierusalem , viz. Nothing is let passe on my behalf , whereby thou mightest be saved : but contrariwise thou hast done what thou canst to bring destruction upon thy self , and to exclude salvation from thee . But to whom Free-will is once given , he cannot be saved against his will. Your will ought to be agreeable to my Will. But behold as miserable calamity , &c. More plainly thus in the like descant on the same words in St. Lukes Gospel , viz. How many a time and oft have I assayed to gather thy children together , and to joyn them to my self , none otherwise then the hen gathereth her chickens under her wings , that they may not miscarry ! But thy stubborness hath gone beyond my goodness , and as though thou hadst even vow'd and devoted thy self to utter ruine , so dost thou refuse all things whereby thou migh●est be recovered and made whole . And finally , as to the possibility of falling from the faith of Christ , he thus declares himself in the Exposition of our Saviours Parable , touching the sower and the seed , viz. There is another sort of men which greedily hear the word of the Gospel , and set it deep enough in their mind , and keep it long ; but their minds being entangled and choaked with troublesome cares of this world , and especially of riches ( as it were with certain thick thorns ) they cannot freely follow that he ●●veth ; because they will not suffer these thornes which cleave together , and be entangled one with another among themselves , to be cut away , the fruit of the seed which is sowen doth utterly perish . Which being so , either we must conclude the doctrine of this Church in the Book of Articles to be the same with that which is contained in the Paraphrases of this learned man , or else condemn the godly Bishops of this Church , and the religious Princes above mentioned of a great imprudence in recommending them to the diligent and careful reading both of ●●iest and People . HISTORIA QVINQV - ARTICVLARIS . OR A DECLARATION Of the Judgement of the WESTERN CHVRCHES , And more particularly of the CHURCH of ENGLAND In the five Controverted Points , Reproached in these last Times by the name of Arminianisme . PART III. CONTAINING The first Breakin gs out of the Predestinarians , in the Church of England , and the Pursuance of those Quarrels , from the Reign of King EDWARD the sixth , to the death of King JAMES . By P. HEYLIN , D. D. LONDON , Printed for T. Johnson at the sign of the Key in Pauls Church-yard , 1660. PART III. CHAP. XVI . Of the first Breakin gs out of the Predestinarians , and their Proceedings in the same . 1. THE Predestinarians called at first by the name of Gospellers . 2. Campneys a professed enemy to the Predestinarians , but neither Papist nor Pelagtan . 3. The common practises of the Calvinists to defame their Adversaries , the name of Free will men , to whom given , why . 4. The Doctrine of John Knox. in restraining all mens actions either good or evil , to the determinate Will and Counsel of God 5. The like affirmed by the Author of the Table of Predestination ; in whom , and the Genevian Notes , we find Christ to be excluded from being the foundation of mans Election , and made to be an inferiour cause of salvation only . 6. God made to be the Author of sin , by the Author of a Pamphlet , entituled against a Privy Papist , and his secret Counsels called in for the proof thereof , both by him and Knox , with the mischiefs which ensued upon it . 7. The Doctrine of Robert Crowly , imputing all mens sins to Predestination , his silly defences for the same , made good by a distinction of John Verons , and the weakness of that distinction shewed by Campneys . 8. The Errours of the former Authors opposed by Campneys , his book in answer to those Errours , together with his Orthodoxie in the point of universal Redemption , and what he builds upon the same . 9. His solid Arguments against the imputing of all actions either good or evil to Predestination ; justified by a saying of Prosper of Aquitaine . 10. The virulent prosecutions of Veron and Crowly , according to the Genius of the sect of Calvin . THus we have seen the Doctrine of the Church of England in the five ●nntroverted points , according to the Principles & perswasions of the first Reformers . And to say truth , it was but time that they should come to some conlusion in the points disputed : there being some men who in the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the sixth , busily stickled in the maintenance of Calvins Doctrines . And thinking themselves to be more Evangelical then the rest of their brethren ; they either took unto themselves ( or had given by others ) the name of Gospellers . Of this they were informed by the reverent Prelate , and right godly Martyr , Bishop Hooper , in the Preface to his Exposition of the ten Commandments : Our Gospellors ( saith he ) be better learned then the holy Ghost , for they wickedly attribute the cause of Punishments and Adversity to Gods Providence , which is the cause of no ill , as he himself can do no ill : and over every mischief that is done , they say it is Gods Will. In which we have the men and their Doctrine , how the name of Gospellers , and the reason why that name was ascribed unto them . It is observed by the judicious Author of the Book , called , Europae Speculum , that Calvin was the first of these latter times , who searcht into the Counsels ( the eternal Counsels ) of Almighty God. And as it seems he found there some other Gospel then that which had been written by the four Evangelists : from whence his followers in these Doctrines had the name of Gospellers : for by that name I find them frequently called by Campneys also in an Epistolary Discourse , where he clears himself from the crimes of Popery and Pelagianism , which some of these new Gospellers had charged upon him ; which had I found in none but him , it might have been ascribed to heat or passion in the agitation of these quarrels : but finding it given to them also by Bishod Hooper ( a temperate and modest man ) I must needs look upon it as the name of the Sect , by which they were distinguished from other men . 2. And now I am fallen upon this Campneys ; it will not be unnecessary to say something of him in regard of the great part he is to act on the stage of this business . Protestant he was of the first edition cordially affected to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the present points , but of a sharp and eager spirit . And being not well weaned from some points of Popery in the first dawning of the day , of our Reformation , he gave occasion unto some of those whom he had exasperated to inform against him , that they prosecuted the complaint so far , that he was forced to bear a faggot at St. Pauls Cross ( as the custome was in all such cases ) Miles Coverdale , then or not long after Bishop of Exon , preaching a Sermon at the same . But whatsoever he was then in other Doctrinals , he hath sufficiently purged himself from the crimes of Popery and Pelagianism , wherewith he had been charged by those of the adverse party . For whereas one William Samuel had either preached or written in Queen Maries time , That a man might deserve God , &c. Campneys beholds it for a doctrine so blasphemous and abominable , that neither Papists nor Pelagians , nor any other Heretick old or new hath ever written or maintained a more filthy and execrable saying . For it is the stat and manifest denying both of God the Father , and of his Son Christ Jesus : neither doth it require any confutation to him that doth but confess that there is a God. And as for my self , saith he , I do not love my life so dearly , as I hate this vile saying deadly . He gives not long after to the Popish Pelagians the name of a filthy and detestable Sect. p. 5. mustereth up all the errours of Pelagius , which had been publickly recanted in the Synode of Palestine , and falling upon that which teacheth , That the grace of God is given according unto our deserving ; he declares it to be vile and abominable , contrary to the manifest mind and words of the Apostle , p. 12. Finally , Not to trouble my self with more particulars , encount●ing with another of the Pelagian Heresies , he passionately cries out , O blasphemy intollerable ! O filthy puddle , and sink most execrable ! full of stinking Errours , full of damnable presumption , like to the pride of Lucifer , most abominable , p. 15. ! 3. This is enough to free this man from being either a Papist or Pelagian Heretick , as his enemies made him . And for the other reproach which they laid upon him , of being an Enemy to Gods predestination , I conceive it will not be regarded as a matter of moment , considering the Disputes between them , and the usual acts of the Calvinians to defame their Adversaries . We shewed before , how Bogerman , Paraeus , and the rest of the Calvinian Sect , reproacht the Remonstrants with Pelagianism in their publick writings , though as free from it as themselves . We shewed before , how Cross in the continuation of his Belgick History imposeth on them for some of their detestable opinions , that they made God to be the Author of sin , and that he had created the infinitely greatest part of mankind to no other end , but to burn them in hell fire for ever : which horrid Blasphemies they both abominated and confuted to their best abilities . The like unworthy practises , were used by Calvin and Beza , against Sebastian Castel . a man of no less learning , but of far more modesty and moderation then either of them ; whom they never left persecuting and reviling , till they had first cast him out of Geneva , and afterwards brought him to his grave . And this they did unto a man both of parts and piety upon no other pretence or provocation whatever , but because he maintained another way of predestination then that which they had taught their followers for Gods Truth and Gospel . And therefore it can be no wonder if the new Gospellers in England , persued the same courses against all those who opposed their fancies . For being governed by this spirit , they taxed their opposites sometimes for being Haters of Gods Predestination , as before is said , though intire Lovers of the same , reviled them by the names of Popish Pelagians , and Justifiers of themselves , imputing to those men the whole mass of Pelagianism , who from their very hearts and souls abhor'd all their wicked Opinions , and have been many years willing to bestow their lives against all their abominable Errours . And sometimes finally they call them Free-will men in contempt and scorn ; designing by that name not the Papist only , but such of their own mothers Children also , as taught that Cain was not predestinate to slay his brother ▪ and that God hath not predestinate any man to the committing of murder , or any such like wicked abominations . 4. Which being said , and the credit of the man set right , we may the better know what we are to trust to in taking up some few following passages upon his Authority . Amongst which I shall first begin with that of Knox , that great Incendiary of the Nation and Kirk of Scotland , who in a book of his published in the end of King Edwards , or the beginning of Queen Marie's Raign , against an Adversary of Gods Predestination , as the Title telleth us . First builds the Doctrine of Predestination unto Gods absolute Will , without relation to mans sin or our Saviours suffering : and then ascribes unto the predeterminate Counsel and Will of God all humane actions whatsoever . In Reference to the first he was of their opinion plainly , who building upon the example of Esau , exclude all that is in man either original sin or actual , from the cause of Gods hate , which they lay on his own pleasure only : which Knox endeavoureth to make good by this following Argument , p. 141. That if Esa● was hated for his evil deserving , then must needs follow , that Jacob was loved for his well deserving , the Argument following , as he saith , by the Rule of Contraries . What superstructure he hath raised upon this Foundation ? Assuredly no better nor no worse then this , That the wicked are not only left by Gods suffering , but compelled to sin by his power , P. 317. More copiously , but not more plainly , in another place , fol. 158. where it is affirmed , that whatsoever the Ethnicks and Ignorants did attribute unto fortune , we Christians do assign to the Providence of God , that we should judge nothing of Fortune , but that all cometh by the determination of his Counsel ▪ and finally that it displeaseth him when we esteem any thing to proceed from any other : so that , ( saith he ) we not only behold and know him to be the principal cause of all things , but also the Author appointing all things to the one part , or to the other by his Counsel . In which last , if he make not God the Author of sin ( as I think he doth ) we shall very shortly find another that will. 5. So able a Leader as John Knox could not want followers of all Nations to attend upon him : in the Catalogue or list whereof , we must first look upon the Author of a Treatise written in French , and published afterwards in English , entituled , A brief Declaration of the Table of Predestination : in which it is affirmed expresly , That seeing God who hath appointed the end , it is necessary also that he should appoint the causes leading to the same end : as if he should have said ( saith Campneys ) that as God hath appointed some man to be hanged , so he hath appointed him also to steal , as a cause leading to the same end , to which by God he is appointed . The same French English Author lets us know in another place , That by vertue of Gods Will all things were made ; yea even those things which are evil and execrable : which execrable saying he endeavoureth to palliate with this distinction , That those evil execrable things which are wrought by the vertue of Gods Will , are not evil and execrable , in that they are wrought by his divine Counsel : but for as much as they proceed from the Prince of the air . And as for the foundation of Election to eternal life , he laies it not on the free Mercy of God in Christ , which he affirms to be no other , but an inferiour cause thereof ; but teacheth us to ascend unto an higher cause , that is to say , to the eternal purpose and predestination of God , which he determined only in himself . Conform to which we find in the Genevian Bibles this marginal Note , amongst many others of like nature , viz. As the only Will and purpose of God is the chief cause of Election and Reprobation ; so his free mercy in Christ is an inferiour cause of salvation , &c. Rom. 9. 6. In the next place comes out a Pamphlet , entituled against a privy Papist ; the Author whereof takes upon him to prove this point , That all evil springeth out of Gods Ordinance , or that Gods Predestination was the cause of Adams fall , and of all wickedness . Now this man goes to work like a Logician , and frames his Sylogism in this manner , viz. That whatsoever was in Adam , was in him by Gods Will and Ordinance . But sin was in Adam . Ergo. sin was in him , by Gods will and ordinance , Of which Sylogisme Campneys very well observeth , that if the Major of it be understood of Adam after his fall , as by the minor it must be ) then may it be affirmed also of any other , that whatsoever execrable wickedness is in him , the same is in him by Gods will and ordinance . But then because it might be asked , that seeing it is the decree , ordinance and will of God that man should not sin ; How they should creep into that secret councell , where God ordained , decreed and willed the contrary ? The leader will come in to help his followers in the present plunge , for in his trayterous and seditious Libel , Against the Regiment of Women ( which he calls , The first blast of the Trumpet ) he knows not how to shift off the obedience due by Gods word to lawful Queens in their severall Kingdoms , but by flying to some speciall Revelation from his secret will not publikely communicated to the sons of men : And this he speakes not faintly , but with zeale and confidence , telling us how assured him , that God hath revealed it to some in our age , ( that is to say , himselfe and his Disciples in the holy Presbytery ) that it is more then a Monster in nature , that a Woman should Rule and have Empire against man. And what could they doe less , upon this assurance , upon so plaine a Revelation of Gods secret will , then take up arms against their Queen , depose her from her throne , expell her out of her native Kingdom , and finally prosecute her to the very death . The Ladder which Constantine the great commended to Assesius a Novatian Bishop for his safer climing up to heaven , was never more made use of then by Knox and Calvin , for mounting them to the sight of Gods secret Councell , which St. Paul calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or things unspeakble , such as are neither possible nor lawfull for a man to utter . 7. But of all Knoxe's followers , none followed so close upon his heels as Ro. Crowly a fugitive for Religion in Q. Maries daies and the Author of a Booke called a Confutation of 13. Articles , &c. In which he layes the sin of Adam ( and consequently all mens sins from that time to this ) upon the Absolute Decree of Predestination , for seeing ( saith he ) that Adam was so perfect " a creature that there was in him no lust to sin ; and yet withall so weak of himselfe , that he was not able to withstand the assault of the subtile Serpent ; no remedy , the only cause of his fall must needs be the Predestination of God. " In other places of this book he makes it to be a common saying of the free-will men ( as in contempt and scorn he calls them ) that Cain was not predestinate to slay is brother ; which makes it plaine , that he was otherwise perswaded in his own opinion : That the most wicked persons that have been , whereof God appointed to be even as wicked as they were , that if God doe predestinate a man to doe things rashly and without any deliberation , he shall not deliberate at all ; but run headlong upon it , be it good or evill : That we are compelled by Gods predestination , to doe those things for which we are damned : And finally , finding this Doctrine to be charged with making God more cruell and unmercifull , then the greatest Tyrant , and pressed therewith by some of the contrary perswasion , he returns his answer in this wise , If God ( saith he ) were an inferiour to any superior " power , to the which he ought to render an account of his doing , or if any of us were not his creatures , but of another creation besides his workmanship , then might we charge him with Tyranny , because he condemneth us , and appointed us to be punished for the things we doe by compulsion , through the necessity of his Predestination . " For a Catholicon , or generall Antidote , to which dangerous Doctrines , a new distinction was devised , by which in all abominations God was expresly said , to be the Author of the fact or deed , but not of the crime ; which subtilty appeareth amongst many others in a brief Treatise of Election , and Reprobation , published by one Iohn Veron in the English tongue about the beginning of the raigne of Queen Elizabeth ; Which subtilty , Campneys not unfitly calls , a marvellous sophistication , a strang Paradox , and a cautelous Riddle , and he seems to have good reason for it . For by this Doctrine ( as he noteth ) it must follow , that God is the Author of the very fact and deed of Adultery , Theft , Murder , &c. but not the Author of the sin ; Sin having as they say no positive entity , but being a meer nothing as it were , and therefore not to be ascribed to Almighty God : And thereupon he doth inferre , that when a malefactor is hanged , for any of the facts before said , he is hanged for nothing , because the fact or deed is ascribed to God ▪ and the sin only charged on him ; which sin being nothing in it self , it must be nothing that the malefactor is condemned , or hanged for . 8. By all the Books it doth appear , what method of Predestination these new Gospellers drive at , how close they followed at the Heels of their master Calvin in case they did not go beyond him . Certaine it is that they all speak more plainly then their Master doth ; as to the makeing of God to be the the Author of sin ; though none of them speake any things else , then what may logically be inferred from his ground and principles . And by this book it appeareth also , how contrary these Doctrins are , to the establisht by the first Reformers in the Church of England ; how contrary the whole method of Predestination out of which they flow , is to that delivered in the Articles , the Homilies , and the publick Liturgie , and witnessed too , by so many learned men and godly martyrs , Which manifest deviation from the rules of the Church , as it gave just offence to all moderate and sober men , so amongst others unto Campneys before remembred ; who could not but express his dislike thereof , and for so doing was traduced for a Pelagian and a Papist , or a Popish Pelagian . For which being charged , by way of Letter , he was necessitated to returne an Answer to it which he published in the second or third year of Queen Elizabeth . In which Answer he not only cleares himselfe from favoring the Pelagian errors in the Doctrin of Freewill , Justification by works , &c. but solidly and learnedly refuteth the opinions of certaine English Writers and Preachers ; whom he accuseth for teaching of false and scandalous Doctrin , under the name of Predestination ; for his preparation whereunto he states the point of universall redemption by the death " of Christ , out of the parrallel which St. Paule hath made between Christ and Adam ; that by the comparison of condemnation in Adam , and redemption in Christ , it might more plainly be perceived , that Christ was not inferiour to Adam , nor Grace to sin ; And that as all the generation of man is condemned in Adam , so is all the generation of man redeemed in Christ : and as general a Saviour is Christ by Redemption , as Adam is a condemner by transgression . " Which ground so laid , he shows how inconsistent their opinions are to the truth of Scripture , who found the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation on Gods absolute pleasure ; by which infinitely the greatest part of all mankind is precedaniously excluded from having any part or interess in this redemption , reprobated to eternall death , both in body and soule : as the examples of his vengeance , and consequently preordained unto sin , as the means unto it , that so his vengeance might appear with the face of Justice . Which preordaining unto sin , as it doth necessarily infer the laying of a necessity upon all mens actions , whether good or bad , according to that predeterminate Counsel and Will of God ; so these good men , the Authors of the books before remembered , doe expresly grant it , acknowldgeing that God doth not only move men to sin , but compell them to it , by the inevitable rules of Predestination . 9. But against this it is thus discoursed by the said Campneys : that if Gods predestination be the only " cause of Adams fall , and filthy sin : And consequently the only cause and worker of all evill ; yea even with compulsion and force ( as they shamefully and plainly affirm ) then will no man deny , but that ( on the other side ) Gods predestination worketh as violently in all things that are good : so then if Gods predestination work all , without all exception , both in evil and good ; then all other things whatsoever they be although they all appear to work and do some things ; yet do they indeed utterly nothing . So that the Devill doth nothing , Man doth nothing , Laws do nothing , Doctrine doth nothing , Prayer doth nothing : but Gods predestination doth all together , and is the efficient cause , yea and the only cause of all things . He further proves , that according unto this position , they hold the errour both of the Stoicks , as also of the Manicheans ; that is to say , ( as St. Augustine declaeth ) that evill hath his original of Gods Ordinance , and not of mans free-will ; for if Murtherers , Adulterers , Thieves , Traitors , and Rebels , be of God predestinate and appointed to be wicked , ( even as they are ) cannot chuse but of meer necessity by the Ordinance of God , commic all such wickedness even as they doe : then what is our life but a meer destiny ? All our doing God ordinances ; and all our immaginations , branches of Gods Predestination ? " And then we must have thieves by Predestination , who remasters , and Adulterers by Predestination , Murderers , and Traitors by Predestination , and indeed , what not : if all mens actions are necessitated by the will of God , and so necessitated that they can neither doe less evill , nor more good then they doe , though they should never so much endeavour it , as some of our Calvinians teach us , which opinion , as Campneys hath observed , is condemned by Prosper of Acquitaine in his defence of St. Augustine , in these following words ; " Predestinationem dei , sive ad malum , sive ad bonum , &c. That the predestination of God ( saith he ) doth worke in all men either into good or into evill , is most foolishly said . As though a certaine necessity , should drive men unto both : seeing in good things the evill is not to be understood without grace , and in evill things the evil is to be understood without grace . " And so much touching Campneys , and his performance in the points against the Gospellers , some passages haveing before been borrowed from him , concerning Lambert , Gynnell , and his Adherents . For which see , Chap. 6. Numb . 11. 10. No sooner was this booke come out , but it gave a very strong alarum to those of the Calvinian party within this Realm ; which had been very much encreased by the retiring of so many of our learned men to the Zuinglian and Genevian Churches in Queen Maryes dayes , amongst which none more eagar , ( because more concerned ) then Veron , Crowly above mentioned . The first of these , being Reader of the Divinity Lecture in the Church of St. Pauls , and one of the Chaplains to the Queen , published his Answer shortly after , called , An Apology or Defence of the Doctrine of predestination and dedicated to the Queen : in which Answer he gives his Adversary no better titles , then the blind Guide of the free-will men p. 37. A very Pelagian , and consequently a Rank Papist , p 40. Suffering the Devill , by such sectaries as Campneys to sow his lyes abroade , &c. and 41. The Stander-bearer of the free-will men ; His booke he calls a venemous and Railing booke , upbraids him with his bearing of a fagot in K. Edwards dayes ; and chalenging him , that if he be able to maintaine his own Doctrine , and oppose that in the answer to it , let him come forth and play the man. Nor was it long before another Answer came out by the name of Crowly , called an Apologie or defence , of the English Writers and Preachers , with Cerberus the three headed dog Hell , Chargeth with false Doctrine , under the name of Predestination , printed at London in the yeare 1566. And by the title of this Book , as we may see with what a strange Genius the Gospellers or Calvinians were possessed from the first beginning , we may well conjecture at the Gentle usage , which the poore man was like to finde in the whole discourse . But if it be objected in favour of these two books , ( that they were published by Authority and according to order ; when that of Campneys , seems to have been published by stealth without the Name of Author or of Printer , as is affirmed in Verons booke before remembred ; It may be since answered , that the Doctrine of the Church was then unsetled , the Articles of K. Edwards time being generally conceived to be out of force , and no new established in their place , when Veron first entered on the cause . And secondly it may be answered , that though Crowlyes Apologie came not out till the yeare 1566. when the new articles were agreed upon , yet his treatise called a confutation of 13. Articles , which gave occasion to the Quarrel , had been written many years before . And he conceived himselfe obliged to defend his Doctrine , & get as good countenance to it as he could within a time , especially intent on suppressing Popery , might be no hard matter for him to doe . And as to that part of the objections which Relates to Campneys , and his suppressing of his Name ▪ I look upon it as a high part of wisdom in him , in regard of the Great sway which the Calvinians had at their first coming over , the prejudice conceived against him for his slipps and sufferings in the raigne of K. Edward , and the Authority of the men against whom he writ . Veron a Chaplaine to the Queen , Crowly of Great esteem in London for his diligent preaching , and Knox the great Directer of the Kirke of Scotland . CHAP. XVII . Of the Disputes amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries dayes , and the Resetling of the Church on her former principles under Queen Elizabeth . 1. THe Doctrine of Predestination disputed amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries dayes . 2. The Examination of John Carelese before Dr. Martin , in reference to the said Disputes . 3. Considerations on some passages in the conference betwixt Dr. Martin and the said John Carelesse . 4. Review made of the publick Liturgie by the command of Queen Elizabeth , and the Paraphrases of Erasmus commended to the reading both of Priest and People . 5. The second book of Homilies how provided for , and of the liberty taken by the Gospellers , and Zuinglian Sectaries , before the reviewing and confirming of the Book of Articles , by the Queens Authority . 6. Of the reviewing and authority of the Book of Articles , Anno 1562. and what may be from thence inferred . 7. An answer from the Agreement drawn from omitting the ninth Article of King Edwards Book , the necessity of giving some content to the Zuinglian Gospellers , and the difficulty wherewith they were induced to subscribe the Book , at the first passing of the same . 8. The Argument taken from some passages in the English Catechisme , set forth by Mr. Alexander Powell , and the strength thereof . 9. Several considerations on the said Catechisme , and the rest of the Authours making ; and what his being Prolocutor in the convocation might adde to any of them in point of Orthodoxie . 10. Nothing to be collected out of the first passage in Mr. Powells Catechism , in favour of the Calvinian doctrine of Predestination , and the points depending thereupon , and lesse then nothing in the second , if it be understood according to the Authours meaning ; and the determination of the Church . 1. MOre calmly , and with lesse deviation from the Doctrine of the Church of England , were the same points , disputed in Queen Maries dayes , amongst the Confessors in Prison , which coming to the knowledge of the Queen and her Councel , a Commission was granted to one Dr. Martin ( a busie man in all such matters as appears by the story ) to make enquiry , amongst many other things , into this particular ; and he according to the power given by the commission , convents before her one John Carelese , borne at Coventry , of no better quality then a weaver , yet one that was grown very able to expresse himself , when the matter came to examination : by which examination it appears , that as Carelese somewhat differed in the Doctrine of Predestination , and the point depending thereupon from the Church assembled , according as it was established in King Edwards time ; so Trew , another of the Prisoners ( but of what quality or condition , I am yet to seek ) seemes more inclinable to that opinion ▪ if Carelese understood them rightly , which was defended all that time by the Popish Clergie . And that the Reader may perceive the better how the difference stood ; I shall lay down so much of the conference , between Dr. Martin and the Prisoner , as concernes this businesse , leaving the Reader to admire at Gods infinite goodnesse , giving poor unlettered men such a measure of Christian courage , as might enable them to speak both stoutly and discreetly in their greatest troubles . Now the said conference was as followeth . 2. The Examination of John Carelese before Doctor Martin . Carelese , I could wish that thou wouldest play the wise mans part , thou art a handsome man , and 't is pity but that thou shouldest do well , and save that God hath bought . I thank your good Mastership most heartily , and I put you out of doubt , that I am most sure and certaine of my salvation by Jesus Christ : so that my soule is safe already , what paines soever my body suffer here for a little time . Yea , marry you say truth , for thou art so predestinate to life that thou canst not perish in whatsoever opinion thou dost die . That God hath predestinate me to eternal life in Jesus Christ , I am most certain ; and even so I am sure that his holy Spirit ( wherewith I am sealed ) will so preserve me from all heresies and evill opinions , that I shall die in none at all . Go to , let me hear your faith in Predestination , for that shall be written also . Your Mastership shall pardon me herein , for you said your self ere while , that you had no Commission to examine my conscience . I tell thee I have a Commission , yea , and a Commandment from the Councel to examine thee of such things as be in controversie between thee and thy fellows in the Kings Bench , whereof Predestination is a part as thy fellow hath confessed , and thy self dost not deny it . I do not deny it , but he that first told you that matter might have found himself much better occupied . Why ? I tell thee truth , I may now examine thee of any thing that I list . Then let your Scribe set his pen to the paper , and you shall have it roundly , as the truth is ; I believe that Almighty God , our most deare loving Father , of his great mercy , and infinite goodness ( through Jesus Christ ) did elect and appoint in him before the foundation of the Earth was laid , a Church or Congregation , which he doth continually guide and governe by his Grace and holy Spirit , so that not one of them all ever finally perish . When this was written , Mr. Doctor took it in his hand , saying . Why ? who will deny this ? If your Mastership do allow it , and other learned men , when they shall see it , I have my hearts desire . Did you hold no otherwise then is there written ? No verily , no nere did . Write that he saith otherwise he holdeth not ( so that was written ) It was told me also , that thou dost affirme that Christ did not die effectually for all men . Whatsoever hath been told you , is not much material , for indeed I do believe that Christ did effectually die for all those , that do effectually repent and believe , and for none other ; so that was written . Now Sir , what is Trews faith of Predestination ? he believeth , that all men be predestinate , and that none shall be damned , doth he not ? No forsooth , that he doth not . How then ? I think he doth believe as your Mastership , and the rest of the Clergy ▪ do believe of Predestination , that we be elect in respect of our good works , and so long elected as we do them , and no longer . Yet thou cannot deny , but that you are at a jar amongst your selves in the Kings Bench , and it is so throughout all your Congregation , for you will not be a Church . No , Master Doctor , that is not so , there is a thousand times more variety of opinions amongst your Doctors , which you call , of the Catholick Church ; yea , and that in the Sacrament , for the which there is so much blood shed now adayes . I meane , of your later Doctors , and new Writers ; as for the old they agree wholly with us . 3. Now in this conference or examination there are divers things to be considered ; For , first , I consider Carelese as a man unlettered , and not so thoroughly grounded in the constitution of the Church of England , as not to entertaine some thoughts to which the doctrine of this Church could afford no countenance . Amongst which I reckon that strong confidence which he had of his own salvation , and of the final perseverance of all those who are the chosen members of the Church of Christ , which was not taught him by the Church , and could not be obtained in any ordinary way , by the light of that doctrine which then shined forth unto the people . Secondly , I consider him as one so far instructed in the knowledge of Predestination , as to lay the foundation of it on Gods great mercy , and infinite goodnesse in Christ Jesus ; which plainly crosseth with the new Gospellers of those times , who found the same upon his absolute will and pleasure , without relation to Christs sufferings for us , or our faith in him . Thirdly , I consider that the Doctrine of Vniversal Redemption , by the death of Christ , and the effectuality thereof to the sons of men , was then so generally received and taught in the Reformed Church of England , as not to be known to Artificers , Tradesmen , and Mechanicks ; and that they were so well instructed in the nicities of it , as to believe that though Christ died effectually for all , yet the benefit thereof should be effectually applied to none , but those who do effectually repent . Fourthly , I consider that if the Popish Clergy of those times did believe no otherwise of Predestination , then that men be elected in respect of good works , and so long elected as they do them , and no longer , as Carelese hath reported of them ; the Doctrine of the Church hath been somewhat altered since those times ; there being now no such Doctrine taught in the Schooles of Rome , as that a man continues no longer in the state of Election , then whilest he is exercised in good works . And finally , I consider the unfortunate estate of those , who living under no certaine rule of Doctrine or Discipline , lie open to the practices of cunning and malicious men ; by whom they are many times drawn aside from the true Religion . For witnesses whereof , we have Trew and Carelese , above mentioned ; the one being wrought on by the Papists , the other endangered by the Gospellers or Zuinglian Sectaries ; For that Carelese had been tampered with by the Gospellers , or Zuinglian Sectaries , doth ▪ appear most clearly , first by the confidence which he had of his own salvation , and of the final perseverance of all others also , which are the chosen members of the Church of Christ ; and secondly , but more especially , for giving the scornful title of a Free-will man to one of his fellow prisoners , who was it seemes of different perswasion from him . For which consult his letter to Henry Adlington , in the Act. & Mon. Fol. 1749. which happened unto him as to many others ; When that Doctrine of the Church wanted the countenance of Law , and the Doctors of the Church here scattered and dispersed abroad , not being able to assist them . In which condition the affaires of the holy Church remained , till the beginning of the Reigne of Queen Elizabeth , and for some yeares after . 4. But no sooner had that gracious Lady attained the Crown , when she took order for the reviewing of the publick Liturgie , formerly Authorized by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth years of King. Edward the sixth . The men appointed for which work , were Dr. Parker , after Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ; Dr. Grindall , after Bishop of London ; Dr. Pilkington , after Bishop of Durham ; Dr. Cox , after Bishop of Elie ; Dr. May , Deane of Pauls ; Dr. Bill , Provost of Eaton , after Deane of Westminister ; Mr. Whitehead , ( sometimes Chaplaine to Queen Anne Bullen ) designed to be the first Arch-Bishop of this new plantation ; and finally , Sir Thomas Smyth , a man of great esteeme with King Edward the sixth , and the Queen now Reigning . By these men were the Liturgie reviewed , approved , and passed , without any sensible alteration in any of the Rubricks , Prayers and Contents thereof ; but only the giving of some contentment to the Papists and all moderate Protestants in two particulars ; the first whereof was the taking away of a clause in the Letany , in which the people had been taught to pray to Almighty God to deliver them from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome , and all his detestable enormities . The second was , the adding of the sentences in the distribution of the Sacrament , viz. The Body of our Lord Jesus which was given for them , preserve thy body and soul to everlasting life . The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee , &c. which sentences exclusive of the now following words of participation , as they were onely in the first , so were they totally left out of the second Liturgie of King Edward the sixth . Other alterations I finde none mentioned in the Act of Parliament , 1. Eliz. ● . 2. but the appointing of certain Lessons for every Sunday in the year ; which made no change at all in the publick Doctrine , before contained in that Book ; and that the people might be the better trained up in the same Religion , which had been taught and preacht unto them in the time of King Edward the sixth . She gave command by her Injunctions , published in the first year of her Reign An. 1559. that the Paraphrases of Erasmus should be diligently studied both by Priest and people . And to that end it was required ( as formerly in the Injunctions of the said King Edward ) 1. That the Paraphrases of the said Erasmus , and on the Gospel in the English tongue , should be provided at the joynt charges of the Parson and Parishoners , and being so provided should be set up in some convenient place of every Church , so as the Parishioners may most commodiously resort unto the same , and read the same out of the time of common service . And , secondly , that every Parson , Vicar , Curate , and Stipendary Priest , shall provide , and have of his own within the time therein limited , the New Testament in Latine and English , with the Paraphrases on the same ; conferring the one with the other . And the Bishops by themselves and other Ordinaries , and their Officers in Synods and Visitations , shall examine the said Ecclesiastical Priests how they have profited in the study of holy Scripture . Evident Arguments that there was no intent of setling any other Doctrine in the Church of England , then such as was agreeable to the Judgement of that Learned man. 5. The next care was for making and perfecting those Homilies , of which we finde mention at the end of King Edwards Book , for the necessary edifying of Christian people , and the increase of godly living ; both Books sufficiently provided for ( besides the confirmation of that first Article of the year , 1552. ) in the Rubrick of the second Liturgie , where it is said , that after the Creed , if there be no Sermon , shall follow one of the Homilies already set forth , or to be set forth by common authority ; which Rubrick being revised with the rest of the Liturgie , put the said books of Homilies ( as well the second as first part of them ) into the service of the Church , and thereby made them no small part of the publick doctrine ; But who they were which laboured in this second Book , whither they were the same that drew up the first , or those who in Queen Elizab. time reviewed the Liturgie ; or whether they were made by the one , and reviewed by the other , I have no where found , though I have taken no small paines in the search thereof . But those few doctrinals which were contained in the Book of Common Prayer , or deducible from it , not being much took notice of ; and the Homilies not confirm'd by that common Authority , which was required in the Rubrick , the Zuinglians or Gospellers took the opportunity to disperse their doctrines , before the door of utterance should be shut against them , or any publick course be taken to suppress their practices . And this they did with so much diligence and cunning , that they encreased exceedingly both in power and numbers ; of which more hereafter . Notice whereof being took of those which were of most Authority in the Government of the Church , it was thought necessary for the preventing of the mischief which might thence insue , that the Articles of Religion , published in King Edwards time , 1552. should be brought under a Review , accommodated to the use of the Church , and made to be the standing Rule , by which all persons were to regulate and confirm their Doctrines . 6. And to this end a Convocation was assembled on the 13. of January , An. 1562. which continued t●●● the 14. day of April ; the main business which was acted in it , being the canvasing and debating of the Articles of King Edwards Book , and passing them in the forme and manner in which now they stand ; which business as they took first into consideration on the 19. of January , and diligently prosecuted from day to day , by the Bishops and Clergie in their several houses , they came to an agreement on the 29. of the same moneth , on which the said Articles were publickly recited , generally approved , and subscribed by the greatest part of the Clergy which were then assembled . And being so subscribed , presented to the Queen , and ratified by her Royal Authority , were forthwith published to the same end for which they were made , that is to say , For the avoiding of diversities of opinions , and for the stablishing of consent touching true Religion , as in the title is declared . In the composing of which Book , though a clause was added to the twentieth Article , and another taken from the third ; though some Articles of King Edwards were totally omitted , and some new made ( as that amongst the rest for confirmation of the second Book of Homilies ) which were not in the Book before ; yet the the five Articles touching the Doctrine of the Church in the points disputed , as they stand in the eight Chapter of this Book , were left in that same state in which they found them . And being left in the same state in which they found them , were to be taken in the same sense , in which they had been understood at the first making of them , according to such illustrations as occur in the Book of Common Prayer , such Explanations as are found in the Book of Homilies , and the judgement of those learned men and godly Martyrs , which had a principal hand in the Reformation , so that the Articles being the same as to these particulars , the paraphrases of Erasmus state the same ; the publick Liturgie , and the first Book of Homilies , in all points the same ; and the second book of Homilies , agreeing exactly with the first in the present controversies , as appears by the three first Sections of the seventh Chapter of this Book , and that which follows in the next ; there is no question to be made , but that the doctrine was the same in the said five points , which had been publickly allowed of in the time of King Edward . 7. But against this it may be said , that one of the material Articles of King Edwards book ( in reference to the points disputed ) was totally left out of this , and therefore that there was some alteration of the Churches judgement , as to the sense and meaning of the present Articles , which Article being the tenth in number , as it stands in that Book , is there delivered in these words , viz. Gratia Christi seu spiritus sanctus , qui per eundem datur , &c. ' The grace of Christ , or the holy Ghost which is given by him , doth take from man the heart of stone , and giveth him a heart of flesh : And though by the influences thereof , it rendreth us willing to do those good works which before we were unwilling to do , and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did ; voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert ; yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man : nor can any man when he hath sinned excuse himself , quasi nolens aut coactus peccaverit , as if he had sinned against his will , or upon constraint , and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account . ' For answer whereunto it may first be said , that the Composers of that Book , thought it not fit to clog it with any unnecessary points in which the peace and safty of the Church seemeth not much concerned ; and therefore as they left out the present Article , so they omitted the sixteenth touching the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , together with the foure last of King Edwards Book , touching the General resurrection , the stare of mens souls after death , the Doctrine of the Millinaries , and of a general salvation to be given to the wicked also , after they had endured the paines of hell for a certain time . Secondly , they considered , that the doctrine of mans free Co-operation with the grace of God , had been sufficiently expressed and provided for by the tenth Article of this Book , and the ninth of which illustrated by divers passages in the publick Liturgie , accommodated and applied to the most encrease of piety in the Book of Homilies : therefore that there was no great need to contend about it , or to retain it in the Book . And somewhat also must be done ( the point being so secured and provided for , as before was said ) to content ( the Zuinglians , or Calvinians , by which last name they were afterwards more generally called ) who were grown strong and numerous in most parts of the Realme : Insomuch that many of them did not refuse to subscribe the Book , and were complained of for that cause by the Prolocutor to the House of Bishops ; desiring that an order might be presently made to cause them to subscribe their names to the said Article , either in their own house , or before their Lordships : which order being made on the fift of February , the Prolocutor signified to the Arch-Bishop and Bishops in the name of the lower House of Convocation ; that some of the Refusers had subscribed , and that others still persisted in their former obstinacy . And thereupon the Bishops ordered the same day ( the tenth of February ) quod nomina eorum qui hactenus non subscripserant , presententur coram iis in proxima sessione ; that is to say , that the names of such who still refused to subscribe , should be presented to their Lordships at the next Session ; which put an end to the Dispute , for after this I heare no more of their refusals ; the subscription of the book being universal , as appears by this memorial in the jornal of that Convocation , viz. universus clerus eosdem etiam unanimiter & recepit & professus est , ut ex manuum suarum subscriptionibus patet ; that is to say , that all the Clergy did unanimously approve the said Articles , and testified their consent therein , as by the subscription of their hands doth and may appear ; so difficult a thing it was from the first beginning to bring that violent and head strong faction unto any conformity . 8. In the next place it is objected that Mr. Alexander Powell Dean of Saint Pauls , who was Prolocutor in this Convocation , maintaineth in his Catechisme a Doctrine contrary to that which the Arminians , as some call them , do now contend for ; and that it is not to be thought , that he , and others engaged with them in the same convocation , were either so ignorant , as not to understand what they put into the Articles or so infatuated by God , to put in things quite contrary to their own judgements , which being supposed or took for granted , we are directed to his Catechisme written in the English tongue , and dedicated from the two Arch-Bishops from which the Objector hath abstracted these two passages following , viz. 'To the Church do all they properly belong , as many as do truly fear , honour , and call upon God , altogether applying their mindes to live holily and godly , and with putting all their trust in God , do most assuredly look for the blessedness of eternal life . They that be stedfast , stable and constant in this faith , were chosen and appointed , and ( as we terme it ) predestinate to this so great felicity , p. 44. The Church is the body of the Christian Common-wealth , i. e. the universal number and fellowship of the faithful , whom God through Christ hath before all beginning of time , appointed to everlasting life . ' Such are the passages in this Catechism , from which the Objector hath concluded , that Mr. Powell had no communion with Arminians ( as some please to call them . ) And to say truth , he could have no communion with the Arminians ( as some please to call them ) though he had desired it ; Arminius being not born , or but newly borne , when Mr. Powell wrote that Catechism ; and Mr. Powell had been dead some years before the name of an Arminian had been heard in England . 9. But unto this it hath been answered , that looking upon Mr. Powell , in his publick capacity , as he was Prolocutor to that Convocation , it cannot be denied , but that he was as like to understand the conduct of all affaires therein , as any other whatsoever ; And yet it cannot rationally be inferred from thence , that therefore nothing was concluded in that convocation , which might be contrary to his own judgement for a private person , admitting that he was inclined to Calvin in the points disputed , as he was not neither . For had he been of his opinion , the spirit of that Sects is such as could not be restrained from charity it selfe dogmatical , and in termes express ; and not occasionally only , and on the by ( as in the Catechisme now before us ) and that too in full general termes that no particular conclusion can be gathered from them . It hath been answered again thus , that the Articles in the five points , being the same with those in King Edwards Book , and so confessed by the Objector ; and no new sense being put upon them by the last establishment , they must be understood no otherwise then according to the judgement of those learned men and godly Martyrs , before remembred , who had before concurred unto the making of them , from which if Mr. Powells sense should differ in the least degree , it is to be lookt upon as his own , not the sense of the Church . And , thirdly , it hath been observed that the Catechisme to which we are referred for the former passages , is not the same with that , which is authorized to be taught in the Grammer Schools in Greek and Latine , nor the same which was published with the consent of the Author in the English tongue , An. 1572. but a Catechisme of a larger size , yet of lesse authority , out of which the other was extracted ; such points as were superfluous , and not well expressed , not being reduced into the same . And somewhat certainly there was in it , which rendred it uncapable of any further Editions , and not thought fit to be translated into Latine , though such a translation of it was propounded to the Arch-Bishops , Bishops in the Epistle Dedicatory , to the shorter English . And though to let us know what Catechisme it is he meanes , he seemes to distinguish it from the other , by being dedicated to the two Arch-Bishops : Yet that doth rather betray the Objectors ignorance then advance his cause , the Authours one Latine Edition , and the English of it being Dedicated to the two Arch-Bishops as well as that . 10. But since he hath appealed to the larger Catechisme , to the larger Catechisme let him go , In which he cannot so much as finde one single question touching the Doctrine of Predestination , or the points depending thereupon : and therefore is necessitated to have recourse unto the Articles of the Catholick Church , the members and ingredients of it , from whence he doth extract the two former passages . And then again , we are to note , that the first of the two passages not being to be found in the Latine Edition , nor the English translation of the same , is taken almost word for word out of Powells Catechisme , therefore to be understood in no other sense then before it was , when it was perused and approved by the Bishops and other learned men of King Edwards time . And , thirdly , there is nothing in all that passage , which justifieth the absolute and irrespective decree of the Predestinarians , or the restraining of the benefit of our Saviours sufferings to a few particulars , nothing of Gods invincible working on the hearts of his chosen ones ▪ or the impossibility of mans co-operating any further in his resurrection from the death of sin to the life of lighteousness , then in that of his body from the grave to the life of glory ; nothing that teacheth any such certainly , or infallibly of persevering in the faith and favour of God : as all the sinnes of the world are not able to deprive them of it , but that they shal , must necessarily be brought again into the place and station from which they had fallen . And as for the last of the said two passages being the very same with that in the Authours Latine , and the English translation of the same , there is nothing in it , which either a true English Protestant , or a Belgick Remonstrant may not easily grant , and yet preserve himself from falling into Calvinisme in any of the points disputed . For granting that the Church is the universal number and fellowship of all the faithful whom God through Christ hath before all beginning of time appointed to everlasting life ; Yet must it so be understood ▪ that either they were appointed to eternal life upon the supposition of their faith and repentance , which may extend to the including of all those who are called to the external participation of the Word and Sacraments : or else that it is meant specially of such as are appointed from all eternity to life everlasting , without excluding any from the Dignity of being members of the Church , who have received the outward call , and openly joyne with them in all publick duties , and thereby pass in common estimate amongst the faithful believers ; And then this definition will afford no comfort to our moderne Calvinists , or create any inconvenience unto those whom they call Arminians . CHAP. XVIII . A Declaration of the Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new establishment made by Queen Elizabeth . 1. THe Doctrine of the second Book of Homilies concerning the wilful fall of Adam , the miserable estate of man , the restitution of lost man in Jesus Christ , and the universal redemption of all man-kinde by his death and passion . 2. The doctrine of the said second Book concerning universal grace , the possibility of a total and final falling , and the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God. 3. The judgement of Reverend Bishop Jewell , touching the universal redemption of mankinde by the death of Christ ; Predestination grounded upon faith in Christ , and reached out unto all them that believe in him , by Mr. Alexander Powell . 4. Dr. Harsnet in his Sermon at St. Pauls crosse , Anno 1584. sheweth that the absolute decree of Reprobation turneth the truth of God into a lie , and makes him to be the Authour of sinne . 5. That it deprives man of the natural freedome of his will , makes God himself to be double minded , to have two contrary wills , and to delight in mocking his poor creature , man. 6. And finally , that it makes God more cruel and unmerciful then the greatest Tyrant , contrary to the truth of Scripture , and the constant Doctrine of the Fathers . 7. The rest of the said Sermon reduced unto certaine other heads , directly contrary to the Calvinian Doctrines in the points disputed . 8. Certain considerations on the Sermon aforesaid , with reference to the subject of it , as also to the time , place and persons in and before which it was first preached . An Answer to some Objections concerning a pretended Recantation falsly affirmed to have been made by the said Mr. Harsnet . 10. That in the judgement of the Right learned Dr. King , after Bishop of London , the alteration of Gods denounced judgements in some certaine cases infers no alteration in his councels ; the difference between the changing of the will , and to will a change . 11. That there is something in Gods decrees revealed to us , and something concealed unto himself , the difference between the inferiour and superiour causes , and of the conditionalty of Gods threats and promises . 12. The accomodating of the former part of this discourse to the case of the Ninevites . 13. And not the case of the Ninevites to the case disputed . 1. THese Obstacles being thus removed , I shall proceed unto a Declaration of the Churches Doctrine under this new establishment made by Queen Eliz. And , first , all Arguments derived from the publick Liturgie , and the first book of Homilies being still in force ; we will next see what is delivered in the Homilies of the second part , establisht by a special Article , and thereby made a part of the doctrine here by law established : And , first , as touching the doctrine of Predestination , it is declared in the Homily of the Nativity , ' That as in Adam all men universally sinned ; so in Adam all men received the reward of sinne , that is to say , became mortal and subject unto death , having in themselves nothing but everlasting condemnation , both of body and soul ; that man being in this wretched case it pleased God to make a new Covenant with him , namely , that he would send a Mediatour or Messias into the world which should make intercession , and put himself as a stay between both parties to pacifie wrath and indignation conceived against sin , and to deliver man out of the miserable curse , and cursed misery , whereunto he was fallen headlong , by disobeying the Will and Commandment of the onely Lord and Maker . Nor , secondly , was this deliverance and redemption partial , intended onely for a few , but general and universal for all man-kinde ; the said Homily telling us not long after , that all this was done to the end the promise and covenant of God made unto Abraham and his posterity concerning the Redemption of the world , might be credited and believed — to deliver man-kinde from the bitter curse of the Law , and make perfect satisfaction by his death for the sinnes of all people . ' — For the accomplishment whereof , ' It was expedient , saith the Homily , that our Mediatour should be such an one as might take upon him the sins of mankinde , and sustain the due punishment thereof , viz. death — ' to the intent he might more fully and perfectly make satisfaction for man-kinde : which is as plaine as words can make it , and yet not more plaine then that which followeth in the Homily of the worthy receiving of the Sacrament , Fol. 200. 2. Nor doth the Homily speak lesse plainly in another place concerning universal Grace , then it doth speak to this in reference to universal redemption , as appears evidently by the first part of the Sermon against the perill of Idolatry , in which it is declared in the way of paraphrase on some passages in the 40. Chapter of the Prophet Isaiah , ' that it had been preached to men from the beginning , and how by the creation of the world , and the greatness of the work , they might understand the Majesty of God , the Creator and Maker of all things to be greater then it should be expressed in any image or bodily similitude . ' And therefore by the light of the same instruction ( had they not shut their eyes against it ) they might have come unto a further knowledge of the will of God ; and by degrees to the performance of all moral duties required of them before Christ coming in the flesh . And in the third part of the same Sermon there are some passages which do as plainly speak of falling from God , the final alienation of the soul of a man once righteous , from his love and favour . Where it is said , ' how much better it were that the arts of painting , and we had never been found , then one of them whose souls are so precious in the sight of God , should by occasion of image or picture , perish and be lost . ' And what can here be understood , by the souls which are so precious in the sight of God , but the souls of the elect , of justified and righteous persons , the souls of wicked men being vile and odious in his sight , hated by God , as Esau was , before all eternity , as the Calvinians do informe us . And what else can we understand by being perished and lost , but a total or final alienation of those precious souls , from his grace and favour : more plainly speaks the Homily of the Resurrection , in which the Church represents unto us , what shame it should be for us , ' being thus clearly and freely washed from our sinne to returne to the filthinesse thereof again ? What a folly it would be for us , being thus endued with righteousnesse to loose it again ? What a madnesse it would be to to loose the inheritance we be now set in , for the vile and transitory pleasure of sinnes . And what an unkindnesse it would be , where our Saviour Christ of his mercy is come unto us , to dwell with us as our guest , to drive him from us , and to banish him violently out of our souls : And instead of him in whom is all grace and vertue to receive the ungracious spirit of the devil , the founder of all naughtinesse and mischiefe ; ' then which there can be nothing more direct and positive to the point in hand . And as for the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God either in accepting or resisting it , when once offered to him , besides what may be gathered from the former passages ; it is to be presumed as a thing past question in the very nature of that book , for what else are those Homilies but so many proofs and arguments to evince that point . For to what purpose were they made , but to stir up the mindes of all men to the works of piety : And what hopes could the Authors of them give unto themselves of effecting that which they endeavoured , had they not presupposed and taught that there was such a freedome in the will of man , such an assistance of Gods grace , as might enable them to performe these works of piety , as in all and every one of the said Homilies are commended to them . More for the proof of which points , might be gathered from the said second Book of Homilies , established by the Articles of Queen Elizabeth's time , as before is said , were not these sufficient . 3. Proceed we therefore from the Homilies , and the publick monuments of the Church to the judgement of particular persons , men of renown and eminent in their several places , amongst which we finde incomparable Jewell , then Bishop of Sallsbury , thus clearly speaking in behalf of universal redemption , viz. Certo animis nostris persuademus , &c. ' We do assuredly perswade our mindes ( saith he ) that Christ is the obtainer of forgivenesse for our sins ; and that by his blood all our spots of sins be washed cleane : that he hath pacified and set at one all things by the blood of his crosse : that he by the same one onely sacrifice which he once offered upon the crosse , hath brought to effect , and fulfilled all things ? and that for the cause he said , it is finished . By which word ( saith he ) be plainly signified , , persolutum ●am esse pretium , pro peccato humani generis , , that the price or ransome was now fully paid for the sin of man-kinde . ' Now as Bishop ewell was a principal member of the House of Bishops , so Mr. Powell was the Prolocuto● for the House of the Clergy , in which the Articles were debated and agreed upon . In which respect his favour is much sought by those of the Calvinian party , as before was shown . But finding no comfort for them in his larger Catechisme , let us see what may be found in his Latine Catechisme , authorized to be taught in Schools , and published by his consent in the English tongue , Anno 157● . And first he sheweth , that as God is said to be our Father for some other reasons , so most specially for this ; quod nos divine per spiritum sanctum generavit , & per fidem in verum suum , a●que naturalem filium Iesum Christum nos el git , sibique Filios , & regni ●oelestis , atque sempiternae vitae heredes per eundem inj●ituit ; that is to say , because he hath divinely regenerated us ( or begotten us again ) by the Holy Ghost , and hath elected us by faith in his true and natural son Christ Jesus , and through the same Christ ●ath adopted us to be his children and heires of his heavenly Kingdom and of life everlasting . And if election come by our faith in Christ , as he saith it doth , neither a Supra-bapsarian , nor a Sub-●ap●arian , can finde any comfort from this man , in favour of that absolute and irrespective decree of Predestination , which they would gladly father on him in his larger Catechisme . And then as for the method of predestination , he thus sets it forth , viz. ' Deus Adamum illis honoris insignibus ornavit , ut ea cum sibi tum suis , id est , toti humano generi , aut servaret , aut amitteret , &c. God ( saith he ) indued Adam with those ornaments ( that is to say , those ornaments of grace and nature , which before we speak of ) that he might have them or loose them for himself and his , that is to say , for all man-kinde . And it could not otherwise be , but that as of an evil tree , evil fruits do spring : so that Adam being corrupted with sinne , all the issue that came of him , must also be corrupted with that original sin ; For delivery from the which there remained no remedy in our selves , and therefore God was pleased to promise that the seed of the woman , which is Jesus Christ , should break the head of the Serpent , that is , of the Devi , who deceived our first parents , and so should deliver them and their posterity that believed the same . Where first we have mans fall . Secondly , Gods mercy in his restitution . Thirdly , this restitution to be made by Jesus Christ ; and , fourthly , to be made to all , which believe the same . ' 4. Proceed we next to a Sermon preached at St. Pauls crosse , Octob. 27. 1584. by Samuel H●rs●et then fellow of P●mbrooke Hall in Cambridge and afterwards Master of the same , preferred from thence to the See of Chichester , from thence translated unto Norwitch , and finally to the Archiepiscopal See of York . For the Text or subject of his Sermon , he made choice of those words in the Prophet Ezekiel , viz. As I live ( saith the Lord ) I delight not in the death of the wicked , chap. 33. v. 11. In his discourse upon which text , he first dischargeth God from laying any necessity of sinning on the sons of men , and then delighting in their punishment because they have sinned : he thus breaks out against the absolute decree of reprobation , which by that time had been made a part of the Zuinglian Gospel , and generally spread abroad both from Presse and Pulpit . ' There is a conceit in the world ( saith he ) speaks little better of our gracious God then this , and that is , that God should design many thousands of souls to hell before they were , not in eye to their faults , but to his own absolute will and power , and to get him glory in their damnation . This opinion is grown high and monstrous , and like a Goliah , and men do shake and tremble at it ; yet never a man reacheth to Davids sting to cast it down . In the name of the Lord of Hosts we will encounter it , for it hath reviled not the Host of the living God , but the Lord of Hosts . ' First , that it is directly in opposition to this Text of holy Scripture , and so turnes the truth of God into a lye . For whereas God in this Text doth lay and sweare , that he doth not delight in the death of man ; this opinion saith , that not one or two , but millions of men should frie in Hell ; and that he made them for no other purpose then to be the children of death and hell , and that for no other cause but his meer pleasures sake ; and so say , that God doth not onely say , but will sweat to a lye . For the oath should have runne thus , as I live ( saith the Lord ) I do delight in the death of man. ' Secondly , it doth ( not by consequence but ) directly make God the Authour of sin . For , if God without eye to sin did designe men to hell , then did he say and set down that he should sinne : for without sinne he cannot come to hell : And indeed doth not this opinion say , that the Almighty God in the eye of his Councel , did not only see , but say that Adam should fall , and so order and decree , and set down his fall , that it was no more possible for him not to fall , then it was possible for him not to eat ? And of that when God doth order , set down and decree , ( I trust ) he is the Author , unless they will say , that when the Right honourable Lord Keeper doth say in open Court , we order , he means not to be the Author of that his Order . ' Which said , he tells us Thirdly , that it takes away from Adam ( in his state of innocency ) all freedom of Will and Liberty not to sin . For had he had freedom to have altered Gods designment , Adams liberty had been above the designment of God. And here I remember a little witty solution is made , that is , if we respect Adams Will , he had power to sin , but if God Decrees , he could not sin . This is a silly solution ; And indeed it is as much as if you should take a sound , strong man that hath power to walk , and to lye still , and bind him hand and foot , ( as they do in Bedlam ) and lay him down , and then bid him rise up and walk , or else you will stir him up with a whip ; and he tell you , that there be chains upon him , so that he is not able to stir ; and you tell him again , that , that is no excuse , for if he look upon his health , his strength , his legs , he hath power to walk , or to stand still ; but if upon his Chains , indeed in that respect he is not able to walk . I trust he that should whip that man for not walking , were well worthy to be whipt himself : Fourthly , As God do abhor a heart , and a heart , and his soul detesteth also a double minded man : so himself cannot have a mind and a mind ; a face like Janus , to look two wayes . Yet this opinion maketh in God two Wills , the one flat opposite to the other : An Hidden Will by which he appointed and willed that Adam should sin ; and an open Will by which he forbad him to sin . His open Will said to Adam in Paradise , Adam thou shall not eat of the Tree of good and evil : His Hidden Will said , Thou shalt eat ; nay , now I my self cannot keep thee from eating , for my Decree from Eternity is passed , Thou shalt eat , that thou may drown all thy posterity into sin , and that I may drench them as I have designed , in the bottomless pit of Hell. Fifthly , Amongst all the Abominations of Queen Jez●bel , that was the greatest ( 1 King. 21. ) when as hunting after the life of innocent Naboth , she set him up amongst the Princes of the Land , that so he might have the greater fall . God planted man in Paradise , ( as in a pleasant Vineyard ) and mounted him to the world as on a stage , and honoured him with all the Soveraignty , over all the Creatures ; he put all things in subjection under his feet , so that he could not pass a decree from all Eternity against him , to throw him down head-long into hell : for God is not a Jezabel , Tollere in altum , to lift up a man , ut lapsu graviore ruat , that he may make the greater noise with his fall . ' 6. But he goes on , ' and having illustrated this cruel Mockery by some further instances , he telleth us , that the Poet had a device of their old Saturn , that he eat up his Children assoone as they were born , for fear least some of them should dispossess him of Heaven . Pharoah King of Egypt , had almost the same plea , for he made away all the young Hebrew Males least they should multiply too fast : Herod for fear out Saviour Christ should supplant him in his Kingdom , caused all the young Children to be slain : those had all some colour for their barbarous cruelty . But if any of those had made a Law , designing young Children to torments before they had been born ; and for no other cause and purpose , but his own absolute will ; the heavens in course would have called for revenge . It is the Law of Nations , that no man innocent shall be condemned ; of reason not to hate , where we are not hurt ; of nature to like and love her own brood , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( saith the holy Ghost ) we are Gods Kindred , he cannot hate us when we are innocent , when we are nothing , when we are not . Now touching Gods Glory ( which is to us all as dear as our life ) this opinion hath told us , a very inglorious and shamefull ●●le ▪ for it saith , the Almighty God would have many soul● go to ●ell ; and that they may come t●i●●e● they must sin , that so ●e may have ●ust cause to condemn them . Who doth not smile at the Grecians Conceit , that gave their God a glorious title for killing of flyes ? Gods Glory in punishing ariseth from his Justice in revenging of sin : and for that it tells us , as I said , a very sad and unpleasant tale ; for who could digest it to hear a Prince say after this manner ? I will beget me a son , that I may kill him , that I may so get me a name , I will beget him without both his feet , and when he is grown up , having no feet , I will command him to walk upon pain of death : and when he breaketh my Commandment , I will put him to death . O beloved , these glorious fancies , imaginations and shews , are far from the nature of our gracious , mercifull and glorious God , who hath proclaimed himself in his Titles Royal , Jehovah , the Lord , the Lord strong and mighty , and terrible , slow to anger , and of great Goodness : And therefore let this conceit be far from Jacob , and let it not come near the Tents of Joseph . How much holyer and heavenlyer conceit had the holy Fathers of the Justice of God ? Non est ante punitor Deus , quam peccator homo , God put not on the person of a Revenger , before man put on the person of an Offender , saith St. Ambrose . Neminem coronat antequam vincit ; neminem punit antequam peccat ; he crowns none before he overcomes , and he punisheth no man before his offence . Et qui facit miseros ut misereatur , crudelem habet miserecordiam , he that puts man into miseries that he may pity him , hath no kind , but a cruell pity . ' 7. The absolute de●ree of Reprobation being thus discharged , he shews in the next place , that as God desireth not the death of man without relation to his sin , so he desireth not the death of the sinfull man , or of the wicked sinfull man , but rather that they should turn from their wickedness , and live . And he observes it is said unto the Coats in Saint Mathews Gospel , Ite melidicti in ignem paratum ; he doth not say , Maledicti patris , Go ye cursed of the Father ; ( as it is Benedicti patris , when he speaks of the sheep ) God intituling himself to the blessing only ; and that the fire is prepared , but for whom ? Non vobis , sed Diabolo & Angelis ejus , not for you , but for the Devil and his Angels . So that God delighteth to prepare neither death nor hell for damned men . The last branch of his discourse he resolves into six consequences , as links depending on his chain ; 1. Gods absolute Will is not the cause of Reprobation , but sin . 2. No man is of an absolute necessity the child of Hell , so as by Gods grace he may not avoid it . 3. God simply willeth and wisheth every living soul to be saved , and to come to the kingdom of Heaven . 4. God sent his son to save every soul , and to bring it to the kingdom of heaven . 5. God offereth Grace effectually to save every one , and to direct him to the Kingdom of heaven . 6. The neglect and contempt of this Grace , is the cause why every one doth not come to Heaven , and not any privative Decree , Councel and Determination of God. ' The stating and canvasing of which points , so plainly , curtly to the Doctrines of the old Zuinglian Gospellers , and the modern Calvinians ; as they take up the rest of the Sermon , so to the Sermon I refer the Reader for his further satisfaction in them . I note this only in the close , that there is none of the five Arminian Articles ( as they commonly call them ) which is not contained in terms express , or may not easily be found by way of Deduction in one or more of the six consequences before recited . 8. Now in this Sermon there are sundry things to be consisidered , as namely , first , That the Zuinglian or Calvinian Gospel in these points , was grown so strong , that the Preacher calls it their Goliah ; so huge and monstrous , that many quaked and trembled at it , but none , that is to say , but few or none , vel d●o , vel n●mo , in the words of Persius , durst take up Davids sling to throw it down . Secondly , That in canvasing the absolute Decree of Reprobation , the Preacher spared none of those odious aggravations which have been charged upon the Doctrines of the modern Calvinists by the Remonstrants , and their party in these latter times . Thirdly , That the Sermon was preached at St. Pauls Cross , the greatest Auditory of the Kingdom , consisting not only of the Lord Major , the Aldermen , and the rest of the chief men in the City , but in those times of such Bishops , and other learned men as lived occasionally in London , and the City of Westminster , as also of the Judges and most learned Lawyers , some of the Lords of the Counsel being for the most part present also . Fourthly , That for all this we cannot find , that any offence was taken at it , or any Recantation enjoyned upon it , either by the high Commission , or Bishop of London , or any other having authority in the Church of England , nor any complaint made of it to the Queen , or the Counsel-Table , as certainly there would have been , if the matter of the Sermon had been contrary to the Rules of the Church , and the appointments of the same . And finally we may observe , that though he was made Arch-Bishop of Yorke in the Reign of King Charls , 1628. when the times are thought to have been inclinable , to those of the Arminian Doctrines ; yet he was made Master of Pembrook hall , Bishop of Chichester , and from thence translated unto Norwitch , in the time of King James . And thereupon we may conclude , that King James neither thought this Doctrine to be against the Articles of Religion , here by Law established , nor was so great an enemy to them , or the men that held them , as some of our Calvinians have lately made him . 9. But against this it is objected by Mr ▪ Prin in his book of Perpetuity , &c. printed at London in the year 1627. 1. That the said Mr. Harsnet was convented for this Sermon , and forced to recant it as heretical . 2. That upon this Sermon , and the controversies that arose upon it in Cambridge between Baroe and Whitacres , not only the Articles of Lambeth were composed ( of which more hereafter ) but Mr. Wotton was appointed by the University to confute the same . 3. That the said Sermon was so far from being published or printed , that it was injoyned by Authority to be recanted . For Answer whereunto , it would first be known , where the said Sermon was recanted , and by whose Authority . Not in or by the University of Cambridge , where Mr. Harsnet lived both then , and a long time after ; for the Sermon was preached at St. Pauls Cross , and so the University could take no cognisance of it , nor proceed against him for the same . And if the Recantation was made at St. Pauls Cross , where the supposed offence was given , if would be known by whose Authority it was enjoyned . Not by the Bishop of London , in whose Diocess the Sermon was preached : for his Authority did not reach so far as Cambridge , whither the Preacher had retired after he had performed the service he was called unto : And if it were injoyned by the High Commission , and performed accordingly , there is no question to be made , but that we should have heard of in the Anti-Arminianism , where there are no less then eight leves spent in relating the story of a like Recantation pretended to be made by one Mr. Barret on the tenth of May , 1595. and where it is affirmed , that the said Mr. Harsnet held and maintained the same errors for which Barret was to make his Recantation . But as it will be proved hereafter that no such Recantation was made by Barret ; so we have reason to believe that no such Recantation was imposed on Harsnet . Nor , secondly ; Can it be made good , that the Controversies between Doctor Whitacres and Dr. Baroe were first occasioned by this Sermon , or that Mr. Wotton was appointed by the University to confute the same . For it appears by a letter written from the heads of that University to their Chancellour , the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , dated March 18. 1595. that Baroe had maintained the same Doctrines , and his Lectures and Determinations above 14. years before , by their own account , for which see Chap. 21. Num. 80. which must be three years at the least before the preaching of that Sermon by Mr. Harsnet . And though it is probable enough that Mr. Wotton might give himself the trouble of confuting the Sermon , yet it is more then probable that he was not required so to do by that University . For if it had been so appointed by the University , he would have been rewarded for it by the same power and authority which had so appointed , when he appeared a Candidate for the Professorship on the death of Whitacres , but could not find a party of sufficient power to carry it for him , of which see also Chap. 21. numb . 4. And thirdly , as for the not printing of the Sermon , it is easily answered ; the Genius of the time not carrying men so generally to the printing of Sermons as it hath done since . But it was printed at the last , though long first : And being printed at the last , hath met withnone so forward in the Confutation , as Mr. Wotton is affirmed to be , when at first it was preached . And therefore notwithstanding these three surmises which the Author of the P●rpetuity , &c. hath presented to us , it may be said for certain , as before it was , that Mr. Harsnet was never called in Question for that Sermon of his , by any having Authority to convent him for it , and much less , that he ever made any such Recantation , as by the said Author is suggested . 10. In the next place we will behold a passage in one of the Lectures upon Jonah delivered at York , Anno 1594. by the right learned Dr. John King ( discended from Robert King , the first Bishop of Oxon ) afterwards made Dean of Christ Church , and from thence preferred , by the power and favour of Arch-Bishop Bancroft to the See of London ; A Prelate of too known a zeal to the Church of England to be accused of Popery , or any other Heterodoxies in Religion of what sort soever , who in his Lecture on these words , Yet forty dayes , and Nineveh shall be overthrown , cap. 3. verse 4. discourseth on them in this manner . The only matter of Question herein , is how it may stand with the constancy and truth of eternal God to pronounce a Judgement against a place which taketh not affect within one hundred years : For either he was ignorant of his own time , which we cannot imagine of an omniscient God , or his mind was altered , which is unprobable to suspect . For ●● the strength of Israel a man that he should lye , or as the son of man that he should repeat ? Is he not yesterday , and to day , and the same for ever ? that was , that is , and that which is to come ? I mean not only in substance , but in Will and Intention ; Doth he use lightness ? Are the words that he speaketh yea and nay ? Doth he both affirm and deny too ? Are not all his Promises , are not all his Threatnings , are not all his Mercies , are not all his Judgements , are not all his words , are not all the tittles and jots of his words , yea and amen ? so firmly ratified , that they cannot be broken : Doubtless it shall stand immutable , When the heaven and the earth shall be changed , and wax old like a garment , Ego Deus & non mutor , I am God that am not changed . The School in this respect hath a wise distinction , It is one thing to change the Will , and another to will a change , or to be willed that a change should be . God will have the Law and Ceremony at one time ; Gospel without Ceremony at another , this was his Will from Everlasting , constant and unmovable , that in their several courses both should be . Though there be a change in the matter and Subject , there is not a change in him that disposeth it . Our Will is in winter to use the fire , in summer a cold and an open air ; the thing is changed according to the season ; but our Will whereby we all decreed and determined in our selves so to do , remain the same . 11. Sometimes the Decrees and purposes of God consist of two parts , the one whereof God revealeth at the first , and the other he concealeth a while , and keepeth in his own knowledge ; as in the Action enjoyned to Abraham , the purpose of God was two fold ; 1. To try his Obedience . 2. To save the Child . A man may impute it inconstancy to bid and unbid : but that the Will of the Lord was not plenarily understood in the first part . This is it which Gregory expresseth in apt terms , God chan●eth his intent pronounced sometimes , but never his Counsel intended . Sometimes things are decreed and spoken of according to inferiour cause , which by the highest and over-ruling cause are otherwise disposed of . One might have said , and said truly , both wayes , Lazarus shall rise again , and Lazarus shall not rise again : if we esteem it by the power and finger of God it shall be ; but if we leave it to nature , and to the arme of flesh it shall never be . The Prophet Esay told Hezekias the King , put thy house in order for thou shall die : considering the weaknesse of his body , and the extremity of his disease , he had reason to warrant the same ; but if he told him contrariwise , according to that which came to pass , thou shalt not die , looking to the might and mercy of God who received the prayers of the King , he had said as truly . But the best definition is , that in most of these threatnings there is a condition annexed unto them , either exprest or understood , which is as the hinges to the Doore , and turneth forward and backward the whole matter . In Jeremy it is exprest , I will speak suddenly against a Nation or a Kingdome , to pluck it up , to root it out , and to destroy it ; But if this Nation , against whom I have pronounced , turn from their wickednesse , I will repent of the plague which I thought to bring upon them . So likewise for his mercy , I will speak suddenly concerning , a Nation , and concerning a Kingdome , to build it , and to plant it ; but if ye do evil in my sight , and heare not my voice , I will repent of the good I thought to do for them . Gen. 20. it is exprest , where God telleth Abimeleck , with-holding Abrahams wife , Thou art a dead man , because of the woman which thou hast taken : the event fell out otherwise , and Abimileck purged himself with God , With an upright minde , and innocent hands have I done this . There is no question but God inclosed a condition within his speech , Thou art a dead man , if thou restore not the woman without touching her body , and dishonouring her husband . 12. Thus we may answer the scruple by all these wayes . 1. Yet fourty dayes and Nineveh shall be overthrown , and yet fourty and fourty dayes , and Nineveh ▪ shall not be overthrown . Why ? Because Nineveh is changed , and the unchangable will of God ever was , that if Niniveh shewed a change , it should be spared . 2. There were two parts of Gods purpose , the one disclosed , touching the subversion of Nineveh , the other of her conversion , kept within the heart of God. Whereupon he changed the sentence pronounced , but not the councel whereunto the sentence was referred . 3. If you consider Niniveh in the inferiour cause , that is in the deservings of Niniveh , it shall fall to the ground ; but if you take it in the superiour cause , in the goodnesse and clemency of Almighty God , Niniveh shall escape . Lastly , the judgement was pronounced with a condition reserved in the minde of the judge , Niniveh shall be overthrown if it repent not . Now he that speaketh with condition , may change his minde without suspition of lightness . As Paul peomised the Corinthians to come to them in his way towards Macedonia , and did it not ; For he ever more added in his soul that condition which no man must exclude , if it stand with the pleasure of God , and he hinder me not . Philip threatned the Lacidemonians , that if he invaded their countrey , he would utterly extinguish them ; They wrote him no other answer but this , If , meaning it was a condition well put in , because he was never like to come amongst them , Si nisi non esset , perfectum quidlibet esset . If it were not for conditions and exceptions , every thing would be perfect , but nothing more unperfect then Niniveh , if this secret condition of the goodness of God at the second hand had not been . 13. So far this Reverend Prelate hath discoursed of the nature of Gods decrees , and accommodated his discourse thereof to the case of the Ninevites . Let us next see how far the principal particulars of the said discourse , and the case of the Ninivites it self may be accommodated to the Divine decree of Predestination ; concerning which the said Reverend Prelate was not pleased to declare his judgment , either as being impertinent to the case which he had in hand , 〈…〉 out of an unwillingnesse to engage himself in those disputes which might not suddenly be ended . All that he did herein was to take care for laying down such grounds in those learned Lectures , by which his judgment might be guessed at , though not declared . As Dr. Peter Baroe ( of whom more hereafter ) declared his judgement touching the Divine Decrees in the said case of the Ninevites , before he fell particularly on the Doctrine of Predestination , as he after did . And first , As for accomodating the case of the Ninevites to the matter which is now before us , we cannot better do it then in the words of Bishop Hooper , so often mentioned ; who having told us that Esau was no more excluded from the promise of grace , then Jacob was , proceedeth thus , viz. ' By the Scripture ( saith he ) it seemeth that the sentence of God was given to save the one , and damne the other , before the one loved God , or the other hated him . Howbeit these threatnings of God against Esau ( if he had not of his wilful malice excluded himself from the promise of grace ) should no more have hindred his salvation , then Gods threatnings against Nineveh , ( which notwithstanding that God said should be destroyed within fourty dayes , stood a great time after , and did pennance . Esau was circumcised , and presented unto the Church of God by his Father Isaaac in all external Ceremonies as well as Jacob. ' And that his life and conversation was not as agreeable unto justice and equity as Jacobs was , the sentence of God unto Rebecca was not in the fault ; but his own malice . Out of which words we may observe , first , that the sentence of God concerning Esau , was not the cause that his conversation was so little agreeable to justice and equity ; no more then the judgement denounced against the Ninivites , could have been the cause of their impenitency , if they had continued in their sinnes and wickednesses without repentance ; contrary to the Doctrine of the Gospellers in Queen Maries dayes , imputing all mens sins to predestination . Secondly , that Gods threatnings against Esau ( supposing them to be tanta-mount to a reprobation ) could no more have hindred his salvation ; then the like threatning against the Ninevites , could have sealed to them the assurance of their present distruction ; if he had heartily repented of his sinnes ▪ as the Ninevites did . And therefore , thirdly , as well the decree of God concerning Esau , as that which is set out against the Ninevites , are no otherwise to be understood , then under the condition tacitly annexed unto them , that is to say , that the Ninevites should be destroyed within fourty dayes , if they did not repent them of their sinnes ; and that Esau should be reprobated to eternal death , if he gave himself over to the lusts of a sensual appetite : Which if it be confessed for true , as I think it must , then , fourthly , the promises made by God to Jacob , and to all such as are beloved of God , as Jacob was , and consequently their election unto life eternal , are likewise to be understood with the like condition ; that is to say , if they repent them of their sinnes , and do unfainedly believe his holy Gospell . The like may be affirmed also in all the other particulars touching Gods decrees , with reference to the Doctrine of predestination , which are observed or accomodated by that learned Prelate in the case of the Ninevites , had I sufficient time and place to insist upon them . CHAP. XIX . Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church ; by whom it was made , and what was done towards the making of it up . 1. GReat alterations made in the face of the Church , from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary ; with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service , if otherwise of known zeale against the Papists . 2. Several examples of that kinde in the places of greatest power and trust in the Church of England ; particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist , and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of predestination . 3. His notes on one of the Letters of John Bradford Martyr , touching the matter of Election therein contained . 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text , and between the authour of the Comment , and Bishop Hooper . 5. Exceptions against some passages , and observations upon others , in the said Notes of Mr. Fox . 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrine , made greater by the countenance which was given to the Book of Acts and Monuments , by the Convocation , An. 1571. 7. No argument to be drawn from hence touching the approbation of his doctrine by that Convocation , no more then for the Approbation of his Marginal Notes , and some particular passages in it , disgraceful to the Rites of the Church , attire of the Bishops . 8. A counterballance made in the Convocation against Fox his Doctrine , and all other Novelismes of that kinde . 1. IT was not long that Queen Mary sate upon the Throne , and yet as short time as it was , it gave not only a strong interruption for the present to the proceedings of the Church , but an occasion also of great discord , and dissention in it for the time to come . For many of our Divines , who had fled beyond the Sea to avoid the hurry of her Reign , though otherwise men of good abilities in most parts of Learning , returned so altered in their principals , as to points of Doctrine , so disaffected to the Government , formes of worship here by Law established , that they seem'd not to be the same men at their coming home , as they had been at their going hence : yet such was the necessity which the Church was under , of filling up the vacant places and preferments , which had been made void either by the voluntary discession , or positive deprivation of the Popish Clergie , that they were faine to take in all of any condition , which were able to do the publick service , without relation to their private opinions in doctrine or discipline , nothing so much regarded in the choice of men for Bishopricks , Deanries , Dignities in Cathedral Churches , the richest B●nefices in the Countrey , and places of most command and trust in the Universities , as their known ●eal against the Papists , together with such a sufficiency of learning as might enable them for writing and preaching against the Popes supremacy , the carnal presence of Christ in the blessed Sacrament , the superstition ▪ of the Masse , the halfe communion , the cel●bratin ▪ of Divine service in a tongue not known unto the people , the inforced single life of Priests , the worshiping of Images , and other the like points of Popery , which had given most offence , and were the principal causes of that separation . 2. On this account we finde Mr. Pilkington preferred to the See of Durham , and Whittingham to the rich Deanry of the Church ; of which the one proved a great favourer of the Non-conformists , as is confessed by one who challengeth a relation to his blood and family ; the other associated himself with Goodman , as after Goodman did with Knox , for planting Puritanisme and sedition in the Kirk of Scotland . On this account Dr. Lawrence Humphrey a professed Calvinian , in point of doctrine , and a Non-conformist , ( but qualified with the title of a moderate one ) is made the Queens professor for Divinity in the University of Oxon ; Thomas Cartwright , that great Incendiary of this Church , preferred to be the Lady Margarets professor in the University of Cambridge ; Sampson made Dean of Christ-church and presently proptor Puritaxismum Exauctoratus , turned out again for Puritanisme , as my Authour hath it : Hardiman made one of the first Prebends of Westminster of the Queens foundation , and not long after deprived of it by the high Commissioners for breaking down the Altar there , and defacing the ancient utensils and ornaments which belonged to the Church . And finally upon this account , as Whitehead , who had been Chaplaine to Queen Anne Bulline , refused the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury , before it was offered unto Parker and Cov●rdale to be restored to the See of Exon , which he had chearfully accepted in the time of King Edward ; so Mr. John Fox of great esteem for his painful and laborious work of Acts and Monuments ▪ ( commonly called the Book of Martyrs ) would not accept of any preferment in the Church , but a Prebends place in Salisbury which tide him not to any residence in the same . And this he did especially ( as it after proved ) to avoid subscription , shewing a greater willingnesse to leaue his place , then to subscribe unto the Articles of Religion then by Law established , when he was legally required to do it by Arch-Bishop Parker . Of this man there remains a short Discourse in his Acts and Monuments of Predestination , occasioned by a letter of Mr. Bradfords before remembred , whose Orthodox doctrine in that point he feared might create some danger unto that of Calvin , which then began to finde a more general entertainment , then could be rationally expected in so short a time ; And therefore as a counter-ballance he annexeth this discourse of his own with this following title , viz. Notes on the same Epistle , and the matter of Election thereunto appertaining . ' 3. As touching the Doctrine of Election ( whereof this letter of Mr. Bradford , and many other of his Letters more do much intreat ) three things must be considered . 1. What Gods Election is , and what the cause thereof . 2. How Gods Election proceedeth in working our salvation . 3. To whom Gods election pertaineth , and how a man may be certaine thereof . — Between Predestination and Election this difference there is , Predestination is as well to the Reprobate as to the Elect , Election pertaineth onely to them that be saved . Predestination in that it respecteth the reprobate , is called reprobation ; in that it respected the saved , is called Election , and is thus defined . Predestination is the eternall decreement of God , purposed before in himself , what shall befal all men either to salvation or damnation ; Election is the free mercy and grace of God , in his own will through faith in Christ his Sonne , choosing and preferring to life such as pleaseth him . In this definition of Election first goeth before ( the mercy and grace of God ) as the causes thereof , whereby are excluded all works of the Law , and merits of deserving , whither they go before faith , or come after ; so was Jacob chosen , and Esau refused before either of them began to work , &c. Secondly , in that the mercy of God in this Definition is said to be ( free ) thereby is to be noted the proceeding and working of God not to be bound to any ordinary place , or to any succession of choice , nor to state and dignity of person , nor to worthinesse of blood , &c. but all goeth by the meere will of his own purpose , as it is written spiritus , ubi , vult spirat , &c. And thus was the outward race and stock of Abraham after flesh refused ( which seemed to have the preheminence ) and another seed after the Spirit , raised by Abraham of the stones , that is of the Gentiles . So was the outward Temple of Jerusalem , and chaire of Moses , which seem'd to be of price forsaken , and Gods chaire advanced in other Nations . So was tall Saul refused , and little David accepted : the rich , the proud , and the wise of this world rejected , and the word of salvation daily opened to the poore , and miserable Abjects , the high mountaines cast under , and the low valleys exalted , &c. And in the next place it is added ( in his own will ) by this falleth down the free will , and purpose of man , with all his actions , councels , and strength of nature : according as it is written , non est volentis , neque currentis , sed miserentis Dei , &c. It is not him that willeth , nor in him that runneth , but in God that sheweth mercy . So we see how Israel ran long , and yet got nothing . The Gentile runneth , began to set out late , and yet got the game : So they which came at the first which did labour more , and yet they that came last were rewarded with the first , Mat. 20. The working will of the Pharisee seemed better , but yet the Lords Will was rather to justifie the Publican , Luk. 18. The elder son had a better will to tarry by his father , and so did indeed ; and yet the fat calf was given to the younger son that ran away , Luk. 15. whereby we have to understand , how the matter goeth not by the will of man , but by the will of God as it pleaseth him to accept , according as it is written , non ex voluntate carnis , neque ex voluntate viri : sed ex Deo nati sunt , &c. Which are born not of the will of the flesh , nor yet of the will of man , but of God. Furthermore , as all then goeth by the will of God only , and not by the will of man : So againe , here is to be noted , that the will of God never goeth without faith in Christ Jesus his Son. And therefore , fourthly , is this cl●use added in the definition , through faith in Christ his Sonne , which faith in Christ to us-ward maketh altogether . For , first , it certifieth us of Gods Election , as this Epistle of Mr. Bradford doth well expresse : For whosoever will be certain of his Election in God , let him first begin with faith in Christ , which if he finde in him to stand firme , he may be sure , and nothing doubt , but that he is one of the number of Gods Elect. Secondly , the said faith , and nothing else , is the only condition and meanes whereupon Gods mercy , grace , Election , vocation , and all Gods promises to salvation do stay accordingly : the word of St. Paul , si permanseritis in fide , and if ye abide in the faith , Col. 1. 3. This faith is the mediate and next cause of our justification simply without any condition annexed : For as the mercy of God ; his grace , Election , vocation , and other precedent causes , do save and justifie us upon condition , if we believe in Christ : so this faith onely in Christ without condition , is the next and immediate cause , which by Gods promise worketh our justification : according as it is written , crede in dominum Jesum , & salvus eris , tu , & domus tua . Believe in the Lord Jesus , and thou shalt be saved , thou and thy whole house . And thus much touching the Definition of Election , with the causes thereof declared , which you see now to be no merits or works of man , whither they go before , or come after faith . For like as all they that be borne of Adam , do taste of his Malediction , though they tasted not of the Apple : so all they that be born of Christ ( which is by faith ) take part of the obedience of Christ , although they never did that obedience themselves , which was in him , Rom. 5. Now to the second consideration : Let us see likewise , how and in what order this Election of God proceedeth in choosing and electing them which he ordaineth to salvation , which order is this . In them that be chosen to life , first , Gods mercy and free grace bringeth forth Election : Election worketh Vocation , or Gods holy calling : which Vocation , though hearing bringeth knowledge , and faith in Christ : Faith through promise , obtaineth justification ; juctification through hope , waiteth for glorification ; Election is before time , vocation and faith cometh in time ; justification and glorification is without end . Election depending upon Gods free grace and will , excludeth all mans will , blinde fortune , chance , and all peradventures . Vocation standing upon Gods Election , excludeth all mans wisdome , cunning ; learning ; intention , power and presumption . Faith in Christ , proceeding by the gift of the holy Ghost , and freely justifying man by Gods promise , excludet●● all other merits of men , all condition of deserving , and all works of the Law , both Gods Law , and mans Law , with all other outward means whatsoever . Justification coming freely by faith , standeth sure by promise , without doubt , fear , or wavering in this life . Glorification appertaining only to the life to come , by hope is looked for . Grace and Mercy preventeth , Election ordaineth ; Vocation prepareth , and receiveth the Word , whereby cometh faith ; Faith justifieth ; Justification bringeth glory ▪ Election is the immediate and next cause of Vocation ; Vocation ( which is the working of Gods Spirit by the Word ) is the immediate and next cause of faith ; Faith is the immediate and next cause of justification . And this order and connexion of causes is diligently to be observed because of the Papists , which have miserably confounded and inverted this doctrine ; thus teaching , that Almighty God , so far as he foreseeth mans merits before to come , so doth he dispense his Election . Dominus prout ●njusque merita fore previdet , ita dispensat electionis gratiam , futuris tamen concedere . That is , that the Lord recompenseth the grace of Election , not to any merits proceeding ; but yet granteth the same to the merits that follow after ; and not rather have our holinesse by Gods Election going before . But we following the Scripture , say otherwise , that the cause onely of Gods Election , is his own free mercy , and the cause onely of our justification is our faith in Christ , and nothing else . As for example ; first , concerning Election , if the question be asked , why was A●raham chosen , and not Na●h●● ▪ why was Jacob chosen , and not Es●u ▪ why was Moses 〈◊〉 ▪ and Phar●●●●●●dened ●●●dened ? why D●vid accepted , and Saul refused ? why , few be chosen , and the most forsaken ? It cannot be answered otherwise but thus , because so was the good will of God. In like manner touching vocation , and also faith , if the question be asked , why this vocation and gift of faith was given to Cornelius the Gentile , and not to Tertullus the Jew ? why to the poore , the babes , and the little ones of the world ( of whom Christ speaketh , I thank the Father which hast hid these from the wise , &c. Mat. 11. ) why to the unwise , the simple abjects and out-casts of the world ? ( of whom speaketh Saint Paul , 1 Cor. 1 You see your calling my brethren , why not many of you , &c. Why to the sinners and not to the just ? why the beggars by the high-wayes were called , and the bidden guests excluded ? We can ascribe no other cause , but to Gods purpose and Election , and say with Christ our Saviour , quia Pater sic complacitum est ante te ; ye Father for that it seemed good in thy sight , Luk. 10. And so it is for justification likewise , if the question be asked why the Publican was justified and not the Pharisee , Luk. 18. Why Mary the sinner , and not Simon the inviter ? Luke 11. Why Harlots and Publicans go before the Scribes and Pharisees in the Kingdome ? Mat. 21. why the sonne of the Free-woman was received ? and the bond-womans Son being his elder , rejected , Gen. 21. why Israel , which so long sought for righteousnesse found it not ? and the Gentiles which sought it not found it ? Rom. 9. We have no other cause hereof to render , but to say with Saint Paul , because they sought for it by works of the Law , and not by faith ; which faith as it cometh not by mans will ( as the Papists falsely pretendeth ) but onely by the election and free gift of God ; so it is onely the immediate cause whereto the promise of our salvation is annexed , according as we read . And therefore of faith is the inheritance given , as after grace , that the promise might stand sure to every side , Rom. 4. and in the same Chapter . Faith believing in him that justifieth the wicked is imputed to righteousnesse . And this concerning the causes of our salvation , you , you see how faith in Christ immediately and without condition doth justifie us , being solicited with Gods mercy and election , that wheresoever election goeth before , faith in Christ must needs follow after . And again , whosoever believeth in Christ Jesus , through the vocation of God , he must needs be partaker of Gods election : whereupon resulteth the third note or consideration , which is to consider , whither a man in this life may be certaine of his election . To answer to which question this first is to be understood , that although our election and vocation simply indeed , be known to God onely in himselfe , a priore : yet notwithstanding it may be known to every particular faithful man , a Posteriore that is by means , which means is faith in Christ Jesus crucified . For as much as by faith in Christ a man is justified , and thereby made the childe of salvation : reason must needs lead the same to be then the childe of election , chosen of God to everlasting life . For how can a man be saved , but by consequence it followeth that he must also be elected . And therefore of election it is truly said : de electione judicandum est a posteriore , that is to say , we must judge of election by that which cometh after , that is , by our faith and belief in Christ : which faith , although in time it followeth after election , yet this the proper immediate cause assigned by the Scripture , which not onely justifieth us , but also certifieth us of this election of God ; whereunto likewise well agreeth this present Letter of Mr. Bradford , wherein he saith : Election , albeit in God it be the first , yet to us it is the last opened . And therefore beginning first ( saith he ) with Creation , I come from thence to Redemption , and justification by faith : so to election , not that faith is the cause efficient of election , being rather the effect thereof , but is to us the cause certificatory , or the cause of our certification whereby we are brought to the feeling and knowledge of our election in Christ . For albeit the election first be certain in the knowledge of God , yet in our knowledge faith only that we have in Christ , is the thing that giveth to us our certificate and comfort of this election . Wherefore , whosoever desireth to be assured that he is one of the Elect number of God , let him not climbe up to heaven to know , but let him descend into himself , and there search his faith in Christ the Son of God , which if he find in him not feigned , by the working of Gods Spirit accordingly : thereupon let him stay , and so wrap himself wholly both body and foul under Gods general promise , and cumber his head with no further speculations : knowing this , that whosoever believeth in him shall not perish , John 3. shall not be confounded , Rom. 9. shall not see death , John 8. shall not enter into judgement , John 5. shall have everlasting life , John 3. 7. shall be saved , Mat. 28. Acts 16. shall have remission of all his sins , Act. 10. shall be justified , Rom. 3. Cal. 2. shall have floods flowing out of him of the water of life , Joh. 7. shall never die , John 11. shall be raised at the last day , John 6. shall finde rest in his soul , and be refreshed , Mat. 11 , &c. 4. Such is the judgement and opinion of our Martyrologist , in the great point of Predestination unto life ; the residue thereof touching justification , being here purposely cut off with an &c. as nothing pertinent to the businesse which we have in hand . But between the Comment and the Text there is a great deal of difference , the Comment laying the foundation of Election on the Will of God according to the Zuinglian or Calvinian way ; but the Text laying it wholly upon faith in Christ ( whom God the Father hath Predestinate in Christ unto eternal life ) according to the doctrine of the Church of England . The Text first presupposeth an estate of sin and misery into which man was fallen , a ransom paid by Christ for man and his whole Posterity , a freedome left in man thus ransomed , either to take , or finally to refuse the benefit of so great mercy : and then fixing or appropriating the benefit of so great a mercy ( as Christ and all his merits do amount to ) upon such only as believe . But the Comment takes no notice of the fall of man , grounding both Reprobation and Election on Gods ●bsolute pleasure , without relation to mans sin or our Saviours sufferings , or any acceptation or refusal of his mercies in them . As great a difference there is between the Authour of the Comment , and Bishop Hooper , as between the Comment and the Text : Bishop Hooper telling us , cap. 10. num . 2. that Saul was no more excluded from the promise of Christ , then David ; Esau then Jacob ; Judas then Peter , &c. if they had not excluded themselves : quite contrary to that of our present Authour , who having asked the question , why Jacob was chosen , and not Esau ; why David accepted , and Saul refused , &c. makes answer , that it cannot otherwise be answered , then that so was the good Will of God. 5. And this being , said I would faine know upon what authority the Authour hath placed Nachor amongst the reprobates , in the same Ranck with Esau , Pharaoh and Saul ; all which he hath marked out to reprobation ; the Scripture laying no such censure on Nachor , or his Posterity as the Authour doth ; Or else the Authour must know more of the estate of Nachor then Abraham his brother did ; who certainly would never have chosen a wife for his sonne Isaac out of Nachors line , if he had looked upon them as reprobated and accursed of God. I observe , Secondly , that plainly God is made an accepter of persons by the Authours doctrine . For , first , he telleth us that the elder son had a better will to tarry by his father , and so did indeed , but the fatted Calf was given to the younger son that ran away ; and thereupon he doth infer , that the matter goeth not by the will of man , but by the Will of God , as it pleaseth him to accept . I observe , Thirdly , that Vocation , ●●● the Authours judgement , standeth upon Gods Election , as the work thereof ; whereas Vocation is more general , and is extended unto those also whom they call the Reprobate , and therefore standeth not on Election , as the Authour hath it . For many 〈◊〉 called , though out of those many which are called , but a few are chosen . Fourthly , I observe , that notwithstanding the Authour builds the doctrine of Election●●● ●●● Gods absolute will and pleasure , yet he is faine to have recourse to some certaine condition , telling us , that though the mercy of God , his Grace , Election , Vocation , and other pre●●●ent Causes do justifie us ; yet this is upon condition of believing in Christ . And finally , it is to be observed also , that after all his paines taken in defending such a personal and eternal Election , as the Calvinians now contend for ; he adviseth us to wrap up our selves wholly , both body and soul under Gods general promise , and not to cumber our heads with any further speculations , knowing that whosoever believeth in him shall not perish , &c. 6. And so I take my leave of our Martyrologist , the publishing of whose discourse I look on as the first great battery which was made on the Bulwarks of this Church , in point of Doctrine by any member of her own , after the setling of the Articles by the Queens Authority , Anno 1562. the brables raised by Crowley in his Book against Campneys , though it came out after the said Articles were confirmed and published , being but as haile-shot in comparison of this great piece of Ordnance . Not that the Arguments were so strong as to make any great breach in the publick Doctrine , had it been published in a time-lesse capable of innovations , or rather if the great esteeme which any had of that man , and the universal reception which his Book found with all sorts of people , had not gained more authority unto his discourse , then the merit or solidnesse of it could deserve . The inconveniences whereof , as also the many marginal Notes and other passages , visibly tending to faction and sedition in most parts of that Book , were either not observed at first , or winked at in regard of the great animosities , which were ingendred by it in all sorts of people , as well against the persons of the Papist , as against the doctrine ; Insomuch that in the Convocation of the year , 1571. there passed some Canons , requiring that not onely the Deanes of all Cathedrals should take a special care , that the said Book should be so conveniently placed in their several Churches , that people of all conditions might resort unto it ; but also , that all and every Arch-Bishop , Bishops , Deans , Residentiaries , and Arch-Deacons should choose the same to be ●laced in some convenient publick room of their several houses , not only for the entertainment and instruction of their menial servants , but of such strangers also as occasionally repaired unto them . 7. If it be her eupon inferred that Fox his doctrine was approved by that Convocation , and therefore that it is agreeable to the true intent and meaning of the Articles of the Church of England ; besides what hath been said already by Anticipation , it may as logically be inferred , that the Convocation approved all his Marginal Notes ; all the factious and seditious passages ; and more particularly the scorn which he puts upon the Episcopal habit and other Ceremonies of the Church . Touching which last ( for the other are too many to be here recited ) let us behold how he describes the difference which hapned between Hooper , Bishop of Glocester on the one side , Cranmer and Ridley on the other , about the ordinary habit and attire then used by the Bishops of this Church , we shall finde it thus , viz. ' For notwithstanding the godly reformation of Religion that was begun in the Church of England , besides other ceremonies that were more ambitious then profitable , or tended to edification ; they used to wear such garments and apparel , as the Romish Bishops were wont to do . First a Chimere , and under that a white Rocket , then a Mathematical cap with four Angles , dividing the whole world into four parts . These trifles being more for superstition then otherwise , as he could never abide , so in no wise could he be perswaded to weare them . But in conclusion , this Theological contestation came to this end , that the Bishops having the upper hand , Mr. Hooper was faine to agree to this condition , that sometimes he should in his Sermon shew himself apparalled as the Bishops were . Wherefore appointed to preach before the the King , as a new player in a strange apparel he cometh forth on the stage ; His upper garment was a long skarlet Chimere down to the foot , and under that a white linnen Rocket , that covered all his shoulders ; upon his head he had a Geometrical , that is a square cap , albeit that his head was round . What case of shame the strangenesse hereof was that day to the good preacher , every man may easily judge . But this private contumely and reproach , in respect of the publick profit of the Church , which he onely sought , he bare and suffered patiently . ' 8. Here have we the Episcopal habit affirmed to be a contumelie and reproach to that godly man , slighted contemptuously by the name of trifles , and condemned in the Marginal Note for a Popish attire ; the other ceremonies of the Church being censured as more ambitious , then profitable , and tending more to superstition , then to edification ; which as no man of sense or reason can believe to be approved and allowed of by that Convocation ; so neither is it to be believed that they allowed of his opinion in the present point . For a counterballance whereunto there was another Canon passed in this Convocation , by which all preachers were enjoyned to take special care , ne quid unquam doceant , pro concione ; quod a populo religiose , teneri , & credi velint , nisi quod consent aneum sit doctrinae veteris aut novi testamenti quodque ex illa ipsa doctrina Catholici Patres & veteres Episcopi Collegeri●t , that is to say , that they should maintain no other doctrine in their publick Sermons to be believed of the people , but that which was agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament , and had from thence been gathered by the Catholick ( or Orthodox ) Fathers , and ancient Bishops of the Church . To which rule if they held themselvs as they ought to do , no countenance could be given to Calvines Doctrines , or Fox his judgment in these points maintained by one of the Catholick Fathers , and ancient Bishops of the Church , but St. Augustine only , who though he were a godly man and a learned Prelate ; yet was he but one Bishop , not Bishops in the plural number , but one father , and not all the fathers , and therefore his opinion not to be maintained against all the rest . CHAP. XX. Of the great Innovation made by Perkins in the publick Doctrine , the stirs arising thence in Cambridge , and Mr. Barrets carriage in them . 1 OF Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination , with his recital of the four opinions , which were then maintained about the same . 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrine according to the Supralapsarian , or Supra-creatarian way . 3. The several censures past upon it , both by Papists and Protestants , by none more sharply then by Dr. Rob. Abbots , after Bishop of Sarum . 4. Of Dr. Baroe , the Lady Margarets Professor in the University , and his Doctrine touching the divine Decrees , upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgement against the Ninivites . 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians , and the great increase of his Adherents . 6. The Articles collected out of Barrets Sermon , derogatory to the Doctrine and persons of the chief Calvinians . 7. Barret convented for the same , and the proceedings had against him at his first conventing . 8. A form of Recantation delivered to him , but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianism to be found in the Records of the University . 9. Several arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed upon him . 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own letter to Dr. Goad , being then Vice-Chancelour . 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantation , no argument that his Doctrine was repugnant to the Church of England , and that the body of the same University differed from the heads in that particular . 1. THis great Breach being thus made by Fox in his Acts and Monuments ; was afterwards open'd wider by William Perkins , an eminent Devine of Cambridge , of great esteem amongst the Puritans for his zeal and piety , but more for his dislike of the Rites and Ceremonies here by Law established ; of no less fame among those of the Calvinian party both at home and abroad for a Treatise of Predestination , published in the year 1592. entituled , Armilla Aurea , or the Golden Chain , containing the order of the causes of salvation and damnation according to Gods word . First written by the Author in Latin for the use of Students , and in the same year translated into English at his Request by one Robert Hill , who afterwards was Dr. of Divinity , and Rector of St. Bartholomews Church near the royal Exchange . In the preface unto which Discourse , the Author telleth us , ' that there was at that day four several Opinions of the order of Gods Predestination . The first was of the old and new Pelagians , who placed the cause of Gods Predestination in man , in that they hold , that God did ordain men to life or death , according as he did foresee , that they would by their natural free-will , either reject or receive Grace offered . The second of them , who ( of some ) are termed , Lutherans , which taught , that God foreseeing that all mankind being shut under unbelief , would therefore reject Grace offered , did hereupon purpose to chuse some to salvation of his meer mercy , without any respect of their faith or good works , and the rest to reject , being moved to do this , because he did eternally fore-see , that they would reject his Grace offered them in the Gospel . The third of Semi-palagian Papists , which ascribe Gods Predestination partly to mercy , and partly to mens foreseen Preparations and meritorious works . The fourth , of such as teach , that the cause of the execution of Gods Predestination , is his mercy in Christ in them which are saved ; and in them which perish , the fall and corruption of man ; yet so as that the Decree and eternal Counsel of God concerning them both , hath not any cause besides his Will and pleasure . ' In which Preface whither he hath stated the opinions of the parties right , may be discerned by that which hath been said in the former Chapters : and whither the last of these opinions ascribe so much to Gods Mercy in Christ in them that are saved , and to mans natural Corruption in them that perish , will best be seen by taking a brief view of the opinion it self . The Author taking on him to oppugn the three first as erroneous , and only to maintain the last as being a truth , which will bear weight in the ballance of the Sanctuary , as in his Preface he assures us . 2. ' Now in this book Predestination is defined , to be the Decree of God , by the which he hath ordained all men to a certain and everlasting Estate : that is , either to salvation or condemnation to his own Glory . He tells us secondly , that the means for putting this decree in execution , were the creation and the fall . 3. That mans fall was neither by chance , or by Gods not knowing it , or by his bare permission , or against his Will ; but rather miraculously , not without the Will of God , but yet without all approbation of it . ' Which passage being somewhat obscure , may be explained by another , some leaves before . In which the Question being asked , Whether all things and actions were subject unto Gods Decree ? He answereth , ' Yes surely , and therefore the Lord according to his good pleasure hath most certainly decreed every both thing and action , whether past , present , or to come , together with their circumstances of place , time , means , and end : ' And then the Question being prest to this particular , What even the wickedness of the wicked ? The answer is affirmative , ' Yes , he hath most justly decreed the wicked works of the wicked . For if it had not pleased him , they had never been at all : And albeit they of their own natures are , and remain wicked , yet in respect of Gods decree they are to be accounted good . ' Which Doctrine , though it be no other then that which had before been taught by Beza , yet being published , more copiously insisted on , and put into a more methodical way , it became wondrous acceptable amongst those of the Calvinian party both at home and abroad , as before was said . Insomuch that it was printed several times after the Latin edition , with the general approbation of the French and Belgick Churches , and no less then 15. times , within the space of twenty years in the English tongue . At the end of which term in the year 1612. the English book was turned by the Translator into Questions and Answers , but without any alteration of the words of the Author , as he informs us in the last page of his Preface , after which it might have sundry other impressions ; that which I follow , being of the year 1621. And though the Supra-lapsarians or rigid Calvinists ( or Supra-creatarians rather , as a late judicious Writer calls them ) differ exceedingly in these points , from many of their more moderate brethren , distinguished from them by the name of Sub-lapsarians ; yet in all points touching the specifying of their several supposed Decrees , they agree well enough together , and therefore wink at one another , as before was noted . 3. Notwithstanding the esteem wherewith both sorts of Calvinists entertained the book , it found not the like welcome in all places , nor from all mens hands . Amongst other Parsons the Jesuite gives this censure of him , viz. That by the deep humour of fancy he hath published and writ many books with strange Titles , which neither he nor his Reader do understand , as namely about the Concatenation of laying together of the causes of mans Predestination and Reprobation , &c. Jacob van Harmine , ( afterwards better known by the name of Arminius ) being then Preacher of the Church of Amsterdam , not only censured in brief as Parsons did , but wrote a full discourse against it , entituled , Examen Predestinationis Perkinsanae , which gave the first occasion to these controversies ( many appearing in defence of Perkins and his Opinions ) which afterwards involved the Sub-lapsarians in the self same Quarrel . Amongst our selves it was objected , ' That his Doctrine , referring all to an absolute decree , ham-string'd all industry , and cut off the sinews of mens endeavours towards salvation , for ascribing all to the wind of Gods Spirit ( which bloweth where it listeth ) he leaveth nothing to the cares of mens diligence , either to help or hinder to the attaining of happiness , but rather opens a wide door to licentious security . ' But none of all our English was so sharp in their censures of him , as Dr. Robbert Abbot , then Dr. of the Chair in Oxon. and not long after Bishop of Sarum , who in his book against Tompson ( though others inclined too much to Calvins Doctrines ) gives this Judgement of Mr. Perkinsius , viz. Alioqui eruditus , & pius in discriptione Divinae Praedestinationis , quam ille contra nostram , contra veteris Ecclesiae , fidem citra lapsum Adami absolute decretum constituit , erravit , errorem non levem , cujus adortis quibusdam viris inita jamdudum & suscepta defensio , turbas ecclesiis non necessarias dedit , quas etiamnum non sine scandalo & periculo haerere videmus , dum viam quisque quam ingressus est sibi ante tenendum jndicat , quam ductam sacrarum literarum authoritate lineam veritatis , tanquam filum Ariadnaeum sibi ducem faciat , that is to say , Perkins , though otherwise a godly and learned man in his description of Divine Predestination , which contrary not only to the Doctrine of the primitive times , but also unto that of the Church of England , he builds upon an absolute decree of Almighty God , without referrence to the Fall of Adam , ran himself into no small error : The defence whereof being undertaken by some learned men , hath given the Church some more then necessary troubles , which still continued not without manifest scandal and Danger to it ; whilst every one doth rather chuse to follow his own Way therein , then suffer himself to be guided in the Labyrinth by the line of truth ( as by the clew of Ariadne ) drawn from the undeniable Authority of holy Scriptures . And so I leave the man with this observation , that he who in his writings had made the infinitly greatest part of all mankind uncapable of Gods grace and mercy , by an absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation ; who in expounding the Commandments , when he was Catechist of Christs Colledge in Cambridge , did lay the Law so home in the ears of his Auditors , that it made their hearts fall down , and yea their hair to stand almost upright ; and in his preaching use to pronounce the word Damned , with so strong an Emphasis , that it left an eccho in the ears of his hearers a long time after ; this man scarce lived out half his dayes , being no more then fourty four years of age from the time of his death , at the pangs conducing unto which , he was noted to speak nothing so articulately , as Mercy , Mercy ; which I hope God did graciously vouchsafe to grant him in that wofull Agony . 4. But to proceed , this Doctrine finding many followers , and Whitacres himself then Dr. of the Chair in Cambridge concurring in opinion with him , it might have quickly over-spread the whole University , had it not been in part prevented , and in part suppressed by the care and diligence of Dr. Baroe , and his Adherents , who being a French man born , of eminent piety and learning , and not inclimable at all unto Calvins Doctrines , had been made the Lady Margarets Professor for the University somewhat before the year 1574. For in that year he published his Lectures on the Prophet . Jonah . In one of which being the 29th in number , he discourseth on these words of the Prophet , viz. Yet forty dayes and Nineveh shall be destroyed , cap. 3. ver . 4. where we find it thus , Haec denunciatio non est quasi Proclamatio decreti divini absoluti , sed quaedam ratio praep●nendae divinae voluntatis , qua Deus corum animos flectere voluit : quare haec oratio , et si simplex & absoluta v●eatur , tacitam tamen habet conditionem , ( nisi rescipiscant ) namque hanc in esse conditionem eventus comprobavit ; The denouncing of this Judgement ( saith that learned man ) is not to be beheld as the publication of one of Gods absolute Decrees , but only as a form observed in making Gods Will known unto them , by which he ment to put them to it , and rouse their spirits to Repentance . Therefore ( saith he ) although the Denunciation of the following Judgement seem to be simply positive and absolute , yet hath it notwithstanding this Condition ( that is to say , unless they do repent ) included in it ; for that such a condition was included in it , the event doth shew ; which said , he leads us on to the denouncing of the like Judgement on the house of Abimileck , which he had before in Dr. King chap. 18. num . 11. who herein either followed Baroe , or at the least concurred in opinion with him . And in the next place he proceeds a little further then the case of the Ninivites , touching upon the point of Election unto life eternal , by the most proper superstructure could be laid upon such a foundation , Dei voluntas non erat ut perirent , si rescipiscerent , non vult enim mortem peccatoris , sed ut convertatur : Et rursus Dei erat voluntas , ut perirent , nisi rescipiscerent . Haec enim duo unum sunt ; ut Dei voluntas est ut vitam habeamus si credamus : Et Dei voluntas non est ut vitam habeamus , nisi credamus ; aut si credentes , perseveremus , non autem si aliquandiu credentes non pers●veremus , that is to say , It was not the Will of God that they should perish , if they did repent , ( For God desireth not the death of a sinner , but rather that he be converted and live ) and yet it was his will that they should pe●ish if they did not repent : for these two are one , as for example : It is the Will of God , saith he , that we should have eternal life , if we believe , and constantly persevere in the faith of Christ . And it is not the will of God that we should have eternal life , if we do not believe , or believing only for a time , do not persevere therein to the end of our lives ; which point he further proves by the condition of the message sent from God to Hezekiah by the Prophet , Isaiah , 2 King. 20. 1. as before was said in Dr. King : For which , together with the rest of his discourse upon that occasion , concerning the consistency of these alterations with the immutability or unchangableness of Almighty God ; I shall refere the Reader to the book it self . 5. So far that learned man had declared himself upon occasion of that Text , and the case of the Ni●evites before the year 1574. being ten years before the preaching of H●rsnets Sermon at St. Pauls Cross , and more then twenty years before the ●●irs at Cambridge betwixt him and Whitacres . In all which time , or at lest the greatest part thereof , he inclined rather unto the Melancthonian way , ( according to the Judgement of the Church of England ) in laying down the Doctrine of Predestination then to that of Calvin . For fifteen years it is confest in a letter sent by some of the heads of Cambridge to William Lord Burleigh , then Chancellour of the University , bearing date March the 8. 1595. That he had taught in his Lectures , preached in Sermons , determined in the Schools , and printed in several books , a contrary Doctrine unto that ; which was maintained by Dr. Whitacres , and had been taught and received in the University ever since the beginning of her Majesties Reign : which last , though it be gratis dictum , without proof or evidence , yet it is probable enough that it might be so ; Cartwright that unextinguished Fire-brand being Professor in that place before him , and no greater care taken in the first choice of the other before recited to have had the place , then to supply it with a man of known aversness from all points of Popery . And it seems also by that letter , that Baroe had not sown his seed in a barren soil , but in such as brought forth fruit enough , and yielded a greater increase of Followers , then the Calvinians could have wished . For in one place the letter tells us , that besides Mr. Barret ( of whom we shall speak more anon ) There were divers others who there attempted publickly to teach new and strange opinions in Religion , as the Subscribers of it call them . And in another place it tels us of Dr. Baroe , that he had many Disciples and Adherents , whom he enboldned by his example to maintain false Doctrine . And by this check it may be said of Peter Baroe in reference to that Vniversity , indangered to be overgrown with outlandish Doctrines , as the Historian doth of Cajus Marius , with referrence to the state of Rome in fear of being over-run by the Tribes of the Cymbri , which were then breaking in upon it , Actum esset de Repub. nisi Marius isti seculo contigisset , the Common-wealth had then been utterly overthrown , if Marius had not been then living . 6. Now as for Barret before mentioned , he stands accused so far forth as we can discern by the Recantation , which some report him to have made for preaching many strange and erroneous Doctrines , that is to say ; 1. ' That No man in this transitory life is so strongly underpropped at lest by the certainty of faith ; that is to say , ( as afterwards he explained himself ) by Revelation , that he ought to be assured of his own salvation . 2. That the faith of Peter could not f●il , but that the faith of other men might fail , our Lord not praying for the faith of every particular man. 3. That the certainty of perseverance for the time to come is a presumptuous and proud security , forasmuch as it is in its own nature contingent , and that it was not only a presumptuous but a wicked Doctrine . 4. There was no distinction in the faith , but in the persons believing . 5. That the forgiveness of sins is an Article of the Faith , but not the forgiveness of the sins particularly of this man o● that ; and therefore that no true Believer , either can or ought believe for certain that his sins are forgiven him . 6. That he maintained against Calvin , Peter Martyr , and the rest , ( concerning those that are not saved ) that sin is the true proper and first cause of Reprobation . 7. That he had taxed Calvin for lifting up himself above the high and Almighty God : And 8ly , That he had uttered many bitter wo●ds against Peter Martyr Theodore Beza , J●rom , Zanchius , and Francis Junius , &c. calling them by the odious names of Calvinists , and branding them with a most grievous mark of Reproach , they being the lights and Ornaments of our Church , as is suggested in the Articles which were exhibited against him . ' 7. For having insisted , or at lest touched upon these points in a Sermon preached at St. Marys on the 29. day of April , Ann. 1595. all the Calvinian heads of that Vniversity being lbid together by Whitaores , and inflamed by Perkins , took fire immediately . And in this Text he was convented on the fifth of May next following at nine of the clock in the morning , before Dr. Some , then Deputy Vice-Chancellour to Dr. Duport , Dr. Goad , Dr. ●yndal , Dr. Whitacres , Dr. Barwell , Dr. Jegon , Dr. Preston , Mr. Chatterton , and Mr. Claton in the presence of Thomas Smith publick Notary ; by whom he was appointed to attend again in the afternoon . At which time the Articles above mentioned were read unto him , which we alleadged to be erroneous and false , Et repugnantes esse religioni , in regno Angliae & legitima Authoritate receptae ac stabilitae , that is to say , contrary to the Religion received and established by publick Authority in the Realm of England . To which Articles being required to give an Answer , he confest that he had published in his Sermon all these positions , which in the said Articles are contained , sed quod contenta in i●●dem Religioni Ecclesiae Anglicanae , ut prefertur , omnino non repugnant , but denyed them to be any way repugnant to the Doctrine of the Church of England . Whereupon the Vice-Chancellour and the forenamed heads entring into mature deliberation , and diligently weighing and examining these positions , because it did manifestly appear , that the said positions were false , erroneous , and likewise repugnant to the ' Religion received and established in the Church of England , adjudged and declared , that the said Barret had incurred the Penalty of the 45. Statute of the Vniversity de concionibu● : ' And by vertue and tenour of that Statute they decreed and adjudged the said Barret to make a publick recantation , in such words and forme , as by the Vice-Chancellour , and the said heads , or any three or two of them , or else upon his refusal to recant in that manner , to be perpetually expelled both from his Colled●e and the Vniversity : binding him likewise in an Assumpsit of 40 li. to appear personally upon two dayes warning before the Vice-chancellor or his Deputy , at what time and place they should require . 8. It appears afterwards by the Register of the Vniversity , that Barret being resummoned to appear before him , though none but Goad , Tyndal , Barwell and Preston , were present at that time with the Vice-Chancellor or his Deputy ( for I know not which ) a Recantation ready drawn was delivered to him , which he was commanded to publish solemnly in St. Maries Church on Satterday , the 10. of May then next ensuing . And it is confidently affirmed by the Author of the Arminianism , and his Ecco too , that the said Recantation was publickly made by the said Barret at the time and place therein appointed . And hereof the first Author seems to be so confident , that he doth not only tell us , that this Recantation was made accordingly , but that it was not made with that Humility and Remorse which was expected ; it being said , that after the reading thereof , he concluded thus , Haec dixi ; intimating thereby , that he consented not in his heart to that which he had delivered by his tongue . This is the total of the business concerning Barret in the Anti-Arminianism , in which there is somewhat to be doubted , and somewhat more to be denyed . And first it is to be doubted , whether any such Recantation , consisting of so many Articles , and every Article having his abjuration or Recantation subjoined unto it , was ever enjoyned to be made : for though the Author of the book affirmeth in one place , that the whole Recantation , in the same manner and form 〈…〉 there we find it , was exemplified , and sent unto him under the hand of the Register of the Vniversity , pag. 62. yet he confesseth within few lines after , that no such matter could be found , when the heads of houses were required by an Order from the house of Commons in the last Session of Parliament , Anno 1628. to make certificate to them of all such Recantations as were recorded in their Vniversitie Register , and of this Recantation in particular . And though it be hereupon inferred , that this Recantation was embezilled and razed out of the Records of the Vniversity by some of the Arminian party , the better to suppress the memory of so great a foil ; yet it may rather be believed , that many false Copys of it were dispersed abroad by those of the Calvinian faction , to make the man more odious , and his opinions more offensive then might stand with truth . 9. The truth is that a Recantation was enjoyned , and delivered to him , though not the same , nor in the same form and manner as before laid down ; Barret confessing in his letters , of which more anon , that a Recantation was imposed on him and expected from him : But then it is to be denyed as a thing most false , that he never published the Recantation , whatsoever it was , which the heads enjoyned and required at his last convention . For , First , It is acknowledged in the Authors own Transcript of the Acts , that though he did confess the propositions wherewith he was charged to be contained in his Sermon ; yet he would never grant them to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church o● England , and therefore was not likely to retract the same . Secondly , It is plain by Barrets said letters , the one to Dr. Goad Master of Kings , the other to Mr. Chadderton Master of . Emanuel Colledge , that neither flattery , nor threatnings , nor the fear of loosing his subsistence in the Vniversity , should ever work him to the publishing of the Recantation required of him . And thirdly , It appears by the letters from the heads above mentioned to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , that Barret had not made the Recantation on the 8th . of March , which was full ten moneths after the time appointed for the publishing of it . And on these terms this business sheweth the Author his Errour , to affirm with all confidence , ( for if the one doth , the other must ) that Barret made this Recantation in St. Maries Church on the tenth of May , Anno 1595. Barret declaring in his letter to Dr. Goad , about nine moneths after , that he would never make it ; And the heads signified to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , on the eight of March , being ten moneths after , that at that time he had not made . And who should believe in the present case , Barret that saith he would never do it , and the heads , who say , he had not done it on the eight of March : or that they say upon the credit of a false and malitious Coppy ( purposely spread abroad by the Puritan faction to defame the man ) that he had published it on the 10. of May , ten moneths before . I find also in the Title to this Recantation , as it stands in the Anti-arminianism ( p 46 ) that Mr. Harsnet of Pembrook Hall , is there affirmed to have maintained the supposed Errours , for which Barret was condemned to a Recantation : and 't is strange that Harsnet should stand charged in the Title of another mans sentence , for holding and maintaining any such points as had been raked out of the dunghill of Popery and Pelagianism , as was there affirmed ; for which he either was to be questioned in his own person , or not to have been condemned , to the Title of a sentence passed on another man. Which circumstance as it discredits the Title , so the Title doth as much discredit the reality of the Recantation , adeo mendaciorum natura est , ut cohaerere non possint , saith Lactantius truly . The rest of Barrets story shall be told by himself , according as I find it in a letter of his to Dr. Goad then being Vice-Chancellour , written about nine moneths after the time of his first conventing : as the letter doth appear , which is this that followeth . A Copy of Mr. Barret's Letter to Dr. Goade . 10. MY Duty remembred to your Worship , &c. Sir , according to your appointment , I have conferred with Mr. Overald and Mr. Chadderton . Mr. Overald after once conference , refused to talke off these points any more , saying it needed not : For Mr. Chadderton he is a learned man , and one whom I do much reverenced , yet he hath not satisfied me in this point . For I required proof but of these two things at his hands , viz. That Una sides did differre specie ab alia ; and that it was aliud donum ab alio , but he did neither . But for the first whereas he should have proved it did differre specie , he proved it did differre numero , and that but out of the Mr. of the Sentences , whose Authority notwithstanding I do not impugn . And for the other , that it should be Aliud donum , he proveth out of St. Augustine , that fides demonum is not alia a fide Christianorum , which no man ever denyed : for fides Demonum is not Donum at all , so that it commeth not in Question , so that I being here unsatisfied of one party , meaning Mr. Chadderion , and rather confirmed of the other party ; I do hold my positions as before . And for the Retractation I purpose not to perform it : Yet that the peace of the Vniversity , and the Church may be preserved , I do solemnly promise to keep my opinion to my self : so that in this regard my humble suit unto your Worship ( and hearty prayer to God ) is this , that you would suffer me to continue in the Vniversity without molestation , though I live but in disgrace amongst you , yet I regard it , so I may be quiet . For my intent is to live privately at my book , untill such times as by continual conference with those that are of contrary Judgement , I may learn the truth of your Assertions ; which when I have learned , I promise before God and your Worship not to conceal . But if you and the rest of your Assistants ( whom I reverence ) do purpose to proceed in disquieting and traducing me as you have done by the space of three quarters of this year , & so in the end mean to drive me out of the University , I must take it patiently , because I know not how to redress it ; but let God be judge between you and me . These things I leave to your worships favourable consideration ; for this I must needs say , ( and peradventure it may tend to your credit , when I shall report it ) that above the rest hitherto I have found you most courteous and most just . I leave your worship to Gods Direction and holy tuition , expecting a gracious answrr , Your dayly Beads man , WILLIAM BARRET . 11. But here perhaps it may be said , that though Barret might be as obstinate in refusing to publish the Recantation , as this letter makes him ; yet it appears by the whole course of those proceedings , that his Doctrines were condemned by the heads of the Vniversity , as being contrary to that which was received and established in the Church of England . And that it was so in the Judgement of those men , who either concurred in his censure , or subscribed the letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh above mentioned , in a thing past question . But this can be no Argument , that Barrets Doctrines were repugnant to the Church of England , because these heads either in favour of Dr. Whitacres , or in respect to Mr. Perkins , were pleased to think no otherwise of them : for if it be , we may conclude by the same Argument , that the Church of Rome was in the right , even in the darkest times of ignorance and superstition , because all those who publickly opposed her Doctrines , were solemnly enjoyned by the then prevailing party to a Recantation ; and which is more , it may be also thence concluded that the Doctrine maintained by Athanasius touching Christs Divinity , was contrary to that which had been taught by the Apostles , and men of Apostolical spirits , because it was condemned for such , by some Arrian Bishops in the Councel ( or rather Conventicle of Tyre which was held against him . 2. It cannot be made apparent that either Dr. Duport , the Vice-Chancellor who was most concerned , or Dr. Baroe , the Lady Margarets Professour for divinity there had any hand in sentencing this Recantation . Not Dr. Baroe , because by concurring to this sentence he was to have condemned himself : Nor Dr , Duport , for I find his place to be supplyed , and the whole action govern'd by Dr. Some ( which shews him to be absent at that time from the Vniver●ity ) according to the stile ▪ whereof , the Title of Procancellarius is given to Dr. So●e in the Acts of the Court , as appears by the extract of them in the Anti-Arminianism , p. 64. compared with p. 63. But thirdly , admitting that the head● were generally thus enclined , yet probably the whole body of the Vniversity might not be of the same opinion with them : tho●e heads not daring to affirm otherwise of Barrets Doctrine in their letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , then that it gave just offence to many . And if it gave offence unto many only , it may be thought that it gave no offence to the Major part , or much less to all ; for if it had , the Writers of the letter would not have been so sparing in their expressions , as to limit the offence to many , if they could have said it of the most . But of this we shall speak more in the following Chapter , when we shall come to feel the pulse of the Vniversity in the great competition between Wotton and Oveald after Whitacres death . Of which opinion Harsnet was , we have seen before . And we have seen before that Baroe had many Disciples and Adherents which stood fast unto him . And thereupon we may conclude , that when Dr. Baroe had for 14 or 15. years maintained these ▪ opinions in the Schools ( as before was shewed ) which are now novelized by the name of Arminianism ; and such an able man as Harsnet had preached them without any Controul , when the greatest audience of the Kingdom did stand to him in it . There must be many more Barrets who concurred with the same opinions with them in the Vniversity , though their names through the envy of the times are not come unto us . CHAP. XXI . Of the proceedings against Baroe , the Articles of Lambeth , and the general calme which was in Oxon , touching these Disputes . 1. THe differences between Baroe and Dr. Whitacres , the addresse of Whitakers & others to Arch-bishop Wh●tgift , which drew on the Articles on Lambeth . 2. The Articles agreed on at Lambeth , presented both in English and Latine . 3. The Articles of no authorty in themselves , Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them , together with the Queens command to have them utterly supprest . 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship , nor compelled to leave it , the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had desired it . 5. A Copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe . 6. Dr. Overalds encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from the grace received ; his own private judgement in the point , neither for total , nor for finall , and the concurrence of some other learned men in the same opinion . 7. The general calme which was at Oxon at that time touching these disputes , and the Reasons of it . 8. An answer to that Objection out of the writings of judicious Hooker , of the total and finall falling . 9. The disaffections of Dr Bukeridge , and Dr. Houson to Calvines doctrines : an Answer to the Objection touching the paucity of those who opposed the same . 10. Possession of a truth maintained but by one or two , preserves it sacred and inviolable for more fortunate times ; the case of Liberius Pope of Rome ; and that the testimonies of this kinde are rather to be valued by weight then tale . 1. FRom barret pass we on to Baroe , betwixt whom and Dr. Whitacres there had been some clashings , touching Predestination and Reprobation , the certainty of salvation , and the possibility of falling from the grace received . And the heats grew so high at last that the Calvinians thought it necessary in point of prudence to effect that by power and favour , which they were not able to obtaine by force of argument . To which end they first addressed themselves to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh then being there Chancellor , acquainting him by Dr. Some , then Deputy Vice-Chancellor , with the disturbances made by Barret , thereby preparing him to hearken to such further motions , as should be made unto him in pursuit of that quarrel . Bat finding little comfort there , they resolved to steere their course by another compass . And having prepossest the most Reverend Arch-bishop Whitgift , with the turbulent carriage of those men , the affronts given to Dr. Whitacres , whom ( for his learned and laborious Writings against Cardinal Bellarmine ) he most highly favoured , and the great inconveniences like to grow by that publick discord ; they gave themselves good hopes of composing those differences , not by the way of an accomodation , but an absolute conquest ; and to this end they dispatcht to him certain of their number in the name of the rest , such as were interessed in the quarrel ( Dr. Whitacres himself for one , and therefore like to stickle hard for the obtaining their ends ; the Articles to which they had reduced the whole state of the business being brought to them ready drawn , and nothing wanting to them but the face of Authority , wherewith , as with Medusa's head to confound their enemies , and turne their adversaries into stones . And that they might be sent back with the face of authority , the most Reverend Arch-bishop Whitgift , calling unto him Dr. Flecher , Bishop of Bristol , then newly elected unto London , and Dr. Richard Vauhan Lord Elect of Bangor , together with Dr. Tyndal Deane of Elie , Dr. Whitacres and the rest of the Divines which came from Cambridge , proposed the said Articles to their consideration at his house in Lambeth , on the tenth of Novemb. An. 1595. by whom these Articles were agreed on in these following words . 1. Deus ab eterno praedestinavit quosdam ad vitam : quosdam reprobavit ad mortem . 1. God from eternity hath predestinate certaine men unto life , certaine men he hath reprobate . 2. Causa movens aut efficiens predestination●s ad vitam non est praevisio fidei , aut perseverantiae , aut bonorum operum , aut ullius rei qui insit , in personis Praedestinatis , sed sola voluntas beneplaciti Dei. 2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life , is not the foresight of faith , or of perseverance , or of good works , or of any thing that is in the person predestinated , but only the good will and pleasure of God. 3. Praedestinatorum praefinitus & certus est numerus , qui nec angeri , nec minui potest . 3. There is predetermined a certaine number of the Predestinate , which can neither be augmented or diminished . 4. Qui non sunt Praedestinati adsalutem , necessario , propter peccata sua damnabuntur . 4. Those who are not predestinated to salvation , shall be necessarily damned for their sins . 5. Vera , viva & justificans fides , & piritus Dei justificantis , non extinguitur , non excidit , non evanescit in Electis , aut finaliter , aut totaliter . 5. A true living and justifying faith , and the Spirit of God justifying is not extinguished , falleth not away , it vanisheth not away in the Elect , either totally or finally . 6. Homo vere fidelis , id est , fide justificante praeditus , certus est pleriphoria Fides de Remissione peccatorum suo●um , & salute sempiterna sua per Christum . 6. A man truly faithful , that is , such an one who is endued with a justifying faith , is certaine with the full assurance of faith , of the remission of his sinnes , and of his everlasting salvation by Christ . 7. Gratia salutaris , non tribuitur , non incommunicatur , non conceditur universis hominibus , qua servari possint si velint . 7. Saving grace is not given , is not granted , is not communicated to all men , by which they may be saved if they will. 8. Nemo potest venire ad Christum , nisi datum ei fu●rit , & nisi pater eum t●axerit , & omnes homines non trahuntur a patre , ut veniant ad filium . 8. No man can come unto Christ , unlesse it be given unto him , and unlesse the father shal draw him , and all men are not drawn by the Father , that they may come to the Son. 9. Non est positum in arbitrio , aut potestate uniuscujusque hominis servari . 9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved . 3. Now in these Articles there are these two things to be considered , first the Authority by which they were made , and secondly the effect produced by them , in order to the end proposed ; And first as touching the authority by which they were made , it was so far from being legal and sufficient , that it was plainly none at all . For what authority could there be in so thin a meeting consisting only of the Arch-bishop himself , two other Bishops ( of which but one had actually received consecration ) one Deane and half a dozen Doctors and other Ministers , neither impowred ▪ to any such thing by the rest of the Clergy , nor authorized to it by the Queen . And therefore their determinations of no more Authority , as to binding of the Church , or prescribing to the judgement of particular persons , then as if one Earl , the eldest son of two or three others , meeting with half a dozen Gentlemen in Westminster Hall , can be affirmed to be in a capacity of making orders which must be looked on by the Subject , as Acts of Parliament . A Declaration they might make of their own opinions , or of that which they they thought fittest to be holden in the present case , but neither Articles nor Canons to direct the Church : for being but opinions still , and the opinions of private and particular persons , they were not to be looked upon as publick Doctrines . And so much was confessed by the Arch-Bishop himself , when he was called in question for it before the Queen ▪ who being made acquainted with all that passed by the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , who neither liked the Tenents , nor the manner of proceeding in them , was most passionately offended that any such Innovation should be made in the publick Doctrine of this Church ; and once resolved to have them all attainted of a Premunire . But afterwards upon the interposition of some friends , and the reverend esteem she had of the excellent Prelate , the Lord Arch-Bishop ( whom she commonly called her Black Husband ) she was willing to admit him to his defence : and he accordingly declared in all humble manner , that he & his associates had not made any Articles , Canons or decrees with an intent , that they should serve hereafter for a standing Rule to direct the Church , but only had resolved on some propositions to be sent to Cambridge , for the appeasing of some unhappy differences in the Vniversity ; with which Answer her Majesty being somewhat pacified , commanded notwithstanding that he should speedily recall and suppress those Aricles which was performed with such care and diligence , that a Copy of them was not to be found for a long time after . And though we may take up this relation upon the credit of history of the Lambeth Articles printed in Latin , 1651. or on the credit of Bishop Mountague , who affirms the same in his appeal , Anno 1525. yet since the Authority of both hath been called in question , we will take our warrant for this Narrative from some other hands . And first we have it in a book called Necessario Responsio published by the Remonstrants , Anno 1618. who possibly might have the whole story of it from the mouth of Baroe , or some other who lived at that time in Cambridge , and might be well acquainted with the former passages . And secondly , We find the same to be affirmed by the Bishops of Rochester , Oxon , and St. Davids in a letter to the Duke of Buchingham , August 2. 1625. In which they signifie unto him , that the said Articles being agreed upon , and ready to be published , it pleased Queen Elizabeth of famous memory , upon notice given how little they agreed with the practise of piety and obedience to all Government , to cause them to be suppressed , and that they had so continued ever since , till then of late some of them had received countenance at the Synod of Dort. 4. Next touching the effect produced by them in order to the end so proposed , so far they were from appeasing the present Controversies , and suppressing Baroe , and his party , that his Disciples and Adherents became more united , and the breach wider then before . And though Dr. Baroe not long after , deserted both his place in the Vniversity , yet neither was he deprived of his Professorship , as some say , nor forced to leave it on a fear of being deprived , as is said by others : For that Professorship being chosen from two years to two years , according to the Statutes of the Lady Margaret , he kept the place till the expiring of his term , and then gave off without so much as shewing himself a suiter for it : Which had he done , it may be probable enough , that he had carried it from any other Canditate or Competitor of what rank soever . The Anti-Calvinian party being grown so strong , as not to be easily overborn in a publick business by the opposite faction . And this appears plainly by that which followed on the death of Dr. Whitacres , who died within few dayes after his return from Lambeth , with the nine Articles so much talkt of . Two Candidates appeared for the Professorship after his decease , Wotton of Kings Colledge a professed Calvinian , and one of those who wrote against Mountagues Appeal , Anno 1626. Competitor with Overald of Trinity Colledge almost as far from the Calvinian Doctrine in the main Plat-form of Predestination , as Baroe , Harsnet or Barret are conceived to be . But when it came to the Vere of the University , the place was carried for Overald ▪ ●y the Major part : which as it plainly shews , that ●hough the Doctrines of Calvin were so hotly stickled here by most of the Heads , yet the greater part of the learned body entertained them not ; so doth it make it also to be very improbable , that Baroe should be put out of his place by those who had took in Overald , or not confirmed therein , if he had desired . And therefore we may rather think , as before is said , that ●he relinquished the place of his own accord ▪ in which he found his Doctrine crossed by the Lambeth Articles , and afterwards his peace distracted by several Informations brought against him , by the adverse faction ; and thereupon a letter of Complaint presented to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , subscribed by most of those who before had prosecuted Barret to his Recantation . Which letter giving very great light to the present business , as well concerning Barret as Baroe ▪ though principally aiming at the last , I think worthy of my paines , and the Readers patience : and therefore shall subscribe it as hereafter followeth . A Copy of the Letter sent from some of the Heads in Cambridge , to the Lord Burleigh , Lord High Treasurer of England , and Chancellour of the Vniversity . RIght Honourable , out bounden Duty remembred ; we are right sorry to have such occasion to trouble your Lordship ; but the peace of this University and Church ( which is dear unto us ) being brought into perill , by the late reviving of new opinions and troublesom controversies amongst us , hath urged us ( in regard of the places we here sustain ) not only to be carefull for the suppressing the same to our power but also to give your Lordship further information hereof as our Honourable Head and carefull Chancellour . About a year past ( amongst divers others who here attempted publicity to teach new and strange opinions in Religion ) one Mr. Barret more boldly then the rest , did preach divers Popish errors in St. Maries to the just offence of many , which he was enjoyned to retract , but hath refused so to do in such sort as hath been prescribed : with whose fact and opinions , your Lord was made acquainted by Dr. Some the Deputy Vice-Chancellour . Hereby offence and division growing as after by Dr. Baroes publick Lectures and determinations in the Schools , contrary , ( as his Auditors have informed ) to Dr. Whitacres ▪ and the sound received truth ever since her Majesties Re●g● ▪ we sent up to London by common consent in November last , Dr. Tyndal , and Dr. Whitacres ( men especially chosen for that purpose ) for conference with my Lord of Canterbury , and other principal Divines there ▪ that the controversies being examined , and the truth by thei● consents confirmed , the contrary errours and contentions thereabouts might the rather cease . By whose good travel with sound consent in truth , such advice and care was taken by certain propositions ( containing certain substantial points of Religion , taught and received in this Vniversity and Church , during the time ofher Majesties Reign , and consented unto , and published by the best approved Divines both at home and abroad ) for the maintaining of the same truth and peace of the Church , as thereby we enjoyed here great and comfortable quiet , untill Dr. Baroe ( in January last in his Sermon Ad Cl●rum in St. Maries , contrary to restraint , and Commandment from the Vice-Chancellour and the Heads ) by renewin● again these opinions , disturbed our peace , whereby his Adherents and Disciples were and are too much imboldned to maintain false Doctrine to the corrupting and disturbing of this Vniversity , and the Church , if it be not in time effectually prevented . For remedy whereof we have with joint consent and care ( upon complaint of divers Batchelors in Divinity ) proceeded in the examination of the cause , according to our Statutes , and usual manner of proceeding in such causes , whereby it appeareth by sufficient Testimonies , that Dr. Baroe hath offended in such things as his Articles had charged him withal ▪ There is also since the former , another Complaint preferred against him by certain Batchelors in Divinity , that he hath not only in the Sermon , but also for the space of this 14. or 15. years taught in his Lectures , preached in his Sermons , determined in the Schools , and printed in several books , divers points of Doctrine not only contrary to himself , but also contrary to that which hath been taught and received ever since her Majesties Reign ; and agreeable to the errors of Popery , which we know your Lordship hath alwayes disliked and hated : so that we ( who for the space of many years past have yielded him sundry benefits and favours here , in the Vniversity , being a stranger , and forborn him when he hath often heretofore ( busie and curious in aliena Republica ) broached new and strange questions in Religion ) now unless we should be careless of maintaining the truth of Religion established , and of our duties in our places cannot ( being resolved and confirmed in the truth of the long professed and received Doctrine ) but continue to use all good means , and seek at your Lordships hands some effectual Remedy hereof , lest by permiting passage to these errors , the whole body of Popery should by little and little break in upon us , to the overthrow of our Religion , and consequently the with-drawing of many here and else where from true obedience to her Majestie . May it therefore please your Lordship to have an honourable consideration of the premises , & ( for the better maintaining of Peace , and the truth of Religion so long received in this Vniversity and Church ) to vouchsafe your Lordships good aid and advice both to the comfort of us , ( wholly consenting and agreeing in Judgement ) and all others of the Vniversity truely affected , and to the suppression in time , not only of these errors , but even of gross Popery , like , by such means , in time easily to creep in amongst us ( as we find by late experience it hath dangerously begun ) Thus craving pardon for troubling your Lordship , and commending the same in praise to Almighty God , we humbly take our leave , From Cambridge March 8. 1595 Your Lordships humble and bounden to be commanded , Roger Goad , Procan . R. Some , Tho. Leg , John Jegon , Thomas Nevil , Thomas Preston , Hump. Tyndal , , James Mountague , Edm. Barwel , Laur. Cutterton . 6. Such was the condition of Affairs at Cambridge at the expiring of the year , 1595. the genuine Doctrine of the Church , beginning then to break thorow the clouds of Calvinism , wherewith it was before obscured , and to shine forth again in its former lustre . To the advancement of which work , as the long continuance of Baroe in the Vniversity , for the space of 20. years and upwards , the discreet Activity of Dr. Harsnet , Fellow and Master of Pembrook Colledge for the term of 40. years and more , gave a good encouragement ; so the invincible constancy of Mr. Barret , and the slender opposition made by Overald , contributed to the confirmation and increase thereof . For scarce had Overald warmed his Chair , when he found himself under a necessity of encountring some of the Remainder of Baroes Adversaries , though he followed not the blow so far as Baroe did ; for some there were of the old Predestination Leven , who publickly had taught ( as he related it in the conference at Hampton Coutt ) ' all such persons , as were once truly justified , though after they fell into never so grievous sins , yet remained still just ( or in the state of Justification ) before they actually repented of those sins ; yea , though they never repented of them through forgetfulness , or sudden death , yet they should be justified and saved without Repentance . Against which Overald maintained , that whosoever ( although before justified ) did commit any grievous sin , as Adultery , Murder , Treason , or the like , did become ipso facto , subject to Gods wrath , and guilty of damnation ( or were in the state of damnation , quo ad presentem statum ) untill they repented : ' And so far he had followed Baroe , but he went no further , holding ( as he continued his own story ) that such persons as were called and justified according to the purpose of Gods Election , did neither fall totally from all the graces of God ( though how a justified man may bring himself into a present state of wrath and damnation , without a total falling from all the graces of God , is beyond my Reason ) and that they were in time renewed by the Spirit of God unto a lively faith and repentance , and thereby justified from those sins ( with the guilt and wrath annexed unto them ) into which they had fallen : nor can it be denied , but that some other learned men of those times were of the same opinion also . Amongst which I finde Dr. John Bridges dean of Sarum , and afterwards Lord Bishop of Oxon , to be reckoned for one , and Mr. Richard Hooker ( of whom more anon ) to be accounted for another . But being but the compositions of private men , they are not to be heard against the express words of the two Homilies touching Falling from God , in case the point had not been positively determined in the sixteenth Article . But so it hapned , notwithstanding that Overald not concurring with the Calvinists concerning the estate of such justified persons as afterwards fell into grievous sins ; there grew some diffidences and distrust between them , which afterwards widned themselves into greater differences . In so much that dissenting from them also touching the absolute decree of Reprobation , and the restraining of the benefit of Christs death and Gods grace unto a few particulars , and that too in Gods primitive purpose and intent , concerning the salvation and damnation of mankind ; those of the Anti-Calvinian party went on securely , with little or no opposition and lesse disturbance . 7. At Oxford all things in the mean time were calm and quiet , no publick opposition shewing it self in the Schooles or Pulpits . The reasons of that which might be , first that the Students of that vniversity did more incline unto the canvasing of such points as were in difference betwixt us & the Church of Rome , then unto those which were disputed against the Calvinists in these points of Doctrine ; for witnesse whereof , we may call in the works of Sanders Stapleton , Allyns , Parsons , Campian , and many others of that side ; as those of Bishop Jewel , Bishop Bilson , Dr. Humpherys , Mr. Novell , Dr. Sparks , Dr. Reynolds , and many other , which stood firme to the Church of England . And secondly though Dr. Humpheryes , the Queens Professor for divinity was not without cause reckoned for a non-Conformist , yet had he the reputation of a moderate man , ( a moderate non-Conformist , as my Author calls him ) and therefore might permit that Liberty of opinion unto other men which was indulged unto himself ; neither did Dr. Holland who succeeded him , give any such countenance to the propogating of Calvins doctrines , as to make them the subject of his lectures and disputations . In so much that Mr. Prinne , with all his diligence , can finde but seven men w●o publickly maintained any point of Calvinisme in the Schooles of Oxon. from the year 1596. to the year 1616. and yet to make that number also he is fain to take in Dr. George Abbot , and Dr. Benfield , on no other account , but for maintaining , deum non esse authorem peccati , that God is not the Author of sin , which any Papist , Lutheran , or Arminian , might have maintained as well as they . 8. And yet it cannot be denyed , but that by errour of these times , the reputation which Calvin had attained to in both universities , and the extreame diligence of his followers for the better carrying on of their own designes , their was a generall tendency unto his opinions in the present controversies ; so that it is no marvell , if many men of good affection to that Church in goverment and formes of worship , might unawares be seasoned with his Principles in point of Doctrine : his book of Institutes being for the most part the foundation on which the young Divines of those times did build their studies ; and having built their studies on a wrong foundation , did publickly maintaine some point or other of his Doctrines , which gave least offence , and ou● of which no dangerous consequence could be drawne ( as they thought and hoped ) to the dishonor of God , the disgrace of Religion , the scandall of the Church , or subversion of godliness : amongst which if Judicious Mr. Hooker be named for one , ( as for one I finde him to be named ) yet is he named only for maintaining one of the five points , that namely of the not total , or final falling away of Gods Elect , as Dr. Overald , also did in the Schools of Cambridge ▪ though neither of them can be challenged for maintaining any other point of Calvins Doctrine , touching the absolute decree of Reprobation , Election unto life , without Reference to faith in Christ , the unresistable workings of Grace , the want of freedom in the will to concur therewith , and the determining of all mens actions unto good or evill without leaving any power in men to do the contrary . And therefore , secondly , Mr. Hookers discourse of Justification , as it now comes into our hands , might either be altered in some points after his discease , by him that had the publishing of it ; or might be written by him as an essay of his younger years , before he had confuted the booke of Homilies and perused every clause in the publick Liturgie ( as he after did ) or had so carefully examined every text of Scripture , upon which he lays the weight of his judgment in it , as might encourage him to have it printed when he was alive . 9. Of any men who publickly opposed the Calvinian tenents in this Univesity till after the beginning of King James his raigne . I must confesse that I have hitherto found no good assurance ; though some their were who spared not to declare their dislike thereof , and secretly traind up their scholars in other principles . An argument whereof may be that when Dr. Baroe dyed in London ( which was about three or four yeares ( after he had left his place in Cambridge ) his funerall was attended by most of the Divines then living in and about the City ; Dr. Bancroft then Bishop of London giving order in it , which plainly showes that there were many of both Universities which openly favoured Baroes doctrines , and did as openly dislike those of the Calvinians , though we finde but few presented to us by their names . Amongst which few , I first reckon Dr. John Buckridge President of St. Johns Colledge , and Tutor to Archbishop Laud , who carried his Anti-Calvinian doctrins with him to the See of Rochester , and publickly maintained them at a conference in York house , An. 1626. And secondly , Dr. John Houson one of the Cannons of Christ Church and Vice-Chancellor of the University . An. 1602. so known an enemy to Calvin his opinions , that he incurred a suspension by Dr. Robert Abbots then Vice-Chancellor . And afterwards being Bishop of Oxon , subscribed the letter , amongst others to the Duke of Buckingham in favour of Mountague , and his Book called Apello Cesarem , as before was said . And though we finde but these two named for Anti-Calvinist in the five controverted points , yet might there be many houses perhaps some hundreds who held the same opinions with them , though they discovered not themselves , or break out in any open opposition as they did at Cambridge : God had 7000. servants in the Realm of Israel , who had not bowed the knee to Baal , though we find the name of none but the Prophet Eliah , the residue keeping themselves so close for fear of danger that the Prophet himself complained to God , that he alone was left to serve him . A parallel case to which may be that the Christians during the power and prevalency of the Arian Hereticks , St. Jerome giving us the names of no more them three , who had stood up stoutly in defence of the Nicene councell , and the points of Doctrine there established , viz. 1. St. Athanasius Patriark of Alexandria in Egypt , St. Hillarie Bishop of Poictious in France : and St. Eusebius Bishop of Vevelli in Italy , of which thus the Father , Siquidem Arianis victis triumphatorem Athanasium suum Egyptus excepit ; Hillarium e prelio revertentem galliarum ecclesiia complexa est , ad reditum Eusebii sui lugubres vestes Italia mutavit , that is to say , upon the overthrow of the Arians Egypt received her Athanasius , now returned in triumph ; the Church of France embraced her Hillary coming home with victory from the battle ; and on the returne of Eusebius , Italy changed her mourning garments . By which it is most clear even to vulgar eys that not these Bishops only did defend the truth , but that it was preserved by many others as well of the Clergy as of the people in their several Countreys ; who otherwise never had received them with such joy and triumph , if a great part of them had not been of the same opinions , though no more of them occur by name in the records of that age . 10. But then againe , If none but the three Bishops had stood unto the truth in the points disputed at that time between the Orthodox Christians and the Arian Hereticks , yet had that been sufficient to preserve the Church from falling universally from the faith of Christ , or deviating from the truth in those particulars ; the word of truth being established ( as say both Law and Gospel ) if there be only two or three witnesses to attest unto it ; two or three members of the Church may keep possession of a truth in all the rest , and thereby save the whole from errour ; even as a King invaded by a foraign enemy , doth keep possession of his Realme by some principall forrtesse , the standing out whereof may in time regaine all the rest , which I returne for answer to another objection touching the paucity of those Authors whom we have produced in Maintenance of the Anti-Calvinian or old English doctrines , since the resetling of the Church under Queen Elizabeth ; for though they be but few in number , and make but a very thin appearance ; Apparent rari nautes in gurgite vasto , in the Poets language , yet serve they for a good assurance that the Church still kept possession of her primitive truths , not utterly lost though much endangered by such contrary Doctrines as had of late been thrust upon her , there was a time when few or none of the Orthodox Bishops durst openly appear in favour of St. Athanasius , but only Liberius Pope of Rome , who thereupon is thus upbraided by Constantius the Arian Emperour , Quota pars tu es orbis terrarum , qui solus &c. How great a part ( saith he ) art thou of the whole world , that thou alone shouldst shew thy self in defence of that wicked man , and thereby overthrow the peace of the Universe . To which Liberius made this answer , non diminuitur solitudine mea , verbum dei , nam & olim tres solum inventi fuere qui edicto resisterint , that is to say , the word of God is not made the weaker by my sole appearing in defence thereof no● more then when there were but three , ( he meanes the three Hebrew Children in the book of Daniel ) with durst make open opposition to the Kings Edict . Liberius thought himself sufficient to keep possession of a truth in the Church of Christ , till God should please to raise up more Champions in all places to defend the same , not thinking it necessary to returne any other answer , or to produce the names of anyothers of his time who turned Athanasius as much as he which brings into my mind a passage in the conference betwixt Dr. Ban , Featly and Sweat the Jesuite , in which the Jesuite much insisted on that thred bare question , viz. where was your Church before Luther ? which when the the Doctor went to shew out of Scriptures and Fathers , some of the Papists standing by , cryed out for names , those which stood further of ingeminating nothing but Names Names , whereupon the Dr. Merily asked them , if nothing would content them but a Buttery book . And such an Answer I must make in the present case to such as take up testimony by tale , not weight , and think no truth is fairly proved , except it come attended with a cloud of witnesses . But what we want in number now , he shall find hereafter , when we shall come to take a view of King James his Reign to which now we hasten . CHAP. XXII . Of the Conferrence at Hampton Court , and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of KING James . 1. THE occasion of the conference at Hampton Court , and the chief persons there assembled . 2. The nine Articles of Lambeth rejected by King James . 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition . 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decryed by Bishop Bancroft , and disliked by King James ; and the reasons of it . 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused ; The inserting the Lambeth Articles into the confession of Ireland , no argument of King James , his approbation of them , by whom they were inserted , and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession . 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the old Testament , An. 1607. discovered , censured and rejected , with the reasons for it . 7. The great Incouragement given by King James to the Anti-calvinians , and the increasing of that party both in power and number by the stirs in Holland . 8. The offence taken by King James at Conradus Vorstius , animateth the Oxon. Calvinists to suspend Dr. Houson , and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud. 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge against Mr. Simpson , first prosecuted by King James , and on what account , that the King was more incensed against the party of Arminius , then against their perswasions . 10. Instructions published by King James in order to the diminishing of Calvins authority , the defence of universal Redemption , and the suppressing of his Doctrines in the other points , and why the last proved so unusefull in the case of Gabriel Bridges . 11. The publishing of Mountagues answer to the Gagger , the information made against it : the Author and his Doctrine taken by King James into his protection , and his appeal licensed by the Kings appointment . 12. The conclusion of the whole discourse and the submission of it to the Church of England . 1. NOW we come unto the Reign of King James of happy memory , whose breeding in the Kirk of Scotland had given some hopes of seeing better days to the English Puritans then those which they enjoyed under Queen Elizabeth . Vpon which hopes they presented him at his first coming to the Crown with a supplication , no less tedious then it was impertinent , given out to be subscribed with a thousand hands , though it wanted many of that number , and aiming at an alteration in many points , both of Doctrine and Discipline : But they soon found themselves deceived . For first the King commanded by publick proclamation , that the divine service of the Church , should be diligently officiated and frequented as in former times , under pain of suffering the severest penalties by the Laws provided in that case . And that being done , instead of giving such a favourable answer to their supplication , as they had flattered themselves withall , he commended the answering of it to the Vice-Chancellour , Heads , and other learned men of the Vniversity of Oxon. from whom there was nothing to be looked for toward their contentment . But being , thirdly , a just Prince , and willing to give satisfaction to the just desires of such as did apply themselves unto him ; as also to inform himself in all such particulars , as were in difference betwixt the Petitioners and the Prelates : he appointed a solemn Conference to be held before him at Hampton Court on Thursday the 12. of January , Anno 1603. being within less then ten moneths after his entrance on the Kingdom . To which conference were called by several letters on the Churches part , the most Reverend and right renowned Fathers in God , Dr. John Whitgift Arch-Bishop of Canterbuy , Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London , Dr. Tobie Mathews Bishop of Durham , Dr. Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester , Dr. Gervase Babbinton Bishop of Worcester , Dr. Anthony Ru●d Bishop of Davids , Dr. Anthony Walson Bishop of Chechester , Dr , Henry Robbinson Bishop of Carlile , and Dr. Thomas D●ve Bishop of Peterborough , as also Dr. James Mountague Dean of the Chappel , Dr. Thomas Ravis Dean of Christ Church , Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarum , Dr. Lancelot Andrews Dean of Westminster , Dr. John Overald Dean of Saint Pauls , Doctor William Barlow Dean of Chester , Doctor Giles Tompson Dean of Windsor , together with Dr. John King Arch-Deacon of Nottingham , and Dr. Richard Field after Dean of Glocester ; all of them habited and attired according to their several ranks and stations in the Church of England . And on the other side , there appeared for the Plantiffe or Petitioner Dr. Reynolds , Dr. Spark , Mr. Knewstubs , and Mr. Chatterton ; the two first being of Oxon. and the other of Cambridge , apparelled in their Turky Gowns to shew ( as Bishop Bancroft tartly noted ) they desired rather to conform themselves in outward Ceremonies with the Turks , then they did with the Papists . 2. The first day of the Conference being spent betwixt the King and the Bishops : the second which was the 16. of the same moneth , was given to the Plantiffes to present their grievances , and to remonstrate their desires ; amongst which it was named ▪ by Dr. Reynolds , ( as the mouth of the rest ) That the nine Assertions Orthodoxal as he termed them ) concluded upon at Lambeth might be inserted into the book of Articles , which when King James seemed not to understand , as having never heard before of those nine Assertions . ' He was informed that by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity , my Lords Grace assembled some Divines of especial note to set down their opinions , which they drew into nine Assertions , and sent so them to the Vniversity for the appeasing of those Quarrels ; and thereupon his Majesty resolved thus , that when such questions arise amongst Scholars , the quietest proceeding , were to determine them in the Vniversity , and not to stuff the book with all Conclusions Theological . ' Out of which passage I observed , First , that the Attribute of Orthodoxal is ascribed to the said nine Assertions by none but Dr. Reynolds , who termed them so , and not by Dr. Barlow then Dean of Chester who related the conference , and had been present at the making of the said Assertions , being at that time one of the domestick Chaplains of Arch-Bishop Whitgift . And secondly , That they were not made to be a standing Rule to the Church of England , but only for the present pacifying of some differences which arose in Cambridge , as is here acknowledged . I observe thirdly , that King James did utterly eject the motion , as to the inserting of the said nine Assertions amongst the Articles of the Church , leaving them to be canvased and disputed in the Schools , as more proper for them . And fourthly , That being left to be disputed in the Schools , they might beheld in the Affirmative , or in the Negative , as best pleased the Respondent . 3. It was also moved by Dr. Reynolds , That the book of Articles of Religion concluded 1562. might be explained in places obscure , and enlarged where some things were defective . And in particular he desired , that an explanation might be made of the 23d . Article for ministring in the Congregation , of the 25. touching Confirmation , and of the 37th . concerning the Authority of the Pope of Rome , as also that these words , viz. That the intention of the Minister is not of the Essence of the Sacrament , might be added in some fit place to the book of Articles . But that which Dr. Reynolds did most insist upon , was the 16. Article , where it is said , That after we have received the Holy Ghost , we may depart from Grace . The meaning whereof , though he acknowledged to be sound , yet he desired , that because they may seem to be contrary to the Doctrine of Election and Predestination in the 17th . Article , those words may seem to be explained with this or the like addition , viz. That neither totally nor finally . Which motion or proposal concerning Dr. Overald more then any other , he took occasion thereupon to acquaint his Majesty with that which had happened to him at Cambridge , concerning the Estate of a justified man , fallen into any grievous sin , as Murder , Treason , Adultery , and the like , as hath been shewn at large in the former Chapter . But the result of all was this , that after a full debate and consideration concerning every one of the said Articles , and the doubts moved about the same , there was no cause sound for altering any thing in any of them , and as little for the 16th . as for any other . For though the said Dr. Overald had declared it for his own opinion , that he who was called and justified , according to the purpose of Gods Election , being brought into a state of wrath and damnation , did neither fall totally from all the graces of God , nor finally from the possibility of being renewed again by Gods holy Spirit , as before is said , and that King James himself had left it to be considered , whether the word Often might not be added to the 16. Article , as thus , viz. We may often depart from Grace , &c. yet being left to the consideration of the Prelates as were all the rest , the said Article remained without any alteration , as before they found it , and as it still continueth to this very day . 4. But here is to be observed , ' that upon the first motion concerning falling from Grace ; the Bishop of London took occasion to signifie to his Majesty , how very many in these dayes neglecting holiness of life presumed too much of persisting in Grace , laying all their Religion upon Predestination , If I shall be saved , I shall be saved , which he termed a desperate Doctrine , shewing it to be contrary to good divinity , and the true Doctrine of Predestination , wherein we should rather reason Ascendendo then Discendendo ; thus , I live in obedience to God , in love with my neighbour , I follow my occasion , &c. Therefore I trust God hath elected me , and predestinated me to salvation ; not thus which is the usual course of argument , God hath predestinate and chosen me to life , therefore though I sin never so grievously , yet I shall not be damned , for whom he once loveth , he loveth to the end . Whereupon he shewed his Majesty out of the next Article , what was the Doctrine of the Church of England touching predestination in the very last Paragraph , scilicet , We must receive Gods promises in such wise as these be generally set forth to us in holy Scriture , and in all our doings the Will of God to be followed which we have delivered to us in holy Scripture . Which part of the Article his Majesty very well approved , and after he had , ( according to his manner ) very singularly discoursed on that place of Paul , Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling : he left it to be considered , wither any thing were not to be added for the clearing of the Doctors doubt , by putting in the word often , or the like : as thus , We may often depart from Grace , but in the mean time wished that the Doctrine of Predestination might be very tenderly handled , and with great discretion , lest on the one side Gods omnipotency might be called in question , by impeaching the Doctrine of his eternal Predestination , or on the other a desperate Resumption might be arreared by inferring the necessary certainty of standing and persisting in grace . After which , upon occasion of Dr. Overals discourse concerning his affairs at Cambridge , his Majesty entred into a longer discourse of Predestination and Reproation then before , and of the necessary conjoyning Repentance and holiness of life with true faith ; concluding that it was Hypocrysie , and not true justifying faith which was severed from them . For although Predestination and Election depend not upon any Qualities , Actions , or works of men , which be mutable , but upon Gods eternal and immutable decree and purpose ; yet such is the necessity of Repentance after known sins committed , as that without it there could not be either Reconciliation with God , or remission of those sins . ' 5. But here methinks I hear it said , ' that though the King being then unaquainted with the Lambeth Articles , thought not meet to put them amongst the Articles of this Church yet he liked it well enough in his Clergy of Ireland , that they took them into their confession , and Bishop Bancroft had agreed to them before the conference , and that when he was Arch-Bishop , his Chaplain with his good liking and approbation published the Exposition or Analysis of our Articles , in which he gives the Calvinist as fair quarter as can be wished . ' But first ( beginning with the last ) so much of the objection as concerns Bishop Bancroft is extreamly false , not agreeing to the Lambeth Articles , nor being Bishop of London when those Articles , were agree unto as is mistakeingly affirmed ; and that Analysis or Explication of our English Articles related to in the objection being published in the year 1585. which was ten years before the making of the Lambeth Articles , and eighteen years before Bancroft had been made Arch-Bishop . And secondly , It is not very true , that King James liked , ( that is to say , was well pleased with ) the putting of those Articles into the confession of the Church of Ireland , though the said Confession was subscribed in his name by the Lord Deputy Chichester , is plainly enough not without his consent : for many other things were in the Confession to which the Lord Deputy subscribed , and the King consented as affairs then stood , which afterwards he declared no great liking to , either of the Tenor or effect thereof . For the truth is , that the drawing up of that confession being committed principally to the care of Dr. Usher , and afterwards Lord Primate of Ireland , a professed Calvinian , he did not only thrust into it all the Lambeth Articles , but also makes others of his own opinions : as namely , That the Pope was Anti-Christ , or that man of sin , that the power of sacerdotal Absolution is no more then declatory , as also touching the morality of the Lords day Sabboth , and the total spending of it in religious Exercises : Which last how contrary it is to King Jame's Judgement , how little cause he had to like it , or rather how much reason he had to dislike it , his Declaration about Lawfull sports , which he published within three years after , doth express sufficiently ; so that the King might give consent to the confirming of these Articles amongst the rest , though he liked as little of the one as he did of the other : And he might do it on these Reasons . For first , The Irish Nation at that time were most tenaciously addicted to the errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome , and therefore must be bended to the other extream before they could be streight , and Orthodox in these ponits of Doctrine . Secondly , it was an usual practise with the King in the whole course of his government , to ballance one extream by the other , countenancing the Papists against the Puritan , and the Puritan sometimes against the Papist , that betwixt both the true Religion and Professors of it might be kept in safety . 6. With greater Artifice but less Authority have some of our Calvinians framed unto themselves another Argument , derived from certain Questions and answers printed at the end of the Bible , published by Rob. Barker his Majesties own Printer in the year 1607 ▪ from whence it is inferred by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism , and from him by others , that the said Questions and Answers do contain a punctual Declaration of the received Doctrine of this Church in the points disputed . But the worst is , they signifie nothing to the purpose for which they were produced . For I would fain know by what Authority those Questions and Answers were added to the end of the Bible ? If by Authority , and that such Authority can be produced , the Argument will be of force which it takes from them , and then no question but the same Authority by which they were placed there at first , would have preserved them in that place for a longer time then during the sale of that Edition : The not retaining them in such Editions as have followed since the sale of that , shews plainly that they were of no authority in themselves , nor intended by the Church for a rule to others : and being of no older standing then the year 1607. ( for ought appears by Mr. Prin , who first made the objections ) they must needs seem as destitute of antiquity as they are of authority , so that upon the whole matter the author of the book hath furnished those of different Judgement with a very strong argument , that they were foysted in by the fraud and practise of some of the Emissaries of the Puritan Faction : who hoped in time to have them pass as currant amongst the people as any part of Canonical Scripture . Such Piae fraudes as these are , we should have too many , were they once allowed of : Some prayers were also added to the end of the Bible in some Editions , and others at the end of the publick Liturgy . Which being neglected at the first , and afterwards beheld as the authorized prayers of the Church , were by command left out of those books and Bibles as being the compositions of private men , not the publick acts of the Church , and over since added as before . 7. But to return unto King James , we find not so much countenance given to the Calvinians by the fraud of his Printer , as their opposites received by his grace and favour by which they were invested in the chief preferments of the Chutch of England , conferred a● openly and freely upon the Anti-Calvinians , as those who had been bred up in the other perswasions , Trosse , Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine habentur , as we know who said . For presently upon the end of the conference he prefers Bishop Bancroft to the Chair of Canterbury , and not long after Dr. Barlow to the See of Rochester . On whose translation unto Lincoln , Dr. Richard Neil then Dean of Westminster succeeds at Rochester , and leaves Dr. Buckridge there for his successour at his Removal unto Lichfiel● in the year 1609. Dr. Samuel Harsnet is advanced to the See of Lichfield , and about ten years after unto that of Norwich . In the beginning of the year 1614. Dr. Overald succeeds Neil ( then translated to Lincoln ) in the See of Coventry and Lichfiel● , Dr. George Mountein succeeded the said Neil ( then translated to Durham ) in the Church of Lincoln . In the year 1619. Dr. John Houson one of the Canons of Christ Church , a professed Anti-calvinist is made Bishop of Oxon. And in the year 1621. Dr. Valentine Cary Successor unto Overal● in the Deanry of Saint Paul , is made Bishop of Exon , and on the same day Dr. William Laud who had been Pupil unto Buckridge as before said , is consecrated Bishop of St. Davids . By which encouragements the Anti-Calvinians o● old English Protestants took heart again , and more openly declared themselves then they had done formerly ; the several Bishops above named finding so gracious a Patron of the learned King , are as being themselves as bountifull Patrons ( respect being had to the performants in their nomination ) to their friends and followers . By means whereof , though they found many a Rub in the way , and were sometimes brought under censure by the adverse party ; yet in the end they surmounted all difficulties , and came at last to be altogether as considerable both for power and number , as the Calvinists were . Towards which encrease the differences betwixt the Remonstrants and the Contra-Remonstrants in the Belgick Provinces did not help a little , who publishing there discourses one against the other , sharpened the Appetite of many Students in both Vniversities to feed more heartily on such dishes as were now plentifully set before them , then they had done in former times ; which they either were not to be had , or not to be fed upon without fear of surfite , without the danger of disgorging what before they had eaten . 8. But so it happened that while matters went thus farely forwards Condradus Vrorstius , suspected for a Sa●osetenian , or Socinian Heretick ; and one who had derogated in his writings from the Purity , the Immensity , the Omniscience , and immutability of Almighty God , was chosen by the Curators of Leiden , Anno 1611. to succed Arminius in that place . Wherewith King James being made acquainted inflamed as well with a pious zeal to the honour of God , as a just fear least the Contagion of his Errors might cross the Seas and infect his own Subjects also , he first follicited the States not to suffer such a man to be placed amongst them , and afterwards to send him back , when they had received him . But finding no success in either , and having sent many fruitless messages and letters to the States about it , he published his Declaration against the said Vorstius , and therein used many harsh and bitter Expressions against Arminius and his followers ( of which see cap. 6. Num. 37. as if they had been guilty of the same impieties . This put the Calvinists again upon such a Gog that none of their Adversaries in either of the Vniversities ( ● of what eminent parts and name soever ) could escape their hands . During which heats , the reverend Dr. Houson , who had been Vice-Chancellour of the Vniversity ten years before was called in question and suspended by Dr. Rob. Abbot , then Dr. of the Chair and Vice-Chancellour also , Propter conciones publicas , minus orthodoxas & plenas offensionis : for preaching certain Sermons less Orthodox & fuller of offence then they should have been . He was sufficiently known for an Anticalvinist ; and had preached somewhat tending to the disparagement of the Genevian Annotations on the Holy Scriptures ( censured more bitterly by none then King James himself ) which brought him under this displeasure . And about two years after , anno 1614. the said Dr. Abbot fell violently foul on Dr. William Laud , then President of St. John's Colledge , whom in his Sermon at St. Peters on Easter ▪ Sunday , he publickly exposed to contempt and scorn under the notion of a Papist , as ●●arrets . Doctrines had been formerly condemned at Cambridge by the name of Popery , for which consult the Anti-Armin . p. 66. 9. But there was some thing more peculiar in the case of Mr. Edward Sympson then in that of the two great Doctors before remembered ; King James himselfe being both the Informer and the Prosecuter against this man , as it is thus related by the Church Historian , viz. ' It happened in the year 1616. that Mr. Edward Sympson , ( a very good Scholar ) fellow of Trinity Colledge , preached a Sermon before King James at Royston , taking for his text John 3. 6. that which is born of the ●lesh is slesh : Hence he endeavoured to prove that the committing of any great sin doth extinguish Grace and Gods Spirit for the time in the man. ' He added also that St. Paul in the seventh Chapter to the Romans spake not of himself as an Apostle and regenerate , but sub sta●u legis : Hereat his Majesty took ( and publickly expressed ) great distaste ; because Arminius had lately been blamed for extracting the like Exposition out of the works of Faustus Socinus . Whereupon he sent to the two professors in Cambridge for their Judgement herein , who proved and subscribed the place ad Rom. 7. to be understood of a Regenerate man , according to St. Augustines latter opinion in his Retractations ; and the Preacher was injoyned a publick Recantation before the King , which accordingly was performed by him . In which it is first to be observed , that no offence was taken at the first part of his Sermon , in which he went no further then Dr. Overal had gone before , as in our last chap. Numb . 6. Secondly , That the latter part thereof might have given as little , if his Exposition on the 13. chap. of St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans , had not been fathered on Arminius , against whom the King had openly declared in his book against Vorstius , & likewise upon his followers in the Belgick Provinces himself as a dangerous party , which he then laboured to suppress as before was noted . And therefore , thirdly , I observe that the two Professors in Cambridge did neither more wholly or originally of their own authority , but as they were set on by the King , who could not otherwise be satisfied then by some such censure on Arminius , and consequently for his sake on the Preacher too . For that King James condemned not the Arminian Doctrines in themselves , though he had taken some displeasure against their persons , as is said before , appears not only by rejecting the Lambeth Articles , and his dislike of the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination , in the conference at Hampton Court , but also by instructing his Divines commissionated for the Synod of Dort , not to oppose the Article of Universal Redemption , which they accordingly performed . Nor were the said Professors at that time so forward as to move in it of themselves , as may appear by their not answering of Tompsons book , entituled de Intercisione Gratiae & Justificationis , though the Author of it was a member of that Vniversity : but leaving it to be confuted by Dr. Abbot , their brother in the chair at Oxon. So great an Alteration had been made in the Affections of the Vniversity since the first striking up of their heats against Baroe and Barret , which presently began to cool on the death of Whitacres , and seemed to have been utterly quenched in the death of Perkins . The hammering of the Golden chair gave the first blow in it . 10. But though the passions of the King inflame by holy indignation , and kept unto the height to serve other mens tongues , rather then to advance his own ; had used some harsh expressions against Arminius ; yet did his passions calme , and subside at last giving him leave to look about him , and to discerne the dangers which did seeme to threaten him on the other side : considering therefore with himselfe , or being informed by tale of the Bishop and Divines , as were then about him , how great an adversary was Calvinius to Monarchicall interesse , how contrary the Predestination doctrines were to all rules of Government , he found it neeessary to devise or admit some course of the preventing of the mischiefe . To which end he issued certain directions to the vice Chancellor and Heads of both Universities bearing date , January . 18. 1619. Requiring them to take speciall order among other things , that all that tooke any degree in the ' Schooles should subscribe to the three Articles in the thirty sixt Canon ; that no man in the Pulpit or Schooles be sufferred to maintaine Dogmatically any point of doctrine that is not allowed by the Church of England , that none be suffered to preach or lecture in the Towns of Oxon. or Cambridge , but such as were every way conformable to the Church both in doctrine and discipline ; and finally ( which most apparently conduced to the ruine of Calvinism ) that young Students in divinity be directed to study such books as be most agreeable in doctrine and discipline to the Church of England , and excited to bestow their time in the Fathers , and Councels , Schoolmen , Histories and Controversies , and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and abbreviations , making them the grounds of their study in divinity . ' This seemed sufficient to bruse these doctrines in the shel , as indeed it was , had these directions been as carefully followed , as they were piously prescribed . But little or nothing being done in pursuance of them , the Predestinarian doctrines came to be the ordinary Theam of all Sermons , Lectures and Disputations , partly in regard that Dr. Prideaux who had then newly succeeded Dr. Rob. Abbot in the chair at Oxon. had very passionately exposed the Calvinian Interest ; and partly in regard of the Kings declared averseness from the Belgick Remonstrants , whom for the reasons before mentioned , he laboured to suppress to his utmost power . And yet being carefull that the truth should not fair the worse for the men that taught it , he gave command to such Divines as were commissionated by him to attend in the Synod of Dort , Anno 1618. not to recede from the doctrine of the Church of England in the point of universal Redemption by the death of Christ . A point so inconsistent with that of the Absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation , and generally of the whole Machina of Predestination , and the points depending thereupon as they are commonly maintained in the Schools of Calvin , that fire and water cannot be at greater difference . But this together with the rest being condemned in the Synod of Dort , and that Synod highly magnified by the English Calvinists , they took confidence of making those disputes the Subject of their common discourses , both from the Pulpit and press , without stint or measure . And thereupon it pleased his Majesty , having now no further fear of any dangers from beyond the seas , to put some water into their wine , or rather a Bridle into their mouths by publishing certain orders and directions touching Preachers and preaching , bearing date on the 4. of August 1622. In which it was enjoyned , amongst other things , ' That no Preacher of what Title soever ( under the degree of a Bishop or Dean at least ) do from hence forth presume to teach in any popular Auditory the deep points of Predestination , Election , Reprobation , or of the Universality , Efficacity , Resistability , or Irresistability of Gods Grace , but rather leave those Theames to be handled by learned men , and that modestly and moderately by use and application , rather then by way of positive Doctrine , as being fitter for Schools and Vniversities then for simple Auditors . ' The violating of which order by Mr. Gabriel Bridges of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxon. by preaching on the 19th of Ianuary then next following against the absolute decree , in maintenance of universal Grace , and the co-operation of mans free will prevented by it ( though in the publick Church of the Vniversity ) laid him more open to the prosecution of Dr. Prideaux , and to the censure of the Vice-Chancelor , and the rest of the Heads , then any preaching on those points , or any of them could possibly have done at another time . 11. Much was the noise which those of the Calvinian party were observed to make on the publishing of this last order , as if their mouths were stopped thereby from preaching the most necessary Doctrines tending towards mans salvation . But a far greater noise was raised upon the coming out of Montagues answer to the Gagger , in which he asserted the Church to her primitive and genuine Doctrines , disclaimed all the Calvinian Tenents , as dis-owned by her , and left them to be countenanced and maintained by those to whom they properly belonged . Which book being published at a time , when a Session of Parliament was expected in the year 1624. The opportunity was taken by Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward , two of the Lecturers or Preachers of Ipswich to prepare an Information against him , with an intent to prosecute the same in the following Session . A Copy whereof being come into Mountagues hands , he flies for shelter to King James , who had a very great estimation of him for his parts and learning , in which he had over-mastred , they then though much less Selden at his own Philologie . The King had already served his own turn against the Remonstrants by the Synod of Dort , and thereby freed the Prince of Orange his most dear Confederate from the danger of Barnwell , and his faction . Arch-Bishop Abbot came not at him since the late deplorable misfortune which befell him at Branzil , and the death of Dr. James Mountague Bishop of Winton left him at liberty from many importunities and sollicitations with which before he had been troubled ; so that being now master of himself , and governed by the light of his own most clear and exellent Judgement , he took both Montague , and his Doctrines into his Protection , gave him a full discharge , or quietus est , from all those Calumnies of Popery or Arminianism , which by the said Informers were laid upon him ; incouraged him to procecd in finishing his just Appeal , which he was in hand with ; commanded Dr. Francis White , then lately preferred by him to the Deanry of Carlisle , and generally magnified not long before for his zeal against Popery , to see it licensed for the Press , and finally gave order unto Mountague to dedicate the book ( when printed ) to his Royal self . In obedience unto whose Command the Dean of Carlisle licensed the book with this approbation , That there was nothing contained in the samo , but what was agreeable to the publick Faith , Doctrine and Discipline established in the Church of England . But King James dying before the book was fully finished at the Press , it was published by the name of Appello Cesarem , and dedicated to King Charls , as the son and Successor to whom it properly belonged ; the Author touching in the Epistle Dedicatory , all the former passages ; but more at large then they are here discoursed of in this short Summary . 12. And thus far have we prosecuted our discourse concerning the five points disputed between the English Protestants , the Belgick Remonstrants , the Melancthonian Lutherans , together with the Jesuites and Franciscans on the one side , the English Calvinists , the Contra-Remonstrants , the Rigid Lutherans , and the Dominican Friers on the other side . In the last part whereof we may observe , how difficult a thing it is to recover an old doctrinal Truth , when overborn and almost lost by the continual Prevalency of a Busie faction . And I have carried it on no further , because at this time Bishop Laud ( to whom the raising and promoting of the Arminian Doctrines , as they call them , is of late ascribed , was hardly able to promote or preserve himself , opprest with a heard hand by Arch-Bishop Abbot , secretly traduced unto the King for the unfortunate business of the Earl of Devonshire , attaining with great difficulty to the poor Bishop-prick of St. Davids , after ten years service , and yet but green in savour with the Duke of Buchingham . What happened afterwards towards the countenancing of these Doctrines by the appearing of King Charls in the behalf of Mountague , the letter of the three Bishops to the Duke in defence of the man and his opinion , his questioning and impeachment by the House of Commons , and his preferment by the King to the See of Chichester , are all of them beyond the bounds which I have prescribed unto my self in this Narration . Nor shall I now take notice of his Majesties Proclamation of the 14. of June , Anno 1626. For establishing the peace and quiet of the Church of England : by which he interdicted all such preaching and printing as might create any fresh Disturbance to the Church of England : or for his smart Answer to the part of the Remonstrance of the house of Commons , Anno 1628. which concerned the danger like to fall on this Church and Kingdom , by the grouth of Arminianism , or of the Declaration prefixed before the book of Articles in the same year also , for silencing the said Disputes , or finally of his Majesties Instructions , bearing date , Decemb. 30. 1629. for causing the Contents of the Declaration to be put in execution , and punctually observed for the time to come . By means whereof , and many fair encouragements from many of our Prelates , and other great men of the Realm , the Anti-Calvinist party became considerable both for power and number . FINIS . A POSTSCRIPT To the READER . Concerning some particulars in a scurrulous Pamphlet intituled A Review of the Certamen Epistolare , &c. PRimâ dicta mihi summâ dicenda camaenâ , with thee good Reader I began , and with thee I must end . I gave thee notice in the Preface of a scurrilous Libel , the Author whereof had disgorged his foul stomack on me , and seemed to Glory in the shame . But whither this Authour be a Cerberus with three heads , or a Smertginnuus with fire , or but a single Shimi only ( for it is differently reported ) is all one to me , who am as little troubled with the noise of Billings-gate , as the cry of an Oyster-wife . It is my confidence that none of the dirt , which he most shamefully confesseth himself to have thrown in my face will be found upon it , notwithstanding that necesse est ut aliquid haereat may be sometimes true . Omitting therefore the consideration of his many Obscaenities which every where are intermingled for the floures of his Rhetorick , I cannot but do my self so much justice , as to satisfie the Reader in the truth of some things , which otherwise may be beleeved to my disadvantage . I am content to suffer under as much obloquie as any foule mouthed Presbyterian can spit upon me ; but I am not willing to be thought a slanderer , a profane person , or ungrateful for the smallest favours ; all which the Authour of that scurrulous pamphlet hath imposed upon me . In the first place it is much laboured to make me guilty of ingratitude and disaffection to Magd. Coll. of which I had the honour to be once a member , and do retain so high an estimation of it , that whensoever I shall write or speak any thing to the reproach of that foundation , let my tongue cleave unto the roof of my mouth , and my right hand forget its cunning . But I am able to distinguish between the duty I owe to the House it selfe , and that which every member of it is to challenge from me , ( quid civitati , & quid civibus debeam in the Orators Criticisme ) And therefore I would not have the Libeller or his partners think that his or their taking Sanctuary under the name of Magdalen Colledge shall so far priviledge them in their actings ( either against the Church in general , or my own particular ) but that I shall as boldly venture to attacque them there ; without fear of sacriledge , as Joab was smitten by Benaiah at the hornes of the Altar . But the best is that I am made to have some ground for my disaffection , though there be no lesse falsehood in the fundamentals then the superstructure . And a fine tale is told of some endeavours by me used for bringing one of my own brood into that foundation ; the failing of which hopes must of necessity occasion such an undervaluing of that Colledge as to change it from a nest of Sparrows to a nest of Cuckoes . But the truth is , that the party for whom I was a suitor , was so farre from being one of my own brood , as not to be within the compasse of my Relations ; so much a stranger to my blood that he was no otherwise endeared unto me , then by the extraordinary opinion which I had of his parts and industry . And therefore I commended him no further unto Doctor Goodwin , then that it was not my desire to have him chosen , if any abler Schollar should appeare for the place . And it was well for the young man that I sped no better ; Periisset nisi Periisset , as we knowe who said . For within lesse then two years after he was elected into the Society of Merton Colledge ( to their great honour be it spoken ) upon no other commendation then his owne abilities . In the next place I am made a slanderer for saying , that the new Sabbath speculations of Doctor Bound and his adherents had beene embraced more passionately of late then any one Article of Religion here by Law established . How so ? Because saith he ( or they 't is no matter which ) it is well known that they do more passionately embrace the great truths of Christs Divinity , and the Divine Authority of Scripture , &c. then any opinion about the Sabbath . What may be meant by the , &c. it is hard to say , perhaps the Presbyterian Discipline , or the Calvinian Doctrines of Predestination ; the two deare Helena's of the Sects as sacred and inviolable in their estimation , as any of their new opinions about the Sabbath . But whether the great truths of Christs Divinity , the Divine Authority of Scipture , or any Article of Religion here by Law established , be embraced by them with the like passion as their new Saint Sabbath ; may be discerned by that impunity which is indulged by them to all Anabaptists , Familists , Ranters , Quakers , and all other Sectaries . By whom the great Truths of Christs Divinity , and the Divine Authority of holy Scripture , and almost all the Articles of the Christian Faith have beene called in question . And yet we cannot choose but know with what severity they proceeded when they were in power against all persons whatsoever whom they found travelling on the Sunday , though their businesse was of more concernment to them then the lifting of the Oxe or Asse out of the ditch . With what a cursed rigour a Victualler hath beene forced to pay ten shillings for selling a half-penny loafe to a poore man in the time of Sermon ; What penalty they procured to be ordained against Vintners , Taylors , Barbers , for selling but a pint of Wine , or carrying home a new suit of Cloathes , or trimming the man that was to wear them on their Sabbath day : And finally , against all persons whatsoever for walking in the fields or streetes after all the publick duties of the day were ended . They may tell tell me what they will of their giving the Right hand of Fellowship to some Divines of Transmarine Churches , who differ in that Doctrine from them . But quid verba audiam cum facta videam , the bleating of the sheep , and the lowing of the Oxen will not out of my eares , though preferred under a pretence of making them an acceptable Sacrifice to the Lord their God. But the maine endeavour of the Pamphlet is to bring me under the reproach of a Prophanation , in using such words unto the King in a Petition of mine presented to him , as it could not without sinne be applyed unto any but to God. A greater crime then any of the other two , and as falsely charged . It is suggested in the Libell , that upon the sense of some indignity which was offered to me , in being disturbed in my possession of a Lodging in Magdalen Colledge , I made complaint unto the King of the great wrong which had been done his Majesties creature , and the workmanship of his hands , and that for this expression I was checked by the Marquesse of Hertford , who was then Chancellor of that University ; for proofe whereof we are referred to somewhat which was said in the Bursery of that Colledge before two of the fellows . But first I hope that all things which we said in the Bursery before any two or more of the Fellows ( — Ecce inter pocula quaerant Romalides Saturi , &c. — ) must not passe for Gospel , nor that all Table-talk , fit onely for the Voider , when the meale is done , is to be preserved upon Record for undoubted Truths . Secondly , I am confident as I can be of any thing so long since done , that no such expression ever passed my pen , there being no visible necessity to inforce me to it . I Conceive , Thirdly , that the Libeller cannot be so much a Stranger to the Assembly Notes , on the 1. of Gen. 6. as not to know ( if he had learnt it no where else ) that it is a familiar phrase , in the Style of the Court , to say such an one was created Earle , Marquesse , or Duke , &c. upon which ground the Members of the House of Peeres were looked upon by our Republicans or Common wealths men ( not without some contempt ) as his Majesties Creatures , Creatures of the Prerogative , as they commonly called them . And therefore , Fourthly , that the Marquesse of Hertford was not likely to reprove me for calling my selfe his Majesties creature , or the workmanship of his hands , in reference to my temporal fortunes , and the place I held about the King ; that Noble person , acknowledging with a loyal gratitude that he received his Creation to the Honourable Title of Lord Marquesse from the hands of his Majesty ; and that his being made Governour to the Princes Highnesse was the Kings sole workmanship . Finally , if all expressions of this nature must be laid aside , and that we must be taught a new Court-Dialect , because some Divines of the Assembly and other professed enemies of Monarchical Government do not like the old ; we must discharge the Titles of most High and Might , of Majesty , and sacred Majesty , because disliked by Buchanan in his most seditious Book de Jure Regni . By whom such adjuncts are reputed inter Barbarismos & Solecismos Aulicos , and amongst the Barbarismes and extravagancies of the Courts of Princes . But for the clearer satisfaction of all equal and unbyassed persons , I shall lay down the truth , the whole truth , and nothing but the truth , as to that particular . In which the Reader is to know , that at his Majesties first making choice of Oxon for his Winter Quarters , Anno 1642. The course of my attendance carried me to wait upon him there as a Chaplaine in ordinary . Where I had not been above a week , when I received his Majesties command by the Clerk of the Closet for attending Mr. Secretary Nicholas on the morrow morning , and applying my self from time to time to such directions as I should receive from him in order to his Majesties service . Which command was afterwards re-inforced upon me , when the time of my ordinary attendance of the Court was at an end for that yeare ( as can be proved by two several intimations of it under his owne most Royall hand ) with this charge super-added to it , that I was not to depart the Town without speciall leave . I found by this that my attendance at the Court was like to last as long as the Warre , and therefore that it did concerne me to accomodate my selfe with Lodging and such other necessaries as might both encourage and enable me to performe those services which were required at my hands . A Chamber in the Colledge being vacant within few moneths after by the absence of one of the Fellows , and the death of the other , I gained the free consent of the absent party ( Master Hobs by name , in whom the sole right of it then remained ) to make use of it for my selfe , and my little Company . Five moneths I quietly enjoyed it without interruption . But coming from the Court on Alhallow-day , I found some souldiers in the Roome , who told me that they came to take possession of it for Master D. who had succeeded in the Rights of the man deceased , and that they meant to keep it for him untill further order . This ▪ carried me back unto the Court , where I acquainted Master Secretary with the indignity and affront which was put upon me ; desiring him either to defend me from contempt and scorne , or that he would get me a discharge from that employment which had laine so long and heavy on me . By his advice a short Petition was drawn up to his sacred Majesty , briefly containing the particulars before laid downe , and humbly praying in the close , that he would graciously be pleased to extend unto me such a measure of his power and favour in the case before him , as might preserve me in a fit capacity to proceed in those services , which otherwise I could not be able to performe , as I had done formerly . His Majesty thereupon gave order to the now Lord Bishop of Lichfield being then President of the Colledge , to see me resetled for the present ; and to Sir Arthur Ashton , who was then Governour of the Towne to take some strict course with his Souldiers , for not giving me the like disturbance for the time to come ; which was the least I could expect from his Majesties goodnesse . And here I thought my troubles had beene at an end . But so it happened that the Lord Marquesse of Hertford was at the same time chosen Chancellor of the Vniversity ; and some of his sevants must be dealt with to espouse the quarrell . By whose soliticaton , I was required to attend his Lordship whithin few dayes after , and I went accordingly . But when I came , and that his Lordship saw how farre his Majesty had already apperaed in the businesse , he could not but perceive withall how unfit it was for him to take any cognizance of that cause which by his Majesty had beene heard and predetermined . He thereupon presently declined the businesse , seemed much offended at the trouble which was given me in it , and having dismist the rest of the company , retained me with him for some time ; held some discourse with me about the quality and estate of the Kings affaires , and finally called for Ale and Wine for my entertainment . But notwithstanding those indignities which were put upon me on the one side , and those many advantages which I had on the other , I carried my selfe fairly all along to my troublesome Landlord , gave him a civil treatment in the Christmas Holidays , presented him with no inconsiderable new-years gift , as the times then were ; and promised him that as soone as otherwise I could provide my selfe of convenient Lodging , I would give him the contentment he so much desired . Nor was it long before I did make good that promise . Since which time all fair offices and friendly correspondencies have past between us , there being nothing ( I thank God ) which I can more easily forget then the sense of Injuries . Hic status , haec Rerum fuerat fortuna mearum Such was the state of these affaires , And such the issue of my cares . And thus good Reader thou hast seene those horrible prophanations , slanders and ingratitudes , for which I stand arraigned in that scurrilous Libell , for by that name I shall take leave to call that Pamphlet , which for the Ribauldry thereof was stopt by the Vice-Chancellor at the Presse in Oxon , and being at last brought forth in the dark at London , is neither justified by the name of the Authour , nor otherwise offered unto sale then by an underhand promoting of it amongst those of that Faction . But there is still a race of men as anciently there was in Saint Hieroms time ; qui aliorum vituperatione laudabile se videri cupiunt , which hope to get themselves a name by defaming others . And for my part I am content they should enjoy the ignominy of that Peccant humour ( which is so proper to the Text ) without other censure then that which Michael the Arch-Angel passed upon the Devil , when he contended with him for the body of Moses , of whom it is written by Saint Jude , that he durst not bring a railing accusation against that Accuser of the brethren , but left him to the judgement of Almighty God , with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the Lord rebuke thee . I have but one thing more to adde , and that relates to the Integrity of Doctor Barlow , who stands defamed by the Libeller and his alter idem for using some unjust dealing towards Doctor Reynolds , Doctor Sparks , &c. in his relation of the conference at Hampton Court. For proofe whereof one Master Sparks ( affirmed to be a man of eminent learning ) must be disquieted at his death , ( if not rather raised up from the dead ) to declare his knowledge ; who signified by his friend I. M. what he once heard from H. G. an aged Minister concerning Doctor Barlow's sorrow at his death-bed for the wrong he had done to Doctor Reynolds , and the rest in relating that conference with H. I. is reported to have added further , that being at a Table with Master Sparks the sonne of Doctor Sparks , he found him very sensible of the abuse ( of which he could not speak without great indignation ) which had been put upon his Father and Doctor Reynolds , by the said Relator . But first the man himself is dead , from whom we are to take our greatest light in so dark a businesse . And who can tell but that this whole narration may be one of those pious fraudes devised by the Pamphleter , or his Alter Idem ) nec enim nunc fallere primum , Incipit a nobis — for imposing as well upon the dead as upon the living . Secondly , the principal witnesse being dead , the credit of the sigment resteth on two common vouchers , that is to say I. M. and H. I. as easie to be found , and as honest folk as Nicholas Nemo , in Utopia , or Madam Charity of the Oudemeon street in Mantinea , or Doctor H. H. in the Margin of the Libel which is now before us . Thirdly , it must needs seeme exceeding strange to a sober Reader , that this great truth should lie concealed ( like a spark raked up in ashes ) five and fifty years , and then blaze out upon a sudden , when it was not thought of . And , Fourthly , I had once the happiness to be exeeeding well acquainted with Master Thomas Sparks of Cando●er , in the County of South-Hampton , and Master William Sparks of Bleckly in the County of Buckingham , sometime Divinity Reader in Magdalen Colledge , the onely sonnes of Doctor Sparks before remembred , and having had many opportunities of discoursing with them about that conference , and their Fathers acting in the same , I never heard the least word , from either of them of any wrong done or supposed to be done by Doctor Barlow in drawing up the substance and abridgement of it , so that I doubt not but it will appear on the full debate that Doctor Barlow is more wronged in his fame by these Libellers Pamphlets , then ever Doctor Reynolds had been injured by that learned Prelate . I have now done with these polemical discourses , and shall not easily ingage in a new adventure , unlesse invincible necessity , or some unsufferable provocation shall inforce me to it . In which case only it is possible that I may be tempted to the resuming of those armes which otherwise I would willingly hang up in the Temple of Concord : that I may spend the whole remainder of my time in more peacefull studies . I have already done my part in vindicating the Doctrine , Government , and formes of worship , established in the Church of England . And it is time to leave the Stage to more able Actors . To whom I recommend the care of that weighty businesse , not doubting but that my endeavours in the Churches service will finde acceptance with all equal and indifferent men . And for the rest who are so far ingaged in the adverse party , that possibly they may hate to be reformed in the Psalmists language . I neither fear their censures , nor court their favours ; but leave them to enjoy the happinesse of these open times , in quibus non modo libertas , sed etiam loquendi libido impunita est , as my Author hath it . And thus good Reader I bid thee once again farewel in the Lord , to whose unspeakable mercies in Christ Jesus , thou art most heartily recommended by Lacies Court in Abindon , Dec. 29. 1659. Thine alwayes to be commanded in the Churches service P. H. An Advertisement touching the ERRATA . THe ill printing of that part of the Certamen Epistolore , which was most controversial , hath exposed me to some disadvantage in the eyes of those who are willing to interpret every mistaking of the presse to be an error of the pen ; which hath made me require the greater care for the well-doing of this , though it could not passe without such faults as workmen will commit somtimes , do they what they can . But they are neither great nor many , and such as are may be corrected in this manner . The Errata of the first Part. Pa. 3 line 5 for Loppinus read Coppinus , p 9 l 34 for works , r. words , p 30 l 22 for sub . r. supra , p 39 l 17 Macurius r. Maccorius , p 46 l 26 r. Belconquall . 29 for quarrel r. parallel , p 48 , &c. for Arustondon r. Amsterdam , p 49 l 20 for drown r. divorce , p 57 r. Themistius , p 60 l 14 , &c. for Grotius r. Crotius , p 62 for Synod called r. Synodical , p 70 l ul● . adde that without the grace of God preventing , we may will the things , &c. The Errata of the second Part. P. 20 l 19 for word r. Creed , p 21 l 8 for heard r. find , p 27 l 11 for to the loreing of r. touching , p 31 l 34 for Therancen●s r. Theramenes , p 50 l 9 for Apostles r. positive , p 51 l 9 for greater Catechisme r. Gloria in excelsis , p 74 l 12 for Butler r. Barlow . The Errata of the third Part. P. 2 l 23 for how r. two , p 6 l 6 del . who , p 14 and c. for Powel r. Nowel p. 25 l 5 for from charity r. from shewing , p 28 l 11 for Powel r. Poynets , p 41 l 2 for discended from r. discended from a brother of Robert King , &c. p 70 l 30 ad should be tendred to him , p 101 l 11 for makes r. many p 103 l 11 for Lichfield r. Chichester , p 105 l 5 r. looked , and del . himself . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A86290-e180 ●ompilo , i. e. Sur●●pi● , quia quae fares auseruat ●a pr●ssim colligunt , quod est compi●are . Notes for div A86290-e6540 a Hist . Eccl. Euseb . l. 5. c. 14. & 19. b Calv. Advers . Liberti . c. ●● , d Prateol . Elench . Haere . in Quintin● . e Bell●● . d Prateol . in Elench . Hae● . in Manich. e August . de Haeres . cap. 25. f Ibid. cap. 15. & 70. g Homer Illiad . h August de Gen. ad lit . lib. 2. c. 27. i Calv. inst●● . lib. 3. c. 23 sect . 7 k V. Synod . Rom ▪ l Fulgent . ad Monimum . m August . Tom. 2. Epist . ●06 . n Pra●eol . Elenc● . Haeret. in Pelag. ( o ) August . l. ● . contr . Epist ▪ Pelagi . cap. 2. p Lindan in ▪ Dial. 21. Eccles . polit . lib. 11. p 96. Hist . of the Councel , fol. 175. I de n fol. 181. Hist . of Councel p ▪ 108. &c. Ibid. p. 2●● . Conci● . Trid. Ses ▪ ● . c. 1. Ibid. c. 2. b Hist . of the Councel f. 212. Sess . 6. c. 2 , 3. Session 6. Can. 2. 3. S●ss . 6. c. 5. Ca. 4. Sess 6. Can. 13. Can. 14. Can. 15. Hist . of the Councel of T● . p 210. * Ibid. f. 20● . August . Confes . cap. 2. Appel . Evang. cap. 4. Aug. Confes . c. 3. Id. cap. de M●ssa . Ibid. cap. 18. Idem cap. 18. Idem cap. 11. a Institut . l. 3. c. 23. Sect. 7. Calvin . Institut . lib. 3. cap. 23. sect . 6. Idem ib sect 7. Hooker in ●●cle . ●ol . Pr●f . p 9. Arcan . Dog. Ant. Ro● . p 15. Ibid. 17. 6. Arcan . Dogn . Contr. Remon . p. 23. Ibid. p. 29. Ibid. p. 33. Ibid p. 41. Ibid. 47. Gods love to Mankind , p 45. Ibid p. 53. Tertul. l. 2. contr . Marcion . c. 22. Gods love to Mankind . p. 62. Ibid. p. 64. Ibid. p. 65 & p. 67. Ibid. p. 68. Ibid p 76. Ibid. p. 91. Suet. de vit . Tyb . c. 69. p. 180. H●isti . lib. de Minor. Hist . c. 27. p. 39. or in G●ds love to mank●nd . p. 97. In his Letters , p. 72. Belcanquals Letters . p. 10 Hist . of the Contr. p. 215. * Pref. A. 9. Exam. Cers . p. 63. B. * Gods Love to mankinde , p. 89. Arcan . Deg. Cert . Remons . p. 95. Boyerman , Anro● . Grotii Pietat . * Declar. against Vorstius Justif . of the Fathers , &c. p. Justis . of the Fathers , &c. p. 34. * Obs . Observed , p. 46. * P. 37. ●●●ser . between Ridley and Latimer . Manil. de Sphe . lib. * Hist . Artic. Lambeth , p. 6 , 7. * Cabuba . p. 116. * Con● . Dom. p. 167 ▪ Answer to a certain Le●t . p. 38 ▪ Ibid. p. 38. Notes for div A86290-e23210 Hom. of the Nativity , fol. 167. Hom. of the Nativity , p. 168. Ibid. Idem . * Disc . of Freewil , p. 278. * Id. ib. * Ib. p. 281. * Prolog . in Epist . to the Romans , p. 42. Ibid. 15● Lib. 3. Hist. Moor , p. 306 ▪ Acts and Mon. fol. 987. Prologue before the Epist . unto the Rom. p. 48. Acts and Mon. fol. 1008. Acts and Mon. fol. 1181. Epis . Didic . Institut . of a Christian. Necessary prayer . Let. of Mr. Bucer to the Church of England . Acts and Mon. fol. 1366. Artic. 17. Artic. 2. Artic. 31. Artic. 9. Artic. 13. Artic. 10. Artic. 16. Id. Ib. Acts and Mon. fol. 1282. Chur. Hist . lib. 9. fol. 72. Conser . Declar. before the Art. 1628. Our Divines commonly called Calvinists . Yates in Ap. Caesar . cap. 5. p. 38. Ambros . in Epist . 1 , 4. Chrys . in Ep. 14. Hierom. in Epist . 64. L. 5 p. 372. Serm. 3. Sunday after Epiphany , part . 3. fol. 198 Hom. of the misery of man. f. 8. Serm. on Septu . fol. 213. Hoop . in Prefac . before the ten Commandm . Id. Ibid. Id. Ibid. Id. Ibid. Id. Ibid. Lat. in Serm. on Septuages . p. 3. fol. 214. Hom. of the misery of man. fol. 11. Fox Acts and Mo● . fol. 1505. Justifi . Fathers . Latimer in his 4 Sermon , third Sunday after Epiphani● . 4 Serm. in Lincoln . Exposit ▪ of the Command , cap. of ignor . Article of Ireland , Numb . 12. 14. 17. Cap. 10. Hic in ●●stip father . Hom. Salvation , p. 13. Serm. 1 Sund. after Epiph. Pref. to the ten Commandm . Hom. of Holy Scrip. p. 5. Hom. against fear of death , p. 62. Serm. Septuag . 1 S●●m . Lincol. Hook. Pref. to Commo . Pref. to his Exposition . Ibid. Serm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. His works , p. 321. Acts and Mon. fol. 1009. Collection of his works by I. D. fol. 266. Collection of his works , fol. 382. 19 Sund. after Trin. Exposi . cap. 6. ●xportation ●● Holy 〈…〉 . Pres . to the Exposi . of the Law. Idi Ib. Artic. 10. Exhort . to the reading of the Scrip. p. 6. Collect for Easterday . Col. after T●in . Col. before the Communion . Preface to his Exposition , &c. Hoop . cap. dign . Calv. Institut . lib. 2. cap. 3. Declar. p. 20. Pref. ●o his Exp. Serm. on Septu . fol. 214. Hom. of the Mis . of Man. p. 10. Hom. of good works . p. 33. 1. p. of the Ser. of falling from God , p. 53. Art. of Confes . 1543. April . uit Rom. 12. ● Tim. 4. 1 John. 2. Matth. 19. Eccles . 16. Psal . 115. Jer. 16. John 15. Jon. 6. 1 Cor. 3. Epist. Ded. Hist. of the ●●●n . of T●●nt . fol. 205. & ● . Hist. of the Coun. of Trent . fol. 215. Hist . o● Councel p. 215. Appill . Caeas . part 2. cap. 16. A●●●n . Dry. Anti . R●m●s . p. 21. Monn . against the Gagger . c. 22. p. 185. Art. 16. Bishop Latimer in his 8. Serm. in Linc. Idem in Serm. Rom. 13. 11. See Ibid. Pref. to the Expos . on the X. Command . Collect of his Works by J. Day . p. 185. Hick . in his justis . of 〈…〉 e Fathers , &c. Pres . Montag ▪ Gag . cap. 20. p. 171. Apell . Caeas . cay . 4. p. 28. Ibid. p35 . Hom. p. 62. Ibid. p. 68. Hom. p. 54. Ibid. p. 50. Id. p. 54. Hom. of good Works . p. 32. Page 50. Page 58. Page 130. Hom. of falling from God. Part 1. fol. 55. Is● 5. Mat. ●1 . Psal . 51. Ezek. 3. 1 Thes . 5. Hosea 14. Ibis ad C●● . p. 2. c. 3. p. 139. Hom. of certain places of Scripture . fol. 150. * Art 16. Ridley in Colos . c●p . 1 , 6. Idem in cap. 2. P , 1. Id. in cap. 1 , 6. Id. Ibid. Fr 1. Id. Ibid. F. 7. Id. Ibid. G. 2. & 3. Id. cap. 2. H. 7. Idem cap. 4. Tavit in vita . Agric. * Prin. Anti Armin. Page 44. * Anti. Armin. Page 48. * Ch. Hist . lib. 7. sol . 42 l. * Anti-Arm . 〈…〉 . * Hist . ut supr ● . a Catech. Page 7. 8 , 12 , b Page 9 , c Page 13. d Fol. 18. e Fol. 23. f Fol. 30. g Fol. 31. h Fol. 44 , 45. i Verbatim from Page 37. to 41. k Fol. 68. Antiarm . Justi . Faith. & Anti-arm . p. 102. Godw. Annal. in Edw. 6. Anti arm . p. 79 , 83 , 94 , 102 , 103 , 108 , &c. Vide Chap. 8. Sect. 3. & Chap. 17. Sect. 4. Paraph. Erasm . fol. 4●4 . Ibid. fol. 96. Ibid. fol. 414. Ibid. fol. 443. Ibid. fol. 90. Ibid. fol. 58. Notes for div A86290-e43670 Answer to a certain letter . p. 3. Answer to a certain letter . p. 16. Id. p. 56. P. 48. Id. p. 22. Id. p. 36. P. 15. P. 63. Major . Minot . Ibi. p. 43. Ibid. p. 18. Ibi. p. 2. 4. Ibi. p. 2. 6. Ibi. 2. 7. Ibi. 46. Ibid. p. 4. 47 Ibi. p. 32. Ibi. p. 10. Rom. 5. Ibi. p. 51. Agust Retract . ● . ● . c. 9. & 16. Ibi. p. 26. Ibi. p. 45. Prosp . 1. Resp . ad Object . Gal. 6. Martin . Act. & Mon. fol. 1742. Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Martin . Carelese . Injunct . 6. Injunct . 16. Justif . of the Fath pref . Justif . of the Fath. pref . Hom. p. 172. Hom. 1. part against the perill . Hom. of the Re●urrection , p. 139. Bishop Jewells Defen . Apolog. c. 19. Devis . 1. Ca●●c . Edition 1654. p. 19. Ib. ●● . Mr. Harnets Sermon at Pauls Cross bound up at the end of Dr. Stewards three Sermons , print ed 1658. p. 133 &c. Ibid. p. 135. Ib. p 140. Ibid. 148. Prepe●uity , &c. 304. Bishop King's L●ctur● upon Jo●a● ▪ L●ct . 33. p. 450. Nu●b . 23. Heb. 13. Rev. 1. 2 Cer. 1. Mal , 3. Alind mutare voluntatem , aliud velle mutationem , A. quin. 1. qu. 19. art . 7. Mutat sentententi●m non mutat consi●ium lib. 10. mor. cap. 23. Esa . 38 Jer 18 Ier 18 2 Cor. 1. Pres . to his Expos . on the ten Commandments . Go●w . in C●ta● . Epis● , Oxon Fox in Acts & Mon. fol. 1505 Acts & Mon. fo . 1366 , 1367 Golden chain ▪ Ibid. p. 52. Ib. 29. Ib. Epist . Dedi . Ha● . in Holy State p. 90. Absolv . contr . Tompsoni Diatrib . Holy State , p. 90. Baroe Praelect . 29. p. 216. Baroe Praelect . 30. p. 217. Anti-arminian . p. 256. Anti-armini . p. 56. Anti-armini●● . p. 61. Appeal . p. 71. Resp . Nec . p. 146. Cabula p. 117. Conf. at Ham. C. p. 42. Anti-Armini . pag. 202. Church Hist . l. 9. Justit fathers in the Pref. 1 King. 19 ▪ 18. 1 K●ng . 19. 13. Deut. 17. 6. Mar. 18. 19. Theod Hist . Eccles . lib. 2. cap. 15. Con. at H. C. p. 27. Con. at H. C ▪ p. 24. Pag. 40 , &c. Ib , p. 24. Pag. 25 Pag. 37 Pag. 38 Pag. 24 P●g . 41. Con. p. 19 Ib p. 43 Just ▪ of the Fathers , &c. in pref . Anti-armin . p. 54. Ch. Hist . l. 6. Hist . of Camb. p. 160. Directions to the Vice-chancelour and heads , &c. Jan. 18. 1616. Directions of preaching and preachers . Notes for div A86290-e66240 p. 175. p. 22. p. 22. p. 67. Ibid. 
A43531	----	Examen historicum, or, A discovery and examination of the mistakes, falsities and defects in some modern histories occasioned by the partiality and inadvertencies of their severall authours / by Peter Heylin ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1659 Approx. 1081 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 294 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43531 Wing H1706 ESTC R4195 12413935 ocm 12413935 61619 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43531) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61619) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 278:16) Examen historicum, or, A discovery and examination of the mistakes, falsities and defects in some modern histories occasioned by the partiality and inadvertencies of their severall authours / by Peter Heylin ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 2 pts. ([32], 294 p.; [8], 208, [22] p.) Printed for Henry Seile and Richard Royston ..., London : 1659. Each book has special t.p. Pt. I: Containing necessary animadversions on The church-history of Britain / publisht by Thomas Fuller; pt. II: Containing some advertisements on these following histories [by Sir William Sanderson], viz. 1. the compleat history of Mary, Queen of Scots ..., 2. the history of the reign and death of King James ... the First, 3. the compleat history of the life and reign of King Charls. Errata: p. [32] at beginning and p. [22] at end. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fuller, Thomas, 1608-1661. -- Church-history of Britain. Sanderson, William, -- Sir, 1586?-1676. -- Compleat history of the lives and reigns of Mary Queen of Scotland, and of her son and successor, James the Sixth. Sanderson, William, -- Sir, 1586?-1676. -- Compleat history of the life and raigne of King Charles. Mary, -- Queen of Scots, 1542-1587. James -- I, -- King of England, 1566-1625. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-11 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Examen Historicum : OR A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes , Falsities , and Defects In some Modern Histories OCCASIONED By the Partiality and Inadvertencies of their Severall Authours . By Peter Heylin . In Two Books . Tacit in Vit. Jul. Agric. Vitium parvis magnisque Civitatibus commune , ignoratio Recti & invida . Horat. De Arte Poet. — non ego paucis Offendor maculis , quas non incuria fudit Aut humana parum , cubit natura — LONDON , Printed for Henry Seile and Richard Royston , and are to be sold over against S. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet , and at the Angel in Ivy-lane . 1659. A Generall PREFACE to the Whole . IT is affirmed of History by the famous Orator , that it is Testis temporum , the Witnesse and Record of time , by which the actions of it are transmitted from one age to another . And therefore it concerns all those who apply themselves to the writing of Histories , to take speciall care that all things be laid down exactly , faithfully , and without deviation from the truth in the least particular . For if the Witnesses be suborned , the Record falsified , or the Evidence wrested , neither Posterity can judge rightly of the actions of this present time , or this time give a certain judgement of the Ages past . It is therefore a good direction which Iosephus the Historian gives us , and which he followed as it seems in his Iewish Antiquities , not only to be carefull that the stile be pleasing , but that the whole Work be framed by the Levell and Line of Truth . Nam qui Historiam & rerum propter Antiquitatem obscurarum expositionem , &c. They ( saith he ) who make profession to write Histories , and to recite such things as are obscured by Antiquity , ought not only studiously to conform their stile , but also to beautifie the same with ornaments of Eloquence , to the intent the Reader may converse in their Writings with the more delectation . But above all things they must have an especiall care so exactly to set down the truth , that they who know not how those things came to passe may be the more duely and fitly informed . There is another Rule , which he bound himself to . that is to say , Neither to omit any thing through ign●rance , nor to bury any thing in forgetfulnesse ; and all these cautions well observed make a pe●f●ct History . But on the contrary , there are some who do spend themselves on the stile and dresse , as if their businesse rather were to delight the ear then inform the judgement ; Others so byassed by self-ends and private interesse , that they seem rather Advocates to pleade for some growing party , then true Reporters of affairs as they be before them . Some who endeavouring to be copious , clap all together in a huddle which is offered to them , without relation to the Ornaments and Attire of Language ; and others with like carelesnesse as unto themselves , but greater inconvenience as unto the Reader , examine not the truth and certainty of what they write , so they write somewhat which they think may inform the Reader . Betwixt these truth is oftentimes irrecoverably lost , the Reader led aside from the waies of Verity into the crooked lanes of Errour ▪ and many times conducted to such dangerous praecipices as ma● prove destructive to himself , and of ill consequence to all those which are guided by him . The errours of the understanding in matters which may possibly be reduced to practice , are far more mischievous then those which do consist in the niceties of speculation , and advance no further , which moved the Orator not only to honour History with the Attribute of Testis temporum , but to stile it also by the name of Magistra vitae . These things considered as they ought , have made me wonder many times at the unadvisednesse of some Late Writers in this kinde , whose Histories are composed with so much partiality on the one side , and so much inadvertency on the other , that they stand more in need of a Commentator to expound the Truth , and lay it clear and open to the view of the Reader , then either the dark words of Aristotle , or any other obscure peece of the ancient Writers . I speak of Histories here , not Libels , of which last sort I reckon Weldons Pamphlet , called , The Court of King James , and Wi●sons most i●famous Pasquill of the Reign of that King ; in which it is not easie to judge whether the matter be more false or the stile more reproachfull in all parts thereof . Certain I am we may affirm of them , as Cremutius Cordus doth of the Epistles of Antonius , and the Orations of Brutus , falsa quidem in Augustum probra , se● multa cum acerbitate habent , that is to say , that they contained not only many false and disgracefull passages against the honour of Augustus , but were apparelled in all the bitternesse of a scurrilous language . With such as these I shall not meddle at the present , leaving their crimes unto the punishment not of an Index , but an Ignis expurgatorius , as most proper for them . But as for those whom either the want of true intelligence or inadvertency in not weighing seriously what they were to do , or the too much indulgence to their own affections have made more capable of being bettered by correction , I have thought it more agreeable to the Rules of justice , to rectifie their mistakes , and reform their Errours , then absolutely to condemn and decry their Writings . At this time I have two before me whom I conceive to stand in need of such Observations , by which the truth may be preserved , and the clear face of things presented to the Readers eye ; the one of them an Authour of Ecclesiasticall , the other of some Civil Histories . In both I finde the Truth much injured , and in one the Church . The Errours of the one tend not to the subversion of any publick interesse , but , being Errours , may misguide the Reader in the way of his knowledge and discourse , and therefore I have rectified him with some Advertisements ( not taking notice of such passages as have been made the subject of some Observations from another hand ) that so he may be read with the greatest profit . The other ( besides errours of this kinde too many ) hath intermingled his Discourse with some Positions of a dangerous nature , which being reduced into practise , as they easily may not only overthrow the whole power of the Church as it stands constituted and established by the Laws of the Land , but lay a probable foundation for the like disturbances in the Civil State. And therefore I have fitted him with some Animadversions in the way of an Antidote , that so he may be read , if possible , without any danger . I know well how invidious a task I have undertaken , and that it will be charged upon me at the first apprehensions of it , that I have rather chosen to finde fault with the Writings of others , then to write any things of this kinde which may be subject to the like partialities and mistakings . Carpere vel noli nostra , vel ede tua , might come in seasonably here , if I had not somewhat to alledge for my justification . But when the Reasons which induced me to the first Adventure ( mentioned in the Introduction following ) be seriously considered , as they ought to be ; I hope I shall be capable of excuse at the least , if not of pardon . And for my venturing on the other , I shall say nothing more at the present , but that as well my love to Truth as to doe right unto the Authour ( whom I would willingly look on as a man well principled , and of no ill affections to Church or State ) hath invited me to it . Truth is the Mistresse which I serve , and I presume that none will be offended with me because I tell them of their Errours in a modest way , and beare witnesse for them to that Truth of which they doe professe themselves such especiall Lovers . In that great Disputation between the Esquires of the body of King Darius , whether the King , Wine , Women , or the Truth were of greatest power , the whole Assembly cryed out in behalf of Truth , Magna est Veritas , & praevalet , that is to say , Great is Truth , and mighty above all things . So that in standing for the Truth , without consideration unto the recompence of reward , I hope , though I mee● some Adversaries , I shall finde more Friends : If not ( for I am at a reasonable passe for that ) it shall be no small comfort to me that the weak Candle of my Studies hath given light to oth●rs , whereby they may discern some Historicall Tru●hs even in the darkest Mists of Errour , which either partiality or incogitancy hath cast before the eyes of unwary Readers . Which said , I shall now adde no more , but that having two P●tients under cure of different tempers , it is not to be thought that I should administer unto both the same kinde of Physick ▪ an ordinary purge being sufficient for the one , whereas the foule body of the other doth require a Fluxing ; as some wounds may be healed with Balm , when others more corrupt and putrified doe exact a Lancing . But so it happeneth many times , that some men are more impatient of the Cure , then sensible of their Diseases , and that in stead of giving thanks to the Physician , for the great pains he took about them , they pay him with nothing but displeasures . Which being the worst that can befall me , I am armed against it . If by the haz●rd of my peace , I shall procure this benefit to the present and succeeding times , that men may prove more carefull of what they write , and not obt●ude upon the Reader ( either through ignorance , inadvertency , or somewhat worse ) such and so many Falsities , Mistakes and Errours , as have been lately put upon him in some Modern Histories , it is that I aimed at ; and having gained that Point , I have gained my purpose . Non partis studiis agimur , sed sumpsimus Arma Consiliis inimica tuis , ignavia fallax . Peter Heyliu . Examen Historicum : OR A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes , Falsities , and Defects , In some Modern HISTORY . Part. I. CONTAINING Necessary ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE Church-History of Britain . AND The History of Cambridge . Publisht by Thomas Fuller . For vindication of the Truth , the Church and the injured Clergy . 2 Corinth . 13. 8. Non possumus aliquid adversus veritatem : sed pro veritate . Minut. Foel . in Octavio . Et Veritas quidem obvia est , sed requirentibus . A Necessary Introduction To the Following ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN . Touching the Title of the Book , and the Preface to it . 1. INtending some short Animadversions on the Church H●story of Britain , for Vindication of the Truth , the Church , and the injured Clergy , I have thought good to prepare the way unto them by a plain , but necessary Introduction , touching the Quality and Nature of the Book which I have in hand . Concerning which the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. M. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State , in the Preface whereof he lets us know , that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprentiships ( God spinning out the thick thread of his life so long ) in writing the Ecclesiasticall History from Christs time to our daies . And so much time it seems he had spent upon it ( except some starts for recreation in the Holy Land ) before he had finisht and expos'd it to the publike view ; the Book not coming out until the Year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectation , we are now to see . For first , The Reader might expect by the former passage , that he designed the Generall History of the Church , from the first preaching of Christ , and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in : whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Britain , which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ , that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles , of any of the Seventy Disciples , or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times . And secondly , Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Britain , yet he pursues not his Designe agreeable to that Title neither : there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland , which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Britain , and lesse ( if any thing at all ) of the Church of Ireland , which anciently past in the account of a British Island . Nor is it thirdly , a Church-History rightly and properly so called , but an aggregation of such and so many Heterogeneous bodies , that Ecclesiasticall affairs make the least part of it . Abstracted from the dresse and trimming , and all those outward imbelishments which appear upon it , it hath a very fit resemblance to that Lady of pleasure of which Martial tels us , Pars minima est ipsa puella sui , that the woman was the least part of her self . The name of a Church-Rhapsody had been fitter for it , though to say truth ( had it been answerable thereunto in point of learning ) it might have past by the old Title of Fullers Miscellanies . For such and so many are the impertinencies , as to matters of Historicall nature , more as to matters of the Church , that without them this great Volume had been brought to a narrower compasse , if it had taken up any room at all . So that we may affirm of the present History as one did of the Writings of Chrisippus an old Philosopher , viz. Si quis tollat & Chrysippi , Libris quae aliena sunt , facil● illi vacua relinquerentur , Pergamena , that is to say , that if they were well purged of all such passages as were not pertinent to the businesse which he had in hand , there would be nothing left in them to fill up his Parchments . 2. The first of this kinde which I am to note , is a meer extrinsecall and outside unto those impertinences which are coucht within ; consisting of Title-Pages , Dedicatory Epistles , and severall intermediate Inscriptions unto every Section . A new way , never travelled before by any , till he found it out , & such wherein he is not like to finde many followers , though the way be opened . I know it is no unusuall thing for works of different Arguments , publisht at severall times , and dedicated to severall persons , to be drawn together into one Volume ; and being so drawn together , to retain still those particular Titles and Dedications which at first they had . But I dare confidently say , that our Historian is the first who writing a Book of the same Argument , not published by peece-meal , as it came from his hand , but in a full and intire Volume , hath filled his Sheets with so many Title-leaves and Dedications , as we have before us . For in this one Book , taking in the History of Cambridge , which is but an Appendix to it , there are no fewer then 12 particular Titles , beside the generall ; as many particular Dedications , and no fewer then fifty eight or sixty of those By-Inscriptions which are addrest to his particular Friends and Benefactors , which make it bigger by fourty Sheets at the least , then it had been otherwise . Nay , so ambitious he is of encreasing the Number of his Patrons , that having but four Leaves to come to the end of his History , he findes out a particular Benefactress to inscribe it to : Which brings into my minde the vanity of Vitellius in bestowing , and of Roscius Regulus for accepting the Consular Dignity , for that part of the day on which Cecina , by Order and Decree of the Senate , was degraded from it : Of which the Historian gives this Note , that it was , Magno cum irrisu accipientis tribuentisque , a matter of no mean disport amongst the People for a long time after : But of this Argument our Author heard so much at the late Act in Oxford , that I shall say no more of it at this present time . 3. In the next ranck of Impertinencies , which are more intrinsecal , part of the substance of the work , I account his Heraldry , Blazons of Arms , D●scenis of noble Families , with their Atchievements intermingled as they come in his way , not pertinent , I am sure , to a Church-H●storian , unless such persons had been Founders of Episcopal Sees , or Religious Houses , or that the Arms so blazoned did belong to either . Our Author tells us , lib. 5. fol. 191. that knowledge in the Laws of this Land , is neither to be expected or required in one of his profession ; and yet I trow , considering the great influence which the Laws have upon Church-matters , the knowledge of the Law cannot be so unnecessary in the way of a Clergy-man , as the study of Heraldry : But granting Heraldry to be an Ornament in all them that have it , yet is it no ingredient requisite to the composition of an Ecclesiastical History : The Copies of Battle-Abbey Roll fitter for Stow and Hollingshe●d , where before we had them , can , in an History of the Church , pretend to no place at all , though possibly the names of some may be remembred as their Foundations or Endowments of Churches give occasion for it . The Arms of the Knights-Errant , billeted in the Is●e of Ely , by the Norman Conqueror , is of like extravagancy . Such also is the Catalogue of those noble Adventurers , ( with their Arms , Issue and Atchievements ) who did accompany King Richard the first to the War of Palestine , which might have better serv'd as an Appendix to his History of the Holy War● then found a place in the main Body of an History of the Church of England : Which three alone , besides many intercalatious of that kinde , in most parts of the Book , make up eight sheets more , inserted onely for the ostentation of his skill in Heraldry , in which notwithstanding he hath fallen on as palpable Errors , as he hath committed in his History : For besides those which are observed in the course of this work , I finde two others of that kinde in his History of Cambridge , to be noted here . For fol. 146. he telleth us , That Alice Countess of Oxford was Daughter and sole Heir of Gilbert Lord Samford , which Gilbert was Hereditary Lord Chamberlain of England : But by his leave , Gilbert Lord Samford was never the Heriditary Chamberlain of the Realm of England , but onely Chamberlain in Fee to the Queens of England , betwixt which Offices how vast a difference there is , let our Authour judge . And secondly , The Honor of Lord Chamberlain of England , came not unto the Earls of Oxford by that Marriage , or by any other , but was invested in that Family , before they had attained the Title and Degree of Earls : Conferred by King Henry the first on Aubrey de Vere , a right puissant Person , and afterwards on Aubrey de Vere his Son , together with the Earldom of Oxford , by King Henry the second ; continuing Hereditary in that House , till the death of Robert Duke of Ireland , the ninth Earl thereof , and then bestowed for a time at the Kings discretion , and at last setled by King Charls in the House of Lindsey . But because being a Cambridge Man , he may be better skild in the Earls of that County , let as see what he saith of them ; and we shall finde , fol. 162. That Richard Plantagenet , Duke of York , was the eighth Earl of Cambridge . Whereas first , Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge . And secondly , If he had been such , he must have been the seventh Earl , and not the eighth : For thus those Earls are marshalled in our Catalogues of Honor , and Books of Heraldry , viz. 1. William de Meschines . 2. Iohn de ●amalt . 3. William Marquess of Iuliers . 4. Edmond of Langley , D. of York . 5. Edward D. of York . 6. Richard de Conisburgh , yonger Brother of Edward . 7. Iames Marquess Hamilton , &c. No Richard Duke of York to be found amongst them , his Father , Richard of Konisburgh , having lost that Title by Attainder , which never was restored to Richard his Son ( though most improvidently advanced to the Dukedom of York ) nor unto any other of that Line and Family . 4. Proceed we in the next place to Verses , and old ends of Poetry , scattered and dispersed in all parts of the History , from one end to the other ; for which he hath no precedent in any Historian , Greek or Latine , or any of the National Histories of these latter times : The Histories of Herodotus , Xenophon , Thucydides and Plutarch , amongst the Greeks ; of Caesar , Livy , Salust , Taci●us , and Sue●onius , amongst the Latines , afford him neither warrant nor example for it : The like may be affirmed of Eus●bius , Socrates , S●zomen , Theodoret , Russin and Evagrius , Church Historians all ; though they had all the best choice , and the most excellent Poets of the world to befriend them in it : And he that shall consult the Histories of succeeding times , through all the Ages of the Church , to this present day , will finde ●h●m all as barren of any incouragements in this kinde , as the ancients were : Nay , whereas Bishop Godwin in his Annals , gives us an Epitaph of two Verses onely made on Queen Iane Seymour , and afterwards a Copy of eighteen verses on the Martyrdom of Arch Bishop Cranmer ; he ushers in the last with this short Apology , Contra mor●m ●●storiae liceat quaeso inserere , &c. Let me , ( saith he , I beseech you ) insert these following verses , though otherwise against the Rule and Laws of History ▪ But what alass ! were eighteen or twenty verses compared with those many hundred ( six or seven hundred at the least ) which we finde in our Author ; whether to shew the universality of his reading in all kinde of Writers , or his faculty in Translating ( which when he meets with hard Copies , he knows how to spare ) I shall not determine at the present : Certain I am , that by the interlarding of his Prose with so many Verses , he makes the Book look rather like a Church-Romance , ( our late Romancers being much given to such kinde of Mixtures ) then a well● built Ecclesiastical History . And if it be a marter so inconvenient to put a new piece of cloth on an old garment ; the putting of so many old patches on a new pi●●e of cloth , must be more unfashonable . Besides that , many of these old ends are so light and ludicrous , so little pertinent to the business which he has in hand , that they serve onely to make sport for Children , ( ut pueris placeas & Declamatio fias ) and for nothing else . 5. This leads me to the next impertinency , his raking into the Chanel of old Popish Legends , writ in the da●ker times of Superstition , but written with an honest zeal , and a good intention ▪ as well to raise the Reader to the admiration of the person of whom they write , as to the emulalation of his vertues : But being mixt with some Monk●●h dotages , the most learned and ingenious men in the Church of Rome have now laid them by ; and it had been very well if our Author had done so to , but that there must be something of entertainment for the gentle Reader , and to inflame the reckoning which he pays not for . But above all things , recommend me to his Merry Tales , and scraps of Trencher● jests , frequently interlaced in all parts of the History ; which if abstracted from the rest , and put into a Book by themselves , might very well be serv'd up for a second course to the Banquet of Iosts , a Supplement to the old Book , entituled , Wits , Fits and Fancies ; or an Additional Century to the old Hundred Merry Tales , so long since extant . But standing as they do , they neither do become the gravity of a Church-Historian , nor are consistent with the nature of a sober Argument . But as it seems , our Author came with the same thoughts to the writing of this present History , as Poets anciently addrest themselves to the writing of Comedies , of which thus my Terence . Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit , Id sibi neg●tii credidit solum dari , Populo ut placerent quas ●ecisset fabulas . That is to say , Thus Poets , when their minde they first apply In looser verse to frame a Comedy , Think there is nothing more for them to do , Then please the people , whom they speak unto . 6. In the last place proceed we to the manifold excursions about the Antiquity of Cambridge , built on as weak Authoritie as the Monkish Legends , and so impertinent to the matter which he hath in hand , that the most Reverend Mat. Parker , ( though a Cambridge Man ) in his Antiquitates Britanicae , makes no business of it : The more impertinent , in regard that at the fag-end of his Book there follows a distinct History of that University , to which all former passages might have been reduced : But as it seems he was resolved to insert nothing in that History but what he had some probable ground for ; leaving the Legendary part thereof to the Church-Romance , as m●st proper for it . And certainly he is wondrous wise in his generation : For fearing lest he might be asked for those Bulls and Chartularies which frequently he relates unto , in the former Books ; he tells us in the History of Cambridge , fol. 53. That they were burnt by some of the seditious Townsmen in the open Market place , Anno 1380. or thereabouts : So that for want of ot●e● ancient evidence , we must take his word , which whether those of Cambridge will depend upon , they can best resolve . For my part , I forbear all intermedling in a controversie so clearly stated , and which hath lain so long asleep , till now awakened by our Author to beget new quarrels : Such passages in that History as come under any Animadversion , have been reduced unto the other , as occasion served , which the Reader may be pleased to take notice of as they come before him . 7. All these extravagancies and impertinencies ( which make up a fifth part of the whole Volumn ) being thus discharged , it is to be presum'd that nothing should remain but a meer Church History , as the Title promiseth ; But let us not be too presumptuous on no better grounds : For on a Melius inquirendum into the whole course of the Book which we have before us , we shall finde too little of the Church , and too much of the State , I mean too little of the Ecclesiastical , and too much of the Civil History : It might be reasonably expected , that in a History of the Church of England , we should have heard somewhat of the foundation and enlargement of Cathedral Churches , if not of the more eminent Monasteries and Religious Houses ; and that we should have heard somewhat more of the succession of Bishops in their several and respective Sees , their personal Endowments , learned Writings , and other Acts of Piety , Magnificence , and publick Interess , especially when the times afforded any whose names in some of those respects deserv'd to be retain'd in everlasting remembrance ; it might have been expected also , that we should have found more frequent mention of the calling of National , and Provincial Synods , with the result of their proceedings , and the great influence which they had on the Civil State , sparingly spoken of at the best , and totally discontinued in a maner , from the death of King Henry the fourth , until the Convocation of the year , 1552. of which no notice had been taken , but that he had a minde to question the Authority of the Book of Articles which came out that year , though publisht as the issue and product of it , by the express Warrant and Command of King Edward the sixth : No mention of that memorable Convocation in the fourth and fifth years of Philip and Mary , in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed , by which the Subjects of the Temporali●y , having Lands to the yearly value of five pounds , and upwards , were charged with finding Horse and Armour , according to the propertion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions , did by their sole Authority , as a Convocation , impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land , the finding of a like number of Horses , Armour , and other Necessaries for the War , according to their yearly income , proportion for proportion , and rate for rate , as by that Statute had been laid on the Temporal Subjects : And this they did by their own sole Authority , as before was said , ordering the same to be levyed on all such as were refractory , by Sequestration , Deprivation , Suspension , Excommunication , Ecclesiastical Censures all ; without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament , which they conceiv'd they had no need of : Nor finde we any thing of the Convocations of Queen Elizabeths time , except that of the year 1562. ( and that not fairly dealt with neither , as is elsewhere shewed ) though there passed many Canons in the Convocation of the year 1571. and of the year 1585. and the year 1597. all Printed , and still publickly extant ; besides the memorable Convocation of the year , 1555. in which the Clergy gave the Queen a Benevolence of 2● . in the pound , to be levyed by Ecclesiastical Censures , without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament , as had accustomably been used in the Grant of Subsidies . It might have been expected also that we should have found in a Church History of Britain , the several degrees and steps by which the Heterodoxies and Superstitions of the Church of Rome did creep in amongst us ; and the degrees by which they were ejected and cast out again , and the whole Reformation setled upon the Doctrine of the Apostles , attended by the Rites and Ceremonies of the Primitive times ; as also that some honorable mention should be found of those gallant Defences which were made by Dr. Bancroft , Dr. Bilson , Dr. Bridges , Dr. Cosins , and divers others , against the violent Batteries and Assaults of the Puritan Faction in Queen Elizabeths time ; and of the learned Writings of B. Buckeridge , B. Morton , Dr. Su●cliff , Dr. Burges , &c. in justification of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , against the remnants of that scattered ( and then broken ) Faction in the time of King Iames ; of which we have Negry quidem , not a word delivered : Nor could it stand with his design ( which will discover it self in part in this Introduction , and shall more fully be discovered in the Animadversions ) that it should be otherwise ▪ All which together , make it clear and evident that there is too little of the Church or Ecclesiastical History in our Authors Book : And that there is too much of the State or Civil History , will be easily seen , by that unnecessary intermixture of State-Concernments , not pertinent to the business which he hath in hand : Of this sort to look back no further , is the long Will and Testament of King Henry the eighth , with his Gloss or Comment on the same , taking up three whole sheets at least , in which there is not any thing which concerns Religion , or which relates unto the Church , or Church-affairs ; although to have the better colour to bring it in , he tells us that he hath transcribed it , not onely for the rarity thereof , but because it contained many passages which might reflect much light upon his Church-History . Lib. 5. ●ol . 243. Of this sort also is his description of the pomp and order of the Coronation of King Charls , which though he doth acknowledge not to be within the Pale and Park of Ecclesiastical History , yet he resolves to bring it in , because it comes within the Purlews of it , as his own words are : But for this he hath a better reason then we are aware of , that is to say , That if hereafter Divine Providence shall assign England another King , though the transactions herein be not wholly precedential , something of state may be chosen out grateful for imitation . Lib. 11. fol. 124. As if the Pomp and order of a Coro●nation were not more punctually preserved in the Heralds Office ( who have the ordering of all things done without the Church , and are eye-Witnesses of all which is done within ) then in our Authors second-hand and imperfect Collections : The like may be said also of the quick and active Reigns of King Edward the sixth , and Queen Mary , in which the whole Body of the reformed Religion was digested , setled , and destroyed ; sufficient of it self to make a competent Volumn , but contracted by our Author ( like Homers Iliads , in the Nut shell ) into less then 25 sheets : And yet in that small Abstract we finde many Impertinencies , as to the work he hath in hand , that is to say , The great proficiency of King Edward , in his Grammar Learning , exemplified in three pieces of Latine of his making , when he was but eight or nine years old ; the long Narrative of Sir Edward Mountague , chief Iustice of the Common Pleas , to vindicate himself from being a voluntary Agent in the business of the Lady Iane Gray ; the full and punctual relation of W●ats Rebellion , and the issue of it , though acted upon some false grounds of Civil Interess , without relating to Religion or to Church Affairs : Infinitum esset ●re per singula , It were an infinite labor to look into all particulars of this nature , which are found in our Author , make up a great part of the Book ; but we may guess by this brief view , ( as Ex pede Hereulem ) that his diversion upon Civil Matters and Affairs of State , which neither have relation to , nor any influence at all upon those of the Church , do make up a considerable part of the rest of the Book : Which Civil Matters and State-Concernments being discharg'd also ( as in all reason they ought to be ) we next proceed to the Church-History it self : In which , if we should make the like defalkation , and expunge every passage which is either positively false , or ignorantly mistaken by him , there would be very little left to inform the Reader , as by the following Animadversions will appear sufficiently . 8. But well it were , if onely Abberrations from Historical truth were to be met with in our Author : In whom we find such a continual vein of Puritanism , such dangerous grounds for inconformity and Sedition to be raised upon , as easily may pervert the unwary Reader , whom the facetiousness of the stile ( like a hook baited with a painted Fly ) may be apt to work on . Murthering of Kings avowed for necessary prudence , as oft as they shall fall into the power of their Subjects Lib. 4 fol. 109. The Coronation of the Kings , ( and consequently their succession to the Crown of England ) made to depend upon the suffrage and consent of the People , Lib. 11. fol. 122. The Sword extorted from the Supream Magistrate , and put into the hands of the common People , whensoever the Reforming humor shall grow strong amongst them , Lib. 9. fol. 51. The Church depriv'd of her Authority in determining controversies of the Faith , and a dispute rais'd against that clause of the Atticle , ( in which that Authority is declared ) whether forg'd or not : Lib. 9. f. 73. Her power in making Canons every where prostituted to the lust of the Parliament , contrary both to Law and constant practice ; the Heterodoxies of Wickliff Canoniz'd for Gospel , and Calvins Opinions , whatsoever they were , declar'd for Orthodox ; the Sabbatarian Rigors , published for Divine and Ancient Truths , though there be no Antiquity nor Divinity in them ; the Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for , as shews he had a minde to betray the cause , whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians , whom he chiefly acts for : And this is that which we must look for , par my & par tout , as the Frenchmen say . Nor deals he otherwise with the persons which are brought before him , then he doth with the Causes which they bring . No profest Puritan , no cunning Non-conformist , or open Separatist , comes upon the Stage , whom he follows not with Plaudites and some fair Commends , when as the Fathers of the Church , and the conformable Children of it are sent off commonly in silence , and sometimes with censure : The late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , so eminently deserving of the Church of England , must be rak'd out of his Grave , arraigned for many misdemeanors , of which none could accuse him when he was alive ; all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together , to make him hateful to the present and succeeding Ages ; when Mr. ●ov●'s Treasonable practices and seditious Speeches , must needs ( for footh ) be buried in the same Earth with him . The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated , upon ●light occasions , the late Kings party , branded by the odious Title of Malignants , not better'd by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology . The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Confo●m●sts , Lib. 9. fol. 98. And those poor men who were ejected by the late long Parliament , despitefully called Baals Priests , u●savory sal● , not ●i● to be thrown upon the Dung● hill ; though he be doubtful of the proofs which were brought against them . Lib. 11. fol. 207. So many of all sorts wronged and injur'd by him , that should they all study their personal and particular Revenges , he were not able to abide it : And therefore we may j●stly say in the Poets Language . Si de to● 〈…〉 Namin ● quis●ue Deorum 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 unus erit . Which may be Englisht in these words , Should all wrong'd 〈◊〉 seek t' avenge their same , 〈◊〉 were not enough to bear the shame . 9. But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithful dealing , then his repo●t of the proceedings in the Isle of ●●gh , between his Maj●sty and the long Parliament Divines ; of which he tells us , Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his 〈…〉 a●●n●wledged their great pains to inform his iudgement , according to their perswasions , and also took especial notice of th●ir civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply ; and having cleer'd himself from some mis-understanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of , puts an end to the business . The man who reads this passage , cannot choose but think that his Majesty being vanquisht by the Arguments of the Prebyterians , had given over the cause ; and therefore as convicted in his Conscience , rendreth them thanks for the Instruction which he had receiv'd , and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof : But he that looks upon his Majesties last Paper , will finde that he had Learnedly and Divinely refe●'d all their Arguments : And having so done , puts them in minde of three questions which are propos'd in his former Paper , acknowledg'd by themselves , to be of great importance in the present controversie ; without an Answer whereunto , his Majesty declar'd that he would put an end to that conference : It not being probable ( as he told them ) that they should work much upon his Iudgement , whil●● they are ●●arful to declare their own , nor possible to reli●ve his conscience , but by a free d●●laring of theirs : But they not able , or not daring , ( for fear of displeasing their great Masters ) to return an Answer to those Questions , his Majesty remain'd sole Master of the field , a most absolute Conqueror : For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel , it is the last blow always that gets the Victory : But Regium est , cum benefeceris male audire : It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes , when they deserve best , to be worst reported . 10. Nor deals he better with the Church , then he does with the King ; concealing such things as might make for her justification , and advocating for such things as disturb her order . In the last Book we finde him speaking of some heats which were rais'd in the Church , about placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise , and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men , who had the managing of that business . But he conceals his Majesties Determination in the Case of St. Gregories , Novem. 3. 1633. by which all Bishops and other Ordinaries , were incouraged to proceed therein , and consequently those of inferior rank to defend their actings . The Chappel of Emmanuel Colledge in Cambridge is built North and South , contrary to the usage of the Primitive times , and the Church of England , with which King Iames being made acquainted , he answered ( as our Author tells us ) That it was no ma●ter how the Chappel stood , so the heart stood right : Which Tale being told by him , and believed by others ( & populum qui sibi credit habet , Ovid. in Ep. Hypsiphil . ) as he is like enough to finde many Believers , farewel to all external Reverence in the Service of God : What need we trouble our selves or others with standing , kneeling , bowing in the acts of Worship ; it is no matter in what posture the Body be , so the Heart be right . What need we put our selves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods , of Gowns and Cassacks , in the officiating of Gods Service ; It is no matter in what habit the Body be , so the heart be right . There is another Chappel in Cambridge which was never consecrated , ( whether a Stable or a Dormitory , is all one to me . ) At which when some found themselves grieved , our Author tells them , That others of as great Learning and Religion ( himself especially for one ) dare defend , that the continued Series of Divine Duties , publickly practiced for more then thirty years ( without the least check or controul of those in authority ) in a place set apart to that purpose , doth sufficiently consecrate the same : Stables and Barns by this Argument , shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches ; and if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be pent up in so narrow a Room , t is but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise , and that in a like tract of time shall become as holy as Solomons Temple , or any consecrated place whatsoever it be : Churches may well be spared , pull'd down , and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints ; a Tub by this our Authors Logick , will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edification : And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular , unconsecrated , and unfurnished Chappel . Melvins infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chappels Royal , ( for which he was censur'd in the Star-Chamber ) must be brought in by head & shoulders , out of time and place , for fear least such an excellent piece of Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity : These things I might have noted in their proper places , but that they were reseru'd for this as a taste to the rest . 12. Et jam finis erat , and here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Authors Book , but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof , which requires a little further consideration : For in that Preface he informs us by the way of caution , That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King , as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government : The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State. By which it seems , that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of truth , but to attemper it to the palat of the present Government , whatsoever it then was , or should prove to be , which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History . And though I can most easily grant , that the fourth Book , and the rest that follow , were written after the great alteration and change of State , in making a new Commonwealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy ; yet I concur not with our Author in the time of the former : For it appears by some passages , that the three first Books , either were not all written in the time of the King , or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes , that the King should never be restored to his place and Powe● , by which he might be called to a reckoning for them . For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket , by which it appears not , I am sure , to have been written in the time of the Kingly Government , that being no expression sutable unto such a time . Secondly , speaking of the precedency which was sixt in Canterbury , by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither , he telleth us that the 〈◊〉 is not mu●h , which See went first , when living , seeing our Age ●ath laid them ●oth alike level in in their Graves : But certainly the Government was not chang'd into a State or Commonwealth , till the death of the King ; and till the death of the King , neither of those Episcopal Sees , nor any of the rest , were laid so level in their Graves , but that they were in hope of a Resurrection ; the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight , as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government , as the alienation of their Lands . Thirdly , In the latter end of the same Book he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England , in curing the disease commonly called the Kings Evil , whether to be imputed to Magick , or Imagina●●●n , or indeed a Miracle ; next brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth , as if she had disclaimed that power which she daily exercised ; and finally , manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil , which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies , no inferior Crimes : Are all these Passages proper to that Government also ? Finally in the third Book he derogates from the power of the Church , in making Canons giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the Civil Rights of the Subjects , not to the King , but to the Lay-people of the Land assem●●●d in Parliament ; which game he after followeth in the ●ighth and last : And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth & last to derogate in this maner from the Kings supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs ; yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do , nor proper for him so to write in the time of the Kingl● Gov●rnment , unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we sp●ke of . 〈◊〉 I must need ; say that on the reading of these Passages , an● the rest that follow , I found my self possest with much indignation , and long expected when some Champion would appear in the lists against this Goliah , who so reproachfully had defiled the whole Armies of Israel . And I must needs confess withal , that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking , then I did on this : But being ●ollicited thereunto by Letters , Messages , and several personal Addresses ; by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church , and of all Degrees in the Universities , I was at last overcome by that importunity which I found would not be resisted : I know , that , as the times now stand , I am to expect nothing for my Pains and Travel , but the displeasure of some , and the censure of others : But coming to the work with a single heart , abstracted from all self-ends and private Interesses , I shall satisfie my self with having done this poor service to the Church , my once Blessed Mother , for whose sake onely I have put my self upon this Adventure . The party whom I am to deal with , is so much a stranger to me , that he is neither beneficio , nec injurià notus , and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions , which I have writ ( without relation to his person ) for vindication of the truth , the Church , and the injured Clergy , as before is said : So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience : Non lecta est operi sed data causa meo , That this implo●ment was not chosen by me , but impos'd upon me ; the unresistable intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands : But howsoever , Iacta est alea , as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon , I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves , so God speed me well . Errata on the Animadversions . PAge 10. line 17. for Melkinus r. Telkinus , p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of ▪ r. Queen of England , p. 27. l. 6. for Woode● poir r. Woodensdike , s p. 42. l. 1. for inconsiderateness , r. the inconsiderateness of children , p. 121. l. 28. for ter r. better , p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo r. statuendi , p. 154. l. 22. Horcontnar , r. cantuur , p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. D. Boke , p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this , p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuites r. Franciscans , p. 189. l. ult . for contemn r. confession , p. 221. in the Marg. for wether r. with other , p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean , p. 239. l. 29. for Commons r. Canon , p. 271. l. ult for culis r. occulis . ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN . LIB . I. Of the Conversion of the Britans to the Faith of Christ. IN order to the first Conve●sion o● 〈◊〉 B●itish Nations , our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they were in be●ore the Chris●ian Faith was preached unto them . ● And in a sad condition they were indeed● as being in the estate of Gentilism , and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them ; but yet not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles , w●● were not only darkned in their understandings , b●●●o deprav'd also in their Affections , as to work all ma●n●er of uncleanness , even with greediness . Not ●o 〈◊〉 in their Conversation as the Asiati●ks , no●●o 〈◊〉 as the Greeks ; nor branded wi●h th●se fi●thy and ●●natural lusts which St. Paul chargeth on the R●mans , ●nd were in ordinary practice with most Eastern Na●●●ns . And t●●●gh they were Idolaters , yea and foul Id●lat●rs , as our A●tho● hath it , yet neither were their ●o●s of so br●tish and impu●e a nature , as the Priapus , Cl●cina , and Ster●utia amongst the Romans ; or as the●● Venus , 〈…〉 , common Harlots all : of whi●h ●nd such like other Gods the old Fathers tell us , th●t they were not N●mina colendorum , sed cri●ira c●lentium . No● were they so immodest and ●bscene in their 〈◊〉 and Ce●emonies , as were the Gre●ks and Romans in the sacrifices of their Cybele or Bere●ynthia , whom they call the Mother of the Gods ; de●c●ibed by Arnobius , Lactan●●●● , and others of the ancient W●iters , in ●u●h lively colours , as no chast eye can look upon them without detestation . A●d for the number of their Gods , they fell extremely sho●t of that in●●●ite m●ltitude which St. Augustine findes amongst the Romans ; our Author naming only th●ee ( which he cals Gods Paramount ) that is to say , Bel●nus , Andat●● and Diana , though wh●the● this last we●e a British Deity may be more then questioned . When the●efo●e Gil●as tels us of the ancients Britans , that in the numbe● of their Gods they had almost exceeded ●●●gypt ( P●rtenta paene numero Aegyptiaca vin●entia , in that a●thors language ) he must be unde●stood with re●erence to the times in which he lived , when all the Roman Rabble had been thrust upon them , and not as speaking of the times of their first conve●s●on : But whether they were more , o● 〈◊〉 our Author is resolv'd on Diana for one , whose Temple was built in or neer the place where St. Pauls now stands , as our learned Antiquaries do acknowledge ; Fo● . 1. Which ( saith he ) rendreth their conceit not altogether un●ikely , who will have London so called from Llan-Dian which signifieth in British the Temple of Diana . ] A conceit , whosesoever it was , not altogether so likely neither as our Author makes it . For though the Britans being well stor'd with woods and Venison , possibly might have a hunting Goddess amongst the rest , yet certainly she was not call'd by the name of Diana , till the Roman Conquest and Plantations , before which time this City had the name of London ( or Londinum ) as we read in Tacitus . The name and sacrifices of Diana were not originally British , but of Roman race ; as the great Temple in or near the place where St. Pauls now stands was of their foundation . The Britans worshipping Apollo , by the name of Belinus , as both Camden and our Author say they did , must be suppos'd to have another name for Diana also ; and were more likely to have call'd her by the name of Artemis , her old Grecian name , or by some other of as neer a remembrance to it , as Belinus was to that of Bel in the Eastern Countries . Assuredly if that great City had received this name from Dianas Temple , the Welch , being so tenacious of their ancient language , would have had some remembrance of it , who to this day call it Lundayn , and not Llan-dian according to the new conceit which our Author speaks of . But of this enough . Now to facilitate this great work of their conversion , Camden and Godwin , two great Antiquaries , have alledg'd one reason , which is not allowed of by our Author ; and our Author hath alledged another reason which none can allow of but himself . The reason alledged by the two great Antiquaries is that the Druides did 〈…〉 the Britans in the knowledge of one only God ; which questionless was a great step towards their Conversion . Druides unum esse Deum semper inculcarunt , saith our Authors margin . But this he reckoneth a 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 charitably wisheth thereupon , viz. Power , whom generally they entituled by the name of Iupiter , yet they did well enough agree in giving him the Supreme power over all the World. Et qui Iovem Principem volunt falluntur in nomine , sed de una potestate consentiunt , as my Author hath it . Nor did tho●e old Philosopho●s ke●p the great Truth ●nto themselves like a Candle in a dark Lanthorn , or hid under a Bushell , but plac'd it like a great light on the top of a Mountain , th●t all the people might disce●n it ; who the●eupon li●ting their hands unto the Heavens , did frequently make their addresses but to one God only , saying in common speech unto one another , that God was great , and God was true , and if God permit . Of which my Author ( the same Ch●istian Advocat ) seems to make a question , Vulgi iste naturalis s●rmo est , an Christiani confitentis cratio ? That is to say , whether those expressions ●avoured not rather of the Christian then the vulg●r Heath●n . And he●e●pon I may con●lude in the behalf of the Druides , ( o●●ather of those lea●ned Pens who affirm it of them ) that being Philosophers in study , a●d Divines by O●●ice , and very eminent in their times , i● both capacities they might as well instruct the Peop●e in the knowledge of one only God , as any other of the Heathen Sage●● either Gre●ks or Romans . The reason alle●dged by these great Antiquaries being thus made good , we next p●oceed to the Examination of that which is p●oduced by our Author , who telleth us that Fol. 3. It facilitated the entrance of the Gospel ●ither , that lately the Roman c●nquest had in part civilized th● 〈◊〉 of this Island , by trans●orting C●l●ni●s , and erecting of 〈◊〉 there . ] Then which the●e co●ld not any thing be 〈◊〉 more diffe●ent from the 〈…〉 the time of that con●ersion which we 〈…〉 as all 〈…〉 amongst th●m our Author himself ) have a●●●rmed f●om 〈◊〉 ( who liv'd in the fourth Century of the Chri●●ian Church ) t●mpore 〈◊〉 Tiberii Caesaris , toward the latter end of ●●e Reign of Tiberius Caesar , that is to say , about 〈◊〉 seven years after 〈…〉 , at what time 〈◊〉 Romans had neither erected any one City , nor 〈◊〉 any one Colony in the South paris of the Island . ●or though Iulius Caesar in purs●ance of his Gallick 〈◊〉 , had attempted this Island , crossed the Th●mes , and pierced as far as ●erulamium in the Countrey of the Cattieuchlani ( now Hartfordshire ) yet either finding h●w d●fficult a work it was like to prove , or having b●siness of more moment , he gave over the enterprize , 〈…〉 with the honor of the first discovery , 〈…〉 quam tradidisse , as we read in Taci●●● 〈…〉 after this in order to the conquest 〈…〉 till the time of Claudius . Augustus would by no means be pe●waded to the undertaking , and much le●s ●iberius , in whose last years the Gospel w●s first preach● in Britain , as before wa● said . Consilium id Div●s Au●●● 〈◊〉 Tibe●ius praecipue . And though 〈…〉 was once re●olv'd on the expedition , yet being never constant to his reso●●tions , he soon gave it 〈◊〉 : ●●ving the honor of this conquest to his Uncle 〈◊〉 , who next succeeded in the Empire , and being invited into Britain by a discontented Party amongst the Natives , reduc'd some part thereof into the form 〈◊〉 a Roman Province . Of this see Tacitus at large in the life of Agricola . By which it will appear most cl●●ly , that there was neither City of the Roman e●ec●ion , nor Colony of their Plantation till the time of Claudius ; and con●equently no such facilitating of the wo●● by either of those means which our Author dreams 〈◊〉 B●● from the time , proceed we to the Authors of this first Conversion , of which thus our Author . Ibid. Pa●●on● the 〈◊〉 mainly stickl●th for the Apostle Peter to have first preached the Gospel here . ] And our Author doth as mainly stickle against it . The reason which induced Parsons so to stickle in it , was as our Author thinks , and telleth us , Fol. 4. To infer an obligation of this Island to the See of Rome ; and to exempt this Island from that Obligation , our Author hath endevoured to disprove the Tradition . Whereas indeed St. Peters preaching in this Island ( if he were the first that Preacht he●e ) in the time of Tiberius must be before his Preaching in the City of Rome , to which he came not till the Reign of the Emp●ror Claudius . And thereupon it followeth by the Iesuites Logick , that the Britans by sparing their Apostle to p●each at R●me , did lay an obligation upon that City , but receiv'd none f●om it : or granting that St. Peter had first preacht at Rome , yet would this draw upon us no such engagement to the Pope and the Church of Rome , as our A●tho● fears ; and other German Nations by Boni●ace , Willibald , 〈◊〉 Willibrod , and Swibert , English Saxons all , might 〈◊〉 did draw the like dependence of those Ch●rches ●pon this of England . So that this fear being ove● blown , we will consider somewhat further of St. Peters f●●st Preaching in this Island , not as de●ive●'d by Tradition from the Church of Rome , which is suspected to h●ve pleaded their own Interess in it ; but as affi●med po●itively by the Greek Menologies , and in the wo●ks o● Simeon Metaphrastes and app●oved Greek Author . Of the Menologies ( though vouched by Camden to this purpo●e ) our Author takes no notice at all , b●t lets the weight of his di●pleasure fall on Metaphrastes , of whom he telleth us that Ibid. Metaphrastes is an Author of no credit● as B●ronius himsel● doth confess . B●t fi●st Ba●onius 〈◊〉 makes no such confession ; that which o●r Autho● tells us from him being only this , In aliis multis 〈◊〉 ab ipso positis errare eum certum est ; that is to say , that h● hath e●r'd in many things by him delivered . 〈◊〉 if to erre in many things delivered in so great a 〈◊〉 , as that of Simeon Metaphrastes , may forthwith be conceiv'd sufficient to make an Author of no c●e●i● , God bless not only our Histo●ians , but Baronius himself from being held Authors of no credit , in both whom there are many errors not possible to be reconc●led to the truth of story . But secondly , as Baronius did not , so he could not say , that Metaphrastes was an A●thor of no credit ; the man being not only pious , b●t learned al●o for the times in which he liv'd , honored as a Saint in the Gre●k Menologies on the 27. of November , and grac'd with a Funeral Oration by Michael Psellus a renowned Scholar , highly extoll'd by Balsamon for his pains and industry in this present work , and no less magnified by the Fathers in the Councel of Florence , Anno 1436. All which had never set such an estimate upon him in their seve●al times , had he been an A●thor of no credit as 〈◊〉 Author makes him . I had now ended with St. P●ter , but that I finde him appear in a Vision to King E●ward the Confesso● , and telling him that he had preach'd the Gospel in Britain ( occasioning thereby the fo●ndation of the Abby of St. Peter in Westminst●r ) to which our Author makes this Answer ; Ibid. To this vision pretended of Peter , we oppose the certain words of St. Paul , 1 Tim. 1. 4. Neither give heed to tables . ] What pity is it that this Apparition was no● m●de , and the same tale told over again to Thomas Fuller of Hammersmith , that so it might have found some credit with our Author , though with no body else . For of this Thomas Fuller our Author telleth us ( and telleth it in confirmation of some miracles done by King Henry the sixth , after his decease ) that being a very honest man he had hapned into the company of some who had stolen some Cattle , for which he was condemned and executed ; and being on the top of the Ladder K. Harry the sixth appear'd unto him , and so ordered the matter , that he was not strangled with the rope , but preserved alive ; and finally that in gratitude for so great a benefit , he repaired to that Kings Tombe in Chertsey Abby , and there presented his humble thanks unto him for that great deliverance . There being as good Authors for that Apparition of St. Peter as for this of St. Henry . Vel neutrum ●●ammis ure , vel ure duos . Either let both be burnt for false , or believed for truths . Lesse opposition meets the preaching of St. Ioseph of Arimathea , though it meeteth some . For notwiths●anding that this Tradition be as generall , as universally received , as almost any other in the Christian Church ; yet our Author , being resolved to let fly at all , declares it for a piece of Novel superstition disguis'd with pretended Antiquity . Better provided ( as it seems ) to dispute this point , then the Ambassadors of Castile● when they contended for precedency with those of England in the Councel of Basil ▪ who had not any thing to object against this Tradition of Iosephs preaching to the Britans , although the English had p●ovoked them by confuting their absurd pretences for St. Iames his preaching to the Spaniards . For first our Author does object in the way of scorn , that Fol. 6. The relation is as ill acco●tred with tackling as their ship , in which it is affi●med that St. Philip , St. Ioseph and the rest were put witho●t either Sails or Oa●es , with a purpose to drown them . ] No such strange piece of Errantry ( if we mark it well ) as to re●der the whole truth suspected . For first we finde it in the Monuments of the elder times that Acrisius King of Argos exposed his daughter Danae with her young Son Perseus , in such a vessell as this was , and as ill provided of all necessaries , to the open Seas ; who notwithstanding by the divine Providence , were safely wafted to those parts of Italy which we now call Puglia . And secondly for the middle times we have th● like story in an Author above all exception , even our Author himself , who telleth us , Lib. 6. Fol. 265. of our present History , that King Athelstane put his Brother Edwine into a little wherry or Cock-boat , without any tackling or furniture thereunto , to the end , that if the poor P●ince perished , his wickedness might be imputed to the waves . Our Author objecteth in the next place , that Ib. No Writer of credit can be produced before the Conquest , who mentioneth Josephs coming hither . ] For An●wer whe●eunto it may first be said , that where there is a con●●nt uncontrol'd tradition , there is most commonly the lesse care taken to commit it to writing ; secondly that the Charters of Glassenbury relating from the Norman to the Saxon Kings , and from the Saxons to the Brit●ns , being all built upon St. Iosephs coming hither , and p●eaching here , may serve in stead of many Authors bearing witness to it ; and thirdly , that Fryer Bale , as great an enemy to the unwarrantable Traditions of the Church of Rome as our Author can de●ire to have him , hath vouch'd two witnesses hereunto , that is to say , Melkinus Avalonius , and Gildas Albanus , whose writings , or some fragments of them , he may be believed to have seen , though our Autho● hath not . As for some circumstances in the sto●y , that is to say , the dedicating of Iosephs first Church to the Virgin Mary , the burying of his body in it , and the inclosing of the same with a large Church-yard ; I look upon them as the products of M●nkish ignorance , accommodated un●o the fashion of those times which the writers liv'd in . The●e is scarce any Saint in all the Calendar , whose History would not be subject to the like misconstructions if the additaments of the middle and darker times should be produced to the disparagement of the whole Narration . But such an enemy our Author is to all old traditions , that he must need have a blow at Glassenbury Thorn , though before cut down by some Souldie●s as himself confesseth ; like Sir Iohn Falstaffe in the Play , who to shew his valour , must thrust his sword into the bodies of those men which we●e dead before . The budding or blossoming of this Thorn he accounts untrue ( which were it true , &c. fol. 8. ) affirming f●om I know not whom , that it doth not punctually and critically bud on Christmas day , but on the dayes near it or about it . And were it no otherwi●e then so , the miracle were not much the lesse , then if it budded c●itically up●n Christmas day , as I have heard from persons of great worth and credit dwelling near the place , that indeed it did : though unto such as had a minde to decry the Festival , it was no very hard m●tter to bely the miracle . In fine , our Author either is unwilling to have the Gospell as soon preacht here as in other places , or else we must have Preachers for it from he knowes not whence . Such Preachers we must have as either drop down immediately from the heavens , as Dianas Image is said to have done by the Town-●lerk of Ephesus ; or else m●st suddenly rise out of the earth , as Tages the first Soothsayer amongst the Thuscans , is reported to have done by some antient Writers . And yet we cannot say of our Author neither , as Lactantius did of one Acesilas ( if my memory fail not ) Recte hic aliorum sustulit disciplinas , sed non rectè sundavit suam ; that is to say , that though he had laid no good grounds for his own opinion , yet he had solidly conf●ted the opinions of others . Our A●thor hath a way by himself , neither well skill'd in pulling down , nor in building up . From the first conversion of the Britans , proceed we now unto the second , as Parsons cals it , or rather from the first Preaching to the Propagation . The Christian faith here planted by St. Peter or St. Ioseph ( or perhaps planted by the one , and watered rather by the other , in their severall times ) had still a being in this Island till the time of Lucius . So that there was no need of a new conversion , but only of some able Labourers to take in the harvest . The Miracles done by some pious Christians induced King Lucius to send Elvanus and Meduinus ( two of that profession ) to the Pope of Rome , requesting principally , that some Preachers might be sent to instruct him in the faith of Christ. Which the Pope did acco●ding to the Kings desi●e , sending Faganus and Derwianus , two right godly men , by whom much people were converted , the Temples of the gods converted into Christian Churches , the Hierarchy of Bishops setled , and the whole building raised on so good a foundation , that it continued undemo●isht till the time of the Saxons . And in the summing up of this story , our Author having ref●ted some peti● Arguments which had been answered to his hand ( though much mistaken by the way in taking Diotarus King of Galatia , for a King of Sicilie , fol. 10. ) gives us some other in their stead , which he thinks unanswerable ▪ First he ob●ects against the Popes an●we● to the King , that Fol. 11. It relates to a former letter of King L●cius wherein he requested of the Pope to send him a Copy or Collection of the Roman Lawes , which being at that time in force in the 〈◊〉 if Britain , was but actum agere . ] But certainly tho●gh those parts of Britain in which Lucius reign'd , were governed in part ( and b●t in part ) by the Lawes of Rome , yet were the Lawes of Rome , at that time more in number , and of a far more generall practice , then to be limited to so narrow a part of their Dominions . Two thousand Volumes we finde of them in Iustinians time , out of which , by the help of Theophilus , Trebonianus , and many other learned men of that noble faculty , the Emperor compos'd that Book or body of Law which from the universality of its comp●ehension , we still call the Pandects . So that King Lucius being desirous to inform himself in the Lawes of that Empire , whether in force or out of use , we regard not now , might as well make it one of his desires to the Pope of Rome ; as any great person living in Ireland , in Queen Elizabeths time , might write to the Archbishop of Canterbury to procure for him all the Books of Statutes , the Year-books , Commentaries , and Reports of the ablest Lawyers , though Ireland were governed at that time by the Lawes of England . For though Pope Eleutherius knew better how to suffer Martyrdom for Christs cause ( as our Author hath it ) then to play the Advocate in anothers ; yet did not that render him unable to comply with the Kings desires , but that he thought it better to commend the knowledge of Gods Law to his care , and study . In the next place it is objected , that This letter mounts King Lucius to too high a Throne , making him the Monarch or King of Britain , who neither was the Supreme nor sole King here , but partial and subordinate to the Romans . ] This we acknowledge to be true , but no way prejudiciall to the cause in hand . Lucius both was and might be call'd the King of Britain , though Tributary and Vassal to the Roman Emperors , as the two Baliols Iohn and Edward were both Kings of Scotland , though Homagers and Vassals to Edward the first , and third , of England , the Kings of Naples to the Pope , and those of Austria and Bohemia to the German Emperors . Nor doth the next objection give us any trouble at all , that is to say , That The Scripture quoted in that Letter is out of St. Hieroms Translation , which came more then a hundred years after : ] Unless it can be prov'd with all ( as I think it cannot ) the Hierom followed not , in those texts , those old Translations , which were before receiv'd and used in the Western Churches . Less am I mov'd with that which follows , viz. That this letter not appearing till a thousand years after the death of Pope Eleutherius , might probably creep out of some Monk● Cell , some four hundred years since ] Which allegation being admitted ( the Monks Cell excepted ) it makes no more to the discredit of the letter which we have before us , then to the undervaluing of those excellent Monuments of Piety and Learning , which have been recovered of late times from the dust and moths of ancient Libraries . Such Treasure like money long lockt up , is never thought less profitable when it comes abroad . And from what place soever it first came abroad , I am confident it came not out of any Monks Cell ; that generation being then wholly at the Popes devotion , by consequence not likely to divulge an Evidence , so m●nifestly tending to the overthrow of his pretensions . The Popes about four hundred years since were mounted to the height of that power and Tyranny which they claimed as Vicars unto Christ. To which the●e could not any thing be more plainly contrary then that passage in the Popes letter , where he tells the King , That he was Gods Vicar in his own Kingdom ( vos estis Vicarius De● in Regno vestro , as the Latine hath it ) Too g●eat a secret to proceed from the Cell of a Monk , who would have rather forg'd ten Decretals to ●pho●d the P●pis● 〈◊〉 over Soverain Princes , then published one only ( whether true or false ) to subvert the same . Nor doth this Letter only give the King an empty Title , but such a Title as imports the exercise of the chief Ecclesiastical Power within his Dominions . For thus it followeth in the same ; The people ▪ and the folk of the Realm of Britain be yours ; whom if they be divided , ye ought togather in conc●rd and peace , to call them to the faith and law of Christ , to cherish and maintain them , to rule and govern them , so as you may reign everlastingly with him whose Vicar you are . So far the very words of the letter , as our Author rendereth them , which savour far more of the honest simplicity of the Primitive Popes , then the impostures and suppos●titious issues of the ●atter times . Our Author tells us fol. 9. that he had ventured on this story with much aversness ; and we dare believe him . He had not else laboured to discredit it in so many particulars , and wilfully ( that I say no worse ) suppressed the best part of the Evidence in the words of Beda ; who being no friend unto the Britans , hath notwithstanding done them right in this great business . And from him take the story in these following words ; Anno ab i●carnati●ne Domini , 156 , &c. In the 156. year after Christs Nativity , Marcus Antonius Verus together with Aurelius Commodus his Brother , did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Caesar , undertake the gove●nment of the Empire . In whose times when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome , Lucius King of the Britans ▪ sent unto him , Obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus essiceretur , intreating by his means to be made a Christian ; whose vertrious desire he ein was granted ; and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Britans , was by them kept inviolate and undefiled until the time of Dioc●tian . This is the substance of the story , as by him delivered , true in the main , though possibly there may be some mistake in his Chronology , as in a matter not so canvassed as it hath been lately . Now to proceed unto our Author , he tells us fol. 10. out of Ieffery of Monmouth , That at this time there were in England twenty eight Cities , each of them having a Flamen or Pagan Priest ; and three of them , namely London , York , and Caer-Lion in Wales , had Archflamens , to which the rest were subjected : and Lucius placed Bishops in the room of the Flamens , and Archbishops , Metropolitans in the places of Archflamens ; concluding in the way of scorn , that his Flamines , and Archflamines seem to be Flams and Archflams , even notorious falshoods . ] And it is well they do but seem so , it being possibly enough that they may seem Falshoods to our Author , even notorious Falshoods , though they seem true enough to others , even apparent truths . And first though Ieffery of Monmouth seem to deserve no credit in this particular , where he speaks against our Authors sense ; yet in another place where he comes up to his desires he is otherwise thought of , and therefore made the Foreman of the grand Inquest against Augustino the Monk , whom he enditeth for the murther of the Monks of Bancor . And certainly if Ieffery may be believ'd when he speaks in passion , when his Welch bloud was up , as our Author words it , as one that was concerned in the cause of his Countreymen ; he may more easily be believ'd in a cause of so remote Antiquity , where neither love nor hatred , or any other prevalent affection had any power or reason to divert him from the way of truth . And secondly , though Ieffery of Monmouth be a Writer of no great credit with me , when he stands single by himself , yet when I finde him seconded and confirmed by others , I shall not brand a truth by the name of falshood , because he reports it . Now that in Britain at that time there were no fewer then eight and twenty Cities is affirmed by Beda * . Henry of Huntington * not only agrees with him in the number , but gives us also the names of them , though where to finde many of them it is hard to say . That in each of these Cities was some Temple dedicated to the Pagan Gods , that those Temples afterwards were imploy'd to the use of Christians , and the Revenues of them assign'd over to the maintenance of the Bishops and other Ministers of the Gospel , hath the concurr●nt testimony of approved Authors ; that is to say , Ma●thew of Westminster out of Gildas , Anno 187. Rodolph de Diceto cited by the learned Prima● of Armach in his Book De Primordiis Eccles. Brit. cap. 4. Gervaso of Tilbury , ibid. cap. 6. And for the Flamines , and Archflamines , they stand not only on the credit of Ieffery of Monmouth , but of all our own Writers , who speak of the foundation of the antient Bishopricks , even to Polydor Virgil. Nor want there many forain Writers who affirm the same , bginning with Martinus Polonus , who being esteemed no friend to the Popedom ( because of the Story of Pope Ione which occurs in his Writings ) may the rather be believ'd in the story of Lucius . And he agrees with Ieffery of Monmouth in all parts of the story , as to the Flamines and Archflamines , as do also many other of the Roman Writers which came after him . But where both our Author and some others have rais'd some objections against this part of the History , for Answer thereunto I refer the Reader to the learned and laborious Work of Francis Mason late Archdeacon of Norfolk , De Ministorio Anglicano , the sum whereof in brief is this , Licet in una urbe multi Flamines , that though there were many Flamines in one City , yet was there only one which was called Pontifex or Primus Flaminum ; the Pope or principal of the Flamines ; of which kinde one for every City , were those whom our Historians speak of . And for the Archi-Flamines or Proto-Flamines , though the name occurre not in old Roman Writers , yet were there some in power and Authority above the rest , who were entituled Primi Pontificum ( as indeed Coifi by that name is called in Beda ) which is the same in sense with Arch-flamines although not in sound . All I shall further add is this , that if these 28 Cities were not all furnished with Bishops in the time of Lucius for whom it was impossible to spread his armes and expresse his power over all the South parts of the Iland ; yet may the honour of the work be ascribed to him , because begun by his encouragement , and perfected by his example ; as Romulus is generally esteemed for the Founder of Rome , although the least part of that great City was of his Foundation . Our Author has not yet done with Lucius . For admitting the story to be true , he disallowes the turning of the Pagan Temples into Christian Churches , which he censureth as the putting of new Wine into old Vessels , which afterwards savour'd of the Cask , Christianity hereby getting a smack ▪ of Heathen ceremonies . But in this point the P●imitive Christians were as wise as our Author , though they were not so nice . Who without fearing any such smack , accommodated themselves in many ceremonies to the Gentiles , and in some to the Iewes ; that being all things to all men , they might gain the more , as in fine they did : which notwithstanding our Author hereupon inferreth ; Fol. 13. They had better have built new Nests for the holy Dove , and not have lodg'd it where Schriech-owls and unclean Birds had formerly been harboured . ] A p●ety piece of new Divinity , and such as favours strongly of the Modern Anabaptist ; such as not only doth ●eproach the practise of most pious Antiquity , but layes a sure ground for the pulling down of all our Chu●ches ( as having been abus'd to Popish Superstitions in the former times ) if ever that encreasing faction sh●●ld become predominant . What pity is it that our A●thor had not liv'd and preacht this Doctrine in King Edwards time , that the Parochiall Churches and C●thedrals being sent after the Abbies , new Nests might have been built for the Dove in some tree or othe● , un●er the shade whereof the people might assemble to their devotions : and not new Nests provided only , but new feathers also , the vestments prescribed to the Mini●●ers by the Church of England , being condemned and disallowed by the Puritan party , because in use formerly with the Priests of the Church of Rome . More of this stuff , but of a more dangerous conquence to the publick peace , we shall see hereafter . We have now done at last with the story of L●cius , and must next follow our Author unto that of Amphibalus , in prosecution whereof he ●elleth us of a great slaughter of Christians in or near the City of Litchfield , from thence so denominated , of which thus saith he ; Fol. 19. This relation is favoured by the name of Litchfield , which in the British tongue signifies a Golgotha , or a place bestrewed with sk●ls . ] It 's true indeed that Litchfield , or Licidfield , as Beda calleth it , is made by Iohn Rosse to signifie Cadaverum Campus , or the field of dead bodies . But that it doth so signifie in the British language , I do more then doubt , the termination of the word being mee●ly Saxon , as in H●fenfield , Cock-field , Camps●●●●d , and many others . As little am I sa●isfied in the Etymon of the name of Maiden-head , which he ascribes unto the worshipping of the head of one of those many Maidens which were martyred with Vrsula at Colen , fol. 36. For which though he cite Camden for his Author ( following therein , but not approving the old Tradition ) yet when I finde in the same Camden , that this Town was for●er●y called Maidenhith , that anciently there was a ferry near the place where the town now stands , and that Hith in the old Sax●n tongue , did signifie a Wh●rse , Haven , or landing place , I have some reason to believe , that the Town took this name from the Wharse or Ferry belonging at that time to some neighbouring Nunnery , or to some private Maidens dwelling thereabout , who then received the profits of it . Just so Queen-Hith in London took that appellation , because the profits of that Wharf were antiently accompted for to the Queens of England ; and Maiden-bradly in Wilshire was so denominated because belonging to one of the inheretrices of Manasses Basset , a most noble personage in his time , who founded a House here for Maiden Lepers . But to return again to L●itch-field , It must needs seem as strange to my judicious Reader , that one part of it should be borrowed from the Britans , and the other from the Saxons ; as it seems strange unto our Author , and that justly too , that Cern in Dorcetshire should anciently be called Cernel , from the Latine word Cerno , which signifies to see , and the Hebrew word El signifying God , fol. 67. Fol. 20. I fear that learned pen hath gone too far , who makes him founder of a Bishoprick at York , and styleth him an Emperor surpassing in all virtue and Christian ●iety . ] The learned pen here spoken of is that of judicious Camden , whose character of Constantius Chlorus our Author in this place will not let passe without some censure . That he did found ( or rather re●ound ) a Bishoprick in the City of York , I am confident Camden had not said without very good grounds , though on what grounds he said it , I am yet to seek . A Bishoprick and a Bishop of York we finde on good Record within few years after ; Eborius the Bishop of that City subscribing to the Councill of Arles in the time of Constantine , the Son and next succe●●or of Constantius Chlorus . And that he was a Prince of su●passing vertue , is generally agreed upon by all Historians , both Pagans and Christians . The Question then will be only this , Whether he did surpass also in Christian piety , which our Author will not otherwise grant , b●t by our Saviours Argument only , concluding those to be on our part who are not against us ; Constantius doing no other good unto Christianity , but that he did not do it harm . A censure not agreeable to so good an Emperor , who though he were no through-paced Christian , yet did he both favor their Religion , and protect their persons , as Eusebius testifies de vita Constantini , lib. 1. cap. 1● . And not so only , but as our Author himself confes●eth , he b●th permitted and preserved them who would rebuild the decayed Christian Churches . If ●o 〈◊〉 the persons of Christians in the exercise of their Religion , to have them near unto him in places of greatest trust and eminence , to suffer them to rebuild their Churches and defend them in it , be not the 〈◊〉 of some good unto Christianity , more then the 〈…〉 harm , let our Author carry it , and Camden 〈◊〉 the blame of his needless Courtship . But this is not the first time , in which our Author hath clash with 〈◊〉 , and I see it will not be the last , by that 〈◊〉 followeth . For speaking on the by how Wolve● 〈◊〉 entred into England , considering that Merchants would not bring them , and that they could not swim over themse●ves , he addes these words , viz. Fol. 25. Which hath prevailed so far with some , as to 〈◊〉 this now an Iland , originally annext to the Cont●●ent . ] It seems that though some so con●eive it , ye● 〈◊〉 Author do●h no● . And yet he cannot chuse but know that tho●e whom he doth passe so slightly over by the name of some ( as if not wo●thy to be notified by 〈◊〉 proper names ) are the most eminent and renowned Antiquaries of these latter times . Amongst which if I reckon Camden for one , and a chief one too , I sho●ld but do him right , and not wrong the rest . Whose arguments to p●ove the point , he that lists to see , may finde them at large laid down in his description of Kent ; which when our Author can confute ( as I do●bt he cannot ) he may then slight it over as a thing conceived and conceived only by some men not wo●th the naming Till then I shall behold it as a matter not co●ceived but prov'd , and so must he . I should here end this Ch●pter and this Book togethe● b●t tha● I finde a trifling errour not worth our notice , ●ut that I would set all things right as they come be●ore me ▪ which is the placing of the Empero● Co●stantine in the Catalogue of those who commonly 〈◊〉 u●der the name of the nine Worthies , and this ●aith he , Fol. 39. Is more then comes to the proportion of Brit●in ; that amongst but nine in the whole World , two should prove Natives of this Iland , Constantine and 〈◊〉 . That Arthur goes for one of the Worthies , I shall e●sily grant , and I shall grant too , that in the opinion of some w●iters this Iland gave birth unto a●other of them , namely Guy of Warwick . His Knight Sir Guy one of the nine , we touch but by the way , saith Warner in his Albions England . But in the common estimate they are reckoned thus ; that is to say , three Iewes , 1. Ioshua , 2. David , 3. Iudas Maccabaeus ; three Gentiles , 4. Hector of Troy , 5. Alexander the great , and 6. Iulius Caesar ; three Christians , 7. Arthur of Britain , 8. Charlemain of France , and 9. Godfry of Bovillon . But I condemn my self for mingling this poor piece of Errantry with such serious matters , though the necessity of following my Leader as he goeth may excuse me in it . ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN . LIB . II. Of the Conversion of the Saxons , and that which followed thereupon till the Norman Conquest . IN order to the Conversion of the Saxons , our Author begins ( as he had done before in that of the Britans ) with the unhappy condition of that People in the state of Gentilism ; in the description whereof he omitteth that which was indeed their greatest unhappiness , that is to say , their barbarous and inhumane sacrifices of men and women unto two of their Idols . For Camden telleth us of their God called Wooden , that they used to procure his favour by sacrificing unto him men alive ; and I have read in Verstegan ( if my memory fail not ) a man inferiour to none in the Antiquities of this Nation , that at their return from any conquest they us'd to sacrifice the noblest of their Captives to their Idol Thur. In this not much inferior to the Palestinians in their sac●ifices to Moloch , or to the Carthaginians in the like abominable sacrifices to Saturn , or to the Scythians in the like to Diana Taurica , or ●inally to the Galls in theirs to Haesus and T●euta●es their own National Deities . But not to lay at our Authors charge these small sins of Omission , we must next see whether he be not guilty of some sin of Commission also . For making a general muster of the Saxon Gods , and shewing how they were dispos'd of in relation to the days of the week , he concludes it thus : Fol. 55. And thus we see the whole week bescattered with Saxon Idols , whose Pagan Gods were the God-fathers of the days , and gave them their names . ] Not the whole week , though the greatest part thereof was thus bescattered . Sunday and Munday being so call'd in reference to the Sun and Moon , or else in correspondence to the the names of Dies Solis , and Dies Lunae , which they found given by the Romans at their entrance here . For either the Sun and Moon were worshipped by the antient Saxons , and then might think themselves neglected in having no place assigned them amongst the rest ; or else the Saxon Pagan Gods were not the Godfathers to all the days of the week , as our Author telleth us . As much he seems to be mistaken in their God called Woden , of whom thus he telleth us . Fol. 54. Woden , that is wood , fierce or furious , giving the denomination to Wednesday , or Wodensday , Armed cap a pe with military Coronet on his head ; he was the God of Battail , by whose aid and furtherance they hoped to obtain victory ; correspondent to Mars . ] But Camden sings another song , telling us that Wooden was not worshipped for Mars but Mercury . Above all other Gods , saith he , they worshipped Mercury , whom they called Wooden , whose favour they procured by sacrificing unto him men alive , and to him they consecrated the fourth day of the week , whereupon we call it at this day Wednesday . Thus also in another place , Wansdike in the Saxon tongue called Wodenepoic , that is to say , the Ditch of Wooden or Mercury , and as it should seem of Woden that false imagined God and Father of the English-Saxons . And herein I shall rather subscribe to Camdens then our Authors judgement . For certainly had the Saxons worshipped Wooden as the God of Battail , or correspondent unto Mars , they would have given him the third day of the week , or the day of Mars , and not the fourth day of the week , or the day of Mercury ; as they gave Sunday and Munday unto Sol and Luna , and Thursday unto Thur , whom they worshipped in the place of Iupiter , ascribing unto him ( as the Greeks and Romans did to Iupiter ) the power of bearing rule in the Air , governing Thunder , Lightnings , Windes , Showres , fair weather , &c. as Adam Bremensis a good Writer doth inform us of them . And though it may be true , which our Author telleth us , that by his aid and furtherance they hoped to obtain victory , yet this entitleth him not to the place of Mars ; as many victories being gotten by wit and stratagem ( the known Arts of Mercury ) as by strength and valour . But from our Authors failers in recounting the superstitions of our Saxon Ancestors , let us next see how he behaves himself in laying down the story of their conversion . In which though he ascribe something unto Austin the Monk , yet he will by no means allow him to be their Apostle . Fol. 54. The Papists ( saith he ) commonly call Augustine the English Apostle , how properly we shall see hereafter . And after fol. 68. The Papists brag that he was the Apostle of the English. ] In these few words there are two things to be considered , whether he is called the Apostle of the English , by the Papists only , and secondly , whether he were not so both in fact and title . Not call'd so by the Papists only , I am sure of that ; but called so commonly by as good Protestants as our Author himself . Thus Camden a right English Protestant , After this Augustine , whom commonly they call the Apostle of the English men , being sent hither by Gregory the Great , having abolished these monstrous abominations of Heathenish impiety , with most happy success planting Christ in their hearts , con●erted them to the Christain faith . Nor doth he speak this only in the voice of the common people , but in another place more plainly as his own opinion . A place there is about this Shire called Austins Oke , at which Augustine the Apostle of the English men , and the Bishops of Britain met , &c. Dr. Philemon Holland of Coventry , a good Protestant also , making an Index unto Camden , speaks the self same language ; Augustine the Apostle of the English ; which is short , but full . Gabriel Richardson of Brazen Nose , an honest Protestant , in his laborious piece called the State of Europe , telleth us of Canterbury , that the Archbishops See was founded by King Ethelbert in the person of St. Austin the Apostle of the English. More of this kinde might be produc'd , were it not given us for a Rule in the holy Scripture , Ex ore duorum testium vel trium , that two or three witnesses were sufficient to confirm a truth . The next thing here to be considered is , whether Austin were not the Apostle of the English , both in fact and title . In order whereunto , we must first take notice , that the word being meerly Greek , doth signifie in its natural and original sense a Messenger , a Legat , an Embassador , from whom , to whomsoever sent ; and though appropriated to the twelve as by way of excellence , yet not improperly communicated unto others in succeeding times , with reference to the Nations whom they had converted . So Boniface an English man the first Archbishop of Ments is called by Dr. Holland , ( as by many others ) the Apostle of Germany , Palladius styled by Camden the Apostle of the Scottish Nation ; and the Irish would not think themselves to be fairly dealt with , if their St. Patrick should not be honoured with that Title also . In this sense Austin may be call'd , and that not improperly , the Apostle of the English Nation ; though a derivative Apostle , an Apostle ( as our Author calls him in the way of scorn , fol. 68. ) at the second hand , though others propagated the Gospel further then he liv'd to do . It was enough to entitle him to this Apostleship , that he first publickly preacht the Gospel , and brought the glad Tiding of Salvation amongst the English , though he neither converted all the Nation , nor travelled into all parts of the Land to attempt the same . Neither St. Paul could be entituled the Apostle of the Gentiles , St. Thomas of the Indians , nor St. Matthew of the Ethiopians ; if it were necessarily required to their Apostleships , that all the Nations of the Indians must be converted by the one , or the vast Countries of the Ethiopians must be conve●ted by the other ; or finally , if St. Paul to save them a labour , must have reduced all the Gentiles to the faith of Christ. And this the Embassadors for the King of England at the Council of Basil , understood right well , when they contended for precedency with those of Castile . For when the Castilians had objected , that although Ioseph of Arimathea had preacht in England , it was but in a corner thereof , the grand body of Britain remaining Pagan many hundred years after : the English Embassadors wisely answered , that the Allegation was impertinent to the present purpose , it being not the Universality , but the first Preaching of the Christian Faith which gained the name of an Apostle ; there being no Disciple ( as they truly urged it ) that ever converted a Kingdom totally and entirely to Christianity , for which consult our very Author , Lib. 4. fol. 181. And yet the pains in preaching of Austin were not so limited and restrain'd to one Kingdom only , but that he travel'd into most parts of the Saxon Heptarchy , preaching the Gospel in all places to which the Spirit did conduct him , or his business lead him . Our Author grants him to have converted the Kingdom of Kent , fol. 7. and to have taken care for planting the Gospel in the Kingdom of the East-Saxons , and for that end ordaining Mellitus the first Bishop of London , fol. 67. From hence he carries him to a conference with the British Bishops in the Countrey of the Wiccians ( now Worcestershire ) then part of the Kingdom of Mercia , fol. 60. From thence to Richmondshire in the Kingdom of Northumberland , where he is said to have baptiz'd above ten thousand in one day , fol. 66. And finally to Cern in Dorsetshire , part of the Kingdom of the West-Saxons , where he destroyed the Idol of Heale or Aesculapius . By which we see , that he visited no fewer , then five of the seven Kingdoms in the Saxon Heptarchie , not only doing in each of them that particular work which he went about , but preaching in all fit places as he passed along . And this considered as it ought , with reference to the distance of those several places to which our very Author brings him , gives him just title to that honor which our Author would so willingly deprive him of , when telling us how the Papists called him the English Apostle , he adds these words , how properly ( so called ) we shall see hereafter . I have spent more time then I intended in defence of this Title , and therefore think it seasonable to proceed from the Person to his Acts. Of which the first we meet with is ▪ the fixing of the Archiepiscopal See at Canterbury , for which our Author amongst many other Reasons , gives us this for one , viz. That London by reason of the receipt thereof was likely to prove the residing place for the English Monarch , and it was probable that the Archiepiscopal dignity would there be eclipst , and o●ts●ined by the Regal Diadem . ] But here I must needs aske our Author , whether he thinks , that this was really one of those many motives which occasioned Austin to resolve of Canterbury for his seat of residence . If yea , then must our Author grant him to be endued with the spirit of Prophesie , which I think he will not ; if not , then a contingency so remo●e could not be taken by him into consideratior , as indeed it was not . For first , London at that time was the chief City of the Kingdom of East-sex , one of the weakest of the seven , and so not likely to prevail over all the rest . Secondly , if any of the greater Kingdoms of Mercia , West-sex , or Northumberland , should in fine prevail , it was not not probable that the Conquerors would remove the Seat Royal from their own Dominions into any of the conquered Countries . And thirdly , though the Kings of the West-Saxons , who prevailed at last , and became Monarchs of the whole , setled the Royal Seat in London , yet was it not till Winchester their own Regal City was destroyed by fire , and made unable to receive them . Fol. 60. The first cast of his office was to call a Councel for the Saxon and British Bishops to come together in the confines of the Wiccians and West-Saxons . ] Our Author placeth this meeting within few lines after in the confines of Worcester and Herefordshire , and more rightly there ; Worcestershire , or the Countrey of the Wiccii confining on the County of Hereford , but bordering in no place on the Kingdom of West-sex , the whole County of Glocester being interposed . So that our Author being mistaken in the place of the meeting , it is no wonder if he stumble at the Monuments and Records thereof . Of one of which he telleth us , Fol. 61. That we can part with it without any losse to our selves , and therefore bids it to make shift for its own Authenticalness , fol. 60. ] The Record slighted thus is a Memorial of the Answer of the Abbot of Bancor to Archbishop Austins proposition , communicated by Peter Moston a Welch Gentleman to that learned and industrious Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman , and by him placed in his collection of the British and Saxon Councils . Which honour he had never given it , had he not conceived it worthy to deserve that place ; nor had the Papists used such violence to wrest it from us without the hope of gaining somewhat to themselves . But to proceed , this con●erence being ended without success , there followed not long after the great slaughter of the Monks of Bancor , for which our Author in a merrier humor then becomes the sadness of the matter , or the gravity of an Ecclesiastical History , hath caused Austin to be indited , impanelling a Jury , and producing his evidence . Amongst which Matthew Parker the learned Archbishop of Cant●rbury , and Iohn Iewel , the renowned Bishop of Salisbury , must be re●ected by the Jury as incompetent witnesses ; partly because of their known opposition to the Romish Church ; and partly because of their modern writing , almost a thousand years after the matter in fact , fol. 64. And all this done to add the greater honour to Mr. Fox , as Modern as either of the two , and as averse as either of them from the Church of Rome . But Mr. Fox was Mr. Fox , no friend unto the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , whereas the other two were Bishops and great sticklers for them . This ma●●es our Author magnifie Fo● for his moderation , whose moderate testimony ( saith he ) much moved the whole Court ; and as much to condemn the others for the sharpeness of their expressions against Austin ( whom our Author himself reproacheth often for his pride and haughtines● ; fol. 62. ) which made them of lesse credit amongst the Jury . A thread of which fine spinning we shall finde frequently interwo●en in the whole web of this History , and towards the latter end thereof , not a few whole pieces made of no better yarne . And let the Reader take this with him for a taste of our Authors good affections to the severall parties , that it is bare M. Parker and plain Bishop Iewel , without welt or guard , but reverent● Mr. Fox by all means , and so let him passe . And let us passe also to the residue of the Acts of Austin . Fol. 66. Who all this while was very industrious , and no lesse successfull in converting the Saxons to the Ch●istian faith . Insomuch that a certain Author reporteth , how in the River Swale near Richmond in Yorkshire , be in one day baptized above ten thousand . ] The certain Author ▪ whom he means , is an old fragment of a namelesse Author , cited by Camden , fol. 136. who rels the story otherwise then our Author doth . For though the Fragment tell us , that the River was call●d Swale , yet that it was the River Swale near Richmond in York-shire , is the addition of our Author . That there is a River of that name neer Richmond is affirmed by Camden , who withall telleth us , That it was reputed very sacred amongst the antient English , for that in it , when the English-Saxons first embraced Christianity , there were in one day baptized with Festival joy by Paulinus the Archbishop of York , above ten thousand Men besides Women and little Children . Of Austins baptizing in this River , not one word saith he . Neither doth Beda touch upon it , as ce●tainly he would have done , had the●e been ground for it . And therefore if I may have leave to venture my opinion , I shall concur with the old fragment , as to the name of the Rive● , and yet not carry Austin ou● of Kent , and much lesse into Richmondshire to performe that office . For when we finde in Camden that the Medway●alling ●alling into the Thames , is divided by the Isle of Sheppey into two great branches , of which the one is called East-Swale , the other West-Swale , I see no reason why we should look any where 〈◊〉 fo● that River Swale mentioned in the old fragment , which before we spake of . But herein I must submit ●y self to more able judgements . The place agreed on , ●e should next inquire into the numbers , but that our Author seems to grant as much as the fragment craveth . Only he telleth us that Fol. 66. If so many were baptized in one day , it appears plainly , that in that age the Administration of that Sacrament was not loaded with those superstitious Ceremonies , as essential thereunto , of crossing , spittle , Oyl , Cream , Salt , and such like Trinkets . ] Our Author here reckoneth the sign of the Crosse in Baptism amongst the 〈◊〉 trinkets , and superstitious Ceremonies of the Church of Rome , and thereby utterly condemneth the Church of England , which doth not only require it in her Rubricks , but also pleads for it in her Canons . Not as essential to that Sacrament ( the Papists not making Spittle , Oyl●●ream , Salt , &c. to be essential thereunto , as our Author saith ) but only for a Sign significative in token that the party signed shall not be ashamed to confess the faith of Christ crucified , and manfully to fight under his Banner , against sin , the world , and the Devil , and to continue Christs faithful Souldier and servant unto his lives end . A Ceremony not so new , as to be brought within the compass of Popish Trinkets , though by them abused . For when the point was agitated in the Conference at Hampton Court , and that it was affirmed by some of the Bishops , that the Crosse in Baptism was used in the time of Constantine ; Dr. Reynolds the most able Man of the opposi●e party , who had before acknowledged it to have been in use in other cases , from the very times of the Apostles , had not one word to say against it . And to say truth , no man of modesty and Learning , could have spoke against it , when it was proved so clearly by Dr. Andrews then Dean of Westminster o●t of Tertullian , Cyprian , Origen , ( each of which died long time befo●e Constantines Birth ) to have been used in immortali Lavacro , in that blessed Sacrament . That good old saying of Tertullian , Caro signetur ut anima muniatur , may serve once for all . And therefore when our Author telleth us in the following words , that in that age nothing was used with Baptism , but Baptism , it must be considered as a smack of that old Leaven which more and more will soure the lump of his whole discourse . We have already had a taste of it in the very first Book , we finde a continuance of it he●e ▪ and we shall see more of it hereafter ; Our Autho● not being coy in shewing his good affections not only to the Persons of the Non-conformists , but their inconformity ; not to the men only , but their Doctrines and Opinions also . And this is that which we must trust to in the whole course of this History . Having now done with the Acts of Austin , we shall not keep our selves to so continued a di●course as before we did , but take our Authors Text by piecemeal , as it comes before us , and making such Animadversions on the same , as may best serve to rectifie the story , and maintain the truth ; as namely , Fol. 65. Thus the Italian , Spanish , and French , Daughters or Neeces to the Latine , are generated from the corrption thereof . ] This is ( I grant ) the common and received opinion , but yet , me thinks , our Author who loves singularities , should not vouchsafe to travel on the publick Road. For in my minde it is affirmed with better reason by our learned Brerewood , That those tongues have not sprung from the corruption of the Latine , by the inundation and mixture of Barbarous people in those Provinces , but from the first imperfect impression and receiving of it in those forein Countries . For the Latine tongue was never so generally received in any of the conquered Provinces out of Italy , as to be spoken ordinarily by the common people ; the Gentry and Nobility might be perfect in it , for the better dispatch of their Affairs with the Roman Magistrates , who had the Government and Lieutenancy in their several Countries . And some 〈◊〉 of it might be found with the vulgar also , who having continual intercourse with the Roman Souldiers , and some recourse for Trade to the Roman Colonies , could not but get a smattering of the Latine tongue . Just so the Gentry and Nobility both in Wales and Ireland , are trained up for the same reasons in the English tongue ; which notwithstanding could never get the mastery of the natural Languages , 〈◊〉 much ground on those of inferior quality . Secondly , had these National Languages proceeded from the depravation of the Latine tongue by the mixture of the ba●barous Nations , it must needs follow , that the Italian had not now been the language of all people in Italy , nor the French of all the Nations which inhabit France : & sic de caeteris . My reason is , because the Heruli , being setled in those parts , which we now call Piedmont , the Longobards more towards the East , the Goths about the middle parts , the Saracens and Greeks in the Realm of Naples , there must needs be as many distinct languages in that one Continent , as there were Barbarous Nations planted in it , or at the least such different Dialects , as could be scarse intelligible unto one another . Whereas it is certainly and most plainly known , that there is only one Language spoken in all that Countrey , equally understood by all , without so much as any sensible difference in pronunciation ; more then is usuall in all places between the Countrey Villages and the neighbouring Citizens . The like may be affirmed of the antient Gallia , planted on the Eastside of the Loyre by the Burgundians , on the West side of that River , and towards the Mediterranean , the Pyrenies and the Aquitan Ocean by the Gothish Nations , in most other parts of it by the Franks ; and yet all speaking ( with very little difference ) the same one Language , which from the most predominant People we now call the French. More to which purpose might be said , were not this sufficient . Ibid. The Hebrew the common Tongue of the whole world before it was inclos'd ( that is to say , divided ) into several Languages . ] An Opinion as common as the other , and as weakly grounded , such as I marvel at in our Author , who having travel'd over all the Holy-Land , should have been better studied in the true nature and original of the Holy-Tongue . Nor is it the opinion only , that this Tongue was spoken universally before the Flood , and even in Paradise it self in the state of innocency ; but that it shall be spoken in the Celestial Paradise , the language of the Saints in glory : in somuch that some good women of my old acquaintance , were once very eagerly bent to learn this Language for fear ( as I conceive ) they should not chat it handsomely when they came to heaven . Now for the ground thereof , it is no other then an old Iewish Tradition , importing , that this being the common Language of all people before the Flood , was afterwards appropriated unto Phaleg ( the son of Heber ) and to his Posterity , because not present with the rest a● the building of Babel , and consequently not within the curse of con●ounded Languages . But against this it is disputed ; first that it is but a Tradition , and therefore of no sure foundation to build upon . And secondly , that it is such a Tradition , as holds no good coherence with the truth of Story ; it being a most clear and demonstrative truth , that the Hebrew Tongue was not the Language which Abraham brought with him out of Chaldea and Mesopotamia , but that which he found spoken in the Land of Canaan●t ●t his coming thither , to which both he and his posterity did conform themselves . Or had it been the Language of Heber , as they say it was , ( but most undoubtedly was not ) yet , thirdly , had this been a priviledge conferred on Heber , that he and his posterity should speak the Original Language without alteration or corruption , it must have been extended to all those of the House of I●cktan which descend from him ; as also to the House of Laban in Padan-Aram , and to the Moabites , and the Ammonites , as the seed of Lot ; and finally to the Madianites , Ishmaeelites , and Idumaeans , descended of Abraham and Esau ; and not be limited and confined only to the House of Iacob . Now that the language which afterwards was , and still is called by the name of the Hebrew , was spoken vulgarly in the land of Canaan before the coming of Abraham thither , is not affirmed by Brerewood only , but by Scaliger , Grotius , Vossius , Bochartus , ( all of them men of great renown for their learned studies ) and by many others of this Age. By most of which it is affirmed also , that the name of Hebrews was given unto them by the people of Canaan , not in regard of their descent from Heber the father of Phaleg , but from Abrahams passing over the River Euphrates , when he came out of Chaldaea with his Family to dwell amongst them ; that name in the Canaanitish language signifying as much as trajiciens or transfluvialis ; and therefore not unfitly given by them to Abraham at his first coming thither . And if the Hebrew ( as we now call it ) was that Holy Language which was spoken in Paradise , continued by the Patriarchs before the Flood , and after to the building of Babel ; it must needs seem infinitely strange , that it should be reserv'd only amongst the Canaanites , accursed in the person of Canaan ( their common Parent ) by his Grandfather Noah , and so abominated by God for their filthy wickednesses , that he resolv'd to spew them out of their Native Countrey , as in fine he did . Or if Abraham brought it with him also , when he came into the Land of Canaan , he must needs leave it behinde him also amongst the Chaldees , where he was born , and where his Ancestors had dwelt before their ●emoval unto Haran . And yet we know that the Hebrew Tong●e was so different from the Chaldean , that when the Iews retu●ned from the Captivity of Babylon , where they had been accustomed to , and bred up for the most part in the Chaldean Language , they could not understand the very words of the Hebrew Text without an Interpreter , as is apparent in the eighth Chapter of Nehemiah , vers . 7 , 8. But of this Argument enough , let us now goe forward . Fol. 69. As Pitseus a Catholick Writer would have it . ] A Roman Catholick if you will , but no Catholick Writer . And much I wonder , that an Author so averse from the Church of Rome , should give the Title of Catholick to a stickler in the Romish Quarrell ; though others of less zeal and prudence do commonly but inconsiderately bestow it on them . A Title which they take with joy , and from thence suck unto themselves no small advantage . Adeo probanda est Ecclesia ●ostra a nomine Catholici , quod extorquet etiam ab invitis Haereticis , as is bragged by Barclay . But as Pope Gregory pleading against the Patriarch of ●●●stantinople , who had then assum'd unto himself the name of Oecumenical Bishop , advertiseth all the rest of that sacred Order ; Si ille est Universalis , restat ut vos non sitis Episcopi : so may I say with reference to the present case . By gracifying these men with the name of Catholicks , we doe unwittingly confess our selves to be no Christians , or at least but Hereticks . Fol. 76. Oxford lays claim to the Antiquities of Crekelade and Lechlade , two ancient Schools of Greek and Latine , as some would have it , remov'd afterwards to Oxford , &c. ] The like we finde fol. 117. where our Author telleth us of two Towns or the banks of the Isis , the one call'd Greekelade in which the Greek , the other Lechlade , or Latinlade in which the Latine Tongue was taught by Philosopher● . Most miserably mistaken in both places . For though Crekelade , of Grekelade may import a study of Greek Philosophers , as some are ready to believe , yet ce●tainly Lechlade in no Language will signifie the like study of the Latine Tongue . The Countrey people ( as it seems ) do better understand themselves then our Author doth . Amongst whom there is a common Tradition , that Crekelade , was a University of Greek Philosophers , Lechlade of Leches , or Physitians , as the name doth intimate ; and Latten a small Village betwixt both to be the place of study for the Latine tongue . But though the people are mistaken in the Etymon of the name of Lechlade , yet are they not so far out as our Author is , in making Lechlade or Latinlade , to be both the same place and of the same signification ; whereas in truth that Town is so denominated from the River Lech , which arising in the Hils of Cotswold , passeth first by Northlech , from thence to Eastlech , and finally falleth into the Thames neer S● . Iohns-bridge in this Parish of Lechlade . As for the University of Oxford , which from hence took beginning , as our Author hath it , and the Antiquity thereof , I shall not meddle at the present , though our Author forgetting the Subject which he was to write of , takes all occasions to hook in every old Tradition ( though less probably grounded ) to justifie the seniority of the younger Sister . Fol. 78. Deira , whence , say some , Deirham or Durham , lay betwixt Tees and Humber . ] More out of this then in his Lechlade or Latinlade , which before we had . For first Durham is not so called quasi Deirham . Our learned Antiquary gives us a better and more certain derivation of it . The River ( saith he ) as though it purposed to make an Island , compasseth almost on every side the chief City of this Province , standing on a Hill , whence the Saxons gave it the name of Dunholm . For as you may gather out of Bede , they called an Hill Dun , and a River-Island Holme . Hereof the Latine Writers have made Dunelmum , the Normans , Duresme ; but the common people most corruptly Durham ▪ But secondly , ( which mars all the matter ) the Bishoprick of Durham was not in the Kingdom of Deira , as being wholly situate on the North side of the Tees , and consequently part of the Realm of Bernicia , which makes our Author mistake in another place , fol. 51. the more remarkable , where speaking of the Kingdom of Deira , he gives us this Comment in the Margin ( viz. ) What this day is the Bishoprick of Deirham or Durham . But as long as some say so , all is well , though who those some are ( except our Author ) I can no where finde . Only I finde that as it is held necessary for a No●body to be in all great Houses , to bear the blame of such mischances as by the carelesness of servants and inconsiderateness , do too often happen ; so is it no less necessary , that there should be a some-body also in all great undertakings to bear the blame of such mis-fortunes as our Adventurers at wit do as often meet with . And such a some-body as this our Author hath found out to be the Father of another conceit of his concerning Teyburn ( that I may take in this also whilest it is in my minde ) of which he tells us lib. 4. fol. 168. That some have deduced the Etymologie of Teyburn from Ty and Burn ; because forsooth the Lord Cobham was there hang'd and burnt . Whereas indeed it was so named from the Tey , or Teybourn , a small Brook passing neer unto it in the former times . Which Brook or Bourn arising not far from Padington , hath since been drawn into several Conduits for the use of the City . Fol. 69. A place so marked , being foretold fortunate to Aeneas to found Alba ( since Rome ) therein . ] A passage as well stor'd with Errors as the rest before , and such a piece of fine new learning , as never any Antiquary had found out till now . For first , Aeneas was not the founder of Alba , though that the place design'd unto him for the fear of his Kingdom . The building of that City was the work of Ascanius , as we finde in Virgil. At puer Ascanius — Regnumque à sede Lavini Transferet , & longam multa vi muniet Albam . That is to say ; Ascanius from Lavinum shall translate To Alba strongly fenc'd the Regal State. And secondly Alba was not built in the place where Rome since stood , but duodecimo ab urbe Lapide , about twelve miles off . For though the River Tiber in some ancient Writers hath the name of Albula , yet I never found many Writer either old or new ( till I incounter'd it ●n our Author ) that Rome was anciently called Alba. Fol. 104. It is admirable to consider what Sholes of People were formerly vented out of Cimbrica Chernonesus , take it in the largest extent , for Denmark , Norway , and Swedeland . ] And in the largest extent it is taken indeed , such as no Author ever gave it before this time . The Cimbrick Chersonese truly and properly so call'd comprehended only those parts of the Kingdom of Denmark , which we now call Iuitland , divided by the River Eydore , from the Dukedom of Hostein . Ortelius , and some 〈◊〉 Geographers make it to take up all that Languel , or piece of Land on the North of Germany , extended from the River Albis in the South , and stretching Northward to that part of the Ocean which leads into the narrow Strait , or passage now called Sundt . But never any till our Author extended this name over those great Kingdoms of Denmark , Norway , and Swedeland , or unto any part of either beyond the Sundt . And yet he had need stretch it a great deal further before he can finde place in it for his Huns , and Vandals : of which the first inhabited in Asia , beyond the Fens of Maeotis ; the last upon the Coast of the Baltick Sea in Germany , now the Dukedom of Mecklenburg . Fol. 125. Datum in Grantecestria , Anno ab incarnatione Domini 915. venerabili Fratri Frithstano , Civitatis Scola●ium Cantabrig . Cancellario , & Doctori per suum , &c. ] These words are the conclusion of an ancient Charter , suppos'd to have been given to the Scholars of Cambridge by King Edward the elder ; against which our Author fancies one objection which he thinks easie to be answered , but utterly leaves out another , which I think upanswerable . The objection which our Author makes against it , is the barbarous style and language of it ; which if it be a good objection against this Charter , will be as strong against all the Charters of this age , as some ages following in which there 〈◊〉 but little of the Elegancies of the Latine tongue . An● therefore this objection might have well been spared but that our Author would be thought to deal ver● equally in the business , by saying all that might b● said against himself . But yet I have another objecti●on which he takes no notice of , because not so easi● to be answered ; which is , that Frithstan ( whatsoever he was ) is here honored with the degree of Doctor , and the title of Chancellor . But first I would fain know where Frithstan took the degree of Doctor , and i● what faculty he took it ; that title in those early daies being so unusual , as hardly to be found amongst the Attributes of the learnedest men . Secondly , I conceive it to be very hard , I had almost said impossible , for him to prove , that the chief Officer of Cambridge ( admitting it at that time for a place of learning ) had the● name of Chancellor . When I shall see some proof o● this , and some satisfaction , I shall give some credit to the Charter , till then none at all . Fol. 139. Cambridgeshire men claim an ancient ( new antiquated ) priviledge to lead the Van in all Battels . ] Zealous alike not only for the Vniversity , but the County of Cambridge , his zeal in both transporting him beyond his knowledge into dark adventures . Some Authors he pretends to for the University , for this priviledge none ▪ telling us only that he hath read it , though he know not where . But I can tell him when and where I have read the contrary , that is to say , in learned Camden , who ascribes this honour to the Kentish . For this he cites not only the authority of a n●melesse Monk , but the words of Iohannes Sarisburiensis in his Polycratiaeon , which are these that follow , For good desert ( saith he ) of that notable valour which Kent shewed so puissantly and patiently against the Danes , it retaineth still unto these daies in all Battails the honour of the first and foreward , yea and of the first conflict with the Enemy . And if this priviledge was given the Ken●ish for their valour shew'd against the Danes , it could ●either be given to the men of Cambridge-shire , as our Author would , nor on the same occasion as he saith it was . Fol. 141. It did not afterwards embolden him to the anticipation of the Crown , attending till it descended upon him . ] He speaks this of King Edward the Confes●or , who had he tarryed till the Crown had descended on him , might possibly have found a place amongst the Confessors , but not amongst the Kings of England . For the truth is , the right title to the Crown was at that time in Edward surnamed the Outlaw , the eldest Son of Edmund Ironside , who flying into Hungary to avoid the fury of the Danes married the Kings sister of that Countrey , and was by her the Father of Edgar Atheling , and of Margaret wife to Malcolm Conmor King of the Scots . But these being absent at that time , Emma the Mother of Prince Edward , and Widow to Canutus the Dane , took the opportunity to set her Son upon the Throne , as being not only half-brother to King Edmund Ironside , but also half-brother , and consequently ●earest kinsman to Canutus the second ; which if it were a good descent , will plead almost as strongly for King Harald , as it did for him . But by what means soever he got the Crown , he deserved to wear it , our Author telling us Ibid. That whereas formerly there were manifold Laws in the Land , made , some by the Britains , others by the Danes , others by the English , &c. He caused some few of the best to be selected , and the rest as captious and unnecessary , to be rejected ; from whence they had the name of the Common Lawes . ] That the Common-Law was so call'd because compounded of the Saxon , British , and Danish Lawes , which were before of force only in such places where the Danes , Britans , and Saxon ▪ had the greatest sway ; though it be easie to be said , will be hard to be proved . The Britans at that time liv'd under their own Princes , and were governed by their own Lawes , and so they were for a long time after ; so that King Edward having no dominion over them could not impose a Law upon them . Not was it probable that he should borrow any of their Lawes , or impose them on his natural subjects , considering the Antipathy and disaffection betwixt the Nations . There were indeed at that time in England three kinds of Lawes . The first called Dane-lage or the Danish Lawes , prevailing for the most part in the Kingdom of the East-Angles , and that of Northumberland ; secondly Saxon-lage , used generally in the Kingdoms of the West-Saxons , East-Saxons , South-Saxons , and that of Kent ; and thirdly , Merce●-lage , extending over all the Provinces of the Kingdom of Mercia . As for the Britans of Cornwal and Cumberland , they had no distinct Law for themselves ( as had those of Wales ) but were governed by the Lawes of that Nation unto which they were subject . By these three sorts of Laws were these Nations governed in their several and respective limits , which being afterwards reduced into one body , and made common equally to all the subjects , did worthily deserve the name of the Common-Law . But secondly I dare not give the honour of this action to King Edward the Confessor . The great Iustinian in this work was another Edward , called , for distinctions sake , King Edward the elder , who began his Reign Anno 900. almost 150 years before this Confessor , to whom our Author hath ascribed it . But the truth is , that these Lawes being suppressed by the Danish Kings who governed either in an arbitrary way , or by the Lawes of their own Countrey , they were revived and reinforced in the time of this Edward , from whence they had the name of Edward the Confessors Lawes , and by that name were sued and fought for in the time succeeding , of which more hereafter . Now as this work may be ascribed to his love to justice , so from his piety , his successors derive as great a benefit of curing the disease which from thence is called the Kings evill , which some impute ( as our Author tels us ) to secret and hidden causes . Fol. 145. Others ascribe it to the power of fancy and an exalted imagination . ] Amongst which others , I may reckon our Author for one . He had not else so strongly pleaded in defence thereof . But certainly what effect soever the strength of fancy and an exalted imagination● as our Author cals it , may produce in those of riper years , it can contribute nothing to the cure of children . And I have seen some children brought before the King by the hanging sleeves , some hanging at their Mothers breasts , and others in the armes of their Nurses , all touch'd and cur'd without the help of any such fancies or imaginations as our Author speaks of . Others lesse charitably condemn this cure as guilty of supersti●ion , quarrelling at the Circumstances and Ceremonies which are used ; and this they do ( Saith he ibid. ) either displeased at the Collect , consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospell of St. John , as ▪ wholly improper , and nothing relating to the occasion , &c. ] Our Author tels us more then once , lib. 11. 167. of his being a Clerk of the Convocation , but I finde by this , that he never came so high as to be Clerk of the Closet . Which had he been , he would not have mistaken the Gospel for a Collect ; or touched upon that Gospel which is lesse material , without insisting on the other , which is more pertinent and proper to the work in hand ; or suffered the displeased party to remain unsatisfied about the sign of the Crosse made by the Royall hands on the place ▪ infected ( as it after followeth ) when there is no such crossing used in that sacred Ceremony , the King only gently drawing both his hands over the sore at the reading of the first Gospel . But that both he and others may be satisfied in these particulars , I have thought fit to lay down the whole form of prayers and readings used in the healing of that malady in this manner following . The form of the Service at the healing of the Kings-evill . The first Gospel is exactly the same with that on Ascension day . At the touching of every infirm person , these words are repeated , They shall lay their hands on the sick , and they shall recover . The second Gospell begins the first of St. Iohn , and ends at these words , Full of grace and truth . At the putting the Angell about their necks were repeated , That Light was the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world . Lord have mercy upon us . Christ have mercy upon us . Lord have mercy upon us . Our Father which art in Heaven , hallowed be thy Name , &c. Min. O Lord save thy servants . An. Which put their trust in thee . Min. Send unto them help from above . An. And evermore mightily defend them . Min. Help us , O God our Saviour . An. And for the glory of thy name sake deliver us , be merciful unto us sinners for thy names sake . Min. O Lord hear our Prayer . An. And let our cry come unto thee . The Collect. Almighty God , the eternal health of all such as put their trust in thee , hear us we beseech thee on the behalf of these thy servants , for whom we call for thy merci●●l help , that they receiving health may give thanks ●nto thee in thy holy Church , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . The peace of God , &c. This is the whole form , against which nothing is objected , but the using of the words before mentioned at the putting on of the Angel ; the pertinency whereof may appear to any who consider that the Light which was the true Light , and lighteth every man which cometh into the world , did not shine more visibly , at the least mo●e comfortably upon the people , then in the healing of ●o many sick , infirm , and leprous persons , as did from time to time receive the benefit of it . But it is time I should proceed . Fol. 148. These chose Harald to be King ▪ whose Titl● to the Crown is not worth our deriving of it● much 〈◊〉 his r●lying on it . ] A Title not so de●picable as our Author makes it , nor much inferior unto that by which hi● Predecessor obtain'd the Kingdom . Harald being ●on to Earl Godwin , ( the most potent man of all the S●●xons ) by Theyra the natural Daughter of Canutus the fi●st , was consequently Brother by the whole bloud to Harald Har●agar , and Brother by the half bloud to Canutus the ●econd , the two last Danish Kings of England . In which respect being of Saxon Ance●●ry by his Fa●her , and of the Danish Royal bloud by his Mother , he might be look'd on as the fittest person in that conj●ncture to con●ent both Nations . But whatsoever his Title was , it was undoubtedly better then that of the Norman , had either his success been answerable , or his sword as good . Upon occasion of which Conquest our Author telleth us that Ibid. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered ; first by Romans , secondly by Picts and Scots , thirdly by Saxons , fourthly by the Danes , and fifthly● by the Norman ] But this I can by no means yeeld to , 〈◊〉 Scots and Picts not being to be nam'd amongst those Nations who subdued the South part of this Island . That they did many times harass and depopulate the South part of it , I shall easily gr●nt ; but to the subduing of a Co●ntrey there is more req●ired then to waste and spoil it : that is to say , to fix their dwelling and abode ( for some time at least ) in the Count●ey conquered ; to change the Laws , alter the language , or new mould the Government ; or finally to translate the Scepter from the old Royal Family to some one of their own . None of which things being done in the Invasions of the Scots and Picts , they cannot properly be said to have subdued the South parts of the Island , as our Author ( out of love perhaps to the Scots ) would perswade the Reader . ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Third and Fourth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN . From the time of the Norman Conquest , to the time of King Henry the Eighth . WE are now come unto the times of the N●rman Government , when the ●hurch beg●n to settle on a surer bottom , both fo● 〈◊〉 and polity ; the Bishops lesse obnoxious to the Ki●●● then fo●merly , because elected by the Monks and C●nons of their own Cathedrals ▪ their Con●istories free 〈◊〉 the intermixture of Lay-assistance , and their Syn●●s m●nag'd by themselves . Wherein tho●gh the 〈◊〉 power of making such Synodicall Cons●i●●tions 〈…〉 facto binde all pa●ties , yet our Author is resolv'd to have ●●otherwise . Fol. 19. The Pr●ceedings ( saith he ) of the Canon Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land ; but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals , to Secular Lawes , and National Customs . And the Laity at 〈◊〉 limited Canons in this behalf . ] How false this is , ●ow contrary to the power and practice of the Church be●ore the ●ubmission of the Clergy to King Henry the ei●●● ; and ●inally how dangerous a g●ound is hereby 〈◊〉 to weaken the Authority of Convocations , will 〈◊〉 appear by ●●ying down the sum of a Petition pre●●●●ed by the House of Commons to the same King H●nry , together with the Answer of the P●elates and inferior Clergy , then being Synodically assembled , to the said Petition . The substance of the Petition was as followeth , viz. THat the Clergy of this your Realm , being you ▪ Highness Sub●ects , in their Convocation by th●m holden within this your Realm , have made and dayly make divers Sanctions or Laws conce●ning Temporal things , and some of them be ●ep●gnant to the Lawes and Statu●e● of your Realm , not having 〈◊〉 requirin● your most Royall assent to the same Lawes so by them made , nother any assent or knowledge of your Lay Subjects , is had to the same , no●he● to them published and known in their Mother tongre al●●it dive●s and sundry of the said Lawes extend in certain causes to your excellent Pe●son , your liberty and Pre●ogative Royall , and to the inte●diction 〈◊〉 your Lawes and Possessions , and so likewise to the Good● and Possessions of your Lay Sub●ects , decla●in● the in●ringers of the same Lawes so by them ma●e not only to incur the terrible censure of Excommunication , but also to the detestable crime and sin of Her●●e , by the which divers of your humble and obedient Lay Subjects be brought into this Ambiguity , whether they may do and execute your Laws according to your Jurisdiction Royal of this Realm , for dread of the same Censures and pains comprised in the same Lawes so by them made in their Convocations , to the g●eat trouble and inquietation of your said humble and obedient Lay sub●ects , &c. the impeachment of your Jurisdiction and Prerogative Royal. The Answer thereunto was this . TO this we say , that forasmuch as we 〈◊〉 and take our Authority of making Lawes to be grounded upon the Scripture of God , and the determination of holy Church , which must also be 〈◊〉 rule and squier to try the justice and righteousness of all Lawes , as well Spiritual as Temporal ; we verily trust that considering the Lawes of this Realm be such as have been made by most Christian , religious and devout Princes and People , how both these Lawes proceeding from one fountain the same being sincerely interpreted , and after the good meaning of the makers , there shall be found no repugnancy , nor contrariety , but that the one shall be found as aiding , maintaining and supporting the other . And if it shall otherwise appear , as it is our duty ( whereunto we shall alwayes most diligently 〈◊〉 ourselves ) to reform our O●dinance ▪ to Gods Commission , and to conform our Statutes and Lawes ; and those of our predecessors , to the determination of Scripture and holy Church ; so we hope in 〈◊〉 and shall dayly pray for the same , that your Highness will , 〈…〉 came why , with the assent of your 〈…〉 temper your Graces Lawes accordingly . 〈…〉 shall 〈◊〉 a most happy and perfect 〈◊〉 and agreement , as God being Lapis angula●● to agree and con●oyn the same . And as concerning 〈…〉 of your Highness Royall assent to the 〈◊〉 of such Lawes as have been by our 〈◊〉 , or shall be made by us in such points and 〈◊〉 as we have by God authority to rule and 〈◊〉 by such Provisions and Lawes ; we knowing your Highness wisdom , and vertue , and learning , nothing doubt but the same perceiveth how the granting hereunto dependeth not upon our will and liberty . And that we your most humble Subjects may not 〈◊〉 the execution of our charge and duty certainly prescribed by God , to you● Highness assent , although in very deed the same is most worthy for your most Noble , Princely , and excellent vertues , not only to give yo●● Royall assent , but also to devi●e and comm●nd what we should fo● good order and 〈…〉 Statutes and Lawe provide in the Church , nevertheless conside●ing we may not so ne in such sort refrain the doing of our office in the ●ee●ing and ruling of 〈◊〉 people your Graces Subjects ; we most humbly desiring your Grace as the same hath heretofore , so from hence forth to shew your Graces 〈◊〉 and opinion unto us , what your high Wisdom shall think convenient , which we shall most gladly hear and follow i● it shall please God to in●●● is so to do , with all submission and humility be●●ech the same , following the step● of your most Noble Progenitors , and conformably to your our own Acts do maintain and defend such Lawes , and Ordinance● , as we according to our calling and by Authority of God , shall for his honour make , to the ●di●ication of vertue , and maintaining Christs faith , of which your Highness is named Defender , and hath been hitherto indeed a special Protector . Furthermore whereas your said Lay Subjects say , that sundry of the said Laws extend in certain causes to your excellent Person , your Liberty and Prerogative Royal , and to the interdiction of your Land and Possessions : To this your said Orators say , that having submitted the tryal and examining of the Laws made in the Church by us and our Predecessors , to the just and straight Rule of Gods Laws , which giveth measure of Power , Prerogative , and Authority to all Emperors , Kings , Princes , and Potentates , and all other ; we have conceiv'd such opinion , and have such estimation of your Majesties goodness and vertue , that whatsoever any persons not so well learned as your Grace is would pretend unto the same , whereby we your most humble Subjects may be brought in your Graces displeasure and indignation , surmising that we should by usupation and presumption , extend our Laws to your most noble Person , Prerogative and Realm , yet the same your Highness being so highly learn'd , will of your own most bounteous goodness facilly discharge and deliver us from that envy , when it shall appear that the said Laws are made by us , or our Predecessors conformable and maintenable by the Scripture of God , and determination of the Church , against which no Laws can stand or take effect . Somewhat to this purpose had been before endevoured by the Commons in the last Parliament of King Edw. 3. of which , because they got nothing by it , but only the shewing of their teeth without hurting any body ; I shall say nothing in this place , reserving it to the time of the long Parliament , in the Reign of King Charles , when this point was more hotly followed , and more powerfully prosecuted than ever formerly . What says our Author unto this ? Findes he here any such matter , as that the Laity at their pleasure could li●●● the Canons of the Church ? Or that such Canons in whatsoever t●uched temporals were subject unto secular Laws and National Customs ? And hereof I desire the Reader to take special notice , as that which is to serve for a Catholicon , of general Antido●e against those many venomous insi●nations , which he shall meet with up and down in the course of this History . As for the case in which our Author grounds this pestilent Position , it was the Canon made in a Synod at Westminster , in the time of Anselm , Anno 1102. prohibiting the sale of men and women like brute beasts in the open Market . Which Canon not finding presently an universal obedience over all the Kingdom ( as certainly ill customs are not easily left , when they are countenanced by profit ) occasioned our Author to adventure upon this bold assertion . Fol. 24. Indeed St. Davids had been Christian some hundred of years , whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan . ● Not many hundred years I am sure of that , nor yet so many as to make a plural number by the Latin Grammar ; Kent being conquered by the Saxons , who brought in Pae●●nism , Anno 455. Converted unto Christianity by the preaching of Austin , An. 569. Not much more then 140 years betwixt the one and the other . Fol. 29. To whose honor he ( viz. King Stephen ) erected St. Stephens Chappel in Westminster neer the place whero lately the Court of Requests was kept . ] Our Author is here 〈…〉 , and will not parler le tout , as the French men say . For otherwise he might have told us that this Chappel is still standing , and since the ●●endry of it to King Edward the sixth , ha●● been 〈◊〉 for a Parliament House , impl●yed to that purpose by the Common , as 〈…〉 be thus reserved , I can hardly tell ; unless it be to prevent such inferences and observations , which by some wanton wits might be made upon it . Fol. 40. By the same title from his Father Jeffery Plantagenet , he possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine . I had thought he had possessed somewhat more in Anjou and Maine , then some fair Lands only , his Father Ieffery Plantagenet being the Proprietary Earl of Anjou , Maine , and Toureine , not a●itular only , succeeded in the same by this King Henry and his two sons , Richard , and Iohn , till lost unhappily by the last with the rest of our Estates on that side of the Sea. From this Ieffery descended fourteen Kings of the name of Plantagenet , the name not yet extinguished , though it be impoverished : our Author speaking of one of them , who was found not long since at the Plow . Lib. 2. p. 170. Another of that name publishing a Book about the Plantation of new Albion , An. 1646. or not long before . Fol. 53. King John sent a base , degenerous and unchristian Embassage to Admiralius Murmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco , then very puissant , and possessing a great part of Spain . ] This Admiralius Murmelius , as our Author and the old Monks call him , was by his own name called Mahomet Enaser , the Miramomoline of Morocco ; to whom if King Iohn sent any such Message , it was as base , unchristian and degenerate as our Author makes it . But being the credit of the ●ale depends upon the credit of the Monkish Authors , to which b●ood of men that King was known to be a professed Enemy ●ha●ing and hated by one another● it is not to be esteemed so highly as a piece of Apocrypha , and much less to be held for Gospel Possible it is , that being overlaid by his own subjects , and distressed by the 〈◊〉 he might send unto that King for aid in his great extremities . And doing this 〈◊〉 this were a●● ) he did no 〈…〉 and in ignation , and 〈…〉 so much as was done afterwards upon far weaker grounds by King Francis the first , employing the Turks Forces both by Sea and Land against Charles the fifth . But the Monks coming to the knowledge of this secret practise , and const●●ing his actions to the worst , improv'd the Molehil to a Mountain , rendring him thereby as odious to posterity , as he was to themselves . Fol. 63. I question whether the Bishop of Rochester ( whose Countrey house at Brumly is so nigh ) had ever a House in the City . ] There is no question but he had , St●w finding it in Southwark by the name of Rochester 〈◊〉 adioyning on the South side to the Bishop of Winchesters , minons , and out of ●eparation in his time ( as possibly not much frequented since the building of Bromly House ) and since converted into Tonements for private persons . But since our Author hath desired others to recover the rest from oblivion , I shall help him to the knowledge of two more , and shall thank any man to finde out the third . The first of these two is the Bishop of Lincolns House , situate neer the old Temple in Holborn , first built by Robert de Chesney Bishop of Lincoln , Anno 1147. Since alien'd from that See to the Earls of Southampton , and passing by the name of Southampton House . The second is the Bishop of Bangors , a fair House situate in Shoo-lane neer St. Andrews Church , of late time Leased out by the Bishops , and not long since the dwelling of Dr Smith Doctor in Physick , a right honest and ingenuous person , and my very good Friend . Of all the old Bishops which were founded before King Harry the eight , there is none whose House we have not found but the Bishop of A●aph ▪ to the finding whereof , if our Author , or any other will hold forth the Candle , I shall follow the 〈◊〉 the best I can , and be thankful for it . Fol. 67. And though some high Royalists look on it as the product of subjects , 〈◊〉 themselves on their 〈…〉 Our Author tells us in his Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise then our Author doth ▪ letting us know , That the first Countrey in Christendom , whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return , was our Countrey of England , whence they were banished , Anno 1290. by King Edward the first ; and not long after out of France , Anno 1307. by Phi●ippus Pulcher. Not out of France first , out of England afterwards , as our Author would have it . Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before . ] An observation true enough , but not well applyed . The two Spen●●rs whom he speaks this of , were not men of yesterday , or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height ; but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England : insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament , whether the Baronesse de Spencer , or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency , it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer , thereby declar'd the antientest Barony of the Kingdom at that time then being . These two Spencers , Hugh the Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life ; and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert dt Cl●re , became Earl of Gloster . Men more to be commended for their Loyalty , then accused for their pride , but that the King was now declining , and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him , as they after did . Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop . ] If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , most commonly , or for the most part , he is right enough ; but then it will not stand with the following words , viz. as if it had been against equity to employ any other 〈◊〉 . 〈…〉 he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense , as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office , he doth not only misinform the Reader , but confute himself , he having told us fol. 31. of this present book , that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury , was made Lord Chancellor , and that as soon as he was made Archbishop , he resign'd that office . But the truth is , that not only men in holy Orders , but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity , as will appear to any who will take the pains to 〈◊〉 the Catalogue of the Chancellors and 〈◊〉 of the Gr●at Seal , in the Glossary of Sir Henry 〈◊〉 : in which appear not only some of inferior dignity , as Deans , Archdeacons , House-hold Chaplains ; but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiasticall ●●●●or Notification , and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Laymen , Counsellors , and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived , or otherwise studied in the Lawes , and of good affection● , and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power . Fol. 116. This year● viz. 1350. as Authors generally agree , King Edward instituted are Order of the Garter . ] Right enough as unto the time , but much mistaken in some things which relate unto that antient and most noble Order : our Author taking up his Commodities at the second hand , neither consulting the Records , no● dealing in this business with men of credit . For first there are not 〈◊〉 Canons resident in the Church of Win●or , but thirteen only with the Dean : it being King Edwards purpo●e when he founded that O●de● , consisting of twenty 〈◊〉 Knights , himself being one , to 〈◊〉 as many greater and lesser Canons , and as many old Souldiers commonly called poor Knights● to be pensioned there . Though in this last the number was 〈…〉 up to his first intention . He tels us secondly , that if he be not mistaken ( as indeed he is ) Sir Thomas Row was the last Chancellor of the Order ; whereas Sir Iames Palmer one of the Gentlemen Huishers of the Privy Chamber succeeded him in the place of Chancellor after his decease , Anno 1644. He tels us thirdly , that there belongs unto it one Register being alwayes the Dean of Winsor , which is nothing so . For though the Deans of late times have been Registers also , yet ab initio non suit sic , it was not so from the beginning ; The first Dean who was also Register , being Iohn Boxul , Anno 1557. Before which time , beginning at the year 1414. there had been nine Registers which were not Deans ; but how many more before that time I am not able to say , their names not being on Record . And so●●thly he tels us , that the Garter is one of the extraordinary Habiliments of the Knights of this Order , their ordinary being only the blew Ribbon about their necks , with the picture of St. George appendant , and the Sun in his glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak ; whereas indeed the Garter is of common wearing , and of such necessary use , that the Knights are not to be seen abroad without it , upon pain of paying two Crowns to any Officer of the Order who shall first claim it , unless they be to take a journey ; in which case it is sufficient to wear a blew Ribbon under their Boots to denote the Garter . Lastly , whereas our Author tels us , that the Knights he●eof do wear on the left shoulder of their Cloaks a Sun in his glory , and attributes this wearing , as some say , to King Charles ; I will first put him out of doubt , that this addition was King Charles his ; then shew him his mistake in the matter it self . And first , in the first year of that King , Ap. 26 , 1626. it was thus enacted at a publick Chapter of the O●der , viz. That all Knights and Companions of the Order , shall wear upon the left part of their Cloaks , Coats , and riding Cassacks , at all times when they shall not wear their Roabs , and in all places of Assembly , an Escocheon of the Armes of St. George , id est , a Crosse within a Garter , not enriched with Pearls or Stones : in token of the honour which they hold from the said most noble Order , instituted and ordained for persons of the highest worth and honour . Our Authour , secondly , may perceive by this Act of the Kings , that St. Georges Crosse within the Garter is the main device injoyned to be worn by all the Knights of that noble Order ; to which the adding of the Sun in his glory served but for ornament and imbellishing , and might be either used or not used ( but only for conformities sake ) as they would themselves . So many errors in so few lines one shall hardly meet with . The Fourth Book . From the first Preaching of Wickliffe , to the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth . OUR Author begins this Book with the Story of Wickliffe , and continueth it in relating the successes of him and his followers , to which he seems so much addicted , as to Christen their Opinions by the name of the Gospel . For speaking of such incouragements and helps as were given to Wickliffe by the Duke of Lancaster , with other advantages , which the conditions of those times did afford unto him , he addeth that Fol. 129. We must attribute the main to Divine Provid●●ce blessing the Gospel . ] A name too high to be bestowed upon the Fancies of a private Man , many of whose Opinions were so far from truth , so contrary to peace and civil Order , so inconsistent with the Government of the Church of Christ , as make them utterly unworthy to be look'd on as a part of the Gospel . Or if the Doctrines of Wickliffe must be call'd the Gospel , what shall become of the Religion then establisht in the Re●l● of England , and in most other parts of the Western wo●ld ? Were all but Wickliffes Followers relaps'd to 〈◊〉 , were they turn'd Jews , or had embrac'd 〈◊〉 of Mahomet ? If none of these , and that they 〈…〉 in the faith of Christ , delive ed to them in the Gospels of the four Evangelists , and other Apostolical Writers , Wickliffes new Doctrines could not challenge the name of Gospel , nor ought it to be given to him by the pen of any . But such is the humor of some men , as to call every separation from the Church of Rome , by the name of Gospel , the greater the separation is , the more pure the Gospel . No name but that of Evangelici would content the Germans when they first separated from that Church , and reformed their own ; and Harry Nichols , when he separated from the German Churches , and became the Father of the Familists , bestows the name of Evangelium Regni on his Dreams and Dotages . Gospels of this kinde we have had , and may have too many , quot Capita tot fides , as many Gospels , in a manner , as Sects and Sectaries , if this world go on . Now as Wickliffes Doctrines are advanc'd to the name of Gospel , so his Followers ( whatsoever they were ) must be called Gods servants , the Bishops being said fol. 151. to be busie in persecuting Gods servants ; and for what crime soever they were brought to punishment , it must be thought they suffered only for the Gospel and the service of God. A pregnant evidence whereof we have in the story of Sir Iohn Oldcastle , accused in the time of King Harry the fifth for a Design to kill the King and his Brethren , actually in Arms against that King in the he●● of 20000 men , attainted for the same in open Parliament , and condemn'd to die , and executed in St. Giles his Fields accordingly , as both Sir Roger Acton his principal Counsellor , and 37 of his Accomplices had been before . For this we have not only the Authority of our common Chronicles , Walsingham , Stow , and many others ; but the Records of the Tower , and Acts of Parliament , as is confessed by our Author , fol. 168. Yet coming out of Wickliffes Schools , and the chief Scholar questionless which was train'd up in them , he must be Registred for a Martyr in Fox his Calender . And though our Author dares not quit him , ( as he says himself ) yet such is his tenderness and respect to Wickliffes Gospel , that he is loath to load his Memory with causless Crimes , fol. 167. taxeth the Clergie of that time for their hatred to him , discrediteth the relation of T. Walsingham , and all later Authors , who are affirm'd to follow him as the Flock their Belweather ; and finally leaves it as a special verdict to the last day of the Revelation of the righteous Iudgements of God. From the Scholar pass we to the Master , of whom it is reported in a late Popish Pamphlet , that he made a recantation of his Errors , and liv'd and dyed confo●mable to the Church of Rome . This I behold as a notorious falshood , an imposture of the Romish party , though the argument used by our Autho● , be not of strength sufficient to inforce me to it . If , saith he , Wickliffe was sufficiently reconcil'd to the Roman faith , why was not Rome sufficiently reconciled to him ? Vsing such cruelty to him many years after his death , fol. 171. But this , say I , is no reason , of no force at all . Wickliffe might possibly be reconcil'd to the Church of Rome , and yet the Min●sters of that Church , to strike a terror into others , might ▪ execute that vengeance on him after his decease , which they had neither power nor opportunity to do when he was alive . Quam vivo iracundiam debuerant , in corpus mort●i contulerunt . And hereof we have a fair example in Marcus Antonius de Dominis Archbishop of Spalato , who coming into England , 1616. did manifestly oppose the Doctrines of the Church of Rome , in some learned Volumes . But being cunningly wrought on by some Em●ssaries of the Romish party in the year 1622. he went ba●k to Rome , was reconcil'd to that Church , and writ the e most reproachfully of the Church of England ; which notwithstanding , he was kept prisoner all the rest of his life , and his body burnt to ashes after his decease . So then it is no such new matter for a dissenting Christian , such as Wickliffe and de Dominis were , though branded by the n●me of Hereticks , to be admitted to a reconciliation with the Church of Rome , and yet that Church to carry a revengeful minde towards them when occasion serves . And all this while we have expected that our Author would have given us a brief summary of Wickliffes Doctrines , that by seeing the Piety and Orthodoxie of his Opinions , we might have thought more reverently both of him and his Followers . But therein our expectation must remain unsatisfied , our Author thinking it more agreeable to his Design to hold the Reader in suspense , and conceal this from him : dealing herein as the old Germans did with those of other Nations , who came to wait upon Valeda a great Queen amongst them ; not suffering any to have a sight of her , to keep them in a greater admiration of her parts and Person . Arcebantur aspectu quò plus venerationis inesset , as it is in Tacitus . The wheat of Wickliffe was so soul , so full of chaffe , and intermingled with so many and such dangerous Tares , that to expose it to the view , were to mar the market . And therefore our Author having formerly honored his Opinions by the name of Gospel , and his followers with the Title of Gods servants , as before was noted ; had reason not to shew them all at once , in a lump together , that we might think them better and more Orthodox then indeed they were . But the best is ( to save us the trouble of consulting Harpsfield , and others who have written of them ) our Author hath given them us at last on another occasion , Lib. 5. fol. 208. many of which the Reader may peruse in these Ammadversions , Numb . 113. Thus having laid together so much of this present Book as relates to Wickliffe and his followers , I must behold the rest in fragments as they lye before me . Fol. 152. He lies buried in the South Isle of St. Peters Westminster , and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton . ] Not Draytons company I am sure , whose body was not buryed in the South-Isle of that Church , but under the North wall thereof in the main body of it , not far from a little dore which openeth into one of the Prebends houses . This I can say on certain knowledge , being casually invited to his Funeral , when I thought not of it ; though since his Statua hath been set up in the other place which our Author speaks of . Fol. 153. The Right to the Crown lay not in this Henry , but in Edmund Mortimer Earl of March , descended by his Mother Philippa , from Lionel Duke of Clarence , elder son to Edward the third . ] I shall not now dispute the Title of the House of Lancaster , though I think it no hard matter to defend it ; and much less shall I venture on the other controversie , viz. whether a King may Legally be depos'd , as is insinuated by our Author in the words foregoing . But I dare grapple with him in a point of Heraldry , though I finde him better studied in it , then in matter of History . And certainly our Author is here out , in his own dear Element . Edmund Mortimer Earl of March not being the Son , but Husband of the Lady Philippa Daughter of Lionel , Duke of Clarence , and Mother of Roger Mortimer Earl of March , whom Richard the second ( to despite the House of Lancaster ) declared Heir apparent to the Kingdom of England . 'T is true , this Edmond was the son of another Philippa , that is to say , of Philip Montacute , wife of a former Roger Earl of March , one of the founders of the Garter . So that in whomsoever the best Title lay , if lay not in this Edmond Mortimer as our Author makes it . 〈◊〉 . 154. This is one of the clearest distinguishing 〈…〉 the Tempora●● and Spiritual Lords● that 〈…〉 be tryed per pares , by their Peers , being 〈…〉 . ] No● shall I here dispute the point , 〈…〉 may not challenge to be tryed by his 〈…〉 whe●●er the Bishops were not Barons and 〈◊〉 of the Realm . Our Author intimates that they were not , but I think they were , and this I think on the authority of the learned Selden , in whom we finde , that at a Parliament at Northampton 〈◊〉 Henry the 2. the Bishops thus challenge their own ●ee age , viz. Non sedemus hi● Episcopi , sed Barones , Nos ●●●●nes , v●s Barones ; Pares hi● sumus : that is to 〈◊〉 We 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 as Bishops only but as Barons ; We are Barons , and you are Barons ; here we sit as Peers . Which last is also 〈…〉 in terminis , by the words of a Statu●e 〈◊〉 Act of Parliament , wherein the Bishops are acknowledged to ●e Peers of the Land. And for further proof he● eo● , Ihon ●tratford Archbishop of Canterbury ( if I remember it aright ) being fallen into the disple●sure of King Edward the third , and denyed entrance into the House of 〈◊〉 made his Protest , that he was Primus 〈◊〉 Regni , the 〈◊〉 Peer of the Realm , and therefo●e not to be 〈…〉 from his place and Suffrage . But of this Argument enough , i● not too much as the case now stands ▪ 〈…〉 thing , to consider what they have 〈…〉 what they are at this pre●ent . 〈…〉 Reign the●e pa●● an Act of Pa●liament , by which it was enacted , That the Countrey of Wales should be , stand and continue for ever from thenceforth incorpo●a●ed , united , and annexed to and with this Realm of England . And that all and singular person and persons born and to be born in the said principality , countrey or dominion of Wales ▪ shall have , in●oy , and inhe ●it all and singular Freedoms , Liberties , Rights , Priviledges , and Lawes within this Realm , and other the Kings Dominions , as other the Kings Subjects naturally bo●n within the same , have , and injoy , and inhe●●it . And thirdly , between the time which our Author speaks of , being the 14 year of King Henry the fourth , and the making of this Act by King Henry the eighth , there passed bo●e an hund●ed and twenty years , which intimates a longer time then some years after , as out Author words it . Fol. 168. I will not complain of the dearness of this Unive●sity , where seventeen weeks cost me more then seventeen years in Cambridge ▪ even all that I had . ] The o●dinary and unwary Re●der might collect from hence , that Oxford is a chargeable place , and that all commodities there are exceeding dear , but that our Author lets him know , that it was on some occasion of dist●●bance . By which it seems our Author doth 〈◊〉 to the time of the War , when men from all 〈◊〉 did repair to Oxford , not as a University , but a place of safety , and the fear Royall of the King ; at 〈◊〉 time notwithstanding all provisions were so plen●●ull and at such cheap rates , as no man had reason to complain of the 〈◊〉 of them . No better argument of the 〈◊〉 of the soil and richness of the 〈◊〉 in which Oxford standeth , then that the 〈…〉 on the accession of such 〈…〉 at that 〈◊〉 and on that occasion . 〈◊〉 Author therefo●e 〈◊〉 be thought to relate unto somewhat else then is here exp●essed , and possibly may be , that his being at Oxford at that time , 〈◊〉 him within the compass of Delinquency , and consequently of Sequestration . And 〈…〉 hath 〈…〉 son to complain of the Vniversity , or the dearness of it ; but rather of himself , for coming to a place so chargeable and destructive to him . He might have tarryed where he was ( for I never heard that he was sent fo● ) and then this great complaint against the dearness of that Vniversity would have found no place . Fol. 175. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence , that it is pity 〈◊〉 should be seen save only on holy-dayes , &c. ] Our Author is somewhat out in this , in fachering that saying on Charles the fifth , Emperor and King of Spain , which Boterus and all other Authors ascribe to Charles Archduke of Austria ; that is to say , to Charles of Inspruch , one of the younger sons of the Emperor Ferdinand the first , and consequently Nephew to Charles the fifth . Not is o●r Author very right in taking Aquensis for Aix in Provence ; Fol. 178. Especially ( ●aith he ) if , as I take it , by Aquensis Aix be meant● scited in the f●rthermost parts of Provence , though even now the English power in France was a waning . ] For first , the English never had any power in Provence , no interest at all therein , nor pretentions to it : as neither had the French Kings in the times our Author speaks of . Provence in tho●e dayes was independent of that Crown , an absolute Estate and held immediately of the Empire , as being a part and member of the Realm of Burgundy , and in the actual possession of the Dukes of ●njou : on the expiring of which House , by the last will and Testament of Duke Rene the second , it was bequeathed to Lewis the eleventh of France , by him and his successors , to be enjoyed upon the death of Charles Earl of Maine , as it was accordingly . And secondly , that Bernard , whom the Latine cals Episcopus Aquensis is very ill taken by our Author to be Bishop of Aix . He was indeed Bishop of Acqus or Aux in Guienne called antiently Aquae Augustae from whence those parts of France had the name of Aquitaine ; and not of Aix ( which the antient writers called Aquae Sextiae ) in the Countrey of Provence . Now Guienne was at that time in the power of the Kings of England , which was the reason why this Bernard was sent with the rest of the Commissioners to the Councell of Basil ; and being there amongst the rest maintained the rights and preheminences of the English Kings . In agitating of which controversie as it stands in our Author , I finde mention of one Iohannes de Voragine a worthless Author , fol. 181. Mistook both in the name of the man , and his quality also . For first , the Author of the Book called Legenda aurea related to in the former passage , was not Iohannes , but Iacobus de Voragi●e . In which Book , though there are many idle and unwarrantable fictions ; yet secondly was the man of more esteem , then to passe under the Character of a Worthless Author , as being learned for the times in which he lived , Archbishop of Gen●a a chief City of Italy , & moribus & dignitate magno precio , as Philippus Bergomensis telleth us of him , Anno 1290. at what time he liv'd ; most eminent for his translation of the Bible into the Italian tongue ( as we read in Vossius ) a work of great both difficulty and danger as the times then were , sufficient ( were there nothing else ) to free him from the ignominious name of a worthlesse Author . A greater mistake then this , as to the person of the Man , is that which followes , viz. Fol. 185. ●umph●y Duke of G●oue● son to King Henry the fifth . ] This though I cannot look on as a fault of the Presle , yet I can easily consider it as a slip of the pen ; it being impossible that our Author should be so far mistaken in Duke Humphry of Gloster , who was not son but b●othe● to King Henry the fifth . But I cannot think so charitably of some other errors of this kinde which I finde in his History of Cambridge , fol. 67. Where amongst the English Dukes which carryed the title of Earl of Cambridge , he reckoneth Edmund of Langly fifth son to Edward the third , Edward his son , Richard Duke of York his brother , father to King Edward the fourth . But first this Richard whom he speaks of , though he were Earl of Cambridge by the consent of Edward his elder brother , yet was he never Duke of York ; Richard being executed at South-Hampton for treason against King Harry the fifth , before that Kings going into France , and Edward his elder brother slain not long after in the Battail of Agincourt . And secondly , this Richard was not the Father , but Grandfather of King Edward the fourth . For being marryed unto Anne , sister and heir unto Edmund Mortimer Ea●l of March , he had by her a son called Richard , improvidently ●estored in bloud , and advanced unto the Title of Duke of York by King Henry the sixth , Anno 1426. Who by the L●dy Cecely his wife one of the many Daughters of Ralph E●rl of Westmerland , was father of King Edward the fourth , George Duke of Clarence , and King Richard the third . Thirdly , as Richard Earl of Cambridge was not Duke of York , so Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge ; though by our Author made the last Earl thereof ( Hist. of Cam. 162. ) before the restoring of that title on the House of the Hamiltons . If our Author be no better at a pedegree in private Families , then he is in those of Kings and Princes , I shall not give him m●●h for his Art of Memory , for his History less , and for his Heraldry just nothing . But I see our Author is as good at the succession of Bishops , as in that of Princes . For saith he , speaking of Cardinal Beaufort , Fol. 185. He built the fair Hospital of St. Cross neer Winchester , and although Chancellor of the University of Oxford , was no grand Benefactor thereunto , as were his Predecesso●s Wickam and Wainfleet . ] Wickam and Wainfleet are here made the Predecessors of Cardinal Beaufort in the See of Winchester , whereas in very deed , though he succeeded Wickam in that Bishop●ick , he preceded Wainfleet . For in the Catalogue of the Bishops of Winchester they are marshalled thus , viz. 1365. 50. William of Wickham , 1405. 51. Henry Beaufort , 1447. 52. William de Wainfleet , which last continued Bishop till the year 1486. the See being kept by these three Bishops above 120. years , and thereby giving them g●eat Advantages of doing those excellent works , and founding those famous Colledges , which our Author rightly hath ascribed to the first and last . But whereas our Author telleth us also of this Cardinal Beaufort , that he built the Hospital of St. Crosse , he is as much out in that as he was in the other ; that Hospital being first built by Henry of Blais , Brothe● of King Stephen and Bishop of Winchester , Anno 1129. augmented only , and perhaps more liberally endowed by this Potent C●●dinal . From these Foundations made and enlarged by these three great Bishops of Winchester successively , p●o●eed we to two others raised by King Henry the sixth , of which our Author telleth us Fol. 183. This good precedent of the Archbishops bounty ( that is to say , the foundation of All-Souls Colledge by Archbishop Ch●cheley ) may be presumed a Spur to the speed of the Kings liberality ; who soon after founded Eaton Colledge , &c. to be a Nursery to Kings Colledge in Cambridge , fol. 184. ] Of ●aton Colledge , and the condition of the same , our Author hath spoken here at large , but we must look fo● the foundation of Kings Colledge , in the History of Cambridge , fol 77. where I finde some thing which requireth an Animadversion . Our Author there chargeth Dr. Heylyn for avowing something which he cannot justifie , that is to say , for saying , That when William of Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester ( afterwards founder of Magdalen Colledge ) perswaded King Henry the Sixth to erect some Monument for Learning in Oxford , the King returned , Imo potius Cantabrigiae , ut duas ( si fieri possit ) in Anglia Academias habeam . Yea rather ( said he ) at Cambridge , that ( if it be possible ) I may have two Universities in England . As if Cambridge were not reputed one before the founding of Kings Colledge therein . But here the premises only are the Doctors , the inference or conclusion is our Authors own . The Doctor infers not thereupon , that Cambridge was not reputed an Vniversity till the founding of Kings Colledge by King Henry the sixth ; and indeed he could not : for he acknowledged before out of Robert de Reningt●n that it was made an Vniversity in the time of King Edward the second . All that the Doctor says , is this , that as the Vniversity of Cambridge was of a later foundation then Oxford was , so it was long before it grew into esteem , that is to say , to such a measure of esteem at home or abroad ( before the building of Kings Colledge , and the rest that followed ) but that the King might use those words in his Discourse with the Bishop of Winchester . And for the Narrative , the Doctor ( whom I have talked with in this business ) doth not shame to say , that he borrowed it , from that great Treasury of Academical Antiquities Mr. Brian Twine , whose learned Works stan● good against all Opponents ; and that he found the passage justified by Sir Isaack Wake in his Rex Platonicus . Two Persons of too great wit and judgement , to relate a matter of this nature on no better g●ound then common 〈◊〉 - talk , and that too spoke in merriment by Sir Henry Savil. Assuredly Sir Henry Savil was too great a Zealot for that University , and too much a friend to Mr. Wake , who was Fellow of the same Colledge with him , to have his Table-talk and discourses of merriment to be put upon Record as grounds and arguments for such men to build on in that weighty Controversie . And therefore when our Author tells us , what he was told by Mr. Hubbard , Mr. Hubbard by Mr. Barlow , Mr. Barlow by Mr. Bust , and Mr. Bust by Sir Henry Savil ; it brings into my minde the like Pedegree of as true a Story , even that of Mother Miso in Sir Philip Sidney , telling the young Ladies an old Tale , which a good old woman told her , which an old wise man told her , which a great learned Clerk told him , and gave it him in writing ; and there she had it in her Prayer-book ; as here our Author hath found this on the end of his Creed . Not much unlike to which , is that which I finde in the Poet ; Quae Phoebo Pater omnipotens , mihi Phoebus Apollo Praedixit , vobis Furiarum ego maxima pand● . That is to say ; What Iove told Phoebus , Phoebus told to me , And I the chief of Furies tell to thee . But to proceed , Fol. 190. This was that Nevil , who for Extraction , Estate , Alliance , Dependents , Wisdom , Valour , Success , and popularity , was superior to any English Subject since the Conquest . ] Our Author speaks this of that Richard Nevil , who was first Earl of Warwick , in right of Anne his Wife , Sister and Heir of Henry Beauchamp , the last of that Family , and after Earl of Salisbury by descent from his Father ; a potent and popular man indeed , but yet not in all or in any of those respects to be match'd with Henry of Bullenbrook son to Iohn of Gaunt , whom our Author must needs grant to have lived since the time of the Conquest . Which Henry after the death of his Father was Duke of Lancaster and Hereford , Earl of Leicester , Lincoln , and Darby , &c. and Lord High Steward of England . Possessed by the donation of King Henry the third of the County Palatin of Lancaster , the forfeited Estates of Simon de Montfort Earl of Leicester , Robert de Ferrars Earl of Darby , and Iohn Lord of Monmouth ; by the compact made between Thomas Earl of Lancaster , and Alice his Wife , of the Honor of Pomfret , the whole Estate of the Earl of Lincoln , and a great part of the Estates of the Earl of Salisbury ; of the goodly Tertitories of Ogmore and Kidwelly in Wales , in right of his descent from the Chaworths ; of the Honor and Castle of Hartford by the grant of King Edward the third , and of the Honor of Tickhill in Yorkshire by the donation of King Richard the second ; and finally of a Moity of the vast Estate of Humphry de Bohun Earl of Hereford , Essex and Northampton in right of his Wife . So royal in his Extraction , that he was Grandchilde unto one King , Cousin german to another , Father and Grandfather to two more . So popular when a private person , and that too in the life of his Father , that he was able to raise and head an Army against Richard the Second , with which he discomfited the Kings Forces , under the command of the Duke of Ireland ; so fortunate in his successes , that he not only had the better in the battail mentioned , but came off with Honor and Renown in the War of Africk ▪ and finally obtained the Crown of England . And this I trow , renders him much Superior to our Authors Nevil , whom he exceeded also in this particular , that he dyed in his bed , and left his Estates unto his Son. But having got the Crown by the murther of his Predecessor , it stay'd but two descents in his Line , being unfortunately lost by King Henry the sixth , of whom being taken and imprisoned by those of the Yorkish Faction , our Author telleth us , Fol. 190. That States-men do admire how blind the Policy of that Age was in keeping King Henry alive , there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Captive King , whose life ( though in restraint ) is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement . ] Our Author might have sp●r'd this Doctrine so frequently in practise amongst the wordly Politicians of all times and ages , that there is more need of a Bridle to hold them in , then a Sput to quicken them . Parce precor stimulis , & fortiùs utere loris , had been a wholesom Caveat there , had any friend of his been by to have advis'd him of it . The mu●thering of depos'd and Captive Princes , though too often practised , never found Advocates to plead for it , and m●●h less Preachers to preach for it , until these latter times . First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavel , who lays it down for an Aphorism in point of policy , viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched , or if they be , must be made sure from taking Revenge ; inculcated afterwards by the Lord Gray , who being sent by King Iames to intercede for the life of his Mother , did unde●-hand solicit her death , and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeths ears , as Mortua non mordet , if the Scots Queen were once dead , she would never bite . But never prest so home , never so punctually apply'd to the case of Kings , as here I finde it by our Author ; of whom it cannot be ●ffirm'd , that he speaks in this case the sen●e of others , but positively and plainly doth declare his own . No such Divinity p●each'd in the Schools of Ignatius , though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana , then of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England . Which whether it passed from him before o● since the last sad accident of this nature , it comes all to one ; this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both ●●des , and if it come too late for instruction , will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification . Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honor of the late Archbishop , as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Soveraign Princes , if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies . But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speak more in another place , and then he shall hear further from me . Now to go on . Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldom of Hereford and Hereditary Constableship of England . ] Not so , it was not the Earldom , that is to say , the Title of Earl of Hereford , which the Duke requested , but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been forme●ly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster . Concerning which we are to know , that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford , left behinde him two Daughters only , of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloster , Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby . Betwixt these two the Estate was parted , the one Moiety which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby , the other which drew after it the Office of Constable to the Duke of Glocester . But the Duke of Glocester being dead , and his estate coming in fire unto his Daughter who was not able to contend , Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division , laying one half of her just partage to the other Moiety . But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite exti●ct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth , these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford , having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster , remained in possession of the Crown , but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester , and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford . This was the sum of his demand . Nor do I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable , or that he needed so to do , he being then Constable of England , as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family , was after him . Fol. 199. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side . ] Our Author is out in this also . It was not the Lord Stanley , but his Brother Sir William Stanley , who came in so seasonably , and thereby turn'd the Scale , and chang'd the fortune of the day . For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold , and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates , but finally beheaded by that very King , for whom , and to whom , he had done the same . But the King look'd upon this action with another eye . And therefore when the merit of this service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure , and preserve the man , the King remembred very shrewdly , that as he came soon enough to win the Victory , so he staid long enough to have lost it . ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Fifth and Sixth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN . Relating to the time of King Henry the Eighth . WE are now come to the busie times of King Henry the Eighth , in which the power of the Church was much diminisht , though not reduced to such ill terms as our Author makes it . We have him here laying his foundations to overthrow that little which is left of the Churches Rights . His superstructures we shall see in the times ensuing more seasonable for the practice of that Authority which in this fifth Book he hammereth only in the speculation . But first we will begin with such Animadversions as relate unto this time and story as they come in our way , leaving such principles and positions as concern the Church , to the close of all ; where we shall draw them all together , that our discourse and observations thereupon may come before the Reader without interruption . And the first thing I meet with is a fault of Omission ; Dr. Newlen who succeeded Dr. Iackson in the Pres●dentship of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford , Anno 1640. by a free election , and in a statuteable way being left out of our Authors Catalogue of the Presidents of C. C. C. in Oxford , fol. 166. and Dr. Stanton who c●me in by the power of the Visitors above eight years after being placed therein . Which I thought fit ( though otherwise of no great moment ) to take notice of , that I might do the honest man that right which our Author doth not . Fol. 168. King Henry endevoured an uniformity of Grammar all over his Dominions ; that so youths though changing their School-masters might keep their learning . ] That this was endevoured by King Henry , and at last en●oyned , I shall easily grant . But then our Authour should have told us ( if at least he knew it ) that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereof p●oceeded f●om the Convocation in the yea● 1530. in which complaint being made . Quod multiplex & varius in Scholis Grammaticalibus modus esset 〈◊〉 &c. That the multiplicity of Grammars did much him to learning ; it was thought meet by the Prelates and Clergy then assembled , Vt una & eadem edatur formula Auctoritate 〈…〉 singula Schola Gramma●icals per 〈…〉 that is to say that one only 〈…〉 that within few years after , it was enjoyned by the Kings Proclamation to be used in all the Schools thoughout the Kingdom . But here we are to note withall , that our Author anticipates this business , placing it in the eleventh year of this King● Anno 1519. whereas the Convocation took not this into con●ideration till the eighth of March , Anno 1530. and ce●tainly would not have medled in it then , if the King had setled and enjoyned it so long before . Fol. 168. other●ardiner ●ardiner gathered the Flowers ( made the Collections ) though King Henry had the honour to wear the Posie . ] I am not ignorant that the making of the Kings Book against Martin Luther , is by some Popish writers ascribed to Dr. Iohn Fisher , then Bishop of Rochester . But this Cav●● was not made till after this King had re●ected the Popes Supremacy , and consequently the lesse credit to be given unto it . It is well known , that his Father King Henry the seventh designed him for the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury , and to that end caused him to be trained up in all parts of learning , which might inable 〈◊〉 for that place . But his elder Brother Prince Arthur d●ing , and himself succeeding in the Crown , though he had laid aside the thoughts of being a Priest , he could not but retain that Learning which he had acquired , and reckon it amongst the fairest Flowers which adorned his Diadem . Too great a Clerk he was to be called Beauclerk junior , as if he were as short in learning of King Henry the first ( whom commonly they called Beauclerk ) as he was in time ; though so our Author would fain have it , Hist. Cam. p. 2 , 3. A little learning went a great way in those early dayes , which in this King would have made no shew● in whose ●●me both the Arts and Languages began to flourish . And if our Author doth not suspect this Kings lack of learning , he hath no reason to suspect his lack of 〈◊〉 the work being small , the glory great , and helps enough at hand if he wanted any . But of this enough . Fol. 196. Which when finished ( as White-hall , Hampton-Court , &c. ) he either freely gave to the King , or exchanged them on very reasonable considerations . ] That Hampton Court was either freely given by Wolsey , or otherwise exchanged on very reasonable terms , I shall grant as easily ; but Whitehall was none of his to give , as belonging to the Archbishop in the right of the See of York , and then called York place . But the Kings Palace at Westminster being lately burnt , and this House much beautified by the Cardinal , the King cast a longing eye upon it ; and having attainted the Cardinal in a Praemunire , he seised upon this house with all the furniture thereof as a part of the spoil . Which when he found he could not hold , as being the Archbishops and not the Cardinals , he sent an Instrument unto him to be signed and sealed for the surrendry of his title and estate therein ; and not content to have forc'd it from him , ( the Cardinal honestly declaring his inability to make good the grant ) he caused the Dean and Chapter of York to confirm the same unto him under their Common Seal in due form of Law , which being obtained and much cost bestowed upon the House , he caused it to be called Whitehall ; gratifying the Archbishops of York with another House , belonging then to the See of Norwich , and now called York-house . Fol. 170. So that lately there were maintained therein one Dean , eight Canons , three publick professors of Divinity , H●brew and Greek , sixty Students , &c. ] Our Author tels us Lib. 4. that the spent seventeen weeks in this Vniversity , but he that looks on this and some other passages will think he had not tarryed there above seventeen hours . For besides his omitting of Dr. Newlin spoken of before , and his giving of the name of Censors to the Deans of Magdalen , which I finde afterwards , Lib. 8. ● . 7. he is very much mistaken in the matters of Christ Church . For first the three Professors of Divinity , Hebrew , and Greek are no necessary parts of that foundation , nor can be properly said to be founded in it . Till of late times they were and might be of other Colledges , as they are at this present , this Colledge being only bound to pay them for their annual Pensions fourty pounds apiece . In after times King Iames annexed a Prebends place in this Church to the Professor of Divinity , as King Charles did another to the Hebrew Reader . But for the Greek Reader he hath only his bare pension from it , and hath no other relation to it , but by accident only ; the last Greek Reader of this House being Dr. Iohn Perin who died in the year 1615. And secondly , he is very far short in the number of Students , diminishing them from an hundred to sixty , there being an Hundred and one of that foundation by the name of Students , equivalent to the Fellowes of most other Colleges in the Revennes of their place and all advantages and incouragements in the way of learning . But this perhaps hath somewhat in it of design , that by making the foundations of Oxford to seem lesse then they are , those in the other Vniversity , might appear the fairer . Fol. 171. And here Wolsey had provided him a second Wife ( viz. ) Margaret Countesse of Alanzon , sister to Francis King of France . ] As much ou● in his French , as his English Heraldry . For first the Lady Margaret here spoken of was never Countess , though sometimes Dutchess of Alanzon , as being once wife to Charls the fourth Duke thereof . And secondly , at the time when King Henries divorce from Queen Katherine was first agitated , this Lady was not in a capacity of being projected for a Wife to King Henry the eighth , being then actually in the bed of another Henry , that is to say , Henry of Albret King of Navarre , as appears plainly by the Articles of Pacification which were to be propounded for the restoring of King Francis the first ( being then Prisoner in Spain , Anno 1525. ) to his Realm and Liberty . In which it was propounded amongst other things , that Francis should not send any Aid to the said Henry of Albret ( for the recovery of his Kingdom ) notwithstanding that he had marryed the Kings Sister , and other Sister that King had none but this Margaret only . Fol. 178. Yet had he the whole Revenues of York Archbishop● ick ( worth then little lesse then four thousand pounds yearly ) besides a large Pension paid him out of the Bishoprick of Winchester . ] And a large Pension it was indeed ( if it were a Pension ) which amounted to the whole Revenue . But the truth is , that Wolsey having gotten the Bishop●ick of Winchester , to be holden by him in Commendam with the See of York , was suffered to enjoy it till the time of his death , Anno 1631. After which time as Dr. Edward Lee succeeded him in the Church of York , so then , and not before , Dr. Stephen Gardiner principal Secretary of State , was made Bishop of Winchester , by which name , and in which capacity I finde him active in the Convocation of the following year . Fol. 184. The Clergy of the Province of Canterbury alone bestowed on the King One hundred thousand pounds , to be paid by equall portions in the same year , say some ; in four years say others , and that in my opinion with more probability . ] Here have we three Authors for one thing , some , others , and our Author himself , more knowing then all the ●est in his own opinion . But all out alike . This great sum was not to be paid in one year , nor in four years neither , but to be paid by equall portions ( that is to say , by twenty thousand pound per annum ) in the five years following . And this appears plainly by the Instrument of Grant it self . Where having named the sum of an hundred thousand pounds by them given the King , they declare expresly , Ad usum Majestatis ejusdem intra quinquiennium ex nunc proxime & immediate sequens per qui●q , aequales portiones solvend ' &c. The first payment to be made the morrow after Michaelmas day then next ensuing after the day of the date thereof , which was the 22 of March 1530. Fol. 186. But he might have remembred , which also produced the peerless Queen Elizabeth , who perfected the Reformation . ] Either our Author speaks not this for his own opinion , as in that before , or if he do , it is an opinion of his own , in which he is not like to finde many followers . The Puritan party whom he acts for in all this work , will by no means grant it ; comparing that most excellent Lady in their frequent Pasquils to an idle Huswife , who sweeps the middle of the house to make a shew , but leaves all the dirt and rubbish behinde the door . The grand Composers of the Directory do perswade themselves , that if the first Reformers had been then alive they would have joyned with them in the work , and laboured for a further Reformation . And what else hath been clamoured for during all her Reign , and by the Ring-leaders of the Faction endevoured ever since her death , but to carry on the work of Reformation from one step to another , till they had brought it unto such a perfection as they vainly dreamt of , and of which now we feel and see the most bitter consequences ? And as for the Prelatical party , the high Royalists , as our Author cals them , they conceive the Reformation was not so perfected in the time of that prudent Queen , but that there was somewhat left to do for her two Successors ; that is to say , the altering of some Rubricks in the Book of Common-prayer , the adding of some Collects at the end of the Letany , the enlargement of the common Catechism , a more exact translation of the Bible then had been before , the setling of the Church upon the Canons of 603. and finally , a stricter and more hopeful course for suppressing Popery , and for the maintenance both of conformity and uniformity by the Canons of 640. Fol. 187. And now I cannot call King Henry a Batchelor , because once marryed ; nor a marryed man , because having no wife ; nor properly a Widower , because his wife was not dead . ] Our Author speaks this of Henry the eighth immediately after his divorce , but is much mistaken in the matter . King Henry was so averse from living without a Wife , that he thought it more agreeable to his constitution to have two Wives together then none at all . To that end while the business of the Divorce remained undecided , he was marryed privately to the Lady Anne Bollen , on the 14 of November ( Stow puts it off till the 25 of Ianuary then next following ) by Dr. Rowland Lee his Chaplain , promoted not long after to the Bishoprick of Coventry and Lichfield ; the Divorce not being sentenced till the Aprill following . And whereas our Author tels us in the following words , that soon after he was solemnly marryed to the Lady Anna Bollen , he is in that mistaken also . King Henry though he was often marryed , yet would not be twice mar●yed to the same Woman ; that being a kinde of Bigamy , or Anabaptistry in marriage , to be hardly met with . All that he did in order to our Authors meaning is , that he avowed the marriage openly which before he had contracted in private ; the Lady Anne Bollen being publickly shewed as Queen on Easter Eve , and solemnly crowned on Whitsunday being Iune the second . Assuredly unlesse our Author makes no difference between a Coronation and a Marriage , or between a marriage solemnly made , and a publique owning of a Marriage before contracted : King Harry cannot be affirmed to have marryed Anne Bollen solemnly after the Divorce , as our Author telleth us . Fol. 208. Though many wilde and distempered Expressions be found therein , yet they contain the Protestant Religion in Oare , which since by Gods blessing is happily refined . ] Our Author speaks this of a paper containing many erroneous Doctrines presented by the Prolocutor to the Convocation : some few of which as being part of Wickliffs Gospel and chief ingredients in the Composition of the new Protestant Religion lately taken up , I shall here subjoyn . 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of bread or a little predie round Robin . 2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments then the Lay-men have . 3. That all Ceremonies accuestomd in the Church , which are not clearly expressed in Scripture , must be taken away , because they are Mens inventions . 4. That the Church commonly so called is the old Synagogue ; and that the Church is the Congregation of good men only . 5. That God never gave grace nor knowledge of holy Scripture to any great Estate or rich man , and that they in no wise follow the same . 6. That all things ought to be common . 7. That it is as lawful to Christen a childe in a Tub of water at home , or in a Dirch by the way , as in a Font-stone in the Church . 8. That it is no sin or offence to eat White-meats , Egges , Butter , Cheese or flesh in Lent , or other Fasting dayes commanded by the Church , and received by consent of Christian people . 9. That it is as lawful to eat flesh on Good-Friday , as upon Easter day , or other times in the year . 10. That the Ghostly Father cannot give or enjoyn any penance at all . 11. That it is sufficient for a Man or Woman to make their confession to God alone . 12. That it is as lawfull at all times to confesse to a Lay-man , as to a P●iest . 13. That it is sufficient that the sinner do say , I know my self a sinner . 14. That Bishops , Ordinaries , and Ecclesiastical Iudges , have no Authority to give any sentence of Excommunication or censure ; ne yet to absolve or loose any man from the same . 15. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in , or to do any divine service in . 16. That buryings in Churches and Church-yards be unprofitable and vain . 17. That the rich and costly O●naments in the Church are rather high displeasure then pleasure or honour to God. 18. That our Lady was no better then another Woman , and like a bag of Pepper or Saffron when the spice is out . 19. That Prayers , Suffrages , Fasting , or Alms-deeds do not help to take away sin . 20. That Holy-dayes ordained and instituted by the Church , are not to be observed and kept in reverence , in as much as all dayes and times be alike . 21. That Plowing and Ca●ting , and such servile work may be done in the same as on other without any offence at all as on other dayes . 22. That it is sufficient and enough to believe , though a man do no good works at all . 23. That seeing Christ hath shed his bloud for us and Redeemed us , we need not to do any thing at all , but to believe and repent if we have offended . 24. That no humane C●nstitutions or Laws do binde 〈◊〉 Christian man , but such as be in the Gospels , Pauls Epistles , or the New Testament : and that a man may break them without any offence at all . 25. That the singing or saying of Mass , Mattens , or Even song , is but a roring , howling , whistling , mumming , tomring , and jugling , and the playing on the Organs a foolish vanity . This is our Authors golden Oare , out of which his new Protestant Religion was to be extracted . So happily refin'd , that there is nothing of the Old Christian Religion to be found therein . Which though our Author doth defend as Expressions rather then Opinions , the Careers of the Soul , and Extravagancies of humane infirmity , as he doth the rest , yet he that looks upon these points , and sees not in them the rude draught and lineaments of the Puritan Plat-form , which they have been hammering since the time of Cartwright , and his Associates , must either have better eyes then mine , or no eyes at all . I see our Author looks for thanks for this discovery for publishing the paper which contain'd these new Protestant tru●hs , and I give him mine . Fol. 239. At this time also were the Stews suppressed by the Kings command . ] And I could wish that some command had been laid upon our Author by the Parliament to suppress them also , and not to have given them any place in the present History , especially not to have produc'd those arguments by which some shameless persons endeavoured to maintain both the conveniency and necessity of such common Brothel houses . Had Bishop Iewel been alive , and seen but half so much from Dr. Harding ple●ding in behalf of the common women permitted by the Pope in Rome , he would have thought that to cal to him an Advocate for the Stews had not beeen enough . But that Doctor was nor half so wise as our Author is , and doth not fit each Argument with a several Antid●te as our Author doth ▪ hoping thereby by , but vainly hoping , that the arguments alleadged will be wash'd away . Some of our late Criticks had a like Design in marking all the wanton and obscene Epigrams in Martial with a Hand or Asterism , to the intent that young Scholars when they read that Author , might be fore-warn'd to pass them over . Whereas on the contrary it was found , that too many young fellows , or wanton wits , as our Author calls them , did ordinarily skip over the rest , and pitch on those which were so mark't and set out unto them . And much I fear that it will so fall out with our Author also , whose Arguments will be studied and made use of when his Answers will not . Fol. 253. Otherwise , some suspect , had he survived King Edward the sixth , we might presently have heard of a King Henry the ninth . ] Our Author speaks this of Henry Fitz Roy , the Kings natural Son by Elizabeth Blunt , and the great disturbance he might have wrought to the Kings two Daughters in their Succession to the Crown . A Prince indeed whom his Father very highly cherished , creating him Duke of Somerset and Richmond , Earl of Nottingham , and Earl Marshal of England , and raising him to no small hopes of the Crown it self , as appears plainly by the Statute 22 H. 8. c. 7. But whereas our Author speaks it on a supposition of his surviving King Edward the sixth , he should have done well in the first place to have inform'd himself whether , this Henry and Prince Edward were at any time alive together . And if my Books speak true , they were not ; Henry of Somerset and Richmond dying the 22. of Iuly , Anno 1536. Prince Edward not being born till the 12. of October , An. 1537. So that if our Author had been but as good at Law or Grammar , as he is at Heraldry , he would not have spoke of a Survivor-ship in such a case , when the one person had been long dead before the other was born . These incoherent Animadversions being thus passed over , we now proceed to the Examination of our Authors Principles , for weakning the Authority of the Church , and subjecting it in all proceedings to the power of Parliaments . Concerning which he had before given us two Rules Preparatory to the great business which we have in hand . First that the proceedings of the Canon Law were subject in whatsoever touched temporals to secular Laws and National Customs . And the Laitie at pleasure limited Canons in this behalf , Lib. 3. n. 61. And secondly , that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresie . Lib. 4. n. 88. And if the Ecclesiastical power was thus curbed and fe●●ered when it was at the highest , there is no question to be made , but that it was much more obnoxious to the secular Courts , when it began to sink in reputation , and decline in strength . How true and justifiable , or rather how unjustifiable and false these two principles are , we have shewn already , and must now look into the rest , which our Author in pursuance of the main Design hath presented to us . But first we must take notice of another passage concerning the calling of Convocations or Synodical meetings , formerly called by the two Archbishops in their several Provinces by their own sole and proper power , as our Author grants , fol. 190. to which he adds , Fol. 190. But after the Statute of Praemunire was made ( which did much restrain the Papal power , and subject it to the Laws of the Land ) when Archbishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command , but at the pleasure of the King. ] In which I must confess my self to be much unsatisfied , though I finde the same position in some other Authors . My reasons two , 1. Because there is nothing in the Statute of Praemunire to restrain the Archbishops from calling these meetings as before ; that Act extending only to such as purchase or pursue , or cause to be purchased or pursued , in the Court of Rome , or elsewhere any such translatations , Processes , Sentences of Excommunication , Bulls , Instruments , or any other things whatsoever which touch the King , against him , his Crown and his Regality , or his Realm ; or to such as bring within the Realm or them receive , or make thereof notification , or any other Execution whatsoever within the same Realm , or without , &c. And 2. because I finde in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy , that it was recognized and acknowledged by the Clergie in their Convocation , that the Convocation of the said Clergie is , always hath been , and ought to be assembled always by the Kings Writ . And if they had been always call'd by the Kings Writ , then certainly before the Statute of Praemunire ; for that the whole Clergy in their Convocation should publickly declare and avow a notorious falsehood , especially in a matter of fact , is not a thing to be imagined . I must confess my self to be at a loss in this intricate Labyrinth , unless perhaps there were some critical difference in those elder times between a Synod and a Convocation : the first being call'd by the Archbishops in their several and respective Provinces , as the necessities of the Church ; the other only by the King , as his occasions and affairs did require the same . But whether this were so or not , is not much material , as the case now stands , the Clergie not assembling since the 25 of King Henry the eighth , but as they are convocated and convened by the Kings w●it only . I only adde that the time and year of this submission is mistook by our Author , who pl●ceth it in 1533. whereas indeed the Clergy made this acknowledgement and submission in their Convocation , Anno 1532. though it pass'd not into an Act or Statute till the year next following . Well then , suppose the Clergy call'd by the Kings Authority , and all their , Acts and Constitutions rati●ied by the R●yal assent , are they of force to binde the Subject to submit and conform unto them ? Not , if our Author may be judge , for he tels us plainly Fol. 191. That even such Convocations with the Royal assent , subject not any ( for recusancy to obey their Canons ) to a civil penalty in person or property , untill confirmed by 〈◊〉 of Parliament . ] I marvel where our Author took up this opinion , which he neither finds in the Registers of Convocation , or Records of Parliament . Himself hath told us , fol. 190. that such Canons and Constitutions as were concluded on in Synods or Convocations , before the passing of the Statute of Praemunire , were without any further Ratification , obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction . And he hath told us also of such Convocations as had been called between the passing of the Statute of Praemunire , and the Act for Submission , that they made Canons whiche were binding , although none other then Synodical Authority did confirme the same . Upon whi●●●remisses I shall not fear to raise this Syllogism , viz ▪ That power which the Clergy had in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further Ratification then own Synodicall Authority , the same they had when the Kings power signified in his Royal assent was added to them ; but the Clergy ( by our Authors own confession ) had power in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the Subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further ratification then their own Synodical Authority ; Ergo they had the same power to binde the Subjects when the Kings power signified by the Royal assent was added to them . The Minor being granted by our Author , as before is shewed , the Major is only to be proved . And for the proof hereof , I am to put the Reader in minde of a Petition or Remonstrance exhibited to the King by the House of Commons , Anno 1532. in which they shewed themselves agrieved , that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively and Supremely in the Convocations , and they in Parliament do nothing but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal assent . By which it seems that there was nothing then desired by the House 〈◊〉 ●ommons , but that the Convocation should be brought down to the same level with the Houses of Parliament ; and that their Acts and Constitutions should not binde the Subject as before in their Goods and Possessions , untill they were confirmed and ratified by the Regal power . The Answer unto which Remonstrance being drawn up by Dr. Gardiner then newly made Bishop of Winchester , and allowed of by both Houses of Convocation , was by them presented to the King. But the King not satisfied with this Answer ●●solves to bring them to his bent , le●t else perhaps they might have acted something to the hindrance of his divorce , which was at that time in agitation ; and therefore on the 10 of May he sends a paper to them by Dr. Fox ( after Bishop of Hereford ) in which it was peremptorily required , That no Constitution or Ordinance shall be hereafter by the Clergy Enacted , Promulged , or put in Execution unlesse the Kings Highness do approve the same by his high Authority and Royal assent ; and his advice and favour be also interponed for the execution of every such constitution among his Highnesse Subjects . And though the Clergy on the receipt of this paper remov'd first to the Chappel of St. Katherines , and after unto that of St. Dunstan to consult about it , yet found they no Saint able to inspi●e them with a resolution contrary to the Kings desires ; and therefore upon the Wednesday following , being the 15 of the same Moneth , they made their absolute submission , binding themselves in Verbo Sacerdotii not to make or execute any Canons or other Synodical Constitutions , but as they were from time to time enabled by the Kings Authority . But this submission being made unto the King in his single person , and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament , could neither bring the Convocation under the command of Parliaments , nor render them obnoxious to the power thereof , as indeed it did not . But to the contrary hereof it is said by our Author , that Fol. 194. He ( viz. the King ) by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation and great Councel in Parliament , resolved to reform the Church under his inspection from grosse abuses crept into it . ] To this I need no other Answer then our Author himself , who though in this place he makes the Parliament to be joyned in Commission with the Convocation , as if a joynt Agent in that great business of Reforming the Church ; yet in another place he tels us another tale . For fol. 188. it will appear , saith he , ( and I can tell from whom he saith it ) upon serious examination , that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion , save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations , or grounded on some Act of theirs precedent to it , with the Advice , Counsel and Consent of the Bishops and most eminent Churchmen ; confirmed upon the Postfact , and not otherwise by the Civill Sanction , according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity . So then the Reformation of the Church was acted chiefly by the King with the advice of the Clergy in their Convocation ; the confirmation on the post-fact by the King in Parliament : and that ( by his leave ) not in all the Acts and Particulars of it , but in some few only , for which consult the Tract entituled , The Way and Manner of the Reformation of the Church of England . Now as our Author makes the Parliament a joynt Assistant with the King in the Reformation , so he conferreth on Parliaments the supreme Power of ratifying and confirming all Synodicall Acts. Fol. 199. The Parliament ( saith he ) did notifie and declare that Ecclesiasticall power to be in the King , which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded . Yet so that they reserved to themselves the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical ; so that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament . ] But certainly there ●is no such matter in that Act of Parliament , in which the submission of the Clergy and the Authority of the King grounded thereupon is notified and recorded to succeeding times ; nor any such reservation to themselves of a confirming power as our Author speaks of in any Act of Parliament ( I can knowingly and boldly say it ) from that time to this . Had there been any such Priviledge , any such Reservation as is here declared , their power , in confirming Ecclesiastical Canons had been Lord Paramount to the Kings ; who could have acted nothing in it but as he was enabled by his Houses of Parliament . Nor is this only a new and unheard of Paradox , an Heterodoxie ( as I may call it ) in point of Law , but plainly contrary to the practice of the Kings of England from that time to this ; there being no Synodical Canons or Constitutions ( I dare as boldly say this too ) confirmed in Parliament , or any otherwise ratified , then by the superadding of the Royal assent . For proof whereof look we no further then the Canons of 603 and 640 confirmed by the two Kings respectively , and without any other Authority concurring with them in these following words ( viz. ) We have therefore for Us , our Heirs , and lawful Successors , of our especial Grace , certain knowledge , and meer motion , given , and by these p●esents do give our Royal assent according to the fo●m of the said Statute or Act of Parliament aforesaid , to all and every of the said Canons , Orders , Ordinances , and Constitutions , and to all and every thing in them contained . And furthermore , we do not only by our said Prerogative Royall , and Supreme Authority , in causes Ecclesiasticall , ratifie , confirme , and establish by these our Letters Patents the said Canons , Orders , Ordinances , and Constitutions , and all and every thing in them contained , as is aforesaid , but do likewise propound , publish , and straightly enjoyne and command by our said Authority , and by these our Letters Patents , the same to be diligently observed , executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdom , both within the Province of Canterbury and York , in all points wherein they do or may concerne every or any of them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed . No other Power required to confirme these Canons , or to impose them on the people but the Kings alone . And yet I ●row there are not a few particulars , in which those Canons do extend to the property and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same ; which our Author may soon finde in them if he list to look . And having so done , let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament ( either abstractedly in themselves , or in cooperation with the King ) in confirming Canons ; and we shall gladly quit the cause , and willingly submit to his ●er judgement . But if it be Ob●ected , as perhaps it may , That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament , before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves , or the rest of the Clergy . I answer , that this makes nothing to our Authors purpose , that is to say , that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament . For first , before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations , and levied them upon the persons concerned therein by no other way then the usuall Censures of the Church , especiall , by Suspension and deprivation , if any Refuser prove so refractary as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed . And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury only , by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry , at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire . And secondly , there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission . For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth , had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shillings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way ; they gave her at the same time ( finding their former gift too short for her present occasions ) a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy by vertue of their own Synodical Act only , under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned . Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation . an . 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before ; though so it hapned ( such influence have the times on the actions of men ) that they were quarreld and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King , and not so much as checkt at , or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen . And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament , it came up first at such times ( after the Submission before mentioned ) as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy , did not think fit to impower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts , Canons , or Constitutions whatsoever , by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times , but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament . Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way , and not considered as derogatory to the Churches Rights , was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple ; the Church proceeding in all other cases by her ●●tive power , even in cases where both the person and property of the Subject were alike concerned , as by the Canons 1603 , 1640. and many of those past in Q. Elizabeths time ( though not so easie to be seen ) doth at full appear . Which said we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the power of the Church , but the wealth of the Churchmen . Of which thus our Autho● . Fol. 253. I have heard ( saith he ) that Queen Elizabeth being informed that Dr. Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thousand pounds in marriage with his Daughter ; and being offended that a Prelates daughter should equal a Princesse in portion , took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishoprick , and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Garrison of Barwick . ] In telling of which story ou● Author commits many mistakes , as in most things el●e . For first to justifie the Queens displeasure ( if she were displeased ) he makes the Bishop richer , and the Portion greater then indeed they were . The ten thousand pounds Lib. 9. fol. 109. being shrunk to eight ; and that eight thousand pound not given to one Daughter ( as is here affirmed ) but divided equally between two : whereof the one was married to Sir Iames Harrington , the other ●nto Dunch of Berk-shire . Secondly , this could be no cause of the Queens displeasure , and much lesse of the Cour●ie●s envy ; that Bishop having sat in the See of Durham above seventeen years . And certainly he must needs have been a very ill Husband if our of such a great Revenue he had not saved five hundred pounds per annum to prefe● his Children ; the income being as great , and the charges of Hospitality lesse then they have been since . Thirdly , the Queen did not take away a thousand pound a year from that Bishoprick , as is here affirmed . The Lands were left to it as before , but in regard the Garrison of Barwick preserved the Bishops Lands and Tenants from the spoil of the Scots ; the Queen thought fit , that the Bishops should contribute towards their own defence , imposing on them an annuall pension of a thousand pound for the better maintaining of that Garrison . Fourthly , Bishop Pilkington was no Doctor , but a Batchelor of Divinity only ; and possibly had not been raised by our Author to an higher Title and Degree then the University had given him , but that he was a Conniver at Non-conformity , as our Author telleth us Lib. 9. fol. 109. Lastly , I shall here add that I conceive the Pension above mentioned not to have been laid upon that See after Pilkingtons death , but on his first preferment to it , the French having then newly landed some forces in Scotland , which put the Queen upon a necessity of doubling her Gua●ds and increasing her Garrisons . But whatsoever was the cause of imposing this great yearly payment upon that Bishoprick , certain I am , that it continued and the money was duly paid into the Exchequer for many years , after the true cause thereof was taken away ; the Queens displeasure against Pilkington ending either with his life or hers , and all the Garrisons and forces upon the Borders being taken away in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames. So true is that old saying , Quod Christus non capit fiscus rapit , never more fully verified then in this particular . The Sixth Book . Containing the History of Abbeys . THis Book containing the History of Abbeys seems but a Supplement to the former , but being made a distinct book by our Author , we must do so likewise . In which the first thing capable of an Animadversion , is but meerly verbal , viz. Fol. 266. Cistercians so called from one Robert living in Cistercium in Burgundy . ] The place in Burgundy from whence these Monks took denomination , though call'd Cistercium by the Latins , is better known to the French and English by the name Cisteaux ; the Monks thereof the Monks of Cisteaux by the English , and Lesmoines de Cisteaux by the French , and yet our Author hath hit it better in his Cistercians , then Ralph Brook York Herald did , in his Sister-senses , for which sufficiently derided by Augustin Vincent , as our Author being so well studied in Heraldry , cannot chuse but know . Fol. 268. But be he who he himself or any other pleaseth brother if they will to St. George on Horseback . ● Our Author not satisfying himself in that Equitius , who is supposed to be the first Founder of Monks in England , makes him in scorn to be the Brother of St. George on Horseback ; that is to say , a meer Chimera , a Legendary Saint , a thing of nothing . The Knights of that most noble Order are beholding to him for putting their Patron in the same Rank with St. Equitius ; of whose existence on the Earth he can finde no Constat . But I would have him know , how poorly so ever he thinks of St. George on Horseback , that there hath more been said of him , his Noble birth , Atchievements with his death and Martyrdom , then all the Friends our Author hath , will or can justly say in defence of our present History . Fol. 270. — So they deserve some commendation for their Orthodox judgement in maintaining some Controversies in Divinity of importance against the Jesuites . ] Our Author speaks this of the Dominicans or preaching Fryers , who though they be the sole active managers of the Inquisition , deserve notwithstanding to be commended for their Orthodox judgement . How so ? Because forsooth in some Controversies of importance , that is to say , Predestination , Grace , Free-will , and the rest of that link , they hold the same opinions against the Iesuites and Franciscans , as the Rigid Lutherans do against the Melanchthonians , and the Rigid or Peremptory Calvinists against the Remonstrants . As powerful as the Iesuites and Franciscans are in the Court of Rome , they could never get the Pope to declare so much in favour of their Opinion , as here our Author ( out of pure zeal to the good Cause ) declares in favour of the Dominicans . It was wont to be the property or commendation of Charity , that it hoped all things , believed all things , thought no evill , and in a word covered a multitude of ●ins . But zeal to the good cause having eaten up Charity , so far ascribes unto it self the true qualities of it , as to pass over the sins and vices of such who have engaged themselves in defence thereof . And he that favours the good cause , though otherwise heterodox in Doctrine , irregular in his Conversation , as bloudy a Butcher of the true Protestants as these Preaching Fryers , shall have his imperfections covered , his vices hidden under this disguise , that he is Orth●dox in judgement , and a true Professor . Otherwise the Dominicans had not ●ound such favour from the hands of our Author , who would have drawn as much bloud into their cheeks with his pen , as they have drawn from many a true Protestant by their persecutions . Fol. 300. We will conclude with their observation ( as an ominous presage of Abbies ruine ) that there was scarce a great Abbey in England , which once at least , was not burnt down with lightning from Heaven . ] ● Our Author may be as well out in this , as he hath been in many things else ; it being an ordinary thing to a●scribe that to Lightning or fire from Heaven , which happened by the malice or carelesness of Knaves on Earth , of which I shall speak more hereafter , on occasion of the firing of St. Pauls s●eeple in London , lib. 9. Now only noting by the way , that scarse any , and but thirteen ( for our Author names no more which were so consumed ) hang not well together . If only thirteen were so burnt ( and sure our Author would have nam'd them if they had been more ) he should have rather chang'd his style , and said that of so many Religious Houses as suffered by the decayes of time and the fury of the Danish W●●s , or the rage of accident I fires , scarse any of them ●●d been striken by the hand of Heaven . Fol. 313. Hence presently arose the Northern Rebellion , wherein all the open undertakers were North of Trent , &c. ] Not all the open undertakers , I am sure of that our Author telling us in the words next following , that this commotion began first in Lincolnshire , no part whereof except the River - Isle of Axholm , lies beyond the Trent . Concerning which we are instructed by Iohn Stow , that at an Assise for the Kings Subsidie kept in Lincolnshire , the people made an insurrection , and gathered nigh twenty thousand persons , who took certain Lords and Gentlemen of the Country , causing them to be sworn to them upon certain Articles which they had devised . For which Rebellion , and some other practises against the State 12 of that County , that is to say , 5 Priests , and 7 Lay-men were not long after drawn to Tyborn , and there hang'd and quarte●ed . By which we see , that all the open undertakers in the Northern Rebellion were not North of Trent ▪ nor all the principal undertakers neither ; some Lords and Gentlemen of that County ( though against their wills ) appearing in it , and amongst others Sir Iohn Hussey created Baron not long before by King Henry the eighth , and shortly after punisht by him with the loss of his head , for being one of the Heads of this Insurrection . Fol. 316. Where there be many people , there will be many offenders , there being a Cham amongst the eight in the Ark , yea a Cain amongst the four Primitive Persons in the beginning of the world . ] In this , our Authors Rule is better then his Exemplification . For though there where but eight persons in the Ark , whereof Cham was one , yet in all probability there were more then four persons in the world at the Birth of Abel , reckoning him for one . For though the Scripture doth subjoyn the Birth of Abel unto that of Cain , yet was it rather in relation to the following story wherein Abel was a principal party , then that no other children had been born between them . The world had peopled very slowly , and never increased to such vast multitudes in so short a time , if Eve had not twinned at least at every birth , and that some other children had not intervened between Cain and Abel . Not was Cain in relation to the time of his brothers birth to be accounted of as Cain in our Authors sense , that is to say , a Malefactor , an Offender , a murtherer of his innocent brother ; or if we take him in that sense , there must be then some scores of persons at the least , if not many hundreds , and consequently no such Cain amongst the Four Primitive Persons in the beginning of the world , as our Author would . Fol. 338. Such who are Prelatically affected , must acknowledge these new Foundations of the Kings for a worthy work , &c. ] So then the Foundation of six Bishopricks , with the Capitular Bodies , Schools , Alms-houses and other Ministers and Officers subservient to them , is to be thought a worthy work ( with reference to the work it self ) by none but such as are Prelatically affected . The Preferment of so many men of Learning , the Education of so many children , the maintenance of so many Quire-men , the relief of so many decay'd and impotent persons , the provision made for so many of all sorts , who had their being and subsistence in the said Foundations , had nothing in it which might Signifie a worthy work ▪ unless there be somewhat of a Prelatical perswasion in them , who put that value and esteem upon it . If any of a contrary judgement do approve the same , it is not to be attributed to the worth of the work , but to the accidental use which the unhappiness of this Age hath put them to , that is to say , by selling all the Lands which severally belong'd unto them to supply the present necessities of of the Common-wealth , as our Author telleth us . Assuredly such as are now founded in Colledges , or possest of Tithes , have good cause to thank him for this Discourse , which by this Rule and Reason are to be approved of by none but those who are interessed and concerned in th●m ; except it be with reference to some subsequent sal● , when the pretended exigencies of the Common-wealth , or of any prevailing party in it shall require the s●me . Fol. 340. It was in those days conceived highly injurious , to thrust Monks and Nuns out of House and Home , without assigning them any allowance for their subsistence . ] Our Author says very well in this , there being few Religious persons thrust out of their Houses , ( except those that suffered by the first act of dissolution ) who either were not prefer'd in the Church , ( as Wakeman the last Abbot of Tewksbery , was by the King made the first Bishop of Glocester ) or otherwise provided of some liberal pension , according to their age , wants , and quality ; insomuch as Sir William Weston Lord Prior , of the order of St. Iohns , had an yearly Pension of a thousand pounds ; Rawson the Subprior of a thousand Marks , some of the Brethren of two hundred pounds per annum , and thirty pounds per annum he that had least . Not did the King only give them such competent Pensions as might yeeld them a subsistence for the future , but furnisht them with ready money beforehand ( their viaticum or advance money as it were ) toward their setting up in the world , which commonly amounted to a fourth part of their yearly Pension . The like honest care to which I finde in our Authors History of Waltham Abbey , fol. 8. where he telleth us , that the Canons founded there by King Harold , were not remov'd thence by King Henry the second , ( notwithstanding the scandalous conversation which was charg'd upon them ) and Augustinian Fryers brought into their place , done● praedictis Canonicis sufficienter provisum fuisset , till the said Canons were other ways pro●ided of sufficient maintenance . And this may serve for the instruction ( I will not say the reproach ) of the present times , in which so many Bishops , Deans , and Prebendaries no was obnoxious to any such scandalous accusations , have been thrust out of their Cathedrals without the allowance of one penny towards their subsistence ▪ The like may be said also in the case of the sequestred Clergy . For though by an Order of the House of Commons , their wives● and children were to enjoy a fifth part of the yearly profits of their Benefices , yet the unconscionable Intruders found so many shifts to evade that Order , that very few enjoy'd the just benefit of it , and they that did , found their attendance on the Committee for plundred Ministers so troublesome and chargeable to them , that it did hardly quit the cost . One man I know particularly , who after above twenty Orders pro and con● and the riding of above a thousand miles backward and forward , besides a chargeable stay in London to attend the business ; was fain at last to make a private agreement with the adverse party , and take a tenth part in stead of a fifth . The like may be said also of the late Bill , by which the Presbyterian Intruders are setled in the Bene●●ces of the seque●tred Clergy for term of life . For though it be thereby provided , that the Commissioners for rejecting of scandalous Ministers , shall have power to grant a fifth part , together with the arrears thereof , to the sequestred and e●ected Clergy ; yet is the Bill clog'd with two such circumstances , as make it altogether unuseful to some , and may make it little beneficial unto all the rest . For by the first it is declar'd , that no man shall receive any benefit by it , who hath either thirty pound per annum in Real , or five hundred pounds in Personal Estate ; by means whereof many who have had some hundreds of pounds yearly to maintain their Families , are tyed up to so poor a pittance as will hardly keep their chil●ren from begging in the open streets . By the other , there is such a power given to the Commissioners , that not exceeding the fifth part , they may give to the poor sequestred Clergy as much and as little as they please , under that proportion . And one I know particularly in this case also , who for an Arrear of twelve years out of a Benefice rented formerly at 250 l. per annum , to my certain knowledge could obtain but 3 l. 6 s. 8 d. ( the first Intruder being still living , and possest of that Benefice ) and no more then 20 Marks par annum for his future subsistence , which is but a nineteenth part in stead of a fifth . And this I have observ'd the rather , that if these p●pers should chance to come into the hands of any of those who have the conduct of affairs , they would be pleas'd to cause the said Bill to be review'd , and make the benefit thereof more certain and extensive then it is at the present . Our Author might have sav'd me the greatest part of this Application , had he been minded to do the poor Clergy any right , as he seldom doth . For proof whereof we need but look upon a passage in his very Book , fol. 283. which is this that followeth . Once ( saith he ) it was in my minde to set down a Catalogue ( easie to do , and useful when done ) of such Houses of Cistercians , Templers , and Hospitallers , which were founded since the Lateran Council , yet going under the general notion of Tithe-free , to the great injury of the Church . But since on second thoughts , I conceived it better to let it alone , as not sure on such discovery of any blessing from such Ministers which should gain , but certain of many curses from such Lay-men who should lose thereby . So he . But I have heard it for a usual saying of King Henry the fourth of France , That he that feared the Popes curse , the reproaches of discontented people , and the frowns of his Mistress , should never sleep a quiet hour in his bed . And so much for that . Fol. 357. But this was done without any great cost to the Crown , only by altering the Property of the place from a late made Cathedral to an Abbey . ] Our Author speaks this of the Church of Westminster , which though it suffered many changes , yet had it no such change as our Author speaks of ; that is to say , from a Cathedral to an Abbey , without any other alteration which came in between . For when the Monastery was dissolved by King Henry the eighth , An. 1539. it was made a Deanry , Will. Benson being the first Dean . In the year 1541. he made it an Episcopal See , or Cathedral Church , and placed Thomas Thurlby the first Bishop there . But Thurlby being remov'd to Norwich , Anno 1550. the Bishoprick was suppressed by King Edward the sixth , and the Church ceased from being Cathedral , continuing as a Deanry only till the 21. of November , 1557. at what time Dr. Hugh Weston the then Dean thereof , unwillingly remov'd to Winsor , made room for Feckna● and his Monks , and so restor'd it once again to the State of an Abbey , as our Author telleth us . Fol. 359. Nor can I finde in the first year of Queen Elizabeth any particular Statute wherein ( as in the r●ign of King Henry the eighth ) these Orders are nominatim suppressed , &c. ] But first , the several Orders of Religious Persons were not suppressed nominatim , except that of St. Iohns , by a Statute in the time of King Henry the eight . Secondly , if there were no such Statute , yet was it not because those Houses had no legal settlement , as it after followeth ; Queen Mary being vested with a power of granting Mortmains , and consequently of founding these Religious Houses in a Legal way . Thirdly , there might be such a Statute , though our Author never had the good luck to see it ; and yet for want of such good luck , I finde him apt enough to think there was no such Statute . Et quod non invenit usquam , esse putat nusquam , in the Poets language . And such a Statute as he speaks of there was indeed , mentioned and related to in the Charter of Queen Elizabeth for founding the Collegiate Church of St. Peter in Westminster . But being an unprinted Statute , and of private use , it easily might escape our Authors diligence , though it did not Camdens ; who being either better ●ighted , or more concern'd , had a view thereof . For telling ●s how the Monks with their Abbot had been set in possession again by Queen Mary , he after addeth , that they within a while after being cast out by Authority of Parliment , the most vertuous Queen Elizabeth converted it into a Collegiate Church , or rather into a Seminary or Nurse Garden of the Church , &c. Fol. 369. Jesuits the last and newest of all Orders . ] The newest if the last , there 's no doubt of that , but the last they were not ; the Oratorians ( as they call them ) being of a later brood . The Iesuites founded by Ignatius Loyola , a Spaniard ▪ and confirmed by Pope Paul the thi●d , Anno 1540. The Oratorians founded by Philip Meri● a Florentine , and confirmed by Pope Pius the fourth , Anno 1564. By which accompt these Oratorians are younger Brethren to the Iesuites by the space of four and twenty years ; and consequently the ●esuites not the last and newest of Religious Orders . ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Seventh and Eighth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN . Containing the Reigns of King Edward the sixth , and Queen Mary . WE are now come unto the Reign of King Edward the sixth , which our Author p●sseth lightly over , though very full of action and great alterations . And he●e the first thing which I meet with , is an unnecessary Quaere which he makes about the Injunctions of this King. Amongst which we finde one concerning the religious keeping of the Holy-dayes , in the close whereof it is declared , That it shall be lawful for all people in time of Harvest to labour upon Holy and Festivall dayes , and save that thing which God hath sent , and that scrupulosity to abstain from wo●king on those dayes doth grievously offend God. Our Author he●upon makes this Quaere , that is to say , Fol. 375. Whether in the 24 Injunction labouring in time of Harvest upon Holy-dayes , and Festivals , relateth not only to those of Ecclesiastical Constitution ( as dedicated to Saints ) or be inclusive of the Lords-day also . ] Were not our Author a great Zelot for the Lords-day-Sabbath , and ●●●dious to intitle it to some Antiquity , we had not met with such a Quaere . The Law and Practice of those times make this plain enough . For in the Statute of 5 and 6 of Edward the sixth , c. 3. the names and number of the Holy-dayes being first laid down , that is to say , All Sundayes in the year , the Feasts of the circumcision of our Lord Iesus Christ , of the Epiphany , &c. with all the rest still kept , and there named particularly , it is thus enacted , viz. That it shall and may be lawful to every Husbandman , Labourer , Fisherman , and to all and every other person and persons of what Estate , Degree , or Condition he or they be , upon the Holy-dayes aforesaid in Harvest , or at any other times in the year , when necessity shall so require , to labour , ride , fish , or work any kinde of 〈◊〉 , at their free-wils and pleasure : any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding . The Law being such , there is no question to be made in point of practice , nor consequently of the meaning of the Kings injunction . For further opening of which truth we finde in Sir Iohn Haywoods History of this King , that not the Countrey only , but the Court were indulged the liberty of attending but ness on that day ; it being ordered by the King amongst other things , That the Lords of the Councell should upon Sundayes attend the publick Affairs of the Realm , dispatch Answers to Letters for good order of the State , and make full dispatches of all things concluded the week before : Provided that they be p●esent at Common Prayer . And that on every Sunday night the Kings Secretary should deliver him a memorial of such things as are to be debated by the Privy Councell in the week ens●ing . Which Orders had our Author read and compared with the Statute , he had not needed to have made this Q●ere about the true intent and meaning of the Kings Injunction . Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth , it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others ( assembled by the King at his Castle at Windfor ) and when by them compleated , set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto , being also recommended unto every Bishop by especiall Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution . And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should d●prave or neglect the use thereof . ] Our Author here mistakes himself , and confounds the business ; making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth , and a particular form of Administration . For the better understanding whereof , he may please to know , that in the first Parliament of this King there past a Statute , Entituled , An Act against such as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar ; and for the receipt thereof in both kindes . Upon the coming out whereof , the King being no lesse desirous ( as Fox relates it ) to have the form of Administration of the Sacrament reduced to the right Rule of the Scriptures , and first use of the Primitive Church , then he was to establish the same by Authority of his own Regal Lawes , appointed cert●in of the most grave and learned Bishop and others of his Realm to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor , there to argue and intreat of this matter , and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform Order , acco●ding to the Rule , and use aforesaid ; which Book was printed and set out March 8. 1548. ( which is 1547. according to the accompt of the Church of England ) with a Proclamation of the Kings befo●e , as by the Book it self appea●●● . But this Book thus set out and publisht , contained nothing but a Form and Order of Adminis●ing the Holy Communion under both kinds , in pursu●nce of the Statute before mentioned ; and served but as a preamble to the following Liturgy , a B●e● fast ( as it were ) to the Feast insuing . The Liturgy came not out till near two years after , confirmed in Parliament Anno 2. 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. and in that Parliament cryed up as made by the immediate aide and inspiration of the holy Ghost . Which notwith●●anding some exceptions being taken at it ( as our Author notes ) by Calvin ab●o●d , and some Zealots at home , the Book was brought under a Review ; much altered in all the parts and offi●es of it , but wheth●r ●nto the better , or unto the worse , let some others judge . Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself . Indeed he had higher things in his head , then to attend such trifles . ] A man may easily discern a Cat by her claw , and we may finde as easily by the scratches of our Autho●s pen to what party in the Church he stands most inclined . He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doct●ine , and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony . He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments , particularly the Rochet , Chimere and Square-cap by the name of trifles ; such trifles as were not worth the contending for , if Res●lute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein . The truth is , that Hoopers opposition in this particula● , gave the first ground to those Combustions in the Church which after followed ; Calvin extremely stickling for him , and writing to his party here to assist him in it . And this I take to be the reason why our Author is so favourable in his censure of him fol. 402. and puts such Answers in the mouthes of the Non-Conformist fol. 404. as I can hardly think were so well hammered and accommodated in those early dayes . Such as seem rather fitted for the temper and acumen of the present times after a long debating of all particulars and a strict search into all the niceties of the Controversie , then to the first beginnings and unpremeditated Agitatious of a new-born Quarrel . Fol. 406. Yet this work met afterwards with some Frowns even in the faces of great Clergy-men , &c. because they concoived these singing Psalms erected in Corrivality and opposition to the reading Psalms , which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches . ] And tho●e great Church-men ●ad good re●son for what they did , wisely foreseeing that the singing of those Psalms so translated in Rythme and Meeter would work some alteration in the executing of the publique Liturgy . For though it be exprest in the Title of those singing Psalms that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after morning and eveni●g Prayer ; and also before and after Sermons ; yet this allowance seems rather to have been a Connivence then an approbation : no such allowance being ●ny whe●e found by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof . Secondly , whereas ●t was intended that the said Psalms should be only 〈◊〉 before and after morning and evening Prayer ; and also before and after Sermons ( which shews they were not to be intermingled in the publique Liturgy ) in very little time they p●evailed so far in most Parish Churches , as to thrust the Te Deum , the Benedictus , the Magnificat , and the Nunc dimittis , quite out of the Church . And thirdly , by the practices and endevours of the Puritan party , they came to be esteemed the most divine part of Gods publique service ; the reading Psalms together with the first and second Lessons being heard in many places with a covered head , but all men ●itting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung . And to that end , the Parish Clerk must be taught when he names the Psalm to call upon the people to sing it to the praise and glory of God , no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters of the dayly Psalms . But whereas our Author seems to intimate that the Reading Psalms were formerly sung only in Cath●dral Churches , he is exceedingly mistaken both in the Rubri●ks of the Church , and the practice too : the Rubricks l●●ving them indifferently to be said or sung , according as the Congregation was fitted for it , the practice in some Parish Churches within the time of my memory being for it also . And this our Author ( as I think ) cannot chuse but know , if he be but as well studied in the Rules of the Church , as in some Popish Legends and old ends of Poetry . Fol. 407. Let Adonijah and this Lords example deterr Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns , lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction . ] I see little reason for this Rule , lesse for his examples . For first Abishag the Shunamite , whom Adonijah des●red to have to wife , was ●ever marryed unto David ; and therefore cannot properly be called his Widow . And secondly , Queen Katheri●e Parr the Widow of King Henry the eighth , and wife unto Sir Thomas Seimor ( the Lord here mentioned ) is generally charactered for a Lady of so meek a nature , as not to contribute any thing towards his destruction . Had the Dutchesse of Somerset been lesse impetious then she was , or possest but of one half of that aequanimity which carryed Queen Katherine off in all times of her troubles , this Lord might have lived happily in the armes of his Lady , and gone in peace unto the grave . We finde the like match to have been made between another Katherine the Widow of another Henry , and Owen Tudor a private Gentleman of Wales , prosperous and comfortable to them both ; though Owen was inferior to Sir Thomas Seimor both in Birth and Quality , and Katherine of Valois Daughter to Charles the sixth of France , far more superiour in her bloud to Queen Katherine Parr . The like may be said also of the marriage of Adeliza Daughter of Geofry Earl of L●vain and Duke of Brabant , and Widow to King Henry the first , marryed to William de Albeney a noble Gentleman , to whom she brought the Castle and Honour of Arundel , con●erred upon her by the King her former Husband , continuing in the possession of their posterity , though in severall Families , to this very day ; derived by the Heirs general from this House of Albeney to that of the Fitz-●lans , and from them to the Howards the now Earls thereof . Many more examples of which kinde fo●tunate and succesful to each party might be easily ●ound , were it worth the while . Fol. 421. This barren Convocation is entituled the Parent of those Articles of Religion ( forty two in number ) which are printed with this Preface , Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi , &c. ] Our Author here is guilty of a greater crime then that of Scandalum Magnatum , making King Edward the sixth of pious memory , no better then an impious and leud Impostor . For if the Convocation of this year were barren ( as he saith it was ) it could neither be the Parent of those Articles nor of the short Catechisme which was Printed with them , countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents pre●ixt before it . For First , the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large , viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi Anno 1552 inter Episcopos & alios eruditos viros convenerat ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem , & consensum verae Religionis firmandum Regia Authoritate in lucem editi . Which title none durst have adventured to set before them , had they not really been the products of that Convocation . Secondly , the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy , but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion ( which is the only Argument our Author bringeth against those Articles ) This Convocation being holden in the sixth year of his Reign when most of the Episcopal Sees and Parochial Churches were filled with men ag●ee●ble to his desi●es , and generally conform●ble to the form of worship the● by Law established . Thi●dly , the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth retained these Articles and no othe● as the publick tendries of the Church in poin●s of Doctrine , which ce●tainly she had not done , had they been re●ommended to her by a lesse Autho●ity then a Convocation . Fourthly and las●ly , we have the testimony of our Author against himself , who telling us of the Catechisme above mentioned , that it was of the san●e extraction with the Book of Articles , addes afte●wards , that being first composed by a single person , it was perus●d and allowed by the Bishops and other learned men ( understand it the Convocation ) and by Royall Authority commended to all Subjec● , and c●mman●ed to all School-masters to teach it their Scholars . So that this Catechism being allowed by the Bishops and other learned men in the Convocation , and the Articles being said to be of the same extraction ; it must needs follow thereupon , that these Articles had no other Parent then this Convocation . The truth is , that the Records of Convocation , during this Kings whole Reign , and the first years of Queen Mary , are very imperfect and defective ; most of them lost , and amongst others those of this present year ; and yet one might conclude as strongly that my Mother died childless , because my Christning is not to be found in the Parish Register ; as that the Convocation of this year was barren , because the Acts and Articles of it are not entred in the Journal Book . The Eighth Book ; OR The Reign of Queen MARY . WE next proceed unto the short , but troublesome Reign of Queen Mary ; in which the first thing 〈◊〉 occurs , is , ●ol . 1. But the Commons of England who for many ye●●s together had conn'd Loyalty by-heart , out of the Sta●●●e of the succession , were so perfect in their Lesson , that they would not be put out of it by this new started design . ] In which I am to note these things ; first that he makes the Loyalty of the Commons of England not to depend upon the primogeniture of their Princes , but on the Statute of Succession , and then the object of that Loyalty must not be the King , but the Act of Parliament , by which they were directed to the knowledge of the next successor : and then it must needs be in the power of Parliaments to dispose of the Kingdom as they pleas'd ; the Peoples Loyalty being tyed to such dispositions . Secondly , that the Statutes of Succession had been so many , and so contrary to one another , that the common people could not readily tell which to trust to ; and for the last it related to the Kings last Will and Testament , so lately made and known unto so few of the Commons , that they had neither opportunity to see it , nor time to con the same by heart . Nor thirdly , were the Commons so perfect in this lesson of Loyalty , or had so fixt it in their hearts , but that they were willing to forget it within little time , and take out such new lessons of disobedience and disloyalty , as Wiat and his Partizans did preach unto them . And finally they had not so well conn'd this lesson of Loyalty in our Authors own judgement , but that some strong pretender might have taught them a new Art of Oblivion : it being no improbable thing ( as himself confesseth ) to have heard of a King Henry the ninth , if Henry Fitz-Roy the Duke of Somerset and Richmond , had liv'd so long as to the death of King Edward the sixth . Fol. 11. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation . In vain did he plead the priviledge of the place , commonly reputed a part of Parliament . ] I cannot finde that the Convocation at this time , nor many years before this time , was commonly reputed as a part of the Parliament . That antiently it had been so , I shall easily grant ; there being a clause in every letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in Parliament , that they should warn the Clergy of their several and respective Dioceses , some in their persons , and others by their Procurators to attend there also . But this hath been so long unpractic'd , that we finde no track of foot-steps of it since the Parliaments of the time of King Richard the second . It 's true indeed , that in the 8. year of King Henry the sixth , there passed a Statute by which it was enacted , That all the Clergy which should be called thenceforth to the Convocation by the Kings Writ , together with their servants and Families , should for ever after fully use and enjoy such liberty or immunity in coming , tarrying , and returning , as the great men & Commonalty of the Realm of England , called or to be called to the Kings Parliament , have used , or ought to have , or enjoy . Which though it make the Convocation equal to the Parliament , as to the freedom of their Persons ; yet can it not from hence be reckoned , and much less commonly reputed for a part thereof . Fol. 14. Indeed the Queen bare Poole an unfeigned affection , and no wonder to him that considereth , 1. their Age , he being about ten years older , the proportion allowed by the Philosopher betwixt Husband and Wife , &c. ] In Queen Maries af●ection unto Poole , and the reasons of it , I am very well satisfied , better then in the explication which he adds unto it . For if by the Philosopher , he means Aristotle , as I think he doth , he is very much out in making no more then ten years to be the proportion allowed by him betwixt the Husband and the Wife . For Aristotle in the seventh Book of his Politicks having discoursed of the fittest time and age for marriage both in men and women , concludes at last , that it is expedient that maidens be married about the age of eighteen years , and Men at seven and thirty , or thereabouts . His reason is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ that is to say , Because they shall then be joyned in wedlock , while their bodies be in full strength , and shall● cease from procreation in fit time . Whether so great a disp●oportion were allowed of then , or that it was a matter of Speculation only , and not reducible to practice , I dispute not now . Only I note that it is twenty years , not ten , which the Philosopher requires in the different ages of the Man and Wife . Fol. 19. Lincoln Diocess the largest of the whole Kingdom , containing Leicester , &c. with parts of Ha●tford and Warwickshires . ] That the great● . Diocess of Lincoln containeth the whole Counties of Bedford , Buckingham , Huntington , Leicester , and Lincoln , with part of Hartfordshire is confessed by all ; but that it containeth also some part of Warwickshire , I doe very much doubt . Certain I am , that Archbishop Parker , a man very well skilled in the jurisdiction of his Suffragan Bishops , assigns no part of Warwickshire to the See of Lincoln ; dividing that County between the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield , and the Bishop of Worcester . I see by this our Author is resolved to play at all games , though he get by none . Fol. 27. The Letany , Surplice , and other Ceremonies in Service and Sacraments they omitted , both as superfluo●s and superstitio●s . ] Our Author speaks this of the Schismatical Congregation at Franckford , who t●rn'd the publick Church Liturgy quite out of their Church , fashioning to themselves a new form of Worship , which had no warrant and foundation by the laws of this Realm . And first ( saith he ) the Letany , Surplice , and other Ceremonies they omitted both as superfluous and superstitious . Superfluous , and superstitious , in whose opinion ? In that of the Schismaticks at Franckford , our Authors , or in both alike . Most probably in our Authors as well as theirs , for otherwise he would have added some note of qualification , such as they thought , they judg'd , or they suppos'd them : according as he hath restrain'd them to their own ●ense in the clause next following , viz. in place of the English Confession , they used another , adjudged by them of more effect . Adjudged by them in this , not the former sentence , makes me inclinable to believe that the Letany , Surplice , and other Ceremonies are both superfluous and superstitious in our Authors judgement , not in theirs alone . Secondly , our Author ( as we have noted formerly on the second Book of this History ) reckons the Cross in Baptism , used and required to be used by the Church of England , among the superstitious Ceremonies and such like Trinckets with which that Sacrament is loaded . And if he durst declare himself so plain in this second Book written as he affirms , in the Reign of the late King , when he might fear to be call'd to an account for that expression , there is little question to be made , but since Monarchy was turn'd into a State , he would give his pen more liberty then he did before , in counting the Letany , Surplice , and other Ceremonies is superfluous and superstitious , as the Cross in Baptism . Thirdly , having laid down an abstract of the form of worship contriv'd by the Schismaticks at Franckford , he honoreth them with no lower Title then that of Saints ; and counts this liberty of deviating from the Rules of the Church for a part of their happiness . For so it followeth , fol. 28. This , saith he , is the Communion of Saints , who never account themselves peaceably possest of any happiness , untill ( if it be in their power ) they have also made their fellow-sufferers partakers thereof . If those be Saints , who separate themselves schismatically from their Mother Church ; and if it be a happiness to them to be permitted so to do ; our Author hath all the reason in the world to desire to be admitted into their Communion , and be made partaker of that happiness which such Saints enjoy . And if in order thereunto he counts the Letany , Surplice , and other Ceremonies of the Church to be both superstitious and superfluous too , who can blame him for it ? Fol. 39. Trinity Colledge built by Sir Thomas Pope . ●I shall not derogate so much from Sir Thomas Pope , as our Author doth from Trinity Colledge , naming no Bishop of this House , as he doth of others . He tells us that he liv'd in this University about 17 weeks , and all that time D● . Skinner the Bishop of Oxford liv'd there too . Dr. Wright the Bishop of Li●chfield , p●obably was then living al●o , ( for he deceased not till after the beginning of the year 1643. ) but living at that time in his own House of Ecclesal Castle . Both of them Members of this Colledge , and therefore worthily deserving to have found some place in our Authors History . And because our Author can finde no learned Writers of this Colledge neither , I will supply him with two others in that kinde also . The first whereof shall be Iohn S●lden , of the Inner Temple , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that renown'd Humanitian and Philologer , sometimes a Commoner of this House , and here initiated in those Studies in which he af●erwards attain'd to so high an eminence . The second William Chillingworth , an able and acute Divine , and once a Fellow of this Colledge ; whose Book entituled The Religion of Protestants a safe way to Salvation , written in de●ence of Dr. Potters Book called Charity mistaken , commended by our Author , Lib. 3. fol. 115. remains unanswered by the Iesuites , notwithstanding all their brags beforehand , to this very day . Which Book though most ridiculously buried with the Author at Arundel ( get thee gone thou accursed Book &c. ) by Mr. Francis Cheynel , the usu fructuary of the rich personage of Pe●worth , shall still survive unto the world in its own just value , when the poor three-penny commodities of such a sorry Haberdasher of Small Wares shall be out of credit . Of this Pageant , see the Pamphet call'd Chillingworthi Novissima , printed at London , Anno 1644. Fol. 41. But now it is gone , let it go ; it was but a beggerly Town , and cost England ten times yearly more then it was worth● in keeping thereof . ] Admit it be so , yet certainly it was worth the keeping , had it cost much more . The English while they kept that Town , had a dore open into France upon all occasions , and therefore it was commonly said that they carried the Keyes of France at their Girdles . Sound States-men do not measure the benefit of such Towns and Garrisons as are maintain'd and kept in an Enemies Countrey , by the profit which they bring into their Exchequer , but by the opportunities they give a Prince to enlarge his Territories . Of this kinde was the Town of Barwick situate on the other side of the Tweed , upon Scottish ground ; but Garrison'd and maintain'd with great charge by the Kings of England , because it gave him the same advantage against the Scots , as Calice did against the French. The government of which last Town is by Comines said to be the goodliest Captain ship in the world , so great an Eye-sore to the French , that Mounsieur de Cordes ( who liv'd in the time of Lewis the eleventh ) was used to say , that he would be content to lie in Hell seven years together , upon condition that Calice were regain'd from the English ; and finally judged of such importance by the French , when they had regain'd it , that neither the Agreement made at the Treaty of Cambray , nor the desire to free New-haven from the power of the English , nor the necessities which Henry the fourth was reduc'd unto , could ever prevail upon them to part with it . But it is dry meat said the Countrey fellow , when he lost the Hare ; and so let Cali●e pass for a Beggerly Town , and not worth the keeping , because we have no hope to get it . ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Ninth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN . Containing the Reign of Queen Elizabeth . THe short Reigns of King Edward the sixth , and Queen Mary being briefly past over by our Author , he spends the more time in setting out the affairs of the Church under Queen Elizabeth ; not so much because her Reign was long , but because it was a busie Age and full of Faction . To which Faction how he stands affected he is not coy to let us see on all occasions , giving us in the very first entrance this brief but notable Essay , viz. Fol. 51. Idolatry is not to be permitted a moment ; the first minute is the fittest to abolish it : all that have power have right to destroy it by that grand Charter of Religion , whereby every one is ●ound to advance Gods glory . And if Soveraigns forget , no reason but Subjects should remember their duty ] Our Author speaks this in behalf of some forward● Spirits , who not enduring the la●inesse of Authority in order to the great work of Reformation , fell beforehand to the beating down of superstitious Pictures and Images . And though some others condemned their indiscretion herein , yet our Author will not , but rather gives these Reasons for their justification ; 1. That the Popish Religion is Idolatry . 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all that have power to do it . 3. ( Which is indeed the main ) that if the Soveraigns do forget , there is no reason but Subjects should remember their duty . This being our Authors Master-piece , and a fair g●●●ndwork for Seditious and Rebellious for the times ensuing , I shall spend a little the more time in the examination of the p●opositions , as before we had them . And 1. It will be hard for our Author to prove that the Romish Religion is Idolatry , though possible it is that some of the members of that Church may be proved Idolaters . I know well what great pains Dr. Reynolds took in his laborious work entituled , De Idololatria Ecclesiae Romanae ; and I know too that many very learned and moderate men were not th●oughly satisfied in his proofs and Arguments . That they are worshippers of Images , as themselves deny not , so no body but themselves can approve them in it . But there is a very wide difference betwixt an Image and an Idol , betwixt the old Idolate●s in the state of Heathenism , and those which give religious worship unto Images in some pa●ts of Chris●endom . And this our Author being well st●died in Antiquity , and not a stranger to the 〈…〉 of the present times , cannot chuse but know ; tho●gh zeal to the good cause , and the desire of being co●stan● to himself , drew this p●●●age from him . The Ch●istian faith delivered in the h●ly Gospels succeeded over the greatest part of the then known wo●●d in the place of that Idolatrous worship , whi●h like a Leprosie had generally overspread the whole face thereof . And therefore that the whole Mass of Wickliffes He●erodoxies might be Christned by the name of Gospel , our Author thinks it necessary that the Popish Mass , and the rest of the Superstitious of that Church should be call'd Idolatry . 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all them that have power to do it , I shall easily grant . But then it must be understood of a lawful power , and not permitted to the liberty of unlawful violence . Id possumus , quod jure possumus , was the rule of old , and it held good in all attempts for Reformation in the elder times . For when the Fabrick of the Jewish Church was out of order , and the whole Worship of the Lord either defiled with superstitions , or intermingled with Idolatries , as it was too often : did not Gods servants carry and await his leisure , till those who were supreme both in place and power , were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation ? How many years had that whole people made an Idol of the Brazen Serpent , and burnt ●●cense to it , before it was defaced by King H●zekiah ? How many more might it have longer stood undef●ced ▪ untouched by any of the common people , had not the King given order to demolish it ? How many years had the seduced Israelites adored before the Altar of Bethel , before it was hewn down and cut in p●eces by the good King Iosiah ? And yet it cannot be denyed but that it was as much in the power of the Iews to destroy that Idol , and of the honest and religious Isra●lites to break down that Altar ; as it either was , or could be in the power of our English Zealots to beat down superstitious Pictures and Images , had they been so minded . Solomon in the Book of Canticles compares the Church unto a Army , Acies Castrorum ordina●a , as the Vulgar hath it , an Army terrible with Banners , as our English reads it . A powerful Body out of doubt , able which way soever it moves , to waste and destroy the Countrey , to burn and sack the Villages through which it passeth . And questionless too many of the Souldiers knowing their own power , world be apt to do it , if not restrained by the Authority of their Commanders and the Laws of war. Ita se Ducum Authoritas , sic Rigor Disciplinae habet , as we finde in Tacitus . And if those be not kept as they ought to be , Confusi Equites Peditesque in exitium ruunt ; the whole runs on to a swift destruction . Thus is it also in the Church with the Camp of God ; If there be no subordination in it , if every one might do what he list himself , and make such uses of that power and opportunity as he thinks are put into into his hands , what a confusion would ensue , how speedy a calamity must needs fall upon it ? Courage and zeal do never shew more amiably in inferior powers , then when they are subordinate to good directions , especially when they take directions from the right hand , from the Supreme Magistrate , not from the interests and passion of their fellow subjects . It is the Princes office to command , and theirs to execute . With which wise caution the Emperor Otho once represt the too great forwardness of his Souldiers , when he found them apt enough to make use of their power in a matter not commanded by him , Vobis Arma & Animus , mihi Consilium & virtutis vestrae Regimen relinquites as his words there are . He understood their duty , and his own authority , allows them to have power and will , but regulates and restrains them both to his own command . So that whether we behold the Church in its own condition , proceeding by the warrant and examples of holy Scripture , or in resemblance to an Army ( as compared by Solomon ) there will be nothing left to the power of the people either in way of Reformation or Execution ▪ till they be vested and intrusted with 〈◊〉 lawful power deriv'd from him whom God hath plac'd in Authority over them . And therefore though Idolatry be to be destroy'd , and to be destroyed by all which have power to do it , yet must all those be furnisht with 〈◊〉 lawful power , or otherwise stand guilty of as high a crime as that which they so zealously endeavour to condemn in others . 3. But our Author is not of this minde , and therefore adds , That if the Soveraign do forget , the Subjects should remember their duty . A lesson which he never learn'd in the Book of God. For besides the examples which we have in demolishing the Brazen Serpent , and the Altar of Bethel , not acted by the power of the people , but the command of the Prince ; I would 〈◊〉 know where we shall finde in the whole cour●e and current of the holy Scriptures , that the common people in and by their own authority , removed the high places , and destroyed the Images , or cut down the G●oves , those excellent Instruments of Superstition and Idolatry ; or that they did attempt any such thing till warranted and commissionated by the Supreme Powers . Where shall we finde that any of the seven thousand person : which had not bowed the knee to Baal , did ever go about to destroy that Idol ? Or that Eliah or Elisha ( two men as extraordinary for their calling , as their zeal and courage ) did excite them to it ? Where shall we finde the Primitive Christians , when living under the command of Heathenish Emperors busied in destroying Idols , or defacing the Temples of those Gods whom the Pagans worshipped ; tho●gh grown in those times to such infinite multitudes , that they filled all places of the Empire , & Vestra omnia implevim●● , Cities , Illes , Castles , Burroughs , your places of Assembly , Camps , Tribes , Palaces , yea the very Senate and common Forum , as Tertullian pleads it . No other Doctrine 〈◊〉 ●eard of till either the new Gospel of Wickliffe , or the new Lights shining from Geneva , gave beginning to it : when the Genevians were resolv'd on a Reformation , and could not get the consent of their Bishop , who was also their immediate Prince , they resolv'd to take the work into their own hands , and proceed without him . And that the presence of their Bishop might not be a hinderance unto their designs , they rais'd a tumult , put themselves in to a posture of war , and thereby force him and his Clergy to forsake the City . And this being done , they did not only order matters of Religion as they pleas'd themselves , but took the Soveraignty of the City into their own hands , changing the Government thereof to the form of a Common-wealth . Eo ejecto Genevates Monarchiam in popularem Statum commutarunt , as Calvin hath it in his Epistle unto Cardinal Sadolet . The practice of these men drawn afterwards into example by Knox , and others , became at last to be the standing Rule and Measure of all Reformations . For when the King and Queen of Scots , refus'd to ratifie two Acts which were sent unto them concerning the abolishing of the Mass , and the Popes supremacy , Knox , Winram , and the rest of that gang without more ado devised , and set up a new form of Discipline , ingrossing that power unto the Kirk , which formerly had been usurped by the Popes of Rome . Afterwards when the Queen was return'd into Scotland , and that some of their importunate Petitions were neglected by her , it was concluded by the Ministers in as plain terms as might be , that if the Queen will not , then we must , ibid. fol. 33. According to this Rule the Netherlands proceeded also , not only driving on the design which they had in hand ( as the French Hugonots also did ) without the Kings Authority , but against it also . Finally , from a matter practical it came at last to be delivered for a point of Doctrine , that if the Prince or Supreme Magistrate did not reform the Church , then the people might . For this I finde in Clesselius , one of the Contra-Remonstrants of Roterdam . If saith he , the Prince and Clergy do neglect their duties in the Reforming of the Church , Necesse est tumid facere plebeios Israelitas , that then , it doth belong to the common people . And it is with a Necesse too , if you mark it well ▪ they might not only do it , but they must be doing . Not in the way of Mediation or Petition , by which the dignity of the Magistrate might be preserv'd , but by force and violence , Licet ad sanguinem usque pro eo pugnent , even to the shedding of their own bloud , and their brethrens too . Our Author preacheth the same Doctrine , whether by way of Application or Instruction , it comes all to one ; for , Qui Parentes laudat filios provocat , as Lactantius has it , Posterity is too soon taught to follow the ill examples of their Predecessors . And though he press it not so home as Clesselius did , yet when the gap is once set open , and the Hedge of Authority torn down , bloodshed and war , and other acts of open violence will come in of course . So that we may affirm of this dangerous Doctrine , as the Sorbonists once did of the Iesuites , viz. Videtur in negotio sidei periculosa , pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa , & magis ad destructionem quàm ad aedificationem . But I have staid too long upon these first Notes , I now proceed unto the rest . Fol. 54. This Parliament being very active in matters of Religion , the Convocation ( younger Brother thereunto ) was little employed and less regarded . ] Our Author follows his design of putting matters of Religion into the power of Parliaments though he hath chosen a very ill Medium to conclude the point . This Parliament as active as he seems to make it , troubled it self so little with matters of Religion , that had it done less , it had done just nothing . All that it did , was the Repealing of some Acts made in the time of Queen Mary , and setling matters in the same State in which she found them at her first coming to the Crown . The Common Prayer Book being reviewed and fitted to the use of the Church by some godly men , appointed by the Queen alone , receiv'd no other confirmation in this present Parliament then what it had before in the last years of King Edward . The Supremacy was again restor'd , as it had been formerly ; the Title of Supreme head which seem'd offensive unto many of both Religio●s , being changed into that of Supreme Governor , nothing , in all this done de novo , which could entitle this Parliament to such activity in matters of Religion , but that our Author had a minde to undervalue the Convocation , as being little imployed , and less regarded . I grant indeed , that the Convocation of that year did only meet for forms sake , without acting any thing ; and there was very good reason for it . The Bishops at that time were so ●enaciously addicted to the Church of Rome , that they chose all ( except Anthony Kitchin of Landaffe ) rather to lose their Bishopricks then take the Oath of Supremacy . So that there was little or no hope of doing any thing in Convocation to the Queens content in order to the Reformation of Religion , which was then design'd , had they been suffered to debate , treat , and conclude of such particulars as had relation thereunto . But we shall see when things are somewhat better setled , that the activity of the next Convocation will make amends for the silence and unsignificancy of this . In the mean time I would fain know our Authors Reason , why speaking of the Convocation , and the Parlialiament in the notion of Twins , the Convocation must be made the younger Brother . Assuredly there had been Convocations in the Church of England some hundreds of years before the name of Parliament had been ever heard of ; which he that lists to read the collection of Councils published by that learned and industrious Gentleman Sir Henry Spelman , cannot but perceive . Fol. 71. This year the spire of Poles - steeple covered with lead strangely fell on fire . ] More modestly in this then when he formerly ascribes the burning of some great Abbeys to Lightning from heaven . And so this steeple was both reported and believed to be fired also , it being an ordinary thing in our Common Almanacks till these latter times , to count the time ( among the other E●oches of Computation ) from the year that St. Paul-steeple was fired with Lightning . But afterwards it was acknowledg'd ( as our Author truly notes ) to be done by the negligence of a Plummer carelesly leaving his Coles therein ; ●●nce which acknowledgement we finde no mention of this accident in our yearly Almanacks . But whereas our Author finds no other Benefactors for the repairing of this great Ruine but the Queens bounty , and the Clergie● Benevolence , I must needs tell him that these were only accessories to the principall charge . The greatest part hereof , or to say better , the whole work was by the Queen imposed on the City of London , it being affirmed by Iohn Stow , that after this mischance the Queens Majesty directed her Letters to S●ow Su●ve● the Maior , willing him to take order for the speedy repairing of the same . And in pursuance of that order ( besides what issued from the publick stock in the Chamber of London ) the Citizens gave first a great Benevolence , and after that three Fifteens to be speedily paid . What the Queen did in the way of furtherance , or the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the way of help , is to be lookt upon as their free voluntary Act , no otherwise obliged thereto , but as the publick Honour of the Church and State did invite them to it . The Maior and City were the parties upon whom the command was laid , as most concerned in the Repair of their own Cathed●al ▪ Which I thought good to put our Author in minde o● as a fault of omission only , leaving such use as may be made of the Observation to the 〈◊〉 of others . Fol. 71. Here I would fain be informed by some learned men in the Law , what needed the restoring of those Children whose ●ather was condemned and died only for Heresie , which is conceived a personal crime , and not tainting the bl●nd . The Parliament this year had passed an Act for the Restitution in bloud of the children of Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury , for which our Author as it seems can see no reason , in regard he was condemned and died only for Heresie . For though ( saith he ) this Archbishop was first accused of High-Treason , yet it afterward was waved , and he tryed upon Heretical opinions But in this our Author is mistaken . For though Cranmer was condemned and died for Heresie , yet he was not condemned for that only ; nor was the accusation for Treason wav'd , as he saith it was , but the conviction of him as an Heretick superadded to it . Being accused of High-Treason for subscribing ( though unwillingly ) to the Proclamation of the Lady Iane , he was committed to the Tower on the 15. of September , and on the 13. of November following arraigned at the Guildhall in London , and there convicted and condemned , together with the said Lady Iane , the Lord Guilford Dudley her Husband , and the Lord Ambrose Dudley her Husbands Brother . Of which four the Lady Iane and her Husband only suffered death on that condemnation ; the Lord Ambrose Dudley being reprieved for a better fortune , and the Archbishop reserved for a mo●e cruell death . For the Queen finding it more satisfactory to the Court of Rome to have him burnt for an Heretick then hanged for a Traytor , and being implacably bent against him for his activeness in the Divorce ; thought good to wave her first proceeding , and to have him put to death for Heresie . But the Attainder holding still good at the Common-Law , there was great reason why his Children should desire a restitution in bloud , not otherwise to be obtained but by Act of Parliament . And so without troubling the learned in the Law for our information , I hope our Author will be satisfied , and save his Fee for other more necessary uses . Fol. 72. In the Convocation now sitting , the nine and thirty Articles were composed , agreeing for the main with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth , though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgements . ] This is the active Convocation which before I spake of , not setling matters of Religion in the same estate in which they were left by King Edward ; but altering some Articles , expunging others , addingsome de novo , and fitting the whole body of them unto edification ; Not leaving any liberty to dissenting Iudgments , as our Author would have it , but binding men unto the literal and Grammatical sense . They had not othewise attained to the end they aimed at which was ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem , & consensum in vera Religione firmandum ; that is to say , to take away diversity of Opinions , and to establish an agreement in the true Religion . Which end could never be effected , if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting , or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles . But whereas our Author instances in the Article of Christs descent into Hell , telling us that Christs preaching unto the Spirits there ( on which the Article seemed to be grounded in King Edwards Book ) was left out in this ; and thereupon inferreth that men are left unto a latitude concerning the cause , time , manner of his descent ; I must needs say , that he is very much mistaken . For first the Church of England hath alwayes constantly maintained a locall Descent , though many which would be thought her Children , the better to comply with Calvin and some other Divines of forain Nations , have deviated in this point from the sense of the Church . And secondly , the reason why this Convocation left out that passage of Christ preaching to the Spirits in hell ; was not that men might be left unto a latitude concerning the cause , time , and manner of his Descent , as our Author dreams ; but because that passage of St. Peter being capable of some other interpretations , was not conceived to be a clear and sufficient evidence to prove the Article . For which see Bishop Bilsons Survey , p. 388 , 389. Fol. 74. In a word , concerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition , or their opposites in their substraction , I leave to more cunning Arithmeticians to decide . ] The Clause here spoken of by our Author is the first Sentence in the twentieth Article entituled De Ecclesiae Authoritate , where it is said that the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies , and Authority in Controversies of the Faith. Which being charged upon the Bishops as a late addition , the better to support their power and maintain their Tyranny ; the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his Speech ▪ in the Star-Chamber , Iune the 15 ▪ 1637. made it appear that the said Clause was in a Printed Book of Articles published in the year 1563. being but very few moneths after they had passed in the Convocation , which was on the 29. of Ianuary 1562. in the English account . And more then so , he shewed unto the Lords a Copy of the twentieth Article exemplified out of the Records , and attested by the hands of a publick Notary , in which that very Clause was found , which had been charged upon the Bishops for an innovation . And thus much I can say of mine own knowledge , that having occasion to con●●●t the Records of Convocation , I found this controverted Clause verbatim in these following words , Habet Ecclesia Ritus statuendo jus , & in fidei Controversis Authoritatem . Which makes me wonder at our Author , that having access to those Records , and making frequent use of them in this present History , he should declare himself unable to decide the doubt , whether the addition of this Clause was made by the Bishops , or the substraction of it by the opposite party . But none so blinde as he that will not see , saies the good old proverb . But our Author will not so give over . He must first have a fling at the Archbishop of Canterbury upon this occasion . In the year 1571. ( the Puritan Faction beginning then to grow very strong ) the Articles were again Printed both in Latin and English , and this Clause left out ; publisht according to those copies in the Harmony of Confessions Printed at Geneva , Anno 1612. and publisht by the same at Oxford ( though soon after rectified ) Anno 1636. Now the Archbishop taking notice of the first alteration , Anno 1571. declares in his said Speech , that it was no hard matter for that opposite Faction to have the Articles Printed and this clause left out , considering who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure . What says our Author to this ? Marry , saith he , I am not so well skilled in Historical Horsemanship as to know whom his Grace designed for the Rider of the Church at that time , fol. 74. Strange that a man who undertakes to write an History should professe himself ignorant of the names of those who governed the businesse of the times he writes of . But this is only an affected ignorance , profest of purpose to preserve the honour of some men whom he beholds as the chief Patrons of the Puritan Faction . For aft●●wards ( this turn being served ) he can finde out who they were that then governed businesses , and rid the Church almost at their pleasure , telling us , fol. 138 ▪ that the Earl of Leicester interpos'd himself Patron-general to the non-subscribers , and that he did it at the perswasion of Roger Lord North. Besides which two we finde Sir Francis Knollys to be one of those who gave countenance to the troubles at Frankfor● ▪ at such time as the Faction was there hottest against the Liturgy , and other Rites and ●eremonies of the Church of England . Who being a meer kinsman of the Queens and a Privy Counsellor , made use of all advantages to pursue that project , which being 〈◊〉 on foot beyond sea , had been driven on here , and though Leicester was enough of himself to rid the Church at his pleasure , it being fitted with such helps , Sir Francis Walsingham and many more of that kind which the times then gave him , they drove on the faster , till he had almost plung'd all in remedilesse Ruine . But our Author hath not done with these Articles yet , for he tels us of this Clause , that it was Ibid. Omitted in the English and Latin Arti●●●●● set forth 1571 when they were first ratified by Act●● ▪ Our ●uthor doth so dream of the power of Parliaments in matters of Religion , that he will not suffer any , Canon or Act of Convocation to be in sorce or obligatiory to the subject , till confirmed by Parliament . But I would fain know of him where he finds any Act of Parliament ( except it be in his own dreams ) to confirm these Articles ; or that the Parliament of the 13 of the Queen ( being that he speaks of ) appointed any Committee for Religion to examine the Oxthodoxy of those Articles and make report unto the House . All that was done was this , and on this occasion . Some Ministers of the Church too stiffly wedded to their old Mumpsimus of the Masse , and some as furiously prosecuting their new Sumpsimus of Inconformity , it was thought fit , that between these contending parties , the Doctrine of the Church should be kept inviolate . And thereupon it was Enacted , That every person under the degree of a Bishop , which did or should pretend to be a Priest or Minister of Gods holy word and Sacraments in the Church of England , should before Christmas then next following , in the presence of his Diocesan Bishop testifie his assent , and subscribe to the said Articles of the year 1562. Secondly , that after such subscribing before the Bishop he should on some Sunday in the forenoon in the Church or Chappel where he served , in time of Divine Service read openly the said Articles on pain of being deprived of all his Ecclesiastical promotions , as if he were then naturally dead . Thirdly , that if any Ecclesiastical person should maintain any Doctrine contrary to any of the said Articles , and being convented by his Bishop , &c. should persist therein , it should be just cause to deprive such person of his Ecclesiastical promotions . Fourthly , that all persons to be admitted to any Benefice with Cure , should likewise subscribe to the said Articles , and publickly read the same in the open Church within two moneths after their induction , with declaration of their unfaigned assent to the same , on the pain aforesaid , in all which there was n●●thing done to confirm these Articles , but only a pious care expressed for reformation of such disorders as were like to rise amongst the Ministers of the Church , by requiring their subscription and assent unto them under such temporal punishments , which at that time the Canons of the Church had not laid upon them . So that our Author very well might have spared this Flourish , that the Obligatoriness of these Articles as to temporal punishments beares not date nine years before , from their composition in Convocation , but henceforward from their confirmation in Parliament . And here I must crave leave to fetch in another passage relating to the Acts of this Convocation fol. 102. in which he telleth us that till the year 1572. The Bishops had been more sparing in p●●ssing , and others more daring in denying subscription , because the Canons made in the Convocation , Anno 1563. were not for nine years after confirmed by Act of Parliament &c. In which on● Autho● shews much zeal , and but little kno●ledge , the●e being no Canons mad● in the Convo●ation of 1562. ( 1563. in our Authors reckoning ) no● any thing at all done in it more then the setling of the Articles , and passing a bill for the granting of a Subsidie to the Queen , as by the Records thereof may be easily seen . But rather then the Parliament shall not have the power of confirming Canons , our Author will finde our some Canons for them to confirm which never had a being or existence but in his brains only . From the Articles our Author proceeds unto the Ho●ilies approved in those Articles , and of them he tels us , Fol. 75. That if they did little good , they did little harm . ] With sco●● and insolence enough . Those Homilies were so composed , as to instruct the people in all positive Doctrines necessary for Christian men to know , with reference both to Faith and Manne●s ; and being penned in a plain style , as our Author hath it , were ●●tter for the edification of the common people then either the strong lines of some , or the flashes of 〈◊〉 wi● in others , in these latter times . And well it had been for the peace and happiness of this Church , if they had been more constantly read , and nor discredited by those men who studied to advance their own inventions , above those grave and solid pieces composed by the joynt counsels and co-operations of many godly learned and religious pe●sons . But it is well howsoever , that by reading these ( so much vi●ified ) Homilies , the Ministe●● though they did little good , did but little harm ; it being to be feared that the precommant humor of Sermonizing hath on the contrary done much harm , and but little good . But our Author hath not yet done with this Convocation , for so it followeth : Fol. 76. The English Bishops conceiving themselves impowered by their Canons , began to shew their authority , in urging the Clergy of their Di●●e●s to subscribe to the Liturgie , Ceremonies and Discipline of the Church , and such as refused the same , were braaded with the odious name of Puritans . ] Our Author having given the Parliament a power of confirming no Canons , as before was shewed , he brings the Bis●ops acting by as weak Authority in the years 1563. & 1564. the●e being at that time no Canons for them to p●oceed upon for requiring th●ir Clergy to subscribe to the Liturgie , Ceremonies , and Discipline of the Church . And therefore if they did any such thing , it was not a● t●ey were impowered by their Canons , but as they were in●●b●●d by that Autho●ity whi●h was inherent naturally in their Epi●copal Office. But whereas he tells us in the following words , th●t the name of Puritan in that notion began this year , viz. 15●4 . I fear he hath anticipated the time a little , Genebrard a right good Chronologer placing it ( ortos in Ang●●● Puritan●s ) about two years after , Anno 1566. And so far I am of our Authors minde , that the grief had not been great if the name had ended that year , upon condition th●t the occasion for which it was given them had then ended also ▪ But when he tells us that the name of Puritans was given to the opposers of the Hierar●●y and Church-Service● and signif●eth a Non-conformist ; as often as I meet such Opposers , and such Non-con●o●mists in the co●●e of this Hi●●ory , I have warrant good enough to call them by the name of Puritans . If any did abuse the n●m●s as ●●●●leth us afterwards , ( lib. x. fol. 100. ) to asperse the most Orthodox in Doctrine , and religious in Conversation ; they we●e the mo●e to blame , let them answer for it : But if those Orthodox and religious persons were Orthodox only in his sense , and under the colour of Religion did secretly 〈◊〉 with those who oppos'd the Hierarchy and the e●●●blisht Orders of the Church ; it might be a disgrace , but no w●ong unto them to be called Puritans . And if it 〈◊〉 extended further to denote such men also , as main●●●ned any of the private Opinions and Doctrines of 〈◊〉 against the tendries of the Church ; I see no reason why our Author should complain of it so much as he does in the place afo●esaid . The practices of some men are many times Doctrines to others : and the Calvinia . 〈◊〉 being built upon Calvins practices , and those ●b●tted and confirm'd by his following Doctrines : the name of Puritan , though first found out to denote such as followed Calvin , in dissenting from the Hierar●hy in Disciplin and Church-government , might not unfitly be applyed to such as maintain'd his Doctrines also . But of this Argument enough , I shall adde only , and so proceed to other businesses , that Mr. Fox is broug●● in as required to subscribe to the Canons by Archbishop Parker ; whereas there were at that time no Canons to subscribe unto , nor is it the custom of the Church to require subscription unto Canons , but unto those only who consented to the making of them . Fol. 9● . John Felton who fastned the Popes Bull to the Palace ●f London , being taken● and refusing to fly , was hanged on a Gibbet before the Popes Palace . ] The Bull here mention'd was that of Pope Pius the fifth , for excommunicating Q●een Elizabeth , which this Iohn Felton ( a 〈◊〉 Papist ) had hang'd up at the Gates of the Bishop of Lond●●s House , that the Subjects might take no●●●e of it ; and for that fact was hang'd neer the same 〈…〉 he had offended . But why our Author should call the Bishop of Londons House by the name of the Popes 〈◊〉 , I do very much wonder ; unless it were to hold 〈◊〉 with the style of Martin Mar-Prelate , and the 〈…〉 Faction . Amongst whom nothing was more common then to call all Bishops Petty-Popes ▪ & more particularly to call the Archbishop of Canterbury the Pope of Lambeth , and the Bishop of London , Pope of London . But I hope more charitably then so , being more willing to impure it to the fault of the Printers , then the pen of our Author . I only adde , that to make even with this Iohn Felton ( a zealous Papist ) another Iohn Felton of the next age , a zealous Puritan , committed that execrable murther on the Duke of Buckingham . Fol. 98. Against covetous Conformists it was provided , that no Spiritual Person , Colledge , or Hospital , shall let lease other then for twenty one years , or three lives , &c. ] No mention in the Statute of Covernous Con●ormists , I am sure of that ; and therefore no provision to be made against them , the Coverous Conformist is our Authors own . I finde indeed that long and unreasonable Leases had been 〈◊〉 by , Colledges , Deans , and Chapters , Parsons , Vicar● , and other ●aving Spiritual promotions ; which being found to 〈◊〉 the causes of Dilapidations , and the decay of all Spiritual Livings and Hospitality , and the utter impoverishing of all Successors incumbents in the same , the Parliament thought it high time to provide against it . In all which Bedroll , it were strange if we should finde no Non-conformists , who had by this time got a great part of the Church Preferments , and were more likely to occasion those di●apidations then the regular and conformable Clergy : these la●●● looking ▪ on the Church with an eye to succession , the former being intent only on the present profit : And if we mark it well , we shall finde that Coverousness and Non-conformity are so married together , that it is not easie to divorce them : though here the crime of coverousness be wrongfully charg'd on the Conformists , to make them the more odious in the eye of the vulgar Reader . High Royalists in one place , Covetous Conformists in another , are no good signs of true affections to Conformity , and much less to Royalty . Fol. 121. These Prophesyings were founded on the Apostles Precept ; For ye may all Prophesie one by one , that all may learn and all be comforted ; but so as to make it out , they were fain to make use of humane prudential Additions . ] Not grounded , but pretended to be grounded on those words of St. Paul ; the Prophesying there spoke of not being 〈◊〉 be drawn into example in the change of times , when 〈…〉 of the Spirit were more restrain'd and limited then they had been formerly . For were they g●●●nded on that Text , it had been somewhat sawcily done , to adde their own prudential Additions to the direction and dictamen of the holy Spirit . A course much favoured as it seems by Archbishop Grindal , whose Letter to the Queen is recommended to the welcom of the pious Reader . fol. 122. But both the Queen and her wise Councel conceiv'd otherwise of it , looking upon these Prophesyings as likely to prove in fine the ●ane of the Common-wealth , as our Author hath it . No● did King Iames conceive any better of them , as appeareth by the conference at Hampton Court , in which it was mov'd by Dr. Reynolds , ( chief of the Millenary party ) That the Clergy might have meetings once every three weeks , and therein to have ●●●phesying , according as the Reverend Father Archbishop Grindall , and other Bishops desired of her late Majesty . No , said the King , ( looking upon this motion as a preamble to a Scottish Presbytery ) then Iack , and I●m , and Will , and Dick , shall at their pleasures , ce●●●re me and my Councel , and all our proceedings : then Will shall stand up and say , It must be thus ; then Dick shall reply and say , Nay , marry , but we will have it thus : And therefore stay I pray you for one 7 years before you demand that of me : and then if you finde me 〈◊〉 and fat and my windepipes stuffed , I will perhaps hearken to you : for if that government be once up , I am sure I shall be kept in breath , then shall we all of us have work enough , both our hands full . But let King Iames and Queen Elizabeth conceive what they will , our Author hath declared it to be Gods and the Churches cause , fol. 130. And being such , it is enough to make any man consident in pleading for it , or appearing in it . Fol. 135. A loud Parliament is always attended with a silent Convocation , as here it came to pass . The Activity of the former in Church matters left the latter nothing to do . ] A man would think by this , that the Parliament of this year , being the 23. of the Queen , had done great feats in matters of Religion , as making new A●ticles of Faith , or confirming Canons , or something else of like importance . But for all this great cry we have little wool ; our Author taking notice of nothing else which was done this Parliament , but that it was made● eason for the Priests or Jesuites to seduce any of the Queens Subjects to the Romish Religion , and for the Sub●ects to be reconciled to the Church of Rome , with other matters nor within the power and cognizance of the Convocation . But he conceals another Statute as necessary to the peace and safety of the Church and State as the other was . By which it was Enacted , that if any person or persons should advisedly devise , or write , print , or set ●orth any manner of Book , Rime , Ballade , Letter , or Writing , containing any false , seditious and s●anderous matter , to the defamation of the Queens Majesty , or to the incouraging , stirring , or moving of any In●●●rection or Rebellion within this Realm , &c. or that shall procure , or cause such Book , Rime , Ballade , &c. to be written , printed , published , or set forth , &c. The offenders to suffer such pain of death , and forfeiture as in case of Felony . A Statute made of purpose to restrain the insolencies of the Puri●●n Faction , and by which many of them were adjudged to death in the times ensuing : some as the Authors , and others as the publishers of seditious Pamphlers . But being made with limitation to the life of the Queen , it expired with her ; And had it been reviv'd ( as it never was ) by either of the two last Kings , might possibly have prevented those dreadful mischiefs , which their posterity is involved in . Fol. 157. Sure I am , it is most usual in the Court of Marches ( Arches rather ) whereof I have the best experience . ] This is according to the old saying , to correct Magnificat . Assuredly Archbishop Whitgift knew better whan he was to write , then to need any such critical emendations . And therefore our Author might have kept his Arches for some publick Triumph after his conquest of the Covetous Conformists and High Royalists which before we had . It was the Court of the Marches which the Bishop speaks of , and of which he had so good experience ; he being made Vice-Precedent of the Court of the Marches by Sir Henry Sidney , immediately on his first coming to the See of Worcester , as Sir George Paul telleth us in his life . Fol. 163. By the changing of Edmond into John Contnar , it plainly appears , that as all these letters were written this year , so they were indited after the sixth of July ( and probably about December ) when Bishop Grindal deceased . ● I grant it for a truth , that Grindal died on the sixth of Iuly , and I know it also for a truth , that Whitgift was translated to the See of Canterbury on the 23. of September then next following . But yet it follows not thereupon , that all the Letters here spoken of ( being 12 in number ) which are here exemplified , were writ in the compass of one year , and much less in so narrow a time as about December . Nay the contrary hereunto appears by the Lett●●s themselves . For in one of them written to the Lord Treasurer , fol. 160. I finde this passage viz. Your Lordship objecteth , tha● it is said I took this c●urse for the better maintenance of my Book . My Enemies say so indeed , but I trust my friends have a better opinion of me : what should I look after any Confirmation of my Book after twelve years , or what should I get thereby more then already ? Now the Book mentioned by the Bishop , was that entituled , The Defence of the Answer to the Admonition against the Reply of T. C. printed at London , An. 1574. To which the 12 years being added , which we finde mentioned in this Letter , it must needs be , that this Letter to the Lord Treasurer was written in the year 1586. and consequently not all written in the year 1583. as our Author makes them . The like might be collected also from some circumstances in the other Letters , but that I have more necessary business to imploy my time on . Fol. 171. The severe inforcing of Subscription hereunto , what great disturbance it occasioned in the Church , shall hereafter by Gods assistance be made to appear , leaving others to judge , whether the offence was given or taken thereby . ] Our Author tells us fol. 143. that in the business of Church government he would lie at a close guard , and offer as little play as might be , on either side . But for all that he cannot but declare himself for the stronger party . He had not else left it as a matter doubtful , whether the disturbances which insued on the Archbishops inforcing of Subscription , and the scandal which did thence arise , were to be imputed to the Imposer who had Authority on his side ( as himself confesseth ) or the refusers , carried on by self ends and untractable obstinacy . As for the Articles to which subscriptions were required , they were these that follow , viz. 1. That the Queen only had Supreme Authority over all persons bo●n within her Dominion . 2. That the Book of Common-Prayer and Ordination of Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , containeth nothing contrary to the Word of God. 3. That the Articles of Religion agreed on in the year 1562. and publisht by the Queens Authority , were consonant to the word of God. All which being so expresly built on the Lawes of the Realm , must needs lay the scandal at their doores who refused subscription , and not at his who did require it . But love will creep ( they say ) where it cannot go . And do our Author what he can , he must discover his affection to the cause●pon ●pon all occasions . No where more m●nifestly then where he telleth us , Fol. 187. That since the High-Commission and this Oath ( it is that ex Officio which he meaneth ) were taken away by the ●●ct of Parliament , it is to be hoped , that ( if such swearing were s● great a grievance ) nihil analogum , nothing like unto it ( which may amount to as much ) shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof . ] What could be said more plain to testi●ie his disaffections one way , and his ze●l another ? The High-Commission and the Oath rep●o●ched as Grievances , because the greatest curbs of the Puritan party , and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church , a congratulation ●o the times for abolishing both , though as yet I ●●nde no Act of Parliament against the Oath except it be by consequence and illation only ; and finally a hope exprest that the Church never shall revert to her fo●mer power , in substituting any like thing in the place thereof by which the good people of the Land may be stopt in their way to the fifth Monarchy so much fought after . And yet this does not speak so plain as the following passage , viz. Fol. 193. Wits will be working , and such as have a Satyrical vein , cannot better vent it then in lashing of sin . ] This spoken in defence of those scurrilous Libels which Iob Throgmorton , Penry , Fenner , and the rest of the Puritan Rabble published in Print against the Bishops , Anno 1588. thereby to render them ridiculous both abroad and at home . The Q●een being 〈◊〉 exclaimed against , and her Honorable Councell scandalously censured for opposing the Gospel , they fall more foully on the Bishops , crying them down as Antichristian , Petty-popes , Bishops of the Devil , cogging and cozening knaves , dumb dogs enemies of God , &c. For which cause much applauded by the Papists beyond Sea ( to whom nothing was more acceptable then to see the English Hierarchy reproach● and vilified ) and frequently ●●red by them as unquestioned evidences . For if our Authors rule be good , fol. 193. That the fault is not in the writer , if he truly cite what is false on the credit of another , they had no reason to examine punctually the truth of that which tended so apparently to the great advantage of their cause and party . But this Rule whether true or false cannot be used to justifie our Author in many passages though , truly cited , considering that he cannot chuse but know them to be false in themselves . And he that knowing a thing to be false , sets it down for true , not only gives the lie to his own conscience , but occasions others also to believe a falshood . And from this charge I cannot see how he can be acquitted in making the Bishops to be guilty of those filthy sins , for which they were to be so lashed by Satyrical wits , or imputing those base Libels unto wanton wits , which could proceed from no other fountain then malicious wickedness . But I ●m we●ry and ashamed of taking in so impure a kennel , and for that cause also shall willingly passe over his apology for Hacket that blasphemous wretch , and most execrable miscreant , justly condemned and executed for a double Treason , against the King of Kings in Heaven , and the Queen on earth . Of whom he would not have us think , fol. 204. that he and his two Companions ( his two Prophets , for so they called themselves ) were worse by nature then all others of the English Nation , the natural corruption in the hearts of others being not lesse headstrong , but more bridled : And finally , that if Gods restraining grace be taken from us , we shall all run unto the same excesse of Riot . Which Plea if it be good for Hacket , will hold good for Iudas ; and pity it is , that some of our fine wits did never study an apology for him . From Hack●● he goes on to Travers , a man of an unquiet spirit , but not half so mischievous , of whom he saith , Fol. 214. At Antwerp he was ordained Minister by the Presbyt●ry there , and not long after that , he was put in Orders by the Presbytery of a forain Nation . ] Here have we Ordination and putting into Orders ascribed to the Pre●bytery of A●t●●erp ; a Mongrel company consisting of two blew Aprous to each Cruel night-cap : and that too in such positive terms , and without any the least qualification , that no Presbyterian in the pack could have spoke more plainly . The man hath hitherto stood distracted betwixt shame and love ; love to the cause , and shame to be discovered for a party in it , drawing several wayes . Pudor est qui suade●● illinc , Hinc dissuadet Amor , in the Poets language . And in this fit he thought it good to withdraw himself or stand by a● a silent Spectator , that his betters might have room to come forth and speak in the present controversie of Church Government , fol. 143. But here love carries it away , and he declares himself roundly for the Presbyterians , by giving them the power of Ordination , and consequently of Ecclesiastical censure in their several Consistories . Had he used the words of the Certificate , which he grounds upon , and told us that Travers was admitted by that Presbytery to the Ministery of the holy word ( in sacr● verbi Dei Ministerio institutus , a● their words there are ) he had done the part of an Historian . They may make Ministers how and of whom they list , and put that Heavenly treasure into what vessels they please . Scripturarum ars est quam omnes passim sibi vindicant , as St. Ierom complained in his time . Let every Tradesman be a Preacher , and step from the shop-board to the Pulpit , if they think well of it . This may be called a making of Ministers in such a sense as Phoebe is said to be a Minister of the Church of Cenchrea , to minister to the necessities of their Congregations . But to ascribe unto them a power of Ordination or of giving Orders which they assume not to themselves , savours too strong of the party , and contradicts the general Rules of the ancient Fathers . At this time I content my self with that saying of Ierom , because esteemed no friend to Bishops , viz. Quid facit Episcopus , excepta Ordinatione , quod Presbyter non faciat ? and for the rest refer the Reader to the learned Treatise of Dr. Hammond , Entituled , Observations upon the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons at Westminster for the Ordination of Ministers pro tempore , Printed at Oxford 1644. Only I shall make bold to quit my Author with a merry tale ( though but one for an hundred ) and t is a tale of an old jolly popish Priest , who having no entertainment for a friend who came to him on a Fasting day , but a piece of Pork , and making conscience of observing the appointed Fast , dipt it into a tub of water , saying down Porke up Pike . Satisfied with which device ( as being accustomed to transubstantiate , he well might be ) he caused it to be put into the p●t and made ready for dinner . But as the Pork for all this suddain piece of wit , was no other then Pork ; so these good fellowes of the Presbytery by laying hands upon one another , act as little as he : the parties so impos'd upon ( impos'd upon indeed in the proper notion ) are but as they were , Lay-brethren of the better stamp , Ministers if you will , but not Priests nor Deacons , nor any wayes Canonically enabled for divine performances . But fearing to be chidden for his levity , I knock off again , following my Author as he leads me ; who being over shooes , will be over boots also . He is so lost to the High Royalist and covetous Conformist , that he cannot be in a worse case ( with them ) then he is already . And therefore having declared himself for a Presbyterian in point of Government , he will go thorough with his work , shewing himself a profest Calvinist in point of Doctrine , and a strict Sabba●arian too in that single point , though therein differing ( as the rest of that party do ) from their Master Calvin . First for the Sabbath ( for the better day the better deed ) having repeared the chief heads of Dr. Bounds book published Anno 1595. in which the Sabbatarian Doctrines were first set on soot , he addes , that learned men were much divided in their judgements about the same . Fol. 228. Some ( saith he ) embraced them as ancient truths consonant to Scripture , long disused and neglected , now seasonably revived for the encrease of piety . ] Amongst which some , he that shall take our Author for one , will not be m●ch mistaken either in the man , or in the matter . For that he doth approve Bounds Doctrines in this particular , appears ; First , By a passage , fol. 165. where he con●nts with him in reckoning the casual falling of the Scaffolds at Paris-Garden on the Lords-day , Anno 1583. for a divine judgement upon those who perished by it , as they were beholding that rude pastime . Secondly , By his censure of the proceedings of Archbishop Whitgift against these Doctrines , of whom he telleth us , fol 229. That his known opposition to the p●●ceedings of the Brethren , rendred his actions more odious , as if out of envy he had caused such a pearl to be concealed . Thirdly , by making these Sabbath Doctrines to be the Diamond in the Ring , of those Catechisms and Controversies which afterwards were set out by the stricter Divines . And Fourthly , by the sadnesse which he findes in recounting the grief and distraction occasioned in many honest mens hearts by the several publishings of the Declaration about lawful sports , lib. ●o . fol. 74. But leaving him to stand or fall to his own Master , I would fain know what text of Scripture , ancient Writer , or approved Councel can be brought to justifie Bounds Doctrines which he affirms for ancient truths and consonant to holy Scripture . But more particularly where he can shew me any ground for the third Position , viz. That there is as great reason why we Christians should take our selves as straightly bound to rest upon the Lords day as the Jewes were upon their Sabbath ; it being one of the moral Commandements , whereof all are of equall authority . This if it be a truth is no ancient truth ; and whensoever it be received and allowed for truth , will in conclusion lay as heavy and insupportable Burthens upon the consciences of Gods people as ever were imposed upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharisees . And secondly , I would fain know the meaning of the following words , in which it is said , that others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottom , but because they tended to the manifest advance of Religion , it was pity to oppose them . I would fain know I say , considering that the foundation of the Christian faith is laid on the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles , Christ himself being the chief corner stone ; how any thing which is not built upon this foundation , but grounded on a wrong bottom ( as this seemed to be ) could tend to the manifest advance of the true Religion . That it tended to the manifest advance of some Religion I shall easily grant ; and if our Author mean no otherwise , we shall soon agree . But sure I am , no part of the true Religion was ever grounded upon ●alshood , and therefore is 〈◊〉 Doctrine were grounded on so ill ● bottom a● they say it was , it might ●on●●● to the advancement of a Faction and mens private 〈◊〉 , but to the true Religion it was likely to contribute nothing but disgrace and scandal . L●stly , I am to minde our Author , that he makes Mr. Greenhams Treatise of the Sabbath to be published in pursuance of Bounds opinions , which could not be till in or after the year 1595. Whereas he had laid him in his grave above two years before , telling us that he died of the Plugue in London , Anno 1592. fol. 219. By which it seems that Greenham either writ this Treatise after his decease ; o● else our Author hath done ill in giving the f●●st honour of these new Doctrins unto Dr. Bound . In the next place we shall see our Author engage himself in defence of the Calvi●an Doctrins about Predest●ation , Grace , &c. of which he telleth us , that Fol. 229. Having much troubled both the Schools and Pu●pit , Archbishop Whitgift , out of his Christian care to propogate the truth , and suppress the opposite errors , 〈◊〉 used a solemn meeting of many grave and learned 〈◊〉 at Lanib●th . ] The occasion this . The controvers●● about Predestination , Grace , &c. had been long 〈◊〉 in the Schools between the Dominicant on the one side and the Francis●ans on the other 〈◊〉 the Dominicans grounding their opinion on the Authority of St. Augustin , Prosper , and some others of the following 〈◊〉 the Franciscans , on the general current of the 〈◊〉 Fathers , who lived ante mot● certamina Pelagiana ▪ before the rising of the Pelagian Here●ies . 〈◊〉 disputes being after taken up in the 〈◊〉 Churches , 〈◊〉 moderate Lutherans ( as they 〈◊〉 them ) followed the Doctrine of Melanch●hon , conformable to the 〈…〉 those particulars : The others whom they 〈…〉 or rigid Lutherans , of whom 〈◊〉 Illyricus was the chief , go in the same way with the Dominicans . The authority of which last opinion , after it had been entertained and publishe in the works of Calvin , for his sake found admi●●ance in the Schools and Pulpits of most of the Reformed Churches . And having got footing here in England by the preaching of such Divines as had fled to Geneva in Queen Maries time , it was defended in the Schools of Cambridge without opposition , till Peter Bar● a French man came and setled there . Who being the Lady Margarets P●ofessor in that University , and liking better of the Melanchthonian way , then that of Calvin , defended it openly in the Schools ; many of parts and q●ality being gained unto his opinion . Which gave so much displeasure to Dr. Whitaker , Dr. Tyndall , Mr. Perkins , and some other leading men of the contrary judgement , that they thought best to use the Argument ab Authoritat● to convince their Adversaries ; and complained thereof to the Archbishop , and in the end prevailed with him to call that meeting at Lambeth which our Author speaks of : in which some Articles ( commonly called the Nine Articles of Lambeth ) were agreed upon , and sent down to Cambridge in favour of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates . But our Author not content to relate the story of the Quarrel , must take upon him also to be a judge in the Controversie . He had before commended the Dominicans for their Orthodoxie in these points of Doctrine as they were then in agitation betwixt them and the Iesuits . He now proceeds to do the like between the two parties ( men of great piety and learning appearing in it on both sides ) disputing the same points in the Church of England : honouring the opinion of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates with the name of the truth ; and branding the other with the Title of the opposite error . And yet not thinking that he had declared himself sufficiently in the favour of the Calvinian party , he telleth us not long after of these Lambeth Articles , fol. 232. that though they wanted the Authority of Provincial Acts , yet will they readily be received of all Orthodox Christians for as far as their own purity bears conformity to Gods word . Which last words ( though somewhat perplextly laid down ) must either intimate their conformity to the word of God , or else signifie nothing . But whatsoever opinion our Author hath of these Nine Articles , certain it is that Queen Elizabeth was much displeased at the making of them , and commanded them to be supprest , which was done accordingly ; and with such diligence withall , that for long time a Copy of them was not to be met with in that University . Nor was King Iames better pleased with them then Queen Elizabeth was ▪ Insomuch that when Dr. Renalds mov'd ( in the Conference of Hampton-Court ) that the Nine Articles of Lambeth might be superadded to the 39. Articles of the Church of England ; King Iames upon an information of the true sta●e of the businesse , did absolutely refuse to give way to it . But of this more at large elsewhere . I only add a Memorand●m of our Authors mistake in making Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London , to be one of the Bishops which were present at the meeting at Lambeth , whereas indeed 〈◊〉 was Richard Fletcher , Bishop elect of London , and by that name entituled in such Authors as relate this story ; Dr. Bancroft not being made Bishop of London or of any place else till the year 1597. which was two years after this Assembly . Alike mistake relating to this business also , I finde in the History of Cambridge , about Dr. Baro● of whom our Author tels us thus : Fol. 125. Hist. Cam. The end of Dr. Peter Baro ( the Margaret Professor ) his triennial Lectures began to draw neer , & C. And not long after , the Vniversity intended to cut him off at the just joint , when his three y●ars should be expired . ] This shews our Author , though well travelled in other Countries , to be but peregrinus domi , a stranger in his own University ; in which the Margaret Professor is not chosen for three years , but for two years only . And this appears plainly by the Statutes of that Foundation , the precise words whereof are these , viz. Et volumus insuper quod de caetero quolibet biennio ultimo die cessationis cujustibet termini ante magnam vacationem Vniversitatis praedictae , una habilis , apta & idonea persona in lectorem lecturae praedictae pro uno biennio integro , viz. a festo Nativitatis B. Mariae virginis tunc proximè sequente duntaxat durature , eligatur , fol. 105. in nigro cedice . For this I am beholding to the Author of the Pamphlet called the Observator observed , and thank him for it . Which said we shall close up this ninth Book with some considerations on these following words , which our Author very ingenuously hath laid before us , viz. Fol. 233. If we look on the Non-conformists , we shall finde all still and quiet , who began now to repose themselves in a sad silence , especially after the execution of Udal and Penry had so terrified them , that though they might have secret d●signs , we meet not their open and publick motions . ] And to say truth , it was high time for them to change their course in which they had so often been foil'd and worsted . The learned works of Dr. Bilson , ( after Bishop of Winchester ) in defence of the Episcopal Government , of Dr. Cousins Dean of the Arches , in m●intenance of the proceedings in ●ourts Ecclesiastical ; with the two Books of Dr. Bancroft , the one discovering the absurdities of the Pretended holy Discipline , the other their practices & Positions to advance the same , gave the first check to their proceedings at the push of pen. All which being publisht , An. 1593. were seconded about two years after by the accurate & well studied Works of Ric. Hooker , then Master of the Temple , and Prebend of Canterbury ; in which he so asserted the whole body of the English Liturgy , & laid such grounds to found her politie upon , that he may justly be affirmed to have struck the last blow in this Quarrel . But it was not so much the Arguments of these learned 〈◊〉 , as the seasonable execution of some principal sticklers , which occasioned the great calm both in Church and State , not only for the rest of the Queens time , but a long time after . For besides , that Cartright , and some other of the principal and most active Leaders , had been imprison'd and proceeded against in the Court of Starchamber ; the edge of the Statute 23 Eliz. c. 2. which before we spake , of , had made such terrible work amongst them , that they durst no longer venture on their former courses . Copping and Thacker hang'd at St. Edmondsbury in Suffolk , Barrow and Greenwood executed at Tyburn , and Penry at St. Thomas of Waterings , Vdal , Billot Studley , and Bouler condemned to the same death , though at last reprieved , ( not to say any thing of Hacke● , with Coppinger , and Arthington his two Prophe●s , as more mad then the rest ) could not but teach them this sad lesson , that , 〈◊〉 is no safe dallying with fire , nor jesting with edge tools . But there are more wayes to the Wood then one , and they had wit enough to cast about for some other way , s●nce the first had fail'd them , Hac non successit , aliâ tentandum est , 〈◊〉 , had been learn't in vain , if not reducible to practice . So that it is no marvel , if after this we finde them not in any publick and open motion ; when wearied with their former blusterings , and terrified with the sad remembr●nce of such executions , they betook themselves to secret and more dark designs . Occultior Pompeius Caesare , non mesior , as it is in Tacitus . Pompeys intentions were not less mischievous to the Common-wealth then Caesars were , but more closely carried . And b●cause closely carryed , the more likely to have took effect , had any but Caesar been the head of the opposite party . The Fort that had been found impregnable by open batteries , hath been took at last by undermining . Nor ever were the Houses of Parliament more like to have been blown up with gunpowder , then when the Candle which was to give fire to it was carried by 〈◊〉 in a dark 〈◊〉 . Henceforward therefore we shall finde the Brethren 〈◊〉 anoth●● ward , practising their party underhand , working their business into a State-faction , and never so dangerously carrying on the 〈◊〉 as when least observed . Fill in the end when all preventions were let slip , and the danger grown beyond prevention , they brought their matters to that end which we shall finde too evidently in the end of this History . To which before we can proceed , we must look back upon a passage of another 〈◊〉 , which without 〈◊〉 the coherencies of the former Observations could not be taken notice of and rectifed in its proper place , and is this that followeth ▪ Fol. 179. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown , sen● for Abbot Fecknam to come to her , whom the Messenger found setting of Elms in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey : But he would not follow the messenger , till first he had finished his Plantation . ● The tale goes otherwise by Tradition then is here delivered ; and well it may . For who did ever hear of my Elms in Westminster Orchard , or to say truth , of any Elms in any Orchard whatsoever of a late Plantation ? Elms are for Groves , and Fields , and Forests , too cumbersom and over-spreading to be set in Orchards . But the tale goes that Abbot Feck●an● being busied in planting Elms near his Garden wall in the place now 〈◊〉 the Dea●s-yard was encountred with one of his acquaintance , saying , My Lord you may very well save your labour the Bill for dissolving of your Monastery being just now passed . To which the good old man , unmoved , returned this answer , that he would go forwards howsoever in his plantation ; not doubting , though it pleased not God to continue it in the state it was , but that it would be kept and used as a 〈◊〉 of Learning for all times ensuing . Which said , our 〈◊〉 need not trouble himself with thinking how his 〈…〉 this day , as he seems to do ; he knows where to finde them . ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Tenth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN . Containing the Reign of King James . THE Puritan clamors being hush'd , and the Papists giving themselves some hopes of better dayes , afforded King Iames a quiet entrance to the Crown . But scarce was he warm upon the Throne , but the Puritans assaulted him with their Petitions , and some of the Papists finding their hopes began to fail them , turned their private discontents into open practices , endeavouring to settle their Religion by the destruction of the King , and the change of Government . And first beginning with the Papists , because first in time . Fol. 5. Watson with William Clark ( another of his own profession ) having fancied a Notional Treason , imparted it to George Brooks . ] To these he after adds the Lord Cobham a Protestant , the Lord Gray of Whaddon a Puritan , and Sir Walter Rawleigh an able Statesman , and some other Knights . In the recital of which names our Author hath committed a double fault , the one of omission , and the other of commission . A fault of omission in leaving out Sir Griffith Markham , as much concerned as any of the principal actors , design'd to have been Secretary of Estate , had the Plot succeeded , and finally arraign'd and condemn'd at Winchester , as the others were . His fault of commission is , his calling the Lord Gray by the name of the Lord Gray of Whaddon ( a fault not easily to be pardon'd in so great an Herald ) whereas indeed though Whaddon in Buckinghamshire was part of his Estate , yet Wilton in Herefordshire was his Barony and ant●ent Seat ; his Ancestors being call'd LL. Gray of Wilton , to difference them from the Lord Gray of Reuthen , the Lord Gray of Codnor , &c. Having thus satisfied our Author in this particular , I would gladly satisfie my self in some others concerning this Treason ▪ in which I finde so many persons of such different humors , and Religions , that it is very hard to think how they could either mingle their interefles , or unite their counsels . But discontentments make men fuel fit for any fire , and discontents had been on purpose put upon some of them , the more to estrange them from the King , and the King from them . And though I am not Oedipus enough for so dark a Sphinx , yet others who have had more light into the businesses of that time , have made their discontents to grow upon this occasion ; Sir Robert Cecil then principal Secretary to the Estate , fearing the great abilities of Rawleigh , and being wearied with the troublesome impertinencies of Gray and Cobham , all which had joyned with him in design against the Earl of Essex their common Enemy ; had done their errand to Kings Iames ( whose counsels he desired to ingross to himself alone ) before his coming into England . And the Plot took so good effect , that when the Lord Cobham went to meet the King as he came towards London , the King checked him ( being then Warden of the Cinqne Ports ) for his absence from his charge in that dangerous time . The Lord Gray , was not look'd upon in the Court , as he had been formerly , there being no longer use of his rashness and praecipitations . And the better to discountenance Rawleigh , who had been Captain of the Guard to Queen Elizabeth , the King bestowed that Office on Sir Thomas Erskin , then Vicount Fenton , and Captain of his Guard in Scotland . All which being publickly observ'd , it was no ha●d matter for George Brook , to work upon the weak spi●its of Gray and Cob●am , of which the last was his brother , and the first his brothers special friend : and by such Artifices as he us'd in laying before them their disgraces , and shewing them a way to right themselves , to draw them into the confederacy with Clark and Watson . And it is possible , that they not being substantive enough to stand alone , might acquaint Rawleigh with the Plot , whose head was able to do more then all their hands . But of his actings in it , or consenting to it , when the pa●ties were brought unto their Tryal , there appear'd no proof , but that Cobham in his confession taken before the Lords had accus'd him of it ; and that not only as an accessary , but a principal actor . But Cobham not being brought into the open Court to justifie his accusation face to face , as the custom as , it was thought a good argument by many , that Rawleigh was not so criminal in this matter as his Enemies made him . And though found guilty by the Jury on no other evidence , then a branch of Cobhams , confession , not so much as subscribed by his hand , yet all men were not satisfied in the manner of this proceeding : it being then commonly affirm'd that Cobham had retracted his accusation , as since it hath been said and printed , that in a letter written the night before his Tryal , and then sent to the Lord●● he cleared Rawl●igh from all manner of Treasons against the King or State , for which consult the Observations upon some particular Persons and passages , &c. printed Anno 1656. But from the practices of the Papists , which have led me thus far out of my way , it is now time that I proceed to the Petition of the Puritans , presented to the King much about that time . Fol. 7. This called the Millenary Petition . ] And it was called so , because given out to be subscribed by 〈◊〉 thousand hands , though it wanted a fourth part of thi● number . More modest now then they had been in P●●ries time , when in stead of one thousand , they threatn●● to bring a Petition which should be presented by the hands of a hundred thousand . More modest also in the style and phrase of their Petition , and in the subject M●●ter of it , then they had been when Martin Mar , Pr●●●rul'd the Rost , and would be satisfied with nothing 〈◊〉 the ruine of the English Hierarchy . Which notwithstanding the King thought fit to demur upon it , and 〈◊〉 commended the answering of their Petition to the U●●versity of Oxford , and was done accordingly . The An●●● and Petition printed not long after , gave the first stop●● this importunity ; represt more fully by the Confer●●● at Hampton-Court , of which it is told us by our Auth●● how some of the Millenary party complained that 〈◊〉 Fol. 21. This Conference was partially set forth only 〈◊〉 Dr. Barlow Dean of Chester , their professed Adversa●● to the great disadvantage of their Divines . ] If so , 〈◊〉 did it come to pass , that none of their Divines th●● present , no● any other in their behalf did ever manife●● the world the partialities , and falsehoods of it ? The 〈◊〉 was printed not long after the end of the Conference publickly passing from one hand to another , and ne● convicted of any such crime as it stands charged with , 〈◊〉 any one particular p●●●age to this very day . Only pleas'd some of the Zealo●s to scatter abroad some tri●●ing Papers , not amounting to half a sheet amongst them , which tended to the holding up of their sinking Party ; and being brought by Dr. Barlow , were by him put in Print , and publisht at the end of his Book , Vt deterrim & comparatione gloriam sibi compararet , in the words of Tacitus . He could not better manifest his own abilities , then by having those weak and imperfect Scribbles for a foil unto them . And here before I leave this conference , I must make a start to fol. 91. for rectifying a mistake of our Authors , which relates unto it . Where speaking of Dr. King , then Bishop of London , and reciting the course both of his preferments and imployments , he telleth us , that soon after the Kings coming to the Crown●● he was made Dean of Christ-Church in Oxon , and chosen one of the four Preachers in the Conference at Hampton-Court . But first Dr. King was not Dean of Christ-Church at the time of the Conference at Hampton-Court ; that Conference being held in Ianuary , An. 1603. and Dr. King not coming to the Deanry of Christ-Church till the year 1605. Secondly , he was none o● the fou● Preachers in the Conference at Hampton-Court , there being no such Preachers chosen for the ●ime of that Conference . But as it is a true and old say●●g , that Omnis fabula fundatur in Historia ; so I may ●●y , that there was something true and real , which might ●arry him inadvertently upon this Error . For in Sep●●mber , Anno 1606. it pleased King Iames to call before ●im at Hampton-Court the Melvins , and some other of ●he principal sticklers for Presbytery of the Scottish Na●ion . For information of whose judgement , and re●●ucing them , if possible , to some conformity , he caused four Sermons to be there preached in their hea●ing , by ●our of his most able Divines , that is to say , Dr. Andrews then Bishop of Chichester , Dr. Barlow ( before mentioned ) then Bishop of Rochester , Dr. King , then Dean of Christ-Church , after Bishop of London , and Dr. Buckeridge , who after succeeded in the See of Rochester● and dyed Bishop of Ely. Which four Sermons being afterwards printed , and bound together , though they gave very good satisfaction to most persons else , could get no ground upon those refractary Scots , who were resolved aforehand , not to hear the voice of those Charmers , charmed they never so sweetly . Fol. 27. Indeed a Statute had formerly been made th● 13. of Queen Elizabeth , which to prevent final 〈◊〉 of Church Land , did disable all Subjects from 〈◊〉 them : but in that Statute a liberty was left unto the Crown to receive the same . ] Our Author speaks this on occasion of a Statute made in the first Parliament of King Iam●● by which the King and his Successors were made uncapable of receiving any Grants or Leases of Lands , from any Archbishops , or Bishops , for longer then 21 years , or three lives . But he is much mistaken in the grounds of it . For first the Statute he relates unto , was not made in the thirteenth year of the Queen , that Statute extending only unto Deans and Chapters , Masters of Colledges and Hospitals , as also unto Parsons and Vicars , who by long Leases had dilapidated the publick Patrimony of the Church , and their several Houses , Not a word in it , which concerns Archbishops and Bishops , or any Leases by them made . And secondly , that Sta●ute , whatsoever it be , doth not disable all Subjects from accepting such Leases , Grants , and Alienations , but disableth the said Archbishops , and Bishops , from making such Grants unto the Subjects . But the truth is , that Statute which our Author means , is an unprinted Statute made in the first year of Queen Elizabeth . By which it was enacted , That it should be lawful for the said Queen , as often as any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick should be vacant , to take unto herself any of the Castles , Mannors , Lan●s , Tenements , and Here ditaments to the same belonging , and to pay the said Archbishop , or Bishop , in Impropriations , Tithes , and Portions of Tithes . And this is that Statute which our Author relates unto , lib. 9. fol. 70. where it is said , That a Bill passed for the assurance of certain Lands assumed by the Queen from some Bishoprick● during their Vacation . And secondly , it was enacted in the said unprinted Statute , that it should not be lawful for any Archbishop , or Bishop , to grant any Lands , Leases , or Estates for more then 21 years , or three lives to any person whatsoever , except it were unto the Queen 〈◊〉 Heirs and Successors ; which last words opened such a gap to sacrilege and rapine , that what the Queen thought fit to leave unto the Church vacante sede , the Cou●●iers would finde some way to divest it of by making use of this last clause , first in obtaining such a 〈◊〉 to be made to the Queen , and then from the Queen unto themselves : So that our Author might have sav'd his Advocating for this clause of that Act , considering that he saw the ill consequents and effects thereof . Fol. 54. Some of the greatest Prelates ( how much Self is there 〈◊〉 all men ! ) though seemingly forward , really remi●● in the matter . ] This spoken in relation to Che●sey Colledge , the stop whereof must be imputed to some great Prela●es , fearing to grow less , both in esteem , power and jurisdiction , if that work went fo●wards . Contrary whereunto he ●elleth us of fol●57 ●57 . That he was very forward in founding Chelsey Co●●edge , which as a two edged Sword , was to cut on both sides , to suppress Papists and Sectaries . Upon which grounds there is no question to be made , but that the work was furthered also by the rest of the Bishops , at the least not hindered . Our Author hath indeed afforded us this Marginal Note , viz. This obstruction signifies nothing of discreet men , how ever it must pass for company sake . But it had argued more discretion in him ( as I conceive ) to have left this obstruction , as he calls it , out of his Discourse , then first to break the Bishops heads and then give them this plaister . Howsoever he ( viz. Mr. Nicholas ●uller ) left behinde him the reputation of an honest man. No question of it . It is a thing so incident to the name , that whatsoever they do or say , they are honest still . Before we had the story of Thomas Full●r of Hammersmith condemn'd for felony , but still so honest , and to entirely beloved by King Harry the sixth , after his decease , that he appear'd to him on the top of the Gallows , incourag'd him , and so cla●m'd the Rope , that it did not strangle him , lib. 4. 154. Afterwards we meet with Iohn Fuller , Doctor of the Laws ( a better then he ) a Persecutor in Queen Maries dayes , but a pitiful man , as the Index telleth us . Here we have Nicholas Fuller a Counsellor , ( the best of the three ) decrying openly the Authority of the High Commission , and thereby giving a legal advantage to Archbishop Bancroft , by whom imprison'd , and there dying , but dying with the reputation of an honest man. And then another Thomas Fuller a Minister , ( the best of all the company ) and an honest man too , so well deserving of the Church , and all good Church-men ( both alive and dead ) by this notable History , as not to doubt of the like favour at their hands ( should there be occasion ) as Thomas of Hammersmith receiv'd of King Harry the sixth . Fol. 57. I am credibly informed from a good hand , how in the days of King James , a Scotch - man , and a prevalent Courtier , had swallowed up the whole Bishoprick of Durh●m , had not this Archbishop seasonably interposed his power with the King and dashed the design . ] Credible though the information were , yet it was not true ; there being no such prevalent Courtier , not no such Design . 'T is 〈◊〉 , the stomack of the Scots were sharp set , still crying Give , give , but never satisfied ; King Iames as boun●●ful and open handed towards them , as they could desire . But neithe● were they to impudent as to crave , nor the King to impotent as to give a whole Bishop●ick 〈◊〉 on●e , especially so rich a Bishoprick as this of Durham . But the truth is , that George Hume , Earl of Dunbar , Lord Treasurer of Scotland , and highly favour'd by the King , having procur'd a grant of all the batable grounds , as they then called them , upon the Borders of both Kingdoms , began to cast his eye upon Norham-Castle and the Lands about it , belonging to the See of Durham , conceiving it a fit place to command the rest . But being a well principled man , and a great Minister of that Kings , in restoring the Episcopal Government to the Church of Scotland , he acquainted Bishop Bancroft with his desires ; who knowing what great use might be made of him for the good of this Church , and being sure enough of the consent of Dr. Matthews , then Bishop of Durham , he thus ordered the business . Whereas the Revenue of Norham-Castle , and the lands adjoyning were valued at one hundred twenty pounds per annum in the Bishops Rental , it was agreed that the Earl should procure of the King an abatement of sixscore pounds yearly out of the annual pension of a thousand pound which had been said upon that Bishoprick by Queen Elizabeth , as before is said . Secondly , that he should obtain from the King for the said Dr. Matthews , and his Successors a restitution of his House in the Strand called Durham-House , with the Gardens , Stables , and Tenements thereto appertaining , which had been alienated from that Bishoprick ever since the dissolving of it by King Edward the sixth . Thirdly , that in consideration hereof Bishop Matthews should make a grant of Norham-Castle , and the Countrey adjoyning in Feefarm to the King , by him immediately to be convey'd to the Earl of Dunbar . And fourthly , that his own 〈◊〉 being thus serv'd , the said Earl should joyn with Bishop Bancroft , and his friends , for obtaining from the King an Act of Parliament , whereby both he and his successors should be made uncapable of any the like Grants and Alienations for the time to come ; which as it was the 〈◊〉 Marke● that ever Toby Matthews was at , so was it the best bargain which was ever driven for the Church of England ; so ●ar from swallowing up that Bishoprick , that it was the only means to save that , and preserve the rest . And yet perhaps the credible information which our Author speaks of , might not relate unto the Bis●oprick , but the Dea●ry of Durham , bestowed by that King ( being then not well studied in the Composition of the Church of England ) on Sir Adam Newton , a Courtier prevalent enough , as having been Tutor to Prince Henry the Kings eldest Son. And possible it is , that the Scots might have kept it in their hands from one generation to another , if Dr. Hunt ( not otherwise to be remembred ) had not bought him out of it , and put himself into the place . Fol. 59. And as about this time some perchance overvalu●d the Geneva Notes , out of that especial love they bare to the Authors , and place whence it proceeded , so on the other side , some without cause did slight , or rather without charity did slander the same . ● I trow , our Author will not take upon him to condemn all those who approve not of the Genevian Notes upon the Bible , or to appear an Advocate for them , though he tells us not many lines before , that they were printed thirty times over with the general liking of the people . I hope he will not do the first for King Iames his sake , who in the Conference at Hampton-Court , did first declare , that of all the Translations of the Bible into the English Tongue , that of Geneva was the worst ; and secondly , that the Notes upon it were partial , untrue , seditious , and savouring too much of dangerous and traiterous conceits . For p●oof whereof his Majesty instanced in two places , the one on Exod. 1. vers . 19. where disobedience to Kings is allowed of ; the other in ● Chron. 8. 15 ▪ 16. where Asa is taxed for deposing his Moth●r only , and not killing her . A Note , whe●eof the Scottish Presbyterians made special use , not only deposing Mary their lawful Queen from the Regal Th●one , but prosecuting ●er openly and under hand , till they had took away her life . These instances , our Author in his Summary of that Conference , hath passed over in silence ; as loath to have such blemishes appear in the Genevians , or their Annotations . And I hope also that he will not advocate for the rest . For let him tell me what he thinks of that on the second of St. Matthews Gospel , v. 12. viz ▪ Promise ought not to be kept , where Gods honour and preaching of his truth is hindered , or else it ought not to be broken . What a wide gap , think we , doth this open to the breach of all Promises , Oaths , Covenants , Contracts , and Agreements , not only betwixt man and man , but between Kings and their Subjects ? Wh●t Rebel ever took up Arms without some pretences of that nature ▪ What Tumults and Rebellions have been rais'd in all parts of Christendom , in England , Scotland , Ireland , France , the Netherlands , Germany , and indeed where not ? under colour that Gods honour , and the preaching of the truth is hindered ? If this once pass for good sound Doctrine , neither the King , nor any of his good Subjects in what Realm ●oever , can live in safety . Gods Honour , and the preaching 〈◊〉 his Truth , are two such pretences , as will make void all Laws , elude all Oathes , and thrust our all Covenants and Agreements , be they what they will. Ne●● I would have our Author tell me , what he thinks of this Note on the ninth of the Revelation , ver . 3. where the 〈◊〉 which came out of the smoak , are said to be 〈◊〉 teachers , Hereticks , and worldly subtil ●relates , with 〈◊〉 F●iers , Cardinals , Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops , 〈◊〉 , Batchelors , and Masters . Does not this note 〈◊〉 fasten the name of Locusts on all the Cle●●y of 〈◊〉 Realm , that is to say , Archbishops , Bishops , and all 〈◊〉 as are graduated in the University , by the name of Doctors , Batchelors , and Masters ? And doth it not as plainly yoak them with F●iers , Monk● , and Cardinals ▪ p●incipal instruments in all times to advance the Popecom ? I know the words which follow after are alleadged by some , to take off the envy of this Note , viz. who forsake Christ to maintain false doctrines . But the enumeration of so many particulars makes not the Note the lets invidious , the said explication notwithstanding ; because the Note had been as perfect and significant , had it gone thus in generals only , that is to say , by Locusts here are meant false Teachers , Hereticks , and other worldly subtil men , that seduced the people , perswading them to fo●sake Christ , to maintain false Doctrine . But the Genevians , who account Archbishops , and Bishops , to be limbs of the Pope , resolved to joyn them with the rest of his members , Fryers , Monks , and Cardinals ; and our Author , being a great favourer of the Presbyterians , must not take notice of this scandal : especially considering that Papacy and Praelacy are joyn'd together , in the language of the present times , and therefore fit to go together in this Annotation . Fol. 68. In this Parliament Dr. Harsnet Bishop of Chichester , gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court , pressing the word , Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris , as if all that was levied by Subsidies , or paid by Custom to the Crown , was but a redditum of what was the Kings before . ] This Par●●ament is plac●● by our Author in the year 1613. but 〈◊〉 Parliament , in the sitting whereof Bishop Ha●●●et 〈◊〉 the Sermon above mentioned , was held by Pro●ogation in the year 1609. and afterwards dissolved by Procl●mation in December of the year next following . Concerning which Sermon , King Iames gives this account to the Lords and Commons assembled before him at White-hall , March 23. ( and therefore s●ith he ) That Reverend B●shop here amongst you , though I hear by divers he was mi●●aken , or not well understood , yet did he preach both learnedly and 〈◊〉 ancient this point concerning the power o● a King ▪ for what he spake of a Kings power in abstracto , is most true in Divinity ; for to Emperors or Kings , that are Monarchs , their Subjects bodies and goods are due , for their defence and maintenance . But if I had been in his place , I would only have added two words which would have cleared all : for after I had told as a Divine , what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general , I would then have concluded as an English man , shewing this people , that as in general all sub●ects were bound to relieve their King , so to exhort them , that as we lived in a setled state of a Kingdom that was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders , that according thereunto they were now ( being assembled for this purpose in Parliament ) to consider how to help such a King as now they had , and that according to the antient form and order , established in this Kingdom , putting so a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity , and the setled and established state of this Crown and Kingdom : and I am sure that the Bishop meant to have have done the same , if he had not been strai●ned by time , which in respect of the greatness of the present Preaching befo●e us and such an Auditory he durst not presume upon . 〈◊〉 that the doctrine of the Bishop being thus justified and explained by King Iames , and the Parliament continuing undissolved till December following , we have no reason to believe that the Parliament was dissolved upon this occasion ; and much less on the occasion of some words spoken in that Parliament by Bishop 〈◊〉 , of which thus our Author . Ibid. Likewise Dr. Neile Bishop of Rochester , uttered words in the House of Lords , interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed zealous Patriot in the House of Commons . ● In this passage I have many things to excep● against : As 1. That this Patriot is not nam'd , to who●e disparagement the words are pretended to be uttered . And 2. that the words themselves are not here laid down , and yet are made to be so hainously taken , that to s●ve the Bishop from the storm , which was coming ●owards him , the King should principally be occasion'd to ●●ssolve that Parliament . 3. That Dr. Neile is here call'd Bishop of Rochester , whom twice before , viz. sel. 64. & 67. he makes to be Bishop of Coventry and Lei●hfield . And 4. That the words here intimated , should be spoken in Parliament , Anno 1613. whereas by giving Dr. Neile the Title of Rochester , it should rather be referred to the Parliament holden by prorogation till the last of December , Anno 1610. when it was dissolved , and then dissolved as appears by the Kings Proclamation , for not supplying his necessities , and other reasons there expressed , whereof this was none . Fol. 70. Some conceive that in reveng● Mr. John Selden soon after set forth his Book of Tithes , wherein he Historically proveth , that they were payable jure humano , and not ●therwise . ] Whether the acting of the Comedy called Ignoramus , might move Mr. Selden at the first to take this revenge , I enquire not here , though it be probable it might ; that Comedy being acted before King Iames , Anno 1614. and this Book coming out about two years after , Anno 1616. But here I shall observe in the first place our Authors partiality , in telling us that Mr. Selden in that book hath proved Historically that Tithes are payable 〈◊〉 humano , and not otherwise ; whereas indeed he undertook to prove that point , but proved it not ; as will ●ppear to any which have read the Answers set out against him . I observe secondly , our Authors ignorance in the Book it self , telling us within few lines after , that the first part of it is a meer Iew , of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews , the second a Christian , and chiefly an English man ; whereas indeed that part thereof which precedes the manner of Tithing amongst Christians , hath as much of the Gentil as of the Iew , as much time spent upon examining of the Tithes paid by the Greeks and Romans , as was in that amongst the Hebrews . Thirdly , I must observe the prejudice which he hath put upon the Cause , by telling us in the next place , that though many Divines undertook the Answer of that Book , yet sure it is , that never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barn ; since the Reformation , then what this Treatise raised up . And so our Author leaves this matter without more ado , telling us of the Churches danger , but not acquainting us at all with her deliverance from the present storm ; neither so violent , not so great , nor of such continuance , as to blow off any one Tile , or to blow aside so much as one Load of Corn from any Parsonage barn in England . For though this History gave some Countrey Gentlemen occasion and matter of discourse against paying Tithes , yet it gave none of them the audaciousness to deny the payment ; So safe and speedy a course was took to prevent the mischief : which since our Author hath not told us ( as had he plaid the part of a good Historian he was bound to do ) I will do it for him . No sooner was the Churches Patrimony thus called in question , but it pleased God to stir up some industrious and learned men to undertake the answering of that History , which at the first made so much noise amongst the people . Dr. Tillesly Archdeacon of Rochester first appeared in the Lists , managing that part of the Controversie , which our Author cals a Christian , and an English-man , relating to old Chartularies and Infeodations . The three first Chapters which Dr. Tillesly had omitted concerning the payment of Tithes by the Iews and Gentiles , were solidly , but very smartly , examined and confuted by Mr. M●ntague , at that time Fellow of Eaton Colledge , and afterwards Lord Bishop of Chichester ; as finally the two first Chapters about the Ti●hing of the Iews were learnedly reviewed by Mr. Nettles a Count●ey 〈◊〉 , but excellently well skilled in Talmudical Learning . In which encounters the Historian was so gall'd by Tillesly , so gagg'd by Montague , and stung by Nettles , that he never came off in any of his undertakings with such losse of credit . In the Preface to his History , he had charged the Clergy with ignorance and lazinesse ; upbraided them with having nothing to keep up their credit but beard , habit and title ; and that their Studies reache no further then the Breviary , the Postils , and the Polyanthea . But now he found by these encounters , that some of the ignorant and lazie Clergy were of as retired studies as himself , and could not only match , but overmatch him too in his own Philo●ogi● . But the Governours of the Church went a shorter way , and not expecting till the Book was answered by particular men , resolv'd to seek for reparation of the wrong from the Author himself , upon an Information to be brought against him in the High Commission . Fearing the issue of the business , and understanding what displeasures were conceived against him by the King and the Church , he made his personal appearance in the open Court at Lambeth on the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary , Ann● 1618. where , in the presence of George L. Archbishop of Canterbury , Iohn L. B. of London , Lancelot L. B. of Winchester , Iohn L. B. of Rochester , Sir Iohn Benet , Sir William Bird , Sir George Newman Doctors of the Laws , and Th●mas Mothershed Notary and Register of that Cou●t , he tendred his submission and acknowledgement , all of his own hand-writing , in these following words . My go● Lords , I most humbly acknowledge my error whic● ha●e committed in publishing the History of Tithes , and especially in that I have at all by shewing any interpretation of Holy Scriptures , by medling with Councels , Fa●hers , or C●nons , or by whatsoever occurs in it , offered any occasion of argument against any right of Maintenance ●ure divino of the Ministers of the Gospel ; beseeching your Lordships to receive this ingenuous and humble acknowledgement , together with the unfeigned protestation of my grief , for that through it I have so incurred both his Majesties and your Lordships displeasure conceived against me in behalf of the Church of England . IOHN SELDEN Which his submission and acknowledgement being received , and made into an Act of Court , was entred into the publick Registers thereof by this Title following , viz. Officium Dominorum contra Joh. Selde●● de inter . Templo London . Armigerum . So far our Author should have gone ( had he plaid the part of a good Historian ) but that he does his work by halfs in all Church-concernments . Fol. 72. James Montague Bishop of Winchester a potent Courtier , took exceptions that his Bishoprick in the marshalling of them was wronged in method , as put after any whose Bishop is a Privy Counsellour . ] The Bishop was too wise a man to take this ( as our Author hates it ) for a sufficient ground of the proceeding against Dr. Mocket , who had then newly translated into the Latin tongue , the Liturgy of the Church of England , the 39. Articles , the Book of the Ordination of Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , and many Doctrinal points extracted out of the Book of Homilies . All which with Bishop Iewels Apology , Mr. Noels Catechism , and a new Book of his own entit●led Politi● Ecclesiae Anglicanae he had caused to be Printed and bound up together . A Book which might have been of great honour to the Church of England amongst forain Nations , and of no lesse use and esteem at home , had there not been somewhat else in it which deserved the fire then this imaginary Quarrel . For by the Act of Parliament 31 H. 8. 6. 10. the precedency of the Bishops is thus Marshalled ; that is to say , the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Archbishop of York , the Bishop of London , the Bishop of Durham , the Bishop of Winchester , the rest according to the order of their Consecrations ; yet so , that if any of them were Secretary to the King , he should take place of all those other Bishops to whom otherwise by the Order of his Consecration he had been to give it . If the Doctor did mistake himself in this particular ( as indeed he did ) the fault might easily have been mended , as not deserving to be expiated by so sharp a punishment . The following reason touching his derogating from the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters , and adding it to the Metropolitan whose servant and Chaplain he was , hath more reason in it ( if it had but as much truth as reason ) and so hath that touching the Propositions by him gathered out of the Homilies , which were rather framed according to his own judgement , then squared by the Rules of the Church . But that which I conceive to have been the true cause why the Book was burned , was , that in publishing the twentieth Article concerning the Authority of the Church he totally left out the first clause of it , viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi jus & in Controversus ●ides Authoritatem . By means whereof the Article was apparently falsified , the Churches Authority dis●vowed , and consequently a wide gap opened to dispute her power , in all her Canons and Determinations of what sort soever . And possible enough it is , that some just offence might be taken at him , for making the Fasting dayes appointed in the Liturgy of the Church of England to be commanded and observed ob Politi● is solum rationes , for Politick Considerations only , as insinuated pag. 308. whereas those Fasting-dayes were appointed in the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth Anno 1549. ( with reference only to the primitive Institution of those several Fasts ) when no such Politick considerations were so much as thought of . But whatsoever was the true cause , or whether there were more then one , as perhaps there was , certain I am it could not be for derogating any thing from the Kings Power , and enlarging that of the Archbishop in confirming the election of Bishops , as our Author tels us . For though the Doctor doth affirm of the Metropolitans of the Church of England , pag. 308. Vt Electiones Episcoporum suae Provinciae confirment , that it belongs to them to confirm the Electio●s of the Bishops of their several Provinces , and for that purpose cites the Canon of the Councel of Nice , which our Author speaks of ; yet afterwards he declares expresly , that no such confirmation is or can be made by the Metropolitans , without the Kings assent preceding , Cujus 〈◊〉 electi comprobantur , comprobati confirmantur , confirmati consecrantur , pag. 313. which very fully clears the Doctor from being a better Chaplain then he was a Subject , as our Author makes him . Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Law-Countries about matters of Religion , heightned between two opposite parties , Remonstrants , and Contra-R●monstrants ; their Controversies being chiefly 〈◊〉 to five points , &c ] Not at this time , viz. 1618. which our Author speaks of , but some years before . They were now come unto their height , and had divided the whole body of the united Belgick Provinces into two great Factions : that of the Remonstrants ( whom in reproach they call their Minions ) being headed by Iohn Olden Barnevelt , a principal Counseller of State and of great Authority in his Countrey : the other of the Calvinists or Contra-Remonstrants , being managed by Maurice Prince of Orange , the chief Commander of the Forces of the States united both by Sea and Land. But the troubles and divisions were now come to their full growth , they began many years before ; occasioned by a Remonstrance exhibited to the States of Holland by the followers of Dr. Iames Harmin , who liked better the Melanchthonian way , then that of Calvin , Anno 1610. and that Remonstrance counterballanced by a Contra-Remonstran●● made by ●uch Divines who were better pleased with Calvins Doctrine in the deep Speculations of Predestination , Grace , Freewil , &c. then with that of Melanchthon . Hence grew the names of Remonstrants , and Contra-Remonstrants , occurring frequently in the Writings on both sides , till the Remonstrants were condemned in the Synod of Dort , and either forced to yield the Cause , or quit their Countrey . Each party in the mean time had the opportunity to disperse their Doctrines , in which the Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversaries , especially after they had been admitted to a publick Confe●ence at the Hague , Anno 1611. in which they were conceived to have had much the better of the day , and so continued in encrease of their power and credit , till the Quarrels and Animosities between the Prince and Barnevelt put a full period to the businesse by the death of the one , and the Authority of the other . Fol. 82. Hereby the equal Reader may judge how candidly Mr. Montague in his Appeal dealeth with our Divines , charging them that the Discipline of the Church of England is in this Synod held unlawfull . And again the Synod of Dort in some points condemneth upon the by even the Discipline of the Church of England . ] Ass●redly Mr. Montague deals very candidly with our Divines , professing that he doth reverence them for their places , worth , and learning ; though not obliged ( as he conceived ) to all or any of the Conclusions of the Synod at Dort. And he might very well declare , as indeed he doth , that the Discipline of the Church of England in that and other Dutch Synods was held unlawfull , and by them condemned upon the by . For whereas in the Confession of the Belgick Churches ratified and confirmed in the Synod of Dort , it is declared and maintained , that all Ministers are by the word of God of equall power , it must needs follow thereupon , that the Superiority of Bishops over other Ministers is against Gods word . Quantum verò attinet Divini verbi Ministros , ubicunque locorum sint , eandem illi Potestatem & Authoritatem habent , ut qui omnes sint Christi unici illius Episcopi universalis , unicique Capitis Ecclesiae Ministri . These are the words of that Confewon , as it stands ratified and recorded in the Acts of the Synod of Dort , as before was said . In which and by which if the Discipline of the Church of England be not made unlawful in terminis terminantibus , as they use to say ; I am sure it is condemned upon the by , which is as much as Mr. Montague had affirmed of it . And howsoever Dr. Charleton then Bishop of Landaffe , as well to vindicate his own dignity , as the honour of the Church of England , tendred his Protestation of that Synod in behalf of Episcopacy ; yet was it made to signifie nothing , nor so much as honored with an Answer ; our Author noting at the end of this protestation , Britannorum interpellationi responsum ne gru q●●dem , viz. to this interpellation of the British Divines , nothing at all was answered . There might be some wrong done to our Divines by the rest of that Synod ; but no wrong done by Mr. Montague , neither to our Divines nor unto that Synod . Fol. 89. Now whilest in common discourse some made this Iudge , others that Sergeant Lord Chancellor , King James made Dr. Williams , lately ( and still ) Dean of Westminstet , and soon after Bishop of Lincoln . ] In this and the rest which followes touching the advancement of Dr. Williams to the place and dignity of Lord Keeper , there are three things to be observed . And first it is to be observed , that though he was then Dean of Westminster when the custody of the Great Seal was committed to him ; yet was he not then and still Dean of that Church , that is to say , not Dean thereof at such time as our Author writ this part of the History . For fol. 80. speaking of Dr. Hals return from the Synod of Dort , Anno 1618. he addes that he continued in health till this day thirty three years after , which fals into the year 1651. And certainly at that time Dr. Williams ( then Archbishop of York ) was not Dean of Westminster , that place having been bestowed by his Majesty upon Dr. Steward Clerk of the Closet , An. 1645. being full six years before the time which our Author speaks of . Secondly , whereas our Author tells us , that the place was proper not for the plain but guarded Gown ; I would ●ain know how it should be more proper for the guarded Gown then it was for the plain . There was a time when the Chancellors ( as our Author telleth us elsewhere ) were always Bishops ; and from that time till the fall of Cardinal Wolsey , that Office continued for the most part in the hands of the Prelates ; at what time that great Office was discharged with such a general contentment , that people found more expedition in their Suits , and more ease to their Purses then of later times . By which it seems , that men who are never bred to know the true grounds and reasons of the Common Law , might and could mitigate the Rigour of it in such difficult cases as were brought before them ; the Chancery not having in those days such a mixture of Law as now it hath , not being so tyed up to such intricate Rules as now it is . But thirdly , whereas our Author in advocating for the Common Lawyers , prescribeth for them a Succession of six Descent●s , he hath therein confu●ed himself , and ●aved me the trouble of an Animadve●sion , by ● 〈◊〉 Note ; in which netelle●● us , that Sir Ch. Hatton was not bred a Lawyer . If so , then neither was the Title 〈◊〉 strong , nor the P●oscriptions so well grounded as ou● Author makes i● ; the int●●position of Sir Christopher Hatton ▪ between Sir Tho. Bromley and Sir Iohn Puckering , 〈◊〉 it to three descents , and but thirty years , which is too short a time 〈◊〉 a Prescription to be built upon . Fol. 93. He had 14 years been Archbishop of Spalato , &c. Conscience in shew , and covetousness indeed caused his coming hither . ● This is a very hard s●ying , a censure , which en●●enches too much upon the P●iviledges of Almighty God , who alone knows the secrets of the heart of man. Interest tenebris , interest cogitationibus nostris , quasi alteris tenebris , as Minutius hath it . The man here mention'd had been in the Confe●sion of our A●thor himself , Archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia , ● dignity of great power and reputation , and consequently of a fair Revenue in propo●tion to it . He could not hope to mend his Fortunes by his coming hither , or to advance himself to a more liberal entertainment in the Church of England , then what he had attain'd unto in the Church of Rome . Covetousness therefore could not be the motive for leaving his own estate , of which he had been possessed 14 years in our Authors ●eckoning , to betake himself to a strange Countrey , where he 〈◊〉 promise himself nothing but protection and the ●●eedom of conscience . Our Author might have said with more probability , that covetousness , and not cons●ience , 〈…〉 cause of his going hence ; no b●it of pro●●t or preferment being laid before him to invite him 〈◊〉 ●s they were both , by those which had the managing 〈…〉 him hence . He had given great 〈◊〉 to the Pope by his defection from that Church , and no 〈◊〉 councenance to the Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Churches by his coming o●er unto ou●s . The 〈◊〉 of ●o great a 〈…〉 of that Church was not like to stand . And yet he gave greater blows to them by his Pen , then by the defection of his Person ; his learned Books entituled De Republica Ecclesiasticâ , being still unanswered . In which respect , those of that Church bestird themselves to disgrace his person , devising many other causes by which he might be mov'd or forc'd to forsake those parts , in which he durst no longer tarry . But finding little credit given to their libellous Pamphlets , they began to work upon him by more secret practises : insinuating , that he had neither that respect , nor those advancements which might incourage him to stay ; that the new Pope Gregory the fifteenth , was his special friend ; that he might chuse his own preferments , and make his own conditions , if he would return . And on the other side , they cunningly wrought him out of credit with King Iames by the arts of Gondomar ; and lessened his esteem amongst the Clergy by some other Artifices : so that the poor man , being in a manner lost on both sides , was forc'd to a necessity of swallowing that accursed bait by which he was hook'd over to his own destruction . For which and for the rest of the story , the Reader may repair for satisfaction to this present History . Fol. 96. Besides the King would never bestow an Episcopal charge in England on a foreiner , no not on his own Countrey-men the Scots . ] This must be understood with reference to the Church of England , King Iames bestowing many Bishopricks upon his Countrey-men the Scots in the Realm of Ireland . And if he did not the like here ( as indeed he did not ) it neither was for want of affection to them , nor of confidence in them ; but because he would not put any such discouragement upon the English , who looked on those preferments , as the greatest and most honourable rewards of Arts and Industry . Quis enim virtutem exquireret ipsum , Proemia si ●ollin ? Fol. 100. All mens mouthes were now 〈◊〉 with discourse of Prince Charles his match with 〈…〉 Infanta of Spain . The Protestants grieved thereat , fearing that this marriage would be the Funerals of their Religion , &c. ] The bu●●ness of the match with Spain●ath ●ath already been sufficiently agitated between the Autho● of the History of the Reign of King Charles and his Observator , And yet I must adde some●hing to let our Author and his Reader to understand thus much , that the Protestants had no cause to fear such a Funeral ▪ They knew they liv'd under such a King , who lov'd his Soveraignty too well to quit any part thereof to the Pope of Rome ; especially to part with that Supremacy in 〈◊〉 matters , which he esteemed the fairest Flower in the Royal Garland . They knew they liv'd under ●●ch a King , whose interest it was to preserve Religion in the same state in which he found it ; and could not fear but that he would sufficiently provide for the 〈◊〉 of it . If any Protestants ●eared the funeral of their Religion , they were such Protestants as had been frighted out 〈…〉 as you know who us'd to call the Puritans ; 〈…〉 under the name of Protestants had ●ontriv'd themselves into a Faction not only against Episcopacy , but even Monarchy also . And to these nothing was more 〈◊〉 then the match with Spain ▪ fearing ( ●nd perhaps 〈◊〉 fearing ) that the Kings 〈◊〉 with that Crown might a●m him both with power and counsel to suppress those practices which have since prov'd the Funeral of the Church of England . But as it seems , they 〈…〉 fear was our Author telling us fol. 112. that the 〈…〉 State had no minde or meaning of a match : and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming 〈◊〉 . How so ? Because saith he Fol. 112. They demanded 〈…〉 in education of the 〈…〉 English Papists , &c ▪ ] 〈…〉 nothing . For thus the argument seems to stand , viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party , Ergo they had no minde to the match . Or thus , The demands of the Spaniards when the business was first in Treaty , seem'd to be unrea●onable , Ergo they never really intended that it should proceed . Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London , as not to know that Trades-men use to ask many times twice as much for a commodity as they mean to take ; and therefore may conclude as strongly , that they do not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable 〈◊〉 at the first demand . Iniquum petere ut aequum obtineas , hath been the usual practice ( especially in driving S●a●e-bargains ) of all times and ages . And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big , and stood upon such points as the King neither could ▪ nor would in honour or conscience consent unto : yet things were after brought to such a temperament , that the marriage was agreed upon , the Articles by both Kings subscrib'd , a Proxie made by the Prince of ●ales to espouse the Infanta , and all things on her part prepared for the day of the wedding . The b●each which ●ollowed came not from any aversness in the Court of Spain , though where the fault was , and by what means occasioned , need not here be said . But well ●are our Author for all that ; who finally hath absolv'd the Spaniard from this brea●h , and laid the same upon King Iames , despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate , by the way of Treaty . Ibi● ▪ Whereupon King James not only broke off all Treaty 〈◊〉 pain ▪ but also called the great Councel of his Kingdom together . ] By which it seems , that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parli●ment . But multa apparent quae non sunt , Every thing is not as it seems . The Parliament in this ca●e came before , by whose continual importunity and 〈◊〉 , the breach of the Treaties followed after . The King lov'd peace ●oo well to lay aside the Treaties , and engage in War before he was desperate of success any other way then by that of the Sword , and was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it . And therefore ou● Author should have said , that the King not only called together his great Councel , but broke off the Treaty , and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron , as neither doth consist with reason , not the truth of story ▪ ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Eleventh Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN . Containing the Reign of King Charles . THis Book concludes our Authors History , and my Animadver●●ons . And 〈◊〉 the end be 〈◊〉 unto the beginning , it is like to 〈…〉 enough ; our Author stumbling at the Threshold , 〈◊〉 ●mo●gst superstitious people hath been 〈…〉 presage . Having placed King Charles upon 〈…〉 he goes on to tell us that Fol. 117. On the fourt●enth 〈…〉 James his Funerals were 〈…〉 Collegiat Church at 〈…〉 but the fourth , saith the 〈…〉 Reign of King Charls ; and 〈…〉 was on the 〈…〉 ●●venth of May on which those solemn Obsequies were 〈…〉 Westminster . Of which if he will not take my word se● him consult the Pamphle● called the 〈…〉 ( ●ol . 6. ) and he shall be satisfied . Our 〈…〉 mu●● keep time better , or else we shall neve● know how the day goes with him . Fol. 119. As for Dr. Pre●●on , &c. His party would 〈◊〉 us that he might have chose his own Mitre . ] And 〈…〉 his party would perswade us , That he had not only large parts of su●●icient receipt to manage the broad 〈…〉 , but that the Seal was proffered to him , fol. 131. But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that party , who look'd vpon the man with such a reverence as came near Idola●●y . His Principles and engagements were too well known by those which governed Affairs , to vent●●e him ●nto any such great trust in Church or State ; and his activity so suspected , that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns Inn. As for his intimacy with the Duke ( too violent to be long lasting ) it proceeded not from any good ●pinion which the Duke had of him , but that he found how instrumental he might be to manage that prevail●●g party to the Kings advantage . But when it was 〈◊〉 that he had more of the Serpent in him then of the 〈◊〉 , and that he was not tractable in steering the 〈◊〉 of his own Party by the Court Compass ; he was discountenanc'd and ●aid by , as not worth the keeping . He seemed the Court M●reor for a while , 〈◊〉 to a s●dden height of expectation , and having 〈◊〉 and blaz'd a 〈◊〉 , went out again , and was as sudd●●nly ●o●gotten . ●ol . 119. Next day the King coming from Canterbury , 〈…〉 with all solemnity she was 〈…〉 in London , where a Chappel 〈…〉 her Dev●tion● with a Covent 〈…〉 to the Articles of her 〈…〉 ; how ●ame he to be suffered to be present at 〈◊〉 in the capacity of Lord Keeper ? For that he did so , is affirmed by our Author , saying , That the King took a S●role of Parchment out of his bosom , and gave it to the L●rd 〈…〉 who read it to the Commons four sev●ra● times , East-West , North , and South , fol. 123. Thirdly the Lord Keeper , who read that Scrole , was not the 〈◊〉 Keeper Williams , but the Lord Keeper Coventry ; 〈◊〉 Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln , and 〈◊〉 to the custo●y of Sir Thomas Coventry , in October before . And therefore fourthly , our Author is much ou● in placing both the Coronation and the following Parliament befo●e the change of the Lord Keeper ; and sending Sir Iohn Suckling to fe●ch that Seal at the end of a Parli●ment in the Spring , which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Dea●●y of Westminster , for no less then five or six years after it was confer'd on another ; so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand . Fol. 122. The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal of 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Buckingham as Lord High Const●ble of England , for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity . ] In this passage and the next that follows ou● Author shews himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal shew , as in stating the true time of the c●eation of a Noble Peer . Here in this place he pla●eth the Earl Marshal before the Constable ; whereas by the 〈◊〉 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have 〈◊〉 before the Marshal . Not want there Precedents to shew that the Lord High-Constable did many times direct his M●ndats to the Earl Marshal , as one of the Mini●●ers of his Court , willing and requiring him to perform such and such services as in the said Precepts were exp●essed . In the next place we are informed that Ibid. That the Kings Train being six yards long of Purple Velvet , was held up by the Lord Compton , and the Lord Viscount Dorcester . ] That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the Kings Train , I shall easily grant ; he being then Master of the Robes , and thereby ch●llenging a right to pe●fo●m this service . But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them , I shall never grant , there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation . I cannot 〈◊〉 , but that Sir D●dley Carleton might be one of those which held up the Train , though I am not sure of it . But sure I am , that Sir Dudley Carleton was not made Baron of Imber-Court till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of An. 1626 nor created Viscount Dorcester until some years after . Fol. 122. The Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons , East , West , North , South , asking their mindes four several times , if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful ●overaign . ] This is a piece of new State-doctrine never known before that the Coronation of the King ( and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England ) should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons who were then assembled ; the Coronation not proceeding ( as he after ●elleth us ) till their consent was given four times by ●cclamations . And this I call a piece of new State-doctrine never known before , because I finde the contrary in the Coronation of our former Kings . For in the form and manner of the Coronation of King Edward 6. described in the Catalogue of Honor , ●et ●orth by Tho. Mills of Canterbury , Anno 1610. we finde it thus : The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair ●nto the four sides of the Stage , was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared unto the people ( standing round about ) both by Gods and mans Laws , to be the right and law●ul King of England , France , and Ireland , and proclaimed that day to be crowned , consecrated and anointed , unto whom he demanded , whether they would obey and serve , or not ? By whom it was again with a loud cry answered ; God save the King , and ever live his Majesty . The same we have in substance , but in sewer words in the Co●onation of King Iames , where it is said , that The King was shewed to the people , and that they were required to make acknowledgement of the●● all●giance to his Majesty by the Archbishop ; which they did by acclamations . Assuredly , the difference is exceeding va●t betwixt obeying and consenting , betwixt the peoples acknowledging their allegiance , and promising to obey and serve thei● lawful Soveraign , and giving their consent to his Coronation , as if it could not be pe●formed without such consent . Nor had the late Archbishop been rep●oacht so generally by the common people , ( and that reproach publisht in several Pamphle●s ) for altering the Kings Oath at his Coronation , to the infringing of the Libe●●ies and diminution of the Rights of the English Subjec●s ; had he done them such a notable pie●e of service , as freeing them from all promises to obey and ●erve , and making the Kings Coronation to depend on their consent . For Bishop Laud being one of that Committee , which was appointed by the King to review the form and o●der of the Coronation , to the end it might be fitted to some Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , which had not been observ'd befo●e ; must bear the greatest blame in this alteration ( if any such alteration had been made , as our Author speaks of ) because he was the principal man whom the King re●●ed on in that business . But our Author tels us in his Preface , that this last Book with divers of the rest were written by him , when the Monarchy was turn'd into a State , and I dare believe him . He had not el●e so punctually conform'd his language to the new State-doctrine , by which the m●king ( and con●equently the unmaking ) of Kings is wholly ve●ted in ●he people , according to that Maxim of Buchannan , ●opulo jus est , imperium cui velit deferat ; then which ●here is not a more pestilent and seditious passage ●n his whole Book De jure Regni apud Scotos , though ●here be nothing else but Treason , and Sedition ●n it . Fol. 123. Then as many Earls and Barons as could ●onveniently stand about the Throne , did lay their hands ●n the Crown on his Majesties head , protesting to spend their blouds to maintain it to him and his lawful He●rs . ] A promise faithfully performed by many of them , some losing their lives for him in the open field , others exhausting their Estates in defence of his , many more venturing their whole fortunes by adhering to him to a con●●scation ; a Catalogue of which la●t we may finde subscribed to a Letter sent from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled in Oxford , to those at Westminster , Anno 1643. And by that Catalogue we may also see what and who they were who so ignobly brake faith with him , all those whose names we finde not in that s●bscription , or presently superadded to it , being to be reckoned amongst those who in stead of spending their bloud to maintain the Crown to him , and to his lawful successors , concurred with them either in opere , or in 〈◊〉 , who despoiled him of it . And to say truth , they were rewarded as they had deserved , the first thing which was done by the House of Commons ( after the King , by their means , had been brought to the fatal Block ) being to tu●ne them out of power , to dissolve their House , and annul their priviledges , reducing them to the same condition with the re●t of the Subjects . Fol. 127. And it had not been amiss , if such who would be accounted his friends and admirers had followed him in the footsteps of his Moderation , content with the enjoying without the enjoyning their private practises and opinions 〈◊〉 others . ] This comes in as an inference only on a forme● passage , in which it is said of Bishop Andrews , that in Wh●● place soever he came , he never pressed any other Ceremonie● upon them , then such as he found to be used there before 〈◊〉 coming , though otherwise condemned by some ●omany superstitious Ceremonies , and super●luous Ornaments , in his private Chappel . How true this is , I am not able to affi●m , lesse able ( if it should be true ) to commend it in him . It is not certainly the office of a carefull Bishop only to leave things as he found them ▪ but to reduce them , if amiss , to those Rules and Canons , from which by the forwardness of some to innovate , and the connivence of others at the innovations , they had been suffered to decline . And for the inference it self , it is intended chiefly for the late Arch-bishop of Canterbury against whom he had a fling before in the fourth Book of this History , not noted there , because reserved to another place , of which more hereafter . Condemned here for his want of moderation in enjoyning his private practises and opinions on other men . But 〈◊〉 our Author had done well to have spared the man , who hath already reckoned for all his errors , both with God and the world . And secondly , it had been bette● if he had told us what those private practises and opinions were which the Archbishop with such want of moderation did enjoyne on others . For it is possible enough that the opinions which he speaks of , might be the publick Doctrines of the Church of England , maintained by him in opposition to those private opinions which the Calvinian p●rty had intended to obtrude upon her . A thing complained of by Spalato , who well observed that many of the opinions , both of Luther and Calvin , were received amongst us as part of the Doctrine and Confession of the Church of England , which ●therwise he acknowle●ged to be capable of an Oxtho●x sense . Praeter Anglicanam Confessionem ●uam mihi ut modestam praedicabant ) multa 〈◊〉 Lutheri & Calvini dogmata obtinuisse , ●he there objects . And it is possible enough ●●at the practises , which he speaks of , were not private either , but a reviver of those ancient and publick ●ages , which the Canons of the Church enjoyned , ●nd by the remisness of the late Government had been ●iscontinued . He that reads the Gag , and the Appello ●aesarem of Bishop Montague , cannot but see , that those ●●inions , which our Author condemned for private , were ●he true Doctrine of this Church professed and held forth ●n the Book of Articles , the Homilies and the Common-Prayer-Book . But for a justification of the Pra●●ises ( the private practises he speaks of ) I shall direct ●im to an Author of more credit with him . Which ●●thor first tels us of the Bishops generally , That being of late years either careless or indulgent , they had not required within their Dioceses that strict obedience to Ecclesiastical Constitutions which the Law expected ; upon which the Liturgy began totally to be laid aside , and in conformity the uniform practise of ●he Church . He tels us secondly , of Archbishop Abbot in particular , That his extraordinary remi●ness in not exacting a strict con●o●mity to the presc●●bed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremony , seemed to dissolve those legall ce●erminations to their firs● principle of indifferency , ●nd led in such an habit of inconformity , as the future ed●cation of those tender con●cienced men too long discontinued obedience , was interpreted an innovation . And finally he tels of Archbishop Laud , who succeeded A●b●t in that See , that being of another minde an● mettle , he did not like that the externall worship of God should follow the fashion of every private fancy ; and what he did not like in that subject , as he was in State , so he thought it was his duty to reform . To which en● in his Metropolitical visitation , he cals upon all both Clergy and Laity to observe the Rules of the Church . And this is that , which our Author cal● the enjoyning his private practices ; private perhaps i● the private opinion of some men , who had declared themselves to be professed enemies to all public● Order . Fol. 127. A Commission was granted unto five Bishop● ( Whereof Bishop La●d of the Q●orum ) to suspend Archbishop Abbot from exercising his Authority any longer because uncanonical for casual Homicide . ] Had our Author said , that Bishop Laud had been one of the number , he had hit it right , the Commission being granted to five Bishops , viz. Dr. Montain Bishop of London Dr. Neil Bishop of Durham , Dr. Buckeridge Bishop o● Rochester , Dr. Howson Bishop of Oxford , and Dr. Lau● Bishop of Bathe and Wels ; or to any four , three , 〈◊〉 two of them ▪ and no more then so . Had Bishop Laud been of the Quorum , his presence and consent had been so necessary to all their Consultations , Conclusions ▪ and dispatch of Businesses , that nothing could be done without him ; whereas by the words of the Commission , any two of them were impowered , and consequently all of them must be of the Quorum , as well as he ; which every Iustices Clerk cannot chuse but laug●● at . Nor is there any such thing as a Casual Homicid● mentioned , or so much as glanced at in that Commi●sion , the Commission only saying , That the sai● Archbishop could not at that p●esent in his own person attend those services which were otherwi●e proper for his 〈◊〉 , and Jurisdiction , and which as Archbishop of Canterbury he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed . I am loth to rub longer on this sore , the point having been so vext already betwixt the Historian and the Observator , that I shall not trouble it any further . Only I must crave leave to rectifie our Author in another passage relating to that sad Accident , for which saith he , Ibid. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the Canons of forain Councels , which were never allowed any Legislative power in this Land. ] Which words are very ignorantly spoken , or else very improperly . For if by Legislative power , he means a Power of making Laws , as the word doth intimate , then it is true , That the Canons of forain Councels , had never any such power within this Land. But if by Legislative power he means a Power or Capability of passing for Laws within this Kingdom ; then ( though he use the word improperly ) it is very false that no such Canons were in force in the Realm of England . The Canons of many forain Councels , General , National , and Provincial , had been received in this Church , and incorporated into the body of the Canon-Law , by which the Church proceeded in the exercise of her juri●diction , till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the eighth . And in the Act confirmative of that Submission , it is said exp●esly , That all Canons , Con●titutions , Ordinances , and Synodals Provincial , as were made befo●e the said Submission , which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws , S●●tutes and Cus●oms of this Realm , nor to the dammage or hurt of the Kings p●erogative Royal , we●e to be used and executed as in ●ormer times . 25 H. 8. c. 19. So that unlesse it can be proved , that the proceedings , in this case , by the Canons of forain 〈◊〉 , was either contrary or repu●●ant to the Lawes and 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 or to the dammage of the Kings prerogative Royal ; there is no dangerous consequence at all to be ●ound therein . But whereas our Author addes in some following words , that ever since ( he means ever since that unhappy accident ) he had executed his jurisdiction without any interruption ; I must needs add , that he is very much mistaken in this partilar ; Dr. Williams Lord elect of Lincoln , Dr. Carew Lord elect of Exceter , and Dr. Laud Lord elect of St. Davids , and I think some others refusing to receive ●piscopal Consecration from him upon that accompt . Far more mistaken in the next , in which he telleth us , that Fol. 128. Though this Archbishop survived some years after , yet henceforward he was buried to the world . ] No such matter neither . For though for a while he stood confined to his house at Ford , yet neither this confinement , nor that Commission were of long continuance . For about Christmas in the year 1628 , he was restored both to his liberty and jurisdiction , sent for to come unto the Court , ●eceiv'd as he came out of his Barge by the Archbishop of York , and the Earl of Dorset , and by them conducted to the King , who giving him his hand to kisse , en●oyned him not to fail the Councel Table twice a week . After which time we finde him sitting as Archbishop in the following Parliament , and in the full exercise of his Jurisdiction , till the day of his death , which hapned upon Sunday August 4. 1633. And so much for him . Fol. 137. My pen passing by them at present , may safely salute them with a God speed , as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in the design . ] Our Author speaks this of the Feoffees appointed by themselves for buying in such Impropriations as were then in the hands of Lay-persons . I say appointed by themselves , because not otherwise authorized , either by Charter from the King , Decree in Chan●●ery , or by Act of Parliament , but only by a secr●t combination of the Broth●rhood to advance their projects . For though our 〈…〉 us , fol. 136. that they were legally setled in trust to make such Purchaces ; yet there is more required to a legal settlement , then the consent of some few persons ●mongst themselves : for want whereof this combin●tion w●s dissolved , the Feoffees in some danger of sentence , and the impropriations by them purchased adjudged to the King on a full hearing of the cause in the Cou●t of Exchequer , Anno 1632. Howsoever our Author 〈◊〉 them good speed , as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in their design ; but other men as wi●e as he , did not only suspect , but see the danger . And this our Author might see also , if zeal to the good cause had not darkened the eyes of his understanding . For first , the Parties t●usted in the managing of this Design were of such affections , as promised no good unto the peace and happiness of the Church of England . Their names our Author truly gives us 〈◊〉 . 36. four Ministers , four Common Lawyers , and four Citizens , men not unknown to such as then lived ▪ and observed the conduct of Affairs , to be averse unto the Discipline of the Church then by law establisht . And ●f such publick mischiefs be presaged by Astrologers●rom ●rom the conjunction of Iupiter and Saturn , though the first of them be a Planet of a most ●weet and gentle 〈◊〉 ; what dangers , what calamities might not be ●eared from the conjunction of twelve such persons , of which there was not one that wished well to the p●e●ent Government ? And therefore I may say of them 〈◊〉 Domitius Aenobarbus said unto his Friends when they came to congratulate with him ●or the birth of Nero , Nihil 〈…〉 nisi detestabile & malo public● 〈…〉 , 〈…〉 , this will ●u●ther appear by their pro●●●dings in the business , not laying the imp●opriation● by them purchased to the Church or Chappelry ●o 〈◊〉 they had antiently belonged , nor ●etling them on the 〈◊〉 of the place , as many hoped they would . That had been utterly destructive to their main 〈◊〉 , which was not to advantage the Regular and e●tablished Clergy , but to set up a new body of 〈◊〉 in convenient places , for the promoting of the cause . And therefore having bought an impro●●iation , they parcelled it out into annual Pensions of 40 or 50 l. per annum , and therewith ●alared some 〈◊〉 in such Market Towns where the people had commonly lesse to do , and consequently were more apt to ●action and Innovation , then in other places . Our Author notes it of their Predecessors , in Cartw●ights dayes , that they preached most diligently in 〈◊〉 places ; it b●ing observed in England , that those w●o hold the Helm of the Pulpit , alwayes steer peoples h●arts as they please , Lib. 9. fol. 195. And he notes it al●o of these ●eoffees , that in conformity hereunto , they set up a P●eaching Ministery in places of greatest need , not in such Pa●ish-Churches , to which the Tithes pro●e●ly belonged ) but where they thought the Word was most wanting , that is to say most wanting to advance their p●o●ect . Thi●dly , if we behold the men whom they made choice of and employed in p●eaching in such Market Towns as they had an eye on , either be●ause most populous , o● because capable of electing Burgesses to serve in 〈◊〉 , they were for the most part Non-con●●●●● , and sometime such as had been silenced by 〈…〉 , or the High-commission , for their 〈…〉 . And 〈◊〉 an one was placed by 〈…〉 Town of 〈…〉 by the Archbishop of Canterbury , out of 〈◊〉 in Middlesex by the Bishop of London , 〈…〉 Yorkshire by the Archbishop of York ▪ 〈…〉 Hartfordshire by the Bishop of Lincoln , and finally ●●●pended from his Ministry by the High-Commission ; yet thought the 〈◊〉 man by Geering ( as indeed he was ) to begin this Lecture . Fourthly and finally , these Pensions neither were so setled , nor the●e Lecturers so well establisht in their several places , but that the one might be withdrawn and the other removed , at the will and pleasure of their Patrons , if they grew slack and negligent 〈◊〉 the holy cause , or ab●red any thing at all 〈…〉 and fury they first brought with them . Examples of which I know some , and have heard of more . And now I would fain know of our Author whether there be no danger to be seen or suspected in this 〈…〉 these Feoffees in short time would not 〈◊〉 had more Chaplains to depend upon them , then all the Bishops in the Kingdom ; and finally whether such needy fellowes depending on the will and pleasure of their gracious Masters , must not be forced to Preach such Doctrines only as best please their humours . And though I shall say nothing here of their giving under hand private Pensions , not only unto such as had been silenced or suspended in the Ecclesiastical Courts but many times also to their Wives and Children after their decease , all issuing from this common-stock : yet othe●s have beheld it as the greatest piece of Wit and 〈◊〉 both to encourage and encrease their 〈…〉 could be possibly devised . If as our 〈…〉 Design was generally 〈…〉 〈◊〉 men were 〈…〉 ●as because they neither 〈…〉 the mischiefs , which 〈…〉 crush● in tim● . ●ol . 148. However ▪ there was no express in this Declar●tion that the Ministers of the Parish should be pressed to the 〈◊〉 . ] Our Author doth here change his style . He had 〈◊〉 told us , that on the 〈◊〉 publishing of the Decla●ation about lawful Sports on the Lords day , no Mini●●er was de facto enjoyned to read it in his Parish , lib. x. fol. 76. and here he tells us , that there was no express Orde● in the Declaration ( when reviv'd by King Charls ) that the Minister of the Parish should be prest to the 〈◊〉 of it ; adding withall , that many thought it a mo●e proper work for the Constable or Tithing-man , then it was for the Ministers . Bu● if our Author mark it well ▪ he may easily finde that the Declaration of King Iames was commanded to be published by order from the Bishop of the Diocess through all the Parish Churches of his Jurisdiction ; and the Declaration of King Charles to be published with like order from the several Bishops through all their Parish Churches of their several Dioceses respectivly . The Bishop of the Diocess in the singular number in the Declaration of King Iames , because it principally related to the County of Lancaster : the Bishops in the plural number in that of King Charles , because the benefit of it was to be extende● over all the Realm . In both , the Bishops are commanded to take Order for the publishing of them in their several Parishes ; and whom could they require to publish them in the Parish Churches , but the Ministers only ? The Constable is a Lay-Officer meerly , bo●nd by his place to execute the Warrants and commands of the Iustices , but not of the Bishop . And though the ●i●hing man have some relation to Church matters , and consequently to the Bishop , in the way of pres●●●●ents ; yet was he not bound to execute any such commands because not tyed by any Oath of Canonical 〈…〉 were . So that the Bishops did no● tha●● conceive he will not ofte● to gain●ay him . It is the Author of the Book called the Holy Table , Name and Thing , who resolves it thus : All the commands of the King ( saith he ) that are not upon the first inference and illation ( without any Prosyllogisms ) contrary to a clear passage in the Word of God , or to an evident Sun-beam of the Law of Nature , are precisely to be obeyed . Nor is it enough to finde a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue therefrom ; ( which is the ordinary ob●ection again●● the Book of Recreations ) for every good ●ubject is bound in cons●ien●e to believe and rest assu●ed , that his Prince ( environed with 〈◊〉 Councel ) will be more able to discover , and as 〈◊〉 to prevent any ill sequel , that may come of it , as himself possibly ●an be . And therefore I must not by ●●●obeying my P●ince commit a certain ●in , in preventing a p●obable but contingent inconveniency . This if it were good Doct●ine then , when both the Author and the Book we●e cr●ed up even to admiration , is not to be re●●●ted as fal●e Doct●ine now ; truth being constant to 〈◊〉 , not varying nor altering with the change of times . B●t o●r Author will not s●op here , he goes on and saith ▪ Ibid. M●●y moderate men are of opinion , that this abuse of the Lord-day was a principal procurer of Gods anger , 〈◊〉 poured out on this Land , in a long and bloudy Civil 〈◊〉 And moderate pe●haps they may be in apparel , 〈…〉 the like civil acts of life and conversation ; but 〈…〉 moderate enough in this Observation . For who hath k●●wn the minde of the Lord ? or who hath been his Couns●ll● 〈…〉 the great Apostle . But it is as common with some men of the newest Religions , to adscribe 〈…〉 judgements to some special Reasons , as 〈…〉 the Key which opens into his Cabinet 〈…〉 as i● they were admitted to all 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 Heaven , before that dreadful 〈◊〉 o● the year 1562. and 1565. the constant 〈◊〉 of the Chappels in his Majesties Houses , most 〈◊〉 the Cathedral , and some of the Pa●ochial Churches , and ●inally a Declaration of the King , Anno 1633. ●ommending a Con●ormity in the Parish Churches to their own Cathedrals . They on the other side stood chiefly upon dis●ontinu●nce , but urged withall , that some Rub●●●ks in the Common-Prayer-Book seemed to make for them . So that the Question being reduced to a matter of ●act , that is to say , the Table must 〈◊〉 this way , or it must stand that way , I would fain know how any condescension might be made on either 〈…〉 to an accommodation , or what our Moderat●● would have done to at one the differences . Suppo●e him ●●tting in the Chair , the Arguments on both 〈…〉 , ●nd all the Audience full of expectation 〈…〉 would carry it . The Moderator Fuller of old Me●●y-Tales then ordinary , thus resolves the businesse , that he had heard it commended for a great piece of wisdom in Bishop Andrews * , That wheresoever he was a Parson , a Dean , or a Bishop , he never troubled Parish , Colledge , or Diocess , with pressing other Ceremonies upon them , then such which he found used there before his coming thither ; that King Iames finding the Archbishop of Spalato in a resolution of ●●e●●ioning all such Leases as had been made by his 〈◊〉 in the Savoy , gave him this wise Counsell , Relinque res sicut eas invenisti , That he should leave things as he found them ; that the s●id King being told by a great person of the invert●d situation of a Chappel in Cambridge , 〈◊〉 ●nswer that it did not matter how the 〈◊〉 stood so their hearts who go thither were 〈…〉 in Gods service . But for his part he liked 〈◊〉 of the Resolution of Dr. Prideaux when wearied with the Businesses of the Councel-Table , and the High Commission . But as he was soon hot , so he was soon cool'd . And so much is observed by Sir Edward Deering * though his greatest adversary , and the first that threw dirt in his face in the late long Parliament ; who telleth us of him , that the roughness of his uncourtly Nature , sent most men discontented from him ; 〈◊〉 so , that he would often ( of himself ) ●inde wayes and means to sweeten many of them again when they least looked for it . In this more modest then our Author , who gives us nothing of this P●elate but his wants and weaknesses . But of this Reverend Prelate he will give cause to speak more hereafter . Let us now on unto another of a different judgement , his pro●est enemy Mr. Prin ; of whom thus our Author . Fol. ●57 . Mr. William Prinne was borne about Bath in Glocestershire , &c. and began with the writing of some Orthodox books . ] In this story of Mr. Prinne and his suffe●ings , our Author runs into many errors , which either his love unto the Man , or zeal to the good cause , or carelesness of what he writes , have brought upon him . For first , Bath is not in Glostershire , but a chief City in the County of Somerset . Secondly , though I look on Mr. Prinne ( so far forth as I am able to judge by some Books of his not long since published ) as a man of a far more moderate spirit , then I have done formerly ; yet can I not think his first Books to have been so Orthodox as our Author makes them . For not to say any thing of his Perpetuity , his Books entituled , Lame Giles his Haltings ; Cozens Cozening Devotions , and his Appendix to another , have many things repugnant to the Rules and Canons of the Church of England . No 〈◊〉 Champion against bowing at the name of Iesus , nor greater enemy to some Ceremonies here by Law 〈◊〉 . In whic● pa●●iculars i● our Author t●i●k him to be Orthodox , he declares himself to be no true Son of the Church of England . Thirdly , the Book called Histrio-Mastix was not writ by Mr. Prinne about three years before his 〈…〉 , as our Author telleth us , for then it must be w●it or publisht Anno 1634. whereas indeed that Book was published in Print about the latter end of 1632. and the Author censur'd in S●ar-Chamber for some p●ss●ges in i● , abou● the latter end of the year 1633. Othe●wise had it been as our Author telleth us , the punishment 〈…〉 the offence , and he must suffer for ● Book which was not publisht at that ●ime , and pe●haps not w●itten . But our Author h●th a special fac●lty in this kinde ▪ which few writers 〈◊〉 . For ●s he post-dateth this Histrio-Mastix , by making it come into the 〈…〉 after it did ; so he ante - 〈◊〉 a Book of D● . White then Lord Bishop of Ely , which he makes to be publisht two yea●s sooner then indeed it w●s . Th●t book of his entituled A Treatise of the Sabbath , came no●●ut ●ill Michaelmas Anno 1635. though placed by ou● Autho● as then written Anno 1633. for which see fol. 144. Next unto Mr. Prinne , in the co●●se of his Censure , comes the Bishop of Lincoln , the 〈◊〉 whereof we have in our Author , who having left a 〈…〉 somewhat which he thinks not ●it to make known to all gives some occasion to suspect that the matter was far wo●se on the Bishops side then perhaps it was . And therefore to prevent all further misconstructions in thi● 〈◊〉 , I will lay down the story as I finde it thus , viz. The Bishops purgation depending chiefly upon the testimony of one Prideon , it hapned ●hat the 〈◊〉 after ▪ one Elizabeth Hea●on was delivered of a base childe , and laid to this Prideon . The Bishop finding his great witness charged with such a load of filth 〈…〉 would invalidate all his 〈…〉 valid , the Bishop could easily prognosticate his own ruine ; therefore he bestirs himself amain , and though by order of the Justices at the publick Session at Lincoln , Prideon was charged as the reputed father , the Bishop by his two Agents Powel and Owen procured that order to be suppressed , and by subornation and menacing of , & tampe●ing with Witnesses , at length in May 10. Car. procured the childe to be fathered upon one Boon , and Prideon acquit . Which le●d practises for the supportation of his Favorites credit cost the Bishop , as he confest to Sir Iohn Munson and others , twelve hundred pounds , so much directly , and by consequence much more . But to proceed , the cause being brought unto a censure , Fol. 157. Secretary Windebank motioned to degrade him ; which ( saith he ) was lustily pronounced by a Knight and a Lay-man , having no precedent for the same in former ages . ] But first it is not very certain that any such thing was moved by Sir Francis Windebank . A manuscript of that dayes proceedings I have often seen , containing the Decree and Sentence , with the substance of every Speech then made , and amongst others , that of Sir Francis Windebank , in which I finde no motion tending to a Degradation , nor any other punishment inflicted on him then Fine , Suspension , and Inprisonment , in which the residue of the Lords concurred , as we finde in our Author . Secondly , it had been more strange if the Knight had not been a Lay-man , the Church of England not acknowledging any Order of Spiritual Knighthood . Knights in Divinity , are greater strangers in this Land , then Lay-Divines ; these last being multiplied of late , even ad infinitum , the first never heard of . And thirdly , had it been so mov'd , and so lustily mov'd , as our Author makes it , the Knight and Lay-man might have found a precedent for it in the former ages . Which last clause is to be understood ( as I suppose ) with refe●ence to the times since the Reformation : For in the former times many precedents of like nature might be easily found . And being understood of the times since the Reformation , it is not so infallibly true , but that one precedent of it at the least may be found amongst us . Marmaduke Middleton advanced to the Bishoprick of St. Davids Anno 1567. after he had sat in that See three and twenty years , was finally condemned ( for many notable misdemeanors ) not only to be deprived of his Bishoprick , but degraded from all holy Orders . Which sentence was accordingly executed by and before the High Commissioners at Lambeth house , not only by reading it in Scriptis , but by a formal devesting of him of his Episcopal Robes and Priestly vestments * , as I have heard from a person of good credit who was present at it . And somewhat there is further in the story of this Marmaduke Middleton which concerns the Bishop now before us . Of whom our Author telleth us further , that being prest by two Bishops and three Doctors to answer upon Oath to certain Articles which were tendred to him in the Tower ; he utterly refused to do it , claiming the priviledge of a Peer , fol. 159. Which Plea was also made by the said Bishop of St. Davids , offering to give in his Answer to such Articles as were fram'd against him , on his Honour only , but refusing to do it on his Oath . Which case being brought before the Lords then sitting in Parliament , was ruled against him ; it being ordered that he should answer upon Oath , as in fine he did . To this Bishop let us joyne his Chaplain Mr. Osbolstone , who being engag'd in the same Bark with his Patron suffered shiprack also , though not at the same time , nor on the same occasion . Censured in Star-Chamber not only to lose his Ecclesiastical Promotions , but to corporal punishments . Fol. 166. But this last pers●nal penalty he escaped by going beyond Canterbury , conceived s●asonably gone beyond the Seas , whilst he secretly concealed himself in London . ] And he had scapt the last penalty , had he staid at home . For though Mr. Osbolston at that time conceived the Archbishop to be his greatest enemy , yet the Archbishop was resolved to shew himself his greatest friend , assuring the Author of these Papers ( before any thing was known of Mr. Osbolstons supposed flight ) that he would cast himself at the Kings ●eet for obtaining a discharge of that corporal punishment unto which he was sentenced . Which may obtain the greater credit ; First , in regard that no course was taken to stop his flight , no search made after him , nor any thing done in Order to his apprehension . And secondly , by Mr. Osbolstons readiness to do the Archbishop all good Offices in the time of his troubles , upon the knowledge which was given him ( at his coming back ) of such good Intentions . But of these private men enough ; passe we now to the publick . Lib. XI . Part. II. Containing the last 12. years of the Reign of King Charles . ANd now we come to the last and most unfortunate part of this Kings Reign , which ended in the loss of his own life , the Ruine of the Church , and the Alteration of the Civil Government . Occa●●oned primarily , as my Author saith , by sending a new Liturgie to the Kirk of Scotland , for he thus proceeds . Fol. 160. Miseries caused from the sending of the Book of Service , or new Liturgie thither , which may sadly be termed a Rubrick indeed , died with the bloud of so many of both Nations slain on that occasion . ] Our A●thor speaks this in relation to the Scottish tumults , Anno 1637. In telling of which story he runs ( as commonly elsewhere ) into many Errors . For first those miseries , and that bloud-shed was not caused by sending the Liturgy thither , the Plot had been laid long before upon other grounds , that is to say ▪ questioning of some Church Lands then in the hands of some great Persons , of which they feared a Revocation to the Crown ; And secondly , the Manu-mitting of some poor subjects from the Tyranny and Vassalage which they liv'd under in respect of their Tithes , exacted with all c●●elty and in●u●tice by those whom they call the 〈…〉 for raising of a tumult first , a Rebellion afterwards ; and this occasion they conceiv'd they had happily gain'd by sending the new Liturgy thither , though ordered by their own Clergy first , as our Author tells us , at the Assembly of Aberdeen , Anno 1616. and after at Perth , Anno 1618. and fashioned for the most part by their own Bishops also . But of this there hath so much been said between the Observator and his Antagonist , that there is nothing necessary to be added to it . Secondly , there was no such matter as the passing of an Act of Revocation for the restoring of such Lands as had been aliened from the Crown in the Minority of the King Predec●ssors . Of which he tells us fol. 192. The King indeed did once intend the passing of such an Act , but finding what an insurrection was likely to ensue upon it , he followed the safer counsel of Sir Archibald Acheson , by whom he was advis'd to sue them in his Courts of Justice . Which course succeeding to his wish so ter●ified many of those great Persons , who had little else but such Lands to maintain their Dignities ; that they never thought themselves secure , as long as the King was in a condition to demand his own . Thirdly , though it be true enough , that some Persons of Honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired , fol. 163. Yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour , which wrote these terrible effects , but the denying of an Honorary Title to a Man of no Honour . If Colonel Alexander Lesley an obscure fellow , but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany , had been made a Baron , when he first desired it , the rest of the Male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart , though they had no head . But the King not willing to dishonor so high a Title by conferring it on so low a person , denyed the favour : which put the man into such a heat , that presently he joyned himself to the faction there , drove on the Plot , and finally undertook the command o● their Armie● . Rewa●ded fo● which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King him●el● , he could not so digest the injury of the first refusal , but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions . Fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings as innocent therein , but charged Archbishop La●d as the principal , and Dr. Cousins for the instrumental compiler thereof . ] This is no more then we had reason to expect f●om a former passage , lib. 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us , that the Scottish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York , in the time when George Nevil was Archbishop . And then he adds , Hence forwards no Archbishop of York medled more with Church matters in Scotland ; and happy had it been , if no Archbishop of Canterbury had since interessed himself therein . His stomach is so full of choler against this poo● Prelate , that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born . Hence is it that he rakes together all reports which make against him , and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History . If Archbishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction , the blame thereof was laid on Archbishop Laud , as if not content to succeed , he endeavoured to su●plant him , fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawful sports , the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his accompt also , some strong p●e●●mptions being urged for the proof thereof , fol. 147. The 〈◊〉 of the Church to her antient Rules and publick Doctrines , must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practices and opinions upon other men , fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be compos'd for the use of Church of Scotland , who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it ? But what proofs have we for all this ? Only the 〈◊〉 or his Enemies , or our Authors own 〈…〉 , or some common fame . And if it once be 〈…〉 shall pass for truth ; and as a truth 〈…〉 Authors History , though the greatest falsehood . Tam facilis in mendaciis fides , ut quicquid famae liceat fingere , illi esset libenter audire , in my Authors language . But for the last he brings some p●oof , ( he would have us think so at the least ) that is to say , the words of one Bayly , a Scot , whom it concern'd to make him as odious as he could , the better to comply with a Pamphlet called The Intentions of the Army ; in which it was declared , that the Scots entred England with a purpose to remove the Archbishop from the King , and execute their vengeance on him . What hand Dr. Cousins had in assisting of the work , I am not able to say . But sure I am , that there was nothing done in it by the Bishops of England , but with the counsel and co-operation of their Brethren in the Church of Scotland , viz. the Archbishop of St. Andrews , the Archbishop of Glasco , the Bishop of Murray , Ross , Brechin , and Dunblane , as appears by the Book entituled Hidden Works of Darkness , &c. fol. 150 , 153 , 154 , &c. And this our Author must needs know ( but that he hath a minde to quarrel the Archbishop upon every turn ) as appears plainly , 1. By his Narrative of the Design in King Iames his time , from the first undertaking of it by the Archbishop of St. Andrews , and the Bishop of Galloway then being ▪ whose Book corrected by that King with some additions , expunctions , and accommodations , was sent back to Scotland . 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have when the project was resum'd by King Charles , whether the Book by him sent into Scotland , were the same which had passed the hands of King Iames , or not : which he expresseth in these words , viz. In the Reign of King Charles , the project was resumed , but whether the same Book or no , God knoweth , fol. 160. If so , if God only knoweth whether it were the same or no , how dares he tell us that it was not ? and if it was the same ( as it may be for ought he knoweth ) with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud. Besides ( as afterwards he telleth us fol. 163. ) the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent , and free as any Church in Christendom , a Sister , not a Daughter of England . And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Liturgy impos'd on them or commended to them by the Primate of England , for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him ; then to receive the same Liturgy here by Law establisht , which they might very safely borrow from their Sister Church without any such danger . But howsoever it was , the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it . Fol. 167. Thus none , seeing now foul weather in Scotland , could expect it fair Sun-shine in England . ] In this I am as little of our Authors opinion as in most things else . The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter beam , if the clouds which had been gathered together , and threatned such foul weather in Scotland , had been disperst and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordinance . The opportunity was well given , and well taken also , had it not been unhappily lost in the prosecution . The Scots were then weak , unprovided of all necessaries , not above three thousand compleat Arms to be found amongst them : The English on the other side making a formidable appearance , gallantly Horst , complea●ly arm'd , and intermingled with the choicest of the Nobility and Gentry in all the Nation . And had the Scots been once broken , and their Countrey wasted ( which had been the easiest thing in the world for the English Army ) they had been utterly disabled from creating trouble to their King , disturbances in their own Ch●rch , and destruction to England . So true is that of the wise Histo●ian , Conatus subditor●m irritos imperia ●●●per promovere ; the Insurrections of the people when they are supprest , do always make the King stronger , and the Subjects weaker . Fol. 167. The Sermon ended We chose Dr. Stewart Den of Chichester Prolocutor , and the next day of sitting We met at Westminster in the Chappel of King Henry the seventh . ] Had it not been for these and some other passages of this nature , our Author might have lost the hono● of being took notice of , for one of the Clerks of the Convocation ; and one not of the lowest fourm , but passing for some of those wise men , who began to be fearful of themselves , and to be jealous of that power by which they were enabled to make new Canons . How so ? Because it was feared by the judicious ( himself still for one ) l●st the Convocation whose power of medling with Church matters , had been bridled up for many years before , sh●uld now enabled with such power , over-act their parts , especially in such dangerous , and discontented times , as it after followeth . Wh●ly fore-seen . But then why did not WE , that is to say , our Author , and the rest of those wise and judicious Persons , fore-warn their weak and unadvised Brethren of the present danger ; or rather why did they go along with the rest for company , and follow those who had before out-run the Canons by their additional Conformity ? How wise the rest were I am not able to say . But certainly our Author shew'd himself no wiser then Walthams Calf , who ran nine mile to suck a Bull , and came home a thirst , as the Proverb saith . His running unto Oxford , which cost him as much in seventeen weeks , as he had spent in Cambridge in seventeen years , was but a second Sally to the first Knight-Errantry . Fol. 168. Next day the Convocation came together , &c. when , contrary to general expectation , it was motioned , to improve the present opportunity , in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun . ] I have not heard of any such motion as our Author speaks of from any who were present at that time , though I have diligently labour'd to inform my self in it . Not is it probable , that any such motion should be made , as the case then stood . The Parliament had been di●●olv'd on Tuesday , the 5 o● May. The Clergy met in Convocation on the morrow after , expecting then to be dissolved , and licenced to go home again . But contrary to that general expectation , in stead of hearing some news of his Majesties Writ for their dissolution , there came an Order from the Archbishop to the Prolocutor , to adjourn till Saturday . And this was all the business which was done that day , the Clergy generally being in no small amazement when they were required not to dissolve , till further Orde● . Saturday being come , what then ? A new Commission saith he was brought from his Majesty , by vertue whereof WE were warranted still to sit not in the capacity of a Convocation , but of a Synod . I had thought our Author with his wise and judicious Friends had better hearkened to the ●enor of that Commission , then to come out with such a gross and wilde absurdity , as this is , so fit for none as Sir Edward Deering , ●nd for him only to make sport within the House of Commons . At the beginning of the Convocation , when the Prolocutor w●s admitted , the Archbishop produc'd his Ma●es●ies Commission under the Great Seal , whereby the Clergy was enabled to consult , treat of , & conclude such Canons , as they conceiv'd most expedient to the pe●ce of the Church , and his 〈◊〉 service . But this Commission being to expire with the end of the Parliament , it became void , of no effect assoon as the Parliament was dissolved . Which being made known unto the King , who was resolv'd the Convocation should continue , and that the Clergy should go on in compleating those Canons which they had so happily began ; he caus'd a new Commission to be sent unto them in the same words , and to the very same effect as the other was , but that it was to continue durante beneplacito only , as the other was not . It follows next that Ibid. Dr. Brownrig , Dr. Hacket , Dr. Holdsworth , &c. with others , to the number of thirty six , earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation . ] It 's possible enough , that Dr. Brownrig , now Lord Bishop of Excester , Dr. Hacket , and the rest of the thirty six , our Author being of the Quorum , ( in his own understanding of the word ) might be unsatisfied in the continuance of the Convocation , because of some offence , which as they conceiv'd would be taken at it . But if they had protested , and protested earnestly , as our Author tells us , the noise of so many Vo●es concurring must needs be heard by all the rest which were then assembled ; from none of which I can lea●n any thing of this Protestation . Or if they did protest●o ●o earnestly as he sayes they did , why was not the Protestation reduced into writing , subsc●ibed wi●h their hands in due form of Law , and so delivered to the Register to remain upon Record ( among● the other Acts of that House ) for their indemnity ? Which not being done , rendreth this Protest of theirs ( if any such Protest there were ) to signifie nothing but their dislike of the continuance . But whereas our Author tells us , that the whole ●ouse consisted but of six score persons , it may be thought that he diminisheth the number of 〈◊〉 purpose to make his own party seem the greater . For in the lower ●ouse of Convocation for the Province of Canterbury i● all pa●ties summon'd do appear , there are no fewer then two and twenty Deans , four and twenty Prebendaries , fifty four Archdeacons , and forty four Cle●ks , representing the Diocesan Clergy , amounting in the total to an hundred fo●ty four persons , whereof the thirty six Protestors ( if so many they were ) make the fourth part only . Howsoever all parties being not well satisfied with the lawfulness of their continuance , his Majesty was advertis'd of it , who upon conference with his Jud●es , and Councel learned in the Laws , caus'd a short Writing to be d●wn and subscribed by their several hands in these following words , viz. at White-hall , May the 10. 1640. the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ , is to continue till it be dissolved by the Kings Writ , notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament . Subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper , Manchester Lord Privy Seal , Littleton chief Justice of the Common Pleas , Banks Attourney General , Whitfield , and Heath , his Maje●●i●s Serjeants . Which writing ( an Instrument our Author calls it ) being communicated to the Clergy by the Lord Archbishop on the morrow after , did so compose the mindes of all men , that they went forw●●ds very cheerfully with the work in hand : the principal of those whom o●r Author calls Dissenters , bringing in the Canon o● preaching for conformity ( being the eighth Canon in the Book as now they are plac'd ) which was received and allowed of , as it came from his hand without alteration . Howsoever our Author keeps himself to his former folly , shutting up his extravagancie with this conclusion : Fol 169. Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod . ] An expression borrowed from the speech of a witty Gentleman , as he is called by the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charles , and since by him declar'd to be the Lord George Digby now Earl of Bristow . But he that spent most of his wit upon it , and the●eby gave occasion unto others for the like mistakings was Sir Edward Deering in a Speech made against these Canons , Anno 1640. where we finde these flourishes , Would you confute the Convocation ? They were a Holy Synod . Would you argue against the Synod ? Why they were Commissioners . Would you dispute the Commission ? They will mingle all powers together , and answer that they were some fourth thing , that neither we know nor imagine ; that is to say ( as it follows aft●rw●rds ▪ p. 27. ) a Convocational-Synodical-Assembly of 〈◊〉 More of this fine stuffe we may see hereafte● . In the mean time we may judge by this Remn●nt of the whole Piece , and 〈◊〉 i● upon proof to be very ●light , and not worth the we●ring . For first the Gentleman could not , & our Author cannot chuse but know , that a Convocation and a Synod ( as 〈◊〉 in England of late times ) are but the same one thing under dive●s names , the one borrowed from a Grecian , the other from a Latin Original : the Convocation of the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury being nothing but a Provincial Synod , as a National Synod is nothing el●e but the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces . Secondly , our A●thor knows by this time , that the Commission which seems to make this doughty difference , changed not the Convocation into a Synod ( as some vainly think ) but only made that Convocation active in order to the making of Canons , which otherwise had been able to proceed no ●urther then the grant of Subsidies . Thirdly , that nothing is more ordinary then for the Convocations of all times since the Reformation , to take unto themselves the name of Syn●ds . For the Articles of Religion made in the Convocation , An. 1552. are called in the Title of the Book Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi convenit , &c. The same name given to those agreed on in the Convocation , An. 1562. as appears by the Title of that Book also in the Latin Editi●n . The Canons of the year 1571. are said to be concluded and agreed upon in Synodo inchoat â Lond. in aede Divi Paul● , &c. In the year 1575. came out a Book of Articles with this title following , viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the most Reverend Father in God , the Archbishop of Canterbury , and other the Bishops , & the whole Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the Convocation or Synod holden at Westminster . The like we finde in the year 1597. ( being the last active Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time ) in which we mee● with a Book entituled , Constitutiones Ecclesiasticae , &c. in Synodo in●heata Londini vic●simo quinto die Mensis Octobris . Our Author finally is to know , that though the members of the two Convocations of York and Canterbury did not mee● in person , yet they communicated their ●ounsels , the Re●ults of the one being dispatch'd unto the other , and there agreed on , or rejected , as they saw 〈◊〉 for it . Which laid together shews the vanity of ●●●ther passage in the Speech of Sir Edward Deering , where he vapo●reth thus , viz. A strange Commission , wherein no one Commissioners name is to be found ; a 〈◊〉 Convocation , that lived when the Parliament was 〈◊〉 : a strange Holy Synod , where one 〈…〉 conferred with the other . Lastly , Si● Edward Deeri●g seems to marvel at the Title of the Book of Cano●● then in question , expressing that they were treated upon in Convocation , agreed upon in Syn●d . And this , saith he , is a new Mould to cast Canons in never us'd before . But had he looked upon the 〈◊〉 of the Book of Canons , An. 160● . he h●d found it othe●wise . The Title this viz. Constitutions and Canons 〈…〉 by the Bishop of London , President of the Convocation for the Province of Canterbury , &c. and agreed upon with the Kings Majesties Licence in their Synod 〈◊〉 at London , An. 1603. And so much for the satisfaction of all such persons , whom either that gentleman , or this o●r Autho● h●ve mis-informed , and consequently ab●●ed in this particular . Ibid. Now because great B●aies m●ve 〈…〉 . it was thought fit to contract the 〈…〉 of some 26 , beside the Prolocutor . ] No ●●ch contracting of the Synod as our Author speaks of . There was indeed a Committee of twenty ●ix , or thereabouts appointed to consider of a Canon for uniformity in some Rites and Ceremonies , of which number were the principal of those whom he calls dissenters , and our Author too amongst the rest : who having agreed upon the Canon , it was by them presented to the rest of the Clergy in Convocation , and by them app●ov'd . And possible it is , that the drawing ●p of some other Canons might be refer'd also to that Committee ● as is accustomed in such cases ) without contracting the whole Ho●se into that small body , or excluding any man from being present at their consultation . But whereas our Author afterwards tells us , that nothing should be accounted the Act of the House till thrice ( as he takes it ) publickly voted therein ; It is but as he takes it , or mistakes it rather , and so let it goe . But I needed not to have signified that our Author was one of this Committee , he will tell it himself . And he will tell us more then that , publishing himself for one of the thirty six Dissenters , the better to ingratiate himself with the rising side . The next day ( so he lets us know ) We all subscribed the Canons , suffering our selves ● ( according to the Order of such meetings ) to be all concluded by the majority of votes , though some of US in the Committee privately dissented in the passing of many particulars . So then our Author was content to play the good fellow at the last , and go along hand in hand with the rest of his company ; dissenting privately , but consenting publickly , which is as much as can be looked for . Ibid. No sooner came these Canons abroad into a publick view , but various were mens censures upon them . ] Not possible that in such a confusion both of Affections and Opinions , it should otherwise be . Non omnibus una voluntas , was a note of old , and will hold true as long as there are many men to have many mindes . And yet if my information deceive me not , these Canons found great approbation from the mouths of some , from whom it had been least expected ; particularly from Justice Crook , whose Argument in the case of Ship-m●ny was printed afterwards by the Order of the House of Commons . Of whom I have been told by a person of great worth and credit , that having read over the Book of Canons , when it first came out , he lifted up his hands , and gave hearty thanks to Almighty God , that he had liv'd to see such good effects of a Con●●●●tion . It was very well , that they pleased him ; but that they should please all men was not to be hoped for . Fol. 171. Many took exception at the hollowness of the Oath in the middle thereof , having its Bowels puffed up with a windy &c. a cheveral word , which might be stretched as men would measure it . ] Of this &c. which has made so much noise in the world I shall now say nothing . Somewhat is here subjoyn'd by our Author in 〈◊〉 thereof , the rest made up by the Observator . Only I shall make bold to ask him , why he observ'd not this &c. when the Oath was first under consideration ; or why he signified not his dissent when it came to the vote , and shewed some reasons which might move him to object against it . It had been fitter for a wise and judicious man to signifie his dislike of any thing when it might be mended , then to joyn with others in condemning it when it was past remedy . But Mala m●ns malus animus , as the saying is . The Convocation had no ill intent in it when they passed it so , though some few , out of their perverseness and corrupt affections , were willing to put their own sense on it , and spoil an honest-meaning Text with a factious Gloss. But let us follow our Author as he leads the way , and we shall finde that Ibid. Some Bishops were very forward in pressing this Oath even before the time thereof . For whereas a liberty was allowed to all , to deliberate thereon , until the Feast of Michael the Arch-angel , some presently pressed the Ministers of their Diocesses for the taking thereof . ] It seems by this that our Author was so far from taking notice of any thing done in the Convocation , when the Canon for the Oath was framed , that he never so much as looked into the Canon it self , since the Book came out . He had not else d●eamt of a liberty of Deliberation , till the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-angel , which I am sure the Canon gives not . The Synod did indeed decree , that all Archbishop , and Bishops , and all other Priests and Deacons , in places exempt or not exempt , should before the second day of November next ensuing , take the following Oath against all innovation of Doctrine or Discipline . By which we see , that the Oath was to be given and taken before the second of November , but no such thing as Liberty of Deliberation till the Feast of St. Michael . And therefore if some Bishops did press the Clergy of their several and respective Diocesses , assoon as they returned home from the Convocation ; they might well doe it by the Canon , without making any such Essay of their Activity , if providence ( as our Author most wisely words it ) had not prevented them . If any of the Bishops did require their Clergy to take the Oath upon their knees ( as he says they did ) though it be more then was directed by the Canon , yet I conceive that no wise man would scruple at it , considering the gravity and greatness of the business which he was about . But then Ibid. The Exception of Exceptions was , because they were generally condemned as illegally passed to the prejudice of the fundamental Liberty of the Subject , whereof we shall hear enough in the next Parliament . ] Not generally condemned , either as illegally passed , or as tending to prejudice of the Subjects Rights , I am sure of that . Scarse so much as condemned by any for those respects , but by such whom it concern'd ( for carrying on of their Designs ) to weaken the Authority of the Church , and advance their own . But because our Author tells us , that we shall finde enough of this in the following Parliament , we are to follow him to that Parliament for our satisfaction . And there we finde that Mr. Maynard made a Speech in the Committee of Lords against the Canons , made by the Bishops in the last Convocation , in which he endeavoured to prove , that the Clergy had no power to make Canons , without common consent in Parliament , because in the Saxon times Laws and Constitutions Ecclesiastical had the confirmation of Peers , and sometimes of the People , to which great Councels our Parliaments do succeed . Which Argument if it be of force to prove , That the Clergy can make no Canons without consent of the Peers and people in Parliament ; it must prove also that the Peers and People can make no Statutes without consent of the Clergy in their Convocation . My reason is , because such Councels in the times of the Saxons were mixt Assemblies , consisting as well of Laicks , as of Eccles●asticks , and the matters there concluded on of a mixt nature also ; Laws being passed as commonly in them in order to the good governance of the Common-wealth , as Canons for the Regulating such things as concern'd Religion . But these great Councels of the Saxons being divided into two parts in the times ensuing , the Clergy did their work by themselves without any confirmation from the King or Parliament , till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the eighth . And if the Parliaments did succeed in the place of those great Councels ( as he sayes they did ) it was because that antiently the Procurators of the Clergy , not the Bishops only , had their place in Parliament , though neither Peers nor People voted in the Convocations . Which being so , it is not much to be admired that there was some checking ( as is said in the second Argument ) about the disuse of the general making of such Church Laws . But checking or repining at the proceeding of any superior Court makes not the Acts thereof illegal . For if it did , the Acts of Parliaments themselves would be reputed of no force , or illegally made , because the Clergy for a long time have checkt ( and think they have good cause to check ) for thei● being excluded . Which checking of the Commons ap●ears not only in thos● anti●nt Authors which the Gentleman cited , but in the Remonstrance tendred by them to King Henry the Eighth , exemplified at large in these Animadversions , lib. 3. n. 61. But because this being a Record of the Convocation , may not come within the walk of a common Lawyer , I shall put him in minde of that memorable passage in the Parliament 51. Edw. 3. which in brief was this : The Commons f●nding themselves aggrieved , as well with certain Constitutions made by the Clergy in their Synods , as with some Laws or Ordinances which were lately passed , more to the advantage of the Clergy then the common people , put in a Bill to this effect , viz. That no Act nor Ordin●nce should from thenceforth be made or granted on the Petition of the said Clergy , without the consent of the Commons ; and that the said Commons should not be bound in times to come by any Constitutions made by the Clergy of this Realm for their own advantage , to which the Commons of this Realm had not given consent . The reason of which is this ( and 't is worth the marking ; ) Car eux ne veulent estre obligez a nul de vos Estatuz ne Ordinances faitz sanz leur Assent , because the said Clergy did not think themselves bound ( as indeed they were not in those times ) by any Statute , Act , or Ordinance , made without their Assent in the Court of Parliament . But that which could not be obtain'd by this checking of the Commons in the declining and last times of King Edw. 3. was in some part effected by the more vigorous prosecution of King Hen. 8. who to satisfie the desires of the Commons in this particular , and repress their checkings , obtained from the Clergy , that they should neither make nor execute any Canons without his consent , as before is said ; so that the Kings power of confirming Canons was grounded on the free and voluntary submission of the Clergy , and was not built , as the third Argument ob●ecteth , on to weak a foundation as the Popes making Canons by his sole power : the Pope not making Canons here , nor putting his Rescripts and Letters decretory in the place of Canons , but only as a remedy for some present exigency . So that the Kings power in this particular not being built upon the Popes , as he said it was , it may well stand , That Kings may make Canons without consent of Parliament , though he saith they cannot . But whereas it is argued in the fourth place , that the clause in the Statute of Submission , in which it is said , that the Clergy shall not make Canons without the Kings leave , doth not imply that by his leave alone they may make them ; I cannot think that he delivered this for Law , and much less for Logick . For had this been looked on formerly as a piece of Law , the Parliaments would have check'd at it at some time or other , and been as sensible of the Kings encroachments in executing this power without them , as antiently some of them had been about the disuse of the like general consent in the making of them . Fol. 180. In the next place our Author tells us that Mr. Maynard endevoured also to prove , that these Canons were against the Kings Prerogative , the Rights , Liberties , and Properties of the Subject . ] And he saith well , th●t it was endevoured to be proved , and endeavoured only , nothing amounting to a proof being to be found in that which follows . It had before been voted by the House of Commons , that the Commons are against fundamental Laws of this Realm , against the Kings Prerogative , prop●●● of the Subject , the Right of Parliament , and do tend to faction and sedition ; and it was fit that some endeavours should be used to make good the Vote . But this being but a general charge , requires a general answer only , and it shall be this . Before the Canons we●e subscribed , they were imparted to the King by the Archbishop of Canterbury , and by the King communicated to the Lords of the Councel ; who calling to them the assistance of the Judges , and some of the Kings Councel learned in the Laws of this Realm , caus'd the said Canons to be read and considered of , the King being then present . By all which upon due and mature deliberation the Canons were approv'd , and being so approv'd , were sent back to the Clergy in the Convocation , and by them subscribed . And certainly it had been strange that they should pass the approbation of the Judges and learned Lawyers , had they contained any thing against the fundamental Laws of the Land , the property of the Subject , and the Rights of Parliament ; or been approv'd of by the Lords of his Majesties Conncel , had any thing been contained in them derogatory to the Kings Prerogative , or tending to Faction and Sedition . So that the foundation being ill laid , the superstructures and objections which are built upon it , may be easily shaken and thrown down . To the first therefore it is answered , that nothing hath been more ordinary in all former times , then for the Canons of the Church to inflict penalties on such as shall disobey them ; exemplified in the late Canons of 603. many of which extend not only unto Excommunication , but even to Degradation and Irregularity , for which see Can. 38. 113. &c. To the second , That there is nothing in those Canons which determineth or limiteth the Kings Authority , but much that makes for and defendeth the Right of the Subject , for which the Convocation might rather have expected thanks then censure from ensuing Parliaments . To the third , That when the Canon did declare the Government of Kings to be founded on the Law of Nature , it was not to condemn all other Governments as being unlawful , but to commend that of Kings as being the best . Nor can it Logically be infer'd , that because the Kingly Government is not received in all places , that therefore it ought not so to be : or that the Gove●nment ( by this Canon ) should be the same in all places , and in all alike ; because some Kings do and may lawfully p●t with many of 〈◊〉 Rights for the good of their Subject● , which others do 〈◊〉 may as lawfully retain unto themselves . ●o the fourth , That the Doctrine of Non-Resistance is 〈…〉 the words of St. Paul , Rom. 〈…〉 condemn the Canon in that behalf , 〈…〉 Word of God upon which it is 〈…〉 fifth and last , That the Statute 〈…〉 that the dayes there m●ntion● 〈…〉 dayes and no other , rel●tes only to the 〈…〉 some other Festivals whi●h had been formerly 〈…〉 in the Realm of England , and not to the 〈…〉 Church from ord●ining any other Holy 〈…〉 causes ) in the times to come . Assuredly 〈…〉 Lawyer would have spoke more home 〈…〉 could the cause have born it . Floquent●m 〈…〉 in the Ora●o●s language . And therefore 〈…〉 on the heads of the Arguments ●s our 〈…〉 them to us ) I must needs think that they were 〈◊〉 fitted to the sense of the House , then they were 〈…〉 own . What influence these arguments might have on the House of Peers , when reported by the Bishop of 〈◊〉 I am not able to affirm : But ●o far I 〈…〉 our Author , that they lost neither 〈…〉 came from his mo●th , ( who as our Author sayes ) 〈◊〉 back friend to the Canons ▪ because made 〈…〉 and durance in the Tower. A piece of 〈…〉 I did not look for . The power of 〈…〉 thus shaken and endangered , that of 〈…〉 and the Bishops Courts was not 〈…〉 one being taken away by Act of 〈…〉 other much wea●ened in the 〈…〉 a clause in that Act , of which 〈…〉 Fol. 182. Mr. 〈…〉 should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power . ] And well might Mr. Pim triumph , as having gain'd the point he aim'd at in subverting the coercive power , and consequently the whole exercise of Ecclesiastical J●risdiction . But he had no reason to impute it to the ●inger of God , or to the carelesness of the Bishops in suffe●ing themselves to be so supinely surpris'd . For first ●e Bishops saw too plainly , that those general words by which they were disabled from inflicting any pain or penalty , would be extended to Suspension , Excommunication , and other Ecclesiastical censures . But secondly , they saw withall that the stream was too strong for them to ●ive against , most of the Lords being wrought on by the popular party in the House of Commons , to pass the Bill . Thirdly , they were not without hope , that when the Scots A●my was disbanded , and that Nation satisfied , by the Kings condescensions to them , there might be such an explication made of those general words , as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civil penalties , by which the censures of the Church might remain as forme●ly . And fourthly , in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entred in the House of Pa●s , That the general words in this Bill should extend only to the High Commission Court , and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdictions , for which consult our Author ▪ fol. 181. ●aving thus passed over such matters as concern the Ch●●ch , we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament . And the first is that Fol. 174. D● . Pocklington , and Dr. Bray were the tw● first that felt the displeasures of it , the former for preaching and printing , the later for licencing two Books , one cal●● Sunday no Sabb●h , the other the Christian Altar . ] No other way to 〈◊〉 the hig● displea●ures of the Bishop of Lincoln , but by ●uch a Sacrifice , who therefore is intrusted to gather such Propositions out of those tw● Books as were to be recan●ed by the one ▪ and for which the other was to be depriv'd of all his preferments . And in this the Bishop serv'd his own turn , and the peoples too : his own turn first in the great controversie of the Altar , in which he was so great a ●●ickle● , and in which Pocklington was thought to have provoked him to take that revenge . The Peoples turn he serv'd next , in the condemning and recanting of some points about the Sabbath , though therein he ran cross to his former practice . Who had been not long since so far from tho●e Sabbatarian rigors ( which now he would fain be thought to countenance ) that he caus'd a Comedy to be acted before him at his house at Bugden , not only on a Sunday in the afternoon , but upon such a Sunday also on which he had publickly given sacred Orders both to P●iests and Deacons . And to this Comedy he invited the Earl of Manchester , and divers of the neighbouring ●entry , though on this turning of the tide , he did not only cause these Doctors to be condemned for some Opinions which formerly himself allowed of , but mov'd at the Assembly in Ierusalem Chamber , that all Books should be publickly burnt , which had disputed the Morality of the Lords-day-Sabbath . Quo teneam nodo , &c. as the Poet hath it . But whereas our Author tells us in the following words , that soon after both the Doctors decea●ed for grief , I dare with some confidence tell him , there was no such matter ; Dr. Pocklington living about two years , and Dr. Bray above four years after , with as great chearfulness and courage as ever formerly . How he hath dealt with Dr. Cousen , we shall see more at large hereafter in a place by it self , the discourse thereof being too long and too full of particulars , to come within the compass of an Animadve●●on . In the mean time proceed we unto Bishop 〈◊〉 of whom thus as followeth . Fol. 182. A Bill was sent up by the Commons against Matthew Wren of●ly ●ly , containing 25 Articles , &c. ] That such a Bill was ●●nt up from the House of Commons is undoubtedly true . And no less true it is , that many impeachments of like nature were hammered at and about the same time against many other Clergy men of good note , though in●erior Order ; the Articles whereof were printed and exposed to open sale to their great disparagement . And therefore I would fain know the reason , why this man should be singled ou● amongst all the rest to stand impeached upon Record in our Authors History ; especially considering that there was nothing done by the Lords in pursuance of it , the impeachment dying in a manner assoon as born . Was it be●●use he was more criminal then the others were 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 was better prov'd , or for what 〈…〉 ? Well , since our Author will not , I will tell you 〈◊〉 . And I will tell it in the words of King 〈◊〉 , in the Conference at Hampton-Court , upon occasion of a 〈…〉 exception taken by Dr. Reynolds at a passage in Ecclesi●sticus . What trow ye , said the King , makes these men so a●g●y with Eccles●●●cus ? By my Sal , I think he was a Bishop● or else they would never use him so . And so much for tha● . Fol. 174. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestati●n to be taken all over England , which some months ●●ter was generally performed . ] What time this was ou● A●tho● tells us in the margin , pointing to Feb. 4. about which time there was no mention of the Protestation , nor occasion for it . The first mention which was made of the P●●testation was upon Munday , May the third , on which day it was mentioned , fram'd , and taken by all the Membe●s of the House of Commons , excepting the Lord George Digby ( now Earl of Bristol ) and an Uncle of 〈◊〉 . The occasion of it was a Speech made by the King in the House of Peers in favour of the Earl of 〈◊〉 upon the Saturday before ; which mov'd them to unite themselves by this 〈…〉 bringing to condign punishment all such as ●●all either by ●orce , practice , plots , councels , conspiracies , or otherwise do any thi●g to the contrary of any thing in the same Pr●testation contain'd . Which Pro●estation being carried into the 〈◊〉 of Peers , was after some few d●yes generally taken by that House also . But t●e prevalent party in the 〈◊〉 of Commons having f●●ther aims then such as our Author pleaseth to take notice of , first ca●s'd 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 by an Order of the fifth of May ▪ that they 〈…〉 down to the Sheriffes and I●s●ices of Peace in the several Shires ; to whom the intima●ed , that as they 〈◊〉 the taking of it in themselves ▪ so they c●uld not but approve it in all such as should take i● . But f●nding that this did not much edifie with the Count●●● 〈◊〉 , they desired the Lords to concur with them 〈…〉 the same . Failing thereof , by an Order of their own House only , Iuly 30. it was declared , that the Prot●station made by them was fit to be taken by every Person that was well affected in Religion , and to the good ●f the Common-wealth ; and therefore what Person ●●ever 〈◊〉 not tak● the same , was unfit to bear Office in the Church or Common-wealth . Which notwithstan●ing many refus'd to take it , as our A●thor telleth us , not knowing b●t 〈…〉 use might be made thereof : as afte●ward 〈◊〉 by those Pikes and Protestations , whi●h cond●●●ed some of the five Members to the House of Commons . Fol. 183 ▪ About this time came forth the L●rd B●ook his Book against Bishops , accusing them in respect of their Parentage to be de faece populi , of the 〈◊〉 of the pe●ple ; and in respect of their Studies no way fi● for Government , or to be Barons in Parliame●t : ] A passage mis-be●oming no mans pen so much as his 〈…〉 whose Father neither was of a better Extraction then some , no● better le●t as in the way of his subsis●ence then any of the Bishops ( whom he thus upbraideth ) had been left by their Fathe●s . From the first part of which calumny the Bishops freed themselves well enough , as appears by our Author . And from the second , since they were too modest to speak in their own commendations , our Author might have freed them with one of the old tales which are in his budget . And the tale is of a Nobleman in King Harry the eighths time , who told Mr. Pac● one of the Kings Secretaries , in contempt of Learning , that it was enough for Noblemens sons to winde their horn , and carry their Hauk fair , and to leave study and learning to the children of mean men : to whom the aforesaid Mr. Pace replyed ; then you and other Noblemen must be content , that your children may winde their horns , and keep their Hauks , while the children of mean men do mannage matters of Estate . And certainly there can be no reason why men that have been verst in Books , studied in Histories , and thereby made acquainted with the chief occurrences of most States and Kingdomes , should not be thought as fit to manage the affairs of State , as those who spend their time in Hauking and Hunting , if not upon some worse employments . For that a Superinduction of holy Orders should prove a Supersedeas to all civil prudence , is such a wilde extravagant fancy as no man of judgement can allow of . Fol. 188. The next day the 12 Subscribers were voted to be committed to the Tower , save that Bishop Morton of Durham , and Hall of Norwich found some favour . ] Our Author speaks this of those twelve Bishops who had subscrib'd a Protestation for preserving their Rights and Votes in the House of Peers during the time of their involuntary absence , to which they were compelled by threats , menaces , and some open acts of violence committed on them . But in the name of one of the Bishops , who found the favour of not being sent unto the Tower , he is much mistaken ; it not being Dr. Hall Bishop of Norwich , but Dr. Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield , who found that favour at their hands . The like Misnomer I finde after , fol. 193. where he speaks of William Earl of Bath ; the Earl of Bath of whom he speaks being nam'd Henry , and not William , unless he chang'd his name when he succeeded in that Earldom , as I think he did not , & I am sure our Author will not say he did . As much he is mistaken also in point of time , leaving the Bishops in prison for eighteen weeks , whereas they were scarce detained there for half that time . For being committed to the Tower in the end of December , they were released by an Order of the House of Peers on the fifteenth of February , being the next day after the Bill for taking away their Votes had passed in Parliament . But then the Commons looking on them , as devested of their Right of Peerage , and consequently ( as they thought ) in the same rank with themselves , return'd them to the Tower again ▪ and having kept them there some few weeks ( long enough to declare their power ) discharged them upon Bail , and so sent them home . Fol. 195. About this time the word Malignant was 〈◊〉 born ( as to common use ) in England , and first as a n●te ●f disgrace on the Kings Party , and ( because one had had as good be dumb as not speak with the volge ) possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensuing History . ] Nothing more possible then that our Author should make use of any word of disgrace with which the Kings party was r●proached . And if he calls them formerly by the name of Royalists and High Royalists , as he ●ometimes 〈◊〉 it was not because he thought them worthy of no wo●●e a Title , but because the name of Malignant h●d not then been born . He cannot chuse but know , that the name of Round-head was born at the same time also , and that it was as common in the Kings Party to call the Parliamentarians by the name of Round-heads , as it was with those of the Parliament Party , to call the Kings Adherents by the name of Malignants . And yet I 〈◊〉 〈…〉 , that the word Round-head , as it was fixed as a 〈◊〉 of disgrace on the Parliament party , doth not occur , on any occasion whatsoever , in our Authors History . But kissing goes by favour , as the saying is , and therefore let him ●avour whom he pleases , and kiss where he favou●eth . Fol. 196. By this time ten of the eleven Bishops formerly 〈◊〉 their Protestation to the Parliament , were after s●me moneths durance ( upon good Bail given ) released , &c. ] Of the releasing of these Bishops we have spoke already . We a●e now only to observe such mistakes and errors as relate unto it . And first they were not released at or about the time which our Author speaks of , that is to say , after s●ch time as the word plunder had begun to be us'd amongst us . Plunder both name and thing was unknown in England , till the beginning of the war ; and the war began not till September , Anno 1642. which was some moneths after the releasing of the Bishops . Secondly , he telleth us , that ten of the eleven which had subscribed , were released , whereas the●e were twelve which had subscrib'd , as appears fol. 187. whereof ten were sent unto the Tower , and the other two committed to the cus●ody of the Black-Rod , f●l . 188. And if ten only were releast , the other two must be kept in custody for a longer time : whereas we finde the Bishop of Norwich at home in his Diocess , and the Bishop of Durham at liberty in London ; they being the two whom he makes so far favour'd by the Parliament , as they s●apt the Tower. Thirdly , he telleth us , that when all others were releast , Bishop Wren 〈…〉 detain'd in the Tower , which is nothing so . That Bishop was releast upon bail when the other were , return'd into his 〈◊〉 as the othe●s did , and there continued for a time , when on a sudden he was snatched 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 in the Isle of Ely , carryed 〈◊〉 the Tower , and there imprisoned , never being brought unto a hearing , nor any cause shewn 〈◊〉 his imprisonment to this very day . Fourthly , A●chbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty went not into the Kings Quarters , as our Autho● saith , but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire , where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Ox●●rd : not that he found the North too cold for him , o● the 〈◊〉 , but to solicit for renewing of his C●mm●ndam in the Dea●ry of Westminster , the time for which he w●s to hold it drawing towards an end . Fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate , that more then once they ran on that ( reputed ) Rock in their spe●ches , for which they were publickly s●en● , and enjoyned an acknowledgement of their mistake . ] By whom they were so publickly shent , and who they were th●t so ingenrously acknowledged their mistake , as my Author telleth us not , so neither can I say whether it be 〈◊〉 or false . But I must needs say , that there was small ingen●ity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they 〈◊〉 not been mistaken ; or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock , to run themselves on a certain Rock , even the Rock of scandal . For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third 〈◊〉 , and not in the capacity of temporal Barons , will evidently appear by these reasons following . For first the Clegy in all other Christian Kingdoms of the●e No●thwest p●rts make the third Estate ; that is to say , in the German Empire , as appears by Thuanus the Historian , lib. 2. In France , as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius , lib. 9. in Spain , as testifieth Bodinus in his De Bepub . lib. 3. Fo● which consult also the General History of Spain , as in point of practice , lib. 9 , 10 , 11 , 14. In H●ng●ry , as witnesseth Bonfinius , Dec. 2. l. 1. In 〈…〉 by Thuanus also , lib. 56. In Denmark● as 〈◊〉 telleth us in Historia 〈…〉 observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes . The like we finde in Camden for the Realm of Scotland , in which antiently the Lords Spiritual , viz. Bishops , Abbots , Priors , made the third Estate . And certainly it were very strange , if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England , being a great and powerful body , should move in a lower Sphere in England , then they doe elsewhere . But secondly , not to stand only upon probable inferences , we finde first in the History of Titus Livius , touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth , that when his Funerals were ended , the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together , and declared his Son King Henry the sixth , being an Infant of eight moneths old , to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor . And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate , I would know who did . Secondly , the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester , to accept the Crown , occurring in the Parliament Rolls , runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm , that is to say , The Lords Spiritual , and Temporal , and the Commons thereof . Thirdly , in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King , it is said expresly , that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm , that is to say , the Lords Spiritual , and Temporal , and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament , and by Authority of the same it be pronounced , decreed , and declared , That our said Soveraign Lord the King , was , and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England , &c. Fourthly , it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commons in that Parliament assembled , being said expresly , and in terminis , to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England , did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true , lawful and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady , and Queen . Adde unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cooke , though a private person , who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts ( published by order of the long Parliament ) chap. 1. doth expresly say ; That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body ; that the Head is the King , that the Body are the three E●tates , viz. the Lords Spiritual , and Temporal , and Commons . In which words we have not only the opinion and tes●imony of that learned Lawyer , but the Authority o● the long Parliament also , though against it self . Tho●e aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments , and betray'd their Rights , if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in ch●llenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third 〈◊〉 . Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sitting● and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament , their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient , but necessary , that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with . ] It seems then , that the setting up o● the new Assembly , consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen , and two or more Divine● out of every County , must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation . Whereas if that had been the rea●on , the Convocation should have been first wa●ned to reassemble , with liberty and safe conducts given them to attend that service , and freedom to debate such matters as conduced to the Peace of the Church . If on those terms they had not met , the substituting of the new Assembly might have had some ground : though being call'd and nominated as they were by the Ho●se of Commons , nothing they did could binde the Clergy , further then as they were compellable by the power of the sword . But the truth is , the Convocation was not held fit to be trusted in the present Designs ; there being no hope that they would 〈…〉 change of the Gover●●ent , or to the abrogating of the Liturgy of the Church of England , in all which the Divines of their own nomination were presum'd to serve them . And so accordingly they did , advancing their Presbyteries in the place of Episcopacy , their Directory in the room of the Common Prayer Book , their Confession to the quality of the Book of Articles : all of them so short liv'd , of so little continuance , that none of them past over their Probationers year . Finally having se●v'd the turn , amus'd the world , with doing nothing , they made their Exit , with far fewer Plaudites then they expected at their entrance . In the Recital of whose names , our Author craves pardon for omitting the greatest part of them , as unknown to him : whereas he might have found them all in the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons by which they were called and impowered to be an Assembly . Of which pardon he afterwards presumes in case he hath not marshalled them in their Seniority ; because saith he Fol. 198. It ●avours something of a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency . ] I ●ee our Author is no Changeling , Primus ad extremum similis sibi , the very same at last as he was at the first . Certainly if it ●avour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies , that Spirit by some Pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians , whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes . Nothing more positive then that of Travers ( one of our Authors shining Lights , for so he cals him , Lib. 9. fol. 218. ) in his Book of Discipline ; Huic Discipline omnes Principes submittere Fasces suos necesse est , as his words there are . Nothing more proud and arrogant then that of the Presbyterians in Queen Elizabeths time , who used frequently to say , That King and Queens must lay down their Scepters , and lick up the very dust of the Churrches feet , that is , their own . And this , I trow , doth not savour so much of a Prelatical as a Papal Spirit . Diogenes the Cynick affecting a vain-glorious poverty , came into Plato's Chamber , and trampled the Bed and other furniture thereof under his feet , using these words : Calco Platonis fastum , that he trampled on the pride of Plato . To which Plato very gravely answered , Sed majori fastu , intimating that the Cynick shewed more pride in that foolish action , then all the Ornaments of his Chamber could accuse him of . Our Author need not travel far for the application , it comes home unto him . Fol. 203. We listen not to their fancy who have reckoned the words in the Covenant , six hundred sixty six , &c. ] I must confess my self not to be so much a Pythagorean , as to ●●nde Divinity in Numbers , nor am taken with such Mysteries as some fancy in them . And yet I cannot chuse but say , that the Number of Six hundred sixty six words , neither more nor less , which are found in the Covenant , though they conclude nothing , yet they signifie something . Our Author cannot chuse but know what pains were taken even in the times of Irenaeus to finde out Antichrist by this number : Some thinking then that they had found it in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with reference to the ▪ persecuting Roman Emperors . Some Protestants think that they had found it in a Dedication to Pope Paul the fifth , which was Paulo V to Vice-Deo ; the numeral letters whereof , that is to say D. C. L. V. V. V. I. amount exactly unto six hundred sixty six , which is the Number of the Beast in Revelation . The Papists on the other side finde it in the name of Luther , but in what language or how speld , I remember not . And therefore whosoever he was , which made this Observation upon the Covenant , he deserves more to be commended for his wit , then condemned for his idleness . But much less is our Author pleas'd with their parallel , who finding this Covenant to consist of six branches , compare it to the terrible Statute of the six Articles made by Harry the eighth . And not compar'd so without cause . For though I cannot say , that the Ordinance which enjoyn'd the Covenant did draw so much bloud from the poor Protestants as that Statute did ; yet I may warrantably say , that there were mo●e Families undone by the one , then lives lost by the other . And secondly , it may be said ( I fear too truly ) that though the Covenant were writ in ink , it was seal'd with bloud ; many thousands of true English Protestants having lost their lives by the coming in of the Scottish Armies drawn into England , in pursuance of this Band or Covenant . So that the Lashes of each Whip being equal in number , o●r Author hath no reason to be displeas'd with them that made that Parallel , though he may have some reason to himself not to applaud them . Fol. 207. Now began the great and general purgation of the Clergy in the Parliaments Quarters , &c. Some of whose offences were so foul , it is a shame to report them , crying to justice for punishment . ] And it was time that such a purgation should be made , if their offences were so foul as our Author makes them . But first our Author might have done well to have satisfied himself in all particulars before he rais'd so foul a scandal on his Chri●●ian Brethren , and not to have taken them up upon hearsay , or on no better grounds then the credit of the first Century , which he after mentions . Which modesty he might have learnt , 1. From the Author of that scandalous and infamous Pamphlet ( whatsoever he was ) desisting from the writing of a second Century , as being sensible , that the Subject was generally odious . And certainly if it were odious in that party to write the same , it must be much more odious in our Author to defend the writing . He might have learnt it 2. from the most excellent Master in the Schools of Piety and Morality which this Age hath given us , even the King himself ; who as our Author telleth us , fol. 208. would not give way that any such Book should be w●itten of the vicious lives of some Parliament Ministers , when such an undertaking was presented to him . But if their Offences were so foul , the Writer of the Century had some reason for what he did , and our Author hath some reason for what he saith , especially if the putting in of one Herb had not spoil'd all the Pot of Pottage . But first , Qui alterum incusat probri seipsum intueri oportet , is a good rule in the Schools of Prudence , and therefore it concerns our Author to be sure of this , that all things be well at home , both in his own Person and in his Family , before he throw so much foul dirt in the face of his Brethren . In which respect Manutius was conceived to be the unfittest man in Rome ( as indeed he was ) to perform the Office of a Censor , though most ambitiously he affected and attain'd that Dignity ; of whom it is affirmed by Velleius Paterculus , Nec quicquam ob●icere po●uit Adolescentibus quod non agnosceret Senex , that is to say , that he was able to object no crime to the younger sort , of which himself being then well in years , was not also guilty . And secondly , Non temere de fratre mali aliquid credendum esse , was antiently a Rule in the Schools of Charity ; which our Autho● either hath forgotten , or else never learned . He would otherwise have examin'd the Proofs , before he had pronounced the Sentence ; and not have positively condemned these poor men for such foul offences as cryed to justice for punishment ; and of such scandalous enormities , as were not fit to be covered with the Mantle of Charity . But he takes himself up at last with a doubt , that there might want sufficient proof to convict them of it . Nothing ( saith he ) can be said in their excuse , if ( what was the main matter 〈◊〉 crimes were sufficiently proved . And if they were not sufficiently proved , as indeed they were not , ( no witness coming in upon Oath to make good the Charge ) our Author hath sufficiently prov'd himself an unrighteous Iudge , an Accusator fratrum , as we know who is , in accu●●ng and condemning them for scandalous enormities and foul offences , branding them by the name of Baal , and calling them unsavoury Salt , not fit to be thrown upon the dunghil , yet all this while to be unsatisfied in the sufficiency of the proof . Decedis ab Officio Religiosi Iudicis , is the least than can be said here , and I say no more . Only I note , what sport was made by that Century then , and may be made hereafter of this part of the History in the Court of Rome ; to which the libellous Pamphlets of Martin-Mar-Prelate publisht in Queen Elizabeths time serv'd for Authentick Witnesses , and sufficient evidence to disg●●ce this Church . Nor have they spar'd to look upon this whole business as an act of divine Retaliation in turning so many of the Regular and Orthodox Clergy out of their Benefices and Preferments by our new Reformers , under colour of some Scandalous Enormities by them committed ; under pretence whereof so many poor Monks and Fryers were ( as they say ) turn'd ou● of their Cells with like inhumanity by those which had the first hamme●ing of the Reformation here by law establisht . But to say truth , it is no wonder if he concur with othe●s in the condemnation of particular persons , since he concurs with others in the condemnation of the Ch●rch it self . For speaking of the separation made by Mr. Goodwin , Mr. Nye , &c. fol. 209. he professeth , that he rather doth believe , that the sinful corruptions of the worship and government of this Church taking hold on their consciences , and their inability to comport any longer therewith , was rather the true cause of their deserting of their Countrey ; then that it was for Debt , or Danger● as Mr. Edwards in his Book of his had suggested of them . What grounds Mr. Edwards had for his suggestion , I enquire not now ; though coming from the P●n of one who was no friend unto the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England , it might have met with greater credit in our Author . For if these men be not allowed for witnesses against one another , the Church would be in worse condition then the antient Borderers : Amongst whom though the te●●imony of an English man against a Scot , or of a Scot against the English ( in matters of spoil and dep●edation ) could not finde admittance ; yet a Scots evidence against a Scot was beyond exception . Lege inter Limitaneos cautum , ut nullus nisi Anglus in Anglum , nullus nisi Scotus in Scotum testis admittatur , as we read in Camden . We see by this , as by other passages , which way our Authors Bowl is biassed , how constantly he declares himself in favour of those , who have either separated from the Church , or appear'd against it . Rather then such good people shall be thought to forsake the Land for Debt or Danger , the Church shall be accus'd for laying the heavy burthen of Conformity upon their Consciences , which neither they , nor their fore-fathers ( the old English Puritans ) were resolved to bear . For what else were those sinful Corruptions of this Church in Government and Worship , which laid hold of their Consciences , ( as our Author words it ) but the Government of the Church by Bishops , the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church here by law establisht ; which yet must be allowed of by our Author as the more true and real cause of their Separation , then that which we finde in Mr. Edwards . Nor can our Author save himself by his parenthesis , in which he tells us , that he uses their language only ; for using it without check or censure , he makes it his own as well as theirs , and ●ustifies them in the action , which he should have condemn'd . Fol. 214. Here Mr. Christopher Love gave great offence to the Royalists in his Sermon , shewing the impossibility of an Agreement , &c. ] This happen'd at the Treaty at Vxbridge , where he had thrust himself ( as the Commissioners affirm'd ) upon that attendance . And for the words at which the offence was taken , they were these , viz. That the Kings Commissioners came with Hearts full of bloud , and that there was as great distance between that Treaty and Peace , as between Heaven and Hell. For which , though some condemn him for want of charity , and others for want of discretion ; yet our Author seems more willing to have mens censures fall lightly on him , because since he hath suffered , and so sa●●fied here for his faults in this , or any other kinde . This Rule I both approve , and am willing to practise , and could wish our Author were so minded ; who will not let the Archbishop of Canterbury be at rest in his grave after all his sufferings , notwithstanding the great difference between the persons , and the impulsives to their deaths . But Mr. Love was Mr. Love , and Bishop Laud was but a Bishop , to whom now we come . Fol. 216. As appears by his own Diary , which if evidence against him for his faults , may be used as a witness of his good works . ] The Diary which our Author speaks of , was the Archbishops practical Commentary on those words of David , viz. Teach me O Lord so to number my days , that I may apply my heart unto wisdom . No memorable passage hapned in the whole course of his life , till the end of May , 1633. ( when his Papers were seis'd on by Mr. Prin ) which he had not book'd in a Memorial by the way of a Diary or Journal . Out of which , though Mr. Prin excerpted nothing but that which he conceiv'd might tend most visibly to his disgrace and disadvantage , and publish'd it to that end in p●int ; yet when it came to the perusal of equal and indifferent men , it was so far from serving as an evidence of his faults , ( as our Author words it ) that it shew'd him to be a Man of Exemplary Piety in himself , unmov'd fidelity to his friend , of most perfect loyalty to his Master , and honest affections to the Publick . He that shall look upon the list of the things projected to be done , and in part done , by him , fol. 28 , 29. will finde , that both his heart was set on , and his hand engag'd in many excellent pieces of work , tending to the great honour and benefit both of Church and State ; not incident to a man of such narrow comprehensions , as some of his profest Enemies were pleas'd to make him . Certain I am , that as Mr. Prin lost his end , so he could not get much thanks for that piece of service . Fol. 217. He is generally charged with Popish inclinations , and the story is commonly told and believ'd of a Lady , &c. ] Here is a charge of the Archbishops inclination unto Popery , and the proof nothing but a tale , and the tale of a Lady , Quid vento ? Mulier ; Quid Muliere ? Nihil . The substance of the tale is this , that a certain Lady ( if any Lady may be certain ) who turning Papist , was askt by the Archbishop the cause of her changing ; to which she answered , that it was because she alwayes hated to go in a croud . And being askt the meaning of that expression , she replyed again , that she perceiv'd his Lordship , and many others making haste to Rome , and therefore to prevent going in a press , she had gone befo●e them . Whether this tale be true or false , though he doth not know , yet he resolves to set it down , and to set it down also with this Item , that it was generally believ'd . Be it so for once . For not being able to disprove it , I shall quit our Author with one story , and satisfie the equal Reader with another . First for my Author , I have hea●d a tale of a Lady too , to whose Table one Mr. Fuller was a welcome though a frequent guest ; and being asked once by her whether he would please to eat the wing of a Woodc●ck , he would needs put her to the question , how her Ladyship knew it was a Woodcock , and not a Woodhen . And this he pressed with such a troublesome impo●tunity , that at last the Lady answered with some shew of displeasure , that the woodcock was Fuller headed , Fuller breasted , Fuller thighed , and in a word , every way Full●r . Whether this tale be true or false , I am not able to s●y ; but being generally believ'd ▪ I have set it down also . B●t my other story is more serious , intended for the satisfaction of our Author , and the Reader both . It was in Nobember , Anno 1639. that I receiv'd a message from the Lord Archbishop , to attend him the next day at two of the clock in the afternoon . The Key being tu●n'd which opened the way into his Study , I found him sitting in a chair , holding a paper in both hands , and his eyes so fixt upon that paper , that he observ'd me not at my coming in . Finding him in that posture , I thought it fit and manners to retire again . But the noise I made by my retreat , bringing him back unto himself , he recall'd me again , and told me after some short pawse , that he well remembred that he had sent for me , but could not tell for his life what it was about . After which he was pleas'd to say ( no● without tears standing in his eyes ) that he had then newly receiv'd a letter acquainting him with a Revolt of a Person of some Quality in North-Wales , to the Church of Rome ; that he knew that the increase of Popery by such frequent Revol●s , would be imputed unto him , and his Brethren the Bishops , who were all le●st guilty of the same ; that for his part he had done his utmost , so far forth as it might consist with the Rules of Prudence , and the P●eservation of the Church to suppress that party , and to bring the chief sticklers in it to condign punishment , to the truth whereof ( lifting up his wet eyes to Heaven ) he took God to witness ; conjuring me ( as I would answer it to God at the day of Judgement ) that if ever I came to any of those places , which he , and his Brethren by reason of their great age were not like to hold long , I would imploy all such abilities as God had given me in suppressing that party , who by their open unde●takings , and secret practices were like to be the ruin● of this flourishing Church . After some words of mine upon that occasion , I found some argument to divert him from those sad remembrances , and having brought him to some reasonable composedness , I took leave for the present ; and some two or three dayes after waiting on him again , he then told me the reason of his sending for me the time before . And this I deliver for a truth on the faith of a Christian ; which I hope will over-ballance any Evidence which hath been brought to prove such Popish inclinations , as he stands generally charg'd with in our Authors History . Fol. 217. However most apparent it is by many passages in his life , that he endeavoured to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome . ] And this indeed is Novum Crimen , that is to say , a crime of a new stamp , never coyn'd before . I thought , that when our Saviour said Beati Pacifici , it had been sufficient war●ant unto any man to endevour Peace , to build up the breache● in the Church , and to make Ierusalem like a City which is at Vnity in it self ; especially where it may be done not only salva charitare , without breach of charity , but salvâ fide too , without wrong to the faith . The greatest part of the Controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome , not being in the Fundamentals , o● in any Essential Points in the Christian Religion ; I cannot otherwise look upon it , but as a most Christian pious work , to endeavour an atonement in the S●perstructures . But hereof our Author seems to doubt , first whether 〈◊〉 endeavours to agree and compose the differences be law●ul or not ; and secondly , whether they be possible . As for the lawfulness thereof , I could never see any reason produc'd against it , nor so much as any question made of it till I found it here : against the possibility thereof , it hath been objected , that such , and so great is the pride of the Church of Rome , that they will condescend to nothing . And therefore if any such composition or agreement be made , it must not be by their meeting us , but our going to them . But as our Author sayes , that many of the Archbishops equals adjudg'd that design of his to be impossible ; so I may say ( without making any such odious Comparisons ) that many of our Authors betters have thought otherwise of it . It was the petulancy of the Puritans on the one side , and the pragmaticalness of the Iesuits on the other side , which made the breach wider then it was at the first ; and had those hot spirits on both sides been charm'd a while , moderate men might possibly have agreed on such equal terms , as would have said a sure Foundation for the Peace of Christendom . Now that all those in the Church of Rome are not so stiffly wedded to their own opinions as our Author makes them , appears , first by the testimony of the Archbishop of Spalato declaring in the High Commission a little before his going hence , that he acknowledged the Articles of this Church to be true , or profitable at the least , and none of them Heretical . It appears secondly , by a Tractate of Franciscus de Sancta Clara ( as he calls himself ) in which he putteth such a gloss upon the nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England , as rendreth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome . And if without prejudice to the truth , the Controversies might have been compos'd , it is most probable , that other Protestant Churches would have sued by their Agents to be included in the Peace : if not , the Church of England had lost nothing by it , as being hated by the Calvinists , and not lov'd by the Lutherans . But our Author will not here desist ( so soon hath he forgotten his own rule made in the case of Mr. Love ) and therefore mustereth up his faults , viz. 1. Passion , though an human frailty . 2. His severity to his predecessor , easing him before his time , and against his will , of his Iurisdiction . 3. His over-medling in State-matters . 4. His imposing of the Scottish Liturgy . Of all which we have spoke so much upon other occasions , that is to say , num . 246. 251. 289. 259. and therefore do not count it necessary to adde any thing here . And so I leave him to his rest , in the Bosom of Abraham , in the land of th● Living . From the Archbishop of Canterbury , I should proceed to Dr. Williams , Archbishop of York ; but that I must first remove a Block which lies in my way . Our Author having told us of the making and printing the Directory , is not content to let us see the cold entertainment which it found when it came abroad , but let● us see it in such terms as we did not look for . Fol. 222. Such ( saith he ) was , call it constancy , or obstinacy , love , or doating , of the generality of the Nation , on the Common Prayer , that the Parliament found it fit , yea necessary , to back their former Ordinance with a second . Assuredly the generality of the people of England is much beholding to our Author , for making question , whether their adhering to the Liturgy then by Law established , were not to be imputed rather unto obstinacy and doating , then to love and constancy . The Liturgy had been lookt on as a great blessing of God upon this Nation by the generality of the people , for the sp●ce of fourscore years and upwards , they found it est●●lis●t by the Law , seal'd by the bloud of those that made it , confirm'd by many godly and religious P●inces ; and had almost no other form of making their ordinary addresses to Almighty God , but what was taught them in the Book of Common-Prayer . And could any discreet man think , or wise man hope , that a form of Prayer so unive●sally receiv'd , and so much esteem'd , could be laid by without reluctancy in those who had been so long accustom'd to it , or called obstinacy or doating in them , if they did not presently submit to every new nothing , which in the name of the then disputable Authority should be laid before them . And though our Author doth profess , that in the agitating of this Controve●sie pro and con , he will reserve his private opinion to himself ; yet he discovers it too plainly in the present passage . Quid verba audiam , cum facta videam ? is a good rule here . He must needs shew his private opinion in this point , say he what he can ; who makes a question , whether the adhesion of the people generally to the publick Liturgy , were built on obstinacy and doating , or on love and constancy . But if it must be obstinacy or doating in the generality of the people to adhere so cordially unto the Book of Common-Prayer , I marvel what it must be called in Stephen Marshall of Essex ( that great Bel-weather for a time of the Presbyterians ) who having had a chief hand in compiling the Directory , did notwithstanding marry his own Daughter by the form prescrib'd in the Common-Prayer Book ; and having so done , paid down five pound immediately to the Church-wardens of the Parish , as the fine or forfeiture for using any other form of Marri●ge , then that of the Directory . The like to which ( I have credibly been info●med ) was done by Mr. Knightly of Fawsley , on the like occasion , and probably by many others of the same strain also . With like favour he beholds the two Universities as he d●e ; the Liturgy , and hard it is to say , which he injureth most . And first beginning with Oxford , he lets us know , that Fol. 231. Lately certain Delegates from the University of Oxford , pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament , that they were only visitable by the King , and such who should be deputed by him . But their Allegations were not of proof against the Paramount power of Parliament , the rather because a passage in an Article at the rendition of Oxford , was urged against them , wherein they were subjected to such a Visitation . ] Our Author here subjects the Vniversity of Oxford to the power of the Parliament , and that not only in regard of that Paramount power , which he ascribes unto the Parliament , that is to say , the two Houses of Parliament ( for so we are to understand him ) above all Estates ; but also in regard of an Article concerning the surrendry of Oxford , by which that Vniversity was subjected to such Visitations . I finde indeed , that it was agreed on by the Commissioners on both sides touching the Surrendry of that City ; That the Chancellor , Masters and Scholars of the University of Oxon , and the Governors and Students of Christ-Church of King H. 8. his Fo●ndation , and all other Heads and Governors , Masters , Fellows , and Scholars of the Colledges , Halls , and Bodies Corporate , and Societies of the same University , and the publi●●● Professors and Readers , and the Orator thereo● , and all other persons belonging to the said University , or to any Colledges or Halls therein , shall and may , according to their Statutes , Charters and Customs , enjoy their antient form of government , subo●dinate to the immediate Authority and power of Parliament . But I finde not , that any of the Heads or Delegates of that University were present at the making of this Article , or consented ●o it , or tho●ght themselves oblig'd by any thing contained in it . Nor indeed could it stand with reason , that they should wave the patronage of a gracious Soveraign , who had been a Nursing Father to them , and put themselves under the arbitrary power of those who they knew minded nothing but destruction toward them . And that the University did not think it self oblig'd by any thing contained in that Article , appears even by our Author himself , who tells us in this very passage , that the Delegates from the Vniversity pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament , that they were only visitable by the King , and such as should be deputed by him ; which certainly they had never done ( unless our Author will conclude them to be fools or mad-men ) had they before submitted to that Paramount power , which he adscribes unto the Houses . Nor did the Houses of Parliament finde themselves impowered by this clause of the Article , to obtrude any such Visitation on them . And therefore when the Delegates had pleaded , and prov'd their priviledges , a Commission for a Visitation was issued by the two Houses of Parliament in the name of the King , but under the new broad Seal which themselves had made ; which notwithstanding , the University stood still on their own defence , in regard that though the Kings name was us'd in that Commission , yet they knew well , that he had never given his consent unto it . Whereupon followed that great alteration both 〈◊〉 the Heads and Members of most Colledges which our Author speaks of . Nor deals he much more candidly in relating the proceedings of the Visitation , which was made in Cambridge ; the Visitors whereof ( as acting by the Paramount power of Parliament ) he more sensibly favoureth , then the poor sufferers , or malignant members , as he calls them , of that Vniversity . For whereas the Author of the Book called Querela Cantabrigionsis , hath told us of an Oath of Discovery , obtruded by the Visitors upon several persons , whereby they were sworn to detect one another , even their dearest friends ; Our Author who was out of the storm , seeming not satisfied in the truth of this relation , must write to Mr. Ash , who was one of those Visitors , to be inform'd in that which he knew before ; and on the reading of Mr. Ash his Answer , declares expresly , that no such Oath was tendred by him to that Vniversity . But first , Mr. Ash doth not absolutely deny , that there was any such Oath , but that he was a stranger to it , and possibly he might be so far a stranger to it , as not to be an Actor in that part of the Tragedy . Secondly , Mr. Ash only saith , that he cannot call to minde , that any such thing was mov'd by the Earl of Manchester ; and yet I ●row , such a thing might be mov'd by the Earl of Manchester , though Mr. Ash after so many years was willing not to call it to minde , or else if no such Oath was tendred by him , as our Author is assur'd there was not , that part of the Tragedy might be acted by Mr. Good the other Chaplain , without communicating his Instructions to his fellow Visitor . And therefore thirdly , I would know why Mr. Good was not writ to also , that having from him the like Certificate , our Author might have had the better grounds for his unbelief , before he had pronounc'd so positively against the Author of that Querela . Fourthly , and finally , it is not easie to be thought , that the Author of that Book should have vented s●ch a manifest falshood , especially in a matter so derogatory to all Christian charity , and that neither the Earl of Manchester , nor either of his two Chaplains , or any friend of theirs , should in the space of ten years and more , endeavour to wipe off such an odious imputation , till our Author out of pure zeal to the Paramount power , played the Advocate in it . But to return again to Oxford , one of the first effects which followed on the alteration before remembred ( though mentioned by our Author in another place ) was the risling of the Treasury in Magdalen Colledge , of which he tells us , lib. 9. fol. 234. That a considerable sum of gold , being by Dr. Humphry ( who had been Master of that Colledge ) left in a Chest , not to be opened , except some great necessity urged thereunto , was lately shar'd between Dr. Wilkinson ( who then held the place of President by the power of the Visitors ) and the Fellows there . But first our Author is mistaken in Dr. Humphry , though he be willing to entitle him ( whom he calls a moderate Non-conformist ) to some benefaction . The sum there found amounted to above twelve hundred double Pistolets , the old Doctor having no fewer then one hundred for his part of the spoil , and every Fellow thirty a piece for theirs ; each Pistolet exchang'd at sixteen shillings six pence , and yet the Exchanger got well by the bargain too . Too great a sum for Dr. Humphry , who had many children , and no provident woman to his wife , to leave behinde him to the Colledge , had he been so minded . The money ( as the Tradition went in that Colledge ) was left there by the Founder , to remedy and repair such ●uines as either the casualty of fire , or the ravages of a Civil war might bring upon it ; to which the nature of the Coin being all French pieces ( remember that the English at that time were Masters of a great part of France ) gives a further testimony . Secondly , I would have our Author observe , that those whom he accuseth of this act of Rapine , were neither high Royalists , nor Covetous Conformists , as we know who words it , but men agreeable to the times , and of the same temper and affections which himself is of , the Conformists never being so covetous as to cast an eye tow●r●s it , nor the high Royalists so ignoble in their greatest extremities , as to lay hands on it . And thirdly , I must needs charge our Author with some partiality in aggravating this fact ( which indeed cannot be excused ) with so many circumstances , and passing over the like at Cambridge , as a thing incredible ; I cannot believe , saith he , Hist. Camb. fol. 38. what I have read in the Querela Cantabrigiensis , That three or four hundred pounds worth of Timber brought to Clare-hall for the repair of that House , was lately taken away ; that is to say , inverted to the use of some private persons , whom our Author hath be●riended with this incredulity . Nay so extremely favourable he is to his friends in Cambridge , as to pro●ess , that had he seen it , he would n●t have believed his own eyes ; which is the highest point of partiality , and most invincible unbelief that I ever met with . There remains nothing now to conclude these Animadversions , but some passages relating to Archbishop Williams : in which I must confess my self not willing to meedle , but that I think it is as much against the Rule of distributive Justice to give one man to much , as to give another man too little . Let us see therefore what he saith of this Prelate , and how far he saith truth , the whole truth , and nothing but the truth . And first saith he , Fol. 227. He sueth to the Parliament for favour , and obtained it , whose●General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way , &c. ] This is the truth , but whether it be the whole truth , o● not , I do more then doubt . His suing for and obtaining pardon from the Parliament , precedeth in the order o● time , his being their G●neral ; and there●ore it is not to be thought , but that he had done some special service to the Parliament to prepare the way for such a favour . Before his commitment to the Tower about the Bishops Protestation , he was grown as odious to the Commons , as before he had been honoured by them . He had liv'd some time with the King at Oxford , and is said to have done him good services in Wales ; and ( which is most ) he had a fair temporal Estate , able to yeeld some thousands of pounds for Composition in Goldsmiths-hall . So that there must be somewhat in it more then ordinary , which occasioned that he neither came under Fine nor Ransom , as the rest of the Kings Party did . But what that was , whether he serv'd them with intelligence when he was at Oxford , or by inhibiting his Tenants and neighbours to pay their accustomed Taxes to the Kings Forces when he liv'd in Wales , I determine not . Certain it is , that before his redintegration with them , he had been in a manner besieged in his House of Penrin by the Lord Byron , for the prohibiting of sending in such provisions as had been required ; and that observing with what carelesness the Kings Souldiers did attend that service , he caus'd a sally to be made out of the House , and slew many of them . Upon the merit of which service , and the promise of greater , it is no wonder if such Ministers and Sollicitors of his as were imploy'd in that business , compounded for him without fine , though not without money . That which our Author tells us of his being their General , seems to have been fore-signified some five or six years before the siege of Conway Castle . For I remember that about such time as he was Prisoner in the Tower with the rest of the Bishops , his picture was sold commonly in black and white , in his Episcopal Roabs , with a square Cap on his head , a Rest in his hand , a Musket on his shoulder , and a Bandeleir about his neck . For which fancy at that time I could learn no reason , though he came up to it at the last . But he goes on . Ibid. He was very chast in his Conversation . ] And I hope so too , notwithstanding the scandalous reports of Weldon the nameless Author aim'd at ( in the following words ) in his Pamphlet called the Court of King Iames , and some vulgar fames or hear-says too much credited by a late Historian . But I must needs say , that I am not satisfied in the arguments which are brought to prove it . Wilson in his unworthy History of the Reign of King Iames , make● him to be Eunuchus ab utero , an Eunuch from his Mothers womb . The Author of the Pamphlet called the Observator observed , conceives that Wilson went too far in this expression , and rather thinks , that he contracted some impotency by falling on a stake when he was a Boy , fol. 10. Our Author here seems to incline unto this last , assuring us from such who knew the Privacies and casualti●s of his infancy , that this Archbishop was but one degree remov'd from a Misogynist , though to palliate his infirmity to n●ble Females he was most compleat in his Courtly Addresses . But first , the falsity and frivolousness of these De●ences leave the poor man under a worse suspicion then they ●oun● him in . His manly countenance , together with his masculine voyce , shewed plainly that he was no Eunuch ; and the agreeableness of his conversation with the female Sex , did as plainly shew , that he was no Misogynist , or woman-hater . And secondly , admitting these surmises to be true and real , they rather serve to evidence his impotency , then to prove his chastity ; it being no chastity in that man to abstain from women , who either by casualty , or by nature is disabled from such copulations . The vertue of chastity consisteth rather in the integrity of the soul , then the muti●ation of the body ; and therefore more to be ascrib'd to those pious men , Qui salvis ●o●lis foemi●am vident * , in Tertullians language , then to the old Philosopher , who put out his eyes to avoid temptations of that nature . So that if this be all which they have to say for the Bishops chastity , these Advocates had shewed more wisdom in saying nothing , then speaking so little to the purpose . Ibid. Envy it self cannot deny , but that whither soever he went , he might be traced by the foot-steps of his benefaction . ] Amongst which benefactions it was none of the least , that in both the Universities he had so many Pensioners ; more ( as it was commonly given out ) then all the Noble-men and Bishops in the Land together : some of which receiv'd twenty Nobles , some ten pounds , and other twenty Marks per annum . And yet it may be said without envy , that none of all these Pensions came out of his own purse , but were laid as Rent-charges upon such Benefices as were in his disposing , either as Lord Keeper or Bishop of Lincoln , and assign'd over to such Scholars in each University as applyed themselves to him . And because I would not be thought to say this without Book , I have both seen and had in my keeping , till of late , ( if I have it not still ) an Acquittance made unto a Minister in discharge of the payment of a Pension of twenty Nobles per annum , to one who was then a Student in Christ-Church . The names of the parties I forbear , he that receiv'd it , and he for whom it was receiv'd , ( and perhaps he that paid it too ) being still alive . And possible enough it is , that this Pensioning of so many Scholars had not been past over in silence by our Author , if he had not known the whole truth as well as the truth . Ibid. Much he expended on the Repair of Westminster Abbey-Church , &c The Library at Westminster was the effect of his bounty . ] This though it be true in part , yet we cannot say of it , that it is either the whole truth , or nothing but the truth . For the plain truth is , that neither the charge of repairing that Church , nor ●urnishing that Library , came out of his own private Coffers , but the Churches rents : For at such time as he was made Lord Keeper of the great Seal ; he caused it to be signified unto the Prebendaries of that Church , how inconvenient it would be both to him and them to keep up the Commons of the Colledge ; and gaind so farre upon them that they pass'd over to him all the rents of that Church , upon condition that he should pay the annual pensions of the Prebendaries , School-masters , Quire-men , and inferiour Officers , and maintain the Commons of the Scholars . The rest amounting to a great yearly value , was left wholly to him upon his honourable word and promise to expend the same for the good and honour of that Church . The surplusage of which expenses receiv'd by him for four years and upwards , amounted unto more than had been laid out by him on the Church and Library ; as was offered to be proved before the Lords Commissioners at the visitation Anno. 1635. And as for the Library at St. Iohns , it might possibly cost him more wit than money ; many books being dayly sent in to him ( upon the intimation of his purpose of founding the two Libraries ) by such as had either suits in Court , or business in Chancery , or any ways depended on him , or expected any favours from him , either as Bishop of Lincoln , or Dean of Westminster . Fol. 228. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred . ] But Wi●son in his History of great Britain sings another song , whether in tune , or out of tune , they can best tell who liv'd most neere those times , and had opportunities to observe him . There is a mu●tering of some strange offer which he made to K. Iames at such time as the Prince was in Spain , and the Court seemed in common apprehension to warp towards Popery , which declared no such ●erfect hatred ( as our Author speaks of ) unto that Religion . Nor was he coy of telling such whom he admitted unto privacies with him , that in the time of his greatness at Court , he was accounted for the Head of the Catholick Party , not sparing to declare what free and frequent accesses he gave the principal Sticklers in that cause both Priests and Iesuits , and the special services which he did them : And it must be somewhat more than strange if all this be true that he should hate Popery with a perfect ●atred ; yet not more strange then that he should so stickle in the preferment of Dr. Theodore Price to the Arch-Bishoprick of Armagh in Ireland , who died a profest Catholick , reconciled to the Church of Rome , as our Authour hath it , fol. 226. But if there be no more truth in the Bishop of Lincolns hating Popery , then in Dr. Prices dying a profess●d Papist , there is no credit to be given at all to that part of the Character . Dr. Price , though once a great Favourite of this Bishop , and by him continued Sub-Dean of Westminster many years together , was at the last suppos'd to be better affected to Bishop Laud , than to Bishop Williams ; Bishop Laud having lately appeared a Suitor for him for the Bishoprick of St. Asoph . And therefore that two Birds might be kild with the same bolt ; no sooner was Dr. Price deceased , but the Bishop of Lincoln being then at Westminster , cals the Prebend● together , tels them that he had been with Mr. Sub-Deane before his death , that he left him in very doubtful termes about Religion , and consequently could not tell in what ●orme to bury him ; that if the Dr. had died a profest Papist he would have buried him himself , but being as it was , he could not see how any of the Prebendaries could ●ither with safty or with credit performe that office . But the Artifice and design being soon discovered , took so little effect that Dr. Newel one of the Senior Prebenda●ies performed the Obsequies , the rest of the whole Chapter attending the body to the grave , with all due sol●mnitie . Fol , 228. He was so great an honourer of the English 〈◊〉 that of his own cost he caused the same to be translated into Spanish , and fairly printed to confute their false concept of our Church , &c. ] If this be true , it makes not onely to his honour , but also to the honour of the English Liturgy translated into more languages then any Liturgy in the world whatsoever it be ; translated into Latine by Alexand. Alesius , a learned Scot in King Edwards time ; as afterward by Dr. Walter Haddon in the reign of Queen Elizabeth , and his translation mended by Dr. Mocket in the time of King Iames : translated into French by the command of that King , for the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey , into Spanish at the charge of this Bishop ( as our Author telleth us ) and finally into Greek by one Mr. ●etly by whom it was dedicated and presented to the late Arch Bishop of Canterbury the greatest Patron and Advancer of the English Liturgy . But 2. I have some reason to doubt , that the Liturgy was not translated at the charges of Bishop VVilliams . That it was done by his procurement I shall easily grant : but whosoever made the Bill of Charges , the Church paid the ●eckoning ; the Dominican Fryer who translated it being ●ewarded with a Benefice and a good Prebend , as Cab ▪ p. 7● . ●he Bishop himself did signifie by letter to the Duke of ●uckingham . And as for the printing of the book , I cannot ●hink that it was at his charges neither , but at the char●es of the Printer ; it not being usual to give the Printers ●oney and the copy too . And 3. Taking it for grant●d , that the Liturgy was translated and printed at this ●ishops charges , yet does not this prove him to be so ●reat an honourer of it as our Authour makes him , for ●●d he been indeed a true honourer of the English Liturgy 〈◊〉 would have been a more diligent attendant on it then 〈◊〉 shewed himself : never repairing to the Church at Westminster ( whereof he was Dean ) from the 18. o● ●●bruary 1635. when the businesse of the great ●ew was judged against him till his Commitment to the Tower in Iuly 1637. Nor ever going to the Chappell of the Tower ( where he was a Prisoner ) to attend the Divine Service of the Church , or receive the Sacrament , from Iuly 1637. when he was committed , to November 1640 when he was enlarged . A very strong Argument that he was no such Honourer of the English Liturgie , as is here pretended : A Liturgy most highly esteemed in all places wheresoever it came , and never so much vilified , despis'd , condemn'd as amongst our selves ; and those amongst our selves who did so vilifie and despise it , by none more countenanced then by him , who is here said to be so great an Honourer of it . But for this Blow our Author hath his Buckler ready , telling us that Ibid ▪ Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists , but Antipathy to Arch-bishop Laud , he was favourable to some select Persons of that Opinion . An Action somewhat like to that of the Earl of Kildare , who being accused before Henry the Eighth , for burning the Cathedrall Church of Cassiles in Ireland , profess'd ingeniously , That he would never have burnt the Church , if some body had not told him that the Bishop was in it . Hare to that Bishop , and Arch-Bishop of Ir●land , incited that mad Earle to burn his Cathedrall Church : and hate to Bishop Laud , the Primate and Metropolitan of all England , stird up this Bishop to raise a more unquenchable Combu●●ion in the Church of England . So that we may affirm of him as Tertullian ( in another case ) of the Primitive Christians , Viz. Tanti non est bonum , quanti est odium Christianorum . But are we sure that hee was favourable to the Non-Conformists out of an antipathy to Bishop Laud only ? I believe not so . His antipathy to the King did at strongly biass him that way , as any thing else . For which I have the Testimony of the Author of the History of King Charls , publisht 1656. who telleth us of him , That being malevolently inclin'd ( about the loss of the great Seale ) he thought he could not gratifie beloved Revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraign . To which end finding him declining in the Affection● of his People , he made his Apostrophe and Applications to them , fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour , & C. And being once set upon that Pin ( flectere si nequeo superos , Ach●ronta moveb● , as we know who said ) it is no m●rvell if he shewd himself favourable to the N●n Conformists , as being Enemies to Kings an● a Kingly Government , and therefore likeliest to provide Fuell for a publick Fire : and yet besides these two there was a third impressive which might move a● strongly on his Nature , as either of them . Our Author f●rmerly told us of him , that he was A b●ck Friend to the Canons , because he had no hand in the making of them . And for the same reason also I conceive , that he might shew himself a back Friend to the Church a Patron to the Non Conformists , of purpose to subvert those Counsells , and ruinate those Designs for uniformity which had been resolved and agreed on without his Advice . Consilii omnis cujus ipse non Author esset , inimicus , as we know who said . In order whereunto he had no sooner heard that there was a purpose in some great Bishops of the Court to regulate the standing of the Communion Table , according to the Pattern of the Mother Cathedrall , and the royall Chappels ; but he presently set himselfe against it , dispercing Copies of a Letter pretended to be writ●en ●y him to the Vicar of Grantham on that occasion , and publishing his Book called the Holy Table , ●ull of quotations , but more in number then in weight . An● this he did out or a meer Spirit of Contradiction , directly contrary to his own practice in all places where he had to do ; that is to say , not only in the Collegiate Church at VVestminster , whereof he was Dean , and in the Cathedrall Church of Lincoln whereof he was Bishop , but in his own private Chappell at Bugden also , where there was no body to act any thing in it but himself alone . And so I take my leave of this great Prelate , whom I both reverence for hi● Place , and honour for his Parts , as much as any . And yet I cannot choose but say , that I find more reason to condemn , then there is to commend him ; so that we may affirm of him as the Historian doth of Caiu● C●●sar , Son of Agrippa , and Nephew to the great Augustus , viz. Tam varie se gessit , ut nec laudaturum magna nec vitupera●urum mediocri● materia deficiat , as my Author hath it . And with the same Character , accommodated to our Author , and this present History I conclude these Notes ; subjoyning only this old Saying as well for my comfort as defence , viz. Truth , though it may be blam'd , can never be sham'd . AN APPENDIX To the fore-going ANIMADVERSIONS ; CONTAINING THE APOLOGY OF Dr. IOHN COSINS , Dean of PETER BVRROVGH : In Answer to some Passages in the Church-History of BRITAIN ; In which He finds himself concerned AN APPENDIX To the fore-going ANIMADVERSIONS ; &c. T IS well known to some in London , that the fore-going Animadversions were finished , and fitted for the Press before Michaelmas , Anno 1657. the reasons why they have lain so long unpublished were these two especially : First , A Report that the Task was undertaken by a Cambridge man , who had more knowledge of the Author whom I had to deale with then I can pretend to ; and I desired rather that the burthen of it the publick , satisfaction to all parties intrusted , should be born by any then my self . Secondly , There was a generall opinion spred abroad in all places ( to what ends I know not , nor much care ) that the Church Historian was in hand with a Review of the Work before us , in which he was resolved to make some fair amends to Truth , to correct the errors of his Pen , and to make reparation to the injured Clergy , and , to say truth , there was none fitter then himself for that undertaking , none fitter to give Plaisters for the broken head● , then the man that break● them . The Poet wa● right enough in this , — ●●m qui mihi vul●er● 〈◊〉 Solus Achilleo tollere more potest . That is to say , None but the man who gave the Wound , Achilles like , could make it sound . But the Reports being thought at last to have somewhat in them of design , or artifice , to stave off the business , I was sollicited with greater importunity to p●blish the fore-going Anim●dversions , then I was at fir●● to undertake them . The Reader notwithstanding will be no looser by this delay . For first , It gave me leasure and opportunity of bestowing my second thought upon the Animadver●●ons , ( adding here and there some Observations , which before were wanting . ) And secondly , It brought into my hands the Ap●logie o● Doctor Iohn Cosens , Dean of Peterburrough , in answer to some passages of our present History , directed in the way of a Letter to one Mr. VVarren , now deceased , with a desire to have them communicated to the Author of some Animadversions upon that History ( which he was credibly informed , by what intelligence I know not● ) to be then in readiness . I shall therefore do him so much right as to communicate his Papers to 〈◊〉 publick view ; First laying down Mr. F●●●ers word● 〈◊〉 they lye in his Hi●●ory , and then leaving Dr. Cos●ns to speak for himself . So doing , I shall keep my self from engaging upon either ●ide , and leave the Reader to judge indifferently between the p●rti●● as h● 〈◊〉 occ●sion . Mr. Fullers Charge on Dr. Cosens Lib 11. fol. 173. DR . Cosens soon after was highly accused for Superstition and unjust proceedings against one Mr. Smart on this occasion ; The Doctor is charged to have set upon the Church of Durham , a M●rble Altar with Cherubins , which cost two thousand pounds , with all the Appurtenances thereof , namely , a Cope , with the Trinity , and God the Father in the Figure of an old man , another with the Crucifix and Image of Christ , with a red Bewd and blew Cap ; besides , he was accused for lighting two hundred Wax Candles about the Altar on Candl●ma● day , for forbidding any Psalmes to be sung before or after Sermon , though making an Antheme to be sung of the three Kings of Colen ( by the names of ) Gasper , Balthazar , and Melchior , and for procuring a consecrated Knife , only to cut the Bread at the Communion . 35. Mr. Smart a Prebendary of the Church , one of grave Aspect and reverend Presence sharply inveighed , in a Sermon against these Innovations , taking for his Text , I hate all those that ●old super●●itio●s Vanities , but thy Law I love . 36. Hereupon he was k●pt Prisoner foure Months by the High Commission of York , before any Articles were exhibited against him , and five Months before any Proctor was allowed him , hence was he carried to th● High Commission at Lamb●th , and after long trouble remanded to York , fined five hundred pounds , committed to Prison , ordered to recant , and for neglect thereof , fined again , Excommunicated , Degraded , and Deprived , his Damage ( as brought in ) amounting to many thousand pounds . 37. But now Mr. Rows of the House of Commons , bringing up the Charge to the Lords against Dr. Cosens , termed Mr. Smart the Protomartyr of England in these latter daies of Persecution , and large reparation was allowed to him , though he lived not long after to enjoy them . Now though none can excuse and defend Dr. Cosens his carriage herein , yet this must be reported to his due commendation ; some yeares after getting over into France , he neither joyned with the Church of French Protestants at Charen Town nigh Paris , nor kept any Communion with the Papists therein , but confined himself to the Church of English Protestants therein , where , by his pious living , constant praying and preaching , he reduced some Recusants to , and confirmed more Doubters in , the Protestant Religion ; Many were his Encounters with Jesuits and Priests , defeating the suspicions of his Foes , and exceeding the expectacion of his Friends in the success of such Disputes . PARIS , April 6. 1658. The Answer of Dr. Cosins to the Charge foregoing . Sir , I Am glad to hear from you of your safe Arrivall in England : and I am to thank both you and other of my Friends , that intend to vindicate me from the Injury done , no less to Truth then to my self , by a passage in Mr. Fullers History , which I beleive he inserted there ( as he doth many things besides ) upon the false Reports and Informations of other men , that were loath to let an old malicious Accusation dye , as it might well enough have done , if he had not kept it up still alive , and recorded it to Poste●ity ; whereof he is so sensible already himself , that by his own Letter directed to me ( more then a year since ) he offered to make me amends in the next Book he write● ; but he hath not done it yet . Having never been acquainted with him more then by his Books , which have many petulant , light , and indiscreet passages in them , I know not how to trust him ; and therefore if the Authors of the intended Animadversions ( which you mention ) will be pleased to do me right , you may assure th●m there is nothing but Truth in this ensuing Relation . Mr. Smart , who had been Schoolmaster , and after became Prebendery of Durham , was an old man of a most froward fierce , and unpeaceable Spirit , &c. Upon a s●ditious Sermon which he preached in that Church , ( where contrary to his duty he had neglected to preach for seven years together before ) he was first questioned at Durham , from whence he was called to the High Commission Court at Lond. and afterward● at his own desire remitted to the same Court at York ; where being sentenced to recant , and refusing so to do with great scorn , he was at last , upon his obstinacy degraded from his Ecclesiasticall Function ; and that Sentence was not long after judicially confirmed by Judge Damport at the publick Assises in Durham , where he was by publick sentence also at the Common Law put out of his Prebend , and his Benefices that he formerly held in that County . Many years following he procured a large Maintenance for himself and his Family , to the summ of 400 l. per ann . ( more worth to him then his Chu●ch-profi●s , ever were ) out of the peculiar Contributions at London , and elsewhere gathered up for silenced Ministers . But when the Parliament began in the year 1640 , upon project and hope of getting more , he preferred a Bill o● Complaint there against thirty severall persons at the least , that is , against the High Commissioners at London , the same Commissioners and Prebends Residentiary at York , the Dean and Chapter of Durham , with dive●s others , whereof I was but One , though he was pleased to set my Name in the Front of them all . From all these together he expected to recover and receive a greater summ of money ( for Money was his project ) pretending that he had lost by them no less then thirty thousand pounds ( though he was never known to be worth one . ) After his Bill of Complaint was carried up by a Gentleman of the House of Commons to the House of Lords among the rest of those persons that were accused by him ( some for Superstition , and some for Persecution ) I put in my full Answer upon Oath , and declared the truth of the whole matter ; whereof Mr. Fuller taketh not any notice at all , and therein dealeth most unfaithfully both with me and the Reader of his History ; for that Answer of mine is upon Record , among the Rolls of Parliament , and was justified before the Lords both by my self , and by the very Witness that Mr. Smart and his Son-in-law produced there against me ; whereupon his own Lawyer ( Mr. Glover ) openly at the Bar of that honourable House forsook him , and told him plainly , that he was ashamed of his Complaint , and could not in Conscience plead for him any longer : Mr. Smart in the mean while crying out aloud and beseeching their Lordships to appoint him another Lawyer , and to take care of his fourteen thousand pound damages , besides other demands that he had to make , which arose to a gr●ater summ . But after this ( which was the fifth day of pleading between u● ) the Case was heard no more concerning my particular , and many of the Lords said openly , that ●r . Smar● had abused the House of Commons , with a caus●●ess Complaint against me , whereupon my Lord the Earl of Warwick , was pleased to bring me an Order of ●he Lords House , whereby I had liberty granted me to ●eturn unto my places of Charge in the University , or ●lsewhere , till they sent for me again , which they never ●id . The Answers that I gave in upon Oath , and justified ●efore their Lordships , were to this effect , all contrary 〈◊〉 Mr. Fullers groundless reports . 1. T●at the Communion-Table in the Church of Dur●am ( which in the Bill of Complaint and M. Fullers Hist. 〈◊〉 said to be the Marble Altar with Ch●rubins ) was not 〈◊〉 up by me , but by the Dean and Chapter there 〈◊〉 of Mr. Smart himself was one ) many years be●●re I b●came Pr●●endary of that Church , or ever saw 〈◊〉 Country . 2. That by the publick Account● which are there ●●gistred , it did not appear to have cost above the tenth ●●rt of what is pretended , Appurtenance● and all . 3. That likewise the Copes used in that Church ●ere brought in thither long before my time , and when ●r . Smart th● Complainant was Preb●ndary there , who ●●so allowed his part ( as I was ready to prove by the 〈◊〉 - Book ) of the money that they cost , for they cost ●t little . 4. That as I never approved the Picture of the Tri●y , or the Image of God the Father in the Figure of 〈◊〉 old Man , or otherwise to be made or placed any ●●ere at all : So I was well assured that there were none ●●ch ( nor to my knowledge or hear-say ever had been ) put upon any Cope that was used there among us ; One there was that had the Story of the Passion embroidered upon it , but the Cope that I used to weare when at any time I attended the Communion-Service , was of plain white Sattin only without any Embroidery upon it at all . 5. That ●hat the Bill of Complaint called the Image of Christ , with a blew Cap , and a golden Beard , ( Mr. Fullers History sayes it was red , and that it was set upon one of the Copes ) was nothing else but the top of Bishop Ha●fields Tomb ( set up in the Church under a si●e-Arch there , two hundred years before I was born ) being a little Portraiture not appearing to be above ten Inches long , and hardly discernable to the eye what Figure it is , for it stands thirty Foot from the ground . 6. That by the locall Statutes of that Church ( wherun●o Mr. Smart was sworn , as well as my selfe ) the Treasurer was to give Order , that the provision should every year be made of a sufficient number of Wax-light● for the Service of the Quire , during all the Winter time ; which Statute I observed when I was chosen into that Office , and had order from the Dean and Chapter by Cap●tular Act to do it : yet upon the Communion Table they that used to light the Candles ( the Sacri●ts , and the Virgers ) never set more then two fair Candle● with a few small Sizes neer to them , which they put there , of purpose that the people all about might have the better use of them , for singing the Psalmes , and reading the Lessons out of the Bibles : But two hundred was a greater number then they used all the Church over , either upon Candlem●s Night or any other , and that there were no more ( sometimes many less ) lighted at that time , then at the like Festivalls in Christmas-Holydaies , when the people of the City came in greater company to the Church , and therefore required a greater store of lights . 7. That I never forbad ( nor any body else that I know ) the singing of the ( Meeter ) Psalms in the Church , which I used to sing daily there my self with other company at Morning Prayer . But upon Sundaies and Holy-daies in the Quire , before the Sermon the Creed was sung ( and sung plainly for every one to understand ) as it is appointed in the Communion Book , & after the Sermon we sung a part of a Psalm , or some other Antheme taken out of the Scripture , and first signified to the people where they might find it , 8. That so far was I from making any A●theme to be sung of the three Kings of Colen , as that I ma●e i● when I first saw it to be torn in pieces , and I my sel● cut it out of the old Song Books belonging to the Choristers School , with a Penknife that lay by , at my very first coming to reside in that Colledge . But sure I was , that no such Antheme had been sung in the Q●ire , during all my time of attendance there , nor ( for ought that any the eldest persons of the Church and Town could tell , or ever heard to the contrary ) for fif●y or threescore years before , and more . 9. That there was indeed an ordinary Knife I confess , provided and laid ready among other things belonging to the Administration of the Communion , for the cutting of the Bread , and divers other uses in the Church Vestry ; that when the under Officers there had any occasion to use a Knife , they might not be put to go to seek one abroad . But that it was ever consecrated , or so called , otherwise then as Mr. Smart and some of his Followers had for their pleasure put that appell●tion upon it , I never heard , nor I believe any body ●lse that lived here among us . [ There were divers other Articles of this nature in the Bill of Complaint , whereof Mr. Smart could not prove any one to which I gave the like Answers , as I did here to these ; but Mr. Fullers History makes no mention of them ] 10. Touching Mr. Smarts Sermon , I made answer , and submitted his censure to the prudent and religious consideration of the Lords , whether he was not justly condemned to be scandalous and seditious by his preaching thereof ; and I represented many passages in it , disagreeable to the Laws of God and his Church , and repugnant to the publick Statutes of Parliament . 11. For which after we had begun ●o question him in the High Commission Court at Durham ( where we endeavoured to reduce him to a better mind , and to an unity with the Church , against which he had so injuriously and intemperatly declaimed ; ) I had no further hand or meddling with the prosecution of this ma●ter in other Courts against him , more then that I wrote ( at the speciall instance of Judge Yelverton ) a Letter in his behalf to the Archbishop of York , and the Commissioners there , which I procured the Dean and most of the Pr●bendaries of Durham to sign and subscribe with me , earnestly intreating for him , that upon any due sence of his ●ault , he might be quietly sent back to us again , in hope that he would hereafter live in better peace and concord with us ( as he promised both judge Yelverton and us to do ) then he had done before . 12. The cruell usage and imprisonment that he suffered ( whereof Mr. Fuller taketh speciall notice , and makes a Marginall mark at it ) was , as I have been credible assured , nothing else but a faire and gentle treatment of him in an Officers House at York , to whom he was committed for a while , and paid little for it . I● is the Historians mistake here to say , he was carryed ●rom York to Lambeth ; for he was at his own request sent from Lambeth to York , the Fine th●t was se● up 〈◊〉 him he never paid , and by his own wilfull loss of his Church-livings , he gained a larger maintenance , living at his ease and pleasure , by the contribution that he got as a suspended and silenc'd P●eacher ; though the truth was , that having had a Prebend and a Benefice many years together in the Bishoprick of Durham , and being alwaies in health , he neglected preaching so much at them both , and elsewhere besides , that he was seldom noted to preach above two Sermons in a year ; who , though he demanded many thousand pound● at the Parliament , yet by Mr. Fullers leave , the Parliament gave him none ; nor ordered either my self , nor any other that he impeacht ever to pay him a Groat : only upon Doctor Carrs death ( who had b●en put into hi● Prebend place ) he was sent by the Lords t● his Vic●rage , and his Prebend again , which he had little ●●ill to take , because he ●ound but little profit in compariso● of what he hoped to be had by them , in the mean while he took up divers great summ● of mon●y from some of his Partisans in London , and made them believe that the Parliament would pay them all with advantage . 13. There is another Marginall Note in Mr. Fuller , referring ▪ as he saith , to my due praise and commendation , whereof he makes one part to be ▪ that I joyned not with the French Pro●estants at Char●nton , since . I got over hither into France : but I would that he and all the World should know it ▪ I never refused to joyn with the Protestants either there , or any where else , in all ●hings wherein they joyn with the Church of England . Many of them have been here at our Church , and we have been at theirs . I have buried divers of our peop●e at Ch●renton , and they p●rmit us to make use of their pecu●iar and decent Sae●e●erie here in Paris for ●h●t purpose ▪ which if they did not , we ●hould be ●orced to bury our Dead in a Di●ch . I have Baptized many of their Children at the request of their own Ministers , with whom I have good acquaintance , and find them ●o be very deserving and learned men , great Lovers ●nd Honoure●s of our Church , notwithstanding the loss which She hath lately received in externall Mat●ers , wherein we are agreed that the Essence of true Religion doth not consist . Many of their people ( and of the best sort and quality among them ) have frequented our publick Prayers with great reverence , and I have delivered t●e holy Communion to them , according to our own Order which they observed religiously . I have Married divers persons of good Condition among them : and I have presented some of th●ir S●h●llars to be ordained Deacons and Priests 〈◊〉 by our own Bishops ( whereof Monsieur De Tarenne's Chaplain is one , and the Duke De la Force's Chaplain another ) and the Church at Charenton ap●●●ved of it ) and I preached here publickly at their Ordination . Besides I have been ( as often a● I had ●are time from attending our own Congregation ) to pray and sing Psalmes with them , and to heare both the Weekly and the Sunday Sermons at Charenton , whither two of my Children also ( pensioned here in a Protestant Family at Paris ) have daily repaired for that purpose with the Gentlewoman that governed them . All which is abundantly enough to let the World know and see here ( as it doth ) what a vain and rash man Mr. Fuller is in his History : wherein he hath done Injury to many more besides me , some dead and some alive , who I hope will represent his unfaithfulness in his own Country , both to himself and to others . I am only beholden to him for telling the t●u●h of me in one particular , which is , that I have by Gods blessing reduced some , and preserved many others from communicating with the Papists ; defending the Truth of our own Religion ( as I have alwaies done ) where ever I am ; and therein I pray God still to bless us and preserve us all . And now out of all this which I have faithfully related , I trust that those who intend their ANIMADVERSIONS upon his History , will have enough to say and insert in their own Stile for the vindication of , SIR , Your Affectionate , & most humble SERVANT J. C. You know Monsieur Dallê to be one of the greatest account , and the best Deserts amongst the reformed Church-men in France : It will not be amiss to let you know upon thi● occ●sion , what he wrote to a Schollar , a Friend of his , and an University-man in Cambridge , for these were the words in his Letter ; Tuus Cosins , imò noster ( intercedit enim nobis cum illo suavis amicitia atque familiaritas ) mihi admodùm probatur . Bestiae sunt & quidem fanatici qui eum de Papismo suspectum habent , à quo vix reperias qui sit magis alienus , &c. Thus having laid before the Reader both the Bill and Answer , I leave him to make Judgment of it by the Rule● of Equity ; remembring him of that old Saying , Videlicet ▪ Qui statuit aliquid , parte in audita altera ; Equum licet statuerit , haud Equus fuit . FINIS . Examen Historicum : OR , A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes , Falsities , and Defects , In some Modern HISTORIES . Part. II. Containing some Advertisements on these following HISTORIES . Viz. 1. The compleat History of Mary Queen of Scots , and her Son and Successor , King James the sixth . 2. The History of the Reign and death of King James of Great Britain , France and Ireland , the first . 3. The compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charls , from his Cradle to his Grave . Terent. in Andr. Act. 1. Obsequium amico● , veritas caium pari● . LONDON . Printed for Henry Seal , and R. Royston , and are to be sold over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleet-street , and at the Angel in 〈…〉 The PRE●ACE to the follovving ADVERTISEMENTS . THe former Animadversions , being brought to an end , I am in the next place to encounter with an easier Adversary : In whom though I finde wor● enough as ●o matter of Historical Falshoods ; ●et ● finde no malicious and dangerous untruths , destructive to the Church of England , or to the ●ame and ●o nor of the Prelates , or the re●ular Cler●● 〈◊〉 have therefore given the Tul● o● Advertisements to the second part of this E●●men , that ●eing as a gentler so a ●itter term 〈…〉 , which is not onely to correct such 〈…〉 ●inde differing from the ●ruth , but 〈…〉 the defects of our Author in 〈…〉 which I conceive his care or 〈◊〉 might have led him to . Betwixt us both , I ●ope the R●ader will be 〈◊〉 in the tru●●●nduct of A●●●urs as th●y come b●●ore ●im . And if the Author of the three Histories which I have in hand ▪ bring no less ingenuity and candor with him to the perusal of these Papers , then I did to the writing of them ; there will be no need of any such s●urrilous & unhandsom expressions ▪ as his Post-haste Reply , &c. is most guilty of ; but whether he do or not , is to me indifferent , being prepared before I undertook the business , ●o endure chearfully all such Censures , as my desires to vindicate the injured Truth , and truly to inform the Iudgement of the equal Reader should expose me to . And herewith I shall put an end to my correcting of the Errors in other mens Writings , though I confess I might finde work enough in that kinde , if I were so minded ; most of our late Scripturients affecting rather to be doing , then to be punctual and exact in what they doe ; as if they were of the same mind with the Ape●Carrier in the History of Don-Quixot , who eared not if his Comedi●s had as many Errors in them , as there are motes in the Sun , so he might stuff his Purse with Crowns , and get money by t●em : The small remainder of my li●e will be better spent in looking back upon those Errors which the infirmities of nature , and other humane frailties have made me subject to , that so I may redeem the time , because my former days were evil : I shall hereafter be onely on the defensive side , and study my own preservation , if I shall causelesly be assaulted without provoking any by a fresh encounter ; and doing no otherwise , I hope I shall be held excusable both by God and man : Viribus utendum est quas fecimus , was Caesars resolution , when oppressed by an unjust Faction and may without offence be mine , when I shall be necessitated thereunto by an unjust Adversary . With the like hope I also entertain my self , in reference to some freedom which I have made use of , in laying down the conduct of such ●ffairs , as may concern posterity to be truly informed in : For though I neither hope nor wish to live under such a Government , ubi & ●entire quae velis , & quae sentias loqui liceat , in which it may be lawful for any man to be of what Opinion he will , and as freel● to publis● his Opinions ; yet on the other ●ide , I hope ●t may be lawful for me , in 〈◊〉 to memory the actions of the present or preceding times , to make use of such a modest freedom , as without partiality and respect of persons , may represent the true condition of affairs in their proper colours : For I conceive it no less necessary in a just Historian , not to suppose that which he knoweth to be true ( ne quid veri non audeat , as the old Rule was ) then it is for him to deliver any thing which he knows to be false , or in the truth whereof he is not very well informed . The present times had reaped no benefit by the Histories of the Ages past , if the Miscarriages of great Persons , and the errors by them committed in the managery and transaction of publick business , had not been represented in them ; which having said , I shall no longer detain the Reader from reaping that commodity which these Advertisements may afford him ; his satisfaction being the cause , and his content the recompence of these undertakings . ADVERTISEMENTS ON 1. The compleat History of MARY Queen of Scots , and of her Son and Successor King James the sixth . AND 2. The History of the Reign and Death of King James of Great Britain , France and Ireland , the first . Enniusap . T●ll . de Offic ▪ Homo qui ●rranti comiter monstrat viam , Quasi lumen de lumine suo acc●ndat , facit . ADVERTISMENTS On the Compleat HISTORY OF Mary Queen of Scotland , AND King Iames the sixth . IN the Preface to the following History we are told , that on the composing of the French quarrels by King H●n●y the eighth , there followed the surrendry of Tourney , and Overtures of a match between the Dolphin and Henries Sister . ] To Rectifie which errour we are to know that betwixt ●he taking and surrendry of Tourney , there were two ac●ords made with the French : The first between King Henry●nd ●nd Lewis the twelfth , in which it was conditioned amongst ●ther things , that the French King should marry the La●y Mary King Henries Sister . But he deceasing within few ●onthes aftter on the first of Ianuary , the widow Queen ●as married in May next following Anno 1515. to Charles ●andon Duke of Suffolk . The next accord , which seemes 〈◊〉 be hear ment by the Historian , was made between the 〈◊〉 King Henry and King Francis the first , Anno 1518. 〈◊〉 which the surrendry of Tourney was agreed u●on , and a ●pitulation made for marrying the young Dolphin of ●rance with another , Mary being the daughter ( and not the Sister ) of King Henry , then bei●g about two years old , which is the marriage here intended , tho●gh mis●ook in the party . fol. 2. Iames the fift the 108. King of Scotland . ] Which may come some what neer the truth , allowing the succession of the Scotti●h Kings , 39. in number from the first Fergus to the second . But that succession being discarded by all knowing Antiquaries , King Iames the fift must fall so much short of being the 108. King of the Scottish Nation . Nor can it hold exactly true as unto that number , if that succession were admitted ; King Iames the first Monarch of great Britain , and the Grandchild of this Iames the fift , pretending onely to an hundred & six Predecessors in the throne of Scotland , as appears by this inscription which he somewhere used viz. — Nobis haec invicta tulerunt Centum Sex Proavi . Ibid. To palliat such potency , he procures an interview with him at Nice a Maritine Town in the Confines of Provence . ] A worse mistake in place and persons then we had before . For if the interview procured was between King Henry and the Pope ( as by the Grammar of the Text must be unstood ) then is the Author much mistaken in the place and Persons ; but if he mean it of an interview between K. H●●●y and King Francis , it is true enough as to the Persons , but not to the place . An interview there was between the two Kings at Ard●es in the Marches of Calice , far enough from the con●●nes of Provence ; and a like interview there was between King Francis and the Pope at Nice here mentioned , for enough from the borders of King Henries Dominions , at which he neither was present nor desired to be . fol. 8. Prelate Bishops brought in by Palladius . ] The Author speaks not this as his own opinion , but as the opin●on of some of the Sco●s , who ground themselves on the A●thority of B●chanan a fiery Presby●erian , and consequn●●● a profest enemy to Bishops , and his words are these , Nam ad id nsque tem●us Ecclesiae , a●squ● Episcopis , per Monachos regeb●●ur : that is to say , the Church unto that time was governed by M●nks without Bishops , But Buchanan perhaps might borrow this from 〈…〉 , another Writer of that Nation , and of greater Credit , who tells us this , per Sacerdotes & 〈◊〉 hos , sine Episcopis , Scoti in ●ide erudiebantar . The Scots ( he said ) were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and M●nks without Bishops . But I trow , teaching and governing are two s●veral Offices . And though it may be true that some partic●lar persons of the Scotish Nation might be instrusted in 〈◊〉 Gospel by Priests and Monks , withour help of Bi●hops , as is said by Major ; yet doth it not follow thereupon that their Churches were governed in the same manner as is said by Buchannan . And yet upon these faulty grounds it is infered by the 〈◊〉 with great joy and triumph , that in some places of the world , the government by Bishops was never received for many years together . For say they , we read that in antient times the Scots were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monks , and were without Bishops 290. years . Instructed possibly at the first without Bishops by such Pri●sts and Monks as came thither out of Ireland , or the 〈◊〉 of Man , or the more Southern parts of B●itain ; but not so governed when they were increased , multiplied into several Churches and Congregations . And so it is affirmed by Ar●h-Bishop Spotswood , who tell●th u●●ut of 〈…〉 , that antiently the Priests of Scotland , whom they then called 〈◊〉 , were wont for their better government to elect some one of their number by Common suffrage to be chief and principal amongst them , without whose knowledge and con●●nt nothing was done in any matter of importance ; and that the Person so elected was called Scotorum Episcopus the Scots Bishop , or a Bishop of Scotland . By which it doth appear most plainly , first that the Prelate Bishop was not first ordained here by 〈◊〉 as the Scotish say , and secondly , that that Church was not so long a time without Bishops ( if it were at all ) as the English Presbyterians would fain have it . fol. 15. Iohn Calvin a Fre●●hman of Aquitain . ● Not so , but a Native of Noyo●● City of Picardie , far enough from Aquitain , as is affirmed by all others which have written of him . The like mistake to which we finde fol. 9● . where it is said , that the Lords of A●bygny take name fr●m Aubygny ● village in Aquitain Whereas indeed the Castle and Signeury of Aubygny ( from whence the younger house of Len●● takes their denomination ) is not within the Province of Aquitam , but the Country of Berry . fol. 20 And therefore to strike in with his Son and 〈…〉 his Fathers obsequies with magnifi●ent Solemn●ly in Pauls Church . ] This spoken of the Obsequies of King Henry the second of France performed by Queen 〈◊〉 with great Magnificence ; not so much on the particular ground which I finde here mentioned , as to preserve her Reputation , and the Reputation of this Church by such Rites and Ceremonies , with all forrain princes . To which end she did Solemnize the Obsequies of such Kings and Emperors as died during her Reign in as great pomp and splendor as she did this Kings : for before this in very Princely manner were performed solemn Obsequies for 〈◊〉 the fift , a ri●h ●all of gold laying upon the Herse , the Emperours Embassador being chief Mourner accompanied with many Princes and Peers of England ▪ And after this 〈◊〉 did the like for many others , with no great difficulty to 〈◊〉 found in our comm●n Chronicles . By means whereof , 〈◊〉 did not onely maintain her own Estimation , but caused th● Church of England to be looked on with greater veneratio● and 〈…〉 popish Princes , then it hath been since th●● leaving off 〈◊〉 due observances . fol. 27. And ●y co●pute of their own Lo●ds of the Cong●gation a hundred marks a year was then sufficient for a single Minister . ] Understand not here an hundred marks sterling at the rate of 13. s. 4. d. to the Mark as the English count it , amounting to 66 l. 13. s. 4. d. in the total 〈◊〉 ; but an hundred Marks Sc●tish , each Mark containing no more then thi●teen pence halfe penny of our English money , which make but 5. l. 13. s. upon our accompt . A sorry pittance in it self , though thought enough by their good Masters for their pains in preaching . Fol. 53. Three of our Kings severally chalenged that Trial against the French King ; and by Charles of Arragon and Peter de Ta●●acone for the 〈◊〉 of Sicilie . ] Either the Author or the Printer is much mistaken here . The title to the Realm of Sicilie was once indeed intended to be tried by Combat , not between Charles of Arragon , and Peter of Tarracone , as is here affirmed , but between Peter King of Arragon , and Charles Earl of An●ou , pretending severally to that Kingdom . ( 10. ) Such another mistake we have Fol. 55. Where it is said , that there were some preparations in King James his time intended betwen two Scotch m●n , the Lord Ree , and David Ramsey : ] Whereas indeed those preparations were not made in King Iames , but King 〈◊〉 his time ; Robert Lord Willoughby Earl of 〈◊〉 , and Lord great Chamberlain of England being made Lord Constable pro tempore to deside that Controversie . Fol. 83. Katherine de Medices , Pope Clements Brothers Daughter and Mother of King Charles &c. ] ( 11 ) Katheri●e de medices was indeed wife to Henry the second , and mother to Charles the ninth , Fr●nch Kings , but by no means a ●●●thers daughter to Pope Clement the seventh . For first , Pope Clement being the natural son of 〈…〉 ( who was killed young and unmarried ) had n● brother at all . And secondly , Katherine de Medeces was Daughter of 〈◊〉 Duke of Vrbin , son of Peter de Mede●es ▪ and Gr●ndson of Laurence de Medic●s , the brother of 〈◊〉 before mentioned . By which account the father of that Pope and the great Grandfather of that Queen were Brothers , and so that Queeu not Bro●hers Daughter to the Pope : Of nearer ki● she was to Pope Leo the tenth , though not his Brothers Daughter neither , P●pe Leo being Brother to Peter de Medices , this great Ladies Grand-father . Fol. 84. This y●●r took away James Hamilton Earl of Arran , and Duke of Castle-herauld , at Poictures a Province in France . ] The name of the Province is Poictou , of which Poictires is the p●●●cipal City , accounted the third City next to Paris and 〈◊〉 ●ll that Kingdom . And such anoth●r slight mistake we have fol. 96. where we finde mention of the abs●nce of the Duke of Arran : Whereas indeed the chief of the Hamiltons was but Earl of Arrar , as he after calls him ; the Title of Duke being first conf●●'d by King Charls , upon Iames Marquess of H●mil●on , created Duke H●mil●on of Arran , Anno 1643. The like m●●nomers we have after fol. 139. Where we finde mention of the History of Q. Elizabeth , writ by 〈◊〉 , whereas 〈◊〉 writ no further then King Henry 8. the rest which follows , being clapt to by the publisher of it , and possibly may be no other then Camde●s Annals of that Queen , in the English Tongue : The like I frequently observe in the name of Metallan , ( Metellanus he is called by their Latine Writers ) whom afterward he rightly calleth by the name of 〈◊〉 , fol. 149. Fol. 156. The Leagures , with some iustice in Rebellion , elect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a degree nearer to the Crown then Navar. ] Not so , but one degree at the least further off the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 , ( called ●harls ) being the yongest Son of ●harls Duke of 〈◊〉 ; whereas Henry King of Navar , was the onely Son and Heir of An●ho●y the eldest Brother : So that not o●ely the King of Navar , but the Princes of the H●use of 〈◊〉 , deriv'd from Francis Duke of Anghein , the second Brother , had the precedency in Title before this 〈◊〉 ▪ But being of the Catholick party , and of the Royal H●use of Bourbon , ( in which the Rights of the Crown remained ) and withal , a man of great Age , and small Abilities , he was set up to serve the turn , and screen'd the main Plot of the L●aguers from the eyes of the people . Fol. 161. Sir Thomas Randolph , bred a Civilian , was taken from Pembroke Colledge in Oxford . ] Not otherwise to be made good ( in case he were of that House in Oxford , which is now called Pembroke Colledge ) but by Anticipation : Lavinaqueve●t Littora , as in the like case the Poet has it ; that which is now called Pembroke Colledge , was in those times call'd Broadgates H●ll , not changed into a Colledge , till the latter end of the Reign of King Iames , and then in Honor of William Earl of Pembroke , Chancellor of that University , and in hope of some endowment from him , called Pembroke Colledge . Fol. 189. The other Title was of the I●●ant of Spain ] In laying down whose several Titles , the Author leaves out that which is most material , that is to say , the direct and lineal Succession of the Kings of Spain , from the Lady Katherine , Daughter of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster , marryed to Henry the third , King of Castile , and Mother to King Iohn the second , from whom descend the Kings of Castile to this very day . Fol. 191. Hawkins , Drake , Baskervile , &c. Fi●e s●ne Towns in the Isle Dominica , in the West Indies . ] They fired indeed some Towns in Hispan●ol● . and amongst others , that of Dominica , or St. Dom●ngo : But they attempted nothing on the Isle of Dominica , which is one of the Ch●rybes , and they had no reason ; that Island being governed by a King of its own , at deadly enmity with the 〈◊〉 , an● conseq●ently , more likely to be ayd●d , then ann●yed , by those Sea Adventurers . A like mistake we had before in the name of C●●m●rdin , fol. 157. That party who discovered unto Queen Elizabeth the Estate of the Customs , not being named 〈◊〉 , but Carw●rdin . Fol. 229. Sr. Thomas Erskin created Earl of Kelly , and by degrees Knight of the Garter . ] Not so : Knight of the Garter first , by the name of Thomas Viscount Fenton , ( as appeares by the Registers of the Order ) and then Earl of Kelly . Thus afterwards we finde Sr. Iohn Danvers for Sr. Charles D●nvers , fol. 238. And Iohn Lord Norris , for Sr. Iohn Norris , fol. 243. And some mistakes of this nature we finde in the short story of the Earle of Essex ; in which it is said first , that Fol. 233. He was eldest son to Waltar Devereux &c. created by Queen Elizabeth Earl of Essex and Ewe . ] Not so ; but Earl of Essex onely , as appears by Camden in his Britannia , fol , 454. If either he , or any of his Descendants have taken to themselves the Tittle of Earl's of Ewe , they take it not by vertue of this last Creation , but in right of their descent from William Bo●rchier created Earl of Ewe in Normandy by King Henry the fift , and father of Henry Bourchier created Earl of Essex by King Edward the fourth . Secondly , it is said of Robert Earl of Essex the son of this Wal●er , that in 89. he went Commander in chief in the expedition into Portugal ; Fol. 233. whereas indeed he went but as a Voluntier in that expedition , and had no command . And so much our Author hath acknowledged in another place , saying , that , Ambitious of common fame , he put himself to Sea , and got aboard the Fleet , conceiting that their respect to his bi●th and qu●li●y , would receive him their chief , but was mistaken in that honou● , Fol. 155. Thirdly , it is said of this Earl of Essex , that he went Deputy into Ireland , Fol. 234. Whereas indeed he was not sent over into Ireland with the Title of Deputy , but by the more honourable Title of Lord Levi●enant , having power to create a Lord Deputy under him , when his occasions or the the necessities of the state should require his absence . Fol. 2●1 . The 26. of February 1●00 . was born the Kings third son , and Christn●● Charles at Dunferling . ] The Kings third son , and afterwards his Successor in the Crown of England , was not born on the 26. of February , but on the 19. of Nove●●er , as is averred by all others who have written of it , and publickly attested by the annual ringing of Bells upon that day in the City of London during the whole time of his p●wer and prosperity . The like mistake we finde in the ti●e and day of the Birth of Queen Elizabeth of whom it is ●●id , Fol. 261. ( 25. ) That she gave up the Ghost to G●d o● that day of her Birth , from whom she had it ; intimating tha● she died on the Eve of the same Lady-day on which she was born . But the truth is , that she was born on the Eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary being the seventh day of September , and died on the Eve of the Annuntiation , being the 24. of March. And so much for the History of the Reign of Queen Mary , and King Iames her Son , as to the Realm of Scotland onely ; both of them Crowned ( as ) Iames the fift had also been ) in their tenderest infancy . But whereas our Author tells us Fol. 8. that Q Mary 〈◊〉 the kingdom to her son , who was born a King ; I can by no means yeild to that . I finde indeed , that our Sa●iour Christ was born King of the Iews , and so proclaimed to be by the Angel Gabriel at the very time of his Conception . And I have read that Sapores , one of the Kings of Persia , was not onely born a King , but crowned King too before his birth ; for his Father dying withou●●●ue ( as the story saith ) left his wife with child , which child the Magi ▪ having signified by their Art to be a Male , the Persian Princes caused the Crown and Royal Ornaments to be set upon his Mothers Belly ; acknowledging him there by for their King and Sovaraign . But so it was not with King Iames , who was born on the 19 of Iune Anno. 1566. and Crowned King on the 24. of Iuly ( being the 5. day after his Mothers resignation of the Crown and Government ) Anno. 1567. ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE REIGN & DEATH OF KING IAMES , Of GREAT BRITAIN , FRANCE and IRELAND , the first . WE are now come unto the Reign of King Iames ▪ as King of England , or rather as King of England and Scotland , under the notion of Great Britain , of whose reception , as he passed through Godmanchest●r , the Historian telleth us , that , Fol. 270. At Godmanchester in the Coun●y of Notthamptonshire , they presented him with 70 Teem of Horses , &c. be●●g his Tenants , and holding their Land by that Tenure . ] But first , God●a●chester is not in Northampton , but in Hunti●gtonshire . And secondly , Though it be a custom for those in Godmanch●ster , to shew their Bravery to the Kings of England in that rustical Pomp , yet I conceive it not to be the Tenure which they hold their Lands by : For Camden , who is very punctual in observing Tenures , mentions not this as a Tenure , but a Custom onely , adding withal , that they make their boast , That they have in former time received the Kings of England , as they passed in their progress this way , with ninescore Ploughs brought forth in a rustical kinde of Pomp for a gallant shew : If onely for a gallant shew , or a rustical Pomp , then not observed by them as their Tenure , or if a Tenure , not 〈◊〉 from ninescore to 70. all Tenures being ●ixt , not variable at the will of the Tenants . Fol. 273. This most honorable Order of the Garter , was instituted by King Edward the third , &c. ] So far our Author , right enough as unto the ●ounder , and rig●● enough as to the time of the institution , which he placeth in the year , 1350. But whereas he telleth us withal , that this Order was founded by King Edward the third , 〈◊〉 John of France , and King James of Scotland , being then Pris●ners in the Tower of London , and King Henry of Castile , the Bastard expulst , and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales , called the Black Prince ; in that he is very much mistaken . For first , It was David King of the Scots , not Iames , who had been taken Prisoner by this Kings Forces , there being no Iames King of the Scots , in above fifty years after . Secondly , Iohn of France was not taken Prisoner till the year 1356. nor Henry of Castile expulsed by the Prince of Wales , till ten years after , Anno 1366. By consequence , neither of those two great Actions could precede the Order : But worse is he mistaken in the Patron Saint , of whom he tells us , that , Fol. 273. Among sundry men of valor in ancient days , was Geo. born at Coventry in England , &c. ] This , with the rest that follows , touching the Actions and Atchievements of Sir George of Coventry , is borrowed from no better Author , then the doughty History of the Seven Ch●mpions of Christendom , of all that trade in Knighthood-errant , the most empty Bable : ●But had our Author look'd so high as the Records of the Order , the titles of Honor writ by Selden , the Catalogue of Honor , publisht by Mills of Canterbury , Camdens Britannia , or any other less knowing Antiquary , he might have found , that this most noble Order was not dedicated to that fabulous Knight , S●● . George of Coventry , but to the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ Jesus , St. George of Cappadocia : A Saint so universally received in all parts of Christendom , so generally attested to by the Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages , from the time of his Martyrdom , till this day ; that no one Saint in all the Calender , ( those mentioned in the holy Scriptures excepted onely ) can be better evidenced : Nor doth he finde in Matthew Parts , that St. George fought in the air at Antioch in behalf of the English ( the English having at that time no such i●●eress in him ) but that he was thought to have been seen fig●ting in behalf of the Christians . Fol. 275. Earldoms without any place are likewise of two kindes , either in respect of Office , as Earl-Morshal of England , or by Birth , and so are all the Kings Sons . ] In the Authority and truth of this I am much unsatisfied , as never having met with any such thing in the course of my reading ; and I behold it as a diminution to the Sons of Kings to be born but Earls , whereby they are put in an equal rank with the eldest sons of Dukes in England , who commonly have the Title of their Fathers Earldoms . since it is plain they are born Princes , which is the highest civil Dignity next to that of Kings : It was indeed usual with the Kings of England , to bestow upon their yongest Sons some Earldom or other , until the time of Edward the third ; after which time , they were invested with the Title of Dukes , as appears evidently to any who are studied in their Chronologies : But that they , or any of them , were Earls by Birth , is a new piece of learning , for which if the Historian can give me any good proof , I shall thank him for it . Fol. 278. Henry the eight thus cousened into some kindness , both by his own power and purse , makes Charls Emperor , and the French King his Prisoner , 1519. ] Neither so , nor so : For first , though King Henry did contribute both his power and purse to the taking of the French King Prisoner , yet to the making of Charls Emperor , he contributed neither the one nor the other . And secondly , though Charls were created Emperor , Anno 1519 yet the French King was not taken Prisoner till six years after , Anno 1525. Fol. 31● . Oswald united the Crowns of England and Scotland , which were 〈◊〉 afterwards for many Ages . ] ( 3● ) That Oswald King of Northumberland here mentioned , was a Pui●●ant Prince ( as being the ninth Monarch of the English ) I shall easily grant ; but that he united the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland , is not any where found : Our Author therefore must be understood , of his uniting the two Realms of De●ra and Pernicia , ( part of which last , hath for long time been accounted part of Scotland ) which after his decease were again divided . Fol. 317. Whose Results , notwithstanding , are not to be obtruded on the S●culars , to be obs●rved with the Authority of Laws , until they be allowed by assent of the King and both Houses . ] An error far more pardonable in our present Author , to whom the concernments of the Church are not so necessary to be known or studied , then in our Church Historian , where before we had it , and which hath had a full Con●utation in our Animadversions , to which , for brevity sake , I shall now refer . Fol. 320. Rory Duke of Solia from France . ] Either the Printer or the Author are mistaken here : The Ambassador who was sent from France , was neither called Rory , nor Duke of Solia , but Marquess of Rhosney , created afterward Duke of Sully , and Lord High Treasurer of that Kingdom , by King Henry 4. A Protestant , and therefore purposely selected for that imployment : Of whom it is reported in the conference at Hampton-Court , that having observed the order and gravity of our Church Service , in the Cathedral Chu●ch at C●n●erbury , he was heard to say , that if the like had been used in France , there would have been many thousands of Protestants more then were at that present . Fol. 329. Ce●il fo● his good Service was created Earl of Salisbury , ] That is to say , ( for so it must be understood ) for his activity and diligence in discovering the Powder-Treason : But he was Earl of Salisbury before that Discovery , call'd so by the Historian himself , in the course of tha● Na●rative , and made so by King Iames in the M●y forego●ng , at what time also , his Brother , Thomas Lord Burley was made Earl of EXCESTER . The like mistake I finde in the advancement of Thomas Lord Buckhurst to the Earldom of Dorcet , plac'd by the Author , fol. 342. in the year 1605. whereas indeed he was created Earl of Dorcet in the first year of King Iames , March 13. Anno 1603. Fol. 333. The Earl of Flanders , &c. being by Storm cast upon our Coast , &c. was fain to yield to all the Kings demands , in delivering up the Countess of Warwick , and other Fugitives resident in Flanders . ] This story is well meant , but not rightly told , there being at that time no Earl of Flanders ( commonly so called ) to be cast upon the Coast of England , nor any such Woman as a Countess of Warwick , whom King Henry the seventh could be afraid of ; the truth is , that the person here meant , was Philip King of Castile , Duke of Burgundy , Earl of Flanders , &c. who in his return from Spain , was driven by Tempest on the Coast of England , and being Royally Feasted by King Henry the seventh , was detained here till he had delivered into the Kings hands the Earl of Suffolk , who had fled into the Nether-lands for protection , and began to work new troubles against his Soveraign : The story whereof we have at large in the History of King Henry the seventh , writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban , from fol. 222. to 225. Fol. 334 The fate of that Family evermore false to the crown ] This spoken of the Piercies , Earls of Northumberland , too often false to the Crown , though not always so : For Henry , the second Earl of this Family , lost his life fighting for King Henry the sixth , in the Battle of St. Albans , as Henry his Son and Successor also did at the Battle of ●owton : And so did Henry the fifth Earl , in the time of King Henry the seventh , for his Fidelity to that King , in a tumultuous Insurrection of the Common People ; not to say any thing of his Son and Successor , who dyed without any imputation of such disloyalty . Fol. 362. Zutphen and Gelders did of right belong to the Duk● Arnold , who being Prisoner with the last Duke of Burgundy , who died before Nancy , that Duke intruded upon his Possession , &c. ] ( 40. ) Not so , it was not Arnold Duke of Gelders , that was Imprisoned by Charls Duke of Burgundy , but his Son Adolphus , who having most ungratiously Imprison'd his aged Father , was vanquished by Duke Charls , and by him kept Prisoner , and the old Duke restored again to his power and liberty : In a grateful acknowledgement of which favor , he made a Donation of his Estates to Duke Charls and his Heirs , to commence after his decease ; though it took no effect , till Conquered under that pretence by Charls the fifth , uniting it unto the rest of his Belgick Provinces , Anno 1538. Fol. 423. Sir William Seymour , Grandchilde to the third Son and the Heir of the Earl of Hertford , created by Henry the eighth , whose sister he marryed , &c. And being thus near the Crown , &c. ] In this business of Sir William Seymer , now Marquess of Hertford , there are two mistakes . For first , the Earl of Hertford from whom he derived his discent , married not any of the Sisters of King Henry the eighth , he having but two Wives in all , the first , the Daughter of Filol of Woodland , from whom comes Baronet Seymer of the West ; the second , Anne Daughter of Sir Edward , and Sister to Sir Michael Stanhop , from whom discends the House of Hertford , still in being : It s true , King Henry married a Sister of Sir Edward Seymer , by him created Earl of Hertford , but not é contra ; the Earl of Hertford married not with a sister of his . Secondly , The nearness of this House to the Crown of England , came not from any such Marriage of this first Earl with that Kings Sister , but from the Marriage of Edward the second Earl , with a Neece of that Kings , that is to say , with 〈◊〉 , Daughter of Henry Duke of Suffolk , and of F●a●ces his Wife , one of the Daughters of Charls Brandon Duke of Suffolk , and of Mary the French Queen , King 〈◊〉 Sister . Fol. 427. The late French King , Henry the fourth , had three Daughters , the one married to the Duke of Savoy , &c ] This Marriage , both for the time and person , is mistaken also . First , for the time , in making it to precede the match with Spain ; whereas the cross Marriages with Spain , were made in the year 1612. and this with Savoy not trans-acted till the year 1618. Secondly , for the Person , which he makes to be the eldest Daughter of Henry the fourth , and Elizabeth married into Spain to be the second , whereas Elizabeth was the eldest Daughter , and Christienne married into Savoy the second onely : For which , consult Iames Howels History of Lewis the 13. fol. 13. & 42. Fol. 428. The story was , that his Ancestors at Plough , ●lew Malton , an High-land Rebel , and dis-comfited his Train ( using no other Weapon but his Geer and Tackle . ] But Camden , whom I rather credit , tells us , That this was done in a great fight against the Danes : For speaking of the Earls of Arrol . he derives the Pedigree from one Hay , a man of exceeding strength , and excellent courage ; who , together with his Sons , in a dangerous Battle of Scots against the Danes , at Longcarty , caught up an Ox Yoak , and so valiantly , and fortunately withal , what with fighting , and what with exhorting , re-inforced the Scots at the point to sh●ink and recoyl , that they had the day of the Danes , and the King , with the States of the Kingdom , adscribed the Victory and their own safety to his valor and prowess . Ibid. But to boot , he sought out a good Heir ( Gup my Lady Dorothy ) sole Daughter to the Lord Denny . ] This spoken of Sir Iames Hay , afterwards Viscount Doncaster and Earl of Car●●sle , who indeed married the Daughter and sole Heir of the L. Denny of Waltham : But he is out for all that in his Gup my Lady , her name being Honora and not Dorothy , as the Author makes it . And for his second Wife , one of the Daughters of Henry Piercy , E. of North-Humberland ; she was neither a Dorothy , nor an Hei● : And therefore we must look for this Gup my Lady in the House of Huntington , that bald Song being made on the Marriage of the Lady Dorothy Hastings , Daughter of George Earl of Huntington , with a Scotish Gentleman , one Sir Iames Steward , slain afterward at ●●●ington by Sir George Wharton ( who also perisht by his Sword ) in a single Combate . Fol. 429. Amongst many others that accompanied Hays expedition , was Sir Henry Rich , Knight of the Bath , and Baron of Kensington ▪ ] Knight of the Bath at that time , but not Baron of Kensington ; this Expedition being plac'd by our Author in the year 1616. and Sir Henry Rich not being made Baron of Kensington till the 20 year of King Iames , Ann● 1622. Fol. 434. The chief Iudge thereof , is called Lordchief Iustice of the Common Pleas , accompanied with three or four Assistants , or Associates , who are created by Letters Patents from ●he King. ] But Doctor Cowel , in his learned and laborious work , called The Interpreter , hath informed us otherwise : This Iustice , saith he , ( speaking of the chief Justice of the Kings Bench ) hath no Patent under the Broad-Seal : He is made onely by Writ , which is a short one to this effect : Regina Iohanni Popham Militi salutem : Sciatis quod constituimus 〈◊〉 I●st●ciarium nostrum Capitalem , ad Placita coram nobis ter●●nandum , durante bene placito nostro , Teste , &c. For this he citeth Crompton , a right learned Lawyer , in his Book of the Iurisdiction of Courts : And what he saith of that chief Justice , the practice of these times , and the times preceding ▪ hath verified in all the rest . Fol. 450. She being afterwards led up and down the King● Army , under oversight as a Prisoner , but shewed to the people 〈◊〉 if recon●iled to her Son , &c. ] Not so , for after the deat● of the Marquess D'Aucre , she retired to Blois , where 〈◊〉 liv'd for some years under a restraint , till released by the Du●● of E●p●rnon , and prtly by force , p●rtly by treaty , restor● again into power and favor with her Son , which she improv●● afterwards to an omne-regen●y , till Richeleu her great Assistant , finding himself able to stand without her , and not enduring a Competitor in the Affairs of State , mde her leave the Kingdom . Fol. 45● . By his first Wife he had b●t one S●n , ris●●g no higher in Honor then K●ight and Baronet : Yet af●erw●●ds he had preferment to the Gov●rnment of Ulster P●ovince in Ireland . ] This spoken , but mistakingly spoken of Sir George V●lliers , Father of the Duke of Buckingham , and his eldest son . For first , Sir George Villiers had two sons by a former Wife , that is to say , Sir William Villiers Knight and Baronet , who preferred the quiet and repose of a Countrey life , before that of the Court ; and Sir Edward Villiers , who by a Daughter of Sir Iohn St. Iohn of Lidiard , in the County of Wilts , was Father of the Lord Viscount Gra●d●son , now living . And secondly , It was not Sir William , but Sir Edward Villiers , who had a Government in Ireland , as being by the Power and Favor of the Duke his half● Brother , made Lord President of M●nster , ( not of Vlster ) which he held till his death . And whereas it is said , fol. 466. that the D●ke twi●te● himself and his Issue , by inter-marri●ges with the best and most ●noble : If the Author , instead of his Issue , had said his ●●ndred , it had been more properly and more truly spoken : For the Duke liv'd not to see the Marriage of any one of his ch●ldren , though a Contract had passed between his Daughter Mary and the Heir of Pembroke ; but he had so disposed of h●s Female Kindred , that there were more Countesses and ●onorable Ladies of his Relations , then of any one Family 〈◊〉 the Land. Fol. 458. Henry the eighth , created Anne Bullen 〈◊〉 of Pembroke , before he marryed her . ] The Author here ●●eaks of the Creation of Noble Women , and maketh that of ●nne Bullen to be the first in that kinde , whereas indeed it as the second , if not the third . For Margaret , Daughter 〈…〉 Fol. 4●4 And that Com●t at Ch●ists birth was 〈…〉 But first the Star which appeared at the birth of our 〈◊〉 , and conducted the wise men to Ierusalem , was of condition too ●ub●ime and supernatural to be called a Comet : and so resolved to be by all●learned men who have written of it . And secondly , had it been a Comet , it could not possibly have portended the death of Nero ; there passing between the b●●th of Chr●st , and the death of that Tyrant about 〈◊〉 year● , too long a time to give unto the influences of th● strongest Comet . So that although a Comet did presage th● death of Nero , as is said by Tacitus ; yet could not that Comet be the 〈◊〉 which the Scriptures speak of . Fol. 48● Ferdinand meets at Franckford , with the three 〈◊〉 , Men●● , Colen , and Trevours ; the other three Silesia ▪ Moravia , and Lu●atia , failing in their persons , sent●their 〈…〉 I more admire at this gross pie●● of ignorance then at all the rest , Silesia , Moravia , and 〈…〉 incorporated with the Realm of 〈◊〉 being n●ver qualified with sending any Electors ●or th● choice of the Emperour . The three Electors which he meaneth , were the Count Palatine of the R●●ne , the Duke of Saxony , and the Marquess of Brandenburg , and they not coming in Person to the 〈◊〉 at Frackford , appeared there by their Embassadors as at other times . A like mistake , but far more pardon●ble , o●curreth Fol. 484. Where Da●mstal is said to be a Town of Bohemia ; whereas indeed it is a Town of the Land of H●ssen , the whole Territories of the Duke of Saxony being interposed betwixt this Town and the nearest parts of that Kingdom . Fol. 489. The Lord Marchers after the Conquest were re●ident upon the Confines and borders of the Welch , and other places not subdued ; men of valour , of high blood of the Normans , with the name and priviledges of the Earls of Chester ] That the Lord Marchers on the Borders of Wales were at first many in number as it after followeth , is a truth undoubted . But their power being contracted into fewer hands , one of them ( Roger Mortimer by name ) was by King Edward the third made Earl of March. The Earldome of Chester was of another foundation ; conferrd by William the Conqueror upon Hugh sirnamed Lupus , Son to the Viscount of Auranches in Normandy , with all the Rites and Privileges of a County Palatine to him and to his Heires for ever . So that this honour being appropriated to the Heirs of that House , was not Communicable unto any of the rest of the Marchers , nor could those Marchers claim the stile and privileges of Earles of Chester . Fol. 490. Sir. Edward Montague had three sons , Edward the eldest Knight of the Bath &c. ] The Author here is much mistaken in the House of the Montagues . For first , that Edward Montague ▪ who was 〈…〉 &c. was not Brother to Iames Bishop of Winchester , a●d Henry Earl of Manchester , but their Brothers Son , that is to say , the Son of another E●ward their eldest Brother . Secondly , besides that , Edward , Iames , and Henry , there was another Brother whom the Author names not , though he could not chuse but know the man , viz. Sir Sidney Mon●●●● , one o● the Masters of the Requests to the late King 〈◊〉 . The●●fore to set this matter right , I am to let both him and his Rea●ers know , that Sr. Edward Montague chief Justice ●n the time of King Edward the sixth ▪ was father of another Edward who lived peaceably and nobly in his own Country . To whom succeeded a third Edw●rd , who 〈…〉 in the Wars , and gained the reputation of a good Comma●der ▪ the elder Brother of Iames , Henry , and 〈◊〉 before mentioned , and the father of a fourth Ed●●●● who was made Knight of the Bath , at the Coron●tion 〈…〉 Anno 1●03 and afterwards created Lord 〈◊〉 of Bough●on in the nin●teenth year of that King Anno 1621. which honourable Title is now enjoyed by his Son ( anothe● Edward ) Anno. 1658. And thirdly th●●gh ● grant that Dr. Iames Montag●e Bishop of Winch●ster ( the second Brother of the four ) was of great power and favour in the time of King Iames , and might have free accesse into the Bed-chamber of that King whensoever he pleased ▪ ye● that he was of the Bed chamber ( as the Author saith ) that i● to say , admitted formerly thereunto and one of that number , I do more then doubt . Fol. 506. Then comes Iohn Howard &c. created by Richard the 〈◊〉 Duke of Northfolk , but not Earle Marshal ] In this and in the ●●st that follows , touching the succession of the Earls M●rsh●●ls , there a●e many mistaken . F●r first t●is Iohn Lord Howard was by Richard the third ●ot onely created Duke of North-folk , but Earl Mar●●●ll also as appears by Camd●n Fol 483. Secondly , as well Thomas Earl of Surrey the son of this 〈◊〉 , as an●th●r Thomas , the son of that Thomas , were both advan●●d 〈◊〉 the ●ffice of Earl Marshal as is affirmed by such as have writ the Genealogies of this noble family Thirdly , that Thomas Howard , whom queen Mary restored unto the Office of Earl Marsh●l , was not the Grand-c●ilde of Thomas M●wbray , ●ut the Grand-child of the Grand-child of the Daughter of that Thomas Mowbray , as will appear to any who shall search that Pedigree . But this perhaps may be an error of the Printer in giving us the name of Thomas Mowbray for Thomas Howard . Fourthly , though Robert Dev●r●ux Earle of Essex is by our Author placed next after this last Thom●s H●ward in the Office of Marshal ; yet sure it is , that Georg Talbot Earl of Shrewbury came in between them , advanc'd unto that Dignity by Queen Elizabeth Anno 157● . Fol. 507. He 〈◊〉 the emine●t Stru●ture of the Library of St. Iohns in Cambridge where he had been Master for many years . ] This spoken of Dr. Williams then Bishop of Lincoln and Lord Keeper , who certainly was never Master of that Colledge ; though by his power and and party in that Society he advanced Dr. Gwin who had been his Tutor , unto that place , as is affirmed in the Church History of B●itain . Lib. 11. fol. 225. It may be Mr. Williams was at that time of the same minde with ●harles Mart●l , of whom it is affirmed that he chose rather to make a King then to be a King. Non ●word regn●re , sed R●gibus 〈…〉 as the old verse hath it . Or else perhaps we may say of him as T●citus does of Mutian●s . Cui facil●us er●t 〈…〉 ; that is to say , that it was easier for him to procure the mastership for another , then to obtain it for hims●lf . But howsoever it was , it seemes to have been carried by strong 〈◊〉 canvas , of which Nation both the Pupil and the Scholer were , as appeareth by these H●xameters following , in which the four Competitors are thus laid before us . Fol. 〈◊〉 Th● 〈◊〉 of that Protestation 〈◊〉 me●● 〈…〉 Regni negotiis , but left out Quibusdam , 〈…〉 particular cases as the King 〈…〉 ] This spoken of a Protestation entred b●●ome of the House of Commons Anno 1621. concerning 〈◊〉 of their pretended Rights and Privileges ; in which they 〈◊〉 mista●en , ( and I wonder the Author did not see it ) in 〈◊〉 the ve●y grounds on which they built it . For by the writ of summons the Commons were not called to consult of any thing either great of little , difficult or not difficult , whatso●●ver it was ; but onely 〈◊〉 consentiendum , & faciendum , to consent to and perfo●m such things as by the great Councel of the Realm● consisting of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , should be then ordained , as by the very ●writ it self doth at large appear . By which it seems that the Commons assembled in Parliament , were of themselves so far from being any 〈◊〉 o● that supreme Cou●t , that they were not to be counted for a part of the Kings great Councel . So that the founda●ion being 〈◊〉 , the Superstructure could not stand which was built upon it . But for the Protestation which gave the first hint to those bold demands , which afterwards were made by some of the Commons , it was this that followeth . The Protesta●ion of the Commo●s . Ia● . 19. 1621. THe Commons now assembled in Parliament , being justly occasioned thereunto , concern●●● 〈…〉 L●b●rties , Franchises , and Priviledges 〈…〉 among others here mentioned , do 〈…〉 Protestation following : That the Liber●●● 〈…〉 Priviledges , and Jurisdiction of Parliament , are the Ancient and undoubted Birth-right , and inheritance of the Subjects of England , and that the arduous and urgent affaires concerning the King , State , and defence of the Realm , and of the Church of England , and the maintenance and making of Laws , and redresse of mischief and grievances , which daily happen within this Realm , are proper subjects , and matter of Counsel , and debate in Parliament : And that in the handling and proceeding of those businesses , every member of Parliament hath , and of right ought to have Freedom of Speech , to propound treat , reason , and bring to conclusion the same : And that the Commons in Parliament have likewise Liberty and freedom to treat of the matters , in such order as in their judgements shall seem fittest : And that every Member of the said house hath like Freedom from all impeachment , imprisonment , and molestation , ( other then by censure of the house it self ) for or concerning any speaking , reasoning or declaring any matter , or matters touching the Parliament or Parliament businesses . And that if any of the said Members be complained of , and questioned for any thing done or said in Parliament , the same is to be shewed to the King by the advice and assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament ▪ before the King give credence to any private Information . Fol. 523. Hereupon the Members became Subjects again . ] This I conceive to have been spoken by the Author in the way of Irony , as in the same way of Irony , the Members of the House of Commons were sometimes called by King Iames the Five hundred Kings : For otherwise , our Author knows , as well as any , that the Members are as much Subjects in the time of their sitting , as they are or can be after the time of their Dissolution . Fol. 527. And though Tiberius beheaded Cremutius for words onely . ] That Cremutius Cordus was impeached in the Senate for words onely , is affirmed by Tacitus : But that he was beheaded for it by Tiberius , is affirmed by none ; that Author telling us , that having made his Defence in the open Senate , and returning home , Abstinenti● vitam finivit : He ended his life by a wilful abstinence from food : Nor was 〈◊〉 sentenced by the Senate to any other punishment , then that his Books should be publickly burnt , ( Libros per Aediles cremandos censuere Patres ) which was done accordingly , the shame & grief whereof , made him end his life as before is said . Fol. 528. But in a word , their great Wealth was one notable ba●● to the Popes , and the Gulf of other Orders , Hospitallers , Knights of the Rhodes , and St. Johns : All these together smack this Order , and swallowed their Riches at one time ; by consent of all the Princes in Christendom , where they had their Habitations . ] Where were our Authors Wits when these words fell from him ? Hospitallers , Knights of Rhodes , and of St. Iohns , all these together ; and yet all these together make one Order onely , as Marcus Tullius Cicero , made one onely Orator : Called by these several names , for several reasons ; called Hospitallers , because they had the charge of the Hospital at Ierusalem , erected for relief of Pilgrims to that holy place . Secondly , Knights of St. Iohns , because founded in the Church of St. Iohn in Ierusalem , and dedicated unto him as their Patron Saint . Thirdly , 〈◊〉 of the Rhodes , from the setled place of their ●abitation ( after their expulsion out of Palestin ) from the year ●●09 . till the year 1522. when forc'd to leave that Island by Sol●man the Magnificent , they retired unto the Isle of Malta , from whence now denominated . Fol 529. From whom Digby had knowledge of that Kings Prog●ess towards ●he North of Spain , to Lerma , a Town in Bis●ay . ] That Lerm is scituate towards the Northern parts of Spain , I shall rea●ily grant ; and yet not as a Town of Bis●ay , but of old Castile , scituate not far from Burgos , the chief of that Province . So also by a like error in Topography , St. Andrews , ( Saint Anderos the Spaniards call it ) is made to be a part of Biscay , 〈◊〉 530. whereas indeed it is a well known Haven of the Realm of Leon and Ovi●do , neighboring on the Sea to Bis●ay , ●ut no part thereof . And now we are thus fallen on the Coast of Spain , I should ●ake notice of the Procuration which is said by our Author ●o be left with the Earl of Bristol , for impowring him to Espouse the Infant● , within ten days after the Dispensation came from Rome , fol. 552. But hereof th●re hath so much been said by the Observator on the History of the Reign of King Charls , published by Haimon L'Strange Esq and the defence of those Observati●ns against the Pamphleter , that nothing needs be added here on that occasion . Fol. 567. Indeed the Savoy Ambassador there said , That the ●ntention of the King of Spain was , for a cross match with France for himself . ● It is not to be doubted , but that the Spaniard tryed all ways , and used all Artifices to divert the Treaty of a Marriage between the Prince of Wales and a Daughter of France : But I cannot look upon it as a thing conceivable , that he should pretend to any such cross Alliance for himself , as is here alledged . He had before married the eldest Sister , who was still alive , and therefore could not pretend to the yonger also : And if it was not for himself ( as indeed it was not ) it cannot be imagined that he could give himself any hopes of it for any of his yonger Brethren ; there being so vast a disproportion between the Heir apparent of England , and any yonger Brother of the House of Austria ▪ The Ambassador of Savoy might act something in order to the service and Designs of the Catholick King , which could not be advanced by any such suggestion as is here laid downs ▪ And therefore our Author might have done very well to have spared his pains in giving us such a reason for the Interruption ▪ which was made in the Treaty of this Marriage by the Agents of the King of Spain , as indeed cannot stand with reason . And thus far have I gone in running over the most materia● errors and defects of Mr. Sandersons Compleat History , ( as he calls it ) of Mary Queen of Scotland , and King James her Son ▪ the sixth of that name in Scotland , and the first in England ▪ before the coming out of that large and voluminous piece , entituled , A compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charls , from his Cradle to his Grave ; in the doing whereof , I proposed unto my self no other ends , then first to vindicate the truth , and next to do some right to the Author himself , whom I looked on as a man well principled , and of no ill affections to the Church or State : And having finished it with as much brevity as I could , it was intended onely as an Appendix to the work precedent , though now upon the coming out of the other piece , it serves as a preamble to that , as having the precedence of it both in time and method ; what moved me to the undertaking and examination of the following History , I have declared at large in the Preface unto those Advertisements which are made upon it , wherein I have carried my self , with more respect unto his person , and far less Acrimony in the Phrase and garb of my Expressions , there he hath reason to expect . His most unhandsome dealing with me in the Book it self ; seconded by a more ridiculous manifestation of his Spleen and Passion in his post has●e Reply , &c. might well have sharpned one of a duller edge to cry quittance with him : But I consider rather what is fit for me to do , then for him to suffer , and have not yet forgot the Lesson which I learn'd in one of the Morals of my Aesops Fables , where I was taught to imitate those generous Horses , Qui latrantes caviculos cum contempt● praetereunt , which said , I pass'd on with a quiet and pacifick minde to the rest that follows . ADVERTISMENTS On a Book Entituled THE COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING CHARLES From his CRADLE to his GRAVE . Horat. De Arte Poet : Nec sic incipies , ut scripsit Scythicus olim , Fortunam Priami c●ntabo , & nobile Bellum ! Quid dignum tanto quaerit hic promissor hiatu ? A SHORT SURVEY OF Mr. SANDERSONS long HISTORY OF THE Life and REIGN of King CHARLES . AS ALSO Of the Motives which induced the Author of these Advertisments to engage in this businesse . THere are two things as necessary to the writing Histories , as to the Composing of Orations , or any other Philosophical , Civil , or Divine discourses ; that is to say , clearnesse of Method , and perspicuity of Language . For if the Method be irregular and inartificial , the Reader will soon find himself in a wood , in which he can neither travel with pleasure , nor stand still with profit . Or if the Language be unpleasing , or rendred lesse intelligible to the vulgar Reader , either by new affected words , not to be understood without the help of a Dictionary , or by obscure expressions which require a Comment ; he stands deprived of that contentment which otherwise would beguile him to the end of the work , before he thinks he is half way in it . In which respect a perspicuous comlinesse of words , and a regular 〈…〉 N●r stand I singly by my self in this opinion of that H●●tory , but finde it seconded by others of good 〈◊〉 and qua●ity . A judicious and learned friend 〈◊〉 mine having read it over , gave me this judgement of ● without my seeking , and as such time as I am sure 〈◊〉 never dreamt of my engaging in this businesse . I 〈◊〉 spent some houres ( saith he ) upon his other two Histories of Ma●y Queen of Sco●s , and King 〈◊〉 her ●on , wherein though I finde not many 〈◊〉 untruthes , yet much stealing from 〈…〉 and Camden , and methinks he 〈◊〉 nothing like a Historian either 〈…〉 Compo●●● 〈…〉 ●entences many time 〈◊〉 , and his Digre●●ons ●edious and impertiment . But this being a private Adver●●ment , and but la●ely given , could not come time enough to the ●ares of this Aut●or ( had it been so meant ) that he might thereby have rectified any thing which was observed to be 〈…〉 or method . And there●ore I r●fer him to a passage 〈…〉 Book entituled Ob●●●vatio●● upon some particular pe●so●s and passages in the Complea● History o● Ma●y Queen of Scots &c. which I am sure came to 〈◊〉 and● , because he returned an Answer to it . The Au●hor of which observations tells us ; That his whole Book is but a rapsody of notes and 〈◊〉 papers 〈◊〉 other men collected without either Order or Method , being exceedingly defective both in time , place ●and nominations , and written in so unseemly and disjointed a stile , that we may easily perceive he hath taken up other mens words without understanding their matter ; and unlesse it be where he raileth on persons of Honour , ( which he doth plainly and often , though ●ome●imes very falsly ) his Language is dark , harsh , and unintelligible . According to this last censure , the Author of this History stands not onely charged with want of ●are in the digesting of his matter , and the well languag●ing of the same ( as was observed in the private Letter before mentioned ) but with railing on 〈◊〉 Persons of Honour without ground or truth . So that being publickly forewarned , it might have been presumed that in 〈…〉 he would have 〈◊〉 and amended whatsoever was observed to be defective in the other , or condemned in it . But some there are , who ha●e to be reformed in the Psalmists Language ; others , who think it an acknowledgement of their wants and weaknesses , if they persist not in the same way which before they walked in . I am so charitable to the Author of the present History , as not to rank him with the first , though I have reason to beleeve that he is willing to be reckoned amongst the second . We might have otherwise expected such a Reformation in those particulars as might very well have stood with ingenuity , and without disparagement . But on the contrary , the Earl of A●undel , my Lord Finch , and Sr. Francis Winde●anck , persons of eminence and Honour are brought under the Lash ; two of them being unjustly condemned for profest Papists , and the third for doing somewhat , but he knows not what , which had lost his head if he had not saved it by his heels . His Method as perplexed and confused , his Language as rugged and uneven as before it was . It seemes it did concern him in the point of Decorum to make the History of this King alike both in form and matter , unto those of his Ancestors , and that his picture should not be laid with better colours then the others were ; facies not omnibus una — Nec diversa ●amen , as we know who saies . I know some who affect Brevity , do many times fall into Obscurity . Brevis esse laboro , Obscurus ●io , as 〈◊〉 in his Book de Arte poe ica . But in a peice of such pro●ixity as this is , the Author had room and scope enough to expresse himself clearly and intelligibly even to an ordinary Reader , which renders him the more inexcusable amongst knowing men : His History made much longer by Incorporating into it his late Majesties most excellent Meditations and Divine Discourses ( those Men●is aureae 〈…〉 ) comprised in the Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , The Portraiture of his sacred Majes●y in his Sol●●udes and Sufferings , A Book which rather ought to have been preserved by its self , like Apples of Gold in P●●●ures of Silver , &c. to be ingraven on Pillars of Marble , with a Pen of Diamond , then to be buried in the Grave of an obscure Writer , like a Pearl in an Oister-shell , or to be sowed like a piece of the richest purple cloth ( purpureus late qui splendeat , in the Poets expression ) to such a sorry Web of home-spun . Yet these defects might the more easily have been pardoned , if he had either been more careful in the choice of his matter , or diligent in searching for the truth of those things which he hath delivered : But on the contrary , his matter is many times taken up without care or Judgement , wit●out consideration of the fitness or unfitness of it ; as if an History , which is to be the Store-house of time , were to be stowed with things unnecessary , unprofitable , and of no use at all : And yet his failings in the truth of that which he delivers to us , are more to be condemned , be●au●e more dangerous in themselves , and of worse consequence in respect of the Reader , then his neglect in the choice of his matter : For he that comes unto the reading of an History , comes with a co●●idence that he shall finde nothing b●● the truth , though possibly the A●d it might have been presumed the rather , because 〈◊〉 was r●solve●d before ●and ●o to provoke the 〈◊〉 or his Alter 〈◊〉 ( ●e he who he will ) as might 〈◊〉 him that his Errors were not like to be con●●a●d from the eyes of other , if such a provoca●ion should be ●●●banded to his 〈…〉 . But however he goes o● , and lays down many things for truth , which either have been proved to be false by the o●s●rvator , or are contradicted by himself , or easily disce●nable for Errors by a vulgar Reader , not studied 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 Chronic●e , or the weekly M●r●uries : And this he does with so great confidence , not giving th● least acknowledgement of any Er●a●a , eit●er ●rom the Press , or from the Pen ; that if the wilful 〈…〉 an Error may ●reat● an Heresie , our Author may deserve to be enro●●● for the first Heretick in point of History : And why ●●t Heresies ●n History ; as well as Heresies in Law ; with which last crime Iohn 〈◊〉 stands accused in Print by Mr. Justice German , for saying that the Jurors were Judges in point of Law , and not onely ●n a matter of fact : Errare p●ss●m , Here● icus ess● 〈◊〉 , was esteemed a piou● resolu●ion in a Case of Div●nity , and may be held for a good rule in any matter of History , Philosophy , Law or Physick , or any other Art or Faculty of what ●ort soev●r . But to reduce these several items to a 〈…〉 as in the History it self , considering the length , ( I 〈◊〉 not say the tediousness ) of it , there is much which deserves to be laid up in the Registers of succee●ing Ages ; so there are many Errors ●it to be 〈…〉 , and many unnecessary passages which might very judiciously have been spared & suffered to pass by without remembrance : His Hist. in this respect , may be compared to the French Army at the battle of Agincourt , of which it was merrily said by old Captain Gam , who took a view of it from an Hill , That there were men enough in it to be killed , enough to be taken and kept alive , and enough to be permitted to run away ; or to the draw-net in the Gospel , which gathered of every kinde of Fishes , out of which the good ones being culled and preserved in Vessels , the rest were onely good enough to be cast aside . I cannot but acknowledge , that he hath done more right to the King and the Church of England , then could be expected in these times : V●inam sic semper err asset , as the learned Cardinal said of Calvin in the point of the Trinity : And had he took but any ordinary care in performing those things whereof he had been before advertised , or diligence in avoiding those Errors which he so often falls into , it might have deserved the name of a Compleat History , by which he hath been pleased to call it : But coming to us as it is , it is no other then a Forest of Oaks , or a Quary of Marble , out of which materials may be hewen for a perfect Fabrick ; a Moles indigesta like the ancient Chaos , which being without Form it self , afforded Matter to the making of the most excellent Creatures : Or if he will , it is an History of Ore , which being purged of the Dross , and refined in the Language , may pass for currant amongst the best pieces of this kinde . Which said in reference to the Author and the present History , I must say somewhat of my self , and my ingaging in the survey and correction of it : Concerning which , the Reader may be pleased to know , that about Midsummer last , Mr. Sanderson found me out at my lodging in London , where after some ordinary Civilities passed between us , he told me that he had undertaken the History of King Charls , and that he was required by the Lord Primate of Ireland , to do him some right in the business of the Earl of Strafford , which he resolved so to do , and with such respect unto my person , that I should finde no just cause to be offended at his writing : I answered , that I was resolved to have nothing to do in the Quarrels of the Observator , and therefore he might use his pleasure : I had a purpose thereupon of perusing the History , and taking notice of such Errors and Mistakes ( if any such were ) as possibly I might chance to meet with , and having so done , to send them to him , with my Conceptions and Corrections in a private way , that he might do himself the right of rectifying them in a short Review , and joyning that Review to as many of the Books as remained unsold : And this he might have done with great advantage to the Reader , and without disparagement to himself ; two as great Clerks as any of the age they lived in having done the like , viz. St. Austin in his Retra●lations , and Bellarmin in his Book of Recognitions : But when I came to that part of it , which concerned the Lord Primate and the Earl of Strafford , I saw my self so coursly handled , and so despightfully reproached , that I found good cause to change my purpose , & not to take such care to save his credit , who had so little care of his own , and less of mine : Seipsum deserentem omnia deserunt , is an old Observation , but as true as ancient . He gives me rost-mea● and besprinkles me with a little Court Holy-water in the end of his Preface ; but beat me with the spit , and basles me all over with gall and vineger in that part of the History , which made me change my first purpose and intentions towards him . And yet I cannot chuse but say , I was never at a greater conflict within my self ( in any matter of this kinde ) then in the publishing or not publishing of these following papers . I had before justified my self against his Calumnies and charges in an Appendix to my answer to the part of Dr. 〈◊〉 Book , entituled The ●udgment of the late Primate &c. in which I found my self concerned , which was intended to come out in Print before Easter last . And thereupon I thought it best to stand aloof , without ingaging further against this Author , in hope that I might have some satisfaction from him either publick or private . But understanding that notice had been given unto him of some just cause for my dislike , & no acknowledgement or reparation following o● it ▪ I conceived that it concerned me in point of Credit to let him see , that I knew as well how to offend an unjust Adversary , as to defend my self . In the pursute whereof I have carried on the work with that sobriety in it self , and such respect unto his person , as cannot be displeasing to the Author , or any discerning friend of his , or unto any equal and impartial Reader . His Errors I have corrected , rectified his Mistakes , and a●ded here and there some Observations in the way of a Supplement . For which cause I have called these papers by the name of Adver●sments , that I might use such honest freedom as well in the last as in the first , as might conduce un●o the b●nefit of such as should p●cale to read them . Hi● History is not ma●e the wor●e , nor the sale thereof retarded by such Additionals and Corrective● as are here pre●ented . Which though he may not thank me for , yet I am apt to flatt●r my self that I may receive some thanks from others . Howsoever I shall comfort my self with this , that I have not trespassed against good manners or the truth , the vindicating of which last , hath been the main impulsive to this under●aking . And being com●ort●d in that , I shall the better indure such censures either of pragmaticalnesse , or the love of revenge , which may perhaps be laid upon me by such as do not understand me . Dele●a●it tame●se Conscientia , quod est A●imi pa●ulum incredibili jucundi●ate persusum , as Lactantius hath it . With which I shut up this Survey , and proceed to the businesse . ADVERTISEMENTS ON A BOOK Intituled A Compleat HISTORY OF THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING CHARLES From his CRADLE to his GRAVE . THE Author of the History which we have before us entitles it , A compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charles from his Cradle to his Grave . By which the Reader might expect a compleat Account of all the passages of his life , not onely from his coming to the Imperial Crown of this Realm , but from his first coming into the world ; In which intervall , besides the nature and condition of his education , First , under Mr. Thomas Murrey , and afterwards under the immediat care of King Iames his Father ; he had the conduct of one of the most weighty Affaires of State that ever was managed by any prince in his fathers life time . And if Iames Howel in writing the life of Lewis 13. thought fit to begin his History with the acts of his Daulphinage , which could afford no great variety of matter , considering he came unto the Crown at ten years of age ; assuredly the first part of the life of King rash assuming of the Crown of 〈◊〉 and that it gave the Sp●niards a free passe for his Itali●n forces to march towards the Netherlands ▪ I shall adventure to lay down the first cause of that Quarrel . It was about the year 1●15 . that a designe was put into the head of the Bishop of Spires , being an Homager and Feudatory of the Prince Elector Palat●●e , to for●●fie the Town and Castle of Vdenheim ; which by ●om little help of Art , added unto the natural strength of the sit●ation , might be made impregnable . In Order wherunto the Bishop invite● the Prince and the Princesse Elizabeth his wi●e to a solemn feast : and after Dinner shewes him from the top of one of the ●urrets of the Castle the prospect of the ●own and Country adjo●ning , telling him , that if that Town were fortified by Art as well as by nature , it w●uld be a very strong Bulwark , not onely to the States of his Highnesse , but unto all the rest of his Neighbours in tho●e parts of Germa●y ; and that he had a great desire to proceed to the acting of those thoughts , if his Highnesse were but plea●ed to give way unto it . The Prince considering very wisely , that he was now in his power , returned this answer , that if the fortifying of that place did startle no other jealousies in the minds of the Neighbouring Princes then it did in his , he might go on with it when he pleased ; which words being taken by the Bishop for a permission and encouragement to proceed in the work , it went on accordingly . But scarce were the works half finisht , when the Duke of 〈◊〉 , the Marquesse of Baden , and other of the Neighbouring Princes amazed to see such preparations for a war in a time of peace , dispatcht their Agents to the Prince , desiring to know the reason why he suffered the Bishop to entrench that place , which might in t●●e be made use of to their common 〈◊〉 . The Prince made answer , that the Bishop had no permission from him , and that he would send a servant of his to 〈◊〉 the prosecution of the work , and to com●●and the casting d●wn of that which was 〈…〉 . And though he did perform this promise , yet the work went forward , the Bishop having secretly obtained license from the Emperor , ( as the Lord Paramount of all ) to proceed therein . The Princes hereupon muster up their Forces , which under the command of Colonel Ob●r●ra●d , a servant of the Prince Electors , came before the Town , and sent a Trumpet to the Bishop , requiring him to give present order for the dismantling of the place , or to give them leave to do it for him : The Bishop returns no other Answer , but that they should go to such a post , where they should find a copy of the Emperors Placard , in justification of his act touching those Intrenchments : But the Souldiers , taking notice of no other authority then that which they received from their several Princes , made themselves masters of the place ( the Ports and Circumvallations of it being unfinisht ) without any resistance ; and having made all level again , disbanded , and went home to their several Countries : For this contempt of the Imperial Authority , the Prince Elector , who had the chief conduct of this Action , was cited to the Chamber of Spires , where the cause went on so fast against him , that he was at the point to be Proscribed , when the unfortunate Crown of Bohemia was offered to him , of which more hereafter . But through that spot , the Spaniard had free Passage with his Forces of Italy , and other parts , to pass into the Netherlands , to reduce them to obedience . ] No freer passage thorow that Spot , ( if so fair and large a Countrey may be called a Spot ) then he had before ; the Spanish Armies finding an uncontroll'd March from the Alps to the Netherlands , without touching on any part of the lower Palatinate . And so it will be found by any who shall follow the tract of the Duke of Alva , conducting an Army of old Souldiers , both Horse and Foot , some Germ●n and Burgundian Forces being taken in by the way , from the Dukedom of Millain into Flanders : So that if there had not been some other reason why the Spaniards engaged themselves in the Conquest of this Countrey , then the opening a free passage for their Armies , to march out of Italy into the Netherl . it might have remained unconquered by them to this very day : But the truth is , that both the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria , being wholly acted by the Counsels of the Jesuits , resolv'd upon some compulsory courses , to bring all Germany under the obedience of the Pope of Rome ; and to that end , thought fit to begin with the Prince Elector Palatine ( as appears by several Letters exemplified in the Book , entituled , Cancellaria Bavarica , as being the chief head of the Calvinian party in the Empire , and having made himself doubly obnoxious to a present proscription , which Proscription being issued out , the Execution of it was committed to the Duke of Bavaria , who was to have the upper Palatinate , together with the Electoral Dignity , the better to enable him to carry on the Design ▪ and to the King of Spain , as best able to go thorow with it , who was to have the lower Palatinate wholly to himself , that his Forces might be always in readiness to carry on the War from one Prince to another , till the Emperor had made himself the absolute Master of them all . From Germany we pass into Scotland , where we finde the busie Arch-Bishop , ( so he calls him ) in a time of high discontentment , pressing a full conformity of the Kirk in Scotland , with the English Discipline : So here , and hereupon the credit of hear-say onely ; but in another place , where he rather acts the part of an Historian , then of one that is to speak in the Prologue , he relates it thus : King Iames had a Design , not once , but always after his coming into England , to reform that deformity of the Kirk of Scotland into a decent Discipline , as in the Church of England , which received Opposition and Intermissions , till the year 1616. Where at Aberdine their General Assembly of Clergy made an Act , authorizing some of their Bishops to compile a form of Liturgy , or book of Common Prayer ; first , for the King to approve , which was so considerately there revised and returned ▪ for that Kingdom to p●actice , which same Service Book was now sent for by this King , and committed to some Bishops here of their own , to review , and finding the difference not much from the English , he gave command in Scotland to be read twice a day , in the Kings Chappel at Holy-Rood House at E●inburgh , that the Communion should be administred in that form , & taken on their knees once a Moneth the Bishop to wear his Rochet , the Minister his Surplice , and so to inure the people by president of his own Chappel , there first , and afterwards in all parts for the publick : The Scotch Bishops liked it reasonable well for the matter , but the maner of imposing it from hence upon them , was conceived somewhat too much dependancy of theirs on our English Church , and therefore excepting against the Psalms , Epistles and Gospels , and other Sentences of Scripture in the English Book , being of a different Translation from that of King Iames , they desired a Liturgy of their own , and to alter the English answerable to that , and so peculiar to the Church of Scotland , which indeed was more like to that of King Edward the sixth , which the Papist better approved , and so was the rather permitted by the King , as to win them the better to our Church : And so had it been accustomed to the Scotish several Churches , for some years without any great regret , and now particularly proclaimed to be used in all Churches , &c. fol. 221. In all which Narrative , we finde no pressing of the Book by the busie Arch-Bishop , how busie soever he is made by the Author in the Introduction . None having power to carry away his nine parts , or any part , until the propri●t●ry had set out his tenth part . ] Our Author speaks this of the miserable condition of the poor Scotish Husbandman , under the Lords of new erection , as they commonly called them , who on the dissolution of Abbies , and other Religious Houses , to which almost all the Tithes in Scotland had been appropriated , i●grost them wholly to themselves : And were it no otherwise with the poor Husbandman then is here related , his condition had been miserable enough ; it not being permitted unto him , in default of the Parsone , or his Bailyff , to set apart the Tythes , in the presence of two or three sufficient Neighbors , as with us in England : But their condition , ( if I remember it aright ) was far worse then this , not being suffered to carry away their own Corn , though the Tithes had been set out in convenient time , before the Impropriator had carried his , by means whereof , they were kept in a most intollerable slavery by these their Masters , who cared not many times for losing the tenth part , so they might destroy the other nine : By means whereof , the poor Peasants were compell'd to run , swear , fight , to kill , and be killed too , as they were commanded . From which being freed by the Grace and goodness of King Charls , they prov'd notwithstanding the most base and disloyal People , that the Sun ever shined on . This Bishop ( John Maxwell ) Minister of Edinburgh , was set up by Laud , then Bishop of London , who finding him Eloquent and Factious enough , placed him a Bulwark against adverse Forces . ] This Bishop , ( the Bishop of Ross he meaneth ) was by the King preferred to great Offices of Trust , both in Church and State : That he was Eloquent , is confessed by our Author , and that he was a learned man , appears by his judicious and elaborate Treatise , entituled . Sacro-sancta Regum Majestas , in which he hath defended the Rights and Soveraignty of Kings , against all the Cavils of the Presbyterian or Puritan Faction : But that he was also Factious , was never charged upon him , but by those who held themselves to the Assembly at Glasco ; by whom he was indeed lookt on as a Factious person , for acting so couragiously in defence of his own Episcopal Rights , the publick Orders of the Church , and the Kings Authority : According to which Rule or No●ion , the generality of the Bishops in all the three Kingdoms , might be called a Faction , if Tertullian had not otherwise stated it , by saying this , viz. Cum pii , cum boni coëunt , non factio dicenda est , sed Curia . The like unhandsome Character he gives us of Sir Archi●●● Atchison , of whom he tells us , That he was of such a● 〈…〉 ( he means his first coming out of 〈…〉 to all th●se af●er-Seditions : But ce●tainly , the pa●●y whom he speaks of , was of no such temper . For being of a ●udge in 〈◊〉 , made the Kings Sollicitor or Procurato● for the Realm of Scotland , he diver●●d the King from 〈◊〉 the intended Act of Revocat●on , which indeed 〈◊〉 have brought more fuel to the fire , then could be suddenly extinguisht , advising rather that he should enter his Action in the Courts of Iustice against some of the 〈◊〉 of those who had possest themselves of the Crown ●ands in his ●athers Minority , in which course he might hope to finde good success , without noise or dange● ▪ And ●f this may be called the adding of fuel to the fi●e of 〈…〉 King will finde a safe way to recover his own , 〈…〉 from him by power and pride , unless he do 〈…〉 strong hand which findes no resistance : For which good ser●ice , if he were afterwards Knighted , and made second Secretary of Estate ( the principal being called Lord Secretary in the stile of that Kingdom ) it was no more then he had worthily deserv'd for his sound Advice . ●rom the Title and the Introduction , proceed we next unto the History it self , in which the first mistake we meet with , 〈◊〉 the placing of the ●uneral of King Iames on the 14 of May , which Mr. H. L. in his History of the Reign of King Cha●ls , had 〈…〉 on the fourth , in both erron●ously alike : But the 〈◊〉 of the ●ormer History hath corrected his error by the 〈…〉 , and placed it rightly on the seventh , which the 〈…〉 Historian might have done also , having so thorowly 〈…〉 all the Passages in those Observations . 〈…〉 land had nothing but foul weather ( triste & lugubre Coelum ) when she was at the Sea , and the worst of foul weathers from the time of her landing to the very minute of her death ▪ The like tempestuous landing is observed to have happened to the Princesse Catharine daughter of Ferdinand and If bell● Kings of Spain , when she came hither to be married to Prince Arthur eldest Son to King Henry 7 ▪ which afterwards was lookt on as a sad presage of those Cala●●ities , which hapned to that pious , but unfortunate Lady in the last part of her life . And certainly such presages are neither to be rejected as superstitious , nor too much relied on as infallible ; such a middle course being to be stee●'d in such conjecturals as is advised to be held in Prophetical or presaging dreams , not wilfully to be slighted , nor too much regarded . ●ol . 6. The Parliament to be subordinate , not coordinate with the Prince &c. though King Charles unadvisedly makes himself a member of the house of Peers , which the Parliament would never acquit him . A passage which the Author likes well enough , ( and hopes the Reader will do the like ) as it comes from himself , but will not let it go uncensured in the O●servator . It is noted in the Observations p. 62. that the King having passed away the Bishops votes in Parliament , did after by a strange improvidence , in a Message or Declaration sent from York the 17. of Iune reckon himself as one of the three Estates , which being once slipt from his pen and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of ●●●●ament , it never was let fall again in the whole agitati●n of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them . Our Author says the same thing though in fewer words , and yet corrects the Observator , for ta●ing notice of the Kings strange imp●ovidence in a message 〈…〉 Iune 17. where he reckons himself as one of the 〈…〉 member of the House of Peers . Fol. 10● . for which he 〈◊〉 to call him to a further account in 〈…〉 and so perhaps he may in a second edition of his History , there being no such thing to be found in this . 〈◊〉 Councels are privy and publick , his Privy Councel by his own 〈…〉 election●● : publick , his Parliament , Peers and people . In these words there are two things to be enquired after , first , why the Bishops are not named as Members of this publick Councel , and secondly , why the people are admitted art thereof . That the Bishops are to be accounted of as necessa●y members of this publick Councel , appeareth by the 〈◊〉 writ of Summons , by which they are severally and respectively called to attend in Parliament . In which it is declared , that the King by the advice of his Privy Councel , hath called a Parliament unto this end , ut cum Pralatis , 〈…〉 Reg●● Colloquium ha●eret ; that he for his part might confer with the Prelat● , Peers , and great men of the Realm , and that they for their parts super dictis Negotiis tractaren● & co●●ilium suum impenderent , should debate of all such difficult matters concerning the preservation of the Church and State , as the King should recommend unto them , and give their faithful Counsel in them accordingly ▪ So that the Author dealt not well with the Bishops , in excluding them from being a part of the Kings publick Councel , and putting the people in their room , who never were beheld as members of it , till so made by our Author : the Commons being called to Parliament to no other purpose , but ad consen●iendum & faciendum , to give consent and yield obedience to all such things as by the great Councel of the Kingdom ( 〈◊〉 communi Concilio Regni nostri ) shall be then ordained . But if our Author say that he includes the Bishops in the name of Peers , though I allow his meaning , and am able to defend him in it ; yet I must still except against his expression , because not plain and full enough to the vulgar Reader . Ibid. But 〈◊〉 Iames altered that course a● best able of any his Predecessors to speak for him self . ] It was indeed the common usage of the Kings of England to speak to their people in ●arliament by the mouth of the Chancellors ; not that they were not able to tell their own tales and express their own me●ning , but that it was held for a point of State not to descend so much beneath themselves as to play the Orators . Yet somtimes as they saw occasion they would speak their own mindes in Parliament , and not trouble their Chancellors ; as appears by that speech of King Henry 7. when he resolved to engage himself in a war with France , a copy whereof we have in the History of his Reign writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban , which he thus beginneth . My Lords and you the Commons ; when I purposed to make a war in Britain by my Lieutenant , I made declaration thereof to you by my Chancellor . But now that I mean to make war upon France in person , I will declare it to you myself &c. Fol. 96. But King Iames thinking himself an absolute Master in the Art of speaking , and desirous that his people should think so too , in the opening of all his Parliaments , and the beginning of each Session , and many occasions on the by used no tongue but his own . Which though it might seem necessary at the opening of his first Parliament to let the Lords and Commons see how sensible he was of that Affection wherewith the whole body of the Nation had imbraced his coming to the Crown ; yet the continual use thereof made him seem cheaper in the eyes of the People then might stand with Majecty . Nor was this all the inconvenience which ensued upon it , for first , it put a necessity upon his son and ●●●cessor of doing the like , to whom it would otherwise have been imputed for a Defect , that he was not able , or for a Crime , as if he thought himself too great to speak to his people ; and secondly , it put the Commons on a ●og of following the Kings example , not onely in making long speeches , but of printing them also , of which more hereafter . Ibid. His place being 〈…〉 of King William Rufus , where he is to 〈◊〉 totius Regni 〈◊〉 . Our 〈◊〉 speaks this of the Speaker of the house 〈…〉 , but he speaks without Book ; the Commons no● being called to Parliament in the time of Rusus , as all our 〈…〉 agree ●oyntly . He that was called 〈◊〉 〈…〉 might be a speaker of the Parliament , though not of 〈…〉 in regard h● delivered the kings minde to the 〈◊〉 and Peers of that great Counsil , and theirs 〈◊〉 to him . Which office was commonly performed by the lord Chancellor of the Kingdom , who is therefore 〈◊〉 the Speaker of the house of Peers . And when the Commons had the Honour to be called to Parliaments ▪ they also had their Sp●ak● to perform the same Offices betwix● the King and them , as the Lord Chancellor performed between the King and the Peers ; who the●for● was ( as still he is ) at the Kings Nomination and appointment , admitted rather then elected on that nomination by the house of Commons . It was not properly and Originally the Speakers Office to sit still in the Chair and ●earken to those trim Oratio●s which the Gentlemen of the House were pleased to entertain the time and themselves with all ▪ but to signifie to the people the Command 〈◊〉 th● King , and to present unto the King the desire of his people . It ●s from speaking not from hearing that he take● his name , though none have spoken lesse in tha● House since the time of King Iames , then the Speaker himself ▪ as if he were called Speaker by that figure in Rhetorick by which Lucus is said to take its name a non lucen●● . Fo● . ● 〈…〉 in the Prince Elector to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Bohemia ; so no ●ustice in the House of 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 Palatinate from him ] Neither so , not so 〈…〉 Prince . Elector had no coulour to accept of th● Kingdom of 〈◊〉 at our Author plainly saies he had not then was i● no in●ustice in the House of Aust●●a to ●ade , conquer , and detain the 〈◊〉 from him , as our Author plainly saies it was ▪ In the last of these two propositions the Author shall confute himself , and save me the Labour ; he telling us within few lines after that , an 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 . Then for the first of the two propositions , I must needs tell him , that the Prince Elector had not only some colour to accept the Crown of ●●mia , but a fair one too . The kingdom of Bohemia , according to the fundamental constitutions of it , was elective meerly . And though the Electo●●used constantly to keep them selves to the royal family , ( except onely in the case of George Pogibrachio ) yet they reserved a latitude unto themselves of chusing one rather then another , many times pretermitting the eldest son of the former King , and pitching on a younger brother , and sometimes on some other more remote from the Crown . But Mathias the Emperor being childlesse , adopted Ferdinand of G●ats the next Heir male of the House of Austria for his Son and successor , and caused him without any formal election ( as the Bohem●ans did pretend ) to be Crowned King of that Kingdom , and put him into the actual possession of it in his own life time . But after his decease , the Bohemians rejecting Ferdinand as not lawfully chosen , elected Frederick the fift Prince Palatine of the Rhene for their King and Soveraign , as lineally de●cended from Ladislaus 2. King of Poland and Bohemi● , from whom the House of Astria also do derive their Claim . ●o that his Action was not so precipitae , and his ground more justifiable in accepting that Crown , then our Author hath been pleased to make it Fol. 163. And had King Iames , espoused that quarrel , ( as all generally did expect he would have done ▪ he might with far lesse charges have assured the possession of that Crown , or at the least have preserved the 〈◊〉 from the hand of Ruin , then he did put himself unto by sending Embassadors to excuse the one , and mediate the restitution of the other . In which last point I grant him to have been for some years deluded , not onely by the Emperour but the K. of Spain ; but that he was deluded by the Spaniards also in the businesse and treaty of the Match , I by no means grant , and could sufficiently prove the contrary , if it had not been already done in the Observations on the former History . But our Author hath not yet done with the Spaniard , telling us , that . Ibid The Crown of Spain hath enlarged her bounds these last 60. years more than the Ottoman . Not so neither . The House of Austria within sixty years from the time that our Author writ this part of the History hath been upon the losing hand , the Kingdom of Portugal with all the appendixes thereof being revolted from that Crown , as also are the Countries of Catalonia , and Rousillon in the Continent of Spain it self ; the lower Palatinate surrendred to its lawful Prince according to the Treaty at Munster , and many of his best Towns , if not entire provinces in the Netherlands extorted from him by the French ; besides the seven united Provinces , which within the compasse of that time have made themselves a free state , and are now rather confederates with that King then Subjects to him ; whereas upon the other side the Ottomans within that compasse of time have regained Babylon and all the Countrey there about from the hands of the Persians , and conquered a great part of the Isle of Candy from the State of Venice . Ibid. The Kings Mercer infected and fled , no purple velvet to be had on the suddain , and so the colour of his Robes was changed by necessity . ] This passage is brought in out of season as not relating to the Parliament but the Coronation . The Author of the former History had told us out of Mr. Prinne , that the King upon the day of his Coronation was arraied in white Sattin contrary to the custom of his Predecessors who were clothed in purple , which change although the King affected to declare the innocency of his heart , or to expresse that Virgin purity wherewith he came unto the marriage betwixt him and his Kingdoms ; yet our Author would fain have it to be done upon necessity and not upon designe or choice . How so ? Because ( saies he ) the Kings Mercer being infected and fled there was no purple velvet to be had on the suddain . But first , though the Kings Mercer was infected , and fled , yet there were other Mercers in the City who could have supplied the King with that commodity . Secondly , at the time of the Coronation the infection had been much abated , the Air of London being generally corrected by a very sharp winter , and most of the Citizens returned again to their former dwellings ; amongst which the Kings mercer might be one for any thing which our Author can assure us to the contrary . Thirdly , it appears by another passage in our Author himself , that there was Purple velvet enough to be had for this occasion , he telling us out of Mr. Fullers Church History , ( out of whom he borrows his description of the Coronation ) that the train of the Kings vest or Royal Robe consisted of six yards of purple velvet . Some purple velvet then was to be had at the Coronation , though the Kings Mercer were infected and had left the City . And finally there was no such need that any such provision should be made on a suddain neither , there being ten moneths from the Kings coming to the Crown and his Coronation , and as much time for providing a few yards of purple , as for preparing all the other royal necessaries which concerned that day . Fol. 11. And so accounting to them the disbursmen● of his Land and Naval Forces with a clear and even au●●c of the charge and expence to come , they were so candid , that the La●y gave him , without Conditions , two Subsidies from Protestants , and four from Papists . ] And candid they had been indeed , if on so fair an auditing of the Kings Account for all expences , as well past as to come , they had given unto him such a present supply , as would have equalled that account toward the carrying on of the War which themselves projected , and given those two Subsidies over and above as a Testimony of their good Affections to his sacred Person : But these two Subsidies from Protestants , and four from Papists , were so short from carrying on that work , that there was nothing of ●ngenuity or Candor in it . The particular of the Kings Account stood thus , viz. 32000 l. for securing of L●eland , 47000 l. for strengthning the Forts 37000 l. for the repair of the Navy , 99000 l. upon the four English Regiments in the States Countrey , 62000 l. laid out for Count Mansfield , total 287000 l. Besides which , he sent in a Demand of 200000 l. and upwards , upon the Navy , 48000 l. upon the Ordnance , 45000 l. in charges of the Land-men , 20000 l. a moneth to Count Mansfield , and 46000 l. to bring down the King of Denmark ; the total of which latter sum amounts to 339000 l. both sums make no less then 626000 l. to which the grant of two Subsidies from Protestants , and four from Papists , hold but small proportion , especially considering to how low a pitch the Book of Subsidies was fallen . Our Author tells us somewhere in this present History , that in Queen Elizabeths time a single Subsidy amounted to Ninety thousand pound , and that in these times , whereof he writes a single subsidy of four shillings in the pound , amounts but to fifty six thousand only ▪ and I am able to tel our Author , that in the time of King Henry the eighth , a single Subsidy of four shillings in the pound , amounted to eight hundred thousand pound sterling , as appears by this passage in I. Stow● In which we find that the Cardinal , ( he means Cardinal Wolse● ) accompanied with divers Lords , both Spiritual and Temporal , acquainted the House of Commons with the Kings necessity of waging war against the Emperor Charls the fifth , & thereupon required a Subsidy of 800000 l. to be raised by 4● . in the pound out of every mans Estate throughout the Kingdome ; and that it was accorded by the Commons after a long and serious debate upon the matter to give two shillings in the pound , which by his calculation did amount to 400000 l. But then he is to know with all that in the raising of Subsidies in that Kings time , there was not onely an oath prescribed to the Assessors to give a perfect valuation of all mens estates as far as they could understand them , but an oath imposed also on the subjects who were to pay it , to bring in a true and just account of their Estates , and several penalties injoyn'd if they did the contrary , as of late times upon Delinquents , ( as they call them ) when they were admitted to compound at Goldsmiths and Haberdashers Halls ; which course held also all the time of King Edwards Reign , but being intermitted in Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeths time , on good reasons of State , the Subsidies were brought so low by little and little , that before the death of the last Queen , they came not up to an hundred thousand , and sunk so sensibly in the time of King Iames , that they came not to above sixty thousand or thereabouts ; so that although the Parliament , in the one and twentieth of that King , bestowed upon him three Subsidies and three Fifteens , when they first ingaged him in this War , yet King Charls told them in his first Speech to this very Parliament , that those supplies held no Symmetry or proportion with the charge of so great an enterprize : And though the charges of the Enterprize which he was in hand with , much exceeded his Fathers ( as much as the addition of a Navy of an hundred and twenty sail could amount unto ) and that he prest them earnestly at Oxford to a further grant ; yet nothing more could be obtained , but that sorry pittance , sufficient onely for advance money for ingaging those Sea and Land Forces which he had provided , by means whereof the Expedition proved dishonorable to the King and Kingdom : Nor came these two Subsidies so clearly and so candidly from them , but that the King was fain to gratifie them in two points which they mainly drove at ; that 〈◊〉 to say , the granting them a publick Fast to begin their Parliament , and laying some restraints on the Lords Day , which never could be obtain'd from any of his Predecesso●s . For when such Fasts had first been moved in Queen Elizabeths time , and afterwards in all the Parliaments of King Iames , till the 21 of his Reign ; it was answered , that there were so●many ordinary Fasting-days appointed by the Laws of the Land , on which they might humble themselves before the Lord , that there was no necessity or use of any such extraordinary Fasts as they desired : Such Fasts in those times were conceiv'd to have too much in them of Aerius , an old branded Here●ick , by whom it was held forth for good Catholick Doctrine , Non celebrand ▪ esse jejunia Statuta , sed cum quisque voluerit jejunand●m . And when the Commons in the 23 of Elizabeth , finding no hopes of gaining any such Fast by the Queens Authothority , had voted one to be solemniz'd at the Temple Church , for such of their own Members as could conveniently be present at it , upon notice thereof , the Queen sent a Message to them by Sir Thomas Henneage , then Vice-Chamberlain , declaring with what admiration she beheld that incroachment on her Royal Authority , in committing such an apparent innovation without her privity or pleasure first known : On the receit of which sharp Message , the House desired Mr. Vice-Chamberlain to present their submission to the Queen , and to crave her pardon , for which Consult the Book entituled , The Free-holders grand Inquest , pag. 57. No news of any such attempt in all the rest of her Reign , nor of any Parliament Fasts ( as far as I can remember ) till the 21 of King Iames , when they first engaged him in this War ; whose example followed by King Charls , who indeed was not in a condition to dispute the point , gave such incouragement to the Commons , that no Parliament could begin without them , and gave them such an head at last , as to appoint and continue Fasts by their own Authority , not onely without the Kings consent , but against the very express words of his Proclamations : How well this Fast was kept by some leading Members when they had procured it , that is to say , with a good neck of Mutton and broath in the Morning , a Collation of sweet Meats between the Sermons , and a Sabbatarian Supper in the Evening ; I could make known by a very memorable story , had I list and leisure : And what ill use was made of another in the Pulpits , Prayers and Sermons , of many seditious Lectures , to stir up and continue the War rais'd against this King , appears by his Proclamation of the fifth of October , Anno 1643. by which he endeavored to translate the then Monethly Fast , from the second Wednesday to the second Friday in every Moneth , but without success : Of this indulgence of the Kings , our Author takes no notice , as he doth of the other , viz. the laying of such a restraint from Recreations on the Lords day , as never had been known in this Kingdom since the Reformation : Concerning which , he telleth us that , Fol. 13. These Lawes are enacted this Sessions viz against Abuses committed on Sundayes &c. ] Now it appeareth by the Act that the Abuses ( as he calls them ) which were prohibited at that time , were first the Concourse of people out of their own Parishes on the Lords-day for any sports or Pastims whatsoever ; and secondly the use of Bull-baiting , Bear-baiting , Enter ludes common plaies and other unlawful exercises and pastimes used by any person or persons within their own parishes . In the composure of which Act , the first clause made against the concourse of people out of their own Pa●ishes on that day was purposely intended for a counterballance to the Declaration of King Iames about lawful sports : and was afterwards made use of by some publick ministers of Justice , to suppresse the Annual feasts of the dedication of Churches , commonly called and known by the name of Wakes . Such feasts of love , and entertainments of good Neighbour-hood , though they drew some People out of their own Parishes , were no abuses in themselves , though so called by our Author . And as for Bull-baiting , Bear-baiting , and the rest there mentioned , they had been all prohibited by a Proclamation of King Iames bearing date the 7. of May , in the first year of his Reign Anno 1603. Nor were they used upon that day ( for ought that I am able to call to mind ) in all the time of my Boyage . So that this Parliament by interdicting those rude Sports did but actum agere , save that they gained unto themselves the reputation of more then ordinary Zeal to the day of worship , and laid the first foundation of those many Rigor● which afterward they imposed upon it . For in the next Parliament of this King , they passed an Act that no Carrier with any horse or horses , no Waggon men with any waggon or waggons , nor Carmen with any Cart or Carts , nor Wain-men with any wain or waines , nor any Drovers with Cattle should fourty dayes next after the end of that Session by themselves , or any others travel upon the said day , upon pain that every person or persons so offending should forfeit 20 . s . for every such offence committed ; and that no Butcher after the said time should kill or sell any Flesh upon that day , on the forfeiture of 6s . 8 d. toties quoties : Matters whith had been moved in Parliament , in the 18 year of K. Iames , but without success , the Lords unanimously opposing the Bill , when sent up by the Commons , as tending to the disturbance of the Trade of the Kingdom , and some inconveniencies to the Poor : But having brought the King to a condition of denying nothing , they obtain'd this also of him as they had done the other , and at last became their own Carvers ; imposing since the first beginning of the long Parliament , by their Orders and Ordinances , so many several restraints on that day from all kindes of lawful pleasure , and civil businesses , that greater never were imposed on the Jews by the Scribes and Pharisees , nor by some Casuits on the Papists , nor by Dr. Bound , ( the first Broacher of these Sabbath-speculations in the Church of England ) on his Puritan Proselytes . But notwithstanding these condescensions of the King to the desires of the Commons , the Commons were resolv'd to condescend in nothing to the desires of the King , unless as they had moved the war so they might also be made acquainted with the Kings Design in the conduct of it , which point they prest with such importunity that the King commanded M. Glanvil . to serve as Secretary to the Navy for that Expedition , that knowing all the secrets and intentions of it when he was at Sea , he might acquaint the members with it at his coming back . Fol. 20. For Mansel was vice-Admiral of the Narrow Seas , that 's his Office , and there indeed he succeeds to the Admiral : ] Our Author is as much out in this particular , as the Mariners had been in another . The Mariners thought ( if Mr. H. L. report them rightly ) that Sr. Robert Mansel the then vice-Admiral had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of that Enterprise upon the Dukes default . The Mariners in this point sailed without their compasse , as is proved by the Observator . And this our Author building upon the Observator calls a Monstrous Error , although not half so Monstrous as that Error which himself committeth in making this , Sr. Robert Mansel , to be no other then the vice-Admiral of the Narrow seas and restraining his Office and Authority to those Seas alone . But had he consulted with the Sailers ( as Mr. H. L. may be thought to have done ) they would have told him that Sr. Robert Mansel was vice Admiral of England , and that it belonged unto his Office next under the Admiral , to see the Royal Navie kept in good reparation , the wages of the Mariners and shiprights to be duly paid , and that the ships should be provided of all things necessary for any occasionall expedition . They could have told him also that there is no such Officer as a Vice-Admiral of the narrow Seas , but that those narrow Seas are commanded by two several Admirals , which hold their places from the King , and not by grant or patent from the Lord Admiral of England ; and that one of these Admirals commandeth in the East and the other in the Western part● of those Seas : And finally , that at the time of his Expedition Sr. Henry Palmer was Vice-Admiral of the Eastern parts of those Seas , and a West●country Gentleman ( whose name I call not now to minde ) of the Western parts . Our Author may be good for land service , but we have some cause to fear by this experiment , that if he should put forth to Sea he would easily fall into Scylla by avoiding Charybdis . Fol. 18. This Gentleman was second Son of Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter . &c. ] Our Author speaks this of Sr. Edward Cecil , created by King Charles in the first year of his Reign Lord Cecil of Putney , and Viscount Wimbleton , and by the King made Commander General of his first Fleet against the Spaniards ; concerning whom he falls into several Errours . For first , Sr Edward Cecil was not the second , but the third son of Thomas Earl of Exeter , the second Son being Sr. Richard Cecil of Walkerly in the County of Rutland , the Father of that David Cecil who succeeded in the Earldom of Exeter , after the death of Earl William , eldest Son of Thomas aforesaid . Secondly , this Sr. Edward Cecil was not of a Colonel made General of the English forces in the unhappy war of the Palatinate . He was indeed made General of the English forces in the war of Cleve , Anno 1610. the power which his Uncle Sr. Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury had with King Iames advancing him to that imployment . But that he was not General of the English forces in the Palatinate war , I am very confident ; Sr. Horace Vere , one of a more noble extraction , and a far better Souldier being chief Commander in that service of the English forces . Thirdly , admitting this for true , yet could not the mis-effects of that war be charged on him or any other of the English Commanders ; the English forces being inconsiderable for their number , in reference to those which were raised for that war by the German Princes , all of them under the Command of the Marquesse of O●alsback as their Generalissimo , to whose either cowardize or infidelity , the mis-effects of that war ( as our Author calls them ) were imputed commonly . And fourthly , it was not 27. years since his imployment there , when he was called home to be Commander of this fleet , there being not above five years from the beginning of the war in the Palatinate and his calling home , and not above fifteen from his being made General of the English in the war of Cleveland . Fol. 24. Dr. Williams outed of the Seal , but kept his Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster which indeed he had for his life . ] Our Author is as much out in this , as in that before ; for though the Deanry of Westminster was given at first to Dr. Williams for terme of Life , yet when he was made Bishop of Lincoln that Deanry fell again to the King , and by the king was regranted to him to be holden in Commendam with that Bishoprick . After which being made Arch-Bishop of York , in the year 1641. he obtained it in Commendam for three years onely , which term expired , he was a Sutor to the King at Oxford for a longer term , and on denial of that Suit , retired into Wales , and openly betook himself to the Parliament-party , concerning which consult our Author in the latter part of his History . Nor did he only keep the Bishoprick of Lincoln , and the Deanry of Westminster , but also a Residenciaries place in the Church of Lincoln , the Prebend of Asgarve , and Parsonage of Walgrove ; so that he was a whole Diocesse within himself , as bing Parson , Prebend , Dignitary , Dean , and Bishop , and all five in one . Fol. 25. All setled and reposed : the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury presented his Majesty to the Lords and Commons , East , West , North , and South , asking them if they did consent to the Coronation of K. Charles their lawful Soveraign . ] Our Author takes this whole Narrative of the pomp and order of the Kings Coronation , out of the Church History of Britain , endeavoured ( and but endeavoured , by Mr. Fuller of Waltham● and takes it all upon his credit without so much as startling at that dangerous passage which is now before us : That Author , and this also following him , conceive the peoples consent so necessary to the Coronation of the King , that it was askt no less then four times by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , before he could proceed any further in that solemnity . But if we look into the form used in the Coronation of King Edward the sixth , we shall finde it thus , viz. That being carried by 〈◊〉 noble Cour●iers in another Chair unto the four sides of the Stage , he was by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury declared unto the People ( standing round about ) both by Gods and Mans Laws , to be the right and lawful King of England , France , and Ireland , and proclaimed that day to be Crowned , Co●secrated , and Anoi●ted , unto whom he demanded whether they would obey an● serve , or not ? By whom it was again with a loud●ery answered , God save the King , and ever live his Majesty . And in the Coronation of King Iames , more briefly thus ; The King is shewed to the people , and they are required to make acknowledgement of their Allegiance to his Majesty by the Arch-Bishop , which they do by Acclamations : Which being so , it cannot possibly be supposed , that instead of requiring the peoples obedience to the Kings Authority , the Arch-Bishop shou●d crave their consent to his Coronation ; as if the Coronation were not strong and valid , nor his succession good in Law without their consent . But though our Author follow Mr. Fuller in one Error , yet he ●orrects him in another , though in so doing he require some correction also : Master Fuller tells us , that the Kings Tra●● was held up by the Lord Compton ( as belonging to the Robes and the Lord Vicount Dorchester , lib. 11. fol. 122. Mr. Sanderson knowing that there was no such man then being as a Viscount Dorchester , must play the Critick on the Text , and instead of Viscount Dorchester , gives us Viscount Doncaster , whom he makes Master of the Wardrobe , and both true alike , fol. ● 5. The Master of the Wardrobe at that time was the Earl of D●●b●gh , and the Lord Viscount Doncaster , ( now Earl of Carstile ) was then too yong to perform any Service in this solemnity ; which had he done , Mr. Fuller , who hath some dependence on him , would not have robb'd him of the honor of performing that service , which none but persons of place and merit could pretend unto . Fol. 25. The Sermon being done , the Arch-Bishop invested in a rich Cope , goe●h to the King , kneeling upon Cushions at the Communion Table , and asks his willingness to take the Oath usually taken by his Predecessors , &c. ] The form and maner of w h Oath , as having afforded much matter of discourse in these latter times ; I will first subjoyn , and afterwards observe what descants have been made upon it : The form and maner of the Oath as followeth , Sir , ( says the Arch-Bishop ) will you grant and keep , and by your Oath confirm to the People of England , the Laws and Customs to them granted by the Kings of England , your Lawful and Religious Predecessors , and namely the Laws , Customs , and Franchises granted to the Clergy , by the glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor , according to the Laws of God , the true profession of the Gospel establi●hed in this Kingdom , and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof , and the ancient Customs of this Land. The King answers , I grant and promise to keep them . Arch-Bishop , Sir , Will you keep Peace and godly agreement entirely , ( according to your power ) both to God , the holy Church , the Clergy , and the People ? Rex , I will keep it Arch-Bishop , Sir , Will you ( to your power ) cause Iustice , Law , and discretion in Mercy and Truth , to be executed in all your Iudgements ? Rex , I will ▪ Arch-Bishop , Sir , Will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Commonalty of this your Kingdom have ; and will you defend and uphold them to the H●nor of God , so much as in you lieth ? Rex , I grant and promise so to do . Then one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the People , with a loud voice , Our Lord and King , we beseech you to pardon , and to grant , and to preserve unto us , and to the Churches committed to our charge , all Canonical Priviledges , and due Law and Iustice , and that you would protect and defend us , as every good King in his Kingdom ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops , and the Churches under their Government . The King answereth , With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my Pardon , and that I will preserve and maintain to you , and the Churches committed to your charge , All Canonical Priviledges , and due Law and Iustice ; and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power , by the assistance of God , as every good King ought in his Kingdom , in right to protect and defend the Bishops , and Churches under their Government . Then the King ariseth , and is led to the Communion Table , where he makes a solemn Oath , in sight of all the People , to observe the premises ; and laying his hand upon the Book , saith , The things which I have before promised , I shall perform and keep , So help me God , and the contents of this Book . Such was the Oath taken by the King at his Coronation , against which I finde these two Objections . First , That it was not the same Oath which anciently had been taken by his Predecessors , and for the proof thereof , an Antiquated Oath was found out , and publisht in a Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons , bearing date the twenty sixth of May , 1642. And secondly , It was objected in some of the Pamphlets of that time , that the Oath was falsified by D. Laud , Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , to make it more to the Kings advantage , and less to the benefit of the Subject then it had been formerly . For answer whereunto , the King remits the Lords and Commons to the Records of the Exchequer , by which it might be easily prov'd that the Oath was the very same verbatim , which had before been taken by his Predecessors , Kings and Queens of this Realm . And to the Pamphleters , it is answered by Mr. H. L. the Author of the former History , That there was no variation from the old forms , but the addition of a clause to a Prayer there mentioned ; and that this var●ation was not the solitary act of Laud alone , but of a Committee : And this ( saith he ) I positively assert , as minding the reformation of a vulgar Error thrown abroad in loose Pamphlets , that Bishop Laud altered the Coronation Oath ; whereas the Oath it self was precisely the same , with former precedents : More candidly in this , then the Author of the present History , how great a Royalist soever he desires to be reckoned . Fol. 31. This necessary Message produced no other supply then this insolency from a Member , Mr. Clement Cook , It is better ( says he ) to dye by a foreign Enemy , then to be destroyed at home . ] And this seditious speech of his , was as seditiously seconded by one Dr. Turner , of whom the King complain'd to the House of Commons , but could finde no remedy , nor was it likely that he should : He that devests himself of a Natural and Original power , to right the injuries which are done him , in hope to finde relief from others , ( especially from such as are parcel-guilty of the wrong ) may put up all his gettings in a Semtress thimble , and yet never fill it ▪ But thus King Iames had done before him , one Piggot , a Member of the House of Commons , had spoken disgracefully of the Scots , for their importunity in begging , and no less scornfully of the King , for his extream profuseness in giving , adding withal , that it would never be well with England , till a Sicilian Vesper was made of the Scotish Nation : For which seditious Speech , when that King might have took the Law into his own hands , and punisht him as severely by his own Authority , as he had deserv'd , yet he past it over , and thought that he had done enough in giving a hint of it in a Speech made to both Houses at White-Hall , on the last of March , Anno 1607. I know ( saith he ) that there are many Pigots amongst them , I mean a number of Seditious and discontented particular persons , as must be in all Commonwealths , that where they dare , may peradventure talk lewdly enough ; but no Scotish man ever spoke dishonorably of England in Parliament : It being the custom of those Parliaments , that no man was to speak without leave from the Chancellor , ( for the Lords and Commons made but one House in that Kingdom ) and if any man do propound or utter any seditious Speeches , he is straightly interrupted and silenced by the Chancellors Authority . This said , there was an end of that business for ought I can learn ; and this gave a sufficient encouragement to the Commons in the time of King Charls , to expect the like : From whence they came at last to this resolution , not to suffer one of theirs to be questioned , till themselves had considered of his crimes : Which ( as our Author truly notes ) kept them close together , imboldned thus , to preserve themselves to the last , fol. 35. This Maxim as they made use of in this present Parliament , in behalf of Cook , Diggs , and Eliot , which two last had been Imprisoned by the Kings command ; so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the case of the five Members , Impeacht of High Treason by the Kings Attorney , on the fourth of Ianuary , Anno 1641. the miserable effects whereof , we still feel too sensibly . Fol. 40 And though the matter of the Prologue may be spared , being made up with Elegancy , yet rather then it shall be lost , you may please to read it at this length . ] Our Author speaks this of the Eloquent Oration made by Sir Dudly Diggs , to usher in the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham , which being amplified and prest in six tedious Speeches , by Glanvil , Pim , Selden , Wansford , Herbert , and Sherland , was Epilogued by Sir Iohn Eliot : A vein of Oratory not to be found in the Body of the English Parliament , till the time of King Iames. It s true , that on the Petition of the Commons , in the beginning of each Parliament , the King was graciously pleas'd to indulge them a freedom of reasoning and debate upon all such points as came before them , and not to call them to account , though they delivered their opinions contrary to his sence and meaning : But then it is as true withal , that they used not to waste time in tedious Orations , nor to declaim against the proceedings of the King , and the present Government ; or if they did , the Speaker held it for a part of his Office to cut them short , and to reminde them of their duty , besides such after-claps as they were sure to finde from an injured and incensed Soveraign . But of this , take along with you this short passage , as I finde it in a letter written , ab ignoto , to King Charls , in this very business of the Duke , May it please your excellent Majesty to consider , That this great opposition against the Duke of Buckingham , is stirred up and maintained by such who either maliciously , or ignorantly and concurrently seek the debasing of this free M●narchy , which because they finde not yet ripe to attempt against the king himself , they endeavor it through the dukes sides : These men , though agreeing in one mischief , yet are of divers sorts and humors , Viz. 1. Medling and busie persons , who took their first hint at the beginning of King Iames , when the Vnion was treated of in Parliament : That learned King gave too much way to those popular Speeches , by the frequent proof he had of his great Abilities in that kinde . Since the time of H. 6. these Parliamentary Discourses were never suffered , as being the certain Symptoms of subsequent Rebellions , Civil Wars , a●d the dethroning of our Kings : But these last twenty years , most of the Parliament Men seek to improve the reputation of their Wisdoms by these Declamations , and no honest Patriot dare oppose them , lest he incur the imputation of a Fool or a Coward in his Countries cause . But which is more , the pride they took in their own supposed Eloquence , obtain'd another priviledge for them , that is to say , The liberty for any man to speak what he list , and as long as he list , without fear of being interrupted ; whereof King Iames takes notice in his said Speech to both the Houses at White-Hall . Nor did they onely take great delight in these tedious speeches , but at first disperst Copies of them in writing , and afterwards caused them to be printed , that all the people might take notice of the zeal they had to the common liberty of the Nation , and the edge they hed against the Court and the Kings Prerogative . But to proceed . Fol. 47. To ballance the Dukes enemies , three persons his confederates were made Barons , to compeer in the Lords house , the Lord Mandevil , the eldest son to the Earl of Manchester , created by Patent Baron Kimbolton , Grandison Son to the created Baron Imbercourt , and Sr Dudly Carlton made Baron Tregate . ] In which short passage there are as many mistakes as lines . For first , the Lord Mandevil was not created by Patent Lord Kimbolton , that title together with the tite of Vicount Mandevil , having been conferred upon his father by letter Patents , in the 18. year of King Iames Anno 1620. whom afterwards King Charles in the first year of his Reign made Earl of Manchester . The meaning of our Author is , that Sr. Edward Montague , commonly called Lord Mandevil was summoned to the Parliament by the Title of Lord Kimbolton , as is the custom in such cases when the eldest sons of Earls are called to Parliament by the stile and Title of their Fathers Barony . Secondly , there never was any such Baron as the Baron Tregate . Thirdly , Sr. Dudly Carlton was not created Baron Tregat , but Baron of Imbercourt , that being the name of a Mannor of his in the County of Surry . But fourthly , Grandison son to the created Baron Imbercourt , is either such a peece of negligence in not filling the blanks , or of ignorance in not knowing that noble Person , as is not often to be met with . And therefore to inform both our Author and his Reader also , I must let them know that William de Grand●son a noble Burgundian Lord , allied to the Emperour of Constantinople , the King of Hungary , and the Duke of Bavaria , was brought into England by Edmond Earl of Lancaster , second son to King Henry the 3. by whose bounty he was endowed with fair possessions , and , by his power advanced unto the dignity of an English Baron . The estate being much encreast by the Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of the Lord Tregoz , fell by the Heir general to the Pateshuls of Ble●so in the County of Bedford , and by a Daughter of that house to the house of the Beauchamps By Margaret the daughter and Heir of Sr. Iohn Beauchamp of Bletso , the whole estate came by Marriage to Sr. Oliver St. Iohn , from whose eldest son descended that Sr. Oliver St. Iohn whom Queen Elizabeth ( descended from the said Margaret by Iohn Duke of Somerset her second husband ) made Lord St. Iohn of Bletho in the first year of her Reign . From Oliver St. Iohn the second son of the said Margaret ( estated by his mother in the Mannor of Lydiard Tregoz neer Highworth in the County of Wilts , ) descended another Oliver St. Iohn , the second son of Sr. Iohn St. Iohn of Lydiard Tregoz ; who having in defence of his Fathers Honour killed one Captain Best , in St. Georges fields neer Southwark , was fain to passe over into France , where he remained untill his friends about the Queen had obtained his pardon . To merit which , and to avoid the danger which might happen to him by Bests acquaintances he betook himself to the wars of Ireland ; where he performed such signal service against the Rebels , that passing from one command to another , he came at last to be made Lord Deputy of Ireland , at what time he was created viscount Grandison , with reference to the first founder of the greatnesse of his House and family . That dignity entailed on him , and the heires males of his body , and for want of Such Issue on the Heires males of Sr. Edward Villers begotten on the body of Mrs. Barbara St. Iohn , the new Viscounts Neece ; according unto which remainder , that Honnurable Title is enjoyed by that branch of the house of Villers . But being the Title of Viscount Grandison was limited to the Realm of Ireland , to make him capable of a place in this present Parliament , he was created Lord Tregoz of Highworth to him and to the heires males of his body without any remainder . Fol. 62. Carlton gone upon this Errand , and missing the French King at Paris , progressed a tedious journey after that Court to Nantes in Bohemia . ] And here we have as great an Error in Geography , as before in Heraldry , there being no such Town as Nantes in Bohemia , or if there were , it had been too farre off , and too unsafe a place for a Summers progress . It is Nantes in Bretaigne which he means , though I am so charitable as to think this to be a mistake rather of the Printer than our Authors own . With the like charity also I behold three other mistakes , viz. the Emperor of Vienna fol. 137. and the Archdutchesse of Eugenia fol. 139. & Balfoure Caselie , for Bolsovey Castle fol 192. By which the unknowing Reader may conceive , if not otherwise satisfied , that Balfour Castle was the antient seat of the Balfours from whence Sr. William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower ( that false and treacherous Servant to a bountifull Master ) derives his pedigree ; Eugenia ( which was a part of that Ladies Christian name ) to be the name of some Province , and Vienna ( the usual place of the Emperors residence ) to be the name of an Empire . But for his last I could alledg somewhat in his excuse , it being no unusual thing for Principalities and Kingdomes to take Denomination from their principal Cities . For besides the Kings of Mets Orleans and Soissons in France , we finde that in the Constitutions of Howel Dha , the Kings of England are called Kings of London , the Kings of South-Wales Kings of Dyneuor , and the King of North-Wales Kings of Aberfraw , each of them from the ordinary place of their habitation . For which defence if our Author will not thank me , he must thank himselfe . The mention of Nantes conducts me on to Count Shally's Treason against the French King , who was beheaded in that City ; of which thus our Author . Fol. 63. The Count upon Summons before the Privy Councel without more adoe , was condemned and forthwith beheaded at Nantes : the Duke Momerancy then under Restraint suffered some time after . ] But by his leave the Duke of Monmorency neither suffered on the account of Shalley's Treason , nor very soon after his beheading , which was in the year 1626. as our Author placeth it . For being afterwards enlarged , and joyning with Mounsier the Kings Brother in some designe against the King , or the Cardinal rather , he was defeated and took prisoner by Martial Schomberg ( created afterwards Duke of Halwyn ) and being delivered over to the Ministers of Justice , was condemned and beheaded at Tholouse , Anno 1633. Ibid. Our Wine-Merchants ships were arrested at Blay-Castle upon the Geroud returning down the River from Burdeaux Town by order of the Parliament of Rouen . ] That this Arrest was 〈◊〉 by Order of the Parliament of Rouen ] I shall hardly grant , the jurisdiction of that Parliament being confined within the Dukedome of Normandy , as that of Renes within the Dukedome of Bretaigne ; neither of which , nor of any other of the inferior Parliaments , are able to doe any thing Extra Sphaeram Activitatis suae , beyond their several Bounds and Limits . And therefore this Arrest must either be made by Order from the Parliament of Burdeaux , the Town and Castle of Blay , being within the jurisdiction of that Court , or of the Parliament of Paris , which being Paramount to the rest , may , and doth many times extend its power and execute its precepts over all the others . Fol. 92. At his death the Court was suddenly filled with Bishops , knowing by removes , preferments would follow to many , expected advancements by it . ] Our Author speaks this of the death of Bishop Andrews , and of the great resort of Bishops to the Court , which ensued thereupon , making them to tarry there on the expectation of Preferment and Removes , as his death occasioned , till they were sent home by the Court Bishops , with the Kings Instructions : But in this our Author is mistaken , as in other things : The Bishops were not sent home with the Kings Instructions till after Christmas , Anno 1629. and Bishop Andrews dyed in the latter end of the year 1626. after whose death , Dr. Neil , then Bishop of Durham , being translated to the Sea of Winchester , Febr. 7. 1627. Dr. Houson , Bishop of Oxon , succeeded him in the Sea of Durham , in the beginning of the year 1628. Doctor Corbet , Dean of Christ-church , being consecrated Bishop of Oxon the 17 day of October of the same year , so that between the filling up of these Removes , and the sending the Bishops home with the Kings Instructions , there happened about 15 Moneths , so that the great resort of Bishops about the Court , Anno 1627. when they were sent back with the Kings Instructions , was not occasioned by the expectation of such Preferments and Removes , as they might hope for on the death of Bishop 〈◊〉 Fol. 105. In Michaelmas Term the Lady Purbeck , daughter and heir to the Lady Hatton , by her former Husband , and Wife to the Viscount Purbeck Brother to the Duke , passed the tryall for adultery , &c. ] Our Author is here out again in his Heraldry , the Lady Purbeck not being Daughter to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband , but by her second Husband Sr. Edward Coke , then Attorny Generall , and afterwards successively Chief Justice of either Bench. Yet I deny not but that she was an Heir and a rich marriage , as it after followeth . For being Daughter to Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter , she was married by the care and providence of her Grandfather , the Lord Burleigh , to Sr. William Newport , who being the adopted sonne of the Lord Chancellor Hatton , succeeded in his name as well as in his Lands . In ordering of which marriage it was agreed on , that the vast Debt which the Chancellor owed unto the Crown , should be estalled to small Annual payments ; and that in lieu thereof , Sr. William in defect of issue , should settle on his wife and her Heires , by any Husband whatsoever , the Isle of Purbeck , and some other of the out parts of his Estate . By means whereof her Daughter Frances which she had by Sr. Edward Coke was heir to Corse Castle in the Isle of Purbeck , and so much of the rest of the Lands of Hatton , as the mother ( being a woman of great expence ) did not sell or aliene . Fol. 106. The King for all his former Arrears of loan , was put to it to borrow more : of the Common Councel of London 120000. l. upon Mortgage on his own land of 21000. l. per an . ] And here I think our Author is Mistaken also , the Citizens not lending their money upon Mortgage , but laying it out in the way of purchase . Certain I am , that many goodly Mannors lying at the foot of Ponfract-Castle , and appertaining to the Crown in right of the Duchy of Lancaster , were sold out-right unto the Citizens at this time ; and therefore I conclude the like also of all the rest . But whether it were so or not , I cannot chuse but note the sordid basenesse of that City in refusing to supply their King in his great Necessities , without Sale or Mortgage ; especially when the mony was to have been expended in defence of the Rochellers , whose cause they seemed so much to favour . But for this and other refusals of this nature , the Divine vengeance overtook them within few years after ; the long Parliament draining them of a Million of pounds and more , without satisfaction , for every hundred thousand pound which the King desired to borrow of them upon good security , so peny wise , and so pound foolish was that stubborn City . Fol. 107. Which we shall refer to the subsequent time and place fitting . But of those in their due place hereafter . ] Our Author had found fault with the Observator , for saying that the King had not done well in excluding the Bishops from their Votes in Parliament ; and that there was some strange improvidence in his Message from York , June 17. where he reckons himself as one of the three Estates , a Member of the House of Peers : But why he thus condemneth the Observator , we must seek elsewhere , which is a kinde of Hallifax Law , to hang him first , and afterwards to put him upon his Tryal : Seek then we must , and we have sought ( as he commandeth ) in subsequent time and place fitting , in their due place hereafter , as the phrase is varied : But neither in the latter end of the year , 1641. when the Bishops were deprived of their Votes in Parliament , nor in all the time of the Kings being at York , Anno 1642. can we finde one word which relates to either of those points : In which our Author deals with the Observator , as some great Criticks do with their Authors , who when they fall on any hard place in Holy Scripture , or any of the old Poets or Philosophers , which they cannot master , adjourn the explication of it to some other place , where they shall have an opportunity to consider of both Texts together : Not that they ever mean to touch upon it , but in a hope that either the Reader will be so negligent , as not to be mindeful of the promise , or else so charitable , as to think it rather a forgetfulness , then an inability in the undertaker . Fol. 115. To these he was questioned by a Committee , and in reason ●ustly sentenced . ] The party here spoken of is Doctor Manwaring , then Vicar of the Parish of St. Giles in the Fields ; his Crime , the preaching of two Sermons , in which he had maintained that the King might impose Taxes and Subsidies on the Subject , without consent in Parliament , and that the people were bound to pay them under pain of Damnation ; his Sentence ( amongst other things ) that he should be Imprisoned during the pleasure of the Parliament , pay a thousand pound Fine unto the King , and be made uncapable of all Ecclesiastical Preferments for the time to come , which heavy Sentence our Author thinks to have been very justly inflicted on him , though the Doctor spake no more in the Pulpit , then Serjeant 〈◊〉 in Queen Elizabeths time had spoke in Parliament : By whom it was affirmed in the Parliament of the 43 of that Queen , that He marvell'd the House stood either at the granting of a Subsidy , or time of payment , when all we have is her Majesties , and she may lawfully at her pleasure take it from us , and that she had as much right to all our Lands and Goods , as to any Revenue of the Crown , and that he had presidents to prove it : For which , see the Book called , The Free-holders grand Inquest , pag. 62. But some may better steal a Horse , then others look on , as the saying is ; the Serjeant being never questioned , and the poor Doctor sentenced ( and justly , as our Author makes it ) to an absolute ruine , if the King had not been more merciful to him then the Commons were . From Dr. Manwaring , our Author proceeds to the Observator , for saying , that Doctrinal matters delivered in the Pulpit , are more proper for the cognizance of the Convocation , or the High Commission , then the House of Commons , which though it may consist most times of the wisest Men , yet it consists not many times of the greatest Clerks : For , saith he , Fol. 116. That the Preacher is Jure Divino , not to be censured but by themselves , smells of the Presbyter or Papist . ] But Sir , by your good leave , neither the Presbyter nor the Papist stand accused by our Orthodox Writers , for not submitting themselves , their Doctrines and Opinions to the power of Parliaments , who neither have , nor can pretend to any Authority in those particulars : That which they stand accused for is , that they acknowledge not the King to be the supream Governor over all persons in all causes , as well Ecclesiastical as Civil , within his Dominions ; and consequently decline his Judgement as incompetent , when they are called to answer unto any charge which is reducible to an Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature : How stiff the Papists are in this point , is known well enough by their refusing to take the Oath of Supremacy . And for the peremptoriness of the Presbyterians , take this story with you : One David Blake , at a Sermon preached at St. Andrews , in the time of King Iames , had cast forth divers Speeches full of spight , against the King , the Queen , the Lords of Councel and Session , and among the rest , had called the Queen of England an Atheist , a Woman of no Religion : For which , being complained of by the English Ambassador , he was cited to appear before the King and his Councel , on the tenth of November , A●no 1596. Which being made known to the Commissioners of the last general Assembly , it was concluded , that if he should submit his Doctrine to the Tryal of the Councel , the liberties of the Church , and Spiritual Government of the House of God , would be quite subverted , and therefore that in any case a Declinator should be used , and Protestation made against these Proceedings : This , though it was opposed by some moderate men , yet it was carried by the rest , who cryed out it was the cause of God , to which they ought to stand at all hazards ; & thereupon a Declina●or was formed to this effect ▪ That howbeit the Conscience of his Innocency did uphold him sufficiently against the Calumnies of whomsoever , and that he was ready to defend the Doctrine uttered by him , whether in opening the Words , or in Application ; yet seeing he was brought thither to be judged by his Majesty and Councel for his Doctrine , and that his answering to the pretended Accusation , might import a prejudice to the Liberties of the Church , and be taken for an acknowledgement of his Majesties Iurisdiction in matters meerly Spiritual , he was constrained in all humility to decline ●udicatory : Which Declinator being subscrib'd by the Commissioners , and delivered by Blake , he referred himself to the Presbytery as his proper Iudges : And being interrogated whether the King might not judge of Treason , as well as the Church did in matters of Heresie , i● said , That speeches delivered 〈◊〉 Pulpi●s , albert alledged to be 〈…〉 , could not be judged by the King , till the Church 〈…〉 ther●of What became after of this 〈…〉 may ●inde it in Arch-Bishop Spotswoods History of the Church of Scotland : Had Dr. Manwaring done thus , and the Observator justified him in it , they had both favored of the Presbyter or Papist , there 's no question of it : But being the Observator relates onely to the proceedings in Parliament , and incroachments of the House of Commons , in matters Doctrinally delivered , without the least diminution of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical Causes , there is nothing of the Presbyter or the Papist to be charged upon him ; as the Historian , to create him the greater odium , would fain have it to be . Fol. 115. But how suddenly the Commons House 〈◊〉 upon the Lor●s liberties , excluding the words , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , in the very grant of the Bill of Subsidies , &c. ] And to say truth , the Lords were but serv'd in their own kinde , who having so unworthily joyn'd with the Commons , in devesting the King ( from whom they deriv'd all their Honors ) of his just Prerogatives , are now assaulted by those Commons , and in danger of losing their own Rights , which by the favor of the King , or his Predecessors , were conferr'd upon them ; which might have given them a sufficient warning , ( but that there was a Spirit of In●atuation over all the Land ) not to joyn with them any more in the like Designs against the King , whose Authority could not be diminisht without the lessening of their own , nor any Plot carried on toward his Destruction , by which they would not be reduc'd to the same condition , with the rest of the People . But Quos Iupiter vult perdere , dementat pr●us , so it prov'd with them . Fol. 123. His body brought to York House , and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edwards Chappel . ] The Church of Westminster was indeed founded by King 〈◊〉 the Confessour , whom they called sometimes by the name of St. Edward the King ; 〈◊〉 that part of it that lies betwen the crosse Isle and the Chappel of King Henry 〈…〉 best known by the name of the Chappel of 〈◊〉 by reason of the many Kings and Queens which are there 〈◊〉 , In a side Isle or inclosure whereof the Dukes body was Sumptuously interred with this glorious Epitaph which in honour of his invincible fidelity to his gracious Masters , ( for I am otherwise a meer stranger to all his Selatious ) I shall here Subjoyn . P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis improperium hic jacet , Cujus tamen Hispania Prudentiam , Gallia Fortitudinem , Belgia Industriam , Tota Europa mirata est Magnanimitatem . Quem Daniae & Sweciae Reges integerrimum , Germaniae Transilvaniae & Nassautiae Princip : Ingenuum , Veneta Reipublica Philobasileia , Sahaudiae & Lotharingiae Duces Politicum , Palatinus Comes Fidelem , Imperator Pacificum , Turca Christianum , Papa Protestantem , Experti sunt . Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia : Ducem habuit Verùm siste viator , & quid ipsa Invidia Sugillare nequ●t , audi . Hic est ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius . Maritus redamatus , Pater ama●s Filius obsequens , Frater amicissimus , Affinis Beneficus , Amicus perpetuus , Dominus Benignus , & Optimus omnium servus . Quem Reges adamarunt , optimates honorarunt , Ecclesia deflevit , Vulgus Oderunt . Quem Iacobus & Carolus Regum perspicacissimi , intimum habuerunt . A quibus Honoribus auctus , & negotiis onustus , Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum invenit . Quid jam Peregrine ? Aenigma mundi moritur ; Omnia fuit , nec quidquam habuit , Patriae parens & hostis audiit . Deliciae idem & querela Parliamenti . Quidum Papistis bellum infert , insimulatur Papista , Dum Protestantium partibus consulit , Occiditur à Protestante . Tesseram specta rerum humanarum , At non est quòd serio triumphet malitia , Interimere potuit , laedere non potuit . Scilicet has preces fundens expiravit , Tuo ego sanguine potiar ( mi Iesu ) dum mali pascuntur meo . Fol. 127. But the Religious Commons must reform Gods caus● before the Kings nor would they be prescribed their Consultations , but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure . ] This is another new incroachment of the House of Commons , that is to say , the poasting off of the Kings businesse , and the publick concernments of the State , till they had either lessened his prerogative , weakned the Authority of the Church , or advanced the interest of the people . Which resolution of not being prescribed , their Cons●ltations became at last so fixt amongst them , that when the King had frequently recommended to them his Message of the 20. of Ianuary , Anno 1641. So necessary for the setling of the peace of the Kingdome , they returned answer at the last , that it was an infringing of their Priviledges to be p●est with any such Directions . Fol. 128. And King Iames commended them over to the Synod of Dort , and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctors , and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland . Our Authour takes this Errour from the former Historian , but takes no notice of the correction of it by the Observator though it ●ppears by his citation in the margin , that he had consulted with those Observations in this very point . And therefore I must let him know , since otherwise he will not take notice of it , that this is a strange Hysteron Proteron , setting the Cart before the Horse as we use to phrase it . The Convocation in Ireland , by which the Articles of Lambeth were incorporated into the Articles of that Church , was holden in the Year 1615. the Synod of Dort not held till three years after anno 1618. and therefore not to D●rt first , and to Ireland afterwards . The like mistake in point of time we finde in our Authour fol. 134. where speaking of that wilde distemper which hapned in the House of Commons on the dissolving of the Parliament Anno 1628. he telleth us , That the effects of those Malignities flew over Seas , and infected the French Parliaments about this time , where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon farre lesse Provocations . Whereas he lets us know from the Observator , within few lines after , that those Assemblies of the three Estates in Franc● were discontinued by King Lewis th● 13. and a new form of Assembly instituted in the place thereof Anno 1614. So that the malignity of those distempers which happened in the Parliament of England Anno 1628. could not about that time passe over the Seas and infect the French Parliaments , which had been discontinued and dissolved 14. years before . Fol. 133. This was rati●ied by the Contract of this Nation , which the Conquerour upon his admittance , had declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published . ] Our Author speaks this of an hereditary Freedom which is supposed to have been in the English Nation , from paying any Tax or Tallage to the King , but by Act of Parliament . And I would fain learn so much of him as to direct me to some creditable Authour , in which I may finde this pretended contract between the Norman Conquerour and the English Subject , and in what Book of Statutes I may finde these Laws which were publisht by him to that purpose . The Norman Conquerour knew his own strength too well to reign precariò , to ground his Title on his admittance by the people , or to make any such contract with them , by which he might more easily win them to that admittance . He won the Kingdome by his sword ▪ and by that he kept It. 'T is true , that the people did petition him for a Restitution of the Laws of Edward the Con●essor , in which such an immunity from extraordinary Taxes might be granted to them . But I cannot finde that either he or William Rufus who succeeded , did ever part with so much of their powet as not to raise money on the Subject for their own occasions whensoever they pleased . And it is true also , that both King Hen. 1. and K. Steven , who came to the Crown by unjust or disputable Titles , did flatter the people , when they first entred on the Throne , with an hope of restoring the said Laws ; but I cannot finde that ever they were so good as their words , nay , I finde the contrary . The first of our Kings which gave any life to those old Laws , was King Hen. 2. the first granter of the Magna Charta ; which notwithstanding he kept not so exactly as to make it of any strength and consequence to binde his Heirs . But the Commons having once tasted the sweetnesse of it , and with the Lords in a long war against King Iohn , from whom they extorted it by strong hand , and had it confirmed unto them at a place called Running Mead near Stanes , Anno 1215. Confirmed afterward in more peaceable times by King H●n . 3. in the Ninth year of hi● Reign . But so , that he and his Successors made bold with the Subject notwithstanding in these money matters , till the Statute de Tallagio non concedendo was past by Edward of Carnarvon eldest Son to King Edward the third , at such time as his Father was beyond the Seas in the war of Flanders : which being dis●llowed by the King at his coming home , seems to have been taken off the File , to the intent it might not passe for a Law for the time to come ; nor is it to be found now in the Records of the Tower amongst the Laws of that Kings time , as are all the rest . But from the generall position touching the hereditary freedom of the E●glish subject from Taxes and Tallage , not granted and confirmed by Parliament , our Authour passeth to such R●tes and Impositions as are laid on Merchandize , of which he telleth us , that Ibid. Mo●●ly these upon Merchandise were taken by Parliament six ●r twelve per pound f●r time and years , as they saw cause , for defence of the Sea , and afterwards they were granted to the King for life , and so continued for divers descents : ] Our Authour had before told us , that the Merchant in ●ormer times usually gav● consent to such taxes , but limited to a time t● the ratification of the next following Parliament to be cancelled ●r confirmed . By which it seems that the Kings hands were so tied up , that without the consent of the Merchant , or Authority of the Parliament , he could impose no tax upon ●ny Merchandise either exported or imported . But cer●ainly whatever our Authour saies to the contrary , the King might impose rates and taxes upon either by his sole prerogative , not troubling the Parli●ment in it , nor asking the leave of the Merchant whom it most concerned ; Which Taxes being accustomably paid , had the name of Customes , as the Officers which received them had the name of Customers . Concerning which we finde no old Statute or Act of Parliament , which did enable the King to receive them , though some there be by which the King did binde himself to a lesser rate then formerly had been laid upon some commodities : as appears by the Statute of the 14. of King Edward 3. where it is said that neither we nor our Heirs shall demand , assesse , nor take , nor suffer to be taken more custome for a Sack of Wool of any English man , but half a mark only . And upon the Woolfels and Lether the old Custome . And the Sack ought to contain 26. stone , and every stone 14. pound . By which it seems that there had been both Customes and old Customes too , which the Kings of England had formerly imposed on those commodities , now by the goodnesse of this King abated to a lesser summe , and deduced to a certainty . The like Customes the Kings of England also had upon forreign Commodities , 〈◊〉 namely , upon that of wine , each Tun of Wine which lay before the Mast , and behinde the Mast b●ing du● unto the King by C●stome ; receiv'd accordingly , & sic de c●teris . But being these old Customes were found insufficient , in the times of open hostility betwixt u● and France , both to m●intain the Kings Port , and to enable him to guard the Seas and secure his Merchants ; a Subsidie of T●nnage and Poundage impos'd at a certain rate on all sorts of Merchandize was granted ●●rst by Act of Parliament to King Hen. 6. and afterward to King Edw. 4. in the 12. Year of his Reign , and finally to all the Kings successively for term of life ; Never denied to any of them till the Co●mons beg●n to think of lessening the Authority Royall in the first Y●ar of King Charles , whom they had engaged in a War with the King of Spain , and me●n●●o make use of the advantage by holding him to hard meats , till they had brought him to a necessity of yeelding to any thing which they pleased to ask . For in the first P●rliament of his Reign , they past the Bill ●or one Year only , which for that cause was rejected in the House of Lords . In the 〈◊〉 Parliament they were too busie with the Duke to do any thing in it : And in the first Session of the third , the● drew up a Remonstrance against it , as if the King by pass●●g 〈◊〉 Petition of Right , had parted with his Interest in that Imposition . Nor staid they there , but in the ●umultuous end of the next Session , they thundred out their A●athema's●ot ●ot only against such of the Kings Ministers as should act any thing in the levying of his Subsidie of Tunnage and Poundage , but against all such as voluntarily should yield or pay th● same not being granted by Parliament , as betrayers of the Liberties of England , and enemies to this Common-wealth . And though the King received it ( but not without some losse and difficulty ) from the first year of his Reign to the sixteenth current ; yet then the Commons being backt with a Scottish Army , resolved that he should hold it not longer but as a Tenant at will , and that but from three Moneths to three Moneths neither . And then they past it with this clogge ' which the King ( as his case then stood ) knew not how to shake off , viz. that it must be declared and enacted by the Kings Authority , ●nd by the Authority of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . Th●t it is and hath been the ancient Right of the Subjects of this Realm , that no Subsidy , Custome , Impost , or other charge whatsoever , ought or may be laid or imposed upon any Merchandise exported or imported by Subjects , Denizen● , or Aliens , without common consent in Parliament . As for the Imposition raised on C●rrans by Queen Elizabeth , it was done , as our Authour tels us to cry quits with the Venetians , who had rais'd the Customes of our Cl●th . And this was done , saith he , without regret or complaint , the generall prosperity of the Reign overshadowing , and her power commanding , fol. 133. Here then we have an Imposition raised upon some Commodities , by the sole will an● power of the Queen , not only without Act of Parliament , but without any regret or complaint of the Merchants , as our Authour tels us . And in the first he tels us true , but not so in the last . For the Merchants having fee'd some Members of the House of Commons to befriend them in it , it was moved that some course might be taken by the House to ease the Merchants in th●t Point . When presently M. Secretary Cecil addressing himself unto the Speaker , desired that that businesse might proceed no further ; affirming that it was a Noli me tangere , part of the Queens prerogative Royall , and therefore not to be disputed within those wals ; adding w●●hal , that if 〈◊〉 proceeded any further , he must ( as he was in duty bound ) acquaint her Majesty with the matter , of whose displeasure they would quickly finde themselves to be very sensible . And so the businesse stopt for that time , though it broke out afterwards , but little to the benefit of the Merchant , as in fine it proved . It seems by this story that the Commons challenged no such priviledge in Queen Elizabeths time , as they did afterwards in the time of King Charles , that is to say , that neither the King nor Queen was to take notice of any thing which was said or done within those Walls , until it was communicated to them by the consent of the House : For whereas the King in a Speech made to both Houses , on the 14 of December , 1641. took notice of some dispute which had been raised in that House , about the Kings power in pressing Soldiers for his Wars , the Commons voted this for a breach of Priviledge , and gain'd so far upon the Lords , that they joyn'd together in this Declaration to his Ma●esty , viz. That amongst other priviledges of Parliament , it was their ancient and undoubted right , that his Maj●sty ought not to take notice of any matter in Agitation and debate in either House of Parliament , but by their Information and Agreement : But yet as ancient as it was , the yongest man present had seen the beginning ; and as undoubted as it was , the oldest man there sitting liv'd to see the end of it : And so much for that . Fol. 136. But they were all ten committed to several Prisons , and on the first of May , Attorney-General Noy sent Process out against them , to appear in the Star-Chamber , and answer his Information there . ] Our Author speaks this of those ten persons who had been guilty of that most unparallel'd Ryot , which was committed in the House of Commons , at the dissolving of the last Parliament , at what time Mr. Noy was not Attorney-General , nor in three years after , and therefore could not send out Process , or make any Info●mation against them , as is here affirmed : The Attorney-General was at that time Sir Robert Heath , who not long after entred the like Information against the Earls of Bedford , Somerset , and Clare , Sir Robert Cotton , Master Selden , Mr. St. Iohn , for dispersing a Manuscript , containing sundry projects for raising money on the Subject without the help of Parliaments ; as if it had been some Design of the King or his Councel to enslave the Nation : Concerning which , our present Author tells us one thing , and an absent Author tells us another ; That which our present Author tells us , is , That Fol. 140. It was contrived at Florence by Sir Robert Dudley , who descended from the Dudlies , Earls of Warwick , and so he stiled himself . ] That this Book of projects was contrived by Sir Robert Dudley , I am well assured ; and I am well assured also , that he neither descended from the Dudlies Earls of Warwick , nor ever call'd himself by that Title : There were but three that held the Titles of Warwick , viz. Iohn , the first Baron of that House , created Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland , by K. Edward the sixth . Secondly , Iohn his eldest surviving Son , commonly called Earl of Warwick ( as the custom is ) after his Father was made Duke , who dyed without Issue . And thirdly , Ambrose the fourth Son of the first Io●n , created Earl of Warwick by Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1552. who deceased without Issue also ; so that there was but one Dudley Earl of Warwick , from whom this Robert could descend , and from him he did , as being the base or natural Son of Robert Dudley , Earl of Leicester , the fifth Son of the said Iohn Dudly Earl of Warwick , and Duke of Northumberland . Secondly , This Sir Robert Dudley , who contriv'd the Manuscript , did not stile himself by the name of Earl of Warwick , that being too low a title to content his Ambition : For looking on himself as the onely remaining branch of this House of the Dudlies , he took upon himself the Stile of Duke of Northumberland , and was commonly called so by all sorts of People in the State of Florence : But to proceed , our Author tells us of this Manuscript of Sir Robert Dudlies , That , Ibid. It was a Rhapsody of several pro●ects for increase of the Kings Revenue ▪ and somewhat in prejudice of proceedings in Parliament ; sundry copies whereof were dispersed , &c. ] And so disperst , that there were few or none who were inquisitive into matters which con●erned the publick , that got not ● Copy of th●se Paper● : Which being found in the Study of the Earl of Strafford ( as it might have been in thous●nds more ) gave an occasion to E. H. an obscure fellow , compos'd of Ignorance and malice , to publish it in Print , with this following Title , viz. Straffords Pl●t discovered , and th● Parliament vindicated in their Iustice executed upon him , by the late discovery of certain Propositions delivered to his Majesty by the Earl of Strafford , a little before his tryal , with this Inscription , Propositions for the bridling of Parliaments , and for the increasing of his Majesties Revenue much m●re then before , &c. And so much for the harmless Errors of my present , and the malicious falshood of my absent Author : Amongst which harmless Errors of my present ( but not to be excused in any ) Author , I reckon his naming of King Charls to be the Uncle of Frederick Prince Elector Palatine , fol. 143. and within few lines after , his Brother-in-law , as indeed he was , his making ●alcedon to be a City in Greece , fol. 151. whereas it was a City of Bithynia in Asia minor , on the other side of the Sea : But leaving these , I proceed to matters of more moment , and of greater conseq●ence . Fol. 148. And therefore draws a Pedigree of his right and title from King James the first , &c. ] Our Author speaks this of the Pedigree by which the Marquess of Hamilton pretended a Right and Title to the Crown of Scotland , a Title which had so many flaws , that if all the Issue of King Iames the sixth were utterly extinguishe● , co●ld not serve the turn : For first , the Lady Katherine Stuart , Daughter to Iames the second , from whom , ( and not immediately from Iames the first ) he must fetch his pedigree , was first Marryed to Robert Lord Boide Earl of Arran , from whom being forcibly taken by her brother King Iames the third , and marryed in her said Husbands life time , Sir Iames Hamilton , the especial favorite of that Ki●g , she carryed with her for her Dower the Earldom of Arran : The Children born of this Adulterous bed could pretend no Title to that Crown , if all the Issue of Iames the first , second and third , should have chanc'd to fail : And yet there was another flaw as great as this , For Iames ▪ the Grand childe of this Iames , having first marryed a Wife of one of the Noble Houses of Scotland , and afterwards considering that Cardinall Bet●n , Arch-Bishop of St. And●ews , was the only man who managed the affairs of that Kingdome , put her away , and married a Neece or Kinswoman of the Cardinals ( his first Wife still living ) by whom he was the Father of Iohn the first Marquesse of Hamilton , whose Grandchilde Iames by vertue of this goodly Pedigree pretended to the Crown of Scotland . Fol. 149. M. Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Articles , saith , That since the suppression of P●rit●ns by the Arch-Bishops , Parker , Grindal , and Whitgift , none will seems to be such . ] That Archbishop Grindal was a suppressor of the Puritan Faction is strange to me , and so I think it is to any who are verst in the actions of those times ; it being the generall opinion of our Historians , that he fell into the Queens displeasure for being a chief Patron and promoter of it . Certain it is , that he wrote a large Letter to the Queen in defence of their prophesyings , then which there could be nothing more dangerous to Church and State. Nor does M. Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Articles , tell us , that he had any hand in the suppression of the Puritans ; it being affirmed by him on the contrary , that they continued multiplying their number , and growing strong ; even head-strong in b●ldnesse and schism , till the dying day of this most Reverend Archbishop . Fol. 151. But w●y to a forreign Title , and not at as easie a rate to English , as in Ireland he had t● all Sees there ? ] Our Authour makes a Quaery , Why the Bishop appointed by the Pope to govern his party here in England , should rather take his Title from Chalcedon in Greece , then from any one of the Episcopal Sees in this Kingdom , as well as they do in that of Ireland ? In answer whereunto , though he gives us a very satisfactory reason , yet I shall adde something thereunto , which perhaps may not be unworthy of the Readers knowledge . And him I would have know , that at such time as Prince ●●arles was in Spain , and the Dispensation passed in the Court of Rome , it was concluded in the Conclave , that some Bishops should be sent into England by the Name of the Bishops of Salisbury , Glocester , Chester , Durham , & sic de caeteris ; the better to manage and improve their encreasing hopes ; Intelligence whereof being given unto the Iesuites here in England , who feared nothing more then such a thing , one of them who formerly had free accesse to the Lord Keeper Williams , acquaints him with this mighty secret ; assuring him that he did it for no other reason , but because he knew what a great exasperation it would give the King , and consequently how much it must incense him against the Catholicks . Away with this Intelligence goes the Lord Keeper to the King , who took fire thereat as well as he , and though it was somewhat late at night , commanded him to go to the Spanish Embassadour , and to require him to send unto the King his Master to take some course that those proceedings might be stopt in the Court of Rome , or otherwise that the Tr●aty of the Match should advance no further . The Lord Keeper findes the Embassadour ready to send away his packets , who upon hearing of the News commanded his Carrier to stay till he had represented the whole businesse in a Letter to the King his Master . On the receiving of which Letter , the King imparts the whole businesse to the Popes Nuncio in his Court , who presently sends hi● dispatches to the Pope , acquainting him with the great inconveniences and unavoidable dangers of this new designe , which being stopt by this devise , and the Treaty of the Match ending in a Rupture not long after , the same Jesuite came again to the Lord Keepers Lodging , and in a fair and facetious manner thanked him most humbly for the good office he had done for that Society , for br●aking the bearing off which blow all the friends they bad in Rome could finde no Buckler , which Story as I heard from his Lordships own mouth ( with no small contentment ) so seemed he to be very well pleased with the handsomenesse of the trick which was put upon him . Fol. 162. The German war made by Gustavus a pretension ( and but a pretension ) for liberty to the oppressed Princes . Which Proposition as it stands is both true and false , with reference to the beginning , progresse , and successe of his war. For when he first undertook the conduct of it , on the sollicitation of the Kings of England , France , and Denmark , and many of the afflicted and disinherited Princes ; he cannot be supposed to entertain any other thoughts then to restore the Princes and free Cities to their former Rights , for doing whereof his Army was defraid by the joynt charges and expence of the Confederates : In order whereunto he caused the Inhabitants of all the Towns and Provinces which he had forced from the Emperours Forces before the overthrow of Tilly at the valley of Lipsick , to take an Oath to be true unto the Liberty and Empire of Germany . And hitherto his intents were reall , not pretentionall only . But after that great victory , and the reducing of all Franconia , and the lower Palatinate under his absolute command ; though he continued his pretensions , yet he changed his purpose , swearing the people of all degrees and ranks , which submitted to him to be true from thenceforth to the King and Crown of Sweden . This as it first discovered his ambition of the first designe which brought him over ; so was it noted that his affairs never prospered after ; receiving first a check from Wallenstein at the Siege of Noremberg , and not long after his deaths wound and the battel of Lutzen . Fol. 174. And now they revive the Sabbatarian controversie which was begun five years since , Bradburn on the Sabbath day , and directed to the King. ] In this Discourse about the Sabbatarian Quarrels , our Authour hath mistook , himself in several particulars . The businesse first is not rightly limn'd , the coming out of Bradburns Book being plac'd by him in the year 1628. whereas it was not publisht until five years after : But being publisht at that time , and directed to the King , as our Authour words is , it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iud●●sme ; and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports , in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October , in the 9. year of his Reign ▪ Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent , and perhaps too late to cure the disease , if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before , as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 . Our Authour secondly , relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book ( or rather of Barbarous Books , as he cals them there , fol. 196. ) must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically , or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames , Anno. 1618. Thirdly , This Bradbu●u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Cou●t , b●t by a private conference with some Learned Divines , to which he had submitted himself , and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him , that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England , both concerning the Sabbath day , and likewise concerning the Lords day . So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the A●ch-Bishop of Canterbury , Anno 1635. Fourthly , Whereas our Authour tels us , fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable ; I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King. But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses , according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure , but by the mouth of the Ministers . The Constable and other Lay-Officers , whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment , were not under the Bishop● command as to that particular , and therefore as he ●ad n● Authority , so he had no reason to require any such duty from them . And as for the Church-Wardens , which are more liable to the power and command of the O●dinary , it happeneth many times , especially in Countrey-Villages , that they cannot reade , and the●efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them . The Ministers who had take● an Oath o● Canonicall O●edience to their severall and respective Bishops , must consequently b● the fittest men for that Employment , implicitly intended , though not explicitly named in the Declaration . As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London . For first , the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Eliz●beth , as our Authour tels us , fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe , and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks ; that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of H●aven , but by the negligence of a Plumber , who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner , was the sole occasion of that mischief ; Secondly , The Commission for the Repair of this Church , issued in the time of King Charles , came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it , but had past the Seal , and was published in Print the year before , Anno 1631. Thirdly , The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end , as our Authour tels us , fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht , before the Western part , or the main body of the Chu●ch had been undertaken . Fourthly , The little Church called S. Gregories , was not willingly taken down to the ground , the Parishioners opposing it very strongly , and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular ; and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being , was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 ( as our Authour makes it ) but Sir Robert Ducy , advanc'd by ●is ●ajesty to the d●gree of a Baronet , as by the Commission doth appear ; so many mistakes in so few lin●● are not easily met with in any Author but our present Hist●●rian : But we proceed . Fol. 179. ●he Turk● h●ve Auxili●ry friend●hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim , from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded . ● A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood ; it being most true , that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim , and no less false that Tamberlain d●●cended from him : All who have written of that great Prince , make him the son of Og , or Zain-Cham , the Cham of Zagathey , a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim ; which Og or Z●in-Ch●m was the Grand-childe of another Z●in-Cham , the third great Cham of the Tartars , and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham , who laid the foundation of that mighty , and ( for a time ) most terrible Empire : Whereas the Chrim-Tartar , ( or the Tartar-Chrim , as our Auth●r calls him ) derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham , descended from one Bathu or Roydo , a great Commander of the Tartars , who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham , subdued these Countries : But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author , then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland , of whom he tells us , that being the f●urth of that name , he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom : Vladislaus the f●●rth ( saith he ) was after the death of his Brother Sigismund , by the consent of the States preferred to the ●hro●e , fol. 182. In which few words , there are two things to be corrected . For first , Vl●disl●us who succeeded Sig●smund , was not his Brother , but his Son. And secondly , he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth , but of Vlad●sl●us the seven●h . Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of P●land , ib●d . which most of our Geograp●ers have placed in R●ssia , A Town wh●ch sometime ; by the chance of War , or otherwise , h●th been in possession of the Pole , though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy , which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town , then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony , because once a Colony of the English. Nor does our Author spe●k more properly ( I will not say more understandingly ) of the Affairs of Ireland , then of those of Poland . For first , He tells us , fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected , till its subjection to King Charls , whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls , then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland . Secondly , Forgetting what he had said before , he tells us , fol. 186. That Mount●oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James ; and yet he says not true in that neither : ●or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale , by which that great Rebel , the Earl of Tirone , who had the conduct of that War , was forced to submit unto him upon condition of his Pardon , which not without great difficulty was obtain'd of the Queen : After whose death , the Lord Mount●oy returned into England , brought the said Earl of Tyrone with him , and presented him unto King Iames ; who by this means reaped the fruit of that Victory , and setled Ireland upon a better foundation of Peace and Happiness , then all the Kings which had Reign'd before him . Thirdly , There was never any such Lord Deputy of Ireland as Sir William Fitzers , mentioned within few lines after ; Sir William Fitz-Williams was once Deputy there , whom I think he means . Nor ●ourthly , was Sir George Cary , whom he brings in by Head and shoulders to be the Governor of Ireland , f. 187. ever advanced unto that Honor ; and our Author being as much mistaken in the name of the Man , as of his Office : Sir George Cary never had Command in Ireland , Sir George Ca●ew had , made by the Queen Lord President of Mu●ster , ( which place he worthily discharg'd ) but not the Governor of that Kingdom . Fol. 192. The Queen was delivered of her second Son , the 13 of October , 1633. ( and not upon the 14 of November ▪ 1634. ) he was 〈◊〉 ten days 〈…〉 James , and created Duke of York by Letters Patents , &c. ] Our Author here corrects the former Historian , for making the Kings second Son to be born on the 14 of 〈◊〉 , and de●erves himself to be corrected , for making him to be created Duke of York by Letters Patents , on 〈…〉 day after his Birth . For though he was by the King d●signed to be Duke of York , and that it was commanded that he should be called so accordingly ; yet was he not created Duke of York by Letters Patents until ten years after , and a●ove , those Letters Patents bearing date at I●nuary●7 ●7 . Anno 1643. The like mistake to that which he corrects in the former Historian , he falls int● him●elf , fol. 312. whe●e he makes Henry Duke of Glocester , the Kings yongest Son , to be born on the twentieth day 〈◊〉 Iuly , An●o 1640. whereas it appears by the Arch Bishops Brevi●t , that he was born on Wednesday the eighth day of that Moneth , being the day of the solemn Fa●t . And by this rule we may correct a pass●ge in the s●o●t view of this Kings life , pag. ●3 . wher● he is 〈…〉 born on the seventeenth of this Moneth , though rightly , 〈◊〉 . 46. on the eighth day of it , he is said to be b●rn up●n the eighth . And thus he fails , fol. 232. in making Edw●rd 〈◊〉 the onely Son of George Duke of Clarence , to be Duke of Warwick , whom all our Heralds and 〈…〉 Earl of Warwick . The like mistake I finde in the name of a Town , near unto which a great Battle was fought between the 〈◊〉 and the Swedes : The Town near which that Battle was fought , being named Norlinghen ▪ a City of that part of Svevia which is called North-schw●h●n , mis●akingly by 〈◊〉 Author called the Battle of Norlington : The loss of which Battle , drew after it the loss of the Palatinate , restored to the Electoral Family but the year before . Fol. 209. And that Story ( of truth ) that John of Orleans of this Family , like a second Judith , saved France from the Oppression of Strangers . ] Not now to quarrel the ungrammaticalness of this passage , nor the mistake of Iohn of Orleans for Iohane ; I would fain know by what Authority our Author makes this Iohn or● Ioane to be descended of this Illustrious Family of the Dukes of Lorrein : Most of the French , who have written the Story of her life , report her to be a poor mans daughter of Ocolieur , a Town in that Dukedom , instructed by the Earl of Dunois , ( commonly called the Bastard of Orleans ) to pretend to some Divine Revelations , the better to incourage that dejected Nation , and to take upon her the Conduct of the French Armies against the English , in which she sped fortunately at the first , but in the end was taken Prisoner , and burnt at Rouen . Nor does the paralel between her and Iudish hold so well as our Author would have it , that Lady adventuring into the Tent of Holophernes , accompanied onely with her Maid , this Damosel Errant never looking on the face of an Enemy , but when she was backt by the best Commanders and united Forces of the French ; that Lady carrying back with her the head of her Enemy , which occasioned the total overthrow of all his A●my , this Damos●l not being able to save her own Head from the power of the Conqueror ; that Lady dying honorably in the Bed of Peace , and this ingloriously in a Ditch . Fol. 219. A severe eye had been upon the Roman Catholicks , and their numerous r●sorts , &c. to the ancient Chappel at Denmark House . ] An ancient Chappel questionless , of not much above twenty years continuance , when our Author writ this part of his History , and then built for the devotions of a small Covent of Capuchins , whom the Queen had got leave ●o s●ttle there for her personal comfort . No Chappell anciently belonging to that House which our Authour cals by the name of Denmark , but is more commonly called Somerset House ; It having been observed of Edward Duke of Somerset the first Founder of it , that having pull'd down one Parish Church and three Bishops houses ( each of which had their several Oratories ) to make room for that Palace for himself ; he could not finde in his heart to build a Chappell to it for the Service of God : And though some Room was afterward set apart in it for Family-duties and devotions , by the name of a Closet ; yet so uncapable was that Closet of admitting any numerous resort of Catholiques out of other places , that it was not able to contain the Queens Domesticks at her first coming hither . But perhaps our Authour will hit it better in the affairs of Scotland , and therefore passe we on to them , where first we finde That He makes Sir Iohn Stewart Earl of Traquair , to succeed the Earl of Marr in the Office of Lord Treasurer of Scotland , fol. 193. Whereas it is most undoubtedly true ( and acknowledged by himself in another place ) that he succeeded in that Office to the Earl of Morton : the Earl of Morton being made Captain of the guard in the place of the Earl of Holland , and the Earl of Holland made Groom of the Stool upon the death of the Earl of Carlile ; His making of Sir Iohn Hay of Scotland●o ●o be the Master of the Robes for that Kingdom , fol. 237. in stead of Master of the Rolls ( Clerk-Register they call him there ) I look on as a mistake of the Printer only , though such mistakes condemn our Authour of no small negligence in not reviewing his own work Sheet by Sheet , as it came from the Presse , and making an Errata to it , as all Authours carefull of their credit have been used to do . Fol. 230. And because the Earl of Strathern a bold man , and had the Kings ear , and deservedly too , being faithfull and true ; these men set on John Scot ( Director of the Chancery ) a busie person , to inform against his Descent : ] In the story of this Earl , not only as to his Original and descent , but as to his being Earl of Menteith our Authour is not to be faulted ; but on the other side , not to be justified in making him to be Earl of Strathern by the power of Buckingham ( that Duke being dead some years before ) though by his power made Lord President of the Council for the Realm of Scotland . Therefore to set this matter right , and to adde something to our Authour that may not be unworthy of the Readers knowledge , I am to let him understand , that after the death of David Earl of Strathern second Son to King Robert the third , this Title lay dormant in the Crown , and was denied to the Lord Dromond ( created afterwards Earl of Perth ) when a Suitor for it . But this Gentleman Sir William Graham Earl of Menteith descended from an Heir General of that David , a man of sound abilities and approved affections , was by the King made Lord President of the Councill of Scotland , as before is said ; In which place he so behaved himself , and stood so stoutly in behalf of the King his Master , upon all occasions , that nothing could be done for advance of Hamiltons designs , till he was removed from that place . In order whereunto it was put into his head by some of that Faction , that he should sue unto the King to be created Earl of Strathern , as the first and most honourable Title which belonged to his House ; that his merits were so great as to assure him not to meet with a deniall , and that the King could do no lesse then to give him some nominall reward for his reall services . On these suggestions he repaired unto the Court of England , where without any great difficulty he obtained his Suit , and waited on the King the most part of his Summers progresse ; no man being so openly honoured and courted by the Scottish Nation as he seemed to be . But no sooner was he gone for Scotland , but the Hamiltonians terrified the King with the dangers which he had run into by that Creation , whereby he had revived in that proud and ambitious person the Rights which his Ancestors pretended to the Crown of Scotland , as being derived from David Earl of Strathern before mentioned , the second Son of Robert the Second by his lawfull Wife : that the King could not chuse but see how generally the Scots slockt about him ( after this Creation ) when he was at the Court , and would do so much more when he was in Scotland : And finally that the proud man had already so farre declared himself as to give it ou● , that the King held the Crown of him . Hereupon a Commission was speedily posted into Scotland , in which those of Hamiltons Faction made the greatest Number ) to enquire into his life and actions , and to consider of the inconveniences which might redound unto the King by his affecting this New Title : On the Return whereof , the poor Gentleman is removed from his Office , from being one of the Privy Council , and not only deprived of the Title of Earl of Strathern , but of that also of Menteith , which for a long time had remained in his Ancestors . And though he was not long after made Earl of Airth , yet this great fall did so discourage him from all publike businesses , that he retired to his own house , and left the way open to the Hamiltonians , to play their own game as they listed . Faithfull for all this to the King in all changes of Fortune , neither adhering to the Covenanters , nor giving the least countenance to them , when he might not only have done it with safety , but with many personal advantages which were tendered to him . Fol. 238. The Marquesse now findes this place too hot for him , and removes to Dalkieth , without any adventuring upon the English Divine Service , formerly continu●lly used there for twenty years in audience of the Council , Nobility , and Iudges . ] Compare this passage with another , and we shall finde that our Authour hath mis-reckoned no lesse then fifteen years in twenty . For in the year 1633. he puts this down after the Kings return from Scotland , agreeable to the truth of story in that particular . What care ( saith he ) King Iames took heretofore to rectifie Religious worship in Scotland , when he returned from his last visiting of them , the like does King Charles so soon as he came home . The ●oul undecent Discipline he seeks to reform into sacred worship , and sends Articles of order to be observed only by the Dean of his private Chappell there , as in England . That Prayers be performed twice a day in the English manner . A monethly Communion to be received on their knees . He that officiates on Sunday and Holydaies , to do his duty in his Surplice . No publick reading of the English Liturgy in Scotland , since the year 1562. but only during the short time of King Iames his being there Anno 1617. therefore not read continually twenty years together , as our Authour states it ; But twenty years is nothing in our Authours Arithmetick . For telling us that the sufferers , viz. Dr. Bastwick , Mr. Prinne , and M. Burton obtained an order for satisfaction to be made them out of the Estates of those who imposed their punishments ; that none of those Judges being left but Sir Henry Vane the Elder , it was ordered that satisfaction should be given by him to one of their Widows , and thereupon it was observed for a blessed time when a single Counsellour of State after twenty years opinion should be sentenced by Parliament to give satis●action for a mis-judgement , acted by a body of Counsell , fol. 867. But the punishment inflicted on those sufferers , was in the year 1637. and this order made about eight years after , Anno 1645. being but twelve years short of our Authours twenty , which is no great matter . Fol. 282. As for Sir John Finch Chief Iustice of the Common Pleas , who succeeded him ( in the place of the Lord Keeper ) he could not hold out so many moneths as he did years from being in hazard to have forfeited his head . ] But first , this Gentleman was somewhat more then Sir Iohn Finch , he being created Lord Finch of Forditch in the beginning of the April before . Secondly , If he were in any hazard , it was not for any thing he had done in the place of Lord Keeper , but only for his zeal to the Kings service in the case of Ship money , or to his actings under the Earl of Holland in Forrest businesses , before he came un●o that place ; neither of which could have extended to the losse of his head , though he thought not fit to trust that head to such mercilesse Judges . With like prudence did Sir Francis Windebank , principal Secretary of Estate , withdraw into France ; of whom our Author telleth us , That he remained there to his death a profest Roman Catholick , fol. 338. But first , Sir Francis Windebank remained not there until his death , for he came over to the King when he was at Oxford , about the latter end of the year 1643. But finding his sufferings unregarded , and his Person neglected ( as not being suffered to appear as a Member of the House of Commons , when the Parliament was summoned thither ) he retired again into France to his Wife and Children . And secondly , He dyed not a profest Catholick , but continued to the last a true Son of the Church of England ; reproacht in his best fortunes by the name of a Papist , because preferr'd by the Arch-Bishop , a faithful servant to the Queen , and a profest enemy to the Puritan Faction : For which last reason , the Earl of Arundel must be given out to be a Papist ( though I have seen him often at Divine Service in the Kings Chappel ) and is so declared to be by our Author also ; who tells us further , That finding his native Countrey too hot for him to hold out , he went with the Queen Mother unto Colen , fol. 428. as if the Land had been hotter for him , or his Zeal hotter then the place ( had he been a Papist , as he was not ) then for any other Noble Man of that Religion . Fol. 320. The English proposed a Cessation of Arms , but the Scots , as they would obey his Majesties command not to advance , so they could not return till they had the effects of their Errand . ] And all this while I would fain know what became of the Irish Army , which had been raised in so much haste by the Earl of Strafford , with the beginning of the Spring : An Army consisting of 10000 Foot , and 1500 Horse , kept ever since in constant pay and continual Exercise , by which the King might have reduced the Scots to their due obedience , as the Earl of Strafford declared openly at the Councel Table , immediately on the dissolving of the former Parliament ; yet now this Army lies dormant , without acting anything thing toward the suppressing of the Scots , exprest in their invading England , their wasting the Northern parts of the Kingdom , and their bold Demands : Which Army , if it had been put over into Cumberland , ( to which from the Port of Carick-Fergus in Ireland , is but a short and easie passage ) they might have got upon the back of the Scots , and caught that wretched People in a pretty Pit-fall ; so that having the English Army before them , and the Irish behinde them , they could not but be ground to powder , as between two Mill-stones : But there was some fatality in it , or rather some over-ruling providence , which so dulled our Councels , that this Design was never thought of for ought I can learn ; but sure I am that it was never put into Execution : An Army , of which the prevailing Members in both Houses stood in so much fear , that they never left troubling the King with their importunities , till they had caus'd him to Disband it ; the Scots in the mean time nesting in the Northern Counties , and kept at most excessive charges to awe the King , and countenance their own proceedings . Fol. 334. The Book , whilst in loose Papers ( ●re it was compleat ) and secured into his Cabinet , and that being lost , was seized by the enemy at Naseby fight , &c. ] Our Author here , upon occasion of his Majesties most excellent Book , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which he hath wholly Incorporated part per part in this present History ) gives a very strange Pedigree of it , that being composed before Naseby fight , it was there taken with the rest of the Kings Papers , and coming to his hands again , was by the King committed to the hands of one Mr. Symonds , and by him to the Press : In all which , there is nothing true but the last particular . For first , That Book , and the Meditations therein contained , were not composed before Naseby fight , many of them relating to subsequent Passages , which the King , without a very h●gh measure of the Spirit of Prophecy , was not able to look so far into● as if past already . Besides , that Book being called , The Por●rai●ure of his Ma●esty in his Solitudes and Sufferings , must needs relate unto the times of his Solitude , and therefore could not be digested before Naseby fight , when he had been continually exercised in Camp or Counsel , and not reduc'd to any such Solitude as that Title intimateth . Secondly , These Papers were not found with the rest in the Kings Cabinet ; or if they were , there must be somewhat in it above a miracle that he should get them again into his hands . Assuredly those men who used so much diligence to suppress this Book when it was published in print , and many thousand Copies disperst abroad , would either have burnt it in the fire , or use some other means to prevent the printing of it , to their great trouble and disadvantage . Thirdly , These papers were not delivered by the King to Mr. Symonds , who had no such near access to him at that time : For the truth is , that the King having not finisht his Conceptions on the several Subjects therein contained , till he was ready to be carried away from Carisbrook Castle , committed those papers at the time of his going thence , to the hands of one of his trusty Servants , to be so disposed of , as might most conduce to the advancement of his Honor & Interest : By which trusty Servant ( whosoever he was ) those papers were committed to the care of the said Mr. Symons , who had shewed himself exceeding zealous in the Kings Affairs , by whom there was care taken for the publishing of them , to the infinite contentment of all those well affected Subjects who could get a ●ight of them . Fol. 372. The loss of his place , ( viz. the City of Arras ] animated the Portugueses to revolt from the Spanish Yoke , and to submit themselves● to the right Heir , Duke John of Braganza . ] Our Author is out of this also : For first , it was not the loss of the City of Arras , but the secret practices and sollicitations of Cardinal Richelieu , which made the Portuguez to revolt . And secondly , if the King of Spains Title were not good ( as the best Lawyers of Portugal , in the Reign of the Cardinal King Don Henry , did affirm it was ) yet could not the Duke of Braganza be the right Heir of that Kingdom ; the Children of Mary Dutchess of Parma , the eldest Daughter of Prince Edward , the third Son of Emmanuel , being to be preferr'd before the Children of Katherine Dutchess of Braganza , her younger Sister : He tells next of Charls , That , Fol. 373. The Soveraignty of Utrick , and Dutchy of Gelders , he bought ; that of William he won by Arms , with some pretence of right . ] But first , the Soveraignty of Vtreckt came not to him by purchase , but was resigned by Henry of Bavaria , the then Bishop thereof , who being then warred on by the Duke of Gelders , and driven out of the City by his own Subjects , was not able to hold it : Which resignation , notwithstanding he was fain to take the City by force ▪ and to obtain a confirmation of the Grant , not onely from Pope Ciement the 7. but also from the Estates of the Countrey . Secondly , he bought not the Dutchy of Gelders neither , but possest himself of it by a mixt Title of Arms and Contract : The first Contract made between Charls the Warlike Duke of Burgundy , and Arnold of Egmond ▪ Duke of Gelders , who in regard of the great Succors which he received from him ( when deprived and Imprisoned by his own ungracious son ) passed over his whole Estate to him for a little mony : But this alienation being made unprofitable by the death of Charls , the intrusion of Adolph , the son of Arnold , and the succession of Charls the son of Adolph , this Emperor reviv'd the claim , and prest Duke Charls so hotly on all sides with continual Wars , that he was forc'd to yield it to him , upon condition that he might enjoy it till his death , which was afterwards granted . Thirdly , if he had any right to the Dukedom of William , it accrued not to him by discent as King of Spain , but as a ●ief forfeited to the Empire , for want of Heirs male in the House of Sforsa ; which not being acknowledged by the French , who pretended from the Heir , General of the Galeazzo's , he won it by his Sword , and so disposed thereof to his Son and Successor King Philip the second , and his Heirs , by another right then that of Conquest . The proceeding of the short Parliament , and the surviving Convocation , have been so fully spoken of in the Observations on the former History , that nothing need be added here : But the long Parliament , which began in November following , will afford us some new matter for these Advertisements not before observ'd . And first we finde , That Fol. 336. There came out an Order of the Commons House , that all Projectors , and unlawful Monopolists , that have or had ●●tely any benefit from Monopolies , or countenanced , or issued out any Warrants in favor of them , &c. shall be disabled to sit in the House . ] A new piece of Authority which the Commons never exercised before , and which they had no right to now , but that they knew they were at this time in such a condition , as to venture upon any new Incroachment , without control : For anciently● and legally the Commons had no power to exclude any of their Members from their place in Parliament , either under colour of false elections , or any other pretence whatsoever : For it appears on good Record , in the 28 year of Queen Elizabeth , that the Commons in Parliament , undertaking the examination of the chusing and returning of Knights of the Shire for the Coun●y of Norfolk , were by the Queen sharply reprehended for it ; that being ( as she sent them word ) a thing improper for them to deal in , as belonging onely to the Office and Charge of the Lord Chancellor , from whom the Writs issue , and a●e returned . And if they may not exclude their Members under colour of undue Elections and false Returns , much less Authority have they to exclude any of them for acting by vertue of the Kings . Letters Patents , or doing any thing in order to his Majesties Service : For if this power were once allowed them , they might proceed in the next place to shut out all the Lords of the Privy Councel , his Counsel learned in the Laws , his Domestick Servants , together with all such as hold any Offices by his Grant and Favor ; because forsooth , having dependance on the King , they could not be true unto the Interest of the Commonwealth : And by this means they might so weed out one another , that at the last they would leave none to sit amongst them , but such as should be all ingag'd to drive on such projects as were laid before them . But whereas our Author tells us in the following words , that it was Ordered also , That Mr. Speaker should issue out new Warrants for electing other Members in their places ; he makes the Commons guilty of a greater incroachment then indeed they were : All that they did or could pretend to in this case , was to give order to the Speaker , that intimation might be given to his Majesty of the places vacant , and to make humble suit unto him to issue out new Writs for new Elections to those places : But the next Incroachment on the Kings Authority , was far greater then this , and comes next in order . Fol. 360. The Bill for the Trienial Parliament , having p●ssed both Houses , was confirmed with the Kings Royal Assent , Febr. 16. And then also he past the Bill of Subsidies , fol. 361. ] The Subsidies here mentioned , were intended for the relief of the Northern Counties , opprest at once with two great Armies , who not onely liv'd upon Free Quarter , but raised divers sums of money also for their present necessities ; the one of them an Army of English , rais'd by the King to right himself upon the Scots ; the other being an Army of Scots , who invaded the Kingdom , under colour of obtaining from the King what they had no right to : So that the King was not to have a peny of that Money , and yet the Commons would not suffer him to pass the one , till he had before hand passed the other ; which the King , for the relief of his poor Subjects was content to do , and thereby put the power of calling Parliaments into the hands of Sheriffs and Constables , in case he either would not , or should not do it at each three years end : But the nex● incroachment on the Power and Prerogative Royal was worse then this , there being a way left for the King to reserve that Power by the timely calling of a Parliament , and the dissolving of it too , if called within a shorter time then that Act had limited . But for the next sore , which was his passing of the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage , there was no Plaister to be found ; the King being for'd ( remember that the Commons had an Army of Scots at their devotion ) to pass away all his Right unto it , before he could obtain it but for three Moneths onely , as was said before : In which Bill it is to be observ'd , that as they depriv'd the King of his Right to Tonnage and Poundage , so they began then to strike at the Bishops Rights to their Vote in Parliament : For whereas generally in all former Acts , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal were distinctly named , in this that distinction was left out , and the Bill drawn up in the name of the Lord● and Commons ; which being disputed by the Bishops , as well fore-seeing what the Commons intended by it , was notwithstanding carried for the Commons by the Temporal Lords , who thereby made a way for their own exclusion , when the Commons were grown as much too strong for them , as they were for the Bishops : The secular Lords knew well , that the Lords Spiritual were to have the precedence , and therefore gave them leave to go first out of the House , that they themselves might follow after as they ought to do . Proceed we next to the business of the Earl of Strafford , a● whose Tryal our Author tells us , That Fol. 376. The Earl of Arundel was made Lord High Steward , and the Earl of Lindsey Lord High Constable . ● Our Author borrows this Error ( as he does some others ) from the former History , and makes it worse by an addition of his own . For first , The Earl of Lindsey was not made High Constable upon this occasion , nor did he act there in that capacity●● He had been made High Constable to decide the difference between the Lord Rey and David Ramsey ; which being an extraordinary case was likely to be tried by battle . But in this case there was no need of any such Officer , the Triall being to be made by proofs and Evidences , the verdict to be given by the Lords of Parliament , and sentence to be pronounced by the Lord High Steward , all ● things being to be carried and transacted in due form of Law. Secondly , The Court being broken up , which was before the passing of the Bill of Attainder in the end of April , the Office of Lord High Steward expired also with it . And therefore when our Authour speaks of a Request which was made unto the King in Parliament , that the Earl of Pembroke should be made Lord High Steward , in the place of the Earl of Arundel then absent , fol. 430. he either speaks of a Request which was never made , or else mistakes the Lord Steward of the Kings houshold ( which place might possibly be desired for the Earl of Pembroke not long before turn'd out of the Office of Lord Chamberlain ) for the Lord High Steward of the Kingdome . And now we are fallen on his mistakes touching these great Officers , I shall adde another , It being said in our Authours unfigured Sheets , that the King having signed the Bill of Attainder , sent Sir Dudly Carlton Secretary of State to acquaint him what he had finished . An errour too grosse and palpable for our Authour to be guilty of , considering his Acquaintances in the Court and relations to it ; which may perswade me to beleeve that these unfigured Sheets , patcht in I know not how , between fol. 408. and 409. should be none of his . But whether they be his or not , certain I am that there was no Secretary at this time but Sir Henry Vane , Windebank being then in France , and his place not filled with the Lord Falkland till the Christmas after Sir Dudly Carlton , Lord Imbercourt , and Vicount Dorchester , was indeed Secretary for a while ; but he died upon Ashwednesday in the year 1631. which was more then nine years before the sending of this message , and I perswade my self the King did not raise him from the grave ( as Samuel was once raised at the instance of Saul ) to go on that unpleasing errand . Sir Dudly Carlton whom he means ( being Brothers son unto the former ) was at that time one ●f the Clerks of the Councel , but never attained unto the place and honour of a principall Secretary . Our Authour having brought the businesse of the Earl of Strafford toward a Conclusion , diverts upon the Authour of the Observations on the former History , to whom he had been so much beholden for many of the most materiall and judicious Notes in the former part of his Book ; and he chargeth thus . Fol. 406. I conceive it convenient in more particular to clear two mistakes of our Authours concerning the Articles of Ir●land , and the death of the Earl of Strafford , reflecting upon the late most Reverend Prelate , the Archbishop of Armagh , Primate of all Ireland , whilest he was liuing , and worse pursued since his decease , somewhat too sharp also upon D. Bernard . ] What Fee or Salary our Authour hath for this undertaking , I am no● able to determine , but if he be not well paid by them , I am sure he hath been well paid by another ; who in his Answer to D. Bernards Book entituled , The ●udgement of the late Primate of Ireland , Ac. hath fully justified the Observator against all the exceptions , which either our Authour or D. Bernard , or the Lord Primate himself have made against him in these two points . Which being extrinsecall as to the matter of this History , shall not be repeated ; the Reader being desired , if he want any further satisfaction , to look for it there . All I shall here observe is this , that our Authour grounds himself in his whole Discourse of that businesse upon somewhat which he had in writing under the hand of the said Lord Primate , and more which he hath took verbatim out of the said Book of D. Bernards , who being both parties to the Suit , ought not to be admitted for Witnesses in their own behalf . And yet our . Authour having driven the matter to as good a conclusion as he could from such faulty Premises , conceives an hope , that by the ●ight of those Testimonies , he will be of more moderation , notwithstanding he hath there shewn much disaffection to the Primate , in endeavouring to his utmost , to evade divers of those particulars , either in giving the worst sense of them , or turning them to other ends . But as I can sufficiently clear the Observator , from bearing any disaffection to the Lord Primates person , and the equal Reader may defend him from the imputation of giving the worst sense of any thing which he found in the Pamphlet called , The Observator observed , or turning it to other ends then was there intended ; so am I no more satisfied by this tedious nothing , touching the Articles of Ireland , or the death of the Earl of Strafford , as they reflect upon the Archbishop of Armagh , then I was before . As little am I satisfied with the following passage in the last Folio of the unfigured Sheets , viz. That D. Iuxon Bishop of London resigned his Office of Treasurer of England into the hands of five Commissioners more sufficient then he could be , ] Our Authour might have spared these last words of disparagement and diminution , and yet have left his Proposition full and perfect . But taking them as they come before me , I must first tell him , that the Lord Bishop of London resigned not his Office of Treasurer into the hands of any Commissioners , but only into the hands of the King , who not knowing at the present how to dispose of it for his best advantage , appointed some Commissioners under the great Seal of England to discharge the same . And next I would have him tell me , what great sufficiency he found in those Commissioners , which was not to be found in the Bishop of London , how many of his debts they paid , what improvement they made of his Revenue , what stock of money they put him into toward the maintaining of the Warre which not long after followed . In all which particulars the Bishop of London had very faithfully performed his part ( though not as to the Warre of England ) to the great honour of the King and content of the Subject . But to look back upon some passages in the busines●e of the Earl of Strafford , which are not toucht at by the Observator or his alterid●m , the first we meet with is a very pretty devise of the Bishop of Lincoln , to cheat the poor Gentleman of his head by getting a return of the promise which the King is said to have made him of not consenting to his death . The sum of the story is briefly this , viz. That the King had promised the Earl of Strafford under his hand that his prerogative should sav● him , that he would never passe the Bill , nor consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life ; that being satisfied in all other scruples he rested in this only , affirming that in regard of this promise he could not passe the Bill , though the Earl were guilty ; the Bishop of Lincoln finding him harping on that string , assured him , that he thought that the Earl was so great a Lover of his Maj●sties peace , so tender of his conscience , and the Kingdoms safety , that he would willingly acquit the King of that promise ; that though the King received this intimation with a brow of anger , yet the said , Bishop in pursuance of the Earls destruction , sends a Message to him to that purpose by the Lieutenant of the Tower , or some other person whom he found attending near the place ; that as the devil and he would have it the Earl received that intimation with great disdain , saying , that if that were all which bound the King , he would soon release him , and thereupon opening his Cabinet , drew out that Paper in which the Kings promise was contained , and gave it to the said Lieutenant or that other person ( but whether sealed or unsealed that he cannot tell ) by whom it was delivered to the Bishop of Lincoln ; and finally that the Bishop of Lincoln finding no other scruple to remain in the Kings Conscience , but the respect he had to that promise , he put the fatall paper into the Kings hands , which as it seems gave a full end to the conference and the Kings perplexities . This is the substance of the Legend , and in all this there is nothing true , but the names of the parties mentioned in it . And first I would fain know from what Authour he received this fiction , unlesse it were from say I , and say some ( as his own words are ) that is to say , either from himself , or from some body else , but he knew not whom . Most certainly he had it not from any of the Bishops then present , the Lord Primate affirming in the end of his first Narrative , that neither he nor the rest of his Brethren knew what was contained in that Paper ; and no lesse certain it is that the Bishop of Lincoln was too wise to accuse himself of such a practise , if he had been really guilty of it . And then as for the thing it self . no man of reason can imagine , that the King would either make such a proviso to the Earl , or that the Earl would so far distrust his own integrity as to take it of him . If the Kings knowledge of his innocence , of his signal merits , and the declaration which he made in Parliament to the Lords and Commons , that he could not passe the Bill with a good Conscience , were not sufficient to preserve him , there was no help to be expected from such Paper-promises . Such a Romance as this we finde in Ibrahim the Illustrious Bassa , who is said to have obtained the like promise from Solyman the Magnificent ; which notwithstanding the Mufti or Chief Priests of the Turks devised a way to discharge the Emperour of that promise , and to obtain from him an unwilling consent to the Bassa's death , as the Bishop of Lincoln is said to do for the Earl of Straffords . Secondly , There was no such scruple of conscience propounded to the Bishops in the morning conference as the obligation which that promise laid upon him ; there being no other question propounded at that time , but whether he might in justice passe the Bill of Attainder against the Earl ; To which the Bishops gave their Answer when it was again renewed in the Evening ( as appears by the Lord Primates first Narrative ) that if upon the Allegations on either ●ide ( at the hearing whereof the King was present ) he did not conceive him guilty of the crime wherewith he was charged he could not in justice condemn him ; and by this answer it appears that no such scruple as the obligation of that Paper-promise had been before tendred to the Bishops . Thirdly , Admitting that the Bishop of Lincoln might be so bold as to make that overture to the King , forgetting a release of that promise from the Earl of Strafford , yet was he too carefull of himself , too fearfull of the Kings everlasting displeasure , to pursue that fatall project , when he perceived his Majesty to entertain it with a brow of anger . Fourthly , Admitting this also , that the Bishop was so thirsty of the Earls bloud , as to neglect his own safety in pursuance of it , yet cannot our Historian tell us , whether that intimation were sent by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person . And certainly , as the Lieutenant of the Tower was not so obscure a person , but that he might easily be known from another man ; so is it most improbable that he should go on such an errand without speciall order from the King , or that the Earl should admit of such an intimation from any other , who was like to run on the Bishops bidding , but only from the Lieutenant himself . Fifthly , It cannot be beleeved , that the Earl should fall into such a passion when the Tale was told him , considering that he knew , that by a Letter sent unto the King on the Tuesday before , he had set the Kings Conscience at liberty , most humbly beseeching him for the prevention of such mischief as might happen by his refusall to passe the Bill . So that the passing of the Bill could be no News to him , which he had reason to expect , because it was a thing so much prest by his enemies , and so humbly and affectionately● desired by himselfe . Sixthly and finally , Though our Historian make it doubtfull whether that Paper-promise were sent back sealed or unsealed , yet no man can suspect the Earl to be so imprudent in his actions , so carelesse of his own honour , and so untrusty to the King in so great a secret , as to send it open , by which it must needs come first to the eyes of others before it came unto the Kings . And if it were not sent unsealed , how came our Authour to the knowledge that that paper contained the Kings promise , as he saies it did ? But nothing more betrays the vanity and impossibility of this fiction , then the circumstance in point of time , in which this promise must be made , which must needs fall between the passing of the Bill of Attainder and the Kings conference with the Bishops sent to him for the satisfaction of his Conscience by the Houses of Parliament . Our Authour tels us that at the conference with the Bis●ops , the King being satisfied in all other scruples , started his last doubt , If in his Conscience he could not passe the Bill , although the Earl were guilty ; having promised under his hand that his prerogative should save him , never to passe that Bill , nor to consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life . By which it needs must follow ▪ if the Bill of Attainder was first passed ( or at the least in probability to be passed ) in the House of Peers , before the King had given any such promise under his hand ; for the words are that the King had given him a promise under his hand , never to passe that Bill . Now that Bill was not taken into consideration in the House of Lords till Saturday the 24. of April , in which considering their own danger , and the little satisfaction they are able to give themselves ; M. St Iohn the Kings Sollicitor Generall was appointed by the House of Commons to open the Bill before their Lordships , and to give them information in it , which was done upon Thursday the nine and twentieth of the same Moneth . On the next day some of the Lords began to stagger in their resolutions , and to incline unto the Commons ; which moved the King to declare himself before both Houses on the first of May , That he could not with a good Consci●nce condemn the Earl of High Treason ( which he must needs do if he passe that Bill ) and therefore hoped that they would not expect that from him , which neither fear , nor any other respect whatsoever should enforce him to . Other assurance then this of not passing the Bill , as the King never made the Earl , so indeed he could not ; the Earl being a close Prisoner , and so narrowly watcht ( especially after his Majesties said Declaration of the first of May ) that no such Paper●promise under the Kings hand could be sent unto him , if either the King had thought it necessary to make any such promise , or the Earl to seek it ; Adeo mendaciorum natura est , ut coherere non possint , as Lactantius hath it . This point thus cleared , and the King discharged from making any such promise under his hand , there must some other way be found out to preserve the Earl by devising some means for his escape ; and to this plot the King must be made a party also , our Authour telling us positively , That Some Designe there was no doubt of delivering the Earl of Strafford by escape ; in order whereunto Sir William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower must be commanded by the King to receive one Captain Billingsley with an hundred men to secure the place . ] If so , how durst Balfour refuse to yeeld obedience to the Kings command ? Marry forfooth , because three good Women of Tower-street , peeping into the Earls Gallery through the Key-hole , could by the Spectacles of their eyes , discern him talking with this Captain , and by the Otoco●sticon of their ears , could hear them talk of some Desig●e for this escape ; The Summe of their Discourse being this , that a Ship of Captain Billingsleys Brothers should be in readinesse , which was fallen down on purpose below in the River , that they three might be there in twelve hours , that if the Fort were but secur'd for three or four Moneths , there would come aid enough , and that there was nothing to be thought upon but an escape , and much more broken speech to that purpose . It seems the womens ears must be very long , and the tongues both of the Earl and Billingsly must be very loud ; or else how could a practise of such a close and dangerous nature be so plainly heard ; Assuredly by the same means by which the Zealous Brother in More , fields , discovered a dangerous plot against the Parliament , discoursed of by some who were passing by ( but he knows not who they were ) as he was sunning himself under an hedge . Of whom as creditable an Authour as Sir William Balfour , hath told me this , That while he was contriving some Querpo-cut of Church-Government , by the help of his out-lying ears , and the Otocousticon of the Spirit , ●e discovered such a Plot against the Parliament , that Selden intends to combat Antiquity , and maintain it was a Taylors Goose that preserved the Capitol . But in good earnest , I would fain know of our Author , or of Sir William Balfour , or of both together , whether the three Good-Wives of Tower-street , did hear these Passages in discourse , by their eyes or their ears : Not by their Eyes , for the Eye is not the sense of hearing ; nor by their Ears , for it is not said that they laid their Ears to the Key-hole , but that they peeped thorow it . And next I would fain know , wh●ther they peep'd or hearkned all at once , or one after another : If all at once , the Key-hole must be wondrous wide ( as Heavenly-wide as Mopsus mouth in Sir Philip Sidney ) which could admit of three pair of hearing Eyes , or of three single seeing Ears , at one time together : And if they peep'd or hearkned one after another , they must needs have both very quick Wits , and strong Comprehensions , that could make up so much of a set Discourse from such broken Speeches , though they within spake never so loudly . Letting this pass therefore with a Risum teneatis Amici ▪ we have next a more serious discovery of this Design , by the Conference which the Earl of Strafford had with Sir William Balfour , offering him but four days before his death , no less then Twenty thousand pounds , and a Marriage of his Daughter to Balfours Son , if he would assent to his Escape : And for this also , as well as for the tale of the three Good-Wives of Tower-Street , and the command of admitting Billingsley , with an hundred men , to secure the Tower ; we must take Sir Williams bare word ( for he gave it not in upon his Oath ) in the House of Commons : And what the bare word of a Scot , a perfidious Scot , and one that shortly after took up ▪ Arms against his Master , will amount unto , we all know too well : Nor was the Earl so ignorant of the hatred which generally the Scotish Covenanters bare unto him , or of the condition of this man particularly , as to communicate any such design unto him , had he been so unprepar'd for death , as our Author makes him : And so this second Romance of Sir William Balfour , and the three Women Good-Wives of Tower Street , being sent after that of the Bishop of Lincoln ; we leave the Earl of Straffords business , and go on with our Author to some other . Fol. 418. Then follows King Henry the fourth , &c. of●larence ●larence Title to precede that of Mortimer . ] That some of the Lords combined to depose this King , I shall easily grant , though not upon those grounds which our Author mingles with the Speech of one Mr. Thomas , ( a Member of the House of Commons ) against the Bishops : For though the Title of Clarence did precede that of the King , yet was not the Kings Title derived from Mortimer , the Title of Mortimer and Clarence being one and the same . The Title of King Henry the fourth , came by his Father , Iohn Duke of Lancaster , the fourth Son of King Edward the third ; the title of Mortimer came by Philip the sole Daughter and Heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence , the third son of the said King Edward , and Wife to Roger Mortimer Earl of March , from whom the House of York laid their claim to the Diadem . But our Author is as good at the Pedigree of the House of the Beauforts , as of that of Mortimer , telling us , That Cardinal Beaufort was not onely great Uncle to King Henry the sixth , but Son to John of Gaunt , and his Brother Cardinal of York . The first two parts whereof are true , but the last as false : Cardinal Beaufort , I am sure , had no such Brother as our Author gives him ( for so he must be understood , though the Grammar of the words will not bear so much sense ) namely , a Cardinal of York , unless it were King Henry the fourth , whom Iohn of Gaunt had by Blanch of Lancaster , his first Wife , Iohn Earl of Somerset , or Thomas Duke of Excester , which two , together with this Cardinal Beaufort , he had by his last Wife Katherine Swinfort : More Sons then these , none of our Heralds or Historians give to Iohn of Gaunt , and therefore no such Brother as a Cardinal of York to be found out any where for this Cardinal Beaufort , except onely in our Authors Dreams . Fol. 419. That in Anno 37. of Henry the eighth , Letters Patents were granted to Lay-men , to exercise all maner of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , as the Kings Officers , not the Bishops . ] These are the words of Mr. Thomas in his Invective against the Bishops before mentioned , and these our Author swallows without chewing , not searching whether Mr. Thomas had rightly given the sense of that Act of Parliament or not , but telling his in his gloss upon it , That no Reason or Iustice are to be deduc'd from that Kings Actions , more like an Atheist then a Christian , either Ecclesiastical or Temporal : But by the leave of good Mr. Thomas , there can be no such matter gathered from that Statute of King Henry the eighth , viz. That Letters Patents were granted to Lay-men to exercise all maner of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , as the Kings Officers , not the Bishops : Before this time no man could be admitted to the Office of a Chancellor , Vicar-General , Commissary , or Official in any Ecclesiastical Court , or exercise any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , except he were a single person , and in Holy Orders : To take away which curb , and thereby to give the better incouragement to Students in the Civil Laws , it was Enacted by this Statute , that all such Ecclesiastical Officers , whether made by the Kings Letters Patents as in the case of Sir Thomas Cromwel , the Kings Vicar General ) or by any Arch-Bishop , Bishop , or Arch-Deacon , within this Realm , might from thencforth lawfully execute and exercise all maner of Iurisdiction , commonly called Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , and all Censures and Coercions appertaining , or in any wise belonging unto the same , albeit such person or persons be Lay , married or unmarried , so that they be Doctors of the Civil Law , lawfully created and made in any Vniversity : Out of which premises , if Mr. Thomas can conclude , that such Lay-men , so quallified to exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , were the Kings Officers , and not the Bishops ; he must have some new piece of Sandersons Logick , which never was read in any of the Universities , in which those lay persons did receive the Degree of Doctors . Fol. 419. She was the right Heir apparent to her Brother , and the onely right Issue to the Crown , begotten no donbt in lawful Matrimony . ] I dare not take upon me to dispute of Titles to the Crown , but I dare take upon me to tell our Author , that there was some doubt made by the most learned men of that time , whether Queen Mary , ( of whom he speaks ) were begotten and born in lawful Marriage : All the Bishops in this Realm , by a publick Writing under their Hands and Seals , declared the Marriage of King Henry the eighth , with Queen Maries Mother , to be unlawful ; and so did the most eminent Divines in both the Universities , as also in the Cathedrals , Monasteries , and other Conventual Bodies within this Realm : The like declared also by several Universities in France and Italy , under their publick Seals : And so it was declared finally by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commons assembled in ● full and free Parliament , in which it was pronounced , That the Marriage between the King and the Lady Katherine of Spain , the Relict of his Brother , was null and void : to that it seems there was some doubting in this case , though our Author makes no doubt of it at all : Nor is it very certain , neither that Queen Mary was the right Heir apparent to her Brother : For if the Law of the Crown diff●r not from the Law of the Land in this particular ( which I leave unto our learned Lawyers ) she could not be the Heir to her Brother King Edward the sixth , as being born of another Venter , and consequently his Sister by the half blood onely . Now as he makes no doubt of Queen Maries Title to the Crown , so he makes the Title of Queen Elizabeth to be subject unto some dispute , which all the Estates of the Realm convened in her first Parliament , declared in the way of Recognition , to be past disputing : But I leave these inviduous Arguments , and proceed to some other . Fol. 429. Doctor Wren , Bishop of Ely , and Dean of the Kings Chappel , had been accused of Misdemeanors in his Diocess , amounting to Treason : And being committed to the Tower , there he hath lain ever since . ] But fitst , no misdemeanors , how great soever , can amount to a Treason , nor ever was it so adjudged , but onely in the Case of the Earl of Strafford . Secondly , There was no Evidence taken upon Oath to prove any of the misdemeanors which were charged upon him ; our Author confessing , that after he had been Voted in the House of Commons unworthy and unfit to hold and exercise any Office or Dignity in Churh or Commonwealth , there was no further speech of him or his Crimes . Thirdly , He was not committed to the Tower for any misdemeaners charged against him by those of his Diocess but for subscribing to the Protestation with the rest of the Bishops , in the end of D●cember , 1641. who were committed at the same time also . Fourthly , He hath not remain'd there ever since his commitment neither , but was discharged with the other Bishops about the end of February then next follow●ng , and about three or four Moneths after brought back again , Anno 1642. without any Accusation brought against him either then or since . Fol. 430. And then they adjourned until the twentieth of October , and a standing Committee of the House of Commons , ( consisting of fifty Members ) appointed , during the Recess . ] Of this Committee , Mr. Iohn Pim was the principal Man , without whom , all the rest were Ciphers , of no signification : And by him there issued out an Order against Innovasions , extended , and intended also , for taking down the Rails before the Communion-Table , levelling the ground on which the said Table stood , and placing the said Table in the middle of the Church or Chancell . In which it is to be admired how eagerly this Order was pursued by the Church-Wardens generally in all the Parishes of the Kingdom ; notwithstanding they were told , that the Lords had never given their consent unto it , and that it would be safest for them to suspend their proceedings till the Parliament was again assembled . But so mighty was the name of Pym , that none of them durst refuse Obedience unto his Commands . Nor did the Lords ever endeavour to retrench this Order , but suffered their Authority and priviledge to be torn from them peece-meal by the House of Commons ; as formerly in imposing the Protestation of the third of May , so now in this great Alteration in the face of the Church . Fol. 432. The late Irish Army raised for the Assistance of the Kings Service against the Scots , was disbanded , and all their armes brought into Dublin . ] This though our Authour reckoneth not amongst the grounds and reasons of the Irish Rebellion , yet was it really one of the chief encouragements to it . For when the King was prest by the Commons in Parliament for the disbanding of that Army , a Suit was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain , that he might have leave to List three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the wars . The like Suit was made also by the Embassadour of France , and the King readily condescended to their severall motions , and gave order in it accordingly . But the Commons never thinking themselves safe , as long as any of that Army had a sword in his hand , never left importuning the King ( whom they had then brought to the condition of denying nothing which they asked ) till they had made him eat his word and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour ; Which so exasperated that Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse , that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of the Plot to make sure of them . And then considering , that the Scots by raising of an Army had gain'd from the King an Abolition of the Episcopall Order , the re●cinding of his own and his Fathers Acts , about the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this , and setled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours : why might not the Irish Papists hope , that by the help of such an Army ready raised to their hands , or easily drawn together , though disperst at that present , they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion , Tantum Religio potuit suadere Malorum , as true on the one side as the other . Fol. 443. The next Morning the Vpper house sent them down to the House of Commons by the Lord Marshal , Privy Seal , &c. the Lords Goring and Wilmot . ] Our Authour speaks this of the first Letter sent from Ireland , touching that Rebellion , but is mistaken in the last man , whom he makes to be sent down with these Letters . The Lord Wilmot at that time was no Peer of England , and therefore had no place in the English Parliaments . The honour of an English Baron being first conferred on his Son the Lord Henry Wilmot by Letters Patents bearing date 29. of Iune , Anno 1643. And as I am sure that the Lord Wilmot was not of that number , so I am doubtfull whether the Lord Marshall were or not . Our Authour not long before tels us , that his Office of Lord High Steward was like to be begg'd from him in regard of his Absence , which is to be understood of his absence out of the Realm ; and if he were then absent out of the Realm , he could not now be present in the House of Peers . Either not absent then , or not present now , is a thing past questioning . Fol. 462. The King returns from Scotland , magnificently ●easted by the City of London . ] But while the Citizens at one end of the Town , were at their Hosanna , some of the Commons at the other end were as busie at their Crucifige , intent on hammering a Remonstrance , which they entitled , A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom , in which they ript up all the actions which they had complained of in the King , and sum'd up all those services which they had done for the common people . The whole so framed that it served for a pair of Bellows to blow that fire which afterwards flamed out , and consumed the greatest part of the Kingdom . In the presenting whereof to the King at his coming from Scotland , though the Lords refused to joyn with them in it , yet was it presented to the King by some of their Members , an Order made for the publishing and dispersing of it , and the Lords brought at last to justifie what they had condemned . Nor did the Citizens continue long in their good Affections : For though they gave him Rost-meat now , yet they beat him with the Spit in the Christmas following , of which our Authour tels us , saying , Fol. 471. The loose people of the City , and the Mechanick sort of Prentices were encouraged by the Ministers and Lecturers , and other Incendiaries in tumultuous manner , to come down to Westminster , and by the way at Whitehall to be insolent in words and actions . ] And insolent they were indeed both in words and actions , some of them crying out as they past by ▪ that the King was not fit to live , others that the Prince would govern better ; all of them with one voice , that they would have no Porters lodge between them and the King ▪ but would come at him when they pleased , using some other threatning words , as if they meant to break open the Gates : But so it happened , that some of the Officers of the Kings late Army being come to the Court , some of them to receive the Arrears of their pay , and others to know the Kings Commands , before they returned into the Low Countries , to their severall Charges , and observing the unsufferable Insolencies of this Rascal Rabble , sallied upon them with drawn swords , in which scuffle some of that tumultuous Rabble were slightly hurt , and others dangerously wounded . To these men being profest Souldiers , was the Name of Cavaliers first given , communicated afterwards to all the Kings party and Adheren●s though never in Arms , or otherwise appearing for him then in the Loyalty of their Affections . Fol. 477. This fell out as many would have it , a l●●●ing case to their confusion . ] How so ? Because , saith he , at a conference desired by the Lords with the House of Commons , they were told by the Lord Keeper , that this Petition and Protestation of the twelve Bishops was extending to the deep intrenching upon the fundamentall priviledges and beings of Parliaments , &c. Upon which Declaration the Bishops were voted to be guilty of High Treason , committed first to the custody of the black rod , and from thence to the Tower. But first the Authour is to know , that the Lord Keeper at that time was not altogether so rectus in Curia , as might have been wished , and therefore having received that Petition and Protestation from the hands of the King ( to whom in the first place it was addressed ) he communicated it privately to such of both Houses as were like to make the worst use of it ; and the more to ingratiate himself with the prevalent party , he aggravated the supposed offence to the very utmost ; And the supposed offence was this , that the Bishops having been frequently reviled , pursued , and violently kept from the House of Peers , protested by a Writing under their hands , That they durst not sit or Vote in the House of Peers , untill his Majesty should secure them from all affronts , indignities and dangers ; and therefore that all Laws , Orders , Votes , Resolutions , and Determinations should be reputed null and of none effect , which in their absence had passed or should passe in the said most Honourable House , during the time of their forced and violent absence . Which Petition and Protestation being 〈…〉 Records of Parliament , was thought to be a good 〈◊〉 of their place and right suffrage in the House of 〈◊〉 ●●●withstanding the Subsequent Act of Parliament ▪ 〈◊〉 deprived them of it . But how that Protestation could amount to Treason ( in the newest construction of the word ) was so impossible to be proved , that they who 〈◊〉 so voted it , having served their turns by the imprisonment of the Bishops for depriving them of their place and vote in Parliament , and divesting the King of his power and prerogative in pressing Souldiers for his wars , at once released them of the imp●i●onment and accusation under which they suffered . Adde hereunto that when the Members of the House of Commons were seized upon and kept in custody by the Officers of the Army , under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax on the sixt and seventh daies of December , 1647. they made a Protestation to this effect , viz. that all Acts and Ordinances , Votes and proceedings of the House of Commons made after the said sixt and seventh of December , or after to be made , during their restraint and forcible seclusion from the House and the continuance of the Armies force upon it , should be no way obligatory , but void and null to all ●ntents and purposes whatsoever . Which protestation though it toucht the Officers of the Army to the very quick , yet had they so much modesty as not to count it for high Treason . And when the Members which were left remaining in that House for the present turn , had scanned over every particular of that protestation , they only ventured so far as to Vote it to be scandalous and seditious , as tending to destroy the present visible Government ; and that all that had a hand in it were unworthy of trust ; for which consult Mercurius Pragmaticus , Numb . 38. By which we see that which was counted Treason in the Bishops , was not conceived to be such in these Members of the House of Commons ; No more then farre worse crimes then those which 〈…〉 for Treason in the Earl of Strafford , could 〈◊〉 to be Treason in the Case of the Five 〈…〉 Lord of Kimbolton . So true is that which Horace 〈…〉 Book De Arte Poetica , viz. Coecilio Plautoq●e dabit 〈…〉 Virgilio Varioque , which cannot be englished more ●●●nificantly then by this old Proverb , that is to say , that 〈◊〉 better steal a Horse then others look on . Fol. 478. The City taking h●art and hands with the House of Commons , summon a Common Councel , where they debate their jealousies and fears . ] The constitution of the Common Councell of the City , was of great concernment at this time , and therefore it behoved the Commons ( in order to the prosecution of their designe ) that it should be new moulded , most of the old ones laid aside , and creatures of their own elected into their places . And by their Emissaries and Agents , they prevailed so far , that on S. Thomas day , when the Common-Councell-men were to be chosen for every Ward , in stead of those grave , sober , and substantiall men , which before they had , they chose a company of factious and indigent persons , known only by their disaffections to Monarchical and Episcopal Government . And whereas by the ancient custome of the City , the Common-Councell-men then elected were not admitted unto Councell till the Munday after Twelfthday , when their Elections were returned and enrolled by the Town-Clerk ; these men well knowing how much the Designe of the Commons did depend upon them , would not stay so long . And therefore when the King had appointed a Common-Councell to be called on the last day of December for the prevention of such tumults as had happened a few daies before , they thrust themselves in amongst the rest . The like they did , when the King gave a meeting to a Common Councel , appointed by him on the fifth of Ianuary , wherein he acquainted them with the reason of his proceedings against the five impeached Members , desiring that they might not have any retreat or harbour within the City . At what time Fowke one of these Common-Councell men , as being the Bell-weather to the rest , made a sawcy and insolent speech unto the King , concerning fears and ●●●lousies , touching the Members accused , the Priviledges of Parliament , and that they might not be tried but in a Parliamentary way . To which , though the King returned a very milde and gracious Answer , yet the Rabble being once inflamed by their seditious Orator , would not so be satisfied , but at his coming out of the Hall , and as he past in his Coach thorow the Streets , there was nothing ecchoed in his ears but Priviledges of Parliament , Priviledges of Parliament . By the help and vote of these men also was that Petition framed ▪ and delivered to the King on the morrow after , which follows immediatly in our Authour . And by the help of these men did they extort the Militia of the City out of the hands of the Mayor and Aldermen , and put it into the power of inferiour persons , such as the Faction in the House of Commons might best confide in . And for their Iealousies and Fears which were to be debated in the Common Councell , they were of no lesse nature then the blowing up of the Thames to drown the City , or the beating it down about their ears by Col. Lunsford from the Tower , or the sacking it by the King and the Cavaliers . Horrible Gulleries , but such as were generally disperst , and no lesse generally beleeved by fools , women and children . Fol. 482. Vpon information of Troops of Horse to be gathered by the Lord Digby and Colonell Lunsford at Kingston , where the County Magazine is lodged , they order that the Sheriffs of the severall Counties , &c. shall suppresse all unlawfull Assemblies . &c. ] Most true it is , that such an order was made by the House of Commons , the better to amaze the people , and keep them in continuall Fears and Iealousies of the Kings proceedings . But nothing is more false , then that any Troops of Horse had been rais'd by the Lord Digby or Colonel Lunsford , or that they had any such designe as to seize the Magazine at Kingston ; which they might easily have done , had they been so minded , before it could have been prevented . But the truth is , that the King not knowing what the London Tumults might amount unto , commanded the Officers of the late Army before-mentioned , to attend his pleasure , till he saw some issue of the practices which were held against him . On which command they followed him to Hampton Court , Ianuary the tenth , 1641. at his Removall from Whitehall , for avoiding such fresh Insolencies , as the people in their triumphant conducting of the accused Members to the Houses of Parliament , might have put upon him . These Officers now known by the Name of Cavaliers , were lodged at Kingston , and upon them the Lord Digby , accompanied with Col. Lun●●ord in a Coach with six Horses , intended to bestow a visit ; no Troops of Horse being raised by him , nor any other appearance of Horse at all , except those six only . His Majesties Declaration of the 12. of August , hath so cleared this businesse , that I marvell our Authour could let it passe by without Observation . Fol. 485. And so the breach between the King and Parliament was stitcht up . ] That is to say , that great breach of pretended priviledge , in the Kings coming to the House of Commons to demand the five impeached Members . And yet this breach was not stitcht up now , nor in a long time after . For fol. 495. we finde the Parliament again at their five Members , insisted on in the preamble to the Ordinance about the Militia , fol. 498. and prest in their Petition delivered to the King at Royston , fol. 501. and finally made one of the Propositions presented to the King at Oxford , fol. 599. So far was this breach from being stitcht up in the end of Ianuary , Anno 1641. that it was not made up in the Ianuary following , at what time those Propositions were brought to Oxford . From the five Members passe we to the Militia , of which he telleth us , That Fol. 496. The Parliament having now the Militia , the security of the Tower and City of London , Trained Bands of the Kingdom , and all the Forces out of the Kings hands . ] Our Authour placeth this immediatly after the Kings coming back from Dover , whither he went with the Queen , and the Princesse Mary , there shipped for Holland ; at what time the Parliament had neither the command of the Tower , nor of the Trained Bands in the Countrey , or of any Forces whatsoever but their City-guards . For fol. 498. we finde his Majesty sticking at it , especially as to the Militia of London , or of Towns incorporate , and after fol. 502. when they petitioned him about it , being then at New-Market ( and not as our Authour saith at Royston ) he answered more resolutely then before , that he would not part with it for a minute , no , not unto his Wife and Children . After which time , finding the King too well resolved not to part with such a principall flower of his prerogative , they past an Ordinance for entituling themselves unto it , and did accordingly make use of it in the following war against the King. Nor was the Petition any thing the better welcome for the men that brought it , viz. the Earls of Pembroke and Holland , both of them sworn Servants to him , both of them of his Privy Councell , both in great favour with him when he was in Prosperity , and both per●idiously forsaking him when his Fortunes changed unto the worse . Particularly our Authour tels us of the Earl of Holland , That Fol. 501. He was raised and created to become his most secret Counsellour , the most intimate in affection , the first of his Bed-chamber , his constant companion in all his Sports and Recreations . ] Yet notwithstanding all these favours , this Earl as much promoted the Puritan affairs of the Court , but secretly and under-hand , as his Brother the Earl of Warwick more openly and professedly did in the Countrey . Of which thus Viscount Conway in a Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury , dated at Newcastle , Iune 8. 1640. I assure my self ( saith he ) that there is not any lesse your friend then my Lord of Holland , and I beleeve that at all times you ought to take heed to your self with him , &c. My Lord of Warwick is the temporal head of the Puritans , and my Lord of Holland is their spirituall Head , or rather the one is their visible Head , the other their invisible Head : Peradventure not because he means to do either good or hurt , but because he thinks it is a Gallantry to be the principall pillar on which a whole Caball must rely . Fol. 511. And taking only a guard for his person of his Domesticks and Neighbour Gentry , went in person the 23. of April , but contrary to his expectation the Gates were shut upon him , the Bridges drawn up , and Hotham from the Wals flatly denies him entrance . ] Of this Affront ( Hotham being first proclaimed Traitor under the Wals of the Town ) the King complains to the Houses of Parliament , but he had more reason to complain of some about him . For in his Answer to their Petitition about the Magazine of Hull , delivered to him in the beginning of April , he had let them know , how confident he was that place ( whatsoever discourse there was of private or publick Instructions to the contrary ) should be speedily given up , if he should require it : Being thus forewarn'd , it was no wonder that they were fore-arm'd also against his Intentions , or that he was ●epulst by Hotham at his coming thither : For which good Service , as Hotham was highly magnified for the present , so he had his Wages not long after : For being suspected to hold intelligence with the Marquess of Newcastle , he was knockt down on that very place on which he stood when he refused the King admittance into the Town , sent Prisoner unto London , together with his eldest Son , and there both beheaded ▪ the Son confessing , that he had deserv'd that untimely death for his Disloyalty to the King ; the Father whining out his good affections to the Parliament , and still expecting that reprieve which was never intended . Fol. 512. All which ( that is to say , the Kings going to Hull ) being by the King a high breach of Priviledge , and violation of Parlia●ent , they think fit to clear , by voting it and Hotham justif●ea , and send a Committee of Lords and Commons to reside there , for the better securing Hull and him , April . 28. ] The breach of priviledge objected was , the Kings endeavor to possess himself of the Town of Hull , ( his own Town ) and to get into his hands a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition which he had bought with his own money : To hinder which , and to justifie Hotham , the Lord Fairfax , Sir Philip Stapleton , Sir Henry Cholmn●y , and Sir Hugh Cholmnly , were sent by the House of Commons as a standing Committee to reside at York : And had they come thither on no other business then what was openly pretended , it had been such an extent of Priviledge ( making the House of Commons as wide as the Kingdom ) as never was challenged before : But they were sent on another errand , that is to say , to be as Spies on all the Kings Actions , to undermine all his Proceedings , and to insinuate into the people , that all their hopes of Peace and happiness , depended on their adhering to the present Parliament : And they applyed themselves to their instructions , with such open confidence , that the King had not more meetings with the Gentry of that Country , in his Palace called the Manor House , then they had with the Yeomanry and Free-holders , in the great Hall of the Deanry : All which , the King suffered very strangely , and thereby robb'd himself of the opportunity of raising an Army in that County , with which he might have marcht to London , took the Hen sitting on her nest before she had hatched , and possibly prevented all those Calamities which after followed . To omit many less mistakes , as Sheffield for Whitfield , fol. 306. and Kit the Taylor , for Ket the Tanner , fol. 540. Our Author gives unto Sir William Neve , the title of Garter-Herald , which was more then ever the King bestowed upon him ; he having at that time no other title then Norroy the third King , Sir Iohn Burroughs being then Garter-Herald , and Sir Henry St. George the second King of Arms , by the name of Clarenceux , to whom Sir William Neve succeeded in that Office , at such time as he the said Sir Henry succeeded Sir Iohn Burroughs ( who dyed sometime after this at Oxford ) in the place of Garter : But we must now return to matters of greater consequence ; and first , we encounter with the Battle of Edge-Hill , of which our Author tells us , That Fol. 586. The question will be who had the better . ] But the Parliament put it out of question , by sending the Earl of Pembroke , the Earl of Holland , the Lord Say , the Lord Wharton , and Mr. Strode , on the 27 of October , to declare to the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Citizens , the greatness and certainty of their Victory , how God had own'd his own work , their Speeches being eight in all , harping upon this String , That as the Cause had been undertaken with their Purses and with their Persons , so they would crown the work , by following it with the same zeal , love , care , nobleness , and Alacrity : And the better to keep up the Hearts of the People , the Commons voted to their General a present of 5000 l ▪ which he kindely accepted , to the no small commendation of his modesty , in taking so small a reward for so great a Victory , or of their Bounty , in giving him so great a sum for being vanquished : And yet this was not all the Honor which they did him neither , a Declaration being past by both Houses of Parliament , on the 11 of November then next following , Concerning the late valorous and acceptable Service of his Excellency Robert Earl of Essex , to remain upon Record in both Houses , for a mark of Honor to his Person , Name , and Family , and for a Monument of his singular vertue to posterity : In which they seem to imitate the Roman Senate , in the magnificent reception which they gave to Terentius Varro , after his great defeat in the Battle of Cannae , the People being commanded to go forth to meet him , and the Senate giving him publick thanks , Quod de salute Reipub. non desperasset , because he despaired not of the safety of the Common-wealth : Which whether it were an Argument of their Gallantry , as Livy telleth us , or rather of their fear , as Sir Walter Raleigh is of opinion , I dispute not now ? Certain I am , that by this Artifice they preserved their Reputation with the People of the City of Rome , which otherwise might have been apt to mutiny , and set open their Gates to the Victor . And to say the truth , the care of the Earl of Essex deserv'd all this , though his Fortune did not : For having lost the Battle , he hasted by speedy marches thither , to secure that City and the Parliament , which otherwise would not have been able to preserve themselves . But on the contrary , our Author lays down many solid and judicious Arguments , to prove that the King had the better of it , as no doubt he had : And for a further proof hereof , we cannot have a better evidence then an Order of the Lords and Commons , issued on the 24 of October , being the next day after the Fight , in which all the Citizens of London and Westminster , &c. were commanded to shut up their Shops , and put themselves into a readiness to defend the City and the Parliament : Which Order they had never made , if their fear of the Kings suddain coming upon them with his Conquering Army , before their broken Forces could reach thither , had not put them to it : And though the King might have come sooner then he did , the taking in of Banbury , Oxford and Reading , ( being all possessed in the name of the Parliament ) spending much of his time ; yet we finde him on the 12 of day November , beating up their Quarters at Brentford , where they had lodged two of their best Regiments to stop him in his march towards London ; some other of their Forces being placed at Kingston , Acton , and other Villages adjoyning : In the success of which Fight , our Author tells us , That Fol. 594. The King took 500 Prisoners , &c. and so unfought with , marched away to Oatlands , Reading , and so to Oxford . ] By this we are given to understand , that the King retreated toward Oxford , but we are not told the reasons of it , it being improbable that he should march so far as Brentford , in his way towards Lond. without some thoughts of going further . Accordingly it was so resolv'd , ( if my intelligence and memory do not fail me ) & order given for the advancing of the Army on the morning after , which being ready to be put in Execution , News came , that at a place called Turnham-Green , not far from Brentford , both the Remainders of the Army under the command of the Earl of Essex , and the Auxiliaries of London , under the conduct of the Earl of Warwick , were in readiness to stop his march : And thereupon it was consulted , whether the King should give the charge , or that it might be thought enough in point of Honor , to have gone so far . On the one side it was alledged , that his Army was in good heart , by reason of their good success the day before , that the Parliament Forces consisted for the most part of raw and unexperienced Souldiers , who had never seen a War before ▪ and that if this bar were once put by , his way would be open unto London , without any resistance . On the other side it was Objected , That the King had no other Army then this , that there was nothing more uncertain then the fortune of a Battle , and that if this Army were once broken , it would be impossible for him to raise another ; which last consideration turn'd the Scale , that Counsel being thought most fit to be followed , which was judged most safe , id gloriosius quod tutissimum , said the old Historian . And as for the five hundred Prisoners which our Authour speaks of , they were first mov'd to enter into the Kings pay , and that being generally refused , they were dismist with life and liberty , having first taken their Corporal Oaths not to serve against him : But the Houses of Parliament , being loth to lose so many good men , appointed Mr. Stephen Marshal to call them together , and to absolve them from that Oath ; which he did with so much confidence and Authority , that the Pope himself could not have done it better : The King was scarce setled in Oxford , the fittest place for his Court and Counsel to reside in , When Fol. 597. The noble Lord Aubigny , Brother to the Duke of Richmond , dyed , and was buried at Oxford . ] This Lord Aubigny , was the second Son of Esme Duke of Lenox , and Earl of March , succeeding his Father both in that Title and Estate , entail'd originally on the second Son of the House of Lenox : he receiv'd his deaths wound at Edge-Hill , but dyed , and was solemnly interr'd at Oxford , on the 13 of Ianuary then next following ; the first , but not the last of that Illustrious Family , which lost his life in his Kings Service . For after this , in the year 1644. the Lord Iohn Stewart lost his life in the Battle of Cheriton , near Alresford in the county of South-Hampton : And in the year 1645. the Lord Bernard Stewart , ( newly created E. of Litchfield ) went the same way in the fight near C●ester : The Duke of Richmond , the constant follower of the King in all his Fortunes , never injoying himself after the death of his Master , languishing and pining from time to time , till at length extremity of Grief cast him into a Fever , and that Fever cast him into his Grave : A rare example of a constant and invincible Loyalty , no paralel to be found unto it in the Histories of the antient or latter Ages : Philip de ●omines , telleth us , of a Noble Family , in Flanders that generally they lost their lives in the Wars and Service of their Prince : And we finde in our own Chronicles , that Edmond Duke of Summerset lost his life in the first Battle in St. Albans , Duke Henry following him , taken in the Battle of Hexam , and so beheaded ; a second Duke Edmond , and the Lord Iohn of Somerset , going the same way in the Battle near Te●xbury , all of them fighting in the behalf of King Henry the sixth , and the House of Lancaster : But then they heapt not Funeral upon Funeral in so short a time , as the first three Brothers of this House ; in which , as those of the House of Somerset did ●all short of them , so those of that Noble House in Flanders , fell short of the House of Somerset . Fol. 601. In this time the Queen in Holland now Imbarques for England , the sixteenth of February , and with contrary winds and foul Weather , was forced back again , and thereafter with much hazzard anchored at Burlington Bay the nineteenth , and Lands at the Key the two and twentieth . ] In this our Author tells the truth , but not the whole truth , the Queen induring a worse Tempest on the Shore , then she did upon the Sea. Concerning which , the Queen thus writes unto the King , viz. The next night after we came unto Burlington , four of the Parliament Ships arrived without being perceived by us , and about five of the clock in the Morning , they began to ply us so fast with their Ordnance , that it made us all 〈◊〉 rise out of our Beds , and to leave the Village , ( at least the Women ) one of the Ships did me the favor to flank upon the House where I lay , and before I was out of my Bed , the Cannon Bullets whistled so loud about me , that all the Company pressed me earnestly to go 〈◊〉 of the House , their Cannon having totally beaten down all the neighboring Houses , and two Cannon Bullets falling from the top to the bottom of the House where I was : So that clothed ( as I could be ) I went on foot some little distance out of the Town under the shelter of a ditch ( like that of New-market ) whither before I could get ; the Canon-Bullets fell thick about us , and a Sergeant was killed within twenty paces of me . We in the end gained the Ditch , and staied there two hours , whilest their Canon plaied all the time upon us ; the Bullets flew for the most part over our head● , some few only grazing on the Ditch , covered us with Earth : Nor had they thus given over that disloyal violence , if the ebbing of the Sea , and some threatnings from the Admiral of Holland , who brought her over , had not sent them going . Fol. 603. The next day the Prince marches to Glocester , his hasty Summons startled them at these strange turnings . ] So saies our Authour , but he hath no Authour for what he saith . The Prince marched not the next day to Glocester , nor in many moneths after , having businesse enough to do at Cirencester where he was ; upon the taking of which Town , the Souldiers Garrison'd for the Parliament in the Castles of Barkly , Sudely , and the Town of Malmsbury deserted those places , which presently the Prince possessed and made good for the King : Which done , he called before them all the Gentry of Cotswold , and such as lived upon the banks of Severn betwixt Glocester and Bristol ; who being now freed from those Garisons which before had awed them , were easily perswaded by him to raise a Monethly contribution of 4000. pound toward the defence of the Kings person , their Laws and Liberties . It was indeed generally beleeved , that if he had marched immediatly to Glocester , while the terrour of sacking Cirencester fell first upon them , the Souldiers there would have quitted the place before he had come half way unto it . the affrightment was so generall , and their haste so great , that Massey had much adoe to perswade the Townsmen to keep their Houses , and the Souldiers to stand upon their Guard ( as I have often heard from some of good quality in that City ) till the Scouts which he sent out to discover the Motions of the Prince were returned again : But whatsoever they feared at Glocester , the Prince had no reason to march towards it , his Army being too small , and utterly unfurnisht of Canon and other necessaries for the attempting of a place of such a large circumference , so well mann'd and populous as that City was ; Contented therefore with that honour which he had got in the gaining of Cirencester , and feeling the Kings affairs in that Countrey , he thought it a point of higher wisedom to return towards Oxford , then hazard all again by attempting Glocester . Fol. 604. The Scots Army marched Southwards , and crossed Tine , March 13. ] If so , it must be in a dream , not in Action ; the Scots not entring into England till December following , when the losse of Bristol , Exceter , and generally of all the West compelled the Houses of Parliament , to tempt the Scots to a second invasion of the Kingdome . And this appears most clearly by our Authour himself , who tels us , fol. 615. ' That Sir William A●min was sent to Edinburgh from the Parliament to hasten the Scots Army hither , having first sworn to the Solemn League and Covenant , each to other . Before which Agreement as to the taking of the Solemn League and Covenant by all the Subjects of both Kingdoms , and the payment of Advance-Money beforehand to the Sum of an hundred thousand pounds , the Scots resolv'd not to stir a foot in their way towards England . They knew in what necessity their dear Brethren in England stood of their Assistance , and therefore thought it good to make ●ay while the Sun shi●●d , and husband that necessity to their best Advantage ; So that there was no Marching over Tine on the 13. of March Anno 164● . where our 〈…〉 it , we must look for it in the Year next following , if we mean to finde it . And finding them there , we shall finde this of them . Fol. 669. 〈…〉 with a party of Horse to assault them in such places where they lay most open to advantage , not doubting but to give a good account of his undertakings : In all which 〈◊〉 and desires , he is said to have been crossed by General 〈◊〉 ; an old experienced Soldier , but a Scot by Nation , whom hi● Majesty had recommended to the Marquess of Newcastle as a fit man to be consulted with in all his Enterprizes , and he withal took such a fancy to the man , that he was guided wholly by him in all his Actions . Had this man been imployed in the Kings own Army , he might have done as good Service as any other what●oever● But being in this Army to serve against the Scots , 〈◊〉 own dear Countrey-Men , he is said to have discouraged and disswaded all Attempts which were offered to be made against them , giving them thereby opportunity of gaining ground upon the English , till the Marquess his retreat towards York : And those affections he is reported to have carried also with him in the Battle of Marston-Moor , near York , where he is said to have charged so faintly , that he not onely lost all th●se Advantages which the Prince had gotten , but gave the Enemy my opportunity to make head again , to the loss of all ; which brings into my minde the politick Conduct of Eumenes , once one of Alexanders meanest Captains , but afterwards a great Commander in Asia-minor : He had an Army compounded of the Greek and Barbarous Nations , and being to fight with Craterus , Alexanders great Favorite whilst he lived , who had an Army made up of the like Ingredients ▪ he plac'd 〈◊〉 Asiatick Soldiers against the 〈…〉 . Fol. 604. 〈…〉 ] Our Author speaks this of the Divines as●embled at Westm●●ster , by an O●din . of the Lords and Commons , to be advis'd withal in matters which concerned Religion , for the establishing whereof , there was much pretended by them , but little done : These men , besides their four 〈◊〉 per diem , were either gratified with Lectures in and about London , or 〈◊〉 in the Universities , or the best Sequestred Benefices in the Countrey ; holding their own preferment still , without sticking at such Pluralities in themselves , which before they had condemn'd in others : But though they did little work for their Wages , yet they did mo●e then our Author speaks of . Ce●tain I am , that they rose not without 〈◊〉 their intended Directory , publisht in Print , and Authorized by an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament : The ●itle of the Book runs thus , viz. A Directory for the publick Worship of God , throughout the three Kingdoms of England , Scotland , and Ireland , &c. Printed at London for the Company of Stationers : The Ordinance bears Da●e on the third of January , Anno , 1644. and is thus Entituled , viz. An Ordinance of Parliament for the taking away of the Book of Common Pra●er , and for the establishing and putting in Execution of the Directory for the publick Worship of God : By which we see that their intended Directory was not onely finished , but also Authorized and published before they ro●e . Though our Author speaking again of these Divines , fol. 974. and in the year 1647. telleth us , That the Prince Elector was 〈◊〉 by the Commons to sit amongst them , for his 〈◊〉 in the Composure of the Directory , which will come out one day : The Directory was come out before , and if the Prince 〈◊〉 sat not with them till 1647. as our Author 〈◊〉 it , he must needs come too late to give them any assistance in that Composure . 〈…〉 , F●elding was questioned and committed at Oxford ▪ and by a Councel of War sentenced to 〈◊〉 his Head , &c. ] But this I look upon as a Court Pageant , onely to entertain the People , and take off their edge against the man ; who certainly was a person of too much Honor , Va●or and Fidelity , to betray the Town , if he could possibly have held it : Although the King knew well enough , and knew withal how unable he was at that time to give him any ●it supplies , or to ●aise the ●iege , though it con●ern'd him for the reputat●on of his Cause , to march in Person unto Reading , and shew his willingness to relieve it : But so great a fear fell on all those that were in Oxford , and such a general Report there was of Fieldings Treachery , that to appease their murmu●ings , and compose their thoughts , Fielding was called in question , and condemned to die , a Scaffold set up in the Castle Green for his Execution , and a day appointed on which he was to be Beheaded : Before which time , the Earl of Essex not advancing , and the ●it being over , the Execution was ●eprieved till a further time , and Fielding by degrees recovered as much estimation amongst those at Ox●ord , as formerly he had attained to in the Court or Camp : And to say truth , the fear at Oxford was not 〈◊〉 , when the News came of the taking of Re●●ing , the Town being ●o unfortified on the North side of it , the King so 〈◊〉 at that time of necessary Ammunition to make good the place , that it could not possibly have been de●ended , i● 〈◊〉 had marched directly towards it , and 〈…〉 Fol. 615. And brought to bed at Exceter of a Daughter the 16. of June , named Henrietta Maria ] Not so , but Henrietta only , Maria is added by our Authour , who was none of the Gossips , and therefore should not take upon him to name the childe . But such Misnomers are so frequent in him , as might make a sufficient Errata at the end of his History , were there none else in it . Fol. 622. And so a New one was framed , engraven thereon the picture of the House of Commons and Members sitting ; Reversed the Arms of England and Ireland , ●rosse and Harp pale . ● If so , this new Seal could not so properly be called the Great Seal of England , but the great Seal of the House of Commons represented in it , who are so far from being the High Court of Parliament ( though were they such they could have no Authority for a Great Seal of their own ) that they are not so much as Members of the Great Councell . Most true it is , that the prevailing party in both Houses of Parliament conceived it necessary to have a Great Seal lying by them , as well for the dispatch of such Commissions as they well to speed in in reference to the present War , as for the sealing of such Decrees and processes as were to be issued out of the Chancery , which they still kept open . But when it came to be debated in the House of Commons , it was alledged by some sober men , that the counterfeiting of the Great Seal was made High Treason by the Statute of the 25. of King Edward the third . To which it was very learnedly replied by Sergeant Wilde , that they intended not to counterf●t the Old Great Seal , but to make a new one . On which ridiculous Resolution of this Learned Sergeant ( whose great Ruff had as much Law in it as his little head ) the designe went forward ; but not with any such alteration in the Impresse as our Authour speaks of . The Impresse of this New Seal was the same with that in the old , the Feathers or Princes Arms being only added in a void place of it , to Shew the difference between them ; that so their Followers might disti●guish be●ween such Commands as came from his Majesty , and such as came immediatly from themselves in his Majesties Name . But whereas our Authour speaks in some words fore-going of a Legislative Power which he conceives to be in the Parliament , he shews himself therein to be no better a Lawyer then M. Ser●cant . The Legislative power was only in the King himself , though legally he was restrained in the exercise of it to the consent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . Fol. 623. lin . l● . 〈…〉 , the one a Cripple , the other somewhat like a Lunatick . ] Our Authour speaks this of the Children of M. Iohn Hambden , one of the five Members so much talked of ( the principal Member of the five , as our Authour cals him ) but on what ground he speaks it , as I do not know , ●o neither is it worth enquiry . And though I might leave the Children of M. Hambden under this reproach , as an undoubted signe of Gods judgements on him , for being a principall Incendiary in that fire which for a long time consumed the Kingdom ; yet so far do I preferre truth before private interesse , that I shall do him that right in his post●●ity , which our Authour , either out of ignorance , easinesse of belief or malice , hath been pleased to deny him . And therefore the Reader is to know that the surviving children of that Gentleman , are not only of an erect and comely stature , but that they have in them all the abilities of wit and judgement , wherewith their Father was endued , though governed with a more moderate spirit , and not so troublesomely active in affairs of state . Fol. 626. The five and twentieth of August the Earls of Bedford and Holland went from London towards Oxford , &c. That the said two Ea●ls came to Oxford to tender their s●bmission to the King , is a Truth undoubted ( sooner then our Authour speaks of ) but that they were received with favour and forgivenesse , may be very well questioned ; not as in reference to forgivenesse ( which considering the Kings good nature may be ●asily granted ) but in relation unto Favour . A point wherein our Authour hath confuted himself , telling us , fol. 639. of the Earl of Holland , that he had but slender Reception , though he put himself in a posture of Arms with the King in the Field . And 〈◊〉 this slender Reception he complain'd in a Letter to the Lo●d Ierm●n after his departure , wherein he did relate , that the King did not shew so much countenance to him as he had seen h●m do at the same time to some C●mmon Souldiers who had fled from the Enemy to come to him . There came to Oxford also at or about the same time the Earl of Clare , and found the like cold entertainment . It was conceived , and by some reported , that if the King had shewed good countenance to these three Lords , most of the rest would have left the Parliament , and repaired unto him . But the King considered well enough , that not so much the sense of their duty , as his successes in the West , had brought them thither ; and that if five or six only of the Lords should be left in Westminster , those five or six only would be thought sufficient to constitute a House ▪ of Peers ( as many times there were no more present ) fo● the passing of any Ordinance , which the Commons should be pleased to commend unto them . Fol. 630. And now was the King drawn down before the Town , attended by Prince Charles , and the Duke of York , Prince Rupert , and Generall Ruthen , &c. ] For the Kings sitting down before Glocester , and laying a formal Siege unto it , there was given this reason , viz. that by the taking of this Town all Wales would be preserved in the Kings Obedience entirely united unto E●gland , and free passage given , on all occasions and distresses to assist each other . And so far the design was not to be discommended . But on the contrary , it was said , that the Kings unhappy sitting down before that Town , lost him the opportunity of marching directly towards London , and ●●attering the Faction in the Parliament ; both which by reason of the affrightments which fell upon them by the taking of Bristol and oth●r places in the West , were ready to give up themselves , even to desperation . And so much was affirmed by the Earl of Holland when he was at Oxford , assuring Sir Iohn Heydon Lieutenant of the Ordinance ( from whose mouth I have it ) that the prevailing Members of both Houses were upon the point of trussing up of Bagge and Baggage , but that they hoped ( as some of them told him ) that N. N. one of great nearnesse to the King , an especiall confident of theirs , would prevail with him at the last to lay siege to Glocester , and not to leave that Town at his back to infest the Countrey . Fol. 633. Two Spies sent out , long since returned from Warwick , giving them News of the March of the Earl of Essex , but was not assured , he lodging then ●nder a Cloud of disgrace , being beaten out of the West . ] But certainly the Earl of Essex could not be under a cloud at that time , for being beaten out of the West ; his preparing to raise the Siege of Glocester , happening in the end of August , Anno 1643. and his being beaten in the West , not happening till the beginning of September , Anno 1644. But we must think the Houses were indued with the spirit of prophecy , and frowned upon the man before-hand , for that which was to happen to him a Twelve moneth after . Nor was it any fault of his that Bristol , Exceter , and so many places of importance , had been lost in the West ; he having no Forces able to act any thing against the King , till the Pulpit-men in London preacht him up an A●my for the Relief of Glocester . An Army which came time enough to do the work ( the siege being very slackly followed ) and having done the work , were as desirous to return back to their own Houses . But see what hapned by the way . Fol. 636. From Cirencester he marches to Chilleton , the Cavaliers facing them on Mavarn Hills . ] If so , then First , The Earl of Essex must be the Ianus of this Age , and be presumed to have two faces , with the one looking towards London , for which he was upon his march , with the other on Malvarn Hills , where the Cavaliers faced him . And secondly , We must think the Cavaliers to be very Cowards that durst not face him ( supposing still that he had two faces ) at a nearer distance then from Malvarn Hills , distant from Cirencester thirty miles at the least , and how far from Chilleton , let them tell me who have searcht the Maps . But though he makes the Cavaliers to keep out of danger , yet he brings the Queen neer enough unto it , whom we finde at Newle●y Fight , fol. 648. placed by him with the King on the top of an Hill to behold the battle . But herein his intelligence fail'd him , the Queen being at that time safe in Oxford , and the King venturing his most sacred person with the rest of his Army . Mercurius Aulicus one of his best Authours for a great part of the War , could have told him so , had he consulted him in this as in other places . Fol. 639. The Irish Forces coming under the command of Sir Michael Ernly , an experienced Souldier , and landing in Wales , &c. ] The Forces which our Authour speaks of , were not Irish but English , sent over in the beginning of the War to defend the South-parts of Ireland against the Rebels . But being forced ( for the Reasons mentioned in our Authour ) to come to a cessation with them , four thousand of them put themselves into a body under the command of Sir Michael Ernly above-named , and came over into England to serve the King against the Houses of Parliament , by which they had been so unhandsomely handled . Had they been kept together in a Body , and serv'd under their old known Commanders , there is no question to be made , but that they might have much advanc'd his Majesties Service . But Prince Rupert who was all in all in the Councell of War , caused them to be divided from one another , distributed them into severall Regiments of his Majesties Armies , and placed them under new Commanders , which gave the Souldiers great displeasure , and their Offi●ers more , rendring their Service less honourable to themselves , and of small advantage to the King. Of these Officers Col. Monk was one , descended from a Daughter of Arthur Plantaginet , Vicount Lisle , the Na●urall Son of King Edward the fourth , who afterwards falling off to the Houses of Parliament , much advanced their affairs , defeating a great Fleet of the Hollanders , Anno 1653. and at this day Commander in chief over the English Forces in Scotland . Fol. 661. In all the Western Countries the Parliament had not a Souldier , but at Plymouth and Pool . ● What think we then of Lime a Sea-Town in Dorsetshire , and consequently in the West ? Had there not been some Souldiers in it of the Parliament party , and good Souldiers too , it could not have held out so long against Prince M●urice ; who wasted there the greatest part of the Cornish Army , which had serv'd so fortunately under the Command of Sir Raph Hopton , and yet could not take it . But Lime was a Sea-Town , as before was said , and Prince Maurice had only a Land●Army , which rendred the Design not more impossible then imprudent ; the besieging of a Haven-Town without a Navy to prevent all relief by Sea , being like the hedging in of Cucko , or the drowning of a quick E●le by the Wise men of Gotham . Fol. 662. The Marquesse of Newcastle for the King went into Darbyshire , where he listed fifteen hundred Voluntiers , assisted by Sir John Gell his Interest thereabouts , and Sir John Harpers . ] Worse and worse still : The Earl of Newcastle assisted by Sir Iohn Gell were brave News indeed . That Sir Iohn Harper might do his best in it , I shall easily grant . But Sir Iohn Gell was all along a principall stickler for the Houses of Parliament , and spent his whole stock of Interesse in that Countrey to advance their Service . In the pursuit whereof he was observed to be one of their first Commanders , which issued out Warrants to the Tenants of the Lords and Gentry , who did adhere unto the King , to bring in their rents , and be responsall for them for the time to come to the Committee at Darby , one of which Warrants Dated in March 1642. was brought to Oxford , and is this that followeth . To the Constable of Acmanton . WHereas these unna●ur all Wars at this present are s●mented and maintained by ` Papists and Malignants , to the utter undoing of many honest men , and the ruine of the whole Commonwealth ; for the better preventing of which misery , and to do the best we can to put a speedy end to these distractions according to the trust reposed in us by the Ordinance of Parliament , we think sit to command you ; that presently upon receipt hereof , you give notice to all the Tenants within your Constablery named in a Schedule herewi●h sent you , that henceforward they pay all their Ren●s due to any of those persons , or to any other that contribute or bear Arms against the Parliament , to the Committee here at Darby , or to such other person or persons as the said Committee shall nominate . And we all promise that such of those Tenants who shew their forwardnesse to bring in their Rents to the Committee at Darby by our Lady day next , or within four daies aft●rwards , shall have a discharge against their Landlords of the whole rent , and shall have a fourth part aba●ed them . And those Tenants that are refractory , and come not willingly to us , shall not only be forced to pay their whole Rents , but also shall be p●occeded against as malignant persons , and such as endeavor the continuance of these troubles . Given under our hands March 1642. The Names of the Persons contained in the Schedule above-mentioned amou●t to the number of 46. viz. the Earl of Shrewsbury , the Earl of Devonshire , the Earl of New-castle , ( whom our Authour makes so much befriended by Sir John Gell ) the Earl of Chesterfield , the Lord Maltravers , Sir John Harper of Caulk , and Sir John Harper of Swarstone , Sir William Savill , Sir John Fitz Herbert of Norbury , Sir Edward Mosely , &c. All men of very great Estates , and therefore like to send in the more grist to the Mill at Darby . So farre did Sir John Gell act for the Houses of Parliament . And he continued in those actings till the end of the War : After which , falling into some suspition to have changed his Affections , he was committed to the Tower , in no small danger of his life , and came not off but with the loss of former Actings . Fol. 712. This , no question , caused their General Essex early the next day to quit his glorious Command , and in a small Boat to shift away by Water . ] If that were it which caused him to shift away in a small Boat , he must needs play the part of a Cowardly Soldier , whilst every one of the Soldiers stood ready to act the part of a brave Commander : And therefore it is probable that there was somewhat more in it then a Consideration of the straits he was driven unto by the King , which he might easily have prevented , by keeping himself in the more open Country of Devonshire , where he might have had Elbow room enough on both sides , and a Countrey rich enough to furnish him with all sorts of Provisions : His Army was every way equal to the Kings , if not superior , he drawing after him no fewer then 50 Brass Pieces of Ord●ances , and 700 Carriages ; and it appears by the number of Arms delivered up by Composition , amounting to 8000 in all , that his Foot could not consist of less then ten or twelve thousand : And for his Horse , no fewer then 2500 made a clear escape ▪ So that he might have kept the Field , and put the King to it in a Battle , if there had not been somewhat more in it then our Author speaks of . It was therefore thought by some knowing men which understood the state of Affairs , that knowing his Horse were gone off without any danger , and that his Foot might save themselves by a Composition , he was willing to keep the Seas even as before was intimated : For partly being discourag'd from pursuing the War by his first success at Edge-Hill , and partly coming to know more of the Intentions of such as managed the design , then had been first imparted to him , he beg●n to grow more cold in carrying things on unto the utmost , then befo●e he was . Upon which ground , as he had neglected the opportunity of marching directly towards Oxford , when he had removed the Kings Forces out of Reading ; so on the defeat of Waller at Lands-Down , he writ unto the Houses to send Petitions to the King for Peace , as appears by this History , fol. 625. For which coldness of his , so plainly manifested , it was not onely moved by Vassal in the House of Commons , that he should lay down his Command , but many jeers were put upon him , and some infamous Pictures made of him to his great dishonor : Considering therefore , that on the defeat of Prince Rupert at Marston-Moor , all the North parts were like to be regain'd to the Houses of Parliament ; he was willing to let the King remain as absolute in the West , as they were like to be in the North , which since he could not do with Honor , by hearkning to the Kings fair proffer , seconded by a Letter from all the chief Officers of his Army , he cast himself into such necessities , as might give him some colour to shift for himself , and leave his Foot to some Agreement with the King : No way but this , ( as he conceiv'd ) to bring the leading Members of both Houses unto such a Temper , as might induce them to meet the King half way in the Road to peace ; and if this could not do it , the coming on of Winter might perhaps cool them into some conditions which the King might be as willing to hearken to as they to offer . This I remember to be the summe of such Discourses as were made at that time in and about the Court , by men of the best knowledge and understanding in the state of businesses ; but whether they hit upon the right string or not , I am not able to affirm . This I am able to aff●rm , that cur Authour is mistaken in telling us that the Earl of Essex did quit his glorious Command upon this occasion . For afterwards we finde him in his glorious Command at the fight near Newbery , and he continued in it till the Spring next following ; when by the Ordinance of Self-deniall , and the new modelling of the Army under the Command of Sir Thom●s Fairfax he was quitted of it . All that he did at this time was to q●it his Army , for which the Houses of Parliament cried quits with him , as before is said . Fol. 714. The King regains Monmouth , and returns to Oxford , the 23 of November . ] That Monmouth was regained for the King , is undoubtedly true , but that it was regain'd by the King , is undoubtedly false . Our Author in some lines before , had left him at Hungerford , in the County of Berks , and now he brings him thorow the ayr to the taking of Monmouth : But the truth is , that Monmouth having been betrayed to Massey , then Governor of Glocester , by Major Kyrl , a Garrison of 600 Soldiers was put into it ; who having a Design to surprize Chepstow , left the Town so naked , that the Lord Charls Somerset ( one of the yonger Sons of the Marquess of Worcester ) taking with him 150 Horse from Ragland-Castle , and assisted by some Foot from the Neighboring Garrisons which held for the King , fell on the Town on Tuesday morning , the 19 of November , Anno 1644. and makes himself master of the place , before our brave Adventurers at Chepstow heard any thing of it . Fol. 719. Next Morning , July 2. the Prince advances after them , resolving to give them Battle by Noon , &c. ] The Battle hear meant , is that of Marston-Moor near York , between Prince Rupert for the King , the Earls of Manchester and Leven , ( better known by the name of Colonel Lesly ) and the Lord Ferdinando Fairfax , commanding over their several Forces fot the Houses of Parliament . Concerning which , our Author tells us , That at first Prince Rupert got the Ground , that those in the main Battle were so hard put to it , that they ●ell on the Reserve , of Scots which were behinde them ; that the right Wing of the Enemies Horse being as hard put to it by the Princes left Wing , committed the like Disorder on the Lord Fairfax his Foot , and the Scotch Reserves , and were pursued very fiercely by their Conquerors ▪ and finally , that no Horse being sent to make good the Ground , which those who followed the Chace had left , the broken Army of the Enemy rallied again , and got the better of the day ▪ But the Gentlemen of York 〈◊〉 who liv'd n●ar the place , tell us more then this , viz. , That Prince Rup●rt had not onely got ground at the first , and 〈◊〉 the right Wing of the Enemies Horse , but so disordered the main Battle , that he postest himself of the Canon , the three Generals ret●●●ing out of the field with more haste then Honor. And so the News came flying to Oxford , reported in divers places by such of the ●nemies Soldiers as had fled out of the field , and at Oxford it was entertained with Bells and Bone-●●res , and the shooting off of all the Ordnance about the Town . But Prince Rupert better knowing how to get then pursue Advantages , and his ●oldiers busie upon Pillage , gave opportunity to Colonel Cromwel , who commanded the Earl of Manchesters Horse , and who onely had made a fair retreat in the heat of the fight , to put new life into the Battle , and having put the broken Foot into some good order , first gave a check unto the Prince , and after pressing hard upon him , tu●n'd the whole fortune of the Day : For which good service , Cromwel is cryed up by his party to be● the Saviour of three Kingdoms , of which the Scots who had done very well that Day , and bore the greatest part of the brunt , did afterwards very much complain in a Pamphlet of theirs , which they call 〈◊〉 Man●●est : How faintly General King carried himself in this Battle , hath been shewn already , and what became afterwards of Prince Rupert , how he squandered away his great Body of Horse , the surrendry of York , and what e●●e happened in that Country after this Fight , is referred to our Author . I onely adde that I have heard from some Gentlemen of that County , who had command to bu●y the dead , that they found no fewer then the Bodies of Eight thousand Men , w●●ch had been killed in that Fight , the great●st number which were slain in any one Battle in 〈…〉 Fol. 802. To Blackington - House , where Colonel Windebank kept a Garrison for the King. ] But by his leave , Windebank never kept a Garrison at Blechington ( not Blackington ) House , but onely was commanded to remain there with a party of Horse , and a few Foot-Souldiers , the better to keep open the Markets till Woodstock House was fortified and made fit to be garrison'd . So far was Blechington House from being held like a Garison , that it had not so much about it as a wooden Pale . And when Major Windebank ( the second Son of Sir Francis Windebank ) had cut down two Trees to make Pallisadoes for defence of the place , upon complaint made by the Lady Coghil to Col. William Legg then Governour of Oxford , he was commanded to restore them . Which notwithstanding he was called before a Court of War , for giving up an unde●enced place , which was impossible to be made good ; and partly by the eager pursuit of Col. Legg ( whose Contributions were diminished by Windebanks quartering in that House ) and some back friend which he and his Father had at Court , he was condemned to be shot to death ( his Fathers Services and Sufferings being q●ite forgotten ) which death he suffered on Saturday the 1. of May , with much Christian courage . Fol. 719. And having leave to go to the King , they cause him &c. But the King knew their mindes not to engage for him , and so they returned . ] It may be collected from these words that this message was a matter of Lip● businesse only , the Embassadors not having instructions to engage their Superiours for him , nor the King any opinion of the reality of their intentions toward him . But in the processe of the businesse we shall finde it otherwise . For first , Our Authour tels us , that they were both 〈◊〉 K●ights and Barons by the King , fol. 804. Not both made Knights and Baro●s , I am sure of that , but the one of them a Baron , and the other a Knight Baronet , that is to say , Iohn de Remsworth of U●recht , des●●●ded from the Noble Family De Rede in Cleveland , created 〈…〉 by Letters Patents bearing date the 24. of March Anno 1644. and William de Boreel created Baronet on the 22. of March in the same year . And secondly , This appears more plainly by a Letter of Complaint sent from our New States in England to the old States of Holland ; In which they tell them how their Ministers had abused their Trust to their prejudice ▪ shewing themselves rather interessed persons then publick Agents , no● satisfied to reproach them to their faces , but to glory in it . Certainly ne●ther had the King conferred those Honours on the Embassadours , nor the Houses complain'd so much against them ; if they had been sent hither to no other end but to settle Trade , and to see how the Game went , which our Authour makes the only reason of their coming . And tho●gh the King obtained not such helps from the ●tates of the Netherlands , as their Embassadours had engaged for , yet so much he effected by their mediation , that the Houses had not such Assistances from those parts as they had before , a matter of no small advantage to the Kings affairs . Fol. 806. Whilest Rupert and Maurice with the Hors●e , and some se●ect Foot , fetcht off the King from Oxford . ] By which words the Reader cannot but conclude that Oxford was in no small danger , and the Kings person in as much , which must necess●tate the two Princes with all their Horse , and a select number of Foot to fetch him off . But at that time there was no Enemy near the one , nor any danger appearing toward the other . The King was at that time in a gallant Condition , and had drawn his Souldiers out of their Winter Garisons , ready to march into the field ; attending only till the other part of his Army which was employed about Glocestershire was in readinesse also . News whereof bei●g brought unto him , he went out of Oxford , accompanied by the sa●d two Princes in a more glorious and magnificent manner then ever fo●merly . The precise time whe●e of being noted by George Wherton a profes●ed As●●ologer , he erected a Scheme according to the Rules of Art. And finding the Houses well disposed , and the Aspects of the Planets and Constellations to be very favourable , he prognosticated that this expedition should prove very fortunate to the King , his Successes glorious , and his return to Oxford as magnificent as h● going out . Which being published in Print ▪ and disproved by the sad events which followed , gave great occasion unto Lilly , Culpepper , and others of that faculty to deride him for it ; Men every way as faulty in that kinde themselves , as he had been unfortunate in his predictions . Witnesse those terrible presagings which they gave us of the Ecclipse , happening in the end of March 1652. to the great terrour of of poor people , but without any visible effects . But above all things , witnesse that Observation of M. Culpepper , in the end of his Dotages on the Moneths of February foregoing , in which he signifieth , that if the Emperour died that moneth , we must remember who told us of it . But for all his great insight into the Stars , the Emperor neither died that moneth nor in six years after . Thus Augur ridet Augurem , as the Proverb is : the people in the mean time being deceived and abused by both whilest they make sport with one another . Glocester Association in much want received three hundred and fourty Auxili●ries from the Grand Garison , Newport pannell ▪ o●t of Buckinghamshire . ] No such grand Garison neither , as to be worthy of that name . A Garison had been formed there for the King , at the request of Sir Lewis Dives , the better to secure his Rents and Tenants in Bedfordshire ▪ But b●ing found to be too far off to receive Relief , if any distresse should fall upon it , the Ordnance and Souldiers were removed to ●owcester , seven miles from Northampton , to restrain the ●nsolencies of that Garison , but at the opening of the S●●rng brought back to Oxford , and mingled with the rest of the Army . On which deserting of Newport-Pagnell by the Kings Kings Souldiers , ● Garison was put into it for the Houses of Parliament , till the Kings Souldiers were removed to Towcester , to counter-ballance which , this Garison had been made at Newport , of which there being then no longer use , and Glocester standing in need of supply , the Ordnance being drawn off , and the Works slighted , the men were sent away to Glocester ▪ And these were the three hundred and fourty Auxiliaries which were sent from the grand Garison of Newport Pagnel , the Town being small , and consequently not capable of receiving any great number of Souldiers , or to give those Souldiers the name of so grand a Garison . Fol. 809. About five a Clock in the morning , June 13. the King drew off from Burrough Hill towards Harborough and Pomfrait . ● He might as well have said that the King drew toward 〈◊〉 and Orkney in the North of Scotland , as that he drew ●oward Harborough and Pomfrait , both lying Northward from the place of his remove . For though it would be thought by any ordinary Reader who is not well studied in the Maps , that Harborough and Pomfrait towards which the King is said to remove , did lie very near to one another ▪ yet Harborough and Pomfrait are at least eighty miles asunder ; the one a Town of Leicestershire remarkable for a great Fair of Horse and ●attle , the other a Town of great Note in Yorkshire , renowned for a fair and ancient Castle ; which being anciently part of the possessions of the Lacies Earls of Lincoln , by Marriage and Capitulation descended on the Earls of Lancaster , and is now part of that great Dutchy . Fol. 811. Naseby the fatall battle to the King and his party . ● Fatall indeed whether we look upon the Antecedents or the Consequents of it . For if we look on the Antecedents , there could be nothing but some unavoidable fatality in it , that the King having taken Leices●er , and thereby put his affairs into a more hopefull way ( as he writ to the Queen ) then th●y had been in at any time since the Rebellion ; should come back to Daventry , and there spend eight or ten daies without doing any thing . If it be said , that he returned back upon the noise that Oxford was besieged by Fairfax , his staying so long at Daventry , was not the way to raise that siege . Nor was the Town in any such danger ( but that the Ladies wanted fresh Butter for their Pease ) as to bring him back from the pursuit of his Successes ; and thereby to give time to Cromwell , without whom Fairfax could do little to come with 600 fresh Horse to the rest of the Army . And yet being come , they had not made so fast after the King as to resolve on ●ighting with him when they did , if they had not Intercepted a Letter the night before , sent from Col. ●oring to the King , in which he signified that he was upon his march towards him , desiring his Majesty to keep at a distance , and not to engage with the Enemy till he came to him . For which intelligence I am beholding to Hugh Peters , who in one of his Thanks-giving Sermons hath informed me in it . Upon the reading of this Letter , it was concluded to fall on with the first opportunity , before these new supplies should be added to the rest of the Kings Forces . And it was as fatall in the Consequents as it had been in the Antecedents ; neither the King no● his party being able after that time to make any considerable opposition , but losing battle after battle , and place after place , till there was nothing left to lose but their Lives or Liberties . Ibid. The Kings Coaches , his Cabinet of Letters and Pa●pers . ] In the loss of his Coaches there was no great matter , nor so much in the loss of his Cabinet of Letters and Papers , as his Enemies did conceive it was : A Cabinet ▪ in which were many Letters and Paper , most of them written to the Queen ; but they , together with the rest , publisht in Print by Order of the Houses of Parliament . The Design was to render the King odious in the sight of the People , by giving license to the Queen to promise some favors for the Catholick party here in England , if she could obtain any succour for him from the Catholicks there : But they lost more by it then they got . For first , They drew a general obloquy on themselves , by publishing the secret passages betwixt Man and Wife , contrary to the rules of Humanity and common honesty . And secondly , They gave the People such a representation of the Kings Abilities , his Piety , Prudence , and deep foresight into Affairs , as rais'd him to an high degree of Estimation with all sorts of men ; as Mr. Pryn had done before of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , in printing the Breviat of his Life , though intended otherwise . An errour which the Houses were soon sensible of , and thereupon gave Order that in the publishing of the great Volume of Ordinances , &c. by Edward Husbands , in which were many passages also betwixt them and the King , these intercepted Letters should be left out ; though the Letters in the Lord Digbies Cabinet which was taken at Sherburn were printed there among the rest . So wise are men upon the post fact , when it is too late . Fol. 826. But the same night at the very noise of the Kings coming from Worcester , they prepared for flight , and the next morning not a Scot to be seen , felt , or heard of ; they were all fled . ] The Scots had lain before Hereford from the 30. of Iuly to the first of September , and had so well entrencht themselves that there was no fear of being beaten up by the King , who since the fatall blow at Naseby had never been the Master of such Forces as to give Battell to the Scots , and much lesse to assault them in their Trenches . So that the noise of the coming of the Kings Forces from Worcester , might be the pretence , but it could not be the reall cause of his hasty raising of the Siege . Lesly ( unworthily made Earl of Leven at the Kings being in Sco●land , An. 1641. ) had received Letter after Letter out of Scotland , touching the successes of Montrosse . And now there comes the lamentable News of the taking of Edinburg , and consequently the losse of all , if he hasted not towards their Relief . On the receiving of which Letters he was willing to take the noise of the Kings coming from Worcester , with all his Forces for an occasion to be gone ; and being gone march'd directly Northwards till he came neer enough to Scotland to dispatch David Lesly with all his Horse , and without any noise to set upon the Marquesse of Montrosse at the first opportunity ; By reason of whose sudden coming , and coming with no lesse then 6000 Horse , the Noble Marquesse by the treachery of the Earls of Ro●burgh and Traquair ( who were acquainted with the plot ) the Marquesse was almost surprized , and the greatest part of his Forces routed , himself escaping with the rest , and making an orderly ma●ch to the North-parts of Scotland ; where he continued in some strength till he was commanded by the King to lay down his Commission and dis●and his Forces . I adde here only by the way , that the Sco●s had pretty well scoured the Countrey who came in but with two thousand Horse , and had now raised them to six thousand , besides such as they had lost in the course of the War. Fol. 828. Nor would they budg● from the North parts , though they are called Southwards for the Kingdoms security and service . ] But just before we found the Scots at the Siege of Hereford , a City beyond the Severn , on the borders of Wales ; and here we finde th●m so fast r●ve●ed in the Northern ●ounties , that they would not budge a foot Southwards for the Kingdoms safety Reconcile these differences he that can , for my part I dare not undertake it . The like irreconcileablenesse I finde within few lines after , in which he tel●eth us ▪ that being entreated to march to the Siege of N●wark , they sta●ed not long there , but marched in a pet Northwa●ds to Newcastle , where they stuck till they got the King into their clutches , sold him , and so went home again . But first , If the Scots marched towards Newark ( whether upon entreaty or not is not much materiall ) they must needs budge Southward ; the whole County of York , and part of Nottinghamshire lying between Newark and the Scots Quarters . Secondly , The Scots did not go from Newark in such a pet as to leave the Siege , for aftewards we finde fol. 892. that L●sly only went away in a p●t , but left his Army there to attend the continuance of the Siege till the Town was taken . Secondly , he did not force the Town by firing one of the ●●ates , but had it surrendred to him by Composition ; the Capitulations being made on the Sunday night , and his Sould●er entring into it on the Munday morning . Thirdly , the Souldiers of the Garrison were not forced by him into the Castle , who had time enough all that night to retire into it ▪ or otherwise to leave the Town , as all the Horse and many of the Foot had leave to do . And fourthly , there was no such difficulty in the businesse , a● to bring God upon the Stage in the taking either of the Town or Castle , which the Governour ( Sir William Ogle wa● resolved beforehand not to hold out long . He had bragg'd 〈◊〉 times , that he had so stored that Castle with Victuals , Arme● and Ammunition , that he durst bid defiance for six 〈◊〉 to all the Armies in England . But when the news ●am● o● the taking of 〈◊〉 and Bridgewa●er , he changed his 〈◊〉 af●rming frequently that it could be no dishonour to affirmed expresly ( being desired to shew the truth in this particular ) that there were about 80. Women in it at that time when the House was stormed . So that our Authour in this point was extremely out , as much as the difference can amount to between a Company of 80. and one single person . The words to be explained are these , viz. a Godly Divine Protestant , for protection mixt with some Popish Priests Profession ; Which words have neither sense nor Grammar , as they be before us , and therefore must be taught to speak English before the ordinary Reader can understand them . And if the words were put into proper and Grammaticall English , we must reade them thus , viz. A Godly Protestant Divine mixt for protection with some Priests of the Popish profession . Which being the Grammar of the words , will give a Logical dispute about the party to whom the Character is given . I think our Authour would not have it understood of D. Griffiths Daughter ( who though a very vertuous and godly Gentlewoman ) cannot be called a Godly Protestant Divine , in the common notion of the phrase ; and yet the current of the words does import no lesse . For it is said , that there was but one woman amongst so many men : D Griffiths Daughter a Godly Protestant Divine , &c. Nor can it properly be understood of D. Griffith , though a Godly Protestant Divine , the following words depending on those before D. Griffiths Daughter , and not relating literally and grammatically to the Doctor himself . Had the tenour of the words run thus , The Daughter of D. Griffith a Godly Protestant Divine , the adjunct of a Go●ly Protestant Divine must have related to the Father , but as they he before us it relates to the daughter ; With what propriety of speech or sense let the Reader judge , and make himself as mery at it as he pleaseth . Fol. 836. For Digby was sometimes Secretary of State. ] And so he was at this time also , when he was discomfited at Sherburn in Yorkshire , when he lost that Cabinet and those Letters which our Authour speaks of . He had been made principall Secretary of Estate in the place of the Lord Falkland , about the beginning of October , Anno 1643. And continued in that office till his Majesties death ; though by reason of the Kings restraint and his own enforced absence , he was not able to act any thing in it , as neither could M. Secretary Nicholas ; who notwithstanding neither lost the Office nor name of Secretary . I trow Sir Francis Walsingham , or Sir Robert Cec●l were not the lesse Secretaries of Estare to Queen Elizabeth because she employed them sometimes in forreign Embassies ; nor was Digby sometimes only , but at that time Secretary of E●tate , when he took upon him the Command of a Body of Horse in his Masters Service . Fol. 871. And the West being cleared Fairfax returns back again to the Siege of Bristol . ] The west so far from being clear'd , that except Bridgewater in Somersetshire , and Sherburn - Castle in Dorsetshire , little or nothing was done in order to it . The Counties of Devon and Cornwall still remained untoucht , in which the Prince had not only a considerable Army under brave Commanders , but many strong Towns and Garisons well stored with Souldiers ; so as at this siege of Bristol it was conceived that two great Errors were committed , the first by Fairfax in sitting down before a Town in which were so many able men well armed and commanded by the General of his Majesties Forces ; and leaving an Army at his back , which might have charged him in the Rear , while those within sallied out upon him , and assailed him in the very front . The second Errour was in Rupe●t , in that being Generall of the Kings Forces , he shut himself up within a Town , when it had been more proper for him to have been abroad , gathering together the Kings old Souldiers , and raising new from severall places , by which he might have put himself into a Condition to raise the Siege . But Fairfax knew well what he did , making no doubt to have the Town delivered to him before the Prince could be inform'd of the danger in which it was . For the delivery of which City so strongly fortified , so well mann'd , so furnisht with all sorts of necessary provisions , Prince Rupert incurr'd the suspicion of Disloyalty both with the King and all his party . He had before sent certain Letters to the King , in which he pressed him ( somewhat beyond good manners ) to come to a speedy conclusion with his Parliament , without relating either to point of honour or conscience ; with which the King seemed more displeased as appeareth by his answer to him , fol. 841. then was agreeable unto his ordinary temper . And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle , and that too in so short a time , that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg ( a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts ) from the Government of that City and Garison , and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham ; which was accordingly done , and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party , except that Prince and his Dependents . But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber , a place of less command , but of greater trust . Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Title● to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal , and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England . ] Not so , with reference either to the time or the thing it self . For first , The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England . And Secondly , If they ever had been called so , it was not now , that is to say , when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers , which was not long after Midsummer , in the year 1646. But the truth is , that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death , the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed , in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions , Decrees , Processes , and Indictments , the ●●tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae , or the Keepers of the Liberties of England , as it was afterwards englished ( when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue ) should be alwaies used . But who these Keepers of the Liberties were , was a thing much questioned , some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it , whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth ; others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State , but neither rightly : For the truth is , that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other ▪ it being onely a Second Notion , like Genus and Species in the Schools , a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men , either more or fewer . Fol. 892. ●o then the eldest Son , and the yongest Daughter , are with the Qu●●n in France ; the two Dukes of York and Glocester , with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's : The Prince in the We●t with his Army . ● This is more strange then all the rest , that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France , and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England : I always thought , till I saw so good Authority to the contrary , that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person : But finding it otherwise resolved , I would fain know which of the Kings Son● is the Prince , if the eldest be not : It cannot be the second , or third , for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes , and made distinct persons from the Prince : And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son , Christned by the name of Charls-Iames , who dyed at Gre●nwich , almost as soon as he was born , Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer , to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta , who might converse with h●m as a Play-Fellow , without any terror , as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts ; That he , and all that did adhere unto him , should be safe in their Persons , Honors and●●onsciences , in the Scotish Army , and that they would really and effectually joyn with him , and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation , and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdom● , in the recovery of his ●ust Rights : But on the contrary , these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 , declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London , by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament , that there had been no Treaty nor ( apitulation betwixt his M●●esty and them , nor any in their names , &c. On the receit of which Letters , the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle ▪ But Les●ly , who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedl●ry , was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity ; and thereupon removes him in such post-haste , that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel , and at Newcastle on the tenth , places above an hundred Miles distant from one another ; and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there : ●o Scotland he never meant to carry him , though some hopes were given of it at the first ; for not onely Lesly himself , but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army , were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom , which they had ingrossed who●y to themselves ; but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs , declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them , as appears , fol ▪ 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person , but to ●ell him to the Houses of Parliament , though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it , and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor ▪ The Ea●l of Lowdon , who lov'd to hear hims●lf speak more ●hen ●ny man living , in some Spe●ches made be●ore ●he Houses , protested strongly against the d●livery of their Kings Person into their Power , 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 ●●amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation , ●f 〈◊〉 ●hould to 〈◊〉 . But this was but a co●y of their Countenance onely , 〈◊〉 ●●vice to raise the Mar●e● , and make is ●uch money 〈…〉 as they could . At last they came to this Agreement , that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds , they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them , which was done accordingly . For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King , came to Newcastle , Iune 22. &c. ] Not on the 22 of Iune , I am sure of that , the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value , and the Scots too cunning to part with it , till they had raised the price of it as high as they could : The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle , and the middle of the Winter then next following , so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners ( that is to say , from Prison to Prison ) on the 22 day of Ianuary , but of Iune he could not . And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity . And first , The Scots not long before their breaking out against their King , had in the Court two Lords High Stewards , and two Grooms of the Stool successively one after another : And at their taking up of Arms , they had a Master of the Horse , a Captain of the Guard , a Keeper of the privy Purse , seven Grooms of eight , in his Majesties Bed-Chamber , and an equal number , at the least , of Gentlemen Ushers , Quarter-Waiters , Cup-Bearers , Carvers , Sewers , and other Officers attending daily at the Table : I speak not here of those which had places in the Stables , or below the Stairs ; or of the Servants of those Lords and Gentlemen , which either lived about the Court , or had Offices in it : All which together , made up so considerable a number , that the Court might well be called an Academy of the Scots Nation , in which so many of all sorts had their Breeding , Maintenance , and Preferment : Abroad they had a Lieutenant of the Tower , a Fortress of the most consequence in all the Kingdom ; and a Master-●unner of the Navy , an Office of as great a trust as the other ; and more of those Monopolies , Suits , and Patents , which were conceiv'd to be most grievous to the Subject , then all the English of the Court. In the Church they had two Deanries , divers Prebendaries , and so many Excclesiastical Benefices , as equalled all the Revenue of the Kirk of Scotland : All which they lost , like Aesops Dog catching after a shadow : For what else were those empty hopes of ingrossing to themselves all the Bishops Lands , and participating equally with both Houses in the Government of this Kingdom ( which drew them into England the second time ) but an airy shadow ? And yet by catching at that shadow , they lost all those Advantages which before they had , both in Court and Countrey ; and that not onely for the present , but in all probability for the times to come . The Presbyterians laid their Heads and Hands together to embroil the Realm , out of a confidence , that having alienated the greatest part of the Tribes from the House of David , they might advance the golden Calves fo their Presbyteries in Dan and Bethel , and all other places whatsoever within this Land : And for the maintenance thereof , they had devoured in conceit all Chapter Lands , and parcelled them amongst themselves into Augmentations : But no sooner had they driven this Bargain , but a Vote passed for selling those Lands , towards the payment of the Debts of the Commonwealth . Nor have they lived to see their dear Presbytery setled , or their Lay-Elders entertained in any one Parish of the Kingdom ; for the advancement whereof , the Scots were first incouraged to begin at home , and afterwards to pursue their work by invading England . Others there were who labored for nothng more then the raising of a New Commonwealth out of the Ruins of the old Monarchy , which Plot had been a carrying on from the first coming of this King to the Crown , till they had gotten him into their hands ; these being like the Husbandmen in Saint Matthews Gospel , who said among themselves , this is the Heir ▪ come let us kill him , and let us seize on his Inheritance , Matth. 21. 38. A Commonwealth which they had so modelled in their Brains , that neither Sir Thomas Moors Vtopia , nor the Lord Verulams new Atlantis , nor Plato's Platform , nor any of the old Idaeas , were equal to it ; the Honors and Offices whereof they had distributed amongst themselves , and their own Dependents : And in pursuance of this project , they had no sooner brought the King to the end they aimed at , but they pass an Act , ( for so they called it ) prohibiting the Proclaiming of any Person to be King of England , &c. That done , they passed another for the abolishing the Kingly Office in England , &c. dated the 17 of March , One thousand six hundred forty eight . A third , for declaring and a constituting the People of England to be a Commonwealth and Free State , dated May 19. 1649 which last they solemnly proclaimed by their Heralds and Serjeants , in the most frequented parts of London , and made themselves a new Great Seal , with the Arms and Impress of their new Commonwealth ingraven on it . And yet these men that had the purse of all the Kingdom at command , and Armies raised for defence of their Authority , within the space of six years were turned out of all : And this was done so easily , and with so little noise , that the loss of that exorbitant Power did not cost so much as a broken Head , or a Bloody Nose , in purchasing whereof , they had wasted so many Millions of Treasure , and more then an Hundred thousand Lives : So that all reckonings being cast up , it will appear , that all were losers by the Bargain , as it happens commonly to such men as love to traffick in the buying and selling of prohibited Commodities , and thereby make themselves obnoxious to all such forfeitures , as the severity of the Laws , and the King Displeasure ▪ shall impose upon them . How he was carried by those Commissioners to Holdenby●House ●House , and from thence by a party of Horse to the Head-Quarters of the Army , our Author hath inform'd us in the course of this History ▪ But being there , he tells us , that he was permitted to give a meeting to his Children . Fol. 995. And accordingly they met at Maidstone , where they dined together . Well boul'd Vincent ! as our Authour knows who says in another place : He gives us the Copy of a Letter in the very same fol. from the King to the Duke of York , dated at Casam , Iuly 4. 1647. in which he declares his hope that the Duke might be permitted with his Brother and Sister , to come to some place betwixt that and London , where he might see them ; adding withal , that rather then h● might not see them , he would be content they should come to some convenient place to dine , and go back at night : So then , the place for this joyful meeting must be some convenient Town or other betwixt Casam and London : But Casam is a Village of Berkshire , distant about thirty Miles from London , Westward ; and Maidstone , one of the chief Town● of Kent , is distant about thirty Miles from London , towards the East ; so that London may be truly said to be in the middle betwixt Maidstone and Casam , but Maidstone by no means to be in any position betwixt Casam and London : Perhaps our Author in this place mistakes Maidstone for Madenhith , from Reading ten , and from London two and twenty miles distant , and then he may do well to mend it in his second Edition . And then he may correct also another passage about Judge Ienkins , whom fol. 836. he makes to be taken Prisoner in the City of Hereford ; and fol. 976. at Castle in Wales . So strangely does he forget himself , that one might think this History had several Authors , and was not written nor digested by any one man. Fol. 96● . Nay , did not Heraclius the Greek Emperor , call for aid of the● R●ke-hell rabble of Scythians to assist him against the Saracens . ● I believe he did not : For as I remember not to have read , that he called in any of the Scy●hick Nations to assist him against the Saracens , so there was no reason why he should : The Saracens in his time had neither extended their Conquests , nor wasted his Empire so far Northwards , as to necessitate him to invite any such Rake-H●ll Rabble of Scyth●ans to oppose their proceedings : By doing whereof , he must needs expose as great a part of his Dominio●s to the spoil of the Scythians , as had been wasted , ( and in part conquered ) by the Saracens . I read indeed , That Cos●o●s , one of the Kings of Persia , the better to annoy Her●●lius , in those parts of the Empire which were dearest to him , hired a compounded Army of S●laves , Avares , Gepid● , and others , neighboring near unto them , to invade Thrace , and lay siege unto Constantinople , the Imperial Seat ; to curb whose Insolencies , and restrain their further progress into the heart of that Countrey , Heraclius hired another Army , compounded of the like Scythick Nations , which in those days passed under the common name of the Chasnari , and it was very wisely done : For by that means he did not onely waste those Barbarous Nations ( all of them being his very bad Neighbors ) in warring one against another , but reserved his own Subjects for some other occasions : And as it was done wisely , so was it done as lawfully also , there being no Law of God or Man which prohibits Princes , when they are either invaded by a foreign Enemy , or overlaid by their own Subjects , to have recourse to such helps as are nearest to them , or most like to give them their Assistance . Which point our Author prosecutes to a very good purpose , though he mistake himselfe in the instance before laid down . The Irish were then upon the point of calling the French unto their aid , under pretence that their own King was not able to protect them against the Forces of those men who had con●iscated their Estates , and were resolved upon their final extermination : And had the King upon the first rising of the Scots , poured in an Army of the Danes to waste their Countrey , and fall upon them at their backs , ( as Heraclius poured in the C●snari upon the Selaves , Avares , and the rest of that Rabble ) he had done his work , and he had done it with half the charge , ( but with more security ) then the bare ostentation of bringing an English Army to the Borders of Scotland , did amount unto : Which as he might have done with less charges , so I am sure he might have done it with far more security : The Danes being Lutherans , fear nothing more then the grouth of the Calvinian party , and therefore would have fought with the greater Zeal and the fiercer Courage , on the very merit of the cause ; And having no confederacies or correspondencies with the Scots , in order to Liberty or Religion , as the Scots had with too many of the people of England , the King might have relied upon them with a greater confidence , then he could do on a mixt Body of his own , in which the Puritan party being more pragmatical , might have distempered all the rest : Such aids were offered him by his Uncle of Denmark , when the two Houses had first armed his people against him : But he refused them then for fear of justifying a Calumny which cunningly had been cast upon him , of admitting Foreign Nations into the Kingdom , to suppress the Liberties of the people , and to change their Laws : Afterwards when he sought for them , then the could not have them , the Houses no less cunning , hiring the Swedes to pick a Quarrel with the Danes , the better to divert that King from giving assistance to his Nephew in his greatest needs . But the consideration of this mistake in my Author about the Scythians , hath ingaged me further in this point then I meant to have been . I go on again . Fol. 1002. But the Members were not well at ease , unl●sse some settlement were made for them by Orders and Ordinances , &c. ● Nor were they at ease till they had made the like settlement for some others beside themselves . Some sequestred Divines , conceiving that all things were agreed on between the King and the Army , had unadvisedly put themselves into their Benefices , and outed such of the Presbyterians as had been placed in them by the Committee for Plandered Ministers , or the Committees in the Countrey . And on the other side divers Land-holders in the Countrey conceivi●g that those Ministers who had been put into other mens livings could not sue in any Court of Law for the Tythes and Profits of those Churches for want of a Legall Title to them , did then more resolutely then ever refuse to make payment of the same . For remedy of which two mischiefs the Independent Members having setl●d themselves by Orders and Ordinances , concur with the Presbyterian Members , to settle their Brethren of the Clergy in a better condition then before . And to that end they first obtained an Ordinance dated the 9. of August Anno 1647. in which it is declared , That every Minister put , or which shall be put into any Parsonage , Rectory , Vicarage , or Ecclesiasticall Living , by way of Sequestration or otherwise , by both or either the Houses of Parliament , or by any Committee or other person or persons by Authority of any Ordinance or Order of Parliament , shall and may s●e for the Recovery of his Tythes , Rents and other duties , by vertue of the said Ordinance in as full and ample manner to all intents and purposes ; as any other Minister or other person whatsoever . This being obtain'd to keep in awe the Landholders for the time to come , they obtained another Ordinance dated the 23 ▪ of the same Moneth for keeping the poor sequestred Clergy in a far greater awe then the others were , by which i● was Ordered and Ordained : That all Sheriffs , Mayors , Bayliffs , Justices of the Peace , Deputy Lieutenants , and Committees of Parliament in the several Counties , Cities , and places within this Kingdom , do forthwith apprehend , or cause to be apprehended all such Minister as by authority of Parliament have been put out of any Church or Chappell within this Kingdom , or any other person or persons who have entred upon any such Church or Chappell , or gained the possession of such Parsonage Houses , ●ithes , and profits thereunto belonging , or have obstructed the payment of Tithes and other profits due by the Parishioners to the said Ministers there placed by Authority of Parliament , or Sequestrators appointed , where no Ministers are setled to receive the same , and all such persons as have been Aiders , Abettors , or Assisters in the Premises , and commit them to prison , there to remain until such satisfaction be made unto the severall Ministers placed by the said Authority of Parliament for his or their damages sustained , as to the said Sheriffs , Mayors , &c. shall appear to be just , &c. So little got the Sequestred Clergy by their Petition and Addresse to Sir Thomas Fa●rf●x , that their condition was made worse by it then it was before , in that the Acts of the Committees in the Countrey as well as that at London , were confirmed by Ordinance . For though the Generall and the Army passed a Declaration upon this Petition on the 22. of Iuly , That the Estates of all persons , of what rank or condition soever , whether r●all or personall , under any Sequestration , howsoever or to whomsoever disposed , shall remain in the hands of the Tenants , Parishioners , or any other persons from whom they are legally due , until the Generall peace be setled , and then to be restored and accounted for to those to whom they shall be justly and legally due ; yet on their piecing with the Presbyterian Members in the House of Commons , they did nothing in it but left the poor Clergy as before , if not in a worse condition then they found them . Fol. 929. His Funerall Herse rem●ining in Westminster Abbey Church ▪ a spectacle for the people , some bold Maligna● ; on the 27. of November at night most ●hamefully handlea his Effigies . That is to say , by breaking off his head , disfiguring the face , tearing away his Sword and Spurs , and renting down his Arms and Escucheons , as it after followeth . That such an outrage was committed on the Herse of the Earl of Ess●x , is most notoriously true ; and that it was committed by some bold Malignant ( that is to say , some person disaffected to that Earl ) is as true as that ▪ But who that bold Malignant was , whether of the Royall party , or any other who maligned his Estate and Honour , our Authour should have done well to have told more clearly , and note to have left him under the generall notion of a bold Malignant , by which name those of the Kings party were most commonly branded . It seems by our Authour that they were no poor knaves who made this de●acement , con●idering they left all behinde them silk and velvet to boot . And it is more then probable that the Nobility and Gentry who made up the greatest and most considerable number of the Royal Party , were such as had too much sense of Honour to injure and deface the monument of a Noble man , whom they had never otherwise beheld then as an honourable Enemy in the course of the Wars . The conduct of which war , when he first undertook for the Houses of Parliament , they published a Resolution in a Declaration of theirs , August 4. 1642. that they would live and die with him in pursuit of that quarrell ; But after●a●ds finding that he did not prosecute the war with so much ●●●ernesse and passion as by some desired , he was not only ●●●posed to the publick scorn by scandalous jeers , Pictures , ●nd Pamphlets , while he was in the head of his command , ●ut finally divested of all that power which he had in the Army , and reduc'd to the Estate of a private person ▪ And whether some of those who had so reproachfully treated him when he was alive , might not commit this outrage on his Essigies when he was deceased , I leave to be considered by ●he equall and impartial Reader ●ol . 1056. M. Palmer made D. of Physick at Oxford ] The making of new Doctors was one of the first works of the ●arl of Pembroke , at his Visitation of the University of Oxford , that so they might enter on their intended Headships with the greater honour . But Palmer the designed Warden ●or All soul● was not at that time to be made a Doctor . He 〈◊〉 taken that Degree before in Cambridge ; and by the name 〈◊〉 P●lmer I finde him in a Reference from the Commit●●●● of Plundred Ministers to settle a difference betwixt a 〈◊〉 Incumbent and the intruding Minister , about tho fifths . Incorporated he might be at Oxford ( as the custome is ) but not then made or created Doctor , as our Authour would have it . That which comes next touching the ejecting of many of the Commons of Christ-Church gives us two mistakes ; whereof I conceive the one to be the Printers , and the other our Authors . The mistake of the Printer is the putting down of the Common of Christ-Church for the ( anons of Christ-Church , unlesse perhaps the meaning be that the old Canons were put out of Commons ▪ that the new ones might have the fuller Diet when they came into their places . The mistake of our Authour is in saying that many of the Canons of Christ-Church were ejected , whereas they were all of them ejected , not a man excepted ; the Earl of Pembroke being so impartiall in the executing of his Office , that he would not spare D. Hammond though he were his God-son . And though D. Iohn Wall , partly by the mediation of Friends , but chiefly by his humble submission to the power of the Visitors , was again admitted into the number of the Canons ▪ yet was he ejected with the rest , and came not into his own place at this new admission , but into the place of some of the other Canons , to shew that he stood not on his old Right but this new Admission . The Earl of Pembroke having done the businesse which he came about , returns to the Parliament , was first thanked for his wonderful wisedom , and then they Vote , That all such Masters , Fellows , and Officers there as refused to submit to the power , should be expelled the Vniversity . ] According to which Vote , a generall purge was given to all the Colleges in the same , working upon them more or lesse , as they found the humours more or lesse Malignant ; on none so strongly as on Christ-Church and M●gdal●ne●ollege ●ollege , in which last they descended so low as to the Choristers , and lower then that also to the very Cook. And yet the storm fell not so heavy on those at Oxford , as the Earl of Manchesters Visitation had done at Cambridge ; For he not only cut off the heads , and skinned the Fellows and Scholars of most Colledges , but in Queens Colledge cut off all the members from the head to the heel , leaving not one of the old Foundation to keep possession for the new Comers ; as if the House it self , and all the lands belonging to it had been designed to an Escheat , as a forfeited and dissolved Corporation ; or like a Wrecca Mar●● to be seiz'd on by the Lord Paramount of the shore adjoyning , as having no living creature in it to preserve the possession of it for the proper owner . But the Scholars at Oxford howsoever made themselves merry with their misfortunes , publishing some unhappy Papers , and amongst them a Speech made by the Earl of Pembroke ( with some additio●s of their own ) which afterwards drew on two or three others of the same strain , though on other occasions to the great manifestation and applause of his wonderfull wisedom . Fol. 1034. Yet not long after some one so well affected to the Kings Service , that whilest he is a Prisoner , takes upon him the Kings Cause , and published an Answer such as it is , which we submit to censure . ] And being submitted unto Censure , I conceive it deserves not such a diminution or disparagement , as to call it an Answer such as it is . The Answer I never saw before , and cannot now possibly conjecture at the Authour of it . But upon the best judgement which I am able to make , I conceive it to be so full , so punctuall and satisfactory , that our Authour , calling all the Doctors of his own making to his assistance is not able to mend it . Fol. 1068. Some of these mutinied against each other , and in the dissention a rumour was rais'd there of a Designe to impoyson the King , &c. ] Our Historian makes very slight of this matter , disparaging both the Informer and the Information . The Informer he disparageth by telling us , that he was but an ordinary man , though Osburn himself in a Letter to the Earl of Manchester takes on himself the Title of Gentleman , which is as much as our Authour ( though he take upon himself the name of an Esquire ) can pretend unto . The Information and the Evidence which was brought to prove it , he censures to be disagreeing in it self , and irregular in Law , of which more anon . In the mean time take here the whole Information word for word , as Osburn published it in print , as well for his own justification as the satisfaction of all loyall and well●affected Subjects . But not to leave your Lordship unsatisfied with this generall account , the Intelligence I speak of concerning his designe , I received from Captain R●lfe , a person very intimate with the Governour , privy to all Counsels , and one that is very high in the esteem of the Army ; he ( my Lord ) informed me , that to his knowledge the Governour had received severall Letters from the Army , intimating they desired the King might by any means be removed out of the way either by p●●son or otherwise : And that another time the same person perswaded me to joyn with him in a de●igne to remove the King out of that Castle to a place of more secrecy , profering to take an Oath with me , and to do it without the Governours privity , who ( he said ) would not consent for losing the allowance of the House . His pretence for this attempt was that the King was in too publike a place , from whence he might be ●escued , but if he might be conveighed into some place of Secrecy , he said , we might dispose of his person upon all occasions as we thought fit ; and this he was confident we could effect , without the Governours privity . This N●rrative he inclosed in a Letter to the Lord Wharton , dated Iu●e 1. 1648. But finding that the Lord Wharton had done nothing in it , the better ( as he conceived ) to give those time that were concerned in it to think of some stratagem to evade the discovery ; He inclosed it in another Letter to the Earl of Manchester , by whom it was communicated to the House of Peers on the 19. of Iune . But they in stead of sending for him to make good the Information on his corporall Oath , as he earnestly desired in the said Letters , committed both him and Rolfe to prison , there to remain till the next Assizes for the County of Southhampton , and not the Southhampton Assize , as our Authour makes it . At what time M. Sergeant Wilde , a man for the nonce ( as we poor Countrey folks use to say ) was sent to manage the proceedings ; who so cunningly intangled the evidence , and so learnedly laid the Law before the Jurors , that Rolfe was acquitted , and Osburn left under the disgrace of a salse Informer . But the best is ( I should rather have said the worst ) though M. Ser●eant could finde no Law to condemn Rolfe for an attempt to poison the King ; he could finde Law enough within few moneths after to condemn and execute Captain Burleigh , for an intent to free him from the hands of those , who were suspected to have no good intentions towards him , as it after proved . Fol. 1069. The Earl of Holland is sent Prisoner to Warwick Castle , where he continued until his Arraignment and execution at Westminster the 9. of March. ● Of this Earl we have said somewhat already , enough to shew with what disloyalty and ingratitude he forsook the King his Master in the time of his greatest need : To which I shall adde nothing now but this generall Note , viz. that none of those , who had prov'd disloyall to the King , or acted openly against him in the Wars , or otherwise had ever so much blessing from Heaven as to prevail in any thing which they undertook either for the re-establishment of his person or the re-stauration of his posterity , witnesse in the first place Sir Iohn Hotham , accursed in his mothers belly , as himself confessed in an intercepted Letter brought to Oxford , witnesse the fruitlesse attempts of Lougnern , Powell , and Poier , not only in Pembrokeshire , but other Counties of Southwales , which they had made themselves Masters of in order to his Majesties Service , witnesse the unfortunate expedition of Marquesse Hamilion ( of which more anon ) and the unseasonable rising of the Earl of Holland , of whom now we speak ; witnesse the frequent miscarriages of the Lord Willoughby of Parham ( a man whom the King had courted to Loyalty beyond all example ) in his attempt to head a New Army against the old , to employ some part of the Kings Navy against the rest , and to make good the Barbador in despight of the Houses : I take no notice ●ere of the miscarriages of such who had at first declared against him in set Speeches in the Houses of Parliament , none of which prospered , either in their persons or their actings , when they returned to their own duty , and endeavored the Advancement of the Kings Affairs . And that I may not contain may self within England onely , or be thought perhaps to partial in this Observation , we have the Examples of the Lord Inchequin in Ireland , and of the gallant Marquess of Montross in Scotland : Of which the first , ( for the actings of the other are known well enough ) was one of the first , if not the very first of all , who openly read any Protestation at the Market-Cross in Edinburgh against the Kings Proceedings in the Book of Common Prayer , and other subsequent Actions , which concerned the happiness of that Kingdom . Fol. 1071. The Estates of Scotland had formed a Committee of Danger , who had of themselves Voted to raise Forty thousand Men. ● But the Vote was bigger then the Army , though the Army were much bigger then our Author makes it , by whose calculation , it amounts not to above Ten thousand five hundred men , besides such additional Forces as were expected out of England and Ireland : An Army gallantly appointed both for Horse and Arms , which they had plundered out of England in the long time of their Service there for both Houses of Parliament , the like being never set so out by that people since they were a Nation : And it was big enough also to do more then it did , had it been under a more for●unate Commander then the Marquess of Hamilton , who brought from Scotland a greater Enemy within him , then he was like to finde in England : And possibly that inward Enemy might spur him on to a swift destruction , by rendring him impatient of tarrying the coming of Monroe , an old experienced Commander , with his three thousand old and experienced Scots , train'd up for five or six years then last past in the Wars of Ireland : By whose assistance , it is possible enough , that he might not have lost his first Battle , & not long after his Head , which was took from him on the same day with the Earl of Hollands : But God owed him and that Nation both shame and punishment , for all their ●reacheries and Rebellions against their King ▪ and now he doth begin to pay them , continuing payment after payment , till they had lost the Command of their own Countrey , and being reduced unto the form of a Province under the Commonwealth of England , live in as great a Vassalage under their new Masters , as a conquered Nation could expect or be subject to . Fol. 1078. This while the Prince was put aboard the revolted Ships , &c. and with him his Brother the Duke of York , &c. the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen , the Lord Cu●pepper , &c. ] In the recital of which names , we finde two Earls , that is to say , the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen , which are not to be found in any Records amongst our Heralds in either Kingdom : Had he said General Ruthen Earl of Brentford , he had hit it right . And that both he and his Reader also may the better understand the Risings and Honors of this Man , I shall sum them thus : Having served some time in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden , he was Knighted by him in his Camp before Darsaw , a Town of Pomerella , ( commonly counted part of Prussia ) and belonging to the King of Poland , Anno 1627. at what time the said King received the Order of the Garter , with which he was invested by Mr. Peter Yong , one of his Majesties Gentlemen Huishers , and Mr. Henry St. George , one of the Heralds at Arms , whom he also Kinghted . In the long course of the German Wars , this Colonel Sir Patrick Ruthen , obtain'd such a Command as gave him the title of a General , and by that title he attended in a gallant Equipage on the Earl of Morton , then riding in great pomp towards Windsor , to be installed Knight of the Garter . At the first breaking out of the Scots Rebellion , he was made a Baron of that Kingdom , and Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh , which he defended very bravely , till the Springs which fed his Well were broken and diverted by continual Batteries . Not long ater he was made Earl of Forth , and on the death of the Earl of Lindsey , was made Lord General of his Majesties Army ; and finally , created Earl of Brentford by Letters Patents , dated the 27 of May , Anno 1644. with reference to the good Service which he had done in that Town for the fi●st hanselling of his Office : So then we have an Earl of Brentford , but no Earl of Ruthen , either as joyn'd in the same Person , or distinct in two : Not much unlike is that which follows . Ibid. His Commissions to his Commanders were thus stiled , Charls Prince of great Britain , Duke of Cornwal and Albany . ] Here have we two distinct Titles conferred upon one Person , in which I do very much suspect our Authors Intelligence : For though the Prince might Legally stile himself Duke of Cornwal , yet I cannot easily believe that he took upon himself the Title of Duke of Albany . He was Duke of Cornwal from his Birth , as all the eldest Sons of the Kings of England have also been since the Reign of King Edward the third , who on the death of his Uncle , Iohn of Eltham , E. of Cornwal , invested his eldest Son Edw. the Black Prince into the Dukedom of Cornwal , by a Coronet on his head , a ring on his finger , and a silver Verge in his hand : Since which time , ( as our learned Camden hath observed ) the King of Englands eldest Son is reputed Duke of Cornwal by Birth , and by vertue of a special Act , the first day of his Nativity is presumed and taken to be of full ▪ and perfect age , so that on that day he may sue for his Livery of the said Dukedom , and ought by right to obtain the same , as well as if he had been one and twenty years old : And he hath his Royalties in certain Actions , and Stannery Matters , in Wracks at Sea , Customs , &c. yea , and Divers Officers or Ministers assigned unto him for these or such like matters : And as for the Title of Duke of albany , King Charls , as the second Son of Scotland , receiv'd it from King Iames his Father , and therefore was not like to give it from his second Son ; the eldest Son of Scotland being Duke of Rothsay from his Birth , but none of them Dukes of Albany , ( for ought ever I could understand ) either by Birth or by Creation . Fol. 1094. And so the dignity of Arch-Bishops to fall , Episcopal Iurisdiction also . ] Our Author concludes this , from the general words of the Kings Answer , related to in the words foregoing ; viz. That whatsoever in Episcopacy did appear not to have clearly proceeded from Divine Institution , he gives way to be totally abolished . But granting that the Dignity of Arch-Bishops was to fall by this Concession , yet the same cannot be affirmed of the Episcopal Iurisdiction , which hath as good Authority in the holy Scripture as the calling it self : For it appears by holy Scripture , that unto Timothy the first Bishop of Eph●sus , St. Paul committed the power of Ordination , where he requires him to lay hands hastily on no man , 1 Tim. 5 22 And unto Titus the first Bishop of Crete , the like Authority for ordaining Presbyters ( or Elders , as our English reads it ) in every City , Tit. 1. v. 5. Next he commands them to take care for the ordering of Gods publick Service , viz. That Supplications , Prayers , Intercessions , and giving of Thanks be made for all men , 1 Tim. 2. 1. which words relate not to the private Devotions of particular persons , but to the Divine Service of the Church , as it is affirmed , not onely by St ▪ Chrysostom , Theophylact , and O●cumenius , amongst the Ancients , and by Estius for the Church of Rome , but also by Calvin for the Protestant or Reformed Churches . Next , he requires them to take care , that such as painfully labor in the Word and Doctrine , receive the honor or recompence which is due unto them , 1 Tim. 5. 17. as also to censure and put to silence all such Presbyters as preached any strange Doctrine , contrary unto that which they had received from the Apostles , 1 Tim 1. 3. And if that failed of the effect , and that from Preaching Heterodoxies , or strange Doctrines , they went on to Heresies , then to proceed to Admonition , and from thence ( if no amendment followed ) to a rejection from his place , and deprivation from his Function , 1 Tit. 3. 10. as both the Fathers and late Writers understand the Text. Finally , for correction in point of Manners , as well in the Presbyter as the people , St. Paul commits it wholly to the care of his Bishop ; where he adviseth Timothy , not to receive an Accus●ation against a Presbyter ( or Minister of the Gospel ) but before two or three Witnesses : but if they be convicted , then to rebuke them before all that others also may fear , 1 Tim. 5. 19 , 20. And on the other side , he invests him with the like Authority upon those of the La●ty , of what age or sex soever they were ; old men to be handled gently , not openly to be rebuked , but entreated as Fathers , 1 Tim. 5. 1. the like fair usage to be had towards the Elder Women , also v. 2. The younger men and Women to be dealt withall more freely , but as Brethren and Sisters , v. 1 , 2. A more ample jurisdiction then this , as the Bishops of England did neither exercise nor challenge , so for all this they had Authority in holy Scripture ; those points of jurisdiction not being given to Timothy and Titus only , but to all Bishops in their persons , as generally is agreed by the ancient Writers . So then Episcopall Iurisdiction fell not by this concession , though somewhat more might fall by it then his Majesty meant . That the Dignity of Archbishops was to fall by it , is confest on all sides ; and that the King made the like concession for the abolishing of Deans and Chapters ( though not here mentioned by our Authour ) is acknowledged also ▪ And thereupon it must needs follow ( which I marvell the Learned Lawyers then about the King did not apprehend ) that the Episcopal Function was to die with the Bishops which were then alive , no new ones to be made or consecrated after those concessions . For by the Laws of this Land , after the death of any Bishop , his Majesty is to send out his Writ of Cong● d'Eslier to the Dean and Chapter of that place to elect another . Which election being made , signified under the Chapters Seal , and confirmed by the Royall assent ; the King is to send out his mandat to the Arch-Bishop of the Province , to proceed to Consecration or Confirmation , as the case may vary . And thereupon it must needs be , that when the Church comes unto such a condition that there is no Dean and Chapter to elect , and no Arch-Bishop to consecrate and confirm the person elected , there can be legally and regularly no succession of Bishops . I speak not this with reference to unavoidable Necessities , when a Church is not in a capacity of acting according to the ancient Canons an establisht Laws ; but of the failing of Epis●opall Succession , according to the Laws of this Land , if those concessions had once passed into Acts of Parliament . Fol. 1099. The Head-Quarters were at Windsor , where the Army conclude the large Remonstrance , commended by the Generals Latter , and brought up to the Parliament by half a dozen Officers . But by the heads of that Remonstrance , as they stand collected in our Authour it will appear , that he is mistaken in the place , though not in the Pamphlet That terrible Remonstrance ( terrible in the consequents and effect thereof ) came not from Windsor but S. Albans , as appears by the printed Title of it , viz. A Remonstrance of his Excellency Thomas Lord Fairfax , Lord Generall of the Parliaments Forces , and of the General Councel of Officers held at S. Albans the 16. of November , 1648. Presented to the Commons assembled in Parliament the 20. instant , and tendred to the consideration of the whole Kingdom . Which Remonstrance was no sooner shewed unto his Majesty , then being in the Isle of Wigh● , but presently he saw what he was to trust unto , and did accordingly prepare himself with all Christian confidence . For that he had those apprehensions both of his own near approaching dangers , and of their designes , appeareth by the ●ad farewell which he took of the Lords at Newport , when they came to take their leaves of him at the end of this Treaty , whom he thus bespake , viz. My Lords , You are come to take your leave of me , and I beleeve we shall scarce ever see each other again , but Gods will be done , I thank God , I have made my peace with him , and shall without fear undergoe what he shall be pleased to suffer men to do unto me . My Lords , you cannot but know that in my fall and ru●ne you see your own , and that also near to you ; I pray God 〈◊〉 you better Friends then I have found . I am fully inform●d of the whole carriage of the Plot against me and mine , and nothing so much afflicts me as the sense and s●el●●g I have of the sufferings of my Subjects , and the miseries that h●ng over my three Kingdoms , drawn upon them by those , wh● ( upon pretences of good ) violently pursue th●ir own Interests and ends . And so accordingly it proved , the honour o● the peers , and the prosperity of the people suff●ring a very great ( if not a totall ) Ecclipse for want of that light wherewith he shined upon them both , in the time of his glories . But before the day of this sad parting the Treaty going forwards in the Isle of Wight , his Majesties Concessions were esteemed so fair and favourable to the publike Interesse , that it was voted by a 〈◊〉 or party in the House of Commons , that they were 〈…〉 of the Kingdom , 12● . Voting in the affirmative , and 84. only in the Negative ; Which Vote● gave s●ch off●nce to those who had composed this Remonstrance , that within two daies after viz. Wednesday the 6. of D●cem●●r But first , I would fain know why those imprisoned Members are said to be all of the old st●mp , considering 〈…〉 those who were kept under custody in the Queens 〈…〉 and the Court of Wards , there was not one man who e●ther had not served in the War against the King ▪ or otherwise declare his disaffection to the autho●ized Liturgy and Government of the Church of England , as appears by the Catalogue of their names in 〈…〉 , N●m ▪ 36. 37. And s●condly , I would fain know why he restrains the number to 40 or 50 when the imprisoned and secluded Members were three times as many . The imprisoning or secluding of so small a number would not serve the turn ; Non gaudet tenuisanguine tanta sitis , as the Poet hath it . For first , the Officers of the Army no sooner understood how the Votes had passed for the Kings concessions , but they sent a Paper to the Commons , requiring that the Members impeached in the Year 1647. and Major General Brown ( who they say invited in the Scots might be secured and brought to justice ; and that the 90 odd Members who refused to vote against the late Scottish Engagement , and all those that voted the recalling the Votes of Non-addresses , and voted ●or the Treaty , and concurred in yesterdaies Votes , &c. may be suspended the House . And such a general purge as this , must either work upon more then 40 or 50. or el●eit had done nothing in order to the end intended . Secondly , ●t appears by these words of the protestation of the imprisoned Members bearing date the 12. of De●ember , that they were then above an hundred in number , v●z . We the Knights , Citizens , ●nd Burgesses of the Common●●● 〈◊〉 of Parliament ( al ove one hundred in number ) forcibly s●●ze ▪ upon violently kept out of and driven from the House by the Officers and Souldiers of the Army under Thomas Lord Fairfax , &c. And thirdly , We finde after this that Sir Iohn Temple , Sir Martin Lumley , C●l . Booth , M. Waller , M. Middleton , and others were turned back by such Souldiers as were appointed to keep a strict guard at the doors of the House . So that the whole number of those who we●e imprisoned and kept under restraint , or otherwise were debarred and turned back from doing their service in the House , wa● reckoned to amount to an hundred and fourty , which comes to thrice as many as the 40 or 50 which our Author speaks of . But to proceed , the Officers of the Army having thus made themselves Masters of the House of Commons , thought fit to make themselves Masters of the City also . To which end they ordered two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse to take up Quarters in Pauls Church and Black-fryers on Friday the 8. of the same moneth ; and on the ●unday following sent diverse Souldriers to be quartered in the Houses of private Citizens , which notwithstanding such was their tender care not to give any di●turbance to them , that lbid . Not to f●ighten the City , the General writes to my Lord Mayor , that he had s●nt Col. Dean to seize the Treasuries of Haberdashers , Goldsmiths , and Weavers , Halls ( where they seize on 20000.l . ) that by the Monies he may pay his Armies Arrears . ] The Authour whom our Historian followeth in all these late traverses of State , relates this businesse more distinctly and inte●ligently then we finde it here , viz. That two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse took up Quarters in Pauls and Black-frier , and seized upon 20000. l in Weavers Hall , which they promised to repay when the Lord Mayor and Common Councell please to bring in the Arrears due from the City . They secured likewise the Treasures of Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Hall. Here we have first a seizure of the 20000. l in Weavars Hall for the use of 〈◊〉 Army , and a securing of the Treasures in the other two , that they might not be employed against it . The 20000 l. which they found in the first was the remainder of the 200000 l. which was voted to be brought in thither , for the raising of a New Presbyterian Army , under the command of the Lord Willoughby of Parh●● as Lord Generall , and Sir Iohn Maynard as Lieutenant Generall , to reduce that Army to conformity , which had so successively served under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax . But the other two being hard names and not very easie of digestion , require somewhat which may make them lighter to the understanding of the vulgar Reader . Concerning which we are to know , that severall Ordinances were made by the Lords and Commons for sequestring the Estates of all such who had adhered unto the King , whom ( to distinguish them from their own party ) they called Delinquents ; and a severe cou●se was taken in those sequestrations as well in reference to their personall as reall Estates ; to make them the more considerable in the purse of the House● . But finding no such great profit to come in that way ( when every Cook who had the dressing of that dish had lickt his fingers ) as they did expect , they were contented to admit them to a Composition . These Compositions to be manag●d at Goldsmiths Hall , by a select Committee consisting of severall Members of the House of Commons , and some of the most pragmaticall and stiff sort of Citizens , the parties to compound had 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. or 7. years purchase according as they either offered themselves voluntarily , or came in upon Articl●s , or were forced to submit to mercy . What infinite summes of money were brought in by these compositions , he that list to see , may finde them both in the severall Items and the summa to●●al●s in their printed Tables . And yet the payment of these Sums was the least part of the grievance compared unto those heavy clogs which were laid on their Consciences . For first , No man was admitted to treat with the Committee at Goldsmiths Hall , till ( unlesse he was priviledged and exempt by Articles ) he had brought a Certificate that he had taken the Negative Oath either before the Committee for the Militia of London , or some Committee in the Countrey where he had his ●welling . And by this oath he was to swear , that he would neither directly nor indirectly adhere unto , or wil●●●gly assist the King in that War , or in that cause against the Parliament , nor any Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament in th●t cause or War ; for which consult the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons bearing date April 5. 1645. And secondly , It was Ordered by the said Lords and Commons on the 1. of November 1645. That the Committee of Goldsmiths Hall should have power to tender the Solemn League and Covenant to all persons that come out of the Kings Quar●●●s to that Committee to compound , and to secure such as should refuse to take it until they had conformed thereunto . And by that Covenant they were bound to endeavour the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy ( that is , Church-government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops , &c. and to defend the Kings Person and Authority , no otherwise then in order to the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms . And if the party to compound were a Romane Catholick there was an Oath of Abjuration to be taken also before any such Sequestration could be taken off , if once laid upon him . By which he was to swear , That he abjured and renounced the Popes Supremacy , that he beleeved not there was any Transubstantiation , nor Purgatory , nor any worship to be given to the consecrated Host , Crucifix , or Images , and that salvation could not be merited by works , renouncing and abjuring all Doctrines in defence of th●se points . To such a miserable necessity had they brought many of that party , that they thought if safer ( as they use to say ) to trust God with their souls , then such unmercifull men with their Lives , Fortunes , and Estates . And yet this was not thought to be a sufficient punishment to them , but they must first passe through H●berdashers Hall ( which is the last of my hard words ) before they could be free of the Goldsmiths . And in that Hall , they were to pay the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates as well real as personall in present money ; all men being brought within the power of the Committee , not only who were called Delinquents , but such as had not voluntarily contributed to the Parliament in any place whatsoever , as appears by the Order of the Commons bearing date August 25. 1646. By which last clause more Grist was brought unto that Mill , then can be easily imagined ; their Agents being very eager in that pursuit . So that it was accounted a great benefit , as indeed it was , to them who came in upon the Articles of Oxford , Farington , Wallinford , Exceter , and some other places , not only that they were discharged from the payment of the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates at Haberdashers Hall , and admitted to compound at Goldsmiths Hall for two years purchase ; but that they were exempted also from all Oaths an● Engagements , and consequently from that accursed Covenant , and that Negative Oath , by which the Consciences of so many distressed men had been most miserably entangled . Fol. 1138. Thus fell Charles , and thus all Britain with him . ● And by this fall there fell so generall an Oppression on the Spirits of all sorts of people , that the generality of those who plaied the principall parts in this sad Tragedy , became ashamed of their actings in it . The Scots who plaied the parts of Iudas , and sold their naturall King and most bountifull Master for a peece of money , when they saw he was like to be condemned , repented , saying , that they had sinned in betraying innocent bloud . For in their Letter to the Prince dated August the 10. they do acknowledge in plain words , that nothing did more wound and afflict them then his Majesties sad condition and Res●raint . But yet we finde not that they came to such a degree of compunction , as to bring back the money for which they had sold him , and to cast it down before the chief Priests and Elders , as Iudas did . Or if they had there had been no such purchase to be made with it , as was made with that ; both Kingdomes having been already an Aceldama , or Field of bloud . The Presbyterians of both sorts as well the Members of the House as those of the Assembly , and their confederates in the City , who personated the chief Priests and Elders amongst the Jews , had armed a great multitude with swords and staves ( as well the Souldiers as the Clubmen ) for his apprehension . They reviled him in most sham●full manner ▪ and spit upon him all that filth which could be s●pposed to proceed from such foul stomacks , They buffeted him and smote him with the palms of their hands , assaulting him with all the Act , of violent hostility ; and having pas●●d a Vote amongst themselves , they put him over to be sentenced and condemned by Pontius Pilate . But when the worm of conscience began to bite them , some of them laboured before hand by their Protestations to acquit themselves , and to redeem the King from that inevitable danger into which they had thrown him Others more●ou●ly clamored both from the Pulpit and the Presse , crying out that they were innocent from the bloud of that just per●on , and casting all the guilt and obloquy of it on the Independents The Independents who sate as ●udges on the Bench , and pla●d the part of Pontius Pilate , alledged that they had nothing to do with him , but as they were pusht forward by the unresistible importunity of the Priests and Elders . And these men also took water and washed their hands before the multitude , affirming positively that the KING had been murthered long since by the Presbyterians , as appears by M. Mil●ons Book called Iconoclaste● ; where the case is stated and determined for the Independent● ; and therefore as Pil●ue did not say of Christ our Saviour , when he brought him before the people , Behold the 〈◊〉 , but only Ecce homo , or Behold the m●n ; So might the Independents say , when they brought the King before the people to receive the heavy sentence of death , Behold the man , the man whom these of the Presbytery had before 〈◊〉 . But it was neither shame nor sorrow which could r●call him from the dead . All the favour which they now could shew h●m was , that some good 〈◊〉 of A●imathea , who had begged his body , were permitted to burr it , not ●n a Tomb where never man had l●in before , but as it happened in the same Vault with King Hen. ● . and Queen ●●ne S●ymor . And yet it proved but an half favour neither , as the matter was carried , the Governour of the place not suffering him to be interred according to the Form prescribed in the Book of Common-Prayer , whereof he had been a most constant Observer to the very last . And here I am to leave our Authour , who hath brought this great King to the grave , though he hath not followed him to it from the Cradle , as the Title promised . And here I shall leave him to consult that passage in Horac● , against he puts forth next to Sea on the like Adventures , which sta●ds thus recommended to him in the Book 〈…〉 Sumite materiam vestris qui scribitis aequam Viribus , & versate diu quid ferre recusent , Quid valeant humeri ; cui lecta potenter erit res Nec sacundia deseret hunc nec lucidus Ordo . Which may be englished to this purpose . Elect such matter you that love to write , As with your Bark may bear an equall Sail ; For he which on such Subjects doth indite , Of Phrase , and Method fit , shall never fail . AN APPENDIX TO THE ADVERTISEMENTS ON Mr. Sandersons HISTORIES . In Answer to some PASSAGES In a scurrulous PAMPHLET CALLED A Post-Haste , A Reply , &c. Ovid. Metam . Lib. 1. — pudet haec opprobria nobi● , Et dici potuisse , & non potuisse ref●lli . AN APPENDIX To the former ADVERTISEMENTS , In answer to some PASSAGES In a scurrulous PAMPHLET CALLED The Post-haste Reply , &c. WHen I first heard of Mr. Sandersons Post-haste Reply , &c. and had caused the same to be read over , It was not in my thoughts to discend so much beneath my self , as to make any Answer to it ; such scurrulous Pamphlets dying soonest , when there is less notice taken of them : Patience and contempt ( & tulere ista & reliquere , as we know who did ) are commonly the most approved remedies against all such Calumnies , as for the most part do proceed from a petulant malice : But being there is in it some matter of charge and Crimination , I have been advised by some friends to acquit my self of the least , otherwise I might be thought to confess my self guilty of the crimes objected , and wrong my innocence by an obstinate and affected silence : I have therefore yielded so far unto their desires , as to return an Answer to so much of the Pamphlet as contains matter of accusation , which I shall ●ever from the rest , leaving the rif-raf and scurrilities of it ( which make up the greatest part of that two penny trifles , either unto some further consideration , or to none at all . But first I must remove a doubt , which otherwise may trouble the Gent● whom I am to deal with , who possible may think himself to be over-matched , not in regard of any difference in such personal abilities as either of us may pretend to , but in relation to those many hands which are joyned against him in this quarrel , for if it were too much for Hercules to contend with two , ne Hercules contra duos , as the proverb hath it ) good reason hath he to complain of being pressed and put to it by so many Helpers as he is pleased to joyn unto me : He tells me indifinitely of my Helpers , page 5. of the charitable Collections of my numerous Helpers , pag. 23. Helpers import a plural number , and numerous Helpers signifie a multitude ; and who can stand against so many when they joyn together ? But I would not have my Squire affright himself with these needless terrors : my helpers are but few in number , though many in vertue and effect ; for though I cannot say that I have many helpers , yet I cannot but confess in all humble gratitude , that I have one great Helper , which is instar omnium , even the Lord my God : Aurilium meum a domino , my help cometh even from the Lord which hath made heaven and earth , as the Psalmist hath it . And I can say with the like humble acknowledgements of Gods mercies to me , as Iacob did , when he was askt about the quick dispatch which he had made in preparing savery meat for his aged Father : Voluntas Dei suit ut tam cito● occurre●et mihi quod volebam , Gen. 27. 20. It is Gods goodness , and his onely , that I am able to do what I do : And as for any humane helpers , as the French Cour●iers use to say of King Lewis the XI . That all his Councel rid upon one Horse , because he relyed upon his own Judgement and Abilities onely : So may I very truly say , That one poor Hackney-horse will carry all my Helpers used , be they never so nume●ous . The greatest help which I have had , ( since it pleased God to make my own ●ight unuseful to me , as to writing and reading ) hath come from one whom I had entertained for my Clerk or Amanuensis , who though he reasonably well understood both Greek and Latine , yet had he no further Education in the way of Learning , then what he brought with him from the School , A poor Countrey School : And though I have no other helps at the present but a raw young fellow , who knows no Greek , and understands but little Latine , yet I doubt not but I shall be able to do as much reason to my Squire , as he hath reason to expect at my hands : My stock of Learning , though but small , hath been so well husba●ded , that I am still able to winde and turn it to the vindication of the truth● never reputed such a Banckrupt ( till I was made such by my Squire ) as to need such a charitable Collection to set me up again , as is by him ascribed to my numerous helpers . Thus singly armed and simply seconded , I proceed to the examination of those personal charges , which defect he is pleased to lay upon me ; and first he tells us how gladly Dr. Heylyn would take occasion to assume fresh credit of copeing with ●he deceased now at rest , whom he hath endeavored to disturb even the most R●verend Name and living Fame , of that approved Learned Prelate , the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , Primate of all Ireland , pag. 5. And still he might have been at rest , without any d●sturbance either unto his Reverend Name or Living Fame , if Dr. Barn●●d first , and afterwards Squire Sanderson , had not rated him out of his Grave , and brought him back upon the Stage from which he had made his Exit with so many Plaudites : And being brought back upon the Stage , hath given occasion to much discourse about his advising or not advising the King , to consent unto the Earl of Stra●●ords death ; and his distinction of a personal and political conscience , either to prepare the King to give way unto it , or to confirm him in the justice and necessity of it when the deed was done : Both these have been severally charged on the Observator by Dr. Barnard and his Partakers , Pag. 18. and both of them severally disclaimed by him , both in the Book called the Observator rescued , pag. 296 , 297 , 349. and in the Appendix to the Book called Respond● Petrus , &c. p. 143 , 144 , and 152. Nay , so far was the Obse●vator of his al●er idem , from disturbing the reverend Name & living Fame of that learned Prelate , that in the Book called Extra●e●s v●pulans , he declares himself unwilling to revive that question : Whether the Lord Primate had any sharp tooth against the Lord Lieutenant or not , in regard the parties were both dead , and all displeasures buried in the same grave with them , page 292. And in the Book called Respondit Petrus , he affirms expresly , That having laid the Lord Primate down again in the Bed of Peace , he would not raise him from it by a new disturbance ; and that having laid aside that invidious argument , he was resolved upon no provocation whatsoever to take it up again , pag. 124. Had not this promise tyed me up , I could have made such use of these provocations , as to have told the Doctor and his Squire to boot , that the Lord Primate did advise the King to sign that destructive Bill , by which that Fountain of Blood was opened , which hath never been fully shut up again since that ebolishion , for which I have my Author ready , and my witness too . And as for the distinction of a political and a personal conscience ascribed to the Lord Primate by the Author of the Vocal Forest , as Mr. Sanderson in his History saith nothing to acquit him of it , so neither doth the Squire affect to act any thing in it ( if he speaks sence enough to be understood ) in this Post-Haste Pamphlet ; for having told us that Petrus fancied him to act for Dr. Barnard , in acquitting the Lord Primate from the distinction of a poli●ical and a personal conscience , page 18. he adds , That it is confessed by himself ( the self-same Pe●rus ) to have been done to his hand by Mr. Howels attestation of his History , who was concerned in those words : In which passage , if there be any sence in it , it must needs be this , that it appeareth by the attestation which Iames Howell gave unto his History , that he had acted nothing toward the discharge of the Lord Primate , from the fatall distinction which D. Bernard had ascribed in his Funerall Sermon to the Vocall Forrest ; So that the Respondent may conclude as before he did , pag. 144. of the said Appendix , that as well the errour of that distinction as the fatall application of it must be left at the Lord Prim●te● door , as neither being removed by D. Bernard himself , or by any of his undertakers . The next Charge hath relation to the Lord Primate also in reference to the Articles of the Church of Ireland , which he will by no means grant to be abrogated , an● those of England setled ( inserted in his own word ) in the place thereof d How so ? Because the Respondent hath prevented any further confirmation of either , by his own confessing of his being too much ●●edulous in beleeving , and inconsiderate in publishing such mist then intelligence , e which are his own words , fol. 87. And his own words they are indeed , but neither spoken nor applied , as the Squire would have it , who must be thought to be in very great Post-haste , when he read them over . For if the Squire had markt it well , he might have found that the Responde●t did not confesse himself to be guilty of publishing any mistaken intelligence , in saying that the Articles of Ireland were abrogated , and those or England setled in the place thereof , but for saying that this alteration was confirmed in the Parliament of that Kingdome , Anno 1634. were as it was not done in Parliament but in Convocation ; For which mistake ( as the Res●ondent hath observed in the place before-cited ; ) though it be only in the circumstance not in the substance of the Fact ▪ he stands accused by the Lord Primate of no lesse then 〈◊〉 , and that by M. S●nderson is thought to be but a gentle pennance for so presumptuous an assertion f : An 〈◊〉 which hath no presumption in it , if you mark it well . For if it can be proved ( as the Respondent answereth in his Appendix , pag. 88. ) that the Articles of Ireland were called in , and those of England were received in their place ; then , whether it were done by Parliament or Convocation is not much materiall . And for the proof of this , that the A●ticles of Ireland were repealed , and the Articles of the Church of England ( as in the way of a super-induction ) were setled in the place thereof : there hath been so much offered in the Book called The Observator Rescued , and in that called The Respondit Petrus , as may satisfie any rationall and impa●tiall Reader . So that the Squire might very well have saved the labour of taxing the Respondent for want of ingenuity ( which he makes to be a great rarity in him g ) and much more in defaming a whole Nation h , with a matter of truth , in saying the Articles of the Church of England were not only app●oved but revived in the Church of Ireland , and consequently by that reception they were virtually at the least , if not also formally substituted in the place thereof ; Against which , though the Lord Primate have said something , he hath proved just nothing , and both the Doctor and the Squire prove as little as he , And here again I do desire , that this reverend Prelate may not have his Name tost like a Tennis ball between two Rackets , but that he may be suffered to rest with quiet in his grave for the time to come , Et placida compost●● , morte quies●a● , as the Poet hath it . But were the Respondent guilty of no other crime then by trespassing on the reverend name and living ●ame of this deceased but learned Prelate , ( to shew his malice to the dead ) there had not needed any thing to be added to his justification . The Panm●phleter will not suffer him to go ●ff so quietly , and therefore tels us , that it is no news for D. Heylin to be a disturber of pious and 〈◊〉 men while they are living . i . It seems by this that D. Heylyn is a man of a troublesome nature , neither in charity with the dead , no● at peace with the living , I specially if they come under the name and notion of emi●nent and pious men . but though it be no news in the judgement of Squire Sanderson , yet I can confidently say , that it is Novum crimen , & anie hoc tempus in auditum , a crime which never was charged before upon D. Heylin , who hath hitherto appeared an Advocate for the dead and living , as often as they have come under the unjust censures of some modern Writers . And this the former Observations together with these Animadversions and Advertisements ( when he hath any grounds of truth to proceed upon ) do most clearly evidence . Against which Declaration , the Squire is able to instance only in one particular , whereas indeed he hath but one particular k to make instance in ; his instancing in no more but that particular being not so much an argument of his super-abundant charity towards the Respondent , as of his little store of matter wherewithall to charge him . And yet this one and onely instance touching D. Prideaux hath so little truth in it , that it is only one degree removed from a s●ander . For first ( omitting that D. Heylin took his degree An. 1633. and not in 1635. as the Pamphleter makes it , the said Doctor never scandalized him at Court to the late King being then at Woodstock l : the said Doctor never making any such information to the King against D. Prideaux , either at Woodstock or elsewhere . Secondly , The said Doctor never made any such information to any other person or persons ( if every thing which is delivered in the way of discourse may not be brought within the compasse of an information ) by whom it might be carried to his Majesties ear . And for the proof hereof , since I cannot raise men from the dead to bear witnesse to it , I shall only say , First , That the Squire himself doth seem to give no credit to that Paper , For if he did , it would have found some place in that part of his History where it might properly have been inserted , as well as he hath told us of the whole Story of some bustles in Oxon , Anno 1631. occasioned by M. Thorne of Bal●ol Colledge , and M. Ford 〈◊〉 Magdaline Hall , in which D. Prideaux was concerned , and for which he received a check from the King at Woodstock ; In relating whereof though the name of D. Prideaux be not mentioned but couched only under the generall name of other of their partakers who received a check ; yet M. F●ller ( from whom he borrowed the whole relation ) is more punctual in it , and reports it thus , viz. 1. The Preachers complained of were expelled the Vniuers●y . 2. The Proctors were deprived of their places for accepting their appeal . 3. D. Prideaux and D. Wilkinson were throughly checkt for engagi●g in their behalf . The former of these two Doctors ingen●●●●● 〈◊〉 to the King , that Nemo motalium omnib●s ho●is sapit , which wrought more on his Ma●esties affectio●s 〈◊〉 if he had harangued it with a long Oration in his own 〈◊〉 . Church-Hist . lib. 11. fol. 141. 142. The Respondent hereupon inferreth , That if M , Sanderson had then given so much credit to that paper ( in publishing whereof he ascribeth so much merit to himself ) as he now seems to do , he would have given it some place in his History , to shew with what credit D ▪ Prideaux came off from that ●econd encounter at Woodstock , and what discredit the Respondent got by his false Information . And secondly , The Respondent saith , that he was then one of his Majest●es Chaplains in ordinary for the Moneth of August , preaching before him at O●t lands on Sunday the 18 of that Moneth , and officiating the Divine Service of the Church in the great Hall of Woodstock-Mannor on the Sunday following , during which intervall either upon the Thursday or Friday this businesse of D. Prideaux was in agitation ; to which there is no question but he had been called , if he had been so much concerned in the information as the Pamphlet makes him . And if he had been called to i● , it is not probable that the Doctor had gone off so clearly with those eva●●ns , which he had put upon the Articles in charge against him , or with those touches on the by , which are given to the Defendant in the Doctors Answer , supposing that the Paper exemplified in the Pamphlet ( never before publisht m ) ( as the Authour tels us ) contain the substance and effect of that which he delivered to the King for his justification , as indeed it doth not . For the truth is that this Paper was digested by D. Prideaux as soon as he returned to Oxon , coppied out and disperst abroad by some of his own party and perswasions , to keep up the credit of the cause . And though at first it carried the same Title which the Pamphlet gives it , viz. The Answer of D. Prideaux to the Information given in against him by D. Heylin n ; yet afterwards upon a melius inquirendum he was otherwise perswaded of it , and commonly imputed it to one of Trinity Colledge , whom he conceived to have no good affections to him . And here I might conclude this point touching the traducing and disturbing of D. Prideaux , did I not finde that by the unseasonable publishing of that Antiquated and forgotten Paper , the Respondent had not been disturbed and traduced in a far courser manner then he was , the Doctor had those passions and infirmities which are incident to other men of lesse ability , and having twice before exposed the Respondent to some disadvantages in the point of same and reputation , he was the more easily inclined to pursue his blow , and render him obnoxious ( as much as possibly he could ) to the publike censure : The story whereof I shall lay down upon this occasion , and hope that I may safely do it without the imputation of affecting the fresh credit of coping with the deceased , or purposing any wrong at all unto the reverend name and living fame of that Learned man , Proximas egom●t sum mihi● , as the Proverb hath it , my own credit is more dear to me then another mans . And where I may defend my self with truth and honesty , I have no reason to betray both my name and fame by a guilty silence . Know then that on tht 24. day of April Anno 1627. I answered in the Divinity Schools at Oxon upon these two Questions , viz. An Ecclesia unquam f●erit invisibilis , And 2. An Ecclesia possit errare ; Both which I determined in the Negative . And in the stating of the first I fell upon a different way from that of D. Prideaux in his Lecture de visibilitate Ecclesiae , and other Tractates of and about that time , in which the visibility of the Protestant Church ( and consequently of the renowned Church of England , was no otherwise proved , then by looking for it into the scattered conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy , the Waldenses in France , the Wicklifists in England , & the H●ssites in Bohemia , which manner of proceeding not being liked by the Respondent , as that which utterly discontinued that succession in the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy , which the Church of England claimeth from the very Apostles ; he rather chose to look for a continual visible Church in Asia , Aethiopia , Greece , Italy , yea , and Rome it self , as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof ; And for the proof whereof he shewed , First , That the Church of England received no succession of doctrine , or government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembred . Secondly , That the Wicklifsists together ( which the rest before remembred ) held many Heterodoxes in Religion , as different from the established doctrine of the Church of England , as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome . And thirdly , That the Learned Writers of that Church , & Bellarmine himself amongst them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some fundamental Points of the Christian Faith against the Socinians , Anabaptists , Anti-Trinitarians , and other Hereticks of these last ages , as any of the Divines and other learned men of the Protestant Churches ; Which point I closed with these words , viz. Vtinam , quod ipse de Calvino ●ic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis , and this so much displeased the Doctor , that as soon as the Respondent had ended his determination , he fell most heavily upon him , calling him by the odious names of Papicola , Bellarminianus , Pontificius , and I wot not what , and bitterly complaining to the younger part of his Audients ( to whom he made the greatest part of his addresses ) of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them ; if Bellarmine , whom he laboured to decry for so many years , should now be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus ; The like he also did ( tantaene animis caelestibus irae ? ) at another time when the Respondent changed his Copy , and acted the part of the Prior Opponent , loding the poor young man with so many reproaches that he was branded for a Papist before he understood what Popery was . And because this report should not get footing in the Court before him , in his first Sermon preached before the King , which was in November next following , on the words Ioh 4. viz ▪ Our Fathers worshiped on this mountain , he so declared himself against some errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome , that he shewed him to be far enough from any inclinations to the Romish Religion , as afterwards in the Year 1638. when that clamour was revived again , he gave such satisfaction in his third and fourth Sermon upon the Parable of the Tares , that some of the Court ( who before had been otherwise perswaded of him ) did not stick to say , That he had done more towards the subversion of Popery in those two Sermons , then D. P●ideaux had done in all the Sermons which he had ever preached in his life . But to proceed , the Respondent leaving Oxon within few years after , the heat of these reproaches began to cool , 〈◊〉 he had reason to conceive that the Doctors 〈◊〉 might in so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 16 〈…〉 cooled also , but it happened otherwise , For the 〈…〉 being to answer for his degree of Doctor in the 〈…〉 insisted then on the Authority of the Church 〈…〉 he had done on the infallibil●ty and visibility of it . His Questions these , viz. An Eccle●ia habeat authoritatem in determinandis ●idei controvers●●s ? 2. Interpretandi Scripturas . 3. Discernendi ritus & ceremonias . All which he held in the Affirmative , according to the plain and positive doctrine of the Church of England , in the 20. Article , which runs thus interminis viz , habet Ecclesiae ritas sive ceremonias statuendi●us , & in ●idei controvers●●s authoritatem , &c. but the Doctor was as little pleased with these Questions , and the Respondent stating of them , as he was with the former . And therefore to create to the Respondent the greater odium , he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publike Doctrine of the Church , and charged the Article with that sentence , viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive Ceremonias , &c. which was not to be found in the whole body of it ; And for the proof thereof he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus , Non licet Ecclesia quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur , &c. To which the Res●ondent readily answered , that he perceived by the bignesse of the Book which lay on the Doctors Cushion , that he had read that Article out of the Harmony of Confessions , publisht at Geneva , Anno 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward the sixth , Anno 1552. in which that sentence was not found ; but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation , Anno 156● . to which most of us had subscribed in our severall places , but the Doctor still persisting upon that point , and the Respondent seeing some unsatisfiednesse in the greatest part of the Auditory , he called on one M. Westly ( who formerly had been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalen● College ) to step to the next Booksellers Shop for a Book of Articles : Which being observed by the Doctor , he declared himself very willing to decline any further prosec●tion of t●at particular , and to go on directly to the Disputation . But the Respondent was resolved to proceed no further , Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab ist a calumnia , as his own words were , till he had freed himself from that odious Calumny , but it was not long before the coming of the Book had put an end to that Controversie , out of which the Respondent read the Article in the English Tongue , in his verbis , viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies , and authority in Controversies of faith , &c. which done he delivered the Book to one of the standers by , who desired it of him , the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied . And at this point of time it was , that the Queens Almoner left the Schools , p●ofessing afterwards that he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning , and not as being tired with the tedious Preface of the Respondent before the Disputations begun , which whether it were tedious or impertinent or not , may perhaps be seen hereafter upon this occasion . ) But to proceed , upon the breaking of this blow , the Doctor fell on roundly to his Argumentation , and in the heat thereof insisted upon those extravagant expressions ( without any such qualification of them as is found in the Paper ) which made the matter of the Information which is now before us , and for which , if he received any check from the King at Woodstock , it is no more then what he had received at the same place but two years before , as afore is said . Which notwithstanding the Book of Articles was printed the next Year at Oxon in the Latine tongue , according to the Copy in the said Harmony of Confessions , or to a corrupt Edition of them , Anno 1571. in which that clause had been omitted , to the great animation of the Puritan party , who then began afresh to call in question the Authority of the Church in the points aforesaid : For which , as D. Prideaux ( by whose encouragement it was supposed to have been done ) received a third check from the Arch-bishop of Canterbury then Chancellor of that University ; So the Printers were constrained to re-print the Book or that part of it at the least , according to the genuine and ancient Copies . And here I should have parted with D. Prideaux , but that there is somewhat in the Paper ( as it is now publisht to the world by M. Sanderson ) which is thought fit to have an answer though not held worthy of that honour when it was secretly disperst in scattered Copies . The Paper tels us of a Hiss● which is supposed to have been given ( and makes the Doctor sure that such a Hisse was given , When the Respondent excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church . But first , The Respondent is as sure that he never excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church , that is to say of the diffusive body of it , but denied them to be members of the Convocation , that is to say , the Church of England represented in a Nationall Councel , to which the power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies , and the Authority of determining Controversies in faith as well as to other Assemblies of that nature , is ascribed by the Articles : Which as it did deserve no Hisse , so the Respondent is assured no such hisse was given when those words were spoken . If any hisse were given at all , as perhaps there was , it might be rather when the Doctor went about to prove that it was not the Convocation but the High Court of Parliament which had the power of ordering matters in the Church , in making Canons , ordaining Ceremonies , and determining Controversies in Religion , and could finde out no other medium to make it good but the Authority of Sir Ed. Cooke ( a learned but meer common Lawyer ) in one of the Books of his Reports . An Argument ( if by that name it may be called ) which the Respondent thought not fit to gratifie with a better answer then Non credendum esse quoquo extra artem suam . Immediatly whereupon the Doctor gave place to the next Opponent , which put an end unto the heats of that Disputation : In which if the Doctor did affirm that the Church was Mera Chimaera , as it seems he did , what other plaister soever he might finde to salve that sore , I am sure he could not charge it on the insufficiency of the Respondents answers , who kept himself too close to the Chur●h-Representative , consisting of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , and other of the Clergy in their severall Councels , to be beaten from it by any argument which the Doctor had produced against him . And thus we have a full relation of the differences between D Prideaux and the Respondent , forgotten long agoe by those whom it most concerned , and now unseasonably revived ; revived as little to the honour of the reverend name and living fame of that learned Doctor , as D. Bernards publishing the Lord Primates Letters ( never intended for the Presse ) hath been unto the honour of that emi●nent and pious Prelate . But the Squire will not so give over , he hath another peece in store , which must now be printed , though written as long since as any of the Lord Primates Letters , or the Doctors Paper , and must be printed now to shew what slender account is to be made of his ( that is to say the Respondents ) language that ways r , in reference namely , to such eminent persons as he had to deal with . For this he is beholden to some friend or other , who helpt him to the sight of a Letter writ by D. Ha●well in the year 1633. in which speaking of M. Heylyn ( since Doctor ) whom he stiles , The Parton of that pretended Saint George , he hath these words of him , viz s . In the second Impression of his Book where he hath occasion to speak of the Romane Writers , especially the Legendaries , he magnifies them more , and when he mentions our men he vilifies them more , then he did in his first Edition , But the matter is not much what he saith of one or the other , the condition of the man being such as his word hardly passeth either for commendation or a slander . Never was man so haunted with apparitions ( simulacra modis volitantia miris ) as the present Respondent , this being the third ghost which hath been raised to disturb his quiet . But being he is conjured up , we must lay him down again as well as we can . First , passing by the Squires Absurdity , in making D. Hackwell to be Arch-deacon of Surrey , and of Exeter College at if he had been Arch-Deacon of Exeter College as well as of Surrey , but such ungrammaticall expressions are no rarities in him , and so let it go . But concerning D. Hackwell of Exeter College , and Arch-De●con of Surrey , the Reader may be pleased to know that in the year 1630. the Respondent set himself about the Asser●ing of the History of the famous Saint and Souldier S. George of Cappado●●● the Patron-Saint , in the estimation of those times of the Renowned Order of the Garter . In prosecution of which Argument he was encountred with two contrary Opinions , the one of them headed by M. Calvin , who made S. Geo●ge to be a Fiction , a No●ens , a meer Chimaera , the other set up by D. Reynolds , who made him to be the very same with George the Arian , once Patriarch of Alexandria , a bloudy tyrant , and a great persecutor of the Orthod●x Christians . Amongst the Followers of whic● last , he brings in D. Hackwell for one in these words following , viz. In the next place , take the assent of D. Hackwell in his examination of the common errour touching the decay of nature : The first whole Chapter of which work is employed in this , That there are many of those Opinions which are commonly received , both in ordinary speech , and in the Writings of learned men , which notwithstanding are by others manifestly convinced of falshood , or at least wise suspected justly of it . And in particular , In History Ecclesiasticall ( saith he ) it is commonly received , that S. George was an holy Martyr , and that he conquered the Dragon , whereas D. Reynolds proves him to have been both a wicked man and an Arian , by the testimony of Epiphanius , A●hanasius , and Gregory Nazianzen . And B●●onius himself in plain terms affirmeth , Apparet totam illum de actis Georgii ●abulam , fuisse commentum Arian●rum . It appears that the whole story of S. George is nothing else but a forgery of the A●ians ; Yet was he received ( as we know ) as a canonized Saint , through Christendome , and to be the Patron both of our Nat●o● , and of the most honourable Order of Knighthood in the world ; Which being all that had been said of D. Hackwell in the first Edition of that Book ( and more ther● was not spoken of him in the second neither ) it is a wonder what should move the good old man unto such a pet , as to speak so disgracefully of one who had never wronged him , and had been alwayes held as free from that odious crime of ●●●ndering others , as D. Hackwell sheweth himself to be guilty of it . For so it was that D. Hackwell finding himself concerned ( but no otherwise concerned then as before ) in the first Edition bestirred himself in making a confutation of that Book , and having finished it , commended it to the perusal of D. Prideaux ( whom he knew to be none of the Respondents best friends ) to be by him approved of and so passed to the Presse , but it passed through so many hands before it could come unto the Press● , that at last it came to the Respondents , who found himself therein more uncivilly handled , then either by the Squire himself , or any of those numerous Libellers , which exercised the patience of the state for 7. years together : D. Hackwell neither treating him with that ingenuity which became a Scholar , nor that Charity which became a Christian. But on the reading of the Book , the Respondent found his Arguments and Allegations , though many in number , to have been summed up by M. Pryn in his Hist●yomastix . which he had ●ormerly perused , and without taking notice of either adversary returned so full an answer to them , that he heard no more from M. Pryn as to that particular . Not heard he any thing further from D. Hackwell upon that Argument , more then the noise of some such Letters as M. Sanderson hath met with , purposely spread abroad ( as D. Pri●e●ux his Paper was at the same time also ) to di●grace the Respondent , and ●●ep on foot those animosities which they had against him . But 〈…〉 as we reade in 〈◊〉 D. H●ckw●ll having thus wronged the Respondent , conceived he had not satisfied his desired ●eveng● , if he could not crush him at the last : And there●ore at su●h time as the Respondent was under the displeasu●e of the house of Commons , on the complaint of M. Pryn ( which was about the beginning of the late long Parliament ) he publisht a Discourse against him in answer to some p●ss●ges in the Book Entituled , An idotum Lincolniense , &c. which he entituled by the name of A Di●●ertation with D. Heylyn . Whether th● Euch●rist be a sacrifice properly so ●ermed , and that a●●●rding ●o the Do●trine and practise of the Ch●r●h of England . One of which Books being brought to the R●spondent as soon as it was come from the presse , he found it no such knotty peece , but that it might have been easily el●ft asunder without wedge or beetle , and had returned an answer to it , if some of D. Hackwell● Friends seeing how weakly it was pen'd , and how unseasonably it was published , had not took order to suppresse it ; And they supprest it with such care and friendly diligence , that within three or four dayes after the first coming of it out , there was not a book of them to be had for love or money . The Narrative being thus laid down , the Respondent is to make an answer to the charges in D. Hackwels Letter , as he hath done before to those in D. Prideaux his Paper . For first , he saith , that in his book of Saint George , he no where vili●ies any of the eminent Divines or other of the Pro●estant and Reformed Churches ( our men as D. Hackwell cals them ) unlesse to differ in opinion from them be a vilifyi●g of them And if it be , then D. Hackwell may as well be said to vilifie Calvin , Chemnitius , Chamier , Tilenus , Perkin● , Boys , and Crakanthorpe , beside many others , both of the forreign Churches , and the Church of England , who make S. George to be a fiction , a Non-ens or a meer Chimaera , from whom he differeth in opinion in making him to be a wic●ed man , and an Arian , and therefore not a fiction nor a meer C●ymaera . Assuredly the Respondent can see no reason why he might not as well differ in this particular from D. Reynolds , D. Hackwell , and the ●est of that G●ng as they from Calvin , and Chemnitius , and the 〈…〉 ●heir ●ollowers ; or as all of them differed in that p●int 〈◊〉 ●ha●●hich D. Hackwell hath ●on●est to have 〈…〉 received in Ecclesiasticall History . touching S. Geor●● , being a man and an holy Mar●yr . And secondly , ●he Respondent●aith ●aith , that as he H●ckwell●hould ●hould rat●er have said our Masters , so he magn fies 〈◊〉 Romane Writers , especially , ●he legendaries , that is to say , by concurring with them in some ●oints of S. George History , in which he findes them sec●nded by the testimonies of more approved Writers then themselves . And if at any time he speaketh favourably of any of the Legendaries , as sometimes he doth ( and for the credit of the cause he was bound to do ) he did it not in his own words , and speaking his own sence of them only , but in the words and sence of such ancient and modern Authours as are of most unquestioned credit amongst the Learned : Thus speaking of Simeon Metaphrastes he tels us what a high esteem was had of him in the Greek Min●logies , and what high commendation had been given him by Michael Psellus a man of great Learning in those times ; and speaking of Iacobus de Voragine , he lets the Reader know what had been said of him by Iohanno Gerrard , Voscius , a man of too great parts for D. Hackwell to contend with , & sic de c●teris ; But whereas D. Hackwell tels his friend in that Letter that the condition of the man that is to say , the Respondent ) was such as his word hardly passeth either for commendation or a slander ; The Respondent thereunto replyes . that he looks no otherwise on those words then as the extravagances of a proud and passionate weaknesse . The Respondent stood at that time in as good a condition for reputation and esteem with the generality of the Nation , as D. Hackwell could pretend too ; and would not have refused an encounter with him upon any argument , either at the sharp or at the ●mooth , as the Pamphleter words it . I am so●ry to have said thus much , but the indignity of the provocation hath enforced me to it , for which D. Hackwells Friend is to thank M. Sand●rson , o● condemn himself , in publishing those passages in cold blou● ( five and twenty years after they were written ) which escaped the Doctor in his heats . And so I leave my three great Names ( those Magni nominis Vmbras in the Poets Language ) with a Tria sunt omnia , not looking for a Tria sequun●ur tria , though the Squire should once again play the School boy , and rather fall upon small games then none at all . But the Pamp●leter will not leave the Respondent so . The Lord Primate in a Letter to an Honourable friend had accused him of Soph●stry , and the Pamphleter is resolved to make good the charge , assuring us , That in the judgement of divers he made it good throughout his book u ▪ and divers they may be , though they be but two , Squire Sanderson and D. Bernard , which are so many ( so it follows ) that they would finde as much work for an Observator , as he saith my History will afford him . Never was Lillies head so broken as it is by this Squire , who is so far from keeping the Rules of Grammar , that he hath forgotten his very Accidence , he would not else give us two Adjectives , viz. which and many , which he knows cannot stand by themselves without another word to be added to them for shewing of their sence or signification ; Substantive I am sure there is none to owne them , and therefore we must take his meaning by his gaping only ; Which though it be not wide enough to speak out , doth import thus much , That the Errours in the Book called Respondent Petrus , are so great and many , that they would finde as much work for an Observator , as the Pamphleters History . It seems that the Respondent Helpers being many in number ( for he cals them by the Name of his Numerous helpers ) and all of them as subject unto errour as the Squire himself , each of them hath committed one mistake at the least which will affo●d as much matter for an Observator as the History doth , what work the History hath found for an Observator hath been seen by this time ; And if ther● 〈◊〉 so many in the Book called Respondet Petrus , as he 〈◊〉 there are , why hath not he or D Bernard present●d them to the view of the world in so long a time ? But yet w●ll fare the Authour for his wonderfull cha●ity , who th●ugh he meet with many errours and mistakes throughout the book ( for such Helper on ) yet is pleased to satisfie himself with instancing in one , but such a one in such gre●t Ch●●●cters that he who rides Post ( the Squire is alwaies in 〈…〉 ) may reade it without stopping u . Parturiunt montes . You have shewed us the mountain , gentle Sir , but pray you , Where is the mouse ? Marry , sayes he , we finde it pag. 63. where he rep●●ing a quotation of th● Lord Primate ( in the end of his Letter to D. Twisse ) ●orr●wed from Gregory the Great , he had blindely mistaken the copulative And for the Disjunctive Or x . Had it been so , a man of any ordinary candor would have looked upon it as an errour rather of the Presse then the Pen. B●t the Squire who hath a quicker sight , quam aut ●q●ila 〈◊〉 serpens Epidaurius in the Poets Language , hath in this shown himself more blinde then he makes the Respondent , for in pag. 63. which the Pamphl●ter cites , we finde the whole passage to be thus , viz. The next Authority is taken from Greg●ry the Gre●t , who telleth us , that it is the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist , qui veniens , diem Dominicum & Sabbatum ab omni opere faciet custodiri , who at his coming shall cause both the Lords day and the Sabbath to be kept or celebrated without doing any manner of work . Now let the S●uire●who ●who can see further i●to a mill-stone y then the R●spondent and his Helpers are affirmed to do ) resolve me when he next sets out , whether the word & in S. G●egory be turned into ▪ or by the R●spondent ; and if it be not , as it is not , what is become of that mistake so grosse , and written in such gre●t characters that any one who rides Post may reade it . Our Squi●e for this deserves the Spurs , and to be made a Knight of the advice then the nature of the offence required . What followed upon this Appeal we are informed by both our Authours : In the relating of which story from the first to the last M. S●n●●rson hath dealt more ingenuously then the 〈…〉 For fi●●t , M. Sa●ders●n telleth us , that the occasion of the Di●cont●nts which encreased at Oxon , An. 1631. arose from t●is , ●iz . Many 〈◊〉 that the Renovations reducing 〈…〉 times , was now no lesse then Innovation , 〈…〉 in their Pulpits and 〈◊〉 . But M. Ful●er , according to his wonted manner of reporting all things favourably for the Puritan party , will have the occasion to be this , viz. That many conceived that Innovations ( 〈◊〉 by others for Renovations , and now 〈…〉 in the Primitive times ) were multiplyed in 〈…〉 whereat they in their Sermons 〈…〉 into ( what was interpreted ) bitter invectives . Lib. 11. Fol. 141. which puts a great difference in the Case , seeming to justifie the Offendors , in that which was reputed ( and but reputed ) to be bitter Invectives , and to condemn the Church for multiplying Innovations in the Service of God. Secondly , M. Sanderson tels us , That their very Texts ga●● just cause of offence and mutiny , and many such reflecting upo● the most em●nent in the ( ●urch , and violating the Kings De●laration for the depressing of Armini●● Controversies . But M. F●ller must needs mince the matter . And though he tell us That their Texts gave s●me ( and but some ) offence , and that they had some tart re●lexion on some eminent persons in the C●urch , addes next , that they are apprehended to viol●te the Kings Declaration : Not that the Kings Declaration for 〈…〉 ( as his own words are ) had been viol●t●● by them , but that it was apprehend●d so to 〈…〉 might be better Scholars then Lawyers , yet Law and Learning must submit when power is pleased to interpose , which intimates that the Archbishop carried this businesse by the hand of power , against Law and Learning . Finally M. Sanders●n subjoyning the death of Archbishop Harsnet to the end of the differences in Oxon , hath told us of him , that he was a discreet assertor of these necessary and usefull Ceremonies : M. Fuller relating the same story hath told us only that he was a zealous assertor of Ceremonies , but whether usefull or unusefull , necessary or unnecessary , he determineth not : which shews more candour in the State then the Church-Historian , so farewell to both . Errata on the Advertisements . PAge 30. line 13. for queint r. texit . p 34. l. 17. for by the History r. by the Authour of the History . p. 36. l. 29. for facies not . r. facies non . r. facies non . p. 40. l. 27. for of ore r. in ore . p. 41. l. 3. for midsummer last , r. Midsummer 1657. p. 70. l. 30. for D. Lawd Archbishop of Canterbury , r. D. Lawd then Bishop of S. Davids , and af●erward Archbishop of Canterbury . p. 75. l. 15. for Bleth or . Bl●so . p. 78. l. 12. for 1627. r. 1629. p. 84. l. 16. for Nassautiae , r. Nassoni● . p. 94. l. 7. for but three , r. but three of the Dudl●ys , p. 98. l. 14. for at the valley r. at the battle . p. 98. l. ●2 . for of the fi●●st● . of his changing of the first designe . p. 106. l. 10. for Willain , r. Millain . p. 120. l. 12. for pr●●iso . p●omise . p. 15● . l. 29. fo● seas r. s●ales . p. 163. l. ult . for Toucester , r. from T●ucester ▪ p. 1●9 . l. 11. for the first , r. the last . p. 205. l. 2. for the ●east , r. them , least . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43531-e230 Antiq. Iad . Lib. 14. cap 1. Tacit. Annal . lib , 4. 1 Esdr. cap. 4. ver . 41. Notes for div A43531-e900 Diog. Laert. in vit● Chrysippi . Cambd. in Oxf. fol. 389. Annal R. Mariae . Hist. of Camb. Hist. Camb. fol. 155. Notes for div A43531-e4460 〈…〉 〈…〉 Camd●n in 〈◊〉 Mi● u● . ●bid . Idem ibid. 〈…〉 Camd B it . fol. 6● . Ex● . apud Su●ium . 〈…〉 S●ss . 7. Act. 19 35. Platina in vita . Beda Hist. Eccles. ●ib . 1. cap. 4. Lib. 2. fol. 63. * Beda . Hist. Ecclesiast . Ang. l. 8. cap. 1. * Hist. l 1. in initio . Mart. Polon . in Chron. L●b . 2. cap. 3. Beda Hist. Ecclesi st . l 2. c. 13. C●md . in Staff shire . Camden in 〈◊〉 sh. S●owes 〈◊〉 Camden in W●shire , fol. 243. Notes for div A43531-e10380 Camd. in Brit. fol. 135. Lactant. lib. 16. cap. 21. In Brit. fol. 135. Id. in Wi●sh . fol. 241. Camd. Brit. fol. 136. Id. in Worcest . fol. 578. Richardsons state of Europe . lib. 3. Camd. in Scotland , fol. 45. C●mden in R●chmondsh●●e , sol . 7●0 ▪ Cam●en in K●●t , fol 3●3 . 〈…〉 Conser●●ce pag. 71. B●erewood Enqu . cap. V. 〈…〉 Parenes . ad S●vtos p. 99 Gr●g . M. Ep●st . 70. Camden . in Wilts 141. Camd. in Kent , 324. Notes for div A43531-e18560 Acts 〈…〉 An●o ●532 . 〈…〉 Brevewoods ●nq . cap 13. Camden in Monmouthsh . Hist. of St George L. 3. cap. 3 , 8. Notes for div A43531-e20980 Stow in Hen. 5. Hist. Lib. 4. Camd●n in R●dnor . 624 , 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈◊〉 H. 8. c. 26. Vossig de Lat. Hist. Camd. in Hun. fol. 267. Ovid. Met. Lib. 2. History of Flo●ence . Camdens Annals An. 1586. Notes for div A43531-e26650 Acta Convocation●s 1530. Hollinshead in Henry 8. Pref to the Directory . Hollinsh . pag. 129. Stow in H. 8. pag. 562. Defence of the Apolog. Stat. 25 H 8. c. 19. Notes for div A43531-e31580 Stow in Hen. 8. fol 573. Id. fol. 5●4 . Camden in Lincolnshire fol ▪ 535. Camd. ●n Midlesex , fol 4●9 . Notes for div A43531-e34250 Hist. Edward 6. p●g 353. 1 E● . 6. c. 1. Acts and Mon. pag. 658. Notes for div A43531-e35980 Rost●l● Abrid ●f . 423. Arist. Pol. l. 7 ▪ cap. 16. Antiquit. B●itan . Calice . Notes for div A43531-e37710 Tacit. H●●st . l 1. Tacit. Hi●t . l. 1. Hist. of Q. Mary s. 25. S●ow Su●ve● of Lond. p. 623. S●ow● An. fol. 617. Archbishops Speech , p. 71. Lib. 8 fol 35. 13 El. ● . 12. 13. Eliz. c. 20. Co●fer p. 80. 29 Eliz. c. 2. Notes for div A43531-e44440 Appell . Caesaram . cap. 7. pag. 69. Co●●es . Belg. Art. 31. Notes for div A43531-e50090 Consil. red●undi . History of K. C. fol. 143. Fol. 131. F●l . 143. 〈…〉 〈…〉 Ibid ▪ p. 17. 〈◊〉 Table , ● 4 ● . 68. * 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 * Collection of Speeches , p 5. Hist of K. 〈…〉 * Whether Ceremonies used at his bringing into the Court , and his thrusting out of it . Minut. F●el . Collection of Spe●●●es , p 26. 〈◊〉 . p. 2● . Canon . 7. 1640. Church Hist. fol 180. Hist K Charls . fol. 208. Camd. Rem . pag. 286. R●g in Praef. to the Artic. Minut. Fael . Annal Eliz. Treaty at Vxb●idge , p. 31. Artic. 13. Hist. of Cam , fol. 168. Hist ▪ of King Char. ●ol 21. * Animo adversus libidinem ●aeco . Apol. c. 21. Camd. Rem . Hist. of King Ch. fol. 151. Tacit. Hist. L. ● . 〈◊〉 Hist. l. 2. Notes for div A43531-e65230 Supe●stition● cha●ged on Dr. Cosens Cru●ll usage of Mr. Smart . Dr. Cosins Praise . Notes for div A43531-e68000 Buch. l. 5 Sm●●ym . p. 16. Hist of Scotland fol. 4. Notes for div A43531-e71410 Camden Brit. l. 510. Camden in Scot. fol. 42. Notes for div A43531-e78330 Augustin de Haeres . Hist. of the Church of Scor. ● . 41● . &c. Husband● Collect. pag. 139. Notes for div A43531-e108870 d p. 17 e Ibid. f Ibid. g ibid. h p. 18. i p. 5. k Ibid l p. 6. m p. 7. n Ibid. p 29. p. 6. r p. 12. s p. 13. u p. 18. u p. 18. x p. 19. y p. 5. 
A43535	----	A full relation of two journeys, the one into the main-land of France, the other into some of the adjacent ilands performed and digested into six books / by Peter Heylyn. Full relation of two journeys Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1656 Approx. 947 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 236 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43535 Wing H1712 ESTC R5495 12138940 ocm 12138940 54833 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43535) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54833) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 105:4) A full relation of two journeys, the one into the main-land of France, the other into some of the adjacent ilands performed and digested into six books / by Peter Heylyn. Full relation of two journeys Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [48], 424 p. Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile ..., London : 1656. "The relation of the first journey" and "The second journey" each have special t.p. Also published, in the same year, as: A survey of the estate of France, and some of the adjoyning ilands. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng France -- Description and travel. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-09 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Apex CoVantage Rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Full Relation Of two Journeys : THE ONE Into the MAIN-LAND OF FRANCE . THE OTHER , Into some of the adjacent ILANDS . Performed and digested into SIX BOOKS , BY PETER HEYLYN . Horace de Arte Poet. Segnius irritant animos dimissa per aures , Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus — LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile , and are to be sold at the Black-boy over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet , M. DC . LVI . TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE Lord Marquesse OF DORCHESTER . I Here present unto your Lordship the Fruits , if not the Follies also , of my younger daies , not published now , if the audaciousnesse of some others had not made that necessary which in my own thoughts was esteemed unseasonable . The reasons why I have no sooner published these Relations , and those which have inforced me to do it now , are laid down in the following Preface , sufficient ( as I hope ) both to excuse and justifie me with ingenuous men . But for my boldnesse in giving them the countenance of your Lordships name , I shall not study other reasons then a desire to render to your Lordship some acknowledgement of those many fair expressions of esteem and favour , which your Lordship from my first coming to Westminster , hath vouchsafed unto me Your known abilities in most parts of learning , together with the great respects you have for those which pretend unto it , enclined you to embrace such opinion of me , as was more answerable to your own goodnesse then to my desert , and to cherish in me those Proficiencies , which were more truly in your self . And for my part , I alwaies looked upon your Lordship as a true Son of the Church of England , devoted zealously to her Forms of worship , the orthodoxies of her Doctrine , and the Apostolicism of her Government ; which makes me confident that these pieces will not prove unwelcome to you , in which the superstitions & innovations of the two opposite parties , are with an equal hand laid open to your Lordships view . Nor shall you find in these Relations , such matters of compliance only with your Lordship in point of Judgement , as promise satisfaction unto your intellectuall , and more noble parts ; but many things which may afford you entertainments of a different nature , when you are either spent with study , or wearied with affairs of more near importance . For here you have the principallest Cities and fairest Provinces of France presented in as lively colours , as my unpolished hand could give them ; the Temper , Humour and Affections of the People , generally deciphered with a free and impartial Pen ; the publick Government of the whole , in reference to the Court , the Church , and the Civil State , described more punctually then ever heretofore in the English Tongue ; some observations intermingled of more ancient learning , but pertinent and proper to the businesse which I had in hand . You have here such an accompt also of some of the adjoyning Islands ( the only remainders of our Rights in the Dukedome of Normandy ) that your Lordship may finde cause to wonder , how I could say so much on so small a subject , if the great alterations which have hapned there in bringing in and working out the Genevian Discipline , had not occasioned these enlargements . Such as it is , it is submitted with that Reverence to your Lordships Judgement , which best becometh My Lord , Your Lordships most humble And most devoted Servant , Pet. Heylyn . The Authors Preface to the Reader . IT may seem strange unto the Reader , that after so large a volume of Cosmography , in which the world was made the subject of my Travels , I should descend unto the publishing of these Relations , which point at the estate only of some neighbouring places : or that in these declining times of my life and fortunes , I should take pleasure in communicating such Compositions , as were the products of my youth , and therefore probably not able to endure the censure of severer age . And to say truth , there are some things in this publication , whereof I think my self obliged to give an account to him that shall read these papers , as well for his satisfaction as mine own discharge ; as namely touching the occasion of these several Journeys , my different manner of proceeding in these Relations , the reasons why not published sooner , and the impulsions which have moved me to produce them now . For the two first , the Reader may be pleased to know , that as I undertook the first Journey , in the company of a private friend , only to satisfie my self in taking a brief view of the pleasures and delights of France ; so having pleased my publick view without his consent . For having tendred it unto him , it was no more mine , and not being mine , I had no reason to dispose otherwise of it , as long as the property thereof was vested in him by mine own free act . But he being laid to sleep in the bed of peace , I conceive my self to have gotten such a second right therein , as the Granter hath many times in Law , when there is no Heir left of the Grantee to enjoy the gift , and consequently to lay any claim unto it . And being resolved , upon the reasons hereafter following , to publish the first of these two Journals , I thought it not amisse to let this also wait upon it , second in place , as it had been second in performance and course of time . So for the first Journey , being digested and committed unto writing for mine own contentment , without the thought of pleasing any body else ; the keeping of it by me did as much conduce to the end proposed , as if it had been published to the view of others . And I had still satisfied my self in enjoying that end , if the importunity of friends ( who were willing to put themselves to that charge and trouble ) had not drawn some copies of it from me . By means whereof it came unto more hands then I ever meant it , and at the last into such hands , by which it would have been presented to the publick view without my consent ; and that too with such faults and errors , as Transcripts of necessity must be subject to when not compared with the Original , or perused by the Author . And had it hapned so , as it was like enough to happen , and hath hapned since , the faults and errors of the Copy , as well as of the Presse , would have passed for mine ; and I must have been thought accomptable for those transgressions which the ignorance and unadvisednesse of other men would have drawn upon me . And yet there was some other reason , which made the publishing of that Journal when first finished by me , not so fit nor safe , nor so conducible to some ends , which I had in view . I had before applyed my self unto his Majesty , when Prince of Wales , by Dedicating to him the first Essayes of my Cosmographie ; and thereby opened for my self a passage into the Court , whensoever I should have a minde to look that way . And at the time when I had finished these Relations , the French party there were as considerable for their number , as it was afterwards for their power : and the discourse fashioned with so much liberty , and touching ( as it might be thought ) with so much Gayete de coeu●… upon the humours of that people , might have procured me no good welcome ; and proved but an unhandsome harbinger , to take up any good lodging for me in that place , when either my studies should enable , or my ambition prompt me to aspire unto it . Which causes being now removed , I conceive the time to be more seasonable now , then it was at the first , and that these papers may more confidently walk the open streets , without giving any just offence to my self or others . For though perhaps it may be said , that I have made too bold with the French , and that my character of that people , hath too much of the Satyrist in it , as before was intimated ; yet I conceive that no sober minded man either of that Nation or of this , will finde himself aggrieved at my freedome in it . The French and other forein Nations make as bold with us , not sparing to lay open our wants and weaknesses , even without occasion , and offering them by such multiplying 〈◊〉 to the sight of others , as render them far greater then indeed they are . Men of facetious fancies and scoffing wits ( as the French generally are ) must not expect to be alwaies on the offering hand , but be content to take such money as they use to give ; there would be else no living neer them , or conversing with them . Hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim , in the Poets language . Besides the reader must distinguish betwixt the inclinations of nature , and corruptions in manners . Natural inclinations may be described under a free and liberal character , without any wrong unto the Nations which are so described : nor is it more to the dishonour of the French , to say that they are airy , light , Mercurial , assoon lost as found ; then to the Span●…ard , to be accounted slow , and Saturnine , lofty and proud , even in the lowest ebb of a beggerly fortune . The temperature of the soyle and air , together with the influences of the heavenly bodies , occasion that variety of temper and affections in all different Nations , which can be no reproach unto them , when no corruption of manners , no vice in matter of morality is charged upon them . Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia , et patriae sorte durantia , quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant , saith a modern but judicious Author . The present French had not been else so like the Galls in the Roman stories , had not those influences , and other naturall causes before remembred , produced the same natural inclinations , and impulsions in them , as they had effected in the other ; their own Du Bartas saith as much touching this particular , as he is thus translated by Josuah Sylvester . O see how full of wonders strange is nature , Sith in each climate , not alone in stature , Strength , colour , hair ; but that men differ do Both in their humours , and their manners too . The Northern man is fair , the Southern foul ; That 's white , this black , that smiles & this doth scowl . The one blithe and frolick , the other dull & froward , The one full of courage , the other a fearful coward . Much lesse would I be thought injurious to the female sex , though I have used the like freedome in my character of them . I doubt not but there are amongst them , many gallant women , of most exemplary virtue , and unquestioned chastity ; and I believe the greatest part are such indeed , though their behaviour at first sight might , to a man untravelled , perswade the contrary . But general characters are to be fitted to the temper and condition of a people generally , unto the Genera singulorum , as Logicians phrase it , though possibly ( as there are few general Rules without some exceptions ) many particular persons both of rank and merit , may challenge an exemption from them : Queis meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan. To whom the heavens have made a brest Of choicer metall then the rest . And it is possible enough I might have been more sparing of that liberty which I then gave unto my self , were there occasion to make a second character of them at this present time ; or had I not thought fit to have offered this discourse without alteration , as it first issued from my pen. Our English women at that time were of a more retired behaviour then they have been since , which made the confident carriage of the French Damosels , seem more strange unto me , whereas of late the garbe of our women is so altered , and they have so much in them of the mode of France , as easily might take off those misapprehensions , with which I was really possessed at my first coming thither . So much doth custome alter the true face of things , that it makes many things approvable , which at the first appeared unsightly . In the next place it may be said that this short Journall deserves not to be called A SURVEY OF THE STATE OF FRANCE , considering that it only treateth of some particular Provinces , and of such Towns and Cities only in those Provinces , as came within the compasse of a personal view . But then it may be said withall , that these four Provinces which I passed thorow , and describe , may be considered as the Epitome of the whole , the abstract or compendium of the Body of France : the Isle of France being looked on as the mother of Paris , Picardie as the chiefest Granary , and La Beause as the nurse thereof ; as Normandy is esteemed for the Bulwark of all France it self by reason of that large Sea-coast , and well fortified Havens , wherewith it doth confront the English. And if the rule be true in Logick ( as I think it is ) that a Denomination may be taken from the nobler parts ; then certainly a Survey of these four Provinces , the noblest and most considerable parts of all that Kingdome , may be entituled without any absurdity the Survey of France . For besides that which hath been spoken , it was in these four Provinces that Henry the 4. did lay the scene of his long war against the Leaguers , as if in keeping them assured or subjected to him the safety of the whole Kingdome did consist especially . For though the war was carried into most other Provinces as the necessity of affairs required , yet it was managed in those Provinces by particular parties . Neither the King himself , nor the Duke of Mayenne ( the heads of the contending Armies ) did act any thing in them except some light velitations in Champagne , and one excursion into Burgundie ; the whole decision of the quarrels , depending principally , if not wholly , in the getting of these . The Duke of Parma had not else made so long a march from the Court of Bruxels , to raise the Kings Army from the siege of Roven ; nor had the King mustered up all his wit and power to recover Amiens , when dexterously surprized by a Spanish stratagem . And if it be true , which the French generally affirm of Paris , that it is the Eye , nay the very Soul of all France it self ; I may with confidence affirm , that I have given more sight to that Eye , more life and spirit to that Soul , then hath been hitherto communicated in the English Tongue . The Realm of France surveyed in the four principal Provinces , and the chief Cities of the whole , gives a good colour to the title , and yet the title hath more colour to insist upon , then the description of these Cities , and those principal Provinces , can contribute towards it . For though I have described those four Provinces only in the way of Chorography , yet I have took a general and a full Survey of the State of France , in reference to the Court , the Church , and the Civil State , which are the three main limbs of all Bodies Politick , and took it in so full a manner , as I think none , and am assured that very few have done before me . If it be said that my stay was not long enough to render me exact and punctual in my observations : I hope it will be said withall , that the lesse my stay was , my diligence must be the greater , and that I husbanded my time to the best advantage . For knowing that we could not stay there longer , then our money lasted , and that we carried not the wealth of the Indies with us , I was resolved to give my self as little rest , as the necessities of nature could dispense withall ; and so to work my self into the good opinions of some principal persons of that nation , who were best able to inform me , as might in short space furnish me with such instructions , as others with a greater expence both of time and money could not so readily attain . By this accommodating of my self unto the humours of some men , and a resolution not to be wanting to that curiosity which I carryed with me , there was nothing which I desired to know ( and there was nothing which I desired not to know ) but what was readily imparted to me both with love and chearfulnesse . Cur nescire pudens prave quam discere mallem ? I alwaies looked upon it as a greater shame to be ignorant of any thing , then to be taught by any body ; and therefore made such use of men of both Religions , as were most likely to acquaint me with the counsels of their severall parties . Nor was I purse-bound when I had occasion to see any of those Rarities , Reliques , and matters of more true antiquity , which either their Religious Houses , Churches , Colledges , yea , or the Court it self could present unto me . Money is never better spent then wen it is layed out in the buying of knowledge . In the last place it may be said that many things have hapned both in the Court and State of France , many great revolutions and alterations in the face thereof since I digested the Relation of this Journey for my own contentment ; which makes this publication the more unseasonable , and my consent unto it subject to the greater censure : which notwithstanding I conceive that the discourse will be as usefull to the ingenuous Reader , as if it had gone sheet by sheet from the Pen to the Presse , and had been offered to him in that point of time when it took life from me . The learned labours of Pausanias in his Chorography of Greece , are as delightful now to the studious Reader , as formerly to the best wits of Rome or Athens . Nor need we doubt , but that the description of the Netherlands by Lewis Guicciardine , and of the Isles of Britain by our famous Camden , will yeeld as great profit and contentment to future Ages , as to the men that knew the Authors . The Realm of France is still the same , the temperature of the air and soyl the same , the humours and affections of the people still the same , the Fractions of the Church as great , the Government as Regal or despotical now , as when the Author was amongst them . The Cities stand in the same places which before they stood in , and the Rivers keep the same channels which before they had , no alteration in the natural parts of that great body , and not much in the politick neither . The change which since hath hapned by the Death of the King , being rather in the person of the Prince , then the form of Government . Affairs of State then managed by a Queen-Mother and a Cardinal favourite , as they are at this present . The King in his Majority then , but not much versed or studied in his own concernments , as he is at this present ; the Realm divided then into parties and factions ( though not into the same factions ) as it is at this present ; and finally , the English then in as high esteem , by reason of the alliance then newly made between the Princes , as they can possibly be now , by reason of the late concluded peace betwixt the Nations . Nor hath there hapned any thing not reconcilable to the present times , but the almost miraculous birth of the King and his Brother after 20 years barrennesse , and the mariage of the Monsieur with Montpensiers Daughter , contrary to the generall expectation of all that people , and for the first ( I think I may be bold to say ) of the world besides . These reasons as they may excuse this publication , in reference to the work it self , so there is one which serves to justifie it in respect of the Author ; that is to say , the manifesting of this truth to all which shall peruse these papers , that he is still of the same Judgement , and opinion in matters of Religion , Gods worship , and the government of holy Church , of which he was 30 years agoe , when the Relation of the first Journey was fashioned by him ; that he hath stood his ground in all those revolutions both of Church and State , which have hapned since ; that he now holds no other Tenets , then those to which he hath been principled by education , and confirmed by study ; and finally that such opinions as he holds , be they right or wrong , he brought to the Court with him , and took not from thence . So that whatsoever other imputation may be charged upon him , he cannot be accused for a time-server , but alwaies constant to himself , in all times the same : Qualis ab incepto processer●… , in the Poets language , the same man then as now without alteration . Compare my late book upon the Creed , with these present Journals , and it will easily be seen , that in all points wherein I have occasion to declare my Judgement , I am nothing altered ; that neither the temptations of preferment , nor that great turn both in the publick and my own affairs which hath hapned since , have made me other then I was at the very first . It 's true in reading over these papers as they were sent to the Presse , I found some things which I could willingly have rectified as they passed my hands ; but that I chose rather to let them go with some Petit errors , then alter any thing in the Copy , which might give any the least occasion to this misconceit , that the work went not to the Presse , as it came from my pen , but was corrected by the line and levell of my present Judgement . And for such petit errors , as then scaped my hands , being they are but petit errors , they may the more easily be pardoned by ingenuous men . But howsoever being errors , though but petit errors , I hold it necessary to correct them , and shall correct them in this order as they come before me . Normandy bounded on the South with L'Isle de France ] Not with the Isle of France distinctly and properly so called , occasioned by the circlings of the Seine and the Marne , in which Paris standeth ; but by that part of France , which is called commonly France Special , or the Proper France , as being the first fixed seat of the French Nation , after their first entrance into G●…ul ; which notwithstanding may in some sense , be called the Isle of France also , because environed on all sides with some river or other , that is to say , with the Velle on the East , the Eure on the West , the O●…se on the North , and a vein Riveret of the Seine on the South parts of it . The name Neustria ] Not named so in the time of the Romans , when it was reckoned for a part of Gallia Celtica , as the words not well distinguished do seem to intimate ; but when it was a part of the French Empire , and then corruptly so called for Westris , signifying the West parts thereof : the name of Westria or Westenrick , being given by some to this part of the Realm of West France , as that of Austria or Ostenric to a part of East France . By the permission of Charles the Bald ] Not so , but by the sufferance of Charles the S●…mple , a weaker Prince , and far lesse able to support the Majesty of a King of France . For though the Normans ransacked the Sea coasts of this Countrey during the reign of Charles the Bald , which lasted from the year 841 to the year 879. yet Charles the Bald was not so simple nor so ill advised , as to give them livery and seifin of so large a Province . That was a businesse fit for none but Charles the SIMPLE , who began his reign in the year 900. and unto him the words foregoing would direct the Reader , where it is thus told us of these Normans , anno 900. they first seated themselves in France , &c. which relates plainly to the reign of Charles the Simple , in the beginning whereof they first setled here , though Rollo their chief Captain was not honoured with the title of Duke of Normandy untill 12 years after . For the most part of a light and sandy mould ] mistaken in the print for a light and handy , that is to say , of a more easie tillage , then the rest of those Kingdomes . Which words though positively true of the Countrey of Norfolk , are to be understood of Normandy , comparatively and respectively to the rest of France ; for otherwise it would ill agree with the following words , where it is said to be of a fat and liking soyle , as indeed it is , though not so far and deep as the Isle of France , La Beause , or many others of the Southern Provinces . The French custome giving to all the sons an equality in the Estate ] which must be understood of the Estates of meaner and inferiour persons , and not of those of eminent , and more noble Families , which have been altered in this point ; The Lands and Honours passing undivided to the eldest sons , the better to support the dignity of their place and titles ; as many Gentlemen of Kent have changed their old tenure by Gavelkinde into Knights service , for the same reason , and obtained severall Acts of Parliament to make good that change . For when Meroveus the Grandchilde of Pharamond ] so he is said to be by Rusener , as eldest son of Clodian the son of Pharamond ; but Paradine , the best Herald of all the French , speaks more doubtfully of him , not knowing whether he were the son or next kinsman of Clodian , and others ( whose authority I have elsewhere followed ) make him to be the Master of the Horse to Clodian , whose children he is said to have dispossessed of the Crown , and transferred the same unto himself . The reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people ] That is to say , not such a reason of the name , as I then approved of , my conceit strongly carrying me to the Bellocassi , whom I would fain have setled in the Countrey of La Beause , and from them derived that name unto it . But stronger reasons since have perswaded the contrary , so that leaving the Bellocassi near Bateux in the Dukedome of Normandie , we must derive the name of La Beause , and Belsia , by which it is severally called by the French and Latines , from the exceeding beautifulnesse of that flourishing Province , that which the Latines call Bellus in the Masculine , and Bella in the Feminine Gender , being by the the French called Bell and Beau , as it after followeth . Picardie is divided into the higher , which containeth the Countreys of Calice and Bologne , &c. ] That Picardie is divided into the higher and the lower , is a Truth well known , though I know not by what negligence of mine they are here misplaced , that being the lower Picardie which lyeth next the sea containing the Countreys of Calais , and Bologne , with the Towns of Abbeville , and Monstreuille ; and that the higher Picardie , which liethmore into the Land in which standeth the fair City of Amiens , and many other Towns and Territories else where described . Both these were born unto the King by Madam Gabriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La Belle ] Madam Gabriele is brought in here before her time , and b●…ing left out , the sense will run as currently , but more truly thus . Both these were born unto the King by the Dutch sse of Beaufort , a Lady whom the King , &c. And for the children which she brought him , though they are named right , yet ( as I have been since informed ) they are marshalled wrong , Caesar Duke of Vendosm being the eldest ; not the younger son . And as for Madam Gabriele , she was indeed the King best beloved Concubine , one whom he kept not only for his private chamber , but carried publickly along with him in the course of his wars . Insomuch that when the Duke of Biron had besieged Amiens ( being then lately surprized by the Spaniards as before was intimated ) and was promised succours by the King with all speed that might be ; the King at last came forwards with Madam Gabriele , and a train of Ladies to attend her : which being noted by the Duke , he cryed aloud with a great deal of scorn and indignation , Behold the goodly succours which the King hath brought us . A Lady in great favour , but in greater power , to whom the character was intended , which by mistake , is here given to the Dutchesse of Beaufort , though possibly that Dutchesse also might deserve part of it . When the Liturgie was translated into Latine by Doctor Mocket ] Not by him first translated , as the words may intimate , it having been translated into Latine in Queen Elizabeths time . But that Edition being worn out , and the Book grown scarse , the Doctor gave it a Review , and caused it to be reprinted together with Bishop Jewels Apologie , the Articles of the Church of England , the Doctrinal points delivered in the Book of Homilies , with some other pieces , which being so reviewed and published , gave that contentment to many sober minded men of the Romish party which is after mentioned . In the Relation of the second Journey , I finde no mistakes , requiring any Animadversions , as written in a riper judgement , and with greater care , because intended to a person of such known abilities . Nor was I lesse diligent in gathering the materials for it , then carefull that it might be free from mistakes and errors ; not only informing my self punctually in all things which concerned these Islands , by persons of most knowledge and experience , in the affairs and state of either , but with mine own hand copying out some of their Records , many whole Letters from the Councel and Court of England , the whole body of the Genevian Discipline obtruded on both Islands by Snape and Cartwright , the Canons recommended by King James to the Isle of Jarsey , besides many papers of lesse bulk and consequence , out of all which I have so enlarged that discourse , that if it be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it comes very near it . Certain I am that here is more delivered of the affairs of these Islands and on their accompt , then all the Authors which have ever written of them being layed together , can amount unto . For in pursuance of this part , I have took a full survey of those Islands which I went to visit , together with such alterations in Religion as have hapned there , both when they were under the Popes of Rome , and the Bishops of Constance , as since they have discharged themselves from the power of both . The Reformation there being modelled according to the Genevian Platform , occasioned me to search into the beginning , growth , and progresse of the Presbyterian government with the setling of it in these Islands ; together with the whole body of that Discipline as it was there setled , and some short observations on the text thereof , the better to lay open the novelty , absurdity , and ill consequents of it . That done I have declared by what means and motives the Isle of Jars●…y was made conformable in point of discipline and devotion to the Church of England , and given the Reader a full view of that body of Canons which was composed and confirmed for regulating the affairs thereof in sacred matters ; and after a short application tending to the advancement of my main design , do conclude the whole . Lastly , I am to tell the Reader , that though I was chiefly drawn to publish these Relations at this present time , for preventing all impressions of them , by any of those false copies which are got abroad ; yet I am given to understand , that the first is coming out ( if not out already ) under the Title of France painted out to the life : but painted by so short a Pensil , as makes it want much of that life which it ought to have . By whom and with what colour that piece is painted thus without my consent , I may learn hereafter . In the mean time , whether that Piece be printed with , or without my name unto it , I must protest against the wrong , and disclaim the work , as printed by a false and imperfect copy , deficient in some whole Sections , the distribution of the books and parts , not kept according to my minde and method , destitute also of those Explications and Corrections , which I have given unto it on my last perusal in this general Preface ; and finally containing but one half of the work which is here presented . Faults and infirmities I have too many of mine own , Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur , as we know who said ; and therefore would not charge my self with those imperfections , those frequent errors and mistakes which the audaciousnesse of other men may obtrude upon me : which having signified to the Reader , for the detecting of this imposture , and mine own discharge , I recommend the following work to his favourable censure , and both of us to the mercies of the Supreme Judge . Laoies Court in Abingdon , April 17. 1656 . Books lately printed and reprinted for Henry Seile . DOctor Heylyn's Cosmography , in fol. Twenty Sermons of Dr. Sanderson's , ad Aulam , &c. never till now published . Dr Heylyn's Comment on the Apostles Creed , in fol. Bishop Andrewes holy Devotions , the 4 Edition , in 12. Martiall in 12. for the use of Westminster School . John Willis his Art of Stenography or Short writing , by spelling Charactery , in 8. the 14 Edition : together with the Schoolmaster to the said Art. SYLLABUS CAPITUM : OR , The Contents of the Chapters . NORMANDIE ; OR , THE FIRST BOOK . The Entrance . THe beginning of our Journey . The nature of the Sea. A farewell to England . CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall ; the Name and bounds of it . The condition of the Antient Normans , and of the present . Ortelius character of them examined . In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk . The commodities of it , and the Government . pag. 4. CHAP. II. Dieppe , the Town , strength and importance of it . The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son. The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts . The breaden God there , and strength of the Religion . Our passage from Dieppe to Roven . The Norman Innes , Women , and Manners . The importunity of servants in hosteries . The saweie familiarity of the attendants . Ad pileum vocare , what it was amongst the Romans . Jus pileorum in the Universities of England , &c. p. 9. CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City ; how seated and built ; the strength of is . St. Katharines mount . The Church of Nostre dame , &c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne . The House of Parliament . The precedency of the President and the Governor . The Legend of St. Romain , and the priviledge thence arising . The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses , or people of Roven . p. 19. CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse . The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither . My sore eyes . Mante , Pontoyse , Normandy justly taken from King John. The end of this Booke . p. 26. FRANCE specially so called ; OR , THE SECOND BOOK . CHAP. I. France in what sense so called . The bouuds of it . All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation . The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules . That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate , though the Inhabitants are changed . The quality of the French inprivate , at the Church , and at the table . Their language , complements , discourse , &c. p. 33. CHAP. II. The French Women , their persons , prating and conditions . The immodesty of the French Ladies . Kissing not in use among them ; and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England . The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us . The impostures of French Pandars in London , with the scandall thence arising . The peccancy of an old English Doctor . More of the French Women . Their Marriages , and lives after wedlock , &c. An Elogie to the English Ladies . p. 41. CHAP. III. France described . The valley of Montmorancie , and the Dukes of it . Mont martre . Burials in former times not pe mitted within the wals . The pros●…cuting of this discourse by manner of a journall , intermitted for a time . The Town and Church of St. Denis . The Legend of him , and his head . Of Dagobert and the Le●…er . The reliques to be seen there . Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine's time . The Sepulchres of the French Kings , and the treasury there . The Kings house of Madrit . The Qeen Mothers house at Ruall , and fine devices in it . St. Germains en lay , another of the Kings houses . The curious painting in it . Gorramburie Window : the Garden belonging to it , and the excellency of the Water-works . Boys St. Vincent de Vicennes , and the Castle called Bisester . p. 50. CHAP. IV. Paris , the names and antiquity of it . The situation and greatnesse . The chief strength and Fortifications about it . The streets and buildings . King James his laud ble care in beautyfying London . King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town . Why not actuated . The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians . The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber . p. 64. CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts . Of the Fauxburgs in generall . Of the Pest house . The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. G●…main . The Queen Mothers house there . Her purpose never to reside in it . The Provost of Merchants , and his authority . The Armes of the Town . The Town-house . The Grand Chastellet . The Arcenall . The place Royall , &c. The Vicounty of Paris . And the Provosts seven daughters . p. 73. CHAP. VI. The University of Paris , and Founders of it . Of the Colledges in general . Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them The small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France . The great Colledge at Tholoza . Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular ; that and the House of Parliament , the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty . Of the Polity and Government of the University . The Rector and his precedency ; the disordered life of the Scholars there being . An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge . The priviledges of the Scholars , their degrees , &c. p. 80. CHAP. VII . The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia . The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University . King Henry's Statua . Alexander's injurious policy . The Church and revenues of Nostre Dame. The Holy water there . The original making and virtue of it . The Lamp before the Altar . The heathenishnesse of both customes . Paris best seen from the top of this Church : the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder : the baptizing of Bels , the grand Hospital and decency of it . The place Daulphin . The holy Chappel and Reliques there . What the Antients thought of Reliques . The Exchange . The little Chastelet . A transition to the Parlament . p. 90. CHAP. VIII . The Parliament of France when begun ; of whom it consisteth . The digniiy and esteem of it abroad , made sedentarie at Paris , appropriated to the long robe . The Palais by whom built , and converted to seats of Justice . The seven Chambers of Parliament . The great Chamber . The number and dignity of the Presidents . The Duke of Biron afraid of them . The Kings seat in it . The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano . The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds ; and over the affaires of the King. This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France . La Tournelle , and the Judges of it . The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted , and by whom . In what cause it is decisive . The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament . The Chancellour of France 〈◊〉 his Authority . The two Courts of Requests , and Masters of them . The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers . p. 104. CHAP. IX . The Kings Palace of the Louure , by whom built . The unsutablenesse of it . The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother . The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle . Henry IV. a great builder . His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean . La Salle des Antiques . The French not studious of Antiquities . Burbon house . The Tuilleries , &c. p. 113. La BEAUSE ; OR , THE THIRD BOOK . CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans , the Town , Castle , and Battail of Mont l'hierrie . Many things imputed to the English which they never did . Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship . The town of Chartroy , and the mourning Church there . The Countrey of La Beause and people of it . Estampes . The dancing there . The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey . Angerville . Tury . The saweiness of the French Fidlers . Three kindes of Musick amongst the Antient. The French Musick . p. 121. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester . The Wine of Orleans . Praesidial Towns in France , what they are . The sale of Offices in France . The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle . The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle . Defaced by the Hugonots . Some things hated only for their name . The Bishop of Orleans , and his priviledge . The Chappell and Pilgrims of St. Jacques . The form of Masse in St. Croix . 〈◊〉 an Heathenish custome . The great siege of Orlean●… rais●…d by Joan the Virgin. The valour of that woman : that she was no witch . An Elogie on her . p. 131. CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe . The dead time of learning . The Schools of Law in Orleans . The oeconomie of them . The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan . Their methode here , and prodigality in bestowing degrees . Orleans a great conflux of strangers . The language there . The Corporation of Germans there . Their house and priviledges . Dutch and Latine . The difference between an Academie and an University . p. 145. CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the comming of the Jesuites . Their Colledge there by whom built . The Jesuites no singers . Their laudable and exact method of teaching . Their policies in it . Received not without great difficulty into Paris . Their houses in that university . Their strictnesse unto the rules of their order . Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers . Why not sent into England with the Queen ; and of what order they were that came with her . Our return to Paris . p. 152. PICARDIE ; OR , THE FOURTH BOOK . CHAP. I. Our return towards England . More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses . The town of Luzarch , and St. Loupae . The Country of Picardie and people . Tho Picts of Britain not of this Countrey . Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governour of Picardie . The office of Constable what it is in France . By whom the place supplyed in England . The marble table in France , and causes there handled . Clermount , and the Castle there . The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre . What his designes might tend to , &c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens ; and greatnesse of it . The English feast●… within it ; and the error of that action ; the Town how built . seated and fortified . The Citadell of it , thought to be impregnable . Not permitted to be viewed . The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength . The watch and form of Government in the Town . Amiens a Visdamate : to whom it pertaineth . What that honour is in France . And how many there enjoy it , &c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens . The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name . More honour performed to her then to her Saviour . The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside . The front of it . King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster . The curiousnesse of this Church within . By what means it became to be so . The sumptuous masking closets in it . The excellency of perspective works . Indulgences by whom first founded . The estate of the Bishoprick . p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some , and Company . The Town and Castle of Piquigni , for what famous . Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies . A farewell to the Church of Amiens . The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie . Abbeville how seated ; and the Garrison there . No Governour in it but the Major or Provo●… . The Authors imprudent curiosity ; and the curtesie of the Provost to him . The French Post-horses how base and tyred . My preferment to the Trunk-horse . The horse of Philip de Comines . The Town and strength of Monstreuille . The importance of these three Towns to the French border , &c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois , and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized . The present of Salt butter . Boulogne divided into two Towns. Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague . The forme of it . Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church . The high Town Garrisoned . The old man of Boulogne ; and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him . The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens . The fraternity De la Charite , and inconveniency of it . The costly Journey of Henry VIII . to Boulogne . Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned . The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England . Boulogne yeilded back to the French ; and on what conditions . The ●…rtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow . p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL ; OR , THE FIFTH BOOK . Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally , in reference to the Court , the Church and the Civill State. CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person , age and marriage of King Lewis XIII . Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse . Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy . The Kings Sisters all marryed ; and his alliances by them . His naturall Brethren , and their preferments . His lawfull Brother . The title of Monsieur in France . Monsieur as yet unmarried ; not like to marry Montpensiers daughter . That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons . The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown , in case the line of Navarre fail . How the Lords stand affected in the cause . Whether a child may be born in the 11 month . King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies . Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite , his birth and offices . The om●…regency of the Queen Mother ; and the Cardinall of Richileiu . The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France , like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca . The comparison between them two , and those in the general . A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France , in Policie , Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King. The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular . The pragmatick sanction , Maxima tua fatuitas , and Conventui Tridentino , severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell . The tedious quarrell about Investitures . Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites . The French B shops not to medle with Fryers , their lives and land . The ignorance of the French Priests . The Chanoins Latine in Orleans . The French not hard to be converted , if plausibly humoured . p. 216 CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope . This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England . An English Catholicks conceit of it . His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris . A learned Argument to prove the Popes Universality . A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns. Their present estate and strength . The last War against them justly undertaken ; not fairly managed . Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command . Their purpose to have themselves a free estate . The war not a war of Religion . King James in justice could not assist them more then he did . First for saken by their own party . Their happinesse before the war. The Court of the edict . A view of them in their Churches . The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England . Their Discipline and Ministers , &c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall . A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall . A mixt forme of Government most commendable . The Kings Patents for Offices . Minopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes . The Kings gifts and expences . The Chamber of Accounts . France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title . The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France . The Kings power how much respected by the Princes . The powerablenesse of that rank . The formall execution done on them . The multitude and confusion of Nobility . King James defended . A censure of the French Heralds . The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants . Their priviledges , gibbets and other Regalia . They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons . p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant . The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes . The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State. The wisdome of Henry VII . The Forces all in the Cavallerie . The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King. No demain in France . Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England . The Gabell of Salt. The Popes licence for wenching . The Gabell of whom refused , and why The Gascoines impatient of T●…xes . The taille , and t●…illion . The Pan●…arke or Aides . The vain resistance of those of Paris . The Court of Aides . The manner of gathering the Kings moneys ●…he Kings revenue . The corruption of the French publicans . King Lewis why called the just . The monies currant in France . The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King. The happinesse of the English Subjects . A congratulation nnto England . The conclusion of the first Journey . p. 258. GUERNZEY and JARSEY ; OR , THE SIXTH BOOK . The Entrance . ( 1 ) The occasion of , &c. ( 2 ) Introduction to this work . ( 3 ) The Dedication , ( 4 ) and Method of the whole . The beginning , continuance of our voyage ; with the most remarkable passages which happened in it . The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre . p. 179. CHAP. I. ( 1 ) Of the convenient situation , and ( 2 ) condition of these Islands in the generall . ( 3 ) Alderney , and ( 4 ) Serke ( 5 ) The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French ( 6 ) Of Guernzey , ( 7 ) and the smaller Isles neer unto it . ( 8 ) Our Lady of ●…hu ( 9 ) The road , and ( 10 ) the Castle of Cornet . ( 11 ) The Trade , and ( 12 ) Priviledges of this people . ( 13 ) Of Jarsey , and ( 14 ) the strengths about it . ( 15 ) The Island why so poor and populous . ( 16 ) Gavelkind , and the nature of it ( 17 ) The Governours and other the Kings Officers The ( 18 ) Politie , and ( 19 ) administration of justice in both Islands . ( 20 ) The Assembly of the Three Estates . ( 21 ) Courts Presidiall in France what they are . ( 22 ) The election of the Justices , ( 23 ) and the Oath taken at their admission . ( 24 ) Of their Advocates or Pleaders , and the number of them ( 25 ) The number of Atturneys once limited in England . ( 26 ) A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey . p. 292. CHAP. II. ( 1 ) The City and Di●…cesse of Constance . ( 2 ) The condition of these Islands under that Government ( 3 ) Churches appropriated what they were . ( 4 ) The Black Book of Constance . ( 5 ) That called 〈◊〉 day . ( 6 ) The suppression of Priors Aliens ( 7 ) Priours D●…tive how they d●…ffered from the Conventuals . ( 8 ) The conditi●…n of the e Churches after the suppression . ( 9 ) A Diagram of the 〈◊〉 then a●…lotted to each severall Parish , together with the Ministers and Justices now being . ( 10 ) What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui . ( 11 ) The alteration of Religion in these Islands ( 12 ) Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary . The Authors indignation at it , expressed in a Poeticall rapture . ( 13 ) The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton , and for what reasons . p. 313. CHAP. III. ( 1 ) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop . ( 2 ) The alteration there both in Politie , and ( 3 ) in Religion . ( 4 ) The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither . ( 5 ) The conception , ( 6 ) birth , and ( 7 ) growth of the New Discipline . ( 8 ) The quality of Lay-elders ( 9 ) The different proceedings of Calvin , ( 10 ) and Beza in the propagation of that cause ( 11 ) Both of them enemies to the Church of England . ( 12 ) The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands . ( 13 ) A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries . ( 14 ) The letters of the Councell to that purpose . ( 15 ) The tumults raised in England by the brethren . ( 16 ) Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands . p. 327. CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall , according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers , Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzev , Jarsey , Serke , and Alderney ; confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Syned ●…den in Gue●…nzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders , and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , and 17. days of October , 1597. p. 338. CHAP. V. ( 1 ) Annotations on the Discipline . ( 2 ) N place in it for the Kings Supremacy ( 3 ) Their love to Parity , as w●…ll in the State as in the Church . ( 4 ) The covering of the head a sign of liberty . ( 5 ) The right hand of fellowship . ( 6 ) Agenda , what it is in the notion of the Church ▪ The int●…usion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs . ( 7 ) Millets c●…se . ( 8 ) The brethren 〈◊〉 in giving names to children ( 9 ) 〈◊〉 bl●…ng Communions . ( 10 ) The holy Discipline made a th●…d note of the 〈◊〉 . ( 11 ) Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline ( 12 ) Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities . ( 13 ) The Baptism of ●…els . ( 14 ) The brethren under pretence of scandal , 〈◊〉 upon the civil Courts . ( 15 ) The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth . ( 16 ) A caution to the Prelates . p. 364. CHAP. VI. ( 1 ) King James how affected to this Platform . ( 2 ) He confirms the Discipline in both Islands . ( 3 ) And for what 〈◊〉 . ( 4 ) Sir John Peyton sent Governour into J●…rsey . ( 5 ) His Articles against the Ministers there . ( 6 ) And the proceedings thereupon ( 7 ) The distracted estate of the Church and Mini●…y in that Island , ( 8 ) They refer themselves unto the King. ( 9 ) The Inhabitants of Jarsey petition for the English Discipline . ( 10 ) A reference of both parties to the Councell . ( 11 ) The restitution of the Dean . ( 12 ) The Interim of Germany what it was . ( 13 ) The Interim of Jarsey . ( 14 ) The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common prayer . ( 15 ) The establishment of the new Canons . 378. CHAP. VII . The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey ; together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same . p. 390. CHAP. VIII . ( 1 ) For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey . ( 2 ) A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey . ( 3 ) The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England ( 4 ) The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible . ( 5 ) The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration . ( 6 ) The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates ( 7 ) 〈◊〉 of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design . ( 8 ) The subm ssion of the Author and the work unto his Lordship . The 〈◊〉 of the whole . Our return to England . p 412. ERRATA . Besides the errors of the Copy , the Reader is of course to look for some from the Prosse , which the hast made for preventing the false impressions , hath more increased then any negligence of the Workman , which the Reader is desired to amend in this manner following . PAge 4. l. 27. r. Le Main . p. 5. l. 13. r. ●…ocorum . p. 7 l 15. r. qui. p. 10. l. 22. r. the predecessor to the same Hen y. p. 11. l. 17. del . in . p. 13 ▪ 8 〈◊〉 . pac●… . ibid. l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 p. 19. l 26. r. Evenlode . p. 31 l. 8. r. fourth . p. 39. l 25 & p. 108. 9 〈◊〉 . interview . p. 49. l. 3. r. then . ibid l 4. r. as at . ibid. l. 9. r. her own thoughts . p. 52. l. 1. r. Cumrye . p. 60 l. 28. r. En lay . ibid. l. 35 r. Troy s. p. 69 l 26. del . now . p. 95. l. 17. r born . p. 96. l. 19 r. abolished . p. 99. l. 20. r Treasurirer p. 100. l. 1. r. visible . p. 121. l. 12. r. Chastres . p 123 l. 1 r. as much hugged . ibid. l 26. r. I shall hereafter shew you . p. 125. l. 27. r Beu . p 127. l. 14. r. Angerville . p 132. l. 12. r. Angiers . p. 138 l. 9. r his . p. 139. l. 15. r. antient times . ibid. l. 20. r quam dis 〈◊〉 . p 14●… l. 22. r. Belbis p. 147. l. 2. r. meri p. 150. l. 27. r. 〈◊〉 . p 153. l 6. r. mouths ibid. l. 31. r. forme . p. 158 l. 9 r. 〈◊〉 . p. 162. l. 12. r. Les D●…guieres . p 163. l. 20 r. Bevie . ibid. l. 33. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 167 l 27. r. Ancre . p. 170. l. 18. r. adeo . ibid. l. 19. r. fidei . p 175. l. 9. r. massing p. 185 l. 27. del . do . ibid. 36. r ner p. 190. l. 3. del my . ibid. l. 33. r Bookes . p. 199 l 20. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 p. 206. l 8. r Fran●… . p. 208. l. 1. r. 60000. p. 211. l. 14. del . each of . p. 213 l 8. to these words al eady mentioned , add , and Madam Gabriele the most loved of all p. 220 l ult . r. Aix . p. 222. 〈◊〉 . 38 r. no other . p. 223. l. 7. & l. 32. r. investiture . ibid. l. 18. r. Henry IV. ibid. l. 34. r. Henry I p 225. l. 10. r. sanctio . ibid. l. 23 : r. lapse . p. 230. l 19. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 231 l 1. r. to 〈◊〉 . ibid. l 6 r. greatest action . p. 235. l. 1 del . 〈◊〉 p 242. l 4. r. Le Chastres p 244 l. 33. r. Systematicall p. 248. l. 27 r. 〈◊〉 . p. 261. l. 24. del . 〈◊〉 . p. 271. l. 13 r. 〈◊〉 p. 〈◊〉 . l. ult . r. Vitrey . p. 274. l. 1. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 〈◊〉 l. 28. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 298. l. 5. & 302. l. 16. r. Armie . p. 304 l. 33. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 306. l. 20. r. manner . p. 312. l. 8 del a Crosse engraled O. p 314. l. 5 r. 〈◊〉 . p. 320. l 8. r. 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 323. l. 34. r. once . p 325. l. 7. 〈◊〉 . fact . p. 330. l. 36. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . p. 337. l. 11. r 〈◊〉 . ibid. l 17 r. Painset . p 354. l ult . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 368 l 35. r. propounded p. 374 l. 10. r. tactum . p 381. l. 14. r. 〈◊〉 p. 384. l. 3 & l. 33. & p. 386 l. 15. 〈◊〉 . p. 385. l 17. r. 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. 34. r. St. 〈◊〉 . p 387. l 32. r. interea p 393 l. 9. r. cure . p 401. l. ult . r. ●…ols . p. 417 l 11. del . 〈◊〉 p. 415. l 3. r. 〈◊〉 . ibid. l 25. r. be said unto him . ibid. l. 38 r. 〈◊〉 . p. 〈◊〉 . l. 8 r 〈◊〉 . p. 422. l. 13. r. change . p. 423. l. 3. r. sic . ibid. l. 24. r. pool . THE RELATION Of the FIRST JOURNEY : CONTAINING A SURVEY of the STATE OF FRANCE . TAKING IN The Description of the principal Provinces , and chief Cities of it ; The Temper , Humors and Affections of the people generally ; And an exact account of the Publick Government , in reference to the Court , the Church and the Civill State. By PET. HEYLYN . London , Printed 1656. A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . NORMANDY ; OR , THE FIRST BOOK . The Entrance . The beginning of our Journey . The nature of the Sea. A farewell to England . ON Tuesday the 28 of June , just at the time when England had received the chief beauty of France , and the French had seen the choise beauties of England ; we went to Sea in a Bark of Dover . The Port we aimed at , Dieppe in Normandy . The hour three in the afternoon . The winde faire and high , able , had it continued in that point , to have given us a wastage as speedy as our longings . Two hours before night it came about to the Westward , and the tide also not befriending us , our passage became tedi●…us and troublesome . The next day being dedicated to the glory of God in the memory of St. Peter , we took the benefit of the ebb to assist us against the wind ; this brought us out of the sight of England , and the floud ensuing compelled us to our Anchor . I had now leasure to see Gods wonders in the deep ; wonders indeed to us which had never before seen them : but too much familiarity had made them no other then the Sailers playfellowes . The waves striving by an imbred ambition which should be highest , which formost . Precedencie and supereminencie was equally desired , and each enjoyed it in succession . The winde more covetous in appearance , to play with the water , then disturb it , did only rock the billow , and seemed indeed to dandle the Ocean : you would at an other time have thought that the seas had only danced to the winds whistle ; or that the Winde straining it self to a Treble , and the Seas by a Diapason , supplying the Base , had tuned a Caranto to our ship . For so orderly they rose and fell according to the time and note of the Billow , that her violent agitation might be imagined to be nothing but a nimble Galliard filled with Capers . This nimblenesse of the waves and correspondency of our Bark unto them , was not to all our company alike pleasing : what in me moved only a reverend and awfull pleasure , was to others an occasion of sicknesse , their heads gidie , their joynts en●…bled , their stomachs loathing sustenance , and with great pangs avoiding what they had taken ; in their mouths nothing might have been so frequent as that of Hora●…e , Illi robur & aes triplex Circa pectus erat , qui fragilem tru●… Commisit pelago ratem . Hard was his heart , as brasse , which first did venture In a weak ship , on the rough Seas to enter . Whether it be , that the noisome smels , which arise from the saltnesse and tartnesse of that region of waters , poysoneth the brain ; or that the ungoverned and unequall motion of the ship , stirreth and unsetleth the stomach , or both ; we may conjecture with the Philosophers , rather then determine . This I am sure of , that the Cabbins and Decks were but as so many Hospitals or Pesthouses filled with diseased persons , whilest I and the Mariners only made good the Hatches . Here did I see the Scalie nation of that Kingdom solace themselves in the brimme of the waters , rejoycing in the sight and warmth of the day ; and yet spouting from their mouths such quantity of waters , as if they purposed to quench that fire which gave it . They danced about our Vessell , as if it had been a moving May pole ; and that with such delightfull decorum , that you never saw a measure better troden with lesse art . And now I know not what wave bigger then the rest tossed up our ship so high , that I once more saw the coast of England . An object which took such hold on my senses , that I forgot that harmlesse company which sported below me , to bestow on my dearest mother , this ( and for ought I could assure my self , my last ) farewell . England adiew , thy most unworthy sonne Leaves thee , and grieves to see what he hath done . What he hath done , in leaving thee the best Of mothers , and more glorious then the rest Thy sister-nations . Had'st thou been unkind ; Yet might he trust thee safer then the wind . Had'st thou been weak ; yet far more strength in thee , Then in two inches of a sinking tree . Had'st thou been cruell ; yet thy angry face Hath more love in it , then the Seas imbrace . Suppose thee poor ; his zeal and love the lesse , Thus to forsake his Mother in distresse . But thou art none of these , no want in thee ; Only a needlesse curiositie Hath made him leap thy ditch . O! let him have Thy blessing in his Voyage : and hee 'l crave The Gods to thunder wrath on his neglect , When he performs not thee all due respect ; That Neme●…is her scourge on him would pluck , When he forgets those breasts which gave him suck . That Nature would dissolve and turn him earth , If thou beest not remembred in his mirth . May he be cast from mankind , if he shame To make profession of his mothers name . Rest then assur'd in this , though sometimes hee Conceal , perhaps , his faith , he will not thee . CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall ; the Name and bounds of it . The condition of the Antient Normans , and of the present . Ortelius character of them examined . In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk . The commodities of it , and the Government . THe next ebb brought us in sight of the Sea-coast of Normandy , a shore so evenly compassed and levelled , that it seemeth the work of Art , not Nature ; the Rock all the way of an equall height , rising from the bottom to the top in a perpendicular , and withall so smooth and polished , that if you dare believe it the work of Nature , you must also think , that Nature wrought it by the line , and shewed an art in it above the imitation of an Artist . This wall is the Northern bound of this Province ; the South parts of it being confined with Le Mainde la Beausse , and L' Isle de France ; on the East it is divided from Picardie by the River of Some ; and on the North it is bounded with the Ocean , and the little River Crenon , which severeth it from a corner of Britain . It extendeth in length from the beginning of the 19 degree of longitude , to the middle of the 23. viz. from the Cape of St. Saviour West , to the Port-town of St Valerie East . For breadth , it lyeth partly in the 49 , partly in the 50 degree of Latitude ; so that reckoning 60 miles to a degree , we shall finde it to contain 270 English miles in length , and 60 English miles in breadth , where it is narrowest . Amongst the Antients it was accounted a part of Gallia Geltica ; the name N●…ustria . This new title it got by receiving into it a new Nation . A people which had so terribly spoyled the Maritine Coasts of England , France , and Belgium , that , A furore Normannorum , was inserted into the Letanie . Originally they were of Norway , their name importeth it . Anno 800 , or thereabouts , they began first to be accounted one of the Plagues of Europe : 900 they seated themselves in France by the permission of Charles the Balde , and the valor of Rollo their Captain . Before this , they had made themselves masters of Ireland , though they long held it not , and anno 1067 they added to the glory of their name by the conquest of England . You would think them a people not only born to the warres , but to victory . But , Ut frugum semina mutato solo degenerant , sio illa genuina feritas eorum , am●…nitate mollila est ; Florus spake it of the Gaules removed into Asia : it is applyable to the Norwegians transplanted into Gallia : yet fell they not suddenly , and at once into that want of courage which now possesseth them . During the time they continued English , they attempted the Kingdom of Naples and Antioch , with a fortune answerable to their valour . Being once oppressed by the French , and inslaved under that Monarchie ; they grew presently 〈◊〉 ; and at once lost both their spirits , and their liberty . The present Norman then , is but the corruption of the Antient ; the heir of his name , and perhaps his possessions , but neither of his strength , nor his manhood . Bondage , and a fruitfull soil , hath so emasculated them , that it is a lost labour to look for Normans even in Normandy . There remaineth nothing almost in them of their 〈◊〉 , but the remainders of two qualities , and those also degenerated , if not balla●…ds ; a 〈◊〉 pride , and an ungo●…erned doggednesse . Neither o●… them become their fortune , or their habite ; yet to these they are 〈◊〉 . Finally , view him in his rags and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and you would swear it impossible that these snakes should be the descendents of those 〈◊〉 H●…s , which so often triumphed over both Religions , soiling the Sar●…cens , and vanquishing the Chris●… . But , perchance , their courage is evaporated into wit , and then the change is made for the better . Ortelius would seem to perswade us to this conceit of them ; and well might he do it , if his words were Oracles : Le gens ( saith he , speaking of this Nation ) sont des plus accorts & subtils , d' esprit de la Gaule . A character , for which the French will little thank him ; who ( if he speak truth ) must in matter of discretion give precedency to their Vassals . But as Imbalt a French leader said of the Florentines in the fifth book of Guicciardine , Non sapeva dove consistesse lingegne tanto celebrate de Fiorentini ; so may I of the Normans . For my part I could never yet find , where that great wit of theirs lay . Certain it is , that as the French in generall , are termed the Kings Asses , so may these men peculiarly be called the Asses of the French , or the veriest Asses of the rest . For what with the unproportionable rents they pay to their Lords on the one side , and the ●…rable taxes laid upon them by the King on the other , they are kept in such a perpetuated course of drudgery , that there is no place for wit or wisdome l●…t amongst them . Liberty is the Mother and the Nurse of those two qualities and therefore the Romans ( not unhappily ) expressed both the conditions of a Freeman , and a discreet and modest personage , by this own word Ingenuus . Why the French King should lay a greater burden on the backs of this Nation , then their fellowes , I cannot determine . Perhaps it is , because they have been twice conquered by them , once from King John , and again from Henry VI. and therefore undergo a double servitude . It may be , to abate their naturall pride and stubbornnesse . Likely also it is , that being a revolting people , and apt to an aposta●… from their allegiance they may by this meanes be kept impoverished , and by consequence disabled from such practises . This a French Gentleman of good understanding told me , that it was generally conceited in France , that the Normans would suddenly and unanimously betray their Countrey to the English , were the King a Catholick . — But there is yet a further cause of their beggerlinesse and poverty , which is their litigiousnesse and frequent going to law ( as we call it . ) Ortelius , however he failed in the first part of their character , in the conclusion of it hath done them justice . Mais en generall ( saith he ) ils sont scauans au possible en proces & plaideties . They are prety well versed in the quirks of the Law , and have wit more then enough to wrangle . In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolk : ex infima plebe non pauei reperiuntur ( saith Mr. Camden ) quin si nihil litium sit , lites tamen ex ipsis juris ap●…us se●…ere calleant . They are prety fellowes to finde out quirks in Law , and to it they will whatsoever it cost them . Mr. Camden spake not this at randome or by the guesse For besides what my self observed in them at my being once amongst them , in a Colledge progresse , I have heard that there have been no lesse then 340 Nisi prius tryed there at one Assizes . The reason of this likenesse between the two Nations , I conjecture to be the resemblance of the site , and soil ; both lie upon the Sea with a long and a spacious Coast ; both enjoy a Countrey Champain , little swelled with hils , and for the most part of a light and ●andy mould . To proceed to no more particulars , if there be any difference between the two Provinces , it is only this , that the Countrey of Normandy , and the people of Norfolk , are somewhat the richer . For , indeed , the Countrey of Normandie is enriched with a fat and liking soil ; such an one , Quae demum votis avari agricolae respondet , which may satisfie the expectation of the Husbandman , were it never so exorbitant . In my life I never saw Corn-fields more large and lovely , extended in an equall levell almost as far as eye can reach . The Wheat ( for I saw little Barley ) of a fair length in the stalke , and so heavy in the ear , that it is even bended double . You would think the grain had a desire to kisse the earth its mother , or that it purposed by making it self away into the ground , to save the Plough-man his next years labour . Thick it groweth , and so perfectly void of weeds , that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by Art , then these fields are by Nature . Pasture ground it hath little , and lesse Meddow , yet sufficient to nourish those sew Cattel they have in it . In all the way between D●…ppe and Pontoyse , I saw but two flocks of Sheep , and them not above 40 in a flock . Kine they have in some measure , but not fat nor large , without these there were no living for them . The Nobles eat the flesh , whilst the Farmer seeds on Butter and Cheese , and that but sparingly . But the miserable estates of the Norman paisant , we will defer till another opportunity . Swine also they have in prety number , and some Pullen in their backsides ; but of neither an excesse . The principall River of it is Seine , of which more hereafter ; and besides this I saw two rivulets Robee and Renelle . In matter of Civill Government , this Countrey is directed by the court of Parliament established at Roven . For matters Military , it hath an Officer like the Lieutenant of our shires in England , the Governor they call him . The present Governor is Mr. Le due de Longueville , to whom the charge of this Province was committed by the present King Lewis XIII . anno 1619. The Lawes by which they are governed are the Civill or Imperiall , augmented by some Customes of the French , and others more particular which are the Norman . One of the principal'st is in matters of inheritance ; the French custome giving to all the Sons an equality in the estate , which we in England call Gavelkind ; the Norman dividing the estate into three parts , and thereof allotting two unto the eldest brother , and a third to be divided among the others . A law which the French count not just : the younger brothers of England would think the contrary . To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans ; I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe , were it subject to the same Kings , and governed by the same Laws , which it gave unto England . CHAP. II. Dieppe , the Town , strength and importance of it . The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son. The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts . The breaden God there , and strength of the Religion . Our passage from Dieppe to Roven . The Norman Innes , Women , and Manners . The importunity of servants in hosteries . The sawcie familiarity of the attendants . Ad pileum vocare , what it was amongst the Romans . Jus pileorum in the Universities of England , &c. JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning , we landed at Dieppe , one of the Haven-towns of Normandy ; seated on an arme of the Sea , between two hils , which embrace it in the nature of a Bay. This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather , and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea. The Town lying within these mountains , almost a quarter of a mile up the channell . The Town it self is not uncomely , the streets large and wel paved , the houses of an indifferent height , and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other . The Fortifications , they say , ( for we were not permitted to see them ) are very good and modern ; without stone , within earth : on the top of the hill , a Castle finely seated , both to defend the Town , and on occasions to command it . The Garrison consisteth of 60 men , in pay no more , but when need requireth , the Captain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants . The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville , who also is the Governour of the province , entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII . anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father ; who never committed the military command of a Countrey ( which is the office of the Governour ) and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse , unto one man. The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King , as the most deserving of his Subjects . He had stuck close to him in all his adversities , received many an honourable scar in his service ; and indeed , was both Fabius and Scipio , the Sword and Buckler of the French empire . In a word , he might have said to this Henry , what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius , Suum militem in obsequio mansisse , cum alii ad seditiones prolab●…rentur ; neque duraturum Tiberii imperium , si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset : yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg , seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne , the King denied it . The reason was , because Governours of Provinces which command in chief , ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government . There was also another reason & more enforcing , which was , that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy , whose Town it was . The same Henry , though he loved the Duke of Espernon , even to the envy of the Court ; yet even to him also he used the same caution . Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xain●…oigne and Angoulmois , he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne ; places so remote from the seat of his Government , and so distant one from another , that they did rather distract his power , then increase it . The Kings of England have been well , and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate . Let Kent be one of our examples , and Hampshire the other . In Kent at this time the Lieutenant ( or as the French would call him , the Governor ) is the Earl of Mountgomerie ; yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham ; and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby : of which the one commandeth the Sea , and the other the Thames , and the Medway . In Hampshire , the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton : but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth , is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke : neither is there any of the least Sconces or Blockhouses , on the shore-side of that Countrey , which is commanded by the Lieutenant . But King Lewis now reigning in France , minded not his Fathers action ; when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie , and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens . The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach . For when the Dukes of Espernon , Vendosme , Longueville , Mayenne and Nemours , the Count of Soisons and others , sided with the Queen Mother against the King ; the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe ; and had not Peace suddenly followed , would have made it good , maugre the Kings forces . A Town it is of great importance , King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge , when the league was hottest against him . For , had he been further distressed , from hence might he have made an escape into England ; and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne . The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first , in his war against Philip Augustus ; and in the declining of our affaires in France , it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York , but with that successe , which commonly attendeth a falling Empire . The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 , whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation , and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion , the Church of Arques , a Village some two miles distant ; the remainders are Papists . In this Town I met with the first Idolatry , which ever I yet saw , more then in my Books . Quos antea audiebam , hodie vidi Deos , as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius . The Gods of Rome , which before I only heard of , I now saw , and might have worshipped . It was the Hoaste , as they call it , or the Sacrament reserved , carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie , ushered by two or three torches , and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment . Before it went a Bell continually tinkling , at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses , being warned that then their God goeth by them , make some shew of reverence ; those which meet it in the street , with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour . The Protestants , of this Bell make an use more religious , and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that street through which they hear it coming . This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme , it being the custome there at their Canonieall houres , when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples , to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice , so doing their devotions to Mahomet . The carrying of it about the streets hath , no question , in it a touch of the Jew , this ceremony being borrowed from that of carrying about the Arke on the shoulders of the Levites . The other main part of it which is the Adoration , is derived from the Heathens , there never being a people but they , which afforded divine honors to things inanimate . But the people indeed , I cannot blame for this Idolatrous devotion , their consciences being perswaded , that what they see passe by them , is the very body of their Saviour . For my part , could the like belief possesse my understanding , I could meet it with greater reverence , then their Church can enjoyn me . The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned only , who impose and inforce this sin upon their hearers . And doubtlesse there is a reward which attendeth them for it . Of standing it is so young , that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Councell holden at Rome , that there should be a Pix made to cover the Bread , and a Bell bought to be rung before it . The Adoration of it was enjoyned by Pope Honorius , anno 1226. both afterward encreased by the new solemn feast of Corpus Christi day , by Pope Urban the IV. anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons , in the Councell of Vienna , by Clement the V. anno 1310. Such a punie is this great God of the Romans . Lactantius in his first Book of Institutions against the Gentiles , taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ridiculousnesse , who worshipped Jupiter as a God , Cùm eundem tamen Saturno & Rhea genitum confiterentur , Since themselves so perfectly knew his originall . As much I marvell at the impudencie of the Romish Clergie , who will needs impose a new God upon their people , being so well acquainted with his cradle . It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven . The Cart stayeth , and it is fit we were in it . Horses we could get none for money , and for love we did not expect them . We are now mounted in our Chariot , for so we must call it . An English man would have thought it a plain Cart , and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot , let it ; sure I am it was never ordained for triumph . At one end was fastned three carcasses of horses , or three bodies which had once been horses , and now were worne to dead images ; had the Statua of a man been placed on any one of them , it might have been hanged up at an Inne door , to represent St. George on horseback , so livelesse they were , and as little moving ; yet at last they began to crawle , for go they could not . This converted me from my former Heresie , and made me apprehend life in them : but it was so little , that it seemed only enough to carry them to the next pack of houndes . Thus accommodated we bid farewell to Dieppe , and proceeded with a space so slow , that me thought our journey unto Roven would prove a most perfect embleme of the motion of the ninth sphere , which is 49000 years in finishing . But this was not our greatest misery . The rain f●…ll in us through our tilt , which for the many holes in it , one would have thought to have been a net . The durt brake plentifully in upon us , through the rails of our Chariot : and the unequall and ill proportioned pase of it , startled almost every bone of us . I protest , I marvell how a French man durst adventure in it . Thus endured we all the diseases of a journey ▪ and the danger of three severall deaths , drowning , choaking with the mire , and breaking on the wheel ; besides a fear of being ●…amished before we came to our Inne , which was six French miles from us . The mad Duke in the Play , which undertook to drive two snailes from Millaine to Museo , without staffe , whip or goade ; and in a braverie dared all the world to match him for an experiment : would here have had matter to have tryed his patience . On the left hand we saw Arques , once famous for a siege laid about it by our Richard the first ; but raised speedily by the French. It is now ( as before I told you ) ▪ the Parish Church of the Dieppe Protestants . Their Preachers Mr. Corteau , and Mr. Mondenis , who have each of them an yearly stipend of 40l . or thereabouts ; a poor pay , if the faithfull discharge of that duty were not a reward unto it self , above the value of gold and silver . To instance in none of those beggerly Villages we past through , we came at last unto Tostes , the place destinated to be our lodging ; a Town somewhat like the worser sort of Market-towns in England . There our Chareter brought us to the ruines of an house , an Ale house I should scarce have thought it , and yet in spight of my teeth it must be an Inne , yea and that an honorable one , as Don Quixotes hoste told him . Despair of finding there either Bedding or Victuals , made me just like the fellow at the gallowes , who when he might have been reprieved on condition he would marry a wench which there sued for him , having viewed her well , cryed to the hangman to drive on his Cart. The truth is , I' esehappay la tonnnere et rencheus en l' eschair , according to the French proverb ; I fell out of the frying-pan into the fire . One of the house ( a ragged fellow I am sure he was , and so most likely to live there ) brought us to a room somewhat of kindred to a Charnel-house , as dark and as dampish . I confesse it was paved with brick at the bottom , and had towards the Orchards a prety hole , which in former times had been a window , but now the glasse was all vanished . By the little light which came in at that hole , I first perceived that I was not in England . There stood in this Chamber three beds , if at the least it be lawfull so to call them ; the foundation of them was of straw , so infinitely thronged together , that the wool-packs which our Judges sit on in the Parliament , were melted butter to them : upon this lay a medley of flocks and feathers sowed up together in a large bag ; ( for I am confident it was not a tick ) but so ill ordered , that the knobs stuck out on each side , like a crab-tree cudgell . He had need to have flesh enough that lyeth on one of them , otherwise the second night would wear out his bones . The sheets which they brought us , were so course , that in my conscience no Mariner would vouchsafe to use them for a sail ; and the coverlet so bare , that if a man would undertake to reckon the threads , he need not misse one of the number . The napperie of the Table was sutable to the bedding , so foul and dirty , that I durst not conceive it had been washed above once ; and yet the poor clothes looked as briskly as if it had been promised for the whole year ensuing , to scape many a scouring . The napkins were fit companions for the clothes , Vnum si noveris , omnes nosti . By my description of this Inne , you may guesse at the rest of France ; not altogether so wretched , yet is the alteration almost insensible . Let us now walke into the Kitching , and observe their provision . And here we found a most terrible execution committed on the person of a pullet ; my Hostesse ( cruell woman ) had cut the throat of it , and without plucking off the feathers , tore it into pieces with her hands , and after took away skin and feathers together , just as we strip Rabbets in England : this done , it was clapped into a pan , and fryed into a supper . In other places where we could get meat for the Spitte , it useth to be presently broached , and laid perpendicularly over the fire ; three turns at the most dispatcheth it , and bringeth it to the Table , rather scorched then roasted . I say where we could get it , for in these rascally Innes , you cannot have what you would , but what you may ; and that also not of the cheapest . At Pontoyse we met with a Rabbet , and we thought we had found a great purchase ; larded it was , as all meat is in the Countrey , otherwise it is so lean , it would never endure roasting . In the eating it proved so tough , that I could not be perswaded , that it was any more then three removes from that Rabbet which was in the Ark. The price half a Crown English . My companions thought it over deer , to me it seemed very reasonable ; for certainly the grasse which sed it , was worth more then thrice the money . But to return to Tostes . And it it time ; you might , perchance , else have lost the sight of mine Hostesse , and her daughters . You would have sworne at the first blush , they had beeu of a bloud ; and it had been great pity had it been otherwise . The salutation of Horace , Omatre pulchra filia pulchrior , was never so unseasonable as here . Not to honour them with a further character , let it suffice that their persons kept so excellent a decorum with the house and furniture , that one could not possible make use of Tullies Quàm dispari dominaris domina . But this is not their luck only . The women not of Normandy alone , but generally of all France , are forced to be contented with a little beauty ; and she which with us is reckoned with the vulgar , would amongst them be taken for a Princesse . But of the French women , more when we have taken a view of the Dames of Paris ; now only somewhat of their habit and condition . Their habit in which they differ from the rest of France , is the attire of the head , which hangeth down their backs in the fashion of a Vail . In Roven and the greater Cities , it is made of linen , pure and decent ; here , and in the Villages , it cannot possible be any thing else then an old dish-clout turned out of service , or the corner of a tablecloth reserved from washing . Their best condition is not alwayes visible . They shew it only in the mornings , or when you are ready to depart , and that is their begging ; you shall have about you such a throng of those illfaces , and every one whining out this dity , Pour les servants , that one might with greater ease distribute a dole at a rich mans Funerall , then give them a penny . Had you a purpose to give them unasked , their importunity will prevent your speediest bounty . After all this impudent begging , their ambition reacheth no higher then a Sol ; he that giveth more out-biddeth their expectation , and shall be counted a spend-thrift . But the principall ornaments of these Innes , are the men-servants , the raggedest regiment that ever I yet looked upon . Such a thing as a Chamberlaine was never heard of amongst them , and good clothes are as little known as he . By the habit of his attendants , a man would think himself in a Gaol ; their clothes either full of patches , or open to the skin . Bid one of them wipe your boots , he presently hath recourse to the curtains , with those he will perhaps rub over one side , and leave the other to be made clean by the guest . It is enough for him , that he hath written the coppy . They wait alwayes with their hats on their heads , and so also do servants before their masters : attending bare-headed , is as much out of fashion there , as in Turkey : of all French fashions , in my opinion , the most unfitting and unseeming . Time and much use reconciled me to many other things , which at the first were offensive ; to this unreverent custome , I returned an enemy . Neither can I see how it can choose but stomach the most patient , to see the worthyest signe of liberty usurped and profaned by the basest of slaves . For seeing that the French paisantrie , are such infinite slaves unto their Lords and Princes , it cannot be , but that those which are their servants , must be one degree at the least , below the lowest condition . Certainly among the antients , this promiseuous covering of the head , was never heard of . It was with them the chief sign of freedome , as is well known to those which are conversant with Antiquity . The Lacones a people of Pe●…ponnesus , after they had obtained to be made free denizens of Latedemon , in signe of their new-gotten liberty , would never go into the battail nisi pileati , but with their hats on . Amongst the Africans , as it is written in Alexander ab Alexandro , the placing of a hat on the top of a spear , was used as a token to incite the people to their liberty , which had been oppressed by Tyrants ; Per pileum in hasta propositum , ad libertatem prcolamari . But amongst the Romans , we have more variety . The taking off of the hat of Tarquinius Pris●…us by an Eagle , and the putting of it on again , occasioned the Augur to prophesie unto him the Kingdom , which fell out accordingly . In their sword playes , when one of the Gladiators had with credit slain his adversary ; they would sometimes honour him with a Palm , sometimes with the Hat. Of these the last was the worthyer , the Palm only honouring the Victor , this also enfranchizing the receivers ▪ therefore conferred commonly on him which had killed most men in the Theatres . Hence the complaints of Tertullian , 〈◊〉 de Spectaculis , cap. 21. Qui insigniori cuiquam homicidae leonem 〈◊〉 , idem gladiatori atroci rudem petat ( rudis was an other token of enfranchisement ) & pileum prae●…ium conferat . In their common Forum , or Guildhall , when they purposed to manumit any of their servants ; their custome also was , after the Lictor or Sergeant had registred the name of the party 〈◊〉 , to shave his head and give him a cap , whence according to Resinus , ad pileum vocare , is to set one at liberty . 〈◊〉 in his Chi●…des , maketh the Hat to be the signe of some eminent worth in him that weareth it ; Pileus ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 spectatae virtutis . On this he conjectureth that the ●…ing on of caps on the heads of such as are created Doctors or Masters , had its originall . In the Universities of England this custome is still in force ; the putting on of the cap being never performed , but in the solemn Comitia , and in the presence of all such as are either auditors or spectators of that dayes exercise . When I was Regent , the whole house of Congregation joyned together in a Petition to the Earl of Pembroke , to restore unto us the jus pileorum , the licence of putting on our Caps , at our publick meetings ; which priviledge , time and the tyranny of the Vicechancellors , had taken from us . Among other motives , we used the solemn form of creating a Master in the Acts , by putting on his cap : and that that signe of liberty might distinguish us which were the Regents , from those boyes which we were to govern : which request he graciously granted . But this French sawcinesse hath drawn me out of my way . An impudent familiarity , which I confesse did much offend me : and to which I still pro●…esse my self an open enemy . Though Jack speak French , I cannot endure Jack should be a Gentleman CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City ; how seated and built ; the strength of it . St. Katharines mount . The Church of Nostre dame , &c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne . The House of Parliament . The precedencie of the President and the Governor . The Legend of St. Romain , and the priviledge thence arising . The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses , or people of Roven . July the first we set on for Roven . In 10 hours our Cart dragged us thither , the whole journey being in all six leagues French : admirable speed ! About three of the clock in the afternoon we had a sight of the Town , daintily seated in a valley on the River Seine . I know not any Town better situate , Oxford excepted , which indeed it much resembleth ; I mean not in bignesse , but situation : It standeth on all sides evironed with mountains , the North excepted , and hath a large and pleasant walk of meadowes by the river side , to the South-east-ward ; as Oxford hath towards Eveley . It is seated on the principall river of France , distant from the Metropolis of that Country 50 miles English , or thereabouts ; as Oxford on the Thames , and from London . Watered also it is with two small rivulets , Robee and Renelle , as the other with Charwell and Eventode . The difference is , that Oxford is seated somewhat higher on the swelling of an hill , and a little more removed from those mountains which environ it : and that the rivers which run through some part of Roven , do only wash the precincts of the other . The buildings are in some places wood , in some stone , in other both ; the houses without juttings or overlets , four stories high , and in the front not very beautifull . The most promising house which mine eye met with , was that of Mr. Bo●…e , who being of obscure parents , and having raised himself a fortune in the wars , against the League , here built a receptacle for his age . It is fashioned after the manner of new buildings in London , composed all of dainty 〈◊〉 stone , square and polished . On the partition between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ry and the second , it hath these words engraven , U●… & Virtute . Martis opus . Tentanda via . Amore & armis : a motto sutable to his rising . The other buildings of note are the bridge ( for I as yet omit the Hosue of Parliament and the Churches ) and the Town wall by it . The bridge , whilst it was all standing , was thought to have been the fairest and strongest piece of that kinde in all France . It consisteth of twelve arches , large and high : there now remain but seven of them , the rest being broken down by the English in the falling of their affairs in France , the better to make good the Town against the French. The river is here about the breadth of the Tha●…es at Fulham . Between the River and the Town wall , is the Exchange or meeting place of the Merchants , paved with broad and even peble . In breadth up to the wall-ward 30 yards , in length 100 ; a fine walke in fair weather . All along the banke side lay the ships , which by reason of the broken bridge come up thither , and on occasions higher : 〈◊〉 turn for Paris . The wall for the length of 100 yards , is as straight as one may lay a line , of a just height , and composed of square and excellent stones , so cunningly laid , that I never saw the sides of a Noble mans house built more handsomely . But it is not only the beauty of the wall which 〈◊〉 delighteth in , there must somewhat also be expected of strength : to which purpose it might serve indifferently well , were there some addition of earth within it . It ●…s 〈◊〉 helped on the outside by the breadth and depth of the ditches ; but more by St. Katherines fort seated on a hill at the East side of it . A Fort , which were it strengthned according to the modern art of fortifying , would much assure the Town , and make it at once , both a slave and a comman●…r . The Marshall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when he was Lieutenant here for the Queen mother , begin to fortifie this mountain , 〈◊〉 , and other places of importance ; but upon his death they were all rased : what were his 〈◊〉 in it , they know best which were acquainted with his ambition Certainly the jars which he had 〈◊〉 amongst the Princes one with the other , and between them and the King : shew that they were not intended for nothing . There are in Roven 〈◊〉 Parish Churches , besides those which belong to Abbies and Religious houses , of which the most beautifull is that of St. Audoin or Owen , once Archbishop of this City . The seat and Church of the Archbishop is that of Nostre dame , a building far more gorgeous in the cutside , then within . It presents it self to you with a very gracious and majesticall front , decked with most curious imagery , and adorned with three stately Towers . The first La tour de beurre ( because it was built with that money which was raised by Cardinall Dr. Amboyse , for granting a dispensation to eat butter in the ●…nt ) : and a third built over the porch or great door , wherein is the great Bell so much talked of . Within it is but plain and ordinary , such as common Cathedrall Churches usually are , so big , so fashioned . Behinde the high Altar , at a pillar on the left had , is the remainder of the Duke of Bedfords Tomb : which for ought I could discerne , was nothing but an Epitaph some three yards high in the pillar . I saw nothing in it , which might move the envie of any Courtier to have it defaced , unlesse it were the title of Regent du Royaume de France , which is the least he merited . Somewhat Eastward , beyond this is our Ladies Chappell , a prety neat piece , and daintily set our . There standeth on the top of the screen , the image of the Virgin her self , between two Angels . They have attired her in a red mantle , l●…d with two gold laces , a handsome ruffe about her neck , a vail of fine lawne hanging down her back , and ( to show that she was the Queen of heaven ) a crown upon her head : in her left arme the holds her son in his side-coat , a black hat and a golden hatband . A jolly plump Ladie she seemeth to be , of a flaxen hair , a ruddy lip , and a chearefull complexion . T were well the Painters would agree about limming of her , otherwise we are likely to have almost as many Ladies , as Churches . At N●…stre dame in Paris , she is taught us to be browne , and seemeth somewhat inclining to melancholie . I speak not of her different habit , for I envie not her changes of apparell Only I could not but observe how those of St. Sepulchres Church , en la Bue St. Dennis , have placed her on the top of their Skreen , in a Coape , as if she had taken upon her the zeal of Abraham , and were going to make a bloudy sacrifice of her Son. They of Nostre dame in Amiens , have erected her Statua all in gold , with her Son also of the same mettle in her armes ; casting beams of gold round about her , as the Sun is painted in its sull glory : strange Idolatries ! On the contrary , in the Parish Church of Tury , in La Beausse , she is to be seen in a plain petticoat of red , and her other garments correspondent . In my minde this holdeth most proportion to her estate , and will best serve to free their irreligion from absurdity . If they will worship her as a nurse , with her childe in her arme , or at her brest , let them array her in such apparell , as might beseem a Carpenters wife ; such as she may be supposed to have worn before the world had taken notice , that she was the mother of her Saviour . If they needs must have her in her estate of glory , as at Amiens ; or of honour ( being now publickly acknowledged to be the blessedest among women ) as at Paris , let them disburden her of her child . To clap them thus together , is a folly , equally worthy of scorne and laughter . Certainly had she but so much liberty , as to make choice of her own clothes , I doubt not but she would observe a greater decorum . And therefore I commend the Capuchins of Boulogne , who in a little side-chappell consecrated unto her , have placed only a handsome fair looking-glasse upon her Altar , the best ornament of a female closet : why they placed it there , I cannot say , only I conceive it was , that she might there see how to dresse her self . This Church is said to have been built ( I should rather think repaired ) by Raoul or Rollo , the first Duke of Normandy ; since it hath been much beautifyed by the English when they were Lords of this Province . It is the seat of an Archbishop , a Dean and fifty Canons . The Archbishop was instituted by the authority of Constantine the Great , during the sitting of the Councell of A●…les . Anidian who was there present , being consecrated the first Archbishop . The Bishops of Sees , Aurenches , Constance , Bayeux , Lysieux and Eureux , were appointed for his Diocesans . The now Archbishop is said to be an able Scholar , and a sound Statesman ; his name I enquired not . The revenues of his Chair are said to be 10000 crowns : more they would amount to , were the Countrey any way fruitfull of Vines ; out of which the other Prelates of France draw no small part of their introda . The Parliament of this Countrey , was established here by Lewis XII . who also built that fair Palace wherein Justice is administred , anno 1501. At that time he divided Normandy into seven Lathes , Rapes , or Bailiwicks , viz. Roven , Coux , Constentin , Caen , Eureux , Gisors , and Alençon . This Court hath Supreme power to enquire into , and give sentence of all causes within the limits of Normandy . It receiveth appeals from the inferior Courts of the Dutchie unto it , but admitteth none from it . Here is also Cour des Esl ux , a Court of the generall Commissioners , also for Taxes ; and La Chambre des Aides , instituted by Charles VII . for the receiving of his Subsidies , Gabels , Imposts , &c. The house of Parliament is in form quadrangular , a very gratefull and delectable building ; that of Paris is but a Chaos or a Babell to it . In the great hall ( into which you ascend by some 30 stoppes or upwards ) are the seats and desks of the Procurators ; every ones name written in Capital letters over his head . These Procurators are like our Atturnies , to prepare causes and make them ready for the Advocates . In this Hall do suitors use either to attend on , or to walke up and down and confer with their pleaders . Within this hall is the great Chamber , the tribunall and seat of justice , both in causes Criminall and Civill . At domus interior regali splendida luxu Instruitur : — As Virgill of Queen Did●…es dining roome . A Camber so gallantly and richly built , that I must needs confesse it far surpasseth all the rooms that ever I saw in my life . The Palace of the Louure hath nothing in it comparable . The seeling all inlaid with gold , and yet did the workmanship exceed the matter . This Court consisteth of two Presidents , twenty Counsellors or Assistants , and as many Advocates as the Court will admit of . The prime President is termed Ner de Riz , by birth a Norman : upon the Bench , and in all places of his Court , ●…e taketh the prcedencie of the Duke of Longueville : when there is a convention of the three Estates summoned the Duke hath the priority . We said even now , that from the sentence of this Court there lay no appeal ; but this must be recanted , and it is no shame to do it : St. Austin hath written his Retractations ; so also hath B●…rmine . Once in the year there is an appeal admitted , but that for one man only , and on this occasion : There was a poysonous Dragon not far from Roven , which had done much harme to the Countrey and City . Many wayes had been tryed to destroy him , but none prospered ; at last Romain , afterwards made a Saint , then Archbishop of the Town , accompanied with a theef and a murderer , whose lives had been forfeited to a sentence , undertaketh the enterprise ; upon fight of the Dragon the theef stole away , the murderer goeth on , and seeth that holy man vanquish the Serpent , armed only with a Stole ( it is a neck habit , sanctifyed by his Holinesse of Rome , and made much after the manner of a tippet ) with this Stole tied about the neck of the Dragon , doth the murderer lead him prisoner to Roven . To make short work , the name of God is praised , the Bishop magnifyed , the murderer pardoned , and the Dragon burned . This accident ( if the story be not Apocrypha ) is said to have 〈◊〉 on holy Thursday . Audoin or Owen , successor unto St. 〈◊〉 in memory of this marvellous act , obtained of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first ( he began his reign anno 〈◊〉 ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 time forwards the Chapitre of the Ca●… Church , should every Ascension day have the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any malefactor , whom the lawes had condem●… . This that King then granted , and 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Kings even to this time have successively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 the ceremonies and solemnities wherewith this 〈◊〉 is taken from his irons , and restored to liberty . It is not above nine years agone , since a Baron of Ga●…ne took occasion to kill his wife , which done , he fled hither into Normandy ; and having first acquainted the Canons of Nostre dame with his desire , put himself to the sentence of the Court , and was adjudged to the wheel . Ascension day immediately coming on , the Canons challenged him , and the Judge , according to the custome , caused him to be delivered . But the Normans pleaded that the benefit of that priviledge belonged only to the natives of that Province ; and they pleaded with such ●…ury , that the Baron was again committed to prison , till the Queen Mother had wooed the people , pro ea saltem vice , to admit of his reprievall . I deferred to speak of the language of Normandy , till I came hither , because here it is best spoken . It differeth from the Parisian , and more elegant French , almost as much as the English spoken in the North , doth from that of London or Oxford . Some of the old Norman words it still retaineth , but not many . It is much altered from what it was in the time of the Conqueror , few of the words in which our lawes were written being known by them . One of our company gave a Litleton's tenure , written in that language , to a French Doctor of the Lawes ; who protested that in three lines , he could not understand three words of it . The religion in this Town is indifferently poized , as it also is in most places of this Province . The Protestants are thought to be as great a party as the other , but far weaker , the Duke of Longueville , having disarmed them in the beginning of the last troubles . CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse . The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither . My sore eyes . Mante , Pontoyse , Normandy justly taken from King John. The end of this Booke . JUly the second we take our farewell of Roven , better accommodated then we came thither ; yet not so well as I defired . We are now preferred ab Asinis ad equos , from the Cart to the Waggon . The French call it a Coach , but that matters not ; so they would needs have the Cart to be a Chariot . These Waggons are the ordinary instruments of travell in those Countries ; much of a kin to Gravesend's barge . You shall hardly finde them without a knave or a Giglot . A man may be sure to be merry in them , were he as certain to be wholesome . This , in which we travelled , contained ten persons , as all of them commonly do ; and amongst these ten , one might have found English , Scots , French , Normans , Dutch , and Italians , a jolly medley ; had our religions been as different as our Nations , I should have thought my self in Amsterdam or Poland ; if a man had desired to have seen a Brief or an Epitome of the World , he would no where have received such satisfaction , as by looking on us . I have already reckoned up the several Nations , I will now lay open the severall conditions . There were then to be found amongst these ten passengers , men and women , Lords and serving men , Scholars and Clowns , Ladies and Chambermaids , Priests and Laie-men , Gentlemen and Artificers , people of all sexes and almost all ages . If all the learning in the world were lost , it might be found again in Plutarch , so said Budaeus . If all the Nations in the world had been lost , they might have been found again in our Waggon , so I. Seriously I think our Coach to have been no unfit representation of the Ark. A whole world of men and languages might have grown out of it . But all this while our Waggon joggeth on , but so leisurely , that it gave me leave to take a more patient view of the Countrey , then we could in the Cart. And here , indeed , I saw sufficient to affect the Countrey , yea to dote on it , had I not come out of England . The fields such as already I have described , every where beset with Apple-trees , and fruits of the like nature . You could scarce see any thing which was barren in the whole Journey . These Apples are both meat and drink to the poor Paisant . For the Country is ill provided with Vines ( the only want I could observe in it ) and Beer is a good beverage at a Gentlemans table , Sider then , or Perry are the poor mans Claret ; and happy man is he , which once or twice a week can aspire so high above water . To proceed , through many a miserable Village ( Burghs they call them ) and one Town somewhat bigger then the rest , called Equille ; we came that night to St. Claire 10 French miles from Roven , a poor Town god wot , and had nothing in it remarkable , but an accident . There dwelt a monk there , grown into great opinion for his sanctity , and one who had an especiall hand upon sore eyes ; yet his ability herein was not generall , none being capable of cure from him but pure Virgins . I perswade my self France could not yield him many patients : and yet from all parts he was much sought unto . Hope of cure and a charitable opinion , which they had of themselves , had brought to him divers distressed Damosels ; which , I am confident , had no interest in his miracle . In the same Inne ( Alehouse I should say ) where we were to be harbored , there had put in a whole convoy of these Ladies errant , Pilgrims they called themselves , and had come on foot two dayes journey to cleer their eye-sight . They had white vailes hanging down their backs , which in part covered their faces ; yet I perceived by a glimpse , that some of them were past cure . Though my charity durst allow them maids , it was afraid to suppose them Virgins : yet so far I dare assure them they should recover their sight , that when they came home , they should see their folly . At that time , what with too much watching on shipboard , what with the tartnesse of the water , and the violence of the winde , working upon me for almost 40 houres together whilst I lay on the Hatches : mine eyes had gotten a rheum and a rednesse : my Hostess ( good woman ) perswaded me to this holy Eye-wright , but I durst not venture Not that I had not as good a title to my Virginity as the best there : but because I had learned what a grievous sentence was denounced on Ahaziah king of Israel , for seeking help of Belzebub the god of Eckron . When I hap to be ill , let my amendment come on Gods name . Mallem semper profanus esse , quam sic religious , as Minutius Foelix of the Roman Sacrifices . Let my body rather be stil troubled with a sore eye , then have such a recovery to be a perpetuall eye-sore to my conscience . Rather then go in Pilgrimage to such a Saint , let the Papists count me for an Heretick . Besides , how durst I imagine in him an ability of curing my bodily eyes , who had for above 70 years been troubled with a blindnesse in the eyes of his soul ? — Thou fool ( said our Saviour almost in the like case ) first cast out the beam out of thine own eye , and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brothers eye . The next morning ( July 3 ) I left my pilgrims to try their fortunes , and went on in our journey to Paris , which that day we were to visite . My eyes not permitting me to read , and my cares altogether strangers to the French chat , drave my thoughts back to Roven ; and there nothing so much possessed me , as the small honour done to Bedford in his monument . I had leasure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph , and a shorter apologie against the envie of that Courtier , which perswaded Charles the VIII to deface the ruines of his Sepulchre : Thus. So did the Fox , the coward'st of the heard , Kick the dead Lyon , and profane his beard . So did the Greeks , about their vanquisht host , Drag Hectors reliques , and torment his ghost . So did the Parthian slaves deride the head Of the great Grassus now betrayed and dead : To whose victorious sword , not long before , They would have sacrific'd their lives , or more . So do the French assault dead Bedfords 〈◊〉 , And trample on his ashes in despight . But foolish Curio cease , and do not blame So small an honor done unto his name . Why grievest thou him a Sepulchre to have , Who when he liv'd could make all France a grave ? His sword triumph'd through all those Towns which lie In th' Isle , Maine , Anjoy , Guyen , Normandie . Thy father 's felt it . Oh! thou worst of men , ( If man thou art ) do not endevour then , This Conquerour from his last hold to thrust , Whom all brave minds should honour in his dust . But be not troubled Bedford ; thou shalt stand Above the reach of malice , though the hand Of a French basenesse may deface thy name , And tear it from thy marble , yet shall fame Speak loudly of thee and thy acts . Thy praise A Pyramis unto it self shall raise , Thy brave atchievements in the times to come , Shall be a monument above a Tombe . Thy name shall be thy Epitaph : and he Which once reads Bedford , shall imagin thee Beyond the power of Verses , and shall say None could expresse thy worthes a fuller way . Rest thou then quiet in the shades of night , Nor vex thy self with Curio's weaker spite . Whilest France remains , and Histories are writ , Bedford shall live , and France shall Chroni●… it . Having offered this unworthy , yet gratefull sacrifice , to the Manes of that brave Heros : I had the more leasure to behold Mante , and the Vines about it , being the first that ever I saw . They are planted like our Hop-gardens , and grow up by the helpe of poles , but not so high . They are kept with little cost , and yeeld profit to an husbandman sufficient to make him rich , had he neither King nor Landlord . The Wine which is pressed out of them , is harsh and not pleasing : as much differing in sweetnesse from the Wines of Pa●… or Orleans , as their language doth in elegancy . The rest of the Norman wines , which are not very frequent , as growing only on the frontiers towards France , are of the same quality . As for the Town of Ma●…e , it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinances ; having a wall , a competent ditch , and at every gate a draw-bridge . They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox , and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary . Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France , but the English were then within it . At last on honorable termes it yeelded , and was entred by Charles VII . the second of August , anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse , somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England . The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse , a Town well fortifyed , as being a borderer , and one of the strongest bulwarks against France . It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuiss●…n and St. Martin , and six Churches Parochiall , whereof that of 〈◊〉 dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull . The name it derives from a bridge , built over the river of Oyse , on which it is situate , and by which on that side it is well defended ; the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate , and two draw-bridges . It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill , and is famous for the siege laid before it by Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it . For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only ; the French Army consisting of double the number ; he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis ; but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny ; and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes , stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight , began to practise against him ; he speedily returned to Pontoyse , and maketh himself master of it by assault . Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town , and all Normandy , the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province ; out of which at last they thrust the English , anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward . This Countrey had once before been in possession of the English , and that by a firmer title then the sword . William the Conqueror had conveied it over the Seas into England , and it continued an Appendix of that Crown , from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time , John called Sans terre , third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France , upon A●…thur heir of Bretagne , and son unto Geofry his elder brother ; was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France , who sided with the said Arthur . In the end Arthur was taken , and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven . Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle , as the French say , or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape , as the English report , is not yet determined . For my part , considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King , I dare be of that opinion , that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement . Certainly he that rebelled against his Father , and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother , would not much stick ( this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires ) at the murder of a Nephew . Upon the first bruit of this murder , Constance mother to the young Prince , complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France ; not the Court which now is in force , consisting of men only of the long robe , but the Court of the Pai●…rie or 12 Peeres , whereof King John himself was one , as Duke of Normandy . I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him , an homager being slain , and a homager being accused . To this summons John refused to yeeld himself , a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise , and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject . Edward III. a Prince of finer metall then this John , obeyed the like warrant , and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys , and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements . He committed yet a further errour or solecisine in State , not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place , or plead his cause . Upon this non-appearance , the Peers proceed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Il fut ●…ar Arrest d●…la dite cour ( saith Du Chesne ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 da crime de parr●…e , & de felonie ; Parrie de for killing his own Nephew ; and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassill , and in France . John du Serres addeth a third cause , which was contempt , in disobeying the Kings commandment . Upon this ●…rdict the Court awarded , Que toutes les terres qu'il 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 acqu●…ses & confi●…es a la Couronne , &c. A proceeding so fair and orderly , that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion , then the French of injustice . When my life or estate is in danger , let me have no more sinister a tryall . The English thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John , recovered it again by the puissance of Henry ; but being held only by the sword , it was after 30 years recovered again , as I have told you . And now being passed over the Oyse , I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy ; here ending this Book , but not that dayes journey . The End of the First Book . A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . FRANCE specially so called . OR , THE SECOND BOOK . CHAP. I. France in what sense so called . The bounds of it . All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation . The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules . That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate , though the Inhabitants are changed . The quality of the French in private , at the Church , and at the table . Their language , complements , discourse , &c. JUly the third , which was the day we set out of St. Claire , having passed through Pontoyse , and crossed the river , we were entred into France : France as it is understood in its limited sense , and as a part only of the whole , for when Meroveus , the Grandchild of Pharamond , first King of the Franci or Frenchmen , had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine , having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes , taken Paris ; he resolved there to set up his rest , and to make that the head City of his Empire . The Country round about it , which was of no large extent , he commanded to be called Francia , or Terra Francorum , after the name of his Frankes whom he governed . In this bounded and restrained sense , we now take it , being confined with Normandy on the North , Champagne on the East , and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse . It is incircled in a manner with the Oyle on the Northwards , the Eure on the West , the Velle on the East , and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South ; but the principall environings are made by the Seine , and the Marne a river of Campagne , which constitute that part hereof which commonly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is called by the name of the Isle of France , and within the main Island makes divers little petty Isles , the waters winding up and down , as desirous to recreate the earth with the pleasures of its lovely and delicious embraces . This Isle , this portion of Gaul , properly and limitedly styled France , was the seat of the Francs at their first coming hither , and hath still continued so . The rest of Gallia , is in effect rather subdued by the French , then inhabited ; their valour in time having taken in those Countries which they never planted : so that if we look apprehensively into Gaule , we shall finde the other Nations of it , to have just cause to take up that complaint of the King of Portugall against Ferdinand of Castile , for assuming to himself the title of Catholick King of Spain ; Ejus tam non exigua parte penes reges alios , as Mariana relateth it . Certain it it , that the least part of all Gallia is in the hands of the French , the Normans , Britons , Biscaines or Gascons , the Gothes ( of Languedoc and Provence ) Burgundians , and the antient Gaules of Poictou , retaining in it such fair and ample Provinces . But it is the custome ( shall I say ) or fate of lesser and weaker Nations , to lose their names unto the stronger ; as wives do to their husbands , and the smaller rivers to the greater . Thus we see the little Province of Poland to have mastered and given name to the Pruteni , Mazovii , and other Nations of Sarmatia Europaea ; as that of Mosco hath unto all the Provinces of Asiatica . Thus hath Sweden conquered and denominated almost all the great Peninsula of Scandia ; whereof it is but a little parcell : and thus did the English Saxons being the most prevailing of the rest , impose the name of English on all the people of the Heptarchie . Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo . And good reason the vanquished should submit themselves as well unto the appellation , as the laws of the victor . The French then are possessors of some parts of old Gallia , and masters of the rest ; possessors not of their Cities only , but their conditions . A double victory , it seemeth , they enjoyed over that people , and took from them at once , both their qualities and their Countries . Certainly whosoever will please to peruse the Commentaries of Julius Caesar , de bello Gallico ; he will equally guesse him an Historian and a Prophet ; yea he will rather make himself believe , that he hath prophecied the character of the present French , then delivered one of the antient Gaule . And indeed , it is a matter worthy both of wonder and observation , that the old Gaules , being in a manner all worne out , should yet have most of their conditions surviving in those men , which now inhabit that region , being of so many severall Countries and originals . If we dive into naturall causes , we have a speedy recourse unto the powerfull influence of the heavens ; for as those celestiall bodies considered in the generall , do work upon all sublunary bodies in the generall , by light , influence and motion ; so have they a particular operation on particulars . An operation there is wrought by them in a man , as borne at such and such a minute ; and again as borne under such and such a Climate . The one derived from the setting of the Houses , and the Lord of the Horoscope at the time of his Nativity ; the other from that constellation which governeth as it were , the Province of his birth , and is the genius or deus tutelaris loci . Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia ( saith an Author modern rather in time then judgment ) & patriae sorte durantia , quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant . Two or three Authors by way of parallel , will make it clear in the example , though it appear not obscure in the search of causes . Primus Gallorum impetus imajor quam virorum , secundus minor quam soeminarum , saith Florus of the Gaules . What else is that which Mr. Dallington saith of the French , when he reporteth that they begin an action like thunder , and end it in a smoak ? Their attempts on Naples and Millain ( to omit their present enterprise on Genoa ) are manifest proofs of it ; neither will I now speak of the battail of Poicteirs , when they were so forward in the onset , and furious in the flight . Vt sunt Gallorum subita ingenia , saith Caesar : & I think this people to be as hare-brained as ever were the other . Juvenal calleth Gallia , foecunda causidicorum : and among the modern French it is related , that there are tryed more law causes in one year , then have been in England since the Conquest . Of the antient Germans , the next neighbours and confederates of the Gaules , Tacitus hath given us this note , Diem noctemque continuare potando nulli probrum ; and presently after , De jungendis affinitatibus , de bello denique & pace , in conviviis consultant . Since the time of Tacitus hath Germanie shifted almost all her old inhabitants , and received new Colonies of Lombards , Sueves , Gothes , Sclavonians , Hunns , Saxons , Vandals , and divers other Nations not known to that writer . Yet still is that exorbitancy of drinking in fashion ; and to this day do the present Germans consult of most of their affairs in their cups . If the English have borrowed any thing of this humor , it is not to be thought the vice of the Countrey , but the times . To go yet higher and further , the Philosopher Anacharsis ( and he lived 600 and odd yeers before Christ ) noted it in the Greeks , that at the beginning of their feasts , they used little goblets , and greater towards the end , when they were now almost drunken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Laertius reporteth it . George Sandys in the excellent discourse of his own travailes , relateth the same custome to continue still amongst them ; not with standing the length of time , and all the changes of state and people which have since hapned . Their Empire indeed they have lost , their valour , learning , and all other graces which set them out in the sight of the World ; and no marvell these were not nationall conditions , but personall endowments . I conclude then this digression with the words of Barklay , Haeret itaque in omni gente vis quedam inconcus sa , quae hominibus pro conditione terrarum , in quibus na●…i contigeri sua fata diviserit . The present French then , is nothing but an old Gaule moulded into a new name , as rash he is , and as head strong , and as hare brain'd . A nation whom you shall win with a feather , and lose with a straw . Upon the first sight of him you shall have him as familiar as your sleep , or the necessity of breathing . In one houres conference , you may indeer him to you , in the second unbutton him ; the third pumps him drie of all his secrets , and he gives them you as faithfully , as if you were his ghostly father , and bound to conceal them sub sigillo confessionis : when you have learned this , you may lay him aside , for he is no longer serviceable . If you have an humor of holding him in a further acquaintance , ( a favour of which he consesseth , and I believe him , he is unworthy : ) himself will make the first separation . He hath said over his lesson to you , and must now finde out some body else to whom to repeat it . Fare him well , he is a garment whom I would be loath to wear above two days together , for in that time he will be thread-bare . Familiare est homini omnia sibi remittere , saith Velleius of all ; it holdeth most properly in this people . He is very kind-hearted to himself , and thinketh himself as free from wants , as he is full : so much he hath in him of the nature of a Chinoy's , that he thinketh all men blind but himself . In this pride of self-conceitednesse he hateth the Spaniard , loveth not the English , and contemneth the German ; himself is the only Courtier , and compleat Gentleman ; but it is his own glasse which he seeth in , out of this conceit of his own excellency , and partly out of a shallownesse of brain ; he is very liable to exceptions . The least distast that can be , draweth his sword , and a minutes pause sheathes it to your hand . If afterwards you beat him into better manners , he shall take it kindly and cry serviteur . In this one thing they are wonderfully like the Devill . Meeknesse or submission maketh them insolent , a little resistance putteth them to their heels , or makes him your Spaniel . In a word ( for I have held him too long ) he is a walking vanity in a new fashion . I will now give you a taste of his table , which you shall finde in a measure furnished ; ( I speak not of the Paisant : ) but not in so full a manner as with us . Their Beef they cut out in so little chops , that that which goeth there for a laudable dish , would be thought here to be an University commons , new served from the hatch . A loine of Mutton serves amongst them for three roastings , beside the hazard of making pottage with the rump . Fowle also they have in good plenty , especially such as the King found in Scotland . To say truth , that which they have is sufficient for nature and a friend , were it not for the Mistresse of the Kitchin-wench . I have heard much fame of French Cooks , but their skill lyeth not in the handling of Beef or Mutton . They have ( as generally have all this Nation ) good fancies , and are speciall fellowes for the making of puffe-pastes , and the ordering of banquets . Their trade is not to feed the belly , but the palat . It is now time you were set down , where the first thing you must do , is to say your own Grace ; private Graces are as ordinary there , as private Masses : and from thence I think they learned them . That done , fall to where you like best . They observe no methods in their eating , and if you look for a Carver , you may rise fasting . When you are risen , if you can digest the sluttishnesse of the cookery , ( which is most abominable at first sight ) I dare trust you in a Garrison . Follow him to Church , and there he will shew himself most irreverent and irreligious ; I speak not this of all , but of the generall . At a Masse in the Cordeliers Church in Paris , I saw two French Papists , even when the most sacred mystery of their faith was celebrating , break out into such a blasphemous and Atheisticall laughter , that even an Ethnick would have hated it . It was well they were known to be Catholicks ; otherwise some French hot-head or other , would have sent them laughing to Pluto . The French language is , indeed , very sweet and delectable . It is cleared of harshnesse , by the cutting off , and leaving out the consonants , which maketh it fall off the tongue very volubly ; yet in my opinion , it is rather elegant then copious , and therefore is much troubled for want of words to find out periphrases . It expresseth very much of it self in the action . The head , body , and shoulders concurre all in the pronouncing of it ; and he that hopeth to speak it with a good grace , must have somewhat in him of the Mimick . It is inriched with a full number of significant Proverbs , which is a great help to the French humor of scoffing ; and very full of courtship , which maketh all the people complementall . The poorest Cobler in the Village hath his Court-cringes , and his eau beniste de Cour , his court holy water , as perfectly as the Prince of Conde . In the Passados of their court-ship , they expresse themselves with much variety of gesture , and indeed , it doth not misbecome them . Were it as gratious in the Gentlemen of other Nations as in them , it were worth your patience ; but the affectation of it is scurvy and ridiculous . Quocunque salutationis artificio corpus inflectant , putes nihil ista institutione magis convenire . Vicinae autem gentes ridiculo errore deceptae , ejusdem venustatis imitationem ludicram faciunt & ingratam : as one happily observed at his being amongst them . I have heard of a young Gallant , son to a great Lord of one of the three Brittish Kingdoms , that spent some years in France to learn fashions . At his return he desired to see the King , and his father procured him an entervenie . When he came within the Presence-chamber , he began to compose his head , and carry it as if he had been ridden with a Martingall : next he fell to draw back his legs and thrust out his shoulders , and that with such a gracelesse apishnesse , that the King asked him if he meant to shoulder him out of his chair , and so left him to act out his complement to the hangings . In their courtship they bestow even the highest titles , upon those of the lowest condition . This is the vice also of their common talk . The begger begetteth Monsieurs and Madams to his sons and daughters , as familiarly as the King. Were there no other reason to perswade me , that the Welch or Britains were the descendants of the Gaules , this only were sufficient , that they would all be Gentlemen . His discourse runneth commonly upon two wheels , treason and ribaldrie . I never heard people talke lesse reverently of their Prince , nor more sawcily of his actions . Scarce a day passeth away without some seditious Pamphlet printed and published , in the disgrace of the King , or of some of his Courtiers . These are every mans mony , & he that buyeth them is not coy of the Contents , be they never so scandalous ; of all humors the most base and odious . Take him from this ( which you can hardly do , till he hath told all ) and then he falleth upon his ribaldry . Without these crutches , his discourse would never be able to keep pace with his company . Thus shall you have them relate the stories of their own uncleannesse , with a face as confident , as if they had no accidents to please their hearers more commendable . Thus will they reckon up the severall profanations of pleasure , by which they have dismanned themselves ; sometimes not sparing to descend to particulars . A valiant Captain never gloried more in the number of the Cities he had taken , then they do of the severall women they have prostituted . Egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla — Foolish and most perishing wretches , by whom each severall incontinencie is twice committed ; first , in the act ; and secondly , in the boast . By themselves they measure others , and think them naturals , or Simplicians , which are not so conditioned . I protest , I was fain sometimes to put on a little impudence , that I might avoid the suspicion 〈◊〉 a gelding or a sheep-biter . It was St. Austins case , as himself testifyeth in the second book of his Confessions , Fingebam me ( saith that good Father ) feeisse quod non feceram , ne ●…aeteris viderer abjectior . But he afterwards was sorry for it , and so am I ; and yet , indeed , there was no other way to keep in a good opinion , that unmanly and ungoverned people . CHAP. II. The French Women , their persons , prating and conditions . The immodesty of the French Ladies . Kissing not in use among them ; and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England . The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us . The impostures of French Pandars in London , with the scandall thence arising . The peccancie of an old English Doctor . More of the French Women . Their Marriages , and lives after wedlock , &c. An Elogie to the English Ladies . I Am come to the French Women , and it were great pity they should not immediately follow the discourse of the men , so like they are one to the other , that one would think them to be the same , and that all the difference lay in the apparell . For person , they are generally of an indifferent stature , their bodies straight , and their wastes commonly small : but whether it be so by nature , or by much restraining of these parts , I cannot say . It is said , that an absolute woman should have ( amongst other qualities requisite ) the parts of a French woman from the neck to the girdle ; but I believe it holdeth not good , their shoulders and backs being so broad , that they hold no proportion with their midles ; yet this may be the vice of their apparell . Their hands are , in mine opinion , the comliest and best ordered part about them , long , white and slender . Were their faces answerable , even an English eye would apprehend them lovely : but herein do I finde a pretty contradictorie . The hand , as it is the best ornament of the whole structure , so doth it most disgrace it . Whether it be that ill diet be the cause of it , or that hot bloud wrought upon by a hot and scalding aire , must of necessity by such means vent it self , I am not sure of . This I am sure of , that scarce the tithe of all the maids we saw , had her hands and arme wrists free from sc●…bs , which had over run them like a leprosie . Their hair is generally black , and indeed , somewhat blacker then a gracious lovelinesse would admit . The Poets commend Leda for her black hair , and not unworthily . Leda fuit nigris conspicienda comis . As Ovid hath it . Yet was that blacknesse but a darker brown ; and not so fearfull as this of the French women . Again , the blacknesse of the hair is then accounted for an ornament , when the face about which it hangeth , is of so perfect a complexion and symmetrie , that it giveth it a lustre ▪ Then doth the hair set forth the face , as a shadow doth a picture ; and the face becometh the haire , as a field-argent doth a sable-bearing , which kind of Armory the Heralds call the most fairest . But in this the French women are most unluckie . Don Quixote did not so deservedly assume to himself the name of The Knight of the ill-favoured face , as may they , that of the damosels of it . It was therefore a happy speach of a young French gallant that came in our company out of England , and had it been spoken amongst the Antients , it might have been registred for an Apophthegme ; that the English of all the people in the world were only nati advoluptates . You have ( saith he ) the fairest women , the goodliest horses , and the best breed of dogs , under heaven . For my part , as far as I could in so short a time observe , I dare in this first believe him . England not only being ( as it is said ) a paradise for women , by reason of their priviledges ; but also a paradise of women , by reason of their unmatchable perfections . Their dispositions hold good intelligence with their faces . You cannot say to them as Sueton doth of Galba , Ingenium Galbae male habitat . They suit so well one with another , that in my life I never met with a better decorum ; but you must first hear them speak . Loquere ut te videam , was the method in old times , and it holdeth now . You cannot gather a better character of a French woman , then from her prating , which is so tedious and infinite , that you shall sooner want ears , then she tongue . The fastidious pratler which Horace mentioneth in his ninth Satyre , was but a puisnè to her . The writers of these times , call the Sicilians , Gerrae Siculae , and not undeservedly ; yet were they but the Scholars of the French , and learned this faculty of them , before the Vespers . It is manners to give precedency to the Mistresse , and she will have it , if words may carry it . For two things I would have had Aristotle acquainted with these Starlings . First , it would have saved him a labour in taking such paines about finding out the perpetuall motion . Secondly , it would have freed him from an Heresie with which his Doctrine is now infected , and that is , Quiquid movetur , ab alio movetur ; their tongues , I am certain move themselves , and make their own occasions of discoursing . When they are going , they are like a watch , you need not winde them up above once in twelve houres , for so long the thread of their tongues will be in spinning . A dame of Paris came in Coach with us from Roven ; fourteen houres we were together , of which time ( ●…'le take my oath upon it ) her tongue fretted away eleaven hours and 57 minutes . Such everlasting talkers are they all , that they will sooner want breath then words , and are never silent , but in the grave ; which may also be doubted . As they are endlesse in their talk , so also are they regardlesse of the company they speak in . Be you stranger or of their acquaintance , it much matters not ; though indeed , no man is to them a stranger . Within an hour of the first sight , you shall have them familiar more then enough , and as merry with you , as if they had known your bearing-clothes . It may be they are chaste , and I perswade my self many of them are ; but you will hardly gather it out of their behaviour . Te tamen & cultus damnat , as Ausonius of an honest woman that carried her self lesse modestly . They are abundantly full of laughter and toying , and are never without variety of lascivious Songs ; which they spare not to sing in what company soever . You would think modesty were quite banished the Kingdom ; or rather , that it had never been there . Neither is this the weaknesse of some few . It is an epidemicall disease , Maids and Wives are alike sick of it , though not both so desperately ; the galliardy of the maids , being of the two a little more tolerable ; that of the women coming hard upon the confines of shamelesnesse . As for the Ladies of the Court , ( I cannot say this , but upon hear-say ) they are as much above them in their lightnesse , as they are in their place ; and so much the worse in that they have made their lightnesse impudent . For whereas the daughter of Pythagoras , being demanded what most shamed her to discourse of , made answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those parts which made her woman : these French dames will speak of them , even in the hearing of men , as freely , and almost as broadly , as a Midwife , or a Barber-surgeon . Nay , I have heard a Gentleman of good credence relate , that being at a tilting , he saw a Courtier going to remove a boy , which very roguishly looked under a Ladies clothes : but when her Ladiship perceived his intention , she hindred him with this complement , Laisse , Monseuir , laisse , les yeuxne sont pas larrens ; the boyes eyes would steal nothing away ; a very mercifull and gentle Lady . If that of Justine be still true , Vera mulierum ornamenta pudicitiam esse , non vestes ; that modesty were the best apparell of a woman ; I am afraid many of the female sex in France would be thinly clad , and the rest go naked . Being a people thus prone to a suddain familiarity , and so prodigall of their tongue and company , you would scarce imagine them to be coy of their lips . Yet this is their humor . It seemed to me strange at first and uncivill , that a woman should turn away from the proffer of a salutation . Afterward I liked the custome very well , and I have good cause for it , for it saved me from many an unsavory piece of mannerlinesse . This notwithstanding could not but amazeme , that they who in their actions were so light and wanton , should yet think themselves modest , and confine all lasciviousnesse unto a kisse . A woman that is kissed , they account more then half whored , be her other deportment never so becoming ; which maketh them very sparing of receiving such kindnesses . But this is but a dissembled unwillingnesse , and hath somewhat in it of the Italian . For as they had rather murder a man in private , then openly speak ill of him : so it may be thought that these Damosels would hardly resuse a mans bed , though education hath taught them to flie from his lip . Night and the curtains may conceal the one : the other can obtain no pardon in the eye of such , as may happen to observe it . Upon this ground your French Traveller , that perhaps may see their Hostesse kissed at Dover , and a Gentleman salute a Lady in the streets of London ; relateth at his coming home , strange Chimera's of the English modesty . To further this sinister opinion , he will not spare to tell his Camerades ( for this I have noted to you , to be a part of his humor ) what Merchants wives he enjoyed in London ; and in what familiarity such a Lady entertained him at Westminster . Horrible untruths ! and yet my poor gallant thinketh he lyeth not . I remember I met in Paris with an English Doctor and the Master of a Colledge there , who complained much of the lasciviousness of the English women : and how infamously every French Taylor that came from us , reported of them : withall , he protested , that it did not grieve him much , because he thought it a just judgement of God upon our Nation , that all the married men should be cuckolds . A strange piece of Divinity to me who never before had heard such preaching : but this was the reason of the Doctrine : In the old English Masse-book called Secundum usum Sarum , the woman at the time of marriage , promiseth her suture husband to be bonny and buxom at bed and at board , till death us depart , &c. This being too light for the gravity of the action then in hand , and in mine opinion somewhat lesse reverend then a Church duty would require ; the reformers of that book thought good to alter : and have put in the place of it , to love , cherish and obey . That this was a sufficient assurance of a conjugal faith , he would not grant ; because the promise of being Buxom in bed was excluded . Besides he accounted the supposed dishonesty of the English wives , as a vengeance plucked down upon the heads of the people , for chopping and changing the words of the holy Sacrament : ( for such they esteem the form of Matrimony ) though his argument needed no answer , yet this accusation might expect one : and an English Gentleman ( though not of the English Faith ) thus laid open the abuse ; and seemed to speak it out of knowledge . When the Monsieurs come over full pursed to London , the French Pandars , which lie in wait for such booties , grow into their acquaintance : and promise them the embraces of such a Dame of the City , or such a Lady of the Court ; women perchance famed for admirable beauties . But as I●…ion amongst the Poets expected Juno , and enjoyed a cloud : so these beguiled wretches in stead of those eminent persons mentioned to them , take into their bosomes some of the common prostitutes of the Town . Thus are they cousen'd in their desires , thus do they lie in their reports : whilest poor souls , they think themselves guilty of neither imposture . For the other accusation , which would seem to fasten a note of immodesty upon our English womens lips : I should be like enough to confess the crime , were the English kisses like unto those of the French. As therefore Dr. Dale Master of the Requests , said unto Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador , upon his dislike of the promiscuous sitting of men and women in our Churches ; Turpe quidem id esse apud Hispanos qui etiam in locis sacris cogitarent de explenda libidine , a qua procul aberant Anglorum mentes : So do I answer to the bill of the complainant . An Oxford Doctor upon this text , Betrayest thru the Son of man with a kisse ? made mention of four manner of kisses , viz. Osculum charitatis , osculum gratioris familiaritatis , osculum calliditatis , and osculum carnalitatis . Of these I will bestow the last on the French , and the third on the Spaniards ; retaining the two first unto ourselves : whereas the one is enjoyned by the precept , and the other warranted by the examples of holy Scripture . For my part , I see nothing in the innocent and harmless salutations of the English , which the Doctor calleth Osculum gratioris familiaritatis , that may move a French mans suspicion ; much I confess to stir his envie . Perhaps a want of the like happiness to himself maketh him dislike it in us : as the Fox that had lost his taile , perswaded all others to cut off theirs ; but I have already touched the reason , why that Nation is unworthy of such a favour : their kisses being hot and sulphury , and indeed nothing but the prologue to their lusts . Whereas on the contrary , and I dare be confident in it ; the chaste and innocent kisse of the English Gentlewomen , is more in heaven , then many of the best of their devotions . It were not amisse to explain in this place a verse of Ovi●…s , common in the mouthes of many , but the understanding of few . Thus then saith the Poet : Oscula qui sumpsit , si non & caetera sumpsit , Haec quoque quae sumpsit perdere dignus erit . He that doth only kisse , and doth no more , Deserves to lose the kisses given before . Which must be understood according to the fashion of Rome and Italy ( and since of France and Spain ) ; where they were given as pawns of a dishonest contract : and not according to the customes of England , where they are only proffer'd in way of a gracious and innocent familiarity ; and so accepted . I return again to the French women ; and though I may not kisse them ( which he that seeth them will swear I have good cause to thank God for ) yet they are at liberty to be courted : an office which they admit freely , and return as liberally . An office to which they are so used ; that they can hardly distinguish complement from wooing , till the Priest expecteth them at the Church door . That day they set themselves forth with all the variety of riches their credit can extend to . A Scholar of the University never disfurnished so many of his friends , to provide for a journey , as they do neighbours , to adorn their wedding ▪ At my being in Pontoyse , I saw M●…is . Bride returning from the Church . The day before she had been somewhat of the condition of a Kitchen-wench , but now so tricked up with ●…arss , rings , and cross garters , that you never saw a Whitsun-Lady better rigged . I should much have applauded the fellowes fortune , if he could have married the clothes : but God be merciful to him ) he is chained to the wench . Much joy may they have together most peerless couple ! Hymen , O Hymenaee Hymen , Hymen O Hymenaee . The match was well knit up between them . I would have a French man marry none but a French woman . Being now made mistress of an house , she can give her self a dispensation to drink wine : before she had a fling at the bottle by steal●…h , and could make a shift to play off her whole one in a corner : as St. Austine in the ninth book of his Confessions reporteth of his mother Monica . Now she hath her draughts like the second edition of a book , augmented and revised : and which is more , published cum privilegio . Her house she doth keep as she doth her self . It would puzzle a strong judgement , to resolve which of the two are the more nasty : yet after ten of the clock , you may come nigh her ; for by that time she hath not only eaten , but it may be her hall hath had a brushing : if you be not careful of yourtime , you shall commonly finde her speechless ; her mouth being stopped with some of the reliques of last nights supper . To five meals a day she is very constant ; and for varieties sake , will make some of them at street-door . She is an exceeding good soul ( as Sancho Panco said of his wife ) and one that will not pine her self , though her heirs smart for it . To her husband she is very servile , seldome sitteth with him at the table , readily executeth all his commands , and is indeed rather a married servant then a wife : or an houshold drudge under the title of a Mistress : yet on the other side she hath freedome enough , and certainly much more then a moderate wisdome would permit her . It is one of her jura conjugalia to admit of Courtship , even in the sight of her husband ; to walk arm in arm about the streets or into the fields with her Privado , to proffer occasions of familiarity and acquaintance at the first sight of one , whose person she relisheth : and all this sans soupsen , without any the least imputation : a liberty somewhat of the largest , and we may justly fear that having thus wholly in her own power the keyes of the Cab net , that she sheweth her jewels to more then her husband . Such are the French women ; and such lives do they lead both maids and married . Thou happy England : thy four seas contain The pride of beauties : such as may disdain Rivals on earth . Such at once may move By a strange power , the envie , and the love Of all the sex besides . Admit a dame Of France or Spain , passe in the breath of fame , And her thoughts , for fair : yet let her view The commonst beauty of the English crew ; And in despair she 'l execrate the day Which bare her black ; and sigh her self away So pin'd the Phrygian dames and hang'd the head , When into Troy , Paris did Helen lead . But boast not Paris , England now enjoyes Helens enough to sack a world of Troyes . So doth the vulgar tapers of the skie , Lose all their lustre when the Moon is nigh ▪ Yet English Ladies , glorious lights , as far Exceed the Moon ; as doth the Moon a star . So do the common people of the groves Grow husht , when Philomel recounts her loves . But when our Ladies sing , even she forbears To use her tongue ; and turns her tongue to ears . Nay more ; Their beauties should proud Venus see , Shee 'd blush her self out of her Deity : Drop into Vulcans forge , her raign now done ; And yeeld to them her Empire , and her son . Yet this were needless . I can hardly finde Any of this land stars , but straight my minde Speaks her a Venus ; and me thinks I spie A little Cupid sporting in her eye . Who thence his shafts more powerfully delivers , Then ere did t'other Cupid from his quivers . Such in a word they are ; you would them guesse An harmony of all the goddesses ; Or swear that partial Nature at their birth , Had rob'd the heavens to glorifie the earth . Such though they are , yet mean these graces bin Compar'd unto the vertues lodg'd within : For needs the Jewels must be rich and precious , When as the Cabinet is so delicious . CHAP. III. France described . The valley of Montmorancie , and the Dukes of it . Mont-martre . Burials in former times not permitted within the wals . The prosecuting of this discourse by manner of a journal , intermitted for a time . The Town and Church of St. Denis . The Legend of him , and his head . Of Dagobert and the Leper . The reliques to be seen there . Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine's time . The Sepulchres of the French Kings , and the treasury there . The Kings house of Madrit . The Queen Mothers house at Ruall , and fine devices in it . St. Germains en lay , another of the Kings houses . The curious painting in it . Gorramburie Window : the Garden belonging to it , and the excellency of the Water-works . Boys St. Vincent , de Vincennes , and the Castle called Bisester . I Have now done with the French , both men and women : a people much extolled by many of our English Travellers , for all those graces which may enoble & adorn both sexes . For my part , having observed them as well as I could , and traced them in all their several humors : I set up my rest with this proposition , that there is nothing in them to be envied but their Countrey . To that indeed I am earnestly , and I think not unworthily affected : here being nothing wanting which may be required , to raise and reward ones liking . If nature was ever prodigal of her blessings , or scattered them with an over-plentiful hand ; it was in this Island : into which we were entred , as soon as we passed over the bridge of Pontoyse . The first part of it , which lasted for three leagues ; was upon the plain of a mountain : but such a mountain , as will hardly yeeld to the best valley in Europe , out of France . On both sides of us the Vines grew up in a just length , and promised to the husbandman a thriving vintage . The Wines they yeeld are far better then those of Normandy , or Gascoyne ; and indeed the best in the whole Continent , those of Orleans excepted : yet what we saw here , was but as a bit to prepare our stomachs ; lest we should surfeit in the valley . Here we beheld nature in her richest vestiments . The fields so interchangeably planted with Wheat and Vines , that had L. Florus once beheld it , he would never have given unto Campania the title of Cereris & Bacchi certamen . These fields were dispersedly here and there , beset with Cherry trees ; which considered with the rest , gave unto the eye an excellent object . For the Vines yet green ; the Wheat ready for the fithe ; and the cherries now fully ripened , and shewing forth their beauties through the vails of the leaves : made such a various and delightsome mixture of colours , that no art could have expressed it self more delectably . If you have ever seen an exquisite Mosaical work , you may the best judge of the beauty of this valley . Add to this , that the River S●…ine being now past Paris ; either to embrace that flourishing soyle , or out of a wanton desire to play with it self , hath divided it self into sundry lesser channels ; besides its several windings and turnings : so that one may very justly , and not irreligiously , conceive it to be an Idea , or representation of the Garden of Eden : the river so happily separating it self , to water the ground . This valley is of a very large circuit ; and as the Welch men say of Anglesey . Mon mam Gy●…e ; id est ; Anglesey is the mother of Wales : so may we call this the mother of Paris . For so abundantly doth it furnish that great and populous City , that when the Dukes of Berry and Bargundy besieged it with 100000 men ; there being at that time 3 or 400000 Citizens and Souldiers within the ●…ls : neither the people within , no●… the enemies without , found any want of provision . It is called the Valley of Montmorency , from the Town or Castle of Montmorency seated in it : but this town nameth not the Valley only . It giveth name also to the ancient family of Dukes of Montm●… the 〈◊〉 house of Christendome . He stileth himself L●… primier Christien & plus viel Baron de France : and it is said that his ancestors received the Faith of Christ by the preaching of St. Denis , the first Bishop of Paris . Their principal houses are that of Chantilly , and E●…quoan , both seated in the Isle : this last being given unto the present Dukes Father , by King Henry 4. to whom it was confiscated by the condemnation of one of his Treasurers . This house also ( and so I leave it ) hath been observed to have yeelded to France , more Constables , Marshals , Admirals , and the like officers of power and command , then any three other in the whole Kingdome . Insomuch that I may say of it , what Irenious doth of the Count Palatines , the name of the Countrey only changed : Non alia Galliae est familia , eui plus debeat nobilitas . The now Duke , named Henry , is at this present Admiral of France . The mosteminent place in all this Isle is Mont-martre , eminent I mean by reason of its height ; though it hath also enough of antiquity to make it remarkable . It is seated within a mile of Paris , high upon a mountain : on which many of the faithfull , during the time that Gaule was heathenish , were made Martyrs . Hence the name . Though Paris was the place of apprehension and sentence , yet was this Mountain commonly the scaffold of execution : it being the custome of the ancients , neither to put to death , nor to bury within the wals of their Cities . Thus the Jewes when they crucified our Saviour , led him out of the City of Hierusalem unto Mount Calvarie : unto which St. Paul is thought to allude , Heb. 13. saying , Let us therefore go forth to him , &c. Thus also doth St. Luke ( to omit other instances ) report of St. Stephen , Act. 7. And they cast him out of the city , and stoned him . So in the state of Rome , the Vestall Virgin having committed ●…ornication , was 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 s●…leratus ; and other malefactors thrown down the Tarp●…an rock : both situa●…e without the Town . So also had the Thessalians a place of execution , from the praecipice of an hill , which the called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Co●…i : whence arose the proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be hanged . As they permitted not executions of malefactors within their wals : so neither would they suffer the best of their Citizens to be buried within them . This was it which made Abraham to buy him a field wherein to bury his dead : and thus we read in the 7. of Luke , that the widow of Naims son was carried out to be buried . This custome also we find amongst the Athenians , Corinthians ; and other of the Grecians , Qui in agris suis ( as saith Alexander ab Alexandro ) aut in fundo subu●…bano , seu in avito & patrio s●…lo corpora ●…umari consuevere . Amongst the R●…mons it was the fashion to burn the bodies of the dead , within their City . This continued till the bringing in of the Lawes of Athens , commonly called the Lawes of the 12. Tables : one of which Lawes runneth in these words , In urbe ne sep●…lito , n●…urito . After this prohibition , their dead corps were first burned in Campus Martius ; and their urnes covered in sundry places in the fields . The frequent urnes or sep●…al stones , digged up amongst us here in England , are sufficient testimonies of this assertion . Besides we may finde in Appian , that the chief reason why the rich men in Rome would not yeeld to that Law , called Lex Agraria , or the Law of dividing the Roman possessions equally among the people , was , because they thought it an irreligious thing that the Monuments of their forefathers should be sold unto others . The first that is registred to have been buried in the City , was Trajan the Emperour . Afterwards it was granted as an honourary to such as had deserved well of the republick : and when the Christian Religion prevailed , and Church-yards , those dormitories of Saints were consecrated ; the liberty of burying within the wals , was to all equally granted . On this ground it not being lawful to put to death or bury , within the Town of Pa●…is ; this Mountain was destinate to those pu●…poses . Then was it only a Mountain ; now it is enlarg●… unto a Town : it hath a poor wall , an Abbey of 〈◊〉 Monks , and a Chappel called La Chapelle des Martyrs ; both founded by Lewis the 6 called the Grosse . Amongst others , which received here the Crown of Martyrdome , none more famous then St. Denis ( said to be Dionysius 〈◊〉 ) the fi●…st Bishop of Paris ; Rusticus his Archpriest ; and 〈◊〉 , his 〈◊〉 . The time when , under the reign of 〈◊〉 ; the person by whose command ; Fesceninus Governor o●… Paris ; the crime , sor not bowing before the Altar of Mercury and off●…ing sacrifice unto him . Of St. Denis being the patron or tutelary Saint of France , the Legend reports strange wonders . As namely , when the Executioner had 〈◊〉 off his head , that he caught it between his armes ; and ran with it down the hill as ●…st as his legs could carry him ; half a mile from the place of his execution , he sate down and refted : and so he did nine times in all , even till he came to the place where his Church is now built . There he fell down and died , being three English miles from Mont-martre : and there he was buried together with Rusticus , and Eleutherius , who not being able to go as fast as he did , were brought after him by the people . O im●… admirabilem & vere Romanam ! and yet so far was the succeeding age possessed with a belief of this miracle , that in the nine several places where he is said to have rested there are erected so many han some Crosses of stone ; all of a making . To the memory of this Saint , did Dagobert the first build a Temple : and the times ensuing improved it to a Town . Afterwards in honour of St. Denis , and because it lay neer Paris ; some of the following Kings bestowed a wall upon it . A wall it is of a large circuit , and very much unproportionable to the Town , which standeth in it , for all the world like a Spaniards little face in his great ruffe , or like a small chop of Mutton in a large dish of pottage at the three penny Ordinary . Thus was the Town built ( as you see ) 〈◊〉 natural means : but it was not so with the Temple . Unlesse that be worth a miracle , both in the building , and in the consecrating of it : I will not give a straw for it . Thus , then saith the story . Diagobert afterwards King of France , during the life of Clotoyre the second his Father , had cruelly slain Sadrasegille his governour . To avoid the fury of his Father , much incensed with that unprincely action ; he was compelled to wander up and down France hungry and thirsty . And so he went , and he went , ( for this tale should be told in the same stile , that wenches tell theirs by the fire side ) till he came to the Sepulchre of St. Denis , where he laid down and slept : and then there appeared unto him a fine old man , with a staffe in his hand , and he told him that his father was dead , and that he should be King , and he prayed him of all loves , that when he came to be King , he would build a Church there , in the honour of St. Denis . He had an hard heart , that could deny so sweet an old man so little a courtesie , for so much good newes , and I trow the King was more kinde then so . And so when the Church was built , the Bishop was sent for in all haste to blesse it . But it chanced that the night before the day wherein the Bishop was to blesse it , there came to the Town an ugly Leper , and the foulest that ever was seen : and this Leper would needs lie in the Church . And when he was there , about twelve a clock at night , our Saviour came into the Church in garments as white as the driven snow , and there came with him the Apostles , and the Angels and the Martyrs , and the sweetest Musick that ever was heard in the world . And then Christ blessed the Church , and said unto the Leper , that he should tell the Bishop that the Church was already blessed , and for a token of it , he gave the Leper his health , who presently became as fine a sweet youth as one should see in a summers day . Auditum admissi risum teneatis ? you may laugh if you please , but I 'le assure you this is the story : neither is it a jot the lesse authentick because of the stile . Such ridiculous stuffe , did the Fryers and Munks of those times invent to please and blinde the people . So prone were our Ancestors to believe as Oracles , what ever was delivered unto them by these Impostors . Majoritus nostris tam facilis in mendaciis fides fuit , ut temere crediderint etiam monstrosa miracula : & quicquid famae licet fingere , illis erat libenter laudire . Minutius Foelix spake it of his forefathers being H●…hens : we may justly affirm it o●… ours also , being Christians . But ( 〈◊〉 omit the additions of the Legend ) true it is , that Dago●…rt the first , was the founder o●… the Church : which was after rebuilt and beautified by the 25. Abbot of it , called Sugger , in the reign of King Lewis the sixth . A reverend and comely 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 it is ; dark , as the Churches of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were : and none of the poorest . It maintaineth 262 Monks and an Abbot , whose single reve●…ue is thought to be wor●…h 10000 Crowns and upwards . The present 〈◊〉 is Henry 〈◊〉 Lorrein , son to the Duke of Guise , a 〈◊〉 Gentleman of some 14 years of age , or thereabouts : but of him more herea●…er . The Abbot o●… it , among many other priviledges , hath a full power upon the lives , goods , and honours of his vassals : and hath a voice in the Parl●…ament o●… Paris , as full and binding as any of the Counsellors there fitting . As for the Church it self , it is in height 80 foot , 100 in breadth ; and in length 300. The high Altar , under which the bodies of St. Denis and his two 〈◊〉 , are said to be buried ; is a very rich and excellent work : the Crucifix which standeth over it , being all of pure gold , encha●…ed with divers Pearls and precious Stones of great value . Before it hangeth a silver Lamp continually burning : and if you look about it , you shall see the richest and the fairest glasse for painting , in all France ; th●…t of Amiens only excepted . One thing further I will note in this Church , before I come to to the Tombes and reliques ; which is , how Henry 4. in this Church said his first Masse , after his last reconcilement to the Church of Rome . And good reason I have to say his last . For having been first brought up in the Romish Faith , he was by his Mother made a Protestant . At the massacre of Paris , fear of death or imprisonment , turned him Papist : liberty again made him an Hugonot . In this vein he continued till the year 1595. and then once more re-embosom'd himself into the Roman Synagogue ; which was the time we now speak of . Quo teneam nodo mutantem Protea vultum ? The only Proteus in matters of faith in our times . Doctor Perne was a Diamond to him . It is now time I should shew you the Relique●… ; but you must first stay till the Clerk hath put on his Surplice . I have heard of a blinde Priest that could never mumble over his Masse handsomely without his spectacles . This fellow and his surplice is just like him . I perswaded my self that the Surplice without the Clerk , could marshall the Reliques , as well as the Clerk without the Surplice . As soon as he was sadled for his journey , he putteth himself into his way ; and followed it with a pace so nimble , that there was no keeping of him company : his tongue ran so fast , that the quickest eye there , was fain to give him over in plain ground : the fellow that sheweth the Tombs at Westmi●…r , being no more to be compared to him , for the volubility of his chops , then a Capuchin to a Jesuite : yet as we lear●…d afterwards of him ( when he was out of his road ) they were thus disposed . On the right hand of the Altar , ( not the high Altar above mentioned ) there are said to be kept one of the Nails which fastned our Saviour to the Crosse. 2. A piece of the Crosse it self . 3. Some of the Virgin Maries Milk. 4. The arm of St. Simeon set in a case of gold . And 5. The reliques of St. Lewis reserved in a little chappel , all of gold also ; and built in the fashion of the Nostre dame in Paris . On the left , there was shewed u●… the head of St. Denis and a part of his body . But I mistake my self , it was not the head , but the portraiture of it in gold ; the head being said to be within it ; by his representation he 〈◊〉 to have had a very reverend and awfull countenance : though I perswade my self that the rich Crown and Miter which he there weareth ( and certainly they are of a h●… value ) never belonged to him in his life . On each side of the head are two Angels supporting it , all of gold also : 〈◊〉 which together with the head and ornaments supported , are reported to be the work of one Eloy , l●… plus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 temps , the cunningest Goldsmith of his time ; who afterwards was made Bishop of Noyon , and Sainted . Concerning Reliques I shall have occasion to speak further , when I come to the holy Chappel in Paris ; somewhat now of the honour due unto the memory of Martyrs . I am none of those that think the memories of those Heroes of the primitive times , not to be honoured in the dust ; neither wou'd 〈◊〉 their shrines with an irreverent finger : on the other side , they shall never have my prayers directed to them nor my 〈◊〉 ●…ions ; nor can I think it lawfull to give the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 any bodily observance . Though I do and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I dare not worship them . St. Austin hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 way between the Papist and the Zelot , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 B●…k of his most excellent work De Civitate dei , and ●…s 〈◊〉 it is best to follow , Honoramus sane memorias eoru●… tanquam sancto●…um hominum Dei , qui u●…que ad mortem corporum 〈◊〉 certaru●… : and a little after , he sheweth the ●…nd of these memorial , viz. Ut ea celebritate Deo vere gratias de eo●…um 〈◊〉 aga●…us , & nos ad imitationem talium coronarum 〈◊〉 memori●… enovatione adhortemur . One relique there is of which this use c●…nnot possibly be made ; and what do you think that should be , but the Lantho n which Judas used wl en he went to apprehend his Master ? a prety one it is ( I con●…sse ) richly beset with studdes of Crystall , through which all the light cometh ; the main of it being of a substance not transparent . Had it been shewed me within the first century of years after the passion , I might , perhaps , have been fooled into a belief ; for I am confident it can be no older . Being as it is , I will acknowledge it to be a Lanthorn , though it bel●…nged not to Judas . From the reliques of Martyrs , proceed we to those of Kings ; and amongest those there is nothing which will long detain an English man. He that hath seen the ton at Westminster will think these to be but trifles , if he consider the workmansh●…p , or the riches and the magnificence . The chief of thos●… many mean ones which are there , are those of Henry II. and Katharine de Medices his wife , in a little Chappell of their own building ; both in their full proportion , and in their royall habiliments , exceeding stately . There is also a neat tomb of the same Henry , built all of brasse , and supported by four brasse pillars : his Statua of the same mettle placed on the top of it , and composed as if at his prayers . The rest are more in tale then weight . But the chief beauties of this Church , are in the treasurie , which it was not my happinesse to see . As I am informed , the most remarkable things in it are these , The Swords of Joan the Virgin , Charles the great , Rowland his cousen , and that of Henry IV. when he was Crowned . His Boots , Crown and S●…pter , as those also of his son Lewis now reigning . A crosse three foot high , made of pure gold . A Crown , Scepter and golden ball , given by Pope Adrian to Carolus magnus . A golden Crown of larger life , bedecked with Adamants and other pretious stones ; given by Charles Martell after his victories over the Saracens . A very fair Chalice all of gold , in which St. Denis is reported to have consecrated the Sacramentall wine . The others of lesser note , I purposely omi●… , for having not seen them , I am loath to go any further upon trust . And so I leave St. Denis , a Church so richly furnished , that had I seen all the rarities and glories of it , that only days content had deserved our journey ; sed haec infelici nimia . Not to continue this discourse any longer by way of journall , or gesta dierum . Few dayes after we had wearied our selves with the sight of Paris , we went to see some of their Majesties houses in the Countrey . And here we passed by Madrit , so called of the King of Spains house at Madrit , after the forme of which it is built . The founder of it was Francis the first , who being taken Prisoner at the battail of Pavie , ann . dom . 1525. and thence carryed into Spain , had no lesse then a twelve months time to draw the platforme . A fine Countrey house it seemed to be ; but our j●…urney lay beyond it . One league beyond it lay Rua●… , a small Town belonging to the Abbey of St. Denis . In a corner of this Town the Queen Mother hath a fine summer h●…use , abundantly adorned with retired walks , and a most cu●…us variety of water-works : for besides the formes of divers glasses , pillars , and Geometricall figures , all 〈◊〉 by the water ; there were birds of sundry sorts so artificially made , that they both deceived the eye by their motion , and the ear by their melodie . Somewhat higher in the middest of a most delicious Garden , are two Fountains of admirable workmanship : In the first , the portraitures of Cerberus , the Bear of Calydon , the Nemean Lyon ; a●…d in the navell of it Hercules killing Hydra . In the other only a Crocodile full of wild and unruly tricks , and sending from his throat musick not much different from Organs . Had your eyes been shut , you would have thought your self in some Cathedrall Church : this melody of the Crocodile , and that other of the birds , so exactly counterfeiting the harmonie of a well ordered Quire. And now we are come into the Grove , a place so full of retired walks , so sweetly and delect bly contrived , that they would even entice a man to melancholy , because in them even melancholy would prove delightfull . The trees so interchangeably folded one within the other , that they were at once a shelter against winde and sun : yet not so sullenly close , but that they aff●…d the eye an excellent Lordship over the Vines and verdure of the earth imprisoned within them : it seemed a Grove , an Orchard , and a Vineyard , so variously interwoven and mixt together , as if it had been the purpose of the Artist to make a man fall in love with confusion . In the middle of this Wildernesse was seated the house , environed round about with a Moat of running water . The house pre●…ty , and therefore little ; built rather for a banquet , then a feast . It was built and enriched with this variety of pleasures , by Mr. de Ponte , Taylor to King Henry IV. and was no question the best garment that ever he cut out in his life . Dying , 〈◊〉 gave it to Mr. Landerboyne , once his servant , and now his son by adoption ; of whom the Queen Mother taking a liking to it , bought it ; giving him in exchange , an office in the Treasury worth 400000 crowns to be sold. Two leagues from Ruall , is the Kings house of St. Germain en Olay , a house seated on the top of a hill just like Windsore , The Town of St. Germain lyeth all about it , the river Seine ( of the same breadth as the Thames is at the place mentioned ) runneth below it ; and the house by reason of the site , having a large command upon the Country round about it . The Town is poor and hath nothing in it remarkable but the name , which it took from St. Germain Bishop of Auxerre , who together with St. Lupus Bishop of Tropes , sailed into Britain to root out Pelagianism . The Castle or seat Royall is divided into two parts , the old and the new ; the old , which is next unto the Town , is built of Bricks , and for forme it is triangular : founded it was at the first by Charles V. since strengthned and beautified by the English when it was in their possession : Francis I. added to it the upper story and the battlements , and in memoriam facti , hath l●…t a Capitall F upon every of the chimnies . The new house , distant from the old about a surlong , and to which you descend by a handsome green Court , was built by Henry IV. It con●…eth of three severall parts , all joyned together , the two outermost quadrangular , that in the mi●…le almost round and in the fa●…hion of a Jew●…sh ●…ag gue . Here we saw the Volatory sull of sundry forain birds , and in one of the lower rooms great store of outland●… conies ; but these were accessories . The principall was the majesty of the house , which is , indeed , worth the observation . The Palace of the Loure so much famed , is not to be named in the same day with it . The rooms are well ordered and high 〈◊〉 , gorgeously set out with the curiosities of the Painter . In some of the Chambers they shewed us some Po●…call s●…ions expressed by the pencill in the windowes and on the wainscot , and seemed to glory much in them . I confesse they might have plentifully possessed my fancy , had I not 〈◊〉 the window of Gorrambury gallery , belonging to the Right Honorable Francis Viscount St. Albans ; a window in which all the Fables of Ovids Metamorphosis , are so naturally and lively dissembled , that if ever art went beyond it self , it was in that admirable expression . Let us now take a view of the water-works , and here we shall see in the first water-house , which is a stately large walk vaulted over head , the effigies of a Dragon , just against the entrance ; an unquiet beast that vomiteth on all that come nigh it . At the end toward the right hand is the Statua of a Nymph sitting before a paire of Organs . Upon the loosing of one of the pipes , the Nymphs singers began to manage the keyes , and brought the instrument to yield such a musick , that if it were not that of an Organ , it was as like it as could be , and not be the same . Unto the division of 〈◊〉 fingers , her head kept a porportionable time ; jolting from one shoulder to the other , as I have have seen an old fidler at a Wake . In the same proportion were the counterfeits of all sorts of mils , 〈◊〉 before very eagerly disc●…ged their functions : but upon the beginning of this harmony , they suddenly stood st●…ll , as if they had had ears to have heard it . At the other end towards the left hand , we saw a shop of Smiths , another of Joiners , and a backside full of Sawyers and Masons , all idle . Upon the first command of the water , they all fell to their Occupations , and plyed them lustily ; the birds every where singing , and so saving the Artificers the labour of a whistling . B●…sides , upon the drawing of a woodden courtain , there appeared unto us , two Tritons riding on their Dolphins , and each of them with a shell in his hand , which interchangeably and in turns served them in stead of trumpets . A very happy decorum , and truly Poeticall . Caeruleum Trit●…na vo●… , conchaque sonanti Inspirare jubet , — As Ovid of him . Afterward followes Neptune himself , fitting in his Chariot , drawn with four Tortoyses , and grasping his tricuspis or three ●…ked Scepter in his hand : the water under them representing , all this while , a sea somewhat troubled 36 steps from the from of the house we descended into this waterh●…e ; and by 60 more we descended into a second of the same ●…hion , but not of an equall length with the other . At the right hand of this , is the whole story of Perseus , Andromeda and the Whale lively acted ; the Whale being killed , and the Lady unloosed from the rock very perfectly . But wi●…hall , it was so cunningly managed , and that with such a mutuall change of fortune , on the parties of both the combata●… , that one who had not known the fable , would have b●…n sore affraid that the Knight would have lost the victo●…y , and the Lady her life . At the other end there was shown ●…o us , Orpheus in sylvis positus , sylvaeque sequentes . There appeared unto us the resemblance of Orpheus , playing on a 〈◊〉 Viall , the trees moving with the force of the musick , and the wilde beasts dancing in tw●… rings about him . An invention which could not but cost K Henry a great sum of money ; one only string of the fidle b●…ing by mi●…chance broken , having cost King Lenis his so●… 〈◊〉 Liv●… Upon the opening of a double leaved d●…or , 〈◊〉 were exhi●…d to us divers representations and 〈◊〉 , which certainly might have been more gracefull , if they had not so much in them of the puppet play . By some step●… more we 〈◊〉 into the Garden , and by as many more into a 〈◊〉 , which opened into the water side ; in which the goodliest fl●…wer and most pleasing to my eyes , was the statua of an horse in brasse , of that bigness , that I and one of my companions could stand in the neck of him . But dismounting from this horse , we mounted our own , and so took our leaves of St. Germain . On the other side of Paris , and up the river , we saw an other of the Kings houses , called S●… . Vincent or Vincennes . It was beautified with a large part by Philip Augustus , anno 1185. who also walled the Park , and replenished it with Deer . In this house have dyed many famous personages , as Philip the fair , Lewis Hutin , and Charles the fair ; but none so much to be lamented as that of our Henry V. cut down in the flower of his age , and middest of his victories : a man most truly valiant , and the Alexander of his times . Not far from thence is an old Castle , once strong , but time hath made it now unserviceable . The people call it Chasteau Bisestre , corruptly for Vincestre ; which maketh me believe it was built by the English when they were masters of this Isle . CHAP. IV. Paris , the names and antiquity of it . The situation and greatnesse . The chief strength and Fortificat●…ons about it . The streets and buildings . King James his laudable care in beautifying London . King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town . Why not actuated . The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians . The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber . NOw we are come unto Paris , whither , indeed , I should have brought you the same day we came from Pontoyse . It hath had in diversages , two severall names ; the one taken from the people , the other from the situation ; the name taken from the people is that of Paris . J. Caesar in his Commentaries making mention o●… the Nation of the Paristi , and at that time calling this City Urbem Parisio●…um . Ammianus Marcell●…nus calleth it by the same appellative ; for as yet the name of Paris was not appropriated unto it . As for these 〈◊〉 , it is well known that they were a people 〈◊〉 Gallia Celtica ; but why the people were so called , hath been questioned , and that deservedly . Some derive them from a son of Paris the son of Priam : but the humour of deriving all nationall originations from Troy , hath long since been bissed out of the Schoole of Antiquity . The Berosus of John Annius bringeth them from one Paris King of the Celtae ; and his authority is alike authenticall . The bastards which this Annius imposed upon the Antient writers , are now taught to know their own father . Others deduce it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Greek word importing boldnesse of speech ; which is approved by William of Breton , in the first book of his Phillipiades . Finibus egressi patriis , per Gallica rura Sedem quaerebant , ponendis moenibus aptam , Et se Parisios dixerunt , nomine Graeco , Quod sonat expositum nostris , audacia , verbis . Leaving their native soil , they sought through Gaul A place to build a City , and a wall , And call'd themselves Parisians ; which in Greek Doth note a prompt audacity to speak . It is spoken of those Gaules , who coming out of the more Southern parts , here planted themselves . Neither is it improbable , that a Gallick nation should assume to it self a Greek name , that language having taken good footing in these parts , long before Caesars time , as himself testifyeth in his Commentaries . How well this name agreeth with the French nature , I have already manifested in the character of this people , both men and women . But I will not stand to this etymologie . The names of great Cities are as obscure as those of their founders ; and the conjecturall derivations of them are oftentimes rather plausible then probable ; and sometimes neither . As for the antiquity of it , it is said to be built in the time of Amasia King of Judah ; but this also is uncertain : the beginnings of antient Cities , being as dark and hidden , as the reasons of their names . Certain it is , that it is no puisnè in the world ; it being a strong and opulent Town in the dayes of Julius Caesar. The other name of this City , which is indeed the antient , and was taken from the situation of it , is Lutetia , from lutum dirt ; as being seated in an exceeding clammy and dirty soil . To this also consenteth the abovenamed William of Breton , in his said first Book of the Phillippiades , saying , — Quoniam tunc temporis illam Reddebat palus & terrae pinguedo lutosam , Aptum Paristi posuere Lutetia nomen . And since the Fens , and clammy soil did make Their City dirty : for that reasons sake , The Town , the name Lutetia did take . As for the Etymologie of Munster , who deriveth the name from Luens one of the Kings of the Celtae : it may ( for ought I know ) deservedly keep company with that of Berosus , already reci●…ed . This name of Lutetia continued till the coming of the Franks into these parts : who to endeer the nat●…on of the Parisii , and oblige them the more faithfully to do them service , commanded it for ever after to be called Paris . But the situation of this Town gave it not only the name ; it gave it also ( as the custome of Godfathers in England ) a christning gift , which is the riches of it ; and by consequence , the preheminence . In how delicate and flourishing a soil it is situate , I have already told you in my des●…iption of the vally of Montmorencie where it standeth . If you will believe Comines in the first book of his Histories , he will tell you , that Cest la citè que jamais ie veisse environneè de meilleux pais et plantureux ; of all the Cities which ever he saw , it is environed with the best and fruitful'st Countrey . The river of Seine is also , no question , a great help to the enriching of it ; for though it be not Navigable unto the Town , yet it giveth free passage unto boats of an indifferent big burden , into which the ships are unladen , and so their commodities carryed up the water . A profitable entercourse between the Sea and the City for the Merchants . Of these boats there are an infinite company that plie up and down the water , and more indeed , as the said Comines is of opinion , than any man can believe that hath not seen them . It is in circuite , as Boterus is of opinion , 12 miles . Others judge it at 10. For my part , I dare not guesse it to be above 8 ; and yet I was told by a French man , that it was in compasse no lesse then 14 leagues within the wals ; an untruth bigger then the Town . For figure it is circular , that being , according to Geometricians , of all figures the most ca●…acious . And questionlesse if it be true , that Urbs non in moenibus , sed in civibus posita est ; Paris may challenge as great a circuit as the most of Europe : it being little inferiour to the biggest , for the multitudes of her inhabitants . Joyne the compasse and the populousnesse together , and you shall hear the wisest of the French men say , that Que ce qu'est l' ame a la raison , el la prunelle a l' oeil ; cela mesme est Paris a la France . Add to this the verdict of Charles V. who being demanded which he thought to be the biggest City of France : answered , R●…ven : and being then asked , what he thought of Paris : made answer , Unpais ; that it was a whole Countrey . The Emperour did well to flatter Francis the first , who asked him these questions , and in whose power he then was ; otherwise he might have given men good cause to suspect his judgement . The truth is , that Paris is a fair and goodly Town ; yet withall , it is nothing like the miracle that some men make it . Were the figure of London altered , and all the houses of it cast into a Ring ; I dare able it a larger and more goodly Town then Paris , and that in the comparison , it may give it at the least half a mile oddes . For matter of strength and resistance , certain it is that this City is exceeding well seated , were it as well fortifyed . It lyeth in a plain flat levell , and hath no hils nigh unto it , from which it can any way be annoyed ; and for the casting and making of rowling-trenches , I think the soil is hardly serviceable . If Art were no more wanting to the strength of it then Nature , in mine opinion , it might be made almost impregnable . Henry IV. seeing the present weaknesse of it , had once a purpose ( as it is said ) to have strengthned it according to the modern art of Fortifications . But it went no further then the purpose . He was a great builder , and had many projects of Masonry in his head , which were little for his profit ; and this would have proved lesse then any , For besides the infinite sums of mony which would have be●…n e●…ployed in so immense a work ; wh●…t had this been in effect , but to put a sword into the hand of a mad man ? The mutinies and sedition of this people have made it little inferiour to Leige or Gaunt , the two most revolting . Tow●…s of Europe . And again , the Bari●…adoes against the person of King Henry III. and the large resistance it made to himself , being weak ; were sufficient to instruct him what might be expected from it by his successors , when it should be strengthned and inabled to rebellion . The present strength of the Town then is not great , the wals being very weak and ruinous ; and those other few helps which it hath , being little availeable for defence . The beautiful lest part of the whole resistance is the ditch , deep , precipitate and broad ; and to say no more of it , an excellent ward , were there any thing else correspondent to it . As for the Fort next unto St. Antonies gate , called the Bastille ; it is in my conceit too little to protect the Town , and too low to command it . When Swords only and Pick-axes were in use , and afterwards in the infancie of guns , it did some service in the nature of a Fortresse : now it serveth principally as a prison for those of the greater sort , who will permit themselves to be ●…aken . It is said to be built by the English , when they were Lords of Paris , and the vulgar are all of this opinion . Others , of the more learned sort , make it to be the work of one of the Provosts of the City . Du Chesne calleth him Hugues Aubriot , in the time of Charles V. when as yet the English had nothing to do here . The word Bastille in generall , signifieth a Fortresse ; the article la , prefixed before it , maketh it a name , and appropriateth it unto this building . There are also two little turrets , just against the gallery of the Louure , on both sides of the Seine , intended for the defence of the River ; though now they are little able to answer that intention : they also are fathered on the English , but how true I know not . An other place I marked , designed perhaps for a Rampart , but imployed at this time only by windmils . It is a goodly mount of earth , high and capacious , situate close unto the gate called St. Martins ; the most defensible part , if wel manned , of all Paris . Thus is the strength of this Town ( as you see ) but small ; and if Henry IV. lay so long before it with his Army , it was not because he could not take it , but because he would not . He was loath ( as Biron advised him ) to receive the bird naked , which he expected with all its feathers ; and this answer he gave the Lord Willougbie , who undertook to force an entry into it . For the streets , they are many of them of a lawfull and competent breadth , well pitched under the foot with fair and large peble . This paving of it was the work of Philip Augustus , anno 〈◊〉 or there abouts ; before which time it could not but be miserably dirty , if not unpassable . As it now is , the least rain maketh it very slippery and troublesome ; and as little a continuance of warme weather , ●…inking and poisonous . But whether this noisomenesse proceed from the nature of the ground , or the sluttishnesse of the people in their houses , or the neglect of the Magistrates in not providing a sufficiency of Scavengers , or all , I am not to determine . This I am confident of , that the nastiest lane in London , is Frankincense and Juniper , to the sweetest street in this City . The antient by-word was ( and there is good reason for it ) I l ●…staint comme la fange de Pa●…is : had I the power of making proverbs , I would only change il destaint into il puit , and make the by-word ten times more Orthodox . I have spoken somewhat already of the Fortificatons of this Town , but they are but trifles : the only venome of the street , is a strength unto it more powerfull then the ditches or the bulwark of St. Martins . Morrison in his Itinerarie relateth how the Citizens of Prague in Bohemia , were repairing the wals of their Town for fear of the Turkes ; but with all he addeth , that if the stink of the streets kept him not thence , there was no assurance to be looked for of the wals . I know now not how true it is of that City , I am sure it may be justly verified of this . It was therefore not unjudiciously said of an English Gentleman , that he thought Paris was the strongest Town in Christendome ; for he took ( strong ) in that sense as we do in England , when we say such a man hath a strong-breath . These things consider●…d , it could not but be an infinite happinesse granted by nature to our Henry V. that he never stopped his nose at any stink , as our Chronicles report of him . Otherwise , in my conscience , he had never been able to keep his Court there . But that which most amazed me , is , that in such a perpetuated constancy of stinks , there should yet be found so large and admirable a variety . A variety so speciall and distinct , that any Chymicall nose ( I dare lay my life on it ) two or three perambulations , would hunt out blindfold , each severall street by the smell , as perfectly as another by his eye . A Town of a strange composition , one can hardly live in it in ●…he Summer without poisning , in the Winter without miring . For the buildings , they are I confesse very handsomely and uniformely set out to the street-ward ; not unseemly in themselves , and very sutable one with another . High and perpendicular , with windowes reaching from the top almost to the bottom . The houses of the new mould in London , are just after their fashion : wherein the care and designe of our late Soveraign King James is highly to be magnifyed . Time and his good beginnings well seconded , will make that City nothing inferiour for the beauty and excellency of her structures , to the gallantest of Europe ; insomuch that he might truly have said of his London , what Augustus did of his Rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Urbem quem lateritiam inveni marmoream relinquo , as Dion hath it . But as London now is , the houses of it in the inside , are both better contrived , and richlyer furnished by far , then those of Paris ; the inward beauty and ornaments most commonly following the estate of the builders , or the owners . Their houses are distinguished by signes as with us , and under every sign there is printed in Capitall letters , what signe it is ; neither is it more then need . The old shift of This is a Cock , and this is a Bull , was never more requifite in the infancy of painting , then in this City . For ●…o hideously and so without resemblance to the thing signified , are most of these pencil-works : that I may without danger say of them as Pseudolus in Plautus doth of the let●…er which was written from Phoenicium to his young master 〈◊〉 , An 〈◊〉 hercle , habent quoque gallinae manus ? nam has 〈◊〉 ●…ma scripsit . If a hen would not scrape better portraitures on a dunghill then they have hanged up before their doors , I would send to my Hostess of Tostes to be executed . And indeed generally , the Artificers of Paris are as slovenly in their trades , as in their houses ; yet you may finde nimble d●…ncers , prety fidlers for a toy , and a Tayler that can trick ●…u up after the best and newest fashion . Their Cutlers make such abominable and fearfull knives , as would grieve a mans heart to see them : and their Glovers , are worse then they ; you would imagine by their Gloves , that the hand for which they are made , were cut of by the wrist : yet on the other side they are very perfect at tooth-picks , beard bru●…es , and ( which I hold the most commendable art of them ) at the cutting of a seal . Their Mercers are but one degree removed from a Pedler ; such as in England we call Chapmen , that is a Pedler with a shop . And for Goldsmiths there is little use of them , glasses being there most in request , both because neat , and because cheap . I perswade my self that the two severall ranks of shops in Cheapside , can shew more plate , and more variety of Mercery wares , good and rich , then three parts of Paris . Merchants they have here , but not many , and they not very wealthy . The river ebbs not , and floweth not ●…igher then 75 miles or thereabouts , and the boats which thence serve the City , being no bigger then our Western Barges . The principall means by which the people do subsist , are the Court of the King , most times held amongst them ; and the great resort of Advocates and Clients to the chambers of Parliament . Without these two crutches the Town would get a vile halting , and perhaps be scarce able to stand . What the estate of some of their wealthyest Citizens may amount to , I cannot say , yet I dare conjecture it , not to be superfluous . The Author of the book entituled Les estat du monde , reckoneth it for a great marvell that some of our London Merchants should be worth 100000 crownes , we account 〈◊〉 estate among us not to be so wonderfull , and may thence safely conclude , that they who make a prodigie of so little , are not worth so much themselves . If you believe their apparell , we may , perhaps , be perswaded otherwise ; that questionlesse speaketh no lesse then millions , though like it is , that when they are in their best clothes , they are in the midle of their estates . But concerning the ridiculous bravery of the poor Parisian , take along with you this story : Upon our first coming into Paris , there came to visit a German Lord , whom we met a ship-bord , a couple of French Gallants , his acquaintance ; the one of them ( for I did not much observe the other ) had a suit of Turkie grogram doubled with Taffeta , cut with long slashes , or carbonado's , after the French fashion , and belaied with bugle lace . Through the openings of his doublet appeared his shirt of the purest Holland , and wrought with curious needle-work ; the points at his waste and knees , all edged with a silver edging ; his garters , roses and hat-band , sutable to his points ; a beaver hat , and a pair of silk ftockins ; his cloke also of Turkey grogram , cut upon black Taffeta . This Lord ( for who would have dared to guesse him other ? ) applyed himself to me , and perceiving my ignorance in the French , accosted me in Latine , which he spake indifferently well . After some discourse , he took notice of mine eyes , which were then sore and sea-sick , and promised me , if I would call on him at his lodging the next morning , to give me a water , which suddenly would restore them to their strength and vigor . I humbly thanked his Lordship for such an ineffable and immerited favour , in the best complement and greatest obeisance I could devise . It was not for nought , thought I , that our English extoll so muth the humanity of this people ; nay I began to accuse the report of envy , as not having published the one half of their graces and affabilities . Quantillum enim virtutum illarum acceperim ! And thus taking my leave of his Honor , I greedily expected the next morning . The morning come , and the hour of visiting his Lordship almost at hand , I sent a servant to fetch a Barber to come trim me and make me neat , as not knowing what occasion I might have , of seeing his Lady or his daughters . Upon the return of the messenger , presently followeth his Altitude , and bidding me sit down in his chair , he disburdened one of his pockets ( Quis 〈◊〉 credat , nisi sit pro ●…este vetustas ? ) of a case of instruments , and the other of a bundle of linnen . Thus accommodated , he falleth to work about me , to the earning of a quardesou . In my life I had never more adoe to hold in my laughter . And certainly , had not an anger or vexation at my own folly , in casting away so much humble rhetorick the night before upon him , somewhat troubled me ; I should either have laught him out of his fine suit , or have broke my heart in the restraint . Quid domini facient , audent cum talia fures ? If a Ba●…ber may be thus taken in suspicion for a Lord , no doubt but a Mercer may be accused for a Marquesse . CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts . Of the Fauxbourgs in generall . Of the Pest-house . The Fauxbourg and Abby of St. Germain . The Queen Mothers house there . Her purpose never to reside in it . The Provost of Merchants , and his authority . The Armes of the Town . The Town-house . The Grand Chastelet . The Arcenall . The place Royall , &c. The Vicounty of Paris . And the Provosts seven daughters . THey which write of Lusitania divide it into three parts , viz. Ulteriorem , lying beyond Duerus , North ; Citeriorem , lying from Tagus , South ; and Interamnem , situate betwixt both the rivers . Paris is seated just as that Province , and may in a manner admit of the same division ; for the River of Seine , hath there so dispersed itself , that it hath divided this French Metropolis into three parts also , viz. Citeriorem , lying on this side the river , which they call La Ville , the Town ; Ulteriorem , lying beyond the further branch of it , which they call L'Universitiè ; and Interamnem , situate between both the ●…reams in a little Island ; which they call La Citè . To these add the Suburbs , or ( as they call them ) the Fauxbourgs , and you have in all four parts of Pa●…is . These Fauxbourgs are not incorporated unto the Town , or joyned together with it , as the Suburbs of London are unto that City . They stand severed from it a pretty distance , and app●…ar to be what indeed they are , a distinct body from it ; For then ost part the houses in them are old and ruinou●… : y●… the 〈◊〉 of St. Iacques is in a prety good ●…ashion and the least unsightly of them all , except St. Germains . The Faux●…ourg also of St. M●…rcell hath somewhat to commend it , which is that the great Pest-house built by Henry IV. is within the P●…cincts of it : a house built quadrangular wise , very large and capacious ; and seemeth to such as stand afar off it ( for it is not safe venturing nigh it or within ) to be more like the Palace of a King , then the Kings Palace it self . But the p●…incipallest of all the Suburbs is that of St. Germains , a place lately repaired , full of divers stately houses , and in bignesse little inf●…rior unto Oxford . It took name from the Abbey of S. Germ●…in , seated within it , built by Childebert the son of Clouis , anno 1542. in the honor of St. Vincent . Afterwards it got the name of St. German a Bishop of Paris , whose body was there buried , and at whose instigation it had formerly been founded . The number of the Monks was enlarged to the number of 120 by Charles the balde , ( he began his reign anno 841 ) and so they continue till this day . The present Abbot is Henry of Burbon Bishop of Metz , base son unto Henry IV. He is by his place Lord of all this goodly Sub●…b ; hath power of levying Taxes upon his tenants : and to him accrew all the profits of the great Fair holden here every February . The principall house in it is that of the Queen Mother , not yet fully built . The Gallery of it , which possesseth all the right side of the square , is perfectly finished , and said to be a most roy●…ll and majesticall peece . The further part also , opposite to the gate , is finished so far forth as concerneth the outside and strength of it ; the ornamentall parts and trappings of it being yet not added . When it is absolutely consummate , if it hold proportion with the other sides , both within and without , it will be a Palace for the elegancy and politenesse of the Fabrick , not 〈◊〉 in Europe . A Palace answerable to the greatnesse of her mind that built it ; yet it is by divers conjectured that her purpose is never to reside there : for which cause the building goeth but slowly forward . For when upon the death of her great Privado , the Marquesse D'Ancre , she was removed to Blois : those of the opposite ●…action in the Court got so strongly into the good opinion of the King , that not without great struglings , by those of her party , and the hazard of two civill wars , she obtained her former neernesse to his Majesty . She may see by this what to trust to , should her absence leave the Kings mind any way prepared for new impressions . Likely therefore it is , that she will rather choose to leave her fine house unhabited further then on occasions for a Banquet , then give the least opportunity to stagger her greatnesse . This house is called Luxembourg Palace , as being built in place of an old house belonging to the Duke of that Province . The second house of note in this Suburb is that of the Prince of Conde , to whom it was given by the Queen Mother , in the first year of her Reg●…ncy . The Town of Paris , is that part of it , which lyeth on this side of the hithermost branch of the Seine towards Picardie . What was spoken before in the generall hath its reference to this particular ; whether it concern the sweetn●…sse of the streets , the manner of the building , the furniture of the artificer , or the like . It containeth in it 13 Parish Churches , viz. St. German de l'Auxerre , 2 St. Eustace , 3 Les Saints Inno●…ents , 4 St. Savueur , 4 St. Nicolas des champs . 6 Le Sepul●…re . 7 St. Iacques de la bouchierie , 8 St. Josse , 9 St. Mercy , 10. St. Jean , 11 St. Gervase , and St. Protasse , 12 St. Paul , and 13 St. Jean le ●…onde It also hath in it 7 Gates , sc. 1 St. Anthony upon the side of the river neer unto the Arcenall . 2 Porte du Temple . 3 St. Martin . 4 St. Denis . 5 Mont martre . 6 St. Honorè , and 7 Porte Neufue , so called because it was built since the others , which joyneth hard upon the Tnilleries , the Garden of the Louure . The principall Governour of Paris , as also of the whole Isle of France , is the Duke of Monbazon , who hath h●…ld this office ever since the year 1619. when it was surrendred by Luines ; but he little medleth with the City . The particular Governours of it are the two Provosts , the one called Le Provost du Paris , the other Le Provost des Merchands . The Provost of Paris determineth of all causes between Citizen and Citizen , whether they be criminall or civill . The office is for term of life ; the place of judgement , the Grand Chastelet . The pres●…nt P●…st i●… called Mr. Seguier , and is by birth of the Nobility ; a●… all which are honoured with this office must be . He hath as his assistants three Lieutenants ; the Lieutenant criminall , which judgeth in matters of lise and death ; the Lieutenant civill , which decideth causes of debt or trespasse between party and party ; and the Lieutenant particular , who supplyeth their severall places in their absence . There are also necessarily required to this Court the Proeureur , and the Advocate , or the Kings Solli●…itour , and Attorney , 12 Counsellours , and of und●…r-officers more then enough . This Office is said to have been 〈◊〉 in the time of Lewis the son of Charles the great . In matters criminall there is app●…al admitted from hence to the Tournelle . In matters civill , if the sum exceed the value of 250 Livres , to the great Chamber , or Le grande Chambre in the Court of Parliament . The Prov●…st of the Merchants , and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus , who began his reign anno 1190. His office is to conserve the liberties and indulgences , granted to the Merchants and Artificers of the City : to have an eye over the sales of Wine , Corn , Wood , Cole , &c. and to impose taxes on them ; to keep the keyes of the Gates , to give watchword in time of war ; to grant Past-ports to such as are willing to leave the Town , and the like . There are also four other Officers joyned unto him , 〈◊〉 they call them , who also carry a great sway in the City . There are moreover 〈◊〉 to them in their proceedings , the Kings Sollicitour ( or P●…cureur ) and 24 Counsellours . To compare this Corporation with that of London , the Pr●…st is as the Maior , the Es●…evins as the Sheriffs , the 24 Counsellours as the A●…dermen , and the Procureur as the Recorder . I omit the under-officers , whereof there is no scarcity . The place of their meetings is called L'●…stel de ville , or the Guilde-ball The present Provost , Mr. de Grieu●… , his habit , as also that of the 〈◊〉 , and Counsel●…urs , half red , half skie coloured , the City livery with a hood of the same . This Provost is as much above the other in power , as men which are loved , commonly are above those which are feared . This Provost the people willingly , yea sometimes ●…ctiously obey , as the 〈◊〉 of their liberties ; the other they only dread as the Judge of their liv●…s , and the tyrants over their Estates . To shew the power of this Prov●…st , both for and with the people against their Princes , you may please to take notice of two instances . For the people against Philip d●… Valois , anno 1349. when the said King desiring an Impost of one Livre in five Crowns , upon all wares sold in Paris , for the better managing of h●…s Wars against the English , could obtain it but for one year only ; and that not without speciall letters reversall , that it should no way 〈◊〉 their priviledges . With the people , anno 1357 , when King John was P●…isoner in England , and Charles the Daulphin , afterwards the 〈◊〉 of that name , labour●…d his ransome amongst the Parisians . For then S●…phen Mar●…ll the Provost , attended by the Vulgar 〈◊〉 , not only brake open the Daulphins Chamber , but sl●…w J●…hn de Conflans and Robert of Clermount , two Marschals of France , before his face Nay , to add yet further 〈◊〉 to this , he took his party-coloured hood off his head , pu●…ting it on the Daulphins , and all that day wore the Daulphins hat , being a b●…own bl●…ck ; Pour signal de sa dictature , as the token of his Dictatorship . And which is more then all this , he sent the Daulphin cloth to make him a Gowne and an Ho●…d of the City livery ; and compelled him to avow the massacre of his servants above nam●…d , as done by his commandement : Horrible insolencies ! Quam miserum est ●…um haec impune facere 〈◊〉 ? as Tully of Marcus Antonius . The Arm●…s of this Town , as also of the Corporation of the Provost and 〈◊〉 , are Gules , a Ship Argent ; a Chi●… p●…dred with flower de L●…ces , Or. The seat or place of their assembly , is called ( as we said ) L'h●…stell de ville , or the Guld-hall . It was built or rather finished by Francis the first , 〈◊〉 1533. and since 〈◊〉 and repaired by Francis Miron , once 〈◊〉 des Merchands , and afterwards Privie 〈◊〉 to the King. It standeth on one side of the Greve , which is the publick place of execution , and is built quadrangular wise , all of free and polished stone , evenly and orderly laid together . You ascend by 30 or 40 steps , fair and large , before you come into the Quadrate ; and thence by severall staires into the severall rooms and Chambers of it , which are very nearly contrived and richly furnished . The grand Chastelet is said to have been 〈◊〉 by Julian the Apostata , at such time as he was Governor of Gaul . It was afterwards new built by 〈◊〉 Augustus : and since repaired by Lewis XII . in which time of 〈◊〉 , the Provst of Paris kept his Courts in the Palace of the Louure . To sight it is not very gratious , what it may be within I know not . Certain I am , that it looketh far more 〈◊〉 a prison ( for which use it also serveth ) then a Town 〈◊〉 or seat of judgment . In this part of Paris called Laville , or the Town , is the Kings Arcenal or Magazin of War ; it carryeth not any great face of majesty on the out-side , neither indeed is it necessary ; such places are most beautifull without , when they are most terrible within . It was begun by Henry 〈◊〉 finished by Charles the ninth , and augmented by Mr. De Rhosny , great Master of the Artillery . It is said to contain 100 field-pieces and their carriages ; as also Armor sufficient for 10000 horse , and 50000 foot . In this part also of Paris is that excellent pile of building called the Place Royall , built partly at the charges , and partly at the encouragement of Henry IV. It is built in forme of a quadrangle , every side of the square being in length 72 〈◊〉 ; the materials 〈◊〉 of divers colours , which makes it very pleasing , though lesse durable . It is 〈◊〉 round , just after the fashion of the Royall Exchange in London , the walks being paved under foot . The houses of it are very fair and large , every one having its Garden aud other out-lets . In all they are 36 , nine of a side , and 〈◊〉 to be sufficient capable of a great retinue ; the Ambassadour for the estate of Venice , lying in one of them . It is 〈◊〉 in that place , whereas formerly the solemn Tilting were performed , a place famous and 〈◊〉 for the death of Henry II. who was here 〈◊〉 with the splinters of a Lance , as he was running with the Earl of Montgomery , a Scotish-man ; a sad and heavie accident . To conclude this discourse of the Ville or Town of Paris , I must a little wander out of it ; because the power and command of the Provost saith it must be so : for his authoriis not confined within the Town . He hath seven daughters on which he may exercise it ; Les sept filles dela Prevoste de Paris , as the French call them . These seven daughters are seven Bailiwicks , comprehended within the Vicountie of Paris , viz. 1 Poissy . 2 St. German en lay . 3 Tornon 4 Torcie en Brie . 5 Corbeil . 6 Montlierie . And 7 Genness en France . Over these his jurisdiction is extended , though not as Provost of Paris . Here he commandeth and giveth judgement as Lieutenant civill to the Duke of Monbazon , or the supream Governour of Paris , and the Isle of France , f●r the time being . Yet this Lieutenant being an Office perpetually annexed to the Provostship , is the occasion that the Bailiwicks above named are called Les sept filles de la Prevoste . CHAP. VI. The University of Paris , and Founders of it . Of the Colledges in general . Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them . The small maintenance allowed to Scholars in the Universities of France . The great Colledge at Tholoza . Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular ; That and the House of Parliament , the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty . Of the Polity and Government of the University . The Rector and his precedency ; The disordered life of the Scholars there being . An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge . The priviledges of the Scholars , their degrees , &c. THat part of Paris which lyeth beyond the furthermost branch of the Seine , is called the University . It is little inferiour to the Town for 〈◊〉 , and lesse superior to it in sweetness or opulency . Whatsoever hath been said of the whole in general , was intended to this part also , as well as the others : all the learning in it , being not able to free it from those inconveniences , wherewith it is distressed . It containeth in it only 〈◊〉 parish Churches : the paucity whereof is supplyed by the multitude of religious houses , which are within it . These six Churches are called by the names of St. Nicholas du Chardonuere , 2. St. Estienne , at this time in repairing . 3. St. Severin . 4. St. Bennoist . 5. St. Andre . And 6. St. Cosome . It hath also eight Gates , viz. 1. Porte de Neste , by the water side over against the Louure . 2. Porte de Buçi. 3. St. Germain . 4. St. Michell . 5. St. Jacques . 6. St. Marcell . 7. St. Victor , and 8. Porte de la Tornelle . It was not accounted as a distinct member of Paris , or as the third part of it , untill the year 1304. at what time the Scholars having lived formerly dispersed about the City , began to settle themselves together in this place : and so to become a peculiar Corporation . The University was founded by Charles the great , anno 791. at the perswasion of Alcuine an Oxford man , and the Scholar of venerable Bede : who brought with him three of his con disciples to be the first readers there : their names were Rabbanus Maurus , John Erigena , surnamed 〈◊〉 ; & Claudus , who was also called Clement . To these four doth the University of Paris owe its originall and first rudiments : neither was this the first time , that England had been the Schoolmistiess unto France ; we lent them not only their 〈◊〉 Doctors in Divinity and Philosophy ; but from us also did they receive the mysteries of their Religion , when they were Heathens . Disciplina in Britannia reperta , ( saith Julius 〈◊〉 Com. 6. ) atque inde in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse existimatur . An authority not to be questioned by any , but by a Caesar. Learning thus new born at Paris , continued not long in any full vigour . For almost 300 years it was fallen into a deadly trance : and not here only , but also through the greatest part of Europe : anno 1160. or 〈◊〉 Peter Lombard , Bishop of Paris , the first author of Scholastical Divinity ; and by his followers called the Master of the Sentences ; revived it here in this Town by the savour and encouragement of Lewis 7. In his own house were the Lectures first read : and after as the numbers of Students did encrease , in sundry other parts of the Town ; Colledges they had none till the year 1304. The Scholars till then sojourning in the houses of the Citizens , accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment . But 〈◊〉 1304 Joane , Queen of Navarre , 〈◊〉 to Philip the fair , built that Colledge , which then and ever since hath been called the Colledge of Navarre : and is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest . Non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exempla ubi coeperunt , sed in tenuem accepta tramitem , latissime 〈◊〉 viam sibi faciunt : as Velleius . This good example ended not in it self : but incited divers others of the French Kings , and p●…ople , to the erecting of convenient places of study . 〈◊〉 that in process of time , Paris became enriched with 52 Colledges . So many it still hath , though the odde forty are little serviceable unto learning , for in twelve only of them is there any publick reading , either in Divinity or Philosophy . Those twelve are the Colledges of Harcourte . 2. Caillvi , or the P●…tit Sorb●…nne . 3. Lisseux , or Lexovium . 4 Boncourte . 5. M●…ntague . 6. Le Marche . 7. Nav●…re . 8. De la Cardi●…al de Moyne . 9. Le Plessis . 10. De Beavais . 11. La Sorbonne . 12. De Clermont , or the Colledge of the Jesuites : there are also publique readings in the houses of the four orders of Fryers Mendicants , viz. the Carmelites , the Augustins , the Fran●…ans , or Cordeliers , and the Dominicans . The other Colledges are destinated to other uses . That of Arras is converted to an house of English fugitives ; and there is another of them hard by the Gate of St. Jacques , employed for the reception of the Irish. In others of them there is lodging allotted out to Students , who for the●…r instructions have resort to some of the 12 Colledges above mentioned . In each of these Colledges there is a Rector : most of whose places yeeld to them but small profit . The greatest commodity which accreweth to them is raised from chamber Rents : their preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford ; or that of a Treasurer in an Inne of Chancery in London . At the first erection of their Colledges , they were all prohibited marriage , though I see little reason for it . There can hardly come any inconvenience or dammage by it , unto the scholars under their charge , by the assuming of leases into their own hands : for I think few of them have any to be so imbezled . Anno 1520. or thereabouts it was permitted unto such of them as were Doctors in Physick , that they might marry : the Cardinall of Toute Ville , L●…gat in France , giving unto them that indulgence . Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Lawes petitioned the University for the like priviledge : which in fine was granted to them , and confirmed by the Court of Parliament . The Doctors of Divinity are the only Academicals now barred from it : and that not as Rectors , but as Pri●…sts . These Colledges for their buildings are very inelegant , and generally little beholding to the curiosity of the artificer . So confused and so proportioned in respect of our Colledges in England , as Exeter in Oxford was some 12. years since , in comparison of the rest : or as the two Temples in London now are , in reference to Lincolns Inne . The revenues of them are suitable to the Fabricks , as mean and curtailed . I could not learn of any Colledge , that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne : and how small a trifle that is , we shall tell you presently . But this is not the poverty of the University of Paris only : all France is troubled with the same want , the same want of encouragement in learning : neither are the Academies of Germanie in any happier state , which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times , having been in England and seen Cambridge , to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance , Unum Collegium Cantabrigiense ( confidenter dicam ) superat vel decem nostra . It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings , in which sense he spake it : but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the revenues . Yet I was given to understand , that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colledges , one of an especiall quality : and so indeed it is , if rightly considered . There are said to be in it 20 Students places , ( or fellowships as we call them ) . The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florens , or Livres ; paid unto him after six years , by his successor : Vendere jure potest , emerat ille prius . A pretty market . The Colledge of Sorbonne , which is indeed the glory of ●…is University , was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the ●…hamber of Lewis the 9. of whom he was very well beloved . It consisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity : neither can any of another profession , nor any of the same profession not so graduated , be admitted into it . At this time their number is about 70 ; their allowance , a pint of wine , ( their pinte is but a thought lesse then our quart ) and a certain quantity of bread daily . Meat they have none allowed them , unless they pay for it : but the pay is not much : for five Sols ( which amounte●…h to six pence English ) a day , they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish , to be served to them at their chambers . These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity : the Rector and other officers of the University , having nothing to do in it . To them alone belongeth the ●…mination of the ●…udents in the faculty , the approbatio●… , and the best●…ing of the honour : and to their Lectures do all such assid●… usly repair , as are that way minded . All of them in their 〈◊〉 discharge this office of reading , and that by six●…s in a day : th●…e of them making good the Pulpit in the ●…noon ; and as many in the a●…noon . These Doctors are accounted , together with the Parliament of Paris , the principal pillars of the French Liberty : whereof in●…d they are exc●…ding jealous , as well in matter●… Ecclesiastical as Civil . When Gerson Chancellor of Paris ( he died Anno 1429. ) had published a book in approbation of the Councell o●… 〈◊〉 ; where it was enacted that the authority of the Councell was greater then that of the Pope : the So●…ne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine . Afterwards when Iewis the 11. to gratifie Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatick sanction ; the Sorlonnisis in behalf of the Church Gall●…an and the University of Paris ; Magnis obsistebant animis , ( saith Sleidan in his Commentaries ) & a Papa provocabant ad ●…cilium . The C●…uncell unto which they appealed was that of B●…sil ; where that sanction was made : so that by this appeal , they verified their former Thesis ; that the Councell was above the Pope . And not l●…ng since , anno viz 1613. casually meeting with a book written by ●…nus , entituled , Co●…troversia Anglicana de potes●…te regis & papae : they called an assembly , and condemned it . For though the main of it , was against the power and su●…macy of the Kings of England : yet did it reflect also on the authority of the Pope over other Ch●…stian Kings by the bie , which occasioned the Sentence . So jealous are they of the least circumstances , in which the immunity of their nation may be endangered . As for the Government of the University , it hath for its chief direct●…ur , a Rector : with a Chancellor , four Procurators or Proctors , and as many others , whom they call ●…es Intra●… , to assist him ; besides the Regents . Of these the Regents are such Masters of the Arts , who are by the consent of the rest , selected to read the publick Lectures of Logi●…k and Philosophy . Their name they derive a regendo , eo quod in artibus rexerint . These are divided into four Nations , viz. 1 The Norman 2 The Picarde . 3 The German . And 4 The French. Under the two first are comprehended the students of those several Provinces : under the third , the S●…udents of all forein natio●…s , which repair hither for the attainment of knowledge . It was heretofore called natio A●…glica : but the English being thought unworthy of the honour , because of their separation from the Church of Ro●…e ; the name and credit of it was given to the Germans . That of the French is again subdivided into two parts : that which is immediately within the Diocese of Paris ; and that which containeth the rest of Gallia . These four Nations ( for notwithstanding the subdivision above m●…ioned the French is reckoned but as one ) choose yearly four Proctors or Procurators ; so called , quia negotia nationis suae procurant . They choose four other officers , whom they call les I●…trantes : in whose power there remaineth the Delegated authority of their several Nations . A●…d here it is to be observed , that in the French Nation , the Procurator , and Intrant , is one year of the Diocese of Paris ; and the following year of the rest of France : the reason why that Nation is subdivided . These four Int●…antes thus named , have amongst them the election of the Rector : who is their supreme M●…gistrate . The present Rector is named Mr. Tarrienus , of the Colledge of Harcourte : a Master of the Arts , for a Doctor is not capable of the Office. The honour lasteth only three moneths ; which time expired , the Intrantes proceed to a new election : though oftentimes it hapneth that the same man ha●…h the lease renued . Within the confines of the University , he taketh place next after the Princes of the bloud : and at the publique exercises of learning before the Cardinals , otherwise he giveth them the 〈◊〉 . B●…t to Bishops or Archbishops he will not grant it upon any occasion . It was not two moneths before my being there , that there hapned a shrewd controv●…e ab●…ut it . For their King had then summoned an assembly of 25. Bishops of the Provinces adjoyning , to consult about some Church affairs ; and they had chosen the Colledge of Sorbonne to be their Senate-house : when the first day of their sitting came , a Doctor of the house being appointed to preach before them : began his oration with Reverendissime Rector , & vos amplissimi praesules . Here the Archbishop of R●…n , a man of an high spirit , interrupted him and commanded him to invert his stile . He obeyed , and presently the Rector riseth up with Impono tibi silentium : which is an injunction within the compasse of his power . Upon this the Preacher being tongue-tied , the controversie grew hot between the Bishops and the Rector , both parties very eagerly pleading their own priority . All the morning being almost spent in this altercation , a Cardinal wiser then the rest , desired that the question might for that time be layed aside : and that the Rector would be pleased to permit the Doctor to deliver his Sermon , beginning it without any praeludium at all . To which request the R●…ctor yeelded , and so the contention at that time was ended . But salus academiae non vertitur in istis . It were more for the honour and profit of the University , if the Rector would leave off to be so mindefull of his place , and look a little to his office . For certainly never the eye and utmost diligence of a Magistrate was wanting more , and yet more necessary , then in this place . Penelopes suitors never behaved themselves so insolently in the h●…use of Ulysses , as the Academicks here do in the houses and streets of Paris . Nos numeri sumus , & fruges consumere nati , Spon●… Penelopes , n●…bolones Alcinoique — not so becoming the mouth of any as of those . When you hear of their behaviour , you would think you were in Turkie : and that these men were the Janizaries . For an Angel given amongst them to drink , they will arrest whom you shall appoint them : double the money , and they shall break open his house , and ravish him into the Gaole . I have not heard that they can be hired to a murder : though nothing be more common amongst them then killing , except it be stealing . Wi●…ness those many 〈◊〉 which are f●…und dead in the morning , whom a desire to secure themselves and make re●…nce to their pillages ; hath only made earth again . Nay , which is most horr●…ble , they have regulated their villanous practises into a Common-wealth : and have their captains and other officers , who command them in their night-walks ; and dispose of their purchases . To be a Gipsie and a Scholar of Paris , are almost Sy●…ma . One of their Captains had in one week ( for no lon●…er would the gallowes let him enjoy his honour ) stolne no ●…r then 80 cloaks . Num suit Auto●…i tam piceata manu●… ? For these thefts , being apprehended , he was adjudged to the wheel : but because the ●…udges were informed that during the time of his reign , he had kep●… the hands of himself and his co●…pany unpolluted with bloud ; he had the favour to be hanged . In a word , this ungoverned rable , ( whom to call scholars were to profane that title ) omit no outrages or turbulent misdemeanors , which possibly can be , or were ever known to be committed in place ; which consis●…h meerly of priviledge , and nothing of statute . I would heartily wish that those who are so ill conceited of their own two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge , and accuse them of dissolut●…ness in their behaviour ; would either spend some time in the Schools beyond seas : or enquire what newes abroad , of those which have seen them . Then would they doub●…less see their own errors , and correct them . Then would they admire the regularity and civility of those places , which before they condemned of debauchednesse . Then would they esteem those places as the seminary of modesty and vertue , which the●… now account as the nurseries only of an 〈◊〉 rud●…ness . Such an opinion I am sure some of the A●…ista chi of these d●…ies , have lodged in their breasts , concerning the misgovernment of our Athens . Perhaps a kinsm●…n of theirs hath played the unthri●…t , equa●…ly of his time a●…d money : hence their malice to it , and their invectives agai●…st it . Thus of old , — Pallas exurere ●…lassem Argivam , atque ips●…s potuit submergere ponto Unius ob cu●…pam & furias Ai●…is Oïlei . An injustice more unpardonable , then the greatest sin of the Universities . But I wrong a good cause with an unnecessary patronage . Yet such is the peccant humour of some , th●…t they know not how to expiate the follics of one but with the calumnie and dispraise of all An unmanly weaknesse , and yet many poss●…ssed with it . I know it unpossible , that in a place of youth and liberty some should ●…ot give occasion of offence . The Ark wherein there were eight persons only , was not without one Cham , and of the twelve wh●…ch Christ had chosen , one was a Devill . It were then above a miracle , if amongst so full a cohort of young souldi●…rs , none should forsake the Ensign of his Generall : he notwithstanding that should give the imputation of cowardize to the whole army ; cannot but be accounted malitious or peevish . But let all such as have evill will at Sion , live unregarded , and die unremembred , sor want of some Scholar to write their Epitaph . Certainly a man not wedded to envie , and a spitefull v●…tion of spirit , upon a due examination of the civility of our Ly●… , and a comparison of them with those abroad , cannot but say , and that justly , N●…n habent Academiae Anglicanae pares , nisi 〈◊〉 as . The principal cau●…e of the rudeness and dis●…rders in Paris have been chi●…y 〈◊〉 by the great priviledges wherewith the Kings of France intended t●…e furtherance and security of 〈◊〉 . Having thus let them get the bridle in t●…ir own hands , no marvel if th●…y grow si●…k with an un●…ntrolled 〈◊〉 . O●… th●…se priviledges some are , 〈◊〉 no S●…rs g●…ds can be seized upon , for the pay●… of his debts : that none of them should be liable to any 〈◊〉 or impositions ( a royall 〈◊〉 to such as are 〈◊〉 with France : ) that they might carry and r●…y ●…ir 〈◊〉 without the least molestation : that they should have the Provost of Paris to be the k●…er and defender of their liberties , who is therefore stiled , Le conservateur des privileges royaux de l' Universite de Paris , &c. One greater priviledge they have yet then all these ; which is their soon taking of degrees . Two years seeth them Novices in the Arts , and Masters of them . So that enjoying by their degrees an absolute freedome , before the ●…ollies and violences of youth are broke in them : they become so unruly and insolent , as I have told you . These degrees are conferred on them by the Cha●…cellor , who seldome examineth further of them then his ●…ees . Those payed , he presenteth them to the Rector , and giveth them their Letters Patents sealed with the University Seal : which is the main part of the creation . He also setteth the Seal to the Authenticall Letters ( for so they term them ) of such whom the Sorbonnists have passed for Doctors . The present Chancellor is named Petrus de Pierre vive , Doctor of Divinity , and Canon of the Church of Nostre Dame : ( as also are all they which enjoy that office ) . He is chosen by the Bishop of Paris , and taketh place of any under that dignity . But of this ill-managed University , enough , if not too much . CHAP. VII . The City of Paris sealed in the place of old Lute●…ia . The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University . King Henry's Statua . Alex●…nder's injurious policy . The Church and revenues of Nostre dame . The Holy-water there . The original mak●…ng and vertue of it . The Lamp before the Altar . The heathenishnesse of both customes . Paris best seen from the top of this Church : the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder : the baptizing of Bels , the grand Hospital and decency of it . The place Daulphin . The holy Chappel and Reliques there . What the Ancients thought of Reliques . The Exchange . The little Chastelet . A transition to the Parliament . THE Isle of Paris , commonly called L'Isle du Palais , seated between the University and the Town : is that part of the whole , which is called La Cite , the City , the ●…pitome and abstract of all France . It is the sweetest and best ordered part of all Paris ; and certainly if Paris may be thought to be the eye of the Realm ; this Island may be equally judged to be the apple of that eye . It is by much the lesser part , and by as much the richer , by as much the dec●…nter : and afsordeth more variety of objects , then both the other . It containeth an equall number of Parish Churches , with the Town , and double the number of the University . For it hath in it 13 Churches parochial , viz. la Magdalene . 2 St. Geniveue des ardents . 3 St. Christopher . 4 St. Pierre aux Boeufs . 5 St. Marine . 6 St. Lander . 7 St. Symphorian . 8 St. Denis de la chari●…e . 9 St. 〈◊〉 . 10 St. 〈◊〉 d●…s Asfis . 11 St. Croix . 12 St. Marciall . 13 St. German de vreux . S●…ed it is in the middle of the Seine , and in that place wh●…re stood the old Lutetia : Labienus cum quatuor legionibus ( saith Jul. Caesar 70 Comment . ) Lutetiam proficiscitur : id est opidum Parisiorum positum in medio fluminis Sequanae . It is joyned to the main land , and the other parts of this French Metropolis , by six Bridges , two of wood , and four of stone : the stone Bridges , are 1 Le petit pont , a Bridge which certainly deserveth that name . 2 Le pont de Nostre dame , which is all covered with two goodly ranks of houses : and those adorned with portly and antick imagery . 3 Le pont St. Michell , so called , because it leadeth towards the Gate of St. Michell ; hath also on each side a beautifull row of houses : all of the same fashion , so ●…xactly , that but by their severall doors , you would scarce think them to be several houses . they are all new , as being built in the reign of this present King , whose armes is engraven over every door of them . The fourth and largest Bridge , is that which standeth at the end of the Isle next the Louure ; and covere●…h the waters now united again into one stream . It was begun to be built by Katharine of Medices , the Queen-Mother , anno 1578. her Son King Henry the 3. laying the first stone of it . The finishing of it was reserved unto Henry 4. who as soon as he had setled his affairs in this Town , presently set the workmen about it . In the end of it where it joyneth to the Town , there is a water-house which by artificiall engines forceth up waters from a fresh spring , rising from under the river : done at the charge of this King also . In the midst of it is the Statua of the said Henry 4. all in brasse , mounted on his barbed Steed , of the same mettle . They are both of them very unproportionable unto those which they represent : and would shew them big enough , were they placed on the top of Nostre dame Church . What minded King Lewis to make his father of so gigantive a stature , I cannot tell . Alexander at his return from his Indian expedition , scattered Armours , Swords , and Horsebits , far bigger then were serviceable : to make future ages admire his greatnesse . Yet some have hence collected , that the acts he performed are not so great as they are reported : because he strived to make them seem greater then they were . It may also chance to happen , that men in the times to come , comparing the atchievements of this King , with his brazen portraiture : may think that the histo●…ians have as much belied his valour as the statuary hath his person . A ponte ad pontifices . From the Bridge proceed we to the Church , the principal Church of Paris ▪ being that Nostre dame . A Church very uncertain of its fi●…st founder , though ●…ome report him to be St. Savinian : of whom I can meet with no more then his name . But who ever laid the first foundation , it much matters not : all the glory of the work being now cast on Philip Augustus ; who pitying the ruines of it , began to build it anno 1196. It is a very fair and awfull building , adorned with a very beautiful front , and two towers of especiall height . It is in length 174 paces , and 60 in bredth : and is said to be as many paces high : and that the two towers are 70 yards higher then the rest of the Church . At your first entrance on the right hand , is the effigies of St. Christopher , with our Saviour on his shoulders . A man , the Legend maketh him as well as the Mason , of a gyant like stature ; though of the two , the Mason's workmanship is the more admirable : his being all cut out of one main stone ; that of the Legendary being patched up of many fabulous and ridiculous shreds : it hath in it four ranks of pillars 30 in rank ; and 45 little Chappels , or Masseclosets , built between the outermost range of pillars , and the wals . This is the seat of the Archbishop of Paris , sor such now he is . It was a Bishoprick only till the year 1622. When Pope Gregory the 15. at the request of King Lewis , raised it to a Metropolitanship . But by this addition of honour , I think the present Incumbent hath got nothing , either in precedency or profit . He had before a necessary voice in the Court of Parliament , and took place immediately next after the Presidents , he doth no more now . Before he had the priority of all the Bishops , and now he is but the last of all the Archbishops : a preferment rather intellectuall then reall : and perhaps his successors may account it a punishment ; for besides that the dignity is too un weildy for the revenue , which is but 6000 Livres or 600 l. English yearly : like enough it is , that some may come into that Sea of Caesar's minde , who being in a small village of the Alps , thus delivered his ambition to his followers , Mallem esse hic primus , quam Romae secundus . The present possessor of this Chair , is Francis de Gondi , by birth a Florentine : one , whom I have heard much famed for a Statesman , but little for a Scholar . But had he nothing in him , this alone were sufficient to make him famous to posterity , that he was the fi●…st Archbishop , and the last Bishop of the City of Paris . There is moreover in this Church a Dean , 7 Dignities , and 50 Canons . The Deans place is valued at 4000 Livres , the D●…gnities at 3000 , and the Canons at 2000 ; no great intrados : and yet unproportionable to the Archbish●…ick . At Dieppe ( as I have said ) I observed the first Idolatry of the Papists : here I noted their first su●…erstitions ; which were the needlesse use of Holy-water , and the burning of Lamps before the Altar . The first is said to have been the invention of Pope Alexander the 7. Bishop of Rome in their account after Peter . I dare not give so much credit un●…o Platina , as to believe it of this antiquity ; much less unto Bellarmine , who deriveth it from the Apostles themselves . In this paradox , he hath enemies enough at home , his own Doctors being all for Alexander , yet they also are not in the right . The principall foundattion of their opinion , is an Epistle decretory of this Alexander : which in it self carr●…eth its own 〈◊〉 . The citations of Scripture , on which ●…his Superstition is thought to be grounded , are all taken out of the vulgar Latine translation attributed to St. Hierome , whereas neither was there in the time of Alexander any publick Translation of the Bible into Latine : neither was St. Jerome born within 300 years after him . Holy-water then is not of such a standing in the Church , as the Papists would perswade us : and as yet I have not met with any , that can justly inform me at what time the Church received it ; many corruptions they have among them whereof neither they nor we can tell the beginnings . It consisteth of two ingredients , salt and water : each of them severally consecrated or rather exorcised ; for so the words go : Exorcizo te creatura salis . And afterwards , Exorcizo te creatura aquae &c. This done , the salt is sprinkled into the water in form of a crosse , the Priest in the mean time saying , Commixtio salis & aquae pariter fiat , in nomine patris , &c. Being made , it is put into a cistern standing at the entrance of their Church : the people at their coming in , sometimes dipping their fingers into it , and making with it the sign of the crosse on their foreheads : and sometimes being sprinkled with it by one of the Priests , who in course bestow that blessing upon them . Pope Alexander who is said to be the father of it , gave it the gift of purifying and sanctifying all which it washed : Ut cuncti illa aspersi purificentur , & sanctificentur , saith his Decretall . The Roman Rituall published and confirmed by Paulus 5. maketh it very soveraign , ad abigendos daemones , & spiritus immundos . Bellarmine maintaineth it a principall remedy , ad remissionem peccatorum venialium , and saith ; that this was the perpetuall doctrine of the Church . Augustin Steuchus in his Commentaries on Numbers , leaveth out venialia , and pronounceth it to be necessary , ut ad ejus aspersum delicta nostra deleantur , so omnipotent is this Holy-water , that the bloud of our Saviour Christ may be in a manner judged unnecessary ; but it is not only used in the Churches , the Rituale Romanum , of which I spake but now , alloweth any of the faithfull to carry it away with them in their vessels , ad aspergendos aegros , domos , agros , vineas & alia : & ad habendam eam in cubiculis suis. To which purposes you cannot but think this water to be exceeding serviceable . The second superstition which this Church shewed me was the continuall burning of a Lamp before the Altar , a ceremony brought into the Churches ( as it is likely ) by Pope Innocent 3. anno 1215. at what time he ordained that there should a pix be bought to cover the bread , and that it should be therein reserved over the Altar . This honour one of late times hath communicated also unto the virgin Mary : whose image in this Church , hath a lanthorn ex diametro before it : and in that a candle perpetually burning . The name of the Donour , I could not learn , only I met on the skreen close by the Ladies image this inscription , Une ave Maria , et un ' pater noster , pour l' in qui 〈◊〉 donne : which was intended on him that bestowed the Lanthorn . No question but Pope Inn●…cent , when he ordered this Vestall 〈◊〉 to be kept amongst the Christians , thought he had done God good service in reviving his old Comm●…dement given to Moses in Exod. 27. 20 , 21 if so , the world cannot clear him of Judaism ; therefore the best way were to say he learned it of the Gentiles : For we read that the Athenians had 〈◊〉 inextincti luminis , before the Statua of their Pallas : that the Persians also had Ignem pervigilem in their Temples : and so also had the Medians and Assyrians . To omit the everlasting fire of V●…ta , and come neer home ▪ we meet with it also here in Br●…tain ; In Britannia quoque ( saith a good Philosopher ) Minervae numen eolitur , in 〈◊〉 temploperpetui ignes , &c. Afterwards the 〈◊〉 of the Court applying divine honours unto their Kings , this custome of having fire continually burning before them , began to grow in fashion among the Romans . Herodian amongst other the ensignes of imperiall majesty , is sure not to omit this , and therefore telleth us , that notwithstanding Commodus was fallen out with his sister Lucilla , he permitteth her her antient seat in the Theatre , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that fire should still be carryed before her . The present Romans succeed the ●…ormer , as in their possessions , so in their follies . For calling the Sacrament their Lord God , and the Virgin their Lady , they thought they should rob them of half their honour , sh●…uld they not have their Lamps and fires also burning before them . As are their lamps , so is their holy-water , meerly Heath●…sh : Siquidem in omnibus sacris ( as we read in the ●…ourth Book Genialium dierum ) sac●…rdos cum diis imm●…lat , & rem divinam facit , corporis ablutione purgatur . The author giveth a reason for it , and I would have no Papist , no not 〈◊〉 himself to give a better ; Aquae enim aspersione labem tolli , & 〈◊〉 praestari 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 did the Priest only use it 〈◊〉 , but he sprinkled also the people with it ; Spargere rore levi , & ramo foeli●…is olivae , Lustravitque viros : — As Virgil in the Aeneid's . In which place two things are to be noted : First , Ramus olivae , now called 〈◊〉 , or the sprinkling rod , wherewith the water is sprinkled on the by-standers . And secondly , the term lustrare , meerly the name of Aqua lustralis , by which they call it . That the laicks also of the Gentiles , were clensed of sin by this water , is evident by that of Homer , where he maketh Orestes having killed his mother , and thereupon grown mad , at once restored to his wits and quiet thoughts , by washing in the water . Perhaps Pilate might allude to this custome , when having condemned our Saviour , he washed his hands in the middest of the Congregation . Hereunto also Ovid : O faciles nimium , qui tristia crimina caedis Fluminea tolli posse putatis aqua . Too facile souls , which think such hainous matters Can be aboliz'd by the river waters . Indeed , in the word 〈◊〉 , the Poet was somewhat ou●… , the waters only of the Sea serving for the expiation of any crime ; the reason was , Cum propter vim igneam magnopere purga●…bus 〈◊〉 putaretur ; and for this cause 〈◊〉 , do the Popish Priests use salt in the cons●…cration of their holy-water ; that it might as nigh as was possible , resemble the waters of the Sea in saltnesse . So willing are they in all circumstances to act the Heathens . But I have kept you too long within the Church , it is now time to go up to the top , and survey the outworks of it . It hath , as we have already said , at the front two Towers of admirable beauty they are both of an equal height , and are each of them 377 steps in the ascent . From hence we could clearly see the whole 〈◊〉 of Paris , and each severall street of it ▪ such as we have already described , of an orbicular form and neatly compacted . From hence could we see the whole valley round about it , such as I have also delineated already , though not in such lively colours as it meriteth . In one of these Towers there is a ring of Bels , in the other two only , but these for worth are equall to all the rest ; the bigger of the two is said to be greater then the B●…ll of Roven so much talked of ; as being 8 yards and a span in compasse , and two yards and a half in depth ; the bowl also of the clapper being one yard and a quarter round : of a great weight it needs must be , and therefore Multorum manibus grande levatur onus , there are no lesse then four main ropes , besides their severall tale-ropes , to ring it . By reason of this trouble it is never rung , but in time of thunders , and those no mean ones neither , lesser bels will serve to disperse the lesser tempests ; this is used only in the horrider claps , and such as threaten a dissolution of nature . But how well , as well this as the smaller bels discharge that office , experience would tell us were we void of reason ; yet so much do the people affiance themselves to this conceit of the power of them , that they suppose it inherent to them continually , after the Bishop hath baptized them ; which is done in this manner . The bell being so hanged that it may be washed within and without , in comes the Bishop in his Episcopall robes , attended by one of his Deacons , and sitting by the Bell in his chaire saith with a loud voice the 50 , 53 , 56 , 66 , 69 , 85 , and 12 Psalmes , or some of them : then doth he exorcize severally the salt and the water , and having conjured these ingredients into an Holy-water , he washeth with it the Bell , both on the inside and the outside , wiping it dry with a linnen cloth , he readeth the 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 , 149 , and 150 Psalms ; he draweth a crosse on it with his right thumb dipped in hallowed oyl , ( Chrisme they call it ) and then prayeth over it . His prayer finished , he wipeth out that crosse , and having said over the 48 Psalm , he draweth on it with the same oyl , seven other crosses , saying , Sanctificetur & consecretur Domine campana ista , in nomine , &c. After another prayer , the Bishop taketh the Censour , and putting into it Myrrhe and Frankincense , setteth it on fire , and putteth it under the Bell that it may receive all the fume of it . This done , the 76 Psalm read and some other prayers repeated , the Bell hath received his whole and entire B●…ptisme , and these virtues following , viz. Ut per illius tactum procul pellantur omnes insidiae inimici , fragor grandium , pro●…lla turbinum , impetus tempestatum , &c. For so one of the prayers reckoneth them prescribed in the Roman Pontificall , authorized by Clement VIII . A strange piece of Religion that a Bell should be Baptized ; and so much the stranger , in that these inanimate bodies can be received into the Church , by no other ministry then that of the Bishop ; the true Sacrament being permitted to every hedge Priest. Not farre from the West gate of this Church of Nostre dame , is the Hostel dieu , or Le grand Hospital de Paris ; first founded by St. Lewis , anno 1258. it hath been since beautifyed and enlarged , anno 1535. by Mr. Anthony Pratt Chancellour of France , who augmented the number of Hospitalers ; and gave fair revenues for the maintaining of Chirurgeons , Apothecaries , and Religious men among them . Since that time , the Provosts and Eschevins of Paris have been especiall Benefactors unto it . At the first entrance into it , you come into their Chappell , small , but handsome and well furnished ; after , you passe into a long gallery , having four ranks of beds , two close to the two wals , and two in the middle . The beds are all sutable one to the other ; their Valence , Curtains and Rugs being all yellow . At the right hand of it , was a gallery more then double the length of this first , so also furnished . At the further end of this a door opened into another Chamber , dedicated only to sick women : and within them another room , wherein women with childe are lightned of their burden , and their children kept till seven years of age , at the charge of the Hospitall . At the middle of the first gallery towards the left hand , were four other ranks of beds , little differing from the rest , but that their furniture was blew ; and in them there was no place for any but such as were somewhat wounded , and belonged properly to the Chirurgeon . There are numbred in the whole Hospitall no fewer then 700 beds ( besides those of the attendants , Priests , Apothec●…ries , &c ) and in every bed two persons . O●…e would imagine that in such a variety of wounds and diseases , a walke into it , and a view of it , might ●…avour more of curiosity , then discretion , but indeed it is nothing lesse ; for besides that no person of an infectious disease is admitted into it : which maketh much for the safety of such as view it ; all things are there kept so cleanly , neatly and orderly , that it is sweeter walking there then in the best street of Paris , none excepted . Next unto these succeedeth La Sancte Chappelle , situate in the middle of the Palais ; a Chappell famous for its forme , but more for its Reliques . It was founded by Lewis IX . vulgarly called St. Lewis , 1248. and is divided into two parts , the upper and the lower , the lower serving for the keeping of the Reliques ; and the upper for celebrating the Masse . It is a comely spruce Edifice without , but far more curious within ; the glasse of it for the excellency of painting , and the Organs for the richnesse and elaborate workmanship of the case , not giving way to any in Europe . I could not learn the number o●… Chanoins , which are maintained in it , though I heard they were places of 300 Crowns revenue . As for their Treasurer , Le Threasururier , so they call their Governour ; He hath granted him by especall priviledge licence to wear all the Episcopall habits , except the Crosier-staffe ; and to bear himselfe as a Bishop within the liberties of his Chappell . In the top of the upper Chappell ( it is built almost in forme of a Synagogue ) there hangeth the true proportion ( as they say ) of the Crown of thornes : but of this more when we have gone over the Reliques . I was there divers times to have seen them , but ( it seemeth ) they were not vible to an Hug●…ots eyes ; though me thinketh , they might have considered , that my money was Catholique . They are kept , as I said , in the lower Chappell , and are thus 〈◊〉 in a Table , hanging in the upper ; know then that you may believe that they can shew you the crown of thornes , the bloud which ran from our Saviours brest , his swadling cloutes , a great part of the Crosse ( they also of Nostre dame have some of it ) the chaine by which the Jewes bound him , no small peece of the stone of the Sepulchre , Sanctam toelam tabulae insertam , which I know not how to English. Some of the Virgins milke , ( for I would not have those of St. Denis think , that the Virgin gave no other milk , but to them ) the head of the Lance which pierced our Saviour , the purple Robe , the Sponge , a piece of his Shroud , the napkin wherewith he was gir●…ed when he washed his Disciples feet , the rod of Mos●…s , the heads of St. Blase , St. Clement , and St. Simeon , and part of the head of John Baptist. Immediately under this recitall of these Reliques ( and venerable ones I durst say they were , could I be p●…rswaded there were no imposture in them ) there are set down a Prayer and an Anthem , both in the same Table ; as followeth . Oratio . Quaesumus Omnipotens Deus , ut qui sacra sanctissimae redemptionis nostrae insignia , temporaliter veneramur : per haec indesinenter muniti , aeternitatis gloriam consequamur , per dominum nostrum , &c. De sacrosanctis reliquiis Antiphona . Christo plebs dedita , Tot Christi donis praedita Jocunderis hodie , Tota sis devota , Erumpens in jubilum , Depone mentis nubilum ; Tempus est laetitiae , Cura sit summota , Ecce crux et Lancea , ferrum , corona spin●… , Arma regis gloriae , Tibi offerantur , Omnes terrae populi , laudent actorem seculi , Per quem tantis gratiae signis gloriantur . Amen . Pretty Divinity , if one had time to examine it . These Reliques as the Table 〈◊〉 us , were given unto St. Lewis , 〈◊〉 . 1247. by Baldwin the II. the last King of the Latines in Constantinople ; to which place the Christians of 〈◊〉 had brought them , during the times that those parts were harryed by the Turks and Sara●…ns . Certainly , were they the same , which they are given out to be , I see no harme in it , if we should honour them . The very reverence due unto antiquity and a silver head , could not but ex●…ract some acknowledgment of respect , even from an Heathen . It was therefore commendably done by Pope Leo , having received a parcell of the Crosse from the 〈◊〉 of Jerusalem , that he entertained it with 〈◊〉 , Particulam dominicae crucis ( saith he in his 72. Epistle ) cum Eulogiis 〈◊〉 tuae venera tur accepi . To adore and worship that or any other Relick whatsoever , with Prayers and Anthems , as the Papists you see do ; never came within the minds of the Antients , and therefore St. Ambrose calleth it , Gent●…s error , & 〈◊〉 impio●…um . This also was S●… . 〈◊〉 Religion , as himself testifieth in his Epist●… to Riparius , Nos ( saith he ) non di●… Martyrum reliquias , sed ne Solem quidem & Lunam , non Angelos , &c. c●…limus & odoramus . Thus were those two fathers mind●…d towards such Reliques , as were known to be no others then what they seemed : Before too many centuries of years had consumed the true ones ; and the impostures of the Priests had brought in false , had they lived in our times , and seen the supposed remnants of the Saints , not honoured only , but adored and worshipped by their blind and infatuated people ; what would they have said ? or rather , what would they not have said ? Questionlesse the least they could do , were to take up the complaint of Vigilantins ( the Papists reck on him for an Heretick ) saying , Quid necesse est t●…nto honore non solum honorare , sed etiam adorare , illud nes●…io quid , quod in vasculo transferendo co●…s ? P●…esently without the Chappell is the B●…se , La Gallerie des Merchands ; a rank of shops , in shew , but not in substance , like to those in the Exchange in London It reacheth from the Chappell unto the great hall of Parliament ; and is the common through-fare between them . On the bottome of the staires and round about the severall houses , consecrated to the execution of Justice , are sundry shops of the same nature , meanly furnished if compared with ou●…s ; yet I perswade my self the richest of this kind in Paris . I should now go and take a view of the Parliament house ; but I will step a little out of the way to see the Place 〈◊〉 in , and the little Chastelet ; this last serveth now only as the Gaole or Common-prison belonging to the Court of the Provost of Merchants , and it deserveth no other imployment . It is seated at the end of the Bridge called Petit Pont , and was built by Hugh Aubriot once Provost of this Town , to represse the fury and insolencies of the Scholars , whose ●…udenesse and misdemeanors can no wayes be better bridled . Omnes eos , qui nomen ipsum Academiae , vel serio , vel joco nominossent , haereticos pronunciavit , saith Platina of Pope Paul the 〈◊〉 . I dare say it of this wildernesse , that whosoever will account it as an Academy , is an Heretick to Learning and Civility . The Place Daulphin , is a beautifull heap of building , situate nigh unto the new Bridge . It was built at the encouragement of Henry IV. and entituled according to the title of his Son. The houses are all of brick , high built , uniforme , and indeed such as deserve and would exact a longer description , were not the Parliament now ready to sit , and my self sommoned to make my appearance . CHAP. VIII . The Parliament of France when begun ; of whom it consisted . The dignity and esteem of it abroad , made sedentarie at Paris , appropriated to the long robe . The Palais by whom built , and converted to seats of Justice . The seven Chambers of Parliament . The great Chamber . The number and dignity of the Presidents . The Duke of Biron afraid of them . The Kings seat in it . The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano . The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds ; and over the affaires of the King. This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France . La Tournelle , and the Judges of it . The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted , and by whom . In what cause it is decisive . The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament . The Chancellour of France and his Authority . The two Courts of Requests , and Masters of them . The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers . THe Court of Parliament was at the first instituted by Charles Martell Grandfather to Charlemaine , at such time as he was Maire of the Palace , unto the la●…e and rechlesse Kings of France . In the beginnings of the French Empire , their Kings did justice to their people in person : afterwards banishing themselves from all the affaires of State , that burden was cast upon the shoulders of their Maiors ; an office much of a nature with the Praefecti praetorio in the Roman Empire . When this office was bestowed upon the said Charles Martell , he partly weary of the trouble , partly intent about ▪ a businesse of an higher nature , which was , the 〈◊〉 the Crown in his own posterity ; but princip●…lly to endeer himself to the common people , ordained this Court of Parliament , anno 720. It consisted in the beginning of 12 Peers , the Prelates and noble men of the best fashion , together with some of the principallest of the Kings houshold . Other Courts have been called the Parliaments with an ●…ddition of place , as of Paris , at Roven , &c. this only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Parliament . It handled as well causes of estate , as those of private persons . For hither did the Ambassadors of neighbour Princes repaire , to have their audience and dispatch ; and hither were the Articles agreed on , in the nationall Synods of France sent to be confirmed and verified ; here did the subjects tender in their homages , and Oaths of fidelity to the King ; and here were the appeals heard of all such as had complained against the Comites , at that time the Governours and Judges in their severall Counties . Being furnished thus with the prime and choycest Nobles of the Land , it grew into great estimation abroad in the world ; insomuch that the Kings of Sicilie , Cyprus , Scotland , Bo●…emia , Portugall , and Navarre , have thought it no disparagement unto them to sit in it ; and which is more , when Frederick II. had spent so much time in quarrels with Pope Innocent IV. he submitted himself and the rightnesse of his cause to be examined by this Noble Court of Parliament . At the first institution of this Court , it had no setled place of residence , being sometimes kept at Tholoza , sometimes at 〈◊〉 la Chappelle , sometimes in other places , according as the Kings pleasure , and ease of the people did require . During its time of peregrination , it was called Ambulatoire , following for the most part the Kings Court , as the lower sphaeres do the motion of the primum mobile ; but Philip le bel ( he began his reign anno 1286 ) being to take a journey into Flanders , and to stay there a long space of time , for the setling of his affaires in that Countrey , took order that this Court of Parliament should stay behind at Paris ; where ever since it hath continued . Now began it to be called Sedentaire or setled , and also peua peu , by little and little to lose much of its lustre . For the chie●… Princes and Nobles of the Kings retinue , not able to live out of the aire of the Court , withdrew themselves from the troubles of it ; by which means at last it came to be appropriated to them of the Long robe , as they term them , bo●…h Bishops and Lawyers . In the year 1463. the Prelates also were removed by the command of Lewis XI . an utter enemy to the great ones of his Kingdome , only the Bishop of Paris , and Abbot of St. Denis , being permitted their place in it : since which time the Professors of the civill law have had all the sway in it , Et cedunt arma togae , as Tully . The place in which this Sedentarie Court of Parliament is now kept , is called the Palace , being built by Philip le ●…el , and intended to be his mansion or dwelling house . He began it in the first year of his reign , anno 1286. and afterwards assigned a part of it to his Judges of the Parliament : 〈◊〉 being not totally and absolutely quitted unto them till the dayes of King Lewis XII . In this the French Subjects are beholding to the English ; by whose good example they got the ease of a Sedentarie Court : our Law courts also removing with the King , till the year 1224 when by a Statute in the Magna Charta it was appointed to be fixt ; and a part of the Kings Palace in Westminster allotted for that purpose . Within the verge of this Palais are contained the seven Ch●…mbers of the Parliament ; that called La grande Chambre ; ●…ve Chambers of Inquisition , Des Enquestes ; and one other called La Tournelle . There are moreover the Chambers , des ●…es , des accomptes , de l' edict , des monnoyes , and one called La Chambre Royall ; of all which we shall have occasion to ●…eak in their proper places : these not concerning the ●…mon government of the people , but only of the Kings revenues . Of these seven Chambers of Parliament , La grande Chambre is most famous ; and at the building of this house by Philip le bel , was intended for the Kings bed . It is no such beautifull piece as the French make it , that of Roven being far beyond it ; although indeed it much excell the fairest room of Justice in all Westminster ; so that it standeth in a middle rank between them , and almost in the same proportions as Virgil betwixt Homer and Ovid. Quantum Virgilius magno concessit Homero ; Tantum ego Virgilio Naso poeta meo . It consisteth of seven Presidents , 22 Counsellours , the Kings Atturney ; and as many Adv●…cates and Proctours as the Court will please to give admission to . The Advocates have no setled studies within the Palais , but at the Barre ; but the Procureurs or Attorneys have their severall pews in the great Hall , which is without this Grande Chambre , in such manner as I have before described at Roven : a large building it is , fair and high roofed : not long since ruined by a casualty of fire , and not yet fully finished . The names of the Presidents are Mr. Verdun , the first President , or by way of excellencie , Le President , the second man of the Long robe in France . 2. Mr. Sequer , lately dead , and likely to have his son succeed him , as well in his Office , as in his ●…ands . 3. Mr. Leiger . 4. Mr. Dosambe . 5. Mr. Sevin . 6. Mr. Baillure . And 7 Mr. Meisme . None of these , neither Presidents nor Counsellors , can go out of Paris , when the Lawes are open , without leave of the Court : it was ordained so by Lewis XII . anno 1499. and that with good judgement ; Sentences being given with greater awe , and businesses managed with greater majesty when the Bench is full : and it seemeth indeed that they carry with them great terror ; for the Duke of Biron , a ●…an of as uncontrouled spirit , as any in France , being called to answer for himself in this Court , protested , that those scarlet roabs did more amaze him , then all the red cassocks of Spain . At the left hand of this Grande Chambre , or Golden Chambre as they call it ; is a Throne or seat Royall , reserved for the King , when he shall please to come and see the administration of Justice amongst his people ; at common times it is naked and plain , but when the King is expected , it is clothed with blew-purple Velvet , semied with flowers de lys ; on each side of it are two formes or benches , where the Peers of both habits , both Ecclesiasticall and Secular , use to fit and accompany the King. But this is little to the ease or benefit of the Subject , and as little availeable to try the integrity of the Judges ; his presence being alwayes foreknown , and so accordingly they prepared . Far better then is it , in the Grande Signeur , where the Divano , or Councell of the Turkish affairs holden by the Bassas , is hard by his bed-chamber which looketh into it : the window which giveth him this entervenue is perpetually hidden with a curtain on the side of the partition , which is towards the Divano ; so that the Bassas and other Judges cannot at any time assure themselves that the Emperor is not listning to their sentences : an action in which nothing is Turkish or Mahometan . The authority of this Court extendeth it self unto all causes within the jurisdiction of it , not being meerly ecclesiasticall . It is a law unto it self , following no rule written in their sentences , but judging according to equity and conscience . In matters criminall of greater consequence , the processe is here immediately examined , without any preparation of it by the inferior Courts ; as at the arraignment of the Duke of Biron : and divers times also in matters personall . But their power is most eminent in disposing the affaires of State , and of the Kingdome . For such prerogatives have the French Kings given hereunto , that they can neither denounce War , nor conclude Peace , without the consent ( a formall one at the least ) of this Chamber . An alienation of the Lands of the Crown , is not any whit valid , unlesse confirmed by this Court : neither are his Edicts in force , till they are here verified : nor his Letters Patents for the creating of a Peer , till they are here allowed of . Most of these , I confesse , are little more then matters of form , the Kings power and pleasure being become boundlesse ; yet sufficient to shew the body of authority which they once had , and the shadow of it , which they still keep ; yet of late they have got into their disposing one priviledge belonging formerly to the Conventus ordinum , or the Assembly of three Estates , which is the conferring of the regency or protection of their King during his minority . That the Assembly of the three Estates formerly had this priviledge is evident by their stories . Thus we finde them to have made Queen Blanche Regent of the R●…alm , during the nonage of her son St. Lewis , 1227. That they declared Philip de Valois successor to the Crown , in case that the widow of Charles le b●…l , was not delivered of a son , 1357. As also Philip of Burgogne , during the Lunacy of Charles VI. 1394. with divers other . On the other side we have a late ●…xample of the power of the Parliament of Paris in this very case . For the same day that Henry IV. was 〈◊〉 by Ravilliae , the Parliament met , and after a short consultation , declared Mary de M●…dices , Mother to the King , Regent in France , for the government of the State , during the minority of her son , with all power a●…d authority . Such are the words of the Instrument , Dated the 14 of May 1●…10 . It cannot be said but that this C●…urt deserveth not only this , but also any other indulgence , whereof any one 〈◊〉 of the Common-wealth is c●…pable . So watchfull are they over the health of the State , and so tenderly do they take the least danger threatned to the liberty of that Kingdom , that they may not unjustly be called , patres patriae . In the year 1614. they seized upon a discourse written by Suarez a Jesuite , Entituled , Adversus Anglicanae sectae errores : wherein the Popes temporall power over Kings and Princes is averred : which they sentenced to be burnt in the Palace-yard by the publick hangman . The year before they in●…cted the same punishment upon a vain and blasphemous discourse penned by Gasper Scioppius , a fellow of a most desperate brain , and a very incendiary . Neither hath Bellarmine himself , that great Atlas of the Roman Church , escaped much better : for writing a book concerning the t●…mporall power of his Holinesse , it had the ill luck to come into Paris , where the Parliament finding it to thwart the liberty and royalty of the King and Countrey , gave it over to the Hangman , and he to the fire . Thus it is ●…vident that the titles which the French writers give it , as the true Temple of French Justice , the ●…uttresse of equity , and the gardian of the rights of France , and the like , are abundan●…ly deserved ●… it . The next Chamber in esteem is the Tournelle , which handleth all matters criminall . It is so called from tourner , which 〈◊〉 to change or alter ; because the Judges of the other severall chambers give sentence in this , according to their severall turns ; the reason of which institution is said to be , lest a continuall custome of condemning , should make the Judges lesse mercifull , and more prodigall of bloud : an order full of health and providence . It was instituted by the above named Philip de bel , at the same time when he made the Parliament sedentarie at Paris ; and besides its peculiar and originall imployments , it receiveth appeals from , and redresseth the errors of the Provost of Paris . The other five Chambers are called Des Enquestes , or Camerae inqu●…sitionum ; the first and antientest of them was erected also by Philip le bel , and afterwards divided into two by Charles VII . Afterwards the multitude of Processes being greater then could be dispatched in these Courts , there was added a third . Francis the first established the fourth for the better raising of a sum of money which then he wanted ; every one of the new Counsellors paying right deerly for his place . The fifth and last was sounded in the year 1568. In each of these severall Chambers there are two Presidents , and 20 Counsellors , besides Advocates and Proctours ad placitum . In the Tou●…nelle , which is an aggregation of all the other Courts , there are supposed to be no sewer then 200 officers of all sorts ; which is no great number considering the many causes there handled . In the Tournelle , the Judges sit on life and death ; in the Chamber of Enq●…s , they examine only civill 〈◊〉 of estate , title , deb●… , or the like . The pleaders in these Courts are called Advo●…ates , and must be at the least 〈◊〉 in the study of the Law. At the Parliaments of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 , they admit of none but Doctors . Now the 〈◊〉 of admitting them is this : In an open and freque●…t Court , one of the aged'st of the Long roab presenteth the party , which desireth admission , to the Kings Attorney generall , saying with a loud voice , Paise a cour recevoir N. N. 〈◊〉 ( or Docteur ) en droict civil , a la office a' Advocate ; This said , the Kings Attorney biddeth him hold up his hand , and saith to him in Latine , Tu jurabis observare omnes regias consuetudines ; he answereth 〈◊〉 , and departeth . At the Chamber door of the Court , whereof he is now sworn an Advocate , he payeth two crowns ; which is forth with put into the common treasury appointed for the relief of the 〈◊〉 widows of ruined Advocates and 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 veniam pe●…imusque damusque , it may be their own cases , and therefore it is paid willingly . The highest preserment of which these Advocates are capable is that of Chanc●…llor , an office of great power and profit : the present Chancellor is named Mr. d' 〈◊〉 , by birth of Chartres . He hath no settled Court wherein to exercise his authority , but hath in all the Courts of France the Supream place whensoever he will vouchsa●…e to visite them . He is also P●…sident of the Councell of Estate by his place ; and on him dependeth the making of good and sacr●…d laws , the admin●…stration of Justice , the reformation of 〈◊〉 , and abrogation of unprofitable Edicts , &c. He hath the keeping of the Kings great seal , and by virtue of that , either 〈◊〉 or putteth back such Letters p●…tents and 〈◊〉 as are exhibited to him . He hath under him , immediately for the better dispatch of his affaires , four Masters of the Requests and their Courts . Their office and manner of proceeding , is the same which they also use in England ; in the persons there is thus much d●…fference , for that in France , two of them must be p●…rpetually of the Clergy . One of their Courts is very antient , and hath in it two Presidents , which are two of the M●…sters ; and 14 Counsellors . The other is of a later erection as being ●…ounded anno 1580 and in that , the two other of the 〈◊〉 and eight Counsellors give sentence . Thus have I taken a view of the severall Chambers of the Parliament of Paris , and of their particular jurisdictions , as far as my information could conduct me . One thing I not●…d further , and in my mind the fairest ornament of the Palace , which is the neatnesse and decency of the Lawyers in their apparell ; for besides the fashion of their habit , which is I assure you , exceeding pleasing and comely , themselves by thei●… own care and love to handsomenesse , add great lustre to their ga●…ments , and more to their persons . Richly drest they 〈◊〉 , and well may be so , as being the abl●…st and most power●…ull men under the Princes and la Noblesse , in all the Countrey ; an happinesse , as I conjecture rather of the 〈◊〉 then the men . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 been the fate and destinie of the Law to strengthen and inable its professors beyond any other Art or Science : the pleaders in all Common-wealth●… , ●…h for sway amongst the people , and 〈◊〉 amongst the military men , having alwayes had the preheminence . O●… this rank were Pericles , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , and D●…sthenes amongst the Athenians , Antonius , Cato , Caesar and Tully at Rome ; men equally famous for Oratory and the Sword : yet this I can confidently say , that the severall states above mentioned , were more indebted to Tully and Demosibenes , b●…ing both meer gown-men , then to the best of their Captains ; the one freeing Athens from the armies of Macedon , th●… other delivering Rome from the conspiracy of Catiline . O fortunatam natam te Consule Romam ! It is not then the fate of France only , nor of England , to see so much power in the hands of the Lawyers : and the case being generall , me thinks the envie should be the lesse : and lesse it is indeed with them then with us . The English Clergy , though otherwise the most accomplisht in the world , in this folly deserveth no Apologie ; being so strongly ill affected to the pleaders of their Nation , that I fear it may be said of some of them , Quod invidiam non ad causam , sed per sonam & ad voluntatem dirigunt ; a weaknesse not more unworthy of them , then prejudiciall to them . For by fostering between both gowns such an unnecessary emulation , they do but exasperate that power which they cannot controul , and betray themselves to much envie and discontentednesse ; a disease whose cure is more in my wishes then my hopes . CHAP. IX . The Kings Palace of the Louure , by whom built . The unsutablenesse of it . The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother . The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle . Henry IV. a great builder . His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean . La Salle des Antiques . The French not studious of Antiquities . Burbon house . The Tuilleries , &c. WE have discharged the King of one Palace , and must follow him to the other , where we shall finde his residence . It is seated at the West side of the Town or Ville of Paris , hard by Portenufue , and also by the new bridge . A house of great fame , and which the Kings of France have long kept their Court in . It was first built by Philip Augustus , anno 1214. and by him intended for a Castle : it first serving to imprison the more potent of the Nobles ; and to lay up the Kings treasury . For that cause it was well moated , strengthned with wals and drawbridges , very serviceable in those times . It had the name of Louure , quasi L'oeuure , or the work , the building , by way of excellency . An etymologie which draweth nigher to the ear , then the understanding , or the eye ; and yet the French writers would make it a miracle . Du Chesne calleth it , Superbe bastiment , qui n'a son esgal en toute la Christientè ; and you shall hear it called in an other place , Bestiment qui passe , aujourd hui en excellence et en grandeur , tous les autres . Brave elogies , if all were gold that glistered . It hath now given up its charge of money and great prisoners to the Bas●…ile , and at this time serveth only to imprison the Court. In my life , I never saw any thing more abused by a good report , or that more belyeth the rumors that go of it . The ordinary talk of vulgar travellers , and the big words of the French , had made me expect at the least some prodigie of architecture ; some such Maj●…sticall house as the Sunne Don Phoebus is said to have dwelt in , in Ovid. Regia S●…lis erat sublimibus alta columnis , Claramicante auro , flamasque imit●…nte pyropo , Cujus ebur nitidum , &c. Ind●…ed I thought no fiction in Poetry had been able to have paralleld it : and made no doubt but it would have put me into such a passion as to have cryed out with the young Gallant in the Comedy , when he had seen his sweet-heart , Hei mihi qualis erat ? talis erat qualem nunquam ●…di ; But I was much deceived in that hope , and could finde nothing in it to admire , much lesse to envie . The Fable of the Mountaine which was with childe , and brought forth a mouse ; is questionlesse a fable : this house and the large ●…ame it hath in the world , is the morall of it . Never was there an house more unsutable to it self in the particular examination of parts , nor more unsu●…able to the character and esteem of it in the generall Survey of the whole . You enter into it over two draw bridges , and through three ga●…es , ruinous enough , and abundantly unsightly . In the Q●…adrangle you meet with three severall fashions of building , of three severall ages , and they so unhappily joyned one to the other , that one would half believe they had been clapped together by an earthquake . The South and West parts of it are new , and indeed Princelike ; being the work of Francis the first , and his son Henry . Had it been all cast into the same mould , I perswade my self that it would be very gracious and lovely . The other two are of an ancient work , and so contemptible , that they disgrace the rest ; and of these I suppose the one 〈◊〉 to be at the least 100 years older then his partner : such is it without . As for the inside , it is far more gracefull , and would be pleasing at the entrance , were the Guard-chamber reformed . Some Hugonot architect , which were not in love with the errours of Antiquity , might make a pretty room of it ; a catholick Carpenter would never get credit by it : for whereas the provident thrift of our forefathers intended it ( for the house would else be too narrow for the Kings retinue ) both for a room of safety and of pleasure , both for bill-men and dancers ; and for that cause made up some six ranks of seats on each side ; that sparingnesse in the more curious eyes of this time , is little Kinglike : Countrey wenches might with indifferent stomach abuse a good Galliard in it , or it might perhaps serve with a ●…age at one end to entertain the Parisians at a play , or with a partition in the middle , it might be divided into two prety plausible Cockpits ; but to be employed in the nature it now is , either to solace the King and Lords in a dance , or to give any forain Ambassador his welcome in a Maske , is little sutable with the Majesty of a King of France . The Chambers of it are well built , but ill furnished ; the hangings of them being somewhat below a meannesse ; and yet of these there is no small scarcity . For as it is said of the Gymnosophists of India , that Una Domus & mansioni sufficit & sepulturae : so may we of this Prince , the same Chamber serveth for to lodge him , to feed him , and also to confer and discourse with his Nobility . But like enough it is that this want may proceed from the severall Courts of the King , the Monsieur , the Queen Mother and the Qeen Regnant , being all kept within it . Proceed we now to the two Galleries , whereof the first is that of the Queen Mother , as being beautified and adorned exceedingly by Katharine de Medices , mother to Henry III. and Charles IX . It containeth the pictures of all the Kings of France , and the most loved of their Queens , since the time of St. Lewis . They stand each King opposite to his Queen , she being that of his wives which either brought him most estate , or his successors . The tables are all of a just length , very fair , and according to my little acquaintance with the Painter , of a most excellent workmanship , and which addeth much grace to it , they are in a manner a perfect History of the State and Court of France in their severall times . For under each of the Kings pictures , they have drawn the portraitures of most of those Lords whom valor and courage in the field enobled beyond their births . Under each of the Queens the lively shapes of the most principall Ladies , whose beautie and virtue had honored the Court. A dainty invention , and happily expressed . At the further end of it standeth the last King and the present Queen Mother ; who fill up the whole room . The succeeding Princes , if they mean to live in their pictures , must either build new places for them , or else make use of the long Gallery built by Henry IV. and which openeth into that of the Q●…een Mother . A Gallery it is of an incredible length , as being above 500 yards long , and of a breadth and height not unporportionable ; a room built rather for ostentation then use , and such as hath more in it of the majesty of its ●…ounder then the grace . It was said to have been erected purposely to joyn the Louure unto the House and Garden of the Tuilleries , an unlikely matter that such a stupendious building should be designed only for a cleanly conveyance into a Summer house : others are of an opinion that he had a res●…lution to have made the house quadrangular , every side being correspondent to this which should have been the common Gallery to the rest . Which design had it taken effect , this Palace would at once have been the wonder of the world , and the envy of it . For my part , I dare be of this last minde , as well because the second side is in part begun , as also considering how in finitely this King was inclined to building . The Place Daulphin , and the Place Royall , two of the finest piles in Paris , were erected partly by his purse , but principally by his encouragement . The new Bridge in Paris was meerly his work ; so was also the new Palace , and most admirable waterworks of St. Germans en lay . This long Gallery and the new Pest house oweth it self wholly to him ; and the house of Fountainebleau , which is the fairest in France , is beholding to him for most of its beauty ; add to this his Fortifications bestowed on the Bastile ; his walling of Arles ; and his purpose to have strengthned Parts according to the modern art of Towns : and you will finde the attribute of Parietaria or wall flower , which Constantine scoffingly gave unto Trajan for his great humour of building , to be due unto this King ; but seriously and with reverence . Besides the generall love he had to building , he had also an ambition to go beyond example , which also induceth me further to believe his intent of making that large and admirable quadrangle above spoken of , to have been serious and reall . For to omit others , certain it is , that he had a project of great spirit and difficulty , which was to joyn the Mediterranean sea and the Ocean together ; and to make the Navigation from the one to the other through France , and not to passe by the straight of Gibraltare . It came into Councell , anno 1604 , and was resolved to be done by this means : The river Garond is Navigable from the Ocean almost to Tholoza ; and the Mediterranean openeth it self into the Land by a little River , whose name I know not , as high as Narbonne . Betwixt these two places was there a Navigable channell to have been digged , and it proceeded so far towards , being actuated , that a workman had undertaken it , and the price was agreed upon . But there arising some discontents between the Kings of France and Spain , about the building of the Fort Fluentes in the Countrey of the Grisons ; the King not knowing what use he might have of Treasure in that quarrell , commanded the work not to go forward . However he is to be commended in the attempt , which was indeed Kinglike , and worthy his spirit : praise him in his heroick purpose and designe . Quem si non tenuit , magnis tamen excidit ausis . But the principal beauty , if I may judge of this so much admired Palace of the Louure , is a low plain room , paved under foot with bricks , and without any hangings or tapestrie on the sides ; yet being the best set out and furnished to my content of any in France . It is called , La Salle des Antiques , and hath in it five of the antientest and venerablest pieces of all the Kingdome . For this Nation generally is regardlesse of Antiquity , both in the monuments and studie of it , so that you shall hardly find any ancient inscription , or any famous ruine snatched from the hand of time , in the best of their Cities or Churches . In the Church only of Amiens could I meet with an ancient character , which also was but a Gothish Dutch letter , and expressed nothing but the name and virtue of a Bishop of the Church on whose tomb it was . So little also did I perceive them to be inclined to be Antiquaries , that both neglects considered , Si verbis audacia detu●… , I dare confidently aver , not only that the Earl of Arundels Gardens have more antiquities of this kind , then all France can boast of ; but that one Cotton for the Treasury , and one Selden ( now Mr. Camden is dead ) for the study of the like antiquities ; are worth all the French. As for these five pieces in La Salle des Antiques , they are I confesse worthy observation , and respect also , if they be such as our Trudgemen enforme us . At the farther end of it is the Statua of Diana , the same , as is said , which was worshipped in the renowned Temple of Ephesus ; and of which Demetrius the Silversmith and his fellow artists , cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Great is Diana of the Ephesians . Of a large and manly proportion she seemeth to be . Quantum & quale latus , quam invenile femur ! As Ovid of his Mistresse . She is all naked save her feet , which are buskin'd ; and that she hath a skarfe or linnen rowl , which coming over her left shoulder , and meeting about her middle , hung down with both ends of it a little lower . In the first place on the right hand as we descended towards the door , was the Statua of one of the Gods of Ethiopia , as black as any of his people , and one that had nothing about him to expresse his particular being . Next to him the Effigies of Mercury , naked all except his feet , and with a pipe in his mouth , as when he inchanted Argus : Namque reperta fistula nuper erat , saith the Metamorphosis . Next unto him the portraiture of Venus quight , and most immodestly unapparelled ; in her hand her little son Cupid , as well arraied as his mother , sitting on a Dolphin . Last of all Apollo also in the same naked truth , but that he had shooes on , he was portraied as lately returned from a combate , perhaps that against the Serpent Python . Qu●…m Deus arcitenens & nunquam talibus armis Ante nisi in damis capreisque fugacibus usus , Mille gravem telis , ( exhausia paene pharetra ) Perdidit effuso per vulnera nigra 〈◊〉 . As Ovid. The Archer god , who ere that pr●…nt tide Nere us'd those armes , but against the Roes and Deer : With thousand 〈◊〉 , the earth made to be died With Serpents bloud , his quiver emp●…ied cleer . That I was in the right conjecture , I had these reasons to perswade me , the quiver on the Gods right shoulder almost emptied , his warlike belt hanging about his neck , his garments loosely tumbling upon his left armes , and the slain Monster being a water Serpent , as Python is fained to be by the Poets : all of these were on the same side of the wall , the other being altogether destitute of ornaments : and are confidently said to be the Statuas of those Gods , in the same formes as they were wo●…shipped in , and taken from their severall Temples . They were bestowed on the King by his Holinesse of Rome , and I cannot blame him for it , it was worthy but little thanks , to give unto him the Idols of the Heathens , who for his Holinesse satisfaction had given himself to the Idols of the Romans . I believe that upon the same termes , the King of England might have all the Reliques and ruines of Antiquity which can be found in Rome . Without this room , this Salle des Antiques and somewhat on the other side of the Louure , is the house of Burbon , an old decayed fabrick , in which nothing was observable , but the Omen , for being built by Lewis of Burbon , the third Duke of that branch , he caused this motto ESPERANCE to be engraven in Capitall Letters over the door , signifying his hope , that from his loi●…s should proceed a King which should joyn both the Houses and the Families , and it is acccordingly hapned . For the Tuilleries I having nothing to say of them , but that they were built by Katharine de Medices in the year 1564. and that they took name from the many Lime-kils and Tile-pits there being , before the foundation of the House and the Garden , the word Tuilleries importing as much in the French language , I was not so happy as to see , and will not be indebted to any for the relation . The End of the Second Book . A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . La BEAUSE , OR , THE THIRD BOOK . CHAP. I. Our Journy towards Orleans , the Town , Castle , and Battail of Mont l'hierrie . Many things imputed to the English which they never did . Lewis the II. brought not the French Kings out of wardship . The town of Chartroy , and the mourning Church there . The Countrey of La Beause and people of it . Estampes . The dancing there . The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey . Angerville . Tury . The sawciness of the French Fidlers . Three kindes of Musick amongst the Ancients . The French Musick . HAving abundantly 〈◊〉 our spirits in the ●…ink of Paris , on Tuesday being the 12 of July , we took our leave of it , and prepared our selves to entertain the sweet Air and Wine of Orleans . The day fair and not so much as disposed to a cloud , save that they began to gather together about noon , in the nature of a curtain to def●…nd us from the injury of the Sun. The wind rather sufficient to fan the air , then to di●…urb it , by qualifying the heat of the Celestial fire , brought the air to an excellent mediocrity of temper : you would have thought it a day meerly framed for the great Princesse Nature to take her pleasure in , and that the birds which cheerfully gave us their voices from the neighbouring bushes , had been the loud musick of her Court. In a word , it was a day solely consecrated to a pleasant journey , and he that did not put it to that use , mis-spent it : having therefore put our selves into our wagon , we took a short farewell of Paris , exceeding joyfull that we yet lived to see the beauty of th●… fi●…lds again , and enjoy the happinesse of a free heaven . The Countrey such as that part of the Isle of France towards Norma●…y ; only that the corn grounds were larger , and more even . On the left hand of us we had a side-glance of the royall house of Boys St. Vincennes , and the Castle of Bise●…re ; and about some two miles beyond them we had a ●…ight also of a new house lately built by Mr. S●…ery Chancellor of the Kingdome , a pretty house it promised to be , having two base Courts on the hither side of it , and beyond it a park ; an ornament whereof many great mansions in France are altogether ignorant . Four leagues from Paris , is the the Town of Mo●…liherrie , now old and ruinous : and hath nothing in it to commend it , but the carkasse of a Castle : without it , it hath to brag of a large and spacious plain ; on which was fought that memorable battail between Lewis the 11. and Charles le hardie , Duke of Burgogne , a battail memorable only for the running away of each Army : the field being in a manner empti●…d of all the forces , and yet neither of the Princes victorious . Hic spe celer , ille salute , some ran out of fear to die , and some out of hope to live : that it was hard to say , which of the Souldiers made most use of their heels in the combat . This notwithstanding , the King esteemed himself the co●…querour , not that he overcame , but because not vanquisht . He was a Prince of no heart to make a warriour , and therefore resistance was to him almost hugged as victory . It was Antonies case in his war against the Parthians : a Captain whose Launce King Lewis was not worthy to bear after him . Crassus before him had been taken by th●…t people : but Antonius made a retreat , though with losse , Ha●…●…aque fugam suam , quia vivus exierat , victoriam vocabat ; as Paterculus , one that loved him not , saith of him . Yet was King Lewis so puffed up with this conceit of victory , that he ever after slighted his enemies : and at last ruined them , and their cause with them . The war which they undertook against him , they had entituled the war of the Weal publick : because the occasion of their taking armes was for the liberty o●… their Countrey and people : both whom the King had beyond measure oppressed . True it is , they had also their particular purposes ; but this was the main , and failing in the expected event of it , all that they did , was to confirm the bondage of the Realm , by their own overthrow . These Princes once disbanded , and severally broken ; none durst ever afterwards enter into the action ; for which reason King Lewis used to say that he had brought the Kings of France , Hors pupillage , out of their ward-ship : a speech of more brag then truth . The people I confesse , he brought into such terms of slavery ; that they no longer merited the name of subjects , but yet for all his great bo●…st , the Nobles of France are to this day the Kings Guardians . I have already shewn you much of their potency . By that you may see that the French Kings have not yet sued their livery , as our Lawyers call it . Had he also in some measure broken the powerableness of the Princes , he had then been perfectly his words-master ; and till that be done , I shall still think his successors to be in their pupillage . That King is but half himself which hath the absolute command only of half his people . The battail foughten by this Town , the common people impute to the English ; and so do they also many others which they had no hand in . For hearing their Grandames talk of their wars with our nation , and of their many fields which we gained of them ; they no sooner hear of a pitched field ; but presently , ( as the nature of men in a fright is ) they attribute it to the English ; good simple souls , Qui nos non solum laudibus nostris ornare velint , sed onerare alienis , as Tully in his Philippicks . An humour just like unto that of little children , who being once frighted with the tales of Robin Goodfellow , do never after hear any noise in the night , but they straight imagine , that it is he which maketh it ; or like the women of the villages neer Oxford , who having heard the tragicall story of a duck or an hen killed , and carried to the University : no sooner misse one of their chickens , but instantly they cry out upon the Scholars . On the same false ground also , hearing that the English , whilest they had possessions in this Countrey , were great builders ; they bestow on them without any more adoe , the foundation and perfecting of most of the Churches and Castles in the Countrey . Thus are our Ancestors said to have built the Churches of Roven , Amiens , Bayon , &c. as also the Castles of Bois , St. Vincennes , the Bastile ; the two little forts on the river side by the Louure : that of St. Germans ; and amongst many others , this of Mont l' Hierrie , where we now are ; and all alike : as for this Castle , it was built during the reign of K. Robert , anno 1015. by one of his servants , named Thi●…ld : long before the English had any possessions in this Continent . It was razed by Lewis the Grosse , as being a harbourer of rebels in former times ; and by that means , as a strong bridle in the mouth of Paris : nothing now standing of it , save an high Tower , which is seen a great distance round about , and serveth for a land mark . Two leagues from Mont l' Hierrie is the Town of Castres ; seated in the sarthest angle of France , where it confineth to La Beause . A Town of an ordinary size , somewhat bigger then for a Market , and lesse then would beseem a City , a wall it hath , and a ditch ; but neither serviceable further then to resist the enemy at one gate , whil●…st the people run away by the other : nothing else remarkable in it , but the habit of the Church , which was mourning : for such is the fashion of France , that when any of the Nobles are buried , the Church which en●…ombeth them is painted black within and without , for the breadth of a yard , or thereabouts ; and their Coats of Armes drawn on it . To go to the charges of hanging it round with cloth is not for their profits : besides , this counterseit sorrow feareth ●…o theef ; and dareth out-brave a tempest : he for whom the Church of Castres was thus apparelled , had been Lord of the Town : by name , as I remember , Mr. St. Benoist ; his Armes were Argent , three Cressants , Or , a Mullet of the same ; but whether this Mullet were part of the Coat , or a mark only of difference , I could not learn. The like Funeral Churches , I saw also at Tostes in Normandie ; and in a village of Picardie , whose name I minde not , Nec operae pretium . And now we are passed the confines of France ; a poor river , which for the narrowness of it , you would think to be a ditch ; parting it from the Province of La Beause . La Beause hath on the North , Normandie ; on the East the Isle of France ; on the South , Nivernois and Berry ; and on the West the Countreys of Toureine and Lemaine . It lyeth in the 22 and 23 degree of Longitude ; and 48 and 49 of Latitude : taking wholly up the breadth of the two former , and but parts only of each of the later ; if you measure it with the best advantage for length , you will finde it to extend from la ferte Bernard in the North-west corner of it , to Gyan , in the South east ; which according to the proportion of degrees , amounteth to 60 miles English , and somewhat better : for breadth , it is much after the same reckoning . The antient inhabitants of this Province , and the reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people : neither c●…n I finde any certainty of it in my books with whom I have consulted . If I may be bold to go by conjecture , I should think this Countrey to have been the seat of the Bellocassi , a people of Gaule Celtick mentioned by Caesar in his Commentaries . Certain it is , that in or neer this tract they were seated ; and in likelihood in this Province : the names ancient and modern , being not much different in sense , though in sound ; for the Francks called that ( which in Latine is Pulcher , or Bellus ) by the name of Bel , in the Mascuculine Gender , ( Ben they pronounce it ) and Beau i●… it were Feminine ; so that the name of Bello cassi , is but varied into that of Beause ; besides , that Province which the Roman writers stile Bellovaci , the French now call Beauvais ; wher 's Bello is also turned into Beau. Add to this that the Latine writers do term this ▪ Countrey Belsia ; where the antient Bello is still preserv'd ; and my conjecture may be pardoned , if not approved . As for those which have removed this people into Normandie ; and found them in the City of Baieux : I appeal to any understanding man , whether their peremptory sentence , or my submisse opinion , be the more allowable . — Haec si tibi vera videntur , Dedemanus ; tausi falsa est , 〈◊〉 contra . The same night , we came to Estampes , a Town situate in a very plentisul and fruitful soyl ; and watred with a river of the same name , stored with the best crevices . It seemeth to have been a town of principall importance ; there being five wals and gates in a length , one before another : so that it appeareth to be rather a continuation of many towns together , then simply one . The streets are of a large breadth ; the building for substance are stone ; and for fashion as the rest of France . It containeth in it five Churches , whereof the principal , which is a Colledge of Chanoins , is that of Nostre dame ; built by King Robert : who is said also to have founded the Castle ; which now can scarsely be visited in its 〈◊〉 . Without the town , they have a fine green medow , daintily seated within the circlings of the water ; into which they use to follow their recreations . At my being there , the sport was dancing ; an exercise much used by the French , who do naturally affect it . And it seemeth this natural inclination , is so strong and deep rooted ; that neither age nor the absence of a smiling fortune can prevail against it . For on this dancing green , there assembled not only youth and Gentry , but age also and beggery . Old wives which could not put foot to ground without a Crutch , in the streets ; had here taught their feet to hoble ; you would have thought by the cleanly conveyance of their bodies that they had been troubled with the Sciatica : and yet so eager in the sport , as if their dancing daies should never be done . Some there were so ragged , that a swift Galliard would almost have shaked them into nakedness : and they also most violent to have their carkasses 〈◊〉 in a measure . To have attempted the staying of them at home , or the perswading of them to work , when they had heard the Fiddle , had been a task too unwieldy for Hercules . In this mixture of age and condition , did we observe them at their pastime ; the rags being so interwoven with the silks , and wrinkled browes so interchangeably mingled with fresh beauties : that you would have thought it , to have been a mummery of fortune . As for those of both sexes , which were altogether past action ; they had caused themselves to be carried thither in their chairs , and trod the measure with their eyes . The Inne which we lay in was just like those of Normandy ; or at the least so like as was fit for sisters ; for such you must think them . — Facies non omnibus una , Nec diversa tamen , qualem decet esse sororum . All the difference between them lay in the morning : and amongst the maid-servants . For here we were not troubled with such an importunate begging as in that other Countrey . These here had learned a more neat and compendious way of getting money ; and petitioned not our ears , but our noses . By the rhetorick of a posie , they prevailed upon the purse ; and by giving each of us a bundle of dead flowers tacked together , seemed rather to buy our bounties , then to beg them . A sweeter and more generous kinde of Petitioning then the other of Normandie ; and such as may seem to employ in it some happy contradiction . For what else is it , that a maid should proffer her self to be deflowred without prejudice to her modesty : and raise to her future husband an honest stock , by the usury of a kindness ? 〈◊〉 with these savours , we took our leave of Estampes , and the dancing miscellany : jogging on through many a beautifull field of corn , till we came unto Augerville which is six leagues distant . A Town of which I could not 〈◊〉 , nor hear of any thing memorable ; but that it was taken by Montacute Earl of Salisbury ; as he went this way to the siege of Orleans ; and indeed , the taking of it was no great miracle , the wals 〈◊〉 so thin , that an arrow would almost as soon make a breach in them as a Canon . The same fortune befell also unto Toury , a place not much beyond it in strength or bigness : only that it had more confidence ( as Savage an English Gentleman once said ) in the wals ofbones , which were within it , then in the wals of stones which were without it . — This Town standeth in the middle way betwixt Estampes and Orleans : and therefore a fit stage to act a dinner on ; and to it we went. By that time we had cleared our selves of our pottage , there entred upon us three uncouth fellowes , with hats on their heads like covered dishes ▪ As soon as ever I saw them , I cast one eye on my cloak , and the other on my sword : as not knowing what use I might have of my steel , to maintain my cloth . There was great talk at that time of Mr. Soubises being in armes : and I much feared that these might be some straglers of his Army : and this I suspected by their countenances , which were very theevish and full of insolences . But when I had made a survey of their apparel , I quickly altered that opinion ; and accounted them as the excrement of the next prison : deceived alike in both my jealousies ; for these pretty parcels of mans flesh , were neither better nor worse , but even arrant fidlers : and such which in England we should not hold worthy of the whipping-post . Our leave not asked , and no reverence on their parts performed , they abused our ears with an harsh lesson : and as if that had not been punishment enough unto us , they must needs add to it one of their songs . By that little French which I had gathered , and the simpring of a fille de joy of Paris who came along with us ; I perceived it was bawdy ; and to say the truth , more then could be patiently endured by any but a French man. But quid facerem , what should I do but endure the misery ? for I had not language enough to call them Rogues handsomely ; and the villains were inferiour to a beating : and indeed not worthy of mine or any honest mans anger . Praeda canum lepus est , vastos non implet 〈◊〉 ; Nec gaudettenui sanguine tanta sitis . They were a knot of rascals so 〈◊〉 below the severity of a statute , that they would have discredited the stocks ; and to have hang'd them , had been to hazard the reputation of the gallowes . In a year you would hardly finde 〈◊〉 some vengeance for them , which they would not 〈◊〉 in the suffering : unless it be not to hearken to their ribaldry , which is one of their greatest torments . To proceed , after their song ended , one of the company ( the Master of them it should seem ) draweth a dish out of his pocket , and layeth it before us : into which we were to cast our benevolence : custome hath allowed them a Sol for each man at the table : they expect no more , and they will take no lesse . No large sum , and yet I le assure you richly worth the Musick : which was meerly French , that is , 〈◊〉 in the composure ; and French also , that is 〈◊〉 handled in the playing . Among the Ancients I have met with three kindes of Musick , viz. first that which the Greeks call ` 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which consisteth altogether of long notes , or spondaeus . This was the gravest and saddest of the rest ; called by Aristotle in the last chapter of his Politicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or morall ; because it setled the affections . Boetius whom we account the Classical author in this faculty , calleth it 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 in much use with those of that Nation , at this day we may call it Italian , as being 〈◊〉 a peculiar musick to that 〈◊〉 . This is the musick which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for , to invite unto him the spirit of 〈◊〉 , 1 King. 3. 15. and this is it which is yet sung in our Churches . A practice which we derive from the ancients , 〈◊〉 some of late have opposed it : and which is much commended by S. 〈◊〉 ; this being the use of it ; Ut per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in pietatis affectum assurgat . The second kinde the artists call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which 〈◊〉 of a mixture of long and and 〈◊〉 notes , or of the 〈◊〉 . The philosopher termeth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or active because it raised up the affections . Boetius termeth it the Dorian , because it had 〈◊〉 in much esteem amongst the Dores a Greek nation : we may now call it English ; and is that musick which cheereth the spirits , and is so soveraign an antidote to a minde 〈◊〉 ; and which as the Poet hath it , doth saxa movere sono . The third sort is that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consisting altogether of short notes , or Tribrachys . 〈◊〉 calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ravishing ; because it unhinged the affections , and stirred them to lasciviousnesse . B●…etius termeth it Phrygian , as being the strain of the wanton and luxuriant people . In these times we may call it French , as most delighted in , by the stirring spirits , and lightness of this nation . A note of musick forbidden unto youth by Aristotle and Plato ; and not countenanced by any of them but on the common theatres , to satisfie the rude manners and defires of the vulgar ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to give them also content in their recreations : yet is this musick altogether in use in this Countrey , no lesson amongst their profest Musitians that I could hear , which had any gravity or solid art shewed in the composition . They are pretty fellowes I confess for the setting of a Maske , or a Caranto ; but beyond this , nothing : which maketh the musick in their Churches so base and unpleasing . So that the glory of perfect musick , at this time lyeth between the English , and Italian : that of France being as trivial as their behaviour , of which , indeed , it is concomitant : Mutata musica , mutantur mores , saith Tully : and therefore he giveth us this lesson , Curandum itaque est ut musica quam gravissima & sedatissima retineatur : a good Item for the French. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester . The Wine of Orleans . Praesidial Towns in France , what they are . The sale of Offices in France . The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle . The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle . Defaced by the Hugonots . Some things hated only for their name . The Bishop of Orleans , and his priviledge . The Chappel and Pilgrims of St. Jacques . The form of Masse in St. Croix . Censing an Heathenis●… custome . The great siege of Orleans , raised by Joane the Virgin. The valour of that woman : that she was no witch . An Elogie on her . WEE are now come into the Countrey of Orleans , which though within the limits of La Beause , will not yet be an entire County of it self . It is a dainty and pleasing Region , very even and large in the fields of it , insomuch that we could not see an hill , or swelling of the ground within eye-sight . It consisteth in an indifferent measure of Corn , but most plentifully of Vines ; and hath of all other fruits a very liberall portion ; neither is it meanly beholding to the Loyre , for the benefits it receiveth by that river : on which the City of Orleans it self is sweetly seated . Of all places in England , 〈◊〉 , in mine opinion , cometh most nigh it ; as well in respect of the Countrey , as the situation of the Town . For certainly that Countrey may be called the Epitome of England ; as this of France . To the richest of the corn-fields of Orlean●…s we may compare the Vale of Evesham : neither will it yeeld for the choise and variety of fruits , the Vine only excepted . The hedges in that Countrey are prodigall and lavish of those ●…ees which would become the fairest 〈◊〉 of the rest ; and in a m●…nner 〈◊〉 the want of Wine , by its pl n●…y of Perry and 〈◊〉 . In a word , what a good writer hath 〈◊〉 of o●… , we may say of both ; 〈◊〉 & solum adeo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut salubritate & ubertate 〈◊〉 non concedant . But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 betwixt the Towns , is more happy . Both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second river of note in their several Countreys ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much unlike in their several cou●…s . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wals of 〈◊〉 , ●…d passing nigh unto 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 on a little 〈◊〉 and its homager , divideth the 〈◊〉 Britains from the rest of the English. The Loyre , 〈◊〉 by the City of Tours , and passing nigh to Aug●…ire , ●…ted also up the land , on a little river , and one of its 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 the modern B●…etagnes from the r●…st of the French. Pos●… est in loco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad flumen , qu●…d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conjungitur , & muro satis firmo munita , saith Mr. Camden of Worcester : Orleans is seated on the like declivity of an hill ; hath its bridge well fortified with turrets , and its wals of an equall ability of resistance . Sed de●…us est ab incolis , qui sunt num●… si & humani : ab aedificiorum n●…tore , a templorum numero , & maxime a sede episcopali ; saith he of ours in general ; we shall see it fitly applyed to this in each particular . The people of this town are not of the fewest : no Town in France , the capacity of it considered , b●…ing more populous ; for standing in so delicate an air , and on so commodious a river , it inviteth the Gentry o●… Nobles of the Countrey about it , to inhabit there : and they accept it . Concerning their behaviour and humanity , certainly they much exceed the Parisians . I was about to say all the French men ; and indeed , I need not grudge them that Elogie which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent : and verifie , that they are omnium incolarum longe humanissimi ; my self here observing more courtesie and affability in one day , then I could meet withall in Paris , during all my abode . The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves , and the rest of France ; the streets large and well kept : not yeelding the least offence to the most curious nosethrill . Parish Churches it hath in it 26 of different and unequall being : as it useth to be in other places . Besides these , it contains the Episcopal Church of St. Croix , and divers other houses of religious persons ; amongst which St. Jacques : of both which I shall speak in their due order . Thus much for the resemblance of the Towns : the difference betwixt them is this . That Orleans is the bigger , and Worcester the richer ; Orleans consisteth much of the Nobles , and of sojourners ; Worcester of Citizens only , and home dwellers . And for the manner of life in them ; so it is , that Worcester hath the handsomer women in it ; Orleans the finer ( and in mine opinion the lovliest of all France : ) Worcester thriveth much on Clothing ; Orleans on their Vine-presses . And questionless the Vine of Orleans is the greatest riches not of the Town only , but of the Countrey also about it . For this cause Andre du Chesne calleth it the prime cellar of Paris . Est une pais ( saith he ) si heureuse & si fecunde sur t●ut en vine , qui on la dire l' un de premiers celiers de Paris . These Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy , deserve no less a commendation then he hath given them : as yeelding the best wines in all the Kingdome . Such as it much griev'd me to mingle with water ; they being so delicious to the palat , and the epicurism of the taste . I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman , who being in Italy , was brought acquainted with a kinde of Wine , which they there call Lachrymae Christi . No sooner had he tasted it , but he fell into a deep melancholy : and after some seven sighs , besides the addition of two grones , he brake out into this pathetical ejaculation : Dii boni , quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus ! This Dutch man and I , were for a time of one minde : insomuch that I could almost have picked a quarrell with nature , for giving us none of this liquor in England : at last we grew friends again , when I had perceived how offensive it was to the brain , ( if not well qualified ) for which cause it is said , that King Lewis hath banished it his Cellar : no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers , who may therefore say with Martiall , Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina ? Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali ? This Town called Genabum by Caesar , was reedified by Aurelian the Emperour , anno 276. and called by his name Aure●…anum ; which it still retaineth amongst the Latines . It hath been famous heretofore for four Councels here celebrated ; and for being the siege royal of the Kings of Orleans , though as now I could not hear any thing of the ruines of the Palace . The fame of it at this time consisteth in the University , and its seat of justice : this Town being one of them which they call Seiges presidiaux . Now these Seiges Presidiaux , Seats or Courts of Justice were established in diverse Ci●…ies of the Realm , for the ease of the people ; anno 1551 , or thereabouts . In them all civil causes not exceeding 250 liv●…es in money , or 10 livres in rents ; are heard and determined soveraignly and without appeal . If the sum exceed those proportions , the appeal holdeth good , and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament under whose jurisdiction th●…y a●…e . This Court here consisteth of a Bailly whose name is Mr. Digion , of 12 Counsellors , two Lieutenants , one civil and the other criminal ; and a publick notary . When Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul , who is Governor or Lieutenant Generall of the Province , cometh into their Court , he giveth precedency to the Bailly : in other places he receiveth it . This institution of these Presidentiall Cou●…s , was at first a very profitable ordinance , and much ea●…d the people : but now it is grown burthen some : the r●…ason is , that the offices are made salable , and purchased by th●…m with a great deal of money , which afterwards they wrest again out of the purses of the pesants : the sale of offices drawing necessarily after it , the ●…ale of justice ; a mis●… w●…ich is spread so far , that there is not the poorest under - fficer in all the Realm , who may not saf●…ly say with the Captain in the 22 ▪ of the Acts and the 28. vers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a great sum of mo●…y obtained I this freedome . Twenty years purchase is 〈◊〉 to be no extraordinary rate : and I have read , that only by the sale of 〈◊〉 , one of the Kings had raised in 20 ye●…rs 139 millions : which amounteth to the proportion of seven millions yearly , or thereabouts : of all wai●…s to thrift and treasure the most unkingly . In the year 1614 the King motioned the abolishing of the sales of this 〈◊〉 , but it was upon a condition more prejudicial to the people then the 〈◊〉 : for he desi●…d in lieu of it , to have a greater imposition laid upon S●…lt and on the Aides : which those who were Commissioners for the Commonalty would not admit of ; because then a common misery had been bought out of the State to make their particular misery the greater , and so the corruption remaineth unal●…d . This Town , as it is sweetly seated in resp●…ct of the air : so is it finely convenienced with walks : of which the chief are that next unto Paris Gate , having the wall on one hand , and a rank of palm-trees on the other ; the second that near unto the Bridge , having the water pleasingly running on both sides : and a third , which is indeed the principal , on the east side of the City . It is called the Palle Malle , ●…rom an exercise of that name , much used in this Kingdome : a very Gentleman like sport , not over violent ; and such as afford●…th good opportunity of discourse , as they walk from one mark to the other . Into this walk , which is of a wonderful length and beauty , you shall have a clear evening empty all the Town : the aged pe●…ple borrowing legs to carry them ; and the younger , armes to guide them . If any young Dame or Monsieur , walk thither single , they will quickly finde some or other to link with them : though perhaps such with whom they have no familiarity . Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the Palle Malle , not minding the shutting in of the day , till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing . At all hours of the night , be it warm and dry , you shall be sure to finde them there , thus coupled : and if at the years end , there be found more children then fathers in the Town ; this walk and the night are suspected shrewdly to be accessaries . A greater inconvenience in my opinion then an English kisse . There is yet a fourth walk in this Town called L'Estapp , a walk principally frequented by Merchants : who here meet to conferre of their occasions . It lyeth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul the Governour , and reacheth up to the Cloyster of St. Croix : of the building of which Chu●…ch , I could never yet hear or read of any thing , but that which is meerly fabul●…us , for the Citizens report , that long since , time out of mind●… , th●…e appeared a vision to an holy Monk , which lived th●…reabouts , and bad him dig deep in such a place , where he should finde a piece of the holy Crosse , charging him to preserve that blessed relique in great honour , and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been bu●…d : upon this warning the Church was founded , but at whose charges they could not enform me : so that all which I could learn concerning the foundation of this Church , is that it was erected only by Superstition and a lie . The Sup●…stition is apparent in their wo●…shipping of such rotten stick●… , as they imagine to be remnants of the Crosse ; their calling of it holy , and dedicating of this Church unto it . Nay they have consecrated unto it two holy dai●…s , one in May , and the other in September : and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets or the high ▪ waies , with these words , Ave salus totius saeculi arbor salutifera . Horrible blasphemy , and never heard but under Antichrist ! Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas , being the lesson of the Ancients . As for the miracle , I account it as others of the same stamp : ●…qually false and ridiculous . This Church in the year 1562. was defaced a●…d ●…ined by the Hug●…nots , who had entred the Town under the conduct of the P●…ince of C●…nde . An action little ●…vouring of humanity , and lesse of Religion : the very Heathens themselves never demolishing any of the Churches , of those Towns which they had taken . But in this action , the Hugonots con●…ulted only with ●…ashnesse , and a zealous sury , thinking no title so glorious as to be called the Sc●…urge of Papists , and the overthrowers of Popish Churches . Quid facerent hostes capta crudelius ●…be ? The most barbarous enemy in the world could not more 〈◊〉 exercised their malice on the vanquished ; and this I 〈◊〉 my s●… had been the fate of most of our Churches , 〈◊〉 tha 〈◊〉 had got the upper hand of us . But this Church not●…anding , is likely now to survive their 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Henry the 4. began the repairing of it , and his Son Lewis hath since continued : so that the quire is now quite finished , and the workmen are in hand with the rest . What should move the Hugonots to this execution , I cannot say : unlesse it were a hate which they bare unto the name ; and perhaps that not unlikely . We read how the Romans having expelled their Kings , banished also Gollatinus their Consul : a man in whom they could finde no fault but this , that his surname was Tarquin ; tantum ob nomen & genus regium , saith Florus : afterwards , quam invisum regis nomen , is very frequent in the stories of those times . Amongst those which had been of the conspiracy against Julius Caesar , there was one named Cinna , a name so odious amongst the people , that meeting by chance with one of Caesar's chief friends , and hearing that his name was Cinna , they presently murthered him in the place , for which cause one 〈◊〉 , which was also the name of one of the Conspirators , published a writing of his name and pedegree : shewing therein , that he neither was the traytor , nor any kin to him . The reason of his action Dion giveth us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod Cinua nominis causa occideretur . With a like hate it may be were the French Protestants possessed against the name of the Crosse : for they not only ruined this temple but beat down also all those little crossets , betwixt Mont Martre , and St. Denis , though now King Lewis hath caused them to be re-edified . And what troubles the French party here in England have raised , because of that harmlesse ceremony of the crosse ; Notius est quam ut stilo egeat , and therefore I omit it . This Church is the seat of a Bishop , who acknowledgeth the Archbishop of Sens , for his Metropolitan . The present Bishop is named Francis●…us d' Aubespine , said to be a worthy Scholar , and a sound Polititian ; though he were never graduated further then the arts . Of his revenue I could learn nothing , but of his priviledge this : namely , that at the first entrance of every new Bishop into this Church , he hath the liberty of setting free any of the prisoners of the Gaole : though their crime be never so mortall . For , the original of this indulgence : we are beholding to St. Aignan , once Bishop here , and who defended the City against Attila the Hunne . At his first entrance into the town , ( saith the story ) after he was invested Bishop , he besought Agrippin●… the Governour , that for his sake he would let loose all his prisoners , ut omnes quos pro variis criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos , in sui introitus gratiam redderet absolutos ; when the Governour had heard his request , he denied it : and presently a stone falleth upon his head , no man knew from whence : wounded and terrified with this , the Governor granteth his desire , recovereth her health : and ever since the custome hath continued . For the truth of this story , I intend to be no Champion : for I hold it ridiculous and savouring too much of the Legend : but this I am certain of , that every new Bishop maketh a very solemn and majestick entry into the City ; and at his entry , releaseth a prisoner . Let us follow the Bishop into his Church , and there we shall finde him entertained with an high Masse ; the ceremonies whereof are very pretty and absurd . To go over them all , would require a volume , I will there●…ore mention those only wherein they differ from other Masses : and they are two : the one fantastical , the other heathenish . For as soon as the priest at the altar hath read a certain lesson , but what , his voice was not audible enough to tell me : out marcheth the Dean , or in his absence , the senior Canon , out of the Church . Before him two or three torches , and a long crosse silvered over , after him all those of the Church , and lastly the lay people , both men and women : so that there is none le●…t to keep possession , but the Priest and the Altar ; and such strangers as come thither for curiosity , they go out at one door , and having fi●…st circuited the quire , and afterwards the body of the Church ; they return to their places : and the Priest proceedeth . I have seen many a dumb shew in a play just like it . This only is the difference , that here we had no interpreter nor Chorus afforded us to shew us the mysterie of this silent gesticulation . The other addition which I observed here at the Masse ( though I have since been told that it is ordinary at high Masses , in the Cathedral Churches ) was the censing of the people : which was performed in this manner . Whilest the Priest was busie at the Altar , there entred into the quire at a side door , two boyes in their Surplices , bearing wax-tapers in their hands : and immediately after them the foresaid fellow with the Crosse , in the rere there came two of the Priests in their copes , and other stately vestiments : between both a young lad with the incense-pot , made full of holes to let out the sume ; which he swingeth on all sides of him , with a chain , to which it was fastned : having thus marched through the Church and censed the people , he ascendeth unto the Altar , and there censeth the crosse , the relicks , the bread , the wine , the chalice , the images : and I know not what not . A custome very much used amongst the Heathen . Omnibus viris factae sunt statuae & ad eas thus & cerei , saith Tully : and , Jane tibi primum thura merumque fero , saith Ovid in his de Fastis . So have we in Martiall , Teprimum piathura rogent : and the like in divers other writers of antient . At what time it crept into the Churches of the Christians , I cannot tell . Sure I am it was not used in the primitive times , nor in the third age after our Saviour : save only in their burials , Sciant Sabaei ( saith Tertullian , who at that time lived ) pluris & cariores merces suas , Christianis sepeliendis profligari , quam fumigantibus . Arnobius also in the 7 book adversus gentes , disclaimeth the use of it : and yet the Councell of Trent in the 22. Session , defineth it to be as boldly , ex Apostolica institutione & traditione , as if the Apostles themselves had told them so . I know they had rather seem to derive it from the 30 chap. and 7. vers . of Exodus : and so Bishop Durand is of opinion in his Rationale divinorum : but this will not help them . Aaron there is commanded only to burn incense on the Altar : and not to cense men and images , crosses and relicks , &c. as the Papists do . So that will they , nill they , they must be counted followers of the Heathen : though I envie them not the honour of being Jewes . From the history and view of the Church , proceed we to that of the Town : where nothing occurreth more memorable then the great siege laid before it by the English. A siege of great importance to both parties . France having been totally won unto King Henry , if this Town had yeelded , and once so nigh it was to submit it self , that the people proffer'd to yeeld themselves to Philip Duke of Burgundie , then a great consederate of our Nation : who had not been present in the Camp. But this the English Generall would not consent to ; and it was the resolution of Antigonus i●… long time before us . Negavit Antigonus ( saith Justine ) se in ejus belli praedam socios admittere , in ●…ujus periculum solus descenderat . On this determinate sentence of the General ( he was Montacute Earl of Sol●…bury ) the Town purposed to hold out a little longer , and was at the last relieved by Joane D' Arc , a maid of Vaucoleur in Lorrein : whom they called La Pusille : how that excellent souldier the Generall was slain , and the siege raised , I need not relate . It is extant in all our Chronicles . This only now , that ever since that time the people of Orleans keep a solemn procession on every eighth day of May : on which day anno 1427. their City was delivered from its enemies . But the atchievements of this brave Virago stayed not here , she thinks it not enough to repulse her enemies unlesse she also vanquish them : arm'd therefore , Cap ape , she went to seek occasion of battail : and was alwa●…es formost , and in the head of her troops . Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina bellis Penthiselea furens : 〈◊〉 in millibus ardet . For her first service she taketh Jargeau , discomfiteth the English , which were within it , and maketh the Earl of Suffolk prisoner . Soon after followed the battail of Patay : in which the English were driven out of the field , and the great Talbot taken . This done , she accompanieth Charles the 7. whose Angel Guardian she was , through all Campagne unto Rhemes : where she saw him solemnly crowned : all the Towns of those Countreys yeelding upon the approach of her , and the Kings Army . Finally , after many acts performed above the nature of her sexe , which I will not stand here to particulate , she was taken prisoner at the siege of Camp●…igne : delivered over unto the Duke of Bedford , by him sent unto Roven , and there burnt for a Witch on the 6. of July , anno 1431. There was also another crime objected against her , as namely that she had abused the nature of her sexe , marching up and down in the habit of a man , Et nihil muliebre praeter corpu●… gerens . Of all accusations the most impotent , for in what other habit could she dresse her self , undertaking , the actions of a Generall ? and besides , to have worn her womans weeds in time of battail , had been to have betrayed her safety ; and to have made her self the mark of every arrow . It was therefore requisite that she should array her self in compleat harnesse ; and in that habit of complete armour , have those of Orleans erected her Statua all in brasse , upon the middle of their bridge . As for that other imputation of being a Witch , saving the credit of those which condemn'd her , and theirs also who in their writings have so reported her : I dare be of the contrary opinion , for dividing her actions into two parts , those which preceded her coming unto Orleans , and those which followed it : I finde much in it of cunning , somewhat perhaps of valour : but nothing that is devillish . Her relieving of Orleans , and courage shewn at the battails of Patay and Gergeau , with her conducting of the King unto Rhemes : are not such prodigies , that they need to be ascribed unto witchcraft . She was not the first woman whom the world knew famed in armes , there being no N●…tion almost of the earth , who have not had a Champion of this sexe , to defend their Liberties : to omit the whole Nation of Amazons . To the Jewes in the time of their afflictions , the Lord raised up salvation by means of two women , Deborah and Judith : and God is not the God of the Jewes only , but also of the Gentiles ; amongst the Syrians Zeno●…ia Q●…een of P●…ira is very famous ; the Romans whom she often foyled , never mentioning her without honour . The like commendable testimony they give of Velleda , a Q●…een amongst the Germans : a woman that much hindred their affairs in that Countrey . Thus had the Gothes their Amalasunta : the Assyrians their Semiramis , the Scythians their Tomyris , the Romans their Fulvia : all brave Captains , and such as posterity hath admired without envie . To come home unto our selves , the writers of the Romans mention the revolt of Britain , and the slaughter of 70000 〈◊〉 Consederates under the conduct of Voaditia : and she in the beginning of her incouragements to the action , telleth the people this , Solitum quidem Britannis foeminarum ductu bellare . Of all these heroical Ladies , I r●…ad no accusation of witch●…raft : invasive courage and a sense of injury , being the armes they sought withall ; neither can I see why the Romans should exceed us in modesty ; or that we need envie unto the French this one female warriour , when it is a fortune which hath befaln most Nations . As for her atchievements , they are not so much beyond a common being : but that they may be imputed to natural means : for had she been a Witch , it is likely she would have preven●…ed the disgrace which her valour suffered , in the di●…ches of Paris , though she could not avoid those of Compeigne , who took her prisoner : the Devill at such an exigent only being accustomed to forsake those which he hath entangled . So that she enjoyed not such a perpetuity of ●…elicity , as to entitle her to the Devils assistance , she being sometimes conqueror , sometimes overthrown , and at last imprisoned . Communia fortunae ludibria , the ord●…nary sports of fortune . Her actions before her march to Orleans , have somewhat in them of cunning , and perhaps of impo●…ure , as the vision which she reported to have incited her to these attempts , her finding out of the King disguised in the h●…bit of a countrey man ; and her appointing to her self an old Sword hanging in St. Katharines Church in Tours . The French were at this time meerly crest faln : not to be raised but by miracle . This therefore is invented , and so that which of all the rest ●…ust prove her a sorceresse , will only prove her an impostor . Gerrard , Seigneur du Hailan , one of the best writers of France , is of opinion that all that plot of her coming to the King , was contriv'd by three Lords of the Court ; to hearten the people ; as if God now miraculously intended the restauration of the Kingdome . Add to this , that she never commanded in any battail , without the assistance of the b●…st Captains of the French Nation : and amongst whom was the Bastard of Orleans , who is thought to have put this device into her head . The Lord of Bellay in his discourse of arte militarie , proceed●…th further , and maketh her a man : only thus habited , pour faire revenir le courage aux Francois : which , had it been so , would have been discovered at the time of her burning . Others of the later French writers ( for those of the former age savour too much of the Legend ) make her to be a lusty Lasse of Lorrein , trained up by the Bastard of Orleans , and the Seig●…eur of Baudri●…te ; only for this service . And that she might carry with her the reputation of a Prophetesse , and an Ambassadresse from heaven ; admit this , and farewell witchcraft . And ●…or the sentence of her condemnation , and the confirmation of it by the Divines and University of Paris ; it is with me of no moment : being composed only to humour the Victor . If this could sway me , I had more reason to incline to the other party , for when Charles had setled his estate , the same men , who had cond●…mned her of sorcery , absolved her : and there was also added in desence of her innocency , a Decree from the Court of Rome Joane then with me shall inherit the title of La pucille d' Orleans : with me she shall be ranked amongst the famous Captains of her times ; and be placed in the same throne , equall with the valiantest of all her sexe , in time before her . Let those whom partiality hath wrested aside from the path of truth , proclaim her for a sorceresse , for my part I will not flatter my best fortunes of my Countrey to the prejudice of a truth : neither will I ever be enduced to think of this female warrier , otherwise then of a noble Captain . — Audetque viris concurrere virgo . Penthesilea did it . Why not she Without the stain of spels and sorcerie ? Why should those acts in her be counted sin , Which in the other have commended bin ? Nor is it fit that France should be de●…'d This female souldier , since all Realms beside , Have had the honour of one : and relate How much that sexe hath re-enforc'd the state Of their decaying strengths . Let Scythia spare To speak of Tomyris , th' Assyrians care Shall be no more to hear the deeds recited Of Ninus wife . Nor are the Dutch delighted To hear their Valleda extoll'd : the name Of this French warrier hath eclips'd their fame : And silenc'd their atchievements . Let the praise , That 's due to vertue , wait upon her . Raise An obelisque unto her , you of Gaule , And let her acts live in the mouthes of all Speak boldly of her , and of her alone , That never Lady was as good as Jone . She died a virgin : 't was because the earth Held not a man , whose vertues , or whose birth Might merit such a bl●…ssing . But above , The gods provided her a fitting love : And gave her to St. Denis , shee with him Protects the Lillies and their Diadem . You then about whose armies she doth watch , Give her the honour due unto her match . And when in field your standards you advance , Cry loud , St. Denis and St. Jone for France . CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe . The dead time of learning . The Schools of Law in Orleans . The oeconomie of them . The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan . Their methode here , and prodigality in bestowing degrees . Orleans a great conflux of strangers . The language there . The Corporation of Germans there . Their house and priviledges . Dutch and Latine . The difference between an Academie and an University . I Have now done with the Town and City of Orleans , and am come unto the University or Schools of Law which are in it ; this being one of the first places in which the study of the Civill Lawes was revived in Europe . For immediately after the death of Justinian , who out of no lesse then 2000 volumes of law writers had collected that bodie of the Imperiall Lawes , which we now call the Digests , or the Pandects : the study of them grew neglected in these Western parts , nor did any for a long time professe or read them ; the reason was , because Italy , France , Spain , England and Germany , having received new Lords over them ; as the Franks , L●…mbards , Saxons , Saracens , and others were fain to submit themselves to their Laws . It happened afterwards that Lotharius Saxo the Emperour , who began his reign , anno 1126. ( being 560 years after the death of Justinian ) having taken the City of Melphy in Naples , found there an old copy of the Pandects . This he gave to the Pisans his confederates , as a most reverend relick of Learning and Antiquity ; whence it is called Littera Pisana . Moreover he founded the University of Bologne or Bononia , ordering the Civill Law to be profest there : one Wirner being the first Professor ; upon whose advice the said Emperor ordained that Bononia should be Legum & juri●… S●…hola una & sola : and here was the first time and place of that study in the Western Empire But it was not the fate only of the Civill Laws , to be thus neglected . All other parts of learning , both Arts and languages , were in the same desperate esta●…s ; the Poets exclamation of O saeclum insipiens & infacetum , never being so applyable as in those times . For it is with the knowledge of good letters , as it was with the effects of nature ; they have times of groweth alike , of perfection and of death . Like the sea , it hath its ebbs as well as its flouds ; and like the earth , it hath its Winter , wherein the seeds of it are deaded and bound up , as well as a Spring wherein it reflourisheth . Thus the learning of the Greeks lay forgotten , and lost in Europe for 700 years , even untill Emanu●…l Chrysolaras taught it at Venice , being driven out of his Countrey by the Turks . Thus the Philosophy of A●…istotle lay hidden in the moa●…h of dust and libraries , ●…t nominabatur potius quod legebatur , as Ludovious Vives observeth in his notes upon St. Austine , untill the time of Alexander Aphrodiseus . And thus also lay the elegancies of the Roman tongue obscured , till that Erasmus , More and Reuchlyn , in the severall Kingdomes of Germany , England , and France , endeavoured the r●…stauration of it . But to return to the Civill Law. After the foundation of the University of Bologne , it pleased Philip le bel King of France to found another here at Orleans , for the same purpose , anno 1312. which was the first School of that profession on this ●…de the mountains . This is evident by the Bull of Clement V. dated at Lyons in the year 1367. where he giveth it this ti●…le , Fru●…erum universitatis Aurelianensis intra caetera citramontana studia , prius s●…lennius , antiquius , tam civilis , quam 〈◊〉 facultatis studium . At the first there were instituted eight Prosessors , now they are reduced to four only ; the reason of this decrease , being the increase of Universities . The place in which they read their Lectures , is called Les grand escoles , and part of the City , La Universite ; neither of which attributes it can any way ●…emit . Colledge they have none , either to lodge the students , or entertain the Professors , the former sojourning in divers places of the Town , these last in their severall houses . As for their place of reading which they call Les grans escol●…s , it is only an old barn converted into a School , by the addition of five ranks of formes , and a pew in the middle , you never saw a thing so mock its own name : Lucus not being more properly called so a non lucendo , then this ruinous house is a great School , because it is little . The present professors are Mr. Furner , the Rector at my being there ; Mr. Tui●…erie , and Mr. Grand . The fourth of them named Mr. Augrand . was newly dead , and his place like a dead pay among Souldiers not supplyed ; in which estate was the function of Mr. Br●…dee , whose office it was to read the Book of Institutions , unto such as come newly to the Town . They read each of them an hour , in their turns , every morning in the week , unlesse Holydayes and Thursdayes , their hearers taking their Lectures in their tables . Their principall office is that of the Rector , which every three months descends down unto the next , so that once in a year , every one of the professors hath his turn of being Rector . The next in dignity unto him is the Chancellour , whose office is during life , and in whose name all degrees are given , and the Letters Authenticall , as they term them , granted . The present Chancellour is named Mr. Bouchier Dr. of Divinity and of both the Laws , and Prebend also of St. Croix ; his place is in the gift of the Bishop of Orleans ; and so are the Chancellors places in all France at the bestowing of the Diocesan . Antiently it was thus also with us at Oxford ; the Bishop of Lincolne nominating to us our Chancellors , till the year 1370. William of Remington being the first Chancellour elected by the University . In the bestowing of their degrees here , they are very liberall , and deny no man that is able to pay his ●…ees . Legem ponere is with them more powerfull then legem dicere , and he that hath but his gold ready , shall have a sooner dispatch , then the best Scholar upon ticket . Ipse licet v●…nias Musis comitatus Homere , Si nihil attuleris , ibis Homere foras . It is the money which disputeth best with them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , money makes the man ; said the Greek , and English proverb . The exercise which is to be performed , before the degree taken , is very little , and as trivially performed . When you have chosen the Law which you mean to defend , they conduct you into an old ruinous chamber . Th●…y call it their Library ; for my part , I should have thought it to have been the warehouse of some second hand Bookseller . Those few books which were there , were as old as Printing ; and could hardly make amongst them one cover , to resist the violence of a rat . They stood not up endlong , but lay one upon the other , and were joyned together with cobwebs in stead of strings . He that would ever guesse them to have been looked into since the long reign of ignorance , might justly have condemned his own ●…harity ; for my part , I was prone to believe that the three last centuries of years had never seen the inside of them ; or that the poor paper had been troubled with the disease called N●…li me tangere . In this unluckie roome do they hold their disputations , unlesse they be solemn and full of expectation , and after two or three arguments urged , commend t●…e sufficiency of the Respondent , and pronounce him worthy of his degree . That done , they cause his Authenticall Letters to be sealed ; and in them they tell the Reader with what diligence and pains they si●…ed the Candidati ; that it is necessary to the Common-wealth of learning , that industry should be honoured ; and that on that ground they have thought it fitting post 〈◊〉 solamen , post vigilias requietem post dolorem gaudia , ( for so as I remember goeth the ●…orm ) to recompense the labours of N.N. with the degree of Doctor or Licentiate ; with a great deal of the like sormall foolery , Et ad hun●… modum fiunt Doctores . From the study of the Law , proceed we unto that of the Language , which is said to be be●…ter spoken here , then in any part of France , and certainly the people hereof speak it more distinctly then the rest ; I cannot say more ●…legantly . Yet par●…ly for this reas●…n , partly because of the study of the Law , and partly because of the sweetnesse of the aire ; the Town is never without abundance of strangers of all Nations which are in correspondency with the French. But in the grea●…est 〈◊〉 it is replenished with those of Germany who have here a corporation , and indeed do make amongst themselves a better University , then the University . This Corporation consisteth o●… a Procurator , a Q●…tor , an A●…or , two Bibliothecarii , & 12 Counsellors . They have all of 〈◊〉 their d●…stinct jurisdiction , and are solemnly elected by the rest of the company every third moneth . The Consulship of R●…me was never so welcome to Cicero , as the office of Pr●…urator is to a Dutch Gentleman ; he for the time of his comman●… ordering the affaires of all his Nation ; and to say truth , being much resp●…cted by those of the Town . It is his office to admit of the young comers , to receive the moneys due at their admission , and to receive an account of the dispending of it of the Questor at the expiring o●… his charge . The office of Ass●…ssor is like that of a Clerk of the Councels , and the Secretary mixt . For he registreth the Acts of their Counc●… , writeth Letters in the name of the House to each of the French Kings , at their new coming to the Crown ; and if any prime or extraordinary Ambassador cometh to the Town , he entertaineth him with a speach . The Bibliothecarii looke to the Libtary , in which they are bound to remain three hours in a day in their severall turns . A prety room it is , very plentifully furnished with choise books , and that at small charge ; for it is here the custome , that every one of the Nation at his departure , must leave with them one book , of what kind or price it best pleaseth him . Besides , each of the officers at the resigning up of his charge , giveth unto the new Questor a piece of gold about the value of a Pistolet , to be expended according as the nec●…ssitie of the ●…ate requires ; which most an end is bestowed upon the increase of their Libr●…ry . Next unto this citè des Lettres ( as one of the French writers calleth Paris ) is their Councell house ; an ●…andsome square Chamb●… , and well furnished . In this they hold their Consultations , and in this preserve their Records and Priviledges , the keeping of the one , and 〈◊〉 the other , being meerly in the hands of the 〈◊〉 . About the Table they have five chairs for the five principall Officers ; those of the Councell sitting round the Chamber on stools , the armes of the Empire being placed directly over every of the seats . If it happen that any of them die there , they all accompany him to his grave , in a manner mixt so orderly of grief and state , that you would think the obsequies of some great Potentate were solemnized . And to say truth of them , they are a hearty and a loving Nation , not to one another only , but to strangers , and especially to us of England . Only I would wish that in their speech and complement , they would not use the Latine tongue , or else speak it more congruously . You shall hardly finde a man amongst them , which cannot make a 〈◊〉 to expresse himself in that lan●…age ; nor one amongst a hundred that can do it Latinly ▪ Galleriam , Compagniam , 〈◊〉 , and the like , are as usuall in their common discourse , as to drink at three of the clock ; and as familiar as their 〈◊〉 . Had they bent their studies that way , I perswade my self they would have been excellent good at the Common Lawes ; their tongues so naturally 〈◊〉 upon those words which are necessary to a D●…ration . But amongst the rest , I took notice of one Mr. Gebour , a man of that various mixture of words , that you would have thought his tongue to have been a very Amsterdam of languages . Cras main 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nous irons ad magnam Galleriam , was one of his most remarkable speeches , when we were at Paris ; but here at Orleans we had them of him thick and threefold . If ever he should chance to die in a 〈◊〉 place where his Countrey could not be known , but by his tongue , it could not possible be , but that more Nations would strive for him , then ever did for Homer . I had before read of the confusion of Babel ; in him I came acquainted with it , yet this use might be made of him and his hotch-pot of languages , that a good Chymicall Physitian would make an excellent medicine of it against the stone . In a word , to go no more upon the particular , I never knew a people that spake more words , and lesse Latine . Of thesee ingredients is the University of Orleans , compounded , if at the least it be lawfull to call it an University , as I think it be not . The name of Academie would beseem it better , and God grant ( as Sanco Panco said of his wife ) it be able to disebarge that calling . I know that those names are indifferently used , but not properly . For an Academie ( the name is derived from a place neer Athens , called Academia , where Plato first taught Philosophy ) in its strict and proper sense , is such a study , where some one or two Arts are professed ; as Law at Orleans and Bononia , and Physick at Montpelier and Padua ; an University is so called , Quod Universae ibi traduntur disciplinae , as the name importeth ; where learning is professed in the generality , and in the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it ; the first the Germans call Schola illustris ; the latter Generale studium ; very opposite titles , and in which there is little of a German . CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the coming of the Jesuites . Their Colledge there by whom built . The Jesuites no singers . Their laudable and exact method of teaching . Their policies in it . Received not 〈◊〉 great difficulty into Paris . Their houses in that University . Their strictness unto the rules of their order . Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers . Why not sent into England with the Queen ; and of what order they were that came with her . Our returne to Paris . THe difference between an University and an Academie standing thus , Those which lived in our Fathers dayes could hardly have called Orleans an University ; a School of Law being the name most fit for it . At this time since the coming of the Jesuites , that appellation may not misbecome it , they having brought with them those 〈◊〉 of learning , which before were wanting in it : but this hath not been of any long standing , their Colledge being not yet fully finished . By an inscription over the gate , it seemeth to be the work of Mr. Cagliery , one of the Advocates in the Parliament of Paris , a man of large practise , and by 〈◊〉 , of great 〈◊〉 ; and who having no childe but this Colledge , is 〈◊〉 to intend the fastning of his estate upon it . In this house do those of this order apply themselves to the study of good Letters , in the pursuit whereof , as the rest of this 〈◊〉 are , they are good proficients , and much exceed all other 〈◊〉 of Fryers , as having better teachers and more leasure to learn. That time which the other spent at high Masses , and at their Canonicall hours , these men bestowed upon their books : they being exempted from these duties by their order . Upon this ground they trouble not their heads with the crotchets of Musick , nor spend their moneths upon the chanting out of their services . They have other matters to imploy their brains upon , such as are the ruin of Kingdoms , and desolation of Countries . It was the saying of Themistocles , being requested to play a lesson on the Lute , That he could not fidle , but he could tell how to make a little Town a great City . The like we may say of the Jesuites ; They are no great singers , but are well skilled in making little Cities great , and great ones little . And certain it is , that they are so far from any ability or desire this way , that upon any of their solemn Festivals ▪ when their Statutes require musick , they are faine to hire the singing men of the next Cathedrall . As here upon the feast of their Patron St. Ignatius , being the 21 of July , they were compelled to make use of the voyces of the Church of St. Croix . To this advantage of leasure is added the exact method of their teaching , which is indeed so excellent , that the Protestants themselves in some places send their sons to their Schools ; upon desire to have them prove exquisite in those arts they teach . To them resort the children of the rich as well as of the poor , and that in such abundance , that wheresoever they settle , other houses become in a manner desolate , or frequented only by those of the more heavie and phlegmatick constitutions . Into their Schooles when they have received them , they place them in that forum or Classis into which they are best fitted to enter . Of these Classes , the lowest is for Grammar : the second for Composition , or the making of Theames , as we call it : the third for Poetry : the fourth for Oratory : the fifth for Greek Grammar and compositions : the sixt for the Poesie and Rhetorick of that language : the seventh for Logick : and the eight and last for Philosophy . In each of these Schooles there is a severall Reader or Institutor , who only mindeth that art , and the perfection of it , which for that year he teacheth . T●…t year ended , he removeth both himself and Scholars with him , into the Cl●…ssis or Schooles next beyond him , till he hath brought them through the whole studies of humanity . In this last forme , which is that of Philosophy , he continueth two years , which once expired , his Scholars are made perfect in the University of learning , and themselves manumitted from their labours , and permitted their private studi●…s . Nor do they only teach their Scholars an exactnesse in those several parts o●… Learning which they handle , but they also endevour to breed in them an obstinacy of mind , and a sturdy eagernesse of spirit to make them thereby hot prosecutors of their own opinions , and impatient of any contrary consideration . This is it which maketh all those of their education , to affect victory in all the controversies of wit or knowledge , with such a violence , that even in their very Grammaticall disputations , you shall find little boyes maintaine arguments with such a fierie impatience , that you would think it above the nature of their years . And all this they performe freely and for nothing ; the poor Paisants son being by them equally instructed , with that of the Noblest . By this means they get unto their Society , great honour , and great strength ; honour in furnishing their Schooles with so many persons of ●…xcellent quality or Nobility , of whom afterwards they make their best advantages f●…r their strength also . As for those of the poorer sort , they have also their ends upon them ; for by this free and liberall education of their children , the common people do infinitely affect them : besides that , out of that ranke of their Scholars they assume such into their fraternity , whom they finde to be of a rare wit and excellent spirit , or any other way fitted for their profession . Thus do they make their own purposes out of all 〈◊〉 , and refuse no fish which either they can draw into their nets , or which will offer it self unto them . Si locuples quis est , avari sunt , si pauper , ambitiosi , quos non oriens , non occidens satiaverit , soli omnium opes atque inopiam pari affectu concupiscunt : Galgacus a British Captain , spake it of the Souldiers of the Romans Empire : we may as justly verifie it of these Souldiers of the Romish Church , they being the m●…n whom neither the West nor East-Indies can satisfie ; and who with a like servencie desire the education of the needy and the wealthy . Moreover , by this method of teaching they do not only strengthen themselves in the affections of men a broad , but also fortifie themselves within their own wals at home ; for by this means , there is not one of their society , who hath not only perfectly concocted in his head the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of knowledge , but hath gained unto himself the true art of speaking , and a readinesse of expressing what he knoweth ; without the least demurre or haesitancie : the greatest happinesse of a Scholar . To conclude then and say no more of them , and their rare abilities ( for virtus & in hoste probatur ) it is thought by men of wisdome and judgement , that the planting of a Colledge of J●…suites in any place , is the onely sure way to reestablish that Religion which they professe , and in time to eate out the contrary . This notwithstanding , they were at the first institution of them mightily opposed , and no where more violently then in the University of Paris . An University that standeth much upon its liberty and priviledges ; to which this order was imagined to be an hindrance : it being lawfull for them to take any degree in their own houses , without reference to any publick exercise or examination . In the year 1554. at what time they first began to set foot in France , the Colledge of the Sorbonists made a long decree against them , in the end whereof are these words , and they are worth the reading , Uidetur haec societas in n●…gotio fidei periculosa , pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa , monasticae religionis eversiva & magis ad destructionsm , quam ad aedificationem ; a censure too full of vineger and bitternesse . Afterwards in the year 1564. they preferred a Petition to the University , that the Colledge which the Bishop of Clermont had built for them , might be incorporated into the University , and enjoy the immunities of it . Upon the Universities deniall of their desire , there arose a suit between them and the University in the high Court of Parliament ; Peter Versoris pleading for the Jesuits , and Stephen Pasquier for the other party . In the end they were admitted , though upon terms of wondrous strictnesse . Anno 1594. John Castell a novice of this order , having wounded King Henry IV. in the mouth , occasioned the banishment of this Society out of all France , into which they were not again received till the year 1604. and then also upon limitations more strict then ever . Into Paris they were not readmitted untill anno 1606. neither had the liberty of reading Lectures and instructing the youth confirmed unto them till anno 1611. which also was compassed not without great trouble and vexation . Per varios casus & tot discrimina rerum , As Aen●…as and his companions came into Latium . In this University they have at this instant three houses , one of the Novices , a second of Institutors , which they call the Colledge ; and a third of professed Jesuites , which they style their Monastery , or the professed house of St. Lewis . In their house of Novices they train up all those whom they have culled out of their Schooles to be of their order , and therein initiate them in the arts of Jesuitism , and their mysteries of iniquity . They there teach them not Grammaticall constructions or composition , but instruct them in the paths of virtue , courage and obedience , according to such examples as their Authors afford them . This they say of themselves and their friends for them . But he that made the funerall Oration for Henry IV. anno 1610. reporteth it otherwise , Latini sermonis obtentu ( saith he ) impurissime Gallicae juventutis mores ingenuos foedant . Bonarum litterarum praetextu , pessimas edocent artes . Dum ingenia excolunt , animas perdunt , &c. In their Colledge they have the same method of teaching which the others of their company use in Orleans . A Colledge first given unto them by Mr. William Pratt Bishop of Clermount , whose house it was ; but much beautifyed by themselves after his decease . For with the mony which he gave unto them by his will , which amounted ( as it was thought ) to 60000 crowns ; they added to it the Court called De Langres , in St. James street , anno 1582. Their Monastery or house of profession is that unto which they retire themselves after they have discharged their duties in the Colledge , by reading and studying publickly in their severall Classes . When they are here , their studies both for time and quality is ad 〈◊〉 ; though generally their only studie in it is Policy , and the advantage of their cause . And indeed out of this Trojan horse it is , that those firebrands and incendiaries are let out to disturb and set in combustion the affaires of Christendom , out of this forge come all those stratagems and tricks of Machiavillianism , which tend to the ruine of the Protestants , and the desolation of their Countries . I speak not this of their house of Profession here in Paris , either only or principally ; wheresoever they settle , they have a house of this nature , out of which they issue to overthrow the Gospell . Being sent once by their Superiors , a necessity is layed upon them of ob●…dience , be the imployment never so dangerous . And certainly this Nation doth most strictly obey the rules of their order , of any whatsoever , not excepting the Capouchins nor the Carthusians This I am witnesse to , that whereas the Divinity Lecture is to end at the tilling of a Bell ; one of the Society in the Colledge of Clermont , reading about the fall of the Angels , ended his Lecture with these words , Denique in quibuscunque ; for then was the warning given , and he durst not so far trespasse upon his rule , as to speak out his sentence . But it is not the fate of these Jesuits to have great persons only , and Universities only to oppose their fortunes : they have also the most accomplisht malice , that either the secular Priests or Fryers amongst whom they live , can fasten upon them . Some envie them for the greatnesse of their possessions , some because of the excellency of their learning ; some hate them for their power , some for the shrewdnesse of their brains ; all together making good that saying of Paterculus , that Semper eminentis fortunae comes est invidia . True indeed it is , that the Jesuits have in a manner deserved all this clamor and stomach by their own insolencies ; for they have not only drawn into their own hands all the principall affairs of C●…urt and state ; but upon occasions cast all the scorn and contempt they can , upon those of the other Orders . The Janizaries of the Turke never more neglectfully speak of the Asapi , then those doe of the rest of the Clergy . A great crime in those men , who desire to be accounted such excellent Masters of their own affections . Neither is the affection born to them abroad , greater then that at home ; amongst those I mean of the opposite party ; who being so often troubled and crumped by them , have little cause to afford them a liking , and much lesse a welcome . Upon this reason they were not sent into England with the Queen , although at first they were destinate to that service . It was well known how odious that name was amongst us , and what little countenance the Court or Countrey would have afforded them . They therefore who had the Governance of that businesse , sent hither in their places the Oratorians , or the Fratres congregationis Oratorii ; a race of men never as yet offensive to the English , further then the generall defence of the Romish cause , and so lesse subject to envie and exception . They were first instituted by Philip Nerius , not long after the Jesuits , and advanced and dignified by Pope Sixtus V. principally to this end , that by their incessant Sermons to the people , of the lives of Saints , and other Ecclesiasticall Antiquities , they might get a new reputation ; and so divert a little the torrent of the peoples affections from the Jesuites . Baronius , that great and excellent Historian , and Bozius that deadly enemie to the Soveraignity of Prince●… , were of the first foundation of this Order . I have now done with Orleans and the Jesuits , and must prepare for my return to Paris . Which journey I begun the 23 of July , and ended the day following . We went back the same way that we came , though we were not so fortunate as to enjoy the same company we came in , for in st●…ad of the good and acceptable society of one of the French Nobles , some Gentlemen of Germany , and two Fryers of the Order of St. Austin ; we had the perpetuall vexation of four tradesmen of Paris , two filles de joye , and an old woman ; the Artizans so slovenly attired and greasie in their apparell , that a most modest apprehension could have conceived no better of them , then that they had been newly raked out of the scullery . One of them by an Inkehorne that hung at his girdle , would have made us believe that he had been a N●…arie ; but by the thread of his discourse , we found out that he was a Sumner : so full of ribaldrie was it , and so rankly did it ●…avour of the French bawdie-courts . The r●…st of them talked according to their skill , concerning the price of commodities ; and who was the most likely man of all the City , to be made one of the next years Es●…evins . Of the two wenc●…s , o●…e so extreamly impudent , that even any immodest ear would have abhorred her language , and of such a shamelesse deportment , that her very behaviour would have frighted lust out of the most incontinent man living . Since I first knew mankinde and the world , I never observed so much i●…udence in the generall , as I did then in her particular , and I hope shall never be so miserable , as to suffer two dayes more the torment and hell of her conversation . In a word , she was a wench born to shame all the 〈◊〉 with whom she had traficked , for she would not be casta , and could not be cauta , and so I leave her ; a creature extreamly bold , because extreamly faulty . And yet having no good property to red●…em both these , and other unlovely qualities ; but ( as Sir Philip Sydney said of the Strumpet B●…ha in the A●…adia ) a little counterfeit beauty disgraced with wandring eyes , and unwayed speeches . The other of the younger females ( for as yet I am doubtfull whether I may call any of them women ) was of the same profession also , but not half so rampant as her companion . Haec habitu c●…sto cum non sit , casta videtur , as Ausonius giveth it one of the two wanton sisters . By her carriage a charitable stranger would have thought her honest ; and to that favourable opinion had my self been inclinable , if a French Mo●…sieur had not given me her 〈◊〉 at Orleans : besides there was an 〈◊〉 twinkling of her eye , which spoyled the composednesse of her countenance ; otherwise she might have pass●…d for currant . So that I may safely say of her , in respect of her fellow Harlot , what Tacitus doth of Pompey , in reference to Caesar , viz Secretior Pompeius , Caesare non melior . They were both equally guilty of the sin ; though this last had the more cunning to dissemble it , and avoid the infamie and censure ●…e unto it . And so I come to the old woman , which was the last of our goodly companions . A woman so old , that I am not at this day fully resolved whether she were ever young or no. 'T was well I had read the Scriptures , otherwise I might have been very prone to have thought her one of the first pieces of the creation , and that by some mischance or other , she had escaped the flood ; her face was for all the world like unto that of Sibylla Erythraea in an old print , or that of Solomons two harlots in the painted cloth ; you could not at the least but have imagined her one of the Relicks of the first age after the building of Babel ; for her very complexion was a confusion more dreadfull then that of languages . As yet I am uncertain whether the Poem of our arch-poet Spencer , entituled , The Ruines of time , was not purposely intended on her ; sure I am it is very applyable in the title . But I might have saved all this labour : Ovid in his description of Fames , hath most exactly given us her portraicture ; and out of him , and the eight book of his Metamorphosis , you may take this view of her . Nullus erat crinis , cava lumina , pallor in ore , Labra incana situ , scabri rubigine dentes , Dura cutis , per quam s●…ctari vis●…era possent ; Ventris erat pro ventre locus : pendere putares Pectus , et a spinae tantummodo crate teneri . Unhair'd , pale-fac'd , her eyes sunk in her head , Lips hoary-white , and teeth most rustie-red , Through her course skin , her guts you might espie , In what estate and posture they did lie . Belly she had none , only there was seen The place whereas her belly should have been . And with her hips her body did agree , As if 't was fastned by Geometrie . But of this our companion , as also of the rest of the Coachfull , Sunday-night , and our arrivall at Paris , hath at the last delivered us . A blessing for which I can never be sufficiently thankfull ; and thus — Dedit Deus his quoque fi nem . The End of the Third Book . A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . PICARDIE : OR , THE FOURTH BOOK . CHAP. I. Our return towards England . More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses . The town of Luzarch , and St. Loupae . The Country of Picardie and people . The Picts of B●…itain not of this Country . Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governor of Picardie . The off●…ce of Constable what it is in France . By whom the place supplyed in England . The marble table in France , and causes there handled . Clermount , and the Castle there . The war raised up by the Princes against D'Ancre . What his designes might tend to , &c. JUly the 27. having dispatched that businesse which brought us into France , and surveyed as much of the Countrey , as that opportunity would permit , we b●…gan our journey towards England in a Coach of Amiens . Better accompaned we were then when we came from Orleans , for here we had Gentlemen of the choicest fashion , very ingenious , and in my opinion of finer condition then any I had met withall in all my acquaintance with that Nation . We had no vexation with us in the shap●… of a French woman , which appeared unto me somewhat miraculous , to torment our ears with her discourse , or punish our eyes with her complexion . Thus associated we began to jog towards St. Loup , where that night we were to be lodged . The Countrey such as already I have described it in the Isle of France , save that beyond St. Denis it began to be somewhat more hilly . By the way I observed those little crossets erected in the memorie of St. Denis , as being vainly supposed to be his resting places , when he ran from Mont-martre with his head in his hand , which the zealous madnesse of the Hugonots had thrown down , and were now reedified by King Lewis . It could not but call to mind the hate of that Nation unto that harmelesse monument of Christs sufferings , the Crosse ; which is grown it seemeth so exorbitant , that the Papists make use of it to discover an Hugonot . I remember as I passed by water from Amiens to Abbeville , we met in the boat with a levie of French Gentlewomen ; to one of them , with that French as I had , I applyed my self , and she perceiving me to be English , questioned my Religion . I answered ( as I safely might ) that I was a Catholick : and she for her better satisfaction proffered me the little crosse which was on the top of her beads to kisse , ( and rather should I desire to kisse it then many of their lips ) whereupon the rest of the company gave of me this verdit , that I was Un urai Christien , & ne point un Hugon●… . But to proceed in our journall . The same day we parted from Paris , we passed through the Town of Luzarch , and came to that of St. Loup . The first famous only in its owner , which is the Count of Soissons . The second in an Abbey there situate built in memory of St. Lupus Bishop of Trios in Champagne . These Townes passed , we were entred into Picardie . Picardie is divided into the higher , which containeth the Countries of Calice and Boulogne , with the Town Monstrevill : and the lower , in which are the goodly Cities of Amiens , Abbeville , and many other places of principall note . The higher which is the lesser , and more Northern part is bounded North and West with the English Ocean ; and on the East with Flanders and Artoys . The lower , which is the larger , the richer and the more Southern , hath on the East the little Country of Veromandys ; on the West Normandy ; and on the South the Countrey of Champagne . In length it comprehendeth all the 51 degree of Latitude , and three parts of the 50 ; extending from Calice in the North , to Clermont in the South . In breadth it is of a great inequality . For the higher Picardie is like Linea amongst the Logitians , which they desine to be longitudo sine latitudine , it being indeed nothing in a manner , but a meer border . The lower is of a larger breadth , and containeth in it the whole 24 degree of longitude , and a fourth part of the 23 ; so that by the proportion of degrees , this Province is 105 miles long , and 25 broad . Concerning the name of Picardie , it is a difficulty beyond my reading and my conjecture . All I can do is to overthrow the lesse probable opinions of other writers , and make my self subject to that scoffe which Lactantius bestoweth on Aristotle , Rectè hic sustulit aliorum disciplinas , sed non recte fundavit suam . Some then derive it from Piquon , one forsooth of Alexander the greats Captains , whom they fain to have built Amiens and Piquigni ; an absurdity not to be honoured with a confutation : some from the Town of Piquigni it self , of which mind is Mercator ; but that Town never was of such note as to name a Province : others derive it from Picardus a fanaticall Heretick of these parts , about the year 1300 and after ; but the appellation is far older then the man : others fetch it from the Picts of Britain , whom they would have to flie hither after the discomfiture of their Empire and Nation by the Scots ; a transmigration of which all Histories are silent : this being the verdict of the best Antiquary ever was nursed up in Britain , Picti itaque funesstissimo praelio debellati , aut penitus fuerunt extincti , aut paulatim in Scotorum nomen & nationem concesserint . Lastly , some others derive the name from Pique , which signifieth a Lance or a Pike , the inventors of which warlike weapon , the fathers of this device would fain make them . In like manner some of Germany have laboured to prove that the Saxons had that name given them from the short swords which they used to wear , called in their language Seaxon ; but neither truely . For my part I have consulted 〈◊〉 for all the Nations ; and the I●…rarium of Ant●…nius for all the Towns in this tract , but can find ●…one on which I may fasten any probable Etymologie . All therefore that I can say , is , 〈◊〉 which R●…bert Bishop of Auran●…es in Normandy hath said before me , and that only in the generall , Quos itaque aetas nostra Picardos appelat verae Belgae dicendi sunt : qui post modum in Picardorum nomen tra●…migrarunt . This Countrey is very plenti●…ull of Corne and other grain , with which it abundantly surnisheth Paris ; and hath in it more store of pasture and medow grounds , th●…n I ●…lse saw in any part of France . In Vines only it is defective , and that ( as it is th●…ught ) more by the want o●… industry in the people , then any inhability in the soil . For inde●…d they are a people that will not labour more then they needs must , st●…nding much upon their state and distance , and in the carriage of their bodies savouring a little of the Spaniard ; whence Picarder , to play the Picard , is usually said of those who are lo●…ty in their looks , or glu●…tonous at their tables : this last being also one of the symptomes of a Picard . The Governor of this Province is the D●…ke of Les Diguieres , into which office he succe●…ded Mr. Luynes , as also he did into that of the Constable . Two preferments which he purchased at a deer rate , having sold or abandoned that religion to c●…mpasse them , which he had professed more then 60 y●…ars together ; an apostasie most unworthy of the man , who having for so many years supported the cause of religion , hath now forsaken it ; and thereby made himself gilty of the co●…ardise of M. Antonius , Qui cum in desertores saevire debuerat , 〈◊〉 sui exe●…t : ●…us factus est . But I ●…ear an he●…vier censure waiteth upon him ; the crown of immortality not being promised to all those which run , but to those only which hold out till the end . For the present indeed he hath augmented his honours by this office , which is the principall of all France . He hath place and command before and over all the Peers and Princes of the bloud ; and at the Coronation of the French Kings , ministreth the oath : when he entreth a City in state , or upon the redition of it , he goeth before with the Sword naked ; and when the King 〈◊〉 in an assembly of the three estates , he is placed at 〈◊〉 Kings right hand . He hath command over all his Majesties forces ; and he that killeth him is guilty of high treason . He sitteth also as chief Judge at the Table of marble upon all suits , actions , persons , and complaints whatsoever concerning the wars . This Table de Marbre was wont to be continually in the 〈◊〉 hall of the Palais at Paris ; from whence upon the burnning of that hall , it was removed to the Louure . At this table doth the Admirall of France hold his Sessions , to judge of trafick , prizes , letters of marts , piracy , and businesse of the like nature . At this table judgeth also Le grand Maistre des eaues et forrests ; we may call him the Justice in Eire of all his Majesties Forrests and waters . The actions here handled , are Thefts , and abuses committed in the Kings Forrests , Rivers , Parks , Fi●…hponds , and the like . In the absence of the grand Maistre , the power of sentence resteth in the Les grand Maistres Enquesteurs , et generaux reformateurs , who have under their command no fewer then 300 subordinate officers . Here also sit the Marshals of France , which are ten in number , sometimes in their own power , and sometimes as Assistants to the Constable , under whose direction they are . With us in England the Marshalship is more entire , as that which besides its own jurisdiction , hath now incorporated into it self most of the authority , antiently belonging to the Constables , which office ended in the death of Edward Lord Duke of Buckingham , the last hereditary and proprietary Constable of England . This office of Constable , to note unto you by the way so much , was first instituted by Lewis the grosse , who began his reign , anno 1110. and conferred on Mr. Les Diguieres on the 24 of July , 1622. in the Cathedrall Church of Grenoble , where he first heard Masse , and where he was installed Knight of both Orders . And so I leave the Constable to take a view of his Province , a man at this time beloved of neither parties ; hated by the Protestants as an Apostata , and suspected by the Papists not to be entire . To proceed , 〈◊〉 the 28. we came unto Clermont , the first Town of any note that we met with in Picardie : a prety neat Town , and finely seated on the 〈◊〉 of an hill . For the defence of it , it hath on the upper side of it , an indifferent large Castle , and such which were the situation of it somewhat helped by the strength of Art , might be brought to do good service . Towards the Town , it is of an easie accesse , to the fieldwards more difficult , as being built on the perpendicular 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 . In the year 1615 , it was made good by Mr. Harancourt with a Regiment of eight 〈◊〉 , who kept it in the name of the Prince of Conde , and the rest of that confederacy ; but it held not long , for at the 〈◊〉 D' 〈◊〉 coming before it with his Army , and Artillery , it was ●…sently yeelded . This war , which was the second civill war which had happened in the reign of King Lewis , was undertaken by the Princ●…s , chi●…fly to thwart the designes of the Queen mother , and crush the power●…ulnesse of her grand favourite , the Marshall . The pretence ( as in such cases it commonly is ) was the good of the Common-wealth : the occasion , the crosse marriages then consummated by the Marshall , between the Kings of France and Spain ; for by those marriages they seemed to fear the augmentation of the Spaniards greatnesse ; the alienation of the affections of their antient allies ; and by consequence the ●…uine of the French Empire . But it was not the ●…ate of D' Anire , as yet to 〈◊〉 . Two-years more of command and insolencies , his 〈◊〉 allow'd him , and then he tumbled . This opportunity of his death ending the third civill war , each of which his saulty greatnesse had o●…oned . What the 〈◊〉 of his designes did t●…nd to , I dare not absolutely d●…termine ; though like enough it is , that they aimed further then at a private , or a personall potencie ; for having u●…der the favour and countenance of the Q●…een mo●… 〈◊〉 himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Kings ear , and of his Councell ; he made a 〈◊〉 to get into his own hands an authority almost as unlimited , as that of the old Mayre of the Palace . For he had suppressed the liberty of the 〈◊〉 estates , and of the soveraign 〈◊〉 ; removed all the officers and Counsellors of the last King ; ravished one of the Presidents of the great Chamber , by name Mr. le Jay , out of the Parliament into , the prison , and planted Garrisons of his own in most of the good Towns of Normandy , of which Province he was Governour . Add to this , that he had caused the Prince of Conde , being acknowledged the first Prince of the bloud , to be imprisoned in the Bastile , and had searched into the continuance of the lives of the King and his brother , by the help of Sorcery and Witchcraft . Besides , he was suspected to have had secret intelligence with some forain Princes , ill willers to the State ; and had disgraced some and neglected others of the Kings old confederates . Certainly these actions seem to import some project beyond a private and obedient greatnesse , though I can hardly believe that he durst be ambitious of the Crown ; for being a fellow of a low birth , his heart could not but be too narrow for such an hope , and having no party amongst the Nobility , and being lesse gracious with the people , he was altogether 〈◊〉 of means to compasse it . I therefore am of an opinion , that the Spanish gold had corrupted him to some project concerning the enlargement of that Empire , upon the French dominion ; which the crosse marriages , whereof he was the contriver , and which seemed so full of danger to all the best Patriots of France , may seem to demonstrate . And again , at that time when he had put the Realm into his third combustion , the King of Spain had an Army on foot against the Duke of Savoy , and another in the Countries of Cleve and Juliers ; which had not the timely fall of this Monster , and the peace ensuing prevented it , might both perhaps have met together in the midst of France . But this only conjecturall . CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens ; and greatnesse of it . The English feasted within it ; and the error of that action ; the Town how built , seated and fortified . The Citadell of it , thought to be impregnable . Not permitted to be viewed . The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength . The watch and form of Government in the Town . Amiens a Visdamate : to whom it pertaineth . What that honour is in France . And how many there enjoy it , &c. THat night we went from Clermont to a Town called Brettaul , where we were harboured : being from Clermont 6 French leagues ; and from Paris 20. Our entertainment there such as in other places : as sluttish , as inconvenient . The next day being the 29 , about ten of the clock , we had a sight of the goodly City of Amiens . A City of some four English miles circuit within the wals , which is all the greatnesse of it : for without the wals it hath houses few or none . A City very capacious , and for that cause hath been many times honoured with the persons and trains of many great Princes : besides that once it entertained almost an whole Army of the English. For King Lewis the 11. having made an advantagious peace with our Edward 4. and perceiving how ungratefull it was amongst the military men , he intended also to give them some manner of satisfaction : He sent therefore unto them 300 carts loaden with the best Wines : and seeing how acceptable a present that had proved ; he intended also to feast them in Amiens , within half a league of which their Camp was lodged . This entertainment lasted four daies , each street having in it two long tables : and each table being furnished with very plentiful provision . Neither were they denied entrance into any of the Taverns , and Victualling houses , or therein stinted either in meats , or drinks ; whatsoever was called for , being defrayed by King Lewis . An action wherein , if mine opinion might carry it , there was little of the politician . For there were permitted to ●…nter into the Town so many at once of the English men , that had they been but so minded , they might easily have made themselves Masters both of the place , and of the Kings person . Nine thousand are reckoned by Comines to have b●…en within it together , and most of them armed : so that they might very easily have surprised the Gates , and let in the rest of the Army . Those of the French Kings Counsell much scared it , and therefore enformed both Princes of the danger , the one of his Town , the other of his Honour . But this jealousie was but a French distrust , and might well have been spared : the English being of that Generals minde , who scorned to steal a victory , and of that generous disposition , that they would not betray their credits . Nunquam illis adei ulla opportuna visa est victoriae occasio , quam damno pensarent fides : as the Historian of Tib●…rius . If this City then escaped a sack or a surprisal , it cannot be imputed to the wisdome of the French , but to the modesty and fair dealing of the English. But this was not the only soloecism in point of state , committed by that great politick of his time , King Lewis : there never being man so famed for his brain , that more grosly over-reached himself , then that Prince , though perhaps more frequently . The buildings of this Town are of diverse materials , some built of stone , others of wood , and some again of both . The streets very sweet and clean , and the air not giving pl●…ce to any for a lively pureness . Of their buildings the principal are their Churches , whereof there are twelve only in number : Churches I mean parochial , and besides those belonging to Religious houses . Next unto them the work of most especial note , is a great and large Hospital ; in method and the disposing of the beds much like unto the Hostel Dieu in Paris , but in number much inferiour ; Et me ●…amen rapuerant , and yet the decency of them did much delight me . The sweetnesse and neatnesse of the Town , proceeded partly as I said from the air , and partly from the conveniency of the River of Some , on which it is seated . For the river running in one entire bank at the further end of the Town , is there divided into six channels , which almost at an equall distance run through the several parts of it . Those channels thus divided , receive into them all the ordure and filth , with which the Town otherwise might be pester'd : and affordeth the people a plentifull measure of water wherewith to purge the lanes , and bie corners of it , as often as them listeth . But this is not all the benefit of these Channels : they bestow upon the City matter also of commodity , which is the infinite number of Grist-mils , that are built upon them . At the other end of the Town the Channels are again united into one stream : both those places , as well of the division , as of the union of the Channels being exceeding well fortified with chains and piles , and also with bulwarks and out-works . Neither is the Town well fortified and strengthned at those passages only : the other parts of it having enough of strength to inable them to a long resistance . The ditch round about it , save where it meeteth with the Citadell , is exceeding deep , and steepie : the wals of a good height , broad , and composed of earth and stone equally : the one making up the outside of them , and the other the inside . The Gates are very large and strong , as well in the sinewie composition of themselves , as in the addition of the Draw-bridge , Suburbs this City hath none , because a Town of war : nor any liberal circuit of territory , because a frontier . Yet the people are indifferently wealthy , and have amongst them good trading ; besides the benefit of the Garrison , and the Cathedral . The Garrison consisteth of 250 men , ( 500 in all they should be ) who are continually in pay to guard the Citadel , their pay eight Sols daily . The Governor of them is the Duke of Chaune , who is also the Lieutenant or Deputy Governour of the whole Province under the Constable : their Captain Mr. Le Noyre , said to be a man of good experience , and worthy his place . This Citadel was built by Henry 4. as soon as he had recovered the Town from the 〈◊〉 , anno 1597. It is seated on the lower part of the City , though somewhat on the advantage of an hill , and seemeth in mine opinion , better situate to command the Town , then to defend it ; or rather to recover the Town being taken , then to save it from taking . They who have seen it , and know the arts of fortification , report it to be 〈◊〉 . — Quod nec Jovis ira , nec ignis , Nec 〈◊〉 ferrum , nec edax abolere vetustas . Nor am I able to contradict it . For besides that it is a skill beyond my profession , we were not permitted to come within it , or to take a survey of it , but at a distance . As soon as we approached nigh unto it , one of the Garrison proffer'd us the Musket : a sufficient warning not to be too venturous . So that all which I could observe was this : that they had within themselves good plenty of earth to make their Gabions , and repair their breaches . With the same jealousie also , are the rest of the Forts and Towns of importance guarded in this and other Countreys : no people that ever I heard being so open in shewing their places of strength and safety unto strangers , as the English. For a dozen of Ale a foreiner may pace over the curtain of Portsmouth , and measure every stone and bulwark of it . For a shilling more he shall see their provision of powder and other munition . And when that is done , if he will he shall walk the round too . A French crown fathometh the wals of Dover Castie : and for a pinte of wine one may see the nakednesse of the blockhouses at Gravesend . A negligence which may one day cost us dearly : though we now think it not . For what else do we in it , but commit that prodigall solly , for which Plutarch condemned Per●…les : that is , to break open all the pales and inclosures of our land , to the end that every man might come in freely , and take away our fruit at his pleasure . Jealousie , though a vice in a man towards his wife , is yet one of the safest vertues in a Governor towards his 〈◊〉 : and therefore I could wish that 〈◊〉 English man , would in this particular borrow a 〈◊〉 of the Italian . 〈◊〉 these souldiers which are 〈◊〉 in garrison for the defence of the Citadell , there are also 300 which keep watch every night for the defence of the City . The watchmen receive no pay of the King , but discharge that duty amongst themselves , and in turns , every house finding one for that service , twelve nights in the year . The weapons which they use , are pikes only , and muske●… : there being not one pi●…ce of Ordinance all about the Town , or on the wals of it . The Governor of this Town , as it hath reference to the King , is a B●…illy , who hath belonging to him all the au●…hority which belongeth to a siege 〈◊〉 . Under him he hath a Lieutenant generall , and particular ; seven Counsellors , a publi●…k Notary , and other inf●…rior Officers and Magistrates . As it is a Corporation , the chief Governor of it is a Maior , and next to him the Eschevins , or She●…iffs , as protecto●…s of the inhabitants and their liberties : besides those of the Common-councell . Another circumstance there is , which ennobleth , this Town of Amiens , which is , that it is a Visdamate : or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility , who is called the Visdame of Amiens . This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chaune , Governor of the Citadell , together with the Lordship of Piquigni : both which he obtained by marrying the daughter and heir of the last Visdame of Amiens , and Lord of Piquigni , anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes , and which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother , who also obtained for him of the King , the title of Duke : his highest attribute before being that of Mr. de Cadinet , by which name he was known here in England , at such time when he was sent extraordinary Embassador to King James . This honour of Visdame , is for ought I could ever see , used only in France . True it is that in some old 〈◊〉 Charters we meet 〈◊〉 this title of Vice-dominus . As in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in L●…shire . dated in the year 948. there i●… there subscribed Ego Ingulph Vice-dominus : but with us , and at those times , this title was only used to denote a subordination to some superior Lord , and not as an honorary attribute , in which sense it is now used in France . Besides that , with us it was frequently , though falsly used for Vice comes . Between which two offices of a Vicount and a Visdame , there are found no small resemblances . For as they which did 〈◊〉 vicem Comitis , were called Vicecomites or Vicounts : so were they also called Vidames or Vicedomini , qui domini episcopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus . And as Viscoun●…s from officers of the Earls became honorary : so did the Vidames disclaim their relation to the Bishop , and became Signieural or honorary also . The Vidames then according to their first institution were the substitutes of the greater Bishops , in matter of secular administration : for which cause , though they have altered their tenure , they take ●…ll of them their denomination from the chie●…town of some Bishoprick . Neither is there any of them , who holdeth not of some Bishoprick or other . Concerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine . Mr. Glover , otherwise alled Somerset Herald , in his Discourse of Nobility , published by Mr. Milles of Canterbury , putteth it down for absolute , that here are four only , viz. of Amiens , of Cha●…tres , of Chalons , and of Gerber●…y in Beauvais ; but in this he hath deceived both himself and his readers , there being , besides those divers others , as of Rheimes , Mans , and the like . But the particular and exact number of them , together with the place denominating , I leave to the French Heralds : unto whose prosession it principally belongeth . CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre D●…me in Amiens . The principal Churches in most Cities called by her name . More honour performed to her then to her Saviour . The surpassing beauty of this Church on the ●…utside . The front of it . King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster . The curiousnesse of this Church within . By what means it became to be so . The sumptuous masking closets in it . The excellency of perspective works . Indulgences by whom first founded . The estate of the Bishoprick . THere is yet one thing which add●…th more lustre to the City of Amiens then either the 〈◊〉 or the Citadel , which is the Chur●…h of Nostre Dame. A name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France . There have we the Nostre Dame in Roven , a second in Paris , a third in this City , a fourth in Bou●…gne , all Cathedrall : so als●… a Nostre Dame in Abbeville and another in Estampes : the principal Church in those Towns also : had I seen more o●… their Towns , I had met with more of her Temples : for of so many I have heard of , that it there be more then two Churches in a Town , one shall be sure to be dedicated unto her , and that one of the fairest : of any temples consecrated to the name and memory of our Saviour , ne gry quidem : there was not so much as a word stirring , neither could I marvail at it , considring the honours done to her , and those to her son ; betwixt which there is so great a disproportion , that you would have im●…gined that Mary , and not Jesus had been our Saviour . For one Pater noster the people are enjoyned ten A●…e Maries , and to recompense one 〈◊〉 to Christs Sepulchre at 〈◊〉 , you shall hear 200 undertaken to our Lady of Loretto : and whereas in their Kalendar they have dedicated only four ●…stivals to our Saviour , which are those of his birth , circumcision , resurrection , and ascension , ( all which the En●…ish Church also observeth ) for the Virgins sake they have more then doubled the number . Thus do they solemnize the seasts of her purification , and annuntiation , at the times which we also do : of her visitation of Elizabeth , in July ; of her dedication and assumption in August : of her nativity in September : of her presentation , in November : and of her conception in the womb of her mother , in December . To her have they appropriated set formes of Prayers prescribed in the two books called , one Officium , and the other Rosarium b●…atae Mariae virginis , whereas her son must be contented with those oraisons which are in the common Masse-book . Her shrines and images are more glorious and magnificent , then those of her son . And in her Chappel are more vowes paid , th●…n before the Crucifix . But I cannot blame the vulgar , when the great mast●…rs of their souls are thus also beso●…ed . The Officium before mentioned , published by the command of Pius 2. saith thus of her . Gaude Maria virgo ; tu sola omnes haereses 〈◊〉 in universo mundo . Catharinus in the Councel of Trent , calleth her fidelissimam dei sociam : and he was mo●…st if compa●…ed with others . In one of their Councels , Christs name is quite forgotten , and the name of our Lady 〈◊〉 in the place of it . For thus it beginneth : Autoritate Dei pat●…is , & beatae virginis , & omnium sanctorum : but most horrible is that of one of their writers ( I am lo●…h to say it was Bernard ) Beata virgo monstra te esse matrem jube filium : which Harding in his confutation of the apologie , endeav●…uring to m●…ke good ; would needs have it to be only an 〈◊〉 of minde , or a spiritual sport and dalliance . But ●…om all such sports and dalliances , no lesse then from the plague , pestilence and famine , Good Lord deliver us . Leaving our Lady , let us go to see her Church , which questionlesse is one of the most glorious piles of building under the heavens . What Velleius saith of Augustus , that he was 〈◊〉 qui omnibus omnium gentium viris inducturus erat caliginem : or what Suetonius spake of Titus , when he called him Delitias humani generis ; both those attributes and more too , may I most fitly fasten on this most magnificent Structure . The whole body of it is of most curious and polisht stone , every where born up by buttresses of that excellent composure , that they seem to add more of beauty to it then of strength . The Quire of it , as in great Churches commonly it is , is of a fairer fabrick then the body , thick set with dainty pillars , and most of them reaching to the top of it , in the fashion of an arch . I am not well able to judge , whether this Quire , or the Chappell of King Henry VII . at Westminster , be the more exquisite piece of Architecture ; though I am not ignorant that Leland calleth that of our King Miraculum orbis . I perswade my self , that a most discerning eye could find out but little difference between them , and that difference more subtile then sound : for if such perfection may receive the word of more , it might be said , that there were more majesty in this of Amiens , and more of lovelinesse in that of Westminster ; yet so that the ones majesty did exceed in lovelinesse , and the others lovelinesse exceed in majesty . Tam bene conveniunt , & in una sede morantur Majestas & amor . But now we are come unto the divinity of the workmanship ; the front , which presenteth it self unto us with two Towers , and three gates , that in the midst being the principall . The front of Welles or Peterborough , which we so much fame in England , deserve not to be named in the same myriad of years , with this of Amiens ; for here have you almost all the sacred stories engraven so lively , that you would no longer think the story of Pygmalions image to be a fable ; and indeed at the first sight , you would confidently believe that the histories there presented were not carved , but acted . To say no more of it ( for all my abilities will but disgrace it in the description ) that of Zeuxis may most fitly be inscribed upon it , Invisurum facilius aliquem , quam imitaturum ; so infinitely it is above the ambition of imitation . The outside of the Church being admirable , you would have thought that art and treasure had left nothing of themselves to bestow within it : yet herein would such thoughts deceive you ; for although the beauty of the Nostre dames in Paris and Roven lay most without , yet here it serveth but as a maske to hide and conceal those most admirable graces which are within . As soon as entred you will suppose that the materials of it are all of gold ; such a lustre doth it cast upon the eyes of all those that look upon it . The glory of Solomons Temple , next unto the description of it in the Scriptures , is best read in this Church , of which it seemeth to have been the pattern . Jupiters house in heaven described by the Poets , was never half so gorgeous as this on the earth ; that therefore which Ovid Poetically spake concerning that imaginary Palace of the false God , we may positively verifie of this reall mansion of the true God. Hic locus est , quem , si verbis audacia detur , Haud timeam magni dixisse palatia regis . To instance in particulars ; the partition between the Quire and the body , is so overlaid with gold , that the acutest sight could apprehend no other substance of it ; and yet the art of the workman so fully expressed its power on it , that the cost was much inferiour to the workmanship ; so curiously was it adorned with excellent Imagery , and what else the hand of man could fashion into portraiture : on the top of it was the Statua of our Lady in the just height and proportion of a woman , all either of gold or gilded ; her child in her armes , of the same making . She was there expressed as standing in a round circle , unto every point of which she darted out rayes and beams of gold ; just as the Sun doth seem to do , when the Painter hath drawn him in his full lustre . The glasse of the Church generally , and particularly that about the Quire , and the Virgins Chappell , is the fullest of life and beauty , of any that I ever yet set eye upon . As much as that of St. Denis exceedeth ours at Canterbury , so much doth this St. Denis . But the largest measure of perfection in it is that of the Pillars , which though full of majesty in their height and compasse , have yet an ornament added to them more majesticall then the majesty , for upon each of them ( there are four ranks of them in all ) are fastned four Tables , which take up their whole circle , every Table being in length two yards or thereabout . In every of these , are the pictures of sundry men and women of the better quality , so exactly limmed , that neither a curious eye could desire , nor a cunning hand discharge it better . These Tables are the Monuments and Tombs of the Burgers of the City , or of the noblest of the Countrey nigh unto it ; who in them have caused their pictures to be drawn with as great art and state as cost could procure them , and in a subscription of golden letters , have eternized their names and that act to all succeeding posterity . So that we may justlysay of the sumptuousnesse of this Church , what the Historian doth of the Temple of Delphos , Multa igitur ibi , & opulenta regum populorumque visuntur munera ; quaeque magnificentia sui , reddentium vota gratam voluntatem manifestant . Neitheir have these Sepulchrall ornaments been of any great standing ; the antientest of them which I could observe having been erected since the year 1570. Add to these the curious works which the ingraver hath cut in the main wals , and then you perhaps will fall into the same extasie that I did , and pick a quarell with nature and the heavens , that they had not made you all into an eye . In this Church , as in others also of this party , besides the high Altar in the middest of the Quire , there are divers others in the private Clossets , which are de●…tinate to the mumbling of their low Masses . Of these there are in number 24. all of them seated between the two outermost rankes of pillars and the wals ; prety neat places , and it is pity they should be abused to such Idolatries . Of three of them I took especiall notice , they being indeed the chiefest of the rest , either for furniture or use . The first of them was that of the Virgin , which was divided from the rest of the Church by a sphere made of wood , which reached unto the tops of the partition . On the outside the Planets , Starres and Constellations were most artificially set down in their proper orbes , with the times of absolving their severall courses . On the in●…de , those spaces were filled up with a pack of Verses in commendation of our Lady . The Altar there , was for matter and making , the most glorious that ever I yet looked upon ; that on the other side in the Quire , and over which is the image of our Saviour , being more despicable then were fit for the credite of a Village . Over this Altar was the Virgins Statua , all gilt , and of a full and womanly proportion ; two Angels of the same materials attending on her . Finally , this Chappell considering the richnesse and glory of it , may be styled the Epitome of the Church ; that attribute of Immensae opulentiae Templum , being no more deservedly applyable to Solomons Temple , of which Tacitus spake it , then to this . The second of them , stood as I remember , at the ●…urther end of the Church behind the Quire ; not directed for ought I could perceive to any particular Saint , yet not to be passed over without a due remembrance . It was separated from the rest of the Church by two ranks of brasse pillars , one rank above the other . The pillars all curiously casted , and such as would not shame the workman . In this Massing Closet over the Altar there was hanged a tablet , which by the many lines and shadowes drawn in it , seemed to represent some piece of building . Moving my hand towards mine eye in the nature and kind of a Perspective glasse , I perceived it to be the representation of that Church in which I stood to see it ; and it was done with that cunning , that it would almost have perswaded a man out of himself , and made him believe , that he had been in the Church yard . So perfectly did it shew the majesty of the Front , the beauty of the Iles , the number of the Pillars , and the glory of the Quire. A kinde of work , in mine opinion of all others the most excellent , and such as would infinitely delight an optick . Had not such pieces been vulgar to me ; it had more affected me ; but in the Gallery of Mr. Cr●…ne of Cambridge , once b●…longing to tha●… humorous Phy●…tian Mr. Butlar ; and in that of Sir Noel Caron , late Leiger for the States , at Lambeth , I had seen divers of them , whereof some perfecter . The third of these M●…ssing closets was that of St. Peter , not so gorgeous as the rest unto the eyes of them that saw it , but more usefull to the souls of those , who had a minde to take the benefit of it . For therein hung an indulgence granted by Pope Gregory the fifteenth unto that Church ; Dated the 27 of July , anno 1622. and of his Popedome the second . The contents of it were an absolute exemption from the paines and place of Purgatory to those , who upon the Feast of Al-soules ( Festum commemorationis defunctorum , the brief calleth i●… ) and the Octaves of it ; would come to pay their devotions and moneyes , in that Temple . Had the ●…xtent of it been generall , it would quickly have emptied the Popes Treasury ; and in time have put an end to Purgatory . His Holinesse therefore did wisely restra●…n it in his Bull , to the natives of that Diocesse . The Author and first founder of this granting of Indulgences ( if it be law●…ull to note so much by the way ) was Pope Urban the second , who began his Popedome anno 1088. who conferred them upon all such as would goe unto the warres for the recovering of Jerusalem ; next they began to be conferred on those , who would side with the P●…pe , in his ●…wfull warres against the Emperours . And lastly , about the time of C●…ement the fifth ( he began his reign anno 1306 ) they began to be merchantable ; for to him that gainfull invention of the Church Treasury , consisting of the merits of our Saviour and the Saints is imputed . But I return againe to the Church of Amiens . This glorious Church is the seat of a Bishop , who acknowledgeth for his Metropolitan , the Archbishop of Rhemes , Primate of 〈◊〉 France ; the first Bishop of it was one Firminus , a native o●… Pampelune in the Kingdom of Navarre , wh●… suffered Martyrdome under the Emperour Dio●…ian . To hi●… succeeded another Firminus , to whom the first foundation of the Church is attributed . The present Diocesan is named Franciscus Faber , his intrade about 6000 crownes a year . Chanoins there are in the Church to the number of forty , of whose revenue I could not learn any thing ; neither could I be so happy as to see the head of St John Baptist , whis is said to be here entire ; though it cannot be denied that a piece of it is in the holy Chappell at Paris , besides those fractions of it which are in other places . CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some , and Company . The Town and Castle of Piquigni , for what famous . Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies . A farewell to the Church of Amiens . The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie . Abbeville how seated ; and the Garrison there . No Governour in it but the Maior or Provost . The Authors imprudent curiosity ; and the curtesie of the Provost to him . The French Post-horses how base and tired . My preferment to the Trunke-horse . The horse of Philip de Comines . The Town and strength of Monstreville . The importance of these three Towns to the French border , &c. JUly the 30. we took boat to go down to Abbeville , by the river of Some ; a river of no great breadth , but deep and full ; the boat which carryed us was much o●… the making of those Lighters which live upon the Thames , but that is was made more wi●…ldie and fit for speed . There were in it of us in all , to the number of 30 persons or thereabouts : people of all conditions , and such with whom a man of any humor might have found a companion Under the tilt we espied a bevie of Lasses , mixt with some young Gentlemen . To them we applyed our selves , and they taking a delight to hear our broken French , made much of our company ; for in that little time of our abode there we had learned only so much of the French , as a little child after a years practise hath of his mothers tongue ; Linguis dimidiata adhuc verba tentantibus ; & loquela ips●… offensantis 〈◊〉 fragmine dulciori . The Gentlewomen next those of Orleans , were the handsomest that I had seen in France , very pleasant and affable ; one of them being she which put my Religion to the touchstone of kissing the crosse of her beads . Thus associated , we passed merrily down the streame , though slowly ; the delight which our language gave the companie , and the content which their liberal humanity afforded to us , beguiling the tediousnesse of the way . The first thing we met with observable , was the Town and Castle of Piquigni . The Town poor and beggerly , and so unlikely to have named the Province , as Mercator would have it ; besides the disproportion and dissimilitude of the names . The Castle situate on the top of the hill , is now a place of more pleasure then s●…rength , as having command over an open and goodly Countrey , which lyeth below it . It belongeth as we have said , to the Vidamate of Amiens ; and so doth the Town also . This Town is famous among the French for a Tradition and a truth , the Tradition is of a famous defeat given unto the English near unto it ; but in whose reign , and under whose conduct , they could not tell us . Being thus routed , they fled to this Town , into which their enemies followed with them , intending to put them all to the sword : but at last their fury being allaied , they proposed that mercy to them , which those of Gilead did unto those of Ephraim in the Scriptures : life and liberty being promised to all them which could pronounce this word Piquigni . It seemeth it was not in those dayes a word possible for an English mouth ; for the English saying all of them Pequenie in stead of Piquigni , were all of them put to the sword : thus far the Tradition . The Truth of story , by which this Town is famous in the writers of both Nations , is an enterview here given betwixt our Edward IV. and their Lewis XI . upon the concluding of their nine years truce . A circumstance of no great moment of it self , had not Philip de Comines made it such by one of his own observations . Upon this meeting the Chancellor of England , being Bishop of Ely , made an oration to both Kings , beginning with a prophesie ; which said , that in this place of Piquigni , an honourable peace should be concluded between the two Kingdoms : on this ground , which himself also is the only man that relateth , he hath built two observations ; the one ( I have not the originall by me ) That the English men are never unfurnished with Prophesies ; the other , That they ground every thing they speak upon Prophesies . How far those times were guilty of that humor , I cannot say ; though sure I am , that we are not the only men that were so affected . Paulus Jovius in some place of his Histories ( I remember not the particular ) hath vindicated that quarrell for us , and fastned the same imputation on the French. So true is that of the Tragedian , Quod quisque fecit patitur , authorem scelus repetit . And now being past Piquigni , I have lost the sight of the Church of Amiens . The fairest Fabrick , and most rich to see That ere was guilty of mortalitie . No present Structure like it , nor can fame In all its bed-rols boast an equall name . Let then the barbarous Egyptians cease So to extoll their huge Pyramides ; Let them grow silent of their Pharus , and Conceale the other triumph of their Land. And let the Carians henceforth leave to raise Their Mausolaea with such endlesse praise . This Church alone doth them as much excell , As they the lowest Cottages , where do dwell The least of men : as they those urnes which keep The smallest ashes which are laid to sleep . Nor be thou vext thou glorious Queen of night , Nor let a cloud of darknesse mask thy light . That renownd Temple which the Greeks did call The worlds seventh wonder , and the fair'st of all : That pile so famous , that the world did see Two only great and high , thy fame and thee : Is neither burnt and perisht , Ephesus Survives the follies of Erostratus . On●…y thy name in Europe to advance , It was transported to the Realm of France . And here it stands , 〈◊〉 robb'd of any grace Which there it had , nor altred , save in place . Cast thy beams on it , and t will 〈◊〉 be prov'd Thy Temple w●…s not 〈◊〉 but remov'd . Nor are thy rites so chang'd ; but thou'●… aver This Christian is thy old Idolater . But oh go●…d God! how long shall thy decree Permit this Temple to Idolatrie ? How long shall they profane this Church , and make T●…se sacred wals and pavements to partake Of their loud sins : and here that Doctrine teach , 'Gainst which the very stones do seem to preach ? Reduce them Lord unto thee ; make them see How ill this building and their ●…ites agree : Or make them know , though they be still the same , This house was purpos'd only to thy name . The next place of note that the water conveied us to , was the Town and Castle of Pont d' Arme : a place now scarce visible in the ruines , and belonging to one Mr. Quercy . It took name , as they say , from a bridge here built for the transportation of an Army ; but this I cannot justifie . Three leagues down the river is the Town of Abbeville ; a Town conveniently seated on the Some , which runneth through it . It is of greater circuite within the wals , then the City of Amiens , and hath four Parish Churches more then it ; but is not so beautifull , nor so populous . For the houses here are of an older stampe , and there is within the Town no scarcity of wast ground . I went round about the wals , and observed the thinness of the houses , & the largeness of the fields , which are of that capacity and extent , that for ought I could apprehend , the Town need never fear to be compelled by famine , if those fields were husbanded to the best advantages . The wals are of earth within and stone without , of an unequall breadth , and in some places ruinous . A Castle it once had , of which there is now scarce any thing remaining . In stead of which , and in places more convenient , they built out three Bastions , very large and capacious ; and such well manned need not yeeld upon a summons . There are also a couple of mounts raised nigh unto the wall , at that place where the Countrey is most plain , upon which good O●dinance would have good command ; but at this time there were none upon it . Without the wals it is diversly strengthned , having in some places a deep ditch without water , in some a shallower ditch but well filled by the benefit of the river , in others only a moorish and fennie levell , more dangerous to the enemie , and secure to the Town , then either of the rest , and therefore never guarded by the Souldiers of the Garrison . But the chief strength of it , is five Companies of Swiss , 100 in a company , proper tall fellowes in appearance , and such as one would imagine fit for the service . It was my chance to see them begin their watch ; to which imployment they advanced with so good order , and such a shew of stomach , as if they had not gone to gua●…d a Town , but possesse one . Their watch was at Porte de Beyes , and Porte St. Valery ; the first lying near un Hesdin a frontier Town of Artoys ; the other five leagues only from the Sea and Haven of St. Valery . From ●…hose places most danger was feared , and therefore there kept most of their Souldiers , and all their Ordin●nce . Their Captain is named Mr. Aillè a Grison by birth , and reported for a good Souldier . Besides him they have no military Commander ; the Maior of the Town , contrary to the nature 〈◊〉 Towns of war , being there in highest authority . A 〈◊〉 granted unto the Maiors hereof , not long since , as a reward due to one of their integrities , who u●●●●standing that the Governour of the Town held intelligence with the Arch-duke ; apprehended him and sent him to the Court , where he received his punishment . This Abbeville ( and so I leave it , and in it my bevie of French lasses ) is so called quasi Abbatis Villa , as formerly belonging to the Abbot of it . And yet before I leave this Town , I must needs take notice of an Adventure which might have proved prjudiciall to me , if my good fortune had not overcome all contrary accidents . My companions had no sooner landed out of the boat which brought us from Amiens , but presently they betook themselves to the Post-house without the Town , that they might be ready for Bologne the next morning . But I who did not think that I was to make such a gollopping journey thorow France , as the foolish traveller affirmed he had made thorow Venice , resolved to satisfie my self in all those particulars which I found capable of note and observation . Which having done , and thinking I had still day enough for my curiosities , I betook my self to the Corps du guard , where being soon known to be a Gentleman of England , I easily obtained leave to walk round about the works of the Town , and to observe the situation , strength , and defences of it . But so it hapned that before I came to the gate which led towards the Post-house , I found it newly locked up by the Captain of the watch for that night , and thought I might have found passage at the next gate , had I hastned towards it ; yet I was so taken up with the orderly march of the Guards , being all proper fellowes and well appointed , that before I came to that gate , it was locked up also : which being the two only gates on that side of the River , deprived me of all ordinary means to come that night to my Companions , who were resolved to be on horse back the next morning by the break of day . I had now liberty enough to traverse and consult the streets , within which I seemed to be imprisoned , but could meet none that could informe me how to free my self out of that restraint ; at last I met with an old Burger of a comely presence , who I thought promised better satisfaction then the rest had given me ; who being acquainted with my desire of uniting my self with my companions , and the difficulty which my curiosity had brought upon me , directed me to the house of the Provost , who , as he told me , had the keeping of a Water gate under one of the Arches of the wall by which the River passed thorow the Town , by which I might finde a way out of it , if I could wooe him to make use of his priviledge in that point , which he thought hard , if not impossible to be effected . Well , to the Provosts house I went , whom I found at home , acqua●…nted him that I came with Letters from the Court of England , that I was returning thither with my dispatches , that my companions being lesse curious then my self , had presently betook themselves to their lodgings without the Town , that it would be a great reproach to me , if I should not be in England as soon as they , and therefore humbly did beseech him ( in as good French as I could ) that he would be my means to set me on the other side of the River without the Town , which I understood to be in his power . To this request he yeelded with a great deal of chearfulnesse , assuring me that he thought himself exceeding happy in having opportunity of doing any acceptable service to an English Gentleman : which said , he p●…esently dispatched a servant for his Bayliffe de●…eaw , or Water Bailiffe ( being a sworn officer of the Town ) to attend upon him , and in the mean time entertained himself with such discourses as I was able to make him of the Queens reception . News being brought that the Water Bailiffe was coming forwards , he conducted me into a low Parlor very handsomely furnished , where I found a Banquet or Collation provided for me , consisting of cold bake-meats , choise Marmelets , and most excellent Wines , and ( which I looked upon as the greater favour ) his Wife and Daughters ready for my entertainment . We had scarce ended this refreshment , when the B●…iliff brought word that he had made a boat ready to carry me to the Water-gate ; whereupon having had the honor to kisse the hands of the women , I made accompt to take my leave of the Provost also , who on the other side was resolved to accompany me to the water side , and not to leave me till he saw me passed thorow the gate ( whether out of civility to me , or compliance with the trust reposed in him , I determine not ) which was done accordingly ; one of his servants waiting on me till he had brought me to the Inne where I was to lodge . July the last , we took Post-horse for Bologne ; if at the least we may call those Post-horses , which we rid on . As lean they were , as Envie is in the Poet ; Ma●…es in 〈◊〉 ●…oto , being most true of them . Neither were they only lean enough to have their ribs numbred , but the very spur-g●…ls had made ●…uch ca●…ements thr●…ugh their skins , that it had been no great d●…fficulty to have survey●…d their entrai●…s . A strange kind of C●…ll in my mine opinion , and such as had neither flesh on their bones , nor skin on their fl●…sh , nor hair on their skin ; sure I am they were not so ●…lusty as the horses of the Sun in Ovid ; neither could we say of them F●…ammiferis implent hinnitibus auras . All the ●…eighing we could hear from the proudest of them , was only an old dry cough , which I 'le assure you did much comfort me , for by that noise I first learned there was life in them . Upon such Anatomies of horses , or to s●…eak more properly , upon such severall heaps of bones , when I and my Companion mounted ; and when we expected , however they seemed outwardly , to see somewhat of the Post in them , my beast began to move after an Aldermans pace , or like Envie in Ovid , Surgit humi pigre , passuque incedit inerti . Out of this gravity no perswasion could work them ; the dull Jades being grown unsensible of the spur , and to hearten them with wands would in short time have disforested the Country . Now was the Cart of Dieppe thought a speedy conveyance ; and those that had the happinesse of a Waggon were e●…eemed too blessed , yea though it came with the hazard of the old woman and the wenches . If good nature , or a sight of their journeyes end , did chance to put any of them into a pace like unto a gallop , we were sure to have them tire in the middle way , and so the remainder of the Stage was to be me●…sured by our own feet . B●…ing weary of this trade , I made bold to d●…smount the Postilion , and ascended the trunk-horse , where I sat in such a magnificent posture , that the best Carrier in Paris might envie my felicity . Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle ; before me a bundle 〈◊〉 cloaks , a cloak-b●…g , and a parcell of boots ; sure I w●…s if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides , that I could not likely fall backwards nor ●…orwards . Thus preferred , I encouraged my companions , who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity . And certainly there was not any of them , who might not more justly have said of me , Tuas un me●…lleur temps que le Pape , then poor 〈◊〉 master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four dayes . This circumstance I confesse might have well b●…n omitted , had I not great example for it Ph●…p de Comines in the mi●…est of his grave and serious relation of the B●…tail of 〈◊〉 H●…rie , hath a note much about this nature , which gave m●… encouragement , which is , That himself had an old 〈◊〉 halfe 〈◊〉 ( and this was just my case ) who by chance thrust 〈◊〉 ●…ead into a pale of wine and dranke it off , which made him lus●…er and fr●…sher that day , then ever b●…fore : but in that , his horse had better luck then I had . On the right hand of us , and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne , we left the Town of Monstrueil , which we had not leasure to see . It seemeth dai●…tily sea●…ed ●…or command and resistance , as being built upon the top and declivity of a hill . It is well strengthned with B●…stions and Rampart●… on the outside , & hath within it a Garrison of 〈◊〉 Companies of Souldiers ; their Govern●…ur ( as I learned of one of the Paisants ) being called Lannoy And indeed it concerne●…h the King of France to look wel to the Town of Monstruell , ●…s being a border Town , within two miles of Artoys ; and especially considering that the taking of it , would cut ●…ff all entercourse between the Countries of Bol●…gne and Calais , with the rest of France . Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens ; and that the French Kings are not ignorant of . Insomuch that those two only , together with that of St. Quintain , being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy , to draw him from the party of the En●…sh ; were redeemed again by Lewis XI . for 450000 crownes , an infinite sum of money , according to the standard of those times ; and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it . For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns , Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis , by which at the last , he lost his life , and hazarded his estate . CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois , and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized . The present of Salt-butter . Boulogne divided inte two Towns. Procession in the low●…r Town to divert the Plague . The forme of it . Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church . The high Town Garrisoned . The old man of Boulogne ; and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him . The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens . The fraternity De la Charite , and inconvenience of it . The costly Journey of Henry VIII . to Boulogne . Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned . The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England . Boulogne yeilded back to the French ; and on what conditions . The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow . WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois , which though a part of Picardie , disdaineth yet to be so accounted , but will be reckoned as a County of it self . It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne , Estaples , and N●…uf-Chastell , besides divers Villages ; and consisteth much of Hils and Vallies , much after the nature of England ; the soil being indifferent fruitfull of Corne , and yielding more Grasse then any other part of France ( which we saw ) for the quantity . Neither is it only a County of it self , but it is in a manner also a free County , it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary , who is , no question , a very gracious Landladie . For when King Lewis XI . after the decease of Charles of Burgundy , had taken in Boulogne , anno 1477. as new Lord of the Town ( thus John de Serres relateth it ) he did homage without Sword or Spurs , bare-headed and on his knee , before the Virgin Mary , offering unto her Image an heart of massie gold , weighing 2000 crowns . He added also this , that he and his successors Kings after him , should hold the County of Boulogne of the said Virgin , and do homage unto her image in the great Church of the higher Town dedicated to her name , paying at every change of a Vassall an heart of pure gold of the same weight . Since that time , the Boulonnois being the Tenants of our Lady , have enjoyed a perpetuall exemption from many of those Tributes and Taxes , under which the rest of France is miserably afflicted . Amongst others they have been alwayes freed from the Gabell of Salt ; by reason whereof , and by the goodnesse of their Pastures , they have there the best butter in all the Kingdome . I said partly by reason of their salt , because having it at a low rate , they do liberally season all their Butter with it ; whereas they which buy their Salt at the Kings price , cannot afford it any of that deer commodity : upon this ground it is the custome of these of Boulonnois to send unto their friends of France and Paris , a barrell of Butter seasoned according to their fashion ; a present no lesse ordinary and acceptable , then Turkies , Capons , and the like , are from our Countrey Gentlemen to those of London . As for the Town of Boulogne , it is divided into two parts , La haute Ville , and La basse V●…lle , or the high Town , and the low Town , distant one ●…rom the other above an hundred paces , and upwards . The high Town is seated upon the top of an hill ; the low Town upon the declivity of it , and towards the Haven . Or else we may divide it into other parts , viz. the Town , and the City ; the Town that towards the water , and the City that which lyeth above it . It was made a City in the reign of Henry II. anno 1553. at which time the City of Terovenne w●…s totally ruined by the Imperials , and the Bishops seat was removed hither ; the Church of Nostre D●…me being made the Ca●…hedrall . There came along hither , upon the remove of the Bishop , 20 Canons , which number is here still retained , their revenue being about 1000 Livres yearly . As for the present 〈◊〉 , his name is Pierre d' Armè his intrado 2000 Livres , his Metropolitan he of 〈◊〉 . The Town , or as they call it , the low Town , is bigger then the City , and better built , the streets larger , and the people richer , most of the Merchants living in it , because it lyeth upon the Haven . But that which made this low Town most pleasing to me , was a 〈◊〉 procession that passed through the streets of it , intending to pacifie Gods anger , and divert the plague , which at that time was in the City . In the first front there was carried the Crosse , and after that the holy or sanctified Banner ; next unto it followed all the Priests of the Town bare-headed , and in their Surplices , singing as they went the Services destinate to that occasion . After them followed the men , and next to them the women of the Town , by two and two , it being so ordered by the Roman Rituall , Ut laici a clericis , foeminae a viris prosequantur se paratae . On the other side of the street went the Brethren De la Charitè , every one of them holding in his hand a little triangular Banner , or a Pennon ; after them the boyes and wenches . In this method did they measure solemnly every lane and angle of the Town ; the Priests singing , and all the people answering them in the same note . At the Church they began it with prayers , and having visited all the Town , they returned again thither to end it with the same devotion . An action very grave and solemn , and such as I could well allow of , were it not only for one prayer which is alwayes said at the time of this performance , and the addition of the Banners . The Prayer is this : Exaudi nos Deus salutaris noster , & intercedente beata & gloriosa Viigine , & beato Sebastiano Martyre tuo ( this Sebastian is their Aesculapius or tutelary Saint against the Sicknesse ) & omnibus Sanctis ; populum tuum ab iracundiae tuae terroribus libera , & misericordiae tuae fac largitate securum , Amen . This only excepted , there is nothing in all the liturgie of it , which can be offensive to any conscience , not idlely scrupulous . — These Processions were first instituted by Pope Stephanus 〈◊〉 . who be●…an his Popedome anno 752. the intent of them , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it , Ad placandam Dei iram . The fi●…st place that ever they went to in procession , was the Church of our Lady in the Shambles ; or Ad 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 ad praesepe , as the Historiian calleth them . As for the L●…ny , which is a principall part of it , it was first compiled by Mamereus Bishop of Vienna in Daulphine , in the time of Pope Leo the first , which was 308 years before the time of Stephanus . The motive of it , was the often danger to which France was subject , by reason of the frequency of Earth quakes . Since those beginnings , which were fair and commendable , the Romish Church hath added much to them of magnificence , and somewhat of impiety , and pro●…anenesse . As for the ●…thren Dela Charitè , I could not learn any thing of their originall , but much of their Office ; for they are bound to visit all such as are infected with the Plague , to minister unto them all things necessary , and if they die , to shrowde them and carry them to their graves . These duties they performe very willingly , as being possessed with this fancie , that they are priviledged from contagion , by virtue of their Order . And to say the truth , they are most of them old , and so lesse subject to it ; and indeed such saplesse , thin , unbodies fellowes , that one would think almost no disease could catch them . Yet hath their prerogative not always held to them ; of 33 of them in Calice , three only surviving the disease , about four yeers since . But were the danger to which themselves are liable , all the inconveniency of it , I should not much disallow it . There is a greater mischief waiteth upon it , and that is , the infecting of others ; they immediately after their return from the Pest house , mixing themselves with any of their neighbours . A most speedy means to spread the Pestilence , where it is once begun ; though neither they nor the people will be perswaded to it . The City or the high Town , standeth , as we have said , on the top of the hill , environed with deep ditches , a strong wall , and closed with a treble gate and two draw bridges . A little small Town it is , not much above a flights shot thwart , where it is widest ; and hath in it but one Church be●…ides that of Nostre D●…me , which is Cathedrall . The ●…reets not many , and those narrow , unlesse it be in the M●…rket-place , where the Corpus du ●…uarde is kept . What the out works are , or whether it have any or no , I cannot say . Ev●…n in this time o●… League and Peace , their jealousie will not permit an English m●…n to walke their wals , either within or without the Town . A Castle they said that it hath ; but such a one as serv●…th more for a dwelling then a Fort. The Garrison of this Town consisteth of five Companies , 60 in a Company , which amount in all to 300 : their Governour being Mr. D' Aumont , son to the Marshall D' Aumont ; who so 〈◊〉 adhered to Henry IV. in the beginning of his troubles . The cause why this Town being so small , is so st●…ongly Garrisoned , is the safe keeping of the Haven which is under it , and the command of the passage from the Haven up into the Countrey . The first of the services it can hardly performe , without much injury to the low Town , which standeth between them : but for the ready discharge of the last , it is d●…intily seated , for though to spare the low Town , they should permit an enemie to land ; yet as soon as he is in his march up into the higher Countrey , their Ordinance will tear him into pieces . But for the immediate security of the Haven , their Ancestors d d use to fortifie the old Tower , standing on the top of the hill , called La tour d' ordre . It is said to have been built by Julius Caesar , at the time of his second expedition into Britaine ; this Haven being then named Portus Gessoriaeus . This Tower which we now see , seemeth to be but the remainder of a greater work ; and by the height and situation of it , one would guesse it to have been the Keepe or Watch-tower unto the rest . It is built of rude and vulgar stone , but strongly cemented together , the figure of it is six square , every square of it being nine paces in length . A compasse too little for a Fortresse , and therefore it is long ●…ince it was put to that use ; it now serving only as a Sea-marke by day , and a Pharos by night ; Ubi 〈◊〉 noctu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The English man calleth it , The old man of Boulogne , and not improperly , for it hath all the ●…ignes o●… age upon it . The Sea by undermining it , hath taken from it all the earth about two squares of the bottom of it ; the stones begin to drop out from the top , and upon the least ri●…ing of the wind , you would think it were troubled with the Palsie . In a word , two hard Winters , seconded with a violent tempest , mak●…th it rubbish ; what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower , the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison . And here me thinks I might justly accuse the im●… thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and sa●…ty of our Haven Towns : not one of them , Portesm uth only excepted being Garrison●…d . True it is , that Henry VIII . did er●…ct Block-houses in many of them ; but what bables they are , and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed , is known to every one . I know , indeed , we w●…re 〈◊〉 garrisoned by our Navy , could it either keep a watch on all particular places , or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story , 〈◊〉 glori●…sius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere ; nei●…her will I take upon me , to give counsell ; only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours , in the greatnesse of our care ; since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey . But though the old man was too old to performe this service , or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven , yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite ; partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity , but principally that I might from thence take a ●…ull view of my dearest England , from which sor want of winde and Company , I was then restrained . With these desires I made a boy of the Inne acquainted , who told me that there was no way but by the P●…st-houses from the Town to the Tower , and that if we were noted to walke that way , we should both be presently s●…ut up as infected persons , or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity , the 〈◊〉 ●…ondition of the two . But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied , and the temptation of a Quart d' es●…ue , not to be 〈◊〉 ; he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks , as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes , he would undertake to bring me thither . This offer I readily accepted , and as soon as the tide was low enough for us , we began our ●…alke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt , and presently we began to mount , as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado . I found the way more troublesome and dangerous then I had conceived , and my self before I came ●…lfe way towards the top , which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first , so vexed and bruised , that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse , and was many times in a minde to descend again ; and questionlesse I had done accordingly , if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in , and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town , had not pushed me on . Having breathed our selves a while , we advanced again . The old cripplo who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock , used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty 〈◊〉 , then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks ; which when we had attained at last , me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Od●…ombe on the top of the Alpes , of whom the Poet hath informed us : That to the top at last being got , With very much adoe god wot ; He eagerly desired , That mighty Jove would take the pains To dash out their unworthy brains , Who offered to be tired . No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes , but the first fight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not 〈◊〉 distant , and some old women dry 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on a bank adjoyning ; the fight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then 〈◊〉 . But having overcome the danger of that apprehension , I first saluted the old man , taking full notice of his great stature , old age , and many infirmi●…ies . That done , I turned my face toward England , wh●…ch afforded me a most pleasing object ; the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length , that one might easily discerne from D●…ver Castle E●…stward , to the West of 〈◊〉 : an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations , that I was almost of his mind who said B●…num est nobis esse hic ; and certainly I had dwelt there l●…nger , if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain ( as ind●…ed it was ) and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks , we must of necessity be fain to abide there the great●…st part of the night till the ebb ensuing . On this advertisement , there was no need to bid me hasten : but then a new humor seized upon me , when I beheld those dreadfull precipices , which I was to descend , together with the infinite dist●…nce of the Beach from the top of the Rocks , the danger of being shut up by the sea , if we made not hast , and of tumbling into it if we did . But as curiosity had carryed me up , so necessity brought me down again , with greater safety , I con●…esse , then I had deserved . This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great , whereof Curtius telleth us that they were , magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam . This Town of Boulogne , and the Countrey about it , was taken by Henry VIII . of England , anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege ; a very costly and chargeable victory . The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot , and 3000 Horse ; Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making : and for the conveyance of their Ordinance , B●…gage and other provision , there were transported into the Continent , above 25000 h●…rses . True it is , th●…t his d●…signes had a further aime , had not Charles the Emperor , with 〈◊〉 he was to joyne , left the field and made peace without him . So that , judging only by the successe of the expedition , we cannot but say , that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase . And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him ; namely , That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad , he consumed more treasure , then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests . The other part of his censure c●…ncerning that Prince , I know not well what to think of , as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse . Onely I cannot but much ●…arvell , that a man of his wisdome , being raised from almost nothing by the daughter , could be so severely invective against the Father ; certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true aff●…ction and duty to his Q●…een : seeing that it is as his late Maj●…sty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe , and bate the Parents ; and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry , To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race . Presently after this taking of Boulogne , the French again endevoured their gaining of it , even during the life of the Conquerour ; but he was strong enough to keep his gettings . After his death , the English being engaged in a war against the Scots , and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke , they began to hope a Conquest of it , and that more violently then ever . Upon news of their preparations , an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fi●…h , to desire succor of him , and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King , who was then about the age of ten years . This desi●…e when the Emperour had refused to hearken to , they be●…ought him , that he w●…uld at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping , the Town of Boulogns ; and that for no longer time , then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home . An easie request . Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this , except he would restore the Catholick religion ; but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition , should go to the assistance of the English. An ingratitude , for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite ; considering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria ; what moneys they have helped them with , and what sundry Warres they have made for them , both in Belgium to maintain their Authority , and in France to augment their potencie . From the marriage of Maximillan of the family of Austria , with the Lady Mary of Burgundy , which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth , which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres . In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience , that it cost the Kings of England , at the least six millions of pounds , in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses . An expence , which might seem to have earned a greater requitall , then that now demanded . Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour , a Treaty followed betwixt England and France . The effect of it was , that Boulogne , and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French , they paying unto the English , at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes . Other Articles there were , but this the principall . And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning , was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end , Dum clementiam , quam praestiterat , expectat , incautus ab ingratis occupatus est . I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne , but must first reckon with mine Host , to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither . Our stock was grown so low , when we came from Paris , that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us , it would not have brought us to this Town , so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some menies to make even with him . After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning , and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England ( which alone stood us in three pound ) our engagements grew greater th●…n he had any just reason to adventure on us . But being an ingenuous man , and seeing that we fared well , spent freely , and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table , he was the lesse diffident of payment , as he told me afterwards . Having stayed three dayes for Company , and none appearing , we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in . In order whereunto , I told him of our present condition , assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary ( as indeed we had ) that having summed up what we owed him , and what he had contracted for our passage over , he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it , and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him . To which he answered , that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen , which gave him no distrust of a reall payment ; that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover ; and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery , who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon , the n●xt morning we took boat ●or England , the Mariners knowing nothing else , but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery ( that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town ) though we knew well enough he went on another errand ; and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit , so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper . Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us . For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands , but bestowed a reward upon hi●… servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives ( commodit●… much prized in France ) to his Wife and Daughters ; that he might see we knew as well how to requi●…e as receive a curtesie . Which said , I must step back into France ag●…n that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces ; I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts , the Church and the Civill Stat●… . The End of the Fourth Book . A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . FRANCE GENERAL : OR , THE FIFTH BOOK . Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally , in reference to the Court , the Church and the Civill Sate CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall . The person , age and marriage of Ki●…g Lewis XIII . Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse . Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy . The Kings Sis●…ers all married ; and his alliances by them . His naturall Brethren , and their preferments . His lawfull brother . The title of Monseiur in France . Monseiur as yet unmarried ; not like to marry Montpensiers daughter . That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons . The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown , in case the line of Navarre fail . How the Lords stand affected in the cause . Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth . King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies . Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite , his birth and offices . The omniregency of the Queen Mother ; and the Cardinall of Richileiu . The Queen mother a wise and prudent woman . HAving thus taken a survey of these four Provinces , which we may call the Abstract and Epitome of the Realm of France ; and having seen in them the ●…emper , humo●… and conditions of the people of it : We will n●…xt take a generall view of the G●…vernors and Government thereof , with reference to the Court , the Church and the Civill State. First for the Court , we must in reason in the first place begin with the person of the King , with●…ut whose influence and presence , the Court is but a dead carkasse , void of life and Majesty . For person he is of the middle ●…ture , and rather well proportioned then large , his face knoweth li●…le yet of a beard , but that which is black and swarty , his complexion also much of the same hew , carrying in it a certain boisterousnesse , and that in a farther measure then what a gracefull majesty can admit of , so that one can hardly say of him , without a spite of Courtship , which Pater●…lus did of Tiberius , Quod v●…us praetul●…rit principem , that his countenance proclaimed him a King. But q●…stionlesse lesse his great●…st defect is want of utterance , which is very unpleasing , by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering ; which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him . At this time he is aged 24 years and as much as since the 27 day of last September , which was his birth day ; an age which he beareth not very plausible ; want of beard , and the swarthinesse of his complexion , making him seem older . At the age of 11 years he was affianced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain , by whom as yet he hath no children . It is thought by many , and covertly spoken by divers in France , that the principall c●…use of the Q●…eens barrennesse proceedeth from Spain ; that people being loath to fall under the French obedience , which may very well happen , she being the eldest Sister of the King. For this cause in the seventh Article of the marriage , there is a clause , that neither the said Infanta nor the children born by her ( to the King ) shall be capable to inherit any of the Estates of the King of Spain . And in the eight Article she is bound to make an Act of Renunciation , under her own hand-writing , as soon as she cometh to be 12 years old , which was accordingly performed . But this being not sufficient to secure their fears , it is thought , that she was some way or other disabled from conception before ever she came into the Kings imbraces . A great crime , I con●…sse , if true ; yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius , Novum Crimen Caje Caear , & ante hoc tempus inauaitum . Iaqueline Coun●…sse of Holland , was Cousen to Philip Duke of Burgundy , her 〈◊〉 would have debarred h●…m ●…rom those Estates of Holland , Z aland and W●…st Friezland ; therefore though she had th●…ee husbands , there was order taken she should never have child : with her first two husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live ; and when she had stolen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants , the Dukes Physitians gave h●…m such a potion , that she might have as well marryed an Eunuch ; upon this injury , the poor Lady dyed , and the Duke succeeded in those Countries : which by his Grand-childe Mary , were conveyed over into the house of Austria , together with the rest of his estates . I dare not say that that Family hath inhe●…ited his practises with his Lands ; and yet I have heard , that the Infanta Isabella had the like or worse measure afforded her before she was bedded by the Arch-Duke Allertus . A Diabolicall trick which the prostitutes of the Heathen used in the beginning of the Gospell , and before ; of whom Octavius complaineth , Quod originem futuri hominis extinguant , & paricidium saciunt , antequam pariunt , — Better luck then the King hath his Sister beyond the Mountains , I mean his eldest Sister Madam E●…izabeth , marryed to the King of Spain now living , as being ( or having been ) the mother of two children . His second Sister Madam Christian , is marryed unto Amadeo Victor principe major , or heir apparent to the Duke of Savoy : to whom as yet she hath born no issue . The youngest Madam Henrietta Maria is newly marryed to his most Excellent Majesty of England , to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitfull womb , Et pulcra faciat te prole parentem . Of these Alliances , the first were very profitable to both Princes , could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms , as well as the Kings . But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains , then their Dominions . The French extreamly hating the proud humor and ambition of the Spaniard , and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightnesse of the French ; we may therefore account each of them , in these inter marriages , to have rather intended the perpetuity of their pa●…ticular houses , then the strength of their Empires ; and that they more desired a noble st●…ck wherein to gra●… poster●… , then 〈◊〉 . The Alliance with Sav●…y is more advantagious , though lesse powerfull , then that of Spain : for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party , he need not fear the greatnesse of the other , or of any of his faction . The continuall fiding of this house with that of Austria , having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French. It standeth so fitly to countenance the affaires of either King in It●…ly or Germany , to which it shall encline , that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Millaine and Venice , of which 〈◊〉 faith , that 〈◊〉 le cos●…d ' Italia bilanciate . On this r●…ason Henry IV. ●…nestly desired to m●…tch one of his children into this Co●…trey , and left this desire as a Legacy wi●…h his C●…uncell . But the Alliance of most use to the State of France , is that of England , as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours ; an alliance which will make his estate invincible , and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brasse . As for the Kings bastard B●…hren , they are four in number , and born of three severall beds . The elder is Alexander , made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta , i●… the life time of his F●…her . He is now Grand Prior of France , and it is much labou●…ed and hoped by the French , that he shall be the next M●…ster of the O●…der ; a place of great credit and command . The second and most loved of his f●…ther , whose lively image and character he is said to be , is Mr. Cesar made D●…ke of Vendosme by his father and at this time Govern●…ur of Britain , a man of a brave spirit , and one who swayeth much in the affai●…s of state ; his fath●…r took a great care for his adv●…ncement b●…fore his death , and therefore marryed him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of M●…rcuer , a man of great possessions in Britain . It is thought that the inheritance of this Lady , both by her Fathers side , and al●…o by the Mothers , who was of the family of M●…rtiques , being a stock of the old Ducall tree , is no lesse then 200000 crownes yearly : both these were borne unto the King by Madam Galriele , for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle , Dutchesse of Beauforte ; a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gaspe , and one who never abused her power with him . So that one may truly say of her , what Velleius flatteringly spake of Livia the wife of Augustus , Ejus potentiam nemo sensit , nisi aut levatione periculi , aut accessione dignitatis . The third of the Kings naturall brethren , is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine , and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris ; as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Germans , and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden , which make a large revenue . His Bishoprick yeeldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards , which is the remainder of 6000 , the rest being pauned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof , who was of that Family . The mother of this Mr. Henry , is the Marchionesse of Verneville , who before the death of the King , fell out of his favour into the Prison , and was not restored to her liberty , till the beginning of this Queen mothers Regency . The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie , born unto the King by the Countesse of Marret , who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane , and hath as yet not fully out 6000l . a year , when his mother dyeth he will be richer . The Kings lawfull Brother is named John Baptist Gaston , born the 25 of Aprill , anno 1608 ; a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect ; likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit , as the King doth of his Crown . He is intituled Duke of Anjou , as being the third Son of France ; but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his childhood , he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur . This title is different from that of Daulphin , in that that title only is appropriated to the Heir Apparent , being the Kings eldest Son living , this limited to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Brother surviving ; if there be neither Son nor Brother , then the next Heir Apparent is ●…tyled only Le primier Prince du sang , the first Prince of the bloud . This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire , and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted . Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also , but with some addition of place or honour . The Kings eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans quene , as the French use to say ; that is , simply Monseiur . This young Prince is as yet unmarryed , but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchesse of Montpenster , whose Father dyed in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived , he had espoused her long ere this ; but it is generally believed , that this Prince is not so affected ; he seeth his elder Brother as yet childlesse , himself the next heir to the Crown , and it is likely he will look on a while , and expect the issue of his fortune . — Some that speak of the affairs of the Court , holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons , a Prince of the bloud , and a Gentleman of a fine temper ; the Lady her self is said not to be averse from the match ; neither will the King not be inclinable unto him , as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction , for not performing a Court promise made unto him , as some say , about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England . As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes , partly to joyne together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons , both issuing from the house of Burbon ; partly to enrich himself by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate ; and partly by gaining all the friends a●…d allies of that Ladies kindred to his , the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde ; the difference between them standeth thus , Lewis the first Prince of Conde , had by two wives , amongst other children two Sons , by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde ; by the second Charles Count of Soissons . Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke of Nevers , by whom he had no children . To his second wife he took the Lady Katharine of Tremoville , sister to the Duke of Thovars , anno 1586. Two years after his marriage , he dyed of an old grief took from a poisoned cup , which was given him , anno 1552. and partly with a blow given him with a Lance at the battail of Contras , anno 1587. In the 11 moneth after his decease , his young Princesse was brought to bed with a young Son , which is the now Prince of Conde . Charles Count of Soissons in the reign of Henry IV. began to question the Princes Legiti●…ation ; whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris to declare the place of the first Prince of the Bloud , to belong to the Prince of Conde . And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title , 24 Physitians of good faith and skill , made an open protestation upon oath in the Court , that it was not only possible , but common for women to be delivered in the 11 moneth . On this it was awarded to the Prince . — This Decree of Parliament not withstanding , if ever the King and his Brother should die issuelesse , it is said , that the young Count of Soissons ( his father died anno 1614 ) will not so give over his title . He is Steward of the Kings house , as his Father also was before , a place of good credit , and in which he hath demeaned himself very plausibly . In case it should come to a try●ll , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which God prohibit , he is like to make a great party , both within the Realm , and without it . Without it , by means of the house of Savoy , having matched his eldest Sister unto Don Thomazo the second son of that Dukedome now living , a brave man of armes , and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree ; next heir of his father after the death of Don Amadeo yet childlesse . Within the Realm , the Lords have already declared themselves , which hapned on this occasion . In the year 1620 , the month of March , the King being to wash , the Prince of Conde laid hold of the towell , challenging that honour as first Prince of the bloud ; and on the other side , the Count of Soissons seized on it , as appertaining to his office of Steward , and Prince of the bloud also . The King to decide the controversie for the present , commanded it to be given Monseiur his Brother ; yet did not this satisfie , for on the morning , the friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause . To the Count came in generall all the opposites of the Prince of Conde , and of the Duke of Luynes , and Guise ; in particular the Duke of Maien , the Duke of Vendosme , the Dukes of Longueville , Espernon , Nemours , the Grand Prior , the Dukes of Thovars , Retz , and Rohan , the Viscount of Aubeterre , &c. who all withdr●…w themselves from the Court , made themselves masters of the best places in their governments , and were united presently to an open faction , of which the Queen Mother declared herself head . As for the Commons , without whom the Nobility may quarrel , but never fight ; they are more zealous in behalf of the Count , as being brought up alwayes a Papist and born of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereas the Prince , though at this 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 , yet non fuit sic ab initio ; he was born , they say , and brought up an Hugonot , and perhaps the alteration is but ●…mbled . Concerning the Prince of Conde , he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side , and a verdict of P●…ians , b●…th weak helpes to a Soverainty , unlesse well backed by the sword . And for the verdict of the Phy●…tians , thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty . 〈◊〉 a professour of Montpellier in Langue●… , in his ●…xcellent Treatise of Anatomie , maketh three terms of a womans delivery primus , intermedius and ultimus . The first is the seventh moneth after conception , in each of which the childe is vitall , and may live if it be borne . To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh moneth , if it be well looked to , may live . We read also how in Spain , the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth , and commonly in the end of the eight . And further , that Sempronius and Corbulo , both Roman Consuls , were born in the seventh moneth , Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth ; though perchance the women which told him , either misreckoned their time , or ●…lse dissembled it to conceal their honesties . The middle time ( terminus intermedius ) is in the ninth and tenth moneths , at which time children do seldome miscarry . In the former two moneths , they h●…d gathered life ; in these latter , they only consummate strength , so said the Physitians generally . Non enim in du●…us sequentibus mensibus ( they speak it of the intermed●…i ) ad●…tur aliquod od perfectionum partium , sed perfectionem roboris . Th●… l●…st time ( terminus ultimus ) in the common account of this profession , is the eleaventh moneth , which some of them hold neither unlikely , nor rare . Massurius recordeth Papi●…us a Roman Praetor , to have recovered his inheritance 〈◊〉 open Court , though his Mother confessed 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 in the thirteeenth moneth . And Avicen a Moore of Co●…ba re●…eth ( as he is cited in Laurentius ) that he had s●…n a a childe born after the fourteenth . But these are but the impostures of women : and yet , indeed , the modern Doctors are more charitable , and refer it to supernaturall causes , Et extraordinariam artis considerationem . On the other side , Hippocrates giveth it out definitively , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that in ten moneths at the furthest ( understand ten moneths compleat ) the childe is borne . And Ulpian , the great Civilian of his times , in the title of the Digests de Testamentis , is of opinion , that a childe born after the tenth moneth ( compleat ) is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father . As for the Common Law of England , as I remember ( I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments ) it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature , and the severity of the Law ; leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge . But all this must be conceived ( as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons , taking it in the most favourable construction ) of the time alter the conception of the mother , and by no means after the death of the Father : and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde . His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death , for the particular , and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall . They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion , have cunningly , but maliciously , caused it to be whisppered abroad , that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable , they have cast out these conjectures for it ; but being but conj ctures only , and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project , they were not thought to be convincing , or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men . They therefore argued it , First , From the Kings care of his education , assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de F●…bure , whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis . Secondly , From his care to work the Prince , then young , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agi , to become a Catholick . Third y , The infirmity of Henry of Conde , and the privacy of this King with his Lady , being then King of Navarre , in the prime of his strength , and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife ; add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall , and then conclude this probability to be no miracle . For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte , the Marchionesse of Verneville , and the Countesse of Morret already mentioned ; he is believ●…d to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis . And certain it is , that the very year before his death , when he was even in the winter of his days , he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife , a very beautifull Lady , and daughter to the Constable , Duke of Montmorencie ; that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie , together with his Princesse , into the Arch-Dukes Countrey ; whence he returned not , till long after the death of King Henry . If Mary de Medices i●… her husbands life time , had found her self agriev●…d it , I cannot blame her , she only made good that of Quin●…ian , Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata , aut imitari se putat aut vind . core . And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries , not only mooved her to back the Count of Soiss●…ns and his faction against the Prince and his ; but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter — From the Princes of the bloud , descend we to the Princes of the Court ; and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas , the Kings present favourite ; a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew , little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for ●…ny oppression or misgovernment . Honours , the King hath con●…erred none upon him , but only pensions and offices ; he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour , ( Pages we c●…ll them in England ) a place of more trouble then wealth or credite . He is also the Master of the horse , or Legrand 〈◊〉 , the esteem of which place recompenseth the emp●…inesse of the other ; for by vertue of this office , he carryeth the Ki●…s sword sheathed before him at his entrances into Pa●…is . The cloth of estate carryed over the King by the Provost and Fs●…evins , is his see . No man can be the Kings spurmak●…r , his S●…ith , or have any place in the Kings Stables , but from him , and the like . This place ( to note so much by the way ) was taken out of the Constables office , ( Comes stabuli is the true name ) to whom it properly belonged , in the time of Charles VII . Besides this , he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns yearly ; and had an office given him , which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money . A good fortune for one , who the other day was but the Kings Page . And to say truth , he is as yet but a little better , being only removed from his servant to be his play-fellow . With the affairs of State he intermedleth not , if he should , he might expect the Queen mother should say to him , what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid : — Tibi quid cum fortibus armis Mipuer ? ista decent humeros gestamina nostros . For indeed first during her Sons minority , and after since her reintegration with him , she hath made her self so absolute a mistresse of his mind , that he hath intrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affaires . For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business , she hath peeced her self to the strongest side of the State , the Church ; having principally ( since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre , I mean ) assumed to her counsels the Cardinall of Richileiu , a man of no great birth , were Nobility the greatest parentage ; but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest . Of a sound reach he is , and a close brain ; one exceedingly well mixt of a lay understanding , and a Church habit ; one that is compleatly skilled in the art of m●…n , and a perfect master of his own mind and affections ; him the Queen useth as her Counsellour , to keep out frailty ; and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envie . She is of a Florentine wit , and hath in her all the virtues of Katharine de Medices , her Ancestor in her Regency , and some also of her vices ; only her designes tend not to the ruine of the Kingdome and her children . Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katharine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince , to spend his most dangerous times , even uncontrouled upon his bead●… ; whilest in the mean time , she usurped the Government of the Realm . Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned so much of her Kinswoman , as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his play-fellowes and the birds , that she may the more securely manage the State at her discretion . Andto say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her vertue , she hath notably well discharged her ambition ; the Realm of France , being never more quietly and evenly governed , then first during her Regencie , and now during the time of her favour with the King. For during his minority she carryed her self so fairly between the factions of the Court , that she was of all sides honoured ; the time of this Marquesse D' Ancre only excepted ; and for the differences in Religion , her most earnest desire was not ●…o oppresse the Protestants , insomuch that the war raised against them , during the command of Mr. Luynes , was presently after his death , and her restoring into grace ended . An heroicall Lady , and worthy the report of posterity ; the frailties and weaknesse of her , as a woman , not being accounted hers , but her sexes . CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France , like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca . The comparison between them two , and those in the generall . A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France , in Policie , Priviledge and Revenue . The complaint of the Clergy to the King. The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular . The pragmatick sanction , Maxima tua fatuitas , and Conventui Tridentino , severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell . The tedious quarrell about Investitures . Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites . The French Bishops not to medle with Fryers , their lives and land . The ignorance of the French Priests . The Chanoins Latine in Orleans . The French not hard to be converted , if plausibly bumoured , &c. FRom the Court of the King of France , I cannot better provide for my self then to have recourse to the King of heaven ; and though the Poet meant not Exeat aula qui vult esse pius , in that sense , yet will it be no treason for me to apply it so . And even in this , the Church , which should be like the Coat of its Redeemer , without seam ; do I finde rents and factions : and of the two , these in the Church more dangerous then those in the Louure . I know the story of Rebecca , and of the children strugling in her , is generally applyed to the births and contentions of the Law and the Gospel ; in particular we may make use of it in expressing the State of the Church and Religions of France : ●…r certain it is , that here were divers pangs in the womb of the French Church before it was delivered . And first she was delivered of Esau , the Popish faith being first after the strugling countenanced by authority ; And he came out red all over like an hairy garment , saith the text , which very appositely expresseth the bloudy and rough condition of the French Papists at the birth of the Reformation , before experience and long acquaintance had bred a liking between them . And after came his Brother out , which laid hold on Esaus heel , and his name was called Jacob ; wherein is described the quality of the Protestant party , which though confirmed by publick Edict after the other , yet hath it divers times endevoured , and will perhaps one day effect , the tripping up of the others heels And Esau ( saith Moses ) was a cunning hunter , a man of the field ; and Jacob a plain man , dwelling in tents : in which words the comparison is made exact . A cunning hunter , in the Scripture signifieth , a man of art and power mingled ; as when 〈◊〉 in Genesis 10. is termed a mighty hunter . Such is the Papist , a side of greater strength and subtility , a side of war and of the field ; on the other side the Protestants are a plain race of men , simple in their actions , without craft and fraudulent behaviours , and dwelling in tents , that is , having no certain abiding place , no Province which they can call theirs ; but living dispersed and scattered over the Countrey ; which in the phrase of the Scripture is dwelling in tents . As for the other words differencing the two brethren , and the elder shall serve the younger , they are rather to be accounted a Prophesie then a Character ; we must therefore leave the analogie it holds with this Rebecca of France and her two children , to the event and to prayer . For a more particular insight into the strength and subtilty of this Esau , we must consider it in the three main particular strengths of it ; its Polity , Priviledges and Revenue . For the first , so it is that the Popish Church in France is governed like those of the first and purest times , by Archbishops and Bishops . Archbishops it comprehendeth 12 , and of Bishops 104 ; of these the Metropolitan is he of Rheimes , who useth to anoint the Kings , which office and preheminence hath been an●…xed unto this seat ever since the times of 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Bishop hereof , who converted Clovis King of the Franks unto the Gospell . The present Primate is son unto the Duke of Guise , by name Henry de Lorrain , of the age of 14 yea●…s or thereabouts , a burden too unweildie for his shoulders . — Et quae non viribus istis Mu●…era conveniunt , n ●… tam puerilibus annis . For the better government therefore of a charge so weighty , they have appointed him a Coadjutor to discharge that great function till he come to age to take orders . His name is Gifford an English fugitive , said to be a man worthy of a great fortune , and able to bear it . The revenues of this Archbishoprick are somewhat of the meanest , not amounting yearly to above 10000 Crowns , whereof Dr. G●…fford receiveth only 2000 , the remainder going to the Caidet of Lorreine . This trick the French learn of the Protestants in Germany , where the Princes after the Reformation began by Luther , took in the power and Lordships of the Bishops , which together with their functions , they divided into two parts . The lands they bestowed upon some of their younger sons or kinsmen , with the title of Administrator ; the office and pains of it they conferred with some annuall pension , on one of their Chaplaines , whom they styled the Superintendent of the Bishoprick . This Archbishop together with the rest of the Bishops have under them their severall Chancellours , Commissaries , Archdeacons , and other officers attending in their Courts ; in which their power is not so generall as with us in England . Matters of testament never trouble them , as belonging to the Court of Parliament ; who also have wrest●…d to their own hands almost all the businesse of importance ; sure I ●…m , all the causes of profit originally belonging to the Church , the affairs meerly Episcopall and spirituall are le●…t unto them , as granting Licence for Marriages , punishing whoredome by way of penance and the like ; to go beyond this were ultra crepidam , and they should be sure to have a prohibition from the Parliaments . Of their priviledges the chiefest of the Clergy men is , the little or no dependence upon the Pope , and the little profits they pay unto their King ; of the Pope anon ; to the King they pay only their Dismes , or Tithes according to the old ra●…e ; a small sum if compared unto the payments of their neighbours ; it being thought that the King of Spain receiveth yearly one half of the living of the Churches ; but this I mean of their livings only , for otherwise they pay the usuall gabels and customes , that are paid by the rest of the Kings liege people . In the generall assembly of the three Estates the Clergy hath authority to elect a set number of Commissioners , to undertake for them and the Church ; which Commissioners do make up the first of the three Estates , and do first exhibit their grievances and Petitions to the King. In a word , the French Church is the freest of any in Christendome , that have not yet quitted their subjection to the Pope , as alwayes protesting against the Inquisitions , not submitting themselves to the Councell of Trent , and paying very little to his Holinesse , of the plentifull revenue , wherewith God and good men have blessed it . The number of those which the Church Land maintaineth in France is tantum non infinite , therefore the Intrado and Revenue of it must needs be uncountable . There are numbred in it , as we said before , 12 Archbishops , 104 Bishopricks ; to these add 540 Archpriories , 1450 Abbies , 12320 Priories , 567 Nunneries , 700 Covents of Fryers , 259 Commendames of the order of Malta , and 130000 Parish Priests . Yet this is not all , this reckoning was made in the year 1598. Since which time the Jesuits have divers Colledges founded for them , and they are known to be none of the poorest . To maintain this large wilde●…nesse of men , the Statistes of France , who have proportioned the Countrey ; do allow unto the Clergy almost a fourth part of the whole . For supposing France to contain 200 millions of Arpens ( a measure somewhat bigger then our Acre ) they have allotted to the Church for its temporall revenue , 47 of them . In particular of the Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots and Parish Priests , they of Aux , Alby , Cluniac and St. Estiennes in Paris , are said to be the wealthyest ; the Archbishoprick of Aux in Gascoine is valued at 400000 Livres or 40000 l. English yearly . The Bishop of A●…y in Lanquedoc , is prized at 10000 Florens , which is a fourth part of it ; a great part of this revenue rising out of Saffron . The Abbot of Cluniac in the Dutchie of Burgundy , is said to be worth 50000 Crowns yearly ; the present Abbot being Henry of Lorreine , Archbishop of Rheimes , and Abbot of St. Dennis . The Parish Priest of St. Estiennes , is judged to receive yearly no fewer then 8000 Crowns , a good Intrado . As for the vulgar Clergy they have little Tithe and lesse Glebe , most part of the revenue being appropriated unto Abbeys and other Religious houses ; the greatest part of their means is the Baisse-maine , which is the Church-offerings of the people at Christnings , Marriages , Burials , Dirges , Indulgences , and the like ; which is thought to amount to almost as much as the temporall estate of the Church , an income able to maintain them in good abundance , were it not for the greatnesse of their number ; for reckoning that there are ( as we have said ) in France 130000 Parish Priests , and that there are only 27400 Parishes ; it must of necessity be , that every Parishone with another must have more then four Priests ; too many to be rich . But this were one of the least injuries offered to the French thrift , and would little hinder them from rising , if it were not that the goodliest of their preferments were before their faces given unto boyes and children . An affront which not only despoileth them of the honors due unto their calling , but disheartneth them in their studies and by consequence draweth them unto debauched and slanderous courses . — Quis enim virtutem exquireret ipsam , Praemta si tollas ? — The Clergy therefore anno 1617. being assembled at the house of Austin Fryers in Paris ( as every two years they use to do ) being to take their leaves of the King , elected the Bishop of Aire to be their spokesman ; and to certifie his Majesty of their grievances . In performing which businesse , the principall thing of which he spake was to this purpose ; That whereas his Majesty was bound to give them fathers , he gave them children ; that the name of Abbot signifieth a Father ; and the function of a Bishop is full of fatherly authority : that France notwithstanding was now filled with Bishops and Abbots , which are yet in their Nurses armes , or else under their Regents in Colledges ; nay more , that the abuse goeth before their being ; Children being commonly designed to Bishopricks and Abbacies , before they were born . He made also another complaint , that the Soveraign Courts by their decrees , had attempted upon the authority which was committed to the Clergy , even in that which meerly concerned Ecclesiasticall discipline and government of the Church . To these complaints he gave them , indeed , a very gracious hearing , but it was no further then an hearing , being never followed by redresse . The Court of Parliament knew too well the strength of their own authority , and the King was loath to take from himself those excellent advantages of binding to himself his Nobility , by the speedy preferring of their children ; and so the clergie departed with a great deal of envy , and a little satisfaction . Like enough it were , that the Pope would in part redresse this injury , especially in the point of jurisdiction , if he were able . But his wings are shrewdly clipped in this C●…untrey , neither can he fly at all , but as far as they please to suffer him . For his temporall power they never could be induced to acknowledge it , as we see in their stories , anno 1610. the Divines of Paris in a Declaration of thei●…s tendred to the Queen Mother , affirmed the supremacie of the Pope , to be an Erroneous Doctrine , and the ground of that hellish position of deposing and killing of Kings . Anno 1517. when the Councell of Lateran had determined the Pope to be the head of the Church in causes also temporall : the University of Paris testifieth against it in an Apology of theirs , Dated the 12 of March the same year ; Leo decimus ( saith the Apology ) in quodamcoetu , non tamen in Spiritu Domini congregato , contra fidem Catholicam , &c. Sacrum Bisiliense concilium damnavit . In which councell of Basil , the Supremacy of the Pope was condemned . Neither did the K●…ngs of France forget to m●…intain their own authority . And therefore when as Pope Boniface VIII had in a peremptory Letter , written to Philip le Bell King of France , styled himself Dominus totius mundi tam in temp●…ralibus quam in spiritualibus : the King returned him an answer with an Epithite sutable to his arrogancy , Sciat maxima tua fatuitas nos in temporalibus al●…ui n●…n subesse , &c. The like answer , though in modester termes , was sent to another of the Popes , by St. Lewis , a man of a most milde and sweet disposition , yet unwilling to forgoe his royalties . His spirituall power is alwayes as little in substance , though more in shew ; for whereas the Councell of Trent hath been an especiall authorizer of the Popes spirituall supremacy ; the French Church would never receive it . By this means the Bishops keep in their hands , their own full authority ; whereof an obedience to the decrees of that Councell would deprive them . It was truely said by St. Gregory , and they well knew it , Lib. 7. Epist. 70. Si unus universalis est , restat ut vos Episcopi non sitis . Further the University of Paris in their Declaration , anno 1610 above mentioned , plainly affirme , that it is directly opposite to the Doctrine of the Church which the University of Paris alwayes maintained , that the Pope hath the power of a Mona●…ch in the spirituall government of the Church . To look upon higher times , when the Councell of C●…nstance had submitted the authority of the Pope unto that of a Councell ; John G●…rson , Theologus Parisiensis magni nominis , as one calleth him , defended that decree : and intitu●…eth them , 〈◊〉 admodum esse adulatores qui 〈◊〉 istam in Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 , quasi nullis leg●…m teneatur vinculis , quasi neque pa●…ere ●…beat co●…lio Pont●…x , nec ab eo jud●…cari queat The K●…ngs 〈◊〉 also befriend their Clergy in this cause ; and th●…ore not only protested against the Councell of Trent , wherein this spirituall tyranny was generally consented to by the Catholick faction . But Henry II. also wou●…d not acknowledge them to be a Councell , calling them by another name then Conv●…ntus Tridentinus . An indignity which the 〈◊〉 took very offensively . But the principall thing in which it behoveth them not to acknowledge his spirituall Supremacy , is the collation of Benefices and Bishopricks , and the Annats and first fruits thence arising . The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christ●…ndome , w●…s about the bestowing the livings of the Church , and giving the investure unto Bishops ; the Popes had long thirsted after that authority , as being a great means to advance their f●…llowers , and establish their own greatnesse : for which cause in divers p●…tty Councels , the receiving of any Eccl●…siasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony . But this did little edifie with such patr●…ns as had good livings . As soon as ever Hildebrande , in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII . came to the Throne of Rome , he set himself entirely to effect this 〈◊〉 as well in Germany , now he was Pope , as he had d●…ne in Fran●…e whilest he was Legat ; he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour , Ne deinceps Episcp●…tus & beneficia ( they are Platinas own words ) per ●…piditatem Simonaicam committat ; aliter se usu●…um in ipsum censuris Eccl●…siasticis . To this injustice , when the Emperour would not yeeld , he called a solemn C●…uncell at the Lateran ; wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall , and afterwards Excommunicated ; neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him , till he had laid him in his grave . After this there followed great strugling for this matter , between the Popes and the Emperours ; but in the end the Popes got the victory . In England here , he that first beckoned about it was William Rusus ; the controversie being , whether he or Pope U●…ban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury . Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope , whereupon the King banished him the Realm , into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy , relinquished his right to the Pope , but afterwards repenting himselfe of it , he revoked his grant ; neither did the English Kings wholly lose it , till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John. Edward the first again recover●…d it , and his 〈◊〉 kept it . The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands , this priviledge of nominating P●…iests and investing Bishops , they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased ; as on the Benefices , first fruits , pensions , subsidies , fifteenths , tenths ; and on the Bishopricks for palles , miters , crofiers , rings , and I know not what bables . By these means the Churches were so impoverished , that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil , all these cheating tricks , these aucupia & expil●…di rationes , were abolished . This decree was called Pragmatica functio , and was confirmed in France by Charles VII . anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France ; which yearly before , as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI . had drained the State of a million of Crowns ; since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction , and sometimes also exacted it , according as their affairs with the Pope stood ; for which cause it was called Froenum p●…ntificum . At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine , fell into this composition with his Holinesse ; namely , that upon the salling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick , the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him , whom the Pope should legally invest . If the King neglected his time limited , the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse , and institute whom he pleased . So is it also with the inferior Benefices , between the Pope and the Patrons ; insomuch that any or every Lay-patron , and Bishop together in England , hath for ought I see ( at the least in this particular ) as great a spirituall Supremacy , as the Pope in France . Nay to proceed further , and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are , as well the spirituall as the temporall , you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites , which was thus : In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of K●…ng Hen●…y IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris ; but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament , the Rector and University opposed them , on the 17 of D●…cember , 1611. both parties came to have an hearing , and the University got the day , unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points . viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope . 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings , and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates . 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm , or any matter of treason in consession , he was bound to reveal it . And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate . It appeared by our former discourse , what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French. By these Propositions ( to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed , I know not with what mentall reservation ) it is more then evident , that they have left him no command neither over their consciences , nor their persons ; so that all things considered , we may justly say of the Papall power in France , what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus , namely that it is Nomen sine rebus . In one thing only his authority here is intire , which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers , and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks , who acknowledge very small obedience , if any at all , to the French Bishops : for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse , was directly under the care and command of the Bishop ; yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church , the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life , grew much into the envie of their D●…ocesan . For this cause , as also to be more at their own command , they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection , Utque in tu●…elam divi Petri admitte●…entur ; a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition , which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height ; and therefore without difficulty granted . This gap opened , first the severall orders of Fryers ; and after even the Deans and Chapters , purchased to themselves the like exemptions . In this the Pop●… power was wonderfully strengthned , as having such able , and so main props to uphold his authority ; it being a true Maxime in State , Qu●…d qui privilegia obtinent , ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri . This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned . Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority , and imputed all the Schismes and Vic●…s in the Church , unto this , that their hands were tyed ; hereupon the Popes Lega●…s thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction , their D●…ans and Chapters . At that of the Monks and Monasteries , there was more sticking , till at the last Sebastian Pighinus , one of the Popes officers , found out for them this satisfaction ; that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks , not by any authority of their own , S●…d tanquam a sede Apostolica delegati . But as for the Orders of Fryers , the Pope would not by any means give way to it . They are his Janizaries , and the strongest bulwarke of his Empire , and are therefore called in a good Author , 〈◊〉 Romanae curiae instrumenta . So that with them the Diocesan hath nothing to do , each several religious house being as a Court of Peculiars , subjects only to the great Metropolitan of Rome . This meer dependence on his Holinesse , maketh this generation a great deal more regardlesse of their behaviour , then otherwise it would be : though since the growth of the Reformation , shame and fear hath much reformed them , they have still howsoever , a spice of their former wantonnesse , and on occasions will permit themselves a little good fellowship ; and to say truth of them , I think them to be the best companions in France for a journey , but not for acquaintance . They live very merrily , and keep a competent table , more I suppose then can stand with their vow ; and yet far short of that affluency whereof many of our books accuse them . It was my chance to be in a house of the Franciscans in Paris , where one of the Fryers upon the intreaty of our friends , had us into the hall , it being then the time of their refectory ; a favour not vulgar ; there saw we the Brothers sitting all of a side , and every one a pretty distance from the other , their severall commons being a dish of pottage , a chop of Mutton , a dish of cherries , and a large glasse of water : this provision together with a liberall allowance of ease , and a little of study keepeth them exceeding plump and in a good liking , and maketh them , having little to take thought for , as I said before , passing good company . As I travailed towards Orleans we had in our Coach with us 〈◊〉 of these mortified sinners , two of the Order of St. Austin , and one Franciscan ; the merryest crickets that ever chirp●…d , nothing in them but mad tales and complements ; and for musick , they would sing like hawkes . When we came to a vein of good wine they would cheer up themselves and their neighbours with this comfortable Doctrine , Vivamus ut bibamus , & bibamus ut vivamus . And for courtship and toying with the wenches , you would easily believe that it had been a trade with which they had not been a little acquainted ; of all men , when I am marryed , God keep my wife from them , till then , my neighbours . On the other side , the common Priests of France , are so dull and blockish , that you shal hardly meet with a more contemptible people . The meanest of our Curates in England , for spirit and discourse , are very Popes to them ; for learning they may safely say with Socrates , Hoc tantum scimus quod nescimus ; but you must not look they should say it in Latine . Tongues they have none but that of their Mother and the Masse book : of which last they can make no use except the book be open , and then also the book is fain to read it self . For in the last Romanum Missale , established by Pius V. and recognized by Clement VIII . anno 1600. every syllable is diversly marked , whether it be sounded long or short ; just as the versifying examples are in the end of the Grammar . When I had lost my self in the streets of Paris , and wanted French to enquire homeward , I used to apply my self to some of these reverend habit . But O seculum insipiens & infacetum ! you might as easily have wrung water out of the flint , as a word of Latine out of their mouths . Nor is this the disease of the vulgar Masse mumbler only , it hath also infected the right Worshipfull of the Clergy . In Orleans I had businesse with a Chanoin of the Church of St. Croix , a fellow that wore his Surplice ( it was made of Lawn and lace ) with as good a credit , as ever I saw any , and for the comlinesse and capacity of his Cap , he might have been a Metropolitan : perceiving me to speak to him in a strange tongue , for it was Latine , he very readily asked me this question , Num potestis loqui Gallia ? which when I had denyed , at last he broke out into another interrogatory , viz. Quam diu fuistis in Gallice ? To conclude , having read over my Letter , with two or three deadly pangs , and six times rubbing of his temples , he dismissed me with this cordiall , and truly it was very comfortable to my humour , Ego negotias vestras curabo . A strange beast , and one of the greatest prodigies of ignorance , that I ever met with in mans apparrell . Such being the Romish Priests , it is no marvel that the French Papist be no more setled and resolute in their Religion . If the eye be blinde , the body cannot choose but be darkned . And certainly there is nothing that hath prepared many of this Realm more to imbrace the Reformation , then the blockishnesse of their own Clergy . An excellent advantage to the Protestant Ministers , could they but well humor it , and likely to be a fair enlargement to their party , if well husbanded . Besides this , the French Catholicks are not over earnest in the cause , and so lie open to the assaults of any politick enemy . To deal with them by main force of argument , and in the servent spirit of zeal , as the Protestants too often do , is not the way ; men uncapable of opposition , as this people generally are , and furious if once thwarted ; must be tamed as Alexander did his horse Bucephalus ; those which came to back him with the tyranny of the spur and cudgell , he quickly threw down and mischiefed . Alexander came otherwise prepared , for turning the horse towards the sun that he might not see the impatience of his own shadow , he spake kindly to him , and gently clapped him on the back , till he had left his flinging and wildnesse , he lightly leapt into the saddle , the horse never making resistance : Plutarch in his life relateth the story , and this is the morall of it . CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope . This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England . An English Catholicks conceit of it . His Holinesse Nuncio in Pa●…is . A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality . A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns. Their present estate and strength . The last War against them justly undertaken ; not fairely managed . Their 〈◊〉 and disobedience to the Kings command . Their purpose to have themselves a free estate . The war not a war of Religion . King James in justice could not assist them more then he did . First forsaken by their own party . Their happinesse before the war. The Court of the edict . A view of them in their Churches . The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England . Their Discipline and Ministeries , &c. WE have seen the strength and subtility , as also somewhat of his poverties at home : Let us now see the alliance which this French Esau hath abroad in the world ; in what credit and opinion he standeth in the eye of Beeri the Romish Hittite , the daughter of whose abominations he hath marryed . And here I find him to hold good correspondency , as being the eldest son of the Church , and an equall poise to ballance the affaires of Italy against the Potency of Spain On this ground the present Pope hath alwayes shewn himself very favourable to the French side , well knowing into what perils an unnecessary and impolitick dependance on the Spanish party only ; would one day bring the State Ecclesiastick . As in the generall , so also in many particulars hath he expressed much affection unto him . As 1. By taking into his hands the Valtolin , till his Sonne of France might settle himself in some course to recover it . 2. His not stirring in the behalf of the Spaniard , during the last wars in Italy . And 3. His speedy and willing grant of the dispensation for Madams marriage , notwithstanding the Spaniard so earnestly laboured the deniall , or at least the delay of it . To speak by conjectures , I am of opinion , that his Genius prompted him to see the speedy consummation of this marriage , of which his Papacy was so large an Omen , so far a prognostick . Est Deus in nobis , agitante calescimus illo . The Lar or angell guardian of his thoughts hastned him in it ; in whose time there was so plausible a Presage , that it must be accomplished . For thus it standeth : Malachi now a Saint , then one of the first Apostles of the Irish , one much reverenced in his memory unto this day by that Nation ; left behind him by way of Prophesie a certain number of Mottoes in Latine , telling those that there should follow that certain number of Popes only , whose conditions successively should be lively expressed in those Mottos , according to that order which he had placed them . Messingham an Irish Priest , and Master of the Colledge of Irish fugitives in Paris , collected together the lives of all the I●ish Saints ; which book himself shewed me . In that Volume , and the life of this Saint , are the severall Mottos and severall Popes set down Column wise one against the other : I compared the lives of them with the Mottos , as far as my memory would carry me , and found many of them very answerable . As I remember there are 36 Mottos yet come , and when just so many Popes are joyned to them , they are of opinion ( for so Malachie forefold ) that either the world sh●…uld end , or the Pop●…dom be 〈◊〉 . Amongst the others , the Motto of the presen●… Pope was m●…st remarkable , and sutable to the action lik●…ly to happen in his time : being this , Lilium & Rosa , which they interpret , and in my mind not u●…happily , to be intended to the conjunction of the French Lilly and English Rose . To take from me any suspicion of Imposture , he shewed an old book , printed almost 200 years agoe , written by one Wion a Flemming , and comparing the number of the Mottos with the Catalogue of the Popes : I found the name of Urban ( the now Pope ) to answer it . On this ground an English Catholick ; whose acquaintance I gained in France ; made a copy of Verses in French , and presented them to the English Ambassadours , the Earls of Carlile and Holland . Because he is my friend , and the conceit is not to be despised , I begged them of him , and these are they . Lilia juncta Rosis . Embleme de bon presage de l' Alliance de la France , avec l' Angle terre . Ce grand dieu qui d'un oeil voit tout ce queles a●…s , Soubs leurs voiles sacrez vont a nous yeux cachans . Decouure quelque fois , anisi qui bon lui semble , Et les maux a ven●…r , et les biens teut ensemble , Anisi fit-il jades a celui , qui primier . Dans l' Ireland porta de la froy le laurier ; Malachie son nom qu' au tymon de leglise On verra seoir un jour , cil qui pou●… sa devise . Aura les lys chenus ioints aux plus belles fleures , Qui dorent le prin-temps , de leurs doubles colours . CHARLES est le fl●…uron de la Rose pourpree ; Henritte est le Lys , que la plus belle pree De la France nourrtit : pour estre quelque jour Et la Reina des fleurs , et des roses l' amour , Adorable banquet , b en heureuse couronne , Que la bonte du ciel e parrage nous donne ; Heureuse ma partie , heureuse mille fois , Celle qui te fera reflorier en les roys . With these Verses I take my leave of his Holinesse , wishing none of his successors would presage worse luck unto England I go now to see hi●… Nuncio , to whose house the same English Catholick brought me , but he was not at home ; his name is Bernardino d' Espada : a man , as he informed me , able to discharge the trust reposed in him by his Master , and one that very well affected the English Nation . He hath the fairest house , and keepeth the largest retinue of any ordinary Ambassador in the Realm ; and maketh good his Masters Supremacies , by his own precedency . To honour him against he was to take his charge , his Holinesse created him Bishop of Damiata in Egypt ; a place which I am certain never any of them saw but in a map , and for the profits he rec●…iveth thence , they will never be able to pay for his Cr●…zier . But this is one o●… his H●…linesse usuall policies , to satisfie his followers with empty titles . So he made Bishop , whom he sent to govern for him in England , Bishop o●… Chal●…don in Asia ; and Smith also who is come over about ●…he same businesse , with the Queen , Bishop of Archidala a City of Thra●…e . An old English Doctor used it as an especiall argument to prove the universality of power in the Pope , because he could ord●…in Bishops over al Cities in Christendom ; i●… he could as easily give them also the revenue , th●…s reason ( I confesse ) would much sway me , till then I am sorry that m●…n should still be boyes , and play with bubbles . By the same authority he might do well to make all his Courtiers Kings , and then he were sure to have a most royall and beggerly Court of it . To proceed a little further in the Allegory , so it is that when Jacob saw Esau to have incurred his ●…athers and mothers anger , for his heathenish marriage , he set himself to bereave his elder brother of his blessing . Prayers , and the sweet smell of his Venison , the sweet smelling of his sacrifices , obtained of his Lord and Father a blessing for him : for indeed the Lord hath given unto this his French Jacob , as it is in the text , the dew of heaven , and the fatnesse of the earth , and plenty of corne and wine , Gen. 27. 28. It followeth in the 41. vers . o●… the Chapter . And Esau hated Jacob , because of the blessing wherewith his father had blessed him ; and Esau said in his heart , The days of mourning for my father are at hand , then will I slay my brother Jacob. The event of which his bloudy resolution was , that Jacob was ●…ain to relinquish all that he had , and flie unto his Uncle . This last part of the story , expresseth very much of the present estate of the French Church . The Papists hated the Protestants to see them thrive and increase so much amongst them . This hatred moved them to a war , by which they hoped to root them out altogether ; and this war compelled the Protestants to abandon their good Towns , their strong holds , and all their possessions , and to flie to their friends wheresoever they could finde them . And indeed , the present estate of the Protestants is not much better then that of Jacob in Mesopotamia , nor much different . The blessing which they expect lyeth more in the seed then the harvest . For their strength it consisteth principally in their prayers to God : and secondly , in their obedience to their Kings . Within these two ●…ortresses , if they can keep themselves , they need fear none ill ; because they shall deserve none . The only outward strengths they have left them , are the two Towns o●… 〈◊〉 and Rochell , the one deemed invincible , the other threatned a speedy destruction . The Duke of Espernon ( at my being there ) lay round about it , and it was said , that the Town was in very bad term●… : all the neighbouring Towns , to whose opposition they much trusted , having yeelded at the first fight of the Canon . Rochell , it is thought , cannot be forced by ass●…ult , nor compelled by a ●…amine . Some Protesta●…ts are glad of , and h●…pe to see the French Church rest●…d to i●…s former power●…ulnesse , by the r●…ance of ●…hat Town meerly . I rather think , that the perverse and stubborn condition of it , will at last , drive the young King into a sury , and incite him to revenge their contradiction , on their innocent friends , now d●…armed and disabled . Then will th●…y see at last the issue of their own peremptory resolutions , and begin to believe , that the Heathen Hi●…an was of the two the better Christian , when he gave us this note , Non turpe est ab eo vinci , quem vincere ess●…t nefas , ●…que illi in●…nesie etiam submitti , quem fortuna super omnes 〈◊〉 . This we●…knesse and misery whic●… hath now be●…allen the Protestants , was an effect , I confesse , of the illwi●…l which the other party bare them ; but that they bare them ill will , was a fruit of their own graffing . In this circumstance , they were nothing like Jacob , who in the h●…red which his brother Esau had to him , was simply passive ; they being active also in the birth of it . And in●…d that la●…entable and bloudy war , which 〈◊〉 upon hem , t●…ey not only endevoured not to avoid , but invited , during the reign of Henry IV. who would not see it , and the troublesome minority of Lewis XIII . who could not molest them , they had made themselves masters of 99 Towns , well fort●…yed and enabled for a fiege : a strength too great for any one facti●…n to keep together , under a King which desires to be himself , and rule hi●… people . In the opini●…n of this th●…ir potency , they call Assemblies , Parliaments as it were , when and as often as they pleased . There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion , made new Laws of government , removed and rechanged their generall officers ; the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally demanded . Had they only been guilty of too much power , that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war against them , it not standing with the safety and honour of a King , not to be the absolute commander of his own Su●…s . But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies , they abused their power into a neglect , and not dissolving them at his 〈◊〉 commandment , they increased their neglect into into a 〈◊〉 . The Assembly which principally occasioned the war and their ruine , was that of Roehell , called by the Protestants presen●…ly upon the Kings journey into Bearn . This generall meeting the King prohibited by his especiall Edicts , declaring all them to be guilty of treason ; which notwithstanding they would not 〈◊〉 to , but very undutifully went on in their purposes . It was said by a Gentleman of their party , and one that ●…ad been imployed in many of their affairs , That the fiery zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences , had thrust them into those desperate courses ; and I believe him ; Tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum . Being assembled , they sent the King a Remonstrance of their grievances , to which the Duke Lesdiguiers , in a Letter to them written , gave them a very fair and plausible answer , wherein also he intreateth them to obey the Kings Edict , and break up the Assembly . Upon the receipt of this Letter , those of the Assembly published a Declaration , wherein they verified their meeting to be lawfull , and their purpose not to dismisse themselves , till their desires were granted . This affront done to the King , made him gather together his Forces ; yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request , he allowed them 24 dayes of respite ; before his Armies should march towards them , he offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions , such also as their Deputies had s●…licited , but far better then those which they were glad to accept , when all their Towns were taken from them . Profecto ineluct abilis fatorum vis , cujus fortunam mu●…are constituit , ejus corrumpit consilia . It held very rightly in this people , who turned a deaf eare to all good advice , and were r●…lved it seemeth , Not to hear the voice of the Charmer , charmed he never so sweetly . In their Assemblie therefore they m●…ke Lawes and Orders to regulate their 〈◊〉 , as , That no peace should be made without the consent of the generall Convocation , about paying of Souldiers wages , f●…r the detaining of the Revenues of the King and Cle●…y , and the like . They also there divided France into seven cir●…es or parts , assigning over every circle severall Generals and Lieutenants , and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the wars . Thus we see the Kings Army leavied upon no slight gr●…nd , his Regall authority was neglected , his especiall Edicts violated , his gracious profers slighted , and his Revenues ●…orbidden him , and his Realm divided before his face , and allotted unto officers not of his own election . Had the prosecution of his action been as fair , as the cause was , just and legall , the Protestants had only deserved the infamy ; but hinc illae lachrymae . The King so behaved himself in it , that he suffered the sword to walk at randome ; as if his main design had been , not to correct his people , but to ruine them . I will instance onely in that tyrannicall slaughter , which he permitted at the taking of Nigrepetisse , a Town of Quercu ; wherein indeed , the Souldiers shewed the very ●…igour of severity , which either a barbarous victor could inflict , or a va●…quished people suffer , Nec ullum saevitiae genus ●…misit ira & victoria , as Tacitus of the angred Romans . For they spared neither man , nor woman , nor childe , all equally subject to the cruelty of the sword and the Conquerour . The streets paved with dead carkasses , the channels running with the bloud of Christians ; no noise in the streets , but of such as were welcoming death , or suing for life . Their Churches , which the Goths spared at the sack of Rome , were at this place made the Theatres of lust and bloud ; neither priviledge of Sanctuary , nor fear of God , in whose holy house they were , qualifying their outrage ; this in the common pl●…ces . At domus interior gemitu , miseroque tumultu Mis●…tur ; penitusque cavae plangoribus aedes Foemineis ululant . — As Virgil in the ruine of Tr●…y . But the calamities which besell the men , were mercifull and sparing , if compared to those which the women suffered ; when the 〈◊〉 had made them the objects of their lust , they made them also the su●…jects of their fury , in that only pittifull to that poor and distressed sex that they did not let them survive their honours . Such of them who out of fear and faintness had made but little re●…ance , had the favour to be stabbed ; but those whose virtue and courage maintaned their bodies valiantly from the rapes of those villains , had the secrets of nature ( procul hino este castae & misericordes aures ) filled with gun-powder , and so blown into ashes . Whither , O you divine powers ! is humanity fled when it is not to be found in 〈◊〉 ? or where shall we look for the effects of a picifull nature , when men are b●…come so unnaturall ? It is said that the King was ignorant of this barbarousnesse , and 〈◊〉 at it . Off●…nded I perswade my self he could not but be , unlesse he had totally put off himself , and degenerated into a Tyger But for his ignorance I dare not conceive it to be any other then that of Nero , an ignorance rather in his eye then understanding : Subduxit oculos Nero ( saith Tacitus ) jussitque s●…lera , non spectavil — Though the Protestants deserved ●…icti ●…or their disobedience ; yet this was an execution above the nature of a punishment , a misery beyond the condition of the crime . True it is , and I shall never acquit them of it , that in the time of their prosperity , they had done the King many affronts , and committed many acts of disobedience and insolency , which justly occasioned the war against them ; for besides ●…hose already recited , they themselves first broke those Edicts , the due execution whereof seemed to have been their only petition . The King by his Ed●…ct of pacification , had licenced the free exercise of both Religion●… , and thereupon permit●…ed the Priests and Jesuits to preach in the Towns of Cau●…n , being then in the hands of the Prot●…stants . On the other side , the Protestants assembled ●…t Loudun , strictly commanded all their Governors , Maiors and Sheriffs , not to suffer any Jesuits , nor any of any othe●… Order to preach in their Towns , although licenced by the Bishop of the Di●…se . When upon dislike of their proceedings in that Assembly the K●…g had d●…clared 〈◊〉 meeting to be unlawfull , and contrary to his peace ; and this Declaration was verified against them by the Parliam●…nt : they 〈◊〉 would not separate 〈◊〉 , but stood still upon terms of capitulation , and the justifiableness of their action again . Whereas it ●…apned , that the Lord of 〈◊〉 , a Town full of those of the Religion , dyed in the year 1620 and left his daughter and heir in the bed and marriage of the Viscount of Cheylane , a Catholick : this new Lord according to law and right , in his own Town changed the former Garrison , putting his own servants and dependan●…s in their places . Upon this the Protestants of the Town and Countrey round about it , draw themselves in troops , surprise many of the Towns about it , and at last compelled the young Gentleman to flie from his inheritance ; an action , which jumping even with the time of the Assembly at 〈◊〉 , made the King more doubtfull of their since●…ity . I could add to these divers others of their undutifull practises , being the effects of too much felicitie , and of a fortune which they could not govern . Atqui animus meminisse horret , luctuque refugit . These their insolencies and unruly acts of disobedi●… , made the King and his Counsell suspect , that their designes tended further then Religion , and that their purpose might be to make themselves a free State , a●…ter the example of Geneva , and the Low-countreym●…n . The late power which they had taken of calling their own Synods and Convocations , was a strong argument of their purpose ; so also was the intelligence which they held with those of their own faith . At the Synod of Gappe , called by the permission of Henry the four●…h , on the first of October , anno 1603. they not only gave audience to Ambassadours , and received Letters from 〈◊〉 Princes ; but also importuned his 〈◊〉 to have a generall liberty of going into any other Countries , 〈◊〉 assisting at their Councels : a matter of esp●…cial im●… : and therefore the King upon a foresight of the dangers , wisely prohibited them to goe to any A●…mblies without a particular Licence , upon pain to be d●…clared Traytors . Since that time growing into greater strength , whensoever they had occa●…n of businesse with King Lewis , they would never ●…reat with him , but by their Ambassadours , and upon ●…speciall Articles . An ambition above the quality of those that pros●…sse themselves Subjects , and the only way , as 〈◊〉 Seirres noteth , To make an Estate in the State. But the answers made unto the King by those of 〈◊〉 and M●…ntauban , are pregnant proo●…s of their intent and meaning in this kinde ; the first being summoned by the King and his A●…my the 21 of July , Anno 1621. returned ●…hus , That the King should suffer them to ●…njoy th●…ir Li●…erties , and leave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they were , for the sa●…ety of their lives , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would de●…lare themselves to be his Subj●…cts . They of Montauban , made a fuller expression of the generall design and disobedience , which was , That they were resolved to live and die in the union of the Churches , had they said 〈◊〉 the service of the King , it had been spoken bravely , but now 〈◊〉 . This Union and Confederacy of theirs , King Le●…is used to call the Common wealth of Rochell ; for the overthrow of which , he alwayes protested , that he had only taken armes , and if we compare circumstances , we shall ●…nde it to be no other . In the second of Aprill , before he had as yet advanced into the field , he published a Declaration in favour of all those of the Religion , which would contain themselves within d●…ty and 〈◊〉 . And whereas some of Tours , at the beginning of the wars , had tumultuously mol●…sted the Pr●…testants , at the buriall of one of their dead ; five of them , by the Kings commandement , were openly 〈◊〉 . When the war was 〈◊〉 abroad , those of the Religion in Paris lived as securely as ever , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meeti●…gs at Char●…nton ; so had also those of other places . Moreover , when tidings came to Paris of the Duke of May●…ns death , slain before Montauban , the rascall French , according to their hot headed dispositions , breathed out nothing but ruine to the Hugonots . The Duke of Monbazon governour of the City commanded their ●…ouses and the streets to be safely guarded . After , when this rabble had burnt down their Temple at Chare●…ton , the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained , that it should be built up again in a more beautifull manner , and that at the Kings charge . Add to this , that ●…nce the ending of the wars , and the reduction of almost all their Towns , we have not seen the least alteration of Religion . Besides that , they have been permitted to hold a Nationall Synod at Charenton for establishing the truth of their Doctrine , against the errours of Arminius professour of Arminius in Holland . All things thus considered in their true being , I connot see for what cause our late Soveraign should suffer so much censure as he then did , for not giving them assistance . I cannot but say , that my self have too often condemned his remissenesse in that cause , which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in . Had he been a medler in it further then he was , he had not so much preserved Religion , as 〈◊〉 Rebellion ; besides the consequence of the example . He had Subjects of his own more then enough , which we●…e subject to discontent , and prone to an apos●…asie from their alleagiance . To have assisted the disobedient French under the colour of the liberty of conscience , had been only to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence ; and to have trod the path of his own hazard . He had not long before denied succour to his own children , when he might have given them on a better ground , and for a fairer purpose ; and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another . For that other , deniall of his helping hand , I much doubt how far posterity will acquit him , though certainly he was a good Prince , and had been an happy instrument o●… the peace of Christendome , had not the latter part of his reign hapned in a time so full of troubles . So that betwixt the quietnesse of his nature , and the turbulency of his latter dayes , he ●…ell into that miserable exigent mentioned in the Historian , Miserrimum est cum 〈◊〉 , aut natura sua excedenda est , aut minuenda dignitas . Add to this , that the French had been first abandoned at home by their own friends , of seven Generals which they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France ; four of them never giving them incouragement . The three which accepted of those unordinate Governments , were the Duke of Rohan , his brother M. Soubise , and the Marquesse of Lafforce ; the four others being the Duke of Tremoville , the Earl of Chastillon , the Duke of Lesdisg●…ier , and the Duke of Bovillon , who should have commanded in chief . So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them , but they to themselves . If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Maje●…ies commandements . We must answer , that it was too much happinesse : Causa hujus belli eadem quae omnium , nimia foelicitas , as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey . Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour , they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns , well ●…ortified for their safety ; besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages , they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree ; nei●…her fearing , nor needing to fear the least disturbance : with those of the Catholick party , they were grown so intimate and entire , by reason of their inter-marriages , that a very few years would have them incorporated , if not into one faith , yet into one family . For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice , it pleased King Henry the fourth , to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris , purposely for them . It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours ; their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion , as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris , as also in Normandy and Britain , till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them . There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Gren●…ble , and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza . These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict , because they were established by especiall Edict , at the Towns of Nantes in Britain , Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word , they lived so secure and happy , that one would have thought their ●…elicities had been immortall . O faciles d●…re summa deos , eademque tueri Difficiles — And yet they are not brought so low , but that they may live happily , if they can be content to live obediently ; that which is taken from them , being matter of strength only , and not priviledge . Let us now look upon them in their Churches , which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony . To talke amongst them of Common-prayers , were to ●…right them with the second coming of the Masse ; and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead , were to perswade them of a Purgatory . Painted glasse in a Church window , is accounted for the flag and en●…gne of Antichrist : and for Organs , no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes . Shew them a Surplice , and they cry out , a rag of the Whore of Babylon ; yet a sheet on a woman , when she is in child bed , is a greater abomination then the other . A strange people , that could never think the Masse book sufficiently reformed , till they had taken away Prayers ; nor that their Churches could ever be handsome , untill they were ragged . This foolish opposition of their first Reformers , hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie , and been no small disadvantage to the side . Whereas the Church of England , though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine , is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholicks , by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline . When the Liturgie of our Church was t●…anslated into Latine by Dr. Morket , once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford , it was with great approofe and applause received here in France , by those whom they call the Catholicks royall ; as marvelling to s●…e such order and regular devotion in them , whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall . An allowance , which with some little help , might have been raised higher , from the practice of our Church , to some points of our judgement , and it is very worthy of our observation , that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury , when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England . For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies , he openly said unto his followers , That if the reformed Churches in France , had kept the same orders amongst them which we have , he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there , then now are . But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so , I have heard divers French Papists , who were at the Queens coming over , and ventured so far upon an excommunication , as to be present at our Church solemn Services , extoll them and us for their sakes , even almost unto hyperboles . So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them . As are their Churches , such is their Discipline , naked of all Antiquity , and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it . The power and calling of Bishops , they abrogated with the Masse , upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it . As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age , and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his ipse dixit , had stood for Oracles . The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out , they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders , a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures , or first times of the Gospell . These men leap from the stall to the bench , and there ●…rtly sleeping , and partly st●…oaking of their beards ; ena●… laws of Government for the Church , so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist , saying , Surgunt nobis e sterquilinio Magistratus , nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia ; yet to these very men , composed equally of ignorance and a trade , are the most weighty matters of the Church committed . In them is the power of ordaining Priests , of co●…ferring places of charge , and even of the severes●… censu●…e of the Church , Excommunication . When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen , they must be called to councell , and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons ; having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense , and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads , then any other sensibl●… articulation , they hasten to their shops , as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough , Ut ad ●…pus relictum festinasse vid●…atur . Such a plat-form , though it be , that needeth no further confutation then to know it , yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation . By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England , there is none so young , but hath heard some Tragicall relations . God be magnified , and our late King praised , by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel . As for their Ministery , it is indeed very learned in their studies , and exc●…eding painfull in their calling . By the fi●…st they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy ; by the second their lazinesse . And questionlesse it behoveth them so to be , for living in a Countrey ●…ull of opposition , they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning , to maintain the cause , and being continually as it were beset with spies , they do the oftner ●…requent the Pulpits , to hold up their credits . The maintenance which is allotted to them , scarce amounteth to a competency , though by that name they please to call it . With receiving of tithes they never meddle , and therefore in their Schismaticall tracts of Divinity , they do hardly allow of the paying of them . Some of them hold that they were Jewish , and abrogated with the Law. Others think them to be meerly jure humano , and yet that they may lawfully be accepted , where they are tendred . It is well known yet that there are some amongst them , which will commend grapes , though they cannot reach them . This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly , or a little more . B●…za that great and famous Preacher of Geneva , had but 80 l. a year ; and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension , when he Preached at Charenton . These stipends are partly payed by the King ; and partly raised by way of Collection . So the Ministers of these Churches , are much of the nature with the English Lecturers . As for the Tithes , they belong to the severall Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due ; and they , I 'le warrant you , according to the little learning which they have , will maintain them to be jure divino . The Sermons of the French are very plain and home-spun , little in them of the Fathers , and lesse of humane learning ; it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe , that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits . They consist much of Exhortation and Use , and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge ; a ready way to raise up and edifie the Will and Affections , but withal to starve the understanding . For the education of them being children , they have private Schools ; when they are better grown , they may have ●…ree recourse unto any of the French Academies ; besides the new University of Saumur , which is wholly theirs , and is the chiefe place of their study . CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common-wealth in generall . A transition to the particular of France . The Government there meerly regall . A mixt forme of Government most commendable . The Kings Patents for Offices . Monopolies above the censure of Parliament . The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes . The Kings gifts and expences . The Chamber of Accounts . France divided into three sorts of people . The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title . The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France . The Kings power how much respected by the Princes . The powerablenesse of that rank . The formall execution done on them . The multitude and confusion of Nobility . King James defended . A censure of the French Heralds . The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants . Their priviledges , gibbets and other Regalia . They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons . HAving thus spoken of the Churches ; I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth . Religion is as the soul of a State , Policy as the body ; we can hardly discourse of the one , without a relation to the other ; if we do , we commit a wilfull murder , in thus destroying a republick . The Common-wealth without the Church , is but a carkasse , a thing inanimate . The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were anima separata , the joyning of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body ; and therefore as they are in nature , so in my relation , Connubio jungam stabili . Moreover , such a secret sympathy there is between them , such a necessary dependance of one upon the other , that we may say of them , what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato , Eodem tempore , ●…orum morbus gravesoit , & eodem levatur . They grow sick and well at the same time , and commonly run out their races at the same instant . There is besides the general r●…spect of each to other , a more particular band betwixt them h●…re in France , which is a liken●…sse and resemblance . In the Church of France we have found an head and a body ; this body again divided into two parts , the Catholick and the Prot●…stant : the head is in his own opinion , and the minds of many others , of a power unlimited ; yet the Catholick party hath strongly curbed it . And of the two parts of the body , we see the Papists 〈◊〉 and in triumph , whilest that of the Protestant is in misery and affliction . Thus is it also in the body Politick . The King in his own conceit boundlesse and omnipotent , is yet a●…onted by his Nobles ; which Nobles enjoy all the freedome of riches and happinesse ; the poor Paisants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage . For the government of the King is meerly , indeed , regal , or to give it the true name despoticall ; though the C●…untrey be his wife , and all the people are his children , yet do●…h he neither govern as an husband or a father ; he accounteth of them all as of his servants , and therefore commandeth them as a Master . In his Edicts which he over frequenly sendeth ab ut , he never mentioneth the good will of his Subjects , nor the approbation of his Councell , but concludeth all of them in this forme , Car tell est nostre plaisir , Sic volo sic 〈◊〉 . A forme of government very prone to degenerate into a tyranny , if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance . But this is not the vice of the entire and Soveraign Monarchy alone , which the Greek call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the other two good formes of regiment , being subject also to the same frailty . Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracie , to have been frequently ●…rupted into an Oligarchie ; and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or Common-wealth properly so called ) into a Democratie . For as in the body naturall , the purest complexions are lesse lasting , but easily broken and subject to alteration ; so is it in the body Civill , the pure and unmixt formes of Government , though perfect and absolute in their kinds , are yet of little continuance , and very subject to change into its opposite . They therefore which have written of Republicks do most applaud and commend the mixt manner of rule , which is equally compounded of the Kingdome and the Politeia ; because in these the Kings have all the power belonging to their title , without prejudice to the populacie . In these there is referred to the King , absolute Majesty ; to the Nobles , convenient authority ; to the People , an incorrupted liberty : all in a just and equall proportion . Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome , as it was moderated by Nerva , Qui res olim dissociabiles miscuerat , principatum & libertatem ; wherein the Soveraignty of one endamaged not the freedome of all . A rare mixture of Government , and such at this time is the Kingdome of England , a Kingdome of a perfect and happy composition ; wherein the King hath his full Prerogative , the Nobles all due respects , and the People , amongst other blessings perfect in this , that they are masters of their own purposes , and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws . On the otherside , in the Regall government of France , the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him ; is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit ; and suffereth many other oppressions , which in their proper place shall be specified . This Aristotle in the third book of his Politicks calleth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the command of a Master , and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such an Empire by which a Prince may command , and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes . One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings . For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts , before they passe for Laws ; yet is 〈◊〉 but a meer formality . It is the ●…rtel est nostre p●…aisir , which maketh them currant ; which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors . Jus●…inian in the book of Institutions , maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws , viz. Lex , ( he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables ) Plebiseita , Senatusconsulta , 〈◊〉 Responsa , & Principum placita ; to this last he addeth this generall strength , Quod principi pla●…uerit , legis habet valorem ; the very foundation of the French Kings power●…ulnesse . True it is , that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees , and to petition him for a reversall of them ; but their answer commonly is , Stat pro ratione voluntas . He knoweth his own power , and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly . If a monied man can make a friend in Court , he may have an office found for him , of six pence upon every Sword made in France ; a Livre , upon the selling of every head of Cattell ; a brace of Sols , for every paire of boots , and the like . It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching themselves , and undoing the people . The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Mompesson , was just one of the French offices . As for Monopolies , they are here so common , that the Subject taketh no notice of it ; not a scurvey petty book being Printed , but it hath its priviledge affixed , Ad imprimendum solum . These being granted by the King , are carryed to the Parliament , by them formally perused , and finally verified ; after which , they are in force and virtue against all opposition . It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King , for a quart d' es●…u to be paid unto him upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome . A very unjust and unconscionable extortion . Had he lived to have presented it to the Court , I much doubt of their deniall , though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents , is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them . As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them , of verifying the Kings Edicts , his grants of Offices and Monopolies . So hath the Chamber of Accounts , a superficiall survey also of his gifts and expences . For his expences , they are thought to be as great now as ever , by reason of the severall retinues of himself , his Mother , his Queen , and the Mons●…iur ; neither are his gifts l●…ssened . The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer , he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions . As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined , so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified . The titulary power given unto this Chamber , is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation ; the officers being solemnly ( at the least formally ) sworn , not to suffer any thing to passe them , to the detriment of the Kingdome , whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary . But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with . To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens , anciently certain Lords , officers of the Crown , and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts . Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court , consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors , and other under Officers . The Chamber wherein it is kept , called La Chambre des comptes , is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais ; the great Chamber it self , not being worthy to be named in the same day with it . It was built by Charles VIII . anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII . whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes , and the Scepter in his hand . He is accompianed by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks , very properly and cunningly ; each of them having its particular Motto , to declare its being . The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue , had its word under written , and contained in a couple of Verses , which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading , and are these : Quatuor has comites soveo , Coelestia dona , 〈◊〉 pacis prospera 〈◊〉 gerens , From the King descend we to the Subjects , ab equis ( quod aiunt ) ad 〈◊〉 , and the phrase is not much improper ; the French commonalty being called the Kings asses . These are divided into three ranks or Classes , the Clergy , the Nobles , the Paisants ; ●…ut of which certain delegates or Committees , chosen upon occasion , and sent to the King , did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France . It was called the Assembly of the three Estates , or the Conventus ordinum ; and was just like the Parliament of England . But these meetings are now forgotten , or out of use ; neither , indeed , as this time goeth , can they any way advantage the State ; for whereas there are three principall , if not sole causes of these conventions , which are , the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King ; the granting Aides and Subsidies ; and the redressing of Grievances : there is now another course taken in them . The Parliament of Paris , which speaketh , as it is prompted by power and greatnesse , appointeth the Regent ; the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes ; and as concerning their Grievances , the Kings eare is open to private Petitions . Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie , escheated , or rather devoured by the King , that name alone containing in it both Clergy , Princes and People . So that some of the French Counsellors , may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar , Doleoque cum respub . immortalis esse debeat , eam unius mortalis anima consistere . Yet I cannot withall but affirme , that the Princes and Nobles of France , do , for as much as concerneth themselves , upon all advantages flie off from the Kings obedience ; but all this while the poor Paisant is ruined ; let the poor Tenant starve , or eat the bread of carefulnesse , it matters not , so they may have their pleasure , and be counted firme zelots of the common liberty . And certainly this is the issue of it , the former liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and lazinesse ; the Lord liveth the life of a King to oppresse his Tenant by fines and exactions . An equality little answering to the old platformes of Republicks . Aristotle , Genius ille naturae , as a learned man calleth him , in his fourth book of Politicks hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproportion . In that Chapter , his project is , to have a correspondency so far between Subjects under the King or people of the same City , that neither the one might be over rich , nor the other too miserably poor . They , saith he , which are too happy , strong , or rich , or greatly favoured , and the like , can not nor will not obey , with which evill they are infected from their infancy . The other through want of these things are too abjectly minded and base ; so that the one cannot but command , nor the other but serve . And this he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a City inhabited onely by Slaves and Tyrants . That questionlesse is the most perfect and compleat forme of Government , Ubi veneratur protentem humilis , non timet ; antecedit , non contemnit humiliorem potens , as Velleius . But this is an unhappinesse of which France is not capable ; their Lords being Kings , and their Commons Villains . And not to say lesse of them then indeed they are , the Princes of this Countrey , are but little inferiour in matter of Royalty , to any King abroad ; and by consequence little respective , in matter of obedience , to their own King at home . Upon the least discontent , they withdraw themselves from the Court , or put themselves into armes ; and of all other comforts are ever sure of this , that they shall never want partizans . Neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully , and at distance , but justifie their revolt by publick Declaration , and think the King much indebted to them , if upon fair terms and an honourable reconcilement , they will please to put themselves again into his obedience . Henry IV. was a Prince of as unda●…nted and uncontroulable a spirit , as ever any of his predecessors , and one that loved to be obeyed ; yet was he also very frequently baffled by these Roytelets , and at the last dyed in an affront . The Prince of Conde perceiving the Kings affection to his new Lady , began to grow jealous of him , for which reason he retired unto Bruxells : the King offended at his retreat , sent after him , and commanded him home . The Prince returned answer , that he was the Kings most humble Subj●…ct and servant ; but into France he would not come unlesse he might have a Town for his assurance ; withall he protested in publick writing a nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence . A stomachfull resolution , and misbecoming a Subject ; yet in this opposition he 〈◊〉 , his humor of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted . But these tricks are ordinary here , ●…therwise a man 〈◊〉 have construed this action , by the term of Rebellion . The 〈◊〉 means whereby these Princes 〈◊〉 so head st●…ng , are an immunity given them by their Kings , and a liberty 〈◊〉 they have taken to themselves . By th●…ir Kings they have been absolutely ex●…mpted from all Tributes , Tolles , Taxes , Customes , Impo●…tions and Subsidies . By them also they have been estated in whole entire Provinces , with a power of haute a●…d m●…n Justice ( as the Lawyers term it ) passed over to 〈◊〉 ; the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgment of them . To this they have added much for their strength and security , by the insconcing and fortifying of their 〈◊〉 , which both oft●…n moveth , and afterwards inableth them ●…o c●…ntemn his M●…jesty . An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochfort belonging to the Duke of Tremoville , which in the long Civill wars endured a 〈◊〉 of 5000 shot , and yet was not taken . A very imp●…tick course ( in my conceit ) of the French , to bestow honours and immunities upon those , Qui ( as the Historian noteth ) e●… suo arbitrio aut reposituri , a●…t retenturi videantur ; quique modum habent in sua voluntate . For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves , the Princes have been always prone to Civill wars , as having suff●…nt means for safety and resistance On this ground also they slight the Kings au hority , aud disobey his Justice . In so much that the greater sort of Nobles in this Kingdome , can seldome be arraigned or executed in person ; and therefore the Lawes cond●…mn them in their images , and hang them in their pictures . A pretty device to mock Justice . If by chance , or some handsome sleight , any of them are apprehended , they are put under a sure guard , and not done to death without great fear of tumult and unquietnesse . Neither is it unus & alter , only some two or three , that thus stand upon their d●…stance with the K●…ng , but even all the Nobility of the Realm a rout so disorde●…ed , unconfined , and numberlesse , that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the ●…eckoning . I speak not here of those that are styled La Noblesse , but of Titulados , men only of titular Nobility , of the degree of Baron and above . Of these there is in this Countrey a number almost innumerable . Quot Coelum Stellas ; take quantity for quantity , and I dare be of the opinion , that heaven hath not more Stars , then France Nobles . You shall meet with them so thick in the Kings Court especially , that you would think it almost impossible the Countrey should bear any other fruit . This , I think , I may safely affirme , and without Hyperbole , that they have there as many Princes , as we in England have Dukes ; as many Dukes , as we Earls ; as many Earls , as we Barons ; and as many Barons as we have Knights ; a jolly company , and such as know their own strength too . I cannot therefore but much marvell , that these Kings should be so prodigall in conferring honours ; considering this , that every Noble man he createth , is so great a weakning to his power . On the other side , I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation , who have murmured against our late Soveraign , and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness , in bestowing the dignities of his Realm , with so full and liberall a hand . Certainly , could there any danger have arisen by it unto the State , I could have been as impatient of it as another . But with us , titles and ennoblings in this kind , are only either the Kings favour , or the parties merit , and maketh whomsoever he be that receiveth them , rather reverenced then powerfull . Raro eorum honoribus invidetur , quorum vis non timetur , was a good Aphorisme in the dayes of Paterculus ; and may for ought I know be as good still . Why should I envie any man that honour , which taketh not from my safety ; or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency , when that favour cannot make them exorbitant ? Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer , at the occasions of Subsidies , and the glory of the Kingdome , when the Prince is not attended by men meerly of the vulgar . Add to this , the few Noble men of any title which he ●…ound at his h●…ppy co●…ing in amongst us , and the additi●…s o●… power which his comming brought unto us ; and we shall ●…de it proportionable , that he should enlarge our Nobili●…y with our Empire : neither y●…t have we , indeed , a number to be talked of , comparing us with our neighbour 〈◊〉 . We may s●…e all of the three first ranks in the books of Mil●…s , Brooke , and Vincent ; and we are promised also a 〈◊〉 of the Creations and successions of all our Barons . Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited . W●…e this care tak●…n by the Heralds in France , perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberlesse ; sure I am not so consused . But this is the main vice of that profession , o●… six Heralds which they have amongst them , viz. Montjoy , Normandy , 〈◊〉 , Val ys , Bretagne , and Burgogne , not one of them is repo●…ed to be a Genealogist ; neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study . Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them , hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families , all ancient and of the bloud , in which he hath excellently well discharged himself . But wh●…t a small pittance is that compared to the present multitude ? The Nobles being so populous , it cannot be but the Noblesse , as they call them ; that is , the Gentry , must needs be thick set and only not innumerable . Of these Nobles there are some which hold thei●… estates immediately of the Crown , and they have the like immunities with the Princes . Some hold their Fe●…es ( or feuda ) of some other of the Lords , and he hath only Basse Justice permitt●…d to him , as to mulct and amerce his Tenants , to imprison them , or give them any other correction under death . All of them have power to raise and inhance up their Rents , to Tax his Subjects on occasion , and to prohibit them such pleasures , as they think fit to be reserved for themselves . By Brettaul in Pi●…ardy , I saw a post fastned in the ground , like a race-post with us , and therein an inscription ; I presently made to it , as hoping to have heard of some memorable battell there foughten ; but when I came at it , I ●…und it to be nothing but a D●claration of the Prince of Condes pleasure , that no man should hunt in those quarters ; afterwards I observed them to be very frequent . But not to wander through all particulars , I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here . The first is Proict de bailli age , power to keep Assize , or to have under him a Bailli , and a Superiour seat of Justice , for the decision of such causes as fall under the compasse of ordinary jurisdiction . In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons , Robberies , Murders , Protections , Pardons , Faires , Markets , and other matters of priviledge . Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction , and therein a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice , for the d●cision of smaller businesse , as Debts , Trespasses , breach of the Kings peace , and the like In this the purse is only emptied , the other extendeth to the taking of life also ; for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feife , hath also his peculiar Gibbet ; nay which is wonderfully methodicall , by the criticisme of the Gibbet , you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it . For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars , that of the Chastellan three , the Barons four , the Earls six , the Dukes eight ; and yet this difference is rather precise then generall . The last of their jura r●galia , which I will here speak of , is the command they have upon their people , to follow them unto the wars ; a command not so advantagious to the Lord , as dangerous to the Kingdom . Thus live the French Princes , thus the Nobles . Those sheep which God and the Lawes hath brought under them , they do not sheer but fleece ; and which is worse then this , having themselves taken away the Wooll , they give up the naked carkasse to the King. Tondi oves meas volo , non deglubi , was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius ; but it is not currant here in France . Here the Lords and the King , though otherwise at oddes amongst themselves , will be sure to agree in this , the undoing and oppressing of the poor Paisant ; Ephraim against Manasseh , and Manasseh against Ephraim , but both against Judah , saith the Scripture . The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons , is , as they pretend , the safety of the State , and their owne particulars . Were the people once warmed with the feeling of case and their own riches , they would presently be hearkning after the warres ; and if no imployment were proffered abroad , they would make some at home . Histories and experience hath taught us enough of their humour in this kind ; it being impossible for this hot-headed , and hare-brained people , not to be doing . Si extraneus deest , domi hostem quaerunt , as Justin hath observed of the Ancient Spaniards ; a prety quality , and for which they have often smarted . CHAP. V. The base and lo●… estate of the French Paisant . The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes . The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State. The wisdome of Henry VII . The French forces all in the Cavallerie . The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King. No Demaine in France . Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England . The Gabell of Salt. The Popes licence for wenching . The Gabell of whom refused , and why . The Gascoines impatient of Taxes . The taille , and taillion . The Pancarke or Aides . The vain resistance of those of Paris . The Court of Aides . The manner of gathering the Kings moneys . The Kings revenue . The corruption of the French publicans . King Lewis why called the just . The monies currant in France . The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King. The happinesse of the English Subjects . A congratulation unto England . The conclusion of the first Journey . BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobles , we may partly guesse at the poor estate of the Paisant , or Countreymen ; of whom we will not now speak , as subjects to their Lords , and how far they are under their commandment ; but how miserable and wretched they are in their Apparell and their Houses . For their Apparell it is well they can allow themselves Canvasse , or an outside of that nature . As for Cloth it is above their purse equally , and their ambiti●…n ; i●… they can aspire unto Fustian , they are as happy as ●…heir wishes , and he that is so arrayed , will not spare to aime at the best place in the Parish , even unto that of the Church-wa●…den . When they go to plough or to the Church , they have shooes and stockins ; at other times they make bold with nature , and wear their skins . H●…ts they will not want , though their bellies pinch for it ; and that you may be sure they have them , they will alwayes keep them on their heads : the most impudent custome of a beggerly fortune , that ever I met with , and which already hath had my blessing . As for the women , they know in what degree nature hath created them , and therefore dare not be so fine as their Husbands ; some of them never had above one pair of stockins in all their lives , which they wear every day , for indeed they are very durable . The goodnesse of their faces tell us , that they have no need of a band , therefore they use none . And as concerning Petticoats , so it is , that all of them have such a garment , but most of them so short , that you would imagine them to be cut off at the placket . When the Parents have sufficiently worn these vestures , and that commonly is till the rottenn●…e of them will save the labour of undressing , they are a new-cut-out and fitted to the children . Search into their houses , and you shall finde them very wretched , destitute as well of furniture as provision . No Butter salted up against Winter , no powdring tub , no Pullein in the Rick-barten , no flesh in the pot or at the spit , and which is worst , no money to buy them . The defcription of the poor aged couple Philemon and Bauc●… in the eight book of the Metamorphosis , is a perfect character of the French Paisant , in his house-keeping ; though I cannot affirme , that if Jupiter and Mercury did come amongst them , they should have so hearty an entertainment ; for thus Ovid marshalleth the dishes : Ponitur hic bicolor sincerae bac●…a Minervae , Intybaque , & radix , & lactis massa coacti , Ovaque non a●…i leviter versata favilla , Prunaque , & in patulis redolentia mala canistris . Hic nux , hic mixta est rugosis caricapalmis , E●… de purpureis collectae vitibus●…vae ; Omnia fictilibus nitide . — They on the table set Minerva's fruit , The double-colour'd Olive , Endive-root ; Radish and Cheese : and to the board there came A dish of Egges , rear-roasted by the flame . Next they had Nuts , course Dates and Le●… figs , And Apples from a basket made of twigs , And Plum●… , and Graps cut newly from the tree : All serv'd in earthen dishes , Housewifely . But you must not look for this cheer often . At Wakes or Feasts dayes , you may perchance be so happy as to see this plenty ; but at other times , Olus omnepatella , the best provision they can shew you is a piece of B●…con wherewith they fatten their pottage ; and now and then the inwards of Beasts killed for the Gentlemen . But of all miseries , this me thinketh is the greatest , that sowing so many acres of excellent wheat in an year , and gathering in such a plentifull Vintage as they do , they should not yet be so fortunate , as to eat white bread , or drink wine ; for such infinite rents do they pay to their Lords , and such innumerable taxes to the King , that the profits arising out of those commodities , are only sufficient to pay their duties , and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine . The bread then which they eat , is of the courseft flowre , and so black , that it cannot admit the name of brown . And as for their drink , they have recourse to the next Fountain . A people of any , the most unfortunate , not permitted to enjoy the fruit of their labours ; and such as above all others are subject to that Sarcasme in the Gospell , This man planted a V●…eyard , and doth not drink of the fruit thereof . Nec prosunt domino , quae prosunt omnibus , artes . Yet were their case not altogether so deplorable , if there were but hopes left to them of a better , if they could but compasse certainty , that a pain●…ull drudging and a thrifty saving , would one day bring them out of this hell of bondage . In this , questionlesse , they are intirely miserable , in that they are sensible of the wretchednesse of their present fortunes , and dare not labour nor expect an alteration . If industry and a sparing hand hath raised any of this afflicted people so high , that he is but 40 s. or 5 l. richer then his neighbour , his Lord immediately enhaunceth his Rents , and enformeth the Kings task-masters of his riches , by which means he is within two or three years brought again to equall poverty with the rest . A strange course , and much different from that of England , where the Gentry take a delight in having their Tenants thrive under them , and hold it no crime in any that hold of them to be wealthy . On the other side , those of France can abide no body to gain or grow rich upon their farmes ; and therefore thus upon occasions rack their poor Tenants . In which they are like the Tyrant Procrustes , who laying hands upon all he met , cast them upon his bed ; if they were shorter then it , he racked their joynts till he ●…ad made them even to it , if they were longer , he cut as much of their bodies from them , as did hang over ; so keeping all that sell into his power in an equality . All the French Lords are like that Tyrant . How much this course doth depresse the military power of this Kingdome is apparent by the true principles of war , and the examples of other Countries . For it hath been held by the generall opinion of the best judgements in matters of war , that the main Buttresse and Pillar of an Army is the foot , or ( a●… the Martialists term it ) the Infan●…ery . Now to make a good Infantery , it requireth that men be brought up not in a sl●…vish and needy fashion of life , but in some free and liberall manner . Therefore it is well observed by the Vicoun●… St. Albans in his History of Henry VII . that i●… a State run most to Nobles and Gentry , and that the Husbandmen be but as their meer drudges , or else simply Cottagers , that that State may have a good Cavallery , but never good stable bands of foot . Like to Coppice woods , in which if you let them grow too thick in the stadles , they run to bushes or bryers , and have little clean under-wood . Neither is this in France only , but in Italy also , and some other parts abroad ; in so much , that they are enforced to imploy mercenary Souldiers for their ●…attalions of foot : whereby it cometh to passe , that in those Countries they have much people , and few men . On this consideration King Henry VII . one of the wisest of our Princes took a course so cunning and wholesome , for the increase of the military power of his Realm ; that though it be much lesse in territory , yet it should have infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces , then its neighbour Nations . For in the fourth year of his Reign , there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages , and decay of tillage , but purposedly to inable his subjects for the wars . The Act was , That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards , should be maintained and kept up for , together with a competent proportion of Land , to be used and occupied with them , &c. By this means , the houses being kept up , did of necessity enforce a dweller , and that dweller , beca●…se of the proportion of Land , not to be a begger , but a man of some substanc●… , able to keep Hinds and Servants , and to set the plough a going . An order which did wonderfully concerne the might and manhood of the Kingdome ; these Farmes being sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penury ; and by consequence to prepare them for service , and encourage them to higher honours , for Haud facile emergent , quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi . — As the Poet hath it . But this O dinance is not thought o●… such use in France , where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the horse ; which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battailes upon them . As sor the French foot , they are quite out of all reputation , and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world . Besides , should the French people be enfranchised , as it were , from the tyranny of their Lords , and estated in freeholds and other tenures , after the manner of England , it would much trouble the Councell of Fra●…ce , to find out a new way of raising his revenues , which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject . Anti●…ntly the Kings of France had rich and plentifull demeans , such as was sufficient to maintain their greatnesse and Majesty , without being burden some unto the Countrey . Pride in matters of sumptuousnesse , and the tedious Civill wars , which have lasted in this Countrey , almost ever fince the death of Hen●…y II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and morgaged , in so much that the people are now become the Demaine , and the Subject only is the Revenue of the Crown . By the sweat of their browes is the Court sed , and the Souldier paid ; and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idlenesse . What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them , it is almost a point of treason not only to deny , but to question . Apud illos vere regnatur , nefasque quantum regi liceat , dubitare ; as one of them . The Kings hand lyeth hard upon them , and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage , the poor Paisant being constrained to make up dayly his full tale of bricks , and yet have no straw allowed them . Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people , Sir John Fortescue , Chancellour of England in his book intituled , De Laudibus legum Angliae , concludeth them to be un fit men for Jurors or Judges , 〈◊〉 the custome of the Countrey admit of such tryals . For having proved there unto the Prince , ( he was son to Henry VI. ) that the manner of tryall according to the Common Law , by 12 Ju●…ates , was more commendable then the practise of the Civill or Emperiall L●…wes , by the deposition only of two wi●…esses , or the forced confession of the persons , arrained , the Prince seemed to 〈◊〉 , Cur ea lex Angliae quae tam f●…ugi & optabilis est , non sit toti mundo c●…mmunis . To this he maketh answer , by shewing the ●…ree condition of the English Subjects , who alone are used at these indictments ; men of a fair and large estate , such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed , men that are of ingenuous education , such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted , and afraid of infamie . Then he shewe●…h how in other places all things are contrary , the Husbandman an absolute begger , easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty ; the Gentlemen living far asunder , and so taking no notice of the fact ; the Paisant also neither fearing infamie , nor the losse of goods , if he be found faulty , because he hath them not . In the end he concludeth thus , Ne mireris igitur princeps , si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inqui●…itur , alias non pervagetur nationes , ipsae namque ut Anglia nequerunt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas . The last part of the latine , savoureth somewhat of the Lawy●…r , the word Juratas being put there to fignifie a Jury . To go over all those impositions , which this miserable people are afflicted withal , were almost as wretched as the payment of them ; I will therefore speak only of the principall . And here I meet in the first place , with the Gabell or Imposition on Salt. This Gabelle de sel , this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long , who took for it a double ( which is half a Sol ) upon the pound . After whom Philip of Valoys , anno 1328. doubled that . Charles the VII . raised it unto three doubles ; and Lewis the XI . unto fix . Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine , which containeth some 30 bushels English ; the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure . This one commodity were ve●…y advantagious to the Exchequer , were it all in the Kings hands ; but at this time a great part of it is morgaged . It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly ; that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters , being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year . The late Kings since anno 1581. being intangled in wars , have been constrained to let it out to others ; in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly : and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds , of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines , gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly , to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt , till their money were repaid them . This Gabell is , indeed , a Monopoly , and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World. For no man in the Kingdom ( those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted ) can eat any Salt , but he must buy of the King and at his price , which is most unconscionable ; that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres , which in the exempted places is sold for one . Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished , there is diligent watch and ward , that no forain Salt be brought into the Land , upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment . A search which is made so strictly , that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles , and that not , but upon solemn protestation , that we had none of that commodity . This Salt is of a brown colour , being only such as we in England call Bay-salt ; and imposed on the Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour , for though they have some of their last provision in the house , or perchance would be content ( through poverty ) to eat meat without it , yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them ; or howsoever they will have of them so much money . But this Tyranny is not generall , the Normans and Picards enduring most of it , and the other Paisant the rest . Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and B●…shops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines . For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine , and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes ; the Collectours would return them this answer , that notwithstanding this , they should pay the money , because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would . This Gabell , as it sitteth hard on some , so are there some also which are never troubled with it . Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released , and many of the Nobless in particular ; in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis , anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt , there were 2000 of the Commons . There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt , as Bretagne , Gascoine , Poictou , Quercu , Xaintogne , and the County of Boulonnois . Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption , as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady ( 〈◊〉 Dame ) ; of which we shall learn more when we are in Bovi●…on . The Bret●…gnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage , and had strength enough to make their own capitulations , when they first entred into the French subjection . Be●…ides , here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey , who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome , should the people be oppressed with this bondage , and they take the protection of them . Poicto●… and 〈◊〉 have compounded for it with the former Kings , and pay a certain rent yearly , which is called the Equivalent . Xaint●…gne is under the command of Rochell , of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate . And as for the 〈◊〉 , the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion . They are a stuborne and churlish peop●…e , very impatient of a rigorous yoak , and such which inherit a full measure of the Bis●…anes liberty and spirit , from whom they are descended . Le droict de fo●…age , the priviledge of levying a certain piec●… of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh , was in times not long ●…nce one of the jura regalia of the French Lords , and the people paid it without grumbling ; yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain , for the paying of his Sould●…rs to whom he was indebted , laid this Fouage upon this people , being then English , they all presently revolted to the French , and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters . Next to the Gabell of Salt , we may place the Tail●…e or Taillon , which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England , as being levied both on Goods and Lands . In this again they differ , the Subsidies of England being granted by the people , and the sum of it certain ; but this of France being at the pleasure of the King , and in what manner he shall please to impose them . Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie , and that but upon four occasions , which were , the Knighting of the King Son , the marriage of his Daughters , a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea , and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner ; Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire ( saith Ragneau ) ains ont este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement . Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war ; and at length Chales the VII . made them ordinary . Were it extended equally on all , it would amount to a very fair Revenue . For supposing this , that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres ( as it doth ) and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly , which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them : That income alone , besides that which is levyed on Goods personall , would amount to two millions of pounds in a year . But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant ; the greater Towns , the officers of the Kings house , the Officers of War , the President , Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament , the Nobility , the Clergy , and the Scholars of the University being ●…reed from it . That which they call the Taillon , was intended for the ease of the Countrey , though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it . In former times the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages , the poor people being fain to finde them diet , lodging , and all necessaries , for themselves , their horses , and the harlots which they brought with them . If they were not well pleased with their entertainment , they used commonly to beat their Host , abuse his family , and rob him of that small provision , which he had laid up for his children ; and all this C●…m privilegio . Thus did they move from one Village to another , and at the last again returned to them from whence they came ; Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis 〈◊〉 ; quae non semelaut bis in anno , hac nefanda pressura depiletur , as Sir Fortes●…ue●…bserved ●…bserved in his time . To redresse this mischief , King He●…ry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon . The Panca●…te comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts , but especially the Sol upon the Livre ; that is , the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold , Corne , S●…ts , and the like only excepted . Upon wine , besides the Sol upon the Livre , he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities , passages by Land , Sea or Rivers . To these Charles the IX . ann●… 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye ( which is the third part of a Tun ) and yet when all this is done , the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth . In this Pancar●…e is also contained the Haut passage , which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and Cattell over his bridges , and his City gates , as also for all such commodities as they bring with them : a good round sum confidering the largenesse of the Kingdome ; the through-fare of Lyons , being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns . Hereunto belong also the Aides , which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre , upon all sorts of Fruits , Provision , Wares , and Merchandise , granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy , when John his father was Prisoner in England , and since made perpetuall . For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey , that their kindnesses are made duty ; and those moneys which they once grant out of love , are always after exacted of them , and payed out of necessity . The Bedroll of all these impositions and Taxes , is called the Pancarte , because it was hanged in a frame , like as the Officers fees are in our Dioce san Courts ; the word Pan signifying a frame or a pane of Wainscot . These Impositions time and custome hath now made tolerable , though at first they seemed very burdensome , and moved many Cities to murmuring , some to rebellion ; amongst others , the City of Paris , proud of her antient liberties and immunities , refused to admit of it . This indignity so incensed Charles the VI. their King , then young and in hot bloud , that he seized into his hands all their privil●…es , took from them their Pr●…vost des Merchands , and the Esch●…vins , as also the Keyes of their gates , and ●…he Ch●…ines of their streets , and making through the whole Town such a face of mourning , that one might justly have said , Haec facies Trojae , cum caperetur , erat . This hapned in the year 1383. and was for five years together con●…inued , which time being expired , and other Cities warned by that example , the Imposition was ●…stablished , and the priviledges restored . For the better regulating of the Profits arising from these Imposts , the French King erected a Court called , Le Ceur des Aides ; it consisted at the first of the Generals of the Aides , and of any ●…our of the Lords of the Councell , whom they would call to their assistance . Afterwards Charles the V. anno 1380 or thereabouts setled it in Pa●…is , and caused it to be numbred as one of the Soveraign Courts . Lewis the XI . dissolved it , and committed the managing of his Aids to his houshold servants , as loath to have any publick officers take notice how he fleeced his people . Anno 1464. it was restored again . And finally , Henry II. anno 1551. added to it a second Chamber composed of two Presidents and eight Counsellours ; one of which Presidents , named Mr. Chevalier , is said to be the best monied man of all France . There are also others of these Courts in the Countrey , as one at Roven , one at Montferrant in Avergne , one at Burd●…aux , and another at Montpelier , established by Charles VII anno 1437. For the levying and gathering up of these Taxes , you must know that the whole Countrey of Fran●…e is divided into 21 Generalities . or Counties as it were , and those again into divers Eslectiones , which are much like our Hundreds . In every of the Generalities , there are 10 or 12 Treasurers , 9 Receivers for the generalty , and as many Comptollers ; and in the particular Eslectiones , eight Receivers and as many Comptrollers , besides all under-officers , which are thought to amount in all to 30000 men . When then the King levyeth his Taxe●… , he sendeth his Letters Patents to the principall Officers of every Generalty , whom they call Les Genereaux des Aides , and they dispatch their Warrant to the Esleus or Commissioners . These taxing every one of the Parishes and Villages within their severall divisions at a certain rate , send their receivers to collect it , who give account for it to their Comptrollers . By them it ascendeth to the Esleus , from him to the Receiver generall of that Generalty , next to the Comptroller , then to the Treasurer , afterwards to the Generall des Aides ; and so Per varios casus & tot diserimina rerum Tendimus ad Latium . — By all these hands it is at last conveyed into the Kings purse ; in which severall passages , Necesse est ut aliquid haereat , it cannot be but that it must have many a shrewd snatch . In so much that I was told by a Gentleman of good credence in France , that there could not be gathered by the severall exactions above specified , and other devises of prowling , which I have omitted , lesse then 85 millions a year , whereof the King receiveth 15 only . A report not altogether to be slighted , considering the President of the Court of Accomptes made it evident to the Assembly at Bloys , in the time of King Henry IV. that by the time that every one of the Officers had his share of it , there came not to the Kings Coffers one teston ( which is 1 s. 2 d. ) of a Crown ; so that by reckoning 5 testons to a Crown or Escu ( as it is but 2 d. over ) these Officers must collect five times the money which they pay the King , which amounteth to 75 millions , and is not much short of that proportion which before I spake of . The Kings Revenues then , notwithstanding this infinite oppression of his people , amounteth to 15 millions ( some would have it 18. ) which is a good improvement in respect of what they were in times afore . Lewis the XI . as good a husband of his Crown , as ever any was in France , gathering but one and a half only . But as you reckon the flood . so also if you may reckon the ebb of his Treasures , you will finde much wanting of a full sea in his Coffers ; it being generally known , that the fees of officers , pen●…ons , garrisons , and the men of armes , draw from him yearly no fewer then 6 of his 15 millions . True it is , that his Treasure hath many good helps by way of Escheat , and that most frequently , when he cometh to take an accompt of his Treasurers and other Officers . A Nation so abominably full of base and unmanly villaines in their severall charges , that the Publicans of Old-Rome , were milke and white broath to them . For so miserably do they abuse the poor Paisant , that if he hath in all the world but eight Sols , it shall go hard , but he will extort from him five of them . Non missura 〈◊〉 nisi plena eruoris hirundo . He is just of the nature of the Horse-leech , when he hath once gotten hold of you , he will never let you go till he be filled . And which is most strange , he thinks it a greater clemency that he hath left the poor man some of his money , then the injury was in wresting from him the rest . Nay they will brag of it , when they have taken but five of the eight Sols , that they have given him three , and expect thanks for it . A kindnesse of a very theevish nature , it being the condition of Robbers , as Tully hath observed , Ut commemorent iis se dedisse vitam , quibus non ademerint . Were the people but so happy , as to have a certain rate set upon their miseries , it could not but be a greater ease to them , and would well defend them from the tyrany of these Theeves . But ( which is not the least part of their wretchednesse ) their Taxings and Assessements are left arbitrary , and are exacted accordingly as these Publitans will give out of the Kings necessities ; so that the Countryman hath no other remedy , then to give Cerberus a crust , as the saying is , to ki●…e his rod and hug his punishment . By this means the Questors thrive abundantly , it being commonly said of them , Heri bouvier aviourdhui chevalier , to day a Swine-heard , to morrow a Gentleman ; and certainly they grow into great riches . Mr. Beauma●…chais one of the Treasurers ( Mr. De Vilroy , who slew the Marquesse D' An●…re , marryed his only Daughter ) hav●…ng raked unto himself , by the villanous abuse of his place , no lesse then 22 millions of Livres , as it was commonly reported . But he is not like to carry it to his grave , the King having s●…ized upon a good part of it , and himself being condemned to the gallowes by the grand Chambre of Parliament , though as yet he cannot be apprehended and advanced to the Ladder . And this hath been the end of many of them , since the reign of this present K●…ng , whom ( it may be ) for this cause , they call Lewis the just . This fashion of affixing Epithites to the names of their Kings was in great use heretofore with this Nation . Carolus the son of Pepin , was by them surnamed Le Magne : Lewis his son Debonaire , and so of the rest . Since the time of Charles VI. who was by them surnamed the B●…loved , it was discontinued ; and now revived again in the persons of King Henry IV. and his son King Lewis . But this by the way . It may be also he is called the Just by way of negation , because he hath yet committed no notable act of injustice , ( for I wink at his cruell and unjust slaughter at Nigrepelisse ) it may be also to keep him continually in mind of his duty , that he may make himself worthy of that attribute ; Vere imperator sui nominis , — As one said of Severus . Let us add one more misery to the State and commonalty of France , and that is , the base and corrupt money in it . For besides the Sol , which is made of Tinne , they have the Double made of Brasse , whereof six make a Sol , and the Denier , whereof two make a Double ; a coyne so vile and small of value , that 120 of them go to an English shilling . These are the common coynes of the Countr●…y ; silver and gold not being to be seen but upon holydayes . As for their silver , it is most of it of their own coyning , but all exceeding clipt and shaven ; their gold being most of it Spanish . In my little being in the Countrey , though I casually saw much gold , I could only see two pieces of French stampe , the rest coming all from Spain , as Pistolets , Demi pistolets and Double-pistolets . Neither is F●…ance alone furnished thus with Castilian coyn , it is the happinesse also of other Countries , as Italy , Barbary , Brabant ▪ and elsewhere ; and indeed it is kindly done of him , that being the sole Monopolist of the mines , he will yet let other nations have a share in the 〈◊〉 . Were the 〈◊〉 as Catholick as his money , I think I should be in some fear of him , till then we may lawfully take that ambitious title from the King , and bestow it upon his pictures . The Soveraignty of the Spanish gold is more universally embraced , and more seriously acknowledged in most parts of Christendome , then that of him which stampt it . To this he which entituleth himself Catholick is but a prisoner , and never saw half those Provinces , in which this more powerfull Monarch hath been heartily welcomed . Yet if he will needs be King , let him grow somewhat more jealous of his Queen , and confesse that his gold doth royally deserve his imbraces , whom before the extent of his dominion , the Ancient Poets styled Regina pecunia . True it is , that by the figure and shape of this Emperesse , you would little think her to be lovely , and lesse worthy of your imbracement . The stones which little boyes break into Quoits , are a great deal better proportioned ; if a Geometrician were to take the angles of it , I think it would quite put him besides his Euclide ; neither can I tell to what thing in the world fitter to resemble it , then a French Cheese ; for it is neither long , nor square , nor round , nor thin , nor thick , nor any one of these , but yet all , and 〈◊〉 none of them . No question , but it was the Kings desires , by this unsightly dressing of his Lady , to make men out ●…f love with her , that so he might keep h●…r to himself . But in this his hopes have conusened him ; 〈◊〉 as in other 〈◊〉 , so in this ; some men will be bold to keep his wife from him , be it only in spight . These circumstances thus laid together and considered , we 〈◊〉 the clearer and the better see our own felicities , which to expresse generally and in a word , is to say only this , That the English Subject is in no circumstance a French-man . Here have we our money made of the best and purest , that only excepted , which a charitable consideration hath coyned into farthings . Here have we our Kings royally , and to the envie of the world , magnificently provided for , without the swe●…t and bloud of the people , no Pillages , no Impositions up●…n our private war●…s , no Gabels upon our commodities ; Nullum in tam ing●…nti regno vectigal , non in 〈◊〉 pontiumve discriminibus , Publicanorum stationes ; as one truely h●…th observed of us . The monies which the King wanteth to supply his necessities , are here freely given him . He doth not here compell our bounties , but accept them . The Laws by which we are gov●…rned , we in part are m●…kers of , each Paisant of the Countrey hath a free voice in the ●…acting of them ; if not in his person , yet in his proxie . We are not here subject to the lusts and tyranny of our Lords , and may therefore say safely , what the Jewes spake sactiously , That we have no King but Caesar. The greatest Prince here is subject with us to the same Law , and when we stand before the tribunall of the Judge , we acknowledge no difference . Here do we inhabite our own houses , plough our own Lands , enjoy the frui●…s of our labour , comfort our selves with the wives of our youth , and see our selves grow up in those children , which shall inherit after us the same felicities . But I forget my self . To endevour the numbring of Gods bl●…ssings , may perhaps deserve as great a punishment as Davids numbring the people . I conclude with the Poet , O fortunati minium , bona si sua norint Agricolae nostri . — And so I take my leave of France , and prepare for England , towards which ( having stayed 3 days for winde and company ) we set forwards on Wednesday the 3 of August , the day exceeding fair , the Sea as quiet , and the winde so still that the Mariners were fain to takedown their Sails , and betake themselves unto their Oares . Yet at the last with much endevour on their side , and no lesse patience on ours , we were brought into the midst of the channell , when suddainly — But soft , what white is that which I espie , Which with its ●…ustre doth ec ipse mine eye ; That which doth N●…ptunes sury so disdain , And beates the Billow back into the main ? Is it some dreadfull Scylla fastned there , To shake the Sailor into prayer and fear ? Or is 't some Island floating on the wave , Of which in writers we the story have ? T is England , ha ! t is so ! clap , clap your hands , That the full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands Into a Palsie . Doth not that lov'd name Move you to extasie ? O were the same As dear to you as me , that very word Would make you dance and caper over board . Dull shipmen ! how they move not , how their houses Grow to the planks ; yet stay , here 's sport enough . For see , the sea Nymphs foot it , and the fish Leap their high measures equall to my wish . Triton doth sound his shell , and to delight me Old Nereus bobleth with his Amphitrite . Excellent triumphs ! But ( curs'd fates ! ) the main Quickly divides and takes them in again ; And leaves me dying , till I come to land , And kisse my dearest Mother in her sand . Hail happy England ! hail thou sweetest Isle , Within whose bounds , no Paganrites defile The purer faith : Christ is by Saints not mated , And ●…e alone is worship'd that created . In thee the labouring man enjoyes his wealth , Not subject to his Lords rape , or the stealth Of hungry Publicans . In thee thy King Feares not the power of any underling ; But is himself , and by his awfull word , Commands not more the begger then the Lord. In thee those heavenly beauties live , would make Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake . Such as outgo report , and make same see They stand above her big'st Hyperbole . And yet to strangers will not grutch the blisse Of salutation , and an harmelesse kisse . Hail then sweet England ! may I breath my last , In thy lov'd armes , and when my dayes are past , And to the silence of the grave I must ; All I desire is , thou wouldst keep my dust . The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey . THE SECOND JOURNEY : CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two ILANDS Guernzey and Jarsey , With the ISLES appending . According to their Politie , and Formes of Government , both Ecclesiasticall and Civill . THE SIXTH BOOK . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet , 1656. A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey , &c. The Entrance . ( 1 ) The occasion of , &c. ( 2 ) Introduction to this Work. ( 3 ) The Dedication , ( 4 ) and Method of the whole . The beginning , continuance of our Voyage ; with the most remarkable passages which hapned in it . The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre . WHen fi●…st I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey ; besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship , I resolved also to do somewhat for my self : and , i●… possible , unto the places . For my self , in bettering what I could my understanding , if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing , to which I was a stranger . At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity , as being not a little emulous of this kind of living , Multorum mores hominum qui vidit & urbes ; which had seen so much of men and of their manners . It was also not the last part of mine intention , to do something in the honour of the Island , by committing to memory their Antiquities , by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government , by representing , as in a Tablet , the choycest of their beauties ; and in a word , by reducing these and the Achievements of the people , as far as the light of Authors could direct me , into the body of an History . But when I had a little made my self acquainted with the place and people , I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble . The Churches naked of all Monuments , and not so much as the blazon of an Armes permitted in a window , for fear , as I conjecture , of Idolatry . No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends , in their remembrancers ; whereby to ennoble them in time to come , unlesse perhaps some slight allarmes from France , may occasion speech of them in our common Chronicles . The Countrey , indeed , exceeding pleasant and delight some , but yet so small in the extent and circuit , that to speak much of them , were to put the shooe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant . For being in themselves , an abridgement only of the greater works of nature , how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume ? Having thus failed in the most of my designes , I applyed my self to make enquirie after their form of Government , in which , I must needs confesse , I met with much which did exceedingly affect me . Their Lawes , little beholding in the composition of them , to Justinian ; and of no great affinity with the laws of England , which we call Municipall or common . The grand Customarie o● Normandy , is of most credit with them ; and that indeed the only rule by which they are directed , save that in some few passages it hath been altered by our Prince , for the conveniency of this people . Sed quid hoc ad Iphycli b●…ves ? But what had I , a Priest of the Church of England , to do with the Laws and Customes of the Normans ? Had I gone forward in my purpose , I deny not , but I had mingled that knowledge which I have gotten of their Laws , amongst other my Collections ; but failing in the main of my intent , I must only make such use of them , as shall be necessary for this present argument . An Argument not fo much as in my thoughts , when fi●…st I resolved upon the Journey ; as little dreaming that any alterations had lately hapned in the Churches of those Islands , or that those alterations could afford one such variety . An Argument more sutable to my profession , as having had the honour to be reputed with the Clergy ; and such as in it self may justly be intituled to your Lordships patronage . God and the King have raised you above your brethren to be a Master in our Israel , a principall pillar in the glorious structure of the Church . An advancement which doth call upon you for the establishment and supportation of the meanest Oratory dependant on the Church of England , your most indulgent , and in you most happy mother . No marvail therefore , if those little Chappels , even those two Tribes and a half , which are on the other side of the flood , most humbly cast themselves at your Lordships feet , and by me ●…ay open their estate unto you . Which that I may the better do , in discharge of the trust reposed in me , and for your Lordships more ample satisfaction I shall proceed in this order following . First , I shall lay before your Lordship , the full successe and course of our Navigation , till we were setled in those Islands ; that so the rest of this discourse being more materiall , may receive no interruption in the processe of it . Next , I shall briefly , as in a map , present your Lordship with the situation , quality and story of the Islands ; with somewhat also of their Customes , of their Government ; but this ( as the great Cardinall acknowledgeth the Popes power in temporall affaires ) in ordine tantum ad spiritualia : the better to acquaint you with the occurrents of their Churches . That done , I shall draw down the successe of their affairs from the beginning of the Reformation in matters of Religion , to the accomplishment of that innovation which they had made in point of discipline ; and therein , the full platforme or discipline it self , according as by Snape and Cartwright it was established in their Synods . In the third place , I shall shew your Lordship , by what degrees and means the Ministers and Church of J●…rsey , were perswaded to conforme unto the discipline of England ; together with a copy of those Canons and constitutions Ecclesiasticall , whereby the Church and Ministery of that Island is now governed . L●…st of all , I shall commence a suit unto your Lordship in the name of those of Guernzey for their little sister which hath no breasts ; that by your Lordships place and ●…ower the one Island may conf●…rme unto the other , and both to England . In which I shall exhibit unto your Lordship a just survey of such motives , which may have most sway with you in the surthering of a work so commendable ; and shall adventure also upon such particulars , as may conduce to the advancing of the businesse . Not that therein I shall presume positively to advise your Lordship , or to direct you in the re●…diest way for the accomplishment of this designe ; but that by this propounding of mine own conceits , I may excite your Lordship to have recourse unto the excellent treasures of your own mind , and thence to fashion such particulars for this purpose , as may be most agreeable to your Lordships wisdome . In order whereunto your Lordship may be pleased to c●…ll to mind that on provocation given unto the French at the Isle of Rhe , the King received advertisement of some reciproc●…ll affront intended by the French on the Isl●…s of Jarsey and Guernzey , with others thereupon appendant , the only remainders of the Dukedome of Normandy in the power of the English ; and that for the preventing of such inconveniences as might follow on it , it was thought good to send the Earl of Danby ( then Governour of the Isle of Guernzey ) with a considerable supply of Men , and Armes , and Ammunition to make good those Islands , by fortifying and assuring them against all invasions . This order signified to his Lordship about the beginning of December , anno 1628. he chearfully embraced the service , and prepared accordingly . But being deserted by his own Chaplaines in regard of the extremity of the season , and the visible danger of the enterprise , he proposed the businesse of that attendance unto me ( not otherwise relating to him then as to an honourable friend ) in whom he found as great a readinesse and resolution , as he ●…ound coldnesse in the other . According to his Lordships summons , I attended him in his Majesties house of St. James , a little before the Feast of Christmas ; but neither the Ships , money , nor other necessaries being at that time brought together , I was dismissed again at the end of the Holydayes , untill a further intimation of his Lordships pleasure . Toward the latter end of February I received a positive command to attend his Lordship on Friday the 20 of that month , at the house of Mr. Arthur Brumfeild , in the Parish of Tichfeild near the Sea , situate between Portsmouth and South-hampton ; whither accordingly I went , and where I found a very chearfull entertainment . It was a full week after that , before we heard of his Lordships coming , and yet his Lordship was fain to tarry two or three dayes before he had any advertisement that his Ships , Men and Ammunition ( which he thought to have found there in readinesse ) were Anchored in the road of Portsmouth . News whereof being brought unto us on the Monday morning , we spent the remainder of that day in preparations for our Journey , and taking leave of those good friends by whom we were so kindly entertained and welcomed . On Tuesday March the 3. about ten in the morning , we went aboard his Majesties Ship called the Assurance , being a Ship of 800 tun , furnished with 42 pieces of Ordinance , and very well manned with valiant and expert Sailors ; welcomed aboard ( after the fashion of the Sea ) with all the thunder and lightning which the whole Navy could afford from their severall Ships . Our whole Navy consisted of five Vessels , that ●…s to say , the Assurance spoken of before , two of his Majesties Pinnaces called the Whelps , a Catch of his Majesties called the Minikin , and a Merchants ship called the Charles , which carryed the Armes and Ammunition for the use of the Islands . Aboard the Ships were stowed about 400 foot with their severall Officers , two Companies whereof under the command of Collonell Pipernell ( if I remember his name aright ) and Lieutenant C●…llonell Francis Connisby were intended for the Isle of Guernzey ; the other two under the command of Lieutenant Collonell Francis Rainford , and Captain William Killegre for the Isle of Jars●…y . The Admirall of our Navy ( but in subordination to his Lordship when he was a●… Sea ) was Sir Henry Palmer one of the Admirals or the Narrow-seas . All of them men of note in their severall wayes , and most of them of as much gallantry and ingenuity , as either their own birth or education in the Schoole of war could invest them with . The Sea was very calme and quiet , and the little breath of winde we had , made us move so slowly , that the afternoon was almost spent before we had passed through the Needles , a dangerous passage at all times , except to such only who being well skilled in these sharpe points , and those dread●…ull fragments of the Rocks , which so intituled them , could ●…ear a steady course between them : Scylla and Charybdis in old times , nothing more terrible to the unskilled Mariners of those dayes , then those Rocks to ours . Being got beyond them at the last , though we had got more Sea roome , we had little more winde , which made us move as slowly as before we did , so that we spent the greatest part of the night with no swifter motion , then what was given us by the tide . About 3 of the clock in the morning we had winde enough , but we had it directly in our teeth , which would have quickly brought us to the place we had parted from , if a great Miste arising together with the Sun , had not induced our Mariners to keep themselves aloofe in the open Sea for fear of falling on those Rocks wherewith the Southside of the Wight is made unaccessable . About 2 of the clock in the afternoon , the winds turning somewhat Eastward , we made on again , but with so little speed , and to so little purpose , that all that night we were fain to lie at Hull ( as the Mariners phrase it ) without any sensible moving either backward or forward , but so uneasily withall , that it must be a very great tempest indeed , which gives a passenger a more sickly and unpleasing motion . For my part I had found my self good Sea-proof in my Voyage to France , and was not much troubled with those disturbances to which the greatest part of our Land-men were so sensibly subject . On Thursday morning about day-break being within sight of Portland , and the winde serving very fitly , we made again for the Islands . At 11 of the clock we discovered the main Land of Normandy , called by the Mariners Le Hagge . About 2 in the a●…ternoon , we ●…ell even with A●…dernie or Au●…nie ; and about 3 discerned the Isle of Jarzey to which we were bound , at which we aimed , and ●…o which we might have come much sooner then we did had we not found a speciall entertainment by the way to retard our haste . For we were ha●…dly got within sight of Jarsey but we descried a sail of French consisting of ten barks laden with very good 〈◊〉 Wines , and good choyce of Linen ( as they told us afterwards ) bound from St. Malloes to N●…w-Haven for the trade of Paris , and convoyed by a Holland-man of war , for their safer passage . These being looked on as good prize , our two Whelpes and the Catch gave chace unto them , a great shot being first made from our Admirals Ship to call them in . The second shot brought in the Holland-man of war , who very sordidly and basely betrayed his charge before he came within reach of danger ; the rest for the greatest part of the afternoon , spun before the winde , sometimes so neer to their pursuers , that we thought them ours , but presently tacking about , when our Whelpes were ready to seaze on them , and the Catch to lay fast hold upon them , they gained more way then our light Vessels could recover in a long time after . Never did Duck by frequent diving so escape the Spaniell , or Hare by often turning so avoid the Hounds , as these poor Barks did quit themselves by their d●…xterity in sailing from the present danger . For my part I may justly say that I never spent an afternoon with greater pleasure , the greater in regard that I knew his Lordships resolution to deal favourably with those poor men if they chanced to fall into his power . Certain I am , that the description made by Ovid of the Hare and Hound , was here fully veryfied , but farre more excellently in the application then the fi●…st originall ; of which thus the Poet : Ut canis in vacuo leporem cum Gallicus arvo Vidit , & hic praedam pedibus petit ille salu●…em ; Alter inhaesuro similis jam 〈◊〉 tenere Sperat , & obtento stringit vest●…gia collo ; Alter in ambiguo est , an sit compressus , & ipsis Morsibus eripitur , tangentiaque ora relinquit . Which I finde thus Englished by G. Sandi●… . As when the Hare the speedy Gray-hound spies ; His feet for prey , she hers for safety plies . Now beares he up , now , now he hopes to fetch her ; And with his snowt extended strains to catch her . Not knowing whether caught or no , she slips Out of his wide-stretcht-jawes and touching lips . But at the last a little before the close of the evening , three of them being borded and brought under Lee of our Admirall , the rest were put to a necessity of yeelding , or venturing themselves between our two great ships and the shoar of Jarsey , to which we were now come as near as we could with safety . Resolved upon the last course and favoured with a strong leading gale , they passed by us with such speed and so good successe , ( the duskinesse of the evening contributing not a little to a fair escape ) that though we gave them 30 shot , yet we were not able to affirme that they received any hurt or dammage by that encounter ; with as much joy unto my self ( I dare boldly say ) as to any of those poor men who were so much interessed in it . This Chase being over , and our whole Fleet come together , we Anchored that night in the Port of St. Oen , one of the principall Ports of that Island ; the Inhabitants whereof ( but those especially which dwelled in the inland parts ) standing all night upon their guard , conceiving by the thunder of so many great shot , that the whole powers of France and the D●…vill to boot were now falling upon them ; not fully satisfied in their fears , till by the next rising of the Sun they descried our colours . On Friday March the 6. about nine in the morning ( having fi●…st landed our foot in the long boats ) we went aboard his Majesties Catch called the Minikin , and doubling the points of Le Corbiere and of Normoint , we went on shoar in the Bay of St. Heliers , n●…er unto Mount St. Albin in the Parish of St. Peter . The greatest part of which day we spent in accommodations and refreshments , and receiving the visits of the Gentry which came in very frequently to attend his Lordship . You need not think , but that sleep and a good bed were welcome to us , after so long and ill a passage ; so that it was very near high noon before his Lordship was capable to receive our services , or we to give him our attendance ; after dinner his Lordship went to view the Fort Elizabeth ( the chief strength of the Isl●…nd ) and to take order for the fortifying and repair thereof . Which having done he fi●…st secured the Man of War and the three French Barks , under the command of that Castle ; and then gave leave to Sir Henry Palmer and the rest of the sea Captains to take their pleasures in Forraging and scowring all the Coasts of France , which lay near the Islands , commanding them to attend him on the Saturday following . Next he gave liberty to all the French which he had taken the day before , whom he caused to be landed in their own Countrie , to their great rejoycing , as appeared by the great shout they made when they were put into some long boats at their own disposing . The three Barks still remaining untouched in the 〈◊〉 they were , save that some wines were taken out of them for his Lordships 〈◊〉 . On Sunday March 8. ●…t was ordered , that the people of the Town of St. Heliers should have their divine offices in that Church performed so early , that it might be left wholly for the use of the English by nine of the clock , about which time his Lordship attended by the Officers and Souldiers in a solemn Military pompe ( accompanied with the Governours of the Town and chief men of the Island ) went toward the Church , where I officia●…ed Divine Service according to the prescript form of the Church of England , and after preached on those words of David , Psal. 31. 51. viz. Offer unto God thanksgiving , &c. with reference to the good successe of our Voyage past , and hopes of the like me●…cies for the time to come . The next day we made a Journey to Mount Orgueil , where we were entertained by the Lady Carteret ( a Daughter of Sir Francis Douse of Hampshire ) And after Dinner his Lordship went to take a view of the Regiment of Mr. Josuah de Carteret , Seignieur de la Trinity , mustering upon thé Green upon Havre de Bowle in the Parish of St. Trinitie . On Tuesday , March the 10. his Lordship took a view of the Regiment of Mr. Aron Misservie Col. and on Wednesday , March the 11. went unto St. Oen , where we were feasted by Sir Philip de Carteret , whose Regiment we likewise viewed in the afternoon . The Souldiers of each Regiment very well arrayed , and not unpractised in their Armes ; but such , as never saw more danger then a Training came to . On Thursday his Lordship went into the Cohu or Town-hall , attended by Sir John Pal●…r the Deputy Governour , Sir Philip de Carteret , the Justices , Clergy , and Jurors of the Island , with other the subordinate Officers thereunto belonging ; where being set , as in a Parliament or Sessions , and having given order for redresse of some grievances by them presented to him in the name of that people , he declared to them in a grave and eloquent speach the great care which his Majesty had of their preservation in sending Men , Money , Armes , and Ammunition to defend them against the common Enemies of their peace and consciences ; assuring them that if the noise of those preparations did not keep the French from looking towards them , his Majesty would not fail to send them such a strength of Shipping , as should make that Island more impregnable then a wall of Brasse ; in which regard he thought it was not necessary for him to advise them to continue fathfull to his Majesties service , or to behave themselves with respect and love towards those Gentlemen , Officers , and common Souldiers , who were resolved to expose themselves ( for defence of them , their Wives and Children ) to the utmost dangers . And finally , advising the common Souldiers to carry themselves with such sobriety and moderation towards the natives of the Countrey , ( for as for their valour towards the enemies he would make no question ) as to give no offence or scandall by their conversation . This said , the Assembly was dissolved , to the great satisfaction of all parties present ; the night ensuing and the day following being spent for the most part in the entertainments of rest and pleasures . The only businesse of that day was the disposing of the three Barks which we took in our Journey , the goods whereof having before been inventoried and apprized by some Commissioners of the Town , and now exposed to open sale , were for the most part , bought together with the Barks themselves by that very Holland man of warre , whom they had hired to be their Convoy : Which gave me such a Character of the mercenary and sordid nature of that people , that of all men living , I should never desire to have any thing to do with them , unlesse they might be made use of ( as the Gibeonites were ) in hewing wood , and drawing water for the use of the Tabernacle ; I mean in doing servile offices to some mightier State which would be sure to keep them under . On Saturday , March the 14. having spent the greatest part of the morning in expectation of the rest of our Fl●…t , which found better imployment in the Seas then they could in the Haven , we went aboard the Merchants ship , which before I spake of , not made much lighter by the unlading of the one halfe of the Ammunition which was left at Jarsey , in regard that the 200 foot which should have been distributed in the rest of the ships , were all stowed in her . Before night , being met by the rest of our Fleet , we came to Anchor neer St. Pier port or St. Peters Port within the Bay of Castle Cornet , where we presently landed . The Castle divided from the Town and Haven , by the inter-currency of the Sea ; in which respect we were fain to make use of the Castle-hall in stead of a Chappell . The way to the Town Church being too troublesome and uncertain to give us the constant use of that , and the Castle yeelding no place else of a fit capacity for the receiving of so many as gave their diligent attendance at Religious exercises . On Monday , March the 16. our Fleet went out to Sea againe , taking the Charles with them for their greater strength , which to that end was speedily unladen of such ammunition as was designed for the use of that Island . The whole time of our stay here was spent in visiting the Forts , and Ports , and other places of importance , taking a view of the severall Musters of the naturall Islanders , distributing the new come Souldiers in their severall quarters , receiving the services of the Gentry , Clergy and principall Citizens ; and finally in a like meeting of the States of the Island , as had before been held in Jarsey . Nothing considerable else in the time of our stay , but that our Fleet came back on Wednesday , March 25 , which hapned very fitly to compleat the triumph of the Friday following , being the day of his Majesties most happy inauguration ; celebrated in the Castle , by the Divine Service for that day , and after by a noble ●…east , made by him for the chief men of the Island ; and solemnized without the Castle by 150 great shot , made from the Castle , the Fleet , the Town of St. Peters Port , and the severall Islands , all following one another in so good an order , that never Bels were rung more closely , nor with lesse confusion . Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage ; I shall next present you with the sight of such observations , as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leasure ; and that being done , hoise sail for England . CHAP. I. ( 1 ) Of the convenient situation , and ( 2 ) condition of these Islands in the generall . ( 3 ) Alderney , ( 4 ) and Serke . ( 5 ) The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French. ( 6 ) Of Guernzey , ( 7 ) and the smaller Isles neer unto it . ( 8 ) Our Lady of Lehu . ( 9 ) The road , and ( 10 ) the Castle of Cornet . ( 11 ) The Trade , and ( 12 ) Priviledges of this people . ( 13 ) Of Jarsey , and ( 14 ) the strengths about it . ( 15 ) The Island why so poor and populous . ( 16 ) Gavelkind , and the nature of it . ( 17 ) The Governours and other the Kings Officers . The ( 18 ) Politie , and ( 19 ) administration of Justice in both Islands . ( 20 ) The Assembly of the Three Estates . ( 21 ) Courts Presidiall in France what they are . ( 22 ) The election of the Justices , ( 23 ) and the Oath taken at their admission . ( 24 ) Of their Advocates or Pleaders , and the number of them . ( 25 ) The number of Atturneys once limited in England . ( 26 ) A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey . TO begin then with the places themselves , the Scene and Stage of our discourse , they are the only remainders of our rights in Normandy ; unto which Dukedome they did once belong . Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert , these Islands as a part of Normandy , were annext unto the English Crown , and have ever since with great testimony of ●…aith and loyalty , continued in that subjection . The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France ag●…st King John , nor the surprisall of Normandy by the French forces , could be no ●…swasion unto them to change their Masters . Nay when the French had twice seized on them , during the Reign of that unhappy Prince , and the state of England was embroyled at home , the people valiantly made good their own , and faithfully returned unto their first obedience . In aftertimes as any war grew hot between the English and the French , these Islands were principally aimed at by the enemy , and sometimes also were attempted by them , but with ill successe . And certainly , it could not be but an eye sore to the French , to have these Isles within their sight , and not within their power ; to see them at the least in possession of their ancient enemy the English ; a Nation strong in shipping , and likely by the opportunity of these places to annoy their trade . For if we look upon them in their situation , we shall find them seated purposely for the command and Empire of the Ocean . The Islands lying in the chief trade of all shipping from the Eastern par●…s unto the West , and in the middle way between St. Malos and the river Seine , the only trafick of the Normans and Parisians . At this St. Malos , as at a common Empory do the Merchants of Spain and Paris barter their Commodities ; the Parisians making both their passage and return by these Isles ; which if wel aided by a smal power from the Kings Navy , would quickly bring that entercourse to nothing . An opportunity neglected by our former Kings in their attempts upon that Nation , as not being then so powerfull on the Seas as now they are , but likely for the future to be husbanded to the best advantage , if the French hereafter stir against us . Sure I am , that my Lord of Danby conceived this course of all others to be the fittest , for the impoverishing if not undoing of the French ; and accordingly made proposition by his Letters to the Councell , that a squadron of eight Ships ( viz five of the Whelpes , the Assurance , the Adventure and the Catch ) might be employed about these Islands for that purpose . An advice which had this Summer took effect , had not the Peace between both Realms , been so suddenly concluded . Of these , four only are inhabited , and those reduced only unto two Governments ; Jarsey an entire Province as it were within it self ; but that of Guernzey having the other two of Alderney and Serke dependant on it . Hence it is , that in our Histories , and in our Acts of Parliament , we have mention only of Jarsey and of Guernzey , this last comprehending under it the two other . The people of them all live as it were-in libera custodia , in a kind of free subjection ; not any way acquainted with Taxes , or with any levies either of men or money . In so much , that when the Parliaments of England contribute towards the occasion of their Princes , there is alwayes a proviso in the Act , That this grant of Subsidies or any thing therein contained , extend not to charge the inhabitants of Guernzey and Jarsey , or any of them , of , for or concerning any Mannors , Lands , and Tenements , or other possessions , Goods , Chattels , or other moveable substance , which they the said Inhabitants , or any other to their uses , have within Jarsey and Guernzey , or in any of them , &c. These priviledges and immunities ( together with divers others ) seconded of late dayes with the more powerfull band of Religion , have been a principall occasion of that constancy , wherewith they have persisted faithfully in their allegiance , and disclaimed even the very name and thought of France . For howsoever the language which they speak is French , and that in their originall , they either were of Normandy or Britagne ; yet can they with no patience endure to be accounted French , but call themselves by the names of English-Normans . So much doth liberty , or at the worst a gentle yoak , prevail upon the mind and fancy of the people . To proceed unto particulars , we will take them as they lie in order , beginning first with that of Alderney , an Island called by Antonine , Arica , but by the French and in our old Records known by the name of Aurigny and Aurney . It is situate in the 49 degree between 48 & 52 minutes of that degree , just over against the Cape or promontory of the Lexobii , called at this time by the Mariners the Hague . Distant from this Cape or Promontory three leagues only , but thirty at the least from the nearest part of England . The aire healthy , though some imes thickned with the vapours arising from the Sea. The soil indifferently rich both for husbandry and grasing . A Town it hath of well-near an hundred families , and not far off , an haven made in the manner of a semicircle , which they call Crabbie . The principall strength of it , are the high rocks , with which it is on every side environed , but especially upon the South ; and on the East side an old Block-house , which time hath made almost unserviceable . The chief house herein belongeth unto the Chamberlains , as also the dominion or Fee-farme of all the Island , it being granted by Queen Elizabeth unto George the son of Sir Leonard Chamberlain , then Governour of Guernzey , by whose valour it was recovered from the French , who in Queen Maries dayes had seized upon it . Neer unto the Fort or Block-house afore mentioned , a great quantity of this little Island is overl●…id with sand , driven thither by the fury of the Northwest-winde . If we believe their Legends , it proceeded from the just judgement of God upon the owner of those grounds , who once ( but when I know not ) had made booty and put unto the Sword some certain Spaniards , there shipwracked Four leagues from hence , and to the Southwest and by west , lyeth another of the smaller Islands , called Serke ; six miles in circuit at the least , which yet is two miles lesser in the whole compasse then that of Alderney . An Isle not known at all by any name amongst the Antients , and no marvail , for till the fifth of Q●…een Elizabeth or thereabouts , it was not peopled . But then , it pleased her Majesty to grant it for ever in Fee farme to Helier de Carteret , vulgarly called Seigneur de St. Oen , a principall Gentleman of the Isle of Jarsey , and Grandfather to Sir Philip de Carteret now living . By him it was divided into severall estates ; and leased out unto divers Tenants , collected from the neighbour Islands , so that at this day it may contain some forty housholds ; whereas before it contained only a poor hermitage , together with a little Chappell appertaining to it ; the rest of the ground serving as a Common unto those of Guernzey for the breeding of their Cattell . For strength it is beholding most to nature , who hath walled it in a manner round with mighty rocks , there being but one way or ascent unto it , and that with small forces easie to be defended against ●…he strongest power in Christendome . A passage lately fortified by the Farmers here , with a new platforme on the top of it , and thereupon some four pieces of Ordinance continually mounted . In this Island , as also in the other , there is a Bailiff and a Minister , but both of them subordinate in matter of appeal unto the Courts and Colloquies of Guernzey . During the reign of the late Queen Mary , who for her husband Philips sake , had engaged her self in a war against the French ; this Island then not peopled , was suddenly surprized by those of that Nation , but by a Gentleman of the Netherlands , a subject of King Philips thus regained , as the story much to this purpose is related by Sir Wal. Raleigh . The Flemish Gentleman with a small Bark came to Anchor in the road , and pretending the death of his Merchant , besought the French that they might bury him in the Chappell of that Island , offering a present to them of such commodity as they had aboard . To this request the French were easily entreated , but yet upon condition that they should not come on shoar with any weapon , no not so much as with a knife . This leave obtained , the Fleming rowed unto the shoar with a Coffin in their Skiffe for that use purposely provided , and manned with Swords and Arcubuishes . Upon their landing , and a search so strict and narrow , that it was impossible to hide a pen-knife ; they were permitted to draw their Coffin up the Rocks , some of the French rowing back unto the Ship to fetch the present , where they were soon made fast enough and laid in hold . The Flemings in the mean time which were on land , had carryed their Coffin into the Chappell , and having taken thence their weapons , gave an alarme upon the French , who taken thus upon the suddain , and seeing no hopes of succour from their fellowes , yeelded themselves , and abandoned the possession of that place . A stratagem to be compared , if not pre●…erred , unto any of the Ancients ; did not that fatall folly reprehended once by Tacitus , still reign amongst us , Quod vetera exto●…mus recentium incuriosi ; that we extoll the former dayes , and are carelesse of the present . Two leagues from Serke directly Westward , lyeth the chief Island of this Government , by Antonine called Sarnia ; by Us and the French known now by the name of Garnzey , or of Guernzey . Situate in the 49 degree of Latitude , between the 39 and 46 minutes of that degree , eight leagues or thereabouts from the coast of Normandy , and well-neer in an equall distance from Alderney and Jarsey . The forme of it , is much after the fashion of the Isle of Sicily , every side of the triangle being about nine miles in length , and 28 in the whole compasse . In this circuit are comprehended ten Parishes , whereof the principall is that of St. Peters on the Sea , as having a fair and safe peer adjoyning to it for the benefit of their Merchants , and being honoured also with a Market , and the Plaidery or Court of Justice . The number of the Inhabitants is reckoned neer about twenty thousand , out of which there may be raised some two thousand able men ; although their trained Band consists only of twelve hundred , and those , God knows , but poorly weaponed . The aire hereof is very healthfull , as may be well seen in the long lives both of men and women ; and the earth said to be of the same nature with Crete and Ireland , not apt to foster any venemous creature in it . Out of which generall affirmation , we may do well to except Witches , of whom the people here have strange reports , and if an Ox or Horse perhaps miscarry , they presently impute it to Witcheraft , and the next old woman shall straight be hal'd to Prison . The ground it self , in the opinion of the Natives , more rich and battle then that of Jarsey ; yet not so fruitfull in the harvest , because the people addict themselves to merchandise especially , leaving the care of husbandry unto their hindes . Yet Bread they have sufficient for their use ; enough of Cattell both for themselves and for their ships ; plenty of Fish continually brought in from the neighbour seas , and a Lake on the Northwest part of it , neer unto the sea , of about a mile or more in compasse , exceeding well stored with Carpes , the best that ever mortall eye beheld , for tast and bignesse . Some other Isles yet there be pertaining unto this Government of Guernzey , but not many nor much famous . Two of them lie along betwixt it and Serke , viz. Arvie , and Jet-how , whereof this last serveth only as a Parke unto the Governour , and hath in it a few fallow Deer , and good plenty of Conies . The other of them is well-neer three miles in circuit , a solitary dwelling once of Canons regular , and afterwards of some Fryers of the Order of St. Francis , but now only inhabited by Pheasants , of which amongst the shrubs and bushes , there is said to be no scarcity . The least of them , but yet of most note , is the little Islet called Lehu , situate on the North side of the Eastern corner , and neer unto those scattered rockes , which are called Les Hanwaux , appertaining once unto the Dean , but now unto the Governour . Famous for a little Oratory or Chantery there once erected and dedicated to the honour of the Virgin Mary , who by the people in those times , was much sued to by the name of our Lady of Lehu . A place long since demolished in the ruine of it , Sed jam pèriere ruinae , but now the ruines of it are scarce visible , there being almost nothing left of it but the steeple , which serveth only as a sea-marke , and to which as any of that party sail along , they strike their top sail . Tantum religio potuit suadere , such a Religious opinion have they harboured of the place , that though the Saint be gone , the wals yet shall still be honoured . But indeed , the principall honour and glory of this Island , I mean of Guernzey , is the large capaciousnesse of the harbour , and the flourishing beauty of the Castle ; I say the Castle , as it may so be called by way of eminency , that in the vale , and those poorer trifles all along the Coasts , not any way deserving to be spoken of . Situate it is upon a little Islet just opposite unto Pierport or the Town of St. Peter , on the Sea ; to which , and to the peere there it is a good assurance , and takes up the whole circuit of that Islet whereupon it standeth . At the first it was built upon the higher part of the ground only , broad at the one end , and at the other , and bending in the fashion of an horne , whence it had the name of Cornet . By Sir Leonard Chamb●…rlane Governour here in the time of Queen Mary , and by Sir Thomas Leighton his successour in the reign of Queen Elizabeth , it was improved to that majesty and beauty that now it hath , excellently fortified according to the moderne art of war , and furnished with almost an hundred piece of Ordinance , whereof about sixty are of Brasse . Add to this , that it is continually environed with the Sea , unlesse sometimes at a dead-low water , whereby there is so little possibility of making any approaches neer unto it , that one might justly think him mad , that would attempt it . And certainly it is more then necessary that this place should be thus fortified , if not for the safety of the Island , yet at the least for the assurance of the Harbour . An harbour able to contain the greatest Navy that ever sailed upon the Ocean ; fenced from the ●…ury of the winds by the Isles of Guernzey , Jet-how , Serke and Arvie , by which it is almost encompassed ; and of so sure an anchorage , that though our Ships lay there in the blustering end of March , yet it was noted that never any of them slipped an anchour . Other Havens they have about the Island , viz. Bazon , L' Aucresse , Fermines and others ; but these rather landing places to let in the Enemy , then any way advantageous to the trade and riches of the people . A place not to be neglected in the defence of it ; and full of danger to the English State and Trafick , were it in the hands of any enemy . Upon the notable advantage of this harbour , and the conveniency of the Peer so neer unto it , which is also warranted with six peece of good Canon from the Town ; it is no marvell if the people betake themselves so much unto the trade of Merchandise . Nor do they trafick only in small boats between St. Malos and the Islands , as thos●… of Jarsey ; but are Masters of good stout Barks , and venture unto all these neerer Ports of Christendom . The principall commodity which they use to send abroad , are the works and labours of the poorer sort , as Wast-cotes , Stockins , and other manufactures made of wool , wherein they are exceeding cunning ; of which wooll to be transported to their Island in a certain proportion , they lately have obtained a licence of our Princes . But there accreweth a further benefit unto this people , from their harbour then their own trafick , which is the continuall concourse and resort of Merchants thither , especially upon the noise or being of a War. For by an antient priviledge of the Kings of England , there is with them in a manner a continuall truce ; and lawfull it is both for French men and for others , how hot soever the war be followed in other parts , to repair hither without danger , and here to trade in all security . A priviledge founded upon a Bull of Pope Sixtus IV. the 10 year , as I remember , of his Popedom ; Edward IV. then reigning in England , and Lewis XI . over the French : by virtue of which Bull , all those stand ipso facto excommunicate , which any way molest the Inhabitants of this Isle of Guernzey , or any which resort unto their Island , either by Piracy or any other violence whatsoever . A Bull fi●…st published in the City of Constance , unto whose Diocesse these Islands once belonged , afterwards verifyed by the Parliament of Paris , and confirmed by our Kings of England till this day . The copy of this Bull my self have seen , and somewhat also in the practise of it on record ; by which it doth appear , that a man of war of France having taken an English ship , and therein some passengers and goods of Guernzey ; made prize and prisoners of the English , but restored these of Guernzey to their liberty and to their own . And now at last after a long passage , and through many difficulties , we are Anchored in the Isle of Jarsey ; known in the former ages , and to Antonine the Emperor , by the name of Cesarea . An Island situate in the 49 degree of Latitude , between the 18 and 24 minutes of that degree ; distant 5 leagues only from the Coast of Normandy , 40 or thereabouts from the neerest parts of England , and 6 or 7 to the South east from that of Guernzey . The figure of it will hold proportion with that long kind of square , which the Geometricians call Oblongum ; the length of it from West to East 11 miles , the breadth 6 and upwards , the whole circuit about 33. The aire very healthy and little disposed unto diseases , unlesse it be unto a kinde of Ague in the end of Harvest , which they call Les Settembers . The soil sufficiently fertile in it self , but most curiously manured , and of a plenti●…ull increase unto the Barn ; not only yeelding Corne enough for the people of the Island , but sometimes also an ample surplusage , which they barter at St. Malos with the Spanish Merchants . The Countrey generally swelling up in pretty hillocks , under which lie pleasant Vallies , and those plentifully watered with dainty Rils or Riverets ; in which watery commodity , it hath questionlesse the precedency of Guernzey . Both Islands consist very much of small Inclosure , every man in each of them , having somewhat to live on of his own . Only the difference is , that here the mounds are made with ditches & banks of earth cast up , well 〈◊〉 and planted with several sorts of apples , out of which they make a pleasing kinde of Sider , which is their ordinary drink ; whereas in Guernzey they are for the most part made of stones , about the height and fashion of a Parapet . A matter of no small advantage in both places against the fury of an enemy , who in his marches cannot but be much annoyed with these incombrances , and shall be forced to pay deerly for every ●…oot of ground which there he purchaseth . For other strengths this Island is in part beholding unto Nature , and somewhat also unto Art. To Nature which hath guarded it with Rocks , and Shelves , and other shallow places very dangerous ; but neither these , nor those of Art , so serviceable and full of safety , as they be in Guernzey . Besides the landing places , here are more , and more accessible , as namely the Bay of St. Owen , and the Havens of St. Burlade , Boule , St. Katharines , with divers others . There is , indeed , one of them , and that the principall , sufficiently assured ; on the one side by a little Blockhouse , which they call Mount St. Aubin ; and on the other by a fair Castle , called the Fort Elizabeth . The Harbour it self is of a good capacity , in figure like a semicircle or a crescent , and by reason of the Town adjoyning , known by the name of the Haven of St. Hilaries . On that side of it next the Town , and in a little Islet of it self is situate the Castle , environed with the Sea at high water , but at an ebb easily accessible by land ; but yet so naturally defended with sharpe Rocks and craggy clistes , that though the accesse unto it may be easie , yet the surprizall would be difficult . It was built not long since by our late Queen of famous memory , at such times as the Civill warres were hot in France about Religion , and the Kings Forces drawn downwards towards Normandy . Furnished with 30 pieces of Ordinance and upwards ; and now , upon the preparations of the French , there are some new works begun about it , for the assurance of that well . On the East side , just opposite and in the view of the City of Constantia , there is seated on an high and craggy rock , a most strong Castle , and called by an haughty name Mount Orgueil ; of whose founder I could learn nothing , nor any other thing which might concern it in matter of antiquity , save that it was repaired and beautified by Henry V. It is for the most part the inhabitatiou of the Governour , who is Captain of it ; stored with about some forty pieces of Ordinance , and guarded by some five and twenty wardours . A place of good service for the safety of the Island ; if perhaps it may not be commanded , or annoied by an hill adjoyning , which doth equall , if not overtop it . This Island , as before we noted , is some 33 miles in compasse , comprehending in it 12 Parishes , whereof the principall is that of S. Hilaries . A Town so called from an antient Father of that name , and Bishop of Poyctiers in France , whose body they suppose to be interred in a little Chappell neer unto the Fort Elizabeth , and consecrated to his memory . But of his buriall here , they have nothing further then tradition , and that unjustifiable ; for St Jerome telleth us , that after his return from Phrygia , whereunto he had been confined , he dyed in his own City ; and we learn in the Roman Martyrologie , that his Obit is there celebrated on the 13 of January . The chief name the which this Town now hath , is for the conveniency of the Haven , the Market there every Saturday , and that it is honoured with the Co●…u or Sessions house for the whole Island . The other Villages lie scattered up and down , like those of Guernzey , and give habitation to a people very painfull and laborious ; but by reason of their continuall toyle and labour , not a little affected to a kinde of melancholy surlinesse incident to plough men . Those of Guernzey on the other side , by continu●…ll converse with strangers in their own haven , and by travailing abroad being much more sociable and generous . Add to this , that the people here are more poor , and therefore more destitute of humanity ; the children here continually craving almes of every stranger ; whereas in all Guernzey I did not see one begger . A principall reason of which poverty , I suppose to be their exceeding populousnesse , there being reckoned in so small a quantity of ground , neer upon thirty thousand living souls . A matter which gave us no small cause of admiration ; and when my Lord of Danby seemed to wonder , how such a span of earth could contain such multitudes of people , I remember that Sir John Payton the Lieutenant Governour , made him this answer , viz. That the people married within themselves like Con●… in a burrow ; and further , that for more then thirty years they never had been molested either with Sword , Pestilence , or Famine . A second reason of their poverty ( add also of their numbers ) may be the little liking they have to Trafick ; whereby as they might have advantage to improve themselves , and employ their poor ; so also might that service casually diminish their huge multitudes , by the losse of some men , and diverting others from the thought of marriage . But the main cause , as I conceive it , is the tenure of their Lands , which are equally to be divided amongst all the Sons of every Father , and those parcels also to be subdivided even ad infinitnm . Hence is it , that in all the Countries you shall hardly finde a field of Corne of larger compasse then an ordinary Garden ; every one now having a little to himself , and that little made lesse to his posterity . This Tenure our Lawyers call by the name of Gavel-kinde ; that is , as some of them expound it , Give all-kinne , because it is amongst them all to be divided . For thus the Law speaking of the customes of Kent , in the 16 Chap. De praerogativa Regis . Ibidem omnes 〈◊〉 masculi participabant baereditatem eorum , & similiter foeminae ; sed foeminae non 〈◊〉 cum viris . A tenure which on the one side hath many priviledges , and on the other side as many inconveniences . For first , they which hold in this Tenure , are free from all customary services , exempt from wardship , at full age when they come to 15 years , and if they please , they may alienate their estates either by gift or sale , without the assent or knowledge of the Lord. But which is most of all , in case the Father be attaint of Felony or Murder , there is no Escheat of it to the Lord ; the whole Estate , after the King hath had Diem annum & vastum , descending on the Heires . Et post annum & diem terrae & tenementa reddentur , & revert●…ntur porximo haeredi cui debuerant descendisse , si felo●…ia facta non fuisset ; so the Lawyers . On the other side , by this means their estates are infinitely distracted , their houses impoverished , the Kings profits in his Subsidies diminished , and no little disadvantage to the publick service , in the finding of Armours for the Wars . Whereupon , as many Gentlemen of Kent have altered by especiall Acts of Parliament , the antient Tenure of their Lands , and reduced it unto Knights-service ; so is it wished by the better sort of this people , and intended by some of them , that their Tenure may be also altered and brought into the same condition . A matter of no little profit and advantage to the King , and therefore without difficulty to be compassed . By this Tenure are their estates all holden in every of the Isl●…nds , except 6 only which are held in Capite ; whereof 4 in Jarsey , and 2 in Guernzey , and those called by the names of Signeuries . The Signeuries in Jarsey are first , that of St Oen , anciently belonging to the Carterets ; and that of Rossell , bought lately of Mr. Dominick Perin , by Sir Philip de Carteret now living . 3. That of Trinity , descended upon Mr. Joshua de Carteret in the right of his Mother , the heir generall of the L' Emprieres . And 4 That of St. Marie , vulgarly called Lammarez , descended from the Paines unto the Family of the Du Maresque who now enjoy it . Those of Guernzey , as before I said , are two only ; viz. that of 〈◊〉 , and that of De Sammarez ; both which have p●…ed by way of sale through divers hands , and now at last are even worne out almost to nothing . The pr●…sent owners , Fashion and 〈◊〉 , both of them Eng●… in their parentage . The chief Magistrates in both these Isl●…s , for as much as concernes the de●…nce and s●…ety of them , are the Governours ; whose office is not much unlike that of the Lord Lieutenants of our shires in England , according as it was established by King Alfred , revived by Henry III. and s●… continueth at this day . These Governours are appointed by the King , and by him in times of warre , rewarded with an annuall pension payable out of the Exchequer ; but since the encrease of the domaine by the ruine of Religious houses , that charge hath been deducted ; the whole Revenues being allotted to them in both Isl●…nds for the support of their estate . In Civill matters they are directed by the Bailiffs and the Jurates ; the Bailiffs and other the Kings Officers in Guernzey , being appointed by the Governour ; those of Jarsey holding their places by Patent from the King. The names of which Officers , from the highest to the lowest , behold here as in a Tablet , according as they are called in each Island . GUERNZEY . The Governour the Earl of Danby . The Lieutenant Nath. Darcell . The Bailiffe Aymes de Carteret . The Provost   The Kings Advocate Pet. Beauvoir . The Comptroller De la Marsh. The Receiver Carey . JARSEY . The Governour Sir John Peyton , Sen. The Lieutenant Sir John Peyton , Jun. The Bailiffe Sir Philip de Carteret . The Vicompt Hampton . Le Procureur Helier de Carteret . The Advocate Messerney . The Receiver Disson . By those men , accompanied with the Justices or Jurates , is his Majesty served , and his Islands governed ; the places in each Island being of the same nature , though somewhat different in name . Of these in matters meerly Civill , and appertaining unto publick justice , the Bailiffe is the principall ; as being the chief Judge in all actions both criminall and reall . In matter of life and death , if they proceed to sentence of condemnation , there is requisite a concurrence of seven Jurates together with the B●…iliffe ; under which number so concurring , the Offender is acquited . Nor can the Countrey finde one guilty , not taken , as we call it , in the matter ; except that 18 voices of 24 ( for of that number is their Grand Enquest ) agree together in the verdict . Personall actions , such as are Debt and Trespasse , may be determined by the Bailiffe , and two only are sufficient ; but if a triall come in right of Land and of Inheritance , there must be three at least , and they decide it . For the dispatch of these busine●…es , they have their Trmes , about the same time as we in London ; their Writs of Arrest , Appearance and the like , directed to the Vicompt or Provost ; and for the tryall of their severall causes , three severall Courts or Jurisdictions , viz. the Court Criminall , the Court of Chattel , and the Court of Heritage . If any finde himself agrieved with their proceedings , his way is to appeal unto the Councell-Tatle . Much like this forme of Government , but of later stampe , are those Courts in France , which th●…y call Les Seiges Presideaux , instituted for the ease of the people by the former Kings , in divers Cities of the Realme , and since confirmed anno 1551 or thereabouts . Wherein there is a Bailiffe , attended by twelve Assistants ( for the most part ) two Lieutenants , the one criminall and the other civill , and other officers ; the office of the Bailiffe being to preserve the people from wrong , to take notice of Treasons , Robberies , Murders , unlawfull assemblies , &c. and the like . In this order , and by these men , are all such affaires transacted which concern only private and particular persons ; but if a businesse arise which toucheth at the publick , there is summoned by the Governour a Parliament , or Convention of the three Estates . For however Aristotle deny in the first of his Politicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a great houshold nothing differs from a little City , yet certainly we may affirme that in the art of Government , a little Empire doth nothing differ from a greater ; whereupon it is , that even these little Islands , in imitation of the greater Kingdomes have also their Conventus ordinum , or assembly of the States ; viz. of the Governour as chief , the Bailiffe and Jurates representing the nobility , the Ministers for the Church , and the severall Constables of each Parish for the Commons . In this assembly generall , as also in all private meetings , the Governour takes precedence of the Bailiffe , but in the Civill Courts and pleas of law , the Bailiffe hath it of the Governour . In this Assembly they rectifie such abuses as are grown among them , appoīnt Deputies to solicite their affairs at Court , resolve on publick contributions , &c. and among other things , determine the election of the Justices . For on the vacancy of any of those places , there is notice given unto the people in their severall Parishes on the next Sunday , after the morning exercise ; and there the people , or the major part of them , agree upon a man. This nomination at the day appointed for the Assembly of the States is returned by the Constables of each Village , out of whom so named , the whole body chuseth him whom they think most serviceable for that Magistracy . This done , the new Jurate either then immediately , or at the next sitting of the Justic●…s , sh●…ll be admitted to his place and office ; having first taken an Oath for the upright demeanour of himselfe , in the discharge of his duty , and the trust reposed in him . The tenour of which Oath , is ●…s followeth . YOU Mr. N N. since it hath pleased God to call you lawfully to this charge , shall swear and promise by the fai●…h and troth which you owe to God , well and truely to discharge the Office of a Jurate or Justiciar , in the Court Royall of our Soveraigne Lord the King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , & ●… in this Isle of Jarsey ; whose Majesty , next under God , you acknowledge to be supreme Governour in all his Realmes , Provinces , and Dominions , renouncing all strange and forain powers . You shall defend the rights both of his Majesty and Subjects . You shall uphold the honour and glory of God , and of his pure and holy word . You shall administer true and equall Justice , as well to the poor as to the rich , without respect of persons ; according to our Lawes , Usages and Customes , confirmed unto us by our priviledges , maintaining them together with our Liberties and Franchises , and opposing ●…our selfe against such as labour to infringe them . You shall also punish and chastise all Traitours , Murderers , Felons , Blasphemers of Gods holy name , Drunkards and other scand●…lous livers , every one according to his desert ; opposing your self against all seditious persons in the de●…nce of the Kings Authority , and of his Justice . You shall be frequently assistant in the Court , and as often as you shall be desired , having no lawfull excuse to the contrary , in which case you shall g●…ve your 〈◊〉 to some other Justice , giving your advise , counsell , and opinion according to the sincerity of your conscience . You shall give reverence and due respect unto the Court. And shall defend , or cause to be defended , the rights of Widowes , Orphans , Strangers , and all other persons unable to help themselves . Finally , in your verdict ( or the giving your opinion ) you shall regulate and conforme your self to the better and more wholesome counsell of the Bailiffe and Justices . All which you promise to make good upon your conscience . A way more compendious then ours in England , where the Justices are fain to take three Oaths , and those founded upon three severall Statutes , as viz. that concerning the discharge of their office , which seemeth to be founded on the 13. of Richard II. Cap. 7. That of the Kings Supremacy , grounded on the first of Queen Elazabeth Cap. 1. And lastly , that of Al'egiance , in force by virtue of the Statute 3 Jac. Cap. 4. Of these Justices there are twelve in all in each Isl●…nd ; of whose names and titles in the next Chapter . The other members of the Bailiffes Court , are the Advocates or P●…eaders , whereof there be six onely in each Island ; this people conceiving rightly , that multitudes of Lawyers occasion multitudes of businesse ; or according to that me●…ry saying of old Haywood , The more Spaniels in the fi●…ld , the more game . Of these advocate , two of them which are ( as we call them here in England ) the Kings Attorney or Solliciteur , are called Advocati stipulantes , the others Advocati postulantes . Yet have they not by any order confined themselves to this number , but may enlarge them according to occasion , though it ha●… not been a Sol●…cisme or a nov●…lty , were the number limited . For it appeareth in the Parliament Record●… , that Edwa●…d 〈◊〉 first ●…strained the number both of Counsellers and Atturneys unto 140 for all England , though he also left authority in the Lord Chief Justice to enlarge it , as appeareth in the said Records , Anno 20. Rotul . 5. in dorso de apprenticiis & attornatis , in these words following . D. Rex injunxit Joh. de Metingham ( he was made chief Justice of the Comm●…n Pleas in the 18 of this King ) & sociis suis quod ipsi per eorum discretionem provideant & ordinent certum numerum in quolibet Comitatu , de melioribus & legalioribus , & libentius addiscentibus , sec. quod intellexe●…int quod curiae suae & populo de regno melius valere poterit , &c. Et videtur regi & ejus concilio quod septies viginti sufficere poterint . Apponant tamen praefati justiciarii plures , si viderint esse faciendum , vel numerum anticipent , &c. Thus he wisely and happily foreseeing those many inconveniences which arise upon the multitudes of such as apply themselves unto the Lawes , and carefully providing for the remedy . But of this , as also of these Islands , and of their manner of Govenment , I have now said sufficient ; yet no more then what may fairly bring your Lordship on to the main of my discourse and Argument , viz. the Estate and condition of their Churches . I shall here only adde a Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey ( for of those of Guernzey , notwithstanding all my paines and diligence I could finde no such certain con●…at ) which is this that followeth . A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of Jarsey . Bailiffs . Governours . 1301 Pierre Vigeure . Edw. II. Otho de Grandison Sr. des I●…es . 1389 Geofr la Hague . Edw. III. Edm. de Cheynie Gard des Isles . 1345 Guill . Hastings . Thom. de Ferrer . Capt. des Isles . 1352 Rog. Powderham .   1363 Raoul L. Empriere .   1367 Rich de St. Martyn .   1368 Iean de St. Martyn .     Rich le Pe●…il .   1370 Jean de St. Martyn .     Jean Cokerill .   1382 Tho. Brasdefer . Hen. IV. Edw. D. of York . 1396 Ge●…fr . Brasdefer . V. Jean D. of Bedford . 1414. 1405 Guill . de Laick .   1408 Tho. Daniel . VI. Hum. D. of Glocester . 1439. 1414 Jean Poingt dexter .   1433 Jean Bernard Kt.   1436 Jean l' Empriere .   1444 Jean Payne .   1446 Regin . de Carteret .   1453 J●…an Poingt d●…xter . Edw IV. Sir Rich. Harliston , 1462 Nicol. Mourin .   1485 Guill . de Harvy Angl. Hen. VII . Mathew Baker Esq 1488 Clem. le Hardy . Tho. Overcy Esq 1494 Jean Nicols . David Philips Esq 1496 Jean l' Empriere .   1515 Hel de Carteret . Hen. VIII . Sir Hugh Vaug●…an . 1524 Helier de la R●…q . Sir A●…ony U●…erell .     1526. R●…ch . Bailiffs . Governours . 1526 Rich Mabon .   1528 Jasper Penn. Angl.   1562 Hostes Nicolle . Edw. VI Edw. D. of Somers . L Protect .   Jean du Maresque Cornish .   Geo. Pawlet , Angl. Ma. R. Sir Hugh Pawlet . 1516 Jean Herault Kt. Eliza. R. Sir Aimer Paulet . 1622 Guill Parkhurst . Sir Antho. Pawlett . 16 Philip de Carteret Kt. Sir Walt. Raleigh . now living ann . 1644.   Jac. Sir Joh. Peiton . S. a Cross ingrailed O.     Car. Sir Tho. Jermin , now living . Further then this I shall not trouble your Lordship with the Estate of these Islands in reference either unto Naturall or Civill Concernments . This being enough to serve for a foundation to that superstructure , which I am now to raise upon it . CHAP. II. ( 1 ) The City and Diocese of Constance . ( 2 ) The condition of these Islands under that Governmint . ( 3 ) Churches appropriated what they were . ( 4 ) The Black Book of Constance . ( 5 ) That called Domes day . ( 6 ) The suppression of Priours Aliens . ( 7 ) Priours Dative , how they differed from the Conventualls . ( 8 ) The condition of these Churches after the suppression . ( 9 ) A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish , together with the Ministers and Justices now being . ( 10 ) What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui . ( 11 ) The alteration of Religion in these Islands . ( 12 ) Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary . The Authors indignation at it , expressed in a Poeticall rapture . ( 13 ) The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton , and for what reasons . BUt before we enter on that Argument , The estate and condition of their Churches , a little must be said of their Mother-City , to whom they once did owe Canonicall obedience . A City , in the opinion of some , once called Augusta Romanduorum , and after took the name of Constance from Constantine , the great , who repaired and beautified it . Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing campe , and that this is it which is called Const●…ntia castra in Ammian . Marcellinus , Meantesque protinus prope castra Constantia funduntur in Mare , lib 15. To leave this controversie to the French , certain it is , that it hath been and yet is a City of good repute ; the County of Constantine ( one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a n●…me . ) As for the Town it self , it is at this day accounted for a 〈◊〉 , but more famous for the Bishoprick ; the first Bishop of it , as the Roman Martyrologie ( and on the 23 , if my memory ●…ail not of September ) d●…h in●…ruct us , being one Paternus . Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities , attributes this honour to St. Ereptiolus ; the man , a●… he conjectures , that first converted it into the faith : his next successors being St. Fxuperance , St. Leonard , and St Lo ; which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age ; yet not so old but that it still continues beauti●…ull . The Cathedrall here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy , and yeelding a ●…air prospect even as far as to these Islands . The Church , it may be , raised to that magnificent height , that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his 〈◊〉 . A Diocese containing antiently a good part of Countrey Constantine , and these Islands where now we are . For the better executing of his Episcopall ●…sdiction in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his charge , he had a Surrogat or Substitute , whom they called a Dean , in each Island one . His office consisting , as I guesse at it by the jurisdiction , of that of a Chancellour and an A chdeacon , mixt ; it being in his faculty to give institution and induction , to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiasticall cognisance , to approve of Wils , and wi●…hall to hold his v●…ations . The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition ; viz. the best benefice in each Island , the profits ariseing from the Court , and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes . He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this , the li●…le Is●… of Lehu , of which in the la●… Chapter ; and when the ●…ouses of Re●…gion , as they called them , were suppressed , an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat , Guernzey measure , paid him by the Kings receiver for his Ti●… . I say Guernzey measure , because it is a measure diffe●…ent from ours ; their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or 〈◊〉 . The Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes , and those few very wealthy ; the Religious houses having all the Prediall ti●…hes appropriated unto them ; and they serving many of the Cures , by some one of their own body li●…nced for that purpose . Now those Churches , or Ti●…hes rather , were called Appropriated ( to digresse a little by the way ) by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente , &c. the Popes authority intervening , and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained , were for ever annexed , and as it were incorporated into such Colledges , Monasteries , and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed . At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church ; we call them by as fit a name , Impropriations . For the rating of these Benefices , in the payment of their first fruits and tenths or Annats , there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register , which they called the Black book of Constance ; like as we in England , the Black book of the Exchequer . A Taxe which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese , as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues . And as your Lordship well knowes , not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie ; That the rate , taxation , valuation , and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer , for the payment of a perpetuall Disme or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII . of worthy memory , in the 26 year of his Reign , concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie , shall onely be followed and observed . A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie , from the example of Augustus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his taxing of the World. For it is reported of him by Co. Tacitus , that he had written a book with his owne hand , in quo opes publicae continebantur , wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire ; what Tributes and Imposts they brought in , what Armies they maintained , &c. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances . This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman 〈◊〉 , who had taken such a speciall survey of his n●…w 〈◊〉 , that there was not one hide of Land in all the R●…alme , but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it ; how many plow-lands , what Pastures , ●…nnes and Marishes ; what Woods , Parkes , Farm●…s and T●…nements were in 〈◊〉 shire , and what every one was worth . This Censuall Roll , the English generally call Doomesd●…y b●…ok , a●… that as some suppose , because the judgem●…nt a●…d 〈◊〉 of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome . Sic cum orta suerit 〈◊〉 de ●…is rebus quae 〈◊〉 continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum , ejus 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 n●…n pote●… , vel impune declinari ; so mine Authour . O hers conceive it to be corruptly called the ●…ook of Doomes-day , for the Book of Domus dei , or the Domus-dei book , as being by the 〈◊〉 laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester . A book carefully preserved , and that under three Keyes in his 〈◊〉 es Exchequer , not to be look●…ed into under the price of a Noble ; nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a 〈◊〉 . Tanta . est authoritas vetustatis ; So gr●…at respect do we yeeld unto antiquity . But to return again to my Churches whom I left in bondage under their severall P●…iories , and other the Religious houses . I will first free them from that yoak which the sup●…rstition of their Pat●…ons had put upon them . So it was , that those Houses of Religion in these Isl●…ds , were not absolute foundations of themselves ; but dependent on , and as it were the 〈◊〉 of , some greater Abby or Monast●…ry in France . In this condition they continued ●…ill the beginning of the R●…ign of Kin●… Hen●… the V. who purposing a war agai●…st the French , th●…ught fit ●…o cut of all ●…lpes and succours as they had ●…om England , at that time ●…ull of Priors Aliens , and strangers posse●…d of Benefic●…s . To this end it was enacted , viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred to Priories and Abbies within this Realm , whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported , and the counsels of the King , and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm ; that therefore all Priors A●…ns , and other French men beneficed , should avoid the Realm , exce●…pt only Priors Conventuals , such as have insti●u●ion and induction : and this also with a Proviso , that they be Catholick , and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm ; so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Vergil ad Reip. commodum 〈◊〉 est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullus Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur . Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager , the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne , were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament , 3. Hen. 5. cap 3. By this means the Priors A●…ens being banished , their possessions fell into the Kings hands , as in England so also in these Isl●nds ; and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royall , the demaine , as our Lawyers call it , of the Crown . These Priors Aliens thus exiled , were properly called Priors Dative , and removeable ; but never such Aliens never so removeable , as they were now made by this Statute . What the condition of these Priors was , and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Conventuals ; I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes , that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. The Parliament had given unto the King , all Abbies , Priories and Religious houses whatsoever , not being above the value 2●… l. in the old rent . Provided alwayes ( saith the letter of the Law ) that this Act , &c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Proirs of any Monastery or Priory , &c. for or concerning such Cels of Religious houses appertaining or belonging to their Monasteries or Priories ; in which Cels the Priors or other chief Governours thereof , be under the obedience of the Abbots or Priors to whom such Cels belong . As the Monke or Canons of the Covent of their Monasteries or Priories , and cannot be sued by the Lawes of this Realm , or by their own proper names for the possessions or other things appertaining to such Cels , whereof they be Priors and Governors ; but must sue and be sued in and by the names of the Abbots and Priors to whom they be now obedient , and to whom such Cels belong , and be also Priors or Governours dative or removeable from time to time , and accomptez of the profits of such Cels , at the only will and pleasure of such of the Abbots and Priors , to whom such Cels belong , &c. This once the difference between them , but now the criticisme may be thought unnecessary . To proceed , upon this suppression of the Priors and others the Religious houses in these Islands , and their Revenue falling unto the Crown ; there grew a composition between the Curates and the Governours about their tithes , which hath continued hitherto unaltered , except in the addition of the Deserts , of which more hereafter . Which composition in the proportion of tithe unto which it doth amount , I here present unto your Lordship in a brief Diagramme , together with the the names of their Ministers and Justices now beng . JARSEY . Parishes . Ministers . Revenues . Justices . St. Martins Mr. Bandinell sen. the Dean . The 3 of the kings tithe . Josuab de Carteret Seign . de Trinite . St. Hilaries Mr. Oliver the Sub-dean or Commissary . The 10 of the kings tithe . Dan du Maresque seign de Sammarez . St. Saviours . Mr. Effart . The Deserts and 22 acres of Gleb . Ph. L' Empriere S●… . de D●…lament . St. Clements . Mr. Paris . The 8 and 9 of the kings tithe . Ph. de Carteret Sr. de Vinchiles de haut . St. Grovilles . Mr. de la Place . The 8 and 9 , &c. Eli. du Maresque Sr. de Vinchiles ab●… . St. Trinities . Mr. Mollet . The Deserts and the 10 of the kings tithe . Eli. de Carteret Sr. de la Hagne . St. Johns . Mr. Brevin . The Deserts , &c. Joh. L' Empriere Sr. des au grace . S. Lawrences . Mr. Prinde . The Deserts , &c. Aron Messervie . St. Maries . Mr. Blandive●… , jun. The 3 sheaf of the Kings tithe . Ben la ●…che Sr. de Longueville . St. Owens . Mr. La cloche . The Deserts , &c. Jo. Harde . St. Burlads .   The 8 and 9 , &c. Abr. Herod . St. Peters . Mr. Grueby . The Deserts , &c. Ph. Marret . Note that the taking of the 8 and 9 sheafe is called French querrui ; as also that an acre of their measure is 40 Perches long and one in breadth , every Perche being 21 foot . GVERNZEY . Parishes . Ministers . Revenues . Justices . * St. Peters on the Sea. M. de l●… March The 7 of tithe and champarte . Tho. A●…drewes Sr. de Sammar●…z . St. Martins . Mr. de la Place The like . Pet. Carey sen. La Forest. M●… . P●…ote . The 9 of tithe and champarte . John Fautrat Sr ●…de Coq . Tortevall Mr. Fautrat . The 3 of tithe and champarte . Joh. Bonamy . S. Andrews   The 4 of , &c. Joh. Ketville . † St. Peters in the Wood. Mr. Perchard . The 3 of the tithe only . James Guile Sr. des Rohais . St. Saviours   The Desert and the ●…enths in all 600 sheafes . Tho. Blundell . ●…hastell . Mr. Panisee . The 9 of the tithe only . Pet. de Beauvoyre Sr. des Granges St. Mich. St. Michael in the vale Mr. Millet . The 4 of the Kings tithe only . Pet. Gosselin . St. Sampson   The like . Josias Merchant . Serke . Mr. Brevin . 20 l. stipend and 20 quarters of corn . Pet. Carey jun. Alderney . Mr. Mason . 20 l. stipend .   Note that the Parish called in this Diagram , La Forest , is dedicated as some say , to the holy Trinity ; as other to St Margaret , that which is here called Tortevall , as some suppose unto St. Philip , others will have it to St. Martha ; but that of Chastell to the hand of the blessed Virgin , which is therefore called in the Records , our Ladies Castle . Note also , that the Justices or Jurates are here placed , as near as I could learn , according to their Seniority , not as particularly appertaining to those Parishes against which they are disposed . For the better understanding of this Diagram , there are three words which need a commentary , as being meerly Aliens to the English tongue , and hardly Denizens in French. O●… these , that in the Diagrams called the Deserts , is the first . A word which properly signifieth a Wildernesse , or any wast ground from which ariseth little profit . As it is taken at this present and on this occasion , it signifieth a field which formerly was laid to waste , and is now made arable . The case this : At the suppression of the Priors Aliens and the composition made betwixt the Curates and the Governours , there was in either Island much ground of small advan●…age to the Church or to the owner , which they called Les D●…serts . But the Countreys after growing populous , and many mouths requiring much provision , these Deserts were broke up and turned into tillage . Hereupon the Curates made challenge to the tithes , as not at all either intended or contained in the former composition . The Governours on the other side alleadging custome , that those grounds had never paid the Tithe , and therefore should not . Nor could the Clergy there obtain their rights untill the happy entrance of King James upon these Kingdoms . A Prince of all others a most indulgent father to the Church . By him and by a letter Decretory from the Counsell , it was adjudged in favour of the Ministery ; the Letter bearing date at Greenwich June the last , anno 1608. subscribed T. Ellesmere ●…anc . R. Salisbury , H. Northampton , E. Worcester , T. Suffolk●… , Ex●…ter Z ueh , Wotton , Cesar , ●…erbert . A matter certainly of much importance in the consequence , as making known unto your Lordship how easie a thing it is in the authority royall to free the Church from that tyranny of custome and prescription under which it groneth . The next of these three words to be explained , is in the note French Querrui , which in the note is told us to be the 8 and 9 sheaf ; by which account or way of tithing , the Minister in 50 sheafs receiveth 6 , which is one sheaf more then the ordinary tithe . The word corrupted , as I conceive , from the French word Charrue , which signifieth a Plough , and then French querrui is as much as Plough-right , alluding to the custome of some Lords in France , who used to give their husbandmen or villains , as a guerdon for their toyle , the 8 and 9 of their increase . As for the last , that , viz. which the Diagram calleth Champart , it intimates in the origination of the word , a part or portion of the field , that which the Lord in chief reserved unto himself . In Guernzey it is constantly the 12 sheaf of the whole crop , the Farmer in the counting of his sheafes casting aside the 10 for the King , and the 12 which is the Champart , for the Lord. Now here in Guernzey ( for those of the other Isle have no such custome ) there is a double Champart , that namely Du Roy , belonging to the King , whereof the Clergy have the tithe , and that of St. Michael en leval , not titheable . The reas●…n is , because at the suppression of the Priorie of St. Michael , which was the only Religious house in these Islands , which subsisted of it self ; the Tenants made no tendry of this Champart , and so it lay amongst concealments . At the last , Sir Thomas Leighton the Governour here recovered it unto the Crown by course of Law , and at his own charges ; whereupon the Queen licenced him to make sale of it , to his best advantage , which accordingly he did . For the Religion in these Islands , it ha●…h been generally such as that professed with us in England , and as much varied . When the Priors Aliens were banished England by King Henry V. they also were exiled from hence . Upon the demolition of our Abbeys ; the Priory of St. Michael , and that little Oratory of our Lady of Lehu , became a ruine . The Masse was here also trodden down whilest King Edward stood , and raised again at the exaltation of Queen Mary . Nay even that fiery tryall , which so many of Gods servants underwent in the short Reign of that misguided Lady , extended even unto these poor Islanders ; and that , as I conceive , in a more fearfull tragedy , then any , all that time presented on the Stage of England . The story in the brief is this ; Katharine Gowches a poor widow of St. P●…ters in Guernzey , was noted to be much absent from the Church , and her two daughters guilty of the same neglect . Upon this they were presented before Jaques Amy then Dean of the Island , who finding in them , that they held opinions contrary unto those then allowed , about the Sacrament of the Altar , pronounced them Hereti●… and condemned them to the fire . The poor women on the other side pleaded for themselves , that that Doctrine had been taught them in the time of King Edward ; but if the Queen was otherwise disposed , they were content to be of her Religion . This was fair , but this would not serve ; for by the Dean they were delivered unto Elier Gosselin the then Bailiffe , and by him unto the fire , July 18. Anno Dom. 1556. One of these daughters , Perotine Massey she was called , was at that time great with childe ; her husband , which was a Minister , being , in those dangerous times , fled the Island ; in the middle of the flames and anguish of her torments , her belly brake in sunder , and her child , a goodly boy , fell down into the fire , but was presently snatched up by one W. House one of the by-standers . Upon the noise of this strange accident , the cruell Bailiffe returned command , that the poor Infant must be cast again into the flames ; which was accordingly performed ; and so that pretty babe was borne a Martyr , and added to the number of the Holy Innocents . A cruelty not paralleld in any story , not heard of amongst the Nations . But such was the pleasure of the Magistate , as one in the Massacre of the younger Maximinus , viz. Canis pessimi ne catulum esse relinquendum ; that not any issue should be left alive of an Heretick Parent . The horrror of which fact stirred in me some Poe●…icall Fancies ( or Furies rather ) which having long lien dormant , did break out at last , indignation thus supplying those suppressed conceptions . Si natura negat , dabit indignatio versum . Holla ye pampred Sires of Rome , forbear To act su●… murders , as a Christian ear Hears with mo●…e horrour , then the Jews relate The dire effects of Herods fear and hate , When that vilde Butcher , caus'd to out in sunder Every Male c●…ilde of two years old and under . These Martyrs in their cradles from the womb This pass'd directly to the fiery tomb ; Baptiz'd in Flames and Bloud , a Martyr born , A setting sun in the first dawn of morn : Yet shining with more heat , and brighter glory Then all Burnt-offerings in the Churches story . Holla ye pampred Rabines of the West , Where learnt you thus to furnish out a Feast With Lambs of the first minute ? What disguise Finde you to mask this horrid Sacrifice ? When the old Law so meekly did forbid , In the Dams milk to boil the tender Kid. What Riddles have we here ? an unborn birth , Hurried to Heaven , when not made ripe for Earth ; Condemned to die before it liv'd , a twin To its own mother ; not impeached of sin , Yet doom'd to death , that breath'd but to expire , That s●…ap'd the flames to perish in the fire . Rejoyce ye Tyrants of old times , your name Is made lesse odious on the breath of fame , By our most monstr●…us cruelties ; the Males Slaughtered in Egypt , waigh not down these seales . A Fod to equ●…ll this no former age Hath given in Books , or fancie on the Stage . This fit of indignation being thus passed over , I can proceed with greater patience to the r●…st of the story of this Island , which in bri●… is this : That after the death of 〈◊〉 Ma●…y , Religion was again restored in the reformation of it to these Islands . In which state it hath ever since continued in the main and substance of it ; but not without some alteration in the circumstance and forme of Government . For whereas notwithstand●…ng the alteration of Religion in these Islands they still continued under the Diocese of Constance , during the whole Empire of King Henry the VIII . and Edward the VI. yet it seemed good to Queen Elizabe●… upon some reasons of State , to annex them unto that of Winton . The first motive of it was , because that Bishop refused to abjure the pretended power which the Pope challengeth in Kingdomes , as other of the English Prelates did ; but this displeasure held not long . For presently upon a consideration of much service and intelligence which might reasonably be expected from that Prelate , as having such a necessary dependence on this Crown , they were again permitted to his jurisdiction . At the last , and if I well remember , about the 12 year of that excellent Ladies Reign , at the perswasion of Sir Amias Paulet , and Sir Tho. Leighton then Governours , they were for ever united unto Winchester . The p etences that so there might a fairer way be opened to the reformation of Religion ; to which that Bishop was an enemy , and that the secrets of the State might not be carryed over into France , by reason of that entercourse which needs must be between a Bishop and his Ministers . The truth is , they were both resolved to settle the Geneva discipline in every Parish in each Island ; for which cause they had sent for Snape and Cartwright , those great incendiaries of the English Church to lay the ground-work of that building . Add to this that there was some glimmering also of a Confiscation in the ruine of the Deanries ; with the spoyles whereof they held it fit to enrich their Governments . Matters not possible to be effected , had he of Constance continued in his place and power . But of this more in the next Chapter . CHAP. III. ( 1 ) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop . ( 2 ) The alteration there both in Politie , and ( 3 ) in Religion . ( 4 ) The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither . ( 5 ) The conception , ( 6 ) birth , and ( 7 ) growth of the New Discipline . ( 8 ) The quality of Lay-elders . ( 9 ) The different proceedings of Calvin , ( 10 ) and Beza in the propagation of that cause . ( 11 ) Both of them enemies to the Church of England . ( 12 ) The first entrance of this platforme into the Islands . ( 13 ) A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hilaries . ( 14 ) The letters of the Councell to that purpose . ( 15 ) The tumults raised in England by the brethren . ( 16 ) Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands . THus having shewed unto your Lordship the affairs and condition of these Churches till the Reformation of Religion ; I come next in the course of my designe , unto that Innovation made amongst them in the point of Discipline . For the more happy dispatch of which businesse , I must crave leave to ascend a little higher into the story of change , then the introduction of it into those little Islands . So doing , I shall give your Lordship better satisfaction , then if I should immediately descend upon that Argument ; the rather because I shall deliver nothing in this discourse not warranted to be by the chief contriv●…rs ●…f ●…he 〈◊〉 . To begin th●…n with the first originall and commencement of it ; so it is that it took the first begin●…ing at a City of the Allobroges or Savoyards , called Geneva , and by that name mentioned in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Commentaries . A Town situate at the end of Lacus Lemannus , and divided by Rhodanus or Rhosne into two parts . Belonging formerly in the Soveraignty of it to the Duke of Savoy ; but in the profits and possession to their B●…shop and homager of that Dukedome . To this Bishop then there appertained not only an Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , as Governour of the Church under the Archbishop of Vienna , in Daulphinoys his Metropolitane ; but a 〈◊〉 also temporall , as Lord and Master of the Town under the protection of the Duke of Savoy . This granted by the testimony of Calvin in his Epistle unto Cardinall Sadolet , dated the last of August 1539. Habebat sane ( saith he ) jus gladii , & alias civilis jurisdictionis partes ; but as he conceived , I know not on what grounds , Magistratui ereptas , fraudulently taken from the Civill Magistrate . In this condition it continued till the year 1528. when those of Berne , after a publick disputation held , had made an alteration in Religion . At that time Viret and Farellus , men studious of the Reformation had gotten footing in Geneva , and diligently there sollicited the cause and entertainment of it . But this proposall not plausibly accepted by the Bishop , they dealt with those of the lower rank , amongst whom they had gotten most credit , and taking opportunity by the actions and example of those of Berne , they compelled the Bishop and his Clergy to abandon the Town , and after proceeded to the reforming of his Church . This also avowed by Calvin in his Epistle to the said Cardinall , viz. That the Church had been reformed and setled before his coming into those quarters by Viret and Farellus , and that he only had approved of their pr●…ceedings , Sed quia quae a Vireto & Farello facta essent , suffragio meo comprobavi , &c. as he there hath it . Nor did they only in that tumult alter the Doctrine and orders of the Church , but changed also the Government of the Town , disclaiming all alleagiance ei●…her to their Bishop or their Duke , and standing on their own liberty as a ●…ree City . And for this also they are indebted to the active counsels of Farellus . For thus Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich , dated the 26 of November 1553. Cum ●…ic nuper esset frater noster Farellus , ●…ui se totos debent , &c. and anone after , Sed depl●…randa est senatus nostri caecitas , quod libertatis suae patrem , &c. speaking of their ingratitude to th●…s Farellus . The power and dominion of that City thus put into the hands of the common people , and all things left at liberty and randome , it could not be expected that there should any discipline [ be ] observed , or good order in the Church . The Common councell of the Town disposed of it as they pleased ; and if any crime which antiently belonged to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , did hap to be committed , it was punished by order from that Councell . No censures Ecclesiasticall , no sentence of Excommunication thought on at that time , either here at Geneva , or in any other of the popular Churches . Si quidem excommunicationi in aliis Ecclesiis nullus locus , as Beza hath it in the life of Calvin . And the same Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich affirmes no lesse in these words , viz. Nec me latet pios & doctos esse homines , quibus sub principibus Christianis non videtur esse necessaria Excommunicatio ; so he . Thus was it with the Church and City of Geneva at the first coming of Calvin to them ; a man of excellent abilities , and one that had attained a good repute in many places of the French dominions . Not finding that assurance in the Realm of France , he resolved to place himselfe at Basil or at Strasburg . But taking Geneva in his way , upon the importunity of Farellus , he condescended to make that place the scene of his endeavours , and his assent once known , he was admitted straight to be one of their ordinary preachers and their Divinity reader . Mens . Aug. anno 1536. This done he presently negotiates with the people , publickly to abjure the Papacy : nor so only , but ( as Beza hath it in his life ) Quod doctrinam & disciplinam capitibus aliquot comprehensam admitterent ; that they also should give way to such a discipline , which he and his associates had agreed on . A matter at the last effected , but not without much difficulty , and on the 20 of July , anno 1537. the whole City bound themselves by oath accordingly ; which discipline of what quality it was I cannot learn : sure I am , it had no affinity with that in use amongst the antients . For thus himself in his Epistle above mentioned unto S●…dolet , Disciplinam qualem vetus habuit Ecclesia apud nos non esse [ dicis ] ; neque nos diffitemur . The Discipline hitherto was only in conception , before it came unto maturity , and ready for the birth , the people weary of this new yoak began to murmur , and he resolutely bent not to vary from his first purpose , was in that discontentment banished the Town , together with Farellus and Coraldus his colleagues , anno 1538. Three years , or thereabouts he continued in this exile , being bountifully entertained at Strasburg ; from whence with unresistible importunity he was again recalled by that unconstant multitude . A desire to which by no means he would hearken , unlesse both they and all their Ministers would take a solemn oath to admit a compleat forme of discipline , not arbitrary , not changeable ; but to remain in force for ever after . Upon assurance of their conformity herein , he returns unto them like an other Tully unto Rome ; and certainly we may say of him as the Historian of the other , Nec quisquam aut expulsus est invidiosius , aut receptus laetius . On the 13 of September , 1541. he is admitted into the Town ; and now ( there being strength enough to deliver ) the Discipline such as he had contrived it , was established on the 20 of November following . This new Discipline thus borne into the world , was yet crush'd almost in the growth of it , by the faction of Perinus at that time Captain of the people , and of great power among the many . Twelve years together , but yet with many lucid intervals , did it struggle with that opposition , and at the last was in a manner ruined and oppressed by it . For whereas the Consistory had given sentence against one Berteliet , even in the highest censure of Excommunication , the Common-councell not only absolved him from that censure , but ●…oolishly decreed , That Excommunication and Absolution did properly belong to them . Upon this he is again resolved to quit the Town ; but at last the Controversie is by joynt consent referred unto the judgement of four Cities of the Switzers . Then did he labour in particular to consider of it , not as a matter of ordinary consequence , but ( as in his said Epistle to those in Zurich ) De toto Ecclesiae hujus statu , &c. such as on which the whole being of that Church depended . In the end he so contrived it , that the answer was returned to Geneva , Nil contra tentandum ; that they should not seek to alter what was so well established ; and hereupon they were all contented to obey . By which means this Infant discipline , with such variety of troubles born and nursed , attained unto a fair and manly growth , and in short space so well improved , that it durst bid defiance unto Kings and Princes . The chief means by which this new Platforme was admitted in Geneva , and afterwards desired in other places , was principally that parity and equality , which it seemed to carry , the people being as it were a double part in it , and so advanced into the highest Magistracy . For so the cunning Architect had contrived it , that for every pillar of the Church , there should be also two Pillasters , or rather underproppers of the people . Non solos verbi Ministros sedere judices in consistorio ; sed numerum duplo majorem , partim ex minori senatu , partim ex majori delige ; so he in his Remonstrance unto them of Zurich , affixed to his Epistle . These men they honour with the name of Elders , and to them the charge is specially committed of inquiring into the lives of those within their division , viz. Sitne domus pacata & recte composita , &c. as the Epistl●… to Gasp. Olevianus doth instruct us . By which device there is not only a kind of satisfaction given to the multitude , but a great deal of envie is declined by the Ministery ; which that curious and unneighbourly inquisition would otherwise derive upon them . And certainly , were there in these Elders , as they call them , a power only of information , the device might be so much the more allowable . But that such simple wretches●…hould ●…hould caper from the shop-board upon the Bench , and there be interessed in the weigh●…st causes of the Church . Censure and Ordina●…ion is a monster never known among the Antients . Especially considering , that the mind●… of these poor Laicks , is all the while intent upon their penny ; and when the Court is risen they hasten to their shops as Q●…inctius the Dictator did in Florus to his plough , U●… ad opus re●…ctum festinasse videantur . The businesse thus happily succeeding at Ge●…eva , and his name continually growing into higher credit ; his next endevour was to plant that government in all places which with such trouble had been fitted unto one . Certainly we do as much affect the issue of our braines as of our bodies , and labour with no lesse vehemency to advance them . And so it was with him in this particular , his after-writings tending mainly to this end , that his new Platforme might have found an u●…iversall entertainment . But this modestly enough , and chiefly by way of commendation . Two examples only shall be sufficient , b●…cause I will not be too great a trouble to your Lordship in the collection of a tedious Catalogue . Gasper Olevianus a Minister of the Church of Tryers , by his Letters bearing date the 12 of Aprill , anno 1560. giveth notice unto Calvin of the State of th●…ir aff●…ires ; and withall that he found the people willing to conde●…nd unto a Discipline . Calvin in his answer presents him with a summary of that platforme , raised lat●…ly at Geneva , and then closeth with him thus , Compendium h●…c satis putavi fore ex quo formam aliquam conciperes , quam praescribere non debu●… . Tu quod putabis utile 〈◊〉 fore , &c. In this he doth sufficiently expresse his desire to have his project entertained ; in that which followeth he doth signifie his joy that the world had made it welcome . An ●…pistle written to a certain Quidam of Polonia , dated the year 1561. Wherein he doth congratulate the admission of the Gospell ( as he cals it ) in that Kingdom . And then , Haec etiam non poe●…itenda gaud●…i acc●…ssio , cum audio disciplinam cu●… Evangelii professione 〈◊〉 , &c. thus he . But Eeza his successour goeth more plainly to the bu●…nesse , and will not commend this project to the Churches , but impose it on them . This it was , that made him with such violence cry down the H●…erarchie of the Church , the plague of Bishops , as he cals it . Hanc pestem caveant qui Eccl●…siam salvam cupiunt , &c. Et ne illam quaeso unquam admittas ( ●…he speaketh it unto Cnoxe ) quantu●…vis unitatis retinendae specie , &c. bland●…atur . This was it which made him reckon it as a note essentiall of the Church * without which it was not possible to subsist ; a point so necessary , Ut ab ea recedere non m●…gis qu●…m ab religionis ipsius plac●…tis , liceat . Epist. 83. that it was as dangerous to depart from this , as from the weightiest mysteries of Religion . This in a word was it which made him co●…ntenance those turbulent spirits , who ●…ad so dangerously embroyled our Churches , and prepared it unto ruine ; but of them and their proceedings more anone . And certainly it was a matter of no small grief and discontent unto them both , that when so many Churches had applauded their invention , the Church of England only should be found untractable . Hereupon it was that Calvin tels the English Church in Franckford ( in his Epistle to them anno 1555 ) how he had noted in their publick Liturgy , Mul●…as ●…erabiles ine●…as , many tolerable v●…niries ; f●…cis 〈◊〉 re●…iquias , the relicks of the filth of Popery ; and that there was not in it ea puritas quae op●…anda ●…oret , such pi●…ty as was expected . Hereupon it was that Beza being demanded by the brethr●… , what he conceived of some chief ma●…ters then in question ; returned a Non probamus to them all . The particulars are too many to be now recited , and 〈◊〉 to be s●…en in the 12 of h●…s Epistles , the Epistle dated from Geneva , anno 1567. and superscribed , Ad qu●…sdam Anglica●…um ecclesia um fratres super nonnullis in Ecclesiastica polit●…ia controversis . Yet at the last they got some footing , though not in England , in these Islands which are members of it , and as it were the Subu●…bs of that C●…ty . The means by which it entred , the re●…ort hither of such French Ministers as came hither for support in the times of persecution and the Civill wars , anno 1561. and 62. Before their coming that forme of prayer was here in use which was allowed with us in England . But being as all others are , desirous of change , and being also well encouraged by the Governors , who by this means hoped to have the spoyle of the poor Deanries ; both Islands joyned together in alliance or confederacy to petition the Queens Majesty for an approbation of this Discipline , anno 1563. The next year following , the Seignieur de St. Oen , and Nich. de Soulmont were delegated to the Court , to solicite this affaire ; and there they found such favour , that their desire received a gracious answer , and full of hope they returned unto their homes . In the mean time the Queen being strongly perswaded that this design would much advance the Reformation in those Islands , was contented to give way unto it in the Towns of St. Peters-port , and of St. Hilaries , but no further . To which purpose there were Letters Decretory from the Councell directed to the Bailiff , the Jurates , and others of each Island ; the tenor whereof was as followeth . AFter our very hearty commendations unto you . Where the Queens most excellent Majesty understandeth that the Isles of Guernzey and Jarsey have antienly depended on the Diocese of Constance , and that there be certain Churches in the same Diocese well reformed , agreeably throughout in Doctrine as is set ●…orth in this Realm ; knowing therewith that they have a Minister which ever since his arrivall in Jarsey , hath used the like order of Preaching and administration , as in the said Reformed Churches , or as it is used in the French Church at London ; her Majesty for divers respects and considerations moving her Highnesse is well pleased to admit the same order of Preaching and Administration to be continued at St. Heliers , as hath been hitherto accustomed by the said Minister . Provided always that the residue of the Parishes in the said Isle , shall diligently put apart all superstitions used in the said Diocese ; and so continue there the order of Service ordained and set forth within this Realm , with the injunctions necessary for that purpose ; wherein you may not fail diligently to give your aides and assistance , as best may serve for the advancement of Gods glory . And so fare you well . From Richmond the 7 day of August , Anno 1565. Subscribed , N. Bacon . Will. Northamp . R. Rogers . Gul. Clynton . R. Rogers . Fr. Knols . William Cecil . Where note , that the same Letter , the names only of the places being changed , and subscribed by the same men , was sent also unto those of Guernzey for the permission of the said Discipline in the haven of St. Peters . And thus fortified by authority they held their first Synod according to the constitutions of that platforme on the 22. of September , and at St. Peters porte in Guernzey , anno 1567. By this means , by this improvident assent ( if I may so call it ) to this new discipline in these Islands ; her Majesty did infinitely prejudice her own affaires , and opened that gap unto the Brethren , by which they had almost made entrance unto meer confusion in this state and Kingdome . For whereas during the Empire of Queen Mary , Goodman , Whittingham , Gilbie and divers others of our Nation , had betook themselves unto Geneva , and there been taught the Consistorian practises ; they yet retained themselves within the bounds of peace and duty . But no sooner had the Queen made known by this assent that she might possibly be drawn to like the Platforme of Geneva ; but presently the Brethren set themselves on work to impose those new inventions on our Churches . By Genebrard we learn in his Chronologie , ortos Puritanos anno 1566. and that their first Belweather was call●…d S●…mson ; a puissant Champion ●…blesse in the cause of Israel . By our own Antiquary in his Annals it is 〈◊〉 ad An●… 68 and their L●…aders were Collman , ●…uttan , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 . By both it doth appear that the brethr●…n stirred n t here , till the ●…tion of their Discipline in those Isl●…nds , or till the ex●…cution of it , in their first Synod . No sooner had they this incouragement , but they presently mustered up their forces , b●…ok themselves unto the quarrell , and the whole Realme wa●… on the suddain in an uproar . The Parliaaments continually troubled with their Supplications , Admonitions and the like ; and when they found not there that favour which they looked for , they denounce this dreadfull curse against them , That there shall not be a man of their seed that shall prosper to be a Parliament man , or bear rule in England any more . The Queen exclaimed upon in many of their Pamphlets , her honourable Counsell scandalously censured as opposers of the Gospell . The Prelates every were cryed down as Antichristian , Petty-popes , Bishops of the Devill , cogging and cousening knaves , dumb dogs , en mies of God , &c. and their Courts and Chanceries the Synagogues of Satan . After this they erected privately their Presbyteries in divers places of the Land , and cantoned the whole Kingdome into their severall Classes and divisions ; and in a time when the Spaniards were expected , they threaten to petition the Queens Majesty with 100000 hands . In conclusion what dangerous counsels were concluded on by Hacket and his Apostles , with the assent and approbation of the Brethren , is extant in the Chronicles . A strange and peevish generation of men , that having publick enemies unto the faith abroad , would rather turn the edge of their Swords upon their Mother and her children . But such it seemeth was the holy pleasure of Geneva ; and such their stomach not to brook a private opposition . Cumque superba foret Babylon spolianda trophaeis , Bella geri placuit , nullos habitura triumphos . Yet was it questionlesse some comfort to their souls , that their devices , however it succeeded ill in England , had spred it self abroad in Guernzey and in Jarsey , where it had now possession of the whole Islands . For not content with that allowance her Majesty had given unto it , in the Towns of St. Peters and St. Hillaries ; the Governours having first got these 〈◊〉 to be dissevered from the Diocese of Constance , permit it unto all the other Parishes . The better to establish it , the great supporters of the cause in England , Snape and Cartwright are sent for to the Islands ; the one of them being made the tributary Pastor of the Castle of Cornet , the other of that of Mont-orguel . Thus qualified forsooth they conveene the Churches of each Island , and in a Synod held in Guernzey , anno 1576. the whole body of the Discipline is drawn into a forme . Which forme of Discipline I here present unto your Lordship , faithfully translated according to an authentick copy , given unto me by Mr. Painsee Curate of our Ladies Church of Ch●…stell in the Isle of Guernzey . CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall , according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same , by the Ministers , Elders , and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey , Jarsey , Serke , and Alderney ; confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders , and confirmed by the , said Governors in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , and 17 dayes of October 1597. CHAP. I. Of the Church in Generall . Article I. 1. THe Church is the whole company of the faithfull , comprehending as well those that bear publick office in the same , as the rest of the people . II. 2. No one Church shall pretend any superiority or dominion over another ; all of them being equall in power , and having one only head CHRIST JESUS . III. 3. The Governours of the Christian Church where the Magistrates professe the Gospell , are the Magistrates which pro●…esse it , as bearing chief stroke in the Civill Government ; and the Pastors and Overseers [ or Superintendents ] as principall in the Government Ecclesiasticall . IV. 4. Both these jurisdictions are established by the law of God , as necessary to the Government and welfare of his Church ; the one having principally the care and charge of mens bodies and of their goods ; to govern them according to the Laws , and with the temporall Sword ; the other having cure of souls and consciences , to discharge their duties according to the Canons of the Church , and with the sword of Gods word . Which jurisdiction ought so ●…o be united , that there be no confusion , and so to be divided , that there be no contrariety ; but joyntly to sustain and defend each other , as the armes of the same body . CHAP. II. Of the Magistrate . THe Magistrate ought so to watch over mens persons and their goods , as above all things to provide that the honour and true worship of God may be preserved . And as it is his duty to punish such as offend in Murder , Theft , and other sins against the second Table ; so ought he also to correct Blasphemers , Atheists and Idolaters , which offend against the first ; as also all those which contrary to good order and the common peace , addict themselves to riot and unlawfull games ; and on the other side he ought to cherish those which ●…re well affected , and to advance them both to wealth and honours . CHAP. III. Of Ecclesiasticall functions in generall . Article I. 1. OF Officers Ecclesiasticall , some have the charge to teach or instruct , which are the Pastors and Doctors ; others are as it were the eye to oversee the life and manners of Christs flock , which are the Elders ; and to others there is committed the disposing of the treasures of the Church , and of the poor mans Box , which are the Deacons . II. 2. The Church officers shall be elected by the Ministers and Elders , without depriving the people of their right ; and by the same authority shall be discharged , suspend●…d and deposed , according as it is set down in the Chapter of Censures . III. 3. None ought to take upon him any function in the Church without being lawfully called unto it . IV. 4. No Church officer shall or ought to pretend any superiority or dominion over his companions , viz. nei●…her a Minister over a Minister , nor an Elder over an Elder , nor a Deacon over a Deacon ; yet so , that they give reverence and respect unto each other , either according to their age , or according to those gifts and graces which God hath vouchsa●…ed to one more then another . V. 5. No man shall be admitted to any office in the Church , un●…esse he be endowed with gifts fi●… for the discharge of that office unto which he is called ; n●…r unlesse there be good testimony of his li●…e and conversation ; of which diligent enquiry shall be made before his being called . VI. 6. All these which shall enter upon any publick charge in the Church , shall first subscribe to the confession of the faith used in the re●…ormed Churches , and to the Discipline Ecclesiasticall . VII . 7. All tho●…e which are designed for the administration of any pu●…lick office in the Church , shall be first nominated by the Governours , or their Lieutenants ; after whose approbation they shall be proposed unto the people , and if they meet not any opposition , they shall be admitted ●…o their charge within fi●…n dayes after . VIII . 8. Before the nomination and admission of such as are called unto employment in the Church , they shall be first admonished of their duty ; as well that which concerneth them in particular , as to be exemplary unto the people , the better to induce them to live justly and religiously before God and man. IX . 9. Although it appertain to all in generall to provide that due honour and obedience be done unto the Queens most excellent M●…jesty , to the Governours , to their Lieutenants , and to all the officers of Justice ; yet notwithstanding they which bear office in the Church , ought chiefly to be●…ir themselves in that behalf , as an example unto others . X. 10. Those that bear office in the Church , shall not fors●…ke their charge without the privity and knowledge of the Consistory , and that they shall not be dismissed , but by the same order by which they were admitted . XI . 11. Those that bear office in the Church , shall employ themselves in visiting the sick , and such as are in prison , to administer a word of comfort to them , as also to all such as have need of consolation . XII . 12. They shall not publish that which hath been treated in the Consistory , Colloquies , or Synods , either unto the parties whom it may concern , or to any others , unlesse they be commanded so to do . XIII . 13. They which beare office in the Church , if they abstain from the Lords Supper , and refuse to be reconciled , having been admonished of it , and persisting in their ●…rror , shall be deposed , and the causes of their deposition manifested to the people . CHAP. IV. Of the Ministers . Article I. 1. THose which aspire unto the Ministery , shall not be admitted to propose the word of God , unlesse they be indued with learning , and have attained unto the knowledge of the Greek and Hebrew tongues , if it be possible . II. 2. The Ministers shall censure the proponents , having first diligently examined them in the princip●…l points of learning requisite unto a Minister . And having heard them handle the holy Scriptures , as much as they think necessary , if they be thought fit ●…or the Ministery , they shall be sent unto the Churches then being void , to propose the Word of God three or four times , and that bare-headed . And if the Churches approve them , and desire them for their Pastors , the Colloquie shall depute a Minister , to give them insti●…ution by the imposition of hands . III. 3. The Ministers sent hither or resorting for refuge to these Isles , and bringing with them a good testimony from the places whence they came , shall be employed in those Churches which have most need of them , giving and receiving the hand of ●…ssociation . IV. 4. They which are elected and admitted into the Ministery , shall continue in it all their lives , unlesse they be 〈◊〉 for some fault by them committed . And as for those which shall be hindred from the encreasing of their Ministery , either by sicknesse or by age , the honour and respect due unto it , notwithstanding shall be theirs . V. 5. The Ministers which flie hither as for refuge , and are employed in any Parish during the persecution , shall not depart from hence untill six moneths after leave demanded ; to the end , the Church be not unprovided of a Pastor . VI. 6. The Ministers shall visite every houshold of their flockes , once in the year at the least ; but this at their discretion . VII . 7. The Ministers shall propose the Word of God , every one in his rank , and that once every moneth ; in such a place and on such a day as shall be judged most convenient . VIII . 8. If there be any which is offended at the Preaching of any Minister , he shall repair unto the said Minister within four and twenty houres for satisfaction . And if he cannot receive it ●…rom the 〈◊〉 , he shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within eight dayes to the Consistory ; in de●…ault whereof his information shall not be admitted . If any difference arise , the Ministers shall determine of it at their next conference . CHAP. V. Of Doctors and of chool-masters . Article I. 1. THe office of a Doctor in the Church is next unto the 〈◊〉 . His charge is to expound the Scripture in his Lectures , without applying it by way of Exhortation . They are to be elected by the Colloquie . II. 2. The 〈◊〉 - masters shall be first nominated by them , to whom the right of nomination doth belong , and shall be afterwards examined by the Ministers ; who taking examination of their learning , shall also informe themselves of their behaviour ; as viz. whether they be modest , and not debauched ; to the end , that may be an example to their Scholars , and that they by their ill Doctrine , they bring not any Sect into the Church . After which examination if they are found fit for the institution of youth , they shall be presented to the people . III. 3. They shall instruct their Scholars in the fear of God , and in good learning , in modesty and civility , that so their Schooles may bring forth able men , both for the Church and Common-wealth . IV. 4. They shall instruct them in Grammar , Rhetorick and Logick , and of Classicke authors , in the most pure both ●…or learning and language ; for fear 〈◊〉 children reading lascivious and immodest writings , should be 〈◊〉 with their venom . V. 5. If they perceive any of their Scholars to be towardly and of good hope , they shall advise their Parents to bring them up to the attainment of good learning ; or else shall obtain for them of the Governours and Magistrates , that they maintain them at the publick charge . VI. 6. They shall cause their Scholars to come to Sermon●… and to Catechismes , there to answer to the Minister ; and they shall take their places neer the chaire , to be seen of all , that so they may demean themselves orderly in the Church of God. VII . 7. The Ministers shall oversee the School-masters , to the end that the youth be well instructed ; and for this cause shall hold their Visitations twice a year , the better to understand how they profit . If it be thought expedient , they may take with them some one or two of the neighbour Ministers . CHAP. VI. Of the Elders . Article I. 1. THe Elders ought to preserve the Church in good order , together with the Ministers ; and shall take care especially that the Church be not destitute of Pastors , of whom the care shall appertain to them to see that they be honestly provided for . They shall watch also over all the flock , especially over that part of it committed to them by the Consistory ; diligently employing themselves to admonish and reprehend such as are faulty , ●…o confirme the good , and reconcile such as are at difference . II. 2 They shall certifie all scandals to the Consistory . III. 3. They shall visit ( as much as in them lyeth ) all the housholds in their division , before every communion ; and once yearly with the Minister , to know the better how they behave themselves in their severall families . And if they finde among them any refractory and con●…entious persons which will not be reconciled , to make a report of it to the Consistory . IV. 4. They shall assemble in the Consistory with the Ministers ; which Consistory shall be holden , if it may be , every Sunday , or any other day convenient , to handle causes of the Church . And those of them which are elected to go unto the Colloquies and Syn●…ds with the Ministers , shall not fail to goe at the day appointed . CHAP. VII . Of the Deacons . Article I. 1. THe Deacons shall be appointed in the Church to gather the benevolence of the people , and to distribute it according to the necessities of the poor , by the directions of the Consistory . II. 2. They shall gather these benevolences after Sermons , 〈◊〉 endevouring the good and welfare of the poor ; and if need require , they shall go unto the houses of those men which are more charitably enclined , to collect their bounties . III. 3. They shall distribute nothing without direction ●…rom the Consistory , but in case of urgent necessity . IV. 4. The almes shall be principally distributed unto those of the faithfull , which are naturall Inhabitants ; and if there be a surplusage , they may dispose it to the relief of strangers . V. 5. For the avoiding of suspicion , the Deacons shall keep a register both of their Receipts and their disbursements , and shall cast up his accouncs in the presence of the Minister , and one of the Elders . VI. 6. The Deacons shall give up their accounts every Communion day , after the evening Sermon , in the presence of the Ministers , the Elders , and as many of the people as will be assistant ; who therefore shall have warning to be there . VII . 7. They shall take order that the poor may be relieved without begging ; ●…nd shall take care that young men fit for labour be set unto some occupation ; of which they shall give notice to the officers of Justice , that so no person be permitted to go begging from door to door . VIII . 8. They shall provide for those of the poor which are sick or in prison , to comfort and assist them in their necessity . IX . 9. The shall be assistant in the Consistory with the Ministers and Elders , there to propose unto them the necessities of the poor , and to receive their directions ; as also in the election of other Deacons . X. 10. There ought ●…o be Deacons in every Parish , unlesse the 〈◊〉 will take upon them the charge of collecting the almes , and distributing thereof amongst the poor . The Liturgie of the Church , wherein there is contained the preaching of the Gospell , the administration of the Sacraments , the Laws of Marriage , the Visitation of the Sick , and somewhat also of Buriall . CHAP. VIII . Of the Preaching of the Gospell . Article I. 1. THe people shall be assembled twice every Sunday in the Church , to hear the Preaching of the Gospell , and to be assistant at the publick prayers . They shall also meet together once or twice a week , on those dayes which shall be thought most convenient for the severall Parishes ; the Master of every houshold bringing with him those of his family . II. 2. The people being assembled before Sermon , there shall be read a Chapter out of the Canonicall books of Scripture only , and not of the Apocrypha ; and it shall be read by one which beareth office in the Church , or at the least , by one of honest conversation . III. 3. During the prayer , every one shall be upon his knees , with his head uncovered . Also during the singing of the Psalmes , the administration of the Sacraments ; and whilest the Minister is reading of his text , every one shall be uncovered , and shall attentively observe all that is done and said . IV. 4. The Ministers every Sunday after dinner shall Catechize , and shall choose some text of Scripture sutable to that section which they are to handle ; and shall re●…d in the beginning of that exercise the said text , as the foundation of the Doctrine contained in that Section . V. 5. The Church shall be locked immediately a●…er Sermon and the publick prayers , to avoid superstition ; and the bench●…s shall be orderly disposed , that every one may hear the voice of the Preacher . VI. 6. The Churches being d●…dicated to Gods service , shall not be imployed to prophane uses ; and therefore in●…reaty shall be made to the Magistrate , that no Civill Courts be there holden . CHAP. IX . Of Baptisme . Article I. 1. THe Sacrament of Baptisme shall be administred in the Church , after the Preaching of the Word , and before the Bened●…ction . II. 2. The Parents of the Infants , if they are not in some journey , shall be near the Infant , together with the Sureties , to present it unto God ; and shall joyntly promise to instruct it , according as they are obliged . III. 3. No man shall be admitted to be a Surety in holy Baptisme , which hath not formerly received the Communion , or which is not fit to receive it , and doth promise so to do upon the n●…xt conveniency , whereof he shall bring an attestation if he be a stranger . IV. 4. They which intend to bring an Infant unto holy Bap●…me , shall give competent warning unto the Minister . V. 5. The Minister shall not admit of such names as were used in the time of Paganism , the names of Idols , the names attributed to God in Scripture , or names of office , as Angell , Laptist , Apostle . VI. 6. In every Parish there shall be kept a Register of such as are Baptized , their Fathers , Mothers , Sureties , and the day of it ; as also of Marriages and Funerals , which shall be carefully preserved . CHAP. X. Of the Lords Supper . Article I. 1. THe holy Supper of our Lord Jesus Christ shall be celebrated four times a year , viz. at Easter or the first Sunday of Aprill , the first Sunday of July , the first Sunday of October , and the first Sunday of January , and that after the Sermon , in which expresse mention shall be made of the businesse then in hand , or at least a touch of it in the end . II. 2. The manner of it shall be this , The Table shall be set in some convenient place near the Pulpit ; the people shall communicate in order , and that sitting , as is most conformable to the first institution ; or else standing , as is accustomed in some places ; the men first , and afterwards the women ; none shall dep●…rt the pl●… untill ●…ter Thanksgiving a●…d the 〈◊〉 . III. 3. They which intend to be 〈◊〉 , shall first be catechized by the Minister , that so they may be able to render a reason of th●…●…ith . They ought also to understand the Lords Prayer , the Articles of their belief , the Ten Commandements , or at the least the substance of them . They shall also abjure the Pope , the Masse , and all superstition and 〈◊〉 . IV. 4. No man shall be admitted to the L●…rds Supper , which is not of the years of discretion , and which hath not a good testimony of his life and conversation , and which will not promise to submit himself unto the Disciplin●… . V. 5. If any be accused before the Justice to have committed any crime , he shall be admonished to forbear the Supper untill he be acquitted . VI. 6. The Minister shall not receive any of another Parish without a testimony from the Pastor , or if there be no Pastor , from one of the Elders . VII . 7. They which resuse to be reconciled , shall be debarred the Communien . VIII . 8. The people shall have warning fifteen dayes at the least before the Communion , to the end they may be prepared for it . IX . 9. Besides the first examination which they undergoe , before they are partakers of the Lords Supper , every one shall again be Catechized , at the least once a year , at the best conveniency of the Minister , and of his people . CHAP. XI . Of Fasts and Thanksgiving . Article I. 1. THe publick Fasts shall be celebrated in the Church when the Colloquie or the Synod think it most expedient , as a day of rest ; in which there shall be a Sermon both in the morning and the afternoon , accompanyed with Prayers , reading of the Scripture , and singing of Psalmes ; all this to be disposed according to the occasions and causes of the Fast , and by the authority of the Magistrate . II. 2. Solemn Thanksgiving also shall be celebrated after the same manner as the Fast , the whole exercise being sutable to the occasion of the same . CHAP. XII . Of Marriage . Article I. 1. ALL contracts of Marriage shall be made in the presence of Parents , Friends , Guardians , or the Masters of the 〈◊〉 , and with their consent , as also in the presence of the Minister , or of an Elder , or a Deacon , before whom the contract shall be made , with invocation on the name of God , without which it is no contract . And as for those which are sui juris , the presence of the Minister , or of the Elders , or of the Deacons , shall be also necessary for good orders sake . And from a promise thus made , there shall be no departing . II. 2. Children and such as are in Wardship , shall not make any promise of Marriage , wthout the consent of their Fathers and Mothers , or of their Gardians in whose power they are . III. 3. If the Parents are so unreasonable as not to agree unto a thing so holy , the Consistory shall give them such advice as is expedient ; to which advice if they not hearken , they sh●…ll have recourse unto the Magistrate . IV. 4. They also which have been Married shall owe so much respect unto their Parents , as not to marry again without their leave ; in default whereof they shall incur the censures of the Church . V. 5. No stranger shall be affianced without licence from the Governours or their Lieutenants . VI. 6. The degrees of consanguinity and of affinity prohibited in the word of God , shall be carefully looked into , by such as purpose to be marryed . VII . 7. Those which are affianced , shall promise , and their Parents with them , that they will be marryed within 3 moneths after the contract , or within 6 moneths in case either of them have occasion of a Journey ; if they obey not , they shall incur the censures of the Church . VIII . 8. The Banes shall be asked successively three Sundayes in the Church , where the parties do inhabit ; and if they marry in another Parish , they shall carry with them a testimony from the Minister by whom their Banes were published ; without which they shall no●… marry . IX . 9. For the avoiding of the abuse and profanation of the ●…ords day , and the manifest prejudice done unto the Word of God , on those dayes wherein Marriage hath been solemnized ; it is ●…ound expedient , that it be no longer solemnized upon the Sunday , but upon some Lecture days which happen in the we●…k only . X. 10. If any purpose to forbid the Banes , he shall first addresse himself 〈◊〉 the Minister , or two of the Elders , by whom he shall be appointed to appear in the next C●…nsistory , there to alleadge the reasons of his so doing , whereof the Consistory shall be judge . If he appeal from thence , the cause shall be referred unto the next Colloquie . XI . 11. Those which have too familiarly conversed together before their espousals , shall not be permitted to marry before they hav●… made confession of their fault : if the crime be notoriously publick , before the whole congregation ; if lesse known , the Consistory shall determine of it . XII . 12. Widowes which are minded to re-marry , shall not be 〈◊〉 to contract themselves untill six moneths after the dec●…ase o●… their dead husbands ; as well for honesties sake , and their own good report , as to avoid divers inconveniences . And as for men , they also shall be admonished to attend some certain time , but without constraint . CHAP. XIII . Of the Visitation of the sick . Article I. 1. THose which are afflicted with sicknesse , shall in due time advertise them which bear office in the Church ; to the ●…nd , that by they them may be visited and comforted . II. 2. Those which are sick shall in due time be admonished to make their Wils , while as yet they be in perfect memory , and that in the presence of their Minister or Overseer , or other honest and sufficient persons , which shall witnesse to the said Wils or Testaments , that so they may 〈◊〉 approved and stand in force . CHAP. XIV . Of Buriall . Article I. 1. THe Corps shall not be carryed , nor interred within the Church , but in the Church-yard only , appointed for the buryall of the faithfull . II. 2. The Parents , Friends and Neighbours of the deceased , and all such whom the Parents shall intreat , as also the Ministers , if they may conveniently ( as members of the Church and Brethren , but not in relation to their charge no more then the Elders and the Deacons ) shall accompany the body in good fashion unto the grave . In which action there shall neither be a Sermon , nor Prayers , nor sound of Bell , nor any other ceremony whatsoever . III. 3. The bodies of the dead shall not be interred without notice given unto the Minister . IV. 4. The bodies of those which die excommunicate , shall not be interred among the faithfull without the appointment of the Magistrate . CHAP. XV. Of the Church censures . Article I. 1. ALL those which are of the Church , shall be subject unto the censures of the same ; as well they which bear office in it , as they which have none . II. 2. The sentence of Abstention from the Lords Supper , shall be published only in case of Heresie , Schisme , or other such notorious crime , whereof the Consistory shall be judge . III. 3. Those which receive not the Admonitions and Reprehensions made unto them in the word of God , which continue hardned without hope of returning into the right way , after many exhortations ; if otherwise they may not be r●…claimed , shall be excommunicate : wherein the proceeding shall be for three Sundayes together , after this ensuing manner . IV. 4. The first Sunday the people shall be exhorted to pray for the offender , without naming the person or the crime . V. 5. The second Sunday the person shall be named , but not the crime . The third , the p●…rson shall be named , his offence published , and himsel●… be excommunicate . Which sentence shall stand in force as long as he continueth in his obstinacy . VI. 6. Those which are excommunicate , are to be cast out of the boson●…e o●… the Church , that they may neither be admitted unto publick Prayer , nor to the Preaching of the Gospell . VII . 7. They which bearing publick office in the Church , become guil●… o●… any c●…ime , which in a priv●…e person might deserve an A●…stention from the Lords table , shall be suspended from their charge ; and they which are found guilty of any crime , which in a pr●…vate person might me●…it excommunication , shall be deposed . VIII . 8. In like manner , those which are convict●…d of such a fault , by 〈◊〉 whereof they be thought unfit to exercise th●… functions to the edification of the Church , shall be deposed . IX . 9. If the off●…nder repent him of his sin , and demand al s●…lution o●… the Consistory , they shall diligently informe th●…mselves of his conversation ; whereupon there shall be notice of it given unto the people t●…e Sunday before he be admitted , and shall make acknowledgment , to be restored unto the peace of the Church . X. 10. The second Sunday he shall be brought before the Pul●… , and in some eminent place , where he shall make confession of his sin ; demanding p●…rdon of God , and of the Church wi●…h his own mouth , in confirmation of that which the Minister shall s●…y of his repentance . CHAP. XVI . Of Ecclesiasticall Assemblies for the rule and government of the Church . Article I. 1. IN all Eccles●…asticall Assemblies , the Ministers shall preside as well to collect the suffrages as to command silence , to pronounce sentence according to the plurality of voices , as also to denounce the c●…nsures ; unto which himself as well as others shall be subject . II. 2. The censures shall be denounced with all meeknesse of spirit . III. 3. The Ecclesiasticall Assemblies shall commence and end with prayer and thanksgiving ; this is to be done by him that is then President . IV. 4. All they which are there assembled , shall speak every one in his own order , without interrupting one another . V. 5. None shall depart the place without licence . VI. 6. All matters of Ecclesiasticall cognisance shall be there treated and decided according to the word of God , without ●…oaching upon the civill jurisdiction . VII . 7. If there happen any businesse of importance , which cannot be dispatched in the lesser Assemblies , they shall be referred unto the greater . In like manner , if any think himself agrieved by the lesser Assemblies , he may appeal unto the greater . Provided , that nothing be handled in the greater Assemblies , which hath not been formerly treated in the lesser , unlesse in case only of remission . VIII . 8. There shall be kept a Register of all things memorable done in the Assemblies ; and a Scribe appointed in each of them for that purpose . IX . 9. The Ecclesiasticall Assemblies in the main body of them shall not intermeddle with businesse appertaining to the Civill C●…urts ; notwithstanding that , they may be members of the same as private persons , but this not often , viz. when there is a businesse of great consequence to be determined . X. 10. He that is banished from the Lords table , or suspended from his office by one Assembly , shall be readmitted only by the same . CHAP. XVII . Of the simple or unmixt Assembly , which is the 〈◊〉 . A●…ticle I. 1. THe Consistory is an Assembly of the Ministers and 〈◊〉 of every Church , for the government of the same , for superintendency over mens manners , and their doctrine ; for the correction of vices , and the incouragement of the good . In this there may be assistants both the Deacons and the Proponents , those viz. which are nominated to be Ministers , the better to fashion them unto the Discipline and guidance of the Church . II. 2. The Consistory shall be assembled every Sunday , or any other day and time convenient , to consult about the businesse of the Church . III. 3. No man shall be called unto the Church without the advice of the Minister and two Elders at the least , in case of necessity ; and every Elder or Sexton shall give notice unto those of his division , according as he is appointed . IV. 4. The Elders shall not make report unto the Consistory of any secret faults , but shall observe the order commanded by our Saviour , Mat. 18. Reproving in secret such faults as are secret . V. 5. Neither the Minister nor the Elder shall name unto the Consistory those men of whose faults they make report , without direction from the Consistory . VI. 6. The censures of the Consistory shall be denounced on some convenient day before every Communion ; at which time they shall also passe their opinions on the Schoole-master . VII . 7. The Consistory shall make choice of those which go to the Colloquie . VIII . 8. The correction of crimes and scandals appertains unto the Consistory , so far as to excommunication . IX . 9. In Ecclesiasticall businesse the Consistory shall make enquiry into such crimes as are brought before them , and shall adjure the parties in the name of God to speak the truth . CHAP. XVIII . Of Assemblies compound , viz. the Colloquies and the Synods . Article I. 1. IN the beginning of the Assembly , the Ministers and Elders which ought to be assistant , shall be called by name . II. 2. The persons appointed to be there , shall not fail to make their appearance , upon pain of being censured by the next Assembly , unto which they shall be summoned . III. 3. The Articles of the precedent Assembly shall be read before they enter upon any businesse , to know the better how they have been put in execution . And at the end of every Assembly , the Elders shall take a copy of that which is there enacted , that so they may all direct themselves by the same rule . IV. 4. In every Assembly there shall be one appointed for the Scribe , to register the acts of the Assembly . V. 5. In the end of every Assembly , there shall a favourable censure passe , of the Consistories in generall , of the Ministers and Elders which shall be there assistant ; and principally of that which hath been done in the Assembly , during the Sessions . VI. 6. The sentence of Excommunication shall be awarded only in these Assemblies . VII . 7. The Justices shall be entreated to intermit the course of pleading , both ordinary and extraordinary , during the Colloquies and the Synods ; to the end , that those which ought to be assistant , may not be hindred . CHAP. XIX . Of the Colloquie . Article I. 1. THe Colloquie is an Assembly of the Ministers and Elders delegated from each severall Church in either Island , for the governance of those Churches , and the advancement of the Discipline . II. 2. The Colloquies shall be assembled four times a year , viz. ten dayes before every Communion ; upon which day the word of God shall be proposed , according to the forme before established , Chap. Of Ministers . III. 3. The Ministers of Alderney and Serke shall make their appearance once yearly at the lea●… , at the Colloqu●…e of Guernzey ; but for that one time it may be such as shall most stand with their convenience . IV. 4. The Colloquie shall make choice of those which are to go unto the Synod , and shall give unto them Letters of credence . CHAP. XX. Of the Synod . Article I. 1. THe Synod is an Assembly of Ministers and Elders delegated from the Colloquies of both Islands . II. 2. The Syn●…d shall be assembled from two years to two years in Jarsey and Gu●…rnzey by turnes , if there be no nec●…ssity to exact them oftner ; in which case those of that Isle where the Synod is thought necessary , shall set forwards the businesse by the advice of both Colloquies . III. 3. There shall be chosen in every Synod , a Minister to moderate in the Assembly , and a Clerk to register the acts . IV. 4. The Minister of the place where the Assembly shall be holden , shall conceive a prayer in the beginning of the first Session . V. 5. The Colloquies shall in convenient time , mutually advertise each other in generall of those things , which they have to motion in the Synod ; to the end that every one may consider of them more advisedly . Which said advertisement shall be given before the Colloquie , which precedeth the Synod , in as much as possible it may . And as for matters of the lesser consequence , they shall b●… imparted on the first day of the Session . The Conclusion . Those Articles which concern the Discipline , are so established , that for as much as they are founded upon the word of God , they are adjudged immutable . And as for those which are meerly Ecclesiasticall , i. e. framed and confirmed for the commodity of the Church , according to the circumstance of persons , time and place ; they may be altered by the same authority , by which they were contrived and ratifyed . THE END . CHAP. V. ( 1 ) Annotations on the Discipline . ( 2 ) No place in it for the Kings Supremacy . ( 3 ) Their love to Parity , as well in the State as in the Church . ( 4 ) The covering of the head a sign of liberty . ( 5 ) The right hands of fellowship . ( 6 ) Agenda what it is , in the notion of the Church ; The intrusion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs . ( 7 ) Millets case . ( 8 ) The brethren superstitious in giving names to children . ( 9 ) Ambling Communions . ( 10 ) The holy Discipline made a a third note of the Church . ( 11 ) Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline . ( 12 ) Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities . ( 13 ) The Baptism of Bels. ( 14 ) The brethren under pretence of scandal , usurp upon the civil Courts . ( 15 ) The D●…scipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth . ( 16 ) A caution to the Prelates . SIc nata Romana superstitio ; qu●…rum ritus si percenseas , ridenda quam multa , multa etiam miserand●… sunt : as in an equal case , Minutius . This is that Helena which lately had almost occasioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to put all the cities of our Greece into combustion : This that Lemanian Idol , before which all the Churches of the world , were commanded to fall down and worship : this that so holy Discipline , so essential to the constitution of a Church , that without it , Faith and the Sacraments were to be judged unprofitable . Egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla . How infini●…ely are we obliged to those most excellent contrivers , that first exhibited unto the world so neat a model of Church Government : with what praises must we celebrate the memory of those , which with such violent industry endevoured to impose upon the world , these 〈◊〉 inventions ! But this I leave unto your Lordship to determine : proceeding to some scattered Annnotations on the precedent text ; wherein I shall not censure their devices , but expound them . Cap. 1. 3. As bearing chief stroke in the Civil G●…ernment . ] For in the Government Ecclesiastical , they d●…cline his judgem●…nt as incompetent : An excellent instance whereof we have in the particular of David Bl●…cke , a Minister of Sc●…land , who having in a Sermon traduced the person and government of the King : was by the King commanded to appear before him . But on the other 〈◊〉 , the Church revoked the cause unto their tribunal , & jussit eum judicium illud declinare , saith mine Author . True it is , that in the next chapt●…r they afford him ●…er to correct Blasphemers , Atheists , and Idolaters : but this only as the executioners of their decrees ; and in the punishment of such whom their assemblies have condemned . On the other side , they take unto themselves , the designation of all those , which bear publick office in the Church : Chap. 3 7. The appointing and proclaiming all publick fasts : Chap. 11. 1. The presidency in their Assemblies : Chap. 16. 1. The calling of their Councels : Chap. 19. 20. Matters in which consists the life of Soveraignty . No marvell then i●… that p●…rty so much disl●…ke the Supremacy of Princes in cau●…es Ecclesiastical : as being ex diametro opposed to the Consistorian Monarchy . A lesson taught them by their first Patriarch in his Commentaries on the 7. chapter of the Prophet Amos , vers . 13. in these words , and in this particular . Qui t●…pere 〈◊〉 Henri●…um Angliae ( understand the 8. of the name ) certe fuerunt homines inconsiderati : dede●…t enim illi summam rerum omnium potestatem ; & hoc me gravi●…er 〈◊〉 vulneravit . After wards he is content to permit them so much power as is granted them in the 2 chapter of this Book of Discipline : but y●…t will not have then deal too much in spiritualities . H●… ( sa●…th he ) s●…ere requiritur a regilus , ut gladio quo 〈◊〉 sunt , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 cultum dei asse●…endum . Sed interea sunt homines inconfiderati , qui saciunt eos , nimis spirituales . So he , and so his followers since . Chap. 3. 4. No Church officer shall or ought to pretend any superiority or do●…inion over his companions . ] And in the chapt . 1. 2. No ●…ne Church shall pretend , &c. And this indeed , this parity is that which all their 〈◊〉 did so mainly drive at : these m●…n conc●…g of Religion as Philosophers of friendship ; cum 〈◊〉 semper pares aut inveni●…t , ●…ut faciat : as in Minutius . A parity by those of this party so earnestly affected in the Church : the better to introduce it also into the State. This was it which principally occasioned G. Buchanan in the Epistle before his libellous Book De jure regni , to reckon those common titles of Majesty and Highnesse , usually attributed unto Princes , inter barbarismos Aulicos , amongst the solecisms and absurdities of Courtship . This was it , which taught Paraeus and the rest that there was a power in the inferiour Magistrates to restrain the person of the Prince ; and in some cases to depose him . This was it , which often moved the Scottish Ministery to put the sword into the hands of the multitude : and I am verily perswaded that there is no one thing which maketh the brethren so affected to our Parliaments , as this , that it is a body , wherein the Commons have so much sway . Chap. 3. 6. Shall first subscribe to the confession of the Faith used in the reformed Churches ] But the reformed Churches are very many , and their confessions in some points very different . The Lutheran Confessions are for consubstantiation and ubiquity : the English is for Homilies , for Bishops , for the Kings Supremacy : and so not likely to be intended . The confession then here intended , must be that only of Geneva , which Church alone is thought by some of them to have been rightly and perfectly reformed . Chap. 4. 1. To propose the Word of God. ] The fashion of it , this ; such as by study have enabled themselves for the holy Ministery ; upon the vacancy of any Church , have by the Coll●…quie , some time appointed , to make 〈◊〉 ( as they call it ) of their gi●…t . The day come , and the Co●…oquie assembled , they design him a particular place of Scripture , for the ground of his discou●…se : which done , and the proponent ( for so they 〈◊〉 him ) commanded to withdraw , they passe their censures on him , every one of them in their order : if they approve o●… him , they then send him also to propose unto the people , as in the second Article . Chap. 4. ●… . And that bareh●…led ] And this it may be , because Candidates ; 〈◊〉 , because not yet initiated . For themselves having once attained the honour to be Masters in Israel ; they permit their heads to be warmly covered : a thing not in use only by the Ministers of the Geneva way ; but ( as my self have seen it ) among the Pri●…sts and Jesuites . I know the putting on of the hat is a sign of liberty ; that the Laconians being made free Denizens of La●…demon , would never go into the batt●…il , nisi pileati , without their hats : and that the Gent. of Rome did use to manumit their slaves , by giving them a cap ; whereupon ad pileum vocare , is as much as to s●…t one f●…ee . Y●…t on the other side , I think it li●…tle ●…judicial to that liberty , not to make such full use of it , in the performance of those pious duties . True it is , that by this book of Discipline the people are commanded to be uncovered , during the P●…ayers , the reading of the 〈◊〉 , the singing of the Psalmes , and the administration of the Sacraments . Chap. 8. 3. But when I call to minde , that S Paul hath told us this , 1 Cor. 11. That every man praying or prop●…ecying with his head covered dishonoureth his head : I shall appl●…ud the pious modesty of the English ministery ; who keep their heads uncovered , as well when they prophecy as when they pray . To give them institution by imp●…sition of hands . ] A cer●…mony not used only in the Ordination ( if I may so call it ) of their Ministers , but in that also of the Elder and of the 〈◊〉 : persons meerly Laical . But this in mine opinion very improperly : for when the Minister whose duty it is , instals them in their charge ; with this solemn form of words he doth perform it . Jet ' impose les mains , &c. ●…z . I lay mine hands upon you in the name of the Consistory ; by which imposition of hands you are advertised , that you are set apart from the affairs of the world &c. and if so , how then can these men receive this imposition , who for the whole year of their charge , imploy themselves in their sormer occupation●… , at times ; and that expired , return again unto them altogether ? A meer mockage of a reverent ceremony . Chap. 4. 3. Giving and receiving the hand of Association ] An ordinance founded on that in the 2. to the Gal. 5. viz. They gave unto me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship : An embleme , as it is noted by Theod. Beza , on the place , of a perfect agreement and consent in the holy faith ; Quod Symbolum esset nostrae in Evangelii d●…ctrina summae consensionis : and much also to this pu●…pose that of learned Chrysostome ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This phrase of speech borrowed , no question , from the customes of those times ; wherein the giving of the hand , was a most c●…rtain pledge of faith and amity . So Anchises in the third book of Aeneids Dextram dat juveni , atque animum praesenti pignore firmat : 10 in another place of the same author ; Jungimus hospitio dextras . Commissaque dextera dextrae , in the Epistle of Phillis to Demophoon . Whereupon it is the note of the Grammarians , that as the front or fore-head is sacred to the Genius ; and the knees to mercy : so is the right hand consecrated unto faith . But here in Guernzey there is a further use made of this ceremony ; which is an abjuration of all other arts of preaching , or of government , to which the party was before accustomed : and an absolute devoting of himself to them , their ordinances and constitutions whatsoever . So that if a Minister of the Church of England should be perchance received among them : by this hand of association , he must in a manner condemn that Church of which he was . Chap. 5. 5. That they maintain them at the publick charge . ] A bounty very common in both Islands : and ordered in this manner ; the businesse is by one of the Assembly expounded to the three Estates , viz. that N. N. may be sent abroad to the Universities of France or England , and defrayed upon the common purse . If it be granted , then must the party bring in sufficient sureties to be bound for him ; that at the end of the time limited , he shall repair into the Islands , and make a profer of his service in such places , as they think fit for him ; if they accept it , he is provided for at home : if not , he is at liberty to seek his fortune . Chap. 6. 3. How they behave themselves in their several families ] By which clause the Elders authorised to make enquiry into the lives and conversations of all about them : not only aiming at it by the voice of fame , but by tampering with their neighbours , and examining their servants . It is also given them in charge , at their admission into office ; to make diligent enquiry , whether those in their division , have private prayers both morning and evening in their houses ; whether they constantly say grace , both before meat and after it ; if not , to make report of it to the Consistory . A diligence , in my minde , both dangerous and ●…wcy . Chap. 8. 1. To be assistant at the publick prayers ] The publick prayers here intended , are those which the Minister conceives according to the present occasion : beginning with a short confession , and so descending to crave the assistance of Gods Spirit in the exercise , or Sermon then in hand . For the forme , the Geneva Psalter telleth us , that it shall be le●… alla discretion du Ministre , to the Ministers discretion : the form of Prayers , and of Marriage , and of administration of the Sacraments , there put down ; being types only and examples , whereby the Minister may be directed in the general . The learned Architect which took such great pains in making the Altare Damascenum , tels us in that piece of his , that in the Church of Scotland there is also an Agenda , or form of prayer and of ceremony : but for his part having been 13 years a Minister , he never used it . Totos ego tredecem annos quibus functus sum Ministerio , sive in Sacramentis , & iis quae extant in agenda , nunquam usus sum : and this he speaks as he conceives it , to his commendation . Where by the way , Agenda , ( it is a word of the latter ●…imes ) is to be understood for a set form in the performance of those ministerial duties , quae statis temporibus agenda sunt , as mine Author hath it . In the Capitular of Charles the great , we have mention of this word Agenda , in divers pl●…ces : once for all , let that suffice in the 6 book , Can. 234. viz Si quis Presbyter in consulto Episcopo , Agendam in quolibet loco voluerint celebrare ; ipse honori suo contrarius extitit . Chap. 8. 5. The Churches shall be locked immediately after Sermon ] The pretence is as it followeth in the next words , to avoid superstition : but having nothing in their Churches to provoke superstition ; the cau●…ion is unnecessary . So destitute are they all both of ornament and beauty . The true cause is , that those of that party are offended with the antient custome of stepping aside into the Temples , and their powring out the soul in private prayer unto God : because forsooth it may imply , that there is some secret vertue in those places more then in rooms of ordinary use ; which they are peremptory not to give them . Chap. 9. 1. After the preaching of the word ] And there are two reasons why the Sacrament of Baptism should be long delayed : the one because they falsly think , that without the preaching of the word there is no 〈◊〉 : the other to take away the opinion of the nec●…ssity of holy Baptism ; and the administration of it in private houses in case of such necessity . In this strictnesse very resolute , and not to be bended with perswasions , scarce with power . At our being in the Isle of Guernzy , the Ministers presented unto his Lordship a catalogue of grievances against the civill Magistrate . And this among the rest , that they had entermedled with the administration of the Sacraments . This certainly was novum crimen C. Caesar , & ante hoc tempus inauditum : but upon examination it proved only to be thus . A poor man of the Vale had a childe born unto him weak and sickly ; not like to live till the publick exercise ; whereupon he desi●…s Millet the Incumbent there , that he would Baptize it : but after two or three denials made , the poor man complained unto the Bailiffe ; by whom the Minister was commanded to do his duty . This was all , & crimine ab un●… disce omnes . Chap. 9. 5. Names used in Paganism ] Nor mean they here , such names as occur in Poets , as Hector , Hercules , &c. though names of this sort occurre frequently in S. Pauls Epistles : but even such names as formerly have been in use amongst our ancestors ; as Richard , Edmund , William , and the like . But concerning this behold a story wherein our great contriver Snape was a chief party , as I finde in the book called Dangerous positions , &c. verified upon the oath of one of the brotherhood . Hodkinson of Northampton , having a childe to be baptized , repaired to Snape to do it for him : and he consented to the motion , but with promise , that he should give it some name allowed in Scripture . The childe being brought , and that holy action so far forwards , that they were come to the naming of the childe , they named it Richard : which was the name of the Infants Grandfather by the Mothers side . Upon this a stop was made , nor would he be perswaded to baptize the childe ; unlesse the name of it were altered : which when the Godfather refused to do , he forsook the place , and the childe was carried back unchristned . To this purpose , but not in the same words , the whole history . But if the name of Richard be so Paganish , what then shall we conceive of these ; The Lord is near , More-tryall , Joy-again , Free-gift , From-above , and others of that stamp ? are they also extant in the Scripture ? Chap. 10. 2. And that sitting &c. or standing &c ] In this our Synodists more moderate , then those of the Netherlands , who have licensed it to be administred unto men , even when they are walking . For thus Angelocrator in his Epitome of the Dutch Synods , cap. 13. art . 8. viz Liberum est stando , sedendo , vel eundo , coenam celebrare , non autem geniculando : and the reason , questionlesse , the same in both ; ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 periculum ; for fear of bread-worship . I had before heard sometimes of ambling Communions ; but till I met with that Epitome , I could not stumble on the meaning . A strange and stubborn generation ; and ●…iffer in the hams , then any E●…phant : such as will 〈◊〉 bow the knee to the Name of Jesus , nor kneel to him in his Sacraments . Chap. 10. 4. which will not promise to submit himself unto the 〈◊〉 l●…ne ] A thing before injoyned in the subscription to it , 〈◊〉 all such as take upon them any publick office in the Church : but he●…e exacted in the submission to it of all such as 〈◊〉 to be Communicants . The reason is , because 〈◊〉 that time it seemed good unto the brethren to make the holy Discipline , as essential to the being of a Church , as the preaching of the word and administration of the Sacraments ; and so essential , that no Church could possibly subsist without it . For thus Beza in his Epistle unto 〈◊〉 , Anno 1572 Magnum est Dei munus quod unam & religionem pu●…am , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( doctrinae viz : retinendae vin●…ulum ) in ●…cotiam intul●…stis . 〈◊〉 & obtestor , 〈◊〉 duo simul retinete , ut uno amisso alterum diu permanere non posse , semper memineritis . So he Epist. 79. According unto which Doctrine Mr. Dela-Marshe , in his n●…w 〈◊〉 , which lately by the authority of the Colloquie , he i●…posed upon the Churches in the I●…le of Gue●…nzy : hath joyned this holy Dis●…pline , as a chief note , together with the others . Chap. 12. 9. That it be no longer solemnized upon the Sunday ] Wherein ( ●…o scarcely did the same Spirit rule them both ) the Dutch S●…nodists have shewed themselves more moderate , then these contrivers , they having licensed marriage on all da●…s equally ; exc●…pt such as are d●…stinate to the Lords Supper , and to s●…lemn fasts ; Quovis die matrimonia 〈◊〉 & celebrari poterunt , modo concio ad populum habeatur : exceptis coenae diebus , & 〈◊〉 sacratis . Cap. ult . art . 8. By both of them it is agreed that marriage be cel●…brated on such daies only , on which there is a Sermon : and if the Sermon be any thing to the purpose , I am content they should expect it . Only I needs must note with what little reason these men and their 〈◊〉 have so often quarrelled our Church , for the restraint of marriage , at some certain seasons : whereas they think it fit , at some times to restrain it in their own . W●…ll ●…are therefore our neighbours of the Church of Scotland : men very indifferent both for the 〈◊〉 , and for the place . For the time ; Nu●…um tempus tam 〈◊〉 quod ●…jus celebra●…ione polluatur : and for the place , immo & in praetor●…o vel quovis l●…co publico — &c. & extra sacra & publicum c●…nventum totius ecclesiae . So they , that made the Altare Damasce●…um . p. 872. 865. 866. Chap. 14. 1. The C●…rps shall not be carri●…d inte●…ed within the Church ] Which prohibition , whether it hath more in it of the Jew or of the Gentile , is not easie to determine . Amongst the J●…wes it was not lawful for the Priest to be present a●… a Funeral ; or for the dead corps to be 〈◊〉 within the camp : and on the other side , it was by law in Athens and in Rome forbidden , either to burn their dead , or to bury them within their Cities . In urbe ne 〈◊〉 neve 〈◊〉 , saith the Law of the 12 Tables ; nor do I ●…e for what cause this 〈◊〉 should prohibit the dead bodies entrance into the Church , and to permit it in the Church-yards . If for the avoiding of superstition , it is well known th●…t not the Church only , but the Church-yards are also consecrated . The reason why they will not bury in the Church is only their desire and love of parity ; the Church will hardly be capacious enough to bury all : and since by death and nature all are equall , why should that honour be vouchsa●…ed unto the rich , and not unto the poor ? Out of this love of parity it is , that in the next article , they have forbidden Fu●…ral Se●…mons ; wherein the Dutch S●…ods , and those men most perfectly conc●…r ; as appeareth in that collection , cap. II. 5. For if such Sermons be permitted , the common people will be forsooth aggrieved , and think themselves neglected : Ditiores enim hoc officio cohonestabuntur , neglectis pauperi●…us . Chap. 14. 2. Nor any pray●…rs , nor sound of bell ] The last for love of parity ; but this for fear of superstition . For prayers at the burial of the dead , may possibly be mistook , for prayers for the dead ; and so the world may dream perh●…ps of Purgatory . The silencing of bels is somewhat juster , because that musick hath been superstitiously and foolishly imployed in former times , and in this very case at Funerals . It is well known with what variety of ceremonies they were baptized and consecrated ( as in the Church of Rome they still are ) by the Bishops . Whereby the people did conceive a power inherent in them , not only for the scattering of tempests , in which cases they are also rung amongst them : but for the repulsing of the Devil and his Ministers . Blessings which are intreated of the Lord for them , as appeareth by one of those many prayers , prescribed in that form of consecration ; by the Roman Pontifical , viz. ut per factum illorum procul pellantur omnes insidiae inimici , fragor grandinum , procella turbinum , &c. Whilest therefore the people was superstitious in the use of bels , the restraint of them was allowable : but being now a matter only of solemnity , it argueth no little superstition to rest●…ain them . Chap. 16. 6. Without encroaching on the civil jurisdiction ] And well indeed it were , if this clause were intended to be observed : for in the 17. chap. and 8. art . it is decreed , that the correction of crimes and scandals appertaineth unto the Consistory . What store of grist , the word Crime , will bring unto their mils , I leave unto your Lordship to interpret : sure I am , that by this of scandal , they draw almost all causes within their cognizance . A matter testified by his late most excellent Majesty in a Remonstrance to the Parliament : viz. that the Puritan Ministers in Scotland had brought all causes within their jurisdiction ; saying , that it was the Churches office to judge of scandal , and there could be no kinde of fault or crime committed , but there was a scandal in it , either against God , the King , or their neighbour . Two instances of this , that counterfeit Eusebius , Philadelphus in his late Pamphlet against my Lord of St. Andrewes , doth freely give us . Earl Huntley upon a private quarrel had inhumanely killed the Earl of Murray . For this offence his Majesty upon a great suit , was content to grant his pardon : Ecclesia tamen Huntilaeum jussit sub dirorum poenis , ecclesiae satisfacere ; but yet the Church ( in relation to the scandall ) commanded him under the pain of Excommunication , to do penanc●… Not long after the said E●…rl Huntly and others of the Romish faction , had enterprised against the peace and sa●…ety of the Kingdome . The King resolved to pardon them for this also : Ecclesia autem exc●…mmunicationis censura pronuntiavit : but the Church pronounced against them the dreadful sentence of Anathema ; so little use is there of the civil Magistrate , when once the Church pretends a scandal . Chap. 17. 9. And shall adjure the parties in the Name of God ] And shall adjure , i. e. They shall provoke them , or induce them to con●…ssion , by using or interposing of the Name of God : for thus adju●…ation is defined to us by Aquinas Secunda secundae qu. 9. in Axiom . Adjurare , nihil aliud est ( sa●…th he ) nisi creaturam aliquam divini nominis , aut alterius cujuspiam sa●…ae rei interpositione , ad agendum aliquid impellere : the parties , and those not such ●…s give in the informations , for that is done in private by the Elders : but such of whose ill fame intelligence is given unto the C●…nsistory . If so , then would I fain demand of the contrivers , with what reason they so much exclaim against the oath ex officio judicis , used by our Prelates in their Chancellaries : since they themselves allow it in their Consistories . But thus of old , as it is in Horace , de Arte. Caecilio Plautoque dedit Romanus , ademptum Virgilio Varioque . Conclus . They are adjudged to be immutable ] And no marvail , if as the brethren and their Beza think , it be so essential to the Church , that no Church can possibly subsist without it : if so essential , that we may as warrantably deny the written Word , as these inventions . But certainly , what ever these think of it ; the founder of this plat-form thought not so : when thus he was perswaded , that the ordering of the Church of God , for as much as concernes the form of it , was le●…t to the discretion of the Ministers . For thus himself in his Epistle ad Neocomen●…es , dated 1544. v●…z . Substantiam di●…ciplinae ecclesiae exprimit disertis verbis Scriptura : forma autem ejus exercendae , quoniam a Domino praescri●…ta non est , a ministris constitui debet pro aedificatione . Thus he : and how d●…re they controll him ? Will they also dare to teach their Master ? Thus have I brought to end those Annotations , which I counted most convenient , for to expresse their meaning in some few passages of this new plat-form ; and to exemplifie their proceedings . A larger Commentary on this Text had been unnecessary : considering both of what I w●…ite , and unto whom . Only I needs must note , that as the erecting of these fabricks in these Islands was founded on the ruine of the Deanries : so had the birth of this device in England been death unto the Bishopricks . No wonder then if those which principally manage the affairs of holy Church , so busily bestir them●…elves in the destroying of this viper : which by no other means can come into the world , then by the death and ruine of his mother . Yet so it is , I know not whether by destiny , or some other means ; I would not think ; but so it is : that much of this new plat-form hath of late found favour with us ; and may in time make entrance to the rest . Their Lecturers permitted in so many places , what are they , but the Doctors of Geneva ? save only that they are more factious and sustain a party . And what the purpose and design of this , but so by degrees to lessen the repute of such daies as are appointed holy by the Church ; and fasten all opinion to their daies of preaching ? By whose authority stand the Church-wardens at the Temple doors ( as I have seen it oft in London ) to collect the bounty of the hearers : but only by some of their appointments , who finde that duty ( or the like ) prescribed here unto the Deacons , cap. 1. 2. I could say somewhat also of our ordinary Fasts , how much they are neglected every where : and no Fast now approved of , but the solemn . Nay we have suffered it of late to get that ground upon us ; in the practise at the least : that now no common businesse must begin without it . Too many such as these I fear , I could point out unto your Lordship , did I not think that these already noted were too many . A matter certainly worthy of your Lordships care , and of the care of those your Lordships partners in the Hierarchie : that as you suffer not these new inventions , to usurp upon our Churches by violence ; so that they neither grow upon us , by cunning or connivence . CHAP. VI. ( 1 ) King James how affected to this Platform . ( 2 ) He confirmes the Discipline in both Islands . ( 3 ) And for what reasons . ( 4 ) Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarzey . ( 5 ) His Articles against the Ministers there . ( 6 ) And the proceedings thereupon . ( 7 ) The distracted es●…ate of the Church and Ministery in that Island . ( 8 ) They referre themselves unto the King. ( 9 ) The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline . ( 10 ) A reference of both parties to the Councell . ( 11 ) The restitution of the Dean . ( 12 ) The Interim of Germanie what it was . ( 13 ) The Interim of Jarzey . ( 14 ) The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common-prayer . ( 15 ) The establ●…shment of the new Canons . IN this state and under this Government continued those 〈◊〉 till the happy entrance of K●…ng James upon the Monarchy of England . A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes , as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction : and had so ost confirmed their much desired Presbyteries . But when once he had set foot in England , where he was sure to meet with quiet men , and more obedience : he quickly made them see , that of his favour to that party , they had made themselves too large a promise . For in the conference at Hampton Court , he publickly prosessed , that howsoever he lived among Puri●…ans , and was kept for the most part as a ward under them ; yet ever since he was of the age of ●…en years old , he ever disliked their opinions : and as the Saviour of the world had said , though he lived among them , ●…e was not of them . In this conference also , that so memorized Apophthegm of his Majesty : No Bishop , no King : and anon after , My Lords the Bishops ( saith he ) I may thank ye , that these men ( the Puritans ) plead thus for my Supremacy . Add to this , that his Majesty had alwaies fostred in himself a pious purpose , not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline ; which thing himself avoweth , in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey : but also to establish in all the reformed Churches , if possibly it might be done ; together with unity of Religion , and uniformity of devotion . For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgie to be translated into the Latine , and also into most of the national Languages round about us : by that and other more private means , to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government : which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself . A heroick purpose , and worthy of the Prince from whom it came . This notwithstanding , that he was enclined the other way ; yet upon suit made by those of these Islands , he confirmed unto them their present orders , by a Letter under his private Seal , dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England ; which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September , 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue ; but the tenor of them was as followeth : James by the Grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , &c. unto all those whom these presents shall concern , greeting : Whereas we our selves and the Lords of our Councell have been given to understand , that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister , to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Dutchy of Normandy , the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Dutchy , whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown : for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf , as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God , as for the edification of his Church ; do will , and ordain , that our said 〈◊〉 shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline : there now established : forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment , as long as they contain themselves in our obedience , and att●mpt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God. Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August , Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first . Signed above James R. The reasons which moved this Prince to ass●…nt unto a form of Government , which he liked not ; was partly an ancient ●…ule and precept of his own , viz. That Princ●…s at their first entrance to a Crown ought not to innovate the government presently established . But the principal cause indeed , was desire not to discourage the 〈◊〉 in their beginnings : or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them . For since the year 1595. his Maj●…sty wearied with the 〈◊〉 of the Discipline in that Church established ; had much busied himself in restoring th●…ir an●…nt place and power unto the Bishops . He had already brought that work so forwards , that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners ( which was the antient number of the Bishops . ) to have suffrage in the Parliament ; and to represent in that Assembly the body of the Clergy : and that their place should be perpetual . Thus far with some trouble , but much art , he had prevailed on that unquiet and unruly company : and therefore had he denied the Islanders an allowance of their Discipline ; he had only taught the Scottish Ministery what to trust to . An allowance whereof he after made especial use in his proceedings with that people . For thus his Majesty in a Declaration concerning such of the Scottish Ministers , as lay attainted of High Treason , Anno 1606. viz. And as we have ever regarded carefully how convenient it is to maintain every Countrey in that form of Government which is fittest and can best agree with the constitution thereof ; and how dangerous alterations are without good advice and mature deliberation ; and that even in matters of order of the Church , in some small Island under our Dominions , we have abstained from suffering any alteration ; So we doubt not , &c as it there followeth in the words of the Declaration . On these reasons , or on some other not within the power of my conjecture ; this Discipline was permi●…ed in these Islands : though long it did not continue with them . For presently upon his Majesties comming to the Crown , Sir Walter Raleigh then Governor of Jarzey was 〈◊〉 of Treason : on which attaindure this with others of his places , fell actually into the Kings disposing : upon this variancy , it pleased his Majesty to depute the present Governor Sir John Peiton , to that 〈◊〉 : A 〈◊〉 not over forward in himself , to pursue the projects of the Powlets his 〈◊〉 , ( for Sir W. Raleigh had but a little while possessed the place ) and it may well be furnished also with some secret instructions from the King , not to be too indulg●…nt to that party . Whether that so it was or not , I cannot say : Sure I am that he omitted no opportunity of abating in the 〈◊〉 the pride and stomach of their jurisdiction . But long it was not before he found a fit occasion to place his battery against those works ; which in the Island there they thought impregnable . For as in the ancient proverb , 〈◊〉 est invenire baculum ut caedas canem : it is an 〈◊〉 thing to quarrell one , whom before hand we are resolved to 〈◊〉 . The occasion this . The Cu●…ate of S Johns being lately dead , it pleased the Colloquie of that Island , according to their former method ; to appoint one Brevin to succeed him : against which course , the Governor , the Kings Attorney and other the 〈◊〉 of the Crown p●…otested ; as prejudicial to the rights and profits of the King. How●…t , the case was ove●…-ruled ; and the Colloquie for that time carried it : he●…upon a bill of Articles was exhibited unto the Councel against the Ministers , by Peiton , the Governor , Ma●…ret the Attorney , now one of the Jurates , and the rest : as viz. that they had usurped the Patronage of all benefices in the Island ; that thereby they admitted men to livings without any form of 〈◊〉 ; that thereby they 〈◊〉 his Majesty of Vacancies and first-fruits ; that by connivence ( to say no worse of it ) of the former Governors , they exercised a kinde of arbitrary jurisdiction , making and disannulling lawes at their own uncertain liberty ; whereupon they most humbly besought his Majesty to grant them such a discipline , as might be fittest to the nature of the place , and lesse derogatory to the Royal Prerogative . This Bill exhibited unto the Councell , found there such approbation , that presently Sir Robert Gardiner , once chief Justice , ( as I take it ) in the Realm of Ireland ; and James Hussey Doctor of the Lawes ; though not without some former businesse ; were sent into the Islands . Against their coming into Jarzey , the Ministers of that Island had prepared their Answer ; which in the general may be reduced to these two heads ; viz. That their appointment of men into the Ministery , and the exercise of Jurisdiction being principal parts of the Church Discipline ; had been confirmed unto them by his Majesty . And for the matter of First-fruits , it was a payment which had never been exacted from them ; since their discharge from him at Constance ; unto whom in former times they had been due . Upon this answer the businesse was again remitted unto the King , and to his Councell ; by them to be determined upon the comming of their Deputies : the Committees not having ( as they said ) a power to determine it ; but only to instruct themselves in the whole cause , and accordingly to make report . Other matters within the compasse of their Commission , and about which they were said principally to be sent over , were then concluded : all which hapned in the year 1608. Immediately upon the departure of these Commissioners ; and long before their Deputies had any faculty to repair unto the Court : a foul deformity of confusion and distraction had overgrown the Church and Discipline . In former times all such as took upon them any publick charge either in Church or Common-wealth , had bound themselves by oath to cherish and maintain the Discipline : that oath is now disclaimed as dangerous and unwarrantable . Before it was their custome to exact subscripti to their platform , of all such as 〈◊〉 to receive the Sacrament : but now the Kings 〈◊〉 , and others of th●… p●…rty , chose rather to abstain from the Communion ; nay even the very Eld●…rs silly souls , that thought themselves 〈◊〉 Sacr●…sancti as a Roman Tribune : were drawn with proces into the ●…vil courts ; and there reputed 〈◊〉 the vulgar . Nor was the case much better with the Consistory : the Ju●…ates in their Co●… or Town-hall , relieving such by their authority , whom that Tribunal had condemned or censured . A pravis ad 〈◊〉 . Such is the inhumanity of the world , that when once a man is cast upon his knees , every one lends a hand to lay him p●…ostrate . No soon●…r had 〈◊〉 of the lower rank , observed the Ministers to 〈◊〉 in their chairs ; but they instantly begin to wrangle for the Tithes : and if the Curate will exact his due ; the Law is open , let 〈◊〉 try the Title . Their Benefices , where before accounted as exc●…mpt and priviledged , are brought to r●…ckon for first fruits and tenths : and those not rated by the book o●… Co●…stance , but by the will and pleasure of the Governor . Adde unto this , that one of the Constatles preferred a Bill against them in the C●…u : wherein the Ministers themselves were indicted of hypocrisie ; and their government of tyranny . And which of all 〈◊〉 ●…est was the greatest of their 〈◊〉 ; it was objected that they held secret meetings and private practises against the Governor : yea such as reflected also on the King. I●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and distresse they were almost uncapable of 〈◊〉 . They 〈◊〉 themselves in the next Colloquie unto the Governor , that he would please to intercede for them to his Majesty : but him they had so far exaspera●…d by their clamours , that he utterly re●…used to meddle for them . Nor did the Ministers , as I conj●…cture , propound it farther to him , then by way of due respect : as little hoping that he should bend himself for their relief ; whom they so often had accused to be the cause of all this trouble . At last they are resolved to cast themselves upon the grace and savour of the King ; and for that cause addressed themselves and their desires unto the Earl of 〈◊〉 , a man , at that time of special credit with the King , being also Lord High Treasur●…r , and chief 〈◊〉 . This their 〈◊〉 as he took in special ●…d regard ; so did he also 〈◊〉 to advise them ●…r the best : his counsel , that they should joyn unto them those of Guernzey , in the perusing of their Discipline , and the correcting of such things most stomacked by the Civil M●…gistrates : and a●…r , both together to refer themselves unto his 〈◊〉 . A counsel not to be despised in the appearance : but yet ( as certainly he was of a fine and subtil w●… ) of exce●…ding cunning . For by this means the busin●… not yet ripe , and the King scarce master of his purp●… in Scotland ; he gains time farther to consider of the main : and by ingaging those of Guernzey in the cause , they also had been subject to the same conclusion : But subtil as he was , he found no art to protract the fatal and inevitable blow of death ; for whilest his Clients busily pursued this project , in reviewing of their platform , he yeelded up himself unto the grave , March 24. anno 1612. upon report whereof , they layed by the prosecution of that businesse ; referring of it to the 〈◊〉 of some better times . This comfort yet they found in their redresse unto the Court , that things at home were carried on in a more fair and quiet course : but long they would not suffer themselves to enjoy that happinesse . The Parish of S. Peters being void , Messerny was presented to it by the Governour : one that had spent his time in Oxenford , and had received the Orders o●… the Priesthood from the Right Reverend Doctor Bridges , then Bishop of that Diocesse . A matter so infinitely stomacked by the Colloquie , that they would by no means yeeld to his admission : not so much because of his presentation from the Governor , as of his ordination from the Bishop . For now they thought Annibalem ad portas , that Popery began again to creep upon them : and therefore they resolved to fight it out , 〈◊〉 de summa rerum , as if the whole cause of Religion were in danger . 〈◊〉 how●…ver enjoyed the profits of the living ; and a new complaint was made against them to the Councel : In which complaint , there also was intelligence given unto their 〈◊〉 , that the inhabitants generally of the Isle , were 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 and guidance of the Church : and that the most of them would ea●…ly admit the form of English Government ; that some of them did desire it . The matter thus grown ready for an issue , and his Majesty desirous to bring all things to the most peaceable and quiet end ; both parties were commanded to attend at Court : the Governor and secular states , to prosecute their suit , and make good their intelligence ; the Ministers to answer the complaints , and tender their proposals . Hereupon the Governor and those of the laity delegated to the Court , Marret the Attorney , and 〈◊〉 the new Parson of St. Peters : by whom the people sent a formal Petition to his Majesty , signed by many of their hands ; and to this purpose , viz. that he would be pleased to establish in their Island , the book of Common-prayers ; and to settle there among them some Ecclesiastical Officer , with Episcopal jurisdiction . On the other side , there were deputed , for the Ministers , Mr. Bandinell , the now Dean ; Oliveis , the now Sub dean ; Effart , the Curate of St. Saviours ; and De la place , then Curate of St. Maries . To whom this also was specially given in charge , that with all industry they should oppose whatsoever innovation ( as they called it ) might be proposed unto them : and resolutely bear up for the present Discipline . Immediately upon their appearance at the Court , both parties by his Majesty were reserred to the Councel : and by them again to my Lord Archbishop of Conterbury , the Lord Zouche , and Sir John Herbert , then principal Secretary . Before them the cause was privately argued by the Deputies of both parties : and the desires of the Governor and of the people , con●…antly impugned by the Ministers . But as it alwaies hapneth that there is no confederacy so well joyned , but one member of it may be severed from the rest ; and thereby the whole practise overthrown : so was it also in this businesse . For those which there sollicited some private businesse of the Governors , had finely wrought upon the weaknesse or ambition of De la place ; bearing him in hand , that if the Government of the Church were altered , and the office of the Dean restored ; he was for certain resolved upon to be the man. Being fashioned into this hope , he speedily betrayed the counsels of his fellowes ; and furnished their opponents at all their enterviews , with such intelligence as might make most for their advantage . At last the Ministers not well agreeing in their own demands , and having little to say in the defence of their proper cause , whereto their answers were not provid●…d beforehand ; my Lord of Canterbury at the Councel-table thus declared unto them the pleasure of the King and Councell : viz. that for the speedy redresse of their disorders , it was reputed most convenient to establish among them , the authority and office of the Dean ; that the book of Common prayer being again printed in the French should be received into their Churches ; but the Ministers not tyed to the strict observance of it in all particulars : that Messerny should be admitted to his benefice ; and that so they might return unto their charges . This said , they were commanded to depart , and to signifie to those from whom the came , they full scope of his Majesties resolution ; and so they did . B●…t being somewhat backward in obeying this decree , the Councel intimated to them by Sir Phil. de Carteret their Agent for the Estates of the Island ; that the Ministers from among themselves , should make choice of three learned and grave persons , whose names they sh●…uld return unto the board : out of which his Majesty would resolve on one to be their Dean . A proposition which found among them little entertainment . Not so much out of dislike unto the dignity , for they were most of them well contented with the change : but because every one of them conceived hopefully of himself to be the man , and all of them could not be elected ; they were not willing to prejudice their own hopes , by the naming of another . In the mean time , Mr. David Band●…ell then Curate of St. Maries , either having or pretending some businesse unto London ; was recommended by the Governor as a man most fit to sustain that place and dignity . And being also approved by my Lord of Canterbury ( a●… certainly he is a man of good abilities ) as a person answerable to the Governors commendations ; he was established in that office by Letters Patents from his Majesty , dated the 8. of March , anno 1619. and was invested with all such rights as formerly had been inherent in that dignity : and that both in point of profit ; and also in point of jurisdiction . For whereas formerly the Dean was setled in the best benefice in the Island , that viz. of St Martins ; and had divers portions of tithes out of every of the Parishes : the said St. Martins was allotted to him , upon the next avoidance ; aud the whole tithes of St. Saviours allowed him , in consideration of his several parcels . And whereas also at the suppression of the Deanry , the Governor had taken into his hands the probate of Testaments , and appointed unto civil Courts the cognizance of Matrimoniall causes and of tithes : all these again were restored unto him , and forever united to this office . For the executing of this place , there were some certain Articles , or rather Canons drawn and ratified to be in force till a perfect draught of Ecclesiastical constitutions could be agreed on : which it pleased his Majesty to call the Interim . And this he did in imitation of Charles the 5. which Prince , desirous to establish peace and quietnesse in the Church of Germany ; and little hoping that any Councel would be summoned soon enough to determine of the differences then on foot : composed a certain mixture of opinions , in favour of each party ; which he endevoured to obtrude upon that people : the compilers of it , Julius Pflugiu●… , Michael Sidonius , and Islebius : the time when , anno 1594. the name of it the Interim : a name given unto it by the Emperor , eo quod praescriberet formulam doctrinae & ceremoniarum in religione in terra tenendam , quoad de universa re religionis concilio publico definitum esset : so the historian of the Councell . In like manner , did it please his Majesty as himself tels us in the next chapter : in the interim , untill he mought be fully informed what Lawes , &c. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiaftical , &c. to grant commission , &c. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cer●aid instructions signed with our royal hand , to continue only untill we might establish , &c. as it followeth in the Original . By this Interim there was a clause in force , whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holydaies , or use the Crosse in Baptism , or wear the Surplice , or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion . In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established , and now in being in that Island . Thus fortified with power , and furnished with instructions , home cometh the new Dean into his Countrey : and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates , takes full possession of his place , and office . Nor found he any opposition , till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction ; At what time Sir John Herault , then Bayliffe of the Island , and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour ; not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal , made head against him . But this disgust was quickly over-blown ; and the Bailiffe for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office . This done , his fellow Ministers were called together , and he imparted unto them his instructions . All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction ( De la place excepted ) who much impatient ( as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us , as the losse of a possession ) to see himself deluded , forsook the Countrey . But to the Liturgie they thought they had no cause to give admission ; nay that they had good cause unto the contrary : viz. as not being desired by them in their addresse ; and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands : a thing also much stomacked and opposed by many learned men in England ; and not imposed as yet upon the Scots , which people in so many other particulars , had been brought unto conformity with the English. In the end , having six moneths allowed them to deliberate , frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt ; they were content to bend and yeeld unto it , upon such qualifications of it , as in the instructions were permitted . A duty carelesly discharged and as it were by halfs , by many of them ; those viz of the ancient b●…eed , which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabrick of devotion : but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing , as having good acquaintance with it here in England ; and not poss●…ssed with any contrary opinion , whereby it might be prejudiced . And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of his Majesty ; and to restore unto the Island , the ancient face and being of a Church : but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon . But long it was not , ere this also was effected : and a fixt Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical . Which what it is , by what means it was agreed on , how crossed , and how established ; his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us : and to them wholly I referre the honour of the relation . CHAP. VII . The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey : together with the Kings Letters Patents for the autborising of the same . JAMES by the grace of God King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , defender of the faith , &c. To our right trusty and well beloved Counseller the reverend father in God Lanc●…lot Bishop of Winton , and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight , Governour of the Isle of Jarsey ; and to the Governour of the said Isle for the time being , and to the Bailiffe and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being ; to whom it shall or may appertain , Greeting . Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place , in the interim , untill we might be fully informed what Lawes , Canons , or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiasticall , appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ; to command the said Bishop of Winton , Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David band●…ell n●…w Dean of the same Island , to exercise the ju●…isdiction●…here ●…here according to certain instructions signed with our ●…oyall hand , to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions , Rules , Canons and Ordinances , as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiasticall causes , conformed to the Ecclesiasticall go●…nment established in our Realm of England , as near as conveniently might be . And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was , that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might , after such authority given unto him as a●…aid , and after his arrivall into that Island , and the publick notice given of that his admission unto the said office , should together with the Ministers of this our Island , consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accom●…dated to the circumstances of time , and place , and persons whom they concern ; and that the same should be put in good order , and intimated by the Governour , Ba●…e and Jurates of that our Island ; that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions , and give such reformations touching the same , as they should think good . And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons , and present●…d the same unto us on the one part , and on the other part the said Bailisfe and Jurates excepting against the same , did send and depu●…e Sir Philip de Ca●…ter et Knight , Joshua●… de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires , three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle ; all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers , the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of C●…rbury , the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England , and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton , to whom we granted commission to examine the same ; who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large , read and examined , corrected and amended the said Canons , and have now made report unto us under their hands , that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and De●…n of our Island , th●…y have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Eccle●…sticall , into such order , as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island . Know ye therefore , that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions , especialy affecting the peace of the Church , and the establishment of true Religion , and ●…lesiasticall 〈◊〉 , in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions , so happily unit●…d under us as their Supreme Governor on earth in all cau●…es , as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill : Having taken consideration of the said Canons and Constitutions thus drawn as asoresaid , do by these deputies ratifie , confirme and approve thereof . And farther , we out of our Princely power and regall authority , do by these Parents signed and sealed with our royall Signet , for us , our heirs and successors , will with our royall hand , and command that these Canons and Constitutions hereafter following , shall from henceforth in all points be duly observed in our said Isle , for the perpetuall government of the said Isle in causes Ecclesiasticall ; unlesse the same , or some part or parts thereof , upon further experience and tryall thereof by the mutuall consent of the Lord Bishop of Winton for the time being , the Governour , Bailiffs and Jurates of the said Isle , and of the Dean , and Ministers , and other our Officers in the said Isle for the time being , representing the body of our said Isle , and by the royall authority of us , our heirs and successors shall receive any additions or alterations as time and occasion shall justly require . And therefore we do farther will and command the said Right reverend father in God Lancelot now Lord Bishop of Winton , that he do forthwith , by his Commission under his Episcopall seal , as Ordinary of the place , give authority unto the said now Dean to exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in our said Isle , according to the said Canons and Constitutions thus made and established , as followeth . Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall , treated , agreed on , and established for the Isle of Jarsey . CHAP. I. Of the Kings Supremacy , and of the Church . Article I. 1. AS our duty to the Kings most excellent Majesty requireth , it is first ordained , That the Dean and Ministers having care of souls , shall to the utmost of their power , knowledge and learning , purely and sincerely , without any backwardnesse or dissimulation , teach , publish and declare , as often as they may , and as occasion shall present it self ; that all strange , usurped and forain power ( for as much as it hath no gound by the law of God ) is wholly , as for just and good causes taken away and abolished ; and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within any of his Majesties Realms and Dominions , is due unto any such forain power ; but that the Kings power within his Realms of England , Scotland and Ireland , and all other his Dominions and Countries , is the highest power under God , to whom all men , as well inhabitants , as born within the same , do by Gods Law owe most loyalty and obedience , afore and above all other power and Potentates in the earth . II. 2. Whosoever shall affirme and maintain that the Kings Majesty hath not the same authority in causes Ecclesiasticall , that the godly Princes had amongst the Jews and the Christian Emperours in the Church primitive , or shall impeach in any manner the said Supremacy in the said causes . III. IV. 3. Also whosoever shall affirme that the Church of England as it is established under the Kings Majesty is not a true and Apostolicall Church , purely teaching the 〈◊〉 of the Prophets and Apostles . 4. Or shall impugne the Government of the said Church by Archbishops , Bishops and Deans , affirming it to be Antichristian , shall be 〈◊〉 facto Excommunicated , and not restored but by the Dean sitting in his Court , after his repentance and publick re●…antation of his errour . CHAP. II. Of Divine Service . Article I. 1. IT is in joyned unto all sorts of people that they submi●… themselves to the Divine service contained in the book of Cnmmon-prayers of the Church of England . And for as much as concerns the Ministers , that they observe with uniformity the said Liturgie without addition or alteration ; and that they suffer not any 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 to make a sect apart by themselves , or to distract the Government Ecclesiasticall established in the Church . II. 2. The Lords day shall be sanctified by the exercises of publick prayer , and the hearing of Gods word . Every one also shall be bounden to meet together at an hour convenient , and to observe the order and decency in that case requisite ; being attentive to the reading or preaching of the Word ; kneeling on their knees during the Prayers , and standing up at the Belief ; and shall also testifie their consent in saying Amen . And further , during any part of Divine service the Church-wardens shall not suffer any interruption or impeachment to be made by the insolence and practice of any person , either in the Church or Church-yard . III. 3. There shall be publick exercise in every Parish on Wednesdays and Fridays in the morning , by reading the Common prayers . IV. 4. When any urgent occasion shall require an extraordinary Fast , the 〈◊〉 with the advice of his Ministers shall give notice of it to the Governour and Civill Magistrate ; to the end , that by their authority and consent it may be generally observed , for the appeasing of the wrath and indignation of the Lord by true and serious repentance . CHAP. III. Of Baptism . THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be administred in the Church with fair water according to the institution of Jesus Christ , and without the limitation of any dayes . No man shall delay the bringing of his child to Baptism longer then the next Sunday or publick Assembly , if it may conveniently be done . No person shall be admitted to be a Godfather , unlesse he hath received the Lords Supper ; nor shall women alone ( viz. without the presence of a 〈◊〉 among them ) be admitted to be Godmothers . CHAP. IV. Of the Lords Supper . Article I. 1. THe Lords Supper shall be administred in every Church four times a year ; whereof one to be at Easter , and the other at Christmas ; and every Minister in the administration of it , shall receive the Sacrament himself , and after give the Bread and wine to each of the Communicants , using the words of the 〈◊〉 of it . II. 2. The Masters and Mistresses of Families shall be admonished and enjoyned to cause their children and Servants to be instructed in the knowledge of their salvation ; and to this end shall take care to send them to the ordinary Catechizing . CHAP. V. Of Marriage . Article I. 1. NO man shall marry contrary to the degrees prohibited in the word of God , according as they are expressed in a table made for that purpose in the Church of England , on pain of nullity and censure . II. 2. The Banes of the parties shall be asked three Sundays successively in the Churches of both parties ; and they of the Parish where the Marriage is not celebrated , shall bring an attestation of the bidding of their Banes in their own Parish . Neverthelesse in lawfull cases there may be a Licence or dispensation of the said Banes , granted by the authority of the Dean , and that upon good caution taken , that the parties are at liberty . III. 3. No separation shall be made a thoro & mensa , unlesse in case of Adultery , cruelty , and danger of life duly proved ; and this at the sole instance of the parties . As for the maintenance of the woman during her divorce , he shall have recourse to the Secular power . CHAP. VI. Of Ministers . Article I. 1. NO man that is unfit to teach , or not able to preach the word of God shall be admitted to any Benefice within the Isle , or which hath not received imposition of hands , and been ordained according to the forme used in the Church of England . II. 2. None of them , either Dean or Minister , shall at the same time hold two Benefices , unlesse it be in time of vacancy ; and only the Natives of the Isle shall be advanced to these preferments . III. 3. The Ministers every Sunday after morning prayer , shall expound some place of holy Scripture ; and in the afternoon , shall handle some of the points of Christian Religion , contained in the Catechism in the Book of Common-prayers . IV. 4 In their Prayers they shall observe the titles due unto the King , acknowledging him the Supreme governour under Christ , in all causes , and over all persons as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill : recommending unto God the prosperity of his person and royall posterity . V. 5. Every Minister shall carefully regard that modesty and gravity of apparell which belongs unto his function ; and may preserve the honour due unto his person ; and shall be also circumspect in the whole carriage of their lives to keep themselves from such company , actions and haunts , which may bring unto them any blame or blemish . Nor shall they dishonour their calling by Gaming , Alehouses , ●…suries , guilds , or occupations not convenient for their function ; but shall endevor to excell all others in purity of life , in gravity and virtue . VI. 6. They shall keep carefully a Register of Christnings , Marriages and Burials , and shall duely publish upon the day appointed to them the Ordinances of the Courts , such as are sent un●… them , signed by the Dean , and have been delivered to them fifteen dayes before the publication . VII . 7. The Ministers shall have notice in convenient time of such Funerals as shall be in their Parishes ; at which they shall assist , and shall observe the forme prescribed in the book of Common-prayers . No man shall be interred within the Church , without the leave of the Minister , who shall have regard unto the quality and condition of the persons , as also unto those which are benefactours unto the Church . CHAP. VII . Of the Dean . Article I. 1. THe Dean shall be a Minister of the word , being a Master of the Arts or Graduate at the least in the Civill Lawes , having ability to exercise that office ; of good life and conversation , as also well affected to Religion , and the service of God. II. 2. The Dean in all causes handled at the Court , shall demand the advice and opinion of the Ministers which shall then be present . III. 3. There shall appertain unto him the cognisance of all matters which concern the service of God , the preaching of the Word , the administration of the Sacraments , Matrimoniall causes , the ●…xamination and censure of all Papists , Recusants , Hereticks , Idolaters , and Schismaticks , persons perjured in causes Ecclesiasticall ; Blasphemers , those which have recourse to Wizards , incestuous persons , Adulterers , Fornicators , ordinary drunkards , and publick profaners of the Lords day ; as also the profanation of the Churches and Church-yards , misprision●… and offences committed in the Court , or against any officers thereof in the execution of the mandats of the Court ; and also of Divorces and separations a thoro & mensa ; together with a power to censure and punish them according unto the Lawes Ecclesiasticall , without any hindrance to the power of the Civill Magistrate in regard of temporall correction for the said crimes . IV. 4. The Dean accompanied with two or three of the Ministers , once in two years shall visite every Parish in his own person , and shall take order , that there be a Sermon every visitation day , either by himself , or some other by him appointed . Which Visitation shall be made for the ordering of all things appertaining to the Churches , in the service of God , and the administration of the Sacraments ; as also that they be provided of Church-wardens , that the Church and Church-yards , and dwellings of the Ministers be kept in reparations . And farther , he shall then receive information of the said Church-wardens , or in their default of the Ministers , of all offences and abuses which need to be reformed ; whether in the Minister , the officers of the Church , or any other of the Parish . And the said Dean in lieu of the said visitation , shall receive 4 s. pay out of the Treasures of the Church for every time . V. 5. In the vacancy of any Benefice either by death or otherwise , the Dean shall give present order , that the profits of it be sequestred ; to the end , that out of the revenue o●… it , the Cure may be supplyed ; as also that the widow and children of the deceased may be satisfied according to the time of his service , and the custome of the Isle ; excepting such necessary deductions as must be made for dilapidations in case any be . He shall also give convenient time to the widow of the deceased , to provide her of an house , and shall dispose the residue unto the next Incumbent ; for which the Sequestrator shall be accomptant . VI. 6. In the same case of vacancy , if within six months the Governour do not present a Clerk unto the Reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton , or if that See be void , to the most Reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury , to be admitted and instituted to the said Benefice ; then shall the Dean give notice of the time of the vacancy unto the said Lords the Bishop and Archbishop , whereby it is in the lapse , that so it may be by them collated . And then if any one be offered to them , the Dean shall give a testimony of the Demeanure and sufficiency of the party to be approved by them , before he put him into actuall possession of the said Benefice . VII . 7. The Dean shall have the Registring and Probate of Testaments ; which be approved by the seal of his office , and afterwards enregistred . He shall also have the registring of the Inventories of the moveable goods of Orphanes , which he shall carefully record , to give copies of them at all times , and as often as he is required . Also he shall give letters of administration of the goods of Intestates , dying without heirs of their body to the next of kindred . VIII . 8. They which have the keeping of the Will , whether he be Heir , Executor , or any other , shall transcribe and bring i●… unto the Dean within one moneth ; in default whereof he shall be brought by processe into the Court , and be constrained to pay double charges . And the said Dean for the said Testaments , Inventories and Letters of administration , shall have such fees , as are specified in a Table for this purpose . IX . 9. All legacies moveable , made unto the Church , the Ministers , Schools , or to the poor , shall be of the cognisance of the Dean , but upon any opposition made concerning the validity of the Will , the Civill Courts shall determine of it between parties . X. 10. It shall appertain unto the Dean to take cognisance of all detention of tithes consecrated to the Church , of what kinde so ever they be , which have been payed un●…o the Ministers , and which they have enjoyed or had in possession for the space of forty years ; and every person convicted of withholding or fraudulently detaining the said tithes , shall be adjudged to make restitution , and shall pay the cost and charges of the party . And for the preservation of all rights , tithes , rents , lands and possessions belonging to the Church , there shall be a Terrice made by the Bailiffe and Justices assisted by the Dean and the Kings Atturney . XI . 11. The Dean shall have also power to make a Deputy or Commissary which shall supply the place and office of the Dean , as far as his Commission shall extend ; whereof there shall be an authentick●…copy ●…copy in the rails of the said Court. CHAP. VIII . Of the Overseers or Church wardens . Ar●…cle I. 1. THe next week after Easier , the Minister and people of every parish shall make choice of two to be Churehwardens , discreet men , of good life and understanding , able to read and write , if such may be had . But if the people cannot agree on such a choice , then shall the Minister name one and the Parishioners another , by the major part of their voices ; which two shall be after sworn in the next Court , and there advertised of their duties . II. 2. Their duty shall be to see that the Churches and Church-yards be not abused by any profane and unlawfull actions ; as also not to suffer any excommunicated person to come into the Church , after the sentence hath been published in that Parish ; they shall also carefully present from time to time those which neglect the publick exercises of Divine service , and the administration of the Sacraments ; and genenerally all crimes of Ecclesiasticall cognisance ; which said presentations they shall exhibite under their hands ; nor shall they be constrained to present above twice a year . III. 3. They shall have care particularly that the Churches be well repaired , and the Church-yard well fenced ; and shall see that all things appertaining to the Church , the administration of the word and Sacraments , from time to time may be provided . As viz. a Bible of the b●… translation , and the largest letter ; the book of Common-prayers both for the Minister , as also for the Clerk or Sexton of the Parish ; one Parchment book to Register the Christnings , Marriages and Burials ; a decent Communion table , with a Carpet to cover it during Divine service ; the Fo●…ts for Baptism , cups and vessels dedicated to that use , together with a fair linnen cloth , and a coffer wherein to put the said utensils ; also a trunk or chest for the peoples alms , a cloth and cushion for the pulpit . They shall also provide bread and wine for the the 〈◊〉 ; and shall see that the seats and benches be well fitted for the conveniency of the Minister and of the people , with the advice and counsell of the Minister , and shall look to the rents and revenues of the Churches treasure . IV. 4. The said Church-wardens shall be enjoyned to keep a good and true accompt both of their disbursments or receipts , and of the employment which they have made of the money issuing out of the Church treasury , which shall from time to time be published according to the custome , and of that also which is remaining in the hands of them , or of the Overseers of the poor . They shall employ the said treasure in thing●… necessary and fitting for the Church and the common good , guiding themselves by the direction of their Minister , and the principall of the parish in such extraordinary matters a●… concern the Parish . In case of publick-businesse , the assembly of the Estates shall prescribe them , what they think expedient for the common profit ; and before they quit their charge , they shall give notice to the Parishioners in the Easter week to hear their accounts , which shall passe under the hands of the Minister and the chief of the Parish ; if any of the said Parishioners or others shall refuse to pay the moneys which they owe to the said treasury ; the said Church-wardens and Overseers or any of them , shall prosecute the law against them . In case of any controversie about the said accounts or abuse to be re●…ormed , the Dean and Minister of the Parish where the said 〈◊〉 or abuse shall be , together with the Bailiffe and Justices shall determine of it as 〈◊〉 most convenient . V. 5. The said Church-wardens on the Sunday during Divine service shall search in places suspected for games or 〈◊〉 , and having the Constables for their assistants , shall search also into Alehouses , and houses of misdemeanor . VI. 6. They shall be carefull , that there be no d●…tention or concealment of any thing appertaining to the Church , and shall also seise into their hands all goods and legacies moveable given unto the Church , or to the poor , according to the custome of the Country . CHAP. IX . Of the Collectors and Sides-men . THere shall be two Collectors for the poor appointed in every Parish , which also shal discharge the place of Sides-men or Assistants ; who shall be chosen as the Church-wardens are , and shall take an oath to carry themselves well in the said office , and to give an account of their Stewardship twice a year , before the Minister and the Parishioners , viz. at Eas●…er and at Michaelmas . CHAP. X. Of Clerks and Sextons . Article I. 1. THe Clerks and Sextons of Parishes shall be chosen by the Minister and the principall of the Parish ; men of the age of twenty years at the least , of good life and conversation , able to read fairly , distinctly , and understandingly , and to write also , and fitted somewhat for 〈◊〉 of the Psalmes , if it may be . II. 2. Their charge is , by the ringing of a Bell , to call the people to Divine service , and the hearing of the Word , at the proper and ordinary hours ; to keep the Church locked and clean , as also the Pulpit and the seats , to lay up the Books and other things belonging to the Church committed to their trust , to provide water against the Christnings , to make such proclamations as are enjoyned them by the Court or by the Minister . And shal receive their stipend and wages by the contribution of the Parishioners , be it in Corn or money , according to the custome of the place . CHAP. XI . Of School masters . Article I. 1. THere shall be a School master in every Parish , chosen by the Minister , Church wardens , and other principall persons therein , and afterwards presented unto the Dean to be licenced thereunto . Nor shall it be lawfull for any one to take upon him this charge , not being in this manner called unto it . The Ministers shall have the charge of visiting the Schooles , to exhort the Masters to their duty . II. 2. They shall accustome themselves with diligence and painfulnesse to teach the children to read and to write , to say their prayers and to answer in the Catechismes ; they shall instruct them in good manners , they shall bring them unto Sermons , and to Common-prayers , and there see them quietly and orderly ●…emean themselves . CHAP. XII . Of the Court Ecclesiasticall . Article I. 1. THe Court shall be holden every Munday in the year , observing the same vacations as the Courts Civill . II. 2. At every Session , in the beginning of it , the names of the Assessors shall be inrolled , the day , the moneth and the year , and the decrees perused . III. 3. After judgment and sentence given in the main matter , the cofts of the parties , and the wages of the officers shall be awarded by censure Ecclesiastick . IV. 4. There shall be two Procters duely sworn unto the Court , to the end , the people may proceed formally and juridically , without any confusion or surprise . And the Register ( being also sworn ) shall faithfully record the sentences pronounced , and give copies of the Acts to such as do require it . V. 5. The Kings Atturney , or in his absence the Solliciter , ●…all be assistant in the Court from time to time in the awarding of punishment , or censure upon all causes of crime and scandall . VI. 6. For the serving of citation and summons , the Dean shall swear the Sextons of every Parish , together with an Apparitour , which shall truly discharge themselves in giving copies of the originall proces and citation unto those whom it concerns , or in the absence of the party , to his servants . In which proces and citations , the causes of their appearance shall be expressed . VII . 7. If the party will not be found , as either hiding himself , or using any other collusion , the citation shall be affixed ( in case that he have never an house ) on the Church door of the Parish where he dwelleth , and that upon a Sunday . VIII . 8. If it come unto the notice of the Dean by the report of honest men , that any one hath doth live notoriously scandalous , he shall advertise the Minister and Church-wardens of the Parish , to the end , that being thus informed , they may present such persons as merit to be punished , or censured . IX . 9. Upon good notice of a crime committed by any of the Ministers , the Dean after two warnings or admonitions , shall proceed to the reforming of him , by the advice and consent of two of his brethren , even unto suspension and sequestration . And in case he continue resractory , the Dean by the consent of the major part of Ministers , shall proceed to deprivation . X. 10. No commutation shall be made in lieu of penance , without great circumspection , and regard had unto the quality of the persons and circumstances of the crime . And the commutation shall be inrolled in the Acts of the Court , to be imployed upon the poor , and in pious uses ; whereof an account shall be given according to the Register . XI . 11. After the first default , the non-appearance of the party again cited shall be reputed as a contempt ; if being after pere●… ptorily cited he doth not appear , then shall they proceed against him by excommunication ; and if before the next Court day he endevour not to obtain absolution , they shall proceed to the publishing of the sentence of the minor excommunication , which shal be delivered to the Minister of the Parish to be read upon some solemn day and in the hearing of the greater part of the Parishioners . The party still continuing in his contumacy , they shall then proceed unto the major excommunication ; whereby he shall be excluded a sacris & societate fidelium . If this bring him not unto obedience and acknowledgement within the space of forty dayes , then shall the Dean by his certificate authentick give notice unto the Bailiff and Justices of the said contumacy , requiring their assistance to seise on him , and commit him prisoner to some sure place till he be humbled , and shall give surety that he will submit unto the ordinance of the Church ; and before that he be absolved , he shall be bound to defray the costs and charges of the suit . XII . 12 In cases of incontinency upon presentment of the Church-wardens , together with the probabilities of a common fame , scandall and presumptions in this case requisite , the party shall undergo the purgation upon oath , or else shall be reputed as convict . XIII . 13. In causes of Adultery , at the instance of the party , the proceedings shall go on advisedly by good proofs and informations , even to evidence of the crime objected ; and if the matter or evidence of fact be clear , they may proceed to separation a thoro & mensa . XIV . 14 He that shall oftend in point of calumny and diffamation , shall make acknowledgment o●… the injury according to the exigence of the case , provided that the business be followed within the compasse of the year , and that the matter of it be of Ecclesiasticall cognisance in the crimes above recited . CHAP. XIII . Of Appeales . Article I. 1. APpeales in causes Ecclesiasticall shall be heard and determined by the reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton in person , and if that See be void , by the most reverend father in God , the Archbishop of Canterbury in person . II. 2. All Appeales shall be exhibited within fifteen dayes after notice taken of the sentence , and the party shall be constrained to take or write out the whole proces , at it is upon the Register or Rols of Court ; which Acts of the said Court shall be delivered to him in forme and time convenient , under the seal of the office , and the Appellant shall pursue the action within a year and a day , aut sententiae latae stare compellitur . III. 3. It shall not be lawfull to appeal untill after the definitive sentence , unlesse in these two cases , viz. either when the Interlocutory is such as puts an end unto the businesse , or else when the said interlocutory being obeyed brings such irreparable damage to the party , that he cannot help himself by his Appeal . A Table of the Fees appertaining to the Dean and his Officers in all causes Ecclesiasticall . FOr the proving of a Will where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of five p●…und . To the Dean o. To th●… Register for writing and recording it 6 d. For the approving of a Will above the value of 5 l. To the D●… 2 s. To the Register or Notary 1 s. For a Letter of 〈◊〉 where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of 5 l de claro . To the Dean o. To the Register for writing it 6 d. For a Letter of administration above that value . To the Dean 1 s. To the Register 1 s. For the registring an Inventory of the goods of minors , where the said inventory exceedeth not the value of 5 l. To the D●…an o. To the Register 4 d. For the registring of Inventories exceeding the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register 1 s. For an authentick copy of the said Wils , Inventories or Letters of administration . To the Dean for his seal 6 d. To the Register 6 d. For processe compulsory to bring in the Wils 1 s. For Licences of marriage . To the Dean 3 s For the sequestration of the profits of a Benefice . To the Dean 6 s. For the induction of a Minister . To the Dean 3 s. For proces and citations . To the Dean 2 d. ob . To the Notary 1 d. qa . To the Apparitor for serving the Proces and Citations 3 d. To the Sexton for serving a Citation within the Parish 1 d. qa . For absolution from the minor excommunication . To the Dean 1 s. To the Notary 2 d. ob . To the Apparitor 2 d. ob . For absolution from th●… major excommunication . To the Dean 2 s. To the Notary 2 d ob . To 〈◊〉 Apparitor 6 d. In causes Litigious , the party overthrown shall pay the fees and duties of the Officers , and for the authentick writing . To the party 4 d. as also to every witnesse produced in Court 4 d. To the Proctors o●… the Court for every cause they plead 6 d. To the Notary for every instrument entred in the Court 1 d qa . To him for every first default in Court 1 d. qa . To him in case of contumacy 4 d. According whereunto it is ordained that neither the Dean nor his successors , nor any of his officers , either directly or indirectly , shall demand , exact , or receive of the Inhabitants of the said Isle , any other fees or duties , then such as are specified in the table above written . And it is further ordained , that whatsoever hath been done or put in execution in the said Isle , on any causes , and by virtue of any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , shall be forthwith abrogated ; to the end , that it may not be drawn into example by the said Dean , or any of his successors in the times to come , contrary to the tenure of these Canons at this present made and established ; but that all their proceedings be limited and fitted to the contents of the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall . Also that there be no hindrance or impeachment made by the Civill Magistrate unto the said Dean and his successors in the peaceable execution of the said jurisdiction contained in the said Canons , as being nothing prejudiciall to the priviledges and customes of the said Isle , from which it is not our purpose at all to derogate . Given ( as before said ) under our signet at our Court at Greenwich , on the last day of June , in the year of our Reign of England , France and Ireland , the one and twentieth , and of Scotland the six and fiftieth . CHAP. VIII . ( 1 ) For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey . ( 2 ) A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey . ( 3 ) The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England . ( 4 ) The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible . ( 5 ) The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration . ( 6 ) The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates . ( 7 ) Proposals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design . ( 8 ) The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship . The conclusion of the whole . Our return to England . I Now am come unto the fourth and last part of this discourse , intended once to have been framed by way of suit unto your Lordship , in the behalf of the other Island not yet weaned from the breasts of their late mother of Geneva . But finding that course not capable of those particulars which are to follow ; I chose rather to pursue that purpose by way of declaration . My scope and project , to lay before your Lordship such reasons which may encite you to make use of that favour which most worthily you have attain●…d to with his Majesty , in the reduction of this Isle of Guernzey to that antient order by which it ●…ormerly was guided , and wherein it held most conformity with the Church of England . B●…e I enter on with argument , I shall remove a doubt which might be raised about this businesse ; as viz. For what cause his late most excellent M●…jesty proceeded to this alteration in one Island , not in both ; and being resolved to try his forces on the one only ; why he should rather fort out Jar●…ey . A doubt without great difficulty to be cleared . For had his Majesty attempted both at once , the Ministers of b●…th Islands had then communicated counsels , banded themselves in a league , and by a mutuall encouragement continued more peremptory to their old Mumpsimus . It is an antient principle in the arts of Empire , Divide & impera ; and well noted by the State-h●…storian , that nothing more advantaged the affaires of Rome in Britaine , then that the natives never met together to reason of the common danger . Ita dum singuli pugnabant , universi vincebantur . And on the other side his Majesty foresaw for certain , that if one Island once were taken off , the other might with greater ease be persw●…d to conforme . Being resolved then to attempt them single , there was good reason why he should begin with ja●…ey first , as unto which he was to send a new Governour , not yet ●…ged unto a party , and pliable to his instructions . Whereas Sir Tho. Leighton still continued in his charge at Guernzey , who having had so main a hand in the introduction of the Platforme , could not be brought with any stomach to intend an alteration of his own counsels . But not to lose my self in the search of Princes counsels , which commonly are too far removed from vulgar eyes , let us content our selves with knowing the event ; which was , that by his means the Isle of Jarsey was reduced unto a Discipline conformable to that of England , and thereby an easie way for the reforming also that in Guernzey . For the accomplishment of which designe , may it please your Lordship to take notice of these reasons following , by which it is within my hopes , your Lordship possibly may be perswaded to deal in it . A Jove principium . And here ( as in a Christian duty I am bound ) I propose unto your Lordship in the first place , the honour which will 〈◊〉 unto the Lord in this particular , by the restoring of a Discipline unto the smallest 〈◊〉 of his Church , which you 〈◊〉 your ●…lt to be most 〈◊〉 to his holy word , and to the practice of those blessed spirits the 〈◊〉 . For why may not I say unto your Lordship , as Mard●…aeus once to Hester , though the case be somewhat different , Who 〈◊〉 whether you be c●…me unto these dignities , for such a time as this ? And why may it not be said of you even in the application unto this particular designment , That unto w●…m so much is given , of him also shall much be required ? Private exployts and undertakings are expected even from private persons . But God hath raised up you to publick honours , and therefore looks that you should honour him in the advancement and undertaking of such counsels as may concern his Church in publick . And certainly , if ( as I verily perswade my self ) your counsels tend unto the peace and glory of the Church ; the Church , I mean , whereof you are so principall a member : You shall not easily encounter with an object , whereon ●…our counsels may be better busied . So strangely do these men disgrace your blessed Mother , and lay h●…r glory in the dust . Two instances hereof I shall present unto your Lordship to set the better edge on your proceedings , though otherwise I had forb●…rne to meddle with particulars . It pleased his Majesty for the assurance of these Islands , to send into each of them two Companies of Souldiers , which were equally distributed . But such was the peevish obstinacy of one of the Ministers of this Guernzey , that he would not allow their Minister to read prayers unto them in his Church , at such times when himself and people did not use it . At last on much entreaty he was contented to permit it , but with expresse condition , that he sh●…uld not ●…ither read the Litany , or administer the Communion . S●…nce when , as often as they purpose to receive the Sacrament , they have been com●…elled to ferry over to the Castle , and in the great hall there celebrate the holy Supper . As little is our Church beholding to them in her Festivals , as in her Liturgie . For whereas , at the Town of St. Peters on the Sea , they have a Lecture every Thursday , upon which day the Feast of Ch●…ists Nativity was solemnized with us in England , anno 1623. the same party chose rather to put off the Sermon for that time , then that a●…y the smal l●…st honour might reflect upon the day . O curvae in ●…rris animae , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inanes . An opposition ●…ar more superstitious then any ceremony , observation of a day , though meerly Jewish Next to the honour due to God and to his Church , is that which all of us are obliged to tender to our Pri●…ces , as being Gods by office , and nursing fa●…s of that Church whereof they are . Therefore I represent in the next rank unto your Lordship a consideration of the honour which you shall here in do unto your Kings . To the one , your late Master of happy memory , who gave you first his hand to guide you unto greatnesse , in the pursuit of his intendments . So glorious were the purposes of that H●…ck Prince , for the secure and flourishing tranquillity of Gods holy Church , that certainly it were impiety if any of them be permitted to miscarry . To the other our now gratious S●…veraign , who hath doubled the promotions conferred upon you by his father ; in being an author to him of those thoughts which may so much redound unto his glory , the rather , because , in case his Majesty should find a time conv●…nt to go 〈◊〉 in his Fathers project , of reducing all the Churches Protestant unto one Discipline and Liturgie ; there might not an objection thwart him , drawn from home . Otherwise it may perhaps be●… to him by some of those which do not fancy the proposall as Demades once to Philip , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. That first he might do well to compose the differences in his own dominions , before he mo●…ion a conformity to others . At the least , he may be sure to look for this r●…ply from Scotland , when ever he prop●…eth to them the same businesse . The Ministers of Jarsey , a●… before I have shown your Lordship , denyed admission to the book of Common-prayer , as not imposed upon the Scots ; with better reason may the Scots re●…e to entertain it , as not imposed on those of Guenzey . Besides the honour due to God , the Church , and to the King , there is an honour next in order to the calling of the Priest. A calling , as much stomached in generall by all that pa●… , so most especially reviled by those amongst ourselves for Antichristian , tyrannous , a divel sh ordinance , a bastardly government , and the like . Nor do I think that those o●… Guernzey are better affected to it , though more moderate in professing their dislike : for did they but approve the hierarchy of Bishops , they would not then proceed so unwarrantably as now they do , in the ordination of their Ministers . I cal it unwarrantable proceeding , because the lawful and ordinary door of entrance unto the Ministery , was never shut unto this people ; and therefore their preposterous entry upon this sacred calling , either by the back-door or by the window , the more unanswerable . Whereas it may be pleaded in the behalf of those in some parts beyond the seas , that they could not meet with any Bishops which would give them ordination , unlesse they would abjure the Gospell as they then profest it , and therefore that necessity compelled them to the private way of imposing hands on one another . In which particular , the case of some reformed Churches , may not unfitly be resembled unto that of Scipio , as it is related to us in the third book of Valerius Max. cap. 7. upon some want of money for the furtherance of the necessary affaires of state , he demanded a supply from the common treasury . But when the Questor pretending that it was against the Lawes , refused to open it , himself a private person , seised the Keyes , Patefacto ●…rio legem utilitati cedere coegit ; and over-ruled the Law by the advancement of the Weal publick . In like manner ( which is I think the most and best that can be said in this behalf ) to promote the reformation of Religion , many good men made suit to be supplyed out of the c●…mmon treasury , to be admitted to the preaching of the word according to the ordinary course of ordinati●…n ; which when it was denied them by the Questors or Prelates of those dayes ; they chose rather to receive it at the h●…nds of private and inferior Priests , then that the Church should be un●…urnished . This may be said for them , which in excuse of those of Guernzey can never be alleadged ; whose continuall recourse unto these private keyes is done upon no other ●…on then a dislike of that high calling to which your Lordship is advanced ; which therefore you are bound , if not to punish in them , yet to rectifie . Two other reasons yet there are which may invite your Lordship to this undertaking , though not so weighty or of that importance as the former . The one , that the remainders of that party here at home , may not be hardned in their obstinacy ; the other , that those of Jarsey , be not discouraged in their submission and conformity . I have already shewn unto your Lordship , that the brethren here in England , never made head against the Church , till the permission of platforme in these Islands . After which , with what violence they did assaile the hierarchy , what clamorus they continually raised against the Prelates , what superstitions and impieties they imputed to our Liturgy ; notius est quam ut stylo egeat , is too wel 〈◊〉 to be related . If so , then questionless it cannot but confirme them in their new devices , to see them still permitted to this Isle . Nor can they think themselves but wronged , that still they are contrould and censured for the maintenance of that discipline , which is by Soveraign authority allowed and licensed ; though in other places , yet in the same dominions . And on the other side , your Lordship may conceive how just a cause of discontent and of repining it may be to those of Jarsey ; when they shall dayly hear it thundred from the Coasts of France , that faintly they have sold themselves to bondage ; whereas the faithfull zelots in the Isle of Guernzey , doe still preserve themselves in liberty . Vel neutrum flammis ure , vel ure duos , as the Lover in Ausonius . From my first rank of motives here presented to your Lordship , which I may most properly call motives necessary , and in respect unto the cause ; I come next to those of an other quality , which I call motives of conveniency , and in r●…lation to the time . For questionlesse the time is at this present more convenient for the accomplishment of this work , then ever we may hope to see hereafter ; whether we consider it in reference unto our Kingdome , or to the Discipline it self , or to the Governour , or to the people of both sorts , the Clergy and the Magistrates . For first , there is at this instant , an established peace between it and France , concluded on while we were in these Islands , and published immediately on our coming home ; which Realm only carryeth a covetous and wa●…ull eye upon those Islands . Were it between us , as it lately was , nothing but wars and depredations ; the alteration then perhaps might be unsafe , it being alwayes dangerous to discontent or charge that Nation , upon whose loyalty we must rely . Nor can I tell unto what desperate and undutifull practises , the furious heat of some few Preachers may possibly excite a multitude ; when come the worst that can , there is an enemy at hand that will subscribe to any articles . But now t is peace , and how long peace will hold , is not easie to determine , depending as it doth , upon the will and pleasure of another . If , in the second place , we look upon the Discipline it self , we shall find it well prepared , and ready for a change . For whereas it is ordered in their Canons ( if I so 〈◊〉 call the 〈◊〉 ●…hat the errours of the Consistory shall be corrected by the Colloquie those of the Colloquie , by the Synod ; by the departure of Jarsey from them , they have no way of further Synods , and therefore no redresse of grivances . So then either the sentence of the Colloquie must be unalterable , which is expresly contrary to the platforme ; or else there must be granted some other jurisdiction to have power above them , whereby their censures may be moderated . The first of these would estate their Colloquies in a tyranny more prevalent and binding , then the chair of Rome so much complained of . The other openeth a way for the entrance of Episcopall authority , for the admission of Appeals , for the directions of their proceedings . Add hereunto , that at this time they have a noble Governour , no friend I am assured to any of that party ; and such a one which gladly would resign those rights of old belonging to the Deanry , when ever it shall please his Majesty to restore that dignity unto the Island . A Peer so perfectly known unto your Lordship and to all the Kingdom , that I need not say more of him , then that which once Velleius did of Junius Bl●…sus , Vir nes●…ias an utilior Castri●… , vel melior toga . It were a matter of no ordinary study to determine , whether he be more able in the Campe or Senate . But in alterations , such as these , the fancy and affection of the people is principally to be attended , as those whom such mutations most properly concern ; wherein I find all things made ready to your Lordships hand , if you vouchsafe to set it forwards . The Magistrates and more understanding people of the Isle , offended with the severe and unsociable carriage of the Consistories , especially of late , since the unlimited Empire of the Colloquie hath made that government unsufferable . Before they had enough to keep themselves from censure , and their houses from the diligence of Consistoriall spies ; when yet there was an higher Court wherein there was some hope of remedy . But there being none to appeal from in the Consistory , but those which wil condemn them in the Colloquie , they undergo the yoak with much clamour , but with more stomach . A stomach which estsoones they spare not to disgorge upon them , as often , viz. as they come within the compasse of their Courts , either in way of punishment or censure . On the other side the Ministers exclaime against the Magistrates , as presuming too far above their latchet ; pretending that by them their Discipline hath been infringed , their priviledges violated , and their Ministery interrupted . Matters that have not been repi●…ed at only in a corner , but publickly presented as on the Theater , and complained of to their Governours . For at my Lord of Danbies being there , they articled against the Magistrates for invading the Ecclesiasticall jurisaiction ; as viz. that they take upon them to dissolve contracts made in the presence of the Minister , and with an invocation of the name of God , which in judgment of the Discipline ( Chap. 12. 1. ) are undissoluble . That they had intermedled with the administration of holy Baptisme , a duty meerly spirituall . That they had seised upon the treasures of the Church in some places , and disposed of them at their pleasure . That they had caused the Ministers to be imprisoned , and there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a long time , to their great discomfort , an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 . And lastly that they had depri●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 berty of Natives in denying them their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on of the Curates . Other grievances there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the principall . True it is , that upon due 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 particulars , it did appear that the Magistrates had more reason in their actions , then the Ministers in their complaints . But not having been accustomed to the like usage , they do esteem it a thraldome so incompetent and unsupportable , that I perswade my self they sooner would resolve to yeeld to any course , then have their doings crost by that tribunall . Sure I am , when they found so small redresse for these ( as they conceived ) great oppressions , they made petition to his Lordship to bethink himself on some other way for their relief , and laboured to procure me to be their Mediator to his Lordship in it . These circumstances also happily concurring , portend , in my opinion , as great an alteration in this state Ecclesiasticall , as the conjunction of some powerfull Planets doth sometimes upon the ●…emporall . And if your Lordship should be wanting now unto present opportunity , it may be such a confluence of preparatives and helps may hardly be met withall hereafter . Presuming therefore , that your Lordship will not neglect the advantage offered , I should next proceed unto those means which might best be used in the effecting of this work ; but what were this but to read a lecture of the wars to Hannibal , to play a part on the Stage in the sight of Ros●…ius ? For whether your Lordship shall think most fit to treat first of it with my Lord the Governour , that he may make plain the way before you , and facilitate the businesse ; or whether it may be thought most proper , that some negotiate with the people and the Jurates , to commence a suit in this behalf unto the Councell ; or whether that the Ministers themselves , in this conjuncture of time , oppressed , as they conceive it , by the Civill Magistrates encroaching on them , may not with great facility be perswaded to sollicite for a change ; who can so well determine as your Lordship , whom long experience and naturall abilities have made perfect in these arts ? Only let me beseech your Lordships leave to enjoy mine own folly , and for a while to act my part , to read my lecture , though Hannibal and Roscius be in presence . At such time as by the Ministers his Lordship was petitioned to resolve upon some course for their relief ; they made request to me to sollicite for them their desires , to be a remembrancer for them to his Lordship . To which I answered , that I could direct them in a way which should for ever ●…ee them from that yoak which so much they feared , and if they would vouchsafe to see my Chamber , I would there impart it . A motion not made unto the wals , or lost in the proposall ; for down unto my Lodging they descended , and there we joyned our selves in Councell . The Petitioners were five in number , viz. De la March , Millet , P●…ard , Picote , and De la Place ; my self alone , and n●…t provided ( save in Wine and Sider ) for their entertainment . But as Lactantius in an equall case , Nec●…sse est , ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bo●…itas faciat eloquentem ; presuming on the goodnesse of my cause , but more upon their ignorance , I was resolved to bid them battail . Immediately upon the opening of the Counsell , I was importuned my opinion ; whereto I freely made them answer , the only course whereby they might subsist entire and f●…ee from bondage , was to address themselves to his Majesty for the restitution of the Dean . But this say they is Physick worse then the disease ; and thereupon the battails began to joyn with greater violence ; with violence it was , and therefore ( as we are instructed in Philosophy ) of no long continuance ; for presently upon the first encounter their ranks were broken , and their forces disunited . Picote for his part protested , that he had alwayes been an enemy to Lay Elders , and that he could not see by what authority of Scripture they were permitted in the Churches . Perchard was well enough content , that the dispensing of the poor mans box might be committed unto others , and that the Deacons as being a degree or step unto the Ministery , might be employed about the treasures of salvation . Millet stood silent all the while , and as I think reserved himself to try the fortune of another day . De la March and De la Place ( this De la Place is he who abandoned Jarsey upon his failing of the Deanship ) what they could not make good by reason , supplied by obstinacy . In my life I never knew men more willing to betray a cause , or lesse able to maintain it . My inference hereupon is this , that if his Majesty should signifie unto them , that it is his royall pleasure to admit a Dean among them , or else repair unto the Court to give a reaso●… of their re●…usall ; they sooner would forsake and quit their cause , then either be resolved to agree about it , or venture to defend it . If I were sure to make no use of Logick , till these men shal run the hazard of a disputation , I would presently go and burn my Aristotle . To draw unto an end , for I have been too tedious to your Lordship . Before I pluck off my disguise and leave the stage whereon I act , I coul●… me thinks add somewhat here about the choicing of a man most fit for this authority . In which particular , as I stand well affected to Perchard , for a moderate and quiet man , so hath he also a good repute in all the Island , both for his vein of Preaching , his liberall hospitality , and plausible demeanor . Or if your Lordship think a forainer more fit , there being now the Parish of St. Saviours void , and so full room for that induction , I durst propose to you Olivier of Jarsey ; a man which I perswade my self , I may say safely , not inferiour unto any of both Islands in point of Scholarship , and well affected to the English form of Government . Add to this that already he is acquainted with the nature of the place , as having executed the office of the Commissary or Subdean , ever since the introduction of the charge , and therefore not to seek in the managing and cariage of his jurisdiction . But good God! what follies do we dayly run into , when we conceive our selves to be disguised , and that our actions are not noted ? It is therefore high time for me to unmaske my self , and humbly crave your Lordships pardon , that under any habit I should take upon me to advise . A further plaudite then this I do not seek for , then that you will vouchsafe to excuse my boldnesse , though not allow it : the rather because a zeal unto the beauteous uniformity of the Church did prompt me to it . But this , and this discourse , such as it is , I consecrate unto your Lordship ; for whose honour , next under Gods , I have principally pursued this argument . For my self , it will be unto me sufficient glory , that I had any , though the least , hand in such a pious work ; and shall be happy , if in this , or in any other your Lordships counsels for the Churches peace , I may be worthy of imployment . Nor need your Lordship fear , that in the prosecution of this project , you may be charged with an innovation . To pursue this purpose is not to introduce a novelty but to restore a Discipline , to revive the perfect service of God , which so long hath been , to say the best of it , in a Lethargy , and to make the Jerusalem of the English Empire , like a City which is at unity within it self . Sic nova dum condis , revocas ( vir summe ) priora ; Debentur quae sunt , quaeque ●…uere tibi . Si priscis servatur honos te Praeside , templis ; Et casa tam culto sub Jove numen habet . Thus ( Reverend Lord ) to you , Churches both old and new Do owe themselves ; since by your pious care New ones are built , and old ones in repaire . Thus by your carefull z●…al Unto the Churches weal , As the old Temples do preserve their glories , So private houses have their Oratories . It is now time to acquaint your Lordship with the successe and safety of our return ; all things being done and su●…ly setled for the peace and security of those Islands , which was the only cause of our voyage thither . Concerning which , your Lordship may be pleased to know in a word , that the crossnesse of the winds and roughnesse of the water , detained us some d●…yes longer in Castle Cornet , then we had intended ; but at the last , on Thursday Aprill 2. being Maundy Thursday , anno 1629. we went aboard our Ships , and hoised sail for England . It was full noon before we were under sail , and yet we made such good way , that at my waking the next morning , we were come neer the Town of Peal , and landed safely the same day in the Bay of Teichfeild , where we first took Ship ; his Lordship being desirous to repose himself with the said Mr. Bromfeild , till the Feast of Easter being passed over might render him more capable to pursue his Journey . And now I am safely come into my Countrey , where according to the custome of the Antients , I offer up my thanksgiving to the God of the waters , and testifie before his Altars the gratefull acknowledgement of a safe voyage and a prosperous return , blessings which I never merited . — Me tabula sacer Votiva paries indicat uvida Suspendisse potenti Vestimenta maris Deo. My Votive Table on the Sacred wall Doth plainly testifie to all , That I those gratefull vowes have paid , Which in the tumults of the deep I made , To him that doth the Seas command , And holds the waters in his hand . The End of the Last Book , and the Second Journey . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43535-e340 P. 4. ●… . 27. 5 l. 10. 〈◊〉 . l. 17. P. 7. l 26. P. 8. 17. P. 34. l. 2 5 l. 25. 64. l. 1. 〈◊〉 ●… . 38. P. 243. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Notes for div A43535-e63610 ( 1 ) The City . and . ( 2 ) The condition of these Islands under that Government . ( 3 ) Churches appropriated what they were . ( 4 ) The black book of Constance . ( 5 ) . ( 6 ) The 〈◊〉 of Priors Aliens . ( 7 ) Priors dative , h●w they differed from Conventuals . ( 8 ) The condition of these Churches after that suppression . ( 9 ) The Diagram . * 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . † St. 〈◊〉 d●…●…oys . ( 10 ) What is meant by D●…ts . French Querrui , and by Champart . ( 11 ) The alteration of Religion in these Islands . ( 12 ) 〈◊〉 here in the dayes of Q 〈◊〉 . ( ●…3 ) The Isl●…nds ann●…xed for ever unto the Diocese of 〈◊〉 , and for what Reasons . ( 1 ) The condition of Geneva under their Bi●…hop . ( 2 ) The alteration there both in Religion , and ( ●… ) in Polity . ( 4 ) The estate of that Church 〈◊〉 the coming of Calvin thither . ( 5 ) The conception . ( 6 ) The Birth ●…nd ( 7 ) Growth of the new Discipline . ( 8 ) The quality of Lay-Elders . ( 9 ) The different pr●…ceeding of 〈◊〉 . ( 10 ) 〈◊〉 in the propagation of that c●…use * V. cap. 5 ●… . ( 11 ) B●…h of these 〈◊〉 to the Church of England . ( 12 ) T●…●…st 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…h Islands . ( 13 ) A permission of it by the Queen , &c. ( 14 ) The Letters of the Councell to that purpose . ( 15 ) The tumults raised in England by 〈◊〉 Brethren . 
A43553	----	A survey of the estate of France, and of some of the adjoyning ilands taken in the description of the principal cities, and chief provinces, with the temper, humor, and affections of the people generally, and an exact accompt of the publick government in reference to the court, the church, and the civill state / by Peter Heylyn ; pbulished according to the authors own copy, and with his content for preventing of all faith, imperfect, and surreptitious impressions of it. Full relation of two journeys Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1656 Approx. 1000 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 237 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43553 Wing H1737 ESTC R9978 12148310 ocm 12148310 55011 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43553) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55011) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 106:1, 2979:1) A survey of the estate of France, and of some of the adjoyning ilands taken in the description of the principal cities, and chief provinces, with the temper, humor, and affections of the people generally, and an exact accompt of the publick government in reference to the court, the church, and the civill state / by Peter Heylyn ; pbulished according to the authors own copy, and with his content for preventing of all faith, imperfect, and surreptitious impressions of it. Full relation of two journeys Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [48], 424 p. Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile ..., London : 1656. "The relation of the first journey, containing a survey of the state of France" ([2], 276 p.) and "The second journey, containing a survey of the estate of two ilands of Guernzey and Jarsey, with the isles appending" (p. 277-424) both have special title pages. Unauthorized ed. published earlier in the same year with title: France painted to the life. Published also in the same year as A full relation of two journeys. Advertisement: p. [28]. Reproductions of original in Huntington Library (reel 106:1) and Folger Shakespeare Library (reel 2979:1). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng France -- Description and travel. 2005-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-12 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-12 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SURVEY OF THE Estate of France , AND Of some of the adjoyning ILANDS : TAKEN In the Description of the principal Cities , and chief Provinces ; with , The Temper , Humor and Affections of the People generally ; And an exact accompt of the Publick Government in reference to the Court , the Church , and the Civill State. By PETER HEYLYN . Published according to the Authors own Copy , and with his consent , for preventing of all False , Imperfect , and Surreptitious Impressions of it . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile , and are to be sold at the Black-boy over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet , M. DC . LVI . TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE Lord Marquesse OF DORCHESTER . IHere present unto your Lordship the Fruits , if not the Follies also , of my younger daies , not published now , if the audaciousnesse of some others had not made that necessary which in my own thoughts was esteemed unseasonable . The reasons why I have no sooner published these Relations , and those which have inforced me to do it now , are laid down in the following Preface , sufficient ( as I hope ) both to excuse and justifie me with ingenuous men . But for my boldnesse in giving them the countenance of your Lordships name , I shall not study other reasons then a desire to render to your Lordship some acknowledgement of those many fair expressions of esteem and favour , which your Lordship from my first coming to Westminster , hath vouchsafed unto me . Your known abilities in most parts of learning , together with the great respects you have for those which pretend unto it , enclined you to embrace such opinion of me , as was more answerable to your own goodnesse then to my desert , and to cherish in me those Proficiencies , which were more truly in your self . And for my part , I alwaies looked upon your Lordship as a true Son of the Church of England , devoted zealously to her Forms of worship , the orthodoxies of her Doctrine , and the Apostolicism of her Government ; which makes me confident that these pieces will not prove unwelcome to you , in which the superstitions & innovations of the two opposite parties , are with an equal hand laid open to your Lordships view . Nor shall you find in these Relations , such matters of compliance only with your Lordship in point of Judgement , as promise satisfaction unto your intellectuall , and more noble parts ; but many things which may afford you entertainments of a different nature , when you are either spent with study , or wearied with affairs of more near importance . For here you have the principallest Cities and fairest Provinces of France presented in as lively colours , as my unpolished hand could give them ; the Temper , Humour and Affections of the People , generally deciphered with a free and impartial Pen ; the publick Government of the whole , in reference to the Court , the Church , and the Civil State , described more punctually then ever heretofore in the English Tongue ; some observations intermingled of more ancient learning , but pertinent and proper to the businesse which I had in hand . You have here such an accompt also of some of the adjoyning Islands ( the only remainders of our Rights in the Dukedome of Normandy ) that your Lordship may finde cause to wonder , how I could say so much on so small a subject , if the great alterations which have hapned there in bringing in and working out the Genevian Discipline , had not occasioned these enlargements . Such as it is , it is submitted with that Reverence to your Lordships Judgement , which best becometh My Lord , Your Lordships most humble And most devoted Servant , Pet. Heylyn . The Authors Preface to the Reader . I. IT may seem strange unto the Reader , that after so large a volume of Cosmography , in which the world was made the subject of my Travels , I should descend unto the publishing of these Relations , which point at the estate only of some neighbouring places : or that in these declining times of my life and fortunes , I should take pleasure in communicating such Compositions , as were the products of my youth , and therefore probably not able to endure the censure of severer age . And to say truth , there are some things in this publication , whereof I think my self obliged to give an account to him that shall read these papers , as well for his satisfaction as mine own discharge ; as namely touching the occasion of these several Journeys , my different manner of proceeding in these Relations , the reasons why not published sooner , and the impulsions which have moved me to produce them now . II. For the two first , the Reader may be pleased to know , that as I undertook the first Journey , in the company of a private friend , only to satisfie my self in taking a brief view of the pleasures and delights of France ; so having pleased my self in the sight thereof , and in the observation of such things as were most considerable , I resolved to give my self the pleasure of making such a character and description of them , as were then most agreeable to my present humour , at what time both my wits and fancies ( if ever I was master of any ) were in their predominancy . I was then free from all engagements , depending meerly on my self , not having fastned my relations upon any one man , in order to my future preferment in Church or State , and therefore thought of nothing else then a self-complacency , and the contentment of indulging to mine own affections . This made me to take that liberty in deciphering the tempers , humours , and behaviours of the French Nation generally , which to a grave judgement may seem too luxuriant , and to have more in it of the Satyrist , then is consistent with an equall and impartiall character . But in the midst of so much folly ( if the Reader shall vouchsafe it no better name ) there is such a mixture of more serious matters , as makes the temperature of the whole be more delightfull ; according to that saying of Horace in his Book de Arte Poetica : Omne tulit punctum , qui miscuit utile dulci. That is to say , He hits on every point aright , Who mingleth profit with delight . III. The other Journey being undertaken almost four years after , in attendance on the Earl of Danby , is fashioned after a more serious and solemn manner . I had then began to apply my self to the Lord Bishop of London , and was resolved to present the work to him , when it was once finished , and therefore was to frame my style agreeably unto the gravity and composednesse of so great a Prelate . My design was to let him see in the whole body and contexture of that discourse , that I was not altogether uncapable of managing such publick businesse , as he might afterwards think fit to entrust me with ; and it succeeded so well with me , that within a short time after he recommended me unto his Majesty for a Chaplain in ordinary , and by degrees employed me in affairs of such weight and moment , as rendred my service not unusefull to the Church and State ; however mistaken by some men , who think all matters ill conducted , which either passe not through their own hands , or are not managed by their sinister and precipitate counsels . This makes the style and language of the second Journey to be so different from the first . The indiscretion would have been impardonable , if I had come before such a person in so light a garb , as might have given him a just occasion to suppose , that I had too much of the Antick , and might be rather serviceable to his recreations , then to be honoured with employments of more weight and consequence . IV. If it be asked , why these Relations were not published assoon as they passed my hands , and might be thought more seasonable , then they are at this present ; the Answer in a manner may prevent the question . The last discourse , being written , and intended purposely as a Present to that great Prelate whom before I spoke of , could not with any fitnesse , be communicated to the publick view without his consent . For having tendred it unto him , it was no more mine , and not being mine , I had no reason to dispose otherwise of it , as long as the property thereof was vested in him by mine own free act . But he being laid to sleep in the bed of peace , I conceive my self to have gotten such a second right therein , as the Granter hath many times in Law , when there is no Heir left of the Grantee to enjoy the gift , and consequently to lay any claim unto it . And being resolved , upon the reasons hereafter following , to publish the first of these two Journals , I thought it not amisse to let this also wait upon it , second in place , as it had been second in performance and course of time . V. So for the first Journey , being digested and committed unto writing for mine own contentment , without the thought of pleasing any body else ; the keeping of it by me did as much conduce to the end proposed , as if it had been published to the view of others . And I had still satisfied my self in enjoying that end , if the importunity of friends ( who were willing to put themselves to that charge and trouble ) had not drawn some copies of it from me . By means whereof it came unto more hands then I ever meant it , and at the last into such hands , by which it would have been presented to the publick view without my consent ; and that too with such faults and errors , as Transcripts of necessity must be subject to when not compared with the Original , or perused by the Author . And had it hapned so , as it was like enough to happen , and hath hapned since , the faults and errors of the Copy , as well as of the Presse , would have passed for mine ▪ and I must have been thought accomptable for those transgressions which the ignorance and unadvisednesse of other men would have drawn upon me . And yet there was some other reason , which made the publishing of that Journal when first finished by me , not so fit nor safe , nor so conducible to some ends , which I had in view . I had before applyed my self unto his Majesty , when Prince of Wales , by Dedicating to him the first Essayes of my Cosmographie ; and thereby opened for my self a passage into the Court , whensoever I should have a minde to look that way . And at the time when I had finished these Relations , the French party there were as considerable for their number , as it was afterwards for their power : and the discourse fashioned with so much liberty , and touching ( as it might be thought ) with so much Gayete de coeur upon the humours of that people , might have procured me no good welcome ; and proved but an unhandsome harbinger , to take up any good lodging for me in that place , when either my studies should enable , or my ambition prompt me to aspire unto it . Which causes being now removed , I conceive the time to be more seasonable now , then it was at the first , and that these papers may more confidently walk the open streets , without giving any just offence to my self or others . VI. For though perhaps it may be said , that I have made too bold with the French , and that my character of that people , hath too much of the Satyrist in it , as before was intimated ; yet I conceive that no sober minded man either of that Nation or of this , will finde himself aggrieved at my freedome in it . The French and other forein Nations make as bold with us , not sparing to lay open our wants and weaknesses , even without occasion , and offering them by such multiplying Glasses to the sight of others , as render them far greater then indeed they are . Men of facetious fancies and ●coffing wits ( as the French generally are ) must not expect to be alwaies on the offering hand , but be content to take such money as they use to give ; there would be else no living neer them , or conversing with them . Hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim , in the Poets language . Besides the reader must distinguish betwixt the inclinations of nature , and corruptions in manners . Natural inclinations may be described under a free and liberal character , without any wrong unto the Nations which are so described : nor is it more to the dishonour of the French , to say that they are airy , light , Mercurial , assoon lost as found ; then to the Spaniard , to be accounted slow , and Saturn●ne , lofty and proud , even in the lowest ebb of a beggerly fortune . The temperature of the soyle and air , together with the influences of the heavenly bodies , occasion that variety of temper and affections in all different Nations , which can be no reproach unto them , when no corruption of manners , no vice in matter of morality is charged upon them . Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia , et patriae sorte durantia , quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant , saith a modern but judicious Author . The present French had not been else so like the Galls in the Roman stories , had not those influences , and other naturall causes before remembred , produced the same natural inclinations , and impulsions in them , as they had effected in the other ; their own Du Bartas saith as much touching this particular , as he is thus translated by Josuah Sylvester . O see how full of wonders strange is nature , Sith in each climate , not alone in stature , Strength , colour , hair ; but that men differ do Both in their humours , and their manners too . The Northern man is fa●r , the Southern foul ; That 's white , this black , that smiles & this doth scowl . The one blithe and frolick , the other dull & froward , The one full of courage , the other a fearful coward . VI Much lesse would I be thought injurious to the female sex , though I have used the like freedome in my character of them . I doubt not but there are amongst them , many gallant women , of most exemplary virtue , and unquestioned chastity ; and I believe the greatest part are such indeed , though their behaviour at first sight might , to a man untravelled , perswade the contrary . But general characters are to be fitted to the temper and condition of a people generally , unto the Generasingulorum , as Logicians phrase it , though possibly ( as there are few general Rules without some exceptions ) many particular persons both of rank and merit , may challenge an exemption from them : Queis meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan. To whom the heavens have made a brest Of choicer metall then the rest . And it is possible enough I might have been more sparing of that liberty which I then gave unto my self , were there occasion to make a second character of them at this present time ; or had I not thought fit to have offered this discourse without alteration , as it first issued from my pen. Our English women at that time were of a more retired behaviour then they have been since , which made the confident carriage of the French Damosels , seem more strange unto me , whereas of late the garbe of our women is so altered , and they have so much in them of the mode of France , as easily might take off those misapprehensions , with which I was really possessed at my first coming thither . So much doth custome alter the true face of things , that it makes many things approvable , which at the first appeared unsightly . VIII . In the next place it may be said that this short Journall deserves not to be called A SURVEY OF THE STATE OF FRANCE , considering that it only treateth of some particular Provinces , and of such Towns and Cities only in those Provinces , as came within the compasse of a personal view . But then it may be said withall , that these four Provinces which I passed thorow , and describe , may be considered as the Epitome of the whole , the abstract or compendium of the Body of France : the Isle of France being looked on as the mother of Paris , Picardie as the chiefest Granary , and La Beause as the nurse thereof ; as Normandy is esteemed for the Bulwark of all France it self by reason of that large Sea-coast , and well fortified Havens , wherewith it doth confront the English . And if the rule be true in Logick ( as I think it is ) that a Denomination may be taken from the nobler parts ; then certainly a Survey of these four Provinces , the noblest and most considerable parts of all that Kingdome , may be entituled without any absurdity the Survey of France . For besides that which hath been spoken , it was in these four Provinces that Henry the 4. did lay the scene of his long war against the Leaguers , as if in keeping them assured or subjected to him the safety of the whole Kingdome did consist especially . For though the war was carried into most other Provinces as the necessity of affairs required , yet it was managed in those Provinces by particular parties . Neither the King himself , nor the Duke of Mayenne ( the heads of the contending Armies ) did act any thing in them except some light velitations in Champagne , and one excursion into Burgundie ; the whole decision of the quarrels , depending principally , if not wholly , in the getting of these . The Duke of Parma had not else made so long a march from the Court of Bruxels , to raise the Kings Army from the siege of Roven ; nor had the King mustered up all his wit and power to recover Amiens , when dexterously surprized by a Spanish stratagem . And if it be true , which the French generally affirm of Paris , that it is the Eye , nay the very Soul of all France it self ; I may with confidence affirm , that I have given more sight to that Eye , more life and spirit to that Soul , then hath been hitherto communicated in the English . Tongue . The Realm of France surveyed in the four principal Provinces , and the chief Cities of the whole , gives a good colour to the title , and yet the title hath more colour to insist upon , then the description of these Cities , and those principal Provinces , can contribute towards it . For though I have described those four Provinces only in the way of Chorography , yet I have took a general and a full Survey of the State of France , in reference to the Court , the Church , and the Civil State , which are the three main limbs of all Bodies Politick , and took it in so full a manner , as I think none , and am assured that very few have done before me . IX . If it be said that my stay was not long enough to render me exact and punctual in my observations : I hope it will be said withall , that the lesse my stay was , my diligence must be the greater , and that I husbanded my time to the best advantage . For knowing that we could not stay there longer , then our money lasted , and that we carried not the wealth of the Indies with us , I was resolved to give my self as little rest , as the necessities of nature could dispense withall ; and so to work my self into the good opinions of some principal persons of that nation , who were best able to inform me , as might in short space furnish me with such instructions , as others with a greater expence both of time and money could not so readily attain . By this accommodating of my self unto the humours of some men , and a resolution not to be wanting to that curiosity which I carryed with me , there was nothing which I desired to know ( and there was nothing which I desired not to know ) but what was readily imparted to me both with love and chearfulnesse . Cur nescire pudens prave quam discere mallem ? I alwaies looked upon it as a greater shame to be ignorant of any thing , then to be taught by any body ; and therefore made such use of men of both Religions , as were most likely to acquaint me with the counsels of their severall parties . Nor was I purse-bound when I had occasion to see any of those Rarities , Reliques , and matters of more true antiquity , which either their Religious Houses , Churches , Colledges , yea , or the Court it Self could present unto me . Money is never better spent then wen it is layed out in the buying of knowledge . X. In the last place it may be said that many things have hapned both in the Court and State of France , many great revolutions and alterations in the face thereof , since I digested the Relation of this Journey for my own contentment ; which makes this publication the more unseasonable , and my consent unto it subject to the greater censure : which notwithstanding I conceive that the discourse will be as usefull to the ingenuous Reader , as if it had gone sheet by sheet from the Pen to the Presse , and had been offered to him in that point of time when it took life from me . The learned labours of Pausanias in his Chorography of Greece , are as delightful now to the studious Reader , as formerly to the best wits of Rome or Athens . Nor need we doubt , but that the description of the Netherlands by Lewis Guicciardine , and of the Isles of Britain by our famous Camden , will yeeld as great profit and contentment to future Ages , as to the men that knew the Authors . The Realm of France is still the same , the temperature of the air and soyl the same , the humours and affections of the people still the same ; the Fractions of the Church as great , the Government as Regal or despotical now , as when the Author was amongst them . The Cities stand in the same places which before they stood in , and the Rivers keep the same channels which before they had , no alteration in the natural parts of that great body , and not much in the politick neither . The change which since hath hapned by the Death of the King , being rather in the person of the Prince , then the form of Government . Affairs of State then managed by a Queen-Mother , and a Cardinal favourite , as they are at this present . The King in his Majority then , but not much versed or studied in his own concernments , as he is at this present ; the Realm divided then into parties and factions ( though not into the same factions ) as it is at this present ; and finally , the English then in as high esteem , by reason of the alliance then newly made between the Princes , as they can possibly be now , by reason of the late concluded peace betwixt the Nations . Nor hath there hapned any thing not reconcilable to the present times , but the almost miraculous birth of the King and his Brother after 20 years barrennesse , and the mariage of the Monsieur with Montpensiers Daughter , contrary to the generall expectation of all that people , and for the first ( I think I may be bold to say ) of the world besides . XII . These reasons as they may excuse this publication , in reference to the work it self , so there is one which serves to justifie it in respect of the Author ; that is to say , the manifesting of this truth to all which shall peruse these papers , that he is still of the same Judgement , and opinion in matters of Religion , Gods worship , and the government of holy Church , of which he was 30 years agoe , when the Relation of the first Journey was fashioned by him ; that he hath stood his ground in all those revolutions both of Church and State , which have hapned since ; that he now holds no other Tenets , then those to which he hath been principled by education , and confirmed by study ; and finally that such opinions as he holds , be they right or wrong , he brought to the Court with him , and took not from thence . So that whatsoever other imputation may be charged upon him , he cannot be accused for a time-server , but alwaies constant to himself , in all times the same ; Qualis ab incepto processeri● , in the Poets language , the same man then as now without alteration Compare my late book upon the Creed , with these present Journals , and it will easily be seen , that in all points wherein I have occasion to declare my Judgement , I am nothing altered ; that neither the temptations of preferment , nor that great turn both in the publick and my own affairs which hath hapned since ; have made me other then I was at the very first . XIII . It 's true in reading over these papers as they were sent to the Presse , I found some things which I could willingly have rectified as they passed my hands ; but that I chose rather to let them go with some Petit errors , then alter any thing in the Copy , which might give any the least occasion to this misconceit , that the work went not to the Presse , as it came from my pen , but was corrected by the line and levell of my present Judgement . And for such petit errors , as then scaped my hands , being they are but petit errors , they may the more easily be pardoned by ingenuous men . But howsoever being errors , though but petit errors , I hold it necessary to correct them , and shall correct them in this order as they come before me . Normandy bounded on the South with L'Isle de France ] Not with the Isle of France distinctly and properly so called , occasioned by the circlings of the Scine and the Marne , in which Paris standeth ; but by that part of France , which is called commonly France Special , or the Proper France , as being the first fixed seat of the French Nation , after their first entrance into G●ul ; which notwithstanding may in some sense , be called the Isle of France also , because environed on all sides with some river or other , that is to say , with the Velle on the East , the Eure on the West , the Oise on the North , and a vein Riveret of the Seine on the South parts of it . The name Neustria ] Not named so in the time of the Romans , when it was reckoned for a part of Gallia Celtica , as the words not well distinguished do seem to intimate ; but when it was a part of the French Empire , and then corruptly so called for Westria , signifying the West parts thereof : the name of Westria or Westenrick , being given by some to this part of the Realm of West France , as that of Austria or Ostenric to a part of East France . By the permission of Charles the Bald ] Not so , but by the sufferance of Charles the Simple , a weaker Prince , and far lesse able to support the Majesty of a King of France . For though the Normans ransacked the Sea coasts of this Countrey during the reign of Charles the Bald , which lasted from the year 841 to the year 879. yet Charles the Bald was not so simple nor so ill advised , as to give them livery and seisin of so large a Province . That was a businesse fit for none but Charles the SIMPLE , who began his reign in the year 900. and unto him the words foregoing would direct the Reader , where it is thus told us of these Normans , anno 900. they first seated themselves in France , &c. which relates plainly to the reign of Charles the Simple , in the beginning whereof they first setled here , though Rollo their chief Captain was not honoured with the title of Duke of Normandy untill 12 years after . For the most part of a light and sandy mould ] mistaken in the print for a light and handy , that is to say , of a more easie tillage , then the rest of those Kingdomes . Which words though positively true of the Countrey of Norfolk , are to be understood of Normandy , comparatively and respectively to the rest of France ; for otherwise it would ill agree with the following words , where it is said to be of a fat and liking soyle , as indeed it is , though not so fat and deep as the Isle of France , La Beause , or many others of the Southern Provinces . The French custome giving to all the sons an equality in the Estate ] which must be understood of the Estates of meaner and inferiour persons , and not of those of eminent , and more noble Families , which have been altered in this point ; The Lands and Honours passing undivided to the eldest sons , the better to support the dignity of their place and titles ; as many Gentlemen of Kent have changed their old tenure by Gavellinde into Knights service , for the same reason , and obtained severall Acts of Parliament to make good that change . For when Meroveus the Grandchilde of Pharamond ] so he is said to be by Rusener , as eldest son of Clodian the son of Pharamond ; but Paradine , the best Herald of all the French , speaks more doubtfully of him , not knowing whether he were the son or next kinsman of Clodian , and others ( whose authority I have elsewhere followed ) make him to be the Master of the Horse to Clodian , whose children he is said to have dispossessed of the Crown , and transferred the same unto himself . The reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people ] That is to say , not such a reason of the name , as I then approved of , my conceit strongly carrying me to the Bellocassi , whom I would fain have setled in the Countrey of La Beause , and from them derived that name unto it . But stronger reasons since have perswaded the contrary , so that leaving the Bellocassi near Baieux in the Dukedome of Normandie , we must derive the name of La Beause , and Belsia , by which it is severally called by the French and Latines , from the exceeding beautifulnesse of that flourishing Province , that which the Latines call Bellus in the Masculine , and Bella in the Feminine Gender , being by the the French called Bell and Beau , as it after followeth . Picardie is divided into the higher , which containeth the Countreys of Calice and Bologne , &c. ] That Picardie is divided into the higher and the lower , is a Truth well known , though I know not by what negligence of mine they are here misplaced , that being the lower Picardie which lyeth next the sea containing the Countreys of Calais , and Bologne , with the Towns of Abbeville , and Monstreuille ; and that the higher Picardie , which liethmore into the Land in which standeth the fair City of Amiens , and many other Towns and Territories else where described . Both these were born unto the King by Madam Gabriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La Belle ] Madam Gabriele is brought in here before her time , and b●ing left out , the sense will run as currently , but more truly thus . Both these were born unto the King by the Dutch●sse of Beaufort , a Lady whom the King , &c. And for the children which she brought him , though they are named right , yet ( as I have been since informed ) they are marshalled wrong , Caesar Duke of Vendosm being the eldest ; not the younger son . And as for Madam Gabriele , she was indeed the King best beloved Concubine , one whom he kept not only for his private chamber , but carried publickly along with him in the course of his wars . Insomuch that when the Duke of Biron had besieged Amiens ( being then lately surprized by the Spaniards as before was intimated ) and was promised succours by the King with all speed that might be ; the King at last came forwards with Madam Gabriele , and a train of Ladies to attend her : which being noted by the Duke , he cryed aloud with a great deal of scorn and indignation , Behold the goodly succours which the King hath brought us . A Lady in great favour , but in greater power , to whom the character was intended , which by mistake , is here given to the Dutchesse of Beaufort , though possibly that Dutchesse also might deserve part of it . When the Liturgie was translated into Latine by Doctor Mocket ] Not by him first translated , as the words may intimate , it having been translated into Latine in Queen Elizabeths time . But that Edition being worn out , and the Book grown scarse , the Doctor gave it a Review , and caused it to be reprinted together with Bishop Jewels Apologie , the Articles of the Church of England , the Doctrinal points delivered in the Book of Homilies , with some other pieces , which being so reviewed and published , gave that contentment to many sober minded men of the Romish party which is after mentioned . In the Relation of the second Journey , I finde no mistakes , requiring any Animadversions , as written in a riper judgement , and with greater care , because intended to a person of such known abilities . Nor was I lesse diligent in gathering the materials for it , then carefull that it might be free from mistakes and errors ; not only informing my self punctually in all things which concerned these Islands , by persons of most knowledge and experience , in the affairs and state of either , but with mine own hand copying out some of their Records , many whole Letters from the Councel and Court of England , the whole body of the Genevian Discipline obtruded on both Islands by Snape and Cartwright , the Canons recommended by King James to the Isle of Jarsey , besides many papers of lesse bulk and consequence , out of all which I have so enlarged that discourse , that if it be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it comes very near it . Certain I am that here is more delivered of the affairs of these Islands and on their accompt , then all the Authors which have ever written of them being layed together , can amount unto . For in pursuance of this part , I have took a full survey of those Islands which I went to visit , together with such alterations in Religion as have hapned there , both when they were under the Popes of Rome , and the Bishops of Constance , as since they have discharged themselves from the power of both . The Reformation there being modelled according to the Genevian Plat-form , occasioned me to search into the beginning , growth , and progresse of the Presbyterian government with the setling of it in these Islands ; together with the whole body of that Discipline as it was there setled , and some short observations on the text thereof , the better to lay open the novelty , absurdity , and ill consequents of it . That done I have declared by what means and motives the Isle of Jarsey was made conformable in point of discipline and devotion to the Church of England , and given the Reader a full view of that body of Canons which was composed and confirmed for regulating the affairs thereof in sacred matters ; and after a short application tending to the advancement of my main design , do conclude the whole . Lastly , I am to tell the Reader , that though I was chiefly drawn to publish these Relations at this present time , for preventing all impressions of them , by any of those false copies which are got abroad ; yet I am given to understand , that the first is coming out ( if not out already ) under the Title of France painted out to the life : but painted by so short a Pensil , as makes it want much of that life which it ought to have . By whom and with what colour that piece is painted thus without my consent , I may learn hereafter . In the mean time , whether that Piece be printed with , or without my name unto it , I must protest against the wrong , and disclaim the work , as printed by a false and imperfect copy , deficient in some whole Sections , the distribution of the books and parts , not kept according to my minde and method , destitute also of those Explications and Corrections , which I have given unto it on my last perusal in this general Preface ; and finally containing but one half of the work which is here presen 〈…〉 Faults and infirmities I have too many of mine own , Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur , as we know who said ; and therefore would not charge my self with those imperfections , those frequent errors and mistakes which the audaciousnesse of other men may obtrude upon me : which having signified to the Reader , for the detecting of this imposture , and mine own discharge , I recommend the following work to his favourable censure , and both of us to the mercies of the Supreme Judge . Lacies Court in Abingdon , April 17. 1656. Books lately printed and reprinted for Henry Seile . DOctor Heylyn's Cosmography , in fol. Twenty Sermons of Dr. Sanderson's , ad Aulam , &c. never till now published . Dr Heylyn's Comment on the Apostles Creed , in fol. Bishop Andrewes holy Devotions , the 4 Edition , in 12. Martiall in 12. for the use of West minster School . John Willis his Art of Stenography or Short writing , by spelling Characters , in 8. the 14 Edition : together with the School master to the said Art. SYLLABUS CAPITUM : OR , The Contents of the Chapters . NORMANDIE ; OR , THE FIRST BOOK . The Entrance . THe beginning of our Journey . The nature of the Sea. A farewell to England . CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall ; the Name and bounds of it . The condition of the Antient Normans , and of the present . Ortelius character of them examined . In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk . The commodities of it , and the Government . pag. 4. CHAP. II. Dieppe , the Town , strength and importance of it . The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son. The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts . The breaden God there , and strength of the Religion . Our passage from Dieppe to Roven . The Norman Innes , Women , and Manners . The importunity of servants in hosteries . The sawcie familiarity of the attendants . Ad pileum vocare , what it was amongst the Romans . Jus pileorum in the Universities of England , &c. p. 9. CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City ; how seated and built ; the strength of is . St. Katharines mount . The Church of Nostre dame , &c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne . The House of Parliament . The precedency of the President and the Governor . The Legend of St. Romain , and the priviledge thence arising . The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses , or people of Roven . p. 19. CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse . The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither . My sore eyes . Mante , Pontoyse , Normandy justly taken from King John. The end of this Booke . p. 26. FRANCE specially so called ; OR , THE SECOND BOOK . CHAP. I. France in what sense so called . The bouuds of it . All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation . The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules . That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate , though the Inhabitants are changed . The quality of the French in private , at the Church , and at the table . Their language , complements , discourse , &c. p. 33. CHAP. II. The French Women , their persons , prating and conditions . The immodesty of the French Ladies . Kissing not in use among them ; and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England . The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us . The impostures of French Pandars in London , with the scandall thence arising . The peccancy of an old English Doctor . More of the French Women . Their Marriages , and lives after wedlock , &c. An Elogie to the English Ladies . p. 41. CHAP. III. France described . The valley of Montmorancie , and the Dukes of it . Mont-martre . Burials in former times not permitted within the wals . The pros cuting of this discourse by manner of a journall , intermitted for a time . The Iown and Church of St. Denis . The Legend of him , and his head . Of Dagobert and the Leper . The reliques to be seen there . Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine ' s time . The Sepulchres of the French Kings , and the treasury there . The Kings house of Madrit . The Qeen Mothers house at Ruall , and fine devices in it . St. Germains en lay , another of the Kings houses . The curious painting in it . Gorramburie Window : the Garden belonging to it , and the excellency of the Water-works . Boys St. Vincent de Vicennes , and the Castle called Bisester . p. 50. CHAP. IV. Paris , the names and antiquity of it . The situation and greatnesse . The chief strength and Fortifications about it . The streets and buildings . King James his laudable care in beautyfying London . King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town . Why not actuated . The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians . The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber . p. 64. CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts . Of the Fauxburgs in generall . Of the Pest-house . The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. Germain . The Queen Mothers house there . Her purpose never to reside in it . The Provost of Merchants , and his authority . The Armes of the Town . The Town-house . The Grand Chastellet . The Arcenall . The place Royall , &c. The Vicounty of Paris . And the Provosts seven daughters . p. 73. CHAP. VI. The University of Paris , and Founders of it . Of the Colledges in general . Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them . The small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France . The great Colledge at Tholoza . Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular ; that and the House of Parliament , the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty . Of the Polity and Government of the University . The Rector and his precedency ; the disordered life of the Scholars there being . An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge . The priviledges of the Scholars , their degrees , &c. p. 80. CHAP. VII . The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia . The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University . King Henry's Statua . Alexander ' s injurious policy . The Church and revenues of Nostre Dame. The Holy water there . The original making and virtue of it . The Lamp before the Altar . The heathenishnesse of both customes . Paris best seen from the top of this Church : the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder : the baptizing of Bels , the grand Hospital and decency of it . The place Daulphin . The holy Chappel and Reliques there . What the Antients thought of Reliques . The Exchange . The little Chastelet . A transition to the Parlament . p. 90. CHAP. VIII . The Parliament of France when begun ; of whom it consisteth , The digniiy and esteem of it abroad , made sedentarie at Paris , appropriated to the long robe . The Palais by whom built , and converted to seats of Justice . The seven Chambers of Parliament . The great Chamber . The number and dignity of the Presidents . The Duke of Biron afraid of them . The Kings seat in it . The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano . The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds ; and ever the affaires of the King. This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France . La Tournelle , and the Judges of it . The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted , and by whom . In what cause it is decisive . The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament . The Chancellour of France and his Authority . The two Courts of Requests , and Masters of them . The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers . p. 104. CHAP. IX . The Kings Palace of the Louure , by whom built . The unsutablenesse of it . The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother . The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle . Henry IV. a great builder . His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean . La Salle des Antiques . The French not studious of Antiquities . Burbon house . The Tuilleries , &c. p. 113. La BEAUSE ; OR , THE THIRD BOOK . CHAP. I. Our Journey towards Orleans , the Town , Castle , and Battail of Mont l'hierrie . Many things imputed to the English which they never did . Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship . The town of Chartroy , and the mourning Church there . The Countrey of La Beause and people of it . Estampes . The dancing there . The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey . Angerville . Tury . The sawciness of the French Fidlers . Three kindes of Musick amongst the Antient. The French Musick . p. 121. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester . The Wine of Orleans . Praesidial Towns in France , what they are . The sale of Offices in France . The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle . The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle . Defaced by the Hugonots . Some things hated only for their name . The Bishop of Orleans , and his priviledge . The Chappell and Pilgrims of St. Jacques . The form of Masse in St Croix C●n●ing an Heathenish custome . The great siege of Orleans , raised by Joan the Virgin. The valour of that woman : that she was no witch . An Elogie on her . p. 131. CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe . The dead time of learning . The Schools of Law in Orleans . The oeconomie of them . The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan . Their methode here , and prodigality in bestowing degrees . Orleans a great conflux of strangers . The language there . The Corporation of Germans there . Their house and priviledges . Dutch and Latine . The difference between an Academie and an University . p. 145. CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the comming of the Jesuites . Their Colledge there by whom built . The Jesuites no singers . Their laudable and exact method of teaching . Their policies in it . Received not without great difficulty into Paris . Their houses in that university . Their strictnesse unto the rules of their order . Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers . Why not sent into England with the Queen ; and of what order they were that came with her . Our return to Paris . p. 152. PICARDIE ; OR , THE FOURTH BOOK . CHAP. I. Our return towards England . More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses . The town of Luzarch , and St. Loupae . The Country of Picardie and people . Tho Picts of Britain not of this Countrey . Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governour of Picardie . The office of Constable what it is in France . By whom the place supplyed in England . The marble table in France , and causes there handled . Clermount , and the Castle there . The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre . What his designes might tend to , &c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens ; and greatnesse of it . The English feasted within it ; and the error of that action ; the Town how built-seated and fortified . The Citadell of it , thought to be impregnable . Not permitted to be viewed . The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength . The watch and form of Government in the Town . Amiens a Visdamate : to whom it pertaineth . What that honour is in France . And how many there enjoy it , &c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens . The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name . More honour performed to her then to her Saviour . The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside . The front of it . King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster . The curiousnesse of this Church within . By what means it became to be so . The sumptuous masking closets in it . The excellency of perspective works . Indulgences by whom first founded . The estate of the Bishoprick . p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some , and Company . The Town and Castle of Piquigni , for what famous . Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies . A farewell to the Church of Amiens . The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie . Abbeville how seated ; and the Garrison there . No Governour in it but the Major or Provost . The Authors imprudent curiosity ; and the curtesie of the Provost to him . The French Post-horses how base and tyred . My preferment to the Trunk-horse . The horse of Philip de Comines . The Town and strength of Monstreuille . The importance of these three Towns to the French border , &c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois , and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized . The present of Salt butter . Boulogne divided into two Towns. Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague . The forme of it . Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church . The high Town Garrisoned . The old man of Boulogne ; and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him . The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens . The fraternity De la Charite , and inconveniency of it . The costly Journey of Henry VIII . to Boulogne . Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned . The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England . Boulogne yeilded back to the French ; and on what conditions . The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow . p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL ; OR , THE FIFTH BOOK . Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally , in reference to the Court , the Church and the Civill State. CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person , age and marriage of King Lewis XIII . Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse . Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy . The Kings Sisters all marryed ; and his alliances by them . His naturall Brethren , and their preferments . His lawfull Brother . The title of Monsieur in France . Monsieur as yet unmarried ; not like to marry Montpensiers daughter . That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons . The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown , in case the line of Navarre fail . How the Lords stand affected in the cause . Whether a child may be born in the 11 month . King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies . Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite , his birth and offices . The omniregency of the Queen Mother ; and the Cardinall of Richileiu . The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman . p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France , like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca . The comparison between them two , and those in the general . A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France , in Policie , Priviledge and Revenue . The complaint of the Clergy to the King. The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular . The pragmatick sanction , Maxima tua fatuitas , and Conventui Tridentino , severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell . The tedious quarrell about Investitures . Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites . The French B shops not to medle with Fryers , their lives and land . The ignorance of the French Priests . The Chanoins Latine in Orleans . The French not hard to be converted , if plausibly humoured . p. 216. CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope . This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England . An English Catholicks conceit of it . His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris . A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality . A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau . The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns. Their present estate and strength . The last War against them justly undertaken ; not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command . Their purpose to have themselves a free estate . The war not a war of Religion . King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party . Their happinesse before the war. The Court of the edict . A view of them in their Churches . The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England . Their Discipline and Ministers , &c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall . A transition to the particular of France . The Government there meerly regall . A mixt forme of Government most commendable . The Kings Patents for Offices . Monopolies above the censure of Parliament . The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes . The Kings gifts and expences . The Chamber of Accounts . France divided into three sorts of people . The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title . The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France . The Kings power how much respected by the Princes . The powerablenesse of that rank . The formall execution done on them . The multitude and confusion of Nobility . King James defended . A censure of the French Heralds . The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants . Their priviledges , gibbets and other Regalia . They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons . p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant . The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes . The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State. The wisdome of Henry VII . The Forces all in the Cavallerie . The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King. No demain in France . Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England . The Gabell of Salt. The Popes licence for wenching . The Gabell of whom refused , and why . The Gascoines impatient of Taxes . The taille , and taillion . The Pancarke or Aides . The vain resistance of those of Paris . The Court of Aides . The manner of gathering the Kings moneys . The Kings revenue . The corruption of the French publicans . King Lewis why called the just . The monies currant in France . The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects . A congratulation unto England . The conclusion of the first Journey . p. 258. GUERNZEY and JARSEY ; OR , THE SIXTH BOOK . The Entrance . ( 1 ) The occasion of , &c. ( 2 ) Introduction to this work . ( 3 ) The Dedication , ( 4 ) and Method of the whole . The beginning , continuance of our voyage ; with the most remarkable passages which happened in it . The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre . p. 179. CHAP. I. ( 1 ) Of the convenient situation , and ( 2 ) condition of these Islands in the generall . ( 3 ) Alderney , and ( 4 ) Serke . ( 5 ) The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French. ( 6 ) Of Guernzey , ( 7 ) and the smaller Isles neer unto it . ( 8 ) Our Lady of Lebu . ( 9 ) The road , and ( 10 ) the Castle of Cornet . ( 11 ) The Trade , and ( 12 ) Priviledges of this people . ( 13 ) Of Jarsey , and ( 14 ) the strengths about it . ( 15 ) The Island why so poor and populous . ( 16 ) Gavelkind , and the nature of it . ( 17 ) The Governours and other the Kings Officers . The ( 18 ) Politie , and ( 19 ) administration of justice in both Islands . ( 20 ) The Assembly of the Three Estates . ( 21 ) Courts Presidiall in France what they are . ( 22 ) The election of the Justices , ( 23 ) and the Oath taken at their admission . ( 24 ) Of their Advocates or Pleaders , and the number of them . ( 25 ) The number of Atturneys once limited in England . ( 26 ) A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey . p. 292. CHAP. II. ( 1 ) The City and Di●cesse of Constance . ( 2 ) The condition of these Islands under that Government . ( 3 ) Churches appropriated what they were . ( 4 ) The Black Book of Constance . ( 5 ) That called Dooms day . ( 6 ) The suppression of Priors Aliens . ( 7 ) Priours Dative , how they differed from the Conventuals . ( 8 ) The condition of the●e Churches after the suppression . ( 9 ) A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish , together with the Ministers and Justices now being . ( 10 ) What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui . ( 11 ) The alteration of Religion in these Islands . ( 12 ) Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary . The Authors indignation at it , expressed in a Poeticall rapture . ( 13 ) The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of W●nton , and for what reasons . p. 313. CHAP. III. ( 1 ) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop . ( 2 ) The alteration there both in Politie , and ( 3 ) in Religion . ( 4 ) The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither . ( 5 ) The conception , ( 6 ) birth , and ( 7 ) growth of the New Discipline . ( 8 ) The quality of Lay-elders . ( 9 ) The different proceedings of Calvin , ( 10 ) and Beza in the propagation of that cause . ( 11 ) Both of them enemies to the Church of England . ( 12 ) The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands ( 13 ) A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries . ( 14 ) The letters of the Councell to that purpose . ( 15 ) The tumults raised in England by the brethren . ( 16 ) Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands . p. 327. CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall , according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers , Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey Jarsey , Serke , and Alderney ; confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders , and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , and 17. days of October , 1597. p. 338. CHAP. V. ( 1 ) Annotations on the Discipline . ( 2 ) N●place in it for the Kings Supremacy . ( 3 ) Their love to Parity , as well in the State as in the Church . ( 4 ) The covering of the head a sign of liberty . ( 5 ) The right hand of fellowship . ( 6 ) Agenda , what it is in the notion of the Church : The intrusion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs . ( 7 ) Millets case . ( 8 ) The brothren superstitious in giving names to children . ( 9 ) Ambling Communions . ( 10 ) The holy Discipline made a third note of the Church . ( 11 ) Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline . ( 12 ) Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities . ( 13 ) The Baptism of Bels. ( 14 ) The brethren under pretence of scandal , usurp upon the civil Courts . ( 15 ) The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth . ( 16 ) A caution to the Prelates . p. 364. CHAP. VI. ( 1 ) King James how affected to this Platform . ( 2 ) He confirms the Discipline in both Islands . ( 3 ) And for what reasons . ( 4 ) Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarsey . ( 5 ) His Articles against the Ministers there . ( 6 ) And the proceedings thereupon . ( 7 ) The distracted estate of the Church and Ministery in that Island , ( 8 ) They refer themselves unto the King. ( 9 ) The Inhabitants of Jarsey petition for the English Discipline . ( 10 ) A reference of both parties to the Councell . ( 11 ) The restitution of the Dean . ( 12 ) The Interim of Germany what it was . ( 13 ) The Interim of Jarsey . ( 14 ) The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common prayer . ( 15 ) The establishment of the new Canons . 378. CHAP. VII . The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey ; together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same . p. 390. CHAP. VIII . ( 1 ) For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey . ( 2 ) A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey . ( 3 ) The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England . ( 4 ) The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible . ( 5 ) The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration . ( 6 ) The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates . ( 7 ) Propesals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design . ( 8 ) The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship . The conclusion of the whole . Our return to England . p. 412. ERRATA . Besides the errors of the Copy , the Reader is of course to look for some from the Presse , which the hast made for preventing the false impressions , bath more increased then any negligence of the Workman , which the Reader is desired to amend in this manner following . PAge 4. l. 27. r. Le Main . p. 5. l. 23. r. locorum . p. 7 l. 15. r. qui. p. 10. l. 22. r. the predecessor to the same Henry . p. 11. l. 17. del . in . p. 13. l. 18. r. pace . ibid. l. 35. 〈…〉 yred p. 19. l 26. r. Evenlode . p. 31 l. 8. r. fourth . p. 39. l. 25. & p. 108. l. 9 r. interview . p. 49. l. 3. r. then . ibid l. 4. r. as at . ibid. l. 9. r. her own thoughts . p. 52. l. 1. r. Cumrye . p. 60 l. 28. r. En lar . ibid. l. 35 r. Troyes . p. 69 l. 26. del . now . p. 95. l. 17. r born . p. 96. l. 19 r. abolished . p. 99. l. 20. r. Treasurirer p. 100. l. 1. r. visible . p. 121. l. 12. r. Chastres . p. 123 l 1 r. as much hugged . ibid. l. 26. r. I shall hereafter shew you . p. 125. l. 27. r. Beu . p. 127. l. 14. r. Angerville . p. 132. l. 12. r. Angiers . p. 138 l. 9. r. his . p. 139. l. 15. r. antient times . ibid. l. 20. r quam disfumigamibus . p. 140. l. 22. r. Belb●s p. 147. l. 2. r. meri● p. 150. l. 27. r. many . p. 153. l. 6. r. mouths ibid. l. 31. r. forme . p. 158 l. 9 r. trumped . p. 162. l. 12. r. Les D guieres . p. 163. l. 20 r. Bevie . ibid. l. ●3 . r. Troyes . p. 167. l. 27. r. Ancre . p. 170. l. 18. r. adeo . ibid. l. 19. r. fidei . p. 175. l. 9. r. mossing p. 185 l. 27. del . do . ibid. 36. r ner p. 190. l. 3. del my ibid. l. 33. r. Bookes . p. 199. l. 20. r. horrour . p. 206. l. 8. r Fran● . p. 208. l. 1. r. 60000. p. 211. l. 14. del . each 〈◊〉 . p. 213 l 8. to these words abeady mentioned , add , and Madam Gabriele the most breed of all . p. 220 l. ult . r. Aix . p. 222. l. 38. r. no other . p. 223. l 7. & l. 32. r. investi 〈…〉 . ibid. l. 18. r. Henry IV. ibid. l. 34. r. Henry I p 225. l. 10. r. sanctio . ibid. l. 23. r. 〈…〉 e. p. 230. l 19. r. fair , p. 231 l. 1. r. to come . ibid. l. 6 r. greatest action . p. 235. l. 〈◊〉 . del into . p. 242. l 4 r. Le Chastres . p. 244 l. 33. r. Systematicall . p 248. l. 27. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 261. l. 24 del . fo● . p. 271. l. 13. r. birudo p 272. l. ult r. Vitr●y . p. 274. l. r. 〈…〉 tal . p. 288 l. 28. r. Peitor . p. 298. l. 5. & 302. l. 16. r. Armie . p. 304 l. 33 r. Summa 〈…〉 p. 306 l. 20. r. manner . p. 312. l. 8 del . a Crosse engraled O. p. 314. l. 5 r. Viconte . p. 320. l 8. r. painset . ibid. l. 2. r. honor . p. 323. l. 34. r. once . p 325. l. 7. r. fact . p. 330. l. 36. r. Birtilier . p. 337. l. 11. r titulary . ibid. l 17 r. Painset . p. 354. l ult . 〈◊〉 them they . p. 368 l 35. r. propounded . p. 374 l 10 r. tactum . p. 381. l. 14. r. va 〈…〉 . p. 384. l. 3 & l. 3● . & p. 386 l. 15. Misse●v● . p 385. l. 17 r. Olivier . ibid. l. 34. r. St. Martins . p 387. l 32. r. interea p. 393 l. 9. r. cure . p 401. l. ult . r. rols . p. 417 l. 11. del . hath p 415 l. 3. r. ceremoniall . ibid. l. 25. r. besaid unto him . ibid. l. 38. r. Bishop . p. 417. l 8. r clamors . p. 422. l. 13. r. change . p. 423. l 3. r. sic . ibid. l. 24. r. pool . THE RELATION Of the FIRST JOURNEY : CONTAINING A SURVEY of the STATE OF FRANCE . TAKING IN The Description of the principal Provinces , and chief Cities of it ; The Temper , Humors and Affections of the people generally ; And an exact account of the Publick Government , in reference to the Court , the Church and the Civill State. By PET. HEYLYN . London , Printed 1656. A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . NORMANDY ; OR , THE FIRST BOOK . The Entrance . The beginning of our Journey . The nature of the Sea. A farewell to England . ON Tuesday the 28 of June , just at the time when England had received the chief beauty of France , and the French had seen the choise beauties of England ; we went to Sea in a Bark of Dover . The Port we aimed at , Dieppe in Normandy . The hour three in the afternoon . The winde faire and high , able , had it continued in that point , to have given us a wastage as speedy as our longings . Two hours before night it came about to the Westward , and the tide also not befriending us , our passage became tedious and troublesome . The next day being dedicated to the glory of God in the memory of St. Peter , we took the benefit of the ebb to assist us against the wind ; this brought us out of the sight of England , and the floud ensuing compelled us to our Anchor . I had now leasure to see Gods wonders in the deep ; wonders indeed to us which had never before seen them : but too much familiarity had made them no other then the Sailers playfellowes . The waves striving by an imbred ambition which should be highest , which formost . Precedencie and supereminencie was equally desired , and each enjoyed it in succession . The winde more covetous in appearance , to play with the water , then disturb it , did only rock the billow , and seemed indeed to dandle the Ocean ; you would at an other time have thought that the seas had only danced to the winds whistle ; or that the Winde straining it self to a Treble , and the Seas by a Diapason , supplying the Base , had tuned a Caranto to our ship . For so orderly they ●ose and fell according to the time and note of the Billow , that her violent agitation might be imagined to be nothing but a nimble Galliard filled with Capers . This nimblenesse of the waves and correspondency of our Bark unto them , was not to all our company alike pleasing : what in me moved only a reverend and awfull pleasure , was to others an occasion of sicknesse , their heads gidie , their joynts enfeebled , their stomachs loathing sustenance , and with great pangs avoiding what they had taken ; in their mouths nothing might have been so frequent as that of Horace , Illi robur & aes triplex Girea pectus erat , qui fragilem ituei Comnasit pelago ratem . Whether it be , that the noisome smels , which arise from the saltnesse and tartnesse of that region of waters , poysoneth the brain ; or that the ungoverned and unequall motion of the ship , stirreth and unsetleth the stomach , or both ; we may conjecture with the Philosophers , rather then determine . This I am sure of , that the Cabbins and Decks were but as so many Hospitals or Pesthouses filled with diseased persons , whilest I and the Mariners only made good the Hatches . Here did I see the Scalie nation of that Kingdom solace themselves in the brimme of the waters , rejoycing in the sight and warmth of the day ; and yet spouting from their mouths such quantity of waters , as if they purposed to quench that fire which gave it . They danced about our Vessell , as if it had been a moving May pole ; and that with such delightfull decorum , that you never saw a measure better troden with lesse art . And now I know not what wave bigger then the rest tossed up our ship so high , that I once more saw the coast of England . An object which took such hold on my senses , that I forgot that harmlesse company which sported below me , to bestow on my dearest mother , this ( and for ought I could assure my self , my last ) farewell . England adiew , thy most unworthy sonne Leaves thee , and grieves to see what he hath done . What he hath done , in leaving thee the best Of mothers , and more glorious then the rest Thy sister-nations . Had'st thou been unkind ; Yet might he trust thee safer then the wind . Had'st thou been weak ; yet far more strength in thee , Then in two inebes of a sinking tree . Had'st thou been cruell ; yet thy angry face Hath more love in it , then the Seas imbrace . Suppose thee p●or ; his zeal and love the lesse , Thus to forsake his Mother in distresse . But thou art none of these , no want in thee ; Only a needlesse curiositie Hath made him leap thy ditch . O! let him have Thy blessing in his Voyage : and hee 'l crave The Gods to thunder wrath on his neglect , When he performs not thee all due respect ; That Nemesis her scourge on him would pluck , When he forgets those breasts which gave him suck . That Nature would dissolve and turn him earth , If thou beest not remembred in his mirth . May he be cast from mankind , if he shame To make profession of his mothers name . Rest then assur'd in this , though sometimes hee Conceal , perhaps , his faith , he will not thee . CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall ; the Name and bounds of it . The condition of the Antient Normans , and of the present . Ortelius character of them examined . In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk . The commodities of it , and the Government . THe next ebb brought us in sight of the Sea-coast of Normandy , a shore so evenly compassed and levelled , that it seemeth the work of Art , not Nature ; the Rock all the way of an equall height , rising from the bottom to the top in a perpendicular , and withall so smooth and polished , that if you dare believe it the work of Nature , you must also think , that Nature wrought it by the line , and shewed an art in it above the imitation of an Artist . This wall is the Northern bound of this Province ; the South parts of it being confined with Le Mainde la Beausse , and L' Isle de France ; on the East it is divided from Picardie by the River of Some ; and on the North it is bounded with the Ocean , and the little River Crenon , which severeth it from a corner of Britain . It extendeth in length from the beginning of the 19 degree of longitude , to the middle of the 23. Viz. from the Cape of St. Saviour West , to the Port-town of St. Valerie East . For breadth , it lyeth partly in the 49 , partly in the 50 degree of Latitude ; so that reckoning 60 miles to a degree , we shall finde it to contain 270 English miles in length , and 60 English miles in breadth , where it is narrowest . Amongst the Antients it was accounted a part of Gallia Cellica ; the name Neustria . This new title it got by receiving into it a new Nation . A people which had so terribly spoyled the Maritine Coasts of England , France , and Belgium , that , A furore Normannorum , was inserted into the Letanie . Originally they were of Norway , their name importeth it . Anno 800 , or thereabouts , they began first to be accounted one of the Plagues of Europe : 900 they seated themselves in France by the permission of Charles the Balde , and the valor of Rollo their Captain . Before this , they had made themselves masters of Ireland , though they long held it not , and anno 1067 they added to the glory of their name by the conquest of England . You would think them a people not only born to the warres , but to victory . But , Ut frugum semina mutato solo degenerant , sic illa genuina feritas eorum , amoenitate mollila est ; Florus spake it of the Gaules removed into Asia : it is applyable to the Norwegians transplanted into Gallia : yet fell they not suddenly , and at once into that want of courage which now possesseth them . During the time they continued English , they attempted the Kingdom of Naples and Antioch , with a fortune answerable to their valour . Being once oppressed by the French , and in slaved under that Monarchie ; they grew presently crest-faln ; and at once lost both their spirits , and their liberty . The present Norman then , is but the corruption of the Antient ; the heir of his name , and perhaps his possessions , but neither of his strength , nor his manhood . Bondage , and a fruitfull soil , hath so emasculated them , that it is a lost labour to look for Normans even in Normandy . There remaineth nothing almost in them of their progenitours , but the remainders of two qualities , and those also degenerated , if not bastards ; a penurious pride , and an ungoverned doggednesse . Neither of them become their fortune , or their habite ; yet to these they are constant . Finally , view him in his rags and dejected countenance , and you would swear it impossible that these snakes should be the descendents of those brave Heroes , which so often triumphed over both Religions , foiling the Saracens , and vanquishing the Christians . But , perchance , their courage is evaporated into wit , and then the change is made for the better . Ortelius would seem to perswade us to this conceit of them ; and well might he do it , if his words were Oracles : Le gens ( saith he , speaking of this Nation ) sont des plus accorts & subtils , d' esprit de la Gaule . A character , for which the French will little thank him ; who ( if he speak truth ) must in matter of discretion give precedency to their Vassals . But as Imbalt a French leader said of the Florentines in the fifth book of Guicciardine , Non sapeva dove consistesse lingegne tanto celebrate de Fiorentini ; so may I of the Normans . For my part I could never yet find , where that great wit of theirs lay . Certain it is , that as the French in generall , are termed the Kings Asses , so may these men peculiarly be called the Asses of the French , or the veriest Asses of the rest . For what with the unproportionable rents they pay to their Lords on the one side , and the immeasurable taxes laid upon them by the King on the other , they are kept in such a perpetuated course of drudgery , that there is no place for wit or wisdome left amongst them . Liberty is the Mother and the Nurse of those two qualities ; and therefore the Romans ( not unhappily ) expressed both the conditions of a Freeman , and a discreet and modest personage , by this own word Ingenuus . Why the French King should lay a greater burden on the backs of this Nation , then their fellowes , I cannot determine . Perhaps it is , because they have been twice conquered by them , once from King John , and again from Henry VI. and therefore undergo a double servitude . It may be , to abate their naturall pride and stubbornnesse . Likely also it is , that being a revolting people , and apt to an apostasie from their allegiance , they may by this meanes be kept impoverished , and by consequence disabled from such practises . This a French Gentleman of good understanding told me , that it was generally conceited in France , that the Normans would suddenly and unanimously betray their Countrey to the English , were the King a Catholick . — But there is yet a further cause of their beggerlinesse and poverty , which is their litigiousnesse and frequent going to law ( as we call it . ) Ortelius , however he failed in the first part of their character , in the conclusion of it hath done them justice . Mais en generall ( saith he ) ils sont scavans au possible en proces & plaideries . They are prety well versed in the quirks of the Law , and have wit more then enough to wrangle . In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolk : ex infima plebe non pauci reperiuntur ( saith Mr. Camden ) quin si nihil litium sit , lites tamen ex ipsis juris apicibus serere calleant . They are prety fellowes to finde out quirks in Law , and to it they will whatsoever it cost them . Mr. Camden spake not this at randome or by the guesse . For besides what my self observed in them at my being once amongst them , in a Colledge progresse , I have heard that there have been no lesse then 340 Nisi prius tryed there at one Assizes . The reason of this likenesse between the two Nations , I conjecture to be the resemblance of the site , and soil ; both lie upon the Sea with a long and a spacious Coast ; both enjoy a Countrey Champain , little swelled with hils , and for the most part of a light and sandy mould . To proceed to no more particulars , if there be any difference between the two Provinces , it is only this , that the Countrey of Normandy , and the people of Norfolk , are somewhat the richer . For , indeed , the Countrey of Normandie is enriched with a fat and liking soil ; such an one , Quae demum votis avari agricolae respondet , which may satisfie the expectation of the Husbandman , were it never so exorbitant . In my life I never saw Corn-fields more large and lovely , extended in an equall levell almost as far as eye can reach . The Wheat ( for I saw little Barley ) of a fair length in the stalke , and so heavy in the ear , that it is even bended double . You would think the grain had a desire to kisse the earth its mother , or that it purposed by making it self away into the ground , to save the Plough-man his next years labour . Thick it groweth , and so perfectly void of weeds , that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by Art , then these fields are by Nature . Pasture ground it hath little , and lesse Meddow , yet sufficient to nourish those few Cattel they have in it . In all the way between Dieppe and Pontoyse , I saw but two flocks of Sheep , and them not above 40 in a flock . Kine they have in some measure , but not fat nor large , without these there were no living for them . The Nobles eat the flesh , whilst the Farmer seeds on Butter and Cheese , and that but sparingly . But the miserable estates of the Norman paisant , we will defer till another opportunity . Swine also they have in prety number , and some Pullen in their back sides ; but of neither an excesse . The principall River of it is Seine , of which more hereafter ; and besides this I saw two rivulets Robee and Renelle . In matter of Civill Government , this Countrey is directed by the court of Parliament established at Roven . For matters Military , it hath an Officer like the Lieutenant of our shires in England , the Governor they call him . The present Governor is Mr. Le duc de Longueville , to whom the charge of this Province was committed by the present King Lewis XIII . anno 1619. The Lawes by which they are governed are the Civill or Imperiall , augmented by some Customes of the French , and others more particular which are the Norman . One of the principal'st is in matters of inheritance ; the French custome giving to all the Sons an equality in the estate , which we in England call Gavelkind ; the Norman dividing the estate into three parts , and thereof allotting two unto the eldest brother , and a third to be divided among the others . A law which the French count not just : the younger brothers of England would think the contrary . To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans ; I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe , were it subject to the same Kings , and governed by the same Laws , which it gave unto England . CHAP. II. Dieppe , the Town , strength and importance of it . The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son. The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts . The breaden God there , and strength of the Religion . Our passage from Dieppe to Roven . The Norman Innes , Women , and Manners . The importunity of servants in hosteries . The sawcie familiarity of the attendants . Ad pileum vocare , what it was amongst the Romans . Jus pileorum in the Universities of England , &c. JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning , we landed at Dieppe , one of the Haven-towns of Normandy ; seated on an arme of the Sea , between two hils , which embrace it in the nature of a Bay. This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather , and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea. The Town lying within these mountains , almost a quarter of a mile up the channell . The Town it self is not uncomely , the streets large and wel paved , the houses of an indifferent height , and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other . The Fortifications , they say , ( for we were not permitted to see them ) are very good and modern ; without stone , within earth : on the top of the hill , a Castle finely seated , both to defend the Town , and on occasions to command it . The Garrison consisteth of 60 men , in pay no more , but when need requireth , the Captain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants . The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville , who also is the Governour of the province , entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII . anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father ; who never committed the military command of a Countrey ( which is the office of the Governour ) and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse , unto one man. The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King , as the most deserving of his Subjects . He had stuck close to him in all his adversities , received many an honourable scar in his service ; and indeed , was both Fabius and Scipio , the Sword and Buckler of the French empire . In a word , he might have said to this Henry , what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius , Suum militem in obsequio mansisse , cum alii ad seditiones prolaberentur ; neque duraturum Tiberii imperium , si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset : yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg , seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne , the King denied it . The reason was , because Governours of Provinces which command in chief , ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government . There was also another reason & more enforcing , which was , that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy , whose Town it was . The same Henry , though he loved the Duke of Espernon , even to the envy of the Court ; yet even to him also he used the same caution . Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainroigne and Angoulmois , he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne ; places so remote from the seat of his Government , and so distant one from another , that they did rather distract his power , then increase it . The Kings of England have been well , and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate . Let Kent be one of our examples , and Hampshire the other . In Kent at this time the Lieutenant ( or as the French would call him , the Governor ) is the Earl of Mountgomerie ; yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham ; and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby : of which the one commandeth the Sea , and the other the Thames , and the Medway . In Hampshire , the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton : but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth , is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke : neither is there any of the le●st Sconces or Blockhouses , on the shore-side of that Countrey , which is commanded by the Lieutenant . But King Lewis now reigning in France , minded not his Fathers action ; when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie , and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens . The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach . For when the Dukes of Espernon , Vendosme , Longueville , Mayenne and Nemours , the Count of Soisons and others , sided with the Queen Mother against the King ; the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe ; and had not Peace suddenly followed , would have made it good , maugre the Kings forces . A Town it is of great importance , King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge , when the league was hottest against him . For , had he been further distressed , from hence might he have made an escape into England ; and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne . The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first , in his war against Philip Augustus ; and in the declining of our affaires in France , it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York , but with that successe , which commonly attendeth a falling Empire . The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 , whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation , and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion , the Church of Arques , a Village some two miles distant ; the remainders are Papists . In this Town I met with the first Idolatry , which ever I yet saw , more then in my Books . Quos antea audiebam , hodie vidi Deos , as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius . The Gods of Rome , which before I only heard of , I now saw , and might have worshipped . It was the Hoaste , as they call it , or the Sacrament reserved , carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie , ushered by two or three torches , and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment . Before it went a Bell continually tinkling , at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses , being warned that then their God goeth by them , make some shew of reverence ; those which meet it in the street , with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour . The Protestants , of this Bell make an use more religious , and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that st●eet through which they hear it coming . This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme , it being the custome there at their Canonicall houres , when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples , to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice , so doing their devotions to Mahomet . The carrying of it about the streets hath , no question , in it a touch of the Jew , this ceremony being borrowed from that of carrying about the Arke on the shoulders of the Levites . The other main part of it which is the Adoration , is derived from the Heathens , there never being a people but they , which afforded divine honors to things in animate . But the people indeed , I cannot blame for this Idolatrous devotion , their consciences being perswaded , that what they see passe by them , is the very body of their Saviour . For my part , could the like belief possesse my understanding , I could meet it with greater reverence , then their Church can enjoyn me . The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned only , who impose and inforce this sin upon their hearers . And doubtlesse there is a reward which attendeth them for it . Of standing it is so young , that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Councell holden at Rome , that there should be a Pix made to cover the Bread , and a Bell bought to be rung before it . The Adoration of it was enjoyned by Pope Honorius , anno 1226. both afterward encreased by the new solemn feast of Corpus Christi day , by Pope Urban the IV. anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons , in the Councell of Vienna , by Clement the V. anno 1310. Such a punie is this great God of the Romans . Lactantius in his first Book of Institutions against the Gentiles , taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ridiculousnesse , who worshipped Jupiter as a God , Cùm eundem tamen Saturno & Rhea genitum confiterentur , Since themselves so perfectly knew his originall . As much I marvell at the impudencie of the Romish Clergie , who will needs impose a new God upon their people , being so well acquainted with his cradle . It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven . The Car● stayeth , and it is fit we were in it . Ho●ses we could get none for money , and for love we did not expect them . We are now mounted in our Chariot , for so we must call it . An English man would have thought it a plain Cart , and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot , let it ; sure I am it was never ordained for triumph . At one end was fastned three carcasses of horses , or three bodies which had once been horses , and now were worne to dead images ; had the Statua of a m●n been placed on any one of them , it might have been hanged up at an I●ne door , to represent St. George on horseback , so livelesse they were , and as little moving ; yet at last they began to crawle , for go they could not . This converted me from my former Heresie , and made me apprehend life in them : but it was so little , that it seemed only enough to carry them to the next pack of hounder . Thus accommodated we bid farewell to Dieppe , and proceeded with a space so slow , that me thought our journey unto Roven would prove a most perfect embleme of the motion of the ninth sphere , which is 49000 years in finishing . But this was not our greatest misery . The rain fell in us through our tilt , which for the many holes in it , one would have thought to have been a net . The durt brake plentifully in upon us , through the rails of our Chariot : and the unequall and ill proportioned pase of it , startled almost every bone of us . I protest , I marvell how a French man durst adventure in it . Thus endured we all the diseases of a journey , and the danger of three severall deaths , drowning , choaking with the mire , and breaking on the wheel ; besides a fear of being famished before we came to our Inne , which was six French miles from us . The mad Duke in the Play , which undertook to drive two snailes from Millaine to Musco , without staffe , whip or goade ; and in a braverie dared all the world to match him for an experiment : would here have had matter to have tryed his patience . On the left hand we saw Arques , once famous for a siege laid about it by our Richard the first ; but raised speedily by the French : It is now ( as before I told you ) the Parish Church of the Dieppe Protestants . Their Preachers Mr. Corteau , and Mr. Mondenis , who have each of them an yearly stipend of 40 l. or thereabouts ; a poor pay , if the faithfull discharge of that duty were not a reward unto it self , above the value of gold and silver . To instance in none of those beggerly Villages we past through , we came at last unto Tostes , the place destinated to be our lodging ; a Town somewhat like the worser sort of Market-towns in England . There our Chareter brought u● to the ruines of an house , an Ale house I should scarce have thought it , and yet in spight of my teeth it must be an Inne , yea and that an honorable one , as Don Quixotes hoste told him . Despair of finding there either Bedding or Victuals , made me just like the fellow at the gallowes , who when he might have been reprieved on condition he would marry a wench which there sued for him , having viewed her well , cryed to the hangman to drive on his Cart. The truth is , I' eschappay la tonnnere et rencheus en l' eschair , according to the French proverb ; I fell out of the frying-pan into the fire . One of the house ( a ragged fellow I am sure he was , and so most likely to live there ) brought us to a room somewhat of kindred to a Charnel-house , as dark and as dampish . I confesse it was paved with brick at the bottom , and had towards the Orchards a prety hole , which in former times had been a window , but now the glasse was all vanished . By the little light which came in at that hole , I first perceived that I was not in England . There stood in this Chamber three beds , if at the least it be lawfull so to call them ; the foundation of them was of straw , so infinitely thronged together , that the wool-packs which our Judges sit on in the Parliament , were melted butter to them : upon this lay a medley of flocks and feathers sowed up together in a large bag ; ( for I am confident it was not a tick ) but so ill ordered , that the knobs stuck out on each side , like a crab-tree cudgell . He had need to have flesh enough that lyeth on one of them , otherwise the second night would wear out his bones . The sheets which they brought us , were so course , that in my conscience no Mariner would vouchsafe to use them for a sail ; and the coverlet so bare , that if a man would undertake to reckon the threads , he need not misse one of the number . The napperie of the Table was sutable to the bedding , so foul and dirty , that I durst not conceive it had been washed above once ; and yet the poor clothes looked as briskly as if it had been promised for the whole year ensuing , to scape many a scouring . The napkins were fit companions for the clothes , Unum si noveris , omnes nosti . By my description of this Inne , you may guesse at the rest of France ; not altogether so wretched , yet is the alteration almost insensible . Let us now walke into the Kitching , and observe their provision . And here we found a most terrible execution committed on the person of a pullet ; my Hostesse ( cruell woman ) had cut the throat of it , and without plucking off the feathers , tore it into pieces with her hands , and after took away skin and feathers together , just as we strip Rabbets in England : this done , it was clapped into a pan , and fryed into a supper . In other places where we could get meat for the Spitte , it useth to be presently broached , and laid perpendicularly over the fire ; three turns at the most dispatcheth it , and bringeth it to the Table , rather scorched then roasted . I say where we could get it , for in these rascally Innes , you cannot have what you would , but what you may ; and that also not of the cheapest . At Pontoyse we met with a Rabbet , and we thought we had found a great purchase ; larded it was , as all meat is in the Countrey , otherwise it is so lean , it would never endure roasting . In the eating it proved so tough , that I could not be perswaded , that it was any more then three removes from that Rabbet which was in the Ark. The price half a Crown English . My companions thought it over deer , to me it seemed very reasonable ; for certainly the grasse which fed it , was worth more then thrice the money . But to return to Tostes . And it it time ; you might , perchance , else have loft the sight of mine Hostesse , and her daughters . You would have sworne at the first blush , they had been of a bloud ; and it had been great pity had it been otherwise . The salutation of Horace , Omatre pulchra filia pulchrior , was never so unseasonable as here . Not to honour them with a further character , let it suffice that their persons kept so excellent a decorum with the house and furniture , that one could not possible make use of Tullies Quàm dispari dominaris domina . But this is not their luck only . The women not of Normandy alone , but generally of all France , are forced to be contented with a little beauty ; and she which with us is reckoned with the vulgar , would amongst them be taken for a Princesse . But of the French women , more when we have taken a view of the Dames of Paris ; now only somewhat of their habit and condition . Their habit in which they differ from the rest of France , is the attire of the head , which hangeth down their backs in the fashion of a Vail . In Roven and the greater Cities , it is made of linen , pure and decent ; here , and in the Villages , it cannot possible be any thing else then an old dish-clout turned out of service , or the corner of a tablecloth reserved from washing . Their best condition is not alwayes visible . They shew it only in the mornings , or when you are ready to depart , and that is their begging ; you shall have about you such a throng of those illfaces , and every one whining out this dity , Pour les servants , that one might with greater ease distribute a dole at a rich mans Funerall , then give them a penny . Had you a purpose to give them unasked , their importunity will prevent your speediest bounty . After all this impudent begging , their ambition reacheth no higher then a Sol ; he that giveth more out-biddeth their expectation , and shall be counted a spend-thrift . But the principall ornaments of these Innes , are the men-servants , the raggedest regiment that ever I yet looked upon . Such a thing as a Chamberlaine was never heard of amongst them , and good clothes are as little known as he . By the habit of his attendants , a man would think himself in a Gaol ; their clothes either full of patches , or open to the skin . Bid one of them wipe your boots , he presently hath recourse to the curtains , with those he will perhaps rub over one side , and leave the other to be made clean by the guest . It is enough for him , that he hath written the coppy . They wait alwayes with their hats on their heads , and so also do servants before their masters : attending bare-headed , is as much out of fashion there , as in Turkey : of all French fashions , in my opinion , the most unfitting and unseeming . Time and much use reconciled me to many other things , which at the first were offensive ; to this unreverent custome , I returned an enemy . Neither can I see how it can choose but stomach the most patient , to see the worthyest signe of liberty usurped and profaned by the basest of slaves . For seeing that the French paisantrie , are such infinite slaves unto their Lords and Princes , it cannot be , but that those which are their servants , must be one degree at the least , below the lowest condition . Certainly among the antients , this promiseuous covering of the head , was never heard of . It was with them the chief sign of freedome , as is well known to those which are conversant with Antiquity . The Lacones a people of Peloponnesus , after they had obtained to be made free denizens of Lacedemon , in signe of their new-gotten liberty , would never go into the battail nisi pileati , but with their hats on . Amongst the Africans , as it is written in Alexander ab Alexandro , the placing of a hat on the top of a spear , was used as a token to incite the people to their liberty , which had been oppressed by Tyrants ; Per pileum in hasta propositum , ad libertatem proclamari . But amongst the Romans , we have more variety . The taking off of the hat of Tarquinius Priscus by an Eagle , and the putting of it on again , occasioned the Augur to prophesic unto him the Kingdom , which fell out accordingly . In their sword playes , when one of the Gladiators had with credit slain his adversary ; they would sometimes honour him with a Palm , sometimes with the Hat. Of these the last was the worthyer , the Palm only honouring the Victor , this also enfranchizing the receivers ; therefore conferred commonly on him which had killed most men in the Theatres . Hence the complaints of Tertullian , lib. de Spectaculis , cap. 21. Qui insigniori cuiquam homicidae leonem poscit , idem gladiatori atroci rudem petat ( rudis was an other token of enfranchisement ) & pileum praemium conferat . In their common Forum , or Guildhall , when they purposed to manumit any of their servants ; their custome also was , after the Lictor or Sergeant had registred the name of the party manumitted , to shave his head and give him a cap , whence according to Rosinus , ad pileum vocare , is to set one at liberty . Erasmus in his Chiliades , maketh the Hat to be the signe of some eminent worth in him that weareth it ; Pileus ( saith he ) i●signe spectatae virtutis . On this he conjectureth that the putting on of caps on the heads of such as are created Doctors or Masters , had its originall . In the Universities of England this custome is still in force ; the putting on of the cap being never performed , but in the solemn Comitia , and in the presence of all such as are either auditors or spectators of that dayes exercise . When I was Regent , the whole house of Congregation joyned together in a Petition to the Earl of Pembroke , to restore unto us the jus pileorum , the licence of putting on our Caps , at our publick meetings ; which priviledge , time and the tyranny of the Vicechancellors , had taken from us . Among other motives , we used the solemn form of creating a Master in the Acts , by putting on his cap : and that that signe of liberty might distinguish us which were the Regents , from those boyes which we were to govern : which request he graciously granted . But this French sawcinesse hath drawn me out of my way . An impudent familiarity , which I confesse did much offend me : and to which I still professe my self an open enemy . Though Jack speak French , I cannot endure Jack should be a Gentleman . CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City ; how seated and built ; the strength of it . St. Katharines mount . The Church of Nostre dame , &c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin. The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne . The House of Parliament . The precedencie of the President and the Governor . The Legend of St. Romain , and the priviledge thence arising . The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses , or people of Roven . JUly the first we set on for Roven . In 10 hours our Cart dragged us thither , the whole journey being in all six leagues French : admirable speed ! About three of the clock in the afternoon we had a sight of the Town , daintily seated in a valley on the River Seine . I know not any Town better situate , Oxford excepted , which indeed it much resembleth ; I mean not in bignesse , but situation : It standeth on all sides evironed with mountains , the North excepted , and hath a large and pleasant walk of meadowes by the river side , to the South-east-ward ; as Oxford hath towards Eveley . It is seated on the principall river of France , distant from the Metropolis of that Country 50 miles English , or thereabouts ; as Oxford on the Thames , and from London . Watered also it is with two small rivulets , Robee and Renelle , as the other with Charwell and Eventode . The difference is , that Oxford is seated somewhat higher on the swelling of an hill , and a little more removed from those mountains which environ it : and that the rivers which run through some part of Roven , do only wash the precincts of the other . The buildings are in some places wood , in some stone , in other both ; the houses without juttings or overlets , four stories high , and in the front not very beautifull . The most promising house which mine eye met with , was that of Mr. Boniface , who being of obscure parents , and having raised himself a fortune in the wars , against the League , here built a receptacle for his age . It is fashioned after the manner of new buildings in London , composed all of dainty white stone , square and polished . On the partition between the first story and the second , it hath these words engraven , Vi & Virtute . Martis opus . Tentanda via . Amore & armis : a motto sutable to his rising . The other buildings of note are the bridge ( for I as yet omit the House of Parliament and the Churches ) and the Town wall by it . The bridge , whilst it was all standing , was thought to have been the fairest and strongest piece of that kinde in all France . It consisteth of twelve arches , large and high : there now remain but seven of them , the rest being broken down by the English in the falling of their affairs in France , the better to make good the Town against the French. The river is here about the breadth of the Th●●nes at Fulham . Between the River and the Town wall , is the Exchange or meeting place of the Merchants , paved with broad and even peble . In breadth up to the wall-ward 30 yards , in length 100 ; a fine walke in fair weather . All along the banke side lay the ships , which by reason of the broken bridge come up thither , and on occasions higher : a good turn for Paris . The wall for the length of 100 yards , is as straight as one may lay a line , of a just height , and composed of square and excellent stones , so cunningly laid , that I never saw the sides of a Noble mans house built more handsomely . But it is not only the beauty of the wall which Roven delighteth in , there must somewhat also be expected of strength : to which purpose it might serve indifferently well , were there some addition of earth within it . It is well helped on the outside by the breadth and depth of the ditches ; but more by St. Katherines fort seated on a hill at the East side of it . A Fort , which were it strengthned according to the modern art of fortifying , would much assure the Town , and make it at once , both a slave and a commander . The Marshall D' Ancre , when he was Lieutenant here for the Queen mother , began to fortifie this mountain , Quilleboeuse , and other places of importance ; but upon his death they were all rased : what were his projects in it , they know best which were acquainted with his ambition . Certainly the jars which he had sowen amongst the Princes one with the other , and between them and the King : shew that they were not intended for nothing . There are in Roven 32 Parish Churches , besides those which belong to Abbies and Religious houses , of which the most beautifull is that of St. Audoin or Owen , once Archbishop of this City . The seat and Church of the Archbishop is that of Nostre dame , a building far more gorgeous in the outside , then within . It presents it self to you with a very gracious and majesticall front , decked with most curious imagery , and adorned with three stately Towers . The first La tour de beurre ( because it was built with that money which was raised by Cardinall Dr. Amboyse , for granting a dispensation to eat butter in the Lent ) : and a third built over the porch or great door , wherein is the great Bell so much talked of . Within it is but plain and ordinary , such as common Cathedrall Churches usually are , so big , so fashioned . Behinde the high Altar , at a pillar on the left had , is the remainder of the Duke of Bedfords Tomb : which for ought I could discerne , was nothing but an Epitaph some three yards high in the pillar . I saw nothing in it , which might move the envie of any Courtier to have it defaced , unlesse it were the title of Regent du Royaume de France , which is the least he merited . Somewhat Eastward , beyond this is our Ladies Chappell , a prety neat piece , and daintily set out . There standeth on the top of the screen , the image of the Virgin her self , between two Angels . They have attired her in a red mantle , laced with two gold laces , a handsome ruffe about her neck , a vail of fine lawne hanging down her back , and ( to shew that she was the Queen of heaven ) a crown upon her head : in her left arme she holds her son in his side-coat , a black hat and a golden hatband . A jolly plump Ladie she seemeth to be , of a flaxen hair , a ruddy lip , and a chearefull complexion . T were well the Painters would agree about limming of her , otherwise we are likely to have almost as many Ladies , as Churches . At Nostre dame in Paris , she is taught us to be browne , and seemeth somewhat inclining to melancholie . I speak not of her different habit , for I envie not her changes of apparell Only I could not but observe how those of St. Sepulchres Church , en la Fue St. Dennis , have placed her on the top of their Skreen , in a Coape , as if she had taken upon her the zeal of Abraham , and were going to make a bloudy sacrifice of her Son. They of Nostre dame in Amiens , have erected her Statua all in gold , with her Son also of the same mettle in her armes ; casting beams of gold round about her , as the Sun is painted in its full glory : strange Idolatries ! On the contrary , in the Parish Church of Tury , in La Beausse , she is to be seen in a plain petticoat of red , and her other garments correspondent . In my minde this holdeth most proportion to her estate , and will best serve to free their irreligion from absurdity . If they will worship her as a nurse , with her childe in her arme , or at her brest , let them array her in such apparell , as might beseem a Carpenters wife ; such as she may be supposed to have worn before the world had taken notice , that she was the mother of her Saviour . If they needs must have her in her estate of glory , as at Amiens ; or of honour ( being now publickly acknowledged to be the blessedest among women ) as at Paris , let them disburden her of her child . To clap them thus together , is a folly , equally worthy of scorne and laughter . Certainly had she but so much liberty , as to make choice of her own clothes , I doubt not but she would observe a greater decorum . And therefore I commend the Capuchins of Boulogne , who in a little side-chappell consecrated unto her , have placed only a handsome fair looking-glasse upon her Altar , the best ornament of a female closet : why they placed it there , I cannot say , only I conceive it was , that she might there see how to dresse her self . This Church is said to have been built ( I should rather think repaired ) by Raoul or Rollo , the first Duke of Normandy ; since it hath been much beautifyed by the English when they were Lords of this Province . It is the seat of an Archbishop , a Dean and fifty Canons . The Archbishop was instituted by the authority of Constantine the Great , during the sitting of the Councell of Arles . Anidian who was there present , being consecrated the first Archbishop . The Bishops of Sees , Aurenches , Constance , Bayeux , Lysieux and Eureux , were appointed for his Diocesans . The now Archbishop is said to be an able Scholar , and a sound Statesman ; his name I enquired not . The revenues of his Chair are said to be 10000 crowns : more they would amount to , were the Countrey any way fruitfull of Vines ; out of which the other Prelates of France draw no small part of their intrada . The Parliament of this Countrey , was established here by Lewis XII . who also built that fair Palace wherein Justice is administred , anno 1501. At that time he divided Normandy into seven Lathes , Rapes , or Bailiwicks , viz. Roven , Caux , Constentin , Caen , Eureux , Gisors , and Alençon . This Court hath Supreme power to enquire into , and give sentence of all causes within the limits of Normandy . It receiveth appeals from the inferior Courts of the Dutchie unto it , but admitteth none from it . Here is also Cour des Esl●ux , a Court of the generall Commissioners , also for Taxes ; and La Chambre des Aides , instituted by Charles VII . for the receiving of his Subsidies , Gabels , Imposts , &c. The house of Parliament is in form quadrangular , a very greatefull and delectable building ; that of Paris is but a Chaos or a Babell to it . In the great hall ( into which you ascend by some 30 steppes or upwards ) are the seats and desks of the Procurators ; every ones name written in Capital letters over his head . These Procurators are like our Atturnies , to prepare causes and make them ready for the Advocates . In this Hall do suitors use either to attend on , or to walke up and down and confer with their pleaders . Within this hall is the great Chamber , the tribunall and seat of justice , both in causes Criminall and Civill . At domus interior regali splendida luxu Instruitur : — As Virgill of Queen Didoes dining roome . A Camber so gallantly and richly built , that I must needs confesse it far surpasseth all the rooms that ever I saw in my life . The Palace of the Louure hath nothing in it comparable . The seeling all inlaid with gold , and yet did the workmanship exceed the matter . This Court consisteth of two Presidents , twenty Counsellors or Assistants , and as many Advocates as the Court will admit of . The prime President is termed Ner de Riz , by birth a Norman : upon the Bench , and in all places of his Court , he taketh the prcedencie of the Duke of Longueville : when there is a convention of the three Estates summoned , the Duke hath the priority . We said even now , that from the sentence of this Court there lay no appeal ; but this must be recanted , and it is no shame to do it : St. Austin hath written his Retractations ; so also hath Bellarmine . Once in the year there is an appeal admitted , but that for one man only , and on this occasion : There was a poysonous Dragon not far from Roven , which had done much harme to the Countrey and City . Many wayes had been tryed to destroy him , but none prospered ; at last Romain , afterwards made a Saint , then Archbishop of the Town , accompanied with a theef and a murderer , whose lives had been forfeited to a sentence , undertaketh the enterprise ; upon sight of the Dragon the theef stole away , the murderer goeth on , and seeth that holy man vanquish the Serpent , armed only with a Stole ( it is a neck habit , sanctifyed by his Holinesse of Rome , and made much after the manner of a tippet ) with this Stole tied about the neck of the Dragon , doth the murderer lead him prisoner to Roven . To make short work , the name of God is praised , the Bishop magnifyed , the murderer pardoned , and the Dragon burned . This accident ( if the story be not Apocrypha ) is said to have hapned on holy Thursday . Audoin or Owen , successor unto St. Romain , in memory of this marvellous act , obtained of King Dagobert the first ( he began his reign anno 632 ) that from that time forwards the Chapitre of the Cathedrall Church , should every Ascension day have the faculty of delivering any malefactor , whom the lawes had condemned . This that King then granted , and all the following Kings even to this time have successively confirmed it . I omit the ceremonies and solemnities wherewith this prisoner is taken from his irons , and restored to liberty . It is not above nine years agone , since a Baron of Gascoyne took occasion to kill his wife , which done , he fled hither into Normandy ; and having first acquainted the Canons of Nostre dame with his desire , put himself to the sentence of the Court , and was adjudged to the wheel . Ascension-day immediately coming on , the Canons challenged him , and the Judge , according to the custome , caused him to be delivered . But the Normans pleaded that the benefit of that priviledge belonged only to the natives of that Province ; and they pleaded with such sury , that the Baron was again committed to prison , till the Queen Mother had wooed the people , pro ea saltem vice , to admit of his reprievall . I deferred to speak of the language of Normandy , till I came hither , because here it is best spoken . It differeth from the Parisian , and more elegant French , almost as much as the English spoken in the North , doth from that of London or Oxford . Some of the old Norman words it still retaineth , but not many . It is much altered from what it was in the time of the Conqueror , few of the words in which our lawes were written being known by them . One of our company gave a Litleton's tenure , written in that language , to a French Doctor of the Lawes ; who protested that in three lines , he could not understand three words of it . The religion in this Town is indifferently poized , as it also is in most places of this Province . The Protestants are thought to be as great a party as the other , but far weaker , the Duke of Longueville , having disarmed them in the beginning of the last troubles . CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse . The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither . My sore eyes . Mante , Pontoyse , Normandy justly taken from King John. The end of this Booke . JUly the second we take our farewell of Roven , better accommodated then we came thither ; yet not so well at I desired . We are now preferred ab Asinis ad equos , from the Cart to the Waggon . The French call it a Coach , but that matters not ; so they would needs have the Cart to be a Chariot . These Waggons are the ordinary instruments of travell in those Countries ; much of a kin to Gravesend's barge . You shall hardly finde them without a knave or a Giglot . A man may be sure to be merry in them , were he as certain to be wholesome . This , in which we travelled , contained ten persons , as all of them commonly do ; and amongst these ten , one might have found English , Scots , French , Normans , Dutch , and Italians , a jolly medley ; had our religions been as different as our Nations , I should have thought my self in Amsterdam or Poland ; if a man had desired to have seen a Brief or an Epitome of the World , he would no where have received such satisfaction , as by looking on us . I have already reckoned up the several Nations , I will now lay open the severall conditions . There were then to be found amongst these ten passengers , men and women , Lords and serving men , Scholars and Clowns , Ladies and Chambermaids , Priests and Laie-men , Gentlemen and Artificers , people of all sexes and almost all ages . If all the learning in the world were lost , it might be found again in Plutarch , so said Budaeus . If all the Nations in the world had been lost , they might have been found again in our Waggon , so I. Seriously I think our Coach to have been no unfit representation of the Ark. A whole world of men and languages might have grown out of it . But all this while our Waggon joggeth on , but so leisurely , that it gave me leave to take a more patient view of the Countrey , then we could in the Cart. And here , indeed , I saw sufficient to affect the Countrey , yea to dote on it , had I not come out of England . The fields such as already I have described , every where beset with Apple-trees , and fruits of the like nature . You could scarce see any thing which was barren in the whole Journey . These Apples are both meat and drink to the poor Paisant . For the Country is ill provided with Vines ( the only want I could observe in it ) and Beer is a good beverage at a Gentlemans table , Sider then , or Perry are the poor mans Claret ; and happy man is he , which once or twice a week can aspire so high above water . To proceed , through many a miserable Village ( Burghs they call them ) and one Town somewhat bigger then the rest , called Equille ; we came that night to St. Claire 10 French miles from Roven , a poor Town god wot , and had nothing in it remarkable , but an accident . There dwelt a monk there , grown into great opinion for his sanctity , and one who had an especiall hand upon sore eyes ; yet his ability herein was not generall , none being capable of cure from him but pure Virgins . I perswade my self France could not yield him many patients : and yet from all parts he was much sought unto . Hope of cure and a charitable opinion , which they had of themselves , had brought to him divers distressed Damosels ; which , I am confident , had no interest in his miracle . In the same Inne ( Alehouse I should say ) where we were to be harbored , there had put in a whole convoy of these Ladies errant , Pilgrims they called themselves , and had come on foot two dayes journey to cleer their eye-sight . They had white vailes hanging down their backs , which in part covered their faces ; yet I perceived by a glimpse , that some of them were past cure . Though my charity durst allow them maids , it was afraid to suppose them Virgins : yet so far I dare assure them they should recover their sight , that when they came home , they should see their folly . At that time , what with too much watching on shipboard , what with the tartnesse of the water , and the violence of the winde , working upon me for almost 40 houres together whilst I lay on the Hatches : mine eyes had gotten a rheum and a rednesse : my Hostess ( good woman ) perswaded me to this holy Eye-wright , but I durst not venture Not that I had not as good a title to my Virginity as the best there : but because I had learned what a grievous sentence was denounced on Ahaziah king of Israel , for seeking help of Belzebub the god of Eckron . When I hap to be ill , let my amendment come on Gods name . Mallem semper profanus esse , quam sic religiosus , as Minutius Foelix of the Roman Sacrifices . Let my body rather be stil troubled with a sore eye , then have such a recovery to be a perpetuall eye-sore to my conscience . Rather then go in Pilgrimage to such a Saint , let the Papists count me for an Heretick . Besides , how durst I imagine in him an ability of curing my bodily eyes , who had for above 70 years been troubled with a blindnesse in the eyes of his soul ? — Thou fool ( said our Saviour almost in the like case ) first cast out the beam out of thine own eye , and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brothers eye . The next morning ( July 3 ) I left my pilgrims to try their fortunes , and went on in our journey to Paris , which that day we were to visite . My eyes not permitting me to read , and my eares altogether strangers to the French chat , drave my thoughts back to Roven ; and there nothing so much possessed me , as the small honour done to Bedford in his monument . I had leasure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph , and a shorter apologie against the envie of that Courtier , which perswaded Charles the VIII to deface the ruines of his Sepulchre : Thus. Sa did the Fox , the coward'st of the heard , Kick the dead Lyon , and profane his beard . So did the Greeks , about their vanquisht host , Drag Hectors reliques , and torment his ghost . So did the Parthian slaves deride the head Of the great Crassus now betrayed and dead : To whose victorious sword , not l●ng before , They would have sacrific'd their lives , or more . So do the French assault dead Bedfords spright , And trample on his ashes in despight . But foolish Curio cease , and do not blame So small an honor done unto his name . Why grievest thou him a Sepulchre to have , Who when he liv'd could make all France a grave ? His sword triumph'd through all those Towns which lie In th' Isle , Maine , Anjoy , Guyen , Normandie . Thy father 's felt it . Oh! thou worst of men , ( If man thou art ) do not endevour then , This Conquerour from his last hold to thrust , Whom all brave minds should honour in his dust . But be not troubled Bedford ; thou shalt stand Above the reach of malice , though the hand Of a French basenesse may deface thy name , And tear it from thy marble , yet shall fame Speak loudly of thee and thy acts . Thy praise A Pyramis unto it self shall raise , Thy brave atchievements in the times to come , Shall be a monument above a Tombe . Thy name shall be thy Epitaph : and he Which once reads Bedford , shall imagin thee Beyond the power of Verses , and shall say None could expresse thy worthes a fuller way . Rest thou then quiet in the shades of night , Nor vex thy self with Curio's weaker spite . Whilest France remains , and Histories are writ , Bedford shall live , and France shall Chronicl ' it . Having offered this unworthy , yet gratefull sacrifice , to the Manes of that brave Heros : I had the more leasure to behold Mante , and the Vines about it , being the first that ever I saw . They are planted like our Hop-gardens , and grow up by the helpe of poles , but not so high . They are kept with little c●st , and yeeld profit to an husbandman sufficient to make him rich , had he neither King nor Landlord . The Wine which is pressed out of them , is harsh and / not pleasing : as much differing in sweetnesse from the Wines of Paris or Orleans , as their language doth in elegancy . The rest of the Norman wines , which are not very frequent , as growing only on the frontiers towards France , are of the same quality . As for the Town of Ma●●e , it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinances ; having a wall , a competent ditch , and at every gate a draw-bridge . They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox , and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary . Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France , but the English were then within it . At last on honorable termes it yeelded , and was entred by Charles VII . the second of August , anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse , somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England . The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse , a Town well fortifyed , as being a borderer , and one of the strongest bulwarks against France . It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissen and St. Martin , and six Churches Parochiall , whereof that of Nostre dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull . The name it derives from a bridge , built over the river of Oyse , on which it is situate , and by which on that side it is well defended ; the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate , and two draw-bridges . It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill , and is famous for the siege laid before it b● Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it . For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only ; the French Army consisting of double the number ; he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis ; but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny ; and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes , stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight , began to practise against him ; he speedily returned to Pontoyse , and maketh himself master of it by assault . Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town , and all Normandy , the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province ; out of which at last they thrust the English , anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward . This Countrey had once before been in p●ssession of the English , and that by a firmer title then the sword . William the Conqueror had convei●d it over the S●●s into England , and it continued an Appendix of that Crown , from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time , John called Sans terre , third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France , up●n A●thur heir of Bretagne , and son unto Geofry his elder brother ; was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France , who sided with the said Arthur . In the end Arthur was taken , and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven . Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle , as the French say , or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape , as the English report , is not yet determined . For my part , considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King , I dare be of that opinion , that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement . Certainly he that rebelled against his Father , and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother , would not much stick ( this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires ) at the murder of a Nephew . Upon the first bruit of this murder , Constance mother to the young Prince , complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France ; not the Court which now is in force , consisting of men only of the long robe , but the Court of the P●i●rie or 12 Peeres , whereof King John himself was one , as Duke of Normandy . I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him , an homager being slain , and a homager being accused . To this summons John refused to yeeld himself , a Counsell rather magnanimous then wise , and such as had more in it of a English King then a French Subject . Edward III a Prince of finer metall then this John , obeyed the like warrant , and performed a personall homage to Philip of Valoys , and it is not reckoned amongst his disparagements . He committed yet a further errour or solecisme in State , not so much as sending any of his people to supply his place , or plead his cause . Upon this non-appearance , the Peers proceed to sentence , Ilfut par Arrestdela dite cour ( saith Du Chesne ) condamnè pour atteint & convaincu da crime de parricide , & de felonie ; Parric de for killing his own Nephew ; and Felony for committing an act so execrable on the person of a French Vassall , and in France . John du Serres addeth a third cause , which was contempt , in disobeying the Kings commandment . Upon this ●●rdict the Court awarded , Que toutes les terres qu' il aveit parde la demoureroient aqu●ses & confisquces a la Couronne , &c. A proceeding so fair and orderly , that I should sooner accuse King John of indiscretion , then the French of injustice . When my life or estate is in danger , let me have no more finister a tryall . The Erglish thus outed of Normandy by the weaknesse of John , recovered it again by the puissance of Henry ; but being held only by the swōrd , it was after 30 years recovered again , as I have told you . And now being passed over the Oyse , I have at once freed the English and my self of Normandy ; here ending this Book , but not that dayes journey . The End of the First Book . A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . FRANCE specially so called . OR , THE SECOND BOOK . CHAP. I. France in what sense so called . The bounds of it . All old Gallia not possessed by the French. Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation . The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules . That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate , though the Inhabitants are changed . The quality of the French in private , at the Church , and at the table . Their language , complements , discourse , &c. July the third , which was the day we set out of St. Claire , having passed through Pontoyse , and crossed the river , we were entred into France : France as it is understood in its limited sense , and as a part only of the whole , for when Meroveus , the Grandchild of Pharamond , first King of the Franci or Frenchmen , had taken an opportunity to passe the Rhine , having also during the wars between the Romans and the Gothes , taken Paris ; he resolved there to set up his rest , and to make that the head City of his Empire . The Country round about it , which was of no large extent , he commanded to be called Francia , or Terra Francorum , after the name of his Frankes whom he governed . In this bounded and restrained sense , we now take it , being confined with Normandy on the North , Champagne on the East , and on the West and South with the Province of La Beausse . It is incircled in a manner with the Oyse on the Northwards , the Eure on the West , the Velle on the East , and a veine riveret of the Seine towards the South ; but the principall environings are made by the Seine , and the Marne a river of Campagne , which constitute that part hereof which commonly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is called by the name of the Isle of France , and within the main Island makes divers little petty Isles , the waters winding up and down , as desirous to recreate the earth with the pleasures of its lovely and delicious embraces . This Isle , this portion of Gaul , properly and limitedly sty led France , was the seat of the Francs at their first coming hither , and hath still continued so . The rest of Gallia , is in effect rather subdued by the French , then inhabited ; their valour in time having taken in those Countries which they never planted : so that if we look apprehensively into Gaule , we shall finde the other Nations of it , to have just cause to take up that complaint of the King of Portugall against Ferdinand of Castile , for assuming to himself the title of Catholick King of Spain ; Ejus tam non exigua parte penes reges alios , as Mariana relateth it . Certain it it , that the least part of all Gallia is in the hands of the French , the Normans , Britons , Biscaines or Gascons , the Gothes ( of Languedoc and Provence ) Burgundians , and the ancient Gaules of Poictou , retaining in it such fair and ample Provinces . But it is the custome ( shall I say ) or fate of lesser and weaker Nations , to lose their names unto the stronger : as wives do to their husbands , and the smaller rivers to the greater . Thus we see the little Province of Poland to have mastered and given name to the Pruteni , Mazovii , and other Nations of Sarmatia Europaea ; as that of Mosco hath unto all the Provinces of Asiatica . Thus hath Sweden conquered and denominated almost all the great Peninsula of Scandia ; whereof it is but a little parcell : and thus did the English Saxons being the most prevailing of the rest , impose the name of English on all the people of the Heptarchie . Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo . And good reason the vanquished should submit themselves as well unto the appellation , as the laws of the victor . The French then are possessors of some parts of old Gallia , and masters of the rest ; possessors not of their Cities only , but their conditions . A double victory , it seemeth , they enjoyed over that people , and took from them at once , both their qualities and their Countries . Certainly whosoever will please to peruse the Commentaries of Julius Caesar , de bello Gallico ; he will equally guesse him an Historian and a Prophet ; yea he will rather make himself believe , that he hath prophecied the character of the present French , then delivered one of the antient Gaule . And indeed , it is a matter worthy both of wonder and observation , that the old Gaules , being in a manner all worne out , should yet have most of their conditions surviving in those men , which now inhabit that region , being of so many severall Countries and originals . If we dive into naturall causes , we have a speedy recourse unto the powerfull influence of the heavens ; for as those celestiall bodies considered in the generall , do work upon all sublunary bodies in the generall , by light , influence and motion ; so have they a particular operation on particulars . An operation there is wrought by them in a man , as borne at such and such a minute ; and again as borne under such and such a Climate . The one derived from the setting of the Houses , and the Lord of the Horoscope at the time of his Nativity ; the other from that constellation which governeth as it were , the Province of his birth , and is the genius or deus tutelaris loci . Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia ( saith an Author modern rather in time then judgment ) & patriae sorte durantia , que tol as in historiis gentes aut commendant aut not ant . Two or three Authors by way of parallel , will make it clear in the example , though it appear not obscure in the search of causes . Primus Gallorum impetus imajor quam virorum , secundus minor quam foeminarum , saith Florus of the Gaules . What else is that which Mr. Dallington saith of the French , when he reporteth that they begin an action like thunder , and end it in a smoak ? Their attempts on Naples and Millain ( to omit their present enterprise on Genoa ) are manifest proofs of it ; neither will I now speak of the battail of Poicteirs , when they were so forward in the onset , and furious in the flight . Vt sunt Gallorum subita ing enia , saith Caesar : & I think this people to be as hare-brained as ever were the other . Juvenal calleth Gallia , foecunda causidicorum : and among the modern French it is related , that there are tryed more law-causes in one year , then have been in England fince the Conquest . Of the antient Germans , the next neighbours and confederates of the Gaules , Tacitus hath given us this note , Diem noctemque continuare potando nulli probrum ; and presently after , De jungendis affinitatibus , de bello denique & pace , in convivis consultant . Since the time of Tacitus hath Germanie shifted almost all her old inhabitants , and received new Colonies of Lombards , Sueves , Gothes , Sclavonians , Hunns , Saxons , Vandals , and divers other Nations not known to that writer . Yet still is that exorbitancy of drinking in fashion ; and to this day do the present Germans consult of most of their affairs in their cups . If the English have borrowed any thing of this humor , it is not to be thought the vice of the Countrey , but the times . To go yet higher and further , the Philosopher Anacharsis ( and he lived 600 and odd yeers before Christ ) noted it in the Greeks , that at the beginning of their feasts , they used little goblets , and greater towards the end , when they were now almost drunken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Laertius reporteth it . George Sandys in the excellent discourse of his own travailes , relateth the same custome to continue still amongst them ; notwithstanding the length of time , and all the changes of state and people which have since hapned . Their Empire indeed they have lost , their valour , learning , and all other graces which set them out in the sight of the World ; and no marvell these were not nationall conditions , but personall endowments . I conclude then this digression with the words of Barklay , Haeret itaque in omni gente vis quaedam inconcussa , quae hominibus pro conditione terrarum , in quibus nasoi contigerit , sua fata diviserit . The present French then , is nothing but an old Gaule moulded into a new name , as rash he is , and as head strong , and as hare brain'd . A nation whom you shall win with a seather , and lose with a straw . Upon the first sight of him you shall have him as familiar as your sleep , or the necessity of breathing . In one houres conference , you may indeer him to you , in the second unbutton him ; the third pumps him drie of all his secrets , and he gives them you as faithfully , as if you were his ghostly father , and bound to conceal them sub sigillo confessionis : when you have learned this , you may lay him aside , for he is no longer serviceable . If you have an humor of holding him in a further acquaintance , ( a favour of which he confesseth , and I believe him , he is unworthy : ) himself will make the first separation . He hath said over his lesson to you , and must now finde out some body else to whom to repeat it . Fare him well , he is a garment whom I would be loath to wear above two days together , for in that time he will be thread-bare . Familiare est homini omnia sibi remittere , saith Velleius of all ; it holdeth most properly in this people . He is very kind-hearted to himself , and thinketh himself as free from wants , as he is full : so much he hath in him of the nature of a Chinoy's , that he thinketh all men blind but himself . In this pride of self-conceitednesse he hateth the Spaniard , loveth not the English , and contemneth the German ; himself is the only Courtier , and compleat Gentleman ; but it is his own glasse which he seeth in , out of this conceit of his own excellency , and partly out of a shallownesse of brain ; he is very liable to exceptions . The least distast that can be , draweth his sword , and a minutes pause sheathes it to your hand . If afterwards you beat him into better manners , he shall take it kindly and cry serviteur . In this one thing they are wonderfully like the Devill . Meeknesse or submission maketh them insolent , a little resistance putteth them to their heels , or makes him your Spaniel . In a word ( for I have held him too long ) he is a walking vanity in a new fashion . I will now give you a taste of his table , which you shall finde in a measure furnished ; ( I speak not of the Paisant : ) but not in so full a manner as with us . Their Beef they cut out in so little chops , that that which goeth there for a laudable dish , would be thought here to be an University commons , new served from the hatch . A loine of Mutton serves amongst them for three roastings , beside the hazard of making pottage with the rump . Fowle also they have in good plenty , especially such as the King sound in Scotland . To say truth , that which they have is sufficient for nature and a friend , were i● not for the Mistresse of the Kitchin-wench . I have heard much fame of French Cooks , but their skill lyeth not in the handling of Beef or Mutton . They have ( as generally have all this Nation ) good fancies , and are speciall fellowes for the making of puffe-pastes , and the ordering of banquets . Their trade is not to feed the belly , but the palat . It is now time you were set down , where the first thing you must do , is to say your own Grace ; private Graces are as ordinary there , as private Masses : and from thence I think they learned them . That done , fall to where you like best . They observe no methods in their eating , and if you look for a Carver , you may rise fasting . When you are risen , if you can digest the sluttishnesse of the cookery , ( which is most abominable at first sight ) I dare trust you in a Garrison . Follow him to Church , and there he will shew himself most irreverent and irreligious ; I speak not this of all , but of the generall . At a Masse in the Cordeliers Church in Paris , I saw two French Papists , even when the most sacred mystery of their faith was celebrating , break out into such a blasphemous and Atheisticall laughter , that even an Ethnick would have hated it . It was well they were known to be Catholicks ; otherwise some French hot-head or other , would have sent them laughing to Pluto . The French language is , indeed , very sweet and delectable . It is cleared of harshnesse , by the cutting off , and leaving out the consonants , which maketh it fall off the tongue very volubly ; yet in my opinion , it is rather elegant then copious , and therefore is much troubled for want of words to find out periphrases . It expresseth very much of it self in the action . The head , body , and shoulders concurre all in the pronouncing of it ; and he that hopeth to speak it with a good grace , must have somewhat in him of the Mimick It is inriched with a full number of significant Proverbs , which is a great help to the French humor of scoffing ; and very full of courtship , which maketh all the people complementall . The poorest Cobler in the Village hath his Court-cringes ; and his eau beniste de Cour , his court holy water , as perfectly as the Prince of Conde . In the Passados of their court-ship , they expresse themselves with much variety of gesture , and indeed , it doth not misbecome them . Were it as graticus in the Gentlemen of other Nations as in them , it were worth your patience ; but the affectation of it is scurvy and ridiculous . Quocunque salutationis artificio corpus inflectant , putes nihil ista institutione magis convenire . Vicinae autem gentes ridiculo errore deceptae , ejusdem venustatis imitationem ludicram faciunt & ingratam : as one happily observed at his being amongst them . I have heard of a young Gallant , son to a great Lord of one of the three Brittish Kingdoms , that spent some years in France to learn fashions . At his return he desired to see the King , and his father procured him an entervenie . When he came within the Presence-chamber , he began to compose his head , and carry it as if he had been ridden with a Martingall : next he fell to draw back his legs and thrust out his shoulders , and that with such a gracelesse apishnesse , that the King asked him if he meant to shoulder him out of his chair , and so left him to act out his complement to the hangings . In their courtship they bestow even the highest titles , upon those of the lowest condition . This is the vice also of their common talk . The begger begetteth Monsieurs and Madams to his sons and daughters , as familiarly as the King. Were there no other reason to perswade me , that the Welch or Britains were the descendants of the Gaules , this only were sufficient , that they would all be Gentlemen . His discourse runneth commonly upon two wheels , treason and ribaldrie . I never heard people talke lesse reverently of their Prince , nor more sawcily of his actions . Scarce a day passeth away without some seditious Pamphlet printed and published , in the disgrace of the King , or of some of his Courtiers . These are every mans mony , & he that buyeth them is not coy of the Contents , be they never so scandalous ; of all humors the most base and odious . Take him from this ( which you can hardly do , till he hath told all ) and then he falleth upon his ribaldry . Without these crutches , his discourse would never be able to keep pace with his company . Thus shall you have them relate the stories of their own uncleannesse , with a face as confident , as if they had no accidents to please their hearers more commendable . Thus will they reckon up the severall profanations of pleasure , by which they have dismanned themselves ; sometimes not sparing to descend to particulars . A valiant Captain never gloried more in the number of the Cities he had taken , then they do of the severall women they have prostituted . Egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla — Foolish and most perishing wretches , by whom each severall incontinencie is twice committed ; first , in the act ; and secondly , in the boast . By themselves they measure others , and think them naturals , or Simplicians , which are not so conditioned . I protest , I was fain sometimes to put on a little impudence , that I might avoid the suspicion of a gelding or a sheep-biter . It was St. Austins case , as himself testifyeth in the second book of his Confessions , Fingebam me ( saith that good Father ) fecisse quod non feceram , ne caeteris viderer abjectior . But he afterwards was sorry for it , and so am I ; and yet , indeed , there was no other way to keep in a good opinion , that unmanly and ungoverned people . CHAP. II. The French Women , their persons , prating and conditions . The immodesty of the French Ladies . Kissing not in use among them ; and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England . The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us . The impostures of French Pandars in London , with the scandall thence arising . The peccancie of an old English Doctor . More of the French Women . Their Marriages , and lives after wedlock , &c. An Elogie to the English Ladies . I Am come to the French Women , and it were great pity they should not immediately follow the discourse of the men , so like they are one to the other , that one would think them to be the same , and that all the difference lay in the apparell . For person , they are generally of an indifferent stature , their bodies straight , and their wastes commonly small : but whether it be so by nature , or by much restraining of these parts , I cannot say . It is said , that an absolute woman should have ( amongst other qualities requisite ) the parts of a French woman from the neck to the girdle ; but I believe it holdeth not good , their shoulders and backs being so broad , that they hold no proportion with their midles ; yet this may be the vice of their apparell . Their hands are , in mine opinion , the comliest and best ordered part about them , long , white and slender . Were their faces answerable , even an English eye would apprehend them lovely : but herein do I finde a pretty contradictorie . The hand , as it is the best ornament of the whole structure , so doth it most disgrace it . Whether it be that ill diet be the cause of it , or that hot bloud wrought upon by a hot and scalding aire , must of necessity by such means vent it self , I am not sure of . This I am sure of , that scarce the tithe of all the maids we saw , had her hands and arme wrists free from scabs , which had over-run them like a leprosie . Their hair is generally black , and indeed , somewhat blacker then a gracious lovelinesse would admit . The Poets commend Leda for her black hair , and not unworthily . Leda fuit nigris conspicienda comis . As Ovid hath it . Yet was that blacknesse but a darker brown ; and not so f●●●full as this of the French women . Again , the blacknesse of the hair is then accounted for an ornament , when the face about which it hangeth , is of so perfect a complexion and symmetrie , that it giveth it a lustre . Then doth the hair set forth the face , as a shadow doth a picture ; and the face becometh the haire , as a field-argent doth a sable-bearing , which kind of Armory the Heralds call the most fairest . But in this the French women are most unluckie . Don Quixote did not so deservedly assume to himself the name of The Knight of the ill-favoured face , as may they , that of the damosels of it . It was therefore a happy speach of a young French gallant that came in our company out of England , and had it been spoken amongst the Antients , it might have been registred for an Apophthegme ; that the English of all the people in the world were only nati ad voluptates . You have ( saith he ) the fairest women , the goodliest horses , and the best breed of dogs , under heaven . For my part , as far as I could in so short a time observe , I dare in this first believe him . England not only being ( as it is said ) a paradise for women , by reason of their priviledges ; but also a paradise of women , by reason of their unmatchable perfections . Their dispositions hold good intelligence with their faces . You cannot say to them as Sueton doth of Galba , Ingenium Galbae male habitat . They suit so well one with another , that in my life I never met with a better decorum ; but you must first hear them speak . Loquere ut te videam , was the method in old times , and it holdeth now . You cannot gather a better character of a French woman , then from her prating , which is so tedious and infinite , that you shall sooner want ears , then she tongue . The fastidious pratler which Horace mentioneth in his ninth Satyre , was but a puisnè to her . The writers of these times , call the Sitilians , Gerrae Siculae , and not undeservedly ; yet were they but the Scholars of the French , and learned this faculty of them , before the Vespers . It is manners to give precedency to the Mistresse , and she will have it , if words may carry it . For two things I would have had Aristotle acquainted with these Starlings . First , it would have saved him a labour in taking such paines about finding out the perpetuall motion . Secondly , it would have freed him from an Heresie with which his Doctrine is now infected , and that is , Quiquid movetur , ab alio movetur ; their tongues , I am certain move themselves , and make their own occasions of discoursing . When they are going , they are like a watch , you need not winde them up above once in twelve houres , for so long the thread of their tongues will be in spinning . A dame of Paris came in Coach with us from Roven ; fourteen houres we were together , of which time ( ●'le take my oath upon it ) her tongue fretted away eleaven hours and 57 minutes . Such everlasting talkers are they all , that they will sooner want breath then words , and are never silent , but in the grave ; which may also be doubted . As they are endlesse in their talk , so also are they regardlesse of the company they speak in . Be you stranger or of their acquaintance , it much matters not ; though indeed , no man is to them a stranger . Within an hour of the first fight , you shall have them familiar more then enough , and as merry with you , as if they had known your bearing-clothes . It may be they are chaste , and I perswade my self many of them are ; but you will hardly gather it out of their behaviour . Te tamen & cultus damnat , as Ausonius of an honest woman that carried her self lesse modestly . They are abundantly full of laughter and toying , and are never without variety of lascivious Songs : which they spare not to sing in what company soever . You would think modesty were quite banished the Kingdom ; or rather , that it had never been there . Neither is this the weaknesse of some few . It is an epidemicall disease , Maids and Wives are alike sick of it , though not both so desperately ; the galliardy of the maids , being of the two a little more tolerable ; that of the women coming hard upon the confines of shamelesnesse . As for the Ladies of the Court , ( I cannot say this , but upon hear-say ) they are as much above them in their lightnesse , as they are in their place ; and so much the worse in that they have made their lightnesse impudent . For whereas the daughter of Pythagoras , being demanded what most shamed her to discourse of , made answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those parts which made her woman : these French dames will speak of them , even in the hearing of men , as freely , and almost as broadly , as a Midwife , or a Barber-surgeon . Nay , I have heard a Gentleman of good credence relate , that being at a tilting , he saw a Courtier going to remove a boy , which very roguishly looked under a Ladies clothes : but when her Ladiship perceived his intention , she hindred him with this complement , Laisse , Monseuir , laisse , les yeuxne sont pas larrens ; the boyes eyes would steal nothing away ; a very mercifull and gentle Lady . If that of Justine be still true , Vera mulierum ornamenta pudicitiam esse , non vestes ; that modesty were the best apparell of a woman ; I am afraid many of the female sex in France would be thinly clad , and the rest go naked . Being a people thus prone to a suddain familiarity , and so prodigall of their tongue and company , you would scarce imagine them to be coy of their lips . Yet this is their humor . It seemed to me strange at first and uncivill , that a woman should turn away from the proffer of a salutation . Afterward I liked the custome very well , and I have good cause for it , for it saved me from many an unsavory piece of mannerlinesse . This notwithstanding could not but amaze me , that they who in their actions were so light and wanton , should yet think themselves modest , and confine all lasciviousnesse unto a kisse . A woman that is kissed , they account more then half whored , be her other deportment never so becoming ; which maketh them very sparing of receiving such kindnesses . But this is but a dissembled unwillingnesse , and hath somewhat in it of the Italian . For as they had rather murder a man in private , then openly speak ill of him : so it may be thought that these Damosels would hardly refuse a mans bed , though education hath taught them to flie from his lip . Night and the curtains may conceal the one : the other can obtain no pardon in the eye of such , as may happen to observe it . Upon this ground your French Traveller , that perhaps may see their Hostesse kissed at Dover , and a Gentleman salute a Lady in the streets of London ; relateth at his coming home , strange Chimera's of the English modesty . To further this sinister opinion , he will not spare to tell his Camerades ( for this I have noted to you , to be a part of his humor ) what Merchants wives he enjoyed in London ; and in what familiarity such a Lady entertained him at Westminster . Horrible untruths ! and yet my poor gallant thinketh he lyeth not . I remember I met in Paris with an English Doctor and the Master of a Colledge there , who complained much of the lasciviousness of the English women : and how infamously every French Taylor that came from us , reported of them : withall , he protested , that it did not grieve him much , because he thought it a just judgement of God upon our Nation , that all the married men should be cuckolds . A strange piece of Divinity to me who never before had heard such preaching : but this was the reason of the Doctrine : In the old English Masse-book called Secundum usum Sarum , the woman at the time of marriage , promiseth her future husband to be bonny and buxom at bed and at board , till death us depart , &c. This being too light for the gravity of the action then in hand , and in mine opinion somewhat lesse reverend then a Church duty would require ; the reformers of that book thought good to alter : and have put in the place of it , to love , cherish and obey . That this was a sufficient assurance of a conjugal faith , he would not grant ; because the promise of being Buxom in bed was excluded . Besides he accounted the supposed dishonesty of the English wives , as a vengeance plucked down upon the heads of the people , for chopping and changing the words of the holy Sacrament : ( for such they esteem the form of Matrimony ) though his argument needed no answer , yet this accutation might expect one : and an English Gentleman ( though not of the English Faith ) thus laid open the abuse ; and seemed to speak it out of knowledge . When the Monsieurs come over full pursed to London , the French Pandars , which lie in wait for such booties , grow into their acquaintance : and promise them the embraces of such a Dame of the City , or such a Lady of the Court ; women perchance famed for admirable beauties . But as Ixion amongst the Poets expected Juno , and enjoyed a cloud : so these beguiled wretches in stead of those eminent persons mentioned to them , take into their bosomes some of the common prostitutes of the Town . Thus are they cousen'd in their desires , thus do they lie in their reports : whilest poor souls , they think themselves guilty of neither imposture . For the other accusation , which would seem to fasten a note of immodesty upon our English womens lips : I should be like enough to confess the crime , were the English kisses like unto those of the French. As therefore Dr. Dale Master of the Requests , said unto Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador , upon his dislike of the promiscuous sitting of men and women in our Churches ; Turpe quidem id esse apud Hispanos qui etiam in locis sacris cogitarent de explenda libidine , a qua procul aberant Anglorum mentes : So do I answer to the bill of the complainant . An Oxford Doctor upon this text , Betrayest th●u the Son of man with a kisse ? made mention of four manner of kisses , viz. Osculum charitatis , osculum gratioris familiaritatis , osculum calliditatis , and osculum carnalitatis . Of these I will bestow the last on the French , and the third on the Spaniards ; retaining the two first unto our selves : whereas the one is enjoyned by the precept , and the other warranted by the examples of holy Scripture . For my part , I see nothing in the innocent and harmless salutations of the English , which the Doctor calleth Osculum gratioris familiaritatis , that may move a French mans suspicion ; much I confess to stir his envie . Perhaps a want of the like happiness to himself , maketh him dislike it in us : as the Fox that had lost his taile , perswaded all others to cut off theirs ; but I have already touched the reason , why that Nation is unworthy of such a favour : their kisses being hot and sulphury , and indeed nothing but the prologue to their lusts . Whereas on the contrary , and I dare be confident in it ; the chaste and innocent kisse of the English Gentlewomen , is more in heaven , then many of the best of their devotions . It were not amisse to explain in this place a verse of Ovids , common in the mouthes of many , but the understanding of few . Thus then saith the Poet : Oscula qui sumpsit , si non & caetera sumpsit , Haec quoque quae sumpsit perdere dignus erit . Which must be understood according to the fashion of Rome and Italy ( and since of France and Spain ) ; where they were given as pawns of a dishonest contract : and not according to the customes of England , where they are only proffer'd in way of a gracious and innocent familiarity ; and so accepted . I return again to the French women ; and though I may not kisse them ( which he that seeth them will swear I have good cause to thank God for ) yet they are at liberty to be courted : an office which they admit freely , and return as liberally . An office to which they are so used ; that they can hardly distinguish complement from wooing , till the Priest expecteth them at the Church door . That day they set themselves forth with all the variety of riches their credit can extend to . A Scholar of the University never disfurnished so many of his friends , to provide for a journey , as they do neighbours , to adorn their wedding . At my being in Pontoyse , I saw M●is . Bride returning from the Church . The day before she had been somewhat of the condition of a Kitchen-wench , but now so tricked up with scarfs , rings , and cross garters , that you never saw a Whitsun-Lady better rigged . I should much have applauded the fellowes fortune , if he could have married the clothes : but God be merciful to him ) he is chained to the wench . Much joy may they have together most peerless couple ! Hymen , O Hymenaee Hymen , Hymen O Hymenaee . The match was well knit up between them . I would have a French man marry none but a French woman . Being now made mistress of an house , she can give her self a dispensation to drink wine : before she had a fling at the bottle by stealth , and could make a shift to play off her whole one in a corner : as St. Austine in the ninth book of his Confessions reporteth of his mother Monica . Now she hath her draughts like the second edition of a book , augmented and revised : and which is more , published cum privilegio . Her house she doth keep as she doth her self . It would puzzle a strong judgement , to resolve which of the two are the more nasty : yet after ten of the clock , you may come nigh her ; for by that time she hath not only eaten , but it may be her hall hath had a brushing : if you be not careful of your time , you shall commonly finde her speechless ; her mouth being stopped with some of the reliques of last nights supper . To five meals a day she is very constant ; and for varieties sake , will make some of them at street-door . She is an exceeding good soul ( as Sancho Panco said of his wife ) and one that will not pine her self , though her heirs smart for it . To her husband she is very servile , seldome sitteth with him at the table , readily executeth all his commands , and is indeed rather a married servant then a wife : or an houshold drudge under the title of a Mistress : yet on the other side she hath freedome enough , and certainly much more then a moderate wisdome would permit her . It is one of her jura conjugalia to admit of Courtship , even in the fight of her husband ; to walk arm in arm about the streets or into the fields with her Privado , to proffer occasions of familiarity and acquaintance at the first sight of one , whose person she relisheth : and all this sans soupsen , without any the least imputation : a liberty somewhat of the largest , and we may justly fear that having thus wholly in her own power the keyes of the Cabinet , that she sheweth her jewels to more then her husband . Such are the French women ; and such lives do they lead both maids and married . Thou happy England : thy four seas contain The pride of beauties : such as may disdain Rivals on earth . Such at once may move By a strange power , the envie , and the love Of all the sex besides . Admit a dame Of France or Spain , passe in the breath of fame , And her thoughts , for fair : yet let her view The commonst beauty of the English crew ; And in despair she 'l execrate the day Which bare her black ; and sigh her self away . So pin'd the Phrygian dames and hang'd the head , When into Troy , Paris did Helen lead . But boast not Paris , England now enjoyes Helens enough to sack a world of Troyes . So doth the vulgar tapers of the ●kie , Lose all their lustre when the Moon is nigh . Yet English Ladies , glorious lights , as far Exceed the Moon ; as doth the Moon a star . So do the common people of the groves Grow husht , when Philomel recounts her loves . But when our Ladies sing , even she forbears To use her tongue ; and turns her tongue to ears . Nay more ; Their beauties should proud Venus see , Shee 'd blush her self out of her Deity : Drop into Vuleans forge , her raign now done ; And yeeld to them her Empire , and her son . Yet this were needless . I can hardly finde Any of this land stars , but straight my minde Speaks her a Venus ; and me thinks I spic A little Cupid sporting in her eye . Who thence his shafts more powerfully delivers , Then ere did t'other Cupid from his quivers . Such in a word they are ; you would them guesse An harmony of all the goddesses ; Or swear that partial Nature at their birth , Had rob'd the heavens to glorifie the earth . Such though they are , yet mean these graces bin Compar'd unto the vertues lodg'd within : For needs the Jewels must be rich and precious , When as the Cabinet is so delicious . CHAP. III. France described . The valley of Montmorancie , and the Dukes of it . Mont-martre . Burials in former times not permitted within the wals . The prosecuting of this disccurse by manner of a journal , intermitted for a time . The Town and Church of St. Denis . The Legend of him , and his head . Of Dagobert and the Leper . The reliques to be seen there . Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine's time . The Sepulchres of the French Kings , and the treasury there . The Kings house of Madrit . The Queen Mothers house at Ruall , and fine devices in it . St. Germains en lay , another of the Kings houses . The curious painting in it . Gorramburie Window : the Garden belonging to it , and the excellency of the Water-works . Boys St. Vincent , de Vincennes , and the Castle called Bisester . I Have now done with the French , both men and women : a people much extolled by many of our English Travellers , for all those graces which may enoble & adorn both sexes . For my part , having observed them as well as I could , and traced them in all their several humors : I set up my rest with this proposition , that there is nothing in them to be envied but their Countrey . To that indeed I am earnestly , and I think not unworthily affected : here being nothing wanting which may be required , to raise and reward ones liking . If nature was ever prodigal of her blessings , or scattered them with an over-plentiful hand ; it was in this Island : into which we were entred , as soon as we passed over the bridge of Pontoyse . The first part of it , which lasted for three leagues ; was upon the plain of a mountain : but such a mountain , as will hardly yeeld to the best valley in Europe , out of France . On both sides of us the Vines grew up in a just length , and promised to the husbandman a thriving vintage . The Wines they yeeld are far better then those of Normandy , or Gascoyne ; and indeed the best in the whole Continent , those of Orleans excepted : yet what we saw here , was but as a bit to prepare our stomachs ; lest we should surfeit in the valley . Here we beheld nature in her richest vestiments . The fields so interchangeably planted with Wheat and Vines , that had L. Florus once beheld it , he would never have given unto Campania the title of Cereris & Bacchi certamen . These fields were dispersedly here and there , beset with Cherry trees ; which considered with the rest , gave unto the eye an excellent object . For the Vines yet green ; the Wheat ready for the sithe ; and the cherries now fully ripened , and shewing forth their beauties through the vails of the leaves : made such a various and delightsome mixture of colours , that no art could have expressed it self more delectably . If you have ever seen an exquisite Mosaical work , you may the best judge of the beauty of this valley . Add to this , that the River Seine being now past Paris ; either to embrace that flourishing soyle , or out of a wanton desire to play with it self , hath divided it self into sundry lesser channels ; besides its several windings and turnings : so that one may very justly , and not irreligiously , conceive it to be an Idea , or representation of the Garden of Eden : the river so happily separating it self , to water the ground . This valley is of a very large circuit ; and as the Welch men say of Anglesey . Mon mam Gym●ye ; id est , Anglesey is the mother of Wales : so may we call this the mother of Paris . For so abundantly doth it furnish that great and populous City , that when the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy besieged it with 100000 men ; there being at that time 3 or 400000 Citizens and Souldiers within the wals : neither the people within , nor the enemies without , found any want of provision . It is called the Valley of Montmorency , from the Town or Castle of Montmorency seated in it : but this town nameth not the Valley only . It giveth name also to the ancient family of Dukes of Montmorency , the antientest house of Christendome . He stileth himself Le primier Christian & plus viel Baron de France : and it is said that his ancestors received the Faith of Christ by the preaching of St. Denis , the first Bishop of Paris . Their principal houses are that of Chantilly , and Ecquoan , both seated in the Isle : this last being given unto the present Dukes Father , by King Henry 4. to whom it was confiscated by the condemnation of one of his Treasurers . This house also ( and so I leave it ) hath been observed to have yeelded to France , more Constables , Marshals , Admirals , and the like officers of power and command , then any three other in the whole Kingdome . Insomuch that I may say of it , what Irenicus doth of the Count Palatines , the name of the Countrey only changed : Non alta Galliae est familia , cui plus debeat nobilitas . The now Duke , named Henry , is at this present Admiral of France . The mosteminent place in all this Isle is Mont-martre , eminent I mean by reason of its height ; though it hath also enough of antiquity to make it remarkable . It is seated within a mile of Paris , high upon a mountain : on which many of the faithfull , during the time that Gaule was heathenish , were made Martyrs . Hence the name . Though Paris was the place of apprehension and sentence , yet was this Mountain commonly the scaffold of execution : it being the custome of the ancients , neither to put to death , nor to bury within the wals of their Cities . Thus the Jewes when they crucisied our Saviour , led him out of the City of Hierusalem unto Mount Calvarie : unto which St. Paul is thought to allude , Heb. 13. saying , Let us . therefore go forth to him , &c. Thus also doth St. Luke ( to omit other instances ) report of St. Stephen , Act. 7. And they cast him out of the city , and stoned him . So in the state of Rome , the Vestall Virgin having committed sornication , was stifled in the Campus sceleratus ; and other malefactors thrown down the Tarpeian rock : both situate without the Town . So also had the Thessalians a place of execution , from the praecipice of an hill , which theycalled the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Corvi : whence arose the proverb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be hanged . As they permitted not executions of malefactors within their wals : so neither would they suffer the best of their Citizens to be buried within them . This was it which made Abraham to buy him a field wherein to bury his dead : and thus we read in the 7. of Luke , that the widow of Naims son was carried out to be buried . This custome also we find amongst the Athenians , Corinthians , and other of the Grecians , Qui in agris suis ( as saith Alexander ab Alexandro ) aut in fundo suburbano , seu in avito & patrio solo corpora humari consuevere . Amongst the Romans , it was the fashion to burn the bodies of the dead , within their City . This continued till the bringing in of the Lawes of Athens , commonly called the Lawes of the 12. Tables : one of which Lawes runneth in these words , In urbe ne sepelito , neve urito . After this prohibition , their dead corps were first burned in Campus Martius ; and their urnes covered in sundry places in the fields . The frequent urnes or sepulchral stones , digged up amongst us here in England , are sufficient testimonies of this assertion . Besides we may finde in Appian , that the chief reason why the rich men in Rome would not yeeld to that Law , called Lex Agraria , or the Law of dividing the Roman possessions equally among the people , was , because they thought it an irreligious thing that the Monuments of their forefathers should be sold unto others . The first that is registred to have been buried in the City , was Trajan the Emperour . Afterwards it was granted as an honourary to such as had deserved well of the republick : and when the Christian Religion prevailed , and Church-yards , those dormitories of Saints were consecrated ; the liberty of burying within the wals , was to all equally granted . On this ground it not being lawful to put to death or bury , within the Town of Paris ; this Mountain was destinate to those purposes . Then was it only a Mountain ; now it is enlarged unto a Town : it hath a poor wall , an Abbey of Benedictine Monks , and a Chappel called La Chapelle des Martyrs ; both founded by Lewis the 6. called the Grosse . Amongst others , which received here the Crown of Martyrdome , none more famous then St. Denis ( said to be Dionysius Areopagita ) the first Bishop of Paris ; Rusticus his Archpriest ; and Eleutherius , his Deacon . The time when , under the reign of Domition ; the person by whose command , Fesceninus Governor of Paris ; the crime , for not bowing before the Altar of Mercury , and offering sacrifice unto him . Of St. Denis being the patron or tutelary Saint of France , the Legend reports strange wonders . As namely , when the Executioner had smitten off his head , that he caught it between his armes ; and ran with it down the hill as fast as his legs could carry him ; half a mile from the place of his execution , he sate down and rested : and so he did nine times in all , even till he came to the place where his Church is now built . There he fell down and died , being three English miles from Mont-martre : and there he was buried together with Rustious , and Eleutherius , who not being able to go as fast as he did , were brought after him by the people . O impudentiam admirabilem & vere Romanam ! and yet so far was the succeeding age possessed with a belief of this miracle , that in the nine several places where he is said to have rested there are erected so many hansome Crosses of stone ; all of a making . To the memory of this Saint , did Dagobert the first build a Temple : and the times ensuing improved it to a Town . Afterwards in honour of St. Denis , and because it lay neer Paris ; some of the following Kings bestowed a wall upon it . A wall it is of a large circuit , and very much unproportionable to the Town , which standeth in it , for all the world like a Spaniards little face in his great ruffe , or like a small chop of Mutton in a large dish of pottage at the three penny Ordinary . Thus was the Town built ( as you see ) by natural means : but it was not so with the Temple . Unlesse that be worth a miracle , both in the building , and in the consecrating of it : I will not give a straw for it . Thus , then saith the story . Diagobert afterwards King of France , during the life of Clotoyre the second his Father , had cruelly slain Sadrasegille his governour . To avoid the fury of his Father , much incensed with that unprincely action ; he was compelled to wander up and down France hungry and thirsty . And so he went , and he went , ( for this tale should be told in the same stile , that wenches tell theirs by the fire side ) till he came to the Sepulchre of St. Denis , where he laid down and slept : and then there appeared unto him a fine old man , with a staffe in his hand , and he told him that his father was dead , and that he should be King , and he prayed him of all loves , that when he came to be King , he would build a Church there , in the honour of St. Denis . He had an hard heart , that could deny so sweet an old man so little a courtesie , for so much good newes , and I trow the King was more kinde then so . And so when the Church was built , the Bishop was sent for in all haste to blesse it . But it chanced that the night before the day wherein the Bishop was to blesse it , there came to the Town an ugly Leper , and the foulest that ever was seen : and this Leper would needs lie in the Church . And when he was there , about twelve a clock at night , our Saviour came into the Church in garments as white as the driven snow , and there came with him the Apostles , and the Angels and the Martyrs , and the sweetest Musick that ever was heard in the world . And then Christ blessed the Church , and said unto the Leper , that he should tell the Bishop that the Church was already blessed , and for a token of it , he gave the Leper his health , who presently became as fine a sweet youth as one should see in a summers day . Auditum admissi risum teneatis ? you may laugh if you please , but I 'le assure you this is the story : neither is it a jot the lesse authentick because of the stile . Such ridiculous stuffe , did the Fryers and Munks of those times invent to please and blinde the people . So prone were our Ancestors to believe as Oracles , what ever was delivered unto them by these Impostors . Majoribus nostris tam facilis in mendaciis fides fuit , ut temere crediderint etlam monstrosa miracula : & quicquid famae licet fingere , illis erat libenter laudire . Minulius Faelix spake it of his foresathers being Heathens : we may justly affirm it of ours also , being Christians . But ( to omit the additions of the Legend ) true it is , that Dagobert the first , was the founder of the Church : which was after rebuilt and beautified by the 25. Abbot of it , called Sugger , in the reign of King Lewis the sixth . A reverend and comely fabrick , certainly it is ; dark , as the Churches of those times commonly were : and none of the poorest . It maintaineth 262 Monks and an Abbot , whose ●ngle revenue is thought to be worth 10000 Crowns and upwards . The present Abbot is Henry of Lorrein , son to the Duke of Guise , a young Gentleman of some 14 years of age , or thereabouts : but of him more hereafter . The Abbot of it , among many other priviledges , hath a full power upon the lives , goods , and honours of his vassals : and hath a voice in the Parliament of Paris , as full and binding as any of the Counsellors there sitting . As for the Church it self , it is in height 80 foot , 100 in breadth ; and in length 300. The high Altar , under which the bodies of St. Denis and his two fellow-Martyrs , are said to be buried ; is a very rich and excellent work : the Crucifix which standeth over it , being all of pure gold , enchased with divers Pearls and precious Stones of great value . Before it hangeth a silver Lamp continually burning : and if you look about it , you shall see the richest and the fairest glasse for painting , in all France ; that of Amiens only excepted . One thing further I will note in this Church , before I come to to the Tombes and reliques ; which is , how Henry 4. in this Church said his first Masse , after his last reconcilement to the Church of Rome . And good reason I have to say his last . For having been first brought up in the Romish Faith , he was by his Mother made a Protestant . At the massacre of Paris , fear of death or imprisonment , turned him Papist : liberty again made him an Hugonot . In this vein he continued till the year 1595. and then once more re-embosom'd himself into the Roman Synagogue ; which was the time we now speak of . Quo teneam nodo mutantem Protea vultum ? The only Proteus in matters of faith in our times . Doctor Perne was a Diamond to him . It is now time I should shew you the Reliques ; but you must first stay till the Clerk hath put on his Surplice . I have heard of a blinde Priest that could never mumble over his Masse handsomely without his spectacles . This fellow and his surplice is just like him . I perswaded my self that the Surplice without the Clerk , could marshall the Reliques , as well as the Clerk without the Surplice . As soon as he was sadled for his journey , he putteth himself into his way ; and followed it with a pace so nimble , that there was no keeping of him company : his tongue ran so fast , that the quickest eye there , was fain to give him over in plain ground : the fellow that sheweth the Tombs at Westminster , being no more to be compared to him , for the volubility of his chops , then a Capuchin to a Jesuite : yet as we learned afterwards of him ( when he was out of his road ) they were thus disposed . On the right hand of the Altar , ( not the high Altar above mentioned ) there are said to be kept one of the Nails which fastned our Saviour to the Crosse . 2. A piece of the Crosse it self . 3. Some of the Virgin Maries Milk. 4. The arm of St. Simeon set in a case of gold . And 5. The reliques of St. Lewis reserved in a little chappel , all of gold also ; and built in the fashion of the Nostre dame in Paris . On the left , there was shewed us the head of St. Denis and a part of his body . But I mistake my self , it was not the head , but the portraiture of it in gold ; the head being said to be within it ; by his representation he seemeth to have had a very reverend and awfull countenance : though I perswade my self that the rich Crown and Miter which he there weareth ( and certainly they are of a high value ) never belongedto him in his life . On each side of the head are two Angels supporting it , all of gold also : both which together with the head and ornaments supported , are reported to be the work of one Eloy , le plus artificiel orfeure de son temps , the cunningest Goldsmith of his time ; who afterwards was made Bishop of Noyon , and Sainted . Concerning Reliques I shall have occasion to speak further , when I come to the holy Chappel in Paris ; somewhat now of the honour due unto the memory of Martyrs . I am none of those that think the memories of those Heroes of the primitive times , not to be honoured in the dust ; neither would I assault their shrines with an irreverent finger : on the other side , they shall never have my prayers directed to them , nor my devotions ; nor can I think it lawfull to give the remnants of them any bodily observance . Though I do and will honour , I dare not worship them . St. Austin hath cut out a mid way between the Papist and the Zelot , in the 8 Book of his most excellent work De Civitate dei , and his path it is best , to follow , Honoramus sane memorias corum tanquam sanctorum hominum Dei , qui usque ad mortem corporum pro veritate certarunt : and a little after , he sheweth the end of these memorials , viz. Vt ea celebritate Deo vere gratias de eorum victori is agamus , & nos ad imitationem talium coronarum eorum memoriae renovatione adhortemur . One relique there is of which this use cannot possibly be made ; and what do you think that should be , but the Lanthorn which Judas used when he went to apprehend his Master ? a prety one it is ( I confesse ) richly beset with studdes of Crystall , through which all the light cometh ; the main of it being of a substance not transparent . Had it been shewed me within the first century of years after the passion , I might , perhaps , have been fooled into a belief ; for I am confident it can be no older . Being as it is , I will acknowledge it to be a Lanthorn , though it belonged not to Judas . From the reliques of Martyrs , proceed we to those of Kings ; and amongest those there is nothing which will long detain an English man. He that hath seen the tombs at Westminster will think these to be but trifles , if he consider the workmanship , or the riches and the magnificence . The chief of those many mean ones which are there , are those of Henry II. and Katharine de Medices his wife , in a little Chappell of their own building ; both in their full proportion , and in their royall habiliments , exceeding stately . There is also a neat tomb of the same Henry , built all of brasse , and supported by four brasse pillars : his Statua of the same mettle placed on the top of it , and composed as if at his prayers . The rest are more in tale then weight . But the chief beauties of this Church , are in the treasurie , which it was not my happinesse to see . As I am informed , the most remarkable things in it are these , The Swords of Joan the Virgin , Charles the great , Rowland his cousen , and that of Henry IV. when he was Crowned . His Boots , Crown and Scepter , as those also of his son Lewis now reigning . A crosse three foot high , made of pure gold . A Crown , Scepter and golden ball , given by Pope Adrian to Carolus magnus . A golden Crown of larger sise , bedecked with Adamants and other pretious stones ; given by Charles Martell after his victories over the Saracens . A very fair Chalice all of gold , in which St. Denis is reported to have consecrated the Sacramentall wine . The others of lesser note , I purposely omit , for having not seen them , I am loath to go any further upon trust . And so I leave St. Denis , a Church so richly furnished , that had I seen all the rarities and glories of it , that only days content had deserved our journey ; sed haec infelici nimia . Not to continue this discourse any longer by way of journall , or gesta dierum . Few dayes after we had wearied our selves with the sight of Paris , we went to see some of their Majesties houses in the Countrey . And here we passed by Madrit , so called of the King of Spains house at Madrit , after the forme of which it is built . The founder of it was Francis the first , who being taken Prisoner at the battail of Pavie , ann . dom . 1525. and thence carryed into Spain , had no lesse then a twelve months time to draw the platforme . A fine Countrey house it seemed to be ; but our journey lay beyond it . One league beyond it lay Ruall , a small Town belonging to the Abbey of St. Denis . In a corner of this Town the Queen Mother hath a fine summer house , abundantly adorned with retired walks , and a most curious variety of water-works : for besides the formes of divers glasses , pillars , and Geometricall figures , all framed by the water ; there were birds of sundry sorts so artificially made , that they both deceived the eye by their motion , and the ear by their melodie . Somewhat higher in the middest of a most delicious Garden , are two Fountains of admirable workmanship : In the first , the portraitures of Cerberus , the Boar of Calydon , the Nemean Lyon ; and in the navell of it Hercules killing Hydra . In the other only a Crocodile full of wild and unruly tricks , and sending from his throat musick not much different from Organs . Had your eyes been shut , you would have thought your self in some Cathedrall Church : this melody of the Crocodile , and that other of the birds , so exactly counterfeiting the harmonie of a well ordered Quire. And now we are come into the Grove , a place so full of retired walks , so sweetly and delect●bly contrived , that they would even entice a man to melancholy , because in them even melancholy would prove delightfull . The trees so interchangeably folded one within the other , that they were at once a shelter against winde and sun : yet not so sullenly close , but that they afforded the eye an excellent Lordship over the Vines and verdure of the earth imprisoned within them : it seemed a Grove , an Orchard , and a Vineyard , so variously interwoven and mixt together , as if it had been the purpose of the Artist to make a man fall in love with confusion . In the middle of this Wildernesse was feated the house , environed round about with a Moat of running water . The house pretty , and therefore little ; built rather for a banquet , then a feast . It was built and enriched with this variety of pleasures , by Mr. de Ponte , Taylor to King Henry IV. and was no question the best garment that ever he cut out in his life . Dying , he gave it to Mr. Landerboyne , once his servant , and now his son by adoption ; of whom the Queen Mother taking a liking to it , bought it ; giving him in exchange , an office in the Treasury worth 400000 crowns to be sold . Two leagues from Ruall , is the Kings house of St. Germain ●n Olay , a house seated on the top of a hill just like Windsore , The Town of St. Germain lyeth all about it , the river Seine ( of the same breadth as the Thames is at the place mentioned ) runneth below it ; and the house by reason of the site , having a large command upon the Country round about it . The Town is poor and hath nothing in it remarkable but the name , which it took from St. Germain Bishop of Auxerre , who together with St. Lupus Bishop of Tropes , sailed into Britain to root out Pelagianism . The Castle or seat Royall is divided into two parts , the old and the new ; the old , which is next unto the Town , is built of Bricks , and for forme it is triangular : founded it was at the first by Charles V. since strengthned and beautified by the English when it was in their possession : Francis I. added to it the upper story and the battlements , and in memoriam facti , hath left a Capitall F upon every of the Chimnies . The new house , distant from the old about a furlong , and to which you descend by a handsome green Court , was built by Henry IV. It consisteth of three severall parts , all joyned together , the two outermost quadrangular , that in the middle almost round and in the fashion of a Jewish Synagogue . Here we saw the Volatory full of sundry forain birds , and in one of the lower rooms great store of outlandish conies ; but these were accessories . The principall was the majesty of the house , which is , indeed , worth the observation . The Palace of the Loure so much famed , is not to be named in the same day with it . The rooms are well ordered , and high roofed , gorgeously set out with the curiosities of the Painter . In some of the Chambers they shewed us some Poeticall fictions expressed by the pencill in the windowes and on the wainscot , and seemed to glory much in them . I confesse they might have plentifully possessed my fancy , had I not seen the window of Gorrambury gallery , belonging to the Right Honorable Francis Viscount St. Albans ; a window in which all the Fables of Ovids Metamorphosis , are so naturally and lively dissembled , that if ever art went beyond it self , it was in that admirable expression . Let us now take a view of the water-works , and here we shall see in the first water-house , which is a stately large walk vaulted over head , the effigies of a Dragon , just against the entrance ; an unquiet beast that vomiteth on all that come nigh it . At the end toward the right hand is the Statua of a Nymph sitting before a paire of Organs . Upon the loosing of one of the pipes , the Nymphs fingers began to manage the keyes , and brought the instrument to yield such a musick , that if it were not that of an Organ , it was as like it as could be , and not be the same . Unto the division of her fingers , her head kept a porportionable time ; jolting from one shoulder to the other , as I have have seen an old fidler at a Wake . In the same proportion were the counterfeits of all sorts of mils , which before very eagerly discharged their functions ; but upon the beginning of this harmony , they suddenly stood still , as if they had had ears to have heard it . At the other end towards the left hand , we saw a shop of Smiths , another of Joiners , and a backside full of Sawyers and Masons , all idle . Upon the first command of the water , they all fell to their Occupations , and plyed them lustily ; the birds every where singing , and so saving the Artificers the labour of a whistling . Besides , upon the drawing of a woodden courtain , there appeared unto us , two Tritons riding on their Dolphins , and each of them with a shell in his hand , which interchangeably and in turns served them in stead of trumpets . A very happy decorum , and truly Poeticall . Caeruleum Tritona vocat , conchaque sonanti Inspirare jubet , — As Ovid of him . Afterward followes Neptune himself , fitting in his Chariot , drawn with four Tortoyses , and grasping his tricuspis or three forked Scepter in his hand : the water under them representing , all this while , a sea somewhat troubled . 36 steps from the front of the house we descended into this water-house ; and by 60 more we descended into a second of the same fashion , but not of an equall length with the other . At the right hand of this , is the whole story of Perseus , Andromeda and the Whale lively acted ; the Whale being killed , and the Lady unloosed from the rock very perfectly . But withall , it was so cunningly managed , and that with such a mutuall change of fortune , on the parties of both the combatants , that one who had not known the fable , would have been sore affraid that the Knight would have lost the victory , and the Lady her life . At the other end there was shown unto us , Orpheus in sylvis positus , sylvaeqne sequentes . There appeared unto us the resemblance of Orpheus , playing on a treble Viall , the trees moving with the force of the musick , and the wilde beasts dancing in two rings about him . An invention which could not but cost K. Henry a great sum of money ; one only string of the fidle being by mischance broken , having cost King Lewis his son 1500 Livres . Upon the opening of a double-leaved door , there were exhibited to us divers representations and conceits , which certainly might have been more gracefull , if they had not so much in them of the puppet play . By some steps more we descended into the Garden , and by as many more into a Green , which opened into the water side ; in which the goodliest flower and most pleasing to my eyes , was the statua of an horse in brasse , of that bignesse , that I and one of my companions could stand in the neck of him . But dismounting from this horse , we mounted our own , and so took our leaves of St. Germain . On the other side of Paris , and up the river , we saw an other of the Kings houses , called St. Vincent or Vincennes . It was beautified with a large part by Philip Augustus , anno 1185. who also walled the Park , and replenished it with Deer . In this house have dyed many famous personages , as Philip the fair , Lewis Hutin , and Charles the fair ; but none so much to be lamented as that of our Henry V. cut down in the flower of his age , and middest of his victories : a man most truly valiant , and the Alexander of his times . Not far from thence is an old Castle , once strong , but time hath made it now unserviceable . The people call it Chasteau Bisestre , corruptly for Vincestre ; which maketh me believe it was built by the English when they were masters of this Isle . CHAP. IV. Paris , the names and antiquity of it . The situation and greatnesse . The chief strength and Fortifications about it . The streets and buildings . King James his laudable care in beautifying London . King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town . Why not actuated . The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians . The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber . NOw we are come unto Paris , whither , indeed , I should have brought you the same day we came from Pontoyse . It hath had in diversages , two severall names ; the one taken from the people , the other from the situation ; the name taken from the people is that of Paris . J. Caesar in his Commentaries making mention of the Nation of the Parisii , and at that time calling this City Urbem Parisiorum . Ammianus Marcellinus calleth it by the same appellative ; for as yet the name of Paris was not appropriated unto it . As for these Parisii , it is well known that they were a people of Gallia Celtica ; but why the people were so called , hath been questioned , and that deservedly . Some derive them from a son of Paris the son of Priam : but the humour of deriving all nationall originations from Troy , hath long since been hissed out of the Schoole of Antiquity . The Berosus of John Annius bringeth them from one Paris King of the Celtae ; and his authority is alike authenticall . The bastards which this Annius imposed upon the Antient writers , are now taught to know their own father . Others deduce it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Greek word importing boldnesse of speech ; which is approved by William of Breton , in the first book of his Phillipiades . Finibus egressi patriis , per Gallicarura Sedem quaerebant , ponendis maenibus aptam , Et se Parisios dixerunt , nomine Graeco , Quod sonat expositum nostris , audacia , verbis . It is spoken of those Gaules , who coming out of the more Southern parts , here planted themselves . Neither is it improbable , that a Gallick nation should assume to it self a Greek name , that language having taken good footing in these parts , long before Caesars time , as himself testifyeth in his Commentaries . How well this name agreeth with the French nature , I have already manifested in the character of this people , both men and women . But I will not stand to this etymologie . The names of great Cities are as obscure as those of their founders ; and the conjecturall derivations of them are oftentimes rather plausible then probable ; and sometimes neither . As for the antiquity of it , it is said to be built in the time of Amasia King of Judah ; but this also is uncertain : the beginnings of antient Cities , being as dark and hidden , as the reasons of their names . Certain it is , that it is no puisnè in the world ; it being a strong and opulent Town in the dayes of Julius Caesar . The other name of this City , which is indeed the antient , and was taken from the situation of it , is Lutetia , from lutum dirt ; as being seated in an exceeding clammy and dirty soil . To this also consenteth the abovenamed William of Breton , in his said first Book of the Phillippiades , saying , — Quoniam tunc temporis illam Reddebat palus & terrae pinguedo lutosam , Aptum Parisii posuere Lutetia nomen . As for the Etymologie of Munster , who deriveth the name from Luens one of the Kings of the Celtae : it may ( for ought I know ) deservedly keep company with that of Berosus , already recited . This name of Lutetia continued till the coming of the Franks into these parts : who to endeer the nation of the Parisii , and oblige them the more faithfully to do them service , commanded it for ever after to be called Paris . But the situation of this Town gave it not only the name ; it gave it also ( as the custome of Godfathers in England ) a christning gift , which is the riches of it ; and by consequence , the preheminence . In how delicate and flourishing a soil it is situate , I have already told you in my description of the vally of Montmorencie where it standeth . If you will believe Comines in the first book of his Histories , he will tell you , that Cest la citè que jamais ie veisse environneè de meilleux pais et plantureux ; of all the Cities which ever he saw , it is environed with the best and fruitful'st Countrey . The river of Seine is also , no question , a great help to the enriching of it ; for though it be not Navigable unto the Town , yet it giveth free passage unto boats of an indifferent big burden , into which the ships are unladen , and so their commodities carryed up the water . A profitable enter course between the Sea and the City for the Merchants . Of these boats there are an infinite company that plie up and down the water , and more indeed , as the said Comines is of opinion , than any man can believe that hath not seen them . It is in circuite , as Boterus is of opinion , 12 miles . Others judge it at 10. For my part , I dare not guesse it to be above 8 , and yet I was told by a French man , that it was in compasse no lesse then 14 leagues within the wals ; an untruth bigger then the Town . For figure it is circular , that being , according to Geometricians , of all figures the most capacious . And questionlesse if it be true , that Urbs non in moenibus , sed in civibus posita est ; Paris may challenge as great a circuit as the most of Europe : it being little inferiour to the biggest , for the multitudes of her inhabitants . Joyne the compasse and the populousnesse together , and you shall hear the wisest of the French men say , that Que ce qu' est l' ame a la raison , el la prunelle a l' oeil ; cela mesme est Paris a la France . Add to this the verdict of Charles V. who being demanded which he thought to be the biggest City of France : answered , Roven : and being then asked , what he thought of Paris : made answer , Unpais ; that it was a whole Countrey . The Emperour did well to flatter Francis the first , who asked him these questions , and in whose power he then was ; otherwise he might have given men good cause to suspect his judgement . The truth is , that Paris is a fair and goodly Town ; yet withall , it is nothing like the miracle that some men make it . Were the figure of London altered , and all the houses of it cast into a Ring ; I dare able it a larger and more goodly Town then Paris , and that in the comparison , it may give it at the least half a mile oddes . For matter of strength and resistance , certain it is that this City is exceeding well seated , were it as well fortifyed . It lyeth in a plain flat levell , and hath no hils nigh unto it , from which it can any way be annoyed ; and for the casting and making of rowling-trenches , I think the soil is hardly serviceable . If Art were no more wanting to the strength of it then Nature , in mine opinion , it might be made almost impregnable . Henry IV. seeing the present weaknesse of it , had once a purpose ( as it is said ) to have strengthned it according to the modern art of Fortifications . But it went no further then the purpose . He was a great builder , and had many projects of Masonry in his head , which were little for his profit ; and this would have proved lesse then any . For besides the infinite sums of mony which would have been employed in so immense a work ; what had this been in effect , but to put a sword into the hand of a mad man ? The mutinies and sedition of this people have made it little inferiour to Leige or Gaunt , the two most revolting Towns of Europe . And again , the Baricadoes against the person of King Henry III. and the large resistance it made to himself , being weak ; were sufficient to instruct him what might be expected from it by his successors , when it should be strengthned and inabled to rebellion . The present strength of the Town then is not great , the wals being very weak and ruinous ; and those other few helps which it hath , being little availeable for defence . The beautifullest part of the whole resistance is the ditch , deep , precipitate and broad ; and to say no more of it , an excellent ward , were there any thing else correspondent to it . As for the Fort next unto St. Antonies gate , called the Bastille ; it is in my conceit too little to protect the Town , and too low to command it . When Swords only and Pick-axes were in use , and afterwards in the infancie of guns , it did some service in the nature of a Fortresse : now it serveth principally as a prison for those of the greater sort , who will permit themselves to be taken . It is said to be built by the English , when they were Lords of Paris , and the vulgar are all of this opinion . Others , of the more learned sort , make it to be the work of one of the Provosts of the City . Du Chesne calleth him Hugues Aubriot , in the time of Charles V. when as yet the English had nothing to do here . The word Bastille in generall , signifieth a Fortresse ; the article la , prefixed before it , maketh it a name , and appropriateth it unto this building . There are also two little turrets , just against the gallery of the Louure , on both sides of the Seine , intended for the defence of the River ; though now they are little able to answer that intention : they also are fathered on the English , but how true I know not . An other place I marked , designed perhaps for a Rampart , but imployed at this time only by windmils . It is a goodly mount of earth , high and capacious , situate close unto the gate called St. Martins ; the most defensible part , if wel manned , of all Paris . Thus is the strength of this Town ( as you see ) but small ; and if Henry IV. lay so long before it with his Army , it was not because he could not take it , but because he would not . He was loath ( as Biron advised him ) to receive the bird naked , which he expected with all its feathers ; and this answer he gave the Lord Willougbie . who undertook to force an entry into it . For the streets , they are many of them of a lawfull and competent breadth , well pitched under the foot with fair and large peble . This paving of it was the work of Philip Augustus , anno 1223. or there abouts ; before which time it could not but be miserably dirty , if not unpassable . As it now is , the least rain maketh it very slippery and troublesome ; and as little a continuance of warme weather , stinking and poisonous . But whether this noisomenesse proceed from the nature of the ground , or the fluttishnesse of the people in their houses , or the neglect of the Magistrates in not providing a sufficiency of Scavengers , or all , I am not to determine . This I am confident of , that the nastiest lane in London , is Frankincense and Juniper , to the sweetest street in this City . The antient by-word was ( and there is good reason for it ) I l destaint comme la fange de Paris : had I the power of making proverbs , I would only change il destaint into il puit , and make the by-word ten times more Orthodox . I have spoken somewhat already of the Fortifications of this Town , but they are but trifles : the only venome of the street , is a strength unto it more powerfull then the ditch●s or the bulwark of St. Martins . Morrison in his Itinerarie relateth how the Citizens of Prague in Bohemia , were repairing the wals of their Town for fear of the Turkes ; but with all he addeth , that if the stink of the streets kept him not thence , there was no assurance to be looked for of the wals . I know now not how true it is of that City , I am sure it may be justly verified of this . It was therefore not unjudiciously said of an English Gentleman , that he thought Paris was the strongest Town in Christendome ; for he took ( strong ) in that sense as we do in England , when we say such a man hath a strong-breath . These things considered , it could not but be an infinite happinesse granted by nature to our Henry V. that he never stopped his nose at any stink , as our Chronicles report of him . Otherwise , in my conscience , he had never been able to keep his Court there . But that which most amazed me , is , that in such a perpetuated constancy of stinks , there should yet be found so large and admirable a variety . A variety so speciall and distinct , that any Chymicall nose ( I dare l●y my life on it ) two or three perambulations , would hunt out blindfold , each severall street by the smell , as perfectly as another by his eye . A Town of a strange composition , one can hardly live in it in the Summer without poisning , in the Winter without miring . For the buildings , they are I confesse very handsomely and uniformely set out to the street-ward ; not unseemly in themselves , and very sutable one with another . High and perpendicular , with windowes reaching from the top almost to the bottom . The houses of the new mould in London , are just after their fashion : wherein the care and designe of our late Soveraign King James is highly to be magnifyed . Time and his good beginnings well seconded , will make that City nothing inferiour for the beauty and excellency of her structures , to the gallantest of Europe ; insomuch that he might truly have said of his London , what Augusius did of his Rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Urbem quem lateritiam inveni marmoream relinquo , as Dion hath it . But as London now is , the houses of it in the inside , are both better contrived , and richlyer furnished by far , then those of Paris ; the inward beauty and ornaments most commonly following the estate of the builders , or the owners . Their houses are distinguished by signes as with us , and under every sign there is printed in Capitall letters , what signe it is ; neither is it more then need . The old shift of This is a Cock , and this is a Bull , was never more requisite in the infancy of painting , then in this City . For so ●ideously and so without resemblance to the thing signified , are most of these pencil-works : that I may without danger say of them as Pseudolus in Plaulus doth of the letter which was written from Phoenicium to his young master Callidorus , An obs●●ro hercle , habent quoque gallinae manus ? nam has quidem gallina scripsit . If a hen would not scrape better portraitures on a dunghill then they have hanged up before their doors , I would send to my Hostess of Tostes to be executed . And indeed generally , the Arti 〈…〉 of Paris are as slovenly in their trades , as in their houses , yet you may finde nimble d●●cers , prety fidlers for a toy , and a Tayler that can trick you up after the best and newest fashion . Their Cutlers make such abominable and fearfull knives , as would grieve a mans heart to see them : and their Glovers , are worse then they ; you would imagine by their Gloves , that the hand for which they are made , were cut of by the wrist : yet on the other side they are very perfect at tooth-picks , beard brushes , and ( which I hold the most commendable art of them ) at the cutting of a seal . Their Mercers are but one degree removed from a Pedler ; such as in England we call Chapmen , that is a Pedler with a shop . And for Goldsmiths there is little use of them , glasses being there most in request , both because neat , and because cheap . I perswade my self that the two severall ranks of shops in Cheapside , can shew more plate , and more variety of Mercery wares , good and rich , then three parts of Paris . Merchants they have here , but not many , and they not very wealthy . The river ebbs not , and floweth not nigher then 75 miles or thereabouts , and the boats which thence serve the City , being no bigger then our Western Barges . The principall means by which the people do subsist , are the Court of the King , most times held amongst them ; and the great resort of Advocates and Clients to the chambers of Parliament . Without these two crutches the Town would get a vile halting , and perhaps be scarce able to stand . What the estate of some of their wealthyest Citizens may amount to , I cannot say , yet I dare conjecture it , not to be superfluous . The Author of the book entituled Les estat du monde , reckoneth it for a great marvell that some of our London Merchants should be worth 100000 crownes , we account that estate among us not to be so wonderfull , and may thence safely conclude , that they who make a prodigie of so little , are not worth so much themselves . If you believe their apparell , we may , perhaps , be perswaded otherwise ; that questionlesse speaketh no lesse then millions , though like it is , that when they are in their best clothes , they are in the midle of their estates . But concerning the ridiculous bravery of the poor Parisian , take along with you this story : Upon our first coming into Paris , there came to visit a German Lord , whom we met a ship-bord , a couple of French Gallants , his acquaintance ; the one of them ( for I did not much observe the other ) had a suit of Turkie grogram doubled with Taffeta , cut with long slashes , or carbonado's , after the French fashion , and belaied with bugle lace . Through the openings of his doublet appeared his shirt of the purest Holland , and wrought with curious needle-work ; the points at his waste and knees , all edged with a silver edging ; his garters , roses and hat-band , sutable to his points ; a beaver hat , and a pair of silk stockins ; his cloke also of Turkey grogram , cut upon black Taffeta . This Lord ( for who would have dared to guesse him other ? ) applyed himself to me , and perceiving my ignorance in the French , accosted me in Latine , which he spake indifferently well . After some discourse , he took notice of mine eyes , which were then sore and sea-sick , and promised me , if I would call on him at his lodging the next morning , to give me a water , which suddenly would restore them to their strength and vigor . I humbly thanked his Lordship for such an ineffable and immerited favour , in the best complement and greatest obeisance I could devise . It was not for nought , thought I , that our English extoll so muth the humanity of this people ; nay I began to accuse the report of envy , as not having published the one half of their graces and affabilities . Quantillum enim virtutum illarum acceperim ! And thus taking my leave of his Honor , I greedily expected the next morning . The morning come , and the hour of visting his Lordship almost at hand , I sent a servant to fetch a Barber to come trim me and make me neat , as not knowing what occasion I might have , of seeing his Lady or his daughters . Upon the return of the messenger , presengly followeth his Altitude , and bidding me sit down in his chair , he disburdened one of his pockets ( Quis hoc credat , nisi sit proteste vetustas ? ) of a case of instruments , and the other of a bundle of linnen . Thus accommodated , he falleth to work about me , to the earning of a quardesou . In my life I had never more adoe to hold in my laughter . And certainly , had not an anger or vexation at my own folly , in casting away so much humble rhetorick the night before upon him , somewhat troubled me ; I should either have laught him out of his fine suit , or have broke my heart in the restraint . Quid domini facient , audent cum talia fures ? If a Barber may be thus taken in suspicion for a Lord , no doubt but a Mercer may be accused for a Marquesse . CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts . Of the Fauxbourgs in generall . Of the Pest-house . The Fauxbourg and Abby of St. Germain . The Queen Mothers house there . Her purpose never to reside in it . The Provost of Merchants , and his authority . The Armes of the Town . The Town-house . The Grand Chastelet . The Arcenall . The place Royall , &c. The Vicounty of Paris . And the Provosts seven daughters . THey which write of Lusitania divide it into three parts , viz. Ulteriorem , lying beyond Dueras , North ; Citeriorem , lying from Tagus , South ; and Interamnem , situate betwixt both the rivers . Paris is seated just as that Province , and may in a manner admit of the same division ; for the River of Seine , hath there so dispersed it self , that it hath divided this French Metropolis into three parts also , viz. Citeriorem , lying on this side the river , which they call La Ville , the Town ; Ulteriorem , lying beyond the further branch of it , which they call L'Universitiè ; and Interammem , situate between both the streams in a little Island ; which they call La Citè . To these add the Suburbs , or ( as they call them ) the Fauxbourgs , and you have in all four parts of Paris . These Fauxbourgs are not incorporated unto the Town , or joyned together with it , as the Suburbs of London are unto that City . They stand severed from it a pretty distance , and appear to be what indeed they are , a distinct body from it ; For the most part the houses in them are old and ruinous : yet the Fauxbourg of St. Iacques is in a prety good fashion and the least unsightly of them all , except St. Germains . The Fauxbourg also of St. Marcell hath somewhat to commend it , which is that the great Pest-house built by Henry IV. is within the Precincts of it : a house built quadrangular wise , very large and capacious ; and seemeth to such as stand afar off it ( for it is not safe venturing nigh it or within ) to be more like the Palace of a King , then the Kings Palace it self . But the principallest of all the Suburbs is that of St. Germains , a place lately repaired , full of divers stately houses , and in bignesse little inferior unto Oxford . It took name from the Abbey of S● . Germain , seated within it , built by Childebert the son of Clouis , anno 1542. in the honor of St. Vincent . Afterwards it got the name of St. German a Bishop of Paris , whose body was there buried , and at whose instigation it had formerly been founded . The number of the Monks was enlarged to the number of 120 by Charles the balde , ( he began his reign anno 841 ) and so they continue till this day . The present Abbot is Henry of Burbon Bishop of Metz , base son unto Henry IV. He is by his place Lord of all this goodly Suburb ; hath power of levying Taxes upon his tenants : and to him accrew all the profits of the great Fair holden here every February . The principall house in it is that of the Queen Mother , not yet fully built . The Gallery of it , which possesseth all the right side of the square , is perfectly finished , and said to be a most royall and majesticall peece . The further part also , opposite to the gate , is finished so far forth as concerneth the outside and strength of it ; the ornamentall parts and trappings of it being yet not added . When it is absolutely consummate , if it hold proportion with the other sides , both within and without , it will be a Palace for the elegancy and politenesse of the Fabrick , not fellowed in Europe . A Palace answerable to the greatnesse of her mind that built it ; yet it is by divers conjectured that her purpose is never to reside there : for which cause the building goeth but slowly forward . For when upon the death of her great Privado , the Marquesse D'Ancre , she was removed to Blois : those of the opposite taction in the Court got so strongly into the good opinion of the King , that not without great struglings , by those of her party , and the hazard of two civill wars , she obtained her former neernesse to his Majesty . She may see by this what to trust to , should her absence leave the Kings mind any way prepared for new impressions . Likely therefore it is , that she will rather choose to leave her fine house unhabited further then on occasions for a Banquet , then give the least opportunity to stagger her greatnesse . This house is called Luxembourg Palace , as being built in place of an old house belonging to the Duke of that Province . The second house of note in this Suburb is that of the Prince of Conde , to whom it was given by the Queen Mother , in the first year of her Regency . The Town of Paris , is that part of it , which lyeth on this side of the hithermost branch of the Seine towards Picardie . What was spoken before in the generall hath its reference to this particular ; whether it concern the sweetnesse of the streets , the manner of the building , the furniture of the artificer , or the like . It containeth in it 13 Parish Churches , viz. St. German de l'Auxerre , 2 St. Eustace , 3 Les Saints Innocents , 4 St. Savueur , 4 St. Nicolas des champs . 6 L● Sepulore . 7 St. Iacques de la bouchierie , 8 St. Josse , 9 St. Mercy , 10 St. Jean , 11 St. Gervase , and St. Protasse , 12 St. Paul , and 13 St. Jean le tonde It also hath in it 7 Gates , sc . 1 St. Anthony upon the side of the river neer unto the Arcenall . 2 Porte du Temple . 3 St. Martim . 4 St. Denis . 5 Mont martre . 6 St. Honorè , and 7 Porte Neufue , so called because it was built since the others , which joyneth hard upon the Tnilleries , the Garden of the Louure . The principall Governour of Paris , as also of the whole Isle of France , is the Duke of Monbazon , who hath held this office ever since the year 1619. when it was surrendred by Luines ; but he little medleth with the City . The particular Governours of it are the two Provosts , the one called Le Provost du Paris , the other Le Provost des Merchands . The Provost of Paris determineth of all causes between Citizen and Citizen , whether they be criminall or civill . The office is for term of life ; the place of judgement , the Grand Chastelet . The present Provost is called Mr. Seguier , and is by birth of the Nobility ; as all which are honoured with this office must be . He hath as his assistants three Lieutenants ; the Lieutenant criminall , which judgeth in matters of life and death ; the Lieutenant civill , which decideth causes of debt or trespasse between party and party ; and the Lieutenant particular , who supplyeth their severall places in their absence . There are also necessarily required to this Court the Procureur , and the Advocate , or the Kings Sollicitour , and Attorney , 12 Counsellours , and of under-officers more then enough . This Office is said to have been erected in the time of Lewis the son of Charles the great . In matters criminall there is appeal admitted from hence to the Tournelle . In matters civill , if the sum exceed the value of 250 Livres , to the great Chamber , or Le grande Chambre in the Court of Parliament . The Provost of the Merchants , and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus , who began his reign anno 1190. His office is to conserve the liberties and indulgences , granted to the Merchants and Artificers of the City : to have an eye over the sales of Wine , Corn , Wood , Cole , &c. and to impose taxes on them ; to keep the keyes of the Gates , to give watch word in time of war ; to grant Past-ports to such as are willing to leave the Town , and the like . There are also four other Officers joyned unto him , Escbevins they call them , who also carry a great sway in the City . There are moreover Assistants to them in their proceedings , the Kings Sollicitour ( or Procureur ) and 24 Counsellours . To compare this Corporation with that of London , the Provost is as the Maior , the Eschevins as the Sheriffs , the 24 Counsellours as the Aldermen , and the Procureur as the Recorder . I omit the under-officers , whereof there is no scarcity . The place of their meetings is called L' hostel de ville , or the Guilde-hall The present Provost , Mr. de Grieux , his habit , as also that of the Eschevins , and Counsellours , half red , half skie coloured , the City livery with a hood of the same . This Provost is as much above the other in power , as men which are loved , commonly are above those which are feared . This Provost the people willingly , yea sometimes factiously obey , as the conservator of their liberties ; the other they only dread as the Judge of their lives , and the tyrants over their Estates . To shew the power of this Provost , both for and with the people against their Princes , you may please to take notice of two instances . For the people against Philip de Valois , anno 1349. when the said King desiring an Impost of one Livre in five Crowns , upon all wares sold in Paris , for the better managing of his Wars against the English , could obtain it but for one year only ; and that not without speciall letters reversall , that it should no way incommodate their priviledges . With the people , anno 1357 , when King John was Prisoner in England , and Charles the Daulphin , afterwards the fift of that name , laboured his ransome amongst the Parisians . For then Stephen Marcell the Provost , attended by the Vulgar Citizens , not only brake open the Daulphins Chamber , but flew John de Conf●ans and Robert of Clermount , two Marschals of France , before his face Nay , to add yet further insolencies to this , he took his party-coloured hood off his head , putting it on the Daulphins , and all that day wore the Daulphins hat , being a brown black ; Pour signal de sa dictature , as the token of his Dictatorship . And which is more then all this , he sent the Daulphin cloth to make him a Gowne and an Ho●d of the City livery ; and compelled him to avow the massacre of his servants above named , as done by his commandement : Horrible insolencies ! Quam miserum est cum haec impune facere potuisse ? as Tully of Marcus Antonius . The Armes of this Town , as also of the Corporation of the Provost and Eschevins , are Gule● , a Ship Argent ; a Chief , powdred with flower de Lyces , Or. The seat or place of their assembly , is called ( as we said ) L' h●stell de ville , or the Guild-hall . It was built or rather finished by Francis the first , anno 1533. and since beautifyed and repaired by Francis Miron , once Provost des Merchands , and afterwards Privie Counseller to the King. It standeth on one side of the Greve , which is the publick place of execution , and is built quadrangular wise , all of free and polished stone , evenly and orderly laid together . You ascend by 30 or 40 steps , fair and large , before you come into the Quadrate ; and thence by severall staires into the severall rooms and Chambers of it , which are very neatly contrived and richly furnished . The grand Chastelet is said to have been built by Julian the Apostata , at such time as he was Governor of Gaul . It was afterwards new built by Philip Augustus : and since repaired by Lewis XII . in which time of reparation , the Provost of Paris kept his Courts in the Palace of the Louure . To sight it is not very gratious , what it may be within I know not . Certain I am , that it looketh far more like a prison ( for which use it also serveth ) then a Town hall or seat of judgment . In this part of Paris called La ville , or the Town , is the Kings A●cenal or Magazin of War ; it carryeth not any great face of majesty on the out-side , neither indeed is it necessary ; such places are most beautifull without , when they are most terrible within . It was begun by Henry II. finished by Charles the ninth , and augmented by Mr. De Rhosny , great Master of the Artillery . It is said to contain 100 field-pieces and their carriages ; as also Armor sufficient for 10000 horse , and 50000 foot . In this part also of Paris is that excellent pile of building called the Place Royall , built partly at the charges , and partly at the encouragement of Henry IV. It is built in forme of a quadrangle , every side of the square being in length 72 fathomes ; the materials Brick of divers colours , which makes it very pleasing , though lesse durable . It is cloystered round , just after the fashion of the Royall Exchange in London , the walks being paved under foot . The houses of it are very fair and large , every one having its Garden and other out-lets . In all they are 36 , nine of a side , and seem to be sufficient capable of a great retinue ; the Ambassadour for the estate of Venice , lying in one of them . It is situate in that place , whereas formerly the solemn Tiltings were performed , a place famous and fatall for the death of Henry II. who was here slain with the splinters of a Lance , as he was running with the Earl of Montgomery , a Scotish-man ; a sad and heavie accident . To conclude this discourse of the Ville or Town of Paris , I must a little wander out of it ; because the power and command of the Provost saith it must be so : for his authoriis not confined within the Town . He hath seven daughters on which he may exercise it ; Les sept filles de la Provoste de Paris , as the French call them . These seven daughters are seven Bailiwicks , comprehended within the Vicountie of Paris , viz. 1 Potssy . 2 St. German en lay . 3 Tornon 4 Torcie en Brie . 5 Corbeil . 6 Montlierie . And 7 Ginness en France . Over these his jurisdiction is extended , though not as Provost of Paris . Here he commandeth and giveth judgement as Lieutenant civill to the Duke of Monbazon , or the supream Governour of Paris , and the Isle of France , f●r the time being . Yet this Lieutenant being an Office perpetually annexed to the Provostship , is the occasion that the Biliwicks above named are called Les sept filles de la Prevostè . CHAP. VI. The University of Paris , and Founders of it . Of the Colledges in general . Marriage when permitted to the Recters of them . The small maintenance allowed to Scholars in the Universities of France . The great Colledge at Tholoza . Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular ; That and the House of Parliament , the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty . Of the Polity and Government of the University . The Rector and his precedency ; The disordered life of the Scholars there being . An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge . The priviledges of the Scholars , their degrees , &c. THat part of Paris which lyeth beyond the furthermost branch of the Seine , is called the University . It is little inferiour to the Town for bigness , and lesse superior to it in sweetness or opulency . Whatsoever hath been said of the whole in general , was intended to this part also , as well as the others : all the learning in it , being not able to free it from those inconveniences , wherewith it is distressed . It containeth in it only six parish Churches : the paucity whereof is supplyed by the multitude of religious houses , which are within it . These six Churches are called by the names of St. Nicholas du Chardonuere , 2. St. Estienne , at this time in repairing . 3. St. Severin . 4. St. Bennoist . 5. St. Andre . And 6. St. Cosome . It hath also eight Gates , viz. 1. Porte de Neste , by the water side over against the Louure . 2. Porte de Buçi. 3. St. Germain . 4. St. Michell . 5. St. Jacques . 6. St. Marcell . 7. St. Victor , and 8. Porte de la Tornelle . It was not accounted as a distinct member of Paris , or as the third part of it , untill the year 1304. at what time the Scholars having lived formerly dispersed about the City , began to settle themselves together in this place : and so to become a peculiar Corporation . The University was founded by Charles the great , anno 791. at the perswasion of Alcuine an Oxford man , and the Scholar of venerable Bede : who brought with him three of his con disciples to be the first readers there : their names were Rabbanus Maurus , John Erigena , surnamed Scolus ; & Claudus , who was also called Clement . To these four doth the University of Paris owe its originall and first rudiments : neither was this the first time , that England had been the School-mistress unto France ; we lent them not only their first Doctors in Divinity and Philosophy ; but from us also did they receive the mysteries of their Religion , when they were Heathens . Disciplina in Britannia reperta , ( saith Julius Caesar Com. 6. ) atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur . An authority not to be questioned by any , but by a Caesar . Learning thus new born at Paris , continued not long in any full vigour . For almost 300 years it was fallen into a deadly trance : and not here only , but also through the greatest part of Europe : anno 1160. or thereabouts Peter Lombard , Bishop of Paris , the first author of Scholastical Divinity ; and by his followers called the Master of the Sentences ; revived it here in this Town by the favour and encouragement of Lewis 7. In his own house were the Lectures first read : and after as the numbers of Students did encrease , in sundry other parts of the Town ; Colledges they had none till the year 1304. The Scholars till then sojourning in the houses of the Citizens , accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment . But anno 1304. Joane , Queen of Navarre , wife to Philip the fair , built that Colledge , which then and ever since hath been called the Colledge of Navarre : and is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest . Nonibi constituunt exempla ubi coeperunt , sed in tenuem accepta tramitem , latissime evagandi viam sibi faciunt : as Velleius . This good example ended not in it self : but incited divers others of the French Kings , and people , to the erecting of convenient places of study . So that in process of time , Paris became enriched with 52 Colledges . So many it still hath , though the odde forty are little serviceable unto learning , for in twelve only of them is there any publick reading , either in Divinity or Philosophy . Those twelve are the Colledges of Harcourte . 2. Caillvi , or the Petit Sorbonne . 3. Lisseux , or Lexovium . 4 Boncourte . 5. Montague . 6. Le Marche . 7. Navarre . 8. De la Cardinal de Moyne . 9. Le Plessis . 10. De Beavais . 11. La Sorbonne . 12. De Clermont , or the Colledge of the Jesuites : there are also publique readings in the houses of the four orders of Fryers Mendicants , viz. the Carmelites , the Augustins , the Franciscans , or Cordeliers , and the Dominicans . The other Colledges are destinated to other uses . That of Arras is converted to an house of English fugitives ; and there is another of them hard by the Gate of St. Jacques , employed for the reception of the Irish . In others of them there is lodging allotted out to Students , who for their instructions have resort to some of the 12 Colledges above mentioned . In each of these Colledges there is a Rector : most of whose places yeeld to them but small profit . The greatest commodity which accreweth to them is raised from chamber Rents : their preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford ; or that of a Treasurer in an Inne of Chancery in London . At the first erection of their Colledges , they were all prohibited marriage , though I see little reason for it . There can hardly come any inconvenience or dammage by it , unto the scholars under their charge , by the assuming of leases into their own hands : for I think few of them have any to be so imbezled . Anno 1520. or thereabouts it was permitted unto such of them as were Doctors in Physick , that they might marry : the Cardinall of Toute Ville , Legat in France , giving unto them that indulgence . Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Lawes petitioned the University for the like priviledge : which in fine was granted to them , and confirmed by the Court of Parliament . The Doctors of Divinity are the only Academicals now barred from it : and that not as Rectors , but as Priests . These Colledges for their buildings are very inelegant , and generally little beholding to the curiosity of the artificer . So confused and so proportioned in respect of our Colledges in England , as Exeter in Oxford was some 12. years since , in comparison of the rest : or as the two Temples in London now are , in reference to Lincolns-Inne . The revenues of them are suitable to the Fabricks , as mean and curtailed . I could not learn of any Colledge , that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne : and how small a trifle that is , we shall tell you presently . But this is not the poverty of the University of Paris only : all France is troubled with the same want , the same want of encouragement in learning : neither are the Academies of Germanie in any happier state , which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times , having been in England and seen Cambridge , to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance , Vnum Collegium Cantabrigiense ( confidenter dicam ) superat vel decem nostra . It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings , in which sense he spake it : but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the revenues . Yet I was given to understand , that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colledges , one of an especiall quality : and so indeed it is , if rightly considered . There are said to be in it 20 Students places , ( or fellowships as we call them ) . The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florens , or Livres ; paid unto him after six years , by his successor : Vendere jure potest , emerat ille prius . A pretty market . The Colledge of Sorbonne , which is indeed the glory of this University , was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the chamber of Lewis the 9. of whom he was very well beloved . It confisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity : neither can any of another profession , nor any of the same profession not so graduated , be admitted into it . At this time their number is about 70 ; their allowance , a pint of wine , ( their pinte is but a thought lesse then our quart ) and a certain quantity of bread daily . Meat they have none allowed them , unless they pay for it : but the pay is not much : for five Sols ( which amounteth to six pence English ) a day , they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish , to be served to them at their chambers . These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity : the Rector and other officers of the University , having nothing to do in it . To them alone belongeth the examination of the students in the faculty , the approbation , and the bestowing of the honour : and to their Lectures do all such assiduously repair , as are that way minded . All of them in their turnes discharge this office of reading , and that by sixes in a day : three of them making good the Pulpit in the forenoon ; and as many in the afternoon . These Doctors are accounted , together with the Parliament of Paris , the principal pillars of the French Liberty : whereof indeed they are exceeding jealous , as well in matters Ecclesiastical as Civil . When Gerson Chancellor of Paris ( he died Anno 1429. ) had published a book in approbation of the Councell of Constance ; where it was enacted that the authority of the Councell was greater then that of the Pope : the Sorborne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine . Afterwards , when Lewis the 1 , 1. to gratifie Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatick sanction ; the Sorbonnists in behalf of the Church Gallican , and the University of Paris ; Magnis obsistebant animis , ( saith Sleidan in his Commentaries ) & a Papa provocabant ad Concilium . The Councell unto which they appealed was that of Basil ; where that sanction was made : so that by this appeal , they verified their former Thesis ; that the Councell was above the Pope . And not long since , anno viz. 1613. casually meeting with a book written by Becanus , entituled , Controversia Anglicana de potestate regis & papae : they called an assembly , and condemned it . For though the main of it , was against the power and supremacy of the Kings of England : yet did it reflect also on the authority of the Pope over other Christian Kings by the bie , which occasioned the Sentence . So jealous are they of the least circumstances , in which the immunity of their nation may be endangered . As for the Government of the University , it hath for its chief directour , a Rector : with a Chancellor , four Procurators or Proctors , and as many others , whom they call Les Intrantes , to assist him ; besides the Regents . Of these the Regents are such Masters of the Arts , who are by the consent of the rest , selected to read the publick Lectures of Logick and Philosophy . Their name they derive a regendo , eo quod in artibus rexerint . These are divided into four Nations , viz. 1 The Norman . 2 The Picarde . 3. The German . And 4 The French. Under the two first are comprehended the students of those several Provinces : under the third , the Students of all forein nations , which repair hither for the attainment of knowledge . It was heretofore called natio Anglica : but the English being thought unworthy of the honour , because of their separation from the Church of Rome ; the name and credit of it was given to the Germans . That of the French is again subdivided into two parts : that which is immediately within the Diocese of Paris ; and that which containeth the rest of Gallia . These four Nations ( for notwithstanding the subdivision above mentioned , the French is reckoned but as one ) choose yearly four Proctors or Procurators ; so called , quia negotia nationis suae procurant . They choose four other officers , whom they call les Intrantes : in whose power there remaineth the Delegated authority of their several Nations . And here it is to be observed , that in the French Nation , the Procurator , and Intrant , is one year of the Diocese of Paris ; and the following year of the rest of France : the reason why that Nation is subdivided . These four Intrantes thus named , have amongst them the election of the Rector : who is their supreme Magistrate . The present Rector is named Mr. Tarrienus , of the Colledge of Harcourte : a Master of the Arts , for a Doctor is not capable of the Office. The honour lasteth only three moneths ; which time expired , the Intrantes proceed to a new election : though oftentimes it hapneth that the same man hath the lease renued . Within the confines of the University , he taketh place next after the Princes of the bloud : and at the publique exercises of learning before the Cardinals , otherwise he giveth them the precedency . But to Bishops or Archbishops he will not grant it upon any occasion . It was not two moneths before my being there , that there hapned a shrewd controversie about it . For their King had then summoned an assembly of 25. Bishops of the Provinces adjoyning , to consult about some Church affairs ; and they had chosen the Colledge of Sorbonne to be their Senate-house : when the first day of their sitting came , a Doctor of the house being appointed to preach before them : began his oration with Reverendissime Rector , & vos amplissimi praesules . Here the Archbishop of Roven , a man of an high spirit , interrupted him and commanded him to invert his stile . He obeyed , and presently the Rector riseth up with Impono tibi silentium : which is an injunction within the compasse of his power . Upon this the Preacher being tongue-tied , the controversie grew hot between the Bishops and the Rector , both parties very eagerly pleading their own priority . All the morning being almost spent in this altercation , a Cardinal wiser then the rest , desired that the question might for that time be layed aside : and that the Rector would be pleased to permit the Doctor to deliver his Sermon , beginning it without any praeludium at all . To which request the Rector yeelded , and so the contention at that time was ended . But salus academiae non vertitur in istis . It were more for the honour and profit of the University , if the Rector would leave off to be so mindefull of his place , and look a little to his office . For certainly never the eye and utmost diligence of a Magistrate was wanting more , and yet more necessary , then in this place . Penelopes suitors never behaved themselves so insolently in the house of Ulysses , as the Academicks here do in the houses and streets of Paris . Nos numeri sumus , & fruges consumere nati , Sponsi Penelopes , nebolones Alcinoique — not so becoming the mouth of any as of those . When you hear of their behaviour , you would think you were in Turkie : and that these men were the Janizaries . For an Angel given amongst them to drink , they will arrest whom you shall appoint them : double the money , and they shall break open his house , and ravish him into the Gaole . I have not heard that they can be hired to a murder : though nothing be more common amongst them then killing , except it be stealing . Witness those many carkasses which are found dead in the morning , whom a desire to secure themselves and make resistance to their pillages ; hath only made earth again . Nay , which is most horrible , they have regulated their villanous practises into a Common-wealth : and have their captains and other officers , who command them in their night-walks ; and dispose of their purchases . To be a Gipsie and a Scholar of Paris , are almost Synonyma . One of their Captains had in one week ( for no lon●er would the gallowes let him enjoy his honour ) stolne no fewer then 80 cloaks . Num fuit Autolyci tam piceata manus ? For these thefts , being apprehended , he was adjudged to the wheel : but because the Judges were informed that during the time of his reign , he had kept the hands of himself and his company unpolluted with bloud ; he had the favour to be hanged . In a word , this ungoverned rable , ( whom to call scholars were to profane that title ) omit no outrages or turbulent misdemeanors , which possibly can be , or were ever known to be committed in place ; which consisteth meerly of priviledge , and nothing of statute . I would heartily wish that those who are so ill conceited of their own two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge , and accuse them of dissoluteness in their behaviour ; would either spend some time in the Schools beyond seas : or enquire what newes abroad , of those which have seen them . Then would they doubtless see their own errors , and correct them . Then would they admire the regularity and civility of those places , which before they condemned of debauchednesse . Then would they esteem those places as the seminary of modesty and vertue , which they now account as the nurseries only of an impudent rudeness . Such an opinion I am sure some of the Aristarchi of these daies , have lodged in their breasts , concerning the misgovernment of our Athens . Perhaps a kinsman of theirs hath played the unthrist , equally of his time and money : hence their malice to it , and their invectives against it . Thus of old , — — Pallas exurere classem Argivam , atque ipsos potuit submergere ponto Unius ob culpam & furias Aiacis Oïlei . An injustice more unpardonable , then the greatest sin of the Universities . But I wrong a good cause with an unnecessary patronage . Yet such is the peccant humour of some , that they know not how to expiate the follies of one but with the calumnie and dispraise of all . An unmanly weaknesse , and yet many possessed with it . I know it unpossible , that in a place of youth and liberty some should not give occasion of offence . The Ark wherein there were eight persons only , was not without one Cham , and of the twelve which Christ had chosen , one was a Devill . It were then above a miracle , if amongst so full a cohort of young souldiers , none should forsake the Ensign of his Generall : he notwithstanding that should give the imputation of cowardize to the whole army ; cannot but be accounted malitious or peevish . But let all such as have evill will at Sion , live unregarded , and die unremembred , for want of some Scholar to write their Epitaph . Certainly a man not wedded to envie , and a spitefull vexation of spirit , upon a due examination of the civility of our Lycaea , and a comparison of them with those abroad , cannot but say , and that justly , Non habent Academiae Anglicanae pares , nisi seipsas . The principal cause of the rudeness and disorders in Paris have been chiefly occasioned by the great priviledges wherewith the Kings of France intended the furtherance and security of learning . Having thus let them get the bridle in their own hands , no marvel if they grow sick with an uncontrolled licenciousnesse . Of these priviledges some are , that no Scholars goods can be seized upon , for the payment of his debts : that none of them should be liable to any taxes or impositions ( a royall immunity to such as are acquainted with France : ) that they might carry and recarry their utensils without the least molestation : that they should have the Provost of Paris to be the keeper and defender of their liberties , who is therefore stiled , Le conservateur des privileges royaux de l' Universite de Paris , &c. One greater priviledge they have yet then all these ; which is their soon taking of degrees . Two years seeth them Novices in the Arts , and Masters of them . So that enjoying by their degrees an absolute freedome , before the follies and violences of youth are broke in them : they become so unruly and insolent , as I have told you . These degrees are conferred on them by the Chancellor , who seldome examineth further of them then his sees . Those payed , he presenteth them to the Rector , and giveth them their Letters Patents sealed with the University Seal : which is the main part of the creation . He also setteth the Seal to the Authenticall Letters ( for so they term them ) of such whom the Sorbonnists have passed for Doctors . The present Chancellor is named Petrus de Pierre vive , Doctor of Divinity , and Canon of the Church of Nostre Dame : ( as also are all they which enjoy that office ) . He is chosen by the Bishop of Paris , and taketh place of any under that dignity . But of this ill-managed University , enough , if not too much . CHAP. VII . The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia . The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University . King Henry's Statua . Alexander's injurious policy . The Church and revenues of Nostre dame . The Holy-water there . The original making and vertue of it . The Lamp before the Altar . The heathenishnesse of both customes . Paris best seen from the top of this Church : the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder : the baptizing of Bels , the grand Hospital and decency of it . The place Daulphin . The holy Chappel and Reliques there . What the Ancients thought of Reliques . The Exchange . The little Chastelet . A transition to the Parliament . THE Isle of Paris , commonly called L'Isle du Palais , seated between the University and the Town : is that part of the whole , which is called La Cite , the City , the epitome and abstract of all France . It is the sweetest and best ordered part of all Paris ; and certainly if Paris may be thought to be the eye of the Realm ; this Island may be equally judged to be the apple of that eye . It is by much the lesser part , and by as much the richer , by as much the decenter : and affordeth more variety of objects , then both the other . It containeth an equall number of Parish Churches , with the Town , and double the number of the University . For it hath in it 13 Churches parochial , viz. la Magdalene . 2 St. Geniveue des ardents . 3 St. Christopher . 4 St. Pierre aux Boeufs . 5 St. Marine . 6 St. Lander . 7 St. Symphorian . 8 St. Denis de la charite . 9 St. Bartellemie . 10 St. Pier●● des Assis . 11 St. Croix . 12 St. Marciall . 13 St. German de vieux . Seated it is in the middle of the Seine , and in that place where stood the old Lutetia : Labienus cum quatuor legionibus ( saith Jul. Caesar 70 Comment . ) Lutetiam proficiscitur : id est opidum Parisiorum positum in medio fluminis Sequanae . It is joyned to the main land , and the other parts of this French Metropolis , by six Bridges , two of wood , and four of stone : the stone Bridges , are 1 Le petit pont , a Bridge which certainly deserveth that name . 2 Le pont de Nostre dame , which is all covered with two goodly ranks of houses : and those adorned with portly and antick imagery . 3 Le pont St. Michell , so called , because it leadeth towards the Gate of St. Michell ; hath also on each side a beautifull row of houses : all of the same fashion , so exactly , that but by their severall doors , you would scarce think them to be several houses . they are all new , as being built in the reign of this present King , whose armes is engraven over every door of them . The fourth and largest Bridge , is that which standeth at the end of the Isle next the Louure ; and covereth the waters now united again into one stream . It was begun to be built by Katharine of Medices , the Queen-Mother , anno 1578. her Son King Henry the 3. laying the first stone of it . The finishing of it was reserved unto Henry 4. who as soon as he had setled his affairs in this Town , presently set the workmen about it . In the end of it where it joyneth to the Town , there is a water-house which by artificiall engines forceth up waters from a fresh spring , rising from under the river : done at the charge of this King also . In the midst of it is the Statua of the said Henry 4. all in brasse , mounted on his barbed Steed , of the same mettle . They are both of them very unproportionable unto those which they represent : and would shew them big enough , were they placed on the top of Nostre dame Church . What minded King Lewis to make his father of so gigantive a stature , I cannot tell . Alexander at his return from his Indian expedition , scattered Armours , Swords , and Horsebits , far bigger then were serviceable : to make future ages admire his greatnesse . Yet some have hence collected , that the acts he performed are not so great as they are reported : because he strived to make them seem greater then they were . It may also chance to happen , that men in the times to come , comparing the atchievements of this King , with his brazen portraiture : may think that the historians have as much belied his valour as the statuary hath his person . A ponte ad pontifices . From the Bridge proceed we to the Church , the principal Church of Paris : being that Nostre dame . A Church very uncertain of its first founder , though some report him to be St. Savinian : of whom I can meet with no more then his name . But who ever laid the first foundation , it much matters not : all the glory of the work being now cast on Philip Augustus ; who pitying the ruines of it , began to build it anno 1196. It is a very fair and awfull building , adorned with a very beautiful front , and two towers of especiall height . It is in length 174 paces , and 60 in bredth : and is said to be as many paces high : and that the two towers are 70 yards higher then the rest of the Church . At your first entrance on the right hand , is the effigies of St. Christopher , with our Saviour on his shoulders . A man , the Legend maketh him as well as the Mason , of a gyantlike stature ; though of the two , the Mason's workmanship is the more admirable : his being all cut out of one main stone ; that of the Legendary being patched up of many fabulous and ridiculous shreds : it hath in it four ranks of pillars 30 in rank ; and 45 little Chappels , or Masseclosets , built between the outermost range of pillars , and the wals . This is the seat of the Archbishop of Paris , for such now he is . It was a Bishoprick only till the year 1622. When Pope Gregory the 15. at the request of King Lewis , raised it to a Metropolitanship . But by this addition of honour , I think the present Incumbent hath got nothing , either in precedency or profit . He had before a necessary voice in the Court of Parliament , and took place immediately next after the Presidents , he doth no more now . Before he had the priority of all the Bishops , and now he is but the last of all the Archbishops : a preferment rather intellectuall then reall : and perhaps his successors may account it a punishment ; for besides that the dignity is too unweildy for the revenue , which is but 6000 Livres or 600 l. English yearly : like enough it is , that some may come into that Sea of Caesar's minde , who being in a small village of the Alps , thus delivered his ambition to his followers , Mallem esse hic primus , quam Romae secundus . The present possessor of this Chair , is Francis de Gondi , by birth a Florentine : one , whom I have heard much famed for a Statesman , but little for a Scholar . But had he nothing in him , this alone were sufficient to make him famous to posterity , that he was the first Archbishop , and the last Bishop of the City of Paris . There is moreover in this Church a Dean , 7 Dignities , and 50 Canons . The Deans place is valued at 4000 Livres , the Dignities at 3000 , and the Canons at 2000 ; no great intrados : and yet unproportionable to the Archbishoprick . At Dieppe ( as I have said ) I observed the first Idolatry of the Papists : here I noted their first superstitions ; which were the needlesse use of Holy water , and the burning of Lamps before the Altar . The first is said to have been the invention of Pope Alexander the 7. Bishop of Rome in their account after Peter . I dare not give so much credit unto Platina , as to believe it of this antiquity ; much less unto Bellarmine , who deriveth it from the Apostles themselves . In this paradox , he hath enemies enough at home , his own Doctors being all for Alexander , yet they also are not in the right . The principall foundation of their opinion , is an Epistle decretory of this Alexander : which in it self carrieth its own confuta●ion . The citations of Scripture , on which this Superstition is thought to be grounded , are all taken out of the vulgar Latine translation attributed to St. Hierome , whereas neither was there in the time of Alexander any publick Translation of the Bible into Latine : neither was St. Jerome born within 300 years after him . Holy-water then is not of such a standing in the Church , as the Papists would perswade us : and as yet I have not met with any , that can justly inform me at what time the Church received it ; many corruptions they have among them whereof neither they nor we can tell the beginnings . It consisteth of two ingredients , salt and water : each of them severally consecrated , or rather exorcised ; for so the words go : Exorcizo te creatura salis . And afterwards , Exorcizo te creatura aquae &c. This done , the salt is sprinkled into the water in form of a crosse , the Priest in the mean time saying , Commixtiosalis & aquae pariter fiat , in nomine patris , &c. Being made , it is put into a cistern standing at the entrance of their Church : the people at their coming in , sometimes dipping their fingers into it , and making with it the sign of the crosse on their foreheads : and sometimes being sprinkled with it by one of the Priests , who in course bestow that blessing upon them . Pope Alexander who is said to be the father of it , gave it the gift of purifying and sanctifying all which it washed : Ut cuncti illa aspersi purificentur , & sanctificentur , saith his Decretall . The Roman Rituall published and confirmed by Paulus 5. maketh it very soveraign , ad abigendos daemones , & spiritus immundos . Bellarmine maintaineth it a principall remedy , ad remissionem peccatorum venialium , and saith ; that this was the perpetuall doctrine of the Church . Augustin Steuchus in his Commentaries on Numbers , leaveth out venialia , and pronounceth it to be necessary , ut ad ejus aspersum delicta nostra deleantur , so omnipotent is this Holy-water , that the bloud of our Saviour Christ may be in a manner judged unnecessary ; but it is not only used in the Churches , the Rituale Romanum , of which I spake but now , alloweth any of the faithfull to carry it away with them in their vessels , ad aspergendos aegros , domos , agros , vineas & alia : & ad habendam eam in cabiculis suis . To which purposes you cannot but think this water to be exceeding serviceable . The second superstition which this Church shewed me was the continuall burning of a Lamp before the Altar , a ceremony brought into the Churches ( as it is likely ) by Pope Innocent 3. anno 1215. at what time he ordained that there should a pix be bought to cover the bread , and that it should be therein reserved over the Altar . This honour one of late times hath communicated also unto the virgin Mary : whose image in this Church , hath a lanthorn ex diametro before it : and in that a candle perpetually burning . The name of the Donour , I could not learn , only I met on the skreen close by the Ladies image this inscription , Une ave Maria , et un pater noster , pour l'in qui cela donne ; which was intended on him that bestowed the Lanthorn . No question but Pope Innocent , when he ordered this Vestall fi●e to be kept amongst the Christians , thought he had done God good service in reviving his old Commandement given to Moses in Exod. 27. 20 , 21 if so , the world cannot clear him of Judaism ; therefore the best way were to say he learned it of the Gentiles : For we read that the Athenians had Lychnum inextincti luminis , before the Statu● of their Pallas : that the Persians also had Ignem pervigilem in their Temples : and so also had the Medians and Assyrians . To omit the everlasting fire of Vesta and come neer home , we meet with it also here in Britain ; In Britannia quoque ( saith a good Philosopher ) Minervae numen colitur , in cujus temploperpetui ignes , &c. Afterwards the flattery of the Court applying divine honours unto their Kings , this custome of having fire continually burning before them , began to grow in fashion among the Romans . Herodian amongst other the ensignes of imperiall majesty , is sure not to omit this , and therefore telleth us , that notwithstanding Commodus was fallen out with his sister Lucilla , he permitteth her her antient seat in the Theatre , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that fire should still be carryed before her . The present Romans succeed the former , as in their possessions , so in their follies . For calling the Sacrament their Lord God , and the Virgin their Lady , they thought they should rob them of half their honour , should they not have their Lamps and fires also burning before them . As are their lamps , so is their holy-water , meerly Heathenish Siquidem in omnibus sacris ( as we read in the fourth Book Genialium dierum ) sac●rdos cum diis immolat , & rem divinam facit , corporis ablutione purgatur . The author giveth a reason for it , and I would have no Papist , no not Bellarmine himself to give a better ; Aquae enim aspersione labem to●i & castimoniam praestari putant . Neither did the Priest only use it himselfe , but he sprinkled also the people with it ; Spargere rore levi , & ramo foelicis olivae , Lustravitque viros : — As Virgil in the Aeneid's . In which place two things are to be noted : First , Ramus olivae , now called Aspersorium , or the sprinkling rod , wherewith the water is sprinkled on the by-standers . And secondly , the term lustrare , meerly the name of Aqua lustralis , by which they call it . That the laicks also of the Gentiles , were clensed of sin by this water , is evident by that of Homer , where he maketh Orestes having killed his mother , and thereupon grown mad , at once restored to his wits and quiet thoughts , by washing in the water . Perhaps Pilate might allude to this custome , when having condemned our Saviour , he washed his hands in the middest of the Congregation . Hereunto also Ovid : O faciles nimium , qui tristia crimina caedis Fluminea tolli posse putatis aqua . Indeed , in the word fluminea , the Poet was somewhat out , the waters only of the Sea serving for the expiation of any crime ; the reason was , Cum propter vim igneam magnopere purgationibus consentanea putaretur ; and for this cause questionlesse , do the Popish Priests use salt in the consecration of their holy-water ; that it might as nigh as was possible , resemble the waters of the Sea in saltnesse . So willing are they in all circumstances to act the Heathens . But I have kept you too long within the Church , it is now time to go up to the top , and survey the outworks of it . It hath , as we have already said , at the front two Towers of admirable beauty ; they are both of an equal height , and are each of them 377 steps in the ascent . From hence we could clearly see the whole circuite of Paris , and each severall street of it ; such as we have already described , of an orbicular form and neatly compacted . From hence could we see the whole valley round about it , such as I have also delineated already , though not in such lively colours as it meriteth . In one of these Towers there is a ring of Bels , in the other two only , but these for worth are equall to all the rest ; the bigger of the two is said to be greater then the Bell of Roven so much talked of ; as being 8 yards and a span in compasse , and two yards and a half in depth ; the bowl also of the clapper being one yard and a quarter round : of a great weight it needs must be , and therefore Multorum manibus grande levatur onus , there are no lesse then four main ropes , besides their severall tale-ropes , to ring it . By reason of this trouble it is never rung , but in time of thunders , and those no mean ones neither , lesser bels will serve to disperse the lesser tempests ; this is used only in the horrider claps , and such as threaten a dissolution of nature . But how well , as well this as the smaller bels discharge that office , experience would tell us were we void of reason ; yet so much do the people affiance themselves to this conceit of the power of them , that they suppose it inherent to them continually , after the Bishop hath baptized them ; which is done in this manner . The bell being so hanged that it may be washed within and without , in comes the Bishop in his Episcopall robes , attended by one of his Deacons , and sitting by the Bell in his chaire saith with a loud voice the 50 , 53 , 56 , 66 , 69 , 85 , and 12 Psalmes , or some of them : then doth he exorcize severally the salt and the water , and having conjured these ingredients into an Holy-water , he washeth with it the Bell , both on the inside and the outside , wiping it dry with a linnen cloth , he readeth the 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 , 149 , and 150 Psalms ; he draweth a crosse on it with his right thumb dipped in hallowed oyl , ( Chrisme they call it ) and then prayeth over it . His prayer finished , he wipeth out that crosse , and having said over the 48 Psalm , he draweth on it with the same oyl , seven other crosses , saying , Sanctificetur & consecretur Domine campana ista , in nomine , &c. After another prayer , the Bishop taketh the Censour , and putting into it Myrthe and Frankincense , setteth it on fire , and putteth it under the Bell that it may receive all the fume of it . This done , the 76 Psalm read and some other prayers repeated , the Bell hath received his whole and entire Biptisme , and these virtues following , viz. Ut per illius tactum procul pellantur omnes insidiae inimici , fragor grandium , procella turbinum , impetus tempestatum , &c. For so one of the prayers reckoneth them prescribed in the Roman Pontificall , authorized by Clement VIII . A strange piece of Religion that a Bell should be Baptized ; and so much the stranger , in that these inanimate bodies can be received into the Church , by no other ministry then that of the Bishop ; the true Sacrament being permitted to every hedge Priest . Not farre from the West gate of this Church of Nostre dame , is the Hostel dieu , or Le grand Hospital de Paris ; first founded by St. Lewis , anno 1258. it hath been since beautifyed and enlarged , anno 1535. by Mr. Anthony Pratt Chancellour of France , who augmented the number of Hospitalers ; and gave fair revenues for the maintaining of Chirurgeons , Apothecaries , and Religious men among them . Since that time , the Provosts and Eschevins of Paris have been especiall Benefactors unto it . At the first entrance into it , you come into their Chappell , small , but handsome and well furnished ; after , you passe into a long gallery , having four ranks of beds , two close to the two wals , and two in the middle . The beds are all sutable one to the other ; their Valence , Curtains and Rugs being all yellow . At the right hand of it , was a gallery more then double the length of this first , so also furnished . At the further end of this a door opened into another Chamber , dedicated only to sick women : and within them another room , wherein women with childe are lightned of their burden , and their children kept till seven years of age , at the charge of the Hospitall . At the middle of the first gallery towards the left hand , were four other ranks of beds , little differing from the rest , but that their furniture was blew ; and in them there was no place for any but such as were somewhat wounded , and belonged properly to the Chirurgeon . There are numbred in the whole Hospitall no fewer then 700 beds ( besides those of the attendants , Priests , Apothecaries , &c ) and in every bed two persons . One would imagine that in such a variety of wounds and diseases , a walke into it , and a view of it , might savour more of curiosity , then discretion , but indeed it is nothing lesse ; for besides that no person of an infectious disease is admitted into it : which maketh much for the safety of such as view it ; all things are there kept so cleanly , neatly and orderly , that it is sweeter walking there then in the best street of Paris , none excepted . Next unto these succeedeth La Sancte Chappelle , situate in the middle of the Palais ; a Chappell famous for its forme , but more for its Reliques . It was founded by Lewis IX . vulgarly called St. Lewis , 1248. and is divided into two parts , the upper and the lower , the lower serving for the keeping of the Reliques ; and the upper for celebrating the Masse . It is a comely spruce Edifice without , but far more curious within ; the glasse of it for the excellency of painting , and the Organs for the richnesse and elaborate workmanship of the case , not giving way to any in Europe . I could not learn the number of Chanoins , which are maintained in it , though I heard they were places of 300 Crowns revenue . As for their Treasurer , Le Threasururier , so they call their Governour ; He hath granted him by especall priviledge licence to wear all the Episcopall habits , except the Crosier-staffe ; and to bear himselfe as a Bishop within the liberties of his Chappell . In the top of the upper Chappell ( it is built almost in forme of a Synagogue ) there hangeth the true proportion ( as they say ) of the Crown of thornes : but of this more when we have gone over the Reliques . I was there divers times to have seen them , but ( it seemeth ) they were not vible to an Huganots eyes ; though me thinketh , they might have considered , that my money was Catholique . They are kept , as I said , in the lower Chappell , and are thus marshalled in a Table , hanging in the upper ; know then that you may believe that they can shew you the crown of thornes , the bloud which ran from our Saviours brest , his swadling cloutes , a great part of the Crosse ( they also of Nostre dame have some of it ) the chaine by which the Jewes bound him , no small peece of the stone of the Sepulchre , Sauctam toelam tabulae insertam , which I know not how to English . Some of the Virgins milke , ( for I would not have those of St. Denis think , that the Virgin gave no other milk , but to them ) the head of the Lance which pierced our Saviour , the purple Robe , the Sponge , a piece of his Shroud , the napkin wherewith he was girted when he washed his Disciples feet , the rod of Moses , the heads of St. Blase , St. Clement , and St. Simeon , and part of the head of John Baptist . Immediately under this recitall of these Reliques ( and venerable ones I durst say they were , could I be perswaded there were no imposture in them ) there are set down a Prayer and an Anthem , both in the same Table ; as followeth . Oratio . Quaesumus Omnipotens Deus , ut qui sacra sanctissimae redemptionis nostrae insignia , temporaliter veneramur : per haec indesinenter muniti , aeternitatis gloriam consequamur , per dominum nostrum , &c. De sacrosanctis reliquiis Antiphona . Christo plebs dedita , Tot Christi donis praedita Jocunder is hodie , Tota sis devota , Erumpens in jubilum , Depone mentis nubilum ; Tempus est laetitiae , Cura sit summota , Ecce crux et Lancea , ferrum , corona spinea , Arma regis gloriae , Tibi offerantur , Omnes terrae populi , laudent actorem seculi , Per quem tantis gratiae signis gloriantur . Amen . Pretty Divinity , if one had time to examine it . These Reliques as the Table informeth us , were given unto St. Lewis , ●n● . 1247. by Baldwin the II. the last King of the Lat●nes in Constantinople ; to which place the Christians of Palest●ne had brought them , during the times that those parts were harryed by the Turks and Sara●●ns . Certainly , were they the same , which they are given out to be , I see no harme in it , if we should honour them . The very reverence due unto antiquity and a silver head , could not but extract some acknowledgment of respect , even from an Heathen . It was therefore commendably done by Pope Leo , having received a parcell of the Crosse from the Bishop of Jerusalem , that he entertained it with respect , Particulam dominicae crucis ( saith he in his 72. Epistle ) cum Eulogiis dilectionis tuae venera●tur accepi . To adore and worship that or any other Relick whatsoever , with Prayers and Anthems , as the Papists you see do ; never came within the minds of the Antients , and therefore St. Ambrose calleth it , Gentilis error , & vanitas impiorum . This also was St. Hieroms Religion , as himself testifieth in his Epistle to Riparius , Nos ( saith he ) non dico Martyrum reliquias , sed ne Solem quidem & Lunam , non Angelos , &c. colimus & odoramus . Thus were those two fathers minded towards such Reliques , as were known to be no others then what they seemed : Before too many centuries of years had consumed the true ones ; and the impostures of the Priests had brought in false , had they lived in our times , and seen the supposed remnants of the Saints , not honoured only , but adored and worshipped by their blind and infatuated people ; what would they have said ? or rather , what would they not have said ? Questionlesse the least they could do , were to take up the complaint of Vigilantins ( the Papists reckon him for an Heretick ) saying , Quid necesse est tanto honore non solum honorare , sed etiam adorare , illud nescio quid , quod in vasculo transferendo colis ? Presently without the Chappell is the Burse , La Gallerie des Merchands ; a rank of shops , in shew , but not in substance , like to those in the Exchange in London It reacheth from the Chappell unto the great hall of Parliament ; and is the common through-fare between them . On the bottome of the staires and round about the severall houses , consecrated to the execution of Justice , are sundry shops of the same nature , meanly furnished if compared with ours ; yet I perswade my self the richest of this kind in Paris . I should now go and take a view of the Parliament house ; but I will step a little out of the way to see the Place Daulphin , and the little Chastelet ; this last serveth now only as the Gaole or Common-prison belonging to the Court of the Provost of Merchants , and it deserveth no other imployment . It is seated at the end of the Bridge called Petit Pont , and was built by Hugh Aubriot once Provost of this Town , to represse the fury and insolencies of the Scholars , whose rudenesse and misdemeanors can no wayes be better bridled . Omnes eos , qui nomen ipsum Academiae , vel serio , vel joco nominossent , haeereticos pronunciavit , saith Platina of Pope Paul the II. I dare say it of this wildernesse , that whosoever will account it as an Academy , is an Heretick to Learning and Civility . The Place Daulphin , is a beautifull heap of building , situate nigh unto the new Bridge . It was built at the encouragement of Henry IV. and entituled according to the title of his Son. The houses are all of brick , high built , uniforme , and indeed such as deserve and would exact a longer description , were not the Parliament now ready to sit , and my self sommoned to make my appearance . CHAP. VIII . The Parliament of France when begun ; of whom it consisted . The dignity and esteem of it abroad , made sedentarie at Paris , appropriated to the long robe . The Palais by whom built , and converted to seats of Justice . The seven Chambers of Parliament . The great Chamber . The number and dignity of the Presidents . The Duke of Biron afraid of them . The Kings seat in it . The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano . The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds ; and over the affaires of the King. This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France . La Tournelle , and the Judges of it . The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted , and by whom . In what cause it is decisive . The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament . The Chancellour of France and his Authority . The two Courts of Requests , and Masters of them . The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers . THe Court of Parliament was at the first instituted by Charles Martell Grandfather to Charlemaine , at such time as he was Maire of the Palace , unto the lasse and rechlesse Kings of France . In the beginnings of the French Empire , their Kings did justice to their people in person : afterwards banishing themselves from all the affaires of State , that burden was cast upon the shoulders of their Maiors ; an office much of a nature with the P●aefecti praetorio in the Roman Empire . When this office was bestowed upon the said Charles Martell , he partly weary of the trouble , partly intent about a businesse of an higher nature , which was , the estating the Crown in his own posterity ; but principally to endeer himself to the common people , ordained this Court of Parliament , anno 720. It consisted in the beginning of 12 Peers , the Prelates and noble men of the best fashion , together with some of the principallest of the Kings houshold . Other Courts have been called the Parliaments with an addition of place , as of Paris , at Roven , &c. this only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Parliament . It handled as well causes of estate , as those of private persons . For hither did the Ambassadors of neighbour Princes repaire , to have their audience and dispatch ; and hither were the Articles agreed on , in the nationall Synods of France sent to be confirmed and verified ; here did the subjects tender in their homages , and Oaths of fidelity to the King ; and here were the appeals heard of all such as had complained against the Comites , at that time the Governours and Judges in their severall Counties . Being furnished thus with the prime and choycest Nobles of the Land , it grew into great estimation abroad in the world ; insomuch that the Kings of Sicilie , Cyprus , Scotland , Bohemia , Portugall , and Navarre , have thought it no disparagement unto them to sit in it ; and which is more , when Frederick II. had spent so much time in quarrels with Pope Innocent IV. he submitted himself and the rightnesse of his cause to be examined by this Noble Court of Parliament . At the first institution of this Court , it had no setled place of residence , being sometimes kept at Tholoza , sometimes at Aix la Chappelle , sometimes in other places , according as the Kings pleasure , and ease of the people did require . During its time of peregrination , it was called Ambulatoire , following for the most part the Kings Court , as the lower sphaeres do the motion of the primum mobile ; but Philip le bel ( he began his reign anno 1286 ) being to take a journey into Flanders , and to stay there a long space of time , for the setling of his affaires in that Countrey , took order that this Court of Parliament should stay behind at Paris ; where ever since it hath continued . Now began it to be called Sedentaire or setled , and also peua peu , by little and little to lose much of its lustre . For the chief Princes and Nobles of the Kings retinue , not able to live out of the aire of the Court , withdrew themselves from the troubles of it ; by which means at last it came to be appropriated to them of the Long robe , as they term them , both Bishops and Lawyers . In the year 1463. the Prelates also were removed by the command of Lewis XI . an utter enemy to the great ones of his Kingdome , only the Bishop of Paris , and Abbot of St. Denis , being permitted their place in it : since which time the Professors of the civill law have had all the sway in it , Et cedunt arma togae , as Tully . The place in which this Sedentarie Court of Parliament is now kept , is called the Palace , being built by Philip le bel , and intended to be his mansion or dwelling house . He began it in the first year of his reign , anno 1286. and afterwards assigned a part of it to his Judges of the Parliament : it being not totally and absolutely quitted unto them till the dayes of King Lewis XII . In this the French Subjects are beholding to the English ; by whose good example they got the ease of a Sedentarie Court : our Law courts also removing with the King , till the year 1224. when by a Statute in the Magna Charta it was appointed to be fixt ; and a part of the Kings Palace in Westminster allotted for that purpose . Within the verge of this Palais are contained the seven Chambers of the Parliament ; that called La grande Chambre ; five Chambers of Inquisition , Des Enquestes ; and one other called La Tournelle . There are moreover the Chambers , des aides , des accomptes , de l' edict , des monnoyes , and one called La Chambre Royall ; of all which we shall have occasion to speak in their proper places : these not concerning the common government of the people , but only of the Kings revenues . Of these seven Chambers of Parliament , La grande Chambre is most famous ; and at the building of this house by Philip le bel , was intended for the Kings bed . It is no such beautifull piece as the French make it , that of Roven being far beyond it ; although indeed it much excell the fairest room of Justice in all Westminster ; so that it standeth in a middle rank between them , and almost in the same proportions as Virgil betwixt Homer and Ovid. Quantum Virgilius magno concessit Homero ; Tantum ego Virgilio Naso poeta meo . It consisteth of seven Presidents , 22 Counsellours , the Kings Atturney ; and as many Advocates and Proctours as the Court will please to give admission to . The Advocates have no setled studies within the Palais , but at the Barre ; but the Procureurs or Attorneys have their severall pews in the great Hall , which is without this Grande Chambre , in such manner as I have before described at Roven : a large building it is , fair and high roofed : not long since ruined by a casualty of fire , and not yet fully finished . The names of the Presidents are Mr. Verdun , the first President , or by way of excellencie , Le President , the second man of the Long robe in France . 2. Mr. Sequer , lately dead , and likely to have his son succeed him , as well in his Office , as in his Lands . 3. Mr. Leiger . 4. Mr. Dosambe . 5. Mr. Sevin . 6. Mr. Baillure . And 7. Mr. Meisme . None of these , neither Presidents nor Counsellors , can go out of Paris , when the Lawes are open , without leave of the Court : it was ordained so by Lewis XII . anno 1499. and that with good judgement ; Sentences being given with greater awe , and businesses managed with greater majesty when the Bench is full : and it seemeth indeed that they carry with them great terror ; for the Duke of Biron , a man of as uncontrouled spirit , as any in France , being called to answer for himself in this Court , protested , that those scarlet roabs did more amaze him , then all the red cassocks of Spain . At the left hand of this Grande Chambre , or Golden Chambre as they call it ; is a Throne or seat Royall , reserved for the King , when he shall please to come and see the administration of Justice amongst his people ; at common times it is naked and plain , but when the King is expected , it is clothed with blew-purple Velvet , femied with flowers de lys ; on each side of it are two formes or benches , where the Peers of both habits , both Ecclesiasticall and Secular , use to sit and accompany the King. But this is little to the ease or benefit of the Subject , and as little availeable to try the integrity of the Judges ; his presence being alwayes foreknown , and so accordingly they prepared . Far better then is it , in the Grande Signeur , where the Divano , or Councell of the Turkish affairs holden by the Bassas , is hard by his bed-chamber which looketh into it : the window which giveth him this entervenue is perpetually hidden with a curtain on the side of the partition , which is towards the Divano ; so that the Bassas and other Judges cannot at any time assure themselves that the Emperor is not listning to their sentences : an action in which nothing is Turkish or Mahometan . The authority of this Court extendeth it self unto all causes within the jurisdiction of it , not being meerly ecclesiasticall . It is a law unto it self , following no rule written in their sentences , but judging according to equity and conscience . In matters criminall of greater consequence , the processe is here immediately examined , without any preparation of it by the inferior Courts ; as at the arraignment of the Duke of Biron : and divers times also in matters personall . But their power is most eminent in disposing the affaires of State , and of the Kingdome . For such prerogatives have the French Kings given hereunto , that they can neither denounce War , nor conclude Peace , without the consent ( a formall one at the least ) of this Chamber . An alienation of the Lands of the Crown , is not any whit valid , unlesse confirmed by this Court : neither are his Edicts in force , till they are here verified : nor his Letters Patents for the creating of a Peer , till they are here allowed of . Most of these , I confesse , are little more then matters of form , the Kings power and pleasure being become boundlesse ; yet sufficient to shew the body of authority which they once had , and the shadow of it , which they still keep ; yet of late they have got into their disposing one priviledge belonging formerly to the Conventus ordinum , or the Assembly of three Estates , which is the conferring of the regency or protection of their King during his minority . That the Assembly of the three Estates formerly had this priviledge is evident by their stories . Thus we finde them to have made Queen Blanche Regent of the Realm , during the nonage of her son St. Lewis , 1227. That they declared Philip de Valois successor to the Crown , in case that the widow of Charles le bel , was not delivered of a son , 1357. As also Philip of Burgogne , during the Lunacy of Charles VI. 1394. with divers other . On the other side we have a late example of the power of the Parliament of Paris in this very case . For the same day that Henry IV. was slain by Ravilliao , the Parliament met , and after a short consultation , declared Mary de Medices , Mother to the King , Regent in France , for the government of the State , during the minority of her son , with all power and authority . Such are the words of the Instrument , Dated the 14 of May 1610. It cannot be said but that this Court deserveth not only this , but also any other indulgence , whereof any one member of the Common-wealth is capable . So watchfull are they over the health of the State , and so tenderly do they take the least danger threatned to the liberty of that Kingdom , that they may not unjustly be called , patres patriae . In the year 1614. they seized upon a discourse written by Suarez a Jesuite , Entituled , Adversus Anglicanae sectae errores : wherein the Popes temporall power over Kings and Princes is averred : which they sentenced to be burnt in the Palace-yard by the publick hangman . The year before they inflicted the same punishment upon a vain and blasphemous discourse penned by Gasper Scioppius , a fellow of a most desperate brain , and a very incendiary . Neither hath Bellarmine himself , that great Atlas of the Roman Church , escaped much better : for writing a book concerning the temporall power of his Holinesse , it had the ill luck to come into Paris , where the Parliament finding it to thwart the liberty and royalty of the King and Countrey , gave it over to the Hangman , and he to the fire . Thus it is evident that the titles which the French writers give it , as the true Temple of French Justice , the bu●tresse of equity , and the gardian of the rights of France , and the like , are abundantly deserved of it . The next Chamber in esteem is the Tournelle , which handleth all matters criminall . It is so called from tourner , which signifieth to change or alter ; because the Judges of the other severall chambers give sentence in this , according to their severall turns ; the reason of which institution is said to be , lest a continuall custome of condemning , should make the Judges lesse mercifull , and more prodigall of bloud : an order full of health and providence . It was instituted by the above named Philip de bel , at the same time when he made the Parliament sedentarie at Paris ; and besides its peculiar and originall imployments , it receiveth appeals from , and redresseth the errors of the Provost of Paris . The other five Chambers are called Des Enquestes , or Camerae inquisitionum ; the first and antientest of them was erected also by Philip le bel , and afterwards divided into two by Charles VII . Afterwards the multitude of Processes being greater then could be dispatched in these Courts , there was added a third . Francis the first established the fourth for the better raising of a sum of money which then he wanted ; every one of the new Counsellors paying right deerly for his place . The fifth and last was founded in the year 1568. In each of these severall Chambers there are two Presidents , and 20 Counsellors , besides Advocates and Proctours ad placitum . In the Tournelle , which is an aggregation of all the other Courts , there are supposed to be no sewer then 200 officers of all sorts ; which is no great number considering the many causes there handled . In the Tournelle , the Judges fit on life and death ; in the Chamber of Enquests , they examine only civill affaires of estate , title , debts , or the like . The pleaders in these Courts are called Advocates , and must be at the least Licentiates in the study of the Law. At the Parliaments of Theloza and Bourdeaux , they admit of none but Doctors . Now the forme of admitting them is this : In an open and frequent Court , one of the aged'st of the Long roab presenteth the party , which defireth admission , to the Kings Attorney generall , saying with a loud voice , Paise a cour recevoir N. N. licencie ( or Docteur ) en droict civil , a la office d' Advocate ; This said , the Kings Attorney biddeth him hold up his hand , and saith to him in Latine , Tu jurabis observare omnes regias consuetudines ; he answereth Juro , and departeth . At the Chamber door of the Court , whereof he is now sworn an Advocate , he payeth two crowns ; which is forth with put into the common treasury appointed for the relief of the distressed widows of ruined Advocates and Proctoms ; Hanc veniam perimusque damusque , it may be their own cases , and therefore it is paid willingly . The highest preferment of which these Advocates are capable is that of Chancellor , an office of great power and profit : the present Chancellor is named Mr. d' Allegre , by birth of Chartres . He hath no settled Court wherein to exercise his authority , but hath in all the Courts of France the Supream place whensoever he will vouchsafe to visite them . He is also President of the Councell of Estate by his place ; and on him dependeth the making of good and sacred laws , the administration of Justice , the reformation of superstuous , and abrogation of unprofitable Edicts , &c. He hath the keeping of the Kings great seal , and by virtue of that , either passeth or putteth back such Letters patents and Writs as are exhibited to him . He hath under him , immediately for the better dispatch of his affaires , four Masters of the Requests and their Courts . Their office and manner of proceeding , is the same which they also use in England ; in the persons there is thus much difference , for that in France , two of them must be perpetually of the Clergy . One of their Courts is very antient , and hath in it two Presidents , which are two of the Masters ; and 14 Counsellors . The other is of a later erection , as being founded anno 1580. and in that , the two other of the Masters and eight Counsellors give sentence . Thus have I taken a view of the severall Chambers of the Parliament of Paris , and of their particular jurisdictions , as far as my information could conduct me . One thing I noted further , and in my mind the fairest ornament of the Palace , which is the neatnesse and decency of the Lawyers in their apparell ; for besides the fashion of their habit , which is I allure you , exceeding pleasing and comely , themselves by their own care and love to handsomenesse , add great lustre to their garments , and more to their persons . Richly drest they are , and well may be so , as being the ablest and most powerfull men under the Princes and la Noblesse , in all the Countrey ; an happinesse , as I conjecture rather of the calling then the men . It hath been the fate and destinie of the Law to strengthen and inable its professors beyond any other Art or Science : the pleaders in all Common-wealths , both for sway amongst the people , and vogue amongst the military men , having alwayes had the preheminence . Of this rank were Pericles , Phocion , Alcibiades , and Demosthenes amongst the Athenians , Antonius , Cato , Caesar and Tully at Rome ; men equally famous for Oratory and the Sword : yet this I can confidently say , that the severall states above mentioned , were more indebted to Tully and Demosthenes , being both meer gown-men , then to the best of their Captains ; the one freeing Athens from the armies of Macedon , t●h other delivering Rome from the conspiracy of Catiline . O fortunatam natam te Consule Romam ! It is not then the fate of France only , nor of England , to see so much power in the hands of the Lawyers : and the case being generall , me thinks the envie should be the lesse : and lesse it is indeed with them then with us . The English Clergy , though otherwise the most accomplisht in the world , in this folly deserveth no Apologie ; being so strongly ill affected to the pleaders of their Nation , that I fear it may be said of some of them , Quod invidiam non ad causam , sed personam & ad voluntatem dirigunt ; a weaknesse not more unworthy of them , then prejudiciall to them . For by fostering between both gowns such an unnecessary emulation , they do but exasperate that power which they cannot controul , and betray themselves to much envie and discontentednesse ; a disease whose cure is more in my wishes then my hopes . CHAP. IX . The Kings Palace of the Louure , by whom built . The unsutablenesse of it . The fine Gallery of the Queen Mother . The long Gallery of Henry IV. His magnanimous intent to have built it into a quadrangle . Henry IV. a great builder . His infinite project upon the Mediterranean and the Ocean . La Salle des Antiques . The French not studious of Antiquities . Burbon house . The Tuilleries , &c. WE have discharged the King of one Palace , and must follow him to the other , where we shall finde his residence . It is seated at the West side of the Town or Ville of Paris , hard by Portenufue , and also by the new bridge . A house of great fame , and which the Kings of France have long kept their Court in . It was first built by Philip Augustus , anno 1214. and by him intended for a Castle : it first serving to imprison the more potent of the Nobles ; and to lay up the Kings treasury . For that cause it was well moated , strengthned with wals and drawbridges , very serviceable in those times . It had the name of Louure , quasi L'oeuure , or the work , the building , by way of excellency . An etymologie which draweth nigher to the ear , then the understanding , or the eye ; and yet the French writers would make it a miracle . Du Chesne calleth it , Superbe bastiment , qui n'a son esgal en toute la Christientè ; and you shall hear it called in an other place , Bestiment qui passe , aujourd hui en excellence et en grandeur , tous les autres . Brave elogies , if all were gold that glistered . It hath now given up its charge of money and great prisoners to the Bastile , and at this time serveth only to imprison the Court. In my life , I never saw any thing more abused by a good report , or that more belyeth the rumors that go of it . The ordinary talk of vulgar travellers , and the big words of the French , had made me expect at the least some prodigie of architecture ; some such Majesticall house as the Sunne Don Phoebus is said to have dwelt in , in Ovid. Regia Solis erat sublimibus alta columnis , Claramicante auro , flamasquè imitante pyropo , Cujus ebur nitidum , &c. Indeed I thought no fiction in Poetry had been able to have paralleld it : and made no doubt but it would have put me into such a passion as to have cryed out with the young Gallant in the Comedy , when he had seen his sweet-heart , Hei mihi qualis erat ? talis erat qualem nunquam vidi ; But I was much deceived in that hope , and could finde nothing in it to admire , much lesse to envie . The Fable of the Mountaine which was with childe , and brought forth a mouse ; is questionlesse a fable : this house and the large fame it hath in the world , is the morall of it . Never was there an house more unsutable to it self in the particular examination of parts , nor more unsutable to the character and esteem of it in the generall Survey of the whole . You enter into it over two draw bridges , and through three gates , ruinous enough , and abundantly unsightly . In the Quadrangle you meet with three severall fashions of building , of three severall ages , and they so unhappily joyned one to the other , that one would half believe they had been clapped together by an earthquake . The South and West parts of it are new , and indeed Princelike ; being the work of Francis the first , and his son Henry . Had it been all cast into the same mould , I perswade my self that it would be very gracious and lovely . The other two are of an ancient work , and so contemprible , that they disgrace the rest ; and of these I suppose the one fide to be at the least 100 years older then his partner : such is it without . As for the inside , it is far more gracefull , and would be pleasing at the entrance , were the Guard-chamber reformed . Some Hugonot architect , which were not in love with the errours of Antiquity , might make a pretty room of it ; a catholick Carpenter would never get credit by it : for whereas the provident thrift of our forefathers intended it ( for the house would else be too narrow for the Kings retinue ) both for a room of safety and of pleasure , both for bill-men and dancers ; and for that cause made up some six ranks of seats on each side ; that sparingnesse in the more curious eyes of this time , is little Kinglike : Countrey wenches might with indifferent stomach abuse a good Galliard in it , or it might perhaps serve with a stage at one end to entertain the Parisians at a play , or with a partition in the middle , it might be divided into two prety plausible Cockpits ; but to be employed in the nature it now is , either to solace the King and Lords in a dance , or to give any forain Ambassador his welcome in a Maske , is little sutable with the Majesty of a King of France . The Chambers of it are well built , but ill furnished ; the hangings of them being somewhat below a meannesse ; and yet of these there is no small scarcity . For , as it is said of the Gymnosophists of India , that Una Domus & mansioni sufficit & sepulturae : so may we of this Prince , the same Chamber serveth for to lodge him , to feed him , and also to confer and discourse with his Nobility . But like enough it is that this want may proceed from the severall Courts of the King , the Monsieur , the Queen Mother and the Qeen Regoant , being all kept within it . Proceed we now to the two Galleries , whereof the first is that of the Queen Mother , as being beautified and adorned exceedingly by Katbarine de Medices , mother to Henry III. and Charles IX . It containeth the pictures of all the Kings of France , and the most loved of their Queens , since the time of St. Lewis . They stand each King opposite to his Queen , she being that of his wives which either brought him most estate , or his fuccessors . The tables are all of a just length , very fair , and according to my little acquaintance with the Painter , of a most excellent workmanship , and which addeth much grace to it , they are in a manner a perfect History of the State and Court of France in their severall times . For under each of the Kings pictures , they have drawn the portraitures of most of those Lords whom valor and courage in the field enobled beyond their births . Under each of the Queens the lively shapes of the most principall Ladies , whose beautie and virtue had honored the Court. A dainty invention , and happily expressed . At the further end of it standeth the last King and the present Queen Mother ; who fill up the whole room . The succeeding Princes , if they mean to live in their pictures , must either build new places for them , or else make use of the long Gallery built by Henry IV. and which openeth into that of the Queen Mother . A Gallery it is of an incredible length , as being above 500 yards long , and of a breadth and height not unporportionable ; a room built rather for ostentation then use , and such as hath more in it of the majesty of its founder then the grace . It was said to have been erected purposely to joyn the Louure unto the House and Garden of the Tuilleries , an unlikely matter that such a stupendious building should be designed only for a cleanly conveyance into a Summer house : others are of an opinion that he had a resolution to have made the house quadrangular , every side being correspondent to this which should have been the common Gallery to the rest . Which design had it taken effect , this Palace would at once have been the wonder of the world , and the envy of it . For my part , I dare be of this last minde , as well because the second side is in part begun , as also considering how infinitely this King was inclined to building . The Place Daulphin , and the Place Royall , two of the finest piles in Paris , were erected partly by his purse , but principally by his encouragement . The new Bridge in Paris was meerly his work ; so was also the new Palace , and most admirable waterworks of St. Germans en lay . This long Gallery and the new Pest house oweth it self wholly to him ; and the house of Fountainebleau , which is the fairest in France , is beholding to him for most of its beauty ; add to this his Fortifications bestowed on the Bastile ; his walling of Arles ; and his purpose to have strengthned Paris according to the modern art of Towns : and you will finde the attribute of Parietaria or wall flower , which Constantine scoffingly gave unto Trajan for his great humour of building , to be due unto this King ; but seriously and with reverence . Besides the generall love he had to building , he had also an ambition to go beyond example , which also induceth me further to believe his intent of making that large and admirable quadrangle above spoken of , to have been serious and reall . For to omit others , certain it is , that he had a project of great spirit and difficulty , which was to joyn the Mediterranean sea and the Ocean together ; and to make the Navigation from the one to the other through France , and not to passe by the straight of Gibraltare . It came into Councell , anno 1604 , and was resolved to be done by this means : The river Garond is Navigable from the Ocean almost to Tholoza ; and the Mediterranean openeth it self into the Land by a little River , whose name I know not , as high as Narbonne . Betwixt these two places was there a Navigable channell to have been digged , and it proceeded so far towards , being actuated , that a workman had undertaken it , and the price was agreed upon . But there arising some discontents between the Kings of France and Spain , about the building of the Fort Fluentes in the Countrey of the Grisons ; the King not knowing what use he might have of Treasure in that quarrell , commanded the work not to go forward . However he is to be commended in the attempt , which was indeed Kinglike , and worthy his spirit : praise him in his heroick purpose and designe . Quem si non tenuit , magnis tamen excidit ausis . But the principal beauty , if I may judge of this so much admired Palace of the Louure , is a low plain room , paved under foot with bricks , and without any hangings or tapestrie on the sides ; yet being the best set out and furnished to my content of any in France . It is called , La Salle des Antiques , and hath in it five of the antientest and venerablest pieces of all the Kingdome . For this Nation generally is regardlesse of Antiquity , both in the monuments and studie of it , so that you shall hardly find any ancient inscription , or any famous ruine snatched from the hand of time , in the best of their Cities or Churches . In the Church only of Amiens could I meet with an ancient character , which also was but a Gothish Dutch letter , and expressed nothing but the name and virtue of a Bishop of the Church on whose tomb it was . So little also did I perceive them to be inclined to be Antiquaries , that both neglects considered , Si verbis audacia detur , I dare confidently aver , not only that the Earl of Arundels Gardens have more antiquities of this kind , then all France can boast of ; but that one Cotton for the Treasury , and one Selden ( now Mr. Camden is dead ) for the study of the like antiquities ; are worth all the French. As for these five pieces in La Salle des Antiques , they are I confesse worthy observation , and respect also , if they be such as our Trudgemen enforme us . At the farther end of it is the Statua of Diana , the same , as is said , which was worshipped in the renowned Temple of Ephesus ; and of which Demetrius the Silversmith and his fellow artists , cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Great is Diana of the Ephesians . Of a large and manly proportion she seemeth to be . Quantum & quale latus , quam invenile femur ! As Ovid of his Mistresse . She is all naked save her feet , which are buskin'd ; and that she hath a skarfe or linnen rowl , which coming over her left shoulder , and meeting about her middle , hung down with both ends of it a little lower . In the first place on the right hand as we descended towards the door , was the Statua of one of the Gods of Ethiopia , as black as any of his people , and one that had nothing about him to expresse his particular being . Next to him the Effigies of Mercury , naked all except his feet , and with a pipe in his mouth , as when he inchanted Argus : Namque reperta fistula nuper erat , saith the Metamorphosis . Next unto him the portraiture of Venus quight , and most immodestly unapparelled ; in her hand her little son Cupid , as well arraied as his mother , sitting on a Dolphin . Last of all Apollo also in the same naked truth , but that he had shooes on , he was portraied as lately returned from a combate , perhaps that against the Serpent Python . Quem Deus arcitenens & nunquam talibus armis Ante ni si damis capreisque fugacibus usus , Mille gravem telis , ( exhausta paene pharetra ) Perdidit effuso per vulnera nigra vene●o . That I was in the right conjecture , I had these reasons to perswade me , the quiver on the Gods right shoulder almost emptied , his warlike belt hanging about his neck , his garments loosely tumbling upon his left armes , and the slain Monster being a water Serpent , as Python is fained to be by the Poets : all of these were on the same side of the wall , the other being altogether destitute of ornaments : and are confidently said to be the Statuas of those Gods , in the same formes as they were worshipped in , and taken from their severall Temples . They were bestowed on the King by his Holinesse of Rome , and I cannot blame him for it , it was worthy but little thanks , to give unto him the Idols of the Heathens , who for his Holinesse satisfaction had given himself to the Idols of the Romans . I believe that upon the same termes , the King of England might have all the Reliques and ruines of Antiquity which can be found in Rome . Without this room , this Salle des Antiques and somewhat on the other side of the Louure , is the house of Burbon , an old decayed fabrick , in which nothing was observable , but the Omen , for being built by Lewis of Burbon , the third Duke of that branch , he caused this motto ESPERANCE to be engraven in Capitall Letters over the door , signifying his hope , that from his loins should proceed a King which should joyn both the Houses and the Families , and it is accordingly hapned . For the Tuilleries I having nothing to say of them , but that they were built by Katharine de Medices in the year 1564. and that they took name from the many Lime-kils and Tile-pits there being , before the foundation of the House and the Garden , the word Tuilleries importing as much in the French language , I was not so happy as to see , and will not be indebted to any for the relation . The End of the Second Book . A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . La BEAUSE , OR , THE THIRD BOOK . CHAP. I. Our Journy towards Orleans , the Town , Castle , and Battail of Mont l'hierrie . Many things imputed to the English which they never did . Lewis the 11. brought not the French Kings out of wardship . The town of Chartroy , and the mourning Church there . The Countrey of La Beause and people of it . Estampes . The dancing there . The new art of begging in the Innes of this Countrey . Angerville . Tury . The sawciness of the French Fidlers . Three kindes of Musick amongst the Ancients . The French Musick . HAving abundantly stifled our spirits in the stink of Paris , on Tuesday being the 12 of July , we took our leave of it , and prepared our selves to entertain the sweet Air and Wine of Orleans . The day fair and not so much as disposed to a cloud , save that they began to gather together about noon , in the nature of a curtain to defend us from the injury of the Sun. The wind rather sufficient to fan the air , then to disturb it , by qualifying the heat of the Celestial fire , brought the air to an excellent mediocrity of temper : you would have thought it a day meerly framed for the great Princesse Nature to take her pleasure in , and that the birds which cheerfully gave us their voices from the neighbouring bushes , had been the loud musick of her Court. In a word , it was a day solely consecrated to a pleasant journey , and he that did not put it to that use , mis-spent it : having therefore put our selves into our wagon , we took a short farewell of Paris , exceeding joyfull that we yet lived to see the beauty of the fields again , and enjoy the happinesse of a free heaven . The Countrey such as that part of the Isle of France towards Normandy ; only that the corn grounds were larger , and more even . On the left hand of us we had a side-glance of the royall house of Boys St. Vincennes , and the Castle of Bisestre ; and about some two miles beyond them we had a sight also of a new house lately built by Mr. Sillery Chancellor of the Kingdome , a pretty house it promised to be , having two base Courts on the hither side of it , and beyond it a park ; an ornament whereof many great mansions in France are altogether ignorant . Four leagues from Paris , is the the Town of Montliberrie , now old and ruinous : and hath nothing in it to commend it , but the carkasse of a Castle : without it , it hath to brag of a large and spacious plain ; on which was fought that memorable battail between Lewis the 11. and Charles le hardie , Duke of Burgogne , a battail memorable only for the running away of each Army : the field being in a manner emptied of all the forces , and yet neither of the Princes victorious . Hic spe celer , ille salute , some ran out of fear to die , and some out of hope to live : that it was hard to say , which of the Souldiers made most use of their heels in the combat . This notwithstanding , the King esteemed himself the conquerour , not that he overcame , but because not vanquisht . He was a Prince of no heart to make a warriour , and therefore resistance was to him almost hugged as victory . It was Antonies case in his war against the Parthians : a Captain whose Launce King Lewis was not worthy to bear after him . Crassus before him had been taken by that people : but Antonius made a retreat , though with losse , Hanc itaque fugam suam , quia vivus exierat , victoriam vocabat ; as Paterculus , one that loved him not , saith of him . Yet was King Lewis is so puffed up with this conceit of victory , that he ever after slighted his enemies : and at last ruined them , and their cause with them . The war which they undertook against him , they had entituled the war of the Weal publick : because the occasion of their taking armes was for the liberty of their Countrey and people : both whom the King had beyond measure oppressed . True it is , they had also their particular purposes ; but this was the main , and failing in the expected event of it , all that they did , was to confirm the bondage of the Realm , by their own overthrow . These Princes once disbanded , and severally broken ; none durst ever afterwards enter into the action ; for which reason King Lewis used to say that he had brought the Kings of France , Hors pupillage , out of their ward-ship : a speech of more brag then truth . The people I confesse , he brought into such terms of slavery ; that they no longer merited the name of subjects , but yet for all his great boast , the Nobles of France are to this day the Kings Guardians . I have already shewn you much of their potency . By that you may see that the French Kings have not yet sued their livery , as our Lawyers call it . Had he also in some measure broken the powerableness of the Princes , he had then been perfectly his words-master ; and till that be done , I shall still think his successors to be in their pupillage . That King is but half himself which hath the absolute command only of half his people . The battail foughten by this Town , the common people impute to the English ; and so do they also many others which they had no hand in . For hearing their Grandames talk of their wars with our nation , and of their many fields which we gained of them ; they no sooner hear of a pitched field ; but presently , ( as the nature of men in a fright is ) they attribute it to the English ; good simple souls , Qui nos non solum laudibus nostris ornare velint , sed onerare alienis , as Tully in his Philippicks . An humour just like unto that of little children , who being once frighted with the tales of Robin Goodfellow , do never after hear any noise in the night , but they straight imagine , that it is he which maketh it ; or like the women of the villages neer Oxford , who having heard the tragicall story of a duck or an hen killed , and carried to the University : no sooner misse one of their chickens , but instantly they cry out upon the Scholars . On the same false ground also , hearing that the English , whilest they had possessions in this Countrey , were great builders ; they bestow on them without any more adoe , the foundation and perfecting of most of the Churches and Castles in the Countrey . Thus are our Ancestors said to have built the Churches of Roven , Amiens , Bayon , &c. as also the Castles of Bois , St. Vincennes , the Bastile ; the two little forts on the river side by the Louure : that of St. Germans ; and amongst many others , this of Mont l'Hierrie , where we now are ; and all alike : as for this Castle , it was built during the reign of K. Robert , anno 1015. by one of his servants , named Thibald : long before the English had any possessions in this Continent . It was razed by Lewis the Grosse , as being a harbourer of rebels in former times ; and by that means , as a strong bridle in the mouth of Paris : nothing now standing of it , save an high Tower , which is seen a great distance round about , and serveth for a land mark . Two leagues from Mont l'Hierrie is the Town of Castres ; seated in the farthest angle of France , where it confineth to La Beause . A Town of an ordinary size , somewhat bigger then for a Market , and lesse then would beseem a City , a wall it hath , and a ditch ; but neither serviceable further then to resist the enemy at one gate , whilest the people run away by the other : nothing else remarkable in it , but the habit of the Church , which was mourning : for such is the fashion of France , that when any of the Nobles are buried , the Church which en●ombeth them is painted black within and without , for the breadth of a yard , or thereabouts ; and their Coats of Armes drawn on it . To go to the charges of hanging it round with cloth is not for their profits : besides , this counterfeit sorrow feareth no theef ; and dareth out-brave a tempest : he for whom the Church of Castres was thus apparelled , had been Lord of the Town : by name , as I remember , Mr. St. Benoist ; his Armes were Argent , three Cressants , Or , a Mullet of the same ; but whether this Mullet were part of the Coat , or a mark only of difference , I could not learn. The like Funeral Churches , I saw also at Tostes in Normandie ; and in a village of Picardie , whose name I minde not , Nec operae pretium . And now we are passed the confines of France ; a poor river , which for the narrowness of it , you would think to be a ditch ; parting it from the Province of La Beause . La Beause hath on the North , Normandie ; on the East the Isle of France ; on the South , Nivernois and Berry ; and on the West the Countreys of Toureine and Lemaine . It lyeth in the 22 and 23 degree of Longitude ; and 48 and 49 of Latitude : taking wholly up the breadth of the two former , and but parts only of each of the later ; if you measure it with the best advantage for length , you will finde it to extend from la ferte Bernard in the North-west corner of it , to Gyan , in the South east ; which according to the proportion of degrees , amounteth to 60 miles English , and somewhat better : for breadth , it is much after the same reckoning . The antient inhabitants of this Province , and the reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people : neither can I finde any certainty of it in my books with whom I have consulted . If I may be bold to go by conjecture , I should think this Countrey to have been the seat of the Bellocasst , a people of Gaule Celtick mentioned by Caesar in his Commentaries . Certain it is , that in or neer this tract they were seated ; and in likelihood in this Province : the names ancient and modern , being not much different in sense , though in sound ; for the Francks called that ( which in Latine is Pulcher , or Bellus ) by the name of Bel , in the Mas●uculine Gender , ( Ben they pronounce it ) and Beau if it were Feminine ; so that the name of Bello cassi , is but varied into that of Beause ; besides , that Province which the Roman writers stile Bellovaci , the French now call Beauvais ; wher 's Bello isalso turned into Beau. Add to this that the Latine writers do term this Countrey Belsia ; where the antient Bello is still preserv'd ; and my conjecture may be pardoned , if not approved . As for those which have removed this people into Normandie ; and found them in the City of Baieux : I appeal to any understanding man , whether their peremptory sentence , or my submisse opinion , be the more allowable . — Haec si tibi vera videntur , Dede manus ; ●ausi falsa est , accingere contra . The same night , we came to Estampes , a Town situate in a very plentiful and fruitful soyl ; and watred with a river of the same name , stored with the best crevices . It seemeth to have been a town of principall importance ; there being five wals and gates in a length , one before another : so that it appeareth to be rather a continuation of many towns together , then simply one . The streets are of a large breadth ; the building for substance are stone ; and for fashion as the rest of France . It containeth in it five Churches , whereof the principal , which is a Colledge of Chanoins , is that of Nostre dame ; built by King Robert : who is said also to have founded the Castle ; which now can scarsely be visited in its ruines . Without the town , they have a fine green medow , daintily seated within the circlings of the water ; into which they use to follow their recreations . At my being there , the sport was dancing ; an exercise much used by the French , who do naturally affect it . And it seemeth this natural inclination , is so strong and deep rooted ; that neither age nor the absence of a smiling fortune can prevail against it . For on this dancing green , there assembled not only youth and Gentry , but age also and beggery . Old wives which could not put foot to ground without a Crutch , in the streets ; had here taught their feet to hoble ; you would have thought by the cleanly conveyance of their bodies that they had been troubled with the Sciatica : and yet so eager in the sport , as if their dancing daies should never be done . Some there were so ragged , that a swift Galliard would almost have shaked them into nakedness : and they also most violent to have their carkasses directed in a measure . To have attempted the staying of them at home , or the perswading of them to work , when they had heard the Fiddle , had been a task too unwieldy for Hercules . In this mixture of age and condition , did we observe them at their pastime ; the rags being so interwoven with the silke , and wrinkled browes so interchangeably mingled with fresh beauties : that you would have thought it , to have been a mummery of fortune . As for those of both sexes , which were altogether past action ; they had caused themselves to be carried thither in their chairs , and trod the measure with their eyes ! The Inne which we lay in was just like those of Normandy ; or at the least so like as was fit for sisters ; for such you must think them . — Facies non omnibus una , Nec diversa tamen , qualem deeet esse sororum . All the difference between them lay in the morning : and amongst the maid-servants . For here we were not troubled with such an importunate begging as in that other Countrey . These here had learned a more neat and compendious way of getting money ; and petitioned not our ears , but our noses . By the rhetorick of a posie , they prevailed upon the purse ; and by giving each of us a bundle of dead flowers tacked together , seemed rather to buy our bounties , then to beg them . A sweeter and more generous kinde of Petitioning then the other of Normandie ; and such as may seem to employ in it some happy contradiction . For what else is it , that a maid should proffer her self to be deflowred without prejudice to her modesty : and raise to her future husband an honest stock , by the usury of a kindness ? Refreshed with these favours , we took our leave of Estampes , and the dancing miscellany : jogging on through many a beautifull field of corn , till we came unto Augerville which is six leagues distant . A Town of which I could not observe , nor hear of any thing memorable ; but that is was taken by Montacute Earl of Salisbury ; as he went this way to the siege of Orleans ; and indeed , the taking of it was no great miracle , the wals being so thin , that an arrow would almost as soon make a breach in them as a Canon . The same fortune befell also unto Toury , a place not much beyond it in strength or bigness : only that it had more confidence ( as Savage an English Gentleman once said ) in the wals of bones , which were within it , then in the wals of stones which were without it . — This Town standeth in the middle way betwixt Fstampes and Orleans : and therefore a fit stage to act a dinner on ; and to it we went. By that time we had cleared our selves of our pottage , there entred upon us three uncouth fellowes , with hats on their heads like covered dishes . As soon as ever I saw them , I cast one eye on my cloak , and the other on my sword : as not knowing what use I might have of my steel , to maintain my cloth . There was great talk at that time of Mr. Soubises being in armes : and I much feared that these might be some straglers of his Army : and this I suspected by their countenances , which were very theevish and full of insolences . But when I had made a survey of their apparel , I quickly altered that opinion ; and accounted them as the excrement of the next prison : deceived alike in both my jealousies ; for these pretty parcels of mans flesh , were neither better nor worse , but even arrant fidlers : and such which in England we should not hold worthy of the whipping-post . Our leave not asked , and no reverence on their parts performed , they abused our ears with an harsh lesson : and as if that had not been punishment enough unto us , they must needs add to it one of their songs . By that little French which I had gathered , and the simpring of a fille de joy of Paris who came along with us ; I perceived it was bawdy ; and to say the truth , more then could be patiently endured by any but a French man. But quid facerem , what should I do but endure the misery ? for I had not language enough to call them Rogues handsomely ; and the villains were inferiour to a beating : and indeed not worthy of mine or any honest mans anger . Praeda canum lepus est , vastos non implet hiatus ; Nec gaudet tenui sanguine tanta sitis . They were a knot of rascals so infinitely below the severity of a statute , that they would have discredited the stocks ; and to have hang'd them , had been to hazard the reputation of the gallowes . In a year you would hardly finde out some vengeance for them , which they would not injure in the suffering : unless it be not to hearken to their ribaldry , which is one of their greatest torments . To proceed , after their song ended , one of the company ( the Master of them it should seem ) draweth a dish out of his pocket , and layeth it before us : into which we were to cast our benevolence : custome hath allowed them a Sol for each man at the table : they expect no more , and they will take no lesse . No large sum , and yet I le assure you richly worth the Musick : which was meerly French , that is , lascivious in the composure ; and French also , that is unskilfully handled in the playing . Among the Ancients I have met with three kindes of Musick , viz. first that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which consisteth altogether of long notes , or spondaeus . This was the gravest and saddest of the rest ; called by Aristotle in the last chapter of his Politicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or morall ; because it setled the affections . Boetius whom we account the Classical author in this faculty , calleth it Lydian , because in much use with those of that Nation , at this day we may call it Italian , as being generally a peculiar musick to that people . This is the musick which Elisha called for , to invite unto him the spirit of Prophesie , 1 King. 3. 15. and this is it which is yet sung in our Churches . A practice which we derive from the ancients , however some of late have opposed it : and which is much commended by S. Austin ; this being the use of it ; Ut per oblectamenta aurium , infirmior animus in pietatis affectum assurgat . The second kinde the artists call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which consisteth of a mixture of long and and short notes , or of the Dactylus . The philosopher termeth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or active , because it raised up the affections . Boetius termeth it the Dorian , because it had been in much esteem amongst the Dores a Greek nation : we may now call it English ; and is that musick which cheereth the spirits , and is so soveraign an antidote to a minde afflicted ; and which as the Poet hath it , doth saxa movere sono . The third sort is that which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consisting altogether of short notes , or Tribrachys . Aristotle calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ravishing ; because it unhinged the affections , and stirred them to lasciviousnesse . Boetius termeth it Phrygian , as being the strain of the wanton and luxuriant people . In these times we may call it French , as most delighted in , by the stirring spirits , and lightness of this nation . A note of musick forbidden unto youth by Aristotle and Plato ; and not countenanced by any of them but on the common theatres , to satisfie the rude manners and desires of the vulgar ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and to give them also content in their recreations : yet is this musick altogether in use in this Countrey , no lesson amongst their protest Musitians that I could hear , which had any gravity or solid art shewed in the composition . They are pretty fellowes I confess for the setting of a Maske , or a Caranto ; but beyong this , nothing : which maketh the mufick in their Churches so base and unpleasing . So that the glory of perfect musick , at this time lyeth between the English , and Italian : that of France being as trivial as their behaviour , of which , indeed , it is concomitant : Mutata musica , mutantur mores , saith Tully : and therefore he giveth us this lesson , Curandum itaque est ut musica quam gravissima & sedatissima retineatur : a good Item for the French. CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester . The Wine of Orleans . Praesidial Towns in France , what they are . The sale of Offices in France . The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle . The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle . Defaced by the Hugonots . Some things hated only for their name . The Bishop of Orleans , and his priviledge . The Chappel and Pilgrims of St. Jacques . The form of Masse in St. Croix . Censing an Heathenish custome . The great siege of Orleans , raised by Joane the Virgin. The valour of that woman : that she was no witch . An Elogie on her . WEE are now come into the Countrey of Orleans , which though within the limits of La Beause , will not yet be an entire County of it self . It is a dainty and pleasing Region , very even and large in the fields of it , insomuch that we could not see an hill , or swelling of the ground within eye-sight . It consisteth in an indifferent measure of Corn , but most plentifully of Vines ; and hath of all other fruits a very liberall portion ; neither is it meanly beholding to the Loyre , for the benefits it receiveth by that river : on which the City of Orleans it self is sweetly seated . Of all places in England , Worcestershire , in mine opinion , cometh most nigh it ; as well in respect of the Countrey , as the situation of the Town . For certainly that Countrey may be called the Epitome of England ; as this of France . To the richest of the corn-fields of Orleanoys we may compare the Vale of Evesham : neither will it yeeld for the choile and variety of fruits , the Vine only excepted . The hedges in that Countrey are prodigall and lavish of those trees which would become the fairest Orchards of the rest ; and in a manner recompenseth the want of Wine , by its pl●nty of Perry and Sider . In a word , what a good writer hath said of one , we may say of both ; Coelum & solum adeo propitium habent , ut salubritate & ubertate vicinis non concedant . But the resemblance betwixt the Towns , is more happy . Both seated on the second river of note in their several Countreys ; and which are not much unlike in their several courses . Severne washing the wals of Glocester , and passing nigh unto Bristol , seated on a little riveret and its homager , divideth the Antients Britains from the rest of the English . The Loyre , gliding by the City of Tours , and passing nigh to Augeire , seated also up the land , on a little river , and one of its tributories , separateth the modern Bretagnes from the rest of the French. Posita est in loco modico acclivi ad flumen , quod turrigero ponte conjungitur , & muro satis firmo munita , saith Mr. Camden of Worcester : Orleans is seated on the like declivity of an hill ; hath its bridge well fortified with turrets , and its wals of an equall ability of resistance . Sed docu●est ab incolis , qui sunt numerosi & humani : ab aedificiorum nitore , a templorum numero , & maxime a sede episcopali ; saith he of ours in general ; we shall see it fitly applyed to this in each particular . The people of this town are not of the fewest : no Town in France , the capacity of it considered , being more populous ; for standing in so delicate an air , and on so commodious a river , it inviteth the Gentry or Nobles of the Countrey about it , to inhabit there : and they accept it . Concerning their behaviour and humanity , certainly they much exceed the Parisians . I was about to say all the French men ; and indeed , I need not grudge them that Elogie which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent : and verifie , that they are omnium incolarum longe bumanissimi ; my self here observing more courtefie and affability in one day , then I could meet withall in Paris , during all my abode . The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves , and the rest of France ; the streets large and well kept : not yeelding the least offence to the most curious nosethrill . Parish Churches it hath in it 26 of different and unequall being : as it useth to be in other places . Besides these , it contains the Episcopal Church of St. Croix , and divers other houses of religious persons ; amongst which Sr. Jacques : of both which I shall speak in their due order . Thus much for the resemblance of the Towns : the difference betwixt them is this . That Orleans is the bigger , and Worcester the richer ; Orleans consisteth much of the Nobles , and of sojourners ; Worcester of Citizens only , and home dwellers . And for the manner of life in them ; so it is , that Worcester hath the handsomer women in it ; Orleans the finer ( and in mine opinion the loveliest of all France : ) Worcester thriveth much on Clothing ; Orleans on their Vine-presses . And questionless the Vine of Orleans is the greatest riches not of the Town only , but of the Countrey also about it . For this cause Andre du Chesne calleth it the prime cellar of Paris . Fst une pais ( saith he ) si heureuse & si secunde sur tout en vine , qui on la dire l' un de premiers celiers de Paris . These Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy , deserve no less a commendation then he hath given them : as yeelding the best wines in all the Kingdome . Such as it much griev'd me to mingle with water ; they being so delicious to the palat , and the epicurism of the taste . I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman , who being in Italy , was brought acquainted with a kinde of Wine , which they there call Lachrymae Christi . No sooner had he tasted it , but he fell into a deep melancholy : and after some seven sighs , besides the addition of two grones , he brake out into this pathetical ejaculation : Dii boni , quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus ! This Dutch man and I , were for a time of one minde : insomuch that I could almost have picked a quarrell with nature , for giving us none of this liquor in England : at last we grew friends again , when I had perceived how offensive it was to the brain , ( if not well qualified ) for which cause it is said , that King Lewis hath banished it his Cellar : no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers , who may therefore say with Martiall , Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina ? Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali ? This Town called Genabum by Caesar , was reedified by Aurelian the Emperour , anno 276. and called by his name Aurelianum ; which it still retaineth amongst the Latines . It hath been famous heretofore for four Councels here celebrated ; and for being the siege royal of the Kings of Orleans , though as now I could not hear any thing of the ruines of the Palace . The fame of it at this time consisteth in the University , and its seat of justice : this Town being one of them which they call Seiges presidiaux . Now these Seiges Presidiaux , Seats or Courts of Justice were established in diverse Cities of the Realm , for the ease of the people ; anno 1551 , or thereabouts . In them all civil causes not exceeding 250 livres in money , or 10 livres in rents ; are heard and determined soveraignly and without appeal . If the sum exceed those proportions , the appeal holdeth good , and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament under whose jurisdiction they are . This Court here consisteth of a Bailly whose name is Mr. Digion , of 12 Counsellors , two Lieutenants , one civil and the other criminal ; and a publick notary . When Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul , who is Governor or Lieutenant Generall of the Province , cometh into their Court , he giveth precedency to the Bailly : in other places he receiveth it . This institution of these Presidentiall Courts , was at first a very profitable ordinance , and much eased the people : but now it is grown burthensome : the reason is , that the offices are made salable , and purchased by them with a great deal of money , which afterwards they wrest again out of the purses of the pesants : the sale of offices drawing necessarily after it , the sale of justice ; a mischief which is spread so far , that there is not the poorest under-officer in all the Realm , who may not safely say with the Captain in the 22. of the Acts and the 28. vers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with a great sum of money obtained I this freedome . Twenty years purchase is said to be no extraordinary rate : and I have read , that only by the sale of offices , one of the Kings had raised in 20 years 139 millions : which amounteth to the proportion of seven millions yearly , or thereabouts : of all waies to thrift and treasure the most unkingly . In the year 1614 the King motioned the abolising of the sales of this market , but it was upon a condition more prejudicial to the people then the mischief : for he desired in lieu of it , to have a greater imposition laid upon Salt and on the Aides : which those who were Commissioners for the Commonalty would not admit of ; because then a common misery had been bought out of the State to make their particular misery the greater , and so the corruption remaineth unaltered . This Town , as it is sweetly seated in respect of the air : so is it finely convenienced with walks : of which the chief are that next unto Paris Gate , having the wall on one hand , and a rank of palm-trees on the other ; the second that near unto the Bridge , having the water pleasingly running on both sides : and a third , which is indeed the principal , on the east side of the City . It is called the Palle Malle , from an exercise of that name , much used in this Kingdome : a very Gentleman-like sport , not over violent ; and such as affordeth good opportunity of discourse , as they walk from one mark to the other . Into this walk , which is of a wonderful length and beauty , you shall have a clear evening empty all the Town : the aged people borrowing legs to carry them ; and the younger , armes to guide them . If any young Dame or Monsieur , walk thither single , they will quickly finde some or other to link with them : though perhaps such with whom they have no familiarity . Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the Palle Malle , not minding the shutting in of the day , till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing . At all hours of the night , be it warm and dry , you shall be sure to finde them there , thus coupled : and if at the years end , there be found more children then fathers in the Town ; this walk and the night are suspected shrewdly to be accessaries . A greater inconvenience in my opinion then an English kisse . There is yet a fourth walk in this Town called L' Estapp , a walk principally frequented by Merchants : who here meet to conserre of their occasions . It lyeth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul the Governour , and reacheth up to the Cloyster of St. Croix : of the building of which Church , I could never yet hear or read of any thing , but that which is meerly fabulous , for the Citizens report , that long since , time out of minde , there appeared a vision to an holy Monk , which lived thereabouts , and bad him dig deep in such a place , where he should finde a piece of the holy Crosse , charging him to preserve that blessed relique in great honour , and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been buried : upon this warning the Church was founded , but at whose charges they could not enform me : so that all which I could learn concerning the foundation of this Church , is that it was erected only by Superstition and a lie . The Superstition is apparent in their worshipping of such rotten sticks , as they imagine to be remnants of the Crosse ; their calling of it holy , and dedicating of this Church unto it . Nay they have consecrated unto it two holy daies , one in May , and the other in September : and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets or the high-waies , with these words , Ave salus totius saeculi arbor salutifera . Horrible blasphemy , and never heard but under Antichrist ! Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas , being the lesson of the Ancients . As for the miracle , I account it as others of the same stamp : equally false and ridiculous . This Church in the year 1562. was defaced and ruined by the Hugonots , who had entred the Town under the conduct of the Prince of Conde . An action little savouring of humanity , and lesse of Religion : the very Heathens themselves never demolishing any of the Churches , of those Towns which they had taken . But in this action , the Hugonots consulted only with rashnesse , and a zealous fury , thinking no title so glorious as to be called the Scourge of Papists , and the overthrowers of Popish Churches . Quid facerent hostes capla crudelius urbe ? The most barbarous enemy in the world could not more have exercised their malice on the vanquished ; and this I perswade my self had been the fate of most of our Churches , if that faction had got the upper hand of us . But this Church notwithstanding , is likely now to su 〈…〉 their madnesse . King Henry the 4. began the repairing of it , and his Son Lewis hath since continued : so that the quire is now quite finished , and the workmen are in hand with the rest . What should move the Hugonots to this execution , I cannot say : unlesse it were a hate which they bare unto the name ; and perhaps that not unlikely . We read how the Romans having expelled their Kings , banished also Collatinus their Consul : a man in whom they could finde no fault but this , that his surname was Tarquin ; tantum ob nomen & genus regium , saith Florus : afterwards , quam invisum regis nomen , is very frequent in the stories of those times . Amongst those which had been of the conspiracy against Julius Caesar , there was one named Cinna , a name so odious amongst the people , that meeting by chance with one of Caesar's chief friends , and hearing that his name was Cinna , they presently murthered him in the place , for which cause one Casca , which was also the name of one of the Conspirators , published a writing of his name and pedegree : shewing therein , that he neither was the traytor , nor any kin to him . The reason of his action Dion giveth us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Quod Cinua nominis causa occideretur . With a like hate it may be were the French Protestants possessed against the name of the Crosse : for they not only ruined this temple but beat down also all those little crossets , betwixt Mont Martre , and St. Denis , though now King Lewis hath caused them to be re-edified . And what troubles the French party here in England have raised , because of that harmlesse ceremony of the crosse ; Notius est quam ut stilo egeat , and therefore I omit it . This Church is the seat of a Bishop , who acknowledgeth the Archbishop of Sens , for his Metropolitan . The present Bishop is named Franciscus d' Aubespine , said to be a worthy Scholar , and a sound Polititian ; though he were never graduated further then the arts . Of his revenue I could learn nothing , but of his priviledge this : namely , that at the first entrance of every new Bishop into this Church , he hath the liberty of setting free any of the prisoners of the Gaole : though their crime be never so mortall . For , the original of this indulgence : we are beholding to St. Aignan , once Bishop here , and who defended the City against Auila the Harme . At his first entrance into the town , ( saith the story ) after he was invested Bishop , he besought Agrippinus the Governour , that for his sake he would let loose all his prisoners , ut omnes quos pro variis criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos , in sui introitus gratiam redderet absolutos ; when the Governour had heard his request , he denied it : and presently a stone falleth upon his head , no man knew from whence : wounded and terrified with this , the Governor granteth his desire , recovereth her health : and ever since the custome hath continued . For the truth of this story , I intend to be no Champion : for I hold it ridiculous and savouring too much of the Legend : but this I am certain of , that every new Bishop maketh a very solemn and majestick entry into the City ; and at his entry , releaseth a prisoner . Let us follow the Bishop into his Church , and there we shall finde him entertained with an high Masse ; the ceremonies whereof are very pretty and absurd . To go over them all , would require a volume , I will therefore mention those only wherein they differ from other Masses : and they are two : the one fantastical , the other heathenish . For as soon as the priest at the altar hath read a certain lesson , but what , his voice was not audible enough to tell me : out marcheth the Dean , or in his absence , the senior Canon , out of the Church . Before him two or three torches , and a long crosse silvered over , after him all those of the Church , and lastly the lay people , both men and women : so that there is none left to keep possession , but the Priest and the Altar ; and such strangers as come thither for curiosity , they go out at one door , and having first circuited the quire , and afterwards the body of the Church ; they return to their places : and the Priest proceedeth . I have seen many a dumb shew in a play just like it . This only is the difference , that here we had no interpreter nor Chorus afforded us to shew us the mysterie of this silent gesticulation . The other addition which I observed here at the Masse ( though I have since been told that it is ordinary at high Masses , in the Cathedral Churches ) was the censing of the people : which was performed in this manner . Whilest the Priest was busie at the Altar , there entred into the quire at a side door , two boyes in their Surplices , bearing wax-tapers in their hands : and immediately after them the foresaid fellow with the Crosse , in the rere there came two of the Priests in their copes , and other stately vestiments : between both a young lad with the incense-pot , made full of holes to let out the sume ; which he swingeth on all sides of him , with a chain , to which it was fastned : having thus marched through the Church and censed the people , he ascendeth unto the Altar , and there censeth the crosse , the relicks , the bread , the wine , the chalice , the images : and I know not what not . A custome very much used amongst the Heathen . Omnibus viris factae sunt statuse & ad eas thus & cerei , saith Tully : and , Jane tibi primam thura merumque fero , saith Ovid in his de Fastis . So have we in Martiall , Te primum piathura rogent : and the like in divers other writers of antient . At what time it crept into the Churches of the Christians , I cannot tell . Sure I am it was not used in the primitive times , nor in the third age after our Saviour : save only in their burials , Sciant Sabaei ( saith Tertullian , who at that time lived ) pluris & cariores merces suas , Christianis sepeliendis profligari , quam fumigantibus . Arnobius also in the 7 book adversus gentes , disclaimeth the use of it : and yet the Councell of Trent in the 22. Session , defineth it to be as boldly , ex Apostolica institutione & traditione , as if the Apostles themselves had told them so . I know they had rather seem to derive it from the 30 chap. and 7. vers . of Exodus : and so Bishop Durand is of opinion in his Rationale divinorum : but this will not help them . Aaron there is commanded only to burn incense on the Altar : and not to cense men and images , crosses and relicks , &c. as the Papists do . So that will they , nill they , they must be counted followers of the Heathen : though I envie them not the honour of being Jewes . From the history and view of the Church , proceed we to that of the Town : where nothing occurreth more memorable then the great siege laid before it by the English . A siege of great importance to both parties . France having been totally won unto King Henry , if this Town had yeelded , and once so nigh it was to submit it self , that the people proffer'd to yeeld themselves to Philip Duke of Burgundie , then a great consederate of our Nation : who had not been present in the Camp. But this the English Generall would not consent to ; and it was the resolution of Antigonus i● long time before us . Negavit Antigonus ( saith Justine ) se in ejus belli praedam socios admittere , in cujus periculum solus descenderat . On this determinate sentence of the General ( he was Montacute Earl of Salisbury ) the Town purposed to hold out a little longer , and was at the last relieved by Joane D' Arc , a maid of Vaucoleur in Lorrein : whom they called La Pusille : how that excellent souldier the Generall was slain , and the siege raised , I need not relate . It is extant in all our Chronicles . This only now , that ever since that time the people of Orleans keep a solemn procession on every eighth day of May : on which day anno 1427. their City was delivered from its enemies . But the atchievements of this brave Virago stayed not here , she thinks it not enough to repulse her enemies unlesse she also vanquish them : arm'd therefore , Cap a pe , she went to seek occasion of battail : and was alwaies formost , and in the head of her troops . Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina bellis Penthiselea furens : mediisque in millibus ardet . For her first service she taketh Jargeau , discomfiteth the English , which were within it , and maketh the Earl of Suffolk prisoner . Soon after followed the battail of Patay : in which the English were driven out of the field , and the great Talbot taken . This done , she accompanieth Charles the 7. whose Angel Guardian she was , through all Campague unto Rhemes : where she saw him solemnly crowned : all the Towns of those Countreys yeelding upon the approach of her , and the Kings Army . Finally , after many acts performed above the nature of her sexe , which I will not stand here to particulate , she was taken prisoner at the siege of Campoigne : delivered over unto the Duke of Bedford , by him sent unto Roven , and there burnt for a Witch on the 6. of July , anno 1431. There was also another crime objected against her , as namely that she had abused the nature of her sexe , marching up and down in the habit of a man , Et nihil muliebre praeter corpus gerens . Of all accusations the most impotent , for in what other habit could she dresse her self , undertaking , the actions of a Generall ? and besides , to have worn her womans weeds in time of battail , had been to have betrayed her safety ; and to have made her self the mark of every arrow . It was therefore requisite that she should array her self in compleat harnesse ; and in that habit of complete armour , have those of Orleans erected her Statua all in brasse , upon the middle of their bridge . As for that other imputation of being a Witch , saving the credit of those which condemn'd her , and theirs also who in their writings have so reported her : I dare be of the contrary opinion , for dividing her actions into two parts , those which preceded her coming unto Orleans , and those which followed it : I finde much in it of cunning , somewhat perhaps of valour : but nothing that is devillish . Her relieving of Orleans , and courage shewn at the battails of Patay and Gergeau , with her conducting of the King unto Rhemes : are not such prodigies , that they need to be ascribed unto witchcraft . She was not the first woman whom the world knew famed in armes , there being no Nation almost of the earth , who have not had a Champion of this sexe , to defend their Liberties : to omit the whole Nation of Amazons . To the Jewes in the time of their afflictions , the Lord raised up salvation by means of two women , Deborah and Judith : and God is not the God of the Jewes only , but also of the Gentiles ; amongst the Syrians Zenobia Queen of Pabnira is very famous ; the Romans whom she often foyled , never mentioning her without honour . The like commendable testimony they give of Velleda , a Queen amongst the Germans : a woman that much hindred their affairs in that Countrey . Thus had the Gothes their Amalasunta : the Assyrians their Semiramis , the Scythians their Tomyris , the Romans their Fulvia : all brave Captains , and such as posterity hath admired without envie . To come home unto our selves , the writers of the Romans mention the revolt of Britain , and the slaughter of 70000 Raman Confederates under the conduct of Voaditia : and she in the beginning of her incouragements to the action , telleth the people this , Solitum quidem Britannis foeminarum ductu bellare . Of all these heroical Ladies , I read no accusation of witchcraft : invasive courage and a sense of injury , being the armes they fought withall ; neither can I see why the Romans should exceed us in modesty ; or that we need envie unto the French this one female warriour , when it is a fortune which hath befaln most Nations . As for her atchievements , they are not so much beyond a common being : but that they may be imputed to natural means : for had she been a Witch , it is likely she would have prevented the disgrace which her valour suffered , in the ditches of Paris , though she could not avoid those of Compeigne , who took her prisoner : the Devill at such an exigent only being accustomed to forsake those which he hath entangled . So that she enjoyed not such a perpetuity of felicity , as to entitle her to the Devils assistance , she being sometimes conqueror , sometimes overthrown , and at last imprisoned . Communia fortunae ludibria , the ordinary sports of fortune . Her actions before her march to Orleans , have somewhat in them of cunning , and perhaps of imposture , as the vision which she reported to have incited her to these attempts , her finding out of the King disguised in the habit of a countrey man ; and her appointing to her self an old Sword hanging in St. Katharines Church in Tours . The French were at this time meerly crest faln : not to be raised but by miracle . This therefore is invented , and so that which of all the rest must prove her a sorceresse , will only prove her an impostor . Gerrard , Seigneur du Hailan , one of the best writers of France , is of opinion that all that plot of her coming to the King , was contriv'd by three Lords of the Court ; to hearten the people ; as if God now miraculously intended the restauration of the Kingdome . Add to this , that she never commanded in any battail , without the assistance of the best Captains of the French Nation : and amongst whom was the Bastard of Orleans , who is thought to have put this device into her head . The Lord of Bellay in his discourse of arte militarie , proceedeth further , and maketh her a man : only thus habited , pour faire revenir le courage aux Francois : which , had it been so , would have been discovered at the time of her burning . Others of the later French writers ( for those of the former age savour too much of the Legend ) make her to be a lusty Lasse of Lorrein , trained up by the Bastard of Orleans , and the Seigneur of Baudricourte ; only for this service . And that she might carry with her the reputation of a Prophetesse , and an Ambassadresse from heaven ; admit this , and farewell witchcraft . And for the sentence of her condemnation , and the confirmation of it by the Divines and University of Paris ; it is with me of no moment : being composed only to humour the Victor . If this could sway me , I had more reason to incline to the other party ; for when Charles had setled his estate , the same men , who had condemned her of sorcery , absolved her : and there was also added in defence of her innocency , a Decree from the Court of Rome . Joane then with me shall inherit the title of La pucille d' Orleans : with me she shall be ranked amongst the famous Captains of her times ; and be placed in the same throne , equall with the valiantest of all her sexe , in time before her . Let those whom partiality hath wrested aside from the path of truth , proclaim her for a sorceresse , for my part I will not flatter my best fortunes of my Countrey to the prejudice of a truth : neither will I ever be enduced to think of this female warrier , otherwise then of a noble Captain . — Audetque viris concurrere virgo . Penthesilea did it . Why not she Without the stain of spels and sorcerie ? Why should those acts in her be counted sin , Which in the other have commended bin ? Nor is it fit that France should be deni'd This female souldier , sin●e all Realms beside , Have had the honour of one : and relate How much that sexe hath re-enforc'd the state Of their decaying strengths . Let Scythia spare To speak of Tomyris , th' Assyrians care Shall be no more to hear the deeds recited Of Ninus wife . Nor are the Dutch delighted To hear their Valleda extoll'd : the name Of this French warrier hath eclips'd their fame : And silenc'd their atchievements . Let the praise , That 's due to vertue , wait upon her . Raise An obelisque unto her , you of Gaule , And let her acts live in the mouthes of all Speak boldly of her , and of her alone , That never Lady was as good as Jone . She died a virgin : 't was because the earth Held not a man , whose vertues , or whose birth Might merit such a blessing . But above , The gods provided her a fitting love : And gave her to St. Denis , shee with him Protects the Lillies and their Diadem . You then about whose armies she doth watch , Give her the honour due unto her match . And when in field your standards you advance , Cry loud , St. Denis and St. Jone for France . CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe . The dead time of learning . The Schools of Law in Orleans . The oeconomie of them . The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan . Their methode here , and prodigality in bestowing degrees . Orleans a great conflux of strangers . The language there . The Corporation of Germans there . Their house and priviledges . Dutch and Latine . The difference between an Academie and an University . I Have now done with the Town and City of Orleans , and am come unto the University or Schools of Law which are in it ; this being one of the first places in which the study of the Civill Lawes was revived in Europe . For immediately after the death of Justinian , who out of no lesse then 2000 volumes of law-writers had collected that bodie of the Imperiall Lawes , which we now call the Digests , or the Pandects : the study of them grew neglected in these Western parts , nor did any for a long time professe or read them ; the reason was , because Italy , France , Spain , England and Germany , having received new Lords over them ; as the Franks , Lombards , Saxons , Saracens , and others were fain to submit themselves to their Laws . It happened afterwards that Lotharius Saxo the Emperour , wh 〈…〉 gan his reign , anno 1126. ( being 560 years after the death of Justinian ) having taken the City of Melphy in Naples , found there an old copy of the Pandects . This he gave to the Pisans his confederates , as a most reverend relick of Learning and Antiquity ; whence it is called Littera Pisana . Moreover he founded the University of Bologne or Bononia , ordering the Civill Law to be profest there : one Wirner being the first Professor ; upon whose advice the said Emperor ordained that Bononia should be Legum & juris Schola una & sola : and here was the first time and place of that study in the Western Empire . But it was not the fate only of the Civill Laws , to be thus neglected . All other parts of learning , both Arts and languages , were in the same desperate estates ; the Poets exclamation of O saeclum insipiens & infacetum , never being so applyable as in those times . For it is with the knowledge of good letters , as it was with the effects of nature ; they have times of groweth alike , of perfection and of death . Like the sea , it hath its ebbs as well as its flouds ; and like the earth , it hath its Winter , wherein the seeds of it are deaded and bound up , as well as a Spring wherein it reflourisheth . Thus the learning of the Greeks lay forgotten , and lost in Europe for 700 years , even untill Emanuel Chrysolaras taught it at Venice , being driven out of his Countrey by the Turks . Thus the Philosophy of Aristotle lay hidden in the moath of dust and libraries , Et nominabatur potius quod legebatur , as Ludovicus Vives observeth in his notes upon St. Austine , untill the time of Alexander Aphrodiseus . And thus also lay the elegancies of the Roman tongue obscured , till that Erasmus , More and Reuchlyn , in the severall Kingdomes of Germany , England , and France , endeavoured the restauration of it . But to return to the Civill Law. After the foundation of the University of Bologne , it pleased Philip le bel King of France to found another here at Orleans , for the same purpose , anno 1312. which was the first School of that profession on this side the mountains . This is evident by the Bull of Clement V. dated at Lyons in the year 1367. where he giveth it this title , Fructiferum universitatis Aurelianensts intra caetera citramontana studia , prius solennius , antiquius , tam civilis , quam Canonicae facultatis studium . At the first there were instituted eight Professors , now they are reduced to four only ; the reason of this decrease , being the increase of Universities . The place in which they read their Lectures , is called Les grand escoles , and part of the City , La Universite ; neither of which attributes it can any way remit . Colledge they have none , either to lodge the students , or entertain the Professors , the former sojourning in divers places of the Town , these last in their severall houses . As for their place of reading which they call Les grans escoles , it is only an old barn converted into a School , by the addition of five ranks of formes , and a pew in the middle , you never saw a thing so mock its own name : Lucus not being more properly called so a non lucendo , then this ruinous house is a great School , because it is little . The present professors are Mr. Furner , the Rector at my being there ; Mr. Tuillerie , and Mr. Grand . The fourth of them named Mr. Augrand , was newly dead , and his place like a dead pay among Souldiers not supplyed ; in which estate was the function of Mr. Brodee , whose office it was to read the Book of Institutions , unto such as come newly to the Town . They read each of them an hour , in their turns , every morning in the week , unlesse Holydayes and Thursdayes , their hearers taking their Lectures in their tables . Their principall office is that of the Rector , which every three months descends down unto the next , so that once in a year , every one of the professors hath his turn of being Rector . The next in dignity unto him is the Chancellour , whose office is during life , and in whose name all degrees are given , and the Letters Authenticall , as they term them , granted . The present Chancellour is named Mr. Bouchier Dr. of Divinity and of both the Laws , and Prebend also of St. Croix ; his place is in the gift of the Bishop of Orleans ; and so are the Chancellors places in all France at the bestowing of the Diocesan . Antiently it was thus also with us at Oxford ; the Bishop of Lincolne nominating to us our Chancellors , till the year 1370. William of Remington being the first Chancellour elected by the University . In the bestowing of their degrees here , they are very liberall , and deny no man that is able to pay his fees . Legem ponere is with them more powerfull then legem dicere , and he that hath but his gold ready , shall have a sooner dispatch , then the best Scholar upon ticket . Ipse licet v●●ias Musis comitatus Homere , Si nihil attuleris , ibis Homere foras . It is the money which disputeth best with them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , money makes the man ; said the Greek , and English proverb . The exercise which is to be performed , before the degree taken , is very little , and as trivially performed . When you have chosen the Law which you mean to defend , they conduct you into an old ruinous chamber . They call it their Library ; for my part , I should have thought it to have been the warehouse of some second hand Bookseller . Those few books which were there , were as old as Printing ; and could hardly make amongst them one cover , to resist the violence of a rat . They stood not up endlong , but lay one upon the other , and were joyned together with cobwebs in stead of strings . He that would ever guesse them to have been looked into since the long reign of ignorance , might justly have condemned his own charity ; for my part , I was prone to believe that the three last centuries of years had never seen the inside of them ; or that the poor paper had been troubled with the disease called N●lime tangere . In this unluckie roome do they hold their disputations , unlesse they be solemn and full of expectation , and after two or three arguments urged , commend the sufficiency of the Respondent , and pronounce him worthy of his degree . That done , they cause his Authenticall Letters to be sealed ; and in them they tell the Reader with what diligence and pains they fitted the Candidati ; that it is necessary to the Common-wealth of learning , that industry should be honoured ; and that on that ground they have thought it fitting p●st angustias sulamen , post vigilias requietem , post dolorem gaudia , ( for so as I remember goeth the form ) to recompense the labours of N. N. with the degree of Doctor or Licentiate ; with a great deal of the like formall foolery , Et ad hunc modum fiunt Doctores . From the study of the Law , proceed we unto that of the Language , which is said to be better spoken here , then in any part of France , and certainly the people hereof speak it more distinctly then the rest ; I cannot say more elegantly . Yet partly for this reason , partly because of the study of the Law , and partly because of the sweetnesse of the aire ; the Town is never without abundance of strangers of all Nations which are in correspondency with the French. But in the greatest measure it is replenished with those of Germany who have here a corporation , and indeed do make amongst themselves a better University , then the University . This Corporation consisteth of a Procutator , a Questor , an Assessor , two Bibliothecarii , & 12 Counsellors . They have all of them their d●stinct jurisdiction , and are solemnly elected by the rest of the company every third moneth . The Consulship of R●me was never so welcome to Cicero , as the office of Procurator is to a Dutch Gentleman ; he for the time of his command ordering the affaires of all his Nation ; and to say truth , being much respected by those of the Town . It is his office to admit of the young comers , to receive the moneys due at their admission , and to receive an account of the dispending of it of the Questor at the expiting o● his charge . The office of Assessor is like that of a Clerk of the Councels , and the Secretary mixt . For he registreth the Acts of their Councels , writeth Letters in the name of the House to each of the French Kings , at their new coming to the Crown ; and if any prime or extraordinary Ambassador cometh to the Town , he entertaineth him with a speach . The Bibliothecarii looke to the Library , in which they are bound to remain three hours in a day in their severall turns . A prety room it is , very plentifully furnished with choise books , and that at small charge ; for it is here the custome , that every one of the Nation at his departure , must leave with them one book , of what kind or price it best pleaseth him . Besides , each of the officers at the resigning up of his charge , giveth unto the new Questor a piece of gold about the value of a Pistolet , to be expended according as the necessitie of the state requires ; which most an end is bestowed upon the increase of their Library . Next unto this citèdes Lettres ( as one of the French writers calleth Paris ) is their Councell house ; an handsome square Chamber , and well furnished . In this they hold their Consultations , and in this preserve their Records and Priviledges , the keeping of the one , and summoning the other , being meerly in the hands of the Procurator . About the Table they have five chairs for the five principall Officers ; those of the Councell sitting round the Chamber on stools ; the armes of the Empire being placed directly over every of the seats . If it happen that any of them die there , they all accompany him to his grave , in a manner mixt so orderly of grief and state , that you would think the obsequies of some great Potentate were solemnized . And to say truth of them , they are a hearty and a loving Nation , not to one another only , but to strangers , and especially to us of England . Only I would wish that in their speech and complement , they would not use the Latine tongue , or else speak it more congruously . You shall hardly finde a man amongst them , which cannot make a shift to expresse himself in that language ; nor one amongst a hundred that can do it Latinly . Galleriam , Compagniam , Gardinum , and the like , are as usuall in their common discourse , as to drink at three of the clock ; and as familiar as their sleep . Had they bent their studies that way , I perswade my self they would have been excellent good at the Common Lawes ; their tongues so naturally falling upon those words which are necessary to a Declaration . But amongst the rest , I took notice of one Mr. Gebour , a man of that various mixture of words , that you would have thought his tongue to have been a very Amsterdam of languages . Cras main 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nous irons ad magnam Galleriam , was one of his most remarkable speeches , when we were at Paris ; but here at Orleans we had them of him thick and threefold . If ever he should chance to die in a strange place where his Countrey could not be known , but by his tongue , it could not possible be , but that more Nations would strive for him , then ever did for Homer . I had before read of the confusion of Babel ; in him I came acquainted with it , yet this use might be made of him and his hotch-pot of languages , that a good Chymicall Physician would make an excellent medicine of it against the stone . In a word , to go no more upon the particular , I never knew a people that spake more words , and lesse Latine . Of thesee ingredients is the University of Orleans , compounded , if at the least it be lawfull to call it an University , as I think it be not . The name of Academie would beseem it better , and God grant ( as Sanco Panco said of his wife ) it be able to discharge that calling . I know that those names are indifferently used , but not properly . For an Academie ( the name is derived from a place neer Athens , called Academia , where Plato first taught Philosophy ) in its strict and proper sense , is such a study , where some one or two Arts are professed ; as Law at Orleans and Bononia , and Physick at Montpelier and Padua ; an University is so called , Quod Universae ibi traduntur disciplinae , as the name importeth ; where learning is professed in the generality , and in the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it ; the first the Germans call Schola illustris ; the latter Generale studium ; very opposite titles , and in which there is little of a German . CHAP. IV. Orleans not an University till the coming of the Jesuites . Their Colledge there by whom built . The Jesuites no singers . Their laudable and exact method of teaching . Their policies in it . Received not without great difficulty into Paris . Their houses in that University . Their strictness unto the rules of their order . Much maliced by the other Priests and Fryers . Why not sent into England with the Queen ; and of what order they were that came with her . Our returne to Paris . THe difference between an University and an Academie standing thus , Those which lived in our Fathers dayes could hardly have called Orleans an University ; a School of Law being the name most fit for it . At this time since the coming of the Jesuites , that appellation may not misbecome it , they having brought with them those parts of learning , which before were wanting in it : but this hath not been of any long standing , their Colledge being not yet fully finished . By an inscription over the gate , it seemeth to be the work of Mr. Gagliery , one of the Advocates in the Parliament of Paris , a man of large practise , and by consequence , of great possessions ; and who having no childe but this Colledge , is said to intend the fastning of his estate upon it . In this house do those of this order apply themselves to the study of good Letters , in the pursuit whereof , as the rest of this fracernity are , they are good proficients , and much exceed all other sorts of Fryers , as having better teachers and more leasure to learn. That time which the other spent at high Masses , and at their Canonicall hours , these men bestowed upon their books : they being exempted from these duties by their order . Upon this ground they trouble not their heads with the crotchets of Musick , nor spend their moneths upon the chanting out of their services . They have other matters to imploy their brains upon , such as are the ruin of Kingdoms , and desolation of Countries . It was the saying of Themistocles , being requested to play a lesson on the Lute , That he could not fidle , but he could tell how to make a little Town a great City . The like we may say of the Jesuites ; They are no great singers , but are well skilled in making little Cities great , and great ones little . And certain it is , that they are so far from any ability or desire this way , that upon any of their solemn Festivals , when their Statutes require musick , they are faine to hire the singing men of the next Cathedrall . As here upon the feast of their Patron St. Ignatius , being the 21 of July , they were compelled to make use of the voyces of the Church of St. Croix . To this advantage of leasure is added the exact method of their teaching , which is indeed so excellent , that the Protestants themselves in some places send their sons to their Schools ; upon desire to have them prove exquisite in those arts they teach . To them resort the children of the rich as well as of the poor , and that in such abundance , that wheresoever they settle , other houses become in a manner desolate , or frequented only by those of the more heavie and phlegmatick constitutions . Into their Schooles when they have received them , they place them in that forum or Classis into which they are best fitted to enter . Of these Classes , the lowest is for Grammar : the second for Composition , or the making of Theames , as we call it : the third for Poetry : the fourth for Oratory : the fifth for Greek Grammar and compositions : the sixt for the Poesie and Rhetorick of that language : the seventh for Logick : and the eight and last for Philosophy . In each of these Schooles there is a severall Reader or Institutor , who only mindeth that art , and the perfection of it , which for that year he teacheth . That year ended , he removeth both himself and Scholars with him , into the Classis or Schooles next beyond him , till he hath brought them through the whole studies of humanity . In this last forme , which is that of Philosophy , he continueth two years , which once expired , his Scholars are made perfect in the University of learning , and themselves manumitted from their labours , and permitted their private studies . Nor do they only teach their Scholars an exactnesse in those several parts of Learning which they handle , but they also endevour to breed in them an obstinacy of mind , and a sturdy eagernesse of spirit to make them thereby hot prosecutors of their own opinions , and impatient of any contrary consideration . This is it which maketh all those of their education , to affect victory in all the controversies of wit or knowledge , with such a violence , that even in their very Grammaticall disputations , you shall find little boyes maintaine arguments with such a fierie impatience , that you would think it above the nature of their years . And all this they performe freely and for nothing ; the poor Paisants son being by them equally instructed , with that of the Noblest . By this means they get unto their Society , great honour , and great strength ; honour in furnishing their Schooles with so many persons of excellent quality or Nobility , of whom afterwards they make their best advantages for their strength also . As for those of the poorer sort , they have also their ends upon them ; for by this free and liberall education of their children , the common people do infinitely affect them : besides that , out of that ranke of their Scholars they assume such into their fraternity , whom they finde to be of a rare wit and excellent spirit , or any other way fitted for their profession . Thus do they make their own purposes out of all conditions , and refuse no fish which either they can draw into their nets , or which will offer it self unto them . Si locuples quis est , avarisunt , si pauper , ambitiosi , quos non oriens , non occidens satiaverit , soli omnium opes atque inopiam pari affectu concupiscunt : Galgacus a British Captain , spake it of the Souldiers of the Romans Empire : we may as justly verifie it of these Souldiers of the Romish Church , they being the men whom neither the West nor East-Indies can satisfie ; and who with a like fervencie desire the education of the needy and the wealthy . Moreover , by this method of teaching they do not only strengthen themselves in the affections of men a broad , but also fortifie themselves within their own wals at home ; for by this means , there is not one of their society , who hath not only perfectly concocted in his head the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of knowledge , but hath gained unto himself the true art of speaking , and a readinesse of expressing what he knoweth ; without the least demurre or haesitancie : the greatest happinesse of a Scholar . To conclude then and say no more of them , and their rare abilities ( for virtus & in hoste probatur ) it is thought by men of wisdome and judgement , that the planting of a Colledge of Jesuites in any place , is the onely sure way to reestablish that Religion which they professe , and in time to eate out the contrary . This notwithstanding , they were at the first institution of them mightily opposed , and no where more violently then in the University of Paris . An University that standeth much upon its liberty and priviledges ; to which this order was imagined to be an hindrance : it being lawfull for them to take any degree in their own houses , without reference to any publick exercise or examination . In the year 1554. at what time they first began to set foot in France , the Colledge of the Sorbonists made a long decree against them , in the end whereof are these words , and they are worth the reading , Uidetur haec societas in negotio fidei periculosa , pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa , monasticae religionis eversiva & magis ad destructionem , quam ad adificationem ; a censure too full of vineger and bitternesse . Afterwards in the year 1564. they preferred a Petition to the University , that the Colledge which the Bishop of Clermont had built for them , might be incorporated into the University , and enjoy the immunities of it . Upon the Universities deniall of their desire , there arose a suit between them and the University in the high Court of Parliament ; Peter Versoris pleading for the Jesuits , and Stephen Pasquier for the other party . In the end they were admitted , though upon terms of wondrous strictnesse . Anno 1594. John Castell a novice of this order , having wounded King Henry IV. in the mouth , occasioned the banishment of this Society out of all France , into which they were not again received till the year 1604. and then also upon limitations more strict then ever . Into Paris they were not readmitted untill anno 1606. neither had the liberty of reading Lectures and instructing the youth confirmed unto them till anno 1611. which also was compassed not without great trouble and vexation . Per varios casus & tot discrimina rerum , As Aeneás and his companions came into Latium . In this University they have at this instant three houses , one of the Novices , a second of Institutors , which they call the Colledge ; and a third of professed Jesuites , which they style their Monastery , or the professed house of St. Lewis . In their house of Novices they train up all those whom they have culled out of their Schooles to be of their order , and therein initiate them in the arts of Jesuitism , and their mysteries of iniquity . They there teach them not Grammaticall constructions or composition , but instruct them in the paths of virtue , courage and obedience , according to such examples as their Authors afford them . This they say of themselves and their friends for them . But he that made the funerall Oration for Henry IV. anno 1610. reporteth it otherwise , Latini sermonis obtentu ( saith he ) impurissime Gallicae juventutis mores ingenuos foedant . Bonarum litterarum praetextu , pessimas edocent artes . Dum ingenia excolunt , animas perdunt , &c. In their Colledge they have the same method of teaching which the others of their company use in Orleans . A Colledge first given unto them by Mr. William Pratt Bishop of Clermount , whose house it was ; but much beautifyed by themselves after his decease . For with the mony which he gave unto them by his will , which amounted ( as it was thought ) to 60000 crowns ; they added to it the Court called De Langres , in St. James street , anno 1582. Their Monastery or house of profession is that unto which they retire themselves after they have discharged their duties in the Colledge , by reading and studying publickly in their severall Classes . When they are here , their studies both for time and quality is ad placitum ; though generally their only studie in it is Policy , and the advantage of their cause . And indeed out of this Trojan horse it is , that those firebrands and incendiaries are let out to disturb and set in combustion the affaires of Christendom , out of this forge come all those stratagems and tricks of Machiavillianism , which tend to the ruine of the Protestants , and the desolation of their Countries . I speak not this of their house of Profession here in Paris , either only or principally ; wheresoever they settle , they have a house of this nature , out of which they issue to overthrow the Gospell . Being sent once by their Superiors , a necessity is layed upon them of obedience , be the imployment never so dangerous . And certainly this Nation doth most strictly obey the rules of their order , of any whatsoever , not excepting the Capouchins nor the Carthusians This I am witnesse to , that whereas the Divinity Lecture is to end at the tilling of a Bell ; one of the Society in the Colledge of Clermont , reading about the fall of the Angels , ended his Lecture with these words , Denique in quibuseunque ; for then was the warning given , and he durst not so far trespasse upon his rule , as to speak out his sentence . But it is not the fate of these Jesuits to have great persons only , and Universities only to oppose their fortunes : they have also the most accomplisht malice , that either the secular Priests or Fryers amongst whom they live , can fasten upon them . Some envie them for the greatnesse of their possessions , some because of the excellency of their learning ; some hate them for their power , some for the shrewdnesse of their brains ; all together making good that saying of Paterculus , that Semper eminentis fortune comes est invidia . True indeed it is , that the Jesuits have in a manner deserved all this clamor and stomach by their own insolencies ; for they have not only drawn into their own hands all the principall affairs of Court and state ; but upon occasions cast all the scorn and contempt they can , upon those of the other Orders . The Janizaries of the Turke never more neglectfully speak of the Asapi , then those doe of the rest of the Clergy . A great crime in those men , who desire to be accounted such excellent Masters of their own affections . Neither is the affection born to them abroad , greater then that at home ; amongst those I mean of the opposite party ; who being so often troubled and crumped by them , have little cause to afford them a liking , and much lesse a welcome . Upon this reason they were not sent into England with the Queen , although at first they were destinate to that service . It was well known how odious that name was amongst us , and what little countenance the Court or Countrey would have afforded them . They therefore who had the Governance of that businesse , sent hither in their places the Oratorians , or the Fratres congregationis Oratorii ; a race of men never as yet offensive to the English , further then the generall defence of the Romish cause , and so lesse subject to envie and exception . They were first instituted by Philip Nerius , not long after the Jesuits , and advanced and dignified by Pope Sixtus V. principally to this end , that by their incessant Sermons to the people , of the lives of Saints , and other Ecclesiasticall Antiquities , they might get a new reputation ; and so divert a little the torrent of the peoples affections from the Jesuites . Baronius , that great and excellent Historian , and Bozius that deadly enemie to the Soveraignity of Princes , were of the first foundation of this Order . I have now done with Orleans and the Jesuits , and must prepare for my return to Paris . Which journey I begun the 23 of July , and ended the day following . We went back the same way that we came , though we were not so fortunate as to enjoy the same company we came in , for in stead of the good and acceptable society of one of the French Nobles , some Gentlemen of Germany , and two Fryers of the Order of St. Austin ; we had the perpetuall vexation of four tradesmen of Paris , two filles de joye , and an old woman ; the Artizans so slovenly attired and greasie in their apparell , that a most modest apprehension could have conceived no better of them , then that they had been newly raked out of the scullery . One of them by an Inkehorne that hung at his girdle , would have made us believe that he had been a Notarie ; but by the thread of his discourse , we found out that he was a Sumner : so full of ribaldrie was it , and so rankly did it favour of the French bawdie-courts . The rest of them talked according to their skill , concerning the price of commodities ; and who was the most likely man of all the City , to be made one of the next years Eschevins . Of the two wenches , one so extreamly impudent , that even any immodest ear would have abhorred her language , and of such a shamelesse deportment , that her very behaviour would have frighted lust out of the most incontinent man living . Since I first knew mankinde and the world , I never observed so much impudence in the generall , as I did then in her particular , and I hope shall never be so miserable , as to suffer two dayes more the torment and hell of her conversation . In a word , she was a wench born to shame all the Fryers with whom she had traficked , for she would not be casta , and could not be cauta , and so I leave her , a creature extreamly bold , because extreamly faulty . And yet having no good property to redeem both these , and other unlovely qualities ; but ( as Sir Philip Sydney said of the Strumpet Baccha in the Arcadia ) a little counterfeit beauty disgraced with wandring eyes , and unwayed speeches . The other of the younger females ( for as yet I am doubtfull whether I may call any of them women ) was of the same profession also , but not half so rampant as her companion . Haec habitu casto cum non sit , casta videtur , as Ausonius giveth it one of the two wanton sisters . By her carriage a charitable stranger would have thought her honest ; and to that favourable opinion had my self been inclinable , if a French Monsieur had not given me her character at Orleans : besides there was an odd twinkling of her eye , which spoyled the composednesse of her countenance ; otherwise she might have passed for currant . So that I may safely say of her , in respect of her fellow Harlot , what Tacitus doth of Pompey , in reference to Caesar , viz. Secretior Pompeius , Caesare non melior . They were both equally guilty of the sin ; though this last had the more cunning to dissemble it , and avoid the infamie and censure due unto it . And so I come to the old woman , which was the last of our goodly companions . A woman so old , that I am not at this day fully resolved whether she were ever young or no. 'T was well I had read the Scriptures , otherwise I might have been very prone to have thought her one of the first pieces of the creation , and that by some mischance or other , she had escaped the flood ; her face was for all the world like unto that of Sibylla Erythraea in an old print , or that of Solomons two harlots in the painted cloth ; you could not at the least but have imagined her one of the Relicks of the first age after the building of Babel ; for her very complexion was a confusion more dreadfull then that of languages . As yet I am uncertain whether the Poem of our arch-poet Spencer , entituled , The Ruines of time , was not purposely intended on her ; sure I am it is very applyable in the title . But I might have saved all this labour : Ovid in his description of Fames , hath most exactly given us her portraicture ; and out of him , and the eight book of his Metamorphosis , you may take this view of her . Nullus erat crinis , cava lumina , pallor in ore , Labra incana situ , scabri ru●igine dentes , Dura cutis , per quam spectari viscera possent ; Ventris erat pro ventre locus : pendere putares Pectus , et a spinae tantummodo crate teneri . But of this our companion , as also of the rest of the Coachfull , Sunday-night , and our arrivall at Paris , hath at the last delivered us . A blessing for which I can never be sufficiently thankfull ; and thus — Dedit Deus his quoque finem . The End of the Third Book . A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . PICARDIE : OR , THE FOURTH BOOK . CHAP. I. Our return towards England . More of the Hugonots hate unto Crosses . The town of Luzarch , and St. Loupae . The Country of Picardie and people . The Picts of Britain not of this Country . Mr. Lee Dignicoes Governor of Picardie . The office of Constable what it is in France . By whom the place supplyed in England . The marble table in France , and causes there handled . Clermount , and the Castle there . The war raised up by the Princes against D'Ancre . What his designes might tend to , &c. JUly the 27. having dispatched that businesse which brought us into France , and surveyed as much of the Countrey , as that opportunity would permit , we began our journey towards England in a Coach of Amiens . Better accompaned we were then when we came from Orleans , for here we had Gentlemen of the choicest fashion , very ingenious , and in my opinion of finer condition then any I had met withall in all my acquaintance with that Nation . We had no vexation with us in the shape of a French woman , which appeared unto me somewhat miraculous , to torment our ears with her discourse , or punish our eyes with her complexion . Thus associated we began to jog towards St. Loup , where that night we were to be lodged . The Countrey such as already I have described it in the Isle of France , save that beyond St. Denis it began to be somewhat more hilly . By the way I observed those little crossets erected in the memorie of St. Denis , as being vainly supposed to be his resting places , when he ran from Mont-martre with his head in his hand , which the zealous madnesse of the Hugonots had thrown down , and were now reedified by King Lewis . It could not but call to mind the hate of that Nation unto that harmelesse monument of Christs sufferings , the Crosse ; which is grown it seemeth so exorbitant , that the Papists make use of it to discover an Hugonot . I remember as I passed by water from Amiens to Abbeville , we met in the boat with a levie of French Gentlewomen ; to one of them , with that French as I had , I applyed my self , and she perceiving me to be English , questioned my Religion . I answered ( as I safely might ) that I was a Catholick : and she for her better satisfaction proffered me the little crosse which was on the top of her beads to kisse , ( and rather should I desire to kisse it then many of their lips ) whereupon the rest of the company gave of me this verdit , that I was Un urai Christien , & ne point un Hugonot . But to proceed in our journall . The same day we parted from Paris , we passed through the Town of Luzarch , and came to that of St. Loup . The first famous only in its owner , which is the Count of Soissons . The second in an Abbey there situate built in memory of St. Lupus Bishop of Trios in Champagne . These Townes passed , we were entred into Picardie . Picardie is divided into the higher , which containeth the Countries of Calice and Boulogne , with the Town Monst●●vill : and the lower , in which are the goodly Cities of Amiens , Abbeville , and many other places of principall note . The higher which is the lesser , and more Northern part is bounded North and West with the English Ocean ; and on the East with Flanders and Artoys . The lower , which is the larger , the richer and the more Southern , hath on the East the little Country of Veromandys ; on the West Normandy ; and on the South the Countrey of Champagne . In length it comprehendeth all the 51 degree of Latitude , and three parts of the 50 ; extending from Calice in the North , to Clermont in the South . In breadth it is of a great inequality . For the higher Picardie is like Linea amongst the Logitians , which they desine to be longitudo sine latitudine , it being indeed nothing in a manner , but a meer border . The lower is of a larger breadth , and containeth in it the whole 24 degree of longitude , and a fourth part of the 23 ; so that by the proportion of degrees , this Province is 105 miles long , and 25 broad . Concerning the name of Pieardie , it is a difficulty beyond my reading and my conjecture . All I can do is to overthrow the lesse probable opinions of other writers , and make my self subject to that scoffe which Lactantius bestoweth on Aristotle , Rectè hic sustulit aliorum disciplinas , sed non recte fundavit suam . Some then derive it from Piquon , one forsooth of Alexander the greats Captains , whom they fain to have built Amiens and Piquigni ; an absurdity not to be honoured with a consutation : some from the Town of Piquigni it self , of which mind is Mercator ; but that Town never was of such note as to name a Province : others derive it from Picardus a fanaticall Heretick of these parts , about the year 1300 and after ; but the appellation is far older then the man : others fetch it from the Picts of Britain , whom they would have to flie hither after the discomfiture of their Empire and Nation by the Scots ; a transmigration of which all Histories are silent : this being the verdict of the best Antiquary ever was nursed up in . Britain , Picti itaque funestissimo praelio debellati , aut penit us fuerunt extincti , aut paulatim in Scotorum nomen & nationem concesserint . Lastly , some others derive the name from Pique , which signifieth a Lance or a Pike , the inventors of which warlike weapon , the fathers of this device would fain make them . In like manner some of Germany have laboured to prove that the Saxons had that name given them from the short swords which they used to wear , called in their language Scaxon ; but neither truely . For my part I have consulted Ptolemie for all the Nations ; and the Itinerarium of Antonius for all the Towns in this tract , but can find none on which I may fasten any probable Etymologie . All therefore that I can say , is , that which Robert Bishop of Auranches in Normandy hath said before me , and that only in the generall , Quos itaque aetas nostra Picardos appellat verae Belgae dicendi sunt : qui post modum in Picardorum nomen transmigrarunt . This Countrey is very plentifull of Corne and other grain , with which it abundantly furnisheth Paris ; and hath in it more store of pasture and medow grounds , then I else saw in any part of France . In Vines only it is defective , and that ( as it is thought ) more by the want of industry in the people , then any inhability in the soil . For indeed they are a people that will not labour more then they needs must , standing much upon their state and distance , and in the carriage of their bodies favouring a little of the Spaniard ; whence Picard●er , to play the Picard , is usually said of those who are lofty in their looks , or gluttonous at their tables : this last being also one of the symptomes of a Picard . The Governor of this Province is the Duke of Les Diguieres , into which office he succeeded Mr. Luynes , as also he did into that of the Constable . Two preferments which he purchased at a deer rate , having sold or abandoned that religion to-compasse them , which he had prosessed more then 60 years together ; an apostasie most unworthy of the man , who having for so many years supported the cause of religion , hath now forsaken it ; and thereby made himself gilty of the cowardise of M. Antonius , Qui cum in desertores saevire debuerat , desertor sui exertilus factus est . But I fear an heavier censure waiteth upon him ; the crown of immortality not being promised to all those which run , but to those only which hold out till the end . For the present indeed he hath augmented his honours by this office , which is the principall of all France . He hath place and command before and over all the Peers and Princes of the bloud ; and at the Coronation of the French Kings , ministreth the oath : when he entreth a City in state , or upon the ●redition of it , he goeth before with the Sword naked ; and when the King sitteth in an assembly of the three estates , he is placed at the Kings right hand . He hath command over all his Majesties forces ; and he that killeth him is guilty of high treason . He sitteth also as chief Judge at the Table of marble upon all suits , actions , persons , and complaints whatsoever concerning the wars . This Table de Marbre was wont to be continually in the great hall of the Palais at Paris ; from whence upon the burnning of that hall , it was removed to the Louure . At this table doth the Admirall of France hold his Sessions , to judge of trafick , prizes , letters of marts , piracy , and businesse of the like nature . At this table judgeth also Le grand Maistre des eaues et forrests ; we may call him the Justice in Eire of all his Majesties Forrests and waters . The actions here handled , are Thefts , and abuses committed in the Kings Forrests , Rivers , Parks , Fish-ponds , and the like . In the absence of the grand Maistre , the power of sentence resteth in the Les grand Maistres Enquesteurs , et generaux reformateurs , who have under their command no fewer then 300 subordinate officers . Here also sit the Marshals of France , which are ten in number , sometimes in their own power , and sometimes as Assistants to the Constable , under whose direction they are . With us in England the Marshalship is more entire , as that which besides its own jurisdiction , hath now incorporated into it self most of the authority , antiently belonging to the Constables , which office ended in the death of Edward Lord Duke of Buckingham , the last hereditary and proprietary Constable of England . This office of Constable , to note unto you by the way so much , was first instituted by Lewis the grosse , who began his reign , anno 1110. and conferred on Mr. Les Diguieres on the 24 of July , 1622. in the Cathedrall Church of Grenoble , where he first heard Masse , and where he was installed Knight of both Orders . And so I leave the Constable to take a view of his Province , a man at this time beloved of neither parties ; hated by the Protestants as an Apostata , and suspected by the Papists not to be entire . To proceed , July the 28. we came unto Clermont , the first Town of any note that we met with in Picardie : a prety neat Town , and finely seated on the rising of an hill . For the defence of it , it hath on the upper side of it , an indifferent large Castle , and such which were the situation of it somewhat helped by the strength of Art , might be brought to do good service . Towards the Town , it is of an easie accesse , to the fieldwards more difficult , as being built on the perpendicular fall of a rock . In the year 1615 , it was made good by Mr. Harancourt with a Regiment of eight Companies , who kept it in the name of the Prince of Conde , and the rest of that confederacy ; but it held not long , for at the Marshall D' Ancres coming before it with his Army , and Artillery , it was presently yeelded . This war , which was the second civill war which had happened in the reign of King Lewis , was undertaken by the Princes , chiefly to thwart the designes of the Queen mother , and crush the powerfulnesse of her grand favourite , the Marshall . The pretence ( as in such cases it commonly is ) was the good of the Common-wealth : the occasion , the crosse marriages then consummated by the Marshall , between the Kings of France and Spain ; for by those marriages they seemed to fear the augmentation of the Spaniards greatnesse ; the alienation of the affections of their antient allies ; and by consequence the ruine of the French Empire . But it was not the fate of D' Anire , as yet to persh . Two years more of command and insolencies , his destinies allow'd him , and then he tumbled . This opportunity of his death ending the third civill war , each of which his faulty greatnesse had occasioned . What the ambition of his designes did tend to , I dare not absolutely determine ; though like enough it is , that they aimed further then at a private , or a personall potencie ; for having under the favour and countenance of the Queen mother made himself master of the Kings ear , and of his Councell ; he made a shift to get into his own hands an authority almost as unlimited , as that of the old Mayre of the Palace . For he had suppressed the liberty of the generall estates , and of the soveraign Courts ; removed all the officers and Counsellors of the last King ; ravished one of the Presidents of the great Chamber , by name Mr. le Jay , out of the Parliament into the prison , and planted Garrisons of his own in most of the good Towns of Normandy , of which Province he was Governour . Add to this , that he had caused the Prince of Conde , being acknowledged the first Prince of the bloud , to be imprisoned in the Bastile , and had searched into the continuance of the lives of the King and his brother , by the help of Sorcery and Witchcraft . Besides , he was suspected to have had secret intelligence with some forain Princes , ill willers to the State ; and had disgraced some and neglected others of the Kings old confederates . Certainly these actions seem to import some project beyond a private and obedient greatnesse , though I can hardly believe that he durst be ambitious of the Crown ; for being a fellow of a low birth , his heart could not but be too narrow for such an hope , and having no party amongst the Nobility , and being lesse gracious with the people , he was altogether destitute of means to compasse it . I therefore am of an opinion , that the Spanish gold had corrupted him to some project concerning the enlargement of that Empire , upon the French dominion ; which the crosse marriages , whereof he was the contriver , and which seemed so full of danger to all the best Patriots of France , may seem to demonstrate . And again , at that time when he had put the Realm into his third combustion , the King of Spain had an Army on foot against the Duke of Savoy , and another in the Countries of Cleve and Juliers ; which had not the timely fall of this Monster , and the peace ensuing prevented it , might both perhaps have met together in the midst of France . But this only conjecturall . CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens ; and greatnesse of it . The English feasted within it ; and the error of that action ; the Town how built , seated and fortified . The Citadell of it , thought to be impregnable . Not permitted to be viewed . The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength . The watch and form of Government in the Town . Amiens a Visdamate : to whom it pertaineth . What that honour is in France . And how many there enjoy it , &c. THat night we went from Clermont to a Town called Bret●aul , where we were harboured : being from Clermont 6 French leagues ; and from Paris 20. Our entertainment there such as in other places : as sluttish , as inconvenient . The next day being the 29 , about ten of the clock , we had a sight of the goodly City of Amiens . A City of some four English miles circuit within the wals , which is all the greatnesse of it : for without the wals it hath houses few or none . A City very capacious , and for that cause hath been many times honoured with the persons and trains of many great Princes : besides that once it entertained almost an whole Army of the English . For King Lewis the 11. having made an advantagious peace with our Edward 4. and perceiving how ungratefull it was amongst the military men , he intended also to give them some manner of satisfaction : He sent therefore unto them 300 carts loaden with the best Wines : and seeing how acceptable a present that had proved ; he intended also to feast them in Amiens , within half a league of which their Camp was lodged . This entertainment lasted four daies , each street having in it two long tables : and each table being furnished with very plentiful provision . Neither were they denied entrance into any of the Taverns , and Victualling houses , or therein stinted either in meats , or drinks ; whatsoever was called for , being defrayed by King Lewis . An action wherein , if mine opinion might carry it , there was little of the politician . For there were permitted to enter into the Town so many at once of the English men , that had they been but so minded , they might easily have made themselves Masters both of the place , and of the Kings person . Nine thousand are reckoned by Cumines to have been within it together , and most of them armed : so that they might very easily have surprised the Gates , and let in the rest of the Army . Those of the French Kings Counsell much feared it , and therefore enformed both Princes of the danger , the one of his Town , the other of his Honour . But this jealousie was but a French distrust , and might well have been spared : the English being of that Generals minde , who scorned to steal a victory , and of that generous disposition , that they would not betray their credits . Nunquam illis adei ulla opportuna visa est victoriae occasio , quam damno pensarent fides : as the Historian of Tiberius . If this City then escaped a sack or a surprisal , it cannot be imputed to the wisdome of the French , but to the modesty and fair dealing of the English . But this was not the only soloecism in point of state , committed by that great politick of his time , King Lewis : there never being man so famed for his brain , that more grosly over-reached himself , then that Prince , though perhaps more frequently . The buildings of this Town are of diverse materials , some built of stone , others of wood , and some again of both . The streets very sweet and clean , and the air not giving place to any for a lively pureness . Of their buildings the principal are their Churches , whereof there are twelve only in number : Churches I mean parochial , and besides those belonging to Religious houses . Next unto them the work of most especial note , is a great and large Hospital ; in method and the disposing of the beds much like unto the Hostel Dieu in Paris , but in number much inferiour ; Et me tamen rapuerant , and yet the decency of them did much delight me . The sweetnesse and neatnesse of the Town , proceeded partly as I said from the air , and partly from the conveniency of the River of Some , on which it is seated . For the river running in one entire bank at the further end of the Town , is there divided into six channels , which almost at an equall distance run through the several parts of it . Those channels thus divided , receive into them all the ordure and filth , with which the Town otherwise might be pester'd : and affordeth the people a plentifull measure of water wherewith to purge the lanes , and bie corners of it , as often as them listeth . But this is not all the benefit of these Channels : they bestow upon the City matter also of commodity , which is the infinite number of Grist-mils , that are built upon them . At the other end of the Town the Channels are again united into one stream : both those places , as well of the division , as of the union of the Channels being exceeding well fortified with chains and piles , and also with bulwarks and out-works . Neither is the Town well fortified and strengthned at those passages only : the other parts of it having enough of strength to inable them to a long resistance . The ditch round about it , save where it meeteth with the Citadell , is exceeding deep , and steepie : the wals of a good height , broad , and composed of earth and stone equally : the one making up the outside of them , and the other the inside . The Gates are very large and strong , as well in the finewie composition of themselves , as in the addition of the Draw-bridge . Suburbs this City hath none , because a Town of war : nor any liberal circuit of territory , because a frontier . Yet the people are indifferently wealthy , and have amongst them good trading ; besides the benefit of the Garrison , and the Cathedral . The Garrison consisteth of 250 men , ( 500 in all they should be ) who are continually in pay to guard the Citadel , their pay eight Sols daily . The Governor of them is the Duke of Chaune , who is also the Lieutenant or Deputy Governour of the whole Province under the Constable : their Captain Mr. Le Noyre , said to be a man of good experience , and worthy his place . This Citadel was built by Henry 4. as soon as he had recovered the Town from the Spaniards , anno 1597. It is seated on the lower part of the City , though somewhat on the advantage of an hill , and seemeth in mine opinion , better situate to command the Town , then to defend it ; or rather to recover the Town being taken , then to save it from taking . They who have seen it , and know the arts of fortification , report it to be impregnable . — Quod nec Jo●is ira , nec ign●s , Nec poterit ferrum , nec edax abolere vetustas . Nor am I able to contradict it . For besides that it is a skill beyond my profession , we were not permitted to come within it , or to take a survey of it , but at a distance . As soon as we approached high unto it , one of the Garrison proffes'd us the Musket : a sufficient warning not to be too venturous . So that all which I could observe was this : that they had within themselves good plenty of earth to make their Gabions , and repair their breaches . With the same jealousie also , are the rest of the Forts and Towns of importance guarded in this and other Countreys : no people that ever I heard being so open in shewing their places of strength and safety unto strangers , as the English . For a dozen of Ale a foreiner may pace over the curtain of Portsmouth , and measure every stone and bulwark of it . For a shilling more he shall see their provision of powder and other munition . And when that is done , if he will he shall walk the round too . A French crown sathometh the wals of Dover Castle : and for a pinte of wine one may see the nakednesse of the blockhouses at Gravesend . A negligence which may one day cost us dearly : though we now think it not . For what else do we in it , but commit that prodigall folly , for which Pltarch condemned Pericles : that is , to break open all the pal●s and inclosures of our land , to the end that every man might come in freely , and take away our fruit at his pleasure . Jealousie , though a vice in a man towards his wife , is yet one of the safest vertues in a Governor towards his fortresse : and therefore I could wish that an English man , would in this particular borrow a little of the Italian . Besides these souldiers which are continually in garrison for the defence of the Citadell , there are also 300 which keep watch every night for the defence of the City . The watchmen receive no pay of the King , but discharge that duty amongst themselves , and in turns , every house finding one for that service , twelve nights in the year . The weapons which they use , are pikes only , and muskets : there being not one piece of Ordinance all about the Town , or on the wals of it . The Governor of this Town , as it hath reference to the King , is a Bailly , who hath belonging to him all the authority which belongeth to a siege Pres●dial . Under him he hath a Lieutenant generall , and particular ; seven Counsellors , a publick Notary , and other inferior Officers and Magistrates . As it is a Corporation , the chief Governor of it is a Maior , and next to him the E●sohevins , or Sheriffs , as protectors of the inhabitants and their liberties : besides those of the Common-councell . Another circumstance there is , which 〈◊〉 this Town of Amiens , which is , that it is a Visdamate : or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility , who is called the Visdame of Amiens . This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chaune , Governor of the Ci●adell , together with the Lordship of Piquigni : both which he obtained by marrying the daughter and heir of the last Visdame of Amiens , and Lord of Piquigni , anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes , and which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother , who also obtained for him of the King , the title of Duke : his highest attribute before being that of Mr. de Cadinet , by which name he was known here in England , at such time when he was sent extraordinary Embassador to King James . This honour of Visdame , is for ought I could ever see , used only in France . True it is that in some old English Charters we meet with this title of Vice-dominus . As in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in Lincolnshire , dated in the year 948. there is there subscribed Ego Ingulph Vice-dominus : but with us , and at those times , this title was only used to denote a subordination to some superior Lord , and not as an honorary attribute , in which sense it is now used in France . Besides that , with us it was frequently , though falsly used for Vice comes . Between which two offices of a Vicount and a Visdame , there are found no small resemblances . For as they which did gerere vicem Comitis , were called Vicecomites or Vicounts : so were they also called Vidames or Vicedomini , qui domini episcopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus . And as Vicounts from officers of the Earls became honorary : so did the Vidames disclaim their relation to the Bishop , and became Signieural or honorary also . The Vidames then according to their first institution were the substitutes of the greater Bishops , in matter of secular administration : for which cause , though they have altered their tenure , they take all of them their denomination from the chieftown of some Bishoprick . Neither is there any of them , who holdeth not of some Bishoprick or other . Concerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine . Mr. Glover , otherwise alled Somerset Herald , in his Discourse of Nobility , published by Mr. Milles of Canterbury , putteth it down for absolute , that here are four only , viz. of Amiens , of Chartres , of Chalons , and of Gerberey in Beauvais ; but in this he hath deceived both himself and his readers , there being , besides those divers others , as of Rheimes , Mans , and the like . But the particular and exact number of them , together with the place denominating , I leave to the French Heralds : unto whose profession it principally belongeth . CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens . The principal Churches in most Cities called by her name . More honour performed to her then to her Saviour . The surpassing beauty of this Church on the cut-side . The front of it . King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster . The curiousnesse of this Church within . By what means it became to be so . The sumptuous masking closets in it . The excellency of perspective works . Indulgences by whom first founded . The estate of the Bishoprick . THere is yet one thing which addeth more lustre to the City of Amiens , then either the Vidamate or the Citadel , which is the Church of Nostre Dame. A name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France . There have we the Nostre Dame in Roven , a second in Paris , a third in this City , a fou 〈…〉 in Boulogne , all Cathedrall : so also a Nostre Dame in Abbeville and another in Estampes : the principal Church in those Towns also : had I seen more of their Towns , I had met with more of her Temples : for of so many I have heard of , that if there be more then two Churches in a Town , one shall be sure to be dedicated unto her , and that one of the fairest : of any temples consecrated to the name and memory of our Saviour , ne gry quidem : there was not so much as a word stirring , neither could I marvail at it , considering the honours done to her , and those to her son ; betwixt which there is so great a disproportion , that you would have imagined that Mary , and not Jesus had been our Saviour . For one Pater noster the people are enjoyned ten Ave Maries , and to recompense one pilgrimage to Christs Sepulchre at Hierusalem , you shall hear 200 undertaken to our Lady of Loretto : and whereas in their Kalendar they have dedicated only four festivals to our Saviour , which are those of his birth , circumcision , resurrection , and ascension , ( all which the English Church also observeth ) for the Virgins sake they have more then doubled the number . Thus do they solemnize the feasts of her purification , and annuntiation , at the times which we also do : of her visitation of Elizabeth , in July ; of her dedication and assumption in August : of her nativity in September : of her presentation , in November : and of her conception in the womb of her mother , in December . To her have they appropriated set formes of Prayers prescribed in the two books called , one Officium , and the other Rosarium beatae Mariae virginis , whereas her son must be contented with those oraisons which are in the common Masse-book . Her shrines and images are more glorious and magnificent , then those of her son . And in her Chappel are more vowes paid , then before the Crucifix . But I cannot blame the vulgar , when the great masters of their souls are thus also besotted . The Officium before mentioned , published by the command of Pius 2. saith thus of her . Gaude Maria virgo ; tu sola omnes haereses interemisti in universe mundo . Catharinus in the Councel of Trent , calleth her fidelissimam dei sociam : and he was modest if comp 〈…〉 with others . In one of their Councels , Christs na 〈…〉 quite forgotten , and the name of our Lady put in the place of it . For thus it beginneth : Autoritate Dei patris , & beatae virginis , & omnium sanctorum : but most horrible is that of one of their writers ( I am loth to say it was Bernard ) Becta virgo monstra te esse matrem , jube filium : which Harding in his confutation of the apologie , endeavouring to make good ; would needs have it to be only an excesse of minde , or a spiritual sport and dalliance . But from all such sports and dalliances , no lesse then from the plague , pestilence and famine , Good Lord deliver us . Leaving our Lady , let us go to see her Church , which questionlesse is one of the most glorious piles of building under the heavens . What Velleius saith of Augustus , that he was homo qui omnibus omnium gentium viris inducturus erat caliginem : or what Suetonius spake of Titus , when he called him Delitias humani generis ; both those attributes and more too , may I most fitly fasten on this most magnificent Structure . The whole body of it is of most curious and polisht stone , every where born up by buttresses of that excellent composure , that they seem to add more of beauty to it then of strength . The Quire of it , as in great Churches commonly it is , is of a fairer fabrick then the body , thick set with dainty pillars , and most of them reaching to the top of it , in the fashion of an arch . I am not well able to judge , whether this Quire , or the Chappell of King Henry VII . at Westminster , be the more exquisite piece of Architecture ; though I am not ignorant that Leland calleth that of our King Miraculum orbis . I perswade my self , that a most discerning eye could find out but little difference between them , and that difference more subtile then sound : for if such perfection may receive the word of more , it might be said , that there were more majesty in this of Amiens , and more of lovelinesse in that of Westminster ; yet so that the ones majesty did exceed in lovelinesse , and the others lovelinesse exceed in majesty . Tam bene conveniunt , & in una sede morantur Majestas & amor . But now we are come unto the divinity of the workmanship ; the front , which presenteth it self unto us with two Towers , and three gates , that in the midst being the principall . The front of Welles or Peterborough , which we so much fame in England , deserve not to be named in the same myriad of years , with this of Amiens ; for here have you almost all the sacred stories engraven so lively , that you would no longer think the story of Pygmalions image to be a fable ; and indeed at the first sight , you would confidently believe that the histories there presented were not carved , but acted . To say no more of it ( for all my abilities will but disgrace it in the description ) that of Zeuxis may most fitly he inscribed upon it , Invisurum facilius aliquem , quam imitaturum ; so infinitely it is above the ambition of imitation . The outside of the Church being admirable , you would have thought that art and treasure had left nothing of themselves to bestow within it : yet herein would such thoughts deceive you ; for although the beauty of the Nostre dames in Paris and Roven lay most without , yet here it serveth but as a maske to hide and conceal those most admirable graces which are within . As soon as entred you will suppose that the materials of it are all of gold ; such a lustre doth it cast upon the eyes of all those that look upon it . The glory of Solomons Temple , next unto the description of it in the Scriptures , is best read in this Church , of which it seemeth to have been the pattern . Jupiters house in heaven described by the Poets , was never half so gorgeous as this on the earth ; that therefore which Ovid Poetically spake concerning that imaginary Palace of the false God , we may positively verifie of this reall mansion of the true God. Hic locus est , quem , si verbis audacia detur , Haud time am magni dixisse palatia regis . To instance in particulars ; the partition between the Quire and the body , is so overlaid with gold , that the acutest sight could apprehend no other substance of it ; and yet the art of the workman so fully expressed its power on it , that the cost was much inferiour to the workmanship ; so curiously was it adorned with excellent Imagery , and what else the hand of man could fashion into portraiture : on the top of it was the Statua of our Lady in the just height and proportion of a woman , all either of gold or gilded ; her child in her armes , of the same making . She was there expressed as standing in a round circle , unto every point of which she darted out rayes and beams of gold ; just as the Sun doth seem to do , when the Painter hath drawn him in his full lustre . The glasse of the Church generally , and particularly that about the Quire , and the Virgins Chappell , is the fullest of life and beauty , of any that I ever yet set eye upon . As much as that of St. Denis exceedeth ours at Canterbury , so much doth this St. Denis . But the largest measure of perfection in it is that of the Pillars , which though full of majesty in their height and compasse , have yet an ornament added to them , more majesticall then the majesty , for upon each of them ( there are four ranks of them in all ) are fastned four Tables , which take up their whole circle , every Table being in length two yards or thereabout . In every of these , are the pictures of sundry men and women of the better quality , so exactly limmed , that neither a curious eye could desire , nor a cunning hand discharge it better . These Tables are the Monuments and Tombs of the Burgers of the City , or of the noblest of the Countrey nigh unto it ; who in them have caused their pictures to be drawn with as great art and state as cost could procure them , and in a subscription of golden letters , have eternized their names and that act to all succeeding posterity . So that we may justly say of the sumptuousnesse of this Church , what the Historian doth of the Temple of Delphos , Multa igitur ibi , & opulenta regum populorumque visuntur munera ; quaeque magnificentia sui , reddentium vota gratam voluntatem manifestant . Neitheir have these Sepulchrall ornaments been of any great standing ; the antientest of them which I could observe having been erected since the year 1570. Add to these the curious works which the ingraver hath cut in the main wals , and then you perhaps will fall into the same extasie that I did , and pick a quarell with nature and the heavens , that they had not made you all into an eye . In this Church , as in others also of this party , besides the high Altar in the middest of the Quire , there are divers others in the private Clossets , which are destinate to the mumbling of their low Masses . Of these there are in number 24. all of them seated between the two outermost rankes of pillars and the wals ; prety neat places , and it is pity they should be abused to such Idolatries . Of three of them I took especiall notice , they being indeed the chiefest of the rest , either for furniture or use . The first of them was that of the Virgin , which was divided from the rest of the Church by a sphere made of wood , which reached unto the tops of the partitition . On the outside the Planets , Starres and Constellations were most artificially set down in their proper orbes , with the times of absolving their severall courses . On the inside , those spaces were filled up with a pack of Verses in commendation of our Lady . The Altar there , was for matter and making , the most glorious that ever I yet looked upon ; that on the other side in the Quire , and over which is the image of our Saviour , being more despicable then were fit for the credite of a Village . Over this Altar was the Virgins Status , all gilt , and of a full and wo●anly proportion ; two Angels of the same materials attending on her . Finally , this Chappell considering the richnesse and glory of it , may be styled the Epitome of the Church ; that attribute of Immensae opulentiae Templum , being no more deservedly applyable to Solomons Temple , of which Tacitus spake it , then to this . The second of them , stood as I remember 〈◊〉 the further end of the Church behind the Quire , not directed for ought I could perceive to any particular Saint , yet not to be passed over without a due remembrance . It was separated from the rest of the Church by two ranks of br●sse pillars , one rank above the other . The pillars all curiously casted , and such as would not shame the workman . In this Massing Closet over the Altar there was hanged a tablet , which by the many lines and shadowes drawn in it , seemed to represent some piece of building . Moving my hand towards mine eye in the nature and kind of a Perspective glasse , I perceived it to be the representation of that Church in which I stood to see it ; and it was done with that cunning , that it would almost have perswaded a man out of himself , and made him believe , that he had been in the Church yard . So perfectly did it shew the majesty of the Front , the beauty of the Iles , the number of the Pillars , and the glory of the Quire. A kinde of work , in mine opinion of all others the most excellent , and such as would infinitely delight an optick . Had not such pieces been vulgar to me , it had more affected me ; but in the Gallery of Mr. Crane of Cambridge , once belonging to that humorous Physitian Mr. Butlar ; and in that of Sir Noel Caron , late Leiger for the States , at Lambeth , I had seen divers of them , whereof some perfector . The third of these Massing closets was that of St. Peter , not so gorgeous as the rest unto the eyes of them that saw it , but more usefull to the souls of those , who had a minde to take the benefit of it . For therein hung an indulgence granted by Pope Gregory the fifteenth unto that Church ; Dated the 27 of July , anno 1622. and of his Popedome the second . The contents of it were an absolute exemption from the paines and place of Purgatory to those , who upon the Feast of Al-soules ( Festum commemorationis defunctorum , the brief calleth it ) and the Octaves of it ; would come to pay their devotions and moneyes , in that Temple . Had the extent of it been generall , it would quickly have emptied the Popes Treasury ; and in time have put an end to Purgatory . His Holinesse therefore did wisely restrain it in his Bull , to the natives of that Diocesse . The Author and first founder of this granting of Indulgences ( if it be lawfull to note so much by the way ) was Pope Urban the second , who began his Popedome anno 1088. who conferred them upon all such as would goe unto the warres for the recovering of Jerusalem ; next they began to be conferred on those , who would side with the Pope , in his unlawfull warres against the Emperours . And fastly , about the time of Clement the fifth ( he began his reign anno 1306 ) they began to be merchantable ; for to him that gainfull invention of the Church Treasury , consisting of the merits of our Saviour and the Saints is imputed . But I return againe to the Church of Amiens . This glorious Church is the seat of a Bishop , who acknowledgeth for his Metropolitan , the Archbishop of Rhemes , Primate of all France ; the first Bishop of it was one Firminus , a native of Pampelune in the Kingdom of Navarre , who suffered Martyrdome under the Emperour Diocletian . To him succeeded another Firminus , to whom the first foundation of the Church is attributed . The present Diocesan is named Franciscus Faber , his intrade about 6000 crownes a year . Chanoins there are in the Church to the number of forty , of whose revenue I could not learn any thing ; neither could I be so happy as to see the head of St. John Baptist , whis is said to be here entire ; though it cannot be denied that a piece of it is in the holy Chappell at Paris , besides those fractions of it which are in other places . CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some , and Company . The Town and Castle of Piquigni , for what famous . Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies . A farewell to the Church of Amiens . The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie . Abbeville how seated ; and the Garrison there . No Governour in it but the Maior or Provost . The Authors imprudent curiosity ; and the curtesie of the Provost to him . The French Post-horses how base and tired . My preferment to the Trunke-horse . The horse of Philip de Comines . The Town and strength of Monstreville . The importance of these three Towns to the French border , &c. JUly the 30. we took boat to go down to Abbeville , by the river of Some ; a river of no great breadth , but deep and full ; the boat which carryed us was much of the making of those Lighters which live upon the Thames , but that is was made more wi●ldie and fit for speed . There were in it of us in all , to the number of 30 persons or thereabouts : people of all conditions , and such with whom a man of any humor might have found a companion . Under the tilt we espied a bevie of Lasses , mixt with some young Gentlemen . To them we applyed our selves , and they taking a delight to hear our broken French , made much of our company ; for in that little time of our abode there we had learned only so much of the French , as a little child after a years practise hath of his mothers tongue ; Linguis dimidiata adhuc verba tentantibus ; & loquela ipso offensantis linguae fragmine dulciori . The Gentlewomen next those of Orleans , were the handsomest that I had seen in France , very pleasant and affable ; one of them being she which put my Religion to the touchstone of kissing the crosse of her beads . Thus associated , we passed merrily down the streame , though slowly ; the delight which our language gave the companie , and the content which their liberal humanity afforded to us , beguiling the tediousnesse of the way . The first thing we met with observable , was the Town and Castle of Piquigni . The Town poor and beggerly , and so unlikely to have named the Province ; as Mercator would have it ; besides the disproportion and dissimilitude of the names . The Castle situate on the top of the hill , is now a place of more pleasure then strength , as having command over an open and goodly Countrey , which lyeth below it . It belongeth as we have said , to the Vid 〈…〉 te of Amiens ; and so doth the Town also . This Town is famous among the French for a Tradition and a truth , the Tradition is of a famous defeat given unto the English near unto it ; but in whose reign , and under whose conduct , they could not tell us . Being thus routed , they fled to this Town , into which their enemies followed with them , intending to put them all to the sword : but at last their fury being allaied , they proposed that mercy to them , which those of G 〈…〉 ad did unto those of Ephraim in the Scriptures : life and liberty being promised to all them which could pronounce this word Piquigni . It seemeth it was not in those dayes a word possible for an English mouth ; for the English saying all of them Pequenie in stead of Piquigni , were all of them put to the sword : thus far the Tradition . The Truth of story , by which this Town is famous in the writers of both Nations , is an enterview here given betwixt our Edward IV. and their Lewis XI . upon the concluding of their nine years truce . A circumstance of no great moment of it self , had not Philip de Comines made it such by one of his own observations . Upon this meeting the Chancellor of England , being Bishop of Ely , made an oration to both Kings , beginning with a prophesie ; which said , that in this place of Piquigni , an honourable peace should be concluded between the two Kingdoms : on this ground , which himself also is the only man that relateth , he hath built two observations ; the one ( I have not the originall by me ) That the English men are never unfurnished with Prophesies ; the other , That they ground every thing they speak upon Prophesies . How far those times were guilty of that humor , I cannot say ; though sure I am , that we are not the only men that were so affected . Paulus Jovius in some place of his Histories ( I remember not the particular ) hath vindicated that quarrell for us , and fastned the same imputation on the French. So true is that of the Tragedian , Quod quisque fecit patitur , authorem scelus repetit . And now being past Piquigni , I have lost the sight of the Church of Amiens . The fairest Fabrick , and most rich to see That ere was guilty of mortalitie . No present Structure like it , nor can fame In all its bed-rols boast an equall name . Let then the barbarous Egyptians cease So to extoll their huge Pyramides ; Let them grow silent of their Pharus , and Conceale the other triumph of their Land. And let the Carians henceforth leave to raise Their Mausolaea with such endlesse praise . This Church alone doth the 〈…〉 much excell , As they the lowest Cottages , where do dwell The least of men : as they those urnes which keep The s 〈…〉 st ashes which are laid to sleep . Nor be thou vext thou glorious Queen of night , Nor let a cloud of darknesse mesk thy light . That renewnd Temple which the Greeks did call The worlds seventh wonder , and the fairest of all : That pile so famous , that the world did see Two only great and high , thy same and thee : Is neither burnt and perisht , Ephesus Survives the follies of Erostratus . Only thy name in Europe to advance , It was transported to the Realm of France . And here it stands , not robb'd of any grace Which there it had ; nor altred , save in place . Cast thy beams on it , and t will soon be prov'd Thy Temple was not ruin'd but remov'd . Nor are thy rites so chang'd ; but thou'lt aver This Christian is thy old Idolater . But oh good God! how long shall thy decree Permit this Temple to Idolatrie ? How long shall they profane this Church , and make Those sacred wals and pavements to partake Of their loud sins : and here that Doctrine teach , ' Gainst which the very stones do seem to preach ? Reduce them Lord unto thee ; make them see How ill this building and their rites agree : Or make them know , though they be still the same , This house was purpos'd only to thy name . The next place of note that the water conveied us to , was the Town and Castle of Pont●d ' Arme : a place now scarce visible in the ruines , and belonging to one Mr. Quercy . It took name , as they say , from a bridge here built for the transportation of an Army ; but this I cannot justifie . Three leagues down the river is the Town of Abbeville ; a Town conveniently seated on the Some , which runneth through it . It is of greater circuite within the wals , then the City of Amiens , and hath four Parish Churches more then it ; but is not so beautifull , nor so populous . For the houses here are of an older stampe , and there is within the Town no scarcity of wast ground . I went round about the wals , and observed the thinness of the houses , & the largeness of the fields , which are of that capacity and extent , that for ought I could apprehend , the Town need never fear to be compelled by famine , if those fields were husbanded to the best advantages . The wals are of earth within and stone without , of an unequall breadth , and in some places ruinous . A Castle it once had , of which there is now scarce any thing remaining . In stead of which , and in places more convenient , they built out three Bastions , very large and capacious ; and such well manned need not yeeld upon a summons . There are also a couple of mounts raised nigh unto the wall , at that place where the Countrey is most plain , upon which good Ordinance would have good command ; but at this time there were none upon it . Without the wals it is diversly strengthned , having in some places a deep ditch without water , in some a shallower ditch but well filled by the benefit of the river , in others only a moorish and fennie levell , more dangerous to the enemie , and secure to the Town , then either of the rest , and therefore never guarded by the Souldiers of the Garrison . But the chief strength of it , is five Companies of Swiss , 100 in a company , proper tall fellowes in appearance , and such as one would imagine fit for the service . It was my chance to see them begin their watch ; to which imployment they advanced with so good order , and such a shew of stomach , as if they had not gone to guard a Town , but possesse one . Their watch was at Porte de Boyes , and Porte St. Valery ; the first lying near un - Hesain a frontier Town of Artoys ; the other five leagues only from the Sea and Haven of St. Valery . From those places most danger was feared , and therefore there kept most of their Souldiers , and all their Ordinance . Their Captain is named Mr. Aillè a Grison by birth , and reported for a good Souldier . Besides him they have no Military Commander ; the Maior of the Town , contrary to the nature of Towns of war , being there in highest authority . A priviledge granted unto the Maiors hereof , not long since , as a reward due to one of their integrities , who understanding that the Governour of the Town held intelligence with the Arch-duke ; apprehended him and sent him to the Court , where he received his punishment . This Abbeville ( and so I leave it , and in it my bevie of French lasses ) is so called quasi Abbatis Villa , as formerly belonging to the Abbot of it . And yet before I leave this Town , I must needs take notice of an Adventure , which might have proved prejudiciall to me , if my good fortune had not overcome all contrary accidents . My companions had no sooner landed out of the boat which brought us from Amiens , but presently they betook themselves to the Post-house without the Town , that they might be ready for Bologne the next morning . But I who did not think that I was to make such a gollopping journey thorow France , as the foolish traveller affirmed he had made thorow Venice , resolved to satisfie my self in all those particulars which I found capable of note and observation . Which having done , and thinking I had still day enough for my curiosities , I betook my self to the Corps du guard , where being soon known to be a Gentleman of England , I easily obtained leave to walk round about the works of the Town , and to observe the situation , strength , and defences of it . But so it hapned that before I came to the gate which led towards the Post-house , I found in newly locked up by the Captain of the watch son that night , and thought I might have found passage at the next gate , had I hastned towards it ; yet I was so taken up with the orderly march of the Guards , being all proper followes and well appointed , that before I came to that gate , it was locked up also : which being the two only gates on that side of the River , deprived me of all ordinary meane to come that night to my Companions , who were resolved to be on horse back the next morning by the break of day . I had now liberty enough to traverse and consult the streets , within which I seemed to be imprisoned , but could meet none that could informe me how to free my self out of that restraint ; at last I met with and old Burger of a comely presence , who I thought promised better satisfaction then the rest had given me ; who being acquainted with my desire of uniting my self with my companions , and the difficulty which my curiosity had brought upon me , directed me to the house of the Provost , who , as he told me , had the keeping of a Water gate under one of the Arches of the wall by which the River passed thorow the Town , by which I might finde a way out of it , if I could wooe him to make use of his priviledge in that point , which he thought hard , if not impossible to be effected . Well , to the Provosts house I went , whom I sound at home , acquainted him that I came with Letters from the Court of England , that I was returning thither with my dispatches , that my companions being lesse curious then my self , had presently betook themselves to their lodgings without the Town , that it would be a great reproach to me , if I should not be in England as soon as they , and therefore humbly did beseech him ( in a● good French as I could ) that he would be my means no set me on the other side of the River without the Town , which I understood to be in his power . To this request he yeelded with a great de●l of chearfulnesse , assuring me that he thought himself exceeding happy in having opportunity of doing any acceptable service to an English Gentleman : which said , he presently dispatched a servant for his Bayliffe delleaw , or Water Bailiffe ( being a sworn officer of the Town ) to attend upon him , and in the mean time entertained himself with such discourses as I was able to make him of the Queens reception . News being brought that the Water Bailiffe was coming forwards , he conducted me into a low Parlor very handsomely furnished , where I found a Banquet or Collation provided for me , consisting of cold bake-meats , choise Marmelets , and most excellent Wines , and ( which I looked upon as the greater favour ) his Wife and Daughters ready for my entertainment . We had scarce ended this refreshment , when the Bailiff brought word that he had made a boat ready to carry me to the Water-gate ; whereupon having had the honor to kisse the hands of the women , I made accompt to take my leave of the Provost also , who on the other side was resolved to accompany me to the water side , and not to leave me till he saw me passed thorow the gate ( whether out of civility to me , or compliance with the trust reposed in him , I determine not ) which was done accordingly ; one of his servants waiting on me till he had brought me to the Inne where I was to lodge . July the last , we took Post-horse for Bologne ; if at the least we may call those Post-horses , which we rid on . As lean they were , as Envie is in the Poet ; Macies in corpore toto , being most true of them . Neither were they only lean enough to have their ribs numbred , but the very spur-gals had made such casements through their skins , that it had been no great difficulty to have surveyed their entrails . A strange kind of Cattell in my mine opinion , and such as had neither flesh on their bones , nor skin on their flesh , nor hair on their skin ; sure I am they were not so ●lusty as the horses of the Sun in Ovid ; neither could we say of them Flammiferis implent hinnitibus auras . All the ●eighing we could hear from the proudest of them , was only an old dry cough , which I 'le assure you did much comfort me , for by that noise I first learned there was life in them . Upon such Anatomies of horses , or to speak more properly , upon such severall heaps of bones , when I and my Companion mounted ; and when we expected , however they seemed outwardly , to see somewhat of the Post in them , my beast began to move after an Aldermans pace , or like Envie in Ovid , Surgit humi pigre , passuque incedit inerti . Out of this gravity no perswasion could work them ; the dull Jades being grown unsensible of the spur , and to hearten them with wands would in short time have disforested the Country . Now was the Cart of Dieppe thought a speedy conveyance ; and those that had the happinesse of a Waggon were esteemed too blessed , yea though it came with the hazard of the old woman and the wenches . If good nature , or a sight of their journeyes end , did chance to put any of them into a pace like unto a gallop , we were sure to have them tire in the middle way , and so the remainder of the Stage was to be measured by our own feet . Being weary of this trade , I made bold to dismount the Postilion , and ascended the trunk-horse , where I sat in such a magnificent posture , that the best Carrier in Paris might envie my felicity . Behind me I had a good large Trunk and a Port mantle ; before me a bundle of cloaks , a cloak-bag , and a parcell of boots ; sure I was if my stirrups could poise me equally on both sides , that I could not likely fall backwards nor forwards . Thus preferred , I encouraged my companions , who cast many an envious eye upon my prosperity . And certainly there was not any of them , who might not more justly have said of me , Tuas un meilleur temps que le Pape , then poor Lazarello's master did when he allowed him an Onion only for four dayes . This circumstance I confesse might have well been omitted , had I not great example for it . Philip de Comines in the mi●dest of his grave and serious relation of the Battail of Mont ? Hierrie , hath a note much about this nature , which gave me encouragement , which is , That himself had an old horse halfe tir●d ( and this was just my case ) who by chance thrust h●s head into a pale of wine and dranke it off , which made him lustier and fresher that day , then ever before : but in that , his horse had better luck then I had . On the right hand of us , and almost in the middle way betwixt Abbeville and Bologne , we left the Town of Monstrueil , which we had not leasure to see . It seemeth daintily seated for command and resistance , as being built upon the top and declivity of a hill . It is well strengthned with Bastions and Ramparts on the outside , & hath within it a Garrison of five Companies of Souldiers ; their Governour ( as I learned of one of the Paisants ) being called Lannoy And indeed it concerneth the King of France to look wel to the Town of Monstrueil , as being a border Town , within two miles of Artoys ; and especially considering that the taking of it , would cut off all entercourse between the Countries of Bologne and Calais , with the rest of France . Of the like importance also are the Towns of Abbeville and Amiens ; and that the French Kings are not ignorant of . Insomuch that those two only , together with that of St. Quintain , being put into the hands of Philip D. of Burgundy , to draw him from the party of the English ; were redeemed again by Lewis XI . for 450000 crownes , an infinite sum of money , according to the standard of those times ; and yet it seemeth the King of France had no bad bargain of it . For upon an hope only of regaining these Towns , Charles Eal of Charaloys son to D. Philip undertook that war against King Lewis , by which at the last , he lost his life , and hazarded his estate . CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois , and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized . The present of Salt-butter . Boulogne divided inte two Towns. Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague . The forme of it . Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church . The high Town Garrisoned . The old man of Boulogne ; and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him . The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens . The fraternity De la Charite , and inconvenience of it . The costly Journey of Henry VIII . to Boulogne . Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned . The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England . Boulogne yeilded back to the French ; and on what conditions . The curtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow . WE are now come to the County of Boulonnois , which though a part of Picardie , disdaineth yet to be so accounted , but will be reckoned as a County of it self . It comprehendeth in it the Town of Boulogne , Estaples , and N●uf-Chastell , besides divers Villages ; and consisteth much of Hils and Vallies , much after the nature of England ; the soil being indifferent fruitfull of Corne , and yielding more Grasse then any other part of France ( which we saw ) for the quantity . Neither is it only a County of it self , but it is in a manner also a free County , it being holden immediately of the Virgin Mary , who is , no question , a very gracious Landladie . For when King Lewis XI . after the decease of Charles of Burgundy , had taken in Boulogne , anno 1477. as new Lord of the Town ( thus John de Serres relateth it ) he did homage without Sword or Spurs , bare-headed and on his knee , before the Virgin Mary , offering unto her Image an heart of massie gold , weighing 2000 crowns . He added also this , that he and his successors Kings after him , should hold the County of Boulogne of the said Virgin , and do homage unto her image in the great Church of the higher Town dedicated to her name , paying at every change of a Vassall an heart of pure gold of the same weight . Since that time , the Boulonnois being the Tenants of our Lady , have enjoyed a perpetuall exemption from many of those Tributes and Taxes , under which the rest of France is miserably afflicted . Amongst others they have been alwayes freed from the Gabell of Salt ; by reason whereof , and by the goodnesse of their Pastures , they have there the best butter in all the Kingdome . I said partly by reason of their salt , because having it at a low rate , they do liberally season all their Butter with it ; whereas they which buy their Salt at the Kings price , cannot afford it any of that deer commodity : upon this ground it is the custome of these of Boulonnois to send unto their friends of France and Paris , a barrell of Butter seasoned according to their fashion ; a present no lesse ordinary and acceptable , then Turkies , Capons , and the like , are from our Countrey Gentlemen to those of London . As for the Town of Boulogne , it is divided into two parts , La haute Ville , and La basse Ville , or the high Town , and the low Town , distant one from the other above an hundred paces , and upwards . The high Town is seated upon the top of an hill ; the low Town upon the declivity of it , and towards the Haven . Or else we may divide it into other parts , viz. the Town , and the City ; the Town that towards the water , and the City that which lyeth above it . It was made a City in the reign of Henry II. anno 1553. at which time the City of Terovenne was totally ruined by the Imperials , and the Bishops seat was removed hither ; the Church of Nostre Dame being made the Cathedrall . There came along hither , upon the remove of the Bishop , 20 Canons , which number is here still retained , their revenue being about 1000 Livres yearly . As for the present Bishop , his name is Pierre d' Armè , his intrado 2000 Livres , his Metropolitan he of Rhemes . The Town , or as they call it , the low Town , is bigger then the City , and better built , the streets larger , and the people richer , most of the Merchants living in it , because it lyeth upon the Haven . But that which made this low Town most pleasing to me , was a solemn procession that passed through the streets of it , intending to pacifie Gods anger , and divert the plague , which at that time was in the City . In the first front there was carried the Crosse , and after that the holy or sanctified Banner ; next unto it followed all the Priests of the Town bare-headed , and in their Surplices , singing as they went the Services destinate to that occasion . After them followed the men , and next to them the women of the Town , by two and two , it being so ordered by the Roman Rituall , U● laici a clericis , foeminae a viris prosequantur se paratae . On the other side of the street went the Brethren De la Charitè , every one of them holding in his hand a little triangular Banner , or a Pennon ; after them the boyes and wenches . In this method did they measure solemnly every lane and angle of the Town ; the Priests singing , and ill the people answering them in the same note . At the Church they began it with prayers , and having visited all the Town , they returned again thither to end it with the same devotion . An action very grave and solemn , and such as I could well allow of , were it not only for one prayer which is alwayes said at the time of this performance , and the addition of the Banners . The Prayer is this : Exaudi nos Deus salutaris noster , & intercedente beata & gloriosa Viigine , & beato Sebastiano Martyre tuo ( this Sebastian is their Aesculapius or tutelary Saint against the Sicknesse ) & omnibus Sanctis ; populum tuum ab iracundiae tuae terroribus libera , & misericordiae tuae fac largitate securum , Amen . This only excepted , there is nothing in all the liturgie of it , which can be offensive to any conscience , not idlely scrupulous . — These Processions were first instituted by Pope Stephanus II. who began his Popedome anno 752. the intent of them , as Platina reporteth it , Ad placandam Dei iram . The first place that ever they went to in procession , was the Church of our Lady in the Shambles ; or Ad sanctam Dei genitricem ad praesepe , as the Historiian calleth them . As for the Letany , which is a principall part of it , it was first compiled by Mamercus Bishop of Vienna in Daulphine , in the time of Pope Leo the first , which was 308 years before the time of Stephanus . The motive of it , was the often danger to which France was subject , by reason of the frequency of Earth-quakes . Since those beginnings , which were fair and commendable , the Romish Church hath added much to them of magnificence , and somewhat of impiety , and prosanenesse . As for the Brethren De la Charitè , I could not learn any thing of their originall , but much of their Office ; for they are bound to visit all such as are infected with the Plague , to minister unto them all things necessary , and if they die , to shrowde them and carry them to their graves . These duties they performe very willingly , as being possessed with this fancie , that they are priviledged from contagion , by virtue of their Order . And to say the truth , they are most of them old , and so lesse subject to it ; and indeed such saplesse , thin , unbodied fellowes , that one would think almost no disease could catch them . Yet hath their prerogative not always held to them ; of 33 of them in Calice , three only surviving the disease , about four yeers since . But were the danger to which themselves are liable , all the inconveniency of it , I should not much disallow it . There is a greater mischief waiteth upon it , and that is , the infecting of others ; they immediately after their return from the Pest house , mixing themselves with any of their neighbours . A most speedy means to spread the Pestilence , where it is once begun ; though neither they nor the people will be perswaded to it . The City or the high Town , standeth , as we have said , on the top of the hill , environed with deep ditches , a strong wall , and closed with a treble gate and two draw-bridges . A little small Town it is , not much above a flights shot thwart , where it is widest ; and hath in it but one Church besides that of Nostre Dame , which is Cathedrall . The streets not many , and those narrow , unlesse it be in the Market-place , where the Corpus du Guarde is kept . What the outworks are , or whether it have any or no , I cannot say . Even in this time of League and Peace , their jealousie will not permit an English man to walke their wals , either within or without the Town . A Castle they said that it hath ; but such a one as serveth more for a dwelling then a Fort. The Garrison of this Town consisteth of five Companies , 60 in a Company , which amount in all to 300 : their Governour being Mr. D' Aumont , son to the Marshall D' Aumont ; who so faithfully adhered to Henry IV. in the beginning of his troubles . The cause why this Town being so small , is so strongly Garrisoned ; is the safe keeping of the Haven which is under it , and the command of the passage from the Haven up into the Countrey . The first of the services it can hardly performe , without much injury to the low Town , which standeth between them : but for the ready discharge of the last , it is daintily seated , for though to spare the low Town , they should permit an enemie to land ; yet as soon as he is in his march up into the higher Countrey , their Ordinance will tear him into pieces . But for the immediate security of the Haven , their Ancestors did use to fortifie the old Tower , standing on the top of the hill , called La tour d'ordre . It is said to have been built by Julius Caesar , at the time of his second expedition into Britaine ; this Haven being then named Portus Gessoriacus . This Tower which we now see , seemeth to be but the remainder of a greater work ; and by the height and situation of it , one would guesse it to have been the Keepe or Watch-tower unto the rest . It is built of rude and vulgar stone , but strongly cemented together , the figure of it is six square , every square of it being nine paces in length . A compasse too little for a Fortresse , and therefore it is long since it was put to that use ; it now serving only as a Sea-marke by day , and a Pharos by night ; Ubi aecensae noctu faces navigantium cursum dirigunt . The English man calleth it , The old man of Boulogne , and not improperly , for it hath all the signes of age upon it . The Sea by undermining it , hath taken from it all the earth about two squares of the bottom of it ; the stones begin to drop out from the top , and upon the least rising of the wind , you would think it were troubled with the Palsie . In a word , two hard Winters , seconded with a violent tempest , maketh it rubbish ; what therefore is wanting of present strength to the Haven in this ruine of a Tower , the wisdome of this age hath made good in the Garrison . And here me thinks I might justly accuse the impolitick thrift of our former Kings of England in not laying out some money upon the strength and safety of our Haven Towns : not one of them , Portesm uth only excepted , being Garrisoned . True it is , that Henry VIII . did erect Block-houses in many of them ; but what bables they are , and how unable to resist a Fleet royally appointed , is known to every one . I know , indeed , we were sufficiently garrisoned by our Navy , could it either keep a watch on all particular places , or had it not sometimes occasion to be absent I hope our Kings are not of Darius mind in the story , Qui gloriosius ratus est hostem repellere quam non admittere ; neither will I take upon me , to give counsell ; only I could wish that we were not inferior to our neighbours , in the greatnesse of our care ; since we are equall to the best of them in the goodnesse of our Countrey . But though the old man was too old to performe this service , or to contribute any thing toward the defence of the Town and Haven , yet I conceived my self obliged to give him a visite ; partly out of the reverent esteem which I had of Antiquity , but principally that I might from thence take a full view of my dearest England , from which for want of winde and Company , I was then restrained . With these desires I made a boy of the Inne acquainted , who told me that there was no way but by the Pest-houses from the Town to the Tower , and that if we were noted to walke that way , we should both be presently shut up as infected persons , or committed to the custody of the Brethren of Charity , the worst condition of the two . But finding the impatiencie of my desires not so easily satisfied , and the temptation of a Quart d' escue , not to be resisted ; he told me that if I would venture to climb up the Rocks , as he and other boyes of the Town used to do sometimes , he would undertake to bring me thither . This offer I readily accepted , and as soon as the tide was low enough for us , we began our walke upon the Beach till we came to the bottom of the Rocks where the old man dwelt , and presently we began to mount , as if we meant to take the Fortresse by Scalado . I found the way more troublesome and dangerous then I had conceived , and my self before I came halfe way towards the top , which seemed still to be farther of then it was at the first , so vexed and bruised , that I began to be amazed at my own fool-hardinesse , and was many times in a minde to descend again ; and questionlesse I had done accordingly , if a resolution of not giving over any enterprise which I was engaged in , and a fear least the boy would laugh at me when we came to the Town , had not pushed me on . Having breathed our selves a while , we advanced again . The old cripple who is fabled to have stolen Pauls weather-cock , used not more pains and cunning in climbing to the top of that lofty steeple , then we in mounting to the top of these mighty Rocks ; which when we had attained at last , me thought I was much of the same humor with old Tom of Odcombe on the top of the Alpes , of whom the Poet hath informed us : That to the top at last being got , With very much adoe god wot ; He eagerly desired , That mighty Jove would take the pains To dash out their unworthy brains , Who offered to be tired . No sooner had my eyes got above the height of the Cliffes , but the first sight I met with was a row of Pest-houses not far distant , and some old women drying the insected cloathes on a bank adjoyning ; the sight whereof had almost made me recoil backward with more hast then speed . But having overcome the danger of that apprehension , I first saluted the old man , taking full notice of his great stature , old age , and many infirmities . That done , I turned my face toward England , which afforded me a most pleasing object ; the course thereof lying within my view at so great a length , that one might easily discerne from Dover Castle Eastward , to the West of Sussex : an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations , that I was almost of his mind who said Bonum est nobis esse hic ; and certainly I had dwelt there longer , if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain ( as indeed it was ) and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks , we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatest part of the night till the ebb ensuing . On this advertisement ; there was no need to bid me hasten : but then a new humor seized upon me , when I beheld those dreadfull precipices , which I was to descend , together with the infinite distance of the Beach from the top of the Rocks ; the danger of being shut up by the sea , if we made not hast , and of tumbling into it if we did . But as curiosity had carryed me up , so necessity brought me down again , with greater safety , I confesse , then I had deserved . This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great , whereof Curtius telleth us that they were , magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam . This Town of Boulogne , and the Countrey about it , was taken by Henry VIII . of England , anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege ; a very costly and chargeable victory . The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot , and 3000 Horse ; Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making : and for the conveyance of their Ordinance , Baggage and other provision , there were transported into the Continent , above 25000 horses . True it is , that his designes had a further aime , had not Charles the Emperor , with whm he was to joyne , left the field and made peace without him . So that , judging only by the successe of the expedition , we cannot but say , that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase . And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him ; namely , That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad , he consumed more treasure , then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests . The other part of his censure concerning that Prince , I know not well what to think of , as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse . Onely I cannot but much marvell , that a man of his wisdome , being raised from almost nothing by the daughter , could be so severely invective against the Father ; certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true affection and duty to his Queen : seeing that it is as his late Majesty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe , and bate the Parents ; and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry , To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race . Presently after this taking of Boulogne , the French again endevoured their gaining of it , even during the life of the Conquerour ; but he was strong enough to keep his gettings . After his death , the English being engaged in a war against the Scots , and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke , they began to hope a Conquest of it , and that more violently then ever . Upon news of their preparations , an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fifth , to desire succor of him , and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King , who was then about the age of ten years . This desire when the Emperour had refused to hearken to , they besought him , that he would at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping , the Town of Boulogne ; and that for no longer time , then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home . An easie request . Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this , except he would restore the Catholick religion ; but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition , should go to the assistance of the English . An ingratitude , for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite ; confidering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria ; what moneys they have helped them with , and what sundry Warres they have made for them , both in Belgium to maintain their Authority , and in France to augment their potencie . From the marriage of Maximilian of the family of Austria , with the Lady Mary of Burgundy , which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth , which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres . In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience , that it cost the Kings of England , at the least six millions of pounds , in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses . An expence , which might seem to have earned a greater requitall , then that now demanded . Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour , a Treaty followed betwixt England and France . The effect of it was , that Boulogne , and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French , they paying unto the English , at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes . Other Articles there were , but this the principall . And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning , was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end , Dum clementiam , quam praestiterat , expectat , inca●tus ab ingratis occupatus est . I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne , but must first reckon with mine Host , to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither . Our stock was grown so low , when we came from Paris , that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us , it would not have brought us to this Town , so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some monies to make even with him . After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning , and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England ( which alone stood us in three pound ) our engagements grew greater then he had any just reason to adventure on us . But being an ingenuous man , and seeing that we fared well , spent freely , and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table , he was the lesse diffident of payment , as he told me afterwards . Having stayed three dayes for Company , and none appearing , we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in . In order whereunto , I told him of our present condition , assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary ( as indeed we had ) that having summed up what we owed him , and what he had contracted for our passage over , he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it , and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money to redeem him . To which he answered , that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen , which gave him no distrust of a reall payment ; that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover ; and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery , who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon , the next morning we took boat for England , the Mariners knowing nothing else , but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery ( that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town ) though we knew well enough he went on another errand ; and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit , so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper . Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us . For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands , but bestowed a reward upon his servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives ( commodities much prized in France ) to his Wife and Daughters ; that he might see we knew as well how to require as receive a curtesie . Which said , I must step back into France again that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces ; I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts , the Church and the Civill State. The End of the Fourth Book . A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE . FRANCE GENERAL : OR , THE FIFTH BOOK . Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally , in reference to the Court , the Church and the Civill Sate . CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall . The person , age and marriage of King Lewis XIII . Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse . ●aqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy . The Kings Sisters all married ; and his alliances by them . His naturall Brethren , and their preferments . His lawfull brother . The title of Monseiur in France . Monseiur as yet unmarried ; not like to marry Montpensiers daughter . That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons . The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown , in case the line of Navarre fail . How the Lords stand affected in the cause . Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth . King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies . Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite , his birth and offices . The omniregency of the Queen Mother ; and the Cardinall of Richileiu . The Queen mother a wise and prudent woman . HAving thus taken a survey of these four Provinces , which we may call the Abstract and Epitome of the Realm of France ; and having seen in them the temper , humors and conditions of the people of it : We will next take a generall view of the Governors and Government thereof , with reference to the Court , the Church and the Civill State. First for the Court , we must in reason in the first place begin with the person of the King , without whose influence and presence , the Court is but a dead ●arkasse , void of life and Majesty . For person he is of the middle stature , and rather well proportioned then large , his face knoweth little yet of a beard , but that which is black and swarty , his complexion also much of the same hew , carrying in it a certain boisterousnesse , and that in a farther measure then what a gracefull majesty can admit of , so that one can hardly say of him , without a spite of Courtship , which Paterculus did of Tiberius , Quod visus praetulerit principem , that his countenance proclaimed him a King. But questionlesse his greatest defect is want of utterance , which is very unpleasing , by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering ; which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him . At this time he is aged 24 years and as much as since the 27 day of last September , which was his birth day ; an age which he beareth not very plaufible ; want of beard , and the swarthinesse of his complexion , making him seem older . At the age of 11 years he was affianced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain , by whom as yec he hath no children . It is thought by many , and covertly spoken by divers in France , that the principall cause of the Queens barrennesse proceedeth from Spain ; that people being loath to fall under the French obedience , which may very well happen , she being the eldest Sister of the King. For this cause in the seventh Article of the marriage , there is a clause , that neither the said Infanta nor the children born by her ( to the King ) shall be capable to inherit any of the Estates of the King of Spain . And in the eight Article she is bound to make an Act of Renunciation , under her own hand-writing , as soon as she cometh to be 12 years old , which was accordingly performed . But this being not sufficient to secure their fears , it is thought , that she was some way or other disabled from conception before ever she came into the Kings imbraces . A great crime , I confesse , if true ; yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius , Novum Crimen Caje Caear , & ante hoc tempus inauditum . Iaqueline Countesse of Holland , was Cousen to Philip Duke of Burgundy , her fruitfulnesse would have debarred him from those Estates of Holland , Z●aland and West Friezland ; therefore though she had three husbands , there was order taken she should never have child : with her first two husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live ; and when she had stolen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants , the Dukes Physitians gave him such a potion , that she might have as well marryed an Eu●uch ; upon this injury , the poor Lady dyed , and the Duke succeeded in those Countries : which by his Grand-childe Mary , were conveyed over into the house of Austria , together with the rest of his estates . I dare not say that that Family hath inherited his practises with his Lands ; and yet I have heard , that the Infanta Isabella had the like or worse measure afforded her before she was bedded by the Arch Duke Albertus . A Diabolicall trick which the prostitutes of the Heathen used in the beginning of the Gospell , and before ; of whom Octavius complaineth , Quod originem futuri hominis extinguant , & paricidium faciunt , antequam pariunt , — Better luck then the King hath his Sister beyond the Mountains , I mean his eldest Sister Madam Elizabeth , marryed to the King of Spain now living , as being ( or having been ) the mother of two children . His second Sister Madam Christian , is marryed unto Amadeo Victor principe major , or heir apparent to the Duke of Savoy ; to whom as yet she hath born no issue . The youngest Madam Henrietta Maria is newly marryed to his most Excellent Majesty of England , to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitfull womb , Et pulcr● faciat te prole parentem . Of these Alliances , the first were very profitable to both Princes , could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms , as well as the Kings . But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains , then their Dominions . The French extreamly hating the proud humor and ambition of the Spaniard , and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightnesse of the French ; we may therefore account each of them , in these inter-marriages , to have rather intended the perpetuity of their particular houses , then the strength of their Empires ; and that they more desired a noble stock wherein to graft posterity , then power . The Alliance with Savoy is more advantagious , though lesse powerfull , then that of Spain : for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party , he need not fear the greatnesse of the other , or of any of his faction . The continuall siding of this house with that of Austria , having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French. It standeth so fitly to countenance the affaires of either King in Italy or Germany , to which it shall encline , that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Millaine and Venice , of which Guicciardine saith , that Mantennero le cose d' Italia bilanciate . On this reason Henry IV. earnestly desired to match one of his children into this Countrey , and left this desire as a Legacy with his Councell . But the Alliance of most use to the State of France , is that of England , as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours ; an alliance which will make his estate invincible , and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brasse . As for the Kings bastard Brethren , they are four in number , and born of three severall beds . The elder is Alexander , made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta , in the life time of his Father . He is now Grand Prior of France , and it is much laboured and hoped by the French , that he shall be the next Master of the Order ; a place of great credit and command . The second and most loved of his father , whose lively image and character he is said to be , is Mr. Cesar made Duke of Vendosme by his father , and at this time Governour of Britain , a man of a brave spirit , and one who swayeth much in the affairs of state ; his father took a great care for his advancement before his death , and therefore marryed him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of Mercuer , a man of great possessions in Britain . It is thought that the inheritance of this Lady , both by her Fathers side , and also by the Mothers , who was of the family of Martiques , being a stock of the old Ducall tree , is no lesse then 200000 crownes yearly : both these were borne unto the King by Madam Gabriele , for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle . Dutchesse of Beauforte ; a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gaspe , and one who never abused her power with him . So that one may truly say of her , what Velleius flatteringly spake of Liviae the wife of Augustus , Ejus potentiam nemo sensit , nisi aut levatione periculi , aut accessione dignitatis . The third of the Kings naturall brethren , is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine , and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris ; as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Germans , and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden , which make a large revenue . His Bishoprick yeeldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards , which is the remainder of 6000 , the rest being pa●ned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof , who was of that Family . The mother of this Mr. Henry , is the Marchionesse of Verneville , who before the death of the King , fell out of his favour into the Prison , and was not restored to her liberty , till the beginning of this Queen mothers Regency . The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie , born unto the King by the Countesse of Marret , who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane , and hath as yet not fully out 6000 l. a year , when his mother dyeth he will be richer . The Kings lawfull Brother is named John Baptist Gaston , born the 25 of Aprill , anno 1608 ; a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect ; likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit , as the King doth of his Crown . He is intituled Duke of Anjou , as being the third Son of France ; but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his childhood , he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur . This title is different from that of Daulphin , in that that title only is appropriated to the Heir Apparent , being the Kings eldest Son living , this limited to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Brother surviving ; if there be neither Son nor Brother , then the next Heir Apparent is styled only Le primier Prince du sang , the first Prince of the bloud . This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire , and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted . Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also , but with some addition of place or honour . The Kings eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans q●●ne , as the French use to say ; that is , simply Monseiur . This young Prince is as yet unmarryed , but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchesse of Montpensier , whose Father dyed in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived , he had espoused her long ere this ; but it is generally believed , that this Prince is not so affected ; he seeth his elder Brother as yet childlesse , himself the next heir to the Crown , and it is likely he will look on a while , and expect the issue of his fortune , — Some that speak of the affairs of the Court , holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons , a Prince of the bloud , and a Gentleman of a fine temper ; the Lady her self is said not to be averse from the match ; neither will the King not be inclinable unto him , as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction , for not performing a Court promise , made unto him , as some say , about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England . As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes , partly to joyne together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons , both issuing from the house of Burbon ; partly to enrich himself by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate ; and partly by gaining all the friends and allies of that Ladies kindred to his , the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde ; the difference between them standeth thus , Lewis the first Prince of Conde , had by two wives , amongst other children two Sons , by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde ; by the second Charles Count of Soissons . Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke of Nevers , by whom he had no children . To his second wife he took the Lady Katherine of Tremoville , sister to the Duke of Thovars , anno 1586. Two years after his marriage , he dyed of an old grief took from a poisoned cup , which was given him , anno 1552. and partly with a blow given him with a Lance at the battail of Contras , anno 1587. In the 11 moneth after his decease , his young Princesse was brought to bed with a young Son , which is the now Prince of Conde . Charles Count of Soissons in the reign of Henry IV. began to question the Princes Legitimation ; whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris to declare the place of the first Prince of the Bloud , to belong to the Prince of Conde . And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title , 24 Physitians of good faith and skill , made an open protestation upon oath in the Court , that it was not only possible , but common for women to be delivered in the 11 moneth . On this it was awarded to the Prince . — This Decree of Parliament notwithstanding , if ever the King and his Brother should die issuelesse , it is said , that the young Count of Soissons ( his father died anno 1614 ) will not so give over his title . He is Steward of the Kings house , as his Father also was before , a place of good credit , and in which he hath demeaned himself very plausibly . In case it should come to a tryall , quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which God prohibit , he is like to make a great party , both within the Realm , and without it . Without it , by means of the house of Savoy , having matched his eldest Sister unto Don Thomaz● the second son of that Dukedome now living , a brave man of armes , and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree ; next heir of his father after the death of Don i Amadeo yet childlesse . Within the Realm , the Lords have already declared themselves , which hapned on this occasion . In the year 1620 , the month of March , the King being to wash , the Prince of Conde laid hold of the towell , challenging that honour as first Prince of the bloud ; and on the other side , the Count of Soissons seized on it , as appertaining to his office of See ward , and Prince of the bloud also . The King to decide the controversie for the present , commanded it to be given Monseiur his Brother ; yet did not this satisfie , for on the morning , the friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause . To the Count came in generall all the opposites of the Prince of Conde , and of the Duke of Luynes , and Gu●●● ; in particular the Duke of Maien , the Duke of Vendosme , the Dukes of Longueville , Espernon , Nemours , the Grand Prior , the Dukes of Thovars , Retz , and Rohan , the Viscount of Aubeterre , &c. who all withdrew themselves from the Court , made themselves masters of the best places in their governments , and were united presently to an open saction , of which the Queen Mother declared herself head . As for the Commons , without whom the Nobility may quarrel , but never fight ; they are more zealous in behalf of the Count , as being brought up alwayes a Papist and born of a Catholick kindred , whereas the Prince , though at this instant a Catholick , yet non fuit sic ab initio ; he was born , they say , and brought up an Hugonot , and perhaps the alteration is but dissembled . Concerning the Prince of Conde , he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side , and a verdict of Physitians , both weak helpes to a Soverainty , unlesse well backed by the sword . And for the verdict of the Physitians , thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty ; Laurentius a professour of Montpellier in Languedoc , in his excellent Treatise of Anatomie , maketh three terms of a womans delivery : primus , intermedius and ultimus . The first is the seventh moneth after conception , in each of which the childe is vitall , and may live if it be borne . To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh moneth , if it be well looked to , may live . We read also how in Spain , the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth , and commonly in the end of the eight . And further , that Sempronius and Corbulo , both Roman Consuls , were born in the seventh moneth , Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth ; though perchance the women which told him , either misreckoned their time , or else dissembled it to conceal their honesties . The middle time ( terminus intermedius ) is in the ninth and tenth moneths , at which time children do seldome miscarry . In the former two moneths , they had gathered life ; in these latter , they only consummate strength , so said the Physitians generally . Non enim in duobus sequentibus mensibus ( they speak it of the intermedii ) additur aliquod ad perfectionum partium , sed perfectionem roboris . The last time ( terminus ultimus ) in the common account of this profession , is the eleaventh moneth , which some of them hold neither unlikely , nor rare . Massurius recordeth Papirius a Roman Praetor , to have recovered his inheritance in open Court , though his Mother confessed him to be borne in the thirteeenth moneth . And Avicen a Moore of Corduba relateth ( as he is cited in Laurentius ) that he had seen a a childe born after the fourteenth . But these are but the impostures of women : and yet , indeed , the modern Doctors are more charitable , and refer it to supernaturall causes , Et extraordinariam artis considerationem . On the other side , Hippocrates giveth it out definitively , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that in ten moneths at the ●urthest ( understand ten moneths compleat ) the childe is borne . And Ulpian , the great Civilian of his times , in the title of the Digests de Testamentis , is of opinion , that a childe born after the tenth moneth ( compleat ) is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father . As for the Common Law of England , as I remember ( I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments ) it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature , and the severity of the Law ; leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge . But all this must be conceived ( as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons , taking it in the most favourable construction ) of the time after the conception of the mother , and by no means after the death of the Father : and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde . His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death , for the particular , and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall . They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion , have cunningly , but malicionsly , caused it to be whisppered abroad , that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable , they have cast out these conjectures for it ; but being but conjectures only , and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project , they were not thought to be convincing , or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men . They therefore argued it , First , From the Kings care of his education , assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Febure , whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis . Secondly , From his care to work the Prince , then young , Mollis et ap●us agi , to become a Catholick . Thirdly , The infirmity of Henry of Conde , and the privacy of this King with his Lady , being then King of Nav●●e , in the prime of his strength , and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife ; add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall , and then conclude this probability to be no miracle . For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte , the Marchionesse of Verneville , and the Countesse of Morrel already mentioned ; he is believed to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis . And certain it is , that the very year before his death , when he was even in the winter of his days , he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife , a very beautifull Lady , and daughter to the Constable , Duke of Montmorencie ; that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie , together with his Princesse , into the Arch-Dukes Countrey ; whence he returned not , till long after the death of King Henry . If Mary de Medices in her husbands life time , had found her self agrieved it , I cannot blame her , she only made good that of Quin●ilian , Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata , aut imitari se putat aut vindicore . And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries , not only mooved her to back the Count of Soissons and his faction against the Prince and his ; but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter — From the Princes of the bloud , descend we to the Princes of the Court ; and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas , the Kings present favourite ; a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew , little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for any oppression or misgovernment . Honours , the King hath conserred none upon him , but only pensions and offices ; he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour , ( Pages we call them in England ) a place of more trouble then wealth or credite . He is also the Master of the horse , or Le grand Escuire , the esteem of which place recompenseth the emptinesse of the other ; for by vertue of this office , he carryeth the Kings sword sheathed before him at his entrances into Paris . The cloth of estate carryed over the King by the Provost and Eschevins , is his ●ee . No man can be the Kings spurmaker , his Smith , or have any place in the Kings Stables , but from him , and the like . This place ( to note so much by the way ) was taken out of the Constables office , ( Comes stabuli is the true name ) to whom it properly belonged , in the time of Charles VII . Besides this , he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns yearly ; and had an office given him , which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money . A good fortune for one , who the other day was but the Kings Page . And to say truth , he is as yet but a little better , being only removed from his servant to be his play-fellow . With the affairs of State he intermedleth not , if he should , he might expect the Queen mother should say to him , what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid : — Tibi quid cum fortibus armis Mipuer ? ista decent humeros gestamina nostros . For indeed first during her Sons minority , and after since her reintegration with him , she hath made her self so absolute a mistresse of his mind , that he hath intrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affaires . For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business , she hath peeced her self to the strongest side of the State , the Church ; having principally ( since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre , I mean ) assumed to her counsels the Cardinall of Richileiu , a man of no great birth , were Nobility the greatest parentage ; but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest . Of a sound reach he is , and a close brain ; one exceedingly well mixt of a lay understanding , and a Church habit ; one that is compleatly skilled in the art of men , and a perfect master of his own mind and affections ; him the Queen useth as her Counsellour , to keep out frailty ; and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envie . She is of a Florentine wit , and hath in her all the virtues of Katharine de Medices , her Ancestor in her Regency , and some also of her vices ; only her designes tend not to the ruine of the Kingdome and her children . Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katharine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince , to spend his most dangerous times , even uncontrouled upon his beads ; whilest in the mean time , she usurped the Government of the Realm . Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned so much of her Kinswoman , as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his play-fellowes and the birds , that she may the more securely manage the State at her discretion . And to say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her vertue , she hath notably well discharged her ambition ; the Realm of France , being never more quietly and evenly governed , then first during her Regencie , and now during the time of her favour with the King. For during his minority she carryed her self so fairly between the factions of the Court , that she was of all sides honoured ; the time of this Marquesse D' Ancre only excepted ; and for the differences in Religion , her most earnest desire was not ●o oppresse the Protestants , insomuch that the war raised against them , during the command of Mr. Luynes , was presently after his death , and her restoring into grace ended . An heroicall Lady , and worthy the report of posterity ; the frailties and weaknesse of her , as a woman , not being accounted hers , but her sexes . CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France , like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca . The comparison between them two , and those in the generall . A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France , in Policie , Priviledge and Revenue . The complaint of the Clergy to the King. The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular . The pragmatick sanction , Maxima tua fatuitas , and Conventui Tridentino , severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell . The tedious quarrell about Investitures . Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites . The French Bishops not to medle with Fryers , their lives and land . The ignorance of the French Priests . The Chanoins Latine in Orleans . The French not hard to be converted , if plausibly bumoured , &c. FRom the Court of the King of France , I cannot better provide for my self then to have recourse to the King of heaven ; and though the Poet meant not Exeat aula qui vult esse pius , in that sense , yet will it be no treason for me to apply it so . And even in this , the Church , which should be like the Coat of its Redeemer , without seam ; do I finde rents and factions : and of the two , these in the Church more dangerous then those in the Louure . I know the story of Rebecca , and of the children strugling in her , is generally applyed to the births and contentions of the Law and the Gospel ; in particular we may make use of it in expressing the State of the Church and Religions of France : for certain it is , that here were divers pangs in the womb of the French Church before it was delivered . And first she was delivered of Esau , the Popish faith being first after the strugling countenanced by authority ; And he came out red all over like an hairy garment , saith the text , which very appositely expresseth the bloudy and rough condition of the French Papists at the birth of the Reformation , before experience and long acquaintance had bred a liking between them . And after came his Brother out , which laid hold on Esaus heel , and his name was called Jacob ; wherein is described the quality of the Protestant party , which though confirmed by publick Edict after the other , yet hath it divers times endevoured , and will perhaps one day effect , the tripping up of the others heels . And Esau ( saith Moses ) was a cunning hunter , a man of the field ; and Jacob a plain man , dwelling in tents : in which words the comparison is made exact . A cunning hunter , in the Scripture signifieth , a man of art and power mingled ; as when N●mr●d in Genesis 10. is termed a mighty hunter . Such is the Papist , a side of greater strength and subtility , a side of war and of the field ; on the other side the Protestants are a plain race of men , simple in their actions , without craft and fraudulent behaviours , and dwelling in tents , that is , having no certain abiding place , no Province which they can call theirs ; but living dispersed and scattered over the Countrey ; which in the phrase of the Scripture is dwelling in tents . As for the other words differencing the two brethren , and the elder shall serve the younger , they are rather to be accounted a Prophesie then a Character ; we must therefore leave the analogie it holds with this Rebecca of France and her two children , to the event and to prayer . For a more particular insight into the strength and subtilty of this Esau , we must consider it in the three main particular strengths of it ; its Polity , Priviledges and Revenue . For the first , so it is that the Popish Church in France is governed like those of the first and purest times , by Archbishops and Bishops . Archbishops it comprehendeth 12 , and of Bishops 104 ; of these the Metropolitan is he of Rheimes , who useth to anoint the Kings , which office and preheminence hath been annexed unto this seat ever since the times of St. Remigius Bishop hereof , who converted Clovis King of the Franks unto the Gospell . The present Primate is son unto the Duke of Guise , by name Henry de Lorrain , of the age of 14 years or thereabouts , a burden too unweildie for his shoulders . — Et quae non viribus istis Munera conveniunt , n●c tam puerilibus annis . For the better government therefore of a charge so weighty , they have appointed him a Coadjutor to discharge that great function till he come to age to take orders . His name is Gifford an English fugitive , said to be a man worthy of a great fortune , and able to bear it . The revenues of this Archbishoprick are somewhat of the meanest , not amounting yearly to above 10000 Crowns , whereof Dr. Gifford receiveth only 2000 , the remainder going to the Caidet of Lorreine . This trick the French learn of the Protestants in Germany , where the Princes after the Reformation began by Luther , took in the power and Lordships of the Bishops , which together with their functions , they divided into two parts . The lands they bestowed upon some of their younger sons or kinsmen , with the title of Administrator ; the office and pains of it they conferred with some annuall pension , on one of their Chaplaines , whom they styled the Superintendent of the Bishoprick . This Archbishop together with the rest of the Bishops have under them their severall Chancellours , Commissaries , Archdeacons , and other officers attending in their Courts ; in which their power is not so generall as with us in England . Matters of testament never trouble them , as belonging to the Court of Parliament ; who also have wrested to their own hands almost all the businesse of importance ; sure I am , all the causes of profit originally belonging to the Church , the affairs meerly Episcopall and spirituall are left unto them , as granting Licence for Marriages , punishing whoredome by way of penance and the like ; to go beyond this were ultra crepidam , and they should be sure to have a prohibition from the Parliaments . Of their priviledges the chiefest of the Clergy / men is , the little or no dependence upon the Pope , and the little profits they pay unto their King ; of the Pope anon ; to the King they pay only their Dismes , or Tithes according to the old rate ; a small sum if compared unto the payments of their neighbours ; it being thought that the King of Spain receiveth yearly one half of the living of the Churches ; but this I mean of their livings only , for otherwise they pay the usuall gabels and customes , that are paid by the rest of the Kings liege people . In the generall assembly of the three Estates the Clergy hath authority to elect a set number of Commissioners , to undertake for them and the Church ; which Commissioners do make up the first of the three Estates , and do first exhibit their grievances and Petitions to the King. In a word , the French Church is the freest of any in Christendome , that have not yet quitted their subjection to the Pope , as alwayes protesting against the Inquisitions , not submitting themselves to the Councell of Trent , and paying very little to his Holinesse , of the plentifull revenue , wherewith God and good men have blessed it . The number of those which the Church Land maintaineth in France is tantum non infinite , therefore the Intrado and Revenue of it must needs be uncountable . There are numbred in it , as we said before , 12 Archbishops , 104 Bishopricks ; to these add 540 Archpriories , 1450 Abbies , 12320 Priories , 567 Nunneries , 700 Convents of Fryers , 259 Commendames of the order of Malta , and 130000 Parish Priests . Yet this is not all , this reckoning was made in the year 1598. Since which time the Jesuits have divers Colledges founded for them , and they are known to be none of the poorest . To maintain this large wildernesse of men , the Statistes of France , who have proportioned the Countrey ; do allow unto the Clergy almost a fourth part of the whole . For supposing France to contain 200 millions of Arpens ( a measure somewhat bigger then our Acre ) they have allotted to the Church for its temporall revenue , 47 of them . In particular of the Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots and Parish Priests , they of Aux , Alby , Cluniac and St. Estiennes in Paris , are said to be the wealthyest ; the Archbishoprick of Aux in Gascoine is valued at 400000 Livres or 40000 l. English yearly . The Bishop of Alby in Lanquedoc , is prized at 10000 Florens , which is a fourth part of it ; a great part of this revenue rising out of Saffron . The Abbot of Cluniac in the Dutchie of Burgundy , is said to be worth 50000 Crowns yearly ; the present Abbot being Henry of Lorreine , Archbishop of Rheimes , and Abbot of St. Dennis . The Parish Priest of St. Estiennes , is judged to receive yearly no sewer then 8000 Crowns , a good Intrado . As for the vulgar Clergy they have little Tit●e and lesse Glebe , most part of the revenue being appropriated unto Abbeys and other Religious houses ; the greatest part of their means is the Baisse-maine , which is the Church-offerings of the people at Christnings , Marriages , Burials , Dirges , Indulgences , and the like ; which is thought to amount to almost as much as the temporall estate of the Church , an income able to maintain them in good abundance , were it not for the greatnesse of their number ; for reckoning that there are ( as we have said ) in France 130000 Perish Priests , and that there are only 27400 Parishes ; it must of necessity be , that every Parishone with another must have more then four Priests ; too many to be rich . But this were one of the least injuries offered to the French thrift , and would little hinder them from rising , if it were not that the goodliest of their preferments were before their faces given unto boyes and children . An affront which not only despoileth them of the honors due unto their calling , but disheartneth them in their studies and by consequence draweth them unto debauched and s●anderous courses . — Quis enim virtutem exquireret ips 〈…〉 , Premi● si t●llas ? — The Clergy therefore 〈◊〉 1617. being assembled at the house of Austin Fryers in Paris ( as every two years they use to do ) being to take their leaves of the King , elected the Bishop of Aire to be their spokesman ; and to certifie his Majesty of their grievances . In performing which businesse , the principall thing of which he spake was to this purpose ; That whereas his Majesty was bound to give them fathers , he gave them children ; that the name of Abbot signifieth a Father ; and the function of a Bishop is full of fatherly authority : that France notwithstanding was now filled with Bishops and Abbots , which are yet in their Nurses armes , or else under their Regents in Colledges ; nay more , that the abuse goeth before their being ; Children being commonly designed to Bishopricks and Abba●ies , before they were born . He made also another complaint , that the Soveraign Courts by their decrees , had attempted upon the authority which was committed to the Clergy , even in that which meerly concerned Ecclesiasticall discipline and government of the Church . To these complaints he gave them , indeed , a very gracious hearing , but it was no further then an hearing , being never followed by redresse . The Court of Parliament knew too well the strength of their own authority , and the King was loath to take from himself those excellent advantages of binding to himself his Nobility , by the speedy preferring of their children ; and so the clergie ▪ departed with a great deal of envy , and a little satisfaction . Like enough it were , that the Pope would in part redresse this injury , especially in the point of jurisdiction , if he were able . But his wings are shrewdly clipped in this Countrey ▪ neither can be fly at all , but as far as they please to suffer him . For his temporall power they never could be induced to acknowledge it , as we see in their stories , anno 1610. the Divines of Paris in a Declaration of thei●s tendred to the Queen Mother , affirmed the supremacie of the Pope , to be an Erroneous Doctrine , and the ground of that hellish position of deposing and killing of Kings . Anno 1517. when the Councell of Lateran had determined the Pope to be the head of the Church in causes also temporall : the University of Paris testifieth against it in an Apology of theirs , Dated the 12 of March the same year ; Les decimus ( saith the Apology ) in quodame 〈…〉 , non tamen in Spiritu Domini congregato , contra fide 〈…〉 Catholicam , &c. Sacrum Bisiliense cotholicam da 〈…〉 vit . In which councell of Basil , the Supremacy of the Pope was condemned . Neither did the Kings of France forget to maintain their own authority . And therefore when as Pope Boniface VIII . had in a peremptory Letter , written to Philip le Bell King of France , styled himself Dominus totius mundi tam in temporalibus quam in spiritualibus : the King returned him an answer with an Epithite sutable to his arrogancy , Sciat maxima tua fatuitas nos in temporalibus alicui non subesse , &c. The like answer , though in modester termes , was sent to another of the Popes , by St. Lewis , a man of a most milde and sweet disposition , yet unwilling to forgoe his royalties . His spirituall power is alwayes as little in substance , though more in shew ; for whereas the Councell of Trent hath been an especiall authorizer of the Popes spirituall supremacy ; the French Church would never receive it . By this means the Bishops keep in their hands , their own full authority ; whereof an obedience to the decrees of that Councell would deprive them . It was truely said by St. Gregory , and they well knew it , Lib. 7. Epist . 70. Si unus universalis est , restat ut vos Episcopi non sitis . Further the University of Paris in their Declaration , anno 1610 above mentioned , plainly affirme , that it is directly opposite to the Doctrine of the Church which the University of Paris alwayes maintained , that the Pope hath the power of a Monarch in the spirituall government of the Church . To look upon higher times , when the Councell of Constance had submitted the authority of the Pope unto that of a Councell ; John Gerson , Theologus Parisiensis magni nominis , as one calleth him , defended that decree : and intituleth them , ●erniciosos admodum esse adulatores qui tyrannidem istam in Ecclesiam invexere , quasi nullis legum teneatur vinculis , quasi neque parere debeat concilio Pontifex , nec ab eo judicari queat . The Kings themselves also befriend their Clergy in this cause ; and therefore not only protested against the Councell of Trent , wherein this spirituall tyranny was generally consented to by the Catholick faction . But Henry II ▪ also would not acknowledge them to be a Councell , calling them by another name then Conventus Tridentinus . An indignity which the Fathers took very offensively . But the principall thing in which it behoveth them not to acknowledge his spirituall Supremacy , is the collation of Benefices and Bishopricks , and the Annats and first fruits thence arising . The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christendome , was about the bestowing the livings of the Church , and giving the investure unto Bishops ; the Popes had long thirsted after that authority , as being a great means to advance their followers , and establish their own greatnesse : for which cause in divers petty Councels , the receiving of any Ecclesiasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony . But this did little edifie with such patrons as had good livings . As soon as ever Hildebrande , in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII . came to the Throne of Rome , he set himself entirely to effect this businesse as well in Germany , now he was Pope , as he had done in France whilest he was Legat ; he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour , Ne deinceps Episc●patus & beneficia ( they are Platinas own words ) per cupiditatem Simona●cam committat ; aliter seusurum in-ipsum censuris Ecclesiasticis . To this injustice , when the Emperour would not yeeld , he called a solemn Councell at the Lateran ; wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall , and afterwards Excommunicated ; neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him , till he had laid him in his grave . After this there followed great strugling for this matter , between the Popes and the Emperours ; but in the end the Popes got the victory . In England here , he that first beckoned about it was William Ru●us ; the controversie being , whether he or Pope Urban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury . Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope , whereupon the King banished him the Realm , into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy , relinquished his right to the Pope , but afterwards repenting himselfe of it , he revoked his grant ; neither did the English Kings wholly lose it , till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John. Edward the first again recovered it , and his successors kept it . The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands , this priviledge of nominating Priests and investing Bishops , they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased ; as on the Benefices , first fruits , pensions , subsidies , fifteenths , tenths ; and on the Bishopricks for palles , miters , crosiers , rings , and I know not what bables . By these means the Churches were so impoverished , that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil , all these cheating tricks , these aucupia & expilandi rationes , were abolished . This decree was called Pragmatica functio , and was confirmed in France by Charles VII . anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France ; which yearly before , as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI . had drained the State of a million of Crowns ; since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction , and sometimes also exacted it , according as their affairs with the Pope stood ; for which cause it was called Froenum pontificum . At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine , fell into this composition with his Holinesse ; namely , that upon the falling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick , the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him , whom the Pope should legally invest . If the King neglected his time limited , the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse , and institute whom he pleased . So is it also with the inferior Benefices , between the Pope and the Patrons ; insomuch that any or every Lay-patron , and Bishop together in England , hath for ought I see ( at the least in this particular ) as great a spirituall Supremacy , as the Pope in France . Nay to proceed further , and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are , as well the spirituall as the temporall , you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites , which was thus : In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of King Henry IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris ; but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament , the Rector and University opposed them , on the 17 of December , 1611. both parties came to have an hearing , and the University got the day , unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points . viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope . 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings , and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates . 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm , or any matter of treason in confession , he was bound to reveal it . And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate . It appeared by our former discourse , what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French. By these Propositions ( to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed , I know not with what mentall reservation ) it is more then evident , that they have left him no command neither over their consciences , nor their persons ; so that all things considered , we may justly say of the Papall power in France , what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus , namely that it is Nomen sine rebus . In one thing only his authority here is intire , which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers , and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks , who acknowledge very small obedience , if any at all , to the French Bishops : for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse , was directly under the care and command of the Bishop ; yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church , the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life , grew much into the envie of their Diocesan . For this cause , as also to be more at their own command , they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection , Utque in tutelam divi Petri admitterentur ; a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition , which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height ; and therefore without difficulty granted . This gap opened , first the severall orders of Fryers ; and after even the Deans and Chapters , purchased to themselves the like exemptions . In this the Popes power was wonderfully strengthned , as having such able , and so main props to uphold his authority ; it being a true Maxime in State , Quod qui privilegia obtinent ; ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri . This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned . Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority , and imputed all the Schismes and Vices in the Church , unto this , that their hands were tyed ; hereupon the Popes Legats thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction , their Deans and Chapters . At that of the Monks and Monasteries , there was more sticking , till at the last Sebastian Pig●inus , one of the Popes officers , found out for them this satisfaction ; that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks , not by any authority of their own , Sed tanquam a sede Apostolica delegat● . But as for the Orders of Fryers , the Pope would not by any means give way to it . They are his Janizaries , and the strongest bulwarke of his Empire , and are therefore called in a good Author , Egr gia Romunae curiae instrumenta . So that with them the Diocesan hath nothing to do , each several religious house being as a Court of Peculiars , subjects only to the great Metropolitan of Rome . This meer dependence on his Holinesse , maketh this generation a great deal more regardlesse of their behaviour , then otherwise it would be : though since the growth of the Reformation , shame and fear hath much reformed them , they have still howsoever , a spice of their former wantonnesse , and on occasions will permit themselves a little good fellowship ; and to say truth of them , I think them to be the best companions in France for a journey , but not for acquaintance . They live very me●●ily , and keep a competent table , more I suppose then can stand with their vow ; and yet far short of that affluency whereof many of our books accuse them . It was my chance to be in a house of the Franciscans in Paris , where one of the Fryers upon the intreaty of our friends , had us into the hall , it being then the time of their refectory ; a favour not vulgar ; there saw we the Brothers sitting all of a side , and every one a pretty distance from the other , their severall commons being a dish of pottage , a chop of Mutton , a dish of cherries , and a large glasse of water : this provision together with a liberall allowance of ●ase , and a little of study keepeth them exceeding plump and in a good liking , and maketh them , having little to take thought for , as I said before , passing good company . As I travailed towards Orleans we had in our Coach with us three of these mortified sinners , two of the Order of St. Austin , and one Franciscan ; the merryest cricke●● that ever chirped , nothing in them but mad tales and complements ; and for musick , they would sing like hawkes . When we came to a vein of good wine they would cheer up themselves and their neighbours with this comfortable Doctrine , Vivamus ut 〈◊〉 & bibamus ut vivamus . And for courtship and toying with the wenches , you would easily believe ●●at it had been a trade with which they had not been a little acquainted ; of all men , when I am marryed , God keep my wife from them , till then , my neighbours . On the other side , the common Priests of France , are so dull and blockish , that you shal hardly meet with a more contemptible people . The meanest of our Curates in England , for spirit and discourse , are very Popes to them ; for learning they may safely say with S 〈…〉 atas , Hoc tantum scimus quod ne 〈…〉 us ; but you must not look they should say it in Latine . Tongues they have none but that of their Mother and the Masse book : of which last they can make no use except the book be open , and then also the book is ●ain to read it self . For in the last 〈◊〉 Miss●le , established by Pius V. and recognized by Clement VIII . ann● 1600. every syllable is diversly marked , whether it be sounded long or short ; just 〈◊〉 the versifying examples are in the end of the Grammar . When I had lost my self in the streets of Paris , and wanted French to 〈…〉 d , I used to apply my self to some of these reverend habit . But O 〈…〉 lum in s 〈…〉 ns & in 〈…〉 tum ! you might as easily have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the 〈◊〉 , as a word of Latine out of their mouths . Nor is this the disease of the vulgar Masse mumbler only , it hath also infected the right Worshipfull of the Clergy . In Orleans I had businesse with a Chanoin of the Church of St. Croix , a fellow that wore his Surplice ( it was made of Lawn and lace ) with as good a credit , as ever I saw any , and for the comlinesse and capacity of his Cap , he might have been a Metropolitan : perceiving me to speak to him in a strange tongue , for it was Latine , he very readily asked me this question , Num potestis loqui Gallia ? which when I had denyed , at last he broke out into another interrogatory , viz. Quam diu fuistis in Gallice ? To conclude , having read over my Letter , with two or three deadly pangs , and six times rubbing of his temples , he dismissed me with this cordiall , and truly it was very comfortable to my humour , Ego negotias vestras curabo . A strange beast , and one of the greatest prodigies of ignorance , that I ever met with in mans apparrell . Such being the Romish Priests , it is no marvel that the French Papist be no more setled and resolute in their Religion . If the eye be blinde , the body cannot choose but be darkned . And certainly there is nothing that hath prepared many of this Realm more to imbrace the Reformation , then the blockishnesse of their own Clergy . An excellent advantage to the Protestant Ministers , could they but well humor it , and likely to be a fair enlargement to their party , if well husbanded . Besides this , the French Catholicks are not over earnest in the cause , and so lie open to the assaults of any politick enemy . To deal with them by main force of argument , and in the servent spirit of zeal , as the Protestants too often do , is not the way ; men uncapable of opposition , as this people generally are , and furious if once thwarted ; must be tamed as Alexander did his horse Bucephalus ; those which came to back him with the tyranny of the spur and cudgell , he quickly threw down and mischiefed . Alexander came otherwise prepared , for turning the horse towards the sun that he might not see the impatience of his own shadow , he spake kindly to him , and gently clapped him on the back , till he had left his ●linging and wildnesse , he lightly leapt into the saddle , the horse never making resistance : Plutarch in his life relateth the story , and this is the morall of it . CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope . This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England . An English Catholicks conceit of it . His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris . A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality . A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau . The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns. Their present estate and strength . The last War against them justly undertaken ; not fairely managed . Their in●ole●cies and disobedience to the Kings command . Their purpose to have themselves a free estate . The war not a war of Religion . King James in justice could not assist them more then he did . First forsaken by their own party . Their happinesse before the war. The Court of the edict . A view of them in their Churches . The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England . Their Discipline and Ministeries , &c. WE have seen the strength and subtility , as also somewhat of his poverties at home : Let us now see the alliance which this French Esau hath abroad in the world ; in what credit and opinion he standeth in the eye of B●●ri the Romish ●ittite , the daughter of whose abominations he hath marryed . And here I find him to hold good correspondency , as being the eldest son of the Church , and an equall poise to ballance the affaires of Italy against the Potency of Spain On this ground the present Pope hath alwayes shewn himself very favourable to the French side , well knowing into what perils an unnecessary and impolitick dependance on the Spanish party only ; would one day bring the State Ecclesiastick . As in the generall , so also in many particulars hath he expressed much affection unto him . As 1. By taking into his hands the Valtolin , till his Sonne of France might settle himself in some course to recover it . 2. His not stirring in the behalf of the Spaniard , during the last wars in Italy . And 3. His speedy and willing grant of the dispensation for Madams marriage , notwithstanding the Spaniard so earnestly laboured the deniall , or at least the delay of it . To speak by conjectures , I am of opinion , that his Genius prompted him to see the speedy consummation of this marriage , of which his Papacy was so large an Omen , so far a prognostick . Est Deus in nobis , agita●te calescimus illo . The Lar or angell guardian of his thoughts hastned him in it ; in whose time there was so plausible a Presage , that it must be accomplished . For thus it standeth : Malachi now a Saint , then one of the first Apostles of the Irish , one much reverenced in his memory unto this day by that Nation ; left behind him by way of Prophesie a certain number of Mottoes in Latine , telling those that there should follow that certain number of Popes only , whose conditions successively should be lively expressed in those Mottos , according to that order which he had placed them . M 〈…〉 ngham an Irish Priest , and Master of the Colledge of Irish 〈…〉 es in Paris , collected together the lives of all the Irish Saints ; which book himself shewed me . In that Volume , and the life of this Saint , are the severall Mottos and severall Popes set down Column wise one against the other : I compared the lives of them with the Mottos , as far as my memory would carry me , and found many of them very answerable . As I remember there are 36 Mottos yet come , and when just so many Popes are joyned to them , they are of opinion ( for so 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ld ) th 〈…〉 either the world should end , or the Popedom be 〈…〉 ned . Amongst the others , the Motto of the present Pope was most remarkable , and sutable to the action likely to happen in his time : being this , Lilium & Rosa , which they interpret , and in my mind not unhappily , to be intended to the conjunction of the French Lilly and English Ros 〈…〉 To take from me any suspicion of Imposture , he shewed an old book , printed almost 200 years agoe , written by one Wion a Flemming , and comparing the number of the Mottos with the Catalogue of the Popes ; I found the name of Vrban ( the now Pope ) to answer it . On this ground an English Catholick , whose acquaintance I gained in France ; made a copy of Verses in French , and presented them to the English Ambassadours , the Earls of Carlile and Holland . Because he is my friend , and the conceit is not to be despised , I begged them of him , and these are they . Lilia juncta Rosis . Embleme de bon prefage de l' Alliance de la France , avec 〈◊〉 Angle terre . Ce grand dieu qui d'un ocil voit tout ce que les ans . So●bs leurs voiles sacrez vont a nous yeux cachans . Decouure quelque fois , anis● qui bon lui semble , Et les maux a venir , et les biens tout ensemble , Anisi fit-il jades a celui , qui primier . Dans l' Ireland porta de la froy le laurier ; Malachie ●on 〈◊〉 qu' au tymon de leglise On verra s 〈…〉 r un jour , cil qui pour sa devise . Aura les lys chenus ioints aux plus belles fleures , Qui dorent le prin-temps , de leurs doubles colours . CHARLES est le ●●curon de la Rose pourpree ; Henritte est le Lys , que la plus belle pree De la France nourrtit : pour estre quelque jour Et la Reina des fleurs , et des roses l' amour . Adorable banquet , b●en heureuse co●ronne , Que la bonte du ciel e parrage nous donne ; He●reuse ma partie , heureuse mille fois , Celle qui te fera re●●orier en les roys . With these Verses I take my leave of his Holinesse , wishing none of his successors would presage worse luck unto England . I go now to see his Nuncio , to whose house the same English Catholick brought me , but he was not at home ; his name is Bernardino d'Espada : a man , as he informed me , able to discharge the trust reposed in him by his Master , and one that very well affected the English Nation . He hath the fairest house , and keepeth the largest retinue of any ordinary Ambassador in the Realm ; and maketh good his Masters Supremacies , by his own precedency . To honour him against he was to take his charge , his Holinesse created him Bishop of Damiata●n ●n Egypt ; a place which I am certain never any of them saw but in a map , and for the profits he receiveth thence , they will never be able to pay for his Crozier . But this is one of his Holinesse usuall policies , to satisfie his followers with empty titles . So he made Bishop , whom he sent to govern for him in England , Bishop of Chal●●don in Asia ; and Smith also who is come over about the same businesse , with the Queen , Bishop of Archidala a City of T●●ce . An old English Doctor used it as an especiall argument to prove the universality of power in the Pope , because he could ordain Bishops over al Cities in Christendom ; if he could as easily give them also the revenue , this reason ( I confesse ) would much sway me , till then I am sorry that men should still be boyes , and play with bubbles . By the same authority he might do well to make all his Courtiers Kings , and then he were sure to have a most royall and beggerly Court of it . To proceed a little further in the Allegory , so it is that when Jacob saw Esau to have incurred his fathers and mothers anger , for his heathenish marriage , he set himself to bereave his elder brother of his blessing . Prayers , and the sweet smell of his Venison , the sweet smelling of his sacrifices , obtained of his Lord and Father a blessing for him : for indeed the Lord hath given unto this his French Jacob , as it is in the text , the dew of heaven , and the fatnesse of the earth , and plenty of corne and wine , Gen. 27. 28. It followeth in the 41. vers . of the Chapter . And Esau hated Jaeob , because of the blessing wherewith his father had blessed him ; and Esau said in his heart , The days of mourning for my father are at band , then will I slay my brother Jacob. The event of which his bloudy resolution was , that Jacob was ●ain to relinquish all that he had , and flie unto his Uncle . This last part of the story , expresseth very much of the present estate of the French Church . The Papists hated the Protestants to see them thrive and increase so much amongst them . This hatred moved them to a war , by which they hoped to root them out altogether ; and this war compelled the Protestants to abandon their good Towns , their strong holds , and all their possessions , and to flie to their friends wheresoever they could finde them . And indeed , the present estate of the Protestants is not much better then that of Jacob in Mesopot●●ia , nor much different . The blessing which they expect lyeth more in the seed then the harvest . For their strength it consisteth principally in their prayers to God : and secondly , in their obedience to their Kings . Within these two fortresses , if they can keep themselves , they need fear none ill ; because they shall deserve none . The only outward strengths they have left them , are the two Towns of Montaban and Rochell , the one deemed invincible , the other threatned a speedy destruction . The Duke of Espernon ( at my being there ) lay round about it , and it was said , that the Town was in very bad terms : all the neighbouring Towns , to whose opposition they much trusted , having yeelded at the first fight of the Canon . Rochell , it is thought , cannot be forced by assault , nor compelled by a famine . Some Protestants are glad of , and hope to see the French Church restored to its former powerfulnesse , by the resistance of that Town meerly . I rather think , that the perverse and stubborn condition of it , will at last , drive the young King into a fury , and incite him to revenge their contradiction , on their innocent friends , now disarmed and disabled . Then will they see at last the issue of their own peremptory resolutions , and begin to believe , that the Heathen Historian was of the two the better Christian , when he gave us this note , Non turpe est ab eo vinci , quem vincere esset nefas , neque 〈…〉 lli ●inhoneste etiam submitti , quem fortuna super omnes ex●ulisset . This weaknesse and misery which hath now befallen the Protestants , was an● effect , I confesse , of the ill-will which the other party bare them ; but that they bare them ill will , was a fruit of their own graffing . In this circumstance , they were nothing like Jacob , who in the hatred which his brother Esau had to him , was simply passive ; they being active also in the birth of it . And indeed that lamentable and bloudy war , which sell upon them , they not only endevoured not to avoid , but invited , during the reign of Henry IV. who would not see it , and the troublesome minority of Lewis XIII . who could not molest them , they had made themselves masters of 99. Towns , well fortifyed and enabled for a 〈◊〉 : a strength too great for any one faction to keep together , under a King which desires to be himself , and rule his people . In the opinion of this their potency , they call Assemblies , Parliaments as it were , when and as often as they pleased . There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion , made new Laws of government , removed and rechanged their generall officers ; the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally demanded . Had they only been guilty of too much power , that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war against them , it not standing with the safety and honour of a King , not to be the absolute commander of his own Subjects . But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies , they abused their power into a neglect , and not dissolving them at his Majesties commandment , they increased their neglect into into a disobedience . The Assembly which principally occasioned the war and their ruine , was that of Rochell , called by the Protestants presently upon the Kings journey into Bearn . This generall meeting the King prohibited by his especiall Edicts , declaring all them to be guilty of treason ; which notwithstanding they would not ●earken to , but very undutifully went on in their purposes . It was said by a Gentleman of their party , and one that had been imployed in many of their affairs , That the fiery zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences , had thrust them into those desperate courses ; and I believe him ; Tantum relligio potuit su●dere malorum . Being assembled , they sent the King a Remonstrance of their grievances , to which the Duke Lesdiguiers , in a Letter to them written , gave them a very fair and plausible answer , wherein also he intreateth them to obey the Kings Edict , and break up the Assembly . Upon the receipt of this Letter , those of the Assembly published a Declaration , wherein they verified their meeting to be lawfull , and their purpose not to dismisse themselves , till their desires were granted . This affront done to the King , made him gather together his Forces ; yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request , he allowed them 24 dayes of respite ; before his Armies should march towards them , he offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions , such also as their Deputies had solicited , but far better then those which they were glad to accept , when all their Towns were taken from them . Profecto ineluct abilis fatorum vis , cujus fortunam mutare constituit , ejus corrumpit consilia . It held very rightly in this people , who turned a deaf eare to all good advice , and were resolved it seemeth , Not to hear the voice of the Charmer , charmed he never so sweetly . In their Assemblie therefore they make Lawes and Orders to regulate their disobedience , as , That no peace should be made without the consent of the generall Convocation , about paying of Souldiers wages , for the detaining of the Revenues of the King and Clergy , and the like . They also there divided France into seven circles or parts , assigning over every circle severall Generals and Lieutenants , and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the wars . Thus we see the Kings Army leavied upon no slight ground , his Regall authority was neglected , his especiall Edicts violated , his gracious profers slighted , and his Revenues forbidden him , and his 〈…〉 m divided before his face , and allotted unto officers not of his own election . Had the prosecution of his action been as fair , as the cause was , just and legall , the Protestants had only deserved the infamy ; but hinc illae lachrymae . The King so behaved himself in it , that he suffered the sword to walk at randome ; as if his main design had been , not to correct his people , but to ruine them . I will instance onely in that tyrannicall slaughter , which he permitted at the taking of Nigrep●●isse , a Town of Quereu ; wherein indeed , the Souldiers shewed the very rigour of severity , which either a barbarous victor could inflict , or a vanquished people suffer , Nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genus ●misit i●a & victoria , as Tacitus of the angred Romans . For they spared neither man , nor woman , nor childe , all equally subject to the cruelty of the sword and the Conquerour . The streets paved with dead carkasses , the channels running with the bloud of Christians ; no noise in the streets , but of such as were welcoming death , or suing for life . Their Churches , which the Goths spared at the sack of Rome , were at this place made the Theatres of lust and bloud ; neither priviledge of Sanctuary , nor fear of God , in whose holy house they were , qualifying their outrage ; this in the common places . At dom●● interior gemi●u , miser●que 〈◊〉 Mis●etur ; pe 〈…〉 tusque cavae plangoribus ●des 〈◊〉 ulu 〈…〉 . — A● Virgil in the ruine of Trey . But the calamities which bese●● the men , were mercifull and sparing , if computed to those which the women suffered ; when the Souldiers had made them the objects of their lust , they made them also the subjects of their 〈◊〉 , in that only pittifull to that poor and distressed sex that they did not ●et them survive their honours . Such of them who out of ●ear and ●aintness had made but little resistance , had the favour to be stabbed ; but those whose virtue and courage maintaned their bodies valiantly from the rapes of those villains , had the secrets of nature ( procul hinc este castae & misericordes au●es ) filled with gun-powder , and so blown into ashes . Whither , O you divine powers ! is humanity fled when it is not to be found in Christians ? or where shall we look for the effects of a pitifull nature , when men are become so unnaturall ? It is said that the King was ignorant of this barbarousnesse , and offended at it . Offended I perswade my self he could not but be , unlesse he had totally put off himself , and degenerated into a Tyger . But for his ignorance I dare not conceive it to be any other then that of Ner● , an ignorance rather in his eye then understanding : Subduxit oculos Nero ( saith Tacitus ) jussitque se●lera , non spectavil — Though the Protestants deserved affliction for their disobedience ; yet this was an execution above the nature of a punishment , a misery beyond the condition of the crime . True it is , and I shall never acquit them of it , that in the time of their prosperity , they had done the King many affronts , and committed many acts of disobedience and insolency , which justly occasioned the war against them ; for besides those already recited , they themselves first broke those Edicts , the due execution whereof seemed to have been their only petition . The King by his Edict of pacification , had licenced the free exercise of both Religions , and thereupon permitted the Priests and Jesuits to preach in the Towns of Caution , being then in the hands of the Protestants . On the other side , the Protestants assembled at ●oudun , strictly commanded all their Governors , Majors and Sheriffs , nor to suffer any Jesuits , nor any of any other Order to preach in their Towns , although licenced by the Bishop of the Diocese . When upon dislike of their proceedings in that Assembly the King had declared their meeting to be unlawfull , and contrary to his peace ; and this Declaration was verified against them by the Parliament : they notwithstanding would not separate themselves , but stood still upon terms of capitulation , and the justifiableness of their action again . Whereas it hapned , that the Lord of Privas , a Town full of those of the Religion , dyed in the year 1620 ▪ and left his daughter and heir in the bed and marriage of the Viscount of Cheylane , a Catholick : this new Lord according to law and right , in his own Town changed the former Garrison , putting his own servants and dependants in their places . Upon this the Protestants of the Town and Countrey round about it , draw themselves in troops , surprise many of the Towns about it , and at last compelled the young Gentleman to flie from his inheritance ; an action , which jumping even with the time of the Assembly at Rochell , made the King more doubtfull of their sincerity . I could add to these divers others of their undutifull practises , being the effects of too much felicitie , and of a fortune which they could not govern . Atqui animus meminisse horret , luctuque refugit . These their insolencies and unruly acts of disobedience , made the King and his Counsell suspect , that their designes tended further then Religion , and that their purpose might be to make themselves a free State , after the example of Geneva , and the Low-countreymen . The late power which they had taken of calling their own Synods and Convocations , was a strong argument of their purpose ; so also was the intelligence which they held with those of their own faith . At the Synod of Gappe , called by the permission of Henry the fourth , on the first of October , anno 1603. they not only gave audience to Ambassadours , and received Letters from forain Princes ; but also importuned his Majesty to have a generall liberty of going into any other Countries , and assisting at their Councels : a matter of especiall importance : and therefore the King upon a foresight of the dangers , wisely prohibited them to goe to any Assemblies without a particular Licence , upon pain to be declared Traytors . Since that time growing into greater strength , whensoever they had occasion of businesse with King Lewis , they would never treat with him , but by their Ambassadours , and upon especiall Articles . An ambition above the quality of those that professe themselves Subjects , and the only way , as Du Seirres noteth , To make an Estate in the State. But the answers made unto the King by those of Clerac and Montauban , are pregnant proofs of their intent and meaning in this kinde ; the first being summoned by the King and his Army the 21 of July , Anno 1621. returned thus , That the King should suffer them to enjoy their Lilerties , and leave their Fortifications as they were , for the safety of their lives , and so they would declare themselves to be his Subjects . They of Montauban , made a fuller expression of the generall design and disobedience , which was , That they were resolved to live and die in the union of the Churches , had they said for the service of the King , it had been spoken bravely , but now rebelliously . This Union and Confederacy of theirs , King Lewis used to call the Common-wealth of Rochell ; for the overthrow of which , he alwayes protested , that he had only taken armes , and if we compare circumstances , we shall finde it to be no other . In the second of Aprill , before he had as yet advanced into the field , he published a Declaration in favour of all those of the Religion , which would contain themselves within duty and obedience . And whereas some of Tours , at the beginning of the wars , had tumultuously molested the Protestants , at the buriall of one of their dead ; five of them , by the Kings commandement , were openly executed . When the war was hottest abroad , those of the Religion in Paris lived as securely as ever , and had their accustomed meetings at Charenton ; so had also those of other places . Moreover , when ●idings came to Paris of the Duke of Mayens death , slain before Montauban , the rascall French , according to their hot headed dispositions , breathed out nothing but ruine to the Hugonots . The Duke of Monbazon governour of the City commanded their houses and the streets to be safely guarded . After , when this rabble had burne down their Temple at Charenton , the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained , that it should be built up again in a more beautifull manner , and that at the Kings charge . Add to this , that since the ending of the wars , and the reduction of almost all their Towns , we have not seen the least alteration of Religion . Besides that , they have been permitted to hold a Nationall Synod at Charenton for establishing the truth of their Doctrine , against the errours of Arminius professour of Leid●n in Holland . All things thus considered in their true being , I connot see for what cause our late Soveraign should suffer so much censure as he then did , for not giving them assistance . I cannot but say , that my self have too often condemned his remissenesse in that cause , which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in . Had he been a medler in it further then he was , he had not so much preserved Religion , as supported Rebellion ; besides the consequence of the example . He had Subjects of his own more then enough , which were subject to discontent , and prone to an apostasie from their alleagiance . To have assisted the disobedient French under the colour of the liberty of conscience , had been only to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence ; and to have trod the path of his own hazard . He had not long before denied succour to his own children , when he might have given them on a better ground , and for a fairer purpose ; and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another . For that other , deniall of his helping hand , I much doubt how far posterity will acquit him , though certainly he was a good Prince , and had been an happy instrument of the peace of Christendome , had not the latter part of his reign hapned in a time so full of troubles . So that betwixt the quietnesse of his nature , and the turbulency of his latter dayes , he sell into that miserable exigent mentioned in the Historian , Miserrimum est eum alicui , aut natura sua excedenda est , aut minuenda dignitas . Add to this , that the French had been first abandoned at home by their own friends , of seven Generals which they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France ; four of them never giving them incouragement . The three which accepted of those unordinate Governments , were the Duke of Rohan , his brother M. Soubise , and the Marquesse of Lafforce ; the four others being the Duke of Tremoville , the Earl of Chastillon , the Duke of Lesdisguier , and the Duke of Bovillon , who should have commanded in chief . So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them , but they to themselves . If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Majesties commandements . We must answer , that it was too much happinesse : Gausa hujus belli eadem quae omnium , nimia foelicitas , as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey . Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour , they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns , well fortified for their safety ; besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages , they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree ; neither fearing , nor needing to fear the least disturbance : with those of the Catholick party , they were grown so intimate and entire , by reason of their inter-marriages , that a very few years would have them incorporated , if not into one faith , yet into one family . For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice , it pleased King Henry the fourth , to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris , purposely for them . It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours ; their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion , as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris , as also in Normandy and Britain , till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them . There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Grenoble , and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza . These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict , because they were established by especiall Edict , at the Towns of Nantes in Britain , Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word , they lived so secure and happy , that one would have thought their felicities had been immortall . O faciles dare summa deos , eademque tueri Difficiles — And yet they are not brought so low , but that they may live happily , if they can be content to live obediently ; that which is taken from them , being matter of strength only , and not priviledge . Let us now look upon them in their Churches , which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony . To talke amongst them of Common-prayers , were to fright them with the second coming of the Masse ; and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead , were to perswade them of a Purgatory . Painted glasse in a Church window , is accounted for the flag and ensigne of Antichrist : and for Organs , no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes . Shew them a Surplice , and they cry out , a rag of the Whore of Babylon ; yet a sheet on a woman , when she is in child-bed , is a greater abomination then the other . A strange people , that could never think the Masse-book sufficiently reformed , till they had taken away Prayers ; nor that their Churches could ever be handsome , untill they were ragged . This foolish opposition of their first Reformers , hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie , and been no small disadvantage to the fide . Whereas the Church of England , though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine , is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholicks , by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline . When the Li●urgie of our Church was translated into Latine by Dr. Morket , once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford , it was with great approofe and applause received here in France , by those whom they call the Catholicks royall ; as marvelling to see such order and regular devotion in them , whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall . An allowance , which with some little help , might have been raised higher , from the practice of our Church , to some points of our judgement , and it is very worthy of our observation , that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury , when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England . For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies , he openly said unto his followers , That if the reformed Churches in France , had kept the same orders amongst them which we have , he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there , then now are . But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so , I have heard divers French Papists , who were at the Queens coming over , and ventured so far upon an excommunication , as to be present at our Church solemn Services , extoll them and us for their sakes , even almost unto hyperboles . So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them . As are their Churches , such is their Discipline , naked of all Antiquity , and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it . The power and calling of Bishops , they abrogated with the Masse , upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it . As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age , and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his ipse dixit , had stood for Oracles . The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out , they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders , a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures , or first times of the Gospell . These men leap from the stall to the bench , and there partly sleeping , and partly stroaking of their beards ; enact laws of Government for the Church , so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist , saying , Surgunt nobis e 〈…〉 sterquilinio Magistratus , nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia ; yet to these very men , composed equally of ignorance and a trade , are the most weighty matters of the Church committed . In them is the power of ordaining Priests , of conferring places of charge , and even of the severest censure of the Church , Excommunication . When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen , they must be called to councell , and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons ; having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense , and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads , then any other sensible articulation , they hasten to their shops , as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough , Vt ad opus relictum festinasse videatur . Such a plat-form , though it be , that needeth no further confutation then to know it , yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation . By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England , there is none so young , but hath heard some Tragicall relations . God be magnified , and our late King praised , by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel . As for their Ministery , it is indeed very learned in their studies , and exceeding painfull in their calling . By the first they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy ; by the second their lazinesse . And questionlesse it behoveth them so to be , for living in a Countrey full of opposition , they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning , to maintain the cause , and being continually as it were beset with spies , they do the oftner frequent the Pulpits , to hold up their . credits . The maintenance which is allotted to them , scarce amounteth to a competency , though by that name they please to call it . With receiving of tithes they never meddle , and therefore in their Schismaticall tracts of Divinity , they do hardly allow of the paying of them . Some of them hold that they were Jewish , and abrogated with the Law. Others think them to be meerly jure humano , and yet that they may lawfully be accepted , where they are tendred . It is well known yet that there are some amongst them , which will commend grapes , though they cannot reach them . This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly , or a little more . Beza that great and famous Preacher of Geneva , had but 80 l. a year ; and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension , when he Preached at Charenton . These stipends are partly payed by the King ; and partly raised by way of Collection . So the Ministers of these Churches , are much of the nature with the English Lecturers . As for the Tithes , they belong to the severall Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due ; and they , I 'le warrant you , according to the little learning which they have , will maintain them to be jure divino . The Sermons of the French are very plain and home-spun , little in them of the Fathers , and lesse of humane learning ; it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe , that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits . They consist much of Exhortation and Use , and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge ; a ready way to raise up and edifie the Will and Affections , but withal to starve the understanding . For the education of them being children , they have private Schools ; when they are better grown , they may have free recourse unto any of the French Academies ; besides the new University of Saumur , which is wholly theirs , and is the chiefe place of their study . CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common-wealth in generall . A transition to the particular of France . The Government there meerly regall . A mixt forme of Government most commendable . The Kings Patents for Offices . Monopolies above the censure of Parliament . The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes . The Kings gifts and expences . The Chamber of Accounts . France divided into three sorts of people . The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title . The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France . The Kings power how much respected by the Princes . The powerablenesse of that rank . The formall execution done on them . The multitude and confusion of Nobility . King James defended . A censure of the French Heralds . The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants . Their priviledges , gibbets and other Regalia . They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons . HAving thus spoken of the Churches ; I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth . Religion is as the soul of a State , Policy as the body ; we can hardly discourse of the one , without a relation to the other ; if we do , we commit a wilfull murder , in thus destroying a republick . The Common-wealth without the Church , is but a carkasse , a thing inanimate . The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were anima separata , the joyning of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body ; and therefore as they are in nature , so in my relation , Connutio jung●m stabili . Moreover , such a secret sympathy there is between them , such a necessary dependance of one upon the other , that we may say of them , what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato , Eodem tempore , ●orum morbus gravescit , & eodem levaiur . They grow sick and well at the same time , and commonly run out their races at the same instant . There is besides the general respect of each to other , a more particular band betwixt them here in France , which is a likenesse and resemblance . In the Church of France we have found an head and a body ; this body again divided into two parts , the Catholick and the Protestant : the head is in his own opinion , and the minds of many others , of a power unlimited ; yet the Catholick party hath strongly curbed it . And of the two parts of the body , we see the Papists flourishing and in triumph , whilest that of the Protestant is in misery and affliction . Thus is it also in the body Politick . The King in his own conceit boundlesse and omnipotent , is yet affronted by his Nobles ; which Nobles enjoy all the freedome of riches and happinesse ; the poor Paisants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage . For the government of the King is meerly , indeed , regal , or to give it the true name despoticall ; though the Countrey be his wife , and all the people are his children , yet doth he neither govern as an husband or a father ; he accounteth of them all as of his servants , and therefore commandeth them as a Master . In his Edicts which he over frequenly sendeth about , he never mentioneth the good will of his Subjects , nor the approbation of his Councell , but concludeth all of them in this forme , Car tell est nostre plaisir , Sic volo sic jubeo . A forme of government very prone to degenerate into a tyranny , if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance . But this is not the vice of the entire and Soveraign Monarchy alone ; which the Greek call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the other two good formes of regiment , being subject also to the same frailty . Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracie , to have been frequently corrupted into an Oligarchie ; and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or Common-wealth properly so called ) into a Democratie . For as in the body naturall , the purest complexions are lesse lasting , but easily broken and subject to alteration ; so is it in the body Civill , the pure and unmixt formes of Government , though perfect and absolute in their kinds , are yet of little continuance , and very subject to change into its opposite . They therefore which have written of Republicks do most applaud and commend the mixt manner of rule , which is equally compounded of the Kingdome and the Politeia ; because in these the Kings have all the power belonging to their title , without prejudice to the populacie . In these there is referred to the King , absolute Majesty ; to the Nobles , convenient authority ; to the People , an incorrupted liberty : all in a just and equall proportion . Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome , as it was moderated by Nerva , Qui res ol●m dissociabiles miscuerat , principatum & libertatem ; wherein the Soveraignty of one endamaged not the freedome of all . A rare mixture of Government , and such at this time is the Kingdome of England , a Kingdome of a perfect and happy composition ; wherein the King hath his full Prerogative , the Nobles all due respects , and the People , amongst other blessings perfect in this , that they are masters of their own purposes , and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws . On the otherside , in the Regall government of France , the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him ; is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit ; and suffereth many other oppressions , which in their proper place shall be specified . This Aristole in the third book of his Politicks calleth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the command of a Master , and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Such an Empire by which a Prince may command , and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes . One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings . For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts , before they passe for Laws ; yet is that but a meer formality . It is the cartel●●est nostre plaifir , which maketh them currant ; which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors . Justinian in the book of Institutions , maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws , viz. Lex , ( he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables ) Plebiscita , Senatusconsulta , Predentum Responsa , & Principum placita ; to this last he addeth this generall strength , Quod principi plaeuerit , legis ●abet valorem ; the very foundation of the French Kings powerfulnesse . True it is , that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees , and to petition him for a reversall of them ; but their answer commonly is , Stat pro ratione voluntas . He knoweth his own power , and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly . If a monied man can make a friend in Court , he may have an office found for him , of six pence upon every Sword made in France ; a Livre , upon the selling of every head of Cattell ; a brace of Sols , for every paire of boots , and the like . It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching themselves , and undoing the people . The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Mo●●pesson , was just one of the French offices . As for Monopolies , they are here so common , that the Subject taketh no notice of it ; not a scurvey petty book being Printed , but it hath its priviledge affixed , Ad imprimendum solum . These being granted by the King , are carryed to the Parliament , by them formally perused , and finally verified ; after which , they are in force and virtue against all opposition . It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King , for a quart d' escu to be paid unto him / upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome . A very unjust and unconscionable extortion . Had he lived to have presented it to the Court , I much doubt of their deniall , though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents , is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them . As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them , of verifying the Kings Edicts , his grants of Offices and Monopolics . So hath the Chamber of Accounts , a superficiall survey also of his gifts and expences . For his expences , they are thought to be as great now as ever , by reason of the severall retinues of himself , his Mother , his Queen , and the Monseiur ; neither are his gifts lessened . The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer , he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions . As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined , so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified . The titulary power given unto this Chamber , is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation ; the officers being solemnly ( at the least formally ) sworn , not to suffer any thing to passe them , to the detriment of the Kingdome , whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary . But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with . To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens , anciently certain Lords , officers of the Crown , and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts . Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court , consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors , and other under Officers . The Chamber wherein it is kept , called La Chambre des comptes , is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais ; the great Chamber it self , not being worthy to be named in the same day with it . It was built by Charles VIII . anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII . whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes , and the Scepter in his hand . He is accomp●aned by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks , very properly and cunningly ; each of them having its particular Motto , to declare its being . The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue , had its word under written , and contained in a couple of Verses , which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading , and are these : Quatuor has comites foveo , Coelestia dona , Innccuae pacis prospera scep●●a geren● . From the King descend we to the Subjects , ab equis ( quod aiunt ) ad asinos , and the phrase is not much improper ; the French commonalty being called the Kings asses . These are divided into three ranks or Classes , the Clergy , the Nobles , the Paisants ; out of which certain delegates or Committees , chosen upon occasion , and sent to the King , did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France . It was called the Assembly of the three Estates , or the Conventus ordinum ; and was just like the Parliament of England . But these meetings are now forgotten , or out of use ; neither , indeed , as this time goeth , can they any way advantage the State ; for whereas there are three principall , if not sole causes of these conventions , which are , the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King ; the granting Aides and Subsidies ; and the redressing of Grievances : there is now another course taken in them . The Parliament of Paris , which speaketh , as it is prompted by power and greatnesse , appointeth the Regent ; the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes ; and as concerning their Grievances , the Kings care is open to private Petitions . Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie , escheated , or rather devoured by the King , that name alone containing in it both Clergy , Princes and People . So that some of the French Counsellors , may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar , Doleoque cum respub . immortalis esse debeat , eam unius mortalis anima consistere . Yet I cannot withall but affirme , that the Princes and Nobles of France , do , for as much as concerneth themselves , upon all advantages flie off from the Kings obedience ; but all this while the poor Paisant is ruined ; let the poor Tenant starve , or eat the bread of carefulnesse , it matters not , so they may have their pleasure , and be counted firme zelots of the common liberty . And certainly this is the issue of it , the former liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and lazinesse ; the Lord liveth the life of a King to oppresse his Tenant by fines and exactions . An equality little answering to the old plat-formes of Republicks . Aristotle , Genius ille naturae , as a learned man calleth him , in his fourth book of Politicks hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproportion . In that Chapter , his project is , to have a correspondency so far between Subjects under the King or people of the same City , that neither the one might be over rich , nor the other too miserably poor . They , saith he , which are too happy , strong , or rich , or greatly favoured , and the like , can not nor will not obey , with which evill they are infected from their infancy . The other through want of these things are too abjectly minded and base ; so that the one cannot but command , nor the other but serve . And this he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a City inhabited onely by Slaves and Tyrants . That questionlesse is the most perfect and compleat forme of Government , Ubi veneratur protentem humilis , non timet ; antecedit , non contemnit humiliorem potens , as Velleius . But this is an unhappinesse of which France is not capable ; their Lords being Kings , and their Commons Villains . And not to say lesse of them then indeed they are , the Princes of this Countrey , are but little inferiour in matter of Royalty , to any King abroad ; and by consequence little respective , in matter of obedience , to their own King at home . Upon the least discontent , they withdraw themselves from the Court , or put themselves into armes ; and of all other comforts are ever sure of this , that they shall never want partizans . Neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully , and at distance , but justifie their revolt by publick Declaration , and think the King much indebted to them , if upon fair terms and an honourable reconcilement , they will please to put themselves again into his obedience . Henry IV. was a Prince of as undaunted and uncontroulable a spirit , as ever any of his predecessors , and one that loved to be obeyed ; yet was he also very frequently baffled by these Roytelets , and at the last dyed in an affront . The Prince of Conde perceiving the Kings affection to his new Lady , began to grow jealous of him , for which reason he retired unto Bruxells : the King offended at his retreat , sent after him , and commanded him home . The Prince returned answer , that he was the Kings most humble Subject and servant ; but into France he would not come unlesse he might have a Town for his assurance ; withall he protested in publick writing a nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence . A stomachfull resolution , and misbecoming a Subject ; yet in this opposition he persisted , his humor of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted . But these tricks are ordinary here , otherwise a man might have construed this action , by the term of Rebellion . The chief means whereby these Princes become so head strong , are an immunity given them by their Kings , and a liberty which they have taken to themselves . By their Kings they have been absolutely exempted from all Tributes , Tolles , Taxes , Customes , Impositions and Subsidies . By them also they have been estated in whole entire Provinces , with a power of haute and main Justice ( as the Lawyers term it ) passed over to them ; the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgment of them . To this they have added much for their strength and security , by the insconcing and fortifying of their houses , which both often moveth , and afterwards inableth them to contemn his Majesty . An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochfort belonging to the Duke of Tremoville , which in the long Civill wars endured a siege of 5000 shot , and yet was not taken . A very impolitick course ( in my conceit ) of the French , to bestow honours and immunities upon those , Qui ( as the Historian noteth ) ea suo arbitrio aut reposituri , aut retenturi videantur ; quique modum habent in sua voluntate . For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves , the Princes have been always prone to Civill wars , as having sufficient means for safety and resistance ▪ On this ground also they slight the Kings authority , and disobey his Justice . In so much that the greater sort of Nobles in this Kingdome , can seldome be arraigned or executed in person ; and therefore the Lawes condemn them in their images , and hang them in their pictures . A pretty device to mock Justice . If by chance , or some handsome sleight , any of them are apprehended , they are put under a sure guard , and not done to death without great fear of tumult and unquietnesse . Neither is it unus & alter , only some two or three , that thus stand upon their distance with the King , but even all the Nobility of the Realm , a rout so disordered , unconfined , and numberlesse , that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the reckoning . I speak not here of those that are styled La Noblesse , but of Titulados , men only of titular Nobility , of the degree of Baron and above . Of these there is in this Countrey a number almost innumerable . Quot Coelum Stellas ; take quantity for quantity , and I dare be of the opinion , that heaven hath not more Stars , then France Nobles . You shall meet with them so thick in the Kings Court especially , that you would think it almost impossible the Countrey should bear any other fruit . This , I think , I may safely affirme , and without Hyperbole , that they have there as many Princes , as we in England have Dukes ; as many Dukes , as we Earls ; as many Earls , as we Barons ; and as many Barons as we have Knights ; a jolly company , and such as know their own strength too . I cannot therefore but much marvell , that these Kings should be so prodigall in conferring honours ; considering this , that every Noble man he createth , is so great a weakning to his power . On the other side , I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation , who have murmured against our late Soveraign , and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness , in bestowing the dignities of his Realm , with so full and liberall a hand . Certainly , could there any danger have arisen by it unto the State , I could have been as impatient of it as another . But with us , titles and ennoblings in this kind , are only either the Kings favour , or the parties merit , and maketh whomsoever he be that receiveth them , rather reverenced then powerfull . Raro eorum honoribus invidetur , quorum vis non timetur , was a good Aphorisme in the dayes of Paterculus ; and may for ought I know be as good still . Why should I envie any man that honour , which taketh not from my safety ; or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency , when that favour cannot make them exorbitant ? Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer , at the occasions of Subsidies , and the glory of the Kingdome , when the Prince is not attended by men meerly of the vulgar . Add to this , the few Noble men of any title which he found at his happy coming in amongst us , and the additions of power which his comming brought unto us ; and we shall finde it proportionable , that he should enlarge our Nobility , with our Empire : neither yet have we , indeed , a number to be talked of , comparing us with our neighbour Nations . We may see all of the three first ranks in the books of Milles , Brooke , and Vincent ; and we are promised also a Catalogue of the Creations and successions of all our Barons . Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited . Were this care taken by the Heralde in France , perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberlesse ; sure I am not so confused . But this is the main vice of that profession , of ●ix Heralds which they have amongst them , viz. Montjoy , Normandy , Guyenne , Val●ys , Bretagne , and Burgogne , not one of them is reported to be a Genealogist ; neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study . Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them , hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families , all ancient and of the bloud , in which he hath excellently well discharged himself . But what a small pittance is that compared to the present multitude ? The Nobles being so populous , it cannot be but the Noblesse , as they call them ; that is , the Gentry , must needs be thick set and only not innumerable . Of these Nobles there are some which hold their estates immediately of the Crown , and they have the like immunities with the Princes . Some hold their Feifes ( or feuda ) of some other of the Lords , and he hath only Basse Justice permitted to him , as to mulct and amerce his Tenants , to imprison them , or give them any other correction under death . All of them have power to raise and inhance up their Rents , to Tax his Subjects on occasion , and to prohibit them such pleasures , as they think fit to be reserved for themselves . By Brettaul in Picardy , I saw a post fastned in the ground , like a race post with us , and therein an inscription ; I presently made to it , as hoping to have heard of some memorable battell there foughten ; but when I came at it , I found it to be nothing but a Declaration of the Prince of Condes pleasure , that no man should hunt in those quarters ; afterwards I observed them to be very frequent . But not to wander through all particulars , I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here . The first is Proict de bailli age , power to keep Assize , or to have under him a Bailli , and a Superiour seat of Justice , for the decision of such causes as fall under the compasse of ordinary jurisdiction . In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons , Robberies , Murders , Protections , Pardons , Faires , Markets , and other matters of priviledge . Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction , and therein a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice , for the decision of smaller businesse , as Debts , Trespasses , breach of the Kings peace , and the like In this the purse is only emptied , the other extendeth to the taking of life also ; for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feise , hath also his peculiar Gibbet ; nay which is wonderfully methodicall , by the criticisme of the Gibbet , you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it . For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars , that of the Chastellan three , the Barons four , the Earls six , the Dukes eight ; and yet this difference is rather precise then generall . The last of their jura regalia , which I will here speak of , is the command they have upon their people , to follow them unto the wars ; a command not so advantagious to the Lord , as dangerous , to the Kingdom . Thus live the French Princes , thus the Nobles . Those sheep which God , and the Lawes hath brought under them , they do not sheer but fleece ; and which is worse then this , having themselves taken away the Wooll , they give up the naked carkasse to the King. Tondi oves meas volo , non deglubi , was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius ; but it is not currant here in France . Here the Lords and the King , though otherwise at oddes amongst themselves , will be sure to agree in this , the undoing and oppressing of the poor Paisant ; Ephraim against Manasseh , and Manasseh against Ephraim , but both against Judah , saith the Scripture . The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons , is , as they pretend , the safety of the State , and their owne particulars . Were the people once warmed with the feeling of ease and their own riches , they would presently be hearkning after the warres ; and if no imployment were proffered abroad , they would make some at home . Histories and experience hath taught us enough of their humour in this kind ; it being impossible for this hot-headed , and hare-brained people , not to be doing . Si extraneus deest , domi hostem quaerunt , as Justin hath observed of the Ancient Spaniards ; a prety quality , and for which they have often smarted . CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant . The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes . The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State. The wisdome of Henry VII . The French forces all in the Cavallerie . The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King. No Demaine in France . Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England . The Gabell of Salt. The Popes licence for wenching . The Gabell of whom refused , and why . The Gascoines impatient of Taxes . The taille , and taillion . The Pancarke or Aides . The vain resistance of those of Paris . The Court of Aides . The manner of gathering the Kings moneys . The Kings revenue . The corruption of the French publicans . King Lewis why called the just . The monies currant in France . The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King. The happinesse of the English Subjects . A congratulation unto England . The conclusion of the first Journey . BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobles , we may partly guesse at the poor estate of the Paisant , or Countreymen ; of whom we will not now speak , as subjects to their Lords , and how far they are under their commandment ; but how miserable and wretched they are in their Apparell and their Houses . For their Apparell it is well they can allow themselves Canvasse , or an outside of that nature . As for Cloth , it is above their purse equally , and their ambition ; if they can aspire unto Fustian , they are as happy as their wishes , and he that is so arrayed , will not spare to aime at the best place in the Parish , even unto that of the Church-warden . When they go to plough or to the Church , they have shooes and stockins ; at other times they make bold with nature , and wear their skins . H●ts they will not want , though their bellies pinch for it ; and that you may be sure they have them , they will alwayes keep them on their heads : the most impudent custome of a beggerly fortune , that ever I met with , and which already hath had my blessing . As for the women , they know in what degree nature hath created them , and therefore dare not be so fine as their Husbands ; some of them never had above one pair of stockins in all their lives , which they wear every day , for indeed they are very durable . The goodnesse of their faces tell us , that they have no need of a band , therefore they use none . And as concerning Petticoats , so it is , that all of them have such a garment , but most of them so short , that you would imagine them to be cut off at the placket . When the Parents have sufficiently worn these vestures , and that commonly is till the rottennesse of them will save the labour of undressing , they are a new-cut-out and fitted to the children . Search into their houses , and you shall finde them very wretched , destitute as well of furniture as provision . No Butter salted up against Winter , no powdring tub , no Pullein in the Rick-barten , no flesh in the pot or at the spit , and which is worst , no money to buy them . The description of the poor aged couple Phileman and Bauci● in the eight book of the Metamorphosis , is a perfect character of the French Paisant , in his house-keeping ; though I cannot affirme , that if Jupiter and Mercury did come amongst them , they should have so hearty an entertainment ; for thus Ovid marshalleth the dishes : Ponitur hic bicolor sincerae bacca Minerva , Intybaque , & radix , & lactis massa coacti , Ovaque non acri leviter versata favilla , Prunaque , & in patulis redolentia mala canistris . Hic nux , hic mixta est rugosis caricapalmis , Et de purpureis collectae vitibus uvae ; Omnia fictilibus nitide . — But you must not look for this cheer often . At Wakes or Feasts dayes , you may perchance be so happy as to see this plenty ; but at other times , Olus omne patella , the best provision they can shew you is a piece of Bacon wherewith they fatten their pottage ; and now and then the inwards of Beast● killed for the Gentlemen . But of all miseries , this me thinketh is the greatest , that sowing so many acres of excellent wheat in an year , and gathering in such a plentifull Vintage as they do , they should not yet be so fortunate , as to eat white bread , or drink wine ; for such infinite rents do they pay to their Lords , and such innumerable taxes to the King , that the profits arising out of those commodities , are only sufficient to pay their duties , and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine . The bread then which they eat , is of the coursest flowre , and so black , that it cannot admit the name of brown . And as for their drink , they have recourse to the next Fountain . A people of any , the most unfortunate , not permitted to enjoy the fruit of their labours ; and such as above all others are subject to that Sarcasme in the Gospell , This man planted a Vineyard , and doth not drink of the fruit thereof . Nec prosunt domino , quae prosunt omnibus , artes . Yet were their case not altogether so deplorable , if there were but hopes left to them of a better , if they could but compasse certainty , that a painfull drudging and a thrifty saving , would one day bring them out of this hell of bondage . In this , questionlesse , they are intirely miserable , in that they are sensible of the wretchednesse of their present fortunes , and dare not labour nor expect an alteration . If industry and a sparing hand hath raised any of this afflicted people so high , that he is but 40 s or 5 l. richer then his neighbour , his Lord immediately enhaunceth his Rents , and enformeth the Kings task-masters of his riches , by which means he is within two or three years brought again to equall poverty with the rest . A strange course , and much different from that of England , where the Gentry take a delight in having their Tenants thrive under them , and hold it no crime in any that hold of them to be wealthy . On the other side , those of France can abide no body to gain or grow rich upon their farmes ; and therefore thus upon occasions rack their poor Tenants . In which they are like the Tyrant Procrustes , who laying hands upon all he met , cast them upon his bed ; if they were shorter then it , he racked their joynts till he had made them even to it , if they were longer , he cut as much of their bodies from them , as did hang over ; so keeping all that fell into his power in an equality . All the French Lords are like that Tyrant . How much this course doth depresse the military power of this Kingdome is apparent by the true principles of war , and the examples of other Countries . For it hath been held by the generall opinion of the best judgements in matters of war , that the main Buttresse and Pillar of an Army is the foot , or ( as the Martialists term it ) the Infantery . Now to make a good Infantery , it requireth that men be brought up not in a slavish and needy fashion of life , but in some free and liberall manner . Therefore it is well observed by the Vicoun● St. Albans in his History of Henry VII . that if a State run most to Nobles and Gentry , and that the Husbandmen be but as their meer drudges , or else simply Cottagers , that that State may have a good Cavallery , but never good stable bands of foot . Like to Coppice woods , in which if you let them grow too thick in the stadles , they run to bushes or bryers , and have little clean under-wood . Neither is this in France only , but in Italy also , and some other parts abroad ; in so much , that they are enforced to imploy mercenary Souldiers for their battalions of foot : whereby it cometh to passe , that in those Countries they have much people , and few men . On this consideration King Henry VII . one of the wisest of our Princes took a course so cunning and wholesome , for the increase of the military power of his Realm ; that though it be much lesse in territory , yet it should have infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces , then its neighbour Nations . For in the fourth year of his Reign , there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages , and decay of tillage , but purposedly to inable his subjects for the wars . The Act was , That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards , should be maintained and kept up for , together with a competent proportion of Land , to be used and occupied with them , &c. By this means , the houses being kept up , did of necessity enforce a dweller , and that dweller , because of the proportion of Land , not to be a begger , but a man of some substance , able to keep Hinds and Servants , and to set the plough a going . An order which did wonderfully concerne the might and manhood of the Kingdome ; these Farmes being sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penury ; and by consequence to prepare them for service , and encourage them to higher honours , for Haud facile emergent , quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi . — As the Poet hath it . But this Ordinance is not thought of such use in France , where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the horse ; which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battailes upon them . As for the French foot , they are quite out of all reputation , and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world . Besides , should the French people be enfranchised , as it were , from the tyranny of their Lords , and estated in freeholds and other tenures , after the manner of England , it would much trouble the Councell of France , to find out a new way of raising his revenues , which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject . Antiently the Kings of France had rich and plentifull demeans , such as was sufficient to maintain their greatnesse and Majesty , without being burdensome unto the Countrey . Pride in matters of sumptuousnesse , and the tedious Civill wars , which have lasted in this Countrey , almost ever since the death of Henry II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and morgaged ; in so much that the people are now become the Demaine , and the Subject only is the Revenue of the Crown . By the sweat of their browes is the Court sed , and the Souldier paid ; and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idlenesse . What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them , it is almost a point of treason not only to deny , but to question . Apud illos vere regnatur , nefasque quantum regi liceat , dubitare ; as one of them . The Kings hand lyeth hard upon them , and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage , the poor Paisant being constrained to make up dayly his full tale of bricks , and yet have no straw allowed them . Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people , Sir John Fortescue , Chancellour of England , in his book intituled , De Laudibus legum Angliae , concludeth them to be unfit men for Jurors or Judges , should the custome of the Countrey admit of such tryals . For having proved there unto the Prince , ( he was son to Henry VI. ) that the manner of tryall according to the Common Law , by 12 Jurates , was more commendable then the practise of the Civill or Emperiall Lawes , by the deposition only of two witnesses , or the forced confession of the persons , arrained , the Prince seemed to marvell , Cur ed lex Angliae quae tam fiugi & optabilis est , non sit toti mundo communis . To this he maketh answer , by shewing the ●ree condition of the English Subjects , who alone are used at these indictments ; men of a fair and large estate , such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed , men that are of ingenuous education , such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted , and afraid of infamie . Then he sheweth how in other places all things are contrary , the Husbandman an absolute begger , easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty ; the Gentlemen living far asunder , and so taking no notice of the fact ; the Paisant also neither fearing infamie , nor the losse of goods , if he be found faulty , because he hath them not . In the end he concludeth thus , Ne mireris igitur princeps , si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inquiritur , alias non pervagetur nationes , ipsae namque ut Anglia nequerunt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas . The last part of the latine , savoureth somewhat of the Lawyer , the word Juratas being put there to signifie a Jury . To go over all those impositions , which this miserable people are afflicted withal , were almost as wretched as the payment of them ; I wiil therefore speak only of the principall . And here I meet in the first place , with the Gabell or Imposition on Salt. This Gabelle de sel , this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long , who took for it a double ( which is half a Sol ) upon the pound . After whom Philip of Valoys , anno 1328. doubled that . Charles the VII . raised it unto three doubles ; and Lewis the XI . unto six . Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine , which containeth some 30 bushels English ; the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure . This one commodity were very advantagious to the Exchequer , were it all in the Kings hands ; but at this time a great part of it is morgaged . It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly ; that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters , being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year . The late Kings since anno 15●1 . being intangled in wars , have been constrained to let it out others ; in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly : and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds , of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines , gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly , to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt , till their money were repaid them . This Gabell is , indeed , a Monopoly , and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World. For no man in the Kingdom ( those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted ) can eat any Salt , but he must buy of the King and at his price , which is most unconscionable ; that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres , which in the exempted places is sold for one . Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished , there is diligent watch and ward , that no forain Salt be brought into the Land , upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment . A search which is made so strictly , that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles , and that not , but upon solemn protestation , that we had none of that commodity . This Salt is of a brown colour , being only such as we in England call Bay salt ; and imposed on the Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour , for though they have some of their last provision in the house , or perchance would be content ( through poverty ) to eat meat without it , yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them ; or howsoever they will have of them so much money . But this Tyranny is not generall , the Normans and Picards enduring most of it , and the other Paisant the rest . Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bishops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines . For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine , and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes ; the Collectours would return them this answer , that notwithstanding this , they should pay the money , because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would . This Gabell , as it sitteth hard on some , so are there some also which are never troubled with it . Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released , and many of the Nobless in particular ; in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis , anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt , there were 2000 of the Commons . There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt , as Bretagne , Gascoine , Poictou , Quer●u , Xaintogne , and the County of Boul●nnois . Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption , as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady ( Nostre Dame ) ; of which we shall learn more when we are in Bovillon . The Bretagnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage , and had strength enough to make their own capitulations , when they first entred into the French subjection . Besides , here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey , who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome , should the people be oppressed with this bondage , and they take the protection of them . Poictou and Quercu have compounded for it with the former Kings , and pay a certain rent yearly , which is called the Equivalent . Xaint●gne is under the command of Rochell , of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate . And as for the Gascoynes , the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion . They are a stuborne and churlish people , very impatient of a rigorous yoak , and such which inherit a full measure of the Biscanes liberty and spirits , from whom they are descended . Le droict de fouage , the priviledge of levying a certain piece of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh , was in times not long since one of the jura regalia of the French Lords , and the people paid it without grumbling ; yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain , for the paying of his Souldiers to whom he was indebted , laid this Fouage upon this people , being then English , they all presently revolted to the French , and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters . Next to the Gabell of Salt , we may place the Taille or Taillon , which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England , as being levied both on Goods and Lands . In this again they differ , the Subsidies of England being granted by the people , and the sum of it certain ; but this of France being at the pleasure of the King , and in what manner he shall please to impose them . Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie , and that but upon four occasions , which were , the Knighting of the King Son , the marriage of his Daughters , a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea , and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner ; Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire ( saith Ragneau ) ains ant este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement . Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war ; and at length Chales the VII . made them ordinary . Were it extended equally on all , it would amount to a very fair Revenue . For supposing this , that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres ( as it doth ) and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly , which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them : That income alone , besides that which is levyed on Goods personall , would amount to two millions of pounds in a year . But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant ; the greater Towns , the officers of the Kings house , the Officers of War , the President , Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament , the Nobility , the Clergy , and the Scholars of the University being freed from it . That which they call the Taillon , was intended for the ease of the Countrey , though now it prove one of the greatest burdens unto it . In former times the Kings Souldiers lay all upon the charge of the Villages , the poor people being ●ain to finde them diet , lodging , and all necessaries , for themselves , their horses , and the harlots which they brought with them . If they were not well pleased with their entertainment , they used commonly to beat their Host , abuse his family , and rob him of that small provision , which he had laid up for his children ; and all this Cum privilegio . Thus did they move from one Village to another , and at the last again returned to them from whence they came ; Ita ut non sit ibi villula una expers calamitatis istius ; quae non semel aut bis in anno , hac nefanda pressura depiletur , as Sir John ●ortescue observed in his time . To redresse this mischief , King Henry II. anno 1549. raised this imposition called the Taillon . The Pancarte comprehendeth in it divers particular Imposts , but especially the Sol upon the Livre ; that is , the twentieth penny of all things bought or sold , Corne , Sallets , and the like only excepted . Upon wine , besides the Sol upon the Livre , he hath his severall Customes of the entrance of it into any of his Cities , passages by Land , Sea or Rivers . To these Charles the IX . anno 1461. added a Tax of five Sols upon every Muye ( which is the third part of a Tun ) and yet when all this is done , the poor Vintner payeth unto the King the eight penny he takes for that Wine which he selleth . In this Pancar●e is also contained the Haut passage , which are the Tolles paid unto the King for passage of Men and Cattell over his bridges , and his City gates , as also for all such commodities as they bring with them : a good round sum considering the largenesse of the Kingdome ; the through-fare of Lyons , being farmed yearly of the King for 100000 Crowns . Hereunto belong also the Aides , which are a Tax of the Sol also in the Livre , upon all sorts of Fruits , Provision , Wares , and Merchandise , granted first unto Charles Duke of Normandy , when John his father was Prisoner in England , and since made perpetuall . For such is the lamentable fate of this Countrey , that their kindnesses are made duty ; and those moneys which they once grant out of love , are always after exacted of them , and payed out of necessity . The Bedroll of all these impositions and Taxes , is called the Pancarte , because it was hanged in a frame , like as the Officers fees are in our Diocesan Courts ; the word Pan signifying a frame or a pane of Wainscot . These Impositions time and custome hath now made tolerable , though at first they seemed very burdensome , and moved many Cities to murmuring , some to rebellion ; amongst others , the City of Paris , proud of her antient liberties and immunities , refused to admit of it . This indignity so incensed Charles the VI. their King , then young and in hot bloud , that he seized into his hands all their priviledges , took from them their Provost des Merchands , and the Es●b●vins , as also the Keyes of their gates , and the Chaines of their streets , and making through the whole Town such a face of mourning , that one might justly have said , Haec facies Trojae , cum caperetur , erat . This hapned in the year 1383. and was for five years together continued , which time being expired , and other Cities warned by that example , the Imposition was established , and the priviledges restored . For the better regulating of the Profits arising from these Imposts , the French King erected a Court called , Le Cour des Aides ; it consisted at the first of the Generals of the Aides , and of any four of the Lords of the Councell , whom they would call to their assistance . Afterwards Charles the V. anno 1380 or thereabouts setled it in Paris , and caused it to be numbred as one of the Soveraign Courts . Lewis the XI . dissolved it , and committed the managing of his Aids to his houshold servants , as loath to have any publick officers take notice how he fleeced his people . Anno 1464. it was restored again . And finally , Henry II. anno 1551. added to it a second Chamber composed of two Presidents and eight Counsellours ; one of which Presidents , named Mr. Chevalier , is said to be the best monied man of all France . There are also others of these Courts in the Countrey , as one at Roven , one at Montferrant in Avergne , one at Burdeaux , and another at Montpelier , established by Charles VII . anno 1437 ▪ For the levying and gathering up of these Taxes , you must know that the whole Countrey of France is divided into 21 Generalities , or Counties as it were , and those again into divers Eslectiones , which are much like our Hundreds . In every of the Generalities , there are 10 or 12 Treasurers , 9 Receivers for the generalty , and as many Comptollers ; and in the particular Eslectiones , eight Receivers and as many Comptrollers , besides all under-officers , which are thought to amount in all to 30000 men ▪ When then the King levyeth his Taxes , he sendeth his Letters Patents to the principall Officers of every Generalty , whom they call Les Genereaux des Aides , and they dispatch their Warrant to the Esleus or Commissioners . These taxing every one of the Parishes and Villages within their severall divisions at a certain rate , send their receivers to collect it , who give account for it to their Comptrollers . By them it ascendeth to the Esleus , from him to the Receiver generall of that Generalty , next to the Comptroller , then to the Treasurer , afterwards to the Generall des Aides ; and so Per varios casus & tot discrimina rerum Tendimus ad Latium . — By all these hands it is at last conveyed into the Kings purse ; in which severall passages , Necesse est ut aliquid haereat , it cannot be but that it must have many a shrewd snatch . In so much that I was told by a Gentleman of good credence in France , that there could not be gathered by the severall exactions above specified , and other devises of prowling , which I have omitted , lesse then 85 millions a year , whereof the King receiveth 15 only . A report not altogether to be slighted , considering the President of the Court of Accomptes made it evident to the Assembly at Bloys , in the time of King Henry IV. that by the time that every one of the Officers had his share of it , there came not to the Kings Coffers one teston ( which is 1 s. 2 d. ) of a Crown ; so that by reckoning 5 testons to a Crown or Escu ( as it is but 2 d. over ) these Officers must collect five times the money which they pay the King , which amounteth to 75 millions , and is not much short of that proportion which before I spake of . The Kings Revenues then , notwithstanding this infinite oppression of his people , amounteth to 15 millions ( some would have it 18. ) which is a good improvement in respect of what they were in times asore . Lewis the XI . as good a husband of his Crown , as ever any was in France , gathering but one and a half only . But as you reckon the flood , so also if you may reckon the ebb ofhis Treasures , you will finde much wanting of a full sea in his Coffers ; it being generally known , that the fees of officers , pensions , garrisons , and the men of armes , draw from him yearly no fewer then 6 of his 15 millions . True it is , that his Treasure hath many good helps by way of Escheat , and that most frequently , when he cometh to take an accompt of his Treasurers and other Officers . A Nation so abominably full of base and unmanly villaines in their severall charges , that the Publicans of Old-Rome , were milke and white-broath to them . For so miserably do they abuse the poor Paisant , that if he hath in all the world but eight Sols , it shall go hard , but he will extort from him five of them . Non missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirundo . He is just of the nature of the Horse-leech , when he hath once gotten hold of you , he will never let you go till he be filled . And which is most strange , he thinks it a greater clemency that he hath lest the poor man some of his money , then the injury was in wresting from him the rest . Nay they will brag of it , when they have taken but five of the eight Sols , that they have given him three , and expect thanks for it . A kindnesse of a very theevish nature , it being the condition of Robbers , as Tully hath observed , Ut commemorent iis se dedisse vitam , quibus non ademerint . Were the people but so happy , as to have a certain rate set upon their miseries , it could not but be a greater ●ase to them , and would well defend them from the tyrany of these Theeves . But ( which is not the least part of their wretchednesse ) their Taxings and Assessements are left arbitrary , and are exacted accordingly as these Publicans will give out of the Kings necessities ; so that the Countryman hath no other remedy , then to give Cerberus a crust , as the saying is , to kisse his rod and hug his punishment . By this means the Questors thrive abundantly , it being commonly said of them , Heri bouvier aviourdhui chevalier , to day a Swine-heard , to morrow a Gentleman ; and certainly they grow into great riches . Mr. Beaumarchais one of the Treasurers ( Mr. De Vilroy , who slew the Marquesse D' Ancre , marryed his only Daughter ) having raked unto himself , by the villanous abuse of his place , no lesse then 22 millions of Livres , as it was commonly reported . But he is not like to carry it to his grave , the King having seized upon a good part of it , and himself being condemned to the gallowes by the grand Chambre of Parliament , though as yet he cannot be apprehended and advanced to the Ladder . And this hath been the end of many of them , since the reign of this present King , whom ( it may be ) for this cause , they call Lewis the just . This fashion of affixing Epithites to the names of their Kings was in great use heretofore with this Nation . Carolus the son of Pepin , was by them surnamed Le Magne : Lewis his son Debonaire , and so of the rest . Since the time of Charles VI. who was by them surnamed the Beloved , it was discontinued ; and now revived again in the persons of King Henry IV. and his son King Lewis . But this by the way . It may be also he is called the Just by way of negation , because he hath yet committed no notable act of injustice , ( for I wink at his cruell and unjust slaughter at Nigrepelisse ) it may be also to keep him continually in mind of his duty , that he may make himself worthy of that attribute ; Vere imperator sui nominis , — As one said of Severus . Let us add one more misery to the State and commonalty of France , and that is , the base and corrupt money in it . For besides the Sol , which is made of Tinne , they have the Double made of Brasse , whereof six make a Sol , and the Denier , whereof two make a Double ; a coyne so vile and small of value , that 120 of them go to an English shilling . These are the common coynes of the Countrey ; silver and gold not being to be seen but upon holydayes . As for their silver , it is most of it of their own coyning , but all exceeding clipt and shaven ; their gold being most of it Spanish . In my little being in the Countrey , though I casually saw much gold , I could only see two pieces of French stampe , the rest coming all from Spain , as Pistolets , Demi pistolets and Double-pistolets . Neither is France alone furnished thus with Castilian coyn , it is the happinesse also of other Countries , as Italy , Barbary , Brabant , and elsewhere ; and indeed it is kindly done of him , that being the sole Monopolist of the mines , he will yet let other nations have a share in the mettle . Were the King as Catholick as his money , I think I should be in some fear of him , till then we may lawfully take that ambitious title from the King , and bestow it upon his pictures . The Soveraignty of the Spanish gold is more universally embraced , and more 〈◊〉 acknowledged in most parts of Christendome , then that of him which stampt it . To this he which entituleth himself Catholick is but a prisoner , and never saw half those Provinces , in which this more powerfull Monarch hath been heartily welcomed . Yet if he will needs be King , let him grow somewhat more jealous of his Queen , and confesse that his gold doth royally deserve his imbraces , whom before the extent of his dominion , the Ancient Poets styled Regina pecunia . True it is , that by the figure and shape of this Emperesse , you would little think her to be lovely , and lesse worthy of your imbracement . The stones which little boyes break into Quoits , are a great deal better proportioned ; if a Geometrician were to take the angles of it , I think it would quite put him besides his Euclide ; neither can I tell to what thing in the world fitter to resemble it , then a French Cheese ; for it is neither long , nor square , nor round , nor thin , nor thick , nor any one of these , but yet all , and yet none of them . No question , but it was the Kings desires , by this unsightly dressing of his Lady , to make men out of love with her , that so he might keep her to himself . But in this his hopes have conus●●●d him ; for as in other Cuckoldries , so in this ; some men will be bold to keep his wife from him , be it only in spight . These circumstances thus laid together and considered , we may the clearer and the better see our own felicities , which to expresse generally and in a word , is to say only this , That the English Subject is in no circumstance a French-man . Here have we our money made of the best and purest , that only excepted , which a charitable consideration hath coyned into ●arthings . Here have we our Kings royally , and to the envie of the world , magnificently provided for , without the sweat and bloud of the people , no Pillages , no Impositions upon our private wares , no Gabels upon our commodities ; Nullum in tam in●enti regno vectigal , non in urbibus pontiumve discriminibus , Publicanorum stationes ; as one truely hath observed of us . The monies which the King wanteth to supply his necessities , are here freely given him . He doth not here compell our bounties , but accept them . The Laws by which we are governed , we in part are makers of , each Paisant of the Countrey hath a free-voice in the enacting of them ; if not in his person , yet in his proxie . We are not here subject to the lusts and tyranny of our Lords , and may therefore say safely , what the Jewes spake ●actiously , That we have no King but Caesar . The greatest Prince here is subject with us to the same Law , and when we stand before the tribunall of the Judge , we acknowledge no difference . Here do we inhabite our own houses , plough our own Lands , enjoy the fruits of our labour , comfort our selves with the wives of our youth , and see our selves grow up in those children , which shall inherit after us the same felicities . But I forget my self . To endevour the numbring of Gods blessings , may perhaps deserve as great a punishment as Davids numbring the people . I conclude with the Poet , O fortunati minium , bona si sua norint ▪ Agricolae nostri . — And so I take my leave of France , and prepare for England , towards which ( having stayed 3 days for winde and company ) we set forwards on Wednesday the 3 of August , the day exceeding fair , the Sea as quiet , and the winde so still that the Mariners were fain to takedown their Sails , and betake themselves unto their Oares . Yet at the last with much endevour on their side , and no lesse patience on ours , we were brought into the midst of the channell , when suddainly — But soft , what white is that which I espie , Which with its ●●stre doth eclipse mine eye ; That which doth N●ptunes fury so disdain , And beates the Billow back into the main ? Is it some dreadfull Scylla fastned there , To shake the Sailor into prayer and fear ? Or is 't some Island floating on the wave , Of which in writers we the story have ? T is England , ha ! t is so ! clap , clap your hands , That the full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands Into a Pal●ie . Doth not that lov'd name Move you to extasie ? O were the same As dear to you as me , that very word Would make you dance and caper over board . Dull shipmen ! how they move not , how their houses Grow to the planks ; yet stay , here 's sport enough . For see , the sea Nymphs foo● it , and the fish Leap their high measures equall to my wish . Triton doth sound his shell , and to delight me Old Nereus hobleth with his Amphitrite . Excellent triumphs ! But ( curs'd fates ! ) the main Quickly divides and takes them in again ; And leaves me dying , till I come to land , And kisse my dearest Mother in her sand . Hail happy England ! hail thou sweetest Isle , Within whose bounds , no Pagan rites defile The purer faith : Christ is by Saints not mated , And he alone is worship'd that created . In thee the labouring man enjoyes his wealth , Not subject to his Lords rape , or the stealth Of hungry Publicans . In thee thy King Feares not the power of any underling ; But is himself , and by his awfull word , Commands not more the begger then the Lord. In thee those heavenly beauties live , would make Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake . Such as outgo report , and make ●ame see They stand above her hig'st Hyperbale . And yet to strangers will not gr●te● the blisse Of salutation , and an harmlesse kisse . Hail then sweet England ! may I 〈◊〉 my last , In thy lo●'d armes , and when my dayes are past , And to the silence of the gr 〈…〉 I must ; All I desire is , thou wouldst keep my ●ust . The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey . THE SECOND JOURNEY : CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two ILANDS Guernzey and Jarsey , With the ISLES appending . According to their Politie , and Formes of Government , both Ecclesiasticall and Civill . THE SIXTH BOOK . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet , 1656. A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey , &c. The Entrance . ( 1 ) The occasion of , &c. ( 2 ) Introduction to this Work. ( 3 ) The Dedication , ( 4 ) and Method of the whole . The beginning , continuance of our Voyage ; with the most remarkable passages which hapned in it . The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre . WHen first I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey ; besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship , I resolved also to do somewhat for my self : and , if possible , unto the places . For my self , in bettering ▪ what I could my understanding , if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing , to which I was a stranger . At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity , as being not a little emulous of this kind of living , Multorum mores hominum qui vidit & urbes ; which had seen so much of men and of their manners . It was also not the last part of mine intention , to do something in the honour of the Island , by committing to memory their Antiquities , by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government , by representing , as in a Tablet , the choycest of their beauties ; and in a word , by reducing these and the Achievements of the people , as far as the light of Authors could direct me , into the body of an History . But when I had a little made my self acquainted with the place and people , I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble . The Churches naked of all Monuments , and not so much as the blazon of an Armes permitted in a window , for fear , as I conjecture , of Idolatry . No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends , in their remembrancers ; whereby to ennoble them in time to come , unlesse perhaps some slight allarmes from France , may occasion speech of them in our common Chronicles . The Countrey , indeed , exceeding pleasant and delightsome , but yet so small in the extent and circuit , that to speak much of them , wereto put the shooe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant . For being in themselves , an abridgement only of the greater works of nature , how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume ? Having thus failed in the most of my designes , I applyed my self to make enquirie after their form of Government , in which , I must needs confesse , I met with much which did exceedingly affect me . Their Lawes , little beholding in the composition of them , to Justinian ; and of no great affinity with the laws of England , which we call Municipall or common . The grand Customarie of Normandy , is of most credit with them ; and that indeed the only rule by which they are directed , save that in some few passages it hath been altered by our Prince , for the conveniency of this people . Sed quid hoc ad Iphycli boves ? But what had I , a Priest of the Church of England , to do with the Laws and Customes of the Normans ? Had I gone forward in my purpose , I deny not , but I had mingled that knowledge which I have gotten of their Laws , amongst other my Collections ; but failing in the main of my intent , I must only make such use of them , as shall be necessary for this present argument . An Argument not so much as in my thoughts , when first I resolved upon the Journey ; as little dreaming that any alterations had lately hapned in the Churches of those Islands , or that those alterations could afford one such variety . An Argument more sutable to my profession , as having had the honour to be reputed with the Clergy ; and such as in it self may justly be intituled to your Lordships patronage . God and the King have raised you above your brethren to be a Master in our Israel , a principall pillar in the glorious structure of the Church . An advancement which doth call upon you for the establishment and supportation of the meanest Oratory dependant on the Church of England , your most indulgent , and in you most happy mother . No marvail therefore , if those little Chappels , even those two Tribes and a half , which are on the other side of the flood , most humbly cast themselves at your Lordships feet , and by me lay open their estate unto you . Which that I may the better do , in discharge of the trust reposed in me , and for your Lordships , more ample satisfaction I shall proceed in this order following . First , I shall lay before your Lordship , the full successe and course of our Navigation , till we were setled in those Islands ; that so the rest of this discourse being more materiall , may receive no interruption in the processe of it . Next , I shall briefly , as in a map , present your Lordship with the situation , quality and story of the Islands ; with somewhat also of their Customes , of their Government ; but this ( as the great Cardinall acknowledgeth the Popes power in temporall affaires ) in ordine tantum ad spiritualia : the better to acquaint you with the occurrents of their Churches . That done , I shall draw down the successe of their affairs from the beginning of the Reformation in matters of Religion , to the accomplishment of that innovation which they had made in point of discipline ; and therein , the full platforme or discipline it self , according as by Snape and Cartwright it was established in their Synods . In the third place , I shall shew your Lordship , by what degrees and means the Ministers and Church of Jersey , were perswaded to conforme unto the discipline of England ; together with a copy of those Canons and constitutions Ecclesiasticall , whereby the Church and Ministery of that Island is now governed . Last of all , I shall commence a suit unto your Lordship in the name of those of Guernzey for their little sister which hath no breasts ; that by your Lordships place and power the one Island may conforme unto the other , and both to England . In which I shall exhibit unto your Lordship a just survey of such motives , which may have most sway with you in the furthering of a work so commendable ; and shall adventure also upon such particulars , as may conduce to the advancing of the businesse . Not that therein I shall presume positively to advise your Lordship , or to direct you in the readiest way for the accomplishment of this designe ; but that by this propounding of mine own conceits , I may excite your Lordship to have recourse unto the excellent treasures of your own mind , and thence to fashion such particulars for this purpose , as may be most agreeable to your Lordships wisdome . In order whereunto your Lordship may be pleased to call to mind that on provocation given unto the French at the Isle of Rhe , the King received advertisement of some reciprocall affront intended by the French on the Isl●s of Jarsey and Guernzey , with others thereupon appendant , the only remainders of the Dukedome of Normandy in the power of the English ; and that for the preventing of such inconveniences as might follow on it , it was thought good to send the Earl of Danby ( then Governour of the Isle of Guernzey ) with a considerable supply of Men , and Armes , and Ammunition to make good those Islands , by fortifying and assuring them against all invasions . This order signified to his Lordship about the beginning of December , anno 1628. he chearfully embraced the service , and prepared accordingly . But being deserted by his own Chaplaines in regard of the extremity of the season , and the visible danger of the enterprise , he proposed the businesse of that attendance unto me ( not otherwise relating to him then as to an honourable friend ) in whom he found as great a readinesse and resolution , as he found coldnesse in the other . According to his Lordships summons , I attended him in his Majesties house of St. James , a little before the Feast of Christmas ; but neither the Ships , money , nor other necessaries being at that time brought together , I was dismissed again at the end of the Holydayes , untill a further intimation of his Lordships pleasure . Toward the latter end of February I received a positive command to attend his Lordship on Friday the 20 of that month , at the house of Mr. Arthur Brumfeild , in the Parish of Tichfeild near the Sea , situate between Portsmouth and South●ampton ; whither accordingly I went , and where I found a very chearfull entertainment . It was a full week after that , before we heard of his Lordships coming , and yet his Lordship was fain to tarry two or three dayes before he had any advertisement that his Ships , Men and Ammunition ( which he thought to have found there in readinesse ) were Anchored in the road of Portsmouth . News whereof being brought unto us on the Monday morning , we spent the remainder of that day in preparations for our Journey , and taking leave of those good friends by whom we were so kindly entertained and welcomed . On Tuesday March the 3. about ten in the morning , we went aboard his Majesties Ship called the Assurance , being a Ship of 800 tun , furnished with 42 pieces of Ordinance , and very well manned with valiant and expert Sailors ; welcomed aboard ( after the fashion of the Sea ) with all the thunder and lightning which the whole Navy could afford from their severall Ships . Our whole Navy consisted of five Vessels , that is to say , the Assurance spoken of before , two of his Majesties Pinnaces called the Whelps , a Catch of his Majesties called the Minikin , and a Merchants ship called the Charles , which carryed the Armes and Ammunition for the use of the Islands . Aboard the Ships were stowed about 400 foot with their severall Officers , two Companies whereof under the command of Collonell Pipernell ( if I remember his name aright ) and Lieutenant Collonell Francis Connisby were intended for the Isle of Guernzey ; the other two under the command of Lieutenant Collonell Francis Rainford , and Captain William Killegre for the Isle of Jars●y . The Admirall of our Navy ( but in subordination to his Lordship when he was at Sea ) was Sir Henry Palmer one of the Admirals or the Narrow-seas . All of them men of note in their severall wayes , and most of them of as much gallantry and ingenuity , as either their own birth or education in the Schoole of war could invest them with . The Sea was very calme and quiet , and the little breath of winde we had , made us move so slowly , that the afternoon was almost spent before we had passed through the Needles , a dangerous passage at all times , except to such only who being well skilled in these sharpe points , and those dreadfull fragments of the Rocks , which so intituled them , could stear a steady course between them : Scylla and Charybdis in old times , nothing more terrible to the unskilled Mariners of those dayes , then those Rocks to ours . Being got beyond them at the last , though we had got more Sea roome , we had little more winde , which made us move as slowly as before we did , so that we spent the greatest part of the night with no swifter motion , then what was given us by the tide . About 3 of the clock in the morning we had winde enough , but we had it directly in our teeth , which would have quickly brought us to the place we had parted from , if a great Miste arising together with the Sun , had not induced our Mariners to keep themselves aloofe in the open Sea for fear of falling on those Rocks wherewith the Southside of the Wight is made unaccessable . About 2 of the clock in the afternoon , the winds turning somewhat Eastward , we made on again , but with so little speed , and to so little purpose , that all that night we were fain to lie at Hull ( as the Mariners phrase it ) without any sensible moving either backward or forward , but so uneasily withall , that it must be a very great tempest indeed , which gives a passenger a more sickly and unpleasing motion . For my part I had found my self good Sea-proof in my Voyage to France , and was not much troubled with those disturbances to which the greatest part of our Land-men were so sensibly subject . On Thursday morning about day-break being within sight of Portland , and the winde serving very fitly , we made again for the Islands . At 11 of the clock we discovered the main Land of Normandy , called by the Mariners Le Haggs . About 2 in the afternoon , we fell even with Aldernie or Aurnie ; and about 3 discerned the Isle of Jarzey to which we were bound , at which we aimed , and to which we might have come much sooner then we did had we not found a speciall entertainment by the way to retard our haste . For we were hardly got within sight of Jarsey but we descried a sail of French consisting of ten barks laden with very good Gascoy●ne Wines , and good choyce of Linen ( as they told us afterwards ) bound from St. Malloes to New-Haven for the trade of Paris , and convoyed by a Holland-man of war , for their safer passage . These being looked on as good prize , our two Whelpes and the Catch gave chace unto them , a great shot being first made from our Admirals Ship to call them in . The second shot brought in the Holland man of war , who very sordidly and basely betrayed his charge before he came within reach of danger ; the rest for the greatest part of the afternoon , spun before the winde , sometimes so neer to their pursuers , that we thought them ours , but presently tacking about , when our Whelpes were ready to seaze on them , and the Catch to lay fast hold upon them , they gained more way then our light Vessels could recover in a long time after . Never did Duck by frequent diving so escape the Spaniell , or Hare by often turning so avoid the Hounds , as these poor Barks did quit themselves by their dexterity in sailing from the present danger . For my part I may justly say that I never spent an afternoon with greater pleasure , the greater in regard that I knew his Lordships resolution to deal favourably with those poor men if they chanced to fall into his power . Certain I am , that the description made by Ovid of the Hare and Hound , was here fully veryfied , but farre more excellently in the application then the first originall ; of which thus the Poet : Ut canis in vacuo leporem cum Gallicus arvo Vidit , & hic praedam pedibus petit , ille salutem ; Alter inhaesuro similis jam jamque tenere Sperat , & obiento stringit vestigia collo ; Alter in ambiguo est , an sit compressus , & ipsis Morsibus eripitur , tangentiaque ora relinquit . But at the last a little before the close of the evening , three of them being borded and brought under Lee of our Admirall , the rest were put to a necessity of yeelding , or venturing themselves between our two great ships and the shoar of Jarsey , to which we were now come as near as we could with safety . Resolved upon the last course and favoured with a strong leading gale , they passed by us with such speed and so good successe , ( the duskinesse of the evening contributing not a little to a fair escape ) that though we gave them 30 shot , yet we were not able to affirme that they received any hurt or dammage by that encounter ; with as much joy unto my self ( I dare boldly say ) as to any of those poor men who were so much interessed in it . This Chase being over , and our whole Fleet come together , we Anchored that night in the Port of St. Oen , one of the principall Ports of that Island ; the Inhabitants whereof ( but those especially which dwelled in the inland parts ) standing all night upon their guard , conceiving by the thunder of so many great shot , that the whole powers of France and the Devill to boot were now falling upon them ; not fully satisfied in their fears , till by the next rising of the Sun they descried our colours . On Friday March the 6. about nine in the morning ( having first landed our foot in the long boats ) we went aboard his Majesties Catch called the Minikin , and doubling the points of Le Corbiere and of Normoint , we went on shoar in the Bay of St. Heliers , neer unto Mount St. Albin in the Parish of St. Peter . The greatest part of which day we spent in accommodations and refreshments , and receiving the visits of the Gentry which came in very frequently to attend his Lordship . You need not think , but that sleep and a good bed were welcome to us , after so long and ill a passage ; so that it was very near high noon before his Lordship was capable to receive our services , or we to give him our attendance ; after dinner his Lordship went to view the Fort Elizabeth ( the chief strength of the Island ) and to take order for the fortifying and repair thereof . Which having done he first secured the Man of War and the three French Barks , under the command of that Castle ; and then gave leave to Sir Henry Palmer and the rest of the sea Captains to take their pleasures in Forraging and soowring all the Coasts of France , which day near the Islands , commanding them to attend him on the Saturday following . Next he gave liberty to all the French which he had taken the day before , whom he caused to be landed in their own Countrie , to their great rejoycing , as appeared by the great shout they made when they were put into some long boats at their own disposing . The three Barks still re 〈…〉 ing untouched in the state they were , save that some wines were taken out of them for his Lordships spending . On Sunday March 8. it was ordered , that the people of the Town of St. Hel●ers should have their divine offices in that Church performed so early , that it might be left wholly for the use of the English by nine of the clock , about which time his Lordship attended by the Officers and Souldiers in a solemn Military pompe ( accompanied with the Governours of the Town and chief men of the Island ) went toward the Church , where I officiated Divine Service according to the prescript form of the Church of England , and after preached on those words of David , Psal . 31. 51. viz. Offer unto God thanksgiving , &c. with reference to the good successe of our Voyage past , and hopes of the like mercies for the time to come . The next day , we made a Journey to Mount Orgueil , where we were entertained by the Lady Carteret ( a Daughter of Sir Francis Douse of Hampshire ) And after Dinner his Lordship went to take a view of the Regiment of Mr. Josuah de Carteret , Seignieur de la Trinity , mustering upon the Green upon Ha●re de Bowle in the Parish of St. Trinitie . On Tuesday , March the 10. his Lordship took a view of the Regiment of Mr. Aron Misservie Col. and on Wednesday , March the 11. went unto St. Oen , where we were feasted by Sir Philip de Carteret , whose Regiment we likewise viewed in the afternoon . The Souldiers of each Regiment very well arrayed , and not unpractised in their Armes ; but such , as never saw more danger then a Training came to . On Thursday his Lordship went into the Cohu or Town-hall , attended by Sir John Palmer the Deputy Governour , Sir Philip de Carteret , the Justices , Clergy , and Jurors of the Island , with other the subordinate Officers thereunto belonging ; where being set , as in a Parliament or Sessions , and having given order for redresse of some grievances by them presented to him in the name of that people , he declared to them in a grave and eloquent speach the great care which his Majesty had of their preservation in sending Men , Money , Armes , and Ammunition to defend them against the common Enemies of their peace and consciences ; assuring them that if the noise of those preparations did not keep the French from looking towards them , his Majesty would not fail to send them such a strength of Shipping , as should make that Island more impregnable then a wall of Brasse ; in which regard he thought it was not necessary for him to advise them to continue fathfull to his Majesties service , or to behave themselves with respect and love towards those Gentlemen , Officers , and common Souldiers , who were resolved to expose themselves ( for defence of them , their Wives and Children ) to the utmost dangers . And finally , advising the common Souldiers to carry themselves with such sobriety and moderation towards the natives of the Countrey , ( for as for their valour towards the enemies he would make no question ) as to give no offence or scandall by their conversation . This said , the Assembly was dissolved , to the great satisfaction of all parties present ; the night ensuing and the day following being spent for the most part in the entertainments of rest and pleasures . The only businesse of that day was the disposing of the three Barks which we took in our Journey , the goods whereof having before been inventoried and apprized by some Commissioners of the Town , and now exposed to open sale , were for the most part , bought together with the Barks themselves by that very Holland man of warre , whom they had hired to be their Convoy : Which gave me such a Character of the mercenary and sordid nature of that people , that of all men living , I should never desire to have any thing to do with them , unlesse they might be made use of ( as the Gibeonites were ) in hewing wood , and drawing water for the use of the Tabernacle ; I mean in doing servile offices to some mightier State which would be sure to keep them under . On Saturday , March the 14. having spent the greatest part of the morning in expectation of the rest of our Fleet , which found better imployment in the Seas then they could in the Haven , we went aboard the Merchants ship , which before I spake of , not made much lighter by the unlading of the one halfe of the Ammunition which was left at Jarsey , in regard that the 200 foot which should have been distributed in the rest of the ships , were all stowed in her . Before night , being met by the rest of our Fleet , we came to Anchor neer St. Pier port or St. Peters Port within the Bay of Castle Cornet , where we presently landed . The Castle divided from the Town and Haven , by the inter-currency of the Sea ; in which respect we were ●ain to make use of the Castle-hall in stead of a Chappell . The way to the Town Church being too troublesome and uncertain to give us the constant use of that , and the Castle yeelding no place else of a fit capacity for the receiving of so many as gave their diligent attendance at Religious exercises . On Monday , March the 16. our Fleet went out to Sea againe , taking the Charles with them for their greater strength , which to that end was speedily unladen of such ammunition as was designed for the use of that Island . The whole time of our stay here was spent in visiting the Forts , and Ports , and other places of importance , taking a view of the severall Musters of the naturall Islanders , distributing the new come Souldiers in their severall quarters , receiving the services of the Gentry , Clergy and principall Citizens ; and finally in a like meeting of the States of the Island , as had before been held in Jarsey . Nothing considerable else in the time of our stay , but that our Fleet came back on Wednesday , March 25. which hapned very fitly to compleat the triumph of the Friday following , being the day of his Majesties most happy inauguration ; celebrated in the Castle , by the Divine Service for that day , and after by a noble Feast , made by him for the chief men of the Island ; and solemnized without the Castle by 150 great shot , made from the Castle , the Fleet , the Town of St. Peters Port , and the severall Islands , all following one another in so good an order , that never Bels were rung more closely , nor with lesse confusion . Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage ; I shall next present you with the sight of such observations , as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leasure ; and that being done , hoise sail for England . CHAP. I. ( 1 ) Of the convenient situation , and ( 2 ) condition of these Islands in the generall . ( 3 ) Alderney , ( 4 ) and Serk● . ( 5 ) The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French. ( 6 ) Of Guernzey , ( 7 ) and the smaller Isles neer unto it . ( 8 ) Our Lady of Lehu . ( 9 ) The road , and ( 10 ) the Castle of Cornet . ( 11 ) The Trade , and ( 12 ) Priviledges of this people . ( 13 ) Of Jarsey , and ( 14 ) the strengths about it . ( 15 ) The Island why so poor and populous . ( 16 ) Gavelkind , and the nature of it . ( 17 ) The Governours and other the Kings Officers . The ( 18 ) Politie , and ( 19 ) administration of Justice in both Islands . ( 20 ) The Assembly of the Three Estates . ( 21 ) Courts Presidiall in France what they are . ( 22 ) The election of the Justices , ( 23 ) and the Oath taken at their admission . ( 24 ) Of their Advocates or Pleaders , and the number of them . ( 25 ) The number of Atturneys once limited in England . ( 26 ) A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey . TO begin then with the places themselves , the Scene and Stage of our discourse , they are the only remainders of our rights in Normandy ; unto which Dukedome they did once belong . Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert , these Islands as a part of Normandy , were annext unto the English Crown , and have ever since with great testimony of ●aith and loyalty , continued in that subjection . The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France against King John , nor the surprisall of Normandy by the French forces , could be no perswasion unto them to change their Masters . Nay when the French had twice seized on them , during the Reign of that unhappy Prince , and the state of England was embroyled at home , the people valiantly made good their own , and faithfully returned unto their first obedience . In aftertimes as any war grew hot between the English and the French , these Islands were principally aimed at by the enemy , and sometimes also were attempted by them , but with ill successe . And certainly , it could not be but an eye sore to the French , to have these Isles within their sight , and not within their power ; to see them at the least in possession of their ancient enemy the English ; a Nation strong in shipping , and likely by the opportunity of these places to annoy their trade . For if we look upon them in their situation , we shall find them seated purposely for the command and Empire of the Ocean . The Islands lying in the chief trade of all shipping from the Eastern parts unto the West , and in the middle way between St. Malos and the river Seine , the only trafick of the Normans and Parisians . At this St. Malos , as at a common Empory do the Merchants of Spain and Paris barter their Commodities ; the Parisians making both their passage and return by these Isles ; which if wel aided by a smal power from the Kings Navy , would quickly bring that entercourse to nothing . An opportunity neglected by our former Kings in their attempts upon that Nation , at not being then so powerfull on the Seas as now they are , but likely for the future to be husbanded to the best advantage , if the French hereafter stir against us . Sure I am , that my Lord of Danby conceived this course of all others to be the fittest , for the impoverishing if not undoing of the French ; and accordingly made proposition by his Letters to the Councell , that a squadron of eight Ships ( viz five of the Whelpes , the Assurance , the Adventure and the Catch ) might be employed about these Islands for that purpose . An advice which had this Summer took effect , had not the Peace between both Realms , been so suddenly concluded . Of these , four only are inhabited , and those reduced only unto two Governments ; Jarsey an entire Province as it were within it self ; but that of Gueruzey having the other two of Alderney and Serke dependant on it . Hence it is , that in our Histories , and in our Acts of Parliament , we have mention only of Jarsey and of Guernzey , this last comprehending under it the two other . The people of them all live as it were in libera custodia , in a kind of free subjection ; not any way acquainted with Taxes , or with any levies either of men or money . In so much , that when the Parliaments of England contribute towards the occasion of their Princes , there is alwayes a proviso in the Act , That this grant of Subsidies or any thing therein contained , extend not to charge the inhabitants of Guernzey and Jarsey , or any of them , of , for or concerning any Mannors , Lands , and Tenements , or other possessions , Goods , Chattels , or other moveable substance , which they the said Inhabitants , or any other to their uses , have within Jarsey and Guernzey , or in any of them , &c. These priviledges and immunities ( together with divers others ) seconded of late dayes with the more powerfull band of Religion , have been a principall occasion of that constancy , wherewith they have persisted faithfully in their allegiance , and disclaimed even the very name and thought of France . For howsoever the language which they speak is French , and that in their originall , they either were of Normandy or Britagne ; yet can they with no patience endure to be accounted French , but call themselves by the names of English-Normans . So much doth liberty , or at the worst a gentle yoak , prevail upon the mind and fancy of the people . To proceed unto particulars , we will take them as they lie in order , beginning first with that of Alderney , an Island called by Antonine , Arica , but by the French and in our old Records known by the name of Aurigny and Aurney . It is situate in the 49 degree between 48 & 52 minutes of that degree , just over against the Cape or promontory of the Lexobii , called at this time by the Mariners the Hague . Distant from this Cape or Promontory three leagues only , but thirty at the least from the nearest part of England . The aire healthy , though sometimes thickned with the vapours arising from the Sea. The soil indifferently rich both for husbandry and gra●ing . A Town it hath of well-near an hundred families , and not far off , an haven made in the manner of a semicircle , which they call Crabbie . The principall strength of it , are the high rocks , with which it is on every side environed , but especially upon the South ; and on the East side an old Block house , which time hath made almost unserviceable . The chief house herein belongeth unto the Chamberlains , as also the dominion or Fee-farme of all the Island , it being granted by Queen Elizabeth unto George the son of Sir Leonard Chamberlain , then Governour of Guernzey , by whose valour it was recovered from the French , who in Queen Maries dayes had seized upon it . Neer unto the Fort or Block-house afore mentioned , a great quantity of this little Island is overlaid with sand , driven thither by the ●ury of the Northwest-winde . If we believe their Legends , it proceeded from the just judgement of God upon the owner of those grounds , who once ( but when I know not ) had made booty and put unto the Sword some certain Spaniards , there shipwracked . Four leagues from hence , and to the Southwest and by west , lyeth another of the smaller Islands , called Serke ; six miles in circuit at the least , which yet is two miles lesser in the whole compasse then that of Alderney . An Isle not known at all by any name amongst the Antients , and no marvail , for till the 〈…〉 h of Queen Elizabeth or thereabou●s , it was not peopled . But then , it pleased her Majesty to grant it for ever in Fee farme to Helier de Carteret , vulgarly called Seigneur de St. Oen , a principall Gentleman of the Isle of Jarsey , and Grandfather to Sir Philip de Carteret now living . By him it was divided into severall estates , and leased out unto divers Tenants , collected from the neighbour Islands , so that at this day it may contain some forty housholds ; whereas before it contained only a poor hermitage , together with a little Chappell appertaining to it ; the rest of the ground serving as a Common unto those of Guernzey for the breeding of their Cattell . For strength it is beholding most to nature , who hath walled it in a manner round with mighty rocks , there being but one way or ascent unto it , and that with small forces easie to be defended against the strongest power in Christendome . A passage lately fortified by the Farmers here , with a new plat-forme on the top of it , and thereupon some four pieces of Ordinance continually mounted . In this Island , as also in the other , there is a Bailiff and a Minister , but both of them subordinate in matter of appeal unto the Courts and Colloquies of Guernzey . During the reign of the late Queen Mary , who for her husband Philips sake , had engaged her self in a war against the French ; this Island then not peopled , was suddenly surprized by those of that Nation , but by a Gentleman of the Netherlands , a subject of King Philips thus regained , as the story much to this purpose is related by Sir Wal. Raleigh . The Flemish Gentleman with a small Bark came to Anchor in the road , and pretending the death of his Merchant , besought the French that they might bury him in the Chappell of that Island , offering a present to them of such commodity as they had aboard . To this request the French were easily entreated , but yet upon condition that they should not come on shoar with any weapon , no not so much as with a knife . This leave obtained , the Fleming rowed unto the shoar with a Coffin in their Skiffe for that use purposely provided , and manned with Swords and Arcubuishes . Upon their landing , and a search so strict and narrow , that it was impossible to hide a pen-knife ; they were permitted to draw their Coffin up the Rocks , some of the French rowing back unto the Ship to fetch the present , where they were soon made fast enough and laid in hold . The Flemings in the mean time which were on land , had carryed their Coffin into the Chappell , and having taken thence their weapons , gave an alarme upon the French , who taken thus upon the suddain , and seeing no hopes of succour from their fellowes , yeelded themselves , and abandoned the possession of that place . A stratagem to be compared , if not preferred , unto any of the Ancients ; did not that fatall folly reprehended once by Tacitus , still reign amongst us , Quod vetera extollimus recentium incuriosi ; that we extoll the former dayes , and are carelesse of the present . Two leagues from Serke directly Westward , lyeth the chief Island of this Government , by Antonine called Sarnia ; by Us and the French known now by the name of Garnzey , or of Guernzey . Situate in the 49 degree of Latitude , between the 39 and 46 minutes of that degree , eight leagues or thereabouts from the coast of Normandy , and well-neer in an equall distance from Alderney and Jarsey . The forme of it , is much after the fashion of the Isle of Sicily , every side of the triangle being about nine miles in length , and 28 in the whole compasse . In this circuit are comprehended ten Parishes , whereof the principall is that of St. Peters on the Sea , as having a fair and safe peer adjoyning to it for the benefit of their Merchants , and being honoured also with a Market , and the Plaidery or Court of Justice . The number of the Inhabitants is reckoned neer about twenty thousand , out of which there may be raised some two thousand able men ; although their trained Band consists only of twelve hundred , and those , God knows , but poorly weaponed . The aire hereof is very healthfull , as may be well seen in the long lives both of men and women ; and the earth said to be of the same nature with Crete and Ireland , not apt to foster any venemous creature in it . Out of which generall affirmation , we may do well to except Witches , of whom the people here have strange reports , and if an Ox or Horse perhaps miscarry , they presently impute it to Witchcraft , and the next old woman shall straight be hal'd to Prison . The ground it self , in the opinion of the Natives , more rich and battle then that of Jarsey ; yet not so fruitfull in the harvest , because the people addict themselves to merchandise especially , leaving the care of husbandry unto their hindes . Yet Bread they have sufficient for their use ; enough of Cattell both for themselves and for their ships ; plenty of Fish continually brought in from the neighbour seas , and a Lake on the Northwest part of it , neer unto the sea , of about a mile or more in compasse , exceeding well stored with Carpes , the best that ever mortall eye beheld , for ●ast and bignesse . Some other Isles yet there be pertaining unto this Government of Guernzey , but not many nor much famous . Two of them lie along betwixt it and Serke , viz. Arvie , and Jet how , whereof this last serveth only as a Parke unto the Governour , and hath in it a few fallow Deer , and good plenty of Conies . The other of them is well-neer three miles in circuit , a solitary dwelling once of Canons regular , and afterwards of some Fryers of the Order of St. Francis , but now only inhabited by Pheasants , of which amongst the shrubs and bushes , there is said to be no scarcity . The least of them , but yet of most note , is the little Islet called Le●u , situate on the North side of the Eastern corner , and neer unto those scattered rockes , which are called Les Hanwaux , appertaining once unto the Dean , but now unto the Governour . Famous for a little Oratory of Cha●tery there once erected and dedicated to the honour of the Virgin Mary , who by the people in those times , was much sued to by the name of our Lady of Lehu . A place long since demolished in the ruine of it , Sed jam periere ruinae , but now the ruines of it are scarce visible , there being almost nothing left of it but the steeple , which serveth only as a sea-marke , and to which as any of that party sail along , they strike their top sail . Tantum religio potuit suadere , such a Religious opinion have they harboured of the place , that though the Saint be gone , the wals yet shall still be honoured . But indeed , the principall honour and glory of this Island , I mean of Guernzey , is the large capaciousnesse of the harbour , and the flourishing beauty of the Castle ; I say the Castle , as it may so be called by way of eminency , that in the vale , and those poorer trifles all along the Coasts , not any way deserving to be spoken of . Situate it is upon a little Islet just opposite unto Pierport or the Town of St. Peter , on the Sea ; to which , and to the peere there it is a good assurance , and takes up the whole circuit of that Islet whereupon it standeth . At the first it was built upon the higher part of the ground only , broad at the one end , and at the other , and bending in the fashion of an horne , whence it had the name of Cornet . By Sir Leonard Chamberlane Governour here in the time of Queen Mary , and by Sir Thomas Leighton his successour in the reign of Queen Elizabeth , it was improved to that majesty and beauty that now , it hath , excellently fortified according to the moderne art of war , and furnished with almost an hundred piece of Ordinance , whereof about sixty are of Brasse . Add to this , that it is continually environed with the Sea , unlesse sometimes at a dead-low water , whereby there is so little possibility of making any approaches neer unto it , that one might justly think him mad , that would attempt it . And certainly it is more then necessary that this place should be thus fortified , if not for the safety of the Island , yet at the least for the assurance of the Harbour . An harbour able to contain the greatest Navy that ever failed upon the Ocean ; fenced from the fury of the winds by the Isles of Guernzey , Jet-how , Serke and Arvie , by which it is almost encompassed ; and of so sure an anchorage , that though our Ships lay there in the blustering end of March , yet it was noted that never any of them slipped an anchour . Other Havens they have about the Island , viz. Bazon , L' Aucresse , Fermines and others ; but these rather landing places to let in the Enemy , then any way advantageous to the trade and riches of the people . A place not to be neglected in the defence of it ; and full of danger to the English State and Trafick , were it in the hands of any enemy . Upon the notable advantage of this harbour , and the conveniency of the Peer so neer unto it , which is also warranted with six peece of good Canon from the Town ; it is no marvell if the people betake themselves so much unto the trade of Merchandise . Nor do they trafick only in small boats between St Malos and the Islands , as those of Jarsey ; but are Masters of good stout Barks , and venture unto all these neerer Ports of Christendom . The principall commodity which they use to send abroad , are the works and labours of the poorer sort , as Wast-cotes , Stockins , and other manufactures made of wool , wherein they are exceeding cunning ; of which wooll to be transported to their Island in a certain proportion , they lately have obtained a licence of our Princes . But there accreweth a further benefit unto this people , from their harbour then their own trafick , which is the continuall concourse and resort of Merchants thither , especially upon the noise or being of a War. For by an antient priviledge of the Kings of England , there is with them in a manner a continuall truce ; and lawfull it is both for French men and for others , how hot soever the war be followed in other parts , to repair hither without danger , and here to trade in all security . A priviledge founded upon a Bull of Pope Sixtus IV. the 10 year , as I remember , of his Popedom ; Edward IV. then reigning in England , and Lewis XI . over the French : by virtue of which Bull , all those stand ipso facto excommunicate , which any way molest the Inhabitants of this Isle of Guerazey , or any which resort unto their Island , either by Piracy or any other violence whatsoever . A Bull first published in the City of Constance , unto whose Diocesse these Islands once belonged , afterwards verifyed by the Parliament of Paris , and confirmed by our Kings of England till this day . The copy of this Bull my self have seen , and somewhat also in the practise of it on record ; by which it doth appear , that a man of war of France having taken an English ship , and therein some passengers and goods of Guernzey ; made prize and prisoners of the English , but restored these of Guernzey to their liberty and to their own . And now at last after a long passage , and through many difficulties , we are Anchored in the Isle of Jarsey ; known in the former ages , and to Antonine the Emperor , by the name of Cesarea . An Island situate in the 49 degree of Latitude , between the 18 and 24 minutes of that degree ; distant 5 leagues only from the Coast of Normandy , 40 or thereabouts from the neerest parts of England , and 6 or 7 to the South east from that of Guernzey . The figure of it will hold proportion with that long kind of square , which the Geometricians call Oblongum ; the length of it from West to East 11 miles , the breadth 6 and upwards , the whole circuit about 33. The aire very healthy and little disposed unto diseases , unlesse it be unto a kinde of Ague in the end of Harvest , which they call Les Settembers . The soil sufficiently fertile in it self , but most curiously manured , and of a plentifull increase unto the Barn ; not only yeelding Corne enough for the people of the Island , but sometimes also an ample surplusage , which they barter at St. Malos with the Spanish Merchants . The Countrey generally swelling up in pretty hillocks , under which lie pleasant Vallies , and those plentifully watered with dainty Ril● or Riverets ; in which watery commodity , it hath questionlesse the precedency of Guernzey . Both Islands consist very much of small Inclosure , every man in each of them , having somewhat to live on of his own . Only the difference is , that here the mounds are made with ditches & banks of earth cast up , well fenced and planted with several sorts of apples , out of which they make a pleasing kinde of Sider , which is their ordinary drink ; whereas in Guernzey they are for the most part made of stones , about the height and fashion of a Parapet . A matter of no small advantage in both places against the fury of an enemy , who in his marches cannot but be much annoyed with these incombrances , and shall be forced to pay deerly for every foot of ground which there he purchaseth . For other strengths this Island is in part beholding unto Nature , and somewhat also unto Art. To Nature which hath guarded it with Rocks , and Shelves , and other shallow places very dangerous ; but neither these , nor those of Art , so serviceable and full of safety , as they be in Guernzey . Besides the landing places , here are more , and more accessible , as namely the Bay of St. Owen , and the Havens of St. Burlade , Boule , St. Katharines , with divers others . There is , indeed , one of them , and that the principall , sufficiently assured ; on the one side by a little Blockhouse , which they call Mount St. Aubin ; and on the other by a fair Castle , called the Fort Elizabeth . The Harbour it self is of a good capacity , in figure like a semicircle or a crescent , and by reason of the Town adjoyning , known by the name of the Haven of St. Hilaries . On that side o● it next the Town , and in a little Islet of it self is situate the Castle , environed with the Sea at high water , but at an ebb easily accessible by land ; but yet so naturally defended with sharpe Rocks and craggy cliftes , that though the accesse unto it may be easie , yet the surprizall would be difficult . It was built not long since by our late Queen of famous memory , at such times as the Civill warres were hot in France about Religion , and the Kings Forces drawn downwards towards Narmandy . Furnished with 30 pieces of Ordinance and upwards ; and now , upon the preparations of the French , there are some new works begun about it , for the assurance of that well ▪ On the East side , just opposite and in the view of the City of Constantia , there is seated on an high and craggy rock , a most strong Castle , and called by an haughty name Mount Orgueil ; of whose founder I could learn nothing , nor any other thing which might concern it in matter of antiquity , save that it was repaired and beautified by Henry V. It is for the most part the inhabitatiou of the Governour , who is Captain of it ; stored with about some forty pieces of Ordinance , and guarded by some five and twenty wardours . A place of good service for the safety of the Island ; if perhaps it may not be commanded , or annoied by an hill adjoyning , which doth equall , if not overtop it . This Island , as before we noted , is some 33 miles in compasse , comprehending in it ▪ 12. Parishes , whereof the principall is that of S. Hilaries . A● Town so called from an antient Father of that name , and Bishop of Poyctiers in France , whose body they suppose to be interred in a little Chappell neer unto the Fort Elizabeth , and consecrated to his memory . But of his buriall here , they have nothing further then tradition , and that unjustifiable ; for St ▪ Jerome telleth us , that after his return from Phrygia , whereunto he had been confined , he dyed in his own City , and we learn in the Roman Martyrclogie , that his Obit is there celebrated on the 13 of January . The chief name the which this Town now hath , is for the convenioncy of the Haven , the Market there every Saturday , and that it is honoured with the Cohu or Sessions house for the whole Island . The other Villages lie scattered up and down , like those of Guernzey , and give habitation to a people very painfull and laborious ; but by reason of their continuall toyle and labour , not a little affected to a kinde of melancholy 〈…〉 surlinesse incident to plough men . Those of Gue●nzey on the other side , by continuall converse with strangers in their own haven , and by travailing abroad being much more sociable and generous . Add to this , that the people here are more poor , and therefore more destitute of humanity ; the children here continually craving almes of every stranger ; whereas in all Guernzey I did not see one begger . A principall reason of which poverty , I suppose to be their exceeding populousnesse , there being reckoned in so small a quantity of ground , neer upon thirty thousand living souls . A matter which gave us no small cause of admiration ; and when my Lord of Danby seemed to wonder , how such a span of earth could contain such multitudes of people , I remember that Sir John Payton the Lieutenant Governour , made him this answer , viz. That the people married within themselves like Conies in a burrow ; and further , that for more then thirty years they never had been molested either with Sword , Pestilence , or Famine . A second reason of their poverty ( add also of their numbers ) may be the little liking they have to Trafick ; whereby as they might have advantage to improve themselves , and employ their poor ; so also might that service casually diminish their huge multitudes , by the losse of some men , and diverting others from the thought of marriage . But the main cause , as I conceive it , is the tenure of their Lands , which are equally to be divided amongst all the Sons of every Father , and those parcels also to be subdivided even ad infinitnm . Hence is it , that in all the Countries you shall hardly finde a field of Corne of larger compasse then an ordinary Garden ; every one now having a little to himself , and that little made lesse to his posterity . This Tenure our Lawyers call by the name of Gavel-kinde ; that is , as some of them expound it , Give all-kinne , because it is amongst them all to be divided . For thus the Law speaking of the customes of Kent , in the 16 Chap. De praerogatlva Regis . Ibidem omnes haetedes masculi participabant haereditatem ●orum , & similiter soeminae ; sed soemine non participabunt cum viri● . A tenure which on the one side hath many priviledges , and on the other side as many inconveniences . For first , they which hold in this Tenure , are free from all customary services , exempt from wardship , at full age when they come to 15 years , and if they please , they may alienate their estates either by gift or sale , without the assent or knowledge of the Lord. But which is most of all , in case the Father be attaint of Felony or Murder , there is no Escheat of it to the Lord ; the whole Estate , after the King hath had Diem annum & vastum , descending on the Heires . Et post annum & diem terrae & tenementa reddentur , & revertentur porximo haeredi cui debuerant descendisse , si felonia facta non fuisset ; so the Lawyers . On the other side , by this means their estates are infinitely distracted , their houses impoverished , the Kings profits in his Subsidies diminished , and no little disadvantage to the publick service , in the finding of Armours for the Wars . Whereupon , as many Gentlemen of Kent have altered by especiall Acts of Parliament , the antient Tenure of their Lands , and reduced it unto Knights-service ; so is it wished by the better sort of this people , and intended by some of them , that their Tenure may be also altered and brought into the same condition . A matter of no little profit and advantage to the King , and therefore without difficulty to be compassed . By this Tenure are their estates all holden in every of the Islands , except 6 only which are held in Capite ; whereof 4 in Jarsey , and 2 in Guetnzey , and those called by the names of Signeuries . The Signeuries in Jarsey are first , that of St Oen , anciently belonging to the Carter●ts ; and that of Rossell , bought lately of Mr. Daminick Perin , by Sir Philip de Carteret now living . 3. That of Trinity , descended upon Mr. Jeshua de Carteret in the right of his Mother , the heir generall of the L' Emprieres . And 4 That of St. Marie , vulgarly called Lammarez , descended from the Paines unto the Family of the Du Maresque who now enjoy it . Those of Guernzey , as before I said , are two only ; viz. that of Anneville , and that of De Sammarez ; both which have passed by way of sale through divers hands , and now at last are even worne out almost to nothing . The present owners , Fashion and Androes , both of them English in their parentage . The chief Magistrates in both these Isles , for as much as concernes the defence and safety of them , are the Governours ; whose office is not much unlike that of the Lord Lieutenants of our shires in England , according as it was established by King Alfred , revived by Henry III. and so continueth at this day . These Governours are appointed by the King , and by him in times of warre , rewarded with an annuall pension payable out of the Exchequer ; but since the encrease of the domaine by the ruine of Religious houses , that charge hath been deducted ; the whole Revenues being allotted to them in both Islands for the support of their estate . In Civill matters they are directed by the Bailiffs and the Jurates ; the Bailiffs and other the Kings Officers in Guernzey , being appointed by the Governour ; those of Jarsey holding their places by Patent from the King. The names of which Officers , from the highest to the lowest , behold here as in a Tablet , according as they are called in each Island . GUERNZEY . The Governour the Earl of Danby . The Lieutenant Nath. Darcell . The Bailiffe Aymes de Carteret . The Provost   The Kings Advocate Pet. Beauvoir . The Comptroller De la Morsh . The Receiver Carey . JARSEY . The Governour Sir John Peyton , Sen. The Lieutenant Sir John Peyton , Jun. The Bailiffe Sir Philip de Cart●r●t . The Vicompt Hampton . Le Procureur Helier de Carteres . The Advocate Messerney . The Receiver Diss●● . By those men , accompanied with the Justices or Jurates , is his Majesty served , and his Islande governed ; the places in each Island being of the same nature , though somewhat different in name . Of these in matters meerly Civill , and appertaining unto publick justice , the Bailiffe is the principall ; as being the chief Judge in all actions both criminall and reall . In matter of life and death , if they proceed to sentence of condemnation , there is requisite a concurrence of seven Jurates together with the B●iliffe ; under which number so concurring , the Offender is acquited . Nor can the Countrey finde one guilty , not take● , as we call it , in the matter ; except that 18 voices of 24 ( for of that number is their Grand Enquest ) agree together in the verdict . Personall actions , such as are Debt and T●espasse , may be determined by the Bailiffe , and two only are sufficient ; but if a triall come in right of Land and of Inheritance , there must be three at least , and they decide it . For the dispatch of these businesses , they have their Term●● , about the same time as we in London ; their Writ● of Arrest Appearance and the like , directed to the Vicompt or Provest ; and for the tryall of their severall causes , three severall Courts or Jurisdictions , viz. the Court Criminall , the Court of Chattel , and the Court of Heritage . If any finde himself agrieved with their proceedings , his way is to appeal unto the Councell-Table . Much like this forme of Government , but of later stampe , are those Courts in France , which they call Les Seiges Presideaux , instituted for the ease of the people by the former Kings , in divers Cities of the Realme , and since confirmed anno 1551 or thereabouts . Wherein there is a Bailiffe , attended by twelve Assistants ( for the most part ) two Lieutenants , the one criminall and the other civill , and other officers ; the office of the Bailiffe being to preserve the people from wrong , to take notice of Treasons , Robberies , Murders , unlawfull assemblies , &c. and the like . In this order , and by these men , are all such affaires transacted which concern only private and particular persons ; but if a businesse arise which toucheth at the publick , there is summoned by the Governour a Parliament , or Convention of the three Estates . For however Aristotle deny in the first of his Politicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that a great houshold nothing differs from a little City , yet certainly we may affirme that in the art of Government , a little Empire doth nothing differ from a greater ; whereupon it is , that even these little Islands , in imitation of the greater Kingdomes have also their Conventus ordinum , or assembly of the States ; viz. of the Governour as chief , the Bailiffe and Jurates representing the nobility , the Ministers for the Church , and the severall Constables of each Parish for the Commons . In this assembly generall , as also in all private meetings , the Governour takes precedence of the Bailiffe but in the Civill Courts and pleas of law , the Bailiffe hath it of the Governour . In this Assembly they rectifie such abuses as are grown among them , appoint Deputies to solicite their affairs at Court , resolve on publick contributions , &c. and among other things , determine the election of the Justices . For on the vacancy of any of those places , there is notice given unto the people in their severall Parishes on the next Sunday , after the morning exercise ; and there the people , or the major part of them , agree upon a man. This nomination at the day appointed for the Assembly of the States is returned by the Constables of each Village , out of whom so named , the whole body chuseth him whom they think most serviceable for that Magistracy . This done , the new Jurate either then immediately , or at the next sitting of the Justices , shall be admitted to his place and office ; having first taken an Oath for the upright demeanour of himselfe , in the discharge of his duty , and the trust reposed in him . The tenour of which Oath , is as followeth . YOU Mr. N. N. since it hath pleased God to call you lawfully to this charge , shall swear and promise by the faith and troth which you owe to God , well and truely to discharge the Office of a Jurate or Justiciar , in the Court Royall of our Soveraigne Lord the King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , &c. in this Isle of Jarsey ; whose Majesty , next under God , you acknowledge to be supreme Governour in all his Realmes , Provinces , and Dominions , renouncing all strange and forain powers . You shall defend the rights both of his Majesty and Subjects . You shall uphold the honour and glory of God , and of his pure and holy word . You shall administer true and equall Justice , as well to the poor as to the rich , without respect of persons ; according to our Lawes , Usages and Customes , confirmed unto us by our priviledges , maintaining them together with our Liberties and Franchises , and opposing your selfe against such as labour to infringe them . You shall also punish and chastise all Traitours , Murderers , Felons , Blasphemers of Gods holy name , Drunkards and other scandalous livers , every one according to his desert ; opposing your self against all seditious persons in the defence of the Kings Authority , and of his Justice . You shall be frequently assistant in the Court , and as often as you shall be desired , having no lawfull excuse to the contrary , in which case you shall give your proxie to some other . Justice , giving your advise , counsell , and opinion according to the sincerity of your conscience . You shall give reverence and due respect unto the Court. And shall defend , or cause to be defended , the rights of Widowes , Orphans , Strangers , and all other persons unable to help themselves . Finally , in your verdict ( or the giving your opinion ) you shall regulate and conforme your self to the better and more wholesome counsell of the Bailiffe and Justices . All which you promise to make good upon your conscience . A way more compendious then ours in England , where the Justices are sain to take three Oaths , and those founded upon three severall Statutes , as viz. that concerning the discharge of their office , which seemeth to be founded on the 13. of Richard II. Cap. 7. That of the Kings Supremacy , grounded on the first of Queen Elazabeth Cap. 1. And lastly , that of AVegiance , in force by virtue of the Stature 3 Jac. Cap. 4. Of these Justices there are twelve in all in each Island ; of whose names and titles in the next Chapter . The other members of the Bailiffes Court , are the Advocates or Pleaders , whereof there be six onely in each Island ; this people conceiving rightly , that multitudes of Lawyers occasion multitudes of businesse ; or according to that merry saying of old Haywood , The more Spaniels in the field , the more game . Of these advocate , two of them which are ( as we call them here in England ) the Kings Attorney or Sollicitour , are called Advocati stipulantes , the others Advocati postulantes . Yet have they not by any order confined themselves to this number , but may enlarge them according to occasion , though it had not been a Solecisme or a novelty , were the number limited . For it appeareth in the Parliament Records , that Edward the first restrained the number both of Counsellers and Atturneys unto 140 for all England , though he also left authority in the Lord Chief Justice to enlarge it , as appeareth in the said Records , Anno 20. Rotul . 5. in dorso de apprenticiis & attornatis , in these words following . D. Rex injunxit Joh. de Metingham ( he was made chief Justice of the Common Pleas in the 18 of this King ) & ●oci is suis quod ipsi per eorum dis●retionem provideant & ordinent certum numerum in quolibet Comitatu , de melioribus & legalioribus , & libentius addiscentibus , sec . quod intellexe●int quod curiae suae & populo de regno melius valere poterit , &c. Et videtur regi & ejus concilio quod septies viginti sufficere poterint . Apponant tamen praefati justiciarii plures , si viderint esse faciendum , vel numerum anticipent , &c. Thus he wisely and happily foreseeing those many inconveniences which arise upon the multitudes of such as apply themselves unto the Lawes , and carefully providing for the remedy . But of this , as also of these Islands , and of their manner of Govenment , I have now said sufficient ; yet no more then what may fairly bring your Lordship on to the main of my discourse and Argument , viz. the Estate and condition of their Churches . I shall here only adde a Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey ( for of those of Guernzey , notwithstanding all my paines and diligence I could finde no such certain constat ) which is this that followeth . A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of Jarsey .   Bailiffs . Governours . 1301 Pierre Vig●ure . Edw. II. O 〈…〉 o de Grandison Sr. des Isles . 1389 Geofr . la Hague . Edw. III. Edm. de Cheynie Gard des Isles . 1345 Guill . Hastings . Thom. de Ferrer . Capt. des Isles . 1352 Rog. Powderham .   1363 Raoul L. Empriere .   1367 Rich de St. Martyn .   1368 Iean de St. Martyn .     Rich le Pe●i● .   1370 Jean de St. Martyn .     Jean Cokerill .   1382 Tho Brasdefer . Hen. IV. Edw. D. of York . 1396 Geofr . Brasdefer . V. Jean D. of Bedford . 1414. 1405 Guill . de Laick .   1408 Tho. Daniel . VI. Hum. D. of Glocester . 1439. 1414 Jean Poingt dexter .   1433 Jean Bernard Kt.   1436 Jean l' Empriere .   1444 Jean Payne .   1446 Regin . de Carteret .   1453 Jean Poingt dexter . Edw IV. Sir Rich. Harliston . 1462 Nicol. Mourin .   1485 Guill . de Harvy Angl. Hen. VII . Mathew Baker Esq 1488 Clem. le Hardy . Tho. Overcy Esq 1494 Jean Nicols . David Philips Esq 1496 Jean l' Empriere .   1515 Hel de Carteret . Hen. VIII . Sir Hugh Vaugha● . 1524 Helier de la Recq . Sir Antony Urterell . 1526 Rich Mabon .   1528 Jasper Penn. Angl.   1562 Hostes Nicolle . Edw. VI Edw. D of Somers . L Protect .   Jean du Maresque Cornish .   Geo. Pawlet , Angl. Ma. R. Sir Hugh Pawlet . 1516 Jean Herault Kt. Eliza. R. Sir Aimer Paulet . 1622 Guill . Park●urst . Sir Anth● . Pawlett . 16 Philip de Carteret Kt. Sir Walt. Raleigh .   now living ann . 1644. Jac. Sir Joh. Peiton . S. a Cross ingrailed O.     Car. Sir Tho. Jermin , now living . Further then this I shall not trouble your Lordship with the Estate of these Islands in reference either unto Naturall or Civill Concernments . This being enough to serve for a foundation to that superstructure , which I am now to raise upon it . CHAP. II. ( 1 ) The City and Diocese of Constance . ( 2 ) The condition of these Islands under that Government . ( 3 ) Churches appropriated what they were . ( 4 ) The Black Book of Constance . ( 5 ) That called Domes day . ( 6 ) The suppression of Priours Aliens . ( 7 ) Priours Dative , how they differed from the Conventualls . ( 8 ) The condition of these Churches after the suppression . ( 9 ) A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish , together with the Ministers and Justices now being . ( 10 ) What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui . ( 11 ) The alteration of Religion in these Islands . ( 12 ) Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary . The Authors indignation at it , expressed in a Poeticall rapture . ( 13 ) The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton , and for what reasons . BUt before we enter on that Argument , The estate and condition of their Churches , a little must be said of their Mother-City , to whom they once did owe Canonicall obedience . A City , in the opinion of some , once called Augusta Romanduorum , and after took the name of Constance from Constantine the great , who repaired and beautified it . Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing campe , and that this is it which is called Constantia castra in Ammian . Marcellinus , Meantesque protinus prope ●astra Constantia funduntur in Mare , lib. 15. To leave this controversie to the French , certain it is , that it hath been and yet is a City of good repute ; the County of Constantine ( one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a name . ) As for the Town it self , 〈◊〉 at this day accounted for a V●cutè , but more famous for the Bishoprick ; the first Bishop of it , as the Roman Martyrologie ( and on the 23 , if my memory fail not , of September ) doth instruct us , being one Paternus . Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities , attributes this honour to St. Ereptiolus ; the man , as he conjectures , that first converted it into the saith : his next successors being St. Exuperance , St. Leonard , and St. Lo ; which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age ; yet not so old but that it still continues beautifull . The Cathedrall here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy , and yeelding a fair prospect even as far as to ●hese Islands . The Church , it may be , raised to that magnificent height , that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his Diocese . A Diocese containing antiently a good part of Countrey Constantine , and these Islands where now we are . For the better executing of his Episcopall jurisdiction in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his charge , he had a Surrogat or Substitute , whom they called a Dean , in each Island one . His office consisting , as I guesse at it by the jurisdiction , of that of a Chancellour and an Archdeacon , mixt ; it being in his faculty to give institution and induction , to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiasticall cognisance , to approve of Wils , and withall to hold his visitations . The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition ; viz. the best benefice in each Island , the profits ariseing from the Court , and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes . He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this , the little Islet of Le●u , of which in the last Chapter ; and when the houses of Religion , as they called them , were suppressed , an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat , Guernzey measure , paid him by the Kings receiver for his Tithes . I say Guernzey measure , because it is a measure different from ours ; their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or thereabouts . The Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes , and those few very wealthy ; the Religious houses having all the Prediall ▪ tithes appropriated unto them ; and they serving many of the Cures , by some one of their own body licenced for that purpose . Now those Churches , or Tithes rather , were called Appropriated ( to dig●esse a little by the way ) by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente , &c. the Popes authority intervening , and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained , were for ever annexed , and as it were incorporated into such Colledges , Monasteries , and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed . At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church ; we call them by as fit a name , Impropriations . For the rating of these Benefices , in the payment of their first fruits and tenths or Ann●ts , there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register , which they called the Black book of Constance ; like as we in England , the Black book of the Exchequer . A Taxe which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese , as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues . And as your Lordship well knowee , not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie ; That the rate , taxation , valuation , and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer , for the payment of a perpetuall Disine or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII . of worthy memory , in the 26 year of his Reign , concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie , shall onely be followed and observed . A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie , from the example of Augustus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his taxing of the World. For it is reported of him by Ca. Tacitus , that he had written a book with his owne hand , in quo opes publicae continebantur , wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire ; what Tributes and Imposts they brought in , what Armies they maintained , &c. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances . This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman Conquerour , who had taken such a speciall survey of his new purchase , that there was not one hide of Land in all the Realme , but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it ; how many plow-lands , what Pastures , Fennes and Marishes ; what Woods , Parkes , Farmes and Tenements were in every shire , and what every one was worth . This Censuall Roll , the English generally call Doomes-day book , and that as some suppose , because the judgement and sentence of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome . Sic cum orta fuerit contentio de his rebus quae illic continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum , ejus sententia infatuari non potest , vel impune declinari ; so mine Authour . Others conceive it to be corruptly called the Book of Doomes-day , for the Book of Domus dei , or the Domus-dei book , as being by the Conquerour laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester . A book carefully preserved , and that under three Keyes in his Majesties Exchequer , not to be looked into under the price of a Noble ; nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a groat . Tanta ; est authorit as vetustatis ; So great respect do we yeeld unto antiquity . But to return again to my Churches whom I left in bondage under their severall Priories , and other the Religious houses . I will first free them from that yoak which the superstition of their Patrons had put upon them . So it was , that those Houses of Religion in these Islands , were not absolute foundations of themselves ; but dependent on , and as it were the appurtenances of , some greater Abby or Monastery in France . In this condition they continued till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the V. who purposing a war against the French , thought fit to cut of all helpes and succours as they had from England , at that time full of Priors Aliens , and strangers possessed of Benefices . To this end it was enacted , viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred to Priories and Abbies within this Realm , whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported , and the counsels of the King , and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm ; that therefore all Priors Aliens , and other French men beneficed , should avoid the Realm , except only Priors Conventuals , such as have institution and induction : and this also with a Proviso , that they be Catholick , and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm ; so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Virgil ad Reip. commodum sanc●tum est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullius Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur . Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager , the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne , were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament , 3 Hen. 5. cap. 3. By this means the Priors Aliens being banished , their possessions fell into the Kings hands , as in England so also in these Islands ; and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royall , the demaine , as our Lawyers call it , of the Crown . These Priors Aliens thus exiled , were properly called Priors Dative , and removeable ; but never such Aliens never so removeable , as they were now made by this Statute . What the condition of these Priors was , and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Conventuals ; I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes , that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. The Parliament had given unto the King , all Abbies , Priories and Religious houses whatsoever , not being above the value 200 l. in the old rent . Provided alwayes ( saith the letter of the Law ) that this Act , &c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Priors of any Monastery or Priory , &c. for or concerning such Cels of Religious houses appertaining or belonging to their Monasteries or Priories ; in which Cels the Priors or other chief Governours thereof , be under the obedience of the Abbots or Priors to whom such Cels belong . As the Monke or Canons of the Covent of their Monasteries or Priories , and cannot be sued by the Lawes of this Realm , or by their own proper names for the possessions or other things appertaining to such Cels , whereof they be Priors ▪ and Governors ; but must sue and be sued in and by the names of the Abbots and Priors to whom they be now obedient , and to whom such Cels belong , and be also Priors or Governours dative or removeable from time to time , and accomptez of the profits of such Cels , at the only will and pleasure of such of the Abbots and Priors , to whom such Cels belong , &c. This once the difference between them , but now the criticisme may be thought unnecessary . To proceed , upon this suppression of the Priors and others the Religious houses in these Islands , and their Revenue falling unto the Crown ; there grew a composition between the Curates and the Governours about their tithes , which hath continued hitherto unaltered , except in the addition of the Deserts , of which more hereafter . Which composition in the proportion of tithe unto which it doth amount , I here present unto your Lordship in a brief Diagramme , together with the the names of their Ministers and Justices now beng . JARSEY . Parishes . Ministers . Revenues . Justices . St. Martins Mr. Bandinell sen . the Dean . The 3 of the kings tithe . Josuah de Carteret Seign . de Trinite . St. Hilaries Mr. Oliver the Sub-dean or Commissary . The 10 of the kings tithe . Dan du Maresque seign de Sammarez . St. Saviours . Mr. Effart . The Deserts and 22 acres of Gleb . Ph. L' Empriere Sr. de Delament . St. Clements . Mr. Paris . The 8 and 9 of the kings tithe . Ph. de Carletet Sr. de Vinchiles de haut . St. Grovilles . Mr. de la Place . The 8 and 9 , &c. Eli. du Maresque Sr. de Vinchiles abas . St. Trinities . Mr. Molles . The Deserts and the 10 of the kings tithe . Eli. de Carteret Sr. de la Hagne . St. Johns . Mr. Brevin . The Deserts , &c. Joh. L' Empriere Sr. des au grace . S. Lawrences . Mr. Prinde . The Deserts , &c. Aron Messervie . St. Maries . Mr. Blandivell , jun. The 3 sheaf of the Kings tithe . Ben. la cloche Sr. de Longueville . St. Owens . Mr. La cloche . The Deserts , &c. Jo. Harde . St. Burlads .   The 8 and 9 , &c. Abr. Herod . St. Peters . Mr. Grueby . The Deserts , &c. Ph. Marret . Note that the taking of the 8 and 9 sheafe is called French querrui ; as also that an acre of their measure is 40 Perches long and one in breadth , every Perche being 21 foot . GUERNZEY . Parishes . Ministers . Revenues . Justices . * St. Peters on the Sea. M. de la March The 7 of tithe and champarte . Tho. Andrewes Sr. de Sammarez . St. Martins . Mr. de la Place The like . Pet. Carey sen . La Forest . Mr. Picote . The 9 of tithe and champarte . John Fautrat Sr. ●de Coq . Tortevall Mr. Fautrat . The 3 of tithe and champarte . Joh. Bonamy . S. Andrews The 4 of , &c. Joh. Ketville . † St. Peters in the Wood. Mr. Perchard . The 3 of the tithe only . James Guile Sr. des Rohais . St. Saviours   The Desert and the tenths in all 600 sheafes . Tho. Blundell . Chastell . Mr. Panisee . The 9 of the tithe only . Pet. de Beauvoyre Sr. des Granges St. Mich. St. Michael in the vale Mr. Millet . The 4 of the Kings tithe only . Pet. Gosselin . St. Sampson The like . Josias Merchant . Serke . Mr. Brevin . 20 l. stipend and 20 quarters of corn . Pet. Carey jun. Alderney . Mr. Mason . 20 l. stipend .   Note that the Parish called in this Diagram , La Forest , is dedicated as some say , to the holy Trinity ; as other to St. Margaret , that which is here called Tortevall , as some suppose unto St. Philip , others will have it to St. Martha ; but that of Chastell to the hand of the blessed Virgin , which is therefore called in the Records , our Ladies Castle . Note also , that the Justices or Jurates are here placed , as near as I could learn , according to their Seniority , not as particularly appertaining to those Parishes against which they are disposed . For the better understanding of this Diagram , there are three words which need a commentary , as being meerly Aliens to the English tongue , and hardly Denizens in French. Of these , that in the Diagrams called the Deserts , is the first . A word which properly signifieth a Wildernesse , or any wast ground from which ariseth little profit . As it is taken at this present and on this occasion , it signifieth a field which formerly was laid to waste , and is now made arable . The case this : At the suppression of the Priors Aliens and the composition made betwixt the Curates and the Governours , there was in either Island much ground of small advantage to the Church or to the owner , which they called Les Deserts . But the Countreys after growing populous , and many mouths requiring much provision , these Deserts were broke up and turned into tillage . Hereupon the Curates made challenge to the tithes , as not at all either intended or contained in the former composition . The Governours on the other side alleadging custome , that those grounds had never paid the Tithe , and therefore should not . Nor could the Clergy there obtain their rights untill the happy entrance of King James upon these Kingdoms . A Prince of all others a most indulgent father to the Church . By him and by a letter Decretory from the Counsell , it was adjudged in favour of the Ministery ; the Letter bearing date at Greenwich June the last , anno 1608. subscribed T. Ellesmere Canc. R. Salisbury , H. Northampton , E. Worcester , T. Suffolke , Exeter Zeuch , Wotton , Cesar , Herbert . A matter certainly of much importance in the consequence , as making known unto your Lordship how easie a thing it is in the authority royall to free the Church from that tyranny of custome and prescription under which it groneth . The next of these three words to be explained , is in the note French Querrui , which in the note is told us to be the 8 and 9 sheaf ; by which account or way of tithing , the Minister in 50 sheafs receiveth 6 , which is one sheaf more then the ordinary tithe . The word corrupted , as I conceive , from the French word Charrue , which signifieth a Plough , and then French querrui is as much as Plough-right , alluding to the custome of some Lords in France , who used to give their husbandmen or villains , as a guerdon for their toyle , the 8 and 9 of their increase . As for the last , that , viz. which the Diagram calleth Champart , it intimates in the origination of the word , a part or portion of the field , that which the Lord in chief reserved unto himself . In Guernzey it is constantly the 12 sheaf of the whole crop , the Farmer in the counting of his sheafes casting aside the 10 for the King , and the 12 which is the Champart , for the Lord. Now here in Guernzey ( for those of the other Isle have no such custome ) there is a double Champart , that namely Du Roy , belonging to the King , whereof the Clergy have the tithe , and that of St. Michael en leval , not titheable . The reason is , because at the suppression of the Priorie of St. Michael , which was the only Religious house in these Islands , which subsisted of it self ; the Tenants made no tendry of this Champart , and so it lay amongst concealments . At the last , Sir Thomas Leighton the Governour here recovered it unto the Crown by course of Law , and at his own charges ; whereupon the Queen licenced him to make sale of it , to his best advantage , which accordingly he did . For the Religion in these Islands , it hath been generally such as that professed with us in England , and as much varied . When the Priors Aliens were banished England by King Henry V. they also were exiled from hence . Upon the demolition of our Abbeys ; the Priory of St. Michael , and that little Oratory of our Lady of Lehu , became a ruine . The Masse was here also trodden down whilest King Edward stood , and raised again at the exaltation of Queen Mary . Nay even that fiery tryall , which so many of Gods servants underwent in the short Reign of that misguided Lady , extended even unto these poor Islanders ; and that , as I conceive , in a more fearfull tragedy , then any , all that time presented on the Stage of England . The story in the brief is this ; Katharine Gowches a poor widow of St. Peters-parte in Guernzey , was noted to be much absent from the Church , and her two daughters guilty of the same neglect . Upon this they were presented before Jaques Amy then Dean of the Island , who finding in them , that they held opinions contrary unto those then allowed , about the Sacrament of the Altar , pronounced them Hereticks and condemned them to the fire . The poor women on the other side pleaded for themselves , that that Doctrine had been taught them in the time of King Edward ; but if the Queen was otherwise disposed , they were content to be of her Religion . This was fair , but this would not serve ; for by the Dean they were delivered unto Elier Gosselin the then Bailiffe , and by him unto the fire , July 18. Anno Dom. 1556. One of these daughters , Perotine Massey she was called , was at that time great with childe ; her husband , which was a Minister , being , in those dangerous times , fled the Island ; in the middle of the flames and anguish of her torments , her belly brake in sunder , and her child , a goodly boy , fell down into the fire , but was presently snatched up by one W. House one of the by-standers . Upon the noise of this strange accident , the cruell Bailiffe returned command , that the poor Infant must be cast again into the flames ; which was accordingly performed ; and so that pretty babe was borne a Martyr , and added to the number of the Holy Innocents . A cruelty not paralleld in any story , not heard of amongst the Nations . But such was the pleasure of the Magistate , as one in the Massacre of the younger Maximinus , viz. Canis pessimi ne catulum esse relinquendum ; that not any issue should be left alive of an Heretick Parent . The horrror of which fact stirred in me some Poeticall Fancies ( or Furies rather ) which having long lien dormant , did break out at last , indignation thus supplying those suppressed conceptions . Si natura nega● , dabit indignatio versum . Holla ye pampred Sires of Rome , forbear To act such murders , as a Christian ear Hears with more horrour , then the Jews relate The dire effects of Herods fear and hate , When that vilde Butcher , caus'd to cut in sunder Every Male childe of two years old and under . These Martyrs in their cradles , from the womb This pass'd directly to the fiery tomb ; Baptiz'd in Flames and Bloud , a Martyr born , A setting sun in the first dawn of morn : Yet shining with more heat , and brighter glory Then all Burnt-offerings in the Churches story . Holla ye pampred Rabines of the West , Where learnt you thus to furnish out a Feast With Lambs of the first minute ? What disguise Finde you to mask this horrid Sacrifice ? When the old Law so meekly did forbid , In the Dams milk to boil the tender Kid. What Riddles have we here ? an unborn birth , Hurried to Heaven , when not made ripe for Earth ; Condemned to die before it liv'd , a twin To its own mother ; not impeached of sin , Yet doom'd to death , that breath'd but to expire , That scap'd the flames to perish in the fire . Rejoyce ye Tyrants of old times , your name Is made lesse odious on the breath of fame , By our most monstrous cruelties ; the Males Slaughtered in Egypt , waigh not down these scales . A Fod to equall this no former age Hath given in Books , or fancie on the Stage . This fit of indignation being thus passed over , I can proceed with greater patience to the rest of the story of this Island , which in brief is this : That after the death of Queen Many , Religion was again restored in the reformation of it to these Islands . In which state it hath ever since continued in the main and substance of it ; but not without some alteration in the circumstance and forme of Government . For whereas notwithstanding the alteration of Religion in these Islands they still continued under the Diocese of Constance , during the whole Empire of King Henry the VIII . and Edward the VI. yet it seemed good to Queen Elizabeth upon some reasons of State , to annex them unto that of Winton . The first motive of it was , because that Bishop refused to abjure the pretended power which the Pope challengeth in Kingdomes , as other of the English Prelates did ; but this displeasure held not long . For presently upon a consideration of much service and intelligence which might reasonably be expected from that Prelate , as having such a necessary dependence on this Crown , they were again permitted to his jurisdiction . At the last , and if I well remember , about the 12 year of that excellent Ladies Reign , at the perswasion of Sir Amias Paulet , and Sir Tho. Leighton then Governours , they were for ever united unto Winchester . The pretences that so there might a fairer way be opened to the reformation of Religion ; to which that Bishop was an enemy , and that the secrets of the State might not be carryed over into France , by reason of that entercourse which needs must be between a Bishop and his Ministers . The truth is , they were both resolved to settle the Geneva discipline in every Parish in each Island ; for which cause they had sent for Snape and Cartwright , those great incendiaries of the English Church to lay the ground-work of that building . Add to this that there was some glimmering also of a Confiscation in the ruine of the Deanries ; with the spoyles whereof they held it fit to enrich their Governments . Matters not possible to be effected , had he of Constance continued in his place and power . But of this more in the next Chapter . CHAP. III. ( 1 ) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop . ( 2 ) The alteration there both in Politie , and ( 3 ) in Religion . ( 4 ) The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither . ( 5 ) The conception , ( 6 ) birth , and ( 7 ) growth of the New Discipline . ( 8 ) The quality of Lay-elders . ( 9 ) The different proceedings of Calvin , ( 10 ) and Beza in the propagation of that cause . ( 11 ) Both of them enemies to the Church of England . ( 12 ) The first entrance of this platforme into the Islands . ( 13 ) A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hilaries . ( 14 ) The letters of the Councell to that purpose . ( 15 ) The tumults raised in England by the brethren . ( 16 ) Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands . THus having shewed unto your Lordship the affairs and condition of these Churches till the Reformation of Religion ; I come next in the course of my designe , unto that Innovation made amongst them in the point of Discipline . For the more happy dispatch of which businesse , I must crave leave to ascend a little higher into the story of change , then the introduction of it into those little Islands . So doing , I shall give your Lordship better satisfaction , then if I should immediately descend upon that Argument ; the rather because I shall deliver nothing in this discourse not warranted to be by the chief contrivers of the Discipline . To begin then with the first originall and commencement of it ; so it is that it took the first beginning at a City of the Allobroges or Savoyards , called Geneva , and by that name mentioned in the first of Cesars Commentaries . A Town situate at the end of Lacus Lemannus , and divided by Rhodanus or Rhosne into two parts . Belonging formerly in the Soveraignty of it to the Duke of Savoy ; but in the profits and possession to their Bishop and homager of that Dukedome . To this Bishop then there appertained not only an Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , as Governour of the Church under the Archbishop of Vienna , in Daulphinoys his Metropolitane ; but a jurisdiction also temporall , as Lord and Master of the Town under the protection of the Duke of Savoy . This granted by the testimony of Calvin in his Epistle unto Cardinall Sadolet , dated the last of August 1539. Habebat sane ( saith he ) jus gladii , & alias civilis jurisdictionis partes ; but as he conceived , I know not on what grounds , Magistratui ereptas , fraudulently taken from the Civill Magistrate . In this condition it continued till the year 1528. when those of Berne , after a publick disputation held , had made an alteration in Religion . At that time Viret and Farellus , men studious of the Reformation had gotten footing in Geneva , and diligently there sollicited the cause and entertainment of it . But this proposall not plausibly accepted by the Bishop , they dealt with those of the lower rank , amongst whom they had gotten most credit , and taking opportunity by the actions and example of those of Berne , they compelled the Bishop and his Clergy to abandon the Town , and after proceeded to the reforming of his Church . This also avowed by Calvin in his Epistle to the said Cardinall , viz. That the Church had been reformed and setled before his coming into those quarters by Viret and Farellus , and that he only had approved of their proceedings , Sed quia quae a Vireto & Farello facta essent , suffragio meo comprobavi , &c. as he there hath it . Nor did they only in that tumult alter the Doctrine and orders of the Church , but changed also the Government of the Town , disclaiming all alleagiance either to their Bishop or their Duke , and standing on their own liberty as a free City . And for this also they are indebted to the active counsels of Fare●●us . For thus Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich , dated the 26 of November 1553. Cum hic nuper esset frater noster Farellus , cui se totos debent , &c. and anone after , Sed deploranda est senatus nostri caecitas , quod libertatis suae patrem , &c. speaking of their ingratitude to this Farellus . The power and dominion of that City thus put into the hands of the common people , and all things left at liberty and randome , it could not be expected that there should any discipline [ be ] observed , or good order in the Church . The Common-councell of the Town disposed of it as they pleased ; and if any crime which antiently belonged to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , did h●p to be committed , it was punished by order from that Councell . No censures Ecclesiasticall , no sentence of Excommunication thought on at that time , either here at Geneva , or in any other of the popular Churches . Si quidem excommunicationi in aliis Ecclesiis nullus locus , as Beza hath it in the life of Calvin . And the same Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich affirmes no lesse in these words , viz. Nec me latet pies & doctos esse homines , quibus sub principibus Christianis non videtur esse necessaria Excommunicatio ; so he . Thus was it with the Church and City of Geneva at the first coming of Calvin to them ; a man of excellent abilities , and one that had attained a good repute in many places of the French dominions . Not finding that assurance in the Realm of France , he resolved to place himselfe at Basil or at Strasbure . But taking Geneva in his way , upon the importunity of Farellus , he condescended to make that place the scene of his endeavours , and his assent once known , he was admitted straight to be one of their ordinary preachers and their Divinity reader . Mens . Aug. anno 1536. This done he presently negotiates with the people , publickly to abjure the Papacy : nor so only , but ( as Beza hath it in his life ) Quod doctrinam & disciplinam capitibus aliquot comprehensam admitterent ; that they also should give way to such a discipline , which he and his associates had agreed on . A matter at the last effected , but not without much difficulty , and on the 20 of July , anno 1537. the whole City bound themselves by oath accordingly ; which discipline of what quality it was I cannot learn : sure I am , it had no affinity with that in use amongst the antients . For thus himself in his Epistle above mentioned unto Sadolet , Disciplinam qualem vetus habuit Ecclesia apud nos non esse [ dicis ] ; neque nos diffitemur . The Discipline hitherto was only in conception , before it came unto maturity , and ready for the birth , the people weary of this new yoak began to murmur , and he resolutely bent not to vary from his first purpose , was in that discontentment banished the Town , together with Farellus and Coraldus his colleagues , anno 1538. Three years , or thereabouts he continued in this exile , being bountifully entertained at Strasburg ; from whence with unresistible importunity he was again recalled by that unconstant multitude . A desire to which by no means he would hearken , unlesse both they and all their Ministers would take a solemn oath to admit a compleat forme of discipline , not arbitrary , not changeable ; but to remain in force for ever after . Upon assurance of their conformity herein , he returns unto them like an other Tully unto Rome ; and certainly we may say of him as the Historian of the other , Nec quisquam aut expulsus est invid 〈…〉 , aut receptus letius . On the 13 of September , 1541. he is admitted into the Town ; and now ( there being strength enough to deliver ) the Discipline such as he had contrived it , was established on the 20 of November following . This new Discipline thus borne into the world , was yet crush'd almost in the growth of it , by the faction of Perinus at that time Captain of the people , and of great power among the many . Twelve years together , but yet with many luoid intervals , did it struggle with that opposition , and at the last was in a manner ruined and oppressed by it . For whereas the Consistory had given sentence against one 〈◊〉 , even in the highest censure of Excommunication , the Common-councell not only absolved him from that censure , but foolishly decreed , That Excommunication and Absolution did properly belong to them . Upon this he is again resolved to quit the Town ; but at last the Controversie is by joynt consent referred unto the judgement of four Cities of the Switzers . Then did he labour in particular to consider of it , not as a matter of ordinary consequence , but ( as in his said Epistle to those in Zurich ) De toto Ecclesiae hujus statu , &c. such as on which the whole being of that Church depended . In the end he so contrived it , that the answer was returned to Geneva , Nil contra tentandum ; that they should not seek to alter what was so well established ; and hereupon they were all contented to obey . By which means this Infant discipline , with such variety of troubles born and nursed , attained unto a fair and manly growth , and in short space so well improved , that it durst bid defiance unto Kings and Princes . The chief means by which this new Platforme was admitted in Geneva , and afterwards desired in other places , was principally that parity and equallty , which it seemed to carry , the people being as it were a double part in it , and so advanced into the highest Magistracy . For so the cunning Architect had contrived it , that for every pillar of the Church , there should be also two Pillasters , or rather underproppers of the people . Non solos verbi Ministros sedere judices in consistorio ; sed numerum duplo majorem , partim ex minori senatu , partim ex majori delige ; so he in his Remonstrance unto them of Zurich , affixed to his Epistle . These men they honour with the name of Elders , and to them the charge is specially committed of inquiring into the lives of those within their division , viz. Sitne domus pacata & recte composita , &c. as the Epistle to Gasp . Olevianus doth instruct us . By which device there is not only a kind of satisfaction given to the multitude , but a great deal of envie is declined by the Ministery ; which that curious and unneighbourly inquisition would otherwise derive upon them . And certainly , were there in these Elders , as they call them , a power only of information , the device might be so much the more allowable . But that such simple wretches should caper from the shop-board upon the Bench , and there be interessed in the weigh●iest causes of the Church . Censure and Ordination is a monster never known among the Antients . Especially considering , that the minde of these poor Laicks , is all the while intent upon their penny ; and when the Court is risen they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator did in Flarus to his plough , Ut ad opus re●ictum festinasse videantur . The businesse thus happily succeeding at Geneva , and his name continually growing into higher credit ; his next endevour was to plant that government in all places which with such trouble had been fitted unto one . Certainly we do as much affect the issue of our braines as of our bodies , and labour with no lesse vehemency to advance them . And so it was with him in this particular , his after-writings tending mainly to this end , that his new Platforme might have found an universall entertainment . But this modestly enough , and chiefly by way of commendation . Two examples only shall be sufficient , because I will not be too great a trouble to your Lordship in the collection of a tedious Catalogue . Gasper Olevianus a Minister of the Church of Tryers , by his Letters bearing date the 12 of Aprill , anno 1560. giveth notice unto Calvin of the State of their affaires ; and withall that he found the people willing to condescend unto a Discipline . Calvin in his answer presents him with a summary of that platforme , raised lately at Geneva , and then closeth with him thus , Compendium hoc satis putavi fore ex quo formam aliquam conciperes , quam praescribere non debut . Tu quod putabis utile istic fore , &c. In this he doth sufficiently expresse his desire to have his project entertained ; in that which followeth he doth signifie his joy that the world had made it welcome . An epistle written to a certain Quidam of Polonia , dated the year 1561. Wherein he doth congratulate the admission of the Gospell ( as he cals it ) in that Kingdom . And then , Haec etiam non poenitenda gaudii accessio , cum audio disciplinam cum Evangelii professione conjunctam , &c. thus he . But Eeza his successour goeth more plainly to the businesse , and will not commend this project to the Churches , but impose it on them . This it was , that made him with such violence cry down the Hierarchie of the Church , the plague of Bishops , as he cals it . Hanc pestem caveant qui Ecclisiam salvam cupiunt , &c. Et ne illam quaeso unquam admittas ( he speaketh it unto Cnoxe ) quantumvis unitatis retinendae specie , &c. blandiatur . This was it which made him reckon it as a note essentiall of the Church * without which it was not possible to subsist ; a point so necessary , Ut ab ea recedere non magis quam ab religionis ipsius placitis , liceat . Epist , 83. that it was as dangerous to depart from this , as from the weightiest mysteries of Religion . This in a word was it which made him countenance those turbulent spirits , who had so dangerously embroyled our Churches , and prepared it unto ruine ; but of them and their proceedings more anone . And certainly it was a matter of no small grief and discontent unto them both , that when so many Churches had applauded their invention , the Church of England only should be found untractable . Hereupon it was that Calvin tels the English Church in Franckford ( in his Epistle to them anno 1555 ) how he had noted in their publick Liturgy , Multas tolerabiles ineptias , many tolerable vanities ; faecis Papisticae reliquias , the relicks of the filth of Popery ▪ and that there was not in it ea puritas quae optanda foret , such piety as was expected . Hereupon it was that Beza being demanded by the brethren , what he conceived of some chief matters then in question ; returned a Non probamus to them all . The particulars are too many to be now recited , and easie to be seen in the 12 of his Epistles , the Epistle dated from Geneva , anno 1567. and superscribed , Ad quosdam Anglicarum ecclesiarum fratres super nonnullis in Ecclesiastica polit●ia controversis . Yet at the last they got some footing , though not in England , in these Islands which are members of it , and as it were the Suburbs of that City . The means by which it entred , the resort hither of such French Ministers as came hither for support in the times of persecution and the Civill wars , anno 1561. and 62. Before their coming that forme of prayer was here in use which was allowed with us in England . But being as all others are , desirous of change , and being also well encouraged by the Governors , who by this means hoped to have the spoyle of the poor Deanries ; both Islands joyned together in alliance or consederacy to petition the Queens Majesty for an approbation of this Discipline , anno 1563. The next year following , the Seignieur de St. Oen , and Nich. de Soulmont were delegated to the Court , to solicite this affaire ; and there they found such favour , that their desire received a gracious answer , and full of hope they returned unto their homes . In the mean time the Queen being strongly perswaded that this design would much advance the Reformation in those Islands , was contented to give way unto it in the Towns of St. Peters-port , and of St. Hilaries , but no further . To which purpose there were Letters Decretory from the Councell directed to the Bailiff , the Jurates , and others of each Island ; the tenor whereof was as followeth . AFter our very hearty commendations unto you . Where the Queens most excellent Majesty understandeth that the Isles of Guernzey and Jarsey have antienly depended on the Diocese of Constance , and that there be certain Churches in the same Diocese well reformed , agreeably throughout in Doctrine as is set forth in this Realm ; knowing therewith that they have a Minister which ever since his arrivall in Jarsey , hath used the like order of Preaching and administration , as in the said Reformed Churches , or as it is used in the French Church at London ; her Majesty for divers respects and considerations moving her Highnesse is well pleased to admit the same order of Preaching and Administration to be continued at St. Heliers , as hath been hitherto accustomed by the said Minister . Provided always that the residue of the Parishes in the said Isle , shall diligently put apart all superstitions used in the said Diocese ; and so continue there the order of Service ordained and set forth within this Realm , with the injunctions necessary for that purpose ; wherein you may not fail diligently to give your aides and assistance , as best may serve for the advancement of Gods glory . And so fare you well . From Richmond the 7 day of August , Anno 1565. Subscribed , N. Bacon . Will. Northamp . R. Leo●ster . Gul. Clynton . R. Rogers . Fr. Knols . William Cecil . Where note , that the same Letter , the names only of the places being changed , and subscribed by the same men , was sent also unto those of Guernzey for the permission of the said Discipline in the haven of St. Peters . And thus fortified by authority they held their first Synod according to the constitutions of that platforme on the 22. of September , and at St. Peters-porte in Guernzey , anno 1567. By this means , by this improvident assent ( if I may so call it ) to this new discipline in these Islands ; her Majesty did infinitely prejudice her own affaires , and opened that gap unto the Brethren , by which they had almost made entrance unto meer confusion in this state and Kingdome . For wherea● during the Empire of Queen Mary , Goodman , Whittingham , Gilbie and divers others of our Nation , h●d betook themselves unto Geneva , and there been taught the Consistorian practises ; they yet retained themselves within the bounds of peace and duty . But no sooner had the Queen made known by this assent that she might possibly be drawn to like the Platforme of Geneva ; but presently the Brethren set themselves on work to impose those new inventions on our Churches . By Genebrard we learn in his Chronologie , ortos Puritanos anno 1566. and that their first Belweather was called Samson ; a puissant Champion doub●lesse in the cause of Israel . By our own Antiquary in his Annals it is referred ad Annum 68 and their Leaders were Collman , Buttan , Bellingham and Benson . By both it doth appear that the brethren stirred 〈◊〉 there , till the approbation of their Discipline in those Islands , or till the execution of it , in their first Synod . No sooner had they this incouragement , but they presently mustered up their forces , betook themselves unto the quarrell , and the whole Realme was on the suddain in an uproar . The Parliaaments continually troubled with their Supplications , Admonitions and the like ; and when they found not there that favour which they looked for , they denounce this dreadfull curse against them , That there shall not be a man of their seed that shall prosper to be a Parliament man , or bear rule in England any more . The Queen exclaimed upon in many of their Pamphlets , her honourable Counsell scandalously censured as opposers of the Gospell . The Prelates every were cryed down as Antichristian , Petty-popes , Bishops of the Devill , cogging and cousening knaves , dumb dogs , enemies of God , &c. and their Courts and Chanceries the Synagogues of Satan . After this they erected privately their Presbyteries in divers places of the Land , and contoned the whole Kingdome into their severall Classes and divisions ; and in a time when the Spaniards were expected , they threaten to petition the Queens Majesty with 100000 hands . In conclusion what dangerous counsels were concluded on by Hacket and his Apostles , with the assent and approbation of the Brethren , is extant in the Chronicles . A strange and peevish generation of men , that having publick enemies unto the faith abroad , would rather turn the edge of their Swords upon their Mother and her children . But such it seemeth was the holy pleasure of Geneva ; and such their stomach not to brook a private opposition . Cumque superba foret Babylon spolianda trophaeis , Bella geri placuit , nullos habitura triumphos . Yet was it questionlesse some comfort to their souls , that their devices , however it succeeded ill in England , had spred it self abroad in Guernzey and in Jarsey , where it had now possession of the whole Islands . For not content with that allowance her Majesty had given unto it , in the Towns of St. Peters and St. Hillaries ; the Governours having first got these Isles to be dissevered from the Diocese of Constance , permit it unto all the other Parishes . The better to establish it , the great supporters of the cause in England , Snape and Cartwright are sent for to the Islands ; the one of them being made the tributary Pastor of the Castle of Cornet , the other of that of Mont-orguel . Thus qualified forsooth they conveene the Churches of each Island , and in a Synod held in Guernzey , anno 1576. the whole body of the Discipline is drawn into a forme . Which forme of Discipline . I here present unto your Lordship , faithfully translated according to an authentick copy , given unto me by Mr. Painsee Curate of our Ladies Church of Chastell in the Isle of Guernzey . CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall , according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same , by the Ministers , Elders , and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey , Jarsey , Serke , and Alderney ; confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders , and confirmed by the said Governors in a Sy●od holden also in Guernzey the 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , and 17 dayes of October 1597. CHAP. I. Of the Church in Generall . Article I. 1. THe Church is the whole company of the faithfull , comprehending as well those that bear publick office in the same , as the rest of the people . II. 2. No one Church shall pretend any superiority or dominion over another ; all of them being equall in power , and having one only head CHRIST JESUS . III. 3. The Governours of the Christian Church where the Magistrates professe the Gospell , are the Magistrates which professe it , as bearing chief stroke in the Civill Government ; and the Pastors and Overseers [ or Superintendents ] as principall in the Government Ecclesiasticall . IV. 4. Both these jurisdictions are established by the law of God , as necessary to the Government and welfare of his Church ; the one having principally the care and charge of mens bodies and of their goods ; to govern them according to the Laws , and with the temporall Sword ; the other having cure of souls and consciences , to discharge their duties according to the Canons of the Church , and with the sword of Gods word . Which jurisdiction ought so to be united , that there be no confusion , and so to be divided , that there be no contrariety ; but joyntly to sustain and defend each other , as the armes of the same body . CHAP. II. Of the Magistrate . THe Magistrate ought so to watch over mens persons and their goods , as above all things to provide that the honour and true worship of God may be preserved . And as it is his duty to punish such as offend in Murder , Theft , and other sins against the second Table ; so ought he also to correct Blasphemers , Atheists and Idolaters , which offend against the first ; as also all those which contrary to good order and the common peace , addict themselves to riot and unlawfull games ; and on the other side he ought to cherish those which are well affected , and to advance them both to wealth and honours . CHAP. III. Of Ecclesiasticall functions in generall . Article I. 1. OF Officers Ecclesiasticall , some have the charge to teach or instruct , which are the Pastors and Doctors ; others are as it were the eye to oversee the life and manners of Christs flock , which are the Elders ; and to others there is committed the disposing of the treasures of the Church , and of the poor mans Box , which are the Deacons . II. 2. The Church officers shall be elected by the Ministers and Elders , without depriving the people of their right ; and by the same authority shall be discharged , suspended and deposed , according as it is set down in the Chapter of Censures . III. 3. None ought to take upon him any function in the Church without being lawfully called unto it . IV. 4. No Church-officer shall or ought to pretend any superiority or dominion over his companions , viz. neither a Minister over a Minister , nor an Elder over an Elder , nor a Deacon over a Deacon ; yet so , that they give reverence and respect unto each other , either according to their age , or according to those gifts and graces which God hath vouchsafed to one more then another . V. 5. No man shall be admitted to any office in the Church , unlesse he be endowed with gifts fit for the discharge of that office unto which he is called ; nor unlesse there be good testimony of his life and conversation ; of which diligent enquiry shall be made before his being called . VI. 6. All these which shall enter upon any publick charge in the Church , shall first subscribe to the confession of the faith used in the reformed Churches , and to the Discipline Ecclesiasticall . VII . 7. All those which are designed for the administration of any publick office in the Church , shall be first nominated by the Governours , or their Lieutenants ; after whose approbation they shall be proposed unto the people , and if they meet not any opposition , they shall be admitted to their charge within fifteen dayes after . VIII . 8. Before the nomination and admission of such as are called unto employment in the Church , they shall be first admonished of their duty ; as well that which concerneth them in particular , as to be exemplary unto the people , the better to induce them to live justly and religiously before God and man. IX . 9. Although it appertain to all in generall to provide that due honour and obedience be done unto the Queens most excellent Majesty , to the Governours , to their Lieutenants , and to all the officers of Justice ; yet notwithstanding they which bear office in the Church , ought chiefly to bestir themselves in that behalf , as an example unto others . X. 10. Those that bear office in the Church , shall not forsake their charge without the privity and knowledge of the Consistory , and that they shall not be dismissed , but by the same order by which they were admitted . XI . 11. Those that bear office in the Church , shall employ themselves in visiting the sick , and such as are in prison , to administer a word of comfort to them , as also to all such as have need of consolation . XII . 12. They shall not publish that which hath been treated in the Consistory , Colloquies , or Synods , either unto the parties whom it may concern , or to any others , unlesse they be commanded so to do . XIII . 13. They which beare office in the Church , if they abstain from the Lords Supper , and refuse to be reconciled , having been admonished of it , and persisting in their error , shall be deposed , and the causes of their deposition manifested to the people . CHAP. IV. Of the Ministers . Article I. 1. THose which aspire unto the Ministery , shall not be admitted to propose the word of God , unlesse they be indued with learning , and have attained unto the knowledge of the Greek and Hebrew tongues , if it be possible . II. 2. The Ministers shall censure the proponents , having first diligently examined them in the principal points of learning requisite unto a Minister . And having heard them handle the holy Scriptures , as much as they think necessary , if they be thought fit for the Ministery , they shall be sent unto the Churches then being void , to propose the Word of God three or four times , and that bare-headed . And if the Churches approve them , and desire them for their Pastors , the Colloquie shall depute a Minister , to give them institution by the imposition of Hands . III. 3. The Ministers sent hither or resorting for refuge to these Isles , and bringing with them a good testimony from the places whence they came , shall be employed in those Churches which have most need of them , giving and receiving the hand of association . IV. 4. They which are elected and admitted into the Ministery , shall continue in it all their lives , unlesse they be deposed for some fault by them committed . And as for those which shall be hindred from the encreasing of their Ministery , either by sicknesse or by age , the honour and respect due unto it , notwithstanding shall be theirs . V. 5. The Ministers which flie hither as for refuge , and are employed in any Parish during the persecution , shall not depart from hence untill six moneths after leave demanded ; to the end , the Church be not unprovided of a Pastor . VI. 6. The Ministers shall visite every houshold of their flockes , once in the year at the least ; but this at their discretion . VII . 7. The Ministers shall propose the Word of God , every one in his rank , and that once every moneth ; in such a place and on such a day as shall be judged most convenient . VIII . 8. If there be any which is offended at the Preaching of any Minister , he shall repair unto the said Minister within four and twenty houres for satisfaction . And if he cannot receive it from the Ministers , he shall addresse himselfe within eight dayes to the Consistory ; in default whereof his information shall not be admitted . If any difference arise , the Ministers shall determine of it at their next conference . CHAP. V. Of Doctors and of School-masters . Article I. 1. THe office of a Doctor in the Church is next unto the Pastors . His charge is to expound the Scripture in his Lectures , without applying it by way of Exhortation . They are to be elected by the Colloquie . II. 2. The School-masters shall be first nominated by them , to whom the right of nomination doth belong , and shall be afterwards examined by the Ministers ; who taking examination of their learning , shall also informe themselves of their behaviour ; as viz. whether they be modest , and not debauched ; to the end , that may be an example to their Scholars , and that they by their ill Doctrine , they bring not any Sect into the Church . After which examination if they are found fit for the institution of youth , they shall be presented to the people . III. 3. They shall instruct their Scholars in the fear of God , and in good learning , in modesty and civility , that so their Schooles may bring forth able men , both for the Church and Common-wealth . IV. 4. They shall instruct them in Grammar , Rhetorick and Logick , and of Classicke authors , in the most pure both for learning and language ; for fear lest children reading lascivious and immodest writings , should be infected with their venom . V. 5. If they perceive any of their Scholars to betowardly and of good hope , they shall advise their Parents to bring them up to the attainment of good learning ; or else shall obtain for them of the Governours and Magistrates , that they maintain them at the publick charge . VI. 6. They shall cause their Scholars to come to Sermons and to Catechismes , there to answer to the Minister ; and they shall take their places neer the chaire , to be seen of all , that so they may demean themselves orderly in the Church of God. VII . 7. The Ministers shall oversee the School-masters , to the end that the youth be well instructed ; and for this cause shall hold their Visitations twice a year , the better to understand how they profit . If it be thought expedient , they may take with them some one or two of the neighbour Ministers . CHAP. VI. Of the Elders . Article I. 1. THe Elders ought to preserve the Church in good order , together with the Ministers ; and shall take care especially that the Church be not destitute of Pastors , of whom the care shall appertain to them to see that they be honestly provided for . They shall watch also over all the flock , especially over that part of it committed to them by the Consistory ; diligently employing themselves to admonish and reprehend such as are faulty , to confirme the good , and reconcile such as are at difference . II. 2. They shall certifie all scandals to the Consistory . III. 3. They shall visit ( as much as in them 〈◊〉 ) all the housholds in their division , before every communion ; and once yearly with the Minister , to know the better how they behave themselves in their severall families . And if they finde among them any refractory and contentious persons which will not be reconciled , to make a report of it to the Consistory . IV. 4. They shall assemble in the Consistory with the Ministers ; which Consistory shall be holden , if it may be , every Sunday , or any other day convenient , to handle causes of the Church . And those of them which are elected to go unto the Colloquies and Synods with the Ministers , shall not fail to goe at the day appointed . CHAP. VII . Of the ●eacons . Article I. 1. THe Deacons shall be appointed in the Church to gather the benevolence of the people , and to distribute it according to the necessities of the poor , by the directions of the Consistory . II. 2. They shall gather these benevolences after Sermons , faithfully endevouring the good and welfare of the poor ; and if need require , they shall go unto the houses of those men which are more charitably enclined , to collect their bounties . III. 3. They shall distribute nothing without direction from the Consistory , but in case of urgent necessity . IV. 4. The almes shall be principally distributed unto those of the faithfull , which are naturall Inhabitants ; and if there be a surplusage , they may dispose it to the relief of strangers . V. 5. For the avoiding of suspicion , the Deacons shall keep a register both of their Receipts and their disbursements , and shall cast up his accouncs in the presence of the Minister , and one of the Elders . VI. 6. The Deacons shall give up their accounts every Communion day , after the evening Sermon , in the presence of the Ministers , the Elders , and as many of the people as will be assistant ; who therefore shall have warning to be there . VII . 7. They shall take order that the poor may be relieved without begging ; and shall take care that young men fit for labour be set unto some occupation ; of which they shall give notice to the officers of Justice , that so no person be permitted to go begging from door to door . VIII . 8. They shall provide for those of the poor which are sick or in prison , to comfort and assist them in their necessity . IX . 9. The shall be assistant in the Consistory with the Ministers and Elders , there to propose unto them the necessities of the poor , and to receive their directions ; as also in the election of other Deacons . X. 10. There ought to be Deacons in every Parish , unlesse the Elders will take upon them the charge of collecting the almes , and distributing thereof amongst the poor . The Liturgie of the Church , wherein there is contained the preaching of the Gospell , the administration of the Sacraments , the Laws of Marriage , the Visitation of the Sick , and somewhat also of Buriall . CHAP. VIII . Of the Preaching of the Gospell . Article I. 1. THe people shall be assembled twice every Sunday in the Church , to hear the Preaching of the Gospell , and to be assistant at the publick prayers . They shall also meet together once or twice a week , on those dayes which shall be thought most convenient for the severall Parishes ; the Master of every houshold bringing with him those of his family . II. 2. The people being assembled before Sermon , there shall be read a Chapter out of the Canonicall books of Scripture only , and not of the Apocrypha ; and it shall be read by one which beareth office in the Church , or at the least , by one of honest conversation . III. 3. During the prayer , every one shall be upon his knees , with his head uncovered . Also during the singing of the Psalmes , the administration of the Sacraments ; and whilest the Minister is reading of his text , every one shall be uncovered , and shall attentively observe all that is done and said . IV. 4. The Ministers every Sunday after dinner shall Catechize , and shall choose some text of Scripture sutable to that section which they are to handle ; and shall read in the beginning of that exercise the said text , as the foundation of the Doctrine contained in that Section . V. 5. The Church shall be locked immediately after Sermon and the publick prayers , to avoid superstition ; and the benches shall be orderly disposed , that every one may hear the voice of the Preacher . VI. 6. The Churches being dedicated to Gods service , shall not be imployed to prophane uses ; and therefore intreaty shall be made to the Magistrate , that no Civill Courts be there holden . CHAP. IX . Of Baptisme . Article I. 1. THe Sacrament of Baptisme shall be administred in the Church , after the Preaching of the Word , and before the Benediction . II. 2. The Parents of the Infants , if they are not in some journey , shall be near the Infant , together with the Sureties , to present it unto God ; and shall joyntly promise to instruct it , according as they are obliged . III. 3. No man shall be admitted to be a Surety in holy Baptisme , which hath not formerly received the Communion , or which is not fit to receive it , and doth promise so to do upon the next conveniency , whereof he shall bring an attestation if he be a stranger . IV. 4. They which intend to bring an Infant unto holy Baptisme , shall give competent warning unto the Minister . V. 5. The Minister shall not admit of such names as were used in the time of Paganism , the names of Idols , the names attributed to God in Scripture , or names of office , as Angell , Baptist , Apostle . VI. 6. In every Parish there shall be kept a Register of such as are Baptized , their Fathers , Mothers , Sureties , and the day of it ; as also of Marriages and Funerals , which shall be carefully preserved . CHAP. X. Of the Lords Supper . Article I. 1. THe holy Supper of our Lord Jesus Christ shall be celebrated four times a year , viz. at Easter or the first Sunday of Aprill , the first Sunday of July , the first Sunday of October , and the first Sunday of January , and that after the Sermon , in which expresse mention shall be made of the businesse then in hand , or at least a touch of it in the end . II. 2. The manner of it shall be this , The Table shall be set in some convenient place near the Pulpit ; the people shall communicate in order , and that sitting , as is most conformable to the first institution ; or else standing , as is accustomed in some places ; the men first , and afterwards the women ; none shall depart the place untill after Thanksgiving and the Benediction . III. 3. They which intend to be communicants , shall first be catechized by the Minister , that so they may be able to render a reason of their faith . They ought also to understand the Lords ▪ Prayer the Articles of their belief , the Ten Commandements , or at the least the substance of them . They shall also abjure the Pope , the Masse , and all superstition and Idolatry . IV. 4. No man shall be admitted to the Lords Supper , which is not of the years of discretion , and which hath not a good testimony of his life and conversation , and which will not promise to submit himself unto the Discipline . V. 5. If any be accused before the Justice to have committed any crime , he shall be admonished to forbear the Supper untill he be acquitted . VI. 6. The Minister shall not receive any of another Parish without a testimony from the Pastor , or if there be no Pastor , from one of the Elders . VII . 7. They which refuse to be reconciled , shall be debarred the Communion . VIII . 8. The people shall have warning fifteen dayes at the least before the Communion , to the end they may be prepared for it . IX . 9. Besides the first examination which they undergoe , before they are partakers of the Lords Supper , every one shall again be Catechized , at the least once a year , at the best conveniency of the Minister , and of his people . CHAP. XI . Of Fasts and Thanksgiving . Article I. 1. THe publick Fasts shall be celebrated in the Church when the Colloquie or the Synod think it most expedient , as a day of rest ; in which there shall be a Sermon both in the morning and the afternoon , accompanyed with Prayers , reading of the Scripture , and singing of Psalmes ; all this to be disposed according to the occasions and causes of the Fast , and by the authority of the Magistrate . II. 2. Solemn Thanksgiving also shall be celebrated after the same manner as the Fast , the whole exercise being sutable to the occasion of the same . CHAP. XII . Of Marriage . Article I. 1. ALL contracts of Marriage shall be made in the presence of Parents , Friends , Guardians , or the Masters of the parties , and with their consent , as also in the presence of the Minister , or of an Elder , or a Deacon , before whom the contract shall be made , with invocation on the name of God , without which it is no contract . And as for those which are sui juris , the presence of the Minister , or of the Elders , or of the Deacons , shall be also necessary for good orders sake . And from a promise thus made , there shall be no departing . II. 2. Children and such as are in Wardship , shall not make any promise of Marriage , wthout the consent of their Fathers and Mothers , or of their Gardians in whose power they are . III. 3. If the Parents are so unreasonable as not to agree unto a thing so holy , the Consistory shall give them such advice as is expedient ; to which advice if they not hearken , they shall have recourse unto the Magistrate . IV. 4. They also which have been Married shall owe so much respect unto their Parents , as not to marry again without their leave ; in default whereof ▪ they shall incut the censures of the Church . V. 5. No stranger shall be affianced without licence from the Governours or their Lieutenants . VI. 6. The degrees of consanguinity and of affinity prohibited in the word of God , shall be carefully looked into , by such as purpose to be marryed . VII . 7. Those which are affianced , shall promise , and their Parents with them , that they will be marryed within 3 moneths after the contract , or within 6 moneths in case either of them have occasion of a Journey ; if they obey not , they shall incur the censures of the Church . VIII . 8. The Banes shall be asked successively three Sundayes in the Church , where the parties do inhabit ; and if they marry in another Parish , they shall carry with them a testimony from the Minister by whom their Banes were published ; without which they shall not marry . IX . 9. For the avoiding of the abuse and profanation of the Lords-day , and the manifest prejudice done unto the Word of God , on those day●● wherein Marriage hath been solemnized ; it is fo●●d expedient , that it be no longer solemnized upon the Sunday , but upon some Lecture days which happen in the week only . X. 10. If any purpose to forbid the Banes , he shall first addresse himself ●●to the Minister , or two of the Elders , by whom he shall be appointed to appear in the next Consistory , there to alleadge the reasons of his so doing , whereof the Consistory shall be judge . If he appeal from thence , the cause shall be referred unto the next Colloquie . XI . 11. Those which have too familiarly conversed together before their espousals , shall not be permitted to marry before they have made confession of their fault : if the crime be notoriously publick , before the whole congregation ; if lesse known , the Consistory shall determine of it . XII . 12. Widowes which are minded to re-marry , shall not be permitted to contract themselves untill six moneths after the decease of their dead husbands ; as well for honesties sake , and their own good report , as to avoid divers inconveniences . And as for men , they also shall be admonished to attend some certain time , but without constraint . CHAP. XIII . Of the Visitation of the sick . Article I. 1. THose which are afflicted with sicknesse , shall in due time advertise them which bear office in the Church ; to the end , that by they them may be visited and comforted . II. 2. Those which are sick shall in due time be admonished to make their Wils , while as yet they be in perfect memory , and that in the presence of their Minister or Overseer , or other honest and sufficient persons , which shall witnesse to the said Wils or Testaments , that so they may be approved and stand in force . CHAP. XIV . Of Buriall . Article I. 1. THe Corps shall not be carryed , nor interred within the Church , but in the Church-yard only , appointed for the buryall of the faithfull . II. 2. The Parents , Friends and Neighbours of the deceased , and all such whom the Parents shall intreat , as also the Ministers , if they may conveniently ( as members of the Church and Brethren , but not in relation to their charge no more then the Elders and the Deacons ) shall accompany the body in good fashion unto the grave . In which action there shall neither be a Sermon , nor Prayers , nor sound of Bell , nor any other ceremony whatsoever . III. 3. The bodies of the dead shall not be interred without notice given unto the Minister . IV. 4. The bodies of those which die excommunicate , shall not be interred among the faithfull without the appointment of the Magistrate . CHAP. XV. Of the Church censures . Article I. 1. ALL those which are of the Church , shall be subject unto the censures of the same ; as well they which bear office in it , as they which have none . II. 2. The sentence of Abstention from the Lords Supper , shall be published only in case of Heresie , Schisme , or other such notorious crime , whereof the Consistory shall be judge . III. 3. Those which receive not the Admonitions and Reprebensions made unto them in the word of God , which continue hardned without hope of returning into the right way , after many exhortations ; if otherwise they may not be reclaimed , shall be excommunicate : wherein the proceeding shall be for three Sundayes together , after this ensuing manner . IV. 4. The first Sunday the people shall be exhorted to pray for the offender , without naming the person or the crime . V. 5. The second Sunday the person shall be named , but not the crime . The third , the person shall be named , his offence published , and himself be excommunicate . Which sentence shall stand in force as long as he continueth in his obstinacy . VI. 6. Those which are excommunicate , are to be cast out of the bosome of the Church , that they may neither be admitted unto publick Prayer , nor to the Preaching of the Gospell . VII . 7. They which bearing publick office in the Church , become guilty of any crime , which in a private person might deserve an Abstention from the Lords table , shall be suspended from their charge ; and they which are found guilty of any crime , which in a private person might merit excommunication , shall be deposed . VIII . 8. In like manner , those which are convict d of such a fault , by reason whereof they be thought unfit to exercise their functions to the edification of the Church , shall be deposed . IX . 9. If the offender repent him of his sin , and demand absolution of the Consistory , they shall diligently informe themselves of his conversation ; whereupon there shall be notice of it given unto the people the Sunday before he be admitted , and shall make acknowledgment , to be restored unto the peace of the Church . X. 10. The second Sunday he shall be brought before the Pulpit , and in some eminent place , where he shall make confession of his ●in ; demanding pardon of God , and of the Church with his own mouth , in confirmation of that which the Minister shall say of his repentance . CHAP. XVI . Of Ecclesiasticall Assemblies for the rule and government of the Church . Article I. 1. IN all Ecclesiasticall Assemblies , the Ministers shall preside as well to collect the suffrages as to command silence , to pro●ounge sentence according to the plurality of voices , as also to denounce the censures ; unto which himself as well as others shall be subject . II. 2. The censures shall be denounced with all mecknesse of spirit . III. 3. The Ecclesiasticall Assemblies shall commence and end with prayer and thanksgiving ; this is to be done by him that is then President . IV. 4. All they which are there assembled , shall speak every one in his own order , without interrupting one another . V. 5. None shall depart the place without licence . VI. 6. All matters of Ecclesiasticall cognisance shall be there treated and decided according to the word of God , without encroaching upon the civill jurisdiction . VII . 7. If there happen any businesse of importance , which cannot be dispatched in the lesser Assemblies , they shall be referred unto the greater . In like manner , if any think himself agrieved by the lesser Assemblies , he may appeal unto the greater . Provided , that nothing be handled in the greater Assemblies , which hath not been formerly treated in the lesser , unlesse in case only of remission . VIII . 8. There shall be kept a Register of all things memorable done in the Assemblies ; and a Scribe appointed in each of them for that purpose . IX . 9. The Ecclesiasticall Assemblies in the main body of them shall not intermeddle with businesse appertaining to the Civill Courts ; notwithstanding that , they may be members of the same as private persons , but this not often , viz. when there is a businesse of great consequence to be determined . X. 10. He that is banished from the Lords table , or suspended from his office by one Assembly , shall be readmitted only by the same . CHAP. XVII . Of the simple or unmixt Assembly , which is the Consistory . Article I. 1. THe Consistory is an Assembly of the Ministers and Elders of every Church , for the government of the same , for superintendency over mens manners , and their doctrine ; for the correction of vices , and the incouragement of the good . In this there may be assistants both the Deacons and the Proponents , those viz. which are nominated to be Ministers , the better to fashion them unto the Discipline and guidance of the Church . II 2. The Consistory shall be assembled every Sunday , or any other day and 〈◊〉 convenient , to consult about the businesse of the Church . III. 3. No man shall be called unto the Church without the advice of the Minister and two Elders at the least , in case of necessity ; and every Elder or Sexton shall give notice unto those of his division , according as he is appointed . IV. 4. The Elders shall not make report unto the Consistory of any secret faults , but shall observe the order commanded by our Saviour , Mat. 18. Reproving in secret such faults as are secret . V. 5. Neither the Minister nor the Elder shall name unto the Consistory those men of whose faults they make report , without direction from the Consistory . VI. 6. The censures of the Consistory shall be denounced on some convenient day before every Communion ; at which time they shall also passe their opinions on the Schoole master . VII . 7. The Consistory shall make choice of those which go to the Colloquie . VIII . 8. The correction of crimes and scandals appertains unto the Consistory , so far as to excommunication . IX . 9. In Ecclesiasticall businesse the Consistory shall make enquiry into such crimes as are brought before them , and shall adjure the parties in the name of God to speak the truth . CHAP. XVIII . Of Assemblies compound , viz. the Colloquies and the Synods . Article I. 1. IN the beginning of the Assembly , the Ministers and Elders which ought to be assistant , shall be called by name . II. 2. The persons appointed to be there , shall not fail to make their appearance , upon pain of being censured by the next Assembly , unto which they shall be summoned . III. 3. The Articles of the precedent Assembly shall be read before they enter upon any businesse , to know the better how they have been put in execution . And at the end of every Assembly , the Elders shall take a copy of that which is there enacted , that so they may all direct themselves by the same rule . IV. 4. In every Assembly there shall be one appointed for the Scribe , to register the acts of the Assembly . V. 5. In the end of every Assembly , there shall a favourable censure passe , of the Consistories in generall , of the Ministers and Elders which shall be there assistant ; and principally of that which hath been done in the Assembly , during the Sessions . VI. 6. The sentence of Excommunication shall be awarded only in these Assemblies . VII . 7. The Justices shall be entreated to intermit the course of pleading , both ordinary and extraordinary , during the Colloquies and the Synods ; to the end , that those which ought to be assistant , may not be hindred . CHAP. XIX 〈◊〉 Of the Colloquie . Article I. 1. THe Colloquie is an Assembly of the Ministers and Elders delegated from each severall Church in either Istand , for the governance of those Churches , and the advancement of the Discipline . II. 2. The Colloquies shall be assembled four times a year , viz. ten dayes before every Communion ; upon which day the word of God shall be proposed , according to the forme before established , Chap. Of Ministers . III. 3. The Ministers of Alderney and Serke shall make their appearance once yearly at the least , at the Colloquie of Guernzey ; but for that one time it may be such as shall most stand with their convenience . IV. 4. The Colloquie shall make choice of those which are to go unto the Synod , and shall give unto them Letters of credence . CHAP. XX. Of the Synod . Article I. 1. THe Synod is an Assembly of Ministers and Elders delegated from the Colloquies of both Islands . II. 2. The Synod shall be assembled from two years to two years in Jarsey and Gu●rnzey by turnes , if there be no necessity to exact them oftner ; in which case those of that Isle where the Synod is thought necessary , shall set forwards the businesse by the advice of both Colloquies . III. 3. There shall be chosen in every Synod , a Minister to moderate in the Assembly , and a Clerk to register the acts . IV. 4. The Minister of the place where the Assembly shall be holden , shall conceive a prayer in the beginning of the first Session . V. 5. The Colloquies shall in convenient time , mutually advertise each other in generall of those things , which they have to motion in the Synod ; to the end that every one may consider of them more advisedly . Which said advertisement shall be given before the Colloquie , which precedeth the Synod , in as much as possible it may . And as for matters of the lesser consequence , they shall be imparted on the first day of the Session . The Conclusion . Those Articles which concern the Discipline , are so established , that for as much as they are founded upon the word of God , they are adjudged immutable . And as for those which are meerly Ecclesiasticall , i. e. framed and confirmed for the commodity of the Church , according to the circumstance of persons , time and place ; they may be altered by the same authority , by which they were contrived and ratifyed . THE END . CHAP. V. ( 1 ) Annotations on the Discipline . ( 2 ) No place in it for the Kings Supremacy . ( 3 ) Their love to Parity , as well in the State as in the Church . ( 4 ) The covering of the head a sign of liberty . ( 5 ) The right hands of fellowship . ( 6 ) Agenda what it is , in the notion of the Church ; The intrusion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs . ( 7 ) Millets case . ( 8 ) The brethren superstitious in giving names to children . ( 9 ) Ambling Communions . ( 10 ) The holy Discipline made a a third note of the Church . ( 11 ) Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline . ( 12 ) Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities . ( 13 ) The Baptism of Bels. ( 14 ) The brethren under pretence of scandal , usurp upon the civil Courts . ( 15 ) The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth . ( 16 ) A caution to the Prelates . SIc nata Romana superstitio ; quorum ritus si percens●s , ridenda quam multa , multa etiam miseranda sunt : as in an equal case , Minutius . This is that Helena which lately had almost occasioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to put all the cities of our Greece into combustion : This that Lemanian Idol , before which all the Churches of the world , were commanded to fall down and worship : this that so holy Discipline , so essential to the constitution of a Church , that without it , Faith and the Sacraments were to be judged unprofitable . Egregiam vero laudem & spolia ampla . How infinitely are we obliged to those most excellent contrivers , that first exhibited unto the world so neat a model of Church Government ! with what praises must we celebrate the memory of those , which with such violent industry endevoured to impose upon the world , these trim inventions ! But this I leave unto your Lordship to determine : proceeding to some scattered Annnotations on the precedent text ; wherein I shall not censure their devices , but expound them . Cap. 1. 3. As bearing chief stroke in the Civil Government . ] For in the Government Ecclesiastical , they decline his judgement as incompetent : An excellent instance whereof we have in the particular of David Blacke , a Minister of Scotland , who having in a Sermon traduced the person and government of the King : was by the King commanded to appear before him . But on the other side , the Church revoked the cause unto their tribunal , & jussit eum judicium illud declinare , saith mine Author . True it is , that in the next chapter they afford him power to correct Blasphemers , Atheists , and Idolaters : but this only as the executioners of their decrees ; and in the punishment of such whom their assemblies have condemned . On the other side , they take unto themselves , the designation of all those , which bear publick office in the Church : Chap. 3 7. The appointing and proclaiming all publick fasts : Chap. 11. 1. The presidency in their Assemblies : Chap. 16. 1. The calling of their Councels : Chap. 19. 20. Matters in which consists the life of Soveraignty . No marvell then if that party so much dislike the Supremacy of Princes in causes Ecclesiastical : as being ex diametro opposed to the Consistorian Monarchy . A lesson taught them by their first Patriarch in his Commentaries on the 7. chapter of the Prophet Amos , vers . 13. in these words , and in this particular . Qui tantopere extulerunt Henricum Angliae ( understand the 8. of the name ) certe fuerunt homines inconsiderati : dederunt enim illi summam rerum omnium potestatem ; & hoc me graviter s●mper vulneravit . Afterwards he is content to permit them so much power as is granted them in the 2. chapter of this Book of Discipline : but yet will not have then deal too much in spiritualities . Hoc ( saith he ) summopere requiritur a regibus , ut gladio quo praediti sunt , utantur , ad cultum dei asserendum . Sed interea sunt homines inconsiderati , qui fac●unt eos , nimis spirituales . So he , and so his followers since . Chap. 3. 4. No Church officer shall or ought to pretend any superiority or dominion over his companions . ] And in the chapt . 1. 2. No one Church shall pretend , &c. And this indeed , this parity is that which all their projects did so mainly drive at : these men conceiving of Religion as Philosophers of friendship ; cum amicitia semper pares aut inveniat , aut faciat : as in Minutius . A parity by those of this party so earnestly affected in the Church : the better to introduce it also into the State. This was it which principally occasioned G. Buchanan in the Epistle before his libellous Book De jure regn● , to reckon those common titles of Majesty and Highnesse , usually attributed unto Princes , inter barbarismos Aulicos , amongst the solecisms and absurdities of Courtship . This was it , which taught Paraeus and the rest that there was a power in the inferiour Magistrates to restrain the person of the Prince ; and in some cases to depose him . This was it , which often moved the Scottish Ministery to put the sword into the hands of the multitude : and I am verily perswaded that there is no one thing which maketh the brethren so affected to our Parliaments , as this , that it is a body , wherein the Commons have so much sway . Chap. 3. 6. Shall first subscribe to the confession of the Faith used in the reformed Churches ] But the reformed Churches are very many , and their confessions in some points very different . The Lutheran Confessions are for consubstantiation and ubiquity : the English is for Homilies , for Bishops , for the Kings Supremacy : and so not likely to be intended . The confession then here intended , must be that only of Geneva , which Church alone is thought by some of them to have been rightly and perfectly reformed . Chap. 4. 1. To propose the Word of God. ] The fashion of it , this ; such as by study have enabled themselves for the holy Ministery ; upon the vacancy of any Church , have by the Collequie , some time appointed , to make trial ( as they call it ) of their gilt . The day come , and the Colloquie assembled , they design him a particular place of Scripture , for the ground of his discourse : which done , and the proponent ( for so they term him ) commanded to withdraw , they passe their censures on him , every one of them in their order : if they approve of him , they then send him also to propose unto the people , as in the second Article . Chap. 4. 〈◊〉 . And that bareheaded ] And this it may be , because Candidates ; p 〈…〉 venture , because not yet initiated . For themselves having once attained the honour to be Masters in Israel ; they permit their heads to be warmly covered : a thing not in use only by the Ministers of the Geneva way ; but ( as my self have seen it ) among the Priests and Jesuites . I know the putting on of the hat is a sign of liberty ; that the Laconians being made free Denizens of Lacedemon , would never go into the battail , nisi pileati , without their hats : and that the Gent. of Rome did use to manumit their slaves , by giving them a cap ; whereupon ad pileum vocare , is as much as to set one free . Yet on the other side , I think it little prejudicial to that liberty , not to make such full use of it , in the performance of those pious duti 〈…〉 True it is , that by this book of Discipline the people are commanded to be uncovered , during the Prayers , the reading of the Text , the ●inging of the Psalmes , and the administration of the Sacraments . Chap. 8. 3. But when I call to minde , that S. Paul hath told us this , 1 Cor. 11. That every man praying or prophecying with his head covered dishonoureth his head : I shall applaud the pious modesty of the English ministery ; who keep their heads uncovered , as well when they prophecy as when they pray . To give them institution by imposition of hands . ] A ceremony not used only in the Ordination ( if I may so call it ) of their Ministers , but in that also of the Elder and of the Deacons : persons meerly Laical . But this in mine opinion very improperly : for when the Minister whose duty it is , instals them in their charge ; with this solemn form of words he doth perform it ! Je t' impose les mains , &c. viz. I lay mine hands upon you in the name of the Consistory ; by which imposition of hands you are advertised , that you are set apart from the affairs of the world &c. and if so , how then can these men receive this imposition , who for the whole year of their charge , imploy themselves in their former occupations , at times ; and that expired , return again unto them altogether ? A meer mockage of a reverent ceremony . Chap. 4. 3. Giving and receiving the hand of Association ] An ordinance founded on that in the 2. to the Gal. 5. viz. They gave unto me and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship : An embleme , as it is noted by Theod. Beza , on the place , of a perfect agreement and consent in the holy faith ; Quod Symbolum esset nostrae in Evangelii doctrina summae cousensionis : and much also to this purpose that of learned Chrysostome ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : This phrase of speech borrowed , no question , from the customes of those times ; wherein the giving of the hand , was a most certain pledge of faith and amity . So Anchises in the third book of Aeneids Dextram dat juveni , atque animum praesenti pignore firmat : so in another place of the same author ; Jungimus hospitio dextras . Commissaque dextera dextrae , in the Epistle of Phillis to Demophoon . Whereupon it is the note of the Grammarians , that as the front or fore-head is sacred to the Genius ; and the knees to mercy : so is the right hand consecrated unto faith . But here in Guernzey there is a further use made of this ceremony ; which is an abjuration of all other arts of preaching , or of government , to which the party was before accustomed : and an absolute devoting of himself to them , their ordinances and constitutions whatsoever . So that if a Minister of the Church of England should be perchance received among them : by this hand of association , he must in a manner condemn that Church of which he was . Chap. 5. 5. That they maintain them at the publick charge . ] A bounty very common in both Islands : and ordered in this manner ; the businesse is by one of the Assembly expounded to the three Estates , viz. that N. N. may be sent abroad to the Universities of France or England , and desrayed upon the common purse . If it be granted , then must the party bring in sufficient sureties to be bound for him ; that at the end of the time limited , he shall repair into the Islands , and make a profer of his service in such places , as they think fit for him ; if they accept it , he is provided for at home : if not , he is at liberty to seek his fortune . Chap. 6. 3 How they behave themselves in their several families ] By which clause the Elders authorised to make enquiry into the lives and conversations of all about them : not only aiming at it by the voice of fame , but by tampering with their neighbours , and examining their servants . It is also given them in charge , at their admission into office ; to make diligent enquiry , whether those in their division , have private prayers both morning and evening in their houses ; whether they constantly say grace , both before meat and after it ; if not , to make report of it to the Consistory . A diligence , in my minde , both dangerous and ●awcy . Chap. 8. 1. To be assistant at the publick prayers ] The publick prayers here intended , are those which the Minister conceives according to the present occasion : beginning with a short confession , and so descending to crave the assistance of Gods Spirit in the exercise , or Sermon then in hand . For the forme , the Geneva Psalter telleth us , that it shall be left alla discretion du Ministre , to the Ministers discretion : the form of Prayers , and of Marriage , and of administration of the Sacraments , there put down ; being types only and examples , whereby the Minister may be directed in the general . The learned Architect which took such great pains in making the Altare Damascenum , tels us in that piece of his , that in the Church of Scotland there is also an Agenda , or form of prayer and of ceremony : but for his part having been 13 years a Minister , he never used it . Totos ego tredecem annos quibus functus sum Ministerio , sive in Sacramentis , & iis quae extant in agenda , nunquam usus sum : and this he speaks as he conceives it , to his commendation . Where by the way , Agenda , ( it is a word of the latter times ) is to be understood for a set form in the performance of those ministerial duties , quae statis temporibus agenda sunt , as mine Author hath it . In the Capitular of Charles the great , we have mention of this word Agenda , in divers places : once for all , let that suffice in the 6 book , Can. 234. viz. Si quiis Presbyter in consult● Episcopo , Agendam in quolibet loco voluerint celebrare ; ipse honori suo contrarius extitit . Chap. 8. 5. The Churches shall be locked immediately after Sermon ] The pretence is as it followeth in the next words , to avoid superstition : but having nothing in their Churches to provoke superstition ; the caution is unnecessary . So destitute are they all both of ornament and beauty . The true cause is , that those of that party are offended with the antient custome of stepping aside into the Temples , and their powring out the soul in private prayer unto God : because for sooth it may imply , that there is some secret vertue in those places more then in rooms of ordinary use ; which they are peremptory not to give them . Chap. 9. 1. After the preaching of the word ] And there are two reasons why the Sacrament of Baptism should be long delayed : the one because they falsly think , that without the preaching of the word there is no ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other to take away the opinion of the necessity of holy Baptism ; and the administration of it in private houses in case of such necessity . In this strictnesse very resolute , and not to be bended with perswasions , scarce with power . As our being in the Isle of Gue●●ay , the Ministers presented unto his Lordship a catalogue of grievances against the civill Magistrate . And this among the rest , that they had entermedled with the administration of the Sacraments . This certainly was novum orimen O. Caesar , & ante hoc temp●● inauditum : but upon examination it proved only to be thus . A poor man of the Vale had a childe born unto him weak and ●ickly ; not like to live till the publick exercise ; whereupon he defires Millet the Incumbent there , that he would Baptize it : but after two or three denials made , the poor man complained unto the Bailiffe ; by whom the Minister was commanded to do his duty . This was all , & crimine ab un● disce omnes . Chap. 9. 5. Names used in Paganism ] Nor mean they here , such names as occur in Poets , as Hector , Hercules , &c. though names of this sort occurre frequently in S. Pauls Epistles : but even such names as formerly have been in use amongst our ancestors ; as Richard , Edmund , William , and the like . But concerning this behold a story wherein our great contriver Snape was a chief party , as I finde in the book called Dangerous positions , &c. verified upon the oath of one of the brotherhood . Hodkinson of Northampton , having a childe to be baptized , repaired to Snape to do it for him : and he consented to the motion , but with promise , that he should give it some name allowed in Scripture . The childe being brought , and that holy action so far forwards , that they were come to the naming of the childe , they named it Richard : which was the name of the Infants Grandfather by the Mothers side . Upon this a stop was made , nor would he be perswaded to baptize the childe ; unlesse the name of it were altered : which when the Godfather refused to do , he forsook the place , and the childe was carried back unchristned . To this purpose , but not in the same words , the whole history . But if the name of Richard be so Paganish , what then shall we conceive of these ; The Lord is near , More-tryall , Joy-again , Free-gift , From-above , and others of that stamp ? are they also extant in the Scripture ? Chap. 10. 2. And that sitting &c. or standing &c ] In this our Synodists ▪ more moderate , then those of the Netherlands , who have licensed it to be administred unto men , even when they are walking . For thus Angelocrator in his Epitome of the Dutch Synods , cap. 13. art . 8. viz. Liberum est stando , sedendo , vel eundo , coenam celebrare , non autem geniculando : and the reason , questionlesse , the same in both ; ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 periculum ; for fear of bread-worship . I had before heard sometimes of ambling Communions ; but till I met with that Epitome , I could not slumble on the meaning . A strange and stubborn generation ; and stiffer in the hams , then any Elephant : such as will neither bow the knee to the Name of Jesus , nor kneel to him in his Sacraments . Chap. 10. 4. which will not promise to submit himself unto the Discipline ] A thing before injoyned in the subscription to it , upon all such as take upon them any publick office in the Church : but here exacted in the submission to it of all such as desire to be Communicants . The reason is , because about that time it seemed good unto the brethren to make the holy Discipline , as essential to the being of a Church , as the preaching of the word and administration of the Sacraments ; and so essential , that no Church could possibly subsist without it . For thus Beza in his Epistle unto Cixxe , Anno 1572 Magnum est Dei munus quod unam & religionem pu●am , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( doctrinae viz : retinendae vinculum ) in Scotiam intulistis . Sicobsecro & obtestor , haec duo simul retinete , ut uno amisso alterum diu permanere non posse , semper memineritis . So he Epist . 79. According unto which Doctrine Mr. Dela-Marshe , in his new Catechism , which lately by the authority of the Colloquie , he imposed upon the Churches in the Isle of Gu●inzy : hath joyned this holy Discipline , as a chief note , together with the others . Chap. 12. 9. That it be no longer solemnized upon the Sunday ] Wherein ( so scarcely did the same Spirit rule them both ) the Dutch Synodists have shewed themselves more moderate , then these contrivers , they having licensed marriage on all daies equally ; except such as are destinate to the Lords Supper , and to solemn fasts ; Quovis die matrimonia confermari & celebrari poterunt , modo concio ad populum habeatur : exceptis c 〈…〉 diebus , & jejunio sacratis . Cap. ult . art . 8. By both of them it is agreed that marriage be celebrated on such daies only , on which there is a Sermon : and if the Sermon be any thing to the purpose , I am content they should expect it . Only I needs must note with what little reason these men and their abettors have so often quarrelled our Church , for the restraint of marriage , at some certain seasons : whereas they think it fit , at some times to restrain it in their own . Well fare therefore our neighbours of the Church of Scotland : men very indifferent both for the time , and for the place . For the time ; Nu●●um tempus tam sacrum quod ejus celebratione polluatur : and ●or the place , immo & in praetor●o vel quovis loco publico ▪ &c. & extra sacra & publicum conventum totius ecclesiae . So they , that made the Altare Damascenum . p. 872. 865. 866. Chap. 14. 1. The Corps shall not be carried ●r interred within the Church ] Which prohibition , whether it hath more in it of the Jew or of the Gentile , is not easie to determine . Amongst the Jewes it was not lawful for the Priest to be present at a Funeral ; or for the dead corps to be interred within the camp : and on the other side , it was by law in Athens and in Rome forbidden , either to burn their dead , or to bury them within their Cities . In urbe nesipelito neve u●ito , saith the Law of the 12 Tables ; nor do I see for what cause this generation should prohibit the dead bodies entrance into the Church , and to permit it in the Church-yards . If for the avoiding of superstition , it is well known that not the Church only , but the Church-yards are also consecrated . The reason why they will not bury in the Church is only their desire and love of parity ; the Church will hardly be capacious enough to bury all : and since by death and nature all are equall , why should that honour be vouchsafed unto the rich , and not unto the poor ? Out of this love of parity it is , that in the next article , they have forbidden Funeral Sermons ; wherein the Dutch Synods , and those men most perfectly concur ▪ as appeareth in that collection , cap. 11. 5. For if such Sermons be permitted , the common people will be forsooth aggrieved , and think themselves neglected : Ditiores enim hoc officio cobonestabuntur , neglect is pauperibus . Chap. 14. 2. Nor any prayers , nor sound of bell ] The last for love of parity ; but this for fear of superstition . For prayers at the burial of the dead , may possibly be mistook , for prayers for the dead ; and so the world may dream perhaps of Purgatory Thesilencing of bels is somewhat juster , because that musick hath been superstitiously and foolishly imployed in former times , and in this very case at Funerals . It is well known with what variety of ceremonies they were baptized and consecrated ( as in the Church of Rome they still are ) by the Bishops . Whereby the people did conceive a power inherent in them , not only for the scattering of tempests , in which cases they are also rung amongst them : but for the repulsing of the Devil and his Ministers . Blessings which are intreared of the Lord for them , as appeareth by one of those many prayers , prescribed in that form of consecration ; by the Roman Pontifical , viz. ut per factum illorum procul pellantur omnes insidiae inimici , fragor grandinum , procella turbinum , &c. Whilest therefore the people was superstitious in the use of bels , the restraint of them was allowable : but being now a matter only of solemnity , it argueth no little superstition to restrain them . Chap. 16. 6. Without encroaching on the civil jurisdiction ] And well indeed it were , if this clause were intended to be observed : for in the 17. chap. and 8. art . it is decreed , that the correction of crimes and scandals appertaineth unto the Consistory . What store of grist , the word Crime , will bring unto their mils , I leave unto your Lordship to interpret : sure I am , that by this of seandal , they draw almost all causes within their cognizance . A matter testified by his late most excellent Majesty in a Remonstrance to the Parliament : viz. that the Puritan Ministers in Scotland had brought all causes within their jurisdiction ; saying , that it was the Churches office to judge of scandal , and there could be no kinde of fault or crime committed , but there was a scandal in it , either against God , the King , or their neighbour . Two instances of this , that counterfeit Eusebius , Philadelphus in his late Pamphlet against my Lord of St. Andrewes , doth freely give us . Earl Huntley upon a private quarrel had inhumanely killed the Earl of Murray . For this offence his Majesty upon a great suit , was content to grant his-pardon : Ecclesiae tamen Huntileum jussit sub dirorum poenis , ecclesiae satisfacere ; but yet the Church ( in relation to the scandall ) commanded him under the pain of Excommunication , to do penance . Not long after the said Earl Huntly and others of the Romish faction , had enterprised against the peace and safety of the Kingdome . The King resolved to pardon them for this also : Ecclesia autem excommunication is censura pronuntiavit : but the Church pronounced against them the dreadful sentence of Anathema ; so little use is there of the civil Magistrate , when once the Church pretends a scandal . Chap. 17. 9. And shall adjure the parties in the Name of God ] And shall adjure , i. e. They shall provoke them , or induce them to confession , by using or interposing of the Name of God : for thus adjuration is defined to us by Aquinas Secunda secundae qu. 9. in Axiom . Adjurare , nihil aliud est ( saith he ) nisi creaturam aliquam divini nominis , out alterius cujuspiam sacrae rei interpositione , ad agendum aliquid impellere : the parties , and those not such as give in the informations , for that is done in private by the Elders : but such of whose ill same intelligence is given unto the Consistory . If so , then would I fain demand of the contrivers , with what reason they so much exclaim against the oath ex officio judicis , used by our Prelates in their Chancellaries : since they themselves allow it in their Consistories . But thus of old , as it is in Horace , de Arte. Cacilio Plautoq ▪ dedit Romanus , ademptum Virgi●o Varioque . Conclus . They are adjudged to be immutable ] And no marvail , if as the brethren and their Beza think , it be so essential to the Church , that no Church can possibly subsist without it : if so essential , that we may as warrantably deny the written Word , as these inventions . But certainly , what ever these think of it ; the founder of this plat-form thought not so : when thus he was perswaded , that the ordering of the Church of God , for as much as concernes the form of it , was le●t to the discretion of the Ministers . For thus himself in his Epistle ad Neocomen●es , dated 1544. viz. Substantiam disciplinae ecclesiae exprimit disertis verbis Scriptura : forma autem ejus exercendae , quoniam a Domino praescripta non est , a ministris constitui debet pro aedificatione . Thus he : and how d●re they controll him ? Will they also dare to teach their Master ? Thus have I brought to end those Annotations , which I counted most convenient , for to expresse their meaning in some few passages of this new plat-form ; and to exemplifie their proceedings . A larger Commentary on this Text had been unnecessary : considering both of what I write , and unto whom . Only I needs must note , that as the erecting of these fabricks in these Islands was founded on the ruine of the Deanries : so had the birth of this device in England been death unto the Bishopricks . No wonder then if those which principally manage the affairs of holy Church , so busily bestir themselves in the destroying of this viper : which by no other means can come into the world , then by the death and ruine of his mother . Yet so it is , I know not whether by destiny , or some other means ; I would not think ; but so it is : that much of this new plat-form hath of late found favour with us ; and may in time make entrance to the rest . Their Lecturers permitted in so many places , what are they , but the Doctors of Geneva ? save only that they are more factious and sustain a party . And what the purpose and design of this , but so by degrees to lessen the repute of such daies as are appointed holy by the Church ; and fasten all opinion to their daies of preaching ? By whose authority stand the Church-wardens at the Temple doors ( as I have seen it oft in London ) to collect the bounty of the hearers : but only by some of their appointments , who finde that duty ( or the like ) prescribed here unto the Deacons , cap. 1. 2. I could say somewhat also of our ordinary Fasts , how much they are neglected every where : and no Fast now approved of , but the solemn . Nay we have suffered it of late to get that ground upon us ; in the practise at the least : that now no common businesse must begin without it . Too many such as these I fear , I could point out unto your Lordship , did I not think that these already noted were too many . A matter certainly worthy of your Lordships care , and of the care of those your Lordships partners in the Hierarchie : that as you suffer not these new inventions , to usurp upon our Churches by violence ; so that they neither grow upon us , by cunning or connivence . CHAP. VI. ( 1 ) King James how affected to this Platform . ( 2 ) He confirmes the Discipline in both Islands . ( 3 ) And for what reasons . ( 4 ) Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarzey . ( 5 ) His Articles against the Ministers there . ( 6 ) And the proceedings thereupon . ( 7 ) The distracted estate of the Church and Ministery in that Island . ( 8 ) They referre themselves unto the King. ( 9 ) The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline . ( 10 ) A reference of both parties to the Councell . ( 11 ) The restitution of the Dean . ( 12 ) The Interim of Germanie what it was . ( 13 ) The Interim of Jarzey . ( 14 ) The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common-prayer . ( 15 ) The establishment of the new Canons . IN this state and under this Government continued those Islands till the happy entrance of King James upon the Monarchy of England . A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes , as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction : and had so oft confirmed their much desired Presbyteries . But when once he had set foot in England , where he was sure to meet with quiet men , and more obedience : he quickly made them see , that of his favour to that party , they had made themselves too large a promise . For in the conference at Hampton Court , he publickly professed , that howsoever he lived among Puritans , and was kept for the most part as a ward under them ; yet ever since he was of the age of ten years old , he ever disliked their opinions : and as the Saviour of the world had said , though he lived among them , he was not of them . In this conference also , that so memorized Apophthegm of his Majesty : No Bishop , no King : and anon after , My Lords the Bishops ( faith he ) I may thank ye , that these men ( the Puritans ) plead thus for my Supremacy . Add to this , that his Majesty had alwaies fostred in himself a pious purpose , not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline ; which thing himself avoweth , in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey : but also to establish in all the reformed Churches , if possibly it might be done ; together with unity of Religion , and uniformity of devotion . For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgie to be translated into the Latine , and also into most of the national Languages round about us : by that and other more private means , to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government : which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself . A heroick purpose , and worthy of the Prince from whom it came . This notwithstanding , that he was enclined the other way ; yet upon suit made by those of these Islands , he confirmed unto them their present orders , by a Letter under his private Seal , dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England ; which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September , 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue ; but the tenor of them was as followeth : James by the Grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , &c. unto all those whom these presents shall concern , greeting : Whereas we our selves and the Lords of our Councell have been given to understand , that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister , to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Dutchy of Normandy , the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Dutchy , whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown : for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf , as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God , as for the edification of his Church ; do will , and ordain , that cur said Isles shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline there now established : forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment , as long as they contain themselves in our obedience , and attempt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God. Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August , Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first . Signed above James R. The reasons which moved this Prince to assent unto a form of Government , which he liked not ; was partly an ancient rule and precept of his own , viz. That Princes at their first entrance to a Grown ought not to innovate the government presently established . But the principal cause indeed , was desire not to discourage the Scots in their beginnings : or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them . For since the year 1595. his Majesty wearied with the confusions of the Discipline in that Church established ; had much busied himself in restoring their antient place and power unto the Bishops . He had already brought that work so forwards , that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners ( which was the antient number of the Bishops ) to have suffrage in the Parliament ; and to represent in that Assembly the body of the Clergy : and that their place should be perpetual . Thus far with some trouble , but much art , he had prevailed on that unquiet and unruly company : and therefore had he denied the Islanders an allowance of their Discipline ; he had only taught the Scottish Ministery what to trust to . An allowance whereof he after made especial use in his proceedings with that people . For thus his Majesty in a Declaration concerning such of the Scottish Ministers , as lay attainted of High Treason , Anno 1606. viz. And as we have ever regarded carefully how convenient it is to maintain every Countrey in that form of Government which is fittest and can best agree with the constitution thereof ; and how dangerous alterations are without good advice and mature deliberation ; and that even in matters of order of the Church , in some small Island under our Dominions , we have ●abstained from suffering any alteration ; So we doubt not , &c as it there followeth in the words of the Declaration . On these reasons , or on some other not within the power of my conjecture ; this Discipline was permitted in these Islands : though long it did not continue with them . For presently upon his Majesties comming to the Crown , Sir Walter Raleigh then Governor of Jarzey was attaint of Treason : on which attaindure this with others of his places , fell actually into the Kings disposing : upon this variancy , it pleased his Majesty to depute the present Governor Sir John Peiton , to that office : A Gentleman not over forward in himself , to pursue the projects of the Powlets his predecessors , ( for Sir W. Raleigh had but a little while possessed the place ) and it may well be furnished also with some secret instructions from the King , not to be too indulgent to that party . Whether that so it was or not , I cannot say : Sure I am that he omitted no opportunity of abating in the Consistorians the pride and stomach of their jurisdiction . But long it was not before he found a fit occasion to place his battery against those works ; which in the Island there they thought impregnable . For as in the ancient proverb , Facile est invenire baculum ut caedas canem : it is an easie thing to quarrell one , whom before hand we are resolved to baffle . The occasion this . The Curate of S. Johns being lately dead , it pleased the Colloquie of that Island , according to their former method ; to appoint one Brevin to succeed him : against which course , the Governor , the Kings Attorney and other the officers of the Crown protested ; as prejudicial to the rights and profits of the King. Howbeit , the case was over-ruled ; and the Colloquie for that time carried it : hereupon a bill of Articles was exhibited unto the Councel against the Ministers , by Peiton the Governor , Marret the Attorney , now one of the Jurates , and the rest : as viz. that they had usurped the Patronage of all benefices in the Island ; that thereby they admitted men to livings without any form of pretentation ; that thereby they deprived his Majesty of Vacancies and first-fruits ; that by connivence ( to say no worse of it ) of the former Governors , they exercised a kinde of arbitrary jurisdiction , making and disannulling lawes at their own uncertain liberty ; whereupon they most humbly besought his Majesty to grant them such a discipline , as might be fittest to the nature of the place , and lesse derogatory to the Royal Prerogative . This Bill exhibited unto the Councell , found there such approbation , that presently Sir Robert Gardiner , once chief Justice , ( as I take it ) in the Realm of Ireland ; and James Hussey Doctor of the Lawes ; though not without some former businesse ; were sent into the Islands . Against their coming into Jarzey , the Ministers of that Island had prepared their Answer ; which in the general may be reduced to these two heads ; viz. That their appointment of men into the Ministery , and the exercise of Jurisdiction being principal parts of the Church Discipline ; had been confirmed unto them by his Majesty . And for the matter of First-fruits , it was a payment which had never been exacted from them ; since their discharge from him at Constance ; unto whom in former times they had been due . Upon this answer the businesse was again remitted unto the King , and to his Councell ; by them to be determined upon the comming of their Deputies : the Committees not having ( as they said ) a power to determine it ; but only to instruct themselves in the whole cause , and accordingly to make report . Other matters within the compasse of their Commission , and about which they were said principally to be sent over , were then concluded : all which hapned in the year 1608. Immediately upon the departure of these Commissioners ; and long before their Deputies had any faculty to repair unto the Court : a foul deformity of confusion and distraction had overgrown the Church and Discipline . In former times all such as took upon them any publick charge either in Church or Common-wealth , had bound themselves by oath to cherish and maintain the Discipline : that oath is now disclaimed as dangerous and unwarrantable . Before it was their custome to exact subscription to their platform , of all such as purposed to receive the Sacrament : but now the Kings Attorney , and others of that party , chose rather to abstain from the Communion ; nay even the very Elders silly souls , that thought themselves as Sacrosancti as a Roman Tribune : were drown with proces into the civil courts ; and there reputed with the vulgar . Nor was the case much better with the Consistory : the Jurates in their Cohu or Town-hall , relieving such by their authority , whom that Tribunal had condemned or censured . A pravis ad praecipitia . Such is the inhumanity of the world , that when once a man is cast upon his knees , every one-lends a hand to lay him prostrate . No sooner had those of the lower rank , observed the Ministers to stagger in their chairs ; but they instantly begin to wrangle for the Tithes : and if the Curate will exact his due ; the Law is open , let them try the Title . Their Benefices , where before accounted as excempt and priviledged , are brought to reckon for first-fruits and tenths : and those not rated by the book of Constance , but by the will and pleasure of the Governor . Adde unto this , that one of the Constables preferred a Bill against them in the Cohu : wherein the Ministers themselves were indicted of hypocrisie ; and their government of tyranny . And which of all the rest was the greatest of their miseries ; it was objected that they held secret meetings and private practises against the Governor : yea such as reflected also on the King. In thi confusion and distresse they were almost uncapable of counsel . They applyed themselves in the next Colloquie unto the Governor , that he would please to intercede for them to his Majesty : but him they had so far exasperated by their clamours , that he utterly refused to meddle for them . Nor did the Ministers , as I conjecture , propound it farther to him , then by way of due respect : as little hoping that he should bend himself for their relief ; whom they so often had accused to be the cause of all this trouble . At last they are resolved to cast themselves upon the grace and savour of the King ; and for that cause addressed themselves and their desires unto the Earl of Salisbury , a man , at that time of special credit with the King , being also Lord High Treasurer , and chief Secretary . This their addresse as he took in special good regard ; so did he also seem to advise them for the best : his counsel , that they should joyn unto them those of Guernzey , in the perusing of their Discipline , and the correcting of such things most stomacked by the Civil Magistrates : and after , both together to refer themselves unto his Majesty . A counsel not to be despised in the appearance : but yet ( as certainly he was of a fine and subtil wit ) of exceeding cunning . For by this means the businesse not yet ripe , and the King scarce master of his purposes in Scotland ; he gains time farther to consider of the main : and by ingaging those of Guernzey in the cause , they also had been subject to the same conclusion : But subtil as he was , he found no art to protract the fatal and inevitable blow of death ; for whilest his Clients busily pursued this project , in reviewing of their platform , he yeelded up himself unto the grave , March 24. anno 1612. upon report whereof , they layed by the prosecution of that businesse ; referring of it to the mercy of some better times . This comfort yet they found in their addresse unto the Court , that things at home were carried on in a more fair and quiet course : but long they would not suffer themselves to enjoy that happinesse . The Parish of S. Peters being void , Messerny was presented to it by the Governour : one that had spent his time in Oxenford , and had received the Orders of the Priesthood from the Right Reverend Doctor Bridges , then Bishop of that Diocesse . A matter so infinitely stomacked by the Colloquie , that they would by no means yeeld to his admission : not so much because of his presentation from the Governor , as of his ordination from the Bishop . For now they thought Annibalem ad portas , that Popery began again to creep upon them : and therefore they resolved to fight it out , tanquam de summa rerum , as if the whole cause of Religion were in danger . Messerny howsoever enjoyed the profits of the living ; and a new complaint was made against them to the Councel : In which complaint , there also was intelligence given unto their Lordships , that the inhabitants generally of the Isle , were discontented with the Discipline● and guidance of the Church : and that the most of them would easily admit the form of English Government ; that some of them did desire it . The matter thus grown ready for an issue , and his Majesty desirous to bring all things to the most peaceable and quiet end ; both parties were commanded to attend at Court : the Governor and secular states , to prosecute their suit , and make good their intelligence ; the Ministers to answer the complaints , and tender their proposals . Hereupon the Governor and those of the laity delegated to the Court , Marret the Attorney , and Messervy the new Parson of St. Peters : by whom the people sent a formal Petition to his Majesty , signed by many of their hands ; and to this purpose , viz. that he would be pleased to establish in their Island , the book of Common-prayers ; and to settle there among them some Ecclesiastical Officer , with Episcopal jurisdiction . On the other side , there were deputed , for the Ministers , Mr. Bandinell , the now Dean ; Oliveis , the now Sub●dean ; Effart , the Curate of St. Saviours ; and De la place , then Curate of St. Maries . To whom this also was specially given in charge , that with all industry they should oppose whatsoever innovation ( as they called it ) might be proposed unto them : and resolutely bear up for the present Discipline . Immediately upon their appearance at the Court , both parties by his Majesty were referred to the Councel : and by them again to my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , the Lord Zouche , and Sir John Herbert , then principal Secretary . Before them the cause was privately argued by the Deputies of both parties : and the desires of the Governor and of the people , constantly impugned by the Ministers . But as it alwaies hapneth that there is no confederacy so well joyned , but one member of it may be severed from the rest ; and thereby the whole practise overthrown : so was it also in this businesse . For those which there sollicited some private businesse of the Governors , had finely wrought upon the weaknesse or ambition of De la place ; bearing him in hand , that if the Government of the Church were altered , and the office of the Dean restored ; he was for certain resolved upon to be the man. Being fashioned into this hope , he speedily betrayed the counsels of his fellowes ; and furnished their opponents at all their enterviews , with such intelligence as might make most for their advantage . At last the Ministers not well agreeing in their own demands , and having little to say in the defence of their proper cause , whereto their answers were not provided beforehand ; my Lord of Canterbury at the Councel-table thus declared unto them the pleasure of the King and Councell : viz. that for the speedy redresse of their disorders , it was reputed most convenient to establish among them , the authority and office of the Dean ; that the book of Common-prayer being again printed in the French should be received into their Churches ; but the Ministers not tyed to the strict observance of it in all particulars : that Messerny should be admitted to his benefice ; and that so they might return unto their charges . This said , they were commanded to depart , and to signifie to those from whom the came , they full scope of his Majesties resolution ; and so they did . But being somewhat backward in obeying this decree , the Councel intimated to them by Sir Phil. de Carteret their Agent for the Estates of the Island ; that the Ministers from among themselves , should make choice of three learned and grave persons , whose names they should return unto the board : out of which his Majesty would resolve on one to be their Dean . A proposition which found among them little entertainment . Not so much out of dislike unto the dignity , for they were most of them well contented with the change : but because every one of them conceived hopefully of himself to be the man , and all of them could not be elected ; they were not willing to prejudice their own hopes , by the naming of another . In the mean time , Mr. David Band●●ell then Curate of St. Maries , either having or pretending some businesse unto London ; was recommended by the Governor as a man most fit to sustain that place and dignity . And being also approved by my Lord of Canterbury ( a● certainly he is a man of good abilities ) as a person answerable to the Governors commendations ; he was established in that office by Letters Patents from his Majesty , dated the 8. of March , anno 1619. and was invested with all such rights as formerly had been inherent in that dignity : and that both in point of profit ; and also in point of jurisdiction . For whereas formerly the Dean was setled in the best benefice in the Island , that viz. of St Martins ; and had divers portions of tithes out of every of the Parishes : the said St. Martins was allotted to him , upon the next avoidance ; and the whole tithes of St. Saviours allowed him , in consideration of his several parcels . And whereas also at the suppression of the Deanry , the Governor had taken into his hands the probate of Testaments , and appointed unto civil Courts the cognizance of Matrimoniall causes and of tithes : all these again were restored unto him , and forever united to this office . For the executing of this place , there were some certain Articles , or rather Canons drawn and ratified to be in force till a perfect draught of Ecclesiastical constitutions could be agreed on : which it pleased his Majesty to call the Interim . And this he did in imitation of Charles the 5. which Prince , desirous to establish peace and quietnesse in the Church of Germany ; and little hoping that any Councel would be summoned soon enough to determine of the differences then on foot : composed a certain mixture of opinions , in favour of each party ; which he endevoured to obtrude upon that people : the compilers of it , Julius Pflugi●● , Michael Sido●●us , and Islebius : the time when , anno 1594 , the name of it the Interim : a name given unto it by the Emperor , eo quod praescriberet formulam doctrinae & ceremoniarum in religione in terra tenendam , quoad de universa re religionis concilio publico definitum esset : so the historian of the Councell . In like manner , did it please his Majesty as himself tels us in the next chapter : in the interim , untill he mought be fully informed what Lawes , &c. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiastical , &c. to grant commission , &c. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cer●aid instructions signed with our royal hand , to continue only untill we might establish , &c. as it followeth in the Original . By this Interim there was a clause in force , whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holydaies , or use the Crosse in Baptism , or wear the Surplice , or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion . In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established , and now in being in that Island . Thus fortified with power , and furnished with instructions , home cometh the new Dean into his Countrey : and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates , takes full possession of his place , and office . Nor found he any opposition , till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction ; At what time Sir John Herault , then Bayliffe of the Island , and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour ; not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal , made head against him . But this disgust was quickly over-blown ; and the Bailiffe for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office . This done , his fellow Ministers were called together , and he imparted unto them his instructions . All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction ( De la place ▪ excepted ) who much impatient ( as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us , as the losse of a possession ) to see himself deluded , forsook the Countrey . But to the Liturgie they thought they had no cause to give admission ; nay that they had good cause unto the contrary : viz. as not being desired by them in their addresse ; and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands : a thing also much stomacked and opposed by many learned men in England ; and not imposed as yet upon the Scots , which people in so many other particulars , had been brought unto conformity with the English . In the end , having fix moneths allowed them to deliberate , frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt ; they were content to bend and yeeld unto it , upon such qualifications of it , as in the instructions were permitted . A duty carelesly discharged and as it were by halfs , by many of them ; those viz of the ancient breed , which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabrick of devotion : but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing , as having good acquaintance with it here in England ; and not possessed with any contrary opinion , whereby it might be prejudiced . And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of ●his Majesty ; and to restore unto the Island , the ancient face and being of a Church : but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon . But long it was not , ere this also was effected : and a fixt Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical . Which what it is , by what means it was agreed on , how crossed , and how established ; his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us : and to them wholly I referre the honour of the relation . CHAP. VII . The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey : together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same . JAMES by the grace of God King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , defender of the faith , &c. To our right trusty and well beloved Counseller the reverend father in God Lancelot Bishop of Winton , and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight , Governour of the Isle of Jarsey ; and to the Governour of the said Isle for the time being , and to the Bailiffe and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being ; to whom it shall or may appertain , Greeting . Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place , in the interim , untill we might be fully informed what Lawes , Canons , or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiasticall , appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ; to command the said Bishop of Winton , Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David Bandinell now Dean of the same Island , to exercise the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction there according to certain instructions signed with our royall hand , to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions , Rules , Canons and Ordinances , as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiasticall causes , conformed to the Ecclesiasticall government established in our Realm of England , as near as conveniently might be . And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was , that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might , after such authority given unto him as aforesaid , and after his arrivall into that Island , and the publick notice given of that his admission unto the said office , should together with the Ministers of this our Island , consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomodated to the circumstances of time , and place , and persons whom they concern ; and that the same should be put in good order , and intimated by the Governour , Bailiffe and Jurates of that our Island ; that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions , and give such reformations touching the same , as they should think good . And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons , and presented the same unto us on the one part , and on the other part the said Bailiffe and Jurates excepting against the same , did send and depute Sir Philip de Carteret Knight , Jeshuah de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires , three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle ; all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers , the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England , and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton , to whom we granted commission to examine the same ; who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large , read and examined , corrected and amended the said Canons , and have now made report unto us under their hands , that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Dean of our Island , they have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall , into such order , as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island . Know ye therefore , that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions , especialy affecting the peace of the Church , and the establishment of true Religion , and Ecclesiasticall discipline , in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions , so happily united under us as their Supreme Governor on earth in all causes , as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill : Having taken consideration of the said Canons and Constitutions thus drawn as aforesaid , do by these deputies ratifie , confirme and approve thereof . And farther , we out of our Princely power and regall authority , do by these Patents signed and sealed with our royall Signet , for us , our heirs and successors , will with our royall hand , and command that these Canons and Constitutions hereafter following , shall from henceforth in all points be duly observed in our said Isle , for the perpetuall government of the said Isle in causes Ecclesiasticall ; unlesse the same , or some part or parts thereof , upon further experience and tryall thereof by the mutuall consent of the Lord Bishop of Winton for the time being , the Governour , Bailiffs and Jurates of the said Isle , and of the Dean , and Ministers , and other our Officers in the said Isle for the time being , representing the body of our said Isle , and by the royall authority of us , our heirs and successors shall receive any additions or alterations as time and occasion shall justly require . And therefore we do farther will and command the said Right reverend father in God Lancelot now Lord Bishop of Winton , that he do forthwith , by his Commission under his Episcopall seal , as Ordinary of the place , give authority unto the said now Dean to exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in our said Isle , according to the said Canons and Constitutions thus made and established , as followeth . Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall , treated , agreed on , and established for the Isle of Jarsey . CHAP. I. Of the Kings Supremacy , and of the Church . Article I. 1. AS our duty to the Kings most excellent Majesty requireth , it is first ordained , That the Dean and Ministers having care of souls , shall to the utmost of their power , knowledge and learning , purely and sincerely , without any backwardnesse or dissimulation , teach , publish and declare , as often as they may , and as occasion shall present it self ; that all strange , usurped and forain power ( for as much as it hath no gound by the law of God ) is wholly , as for just and good causes taken away and abolished ; and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within any of his Majesties Realms and Dominions , is due unto any such forain power ; but that the Kings power within his Realms of England , Scotland and Ireland , and all other his Dominions and Countries , is the highest power under God , to whom all men , as well inhabitants , as born within the same , do by Gods Law owe most loyalty and obedience , afore and above all other power and Potentates in the earth . II. 2. Whosoever shall affirme and maintain that the Kings Majesty hath not the same authority in causes Ecclesiasticall , that the godly Princes had amongst the Jews and the Christian Emperours in the Church primitive , or shall impeach in any manner the said Supremacy in the said causes . III. IV. 3. Also whosoever shall affirme that the Church of England as it is established under the Kings Majesty is not a true and Apostolicall Church , purely teaching the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles . 4. Or shall impugne the Government of the said Church by Archbishops , Bishops and Deans , affirming it to be Antichristian , shall be ipso facto Excommunicated , and not restored but by the Dean sitting in his Court , after his repentance and publick recantation of his errour . CHAP. II. Of Divine Service . Article I. 1. IT is injoyned unto all sorts of people that they submit themselves to the Divine service contained in the book of Common prayers of the Church of England . And for as much as concerns the Ministers , that they observe with uniformity the said Liturgie without addition or alteration ; and that they fu●ler not any Conventicle or Congregation to make a sect apart by themselves , or to distract the Government Ecclesiasticall established in the Church . II. 2. The Lords day shall be sanctified by the exercises of publick prayer , and the hearing of Gods word . Every one also shall be bounden to meet together at an hour convenient , and to observe the order and decency in that case requisite ; being attentive to the reading or preaching of the Word ; kneeling on their knees during the Prayers , and standing up at the Belief ; and shall also 〈◊〉 their consent in saying Amen . And further , during any part of Divine service the Church-wardens shall not suffer any interruption or impeachment to be made by the insolence and practice of any person , either in the Church or Church-yard . III. 3. There shall be publick exercise in every Parish on Wednesdays and Fridays in the morning , by reading the Common prayers . IV. 4. When any urgent occasion shall require an extraordinary Fast , the Dean with the advice of his Ministers shall give notice of it to the Governour and Civill Magistrate ; to the end , that by their authority and consent it may be generally observed , for the appeasing of the wrath and indignation of the Lord by true and serious repentance . CHAP. III. Of Baptism . THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be administred in the Church with fair water according to the institution of Jesus Christ , and without the limitation of any dayes . No man shall delay the bringing of his child to Baptism longer then the next Sunday or publick Assembly , if it may conveniently be done . No person shall be admitted to be a Godfather , unlesse he hath received the Lords Supper ; nor shall women alone ( viz. without the presence of a man among them ) be admitted to be Godmothers . CHAP. IV. Of the Lords Supper . Article I. 1. THe Lords Supper shall be administred in every Church four times a year ; whereof one to be at Easter , and the other at Christmas ; and every Minister in the administration of it , shall receive the Sacrament himself , and after give the Bread and wine to each of the Communicants , using the words of the institution of it . II. 2. The Masters and Mistresses of Families shall be admonished and enjoyned to cause their children and Servants to be instructed in the knowledge of their salvation ; and to this end shall take care to send them to the ordinary Catechizing . CHAP. V. Of Marriage . Article I. 1. NO man shall marry contrary to the degrees prohibited in the word of God , according as they are expressed in a table made for that purpose in the Church of England , on pain of nullity and censure . II. 2. The Banes of the parties shall be asked three Sundays successively in the Churches of both parties ; and they of the Parish where the Marriage is not celebrated , shall bring an attestation of the bidding of their Banes in their own Parish . Neverthelesse in lawfull cases there may be a Licence or dispensation of the said Banes , granted by the authority of the Dean , and that upon good caution taken , that the parties are at liberty . III. 3. No separation shall be made a thoro & mensa , unlesse in case of Adultery , cruelty , and danger of life duly proved ; and this at the sole instance of the parties . As for the maintenance of the woman during her divorce , he shall have recourse to the Secular power . CHAP. VI. Of Ministers . Article I. 1. NO man that is unfit to teach , or not able to preach the word of God shall be admitted to any Benefice within the Isle , or which hath not received imposition of hands , and been ordained according to the forme used in the Church of England . II. 2. None of them , either Dean or Minister , shall at the same time hold two Benefices , unlesse it be in time of vacancy ; and only the Natives of the Isle shall be advanced to these preferments . III. 3. The Ministers every Sunday after morning prayer , shall expound some place of holy Scripture ; and in the afternoon , shall handle some of the points of Christian Religion , contained in the Catechism in the Book of Common-prayers . IV. 4 ▪ In their Prayers they shall observe the titles due unto the King , acknowledging him the Supreme governour under Christ , in all causes , and over all persons as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill : recommending unto God the prosperity of his person and royall posterity . V. 5. Every Minister shall carefully regard that modesty and gravity of apparell which belongs unto his function ; and may preserve the honour due unto his person ; and shall be also circumspect in the whole carriage of their lives to keep themselves from such company , actions and haunts , which may bring unto them any blame or blemish . Nor shall they dishonour their calling by Gaming , Alehouses , Usuries , guilds , or occupations not convenient for their function ; but shall endevor to excell all others in purity of life , in gravity and virtue . VI. 6. They shall keep carefully a Register of Christnings , Marriages and Burials , and shall duely publish upon the day appointed to them the Ordinances of the Courts , such as are sent unto them , signed by the Dean , and have been delivered to them fifteen dayes before the publication . VII . 7. The Ministers shall have notice in convenient time of such Funerals as shall be in their Parishes ; at which they shall assist , and shall observe the forme prescribed in the book of Common-prayers . No man shall be interred within the Church , without the leave of the Minister , who shall have regard unto the quality and condition of the persons , as also unto those which are benefactours unto the Church . CHAP. VII . Of the Dean . Article I. 1. THe Dean shall be a Minister of the word , being a Master of the Arts or Graduate at the least in the Civill Lawes , having ability to exercise that office ; of good life and conversation , as also well affected to Religion , and the service of God. II. 2. The Dean in all causes handled at the Court , shall demand the advice and opinion of the Ministers which shall then be present . III. 3. There shall appertain unto him the cognisance of all matters which concern the service of God , the preaching of the Word , the administration of the Sacraments , Matrimoniall causes , the examination and censure of all Papists , Recusants , Hereticks , Idolaters , and Schismaticks , persons perjured in causes Ecclesiasticall ; Blasphemers , those which have recourse to Wizards , incestuous persons , Adulterers , Fornicators , ordinary drunkards , and publick profaners of the Lords day ; as also the profanation of the Churches and Church-yards , misprisions and offences committed in the Court , or against any officers thereof in the execution of the mandats of the Court ; and also of Divorces and separations a thoro & mensa ; together with a power to censure and punish them according unto the Lawes Ecclesiasticall , without any hindrance to the power of the Civill Magistrate in regard of temporall correction for the said crimes . IV. 4. The Dean accompanied with two or three of the Ministers , once in two years shall visite every Parish in his own person , and shall take order , that there be a Sermon every visitation day , either by himself , or some other by hi 〈…〉 appointed . Which Visitation shall be made for the ordering of all things appertaining to the Churches , in the service of God , and the administration of the Sacraments ; as also that they be provided of Church-wardens , that the Church and Church-yards , and dwellings of the Ministers be kept in reparations . And farther , he shall then receive information of the said Church-wardens , or in their default of the Ministers , of all offences and abuses which need to be reformed ; whether in the Minister , the officers of the Church , or any other of the Parish . And the said Dean in li●● of the said visitation , shall receive 4 s. pay out of the Treasures of the Church for every time . V. 5. In the vacancy of any Benefice either by death or otherwise , the Dean shall give present order , that the profits of it be sequestred ; to the end , that out of the revenue of it , the Cure may be supplyed ; as also that the widow and children of the deceased may be satisfied according to the time of his service , and the custome of the Isle ; excepting such necessary deductions as must be made for dilapidations in case any be . He shall also give convenient time to the widow of the deceased , to provide her of an house , and shall dispose the residue unto the next Incumbent ; for which the Sequestrator shall be accomptant . VI. 6. In the same case of vacancy , if within six months the Governour do not present a Clerk unto the Reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton , or if that See be void , to the most Reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury , to be admitted and instituted to the said Benefice ; then shall the Dean give notice of the time of the vacancy unto the said Lords the Bishop and Archbishop , whereby it is in the lapse , that so it may be by them collated . And then if any one be offered to them , the Dean shall give a testimony of the Demeanure and sufficiency of the party to be approved by them , before he put him into actuall possession of the said Benefice . VII . 7. The Dean shall have the Registring and Probate of Testaments ; which be approved by the seal of his office , and afterwards enregistred . He shall also have the registring of the Inventories of the moveable goods of Orphanes , which he shall carefully record , to give copies of them at all times , and as often as he is required . Also he shall give letters of administration of the goods of Intestates , dying without heirs of their body to the next of kindred . VIII . 8. They which have the keeping of the Will , whether he be Heir , Executor , or any other , shall transcribe and bring it unto the Dean within one moneth ; in default whereof he shall be brought by processe into the Court , and be constrained to pay double charges . And the said Dean for the said Testaments , Inventories and Letters of administration , shall have such fees , as are specified in a Table for this purpose . IX . 9. All legaoies moveable , made unto the Church , the Ministers , Schools , or to the poor , shall be of the cognisance of the Dean , but upon any opposition made concerning the validity of the Will , the Civill Courts shall determine of it between parties . X. 10. It shall appertain unto the Dean to take cognisance of all detention of tithes consecrated to the Church , of what kinde so ever they be , which have been payed unto the Ministers , and which they have enjoyed or had in possession for the space of forty years ; and every person convicted of withholding or fraudulently detaining the said tithes , shall be adjudged to make restitution , and shall pay the cost and charges of the party . And for the preservation of all rights , tithes , rents , lands and possessions belonging to the Church , there shall be a Terrice made by the Bailiffe and Justices assisted by the Dean and the Kings Atturney . XI . 11. The Dean shall have also power to make a Deputy or Commissary which shall supply the place and office of the Dean , as far as his Commission shall extend ; whereof there shall be an authentick copy in the rails of the said Court. CHAP. VIII . Of the Overseers or Church wardens . Article I. 1. THe next week after Easter , the Minister and people of every parish shall make choice of two to be Church-wardens , discreet men , of good life and understanding , able to read and write , if such may be had . But if the people cannot agree on such a choice , then shall the Minister name one and the Parishioners another , by the major part of their voices ; which two shall be after sworn in the next Court , and there advertised of their duties . II. 2. Their duty shall be to see that the Churches and Church-yards be not abused by any profane and unlawfull actions ; as also not to suffer any excommunicated person to come into the Church , after the sentence hath been published in that Parish ; they shall also carefully present from time to time those which neglect the publick exercises of Divine service , and the administration of the Sacraments ; and genenerally all crimes of Ecclesiasticall cognisance ; which said presentations they shall exhibite under their hands ; nor shall they be constrained to present above twice a year . III. 3. They shall have care particularly that the Churches be well repaired , and the Church-yard well fenced ; and shall see that all things appertaining to the Church , the administration of the word and Sacraments , from time to time may be provided . As viz. a Bible of the best translation , and the largest letter ; the book of Common-prayers both for the Minister , as also for the Clerk or Sexton of the Parish ; one Parchment book to Register the Christnings , Marriages and Burials ; a decent Communion table , with a Carpet to cover it during Divine service ; the Fonts for Baptism , cups and vessels dedicated to that use , together with a fair linnen cloth , and a coffer wherein to put the said utensils ; also a trunk or chest for the peoples alms , a cloth and cushion for the pulpit . They shall also provide bread and wine for the the Communion ; and shall see that the seats and benches be well fitted for the conveniency of the Minister and of the people , with the advice and counsell of the Ministers , and shall look to the ●ents and revenues of the Churches treasure . IV. 4. The said Church-wardens shall be enjoyned to keep a good and true accompt both of their disbursments or receipts , and of the employment which they have made of the money issuing out of the Church treasury , which shall from time to time be published according to the custome , and of that also which is remaining in the hands of them , or of the Overseers of the poor . They shall employ the said treasure in things necessary and fitting for the Church and the common good , guiding themselves by the direction of their Minister , and the principall of the parish in such extraordinary matters as concern the Parish . In case of publick businesse , the assembly of the Estates shall prescribe them , what they think expedient for the common profit ; and before they quit their charge , they shall give notice to the Parishioners in the Easter week to hear thier accounts , which shall passe under the hands of the Minister and the chief of the Parish ; if any of the said Parishioners or others shall refuse to pay the moneys which they owe to the said treasury ; the said Church-wardens and Overseers or any of them , shall prosecute the law against them . In case of any controversie about the said accounts or abuse to be reformed , the Dean and Minister of the Parish where the said controversie or abuse shall be , together with the Bailiffe and Justices shall determine of it as is most convenient . V. 5. The said Church-wardens on the Sunday during Divine service shall search in places suspected for games or riot , and having the Constables for their assistants , shall search also into Alehouses , and houses of misdemeanor . VI. 6. They shall be carefull , that there be no detention or concealment of any thing appertaining to the Church , and shall also seise into their hands all goods and legacies moveable given unto the Church , or to the poor , according to the custome of the Country . CHAP. IX . Of the Collectors and Sides-men . THere shall be two Collectors for the poor appointed in every Parish , which also shal discharge the place of Sides-men or Assistants ; who shall be chosen as the Church-wardens are , and shall take an oath to carry themselves well in the said office , and to give an account of their Stewardship twice a year , before the Minister and the Parishioners , viz. at Easter and at Michaelmas . CHAP. X. Of Clerks and Sextons . Article I. 1. THe Clerks and Sextons of Parishes shall be chosen by the Minister and the principall of the Parish ; men of the age of twenty years at the least , of good life and conversation , able to read fairly , distinctly , and understandingly , and to write also , and fitted somewhat for the singing of the Psalmes , if it may be . II. 2. Their charge is , by the ringing of a Bell , to call the people to Divine service , and the hearing of the Word , at the proper and ordinary hours ; to keep the Church locked and clean , as also the Pulpit and the seats , to lay up the Books and other things belonging to the Church committed to their trust , to provide water against the Christnings , to make such proclamations as are enjoyned them by the Court or by the Minister . And shal receive their stipend and wages by the contribution of the Parishioners , be it in Corn or money , according to the custome of the place . CHAP. XI . Of School masters . Article I. 1. THere shall be a School master in every Parish , chosen by the Minister , Church wardens , and other principall persons therein , and afterwards presented unto the Dean to be licenced thereunto . Nor shall it be lawfull for any one to take upon him this charge , not being in this manner called unto it . The Ministers shall have the charge of visiting the Schooles , to exhort the Masters to their duty . II. 2. They shall accustome themselves with diligence and painfulnesse to teach the children to read and to write , to say their prayers and to answer in the Catechismes ; they shall instruct them in good manners , they shall bring them unto Sermons , and to Common-prayers , and there see them quietly and orderly demean themselves . CHAP. XII . Of the Court Ecclesiasticall . Article I. 1. THe Court shall be holden every Munday in the year , observing the same vacations as the Courts Civill . II. 2. At every Session , in the beginning of it , the names of the Assessors shall be inrolled , the day , the moneth and the year , and the decrees perused . III. 3. After judgment and sentence given in the main matter , the costs of the parties , and the wages of the officers shall be awarded by censure Ecclesiastick . IV. 4. There shall be two Procters duely sworn unto the Court , to the end , the people may proceed formally and juridically , without any confusion or surprise . And the Register ( being also sworn ) shall faithfully record the sentences pronounced , and give copies of the Acts to such as do require it . V. 5. The Kings Atturney , or in his absence the Solliciter , shall be assistant in the Court from time to time in the awarding of punishment , or censure upon all causes of crime and scandall . VI. 6. For the serving of citation and summons , the Dean shall swear the Sextons of every Parish , together with an Apparitour , which shall truly discharge themselves in giving copies of the originall proces and citation unto those whom it concerns , or in the absence of the party , to his servants . In which proces and citations , the causes of their appearance shall be expressed . VII . 7. If the party will not be found , as either hiding himself , or using any other collusion , the citation shall be affixed ( in case that he have never an house ) on the Church door of the Parish where he dwelleth , and that upon a Sunday . VIII . 8. If it come unto the notice of the Dean by the report of honest men , that any one hath doth live notoriously scandalous , he shall advertise the Minister and Church-wardens of the Parish , to the end , that being thus informed , they may present such persons as merit to be punished , or censured . IX . 9. Upon good notice of a crime committed by any of the Ministers , the Dean after two warnings or admonitions , shall proceed to the reforming of him , by the advice and consent of two of his brethren , even unto suspension and sequestration . And in case he continue refractory , the Dean by the consent of the major part of Ministers , shall proceed to deprivation . X. 10. No commutation shall be made in lieu of penance , without great circumspection , and regard had unto the quality of the persons and circumstances of the crime . And the commutation shall be inrolled in the Acts of the Court , to be imployed upon the poor , and in pious uses ; whereof an account shall be given according to the Register . XI . 11. After the first default , the non-appearance of the party again cited shall be reputed as a contempt ; if being after peren ptorily cited he doth not appear , then shall they proceed against him by excommunication ; and if before the next Court day he endevour not to obtain absolution , they shall proceed to the publishing of the sentence of the minor excommunication , which shal be delivered to the Minister of the Parish to be read upon some solemn day and in the hearing of the greater part of the Parishioners . The party still continuing in his contumacy , they shall then proceed unto the major excommunication ; whereby he shall be excluded a sacris & societate fidelium . If this bring him not unto obedience and acknowledgement within the space of forty dayes , then shall the Dean by his certificate authentick give notice unto the Bailiff and Justices of the said contumacy , requiring their assistance to seise on him , and commit him prisoner to some sure place till he be humbled , and shall give surety that he will submit unto the ordinance of the Church ; and before that he be absolved , he shall be bound to defray the costs and charges of the suit . XII . 12 In cases of incontinency upon presentment of the Church-wardens , together with the probabilities of a common fame , scandall and presumptions in this case requisite , the party shall undergo the purgation upon oath , or else shall be reputed as convict . XIII . 13. In causes of Adultery , at the instance of the party , the proceedings shall go on advisedly by good proofs and informations , even to evidence of the crime objected ; and if the matter or evidence of fact be clear , they may proceed to separation a thoro & mensa . XIV . 14. He that shall offend in point of calumny and diffamation , shall make acknowledgment of the injury according to the exigence of the case , provided that the business be followed within the compasse of the year , and that the matter of it be of Ecclesiasticall cognisance in the crimes above recited . CHAP. XIII . Of Appeales . Article I. 1. APpeales in causes Ecclesiasticall shall be heard and determined by the reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton in person , and if that See be void , by the most reverend father in God , the Archbishop of Canterbury in person . II. 2. All Appeales shall be exhibited within fifteen dayes after notice taken of the sentence , and the party shall be constrained to take or write out the whole proces , at it is upon the Register or Rols of Court ; which Acts of the said Court shall be delivered to him in forme and time convenient , under the seal of the office , and the Appellant shall pursue the action within a year and a day , aut sententiae latae stare compellitur . III. 3. It shall not be lawfull to appeal untill after the definitive sentence , unlesse in these two cases , viz. either when the Interlocutory is such as puts an end unto the businesse , or else when the said interlocutory being obeyed brings such irreparable damage to the party , that he cannot help himself by his Appeal . A Table of the Fees appertaining to the Dean and his Officers in all causes Ecclesiasticall . FOr the proving of a Will where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of five pound . To the Dean o. To the Register for writing and recording it 6 d. For the approving of a Will above the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register or Notary 1 s. For a Letter of administration where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of 5 l. de elaro . To the Dean o. To the Register for writing it 6 d. For a Letter of administration above that value . To the Dean 1 s. To the Register 1 s. For the registring an Inventory of the goods of minors , where the said inventory exceedeth not the value of 5 l. To the Dean o. To the Register 4 d. For the registring of Inventories exceeding the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register 1 s. For an authentick copy of the said Wils , Inventories or Letters of administration . To the Dean for his seal 6 d. To the Register 6 d. For processe compulsory to bring in the Wils 1 s. For Licences of marriage . To the Dean 3 s. For the sequestration of the profits of a Benefice . To the Dean 6 s. For the induction of a Minister . To the Dean 3 s. For proces and citations . To the Dean 2 d. ob . To the Notary 1 d. d. To the Apparitor for serving the Proces and Citations 3 d. To the Sexton for serving a Citation within the Parish 1 d. d. For absolution from the minor excommunication . To the Dean 1 s. To the Notary 2 d ob . To the Apparitor 2 d. ●b . For absolution from the major excommunication . To the Dean 2 s. To the Notary 2 d. ob . To the Apparitor 6 d. In causes Litigious , the party overthrown shall pay the fees and duties of the Officers , and for the authentick writing . To the party 4 d. as also to every witnesse produced in Court 4 d. To the Proctors of the Court for every cause they plead 6 d. To the Notary for every instrument entred in the Court 1 d qa . To him for every first default in Court 1 d. qa . To him in case of contumacy 4 d. According whereunto it is ordained that neither the Dean nor his successors , nor any of his officers , either directly or indirectly , shall demand , exact , or receive of the Inhabitants of the said Isle , any other fees or duties , then such as are specified in the table above written . And it is further ordained , that whatsoever hath been done or put in execution in the said Isle , on any causes , and by virtue of any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , shall be forthwith abrogated ; to the end , that it may not be drawn into example by the said Dean , or any of his successors in the times to come , contrary to the tenure of these Canons at this present made and established ; but that all their proceedings be limited and fitted to the contents of the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall . Also that there be no hindrance or impeachment made by the Civill Magistrate unto the said Dean and his successors in the peaceable execution of the said jurisdiction contained in the said Canons , as being nothing prejudiciall to the priviledges and customes of the said Isle , from which it is not our purpose at all to derogate . Given ( as before said ) under our signet at our Court at Greenwich , on the last day of June , in the year of our Reign of England , France and Ireland , the one and twentieth , and of Scotland the six and fiftieth . CHAP. VIII . ( 1 ) For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey . ( 2 ) A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey . ( 3 ) The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England . ( 4 ) The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible . ( 5 ) The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration . ( 6 ) The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates . ( 7 ) Proposals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design . ( 8 ) The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship . The conclusion of the whole . Our return to England . I Now am come unto the fourth and last part of this discourse , intended once to have been framed by way of suit unto your Lordship , in the behalf of the other Island not yet weaned from the breasts of their late mother of Geneva . But finding that course not capable of those particulars which are to follow ; I chose rather to pursue that purpose by way of declaration . My scope and project , to lay before your Lordship such reasons which may encite you to make use of that favour which most worthily you have attained to with his Majesty , in the reduction of this Isle of Guernzey to that antient order by which it formerly was guided , and wherein it held most conformity with the Church of England . Before I enter on with argument , I shall remove a doubt which might be raised about this businesse ; as viz. For what cause his late most excellent Majesty proceeded to this alteration in one Island , not in both ; and being resolved to try his forces on the one only ; why he should rather sort out Jarsey . A doubt without great difficulty to be cleared . For had his Majesty attempted both at once , the Ministers of both Islands had then communicated counsels , banded themselves in a league , and by a mutuall encouragement continued more peremptory to their old Mumpsimus . It is an antient principle in the arts of Empire , Divide & impera ; and well noted by the State-historian , that nothing more advantaged the affaires of Rome in Britaine , then that the natives never met together to reason of the common danger . Ita dum singuli pugnabant , universi vincebantur . And on the other side his Majesty soresaw for certain , that if one Island once were taken off , the other might with greater ease be perswaded to conforme . Being resolved then to attempt them single , there was good reason why he should begin with Jarsey first , as unto which he was to send a new Governour , not yet ingaged unto a party , and pliable to his instructions . Whereas Sir Tho. Leighton still continued in his charge at Guernzey , who having had so main a hand in the introduction of the Plat-forme , could not be brought with any stomach to intend an alteration of his own counsels . But not to lose my self in the search of Princes counsels , which commonly are too far removed from vulgar eyes , let us content our selves with knowing the event ; which was , that by his means the Isle of Jarsey was reduced unto a Discipline conformable to that of England , and thereby an easie way for the reforming also that in Guernzey . For the accomplishment of which designe , may it please your Lordship to take notice of these reasons following , by which it is within my hopes , your Lordship possibly may be perswaded to deal in it . A Jove principium . And here ( as in a Christian duty I am bound ) I propose unto your Lordship in the first place , the honour which will redound unto the Lord in this particular , by the restoring of a Discipline unto the smallest Oratory of his Church , which you assure your self to be most answerable to his holy word , and to the practice of those blessed spirits the Apostles . For why may not I say unto your Lordship , as Mardochaus once to Hester , though the case be somewhat different , Who knoweth whether you be come unto these dignities , for such a time as this ? And why may it not be said of you even in the application unto this particular designment , That unto whom so much is given , of him also shall much be required ? Private exployts and undertakings are expected even from private persons . But God hath raised up you to publick honours , and therefore looks that you should honour him in the advancement and undertaking of such counsels as may concern his Church in publick . And certainly , if ( as I verily perswade my self ) your counsels tend unto the peace and glory of the Chureh ; the Church , I mean , whereof you are so principall a member : You shall not easily encounter with an object , whereon your counsels may be better busied . So strangely do these men disgrace your blessed Mother , and lay her glory in the dust . Two instances hereof I shall present unto your Lordship to set the better edge on your proceedings , though otherwise I had forborne to meddle with particulars . It pleased his Majesty for the assurance of these Islands , to send into each of them two Companies of Souldiers , which were equally distributed . But such was the peevish obstinacy of one of the Ministers of this Guernzey , that he would not allow their Minister to read prayers unto them in his Church , at such times when himself and people did not use it . At last on much entreaty he was contented to permit it , but with expresse condition , that he should not either read the Litany , or administer the Communion . Since when , as often as they purpose to receive the Sacrament , they have been compelled to ferry over to the Castle , and in the great hall there celebrate the holy Supper . As little is our Church beholding to them in her Festivals , as in her Liturgie . For whereas , at the Town of St. Peters on the Sea , they have a Lecture every Thursday , upon which day the Feast of Christs Nativity was solemnized with us in England , anno 1623. the same party chose rather to put off the Sermon for that time , then that any the smal lest honour might reflect upon the day . O curvae in terris animae , & coelestium inanes . An opposition far more superstitious then any ceremony , observation of a day , though meerly Jewish . Next to the honour due to God and to his Church , is that which all of us are obliged to tender to our Princes , as being Gods by office , and nursing fathers of that Church whereof they are . Therefore I represent in the next rank unto your Lordship a consideration of the honour which you shall here in do unto your Kings . To the one , your late Master of happy memory , who gave you first his hand to guide you unto greatnesse , in the pursuit of his intendments . So glorious were the purposes of that Heroick Prince , for the secure and flourishing tranquillity of Gods holy Church , that certainly it were impiety if any of them be permitted to miscarry . To the other our now gratious Soveraign , who hath doubled the promotions conferred upon you by his father ; in being an author to him of those thoughts which may so much redound unto his glory ; the rather , because , in case his Majesty should find a time convenient to go forward in his Fathers project , of reducing all the Churches Protestant unto one Discipline and Liturgie ; there might not an objection thwart him , drawn from home . Otherwise it may perhaps be unto him by some of those which do not fan●● the proposall as Demades once to Philip , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. That first he might do well to compose the differences in his own dominions , b 〈…〉 re he motion a consormity to others . At the least , he may be sure to look for this reply from Scotland , when ever he proposeth to them the same businesse . The Ministers of Jarsey , a before I have shown your Lordship , denyed admission to the book of Common-prayer , as not imposed upon the Scots ; 〈◊〉 better reason may the Scots refuse to entertain it , as not imposed on those of Gu●●zey . Besides the honour due to God , the Church , and to the King , there is an honour next in order to the calling of the Priest . A calling , as much stomached in generall by all that party , so most especially reviled by those amongst our selves for Antichristian , tyrannous , a divelish ordinance a bastardly government , and the like . Nor do I think that those of Guernzey are better affected to it , though more moderate in professing their dislike : for did they but approve the hierarchy of Bishops , they would not then proceed so unwarrantably as now they do , in the ordination of their Ministers . I cal it unwarrantable proceeding , because the lawful and ordinary door of entrance unto the Ministery , was never shut unto this people ; and therefore their preposterous entry upon this sacred calling , either by the back-door or by the window , the more unanswerable . Whereas it may be pleaded in the behalf of those in some parts beyond the seas , that they could not meet with any Bishops which would give them ordination , unlesse they would abjure the Gospell as they then profest it , and therefore that necessity compelled them to the private way of imposing hands on one another . In which particular , the case of some reformed Churches , may not unfitly be resembled unto that of Scipio , as it is related to us in the third book of Valerius Max. cap. 7. upon some want of money for the furtherance of the necessary affaires of state , he demanded a supply from the common treasury . But when the Questor pretending that it was against the Lawes , refused to open it , himself a private person , seised the Keyes , Patefacto aerario legem utilitati cedere coegit ; and over-ruled the Law by the advancement of the Weal publick . In like manner ( which is I think the most and best that can be said in this behalf ) to promote the reformation of Religion , many good men made suit to be supplyed out of the common treasury , to be admitted to the preaching of the word according to the ordinary course of ordination ; which when it was denied them by the Questors or Prelates of those dayes ; they chose rather to receive it at the hands of private and inferior Priests , then that the Church should be unfurnished . This may be said for them , which in excuse of those of Guernzey can never be alleadged ; whose continuall recourse unto these private keyes is done upon no other reason then a dislike of that high calling to which your Lordship is advanced ; which therefore you are bound , if not to punish in them , yet to rectifie . Two other reasons yet there are which may invite your Lordship to this undertaking , though not so weighty or of that importance as the former . The one , that the remainders of that party here at home , may not be hardned in their obstinacy ; the other , that those of Jarsey , be not discouraged in their submission and conformity . I have already shewn unto your Lordship , that the brethren here in England , never made head against the Church , till the permission of plat-forme in these Islands . After which , with what violence they did assaile the hierarchy , what clamorus they continually raised against the Prelates , what superstitions and impieties they imputed to our Liturgy ; notius est quam ut stylo egeat , is too wel known to be related . If so , then questionless it cannot but confirme them in their new devices , to see them still permitted to this Isle . Nor can they think themselves but wronged , that still they are contrould and censured for the maintenance of that discipline , which is by Soveraign authority allowed and licensed ; though in other places , yet in the same dominions . And on the other side , your Lordship may conceive how just a cause of discontent and of repining it may be to those of Jarsey ; when they shall dayly hear it thundred from the Coasts of France , that faintly they have sold themselves to bondage ; whereas the faithfull zelots in the Isle of Guernzey , doe still preserve themselves in liberty . Vel ne●trum flammis ure , velure duos , as the Lover in Ausonius . From my first rank of motives here presented to your Lordship , which I may most properly call motives necessary , and in respect unto the cause ; I come next to those of an other quality , which I call motives of conveniency , and in relation to the time . For questionlesse the time is at this present more convenient for the accomplishment of this work , then ever we may hope to see hereafter ; whether we consider it in reference unto our Kingdome , or to the Discipline it self , or to the Governour , or to the people of both sorts , the Clergy and the Magistrates . For first , there is at this instant , an established peace between it and France , concluded on while we were in these Islands , and published immediately on our coming home ; which Realm only carryeth a covetous and watchfull eye upon those Islands . Were it between us , as it lately was , nothing but wars and depredations ; ●he alteration then perhaps might be unsafe , it being alwayes dangerous to discontent or charge that Nation , upon whose loyalty we must rely . Nor can I tell unto what desperate and undutifull practises , the furious heat of some few Preachers may possibly excite a multitude ; when come the worst that can , there is an enemy at hand that will subscribe to any articles . But now t is peace , and how long peace will hold , is not easie to determine , depending as it doth , upon the will and pleasure of another . If , in the second place , we look upon the Discipline it self , we shall find it well prepared , and ready for a change . For whereas it is ordered in their Canons ( if I so may call them ) that the errours of the Consistory shall be corrected by the Colloquie those of the Colloquie , by the Synod ; by the departure of Jarsey from them , they have no way of further Synods , and therefore no redresse of grivances . So then either the sentence of the Colloquie must be unalterable , which is expresly contrary to the platforme ; or else there must be granted some other jurisdiction to have power above them , whereby their censures may be moderated . The first of these would estate their Colloquies in a tyranny more prevalent and binding , then the chair of Rome so much complained of . The other openeth a way for the entrance of Episcopall authority , for the admission of Appeals , for the directions of their proceedings . Add hereunto , that at this time they have a noble Governour , no friend I am assured to any of that party ; and such a one which gladly would resign those rights of old belonging to the Deanry , when ever it shall please his Majesty to restore that dignity unto the Island . A Peer so perfectly known unto your Lordship and to all the Kingdom , that I need not say more of him , then that which once Velleius did of Junius Blaesus , Vir nescias an utilior Castris , vel melior toga . It were a matter of no ordinary study to determine , whether he be more able in the Campe or Senate . But in alterations , such as these , the fancy and affection of the people is principally to be attended , as those whom such mutations most properly concern ; wherein I find all things made ready to your Lordships hand , if you vouchsafe to set it forwards . The Magistrates and more understanding people of the Isle , offended with the severe and unsociable carriage of the Consistories , especially of late , since the unlimited Empire of the Colloquie hath made that government unsufferable . Before they had enough to keep themselves from censure , and their houses from the diligence of Consistoriall spies ; when yet there was an higher Court wherein there was some hope of remedy . But there being none to appeal from in the Consistory , but those which wil condemn them in the Colloquie , they undergo the yoak with much clamour , but with more stomach . A stomach which estsoones they spare not to disgorge upon them , as often , viz. as they come within the compasse of their Courts , either in way of punishment or censure . On the other side the Ministers exclaime against the Magistrates , as presuming too far above their latchet ; pretending that by them their Discipline hath been infringed , their priviledges violated , and their Ministery interrupted . Matters that have not been repined at only in a corner , but publickly presented as on the Theater , and complained of to their Governours . For at my Lord of Danbies being there , they articled against the Magistrates for invading the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ; as viz. that they take upon them to dissolve contracts made in the presence of the Minister , and with an invocation of the name of God , which in judgment of the Discipline ( Chap. 12. 1. ) are undissoluble . That they had intermedled with the administration of holy Baptisme , a duty meerly spirituall . That they had seised upon the treasures of the Church in some places , and disposed of them at their pleasure . That they had caused the Ministers to be imprisoned , and there detained them for a long time , to their great discomfort , and the hazard of their flooks . And lastly that they had deprived them of the liberty of Natives in denying them their suffrages for the election of the Curates . Other grievances there were , but these the principall . True it is , that upon due examination of particulars , it did appear that the Magistrates had more reason in their actions , then the Ministers in their complaints . But not having been accustomed to the like usage , they do esteem it a thraldome so incompetent and unsupportable , that I perswade my self they sooner would resolve to yeeld to any course , then have their doings croft by that tribunall . Sure I am , when they found so small redresse for these ( as they conceived ) great oppressions , they made petition to his Lordship to bethink himself on some other way for their relief , and laboured to procure me to be their Mediator to his Lordship in it . These circumstances also happily concurring , portend , in my opinion , as great an alteration in this state Ecclesiasticall , as the conjunction of some powerfull Planets doth sometimes upon the temporall . And if your Lordship should be wanting now unto present opportunity , it may be such a confluence of preparatives and helps may hardly be met withall hereafter . Presuming therefore , that your Lordship will not neglect the advantage offered , I should next proceed unto those means which might best be used in the effecting of this work ; but what were this but to read a lecture of the wars to Hannibal , to play a part on the Stage in the sight of Roscius ? For whether your Lordship shall think most fit to treat first of it with my Lord the Governour , that he may make plain the way before you , and facilitate the businesse ; or whether it may be thought most proper , that some negotiate with the people and the Jurates , to commence a suit in this behalf unto the Councell ; or whether that the Ministers themselves , in this conjuncture of time , oppressed , as they conceive it , by the Civill Magistrates encroaching on them , may not with great facility be perswaded to sollicite for a change ; who can so well determine as your Lordship , whom long experience and naturall abilities have made perfect in these arts ? Only let me beseech your Lordships leave to enjoy mine own folly , and for a while to act my part , to read my lecture , though Hannibal and Roscius be in presence . At such time as by the Ministers his Lordship was petitioned to resolve upon some course for their relief ; they made request to me to sollicite for them their desires , to be a remembrancer for them to his Lordship . To which I answered , that I could direct them in a way which should for ever free them from that yoak which so much they feared , and if they would vouchsafe to see my Chamber , I would there impart it . A motion not made unto the wals , or lost in the proposall ; for down unto my Lodging they descended , and there we joyned our selves in Councell . The Petitioners were five in number , viz. De la March , Millet , Perchard , Picote , and De la Place ; my self alone , and not provided ( save in Wine and Sider ) for their entertainment . But as Lactantius in an equall case , Necesse est , ut me causae bonitas fac●at eloquentem ; presuming on the goodnesse of my cause , but more upon their ignorance , I was resolved to bid them battail . Immediately upon the opening of the Counsell , I was importuned my opinion ; whereto I freely made them answer , the only course whereby they might subsist entire and free from bondage , was to address themselves to his Majesty for the restitution of the Dean . But this say they is Physick worse then the disease ; and thereupon the battails began to joyn with greater violence ; with violence it was , and therefore ( as we are instructed in Philosophy ) of no long continuance ; for presently upon the first encounter their ranks were broken , and their forces disunited . Picote for his part protested , that he had alwayes been an enemy to Lay Elders , and that he could not see by what authority of Scripture they were permitted in the Churches . Perchard was well enough content , that the dispensing of the poor mans box might be committed unto others , and that the Deacons as being a degree or step unto the Ministery , might be employed about the treasures of salvation . Millet stood silent all the while , and as I think reserved himself to try the fortune of another day . De la March and De la Place ( this De la Place is he who abandoned Jarsey upon his failing of the Deanship ) what they could not make good by reason , supplied by obstinacy . In my life I never knew men more willing to betray a cause , or lesse able to maintain it . My inference hereupon is this , that if his Majesty should signifie unto them , that it is his royall pleasure to admit a Dean among them , or else repair unto the Court to give a reason of their refusall ; they sooner would forsake and quit their cause , then either be resolved to agree about it , or venture to defend it . If I were sure to make no use of Logick , till these men shal run the hazard of a disputation , I would presently go and burn my Aristotle . To draw unto an end , for I have been too tedious to your Lordship . Before I pluck off my disguise and leave the stage whereon I act , I could me thinks add somewhat here about the choicing of a man most fit for this authority . In which particular , as I stand well affected to Perchard , for a moderate and quiet man , so hath he also a good repute in all the Island , both for his vein of Preaching , his liberall hospitality , and plausible demeanor . Or if your Lordship think a forainer more fit , there being now the Parish of St. Saviours void , and so full room for that induction , I durst propose to you Olivier of Jarsey ; a man which I perswade my self , I may say safely , not inferiour unto any of both Islands in point of Scholarship , and well affected to the English form of Government . Add to this that already he is acquainted with the nature of the place , as having executed the office of the Commissary or Subdean , ever since the introduction of the charge , and therefore not to seek in the managing and cariage of his jurisdiction . But good God! what follies do we dayly run into , when we conceive our selves to be disguised , and that our actions are not noted ? It is therefore high time for me to unmaske my self , and humbly crave your Lordships pardon , that under any habit I should take upon me to advise . A further plaudite then this I do not seek for , then that you will vouchsafe to excuse my boldnesse , though not allow it : the rather because a zeal unto the beauteous uniformity of the Church did prompt me to it . But this , and this discourse , such as it is , I consecrate unto your Lordship ; for whose honour , next under Gods , I have principally pursued this argument . For my self , it will be unto me sufficient glory , that I had any , though the least , hand in such a pious work ; and shall be happy , if in this , or in any other your Lordships counsels for the Churches peace , I may be worthy of imployment . Nor need your Lordship fear , that in the prosecution of this project , you may be charged with an innovation . To pursue this purpose is not to introduce a novelty but to restore a Discipline , to revive the perfect service of God , which so long hath been , to say the best of it , in a Lethargy , and to make the Jerusalem of the English Empire , like a City which is at unity within it self . Sic nova dum condis , revocas ( vir summe ) priord ; Debentur quae sunt , quaeque fuere tibi . Si priscis servatur honos te Praeside , templis ; Et casa tam culto sub Jove numen habet . It is now time to acquaint your Lordship with the successe and safety of our return ; all things being done and fully setled for the peace and security of those Islands , which was the only cause of our voyage thither . Concerning which , your Lordship may be pleased to know in a word , that the crossnesse of the winds and roughnesse of the water , detained us some dayes longer in Castle Cornet , then we had intended ; but at the last , on Thursday Aprill 2. being Maundy Thursday , anno 1629. we went aboard our Ships , and hoised sail for England . It was full noon before we were under sail , and yet we made such good way , that at my waking the next morning , we were come neer the Town of Peal , and landed safely the same day in the Bay of Teichfeild , where we first took Ship ; his Lordship being desirous to repose himself with the said Mr. Bromfeild , till the Feast of Easter being passed over might render him more capable to pursue his Journey . And now I am safely come into my Countrey , where according to the custome of the Antients , I offer up my thanksgiving to the God of the waters , and testifie before his Altars the gratefull acknowledgement of a safe voyage and a prosperous return , blessings which I never merited . — Me tabula sacer Votiva paries indicat uvida Suspendisse potenti Vestimenta maris Deo. The End of the Last Book , and the Second Journey . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43553-e330 P. 4. l. 27. P. 5. l. 10. Ibid. l. 17. P. 7. l. 26. P. 8. l. 17. P. 34 l. 2. P. 125 l. 25. P. 164. l. 1. P. 207. l. 38. P. 243. l. 1. Notes for div A43553-e9190 Hard was his heart , as brasse , which first did venture In a weak ship , on the rough Seas to enter . Notes for div A43553-e16610 He that doth only kisse , and doth no more , Deserves to lose the kisses given before . Leaving their native soil , they sought through Gaul A place to build a City , and a wall , And call'd themselves Parisians ; which in Greek Doth note a prompt audacity to speak . And since the Fens , and clammy soil did make Their City dirty : for that reasons sake , The Town , the name Lutetia did take . Too facile souls , which think such hainous matters Can be aboliz'd by the river waters . As Ovid. The Archer god , who ere that present tide Nere us'd those armes , but against the Roes and Deer , With thousand shafts , the earth made to be died With Serpents bloud , his quiver emptied cleer . Notes for div A43553-e35450 Unhair'd , pale-fac'd , her eyes sunk in her head , Lips hoary-white , and teeth most rustie-red , Through her course skin , her guts you might espie , In what estate and posture they did lie . Belly she had none , only there was seen The place whereas her belly should have been . And with her hips her body did agree , As if 't was fastned by Geometrie . Notes for div A43553-e50530 They on the table set Minerva's fruit , The double-colour'd Olive , Endive-root ; Radish and Cheese : and to the board there came A dish of Egges , rear-roasted by the flame . Next they had Nuts , course Dates and Lenten-figs , And Apples from a basket made of twigs , And Plums , and Graps cut newly from the tree : All serv'd in earthen dishes , Housewifely . Notes for div A43553-e63160 Which I finde thus Englished by G. Sandi● . As when the Hare the speedy Gray-hound spies ; His feet for prey , she hers for safety plies . Now beares he up , now , now he hopes to fetch her ; And with his snowt extended strains to catch her . Not knowing whether caught or no , she slips Out of his wide-stretcht-jawes and touching lips . ( 1 ) The City and Diocesse of Constance . ( 2 ) The condition of these Islands under that Government . ( 3 ) Churches appropriated what they were . ( 4 ) The black book of Constance . ( 5 ) That of Dooms-day . ( 6 ) The suppression of Priors Aliens . ( 7 ) Priors dative , how they differed from Conventuals . ( 8 ) The condition of these Churches after that suppression . ( 9 ) The Diagram . * St. Pierreporte . † St. Pierre du boys . ( 10 ) What is meant by Deserts , French Querrui , and by Champart . ( 11 ) The alteration of Religion in these Islands . ( 12 ) Persect tion here in the dayes of Q. Mary . ( 3 ) The Islands annexed for ever unto the Diocese of Wint 〈…〉 , and for what Reasons . ( 1 ) The condition of Geneva under their Bishop . ( 2 ) The alteration there both in Religion , and ( 〈◊〉 ) in Polity . ( 4 ) The estate of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither . ( 5 ) The conception . ( 6 ) The Birth and ( 7 ) Growth of the new Discipline . ( 8 ) The quality of Lay-Elders . ( 9 ) The different proceeding of Calvin . ( 10 ) Beza in the propagation of that cause * V. cap. 5. n ▪ ( 11 ) Both of these enemies to the Church of England . ( 12 ) The first entrance of this Platforme into the Islands . ( 13 ) A permission of it by the Queen , &c. ( 14 ) The Letters of the Councell to that purpose . ( 15 ) The tumults raised in England by the Brethren . Thus ( Reverend Lord ) to you , Churches both old and new Do owe themselves ; since by your pious care . New ones are built , and old ones in repaire . Thus by your carefull zeal Unto the Churches weal , As the old Temples do preserve their glories , So private houses have their Oratories . My Votive Table on the Sacred wall Doth plainly testifie to all , That I those gratefull vowes have paid , Which in the tumults of the deep I made , To him that doth the Seas command , And holds the waters in his hand . 
A43507	----	Aerius redivivus, or, The history of the Presbyterians containing the beginnings, progress and successes of that active sect, their oppositions to monarchial and episcopal government, their innovations in the church, and their imbroylments by Peter Heylyn ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1670 Approx. 1685 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 273 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43507 Wing H1681 ESTC R5587 12139018 ocm 12139018 54836 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43507) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54836) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 104:5) Aerius redivivus, or, The history of the Presbyterians containing the beginnings, progress and successes of that active sect, their oppositions to monarchial and episcopal government, their innovations in the church, and their imbroylments by Peter Heylyn ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. Heylyn, Henry. [14], 482 [i.e. 530], [1] p. Printed for Jo. Crosley, and are to be sold in London by Tho. Basset ... and Chr. Wilkinson ..., Oxford : 1670. Edited by Henry Heylyn. Advertisements: p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Presbyterianism -- History. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , THE HISTORY OF THE Presbyterians . CONTAINING The Beginnings , Progress and Successes of that active Sect. Their Oppositions to Monarchical and Episcopal Government . Their Innovations in the Church : and , Their Imbroylments of the Kingdoms and Estates of Christendom in the pursuit of their Designes . From the Year 1536 , to the Year 1647. By PETER HEYLYN D. D. And Chaplain to Charles the First , and Charles the Second , MONARCHS of GREAT BRITAIN . OXFORD : Printed for Io. Crosley , and are to be sold in London by Tho. Basset , at the George neer Cliffords-Inne in Fleetstreet , and Chr. Wilkinson , at the Black-Boy over against S. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet . 1670. To the Right Honorable , The LORDS SPIRITUAL & TEMPORAL , and COMMONS in Parliament assembled . May it please Your Honors , YOu are here most humbly implored for the Patronage of a Post-humous birth of my dear and honored Fathers Laborious mind , in the Cause of this Kingdoms profest and settled Religion . You may safely believe the Title-Page reports to You the true and genuine Author of the Book , but it 's most humbly intreated that You would not : For if You rather please to read it , You will be assured of the Parent , by the Lineaments remarkable upon the Child ; and therewith too receive , I hope , such satisfaction as may justly flow from the perusal of an History , which in some measure confirms the Excellency of those Laws You have devised , and Sacred Majestie confirm'd , for the Protection of that Religion and Government You profess and stand for . The Beauty , Iustice and Prudence of the Sanctions , will not a little appear in the ill visage of that Party , whose Rude humor and ungoverned Zeal is here represented . It would be an immodest boldness in me to press Your belief with my Assertions of the happy performances herein . And they being for the most part but faithful Collections of matter of Fact , transacted by the Ancestors of a Sect , to this day more then enough warm in the Bowels of these Kingdoms , are to stand and fall in Your Grave and Iudicious opinions , according to their correspondency with the Annals of Your own and other Countreys . If I had nothing to plead for the Publication of this History , but the zeal of a Son to preserve his Fathers Off-spring from treading too close after him to the Grave , I doubt not it would easily prevail with so much Nobleness as the High and Honorable Court of Parliament doth imply : But I am moreover apt to believe , that when Your Wisdoms please to consider , that the Party hereby proved peccant , are still so far from Repentance , that they dare to boast their Innocency , and vie Loyalty and peaceable mindedness at the same rate ( at least ) they did before our late Troubles and present Distempers made their Turbulencies and Seditions notorious ; I may then reasonably , I hope , beg Your favorable acceptance of this Dedication ; or at least depend upon that pardon from you , which the offended Party will be unwilling to allow to him , who though unworthy so great an honor , craves leave to subscribe himself , ( Right Honorable Lords and Gentlemen ) Your most Devoted and Obedient Servant , Henry Heylyn . THE PREFACE . INtending a compleat History of the Presbyterians , in all the Principles , Practices , and most remarkable Proceedings of that dangerous Sect ; I am to take a higher aim then the time of Calvin ( though he be commonly pretended for the Founder of it ) and fetch their Pedigree from those whose stepts they follow . For as our Saviour said to some of the Jews , that they were of their Father the Devil , and the works of their Father they would do : So by their works , that is to say , by the Opinions which they hold , the Doctrines which they preach , and the Disturbances by them made in these parts of Christendome , we may best find from what Original they derive themselves . I know that some , out of pure zeal unto the Cause , would fain intitle them to a descent from the Jewish Sanhedrim , ordained by God himself in the time of Moses . And that it might comply the better with their ends and purposes , they have endeavoured to make that famous Consistory of the Seventy Elders , not onely a co-ordinate power with that of Moses , and after his decease with the Kings and Princes of that State in this Publick Government ; but a Power Paramount and Supreme , from which lay no appeal to any but to God himself : A power by which they were enabled not onely to control the actions of their Kings and Princes , but also to correct their persons . Which as I can by no means grant to be invested in the Sanhedrim by God himself , or otherwise usurped and practised by them in the times of that Monarchy ; though possibly they might predominate in those times and intervals in which there was no King in Israel ( as such times there were : ) so neither can I yield unto the Presbyterians any such Prerogative , as to derive themselves and their pretensions , whether it be over Kings or Bishops , from the Jewish Sanhedrim . And yet I shall not grutch them an Antiquity as great as that which they desire , as great as that of Moses or the Jewish Sanhedrim , from which they would so willingly derive themselves . For if we look upon them in their professed opposition , as well to all Monarchical as Episcopal Government , we cannot but give them an Extraction from that famous Triumvirate , Korah , Dathan and Abiram , combined in a Design against Moses and Aaron , against the Chief-Priest and the Supreme Prince ; though otherwise of different Families , and having different Counsels amongst themselves . For Dathan and Abiram were descended from the Line of Reuben , the eldest Son of Father Iacob ; and therefore thought themselves more capable of the Soveraign Power then Moses , who descended from a younger house . And Korah thought himself as much neglected , in seeing Elizaphan the Son of Vzziel to have been made the Prince of the Kohathites ( the principal Family of the Levites next to that of Gerson ) when he himself descended of the elder Brother . Nor was he able to discern , but that if there were any such necessity of having one Priest above the rest in place and power , the Mitre might sit as well upon his head as on that of Aaron , whose readiness in complying with the peoples humor in setting up the Golden-Calf , had rendred him uncapable of so great a trust . Having conferred their notes , and compared their grievances , they were resolved to right themselves , and to have neither any Chief-Priest or Soveraign Prince to lord it over them ; but to erect a parity both in Sacred and Civil matters , as most agreeable to the temper of a free born Nation . They had got little , else , by being set at liberty from the House of Bondage , if they should now become the Vassals of their Fathers Children . But first they were to form their party ; and they did it wisely , drawing no fewer then two hundred and fifty of the chief men of the Assembly to conspire with them in the Plot. And that they might allure the people to adhere unto them , they flatter them with an hope of an absolute Freedom , and such a power in Sacred matters , as should both authorize and justifie their approaches to the holy Altar , without the intervention of Priest or Prelate . Which being done , they boldly shew themselves against Moses and Aaron ; and told them plainly to their faces , that they took more upon them then belonged to either ; that all the Congregation was holy , every one of them , in regard that God appeared so visibly amongst them ; and therefore that they had done that which they could not justifie , in lifting themselves above the Congregation of the Lord. In which it is to be observed , that though some of the chief Princes of the House of Dan , and perhaps many also of the other Tribes , did appear in the Action ; yet it is plainly called in Scripture , The Gain-saying of Korah ; either because the practice was of his Contrivement , or chiefly carried on by the power and credit which he and his Accomplices of the Tribe of Levi had gained amongst the common people , by reason of their Interests and Concernments in Sacred matters : so excellent are the opportunities which are afforded to unquiet and seditious men , when either by ● seeming zeal to the Worship of God , or by some special place and interest in his Publick Service , they are become considerable in the eyes of the Vulgar . These were the first seeds of those dangerous Doctrines , and most unwarrantable practices , which afterwards brought forth such sad effects toward the latter end of the Jewish State , when the Pharisees began to draw unto themselves the managing of all affairs , both Sacred and Civil . They were not ignorant of that high displeasure which God had manifestly shewn against the principal Authors of that first Sedition , who under the pretence of regulating the Authority of his two Chief Ministers , had put a baffle , as it were , upon God himself , whose Servants and Ministers they were . The Pharisees therefore were content , that both the Chief-Priest and the Supreme Prince should still preserve their rank and station , as in former times ; but so , that neither of them should be able to act any thing of weight and moment , but as directed by their counsels , and influenced by their assistance . For the obtaining of which point , what arts they used , what practices they set on foot , and by what artifices they prevailed upon mens affections ; as also into what calamities they plunged that Nation by the abuse of their Authority , having once obtained it , shall be laid down at large in the following History . All the particulars whereof , the Reader is desired to observe distinctly , that he may see how punctually the Presbyterians of our times have played the Pharisees ; as well in the getting of their power by lessening the Authority both of Prince and Prelate , as in exasperating the people to a dangerous War for the destruction of them both ; the calling in of Foreign forces to abet their quarrel ; the fractions and divisions amongst themselves ; and the most woful Desolation which they have brought upon the happiest and most flourishing Church which the Sun of Righteousness ever shined on since the Primitive times . Nec ovum o●o , nec lac lacti similius . Iupiter could not make himself more like Amphitrio , nor Mercury play the part of Sociae with more resemblance , then the ensuing Story may be parallel'd in our late Combustions ; Actor for Actor , Part for Part , and Line for Line ; there being nothing altered ( in a manner ) in that fearful Tragedie , but the Stage or Theatre . Change the Stage from Palestine , or the Realm of Iuda , and we shall see the same Play acted over again in many parts and Provinces of the Christian Church . In which we finde the Doctrines of the Pharisees revived by some ; their Hypocrisie , or pretended Purity , taken up by others ; their Artifices to encrease their party in the gaining of Proselytes , embraced and followed by a third , till they grew formidable to those powers under which they lived ; and finally , the same Confusions introduced in all parts of Christendom , in which their counsels have been followed . Which I shall generally reduce under these four heads ; that is to say , The practices of the Novatians in the North ; the Arrians in the East ; the Donatists in Affrick , or the the Southern parts ; and the Priscillianists in the Western . The arts and subtilties of the Pharisees were at first suppos'd to be too Heterogeneous to be all found in any one Sect of Hereticks amongst the Christians , till they were all united in the Presbyterians ; the Sects or Hereticks above mentioned , participating more or less of their dangerous counsels , as they conceived it necessary to advance their particular ends : In the pursuance of which ends , as the Arrians ventured upon many points which were not known to the Novatians , and the Donatists upon many more , which were never practised by the Arrians ; so the Priscillianists did as much exceed the Donatists in the arts of mischief , as they themselves have been exceeded by the Presbyterians in all the lamentable consequents and effects thereof : which I desire the Reader to consider distinctly , that he may be his own Plutarch , in fitting them , and every one of them with a perfect parallel in reference to those men , whose History I shall draw down from the time of Calvin unto these our days , tracing it from Geneva into France , from France into the Netherlands , from the Netherlands to Scotland , and from thence to England : And in this search I shall adventure upon nothing but what is warranted by the Testimony of unquestioned Authors , from whose sence I shall never vary , though I may finde it sometimes necessary not to use their words . And by so doing , I shall keep my self unto the rules of a right Historian , in delivering nothing but the Truth ; without omitting any thing for fear , or speaking any thing in favour of the adverse party , but as I shall be justified by good Authors . THE CONTENTS . Lib. I. Containing THe first Institution of Presbytery in the Town of Geneva ; the Arts and Practices by which it was imposed on the neck of that City , and pressed upon all the Churches of the Reformation ; together with the dangerous Principles and Positions of the chief Contrivers , in the pursuance of their project , from the year 1536 , to the year 1585. Lib. II. Containing Their manifold Seditions , Conspiracies , and Insurrections in the Realm of France ; their Libelling against the State , and the Wars there raised by their procurement , from the year 1559 , to 1585. Lib. III. Containing Their Positions and Proceedings in the Higher Germany ; their dangerous Doctrines and Seditions ; their Innovations in the Church , and alteration in the Civil Government of the Belgick Provinces , from the year 1559 , to the year 1585. Lib. IV. Containing Their Beginning , Progress and Positions ; their dangerous Practices , Insurrections , and Conspiracies in the Realm of Scotland , from the year 1544 , to the year 1566. Lib. V. Containing A further discovery of their dangerous Doctrines ; their oppositions to Monarchical and Episcopal Government in the Realm of Scotland ; their secret Practices and Conspiracies to advance their Discipline ; together with their frequent Treasons and Rebellions in the pursuance of the same , from the year 1565 , till the year 1585. Lib. VI. Containing The beginning , progress and proceedings of the Puritan Faction in the Realm of England , in reference to their Innovations both in Doctrines and Forms of Worship ; their Opposition to the Church , and the Rules thereof ; from the beginning of the Reign of King Edward VI , 1548 , to the fifteenth year of Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1572. Lib. VII . Containing A Relation of their secret and open Practices ; the Schism and Faction by them raised for advancing the Genevian Discipline in the Church of England , from the year 1572 , to the year 1584. Lib. VIII . Containing The Seditious Practices and positions of the said English Puritans ; their Libelling , Railing , and Reviling , in order to the setting up of the holy Discipline ; from the year 1584 , to the year 1589. The undutiful carriage of the French , and the horrible insolencies of the Scottish Presbyters ; from the year 1585 , to the year 1592. Lib. IX . Containing Their Disloyalties , Treasons , and Seditions in France , the Country of East-Friesland , and the Isles of Britain , but more particularly in England ; together with the several Laws made against them , and the several exceptions in pursuance of them , from the year 1589 , to the year 1595. Lib. X. Containing A relation of their Plots and Practices in the Realm of England ; their horrible Insolencies , Treasons , and Seditions in the Kingdom of Scotland , from the year 1595 , to year 1603. Lib. XI . Containing Their successes either good or bad in England , Scotland , Ireland , and the Isles of Jersey , from the year 1602 , to the year 1623 ; with somewhat touching their affairs , as well in France and Sweden , as the Belgick Provinces . Lib. XII . Containing Their tumultuating in the Belgick Provinces ; their Practices and Insurrections in the Higher-Germany ; the frustrating their designe on the Churches of Brandenberg ; the revolts of Transylvania , Hungary , Austria and Bohemia , and the Rebellions of the French ; from the year 1610 , to the year 1628. Lib. XIII . Containing The Insurrection of the Presbyterian and Puritan Faction in the Realm of Scotland ; the Rebellions raised by them in England ; their horrid Sacriledges , Murders , Spoils and Rapines in pursuit thereof ; their Innovations both in Doctrine and Discipline , and the great Alteration made in the Civil Government ; from the year 1536 , to the year 1647 , when they were stript of all Command by the Independants . Advervisement of Books newly printed . The History of the late Wars in Denmark ; comprizing all the Transactions , both Military and Civil , during the differences betwixt the two Northern Crowns , in the years 1657 , 1658 , 1659 , 1660. Illustrated with several Maps . By R. Manley . To be sold by Tho. Basset , at the George in Fleetstreet . A Help to English History : Containing a Succession of all the Kings of England , the English Saxons , and the Britains ; the Kings and Princes of Wales , the Kings and Lords of Man , the Isle of Wight : As also , of all the Dukes , Marquesses , Earls and Bishops thereof ; with the description of the places from whence they had their Titles : continued and enlarged with the names and ranks of the Viscounts , Barons and Baronets , to the year 1669. By Peter Heylyn . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History Of the PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . I Containing The first institution of Presbyterie in the Town of Geneva ; the Arts and Practices by which it was imposed on the neck of that City , and pressed upon all the Churches of the Reformation ; together with the dangerous Principles and Positions of the chief Countrivers , in the pursuance of that project , from the year 1536 , to the year 1585. AT such time as it pleased God to raise up Martin Luther , a Divine of Saxonie , to write against the errours and corruptions of the Church of Rome ; Vlderick Zuinglius , a Cannon of the Church of Zurick , endeavoured the like Reformation amongst the Switzers ; but holding no intelligence with one another , they travailed divers ways in pursuance of it ; which first produced some Animosities between themselves , not to be reconciled by a personal Conference , which by the Lantgrave of Hassia was procured between them ; but afterwards occasioned far more obstinate ruptures between the followers of the parties in their several stations . The Zuinglian Reformation was begun in defacing Images , decrying the established Fasts and appointed Festivals , abolishing set forms of worship , denying the old Catholick Doctrine of a real presence , and consequently all external reverence in the participation of the blessed Sacrament ; which Luther seriously laboured to preserve in the same estate , in which he found them at the present : They differed also in the Doctrine of Predestination , which Luther taught according to the current of the ancient Fathers , who lived and flourished before the writings of St. Augustine ; so that the Romanists had not any thing to except against in that particular , when it was canvassed by the School-men in the Council of Trent . But Zuinglius taught , as was collected from his writings , That God was the total cause of all our Works , both good and evil ; that the Adultery of David , the cruelty of Manlius , and the treason of Iudas , were the works of God , as well as the vocation of Saul ; that no man hath power to think well or ill , but that all cometh of absolute necessity ; that man doth nothing towards his Predestination , or Reprobation , but all is in the Will of God ; that the Predestinate cannot be condemned , nor the Reprobate saved ; that the Elect and Predestinate are truely justified ; that the justified are bound by Faith to believe they are in the number of the Predestinated ; that the justified cannot fall from Grace , but is rather bound to believe , that if he chance to fall from Grace , he shall receive it again ; and finally , that those who are not in the number of the Predestinate , shall never receive Grace , though offered to them . Which difference being added unto that of the Sacrament , and eagerly pursued on both sides ; occasioned such a mortal and implacable hatred between the parties , that the Lutherans have solemnly vowed rather to fall off roundly to the Church of Rome , then yeild to those Predestinarian and Sacramentary pestilences , as they commonly called them . But Zuinglius in the mean time carried it amongst the Switzers ; five of those thirteen Cantons entertain his Doctrine , the like did also divers Towns and Seignories which lay nearest to them ; of which Geneva in a short time became most considerable . 2. Geneva is a City of the Alpian Provinces belonging anciently to the Allobroges , and from thence called Aurelia Allobrogum by some Latine writers ; scituated on the South-side of the Lake Lemane , opposite to the City of Lozanne in the Canton of Berne , from which it is distant six Dutch Miles : the River Rhos●o ( having passed through the lake with so clear a colour , that it seemeth not at all to mingle with the waters of it ) runeth through the lower part thereof , over which there is a passage by two fair Bridges ; one of them the more ancient , and the the better fortified , belonging heretofore to the old Helvetians , but broken down by Iulius Caesar , to hinder them from passing that way into Gallia . The compass of the whole City not above two Miles , the Buildings fair , and for the most part of Free-stone ; the number of the inhabitants about seventeen thousand , and the whole Territory not exceeding a Diameter of six Leagues where it is at the largest . Brought under the obedience of the Romans by the power of Caesar , it continued a member of that Empire ; till the Burgundians , in the time of Honorius , possessed themselves of all those Gallick Provinces which lay toward the Alpes . In the Division of those Kingdoms by Charles the Bald , it was made a part of Burgundie , called Transjurana , because it lay beyond the Iour ; and was by him conferred on Conrade a Saxon Prince , son of Duke Witibind the third , and younger brother of Robert the first Earl of Anjow . At the expiring of whose line , by which it had been held under several Titles of King , Earl and Duke ; it was by Rodolph the last Prince , bestowed on the Emperour Henry , sirnamed the Black , as his nearest kinsman ; and by that means united to ●he Germane Empire , governed by such Imperial Officers as were appointed by those Emperours to their several Provinces ; till by the weakness or improvidence of the Lords in Chief . Those Officers made themselves Hereditary Princes in their several Territories . 3. In which division of the prey the City and Signiory of Geneva , which before was governed by Officiary and Titulat Earls , accountable to the German Empire ; was made a Soveraign Estate under its own Proprietary Earls as the sole Lords of it . Betwixt these and the Bish●ps ( Susira●ans to the Archbishop of Vienna in Daulphine ) grew many quarrels for the absolute command thereof . In time , the Bishops did obtain of the Emperour Frederick the first , that they and their Successors should be the sole Princes of Geneva , free from all taxes , and not accountable to any but the Emperours : which notwithstanding , the Earl continuing still to molest the Bishops , they were fain to call unto their aid the Earl of Savoy , who took upon him first as Protector onely , but afterwards as Lord in Chief . For when the Rights of the Earls of Geneva , by the Marriage of Thomas , Earl of Savoy , with Beatrix a Daughter of the Earls , fell into that house ; then Ame or Amade , the first of that name , obtain'd of the Emperour , Charles the Fourth , to be Vicar-General of the Empire in his own Country , and in that right Superiour to the Bishop in all Temporal matters : and Ame , or Amade the first Duke got from Pope Martin ( to the great prejudice of the Bishops ) a grant of all the Temporal jurisdictions of it . After which time the Bishops were constrained to do homage to the Dukes of Savoy , and acknowledge them for their Soveraign Lords : the Authority of the Dukes being grown so great ( notwithstanding that the people were immediately subject unto their Bishop onely ) that the Money in Geneva was stamped with the Dukes Name and Figure ; capital offenders were pardoned by him ; no sentence of Law executed , till his Officers first made acquainted ; nor league contracted by the people of any validity , without his privity and allowance ; and finally , the Keys of the Town presented him as often as he should please to lodge there ; as once for instance to Charles the Third , coming thither with Beatrix his Wife , Daughter of Portugal . But still the City was immediately subject to the Bishops onely , who had as well the Civil as the Ecclesiastial jurisdiction over it , as is confest by Calvin in a Letter unto Cardinal Sadolet , though as he a thought , extorted fraudulently , or by force , from the lawful Magistrate : which lash he added in defence of the Genevians , who had then newly wrested the Supream Authority out of the hands of the Bishop , and took it wholly upon themselves ; it being no Felony ( as he conceived ) to rob the Thief , or to deprive him of a power , to which he could pretend no title but an usurpation . 4. In this condition it continued till the year 1528 , when those of Berne , after a publike Disputation held , h●d made an Alteration in Religion ; defacing Images , and innovating all things in the Church on the Zuinglian Principles . Viretus and Farellus , two men exceeding studious of the Reformation , had gained some footing in Geneva about that time , and laboured with the Bishop to admit of such Alterations , as had been newly made in Berne . But when they saw no hopes of prevailing with him , they practised on the lower part of the People , with whom they had gotten most esteem ; and travelled so effectually with them in it , that the Bishop and his Clergie in a popular tumult are expelled the Town , never to be restored to their former Power . After which they proceeded to reform the Church , defacing Images , and following in all points the example of Berne , as by Viretus and Farellus they had been instructed ; whose doings in the same , were afterwards countenanced and b approved by Calvin , as himself confesseth . Nor did they onely in that Tumult alter every thing which had displeased them in the Church , but changed the Government of the Town ; disclaiming all Allegiance either to their Bishop or their Duke ; and standing on their own Liberty as a Free Estate , governed by a Common Council of 200 persons , out of which four are chosen annually by the name of Syndicks , who sit as Judges in the Court , the Mayors and Bayliffs ( as it were ) of the Corporation . And for this also they were most indebted to the active counsels of Farellus , whom Calvin therefore calls the father of the publike Liberty c ; and saith in an Epistle unto those of Zurick , dated 26 Novemb. 1553 , that the Genevians did owe themselves d wholly to his care and counsels . And it appears by Calvin also , that the people could have been content to live under their Bishop , if the Bishop could have been content to reform Religion ; and more then so , that they had deserved the greatest Censures of the Church , if it had been otherwise . For thus he writes in his said Letter to Cardinal Sadolet ; Talem nobis Hierarchiam si exhibeant , &c. If , saith he , they could offer to us such a Hierarchy , or Episcopal Government , wherein the Bishops shall so rule , as that they refuse not to submit themselves to Christ , that they also depend upon him as their onely head , and can be content to refer themselves to him ; in which they will so keep brotherly society amongst themselves , as to be knit together by no other bond then that of Truth ; then surely , if there shall be any that will not submit themselves to that Hierarchy , reverently , and with the greatest obedience that may be , I must confess there is no kinde of Anathema , or casting to the devil , which they are not worthy of . But in regard the Bishop could not satisfie them in their expectations , they are resolved to satisfie themselves out of his Estate ; and either for his sake , or their own , to cast off all relation to the Duke of Savoy , as their Patron Paramount . And though both Lords did afterwards unite against them , and besieged the Town ; yet by the help of those of Berne , ( with whom they joyned themselves in a strict Confederacie ) they repulsed them both . Since which time , they have strongly fortified the Town on all sides , but most especially on that side which lies toward Savoy ; and would never since permit the Duke to arm any Boats or Galleys upon the Lake , for fear he might make use of them to their disadvantage . 5. The power and dominion of that Citie being thus put into the hands of the common people , it could not be expected that any Discipline or good Order should be kept in the Church . The Common-Council of the Town disposed of all things as they pleased ; and if any Crime which anciently belonged to the Ecclesiastical Discipline , did happen to be committed in it ; it was punished by order from the Council . No Censures Ecclesiastical , no Sentence of Excommunication , was either thought on at Geneva , or at that time in any other of the Popular Churches , modelled according to the Form devised by Zuinglius ; as e Beza hath observed in the Life of Calvin . The like affirmed by Calvin also , in his Letter above-mentioned to those of Zurick ; who grants it to have been a received opinion , with some very grave and learned men , f that Excommunication was not necessary under Christian Magistrates . And so it stood till Calvin's coming to the Citie , Anno 1536 , who being born at Noyon , ( Noviodunum ) the chief Town of Picardie , was by his father destined to the Civil Laws : but his own inclination carried him rather to the studie of Divinity , in the pursuit whereof he first began to fancie the Reformed Religion ▪ and finding no assurance in the Realm of France resolved to fix himself in Strasburgh or Basil. But taking Geneva in his way , upon the importunity of Farellus , he condescended to make that place the Scene of his actions and endeavours ▪ and his a●●e●● being once made known , he was forthwith admitted to be one of their Preachers , and in the Month of August chosen their Divinity Reader . This done , he presently negotiates with them not onely to abjure the Papacie , with all obedience to their Bishop forth enime to come , but to admit some heads of Doctrine , and such a f Form of Discipline as he and his colleagues had devised for them . And he prevailed in it at the last , though with no small difficulty ; the said Discipline being generally sworn and subscribed unto , 20 Iuly 1537. Which Form of Discipline what it was , I have nowhere found ; but sure I am , that it had no affinity with the practice of the Primitive Church ; which g Calvin plainly doth acknowledge in his Letter to Sadolet , who had objected it against him . But the people being proud and headstrong , and not willing to be stripped so easily of the precious Liberty which so happily they had acquired , became soon weary of the yoke , though they disguised it under colour of not giving offence to those of Berne , Zurick , and the rest of their neighbours , whose friendship was most necessary for them in all time of trouble . But Calvin being peremptory not to administer the Communion unto any of those , who could not quietly without contradiction submit themselves unto the Discipline which themselves had sworn to , and having Farellus and Coraldus , two of his Associates in conjunction with him ; together with his two Associates is expelled the Town . 6. Three years , or thereabouts , he continued in his excile , being bountifully entertain'd at Strasburgh , where by his diligent preaching , and laborious writings , he grew into a greater reputation then the rest of their Ministers ; the fame whereof being daily posted to Geneva , made them first sensible of the loss that they suffered in him , and afterwards procured them to sollicite the Chief Magistrates of the City of Strasburgh to license his return unto them : from whence at last with unresistable importunity he was again recalled by that unconstant multitude : A desire to which by no means he would hearken , unless both they and all their Ministers would take a solemn Oath , to admit a compleat Form of Discipline , not arbitrary , nor changeable , but to remain in force for ever after . Upon assurance of their conformity herein , he returns unto them , like another Tully unto Rome : and certainly we may say of him , as the Historian h doth of the other ; that never man was banished with greater insolence , nor welcomed home again with an equal gladness . On the 13 day of September 1541 , he is received into the Town ; and on the 20 of November following , he confirm'd his Discipline , which he had modelled in this manner : A standing Ecclesiastical Court to be established ; perpetual Judges in that Court to be the Ministers ; others of the people annually chosen ( twice so many in number ) to be Judges together with them in the same Court : this Court to have care of all mens Manners , power of determining all kinde of Ec●lesiastical causes , and Authority to convent , to control , and to punish as far as with Excommunication , whensoever they should think to have deserved it , none either small or great excepted . To this device he brought the people to submit , without any reluctancie : for what cause had they to suspect any yoak or bondage to be intended in that project , wherein they had a double Vote to each single Minister , and consequently a double number on their side upon all occasions . But when the first year was expired , and that the Elders of that year were to leave their places , they then perceived how much they had inthralled themselves by their own facility . And now they began to have some fear , that the filling up of the Seats in the Consistory with so geat a number of Lay-men , was but to please the mindes of the people , to the end they might think themselves of some power therein ; that their Pastors being men of parts , and practised in affairs of that nature , would easily over-rule the rest , though the greater number ; that the Lay-elders being onely annual , and changed from one year to another , might first or last come under the severe lash of their Pastors , who were in a perpetua● residencie , if they should dare at any time to act against them by their double Vote ; and that amongst the Ministers themselves , one being far in estimation above the rest , the rest of the voices are most likely to be given with reference to his will and pleasure ; which what else were it in effect , but to bring in Popery again by another name , in setting over them a Supream Pastor , or perpetual Residence , with power to carry all before him ? 7. But nothing gave them more offence then the confidence of that vast and unlimited power , which was to be put into the hands of the Presbytery , in reference unto crimes and persons ; and the unhandsome manner of proceeding in it : for power was given unto them by the Rules of the Discipline , not onely to proceed to Excommunication , if the case required it , against Drunkards , Whore-masters , Blasphemers of Gods holy Name , disturbers of the peace by fighting , or contentious words ; but also against such as pleased themselves with modest dancing , which was from henceforth looked on as a grievous crime ; and what disturbances and disquiets did ensue upon it , we shall see anon . Nor were they onely Authorized to take notice of notorious crimes , when they gave just scandal to the Church , or such as past in that account by the voice of Fame ; but also to inquire into the lives and conversations of all sorts of persons , even to the private ordering of their several Families . In reference to which last , they are required to make a diligent and strict enquiry , whether men lived peaceably with their Wives , and kept their Families in good order ; whether they use constantly some course of morning and evening Prayer in their several housholds , sit down at their Tables without saying Grace , or cause their Children or Servants diligently to frequent the Churches ; with many others of that nature . And to the end they may come the better to the knowledge of all particulars , it is not onely permitted by the Rules of their Discipline to tamper with mens Neighbours , and corrupt their Servants ; but to exact an Oath of the parties themselves , who are thereby required to make answer unto all such Articles as may or shall be tendred to them in behalf of the Consistory : which odious and unneighbourly office is for the most part executed by those of the Laity , or at the least imputed wholly unto their pragmaticalness ; though the Lay-elders possibly have done nothing in it , but by direction from their Pastors . For so it was contrived of purpose by the wise Artificer , that the Ministers might be thereby freed from that common hatred , which such a dangerous and saucie inquisition might else draw upon them . And yet these were not all the mischiefs which their submitting to that yoak had drawn upon them ; by which they had enthralled themselves to such hard conditions , that if a man stood Excommunicate , or in contempt against the censures of the Church , for the space of a twelve month , he was to suffer a whole years banishment by Decree of the Senate ; not otherwise to be restored , but upon submission , and that submission to be made upon their knees in the open Church . 8. These melancholick thoughts had not long possessed them , when an occasion was presented to try their courage . Perinus Captain of the people , and of great power in that capacity amongst the multitude , pretends the common liberty to be much endangered by that new subjection , and openly makes head against him in defence thereof . Ten years together did it struggle with the opposition , and at last was almost ruined and oppressed by it . For whereas the Consistory had given sentence against one Bertilier , even in the highest censure of Excommunication ; the Common councel not onely absolved him from that censure under their Town-seal , but foolishly Decreed that Excommunication and Absolution did properly belong to them . Upon this he is resolved again to quit the Town , and solemnly takes his leave of them , at the end of one of his Sermons , which he had fitted for that purpose : but at the last the Controversie is reduced to these three questions , viz. First , after what manner by Gods Ordinance , according to the Scripture , Excommunication was to be exercised . Secondly , whether it may not be exercised some other way then by such a Consistory . Thirdly , what the use of other Churches was in the like case . And being reduced to these three questions , it was submitted to the judgement and determination of four of the Helvetian Churches ; to whose Decree both parties were obliged to stand . But Calvin knew beforehand what he was to trust to , having before prepared the Divines of Zurick to pronounce sentence on his side ; of whom he earnestly desired that they would seriously respect that cause , on which the whole State of the Religion of the City did so much depend ; that God and all good men were now inevitably in danger to be trampled on , if those four Churches did not declare for him and his Associates , when the cause was to be brought before them ; that in the giving of the sentence , they should pass an absolute approbation upon the Discipline of Geneva , as consonant unto the Word of God , without any cautions , qualifications , ifs or ands : and finally , that they would exhort the Genevian Citizen● from thenceforth not to innovate or change the same . Upon which pre-ingagement they returned this Answer , directed to the Common council of Geneva , by which their judgement was required ; that is to say , That they had heard already of those Consistorial Laws , and did acknowledge them to be godly Ordinances , drawing towards the Prescript or Word of God : In which respect they did not think it good for the Church of Geneva to make any innovation in the same , but rather to keep them as they were . This caution being interposed , that Lay-elders should be chosen from amongst themselves ; that is to say , ten of them to be yearly out of the Council of two hundred ; and the other two ( for there were to be but twelve in all ) to be elected out of the more powerful Council of the five and twenty . 9. Now for the quarrel which he had with Captain Perine , it was bri●fly this , as he himself relates the story in his own Epistles . Dancing had been prohibited by his sollicitation , when he first setled in that Town ; and he resolved to have his will obeyed in that , as in all things else . But on the contrary , this Perine , together with one Corneus ( a man of like power amongst the people ) one of the Syndicks , or chief Magistates in the Common-wealth ; one of the Elders for the year , who was called Henricus , together with other of their Friends , being merry at an Invitation , fell to dancing : Notice hereof being given to Calvin by some false Brother , they were all called into the Consistory , excepting Corneus and Perinus ; and being interrogated thereupon , a They lyed , said he , most impudently both to God and us ( most Apostolically said . ) At that , said he , I grew offended , as the indignity of the thing deserved ; and they persisting in their contumacie , b I thought it fit to put them to their Oaths about it , ( by which it seems that the Oath Ex officio may be used in Geneva , though cryed down in England ) so said , so done . And they not onely did confess their former dancing , but also that upon that very day they had been dancing in the house of one Balthasal's Widow . On which confession he proceeded to the censure of all the parties , which certainly was sharp enough for so small a fault , ( for a fault he was resolved to make it ) the Syndick being displaced ; the Elder turned out of his Office ; Perine and his Wife clapt up in Prison , and all the rest exposed to some open shame . So he in his Epistle to his Friend Farellus , Anno 1546. Upon this ground Perinus always made himself of the opposite party , and thereupon sollicited the relaxation given to Bertilier ; but in the end was forced together w●●h the rest to submit themselves unto this yoak ; and the final sentence of the said four Churches was imposed upon them . And so we have the true beginning of the Genevian Discipline , begotten in Rebellion , born in Sedition , and nursed up by Faction . 10. Thus was the Discipline confirmed , and Calvin setled in the jurisdiction which he had aspired to : But long he could not be content with so narrow a Diocess as the Town and Territory of Geneva ; and would have thought himself neglected , if all those Churches which embraced the Zuinglian Doctrines had not withal received the Genevian Discipline ; for the confirming whereof at home , and the promoting it in all parts abroad , there was no passage in the Scripture , which either spake of Elders or Excommunication , but he applyed the same for justifying the Authority of his new Presbytery , in which the Lay-elders were considered as distinct from those which laboured in the Word and Sacraments , but joyned with them in the exercise of a Jurisdiction ( even that of Ordination also ) which concerned the Church . Assuredly , we are as much in love with the Children of our Brains , as of our Bodies ; and do as earnestly desire the preferment of them . Calvin had no sooner conceived and brought forth this Discipline , but he caused it first to be nourished and brought up at the charge of Geneva ; and when he found it strong enough to go abroad of it self , he afterwards commended it to the entertainment of all other Churches , in which he had attained to any credit ; proceeding finally so far , as to impose it upon the world as a matter necessary , and not to be refused on pain of Gods high displeasure : by means whereof , what Jealousies , Heart-burnings , Jars and Discords have been occasioned in the Protestant Reformed Churches , will be made manifest by the course of this present History : Which , notwithstanding , might easily have been prevented , if the Orders which he devised for the use of this City , had not been first established in themselves , & then tendered unto others , as things everlastingly required by the Law of that Lord of lords , against whose Statutes there was no exception to be taken . In which respect it could not chuse but come to pass , that his Followers might condemn all other Churches which received it not , of manifest disobedience to the Will of Christ : And being once engaged , could not finde a way how to retire again with Honour . Whenas the self-same Orders having been established in a Form more wary and suspence , and to remain in force no longer then God should give the oportunity of some general Conference ; the Genevians either never had obtruded this Discipline on the rest of the Churches , to their great disquiet ; or left themselves a fair liberty of giving off , when they perceived what trouble they had thereby raised to themselves and others . 11. Now for the means by which this Discipline was made acceptable to the many Churches which had no dependance on Geneva , nor on Calvin neither ; they were chiefly these , that is to say , ●irst , The great contentment which it gave the Common people , to see themselves intrusted with the weightiest matters in Religion ; and thereby an equality with , if not ( by reason of their number , being two for one ) superiority above their Ministers . Secondly , the great Reputation which Calvin had attained unto for his diligence in Writing and Preaching , whereby his Dictates came to be as authentick amongst some Divines , as ever the Popes Ipse dixit was in the Church of Rome . Thirdly , his endeavours to promote that Platform in all other Churches , which was first calculated for the Meridian of Geneva onely : of which we shall speak more particularly in the course of this History . Fourthly , the like endeavours used by Beza , who not content to recommend it as convenient for the use of the Church ( higher then which Calvin did not go ) imposed it as a matter necessary upon all the Churches ; so necessary , that it was utterly as unlawful to recede from this , as from the most material Points of the Christian Faith : of which more hereafter . Fifthly , the self-ends and ambition of particular Ministers , affecting the Supremacy in their several Parishes ; that themselves might lord it over Gods Inheritance , under pretence of setting Christ in his Throne . Upon which ground they did not onely prate against the Bishops with malicious words ( a● Dieotrephes did against the Apostles ) but were resolved to cast them out of the Church , neither receiving them amongst themselves , nor suffering those that would have done it if they might . Sixthly , the covetousness of some great persons , and Lay-Patrons ; of which the one intended to raise themselves great Fortunes , by the spoil of the Bishopricks ; and the other to return those Titles to their own proper use , to which they onely were to nominate some deserving person . For compassing of which three last ends , their followers drove on so furiously , that rather then their Discipline should not be admitted , and the Episcopal Government destroyed in all the Churches , they are resolved to depose Kings , ruine Kingdoms , and subvert the Fundamental Constitutions of all Civil States . 12. Thus have we seen the Discipline setled at the last , after many struglings ; but setled onely by the forestalled judgement and determination of four neighbouring Churches , which neither then did entertain it , nor could be ever since induced to receive the same . And we have took a general view of those Arts and Practices by which it hath been practised and imposed upon other Nations ; as also of those grounds and motives , on which it was so eagerly pursued by some , and advanced by others . We must now therefore cast our eyes back on that Form of Worship which was by him devised at first for the Church of Geneva , commended afterwards to all other Churches , which were not of the Lutheran Model ; and finally received , if not imposed upon most Churches which imbraced the Discipline . Which Form of Worship , what it was , may best be gathered from the summary or brief view thereof , which Beza tendreth to the use of the French and Dutch Churches , then established in the City of London ; and is this that followeth . The publick Meetings of the Church to be held constantly on the Lords a day , to be alike observed both in Towns and Villages ; but so , that in the greater Towns some other day be set apart , on which the Word is to be preached unto the people at convenient times : Which last I take to be the grounds of those Week-day-Lectures , which afterwards were set up in most of the great Towns or Cities of this Realm of England ; a Prayer to usher in the Sermon , and another after it ; the frame of which two Prayers , both for Words and Matter , wholly left unto the building of the Preacher : but the whole action to be sanctified by the singing of Psalms . At all such Prayers the people to kneel reverently upon their knees . In the Administration of Baptism , a Declaration to be made in a certain Form , not onely of the promises of the Grace of God , but also of the Mysteries of that holy Sacrament ; a Sureties or Witnesses to be required at the Baptizing of Infants . The Lords Supper to be Ministred on the Lords day , at the Morning-Sermon ; and that in sitting at the Table , ( for no other gesture is allowed of ) the men sit first , and the women after or below them : which though it might pass well in the Gallick Churches , would hardly down without much chewing by the Wives of England . The publication of intended Marriages , ( which we call the bidding of the Bains ) to be made openly in the Church , and the said Marriages to be solemnized with Exhortation and Prayer . No Holy-days at all allowed of ; nothing directed in relation unto Christian Burials , or the visiting of the Sick , or to the Thanksgiving of Women after Child-birth ; all which were pretermitted , as either superstitious or impertinent Actions . 14. That naked Form of Worship which Calvin had devised for the Church of Geneva , not beautified with any of those outward Ornaments which make Religion estimable in the sight of the people ; and by the which , the mindes of men are raised to a contemplation of the glorious Majesty which they come together to adore : All ancient Forms and Ceremonies which had been recommended to the use of the Church , even from the times of the Apostles , rejected totally , as contracting some filth and rubbish in the times of Popery , without being called to answer for themselves , or defend their innocencie . And as for the habit of the Ministry , whether Sacred or Civil , as there was no course taken by the Rules of their Discipline , or by the Rubricks of the book of their publick Offices ; so did they by themselves , and their Emissaries , endeavour to discountenance and discredit all other Churches , in which distinct Vestures were retained . Whence came those manifold quarrels against Coaps and Surplices , as also against the Caps , Gowns and Tippets of the lower Clergie , the Rochets and Chimeres of the Bishops , wherewith for more then twenty years they exercised the patience of the Church of England . But naked as it was , and utterly void of all outward Ornaments , this Form of Worship looked so lovely in the eyes of Calvin , that he endeavoured to obtrude it on all Churches else . Having first setled his new Discipline in the Town of Geneva , Anno 1541 , and crusht Perinus and the rest in the dancing business , about five years after ; he thought himself to be of such confidence , that no Church was to be reformed but by his advice . Upon which ground of self-opinion , he makes an offer of himself to Archbishop Cranmer a , as soon as he had heard of the Reformation which was here intended ; but Cranmer knew the man , and refused the offer . Which though it was enough to have kept him from venturing any further in the business and affairs of England ; yet he resoved to be of counsel in all matters , whether called or not . And therefore having taken Order with Martin Bucer , on his first coming into England , to give him some account of the English Liturgie ; he had no sooner satisfied himself in the sight thereof , but he makes presently his exceptions and demurs upon it ; which afterwards became the sole ground of those many troubles , those horrible disorders and confusions , wherewith his Faction have involved the Church of England , from that time to this . 15. For presently on the account which he received of the English Liturgy , he writes back to Bucer , whom he requireth to be instant with the Lord Protector , b that all such Rites as savoured of superstition might be taken away : and how far that might reach , we may easily guess . Next he dispatched a long Letter to the Protector himself , in which he makes many exceptions against the Liturgie ; as namely against Commemoration of the dead , which he acknowledgeth , notwithstanding , to be ancient ; also against Chrisme , or Oyl in Baptism , and the Apostolical Rite of Extream Vnction ; though the last be rather permitted then required by the Rules of that Book : which said , he wisheth that all these Ceremonies should be abrogated c ; and that withal he should go forward to reform the Church without fear or wit , without regard of peace at home , or correspondencie abroad ! such considerations being onely to be had in Civil matters , but not in matters of the Church , d wherein not any thing is to be exacted , which is not warranted by the Word ; and in the managing whereof ( saith he ) there is not any thing more distasteful in the eyes of God , then worldly Wisdom ; e either in moderating , cutting off , or going backward , but meerly as we are directed by his will revealed . In the next place , he toucheth on the Book of Homilies , which very faintly he permits for a season onely , but not allows of ; and thereby gave the hint to many others , who ever since almost have declaimed against them . But finding nothing to be done by the Lord Protector , he tryes his Fortune with the King , and with the Lords of the Council , and is resolved to venture once again on Archbishop Cranmer . In his Letter to the King , he lets him know , that in the State of the Kingdom there were many things which required a present Reformation : in that to the most Reverend Cranmer , that in the Service of this Church there was remaining a whole Mass of Popery , a which seemed not onely to deface , but in a manner to destroy Gods publick Worship : and finally , in those to the Lords of the Council , that they needed some excitements to go forwards with the Work in hand , in reference to the Alteration ( for that I take to be his aim ) of the publick Liturgie . 16. But not content to tamper by his Letters with those Eminent Persons ; he had his Agents in the Court , the City , the Uversities , the Country , and the Convocation ; all of them practising in their distinct and proper Circuits , to bring the people to dislike that Form of Worship , which at the first was looked on by them as an Heavenly Treasure , composed by the especial aid of the Holy Ghost . Their Actings of this kinde for bringing down the Communion-Table , decrying the Reverent use of Kneeling at the Participation , inveighing against the sign of the Cross , abolishing all distinction of days and times into Fasts and Festivals , with many others of that nature , I purposely omit till I come to England . Let it suffice , that by the eagerness of their sollicitations , more then for any thing which could be faulted in the book it self , it was brought under a review , and thereby altered to a further distance then it had before from the Rituals of the Church of Rome . But though it had much less of Rome then before it had , ( though nothing was meerly Romane , and not Primitive also ) yet was it still as far off from the Rules of Geneva , as it was at that time ; which gave a new Alarum to Calvin , that he should take so much pains , and trouble so many of his Friends , to so little purpose : And long it shall not be before he lets us know his resentment of it . The English Protestants being scattered in the Reign of Queen Mary , betake themselves to divers places in Germany , at Geneva , and amongst the Switzers . In Germany some of them procure a Church in the City of Frankfort ; but they were such as had more minde to conform themselves to Calvins Models , then to the Liturgie of England : and such a deviation thereupon was made from the Rules of this Church , as looked little better then an open Schism . The business bad enough before , but made much worse , when Knox , that great Incendiary of Scotland , took that charge upon him ; when at his coming he found many not well pleased with those alterations which had been made by others from the Church of England ; which he resolved not to admit of , how much soever the continuance of it had been recommended by such Divines as had retired to Strasburgh , Zurick , and elsewhere . To over-ballance whose Authority , which he found much valued , he flees for succour unto Calvin , sends him a Summary or Abstract of the English Book ( in the Latine Tongue ) and earnestly desires his opinion of it ; not doubting but all opponents would submit to his final sentence . What Calvins judgement was in the present Point , and what sentence he was like to give in the case before him , Knox could not but have good assurance , when he wrote that Letter , having lived with Calvin at Geneva , and published some Seditious Books from thence with his approbation , before his coming unto Frankfort : and it succeeded answerably to his expectation , as may appear by Calvins answer to that Letter ; which in regard it was the ground of all those troubles which afterwards were raised against the Liturgy by the Puritan Faction , I shall here subjoyn . 17. It is no small affliction to me , and in it self no less inconvenience , that a contention should be raised between brethren professing the same Faith , and living as banished men or exiles for the same Religion ; especially for such a Cause , which in this time of your dispersion , ought to have been the Bond of Peace to bind you the more finally to one another : for what ought rather to be aimed at by you in this woful condition , then that being torne away from the bowels of your native Country , you should put your selves into a Church , which might receive you in her bosom , conjoyned together ( like the Children of the same Parent ) both in hearts and tongues ? But at this time in my opinion it is very unseasonable , that troubles should be raised amongst you about Ceremonies and Forms of Prayer , ( as happens commonly amongst those who live in wantonness and ease ) by means whereof , you have been hindred hitherto from growing into one body . I do not blame the constancy of those men , who being unwillingly drawn into it , do earnestly contend in an honest Cause ; but rather the stubbornness of those , which hitherto hath hindred the holy purpose of forming and establishing a Church amongst you . For as I use to shew my self both flexible and facile in things indifferent , as all Rites and Ceremonies are ; yet I cannot always think it profitable to comply with the foolish waywardness of some few men , who are resolved to remit nothing of their Ancient Customs . a I cannot , but observe many tolerable fooleries in the English Liturgy , such as you have described it to me . By which two words ( those names of tolerable fooleries ) I mean onely this , that there is not such Purity or Perfection , as was to be desired in it ; which imperfections , notwithstanding , not being to be remedied at the first , were to be born with for a time , in regard that no manifest impiety was contained in them . It was therefore so far lawful to begin with such beggerly Rudiments , that the Learned , Grave and Godly Ministers of Christ might be thereby encouraged for proceeding farther in setting out somewhat which might prove more pure and perfect . b If true Religion had flourished till this time in the Church of England , it had been necessary that many things in that Book should have been omitted , and others altered to the better . But now that all such Principles are out of force , and that you were to constitute a Church in another place , and that you were at liberty to compose such a Form of Worship which might be useful to the Church , and more conduce to Edification , then the other did ; I know not what to think of those a who are so much delighted in the dregs of Popery . But commonly men love those things best , to which they have been most accustomed . Which though in the first place it may seem a vain and childish folly ; ye● in the next place it may be considered , that such a new Model is much different from an alteration . Howsoever , as I would not have you too stiff and peremptory , if the infirmity of some men suffer them not to come up unto your own desires ; so I must needs admonish others , not to be too much pleased with their wants and ignorances ; nor to retard the course and progess of so good a work by their own perversness ; nor finally , to be transported in the manner by such a foolish Emulation . For what other ground have they for this contention , but that they think it a disgrace to yeild unto better counsels ? But possibly I may address my words in vain to those , who peradventure may not ascribe so much unto me , as to vouchsafe to hearken unto any advice which doth proceed from such a despicable Author . If any of them fear that any sinister report will be raised of them in England , as if they had forsaken that Religion for which they put themselves into a voluntary exile ; they are much deceived . For this ingenuous and sincere Profession will rather compel those godly men which are left behind , seriously to consider what a deep Abyss they are fallen into ; whose dangerous estate will more grievously wound them , when they shall see that you have travailed beyond the middle of that course , from which they have been so unhappily retracted , or brought back again . Farewel my most dear Brethren , the faithful servants of Jesus Christ ; and be you still under the governancce and protection of the Lord your God. 18. This Letter bearing date on the fifteenth of the Calends of February , and superscribed in general to the English which remained at Frankfort , carried so great a stroke with the Knoxian party , that there was no more talk of the English Liturgie ; the Order of Geneva being immediately entertained in the place thereof . And when the matter was so handled by Dr. Cox , first Tutor , and then Almoner to King Edward the Sixth , brought thither by the noise of so great a Schism , that the Liturgie of England was again restored ; Knox was so far from yeilding to the Gravity and Authority of that Learned man , that he inveighed against him in the Pulpit without fear or wit. But Cox not able to endure a baffle from so mean a fellow , informs against him to the Senate , touching some passages in one of his Seditious Pamphlets ; in which it is affirmed , that Queen Mary ( whom elsewhere he calls by the odious name of Iesabel , and a Traytoress to England ) ought not to joyn her self in Marriage with the Emperours Son , because the Emperour himself maintained Idolatry , and was a greater Enemy to Christ then ever was Nero. Knox hereupon departs by Moon-light , but howsoever quits the Town , and retires to Geneva ; leaving the Liturgie for the present in a better condition then he had found it at hi● first coming thither . But Cox considering with himself how necessary Calvins favour might be to him , salutes him with a civil Letter , subscribed by himself and fourteen others ; all of them being men of Note in their several places : In which they excused themselves for having set that Church in order without his advice ; not without some rejoycing that they had brought the greatest part of those who withstood their doings to be of the same Opinion with them . Which how agreeable it was to Calvin , may be seen by his return to Cox and his adherents , ( Coxo & Gregalibus suis , as the Latine hath it ) bearing date Iune 14. 1555. 19. In which Letter , having first craved pardon for not writing sooner , he lets them know that he had freely signified to Dr. Sampson , ( a very fit man to be acquainted with his secrets ) what he conceived of the Disputes which were raised at Frankfort ; as also that he had been certified by some Friends of his who complained much of it , that they did stand so strictly on the English Ceremonies , as shewed them to be too much wedded to the Rites of their Country . And further certified , that he had heard somewhat of those Reasons which they stood on most , for not receding any thing from the Form established ; but they were such as might receive an easie Answer : that he had writ to those of the opposite party , to carry themselves with moderation in the present business , though nothing was therein remitted by Cox and his , and howsoever was now glad to hear that the difference was at last composed . He speaks next touching their a retaining of Crosses , Tapers , and such other trifles of that nature , proceeding at the first from superstition ; and thereupon infers , that they who so earnestly contended for them , when it was in their choice not to do it , did draw too neer upon the dregs . He adds , that he could see no Reason why they should charge the Church with frivolous and impertinent Ceremonies , which he should no way wrong if he called them dangerous ; when they were left at liberty to compose an Order for themselves , more pure and simple : that in his judgement it was done with little Piety , and less brotherly Love ; on any clancular informations to call Knox in question ; ( for so I understood him by his letter N ) and that they had done better to have stay'd at home , then to have kindled the coals by such a piece of unjust cruelty in a Forreign Country , by which others also were inflamed : and finally , that he had written howsoever unto some of the adverse party , of whose intent to leave that place he had been advertised , that they should continue where they were , and not violate the League of their Friendship by their separations ; with other things to that effect . But notwithstanding this advice , many of the Schismatical party removed from Frankfort , and put themselves into Geneva ; the principal of which were Whittingham , Knox , Goodman , and he which afterwards was able to do more then all the rest , Mr. Francis Knollis , allyed by Marriage to the Caryes , descended from a younger Sister of Queen Anne Bullen , and consequently neer of Kin to Queen Elizabeth . These men grew very great with Calvin , with whose good leave they put themselves into the form of a Congregation , chose Knox and Goodman for their Brethren , and in all points conformed themselves to the Rules of that Church ; which afterwards they laboured to promore in England , and actually did effect in Scotland , to the no small disturbance of either Kingdom . By the perswasion of these men , he is resolved to try his Fortune once again on the Church of England , before the resetling of the Liturgie under Queen Elizabeth might render the design impossible , or at least unprosperous . To which end he addresseth his desires to the Queen her self , at her first coming to the Crown . The like he doth to Mr. Secretary Cecil , by his Letters bearing date the 17 of Ianuary 1558 , in which he makes mention of the other ; in both he spurs them on to a Reformation , complaining that they had not shewed such a forwardness in it , as all good men expected , and that cause required . But above all things he desires , that a pure a and perfect Worship of God may be fully setled , that the Church may be throughly purged of its former filth , and that the Children of God in England might be left at liberty to use such purity in all Acts of publick Worship as to them seemed best . And what else could he aim at by these expressions ( comparing them with the Contents of his two last Letters ) but that the former Liturgie should be abolished , or brought unto a neerer conformity to the Rules of Geneva ; or at the least , that liberty might be left to the godly party , to use any other Form of Worship which they though more pure ? But finding no such good return to either Letter , as he had promised to himself , he leaves the cause to be pursued by such English Zealots , as he had trained up at Geneva , or otherwise had setled their abode amongst the Switzers , where all set Forms of Worship were as much decryed , as they were with him . And that they might not slacken in the midst of their course , he recommends the general Superintendents of the Church of England to the care of Beza , who after his decease succeeded both in his place and power ; of whose pragmaticalness in pursuing this design against the Liturgie , condemning all established Orders of this Church , his interposing in behalf of such of his Followers as had heen silenced , suspended , or deprived for their inconformity , we shall speak more large at when we come to England . 20. There happened another quarrel in the Church of England , and he must needs make himself a party in it . Mr. Iohn Hooper having well deserved by his pains in preaching and publishing some Books , which very much conduced to the peace of the Church , is nominated by the King to the See of Glocester . Willing enough he was to accept the charge ; but he had lived so long at Zurick , in the Reign of King Henry , where there was no distinction of Apparel , either Sacred or Civil , that he refused to wear such Robes at his Consecration , as by the Rules of the Church were required of him . And by the Rules of the Church it was required , that for his ordinary Habit he should wear the Rochet and Chimere , with a square Cap upon his head , and not officiate at the Altar without his Coap , or perform any Ordination without his Crosier . Incouraged by his refusal , many of the inferiour Clergie take the like exceptions against Caps and Surplices , as also against Gowns and Tippets , the distinct Habits of their Order . Upon this ground Archbishop Cranmer makes a stop of his Consecration , and would not be perswaded to dispute with him in that particular , though he much desired it . He had fastned some dependance upon Dudley , then Earl of Warwick , and afterwards created Duke of Northumberland ; who did not onely write his own Letters , but obtained the Kings , that without pressing him any further to conform himself to those Robes and Habits , the Bishop should proceed immediately to his Consecration . But Cranmer weighing the importance of that ill Example , held off his hand , till he had satisfied the King , and so cooled the Earl , that Hooper was left unto himself ; and still continuing in his contumacy , was committed Prisoner . The news being brought to Calvin , he must needs play the Bishop in another mans Diocess , or rather the Archbishop in another mans Province . But having little hope of prevailing with Cranmer , who had before rejected his assistance in the Reformation , he totally applies himself to the Duke of Sommerset : And he writes to him to this purpose , That the Papists would grow every day more insolent then other , unless the differences about the Ceremonies were first composed . But then they were to be composed in such a manner , as rather might encourage the dissenters in their opposition , then end in the reduction of them to a due conformity . And to this end , he is unseasonably instant with him , to lend a helping hand to Hooper , as the head of that Faction . By which encouragement , if not also by his setting on , the like was done by Peter Martyr , and by Iohn Alasco ; the first of which was made Divinity-Reader in Oxon , and the other Preacher to the Dutch in London ; both ingaged in stickling for the unconformable party against the Vestments of the Church . But they both gained as little by it as Calvin did ; who seeing how little he effected in the Church of England , more then the getting of the name of a Polypragmon , a medler in such matters as concerned him not , gave over the affairs thereof to the charge of Beza ; who being younger then himself , and of less discretion , might live to see some good success of his Travails in it . And he accordingly bestirred himself in this very quarrel , as if the safety of the Church and the preservation of Religion had been brought in danger ; writing his Letters unto Grindal , when Bishop of London , not to insist so far on those matters of Ceremony , as to deprive any of his Ministery upon that account . He also signifies unto the Brethren his dislike of those Vestments , and thereby strengthned and confirmed them in their former obstinacy : And finally , left no stone unmoved , no kinde of practice unattempted , by which this Church might be at last necessitated to a Reformation upon Calvins Principles , whose counsels he pursued to the very last . 21. But as for Calvin , he had some other game to fly at , and of greater nature , then to dispute the lawfulness of Caps and Surplices , and other Vestments of the Clergie ; or to content himself with altering the old Forms of Government and publick Worship : The Doctrine was to be refined , and all Idolatry removed , whether it were Civil or Spiritual . In point of Doctrine he came neerest unto that of Zuinglius , as well in reference to the Sacrament , as Predestination ; but pitched upon the last for the main concernment , which was to difference his own Followers from all other Christians . The straining of which string to so great a height , hath made more discord in the harmony of the Church of Christ , then any other whatsoever . For not content to go the way of the Ancient Fathers , or to rely upon the judgement of St. Augustine , Fulgentius , Prosper , or any others which have moderated his excesses in it , he must needs add so much unto those extravagancies which he found in Zuinglius , as brought him under a suspition with some sober men , for making God to be the Author of sin : For by his Doctrine God is made to lay on our Father Adam an absolute and an unavoidable necessity of falling into sin and misery ; that so he might have opportunity to manifest his Mercy in Electing some few of his Posterity , and his Justice in the remediless rejecting of all the rest . In which as he could finde no countenance from the Ancient Fathers , so he pretendeth not to any ground for it in the Holy Scripture . For whereas some objected in Gods behalf , De certis verbis non extare , that the Decree of Adams Fall , and consequently the involving of his whole Posterity in sin and misery , was no where extant in the Word ; he makes no other answer to it , then a quasi vero , As if ( saith he ) God had made and created Man the most exact Piece of his Heavenly Workmanship , without determining of his End , either Heaven or Hell. And on this point he was so resolutely bent , that nothing but an absolute Decree for Adams Fall , seconded by the like for the involving of all his Race in the same perdition , would either serve his turn , or preserve his credit . If any man shall dare to opine the contrary , as Castillo did , he must be sure to be disgraced and censured by him , as Castillo was ; and as all others since have been , which presumed to question that determination , for which himself can give us no better name than that of an Horrible Decree , as indeed it is ; a cruel and Horrible Decree , to pre-ordain so many millions to destruction , and consequently unto sin , that he might destroy them . 22. I had not stood so long upon this particular , but in regard of those confusions and distractions which by his Followers have been occasioned in the Church , by their adhering to this Doctrine , and labouring to obtrude it upon all mens consciences . The Zuinglian Gospellers , as Bishop Hooper rightly calls them , began to scatter their predestinary Doctrines in the Reign of King Edward . But they effected little in it , till such of our Divines as had retired themselves to Basil , Zurick , and amongst the Switzers , or otherwise had been brought up at the Feet of Calvin , encouraged by his Authority , and countenanced by his name , commended them to all the people of this Realm , for sound Catholick verities . The like diligence was also used by his Disciples in all places else . By means whereof it came to be generally received , as a truth undoubted , and one of the most necessary Doctrines of mans Salvation , in all the Churches of his Platform : In which as his Doctrine in some other points had first prepared the way to bring in his Discipline ; so was it no hard matter for the Discipline to support these Doctrines , and crush all them that durst oppose them . Onely it was permitted unto Beza and his Disciples to be somewhat milder then the rest , in placing the Decree of Predestination before the Fall : which Calvin himself , though in some passages of his Writings he may seem to look the same way also , hath placed more judiciously in Massa corrupta , in the corrupted mass of mankinde , and the more moderate Calvinians as rightly presuppose for a matter necessary , before there could be any place for Election or Reprobation of particular Persons . But being they concurred with the rest , as to the personal Election o● Reprobation of particular men ; the restoring of the benefit of our Saviours sufferings to those few particulars , ( whom onely they had honoured with the glorious Name of Gods Elect ) the working on them by the irresistable power of Grace in the act of Conversion , and bringing them infallibly by the continual assistance of the said Grace unto life everlasting ; there was hardly any notice taken of their Deviation ; insomuch that they were scarce beheld in the condition of erring brethren , though they differed from them in the main Foundation which they built upon ; but generally passed under the name of Calvinists , as the other did . Which Doctrines , though I charge not wholly on the score of Presbytery , in regard that many of our English Divines , who abhorred that Government , appeared in favour of the same ; yet I may truely father them on the two grand Patrons of the Presbyterians , by whom they have been since exposed as their dearest darling ; and no less eagerly contended for , then the holy Discipline . 23. Another of Calvins great designs was to cry down that Civil Idolatry , which he conceived had been committed unto Kings and Princes , in making them Supreme and uncontrollable in their several Countries . For pulling down of whose Authority , even in Civil Matters , he attributes such power to such popular Officers as are by them appointed for the ease of their Subjects , that by his Doctrine they may call the Supreme Magistrate to a strict account , whensoever they shall chance to exceed those bounds which they had prescribed unto themselves , onely by which they may be circumscribed by others : For having in the last Chapter of his Institutions , first published in the year 1536 , exceeding handsomely laid down the Doctrine of Obedience , and the unlawfulness of resistance in what case soever ; he gives in the close such a qualification , as utterly overthrows his former Doctrine , and proved the sole ground of such Rebellions , Treasons and Assassinates as have disfigured the otherwise undefiled beauty of the Church of Christ. Which passages I shall here lay down in the Authors words , with a translation by their side , that the Reader may perceive there is no wrong done him ; and afterwards proceed to the discovery of those sad effects which have ensued upon them in too many places , wherein his Discipline hath either been received or contended for . His Doctrine in which point is this that followeth : 24. Neque enim si ultio Domini est ●ffraenaiae , dominationis correctio ideo protinus demandatum nobis arbitremur , quibus nullum aliud quam parendi & patiendi datum est mandatum . De privatis hominibus semper loquar . Nam si qui nunc sint Populares Magistratus ad moderandum Regum libidinem constituti ( quales olim erant qui Lacedemoniis Regibus oppositi erant Ephori , aut Romanis Consulibus Tribuni Plebis , aut Atheniensium Senatui Demarchi , & qua etiam forte potestate , ut nunc res habent , funguntur in singuli Regnis , tres Ordines , cum primarios conventus peragunt ; ) adeo illos ferocienti Regum licentiae pro officio intercedere non veto , ut si Regibus impotenter grassantibus , & humili plebeculae insultantibus conniverunt , eorum dissimulationem nefaria nefaria perfidia non carere affirmem , quia populi libertatem ( cujus se , Dei ordinatione , tutores positos norunt ) fraudulenter produnt . 24. Nor may we think because the punishment of Licentious Princes belongs to God , that presently this power is devolved on us , to whom no other warrant hath been given by God , but onely to obey and suffer . But still I must be understood of private persons : For if there be now any Popular Officers ordained to moderate the licentiousness of Kings ( such as were the Ephori set up of old against the Kings of Sparta , the Tribunes of the people against the Roman Consuls , and the Demarchy against the Athenian Senate , and with which power perhaps , as the world goes , the three States are seiz'd in each several Kingdom , when they are solemnly assembled ; ) so far am I from hindring them to put restraints upon the exorbitant power of Kings , as their Office binds them ; that I conceive them rather to be guilty of a persidious dissimulation , if they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants , or wantonly insult on the Common people , in that they treacherously betray the Subjects liberties , of which they knew they were made Guardians by Gods own Ordinance . 25. Which dangerous Doctrine being thus breathed and broached by Calvin , hath since been both professed and practised by all his Followers , as either they had opportunity to declare themselves , or strength enough to put the same in execution . Some of whose words I shall here add as a tast to the rest , and then refer the rest to their proper places . And first we will begin with Beza , who in his twenty fourth Epistle , inscribed to the Outlandish Churches in England , doth resolve it thus : If a any man , saith he , contrary to the Laws and Liberties of his native Country , shall make himself a Lord or Supreme Magistrate over all the rest ; or being lawfully invested with the Supreme Magistracie , should either unjustly spoil or deprive his Subjects of those Rights and Priviledges which he hath sworn to them to observe , or otherwise oppress them by open Tyranny ; that then the ordinary and inferiour Officers are to oppose themselves against them , who both by reason of their several Offices , and by Gods appointment , are bound in all such cases to protect the Subjects , not onely against Forreign , but Domestick Tyrants . Which is as much as could be possibly contrained in so narrow a compass : And if he were the Author ( as some say he was ) of the Book called Vindiciae contra Tyrannos , published under the name of Stephanus Brutus ; there hath been no Rebellion raised since that Book was written , or likely to be raised in the times ensuing , which may not honestly be charged upon his account . But because the Author of this Book is commonly reported to be meerly French , and none of the Genevian Doctors ; we may possibly hear more of him in that part of our History which relateth to the Actings of the Presbyterians in the Realm of France . What was taught afterwards in pursuance of Calvins Doctrines by Hottaman , and him that calls himself Eusebius Philadelphos amongst the French ; by Vrsine and Pareus , in the Palatine Churches ; by Buchanan and Knox amongst the Scots , and by some principal Disciplinarians amongst the English , we shall hereafter see in their proper places : And we shall then see also what was done in point of practice , first by the Princes on the House of Bourbon , and afterwards by some great Lords of the Hugonot party against Francis the Second , Charles the Ninth , Henry the Third , and Lewis the Thirteenth , Kings of France ; by William Prince of Orange , and other of the Belgick Lords , in the final abdication of King Philip the Second ; by the Hungarians and Bohemians , in their revolting from the Princes of the House of Austria ; by the Rebellious Scots , in deposing , imprisoning , and expelling of their rightful Queen , and finally , by the Genevian Faction in the Realm of England , in their imbroylments of the Nation under Queen Elizabeth , and that calamitious War ( but more calamitous in the issue and conclusion of it ) against Charles the First . All which are built upon no other ground then this Doctrine of Calvin , accommodated and applyed to their several purposes , as appears plainly by the Answer of the Scots to Queen Elizabeth , who justified the deposing of their natural and lawful Queen , on those words of Calvin , which they relyed on for the sole ground of that horrible Treason , and their Indemnity therein ; of which more hereafter . 26. In the mean time I shall content my self with the following passage , faithfully gathered out of the Common Places of William Bucan , Divinity-Reader in the small University of Lawsanna , s●ituate on the Lake Lemane , in the Canton of Berne , and consequently a neer Neighbour to the Town of Geneva ; who treating in his forty one Chapter of the Duty of Magistrates , propounds this question toward the close , viz. What a good Christian ought to do , if by a cruel Prince he be distressed by some grievous and open injury ? To which he thus returns his Answer : That though Princes and Subjects have relation unto one another ; yet Subjects in the course of nature were before their Princes , and therefore that such Princes ( if they usurp not a plain Tyranny in their several Kingdoms ) are not Superiour to the rest by nature , in the right of Father hood , but are setled by the suffrages and consent of the people , on such conditions as originally were agreed between them ; and that it follows thereupon , ( according unto Buchanans Doctrine ) that Subjects are not born for the good of their Kings , but that all Kings were made to serve for the good of the people : that it is lawful to defend Religion by force of Arms , not onely against the assaults of such Forreign Nations as have no jurisdiction over us , but also against any part of the same Common-wealth ( the common consent of the Estates being first obtained ) which doth indeavour to subvert it : that no violence is to be offered to the person of the Supreme Magistrate , though he play the Tyrant , by any private man whatsover , except he be warranted thereunto by some extraordinary and express command from the Lord himself ; but the oppression rather to be born with patience , then that God should be offended by such rash attempts : that the Protection of the Supreme Magistrate was to be required against the unjust oppressions of inferiour Officers : and that in a free Common-wealth the Supreme Magistrate is rather to be questioned in a course of Law , then by open Force ; that Subjects may lawfully take up Arms in defence of their Wives and Children , if the Chief Magistrate make any violent assault upon them , as Lyons and other brute Creatures sight to defend their young ones ; this last exemplified by that of Trajan , giving the Sword to the Captain of his Guard , with these following words : Hoc ense pro me justa faciente , injusta facien●e contra me utaris ; that is to say , That he should use the Sword against him in defence of himself , and for the protection of all those who in regard of his Office were subject to him : that therefore it was well done by the Switzers to free themselves of their subjection to the House of Austria , when the Princes of the House had exercised more then ordinary cruelty in most parts of the Country ; that David might lawfully have killed Saul , because he gave his Wife to another man , expelled him from his native Country , murdered the Priests for doing some good Offices to him , and pursued him from one place to another with his flying Army ; but that he did forbear to do it , lest he should give an Example to the people of Israel of killing their Kings , which other men prompted by ambition might be like enough to imitate . 27. Such is the Commentary of Buchanus upon Calvins Text , by which all Christian Kings are made accountable even in Civil Matters to the three Estates , or any other ordinary Officers of their own appointing . Which Doctrines being once by him delivered , and inforced by others , what else could follow thereupon , but first an undervaluing of their transcendent Authority , afterwards a contempt of their persons ; and finally , a reviling of them with reproachful Language ? From hence it was that Calvin calls a Mary Queen of England by the name of Proserpine , assuring us that all the Devils in Hell were not half so mischievous ; and that Knox could not finde for her any better titles then that of Iezabel , mischievous Mary of the Spaniards blood , the professed enemy of God. From hence it was , that Beza calls Mary Queen of Scots , by the names of Medea and Athaliah ; of which the one was no less infamous in the Sacred , then the other was in the Heathen story ; that the English Puritans compared Queen Elizabeth to an idle slut , who swept the middle of the room , but left all the dust and filth thereof behind the doors ; that Didoclavius calls King Iames b the greatest and most deadly enemy of the holy Gospel ; and positively affirms c of all Kings in general , that they are naturally enemies to the Kingdom of Christ. And finally , from hence it was that the seditious Author of the base and unworthy Dialogue , entituled Eusebius Philadelphus , hath so bespattered the great Princes of the House of France , that he hath made them the most ugly Monsters in their lusts and cruelty , which ere Nature produced ; and could devise no fitter names for Queen Mary of Scotland , then those of Medea , Clytemnestra , Proserpine , with that of monstrum Exitiale in the close of all : And that the late most mighty Monarch of Great Britain , was handled by his Subjects of this Faction with no less scurrility , then if he had been raised on high for no other purpose then to be made the mark , against which they were to shoot their Arrows , even most bitter words , the object of all false tongues , and calumnious Pens . Thus do they deal with Kings and Princes , as Pilate in the Gospel did with Christ our Saviour , adorned them in their Royal Robes , with their Crowns and Scepters , and then exposed them to the scorn of the common Souldiers , the insolencies and reproaches of the raskal Rabble . 28. Nor do they deal much better with them , in reference to their power in Spiritual Matters ; which they make either none at all , or such as is subservient onely to the use of the Church . Calvin first leads the way in this , as he did in the other , and seems exceedingly displeased with King Henry the Eighth , for taking to him the title of Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England . Of this he makes complaint in his Commentary on the 7 of Amos ; not onely telling us a what inconsiderate men they were who had conferred upon him any such Supremacie , but that himself was very much disquieted and offended at it . And though he be content to yeild him so much Authority , as may enable him to make use of the Civil Sword to the protecting of the Church and the true Religion ; yet he condemns all those of the like inconsiderateness , who make them more spiritual ( that is to say , of greater power , in Sacred Matters ) then indeed they are . The Supreme power according to the Rules of Calvins Platform , belongs unto the Consistory , Classes , or Synodical Meetings , to which he hath ascribed the designation of all such as bear publick Office in the Church , the appointing and proclaiming of all solemn Fasts , the calling of all Councils or Synodical Meetings , the censuring of all misdemeanors in the Ministers of holy Church ; in which last they have made the Supreme Magistrate an incompetent Judge , and therefore his Authority and final Judgement in such cases of no force at all . Beza treads close upon the heels of his Master Calvin , and will allow no other power to the Civil Magistrate , then to protect the Church and the Ministry of it , in propagating and promoting the True Worship of God. It is , saith b he , the Office of the Civil Magistrate , to use the Sword in maintenance and defence of Gods holy Church ; as it is the duty of the Ministers and Preachers of it , to implore their aid as well against all such as refuse obedience to the Decrees and Constitutions of the Church , as against Hereticks and Tyrants , which endeavoured to subvert the same . In which particulars if the Magistrate neglects to do his duty , and shall not diligently labour in suppressing Heresie , and executing the Decrees of the Church against all opponents ; what can the people do , but follow the Example of the Mother-City , in taking that power upon themselves , though to the total alteration and subversion of the publick Government . For from the Principles and practice of these great Reformers , it hath ever since been taken up as a Ruled case amongst all their Followers , that if Kings and Princes should refuse to reform Religion , that then the inferiour Magistrates , or the Common people , by the direction of their Ministers , both may and ought to proceed to a Reformation , and that by force of Arms also , if need so require . 29. That by this Rule the Scots did generally walk in their Reformation , under the Regencie of Mary of Lorreign , Queen-Dowager to Iames the Fifth ; and after her decease , in the Reign of her Daughter ; we shall show hereafter . And we shall show hereafter also , that it was published for good Genevian Doctrine by our English Puritans , That if Princes hinder them that travail in the search of this holy Discipline , they are Tyrants to the Church and the Ministers of it ; and being so , may be deposed by their subjects . Which though it be somewhat more then Calvin taught as to that particular , yet the conclusion follows well enough on such faulty Premises ; which makes it seem the greater wonder in our English Puritans , that following him so closely in pursuit of the Discipline , their disaffection unto Kings and all Soveraign Princes , their manifest contempt of all publick Liturgies , and pertinaciously adhering to his Doctrine of Predestination ; they should so visibly dissent him in the point of the Sabbath . For whereas some began to teach about these times a that the keeping holy of one day in seven , was to be reckoned for the Moral part of the fourth Commandment ; he could not let it pass without some reproof : for what , saith he , can be intended by those men , but in defiance of the Jews to change the day , and then to add a greater Sanctity unto it then the Jews ever did ? First therefore , he declares for his own Opinion , that he made no such reckoning of a seventh-day-Sabbath , b as to inthral the Church to a necessity of conforming to it : And secondly , that he esteemed no otherwise of the Lords-day-Sabbath , then of an Ecclesiastical Constitution , c appointed by our Ancestors in the place of the Jewish Sabbath , and therefore alterable from one day to another at the Churches pleasure : Followed therein by all the Churches of his party , who thereupon permit all lawful Recreations , and many works of necessary labour on the day it self , provided that the people be not thereby hindred from giving their attendance in the Church at the times appointed . Insomuch , that in Geneva if self all manlike exercises , as running , vaulting , leaping , shooting , and many others of that nature , are as indifferently indulged on the Lords day , as on any other . How far the English Puritans departed from their Mother-Church , both in Doctrine and Practice ( with reference to this particular ) we shall see hereafter , when they could finde no other way to advance Presbytery , and to decry the Reputation of the ancient Festivals , then by erecting their new Sabbath in the hearts of the people . 30. It is reportred by Iohn Barkley , in his Book called Parenes●s ad Scotos , that Calvin once held a Consultation at Geneva , for transferring the Lords day from Sunday to Thursday . Which though perhaps it may be true ( considering the inclination of the man to new devices ; ) yet I conceive , that he had greater projects in his Head , and could finde other ways to advance his Discipline , then by falling upon any such ridiculous and odious Counsel . He had many Irons in the fire , but took more care in hammering his Discipline then all the rest ; First by entitling it to some express Warrant from the holy Scripture , and afterwards by commending it to all the Churches of the Reformation . In reference to the first , he lets us know in his Epistle to Farellus , Septemb. 16. 1543. a that the Church could not otherwise subsist , then under such a Form of Government , as is prescribed in the Word , and observed in old times by the Church . And in relation to the other , he was resolved to make his best use of that Authority , which by his Commentaries on the Scriptures , his Book of Institutions , and some occasional Discourses against the Papists , he had acquired in all the Protestant and reformed Churches . Insomuch , that Gasper Ligerus , a Divine of Witteberge , by his Letters bearing date Feb. 27. 1554 , acknowledgeth the great benefit which he had received by his Writings , acquaints him with the peaceable estate of the Church of Saxonie ; but signifies withal , b that Excommunication was not used amongst them : whereunto Calvin makes this Answer , That he was glad to hear that the Church of Saxony continued in that condition , but sorry c that it was not so strengthned by the Nerves of Discipline , as might preserve the same inviolated to the times to come . He adds , that there could be no better way of correcting vice , then by the joynt consent of all the Pastors of one City ; d and that he never thought it meet , that the power of Excommunicating should reside in the Pastors onely , ( that is to say , not in conjunction with their Elders ; ) which last he builds on these three Reasons : First , in regard it is an odious and ungrateful Office ; next , because such a sole and absolute power might easily degenerate into tyranny ; and finally , because the Apostles had taught otherwise in it . By which we see , that as he builds his Discipline on the Word of God , or at the least on Apostolical tradition , which comes close unto it ; so he adventureth to commend it to the Lutheran Churches , in which his Reputation was not half so great , as amongst those which had embraced the Zuinglian Doctrines . 31. But in the Zuinglian Churches he was grown more absolute ; his Writings being so highly valued , and his person so esteemed of in regard of his Writings , that most of the Divines thereof depended wholly upon his judgement , and were willing to submit to any thing of his Prescription . The Church of Strasbourgh , where he had remained in the time of his exile , received his Discipline with the first , as soon as it was finally established in Geneva it self . For it appeareth by the Letter which Gasper Oberianus sent to Calvin , bearing date April 12. 1560. a that the Eldership was then well setled in that Church , and the Elders of it in a full possession of their power , the exercise whereof they are desired to suspend in one particular , which is there offered to his view . This Gasper was chief Minister of the Church of Tryers , so passionately affected to the name of Calvin , that he accounted it for one of his greatest honours to be b called a Calvinian Preacher . Acquainting him with the condition of the Church of Tryers , he tells him amongst other things , that he found the people very willing to submit to Discipline ; and thereupon intreats him for a Copy of those Laws and Orders c which were observed in the Consistory of Geneva , to the end he might communicate them to such of the Senators as he knew to be zealously affected . Calvin , who was apt enough to hearken to his own desires , sends him a large draught of the whole Platform , as well relating to the choice of the Members , either Lay or Ministers , as to the power and jurisdiction which they were to exercise , with all the penalties and particularities ( with reference unto crimes and persons ) which depended on it . And having given him that account , he thus closeth with him : This summary ( saith he ) I had thought sufficient , by which , or out of which d , you may easily frame to your self such a form of Government , as I have no reason to prescribe . To you it appertains modestly to suggest those counsels , which you conceive to be most profitable for the use of the Church , that godly and discreet men , who seldom take it ill to be well advised , may thereupon consider what is best be to done . Which words of his , though very cautelously couched , were so well understood by Oberianus , that the Discipline was first admitted in that Church , and afterwards propagated into those of the Neighbouring Provinces . 32. He hath another way of screwing himself into the good opinion of such Kings and Princes as he conceived to be inclinable to the Reformation ; sometimes congratulating with them for their good success ; sometimes encouraging them to proceed in so good a work ; of which sort were his Letters to King Edward the Sixth , to Queen Elizabeth , and Mr. Secretary Cecil ; to the Prince Elector Palatine , Duke of Wir●inburgh , Lantgrave of Hesse . But he bestirred himself in no place more , then he did in Poland ; which though he never visited in person , yet he was frequent in it by his Lines and Agents . The Augustane Confession had been brought thither some years before ; of which he took but little notice . But he had heard no sooner that the Doctrines of Zuinglius began to get some ground upon them , under the Reign of Sigismund , sirnamed Augustus , when presently he posts his Letters to the King , and most of the great Officers which were thought to encline that way . Amongst which , he directs his Letters to Prince Radzeville , one of the Chief Palatines , and Earl Marshal ; Spirtetus Castelan of Sunderzee , and Lord high-Treasurer ; to Iohn Count of Tarnaco , Castelan of Craco , and Lord General of his Majesties Armies : besides many other Castelans , and persons of great power in the Affairs of that Kingdom . In his first Letters to that King , dated the fourth of December 1554 , he seems to congratulate with him for imbracing the Reformed Religion , ( though in that point he was somewhat out in his intelligence ; ) and thereupon exhorts him to be earnest in the propagating of the Faith and Gospel , which in himself he had imprest ; and that he would proceed to reform the Church from the dregs of Popery , without regard to any of those dangers and inconveniences which might follow on it . But in his next address ( 1555 ) he comes up more close , speaks a of erecting a tribunal or throne to Christ ; setting up such a perfect Form of the true Religion , as came neerest to the Ordinance of Christ. And we know well , that in the meaning of his party , the settling of Presbytery was affirmed to be nothing else then setting Christ upon his Throne , holding the Scepter of the Holy Discipline in his own right-hand . And somewhat to this purpose he had also written to the Count of Tarnaco , whom in his first Letter he applauds for his great readiness to receive the Gospel : But in his second , bearing date the nineteenth of November 1558 , he seems no less grieved that the Count demurred on something which he had recommended to him , under pretence that b it was not safe to alter any thing in the State of the Kingdom , and that all innovations seemed to threaten some great danger to it ; which cautelousness in that great person , could not relate to any alteration in the State of Religion , in which an alteration had been made for some years before ; and therefore must refer to some Form of Discipline which Calvin had commended to him for the use of those Churches . And no man can conceive that he would recommend unto them any other Form then that which he devised for the Church of Geneva . 32. But Calvin did not deal by Letters onely in the present business , but had his Agents in that Kingdom , who busily imployed themselves to advance his projects . Amongst whom , none more practical , or pragmatical rather , then Iohn Alasco , of a Noble Family in that Country , but a professed Calvinian , both for Doctrine and Discipline ; for the promoting whereof , when he had setled himself and his Church in London , Anno 1550 , he publisheth a Pamphlet in defence of sitting at the Holy Sacrament , incouraged those who had refused conformity to the Cap and Surplice , and eagerly sollicited M. Bucer ( a man of greater parts , but of more moderation ) to shew himself on their behalf . Driven out of England , he betakes himself to the Dukedom of Saxony , where he behaved himself with such indiscretion , that he was fain to quit those parts and retire to Poland , in which the greatness of his kindred was his best protection . There he sets up again for Calvin . By the Activity of this man , the diligence of Vtenhorius , and the compliance of some great persons upon Politick ends ; the Eldership is advanced in many places of that Kingdom , as appears by the Letters of the said Vtenhorius , bearing date Ian. 27. 1559. In which he signifies unto him , that the most illustrious Prince , the Palatine of Vil●a in Lithuania , being come to the Assembly of the States which was held at Petrico , resolved not to depart from thence before some Convention of the Brethren should be held there also ; to which a as well the Elders which his Highness brought thither with him , as those he found there at his coming , should consult together for the establishing of a greater purity in Rites and Ceremonies to be used amongst them . For which admission of the Discipline into Lithuania , Calvin expresseth no small joy in his Letters to a nameless Friend in that Country , bearing date Octob. 9. 1561. In which he lets him know how much he did congratulate the happiness of the Realm of Poland , and more particularly of the Province of Lithuania , that the Reformed Religion made so great a progress in those Countries , by which addition Christs Kingdom had been much enlarged ; that his joy was very much increased , b by hearing that together with the same Religion they received the Discipline ; that it was not without very good cause , that he used to call the Discipline the Nerves of the Church , in regard of the great strength which it added to it . By which last words we may perceive what kinde of Church Government it was which he commended to Ligerus before remembred , under this very title of the Nerves of Discipline , by which Religion was to be preserved inviolable for the times to come . 33. In the Assembly at Petrico , before remembred , the Palatines , and other great men of the Kingdom , obtained a Priviledge , c whereby it was made lawful for them to reform all the Churches under their command , & to reform them in such manner as to them seemed best . It was then also moved by the Count of Tarnaco , that the Bishops should no longer hold their place or suffrage in the Assembly of Estates , but keep themselves only to such matters as concerned the Church : which though it did not take effect , yet the attempt appeared so dreadful in the eye of those Prelates then present , that they became more tractable and obsequious to the great State-Officers , then they had been formerly . And what could follow hereupon , but that the great men being left to please themselves in their own Religion , and the Bishops not daring to oppose ; not onely Zuinglianism and the Discipline , but many other Sects and Innovations should get ground upon them ? In reference to the Discipline , as it was fitted and accommodated to whole Realms and Nations , they had not onely their Presbyteries , as in Geneva , Strasbourg , and some other Cities ; but their Classical and Synodical Meetings , as in France and Scotland ; wherein they took upon them to make Laws and Ordinances for the directing of their Churches after Calvins Model . For in the Synod held at Tzenger , in the year 1564 , it was Decreed that they should use no other Musick in their Churches , then the singing of Psalms ( after the manner of Geneva , understand it so ) condemning that which was then used in the Church of Rome , partly because the Psalms and Hymns were sung in the Latine Tongue , and partly because the Priests did bellow in them ( as they pleased to phrase it ) like the Priests of Baal . Concerning which we are to know , that the device of turning Davids Psalms into Rhyme and Meter , was first taken up by Clement Marrot , one of the Grooms of the Bed-chamber to King Francis the First ; who being much addicted to Poetry , and having some acquaintance with those which were thought to wish well to the Reformation , was perswaded by the learned Vatablus ( Professor of the Hebrew Tongue in the University of Paris ) to exercise his Poetical Fancies in translating some of Davids Psalms . For whose satisfaction and his own , he translated the first fifty of them into Gallick Meters ; and after fleeing to Geneva , grew acquainted with Beza , who in some tract of time translated the other hundred also , and caused them to be fi●ted unto several Tunes : Which thereupon began to be sung in private Houses , and by degrees to be taken up in all the Churches of the French and other Nations which followed the Genevian Platform . For first , in imitation of this Work of Marrot's , Sternhold , a Groom of the Privy-Chamber to King Edward the Sixth , translated thirty seven of them into English Meeter , Anno 1552 , the rest made up by Iohn Hopkins and some others , in the time of Queen Mary ; but most especially by such as had retired unto Geneva in those very times . Followed therein by some Dutch Zealots , who having modelled their Reformation by the Rules of Calvin , were willing to imbrace this Novelty amongst the rest . So as in little tract of time , the singing of these Psalms in Meter became a most especial part of their publick Worship ; and was esteemed as necessary to the Service of God , as were the acts of Prayer and Preaching , and whatsoever else was esteemed most Sacred . In the next place , to take away all difference in Apparel , whether Sacred or Civil , and all distinction in the choice of Meats and Drinks ; he accounted it b a ridiculous and ungodly thing for those which are the Heirs of all things , ( with dominion over all the Creatures ) to suffer themselves to be restrained by any superstitious use of Meats , Drinks , or Vestments . The Temples built unto their hands , they were contented to make use of for their publick Meetings , being first purged of Idols , Altars , the Bellowings beforementioned , and other the like dregs of Popery ; though formerly they had been abused ( who sees not a Calvinian spirit walking in all these lines ? ) by the Priests of Baal . They seem content also to allow their Ministers Meat , Drink and wages ; condemning those which grutch them such a sorry Pittance . But as for Tithes , and Glebes , and Parsonage-Houses , they kept them wholly to themselves , that being the Fish they angled for in those troubled waters , and the chief bait that tempted them to swallow down those alterations in Religion , which afterwards made them a reproach and a by-word to the rest of Christendom . 34. I have some reason to believe , that sitting at the Lords Table came first in with Calvinism , as being most agreeable to the Rules of the Discipline and the Doctrine of the Zuinglian Church . But afterwards , upon consideration of the scandal which was given thereby , as well to the Lutherans as the Papists ; a it was thought fit to change that posture into standing or kneeling ; and then to charge the introduction of that sawey custom on the Arrain Hereticks , who looking on Christ no otherwise then their elder Brother , thought it no robbery at all to be equal with him , b and sit down with him at his Table . And it was well for them , though it happened very ill for the peace of Christendom , that they could finde so fair a Plaster for so foul a soar . For so it was , that both the Heresies of Arrius , the impieties of Servetus , the extravagancies of the Anabaptists , and the exploded errors of the Samosatenians , who from the last reviver of them are now called Socinians , grew up together in this Kingdom with the Doctrine of Calvin , and might receive some good encouragement from the Rules of his Discipline , by which that slovenly gesture or posture of sitting was imposed as necessary . Nor was the Discipline of force sufficient to repress those Heresies ; though Calvin thought it such a great preservative of the true Religion , and that it was con●irmed at the Synod of Sendomier 1570 , c as grounded on the Word of God , and warranted both by Christs command , and the example of his Apostles ; which gives the Presbyterian Discipline more Divine Institution , then Calvin durst ascribe unto it , or any of our Sabbatarians could ever finde for their Lords-day-Sabbath . Some difference there was in the choice of their Elders , between these Polish Churches , and the rest of that Platform ; the Government of the rest , being meerly popular ; but these retaining somewhat in them of an Aristocracy . For besides the several Presbyteries of particular Churches , they have a more general superintendencie in every Diocess , or any other large District , of what name soever . For managing whereof , some of the principal Ministers are chosen by consent of their Synods , whom they call by the name of Spiritual Superintendents , each of them being associated with two or three Elders of the Lay-Nobility ; and for the most part , of the rank or degree of Knights . By means whereof , they keep the ordinary Presbyteries and Parochial Sessions within the bounds appointed for them , not suffering them to intrench upon the priviledges of Prince or People , as they have done in other places , where they want this curb . 36. Leaving the Polish Churches under this establishment , we must follow Calvin into Scotland , where he imployed Iohn Knox as his Vicar-General . He knew the spirit of the man by his Factious Writings , his actings in the Schism at Frankfort , and the long conversation which he had with him in Geneva it self ; and having given him a Commission to return to Scotland , instructed and incouraged him in his following courses . And Knox applyed himself so well to his Instructions , that presently on his return he inflamed the people to the defacing of Images , the destroying of Altars , demolishing of Monasteries and Religious Houses , and making havock of all things which formerly were accounted Sacred . This Calvin calls a the propagation of the Gospel , and by his Letters doth congratulate with him for his good success : So that if Tully's Rule be true , and that there be little or no difference between the advising of mischief , and the rejoycing at it when the deed is done b ; Calvin must be as guilty of those spoils and Sacrileges , as even Knox himself . And that he might proceed as he had begun , he lays this Rule before him for his future carriage ; that is to say , that the Church was to be cleared from all that filth which had issued out of errour and superstition ; c and that the Mysteries of God were not to be defiled with idle and impertinent mixtures . Under which general Rule , and such a general Rule as hath no exceptions , there was no Ceremony used in the Church of Rome , though Primitive and Apostolical in it self , which was not presently to be discharged as impure or idle , or otherwise abominated , as some part of the filths of Popery . And because all things must be done to the honour of Galviu , he is consulted with in all such doubts and emergent difficulties , as could not be sufficiently determined by a less Authority . It is reported in the History writ by Venerable Bede , that when Augustine the Monk was sent into England by Pope Gregory to convert the Saxons , he met with many difficult and intricate cases , which he was not able to resolve . In which respect he sent them all in writing to the Pope himself , requiring his judgement in the same , that he might have the better ground to proceed upon ; either in ordering of such matters which concerned the Church , or determining finally such cases as were brought before him . Knox looks on Calvin with as great a Reverence , as Augustine did upon the Pope ; accounts him for the Supreme Pastor of the Reformation , and therefore sends his doubts unto him concerning the Baptizing of Bastards , as also of the Children of Idolaters , and Excommunicate persons . He makes another Querie also , but such as seemed to be rather a matter of Concupiscence , then a case of Conscience ; Whether the Monks and Parish-Priests which remained in Scotland , were to receive their Tythes and Rents as in former times , considering that they did no service in the Church of Christ. To which last Query , he returned such answer ( for in the other he was Orthodox and sound enough ) as served to strip the Monks and Priests of all their livelyhood ; it being clearly his opinion , a that they ought not to be fed and cloathed at the publick charge , in regard they lived in idleness , and did nothing for it ; but that they rather were to get their livings by the sweat of their brows , and by the labour of their hands . According to which resolution , no man is sure of his Estate , but may be stript of it as an idle boy , or an unprofitable servant , when the Brethren please . 36. But Calvins thoughts were not confined to Poland or to Scotland onely : He now pretends to a more general or Apostolical care over all the Churches , sending abroad his Missives like the Decretals of some former Popes ; which being made in reference to those emergent difficulties which were brought before them , served afterwards for a standing Rule to regulate the like cases for the times to come . It would be thought a matter of impertinency , or curiosity at the best , to touch upon all particulars of this nature , in which he signified his good pleasure to the rest of the Churches . The Reader may satisfie himself out of his Epistles , if he hath any list or leisure to co●sult the same ; or otherwise may make a judgement of them by this small scantling , as the wise Mathematician took the just measure of the body of Hercules , by the impression which he made in the sand by one of his Feet . And therefore I shall look no further then upon such specialities as have relation to the Doctrine , Discipline , or Forms of Worship , which are most proper to the rest . Some of the Brethren not fully setled in a Church , had laid aside the singing of Psalms , either for fear of being discovered , or otherwise terrified and discouraged by the threats of the adversary . For this he reprehends them in a tedious Letter , dated Iuly 19. 1559. b imputes it to their fearfulness or pasillanimity , accuseth them of plain tergiversation , and shutting up all passages against the entrance of the Graces of Almighty God. The Brethren of Mont-Pelyard ( for I think the former lived in Mettz , the chief City of Lorrein ) were required by the Guardians of their Prince ( that is to say , the Palatine of Zuibrook , and the Duke of Wirtenberge ) to hold conformity in some Ceremonies with the Lutheran Church , as namely in the Form of their Catechising , the manner of Administring the Holy Sacrament , the Form of publick Prayers , and Solemnizing of Marriages . They were required also to imploy themselves in Preaching down the errours and corruptions of the Church of Rome , in some small Signiories which were lately fallen unto their Prince , and had not formerly been instructed in the Doctrine of the Protestant Churches . But absolutely they refused the one , and would do nothing in the other without Calvins leave ; to whose infallible judgement and determination they refer the points : whereunto he returns such answer by his Letters , bearing date September 25. 1562 , as confirmed them in their first refusal ; excepting more particularly against suffering Midwives to Baptize , and against praying for the joyful Resurrection of a man deceased , at the time of his Burial . But in the other he adviseth them to accept the charge , as visibly conducing to the propagation of the true Religion , and the inlarging of Christs Kingdom . 37. So for the Discipline which seemed to be devised at first upon humane prudence , accommodated to the present condition of Geneva onely ; the use of Excommunication had been discontinued in the Protestant Churches , and no such creatures as Lay-Elders heard of in the Primitive times , or glanced at in the holy Scriptures . So that to trust them with the power of the Churches-censures , could not pretend to any ground in the Word of God , supposing that the use of Excommunication was to be every where received . Calvin himself confesses in his Letter unto those of Zurick , a that in the judgement of most Learned and Religious men , there was no need of Excommunication under Christian Princes . Beza acknowledgeth the like in the Life of Calvin ; and what Ligerus saith for the Church of Saxonie , hath been shewed already . But by degrees it came to be intituled to Divine Authority ; at first commended as convenient , and at last as necessary . With the opinion of the Sacred and Divine Authority of the holy Discipline , he had so far possessed Saligniar , a man of Eminent power in the City of Paris , and one that for thirty years before , had declared himself in favour of the Reformation , that he acknowledgeth it in the end to be Apostolical : For in his Letter written unto Calvin on the Ides of December , he lets him know how vehemently he did desire , that b they might have such a Form of Ecclesiastical Polity , as Calvin seemed to breath , and could not be denyed to be Apostolical . From hence it was that he declared so positively in his Epistle to Poppius , February 25. 1559 , that the c Magistrates were to be sollicited for the Exercise of Excommunication by publick Authority ; which if it could not be obtained , the Ministers were to make this protestation , that they durst not give the Sacrament to unworthy receivers , for fear of coming under the censure of casting that which was holy before Dogs and Swine . More fully in his answer to some questions about the Discipline ; in which we finde ( and that goes very high indeed ) d that the safety of the Church cannot otherwise be provided for , then by the free use of Excommunication , for the purifying of the same from filth , the restraint of licentiousness , abolishing enormous crimes , and the correcting of ill manners ; the moderate exercise whereof he that will not suffer , doth plainly shew himself to be no sheep of our Saviours Pasture . 38. And so far Calvin had proceeded , but he went no further ; neither condemning the Estate of Bishops as Antichristian and unlawful , nor thinking his Lay-elders so extreamly necessary , that no Decree of Excommunication could be past without them . But Beza , a who succeeded in the Chair of Calvin , is resolved on both : For Calvin having sate eight and twenty years in the Chair of Geneva , ended his life in the year 1564. During which time he had attained to such an height of Reputation , that even the Churches of the Switzers lost the name of Zuinglians , and thought it no small honour to them , as well as those of Germany , France , Pole , or Scotland , to be called Calvinian . Onely the English held it out , and neither had imbraced his Doctrines , nor received his Discipline . And though the Puritan party in it took the name of Calvinists ( our Divines commonly called Calvinists , say the two Informers ) yet both Saravia stomached it to be so accounted , Mountague in answer to the two Informers doth protest against it , and all the true sons of the Church of England do as much disclaim it . Beza endeavoured what he could to introduce his Discipline and Forms of Worship into all the Churches which did pretend to any Reformation of their ancient Errours . In the pursuit whereof he drives on so furiously , like Iehu in the holy Scriptures , as if no Kings or Princes were to stand before him . Scarce was he setled in his Chair , when one of his professed Champions for Presbytery puts himself into Heidelberg , which had not long before admitted the Calvinian Doctrines , but not submitted to the Discipline , as extrinsecal to them ▪ This Champion therefore challenges the Divines thereof to a disputation , publickly holds forth this proposition , which he then defended ; that is to say , That to a Minister with his Elders , there is power given by express warrant from Gods Word , to Excommunicate all offenders , even the greatest Prince . From hence proceeded that dispute which afterwards Erastus ( of whom more hereafter ) maintained with Beza ; the point being put upon this issue : Whether all Churches ought to have their Eldership invested with a power of Excommunication ; and that Lay-elders were so necessary in every Eldership , that nothing could be done without them . In which dispute ( as it is very well observed by judicious Hooker ) they seemed to divide the whole truth between them ; Beza most truely holding the necessity of Excommunication in a Church well constituted ; Erastus no less truely shewing that there was no necessity of Lay-elders to be Ministers of it . 40. But his main business was to settle the Calvinian Forms in the Realms of Britain ; in which he aimed at the acquiring of as great a name , as Calvin had obtained in France or Poland . Knox had already so prevailed amongst the Scots , that though they once subscribed to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , yet he had brought them to admit such a Form of Worship , as came more neer to the Example of Geneva . And he had brought the Discipline to so good a forwardness , that Beza was rather wanting to confirm then to introduce it , as shall appear at large when we come to Scotland . But Knox had many opportunities to effect his business , during the absence of their Queen , the Regencie of Queen Mary of Lorreign , and the unsettledness of affairs in the State of that Kingdom , which the Brethren could not finde in England , where the Fabrick of the State was joyned together with such Ligaments of Power and Wisdom , that they were able to act little , and effect much less . Some opposition they had made after their coming back from Frankfort and Geneva , their two chief Retreats , against the Vestments of the Church , and the distinction of Apparel betwixt Priests and Lay-men : In which some of them did proceed with so vain an obstinacie , that some of them were for a time suspended , and others totally deprived of their Cures and Benefices ; some of them also had begun to take exception against some parts and Offices of the publick Liturgie , refusing thereupon to conform unto it ; and thereupon likely to incur the very same penalties which were inflicted on the other . In both these cases they consult the Oracle , resolving to adhere to his determination in them , whatsoever it was . First therefore he applyes himself to Grindal , then Bishop of London , and very zealously affected to the name of Calvin : to whom he signifies by his Letter of the 26 of Iune 1566 , how much he was afflicted with the sad reports out of France and Germany , by which he was advertised that many Ministers in England , a being otherwise unblamable both for Life and Doctrine , had been exauctorated or deprived by the Queens Authority , ( the Bishops giving their consent and approbation ) onely for not subscribing to some Rites and Ceremonies ; but more particularly , that divers of them were deprived , not onely for refusing to wear b those Vestments which were peculiar to Baals Priests in the times of Popery , but for not conforming to some Rites which had degenerated into most shameful superstitions , such as the Cross in Baptism , kneeling at the Communion , and the like to these : That Baptism was admitted sometimes by Midwives : c That power was left unto the Queen to Ordain other Rites and Ceremonies , as she saw occasion : and finally , that the Bishops were invested with the sole Authority for ordering matters in the Church ; d the other Ministers not advised with , or consulted in them . 41. Such is the substance of his charge ; against each particular point whereof he bends his forces , as if he had a minde to batter down the Bulwarks of the Church of England , and lay it open to Geneva . I shall not note how much he blames the Ancient Fathers for bringing in so many Ceremonies into use and practice , which either had been borrowed from the Iews , or derived from the Gentiles ; or how he magnifieth the nakedness and simplicity of those Forreign Churches which abominate nothing more then such outward trappings . But the result of all is this e , that whatsoever Rite or Ceremony was either brought into the Church from the Iews or Gentiles , not warranted by the institution of Christ , or by any Examples of the Apostles ; as also all significant Ceremonies , which by no right were at first brought into the Church , ought all at once to be prohibited and suppressed , there being no hope that the Church would otherwise be restored to her native Beauty . I onely note , that he compares the Cross in Baptism to the Brazen Serpent , abused as much to Superstition and Idolatry ; and therefore to be abrogated with as great a Zeal in a Church well ordered , as that Image was destroyed by King Hezekiah . He falls soul also on that manner of singing which was retained in the Queens Chappels , all the Cathedrals , and some Parish-Churches of this Kingdom , because perhaps it was set forth with Organs , and such Musical Instruments a as made it sitter ( in his judgement ) to be used in Dancing , then in Sacred actions ; and tended more to please the ears , then to raise the affections . Nor seems he better pleased with that Authority which was enjoyed and exercised by the Archbishop of Canterbury , in granting Licenses for Pluralities , non-Residence , contracting Marriages in the Church , and eating Flesh on days prohibited ; with many other things of that nature , which he accounts not onely for so many stains and blemishes in the Face of Christendom , b but for a manifest defection even from Christ himself ; in which respect they rather were to be commended then condemned and censured , that openly opposed themselves against such corruptions . 42. Yet notwithstanding these complaints , he grants the matters in dispute , and the Rites prescribed , to be things indifferent , not any way impious in themselves , nor such as should necessitate any man to forsake his Flock , rather then yeild obedience and conformity to them . But then he adds , that if they do offend , who rather chuse to leave their Churches , then to conform themselves to those Rites and Vestments against their Consciences , c a greater guilt must be contracted by those men before God and his Angels , who rather chuse to spoil these Flocks of able Pastors , then suffer those Pastors to make choice of their own Apparel ; or rather , chuse to rob the people of the Food of their souls , then suffer them to receive it otherwise then upon their knees . But in his Letter of the next year he adventureth further , and makes it his request unto all the Bishops , that some fit Medicine be forthwith applyed to the present mischief , which did not onely give great scandal to the weak and ignorant , but even to many Learned and Religious Persons . And this he seems to charge upon them , as they will answer for the contrary at the Judgement-Seat of Almighty God , to whom an account is to be given of the poorest Sheep which should be forced to wander upon this occasion from the rest of the Flock . Between the writing of which Letters , some of their brethren had propounded their doubts unto him , touching the calling of the Ministers , as it was then , and still is used in the Church of England ; the wearing of the Cap and Surplice , and other Vestments of the Clergy which was then required ; the Musick and melodious singing in Cathedral Churches ; the interrogatories proposed to Infants at the time of their Baptism ; the signing of them with the sign of the Cross ; kneeling at the Communion , administring the same in unleavened Bread ; though the last were left at liberty by the Rules of the Church , and used in some few places onely . Of all which he not onely signified a plain dislike , but endeavoured to shew the errours and absurdities contained in them ; for such they must contain , if he pleased to think so . And what could follow hereupon , but an open Schism a , a separation from the Church , a resort to Conventicles ; which he takes notice of in his last to Grindal , but imputes it unto that severity which was used by the Bishops , in pressing such a yoak of Ceremonies upon tender Consciences . The breach not lessened , but made wider by another Letter directed to the French and Dutch Churches at London b ; in which he sets before them the whole Form of Worship which was established at Geneva , insisteth upon many points , neither agreeable to the Discipline or Doctrine of the Church of England ; and ●inally , so restrains the power of the Supreme Magistrate , that he is left to the correction and control of his under Officers . Of which two Letters , that which was writ for satisfaction of the English brethren , bears date Octob. 24. 1567 , the other Iune 21 , in the year next following . 43. With great Zeal he drives on in pursuit of the Discipline , the Form and Power whereof we will first lay down out of his Epistles , and then observe to what a height he doth endeavour to advance the same ; excluding the Episcopal Government , as Antichristian , if not Diabolical . First then he tells us , that to each Minister which officiates in the Country-Villages within the Signiory of Geneva , c two Over-seers are elected as Assistants to him ; and that to them it appertains to keep a watchful eye over all men in their several Parishes , to convent such before them as they finde blame-worthy , to admonish them of their misdeeds ; and finally , if he cannot otherwise prevail upon them , to turn them over to the censure of the Eldership which resides in the City . This Eldership he compounds of the six ordinary Pastors , and twelve Lay-elders ; the last continually chosen from amongst the Senators . To whose charge and office it belongs , to take notice of all scandals and offences of what sort soever within the bounds assigned unto them , and every Thursday to report to the Court or Consistory what they have discovered . The parties thereupon are to be convented , fairly admonished of their faults , sometimes suspended from the Sacrament , if the case require it , and excommunicated at the last , if they prove impenitent . To this Eldership also it belongs , to judge in all cases and concernments of Matrimony , according to the Word of God , and the Laws of the City ; to repel such from the Communion as do not satisfie the Ministers by a full confession of their Faith and Knowledge . And in the company of an Officer of each several Ward , to make a diligent inquiry ( over them ) in every Family , a concerning their proficiencie in the Word of God , and the ways of Godliness . 44. We must next see to what a height he doth endeavour to advance this Discipline , which ( if we take it on his word ) is not to be received onely as a matter necessary , but to be had in equall Reverence with the Word of God. Sarnixius had acquainted him with some news from Poland , concerning the Divisions and subdivisions in the Churches there ; whereunto Beza makes his answer by his Letters of the first of November , 1566 , b That unless some Form of Ecclesiastical Discipline , according to the Word of God , were received among them , he could not see by what means they were able to remedy their discords , o● to prevent the like for the time to come ; that he had many times admired , that being warned by the confusion of their Neighbours in Germany , they had not considered before this time , as well of the necessity to receive such Discipline , as for the strict observing of it when it was received ; that there was onely one and the self-same Author , c both of Doctrine and Discipline ; and therefore that it must seem strange ( which I would have the Reader mark with his best attention ) to entertain one part of the Word of God , d and reject the other ; that it was most ridiculous to expect or think , that either the Laws could be observed , or the Peace maintained , without Rules and Orders , in which the very life of the Law did so much consist , that for the avoiding of some new Tyranny e which seemed to lye disguised under the Mask and Vizard of the present Discipline , they should not run themselves into such Anarchy and discords as were not otherwise to be prevented ; and finally , that no severity could be feared in the use of that Discipline , as long as it was circumscribed within the bounds and limits assigned unto it by the Word of God , and moderated by the Rules of Christian charity . So that we are not to admire , if the Discipline be from henceforth made a Note of the Church , every way as essential to the nature of it , as the Word and Sacraments ; which as it is the common Doctrine of the Presbyterians , so we must look on Beza as the Author of it ; such Doctrine being never preached in the Church before . 45. But because Beza seems to speak in that Epistle concerning the necessity of admitting some certain Form of Ecclesiastical Discipline , without pointing punctually and precisely unto that of Geneva ; we must next see what Form of Discipline he means , and whether a Church-Government by Bishops were intended in it . And first he tells us in a Postscript of a Letter to Knox , dated the third of Iuly 1569 , wherein he much congratulates his good Fortune , f for joyning the Discipline in his Reformation with the truth of Doctrine , beseeching him to go forward with it as he had begun , lest it might happen to him as it did to others , either to slacken in their speed , or not be able to advance were they never so willing . And we know well what Discipline , what Form of Government and Worship had been by Knox established in the Kirk of Scotland . But secondly , many of the Scots being still unsatisfied in the point of Episcopacy , and not well pleased with any other Government of a late invention ; it was thought fit to send to Beza for his judgement in it , who was now looked upon as the Supreme Pastor , Successor unto Calvin , both in place and power . Beza considers of the Business , and by his Letters of the 12 of April , 1572 , returns this Answer , viz. That he beheld it as an extraordinary blessing on the Church of Scotland a , That together with the true Religion , they also had received the Discipline for the bond thereof . Both which he earnestly conjures them so to hold together , as to be sure that there is no hope to keep the one , if they lose the other b : which being said in reference to the Holy Discipline , he next proceeds to spend his judgement in the point of Episcopacy . In reference to which , he first tells them this ; that as the Bishops were the first means to advance the Pope , so the pretended Bishops would maintain the Relicks of Popery . And then he adds , that it concerns all those to avoid that plague c ( by which he mean● undoubtedly the Episcopal Order ) who pretend to any care of the Churches safety . And therefore since they had so happily discharged that calling in the Church of Scotland , d they never should again admit it , though it might flatter them with some assurance of peace and unity . 46. What followed thereupon in Scotland , we shall see hereafter . But his desires of propagating the Genevian Forms , was not to be restrained to that part of the Island . In his first Letter unto Grindal , he doth not onely justifie the Genevian Discipline , and the whole Order of that Church in Sacred Offices , as grounded on the Word of God ; but findes great fault with the Episcopal Government in the Church of England , and the great power which was ascribed unto the Queen in Spiritual Matters . How so ? Because ( said he ) he found no warrant for it in the Word of God , or any of the ancient Canons , by which it might be lawful for the Civil Magistrate ( of his own Authority ) either to abrogate old Ceremonies , or establish new ; or for the Bishops onely to ordain and determine any thing , e without the judgement and consent of their Presbyteries being first obtained . And in his answer to the Queries of the English brethren , he findes no less fault with the manner of proceedings in the Bishops Courts ; in regard that Excommunications were not therein passed by the common consent of a Presbytery f , but decreed onely by some Civil Lawyers , or other Officers who fa●e as Judges in the same . But first , the man was ignorant of the course of those Courts , in which the sentence of Excommunication is never published or pronounced , but by the mouth of a Minister ordained according to the Rules of the Church of England . And secondly , it is to be conceived in Reason , that any Batchelor or Doctor of the Civil Law is far more fit to be imployed and trusted in the exercise of that part of Discipline , then any Trades-man of Geneva , though possibly of the number of the five and twenty . For the redress of which great mischief , and of many other , he applies himself unto the Queen , to whom he dedicates his Annotations on the New Testament , published in the year 1572. In the Epistle whereunto , though he acknowledgeth that she had restored unto this Kingdom the true Worship of God , yet he insinuates that there was wanting a full Reformation of Ecclesiastical Discipline ; that our Temples were not fully purged ; that some high places still remained , not yet abolished : and therefore wisheth that those blemishes might be removed , and those wants supplyed . Finally , understanding that a Parliament was then shortly to be held in England , and that Cartwright had prepared an Admonition to present unto it ; he must needs interpose his credit with a Peer of the Realm to advance the service , as appears plainly by his Letter of the same year , and the Nones of Iuly . In which , though he approves the Doctrine , yet he condemns the Government of the Church as most imperfect , not onely destitute of many things which were good and profitable , but also of some others which were plainly necessary . 47. But here it is to be observed , that in his Letter to this great person , whosoever he was , he seems more cautelous and reserved , then in that to Grindal ; but far more modest then in those to Knox , and the English Brethren . The Government of England was so well setled , as not to be ventured on too rashly ▪ And therefore he must first see what effect his counsels had produced in Scotland , before he openly assaults the English Hierarchy : But finding all things there agreeable to his hopes and wishes , he published his Tract De Triplici Episcopatu , calculated for the Meridian onely of the Kirk of Scotland ( as being writ at the desire of the Lord Chancellor Glammis ) but so , that it might generally serve for all Great Britain : In which Book he informs his Reader of three sorts of Bishops ; that is to say , the Bishop by Divine Institution , being no other then the Minister of a particular Church or Congregation ; the Bishop by humane appointment , being the same onely with the President of a Convocation , or the Moderator ( as they phrase it ) in some Church-assembly ; and finally , the Devils Bishops , such as presume to take upon them the whole charge of a Diocess , together with a superiority and jurisdiction over other Ministers . Which Book was afterwards translated into English by Feild of Wandsworth , for the instruction and content of such of the Brethren as did not understand the Latine . To serve as a Preface to which Work , the Presbyterian Brethren publish their Seditious Pamphlets in defence of the Discipline , some in the English Tongue , some in the Latine ; but all of them Printed at Gen●va : For in the year 1570 , comes out The plain and full Declaration of Ecclesiastical Discipline , according to the Word of God , without the name of any Author , to gain credit to it . And Traverse , a furious Zealot amongst the English ; had published at Geneva also in the Latine Tongue , a discourse of Ecclesiastical Discipline , according to the Word of God ( as it was pretended ) with the declining of the Church of England from the same , Anno 1574 ; which for the same reason must be turned into English also , and Printed at Geneva with Beza's Book , Anno 1580. What pains was took by some of the Divines of England , but more particularly by Dr. Iohn Bridges Dean of Sarum , and Dr. Adrian Saravia , preferred upon the merit of this service in the Church of Westminster , shall be remembred in a place more proper for it , when we shall come to a review of those disturbances which were occasioned in this Church by the Puritan Faction . Most of which did proceed from no other Fountain then the pragmaticalness of Beza , the Doctrines of Calvin , and the Example of Geneva ; which if they were so influential on the Realms of Britain , though lying in a colder climate , and so far remote ; it is to be presumed that they were far more powerful in France and Germany , which lay nearer to them ; and in the last of which the people were of a more active and Mercurial Spirit . 48. What influence Calvin had upon some of the Princes , Cities , and Divines of Germany , hath been partly touched upon before ; and how his Doctrines did prevail in the Palatine Churches , and his Discipline in many parts and Provinces of the Germane Empire , may be shown hereafter . In France he held intelligence with the King of Navar , the Brethren of Rouen , Aix , Mont-Pelier , and many leading men of the Hugonot party ; none of which can be thought to have asked his counsel about purchasing Lands , the Marriages of their Children , or the payment of Debts : And when the Fortune of the Wars , and the Kings just anger necessitated many of them to forsake their Country , they found no place so open to them as the Town of Geneva , and none more ready to befriend them then Calvin was , whose Letters must be sent to all the Churches of the Switzers , and the Neighbouring Germany , for raising Contributions and Collections toward their relief : which so exasperated the French King , that he threatned to make War upon the Town , as the fomenter of those discords which embroyled his Kingdom a , the Receptacle of his Rebels , the Delphos as it were of that Sacred Oracle which Soveraignly directed all affairs of moment . But of these things , and how Beza did co-operate to the common troubles which did so miserably distract the peace of France , shall be delivered more particularly in the following Book . 49. As for the Town and Territory of Geneva it self , it had so far submitted unto their Authority , that Calvin wanted nothing of a Bishop in it , but the name and title . The City of Geneva had been anciently an Episcopal See , consisting of many Parishes and Country Villages ; all subject by the Rules of the Discipline unto one Presbytery , of which Calvin for the term of his life had the constant Precedency ( under the style of Moderator ) without whom nothing could done which concerned the Church . And sitting as chief President in the Court or Consistory , he had so great an influence on the Common-council , as if he had been made perpetual Dictator also , for ordering the affairs of the Common-wealth . The like Authority was exercised and enjoyed by Beza also , for the space of ten years , or thereabouts , after his decease . At what time Lambertus Danaeus , one of the Ministers of that City , thinking himself inferiour to him in no part of Scholarship , procured the Presidency in that Church to go by turns , that he and others might be capable of their courses in it : By which means the Genevians being freed from those powerful Riders , would never suffer themselves to be bridled as they had been formerly . For thereupon it was concluded by a Decree of the Senate , that the Presbytery should have no power to convent any man before them , till the Warrant was first signed by one of the Syndicks . Besides which curb , as the Elders are named by the lesser Council , and confirmed by the greater , the Ministers advice being first had in the nomination ; so do they take an Oath at their admission , to keep the Ecclesiastical Ordinances of the Civil Magistrate . In which respect their Consistory doth not challenge an exorbitant and unlimited power , as the Commissioners of Christ ( as they did afterwards in Scotland ) but as Commissioners of the State or Signiory ; by which they are restrained in the exercise of that Jurisdiction , which otherwise they might and would have challenged by their first institution , and seemed at first a yoke too insupportable for the necks of the people . In reference to their Neighbouring Princes , their City was so advantageously sea●ed , that even their Popish Neighbours were more ready to support and aid them , then suffer the Town to fall into the power of the Duke of Savoy . And then it is not to be doubted but such States and Kingdoms as were Zealous in the Reformation , did liberally contribute their assistance to them . The con●●uence of so many of the French as had retired thither in the heat of the Civil Wars , had brought a miserable Plague upon them ; by which their numbers were so lessened , and their strength so weakned , that the Duke of Savoy took the oppornity to lay Siege unto it : In which distress they supplicate by Letters to all their Friends , or such as they conceived might wish well unto them in the cause of Religion ; and amongst others , to some Bishops and Noble-men of the Church of England , Anno 1582. But Beza having writ to Traverse , a most Zealous Puritan to negotiate in it , the business sped the worse for the Agents sake ; no great supply being sent unto them at that time . But afterwards when they were distressed by the Savoyard , Anno 1589 , they were relieved with thirteen thousand Crowns from England , twenty four thousand Crowns from the State of Venice ; from France and Florence , with intelligence of the enemies purposes : onely the Scots , though otherwise most zealous in advancing the Discipline , approved themselves to be true Scots , or false Brethren to them . For having raised great sums of mony , under pretence of sending seasonable relief to their friends in Geneva ; the most part of it was assigned over to the Earl of Bothwel , then being in Rebellion against their King , and having many ways endeavoured to surprise his person , and in fine , to take away his life . But this prank was not play'd until some years after , and therefore falls beyond the time of my design ; which was , and is , to draw down the successes of the Presbyterians in their several Countries , till the year 1585 , and then to take them all together , as they related unto England , or were co-incident with the Actions and Affairs thereof . But we must make our way by France , as lying nearest to the practices of the Mother-City ; though Scotland at a greater distance first took fire upon it , and England was as soon attempted as the French themselves . The end of the first Book . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History Of the PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . II. Containing The manifold Seditions , Conspiracies , and Insurrections in the Realm of France , their Libelling against the State , and the Wars there raised by their procurement , from the year 1559 to 1585. 1. THe Realm of France , having long suffered under the corruptions of the Church of Rome , was one of the first Western Kingdoms which openly declared against those abuses . Beringarius in the Neighbouring Italy , had formerly opposed the Gross and Carnal Doctrines of the Papists in the point of the Sacrament : Whose opinions passing into France from one hand to another , were at last publickly maintained by Peter Waldo , one of the Citizens of Lyons , who added thereunto many bitter invectives against the Supremacy of the Pope , the Adoration of Images , the Invocation of Saints , and the Doctrine of Purgatory . His Followers , from the place of his Habitation , were at first called in contempt , The poor men of Lyons ; as afterwards , from the name of their Leader , they were by the Latines called Waldenses , by the French Les Vandoise . But Lyons proving no safe place for them , they retired into the more desert parts of Languedock , and spreading on the banks of the River Alby , obtained the name of Albigenses in the Latine Writers , and of Les Albigeoise in the French : supported by Raymond the Fourth , Earl of Tholouse , they became so insolent , that they murthered Trincanel their Viscount in the City Beziers , and dasht out the teeth of their Bishop , having taken Sanctuary in St. Magdalens Church , one of the Churches of that City . For which high outrages , and many others of like nature which ensued upon them , they were warred upon by Lewis the Ninth of France , Sirnamed the Saint , and many Noble adventurers , who sacrificed many of them in the self-same Church wherein they had spilt the blood of others . After a long and bloody War , which ended in the year 1250 , they were almost rooted out of the Country also ; the residue or remainders of them having betook themselves into the mountainous parts of Daulphine , Provence , Piemont , and Savoy , for their greater safety . By means whereof becoming neer Neighbours to the Switzers , and possibly managing some traffick with the Town of Geneva , their Doctrines could neither be unknown to Zuinglius amongst the one , nor to many Inhabitants of the other of best note and quality . 2. The rest of France had all this while continued in the Popes obedience , and held an outward uniformity in all points with the Church of Rome ; from which it was not much diverted by the Writings of Zuinglius , or the more moderate proceedings of the Lutheran Doctors , who after the year 1517 , had filled many Provinces of Germany with their opinions . But in the year 1533 , the Lutherans found an opportunity to attempt upon it . For Francis the First favouring Learned men and Learning ( as commonly they do , whose Actions are worthy a learned Pen ) resolved to erect a University at Paris , making great offers to the most Learned Scholars of Italy and Germany for their entertainment . Luther takes hold of that advantange , and sends Bucer , and some others of his ablest Followers ; who by disputing in such a confluence of Learned men , might give a strong essay to bring in his Doctrines . Nor wanted there some which were taken with the Novelty of them , especially because such as were questioned for Religion had recourse into Aquitaine , to Margaret of Valois , the Kings Sister , married to Henry of Albert King of Navar , who perhaps out of hatred to the Bishop of Rome , by whom her Husbands Father was deprived of that Kingdom , might be the more favourable to the Lutherans ; or rather moved ( as she confessed before her death ) with commiseration to those condemned persons that fled to her protection , she became earnest with her brother in defence of their persons ; so that for ten years together she was the chief means of maintaining the Doctrines of Luther in the Realm of France . Nor was the King so bent in their Extermination , as otherwise he would have been , in regard of those many Switz and Germans that served him in his Wars against Charles the Fifth ; till at last , being grievously offended with the contumacie of the men , and their continual opposition to the Church of Rome , he published many Edicts and Proclamations against them , not onely threatning , but executing his penal Laws , until he had at last almost extinguished the name of Luther in his Kingdom . 3. But Calvins stratagem succeeded somewhat better , who immediately upon the Death of Francis the First ( whilst King Henry was ingag'd in the Wars with Charles ) attempted France by sending his Pamphlets from Geneva , writ for the most part in the French Tongue , for the better captivating and informing of the common people . And as he found many possessed with Luthers opinions , so he himself inflamed them with a Zeal to his own ; the Vulgar being very proud to be made Judges in Religion , and pass their Votes upon the abstrusest Controversies of the Christian Faith. So that in short time Zuinglius was no more remembred , nor the Doctrine of Luther so much followed as it had been formerly . The name of Calvin carrying it amongst the French. The sudden propagating of whose Opinions , both by preaching and writing , gave great offence unto the Papists ; but chiefly to Charles Cardinal of Lorrain , and his Brother Francis Duke of Guise , then being in great power and favour with King Henry the Second . By whose continual sollicitation , the King endeavoured by many terrible and severe executions to suppress them utterly ; and did reduce his Followers at the last to such a condition , that they durst neither meet in publick , or by open day , but secretly in Woods or Private-houses ; and for the most part in the night , to avoid discovery . And at this time it was , and on this occasion , that the name of Hugonots was first given them ; so called from St. Hugoes Gate in the City of Towrs , out of which they were observed to pass to their secret Meetings ; or from a night-spirit , or Hobgobling , which they called St. Hugo ; to which they were resembled , for their constant night-walks . But neither the disgrace which that name imported , nor the severity of the Kings Edicts so prevailed upon them , but that they multiplyed more and more in most parts of the Realm ; especially in the Provinces which either were nearest to Geneva , or lay more open towards the Sea , to the trade of the English. And though the fear of the danger , and the Kings displeasure , deterred such as lived within the air of the Court from adhering openly unto them ; yet had they many secret favourers in the Royal Palace , and not a few of the Nobility , which gave them as much countenance as the times could suffer . The certainty whereof appeared immediately on the death of King Henry , who left this life at Paris on the tenth of Iuly , Anno 1559 , leaving the Crown to Francis his Eldest Son , then being but fifteen years of age , neither in strength of body , nor in vigour of Spirit , enabled for the managing of so great an Empire . 4. This young King in his Fathers life-time had married Mary Queen of Scots , Daughter and Heir of Iames the Fifth , by Mary of Lorrain , a Daughter of the House of Guise , and Sister to the two great Favourites before remembred . This gave a great improvement to the power and favour which the two brothers had before , made greater by uniting themselves to Katherine de Medices , the young Kings Mother ; a Woman of a pestilent Wit , and one that studied nothing more then to maintain her own greatness against all opposers . By this confederacie , the Princes of the House of Bourbon , Heirs in Reversion to the Crown , if the King and his three brothers should depart without Islue-Male ( as in fine they did ) were quite excluded from all office and imployment in the Court or State. The principal of which , was Anthony Duke of Vendosme , and his brother Lewis Prince of Conde ; men not so near in birth , as of different humours ; the Duke being of an open nature , flexible in himself , and easily wrought upon by others : but on the other side , the Prince was observed to be of a more enterprising disposition , violent ( but of a violence mixed with cunning in the carrying on of his designs ) and one that would not patiently dissemble the smallest injuries . These two had drawn unto their side the two Chastilions ; that is to say , Gasper de Collignie Admiral of the Realm of France , and Monsieur D' Andilot his brother Commander of the Infantry of that Kingdom ; to which Offices they had been advanced by the Duke of Montmorency , into whose Family they had married , during the time of his Authority with the King deceased ; for whose removal from the Court , by the confederacy of the Queen Mother with the House of Guise , they were as much disquieted , and as apt for action , as the Princes of the House of Bourbon for the former Reasons . Many designs were offered to consideration in their private Meetings ; but none was more likely to effect their business , then to make themselves the Heads of the Hugonot Faction , which the two Chastilions had long favoured as far as they durst . By whose assistance they might draw all affairs to their own disposing , get the Kings person into their power , shut the Queen-mother into a Cloyster , and force the Guises into Lorrain out of which they came . 5. This counsel was the rather followed , because it seemed most agreeable to the inclinations of the Queen of Navar Daughter of Henry of Albret and the Lady Margaret before-mentioned , and Wife of Anthony Duke of Vendosm , who in her Right acquired the title to that Kingdom . Which Princess being naturally averse from the Popes of Rome , and no less powerfully transported by some flattering hopes for the recovery of her Kingdoms , conceived no expedient so effectual to revenge her self upon the one , and Inthrone her self in the other , as the prosecuting this design to the very utmost . Upon which ground she inculcated nothing more into the ears of her Husband , then that he must not suffer such an opportunity to slip out of his hands , for the recovery of the Crown which belonged unto her ; that he might make himself the Head of a mighty Faction , containing almost half the strength of France ; that by so doing , he might expect assistance from the German Princes of the same Religion , from Queen Elizabeth of England , and many discontented Lords in the Belgick Provinces , besides such of the Catholick party , even in France it self , as were displeased at the Omni-Regency of the House of Guise ; that by a strong Conjunction of all these interesses , he might not onely get his ends upon the Guises , but carry his Army cross the Mountains , make himself Master of Navar , with all the Rights and Royalties appertaining to it . But all this could not so prevail on the Duke her Husband , ( whom we will henceforth call the King of Navar ) as either openly or under-hand to promote the enterprise , which he conceived more like to hinder his affairs , then to advance his hopes . For the Queen-Mother having some intelligence of these secret practices , sends for him to the Court , commends unto his care her Daughter the Princess Isabella , affianced to Philip the Second King of Spain , and puts him chief into Commission for delivering her upon the Borders to such Spanish Ministers as were appointed to receive her . All which she did ( as she assured him ) for no other ends , but out of the great esteem which she had of his person , to put him into a fair way for ingratiating himself with the Catholick King , and to give him such a hopeful opportunity for solliciting his own affairs with the Grandees of Spain , as might much tend to his advantage upon this imployment . Which device had so wrought upon him , and he had been so finely fitted by the Ministers of the Catholick King , that he thought himself in a better way to regain his Kingdom , then all the Hugonots in France , together with their Friends in Germany and England , could chalk out unto him . 6. But notwithstanding this great coldness in the King of Navar , the business was so hotly followed by the Prince of Conde , the Admiral Colligny , and his brother D' Andelot , that the Hugonots were drawn to unite together , under the Princes of that House . To which they were spurred on the faster , by the practices of Godfrey de la Bar , commonly called Renaudie , from the name of his Signiory ; a man of a most mischievous Wit , and a dangerous Eloquence ; who being forced to abandon his own Country for some misdemeanors , betook himself unto Geneva , where he grew great with Calvin , Beza , and the rest of the Consistory ; and coming back again in the change of times , was thought the fittest instrument to promote this service , and draw the party to a body . Which being industriously pursued , was in fine effected ; many great men , who had before concealed themselves in their affections , declaring openly in favour of the Reformation , when they perceived it countenanced by such Potent Princes . To each of these , according as they found them qualified for parts and power , they assigned their Provinces and Precincts , within the limits whereof they were directed to raise Men , Arms , Money , and all other necessaries , for carrying on of the design ; but all things to be done in so close a manner , that no discovery should be made till the deed was done . By this it was agreed upon , that a certain number of them should repair to the King at Bloise , and tender a Petition to him in all humble manner for the Free exercise of the Religion which they then professed , and for professing which they had been persecuted in the days of his Father . But these Petitioners were to be backed with multitudes of armed men , gathered together from all parts on the day appointed ; who on the Kings denyal of so just a suit , should violently break into the Court ▪ seize on the person of the King , surprise the Queen , and put the Guises to the Sword : And that being done , Liberty was to be Proclaimed , Free exercise of Religion granted by publick Edict , the managery of affairs committed to the Prince of Conde , and all the rest of the Confederates gratified with rewards and honours . Impossible it was , that in a business which required so many hands , none should be found to give intelligence to the adverse party : which coming to the knowledge of the Queen-Mother , and the Duke of Guise , they removed the Court from Bloise a weak open Town , to the strong Castle of Amboise , pretending nothing but the giving of the King some recreation in the Woods adjoyning . But being once setled in the Castle , the King is made acquainted with the threatned danger , the Duke of Guise appointed Lieutenant-General of the Realm of France . And by his care the matter was so wisely handled , that without making any noise to affright the Confederates , the Petitioners were admitted into the Town ; whilst in the mean time , several Troopes of Horse were sent out by him to fall on such of their accomplices as were well armed , and ready to have done the mischief , if not thus prevented . 7. The issue of the business was , that Renaudie the chief Actor in it was killed in the fight , many of the rest slain , and some taken Prisoners , the whole body of them being routed and compelled to flee : yet such was the clemencie of the King , and the di●creet temper of the Guises , in the course of this business , that a general pardon was proclaimed on the 18 of March , ( being the third day after the Execution ) to all that being moved onely with the Zeal to Religion , had entred themselves into the Conspiracie , if within twenty four hours they laid down their Arms , and retired to their own Houses . But this did little edifie with those hot spirits which had the conduct of the Cause , and had befooled themselves and others with the flattering hopes of gaining the Free exercise of their Religion . It cannot be denyed but that they were resolved so to act their parts , that Religion might not seem to have any hand in it , or at the least might not suffer by it , if the plot miscarried . To which end they procured the chief Lawyers of France and Germany , and many of the reformed Divines of the greatest eminence , to publish some Writings to this purpose ; that is to say , that without violating the Majesty of the King , and the dignity of the lawful Magistrate , they might oppose with Arms the violent Domination of the House of Guise , who were given out for Enemies to the true Religion , hinderers of the course of Justice , and in effect no better then the Kings Jaylors , as the case then stood . But this Mask was quickly taken off , and the design appeared bare faced without any vizard . For presently upon the routing of the Forces in the Woods of Amboise , they caused great tumults to be raised in Poictou , Languedock and Provence . To which the Preachers of Geneva were forthwith called , and they came as willingly ; their Followers being much increased both in courage and numbers , as well by their vehemency in the Pulpit , as their private practices . In Daulpheny , and some parts of Provence , a they proceeded further , seized upon divers of the Churches for the Exercise of their Religion , as if all matters had succeeded answerable to their expectation . But on the first coming of some Forces from the Duke of Guise , they shrunk in again , and left the Country in the same condition wherein first they found it . Of this particular , Calvin gives notice unto Bullenger , by his Letters of the 27 of May , Anno 1560 , complaining much of the extreme rashness , and fool-hardiness of some of that party b , whom no sober counsels could restrain from those ingagements which might have proved so dangerous and destructive to the cause of Religion . Which words of his relate not onely to the Action of Daulphine and Provence , but to some of the attempts preceding , whatsoever they were , by him discouraged and disswaded , if we may believe him . 8. But though we may believe him , as I think we may , the Pope and Court of France were otherwise perswaded of it . Reinadoes going from Geneva to unite the party , was as unlikely to be done without his allowance , as without his privity . But certainly the Ministers of Geneva durst not leave their Flocks to Preach Sedition to the French of Provence and Languedock , if he had neither connived at it , or advised them to it ; c and such connivings differ but little from commands , as we find in Salvian . Once it is sure that the Pope suggested to the French King by the Bishop of Viterbo , whom he sent in the nature of a Legate , that all the mischief which troubled France , and the Poyson which infected that Kingdom and the Neighbouring Countries , ( for so I finde in my Autho● ) came from no other Fountain then the Lake of Geneva ; that by digging at the very Root , he might divert a great part of that nourishment by which those mischiefs were fomented ; and that by prosecuting such a Forraign War , he might evacuate those bad humours which distempered his Kingdom : and therefore if the King be pleased to engage herein , his Holiness would not onely send him some convenient Aids , but move the Scotch King , and the Duke of Savoy , to assist him also . But neither the Queen-Mother , nor the Guise ( for the King acted little in his own affairs ) could approve the motion , partly for fear of giving offence unto the Switzers , with whom Geneva had confederated thirty years before ; and partly because none being like to engage in that War , but the Catholicks onely , the Kingdom would thereby lye open to the adverse party . But nothing more diverted the three Princes from concurring in it , then the impossibility of complying with their several interesses in the disposing of the Town when it should be taken . The Duke of Savoy would not enter into the War before he was assured by the other Princes that he should reap the profit of it , that belonging anciently to his jurisdiction . But it agreed neither with the interest of France nor Spain , to make the Duke greater then he was , by so fair an addition as would be made to his Estate , were it yeilded to him . The Spaniard knew that the French King would never bring him into France , or put into his hands such a fortified pass , by which he might enter when he pleased . As on the other side , the Spaniards would not suffer it to fall into the power of the French , by reason of its neer Neighbour-hood unto the County of Burgundy , which both then was , and ever since hath been appendant on the Crown of Spain . By reason of which mutual distrusts and jealousies , the Pope received no other answer to his motion in the Court of France , but that it was impossible to apply themselves to matters abroad , when they were exercised at home with so many concernments . 9. This answer pinched upon the Pope , who found as much confusion in the State of Avignion , belonging for some hundreds of years to the See of Rome , as the French could reasonably complain in the Bowels of France . For lying as it did within the limits of Provence , and being visited with such of the French Preachers as had been studied at Geneva , the people generally became inclined unto Calvins Doctrines , and made profession of the same both in private and publick ; nay , they resolved upon the lawfulness of taking up of Arms against the Pope , though their natural Lord ; partly upon pretence that the Country was unjustly taken from the Earls of Tholouse by the Predecessors of the Pope ; partly because the present Pope could prove no true Lineal Succession from the first Usurper ; but chiefly , in regard that persons Ecclesiastical were disabled by Christs Commandments from exercising any Temporal Jurisdiction over other men . Being thus resolved to rebel , they put themselves , by the perswasion of Alexander Guilatine , a professed Civilian , into the protection of Charles Count de Mont-brun , who had then taken Arms against the King , in the Country of Daulphine . Mont-brun accepts of the imployment , enters the Territory of Avignion with three thousand Foot , reduceth the whole Country under his command ; the Popes Vice-Legate in the City being hardly able for the present to make good the Castle . But so it happened , that the Cardinal of Tournon , whose Niece the Count had married , being neer the place , prevailed with him after some discourse to withdraw his Forces , and to retire unto Geneva ; assuring him not onely of his Majesties pardon , and the restitution of his Goods which had been confiscated , but that he should have liberty of Conscience also , which he prized far more then both the other . By which Action the people were necessitated to return to their old obedience ; but with so many fears and jealousies on either side , that many years were spent before the Pope could be assured of the love of his Subjects , or they relye upon the Clemency and good will of their Prince . Such issue had the first attempts of the Calvinians in the Realm of France . 10. In the mean time it was determined by the Cabinet Council in the Court , to smother the indignity of these insurrections , that the hot spirits of the French might have time to cool , and afterwards to call them to a sober reckoning , when they least looked for it . In order whereunto , an Edict is published in the Kings name , and sent to all the Parliamentary Courts of France ( being at that time eight in all ) concerning the holding of an Assembly at Fountain-bleau on the 21 of August then next following , for composing the distractions of the Kingdom . And in that Edict he declares , that without any evident occasion , a great number of persons had risen and taken Arms against him ; that he could not but impute the cause thereof to the Hugonots onely , who having laid aside all belief to God , and all affection to their Country , endeavoured to disturb the peace of the Kingdom ; that he was willing , notwithstanding , to pardon all such , as having made acknowledgement of their errours , should return to their Houses , and live conformable to the Rites of the Catholick Church , and in obedience to the Laws ; that therefore none of his Courts of Parliament should proceed in matters of Religion , upon any manner of information for offences past , but to provide by all severity for the future against their committing of the like ; and finally , that for reforming all abuses in Government , he resolved upon the calling of an Assembly , in which the Princes and most Eminent Persons of the Kingdom should consult together ; the sa●d Assembly to be held at his Majesties Palace of Fountain-bleau on the 21 of August then next following , and free leave to be therein granted to all manner of persons , not onely to propound their grievances , but to advise on some expedient for redress thereof . According unto which appointment the Assembly holds , but neither the King of Navar nor the Prince of Conde could be perswaded to be present ; being both bent , as it appeared not long after , on some further projects . But it was ordered , that the Admiral Collignie , and his brother D' Andelot should attend the service , to the end that nothing should be there concluded without their privity , or to the prejudice of their Cause . And that they might the better strike a terrour into the Heart of the King ; whom they conceived to have been frighted to the calling of the present Assembly , the Admiral tenders a Petition in behalf of those of the reformed Religion in the Dukedom of Normandy , which they were ready to subscribe with one hundred and fifty thousand hands , if it were required . To which the Cardinal of Lorrain as bravely answered , that if 150000 seditious could be found in France to subscribe that paper , he doubted not but that there were a million of Loyal Subjects , who would be ready to encounter them , and oppose their insolencies . 11. In this Assembly it was ordered by the common consent , that for rectifying of abuses amongst the Clergy , a meeting should be held of Divines and Prelates , in which those discords might be remedied , without innovating or disputing in matters of Faith ; and that for setling the affairs of the Kingdom , an Assembly of the three Estates should be held at Orleance , in the beginning of October ; to which all persons interested were required to come . All which the Hugonots imputed to the consternation which they had brought upon the Court by their former risings , and the great fear which was conceived of some new insurrections , if all things were not regulated and reformed according unto their desires . Which misconceit so wrought upon the principal Leaders , that they resolved to make use of the present fears , by seizing on such Towns and places of consequence , as might enable them to defend both themselves and their parties , against all opponents . And to that end it was concluded , that the King of Navar should seize upon all places in his way betwixt Bearn and Orleance ; that the City of Paris should be seized on by the help of the Marshal of Montmorency the Dukes Eldest Son , who was Governour of it ; that they should assure themselves of Picardy by the Lords of Tenepont and Bouchavanne , and of Britain by the Duke of Estampes , who was powerful in it ; that being thus fortified , well armed , and better accompanied by the Hugonots , whom they might presume of , they should force the Assembly of the Estates to depose the Queen , remove the Guises from the Government , declare the King to be in his minority till he came to twenty two years of age , appoint the King of Navar , the Constable , and the Prince of Conde , for his Tutors and Governours : which practice as it was confessed by Iaques de la Sague , one of the Servants of the King of Navar , who had been intercepted in his journey to him ; so the confession was confirmed by some Letters from the Visdame of Chartres which he had about him . But this discovery being kept secret , the Hugonots having taken courage from the first conspiracie at Amboise , and the open profession of the Admiral , began to raise some new commotions in all parts of the Kingdom ; and laying aside all obedience and respect of duty , not onely made open resistance against the Magistrates , but had directly taken arms in many places , and practised to get into their hands some principal Towns , to which they might retire in all times of danger : Amongst which none was more aimed at then the City of Lyons , a City of great Wealth and Trading , and where great numbers of the people were inclined to Calvins Doctrine , by reason of their neer Neighbourhood to Geneva , and the Protestant Cantons . Upon this Town the Prince of Conde had a plot , and was like to have carried it , though in the end it fell out contrary to his expectation ; which forced him to withdraw himself to Bearn , there to provide for the security of himself and his Brother . 12. But the King of Navar , not being so deeply interested in these late designs , in which his name had been made use of half against his will , could not so much distrust himself and his personal safety , as not to put himself into a readiness for his journey to Orleance . To which he could by no means perswade the Prince , and was by him much laboured not to go in person , till they were certified that the King was sending Forces to fetch them thence ; which could not be without the wasting of the Country , and the betraying of themselves unto those suspicions which otherwise they might hope to clear . No sooner were they come to Orleance , but the Prince was arrested of high Treason , committed close Prisoner with a Guard upon him , the cognizance of his Cause appointed unto certain Delegates , his Process formed , and Sentence of death pronounced against him ; which questionless had been executed both on him and the King of Navar , who was then also under a Guard , if the death of the young King had not intervened on the fifth of December , which put the Court into new Counsels , and preserved their lives . For the Queen wisely took into consideration , that if these two Princes were destroyed , there could be no fit counterpoise for the House of Guise ; which possibly might thereby be temped to revive the old pretensions of the House of Lorrain , as the direct Heirs of Charles the Great . For which they could not have a better opportunity , then they had at the present ; the Eldest of her three Sons not exceeding ten years of age , none of them of a vigorous constitution , and therefore the more likely to want Friends in their greatest need . Upon these apprehensions she sends secretly for the King of Navar , and came at last to this agreement , viz. that during the Minority of her son King Charles the Ninth , the Queen-mother should be declared Regent , and the King of Navar Lord-Lieutenant of France ; all supplications from the Provinces to be made to the Lord-Lieutenant ; but all Ambassadors and Letters of Negotiation from Forreign Princes to be presented to the Queen ; that the Prince of Conde , the Visdame of Chartres , with all other Prisoners of their party to be set at liberty , and the sentences of their condemnations to be so declared null and void ; that the Queen-Regent should make use of her power and interest with the Catholick King , for restoring to the King of Navar the entire possession of that Kingdom , or at the least the Kingdom of Sardinia as a recompence for it . And at last it was also yeilded , though long first , and published by the Edict of the 28 of Ianuary , That the Magistrates should be ordered to release all Prisoners committed for matters of Religion , and to stop any manner of Inquisition appointed for that purpose against any person whatsoever ; that they should not suffer any disputation in matters of Faith , nor permit particular persons to revile one another with the names of Heretick and Papist ; but that all should live together in peace , abstaining from unlawful Assemblies , or to raise scandals or Sedition . 13. By this Edict the Doctrines of Calvin were first countenanced in the Realm of France , under the pretence of hindring the effusion of more Christian blood : which carryed an appearance of much Christianity , though in plain truth it was to be ascribed to the Queens ambition , who could devise no other way to preserve her greatness , and counterbalance the Authority of the House of Guise . But the Hugonots not being content with a bare connivance , resolved to drive it on to a Toleration ; and to drive it on in such a manner , and by such means onely by which they had extorted ( as they thought ) these first concessions . For thinking the Queen-Regent not to be in a condition to deny them any thing , much less to call them into question for their future Actings , they presently fell upon the open exercise of their own Religion , and every where exceedingly increased both in power and numbers . In confidence whereof , by publick Assemblies , insolent Speeches , and other acts the like unpleasing , they incurred the hatred and disdain of the Catholick party ; which put all places into tumult , and filled all the Provinces of the Kingdom with seditious rumours : so that contrary to the intention of those that governed , and contrary to the common opinion , the remedy applyed to maintain the State , and preserve peace and concord in the Kings minority , fell out to be dangerous and destructive , and upon the matter occasioned all those dissentions which they hoped by so much care to have prevented . For as the Cardinal informed the Council , the Hugonots were grown by this connivance to so great a height , that the Priests were not suffered to celebrate their daily Sacrifices , or to make use of their own Pulpits ; that the Magistrates were no longer obeyed in their jurisdictions ; and that all places raged with discords , burnings and slaughters , through the peevishness and presumption of those , who assumed to themselves a liberty of teaching and believing whatsoever they listed . Upon which points he so enlarged himself with his wonted eloquence , that neither the King of Navar , nor any other of that party could make any Reply . And the Queen-Mother also being silent in it , it was unanimously voted by the Lords of the Council , that all the Officers of the Crown should assemble at the Parliament of Paris on the thirteenth of Iuly , there to debate in the Kings presence of all these particulars , and to resolve upon such remedies as were necessary for the future . At which time it was by general consent expresly ordered , upon complaint made of the insurrection of the Hugonots in so many places , that all the Ministers should forthwith be expelled the Kingdom ; that no manner of person should from thenceforth use any other Rites or Ceremonies in Religion , that were not held and taught by the Church of Rome ; and that all Assemblies of men armed or unarmed should be interdicted , except it were of Catholicks in Catholick Churches , for Divine performances according to the usual Custom . 14. The Admiral and the Prince of Conde finding themselves unable to cross this Edict , resolved upon another course to advance their partie , and to that end encouraged the Calvinian Ministers to petition for a Disputation in the Kings presence , to be held between them and the Adversaries of their Religion . Which Disputation being propounded , was opposed by the Cardinal of Tournon , upon a just consideration of those inconveniencies which might follow on it ; the rather , in regard of the General Council then convened at Trent , where they might safely both propose and dispute their opinions . But on the other side , the Cardinal of Lorrain , being willing to imbrace the occasion for making a general Muster of his own Abilities , his subtilty in Divinity , and his art of speaking , prevailed so far upon the rest , that the suit was granted , and a Conference thereupon appointed to be held at Poyssie , on the tenth day of August , 1561. At which time there assembled for the Catholick party , the Cardinals of Tournon , Lorrain , Bourbon , Armagnac and Guise , with many Bishops and Prelates of greatest eminencie , some Doctors of the Sorbon , and many great Divines from the Universities . The Disputants authorized for the other side were of like esteem , amongst those of their own party and perswasions ; as namely , Theodore Beza , Peter Mar●yr , Francis de St. Paul , Iohn Raimond , and Iohn Vizelle , with many other Ministers from Geneva , Germany , and others of the Neighbouring Countries . But the result of all was this , as commonly it happeneth on the like occasions , that both parties challenged to themselves the Victory in it , and both indeed were victors in some respects . For the King of Navar appeared much unsatisfied by noting the differences of the Ministers amongst themselves , some of them adhering to the Augustane , and others to the Helvetian Confession , in some points of Doctrine ; which made him afterwards more cordial to the interest of the Church of Rome , notwithstanding all the arguments and insinuations used by his Wife , a most zealous Hugonot , to withdaaw him from it . But the Hugonots gave out on the other side , that they had made good their Doctrines , convinced the Catholick Doctors , confounded the Cardinal of Lorrain , and gotten License from the King to Preach . Which gave such courage to the rest of that Faction , that they began of their own Authority to assemble themselves in such places as they thought most convenient , and their Ministers to preach in publick , and their Preachings followed and frequented by such infinite multitudes , as well of the Nobility as the common People , that it was thought impossible to suppress , and dangerous to disturb their Meetings . For so it was , that if either the Magistrates molested them in their Congregations , or the Catholicks attemped to drive them out of their Temples , without respect to any Authority they put themselves into Arms ; and in the middle of a full Peace , was made a shew of a most terrible and destructive War. 15. This being observed by those which sate at the Helme , and finding that these tempests were occasioned by the Edict of Iuly , it was resolved to stere their course by another winde . For the Queen being setled in this Maxime of State , That she was not to suffer one Faction to destroy the other , for fear she should remain a prey to the Victor , not onely gave order for conventing all the Parliaments to a Common-Council , but earnestly sollicited for a Pacification ; which gave beginning to the famous Edict of Ianuary , whereby it was granted , that the Hugonots should have the Free exercise of their Religion ; that they might assemble to hearing of Sermons in any open place without their Cities , but on condition that they went unarmed , and that the Officers of the place were there also present . Which Edict so offended the chief Heads of the Catholick party , that a strict combination and confederacy was concluded on between the King of Navar , the Constable , and the Duke of Guise , for maintenance of the Religion of the Church of Rome . And this reduced the Queen-Regent to the like necessity of making a strict union with the Admiral and the Prince of Conde , whereby she was assured of the power of the Hugonots , and they became as confident of her Protection . In which condition they were able to form their Churches , to cast them into Provinces , Classes , and other subdivisions of a less capacity ; to settle in them their Presbyteries and Synodical Meetings , grounded according to their Rules of Calvins Platform , in Doctrine , Discipline and Worship . The Forms whereof being discribed at large in the former Book , may there be found without the trouble of a repetition . In so much , that it was certified to the Fathers in the Council of Trent , that the French Hugonots were at that time distributed into two thousand one hundred and fifty Churches , each of them furnished with their proper and peculiar Preachers , according to a just computation which was taken of them : which computation was then made , to satisfie the Queen-Regent in the strength of that party , for which she could not otherwise declare her self , unless she were first made acquainted with their power and numbers . But being satisfied in those points , she began to shew her self much inclined to Calvinism , gave ear unto the Discourses of the Ministers in her private Chamber , conferred familiarly with the Prince , the Admiral , and many others in matters which concerned their Churches ; and finally , so disguised her self , that the Pope was not able to discover at what port she aimed . For sometimes she would write unto him for such a Council as by the Calvinians was desired , at other times for a national one to be held in France ; sometimes desiring that the Communion might be administred under both kindes , otherwhile requiring a Dispensation for Priests to Marry ; now solliciting that Divine Service might be said in the vulgar tongue , then proposing such other like things as were wished and preached for by the Hugonots . By which dissimulations she amused the World , but gave withal so many notable advantages to the Reformation , that next to God she was the principal promoter and advancer of it ; though this prosperity proved the cause of those many miseries which afterwards ensued upon it . 16. For by this means the Preachers having free access into the Court , became exceedingly respected in the City of Paris , where in short time their followers did increase to so great a multitude , as put the Prince of Conde into such a confidence , that he assumed unto himself the managery of all great affairs : Which course so visibly tended to the diminution of the King of Navar , that he resolved by strong hand to remove him from Paris . And to that end , directed both his Messages and his Letters to the Duke of Guise , to come in to help him . The Duke was then at Iainville in the Province of Champaigne , and happened in his way upon a Village called Vassey , where the Hugonots were assembled in great numbers to hear a Sermon . A scuffle unhappily is begun between some of the Dukes Footmen , and not a few of the more unadvised and adventurous Hugonots : which the Duke coming to part , was hit with a blow of a stone upon one of his Cheeks , which forced him with the loss of some blood to retire again . Provoked with which indignity , his Followers , being two Companies of Lances , charge in upon them with their Fire-looks , kill sixty of them in the place , and force the rest for preservation of their lives into several houses . This accident is by the Hugonots given out to be a matter of design ; the execution done upon those sixty persons , must be called a Massacre ; and in revenge thereof , the Kingdom shall be filled with Blood and Rapine , Altars and Images defaced , Monasteries ruined and pulled down , and Churches bruitishly polluted . The Queen had so long juggled between both parties , that now it was not safe for her to declare for either . Upon which ground she removed the Court to Fountain-bleau , and left them to play their own Games , as the Dice should run : The presence of the King was looked upon as a matter of great importance , and either party laboured to get him into their power . The City of Orleance more especially was aimed at by the Prince of Conde , as lying in the heart of the Kingdom , rich , large and populous , sufficiently inclined to novelty and innovations ; and therefore thought the fittest Stage for his future Actings . Being thus resolved , he first sends D' Andelot with some Forces to possess the Town , and posts himself towards Fountain-Bleau with three thousand Horse . But the Catholick Confederates had been there before him , and brought the King off safely to his City of Paris : which being signified to the Prince as he was on his way , he diverts toward Orleance , and came thither in a luckie hour to relieve his Friends : which having seized upon one of the Gates , and thereby got possession of that part of the City , was in apparent danger to be utterly broken by the Catholick party , if the Prince had not come so opportunely to renew the fight : but by his coming they prevailed , made themselves Masters of the City , and handselled their new Government with the spoil of all the Churches and Religious Houses , which either they defaced , or laid waste and desolate . Amongst which , none was used more coursely then the Church of St. Crosse , being the Cathedral of that City ; not so much out of a dislike to all Cathedrals ( though that had been sufficient to expose it unto Spoil and Rapine ) as out of hatred to the name . Upon which furious piece of Zeal , they afterwards destroyed all the little Crosses which they found in the way between Mont-Martyr and St. Denis , first raised in memory of Denis the first Bishop of Paris , and one that passeth in account for the chief Apostle of the Gallick Nations . 17. But to proceed : to put some fair colour upon this foul action , a Manifest is writ and published ; in which the Prince and his adherents signifie to all whom it might concern , that they had taken arms for no other reason , but to restore the King and Queen to their personal liberty , kept Prisoners by the power and practice of the Catholick Lords ; that obedience might be rendred in all places to his Majesties Edicts , which by the violence of some men had been infringed ; and therefore that they were willing to lay down Arms , if the Constable , the Duke of Guise , and the Marshal of St. Andrews should retire from Paris , leaving the King and Queen to their own disposing ; and that liberty of Religion might be equally tolerated and maintained unto all alike . These false Colours were wiped off by a like Remonstrance made by the Parliament of Paris : In which it was declared amongst other things , that the Hugonots had first broke those Edicts by going armed to their Assemblies , and without an Officer ; That they had no pretence to excuse themselves from the crime of Rebellion , considering they had openly seized on many Towns , raised Souldiers , assumed the Munition of the Kingdom , cast many pieces of Ordnance and Artillery , assumed unto themselves the Coyning of Money ; and in a word , that they have wasted a great part of the publick Revenues , robbed all the rich Churches within their power , and destroyed the rest , to the dishonour of God , the scandal of Religion , and the impoverishing of the Realm . The like answer was made also by the Constable and the Duke of Guise in their own behalf , declaring in the same , that they were willing to retire , and put themselves into voluntary exile , upon condition that the Arms taken up against the King might be quite laid down , the places kept against him delivered up , the Churches which were ruined restored again , the Catholick Religion honourably preserved , and an intire obedience rendred to the lawful King , under the Government of the King of Navar , and the Regencie of the Queen his Mother . Nor were the King and Queen wanting to make up the breach , by publishing that they were free from all restraint , and that the Catholick Lords had but done their duty in waiting on them into Paris ; that since the Catholick Lords were willing to retire from Court , the Prince of Conde had no reason to remain at that distance ; that therefore he and his adherents ought to put themselves , together with the places which they had possessed , into the obedience of the King ; which if they did , they should not onely have their several and respective Pardons for all matters past , but be from thenceforth looked upon as his Loyal Subjects , without the least diminution of State or honour . 18. These Paper-pellets being thus spent , both sides prepare more furiously to charge each other . But first the Prince of Conde , by the aid of the Hugonots , makes himself Master of the great Towns and C●ties of chief importance ; such as were Rouen , the Parliamentary City of the Dukedom of Normandy ; the Ports of Diepe and New-haven ; the Cities of Angiers , Towres , Bloise , Vendosme , Bourges and Poictiers ; which last were reckoned for the greatest of all the Kingdom , except Rouen and Paris ; after which followed the rich City of Lyons , with that of Valence in the Province of Daulphiny , together with almost all the strong places in Gascoigne and Languedock , Provinces in a manner wholly Hugonot , except Tholouse , Bourdeaux , and perhaps some others . But because neither the Contributions which came in from the Hugonots , though they were very large , nor the spoil and pillage of those Cities which they took by force , were of themselves sufficient to maintain the War ; the Prince of Conde caused all the Gold and Silver in the Churches to be brought unto him , which he coyned into Money . They made provision of all manner of Artillery and Ammunition which they took from most of the Towns , and laid up in Orleance , turning the Covent of the Franciscans into a Magazine , and there disposing all their stores with great art and industry . The Catholicks on the other side drew their Forces together , consisting of 4000 Horse and six thousand Foot , most of them old experienced Souldiers , and trained up in the War against Charles the Fifth . The Prince had raised an Army of an equal number , that is to say , three thousand Horse , and seven thousand Foot ; but , for the most part , raw and young Souldiers , and such as scarcely knew how to stand to their Arms : And yet with these weak Forces he was grown so high , that nothing would content him but the banishment of the Constable , the Cardinal of Lorrain , and the Duke of Guise ; free liberty for the Hugonots to meet together for the Exercise of their Religion in walled Towns ; Cities and Churches to be publickly appointed for them ; the holding of the Towns which he was presently possessed of as their absolute Lord , till the King were out of his Minority , which was to last till he came to the age of two and twenty . He required also that the Popes Legate should be presently commanded to leave the Kingdom ; that the Hugonots should be capable of all Honours and Offices ; and finally , that security should be given by the Emperour , the Catholick King , the Queen of England , the State of Venice , the Duke of Savoy , and the Republick of the Switzers , by which they were to stand obliged , that neither the Constable nor the Duke of Guise should return into France , till the King was come unto the age before remembred . 19. These violent demands so incensed all those which had the Government of the State , that the Prince and his Adherents were proclaimed Traytors , and as such to be prosecuted in a course of Law , if they laid not down their Arms by a day appointed . Which did as little benefit them , as the proposals of the Prince had pleased the others . For thereupon the Hugonots united themselves more strictly into a Confederacie to deliver the King , the Queen , the Kingdom , from the violence of their opposites ; to stand to one another in the defence of the Edicts , and altogether to submit to the Authority of the Prince of Conde , as the head of their Union : publishing a tedious Declaration with their wonted confidence , touching the motives which induced them to this Combination . This more estranged the Queen from them then she was at first ; and now she is resolved to break them by some means or other , but rather to attempt it by Wit then by Force of Arms : And to this end she deals so dexterously with the Constable and the Duke of Guise , that she prevailed with them to leave the Court , and to prefer the common safety of their Country before their own particular and personal greatness : which being signified by Letters to the Prince of Conde , he frankly offered under his hand , that whensoever these great Adversaries of his were retired from the Court ( which he conceived a matter of impossibility to perswade them to ) he would not onely lay down Arms , but quit the Kingdom . But understanding that the Constable and the Duke had really withdrawn themselves to their Country-houses , devested of all power bo●h in Court and Council , he stood confounded at the unadvisedness and precipitation of so rash a promise as he had made unto the Queen . For it appeared dishonourable to him not to keep his word , more dangerous to relinquish his command in the Army , but most destructive to himself and his party to dissolve their Forces , and put himself into a voluntary exile , not knowing whither to retreat . At which dead lift he is refreshed by some of his Calvinian Preachers with a Cordial comfort . By which learned Casuists it was resolved for good Divinity , that the Prince having undertaken the maintenance of those who had imbraced the purity of Religion , and made himself by Oath Protector of the Word of God , no following obligation could be of force to make him violate the first . In which determining of the Case , they seemed to have been guided by that Note in the English Bibles , translated and printed at Geneva , where in the Margine to the second Chapter of St. Matthews Gospel , it is thus advertised : viz. That promise ought not to be kept , when Gods honour and the preaching of the Truth is hindred ; or else it ought not to be broken . They added , to make sure work of it ( at the least they thought so ) that the Queen had broken a former promise to the Prince , in not bringing the King over to his party , as she once assured him ; and therefore that he was not bound to keep faith with her , who had broke her own . 20. But this Divinity did not seem sufficient to preserve his honour ; another temperament was found by some wiser heads , by which he might both keep his promise , and not leave his Army . By whose advice it was resolved , that he should put himself into the power of the Queen , who was come within six Miles of him with a small re●inue , onely of purpose to rec●ive him ; that having done his duty to her , he should express his readiness to forsake the Kingdom , as soon as some Accord was settled ; and that the Admiral , D' Andelot , and some other of the principal Leaders , should on the sudden shew themselves , forcibly mount him on his Horse , and bring him back into the Army . Which Lay-device , whether it had more cunning or less honesty then that of the Cabal of Divines , it is hard to say : But sure it is , that it was put in execution accordingly ; the Queen thereby deluded , and all the hopes of Peace and Accommodation made void and frustrate . But then a greater difficulty seized upon them . The King had re-inforced his Army by the accession of ten Cornets of German Horse , and six thousand Switz . The Princes Army rather diminished then increased , and , which was worse , he wanted Money to maintain those Forces which he had about him ; so that being neither able to keep the Field for want of men , nor keep his men together for want of Money , it was resolved that he must keep his men upon free-quarter in such Towns and Cities as followed the Fortune of his side , till he was seconded by some strength from England , or their Friends in Germany . The Queen of England had been dealt with ; but she resolved not to engage on their behalf , except the Port of Havre-de-grace , together with the Town of Diepe were put into her hands , and that she might have leave to put a Garrison of English into Rouen it self . Which Proposition seemed no other to most knowing men , then in effect to put into her power the whole Dukedom of Normandy , by giving her possession of the principal City , and hanging at her Girdle the two Keys of the Province , by which she might enter when she pleased with all the rest of her Forces . But then the Ministers being advised with , who in all publick Consultations were of great Authority , especially when they related unto Cases of Conscience ; it was by them declared for sound Doctrine , That no consideration was to be had of worldly things , when the maintenance of Coelestial Truths , and the propagation of the Gospel was brought in question ; and therefore that all other things were to be contemned , in reference to the establishment of true Religion , and the freedom of Conscience . According to which notable determination , the Seneschal of Rouen , and the young Visdame of Chartres are dispatched to England ; with whom it was accorded by the Queens Commissioners , that the Queen should presently supply the Prince and his Confederates with Monies , Arms and Ammunition ; that she should aid him with an Army of eight thousand Foot , to be maintained at her own pay , for defence of Normandy ; and that for her security , in the way of caution , the Town of New haven , ( which the French call Havre-de-grace , as is before said ) should be forthwith put into her hands , under a Governour or Commander of the English Nation ; that she should place a Garrison of two thousand English in the City of Rouen , and a proportionable number in the Town of Diepe ; but the Chief Governours of each to be natural French. Which Covenants were accordingly performed on both sides , to the dishonour of the French , and the great damage and reproach of the Realm of England , as it after proved . For so it was , that the Prince of Conde being forced to disperse his Souldiers , and to dispose of them in such manner as before was noted , the King being Master of the Field , carryed the War from Town to Town , and from place to place ; and in that course he speeds so well , as to take in the Cities of Angiers , Tours , Bloise , Poictiers , and Bourges , with divers others of less note ; some of which were surrended upon composition , some taken by assault , and exposed to spoil . And now all passages being cleared , and all rubs removed , they were upon the point of laying Siege to the City of Orleance , when at the Queens earnest sollicitation , they changed that purpose for the more profitable expedition to the King and Kingdom . Normandy was in no small danger of being wilfully betrayed into the hands of the English , who therefore were to be removed , or at the least to be expulsed out of Rouen before the Kings Army was consumed in Actions of inferiour consequence . The issue of which War was this , That though the English did brave service for defence of the City , and made many gallant attempts for relief thereof by their men and shipping from New-haven ; yet in the end the Town was taken by assault , and for two days together made a prey to the Souldiers . The joy of the Royalists for the reduction of this great City to the Kings obedience , was much abated by the death of the King of Navar , who had unfortunately received his deaths wound in the heat of the Seige , and dyed in the forty fourth year of his age , leaving behind him a young Son called Henry , who afterward succeeded in the Crown of France . And on the contrary , the sorrow for this double loss was much diminished in the Prince of Conde and the rest of his party , by the seasonable coming of four thousand Horse and five thousand Foot , which Monsieur d' Andelot with great industry had raised in Germany , and with as great courage and good fortune had conducted safely to the Prince . 22. By the accession of these Forces , the Hugonots are incouraged to attempt the surprizing of Paris ; from which they were disswaded by the Admiral , but eagerly inflamed to that undertaking by the continual importunity of such Preachers as they had about them . Repulsed from which with loss both of time and honour , they were encountred in a set battel near the C●ty of Dreux , in the neighbouring Province of Le Beausse . In which battel their whole Army was overthrown , and the Prince of Conde taken prisoner ; but his captivity sweetned by the like misfortune which befel the Constable , took prisoner in the same battel by the hands of the Admiral ; who having drawn together the remainder of his broken Army , retires towards Orleance , and leaving there his Brother D' Andelot with the Foot to make good that City , takes with him all the German Horse , and so goes for Normandy , there to receive such Monies as were sent from England . But the Monies not coming at the time , by reason of cross windes and tempestuous weather , the Germans are permitted to spoil and plunder in all the parts of the Country , not sparing places either Profane or Sacred , and reckoning no distinction either betwixt Friends or Enemies . But in short time the Seas grew passable , and the Monies came ( an hundred and fifty thousand Crowns according to the French account ) together with fourteen pieces of Cannon , and a proportionable stock of Ammunition ; by which supply the Germans were not onely well paid for spoiling the Country , but the Admiral was thereby inabled to do some good service , from which h● had been hindred for want of Cannon . In the mean time the Duke of Guise had laid Siege to Orleance , and had reduced it in a manner to terms of yeilding , where he was villanously murdred by one Poltrot , a Gentleman of a good Family and a ready Wit ; who having lived many years in Spain , and afterward imbracing the Calvinian Doctrines , grew into great esteem with Beza and the rest of the Consistorians , by whom it was thought fit to execute any great Attempt . By whom commended to the Admiral , and by the Admiral excited to a work of so much merit , he puts himself without much scruple on the undertaking ; entreth on the Kings service , and by degrees became well known unto the Duke . Into whose favour he so far insinuated , that he could have access to him whensoever he pleased ; and having gained a fit opportunity to effect his purpose , dispatched him by the shot of a Musket laden with no fewer then three bullets , in the way to his lodging . 23. This murder was committed on Feb. 24. an . 1562. and being put to the Rack , he on the Rack confessed upon what incentives he had done the fact . But more particularly he averred , that by the Admirall he was promised great rewards , and that he was assured by Beza , that by taking out of the world such a great persecutor of the Gospel , he could not but exceedingly merit at the hands of Almighty God. And though both Beza and the Admiral endeavoured by their Manifests and Declarations to wipe off this stain ; yet the confession of the murtherer , who could have no other ends in it then to speak his conscience , left most men better satisfied in it , then by both their writings . But as it is an ill wind which blows no body good , so the Assassinate of this great person , though very grievous to his friends , served for an Introduction to the peace ensuing . For he being taken out of the way , the Admirall engaged in Normandy , the Constable Prisoner in the City , and the Prince of Conde in the Camp ; it was no hard matter for the Queen to conclude a peace upon such terms , as might be equall to all parties . By which accord it was concluded , that all that were free Barons in the Lands and Castles which they were possessed of , or held them of no other Lord then the King himself , might freely exercise the Reformed Religion in their own jurisdictions ; and that the other which had not such Dominions might doe the same in their own Houses and Families only , provided that they did not the same in Towns and Cities : that in every Province certain Cities should be assigned , in the Suburbs whereof the Hugonots might have the free exercise of their Religion : that in the City of Paris , and in all other Towns and places whatsoever , where the Court resided , no other Religion should be exercised but the Roman Catholick ; though in those Cities every man might privately enjoy his conscience without molestation : that those of the Reformed Religion should observe the Holy Days appointed in the Roman Kalendar , and in their Marriages the Rites and Constitutions of the Civil Law ; and finally , that a general pardon should be granted to all manner of persons , with a full restitution to their Lands and Liberties , their Honors , Offices and Estates . Which moderation or restriction of the Edict of Ianuary , did much displease some zealous Hugonots , but their Preachers most ; who as they loved to exercise their gifts in the greatest Auditories , so they abominated nothing more then those observances . 24. After this followed the reduction of New-haven to the Crown of France , and the expulsion of the English out of Normandy ; the Prince of Conde , and some other leading men of the Hugonot faction , contributing both their presence and assistance to it ; which had not been so easily done , had not God fought more against the English , then the whole French Armies : for by cross winds it did not only hinder all supplyes from coming to them , till the surrendry of the Town ; but hastened the surrender by a grievous Pestilence , which had extreamly wasted them in respect of number , and miserably dejected them in point of courage . And yet the anger of God did not stay here neither , that Plague being carried into England at the return of the Soldiers , which raged extreamly both in London and most parts of the Realme , beyond the precedent and example of former ages . It was on the 17 of Iuly , an . 1563 , that New-haven was yielded to the French , that being the last day of the first war which was raised by the Hugonots , and raised by them on no other ground , but for extorting the free exercise of their Religion by force of Arms , according to the doctrine and example of the Mother-City . In the pursuit whereof , they did not only with their own hands ruinate and deface the beauty of their native Country , but gave it over for a prey to the lust of Strangers . The calling in of the English to support their faction , whom they knew well to be the antient enemies of the Crown of France , and putting into their hands the chief strength of Normandy , of whose pretensions to that Dukedome they could not be ignorant ; were two such actions of a disloyal impolitick nature , as no pretence of zeal to that which they called the Gospel , could either qualifie or excuse . Nor was the bringing in of so many thousand German Souldiers of much better condition , who though they could pretend no title to the Crown of France , nor to any particular Province in it , were otherwise more destructive to the peace of that Country , and created far more mischief to the people of it , then all the forces of the English ; for being to be maintained on the pay of the Hugonots , and the Hugonots not being able to satisfie their exorbitant Arrears , they were suffered to waste the Country in all parts where they came , and to expose the whole Kingdom , from the very borders of it toward Germany , to the English Chanell , unto spoyle and rapine ; so that between the Hugonots themselves on the one side , and these German Souldiers on the other , there was nothing to be seen in most parts of the Kingdom , but the destruction of Churches , the profanation of Altars , the defacing of Images , the demolishing of Monasteries , the burning of Religious Houses , and even the digging up of the bones of the dead , despitefully thrown about the fields and unhallowed places . 25. But this first was only raked up in the Embers , not so extinguished by the Articles of the late agreement , but that it broke out shortly into open flames ; for the Hugonots pressing hard for the performance of the Edict of Ianuary , and the Romanists as earnestly insisting on some clauses of the pacification ; the whole Realm was filled in a manner with such fears and jealousies , as carryed some resemblance of a War in the midst of Peace . The Hugonots had some thoughts of surprising Lyons , but the Plot miscarryed : they practised also upon Narbonne , a chief City of Languedock , and openly attempted the Popes Town of Avignion ; but were prevented in the one , and suppressed in the other . A greater diffidence was raised against them by the unseasonable Zeal of the Queen of Navar , who not content with setling the reformed Religion in the Country of Berne , when she was absolute and supreme , suffered the Catholicks to be infested in her own Provinces which she held immediately of the Crown ; insomuch that at Pamiers the chief City of the Earldom of Foix , the Hugonots taking offence at a solemn Procession held upon Corpus Christi day , betook themselves presently to Arms ; and falling upon those whom they found unarmed , not onely made a great slaughter amongst the Church-men , but in the heat of the same fury burnt down their Houses . Which outrage being suffered to pass unpunished , gave both encouragement and example to some furious Zealots to commit the like in other places , as namely at Montaban , Gaelion , Rodez , Preieux , Valence , &c. being all scituate in those Provinces in which the Hugonots were predominant for power and number . But that which most alarmed the Court , was a seditious Pamphlet , published by a Native of Orleance ; in which it was maintained ( according to the Calvinian Doctrines ) that the people of France were absolved from their Allegiance to the King then Reigning , because he was turned an Idolater . In which reason it is lawful also to kill him , as opportunity should be offered . Which Doctrine being very agreeable unto some designs which were then every where in agitation amongst the Hugonots , was afterward made use of for the justifying of the following Wars , when the opinion grew more general , and more openly maintained both from Press and Pulpit . 26. The Catholicks on the other side began to put themselves into a posture of Arms , without so much as taking notice of those misdemeanors ; which they seemed willing to connive at , not so much out of any inclinations which they had in themselves , but because they found it not agreeable to the will of the Court , where such dissimulations were esteemed the best arts of Government . The Catholick King had sent the Duke of Alva with a puissant Army , to reduce the Low Countries to obedience , where the Calvinians had committed as great spoils and Rapines as any where in France or Scotland . This Army being to pass in a long march near the Borders of France , gave a just colour to the King to arm himself ; for fear lest otherwise the Spaniards might forget their errand , and fall with all their Forces into his Dominions . To this end he gives order for a Levy of six thousand Switz , which he caused to be conducted through the heart off the Kingdom , and quartered them in the Isle of France , as if they were to serve to a Guard for Paris , far enough off from any of those parts and Provinces by which the Spaniards were to pass . But this gave such a jealousie to the heads of the Hugonots , that they resorted to Chastillion to consult with the Admiral . By whose advice it was resolved , that they must get the King and Queen into their power , and make such use of both their names , as the Catholicks had made of them in the former War. This to be done upon the sudden , before the opening of a War , by the raising of Forces , should render the surprize impossible , and defeat their purposes . The King and Queen lay then at Monceux , an House of pleasure within the Territory of Byre in Champaigne , not fearing any the least danger in a time of peace , and having the Switz near enough to secure their persons against any secret Machinations . And thereupon it was contrived , that as many Horse as they could raise in several places , should draw together at Rosay , not far from Monceux , on the 27 of September ; that they should first surprize the King , the Queen , and her younger Sons , and then fall in upon the Switz , who being quartered in several places , and suspecting nothing less then the present danger , might very easily be routed ; and that being done , they should possess themselves of Paris , and from thence issue out of all Mandates which concerned the Government both of Church and State. Some Hugonots which afterwards were took in Gascoyne , and by the Marshal of Monluck were exposed to torture , are said to have confessed upon the Rack , that it was really intended to kill the King , together with the Queen and the two young Princes ; and having so cut off the whole Royal Line , to set the Crown upon the head of the Prince of Conde . But Charity and Christianity bids me think the contrary , and to esteem of this report as a Popish Calumny , devised of purpose to create the greater hatred against the Authors of those Wars . 27. But whether it were true or not , certain it is , that the design was carryed with such care and closeness , that the Queen had hardly time enough to retire to Meux , a little Town twelve Leagues from Paris , before the whole Body of the Hugonots appeared in sight ; from whence they were with no less difficulty conducted by the Switz ( whom they had suddenly drawn together ) to the Walls of Paris ; the Switz being charged upon the way by no fewer then eleven hundred Horse , and D' Andelot in the head of one of the parties ; but gallantly making good their March , and serving to the King and the Royal Family for a Tower or Fortress ; no sooner were they come to Paris , but the Hugonots take a resolution to besiege the City before the Kings Forces could assemble to relieve the same . To which end they possessed themselves of all the passes upon the River by which provisions came into it , and burned down all the Wind-mills about the Town , which otherwise might serve for the grinding of such Corn as was then within it . No better way could be devised to break this blow , then to entertain them with a Parley for an accommodation , not without giving them some hope of yeilding unto any conditions which could be reasonably required . But the Hugonots were so exorbitant in their demands , that nothing would content them , but the removing of the Queen from publick Government ; the present disbanding of the Kings Forces ; the sending of all strangers out of the Kingdom ; a punctual execution of the Kings Edict of Ianuary ; liberty for their Ministers to Preach in all places , even in Paris it self ; and finally , that Calice , Metz and Havre-de-grace might be consig●ed unto them for Towns of caution ; but in plain truth , to serve them for the bringing in of the English and Germans when their occasion so required . The Treaty notwithstanding was continued by the Queen with great dexterity , till the King had drawn together sixteen thousand men , with whom the Constable gives battel to the Enemy on the 10 of November , compels them to dislodge , makes himself master of the Field , but dyed the next day after , in the eightieth year of his age , having received his deaths wound from the hands of a Switz , who most unmanfully shot him when he was not in condition to make any resistance . 28. In the mean time the City of Orleance was surprised by the Hugonots , with many places of great importance in most parts of the Realm ; which serving rather to distract then increase their Forces , they were necessitated to seek out for some Forraign aid . Not having confidence enough to apply themselves to the Queen of England , whom in the business of Newhaven they had so betrayed , they send their Agents to sollicite the Elector Palatine , and prevailed with him for an Army of seven thousand Horse , and four thousand Foot , to which the miserable Country is again exposed . Encouraged with which great supplies , they laid Siege to Chartres , the principal City of La Beaue , the loss whereof must of necessity have subjected the Parisians to the last extremities . The chief Commanders in the Kings Army were exceeding earnest to have given them battel , thereby to force them from the Siege . But the Queen not willing to venture the whole State of the Kingdom upon one cast of the Dice , especially against such desperate Gamesters who had nothing to lose but that which they carryed in their hands , so plyed them with new Offers for accommodation , that her conditions were accepted , and the Germans once again disbanded , and sent back to their Country . During which broyls , the Town of Rochel strongly s●ituated on a bay of the Ocean , had declared for the Hugonots , and as it seems had gone so far , that they had left themselves no way to retreat . And therefore when most other places had submitted to the late Accord , the Rochellers were resolved to stand it out , and neither to admit a Garrison , nor to submit to any Governour of the Kings appointment ; in which rebellious obstinacy they continued about sixty years , the Town being worthily esteemed for the safest sanctuary , to which the Hugonots retired in all times of dange● , and most commodious for the letting in of a forraign army , when they found any ready to befriend them in that cause and quarrel . The standing out of which Town in such obstinate manner , not only encouraged many others to doe the like , but by the fame thereof drew thither both the Admiral and the Prince of Conde , with many other Gentlemen of the Hugonot Faction , there to consult about renewing of the war which they were resolved on . To whom repaired the Queen of Navarre with the Prince her Son , then being but fifteen years of age , whom she desired to train up in that holy war , upon an hope that he might one day come to be the head of that party , as he after was . And here being met , they publish from hence two several Manifests ; one in the name of all the Hugonots in general , the other in the name of that Queen alone ; both tending to the same effect , that is to say , the putting of some specious colour upon their defection , and to excuse the breaking of the peace established , by the necessity of a warre . 29. This rapture so incensed the King and his Council , that they resolved no longer to make use of such gentle medicines as had been formerly applyed in the like distempers ; which resolution was the parent of that terrible Edict by which the King doth first revoke all the former Edicts which had been made during his minority in favour of the Reformed Religion ; nullifying more particularly the last capitulations , made only in the way of Provision to redress those mischiefs for which no other course could be then resolved on . And that being done , it was ordained and commanded , That the exercise of any other Religion then the Roman Catholick ( ever observed by him and the King his Predecessors ) should be prohibited , and expresly forbidden , and interdicted in all places of the Kingdom ; banished all the Calvinist Ministers and Preachers out of all the Towns and places under his Dominion , and within fifteen days upon pain of death to avoid the Realm ; pardoned through special grace all things past in matters of Religion , but requiring for the future under pain of death a general Conformity to the Rites of the Catholick Church ; and finally ordained that no person should be admitted to any office , charge , dignity , or magistracy whatever , if he did not profess and live conformable in all points to the Roman Religion . And for a Preamble hereunto , the King was pleased to make a long and distinct Narration of the indulgence he had used to reduce the Hugonots to a right understanding , and of the ill requital they had made unto him , by the seditions and conspiracies which they raised against him ; their bringing in of forraign forces , and amongst others the most mortal enemies of the French Nation , putting into their hands the strongest places and most flourishing parts of the Kingdom , to the contempt of his authority , the despising of his grace and goodness , and the continual disquieting of his Dominions , and the destruction of his subjects . To counter-poise which terrible Edict , the Princes and other Leaders of the Hugonots which were then at Rochel , entred into a solemn Covenant or Association , by which they bound themselves by Oath to persevere till death in defence of their Religion , never to lay down arms , or condescend to any agreement without the general consent of all the Commanders ; and not then neither , but upon sufficient security for the preservation of their lives , and the enjoying of that Liberty of Conscience for which they first began the war. 30. But the Admiral well knowing that the business was not to be carried by Oaths and Manifests , and that they wanted mony to proceed by arms , advised the Rochellers to send their Navy to the sea , which in a time when no such danger was expected , might spoyle and pillage all they met with , and by that means provide themselves of mony , and all other necessaries to maintain the war. Which Counsel took such good effect , that by this kind of Piracy they were enabled to give a fair beginning to this new Rebellion ; for the continuance whereof , it was thought necessary to sollicite their Friends in Germany , to furnish them with fresh recruits of able men , and Queen Elizabeth of England for such sums of money as might maintain them in the service . And in the first of these designs there appears no difficulty ; the inclination of the Prince Elector , together with the rest of the Calvinian Princes , and Imperial Cities , were easily intreated to assist their Brethren of the same Religion . And the same spirit governed many of the people also , but on different grounds ; they undertaking the imployment upon hope of spoil , as Mercenaries , serving for their Pay , but more for Plunder . In England their desires were entertained with less alacrity , though eagerly sollicited by Odet Bishop of Beauvais , a younger Brother of the Admiral ; who having formerly been raised to the degree of a Cardinal , therefore called most commonly the Cardinal of Chastillon , had some years since renounced his Habit and Religion , but still kept his Titles . By the continual sollicitation of so great an Advocate , and the effectual interposing of the Queen of Navar , Elizabeth was perswaded to forget their former ingratitude , and to remember how conducible it was to her personal interest to keep the French King exercised in perpetual troubles ; upon which Reason of State she is not onely drawn to accommodate the Hugonots with Ships , Corn , Arms and Ammunition , but to supply them with a hundred thousand Crowns of ready money for the maintaining of their Army , consisting of fourteen thousand Germans , and almost as many more of the natural French. And yet it was to be believed , that in all this she had done nothing contrary to the League with France , which she had sworn not long before ; because , forsooth , the Forces of the Hugonots were raised to no other end but the Kings mere service , and the assistance of the Crown against the Enemies of both , and the professed Adversaries of the true Religion . But neither this great lone of money , nor that which they had got by robbing upon the Seas , was able to maintain● War of so long continuance . For maintainance whereof , they were resolved to sell the Treasures of the Churches in all such Provinces as they kept under their Command ; the Queen of Navar ingaging her Estate for their security , who should adventure on the purchase . 31. I shall not touch on the particulars of this War● which ended with the death of the Prince of Conde in the battel of Iarnar ; the rigorous proceedings against the Admiral , whom the King caused to be condemned for a Rebel , his Lands to be confiscated● his Houses plundred and pulled down , and himself executed in Effigie ; the loss of the famous battel of Mont-Contour by the Hugonots party Anno 1569 , which forced them to abandon all their strong holds , except Rochel , Angoulesme , and St. Iean●d Angeli , and finally to shut themselves up within Rochel onely ; after which followed such a dissembled reconciliation between the parties , as proved more bloudy then the War : The sudden and suspected death of the Queen of Navar , the Marriage of the Prince her Son with the Lady Margaret one of the Sisters of the King ; the celebrating of the wedding in the death of the Admiral on St. Bartholomews day 1572 , and the slaughter of thirty thousand men within few days after ; the reduction of the whole Kingdom to the Kings obedience , except the Cities of Nismes , Montauban and Rochel onely ; the obstinate standing out of Rochel , upon the instigation of such Preachers as fled thither for shelter , and the reduction of it by the Duke of Anjon to the last extremity ; the raising of the Siege , and the Peace ensuing , on the Election of that Duke to the Crown of Poland ; the resolution of the Hugonots to renew the War , as soon as he had left the Kingdom ; and their ingaging in the same , on the Kings last sickness . In all which traverses of State there is nothing memorable in reference to my present purpose , but onely the conditions of the Pacification which was made at the Siege of Rochel ; by which it was accorded between the parties on the 11 of Iuly , Anno 1573 , that all offences should be pardoned to the said three Cities , on their submission to the King ; and that it should be lawful for them to retain the free Exercise of their Religion , the people meeting in the same unarmed , and but few in number● that all the inhabitants of the said three Cities should be obliged to observe , in all outward matters ( except Baptism and Matrimony ) the Rites and Holy-days of the Church ; that the use of the Catholick Religion should be restored in the said Cities and all other places , leaving unto the Clergy and Religious persons their Houses , Profits , and Revenues ; that Rochel should receive a Governour of the Kings appointment , ( but without Garrison ) renounce all correspondencies and confederacies with Forreign Princes , and not take part with any of the same Religion against the King ; and finally , that the said three Towns should deliver Hostages for the performance of the Articles of the present Agreement , to be changed at the end of every three months , if the King so pleased : It was also condescended to in favour of particular persons , that all Lords of free ▪ Mannors throughout the Kingdoms , might in their own Houses lawfully celebrate Marriage and Baptism , after their own manner , provided that the Assembly exceeded not the number of ten ; and that there should be no inquisition upon mens Consciences , Liberty being given to such as had no minde to abide in the Kingdom , that they might sell their Lands and Goods , and live where they pleased . 32. Such were the Actings of the French Calvinians , as well by secret practices as open Arms , during the troublesome Reign of Francis the Second and Charles the Ninth , and such their variable Fortunes according to the interchanges and successes of those broken times , in which , for fifteen years together , there was nothing to be heard but Wars and rumours of Wars ; short intervals of Peace , but such as generally were so full of fears and jealousies , that they were altogether as unsafe as the Wars themselves . So that the greatest calm of Peace , seemed but a preparation to a War ensuing ; to which each party was so bent , that of a poyson it became their most constant Food . In which distraction of affairs dyed King Charles the Ninth , in the ●ive and twentieth year of his age , and fourteenth of his Reign , leaving this life at Paris on the 30 of May , Anno 1574. He had been used for some months to the spitting of bloud , which brought him first into a Feaver , and at last to his grave , not without some retaliation of the Heavenly Justice , in punishing that Prince by vomiting up the bloud of his Body natural , which had with such prodigious cruelty exhausted so much of the best bloud of the body Politick . After whose death , the Crown descended upon Henry the new King of Poland , who presently upon the news thereof forsook that Kingdom , and posted with all speed to Venice , and from thence to France , where he was joyfully received by all loyal Subjects . At his first coming to the Crown , he resolved to put an end to those combustions which had so often inflamed his Kingdom , and extinguish all those heats which had exasperated one party against another ; that he might sit as Umpire or Supreme Moderator of the present differences , and draw unto himself an absolute Soveraignty over both alike : which to effect , he resolves to prosecute the War so coldly , that the Hugonots might conceive good hopes of his moderation ; but still to keep the War on foot , till he could finde out such a way to bring on the peace , as might create no suspition of him in the hearts of the Catholicks . By which means hoping to indulge both parties , he was perfectly believed by none , each party shewing it self distrustful of his inclinations , and each resolving to depend on some other Heads . 33. About this time , when all men stood amazed at these proceedings of the Court , the State began to swarm with Libels and Seditious Pamphlets , published by those of the Hugonot Faction , full of reproach , and fraught with horrible invectives , not onely against the present Government , but more particularly against the persons of the Queen and all her Children . Against the Authors whereof , when some of the Council purposed to proceed with all severity , the Queen-mother interposed her power , and moderated by her prudence the intended rigors ; affirming , as most true it was , that such severity would onely gain the greater credit to those scurrilous Pamphlets , which would otherwise vanish of themselves , or be soon forgotten . Amongst which Pamphlets , there was none more pestilent then that which was composed in the way of a Dialogue , pretending one ●usebius Philadelphus for the Author of it . Buchanan buildin● first upon Calvins Principles , had published his Seditious Pamphlet De jure Regni apud Scotos , together with that scurrilous and infamous Libel which he called The Detection , repleat with nothing but reproaches of his lawful Soveraign . But this Eusebius Philadelphus , or whosoever he was that masked himself under that disguise , resolved to go beyond his pattern in all the acts of Malice , Slandering and Sedition ; but be out gone by none that should follow after him in those ways of wickedness . Two other Tracts were published about this time also , both of them being alike mischievous , and tending to the overthrow of all publick Government ; but wanting something of the Libel in them , as the other had : Of these , the one was called Vindiciae contra Tyrannos , or the rescuing of the people from the power of Tyrants ; published under the name of Stephanus Brutus , but generally believed to be writ by Beza , the chief surviving Patron of the Presbyterians . In which he prostitutes the dignity of the Supreme Magistrate to the lusts of the people , and brings them under the command of such popular Magistrates , as Calvin makes to be the Conservators of the publick Liberty . The other was intituled De jure Magistratos in subditos , built on the same grounds , and published with the same intention as the others were . A piece so mischievous in it self , and so destructive of the peace of Humane Society , that each side was ashamed to own it ; the Papists fathering it upon Hottoman a French Civilian , the Presbyterians on Hiclerus a Romish Priest ▪ But it appears plainly by the Conference at Hampton-Court , that it was published by some of the Disciplinarians , at whose doors I leave it . 34. But for Eusebius Philadelphus , he first defames the King and Queen in a most scandalous manner , exposes next that flourishing Kingdom for a prey to strangers ; and finally , lays down such Seditious Maximes , as plainly tend to the destruction of Monarchical Government . He tells us of the King himself , that he was trained up by his Tutors in no other qualities then drinking , whoring , swearing and forswearing , frauds and falsehoods , and whatsoever else might argue a contempt both of God and Godliness ; that as the Court by the Example of the King , so by the Example of the Court all the rest of the Kingdom was brought into a reprobate sence , even to manifest Atheism ; and that as some of their former Kings were honoured with the Attributes of fair , wise , debonaire , well-beloved , &c. so should this King be known by no other name then Charles the treacherous . The Duke of Anjou he sets forth in more ugly colours then he doth the King , by adding this to all the rest of his Brothers vices , that he lived in a constant course of Incest with his Sister the Princess Margaret , as well before as after her Espousal to the King of Navar. For the Queen-mother he can finde no better names then those of Fredegond , Brunechild , Iezabel , and Messalina ; of which the two first are as infamous in the stories of France , as the two latter in the Roman and Sacred Histories . And to expose them all together , he can give the Queen-mother and her Children ( though his natural Princes ) no more cleanly title then that of a Bitch-wolfe and her Whelps ; affirming , that in Luxury , Cruelty and Perfidiousness , they had exceeded all the Tyrants of preceding times a : which comes up close to those irreverent and lewd expressions which frequently occur in Calvin , Beza , Knox , &c. in reference to the two Mary's Queens of England and Scotland , and other Princes of that age ; which have been formerly recited in their proper places . 35. The Royal Family being thus wretchedly exposed to the publick hatred , he next applyes himself to stir up all the world against them both at home and abroad . And first he laboureth to excite some desperate Zealot to commit the like assassinate on the King then Reigning , as one Bodillus is reported in some French Histories to have committed on the person of Chilprick one of the last Kings of the Merovignians , which he commemorates for a Noble and Heroick action , and sets it out for an example and encouragement to some gallant French-man , for the delivery of his Country from the Tyranny of the House of Valois , b the ruine whereof he mainly drives at in his whole designe . And though he seem to make no doubt of prevailing in it , yet he resolves to try his Fortune otherwise if that should fail . And first beginning with their next neighbour the King of Spain , he he puts them in remembrance of those many injuries which he and his Ancestors had received from the House of Valois ; acquaints him with the present opportunity which was offered to him of revenging of tho●e wrongs , and making himself Master of the Realm of France ; and chalks him out a way how he might effect it ; that is to say , by coming to a present Accord with the Prince of Orange a , indulging Liberty of Conscience to the Belgick Provinces , and thereby drawing all the Hugonots to adhere unto him : which counsel if he did not like , he might then make the same use of the Duke of Savoy ( for whom the Hugonots in France had no small affection ) * and by bestowing on him the adjoyning Regions of Lyonoise , D●ulphine and Provence , might make himself Lord of all the rest without any great trouble . The like temptation must be given to the Queen of England , by putting her in minde of her pretences to the Crown it self , and shewing how easie a thing it might be for her b to acquire those Countries , whose Arms and Titles she assumed : with like disloyalty he excites the Princes of the Empire c to husband the advantage which was offered to them , for the recovering of Metz , Toule and Verdun , three Imperial Cities , by this Kings Father wrested betwixt fraud and force from Charles the Fifth , and ever since incorporated with the Realm of France . If all which failed , he is resolved to cast himself on the Duke of Guise , though the most mortal and implacable enemy of the Hugonot Faction ; and makes a full address to him in a second Epistle prefixt before the Book it self ; in which he puts him in remembrance of his old pretensions to the Crown of France , extorted by Hugh Capet from his Ancestors of the House of Loraigne , offereth him the assistance of the Hugonot party for the recovery of his Rights ; and finally , beseeches him to take compassion of his ruined Country d , cheerfully to accept the Crown , and free the Kingdom from the spoil and tyranny of Boyes and Women , together with that infinite train of Strangers , Bawdes and Leachers which depend on them : which was as great a Master-piece in the art of mischief , as the wit of malice could devise . 36. As for his Doctrines in reference to the common duties between Kings and Subjects , we may reduce them to these heads , that is to say , 1. That the Authority of Kings and Supreme Magistrates is circumscribed and limited by certain bounds , which if they pass , their Subjects are no longer tyed unto their obedience ; that Magistrates do exceed those bounds , when either they command such things as God forbiddeth , or prohibit that which he commands ; that therefore they are no longer to be obeyed , if their Commands are contrary to the Rules of Piety or Christian Charity ; of which the Subjects must be thought the most competent Judges . 2. That there were companies and societies of men before any Magistrates were set over them ; which Magistrates were no otherwise set over them then by common consent ; that every Magistrate so appointed was bound by certain Articles and Conditions agreed between them , which he was tyed by Oath to preserve inviolable ; that the chief end for which the people chose a Superiour Magistrate , was , that they might remain in safety under his protection ; and therefore if such Magistrates either did neglect that end , or otherwise infringe the Articles of their first Agreement , the Subjects were then discharged from the bond of obedience ; and that being so discharged from the bond of obedience , it was as lawful for them to take up Arms against their King in maintainance of their Religion , Laws and Liberties , if indangered by him , as for a Traveller to defend himself by force of Arms against Thieves and Robbers . 3. That no Government can be rightly constituted , in which the Grandeur of the Prince is more consulted then the weal of the People ; that to prevent all such incroachments on the Common Liberty , the people did reserve a power of putting a curb upon their Prince or Supreme Magistrates , to hold them in , such as the Tribunes were in Rome to the Senate and Consuls , and the Ephori to the Kings of Sparta : that such a power as that of the Spartan Ephori is vested in the seven Electors of the German Empire , which gives them an Authority to depose the Emperour , if they see cause for it ; and that the like may be affirmed of the English Parliaments , who oftentimes have condemned their Kings , but he knows not whom . 4. That by the first constitutions of the Realm of France , the Supreme power was not entrusted to the King , but the three Estates ; so that it was not lawful for the King to proclaim a War , or to lay Taxes on the people , but by their consent ; that these Estates assembled in a Common Council , did serve instead of eyes and ears to a prudent Prince , but to a wicked and ungoverned , for Bit or Bridle ; and that according to this power they dethroned many of their Kings for their Lusts , Luxuries , Cruelty , Slothfulness , Avarice , &c. that if they proceeded not in like manner with the King then Reigning , it was because they had an high esteem ( with scorn and insolence enough ) of his eminent Vertues , his Piety , Justice and Fidelity , and the great commendations which was given of his Mothers Chastity : and therefore finally ( which was the matter to be proved by those Factious Principles ) that it was altogether as lawful for the French to defend themselves , their Laws and Liberties , against the violent assault of a furious Tyrant ( so he calls their King ) as a Traveller by Thieves and Robbers . Which Aphorisms he that listeth to consult in the Author , may finde them from pag. 57. to 66. of the second Dialogue , and part 1. pag. 8. 37. But notwithstanding these indignities and provocations , the King resolved to proceed in his former indifferency , hoping thereby to break the Hugonots without blows and bloud-shed , and thereby to regain the good opinion of his Popish Subjects . To which end he was pleased to grant such priviledges to the Hugonot Faction as they durst not ask , and never had aspired unto in their greatest heats ; which he conceived he had more reason to do in the present pinch , then any of his Predecessors had in far less extremities : For the Hugonots had not onely brought in a formidable Army of Switz and Germans , under the conduct of Prince Casimir one of the younger sons of Frederick the Third then Elector Palatine , but had also made a fraction in the Court it self , by drawing Francis Duke of Alanzon his youngest Brother to be Head of their Party , who brought along with him a great number of Romish Catholicks , who then past under the name of the Male-contents . To break which blow , and free his Kingdom from the danger of so great an Army , he first capitulates to pay the Germans their Arrears , amounting to a million and two hundred thousand Ducats ; to gratifie Prince Casimir with the Signory of Chasteau-Thierry in the Province of Champaigne , with a Pension of fourteen thousand Crowns , and a Command of a hundred Lances : To confer the Government of Picardie with the strong Town of Perrone on the Prince of Conde , and settle on his Brother the Duke of Alanzon the Provinces of Berry , Touraine and Anjou , together with one hundred thousand Crowns of yearly Pension , and made him also Duke of Anjou fo● his greater honour . And then to pacifie and oblige the Hugonots ( if such men could be gained or pacified by acts of favour ) he grants unto them by his Edict of the 14 of May 1576 , that they should peaceably enjoy the exercise of their Religion , together with full power for erecting Colledges and Schools , for holding Synods , of Celebrating Matrimony , and Administring the Sacraments , with the same freedom as was used by his Catholick Subjects : that those of the Reformed Religion should be permitted to execute any Places or Offices , and enjoy any Dignities of what sort soever , without such distinction betwixt them and the rest of that Nation , as had been of late times observed : that in each Parliament of France a new Court should be presently erected , consisting equally of Judges and Officers of both Religions , and they to have the Cognizance of all Causes which concerned the Hugonots : that all sentences past against the Admiral , the Count of Montgomery , and the rest of that party , should be revoked and made null ; and the eight cautionary Towns , being all places of great strength and consequence , should remain with the Hugonots , till all these Articles were confirmed , and the Peace concluded . 38. The passing of this Edict gave great scandal to the Catholick party , which thereupon was easily united by the Duke of Guise into a common Bond or League for maintainance and defence of their Religion , apparently indangered by those large Indulgences ; by the first Article whereof they bound themselves for the Establishment of the Law of God in its first Estate ; to restore and settle his holy Service according to the Form and Manner of the Catholick Apostolick Roman Church ; and to abjure and renounce all errors contrary thereunto . Then followed many other Articles , relating to the preservation of the Kings Authority , the maintainance of the common liberties and Priviledges of their Country ; the mutual defence of one another in defence of this League against all persons whatsoever ; the constancy of their obedience to any one whom they should chuse to be the Head of their Con●ederacie ; and finally , the prosecuting of all those without exception , who should endeavour to oppose and infringe the same . And for the keeping of this League , they severally and joyntly bound themselves by this following Oath , viz. I swear by God the Creator ( laying my hand upon the holy Gospel ) and under pain of Excommunication and eternal Damnation , that I enter into this holy Catholick League according to the Form thereof now read unto 〈◊〉 ●nd that I do faithfully and sincerely enter into it with a will either to command or to obey , and serve as I shall be appointed : ●nd I promise upon my life and honour unto the last drop of my bloud never to depart from it , or transgress it , for any command , pre●ence , excuse or occasion , which by any means whatsoever can be represented to me . And as the Hugonots had pu● themselves under the Protection of the Queen of England , and called the ●●●mans to their aid ; so they resolved according unto this example to put themselves under the Patronage of the Catholick King , and to call in the Forces of the King , Pope , and the Princes of It●ly , if their occasions so required . The news of which con●ede●acy so amazed the King , that he proceeded not to the performance of those Indulgences contained in the E●i●t of the 14 of May , which seemed most odious and offensive in the eyes of the Catholicks ; so that both sides being thus ●xa●perated against one another , and each side jealous of the King , the old confusions were revived , the disorders multiplyed , and all things brought into a worse condition then at his first coming to the Crown . For though the Catholick King had willingly consented to be head of the League , yet to b●●ak ●ff all such dependance as was by that means to be fastned on him by the rest of the Leaguers , the French King findes himself necessitated to assume that honour to himself . And thereupon , in the Assembly held at Blois , having in vain tryed many ways to untie this knot , he publickly declared himself to be the Principal Head and Protector of it , with many specious protestations that he would spend his last breath in a cause so glorious , as the reducing of his people unto one Religion : which as it raised many jealousies in the mindes of the Hugonots , so it begot no confidence of him in the hearts of their opposites . 39. Hereupon a new War breaks out , and a new Peace followeth , by which some Clauses in the former Edict were restrained and moderated , though otherwise sufficiently advantagious to all those of the Reformation ; so as now hoping that all matters were accorded between the parties , the King pretends to betake himself wholly to his private Devotions ; falls on the institution of a new Order of Knighthood , called The Order of the Holy Ghost ; commends his Brother for a Su●ter to the Queen of England , to keep him out of harms way for the time to come ; and finally , failing of the project , procureth his advancement to the Dukedom of Brabant , and to be made the General-Governour of the Belgick Provinces , which had withdrawn themselves from their Obedience to the King of Spain . 40. But in the midst of these devices , the Leaders of the Hugonots are again in Arms , under colour that the former Edict had not been observed ; but in plain truth , upon a clear and manifest experience , that Peace was the ruine of their Party , and that they could not otherwise preserve their power then by open War. The Prince of Conde seizeth on La Fere in Picardy , and the King of Navar makes himself Master by strong hand on the City of Cahors ; which draws the King again from his Meditations , under which must be covered his retirement from all publick business . But La Fere being regained from the Prince of Conde , the sacking of Cahors was connived at , and the breach made up , that so the Hugonots might be tempted to consume their Forces in the Wars of Flanders , to which they were invited by their Brethren of the Belgick Provinces , who had called in the Duke of Anjou against their King. And so long France remained in quiet , as that War continued . But when the Duke returned after two or three years , and that there was no hopes of his reverting to so great a charge ; the Hugonots wanting work abroad , were furnished with this occasion to break out at home . The Catholick League had now layn dormant for some years , none seeming more Zealous then the King in the Cause of Rome . But when it was considered by the Duke of Guise , and the rest of the League , that the Duke of Anjou being dead , and the King without any hope of Issue , the Crown must fall at last to the King of Navar ; it was resolved to try all means by which he might be totally excluded from the right of Succession . For what hope could they give themselves to preserve Religion , when the Crown should fall upon the head of an Heretick , an Heretick relapsed , and therefore made uncapable of the Royal Dignity by the Canon-Laws ? Of these Discourses and Designes of the Guisian Faction , the King of Navar takes speedy notice , and prepares accordingly , thinking it best to be before-hand , and not to be taken unprovided when they should come . And to that end , having first cleared himself by a Declaration from the crime of Heresie , and now particularly from being a relapsed Heretick , with many foul recriminations on the House of Guise , he sends his Agents to sollicite the German Princes to come in to aid him against the oppressions of the League , which seemed to aim at nothing but the ruine of the Realm of France : which so exasperated those of the Guisian Faction , that they prevailed by their Emissaries with Pope Sixtus the Fifth , to Excommunicate the King of Navar , and the Prince of Conde , and to declare them both uncapable of the Royal Succession , as relapsed Hereticks : Which he performed in open Consistory on the ninth of September 1585 , and published the sentence by a special Bull within three dayes after . 41. The French King in the mean time findes himself so intangled in the Snares of the League , and such a general defection from him in most parts of the Kingdom , that he was forced by his Edict of the ninth of Iuly , to revoke all former grants and capitulations which had been made in favour of the Hugonot party . After which followed a new War ; in which the Switz and Germans raise great Levies for the aid of the Hugonots , sollicited thereunto amongst many others by Theodore Beza ; who by his great Eloquence and extraordinary diligence , did prevail so far , that the Princes Palatine , the Count Wirtemberge , the Count of Montbelguard , and the Protestant Cantons of the Switz , agreed to give them their assistance . Amongst whom , with the helps which they received from the King of Denmark , and the Duke of Saxony , a mighty Army was advanced , consisting of thirty two thousand Horse and Foot ; that is to say , twelve thousand German Horse , four thousand Foot , and no fewer then sixteen thousand Switz . For whose advance , besides a general contribution made on all the Churches of France , the sum of sixty thousand Crowns was levyed by the Queen of England , and put into the hands of Prince Casimire before remembred , who was to have the Chief Command of these Forreign Forces . These Forreign Forces made much greater by the accession of eight thousand French which joyned unto them , when they first shewed themselves upon the Borders ; Of which , two hundred Horse and eight hundred Foot were raised by the Signory of Geneva . But before this vast Army could come up to the King of Navar , the Duke of Ioyeuse gives him battel near a place called Coutrasse ; at which time his whole Forces were reduced to four thousand Foot , and about two thousand five hundred Horse ; with which small Army encountred a great power of the Duke of Ioyeuse , and obtained a very signal Victory , there being slain upon the place no fewer then three thousand men , of which the Duke of Ioyeuse himself was one ; more then three thousand taken prisoners , together with all the Baggage , Arms and Ammunition which belonged to the Enemy . After which followed the defeat of the Germans by the Duke of Guise , and the violent proceedings of the Leaguers against the King , which brought him to a necessity of joyning with the King of Navar , and craving the assistance of his Hugonot Subjects , whose Arms are now legitimated , and made acts of Duty . In which condition I shall leave them to their better Fortunes ; first taking a survey of the proceedings of the Calvinists in the neighbouring Germany , passing from thence to the Low Countries , and after crossing over to the Isles of Britain . The end of the third Book . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History Of the PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . III. Containing Their Positions and Proceedings in the Higher Germany ; their dangerous Doctrines and Seditions ; their Innovations in the Church , and alteration of the Civil Government ; of the Belgick Provinces , from the year 1559 , to the year 1585. 1. THe Doctrine of the Reformation begun by Luther , and pursued by Zuinglius , was entertained in many Provinces of the Higher Germany , according as they stood affected to either party , or were transported by the ends and passions of their several Princes : But generally at the first they inclined to Luther , whose way of Reformation seemed less odious to the Church of Rome , and had the greatest approbation from the States of the Empire ; the Duke of Saxony adhered unto him at his first beginning , as also did the Marquess of Brandenbourg , the Dukes of Holsteine , the two Northern Kings , and by degrees the rest of the German Princes of most power and value , except onely those of Austria , and the Duke of Bavaria , the three Elector Bishops , the Duke of Cleve , the Marquess of Baden , and generally all the Ecclesiasticks which were not under the Command of the Lutheran States . The Prince Electo● Palatine came not in to the party , till the year 1546. At which time Frederick the Second , though scarce warm in his own Estate , on which he entred Anno 154● . took the advantage of the time to reform his Churches ; the Emperour being then brought low by the change of Fortune , and forced not long after to abandon Germany . Upon the 1● of Ianuary , he caused Divine Offices to be celebrated in the Mother-tongue , in the chief Church of Heidelberg , the principal City of the lower Palatinate , and the chief Seat of his 〈◊〉 . The news whereof encouraged all the rest of the Protestant Princes to congratulate with him , and to desire him to embrace the Confession of Ausberge ; to which he read●ly accorded , and setled all things in his Countries by the Lutheran Model , as well for Government and Doctrine , as for Forms of Worship . In which condition it continued during the residue of his life , and the short Government of Otho-Henry , who succeeded him in those Estates , and was the last of the direct Line of the House of Bavaria . After whose death , Anno 1559 , succeeded Frederick Duke of Simmeren , descended from Steven Palatine of Zuidbrook , or Bipont , younger son of the Emperour Rupert : From whom the Princes of the other House had delivered their Pedigree : Which Prince succeeding by the name of Frederick the Third , appeared more favourable to the Zuinglian then the Lutheran Forms , animated thereunto by some ●eedy Courtiers , in hope to make a prey of ●lebe and Tythes , and other poor remainders of the Churches Patrimony . 2. For the advancing of this Work , Gual●er a very moderate and learned man is desired from Zurick , and cheerfully undertakes the Service ; in which he prospered so well , that he took off most of the Princes from their former opinions , and brought them to conform their judgements in all points of Doctrine , to the Confession of the Switzer or Helvetian Churches . The Discipline of which Churches differed at that time from Cal●ins Platform , as appears clearly by some passages in a Letter of Bullingers , bearing date Decemb. 13. 1553 , when Calvin was necessitated to beg some tolerable approbation of his new Device . For there it is expresly said , that though a their Discipline at Zurick , and the rest of the Cantons , agreed not in all points with that of the Consistory which had been setled at Geneva , but was accommodated to the temper of their own Dominions ; yet they desired not the subversion of Calvins Model , which seemed so necessary at that time for the Town of Geneva , that they advised not to have it altered . But more particularly it appears by Beza in the life of Calvin , and by the Letter of Ligerus before remembred , that Excommunications were not used in any of the Reformed Churches , whether they were of Lutheran or Zuinglian judgement . But scarce had Gualter so setled Zuinglianism in the Church of Heidelberg , and those which did depend upon it , when a bold Challenger from Geneva de●ies them all , and undertakes to prove this Proposition in the publick Schools , That to a Minister assisted with the help of his Eldership , doth appertain the power of Excommunication by the Law of God. Hereupon followed that famous Disputation in the Schools of Heidelberg , the substance whereof we finde drawn up in Vrsines Catechism , from pag. 835. to pag. 847. of the English Edition . By which it doth appear , that the name of the Respondent was George Withers a Native of England , and that one Peter Boquine was the Moderator ; and therefore Withers must be taken to have made the Challenge . The Theses then maintained by Withers , were these two that follow , viz That to the sincere preaching of the Word , and the lawful administration of the Sacraments , is required an Office or Power of Government in the Church . 2. That a Minister with his Eldership ought to enjoy and exercise a Power of Convicting , Reproving , Excommunicating and Executing any part of Ecclesiastical Discipline , or any Offenders whatsoever , even on Princes themselves . 3. The Arguments by which the Respondent was assaulted , together with the answers which were made unto them , were taken by the pen of Vrsine , a Divine of Heidelberg , who was present at the Disputation , and by his means transmitted to the use of the Church ; the Title of his Abstract this , viz. 〈◊〉 Arguments assoyled , whereby some in a publi●k Disputation held in Heidelberg 1568 , June 10. ( Dr. Peter Boquine being Moderator , and Mr. George Withers English man Respondent ) endeavoured to abolish Ecclesiastical Discipline : Which Arguments and their solutions were taken word for word from the mouth of Dr. Ursine , at the repetition of this disputation on the next day privately made in Colleg. Sapient . For further satisfaction , I refer the Reader to the Book it self , and shall now onely add this note , viz. that as the Arguments were not found sufficient to beat down that power which Christ had left unto his Church for excommunicating scandalous and notori●us sinners ; so neither were the Answers strong enough to preserve Lay-elders in the possession of a power that belonged not to them . Which was in time the issue of the disputation , which afterwards was so hotly followed , between Theodore Beza on the one side , and Dr. Thomas Erastus , ( whom Calvin mentioneth in his Epistle to Olerianus ) Doctor of Physick , on the other ; Beza evincing the necessity of Excommunication in the Church of Christ , and Erastus proving nothing to the contrary , but that Lay-elders were not necessary to the exercise of it . Which disputation lasted long , and effected little , managed on both sides in Printed Tractates ; the last of which was that of Beza , first published at Geneva , reprinted afterwards at London , An. 1590. But in the mean time the Genevian Discipline was admitted in both Palatinates , the Country divided into Classes and Synodical meetings ; those Classes subdivided into their Presbyteries , and each Presbytery furnished with a power of Excommunication , and exercising such Church-censures as the Fact required . But then we are to know withal , that those wise Princes being loath to leave too much Authority in the hands of the Elderships , with whose encroachments on the power of the Civil Magistrate they were well acquainted , appointed some Superiour Officers of their own nomination to sit as Chief amongst them , without whom nothing could be done ; and they were sure that by them nothing would be done , which either might intrench upon their Authority , or their people's Liberty . A temperament for which they were beholden to the said Erastus , who being a Doctor of Physick ( as before was noted ) devised this Pill to purge Presbytery of some Popish humours , which secretly lay hid in the body of it . 4. The like alloy was mixed with the Genevian Discipline in the Churches of Hassia , Nassaw , and those other petite Estates and Signories , which make up the Confederacie of the Wetter●vians . Which having once received the Doctrine of Zuinglius , did shortly after entertain the Calvinian Elderships , but moderated and restrained in those Exorbitancies which the Presbyterians actually committed in the Realm of Scotland , and in most places else subjected unto their Authority . But in regard the Palatine Churches are esteemed as a Rule to the rest ( the rest of Germany I mean ) in all points of Doctrine ; and that the publick Catechism thereof is generally reckone● for Authentick , not onely in the Churches of the Higher Germany , but in the Netherland-Churches also ; it will not be amiss to take notice of them in such Doctrinal Points , in which they come up close to Calvin , and the Rules of Geneva . First therefore taking them for Zuinglians in the point of the Sacrament , and Anti-Lutherans in defacing Images , abolishing all distinction of Fasts and Festivals , and utterly denying all set-Forms of publick Worship ; they have declared themselves as high in maintainance of Calvins Doctrines touching Predestination , Grace , Free-will , &c. as any sub-lapsarian or supra-lapsarian , which had most cordially Espoused that Quarrel . For proof whereof , the Writings of Vrsine and Parcus , Alsted , Piscator , and the rest , Professors in the Schools of Heidelberg , Herborne and Sedan ( being all within the limits of the Higher German● ) might be here produced , did I think it necessary . But these not being the proper Cognizances of the Presbyterians , and better to be taken by their actings in the Synod of Dort , then in scattered Tractates ; I shall take notice onely of those points of Doctrine which are meer Genevian , in reference to their opposition to Monarchical Government ; a Doctrine not unwelcome to the Zuinglian Princes in either Germany , because it gives them a fit ground for their justification , not onely for proceeding to reform their Churches without leave of the Emperour , whom they must needs acknowledge for their Supreme Lord ; but also for departing from the Confession of Ausberge , which onely ought to be received within the bounds of the Empire . 5. First then , beginning with Vrsine , publick Professor for Divinity in the Chair of Heidelberg , he thus instructs us in his Commentary on the Palatine Catechism . Albeit ( saith he ) that wicked men sometimes bear Rule , and therefore are unworthy of honours ; yet the Office is to be distinguished from their persons , and that the man whose vices are to be detested , ought to be honoured for his Office , as Gods Spiritual Ordinance : which is a truth so consonant to the Holy Scriptures , that nothing could be said more piously in so short a position . But then he gives us such a Gloss as corrupts the Text , telling us in the words next following , That since Superiours are to be honoured in respect of their Office , it is therefore manifest , that so far onely we must yeild obedience unto their commands , as they exceed not in the same the bounds of their Offices . Which plainly intimates , that if Princes be at any time transported beyond the bounds of their Offices , of which the people and their popular Magistrates are the onely Judges , the Subjects are not bound to yeild obedience unto their commands , under pretence that they are past beyond their bounds , and have no influence on the People , but onely when they shine within the compass of their proper Spheres . 6. More plainly speaks Parcus , who succeeded him both in place and Doctrines ; out of whose Commentary on the 13 Chapter of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans , the following propositions were extracted by some Delegates and Divines of Oxon , when the unsoundness of his Judgement in this particular was questioned and condemned by that University . First then it was declared for a truth undoubted , That Bishops and other Ministers or Pastors in the Church of Christ , both might and ought , with the consent of their several Churches , to Excommunicate , or give over to the power of Satan , their Superiour Magistrates , for their impiety towards God , and their injustice towards their Subjects , if they continued in those errours after admonition , till they gave some manifest signs of their repentance . 2. That subjects being in the condition of meer private men , ought not without some lawful calling either to take arms to assault a Tyrant , before their own persons be indangered ; or to de●end themselves though they be indangered , if by the ordinary Magistrates they may be defended from such force and violence . 2. That Subjects being in the condition of meer private men , may lawfully take Arms to defend themselves against a Tyrant , who violently shall break in upon them as a Thief or Ravisher , and expedite themselves from the present danger , as against a common Thief and Robber , when from the ordinary Magistrates there appeareth no defence or succour . 4. That such Subjects as are not meerly private men , but are placed in some inferiour Magistracy may lawfully by force of Arms defend themselves , the Common-wealth , the Church and the true Religion , against the pleasure and command of the Supreme Magistrate : These following conditions being observed , that is to say , if either the Supreme Magistrate become a Tyrant , practiseth to commit Idolatry , or blaspheme Gods Name ; or that any great and notable injustice be offered to them , as that they cannot otherwise preserve their consciences and lives in safety : conditioned finally , that under colour of Religion , and a Zeal to Iustice , they do not rather seek their private ends then the publick good . And this last Proposition being so agreeable to Calvins Doctrines , he flourisheth over , and inforceth with those words of Trajan , which before we cited out of Buchan , when he required the principal Captain of his Guard to use the Sword in his defence , if he governed well ; but to turn the point thereof against him , if he did the contrary . 7. Building their practice on these Doctrines , we finde the Palatine Princes very forward in aiding the French Hugonots against their King upon all occasions . In the first risings of that people , Monsieur d' Andelot was furnished with five thousand Horse , and four thousand Foot , most of them being of the Subjects of the Prince Elector , Anno 1562 , when he had out newly entertained the thoughts of Zuinglianism , and had not fully settled the Calvinian Doctrines . But in the year 1566 , when the Hugonots were upon the point of a second War , he joyns with others of the German Princes in a common Ambathe , by which the French King was to be desired , that the Preachers of the Reformed Religion might Preach both in Paris and all other places of the Kingdom without control , and that the people freely might repair to hear them in what numbers they pleased . To which unseasonable demand , the King , though naturally very Cholerick , made no other answer , then that he would preserve a friendship and affection for those Princes so long as they did not meddle in the Affairs of his Kingdom , as he did not meddle at all in their Estates After which , having somewhat recollected his Spirits , he subjoyned these words , with manifest shew of his displeasure , that it concerned him to sollicite their Princes to suffer the Catholicks to say Mass in all their Cities . With which nipping answer the Ambassadors being sent away , they were followed immediately at the heels by some of the Hugonots , who being Agents for the rest , prevailed with Prince Iohn Casimir the second Son of the Elector , to raise an Army in defence of the common Cause . To which purpose they had already furnished him with a small sum of money , assuring him that when he was come unto their Borders , they would pay down one hundred thousand Crowns more towards the maintainance of his Army . Which promises perswading more then the greatest Rhetorick , excited him , with many Captains and Commanders , who for the most part lived upon spoil and plunder , to raise an Army of seven thousand Horse and four thousand Foot , with which they made foul work in France , wasting and spoiling all Countries wheresoever they came : for being joyned unto the rest of the Hugonots Army , they found them brought to such a poor and low condition , that they were not able to advance the least part of that sum which they had promised to provide against their coming . Somewhat was raised by way of Contribution , to keep them in some present compliance ; and for the rest , they were permitted to pay themselves in the spoil of the Country , especially Churches , Monasteries , and Religious Houses . But the Queen offering termes of Peace , none were more forward then these Germans to imbrace the offer , and Casimir more forward in it then all the rest . The King had offered to disburse a great part of the money which belonged to the Souldiers for their pay ; which to those mercenary spirits was too strong a temptation to be resisted or neglected . 8. These Germans were scarcely setled in their several Houses , when the Hugonots brake out again , and a new Army must be raised by the Duke of Zudibruck ( whom the French call the Duke of Deuxponts ) a Prince of the Collateral Line to the Electoral Family ; who upon hope of being as well paid as his Cozen Casimir , tempted with many rich promises by the Heads of the Hugonots , and secretly encouraged by some Ministers of the Queen of England , made himself Master of a great and puis●ant Army , consisting of eight thousand Horse and six thousand Foot. With this Army he wastes all the Country , from the very edge of Burgundy to the Banks of Loire ; crosseth that River , and commits the like outrages in all the Provinces which lye between that River and the Aquitain Ocean . In which action , either with the change of Air , the tediousness of his Marches , or excessive drinking , he fell into a violent Feaver , which put a period to his travails within few days after . Nor did this Army come off better , though it held out longer : for many of them being first consumed with sickness , arising from their own intemperance , and the delicious lusts of the Strumpets of France ; the rest were almost all cut off at the Battail of Mont-counter , in which they lost two Colonels , and twenty seven Captains of Foot , and all their Horse except two thousand , which saved themselves under Count Lodowick of Nassaw . But the love of money prevailed more with them then the fear of death : For within few years after , Anno 1575 , we finde them entring France again under Prince Iohn Casimir , in company with the young Prince of Conde , who had sollicited the Cause . The Army , at that time consisting of eight thousand Horse , three thousand French Fire-locks , and no fewer then fourteen thousand Switz and Germane Foot , joyned with the Hugonots , and a new Faction of Politicks or Male-contents , under the Command of the Duke of Alanzon , who had revolted from his Brother ; became so terrible to the King , that he resolved to buy his Peace upon any rates . To which end , having somewhat cooled the heats of his Brother , he purchaseth the departure of the Germane Souldiers , by ingaging to pay them their Arrears , which came in all to twelve hundred thousand Crowns on a full computation : Besides the payment of which vast sum , he was to gratifie Prince Casimir with the Siguory of ●has●eau-Thierry in the Province of Champagne , the command of one hundred French Lances , and an annual pension of fourteen thousand Crowns , as before was said . 9. In the mean time the flames of the like civil War consumed a great part of Flanders , to which the Prince Elector must bring Fewel also : For being well affected to the House of Nassaw , and more particularly to the Prince of Orange , and knowing what encouragements the Calvinians in the Netherlands had received from them ; he hearkned cheerfully to such Propositions as were made to him at the first by Count ●odowick his Ministers , and after by the Agents of the Prince himself . But those small Forces which he sent , at their first ingaging doing no great service , he grants them such a large supply after the first return of Prince Casimirs Army , Anno 1568 , as made them up a Body of French and Germans , consisting of seven thousand Foot , and four thousand Horse ; with which he sent Prince Christopher a younger Son , to gain experience in the War , and to purchase Honour . And though he might have been discouraged by the loss of that Army , and the death o● his Son into the bargain , from medling further in that quarrel ; yet the Calvinian spirit so predominated in his Court and Counsels , that another Army should be raised , and Casimir imployed as Commander of it , as soon as he could give himself the least assurance that the French required not his assistance . During the languishing of which Kingdom between Peace and War , the War in Flanders grew more violent and fierce then ever , which moved the Provinces confederated with the Prince of Orange to enter into a strict union with the Queen of England , who could not otherwise preserve her self from the plots and practices of Don Iohn of Austria , by which he laboured to embroyl her Kingdom . By the Articles of which League or Union , she bound her self to aid them with one thousand Horse and five thousand Foot ; the greatest part whereof she raised in the Dominions of the Prince Elector , or indeed rather did contribute to the payment of so much money for his Army which was drawn together for the service of the Prince of Orange , as might amount unto that number . And that they might receive the greater countenance in the eye of the World , she sends for Casimir into England , where he arrived about the latter end of Ianuary 1578 , is Royally feasted by the Queen , rewarded with an annual Pension , and in the next year made Knight of the Garter also . By these encouragements he returns to his charge in the Army , which he continued till the calling in of the Duke of Anjou , and then retired into Germany to take breath a while ; where he found such an alteration in the State of affairs , as promised him no great assurance of employment on the like occasion . 10. For Lodowick the fifth succeeding Prince Elector in the place of his Father , and being more inclined to the Lutheran Forms , did in time settle all his Churches on the same Foundation on which it had been built by the Electors of the former Line ; so that it was not to be thought that either he could aid the Hugonots , or the Belgick Calvinists in any of their Insurrections against their Princes , if either of them possibly could have had the confidence to have moved him in it . But he being dead , and Frederick the Fourth succeeding , the Zuinglian Doctrines and the Genevian Discipline are restored again ; and then Prince Casimir is again sollicited to raise a greater power then ever for the aid of the French. The Catholicks of which Realm had joyned themselves in a common League not onely to exclude the King of Navar and the Prince of Cond● from their Succession to the Crown , but wholly to extirpate the Reformed Religion . To counterpoise which Potent Faction , the King of Navar and his Associates in that Cause implored the assistance of their Friends in Germany , but more particularly the Prince Elector Palatine , the Duke of Wirtemberge , the Count of Mombelliard , and the Protestant Cantons ; who being much moved by the danger threatned unto their Religion , and powerfully stirred up by Beza , who was active in it , began to raise the greatest Army that ever had been sent from thence to the aid of the Hugonots : And that the action might appear with some Face of Justice , it was thought fit to try what they could do towards an atonement , by sending their Ambassadors to the Court of France before they entred with their Forces . But the Ambassador of Prince Casimir carried himself in that imployment with so little reverence , and did so plainly charge the King with the infringing of the Edicts of Pacification , that the King dismist them all with no small disdain ; telling them roundly , that he would give any man the lye which should presume to tax him of the breach of his promise . This short dispatch hastned the coming in of the Army , compounded of twelve thousand German Horse , four thousand German Foot , sixteen thousand Switz , and about eight thousand French Auxiliaries which staid their coming on the Borders . With which vast Army they gained nothing but their own destruction ; for many of them being consumed by their own intemperance , more of them wasted by continual skirmishes with which they were kept exercised by the Duke of Guise , most of the rest were miserably slaughtered by him near a place called Auneaw ( a Town of the Province of La Beausse ) or murthered by the common people , as they came in their way . 11. Such ill success had Frederick the Fourth in the Wars of France , as made him afterwards more careful in engaging in them , until he was therein sollicited on a better ground to aid that King against the Leaguers , and other the disturbers of the Common Peace . Nor did some other of the petty Princes speed much better in the success of this Affair ; the Country of Montbelguard paying dearly for the Zeal of their Count , and almost wholly ruined by the Forces of the Duke of Guise . Robert the last Duke of Bouillon , of the House of Marke , had spent a great part of his time in the acquaintance of Beza , and afterwards became a constant follower of the King of Navar , by whom he was imployed in raising this great Army of Switz and Germans , and destined to a place of great Command and Conduct in it : Escaping with much difficulty in the day of the slaughter , he came by many unfrequented ways to the Town of Geneva ; where , either spent with grief of minde , or toyl of body , he dyed soon after , leaving the Signory of Sedan to his Sister Charlot , and her to the disposing of the King of Navar , who gave her in Marriage , not long after , to the Viscount Turenne ; but he had first established Calvinism both for Doctrine and Discipline in all the Towns of his Estate ; in which they were afterwards confirmed by the Marriage of Henry Delatoure Viscount of Turenne , Soveraign of Sedan , and Duke of Bouillon by his former Wife , with one of the Daughters of William of Nassaw Prince of Orange , a professed Calvinian ; the influence of which House , by reason of the great Command which they had in the Netherlands , prevailed so far on many of the Neighbouring Princes , that not onely the Counties of Nassaw and Hanaw , with the rest of the Confederacy of Vetteravia , but a great part of Hassia also gave entertainment to those Doctrines , and received that Discipline , which hath given so much trouble to the rest of Christendom . Which said , we have an easie passage to the Belgick Provinces , where we shall finde more work in prosecution of the Story , then all the Signories and Estates of the Upper Germany can present unto us . 12. The Belgick Provinces , subject in former times to the Dukes of Burgundy , and by descent from them to the Kings of Spain , are on all sides invironed with France and Germany , except toward the West , where they are parted by the Intercurrent-Ocean from the Realm of England , with which they have maintained an ancient and wealthy Traffick . Being originally in the hands of several Princes , they fell at last by many distinct Titles to the House of Burgundy ; all of them , except five , united in the person of Duke Philip the good , and those five added to the rest by Charles the Fifth . From hence arose that difference which appears between them in their Laws and Customs , as well as in distinct and peculiar Priviledges ; which rendred it a matter difficult , if not impossible , to mould them into one Estate , or to erect them into an absolute and Soveraign , though it was divers times endeavoured by the Princes of it . The whole divided commonly into seventeen Provinces , most of them since they came into the power of the Kings of Spain , having their own proper and subordinate Governours accountable to their King , as their Lord in Chief , who had the sole disposal of them , and by them managed all Affairs both of War and Peace , according to their several and distinct capacities : All of them priviledged so far , as to secure them all ( without a manifest violation of their Rights and Liberties ) from the fear of Bondage . But none so amply priviledged as the Province of Brabant , to which it had been granted by some well-meaning , but weak Prince amongst them , that if their Prince or Duke ( by which name they called him ) should by strong hand attempt the violation of their ancient priviledges , the Peers and People might proceed to a new Election , and put themselves under the Clyentele or Patronage of some juster Governour . 13. The whole Estate thus laid together , is reckoned to contain no more in compass then twelve hundred miles ; but is withall so well planted , and extremely populous , that there are numbered in that compass no fewer then three hundred and fifty Cities , and great Towns equal unto Cities ; besides six thousand and three hundred Villages of name and note , ( some of them equal to great Towns ) not taking in the smaller Dorps , and inferiour Hamlets . But amongst all the Cities and great Towns , there were but four which anciently were honoured with Episcopal Sees , that is to say , the Cities of Vtrecht , Cambray , Tournay , and Arras ; and of these four , they onely of Arras and Tournay were naturally subject to the Princes of the House of Burgundy ; the Bishop of Cambray being anciently a Prince of the Empire , and Vtrecht not made subject to them till the Government of Charles the Fifth . Which paucity of the Episcopal Sees in so large a Territory , subjected some of the Provinces to the Bishops of Leige , some to the jurisdiction of the Archbishops of Rheims and Colen , and others under the Authority of the Bishops of Munster . Of which the first were in some sort under the Protection of the Dukes of Burgundy , the three last absolute and independent , not owing any suite or Service at all unto them . By means whereof , concernments of Religion were not looked into with so strict an eye , as where the Bishops are accomptable to the Prince for their Administration , or more united with and amongst themselves in the publick Government . The inconvenience whereof being well observed by Charles the Fifth , he practised with the Pope then being , for increasing the number of the Bishopricks , reducing them under Archbishops of their own , and Modeling the Ecclesiastical Politie under such a Form , as might enable them to exercise all manner of spiritual jurisdiction within themselves , without recourse to any Forreign Power or Prelate but the Pope himself . Which being first designed by him , was afterwards effected by King Philip the Second , though the event proved contrary to his expectation . For this enlargement of the number of the Sees Episcopal , being projected onely for the better keeping of the Peace and Unity of the Belgick Churches , became unhappily the occasion of many Tumults and Disorders in the Civil State , which drew on the defection of a great part of the Country from that Kings obedience . 14. For so it was , that the Reformed Religion being entertained in France and Germany , did quickly finde an entrance also into such of the Provinces as lay nearest to them ; where it found people of all sorts sufficiently ready to receive it . To the increase whereof the Emperor Charls himself gave no small advantage , by bringing in so many of the Switz and German Souldiers to maintain his Power , either in awing his own Subjects , or against the French , by which last he was frequently invaded in the bordering Provinces . Nor was Queen Mary of England wanting ( though she meant it not ) to the increasing of their numbers . For whereas many of the Natives of France and Germany , who were affected zealously to the Reformation , had put themselves for Sanctuary into England in the time of King Edward ; they were all banished by Proclamation in the first year of her Reign . Many of which not daring to return to their several Countries , dispersed themselves in most of the good Towns of the Belgick Provinces ( especially in such as lay most neer unto the S●a ) where they could best provide themselves of a poor subsistance . By means whereof , the Doctrine of the Protestant and Reformed Churches began to get much ground upon them ; to which the continual intercourses which they had with England , gave every day such great and manifest advantage , that the Emperour was fain to bethink himself of some proper means for the suppressing of the inconveniences which might follow on it . And means more proper he found none in the whole course of Government , then to increase the number of the former Bishopricks , to re-inforce some former Edicts which he made against them , and to bring in the Spanish Inquisition , which he established and confirmed by another Edict bearing date April 20. 1548. Which notwithstanding , the Professors of that Doctrine , though restrained a while , could not be totally suppressed ; some Preachers out of Germany , and others out of France and England , promoting underhand those Tenents , and introducing those opinions , which openly they durst not own in those dangerous times . But when the Emperour Charles had resigned the Government , and that King Philip the Second , upon some urgent Reasons of State had retired to Spain , and left the Chief Command of his Belgick Provinces to the Dutchess of Parma , they then began to shew themselves with the greater confidence , and gained some great ones to their side , whom discontent by reason of the disappointment of their several aims had made inclinable to innovation both in Church and State. 15. Amongst the great ones of which time , there was none more considerable for Power and Patrimony , then William of Nassaw Prince of Orange , invested by a long descent of Noble Ancestors in the County of Nassaw , a fair and goodly Territory in the Higher Germany ; possest of many good Towns and ample Signories in Brabant and Holland , derived upon him from Mary Daughter and Heir of Philip Lord of Breda , &c. his great Grand-fathers Grand-mother ; and finally , enriched with the Principality of Orange in France , accruing to him by the death of his Cozen Rene ; which gave him a precedencie before all other Belgick Lords in the Court of Brussels . By which advantages , but more by his abilities both for Camp and Counsel , he became great in favour with the Emperour Charles ; by whom he was made Governour of Holland and Zealand , Knight of the Order of the Fleece ; imployed in many Ambassies of weight and moment , and trusted with his dearest and most secret purposes . For Rivals in the Glory of Arms , he had the Counts of Horne and Egmond , men of great Prowess in the Field , and alike able at all times to Command and Execute . But they were men of open hearts , not practised in the Arts of Subtilty and dissimulation , and wanted much of that dexterity and cunning which the other had for working into the affections of all sorts of people . Being advanced unto this eminencie in the Court , and knowing his own strength as well amongst the Souldiers as the common people , he promised to himself the Supreme Government of the Belgick Provinces on the Kings returning into Spain . The disappointment of which hope , obliterated the remembrance of all former favours , and spurred him on to make himself the Head of the Protestant party , by whose assistance he conceived no small possibility of raising the Nassovian Family to as great an height as his ambition could aspire to . 16. The Protestants at that time were generally divided into two main bodies , not to say any thing of the Anabaptists and other Sectaries who thrust in amongst them . Such of the Provinces as lay toward Germany , and had received their Preachers thence , embraced the Forms and Doctrines of the Luther●● C●●●ches , in which not onely Images had been still retained , ●ogether with set-Forms of Prayer , kneeling at the Communio● , the Cross in Baptism , and many other laudable Ceremonies of the Elder times ; but also most of the ancient Fasts and F●●tivals of the Catholick Church , and such a Form of Eccle●●tical Polity , as was but little differing from that of Bishops : which Forms and Doctrines being tolerated by the Edicts of Paussaw and Ausberg , made them less apt to work disturbance in the Civil State , and consequently the less obnoxious to the fears and jealousies of the Catholick party . But on the other side , such Provinces as lay toward France participated of the humour of that Reformation which was there begun , modelled according unto Calvins Platform both in Doctrine and Discipline . More stomacked then the other , by all those who adhered to the Church of Rome , or otherwise pretended to the peace and safety of the Common-wealth : For the French Preachers being more practical and Mercurial then the other were , and not well principled in respect of Monarchical Government , were looked upon as men more likely to beget commotions , and alienate the peoples hearts from their natural Governour . And at the first the Prince of Orange enclined most to the Lutheran party , whose Forms and Doctrines had been setled by his Father in the County of Nassaw : And for the clear manifestation of the good opinion which he harboured of them , he Married Anne the Daughter of Maurice Duke Elector of Saxony , the greatest of the Lutheran Princes . At which when the Dutchess of Parma seemed to be displeased , he openly assured her of his Adhesion to the Catholick Cause , and caused his Eldest Son which he had of that Marriage to be Baptized according to the Prescript of the Church of Rome ; but underhand promoted for a time the Lutheran Interest , which he had sucked in as it were with his Mothers Milk. But it was onely for a time that he so promoted it : For finding the Calvinians to be men of another Metal , more quick and stirring of themselves , more easily exasperated against their Governours , and consequently more fit to advance his purposes ; he made ●imself the great Protector of that faction , and spared not to profess himself for such upon all occasions ; insomuch , that being afterwards questioned about his Religion by the Duke of Arescot , he discovered to him his bald head , and told him plainly , th●t there was not more Calvism on his head , then there was Calvinism in his heart . 17. But to make way for these designes , there were two obstacles to be removed , without which nothing could be done in pursuance of them . King Philip at his going for Spain , had left three thousand Spanish Souldiers ( the onely remainder of those great Armies which had served his Father and himself against the French ) in Garrison upon the Borders , under pretence of shutting up the back-door against the French , but generally thought to be left of purpose for a curb to the Natives , in case of refractoriness or opposition unto his Commands . They must be first removed , and the Country cleared of all such rubs as otherwise would have made the way less passable unto private ends . For though the King had put those Souldiers under the Command of two Lords of the Netherlands , that is to say , the Prince of Orange himself , and the Count Egmont , that they might rather seem to be the natural Militia of the Country , then a power of strangers ; yet that device did little edifie amongst them : for the two Lords , especially the Prince of Orange , expressed such contentment in the trust and honour which was therein conferred upon them , that they excited the whole Country both to move the King before his going , and the Governess after his departure to dismiss those Souldiers which could not be imposed upon them without breach of their Priviledges . To this request the King had given a gratious answer , and promised to remove them within four months after his going into Spain ; but secretly gave order to the Lady Regent to retain them longer , till the new Bishops and the Inquisition were confirmed amongst them . And she conceived her self so bound to those instructions , and their ●etaining there so necessary for his Majesties Service , that she delayed time as long as possibly she could : Which being observed by those which were of greatest power and credit with the common people , it was resolved that no more contribution should be raised on the several Provinces toward the payment of their wages ; and on the other side , the Regent was so constant to her resolution , that she took up money upon interest for their satisfaction . But being wearied in the end by the importunity of all sorts of people , counselled by her Husband the Duke of Parma to give way unto it , and authorized at last by the King himself to hearken unto their desires ; she gives order to have them drawn out of their several Garrisons , and Shipt at Flushing ; from thence to be transported into Spain with the first fair winde . 18. The easie removing of this rub , incouraged those who managed the designe for innovating in the Church and State , to make the like attempt against the Cardinal Granvel ; whose extraordinary parts and power they were more affraid of , then of all the Spaniards in the Country . This man being of the ●erenots of Granvel in the Country of Burgundy , was trained up by a Father of such large abilities , that he was by Charles the Fifth made Chancellor of the German Empire , and trusted by him in Affairs of the greatest moment : And he declared himself to be such a quick proficient in the Schools of Learning , that he became the Master of no fewer then seven Languages ; ( in all which he was able to express himself with a fluent eloquence ) and at twenty four years of age was made Bishop of Arras : commended by his Father to the Emperour Charles , and by him unto King Philip the Second , he served them both with great fidelity and courage ; and had withall such a dexterity of dispatch in all concernments , as if he had been rather born then made a States-man . And unto these he added such a moderation in his pleasures , such abstinence both from food and sleep when the case required it , such extraordinary pains in accommodating all the difficulties which came before him , and such a diligent observance of his Princes motions , that his greatest Adversaries could not chuse but say , that he was a Jewel , fit to be owned by none but the greatest Kings . By means whereof , he so prevailed upon the King whilst he staid amongst them , that he did nothing eithe● at home or abroad , made neither Peace nor League with Kings or Nations , concluded no Marriage , quieted no Seditions , acted nothing that related to Religion or the Church , in which the counsels of this m●n were not influential . The like Authority he held with the Dutchess of Parma , not onely out of that report which the King made of him , but her own election , who found his counsel so applyable to all occasions , that seldom any private or publick business came in agitation , in which his judgement had not been previously required , before it was openly delivered . And though his previous resolutions in matters of counsel , were carried with all imaginable care and closeness from the eyes of the Courtiers ; yet no man doubted but that all Affairs were t●ansacted by him , imputing many things unto him , as it often happeneth , which he had no hand ●n . 19. In the first risings of this man , he was d●spised for an upstart by the Prince of Orange , and some other great men of the Country ; not fearing any thing from him as an alien born , unfurnished of dependants , and who by reason of his ca●ling could make no strong Alliance to preserve his Power . But when they found that his Authority increased , that all things bended to that point at which he aimed , and that some of the Nobility began to apply themselves unto him , and became his Creatures ; they then conceived it necessary to make head against him , for fear of being brought to the like submissions . First therefore they began to clash with him at the Councel-Table , and to dissent from many things which he appeared in , though otherwise of great advantage in themselves to the publick Service . But finding that those oppositions did rather serve to strengthen his power , th●n take any thing from it , they misreport him to the King in their several Letters for a turbulent spirit , a man of proud thoughts , and one that hated the Nobility . By whose depressing , he aspired to more personal greatness then was consistent either with his Majesties safety or the Belgick Liberties . And that being d●ne , they generally traduce him by their Whisperers amongst the people , to be the on●ly man that laboured for the bringing in of the Inquisition , and for establishing the new Bishops in their several Sees , under pretence of stopping the increase of Sects and Heresies : And unto these reports of him , he gave some fair colour , by prosecuting the concernments of the Church with more zeal then caution ; lying the more open to the practices of the growing party , by a seeming neglect of their intendments , and a reliance onely on his Masters favour . From hence it was , that such as did pretend to any licentiousness in Life or Doctrine , exclaimed against him as the Author of those severities wherewith the King had formerly proceeded against divers of them ; as on the other side , they cryed up all the Lords which appeared against him , as the chief Patriots of the Country , the Principal Patrons and Assertors of the publick Liberty . 20. The people being thus corrupted , it was no hard matter for the Lords to advance the Project , in rendring Granvel as unpleasing in the eyes of the King , as they had made him odious in the sight of the people . In order whereunto , some of them shewed themselves less careful of the Cause of Religion , by smothering the publication of his Majesties Edicts which concerned the Church in the Provinces under their command . Others dealt under-hand with the common people , perswading them not to yeild submission to those new Tribunals , which onely served for the exercise of superstition , and the Popes Authority . And some again connived at the growth of Heresie ( by which name they called it ) by suffering the maintainers of those new opinions to get ground amongst them ; encouraged secretly some seditious practices ; and finally omitted nothing , by which the King might understand by a sad experiment how much he had misplaced his favours , and to what imminent danger he exposed the Netherlands , by putting such Authority over them in the hands of a Forreigner . Of all which practices the Cardinal was too intelligent , and had too many Friends abroad to be kept in ignorance ; which made him carry a more vigilant eye upon their designes , to cross their Counsels , and elude their Artifices , when any thing was offered to the prejudice of the publick Peace : but in the end , the importunity of his Adversaries became so violent , and the breach had such a face of danger in the fight of the Governess , that she moved the King for his dismission ; to prevent which , he first retired into Burgundy , and from thence to Rome ; preferred not long after to be Vice-Roy of the Realm of Naples ; and finally , made President of the Council for Italy in the Court of Spain . 21. In the mean time the Calvinists began to try their Fortunes in those Provinces which lay next to France , by setting up two of their Preachers on the same day in two great Cities , Valenciennes the chief City of Haynalt , and Tournay the chief City of Flanders Gallicant : In the first of which , the Preacher having finished in the Market-place where he made his Sermon , was followed in the Streets by no fewer then one hundred people ; but in the other , by a train of six hundred , or thereabouts , all of them singing Davids Psalms of Marots Translation , according to the custom of the Hugonots amongst the French. Some tumults hereupon ensued in either City ; for the repressing whereof , Florence of Momorancy Lord of Montigny , being the Governour of that Province , rides in post to Tournay , hangs up the Preacher , seizeth on all such Books as were thought Heretical , and thereby put an end to the present Sedition . But when the Marquess of Bergen was required to do the like at Valenciennes , he told the Governess in plain terms , that it was neither agreeable to his place or nature to put an Heretick to death . All that he did was the committing of two of their Preachers to the common Prison ; and that being done , he made a journey unto Leige to decline and business : Which so incouraged the Calvinian party to proceed in their purposes , that they threatned mischief to the Judges , if any harm happened to the Prisoners . But sentence at the seven months end being past upon them to be burnt , and all things being made ready for the execution , the Prisoners brought unto the Stake , and the sire ready to be kindled , there presently arose a tumult so fierce and violent , that the Officers were compelled to take back their Prisoners , and to provide for their own safety , for fear of being stoned to death by the furious multitude . But the people having once begun , would not so give over ; for being inflamed by one of their company , whom they had set up in the midst of the Market-place to preach an extemporary Sermon , two thousand of them ran tumultuously to the common Goal , force open the doors , knock off the Shackles of the Prisoners , restore them to their former Liberty , and so disperse themselves to their several dwellings . The news of which Sedition being brought to Brussels , the Governess dispatcheth certain Companies of Foot , and some Troopes of Horse , with order to the Marquess of Bergen to appease the disorders in the Town . But they found all things there so quiet , that there was little need of any other Sword then the Sword of Justice ; by which some of the chief Ring-leaders of the Tumult , and one of their Preachers ( who had unhappily fallen into their hands ) were sentenced to that punishment which they had deserved . 22. The Calvinists conceiving by this woful experiment , that it was not safe jesting with Edged-tools , and that they were not of sufficient power for so great a business , betook themselves to other courses . And finding that some of the principal Lords were much offended at the exorbitant power of Granvel , that others shewed no good affection to his Majesties Government , and that the rest had no desire to see the new Bishops setled in their several Sees , for fear of being over-powered by them in all publick Councils ; they seriously applyed themselves to foment those discords , and make the rupture greater then at first it was . The new Bishops being fourteen in number , were in themselves so eminent in point of Learning , and of a conversation so unblameable in the eyes of all men , that malice it self could make no just exception against the persons : A quarrel therefore must be picked against the Form and Manner of their indowment , which was by founding them in such wealthy Monasteries as were best able to maintain them ; the Patrimony which anciently was allotted to the use of the Abbot , being to be inverted ( after the death of the incumbent ) to the use of the Bishop . This was presented to the Monks as a great disfranchisement , a plain devesting of them of their Native Priviledges ; not onely by depriving them of the choice of their Governour , but by placing over them an imperious Lord instead of an indulgent Father . The Magistrates and people of such of the Cities as were designed for the Sees of the several Bishops , were practised on to protest against their admission ; by whose establishment the common people must be subject to more Masters then before they were , and the Magistrates must grow less in power and reputation then they had been formerly . They represented to the Merchants , that without liberty of Conscience it was not possible there could be liberty of Trade ; the want whereof must needs bring with it their impoverishing , a sensible decay of all sorts of Manufactures ; and consequently , an exposing of the common people to extremest beggery . Which consideration , as appeared soon after , was alone sufficient , not onely to ingage the Merchants , but to draw after them that huge rabble of Mechanical people ( which commonly make up the greatest part of all populous Cities ) that depended on them . But nothing better pleased the discontented Nobility , then their Invectives against Granvel , against whom , and such of the Court-Lords as adhered unto him , they fastened their most scandalous and infamous Libels upon every post ; not sparing through his sides to wound the honour of the King , and reproach the Government , which by this means they made distasteful to the common subjects . 23. By these devices , and some others of like dangerous nature , they gained not onely many of the common people , but divers of the greatest Lords ; some also of the principal Cities , and not a few of the Regulars , or Monastick Clergy . By means whereof , their Friends and Factors grew so powerful , as to oppose such motions both in Court and Council , as tended to the prejudice of the Reformation ; insomuch , that when King Philip had given order to the Dutchess of Parma to send two thousand Ho●se to the aid of Charles the French King against the Hugonots ; the Prince of Orange and his party did openly oppose , and finally over-rule it at the Council-Table . This gave incouragement to the Calvinists to try their Fortune once again , not in Valenciennes as before , but in the principal Cities of Brabant and Flanders . At Rupelmond , a chief Town of Flanders , a Priest which had been gained unto their opinions , and was imprisoned for the same , fell on a desperate design of ●i●ing the next room unto him , wherein were kept the Monuments and Records of the Prince ; to the end that while the Guards were busied in preserving things that concerned the publick , he might finde a handsome oportunity to get out of their hands . But the fire being sooner quenched then he had imagined , both he and his Accomplices , which were nine in number , were brought unto the place of Execution , and there justly suffered ; the Priest himself declaiming bitterly against Calvin at his Execution , and charging all his sufferings upon upon that account . At Antwerp one Fabricius , once a Carmelite Fryar , but now a great promoter of Calvins Doctrines , had gained much people to that side ; for which being apprehended , he had judgement of death . But being brought unto the Stake , such a shower of Stones was seen to fall upon the head of the Hang-man , that not daring to abide the storm till the fire had done , he drew his Sword and sheathed it in the Prisoners body , and after saved himself by seeming to make one in the Tumult . And the next day they caused some Verses writ in bloud to be posted up , in which was signified , that there were some in Antwerp who had vowed revenge for the death of Fabricius ; though afterwards they surceased , upon the executing of one of the Mutineers , and entertained more sober and religious counsels . But the distemper seemed much greater in the Town of Bruges , where the Inquisitors Deputy had sent a man to prison , on a suspition of Heresie , with a Guard of three Officers to attend him ; at which the Senate was so moved , that they commanded the Officers to be seized upon , to be committed close prisoners , and to be fed with nothing but bread and water ; the party in the mean time being set at liberty . 24. Startled with Tumult after Tumult , but more with the unhandsome carriage of the Senate of Bruges ; the King gives order to his Sister the Lady Governess , to see his Fathers Edicts severely executed , and more particularly to take special care that the Decrees and Canons of the Council of Trent be presently received and obeyed in all the Provinces : Against which Orders of the King , though many of the great Lords opposed at the Council-Table , yet the Governess carried it at the last . And thereupon the opposite party incensed the Brabanters against admitting the Edicts or the Tridentine Council , as tending manifestly to the violation of their ancient priviledges : At which though most of them took fire , yet it burned but slowly , proceeding onely at the first in the way of Remonstrance , which for the most part carried more smoke then flame . But after the Ministers and Agents of Lodowick Count of Nassaw ( one of the younger brothers of the Prince of Orange ) were returned from Heidelberg , there appeared a kinde of new spirit amongst the people . He had before with certain other Noble-men of his age and quality betook himself unto Geneva , either for curiosity or study , or for some worse purpose , where being wrought upon by the Calvinians which conversed with them , and finding their own people to be very inquisitive after new opinions , they were not sparing in the commendation of the Religion which they found exercised in that City , and seemed to wish for nothing more then that they might have liberty of Conscience to profess the same . But knowing that so great a business could not be carried on successfully but by force of Arms , he had his Agents in the Court of the Prince El●ctor for getting some assistance , if it came to blows , or under colour of his name to awe the Governess . And it fell out according unto his desire : for hereupon the party animated with new hopes , renewed their former course of libelling against the present Government with greater acrimony then before , dispersing no fewer then five thousand of those scandalous Pamphlets within the compass of a year , by which the people were exasperated and fitted for engaging in any action , which by the cunning of their Leaders , and the insinuations of their Preachers , should be offered to them . 25. But these were onely the preparatives to the following Tumults ; for in the middle of these heats , nine of the Lords not being Officers of State , convened together at Breda , the principal Seat and most assured hold of the Prince of Orange , where they drew up a Form of an Association , which they called the Covenant , contrived by Philip Marnixius Lord of Aldegand , a great admirer of the person and parts of Calvin . In the preamble whereof they inveighed bitterly against the Inquisition , as that which being contrary to all Laws both Divine and Humane , did far exceed the cruelty of all former Tyrants : they then declared in the name of themselves and the rest of the Lords , that the care of Religion appertained to them as Councellors born , and that they entred into this Association for no other reason , but to prevent the wicked practices of such men , as under colour of the sentences of death and banishment , aimed at the Fortunes and destructions of the greatest persons : that therefore they had taken an holy Oath not to suffer the said Inquisition to be imposed upon their Country : praying therein , that as well God as man would utterly forsake them , if ever they forsook their Covenant , or failed to assist their Brethren which suffered any thing in that Cause ; and finally , calling God to witness , that by this Covenant and Agreement amongst themselves , they intended nothing but the Glory of God , Honour of their King , and their Countries peace . And to this Covenant as they subscribed before their parting , so by their Emissaries they obtained subscription to it over all their Provinces ; and for the credit of the business , they caused the same to be translated into several Languages , and published a Report that not onely the Chief Leaders of the Hugonots in France , but many of the Princes of Germany had subscribed it also : which whether it were true or not , certain it is , that the Confederacie was subscribed by a considerable number of the Nobility , some of the Lords of the Privy-Council , and not a few of the Companions of the Golden Fleece . 26. Of the nine which first appeared in the designe , the principal were Henry Lord of Brederode , descended lineally from Sigefride , the second Son of Arnold , the fourth Earl of Holland ; Count Lodowick of Nassaw before mentioned ; and Florence Count of Culemberg , a Town of Gueldres , but anciently priviledged from all subjection to the Duke thereof . Accompanied with two hundred of the principal Covenanters , each of them having a case of Pistols at his Saddle-bow , Brederode enters Brussels in the beginning of April , to which he is welcomed by Count Horne and the Prince of Orange , which last had openly appeared for them at the Council-Table , when the unlawfulness of the confederacy was in agitation . And having taken up their Lodging in Culemberg-house , they did not onely once again subscribe the Covenant , but bound themselves to stand to one another by a solemn Oath . The tenour of which Oath was to this effect , That if any of them should be imprisoned , either for Religion or for the Covenant , immediately the rest all other business laid aside , should take up arms for his assistance and defence . Marching the next day by two and two till they came to the Court , they presented their petition to the Lady Regent , by the hands of Brederode , who desired her in a short Speech at the tendry of it , to believe that they were honest men , and propounded nothing to themselves , but obedience to the Laws , Honour to the King , and safety to their Country . The sum of the Petition was , That the Spanish Inquisition might be abolished , the Emperours Edicts repealed , and new ones made by the advice of the Estates of the Countries . Concerning which we are to know , that the Emperour had past several Edicts against the Lutherans , the first of which was published in the year 1521 , and the second about five years after , Anno 1526 , by means whereof many well-meaning people had been burnt for Hereticks : but that which most extremely gaulled them , was the Edict for the bringing in of the Inquisition , published upon the 29 of April as before was said . Against these Edicts they complained in the said Petition . To which upon the morrow she returned such an answer by the consent of the Council , as might give them good hopes that the Inquisition should be taken away , and the Edicts moderated ; but that the King must first be made acquainted with all particulars before they passed into an Act. With which answer they returned well satisfied unto Culemberg-house , which was prepared for the entertainment of the chief Confederates . 27. To this House Brederode invites the rest of his Company , bestows a prodigal Feast upon them ; and in the middle of their Cups it was put to the question , by what name their Confederacie should be called . Those of their party in France were differenced from the rest by the name of Hugonots , and in England ( much about that time ) by the name of Puritans ; nor was it to be thought but that their followers might be as capable of some proper and peculiar appellation , as in France or England . It happened that at such time as they came to tender their Petition , the Governess seemed troubled at so great a number , and that Count Barlamont ( a man of most approved fidelity to his Majesties service ) advised her not to be discouraged at it ; telling her in the French tongue betwixt jest and earnest , that they were but Gueux ( or Gheuses , as the Dutch pronounced it ) that is to say , men of dissolute lives and broken fortunes , or in plain English Rogues and Beggars . Upon which ground they animated one another by the name of Gheuses , and calling for great bowls of Wine , drank an health to the name ; their Servants and Attendants crying out with loud acclamations , Vive les Gueus , long live the Gheuses . For the confirming of which name , Brederode takes a Wa●let which he spyed in the place , and laid it on one of his Shoulders as their Beggars do , and out of a Wooden dish brim-full drinks to all the Company ; thanks them for following him that day with such unanimity , and binds himself upon his honour to spend his life , if need should be , for the generality of the Confederates , and for every member of them in particular : Which done , he gave his Dish and Wallet to the next unto him , who in like manner past it round , till they had bound themselves by this ridiculous Form of initiation to stand to one another in defence of their Covenant ; the former acclamation of Long live the Gheuses , being doubled and redoubled at every Health . The jollity and loud acclamations which they made in the House , brought thither the Prince of Orange , Count Egmont , and Count Horne , men of most Power and Reputation with the common people ; who seemed so far from reprehending the debauchery which they found amongst them , that they rather countenanced the same ; the former Healths and Acclamations being renewed and followed with more heat and drunken bravery then they were a first : on which incouragement they take upon themselves in earnest the name of Gheuses , and by that name were solemnly proclaimed by that Raskal Rabble at their coming out ; which name being taken thus upon them , as the mark of their Faction , was afterwards communicated to all those of the same Religion . 28. Returning to their several dwellings , they caused a mischievous report to be spread abroad , not onely that they had obtained a suspension of the Emperours Edicts , and an exemption from the power of the Inquisition ; but that the Companions of the Order of the Golden Fleece , being men of most Authority both in Court and Council , had declared for them in the Cause . To gain belief to which report , a false and counterfeit paper is dispersed amongst them , in which it was notified to all that should read the same , that the Lords and Companions of the Fleece had sworn by their Order to the Gentlemen chosen by the Estates of the Country , to present the desires of the people to the Lady Regent , That from thenceforth the Ecclesiastical Inquisitors and other Magistrates should punish no man for his Religion , neither by imprisonment , exile , or death , unless it were joyned with a popular tumult , and the publick ruine of their Country ; of which the Covenanters themselves were to be the Iudges . And though the Governess took the wisest and most speedy course both to discover and proclaim the danger of so lewd a practice , and used all honest ways for the undeceiving of the people in that Particular ; yet either she obtained no credit to her Anti-Remonstrances , or found the Venome too far spread for so weak an Antidote . For presently upon the scattering and dispersing of the said Declaration , as many of the Reformed parties as had fled the Country , returned again unto their Houses ; and such as had concealed themselves , or otherwise dissembled their Religion , began more confidently to a vow the profession of it . For whose incouragement and increase , there was no want of diligence in such of the Ministers as resorted to them out of France ; first preaching to them in the Fields , and afterwards in some of their open Towns ; but every where bitterly inveighing against the Tyranny of the Pope , the pride of Spain , and the corruptions of the Clergy ; but most especially of the Bishops , whom they chiefly aimed at . By these invectives , and their continual preaching up of a popular liberty , their followers so exceedingly increased in a very short time , that in the Fields near the Citie of To●rnay , there were seen no fewer then eight thousand persons at a Sermon ; a greater multitude then that in the Fields near Lisles , and sometimes more then double that number in the fields near Antwerp . But in such Parts and Provinces as lay nearest France , they took greater liberty , and fell from Preaching to the Ministration of the Sacraments and Sacramentals ; Marrying some , and Baptizing others , according to the Form devised by Calvin ; but Sanctifying all by a continual intermixture of Davids Psalms , translated into French Meter as before was said . Together with these French Preachers and Calvinian Ministers , there entred several Emissaries sent from the Admiral Colligni , the Prince of Conde , and others of the Heads of the Hugonot Faction , whose interest it was to imbroyl the Netherlands , that they themselves might fear no such danger on that side , as formerly they had received . And these men play'd their parts so well , that a confused Rabble of the common people , furnished with Staves , Hatchets , Hammers and Ropes , and armed with some few Swords and Muskets , upon the Eve of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin , fell violently into the Towns and Villages about St. Omers , one of the chief Cities of Artois , forced open all the Doors of Churches and Religious Houses , if they found them shut ; demolished all the Altars , and defaced the Shrines , and broke the Images in pieces , not sparing any thing which in the Piety of their Ancestors was accounted sacred . Encouraged by which good success , they drive on to Ipres , a Town of Flanders , where they were sure to finde a party prepared for them , by which the Gates of the City were set open to give them entrance : no sooner were they entred , but they went directly to the Cathedral , ( their multitudes being much increased all the way they came ) where presently they fell to work ; some beating down the Images with Staves and Hammers , some pulling down the Statues of our Saviour with Ropes and Ladders ; other defacing Pulpits , Altars , and the Sacred Ornaments , burning the Books , and stealing the Consecrated Plate . With the same fury they proceeded to the burning of the Bishops Library , and the destroying of all Churches and Religious Houses within that City ; in which they found as little opposition from the hands of that Magistrate , as if they had been hired and imployed in that service by the Common Council . About the same time , that is to say , on the morrow after the Assumption , another party being of the same affections , and taking both example and encouragement from this impunity , fall into Menim , Commines , Vervich , and other Towns upon the Lys : In all which they committed the like impious out-rages , carrying away with them Plate and Vestments , and all other consecrated things which were easily portable ; but burning or destroying what they could not carry . The like they would have done also at the Town of Seclin , but that the people rose in Arms , assaulted them , and drove them back , not without great slaughter of that mutinous and seditious Rabble , and some loss of themselves . 30. In Antwerp the chief City of Brabant they found better Fortune . They had before attained to so great a confidence , that having assembled in the Fields to hear a Sermon according to their usual custom , and finding their number to amount unto fifteen thousand ; they mounted their Preacher on a Horse , and brought him triumphantly into the City , attended by a strong Guard both of Horse and Foot , to the great terrour and affrightment of the principal Magistrates . For remedy of which disorders , the Governess sent thither the Count of Megen , and afterwards the Prince of Orange with some slender Forces ; on the approaching of which last ( for the first was presently recalled , as a man less popular ) infinite multitudes of the people went out to meet him ; entertained him with the accustomed acclamation of Vive les Gueux , and cryed him up for the great Patron and Protector of the Belgick Liberty . At which though he seemed outwardly to be somewhat offended , yet it was easie to be seen that he received a secret contentment in it ; and therefore acted nothing whilst he stayed amongst them , by which he might become less gracious in the eye of that Faction then he was before . Encouraged by which remisness , and being privately excited by some of his Followers , they abate little or nothing of their former insolencies , which they discovered not long after his departure to the Court of Brussels , by their violent disturbance of a solemn Procession made by the Clergy of that City , in honour of their supposed Patroness the Blessed Virgin ; and that too on the very Festival of her Assumption , when the like outrages were committed in other places : For not content to jeer and taunt them in the Streets as they passed along , they follow them into the principal Church of that City ; where first they fall to words , and from words to blows , and from blows to wounds ; to the great scandal of Religion , and the unpardonable prophanation of that holy Place . 31. But this was onely an Essay of the following mischief . For on the same day Sennight , being not onely more numerous , but better armed , they flocked to the same Church at the Evening-Service ; which being ended , they compel the people to forsake the place , and possess themselves of it . Having made fast the Doors for fear that some disturbance might break in upon them , one of them begins to sing a Psalm in Marots Meter , wherein he is followed by the rest ; that such a holy exercise as they were resolved on , might not be undertook without some preparation : which fit of Devotion being over , they first pulled down a massie Image of the Virgin , afterwards the Image of Christ , and such other Saints as they found advanced there , on their several Pedestals ; some of them treading them underfoot , some thrusting Swords into their sides , and others hagling of their Heads with Bills and Axes : In which work as many were imployed in most parts of the Church , so others got upon the Altars , cast down the sacred Plate , defaced the Pictures , and disfigured the paintings on the Walls , whilst some with Ladders climbed the Organs , which they broke in pieces ; and others with like horrible violence , destroyed the Images in the Windows , or rather brake the Windows in despight of the Images . The Consecrated Host they took out of the Pixes , and trampled under their feet ; carouse such Wine as they brought with them in the sacred Chalices , and greased their shooes with that Chrysome , or anoynting Oyl , which was prepared for some Ceremonies to be used at Baptism , and in the visiting of the sick . And this they did with such dispatch , that one of the fairest Churches in Europe , richly adorned with Statues and massie Images of Brass and Marble , and having in it no fewer then seventy Altars , was in the space of four hours defaced so miserably , that there was nothing to be seen in it of the former beauties . Proud of which fortunate success , they brake into all other Churches of that City , where they acted over the same spoils and outragious insolencies ; and afterwards forcing open the doors of Monasteries and Religious Houses , they carryed away all their Consecrated Furniture , entred their Store-houses , seized on their Meat , and drank off their Wine ; and took from them all their Money , Plate , and Wardrobes , both Sacred and Civil , not sparing any publick Library wheresoever they came : a ruine not to be repaired but with infinite sums : the havock which they made in the great Church onely , being valued at four hundred thousand Ducates by indifferent rates . The like outrages they committed at the same time in Gaunt and Oudenard , and all the Villages about them ; the severalties whereof would make up a Volume : let it suffice , that in the Province of Flanders onely , no fewer then four hundred Consecrated places were in the space of ten days thus defaced , and some of them burnt down to the very ground . 32. The news of these intolerable outrages being posted one after another to the Court at Brussels , occasioned the Governess ( when it was too late ) to see her errour in sending back her Spanish Souldiers , and yeilding to the improvident dismission of the prudent Cardinal , by whose Authority and Counsel she had so happily preserved those Provinces in peace and quiet ; and then she found that she had good reason to believe all the information which Count Mansfield gave her , touching a plot of the Calvinian party in France ( from whence came most of these new Preachers ) to imbroyl the Netherlands ; which till that time she looked on as a groundless jealousie . But as it is in some Diseases , that when they are easie to be cured , they are hard to be known ; and when they are easie to be known , they are hard to be cured : so fared it at that time with these distempers in the Belgick Provinces ; which now were grown unto that height , that it was very difficult , if not almost impossible , to finde out a remedy . For having called together the great Council of State , and acquainted them with the particulars before remembred , she found the Counts of Mansfield , Aremberg , and Barlamont , cheerfully offering their assistance to reduce the people to obedience by force of Arms ; but Egmont , Horne and Orange , ( whose Brother Count Lodowick was suspected for a chief contriver of the present mischief ) of a contrary judgement , so that she could proceed no further ; and indeed she durst not ; for presently a secret Rumour was dispersed , that if she did not so far gratifie the Covenanters and their adherents , that every man might have liberty to go to Sermons , and no man be punished for Religion , she should immediately see all the Churches in Brussels fired , the Priests murthered , and her self imprisoned . For fear whereof , though she took all safe courses for her own security , yet she found none so safe as the granting of some of their demands to the Chief Conspirators , by which the Provinces for the present did enjoy some quiet . But this was onely like an Intermission in the fit of an Ague : For presently hereupon she received advertisement that those of the Reformed party were not onely suffered to take unto themselves some Churches in Machlin , Antwerp and Tournay , which till then had never been permitted ; but that at Vtrecht they had driven the Catholicks out of their Churches , and at the Bosch had forced the Bishop to forsake the City , as their holy Fathers in Geneva had done before them . And in a word , to make up the measure of her sorrows , and compleat their insolencies , she had intelligence of the like Tumult raised at Amsterdam , where some of the Reforming Rabble had broken into a Monastery of the Franciscans , defaced all Consecrated things , beat and stoned out the Religious persons , not without wounding some of the principal Senators who opposed their doings . 33. Provoked with these indignities , she resolves upon the last remedy , which was , to bring them to obedience by force of Arms : and therein she had no small encouragement from the King himself , and good assurance of assistances from such Princes of Germany as still adhered unto the Pope . The news whereof so start●es the chief of the Covenanters , that they enter into consultation of Electing a new Prince , or putting themselves under the power of some potent Monarch , by whom they might be countenanced against their King , and priviledged in the cojoyment of their Religion . It was advised also , that three thousand Books of Calvinian Doctrine should be sent into Spain , and dispersed in the chief Cities of it ; to the end , that whi●st the King was busied in looking to his own peace at home , he might the less regard the Tumults which were raised in the Netherlands : and yet for fear that Project might not take effect , it was agreed upon that a combination should be made between the heads of the Covenanters , and the principal Merchants ; between whom it was finally concluded , and the conclusion ratified by a solemn taking of the Sacrament on either side , that the Covenanters should protect the Merchants against all men whatsoever , who laboured to restrain them in the freedom of Conscience ; and that the Merchants should supply the Covenanters with such sums of money as might enable them to go through with the Work begun . It also was agreed upon , that the Calvinian party for a time should suppress their own , and make profession of conformity to the Lutheran Doctrines , contained in the Confession of Ausberg , in hope thereby of having succour and relief from the Lutheran Princes , if the King should seek to force them in the way of Arms : which was accordingly performed . And that being done , they cast themselves into a separate and distinct Republick from that of the State , erect a Supreme Consistory in the City of Antwerp , and some inferiour Judicatories in the other Cities , ( but all subordinate unto that of Antwerp ) in which they take upon them the choice of Magistrates , for managing and directing all Affairs which concerned the Faction . 34. Of all these Plots and Consultations , the King is punctually informed by the vigilant Governess ; and thereupon caused a report to be dispersed , that he intended to bestow a Royal visit on his Belgick Provinces ; but first to smooth the way before him by a puissant Army . On this advertisement the Governess resumes her courage , complains how much the Covenanters had abused her favours ; and publickly declares , that she had onely given them leave to meet together for hearing Sermons of their own ; but that their Ministers had took upon them to Baptize and Marry , and perform all other Sacred Offices in a different manner from that allowed of by the Church ; That they had set up divers Consistories and new Forms of Government , not warranted by the Laws of the several Provinces ; That they had opened divers Schools for training up their Children in Heretical Principles ; That they had raised great sums of Money under pretence of purchasing a toleration of the King ( whose Piety was too well known to be so corrupted ) but in plain truth , to levy Souldiers for a War against him ; That therefore she commands all Governours and Deputy-Governours in their several Provinces , not onely to dissolve Heretical Meetings ( otherwise then for Sermons onely ) in the time to come , but to put Garrisons into such of the Towns and Cities as were held suspected , or were most likely to be seized on to the Kings disservice . By this Remonstrance , seconded with the news of the Kings intention , the leading Covenanters were so startled , that they resolved on the beginning of the War , and were accordingly in Arms , before the Governess had either raised Horse or Foot , more then the ordinary Train bands , which were to be maintained in continual readiness , by the Rules of that Government . But first , they thought it most agreeable to the State of Affairs , to possess themselves of such strong Towns as either stood convenient for the letting in of Forreign Succours , or otherwise for commanding the adjoyning Territories . In which designe they speed so well , that many great Towns declare for them of their own accord ; some were surprised by such of the Calvinian Leaders as had friends amongst them ; and some were willing to stand neutral till they saw more of it . But none fared better at the first then Anthony of Bomberg , one of the Calvinists of Antwerp , who having formerly served the Hugonot Princes in the Wars of France , had put himself into the Bosch , from whence the Faction had not long before expelled their Bishop : And there he played his game with such fraud and cunning , that he put the people into Arms , made himself Master of the Town , and turned the Cannon upon Count Meghen , who was Commissionated by the Governess , amongst other things , to plant a Garrison in the same . 35. This good success encouraged many of the rest to the like attempts , but few of them with so good Fortune . The Count of Brederode having Fortified his own Town of Viana , a small Town of Holland , stretcheth his Arms from thence to imbrace the rest , and takes in Amsterdam it self without opposition ; but having the like aim on Vtrecht , he found his hopes defeated by the Count of Meghen , who got in before him . Worse fared ●t with Philip de Marnix , Lord of Tholouse , another of the Antwerpian Calvinists , of greater power then Bomberg , but of less dexterity : holding intelligence with the Provost of Middleberg , he entertained a design of surprising Vlushing , and therewith the whole Isle of Walcheren , and the rest of Zealand . To which end he embarks his men , and sails down the Scheldt , not without some good hope of effecting his enterprize before any discovery was made of it . But the Governess knew of what importance the said Island was , and was there before him in her Forces , though not in her person . Repulsed from thence , he marcheth back again towards Antwerp , takes up his Quarters in the Borough of Ostervill , the Southwark as it were of Antwerp , and from thence so named ; where he is set upon by Lanoy , another of the Regents Captains ; the Borough fired about his ears , himself burned in a Barn , fifteen thousand of his Souldiers killed in the flight , three hundred of them taken and then put to the Sword : Which execution was thought necessary as the case then stood , for fear the Calvinists in the City might renew the fight , and put him worse to it then before : Nor were they wanting to their Friends in that desperate exigent , whose slaughter they beheld from the Walls of the City . But when they thought to pass the Bridge , they found no Bridge at all to give them passage : the Prince of Orange being then at Antwerp , had caused it to be broken down the day before , not out of any designe to prevent the Calvinists from assisting their Brethren , but rather to hinder the Victorious Catholicks ( if it should so happen ) from making any use of it to possess the City . But the Calvinists not knowing of his secret purposes , tumultuously assembled to the number of fourteen thousand men , fell foul upon him in the Streets , reviled him by the name of Traytor , and clapped a Pistol to his Breast , and questionless had proceeded to some greater outrage , if the Lutherans ( hating the Calvinists , and as hateful to them ) had not joyned with the Papists , and thereby over-powered them both in strength and numbers . 36. But none fared worse then the Calvinians of Tournay and Valenciennes , though they were both stronger and more numerous then in other places . Those of Valencienn●s had refused to admit a Garrison , encouraged by their French Preachers to that disobedience . But being besieged by Norcarmius , Deputy-Governour of Haynalt for the Marquess of Bergen , they were compelled in the end to submit to mercie ; which was so intermixed with justice , that thirty six of the principal Incendiaries were beheaded , some of their Preachers hanged , and some Souldiers executed ; the Liberties of the City being seized , and declared to be forfeit till the King should be pleased to restore them . Those of Valenciennes had been animated by the Consistories of some other Cities to make good the Town against Norcarmius , as long as they could ; assuring them that he must shortly raise the Siege , to quench the fire that would be kindled in another Province . Accordingly it was contrived that some Foot-Companies which lay in Armentieres should waste the Country about Lisle in Flanders Gallicant ; and that whilst Rassinghen the Governour of Lisle drew out of the City to suppress them , the Calvinists of Tournay by the aid of their Brethren within that City should possess themselves of it . And so far it succeeded as they had projected , that the Armenterians , being conducted by one Cornelius , who of a Smith became a Preacher , and would needs make himself a Commander also , acted their part in the designe , but easily were subdued by Rassinghen at the first assault . The news whereof not onely terrified the Consistorians within Lisle it self , but so disheartned those of Tournay , who hoped to have made themselves Masters of it , that they thought it best for them to retire ; but being set upon by Norcarmius , who had drawn some Forces from his Camp before Valenciennes to perform this service , they were utterly routed , most of their men ( amounting to four thousand ) either killed or taken ; two Barrels of Powder , twenty Field-peeces , and nine Colours , falling into the hands of the Conquering Army : with which Norcarmius marching on directly to the Gates of Tournay , commands them in the name of the Governess to receive a Garrison , entred the Town , disarms the people , imprisoned the Incendiaries , restored the Bishop and Clergy to their former power ; and finally , imposed such a Governour over them , as was like to give a good account of them for the times ensuing . 37. The taking of these Towns to mercy , the like success in other places , and a report that Ferdinand of Toledo Duke of Alva was coming forwards with an Army to make way for the King , did so deject the Heads of the Gheuses , and the rest of the Covenanters , that most of them began to droop ; whereof the Governess did not need to be advertised , and was resolved to make some present use of the Consternation . She therefore causes a new Oath or Protestation to be forthwith made , and to be taken by all Magistrates and Officers both of Peace and War ; by which they were to bind themselves without exception to obey any who should be appointed in the Kings name for their Supreme Governour . And this she was resolved upon against all disswasions ; not that she meant to use it for a discrimination , by ▪ which she might discover how they stood affected to his Majesties Service ; but that she might with less envy displace all such as wilfully refused the Oath , or punish them with death and confiscation if they brake their Faith. Being propounded to the Council , it was cheerfully approved and subscribed by some , and resolutely opposed by others , under pretence that they had formerly took the Oath of Allegiance to the King himself , and that Oaths were not to be multiplyed without just necessity . But none more pertinaciously refused it then the Prince of Orange , who devised many plausible reasons in his justification , but such as were of little weight when they came to the ballance . Count Egmont for a while demurred , but at last submitted , and took the Oath as others of the Council had done before : the falling off of which great man so amazed the rest , that every one thought it now high time to provide for himself . The Prince of Orange with his Family retireth unto his County of Nassaw , but leaves his Ministers behinde him to maintain his Interest : Count Brederode departs for Germany , where he dyed soon after : Count William de la March , commonly called the Baron of Lume , takes Sanctuary in the Realm of England : Bomberg not finding any safety to be had in the Bosch , abandoneth it to the Regents Empire , by whom it was not onely forced to receive a Garrison , but also to redeem their priviledges for a sum of money . After which most of the revolted Cities came in so speedily , that there was nothing to be seen of the late Rebellion . 38. And here the Country might have been resetled in its firm obedience , if either the King had gone in person to confirm the Provinces , or had imployed a Minister less odious then the Duke of Alva , the cruelty of whose nature was both known and feared ; or rather , if the Prince of Orange , and the rest of that Faction , had not preserved themselves for an afterga●e . But the King stays behinde , and the Duke comes forward . And coming forward with an Army of experienced Souldiers , entreth the Provinces , assumes the Government , imprisoneth many of the Nobility ; the Counts of Horn and Egmont amongst the rest , whom he after executed . The news whereof being brought unto Cardinal Granvel , he is reported to have said , That if one Fish ( by which he meant the Prince of Orange ) had escaped the Net the Duke of Alva 's draught would be nothing worth . And so it proved in the event ; for the Prince being strong in Kindred and Alliances in the Higher Germany , made use of all his interest in them for the securing of his life , and the recovery of his Lands and Honours , of which he was judicially deprived by the Duke of Alva , who caused the sentence of condemnation to be passed upon him , confiscates his Estate , pro●cribes his person , placeth a Garrison in Breda , entreth on all the rest of his Towns and Lands ; and finally , seizeth upon Philip Earl of Buren his eldest Son , whom he se●t prisoner into Spain . The news whereof gave little trouble to the Prince , because it made his taking Arms the more excusable in the sig●t of men : For now , besides the common quarrel of his Country , and the cause of Religion , he might pretend an unavoidable necessity of fighting for his Life , Lands , Honours , and Posterity , unless he would betray them all by a wilful sluggishness . Besides , he was not without hope , that if he should miscarry in the present enterprise , his Eldest Son , being brought up in the Court of Spain , might be restored to those Estates which himself had lost ; but if he prospered in his work , and that the King should still think fit to detain him Prisoner , he had another Son by the Daughter of Saxonie , who might succeed him , as he did , in his power and greatness . 39. But first , he thought it most agreeable to his present condition , to employ other hands and heads besides his own ; to which end he had so contrived it , that whilst his brother Lodowick invaded Friesland , and Count Hostrat out of Iuliers and the Lower Palatinate crossed over the Mose , an Army of the French Hugonots should fall into Artois , to give the Spaniards the more work by this treble invasion . But the French Forces being followed at the heels by some Troops of Horse whom the King sent after them , were totally defeated neer the Town of St. Vallery ; their Chief Commanders brought to Paris , and there beheaded . Count Hostrat with his Forces had the like misfortune , first broken , and afterwards totally vanquished by Sancho d' Avila one of Alva's Generals : Onely Count Lodowick had the honour of a signal Victory , but bought it with the death of his brother Adolph whom he lost in the Battail ; though afterwards encountring with the Duke himself , he lost six thousand of his men , besides all his Baggage , Ordnance and Ammunition , hardly escaping with his life . And now it is high time for the Prince to enter ; who having raised an Army of eight and twenty thousand Horse and Foot ( increased not long after by the addition of three thousand Foot and five hundred Horse , which the French Hugonots out of pure Zeal unto the Cause had provided for him ) takes his way toward Brabant , which he had marked out for his Quarters ; but there he found the Dukes whole Army to be laid in his way , whom he could neither pass by , nor ingage in fight ; the Duke well knowing , that such great Armies wanting pay , would disband themselves , and were more safely broken by delay then battail ; onely he watched their motions , and ingaged by parties , in which he always had the better : And by these Arts so tired the Prince , that in the end he was compelled to dissolve his Forces , and retire once more into Nassaw . But whilst the Duke was thus imployed in securing the passages of the Country which lay next to Germany , he left the Ports and Sea-Towns open to the next Invadour : Which being observed by William de March Baron of Luma , who with few Ships kept himself upon the Seas out of Alva's reach , he suddenly seized upon the Brill , a Port of Holland , where he defaced such Images as he found in their Churches , omitting no irreverence unto any thing which was accounted Sacred ; but otherwise so fortified and intrenched the Town , that it proved impregnable . This hapned on Palm-Sunday , Anno 1570 ; and on the Sunday following , being Easter-day , the Spanish Garrison is turned out of Vlushing , the chief Port of Zealand : by gaining of which two places , it might not be unfitly said , that they carried the Keys of Holland and Zealand at their Girdles , and were inabled by that means to receive succours from all Parts and Nations which lay towards the Sea , as they after did . 40. The loss of these two Ports drew along with it a defection of most of the strong Towns in Holland , which at the instigation of the Baron of Luma , put themselves under the command of the Prince of Orange , and at his motion took the Oath of fidelity to him ; from him they received their Garrison , Shipping and Arms , and to him they permitted the disposing of all places of Government , making of Laws , and the distributing of the Revenues which belonged to the Clergy : To him such multitudes repaired out of France and England , ( besides Auxiliary Scots ) that within less then four months , a Navy of one hundred and fifty Sail lay rigged in Vlushing , and from thence spoiled and robbed all Merchants of the Spanish party . Nor were the Dukes Affairs in much better order in the parts next France , in which Count Lodowick with the help of some French Hugonots had made himself Master of Mons , the chief City of Haynalt ; which seemed the more considerable in the eyes of Alva , because the French King openly , but for different ends , had avowed the Action . By whose permission , Gasper Colligny , the great Admiral of France , and one of the chief Leaders of the Hugonot party , had raised an Army in the Borders , consisting of six or seven thousand men , which he put under the command of the Lord of I●nlis , who had before conducted the French Succours to the Prince of Orange . But Ienlis being defeated by Don Frederick the Dukes Eldest Son , and the Prince of Orange wanting power to relieve the besieged , the Town was re-delivered into the hands of the Spaniards upon terms of honour , and Lodowick retires to Dilemberg , the chief Town of Nassaw . 41. The Prince of Orange in the mean time , animated by the General revolt of almost all the strong Towns in Holland , raised a new Army of no fewer then eleven thousand Foot and six thousand Horse ; with which he entred into Brabant , possest himself of some of the principal Towns , and suffered others to redeem themselves with great sums of money , with which he satisfied his Souldiers for their pains and hazard in the obtaining of the rest . Dendermond and Oudenard , two strong Towns of Flanders which had made some resistance , he both stormed and plundered ; the Souldiers in all places making spoil of Churches , and in some tyrannizing over the dead , whose Monuments they robbed and pillaged . But none fared worse then the poor Priests , whom out of hate to their Religion , they did not onely put to death , but put to death with tortures ; and in some places which fell under the power of the Baron of Luma , hanged up their mangled Limbs or Quarters , as Butchers do their small Meats in a common Shambles : which spoils and cruelties so alienated the affections of all the people , that his power in those parts was not like to continue long ; and having failed of his attempt in relieving Mons , crossed the Country into Holland , as his surest receptacle ; on whose retreat the Duke recovers all the Towns which he had taken in Brabant and Flanders , follows him into Holland , and besiegeth Harlem ; in which the Souldiers , to demonstrate of what Sect they were , made a meer Pageant of Religion : for setting up Altars on the Bulwarks , they dressed them with Images and representations of the Saints ; and being attired in Copes and Vestments , they sung Hymns before them , as if they were offering Devotions . After which mockery they brought out the resemblances of Priests and Religious persons made of straw , whipt them , and stabbed them into the body ; and finally , cutting off their heads , flung them into the Leaguer : Sometimes they also placed the Images of Christ , and many of the Saints , against the mouth of the Cannon , with many other Arts of the like impiety ; for which they were brought to a dear reckoning when the Town was taken ; at which time most of them were either put to the Sword , or hanged , or drowned . 42. Frederick the Prince Elector Palatine had hitherto ingaged no further in the Belgick troubles then the rest of his Neighbours . But now he doth more cordially espouse the quarrel , upon some hope of propagating the Calvinian Doctrines , which he had lately introduced into his Dominions . And being well affected to the House of Nassaw , and knowing what encouragements the Calvinian Faction in the Netherlands had received from them , cheerfully hearkened to such propositions as were made to him at the first by Count Lodowick his Ministers , and alter by the Agent of the Prince himself . He had sent some aid not long before to support the Hugonots : But now his Souldiers being returned from France , and grown burdensome to him , are drawn together into a body ; and with the help of some others out of France and Germany , compound an Army of seven thousand Foot and four thousand Horse , with which he sends Prince Christopher a younger son , under the conduct of Count Lodowick and his Brother Henry . But they had scarce entred within the Borders of Gelderland , where they expected an addition of fresh Forces from the Prince of Orange , when they were set upon by Sanchio d' Avila before mentioned , and routed with so great a slaughter , that almost all the whole Army were either taken prisoners , remedilesly wounded , or slain outright : and as for their three Generals , Lodowick of Nassaw , Grave Henry , and the young Prince Christopher , they were either slain fighting in the battail , or trampled under the Horses Feet , or finally , stisled in the flight , as they crossed the Fens ; the last more probable , because their bodies were not to be found on the strictest search . 43. But not withstanding this misfortune , neither the Prince Elector nor the Prince of Orange could be moved to desert the Cause , which by the temptation of revenge was grown dearer to them . For after this we finde Prince Casimir , another of the Palatine Princes , in the Head of an Army raised for assisting the Confederates in the Belgick Provinces , ( by which name they began to be commonly called ) after the death of Requesenes , who had succeeded Alva in the publick Government ; but wanting time before his death to settle the command in some trusty hands , till some Supreme Officer might be sent unto them from the Court of Spain ; the Government devolved for the present on the Council of State , and was invaded afterwards by the States themselves , whose Deputies assembling in the Council-house or Court of Brussels , made up the body of that Council which governed all Affairs both of Peace and War. But great contentions growing betwixt them and the Souldiers , and those contentions followed on either side with great animosities , the Prince of Orange had a most excellent opportunity for the establishing of his new Dictatorship over Holland and Zealand , and some of the adjoyning Provinces of less name and note . But being weary at the last of their own confusions , and more impatient of the insupportable insolencies of the Spanish Souldiers , an Association is first made in the Provinces of Brabant , Flanders , Artois and Haynalt . By which it was agreed in Writing , and confirmed by Oath , that they should mutually assist each other against the Spaniards till they had cleared the Country of them . And with these Provinces , consisting for the most part of such as were counted Catholicks , Holland and Zealand , with the rest , though esteemed heretical , did associate also : which Union is called commonly the Pacification of Gaunt , because agreed on in that City , and was so much insisted on by the Heads of the Leaguers , that it was counselled by the Prince , not to admit of Don Iohn for their Supreme Governour , till he had ratified and confirmed that Association . 44. But because there was no mention of maintaining the Kings Authority , or preserving the Catholick Religion in the Originals of the League ; it was found necessary to provide for both by some explication , to take away the envy and suspition of that great disloyalty which otherwise must have fallen upon them . And by that explication it was thus declared , viz. that they would faithfully from thenceforth maintain the League , for the conservation of their most Sacred Faith , and the Roman Catholick Religion ; for preserving the Pacification made at Gaunt ; for the expulsion of the Spaniards and their adherents ; their due obedience to the Kings most excellent Majesty being always tendered . According to which explication , it was confirmed by Don Iohn under the name of the perpetual Edict , with the Kings consent ; who thought his own Authority and the Roman Religion to be thereby sufficiently provided for , but he found the contrary . For when the Prince of Orange was required to subscribe to the Pacification , with the addition of two Clauses for constancie in this Religion , and the Kings obedience , he refused it absolutely , assuring such as moved it to him , that the Provinces under his command or consederacie with him were barred in Conscience from subscribing to the preservation of the Romish Faith. And at this time it was , that he merrily told the Duke of Arescot , who was one of the Delegates , that there was not more Calvism on his head , then there was Calvinism in his heart . He well foresaw that the agreement betwixt Don Iohn and the Estates of the Country would not long continue ; and he resolved to make some advantage of the breach , whensoever it hapned . Nor was he any thing mistaken in the one or the other ; for discontents and jealousies encreasing mutually between the parties , Don Iohn leaves Brussels , and betakes himself to the Castle of Namure for fear of an Assassinate ( as it was given out ) which was intended on his person : which so incensed the Estates , that by a general consent , a Dictatorian or Soveraign power was put into the hands of the Prince of Orange by the name Ruart , according to the priviledge and practice of the Brabanters in extreme necessities . Invested with which power , he instituteth a new face of Government both in Brussels it self , and many of the Towns adjoyning , modelled after the Example of Holland and Zealand . He demolished also the great Fort at Antwerp , which had been raised with so great Pride and Ostentation by the Duke of Alva : The like done also in demolishing the Castles of Gant , Vtrecht , Lisle , Valenciennes , and some other places ; performed by such alacrity by them that did it , as if they had shaken off the Yoke of some Forreign servitude . An Oath was also framed for renouncing all obedience to Don Iohn their Governour , and people of all sorts compelled to take it ; for the refusal whereof by the Iesuits of Antwerp , a Rabble of Calvinian Zealots , on the day of Pentecost , forced open the doors of that Society , plundred their houses of all things Sacred and Prophane , and set the Father on board a Ship of the Hollanders with great scorn and insolencie , to be landed in some other Country . 45. The like done also to the Fathers of Tournay , Bruges , and Maestricht , banished on the same account from their several Cities ; with whom were also exiled in some places Franciscan Fryars , in others many secular Priests , who would not easily be perswaded to abjure their Loyalty . By whose departure divers Churches were left destitute , and unprovided of incumbents to instruct the people : which so increased the confidence and hopes of the Calvinians , that they not onely petitioned the Estates for liberty of Conscience , but for the publick use of Churches in their several Territories : but being refused in their desires , ( though the Prince of Orange openly appeared for them ) they were resolved no longer to expect the lazie temper of Authority , but actually took possession of some of the Churches in Brabant , Gelderland and Flanders , and openly exercised that Religion , which till then they had professed in secret ; nor durst the Estates do any thing in vindication of their own Authority , considering what necessary use they might have of them , in the present War against Don Iohn , and from how great a person they received incouragement . But in the midst of this career , they received a stop ; for the Confederates being vanquished by Don Iohn at the battail of Gemblack , Brussels and all the Towns of Brabant submitted themselves one after another to the power of the conquerour . Philipivil , a strong Town of Haynalt ▪ Limburg and Dalem , with some others , not so easily yeilding , were either forced by long siege , or some violent storming , or otherwise surrended upon capitulations . During which Sieges and Surrendries , the Prince of Orange , who had escaped with safety from the battail of Gemblack , was busied in establishing his Dominion on the Coast of Holland : In which designe he found no opposition but at Amsterdam , constant at that time , even to miracle , both to their old Religion and their old Obedience . But being besieged on all sides both by Sea and Land , they yeilded on condition of enjoying the free exercise of their former Faith , and of the like Freedom from all Garrisons , but of Native Citizens : But when they had yeilded up the Town , they were not onely forced to admit a Garrison , but to behold their Churches spoil'd , their Priests ejected , and such new Teachers thrust upon them as they most abominated . But liberty of Religion being first admitted , a confused liberty of opinions followed shortly after ; till in the end that Town became the common Sink of all Sects and Sectaries which hitherto have disturbed the Church , and proved the greatest scandal and dishonor of the Reformation . 46. Holland had lately been too fruitful of this viperous brood , but never more unfortunate , then in producing David George of Delfe , and Henry Nicholas of Leiden , the two great Monsters of that age : but the impieties of the first were too gross and horrid to finde any followers ; the latter was so smoothed over as to gain on many , whom the Impostor had seduced . The Anabaptists out of Westphalia had found shelter here in the beginning of the Tumults ; and possibly might contribute both their hearts and hands to the committing of those spoils and outrages before remembred . In imitation of whose counterfeit piety , and pretended singleness of heart , there started up another Sect as dangerous and destructive to humane Society as the former were ; for by insinuating themselves into the heart of the ignorant multitude , under a shew of singular Sanctity and Integrity , did afterwards infect their mindes with damnable Heresies , openly repugnant to the Christian Faith. In ordinary Speech they used new and monstrous kindes of expressions , to which the ears of men brought up in the Christian Church had not been accustomed , and all men rather wondered at then understood . To difference themselves from the rest of mankinde , they called their Sect by the name of the Family of Love , and laboured to perswade their hearers , that those onely were elected unto life Eternal , which were by them adopted Children of that Holy Family ; and that all others were but Reprobates and Damned persons . One of their Paradoxes was ( and a safe one too ) that it was lawful for them to deny upon oath whatsoever they pleased , before any Magistrate , or any other whomsoever , that was not of the same Family or Society with them . Some Books they had , in which their dotages were contained and propagated ; first writ in Dutch , and afterwards translated into other Languages as tended most to their advantage ; that is to say , The Gospel of the Kingdom ; The Lords Sentences ; The Prophesie of the Spirit of the Lord ; The publication of peace upon earth : by the Author H. N. But who this H. N. was , those of the Family could by no fair means be induced or inforced by threatnings to reveal . But after , it was found to be this Henry Nicholas of Leiden , whom before we spake of : Who being emulous of the Glories of King Iohn of Leiden , that most infamous Botcher , had most blasphemously preached unto all his followers , that he was partaker of the Divinity of God , as God was of his humane nature . How afterwards they past over into England , and what reception they found there , may be told hereafter . 50. By giving freedom of Conscience to all Sects and Sectaries , and amongst others , to these also , the Prince of Orange had provided himself of so strong a party in this Province , that he was able to maintain a defensive War against all his opposites , especially after he had gained the Ports of Brill and Vlushing , which opened a fair entrance unto all adventurers out of England and Scotland . For on the Rumour of this War , the Scots in hope of prey and plunder , the English in pursuit of Honour and the use of Arms , resorted to the aid of their Belgick Neighbours , whose absolute subjugation to the King of Spain was looked on as a thing of dangerous consequence unto either Nation . And at the first they went no otherwise then as Voluntiers of their own accord , rather connived at then permitted by their several Princes : But when the Government was taken into the hands of the States , and that the War was ready to break out betwixt them and Don Iohn ; the Queen of England did not onely furnish them with large sums of money , but entred into a League or Confederation ; by which it was agreed , That the Queen should send unto their aid one thousand Horse and five thousand Foot ; that they should conclude nothing respecting either Peace or War , without her consent and approbation ; that they should not enter into League with any person or persons , but with her allowance , and she , if she thought good , to be comprehended in the same ; that the States should send the like aid unto the Queen , if any Prince attempted any act of Hostility against her or her Kingdoms ; and that they should furnish her with forty Ships of sufficient burthen , to serve at her pay under the Lord Admiral of England , whensoever she had any necessary occasion to set forth a Navy ; and finally ( not to insist upon the rest ) that if any difference should arise amongst themselves , it was to be referred and offered unto her Arbitrament . And to this League she was the rather induced to grant her Royal assent , because she had been certainly advertised by the Prince of Orange that Don Iohn was then negotiating a marriage with the Queen of Scots , that under colour of her Title he might advance himself to the Crown of England . And yet she ventured neither men nor money , but on very good terms ; receiving in the way of pawn the greatest part of the rich Jewels and massie Ornaments of Plate which anciently belonged unto the Princes of the House of Burgundy . 51. This League exceedingly increased the reputation of the new Confederacy , and made the States appear considerable in the eye of the world . And more it might have been , if either Don Iohn's improsperous Government had continued longer , or if the Prince of Orange had not entertained some designs apart for himself . But Don Iohn dyes in the year 1578 , and leaves his Forces in the power of Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma , Son to that Dutchess whom we have so often mentioned in this part of our History . A Prince he was of no less parts and Military Prowess , then any of his Predecessors ; but of a better and more equal temper then the best amongst them ; whereof he gave sufficient testimony in his following Government , in which he was confirmed ( after the Kings occasioned lingrings ) with great state and honour : For having regained from the States some of the best Towns of which they had possessed themselves before the arrival of Don Iohn , he forced them to a necessity of some better counsels then those by which they steered their course since they came to the Helm . And of all counsels none seemed better to the Prince of Orange , then that the Country should be so cantoned amongst several Princes , that every one being ingaged to defend his own , the whole might be preserved from the power of the Spaniards . To this end it had been advised that Flanders and Artois should return to the Crown of France , of which they were holden , and to the Kings whereof the Earls of both did homage in the times foregoing . The Queen of England was to have been gratified with the Isles of Zealand ; the Dukedom of Gueldres to divert to the next Heirs of it ; Groning and Deventer to be incorporated with the Hans ; Holland and Friesland , together with the districht of Vtrecht , to be appropriated wholly to the Prince of Orange , as the reward of his deservings : the Brabanters to a new Election , according to their native rights : the rest of the Provinces to remain to the German Empire , of which they had anciently Eleired . 52. This distribution I confess had some cunning in it , and must have quickly brought the Spanish pride to a very low ebb , if he that laid the plot could have given the possession . It is reported that when the Pope offered the Realms of Naples and Sicily to King Henry the Third , for Edmond Earl of Lancaster his youngest Son , he offered them on such hard conditions , ( and so impossible in a manner to be performed ) that the Kings Embassadors merrily told him , he might as well create a Kingdom in the Moon , and bid his Master climb up to it , for it should be his . And such a Lunary conceit was that of the division and subdivision of the Belgick Provinces , in what Calvinian head soever it was forged and hammered . For being that each of the Donces was to conquer his part before he could receive any benefit from it , the device was not like to procure much profit , but onely to the Prince of Orange , who was already in possession , and could not better fortifie and assure himself in his new Dominion , then by cutting out so much work for the King of Spain , as probably might keep him exercised to the end of the world . But this device not being likely to succeed , it seemed better to the Prince of Orange to unite the Provinces under his command into a Solemn League and Association , to be from thenceforth called the Perpetual Vnion . Which League , Association , or perpetual Union , bears date at Vtrecht on the 23 of Ianuary 1578 , and was then made between the Provinces of Holland , Zealand , Guelders , Zutphen , Vtrecht , Friesland and Overyssel , with their Associates , called ever since that time the Vnited Provinces . In the first making of which League or perpetual Union , it was provided in the first place , that they should inseparably joyn together for defence of themselves , their Liberty and Religion , against the power of the Spaniard . But it was cautioned in the second , that this Association should be made without any diminution or alteration of the particular Priviledges , Rights , Freedoms , Exemptions , Statutes , Customs , Uses , Preheminencies , which any of the said Towns , Provinces , Members , or Inhabitants at that time enjoyed . Liberty of Religion to be left to those of Holland and Zealand , in which they might govern themselves as to them seemed good : and such a Freedom left to those of other Provinces , as was agreed on at the Pacification made at Gaunt ; by which it was not lawful to molest those of the Church of Rome in any manner whatsoever . 53. But more particularly it was provided and agreed on , that such Controversies as should grow between the said Provinces , Towns , or Members of this Union , touching their Priviledges , Customs , Freedoms , &c. should be decided by the ordinary course of Justice , or by some amicable and friendly composition amongst themselves ; and that no other Countries , Provinces , Members or Towns , whom those Countries did no way concern , shall in any part meddle by way of friendly intermission tending to an accord . Which caution I the rather note in this place and time , because we may perhaps look back upon it in the case of Barnevelt , when they had freed themselves from the power of the Spaniards , and were at leisure to infringe the publick Liberties , in the pursuit of their particular Animosities against one another . But to proceed : this Union , as it was more advantagious unto Queen Elizabeth , then the general League ; so was it afterwards more cordially affected by her , when their necessities inforced them to cast themselves and their Estates upon her protection . But these proceedings so exasperated the King of Spain , that he proscribed the Prince of Orange by his publick Edict , bearing date Iune 18. 1581. And on the other side , the Prince prevailed so far upon those of the Union , as to declare by publick Instrument , that the King of Spain , by reason of his many violations of their Rights and Liberties , had forfeited his Estate and Interest in the several Provinces , and therefore that they did renounce all manner of fidelity and obedience to him . Which Instrument bears date on the twenty sixth of Iuly then next following . Upon the publishing whereof , they brake in pieces all the Seals , Signets , and Counter-signets of the King of Spain ; appointed others to be made by the States General ; for dispatch of such business as concerned the Vnion or Confederation ; requiring all subjects to renounce their Oaths to the said King of Spain , and to take a new Oath of Fidelity to the general Estates , against the said King and his adherents : the like done also by all Governours , Superintendents , Chancellors , Councellors , and other Officers , &c. They had before drawn the Sword against him , and now they throw away the Scabberd . For to what end could this action aim at , but to make the breach irreparable between them and the King , to swell the injury so high , as not to be within the compass of future pardon ? And when men once are brought unto such a condition , they must resolve to fight it out to the very last , and either carry away the ●arland as a signe of Victory , or otherwise live like Slaves , or dye like Traytors . But this was done according to Calvins Doctrine in the Book of Institutes , in which he gives to the Estates of each several Country such a Coercive Power over Kings and Princes , as the Ephori had exercised over the Kings of Sparta , and the Roman Tribunes sometimes put in practice against the Consuls . And more then so , he doth condemn them of a betraying of the Peoples Liberty , whereof they are made Guardians by Gods own appointment ( so he saith at least ) if they restrain not Kings when they play the Tyrants , and want only insult upon , or oppress the Subjects . So great a Master could not but meet with some apt Scholars in the Schools of Politie , who would reduce his Rules to practice , and justifie their practice by such great Authority . 54. But notwithstanding the unseasonable publication of such an unprecedented sentence , few of the Provinces fell off from the Kings obedience ; and such strong Towns as still remained in the hands of the States , were either forced unto their duty , or otherwise hard put to it by the Prince of Parma . To keep whom busied in such sort , that he should not be in a capacity of troubling his Affairs in Holland , the Prince of Orange puts the Brabanders ( whose priviledges would best bear it ) to a new Election : And who more fit to be the man then Francis Duke of Anjou , Brother to Henry the Third of France , and then in no small possibility of attaining to the Marriage of the Queen of England ? Assisted by the Naval power of the one , and the Land-Forces of the other , What Prince was able to oppose him ? and what power to withstand him ? The young Duke passing over into England , found there an entertainment so agreeable to all expectations , that the Queen was seen to put a Ring upon one of his Fingers ; which being looked on as the pledge of a future Marriage , the news thereof posted presently to the Low Countries by the Lord Aldegund who was then present at the Court , where it was welcomed both in Antwerp and other places with all signes of joy , and celebrated by discharging of all the Ordnance both on the Walls , and in such Ships as then lay on the River . After which triumph comes the Duke , accompanied by some great Lords of the Court of England , and is invested solemnly by the Estates of those Countries , in the Dukedoms of Brabant and Limburg , the Marquisate of the holy Empire , and the Lordship of Machlin : which action seems to have been carryed by the power of the Consistorian Calvinists ; for besides that it agreeth so well with their common Principles , they were grown very strong in Antwerp , where Philip Lord of Aldegund , a profest Calvinian , was Deputy for the Prince of Orange , as they were also in most Towns of consequence in the Dukedom of Brabant . But on the other side , the Romish party was reduced to such a low estate , that they could not freely exercise their own Religion , but onely as it was indulged unto them by Duke Francis , their new-made Soveraign , upon condition of taking the Oath of Allegiance to him , and abdicating the Authority of the King of Spain ; the grant of which permission had been vain and of no significancie , if at that time they could have freely exercised the same without it . But whosoever they were that concurred most powerfully in conferring this new honour on him , he quickly found that they had given him nothing but an airy Title , keeping all power unto themselves : So that upon the matter he was nothing but an honourable Servant , and bound to execute the commands of his mighty Masters . In time perhaps he might have wrought himself to a greater power ; but being young , and ill advised , he rashly enterprised the taking of the City of Antwerp ; of which being frustrated by the miscarriage of his plot , he returned ingloriously into France , and soon after dyes . 55. And now the Prince of Orange is come to play his last part on the publick Theatre : his winding Wit had hitherto preserved his Provinces in some terms of peace , by keeping Don Iohn exercised by the General States , and the Prince of Parma no less busied by the Duke of Anjou ; nor was there any hope of recovering Holland and Zealand to the Kings obedience , but either by open force , or some secret practice ; the first whereof appeared not possible , and the last ignoble . But the necessity of removing him by what means soever , prevailed at last above all sence and terms of Honour . And thereupon a desperate young Fellow is ingaged to murther him ; which he attempted by discharging a Pistol in his face , when he was at Antwerp attending on the Duke of Anjou ; so that he hardly escaped with life . But being recovered of that blow , he was not long after shot with three poyson Bullets by one Balthasar Gerard a Burgundian born , whom he had lately taken into his service : which murder was committed at Delph in Holland , on the 10 of Iune 1584 , when he had lived but fifty years , and some months over . He left behind him three Sons , by as many Wives . On Anne the Daughter of Maximilian of Egmont Earl of Bucen , he begat Philip Earl of Bucen his eldest Son , who succeeded the Prince of Orange after his decease . By Anne the Daughter of Maurice Duke Elector of Saxony , he was Father of Grave Maurice , who at the age of eighteen years was made Commander General of the Forces of the States United , and after the death of Philip his Elder Brother , succeeded him in all his Titles and Estates . And finally , by his fourth Wife Lovise Daughter of Gasper Colligny great Admiral of France ( for of his third , being a Daughter to the Duke of Montpensier , he had never a Son ) he was the Father of Prince Henry Frederick , who in the year 1625 became Successor unto his Brother in all his Lands , Titles , and Commands . Which Henry by a Daughter of the Count of Solmes , was Father of William Prince of Orange , who married the Princess Mary , Eldest Daughter of King Charles the second Monarch of great Britain : And departing this life in the flower of his youth and expectations , Anno 1650 , he left his Wife with Childe of a Post-humous Son , who after was baptized by the name of William , and is now the onely surviving hope of that famous and illustrious Family . 56. But to return again to the former William , whom we left weltring in his bloud at Delph in Holland : He was a man of great possessions and Estates , but of a soul too large for so great a Fortune : For besides the Principality of Orange in France , and the County of Nassaw in Germany , he was possessed in right of his first Wife of the Earldom of Bucen in Gelderland , as also of the Town and Territories of Lerdame and Iselstine in Holland ; and in his own Patrimonial Right , was Lord of the strong Towns and goodly Signories of Breda , Grave and Diest , in the Dukedom of Brabant . In the right of which last Lordship , he was Burgrave of Antwerp . He was also Marquess of Vere and Vlushing , with some jurisdiction over both , in the Isle of Walcheren ; by Charles the Fifth made Knight of the Golden Fleece , and by King Philip Governour of Holland , Zealand , and the County of Burgundy . All which he might have peaceably enjoyed with content and honour , as did the Duke of Areschot , and many others of the like Nobility , if he had aimed onely at a personal or private greatness . But it is possible that his thoughts carryed him to a higher pitch , and that perceiving what a general hatred was born by the Low Country-men against the Spaniard , he thought it no impossible thing to dispossess them at the last of all those Provinces , and to get some of them for himself . And he had put fair for it , had not death prevented him , by which his life and projects were cut off together . For compassing which projects , he made use of that Religion which best served his turn : being bred a Lutheran by his Father , he profest himself a Romanist under Charles the Fifth ; and after finding the Calvinians the more likely men to advance his purposes , he declared himself chiefly in their favour , though he permitted other Sects and Sectaries to grow up with them ; in which respect he openly opposed all Treaties , Overtures , and Propositions , looking towards a peace , which might not come accompanied with such a liberty of Conscience , both in Doctrine and Worship , as he knew well could never be admitted by the Ministers of the Catholick King. But the Calvinians of all others were most dear unto him . By his encouragement , the Belgick Confession was drawn up and agreed upon 1567. By his countenance , being then Burgrave and Governour of Antwerp ( as before is said ) they set up their Consistory in that City , as afterwards in many others of the Dukedome of Brabant ; and by his favour they attained unto such Authority , and took such deep root in Holland , Zealand , and the rest of the Provinces under his command , that they prevailed in fine over all Religious Sects and Sectaries which are therein tolerated . 57. And that they might the better be enabled to retain that power which under him they had acquired , they were resolved not to return again to their first obedience , which they conceived so inconsistent with it , and destructive of it : To this end they commit the Government to some few amongst them , under the name of the Estates , who were to govern all affairs which concerned the publick in the nature of a Common-wealth , like to that of the Switzers ; so much the more agreeable to them , because it came more neer to that form or Polity which they had erected in the Church . And in this posture they will stand as long as they can ; which if they found themselves unable to continue with any comfort , and that they needs must have a Prince , they will submit themselves to the French and English , or perhaps the Dane ; to any rather then their own . And to this point it came at last ; for the Prince of Parma so prevailed , that by the taking of Gaunt and Bruges , he had reduced all Flanders to the Kings obedience , brought Antwerp unto terms of yeilding , and carried on the War to the Walls of Vtrecht . In which extremity they offered themselves to the French King ; but his affairs were so perplexed by the Hugonots on the one side , and the Guisian Faction on the other , that he was not in a fit capacity to accept the offer . In the next place they have recourse to the Queen of England ; not as before , to take them into her protection , but to accept them for her Subjects ; and that the acceptance might appear with some shew of justice , they insist on her descent from Philip Wife to King Edward the Third , Sister , and some say Heir of William the Third , Earl of Holland , Haynalt , &c. Which Philip , if she were the Eldest Daughter of the said Earl William ( as by their Agents was pretended ) then was the Queens Title better then that of the King of Spain , which was derived from Margaret the other Sister : Or granting that Philip was the younger ; yet on the failer , or other legal interruption of the Line of Margaret , ( which seemed to be the case before them ) the Queen of England might put in for the next Succession : and though the Queen upon very good reasons and considerations refused the Soveraignty of those Countries , which could not without very great injury to publick justice be accepted by her ; yet so far she gave way to her own fears , the ambition of some great persons who were near unto her , and the pretended Zeal of the rest , that she admitted them at the last into her protection . 58. The Earl of Leicester was at that time of greatest power in the Court of England , who being a great favourer of the Puritan Faction , and eagerly affecting to see himself in the head of an Army , sollicited the affair with all care and cunning ; and it succeeded answerably to his hopes and wishes . The Queen consents to take them into her protection , to raise an Army of five thousand Foot and one thousand Horse , to put it under the Command of a sufficient and experienced General , and to maintain it in her pay till the War were ended . And it was condescended to on the other side , that the Towns of Brill and Vlushing , with the Fort of Ramekins , should be put into the hands of the English ; that the Governour whom the Queen should appoint over the Garrisons , together with two other persons of her nomination , should have place and suffrage in the Council of the States United ; that all their own Forces should be ranged under the Command of the English General ; and that the States should make no peace without her consent . By which transaction , they did not onely totally withdraw themselves from the King of Spain , but suffered the English to possess the Gates of the Netherlands , whereby they might imbar all Trade , shut out all Supplies , and hold them unto such conditions as they pleased to give them . But any Yoke appeared more tolerable then that of the Spaniard ; and any Prince more welcome to them , then he to whom both God and Nature had made them subject . According unto which agreement , Vlushing is put into the hands of Sir Philip Sidney , the English Army under the Command of the Earl of Leicester ; and ( which is more then was agreed on ) an absolute Authority over all Provinces is committed to him , together with the glorious Titles of Governour and Captain-General of Holland , Zealand , and the rest of the States United : which how it did displease the Queen ; what course was took to mitigate and appease her anger ; what happened in the war , betwixt him and the Prince of Parma ; and what cross Capers betwixt him and the States themselves , is not my purpose to relate . It is sufficient that we have presented to the eye of the Reader , upon what principles the Netherlands were first embroyled , whose hands they were by which the Altars were prophaned , the Images defaced , Religious Houses rifled , and the Churches ruinated : And finally , by what party , and by whose strange practices , the King of Spain was totally devested of all those Provinces , which since have cast themselves into the form of a Common-wealth . 59. Which being thus shortly laid together in respect of their Politicks , we must look back and take another view of them in their Ecclesiasticks . In which we shall finde them run as cross to all Antiquity , as they had done to Order and good Government in their former Actings . And the first thing we meet with of a Church-concernment , was the publishing of their Confession of their Faith and Doctrine , Anno 1565 , or thereabouts ( as many national and provincial Churches had done before ) but differing in many great points from that of Ausberg ; and therefore the less acceptable unto the Lutheran party , and the more distasteful to the Romish . In which Confession , to be sure , they must hold forth a parity of Ministers in the Church of Christ ; they had not else come up to the Example and designe of the Mother-City , which was to lay all flat and level in the publick Government : For in the XXXI Article a it is said expresly , that for as much as concerns the Ministers of Gods holy Word , in what place soever they shall execute that Sacred Calling , they are all of them to enjoy the same Power and Authority , as being all of them the Ministers of Jesus Christ , the onely Universal Bishop , and the onely Head of his Body which is the Church . And for the Government of the Church , it was declared to be most agreeable to that Sacred and Spiritual Polity by God prescribed in his Word , that a Consistory , or Ecclesiastical Senate should be Ordained in every Church , consisting of Pastors , Elders and Deacons , b to whose charge and care it should belong , that true Religion be preserved ▪ sound Doctrine preached , and that all vitious and lewd livers should be restrained and punished by the Churches Censures . For turning which Aerian Doctrines into use and practice , they did not only animate all Orders and Degrees of men not to admit their new Bishops where they were not setled , or to expel them where they were ; but alienated and dismembred all such Lands and Rents by which they were to be maintained . This they conceived the readiest way to make sure work with them ; for when the maintainance was gone , the Calling was not like to hold up long after . And this being done , as they had first set up their Consistories in Antwerp , and such other Cities in which they were considerable for power and number ; so by degrees they set up their Presbyteries in the lesser Towns , which they united into Classes , and ranged those Classes into National and Provincial Synods : In which they made such Laws and Canons ( if some of their irregular Constitutions may deserve that name ) as utterly subverted the whole Frame of the ancient Discipline , and drew unto themselves the managery of all Affairs which concerned Religion . 60. But that they might not be supposed therein to derogate from the Authority of the Civil Magistrate , they are content to give him a coercive power in some matters which were meerly Civil ; and therefore in plain terms condemn the Anabaptists for seditious persons , Enemies to all good Order and publick Government . But then they clog him with some Duties , in which he was to be subservient to their own designs ; that is to say a , the countenancing of the Sacred Ministry ; removing all Idolatry from the Worship of God ; the ruinating and destroying of the Kingdom of Antichrist . And what they meant by Antichrist , Idolatry , and the Sacred Ministry , is easie to be understood , without the help of a Commentary . Which Duties if the Magistrate shall discharge with care and diligence , he would ease them of much labour , which otherwise they meant to take upon themselves ; if not , they must no longer stay his leisure , nor expect his pleasure , but put their own hands unto the work : and so it was delivered for good Doctrine by Snecanus , a Divine of West-Friesland , for which see lib. 8. num . 23. Which though it be the general Doctrine of all the party , yet never was it preached more plainly then by Cleselius a Calvinian of Rotterdam , who openly maintained , that if the Magistrates took no care to reform the Church , c that then it did belong to the common people : And they , as he informs us , were obliged to do it even by force and violence , not onely to the shedding of their own , but their Brethrens blood d . So principled , it could be no marvail if they turned out the Bishops to make room for their own Presbyteries , defaced all Churches that retained any thing in them of the old Idolatries ; and finally , pulled down even the Civil Magistrate , when his advancing did not stand with their ends and purposes . Flacius Ilyricus , the founder of the Stiff or Rigid Lutherans , had led the way unto them in the last particular : By whom it was held forth for a Rule in all Church-Reformations , e that Princes should be rather terrified with the fear of Tumults , then any thing which seemed to savour of Idolatry or Superstition should either be tolerated or connived at for quietness-sake . Concurring with him as they did , in his Doctrines of Predestination , Grace , Freewil , and things indifferent , they were the better fitted to pursue his Principles in opposition unto all Authority , by which their Councils were controuled , or their Power restrained . And by this means , the publishing of their Confession with these Heads and Articles , they did not onely justifie their exorbitancies in the time then past , but made provision for themselves in the times to come . 61. In such other points of their Confession as were meerly doctrinal , and differing from the general current of the Church of Rome , they shew themselves for the most part to be Anti-Lutheran ; that is to say , Zuinglians in the point of the Holy Supper , and Calvinists in the Doctrine of Predestination . In which last point , they have exprest the Article in such modest terms , as may make it capable of an Orthodox and sober meaning : For presupposing all mankinde by the Fall of Adam to be involved by Gods just judgement in the Gulph of Perdition , they make them onely to be a predestinate to eternal life , whom God by his eternal and immutable counsel hath elected in Christ , and separated from the rest by the said Election . But when the differences were broken out betwixt them and such of their Brethren which commonly past amongst them by the name of Remonstrants , and that it was pretended by the said Remonstrants that the Article stood as fair to them as the opposite party ; the words were then restrained to a narrower sence then the generality of the expression could literally and Grammatically comport withal . It was then pleaded , that they onely were to expound the Article , who had contributed their assistance to the making of it ; and that it did appear by the succession of their Doctrine from the first Reformation , that no other method of Predestination had been taught amongst them , then as it was maintained by Calvin and his Followers in their publick Writings ; under which name , as those of Beza's judgement which embraced the Supralapsarian way desired to be comprehended ; so did they severally pretend , that the words of the Confession did either countenance their Doctrines , or not contradict them . But on the other side , it was made as plainly to appear , that such of their first Reformers as were of the old Lutheran stamp , and had precedencie of time before those that followed Calvins judgement , imbraced the Melancthonian way of Predestination , and looked upon all such as Innovators in the publick Doctrines , who taught otherwise of it . By them it was declared , that in the year 1530 , the Reformed Religion was admitted into the Neighbouring Country of East-Friesland under Enno the First , upon the Preaching of Harding Bergius a Lutheran Divine of great Fame and Learning , and one of the principal Reformers of the Church of Embden , a Town of most note in all that Earldom ; that from him Clemens Martini took those Principles , which he afterwards propagated in the Belgick Provinces ; that the same Doctrine had been publickly maintained in a Book called Odegus Laicorum , or the Lay mans Guide , published by Anastatius Velluanus , Anno 1554 , which was ten years before the French Preachers had obtruded on them this Confession ; that the said Book was much commended by Henricus Antonides , Divinity-Reader in the University of Franeka ; that notwithstanding this Confession , the Ministers successively in the whole Province of Vtrecht adhered unto their former Doctrines , not looked on for so doing as the less reformed ; that Gallicus Snecanus , a man of great fame for his Parts and Piety in the County of West-Friesland , esteemed no otherwise of those which were of Calvins judgement in the points disputed , then as of Innovators in the Doctrine which had been first received amongst them ; that Iohannes Isbrandi , one of the old Professors of Rotterdam , did openly declare himself to be an Anti-Calvinian ; and that the like was done by Holmannus Professor of Leiden , by Cornelius Meinardi , and Cornelius Wiggeri , men of principal esteem in their times and places . Which I have noted in this place , because it must be in and about these times , namely before the year 1585 , in which most of these men lived and writ who are here remembred . What else was done in the pursuance of this controversie between the parties , will fall more properly under consideration in the last part of this History , and there we shall hear further of it . 62. Next , look upon them in their Tacticks , and we shall finde them as professed Enemies to all publick Liturgies and Forms of Prayer , as the rest of their Calvinian Brethren . They thought there was no speedier way to destroy the Mass , then by abolishing the Missals ; nor any fitter means to exercise their own gifts in the acts of Prayer , then by suppressing all such Forms as seemed to put a restraint upon the Spirit . Onely they fell upon the humour of translating Davids Psalms into Dutch Meter , and caused them to be sung in their Congregations , as the French Psalms of Marrots and Beza's Meter were in most Churches of that people . By which it seems , that they might sing by the Book , though they prayed by the Spirit ; as if their singing by the Book in set Tunes and Numbers , imposed not as great a restraint upon the Spirit in the acts of Praising , as reading out of Book in the acts of Praying . But they knew well the influence which Musick hath on the souls of Men : And therefore though they had suppressed the old manner of singing , and all the ancient Hymns which had been formerly received in the Catholick Church ; yet singing they would have , and Hymns in Meter , as well to please their Ears , as to cheer their Spirits , and manifest their alacrity in the Service of God. And though they would not sing with Organs , for fear there might be somewhat in it of the old superstition ; yet they retained them still in many of their Churches ; but whether for civil entertainment when they met together , or to compose and settle their affections for Religious Offices , or to take up the time till the Church were filled , I am not able to determine . The like they also did with all the ancient weekly and set-times of Fasting , which ( following the Example of Aerius ) they devoured at once , as contrary to that Christian Liberty , or licentiousness rather , to which they inured the people , when they first trained them up in opposition to the See of Rome . No Fast observed , but when some publick great occasion doth require it of them ; and then but half-Fast neither , as in other places , making amends at night for the days forbearance . And if at any time they feed most on fish , as sometimes they do , it rather is for a variety to please themselves in the use of Gods Creatures , or out of State-craft to encourage or maintain a Trade which is so beneficial to them ; and rather as a civil then Religious Fast. 63. But there is no one thing wherein they more defaced the outward state of the Church , then in suppressing all those days of publick Worship which anciently were observed by the name of Festivals , together with their Eves or Vigils . In which they were so fearful of ascribing any honour to the Saints departed , whose names were honoured by those days , that they also took away those Anniversary Commemorations of Gods infinite Mercies in the Nativity , Passion , Resurrection and Ascention of our Savour Christ : which though retained amongst the Switzers , would not down with Calvin , and being disallowed by him , were reprobated without more ado in all the Churches of his Platform , and in these with others . And though they kept the Lords day , or rather some part of it , for Religious meetings ; yet either for fear of laying a restraint on their Christian Liberty , in Attributing any peculiar holiness to it which might entitle them to some superstition , they kept that neither but by halfs ; it was sufficient to bestow an hour or two of the morning in Gods publick Service , the rest of the day should be their own , to be imployed as profit should advise , or their pleasures tempt them . And whereas in some places they still retained those afternoon-Meetings to which they had been bound of Duty by the Rules of the Church of Rome ; it was decreed in one of their first Synods ( that namely which was held at Dort , 1574 ) a that in such Churches where publick Evening-Prayers had been omitted , they should continue as they were ; and where they had been formerly admitted , should be discontinued . And if they had no Evening-Prayers , there is no question to be made but they had their Evening Pastimes , and that the afternoon was spent in such imployment as was most suitable to the condition of each several man. Nor was the morning so devoted to Religious uses , but that in some of their good Towns they kept upon that day the ordinary Fairs and Markets , ( Kirk-Masses , as they commonly called them ) which must needs draw away a great part of the people to attend those businesses , to which their several Trades and Occupations did most especially oblige them . What alterations hapned in the change of times , we shall see hereafter . 64. Nor was that portion of the day which they were pleased to set apart for Religious Duties , observed with much more reverence by those in the Church , then it was by others in the Market ; the head uncovered very seldom , and the knee so little used to kneeling , as if God had created it for no such purpose . And whereas once Tertullian did upbraid the Gentiles for their irreverence in sitting before some of those Gods whom they pretended to adore ; so might this people be reproached for using the same posture in all acts of Worship , but that they do it purposely to avoid all outward signes of Adoration : even in the Sacrament of the Supper , in which it cannot be denyed but that our Saviour is more eminently present then in any other Divine Ordinance of what name soever , they are so fearful of relapsing to their old Idolatries ( if by that name they may be called ) that they chuse rather to receive it in any posture , sitting or standing , yea , or walking , then reverently upon their knees . For so they have ordained it in another Synod , mentioned by Daniel Angelocratur in his Epitome Consiliorum . By the decrees whereof a it was left at liberty to receive that Sacrament standing , sitting , or walking , but by no means kneeling : And kneeling was prohibited , Ob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 periculum , for fear of falling into a new kinde of Idolatry , ( which was never thought of in the world till they found it out ) that is to say , Bread-worship , or the Adoration of Bread it self . The Conference at Hampton-Court hath told us somewhat , but obscurely , of these Ambling-Communions ; but I never understood them rightly till I saw this Canon . For Canon they will have it called , though most uncanonical . More of the like stuff might be produced from the Acts of their Synods , but that this little is too much to inform the Reader how different they are , both in their Discipline and Doctrine , in point of speculation , and matter of practice , from that which was most countenanced by the piety of the Primitive times , and recommended to them by the constant and uniform tradition of the ages following . 65. As is their work , such is the wages they received ; and as the reverence is which they give to Christ in his holy Sacrament , such is the honour which is paid them by the common people . They had abolished the daily Sacrifice of Praise and Prayer , which might have been continued , though the Mass was abrogated ; disclaimed the hearing of Confessions , the visitation of the Sick , and Sacerdotal Absolution , as inconsistent with the purity of their Profession ; took away all the annual Festivals , with their Eves and Vigils ; and in a word , reduced the whole Service of their Ministry to the Sunday-Morning : Which hardly taking up the tenth part of time expended formerly by the Priests on Religious Offices , they were so conscientious as to rest contented with little more then the tenth part of those yearly profits which by the Priest had been received . They had besides so often preached down Tythes as a Iewish maintainance improper and unfit for Ministers of the holy Gospel , when they were paid unto the Clergy of the Church of Rome , that at the last the people took them at their word , believe them to be so indeed ; and are spurred on the faster to a change of Religion , in which they saw some glimmering of a present profit . Of these mistakes the Prince of Orange was too wise not to make advantage ; giving assurance ●o the Land-holders and Country-Villagers , that if they stood to him in the Wars against the Spaniard , they should from thenceforth pay no Tythes unto their Ministers , as before they did . The Tythes in the mean time to be brought into the common Treasury toward the charges of the War , the Ministers to be maintained by contributions at an easie rate . But when the War was come to so fair an issue , that they thought to be exempted from the payment of Tythes , answer was made , that they should pay none to the Ministers , as they had done formerly , whereby their Ministers in effect were become their Masters ; but that the Tythes were so considerable a Revenue to the Common-wealth , that the State could not possibly subsist without them ; that therefore they must be content to pay them to the States Commissioners , as they had done hitherto ; and that the State would take due care to maintain a Ministry . By means whereof they do not only pay their Tythes as in former times ; but seeing how much the publick allowance of the State doth come short of a competencie ( thoughby that name they please to call it ) they are constrained , as it were , out of common charity , if not compelled thereto by order , to contribute over and above with the rest of the people , for the improvement and increase of the Ministers maintainance . But as they Bake , so let them Brew , to make good the Proverb . And so I leave them for the present , till we have traced the Presbyterian practices and positions both in England and Scotl●nd ( but in Scotland first ) to that point of time to which we have deduced their successes in these Belgick Provinces , and then we shall hear further of them as they come in our way . The end of the third Book . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History Of the PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . IV. Containing Their beginning , Progress and Positions ; their dangerous Practices , Insurrections , and Conspiracies in the Realm of Scotland , from the year 1544 to the year 1566. 1. CRoss we next over into Scotland , where the Genevian Principles were first reduced into use and practice . In which respect the Presbyterians of that Realm should have had precedencie in the present story , not on●ly before any of their Brethren in the Belgick Provinces , but even before the French themselves , though nearest both in scituation and affection to the Mother-City . For though the Emissaries ●f Geneva had long been tampering with that active and unquiet people ; yet such a strict hand was held upon them both by Francis the First , and Henry the Second his Successor , that they durst not stir , till by the death of those two Kings they found the way more free and open to pursue those counsels , which by the industry of those men had been put into them , before which time the Scots had acted over all those Tumults , Riots and Rebellions , in which not long after they were followed by the French and Netherlands . But howsoever I have purposely reserved them to this time and place , because of that influence which they had on the Realm of England , and the connexion of affairs between both the Kingdoms , till they were both united under the command of one Soveraign Prince . And this being said , I shall without more preamble proceed to the following History . 2. It was about the year 1527 , that the Reformation of Religion begun by Luther , was first preached in Scotland , by the Ministry of one Patrick Hamilton , a man of eminent Nobility in regard of his birth , as being Brothers Son to Iames Earl of Arran ; but far more eminent in those times for his parts and piety , then the Nobility of his House : spending some time at Witteberg in the pursuit of his Studies , he grew into acquaintance with Martin Luther , Philip Melancthon , and other men of name and note in that University ; and being seasoned with their Doctrine , he returned into Scotland , where he openly declared himself against Pilgrimages , Purgatory , Prayer to the Saints , and for the dead , without going further . And further as he did not go , so indeed he could not . For on the noise of these his preachings , he was prevailed with by Iames Beton Archbishop of St. Andrews to repair to that City ; but was so handled at his coming , that after some examinations he was condemned to the fire : which sentence was inflicted on him on the last of February . But the Church is never made more fruitful , then when the soyl thereof is watered with the blood of Martyrs . For presently upon the commi●ting of this Fact , most men of Quality beg●n to look into the Reasons of such great severities , and were the more inquisitive after all particulars , because they had not been affrighted with the like Example in the memory of the oldest man which then lived amongst them . By this means the opinions of this man being known abroad , found many which approved , but very few which had just reason to condemn them ; and passing thus from hand to hand , gave further cause to those of the Popish Party to be watchful over them . And for long time they were on the suffering hand , patiently yeilding up their lives to the Executioners , wheresoever any sentence of death was past upon them . And it stood till the decease of King Iames the Fifth , Anno 1542 , when the unsetledness of Affairs , the tender infancie of the young Queen , not above nine days old at the death of her Father , and the conferring of the Regencie after some disputes on Iames Earl of Arran , who was thought to favour their opinions , imboldned them to appear more openly in defence of themselves , and to attempt upon the Chiefs of the contrary party ; whereof they gave a terrible Example in the death of Cardinal David Beton , immediately or not long after the cruel burning of George Wischart ( whose name is mollified by Buchanan into Sofocardius ) a man of great esteem amongst them , who having spent some time in France , and being conversant with some Calvinists of that Nation , returned into his Native Country with such French Commissioners as were sent unto the Earl of Arran , Anno 1544. In little time he had gained unto himself so many followers , that he became formidable to the greatest Prelates ; but unto none more then unto Cardinal David Beton , Archbishop of St. Andrews also , and Nephew unto Iames his Predecessor . By whose Authority and procurement he was condemned to the like death as Hamilton before had suffered , in the year next following . 3. Amongst the followers of this man ( the most remarkable in reference to my present purpose ) were Norman Lesly eldest Son to the Earl of Rothes , Iohn Lesly Uncle unto Norman , Iames Melvin , and the Kirkaldies Lairds of Grange . By whom and others of that party , a plot was laid to surprise the Castle , and take revenge upon the Cardinal for the death of Wishart . Having possest themselves of the Gates of the Castle , they forced their way into his Chamber , and were upon the point of striking the fatal blow , when Iames Melvin told them with great shews of gravity , that the business was not to be acted with such heat and passion . And thereupon holding a Ponyard at his brest , put him in minde of shedding the innocent bloud of that famous Martyr Mass George Wishart , which now called loud to God for vengeance , in whose name they were come to do justice on him : which said , he made this protestation , That neither hatred to his person , nor love to his Riches , nor the fear of any thing concerning his own particular , had moved him to the undertaking of that execution ; but onely because he had been , and still remained an obstinate enemy against Christ Jesus and his holy Gospel . Upon which words , without expecting any answer , or giving the poor man any time of application to the Father of Mercies , he stabbed him twice or thrice into the body with so strong a malice , that he left him dead upon the place . In the relating of which Murder in Knox h●s History , a note was given us in the Margent of the first Edition , printed at London in Octavo , which points us to the godly act and saying of Iames Melvin ; for so the Author calls this most wicked deed . But that Edition being stopt at the Press by t●● Queens command , the History never came out perfect till the year of our Lord 1644 , when the word godly was left out of the Marginal Note , for the avoiding of that horrible scandal which had been thereby given to all sober Readers . But to proceed unto my story : it was upon the 29 of May , that the Murderers possest themselves of that strong peece , into which many flocked from all parts of the Realm , both to congratulate the act , and assist the Actors : So that at last they cast themselves into a Congregation , and chose Iohn Rough , ( who after suffered death in England ) to be one of their Preachers ; Iohn Knox , that great incendiary of the Realm of Scotland , for another of them . And thus they stood upon their guard till the coming of one and twenty Gallies , and some Land-Forces out of France , by whom the Castle was besieged , and so fiercely battered , that they were forced to yeild on the last of Iuly , without obtaining any better conditions then the hope of life . 4. The Castle being yeilded , and the Country quieted , the French returned with their booty , of which their Prisoners which they brought along with them made the principal part ; not made the tamer by their sufferings in the enemies Gallies ; insomuch that when the Image of the Virgin Mary was offered to them to be kissed on some solemn occasion , one of them snatched it into his hands , flung it into the Sea , and said unto them that brought it , in a jeering manner , That her Ladyship was light enough , and might learn to swim . Which desperate and unadvised action ( as it was no other ) is said by Knox to have produced this good effect , that the Scots were never after tempted to the like Idolatries . Knox at this time was Prisoner in the Gallies amongst the rest , and with the rest released upon the Peace made between France and England , at the delivering up of Bulloigne ; from whence he past over into England , where he was first made Preacher at Barwick , next at New-castle , afterwards to some Church of London ; and finally , in some other places of the South : so that removing like our late Itinerants from one Church to another , as he could meet with entertainment , he kept himself within that Sanctuary till the death of King Edward , and then betook himself to Geneva for his private Studies : From hence he published his desperate Doctrine of Predestination , which he makes not onely to be an impulsive to , but the compulsive cause of mens sins and mens wickednesses : From hence he published his trayterous and seditious Pamphlet , entituled , The first blast of the Trumpet , in which he writes most bitterly , amongst other things , against the Regiment of Women , aiming therein particularly at the two M●ries Queens of Scotland , Queen Mary of England , and Mary Q●e●n Dowager of Hungary , Governess of the Low-Countries for Charles the Fifth : and finally , from hence he published another of the like nature , entituled , An Admonition to Christians : In which he makes the Emperour Charles to be worl● then Nero , and Mary Queen of England nothing better then Iesabel . According to which good beginning , he calls her in his History ( but not published hence ) that Idolatrous and Mischievous Mary of the Spaniards bloud , a cruel persecutrix of Gods people , as the Acts of her unhappy Reign did sufficiently witness . In which he comes as close to Calvin as could be desired . 5. By this means he grew great with Calvin , and the most leading men of the Consistorians , who looked upon him as a proper Engine to advance their purposes : But long he had not stayed amongst them , when he received an invitation from some Friends of his of the same temper and affections , as it after proved , to take charge of the Church of Frankfort ; to which some learned men and others of the English Nation had retired themselves in the Reign of Queen Mary : which call he first communicated unto Calvin , by whose encouragement and perswasion he accepted of it , and by his coming rather multiplyed then appeased the quarrels which he found amongst them : But siding with the inconformable party , and knowing so much of Calvins minde touching the Liturgie and Rites of the Church of England , he would by no means be perswaded to officiate by it ; and for that cause was forced by Dr. Cox , and others of the Learned men who remained there , to forsake the place , as hath been shewn at large in another place . Outed at Frankfort , he returns again to his Friends at Geneva ; and being furnished with instructions for his future carriage in the cause of his Ministry , he prepares for his journey into Scotland , passeth to Dieppe , form thence to England , and at last came a welcome man to his Native Country , which he found miserably divided into sides and factions . Mary their Infant Queen had been transported into France at six years of age ; the Regency taken from Iames Earl of Arran , given to Mary of ●orraign the Queens Mother ; not well obeyed by many of the N●bility and great men of the Country , but openly opposed and reviled by those who seemed to be inclinable to the Reformation . To these men Knox applyed himself with all ca●e and cunning , preaching from place to place , and from house to house , as opportunity was given him . In which he gathered many Churches , and set up many Congregations , as if he had been the Ap●stle-General of the Kirk of Scotland ; in all points holding a conformity unto Calvins Platform , even to the singing of Davids Psalms in the English Meter , the onely Musick he allowed of in Gods publick Service . From Villages and private Houses , he ventured into some of the great Towns and more eminent Cities ; and at the last appeared in Edenborough it self , preaching in all , and ministring the Communion in many places , as he saw occasion . This was sufficient to have raised a greater storm against him then he could have been able to indure ; but he must make it worse by a new provocation . For at the perswasion of the Earl of Glencarne , and some others of his principal followers , he writes a long Letter to the Queen Regent , in which he earnestly perswades her to give ear to the Word of God , according as it was then preached by himself and others : which Letter being communicated by the Queen to the Archbishop of Glasco , and dispersed in several Copies by Knox himself , gave such a hot Alarm to the Bishops and Clergy , that he was cited to appear in Blackfryars Church in Edenborough , on the 15 of May : and though upon advertisement that he came accompanied with so great a train , that it could not be safe for them to proceed against him , he was not troubled at that time ; yet he perceived that having made the Queen his enemy , he could not hope to remain longer in that Kingdom , but first or last he must needs fall in their hands . 6. But so it happened , that when he was in the midst of these perplexities , he received a Letter from the Schismatical English which repaired to Geneva , when they had lost all hope of putting down the English Liturgie in the Church of Frankfort , by which he was invited to return to his former charge : this Letter he communicated to his principal Friends , resolves to entertain the offer , and prepares all things for his journey . And to say truth , it was but time that he should set forwards ; for the danger followed him so close , that within few days after his departure , he was condemned for not appearing , and burnt in his Effigies at the Cross in Edenborough . But first he walks his round , visits all his Churches , takes a more solemn farewel of his especial Friends ; and having left sufficient instructions with them for carrying on the Reformation in despite of Authority , in the latter end of Iuly he sets sail for France . His party was by this time grown strong and numerous , resolved to follow such directions as he left behind him . To which encouraged by the preaching of one Willock , whom Knox had more especially recommended to them in the time of his absence , they stole away the Images out of most of their Churches ; and were so venturous , as to take down the great Image of St. Gyles in the chief Church of Edenborough , which they drowned first in the Northlake , and burnt it afterwards . But this was but a Prologue to the following Comedy . The Festival of St. Gyles draws near , in which the Image of that Saint was to be carryed through the chief Streets of Edenborough in a solemn Procession , attended by all the Priests , Fryars , and other Religious persons about that City : another Image is borrowed from the Gray-Fryars to supply the place ; and for the honour of the day , the Queen Regent her self was pleased to make one in the Pageant . But no sooner was she retired to her private repose , when a confused Rabble of the Knoxian Brethren brake in upon them , dismounted the Image , brake off his head against the stones , scattered all the Company , pulled the Priests Surplices over their Ears , beat down their Crosses ; and , in a word , so discomposed the Order of that mock-Solemnity , that happy was the man who could first save himself in some House or other ; neither their Bag-pipes , nor their Banners , their Tabrets , nor their Trumpets , which made a Principal part in that days triumph , though free enough from superstition in themselves , could escape their fury , but ran the same Fortune with the rest . And though no diligence was wanting for finding out the principal actors in that Commotion ; yet as the story hath informed us , the Brethren kept themselves together in such Companies , singing of Psalms , and openly encouraging one another , that no body durst lay hands upon them . 7. Finding by this experiment that they were strong enough to begin the work , it was thought fit to call back Knox to their assistance ; to which end they dispatched their Letters to him in the March next following , to be conveyed by one Iames Sym , whom they had throughly instructed in all particulars touching their affairs . In May the Letters are delivered , the contents whereof he first communicateth to his own Congregation , and afterwards to Calvin , and the rest of the Brethren of that Consistory , by whom it was unanimously declared unto him , that he could not refuse that Vocation , unless he would shew himself rebellious unto his God , and unmerciful to his native Country . He returned answer thereupon , That he would visit them in Scotland with all convenient expedition , and comes accordingly to Dieppe in October following ; where contrary to expectation he is advertised by Letters from some secret Friends , that all affairs there seemed to be at a stand , so that his coming to them at that time might be thought unnecessary . Highly displeased with such a cooling Card as he did not look for , he sends his Letters thence to the Nobility and principal Gentry ; in which he lets them know how much he was confounded for travailing so far in their Affairs , by moving them to the most Godly and most Learned men ( by which he means Calvin and the Consistorians ) who at that time did live in Europe , whose judgements and grave counsels he conceived expedient , as well for the assurance of their own Consciences as of his own ; that it must needs redound both to his shame and theirs , if nothing should succeed in such long consultations ; that he left his Flock and Family at Geneva to attend their service , to whom he should be able to make but a weak account of his leaving them in that condi●ion , if he were asked at his return concerning the impediment of his purposed Journey ; that he fore-saw with grief of spirit , what grievous plagues , what misery and bondage would most inevitably befal that miserable Realm , and every Inhabitant thereof , if the power of God with the liberty of his Gospel did not deliver them from the same ; that though his words might seem sharp , and to be somewhat undiscreetly spoken , yet wise men ought to understand , that a true Friend can be no flatterer , especially when the question is concerning the Salvation both of body and soul , not onely of a few men , but of States and Nations ; that if any perswade them for fear of dangers which might follow to faint in their intended purpose , though otherwise he might seem to be wise and friendly , yet was he to be accounted foolish , and their mortal enemie , in labouring to perswade them to prefer their worldly rest to Gods Praise and Glory , and the friendship of the wicked before the salvation of their Brethren ; that they ought to hazard their own lives , be it against Kings or Emperours , for the deliverance of the people from spiritual bondage ; for which cause onely they received from their Brethren Tribute , Honour and Homage , at Gods Commandment . Finally , having laid before them many strong inducements to quicken them unto the work , he ends with this most memorable Aphorism , ( which is indeed the sum and substance of the whole Consistorian Doctrine in the present case ) that the Reformation of Religion , and of publick enormities , doth appertain to more then the Clergy , or chief Rulers called Kings . 8. On the receiving of these Letters , they are resolved to proceed in their former purpose , and would rather commit themselves and all theirs to the greatest dangers , then suffer that Religion which they called Idolatry any longer to remain amongst them , or the people to be so defrauded as they had been formerly , of that which they esteemed to be the onely true preaching of Christ's Gospel . And to this end they entred into a common Bond or Covenant , in the name of themselves , their Vassals , Tenants and dependants , dated upon the third of Decemb . and subscribed by the Earls of Arguile , Glencarne and Morton , the Lords Lorne , Ereskin of Dun , &c. the Tenour of which was as followeth , viz. 9. We perceiving how Satan in his members , the Antichrists of our time , cruelly do rage , seeking to over●hrow and destroy the Gospel of Christ and his Congregation , ought according to our bounden duty to strive in our Masters cause , even unto the death , being certain of the victory in him : The which one duty being well consider●d , we do promise before the Majesty of God and his Congregation , that we ( by his Grace ) shall with all diligence continual●y apply our whole power ▪ substance , and our very lives , to maintain , set forward , and establish the most blessed Word of God and his Congregation . And shall labour according to our power to have faithful Ministers , truely and purely to minister Christs Gospel and Sacraments to his people : we shall maintain them , nourish them , and defend them , the whole Congregation of Christ , and every Member thereof , according to our whole powers , and waging of our lives against Sathan , and all wicked power that doth intend tyranny or trouble against the aforesaid Congregation . Vnto the which holy Word and Congregation we do joyn us : and so do forsake and renounce the Congregation of Antichrist , with all the Superstitious Abomination and Idolatry thereof . And moreover , shall declare our selves manifest enemies thereto by this our faithful promise before God , testified to this Congregation by our subscription of these presents . 10. Having subscribed unto this Bond , their next care was to issue out these directions following , for the promoting of the work which they were in hand with : 1. That in all Parishes of that Realm , the Common-prayer-book ( that is to say , the Common-prayer book of the Church of England ) should be read upon the Sundays and Holydays in the Parish-Church , together with the Lessons of the Old and New Testament by the same appointed : 2. That preaching and interpretation of Scripture be had and used in private Houses , without any great convention of the people at them , till it should please God to put it into the heart of the Prince to allow thereof in publick Churches . And had they stood to that , they had been unblameable ; but finding by the Subscriptions which they had received from all parts of the Kingdom , that they were nothing inferiour to their Adversaries in power and number , they were not able to hold long in so good an humour . Howsoever it was thought expedient , for the avoiding of Scandal , that they should first proceed in the way of supplication to the Queen and Council ; in which it was desired , that it might be lawful for them to meet publickly or privately for having the Common-prayers in the vulgar tongue ; that the Sacrament of Baptism might be administred in the same Tongue also ; the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in both kindes , according to Christs Institution ; and that a Reformation might be made of the wicked lives of Prelates , Priests , and other Ecclesiastical persons . The Queen of Scots was in the mean time Married to the Daulphin of France , upon whose head it was desired by the French that at the least the Matrimonial Crown should be solemnly placed ; and that all the French Nation should forthwith be naturalized in the Realm of Scotland . For the better effecting whereof , in the following Parliament , the Queen Regent thought it no ill peece of State-craft so far to gratifie the Petitioners in their desires , as to license them to meet in publick or private for the exercise of their own Religion , so that it were not in the City of Edenborough , or the Port of Leith , for fear some Tumult or Sedition might ensue upon it . But not content with this Indulgence , they were resolved to move the Parliament for an Abrogation of all former Laws made against Sects and Heresies , by which they might incur the loss of Life , Land or Liberty ; and that none of their profession should be condemned for Heresie , unless they were first convinced by the Word of God to have erred from the Faith which the holy Spirit witnesseth to be necessary to mans Salvation . 11. But hereunto they could not get the Queens consent . And thereupon they caused a Protestation to be drawn , and openly pronounced in the face of the Parliament , in which it was declared , amongst other things , that neither they , nor any other of the Godly who pleased to joyn with them in the true Faith grounded upon the Word of God , should incur any danger of Life or Lands , or other particular pains , for not observing such acts as have passed heretofore in favour of their Adversaries , or for violating such Rites as have been invented by man without the Commandment of God ; that if any Tumult or Uproar should happen to arise in the Realm , or that any violence should be used in reforming of such things as were amiss in the state of the Church , the blame should not be laid on them , who had desired that all things might be rectified by publick Order : And finally , that they pretended to no other end , but onely for the reforming of such abuses as were found in Religion ; and therefore that they might no otherwise be thought of , then as faithful and obedient Subjects to Supreme Authority . And now the Scheme begins to open : the Town of Perth , by some called St. Iohnstone , declared in favour of the Lords of the Congregation , which name they had took unto themselves ; the news whereof was so unpleasing to the Queen , that she commanded the Lord Ruthuen , a man of principal Authority in the parts adjoyning , to take some order for suppressing those Innovations in Religion which some busie people of that Town had introduced : To which he answered , That he was able , if she pleased , to force their bodies , and to seize their goods ; but that he had no power to compel their Consciences : which answer did not more displease the Queen , then it encouraged those of the Congregation ; who now from all parts flocked to Perth , as a Town strong by scituation , well fortified , and standing in a fruitful Country , from whence they might receive all necessaries , if any open force or violence should be used against them . 12. Knox in the mean time had retreated to his charge at Geneva , not thinking fit to tempt that danger by an unseasonable return , which he had so narrowly escaped at his being there . He onely waited opportunity to go back with safety , and would not stir , though frequently sollicited by his Friends in Scotland . In so much , that means was made to Calvin by especial Letters , to re-ingage him in the Cause : Which Letters were brought to him in the Month of November , Anno 1558. And that it may appear what influence Calvin had upon all the counsels and designes of the Congregation , he is advertised from time to time of their successes , of the estate of their Affairs , whether good or bad ; in so much , that when the Queen Regent had fed them with some flattering hopes , Calvin is forthwith made acquainted with their happiness in it . And who but he must be desired to write unto her ? that by his Grave counsel and exhortation , she might be animated to go forward constantly in promoting the Gospel . But though these Letters came to Calvin in the Month of November , yet we finde not Knox in Scotland till the May next following , when those of his party had possessed themselves of the Town of Perth : though he loved Calvin well , and the Gospel better , yet all that a man hath he will give for his life ; and Knox was dearer to himself then either of them . But unto Perth he comes at last , on the fifth of May. In the chief Church whereof he preached such a thundring Sermon against the Adoration of Images , and the advancing of them in places of Gods publick Worship , as suddenly beat down all the Images and Religious Houses within the Precincts of that Town . For presently after the end of the Sermon , when almost all the rest of the people were gone home to dinner , some few which remained in the Church pull●d down a glorious Tabernacle which stood on the Altar , broke it in pieces , and defaced the Images which they found therein . Which being dispatched , they did the like execution on all the rest in that Church ; and were so nimble at their work , that they had made a clear riddance of them , before the tenth man in the Town was advertised of it . The news hereof causeth the Rascal Multitude ( so my Author calls them ) to resort in great numbers to the Church . But because they found that all was done before they came , they fell with great fury on the Monastery of Carthusian Monks , and the Houses of the Preaching and Franciscan Fryars , beginning wi●h the Images first , but after spoyling them of all their provisions , Bedding , and Furniture of Houshold , which was given for a prey unto the poor . And in the ruinating of these Houses , they continued with much force and eagerness , so that within the compass of two days , they had left nothing standing of those goodly Edifices but the outward Walls . 13. It was reported that the Queen was so inraged when she heard the news , that she vowed utterly to destroy the Town , Man , Woman and Childe , to consume the same with ●ire , and after , to sow Salt upon it , in signe of perpetual desolation . And it is possible she might have been as good as her word , if the Earl of Glencarne , the Lords Vchiltrie and Boyd , the young Sheriff of Air , and many other men of eminent Quality , attended by two thousand five hundred Horse and Foot , had not come very opportunely to the aid of their Brethren . Perth being thus preserved from the threatned danger , but forced to receive a Garrison of the Queens appointment ; Knox leaves the Town , and goes in company with the Earl of Arguile , and the Lord Iames Steward , toward the City of St. Andrews . In the way to which , he preached at a Town called Cra●le , inveighs most bitterly against such French Forces as had been sent thither under the Command of Monsieur d' Osselle ; exhorting his Auditors in fine to joyn together as one man , till all strangers were expulsed the Kingdom ; and either to prepare themselves to live like men , or to dye victorious . Which exhortation so prevailed upon most of the hearers , that immediately they betook themselves to the pulling down of Altars and Images ; and finally , destroyed all Monuments of Superstition and Idolatry which they found in the Town . The like they did the next day at a place called Anstruther . From thence they march unto St. Andrews , in the Parish●Church whereof Knox preached upon our Saviours casting the Buyers and Sellers out of the Temple , and with his wonted Rhetorick so inflamed the people , that they committed the like outrages there as before at Perth , destroying Images , and pulling down the Houses of the Black and Gray-fryars with the like dispatch . This happened upon the 11 of Iune . And because it could not be supposed but that the Queen would make some use of her French Forces to Chastise the chief Ring-leaders of that Sedition ; the Brethren of the Congregation flock so fast unto them , that before Tuesday night , no fewer then three thousand able men from the parts adjoyning were come to Cooper to their aid . By the accession of which strength , they first secured themselves by a Capitulation from any danger by the French , and then proceeded to the removing of the Queens Garrison out of Perth , which they also effected . Freed from which y●ke , some of the Towns-men joyning themselves with those of Dundee , make an assault upon the Monastery of Scone , famous of long time for the Coronation of the Kings of Scotland ; and for that cause more sumptuously adorned , and more richly furnished then any other in the Kingdom . And though the Noblemen , and even Knox himself , endeavoured to appease the people , and to stop their fury , that so the place might be preserved ; yet all endeavours proved in vain , or were coldly followed . So that in fine , a ter some spoyl made in defacing of Images , and digging up great quantity of hidden goods which were buried there , to be preserved in expectation of a better day ; they committed the whole House to the Mercie of Fire ; the flame whereof gave grief to some , and joy to others of St. Iohn stones , scituate not above a Mile from that famous Abby . 14. They had no sooner plaid this prize , but some of the Chiefs of them were advertised that Queen Regent had a purpose of putting some French Forces into Sterling , the better to cut off all intercourse and mutual succours which those of the Congregation on each side of the Fryth might otherwise have of one another . For the preventing of which mischief , the Earl of Arguile and the Lord Iames Steward were dispatched away : Whose coming so inflamed the zeal of the furious multitude , that they pulled down all the Monasteries which were in the Town ; demolished all the Altars , and defaced all the Images in the Churches of it . The Abbey of Cambuskenneth , near adjoyning to it , was then ruined also : Which good success encouraged them to go on to Edenborough , that the like Reformation might be made in the capital City . Taking Linlithgow in their way , they committed the like spoyl there , as before at Sterling ; but were prevented of the glory which they chiefly aimed at in the Saccage of Edenborough . Upon the news of their approach , though their whole Train exceeded not three hundred persons , the Queen Regent with great fear retires to Dunbar ; and the Lord Seaton being then Provest of the Town , staid not long behind . But he was scarce gone out of the City , when the Rascal Rabble fell on the Religious Houses , destroyed the Covents of the Black and Gray-fryars , with all the other Monasteries about the Town , and shared amongst them all the goods which they found in those Houses : In which they made such quick dispatch , that they had finished that part of the Reformation , before the two Lords and their attendants could come in to help them . 15. The Queen Regent neither able to endure these outrages , nor of sufficient power to prevent or punish them , conceived it most expedient to allay these humours for the present by some gentle Lenitive , that she might hope the better to extinguish them in the time to come : which when she had endeavoured , but with no effect , she caused a Proclamation to be published in the name of the King and Queen ; in which it was declared , That she perceived a seditious Tumult to be raised by a part of the Lieges , who named themselves the Congregation , and under pretence of Religion had taken Arms ; Th●t by the advice of the Lords of the Council , for satisfying every mans Conscience , and pacifying the present troubles , she had made offer to call a Parliament in January then following ( but would call it sooner if they pleased ) for establishing an Vniversal Order in Affairs of Religion ; That in the mean time every man should be suffered to live at liberty , using their own Consciences without trouble until further order ; That those who called themselves of the Congregation , rejecting all reasonable offers , had made it manifest by their actions , that they did not so much seek for satisfaction in point of Religion , as the subversion of the Crown . For proof whereof , she instanced in some secret intelligence which they had in England , seizing the Irons of the Mans , and Coyning Money , that being one of the principal Iewels of the Royal Diadem . In which regard she straightly willeth and commandeth all manner of persons ( not being Inhabitants of the City ) to depart from Edenborough within six hours after publication thereof , and live obedient to her Authority , except they would be holden and reputed Traytors . 16. This Proclamation they encountred with another , which they published in their own names for satisfaction of the people , some of which had begun to shrink from them at the noise of the former . And ●herein they made known to all whom it may concern , That such crimes as they were charged with , never entred into their hearts ; That they had no other intention then to banish Idolatry , to advance true Religion , and to defend the Preachers of it ; That they were ready to continue in all duty toward their Soveraign , and her Mother there Regent , provided they might have the free exercise of their own Religion . In reference to their medling with the Irons of the Mint , and the Coyning of Money , they justified themselves , as being most of them Councellors born , and doing nothing in it but for the good of the people . To which effect they writ their Letters also to the Regent her self , whom they assured in the close , that if she would make use of her authority for the abolishing of Idolatry and Superstitious abuses which agreed not with the Word of God , she should finde them as obedient as any Subjects within the Realm . Which in plain truth was neither more nor less then this , that if they might not have their wills in the point of Religion , she was to look for no obedience from them in other matters : whereof they gave sufficient proof by their staying in Edenborough , her command to the contrary notwithstanding ; by pressing more then ever for a toleration , and adding this over and above to their former demands , that such French Forces as remained in Scotland might be disbanded and sent back to their native Country . In the first of which demands they were so unreasonable , that when the Queen offered them the exercise of their own Religion , upon condition that when she had occasion to make use of any of their Churches for her own Devotions , such exercise might be suspended , and the Mass onely used in that conjuncture ; they would by no means yeild unto it : And they refused to yeild unto it for this Reason onely , because it would be in her power , by removing from one place unto another , to leave them without any certain Exercise of their Religion , which in effect was utterly to overthrow it . And hereto they were pleased to add , that , as they could not hinder her from exercising any Religion which she had a minde to ( but this was more then they would stand to in their better Fortunes ) so could they not agree that the Ministers of Christ should be silenced upon any occasion , and much less , that the true Worship of God should give place to Idolatry . A point to which they stood so stifly , that when the Queen Regent had resetled her Court at Edenborough , she could neither prevail so far upon the Magistrates of that City , as either to let her have the Church of St. Gyles to be appropriated onely to the use of the Mass , or that the Mass might be said in it at such vacant times in which they made no use of it for themselves or their Ministers . 17. But in their other demands for sending the French Souldiers out of Scotland , they were not like to finde any such compliance as had been offered in the former . Henry the Third of France dyed about that time , and left the Crown to Francis the Second , Married not long before to the Queen of Scots ; the preservation of whose power and prerogative Royal must be his concernment . And he declared himself so sensible of those indignities which had been lately put upon her , as to protest , that he would rather spend the Crown of France , then not be revenged of the seditious Tumults raised in Scotland : in pursuance of which resolution , he sends over a French Captain , called Octavian , who brought with him a whole Regiment of Souldiers , great sums of money , and all provisions necessary to maintain a War. Followed not long after with four Companies more , which made up twenty Ensigns compleat , together with four Ships of War , both to defend the Town of Leith , and command the Haven . Incouraged with whose coming , the Queen Regent did not onely fortifie that Town , but put a strong Garrison of the French into it ; which gave a new grievance unto those of the Congregation ; the Trade and Town of Edenborough being like by this means to be brought under her command , and to rest wholly in a manner at her devotion . The breach made wider on the one side by the taking of the Fort of Boughty Crag into the hands of those of the Congregation ; which was pretended to be done , for fear lest otherwise it might have been seized on by the French ; and on the other side , by the coming of two thousand French Souldiers out of France , under pretence of being a Convoy to the Bishop of Amiens , and some other persons , sent thither to dispute ( as it was given out ) with the Scotish Ministers . Which great accession of French Forces so amazed the Lords of the Congregation , that they excited the whole Kingdom by a publick Writing to arm against them ; requiring all those which were , or desired to be accounted for n●tural Scotch-men , to judge betwixt the Queen and them , and not abstract the just and dutiful support from their Native Country in so needful a time ; assuring them , that whosoever did otherwise , should be esteemed betrayers of their Country to the power of strangers . 18. And that the people might not cool in the midst of this heat , they draw their Forces together , and march toward Edenborough on the 18 of October ; upon the news whereof , the Queen Regent put her self into Leith as the safer place , and leaves them Masters of the City : From whence they send a Letter to her , requiring in a peremptory and imperious manner , that the fortifications about Leith be forthwith slighted , the Forts about the same to be demolished , and all strange Souldiers to be immediately removed : Which if she not pleased to do , they must bethink themselves of some such other remedies as they thought most necessary . But when their Messenger returned unsatisfied , and that Lyon King at Arms was sent presently after him , commanding them amongst other things to remove from Edenborough , they then resolve for putting that in execution which had been long before in deliberation ; that is to say , the deposing of the Queen Regent from the publick Government . But first , they must consult with their Ghostly Fathers , that by their countenance and authority , they might more certainly prevail upon all such persons as seemed unsatisfied in the point . Willock and Knox are chosen above all the rest to resolve this doubt , if at the least any of them doubted of it , which may well be questioned . They were both Factors for Geneva , and therefore both obliged to advance her interest . Willock declares , that albeit God had appointed Magistrates onely to be his Lieutenants on Earth , honouring them with his own title , and calling them Gods ; yet did he never so establish any , but that for just causes they might be deprived . Which having proved by some Examples out of holy Scripture , he thereupon inferred , that since the Queen Regent had denyed her chief Duty to the Subjects of this Realm , which was to preserve them from invasion of Strangers , and to suffer the Word of God to be freely preached : seeing also she was a maintainer of superstition , and despised the counsel of the Nobility ; he did think they might justly deprive her from all Regiment and Authority over rhem . Knox goes to work more cautiously , but comes home at last : For having first approved whatsoever had been said by Willock , he adds this to it , That the iniquity of the Queen Regent ought not to withdraw their hearts from the obedience due to their Soveraign ; nor did he wish that any such sentence against her should be pronounced , but that when she should change her course , and submit her self to good counsels , there should be place left unto her of regress to the same honours from which for just cause she ought to be deprived . 19. So said the Oracle : and as the Oracle decreed , so the sentence passed ; for presently upon this judgement in the case , a publick Instrument is drawn up , in which the most part of the passages in the course of her Government were censured as grievances and oppressions on the Subjects of Scotland , to the violating of the Laws of the Land , the Liberty of the Subjects , and the enslaving of them to the power and domination of strangers . In which respect , they declare her to be fallen from the publick Government ; discharge all Officers and others from yeilding any obedience to her ; subscribing this Instrument with their hands , requiring it to be published in all the Head-Boroughs of the Kingdom , and causing it to be proclaimed with sound of Trumpet . Thus they began with the Queen Regent ; but we shall see them end with the Queen her self , their annoynted Soveraign . This Instrument bears date on the 23 of October , a memorable day for many notable occurrences which have hapned on it in our Brittish Stories . Of all these doings , they advertised her by express Letters , sent back by the same Herald who had brought her last message to them ; and having so done , they resolve immediately to try their fortune upon Leith in the way of Scalada . But the worst was , the Souldiers would not ●ight without present money , and money they had none to pay them on so short a warning . Somewhat was raised by way of Contribution , but would not satisfie . And thereupon it was advised , that the Lords and other great men should bring in their Plate , and cause it to be presently melted , to content the Souldiers . But they who had so long made a gain of Godliness , did not love Godliness so well , as not to value and prefer their gain before it . And therefore some had so contrived it , that the Irons of the Mint were missing ; and by that handsome fraud they preserved their Plate . 20. It was not to be thought that the Scots durst have been so bold in the present business , if they had not been encouraged underhand from some Friends in England ; which the Queen Regent well observed , and prest it on them in her Declaration , as before was noted . To which particular , though the Confederates made no reply in their Anti-remonstrance at that time , yet afterwards they both acknowledged and defended their intelligence with the English Nation . For in a subsequent Declaration , They acknowledge plainly , that many Messages had past betwixt them , and that they had craved some support from thence ; but that it was onely to maintain Religion , and suppress Idolatry . And they conceived that in so doing , they had done nothing which might make them subject unto any just censure ; it being lawful for them , where their own power failed , to seek assistance from their Neighbours . And now or never was the time to make use of such helps , their Contribution falling short , and the Plate not coming to the Mint , as had been projected . In which extremity it was advised to try some secret Friends at Barwick , especially Sir Ralph Sudlieur and Sir Iames Crofts ; by whose encouragement it may be thought they had gone so far , that now there was no going back without manifest ruine . By the assistance of these men , they are furnished with four thousand Crowns in ready Money . But the Queen Regent had advertisement of the negotiation , and intercepts it by the way . The news of this ill Fortune makes the Souldiers desperate ; some of them secretly steal away , others refuse to venture upon any service ; so that the Lords and others of the chief Confederates are put upon a necessity of forsaking Edenborough . The French immediately take possession of it , compel the Ministers , and most of those who profest the Reformed Religion , to desert their dwellings ; restore the Mass , and reconcile with many Ceremonies the chief Church of the City ( I mean that dedicated unto St. Gyles ) as having been prophaned by Heretical Preachings . But the abandoning of Edenborough proved the ruine of Glasgow . To which Duke Hamilton repairing , he caused all the Images and Altars to be pulled down , and made himself Master of the Castle ; out of which , upon the noise of the Bishops coming with some Bands of French , he withdraws again , and quits the Town unto the Victor . No way now left to save their persons from the Law , their Estates from forfeiture , their Country from the French , and their Religion from the Pope , but to cast themselves upon the favour of the Qeeen of England . And to that course as the Lord Iames did most incline , and Knox most preached for , so there might be some probable Reasons which might assure them of not failing of their expectations . 21. No sooner was Queen Mary of England dead , but Mary the young Queen of Scots , not long before Married to the Daulphin of France , takes on her self the name and title of Queen of England ; the Arms whereof she quarters upon all her Plate , some of her Coyn , and upon no small part of her Houshold-Furniture . Which though she did not ( as she did afterwards alledge ) of her own accord , but as she was over-ruled in it by the perswasion of her Husband , and the Authority ( which was not in her to dispute ) of the King his Father ; yet Queen Elizabeth looked upon it as a publick opposition to her own Pretensions , an open disallowing of her Title to the Crown of this Realm . She had good reason to presume that they by whose Authority and Counsel she was devested of her Title , would leave no means untryed , nor no stone unmoved , by the rouling whereof she might be tumbled out of her Government , and deprived also of her Kingdom . Which jealousie so justly setled , received no small increase , from the putting over of so many French , distributing them into so many Garrisons , but more especially , by their fortifying of the Town of Leith ; at which Gate all the strengths of France might enter when occasion served : And then how easie a passage might they have into England ? divided only by small Rivers in some places , and in some other places not divided at all . But that which most assured her of their ill intentions , was the great preparations lately made by the Marquiss of Elboeuf one of the Brothers of the Queen Regent , and consequently Uncle to the Queen of Scots . For though he was so distressed by tempests , that eighteen Ensignes were cast away on the Coast of Holland , and the rest forced for the present to return into France , yet afterwards , with one thousand Foot , and some remainders of his Horse , he recovered Leith , and joyned himself unto the rest of that Nation , who were there disposed of . Of all which passages and provocations , the Chief Confederates of the Congregation were so well informed , as might assure them that Queen Elizabeth would be easily moved for her own security to aid them in expelling the French , and then the preservation of Religion , and the securing of themselves , their Estates and Families , would come in of course . 22. It was upon this Reason of State , and not for any quarrel about Religion , that Queen Elizabeth put her self into Arms , and lent the Scots a helping hand to remove the French. And by the same she might have justified her self before all the World , if she had followed those advantages which were given her by it , and seized into her hands such Castles , Towns , and other places of importance within that Kingdom , as might give any opportunity to the French-Scots to infest her Territories . For when one Prince pretends a Title to the Crown of another , or otherwise makes preparations more then ordinary both by Land and Sea , and draws them together to some place , from whence he may invade the other whensoever he please ; the other party is not bound to sit still till the War be brought to his own doors , but may lawfully keep it at a distance , as far off as he can , by carrying it into the Enemies Country , and getting into his power all their strong Passes , Holds , and other Fortresses , by which he may be hindred from approaching nearer . But this can no way justifie or excuse the Scots , which are not to be reckoned for the less Rebels against their own undoubted Soveraign , for being subservient in so just a War to the Queen of England ; as neither the Caldeans or the wilde Arabians could be defended in their thieving , or Nebuchadnezzar justified in his pride and Tyranny , because it pleased Almighty God for tryal of Iobs faith and patience to make use of the one ; and of the other , for chastising his people Israel . The point being agitated with mature deliberation by the Councel of England , it was resolved that the French were not to be suffered to grow strong so near the Border ; that the Queen could not otherwise provide for her own security , then by expelling them out of Scotland ; and that it was not to be compassed at a less expence of bloud and Treasure , then by making use of the Scots themselves , who had so earnestly supplicated for her aid and succours . Commissioners are thereupon appointed to treat at Barwick : Betwixt whom , and the Agents for the Lords of the Congregation , all things in reference to the War are agreed upon : The sum and result whereof was this , That the English with a puissant Army entred into Scotland , reduced the whole War to the Siege of Leith , and brought the French in short time into such extremities , that they were forced in conclusion to abandon Scotland , and leave that Country wholly in a manner to the Congregation . 23. These were the grounds , and this the issue of those counsels , which proved so glorious and successful unto Queen Elizabeth in all the time of her long Reign : For by giving this seasonable Aid to those of the Congregation in their greatest need , and by feeding some of the Chiefs amongst them with small annual Pensions , she made her self so absolute , and of such Authority over all the Nation , that neither the Queen Regent , nor the Queen her self , nor King Iames her son , nor any of their Predecessors , were of equal power , nor had the like Command upon them . The Church was also for a while a great gainer by it ; the Scots had hitherto made use of the English Liturgie in Gods publick Worship ; the fancie of extemporary Prayers not being then taken up amongst them , as is affirmed by Knox himself in his Scottish History . But now upon the sence of so great a benefit , and out of a desire to unite the Nations in the most constant bonds of friendship , they binde themselves by their subscription to adhere unto it : For which I have no worse a Witness then their own Buchanan . And that they might approach as near unto it in the Form of Government as the present condition of the times would bear , as they placed several Ministers for their several Churches , ( as Knox in Edenborough , Goodman at St. Andrews , Aeriot at Aberdeen , &c. ) so they ordained certain Superintendants for their Ministers ; all the Episcopal Sees being at that time filled with Popish Prelates . And happy it had been for both , had they continued still in so good a posture ; and that the Presbyterian humour had not so far obliterated all remembrance of their old affections , as in the end to prosecute both the Liturgie and Episcopacie to an extermination . And there accrued a further benefit by it to the Scots themselves ; that is to say , the confirmation of the Faith which they so contended for by Act of Parliament : for by difficulties of Agreement between the Commissioners authorized on all sides to attone the differences , it was consented to by those for the Queen of Scots , that the Estates of the Realm should convene and hold a Parliament in the August following , and that the said Convention should be as lawful in all respects , as if it should be summoned by the particular and express command of the Kings themselves . According to which Article they hold a Parliament , and therein pass an Act for the ratification of the Faith and Doctrine , as it was then drawn up into the Form of a Confession by some of their Ministers . But because this Confession did receive a more plenary Confirmation in the first Parliament of King Iames , we shall refer all further speech of it till we come to that . They also passed therein other Acts to their great advantage ; first for abolishing the Popes Authority ; the second for repealing all former Statutes which were made and maintained of that which they called Idolatry ; and the third against the saying or hearing of Mass. 24. It was conditioned in the Articles of the late agreement , that the Queen of Scots should send Commissioners to their present Parliament , that the results thereof might have the force and effect of Laws ; but she intended not for her part to give their Acts the countenance of Supreme Authority ; and the Chief-leading-men of the Congregation did not much regard it , as thinking themselves in a capacity to manage their own business without any such countenance : For though they had addressed themselves to the King and Queen for confirmation of such Acts as had passed in this Parliament ; yet they declared that what they did was rather to express their obedience to them , then to beg of them any strength to their Religion . They had already cast the Rider , and were resolved that neither King nor Queen should back them for the time to come . The Q●een Regent wearied and worn out with such horrid insolencies , departed this life at Edenborough on the 10 of Iune ; and none was nominated to succeed with like Authority : The French Forces were imbarked on the 16 of Iuly , except some few which were permitted to remain in the Castle of Dunbar , and the Isle of Inchkeeth ; so few , that they seemed rather to be left for keeping possession of the Kingdom in the name of the Queen , then either to awe the Country , or command obedience . And that they might be free from the like fears for the times ensuing , Francis the Second dyeth on the 5 of December , leaving the Queen of Scots a desolate and friendless Widdow , assisted onely by her Uncles of the House of Guise , who though they were able to do much in France , could do little out of it . This put the Scots ( I mean the leading Scots of the Congregation ) into such a stomack , that they resolved to steer their course by another compass , and not to Sail onely by such Winds as should blow from England . They knew full well that the breach between the two Queens was not reconcileable , and that their own Queen would be always kept so low by the power of England , that they might trample on her as they pleased , now they had her under . And though at first they had imbraced the Common-prayer-Book of the Church of England , and afterwards confirmed the use of it by a solemn Subscription ; yet when they found themselves delivered from all fear of the French by the death of their King , and the breach growing in that Kingdom upon that occasion ; they then began to tack about , and to discover their affections to the Church of Geneva , Knox had before devised a new book of Discipline , contrived for the most part after Calvins platform , and a new Form of Common-prayer was digested also , more consonant to his infallible judgement then the English Liturgie . But hitherto they had both lain dormant , because they stood in need of such help from England , as could not be presumed on with so great a confidence , if they had openly declared any dissent or disaffection to the publick Forms which were established in that Church . Now their estate is so much bettered by the death of the King , the sad condition of their Queen , and the assurances which they had from the Court of England ( from whence the Earls of Morton and Glencarne were returned with comfort ) that they resolve to perfect what they had begun ; to prosecute the desolation of Religious Houses , and the spoyl of Churches ; to introduce their new Forms , and suspend the old . For compassing of which end , they summoned a Convention of the Estates to be held in Ianuary . 25. Now in this Book of Discipline they take upon them to innovate in most things formerly observed and practised in the Church of Christ , and in some things which themselves had setled , as the ground-work of the Reformation . They take upon them to discharge the accustomed Fasts , and abrogate all the ancient Festivals , not sparing those which did relate particularly unto Christ our Saviour , as his Nativity , Passion , Resurrection , &c. They condemned the use of the Cross in Baptism , give way to the introduction of the New Order of Geneva , for ministring the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , and commend sitting for the most proper and convenient gesture to be used at it . They require that all Churches not being Parochial should be forthwith demolished , declare all Forms of Gods publick Worship , which are not prescribed in his Word , to be meer Idolatry , and that none ought to administer the holy Sacraments , but such as are qualified for preaching . They appoint the Catechism of Geneva to be taught in their Schools , Ordained three Universities to be made and continued in that Kingdom , with Salaries proportioned to the Professors in all Arts and Sciences , and time assigned for being graduated in the same . They decree also in the same , that Tythes should be no longer paid to the Romish Clergy , but that they shall be taken up by Deacons and Treasurers , by them to be imployed for maintainance of the poor , the Ministers , and the said Universities . They complained very sensibly of the Tyranny of Lay-Patrons and Impropriators in exacting their Tythes , in which they are said to be more cruel and unmerciful then the Popish Priests ; and therefore take upon them to determine , as in point of Law , what Commodities shall be Tythable , what not ; and declare also that all Leases and Alienations which formerly had been made of Tythes , should be utterly void . 26. Touching the Ministration of the Word and Sacraments , and the performance of other Divine Offices , it is therein ordered , That Common-prayers ( by which they mean the new Form of their own devising ) be said every day in the greater Towns , except it be upon the days of publick Preaching ; but then to be forborn , that the Preachers own Prayer before and after Sermon may not be despised or disrespected : That Baptism be Administred onely upon the Sundays , and other days of publick Preaching , for the better beating down of that gross Opinion of the Papists ( so they pleas'd to call it ) concerning the necessity of it : That the first Sundays of March , Iune , September and December should be from thenceforth set apart for the holy Communion , the better to avoid the superstitious receiving of it at the Feast of Easter : That all persons exercise themselves in singing Psalms , to the end they may the better perform that service in the Congregation : That no singing of Psalms , no reading of Scriptures should be used at burials : That no Funeral-Sermon shall be preached , by which any difference may be made between the rich and the poor ; and that no dead body for the same cause shall be buried in Churches : That Prophesyings and Interpreting of the holy Scriptures shall be used at certain times and places , according to the custom of the Church of Corinth : That in every Church there shall be one Bell to call the people together , one Pulpit for the Word , and a Bason for Baptism : And that the Minister may the better attend these Duties , it is ordered that he shall not haunt the Court , nor be of the Council , nor bear charge in any Civil Affairs , except it be to assist the Parliament when the same is called . 27. Concerning Ecclesiastical persons , their Function , Calling , Maintainance and Authority , it was ordered in the said Book of Discipline , That Ministers shall from thenceforth be elected by the Congregation where they are to preach : that having made tryal of their Gifts , and being approved of by the Church where they are to Preach , they shall be admitted to their charge , but without any imposition of hands as in other Churches : That some convenient pension be assigned to every Minister for the term of life ( except he deserve to be deprived ) with some provision to be made after his decease for his Wife and Children : That the bounds of the former Diocesses being contracted or enlarged , there shall be ten or twelve Superintendents appointed in the place of the former Bishops , who are to have the visitation of all the Ministers and Churches in their several bounds , to fix their dwellings in the chief Towns or Cities within the same , and to be chosen by the Burgesses of the said Towns or Cities , together with the suffrages of the Ministers of their several Circuits ; and more particularly , that the County or Province of Lothaine shall be abstracted from the Diocess of St. Andrews , and have a Superintendent of its own , who was to keep his Residence in the City of Edenborough ( which afterwards in the year 1633 was erected by King Charles into a Bishops See , and Lothaine assigned him for his Diocess , as was here devised : ) That for the better maintainance of the Ministers and Superintendents , as also for defraying of all other publick charges which concerned the Churches , the lands belonging unto the Bishops , as also to all Cathedral and Conven●●al Churches , and to the Houses of Monks and Fryars , shall be set apart , not otherwise to be imployed : That in all Churches there be two Elders annually chosen to be associate with the Ministers in the Cognizance of all Ecclesiastical Causes , and in the Censures of the Church : That the said Elders shall have power not onely to admonish , but correct their Ministers , if occasion be ; but not to proceed to deprivation without the allowance and consent of the Superintendent ; and that the Deacons shall be joyned as Assistants in judgement with the Elders and Ministers : That no man presume to eat or drink , or otherwise to converse familiarly with excommunicate persons , except those of his own Family onely : That their Children should not be Baptised till they came unto the years of discretion : And that all Murtherers , and other Malefactors punishable by death according to the Laws of the Land , though they be pardoned for the same by the supreme Magistrates , shall notwithstanding be esteemed as excommunicate persons , and not received into the Church without such satisfaction and submission as is required of other notorious offenders by the Rules of the Discipline . It appears also by this Book , that there was one standing Supreme C●uncil for ordering the Affairs of the Church , and by which all publick grievances were to be redressed ; but of what persons it consisted , and in what place it was held , is not mentioned in it . 28. This Book being tendered to the consideration of the Convention of Estates , was by them rejected ; whether it were because they could not make such a manifest separation from the Polity of the Church of England , or that it concerned them more particularly in their own proper interest , in regard of the Church-lands & Tythes which they had amongst them , or perhaps for both . Certain it is , that some of them past it over by no better Title then that of some devout Imaginations , which could not be reduced to practice . This so offended Knox and others , who had drawn it up ( if any other but Knox onely had a hand therein ) that they spared not bitterly to revile them for their coldness in it , taxing them for their carnal liberty , their love unt●● their worldly Commodities , and their corrupt imaginations : Some of them are affirmed to have been licentious ; some greedily to have griped the possessions of the Church , and others to be so intent upon the getting of Christs Coat , that they would not stay till he was crucified . Of the Lord Erskin who refused to subscribe to the Book , it is said particularly , that he had a very evil woman to his Wife ; and that if the Schools , the poor , and the Ministry of the Church had their own , his Ki●●h●n would have lacked two parts of that which he then possessed . Of all of them it was admired , that for such a long continuance they could hear the threatnings of God against Thieves and Robbers , and that knowing themselves to be guilty of those things which were most rebuked , they should never have any remorse of Conscience , nor intend the restoring of those things which they had so stolen . For so it was ( if they may be believed that said it ) that none in all the Realm were more unmerciful to the poor Ministers , then they that had invaded and possessed themselves of the greatest Rents of right belonging unto the Church , and therein verified as well the old Proverb , That the belly hath no ears at all , as a new observation of their own devising , That nothing would suffice a wretch . Such were the discontents and evaporations of these zealous men , when they were crossed in any thing which concerned them in their power or profit . 30. But in another of their projects they had better Fortune . They had sollicited the Convention of Estates for demolishing of all Monuments of Superstition and Idolatry , in which number they accounted all Cathedral Churches , as well as Monasteries and other Religious Houses ; which they insisted on the rather , because it was perceived , and perhaps given out , that the ●apists would again erect their old Idolatry , and take upon them a command ( as before they did ) upon the Consciences of the people ; that so as well the great men of the Realm , as such whom God of his Mercy ( so they tell us ) had subjected to them , should be compelled to obey their lawless appetites . In this , some hopes were given them that they should be satisfied , but nothing done in execution of the same , till the May next following : And possibly enough it might have been delayed to a longer time , if the noise and expectation of the Queens return had not spurred it on : For either fearing , or not knowing what might happen to them , if she should interpose her power to preserve those places , whose demolishing they so much desired ▪ they introduce that Discipline by little and little , which they could not settle all at once . They begin first planting Churches , and nominating Superintendents for their several Circuits ; they superinduce their own Ministers over the heads of the old incumbents ; establish their Presbyteries , divide them into several Classes , and hold their general Assemblies without any leave desired of the Queen or Council . They proceed next to execute all sorts of Ecclesiastical Censures , and arrogate Authority to their selves and their Elders to Excommunicate all such as they found unconformable to their new devices . For the first tryal of their power , they convent one Sanderson , who had been accused to them for Adultery , whom they condemned to be carted , and publickly exposed unto the scorn of Boys and Children . An uproar had been made in Edenborough about the chusing of a Robbinhood ( or a Whitson-Lord ) in which some few of the preciser sort opposed all the rest ; and for this crime they excommunicate the whole multitude ; wherein they shewed themselves to be very unskilful in the Canon-law , in which they might have found , that neither the Supreme Magistrate , nor any great multitudes of people are to be subject to that Censure . They proceed afterwards to the appointing of solemn Fasts , and make choice of Sunday for the day ; which since that time hath been made use of for those Fasts , more then any other : and in this point they shewed themselves directly contrary to the practice of the Primitive Church , in which it was accounted a great impiety to keep any Fast upon that day , either private or publick . They Interdict the Bishops from exercising any Ecclesiastical Jurisdict●on in their several Diocesses ; and openly quarrel with their Queen , for giving a Commission to the Archbishop of St. Andrews to perform some Acts which seemed to them to savour of Episcopal power . Having attained unto this height , they maintain an open correspondence with some Forreign Churches , give audience to the Agents of Berne , Basil and Geneva ; from whom they received the sum of their Confessions , and signified their consent with them in all particulars , except Festivals onely , which they had universally abolished throughout the Kingdom ; and finally , they take upon them to write unto the Bishops of England , whom they admonished not to vex or suspend their Brethren for not conforming to the Rules of the Church , especially in refusing the Cap and Surplice , which they call frequently by the name of trifles , vain trifles , and the old badges of idolatry . All which they did , and more , in pursuit of their Discipline , though never authorized by Law , or confirmed by the Queen , nor justified by the Conven●ion of Estates , though it consisted for the most part of their own Prosessors . A Petition is directed to the Lords of secret Council , from the Assemblies of the Church , in which their Lordships are sollicited to dispatch the business . But not content with that which they had formerly moved , it was demanded also that some severe course might be taken against the Sayers and Hearers of Mass ; that fit provision should be made for their Superintendents , Preachers , and other Ministers ; and that they should not be compellable to pay their Tythes as formerly to the Popish Clegy , with other particulars of that nature . And that they might not trifle in it as they had done hitherto , the Petition carried in it more threats and menaces , then words of humble supplication as became Petitioners . For therein it said expresly , That before those Tyrants and dumb Dogs should have Empire over them , and over such as God had subjected unto them , they were fully determined to hazard both life , and whatsoeever they had received of God in Temporal things ; that therefore they besought their Lordships to take such order , that the Petitioners ( if they may be called so ) might have no occasion to take the Sword of just defence into their hands , which they had so willingly resigned , after the Victory obtained , into those of their Lordships ; that so doing , their Lordships should perceive they would not onely be obedient unto them in all things lawful , but ready at all times to bring all such under their obedience , as should at any time rebel against their Authority ; and finally , that those enemies of God might assure themselves , that they would no no longer suffer Pride and Idolatry ; and that if their Lordships would not take some order in the premises , they would then proceed against them of their own Authority after such a manner , that they should neither do what they list , nor live upon the sweat of the brows of such as were in no sort debtors to them . 31. On the receipt of this Petition , an Order presently is made by the Lords of the Council , for granting all which was desired ; and had more been desired , they had granted more : so formidable were the Brethren grown to the opposite party . Nor was it granted in words onely which took no effect , but execution caused to be done upon it , and warrants to that purpose issued to the Earls of Arrane , Arguile and Glencarne , the Lord Iames Steward , &c. Whereupon followed a pitiful devastation of Churches and Church-buildings in all parts of the Realm ; no difference made , but all Religious Edifices of what sort soever , were either terribly defaced , or utterly ruinated ; the holy Vessels , and whatsoever else could be turned into money , as Lead , Bells , Timber , Glass , &c. was publickly exposed to sale ; the very Sepulchres of the dead not spared ; the Registers of the Church , and the Libraries thereunto belonging , defaced , and thrown into the fire . Whatsoever had escaped the former tumults , is now made subject to destruction ; so much the worse , because the violence and sacrilegious actings of these Church-robbers had now the countenance of Law. And to this work of spoyl and rapine , men of all Ranks and Orders were observed to put their helping hands ; m●n of most Note and Quality being forward in it , in hope of getting to themselves the most part of the booty ; those of the poorer sort , in hope of being gratified for their pains therein by their Lords and Patrons . Both sorts encouraged to it by the Zealous madness of some of their sedirious Preachers , who frequently cryed out , that the places where Idols had been worshipped , ought by the Law of God to be destroyed ; that the sparing of them was the reserving of things execrable ; and that the Commandment given to Israel for destroying the places where the Canaanites did worship their false Gods , was a just warrant to the people for doing the like . By which encouragements , the madness of the people was transported beyond the bounds which they had first prescribed unto it . In the beginning of the heats , they designed onely the destruction of Religious Houses , for fear the Monks and Fryars might otherwise be restored in time to their former dwellings : But they proceeded to the demolition of Cathedral Churches , and ended in the ruine of Parochial also ; the Chancels whereof were sure to be levelled in all places , though the Isles and bodies of them might be spared in some . 32. Such was the entertainment which the Scots prepared for their Queens coming over . Who taking no delight in France , where every thing renewed the memory of her great loss , was easily intreated to return to her native Kingdom . Her coming much desired by those of the Popish party , in hope that by her power and presence they might be suffered at the least to enjoy the private Exercise of their Religion , if not a publick approbation and allowance of it . Sollicited as earnestly by those of the Knoxian interest , upon a confidence that they should be better able to deal with her when she was in their power , assisted onely by the Counsels of a broken Clergy , then if she should remain in France , from whence by her Alliances and powerful Kindred she might create more mischief to them then she could at home . On the 19 day of August she arrives in Scotland , accompanied by her Uncles the Duke of Aumales , the Marquess of Elboeuf , and the Lord grand Pryor , with other Noble-men of France . The time of her arrival was obscured with such Fogs and Mists , that the Sun was not seen to shine in two days before , nor in two days after . Which though it made her passage safe from the Ships of England , which were designed to intercept her , yet was it looked upon by most men as a sad presage of those uncomfortable times which she found amongst them . Against Sunday , being the 24 , there were great preparations made for celebrating Mass in the Chappel-Royal of Holy●ood-House . At which the Brethren of the Congregation were so highly offended , that some of them cryed out aloud , so as all might hear them , That the Idolatrous Priests should dye the death according to Gods Law ; others affirming with less noise , but with no less confidence , That they could not abide , that the Land which God by his power had purged of Idolatry , should in their sight be polluted with the same again . And questionless some great mischief must have followed on it , if the Lord Iames Steward ( to preserve the honour of his Nation in the eye of the French ) had not kept the door : which he did , under a pre●ence that none of the Scottish Nation should be present at the hearing of Mass , contrary to the Laws and Statutes made in that behalf ; but in plain truth , to hinder them by the power and reputation which he had amongst them , from thronging in tumultuously to disturb the business . 33. For remedy whereof for the time to come , an Order was issued the next day by the Lords of the Council , and Authorized by the Queen , in which it was declared , that no manner of person should privately or openly take in hand to alter or innovate any thing in the State of Religion which the Queen found publickly and universally received at her Majesties arrival in that Realm , or attempt any thing against the same upon pain of death . But then it was required withal , that none of the Leiges take in hand to trouble or molest any of her Majesties Domestick Servants , or any other persons which had accompanied her out of France at the time then present , for any cause whatsoever , in word , deed , or countenance ; and that upon the pain of death , as the other was . But notwithstanding the equality of so just an Order , the Earl of Arrane in the name of the rest of the Congregation professed openly on the same day at the Cross in Edenborough , That no protection should be given to the Queens Domesticks , or to any other person that came out of France , either to violate the Laws of the Realm , or offend Gods Majesty , more then was given to any other subjects . And this he did , as he there affirmed , because Gods Law had pronounced death to the Idolater , and the Laws of the Realm had appointed punishment for the sayers and hearers of Mass ; from which he would have none exempted , till some Law were publickly made in Parliament , and such as was agreeable to the Word of God , to annul the former . The like distemper had possest all the rest of the Lords at their first coming to the Town to attend her Majesty to congratulate her safe arrival ; but they cooled all of them by degrees , when they considered the unreasonableness of the Protestation , in denying that Liberty of Conscience to their Soveraign Queen , which every one of them so much desired to enjoy for himself : Onely the Earl Arrane held it out to the last . He had before given himself some hopes of marrying the Queen , and sent her a rich Ring immediately on the death of the King her Husband ; but finding no return agreeable to his expectation , he suffered himself to be as much transported to the other extreme , according to the natural Genius of the Presbyterians , who never yet knew any mean in their loves or hatred . 34. Iohn Knox makes good the Pulpit in the chief Church at Edenborough on the Sunday following , in which he bitterly inveighed against Idolatry , shewing what Plagues and Punishments God had inflicted for the same upon several Nations . And then he adds , that one Mass was more fearful to him , then if ten thousand armed Enemies were landed in any part of the Realm on purpose to suppress their whole Religion ; that in God there was strength to resist and confound whole multitudes , i● unfeignedly they depended on him , of which they had such good experience in their former troubles ; but that if they joyned hands with Idolatry , they should be deprived of the comfortable presence and assistance of Almighty God. A Conference hereupon ensued betwixt him and the Queen , at the hearing whereof there was none present but the Lord Iames Steward , besides two Gentlemen which stood at the end of the Room . In the beginning whereof , she charged him with raising Sedition in that Kingdom , putting her own Subjects into Arms against her , writing a Book against the Regiment of Women ; and in the end , descend●d to some points of Religion . To all which Knox returned such answers , or else so favourably reports them to his own advantage ( for we must take the whole story as it comes from his pen ) that he is made to go away with as easie a victory , as when the Knight of the Boot encounters with some Dwarf or Pigmy in the old Romances . All that the Queen got by it from the mouth of this Adversary , was , that he found in her a proud minde , a craf●y wit , and an obdurate heart against God and his Truth . And in this Character be thought himself confirmed by her following actions : For spending the rest of the Summer in visiting s●me of the chief Towns of her Kingdom , she carried the Mass with her into all places wheresoever she came ; and at her coming back , gave order for setting out the Mass with more solemnity on Alhallows day , then at any time or place before . Of this the Min●sters complain to such of the Nobility as were then Resident in the City , but finde not such an eagerness in them as in former times . For now some of them make a doubt whether the Subjects might use force for suppressing the Idolatry of their Prince ; which heretofore had passed in the affirmative as a truth infallible . A Con●erence is thereupon appointed between some of the Lords , and such of the Ministers as appeared most Z●alous against the Mass ; the Lords disputing for the Queen , and urging that it was not lawful to deprive her of that in which she placed so great a part of her Religion . The contrary was maintained by Knox , and the rest of the Ministers ; who seeing that they could not carry it , as before , by their own Authority , desired that the deciding of the point might be referred to the godly Brethren of Geneva ; of whose concurring in opinion with them , they were well assured . And though the drawing up of the point , and the Inditing of the Letter , being committed unto Ledington the principal Secretary , was not dispatched with such po●● haste as their Zeal required ; yet they shewed plainly by insisting on that proposition , both from whose mouth they had received the Doctrines of making Soveraign Princes subject to the lusts of the people , and from whose hands they did expect the defence thereof . 35. A general Assembly being indicted by them about that time , or not long after , a question is made by some of the Court-Lords , whether such Assemblies might be holden by them without the Queens notice and consent . To which it was answered , that the Assembly neither was , nor could be held without her notice , because she understood that there was a Reformed Church within the Realm , by the Orders whereof they had appointed times for their publick Conventions . But as to her allowance of it , it was then objected , that if the Liberty of the Church should stand upon the Queens allowance or disallowance , they were assured that they should not onely want Assemblies , but the preaching of the Word it self ; for if the ●reedom of Assemblies was taken away , the Gospel in effect must be also suppressed , which could not long subsist without them . The putting in of the demurrer concerning the Authority in calling and holding their Assemblies , prompted them to present the Book of Discipline to her Majesties view , and to sollicite her by all the Friends and means they could for her Royal-Assent : But finding no hope of compassing their desires for that Book in general , it was thought best to try their Fortune in the pursuit of some particulars contained in it . And to that end it was propounded to the Lords of the Council , that Idolatry might be suppressed , the Churches planted with true Ministers , and that certain provision should be made for them according to equity and good Conscience ▪ The Ministers till that time had liv●d for the most part upon such Benevolences as were raised for them on the people ; the Patrimony of the Church being seized into the hands of private persons , and alienated in long Leases by the Popish Clergy . The Revenue of the Crown was small when it was at the best , exceedingly impaired since the death of King Iames the Fifth , and not sufficient to defray the necessary charge and expence of the Court. To satisfie all parties , it was ordered by the Lords of the Council , that the third part of all the Rents of Ecclesiastical Benefices should be taken up for the use of the Queen ; that the other two parts should remain to the Clergy , or to such as held them in their Right ; and that the Queen , out of the part assigned to her , should maintain the Ministers . This Order bears date at Edenborough , December 20 , but gave no satisfaction to the Ministers or their Sollicitors , who challenged the whole Patrimony , by the Rules of the Discipline , to belong onely to themselves . Knox amongst others so disliked it , that he affirmed openly in the Pulpit of Edenborough , That the Spirit of God was not the Author of that Order , by which two parts of the Church-Rents were given to the Devil , and the third part was to be divided between God and the Devil ; adding withal , that in short time the Devil would have three parts of the third , and that a fourth part onely should be left to God. 36. But notwithstanding these seditious and uncharitable ●ur●●ses of their hot-headed Preachers , a Commission is granted by the Queen to certain of her Officers , and other persons of Quality , not onely to receive the said third part , but cut of ●t to assigne such yearly stipends to their Ministers as to them seemed meet . They were all such as did profess the Reformed Religion , and therefore could not but be thought to be well-affected to the Ministers maintainance ; to some of which they allowed one hundred Marks by the year , unto some three hundred ; insomuch , that it was said by Ledington principal Secretary of Estate , that when the Ministers were paid the Stipends assigned unto them , the rest would hardly finde the Queen a new pair of Shooes . But on the other side , the Ministers vehemently exclaimed against these assignments ; and openly profest it to be very unreasonable , that such dumb Dogs and Idle-bellies as the Popish Clergy should have a thousand Marks per annum ; and that themselves ( good men ) who spent their whole time in preaching the Gospel , should be put off with two or three hundred . They railed with no less bitterness against the Laird of Pittarow , who was appointed by the Queen for their pay-Master General ; and used to say in common Speech , that the good Laird of Pittarow , Comptroller of her Majesties Houshold , was a Zealous Professor of Jesus Christ ; but that the pay Master or Comptroller would fall to the Devil . And for the Queen , so far they were from acknowledging the receipt of any favour from her , in the true payment of their Stipends , that they disputed openly against that Title which she pretended to the thirds , out of which she paid them . By some it was affirmed , that no such part had appertained to any of her Predecessors in a thousand years ; by others , that she had no better Title thereunto ( whether she kept them to her self , or divided them amongst her Servants ) then had the Souldiers by whom Christ was crucified to divide his Garments . 37. It hapned not long after these debates , that upon the receiving of some good news from her Friends in France , the Q●een appeared to be very merry , betook her self to dancing , and continued in that recreation till after midnight . The news whereof being brought to Knox , who had his Spies upon her at all times to observe her actions ; the Pulpit must needs ring of it , or else all was marred : He chuseth for his Text these words of the second Psalm , viz. And now understand O ye Kings , and be learned ye that judge the earth . Discoursing on which Text , he began to tax the ignorance , the vanity , and the despight of Princes against all Vertue , and against all those in whom hatred of Vice and love of Vertue appeared . Report is made unto the Queen , and this report begets a second Conference betwixt her and Knox , in which she must come off with as little credit as she did in the first . Knox tells her in plain terms , that it is oftentimes the just recompence that God gives the stubborn of the World , that because they will not hear God speaking to the comfort of the Penitent , and for the amendment of the wicked , they are oft compelled to hear the false reports of others to their great displeasure . To which immediately he subjoyned , that it could not chuse but come to the Ears of Herod , that our Saviour Jesus Christ had called him Fox ; but that the men who told him of it , did not also tell him what an odious act he had committed before God , in causing Iohn the Baptist to be beheaded , to recompence the dancing of an Harlots Daughter . The Queen desired ( after much other talk between them ) that if he heard any thing of her which distasted him , he would repair to her in private , and she would willingly hear what he had to say . To which he answered with as little reverence and modesty as to all the rest , that he was appointed by God to rebuke the vices and sins of all , but not to go to every one in particular to make known their offences ; that if she pleased to frequent the publick Sermons , she might then know what he liked or disliked , as well in her self as any others ; but that to wait at her Chamber-door , or elsewhere , and then to have no further liberty then to whisper in her ear what he had to say , or to tell her what others did speak of her , was neither agreeable to his vocation , nor could stand with his Conscience . 38. At Midsummer they held a general Assembly , and there agreed upon the Form of a Petition to be presented to the Queen in the name of the Kirk ; the substance of it was for abolishing the Mass , and other superstitious Rites of the Romish Religion ; for inflicting some punishment against Blasphemie , Adultery , contempt of the Word , the Profanation of Sacraments , and other like vices condemned by the Word of God , whereof the Laws of the Realm did not take any hold ; for referring all actions of Divorce to the Churches judgement , or at the least to men of good knowledge and conversation ; for excluding all Popish Church-men from holding any place in Council or Session ; and finally , for the increase and more assured payment of the Ministers Stipends , but more particularly for appropriating the Glebes and Houses unto them alone . This was the sum of their desires , but couched in such irreverent , coarse , and bitter expressions , and those expressions justified with such animosities , that Lethington had much ado to prevail upon them for putting it into a more dutiful and civil Language . All which the Queen knew well enough , and therefore would afford them no better answer , but that she would do nothing to the prejudice of that Religion which she then professed ; and that she hoped to have Mass restored , before the end of the year , in all parts of the Kingdom . Which being so said , or so reported , gave Knox occasion in his preachings to the Gentry of Kyle and Galloway ( to which he was commissioned by the said Assembly ) to forewarn some of them of the dangers which would shortly follow ; and thereupon earnestly to exhort them to take such order , that they might be obedient unto Authority , and yet not suffer the Enemies of Gods 〈◊〉 to have the upper-hand . And they , who understood his meaning at half a word ▪ assembled themselves together on the 4 of September , at the Town of Air , where they entred into a common Bond , subscribed by the Earl of Glencarne , the Lords Boyd and V●hiliry , with one hundred and thirty more of Note and Quality , besides the Provost and Burgesses of the Town of Air , which made forty more . The tenour of which Bond was this that followeth . 39. We whose names are under written , do promise in the presence of God , and in the presence of his Son our Lord Iesus Christ , that we , and every one of us , shall and will maintain the Preaching of his holy Evangel , now of his mercy offered and granted to this Realm ; and also will maintain the Ministers of the same against all persons , Power and Authority , that will oppose themselves to the Doctrine proposed , and by us received . And further , with the same solemnity we protest and promise that every one of us shall assist another , yea , and the while Body of the Protestants within this Realm , in all lawful and just occasions , against all persons ; so that whosoever shall hurt 〈◊〉 , or trouble any of our bodies , shall be reputed enemies to the whole , except that the offender will be content to submit himself to the Government of the Church now established amongst us . And this we do , as we desire to be accepted and favoured of the Lord Iesus , and accepted worthy of credit and honesty in the presence of the Godly . 40. And in pursuance of this Bond , they seize upon some Priests , and give notice to others , that they would not trouble themselves of complaining to the Queen of Council , but would execute the punishment appointed to Idolaters in the Law of God , as they saw occasion , whensoever they should be apprehended . At which the Queen was much offended ; but there was no remedy . All she could do , was once again to send for Knox , and to desire him so to deal with the Barons , and other Gentlemen of the West , that they would not punish any man for the cause of Religion , as they had resolved . To which he answered with as little reverence as at other times , That if her Majesty would punish Malefactors according to the Laws , he durst assure her , that she should finde peace and quietness at the hand of those who professed the Lord Iesus in that Kingdom : That if she thought or had a purpose to illude the Laws , there were some who would not fail to let the Papists understand , that they should not be suffered without punishment to offend their God. Which said , he went about to prove in a long discourse , that others were by God intrusted with the Sword of Justice , besides Kings and Princes ; which Kings and Princes , if they failed in the right use of it , and drew it not against Offenders , they must not look to finde obedience from the rest of the Subjects . 41. It is not to be doubted , but that every understanding Reader will be able to collect out of all the premises , both of what Judgement Knox and his Brethren were , touching the Soveraignty of Kings , or rather the Supreme Power invested naturally in the people of a State or Nation ; as also from what Fountain they derived their Doctrine , and to whose sentence onely they resolved to submit the same . But we must make a clearer demonstration of it , before we can proceed to the rest of our History ; that so it may appear upon what ground , and under the pretence of what Authority so many Tumults and Discords were acted on the Stage of Scotland by the Knoxian Brethren . It pleased the Queen to hold a Conference with this man , in the pursuit whereof they fell upon the point of resisting Princes by the Sword , the lawfulness whereof was denyed by her , but maintained by him . The Queen demands whether Subjects having power may resist their Princes : Yea , ( Madam ) answered Knox ; if Princes do exceed their bounds , and do against that wherefore they should be obeyed , there is no doubt but that they may be resisted even by power . For ( said he ) there is neither greater honour , nor greater obedience to be given to Kings and Princes , then God hath commanded to be given unto our Fathers and Mothers ; and yet it may so happen , that the Father may be stricken with a Phrensie , and in some fit attempt the slaying of his Children . In which case , if the Children joyn themselves together , apprehend their Father , take the Sword out of his hand , and keep him in Prison till his Phrensie be over-past ; it is not to be thought that God will be offended with them for their actings in it . And thereupon he doth infer , that so it is with such Princes also , as out of a blind Zeal would murther the Children of God which are subject to them . And therefore to take the Sword from them , to binde their hands , and to cast them into Prison , till that they may be brought to a more sober minde , is not disobedience against them , but rather is to be accounted for a just obedience , because it agrees with the Word of God. 42. The same man preaching afterwards at one of their General Assemblies , made a distinction between the Ordinance of God , and the persons placed by him in Authority ; and then affirmed that men might lawfully and justly resist the persons , and not offend against the Ordinance of God. He added as a Corollary unto his discourse , That Subjects were not bound to obey their Princes , if they Command unlawful things ; but that they might resist their Princes , and that they were not bound to suffer . For which being questioned by Secretary Ledington in the one , and desired to declare himself further in the other point ; he justified himself in both , affirming that he had long been of that opinion , and did so remain . A Question hereupon arising about the punishment of Kings , if they were Idolaters ; it was honestly affirmed by Ledington , That there was no Commandment given in that case to punish Kings , and that the people had no power to be judges over them , but must leave them unto God alone , who would either punish them by death , imprisonment , war , or some other Plagues . Against which Knox replyed with his wooted confidence , that to affirm that the people , or a part of the people may not execute Gods Judgments against their King being an offender , the Lord Ledington could have no other Warrant , except his own imaginations , and the opinion of such , as rather feared to displease their Princes , then offend their God. Against which when Ledington objected the Authority of some eminent Protestants ; Knox answered , that they spake of Christians subject to Tyrants and Infidels , so dispersed , that they had no other force but onely to cry unto God for their deliverance : That such indeed should hazard any further then those godly men willed them , he would not hastily be of counsel . But that his Argument had another ground , and that he spake of a people assembled in one Body of a Commonwealth , unto whom God had given sufficient force , not onely to resist , but also to suppress all kinde of open Idolatry ; and such a people again he affirmed were bound to keep their Land clean and unpolluted : that God required one thing of Abraham and his Seed , when he and they were strangers in the Land of Egypt , and that another thing was required of them when they were delivered from that bondage , and put into the actual Possession of the Land of Canaan . 43. Finally , that the Application might come home to the point in hand , it was resolved by this learned and judicious Casuist , that when they could hardly finde ten in any one part of Scotland , who rightly understood Gods Truth , it had been foolishness to have craved the suppression of Idolatry either from the Nobility or the common subject , because it had been nothing else but the betraying of the silly Sheep for a prey to the Wolves . But now ( saith he ) that God hath multiplyed knowledge , and hath given the victory unto Truth in the hands of his Servants , if you should suffer the Land again to be defiled , you and your Prince should drink the cup of Gods indignation ; the Queen , for her continuing obstinate in open Idolatry , in this great light of the Gospel ; and you , for permission of it , and countenancing her in the same . For my assertion is ( saith he ) that Kings have no priviledge more then hath the people to offend Gods Majesty ; and if so be they do , they are no more exempted from the punishment of the Law , then is any other subject ; yea , and that subjects may not onely lawfully oppose themselves unto their Kings , whensoever they do any thing that expresly oppugnes God 's Commandments , but also that they may execute Iudgement upon them according to Gods Laws ; so that if the King be a Murtherer , Adulterer , or an Idolater , he should suffer ▪ according to Gods Law , not as a King , but as an Offender . Now that Knox did not speak all this as his private judgement , but as it was the judgement of Calvin , and the rest of the Genevian Doctors , whom he chiefly followed , appears by this passage in the story . It was required that Knox should write to Calvin , and to the Learned men in other Churches , to know their judgements in the Question ; to which he answered , that he was not onely fully resolved in conscience , but had already heard their judgements as well in that , as in all other things which he had affirmed in that Kingdom ; that he came not to that Realm without their resolution , and had for his assurance the hand-writing of many ; and therefore if he should now move the same questions again , he must either shew his own ignorance , or inconstancie , or at least forgetfulness . 44. Of the same Nature , and proceeding from the same Original , are those dangerous passages so frequently dispersed in most parts of his History . By which the Reader is informed , That Reformation of Religion doth belong to more then the Clergie and the King : That Noblemen ought to reform Religion , if the King will not : That Reformation of Religion belongeth to the Commonalty , who concurring with the Nobility , may compel the Bishops to cease from their Tyranny , and bridle the cruel Beasts ( the Priests : ) That they may lawfully require of their King to ●ave true Preachers ; and if he be negligent , they justly may themselves provide them , maintain them , defend them against all that do persecute them , and may detain the profits of the Church-livings from the Popish Clergy : That God appointed the Nobility to bridle the inordinate appetite of Princes , who in so doing cannot be accounted as resisters of Authority ; and that it is their duty to repress the rage and insolency of Princes : That the Nobility and Commonalty ought to reform Religion ; and in that case may remove from honours , and may punish such as God hath condemned , of what estate , condition , or honour soever they be : That the punishment of such crimes as touch the Majesty of God , doth not appertain to Kings and chief Rulers onely , but also to the whole body of the people , and to every member of the same , as occasion , vocation , or ability shall serve , to revenge the injury done against God : That Princes for just causes may be deposed : That of Princes be Tyrants against God and his Truth , their subjects are freed from their Oaths of obedience : And finally , that it is neither birth right or propinquity of bloud which makes a King rule over a people that profess Iesus Christ ; but that it comes from some special and extraordinary dispensation of Almighty God. 45. Such is the plain Song , such the Descant of these Sons of Thunder ; first tuned by the Genevian Doctors , by them commended unto Knox , and by Knox preached unto his Brethren the Kirk of Scotland . In which what countenance he received from Goodman , and how far he was justified , if not succeeded by the pen of Buchanan , we shall see hereafter . In the mean time the poor Queen must needs be in a very sorry case , when not her people onely must be poysoned with this dangerous Doctrine , but that she must be baffled and affronted by each sawcy Presbyter , who could pretend unto a Ministry in the Church : Of which the dealing of th●s man gives us proof sufficient , who did not onely revile her parson in the Pulpit , and traduce her Government , but openly pronounced her to be an Idolatress , and therefore to be punished by her Subjects as the Law required . Nothing more ordinary with him in his factious Sermons , then to call her a Slave to Sathan , and to tell the people that Gods vengeance hanged over the Realm , by reason of her impiety : which what else was it , but to inflame the hearts of the people , as well against the Queen , as all them that served her ? For in his publick Prayers he commonly observed this Form , viz. O Lord , if it be thy good pleasure , purge the Queens heart from the venom of Idolatry , and deliver her from the bondage and thraldom of Sathan , in the which she yet remains for lack of true Doctrine , &c. that in so doing , she may avoid the eternal damnation which is ordained for all obstinate and impenitent to thee , and that this Realm may also escape that plague and vengeance which inevitably follows Idolatry , maintained in this Kingdom against thy manifest Word , and the Light thereof set forth unto them . Such in a word was the intemperancie of his spirit , his hatred of her person , or contempt of her Government , that he opposed and crossed her openly in all her courses , and for her sake , fell foul upon all men of more moderate counsels . 46. During the interval between the death of her Father , and her own coming back from France , there had been little shewn of a Court in Scotland , as not much before . But presently on her return , a greater bravery in Apparel was taken up by the Lords and Ladies , and such as waited near her person , then in former times ; never more visibly , then when they waited on her in a pompous manner , as she went to the Parliament of this year . This gives great scandal to the Preachers , to none more then Knox. The Preachers boldly in their Pulpits ( that I say not malapertly ) declared against the superfluity of their Clothes , and against the rest of their Vanities ; which they affirm'd should provoke Gods vengeance , not onely against those foolish Women , but the whole Realm ; and especially against those that maintained them in that odious abusing all things which might have better been bestowed . A course is taken principally by their sollicitations , that certain Articles were agreed on , and proposed in Parliament , for regulating all excess in Apparel as a great enormity , the stinking pride of Women , as Knox plainly calls it . Who being sent for to the Court upon the like occasion , could not but pass a scorn upon such of the Ladies whom he found more gorgeously attired then agreed with his liking , by telling them what a pleasant life it was they lived , if either it would always last , or that they might go to Heaven in all that gear . But sie on that knave death ( quoth he ) that will come whether we will or not ; and when he hath laid an arrest , then foul worms will be busie with this ●●esh , be it never so fair and tender ; and the silly soul I fear ●i●l be so feeble , that it can neither carry with it gold , garnishing , ●urbishing , pearl , nor precious stones . So Zealous was be for a Purity both in Church and State , as not to tolerate soft Raiment , though in Princes Palaces . The Queen had graced the Parliament with her presence three days together ; in one of which she entertains them with a Speech , to the great satisfaction of all her good Subjects . Knox calls it by the name of a painted Oration , tells us in scorn that one might have heard amongst her flatterers that it was Vox Dianae , the voice of a Goddess , ( for it could not be Vox Dei ) and not of a woman ; ●thers ( as he pursues the Jeer ) crying out , God save that sweet face ; was there ever Orator spake so properly and so sweetly ? &c. And this as much displeased the Preachers , as the pride of the Ladies . 47. The Queen had gained the thirds of all Church-Rents by an Act of State , for the more honourable support of her self and her Family , upon condition of making some allowance out of it to defray the Ministers : How Knox approved of this , hath been shewn before . We must now see how he had trained up Goodman ( if they were not both rather trained up by the same great Master ) to pursue the quarrel ; and how far he was seconded by the rest of the Brethren . In a general Assembly held this year , the business of the thirds was again resumed by some Commissioners of the Kirk . To which no sat●sfactory answer being given by the Queen and her Council , it was said by those of the Assembly , If the Queen will not , we must ; for both second and third parts are rigorously taken from us and our tenants . Knox added , that if others would fellow his counsel , the Guard and the Papists should complain as long as their Ministers . Goodman takes fire upon this strain , and starts a doubt about the Title which the Queen had unto the thirds , or the Papists to the other two parts of the Church-Rents . At which when he was put in minde by Ledington that he was a stranger , and therefore was to be no medler ; he boldly answered , that though he was a stranger in the Civil Policie of that Realm , yet stranger he was none in the Church of God ; the care whereof did appertain to him no less in Scotland , then if he were in the midst of England , his own nat●ve Country . So little was there got by talking unto any of these powerful Zealots . At whose exhorbitances when the Lord Iames Steward ( not long before made Earl of Murray ) seemed to be offended , and otherwise had appeared more favourable to the Queen then agreed with their liking ; Knox , who before adored him above all men living , discharged himself by Letter in a churlish manner from any further intermedling in his affairs ; in which he commits him to his own wit ( so the Letter words it ) and to the conduct of those men who would better please him ; and in the end thereof upbraids him , that his preferment never came by any complying with impiety , nor by the maintaining of pestilent Papists . 48. But to proceed to greater matters : the Queen began her Summers Progress , and left a Priest behinde in Halyrood-house , to execute Divine-Offices in the Chappel to the rest of her Family . Some of the Citizens of Edenborough were observed to repair thither at the time of Mass ; whereof the Preachers make complaint , and stir the people in their Sermons to such a fury , that they flock in great multitudes to the Palace , violently force open the Chappel-doors , seize upon such as they found there , and commit them to Prison , the Priest escaping with much difficulty by a privy Postern . The news of this disorder is carried post to the Queen , who thereupon gives order to the Provost of Edenborough to seize upon the persons of Andrew Armstrong , or Patrick Cra●ston , ( the Chief-Ringleaders of the tumult ) that they might undergo the Law at a time appointed , for fore-thought Felony , in making a violent invasion into the Queens Palace , and for spoliation of the same . This puts the Brethren into a heat , and Knox is ordered by the consent of the rest of the Ministers , to give notice unto all the Church of the present danger , that they might meet together as one man to prevent the mischief . In the close of which Letter he ●ets them know what hopes he had , that neither flattery nor fear would make them so far to decline from Christ Jesus , as that against their publick Promise , and solemn Bond , they would leave their dear Brethren in so just a cause . It was about the beginning of August that the tumult hapned , and the beginning of October that the Letter was written . A Copy of it comes into the hands of the Lords of the Council ; by whom the writing of it was declared to be treason , to the great rejoycing of the Queen , who hoped on this occasion to revenge her self upon him for his former insolencies . But it fell out quite contrary to her expectation . Knox is commanded to appear before the Lords of the Council , and he comes accordingly ; but comes accompanied with such a train of godly Brethren , that they did not onely fill the open part of the Court , but thronged up stairs , and prest unto the doors of the Council . This makes the man so confident , as to stand out stoutly against the Queen and her Council , affirming that the convocating of the people in so just a Cause , was no offence against the Law ; and boldly telling them , that they who had inflamed the Queen against those poor men , were the Sons of the Devil ; and therefore that it was no marvail if they obeyed the desires of their Father , who was a Murtherer from the beginning . Moved with which confidence , or rather terrified with the clamours of the Rascal Rabble , even ready to break in upon them , the whole Nobility then present , absolved him of all the crimes objected to him , not without some praise to God for his modesty , and for his plain and sensible answers , as himself reports it . 49. Worse fared it with the Queen , and those of her Religion in another adventure , then it did in this . At the ministring of the Communion in Edenborough on the first of April , the Brethren are advertised that the Papists were busie at their Mass ; some of which taking one of the Bayliffs with them , laid hands upon the Priest , the Master of the House , and two or three of the Assistants ; all whom they carryed to the Tole-booth or Common-hall : The Priest they re-invest with his Massing-Garments ; set him upon the Market-cross , unto which they tye him , holding a Chalice in his hand , which is tyed to it also , and there exposed him for the space of an hour to be pelted by the boys with rotten Eggs. The next day he is accused and convicted in a course of Law , by which he might have suffered death , but that the Law had never been confirmed by the King or Queen . So that instead of all other punishments which they had no just power to inflict upon him , he was placed in the same manner on the Market-cross , the Common-hang-man standing by , and there exposed to the same insolencies for the space of three or four hours , as the day before . Some Tumult might have followed on it , but that the Provost with some Halberdiers dispersed the multitude , and brought the poor Priest off with safety . Of this the Queen complains , but without any Remedy : Instead of other satisfaction , an Article is drawn up by the Commissioners of the next Assembly , to be presented to the Parliament then sitting at Edenborough ; in which it was desired , That the Papis●ical and blasphemous Mass , with all the Papistical Idolatry , and Papal Iurisdiction , be universally supprest , and abolished throughout this Realm , not onely in the subjects , but the Queens own person , &c. of which more hereafter . It was not long since nothing was more preached amongst them , then the great tyranny of the Prelates , and the unmerciful dealing of such others as were in Authority , in not permitting them to have the liberty of Conscience in their own Religion , which now they denyed unto their Queen . 50. But the affront which grieved her most , was the perverse , but most ridiculous opposition which they made to her Marriage : she had been desired for a Wife by Anthony of Bourbon King of Navar , Lewis Prince of Conde , Arch-duke Charles , the Duke of Bavaria , and one of the younger Sons of the King of Sweden . But Queen Elizabeth , who endeavoured to keep her low , disswaded her from all Alliances of that high strain , perswaded her to Marry with some Noble Person of England , for the better establishment of her Succession in the Crown of this Realm ; and not obscurely pointed to her the Earl of Leicester : Which being made known to the Lady Margaret Countess of Lenox , Daughter of Margaret Queen of Scots , and Grand-childe to King Henry the Seventh , from whom both Queens derived their Titles to this Crown ; she wrought upon the Queen of Scots , by some Court-Instruments , to accept her Eldest Son the Lord Henry Steward for her Husband . A Gentleman he was above all exception , of comely personage , and very plausible behaviour , of English Birth and Education and much about the same age with the Queen her self . And to this Match she was the more easily inclined , because she had been told of the King her Father , that he resolved ( if he had dyed without any Issue of his own ) to declare the Earl of Lenox for his Heir Apparent , that so the Crown might be preserved in the name of the Stewarts . But that which most prevailed upon her , was a fear she had lest the young Lord , being the next Heir unto her self to the Crown of England , might Marry into some Family of power and puissance in that Kingdom ; by means whereof he might prevent her of her hopes in the succession ; to which his being born in England , and her being an Alien and an Enemy , might give some advantage . Nor did it want some place in her consideration , that the young Lord , and his Parents also , were of the same Religion with her , which they had constantly maintained , notwithstanding all temptations to the contrary in the Court of England . To smooth the way to this great business , the Earl desires leave of Queen Elizabeth to repair into Scotland , where he is graciously received , and in ●ull Parliament restored unto his native Country , from whence he had been banished two and twenty years . The young Lord follows not long after , and findes such entertainment at the hands of that Queen , that report voiced him for her Husband before he could assure himself of his own affections . This proved no very pleasing news to those of the Congregation , who thought it more expedient to their Affairs , that the Queen should not Marry at all ; or at least , not Marry any other Husband but such as should be recommended to her by the Queen of England , on whom their safety did depend . In which regard they are resolved to oppose this Match , though otherwise they were assured that it would make the Queen grow less in reputation both at home and abroad , to Marry with one of her own subjects , of what blood soever . 51. And now comes Knox to play his prize , who more desired that the Earl of Leicester ( as one of his own Faction ) should espouse the Queen , then the Earl desired it for himself . If she will Marry at all , let her make choice of one of the true Religion , for other Husband she should never have , if he could help it . And to this end he lays about him in a Sermon preached before the Parliament , at which the Nobility and Estates were then assembled . And having roved sufficiently , as his custom was , at last he tells them in plain terms ( desiring them to note the day , and take witness of it ) That whensover the Nobility of Scotland who profess the Lord Iesus , should consent that an Infidel ( and all Papists are Infidels , saith he ) should be head to their Soveraign ; they did , so far as in them lyes , banish Christ Iesus from this Realm , yea , and bring Gods judgements upon the Country , a plague upon themselves , and do small comfort to her self . For which being questioned by the Queen in a private conference , he did not onely stand unto it , without the least qualifying or retracting of those harsh expressions ; but must intitle them to God , as if they had been the immediate Inspirations of the holy Ghost : for in his Dialogue with the Queen , he affirmed expresly , that out of the preaching place few had occasion to be any way o●fended with him ; but there ( that is to say , in the Church or Pulpit ) he was not Master of himself , but must obey him that commands him to speak plain , and flatter no flesh upon the face of the Earth . This insolent carriage of the man put the Queen into passion ; insomuch , that one of her Pages ( as Knox himself reports the story ) could hardly finde Handkerchiefs enough to dry her eyes ; with which the proud fellow shewed himself no further touched , then if he had seen the like fears from any one of his own Boys on a just correction . 52. Most men of moderate spirits seemed much offended at the former passage , when they heard it from him in the Pulpit , more when they heard of the affliction it had given the Queen . But it prevailed so far on the generality of the Congregation , that presently it became a matter of Dispute amongst them , Whether the Queen might chuse to her self an Husband , or whether it were more fitting that the Estates of the Land should appoint one for her . Some sober men affirmed in earnest , that the Queen was not to be barred that liberty which was granted to the meanest Subject . But the Chief leading-men of the Congregation had their own ends in it , for which they must pretend the safety of the Common-wealth . By whom it was affirmed as plainly , that in the Heir unto a Crown , the case was different , because , said they , such Heirs in assuming an Husband to themselves , did withal appoint a King to be over the Nation : And therefore that it was more fit , that the whole people should chuse a Husband to one Woman , then one Woman to elect a King to Rule over the whole people . Others that had the same designe , and were possibly of the same opinion , concerning the imposing of a Husband on her by the States of the Realm , disguised their purpose , by pretending another Reason to break off this Marriage : The Queen and the young Noble-man were too near of Kindred to be conjoyned in Marriage by the Laws of the Church ; her Father and his Mother being born of the same Venter , as our Lawyers phrase it . But for this blow the Queen did easily provide a Buckler , and dispatched one of her Ministers to the Court of Rome for a Dispensation . The other was not so well warded , but that it fell heavy at the last , and plunged her into all those miseries which ensued upon it . 53. But notwithstanding these obstructions , the Match went forwards in the Court , chiefly sollicited by one David Risio , born in Piedmont ; who coming into Scotland in the company of an Ambassador from the Duke of Savoy , was there detained by the Queen , first in the place of a Musician , afterwards imployed in writing Letters to her Friends in France . By which he came to be acquainted with most of her secrets , and as her Secretary for the French Tongue to have a great hand in the managing of all Forreign transactions . This brought him into great envy with the Scots , proud in themselves , and not easie to be kept in fair terms , when they had no cause unto the contrary . But the preferring of this stranger was considered by them as a wrong to their Nation , as if not able to afford a sufficient man to perform that Office , to which the Educating of so many of them in the Court of France had made them no less fit and able then this Mungrel Italian . To all this Risio was no stranger , and therefore was to cast about how to save himself , and to preserve that Power and Reputation which he had acquired . Which to effect , he laboured by all means to promote the Match , that the young Lord being obliged unto him for so great a benefit , might stand the faster to him against all Court-factions , whensoever they should rise against him . And that it might appear to be his work onely , Ledington the chief Secretary is dispatched for England , partly to gain the Queens consent unto the Marriage , and partly to excuse the Earl of Lenox and his Son , for not returning to the Court as she had commanded . In the mean time he carries on the business with all care and diligence , to the end that the Match might be made up before his return . Which haste he made for these two Reason : first , lest the dissenting of that Queen , ( whose influence he knew to be very great on the Kingdom of Scotland ) might either beat it off , or at least retard it ; the second , that the young Lord Darnley , for so they called him , might have the greater obligation to him for effecting the business , then if it had been done by that Queens consent . 54. To make all sure ( as sure at least as humane Wisdom could project it ) a Convention of the Estates is called in May , and the business of the Marriage is propounded to them . To which some yeilded absolutely without any condition , others upon condition that Religion might be kept indempnified ; onely the Lord Vehiltry , one who adher'd to Knox in his greatest difficulties , maintained the Negative , affirming openly , that he would never admit a King of the Popish Religion . Encouraged by which general and free consent of the chief Nobility then present , the Lord Darnly not long after is made Baron of Ardmonack , created Earl of Ross and Duke of Rothesay , titles belonging to the eldest and the second Sons of the Kings of Scotland . But on the other side , such of the great Lords of the Congregation as were resolved to work their own ends out of these present differences , did purposely absent themselves from that Convention , that is to say , the Earls of Murray , Glencarne , Rothes , Arguile , &c. together with Duke Hamilton , and his dependants , whom they had drawn into the Faction : and they convened at Stirling also , though not until the Queen and her retinue were departed from thence ; and there it was resolved by all means to oppose the Marriage , for the better avoiding of such dangers and inconveniences which otherwise might ensue upon it . For whose encouragement , the Queen of England furnished them with ten thousand pounds , that it might serve them for advance-money for the listing of Souldiers , when an occasion should be offered to embroyl that Kingdom . Nor was Knox wanting for his part to advance the troubles , who by his popular declamations against the Match , had so incensed the people of Edenborough , that they resolved to put themselves into a posture of War , to elect Captains to command them , and to disarm all those who were suspected to wish well unto it . But the Queen came upon them in so just a time , that the chief Leaders of the Faction were compelled to desert the Town , and leave unto her mercy both their Goods and Families ; to which they were restored not long after by her grace and clemency . 55. A general Assembly at the same time was held in Edenborough , who falsely thinking that the Queen in that conjuncture could deny them nothing , presented their desires unto her : In the first whereof it was demanded , That the Papistical and blasphemous Mass , with all Popish Idolatry , and the Popes jurisdictions , should be universally supprest and abolished throughout the whole Realm , not onely amongst the Subjects , but in the Queens Majesties own Person and Family . In the next place it was desired , That the true Religion formerly received should be professed by the Queen , as well as by the Subjects ; and people of all sorts bound to resort upon the Sundays , at least to the Prayers and Preachings , as in the former times to Mass : That sure provision should be made for sustentation of the Ministry , as well for the time present , as for the time to come ; and their Livings assigned them in the places where they served , or at least in the parts next adjacent ; and that they should not be put to crave the same at the hands of any others : That all Benefices then vacant , and such as had fallen void since March 1558 , or should happen thereafter to be void , should be disposed to persons qualified for the Ministry , upon tryal and admission by the Superintendent ; with many other demands of like weight and quality . To which the Queen returned this answer : first , That she could not be perswaded that there was any impiety in the Mass : That she had been always bred in the Religion of the Church of Rome , which she esteemed to be agreeable to the Word of God , and therefore trusted that her subjects would not force her to do any thing against her conscience : That hitherto she never had , nor did intend hereafter to force any mans conscience , but to leave every one to the free exercise of that Religion which to him seemed best ; which might sufficiently induce them to oblige her by the like indulgence . She answered to the next : That she did not think it reasonable to defraud her self of such a considerable part of the Royal Patrimony , as to put the Patronages of Benefices out of her own power ; the publick necessities of the Crown being such , that they required a great part of the Church-Rents to defray the same : Which notwithstanding , she declared , that the necessities of the Crown being first supplyed , care should be taken for the sustentation of the Ministers in some reasonable and fit proportion , to be assigned out of the nearest and most commodious places to their several dwellings . For all the rest , she was contented to refer her self to the following Parliament , to whose determinations in the particulars desired , she would be conformable . 56. Not doubting but this answer might sufficiently comply with all expectations , she proceeds to the Marriage , publickly solemnized in the midst of Iuly , by the Dean of Restalrig , whom I conceive to be the Dean of her Majesties Chappel , in which that service was performed ; and the next day the Bridegroom was solemnly proclaimed King by the sound of Trumpet ; declared to be associated with her in the publick Government , and order given to have his name used in all Coyns and Instruments . But neither the impossibility of untying this knot , nor the gracious answer she had made to the Commissioners of the late Assembly , could hinder the Confederate Lords from breaking out into action . But first they published a Remonstrance ( as the custom was ) to abuse the people ; in which it was made known to all whom it might concern , That the Kingdom was openly wronged , the liberties thereof oppressed , and a King imposed upon the people without the consent of the Estates ; which they pretend to be a thing not practised in the former time , contrary to the Laws and received Customs of the Country : And thereupon desired all good Subjects to take the matter into consideration , and to joyn with them in resisting those beginnings of Tyranny . But few there were that would be taken with these Baits , or thought themselves in any danger by the present Marriage ; which gave the Queen no power at home , and much less abroad . And that they might continue always in so good a posture , the young King was perswaded to shew himself at Knoxes Sermon ; but received such an entertainment from that fiery and seditious spirit , as he little looked for . For Knox , according to his custom , neither regarding the Kings presence , nor fearing what might follow on his alienating from the cause of the Kirk , fell amongst other things to speak of the Government of wicked Princes , who for the sins of the people were sent as Tyrants and Scourges to plague them ; but more particularly , that people were never more scourged by God , then by advancing boys and Women to the Regal Throne . Which if it did displease the King , and give offence to many Conscientious and Religious men , can seem strange to none . 57. In the mean time the discontented Lords depart from Stirling more discontented then they came , because the people came not in to aid them , as they had expected . From Stirling they remove to Paisely , and from thence to Hamilton , the Castle whereof they resolved to Fortifie for their present defence . But they were followed so close by the King and Queen , and so divided in opinion amongst themselves , that it seemed best to them to be gone , and try what Friends and Followers they could finde in Edenborough : but they found that place too hot for them also ; the Captain of the Castle did so ply them with continual shot , that it was held unsafe for them to abide there longer . From thence therefore they betook themselves to the Town of Dumfreis , not far from the City of Carlisle in England , into which they might easily escape , whatsoever happened , as in time they did . For the King leaving his old Father , the Earl of Lenox , to attend them there , march'd with his Forces into Fife , where the party of the Lords seemed most considerable ; which Province they reduced to their obedience : some of the great Lords of it had forsook their dwellings , many were taken prisoners and put to Ransome , and some of the chief Towns fined for their late disloyalty : Which done , they march to Edenborough , and from thence followed to Dumfreis . On whose approach , the Lords , unable to defend themselves against their Forces , put themselves into Carlisle , where they are courteously received by the Earl of Bedford , who was then Lord-Warden of the Marches ; from thence Duke Hamilton , the Earls of Glencarne and Rothes , the Lord Vchiltry , the Commendator of Kilvinning , and divers others of good note , removed not long after to New-castle , that they might have the easier passage into France or Germany , if their occasions so required . The Earl of Murray is dispatched to the Court of England ; but there he found so little comfort , at the least in shew , as brought the Queen under a suspition amongst the Scots , either of deep dissimulation , or of great inconstancy . The news whereof did so distract and divide the rest , that Duke Hamilton under-hand made his own peace with his injured Queen , and put himself into her power in the December following . The falling off of which great person so amazed the rest , that now they are resolved to follow all those desperate counsels , by which they might preserve themselves and destroy their enemies , though to the ruine of the King , the Queen , and their natural Country . But what they did in the pursuance of those counsels , must be reserved for the subject of another Book . The end of the fourth Book . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History Of the PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . V. Containing A further discovery of their dangerous Doctrines ; their oppositions to Monarchical and Episcopal Government ; their secret Practices and Conspiracies to advance their Discipline ; together with their frequent Treasons and Rebellions in the pursuance of the same , from the year 1565 , till the year 1585. 1. AMongst the many natural Children of King Iames the Fifth , none were more eminent and considerable in the course of these times , then Iames Pryor of St. Andrews , and Iohn Pryor of ●oldingham ; neither of which were men in Orders , or trained up to Learning , or took any further charge upon them , then to receive the profit of their several places , which they enjoyed as Commendators , or Administrators , according to the ill custom of some Princes in Germany . Iohn the less active of the two , but Father of a Son who created more mischief to King Iames the Sixth , then Iames the other Brother did to the present Queen : For having took to Wi●e a Daughter of the House of Hepbourn , Sister and next Heir of Iames Hepbourn Earl of Bothwel ( of whom more anon ) he was by her the Father of Francis Stewart , who succeeded in that Earldom on the death of his Unckle . But Iames the other Brother was a man of a more stirring spirit , dextrous in the dispatch of his business , cunning in turning all things to his own advantage ; a notable dissembler of his love and hatred , and such a Master in the art of insinuation , that he knew how to work all parties to espouse his interest . His preferments lay altogether in Ecclesiastical Benefices , designed unto him by his Father , or conferred upon him by his Sister , or the King her Husband . But that all three conjured to the making of him , appears by the Kings Letter on the seventeenth day of Iuly , upon this occasion . At what time as the Marriage was solemnized between Francis then Daulphin of France , and the Queen of Scots ; he went thither to attend those tryumphs , where he became a Suiter to the Queen his Sister ; that some further Character or Mark of Honour might be set upon him then the name of Pryor . But the Queen having been advertised by some other Friends , that he was of an aspiring minde , and enterprising nature , and of a spirit too great for a private Fortune , thought it not good to make him more considerable in the eye of the people then he was already ; and so dismist him for the present . 2. The frustrating of these hopes so exceedingly vexed him ( as certainly some are as much disquieted with the loss of what they never had , as others with the ruine of a present possession ) that the next year he joyned himself to those of the Congregation , took Knox into his most immediate and particular care , and went along with him hand in hand in defacing the Churches of St. Andrews , Stirling , Lithgow , Edenborough , and indeed what not ? And for so doing , he received two sharp and chiding Letters from the King and Queen , upbraiding him with former Benefits received from each , and threatning severe punishment , if he returned not immediately to his due obedience . Which notwithstanding , he continues in his former courses , applies himself unto the Queen and Council of England , and lays the plot for driving the French Forces out of Scotland : Which done ; he caused the Parliament of 1560 to be held at Edenborough , procures some Acts to pass for banishing the Popes Supremacie , repealed all former Statutes which were made in maintainance of that Religion , and ratifies the Confession of the Kirk of Scotland in such form and manner as it was afterwards confirmed in the first Parliament of King Iames the Sixth . Upon the death of Francis the young French King , he goes over again . And after some condolements betwixt him and the Queen , intimates both to her and the Princes of the House of Guise , how ill the rugged and untractable nature of the Scots would sort with one , who had been used to the compliances and affabilities of the Court of France ; adviseth that some principal person of the Realm of Scotland might be named for Regent ; and in a manner recommends himself to them as the fittest man. But the worst was , that his Mother had been heard to brag amongst some of her Gossips , that her Son was the lawful Issue of King Iames the Fifth ; to whose desires she had never yeilded , but on promise of Marriage . This was enough to cross him in his present aims , and not to trust him with a power by which he might be able to effect his purposes , if he had any such aspirings . And so he was dismist again , without further honour then the carrying back of a Commission to some Lords in Scotland , by which they were impowered to manage the affairs of that Kingdom till the Queens return . 3. This second disappointment adds more Fewel to the former flame ; and he resolves to give the Queen as little comfort of that Crown , as if it were a Crown of Thorns , as indeed it proved . For taking England in his way , he applies himself to some of the Lords of the Council , to whom he represents the dangers which must needs ensue to Queen Elizabeth , if Mary his own Queen were suffered to return into her Country , and thereby lay all passages open to the powers of France , where she had still a very strong and prevailing party . But when he found that she had fortunately escaped the Ships of England , that the Subjects from all parts had went away extremely satisfied with her gratious carriage , he resolved to make one in the Hosanna , as afterwards he was the Chief in the Crucifige ; he applies himself unto the Queens humour with all art and industry , and really performed to her many signal services , in gratifying her with the free exercise of her own Religion ; in which , by reason of his great Authority with the Congregation , he was best able to oblige both her self and her servants . By this means he became so great in the eyes of the Court , that the Queen seemed to be governed wholly by him : and that he might continue always in so good a posture , she first conferred upon him the Earldom of Murray , and after married him to a Daughter of Keith , Earl-Marshal of Scotland . Being thus honoured and allyed , his next care was to remove all impediments which he found in the way to his aspiring . The Ancient and Potent Family of the Gourdons he suppressed and ruined , though after it reflourished in its ancient glory : But his main business was to oppress the Hamiltons , as the next Heirs unto the Crown in the common opinion ; the Chief whereof ( whom the French King had created Duke of Chasteau-Herald , a Town in Poictou ) he had so discountenanced , that he was forced to leave the Court , and suffer his eldest Son the Earl of Arrane to be kept in prison , under pretence of some distemper in his brain . When any great Prince sought the Queen in Marriage , he used to tell her , that the Scots would never brook the power of a stranger ; and that whensoever that Crown had fallen into the hands of a Daughter , as it did to her , a Husband was chosen for her by the Estates of the Kingdom , of their own Language , Laws and Parentage . But when this would not serve his turn to break off the Marriage with the young Lord Darnley , none seemed more forward then himself to promote that Match which he perceived he could not hinder : Besides , he knew that the Gentleman was very young , of no great insight in business , mainly addicted to his pleasures , and utterly unexperienced in the affairs of that Kingdom ; so that he need not fear the weakning of his power by such a King , who desired not to take the Government upon him . And in this point he agreed well enough with David Risio , though on different ends . But when he found the Queen so passionately affected to this second Husband ; that all Graces and Court-favours were to pass by him ; that he had not the Queens ear so advantagiously as before he had ; and that she had revoked some Grants which were made to him and others , during her minority , as against the Law ; he thought it most expedient to the furthering of his own concernments , to peece himself more nearly with the Earls of Morton , Glencarne , Arguile and Rothes , the Lords Ruthen , Vchiltry , &c. whom he knew to be zealously affected to the Reformation , and no way pleased with the Queens Marriage to a person of the other Religion . By whom it was resolved , that Morton and Ruthen should remain in the Court , as well to give as to receive intelligence of all proceedings : The others were to take up Arms , and to raise the people , under pretence of the Queens Marriage to a man of the Popish Religion , not taking with her the consent of the Queen of England . But being too weak to keep the Field , they first put themselves into Carlisle , and afterwards into New-castle , as before was said ; and being in this manner fled the Kingdom , they are all proclaimed Traytors to the Queen ; a peremptory day appointed to a publick Tryal ; on which if they appeared not at the Bar of Justice , they were to undergo the sentence of a condemnation . 4. And now their Agents in the Court begin to bustle : the King was soon perceived to be a meer outside-man , of no deep reach into Affairs , and easily wrought on ; which first induced the Queen to set the less value on him ; nor was it long before some of their Court-Females whispered into her ears , that she was much neglected by him , that he spent more of his time in Hawking and Hunting , and perhaps in more unfit divertisements ( if Knox speak him rightly ) then he did in her company ; and therefore that it would be requisite to lure him in , before he was too much on the Wing , and beyond her call . On these suggestions , she gave order to her Secretaries , and other Officers , to place his name last in all publick Acts , and in such Coyns as were new stamped to leave it out . This happened as they would have wished : For hereupon Earl Morton closeth with the King , insinuates unto him how unfit it was that he should be subject to his Wife ; that it was the duty of women to obey , and of men to govern ; and therefore that he might do well to set the Crown on his own head , and take that power into his hands which belonged unto him . When they perceived that his ears lay open to the like temptations , they then began to buz into them , the Risio was grown too powerful for him in the Court , that he out-vied him in the bravery both of Clothes and Horses , and that this could proceed from no other ground then the Queens affection , which was suspected by wise men to be somewhat greater then might stand with honour . And now the day draws on apace , on which Earl Murray and the rest were to make their appearance ; and therefore somewhat must be done to put the Court into such confusion , and the City of Edenborough into such disorder , that they might all appear without fear or danger of any legal prosecution to be made against him . The day designed for their appearance , was the twelfth day of March ; and on the day before , say some , ( or third day before , as others ) the Conspirators go unto the King , seemed to accuse him of delay , tell him that now or never was the time to revenge his injuries , for that he should now finde the fellow in the Queens private Chamber , without any force to make resistance . So in they rush , find● David sitting at the Queens Table , the Countess of Arguile onely between them . Ruthen commands him to arise , and to go with him , telling him that the place in which he sate did no way beseem him . The poor fellow runs unto the Queen for protection , and clasps his arms about her middle ; which the King forcibly unfastneth , and puts him to the power of his mortal enemies , by whom he was dragged down the Stairs , and stabbed in so many places ( fifty three , saith Knox ) that his whole body seemed to be like a piece of Cut-work . Which barbarous Murther Knox proclaims for an act of justice , calls it a just punishment on that Pultron and vile Knave David , for abusing the Common wealth , and his other villanies ; and heavily complains , that the Chief Actors in the same ( which he extols for a just act , and most worthy of all praise , p. 96. ) were so unworthily left by the rest of their Brethren , and forced to suffer the bitterness of exile and banishment . 5. The Queen was then grown great with Childe , and being affrighted at the suddenness of this execution , and the fear of some treasonable attempt against her person , was in no small danger of miscarrying . The Court was full of Tumult , and the noise thereof so alarmed the Town , that the people flocked thither in great multitudes to know the matter ; to whom the King signified out of a Window , that the Queen was safe ; which somewhat appeased them for the present : But notwithstanding , both the Court and City were in such distraction , that when the Earl of Murray and the rest of the Confederates tendred their appearance , and offered themselves unto the tryal of the Law , there was no information made against them , nor any one sufficiently instructed for the prosecution . Which being observed , they address themselves to the Parliament House , and there take instruments to testifie upon Record , that they were ready to answer whatsoever could be charged upon them ; but none there to prosecute . And here the Scene begins to change : Morton and Ruthen , and the rest of their accomplices , betake themselves to New-castle , as the safest Sanctuary ; and Murray staid behinde to negotiate for them . And he applyed himself so dextrously in his negotiation , that fi●st he endears himself to the Q●een his Sister , by causing her Guards to be again restored unto her , which had been taken from her at the time of the murther . She on the other side , to shew how much she valued the affection of so dear a Brother , was easily intreated that Morton , Lindesay , and the rest who remained at New-castle , should be permitted to return ; but so , that it should rather seem to be done upon the earnest sollicitations of the Earls of Huntley and Arguile , then at his request . The King in the mean time findes his errour , and earnestly supplicates unto her for a reconcilement ; assuring her , that he had never fallen on that desperate action , but as he was forcibly thrust upon it by Morton and Murray . And that he might regain his reputation in the sight of the people , he openly protested his innocency at the Cross in Edenborough by sound of Trumpet , and publickly averred , that his consent had gone no further with the Murtherers , then for the recalling of the banished Lords which were sled into England . The young Prince was not so well studied in the School of mischief , as to have learned that there is no safety in committing one act of wickedness , but by proceeding to another ; or at the least , by standing stoutly unto that which was first committed , that so his confidence might in time be took for innocencie . A lesson which the rest of the Confederates had took out long since , and were now upon the point to practice it upon himself . 6. For by this piece of ostentation and impertinencie , the King gained nothing on the people , and lost himself exceedingly amongst the Peers ; for as none of the common sort did believe him to be the more innocent of the wicked murther , because he washed his hands of it in the sight of the multitude ; so the great men which had the guiding of the Faction , disdained him as a weak and impotent person , not to be trusted in affairs of his own concernment : nor did he edifie better with the Queen , then he did with the Subjects ; who was so far from suffering any hearty reconciliation to be made between them , that she exprest more favour unto Murray then in former times . Which so exasperated the neglected and forsaken Prince , that he resolved on sending Murray after Risio ; with which he makes the Queen acquainted , in hopes she would approve of it as an excellent service ; but she disswades him from the fact , and tells Murray of it ; knowing full well , that which soever of the two miscarried in it , she should either loose an hated Friend , or a dangerous Enemy . Murray communicates the Affair with Morton , and the rest of his Friends . By whom it is agreed , that they should take into their Friendship the Earle of Bothwel , a man of an audacious spirit , apt for any mischief ; but otherwise of approved valour , and of a known fidelity to the Queen in her greatest dangers . He had before some quarrels with the Earl of Murray , of whose designs he was not distrustful without cause ; and therefore laboured both by force and practice , either to make him less or nothing . But Murray was too hard for him at the weapon of Wit , and was so much too powerful for him , both in Court and Consistory , that he was forced to quit the Kingdom , and retire to France . Returning at such time as Murray and the rest of the Confederates were compelled to take sanctuary at New-castle , he grew into great favour with the Queen , whose discontents against the King he knew how to nourish ; which made his friendship the more acceptable , and his assistance the more useful in the following Tragedy . Thus Herod and Pilate are made friends , and the poor King must fall a peace offering for their Redintegration . 7. But first they would expect the issue of the Queens delivery , by the success whereof , the principal conspirators were resolved to steer their course . On the 19 day of Iuly , she is delivered of a Son in the Castle of Edenborough , to the general joy of all the Kingdom , and the particular comfort of the chief Governours of Affairs for the Congregation . There was no more use now of a King or Queen , when God had given them a young Prince to sit upon the Throne of his Fathers ; in whose minority they might put themselves into such a posture , that he should never be able to act much against them when he came to age . And now they deal with Bothwel more effectually then before they did , incourage him to remove the King by some means or other , to separate himself from his own Wife , ( a Daughter of the House of Huntley ) and Espouse the Queen . Let him but act the first part , as most proper for him , and they would easily finde a way to bring on the rest . For the performance whereof , and to stand to him in it against all the world , they bound themselves severally and joyntly under Hand and Seal . In which most wicked practice they had all these ends : first , the dispatching of the King ; next , the confounding of Bothwel , whom they feared and hated ; thirdly , the weakning of the Queen both in power and credit , and consequently the drawing of all Affairs to their own disposing . Bothwel in order to the plot makes use of Ledington to prompt the Queen to a Divorce , which he conceived might easily be effected in the Court of Rome ; and is himself as diligent upon all occasions to work upon the Queens displeasures , and make the breach wider betwixt her and her Husband . The greatness of which breach was before so visible , that nothing was more commonly known , nor generally complained of amongst the people : But never was it made so eminently notorious in the eye of Strangers , as at the Christening of the young Prince in December following . At which time she would neither suffer the Ambassadors of France or England to give him a visit , nor permit him to shew himself amongst them at the Christening Banquet . From Stirling , where the Prince was Christened , he departs for Glasco , to finde some comfort from his Father . To which place he was brought not without much difficulty : for falling sick upon the way , it appeared plainly by some symptoms that he had been poysoned , the terrible effects whereof he felt in all the parts of his body with unspeakable torments : But strength of Nature , Youth and Physick did so work together , that he began to be in a good way of recovery , to the great grief of those who had laid the plot . Some other way must now be taken to effect the business , and none more expedient then to perswade the Queen to see him , to fl●tter him with some hopes of her former favour , and bring him back with her to Edenborough ; which was done accordingly . At Edenborough he was lodged at a private house , on the outside of the Town , ( an house unseemly for a King , as Knox confesseth ) and therefore the fitter for their purpose : where , on the 9 of February at night , the poor Prince was strangled , his dead body laid in an Orchard near adjoyning , with one of his Servants lying by it , whom they also murthered ; and the house most ridiculously blown up with powder , as if that blow could have been given without mangling and breaking the two bodies in a thousand pieces . 8. The infamy of this horrid murther is generally cast upon the Queen , by the arts of those whom it concerned to make her odious with all honest men ; nor did there want some strong presumptions which might induce them to believe that she was of the counsel in the fact ; and with the good Brethren of the Congregation , every presumption was a proof , and every weak proof was thought sufficient to convict her of it . But that which most confirmed them in their suspitions , was her affection unto Bothwel , whom she first makes Duke of Orknay , and on the 15 of May is married to him in the Chappel of Halyrood-house , according to the form observed by those of the Congregation . But against these presumptions there were stronger evidences : Bothwel being compelled not long after to flee into Denmark , did there most constantly profess , both living and dying , that the Queen was innocent . Morton affirmed the same at his execution above twelve years after , relating that when Bothwel dealt with him about the murther , and that he shewed himself unwilling to consent unto it without the Queens Warrant and Allowance ; Bothwel made answer , that they must not give themselves any hope of that , but that the business must be done without her privity . But that which seems to make most for her justification , was the confession of Hepbourne , Daglish , and others of Bothwels servants , who were condemned for murdering the young King ; and being brought unto the Gallows , they protested before God and his holy Angels , that Bothwel had never told them of any other Authors of so lewd a counsel , but onely the two Earls of Morton and Murray . In the mean time the common infamy prevailed , and none is made more guilty of it then this wretched Queen , who had been drawn to give consent to her marriage with Bothwel , by the sollicitation and advice of those very men , who afterwards condemned her for it . In order to whose ends , Buchanan publishes a most pestilent and malicious Libel , which he called , The defection , wherein he publickly traduced her for living an adulterous life with David Risio , and afterward with Bothwel himself ; that to precipitate her unlawful marriage with him , she had contrived the death of the King her husband , projected a Divorce between Bothwel and his former Wife , contrary to the Laws both of God and Man. Which Libel being printed and dispersed abroad , obtained so much credit with most sorts of people , that few made question of the truth of the accusations . Most true it is , that Buchanan is reported by King Iames himself to have confessed with great grief at the time of his death , how falsly and injuriously he had dealt with her in that scandalous Pamphlet : but this confession came too late , and was known to few , and therefore proved too weak a remedy for the former mischief . 9. He published at the same time also that seditious Pamphlet , which he entituled , De jure Regni apud Scotos . In which he laboured to make proof , that the Supreme power of the Scottish Nation was in the body of the people , no otherwise in the King but by delegation ; and therefore that it was in the peoples power , not onely to control and censure , but also to depose and condemn their Kings , if they found them faulty . The man was learned for his time , but a better Poet then Historian , and yet a better Historian then he was a States-man . For being of the Genevian Leven , he fitted all his State-maximes unto Calvins Principles , and may be thought in many points to out-go his Master . Now in this Pamphlet we may finde these Aphorisms laid down for undoubted truths , which no true Scot must dare to question , unless he would be thought to be●●ary his Country ; that is to say , That the people is better then the King , and of greater Authority : That the people have right to bestow the Crown at their pleasure : That the making of the Laws doth belong to the people , and Kings are but Masters of the Rolls : That they have the same power over the King , that the King hath over any one man : That it were good that rewards were appointed by the people for such as should kill Tyrants , as commonly there is for those that have killed either Wolves or Bears , or have taken their Whelps : That the people may arraign their Princes ; that the Ministers may excommunicate their King ; and that whosoever is by Excommunication cast into Hell , is made thereby unworthy to live on earth . 10. And that he might make sure work of it , he takes upon him to reply upon all Objections , which sober and more knowing men had found out to the contrary . For whereas it had been objected , That custom was against such dealing with Princes : That Jeremiah commanded obedience to Nebuchadnezzar : That God placed Tyrants sometimes for punishment of his people : That the Iews dealt not so with any of their Princes ; and that there was no example to be found in Scripture , to shew that subjects may so use their Governours , as is there pretended : To all these he returns his particular answers ; and in this sort he answereth to them , that is to say , That there is nothing more dangerous to be followed then a common custom : That the example is but singular , and concludeth nothing : That as God placed Tyrants to punish the people , so he appoints private men to kill them : That the Kings of the Iews were not elected by the people , and therefore might not deal with them , as they might in Scotland , where Kings depend wholly on the peoples Election : And finally , that there were sundry good and wholesome Laws in divers Countries , of which there is no example in holy Scripture . And whereas others had objected , That by St. Pauls Doctrine we are bound to pray for Kings and Princes : The Argument is evaded by this handsome shift , That we are bound to pray for those whom we ought to punish . But these are onely velitations , certain preparatory skirmishes to the grand encounter ; the main battail followeth . For finally , the principal objection is , That St. Paul hath commanded every soul to be subject to the higher Powers ; and that St. Peter hath required us to submit our selves to every Ordinance of man , whether it be unto the King as to the Supreme , or unto such as be in Authority by and under him . And hereunto they frame their Answer in such a manner , as if they knew Gods minde better then the Apostles did , or that of the Apostles better then they did themselves . 11. The answer is , that the Apostles writ this in the Churches infancy , when there were not many Christians , few of them rich and of ability to make resistance : As if ( said he ) a man should write to such Christians as are under the Turk , in substance poor , in courage feeble , in strength unarmed , in number few , and generally subject unto to all kinde of injuries ; would he not write as the Apostles did ? who did respect the men they writ to , their words not being to be extended to the body or people of the Common wealth . For imagine ( saith he ) that either of the Apostles were now alive , and lived where both the Kings and people did profess Christianity , and that there were such Kings as would have their wills to stand for laws , as cared neither for God nor Man ; as bestowed the Churches Revenues upon Iesters and Rascals , and such as gibed at those who did profess the more sincere Religion ; what would they write of such to the Church ? Surely except they would dissent from themselves , they would say , That they accounted no such for Magistrates ; they would forbid all men from speaking unto them , and from keeping their company ; they would leave them to their subjects to be punished ; nor would they blame them if they accounted not such men for their Kings , with whom they could have no society by the Laws of God. So excellent a proficient did this man shew himself in the Schools of Calvin , that he might worthily have challenged the place of Divinity-Reader in Geneva it self . 12. To put these Principles into practice , a Bond is made at Stirling by some of the chief Lords of the Congregation , pretended for the preservation of the Infant-Prince ; but aiming also at the punishment of Bothwel , and the rest of the Murtherers . The first that entred into this Combination , were the Earls of Athol , Arguile , Morton , Marre and Glencarne , with the Lords Lindsay and Boyd ; to which were added not long after , the Lords Hume and Ruthen , ( this Ruthen being the Son of him who had acted in the Murther of David Risio ) together with the Lairds of Drumlanrig , Tulibardin , Seffourd and Grange , men of great power and influence on their several Countries ; besides many others of good note . The Earl Murray having laid the plot , obtained the Queens leave to retire into France till the times were quieter , committing to the Queen the Government of his whole Estate ; that so if his designe miscarried , as it possibly might , he might come off without the least hazard of estate or honour . Of this conspiracie the Queen receives advertisement , and presently prepares for Arms , under pretence of rectifying some abuses about the Borders . The Confederates were not much behind ; and having got together a considerable power , made an attempt on Borthwick Castle , where the Queen and Bothwel then remained . But not being strong enough to carry the place at the first attempt , Bothwel escaped unto Dunbar , whom the Queen followed shortly after in mans apparel . Missing their prey , the Confederates march toward Edenborough with their little army , and make themselves Masters of the Town . But understanding that the Queens Forces were upon their march , they betook themselves unto the field , gained the advantage of the ground , and thereby gave her such a diffidence of her good success , that having entertained them with a long parley , till Bothwel was gone off in safety , she put her self into their hands without striking a blow . 13. With this great prey the Confederates returned to Edenborough in the middle of Iune ; and the next day order her to be sent as Prisoner to L●chlevin-house , under the conduct of the Lords Ruthen and Lindsay , by whom she was delivered in a very plain and sorry attire to the custody of Murray's Mother , who domineered over the unfortunate Lady with contempt enough . The next day after her commitment , the Earl of Glencarne passeth to the Chappel in Halyrood house , where he defaceth all the Vestments , breaks down the Altar , and destroys the Images . For which though he was highly magnified by Knox , and the rest of the Preachers ; yet many of the chief Confederates were offended at it , as being done without their consent , when a great storm was gathering towards them , by the conjunction of some other of the principal Lords on the Queens behalf . To reconcile this party to them , and prevent the Rupture , Knox with some other of their Preachers are dispatched away with Letters of Credence , and instructions for attoning the difference . But they effected nothing to the benefit of them that sent them , and not much neither to their own , though they had some concernments of self-interest besides the publick , which they made tender of to their considerations . A general Assembly at the same time was held in Edenborough , with which upon the coming back of these Commissioners , it was thought necessary to ingratiate themselves by all means imaginable . And thereupon it was agreed , that the Acts of Parliament made in the year 1560 , for the suppressing of Popery , should be confirmed in the next Parliament then following ; that the assignation of the Shires for the Ministers maintainance , should be duly put in execution , till the whole Patrimony of the Church might be invested in them in due form of Law ; which was conditioned to be done ( if it could not be done sooner ) in that Parliament also . Some other points of huge concernment to the Church were then also moved ; but they were onely promised , without any performance . It was also then agreed between them , that all Noblemen , Barons , and other Professors should imploy their whole Forces , Strength and Power , for the punishment of all and whatsoever persons that should be tryed and found guilty of that horrible Murther of late committed on the King : And further , that all the Kings and Princes which should succeed in following times to the Crown of that Realm , should be bound by Oath before their Inauguration , to maintain the true Religion of Christ , professed then presently in that Kingdom . Thus the Confederates and the Kirk are united together ; and hard it is to say , whether of the two were least execusable before God and man. But they followed the light of their own principles , and thought that an excuse sufficient , without fear of either . 14. The news of these proceedings alarms all Christendom , and presently Ambassadors are dispatched from France and England to mediate with the Confederates ( they must not be called Rebels ) for the Queens Delivery . Throgmorton for the Queen of England presseth hard upon it , and shewed himself exceeding earnest and industrious in pursuance of it . But Knox and self-interest prevailed more amongst them , then all intercessions whatsoever , there being nothing more insisted upon by that fiery spirit , then that she was to be deprived of her Authority and Life together . And this he thundred from the Pulpit with as great a confidence , as if he had received his Doctrine at Mount Sinai from the hands of God , at the giving of the Law to Moses . Nor was Throgmorton thought to be so Zealous on the other side , as he outwardly seemed . For he well knew how much it might concern his Queen in her personal safety , and the whole Realm of England in its peace and happiness , that the poor Queen should be continued in the same ( or a worse ) condition , to which these wretched men had brought her . And therefore it was much suspected by most knowing men , that secretly he did more thrust on her deprivation with one hand , then he seemed to hinder it with both . Wherewith incouraged , or otherwise being too far gone to retire with safety , Lindsay and Ruthen are dispatched to Lochlevin-house , to move her for a resignation of the Crown to her Infant-Son . Which when she would by no means yeild to , a Letter is sent to her from Throgmorton to perswade her to it ; assuring her , that whatsoever was done by her under that constraint , would be void in Law. This first began to work her to that resolution . But nothing more prevailed upon her , then the rough carriage of the two Lords which first made the motion . By whom she was threatned in plain terms , that if she did not forthwith yeild unto the desires of her people , they would question her for incontinent living , the murther of the King , her tyranny , and the manifest violation of the Laws of the Land , in some secret transactions with the French. Terrified wherewith , without so much as reading what they offered to her , she sets her hand to three several Instruments ; In the first of which , she gave over the Kingdom to her young Son , at that time little more then a twelve Month old ; in the second , she constituted Murray Vice-Roy during his minority ; and in the third , in case that Murray should refuse it , she substitutes Duke Hamilton , the Earls of Lenox , Arguile , Athol , Morton , Glencarne and Marre ; all but the two first being sworn Servants unto Murray , and the two first made use of onely to discharge the matter . 15. Thus furnished and impowered , the Lords return in triumph to their fellows at Edenborough , with the sound of a Trumpet ; and presently it was resolved to Crown the Infant-King with as much speed as might be , for fear of all such alterations as might otherwise happen . And thereunto they spurred on with such precipitation , that whereas they extorted those subscriptions from her on St. Iame's day , being the 25 of Iuly , the Coronation was dispatched on the 29. The Sermon , for the greater grace of the matter , must be preached by Knox ; but the superstitious part and ceremony of it was left to be performed by the Bishop of Orknay , another of the natural Sons of Iames the Fifth , assisted by two Superintendents of the Congregation . And that all things might come as near as might be to the Ancient Forms , the Earl of Morton and the Lord Humes took Oath for the King , that he should maintain the Religion which was then received , and minister Justice equally to all the Subjects . Of which particular the King made afterwards an especial use , in justifying the use of God-fathers and God mothers at the Baptizing of Infants , when it was questioned in the Conference at Hampton-court . Scarce fifteen days were past from the Coronation , when Murray shewed himself in Scotland , as if he had dropt down from Heaven for the good of the Nation ; but he had took England in his way , and made himself so sure a party in that Court , that he was neither affraid to accept the Regencie in such a dangerous point of time , nor to expostulate bitterly with his own Queen for her former actions : not now the same man as before in the time of her glories . For the first handselling of his Government , he calls a Parliament , and therein ratifies the Acts of 1560 for suppressing Popery , as had been promised to the last general Assembly ; and then proceeds to the Arraignment of Hepbourne , Hay and Daglish for the horrible murther of the King : by each of which it was confessed at their execution , that Bothwel was present at the murther , and that he had assured them at their first ingaging that most of the Noble-men in the Realm ( Murray and Morton amongst others ) were consenting to it . 16. And now or never must the Kirk begin to bear up bravely : In which if they should fail , let Knox bear the blame for want of well-tutoring them in the Catechism of their own Authority . They found themselves so necessary to this new Establishment , that it could not well subsist without them ; and they resolved to make the proudest he that was , to feel the dint of their spirit . A general Assembly was convened not long after the Parliament , by which the Bishop of Orknay was convented and deposed from his Function , for joyning the Queen in Marriage to the Earl of Bothwel , though he proceeded by the Form of their own devising . And by the same the Countess of Arguile was ordained ( after citation on their part , and appearance on hers ) to give satisfaction to the Kirk , for being present at the Baptism of the Infant-King , because performed according to the Rites of the Church of Rome : the satisfaction to be made in Stirling where she had offended , upon a Sunday after Sermon ; the more particular time and manner of it , to be prescribed by the Superintendent of Lothian . And this was pretty handsome for the first beginning , according whereunto it was thought fit by the Chief Leaders to run on till they came to the end of the Race ; of which in general King Iames hath given us this description in a Declaration of his published not long after the surprising of his person by the Earl of Gowry 15●2 , where we finde it thus : The Bishops having imbraced the Gospel , it was at first agreed even by the Brethren , with the consent of Regent , that the Bishops estate should be maintained and authorized . This endured for sundry years ; but then there was no remedy , the Calling it self of Bishops was at least become Antichristian , and down they must of necessity : whereupon they commanded the Bishops ( by their own Authority ) to leave their Offices and Iurisdiction . They decreed in their Assemblies , That Bishops should have no vote in Parliament ; and that done , they desired of the King that such Commissioners as they should send to the Parliament and Council , might from thenceforth be authorized in the Bishops places for the Estate . They also directed their Commissioners to the Kings Majesty , commanding him and the Council , under pain of the Censures of the Church ( Excommunication they meant ) to appoint no Bishops in time to come , because they ( the Brethren ) had concluded that State to be unlawful . And that it might appear to those of the suffering party , that they had not acted all these things without better Authority then what they had given unto themselves ; they dispatched their Letters unto Beza , who had succeeded at Geneva in the Chair of Calvin ; from whence they were encouraged and perswaded to go on in that course , and a never re-admit that plague ( he means thereby the Bishops ) to have place in that Church , although it might flatter them with a shew of retaining unity . 17. But all this was not done at once , though laid here together , to shew how answerable their proceedings were to their first beginnings . To cool which heats , and put some Water in their Wine , the Queen by practising on her Keepers escapes the Prison , and puts her self into Hamilton Castle ; to which not onely the dependants of that powerful Family , but many great Lords , and divers others , did with great cheerfulness repair unto her with their several followers . Earl Murray was at Stirling when this news came to him ; and it concerned him to bestir himself with all celerity , before the Queens power was grown too great to be disputed . He therefore calls together such of his Friends and their adherents as were near unto him , and with them gives battail to the Queen , who in this little time had got together a small Army of four thousand men . The honour of the day attends the Regent , who with the loss of one man onely bought an easie Victory ; which might have proved more bloudy to the conquered Army , ( for they lost but three hundred in the fight ) it he had not commanded back his Souldiers from the execution . The Queen was placed upon a Hill to behold the battail . But when she saw the issue of it , she posted with all speed to the Port of Kerbright , took Ship for England , and landed most unfortunately ( as it after proved ) at Wirckington in the County of Cumberland . From thence she dispatched her Letters to Queen Elizabeth , full of Complaints , and passionate bewailings of her wretched fortune ; desires admittance to her presence , and that she might be taken into her protection ; sending withal a Ring which that Queen had given her , to be an everlasting token of that love and amity which was to be maintained between them . But she soon found how miserably she had deceived her self in her Expectations . Murray was grown too strong for her in the Court of England ; and others which regarded little what became of him , were glad of her misfortunes in relation to their own security ; which could not better be consulted , then by keeping a good Guard upon her , now they had her there . And so instead of sending for her to the Court , the Queen gives order by Sir Francis Knollis ( whom she sent of purpose ) to remove the distressed Lady to Carlisle , as the safer place , until the equity of her cause might be fully known . She hath now took possession of the Realm which she had laid claim to , but shall pay dearly for the purchase ; the Crown whereof shall come at last to her Posterity , though it did not fall upon her person . 18. Now that the equity of her cause might be understood , the Regent is required by Letters from the Court of England to desist from any further prosecution of the vanquished party , till that Queen were perfectly informed in all particulars touching these Affairs . Which notwithstanding , he thought fit to make use of his Fortune , summoned a Parliament , in which some few of each sort , noble and ignoble , were proscribed for the present ; by the terrour whereof many of the rest submitted , and they which would not were reduced by force of Arms. Elizabeth not well pleased with these proceedings , requires that some Commissioners might be sent from Scotland to render an account to her , or to her Commissioners , of the severity and hard dealing which they had shewed unto their Queen . And hereunto he was necessitated to conform , as the case then stood : The French being totally made against him , the Spaniards more displeased then they , and no help 〈◊〉 be had from any , but the English onely . At York Commissioners attend from each part in the end of September . From Queen Elizabeth , Thomas Duke of Norfolk , Thomas Earl of Sussex , and Sir Ralph Sadlier Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster . For the unfortunate Queen of Scots , Iohn Lesly Bishop of Ross , the Lords Levington , Boyd , &c. And for the Infant King , besides the Regent himself , there appeared the Earl of Morton , the Lord Lindsay , and certain others . After such protestations made on both sides as seemed expedient for preserving the Authority of the several Crowns , an Oath is took by the Commissioners to proceed in the business according to the Rules of Justice and Equity . The Commissioners from the Infant-King present a Declaration of their proceedings in the former troubles ; to which an answer is returned by those of the other side . Elizabeth desiring to be better satisfied in some particulars , requires the Commissioners of both sides , some of them at the least , to repair unto her ; where after much sending and proving ( as the saying is ) there was nothing done which might redound unto the benefit of the Queen of Scots . 19. For whilst these matters were in agitation in the Court of England , Letters of hers were intercepted , written by her to those which continued of her party in the Realm of Scotland . In which Letters she complained , that the Queen of England had not kept promise with her ; but yet desired them to be of good heart , because she was assured of aid by some other means , and hoped to be with them in a short time . Which Letters being first sent to Murray , and by him shewed to Queen Elizabeth , prevailed so much for his advantage , that he was not onely dismissed with favour , but waited on by her command through every County by the Sheriffs and Gentry , till he came to Berwick ; from whence he passed safely unto Edenborough , where he was welcomed with great joy by his Friends and Followers . Nothing else memorable in this Treaty which concerns our History , but that when Murray and the rest of the Scots Commissioners were commanded by Queen Elizabeth to give a reason of their proceedings against that Queen , they justified themselves by the Authority of Calvin : by which they did endeavour to prove , ( as my Author hath it ) That the Popular Magistrates are appointed and made to moderate , and keep in order , the excess and unruliness of Kings ; and that it was lawful for them to put the Kings , that be evil and wicked , into prison , and also to deprive them of their Kingdoms . Which Doctrine , how it relished with Queen Elizabeth , may be judged by any that knows with what a Soveraign power she disposed of all things in her own Dominions , without fear of rendring an account to such Popular Magistrates , as Calvins Doctrine might encourage to require it of her . But Calvin found more Friends in Scotland , then in all the world ; there being no Kingdom , Principality , or other Estate , which had herein followed Calvins Doctrine , in the imprisoning , deposing , and expelling their own natural Prince , till the Scots first led the way unto it in this sad Example . 20. Between the last Parliament in Scotland , and the Regents journey into England , a general Assembly of the Kirk was held at Edenborough In which they entred into consideration of some disorders which had before been tolerated in the said Assem●ly , and were thought fit to be redressed . For remedy whereof , it was enacted , That none should be admitted to have voice in these Assemblies , but Superintendents , Visitors of Churches , Commissioners of Shires and Vniversities ; together with such other Ministers , to be elected or approved by the Superintendents , as were of knowledge and ability to dispute and reason of such Matters as were there propounded . It was ordained also , That all Papists which continued obstinate after lawful admonition , should be Excommunicated ; as also , that the committers of Murther , Incest , Adultery , and other such hainous crimes , should not be admitted to make satisfaction by any particulur Church , till they did first appear in the habit of penitents before the general Assembly , and there receive their Order in it . It was also condescended to , upon the humble Supplication of the Bishop of Orkney , that he should be restored unto his place , from which they had deposed him , for his acting in the Queens Marriage : Which favour they were pleased to extend unto him , upon this Condition , That for removing of the scandal , he should in his first Sermon acknowledge the fault which he had committed ; and crave pardon of God , the Kirk , and the State , whom he had offended . But their main business was to alter the Book of Discipline , especially in that part of it which related to the Superinterdents , whom though they countenanced for the present by the former Sanction , till they had put themselves in a better posture ; yet they resolve to bring them by degrees to a lower station , and to lay them level with the rest . In reference whereunto , the Regent is sollicited by their Petition , that certain Lords of secret Council might be appointed to confer with some of the said Assembly , touching the P●lity and Jurisdiction of the Kirk , and to assign some time and place to that effect , that it might be done before the next Session of Parliament . To which Petition they received no answer , till the Iuly following : But there came no great matter of it , by reason of the Regents death , which soon after hapned . 21. For so it was , that after his return from England , he became more feared by some , and obeyed by others , then he had been formerly ; which made him stand more highly upon terms of Honor and Advantage , when Queen Elizabeth had propounded some Conditions to him in favour of the Queen of Scots , whose cause appearing desperate in the eyes of most who wished well to her , they laboured to make their own peace , and procure his Friendship . Duke Hamilton , amongst the rest , negotiated for a Reconcilement , and came to Edenborough to that purpose ; but unadvisedly interposing some delays in the business , because he would not act apart from the rest of the Queens Adherents , he was sent Prisoner to the Castle . This puts the whole Clan of the Hamiltons into such displeasures ( being otherwise no good friends to the Race of the Stewarts ) that they resolved upon his death ; compassed not long after by Iames Hamilton , whose life he had spared once when he had it in his power . At Lithgoe , on the 23 of Ianuary , he was shot by this Hamilton into the belly ; of which wound he dyed , the Murtherer escaping safely into France . His death much sorrowed for by all that were affected to the Infant-King , of whom he had shewed himself to be very tender ; which might have wiped a way the imputation of his former aspirings , if the Kings death could have opened his way unto the Crown , before he had made sure of the Hamiltons , who pretended to it . But none did more lament his death , then his Friends of the Kirk ; who in a General Assembly which they held soon after , decreed , That the Murtherer should be Excommunicated in all the chief Boroughs of the Realm ; and , That whosoever else should happen to be afterwards convicted of the Crime , should be proceeded against in the same sort also . And yet they were not so intent upon the prosecution of the Murtherers , as not to be careful of themselves and their own Concernments . They had before addressed their desires unto the Regent , that remedy might be provided against chopping and changing of Benefices , diminution of Rentals , and setting of Tythes into long Leases , to the defrauding of Ministers and their Successors ; That they who possessed pluralities of Benefices , should leave all but one ; and , That the Jurisdiction of the Kirk , might be made separate and distinct from that of the Civil Courts . But now they take the benefit of the present distractions , to discharge the thirds assigned unto them from all other Incumbrances then the payment of Five thousand Marks yearly for the Kings support ; which being reduced to English money , would not amount unto the sum of Three hundred pound ; and seems to be no better , then the sticking up a feather ( in the ancient By-word ) when the Goose was stollen . 22. As touching the distractions which emboldened them to this Adventure , they did most miserably afflict the whole State of that Kingdom . The Queen of Scots had granted a Commission to Duke Hamilton , the Earls of Huntley and Arguile , to govern that Realm in her Name , and by her Authority ; in which they were opposed by those , who for their own security , more then any thing else , professed their obedience to the King. Great spoils and Rapines hereupon ensued upon either side ; but the Kings party had the worst ; as having neither hands enough to make good their interest , nor any head to order and direct those few hands they had . At last the Earl of Sussex , with some Souldiers , came toward the borders , supplied them with such Forces as enabled them to drive the Lords of the Queens Faction out of all the South ; and thereby gave them some encouragement to nominate the old Earl of Lenox for their Lord-Lieutenant , till the Queens pleasure in it might be further known . And in this Broyl the Kirk must needs act somewhat also ; For finding that their party was too weak to compel their Opposites to obedience by the Mouth of the Sword , they are resolved to try what they can do by the Sword of the Mouth : And to that end , they send their Agents to the Duke of Chasteau-Harald , the Earls of Arguile , Eglington , Cassels , and Cranford , the Lords Boyde and Ogilby , and others , Barons and Gentlemen of name and quality ; whom they require to return to the Kings obedience , and ordain Certification to be made unto them , that if they did otherwise , the Spiritual Sword of Excommunication should be drawn against them . By which , though they effected nothing which advanced the cause , yet they shewed their affections , and openly declared thereby to which side they inclined , if they were left unto themseves And for a further evidence of their inclinations , they were so temperate at that time , or so obsequious to the Lords , whose cause they favoured , that they desisted from censuring a seditious Sermon , upon an Intimation sent from the Lords of the Council , that the Sermon contained some matter of Treason , and therefore that the Cognizance of it belonged unto themselves and the Secular Judges . 23. The Confusions still encrease amongst them ; the Queen of England seeming to intend nothing more , then to ballance the one side by the other , that betwixt both she might preserve her self in safety . But in the end , she yields unto the importunity of those who appeared in favour of the King , assures them of her aid and succours when their needs required , and recommends the Earl of Lenox as the fittest man to take the Regency upon him . The Breach now widens more then ever : The Lords commissionated by the Queen are possest of Edenborough , and having the Castle to their Friend , call a Parliament thither ; as the new Regent doth the like at Stirling ; and each pretends to have preheminence above the other . The one , because it was assembled in the Regal City ; the other , because they had the Kings Person for their countenance in it . Nothing more memorable in that at Edenborough , then that the Queens extorted Resignation was declared null and void in Law ; and nothing so remarkable in the other , as that the Young King made a Speech unto them ( which had been put into his mouth ) at their first setting down . In each they forfeit the Estates of the opposite party ; and by Authority of each , destroy the Countrey in all places in an hostile manner . The Ministers had their parts also in these common sufferings ; compelled in all such places where the Queen prevailed , to recommend her in their Prayers by her Name or Titles , or otherwise to leave the Pulpit unto such as would . In all things else the Kirk had the felicity to remain in quiet ; care being taken by both parties for the Preservation of Religion , though in all other things , at an extream difference amongst themselves . But the new Regent did not long enjoy his Office , of which he reaped no fruit , but cares and sorrows . A sudden Enterprize is made on Stirling by one of the Hamiltons , on the third of September , at what time both the Parliament and Assembly were there convened : And he succeeded so well in it , as to be brought privately into the Town , to seize on all the Noblemen in their several Lodgings , and amongst others , to possess themselves of the Regents person : But being forced to leave the place , and quit their Prisoners , the Regent was unfortunately kill'd by one of Hamiltons Souldiers , together with the Gentleman himself unto whom he had yielded . The Earl of Marre is on the fifth of the same moneth proclaimed his Successor : His Successor indeed , not onely in his cares and sorrows , but in the shortness of his Rule ; for having in vain attempted Edenborough in the very beginning of his Regency , he was able to effect as little in most places else , more then the wasting of the Country , as he did Edenborough . 24. The Subjects in the mean time were in ill condition , and the King worse : They had already drawn their Swords against their Queen , first forced her to resign the Crown , and afterwards drove her out of the Kingdom . And now it is high time to let the young King know what he was to trust to ; to which end , they command a piece of Silver of the value of Five shillings to be coyned , and made currant in that Kingdom ; on the one side whereof , was the Arms of Scotland , with the Name and Title of the King , in the usual manner ; on the other side , was stamped an Armed Hand grasping a naked Sword , with this Inscription ; viz. Si bene , pro me ; si male , contra me : By which the people were informed , that if the King should govern them no otherwise then he ought to do , they should then use the Sword for his preservation ; but if he governed them amiss , and transgressed their Laws , they should then turn the point against him . Which words being said to have been used by the Emperor Trajan , in his delivering of the Sword unto one of his Courtiers , when he made him Captain of his Guard , have since been used by some of our Presbyterian Zealots , for justifying the Authority of inferior Officers , in censuring the actions , and punishing the persons of the Supreme Magistrate . It was in the year 1552 , that this learned piece of Coyn was minted ; but whether before or after the death of the Earl of Marre , I am not able to say : for he having but ill success in the course of his Government , contracted such a grief of heart , that he departed this life on the eighth of October , when he had held that Office a little more then a year ; followed about seven weeks after , by that great Incendiary Iohn Knox , who dyed at Edenborough on the 27 of November ; leaving the State imbroyled in those disorders , which by his fire and fury had been first occasioned . 25. Morton succeeds the Earl of Marre in this broken Government , when the affairs of the young King seemed to be at the worse ; but he had so good fortune in it , as by degrees to settle the whole Realm in some Form of peace : He understood so well the estate of the Countrey , as to assure himself , that till the Castle of Edenborough was brought under his power , he should never be able to suppress that party , whose stubborn standing out ( as it was interpreted ) did so offend the Queen of England , that she gave order unto Drury , then Marshal of Berwick , to pass with some considerable Forces into Scotland for his present assistance . With these Auxiliaries he lays siege to the Castle , battering it , and reduceth it to such extremity , that they were compelled to yield to mercy . Of which , though many of them tasted , yet Grange himself , who first or last had held the place against all the four Regents , together with one of his Brothers , and two Goldsmiths of Edenborough , were hanged at the Market-Cross of that City . By which surrender of the Castle , the Queens Faction was so broke in pieces , that it was never able to make head again ; all of them labouring to procure their own peace by some Composition . For now the Regent being at leisure to enquire after the miscarriages of the years preceding , he sends his Iustices in Eyre into all parts of the Countrey , who exercised their Commissions with sufficient Rigour ; people of all sorts being forced to compound , and redeem themselves , by paying such sums of money as by these Justices were imposed . Some of the Merchants also were called in question , under colour of Transporting Coyn ; fined in great sums , or else committed to the Castle of Blackness , till they gave satisfaction . By which proceedings he incurred the censure of a covetous man , though he had other ends in it then his own enriching . For by these rigorous exactions , he did not onely punish such as had been most active in the late distempers , but terrified them from the like attempts against the present Government for the times ensuing . To such Confusions and Disorders , such miserable Rapines ▪ Spoils and Devastations , such horrible Murthers and Assassinates , was this poor Realm exposed for seven years together , by following the Genevian Doctrines of Disobedience which Knox had preached , and Buchanan in his Seditious Pamphlets had dispersed amongst them . Not to say any thing that indeleable reproach and infamy , which the whole Nation had incurred in the eye of Christendom , for their barbarous dealings towards a Queen , who had so graciously indulged unto them the exercise of that Religion which she found amongst them , without disturbance unto any . 26. Which matters being thus laid together , we must proceed to such affairs as concern the Kirk , abstracted from the troubles and commotions in the Civil State. In reference whereunto , we may please to know , that after divers Sollicitations made by former Assemblies , for setling a Polity in the Church , certain Commissioners were appointed to advise upon it . The Earl of Marre then Regent , nominated for the Lords of the Council , the Earl of Morton Chancellor , the Lord Ruthen Treasurer , the Titular Abbot of Dumferling principal Secretary of Estate in the place of Ledington , Mackgil chief Register , Bullenden the then Justice Clerk , and Colen Campbel of Glenarchy . The Assembly then sitting at Leith , named for the Kirk , Iohn Ereskin of Dun Superintendent of Angus , Iohn Winram , Superintendent of Fife , Andrew Hay Commissioner of Gladisdale , David Lindesay Commissioner of the West , Robert Pont Commissioner of Orknay , and Mr. Iohn Craige one of the Ministers of Edenborough . The Scots were then under some necessity of holding fair quarter with the English ; and therefore to conform ( as near as conveniently they might ) to the Government of it in the outward Polity of the Church . Upon which reason , and the prevalency of the Court Commissioners , those of the Kirk did condescend unto these Conclusions ; and condescended the more easily , because Knox was absent , detained by sickness from attending any publick business . Now these Conclusions were as followeth ; 1. That the Archbishopricks and Bishopricks presently void , or should happen hereafter to be void , should be disposed to the most qualified of the Ministry : 2. That the Spiritual Iurisdictions should be exercised by the Bishops in their several Diocesses : 3. That all Abbo●s , Pryors , and other inferiour Prelates , who should happen to be presented to Benefices , should be tryed by the Bishop and Superintendent of the bounds , concerning their qualification and aptness to give voice for the Church in Parliament ; and upon their Collation be admitted to the Benefice , and not otherwise : 4. That the nomination of fit persons for every Archbishoprick and Bishoprick should be made by the King or Regent , and the Election by the Chapters of the Cathedrals . And because divers persons were possessed of places in some of the said Chapters , which did bear no Office in the Church ; It was ordered , That a particular nomination of Ministers in every Diocess should be made , to supply their rooms until their Benefices in the said Churches should fall void : 5. That all Benefices of Cure under Prelacies , should be disposed to actual Ministers , and no others : 6. That the Ministers should receive Ordination from the Bishop of the Diocess ; and where no Bishop was then placed , from the Superintendent of the bounds : 7. That the Bishops and Superintendents at the Ordination of the Ministers , should exact of them an Oath for acknowledging his Majesties Authority , and for obedience to their Ordinary in all things Lawful , according to a Form then condescended . Order was also taken for disposing of Provestries , Colledge charges , Chaplanaries , and divers other particulars most profitable for the Church ; which were all ordained to stand in force until the Kings minority , or till the States of the Realm should determine otherwise . How happy had it been for the Isles of Britain , if the Kirk had stood to these Conclusions , and not unravelled all the Web to advance a Faction , as they after did ? 27. For in the next general Assembly held in August at the Town of Perth , where these conclusions were reported to the ●est of the Brethren , some of them took offence at one thing , some at another : some took exception at the Title of Archbishop and Dean ; and others at the name of Archdeacon , Chancellor and Chapter , not found in the Genevian Bibles , and otherwise Popish , and offensive to the ears of good Christians . To satisfie whose queazie stomacks , some of the Lay-Commissioners had prepared this Lenitive ; that is to say , That by using of these Titles , they meant not to allow of any Popish Superstition in the least degree ; and were content they should be changed to others which might seem less scandalous . And thereupon it was proposed , that the name of Bishop should be used for Archbishop , that the Chapter should be called the Bishops Assembly , and the Dean the Moderator of it . But as for the Titles of Archdeacon , Chancellor , Abbot , and Pryor , it was ordered that some should he appointed to consider how far these Functions did extend , and give their opinion to the next Assembly for the changing of them , with such others , as should be thought most agreeable to the Word of God , and the Polity of the best Reformed Churches , Which brings into my minde the fancy of some people in the Desarts of Affrick , who having been terribly wasted with Tygers , and not able otherwise to destroy them , passed a Decree that none should thenceforth call them Tygers ; and then all was well . But notwithstanding all this care , and these qualifications , the conclusions could not be admitted , but with this Protestation , that they received those Articles for an interim onely , till a more perfect Order might be attained at the hands of the King , the Regent , or the States of the Realm . And it was well that they admitted them so far : For presently upon the rising of this Assembly , Mr. Iohn Douglass , Provost of the new Colledge in St. Andrews , was preferred to the Archbishoprick of that See ; Mr. Iames Boyd to the Archbishoprick of Glasco ; Mr. Iames Paton to the Bishoprick of Dunkeld ; and Mr. Andrew Grahame to the See of Dumblane ; the rest to be disposed of afterwards as occasion served . 28. But long it was not that they held in so good a Posture . Morton succeeding in the Regencie to the Earl of Marre , entred into a consideration of the injury which was done the King by the invading of his Thirds , and giving onely an allowance yearly of five thousand Marks . These he brings back unto the Crown , upon assurance that the Pensions of the Ministers should be better answered then in former times , and to be payable from thenceforth by the Parish in which they served . But no sooner had he gained his purpose , when to improve the Kings Revenue , and to increase the Thirds , he appointed to one Minister two or three Churches , in which he was to preach by turns ; and where he did not preach , to appoint a Reader . Which Reader for the most part was allowed but twenty or forty pounds yearly ; each pound being valued at no more then one shilling eight pence of our English money . And in the payment of these Pensions , they found their condition made worse then before it was : for , whereas , they could boldly go to the Superintendents , and make their poor Estates known unto them , from whom they were sure to receive some relief and comfort ; they were now forced to dance attendance at the Court , for getting warrants for the payment of the sums assigned , and supplicating for such augmentations as were seldom granted . And when the Kirk desired to be restored unto the Thirds , as was also promised in case the assignations were not duly paid , it was at last told them in plain terms , That since the Surplus of the Thirds belonged to the King , it was fitter the Regent and Council should modifie the Stipends of Ministers , then that the Kirk should have the appointment and designation of a Surplus . Nor did the Superintendents speed much better , if not worse , when they addressed themselves to any of the Court-Officers for the receiving the Pensions assigned unto them ; which being greater then the others , came more coldly in . And if they prest at any time with more importunity then was thought convenient , it was told them that the Kirk had now no use of their services , in regard that Bishops were restored in some places to their Jurisdictions . 29. And now the Discipline begins to alter , from a mixed to a plain Pre●bytery . Before the confirming of Episcopacie by the late conclusions , the Government of the Kirk had been by Superintendents , assisted by Commissioners for the Countries , as they called them then . The Commissioners changed , or new Elected at every general Assembly ; the Superintendents setled for term of life . To them it appertained to approve and admit the Ministers ; they presided in all Synods , and directed all Church-censures within their bounds ; neither was any Excommunication pronounced without their Warrant . To them it also was referred to proportion the Stipends of all Ministers ; to appoint the Collectors of the Thirds , ( as long as they were chosen by the general Assembly ) to make payment of them , after such form and manner as to them seemed best ; and to dispose of the Surplusage , if any were , toward the charges of the State. And to this Knox consented with the greater readiness , because in an unsetled Church , the Ministers were not thought of parts sufficient to be trusted with a power of Jurisdiction ; and partly because such men as were first designed for Superintendents , were for the most part possessed of some fair Estate , whereby they were not onely able to support themselves , but to afford relief and comfort to the poor Ministers . But when these men grew old or dyed , and that the entertaining of the Reformed Religion in all parts of the Realm had given incouragement to men of Parts and Learning to enter into the Ministry , they then began more universally to put in practice those restrictions with which the Superintendents had been fettered , and the power of the Ministers extended by the Book of Discipline , according to the Rules whereof the Minister and Elders of every Church , with the assistance of their Deacons , if occasion were , were not alone enabled to exercise most part of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over their several Congregations , but also to joyn themselves with the chief Burgesses of the greater Towns for censuring and deposing their own Superintendents . In which respect the Government may be said to be a mixt , not a plain Presbytery , as before was noted ; though in effect , Presbytery was the more predominant , because the Superintendents by the Book of Discipline were to be subject to the Censures of their own Presbyteries . 30. But these Presbyteries , and the whole power ascribed unto them by the Book of Discipline , were in a way to have been crushed by the late conclusions , when they flew out again upon occasion of the hard dealing of the Earl of Morton , in putting them besides their Thirds . And then withal , because the putting of some Ministers into Bishops Sees , had been used by him for a pretence to defraud the Superintendents of their wonted means , the Bishops were inhibited by the general Assembly which next followed , from exercising any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within the bounds which they had formerly assigned to their Superintendents , without their consent and approbation . Which opportunity was both espied and taken by Andrew Melvin , for making such an innovation in the Form of Government , as came most near unto the Pattern of Geneva , where he had studied for a time , and came back thence more skilful in Tongues and Languages then any other part of Learning . And being hot and eager upon any business which he took in hand , emulous of Knoxes greatness , and hoping to be Chronicled for his equal in the Reformation ; he entertained all such as resorted to him , with the continual commendations of that Discipline which he found at Geneva , where the Presbyteries carried all , without acknowledging any Bishop or Superintendent in power above them . Having by this means much insinuated into divers Ministers , he dealt with one Iohn Drury , one of the Preachers of Edenborough , to propound a question in the general Assembly which was then convened , touching the lawfulness of the Episcopal Function , and the Authority of Chapters in their Election . Which question being put according as he had directed , he first commends the Speakers Zeal ( as if he had been unacquainted with the motion ) and then proceeds to a long and well-framed discourse , touching the flourishing Estate of the Church of Geneva , and the opinions of those great and eminent men , Calvin then dead , and Theodore Beza then alive , in the point of Church-Government . After which premises , he fell upon this conclusion , That none ought to bear any Office in the Church of Christ , whose titles were not found in the holy Scripture : That though the name of Bishop did occur in Scripture , yet was it not to be taken in that sence in which it was commonly understood : That no Superiority was allowed by Christ amongst the Ministers of the Church ; all of them being of the same degree , and having the same power in all Sacred Matters : That the corruptions crept into the Estate of Bishops were so great and many , that if they should not be removed , Religion would not long remain in Purity . And so referred the whole matter to their consideration . 31. The Game being thus started and pursued by so good a Huntsman , it was thought fit by the Assembly , to commend the chase thereof to six chosen Members , who were to make report of their diligence to the rest of the Brethren . Of which , though Melvin took a care to be named for one , and made use of all his wit and cunning to bring the rest of the Referrees to his own opinion , yet he prevailed no further at that time , then under colour of a mannerly declining of the point in hand , to lay some further restrictions upon the Bishops in the exercise of their Power and Jurisdictions , then had been formerly imposed . The sum of their report was to this effect ; Viz. That they did not hold it expedient to answer the Questions propounded for the present ; but if any Bishop was chosen , that had not qualities required by the Word of God , he should be tryed by the General Assembly : That they judged the name of a Bishop , to be common to all Ministers who had the charge of a particular flock ; and that by the Word of God , his chief function consisted in the Preaching of the Word , the Ministration of the Sacraments , and the exercise of Ecclesiastical Discipline with the consent of the Elders : That from amongst the Ministry , some one might be chosen to oversee and visit such reasonable bounds besides his own flock , as the General Assembly should appoint : That the Minister so elected , might in those bounds appoint Preachers , with the advice of the Ministers of that Province , and the consent of the flock which should be admitted ; and that he might suspend Ministers from the exercise of their Office , upon reasonable causes , with the consent of the Ministers of the bounds . This was the sum of the Report ; and that thus much might be reported to begin the game with , great care was took by Melvin and his Adherents , that neither any of the Bishops nor Superintendents which were then present in the Assembly ( being eight in number ) were either nominated to debate the points proposed , nor called to be present at the Conference . But somewhat further must be done , now their hand was in : And therefore , that the rest might see what they were to trust to , if this world went on , they deposed Iames Patton Bishop of Dunkelden from his place and dignity , without consulting the Lord-Regent , or any of the secret Council in so great a business . 32. The next Assembly makes some alteration in propounding the question , and gives it out with a particular reference to their own concernment , in this manner following ; that is to say , Whether the Bishops , as they were in Scotland , had their Function warranted by the Word of God ? But the determining of this question was declined as formerly . Onely it was conceived expedient for a further preparative , both to approve the opinions of the Referrees in the former Meeting , and to add this now unto the rest , That the Bishops should take to themselves the service of some one Church within their Diocess , and nominate the particular flock whereof they would accept the charge . News of which last addition being brought to the Regent , he required by a special Message , either to stand to the Conclusions before mentioned , which were made at Leith , or else devise some other Form of Church-Government which they would abide . And this fell out as Melvin and his Tribe would have it : For after this , there was nothing done in the Assemblies for two years together , but hammering , forming and reforming a new Book of Discipline , to be a standing Rule for ever to the Kirk of Scotland . But possible it is , that the design might have been brought to perfection sooner , if the Regent had not thought himself affronted by them , in the person of his Chaplain Mr. Patrick Adamson , whom he had recommended to the See of S. Andrews . For the Election being purposely delayed by the Dean and Chapter , till the sitting of the next Assembly ; Adamson then present , was interrogated whether he would submit himself unto the tryal , and undertake that Office upon such conditions as the Assembly should prescribe . To which he answered , That he was commanded by the Regent not to accept thereof upon any other terms , then such as had been formerly agreed upon between the Commissioners of the Kirk and the Lords of the Council . On this refusal , they inhibit the Chapter from proceeding in the said Election ; though afterwards , for fear of the displeasure of so great a man , their command therein was disobeyed , and the party chosen . Which so provoked those meek and humble-spirited men , that at their next Meeting they discharged him from the exercise of all Jurisdiction , till by some General Assembly he were lawfully licensed . And this did so exasperate the Regent on the other side , that he resolved to hinder them from making any further Innovation in the Churches Polity as long as he continued in his place and power . 33. But the Regent having somewhat imprudently dismissed himself of the Government , and put it into the hands of the King , in the beginning of March , An. 1577 , they then conceived they had as good an opportunity as could be desired to advance their Discipline , which had been hammering ever since in the Forge of their Fancies . And when it hapned ( as it was not long before it did ) they usher in the Design with this following Preamble ; viz. The General Assembly of the Kirk finding universal corruption of the whole Estates of the body of this Realm the great coldness and slackness in Religion in the greatest part of the Professors of the same , with the daily increase of all kind of fearful sins and enormities ; as , Incests , Adulteries , Murthers ( committed in Edenborough and Stirling ) cursed Sacriledge , ungodly Sedition and Division within the bowels of the Realm , with all manner of disordered and ungodly living ; which justly hath provoked our God , although long-suffering and patient , to stretch out his arm in his anger to correct and visit the iniquity of the Land ; and namely , by the present penury , famine and hunger , joyned with the Civil and Intestine Seditions : Whereunto doubtless greater judgements must succeed , if these his corrections work on Reformation and amendment in mens hearts : Seeing also the bloody exclusions of the cruel counsels of that Roman Beast , tending to extermine and rase from the face of all Europe , the true light of the blessed Word of Salvation : For these causes , and that God of his mercy would bless the Kings Highness , and his Regiment , and make him to have a happy and prosperous Government , as also to put in his Highness heart , and in the hearts of his Noble Estates of Parliament , not onely to make and establish good politick Laws for the Weal and good Government of the Realm , but also to set and establish such a Polity and Discipline in the Kirk , as is craved in the Word of God , and is contained and penned already to be presented to his Highness and Council ; that in the one and in the other God may have his due praise , and the age to come an example of upright and Godly dealing . Which Act of the Assembly pass'd on the 24 of April 1578. 34. The Discipline must be of most excellent use , which could afford a present remedy to so many mischiefs ; and yet as excellent as it was , it could obtain no Ratification at that time of the King or Parliament ; which therefore they resolve to put in practise by the strength of their party , without insisting any further on the leave of either . In which respect , it will not be unnecessary to take a brief view of such particulars in which they differ from the Ancient Government of the Church of Christ , or the Government of the Church of England then by Law established ; or finally , from the former Book of Discipline which themselves had justified . Now by this Book it is declared , That none that bear Office in the Church of Christ , ought to have Dominion over it , or be called Lords : That the Civil Magistrates are so far from having any power to Preach , administer the Sacraments , or execute the Censures of the Church , that they ought not to prescribe any Rule how it should be done : and that as Ministers are subject to the judgement and punishment of Magistrates in External things , if they offend ; so ought the Magistrates submit themselves to the Discipline of the Church , if they transgress in matter of Conscience and Religion : That the Ministers of the Church ought to govern the same by mutual consent of Brethren , and equality of power , according to their several Functions : That there are onely four ordinary Office bearers in the Church ; that is to say , The Pastor , Minister or Bishop ; the Doctor , the Elder , and the Deacon ; and that no more ought to be received in the Word of God ; and therefore that all ambitious Titles invented in the Kingdom of Antichrist and his usurped Hierarchy , which are not of these four sorts-together with the Offices depending thereupon ( that is to say , Archbishops , Patriarchs , Chancellours , Deans , Archdeacons , &c. ) ought in one word to be rejected : That all which bear Office in the Church , are to be elected by the Eldership , and consent of the Congregation to whom the person presented is appointed , and no otherwise . That the Ordination of the person so elected , is to be performed with Fasting , Prayer , and the Imposition of the hands of the Eldership ( Remember that Imposition of hands was totally rejected in the former Book : ) That all Office-bearers in the Church should have their own particular flocks , amongst whom they ought to exercise their charge , and keep their residence . 35. But more particularly it declares , That it is the Office of the Pastor , Bishop or Minister , to preach the Word of God , and to administer the Sacraments in that particular Congregation unto which he is called : and it belongs unto them , after lawful proceeding of the Eldership , to pronounce the sentence of binding and loosing ; as also , to solemnize Marriage between persons contracted , being by the said Eldership thereunto required : That it is the Office of the Doctor , simply to open the mind of the Spirit of God in the Scriptures , without making any such application as the Minister useth ; and that this Doctor being an Elder , ought to assist the Pastor in the Government of the Church , by reason that the Interpretation of the Word , which is the onely Iudge in Ecclesiastical matters , is to him committed : That it is the Office of the Elder ( that is to say , The Lay-Elder , for so they mean ) both privately and publickly , to watch with all diligence over the flock committed to them , that no corruptions of Religion or manners grow amongst them ; as also to assist the Pastor or Minister in examining those that come to the Lords Table , in visiting the sick , in admonishing all men of their duties according to the Rule of the Word ; and in holding Assemblies with the Pastors and Doctors , for establishing good order in the Church , the Acts whereof he is to put in execution : That it is the Office of the Deacon to collect and distribute the goods of the Church , at the appointment of the Elders , amongst which he is to have no voyce in the common Consistory ; contrary to the Rules of the former Book : That all Ecclesiastical Assemblies have a power lawfully to convene together for that effect : That it is in the power of the Eldership to appoint Visitors for their Churches within their bounds ; and that this power belongs not to any single person , be he Bishop or otherwise : That every three , four or more Parishes , may have an Eldership to themselves ; but so , that the Elders be chosen out of each in a fit proportion : That it is the Office of these Elderships to enquire of naughty and unruly Members , and to bring them into the way again , either by Admonition , and threatning of Gods Iudgements , or by Correction , even to the very Censure of Excommunication ; as also to admonish , censure , and ( if the case require ) to depose their Pastor , if he be found guilty of any of those grievous crimes ( among which Dancing goes for one ) which belongs to their cognizance : The Errors committed by the Eldership , to be corrected by Provincial Assemblies , and those in the Provincials by the General . The maintainance and assisting of which Discipline , and the inflicting of Civil punishments upon such as do not obey the same , without confounding one Iurisdiction with another , is made to be the chief Office of Kings and Princes . And that this Discipline might be executed without interruption , it was required that the Name and Office of Bishops , as it then was , and had been formerly exercised in the Church of Scotland ; as also the Names and Offices of Commendators , Abbots , Priors , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Chancellors , Archdeacons , &c. should from thenceforth be utterly abolished , and of no effect . Which points , and all the rest therein contained , being granted to them , all right of Patronages destroyed , that popular Elections may proceed in all their Churches , and finally , the whole Patrimony of the Church in Lands , Tythes or Houses , permitted to the distribution of the Deacons in every Eldership , they then conceive that such a right Reformation may be made as God requires . 36. This Book of Discipline being presented to the King in ●●rliament , and the approving of the same deferred to a fur●her time ; they took this not for a delay , but a plain denyal ; and therefore it was agreed in the next general Assembly ( as before is said ) to put the same in execution by their own Authority , without expecting any further confirmation of it from the King or Council . Which that they might effect without fear of disturbance , they first discharge the Bishops and Superintendents from intermedling in Affairs which concerned Religion , but onely in their own particular Churches ; that so their Elderships ( according to this new establishment ) might grow up and flourish . And then they took upon them , with their own adherents , to exercise all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , without respect to Prince or Prelate ; they altered the Laws according to their own appetite ; they assembled the Kings Subjects , and injoyned Ecclesiastical pains unto them ; they made Decrees , and put the same in execution ; they prescribed Laws to the King and State ; they appointed Fasts throughout the whole Realm , especially when some of their Faction were to move any great enterprise ; they used very traytorous , seditious and contumelious words in the Pulpits , Schools , and otherwise , to the disdain and reproach of the King ; and being called to answer the same , they utterly disclaimed the Kings Authority , saying he was an incompetent Judge , and that matters of the Pulpit ought to be exempted from the judgement and correction of Princes . And finally , they did not onely animate some of those that adhered unto them , to seize upon the Kings person , and usurp his power ; but justified the same in one of their general Assemblies held at Edenborough for a lawful Act ; ordaining all those to be excommunicated which did not subscribe unto the same . This we take up by whole-sale now , but shall return it by retail in that which follows . 37. And first they begin with Mr. Iames Boyd , Archbishop of Glasco , a man of a mild and quiet nature , and therefore the more like to be conformable to their commands ; requiring him to submit himself to the Assembly , and to suffer the corruptions of the Episcopal Order to be reformed in his person . To which proud intimation of their will and pleasure , he returned this Answer , which , for the modesty or piety thereof , deserves to be continued to perpetual memory . I understand ( saith he ) the name , Office and Reverence given to a Bishop to be lawful , and allowed by the Scriptures of God ; and being elected by the Church and King to be Bishop of Glasco , I esteem my Office and Calling lawful , and shall endeavour with all my power to perform the duties required , submitting my self to the judgement of the Church , if I shall be tryed to offend ; so as nothing be required of me , but the performance of those duties which the Apostle prescribeth . Finding him not so tractable as they had expected , they Commissionate certain of their Members to require his subscription to the Act made at Stirling , for reformation of the State Episcopal ; by which it was agreed , that every Bishop should take charge of some flock in particular . And this they prest upon him with such heat and violence , that they never left prosecuting the poor man , till they had brought him to his Grave . By none more violently pursued then by Andrew Melvin , whom he had brought to Glasco , and made Principal of the Colledge there , gave him a free access to his House and Table , or otherwise very liberally provided for him . But Scots and Presbyterians are not won by favours , nor obliged by Benefits . For Melvin so disguised his nature , that when he was in private with him at his Table or elsewhere , he would use him with all reverence imaginable , giving him the title of his Lordship , with all the other honours which pertained unto him ; but in all particular Meetings , whatsoever they were , he would onely call him Mr. Boyd , and otherwise carried himself most despitefully towards him . 38. Their rough and peremptory dealing with this Reverend Prelate , discouraged all the rest from coming any more to their Assemblies : Which hapned as they could have wished . For thereupon they agree amongst themselves upon certain Articles , which every Bishop must subscribe , or else quit his place ; that is to say , 1. That they should be content to be Ministers and Pastors of a flock : 2. That they should not usurp any criminal jurisdiction : 3. That they should not vote in Parliament in the name of the Church , unless they had a Commission from the general Assembly : 4. That they should not take up for maintaining their ambition , the Rents which might maintain many Pastors , Schools and Poor , but content themselves with a reasonable portion for discharge of their Offices : 5. That they should not claim the title of Temporal Lords , nor usurp any Civil Iurisdiction , whereby they might be drawn from their charge : 6. That they should not Empire over Presbyteries , but be subject to the same : 7. That they should not usurp the power of Presbyteries , nor take upon them to visit any bounds that were not committed to them by the Church : 8. That if any more corruptions should afterwards be tryed , the Bishop should agree to have them reformed . These Articles were first tendred to Patrick Adamson , Archbishop of St. Andrews , and Metropolitan of all Scotland ; against whom they had a former quarrel , not onely because he was preferred , elected , and admitted to that eminent Dignity without their consent , but had also exercised the Jurisdiction which belonged unto it , in express and direct opposition unto their commands . And first they quarrelled with him for giving Collation unto Benefices , and for giving voice in Parliament , not being authorized thereunto by the Kirk . They quarrelled with him afterwards for drawing or advising the Acts of Parliament , Anno 1584 , which they conceived to be so prejudicial to the Rights of the Kirk ; and held the King so hard unto it , that he was forced to counsel the poor Prelate to subscribe some Articles , by which he seemed in a manner to renounce his Calling ; of which more hereafter . They quarrelled with him again in the year 1589 , for marrying one of the Daughters of the late Duke of Lenox to the Earl of Huntly without their consent ; wherein the King was also fain to leave him to their discretion . And finally , they so vexed and persecuted him from one time to another , upon pretence of not conforming to their lawless pleasures , that they reduced him in the end to extreme necessity , published a false and scandalous Paper in his name , as he lay on his death bed , containing a Recantation ( as they called it ) or rather a renouncing of his Episcopal Function ; together with his approbation of their Presbyteries : which Paper he disowned at the the hearing of it . By which , and many such unworthy courses , they brought his gray hairs ( as they did some others of his Order ) with shame and sorrow to the Grave . 39. Mention was made before of an Act of Parliament made in the time of the Interregnum , before the Queens coming back from France , for demolishing all Religious Houses , and other Monuments of Superstition and Idolatry . Under which name all the Cathedrals were interpreted to be contained , and by that means involved in the general ruine ; onely the Church at Glasco did escape that storm , and remained till this time undefaced in its former glory : But now becomes a very great eye-sore to Andrew Melvin , by whose practices and sollicitations it was agreed unto by some Zealous Magistrates , that it should forthwith be demolished ; that the materials of it should be used for the building of some lesser Churches in that City for the ease of the people ; and that such Masons , Quarriers , and other Workmen , whose service was requisite thereunto , should be in readiness for that purpose at the day appointed . The Arguments which he used to perswade those Magistrates to this Act of Ruine , were the resorting of some people to that Church for their private Devotions ; the huge vastness of the Fabrick , which made it incommodious in respect of hearing ; and especially the removing of that old Idolatrous Monument , which only was kept up in despite of the Zeal and Piety of their first Reformers . But the business was not carried so closely , as not to come unto the knowledge of the Crafts of the City , who , though they were all sufficiently Zealous in the cause of Religion , were not so mad as to deprive their City of so great an Ornament . And they agreed so well together , that when the Work-men were beginning to assemble themselves to speed the business , they made a tumult , took up Arms , and resolutely swore , that whosoever pulled down the first stone , should be buried under it . The Work-men upon this are discharged by the Magistrates , and the people complained of to the King for the insurrections . The King upon the hearing of it , receives the actors in that business into his protection , allows the opposition they had made , and layes command upon the Ministers ( who had appeared most eager in the prosecution ) not to meddle any more in that business , or any other of that nature ; adding withal , that too many Churches in that Kingdom were destroyed already , and that he would not tolerate any more abuses of such ill example . 40. The King for matter of his Book had been committed to the institution of George Buchanan , a most fiery and seditious Calvinist ; to moderate whose heats , was added Mr. Peter Young , ( father of the late Dean of Winchester ) a more temperate and sober man , whom he very much esteemed , and honoured with Knighthood , and afterwards preferred to the Mastership of St. Cross in England . But he received his Principles for ma●ter of State , from such of his Council as were most tender of the pub●lick interest of their Native Country . By whom , but most especially by the Earl of Morton , he was so well instructed , that he was able to distinguish between the Zeal of some in promoting the Reformed Religion , and the madness or sollies of some others , who practised to introduce their innovations under that pretence . Upon which grounds of State and Prudence , he gave order to the general Assembly , sitting at this time , not to make any alteration in the Polity of the Church , as then it stood , but to suffer things to continue in the state they were till the following Parliament , to the end that the determinations of the three Estates might not be any ways prejudged by their conclusions . But they neglecting the command , look back upon the late proceedings which were held at Stirling , where many of the most material points in the Book of Discipline were demurred upon . And thereupon it was ordained , that nothing should be altered in Form or Matter , which in that Book had been concluded by themselves . With which the King was so displeased , that from that time he gave less countenance to the Ministers then he had done formerly . And to the end that they might see what need they had of their Princes favour , he suffered divers sentences to be past at the Council Table , for the suspending of their Censures and Excommunications , when any matter of complaint was heard against them . But they go forwards howsoever , confirmed and animated by a Discourse of Theodore Beza which came out this year , entituled , De Triplici Episcopatu . In which he takes notice of three sorts of Bishops ; the Bishop of Divine Institution , which he makes to be no other then the ordinary Minister of a particular Congregation ; the Bishop of humane Constitution , that is to say , the President or Moderator in the Church-assemblies ; and last of all , the Devils Bishop , such as were then placed in a perpetual Authority over a Dioces● or Province in most parts of Christendom ; under which last capacity they beheld their Bishops in the Kirk of Scotland . And in the next Assembly , held at Dundee in Iuly following , it was concluded , That the Office of a Bishop , as it was then used and commonly taken in that Realm , had neither foundation , ground , nor warrant in the holy Scriptures . And thereupon it was decreed , That all persons either called unto that Office , or which should hereafter be called unto it , should be required to renounce the same , as an Office unto which they are not warranted by the Word of God. But because some more moderate men in the next Assembly held at Glasgow , did raise a scruple touching that part of the Decree in which it was affirmed , That the calling of Bishops was not warranted by the Word of God , it was first declared by the Assembly , that they had no other meaning in that Expression , then to condemn the estate of Bishops as they then stood in Scotland . With which the said moderate men did not seem contented , but desired that the conclusion of the matter might be respited to another time , by reason of the inconvenience which might ensue . They are cryed down by all the rest with great heat and violence ; insomuch , that it was proposed by one Montgomery Minister of Stirling , that some Censure might be laid on those who had spoken in defence of that corrupted estate Nay , such was the extream hatred to that Sacred Function in the said Assembly at Dundee , that they stayed not here ; They added to the former , a Decree more strange , inserting , That they should desist and cease from Preaching , ministring the Sacraments , or using in any sort of Office of a Pastor in the Church of Christ , till by some General Assembly they were De Novo Authorized and admitted to it ; no lower Censure then that of Excommunication , if they did the contrary . As for the Patrimony of the Church , which still remained in their hands , it was resolved that the next General Assembly should dispose thereof . 49. There hapned at this time an unexpected Revolution in the Court of Scotland , which possibly might animate them to these high presumptions . It had been the great Master-piece of the Earl of Morton in the time of his Regency , to fasten his dependance most specially on the Queen of England ; without which he saw it was impossible to preserve the Kings Person , and maintain his Power against the practices and attempts of a prevalent Faction , which openly appeared in favour of his Mothers pretensions . And in this course he much desired to keep the King , when he had took the Government upon himself , as before was said , prevailing with him , much against the mind of most of the Lords , to send an Ambassador for that purpose . Which put such fears and jealousies into the heads of the French , on whom the S●ots had formerly depended upon all occasions , that they thought ●it to countermine the English party in the Court , and so blow them up . No better Engine for this purpose then the Lord Esme Stewart , Seignieur of Aubigny in France , and Brothers Son to Matthew the late Earl of Lenox the Young Kings Grandfather . By him it was conceived that they might not onely work the King to the party of France , but get some ground for re-establishing the old Religion , or at least to gain some countenance for the Favourers and Professors of it . With these Instructions he prepares to the Court of Scotland , makes himself known unto the King , and by the affability of his conversation wins so much upon him , that no Honor or Preferment was thought great enough for so dear a Kinsman . The Earldom of Lenox being devolved upon the King by the death of his Grandfather , was first conferred on Robert Bishop of Orknay , one of the Natural Sons of King Iames V. Which he , to gratifie the King , and oblige the Favorite , resigned again into his hands ; in recompence whereof , he is preferred unto the title of Earl of March. As soon as he had made this Resignation of the Earldom of Lenox , the King confers it presently on his Cosin Aubigny , who studied to appear more serviceable to him every day then other . And that his service might appear the more considerable , a report is cunningly spread abroad , that the Earl of Morton had a purpose to convey the King into England ; by means whereof the Scots would forfeit all the Priviledges which they held France . Morton sufficiently clear'd himself from any such practice . But howsoever , the suspicion prevailed so far , that it was thought fit by those of the Adverse party to appoint a Lord-Chamberlain , who was to have the care of His Majesties Person ; and that a Guard of twenty four Noblemen should be assigned to the said Lord-Chamberlain for that end and purpose . Which Trust and Honor was immediately conferred on the Earl of Lenox , who had been sworn to the Council much about that time , and within less then two years after was created Duke . 50. The sudden Preferments of this man , being well known to be a professed Votary of the Church of Rome , encouraged many Priests and Jesuits to repair into Scotland ; who were sufficiently practical in propagating the Opinions , and advancing the interest of that Church . Which gave occasion to the Brethren to exclaim against him , and many times to fall exceeding foul on the King himself . The King appears sollicitous for their satisfaction ; and deals so effectually with his Kinsman , that he was willing to receive instruction from some of their Ministers , by whom he is made a real Proselyte to the Religion then establish'd ; which he declared , by making profession of his Faith in the great Church of Edenborough , and his diligent frequenting the Church at their Prayers and Sermons . But it hapned very unfortunately for him , that some Dispensations sent from Rome were intercepted , whereby the Catholicks were permitted to promise , swear , subscribe , and do what else should be required of them , if still they kept their hearts , and secretly imployed their counsels for the Church of Rome . Against this blow the Gentleman could find no buckler , nor was there any ready way either to take off the suspicions , or to still the clamors which by the Presbyterian Brethren were raised against him . Their out-cries much encreased , by the severities then shewed to the Earl of Morton , whom they esteemed to be a most assured Friend ( as indeed he was ) to their Religion , though indeed in all points not corresponding with them to the book of Discipline . For so it was , that to break off all hopes of fastning a dependance on the Realm of England , Morton was publickly accused at the Council Table for being privy to the Murther of His Majesties Father , committed to the Castle of Edenborough on the second of Ianuary , removed to Dunbritton on the twentieth : Where having remained above four moneths , he was brought back to Edenborough in the end of May , condemned upon the first of Iune , and the next day executed : His Capital Accuser being admitted to sit Judge upon him . 51. This news exceedingly perplexed the Queen of England : she had sent Bows and Randolph at several times to the King of Scots , who were to use their best endeavours as well to lessen the Kings favour to the Earl of Lenox , as to preserve the life of Morton . For the effecting of which last , a promise was made by Randolph unto some of his Friends , both of men and money . But as Walsingham sent word from France , she had not took the right course to effect her purpose . She had of late been negligent in paying those persons which had before confirmed the Scots to the English interest ; which made them apt to tack about , and to apply themselves to those who would bid most for them . And yet the business at the present was not gone so far , but that they might have easily been reduced unto her devotion , if we had now sent them ready money instead of promises ; for want whereof , that Noble Gentleman , so cordially affected to Her Majesties service , was miserably cast away . Which quick advice , though it came over-late to preserve his life , came time enough to put the Queen into a way for recovering Her Authority amongst the Scots ; of which more hereafter . Nor were the Ministers less troubled at it then the Queen of England , imputing unto Lenox the contrivance of so sad a Tragedy . Somewhat before this time he had been taxed in the Pulpit by Drury , one of the Brethren of Edenborough , for his unsoundness in Religion , and all means used to make him odious with the people . For which committed by the Council to the Castle of Edenborough , he was , not long after , at the earnest intreaty of his Fellow-Ministers , and some promise on his own part for his good behaviour , restored again unto his charge . But after Mortons death ( some other occasions coming in ) he breaks out again , and mightily exclaims against him ; insomuch , that the King gave order to the Provost of Edenborough to see him removed out of the Town . The Magistrate advises him to leave the Town of his own accord : But he must first demand the pleasure of the Kirk , convened at the same time in an Assembly . Notwithstanding whose Mediation , he was forced to leave the Town a little while , to which he was brought back in Triumph within few moneths after . A Fast was also kept by order of the said Assembly : For the ground whereof they alledged , amongst other things , not onely the oppression of the Church in general , but the danger wherein the Kings Person stood , by a company of wicked men , who laboured to corrupt him in Religion as well as manners . 52. But no man laid more hastily about him , or came better off then Walter Belcanqual , another Preacher of that City . Who in a Sermon by him preached , used some words to this purpose , That within this four years Popery had entred into the Countrey and Court , and was maintained in the Kings Hall , by the Tyranny of a great Champion , who was called Grace ( which Adjunct they gave ordinarily to their Dukes in Scotland ; ) but that if his Grace continued in opposing himself to God and his Word , he should come to little Grace in the end . The King at the first hearing of it , gives order to the General Assembly to proceed therein . Which being signified to Belcanqual , he is said to have given thanks to God for these two things ; first , For that he was not accused for any thing done against his Majestie and the Laws : But principally , because he perceived the Church had obtained some Victory . And for the last he gave this reason , That for some quarrel taken at a former Sermon , the Council had took upon them to be Iudges of a Ministers Doctrine ; but now that he was ordered to appear before the Assembly , he would most joyfully submit his Doctrine to a publick Tryal . But those of the Assembly sending word to the King , that they could not warrantably proceed against him , without the business were prosecuted by some Accuser , and made good by witnesses ; the King was forced , for fear of drawing any of his Servants into their displeasures , to let fall the cause . But Belcanqual would not so give over : The Kings desisting from the prosecution would not serve his turn , unless he were absolved also by the whole Assembly , who had been present at the Sermon . This was conceived to be most reasonable and just ; for having put it to the vote , his Doctrine was declared to be ●ound and Orthodox , and that he had delivered nothing which might give just offence unto any person . The King begins to see by these particulars what he is to trust to . But they will presently find out another expedient , as well for tryal of their own power , as his utmost patience . 52. A corrupt Contract had been made betwixt Montgomery before mentioned , and the Duke of Lenox ; by which it was agreed , That Montgomery should be advanced , by the Dukes Intercession , to the Archbishoprick of Glasgow ; and that Montgomery , in requital of so great a favour , should grant unto the Duke and his Heirs for ever , the whole Estate and Rents of the said Archbishoprick , upon the yearly payments of One thousand pound Scotch , with some Horse , Corn and Poultry . No sooner had the Kirk notice of this Transaction , but without taking notice of so base a Contract , they censured him for taking on him the Episcopal Function . The King resolves to justifie him in the Acceptation , unless they could be able to charge him with unfoundess of Doctrine , or corruption of manners . Hereupon certain Articles are preferred against him ; and , amongst others , it was charged , that he had said , The Discipline was a thing indifferent , and might stand the one way or the other ; That to prove the lawfulness of Bishops in the Church , he had used the Examples of Ambrose and Augustine : That at another time , he called the Discipline , and the lawful Calling of the Church , the triefls of Policy : That he said the Ministers were captious , and men of curious brains : That he charged them with sedition , and warned them not to meddle in the disposing of Crowns ▪ and that if they did , they should be reproved : That he accused them of Pasquils , Lying , Backbiting , &c. And finally , he denyed that any mention of Presbytery or Eldership was made in any part of the New Testament . For which and other Errours of like nature in point of Doctrine , though none of them sufficiently proved when it came to tryal , it was resolved by the Assembly , that he should stand to his Ministry in the Church of Stirling , and meddle no further with the Bishoprick , under the pain of Excommunication . But not content with ordering him to give off the Bishoprick , they suspend him on another quarrel from the use of his Ministry . To neither of which sentences when he would submit , as being supported by the King on one side , and the Duke on the other , they cited him to appear before the Synod of Lothian to hear the sentence of Excommunication pronounced against him . This moved the King to interpose his Royal Authority , to warn the Synod to appear before him at the Court at Stirling , and in the mean time to desist from all further Process . Pont and some others make appearance in the name of the rest ; but withal make this protestation , That though they had appeared to testifie their obedience to his Majesties warrant , yet they did not acknowledge the King and Council to be competent Iudges in that matter ; and therefore that nothing done at that time should either prejudge the Liberties of the Church , or the Laws of the Realm . Which Protestation notwithstanding , they were inhibited by the Council from using any further proceedings against the man , and so departed for the present . 54. But the next general Assembly would not leave him so , but prosecute him with more heat then ever formerly ; and were upon the point of passing their judgement on him , when they were required by a Letter missive from the King , not to trouble him for any matter about the Bishoprick , or any other cause preceding , in regard the King resolved to have the business heard before himself . But Melvin hereupon replyed , That they did not meddle with any thing belonging to the Civil Power ; and that for matters Ecclesiastical , they had Authority enough to proceed against him , as being a Member of their Body . The Master of the Requests , who had brought the Letter , perceiving by these words , that they meant to proceed in it , as they had begun , commanded a Messenger at Arms , whom he had brought along with him , to charge them to desist upon pain of Rebellion . This moves them as little as the Letter , and he is summoned peremptorily to appear next morning , that he might receive his sentence . Next morning he appears by his Procurator , and puts up an appeal from them to the King and Council ; the rather , in regard that one who was his principal Accuser in the last Assembly , was now to sit amongst his Judges . But neither the Appeal it self , nor the Equity of it , could so far prevail , as to hinder them from passing presently to the Sentence ; by which , upon the specification and recital of his several crimes , he was ordained to be deprived , and cast out of the Church . And now the courage of the man begins to fail him . He requires a present Conference with some of the Brethren , submits himself to the Decrees of the Assembly , and promiseth neither to meddle further with the Bishoprick , nor to exercise any Office in the Ministry , but as they should license him thereunto . But this inconstancie he makes worse , by another as bad ; for finding the Kings countenance towards him to be very much changed , he resolves to hold the Bishoprick ; makes a journey to Glasgow , and entring into the Church with a great train of Gentlemen which had attended him from the Court , he puts by the ordinary Preacher , and takes the Pulpit to himself . For this disturbance , the Presbytery of the Town send out Process against him , but are prohibited from proceeding by his Majesties Warrant , presented by the Mayor of Glasgow . But when it was replyed by the Moderator , That they would proceed in the cause notwithstanding this Warrant , and that some other words were multiplyed upon that occasion ; the Provost pulled him out of his Chair , and committed him Prisoner to the Talebooth . The next Assembly look on this action of the Provost as a foul indignity , and prosecute the whole matter unto such extremity , that notwithstanding the Kings intercession , and the advantage which he had against some of their number ; the Provost was decreed to be excommunicated ; and the Excommunication formerly decreed against Montgomery , was actually pronounced in the open Church . 55. The Duke of Lenox findes himself so much concerned in the business , that he could not but support the man , who for his sake had been exposed to all these affronts ; he entertains him at his Table , and hears him preach , without regard unto the Censures under which he lay . This gives the general Assembly a new displeasure . Their whole Authority seemed by these actions of the Duke to be little valued ; which rather then they would permit , they would proceed against him in the self-same manner . But first it was thought fit to send some of their Members , as well to intimate unto him that Montgomery was actually excommunicated ; as also to present the danger in which they stood by the Rules of the Discipline , who did converse with excommunicated persons . The Duke being no less moved then they , demanded in some choler , Whether the King or Kirk had the Supreme Power ; and therewith plainly told them , That he was commanded by the King to entertain him , whose command he would not disobey for fear of their Censures . Not satisfied with this defence , the Commissioners of the general Assembly presented it unto the King amongst other grievances ; to which it was answered by the King , that the Excommunication was illegal , and was declared to be so upon very good Reasons to the Lords of the Council ; and therefore that no manner of person was to be lyable to censure upon that account . The King was at this time at the Town of Perth , to which many of the Lords repaired , who had declared themselves in former times for the Faction of England , and were now put into good heart by supplies of money , ( according unto Walsinghams counsel ) which had been secretly sent unto them from the Queen . Much animated , or exasperated rather , by some Leading-men , who managed the Affairs of the late Assemblies , and spared not to inculcate to them the apparent dangers in which Religion stood by the open practices of the Duke of Lenox , and the Kings crossing with them upon all occasions . To which the Sermons of the last Fast did not add a little ; which was purposely indicted , as before was said , in regard of those oppressions which the Kirk was under ; but more , because of the great danger which the company of wicked persons might bring to the King , whom they endeavoured to corrupt both in Religion and Manners . All which inducements coming together , produced a resolution of getting the King into their power , forcing the Duke of Lenox to retire into France , and altering the whole Government of the Kingdom as themselves best pleased . 56. But first , the Duke of Lenox must be sent out of the way . And to effect this , they advised him to go to Edenborough , and to erect there the Lord-Chamberlains Court , for the reviving of the ancient Jurisdiction which belonged to his Office. He had not long been gone from Perth , when the King was solemnly invited to the House of William Lord Ruthen ( not long before made Earl of Gowry ) where he was liberally feasted : but being ready to depart , he was stayed by the Eldest Son of the Lord Glammis , ( the Master of Glammis , he is called , in the Scottish Dialect ) and he was stayed in such a manner , that he perceived himself to be under a custody . The apprehensions whereof , when it drew some tears from him , it moved no more compassion nor respect from the froward Scots , but that it was fitter for boys to shed tears then bearded men . This was the great work of the 23 day of August ; to which concurred at the first , to avoid suspi●ion , no more of the Nobility but the Earls of Marre and Gowry , the Lords Boyd and Lindsay , and to the number of ten more of the better sort ; but afterwards the act was owned over all the Nation , not onely by the whole Kirk-party , but even by those who were of contrary Faction to the Duke of Lenox , who was chiefly aimed at . The Duke , upon the first advertisement of this surprize , dispatched some men of Noble Quality to the King , to know in what condition he was , whether free or Captive . The King returned word that he was a Captive , and willed him to raise what force he could to redeem him thence . The Lords on the other side declared , That they would not suffer him to be misled by the Duke of Lenox , to the oppression of Himself , the Church , and the whole Realm ; and therefore the Duke might do well to retire into France , or otherwise they would call him to a sad account for his former actions . And this being done , they caused the King to issue out a Proclamation on the 28. In which it was declared , That he remained in that place of his own free-will : That the Nobility then present had done nothing which they were not in duty obliged to do : That he took their repairing to him for a service acceptable to himself , and profitable to the Commonwealth : That therefore all manner of persons whatsoever which had levied any Forces , under colour of his present restraint , should disband them within six hours , under pain of Treason . But more particularly , they cause him to write a Letter to the Duke of Lenox ( whom they understood to be grown considerably strong for some present action ) by which he was commanded to depart the Kingdom , before the 20 of September then next following . On the receipt whereof , he withdraws himself to the strong Castle of Dunbritton , that there he might remain in safety whilst he staid in Scotland , and from thence pass safely into France whensoever he pleased . 57. The news of this Surprize is posted with all speed to England : And presently the Queen sends her Ambassadors to the King ; by whom he was advertised to restore the Earl of Angus , who had lived an Exile in England since the death of Morton , to his Grace and Favour ; but most especially , that in regard of the danger he was fallen into by the perverse counsels of the Duke of Lenox , he would interpret favourably whatsoever had been done by the Lords which were then about him . The King was able to discern , by the drift of this Ambassie , that the Queen was privy to the practice ; and that the Ambassadors were sent thither rather to animate and encourage the Conspirators , then advise with him . But not being willing at that time to displease either Her or them , he absolutely consents to the restoring of the Earl of Angus ; and to the rest gave such a general answer , as gave some hope , that he was not so incensed by this Surprize of his person , but that his displeasure might be mitigated on their good behaviour . And that the Queen of Scots also had the same apprehensions concerning the encouragement which they had from the Queen of England , appears by her Letter to that Queen , bearing date at Sheffield , on the eighth of November . In which she intimates unto Her , That She was bound in Religion , Duty and Iustice ; not to help forwards their Designs , who secretly conspire His ruine and Hers , both in Scotland and England : And thereupon did earnestly perswade her , by their near Alliance , to be careful of Her Sons welfare , not to intermeddle ▪ any further with the affairs of Scotland , without her privity or the French Kings ; and to hold them for no other then Traytors , who dealt so with Him at their pleasures . But as Q. Elizabeth was not moved with her complaints , to recede from the business ; so the Conspirators were resolved to pursue their advantage . They knew on what terms the King stood with the people of Edenborough ; or might have known it , if they did not , by their Triumphant bringing back of Dury their excluded Minister , as soon as they heard the first news of the Kings Restraint . In confidence whereof , they bring him unto Halyrood-House on the Eighth of October ; the rather , in regard they understood , that the General Assembly of the Kirk was to be held in that Town on the next day after ; of whose good inclinations to them , they were nothing doubtful , nor was there reason why they should . 58. For having made a Formal Declaration to them , concerning the necessity of their repair unto the King , to the end they might take him out of the hands of his Evil Counsellors , they desired the said Assembly to deliver their opinion in it . And they , good men , pretending to do all things in the fear of God , and after mature deliberation ( as the Act importeth ) first justifie them in that horrid Enterprize , to have done good and acceptable service to God , their Soveraign , and their Native Countrey . And that being done , they gave order , That all Ministers should publickly declare to their several flocks , as well the danger into which they were brought , as the deliverance which was effected for them by those Noble Persons ; with whom they were exhorted to unite themselves , for the further deliverance of the Kirk , and perfect Reformation of the Commonwealth . Thus the Assembly leads the way , and the Convention of Estates follows shortly after . By which it was declared , in favour of the said Conspirators , That in their repairing to the King the Three and twentieth of August last , and abiding with him since that time , and whatsoever they had done in pursuance of it , they had done good , thankful and necessary service to the King and Countrey ; and therefore they are to be exonerated of all actions Civil or Criminal that might be intended against them , or any of them in that respect ; inhibiting thereby all the Subjects to speak or utter any thing to the contrary , under the pain to be esteemed Calumniators and Dispersers of false Rumors , and to be punished for the same accordingly . The Duke perceives by these proceedings , how that cold Countrey , even in the coldest time of the year , would be too hot for him to continue any longer in it ; and having wearied himself with an expectation of some better fortune , is forced at last on the latter end of December to put into Berwick , from whence he passeth to the Court of England , and from thence to France , never returning more unto his Natural , but Ingrateful Countrey . The Duke had hardly left the Kingdom , when two Ambassadors came from France to attone the differences , to mediate for the Kings deliverance , and to sollicite that the Queen ( whose liberty had been negotiated with the Queen of England ) might b● made Co-partner with Her Son in the Publick Government . ●hich last was so displeasing to some zealous Ministers , that they railed against them in their Pulpits , calling them Ambassadors of that bloody Murtherer the Duke of Guise ; & foolishly exclaiming , that the White-Cross which one of them wore upon his shoulders ( as being a Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghost ) was a Badge of Antichrist . The King gives order to the Provost and other Magistrates of the City of Edenborough , that the Ambassadors should be feasted at their going away ; and care is taken in providing all things necessary for the Entertainment . But the good Brethren of the Kirk , in further manifestation of their peevish Follies , Indict a Fast upon that day , take up the people in their long-winded Exercises from the morning till night , rail all the while on the Ambassadors ; and with much difficulty , are disswaded from Excommunicating both the Magistrates , and the Guests to boot . 59. The time of the Kings deliverance drew on apace , sooner then was expected by any of those who had the custody of his person . Being permitted to retire with his Guards to Falkland , that he might recreate himself in Hunting , which he much affected , he obtained leave to bestow a visit on his Uncle the Earl of March , who then lay in S. Andrews , not far off . And after he had taken some refreshment with him , he procures leave to see the Castle : Into which he was no sooner entred , but Col. Stewart the Captain of his Guard ( to whom alone he had communicated his design ) makes fast the gates against the rest ; and from thence makes it known to all good Subjects , that they should repair unto the King , who by Gods great mercy had escaped from the hands of his Enemies . This news brings thither on the next morning the Earls of Arguile , Marshal , Montross and Rothess ; and they drew after them , by their example , such a general concourse , that the King finds himself of sufficient strength to return to Edenborough ; and from thence , having shewed himself to be in his former liberty , he goes back to Perth . Where first by Proclamation , he declares the late restraint of his Person to be a most treasonable act : but then withal , to manifest his great affection to the peace of his Kingdom , he gives a Free and General Pardon to all men whatsoever which had acted in it ; provided that they seek it of him , and carry themselves for the time coming like obedient subjects . The Kings escape was made in the end of Iune ; and in December following , he calls a Convention of the Estates , in which the subject of his Proclamation was approved and verified , the fact declared to be Crimen laesae Majestatis , or Treason in the highest degree . For which , as some were executed , and others fled ; so divers of the Ministers that had been dealers in that matter , pretending they were persecuted , had retired into England . For notwithstanding his Majesties great clemency in pardoning the Conspirators on such easie conditions , they preferred rather the pursuing of their wicked purposes , then the enjoying of a peaceable and quiet life . For whether it were that they presumed on supplies from England , of which they had received no in●●obable hopes , as afterwards was confessed by the Earl of Gowry ; or that they built upon the Kirk-Faction to come in to aid them , as the General Assembly had required ; they begin in all places to prepare for some new Commotion ; but being deceived in all their hopes and expectations , they were confined to several Prisons , before the Convention of Estates ; and after it , upon a further discovery of their preparations and intentions , compelled to quit the Kingdome , and betake themselves for their protection unto several Nations . Onely the Earl of Gowry staid behind the rest , and he paid well for it . For being suspected to be hammering some new design , he was took Prisoner at Dundee in the April following , 1584 , thence brought to Edenborough , and there condemned and executed , as he had deserved . In the mean time the Kirk-men were as troublesome as the Lay-Conspirators . Dury , so often mentioned , in a Sermon at Edenborough , had justified the fact at Ruthen ; for which being cited to appear before the Lords of the Council , he stood in maintainance of that which he had delivered ; but afterwards submitting himself unto the King on more sober thoughts , he was kept upon his good ●ehaviour , without further punishment . But Andrew Melvin was a man of another metal ; who being commanded to attend their Lordships for the like offence , declined the judgement of the King and Council , as having no cognizance of the cause . To make which good , he broached this Presbyterian Doctrine , That whatsoever was spoken in the Pulpit , ought first to be tryed by the Presbyterie ; and that neither the King nor Council were to meddle with it , though the same were treasonable , till the Presbyterie had first taken notice of it . But finding that the King and Council did resolve to proceed , and had entred upon Examination of some Witnesses which were brought against him , he told the King ( whether with greater Confidence or Impudence is hard to say ) That he preached the Laws both of God and man. For which undutiful Expression , he was commanded Prisoner to the Castle of Blackness . Instead whereof , he takes Sanctuary in the Town of Berwick , where he remained till way was made for his return ; the Pulpits in the mean time sounding nothing , but that the Light of the Countrey for Learning and Piety , was forced for safety of his life to forsake the Kingdom . In which Exile he was followed within few moneths after by Palvart Sub-Dean of Glasgow , Galloway and Carmichiel , two inferior Ministers ; who being warned to tender their appearance to the King and Council , and not appearing at the time , were thereupon pronounced Rebels , and fled after the other . Nor was the General Assembly held at Edenborough of a better temper then these Preachers were , in which the Declaration made at the last Convention of Estates , was stoutly crossed and encountred . The King , with the advice of his Estates , had resolved the Fact of surprizing His Majesties person to be treasonable . But the Brethren in the said Assembly did not onely authorize and avow the same , but also ( esteeming their own judgement to be the Soveraign judgement of the Realm ) did ordain all them to be excommunicated that would subscribe unto their opinion . 61. The King perceiving that there was no other way to deal with these men , then to husband the present opportunity to his best advantage , resolved to proceed against them in such a way , as might disable them from committing the like insolencies for the time to come . The chief Incendiaries had been forced to quit the Kingdom , or otherwise deserted it of their own accords , the better to escape the punishment which their crimes had merited . The great Lords , on whose strength they had most presumed , were either under the like exile in the neighbouring Countries , or else so weakned and disanimated , that they durst not stir . So that the King being clearly Master of the Field , his Counsellors in good heart , and generally the Lords and Commons in good terms of obedience , it was thought fit to call a Parliament , and therein to enact such Laws , by which the honour of Religion , the personal safety of the King , the peace and happiness of the Kingdom , and the prosperity of the Church , might be made secure . In which Parliament it was enacted amongst others things , ( the better to encounter the proceedings of the Kirk , and most Zealous Kirkmen ) That none of his Highness Subjects in time coming , should presume to take upon them by word or writing , to justifie the late treasonable attempt at Ruthen , or to keep in register or store any Books approving the same in any sort . And in regard the Kirk had so abused his Majesties goodness , by which their Presbyterial Sessions , the general Assemblies , and other meetings of the Kirk , were rather connived at then allowed ; an Act was made to regulate and restrain them for the times ensuing : for by that Act it was ordained , That from thenceforth none should presume or take upon them to Convocate , Convene , or assemble themselves together for holding of Councils , Conventions , or Assemblies ; to treat , consult , or determine in any matters of Estate , Civil or Ecclesiastical , ( excepting the ordinary judgements ) without the Kings special commandment . 62. In the next place , the Kings lawful Authority in causes Ecclesiastical , so often before impugned , was approved and confirmed ; and it was made treason for any man to refuse to answer before the King , though it were concerning any matter which was Ecclesiastical . The third Estate of Parliament ( that is , the Bishops ) were restored to the ancient dignity ; and it was made treason for any man , after that time , to procure the innovation or diminution of the Power and Authority of any of the three Estates . And for as much as through the wicked , licentious , publick and private Speeches , and untrue calumnies of divers his Highness subjects ( I speak the very words of the Act ) to the disdain , contempt , and reproach of his Majesty , his Council and proceedings ; stirring up his Highness subjects thereby to misliking , sedition , unquietness ; to cast off their due o●edience to his Majesty : Therefore it is ordained , that none of his subjects shall presume or take upon them privately or publickly , in Sermons , Declamations , o● familiar Conferences , to utter any false , scandalous , and untrue Speeches , to the disdain , reproach , and contempt of his Majesty , his Council , and proceedings ; or to meddle in the Affairs of his Highness , under pain of treason . And lastly , an Act was pa●s'd for calling in of Buchanans History , that Master-piece of Sedition , intituled , De jure Regni apud Sootos ; and that most infamous Libel , which he called , The Detection : by which last Acts , his Majesty did not onely take care for preventing the like scandalous and seditious practices for the time to come , but satisfied himself by taking some revenge upon them in the times foregoing . 63. The Ministers could not want intelligence of particulars before they were passed into Acts. And now or never was the time to bestir themselves , when their dear Helena was in such apparent danger to be ravished from them . And first , it was thought necessary to send one of their number to the King , to mediate either for the total dismissing of the Bills prepared , or the suspending of them at the least for a longer time ; not doubting , if they gained the last , but that the first would easily follow of it self . On this Errand they imploy Mr. David Lindsay , Minister of the Church of Leith ; a man more moderate then the rest , and therefore more esteemed by the King then any other of that body . And how far he might have prevailed , it is hard to say : But Captain Iames Stewart ( commonly called the Earl of Arran ) who then governed the Affairs of that Kingdom , having notice of it , caused him to be arrested , under colour of maintaining intelligence with the Fugitive Ministers in England ; imprisoned him for one night in Edenborough , and sends him the next day to the Castle of Blackness , where he remained almost a year . Upon the news of his commitment , Lawson and Belcanqual , two of the Ministers of Edenborough , forsake their Church●s , and joyn themselves unto their Brethren in England ; first leaving a Manifest behind them , in which they published the Reasons of their sudden departure . Iohn Dury , so often before mentioned , had lately been confined at Montross ; so that no Preacher was now left in Edenborough , or the Port adjoyning , to intercede for themselves and the Kirk in that present exigent . By means whereof the Acts were passed without interruption . But when they were to be proclaimed , as the custom is , Mr. Robert Pont , Minister of St. Cutberts , and one of the Senators of the Colledge of Justice , ( for the good Ministers might act in Civil Matters , though the Bishops might not ) took Instruments in the hands of a publick Notary , and openly protested against those Acts , never agreed to by the Kirk ; and therefore that neither the Kirk , nor any of the Kirk-men , were obliged to be obedient to them . Which having done , he fled also into England , to the rest of his Brethren ; and being proclaimed Rebel , lost his place in the Sessions . 64 The flying of so many Ministers , and the noise they made in England against those Acts , encreased a scandalous opinion which themselves had raised , of the Kings being inclined to Popery : and it began to be so generally believed , that the King found himself under a necessity of rectifying his reputation in the eye of the world , by a publick Manifest . In which he certified as well to his good subjects , as to all others whatsoever whom it might concern , as well the just occasion which had moved him to pass those Acts , as the great Equity and Reason which appeared in them . And amongst these occasions , he reckoneth the justifying of the Fact at Ruthen , by the publick suffrage of the Kirk ; Melvins declining of the judgement of the King and Council ; the Fast indicted at the entertainment of the French Ambassadors ; their frequent general Fasts , proclaimed and kept in all parts of the Realm by their Authority , without his privity and consent ; the usurping of the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction by a certain number of Ministers , and unqualified Gentlemen , in the Presbyteries and Assemblies ; the alteration of the Laws , and making new ones at their pleasure , which must binde the Subject ; the drawing to themselves of all such Causes , though properly belonging to the Courts of Justice , in which was any mixture of scandal : On which account , they forced all those also to submit to the Churches Censures , who had been accused in those Courts , for Murther , Theft , or any like enormous crimes , though the party either were absolved by the Court it self , or pardoned by the King after condemnation . But all this could not stop the Mouthes , and much less stay the Pens of that Waspish Sect ; some flying out against the King in their scurrilous Libels , bald Pamphlets , and defamatory Rythmes ; others with no less violence inveighing against him in their Pulpits , but most especially in England , where they were out of the Kings reach , and consequently might rail on without fear of punishment . By them it was given out , to render the King odious both at home and abroad , That the King endeavoured to extinguish the light of the Gospel , and to that end had caused those Acts to pass against it : That he had left nothing of the whole ancient Form of Justice and Polity , in the Spiritual Estate , but a naked shaddow : That Popery was immediately to be established , if God and all good men came not in to help them : That for opposing these impieties , they had been forced to flee their Country , and sing the Lords Song in a strange Land ; with many other reproachful and calumnious passages of like odious nature . 65. But loosers may have leave to talk , as the saying is ; and by this barking , they declared sufficiently that they could not bite . I have now brought the Presbyterians to their lowest fall ; but we shall see them very shortly in their resurrections . In the mean time it will be seasonable to pass into England , that we may see how things were carried by their Brethren there , till we have brought them also to this point of time , and then we shall unite them all together in the course of their story . The end of the fifth Book . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History Of the PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . VI. Containing The beginning , progress and proceedings of the Puritan-Faction in the Realm of England , in reference to their Innovations both in Doctrines and Forms of Worship ; their Opposition to the Church , and the Rules thereof ; from the beginning of the Reign of King Edward VI. 1548 , to the Fifteenth year of Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1572. 1. THE Reformation of the Church of England was put into so good a way by King Henry the Eighth , that it was no hard matter to proceed upon his beginnings . He had once declared himself so much in favour of the Church of Rome , by writing against Martin Luther , that he was honored with the Title of Defensor Fidei ( or the Defender of the Faith ) by Pope Leo X. Which Title he afterwards united by Act of Parliament to the Crown of this Realm , not many years before his death . But a breach hapning betwixt him and Pope Clement VII , concerning his desired Divorce ; he first prohibits all appeals and other occasions of resort to the See of Rome ; procures himself to be acknowledged by the Prelates and Clergie in their Convocation , for Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England ; obtained a promise of them in verbo Sacerdotii ( which was then equal to an Oath ) neither to make , promulge nor execute any Ecclesiastical Constitutions , but as they should be authorized thereunto by his Letters-Patents ; and then proceed● unto an Act for extinguishing the usurped Authority of the Bishop of Rome . But knowing what a strong party the Pope had in England , by reason of that huge multitudes of Monks and Fryers which depended on him , he first dissolves all Monasteries and Religious Houses which were not able to dispend Three hundred Marks of yearly Rent ; and after draws in all the rest upon Surrendries , Resignations , or some other Practices . And having brought the work so far , he caused the Bible to be published in the English Tongue ; indulged the private reading of it to all persons of quality , and to such others also as were of known judgement and discretion ; commanded the Epistles and Gospels , the Lords Prayer , the Creed , and the Ten Commandment , to be rehearsed openly to the people on every Sunday and Holy Day in the English Tongue ; and ordered the Letany also to be read in English upon Wednesdays and Fridays . He had caused moreover many rich Shrines and Images to be defaced , such as had most notoriously been abused by Oblations , Pilgrimages , and other the like acts of Idolatrous Worship ; and was upon the point also to abolish the Mass it self , concerning which he had some secret communication with the French Ambassador , if Fox speak him rightly . 2. But what he did not live to do , and perhaps never would have done , had he lived much longer , was brought to pass in the next Reign of King Edward VI. In the beginning whereof , by the Authority of the Lord Protector , the diligence of Archbishop Cranmer , and the endeavours of many other Learned and Religious men , a Book of Homilies was set out to instruct the people ; Injunctions published for the removing of all Images formerly abused to Superstition , or false and counterfeit in themselves . A Statute past in Parliament for receiving the Sacrament in both kinds , and order given to the Archbishop of Canterbury , and Some other Prelates , to draw a Form for the Administration of it accordingly , to the honor of God , and the most Edification of all good people . The news whereof no sooner came unto Geneva , but Calvin must put in for a share ; and forthwith writes his Letters to Archbishop Cranmer , in which he offereth his assistance to promote the service , if he thought it necessary . But neither Cranmer , Kidley , nor any of the rest of the English Bishops , could see any such necessity of it , but that they might be able to do well without him . They knew the temper of the man , how busie and pragmatical he had been in all those places in which he had been suffered to intermeddle ; that in some points of Christian Doctrine he differed from the general current of the Ancient Fathers ; and had devised such a way of Ecclesiastical Polity , as was destructive in it self to the Sacred Hierarchy , and never had been heard of in all Antiquity . But because they would give him no offence , it was resolved to carry on the work by none but English hands , till they had perfected the composing of the Publick Liturgie , with all the Rites and Ceremonies in the same contained . And that being done , it was conceived not to be improper , if they made use of certain Learned men of the Protestant Churches for reading the Divinity-Lectures , and moderating Disputations in both Universities ; to the end that the younger Students might be trained up in sound Orthodox Doctrine . On which account they invited Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr , two men of eminent parts and Learning , to come over to them ; the one of which they disposed in Oxon , and the other at Cambridge . This might have troubled Calvin more then his own repulse , but that he thought himself sufficiently assured of Peter Martyr , who by reason of his long living amongst the Switzers , and his nea● Neighborhood to Geneva , might possibly be governed by his Directions . But because Bucer had no such dependance on him , and had withal been very much conversant in the Lutheran Churches , keeping himself in all his Reformations in a moderate course ; he practiseth to gain him also , or at least to put him into such a way as might come nearest to his own . Upon which grounds he posts away his Letters to him , congratulates his invitation into England ; but above all , adviseth him to have a care that he endeavoured not there , as in other places , either to be the Author or Approver of such moderate counsels , by which the parties might be brought to a Reconcilement . 3. For the satisfaction of these strangers , but the last especially , the Liturgie is translated into Latine by Alexander Alesius , a right Learned Scot. A Copy of whose Translation , or the sum thereof , being sent to Calvin , administred no small matter of offence unto him ; not so much because any thing in it could be judged offen●ive , but because it so much differed from those of his own conception . The people of England had received it as an heavenly treasure sent down by Gods great mercy to them ; all moderate men beyond the Seas , applauded the felicity of the Church of England , in fashioning such an excellent Form of Gods Publick Worship ; and by the Act of Parliament which confirmed the same , it was declared to have been done by the special aid of the Holy Ghost . But Calvin was resolved to think otherwise of it , declaring his dislike thereof in a long Letter written to the Lord Protector : In which he excepteth more particularly against Commemoration of the dead ( which he acknowledgeth notwithstanding to be very ancient ; ) as also against Chrism , or Oyl in Baptism , and the Form of Visiting the sick ; and then adviseth , that as well these , as all the rest of the Rites and Ceremonies , be cut off at once . And that this grave advice might not prove unwelcome , he gives us such a Rule or Reason , as afterwards raised more trouble to the Church of England then his bare advice . His Rule is this , That in carrying on the work of a Reformation , there is not any thing to be exacted , which is not warranted and required by the Word of God : That in such cases there is no Rule left for worldly wisdom ▪ for moderation and compliance ; but all things to be ordered as they are directed by his will revealed . What use his Followers made of their Masters Rule , in crying down the Rites and Ceremonies of this Church ( as Superstitiou● , Antichristian , and what else they pleased ) because not found expresly and particularly in the Holy Scriptures , we shall see hereafter . In the mean time , we must behold him in his Applications to the King and Council , his tampering with Archbishop Canmer , his practising on men of all conditions to encrease his party ▪ For finding little benefit to redound unto him by his Letter to the Lord Protector , he sets upon the King himself ; and tells him plainly , that there were many things amiss which required Reformation . In his Letters unto the King and Council , as he writes to Bullinger , he had excited them to proceed in the good work which they had begun ; that is to say , that they should so proceed as he had directed . With Cranmer he is more particular , and tells him in plain terms , That in the Liturgie of this Church , as then it stood , there remained a whole mass of Popery , which did not onely blemish , but destroy Gods Publick Worship . But fearing he might not edifie with the godly King , assisted by so wise a Council , and such Learned Prelates , he hath his Emissaries in the Court , and amongst the Clergie ; his Agents in the City and Countrey , his Intelligencers ( one Monsieur Nicholas amongst the rest ) in the University . All of them active and industrious to advance his purposes ; but none more mischievously practical then Iohn Alasco , a Polonian born , but a profest Calvian both in Doctrine and Forms of Worship ; who coming out of Poland with a mixed Congregation , under pretence of being forced to fly their Countrey for professing the Reformed Religion , were gratified with the Church of Augustine-Fryers in London for their publick use ; and therein suffered to enjoy their own way , both in Worship and Government , though in both exceeding different from the Rules of this Church . In many Churches of this Realm the Altars were left standing as in former times , and in the rest the holy Table was placed Altar-wi●e , at the East-end of the Quire. But by his party in the Court , he procures an Order from the Lords of the Council , for causing the said Table to be removed , and to be placed in the middle of the Church or Chancel , like a common Table . It was the usage of this Church to give the holy Sacrament unto none but such as kneeled at the participation , according to the pious order of the primitive times . But Iohn Alasco coming out of Poland , where the Arrians ( who deny the Divinity of Christ our Saviour ) had introduced the use of ●itting , brought that irreverend custom into England with him . And not content with giving scandal to this Church by the use thereof in his own Congreg●tion , he publisheth a Pamphlet in defence of that irreverend and sawey gesture , because most proper for a Supper . The Liturgie had appointed several Offices for many of the Festivals observed in the most regular times of Christianity : Some of the Clergy in the Convocation must be set on work to question the conveniencie , if not the lawfulness of those observations , considering that all days are alike , and therefore to be equally regarded in a Church Reformed . And some there were which raised a scruple touching the words which were prescribed to be used in the delivery of the Bread and Wine to the Congregation . 5. Not to proceed to more particulars , let it suffice that these Emissaries did so ply their work , by the continual solliciting of the King , the Council , and the Convocation , that at the last the Book was brought to a review . The product or result whereof was the second Liturgie , confirmed in Parliament Anno 5 , 6 Edw. 6. By the tenour of which Act it may appear , first , that there was nothing contained in the said Book , but what was agreeable to the Word of God , and the Primitive Church , very comfortable to all good people desiring to live in Christian conversation , and most profitable to the Estate of this Realm . And secondly , That such doubts as had been raised in the use and exercise thereof , proceeded rather from the curiosity of the Minister and Mistakers , then of any other worthy cause . And thereupon we may conclude , that the first Liturgie was discontinued , and the second superinduced upon it after this review , to give satisfaction unto Calvins Cavils , the curiosities of some , and the mistakes of others of his Friends and Followers . But yet this would nor serve the turn ; they must have all things modelled by the Form of Geneva , or else no quiet to be had : Which since they could not gain in England , in the Reign of King Edward ( who did not long out-live the setling of the second Liturgie ) they are resolved more eagerly to pursue the project in a Fo●reign Country , during their exile and affliction in the Reign of Queen Mary . Such of the English as retired to Embden , Strasburg , Basil , or any other of the Free and Imperial Cities , observed no Form of Worship in their Publick Meetings , but this second Liturgie . In contrary whereof , such as approved not of that Liturgy when they were in England , united themselves into a Church or Congregation in the City of Frankfort , where they set up a mixt Form of their own devising , but such as carried some resemblance to the Book of England . Whittingham was the first who took upon himself the charge of this Congregation ; which after he resigned to Knox , as the fitter man to carry on the work intended , who having retired to Geneva on the death of King Edward , and from thence published some tedious Pamphlets against the Regiment of Women , and otherwise defamatory of the Emperour and the Queen of England , was grown exceeding dear to Calvin and the rest of that Consistory . By his indeavours , and forwardness of too many of the Congregation , that little which was used of the English Liturgie was quite laid aside , and all things brought more near the Order which be found at Geneva ; though so much differing from that also , as to intitle Knox for the Author of it . 6. The noise of this great Innovation brings Gryndal and Chambers from the Church of Strasburg to set matters right . By whom it was purposed , that the substance of the English Book being still retained , there might be a forbearance of some Ceremonies and Offices in it . But Knox and Whittingham were as much bent against the substance of the Book , as against any of the Circumstantials and Extrinsecals which belonged unto it . So that no good effect following on this interposition , the Agents of the Church of Strasburg return back to their brethren , who by their Letters of the 13 of December expostulate in vain about it . To put an end to these Disputes , no better way could be devised by Knox and Whittingham , then to require the countenance of Calvin , which they thought would carry it . To him they send an Abstract of the Book of England , that by his positive and determinate Sentence ( which they presumed would be in favour of his own ) it might stand or fall . And he returns this Answer to them , a That in the Book of England , as by them described , he had observed many tolerable Fooleries ; that though there was no manifest impiety , yet it wanted much of that purity which was to be desired in it ; and that it contained many Relicts of the dregs of Popery : and finally , that though it was lawful to begin with such beggerly Rudiments , yet it behooved the Learned , Godly and Grave Ministers of Christ , to set forth something more refin●d from Filth and Rustiness . Which Letter see at large in the first Book of this History , Number 17. This Answer so prevailed upon all his Followers , that they who sometimes had approved , did now as much dislike the English Liturgie ; and those who at first had conceived a dislike thereof , did afterwards grow into an open detestation of it . In which condition of Affairs , Dr. Richard Cox , Dr. Horne , and others of great Note and Quality , put themselves also into Frankfort , where they found all things contrary to their expectation . Cox had been Almoner to King Edward VI , Chancellor of the University of Oxon , Dean of Westminster , one that had a chief hand in composing the English Liturgie ; which made him very impatient of such Innovations , amounting to no less then a total rejection of it , as he found amongst them . By his Authority and appointment , the English Litany is first read , and afterwards the whole Book reduced into use and practice . Against which when Knox began to rail in a publick Sermon , ( according to his wonted custom ) he is accused by Cox to the Senate of Frankfort for his defamatory writings against the Emperour and the Queen of England . Upon the news whereof , Knox forsakes the Town , retires himself unto his Sanctuary at Geneva , and thither he is followed by a great part of his Congregation , who made foul work in England at their coming home . 7. But this about the Liturgy , though it was the greatest , was not the onely quarrel which was raised by the Zuinglian or Calvinian Zealors . The Church prescribed the use of Surplices in all Sacred Offices , and Coapes in the officiating at the holy Altar . It prescribed also a distinct habit in the Clergy from the rest of the people ; Roche●s and Chimeres for the Bishops ; Gowns , Tippets , and Canonical Coats for the rest of the Clergy ; the square Cap for all . Their opposition in the use of the Surplice , much confirmed and countenanced , as well by the writings , as the practice of Peter Martyr ; who kept a constant intercourse with Calvin at his being here . For in his Writings he declared to a Friend of his , ( who required his judgement in the case ) that such Vestments being in themselves indifferent , could make no man godly or ungodly , either by forbearance or the use thereof ; but that ▪ he thought it more expedient to the good of the Church , that they and all others of that kinde should be taken away , when the next convenient opportunity should present it self . Which judgement as he grounds upon Calvin's Rule , that nothing should be acted in a Reformation which is not warranted expresly by the Word of God ; so he adds this to it of his own , that where there is so much contending for these outward matters , there is but little care of the true Religion . And he assures us of himself ( in point of practice ) that though he were a Canon of Christ-Church , and diligent enough in attending Divine Service as the others did , yet he could never be perswaded to use that Vestment ; which must needs animate all the rest of the Genevians to forbear it also . The like was done by Iohn Alasco , in crying down the Regular habit of the Clergie before describ'd . In which prevailing little by his own authority , he writes to M. Bucer to declare against it ; and for the same was most severely reprehended by that moderate and learned man , and all his cavils and objections very solidly answered . Which being sent unto him in the way of a Letter , was afterwards printed and dispersed , for keeping down that opposite humour , which began then to over-swell the Banks , and threatned to bear all before it . But that which made the greatest noise , was the carriage of Mr. Iohn Hooper , Lord Elect of Gloucester , who having lived amongst the Switzers in the time of King Henry , did rather choose to be denied his Consecration , then to receive it in that habit which belonged to his Order . At first the Earl of Warwick ( who after was Duke of Northumberland ) interceded for him , and afterwards drew in the King to make one in the business . But Cranmer , Ridley , and the rest of the Bishops who were most concerned , craved leave not to obey His Majestie against his Laws ; and in the end prevailed so far , that Hooper for his contumacy was committed Prisoner ; and from the Prison writes his Letters to Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr , for their opinion in the case . From the last of which , who had declared himself no Friend to the English Ceremonies , he might presume of some encouragement ; the rather , in regard that Calvin had appeared on his behalf , who must needs have a hand in this quarrel also . For understanding how things went , he writes unto the Duke of Sommerset to attone the difference , not by perswading Hooper to conform himself to the received Orders of the Church , but to lend the man a helping hand , by which he might be able to hold out against all Authority . 8. But Hooper being deserted by the Earl of Warwick , and not daring to relie altogether upon Calvins credit , which was unable to support him , submits at last unto the pleasure of his Metropolitan , and the Rules of the Church . So that in fine the business was thus compromised ; that is to say , That he should receive his Consecration attired in his Episcopal Robes : That he should be dispensed withal from wearing them at ordinary times as his daily habits ; but that he should be bound to use them whensoever he preached before the King in his own Cathedral , or any other place of like publick nature . According to which Agreement , being appointed to preach before the King , he shewed himself apparelled in his Bishops Robes ; viz. A long Scarlet Chimere reaching down to the ground for his upper Garment ( changed in Queen Elizabeths time to one of black Sattin ) and under that a white linen Rochet , with a Square Cap upon his head . This Fox reproacheth by the name of a Popish Attire , and makes it to be a great cause of shame and contumelie to that godly man. But notwithstanding the submission of this Reverend Prelate , too many of the inferior Clergie were not found so tractable in their conformity to the Cap and Tippet , the Gown , and the Canonical Coat ; the wearing whereof was required of them , whensoever they appeared in publick : Being decryed also by Alasco and the rest of the Zuinglians or Galvinians , as a Superstitions and Popish Attire , altogether as unfit for Ministers of the holy Gospel , as the Chimere and Rochet were for those who claimed to be the Successors of the Lords Apostles . So Tyms replied unto Bishop Gardiner , when being asked whether a Coat , with stockins of divers colours , were a fit apparel for a Deacon : He sawcily made answer , that his Vesture did not so much vary from a Deacons , as his Lordships did from that of an Apostle . Which passage , as well concerning the debates about the Liturgie , as about the Vestments , I have here abbreviated , leaving the Reader for his further satisfaction to the History of the Reformation not long since published , in which they are laid down at large in their times and places . 9. Nor did they work less trouble to the Church in those early days , by their endeavouring to advance some Zuinglian Doctrines , by which the blame of all mens sins was either charged upon Gods will , or his Divine Decree of Predestination . These men are called in Bishop Hooper's Preface to the Ten Commandments , by the name of Gospellers , for making their new Doctrines such a necessary part of our Saviours Gospel , as if men could not possibly be saved without it . These Doctrines they began to propagate in the Reign of King Edward ; but never were so busie at it , as when they lived at Geneva , or came newly thence . For first , Knox publisheth a book against an Adversary of Gods Predestination ; wherein it is declared , That whatsoever the Ethnicks and ignorant did attribute to Fortune , by Christians is to be assigned to Gods heavenly Providence : That we ought to judge nothing to come of Fortune , but that all cometh by the determinate counsel of God : And finally , that it would be displeasing unto God , if we esteem any thing to proceed from any other ; and that we do not onely behold him as the principal cause of all things , but also the Author , appointing all things to one or the other by his onely Counsel . After , came out a book first written in French , and a●terwards by some of them translated into English , which they called , A brief Declaration of the Table of Predestination : In which is put down for a principal Aphorism , That in like manner as God hath appointed the end , it is necessary that he should appoint the causes leading to the same end ; but more particularly , That by virtue of Gods will all things are done , yea , even those things which are evil and execrable . 10. At the same time came out another of their books , pretended to be writ Against a privy Papist , as the Title tells us ; wherein is maintained more agreeably to Calvins Doctrine , That all evil springeth of Gods Ordinance , and that Gods Predestination was the cause of Adams fall , and of all wickedness . And in a fourth book published by Robert Cowley , who afterwards was Rector of the Church of S. Giles near Cripplegate , intituled , The confutation of Thirteen Articles ; it is said expresly , That Adam being so perfect a creature that there was in him no lust to sin , and yet so weak , that of himself he was not able to resist the assault of the subtile Serpent ; that therefore there can be no remedy , but that the onely cause of his fall must needs be the Predestination of God. In which book it is also said , That the most wicked persons that have been , were of God appointed to be wicked even as they were : That if God do predestinate a man to do things rashly , and without any deliberation , he shall not deliberate at all , but run headlong upon it be it good or evil : And in a word , That we are compelled by Gods Predestination to do those things for which we are damned . By which Defenders of the absolute Decree of Reprobation , as God is made to be Author of sin , either in plain terms , or undeniable consequence ; so from the same men , and the Genevian Pamphlets by them dispersed , our English Calvinists have borrowed all their Grounds and Principles on which they build the absolute and irrespective Decree of Predestination , contrary to the Doctrines publickly maintained and taught in the Church of England in the time of King Edward , and afterwards more clearly explicated under Queen Elizabeth . 11. Such was the posture of affairs at Queen Elizabeths first coming to the Crown of England , when to the points before disputed both at home and abroad , was raised another of more weight and consequence then all the rest ; and such , as ( if it could be gained ) would bring on the other . Such as had lived in exile amongst the Zwitzers , or followed Knox at his return unto Geneva , became exceedingly enamored of Calvins Platform ; by which they found so much Authority ascribed unto the Ministers in the several Churches , as might make them absolute and independant , without being called to an account by King or Bishop . This Discipline they purposed to promote at their coming home ; and to that end , leaving some few behind them to attend the finishing of the Bible with the Genevian Notes upon it , which was then in the Press , the rest return a main for England to pursue the Project . But Cox had done their errand before they came ; and she had heard so much from others of their carriage at Frankfort , and their untractableness in point of Decency and comely Order in the Reign of her brother , as might sufficiently forewarn her not to hearken to them . Besides , she was not to be told with what reproaches Calvin had reviled her Sister , nor how she had been persecuted by his followers in the time of her Reign ; some of them railing at her person in their scandalous Pamphlets ; some practising by false , but dangerous allusions , to subvert her Government ; and others openly praying to God , That he would either turn her heart , or put an end to her days . And of these men she was to give her self no hope , but that they would proceed with her in the self-same manner , whensoever any thing should be done ( how necessary and just soever ) which might cross their humours . The consideration whereof was of such prevalency with those of her Council , who were then deliberating about the altering of Religion , that amongst other remedies which were wisely thought of to prevent such dangers as probably might ensue upon it , it was resolved to have an eye upon these men , who were so hot in the pursuit of their flattering hopes , that out of a desire of Innovation ( as my Author tells me ) they were busied at that very time in setting up a new Form of Ecclesiastical Polity , and therefore were to be supprest with all care and diligence before they grew unto a head . 12. But they were men of harder metal then to be broken at the first blow which was offered at them . Queen Maries death being certified to those of Geneva , they presently dispatched their Letters to their Brethren at Frankfort and Arrow ; to which Letters of theirs , an answer is returned from Frankfort on the third , from Arrow on the 16 of Ianuary : And thereupon it is resolved to prepare for England , before their party was so sunk , that it could not without much difficulty be buoyed up again . Some of their party which remained all the time in England , being impatient of delay , and chusing rather to anticipate then expect Authority , had set themselves on work in defacing Images , demolishing the Altars ; and might have made foul work , if not stopped in time . Others began as hastily to preach the Protestant Doctrine , in private Houses first , and afterwards as opportunity was offered , in the open Churches : Great multitudes of people resorting to them without Rule or Order . To give a check to whose forwardness , the Queen sets out her Proclamation in the end of December ; but which she gave command , That no Innovation should be made in the State of Religion , and that all persons should conform themselves for the present to the practices of Her Majesties Chappel , till it was otherwise appointed . Another Proclamation was also issued , by which all preaching was prohibited , but by such onely as were licensed by her Authority ; which was not like to countenance any men of such turbulent spirits . The news whereof much hastned the return of those Zealous Brethren , who knew they might have better fishing in a troubled water , then in a quiet and composed . Calvin makes use also of the opportunity , directs his Letters to the Queen and Mr. Secretary Cecil , in hope that nothing should be done but by his advice . The contrary whereof gave matter of cold comfort both to him and them , when they were given to understand , that the Liturgie had been revised and agreed upon : That it was made more passable then before with the Roman Catholicks ; and that not any of their number was permitted to act any thing in it , except Whitehead onely , who was but half theirs neither , and perhaps not that . All they could do in that Conjuncture , was to find fault with the Translation of the Bible which was then in use , in hope that their Genevian Edition of it might be entertained ; and to except against the paucity of fit men to serve the Church , and fill the vacant places of it , on the like hopes that they themselves might be preferred to supply the same . 13. And it is possible enough , that either by the mediation of Calvin , or by the intercession of Peter Martyr ( who wrote unto the Queen at the same time also ) the memory of their former Errors might have been obliterated ; if Knox had not pulled more back with one hand , then Calvin , Martyr and the rest could advance with both . For in a Letter of his to Sir William Cecil , dated April the 24 , 1559 , he first upbraids him with consenting to the suppressing of Christs true Evangel , to the erecting of Idolatry , and to the shedding of the blood of Gods most dear children , during the Reign of Mischievous Mary , that professed Enemy of God , as he plainly calls her . Then he proceeds to justifie his treasonable and seditious book against the Regiment of Women . Of the truth whereof he positively affirmeth that he no more doubteth , then that he doubted that was the voyce of God which pronounced this sentence upon that Sex , That in dolour they should bear their children . Next he declares in reference to the Person of Queen Elizabeth , That he could willingly acknowledge her to be raised by God , for the manifestation of his glory , although not Nature onely , but Gods own Ordinance did oppugn such Regiment . And thereupon he doth infer , That if Queen Elizabeth would confess , that the extraordinary Dispensations of Gods great mercy did make that lawful in her , which both Nature and Gods Laws did deny in all women besides , none in England should be more ready to maintain her lawful Authority then himself . But on the other side he pronounceth this Sentence on her , That if she built her Title upon Custom , Laws and Ordinances of men , such foolish presumption would grievously offend Gods Supreme Majestie , and that her ingratitude in that kind should not long lack punishment . To the same purpose he writes also to the Queen Herself , reproaching her withal , That for fear of her life she had declined from God , bowed to Idolatry , and gone to Mass , during the persecution of Gods Saints in the time of her Sister . In both his Letters he complains of some ill offices which had been done him , by means whereof he was denyed the liberty of Preaching in England : And in both Letters he endeavoured to excuse his flock of late assembled in the most godly Reformed Church and City of Geneva , from being guilty of any offence by his publishing of the book ; the blame whereof he wholly takes upon himself . But this was not the way to deal with Queens and their Privy Counsellors ; and did effect so little in relation to himself and his flock , that he caused a more watchfull eye to be kept upon them , then possibly might have been otherwise , had he scribled less . 14. Yet such was the necessity which the Church was under , that it was hardly possible to supply all the vacant places in it , but by admitting some of the Genevian Zealots to the Publick Ministery . The Realm had been extreamly visited in the year foregoing with a dangerous and Contagious Sickness , which took away almost half the Bishops , and occasioned such Mortality amongst the rest of the Clergy , that a great part of the Parochial Churches were without Incumbents . The rest of the Bishops , twelve Deans , as many Archdeacons , Fifteen Masters of Colledges and Halls , Fifty Prebendaries of Cathedral Churches , and about Eighty Beneficed-men were deprived at once , for refusing to sub●●●● to the Queens Supremacy . For the filling of which vacant places though as much care was taken as could be imagined to stock the Church with moderate and conformable men , yet many ●ast amongst the rest , who either had not hitherto discovered their dis-affections , or were connived at in regard of their parts and learning . Private opinions not regarded , nothing was more considered in them then their zeal against Popery , and their abilities in Divine and Humane studies to make good that zeal . On which account we find the Queens-Professor in Oxford to pass amongst the Non-Conformists , though somewhat more moderate then the rest ; and Cartwright the Lady Margarets in Cambridge , to prove an unextinguished fire-brand to the Church of England ; Wittingham the chief Ring-leader of the Frankfort-Schismaticks , preferred unto the Deanry of Durham , from thence encouraging Knox and Goodman in setting up Presbyterie and sedition in the Kirk of Scotland . Sampson advanced unto the Deanry of Christ-Church , and not long after turn'd out again for an incorrigible Non-Conformist . Hardiman , one of the first twelve Prebends of Westminster , deprived soon after , for throwing down the Altar , and defacing the Vestments of the Church . And if so many of them were advanced to places of note and eminence , there is no question to be made , but that some numbers of them were admitted unto Countrey-Cures ; by means whereof , they had as great an opportunity as they could desire , not onely to dispute their Genevian Doctrines , but to prepare the people committed to them for receiving of such Innovations both in Worship and Government , as were resolved in time convenient to be put upon them . 15. For a preparative whereunto , they brought along with them the Genevian Bible , with their Notes upon it , together with Davids Psalms in English metre ; that by the one they might effect an Innovation in the points of Doctrine , and by the other bring this Church more neer to the Rules of Geneva in some chief acts of Publick Worship . For to omit the incongruities of the Translation , which King Iames judged to be the worst that he had ever seen in the English Tongue , the Notes upon the same in many places savour of Sedition , and in some of Faction , destructive of the Persons and Powers of Kings , and of all civil intercourse and humane society . That Learned King hath told us in the Conference at Hampton-Court , that the Notes on the Genevian Bible were partial , untrue , seditious , and savouring too much of dangerous and trayterous conceits . For proof whereof he instanced in the Note of Exod. 1. v. 19. where they allow of disobedience unto Kings and Soveraign Princes : And secondly , in that on 2 Chron. 8.15 , 16. where Asa is taxed for not putting his Mother to death , but deposing her onely from the Regency which before she executed . Of which last note the Scotish Presbyterians made especial use , not onely in deposing Mary their lawful Queen , but prosecuting her openly and under-hand till they had took away her life . And to this too he might have added that on Matth. 2.12 . where it is said , that Promise ought not be kept where Gods honor and preaching of his truth is hindred , or else it ought not to be broken . Which opens a wide gap to the breach of all Oaths , Covenants , Contracts and Agreements , not onely between man and man , but between Kings and their Subjects . For what man can be safe , or King secure ; what Promise can oblige , or what Contract bind ; or what Oath tye a man to his Faith and duty , if on pretence of Gods honor , or the propagating of his truth , he may lawfully break it ? And yet this Doctrine passed so currantly amongst the French , that it was positively affirmed by Eusebius Philadelphus , whosoever he was , That Queen Elizabeth was no more bound to keep the League which she had made and sworn with Charles IX , ( because forsooth the preaching of the Gospel might be hindred by it ) then Herod was obliged to keep the Oath which he had sworn to the Dancing-Harlot . Follow them to Rev. 9. and they will tell us in their Notes upon that Chapter , that by the Locusts which came out of the smoak , are meant false Teachers , Hereticks , and worldly subtile Prelates , with Monks , Fryers , Cardinals , Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops , Doctors , Batchelors and Masters . To which though they subjoyn these words , viz. Which forsake Christ to maintain false Doctrine ; yet lays it a disgrace on all Archbishops and Bishops , and on all such as take Academical degrees , by bringing them under the name of Locusts , and joyning them with Monks and Friers , whom they beheld no otherwise then as Limbs of Antichrist . Which being the design of their Annotations , agreeable to Calvins Doctrine in reference to Civil & Ecclesiastical Government , there is no doubt but that they come up roundly to him in reference to Predestination , and the points appendant : for which I shall refer the Reader to the Notes themselves ; observing onely in this place , that they exclude Christ and all his sufferings from being any way considerable in mans Election , which they found onely on the absolute will and pleasure of Almighty God , but are content to make him an inferiour cause ( and onely an inferiour cause ) of a mans salvation : For which consult them on Rom 9.15 . 16. Now with this Bible , and these Notes , which proved so advantagious to them in their main projectments , they also brought in Davids Psalms in English metre , of which they served themselves to some tune in the time succeeding . Which device being first taken up by Clement Marot , and continued afterwards by Beza , as before is said , was followed here in England by Thomas Sternhold in the Reign of King Edward , and afterwards by Iohn Hopkins and some others , who had retired unto Geneva in the time of Queen Mary . Being there finished , and printed at the end of their Bibles , they were first recommended to the use of private Families ; next brought into the Church for an entertainment before the beginning of the Morning and Evening Service : And finally , published by themselves , or at the end of the Psalter , with this Declaration , that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after Morning and Evening Prayer , as also before and after Sermons . But first , no such allowance can be found as is there pretended , nor could be found when this allowance was disputed in the High Commission , by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof . And then whereas it is pretended that the said Psalms should be sung before and after Morning and Evening Prayer , as also before and after Sermons ( which shews they were not to be intermingled with the Publick Liturgie ) in very little time they prevailed so far in most Parish-Churches , as to thrust out the Te Deum , and the Benedicite , the Benedictus , the Magnificat , and the Nunc Dimittis quite out of the Church . And thirdly , by the practices and endeavours of the Puritan party ( who had an eye upon the usage of Geneva ) they came to be esteemed the most Divine part of Gods publick service ; the reading Psalms , together with the first and second Lessons , being heard in many places with a covered head ; but all men sitting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung . And to that end , the Parish-Clerk must be taught to call upon the people to sing it to the Praise and Glory God ; no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters or the daily Psalms . 17. By these preparatives they hoped in time to bring in the whole body of Calvinism , as well in reference to Government , and forms of Worship , as to points of Doctrine . But then they were to stay their time , and not to shew too much at once of the main designe , but rather to divert on some other counsels . The Liturgy was so well fortified by the Law , and the Bishops so setled in their jurisdictions , that it had been a madness to attempt on either , till they should finde themselves increased both in power and number , and that they had some Friend in Court not onely to excuse , but defend their actions . In which respect , nothing seemed more expedient to them , then to revive the Quarrels of King Edwards time about Caps and Tippets , and other Vestments of the Clergy which had not the like Countenance from the Laws of the Land. In which as they assured themselves of all help from the hands of Peter Martyr , so they despaired not of obtaining the like from Calvin and Beza , whensoever it should be required . But as one Wave thrusts another forwards , so this dispute brings in some others , in which the judgement of Peter Martyr was demanded also ; that is to say , concerning the Episcopal Habit , the Patrimony of the Church , the manner of proceedings to be held against Papists , the Perambulation used in the Rogation-Week ; with many other points of the like condition . Which Quarrels they pursued for five years together , till the setling of that business by the Book of Advertisements , Anno 1565. They also had begun to raise their thoughts unto higher matters then Caps and Tippets : In order whereunto , some of them take upon them in their private Parishes , to ordain set Fasts ; and others , to neglect the observation of the Annual Festivals which were appointed by the Church ; some to remove the holy Table from the place of the Altar , and to transpose it to the middle of the Quire or Chancel , that it might serve the more conveniently for the posture of sitting ; and others , by the help of some silly Ordinaries , to impose Books of Forreign Doctrine on their several Parishes ; that by such Doctrine they might countenance their Actings in the other particulars . All which , with many other innovations of the like condition , were presently took notice of by the Bishops , and the rest of the Queens Commissioners ; and remedies provided for them in a book of Orders , published in the year 1561 ; or the Advertisements before mentioned , about four years after . Such as proceeded in their oppositions after these Advertisements , had the name of Puritans ; as men that did profess a greater Purity in the Worship of God , a greater detestation of the Ceremonies and Corruptions of the Church of Rome , then the rest of their brethren : under which name were comprehended , not onely those which hitherto had opposed the Churches Vestments , but also such as afterwards endeavoured to destroy the Liturgy , and subvert the Goverment . 18. In all this time they could obtain no countenance from the hands of this State , though it was once endeavoured for them by the Earl of Leicester ( whom they had gained to their Patron . ) But it was onely to make use of them as a counterpoise to the Popish party , at such time as the Marriage was in agitation between the Lord Henry Stewart and the Queen of Scots , if any thing should be attempted by them to disturb the Kingdom ; the fears whereof , as they were onely taken up upon politick ends , so the intended favours to the opposite Faction vanished also wi●h them . But on the contrary , we finde the State severe enough against their proceedings , even to the deprivation of Dr. Thomas Sampson , Dean of Christ-church . To which dignity he had been unhappily preferred in the first year of the Queen ; and being looked upon as head of this Faction , was worthily deprived thereof by the Queens Commissioners . They found by this severity what they were to trust to , if any thing were practised by them against the Liturgy , the Doctrine of the Church , or the publick Government . It cannot be denyed , but Goodman , Gilbie , Whittingham , and the rest of the Genevian Conventicle , were very much grieved , at their return , that they could not bear the like sway here in their several Consistories , as did Calvin and Beza at Geneva ; so that they not onely repined and grudged at the Reformation which was made in this Church , because not fitted to their Fancies , and to Calvins Plat-form ; but have laboured to sow those Seeds of Heterodoxy and Disobedience , which afterwards brought forth those troubles and disorders which ensued upon it . But being too wise to put their own Fingers in the fire , they presently fell upon a course which was sure to speed , without producing any danger to themselues or their party . They could not but remember those many advantages which Iohn Alasco and his Church of strangers afforded to the Zuinglian Gospellers , in the time of King Edward ; and they despaired not of the like , nor of greater neither , if a French Church were setled upon Calvin's Principles in some part of London . 19. For the advancement of this project , Calvin directs his Letters unto Bishop Grindal , newly preferred unto that See , that by his countenance or connivance , such of the French Nation as for their Conscience had been forced to flee into England , might be permitted the Free Exercise of their Religion : whose leave being easily obtained , for the great reverence which he bares to the name of Calvin , they made the like use of some Friends which they had in the Court. By whose sollicitation they procured the Church of St. Anthony , not far from Merchant-taylors-Hall , then being of no present use for Religious Offices , to be assigned unto the French , with liberty to erect the Genevian Discipline , for ordering the Affairs of their Congregation , and to set up a Form of Prayer which had no manner of conformity with the English Liturgy . Which what else was it in effect , but a plain giving up of the Cause at the first demand , which afterwards was contended for with such opposition ? what else but a Foundation to that following Anarchy which was designed to be obtruded on the Civil Government ? For certainly , the tolerating of Presbytery in a Church founded and established by the Rules of Episcopacie , could end in nothing but the advancing of a Commonwealth in the midst of a Monarchy . Calvin perceived this well enough , and thereupon gave Grindal thanks for his favour in it , of whom they after served themselves upon all occasions ; a Dutch-Church being after setled on the same Foundation in the Augustine Fryars , where Iohn Alasco held his Congregation in the Reign of King Edward . The inconveniences whereof were not seen at the first ; and when they were perceived , were not easily remedied . For the obtaining of which ends , there was no man more like to serve them with the Queen , then Sir Francis Knollis ; who having Married a Daughter of the Lord Cary of Hunsdon , the Queens Cosin-German , was made Comptroller of the Houshold , continuing in good Credit and Authority with her upon that account . And being also one of those who had retired from Frankfort to Geneva in the time of the Schism , did there contract a great acquaintance with Calvin , Beza , and the rest of the Consistorians , whose cause he managed at the Court upon all occasions ; though afterwards he gave place to the Earl of Leicester , as their Principal Agent . 20. But the Genevians will finde work enough to imploy them both ; and having gained their ends , will put on for more . The Isles of Guernsey and Iarsey , the onely remainder of the Crown of England in the Dukedom of Normandy , had entertained the Reformation in the Reign of King Edward ; by whose command the publick Liturgy had been turned into French , that it might serve them in those Islands for their Edifications . But the Reformed Religion being suppressed in the time of Queen Mary , revived again immediately after her decease , by the diligence of such French Ministers as had resorted thither for protection in the day of their troubles . In former times these Islands belonged unto the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Constance , who had in each of them a Subordinate Officer , mixt of a Chancellor and Arch● Deacon , for the dispatch of all such business as concerned the Church : which Officers intituled by the name of Deans , had a particular Revenue in Tythes and Corn allotted to them , besides the Perquisites of their Courts , and the best Benefices in the Islands . But these French Ministers desiring to have all things modelled by the Rules of Calvin , endeavoured by all the Friends they could to advance his Discipline ; to which they were incouraged by the brothers here , and the Governors there . The Governours in each Island advanced the project , out of a covetous intent to inrich themselves by the spoil of the Deanries ; the brethren have hereupon a hope to gain ground by little and little , for the erecting of the same in most parts of England . And in pursuance of this plot , both Islands joyn in confederacy to petition the Queen for an allowance of this Discipline , Anno 1563. In the year next following , the Signiour de St. Owen and Monsieur de Soulemount were delegated to the Court to sollicite in it ; where they received a gratious answer , and full of hopes returned to their several homes . In the mean time , the Queen being strongly perswaded that this designe would much advance the Reformation in those Islands , was contented to give way unto it , in the Towns of St. Peters Port and St. Hillaries only , but no further . To which purpose there were Letters decretory from the Council , directed to the Bayliff , the Iurates , and others of each Island ; subscribed by Bacon Lord Keeper of the Great Seal ; the Marquess of Northampton ; the Earl of Leicester ; the Lord Clynton , afterwards Earl of Lincolne ; Rogers , Knollis and Cecil . The Tenour of which Letter in relation to the Isle of Iarsey , was this that followeth . 21. After our very hearty commendations unto you ; where the Queens most excellent Majesty understandeth , that the Isles of Guernsey and Jarsey have anciently depended on the Diocess of Constance , and that there be certain Churches in the same Diocess well reformed , agreeable throughout in the Doctrine as is set forth in this Realm ; knowing therewith , that they have a Minister , which ever since his arrival in Jarsey hath used the like Order of Preaching and Administration , as in the said reformed Churches , or as it is used in the French Church of London : her Majesty , for divers respects and considerations moving her Highness , is well pleased to admit the same Order of Preaching and Administration to be continued at St. Hillaries , as hath been hitherto accustomed by the said Minister . Provided always , that the residue of the Parishes in the said Isle , shall diligently put aside all superstitions used in the said Diocess ; and so continue there the Order of Service ordained within this Realm , with the Injunctions necessary for that purpose . Wherein you may not fail diligently to give your aids and assistance , as best may serve for the advancement of Gods Glory . And so farewel . From Richmond the 7 of August , Anno 1565. 22. Where note , that the same Letter , the names onely of the places being changed , and subscribed by the same men , was sent also unto those of Guernsey , for the permission of the said Discipline in the Port of St. Peters . In which , though there be no express mention of allowing their Discipline , but onely of their Form of Prayer a●d Administration of Sacraments ; yet they presumed so far on the general words , as to put it presently in practice . In prosecution of which Counsels , the Ministers and Elders of both Churches held their first Synod in the Isle of Guernsey , on the 2 of September , Anno 1567 , where they concluded to advance it by degrees in all the rest of the Parishes , as opportunity should serve , and the condition of Affairs permit : to the great joy , no question , of their great Friends in England , who could not but congratulate their own good Fortune in these fair beginnings . 23. At home they found not such success as they did abroad ; not a few of them being deprived of their Benefices , and other preferments in the Church , for their inconformity , exprest in their refusing to officiate by the publick Liturgy , or not submitting to the directions of their Ordinaries in some outward matters , as Caps and Surplices , and the like . The news of which severity flies to France and Scotland ; occasioning Beza in the one , and Knox and his Comrades in the other , to interpose themselves in behalf of their brethren . With what Authority Beza acted in it , we shall see anon . And we may now take notice , that in Knoxes Letter , sent from the general Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland , the Vestments in dispute are not onely called Trifles and Rags of Rome , but are discountenanced and decryed , for being such Garments as Idolaters in time of greatest darkness , used in their Superstitious and idolatrous service : & thereupon it is inferred , That if Surplice , Cap and Tippet have been badges of Idolaters in the very act of their Idolatry , that then the Preachers of Christian Liberty , and the Rebukers of Superstition , were to have nothing to do with the dregs of that Romish beast . Which inference is seconded by this Request , viz. That the Brethren in England which refused those Romish Rags , might finde of them ( the Bishops ) who use and urge them , such favour , as their Head and Master commandeth each one of his Members to shew to another . And this they did expect to receive of their courtesie , not onely because they hoped that they , the said Bishops , would not offend God in troubling their Brethren for such Vain trifles ; but because they hoped that they would not refuse the request of them , their Brethren and fellow-Ministers ; in whom , though there appeared no worldly Pomp , yet they assured themselves , that they were esteemed the servants of God , and such as travelled to set forth Gods Glory against the Antichrist of Rome , that conjured enemy of true Religion , the Pope . The days , say they , are evil , iniquity abounds , charity ( alas ) waxeth cold ; and therefore that it concerned them all to walk diligently , because it was uncertain at what hour the Lord would come , to whom they were to render an account of their Administration . After which Apostolical Admonition , they commit them to the Mighty protection of the Lord Jesus Christ. And so we conclude their Zealous Letter , dated December 27. 1566. 24. With more Authority writes Beza , as the greater Patriarch ; and he writes too concerning things of greater consequence then Caps and Surplices . For in a Letter of his to Grindal , bearing date Iuly , anno 1566 , he makes a sad complaint concerning certain Ministers , unblameable ( as he saith ) both in life and Doctrine , suspended from the Ministery by the Queens Authority , and the good liking of the Bishops , for not subscribing to some new Rites and Ceremonies imposed upon them . Amongst which Rites , he specifies the wearing of such Vestments as were then worn by Baals Priests in the Church of Rome ; the Cross in Baptism , kneeling at the Communion , and such Rites , as had degenerated ( as he tell us ) into most filthy Superstition . But he seems more offended , that Women were suffered to baptize in extreme necessities : That power was granted to the Queen for ordaining such other Rites and Ceremonies as should seem convenient ; but most especially , ( which was indeed the point most grieved at ) that the Bishops were invested with a sole Authority for all matters of the Church without consulting with the Pastors of particular flocks . He was too well versed in the Writings of the Ancient Fathers , as not to know that all the things which he complains of , were approved and practiced in the best and happiest times of Christianity ; as might be otherwise made apparent out of the Writings of Tertullian , Cyprian , Hierome , Chrysostome ; and indeed who not ? But Beza has a word for this . For first he blames the Ancient Fathers for borrowing many of their Ceremonies from the Jews and Gentiles , though done by them out of a good and honest purpose ; that being all things to all men , they might gain the more . And thereupon he gives this Rule , That all such Rites as had been borrowed either from the Iew or Gentile without express Warrant from Christ or the holy Apostles , as also all other significant Ceremonies , which had been brought into the Church against right and reason , should be immediately removed , or otherwise the Church could never be restored to her Native Beauty . Which Rule of his , if once admitted , there must be presently an end of all external Decency and Order in the Worship of God , and every man might be left to serve him , both for time and place , and every particular circumstance in that Sacred action , as to him seemed best . And what a horrible confusion must needs grow thereby , not onely in a whole National Church , but in every particular Congregation , be it never so small , is no hard matter to conceive . 25. At the Reforming of this Church , not onely the Queens Chappel , and all Cathedrals , but many Parochial Churches also had preserved their Organs ; to which they used to sing the appointed Hymns ; that is to say , the Te Deum , the Benedictus , the Magnificat , the Nunc Dimittis , &c. performed in an Artificial and Melodious manner , with the addition of Cornets , Sackbuts , and the like , on the Solemn Festivals . For which as they had ground enough from the holy Scripture , if the Practice and Authority of David be of any credit ; so were they warranted thereunto by the godly usage of the primitive times , after the Church was once restored to her peace and freedom . Certain I am , that S. Augustine imputes no small part of his Conversion to that heavenly Melodie which he heard very frequently in the Church of M●llaine , a professing that it did not onely draw tears from him , though against his will , but raised his soul unto a sacred Meditation on spiritual matters . But Beza having turned so many of the Psalms into metre , as had been left undone by Marot , gave an example unto Sternhold and Hopkins to attempt the like . Whos 's Version being left unfinished , but brought unto an end by some of our English Exiles which remained at b Geneva ; there was a purpose for imposing them upon the Church by little and little , that they might come as close as might be in all points to their Mother-City . At first , they sung them onely in their private houses , and afterwards ( as beforesaid ) adventured to sing them also in the Church , as in the way of entertainment , to take up the time till the beginning of the Service , and afterwards to sing them as a part of the Service it self . For so I understand that passage in the Church Historian , in which he tells us , That Dr. Gervis being then Warden of Merton Colledge , had abolished certain Latine superstitious Hymns which had been used on some of the Festivals , appointing the Psalms in English to be sung in their place ; and that as one Leech was ready to begin the Psalm , another of the Fellows called Hall , snatched the book out of his hands , and told him , That they could no more dance after his pipe . But whatsoever Hall thought of them , Beza and his Disciples were persw●ded otherwise . And that he might the better cry down that Melodious Harmony which was retained in the Church of England , and so make way for the Genevian fashion even in that point also ; he tells us in the same Letter to Bishop Gryndal , That the Artificial Musick then retained in the Church of England , was fitter to be used in Masks and Dancings , then Religious Offices ; and rather served to please the ear , then to move the affections . Which censure being pass'd upon it by so great a Rabby , most wonderful it was how suddenly some men of good note and quality , who otherwise deserved well enough of the Church of England , did bend their wits and pens against it ; and with what earnestness they laboured to have their own Tunes publickly introduced into all the Churches . Wh●ch that they might the better do , they procured the Psalms in English metre to be bound in the same Volume with the Publick Liturgie , and sometimes with the Bible also ; setting them forth , as being allowed ( so the Title tells us ) to be sung in all Churches before and after Morning and Evening Prayer , as also before and after Sermons ; but with what truth and honesty , we have heard before . 16. In fin● , he tells the Bishops how guilty they would seem to God and his h●ly Angels , if they chuse rather to deprive the Ministers of their Cures and Benefices , then suffer them to go apparelled otherwise then to them seemed good : And rather to deprive many hungry souls of their heavenly food , then give them leave to receive it otherwise then upon their knees . And this being said , he questions the Authority of the Supreme Magistrate , as contrary to the Word of God , and the Ancient Canons , for ordaining any new Rites and Ceremonies in a Church established ; but much more the Authority ascribed to Bishops , in ordering any thing which concerned the Church , without calling the Presbytery to advise about it , and having their approbation in it . This was indeed the point most aimed at . And to this point his followers take the courage to drive on amain ; the Copies of this Letter being presently dispersed for their greater comfort , if not also printed . Some of the brethren , in their zeal to the name of Calvin , preferred him once before S. Paul ; and Beza out of question would have took it ill , if he had been esteemed of less Authority then any of those who claimed to be Successors to S. Peter . And therefore it were worth the while to compare the Epistles of these men , with those of Pope Leo ; and then to enter seriously into consideration , whether of the two took more upon him ; either Pope Leo , where he might pretend to some command ; or Beza , where he had no authority to act at all . How much more moderate and discreet were the most eminent men for Learning amongst the Zwitzers , may appear by the example of Gualter and Bullinger , no way inferior unto the other , but in Pride and Arrogancy ; who being desired by some of the English Zealots to give their judgement in the point of the Churches Vestments , returned their approbation of them ; but sent it in a Letter directed to Horn , Sandys and Grindal , to let them see , that they would not intermeddle in the affairs of this Church without their privity and advice . Which whether it were done with greater Moderation or Discretion , it is hard to say . 27. So good a Foundation being laid , the building could not chuse but go on apace . But first they must prepare the matter , and remove all doubts which otherwise might interrupt them in the course of their building . And herein Beza is consulted as the Master-Workman . To him they send their several scruples ; and he returns such answer to them , as did not onely confirm them in their present obstinacy , but fitted and prepared them for the following Schism . To those before , they add the calling of the Ministers , and their ordaining by the Bishops ; neither the Presbyterie being consulted , nor any particular place appointed for their Ministration . Which he condemns as contrary to the Word of God and the ancient Canons ; but so , that he conceives it better to have such a Ministery , then none at all ; praying withal , that God would give this Church a more lawful Ministery ( the Church was much beholding to him for his zeal the while ) in his own good time . Concerning the Interrogatories proposed to Infants in their Baptism , he declares it to be onely a corruption of the ancient Form , which was used in the baptizing persons of riper years . And thereupon desires as heartily as before , That as the Church had laid aside the use of Oyl , and the old Rite of Exorcising , though retained at Rome ; so they would also abdicate those foolish and unnecessary Interrogations which are made to Infan●● . And yet he could not chuse but vaunt , that there was somewhat in one of S. Augustines Epistles which might seem to favour it ; and that such question● were proposed to Infants in the time of Origen , who lived above Two hundred years before S. Augustine . In some Churches , and particularly in Westminster-Abbey , they still retained the use of Wafers made of bread unleavened ; to which we can find nothing contrary in the Publik Rubricks . This he acknowledgeth of it self for a thing indifferent ; but so , that ordinary leavened bread is preferred before it , as being more agreeable to the Institution of our Lord and Saviour . And yet he could not chuse but grant , that Christ administred the Sacrament in unleavened bread , no other being to be used by the Law of Moses at the time of the Passover . He dislikes also the deciding of Civil causes ( by which he means those of Tythes , Marriages , and the Last-Wills or Testaments of men deceased ) in the Bishops Courts ; but more , that the Bishops Chancellors did take upon them to decree any Excommunication without the approbation and consent of the Presbyters . Whose acts therein , he Majestically pronounceth to be void and null , not to oblige the Conscience of any man in the sight of God ; and otherwise , to be a foul and shameful prophanation of the Churches Censures . 28. To other of their Queries , Touching the Musick in the Church ; Kneeling at the Communion ; The Cross in Baptism , and the rest : He answers as he did before , without remitting any thing of his former censure . Which Letter of his , bearing date on the 24 of October , 1567. was superscribed , Ad quosdam Anglicanum Ecclesiarum fratres , &c. To certain of the brethren of the Churches in England , touching some points of Ecclesiastical Order and concernment which were then under debate : by the receiving whereof , they found themselves so fully satisfied and encouraged , that they fell into an open Schism in the year next following . At which time Benson , Button , Hallingham , Coleman , and others , taking upon them to be of a more Ardent zeal then others in professing the true Reformed Religion , resolved to allow of nothing in Gods Publick Service ( according to the Rules laid down by Calvin and Beza ) but what was found expresly in the holy Scriptures . And whether out of a desire of Reformation ( which pretence had gilded many a rotten post ) or for singularity sake and Innovation , they openly questioned the received Discipline of the Church of England ; yea , condemned the same , together with the Publick Liturgie , and the Calling of Bishops , as savouring too much of the Religion of the Church of Rome . Against which they frequently protested in their Pulpits ; affirming , That it was an impious thing to hold any correspondency with the Church ; and labouring with all diligence to bring the Church of England to a Conformity in all points with the Rules of Geneva . These , although the Queen commanded to be laid by the heels , yet it is incredible how upon a sudden their followers increased in all parts of the Kingdom ; distinguished from the rest by the name of Puritans , by reason of their own perverseness ▪ and most obstinate refusal to give ear to more sound advice . Their numbers much encreased on a double account ; first , by the negligence of some , and the connivance of other Bishops , who should have looked more narrowly into their proceedings : And partly , by the secret favour of some great men in the Court , who greedily gaped after the Remainder of the Churches Patrimony . 29. It cannot be denied , but that this Faction received much encouragement underhand , from some great persons near the Queen ; from no man more then from the Earl of Leicester , the Lord North , Knollis and Walsingham ; who knew how mightily some numbers of the Scots , both Lords and Gentlemen , had in short time improved their fortune , by humoring the Knoxian Brethren in their Reformation ; and could not but expect the like in their own particulars , by a compliance with those men , who aimed apparently at the ruine of the Bishops and Cathedral Churches . But then it must be granted also , that they received no sma●l encouragement from the negligence and remissness of some great Bishops , whom Calvin and Beza ●ad cajoled to a plain connivance . Of Calvins writing unto Grindal for setting up a French Church in the middle of London , we have seen before . And we have seen how Beza did address himself unto him , in behalf of the Brethren who had suffered for their inconformity to established Orders . But now he takes notice of the Schism , a manifest defection of some members from the rest of the body ; but yet he cannot chuse but tamper with him to allow their doings , or otherwise to mitigate the rigour of the Laws in force . For having first besprinkled him with some commendation for his zeal to the Gospel , and thanked him for his many favours to the new French Church , he begins roundly , in plain terms , to work him to his own perswasions . He lays before him first , how great an obstacle was made in the course of Religion , by those petite differences ; not onely amongst weak and ignorant , but even Learned men . And then adviseth that some speedy remedy be applied to so great a mischief , by calling an Assembly of such Learned and Religious men as were least contentious ; of which he hoped to be the chief , if that work went forwards : With this Proviso notwithstanding , That nothing should be ordered and determined by them , with reference unto Ancient or Modern usages ; but that all Popish Rites and Ceremonies being first abolished , they should proceed to the Establishment of such a Form of Ministration in the Church of England , as might be grounded on some express Authorities of the Word of God. Which as he makes to be a work agreeable unto Grindals piety ; so Grindal after this ( and this bears date in Iuly 1568 ) appeared more favourable every day then other to those common Barretters , who used their whole endeavours to embroyl the Church . 30. Nor were these years less fatal to the Church of England , by the defection of the Papists , who till this time had kept themselves in her Communion , and did in general as punctually attend all Divine Offices in the same , as the vulgar Protestants . And it is probable enough , that they might have held out longer in their due obedience , if first , the scandal which was given by the other Faction , and afterwards the separation which ensued upon it , had not took them off . The Liturgie of the Church had been exceedingly well fitted to their approbation , by leaving out an offensive passage against the Pope ; restoring the old Form of words , accustomably used in the participation of the holy Sacrament ; the total expunging of a Rubrick , which seemed to make a Question of the Real presence ; the Scituation of the holy-Table in the place of the Altar ; the Reverend posture of kneeling at it , or before it , by all Communicants ; the retaining of so many of the ancient Festivals ; and finally , by the Vestments used by the Priest or Minister in the Ministration . And so long as all things continued in so good a posture , they saw no caus● of separating from the rest of their Brethren in the acts of Worship . But when all decency and order was turned out of the Church , by the heat and indiscretion of these new Reformers ; the holy-Table brought into the midst of the Church like a common-Table ; the Communicants in some places sitting at it with as little Reverence as at any ordinary Table ; the ancient Fasts and Feasts deserted , and Church-Vestments thrown aside , as the remainders of the Superstition of the Church of Rome : they then began visibly to decline from their first conformity . And yet they made no general separation , nor defection neither , till the Genevian brethren had first made the Schism , and rather chose to meet in Barns and Woods , yea , and common Fields , then to associate with their brethren , as in former times . For , that they did so , is affirmed by very good Authors , who much bemoaned the sad condition of the Church , in having her bowels torn in pieces by those very Children which she had cherished in her bosom . By one of which , who must needs be of years and judgement at the time of this Schism , we are first told what great contentions had been raised in the first ten years of her Majesties Reign , through the peevish frowardness , the out-cryes of such as came from Geneva against the Vestments of the Church , and such like matters . And then he adds , That being crossed in their desires touching those particulars , they separated from the rest of their Congregations ; and meeting together in Houses , Woods , and common Fields , kept there their most unlawful and disorderly Conventicles . 31. Now at such time as Button , Billingham , and the rest of the Puritan Faction had first made the Schism , Harding and Sanders , and some others of the Popish Fugitives , imployed themselves as busily in perswading those of that Religion to the like temptation : For being licensed by the Pope to exercise Episcopal jurisdiction in the Realm of England , they take upon them to absolve all such in the Court of Conscience , who should return to the Communion of the Church of Rome ; as also to dispense in Causes of irregularity , except it were incurred by wilful murther ; and finally , from the like irregularities incurred by Heresie , if the party who desired the benefit of the Absolution , abstain'd from Ministring at the holy Altar for three years together . By means whereof , and the advantages before mentioned which were given them by the Puritan Faction , they drew many to them from the Church , both Priests and People ; their numbers every day increasing , as the scandal did . And finding how the Sectaries inlarged their numbers by erecting a French Church in London , and that they were now upon the point of procuring another for the use and comfort of the Dutch ; they thought it no ill piece of Wisdom to attempt the like in some convenient place near England , where they might train up their Disciples , and fit them for imployment upon all occasions . Upon which ground , a Seminary is established for them at Doway in Flanders , Anno 1568 ; and another not long after at Rhemes a City of Champaigne in the Realm of France . Such was the benefit which redounded to the Church of England by the perversness of the Brethren of this first separation , that it occasioned the like Schism betwixt her and the Papists , who till that time had kept themselves in her Communion , as before was said . For that the Papists generally did frequent the Church in these first ten years , is positively affirmed by Sir Edward Coke in his Speech at the Arraignment of Garnet the Jesuit , and afterward at the Charge which was given by him at the general Assizes held in Norwich . In both which he speaks on his own certain knowledge , not on vulgar hearsay ; affirming more particularly , that ●e had many times seen Bedenfield , Cornwallis , and some other of the Leading Romanists , at the Divine Service of the Church , who afterwards were the first that departed from it . The like averred by the most Learned Bishop Andrews , in his Book called Tortura Torti , p. 130. and there asserted undeniably against all opposition . And which may serve instead of all , we finde the like affirmed also by the Queen her self , in her Instructions given to Walsingham , then being her Resident with the French King , Anno 1570. In which Instructions , bearing date on the 11 of August , it is affirmed expresly of the Heads of that party , and therefore we may judge the like of the Members also , that they did ordinarily resort , from the beginning of her Reign , in all open places , to the Churches , and to Divine Service in the Church , without any contradiction , or shew of misliking . 32. The parallel goes further yet . For as the Puritans were encouraged to this separation by the Missals and Decretory Letters of Theodore Beza , whom they beheld as the chief Patriarch of this Church : So were the Papists animated to their defection by a Bull of Pope Pius the Fifth , whom they acknowledged most undoubtedly for the Head of theirs . For the Pope being thrust on by the importunity of the House of Guise , in favour of the Queen of Scots , whose Title they preferred before that of Elizabeth ; and by the Court of France , in hatred to the Queen her self , for aiding the French Hugonots against their King , was drawn at last to issue out this Bull against her , dated at Rome Feb. 24. 1569. In which Bull he doth not onely Excommunicate her person , deprive her of her Kingdoms , and absolve all her Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance ; but commands all her Subjects , of what sort soever , not to obey her Laws , Injunctions , Ordinances or Acts of State. The Defection of the Papists had before been voluntary , but is now made necessary ; the Popes command being superadded to the scandal which had before been given them by the Puritan Faction . For after this , the going or not going to Church was commonly reputed by them for a signe distinctive , by which a Roman Catholick might be known from an English Heretick . And this appears most plainly by the Preamble to the Act of Parliament against bringing or executing of Bulls from Rome , 13 Eliz. 2. Where it is reckoned amongst the effects of those Bulls and Writings , That those who brought them , did by their lewd practices and subtile perswasions work so farforth , that sundry people , and ignorant persons have been contented to be reconciled to the Church of Rome , and to have withdrawn and absented themselves from all Divine Service , most godlily exercised in this Realm . By which it seems , that till the roaring of those Bulls , those of the Popish party did frequent the Church , though not so generally in the last five years ( as our Learned Andrews hath observed ) as they did the first , before they were discouraged by the Innovations of the Puritan Faction . 33. But for their coming to our Churches for the first ten years , that is to say , before the first beginning of the Puritan Schism , there is enough acknowledged by some of their own . Parsons himself confesseth , in his Pamphlet which he calls by the name of Green-Coat , That for twelve years together the Court and State was in great quiet , and no question made about Religion . Brierly in his Apologie speaks it more at large : by whom it is acknowledged , That in the beginning of the Queens Reign , most part of the Catholicks for many years did go to the Heretical Churches and Service : That when the better and truer opinion was taught them by Priests and Religious men from beyond the Seas as more perfect and necessary , there wanted not many which opposed themselves of the elder sort of Priests of Queen Maries days : and finally , That this division was not onely favoured by the Council , but nourished also for many years by divers troublesome people of their own , both in teaching and writing . On which the Author of the Reply , whomsoever he was , hath made this Descant , viz. That for the Catholicks going to Church , it was perchance rather to be lamented then blamed , before it came to be a sign Distinctive , by which a Catholick was known from one who was no Catholick . Thus as the Schisms began together , so are they carried on by the self-same means , by Libelling against the State : the Papists , in their Philopater ; the Puritans , in Martin Mar-Prelate , and the rest : by breeding up their novices beyond the Seas ; the Roman Catholicks , at Rheims and Doway ; the Presbyterians , at Geneva , Amsterdam or Saumure : by raising sedition in the State , and plotting Treason against the person of the Queen ; the Papists , by Throgmorton , Parry , Tichbourn , Babington , &c. the Puritans , by Thacker , Penry , Hacket , Coppinger , &c. And finally , by the executions made upon either part ; of which , in reference to the Presbyterians , we shall speak hereafter . But as none of Plutarchs Parallels is so exact , but that some difference may be noted , and is noted by him , betwixt the persons and affairs of whom he writes ; so was there a great difference in one particular between the fortunes of the Papists and the contrary faction . The Presbyterians were observed to have many powerful Friends at Court , in which the Papists had scarce any but mortal Enemies . Spies and Intelligencers were employed to attend the Papists , and observe all their words and actions ; so that they could not stir without a discovery : But all mens eyes were shut upon the other party , so that they might do what they listed without observation . Of which no reason can be given , but that the Queen being startled at the Popes late Bull , and finding both her Person and Estate indangered , under divers pretences , by many of the Romish party , both at home and abroad , might either take no notice of the lesser mischief , or suffer that faction to grow up to confront the other . 34. And now comes Cartwright on the Stage , on which he acted more then any of the Puritan Faction , till their last going off again in the Reign of this Queen . It was upon a discontent that he first left Cambridge ; and in pursuance of the same , that he left the Church . For being appointed one of the Opponents at the Divinity-Act in Cambridge , Anno 1564 , at such time as the Queen was pleased to honor it with her Royal presence ; he came not off so happily in her esteem , but that Preston of Kings Colledge for action , voyce and elocution , was preferred before him . This so afflicted the proud man , that in a sudden humour he retires from the University , and sets up his studies in Geneva , where he became as great with Beza , and the rest of that Consistory , as ever Knox had been with Calvin at his being there . As soon as he had well acquainted himself with the Form of their Discipline , and studied all such points as were to be reduced to practice at his coming back , well stocked with Principles , and furnished with Instructions , he prepares for England , and puts himself into his Colledge . Before , upon the apprehension of the said neglect , he had begun to busie himself with some discourses against the Ecclesiastical Government then by Law established ; and seemed to entertain a great opinion of himself , both for Learning and Holiness ; and therewithal a great contemner of such others as continued not with him . But at his coming from Geneva , he became more practical , or pragmatical rather , condemning the Vocation of Archbishops , Bishops , Archdeacons , and other Ecclesiastical Officers ; the Administration of our holy Sacraments , and observations of our Rites and Ceremonies . And buzzing these conceits into the Heads of divers young Preachers and Scholars of the University , he drew after him a great number of Disciples and Followers . Amongst whom he prevailed so far by his secret practices , but much more by a Sermon which he Preached one Sunday-morning in the Colledge-Chappel , that in the afternoon all the Fellows and Scholars threw aside their Surplices ( which by the Statutes of the House they were bound to use ) and went to the Divine Service onely in their Gowns and Caps . Dr. Iohn Whitgift was at that time Master of Trinity Colledge , and the Queens Professor for Divinity ; a man of great temper and moderation , but one withal that knew well how to hold the Reins , and not suffer them to be wrested out of his hand by an Head-strong beast . Cartwright was Fellow of that Colledge , emulous of the Masters Learning , but far more envious at the Credit and Authority which he had acquired : for which cause he procured himself to be chosen the Professor for the Lady Margaret , that he might come as near to him as he could , both in place and power . But not content with that which he had done in the Colledge , he puts up his Disciples into all the Pulpits in the University , where he and they inveigh most bitterly against the Government of the Church , and the Governours of it ; the Ordination of Priests and Deacons , the Liturgie established , and the Rites thereof . And though Whitgift Preached them down as occasion served with great applause unto himself , but greater satisfaction to all moderate and sober men ; yet Cartwright and his Followers were now grown unto such a head , that they became more violent by the opposition . 32. It hapneth commonly , as a Learned man hath well observed , That those fervent Reprehenders of things established by publick Authority , are always confident and bold spirited men ; and such as will not easily be taken off from their prosecutions by any fair and gentle usage . Which Whitgift found at last , alter all his patience ; insomuch , that having many times in vain endeavoured , by gentle Admonitions and fair perswasions , to gain the man unto himself , or so to moderate and restrain him , as that he should no longer trouble both that Colledge and the whole University with his dangerous Doctrines ; he was necessitated in the end to expel him out of the House , and after to deprive him also of the Margaret-Lecture . Which last he acted as Vice-chancellor upon this account , that he had delivered divers errors in his Lectures , which he had neither recanted as he was required , nor so expounded as to free himself from that imputation ; and that withal he had exercised the Function of a Minister , without being able to produce any Letters of Orders . Hereupon Cartwright and his Followers began to mouth it , complaining that the man had been mightily wronged , in being deprived of his preferments in the University , without being called unto his answer ; that Cartwright had made many offers of Disputation for tryal of the points in Question , but could never be heard ; and therefore that Whitgift supplyed this by excess of power , which he was not able to make good by defect of Arguments . To stop which clamour , Whitgift not onely offered him the opportunity of a Conference with him , but offered it in the presence of sufficient witnesses ; and put the man so hard unto it , that he not onely declined the Conference at the present , but confest that Whitgift had made him the like offers formerly , and that he had refused the same , as he now did also . All which appears by a Certificate , subscribed by eight sufficient Witnesses , and a publick Notary , dated the 18 of March 1570. But this disgrace was followed by a greater , much about that time : for finding himself in a necessity to depart from Cambridge , he would have taken the degree of Doctor along with him for his greater credit , but was denyed by the major part of the Regent Masters ▪ and others which had votes therein ; which so displeased both him and all his adherents , that from this time the Degrees of Doctors , Batchellors and Masters were esteemed unlawful , and those that took them reckoned for the Limbs of Antichrist , as appears by the Genevian Notes on the Revel●tion . But for this , and all the other wrongs which he had suffered ( as was said ) in the University , he will revenge himself upon the Church in convenient time ; and in convenient time we shall hear more of it . 36. In the mean season , we must make a step to Banst●ed in Surrey , where we shall finde a knot of more Zealous Calvinists , then in other places ; so Zealous and conceited of their own dear Sanctity , that they separated themselves from the rest of their brethren , under the name of the Anoynted . The Bond of Peace was broken by the rest before , and these men meant not to retain the unity of spirit with them , as they had done formerly . Their Leader was one Wright ; their Opinions these , viz. That no man is to be accused of sin , but he that did reject the truths by them professed . That the whole New Testament contained nothing but predictions of things to come ; and therefore that Christ ( whom they grant to have appeared in the flesh before ) shall come before the Day of Iudgement , and actually perform those things which are there related : That he whose sins are once pardoned , cannot sin again : And that no credit was to be afforded to men of Learning , but all things to be taught by the Spirit onely . Of these men Sanders tells us in his Book De visibile Monarchia , Fol. 707 , and placeth them in this present year 1570. But what became of them , I finde not there , or in any others . And therefore I conceive , that either they were soon worn out for want of Company , or lost themselves amongst the Anabaptists , Familists , or some other . And this I look upon as one of the first Factions amongst the Puritans themselves , after they had begun their separation from the Church of England : Which separation , so begun as before is said , was closed again about this time by the hands of those who first had laboured in the breach . 37. For so it was , that either out of love to their own profit , or the publick peace , some of them had consulted Beza touching this particular ; that is to say , Whether he thought it more expedient for the good of the Church , That the Ministers should chuse rather to forsake their Flocks , then to conform unto such Orders as were then prescribed . Whereunto he returns this Answer : That many things both may and ought to be obeyed , which are not warrantably commanded : That though the Garments in dispute were not imposed upon the Church by any warrant from the Word of God ; yet having nothing of impiety in them , he conceived that it were fitter for the Ministers to conform themselves , then either voluntarily to forsake their Churches , or be deprived for their refusal : That in like manner the people were to be advised to frequent the Churches , and hear their Pastors so apparelled as the Church required , rather then utterly to forsake that spiritual food , by which their souls were to be nourished to eternal life : But so , that first the Ministers do discharge their Consciences , by making a modest protestation against those Vestments , as well before the Queens Majesty , as their several Bishops ; and so apply themselves to suffer what they could not remedy . This might have stopt the breach at the first beginning , if either the English Puritans had not been too hot upon it , to be cooled so suddenly , or that he had not made his own good counsel ineffectual in the close of all : In which he tells them in plain terms , That if they could no otherwise preserve their standing in the Church , then either by subscribing to the lawfulness of the Orders , Rites and Ceremonies which were then required , or by giving any countenance to them by a faulty silence ; they should then finally give way to that open violence which they were not able to resist ; that is to say , ( for so I understand his meaning ) that they should rather leave their Churches , then submit themselves to such conditions . But this direction being given toward the end of October , Anno 1567 , seems to be qualified in his Epistle to the Brethren of the Forreign Churches which were then in England , bearing date Iune the fifth in the year next following ; in which he thus resolves the case proposed unto him : That for avoiding all destructive ruptures in the body of Christ , by dividing the members thereof from one another , it was not lawful for any man , of what Rank soever , to separate himself , upon any occasion , from the Church of Christ , in which the Doctrine is preserved whereby the people are instructed in the ways of God , and the right use of the Sacraments ordained by Christ is maintained inviolable . 38. This might , I say , have stopped the breach in the first beginning , had not the English Puritans been resolved to try some conclusions before they hearkned to the Premises . But finding that their party was not strong enough to bear them out , or rich enough to maintain them on their private purses , they thought it not amiss to follow the directions of their great Dictator . And hereunto the breaking out of those in Surrey gave some further colour , by which , they say , that nothing but confusion must needs fall upon them ; and that so many Factions , Subdivisions , and Schismatical Ruptures , as would inevitably ensue on the first separation , must in fine crumble them to nothing . And on these grounds it was determined to unite themselves to the main body of the Church , to reap the profit of the same ; and for their safer standing in it , to take as well their Orders as their Institution from the hands of the Bishops . But so , that they would neither wear the Surplice oftner then meer necessity compelled them , or read more of the Common-prayers then what they thought might save them harmless if they should be questioned ; and in the mean time by degrees to bring in that Discipline , which could not be advanced at once , in all parts of the Kingdom . Which half Conformity they were brought to on the former grounds ; and partly by an Act of Parliament which came out this year , 13 Eliz. cap. 12. for the reforming of disorders amongst the Ministers of the Church . And they were brought unto no more then a half-Conformity , by reason of some clashing which appeared unto them , between the Canons of the Convocation , and that Act of Parliament ; as also in regard of some interposings which are now made in their behalf , by one of a greater Title , though of no more power , then Calvin , Martyr , Beza , or the rest of the Advocates . 39. The danger threatned to the Queen , by the late sentence of Excommunication which was past against her , occasioned her to call the Lords and Commons to assemble in Parliament , the Bishops and Clergy to convene in their Convocation . These last accordingly met together in the Church of St. Paul , on the 5 of April 1571. At which time Dr. Whitgift , Master of Trinity-Colledge in Gambridge , preached the Latine Sermon . In which he insisted most especially , upon the Institution and Authority of Synodical Meetings , on the necessary use of Ecclesiastical Vestments , and other Ornaments of the Church ; the opposition made against all Orders formerly Established , as well by Puritans as Papists ; touching in fine on many other particularities , in rectifying whereof the care and diligence of the Synod was by him required . And as it proved , his counsel was not given in vain . For the first thing which followed the Conforming of the Prolocutor , was a command given by the Archbishop , That all such of the lower House of Convocation , who not had formerly subscribed unto the Articles of Religion agreed upon Anno 1562 , should subscribe them now ; or on their absolute refusal , or procrastinations , be expelled the House . Which wrought so well , that the said Book of Articles being publickly read , was universally approved , and personally subscribed by every Member of both Houses , as appears clearly by the Ratification at the end of those Articles . In prosecution of which necessary and prudent course , it was further ordered , That the Book of Articles so approved , should be put into Print , by the appointment of the Right Reverend Dr. John Jewel then Bishop of Sarum ; and that every Bishop should take a competent number of them , to be dispersed in their Visitations , or Diocesan Synods , and to be read four times in every year in all the Parishes of their several and respective Diocesses . Which questionless might have settled a more perfect Conformity in all parts of the Kingdom , som● C●nons of the Convocation running much that way , if the Parliament had spoke as clearly in it as the Convocation ; or if some sinister practice had not been excogitated to pervert those Articles , in making them to come out imperfect , and consequently deprived of life and vigour , which otherwise they would have carried . 40. The Earl of Leicester at that time was of great Authority , and had apparently made himself the head of the Puritan faction . They also had the Earl of Huntingdon , the Lord North , and others in the House of Peers ; Sir Francis Knollis , Walsingham , and many more in the House of Commons . To which ( if Zanchy be to be believed , as perhaps he may be ) some of the Bishops may be added ; who were not willing to tye the Puritans too close to that Subscription by the Act of Parliament , which was required of them by the Acts and Canons of the Convocation . It had been ordered by the Bishops in their Convocation , That all the Clergy then assembled , should subscribe the Articles . And it was ordered by the unanimous consent of the Bishops and Clergie , That none should be admitted from thenceforth unto Holy-Orders , till he had first subscribed the same ; and solemnly obliged himself to defend the things therein contained , as consonant in all points to the Word of God , Can. 1571. Cap. de Episcop . But by the first Branch of the Act of Parliament , Subscription seemed to be no otherwise required , then to such Articles alone as contained the Confession of the tr●e Christian Faith , and the Doctrine of the holy Sacraments . Whereby all Articles relating to the Book of Homilie● , the Form of Consecrating Archbishops and Bishops , the Churches power for the imposing of new Rites and Ceremonies , and retaining those already made , seemed to be purposely omitted , as not within the compass of the said Subscription . And although no such Restriction do occur in the following Branches , by which Subscription is required indefinitely unto all the Articles ; yet did the first Branch seem to have such influence upon all the rest , that it was made to serve the turn of the Puritan Faction , whensoever they were called upon to subscribe to the Episcopal Government , the Publick Liturgie of the Church , or the Queens Supremacy . But nothing did more visibly discover the designs of the Faction , and the great power their Patrons had in the Publick Government , then the omitting the first Clause in the Twentieth Article : In which it was declared , That the Church h●d power to Decree Rites and Ceremonies , and Authority in Controversies of Faith. Which Clause , though extant in the Registers o● the Convocation as a part of that Article , and printed as a part thereof both in Latine and English , Anno 1562 , was totally left out in this new Impression ; and was accordingly left out in all the Harmonies of Confessions , or other Collections of the same , which were either printed at Geneva , or any other place where Calvinism was of most predominancy . And so it stood with us in England till the death of Leicester . After which , in the year 1593 , the Articles were reprinted , and that Clause resumed , according as it stands in the Publick Registers . By which Clause it was after published in the third year of K. Iames , and in the tenth year of the said King , Anno 1512 , and in all following Impressions from that time to this . Once cunningly omitted in a Latine Impression with came out at Oxon , An. 1536. but the forgery was soon discovered , and the Book call'd in ; the Printer checked , and ordered to reprint the same with the Clause prefixed . Which makes it the more strange , and almost incredible , that the Puritans should either plainly charge it as an Innovation on the late Archbishop ; or that any other sober or indifferent man should make a question , whether the Addition of that Clause were made by the Prelates , or the Substraction of it by the Puritans , for their several purposes . 41. There also past a Book of Canons in this Convocation , by which it was required , That all such as were admitted unto Holy-Orders , should subscribe the Book of Articles , as before was said : That the G●ay Amice , still retained ( as it seems ) by some of the old Priests of Queen Maries time , should be from thenceforth laid aside , and no longer used : That the Deans and Residentiaries of Cathedral Churches should admit no other Form of saying or singing Divine Service of the Church , or administring the holy Sacraments , then that which was prescribed in the Publick Liturgie : That if any Preacher in the same , should openly maintain any point of Doctrine contrary to any thing contained in the Book of Articles , or the Book of Common-Prayer , the Bishop should be advertised of it by the Dean and Prebendaries , to the end he might proceed therein as to him seemed best : That no man be admitted to preach , in what Church soever , till he be licensed by the Queen , or the Archbishop of the Province , or the Bishop of the Diocess in which he serveth : And that no Preacher beng so licensed , should preach or teach any thing for Doctrinal , to b● believed by the people , but what was consonant to the Word of God in Holy Scripture ; or by the Ancient Fathers or Orthodox Bishops of the Church had been gathered from it : That no Parson , Vicar or Curate should from thenceforth read the Common Prayers in any Chappel , Oratory , or Private House , unl●ss he were licensed by the Bishop under hand and se●● : And that none of the persons aforesaid should 〈◊〉 his Ministery , or carry himself in his apparel or kind of life like ●o one of the Laity : That the said Parsons , Vicars and Curates , should yearly certifie to their several Ordinaries , the names and Sirnames of all persons of fourteen years of age and upwards , who had not received the Communion , or did refuse to be instructed in the Publick Catechi●m ; or that they should not suffer any such persons to be God-Father or God-Mother to any child , or to contract any Marriage , either between themselves , or with any other . It was also ordered in those Canons , That every Bishop should cause the Holy Bible in the largest Volume to be set up in some conven●ent place of his Hall or Parlour ; that as well those of his own Family , as all such strangers as resorted to him , might have recourse to it if they pleased : And that all Bishops , Deans and Archdeacon : should cause the Book called , The Acts and Monuments , to be disposed of in like sort , for the use aforesaid . The first of which Injunctions seems to have been made for keeping up the Reputation of the English Bibles publickly Autho●ized for the use of this Church . The credit and Authority of which Translation , was much decryed by those of the Genevian Faction , to advance their own . By the other there was nothing aimed at , but to gain credit to the Book , which served so seasonably to create an odium , in all sorts of people , against the Tyrannies and Superstitions of the Pope of Rome , whose plots and practices did so apparently intend the ruine of the Queen and Kingdom . No purpose either in the Bishops or Clergie to justifie all or any of the passages in the same contained , which have been since made use of by the Disciplinarians , either to countenance some strange Doctrine , or decry some Ceremony ; to which he shewed himself a Friend or Enemy , as the case might vary . 42. Fortified with these Canons and Synodical Acts , the Prelates shew themselves more earnest in requiring Subscription , more zealous in pressing for Conformity then before they did ; but found a stiffer opposition in the Puritan Faction , then could be rationally expected . For whether it were , that they relyed upon their Friends in Court , or that some Lawyers had informed them that by the Statute no Subscription was to be required of them , but only unto points of Doctrine ; certain it is , that they were now more insolent and intractable then they had been formerly . For now , the bett●r to disguise their Projects to wound the Discipline , the quarrels about Surplices and other Vestments ( which seemed to have been banished a while ) are revived again ; complaints made of their sufferings in it to the Forreign Churches ; and the report is spread abroad ( to gain the greater credit to their own perverseness ) that many of the Bishops did as much abominate those Popish Vestments as any of the brethren did . For so writes Zanchy a Divine of Heidelburg , in his Letters unto Queen Elizabeth of September the second ; and writes so by direction from the Prince Elector ( whom they had engaged in the cause ) out of an hope to take her off from giving any further countenance to the Bishops in that point of Conformity . To the same purpose he writes also to Bishop Iewel on the 11 of September . Where he informs ( as he had been informed himself ) That many of the Ecclesiastical Order would rather chuse to quit their station in the Church , and resign their Offices , then yield to the wearing of those Vestments which had been formerly defiled by such gross Superstition . He also signifies what he had writ unto the Queen , of whose relenting he could give himself no great assurance ; and that he had also been advised to write to some of the Clergie , to the end that they might be perswaded to a present Conformity , rather then deprive the Church of their future Ministery . The prosecution of which work he commends to Iewel , that by the interposing of his Authority , they might be brought to yield to the points proposed , and thereby be continued in the exercise of their Vocation . Which last clause could not chuse but be exceeding acceptable to that Reverend Prelate ; who had shewed himself so earnest for Conformity , in a Sermon preached by him at the Cross , that he incurred some censure for it amongst the brethren . Which put him to this Protestation before his death , That his last Sermon at S. Pauls Cross , and Conference about the Ceremonies and state of the Church , was not to please any man living , nor to grieve his brethren of a contrary opinion ; but onely to this end , that neither party might prejudice the other . But he was able to act nothing in pursuance of Zanchy's motion , by reason of his death within few days after , if not some days before he received that Letter . For on the 22 of the same Moneth , it pleased God to take him to himself ; and thereby to deprive the Church of the greatest Ornament which she could boast of in that age . The end of the sixth Book . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History Of the PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . VII . Containing A Relation of their secret and open Practices ; the Schism and Faction by them raised for advancing the Genevian Discipline in the Church of England , from the year 1572 , to the year 1584. 1. THe English Puritans had hitherto maintained their Quarrel by the Authority of Calvin , the sawciness of Knox , the bold activities of Beza , and the more moderate interposings of some Forreign Divines , whose name was great in all the Churches of the Reformation . But now they are resolved to try it out by their proper valour ; to fling away their Bulrushes , and lay by their Crutches , or at the best to make no other use of Out-landish Forces , then as Auxiliaries and Reserves , if the worst should happen . And hitherto they had appeared onely against Caps and Surplices , or questioned some Rites and Ceremonies in the publick Liturgie which might be thought to have been borrowed from the Church of Rome : But now they are resolved to venture on the Episcopal Government , and to endeavour the erecting of the Presbyterian , as time and opportunity should make way unto it . Amongst which undertakers , none more eminent , because none more violent then Cartwright , formerly remembred : Snape of Northampton , a great stickler for the holy Discipline ; and Feild a Lecturer in London , as ridiculously zealous to advance Presbytery , as the most forward in the pack . But Cartwright was the man upon whose Parts and Learning they did most depend , and one who both by private Letters , and some Printed Pamphlets , had gained more credit to the side then all the rest . And yet it was amongst his own onely that he gained such credit : For when his Papers had been shewn unto Bishop Iewel , and that the Judgement of that Reverend and Learned Prelate was demanded of them , he is said to have returned this answer , That the Arguments therein contained were too slight to build up , and too weak to pull down . And so it proved in the event , when Cartwrights whole discourses against the Forms of Government and Publick Worship , here by Law established , came to be seriously debated . 2. For having been long great with Childe of some new designe , the Babe comes forth in the beginning of the Parliament which was held in the year 1572 , intituled by the name of an Admonition ; in which , complaint was made of their many grievances , together with a Declaration of the onely way to redress the same ; which they conceived to be no other then the setling of the Genevian Platform in all parts of the Kingdom . But the Parliament was so little pleased with the Title , and so much displeased with the matter of the Admonition , that the Authors and Preferrers of it were imprisoned by them . But this imprisonment could lay no Fetters on their spirits , which grew the more exasperated , because so restrained . For towards the end of the Parliament , out comes the second Admonition , far more importunate then the first ; and it comes out with such a flash of Lightning , and such claps of Thunder , as if Heaven and Earth were presently to have met together . In the first , he had amassed together all those several Arguments which either his reading could afford , or his wit suggest , or any of that party could excogitate for him against the Government of Bishops , the whole body of the English Liturgie , and almost all the particular Offices in the same contained . And in the second , he not onely justified whatsoever had been found in the first , but challenged the Parliament for not giving it a more gratious welcome : For there he tells them in plain terms , That the State did not shew it self upright , alledge the Parliament what it will : That all honest men should finde lack of equity , and all good Consciences condemn that Court : That it should be easier for Sodom and Gomorrha in the day of Iudgement , then for such a Parliament : That there is no other thing to be looked for then some speedy vengeance to light upon the whole Land , let the Politick M●chiavils of England provide as well as they can , though God do his worst : And finally , that if they of that Assembly would not follow the advice of the first Admonition , they would infallibly be th●ir own carvers in it ; the Church being bound to keep Gods Orde● and nothing to be called Gods Order but their present Platform . 3. About this time , Clark , Travers , Gardiner , Barber , Cheston ; and lastly , Crook and Egerton , joyned themselves to the Brotherhood . Amongst whom , the handling of such points as concerned the Discipline became very frequent , many motions being made , and some conclusions setled in pursuance of it ; but more particularly , it was resolved upon the question , That for as much as divers Books had been written , and sundry Petitions exhibited to her Majesty , the Parliament , and their Lordships , to little purpose , every man should therefore labour by all means possible to bring the Reformation into the Church . It was also then and there resolved , That for the better bringing in of the said holy Discipline , they should not onely , as well publickly as privately teach it , but by little and little , as well as possibly they might , draw the same into practice . According to which Resolution , a Presbytery was erected on the 20 of November , at a small Village in Surrey , called Wandsworth , where Field had the Incumbencie , or cure of Souls ; a place conveniently scituate for the London-Brethren , as standing near the bank of the Thames , but four miles from the City , and more retired and out of sight then any of their own Churches about the Town . This first Establishment they indorsed by the name of the Orders of Wandsworth . In which the Elders names are agreed on , the manner of the Election declared , the approvers of them mentioned , their Offices agreed on also , and described . And though the Queen might have no notice of this first Establishment , yet she knew very well both by their Preachings and Writings , that they had defamed the Church of England , that many of them refused to be present at that Form of Worship which had the countenance of the Laws , and had set up a new Form of their own devising : Which moved the Queen to look upon them as men of an unquiet and seditious spirit , greedy of change , intent on the destruction of all things which they found established , and ready once again to break out into open Schism . For the preventing whereof , she gave command , That the severity of the Laws for keeping up the Vniformity of Gods Publick Worship , should be forthwith put in execution : And that all such scandalous Books and Pamphlets ( the first and second Admonition amongst the rest ) should either be immediately delivered to some Bishop in their several Diocesses , or to some one or other of the Lords of the Council , upon pain of imprisonment . 4. This Proclamation much amazed the Disciplinarians , who were not onely more sollicitous in searching into the true Cause and Originial of it , then ready to execute their vengeance upon all such Councellors as they suspected for the Authors . Sir Christopher Hatton was at that time in especial favour , Vice-chamberlain , Captain of the Guard , and aftewards Lord-Chancellor also ; in the whole course of his preferments , of a known aversness to the Earl of Leicester , and consequently no friend to the Puritan Faction . This obstacle must be removed one way or other , according to that Principle of the ancient Donatists , for murthering any man of what Rank soever which opposed their Practices . This Office Burchet undertakes ; and undertakes the Office upon this Opinion , that it was lawful to assassinate any man who opposed the Gospel . But being blind with too much light , he mistook the man ; and meeting in the Street with Hawkins , one of the greatest Sea-Captains of the times he lived in , he stabbed him desperately with a Ponyard , conceiving that it had been Hatton their professed Enemy . For which committed to the Tower , he was there examined , found to hold many dangerous and erronious Tenents ; and thereupon sent Prisoner to the Lollards-Tower . From thence being called into the Consistory of St. Pauls , before the Bishop of London and divers others , and by them examined , he still persisted in his errors , till the sentence of death was ready on the 4 of November to be pronounced against him as an Heretick . Through the perswasions of some men , who took great pains with him , he made a shew as if he had renounced and abjured those Opinions for erronious and damnable , which formerly he had imbraced with so strong a passion . From thence returned unto the Tower by the Lords of the Council , he took an opportunity when one of his Keepers was withdrawn , to murther the other ; intending the like also to his Fellow , if he had not happily escaped it . For which Fact he was arraigned and condemned at Westminster on the morrow after ; and the next day he was hanged up in the very place where he wounded Hawkins , his Right hand being first cut off , and nailed to the Gibbet : a piece of Justice not more safe then seasonable ; the horridness of the Fact , and the complexion of the times , being well considered . 5. The Regular Clergy slept not in so great a tempest as was then hanging over their heads ; but spent themselves in censuring and confuting Cartwrights Pamphlets , which gave the first Animation to those bold attempts . What censure Bishop Iewel past upon Cartwrights Papers , hath been shewn before ; and he will give you his opinion of the Author also , of whom it is reported that he gave this Character , viz. Stultitia nata est in corde pueri , sed virga Disciplinae fugabit eam : That is to say , That folly had been bred in the heart of the young man , and nothing but a Rod of correction would remove it from him . But Iewel had onely seen some scattered Papers intended for materials in the following Pamphlet , which Whitaker both saw and censured when it was compleat . For writing of it unto Whitgift , he reports him thus : Quem Cartwrightus nuper emisit libellum , &c. I have read over ( saith he ) a great part of the Book which Cartwright hath lately set forth . Let me never live , if I ever saw any thing more loose , and almost more childish . As for words indeed , he hath store of them , trim and fresh enough ; but as for matter , none at all . Besides which , he not onely holds some peevish opinions derogatory to the Queens Authority in causes Ecclesiastical ; but had revolted also in that point to the Popish party , from whom he would be thought to fly with such deadly hatred . He adds in fine , That he complied not with the Papists in that point alone , but borrowed from them most of his other weapons , wherewith he did assault the Church : And in a word ( as Jerome did affirm of Ambrose ) a that he was in words , but a Trifl●r ; and for his matter , but a Dreamer ; and altogether unworthy to be refuted by a man of Learning . But these were onely some preparatory drops , to the following Tempest which fell upon him from the pen of the Learned Whitgift ; who punctually dissected the whole Admonition , and solidly discoursed upon the Errors and Infirmities of it . Which Book of his , intituled ; An Answer to the Admonition , followed so close upon the heels of the other , that it was published in the same year with it , 1572. To which Answer , Cartwright sets out a Reply in the year next following ; and Whitgift presently rejoyns in his Defence of the Answer , An. 1574. against which Cartwright never stirred , but left him Master of the field , possest of all the signs of an absolute Victory . And not long after , on the apprehension of his foil therein , he withdraws to Guernsey first , and to Antwerp afterwards ; erecting the Presbytery in those Forreign Nations , which he could not compass in his own . 7. For though the Brotherhood had attempted to advance their Discipline , and set up their Presbyterie in the Church of Wandsworth ; yet partly by the terror of the Proclamation , and partly by the seasonable execution of Burchet , they were restrained from practising any further at the present on the Church of England . But what they durst not do directly , and in open sight , they found a way to act obliquely , and under the disguise of setting up another Church of strangers in the midst of London . Many of the Low Countrey men , both Merchants , Gentlemen and others , had fled their Countrey at the coming in of the Duke of Alva , settled their dwellings in the Ports and Sea-Towns of England which lay nearest to them , and in good numbers took up their abode in London . Nor did they onely bring Families with them , but their Factories also : Their several Trades and Manufactures ; as the making of all sorts of Stuffs , rich Tapistries , and other Hangings of less worth ; and by their diligence therein , not onely kept many poor English Families in continual work , but taught the English the same Arts which they brought hither with them . Such welcome Guests must needs have some Encouragement to remain here always . And what Encouragement could be greater and more welcome to them , then to enjoy the liberty of their own Religion , according to such Government and Forms of Worship as they had exercised at home ? King Edward had indulged the like priviledges to Iohn Alasco , and Queen Elizabeth to the French ; neither of which were so considerable as the Flemish Inmates . A suit is therefore made by their Friends in Court , for granting them the Church of Augustine-Fryers , where Iohn Alasco formerly held his Dutch Congregation ; and granting it with all such Priviledges and Immuniti●s as the Dutch enjoyed . And that they might proceed in setting up their Presbyteries and new Forms of Worship , they obtain not onely a Connivance or Toleration , but a plain Approbation of their actings in it . For in the Letters which confirmed this new Church unto them , it is expresly signified by the Lords of the Council , That they knew well , that from the first beginning of the Christian Faith , different Rites and Ceremonies had been used in some parts thereof , which were not practised in the other : That whilst some Christians worshipped God upon their knees , others erect upon their feet , and some again groveling on the ground ; there was amongst them all but one and the same Religion , as long as the whole action tended to the honor of God , and that there was no Superstition and Impiety in it : That they contemned not the Rites which these Dutch brought with them , nor purposed to compel them to the practice of those which were used in England ; but that they did approve and allow their Ceremonies , as sitted and accommodated to the nature of the Countrey from whence they came . Which priviledges they enlarged b● their Letter of the 29 of Iune , in the year next following , An. 1574 ; extending them to all such of the Belgick Provinces as re●orted hither , and joyned themselves unto that Church , th●ugh otherwise dispersed in several parts and Sea-Towns for their own conveniences ; which gave the first beginning to the n●w Dutch Churches in Canterbury , Sandwich , Yarmouth , Norwich , and some other places in the North ; to the great animation or the Presbyters , and the discomfort of all such who were of judgement to foresee the sad consequents of it . 8. With like felicity they drove on their designs in Iersey and Guernsey ; in the two principal Towns whereof , the Discipline had been permitted by an Order of the Lords of the Council , as before was said . But not content with that allowance which the Lords had given them by His Majesties great grace and favour ; their Preachers , being for the most part natural Frenchmen , had introduced it by degrees into all the Villages ; furthered therein by the Sacrilegious Avarice of the several Governors , out of a hope to have the spoil of the poor Deanries , to ingross all the Tythes unto themselves , and then put off the Ministers with some sorry stipends , as in fine they did . But first those Islands were to be dissevered by some Act of State , from being 〈◊〉 longer Members of the Diocess , or subject to the Juri●●iction of the Bishops of Constance . And that being easily obtained , it was thought fit that Snape and Cartwright , the great Supporters of the cause in England , should be sent unto them to put their Churches in a posture , and settle the Discipline amongst them in such form and manner as it was practised in Geneva , and amongst the French. Which fell out happily for Cartwright , as his case stood ; who being worsted in the last Encounter betwixt him and Whitgift , had now a handsome opportunity to go off with credit ; not as if worsted in the fight , but rather called away to another tryal . Upon th●s Invitation they set sail for the Islands , and take the charge thereof upon them ; the one of them being made the titular Pastor of the Castle of Mount-Orgueil , in the Isle of Iersey ; and the other of Castle-Cornet , in the Rode of Guernsey . Thus qualified , they convene the Churches of each Island , communicate unto them a rude Draught of the Holy Discipline ; which afterwards was polished , and accommodated to the use of those Islands : but not agreed upon and exercised until the year next following ; as appears by the Title of it , which is this , viz. The Ecclesiastical Discipline observed and practised by the Churches of Jersey and Guernsey , after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers , Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernsey , Jersey , Sark and Alderney ; confirmed by the Authority , and in the presence of the Governors of the same Isles , in a Synod holden in Guernsey the 28 of June 1576 ; and afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders , and confirmed by the said Governors in a Synod holden in Jersey the 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 and 17 days of October , 1577. 9. With worse success , but less diligence , did Travers labour in the cause ; who being one of the same spirit , published a book in maintenance of the Holy Discipline ; which he caused to be printed at Geneva , and was thus intituled ; viz. Ecclesiasticae Disciplinae , & Anglicanae Ecclesiae ab illa aberrationis , plena , e verbo Dei , & Dilucida Explicatio : that is to say , A full and perfect Explication of Ecclesiastical Discipline , according to the Word ●f God ; and of the Church of Englands departing from it . In which book he advanced the Discipline to so great a height , as made it necessary for all Christian Kings and Princes a to submit unto it , and lay down their Crowns and Scepters at the Churches feet , even to the very licking up of the dust thereof , if occasion were But Travers sojourned in Geneva when he wrote this book , and was to frame it to the palate of Beza , and the rest of that Confistory ; who had by this time made the Discipline as essen●ial to the true being of a Church ▪ as either the Preaching of the Word , or the Administration of the holy Sacraments . Beza had so declared it in a Letter to Knox , An. 1572. In which he reckons it as a great and signal blessing from Almighty God , that they had introduced in Scotland , not onely the true Worship of God , but the Discipline also , which was the best Preservative of the truth of Doctrine . Which therefore he desires him so to keep together , as to be sure , that if the one be lost ( that is , laid aside ) the other is not like to continue long . And Cartwright leading in the same path also , heightned it above all which had gone before , or that followed after him . Some of the Brethren have extolled it to the very Skies , as being the onely Bond of Peace ; the Bane of Heresie ; the Punisher of Sin , and maintainer of Righteousness : A Discipline full of all goodness , for the peace and honour of Gods people , ordained for the joy and happiness of all the Nations . But Cartwright sets them such a leap , as they durst not reach at , not onely telling us in his last Book against Learned Whitgift , That the want of the Elderships is the cause of all evil , and that it is not to be hoped that any Commonwealth can flourish without it ; but also , that it is no small part of the Gospel , yea , the substance of it . 9. And if it proved to be a part of our Saviours Gospel , what could the brethren do less then pretend some Miracles for Confirmation of the same ? and to what Miracles could they pretend with more shew of Sanctity , and manifestation of the Spirit , then to the casting out of Devils ? Cambden inform us in this year , that the credulity of some London-Ministers had been abused by a young Wench , who was pretended at that time to be possessed of the Devil . But I rather think that the London-Ministers were confederate with this Wench , then abused by her ; considering the subsequent practice in that kinde of casting out Devils by the Puritan Preachers , to gain the greater credit to their Cause : for in this very year they practised the casting of a Devil out of one Mildred , the base Daughter of Alice Norrington of Westwell in Kent . Which for all the godly pretences made by Roger Newman , and Iohn Brainford , two of the Ministers of that County , who were parties to it ; was at the last confessed to be but a false imposture . Dr. Harsnet , ( who afterward dyed Archbishop of York ) informs us also in his Book against Darrel , that there were at this time two Wenches in London , that is to say , Agnes Bridges , and Rachel Pinder , who publickly were given out to be so possessed ; and it is possible that one of them may be she whom Cambden speaks of . Under which head may be also ranged the dispossessing of one Margaret Gooper at Ditchet in the County of Sommerset , about ten years after , 1584. But all inferiour to the Pranks which were played by Darrel , with whom none of the Puritan Exorcists is to hold comparison ; of which we are to speak hereafter in its proper place . The Papists have been frequently and justly blamed for their impostures in this thing , and no terms are thought vile enough to express their falshoods . But they were onely pious frauds in the Presbyterians , because conducing to such godly and religious ends , in the advancing of the Scepter and Throne of Christ , by the holy Discipline . And it is strange that none of all their Zealots have endeavoured to defend them in it , as well as Cartwright laboureth to excuse their unlawful meetings from the name of Conventicles ; that being , as he tells us , too light a word to express the Gravity and Piety of those Assemblies , in which Sacraments are Administred , and the Gospel Preached . If so , all other Sectaries whatsoever may excuse themselves from the holding of Conventicles , or being obnoxious to any penal Laws and Sanctions upon that account , because they hold their Factious and Schismatical Meetings for the self-same ends . And then the Queen must be condemned for executing some severity on a Knot of An●baptists , whom she found holding the like lawless Meetings in the year next following . 10. For so it was , that many of those Forreigners which resorted hither from the Belgick Provinces , and were incorporated into a distinct Society or Congregation , differing both in Government and Forms of Worship from the Church of England , did by degrees withdraw themselves from her Communion , and held their Conventicles a part from the rest of that body . Of these , some openly declared themselves for the Sect of the Anabaptists ; others would needs be Members of the Family of Henry Nicholas , ( who had been once a Member of the Dutch Church under Iohn ●lasco ) called commonly the Family of Love. Of which we have spoken in the History of the Belgick troubles , ( Lib. 3. Numb . 46. ) And not content to entertain those new Opinions and devices amongst themselves , they must draw in the English also to participate with them ; who having deviated from the paths of the Church , were like enough to fall into any other , and to pursue those crooked ways , in which the cunning Hereticks of those times did , and had gone before them . But such a diligent eye was had upon all their practices , that they were crossed in the beginning . For upon Easter-day , about nine in the Morning , was disclosed a Conventicle of these Anabaptists , Dutch-men , at an House without the Bars of Aldgate ; whereof twenty seven were taken and sent to prison , and four of them bearing Fagots at St. Pauls Cross , recanted in form following , viz. Whereas I , N N , being seduced by the spirit of Error , and by false Teachers his Ministers , have fallen into many damnable and detestable Heresies , viz. 1. That Christ took not flesh of the substance of the Blessed Virgin Mary : 2. That Infants horn of faithful Parents , ought to be Rebaptized : 3. That no Christian man ought to be a Magistrate , or bear the Sword or Office of Authority : 4. And that it is not lawful for a Christian man to take an Oath . Now by the Grace of God , and through Conference with good and Learned Ministers of Christ his Church ; I do understand and acknowledge the same to be most damnable and detestable Heresies ; and do ask God here before his Church mercy for my said former Errors , and do forsake them , recant , and renounce them , and abjure them from the very bottom of my heart . And further I confess , that the whole Doctrine and Religion established in this Realm of England , as also that which is received and practised in the Dutch Church here in this City , is sound , true , and acording to the Word of God ; whereunto in all things I submit my self , and will most gladly be a Member of the said ▪ Dutch Church ; from henceforth utterly abandoning and forsaking all and every Anabaptistical Error . 11. This gave a stop to many of them at their first setting out . But some there were , who neither would be terrified with the fear of punishment , or edified by the Retractation which those four had made ; continued in their former courses with great pertinacity ; insomuch , that on the 21 of May , being Whitson-Eve , no fewer then eleven of that Sect , all Dutch , ( that is to say , one man and ten Women ) were condemned in the Consistory at St. Pauls , to be burned in Smithfield . And though great pains was taken to reclaim them from those wicked Errors ; yet such was their obstinacie and perversness , that one Woman onely was converted . The r●st had so much mercy shewed them , as to be banished the Realm without further punishment ; which gave the greater resolution to the rest of their company to be more practical then before in promoting their Heresies . Which put the State upon a just necessity of proceeding more severely against some of them , then by Bonds and banishments : Two of the same Nation and Opinions being burnt in Smithfield on the second of Iuly , where they dyed with very great horror , exprest by many roarings and cryings , but without any signe or shew of true Repentance . Before the executing of which sentence , Iohn Fox the English Martyrologist addrest his Letters to the Queen , in which he supplicated for the lives of those wretched men , and offered many pious and prudential reasons for the reversing of that sentence ; or at the least , for staying it from execution . By which he so prevailed upon her , that she consented to a gratious sparing of their lives , i● on a months Reprieve , and Conference in the mean time with Learned men , they could be gained unto a retractation of their damnable Heresies . But that expedient being tryed , and found ineffectual , the forfeiture of their lives was taken , and the sentence executed . Nor had the Dutch Church of Norwich any better Fortune , or could pretend to be more free from harbouring some Fanatical spirits , then the Dutch Congregation in the Augustine Fryars . From some of which it may be probably supposed , that Matthew Hamant , a poor Plow-wright of Featherset , within three Miles of Norwich , took his first impressions , which afterwards appeared in more horrid blasphemies then any English ever had been acquainted with in the times preceding . For being suspected to hold many dangerous and unsound Opinions , he was convented before the Bishop of that City ; at what time it was charged upon him , that he had publickly maintained these Heresies following ; that is to say , That the new Testament or Gospel was but meer foolishness , and a story of men , or rather a meer Fable : That he was restored to Grace of the free Mercy of God , without the means of Christ his Blood and Passion : That Christ is not God , or the Saviour of the World , but a sinful man , a meer man , and an abominable Idol ; and that all they that worship him , are abominable Idolaters : That Christ did not rise again from death to life by the power of his Godhead , neither that he ascended into Heaven : That the Holy Ghost is not God , and that there is no such thing as an Holy Ghost : That Baptism is not necessary in the Church of God , nor the use of the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. For which he was co●demned for an Heretick in the Bishops Consistory , on the Fourteenth of April ; and being thereupon delivered to the Sheriff of the City , he was burnt in the Castle-Ditch on the Twentieth of May 1579. As a preparative to which punishment , his ears had been cut off on the Thirteenth of that Moneth , for base and slanderous words against the Queen and Council . 12. About the same time that the Anabaptists were first brought to Censure , there spawned another Fry of Hereticks , who had its first Original amongst the Dutch , and from thence came for England with the rest of their brethren . These called themselves the Family of Love , as before is said ; and were so well conceited of their own great holiness , that they thought none to be Elected to Eternal life , but such as were admitted into their Society . The particulars of their Opinions , and the strange manner of Expressions , have been insisted on before . Let it suffice , that by their seeming Sanctity , and other the like deceitful arts of Dissimulation , they had drawn some of the English to them ; who having broke the bond of peace , could not long keep themselves to the Spirit of Unity . Some of them being detected , and convented for it , were condemned to do Penance at S. Pauls Cross ; and there to make a Retractation of their former Errors . According to which Sentence , five of them are brought thither on the 12 of Iune ; who there confest themselves utterly to detest , as well the Author of that Sect , H. N. as all his damnable Heresies . Which gentle punishment , did rather serve to multiply then decrease the Sect ; which by the diligence of the Hereticks , and the remisness of the new Archbishop , came to such an height , that course was taken at the last for th●ir apprehension , and for the severe punishing of those which were so apprehended . For the Queen seriously considering how much she was concerned , both in honor and safety , to preserve Religion from the danger threatned by such desperate Hereticks , published her Proclamation on the ninth of October , An. 1580 , for bringing their persons unto Justice , and causing their pestilent Pamphlets to be openly burnt . And to that end , she gave a strict Command to all Temporal Judges , and other Ministers of Justice , to be assistant to the Bishops and their under Officers , in the severe punishing of those Sects and Sectaries , by which the happiness of the Church was so much endangered . By which severities , and a Formal Abjuration prescribed unto them by the Lords of the Council , these Sects were seasonably suppressed , or had the reason to conceal themselves amongst such of the Brethren as did continue in their Separation from the Church of England . 13. In the mean time , there hapned a great alteration in the state of the Church , by the death of one , and the preferment of another of the greatest Prelates . Archbishop Parker left this life on the 17 of May , Anno 1575. To whom succeeded Dr. Edmond Grindal , Translated from the See of York unto that of Canterbury , on the 15 of February . The first a Prelate of great parts , and no less Eminent for his zeal in the Churches cause ; which prompted him to keep as hard a hand on all Sects and Sectaries , and more particularly on those of the Genevian Platform , as the temper of the times could bear . But Grindal was a man of another spirit , without much difficulty wrought upon by such as applied themselves to him . And having maintained a correspondence when he lived in Exile with Calvin , Beza , and some others 〈◊〉 ●he Consistory ; he either could not shake off their acquaint●●●e at his coming home , or was as willing to continue it as they c●uld desire . Being advanced unto the Bishoprick of London , he condescends to Calvins motion , touching the setling of a French Church in that City on Genevian Principles ; and received thanks from him for the same . And unto whom but him must Beza make his Applications , when any of the brethren were suspended , deprived or sequestred , for not conforming to the Vestments then by Law required ? Being Translated unto York , which w●s upon the 22 of May 1370 , he entertains a new Intelligence with Zanchy a Divine of Heidelburg , somewhat more moderate then the other ; but no good Friend neither to the Church of England , as appears by his interposings in behalf of the brethren , when they were under any Censure for their inconformity . To this man Grindal renders an account of his Preferment both to York and Canterbury : To him he sends Advertisement how things went in Scotland , at his Advancement to the first ; and of the present state of affairs in England , when he came to the other . The like Intelligence he maintained with Bullinger , Gualter , and some of the chief Divines amongst the Switzers ; taking great pride in being courted by the Leading-men of those several Churches , though they had all their ends upon him , for the advancing of Presbytery and Inconformity in the Church of England . 14. Upon these grounds , the Presbyterians gave themselves good hopes of the new Archbishop ; and they soon found how pl●ant he was like to prove to their expectation . He entred on this great Charge in the Moneth of February 1575 ; at which time the Prelates and Clergie were assembled in a Convocation ; by whom a Book of Articles was agreed upon for the better Reiglement of the Church . In the end whereof , this Article was superadded by their procurement ; viz. That the Bishops should take order , that it be published and declared in every Parish-Church within their Diocesses , before the first day of May then next following , That Marriages might be solemnized at all times in the year ; so that the Banes on their several Sundays or Holidays , in the Service-time , were openly asked in the Church , and no impediment objected ; and so that also the said Marriages be publickly solemnized in the face of the Church , at the aforesaid time of Morning-Prayer . But when the Book was offered to the Queens peiusal , she disliked this Article , and would by no means suffer it to be printed amongst the rest ; as appears by a Marginal Note in the Publick Reg●ster of that Convocation . Which though it might sufficiently have discouraged them from the like Innovations , yet the next year they ventured on a business of a higher nature , which was the falsifying and corrupting of the Common-Prayer-Book . In which , being then published by Richard Iugge the Queens Majesties Printer , and published Cum Privilegio Regiae Majestatis , as the Title intimates ; the whole Order of Private Baptism , and Confirmation of Children was quite omitted . In the first of which it had been declared , That Children being born in Original sin , were by the Laver of Regeneration in Baptism ascribed unto the number of Gods Children , and made the Heirs of Life Eternal ; and in the other , Th●t by the Imposition of hands and Prayer , they receive strength against sin , the world and the Devil . Which grand omissions were designed to no other purpose , but by degrees to bring the Church of England into some Conformity to the desired Orders of Geneva . This I find noted in the Preface of a book writ by William Reynolds , a virulent Papist I confess , but one that may be credited in a matter of Fact , which might so easily have been refuted by the Book it self , if he had any way belyed it . 15. Nothing being done for punishing of this great abuse , they enter upon another Project : Which seemed to tend onely to the encrease of Piety in the Professors of the Gospel ; but was intended really for the furtherance of the Holy Discipline . The design was , that all the Ministers within such a Circuit , should meet upon a day appointed to exercise their gifts , and expound the Scriptures ; one being chosen at each meeting for the Moderator , to govern and direct the Action ; the manner whereof was 〈◊〉 that followeth : The Ministers of some certain Precinct did meet 〈◊〉 some week days in some principal Town ; of which Meeting some ancient grave Minister was President , and an Auditory admitte● of Gentlemen , and other persons of Leisure . There every Minister successively ( the youngest still beginning ) did handle one and the same piece of Scripture , spending severally some quarter of an hour and better ; but in the whole , some two hours . And the Exercise being begun and concluded with prayer , the President giving them another Theam for the next Meeting ( which was every Fortnight ) the said Assembly was dissolved . The Exercise they called by the name of Prophecying ; grounded upon those words of the Apostle , 1 Cor. 14.13 . viz. For ye may all prophecy one by one , that all may learn , and all be comforted . But finding that the Text was not able to bear it out , they added thereunto such pious and prudential Reasons , as the best wits amongst them could devise for the present . And though this Project was extreamly magnified and doted on with no less passion by some Countrey-Gentlemen , who were enamored of the beauty and appearance of it ; yet was it found upon a diligent enquiry , that there was something else intended then their Edification . For it was easie to be proved , that under colour of those Meetings for Religious Exercises , the Brethren met together and consu●ted of the common business , and furiously declaimed against Church and State. 16. These Meetings Grindal first connived at when he sate at York , under pretence of training up a preaching Ministery for the Northern parts . But afterwards he was so much possessed with the fancy of it , that he drew many of the Bishops in the Province of Canterbury to allow them also . By means whereof , they came to be so frequent in most parts of the Kingdom , that they began to look with a face of danger , both on Prince and Prelate . For having once settled themselves in these new Conventions with some shew of Authority , the Leading-Members exercised the Jurisdiction over all the rest , intrenching thereby on the power of their several Ordinaries . And they incroached so far at last on the Queens Prerogative , as to appoint days for solemn Fasts , under pretence of Sanctifying those Religious Exercises to the good of the Nation , as afterwards in their Classical and Synodical Meetings , which took growth from hence . Three years these Prophesyings had continued in the Province of Canterbury , before the Queen took notice of them . But then they were presented to her with so ill a complexion , that she began to startle at the first sight of them . And having seriously weighed all inconveniences which might thence ensue , she sends for Grindal to come to her ; reproves him for permitting such an Innovation to be obtruded on the Church , and gave him charge to see it suddenly suppressed . She complained also , that the Pulpit was grown too common , invaded by unlicensed Preachers , and such as preached sedition amongst the people ; requiring him to take some order , that the Homilies might be read more frequently , and such Sermons preached more sparingly then of late they had been . 〈◊〉 this was hard meat , not so easily chewed ; therefore not like to be digested by so weak a stomach . Instead of acting any thing in order to the Queens Commands , he writes unto her a most tedious and voluminous Letter : In which he first presents her with a sad remembrance of the Discourse which past between them , and the great sorrow which he had conceived on the sense thereof . Which said , he falls into a commendation of Sermonizing ; of the great benefit thereby redounding unto all her Subjects ; the manifold advantages which such preachings had , above the Homilies ; of wh●● necessary use those Prophesyings were , toward the training up of Preachers . In fine , he also lets her know , that by the example of S. Ambrose , and his proceedings toward Theodosius and Valentinian , two most mighty Emperors , he could not satisfie his conscience in the discharge of the great trust committed to him , if he should not admonish her upon this occasion , not to do any thing which might draw down Gods displeasure upon her and the Nation , by stopping the Free Exercise of Gods true Religion , and his promoting of his Gospel . 17. These Premises being laid together , he comes at last to this conclusion , as to assure her in plain terms , but with all humility , That he could not with a safe Conscience , and without the offence of the Majesty of God , give his assent to the suppressing of the said Exercises , much less send out any Injunction for the utter and universal subversion of the same : that he might say with the Apostle , That he had no power to destroy , but onely to edifie ; that he could do nothing against the Truth , but for it : And therefore finally , that if it were her Majesties pleasure , for this or any other cause to remove him out of his place , he would with all humility yeild thereunto , and render again unto her Majesty that which he had received from her . For to what purpose , as he said , should he endeavour to retain a Bishoprick , or to gain the world , with the loss and hazard of his Soul ? considering that he which doth offend against his Conscience , doth but digg out his own way to Hell. In which respect he humbly desires her to bear with him , if he rather chuse to offend her earthly Majesty , then the Heavenly Majesty of Almighty God. But not content with such an absolute refusal , and setting her at such a distance from Almighty God , he takes upon him to advise her to discharge her self of the concernments of the Church , or not to manage it at the least with so high a hand as she had done hitherto . Fitter it was , as he conceived it , That all Ecclesiastical matters which concerned Religion , the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church , should be referred unto the Bishops , and the Divines of this Realm , according to the example of all Christian Emperours , and the godly Princes of all ages , in the times before her . And this he further pressed upon her , by her own Example , in not deciding any questions about the Laws of the Realm , in her Court or Palace ; but sending them to be determined by her Judges in the Courts of Westminster ; and therefore by the self-same Reason , when any question did arise about the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church within her Dominions , the ordinary way must be to refer the same to the Decision of the Bishops , and other chief Ministers of the Church in Synodicall Meetings , and not to determine of them in the Court by the Lords of her Council . 18. But notwithstanding his refusal to conform to her will and pleasure on the one side , and this harsh Counsel on the other , which must needs be unwelcome to a Prince that loved and understood her own Authority so well as his Mistress did , he might have kept his Bishoprick , with her Majesties favour , which he appeared so willing to resign unto her . He might , I say , have kept them both , having so many great Friends about the Queen , who app●oved his doings , if a breach had not happened about this time betwixt him and Leicester , the mighty Patron and Protector of the Puritan Faction , occasion'd by his denying at the Earls request to alienate his goodly House and Mannor of Lambeth , that it might serve for a retiring place to that mighty favourite . And hereunto he did contribute further , as was said by others , for refusing to grant a Dispensation to marry one which was too near of kindred to him , clearly within the Compass of those degrees which seemed to him to be prohibited by the Word of God. This Leicester thought he might command , and was exceedingly vexed not to finde obedience , in one who had been raised by him , and depended on him . Upon which ground , all passages which b●fore were shut against his Enemies , were now left free and open for them ; and the Queens ears are open to their informations , as the passages were unto her person . By them she comes to understand , what a neglect there was of the publick Liturgy in most parts of the Kingdom , what ruine and decay of Churches , what innovations made already , and what more projected ; by which she would be eased in time of all cares of Government , and finde the same to be transferred to the Puritan Consistories : She was told also of the general disuse of all weekly Fasts , and those which annually were required by the Laws of the Realm ; and that instead thereof , the Brethren had took upon them , according to the Arrian Doctrine , to appoint solemn and occasional Fasts in several places , as at Leicester , Coventry , &c. in defiance of the Laws , and her own Prerogative . Touching which last , she gave another hot Alarm to Archbishop Grindal , who in a long Letter did excuse the matter , as not being done by his allowance or consent ; though it could not be denyed but that it had been done by his connivance , which came all to one : so that the Accusation being strong , his Defences weak , and no Friend left about the Queen who durst mediate for him ( for who durst favour him on whom Leicester frowned ? ) the Archi-Episcopal Jurisdiction was sequestred from him , conferred upon four Suffragans of the Province of Canterbury , and he himself confined to one of his Country-houses , till the Queens ●●rther pleasure should be signified to him . Which Sequestration must needs happen before the beginning of the Convocation which was held this year ; the Pesidency whereof was then devolved on the Bishop of London , by reason of Grindals incapacity to perform that Service . 19. For on the sixteenth day of Ianuary , it pleased the Queen to call a Parliament to be held at Westminster , in which some things occurred of great importance , in order to the Presbyterian History which we have in hand . The Puritans following the Arrians in that particular , as in many others , had openly decryed all set and determinate Fasts ; but then ascribed more merit unto those of their own appointing , then any Papists do to those of the Popes Ordaining . They had also much took off the edge of the people from the Common-prayer-book , but ●●st especially from the Litany ( none of the meanest Pieces in it ) which ●ill that time was read accustomably in the House of Commons , before the Members setled upon any business . But in the beginning of this Parliament , it was moved by one Paul Wentworth in the House of Commons , that there might be a Sermon every Morning before they sate , and that they would nominate some day for a solemn Fast. How the first motion sped , I have nowhere found ; but may conclude by the event , that it came to nothing , because I never heard that any thing was done in puisance of it till the late Long Parliament , where the like Toy was taken up for having Sermons every Morning in the Abbey-Church . But that about the Fast being made when more then half the Members were not present at it , was carried in the Affirmative by fifteen voices . And thereupon it was ordered , as the Journal t●ll●●h us , That as many of the House as conveniently could , should on the Sund●y fortnight following assemble and meet together in the Temple-Church , there to have Preaching , and to joyn together in Prayer with Humiliation and Fasting for the assistance of Gods Spirit in all their consultations during this Parliament , and for the preservation of the Queens Majesty and her Realms . And though they were so cautious in the choice of their Preachers , to refer the naming of them to the Lords of the Council , which were then Members of the House , in hope to gain them also to avow the action ; yet neither could this satisfie the Queen , or affect their Lordships . For some of them having made the Queen acquainted with their purpose in it , she sends a Message to them by Sir Christopher Hatton , who was then Vice-Chamberlain ; by which he lets them know , That her Majesty did much admire at so great a rashness in that House , as to put in execution such an Innovation , without her privity and pleasure first made known unto them . Which Message being so delivered , he moved the House to make humble submission to her Majesty , acknowledging the said offence and contempt , craving the remission of the same , with a full purpose to forbear the committing of the like hereafter . Which motion being hearkned to ( as there was good reason ) Mr. Vice-Chamberlain is desired to present their submission to the Queen , and obtain her pardon ; which he accordingly performed . 20. This practice gave the Queen so fair a Prospect into the counsels of the Faction , that she perceived it was high time to look about her , and to provide for the preserving of her power and Prerogative-Royal , but more for the security of her Realm and Person . To which end she procured a Statute to be made in that very Parliament , by which it was Enacted , That if any person or persons , forty days after the end of that Session , should advis●dly devise , or write , or print , or set forth any manner of Book , Rhyme , Ballad , Letter or Writing , containing any false , seditious , or slanderous matter , to the Defamation of the Queens Majestie , or to the encouraging , stirring or moving of any Insurrection or Rebellion within this Realm , or any of the Dominions to the same belonging : Or if any person after the time aforesaid , as well within the Queens Dominions , as in any other place without the same , should procure such Book , Rhyme , Ballad , &c. to be written , printed , published or set forth , &c. ( the said offence not being within the compass of Treason by vertue of any former Statute ) that then the said Offenders , upon sufficient proof thereof by two lawful witnesses , should suffer death and loss of goods , as in case of Felony . And that the Queen may be as safe from the Machinations of the Papists , as she was secured by this Act from the plots of the Puritans , a Law was past , To make it Treason for any Priest or Iesuit to seduce any of the Queens Subjects to the Romish Religion ; and for the Subjects to be reconciled to the Church of Rome . This Act , intituled , An Act for retaining the Queens Subjects in their due obedience ; the other , For the punishing seditious words against the Queen , 23 Eliz. cap. 1 , 2. Which Statutes were contrived of purpose to restrain the Insolency of both Factions ; and by which , many of them were adjudged to death in times ensuing : Some of them , as in case of Treason ; and others , as the Authors or the Publishers of Seditious Pamphlets . But the last Statute being made with Limitation to the life of the Queen , it expired with her . And had it been revived ( as it never was ) by either of the two last Kings , it might possibly have prevented those dreadful mischiefs which their posterity for so long a time have been involved in . 21. Together with this Parliament , was held a Convocation , as the Custom is . In the beginning whereof , an Instrument was produced under the Seal of Archbishop Grindal , for substituting Dr. Iohn Elmore then Bishop of London ( a Prelate of great parts and spirit , but of a contrary humour to the said Archbishop ) to preside therein ; which in the incapacity of the other , he might have challenged as of right belonging to him . Nothing else memorable in this Convocation , but the admitting of Dr. William Day then Dean of Windsor , to be Prolocutor of the Clergie ; the passing of a Bill for the grant of Subsidies ; and a motion made unto the Prelates , in the name of the Clergie , for putting the late Book of Articles in execution . Nothing else done within those walls , though much was agitated and resolved on by those of Grindals party in their private Meetings . Some of the hotter heads amongst them had proposed in publick , That the Clergie should decline all business , even the grant of Subsidies , till the Archbishop were restored to his place and suffrage . But this could find no entertainment amongst wiser men . Others advised , That a Petition should be drawn in the name of both Houses , by which Her Majestie might be moved to that restitution . And though I find nothing to this purpose in the Publick Registers ( which may sufficiently evince , that it never passed as an Act of the Convocation ) yet I find that such a Petition was agreed upon and drawn into form by Dr. Tobie Matthews then Dean of Christ-Church , and by some Friends presented to Her Majesties sight . Matthews was master of an elegant and fluent stile , and most pathetically had bemoaned those sad misfortunes which had befallen that Prelate , and the Church in ●im , by suffering under the displeasure of a gratious Sovereign . The mitigation whereof was the rather hoped for , in regard he had offended more out of the tenderness of his Conscience , then from the obstinacy of his will. But no such answer being given unto this Petition , as by his Friends might be expected , Grindal continued under his Suspension till the time of his death . Once it was moved , to have a Co-adjutor imposed upon him , who should not onely exercise the Iurisdiction , but receive all the Rents and profits which belonged to his Bishoprick . And so far they proceeded in it , that Dr. Iohn Whitgift ( who had been preferred to the See of Worcester , 1576. ) was nominated for the man , as one sufficiently furnished with abilities to discharge the trust . But he most worthily declined it , and would not suffer the poor man to be stript of his clothes , though for the apparelling of his own body with the greater honour , till death had laid him in the bed of Eternal rest . 22. But the troubles of this year were not ended thus . For neither those good Laws before remembred , nor the Executions done upon them , could prevail so far , as to preserve the Church from falling into those distractions , which both the Papists and the Presbyterians had projected in it . The Jesuits had hitherto been content to be lookers on , a●d suffered the Seminary Priests to try their Fortunes in the reduction of this Kingdom to the See of Rome . But finding how little had been done by them in twenty years ; so little , that it came almost to less then nothing ; they are resolved to take the honor to themselves . To which end , Heywood , Parsons and Campian first set foot in England , and both by secret practices and printed Pamphlets , endeavoured to withdraw the Subjects from their due obedience . Nothing more ordinary in their mouths , or upon their pens , then that the Crown belonged of right to the Queen of Scots : That Elizabeth was to be deprived : That if the Pope commanded one thing , and the Queen another , the Popes commands were to be obeyed , and not the Queens : And in a word , That all the Subjects were absolued from their Allegiance , and might declare as much when they found it necessary . Which that it might be done with the greater safety , Pope Gregory the XIII is desired to make an Explication of the former Bull. By which it should be signified to the English Catholicks , that the said former Bull of Pope Pius V should remain obligatory unto none but the Hereticks onely ; but that the Romish Catholicks should not be bound by it , as the case then stood , till they should find themselves in a fit capacity to put the same in execution without fear of danger . And presently upon their first entrance , a Book is published by one Howlet , containing many reasons for deterring the Papists from joyning in any Act of Worship with the English Protestants ; the going , or not going to Church , being from henceforth made a sign distinctive , as they commonly phrased it . In this year also Beza published his Schismatical Pamphlet , intituled , De triplici Episcopatu ; of which see Lib. 1. numb . 47. Lib. 5. numb . 40. first written at the request of Knox and other of the Presbyterians of the Kirk of Scotland , that they might have the better colour to destroy Episcopacy ; translated afterwards into English for the self-same reason , by Field of Wandsworth . Against this Book , Dr. Iohn Bridges Dean of Sarum writ a large Discourse , intituled , A Defence of the Government established in the Church of England ; not published till the year 1587 , when the Authority thereof was most highly stood on . The like done afterward by Dr. Hadrian Savavia : of which we shall speak more in its proper place . 23. And now the waters are so troubled , that Cartwright might presume of gainful fishing at his coming home . Who having settled the Presbytery in Iersey and Guernsey , first sends back Snape to his old Lecture at Northampton , there to pursue such Orders and Directions as they had agreed on ; and afterwards put himself into the Factory of Antwerp , and was soon chosen for their Preacher . The news whereof brings Travers to him ; who receives Ordination ( if I may so call it ) by the Presbytery of that City , and thereupon is made his Partner in that charge . It was no hard matter for them to perswade the Merchants to admit that Discipline , which in their turns might make them capable of voting in the Publick Consistory : And they endeavoured it the rather , that by their help they might effect the like in the City of London , whensoever they should find the times to be ready for them . The like they did also in the English Church at Middleborough the chief Town in Zealand , in which many English Merchants had their constant residence : To which two places they drew over many of the English Nation , to receive admission to the Ministery in a different Form from that which was allowed in the Church of England . Some of which following the example of Cartwright himself , renounced the Orders which they had from the hands of the Bishops , and took a new Vocation from these Presbyters ; as , Fennor , Arton , &c. and others there admitted to the rank of Ministers , which never were ordained in England ; as Hart , Guisin , &c. not to say any thing of such as were elected to be Elders or Deacons in those Forreign Consistories , that they might serve the Churches in the same capacity at their coming home . And now at last they are for England , where Travers puts himself into the service of the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , by whose Recommendation he is chosen Lecturer of the Temple Church ; which gave him opportunity for managing all affairs which concerned the Discipline with the London-Ministers . Cartwright applies himself to the Earl of Leicester , by whom he is sent down to Warwick , and afterwards made Master of an Hospital of his Foundation . In the chief Church of which Town , he was pleased to preach , as often as he could dispense with his other business . At his admission to which place , he faithfully promised , if he might be but tolerated to Preach , not to impugne the Laws , Orders , Policy , Government , nor Governours in this Church of England ; but to perswade and procure , so much as he could , both publickly and privately , the estimation and peace of this Church . 24. But scarce was he setled in the place , when he made it manifest by all his actions , how little care he took of his words and promises : for so it was , when any Minister , either in private Conferences , or by way of Letters , required his advice in any thing which concerned the Church , he plainly shewed his mislike of the Ecclesiastical Government then by Law Established , and excepted against divers parts of the Publick Liturgie ; according to the Tenour of the two Admonitions , by him formerly published . By means whereof , he prevailed with many , who had before observed the Orders of the Common-prayer-book , now plainly to neglect the same ; and to oppose themselves against the Government of Bishops , as far as they might do it safely , in relation to the present times . And that he might not press those points to others , which he durst not practice in himself , he many times inveighed against them in his Prayers and Sermons : The like he also did against many p●ssages in the Publick Liturgie , as namely , The use of the Surplice ; the Interrogatories to God-fathers in the name of Infants ; the Cross in Baptism ; the Ring in Marriage ; the Thanksgiving after Child-birth ; Burials by Ministers ; the kneeling at Communions ; some points of the Litany ; certain Collects and Prayers ; the reading of Portions of Scripture for the Epistle and Gospel ; and the manner of singing in Cathedral Churches . And for example unto others , he procured his Wife not to give thanks for her Delivery from the peril of Childbirth , after such Form , and in such place and manner as the Church required . Which as it drew on many other women to the like contempt , so might he have prevailed upon many more , if he had not once discoursed upon matters of Childbirth with such in discretion , that some of the good Wives of Warwick were almost at the point to stone him as he walked the streets . But that he might not seem to pull down more with one hand , then he would be thought sufficiently able to build up with both ; he highly magnified in some of his Sermons the Government of the Church by Elderships in each Congregation , and by more Publick Conferences in Classical and Synodical Meetings ; which he commended for the onely lawful Church-Government , as being of Divine Institution , and ordained by Christ. A Form whereof he had drawn up in a little Book : Which having past the approbation of some private Friends , was afterwards recommended to the use of the rest of the brethren , assembled together by his means for such ends and purposes , by whom it was allowed of as most fit to be put in practice . For being a new nothing , and of Cartwrights doing , it could not but finde many besides Women and Children to admire the Workmanship . 25. This was the sum of Cartwrights Actings in order to the Innovations , both in Government , and Forms of Worship , which heretofore he had projected . Not that all this was done at once , or in the first year onely after his return ; but by degr●●s , as opportunity was offered to him . Yet so far he prevailed in the first year onely , that a meeting of sixty Ministers out of the Counties of Essex , Cambridge and Norfolk , was held at a Village called Cork●il , where Knewstubs ( who was one of their number ) had the cure of Souls . Which Meeting was held May 8. Anno 158● ▪ there to co●fer about some passages in the Common prayer-book , what might be tolerated in the same , and what ●e●used ; as namely , Apparel , Matter , Form ▪ Holy-days , Fastings , Injunctions , &c. The like Meeting held at the Commencement in Cambridge then next ensuing . And what they did resolve in both , may be gathered partly from a passage in the Preface to a Book published in the year next following by William Reynods before mentioned . In which he tells us , That it had been appointed by the first Book of Common prayer , That the Minister in the time of his Ministration should use such Ornaments in the ●hurch , as were in use by Authority of Parliament in the second year of the Reign of King Edward the Sixth . And then , saith he , I appeal to the knowledge of every man , how well that Act of Parliament is observed throughout the Realm ; in how many Cathedrals or Parish●Churches those Ornaments are reserved ▪ Whether every private Minister , by his own Authority , in the time of his Ministration , disdain not such Ornaments , using onely such Apparel as is most vulgar and prophane ; to omit other particular differences , of Facts , of Holy-days , crossing in Baptism , the visitation of the Sick , &c. In which their alterations are well known , saith he , by their daily practice , and by the differences betwixt some Common prayer books which were last Printed ( as namely that of Richard Jugg before remembred ) from those which were first published by Supreme Authority . In all which deviations from the Rule of the Church , the Brethren walked on more securely , because the State was wholly exercised at this time in executing the severity of the late Statute on such Priests and Jesuits as laboured to pervert the Subjects and destroy the Queen , thereby to re-advance the Pope to his former Tyranny . In which respect it was conceived to be a good Rule in the School of Policy , to grant a little more liberty to the Puritan Faction ; though possibly it were done on no other score , then that of their notorious enmity to the Popish party . 26. About this time it also was , that by the practices of Cartwright and his adherents , their Followers began to be distinguished by their names and titles , from the rest of the people . First , in relation to their Titles . Thus those of his Faction must be called the Godly , the Elect , the Righteous ; all others being looked upon as carnal Gospellers , the Prophane , the Wicked . And next , in reference to their names . Their Children must not be Baptized by the names of their Ancestors , as Richard , Robert , and the like ; but by some name occurring in the holy Scriptures , but more particularly in the Old Testament , because meerly Hebrew , and not prophaned with any mixture of the Greek or Roman : concerning which there goes a story , that an Inhabitant of Northampton , called Hodgkingson , having a Childe to be Baptized , repaired to Snape , before mentioned , to do it for him ; and he consented to the motion , but with promise that he should give it some name allowed in Scripture . The holy action being so far forwards , that they were come to the naming of the Infant , they named it Richard , which was the name of his Grandfather by the Mothers side . Upon this a stop was made , nor would he be perswaded to Baptize the Childe , unless , the name of it were altered . Which when the God-father refused to do , the Childe was carried back unchristened . It was agreed by him and Cartwright , in the Book of Discipline which they imposed upon the Islands , That the Minister in Baptizing Children should not admit of any such names as had been used in the time of Paganism , the names of Idols , and the like . Which Rule though calculated like a common Almanack , for the Meridian of those Islands onely , was afterwards to be observed on the like occasions , in all the Churches of Great Britain . Such was their humour at that time : but they fell shortly after on another Fancie . For taking it for granted , because they thought so , that the English Tongue might be as proper and significan● as the holy Hebrew ; they gave such names unto their Children , as many of them when they came to age were ashamed to own . Out of which Forge came their Accepted , Ashes , Consolation , Dust , Deliverance , Discipline , Earth , Freegift , Fight-the good fight-of-faith , From above , Ioy-again , Kill-sin , More-fruit , More-tryal , Praise●God , Reformation , Tribunal , The-Lord-is-neer , Thankful , with many others of like nature , which onely served to make the Sacrament of Baptism as contemptible , as they had made themselves ridiculous by these new inventions . 27. Some stop they had in their proceedings , which might have terrified them at the present from adventuring further , but that they were resolved to break through all difficulties , and try the patience of the State to the very utmost . The Queen had entertained a treaty of Marriage , Anno 1581 , with Francis Duke of Anjow , the youngest Son of Henry the Second , and the onely surviving brother of Henry the Third , then Reigning in France . For the negotiating whereof , Monsieur Simier , a most compleat Courtier , was sent Ambassador from that King. By whom the business was sollicited with such dexterity , that the Match was generally conceived to be fully made . The Puritans hereupon begin to clamour , as if this Ma●ch did aim at nothing but the reduction of Popery , & the destruction of Religion here by Law established . But fearing more the total ruine of their hopes and projects , then any other danger which could happen by it . The Queen took care to tye the Duke to such conditions , that he could hardly be permitted to hear Mass in his private Closet ; and had caused Camp●an to be executed at his being here , to let him see how little favour was to be expected by him for the Catholick party . Yet all this would not satisfie the zealous Brethren , who were resolved to free themselves from their own fears , by what means soever . First therefore it was so contrived , that as Simere passed between Greenwich and London , before the coming of the Duke , a shot was made at him from a ship , with which one of the Watermen was killed , but the Ambassador therewith more amazed then hurt . The Gunner afterwards was pardoned , by the great power the Earl of Leicester had in Court ; it being pretended , that the Piece was discharged upon meer accident , and not upon malice or design . After this , follows a seditious Pamphlet , writ by one Stubs of Lincolns Inn , who had married one of the Sisters of Thomas Cartwright ; and therefore may be thought to have done nothing in it without his privity . This Book he called , The Gaping Gulf ; in which England was to have been swallowed , the wealth thereof consumed , and the Gospel irrecoverably drown'd ; writ with great bitterness of spirit and reproachful language , to the disgrace of the French Nation , the dishonor of the Dukes own person ; and not without some vile reflections on the Queen herself , as if she had a purpose to betray her Kingdom to the power of Strangers . 28. For publishing this book , no such excuse could be pretended , as was insisted on in defence of the former shot ; nor could the Queen do less in Justice to her self and her Government , as the case then stood , then to call the Authors and the Publishers of it to a strict account . To which end the said Stubs , together with Hugh Singleton and William Page , were on the 13 day of October arraigned at Westminster , for Writing , Printing and dispersing that Seditious Pamphlet ; and were all then and there condemned to lose their right hands for the said offence . Which Sentence was executed on the third of November upon Stubs and Page , as the chief offenders ; but Singleton was pardoned as an Accessary , and none of the Principals in the Crime . Which execution gave great grief to the Disciplinarians ; because they saw by that Experiment , that there was no dallying with the Queen , when either the honor of her Government , or the peace of her Dominions seemed to be concerned . And they were most afflicted at it in regard of Cartwright , whose inability to preserve so near a Friend from the severity and shame of so great a punishment , was looked on as a strong presumption that he could be as little able to save himself , whensoever it was thought expedient upon reason of State to proceed against him . But now they are engaged in the same bottom with him , they were resolved to steer their course by no other Compass , then that which this grand Pilot had provided for them . Not terrified from so doing , by the open Schism which was the next year made by one Robert Brown , once a Disciple of their own , and one who built his Schism upon Cartwrights Principles ; nor by the hanging of those men who had dispersed his Factious and Schismatical Pamphlets . For the better clearing of which matter , we must fetch the story of this Brown a little higher , and carry it a little lower then this present year . 29. This Robert Brown was born at Tol●thorp in the County of Rutland ; the Grand-child of Francis Brown Esquire , priviledged in the 18 year of King Henry VIII , to wear his Cap in the presence of the King himself , or any other Lords Spiritual or Temporal in the Land ; and not to put it off at any time , but onely for his own ease and pleasure . He was bred sometimes in Corpus Christi Colledge ( commonly called Bennet Colledge ) in the University of Cambridge . Where , though he was not known to take any degree , yet he would many times venture into the Pulpit . It was observed , that in his preaching he was very vehement ; which Cartwrights Followers imputed onely to his zeal , as being one of their own number . But other men suspected him to have worse ends in it . Amongst many , whom rather curiosity then Devotion had brought to hear him , Dr. Iohn Still ( though possibly not then a Doctor ) hapned to be one . Who being afterwards Master of Trinity-Colledge , and finally Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells , was used to say , That he discerned something extraordinary in him at the very first , which he presaged would prove a disturbance to the Church , if it were not seasonably prevented . Being well verst and conversant in Cartwrights Books , and other the like Pamphlets of that time , he became more and more estranged from the Church of England : Whose Gove●●ment he found to be de●amed for Antichristian ; her Sacraments affirmed to be defiled with Superstition ; her Liturgie reproached for Popish , and in some part Heathenish ; and finally , her Ordination to be made no better then those of Baals Priests amongst the Jews . Not able to abide longer in a Church so impure and filthy , he puts himself over into Zealand , and joyns with Cartwrights new Church in the City of Middleborough . But finding there some few remainders of the old impiety , he resolves to constitute a new Church of his own Projectment , which should have nothing in it but what was most pure and holy . The Draught whereof , he comprehended in a Book which he printed at Middleborough , An. 1582 , intituled , A Treatise of Reformation : and having sent as many of them into England as might serve his turn , he followed after in pursuit of his new Plantation . 30. The Dutch had then a Church at Norwich , as before was said , more numerous then any other Church or Congregation within the Precincts of that City . Many of which enclining of themselves to the Anabaptists , were apt enough to entertain any new Opinions which held Conformity with that Sect. Amongst them he begins , and first begins with such amongst them as were most likely to be ruled and governed by him ; he being of an imperious nature , and much offended with the least dissent or contradiction , when he had uttered any Paradox in his discourses . Having gotten into some Authority amongst the Dutch , whose Language he had learned when he lived in Middleborough , and grown into a great opinion for his Zeal and Sanctity , he began to practise with the English ; using therein the service and assistance of one Richard Harrison , a Country School master , whose ignorance made him apt enough to be seduced by so weak a Prophet . Of each Nation he began to gather Churches to himself , of the last especicially ; inculcating nothing more to his simple Auditors , then that the Church of England had so much of Rome , that there was no place left for Christ , or his holy Gospel . But more particularly he inveighed against the Government of the Bishops , the Ordination of Ministers , the Offices , Rites and Ceremonies of the publick Liturgie , according as it had been taught out of Cartwrights Books ; descending first to this Position , That the Church of England was no true and lawful Church . And afterwards to this conclusion , That all true Christians were obliged to come out of Babylon , to separate themselves from those impure and mixt Assemblies , in which there was so little of Christs Institution ; and finally , that they should joyn themselves to him and to his Disciples , amongst whom there was nothing to be found which savoured not directly of the Spirit of God ; nothing of those impurities and prophanations of the Church of England . Hereupon followed a defection from the Church it self ; not as before amongst the Presbyterians , from some Offices in it . Browns Followers ( which from him took the name of Brownists ) refusing obstinately to joyn with any Congregation , with the rest of the people , for hearing the Word preached , the Sacraments administred , and any publick act of Religious Worship . This was the first gathering of Churches which I finde in England ; and for the justifying hereof , he caused his Books to be dispersed in most parts of the Realm . Which tending as apparently to Sedition , brought both the Dispersers of them within the compass of the Statute 23 Eliz. cap. 2. Of which we are informed by Stow , that Elias Thasker was hanged at Bury on the fourth of Iune ; and Iohn Copping , on the sixth of the same Month , for spreading certain Books , seditiously penned by Robert Brown against the Book of Common-prayer established by the Laws of this Realm ; as many of their Books as could be found , being burnt before them . 31. As for the Writer of the Books , and the first Author of the Schism , he was more favourably dealt with then these wretched instruments , and many other of his Followers in the times succeeding . Being convented before Dr. Edmond Freak , then Bishop of Norwich , and others of the Queens Commissioners in conjunction with him ; he was by them upon his refractory carriage committed to the custody of the Sheriff of Norwich . But being a near kinsman by his Mother to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , he was at his request released from his imprisonment , and sent to London , where some course was taken to reclaim him , if it might , be possible , totally , or in part at least , as God pleased to bless it . Whitgift by this time had attained to the See of Canterbury ; a man of excellent patience and dexterity in dealing with such men as were so affected . By whose fair usage , powerful Reasons , and exemplary piety , he was prevailed upon so far , as to be brought unto a tolerable compliance with the Church of England . In which good humour he was favourably dismist by the Arch-bishop , and by the Lord-Treasurer Burleigh , to the care of his Father ; to the end that being under his eye , and dealt with in a kinde and temperate manner , he might in time be well recovered , and finally withdrawn from all the Reliques of his fond opinions . Which Letters of his bear date on the 8 of October 1585. But long he had not staid in his Fathers house , when he returned unto his vomit , and proving utterly incorrigible , was dismist again ; the good old Gentleman being resolved upon this point , that he would not own him for a Son , who would not own the Church of England for his Mother . But at the last , though not till he had passed through two and thirty prisons , as he used to brag , by the perswasions of some Friends , and his own necessities ( the more powerful Orators of the two ) he was prevailed with to accept of a place called A Church in Northamptonshire , beneficed with cure of Souls ; to which he was presented by Thomas Lord Burleigh , after Earl of Exon , and thereunto admitted by the Bishop of Peterborough , upon his promise not to make any more disturbances in the proceedings of the Church : A Benefice of good value , which might tempt him to it , the rather , in regard that he was excused as well from preaching , as from performing any other part of the publick Ministry ; which Offices he discharged by an honest Curate , and allowed him such a competent maintainance for it , as gave content unto the Bishop , who had named the man. And on this Benefice he lived to a very great age , not dying till the year 1630 ; and then dying in Northampton Gaol , not on the old account of his inconformity , but for breach of the Peace . A most unhappy man to the Church of England , in being the Author of a Schism which he could not close ; and most unfortunate to many of his Friends and Followers , who suffered death for standing unto those conclusions , from which he had withdrawn himself divers years before . 32. But it is time that we go back again to Cartwright , upon whose principles and positions he first raised this Schism . Which falling out so soon upon the Execution which was done on Stubs , could not but put a great rebuke upon his spirit ; and might perhaps have tended more to his discouragement , had not his sorrows been allayed and sweetned by a Cordial which was sent from Beza , sufficient to revive a half-dying brother . Concerning which there is no more to be premised , but that Geneva had of late been much wasted by a grievous pestilence , and was somewhat distressed at this time by the Duke of Savoy . Their peace not to be otherwise procured , but by paying a good sum of money , and money not to be obtained but by help of their Friends . On this account he writes to Travers , being then Domestick Chaplain to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh ; but so , that Cartwright was to be acquainted with the Tenour of it ; that by the good which the one might do upon the Queen by the means of his Patron , and the great influence which the other had on all his party , the contribution might amount to the higher pitch . But as for so much of the said Letter as concerns our business , it is this that followeth ; viz. If as often , dear Brother , as I have remembred thee and our Cartwright , so often I should have written unto thee , you had been long since overwhelmed with my Letters ; no one day passing , wherein I do not onely think of you and your matters ; which not onely our ancient Friendship , but the greatness of those affairs wherein you take pains , seems to require at my hands . But in regard that you were fallen into such times , wherein my silence might be safer far then my writing , I have , though most unwillingly , been hitherto silent . Since which time , understanding that by Gods Grace the heats of some men are abated , I could not suffer this my Friend to come unto you without particular Letters from me , that I may testifie my self to be the same unto you as I have been formerly ; as also , that at his return I may be certified of the true state of your affairs . After which Preamble , he acquaints him with the true cause of his writing , the great extremities to which that City was reduced , and the vast debts in which they were plunged ; whereby their necessities were grown so grievous , that except they were relieved from other parts , they could not be able to support them : And then he addes , I beseech thee , my dear Brother , not onely to go on in health with thy daily prayers ; but that if you have any power to prevail with some persons , shew us by what honest means you can , how much you love us in the Lord. Finally , having certified him of other Letters which he had writ to certain Noblemen , and to all the Bishops , for their assistance in that case ; not without some complaints of a dis-respect which he had found to some of his late Addresses , he concludes it thus ; viz. Farewel my dear Brother ; the Lord Iesus every day more and more bless thee , and all that earnestly desire his glory . 33. This Letter dated in the beginning of October , 1582. came very seasonably both to comfort Cartwright , who could not but be much afflicted with his late misfortunes , and encouraged him to proceed in pursuit of that business in which they had took such pains . This was enough to make them hasten in the work , who wanted no such Spurs to set them forwards . Till this time they had no particular Form , either of Discipline or Worship , which generally was allowed of for the use of their Churches ; But every man gathered some directions out of Cartwrights books , as seemed most proper for that purpose . But Cartwright having now drawn up his form of Discipline , mentioned before amongst the rest of his practices , 1580 , that book of his was looked on as the onely Rule , by which they were to regulate their Churches in all publick duties . But in regard of the great scandal given by Brown , the execution done at Bury upon Thacker and Copping , and the severity of the Laws in that behalf ; it was thought fit to look before them , and so to carry on the business as to make no rupture in the Church , and to create no eminent danger to themselves . In reference to which ends , they held a General Assembly , wherein they agreed upon some order for putting the said Discipline in execution , but with as little violation of the peace of the Church as they could possibly devise : And therefore that they might proceed with the greater safety , it was advised and resolved on , 1. That such as are called unto the Ministery of any Church , should be first approved by the Classis , or some greater Assembly , and then commended to the Bishop by their special Letters , to receive their Ordination at his hands . 2. That those Ceremonies in the Book of Common-Prayer which seemed to have been used in the times of Popery , were totally to be omitted , if it might be done without being deprived of their Ministery ; or otherwise the matter to be left to the consideration of the Classis , or other greater Assembly , that by the judgement thereof it might be determined what was most fitting to be done . 3. That if Subscription to the Articles of Religion and the Book of Common-prayer should be urged again , that they might be then subscribed unto , according to the Statute of 13 Eliz. that is to say , to such of them onely as contain the sum of Christian Faith , and the Doctrine of the Sacraments . But 4. That for many weighty causes , neither the rest of the said Articles , nor the Book of Common-Prayer were to be subscribed ; no , though a man should be deprived of his Ministery upon such refusal . 34. A Consultation was held also in the said Assembly , That without changing of the names , or any sensible alteration in the state of the Church , the Church-Wardens and Collectors of every Parish might serve in the place of Elders and Deacons ; and to that end , that notice might be given of their election , about the space of 15 days before the times appointed for it by the Law of the Land : To the intent that the Church might joyn in prayer to God to be so directed , as to make choice of fit men to supply those Ministeries . It was advised also , That before the ordinary times of the said Elections , the Ordinance of Christ should be publickly intimated to the Congregation , concerning the appointment of Watchmen and Overseers in the Church ; it being their duty to foresee that no offence or scandal arise in the Church ; and that if any such offence or scandal should happen , it might be seasonably remedied and abolished by them : as also that the names of the parties chosen be published on the next Lords Day ; their duties toward the Church , and the Churches duty toward them , being then declared ; and then the said Officers to be admitted to their several Ministeries , with the general Prayers of the whole Church . Orders were also made for a division of the Churches into Classical and Synodical Meetings , according to the tenor of the Book of Discipline ; for keeping a Registry of the Acts of the Classis and Synods ; for dealing with Patrons to present fit men , when any Church fell void belonging to their Presentations ; for making Collections at the General Assemblies ( which were then held for the most part at the Act in Oxon , or the Commencement in ●ambridge ) towards the relief of the poor , but most especially of those who had been deprived of their Benefices for their not subscribing ; as also of such Ministers of the Kirk of Scotland , as for their factiousness and disobedience had been forced to abandon that Kingdom : and finally , for nominating some set-time at the end of each Provincial Synod , in which the said Provincial Synod was to sit again ; as also for the sending of fit men to the General Synods , which were to be held either in times of Parliament , or at such other times as seemed most convenient . 35. By these disguisings it was thought that they might breed up their Presbytery under the Wing of Episcopacie , till they should finde it strong enough to subsist of it self , and bid defiance to that power which had given it shelter . It was resolved also , that instead of Prophesying , which now began to be supprest in every place , Lectures should be set up in some chief Towns in every County : to which the Ministers and Lay-brethren might resort securely , and thereby prosecute their designe with the like indempnity . But no disguise could fit them in their alterations of the Forms of Worship ; of which nothing was to be retained by Cartwrights Rules , but that which held conformity with the Church of Geneva . According to the Rules whereof , the Minister had no more to do on the days of Worship , but to Preach his Sermon , with a long Prayer before it , and another after it , of his own devising ; the people being entertained both before and after with a Psalm in Meter , according to such Tune or Tunes as the Clerk should bid . For having distributed the whole Worship of God into these three parts ; that is to say , Prayers , Praises , and Prophesyings ; the singing of the Psalms ( which they conceived to be the onely way of giving praise ) became , in fine , as necessary as the Prayers or Preachings . Their other aberrations from the publick Liturgie in Sacraments and Sacramentals , may best be found in Cartwrights practice , as before laid down ; it being not to be supposed that he would practise one thing and prescribe another , or that his own practice might not be a sufficent Canon , to direct all the Churches of this Platform . But these alterations being so gross , that no Cloak could cover them ; another expedient was devised somewhat more chargeable then the other , but of greater safety . For neither daring to reject the publick Liturgie , and being resolved not to conform themselves unto it ; they fell upon a course of hiring some Lay-brother , ( as Snape did a Lame Souldier of Barwick ) or possibly ▪ some ignorant Curate , to read the Prayers to such as had a minde to hear them ; neither themselves , nor their Disciples coming into the Church , till the singing of the Psalm before the Sermon . Concerning which , one of the brethren writes to Field , a That having nothing to do with the prescribed form of Common-prayer , he preached every Lords day in his Congregation ; and that ●e did so by the counsel of the Reverend Brethren ; by whom ( such was Gods goodness to him ) he had been lately called to be one of the Classis , which once a week was held in some place or other . 36. In this condition stood the Affairs , when the Reverend Whitgift came to the See of Canterbury . A man that had appeared so stoutly in the Churches quarrels , that there could be no fear of his Grind●llizing , by winking at the plots and practices of the Puritan Faction . So highly valued by the Queen , that when she first preferred him to the See of Worcester , Anno 1576 , she gave him the disposing of all the Prebendaries of that Church , to the end he might be served with the ablest and most Learned men . Nor was he less esteemed for his civil prudence ; which moved Sir Henry Sidney ▪ to select him before all others to be his Vice-President in Wales , at such time as he was to go Lord-Deputy for the Realm of Ireland . Upon this man the Queen had always kept her eye since Grindal fell into disfavour , and willingly would have made him his Co-adjutor , if he could have been perswaded to accept the offer . Which moderation altered nothing of the Queens minde toward him , who was so constant in her choice and designations of fit men to serve her , that upon Grindals death , which happened on the 6 of Iuly 1583 , she preferred Whitgift to the place . To which he was actually translated before Michaelmas following , that he might have the benefit of the half-years-rent . Which as it was another Argument of the Queens good affection to him ( who otherwise was sufficiently intent on her personal profit ) so for a further demonstration of it , she caused one hundred pounds to be abated in his Tenths and first Fruits , which had been over-charged on his Predecessor . And , which was more then both together , she suffered him to Commence a Suit against Sir Iames Crofts , Comptroller of her Houshold , Governour of the Town of Barwick , and a privy Councellor , for the recovery of some Lands , to the quantity of one thousand Acres , which had been first alienated to the Queen , and by the Queen was given to Crofts on a Court-petition . Which suit , as he had courage enough to take in hand , so had he the felicity of an happy Issue , in the recovering of those Lands from such Potent Competitors , without loosing any part of her Majesties favour . But these things are not pertinent to my present business , unless it be to shew upon what ground he stood , and that he was resolved to abate of nothing which concerned the honour of the Church , who was so vigilant and intent ( without fear of envy or displeasure ) on the profit of it . 37. The Queen was set upon a point of holding her Prerogative-Royal at the very height ; and therefore would not yield to any thing in Civil matters , which seemed to tend to any sensible diminution of it . And in like sort she was resolved touching her Supremacy , which she considered as the fairest Jewel in the Regal Diadem ; and consequently , could as little hearken to such Propositions as had been made in favor of the Puritan Faction by their great Agents in the Court , though she had many times been sollicited in it . To ease herself of which Sollicitations for the time to come , she acquaints Whitgift at his first coming to the place , that she determined to discharge herself from the trouble of all Church-concernments , and leave them wholly to his care : That he should want no countenance and encouragement for carrying on the great trust committed to him : That she was sensible enough into what disorder and confusion the affairs of the Church were brought , by the connivance of some Bishops , the obstinancy of some Ministers , and the power of some great Lords both in Court and Countrey ; but that notwithstanding all these difficulties , he must resolve , not onely to assert the Episcopal Power , but also to restore that Uniformity in Gods Publick Worship , which by the weakness of his Predecessor was so much endangered . Thus authorized and countenanced , he begins his Government . And for the first Essay thereof , he sends abroad three Articles to be subscribed by all the Clergy of his Province . The Tenour of which Articles , because they afterwards created so much trouble to him , I shall here subjoyn . First therefore , he required the Clergy to subscribe to this , That the Queen had Supreme Authority over all persons born within her Dominions , of what condition soever they were ; and that no other Prince , Prelate or Potentate , either had , or ought to have any jurisdiction Civil or Ecclesiastical within her Realms and Dominions . 2. That the Book of Common-prayer , and the Ordination of Bishops , Priests and Deacons , contained nothing contrary to the Word of God , but might lawfully be used ; and that they would use that and no other . 3. That he allowed the Articles of Religion , agreed in the Synod holden at London , in the year of our Lord 1562 , and published by the Queens Authority ; and did believe them to be consonant to the Word of God. 38. It is not easie to imagine what clamours were raised amongst the Brethren upon this occasion ; how they moved Heaven and Earth , the Court and Country , and all the Friends they had of the Clergie or Laity , to come to their assistance in this time of their tryal . By means whereof , they raised so strong an opposition against his proceedings , that no man of less courage then Whitgift , and none but Whitgift so well backed and countenanced by a gratious Mistress , could have withstood the violence and fury of it . But by the Queens constancie on the one side , who gave Semper Eadem for her Motto , to shew that she was always one ; and by his most invincible patience on the other side , whose Motto being Vincit qui patitur , declared what hopes he had , that by a discreet patience he might get the Victory ; he had the happiness to see the Church reduced to her former lustre , by the removing of all obstacles which lay before him . The first of which was laid by some of his own Diocess , who being required by him to subscribe for an Example to others , not onely refused so to do , but being thereupon suspended for their contumacy in due Form of Law , they petitioned to the Lords of the Council for relief against him : the like Petition was presented to them , by some Ministers of the Diocess of Norwich , against Dr. Edmond Freak their Bishop ; to whom the planting of so many Dutch Churches in the principal City , and other of the chief Towns of his Diocess , had given trouble enough . To the Petition of the Kentish Ministers , which concerned himself , he was required to answer at the Council-Table , on the Sunday following . Instead whereof , he lays before them in the Letter , That the Petitioners , for the most part , were ignorant and raw young men , few of them licensed Preachers , and generally disaffected to the present Government : That he had spent the best part of two or three days in labouring to reduce them to a better understanding of the points in question ; but not being able to prevail , he had no otherwise proceeded then the Law required : That it was not for him to sit in that place , if every Curate in his Diocess might be permitted so to use him ; nor possible for him to perform the Duty which the Queen expected at his hands , if he might not proceed to the execution of that power by her Majesty committed to him , without interruption : That he could not be perswaded , that their Lordships had any purpose to make him a party , or to require him to come before them to defend those actions , wherein he supposed that he had no other Iudge but the Queen her self ; and therefore in regard that he was called by God to that place and function , wherein he was to be their Pastor , he was the rather moved to desire their assistance in matters pertaining to his Office , for the quietness of the Church , the credit of Religion , and the maintainance of the Laws in defence thereof , without expecting any such attendance on them as they had required , for fear of giving more advantage to those wayward persons , then he conceived they did intend . And thereunto he added this protestation , That the three Articles whereunto they were moved to subscribe , were such , as he was ready by Learning to defend , in manner and form as there set down , against all opponents , either in England or elsewhere . 39. In reference to the paper of the Suffolk Ministers , he returns this answer : It seemeth something strange to me , that the Ministers of Suffolk finding themselves agrieved with the doings of their Diocesans should leave the ordinary course of proceeding by the Law , ( which is to appeal unto me ) and extraordinarily trouble your Lordships in a matter not so incident ( as I think ) to that honourable Board , seeing it hath pleased her Majesty her own self in express words to commit these causes Ecclesiastical to me , as to one who is to make answer unto God and her Majesty in this behalf ; my Office also and place requiring the same . In answer unto their complaint ; touching their ordinary proceedings with them , I have herewith sent your Lordships a Copy of a Letter lately received from his Lordship , wherein I think that part of their Bill to be fully answered . Touching the rest , I know not what to judge of it ; but in some points it talketh ( as I think ) modestly and charitably . They say , they are no Iesuits sent from Rome to reconcile , &c. True it is , neither are they charged to be so ; but notwithstanding , they are contentious in the Church of England , and by their contentions minister occasion of offence to those which are seduced by Jesuits ; and give the Sacraments against the form of publick Prayer used in this Church , and by Law established , and thereby increase the number of them , and confirm them in their wilfulness . They also make a Schism in the Church , and draw many other of her Majesties Subjects to a misliking of her Laws and Government in Causes Ecclesiastical . So far are they from perswading them to obedience ; or at the least , if they perswade them to it in the one part of her Authority , it is in Causes Civil ; they disswade them from it as much in the other , that i● , in Causes Ecclesiastical : so that indeed they pluck down with the one hand , that which they seem to build with the other . 40. More of which Letter might be added , were not this sufficient , as well to shew how perfectly he understood both his place and power , as with what courage and discretion he proceeded in the maintenance of it . Which being observed by some great men about the Court , who had ingaged themselves in the Puritan quarrels , but were not willing to incur the Queens displeasure by their opposition ; it was thought best to stand a while behind the Curtain , and set Beal upon him , of whose impetuosity and edge against him they were well assured . This Beal was in himself a most eager Puritan , trained up by Walsingham to draw dry-foot after Priests and Jesuits ; his extream hatred to those men , being looked on as the onely good quality which he could pretend to . But being over-blinded by zeal and passion , he was never able to distinguish rightly between truth and falshood ; between true Sanctity , and the counterfeit appearance of it . This made him first conceive , that whatsoever was not Puritan , must needs be Popish ; and that the Bishops were to be esteemed no otherwise then the sons of Antichrist , because they were not looked upon as Fathers by the holy Brotherhood . And so far was he hurried on by these dis-affections , that though he was preferred to be one of the Clerks of the Council , yet he preferred the interest of the Faction before that of the Queen . Insomuch that he was noted to jeer and gibe at all such Sermons as did most commend Her Majesties Government , and move the Auditory to obedience ; not sparing to accuse the Preachers upon such occasions to have broached false Doctrine , and falsly to alledge the Scriptures in defence thereof . This man had either writ or countenanced a sharp Discourse against Subscription , inscribed to the Archbishop , and presented to him ; and thereupon caused speeches to be cast abroad , that the three Articles to which Subscription was required , should shortly be revoked by an Act of the Council : which much encreased the obstinacy of the self-willed Brethren . But after , fearing lest the Queen might have a sight of the Papers , he resolved to get them out of his hands ; and thereupon went over to Lambeth , where he behaved himself in such a rude and violent manner , as forced the Archbishop to give an acconnt thereof by Letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , who hitherto had stood fair towards him , in these following words : 41. I have born ( saith he ) with Mr. Beals intemperate speeches , unseemly for him to use , though not in respect of my self , yet in respect of Her Majestie whom he serveth , and of the Laws established , whereunto he ought to sh●w some duty . Yesterday he came to my house , as it seems to demand the Book he delivered unto me . I told him , That the book was written unto me , and therefore no reason why he should require it again , especially seeing I was assured that he had a Copy thereof ; otherwise I would cause it to be written out for him : Whereupon he fell into very great passions with me ( which I think was the end of his coming ) for proceeding in the execution of the Articles , &c. and told me in effect , that I would be the overthrow of this Church , and a cause of tumult ; with many other bitter and hard speeches , which I heard patiently , and wished him to consider with what spirit he was moved to say so : For I said , it could not be by the Spirit of God , which worketh in men Patience , Humility and Love ; and your words declare ( said I ) that you are very Arrogant , Proud , Impatient and Vncharitable . Moreover , the Spirit of God , &c. And all this while ( saith he ) I talked with him in the upper end of my Gallery : My Lord of Winchester and divers strangers being in the other part thereof . But Mr. Beal beginning to extend his voyce that all might hear , I began to break off . Then he being more and more kindled , very impatiently uttered very proud and contemptuous speeches in the justifying of his book , and condemning the Orders established , to the offence of all the bearers . Whereupon , being very desirous to be rid of him , I made small answer ; but told him that his speeches were intolerable , that he forgot himself , and that I would complain of him to Her Majestie : whereof he seemed to make small account , and so he departed in great heat . Which said , he lets his Lordship know , That though he was never more abused by any man in his life , then since his coming to that place he had been by Beal , and that upon no other ground but for doing his duty , yet that he was not willing to do him any ill office with the Queen about it , or otherwise to proceed any further in it then his Lordship should think most convenient . 42. Finding by these Experiments how little good was to be done upon him either way , it was resolved to make some tryal on the opposite party , in hope to bring them by degrees unto some attonement . The Lord Burleigh shall first break the ice ; who upon some complaint made against the Liturgie by some of the brethren , required them to compose another , such as they thought might generally be accepted by them . The first Classis thereupon devised a new one , agreeable in most things to the Form of Geneva . But this Draught being offered to the consideration of a second Classis ( for so the wise States-man had of purpose contrived the plot ) there were no fewer then six hundred Exceptions made against it , and consequently so many alterations to be made therein , before it was to be admitted . The third Classis quarrelled at those Alterations , and resolved therefore on a new Model , which should have nothing of the other : And against this , the fourth was able to pretend as many Objections as had been made against the first . So that no likelihood appearing of any other Form of Worship , either better or worse , to be agreed upon between them , he dismist their Agents for the present ; with this assurance , that whensoever they could agree upon any Liturgie which might be universally received amongst them , they should find him very ready to serve them in the settling of it . Just so Pacuvius dealt with the people of Capua , when they resolved to put all their Senators to death . For when he had advised them not to execute that sentence upon any one Senator , till they were agreed upon another to supply the place , there followed such a division amongst them in the choice of the new , and so many Exceptions against every man which was offered to them , that at the last it was resolved to let the old Senate stand in force , till they could better their condition in the change of the persons . Walsingham tries his fortune next , in hope to bring them to allow or the English Liturgie , on the removal of such things as seemed most offensive . And thereupon he offered , in the Queens name , that the three Ceremonies at which they seemed most to boggle ; that is to say , Kneeling at the Communion ; The Surplice ; and , The Cross in Baptism , should be expunged out of the Book of Common-Prayer , if that would content them . But thereunto it was replied in the words of Moses , Ne ungulam esse relinquendum ; That they would not leave so much as a hoof behind . Meaning thereby , that they would have a total abolition of the Book , without retaining any part of Office in it in their next new-nothing . Which peremptory answer did much alienate his affection from them ; as afterwards he affirmed to Knewstubs , and Knewstubs to Dr. Iohn Burges of Colshil ; from whose pen I have it . 43. The Brethren on the other side finding how little they had gotten by their application to the Lords of the Council , began to steer another course , by practising upon the temper of the following Parliaments , into which they had procured many of their chief Friends to be retained for Knights or Burgesses , as they could prevail . By whose means ( notwithstanding that the Queen had charged them not to deal in any thing which was of concernment to the Church ) they procured a Bill to pass in the House of Commons 1585 , for making tryal of the sufficiency of such as were to be ordained or admitted Ministers by twelve Lay-men ; whose approbation and allowance they were first to pass , before they were to receive Institution into any Benefice . Another Bill was also past , for making Marriage lawful at all times of the year ; which had been formerly attempted by the Convocation , and tendred to the Queen amongst other Articles there agreed upon , but was by her disrellished and rejected , as before was said . They were in hand also with a third , concerning Ecclesiastical Courts , and the Episcopal Visitations ; pretending onely a redress of some Exorbitances in excessive Fees , but aiming plainly at the overthrow of the Jurisdiction . Of which particulars , Whitgift gives notice to the Queen ; and the Queen so far signified her dislike of all those proceedings , that all those Projects dyed in the House of Commons , without ever coming into Acts. The like attempts were made in some following Sessions ; in which some Members shewed themselves so troublesome to sober men , so alienated from the present Government , and so dis-respective toward the Queen , that she was fain to lay some of them by the heels , and deprive others of their places , before she could reduce them to a better temper . Of which we shall speak more hereafter , in the course of this History . The end of the seventh Book . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History OF THE PRESBYTERIANS LIB . VIII . Containing The Seditious Practises and Positions of the English Puritans , their Libels , Railing , and Reviling , in order to the setting up of the Holy Discipline , from the year 1584 , to the year 1589. The undutiful Carriage of the French , and the horrible Insolencies of the Scotch Presbyters , from the year 1585 , to the year 1592. HAving thus prosecuted the Affairs of the Presbyterians in England , to the same point of time where before we left the Scots , the French , and those of the same Party in the Belgick Provinces : we shall hereafter treat of them as they come before us with reference to the Practises and Proceedings of their English Brethren . And first , beginning with the Scots , it is to be remembred , that we left them at a very low ebb ; the Earl of Goury put to death , many of the Nobility exiled into Forreign Countreys , and the chief Zealots of the Faction amongst the Ministers , putting themselves into a voluntary Banishment , because they could not have their wills on the King and Council . England , as nearest hand , was the common Sanctuary , to which some Lords , and almost all the Refractory Ministers had retired themselves . Much countenanced by Mr. Secretary Walsingham , who had set them on work ; and therefore was obliged to gratifie them in some fit proportion . To such of the Nobility as had fled into England , he assigned the Isle of Lindisfarm , ( commonly called the Holy Island ) not far from Berwick ; with order to the Lord Hundsdon , who was then Governour of that Town , to give them the possession of it . But Hundsdon , though he had less Zeal , had so much knowledg of his Duty , as to disobey him ; considering the great consequence of the place , and that there was no impossibility in it , but that the Scots might make use of it to the common prejudice , if they should prove Enemies to this Crown , as perhaps they might . A matter , which the Secretary would not have passed over in so light a manner , but that an Ambassador was sent at the same time from the King of Scots , by whom it was desired that the Fugitives of that Nation , whatsoever they were , might either be remitted home , or else commanded not to live so near the Borders , where they had opportunity , more than stood with the good of that Kingdom , to pervert the Subjects . Which Reasonable Desire being yeelded unto , the Lords and Great men of that Nation were ordered to retire to Norwich , and many of the Ministers , permitted to prepare for London , Oxon , Cambridg , and some other places ; where some of them procured more mischief to the Church of England , than all of them could have done to their own Countrey , had they staid at Berwick . 2. At London they are suffered , by some zealous Brethren , to possess their Pulpits , in which they rail , without comptroll , against their King , the Council of that Kingdom , and their natural Queen ; as if by the practises of the one , and the connivence of the other , the Reformed Religion was in danger to be rooted out . Some Overtures had been made at that time by the Queen of Scots , by which it was desired that she might be restored unto the Liberty of her person , associating with the young King in the Government of the Realm of Scotland ; and be suffered to have the Mass said in her private Closet , for her self and her Servants . The news whereof being brought to London , filled all the Pulpits which the Scots were suffered to invade , with terrible Complaints and Exclamations ; none of them sparing to affirm , That her Liberty was inconsistent with Queen Elizabeth's Safety : That both Kingdoms were undone , if she were admitted to the joynt-Government of the Realm of Scotland ; and , That the Reformed Religion must needs breathe its last , if the Popish were permitted within the Walls of the Court. Which points they pressed with so much vehemence and heat , that many were thereby inflamed to join themselves in the Association against that Queen , which soon after followed . Against their King they railed so bitterly , and with such reproach , ( one Davinson more than any other ) that upon complaint made by the Scottish ▪ Ambassador , the Bishop of London was commanded to silence all the Scots about the City ; and the like Order given to the rest of the Bishops , by whom they were inhibited from preaching in all other places . But the less noise they made in the Church , the more closely and dangerously they practised on particular persons , in whom they endeavoured to beget an ill opinion of the present Government , and to engage them for advancing that of the Presbyterian in the place thereof . But this they had followed more successfully at the Act in Oxon , where they are liberally entertained by Genebrand and the rest of the Brethren ; amongst which , Wilcox , Hen , and Ackton , were of greatest note . And at this time a question was propounded to them concerning the proceeding of the Minister in his duty , without the assistance or tarrying for the Magistrate . How they resolved this question , may be easily guessed , partly by that which they had done themselves when they were in Scotland ; and partly by the Actings of their English Brethren , in pursuance of it . 3. For presently after , Gelibrand deals with divers Students in their several Colledges , to put their hands unto a paper , which seemed to contain somewhat in it of such dangerous nature , that some did absolutely refuse , and others required further time of deliberation : of which Gelibrand thus writes to Field , on the 12 th of Ian. then next following : I have already ( saith he ) entred into the matters whereof you write , and dealt with three or four several Colledges , concerning those amongst whom they live . I find that men are very dangerous in this point , generally favouring Reformation ; but when it comes to the particular point , some have not yet considered of the things for which others in the Church are so much troubled : others are afraid to testifie any thing with their hands , lest it breed danger before the time : and many favour the Cause of the Reformation , but they are not Ministers , but young Students ; of whom there is good hope , if they be not cut off by violent dealing before the time . As I hear by you , so I mean to go forward where there is any hope , and to learn the number , and certifie you thereof , &c. But that these secret practises might not be suspected , they openly attend the Parliament of this year , as at other times , in hope of gaining some advantage against the Bishops , and the received Orders of the Church : For in the Parliament of this year , which began on the Twenty third of November , they petitioned , amongst other things , That a Restraint might be laid upon the Bishops , for granting of Faculties , conferring of Orders , as also in the executing of Ecclesiastical Censure , the Oath Ex Officio , permitting Non-residence , and the like . But the Queen would not hearken to it , partly because of the dislike she had of all Innovations , which commonly tend unto the worse ; but chiefly , in regard that all such Applications as they made to the Parliament , were by her looked on as derogatory to her own Supremacy . So that instead of gaining any of those points at the hands of the Parliament , they gained nothing but displeasure from the Queen , who is affirmed by Stow to have made a Speech at the end of their Session , and therein to have told the Bishops , That if they did not look more carefully to the discharge of their Duties , she must take order to deprive them . Sharp words ! and such as might necessitate the Bishops to look well about them . 4. It happened also , that some of the great Lords at Court whom they most relyed on , began to cool in their affections to the Cause , and had informed the Queen of the weakness of it , upon this occasion . The Earl of Leicester , Walsingham , and some others of great place and power , being continually prest unto it by some Leading-men , prevailed so far on the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , as to admit them ( in their hearing ) to a private Conference : To which the Arch-bishop condescends ; and having desired the Arch-bishop of York , and the Bishop of Winchester , to associate with him , that he might not seem to act alone in that weighty business ; he was pleased to hear such Reasons as they could alledg for refusing to conform themselves to the Orders of the Church established . At which time though the said most Reverend Prelate sufficiently cleared all their Doubts , and satisfied all Exceptions which they had to make ; yet at the earnest request of the said great persons , he gave way unto a second Conference to be held at Lambeth ; at which such men were to be present , whose Arguments and Objections were conceived unanswerable , because they had not yet been heard . But when the points had been canvased on both sides for four hours together , the said great persons openly professed before all the Company , That they did not believe the Arch-bishops Reasons to have been so strong , and those of the other side so weak and trivial , as they now perceived them . And having thanked the Lord Arch-bishop for his pains and patience , they did not only promise him to inform the Queen in the truth of the business ; but endeavoured to perswade the opposite Party to a present Conformity . But long they did not stay in so good a humour ; of which more hereafter . 5. With better fortune sped the Lords of the Scottish Nation , in the advance of their Affairs : Who being admitted to the Queens presence by the means of Walsingham , received such countenance and support , as put them into a condition of returning homewards and gaining that by force and practise , which they found impossible to be compassed any other way . All matters in that Kingdom were then chiefly governed by the Earl of Arran , formerly better known by the name of Captain Iones , who being of the House of the Stuarts , and fastening his dependence on the Duke of Lenox , at his first coming out of France , had on his instigation undertaken the impeaching of the Earl of Morton : after which , growing great in favour with the King himself , he began to ingross all Offices and Places of Trust , to draw unto himself the managery of all Affairs , and finally to assume the Title of Earl of Arran , at such time as the Chiefs of the Hamiltons were exiled and forfeited . Grown great and powerful by these means , and having added the Office of Lord Chancellor to the rest of his Honours , he grew into a general hatred will all sorts of people : And being known to have no very good affections to the Queen of England , she was the more willing to contribute towards his destruction . Thus animated and prepared , they make toward the Borders , and raising the Countrey as they went , marched on to Sterling where the King then lay . And shewing themselves before the Town with Ten thousand men , they publish a Proclamation in their own terms , touching the Reasons which induced them to put themselves into Arms. Amongst which it was none of the least , That Acts and Proclamations had , not long before , been published against the Ministers of the Kirk , inhibiting their Presbyteries , Assemblies , and other Exercises , Priviledges , and Immunities , by reason whereof the most Learned and Honest of that number were compelled for safety of their Lives and Consciences , to abandon their Countrey . To the end therefore that all the aff●icted Kirk might be comforted , and all the said Acts fully made in prejudice of the same , might be cancelled , and for ever abolished , they commanded all the King's Subjects to come in to aid them . 6. The King perceiving by this Proclamation what he was to trust to , first thinks of fortifying the Town : but finding that to be untenable , he betakes himself unto the Castle , as his surest strength . The Conquerors having gained the Town on the first of October , possest themselves also of the Bulwarks about the Castle ; which they inviron on all sides , so that it was not possible for any to escape their hands : In which extremity the King makes three Requests unto them , viz. That his Life , Honour , and Estate , might be preserved . That the Lives of certain of his Friends might not be touched . And that all things might be transacted in a peaceable manner . They , on the other side , demand three things for their security and satisfaction , viz. 1. That the King would allow of their intention , and subscribe their Proclamation , until further Order were established by the Estates , &c. and that he would deliver into their hands all the Strong-holds in the Land. 2. That such as had disquieted the Commonwealth , might be delivered to them , and abide their due tryal by Law. And , 3. That the old Guard might be removed , and another placed , which was to be at their disposal . To which Demands the King consents at last , as he could not otherwise ; though in their Second they had purposely run a-cross to the Second of his , wherein he had desired that the Lives of such as were about him , might not be endangered . Upon the yeelding of which points , which in effect was all that he had to give unto them , he puts himself into their hands , hath a new Guard imposed upon him , and is conducted by them wheresoever they please . And now the Ministers return in triumph to their Widowed Churches , where they had the Pulpits at command , but nothing else agreeable to their expectation . For the Lords having served their own turns , took no care of theirs ; insomuch that in a Parliament held in Lithgoe , immediately after they had got the King into their power , they caused an Act to pass for ratifying the appointment betwixt them and the King ; by which they provided well enough for their own Indempnity . But then withall , they suffered it to be Enacted , That none should either publikely declare , or privately speak or write in reproach of his Majesties Person , Estate , or Government . Which came so cross upon the stomacks of the Ministers , whom nothing else could satisfie but the repealing of all former Statutes which were made to their prejudice , that they fell foul upon the King in a scandalous manner : insomuch that one Gibson affirmed openly in a Sermon at Edenborough , That heretofore the Earl of Arran was suspected to have been the Persecutor , but now they found it was the King ; against whom he denounced the Curse that fell on Ieroboam , That he should dye Childless , and be the last of his Race . For which , being called to an account before the Lords of the Council , he stood upon his justification without altering , and was by them sent Prisoner to the Castle of Blackross . 7. Of the same temper were the rest ; who notwithstanding the late Acts of Parliament inhibiting all Assembly and Classical Conventions , without leave from the King , held a new Synod at St. Andrews , in the April following , consisting ( for the most part ) of Barons and Lay-Gentlemen , Masters of Colledges , and ignorant School-Masters . Which Synod ( if it may be called so ) was purposely indicted by Andrew Melvin , for censuring the Arch-bishop of that City , whom they suspected and gave out to be the chief Contriver of the Acts of Parliament made in 1584 , so prejudicial to the Kirk ; and to have penned the Declaration in defence thereof . And hereunto he found the rest so ready to conform themselves , that they were upon the point of passing the Sentence of Excommunication against him , before he was cited to appear ; most of them crying out aloud , It was the Cause of God ; and , That there needed no citation , where the iniquity was so manifest . But being cited , at the last , he appears before them , puts up his Protestation concerning the unlawfulness of that Convention , and his disowning any Jurisdiction which they challenged over him ; and so demanded of them , What they had to say ? His Accusation was , That he had devised the Acts of Parliament in — 84 , to the subversion of the Kirk , and the Liberties of it . To which he answered , That he only had approved , and not devised the said Acts ; which having past the approbation of the Three Estates , were of a nature too Supreme for such Assemblies ; and thereupon appealed unto the King , the Council , and the following Parliament . But notwithstanding this ▪ Appeal , the Sentence of Excommunication is decreed against him , drawn into Writing , and subscribed . Which when neither the Moderator , being a meer Layick , nor any of the Ministers themselves , had confidence enough to pronounce and publish ; one Hunter , a Pedagogue in the House of Andrew Melvin , ( professing that he had the Warrant of the Spirit for it ) took the charge upon him , and with sufficient audacity pronounced the Sentence . 8. The informality and perversness of these proceedings , much displeased the King ; but more he feared what would be done in the next Assembly , appointed to be held at Edenborough , and then near at hand ▪ Melvin intended in the same , not only to make good whatsoever had been done at the former Meeting , but to dispute the nature and validity of all Appeals which should be made against them on the like occasions . To break which blow , the King could find no other way , but to perswade the Arch-bishop to subscribe to these three points , viz. That he never publickly professed or intended to claim any Superiority , or to be judg over any other Pastors and Ministers , or yet a vowed the same to have any warrant in Gods Word : That he never challenged any Jurisdiction over the late Synod at St. Andrews ; and must have erred , by his contempt of the said Meeting , if he had so done . And thirdly , That he would behave himself better for the time to come ; desiring pardon for the oversight of his former Actions ; promising to be such a Bishop from thenceforth , as was described by St. Paul : And finally , submitting both himself and Doctrine , to the Judgment of the said Assembly , without appealing from the same in the times to come . To such unworthy Conditions was the poor man brought , only to gain the King some peace , and to reserve that little Power which was left unto Him ; though the King lost more by this Transaction , than possibly He could have done by his standing out . For , notwithstanding the Submissions on the part of the Bishop , the Assembly would descend no lower than to declare , That they would hold the said Sentence for not pronounced , and thereby leave the Bishop in the same estate in which they found him ; and not this neither , but upon some hopes and assurance given them , that the King would favourably concurr with them in the building of the House of God. Which Agreement did so little satisfie the adverse party , that they justified their former process , and peremptorily confirmed the Sentence which had been pronounced . Which , when it could not be obtained from the greater part of the Assembly , who were not willing to lose the glory of so great a Victory ; Hunter stands up , by the advice of Andrew Melvin , and publickly protested against it ; declaring further , That notwithstanding any thing which had been done to the contrary , the Bishop should be still reputed for an Excommunicated person , and one delivered unto Satan . It was moved in this Assembly also , That some Censure should be laid upon the Ministers , who had subscribed the Acts of Parliament made in — 84. But their number proved so great , that a Schism was feared ; and they were wise enough to keep all together , that they might be the better able upon all occasions to oppose the King. Somewhat was also done concerning the Establishment of their Presbyteries , and the defining of their Power : of which the King would take no notice , reserving his disgust of so many Insolencies , till he should find himself in a condition to do them Reason . 9. In these Exorbitances , they are followed by the English Puritans , who had been bad enough before , but henceforth showed themselves to have more of the Scot in them , than in former times . For presently upon the news of the good success which their Scottish Brethren had at Sterling , a scandalous Libel , in the nature of a Dialogue , is published , and dispersed in most parts of England : in which the state of this Church is pretended to be laid open in a Conference between Diotrephes , ( representing the person of a Bishop ) Tertullus , ( a Papist , brought in to plead for the Orders of our Church ) Demetrius , an Usurer , ( signifying such as live by unlawful Trades ) Pandocheus , an Inn-keeper , ( a receiver of all , and a soother of every man for his Gain ) and Paul , ( a Preacher of the Word of God ) sustaining the place and person of the Consistorians ) . In the contrivance of which piece , Paul falls directly on the Bishop , whom he used most proudly , spightfully , and slanderously . He condemneth both the Calling of Bishops as Antichristian , and censureth their proceedings as Wicked , Popish , Unlawful , and Cruel . The Bishop is supposed to have been sent out of England into Scotland , for suppressing the Presbyteries there , and is made upon his return homewards , to be the Reporter of the Scottish Affairs ; and withall , to signifie his great fear lest he , and the rest of the Bishops in England , should be served shortly as the Bishops had lately been in Scotland , viz. at Edenborough , St. Andrews , &c. Tertullus , the Papist , is made the Bishop's only Counsellor in the whole course of the Government of the Church ; by whose Advice the Bishops are made to bear with the Popish Recusants , and that so many ways are sought to suppress the Puritans : And he , together with Pandocheus the Host , and Demetrius the Usurer , relate unto the Bishop such Occurrences as had happened in England during his stay amongst the Scots . At which , when the Bishop seemed to wonder , and much more marvelled that the Bishops had not yet suppressed the Puritans some way or other ; Pandocheus is made to tell him , That one of their Preachers had affirmed in the Pulpit , That there were One hundred thousand of them in England ; and that their Number in all places did encrease continually . 10. By this last brag about their Numbers , and somewhat which escaped from the mouth of Paul , touching his hopes of seeing the Consistorian Discipline , erected shortly , it may be gathered , That they had a purpose to proceed in their Innovations , out of a hope to terrifie the State to a compliance , by the strength of their Party . But if that failed , they would then do as Penry had advised and threatned ; that is to say , they would present themselves with a Petition to the Houses of Parliament , to the delivering whereof , One hundred thousand Hands should be drawn together . In the mean time , it was thought fit to dissemble their purposes , and to make tryal of such other means as appeared less dangerous . To which end they present with one Hand a Petition to the Convocation , in which it was desired , That they might be freed from all Subscriptions ; and with the other , publish a seditious Pamphlet , entituled , A Complaint of the Commons for a Learned Ministry . But , for the putting of their Counsels in execution , they were for the present at a stand . The Book of Discipline , upon a just examination , was not found so perfect , but that it needed a review ; and the review thereof is referred to Traverse . By whom being finished , after a tedious expectation , it was commended to the Brethren , and by them approved . But the worst was , it was not so well liked of in the Houses of Parliament , as to pass for current ; which so incensed those meek-spirited men , that they fell presently to threatning and reviling all who opposed them in it . They had prepared their way to the Parliament then sitting , Anno 1586 , by telling them , That if the Reformation they desired , were not granted , they should betray God , his Truth , and the whole Kingdom , that they should declare themselves to be an Assembly , wherein the Lords Cause could not be heard , wherein the felicity of miserable men could not be respected ; wherein Truth , Religion , and Piety , could bear no sway ; an Assembly that willingly called for the Judgments of God upon the whole Realm ; and finally , that not a man of their seed should prosper , be a Parliament-man , or bear rule in England any more . 11. This necessary preparation being thus premised , they tender to the Parliament , A Book of the form of Common-Prayer by them desired , containing also , in effect , the whole pretended Discipline , so revised by Traverse ; and their Petition in behalf thereof , was in these words following , viz. May it therefore please your Majesty , &c. that the Book hereunto annexed , &c. Entituled , A Book of the Form of Common-Prayers , and Administration of Sacraments , &c. and every thing therein contained , &c. may be from henceforth put in use , and practised through all your Majesty's Dominions , &c. But this so little edified with the Queen , or that Grave Assembly , that in the drawing up of a General Pardon to be passed in Parliament , there was an Exception of all those that committed any offence against the Act for the Uniformity of Common-Prayers , or that were Publishers of Seditious Books , or Disturbers of Divine Service . And to say the truth , the Queen had little reason to approve of that Form of Discipline in which there was so little consideration of the Supreme Magistrate in having either vote or place in any of their Synodical Meetings , unless he be chosen for an Elder , or indicting their Assemblies , either Provincial or National , or what else soever ; or insomuch as nominating the particular time or place , when , and where to hold them ; or finally , in requiring his assent to any of their Constitutions . All which , they challenge to themselves with far greater arrogancy than ever was exercised by the Pope , or any Bishop or inferior Minister under his Command , during the times of greatest Darkness . But the Brethren not considering what just Reason the Queen had to reject their Bill , and yet fearing to fall foul upon her , in regard of the danger ; they let flye at the Parliament in this manner ; that is to say , That they should be in danger of the terrible Mass of God's Wrath , both in this life , and that to come ; and that for their not abrogating the Episcopal Government , they might well hope for the Favour and Entertainment of Moses , that is , the Curse of the Law : the Favour and loving-Countenance of Jesus Christ , they should never see . 12. It may seem strange that Queen ELIZABETH should carry such a hard hand on her English Puritans , as well by severe Laws , and terrible Executions , as by excluding them from the benefit of a General Pardon ; and yet protect and countenance the Presbyterians in all places else . But that great Monster in Nature , called Reason of State , is brought to plead in her defence ; by which she had been drawn to aid the French Hugonots against their King ; to supply the Rebel - Scots with Men , Money , Arms and Ammunition , upon all occasions ; and hitherto support those of the Belgick Provinces , against the Spaniard . Now she receives these last into her protection , being reduced at that time unto great Extremities , partly by reason of the death of the Prince of Orange ; and partly in regard of the great Successes of the Prince of Parma . In which extremity they offered her the Soveraignty of Holland , Zealand , and West-Friesland ; to which they frame for her an unhandsom Title , grounded on her descent from Philippa , Wife of Edward the third , Sister of William the third , Earl of Heynalt , Holland , &c. But she not harkning to that offer about the Soveraignty , as a thing too invidious , and of dangerous consequence ; cheerfully yeelded to receive them into her protection , to raise an Army presently toward their defence , consisting of Five thousand Foot , and One thousand Horse , with Money , Ammunition , Arms , and all other necessaries ; and finally , to put the same Arms so appointed , under the Command of some Person of Honour , who was to take the charge and trust of so great a Business . The Confederates , on the other side , being very prodigal of that which was none of their own , delivered into her hands the Keys of the Countrey , that is to say , the Towns of Brill and Flushing , with the Fort of Ramekins . And more then so , as soon as the Earl of Leicester came amongst them , in the Head of this Army , which most ambitiously he affected for some other Ends ; they put into his hands the absolute Government of these Provinces , gave him the Title of His Excellency , and generally submitted to him with more outward cheerfulness than ever they had done to the King of Spain . It is not to be thought , but that the Presbyterian Discipline went on succesfully in those Provinces , under this new Governor ; who having countenanced them in England against the Laws , might very well afford them all his best assistances , when Law and Liberty seemed to speak in favour of it . But being there was nothing done by them , which was more than ordinary ; as little more than ordinary could be done amongst them , after they had betrayed their Countrey to the Power of Strangers ; We shall leave him to pursue their Warrs , and return for England , where we shall find the Queen of Scots upon the point of acting the last part of her Tragedy . 13. Concerning which , it may not be unfit to recapitulate so much of Her story as may conduct us fairly to the knowledg of her present condition . Immediately on the death of Queen MARY , she had taken on her self the Title and Arms of England ; which though she did pretend to have been done by the command of her Husband , and promised to disclaim them both in the Treaty of Edenborough ; yet neither were the Arms obliterated in her Plate and Hangings , after the death of that Husband ; nor would she ever ratifie and confirm that Treaty , as had been conditioned . On this first grudg , Queen ELIZABETH furni●heth the Scots both with Men and Arms , to expel the French ; affords them such a measure both of Money and Countenance , as made them able to take the Field against their Queen , to take her Prisoner , to depose her ; and finally , to compel her to forsake the Kingdom . In which Extremity , she lands in Cumberland , and casts her self upon the favour of Queen ELIZABETH ; by whom she was first confined to Carlisle , and afterwards committed to the custody of the Earl of Shrewsbury . Upon the death of FRANCIS the Second , her first Husband , the King of Spain designed her for a Wife to his Eldest Son. But the Ambition of the young Prince spurred him on so fast , that he brake his Neck in the Career . The Duke of Norfolk was too great for a private Subject ; of a Revenue not inferior to the Crown of Scotland : insomuch that the Queen was counselled , when she came first to the Throne , either to take him for her Husband , or to cut him off . He is now drawn into the Snare , by being tempted to a hope of Marriage with the Captive-Queen ; which Leicester and the rest , who had moved it to him , turned to his destruction . Don Iohn of Austria , Governour of the Netherlands for the King of Spain , had the like design , that by her Title he might raise himself to the Crown of England . To which end he recalled the Spanish Soldiers out of Italy , to whose dismission he had yeelded when he first came to that Government ; and thereby gave Q. ELIZABETH a sufficient colour to aid the Provinces against him . But his aspirings cost him deer ; for he fell soon after . The Guisards and the Pope had another project , which was , To place her first on the Throne of England , and then to find an Husband of sufficient Power to maintain her in it . For the effecting of which Project , the Pope commissionated his Priests and Jesuits ; and the Guisards employed their Emissaries of the English Nation , by Poyson , Pistol , open Warr , or secret practises , to destroy the one , that so they might advance the other to the Regal Diadem . 14. With all these Practises and Designs , it was conceived that the Imprisoned Queen could not be ignorant ; and many strong presumptions were discovered to convict her of it : Upon which grounds , the Earl of Leicester drew the form of an Association , by which he bound himself , and as many others as should enter into it , To make enquiry against all such persons as should attempt to invade the Kingdom , or raise Rebellion , or should attempt any evil against the Queen's Person , to do her any manner of hurt , from , or by whomsoever that layed any claim to the Crown of England . And that , that Person by whom , or for whom they shall attempt any such thing , shall be altogether uncapable of the Crown , shall be deprived of all manner of Right thereto , and persecuted to the death by all the Queen 's Loyal Subjects , in case they shall be found guilty of any such Invasion , Rebellion , or Treason , and should be so publickly declared . Which Band or Association , was confirmed in the Parliament of this year , ending the 29 th of March , Ann. 1585 , exceedingly extolled for an Act of Piety , by those very men who seemed to abominate nothing more , than the like Combination made not long before between the Pope , the Spaniard , and the House of Guise , called the Holy League ; which League was made for maintenance of the Religion then established in the Realm of France , and the excluding of the King of Navarre , the Prince of Conde , and the rest of the House of Bourbon , from their succession to the Crown , as long as they continued Enemies to that Religion . The Brethren in this case not unlike the Lamiae , who are reported to have been stone-blind when they were at home , but more than Eagle-sighted when they went abroad . Put that they might not trust to their own strength only , Queen ELIZABETH tyes the French King to her , by investing him with the Robes and Order of St. George , called the Garter : She draws the King of Scots to unite himself unto her in a League Offensive and Defensive against all the World ; and under colour of some danger to Religion by that Holy League ; she brings all the Protestant Princes of Germany to confederate with her . 15. And now the Queen of Scots is brought to a publick Tryal , accelerated by a new Conspiracy of Babington , Tichborn , and the rest ; in which nothing was designed without her privity . And it is very strange to see how generally all sorts of people did contribute toward her destruction ; the English Protestants , upon an honest apprehension of the Dangers to which the Person of their Queen was subject by so many Conspiracies : the Puritans , for fear lest she should bring in Popery again , if she came to the Crown : the Scots , upon the like conceit of over-throwing their Presbyteries , and ruinating the whole Machina of their Devices , if ever she should live to be Queen of England . The Earl of Leicester and his Faction in the Court , had their Ends apart ; which was , To bring the Imperial Crown of this Realm , by some means or other , into the Family of the Dudley's . His Father had before designed it , by marrying his Son Guilford with the Lady Iane , descended from the younger Sister of K. HENRY the Eighth . And he projects to set it on the Head of the Earl of Huntington , who had married his Sister , and looked upon himself as the direct Heir of George Duke of Clarence . And that they might not want a Party of sufficient strength to advance their Interest , they make themselves the Heads of the Puritan Faction ; the Earl of Leicester in the Court , and the Earl of Huntingdon in the Countrey . For him , he obtaineth of the Queen the command of the North , under the Title of Lord President of the Councel iu York , to keep out the Scots : and for himself , the Conduct of the English Armies which served in the Low-Countreys , to make sure of all . He takes a course also to remove the Imprisoned Queen from the Earl of Shrewsbury , and commits her to the custody of Paulet , and Drury , two notorious Puritans , though neither of them were so base as to serve his turn , when he practised on them to assassinate her in a private way . I take no pleasure in recounting the particulars of that Horrid Act , by which a Soveraign Queen , lawfully Crowned and Anointed , was brought to be arraigned before the Subjects of her nearest Kinswoman , or how she was convicted by them ; what Artifices were devised to bring her to the fatal Block ; or what dissimulations practised to palliate and excuse that Murther . 16. All I shall note particularly in this woful story , is the behaviour of the Scots , ( I mean the Presbyters ) who being required by the King to recommend her unto God in their publick Prayers , refused most unchristianly so to do , except only David Lindesay at Leith , and the King 's own Chaplains . And yet the Form of Prayer prescribed , was no more than this , That it might please God to illuminate her with the Light of his Truth , and save her from the apparent danger wherein she was cast . On which default , the King appointed solemn Prayers to be made for her in Edenborough , on the third of February ; and nominates the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews to perform that Office. Which being understood by the Ministers , they stirred up one Iohn Cooper , a bold young man , and not admitted into Orders , of their own conferring to invade the Pulpit , before the Bishop had an opportunity to take the place : Which being noted by the King , he commanded him to come down , and leave the Pulpit to the Bishops , as had been appointed ; or otherwise , to perform the Service which the Day required . To which the sawcy Fellow answered , That he would do therein according as the Spirit of God should direct him in it . And then perceiving that the Captain of the Guard was coming to remove him thence , he told the King with the same impudence as before , That this day should be a witness against him in the Great Day of the Lord : And then denouncing a Wo to the Inhabitants of Edenborough , he went down ; and the Bishop of St. Andrews entring the Pulpit , did the Duty required . For which intollerable Affront , Cooper was presently commanded to appear before the Lords of the Council , and he took with him Watson and Belcanqual , two of the Preachers of Edenborough , for his two Supporters : Where they behaved themselves with so little reverence , that the two Ministers were discharged from preaching in Edenborough , and Cooper was sent Prisoner to the Castle of Blackness . But so unable was the King to bear up against them , that having a great desire that Montgomery , Arch-bishop of Glasgow , might be absolved from the Censures under which he lay , he could no otherwise obtain it , than by releasing this Cooper , together with Gibson before-mentioned , from their present Imprisonment : which , though it were yeelded to by the King , upon condition that Gibson should make some acknowledgment of his Offence in the face of the Church ; yet , after many triflings , and much tergiversation , he took his flight into England , where he became a useful Instrument in the Holy Cause . 17. For so it was , that notwithstanding the Promise made to Arch-bishop Whitgift , by Leicester , Walsingham , and the rest , as before is said , they gave such encouragements under-hand to the Presbyterians , that they resolved to proceed toward the putting of the Discipline in execution , though they received small countenance in it from the Queen and Parliament . Nor were those great Persons altogether so unmindful of them , as not to entertain their Clamours , and promote their Petitions at the Council-Table , crossing and thwarting the Arch-bishop whensoever any Cause which concerned the Brethren , had been brought before them . Which drew from him several Letters to the Lords of the Council , each syllable whereof , ( for the great Piety and Modesty which appears in them ) deserves to have been written in Letters of Gold. Now the sum of these Letters , as they are laid together by Sir George Paul , is as followeth . 18. God knows , ( saith he ) how desirous I have been from time to time , to have my doings approved by my ancient and honourable Friends : for which cause , since my coming to this place , I have done nothing of importance against these Sectaries , without good Advice . I have risen up early , and sate up late , to yeeld Reasons , and make Answer to their Contentions , and their Seditious Objections . And shall I now say , I have lost my labour ? Or , shall my just dealing with disobedient and irregular persons , cause my former professed and ancient Friends to hinder my just proceedings , and make them speak of my doings , yea , and of my self , what they list ? Solomon saith , An old Friend is better than a new : I trust those that love me indeed , will not so lightly cast off their old Friends , for any of these new-fangled and factious Sectaries , whose fruits are to make division , and to separate old and assured Friends . In my own private Affairs , I know I shall stand in need of Friends ; but in these publick Actions , I see no cause why I should seek any , seeing they to whom the care of the Commonwealth is committed , ought of duty therein to joyn with me . And if my honourable Friends shall forsake me ( especially in so good a Cause ) and not put their helping-hand to the redress of these Enormities , ( being indeed a matter of State , and not of the least moment ) I shall think my coming unto this Place to have been for my punishment ; and my hap very hard , that when I think to deserve best ; and , in a manner , consume my self to satisfie that which God , Her Majesty , and the Church , requireth of me , I should be evilly rewarded . Sed meliora spero . It is objected , by some , that my desire of Uniformity , by way of Subscription , is for the better maintenance of my Book . They are mine Enemies that say so ; but I trust my Friends have a better opinion of me . Why should I seek for any confirmation of my Book , after twelve years approbation ? Or what shall I get thereby , more than already I have ? Yet , if Subscription may confirm it , it is confirmed long ago , by the Subscription of almost all the Clergy of England , before my time . Mine Enemies likewise , and the slanderous Tongues of this uncharitable Sect , report that I am revolted , b●come a Papist , and I know not what . But it proceedeth from th●●r Leudness , and not from any desert of mine . 19. I am further burthened with Wilfulness : I hope my Friends are better perswaded of me , to whose Consciences I appeal . It is strange that a man of my place , dealing by so good a warrant as I do , should be so encountred ; and , for not yeelding , counted Wilful . But I must be content , Vincit qui patitur . There is a difference betwixt Wilfulness and Constancy . I have taken upon me , by the Place which I hold under Her Majesty , the defence of the Religion and the Rites of the Church of England , to appease the Schisms and Sects therein , to reduce all the Ministers thereof to Uniformity , and to due Obedience , and not to waver with every wind ; which also , my Place , my Person , the Laws , Her Majesty , and the goodness of the Cause , do require of me ; and wherein the Lords of Her Highness Privy Council , ( all things considered ) ought in duty to assist and countenance me . But , How is it possible that I should perform what I have undertaken , after so long Liberty and lack of Discipline , if a few persons so meanly qualified , ( as most of these Factious Sectaries are ) should be countenanced against the whole state of the Clergy , of greatest account both for Learning , Years , Stayedness , Wisdom , Religion , and Honesty ; and open Breakers and Impugners of the Law , young in Years , proud in Conceit , contentious in Disposition , should be maintained against their Governours , seeking to reduce them to Order and Obedience ? Haec sunt initia Haereticorum , & ortus , atque conatus Schismaticorum male cogitantium , ut sibi placeant , ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant : sic de Ecclesi● receditur , sic altare profanum foris collocatur , sic contra Pacem Christi & Ordinationem , atque Veritatem Dei Rebellatur . The first Fruits of Hereticks , and the first Births and Endeavours of Schismaticks , are , To admire themselves , and in their swelling-pride to contemn any that are set over them . Thus do men fall from the Church of God ; thus is a Forreign Unhallowed Altar erected ; and thus is Christ's Peace , and God's Ordination and Unity , rebelled against . 20. For my own part , I neither have done , nor do any thing in these matters , which I do not think my self in Conscience and Duty bound to do , and which Her Majesty hath not with earnest Charge committed unto me , and which I am not well able to justifie to be most requisite for this Church and State ; whereof , next to Her Majesty , ( though most unworthy , if not most unhappy ) the chief Care is committed to me ; which I will not ( by the Grace of God ) neglect , whatsoever come upon me there-for . Neither may I endure their notorious Contempts , unless I will become Aesop's Block ; and undo all that which hitherto hath been done . It is certain , that if way be given unto them , upon their unjust Surmises and Clamours ; it will be the cause of that confusion which hereafter the State will be sorry for . I neither care for the honour of this Place I hold , ( which is onus unto me ) nor the largeness of the Revenue , neither any Worldly thing ( I thank God ) in respect of doing my duty , neither do I fear the displeasure of man , nor the evil Tongue of the uncharitable , who call me Tyrant , Pope , Knave , and lay to my charge things that I never did or thought . Scio enim hoc esse opus Diaboli , ut servos Dei mendaciis laceret , & opinionibus falsis gloriosum nomen infamet ; ut , qui Conscientiae suae luce clarescunt , alienis Rumoribus sordidentur : For I know , that this is the work of that Accuser the Devil , that he may tear in pieces the Servants of God with Lyes , that he may dishonour their glorious Name , with false surmises , that they who through the clearness of their own Consciences are shining bright , may have the filth of other men's slanders cast upon them . So was Cyprian himself used , and other godly Bishops , to whom I am not comparable . But that which most of all grieveth me , and is to be wondered at and lamented , is , That some of those who give countenance to these men , and cry out for a Learned Ministry , should watch their opportunity , and be Instruments and Means to place most unlearned men in the chiefest Places and Livings of the Ministry , thereby to make the state of the Bishops and Clergy contemptible , and , I fear , salable . This Hypocrisie and Dissembling with God and Man , ( in pretending one thing , and doing another ) goeth to my heart , and maketh me think , that God's Judgments are not far off . The day will come , when all mens hearts shall be opened . In the mean time , I will depend upon Him who never faileth those that put their trust in Him. 21. It may be gathered from this Abstract , what a hard Game that Reverend Prelate had to play , when such great Masters in the Art , held the Cards against him : For at that time the Earls of Huntington and Leicester , Walsingham Secretary of Estate , and Knolls Comptroller of the Houshold ( a professed Genevian ) , were his open Adversaries ; Burleigh , a Neutral at the best ; and none but Hatton ( then Vicechamberlain , and afterwards Lord Chancellor ) firmly for him . And him he gained but lately neither ; but gained him at the last by the means of Dr. Richard Bancroft , his Domestick Chaplain , of whom we shall have cause to speak more hereafter . By his procurement he was called to the Council-Table , at such time as the Earl of Leicester was in Holland ; which put him into a capacity of going more confidently on ( without checks or crosses , as before ) in the Church's Cause . A thing which Leicester very much stomacked at his coming back ; but knowing it was the Queen's pleasure , he disguised his trouble , and appeared fair to him in the publick , though otherwise he continued his former Favours to the Puritan Faction . Sure of whose countenance , upon the perfecting and publishing of the Book of Discipline , they resolved to put the same in practise in most parts of the Realm , as they did accordingly . But it was no where better welcome , than it was in London , the Wealth and Pride of which City , was never wanting to cherish and support those men which most apparently opposed themselves to the present Authority , or practised the introducing of Innovations , both in Church and State. The several Churches , or Conventicles rather , which they had in that City , they reduced into one great and general Classis , of which Cartwright , Egerton , or Traverse , were for the most part Moderators ; and whatsoever was there ordered , was esteemed for current : from thence the Brethren of other places did fetch their light ; and as doubts did arise , thither they were sent to be resolved ; the Classical and Synodical Decrees of other places , not being Authentical indeed , till they were ratified in this , which they held the Supreme Consistory and chief Tribunal of the Nation . But in the Countrey , none appeared more forward than they did in Northampton-shire , which they divide into three Classes ; that is to say , the Classis of Northampton , Daventry , and Kettring : and the device forthwith is taken up in most parts of England , but especially in Warwick-shire , Suffolk , Norfolk , Essex &c. In these Classes , they determined in points of Doctrine , interpreted hard places of Scripture , delivered their Resolution in such Cases of Conscience as were brought before them , decided Doubts and Difficulties touching Contracts of Marriage . And whatsoever was concluded by such as were present ( but still with reference to the better judgment of the London-Brethren ) became forthwith bindi●g to the rest ; none being admitted into any of the aforesaid Classes , before he hath promised under his hand , That he would submit himself , and be obedient unto all such Orders and Decrees as are set down by the Classis to be observed . At these Classes they enquired into the Life and Doctrine of all that had subscribed unto them ; censuring some , deposing others , as they saw occasion ; in nothing more severe , than in censuring those who had formerly used the Cross in Baptism , or otherwise had been con●ormable to the Rules of the Church . And unto every Classis there belonged a Register , who took the Heads of all that passed , and saw them carefully entred in a Book for that purpose , that they might remain upon Record . 22. It may seem strange , that in a constituted Church , backed by Authority of Law , and countenanced by the Favour of the Supreme Magistrate ; a distinct Government or Discipline should be put in practise in contempt of both : but more , that they should deal in such weighty matters as were destructive of the Government by Law established . Some Questions had before been started at a Meeting in Cambridg , the final decision whereof , was thought fit to be referred to the Classis of Warwick , where Cartwright governed as the perpetual Moderator : And they accordingly assembling on the tenth day of the fourth Month , ( for so they phrased it ) did then and there determine in this manner follow : That private Baptism is unlawful : That it is not lawful to read Homilies in the Church : and that the sign of the Cross is not to be used in Baptism : That the Faithful ought not to communicate with unlearned Ministers , although they may be present at their Service , in case they come of purpose to hear a Sermon ( the reading of the Service being looked on as a Lay-man's Office ) : That the Calling of Bishops , &c. is unlawful : That , as they deal in Causes Ecclesiastical , there is no duty belonging to them , nor any publickly to be given them ? That it is not lawful to be ordained by them into the Ministry , or to denounce either Suspensions or Excommunications sent by their Authority : that it is not lawful for any man to rest in the Bishop's deprivation of him from his Charge , except upon consultation it seem good unto his Flock and the Neighbouring-Ministers ; but that he continue in the same , until he be compelled to the contrary by Civil Force . That it is not lawful to appear in a Bishop's Court , but with a Protestation of their unlawfulness . That Bishops are not to be acknowledged either for Doctors , Elders , or Deacons , as having no ordinary Calling in the Church of Christ. That touching the restauration of the Ecclesiastical Discipline , it ought to be taught to the people ( datâ occasione ) as occasion should serve ; and that as yet the people are not to be sollicited publickly to practise the Discipline , till they be better instructed in the knowledg of it . And finally , That men of better understanding are to be allured privately to the present allowing the Discipline , and the practise of it , as far as they shall be well able with the Peace of the Church . 23. But here we are to understand , That this last Caution was subjoined in the close of all ; not that they had a care of the Church's Peace , but that they were not of sufficient strength to disturb the same , without drawing ruine on themselves ; which some of the more hot-headed Brethren were resolved to hazzard : of which they had some loss this year , by the Imprisonment of Barrow , Greenwood , Billet , Boudler , and Studley ; who building on their Principles , and following the Example of Robert Brown , before remembred , had brake out into open Schism , when their more cunning Brethren kept themselves within the Pale of the Church . But these we only touch at now , leaving the further prosecution of them to a fitter place : Suffice it , that their present sufferings did so little moderate the heats of some fiery spirits , that they resolved to venture all for the Holy Discipline , as appears by Pain 's Letter unto Feild : Our zeal to Gods Glory ( saith he ) , our love to his Church , and the due planting of the same in this For-headed Age , should be so warm and stirring in us , as not to care what adventure we give , or what censures we abide , &c. For otherwise , the Diabolical boldness of the Iesuits and Seminaries , will cover our faces with shame , &c. And then he adds , It is verily more than time to register the Names of the fittest and hottest Brethren round about our several dwellings , whereby to put the godly Counsel of Specanus in execution , ( Note , that Specanus was one of the first Presbyterian Ministers in the Belgick Churches ) that is to say , Si quis objiciat , &c. If any man object , That the setting up the lawful practise of the Discipline in the Church , be hindred by the Civil Magistrate ; let the Magistrate be freely and modestly admonished of his duty in it ; and if he esteem to be accounted either a Godly or Christian Magistrate , without doubt he will admit wholesome Counsels : but if he do not , yet let him be more exactly instructed , that he may serve God in fear , and lend his Authority in defence of God's Church and his Glory . Marry if by this way there happen no good success , then let the Ministers of the Church execute their Office according to the appointment of Christ : for they must rather obey God than men . In which last point , ( saith Pain ) we have dolefully failed , which now or never stands us in hand to prosecute with all celerity , without lingring or staying so long for Parliaments . But this Counsel of Paine being thought too rash , in regard they could not find a sufficient number of Brethren to make good the Action , it was thought fit to add the Caution above-mentioned . The Hundred thousand Hands which they so much bragged of , were not yet in readiness ; and therefore it was wisely ordered , That as yet the whole multitude were not to be allured publickly to the practise of it , until men were better instructed in the knowledg of so rare a Mystery : Till when , it could not be safe for them to advance their Discipline in the way of force . 24. Now to prepare the people for the entertainment of so great a Change , it was found necessary in the first place to return an Answer to some Books which had been written in defence of Episcopal Government : and , in the next , to make the Bishops seem as odious and contemptible in the eyes of their Profelytes , as Wit and Malice could devise . Dr. Iohn Bridges , Dean of Sarum , and afterwards Bishop of Oxford , published a Book in the year 1587 , ent●tuled , A Defence of the Government of the Church of England ; intended chiefly against Beza ; but so , that it might serve to satisfie all Doubts and Cavils which had been made against that Government by the English Puritans . To which an Answer is returned by some zealous Brethren , under the Name of A Defence of the godly Ministers , against the Slanders of Dr. Bridges . Bridges replies ; and his Reply produceth a Rejoynder , An. 1588 , bearing this Inscription , viz. A Defence of the Ecclesiastical Discipline , against the Reply of Mr. Bridges . Dr. Some , Master of Peter-House in Cambridg , to check the sawciness of Penrie , a most fiery Puritan , published a Discourse at the same time , to detect his Follies : and presently comes out a Libel , entituled , Mr. Some laid open in his Colours . The Brethren had been smart enough with Dr. Bridges , and might be thought to have been malepert enough with Dr. Some , if they had not carried themselves with far more irreverence towards the Arch-Bishop and the rest of the Sacred Hierarchy : For now , in prosecution of the other part of their Design , which was , To make the Bishops odious and contemptible in the eyes of their Proselytes ; four of the most seditious of all the Pack , ( that is to say , Penrie , Throgmorton , Vdal , and Fenner ) lay their heads together . From which conjunction there proceeded such a swarm of pestiferous Libels , that the like mischief ( neither in nature , nor in number ) did never exercise the Patience of a Christian State. The Authors of them , masked under the borrowed Name of Martin Mar-Prelate ; which Title they had taken on themselves , not without good cause , as may appear unto any which have looked into these particulars ; that is to say , The Epistle to the Confocation-House : The Epitome : The Demonstration of Discipline : The Supplication : Diotrephes : Martins Minerals : Have you any work for a Cooper : Penry 's Epistles sent from Scotland : Theses Martinianae , or Martin Iunior : The Protestation of Martin : Martin Senior : More Work for the Cooper : A DIALOGVE , setting forth the Tyrannical dealing of the Bishops against God's Children . Read over Dr. Bridges , &c. with many others of like strain , of which it is hard to say , whether their Malice or Uncharitableness had the most predominancy . In all which doings , Cartwright was either of the Council in the first Design , or without doubt a great approver of them upon the post-fact ; and thereupon he is affirmed to have used these words , That since the Bishops lives would not amend by grave Books and Advertisements , it was fit they should be so dealt with to their further shame . 25. For printing these pestiferous Libels , they chiefly made use of Walgrave's Press , which he removed from place to place , for his greater safety ; that is to say , at Moulsey , near Kingston upon Thames ; thence to Fausly in Northampton-shire , so to Norton ; afterwards to Coventry , and so to Welstome in Warwick-shire ; and from thence , finally , to the Town of Manchester , where both the Work-men and the Press were seized on by the Earl of Darby , as they were Printing the bold Pamphlet , called More Work for Cooper . For the dispersing of these Libels , they made use of one Newman , a Cobler , a Fellow fit for such a business ; and it had been great pity if they had employed any other Instrument . But for their countenance and support , ( especially as to the bearing of their Charges ) they had the Purse of Knightly of Fausley , ( at whose House some of them were Printed ) being a Gentleman of good Note , but of greater Zeal , whom Snape , and other Leading-men of that County , had inveigled to them . But he and all the rest might have payed deer for it , if he whom they most wronged , had not stood their Friend : For , being called into the Starr-Chamber , and there deeply Censured , they were upon submission , at the humble and most earnest suit of the Arch-Bishop , released from their Imprisonment , and their Fines remitted . And it is worth the observation , That the Puritans were then most busie , as well in setting up their Discipline , as in publishing these Railing and Seditious Pamphlets , when the Spaniards were hovering on the Seas with their terrible Navy . At what time they conceived , and that not improbably , that the Queen and Council would be otherwise busied , than to take notice of their Practises , or suppress their doings ; or rather , that they durst not call them into question for their Words or Actions , for fear of alienating the Affections of so strong a Party as they had raised unto themselves . The serious apprehension of which mischievous Counsels , prevailed so far on Leicester and Walsingham , that they did absolutely renounce any further intercession for them ; professing , That they had been horribly abused with their Hypocrisie ; which possibly might happen better for themselves , than it did for the Church ; the Earl of Leicester going to his own Place , before the end of this Year ; and Walsingham being gathered to his Fathers within Two years after . 26. I am ashamed to rake in these ●ilthy Puddles , though it be necessary that the bottom of the Cinque be opened , that notice may be taken of that stinch and putrefaction which proceeded from them . In which respect I hope the Reader will excuse me , if I let him know , that they could find no other Title for the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , than Belzebub of Canterbury , Pope of Lambeth , the Canterbury-Caiaphas , ●sau , A Monstrous Antichristian Pope , A most ●loody Opposer of God's Saints , A very Antichristian Beast , A most vile and cursed Tyrant . They tell us further of this humble and meek-spirited man , That no Bishop ever had such an aspiring and ambitious mind as he ; no , not Cardinal Wolsey : None so proud as he ; no , not Stephen Gardiner of Winchester : None so tyrannical as he ; no , not Bonner the Butcher of London . In general , he tells us both of Him , and the rest of the Bishops , That they are Vnlawful , Vnnatural , False , and Bastardly Governours of the Church , the Ordinances of the Devil , Petty Popes , Petty Antichrists , Incarnate Devils , Bishops of the Devil , Cogging , Cozening Knaves , and will lye like Dogs . That they are Proud , Popish , Presumptuous , Prophane , Paltry , Pestilent , Pernicious Prelates and Vsurpers ; Enemies of God , and the most pestilent Enemies of the State ; and , That the worst Puritan in England , is an Honester man than the best Lord Bishop in Christendom . Nor do they speak any better of the Inferior Clergy , than they do of the Bishops ; of whom they tell us in like manner , That they are Popish Priests , or Monks , or Friars , or Ale-haunters , or Boys and Lads , or Drunkards and Dolts ; That they will wear a Fool 's Hood for a Living-sake : That they are Hogs , Dogs , Wolves , Foxes , Simoniaks , Vsurpers , Proctors of Antichrist's Inventions , Popish Chap-men , halting Neutrals , greedy Dogs to fill their Paunches , a multitude of desperate and forlorn Atheists , a Cursed , Vncircumcised , Murthering Geration , a Crew or Hoop of Bloody Soul-murtherers , and Sacrilegious Church-Robbers , and Followers of Antichrist . 27. Behold the Bishops and Clergy in their Convocation , and we shall see them termed by one of the Captains of this Crew , Right puissant , poysoned , persecuting , and terrible Priests , Clergie Masters of the Confocation-House , the Holy-League of Subscription , the Crew of monstrous and ungodly Wretches , that mingle Heaven and Earth together : Horned Monsters of the Conspiration-House : An Antichristian Swinish Rabble , Enemies of the Gospel , most covetous wretched Popish priests , and the Convocation-House of Devils , and Belzebub of Canterbury the chief of these Devils . The like Reproaches they bestow on the Common-Prayer , of which they say , That it is full of Corruption ; and that many of the Contents thereof , are against the Word of God ; the Sacraments wickedly mangled and prophaned therein , the Lord's Supper not eaten , but made a Pageant or Stage-play ; and that the Form of publick Baptism , is full of Childish Superstitious Toys . So that we are not to admire , if the Brownists please themselves in their separation from a Church so polluted and unreformed , from men so wicked and prophane , from such a Cinque of Satan , such a Den of Devils . But much less can we wonder that the Papists should make use of these horrible Slanders , not only to confirm , but encrease their Party , By shewing them , from the Pens of their greatest Adversaries , what ugly Monsters had the Government of the Church of England ; from what Impieties they were preserved , by not joyning with them . One , I am sure , that is , Parsons in his Book of Three Conversions , reports these Calumnies and Slanders for undoubted Truths ; That Martin Mar-Prelate is affirmed by Sir Edwine Sandys , to pass in those times for unquestion'd Credit in the Court of Rome ; his Authority much insisted on to disgrace this Church ; and finally , that * Kellison , one of later date , doth build as much upon the Credit of these Libels , to defame the Clergy , as if they had been dictated by the same Infallible Spirit which the Pope pretends to . Such excellent Advantages did these Saints give unto the Devil , that all the Locusts in the Revelation which came out of the Pit , never created so much scandal to the Primitive times . 28. To still these Clamours , or at the least to stop the mouths of these Railing Rabshecha's , that so the abused people on all sides might be undeceived ; as good a course was took by Whitgift and the rest of the Prelates , as Human Wisdom could devise . For first , A grave Discourse is published in the year next following , entituled , An Admonition to the People of England , in answer to the slanderous Untruths of Martin the Libeller : But neither this nor any other grave Refutal , would ever put them unto silence , till they were undertaken by Tom Nash , a man of a Sarcastical and jeering Wit ; who by some Pamphlets written in the like loose way , which he called , Pasquill , and Marsorius , The Counter-Scuffle , Pappe with a Hatchet , and the like ; stopped their mouths for ever , none of them daring to deal further in that Commodity , when they saw what Coyn they should be paid in by so frank a Customer . Mention was made before of a sorry Pamphlet , entituled , The Complaint of the Commons for a Preaching-Ministry ; which Penry seconded by another called by the Name of , A Supplication for Preaching in Wales : In both which it was intimated to all sorts of people , That the Gospel had no free passage amongst us : That there was no care taken for Preaching the Word of God for the instruction of the people ; for want whereof they still remained in darkness and the shadow of death . For the decrying of which scandalous and leud suggestions , Order was given unto the Bishops to take the Names and Number of the Preachers in their several Diocesses , and to present a true and perfect Catalogue of them , in the Convocation , which was then at hand . By which Returns it will appear , That at this time when so much noise was made for want of Preaching , there were within the Realm of England , and the Dominion of Wales , no fewer than Seven thousand four hundred sixty three Preachers and Catechisers ; which last may be accounted the best sort of Preachers for the instruction of the people . Of which great Number there were found to be no fewer than One hundred forty five Doctors in Divinity , Three hundred forty eight Batchellors of Divinity , Thirty one Doctors of both Laws , Twenty one Batchelors of the same ; Eighteen hundred Masters in Arts , Nine hundred forty six Batchelors of Arts , and Two thousand seven hundred forty six Catechisers . So that neither the number of bare Reading-Ministers was so great , nor the want of Preaching so deplorable , in most parts of the Kingdom , as those Pamphlets made it ; the Authors whereof ought rather to have magnified the Name of God for sending such a large Encrease of Labourers in his Heavenly Husbandry , as could not any where be parallel'd in so short a time ; there passing no more than Thirty years between the first beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign , and the rendring of this Account to the Convocation . 29. And that the Parliament might receive the same satisfaction , a most excellent and judicious Sermon was Preached at St. Paul's Cross , on Sunday the ninth of February , being the first Sunday after their Assembling , by Dr. Richard Bancroft , being then Chaplain to the Lord Chancellor Hatton , preferred within some few years after to the See of London , and from thence to Canterbury . In the performance of which Service , he selected for the Theam or Subject of his Discourse , 1 Iohn 4.1 . viz. Dearly beloved , believe not every spirit , but try the spirits whether they be of God : for many false prophets are gone out into the world . In canvasing which Text , he did so excellently set forth the false Teachers of those times in their proper colours , their Railing against Bishops , their Ambition , their Self-love , their Covetousness , and all such Motives as had spurred them on to disturb this Church , as satisfied the greatest part of that huge Congregation , touching the Practises and Hypocrisies of these holy Brethren . He also shewed on what a weak Foundation they had built their Discipline , of which no tract or footsteps could be found in the Church of Christ from the Apostles days to Calvin ; and with what Infamy the Aerian Hereticks were reproached in the Primitive times , for labouring to introduce that Parity which these men designed . He further laid before them the great danger which must needs ensue , if private men should take upon them to deny or dispute such matters as had been setled in the Church by so good Authority : Against which troublesome Humour many Provisions had been made by the Canons of Councils , and the Edicts of Godly and Religious Emperors . To which he added , the necessity of requiring Subscription , in a Church well constituted , by all the Ministers of the same ; which he justified by the example of Geneva , and the Churches of Germauy , to be the best way to try the spirits whether they be of God or not , as his Text required . Next , he insisted on the excellency of the Common-Prayer-Book , applauded by the Divines of Foreign Churches ; approved by Bucer , Fox , Alesius , the Parliaments and Convocations of this Kingdom ; and after , justified by Arch-bishop Cranmer against the Papists ; by Bishop Ridley against Knox ; and by divers others : showing withall , the many gross Absurdities found in extemporary Prayers , to the great dishonour of God , and the shame of Religion . Hence he proceeds to justifie the Superiority of Bishops , and the Supremacy of the Queen , together with the dangerous Practises and Designs of the Disciplinarians , exemplified by their Proceedings in Scotland , and their Positions in England , of which more anon . All which particulars , with many more upon the by , he proved with such evidence of demonstration , such great variety of Learning , and strength of Arguments , that none of all that Party could be found to take Arms against them , in defence either of their leud Doctrine , or more scandalous Vses . And this being done , he closed up all with a grave and serious Application , in reference to the prevalency and malignity of the present Humours : which wrought so much upon his Auditors of both Houses of Parliament , that in the passing of a general Pardon at the end of the Sessions , there was Exception of Seditious Books , Disturbances of Divine Service , and Offences against the Act of Vniformity in the Worship of God. 30. And yet it is not altogether improbable , but that this Exception was made rather at the Queen's Command , or by some Caveat interposed by the House of Peers , than by the sole Advice , or any voluntary Motion of the House of Commons ; in which the Puritans at that time had a very strong Party . By whose Endeavour , a smart Petition is presented to the Lords , in the Name of the Commons , for rectifying of many things which they conceived to be amiss in the state of the Church . The whole Petition did consist of Sixteen particulars , of which the first Six did relate to a Preaching-Ministry ; the want of which , was much complained of in a Supplication which had been lately Printed and presented to them ; but such a Supplication , as had more in it of a Factious and Seditious Libel , than of a Dutiful Remonstrance . In the other Ten it was desired , 1. That no Oath or Subscription might be tendred to any at their entrance into the Ministry , but such as was prescribed by the Statutes of the Realm , and the Oath against corrupt Entring . 2. That they may not be troubled for omission of some Rites or Offices prescribed in the Book of Common-Prayer . 3. That such as had been suspended or deprived for no other offence , but only for not subscribing , might be restored . 4. That they may not be called and urged to answer before the Officials and Commissaries , but before the Bishops themselves . 5. That they might not be called into the High Commission , or Moot of the Diocess where they lived , except for some notable Offence . 6. That it might be permitted to them , in every Arch-Deaconry , to have some common Exercises and Conferences amongst themselves , to be limited and prescribed by the Ordinaries . 7. That the high Censure of Excommunication may not be denounced or executed for small matters : 8. Nor by Chancellors Commissioners or Officials , but by the Bishops themselves , with the assistance of grave persons . 9. That Non-residency may be quite removed out of the Church . Or , 10. That at least , according to the Queen's Injunctions ( Art. 44. ) , no Non-resident , having already a License or Faculty , may enjoy it , unless he depute an able Curate , that may weekly Preach and Catechise , as was required by Her Majesty in the said Injunctions . Against the violence of this Torrent , Arch-bishop Whitgift interposed both his Power and Reason ; affirming with a sober confidence in the H. of Peers , not only that England flourished more at that time with able Ministers , than ever it had done before ; but that it had more able men of eminent Abilities in all parts of Learning , than the rest of Christendom besides . But , finding that the Lord Gray , and others of that House , had been made of the Party , he drew the rest of the Bishops to joyn with him in an humble Address to Her Sacred Majesty ; in which they represented to Her the true estate of the Business , together with those many Inconveniences which must needs arise to the State present and to come , to the Two Universities , to all Cathedral Churches , and the Queen Her Self , if the Commons might have had their will , though in no other Point than in that of Pluralities . All which they prest with such a Dutiful and Religious Gravity , that the Queen put an end to that Dispute , not only for the present , but all Parliaments following . 31. Somewhat there must be in it , which might make them so afraid of that Subscription which was required at their hands to the Queen's Supremacy , as well as to the Consecration of Arch-bishops and Bishops , to the Liturgy , and to the Articles of Religion by Law established : and therefore it will not be amiss ( as we have done already in all places else ) to touch upon the Principles and Positions of our English Puritans , that we may see what Harmony and Consent there is betwixt them and their dear Brethren of the Discipline in other Nations : For if we look into the Pamphlets which came out this Year , we shall find these Doctrines taught for more Sacred Truths , viz. That if Princes do hinder them that seek for this Discipline , they are Tyrants both to the Church and Ministers ; and being so , may be deposed by their Subjects . That no Civil Magistrate hath pre-eminence by ordinary Authority , either to determine of Church-Causes , or to make Ecclesiastical Orders and Ceremonies . That no Civil Magistrate hath such Authority , as that without his consent it should not be lawful for Ecclesiastical persons to make and publish Church-Orders . That they which are no Elders of the Church , have nothing to do with the Government of it . That if their Reformation be not hastned forward by the Magistrate , the Subjects ought not any longer to tarry for it , but must do it themselves . That there were many thousands which desired the Discipline : And , That great Troubles would ensue if it were denied them . That their Presbyteries must prevail : And , That if it be brought about by such ways and means as would make the Bishops hearts to ake , let them blame themselves . For explication of which last passage , Martin Mar-Prelate in his first Book , threatens only fists ; but in the second , he adviseth the Parliament then assembled , to put down Lord Bishops , and bring in the Reformation which they looked for , whether Her Majesty would or not . 32. But these perhaps were only the Evaporations of some idle Heads , the Freaks of Discontent and Passion , when they were crossed in their Desires : Let us see therefore what is taught by Thomas Cartwright , the very Calvin of the English ; as highly magnified by Martin , and the rest of that Faction , as the other was amongst the French. Dr. Harding in his Answer to Bishop Iewel , assures us , That the Office of a King is the same in all places , not only amongst Christians , but amongst the Heathen . Upon which Premises he concludes , That a Christian Prince hath no more to do in deciding of Church-matters , or in making Ceremonies and Orders for the same , than hath a Heathen . Cartwright affirms himself to be of the same opinion ; professing seriously his dislike of all such Writers as put a difference between the Rights of a Prophane and a Christian Magistrate . Specanus , a stiff Presbyterian in the Belgick Provinces , makes a distinction between potestas Facti , and potestas Iuris ; and then infers upon the same , That the Authority of determining what is fit to be done , belongs of right unto the Ministers of the Church , though the execution of the Fact in Civil Causes , doth properly appertain to the Supreme Magistrate . And more than this , the greatest Clerks amongst themselves would not give the Queen . If she assume unto Her self the exercise of Her farther Power , in ordering Matters of the Church according to the lawful Authority which is inherent in the Crown , She shall presently be compared unto all the wicked Kings , and others , of whom we read in the Scriptures ; that took upon them , unlawfully to intrude themselves into the Priest's Office ; as unto Saul , for his offering of Sacrifice ; unto Osias for burning Incense upon the Altar ; unto Gideon , for making of an Ephod : and finally , to Nadab and Abihu , for offering with strange fire unto the Lord. 33. According to these Orthodox and sound Resolves , they hold a Synod in St. Iohn's Colledg in Cambridg , taking the opportunity of Sturbridg-Fayr , to cloak their meeting for that purpose . At which Synod ( Cartwright and Perkins being present amongst the rest ) the whole Book-Discipline , reviewed by Traverse , and formally approved of by the Brethren in their several Classes , received a more Authentick approbation : insomuch , that first it was decreed amongst them , That all which would might subscribe unto it , without any necessity imposed upon them so to do . But not long after , it was made a matter necessary , so necessary , as it seems that no man could be chosen to any Ecclesiastical Office amongst them , nor to be of any of their Assemblies , either Classical , Provincial , or National , till he had first subscribed to the Book of Discipline . Another Synod was held at Ipswich , not long after , and the Results of both confirmed in a Provincial and National Synod held in London , which gave the Book of Discipline a more sure establishment than an Act of State. It is reported , that the night before the great Battel in the Fields of Thessaly , betwixt Caesar and Pompey , the Pompeyan Party was so confident of their good success , that they cast Dice amongst themselves for all the great Offices and Magistracies of the City of Rome , even to the Office of the Chief-Priest-hood , which then Caesar held . And the like vanity or infatuation had possessed these men , in the opinion which they had of their Strength and Numbers : Insomuch that they entred into this consideration , how Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Chancellors , Deans , Cannons , Arch-Deacons , Commissaries , Registers , Apparitors , &c. ( all which , by their pretended Reformation , must have been thrust out of their Livings ) should be provided for , that the Commonwealth might not be thereby pestered with Beggars . And this they did upon the confidence of some unlawful Assistance to effect their purposes , if neither the Queen , nor the Lords of the Council , nor the Inferior Magistrates in their several Counties ( all which they now sollicited with more heat than ever ) should co-operate with them . For about this time it was , that Cartwright in his Prayer before his Sermon , was noted to have used these words , viz. Because they ( meaning the Bishops ) which ought to be Pillars in the Church , combine themselves against Christ and his Truth ; therefore , O Lord , give us Grace and Power , all , as one man , to set our selves against them . Which words he used frequently to repeat , and to repeat with such an earnestness of spirit , as might sufficiently declare that he had a purpose to raise Sedition in the State , for the imposing of that Discipline on the Church of England , which was not likely to be countenanced by any lawful Authority ; which put the Queen to a necessity of calling him , and all the rest of them , to a better account ; to which they shall be brought in the years next following . 33. In the mean time we must pass over into France , where we find HENRY the Third , the last King of the House of Valoise , most miserably deprived of his Life and Kingdom ; driven out of Paris first by the Guisian Faction ; and afterwards assassinated by Iaques Clement , a Dominican Fryar , as he lay at St. Cloud , attending the reduction of that stubborn City . Upon whose death the Crown descended lineally on HENRY of Bourbon , King of Navarre , and Duke of Vendosme , as the next Heir-male : For the excluding of which Prince , and the rest of that House , the Holy League was first contrived , as before is said . There was at that time in the late King's Army , a very strong Party of French Catholicks , who had preferred their Loyalty to their Natural Prince , before the private Interest and Designs of the House of Guise ; and now generally declare in favour of the true Successor . By their Assistance , and the concurring-Forces of the Hugonot-Faction , it had been no hard matter for him to have Mastered the Duke of Maine , who then had the Command of the Guisian Leagues . But in the last he found himself deceived of his expectation . The Hugonots , which formerly had served with so much cheerfulness under his Command their King , would not now serve him in his just and lawful Warrs against his Enemies : Or , if they did , it shall be done upon Conditions so intolerable , that he might better have pawned his Crown to a Forreign Prince , than on such terms to buy the favour of his Subjects . They looked upon him as reduced to a great necessity ; most of the Provinces , and almost all the Principal Cities , having before engaged against HENRY the Third , and many others falling off when they heard of his death . So that they thought the new King was not able to subsist without them ; and they resolved to work their own Ends out of that Necessity . Instead of leading of their Armies , and running cheerfully and couragiously towards his defence , who had so oft defended them , they sent Commissioners or Delegates to negotiate with him , that they may know to what Conditions he would yeeld for their future advantage , before they acted any thing in order to his preservation : and their Conditions were so high , so void of all Respects of Loyalty , and even common Honesty , that he conceived it safer for him , and far more honourable in it self , to cast himself upon the Favour of the Queen of England , than condescend to their unreasonable and unjust demands . So that , in fine , the Hugonots , to a very great number , forsook him most disloyally in the open Field , drew off their Forces , and retired to their several dwellings , inforcing him to the necessity of imploring succours from the professed Enemies of his Crown and Nation . Nor did he find the Queen unwilling to supply him both with Men and Money on his first desires . For which She had better reason now , than when She aided him and the rest of the French Hugonots , in their former Quarrels . And this She did with such a cheerful openness both of Heart and Hand , as did not only make him able to keep the Field , but to gain ground on the untraceable and insulting Rebels . Which when the Hugonots observed , and saw that he was like enough to do well without them , they then came freely to his aid , and were content to take such terms as he pleased to give them . 34. And now again we are for Scotland , where we shall find the King's Affairs grown from bad to worse . We left him in a great vexation , for not being able to prevail in any thing in behalf of Montgomery , unless he relinquished his pursuit against Gibson and Cooper . For so it was , that he must do and suffer more than he had done hitherto , before he could give himself any hopes of living peaceably amongst them . A Parliament is therefore summoned to be held at Edenborough , in the end of Iuly : In which he was contented to pass some Acts for ratifying all Laws made in his Minority , in favour of the Kirk of Scotland , for trying and censuring the Adversaries of true Religion ; as also , for the punishing of such as did menace or invade the Ministers . But that which gave them most content , was an Act of Parliament for Annexing of all the Temporalties of Bishopricks , Abbeys , and other Religious Houses , which had not otherwise been disposed of to the Crown of that Realm ; which they promoted under colour of improving the Royal Patrimony , that the King might have Means to bear forth the Honour of his Estate , and not trouble his Subjects with Taxations ; but in plain truth , to overthrow the Calling and Estate of Bishops , which they presumed that no man of Quality would accept , when the Lands were aliened . And this the King was the more willing to consent to , in regard that he had been perswaded by some about him , That the Episcopal Houses being reserved out of that Grant , together with the Tythes of the Churches formerly annexed to their Benefices , would be sufficient to maintain their Dignity in some fit proportion . But the King soon found himself abused : For the rest of the Temporalties which formerly had been disposed of amongst the Laity , being setled and confirmed upon them in the present Parliament , there remained so little to the Crown by this Annexation , as left him nothing behind , but the envy of so high a Sacriledg ▪ the gain and benefit whereof was injoyed by others . And of that little which remained unto him by the Annexation , he received very small contentment , most of it being squandered away by some begging Courtiers till he had left himself unable to reward or gratifie a deserving Minister . But this he did not find till it was too late ; though the disease was past all remedy , had he found it sooner . But what he could not do himself when he lived in Scotland , he first commended to the doing of his Son Prince Henry , in his Book called Basilicon Doron ; and after lived to see it remedied , in part , when he reigned in England . 35. There hapned also a Dispute in the present Parliament , betwixt the Ministers of the Kirk , and such of the Gentry as formerly had possessed themselves of Abbeys and Priories , and thereby challenged to themselves a place in Parliament : Concerning which we are to know , that most of the Monasteries and Religious Houses , had been founded upon Tythes and Impropriations , though not without some good proportion of Demesnes , which were laid unto them . But when the Scots were set upon the humour of Reformation , and set upon it in a way which shewed them rather to proceed upon private Ends , than the publick Interest of Religion ; the principal men amongst them seized on all which they could lay hands on , and after kept it to themselves by no better Title than that of the first Usurpation only , and no more than so . Some of the Bishops and Abbots also , seeing how things were like to go , and that the Church's Patrimony was not like to hold in the same Successions which had conveyed it unto them , dismembred the best Tythes and Mannors from them , or otherwise resigned the whole to the hands of such as appeared most able to protect them . And so it stood , till Murrey was made Regent of the Realm in the King 's first Infancy ; who did not only wink at those Usurpations , ( the questioning whereof would most infallibly have estranged the Occupants from adhering to him ) but suffered many of the Layards and Gentlemen to invade the Tythes , which had not formerly been appropriated to Religious Houses , and to annex them to the rest of their own Estates . By means whereof , some of them were possessed of six , ten , twelve , or twenty Tythings , united into one Estate , as they lay most convenient for them . The Ministers being put off with beggerly stipends , amounting in few places to ten pounds per annum of good English money . These , with the rest , they called the Lords of new erection ; and they did Lord it over the poor people with pride and tyranny enough ; For , neither would they suffer the Occupant or Land-holder to carry away his nine parts of the Fruits , till they had taken off their Tenth ; and sometimes out of spight , or self-will , or any other pestant humour , would suffer their tenth part to lye at waste in the open Field , that the poor Labourer of the Earth might suffer the more damage by it . But that which did most grieve the Ministers in the present exigent , was , That such Lairds and Gentlemen as had robbed the Church , and plumed their own Nests with the Feathers of it , should sit and vote in Parliament as Spiritual Persons , and they themselves be quite excluded from those publick Councils . A great heat hereupon was struck in the present Session , by Pont and Lindsey , commissionated by the Kirk for that employment ; who openly propounded , in the Name of the Kirk , That the said pretended Prelates might be removed at the present , and disabled for the time to come , to sit in Parliament , as having no Authority from the Church , and most of them no Function or Calling in it . Bruce , Commendator of Kinlosse , was chosen for the mouth of the rest ; and he appeared so strongly in it , that the Petition of the Ministers was referred to the Lords of the Articles , and by them rejected ; though afterwards they had their Ends in it , by a following Parliament . 36. Being made secure from any further fear of Bishops , by reason of the Poor Submission which was made by Montgomery , and the annexing of Arch-bishops Lands to the Royal Patrimony ; the Ministers became more insolent and imperious than they had been formerly ; and in that jolly humour they so vexed and terrified him , that he could find no other way in point of King-craft , to preserve himself against their insolences and attempts , but by giving some encouragement to the Popish party . The exercise whereof brought out many Priests and Jesuits ; some of them more particularly to negotiate in behalf of the King of Spain , who was then a setting forward his great Armada . But the King well knowing of what consequence that imployment was , and how destructive of his Interest to the Crown of England , commanded them by publick Proclamation to avoid the Kingdom . But withal gave them day till the last of Ianuary , that they might not complain of being taken unprovided : Which small Indulgence so offended the unquiet brethren , that they called a number of Noble-men , Barons , and Commissioners of Burgly ( without so much as asking the King's leave in it ) to meet at Edenborough on the sixt of February , to whom they represented the Churches dangers , and thereupon agreed to go all together in a full body to the Court , to attend the King ; to the end that by the terror of so great a company , they might work him to their own desires . But the King hearing of their purpose , refused to give access to so great a multitude ; but signified withall that he was ready to give audience unto some few of them which should be chosen by the rest . But this affront the King was forced to put up also , to pass by the unlawfulness of that Convention , to acknowledg their grievances to be just , and to promise a redress thereof in convenient time . Which drew him into Action against Maxwel and some others of the Popish Lords and for the same received the publick thanks of the next Assembly , that being no ordinary favour in them ; and was so far gratified withall , as to be suffered to take Mr. Patrick Galloway from his Charge in Perth , to be one of the Preachers at the Court. Of which particular I had perhaps took little notice , but that we are to hear more of him on some other occasion . 37. The next fine pranck they plaid , relates to the Crowning of Queen Ann , with whom the King landed out of Denmark at the Port of Leith , on the 20 th . of May 1590. aud designed her Coronation on the morrow after . None of the Bishops being at hand , the King was willing to embrace the opportunity to oblige the Kirk , by making choice of one of their own Brethren , to perform that Ceremony ; to which he nominated Mr. Robert Bruce , a Preacher at Edenborough , and one of the most moderate men in a whole Assembly . But when the fitness of it came to be examined by the rest of the Brethren , it was resolved to pretermit the Unction ( or Annointing of Her ) as a Iewish Ceremony , abolished by Christ , restored into Christian Kingdoms by the Pope's Authority , and therefore not to be continued in a Church Reformed . The Doubt first started by one Iohn Davinson , who had then no Charge in the Church , though followed by a Company of ignorant and seditious people , whom Andrew Melvin set on work to begin the Quarrel , and then stood up in his defence to make it good . Much pains was taken to convince them by the Word of God , That the Unction , or Annointing of Kings , was no Iewish Ceremony : but Melvin's Will was neither to be ruled by Reason , nor subdued by Argument ; and he had there so strong a Party , that it passed in the Negative . Insomuch that Bruce durst not proceed in the Solemnity , for fear of the Censures of the Kirk . The King had notice of it , and returns this word , That if the Coronation might not be performed by Bruce , with the wonted Ceremonies , he would stay till the coming of the Bishops , of whose readiness to conform therein , he could make no question . Rather than so , said Andrew Melvin , let the Unction pass : better it was that a Minister should perform that honourable Office , in what Form soever , than that the Bishops should be brought again unto the Court upon that occasion . But yet , unwilling to prophane himself by consenting to it , he left them to agree about it , as to them seemed best ; and he being gone , it was concluded by the major part of the Voices , That the Annointing should be used . According whereunto , the Queen was Crowned and Annointed on the Sunday following , with the wonted Ceremonies , but certainly with no great State ; there being so short an interval betwixt Her Landing , and the appointed day of Her Coronation . 38. It was not long before , that they had a quarrel with the Lords of the Session , touching the Jurisdiction of their several Courts ; but now the Assembly would be held for the chief Tribunal . One Graham was conceived to have suborned a publick Notary to forge an Instrument , which the Notary confessed on Examination , to have been brought to him ready drawn , by one of the said Graham's Brethren . Graham enraged thereat , enters an Action against Sympson , the Minister of Sterling , as one who had induced the man , by some sinister Practises , to make that Confession . The Action being entred , and the Process formed , Sympson complains to the Assembly , and they give Order unto Graham to appear before them , to answer upon the scandal raised on one of their Brethren . Graham appears , and tells them , That he would make good his Accusation before competent Judges , which he conceived not them to be . And they replyed , That he must either stand to their judgment in it , or else be censured for the slander . The Lords of the Session hereupon interpose themselves , desiring the Assembly not to meddle in a Cause which was then dependent in their Court in due form of Law. But the Assembly made this Answer , That Sympson was a Member of theirs : That they might proceed in the purgation of one of their own number , without intrenching on the Jurisdiction of the Civil Courts ; and therefore , that their Lordships should not take it ill , if they proceeded in the Tryal . But let the Lords of the Session , or the Party interested in the Cause , say what they pleased , the Assembly vote themselves to be Judges in it , and were resolved to proceed to a Sentence against him as a false Accuser . In fine , the business went so high on the part of the Kirk , that the Lords of the Session were compelled to think of no other Victory than by making a drawn Battel of it ; which by the Mediation of some Friends was at last effected . 39. The Kirk is now advancing to the highest pitch of her Scotch Happiness , in having her whole Discipline , that is to say , their National and Provincial Assemblies , together with their Presbyteries and Parochial Sessions ; confirmed by the Authority of an Act of Parliament . In order whereunto , they had ordained in the Assembly held at Edenborough , on the 4th of August , Anno 1590. That all such as then bore Office in the Kirk , or from thenceforth should bear any Office in it , should actually subscribe to the Book of Discipline . Which Act being so material to our present History , deserves to be exemplified verbatim , as it stands in the Registers , and is this that followeth , viz. 40. Forasmuch that it is certain , That the Word of God cannot be kept in the own sincerity , without the Holy Discipline be had in observance : It is therefore by the common consent of the whole Brethren and Commissioners present , concluded , That whosoever hath born Office in the Ministry of the Kirk within this Realm , or that presently bears , or shall hereafter bear Office therein , shall be charged by every particular Presbytery , where their residence is , to subscribe the Heads of the Discipline of the Kirk of their Realm , at length set down and allowed by Act of the whole Assembly , in the Book of Polity , which is registrate in the Assembly-Books , and namely the Heads controverted by Enemies of the Discipline of the Reformed Kirk of this Realm , betwixt this and the next Synodal Assemblies of the Provinces , under the pain of Excommunication to be executed against the Non-subscribers : and the Presbyteries which shall be found remiss and negligent herein , to receive publick rebuke of the whole Assembly . And to the effect the said Discipline may be known as it ought to be , to the whole Brethren ; it is ordained , That the Moderator of each Presbytery shall receive from the Clerk of the Assembly , a Copy of the said Book , under his Subscription , upon the Expences of the Presbytery , betwixt this and the first day of September next to come , under the pain of being openly accused in the face of the whole Assembly . 41. This Preparation being made , they present their whole desires to the King , in the following Parliament , convened at Edenborough , in the Month of Iune , 1592. In which it was proposed , 1. That the Acts of Parliament made in the year 1584 , against the Discipline of the Kirk , and the Liberty thereof , should be abrogated and annulled ; and a Ratification of the Discipline granted , whereof they were then in practise . 2. That the Act of Annexation should be repealed , and restitution made of the Church's Patrimony . 3. That the Abbots , Priors , and other Prelates , bearing the Titles of Kirk-men , and giving Voices for the Kirk without Power and Commission from the same , should not be permitted in time coming , to give Voice in Parliament , or convene in the Name of the Kirk . And , 4. That a solid Order might be taken for purging the Realm of Idolatry and Blood , wherewith it was miserably polluted . On the second and third of these Desires , the King took longer time of deliberation , as being points of great concernment to Himself and others , touching the main of their Estates . But He resolved to give them satisfaction in the first and last . It was answered therefore to the first part of the last Article , That saying of Mass , receiving of Iesuits , Seminary Priests , and Trafficking Papists , against the King's Majesty and Religion presently professed , should be a just cause to infer the pain of Treason : with this Proviso notwithstanding , That if the Iesuits and Seminary Priests did satisfie the Prince and the Church , the foresaid Penalty should not be laid on the Receivers . And to the second part thereof , concerning Blood , it was answered , That the same should be remitted to the Courts of Justice . In like manner it was answered to the first branch of their first Proposal , That the said Statutes should be no ways prejudicial , nor derogatory to the Priviledges that God had given to the spiritual Office-bearer in the Church , concerning Heads of Religion , matters of Heresie , Excommunication , Collation , or Deprivation of Ministers , or any such Ecclesiastical Censures , grounded and having warrant of the Word of God. But to the second branch thereof , he gave his Plenary assent , according to the tenor of the Act here following ; which in regard it contains the sum of all their Projects for life-time then past , and the ground of all their Insolencies for the times ensuing ; it shall not grieve me to subjoyn , nor be troublesome to the Reader to pass it over , if he have not patience enough to go thorow with it . Now the tenor of the said Act is as followeth . At the Parliament holden at Edenborough , June 5. in the Year of God , 1592. 42. Our Soveraign Lord , and Estates of this present Parliament , following the Laudable and Good Example of their Predecessors , hath ratified and approved , and by the tenor of this present Act ratifies and approves all Liberties , Priviledges , Immunities , and Freedoms , whatsoever , given and granted by His Highness , his Regents in His Name , or any of His Predecessors , to the True and Holy Kirk , presently established within this Realm , and declared in the first Act of His Highness Parliament , the 20 th day of Octob. 1579. And all and whatsoever Acts of Parliaments and Statutes made of before by His Highness and His Regents , anent the Liberty and Freedom of the said Kirk ; and specially the first Act of Parliament holden at Edenborough , the 24 th of October , in the year of God 1581 , with the whole particular Acts there mentioned ; which shall be as sufficient as if the same were here mentioned : and all other Acts of Parliament made since , in favour of the true Kirk , and such like ; ratifies and approves the general Assemblies appointed by the said Kirk ; and declares , That it shall be lawful to the Kirk and Ministers every year , at least , or oftner , pro re natâ , as occasion and necessity shall require , to hold and keep general Assemblies , providing , that the King's Majesty , or His Commissioners with Him , to be appointed by His Highness , be present at ilk general Assembly , before the dissolving thereof , to nominate and appoint time and place , when and where the next general Assembly shall be holden . And in case neither His Majesty nor His Commissioners be present for the time , in that Town where the next general Assembly is holden ; then , and in that case , it shall be lesum to the said general Assembly , by themselves to nominate and appoint time and place where the next general Assembly of the Kirk shall be kept and holden , as they have been used to do in times by-past . And also , ratifies and approves the Provincial and Synodal Assemblies , to be holden by the said Kirk and Ministers twice ilk year , as they have been , or presently are in use to do , within every Province of this Realm . And ratifies and approves these Presbyteries , and particular Sessions appointed by the said Kirk , with the whole Discipline and Jurisdiction of the same , agreed upon by His Majesty , in conference had by His Highness , with certain of the Ministers convened to that effect : of the which Articles , the tenour followeth . 1. Matters to be intreated in Provincial Assemblies . 43. Their Assemblies are constitute for weighty matters , necessary to be intreated by mutual consent and assistance of Brethren within the Province , as need requires . This Assembly hath Power to handle , order , and redress , all things omitted or done amiss in the particular Assemblies . It hath Power to depose the Office-bearers of the Province , for good and just causes deserving deprivation . And generally , these Assemblies have the whole Power of the particular Elderships , whereof they are collected . 2. Matters to be intreated in the Presbyteries . The Power of the Presbyteries , is , To use diligent labours in the bounds committed to their charge , that the Kirks be kept in good order : To enquire diligently of naughty and ungodly persons , and to travel to bring them into the way again , by Admonition , or Threatning of God's Judgments , or by Correction . It appertains to the Eldership to take heed that the Word of God be purely preached within their bounds , the Sacraments rightly ministred , the Discipline entertained , and Ecclesiastical Goods uncorruptly distributed . It belongeth to this kind of Assemblies , To cause the Ordinances made by the Assemblies Provincial , National , and general , to be kept and put in execution : To make Constitutions which concern 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Kirk , for decent Order in the particular Kirk where they govern ; providing , that they alter no Rules made by the Provincial and General Assemblies : and that the Provincial Assemblies aforesaid , be privy to the Rules that they shall make , and to abolish Constitutions tending to the hurt of the same . It hath power to excommunicate the obstinate , formal process being had , and due interval of times observed . Anent particular Kirks , if they be lawfully ruled by sufficient Ministers , and Session , they have Power and Jurisdiction in their own Congregation , in matters Ecclesiastical : and decrees and declares the Assemblies , Presbyteries , and Sessions-Jurisdiction , and Discipline aforesaid , to be in all times coming most just , good , and godly , in it self ; notwithstanding whatsoever Statutes , Acts , Canons , Civil and Municipal Laws made to the contrary : to which , and every one of them , these Presents shall make express derogation . 44. And because there are divers Acts of Parliament made in favour of the Papistical Church , tending to the prejudice of the Liberty of the true Kirk of God , presently professed within this Realm , Jurisdiction and Discipline thereof , which stand yet in the Books of the Acts of Parliament not abrogated nor annulled : Therefore His Highness and Estates foresaid , hath abrogated , casted , and annulled , and by the tenour hereof , abrogates , casts , and annuls all Acts of Parliament made by any of His Highness Predecessors for maintenance of Superstition and Idolatry ; with all , and whatsoever Acts , Laws , and Statutes , made at any time before the day and date hereof , against the Liberty of the true Kirk , Jurisdiction and Discipiline thereof , as the same is used and exercised within this Realm . And in special , that Act of Parliament holden at Sterling , the 4 th of November , 1543 , commanding obedience to be given to Eugenius the Pope for the time : the Act made by K. Iames the 3d , in His Parliament holden at Edenborough , the 24 th of February , in the year of God 1480. And all other Acts whereby the Pope's Authority is established . The Act of the said King Iames in his Parliament holden at Edenborough , the 20 th of November , 1469 , anent the Saturday , and other Vigils , to be Holy-day from Even-song to Even-song . Item , That part of the Act made by the Queen-Regent , holden at Edenborough the first day of February 1551 , giving specially License for holding of of Pasch , and Zuil . 45. And further , the King's Majesty and Estates aforesaid , declare , That the 129 th Act of Parliament holden at Edenborough , the 22 d of May , in the year of God 1584 , shall no ways be prejudicial , or derogate any thing from the Priviledg that God hath given the Spiritual Office-bearers in the Kirk , concerning Heads of Religion , Matters of Heresie , Excommunication , Collation , or Deprivation of Ministers , or any such like Ecclesiastical Censures , specially grounded , and having warrant of the Word of God. Item , Our Soveraign Lord and Estates of Parliament foresaid , abrogates , casts , and annihilates the Acts of the same Parliament holden at Edenborough the same year , 1584 ; granting Commission to Bishops and other Judges , constitute in Ecclesiastical Causes , to receive His Highness Presentation to Benefices , to give Collation thereupon , and to put Order to all Causes Ecclesiastical , which His Majesty and Estates foresaid , declares to be expired in the self , and to be null in time coming , of none avail , force or effect . And therefore ordains all Presentations to Benefices to be direct to the particular Presbyteries in all time coming , with full Power to give Collation thereupon , and to put Order to all Matters and Causes Ecclesiastical within their bounds , according to the Discipline of the Kirk : Providing the foresaid Presbyters be bound and astricted to receive and admit whatsoever qualified Minister presented by His Majesty or Laick Patrons . 46. Such was the Act by which the Presbyterian Discipline was setled in the Kirk of Scotland . They had given Him trouble enough before , when they had no authority of Law to confirm their actions . But now He must expect much more ; and they will see His expectation satisfied to the very full . So that it may be much admired that He yeelded to it , the rather in regard the Reasons of it are not certainly known , nor very easie to be guessed at . Whether it were , that he were not well enough informed touching the low condition which the English Puritans were at this time brought to , or that He stood so much in fear of the Earl of Bothwell , ( whose treacherous practises threatned Him with continual danger ) that He was under a necessity of conforming to them for His own preservation ; or that He thought it His best way to let them have their own Wills , and pursue their own Counsels , till they had wearied both themselves and the rest of the Subjects , by the misgovernment of that Power which He had given them ; or whether it were all , or none of these , it is hard to say . Nor is it less to be admired , that the Nobility of Scotland , who had found the weight of that heavy yoke in the times fore-going , should take it so easily on their necks , and not joyn rather with the King to cast it off . But they had gotten most of the Church-Lands into their possession , and thought it a greater piece of wisdom to let the Presbytery over-top them in their several Consistories , than that the Bishops , Deans , and Chapters , or any other who pretended unto their Estates , should be restored again to their Power and Places , and thereby brought to a capacity of contending with them for their own . In which respect they yeelded also to another Act against the everting of Church-Lands and Tenths into Temporal Lordships : for , To what purpose should they strive for such empty Titles , as added little to their profit , and not much to their pleasures ? There also passed some other Acts which seemed much to favour both the Kirk and the Kirk-men ; as namely , For the ratification of a former Act , 1587 , in favour of the Ministers , their Rents and Stipends ; for enabling Lay-Patrons to dispose of their Prebendaries and Chaplinaries unto Students ; and that no Benefices with Cure pay any Thirds . There passed another Act also which concerned the Glebes and Manses in Cathedral Churches , preserved of purpose by the King ( though they thought not of it ) that when he found it necessary to restore Episcopacy , the Bishops might find Houses , and other fit Accommodations , near their own Cathedrals . 47. Thus have the Presbyterians gained two Acts of great importance ; The one for setling their Presbyteries in all parts of the Kingdom : The other for repressing all thoughts of restoring Episcopacy , by passing over the Church-Lands to the use of the Crown . And to make as sure of it as they could , ( because a three-fold Cord is not easily broken ) they had before called upon the King to reinforce the Band , or National Covenant , which had been made for their adhaesion to the true Religion , and renouncing Popery . For so it was , that some suspitions had been raised by the Presbyterians , That the King was miserably seduced , and enclined to Popery ; and that the Earl of Lenox had been sent from France for no other purpose , but to work Him to it . And thereupon the King gave order unto Mr. I. Craige , being then a Preacher in the Court , to form a short Confession of Faith ; wherein not only all the Corruptions of the Church of Rome in point of Doctrine , but even those also which related unto Discipline and Forms of Worship , were to be solemnly abjured . Which Confession , for example to others , the King Himself , with all His Court and Council , did publickly both subscribe and swear , Anno 1580. And the next year He required the like Oath and Subscription from all His Subjects , for the securing of those Fears and Jealousies which the Kirk had of Him. But in regard this general Confession was not found sufficient to hinder the encrease of Popery , for want of some strict Combination amongst the Subjects which professed the Reformed Religion ; it was desired , that a Solemn League or Band might be authorized , by which they should be bound to stand to one another in defence thereof ; that is to say , both of their Covenant and Religion , against all Opponents . The Guisian Papists had projected the like League in France , to suppress the Gospel ; and why should they in Scotland be less zealous for the true Religion , than the Guisian Papists for the false ? Upon which ground the King was easily entreated to consent unto it : and first subscribed the Band Himself , with all His Family , An. 1589 ; which the next year he caused to be subscribed by all sorts of people , as the General Assembly had desired . 48. Now in this Covenant and Confession , they did not only bind themselves to renounce the Pope , together with all the Superstitions and Corruptions of the Church of Rome ; but in particular , to continue in obedience to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Kirk of Scotland ; and to defend the same according to their vocation and power , all the days of their lives . And though it cannot be conceived , that under those general words of Doctrine and Discipline , there could be any purpose to abjure the Episcopal Government , which was in being when that Confession was first framed , and for many years after : yet being now received and subscribed unto , and their Presbyteries established by Act of Parliament , it was interpreted by the Covenanters of succeeding times , Anno 1638 , to contain in it an express renouncing of Episcopacy , as also of such Rites and Ceremonies as had been introduced amongst them by the Synod of Perth , Anno 1618. The sad Effects whereof , the King foresaw not at the present ; but He took order to redress them in the time to come : For now the Temporal Estates of Bishops being alienated and annexed to the Crown by Act of Parliament , Anno 1587. Episcopacy tacitly abjured by Covenant , and that Covenant strengthned by a Band or Association , Anno 1590. And finally , their Presbyteries setled by like Act of Parliament in this present year Anno 1592. it was not to be thought that ever Bishops or Episcopacy could revive again , though it otherwise happened . It cannot be denied , but that K. IAMES did much despise this Covenant , ( commonly called the Negative Confession ) when He came into England : for , taking occasion to speak of it in the Conference of Hampton-Court , he lets us know , That Mr. Craige ( the Compiler of it ) with his renouncings and abhorrings , his detestations and abrenounciations , did so amaze the simple people , that few of them being able to remember all the said particulars , some took occasion thereby to fall back to Popery , and others to remain in their former ignorance . To which he added this short note , That if he had been bound to that Form of Craige 's , the Confession of his Faith must have been in his Table-Book , and not in his Head. But what a mean opinion soever K. IAMES had of it , the Puritans or Presbyterians of both Kingdoms , made it serve their turns for raising a most dangerous Rebellion against his Son , and altering the whole Frame of Government both in Church and State , which they new-molded at their pleasure : and sure I am , that at the first entring into this Band , the Presbyterians there grew so high and insolent , that the King could get no Reason of them in his just demands . The King had found by late experience , how much they had encroached upon his Royal Prerogative , defamed the present Government , and reviled his Person . And thereupon , as he had gratified them in confirming their Discipline , so he required them not long after to subscribe these Articles ; that is to say , That the Preacher should yeeld due obedience unto the King's Majesty . That they should not pretend any priviledg in their Allegiance . That they should not meddle in matters of State. That they should not publikely revile His Majesty . That they should not draw the people from their due obedience to the King. That , when they are accused for their Factious Speeches , or for refusing to do any thing , they should not alledg the inspiration of the Spirit , nor feed themselves with colour of Conscience , but confess their faults like Men , and crave pardon like Subjects . But they were well enough , they thanked him ; and were resolved to hold their own Power , let Him look to His. AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History OF THE PRESBYTERIANS LIB . IX . Containing Their Disloyalty , Treasons , and Seditions , in France , the Country of East-Friesland , and the Isles of Brittain ; but more particularly , in England . Together with the severe Laws made against them , and the several Executions in pursuance of them , from the year 15●9 to the year 1595. THus have we brought the Presbyterians to their highest pitch in the Kirk of Scotland , when they were almost at their lowest fall in the Church of England : these being at the very point of their Crucifixion , when the others were chanting their Hosanna's for their good success . The English Brethren had lost their principal Support , by the death of Leicester , though he was thought to have cooled much in his affections towards their Affairs . But what they lost in him , they studied to repair by the Earl of Essex , whose Father's Widow he had married , trained him up for the most part under Puritan Tutors , and married him at the last to Walsingham's Daughter . Upon these hopes they made their applications to him , and were chearfully welcomed ; the Gentleman b●ing young , ambitious , and exceeding popular , and therefore apt enough to advance their Interest , and by theirs his own . And he appeared the rather for them at the first , to cry quits with Whitgift ; who , when he might have been elected Chancellor of the University of Oxon , on the death of Leicester , chose rather to commend his dear Friend , the Lord Chancellor Hatton , to the place , than to assume it on himself ; and after Hatton's death , to nominate the Lord Buckburst to them , who was also chosen . The young Earl had an eye upon that great Office , that he might be as powerful amongst men of the Gown , as he was amongst Gentlemen of the Sword ; and took it for an high affront , that the Arch-bishop should presume to commend any other to that Honour , which he designed unto himself . But the Queen easily took him off , and made him so far Friends with Whitgift , as not to make any open profession of displeasure toward him , by which the opposite Faction might be animated to their former Insolencies , which notwithstanding the Arch-bishop kept a vigilant eye upon all his actions , as one that was not to be told of his private practises , the secret intelligence which he had with the Heads of that Party , and saw that most of his Allies and Kindred were engaged that way . For , though upon the reconciliation which was made between them , the Earl had offered him to run a course in Clergy-Causes , according to his directions and advice ; yet what he did therein , proceeded rather from a fear of the Queen's displeasure , than from any love to Whitgift , or the Church it self ; as afterwards appeared most evidently in the course of his actions . 2. But that which gave the Brethren their greatest blow , was , the death of Walsingham , who dyed on the sixt of April , 1590. The Queen had lately been more sensible of those manifold dangers which both the Principles and Practises of the Disciplinarians did most apparently threaten to her whole Estate ; more now than ever , by the coming out of a Pamphlet , called , The humble Motion : In which it was affirmed , That thousands did sigh for the Discipline , ten thousands had sought it ; and , that the most worthy men of every Shire had consented to it : That the Eldership was at hand : That the people were inflamed with a zeal to have it ; and , that it was hard , dangerous , and impossible , to stand against it . Incensed thereat , and fearing the sad consequences of such pestilent Pamphlets . She resolved upon some speedy course to prevent the mischief : and therefore gave the greater countenance to the Arch-bishops , Bishops , and their subordinate Officers , for proceeding with them . On which encouragement , the seeming-neutrality of the Earl of Essex , and the sickness of Walsingham , Snape , and some others of their principal Leaders , were called before the High-Commission at Lambeth , in the first beginning of Easter-Term : which , though it seemed both strange and unwelcome to them , yet there was no remedy . Appear they did , because they must ; but were resolved , that their appearance should conduce as little as might be to their disadvantage . For , being required to take their Oaths , according to the use of the Court , to answer punctually to all such Interrogatories as were to be propounded to them ; the Oath is absolutely refused , unless the Interrogatories might be shewed unto them . First , therefore , they were made acquainted with the substance of them , but that would not serve . They were assured in the next place , That they should be required to answer no further unto any of them , than they were bound to do by the Laws of the Land. But that served as little . In fine , it was resolved , That the Interrogatories should be shewed unto them , ( here contrary to the practise of all Courts in Criminal Causes ) which served least of all : For now Snape finding what was like to be charged upon them , gave notice of the same to the rest of the Brethren , and did not only refuse the Oath , as before he did ; but put the rest upon a course of premeditation , both whether it were fit to answer upon Oath , or not ; and then , what Answer they would make , if they were put to it . But so it hapned , that his Letters , being intercepted , were produced against him ; upon which he was clapped up in Prison , and a great terror thereby struck into all the Brethren , who now began to apprehend the dangers they were fallen into by their former Insolencies . 3. It may be gathered by those Letters , that no small diligence had been used by such as had employed themselves in it , to search into the bottom of their deepest Counsels , and most secret Purposes ; and that so perfect a discovery had been made thereof , as might warrant the High Commissioners to proceed severely , without the least fear of being foyled in their undertakings . For Snape confesseth in those Letters , That they had the knowledg not only of Generals , but of Specials , and Particulars also ; that is to say , touching the places where they met , Oxford , London , Cambridg , &c. the times of their accustomed Meetings , as , Sturbridg-Faire , Acts , Terms , &c. the persons which assembled at them , as , Cartwright , Perkins , Travers , Chark , &c. and finally , the very matters which they dealt in , and agreed upon . Much troubled the good man seemed to be , in guessing at that false Brother who had made the discovery : but , that they were discovered , he is sure enough ; for he affirmeth , that their Actings neither were , or could be any longer concealed ; and therefore , that the Lord called upon them to be resolute in the present case . And thereupon it was propounded , Whether it were better and more safe , that one man ( with the consent of the rest ) should boldly , freely , and wisely confess , and lay open , &c or , that some weak or wicked man should without consent , and in evil sort , acknowledg , &c. He tells them , That the matter aimed at by High Commissioners , was , To bring them within danger of Law for holding Conventicles : That in Causes of Murther , and the like , it was commonly asked , Whether the Party fled upon it ; and therefore , that they should do well to consider of it , in reference to the present case , and so advising , That T. C. should be sent to with all speed , he concludes his Letter . 4. This Letter coming up so close to the former discoveries , brings Cartwright into play in September following . But first , a consultation must be had amongst them , at the House of one Gardiner , Whether , and if at all , how far it might be fit for him to reveal all or any of the matters which had passed in conference or disputation in any of their former Assemblies . And , as it seems , it was determined in the Negative , ( according to the Doctrine of the old Priscilianists ) that he should not do it . For , when the Oath was offered to him , he refused to take it . The High-Commission-Court was at that time held in the Bishop of London's Consistory , in the Church of St. Paul. At which were present , amongst others , the Lord Bishop of London , the two Chief Justices , Serjeant Puckering , afterwards Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , Mr. Justice Gaudie , and Popham , then Attorney-General , but afterwards Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas . All which did severally and distinctly assure him upon their Credits , That by the Laws of the Realm he was bound to take the Oath required , for making a true answer unto the Interrogatories which were to be propounded to him . To which he made no other Answer , but that he could find no such thing in the Law of God ; and so continuing in his obstinacy , was committed also . But the Commissioners having spent some time in preparing the matter , and thinking the cognizance thereof more fitter for the Star-Chamber , referred both the Persons and the Cause to the care of that Court. In which an Information was preferred against them by the Queen's Attorney , for setting forth and putting in practise ( without warrant and authority ) a new form of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments , together with the Presbyterial Discipline not allowed by Law. Upon the news whereof , the Brethren enter into consultation , as well about some course to be presently taken for relief of the Prisoners , as for the putting of their Discipline into further practise : What the result was , may be gathered from a Letter of Wiggingtons , ( one of the hottest heads amongst them ) in which he thus writes to Porter of Lancaster , viz. Mr. Cartwright is in the Fleet for refusing the Oath ( as I hear ) ; and Mr. Knewstubs is sent for , and sundry worthy Ministers are disquieted , who have been spared long : So that we look for some bickering ere long , and then a Battel , which cannot long endure . 5. But before any thing could be done upon either side , in order to the proceedings of the Co●rt , or the release of the Prisoners , there brake out such a dangerous Treason , as took up all the thoughts of the Lords of the Council , and the Brethren too . The Brethren had so fixed their Fancies on the Holy Discipline , and entertained such strange devices to promote the same , beyond the warrant of God's Word , and the Rule of Law ; that at the last God gave them up to strong delusions , and suffered them to be transported by their own ill spirits , to most dangerous downfalls . One Coppinger , a Gentleman of a very good Family , had been so wrought upon by some of the chief Factors to the Presbyterians , that he became a great admirer of their Zeal and Piety : and being acquainted with one Arthington ▪ a Lay - Genevian , but very zealous in the Cause , he adviseth with him of some means for the good of the Prisoners . But upon long deliberation , they could think of no course at all , unless it would please God by some extraordinary Calling to stir up some zealous Brethren to effect their desires : and if God pleased to take that way , why might not one or both of them be chosen , as fit Instruments in so great a service ? than whom , they knew of none more able , and of few more zealous . On these Preparatories they betake themselves to Prayer and Fasting , hold a strict Fast together on the 15 th of December , and then began to ●ind themselves extraordinarily exercised , as appears by their Letters writ to Lancaster , in whose House they held it . Immediately upon this Fact , Coppinger takes a journey into Kent , and fancies ( by the way ) that he was admitted to a familiar Conference with God himself , that he received from Him many strange Directions , to be followed by him whensoever God should please to use his service for the good of His Church ; and more particularly , that he was shewed a way to bring the Queen to repentance , and to cause all the Nobles to do the like out of hand ; or else to prove them to be Traytors to Almighty God. Another Fast is held by him and Arthington at his coming back , in which he finds himself more strongly stirred to a matter of some great importance , than he was before : of which he gives notice unto Gibson in Scotland , by his Letter of the last of December ; and afterward to Wiggington above-mentioned ; by them to be communicated to the rest of the Brethren . Another Fast follows upon this , at which Wiggington and some others did vouchsafe their presence , who had before confirmed them in the fancy of some such extraordinary Calling as he seemed to drive at . With the intention of this last , Cartwright and other of the Prisoners were made acquainted before-hand , to the intent that by the benefit of their secret prayers , the Action might be crowned with an End more glorious . And the same night , Coppinger finds himself in Heaven , exceedingly astonished at the Majesty of Almighty God , but very much comforted by the Vision ; and every day more and more encouraged to some great Work ; which he communicates at several times , and by several Letters , to Cartwright , Travers , Clark , &c. amongst the Preachers ; and from the Lay-Brethren , unto Lancaster , and Sir Peter Wentworth . 6. And now we must make room for another Actor , a greater Zealot than the other , and one that was to rob them of the glory of their Dreams and Dotages ; Hacket , an inconsiderable Fellow both for Parts and Fortune , pretends to a more near Familiarity with Almighty God , than either of the other durst aspire to . A Wretch of such a desperate Malice , that bearing an old grudg to one that had been his School-Master , he bit off his Nose . And when the poor man humbly prayed him to let him have it again , to the end it might be sowed on before it was cold , he most barbarously chewed it with his teeth , and so swallowed it down . After this , having wasted that small Estate which he had by his Wife , he becomes a Proselyte , pretends at first to more than ordinary zeal for a Reformation , and afterwards to extraordinary Revelations for the compassing of it . This brings him into the acquaintance of some zealous Ministers , who were then furiously driving on for the Holy Discipline ; but none more than Wiggington before remembred , who brings him presently to Coppinger , at such time as the poor man was raised to the height of his Follies . Hacket had profited so well in the School of Hypocrisie , that by his counterfeit-holiness , his fervent and continual praying ex tempore , fasting upon the Lord's Days , making frequent brags of his Conflicts with Satan , and pretending to many personal Conferences with the Lord Himself , that he became of great esteem with the rest of the Brethren ; insomuch that some of them did not stick to say , not only that he was one of God's beloved , but greater in His Favour than Moses or Iohn the Baptist. And he himself made shew , That he was a Prophet , sent to foretell God's Judgments , where His Mercies were neglected ; prophesying , That there should be no more Popes ; and , that England this present Year should be afflicted with Famine , Warr , and Pestilence , unless the Lord's Discipline and Reformation were forthwith admitted . These men , being both governed by the same ill spirit , were mutually over-joyed at this new acquaintance , and forthwith entred into counsel for freeing Cartwright , Snape , and the rest of the Ministers , not only from the several Prisons in which they lay , but from the danger of their Censure in the Starr-Chamber , which was then at hand . 7. It was expected that the Censure would have passed upon them on the last day of Easter-Term ; of which Coppinger gives Hacket notice , and sends him word withall , That he meant to be at the hearing of it ; and that if any Severity should be used towards them , he should be forced in the Name of the Great and Fearful God of Heaven and Earth , to protest against it . The like expectation was amongst them in the Term next following , at what time Coppinger was resolved on some desperate act to divert the Sentence . For thus he writes to Lancaster before-remembred , That if our Preachers in Prison do appear to morrow in the Starr-Chamber , and if our great men deal with them so as it is thought they will ; and that if then God did not throw some fearful Iudgment amongst them , &c. that is to say , ( for so we must make up the sense ) let him give no more credit unto him or his Revelations . But the Hearing being deferred at that time also , and nothing like to be done in it till after Michaelmas , the Conspirators perceived they had time enough for new Consultations . And in these Consultations they resolve amongst them to impeach the two Arch-bishops , of High-Treason , that so they might be made uncapable of proceeding in a Legal way against the Prisoners , or otherwise to assassinate both together , with the Lord Chancellor Hatton , ( whom they deadly hated ) if any severe Sentence was pronounced against them . But Hacket was for higher matters . The Spirit of Infatuation had so wrought upon him , that he conceived himself to partake of the same Divine Nature with Almighty God. That he was appointed by his God to be King of Europe ; and therefore looked upon all Kings ( but the Queen especially ) as the Usurpers of the Throne , which belonged unto him . And against her he carried such a bitter hatred , that against her he often cast forth dangerous speeches , That she had lost her Right to the Crown ; and spared not to do execution upon her in her Arms and Pictures , by stabbing his Dagger into both , whensoever he saw them . Th● people also must be dealt with , to make use of their Power , according unto that Maxim of the Disciplinarians , That if the Magistrate will not reform the Church and State , then the People must . And that he might wind them to this height , he scatter'd certain Rhimes or Verses amongst them ; by which it was insinuated , That a true Christian , though he were a Clown or poor Countrey-man , ( which was Hacket's own case ) might teach Kings how to manage their Scepters ; and that they might depose the Queen , if she did not zealously promote the Reformation . 8. Finding to what an admiration he had raised himself in the esteem of Coppinger and his Fellow Arthington , he looks upon them as the fittest Instruments to advance his Treasons ; perswading them , That they were endued not only with a Prophetical , but an Angelical Spirit . And they , believing what he said , performed all manner of obedience to him , as one that was appointed to reign over them , by God himself ; setting themselves , from that time forward , to raise some Sedition , in which the people might be moved unto what they pleased . Being thus possest , they intimate to Wiggington fore-mentioned , That Christ appeared to them the night before , not in his own body , as He sits in Heaven ; but in that especial Spirit by which he dwelt in Hacket more than in any other . They added also , That Hacket was the very Angel which should come before the Day of Judgment , with his Fan in the one hand , and his Shepherds Crook in the other , to distinguish the Sheep from the Goats , to tread down Satan , and ruine the Kingdom of Antichrist . What Counsel they received from Wiggington , is not certainly known , though it may be judged by the event . For presently on their going from him , which was on the sixteenth of Iuly , they repair to Hacket , whom he found lazing in his bed in a private House at Broken-wharf ; and casting themselves upon their knees , as if they were upon the point of Adoration ; Arthington suddenly ariseth , and adviseth Coppinger , in the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ , to annoint their King. But Hacket cunningly declines it , telling them , that he was already annointed by the Holy Ghost , and therefore that they were to do what he should command them : Which said , he ordains Coppinger to be his Prophet of Mercy , and Arthington to be his Prophet of Justice ; and gives them their Mission in this manner : Go now ( saith he ) , and tell up and down the City , That Jesus Christ is come with his Fan in his hand , to judg the World : if any ask you where he is , direct them to this place : if they will not believe you , let them come and see if they can kill me . As sure as God is in Heaven , no less assuredly is Christ now come to judg the World. With this Commission flye the two new Prophets from one street to another , till they came to Cheapside , crying out , Christ is come , Christ is come , all the way they went ; and adding with as loud a voice , Repent , Repent . In Cheapside they mount into a Cart , ( a proper Pulpit for such Preachers ) proclaiming thence , that Hacket participated of Christ's glorified Body , by his especial Spirit , and was now come with his Fan , to propagate the Gospel , to settle the Discipline , ( for that was the impulsive to all this madness ) and to establish in England a new Commonwealth : They added further , That themselves were two Prophets , the one of Mercy , and the other of Justice ; the truth whereof they took upon their salvation . That Hacket was the only Supreme Monarch of the World ; and , That all the Kings of Europe held of him as his Vassals : That therefore he only ought to be obeyed , and the Queen deposed ; and , That Vengeance should shortly fall from Heaven , not only on the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , but the Lord Chancellor Hatton . 9. Infinite were the throngs of people which this strange Novelty had drawn together to that place ; but they found none so mad as themselves , none so besotted as to cry , God save King Hacket : so that not able to be heard by reason of the Noise , nor to go forward in their Mission , because of the Throng ; they dismounted their Chariot , and , by the help of some of their Friends , conveyed themselves to Hacket's Lodging . They had not staid there long , when they were all three apprehended , and brought before the Lords of the Council ; to whom they showed so little reverence , that they never moved their Hats unto them ; and told them , that they were above all Magistrates , of what rank soever . Hacket is afterward arraigned , Iuly 26. and two days after drawn to his Execution , which was to be done upon him in that part of Cheapside in which his two Prophets had proclaimed him . Neither the Sentence past upon him , nor the fear of death , mitigated any thing of that Spirit of Infatuation with which the Devil had possest him . Insomuch , that he exclaimed most horribly ( as he was drawn upon the Hurdle ) all the way he passed , crying out in these words , Iehovah the Messias , Iehovah the Messias : behold , Heaven is opened ; behold , the Son of the Most High is coming down to deliver me . With the like ill spirit he was governed when he came to the Gallows ; at which he is affirmed to have made this Imprecation , ( for I can by no means call it Prayer ) viz. Almighty Everlasting God , Iehovah , Alpha and Omega , Lord of lords , King of kings , the Everlasting God , thou knowest that I am the true Iehovah whom thou hast sent . Shew some Miracle from the Clouds for the conversion of these Infidels , and deliver me from my Enemies . The rest , too horrid and blasphemous to be imparted to the eyes of a sober Christian , I forbear to add . Let it suffice , that after some strugling with the Hang-man , and many fearful Execrations against God and man , he was turned off the Ladder , and presently cut down , ript up , and quartered , according unto the Law in that behalf . Unto such dangerous Precipices do men cast themselves , when they forsake the Rule of the Church , and will not be content with that sobriety in the things of God , which makes men wise unto salvation . But as for his two Prophets , they found different ends , though they had steered the same course with him . Coppinger by a wilful abstinence , starved himself in Prison within few days after . But Arthington lived to see his Errors , was pardoned upon his repentance , and published a Retractation of his Follies , as became a Christian. 10. Many Endeavours have been used for freeing Cartwright and the rest of the chief Presbyterians , from having any hand in these damnable practises . And it is true enough , that many of them were so wise , as neither to admit them to a personal Conference , nor to return Answer to those Letters which were sent unto them from the Parties . But then it is as true withall , that Coppinger had communicated his first thoughts touching his Extraordinary Calling , by several Letters writ to Cartwright , Egerton , Travers , Chark , Gardiner , Cooper , Philips , and others ; not to say any thing of Penry or Wiggington , who seemed to have been of Counsel with them in the whole Design . And it is also true , that when he descended to particulars in reference to the course which he meant to take in the present Exigent , they would by no means entertain any Messages from him , by which they might be made acquainted with the Plot in hand . But then it cannot be denied , that knowing them to be intent upon some course which they could not justifie , they neither revealed it to the State , nor laboured to disswade them from it , but seemed content to let them run their full career , and then to take such benefit of it as the issue and success thereof should afford unto them . And in this case it may be said too justly in the Orator's language , that there was little difference between the advising of a Fact , and the rejoycing at it when it was once executed : and how they then could take the benefit of such a mischief , with which they had been pre-acquainted in the general notion , a●d either not be joyful at it , and consequently be in the same case with such as had advised unto it , let them judg that list . 11. The dangers growing to the State by these odious practises , may be supposed to hasten the Arraignment of Vdal , one of the four which had a hand in those scurrilous Libels which swarmed so numerously in all parts of the Kingdom , Anno 1588 , and the times since following . But more particularly , he stood charged for being the Author of a Book , called , The Demonstration of Discipline which Christ hath prescribed in his Word for the Government of his Church , in all times and places , until the Worlds end . In the Preface whereof occureth these passages : First , He inscribes the same not to the Governours , but to the supposed Governours of the Church of England . And then he flyes upon them in these following words , viz. Who can deny you , without blushing , to be the cause of all ungodliness ? seeing your Government is that which giveth leave to a man to be any thing , saving a sound Christian. For certainly , it is more free in these days to be a Papist , Anabaptist , of the Family of Love ; yea , as any most wicked whatsoever , than that which we should be . And I could live these twenty years , as well as any such in England , ( yea in a Bishop's House , it may be ) and never be molested for it : So true is that which you are charged with in a Dialogue lately come forth against you , and since burn'd by you , That you care for nothing but the maintenance of your Dignities , be it to the damnation of your own souls , and infinite millions more . For which whole Book , but more especially for this passage in the Preface of it , he was indicted at an Assizes held in Croydon , for the County of Surrey , on the 23 d of Iuly , Anno 1590 ; and by sufficient Evidence found guilty of it . The Prisoner pleaded for himself , That his Indictment was upon the Statute of 23 Eliz. Cap. 2. for punishing Seditious words against the Queen ; but that the Book for which he stood accused , contained no offensive passages against the Queen , but the Bishops only , and therefore could not come within the compass and intent of that Statute . But it was answered by the Judges , and resolved for Law , That they who speak against Her Majesty's Government in Cases Ecclesiastical , Her Laws , Proceedings , or Ecclesiastical Officers , which ruled under Her , did defame the Queen . Which Resolution being given , and the Evidence heard , he had so much favour shewed him , by consent of the Court , as to be put unto this question , that is to say , Whether he would take it either on his Conscience , or his Credit , that he was not the Author of that Book : Which if he would or could have done , it was conceived that both the Judges and the Jurors would have rested satisfied . But he not daring to deny it , the Jurors could not otherwise do , than pronounce him Guilty , upon such evident Proofs , and so many Witnesses as were brought against him . But the Arch-bishop , being then at his House in Croydon , prevailed so far in his behalf , that the Judges did suspend the Sentence of his Condemnation . This Tryal hapned in the interval , between the several Commitments of Snape and Cartwright , before-mentioned , when the State had taken up a resolution to proceed severely against the Disturbers of Her Peace ; which gave some occasion of offence to the Lord Chancellor Hatton , that the Arch-bishop , who seemed most concerned in the present case , should show such favour to a man whom the Law condemned , and by whose seasonable Execution , a stop might possibly be made to all further Troubles . 12. But Snape and Cartwright still continuing obstinate in refusing the Oath , and the suspition growing strong of some new Designs , he was brought again unto the Barr at Southwark , in the March next following , and there received the Sentence of death in due form of Law. But such was the exceeding Lenity of the good Arch-bishop , that he looked more upon the Parts of the man , than upon his Passions , upon his Learning and Abilities , though too much abused , than the ill use that he made of them in those stirring-times . And so far he engaged himself with his Royal Mistress , ( who used to call him Her Black Husband ) that she gave way to a Reprieve , though she could not easily be induced to grant a Pardon . Which notwithstanding the Arch-bishop could not scape the lash of some virulent Tongues , by whom he stood more accused for the Condemnation , than he was magnified for the Reprieve of the man condemned . And therefore it was after pleaded in his justification , That Vdal's Book was clearly within the compass of the Statute 23 Eliz. cap. 2. for punishing Seditious words against the Queen , according to the Resolution of the Judges before laid down . That divers Seditious Sermons might have been objected against him , as well as the making of that Book , which would have rendred him more culpable in the sight of his Judges ; and that whereas one Catsfield could have spoken more materially against him , than any of the rest of the Witnesses , he was never called unto the Barr to give in his Evidence , the Jurors being fully satisfied in the former Proofs . So that the whole Indictment being rightly grounded , the Prosecution favourable , and the Evidence full , the man remained a living-Monument of the Arch-bishop's extraordinary Goodness to him , in the preserving of that Life which by the Law he had forfeited . But how long he remained alive , I am not able to say ; and therefore shall add only this , That he left a Son behind , called Ephraim , who afterwards was Beneficed at the Church of St. Augustines , near St. Paul's Church-yard , and proved as great a Zealot for Conformity , in the time of King CHARLES , as his Father was reputed for his Non-conformity in the times we write of . And he paid almost as deer for it , as his Father did , being sequestred about the year 1643 , not submitting to some Oaths and Covenants then required of him ; his bed-rid Wife turned out of doors , and left most unmercifully in the open Streets . 13. Now whilst the State was taken up in these Criminal Processes , the Learned men and others interessed on each side , were no less busied in defence of their own Concernments . Adrian Saravia , born in the Lower-Germany , but better studied in the Fathers than the most of his Rank , had found by search into their Writings , of what Antiquity and Necessity the Calling of Bishops had been reckoned in the Primitive times , even in the days of the Apostles ; but finding no encouragement to maintain any such opinion in his Native Countrey , where the Presbyteries governed all , and Parity of Ministers was received as an Article of their publike Confession ; he put himself upon the Favour and Protection of the Church of England . He had before fashioned his Reply to Beza's Book , entituled , De Triplici Episcopatu , as before was said . But the first Piece published by him on his coming hither , was a right learned Work , entituled , De diversis gradibus Ministrorum Evangelii : In which he proved by undeniable Arguments , That Bishops were a different Order , as well as by Degrees superior to all other Presbyters . This Book he dedicates to the Ministers of the Belgick Churches , as appears by his Epistle dated March 26 , Anno 1590. Amongst whom , though he could not hope for much approbation , yet he received but little or no opposition . But so it prov'd not at Geneva , where Beza governed , backed by Danaeus , and the rest of the Consistorians , who looked upon it as destructive to their whole Contrivements . Beza had other Work in hand , and therefore leaves him for the present to the lash of Danaeus , who falls upon him with Reproaches instead of Arguments , ( as Saravia complained in his Reply ) reckoning his Corpulency for a Crime , calling him Swineherd , Hog , a man born only for the stuffing of a filthy paunch ; with many the like scurrilous strains of Genevian Rhetorick . Beza comes slowly on , but he comes at last ; not publishing his Answer to it , till the third year after : to which Saravia replies in the year next following , Anno 1594. In which he made an exact parallel ( amongst other things ) betwixt the practises of Hacket and the Puritan Faction , on the one side , and those of Iohn of Leyden and the Anabaptists , when they reigned in Munster . In the end , Beza gave him over ; which raised him to such eminent note with the English Prelates , that he was made a Prebendary of the Church of Westminster , and otherwise well provided for to his full contentment . 14. In the mean time , the Minister of the Italian Church in the City of London , could not rest satisfied with the enjoying the same Priviledges which the French and Dutch Churches had before procured ; but published a Book in maintenance and commendation of the Holy Discipline : which gave a just occasion to Dr. Matthew Suttliff , then Dean of Exon , to set out a judicious Work in Latin touching the nature of the truly Catholick and Christian Church ; wherein he grated somewhat hard on the point of Presbytery , and was the first English man that did so in the Latin Tongue . And though he named Beza only , and no more than named him ; yet Beza thought his Name so sacred , or himself so high , that he conceived himself to be much dishonoured ; reproaches him by the name of a petulant Railer , and complains of the affront in an Epistle to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury . But he got nothing by the Bargain : For as he was handsomely shaked up for it by Saravia in his Replication ; so the Arch-bishop in an Answer to the said Epistle , dated in Ianuary , 1593 , severely reprehends him for his intermedling with the Church of England , and plainly lays before him all those disturbances which by his means had been occasioned in the same : so that being learnedly refuted by Saravia on the one side , and gravely reprehended on the other by that Reverend Prelate , he grows wise at last , leaving the English Puritans to their own defences . And more than so , in his Reply to his last Letter , he gives him his due Titles , of the most Reverend Father in Christ , and his honoured Lord ; assuring him , That in all his writings touching Church-Government , he impugned only the Romish Hierarchy , but never intended to touch the Ecclesiastical Polity of this Church of England , nor to exact of us to frame our selves or our Church to the pattern of their Presbyterian Discipline . And thereunto he added this safe Conclusion , That as long as the substance of Doctrine was uniform in the Church of Christ , they may lawfully vary in other matters , as the circumstance of time , place , and persons , requires , and as prescription of Antiquity may warrant . And , to that end he wished and hoped , that the Sacred and Holy Colledges of Bishops ( for so he calls them ) would for ever continue and maintain such their Right and Title in the Church's Government , with all Equity and Christian Moderation . 15. At this time grew the Heats also betwixt Hooker and Travers : the first being Master of the Temple , and the other Lecturer : Hooker received his Education in Corpus Christi Colledg in Oxon , from whence he came well stocked in all kind of Learning , but most especially in Fathers , Councils , and other approved Monuments of Ecclesiastical Antiquity . Travers was bred in Trinity Colledg in Cambridg , well skilled in the Oriental Tongues , and otherwise better studied in Words than Matter , being Cotemporary with Cartwright , and of his Affection : He sets up his studies in Geneva , and there acquaints himself with Beza , and the rest of that Consistory , of whom and their new Discipline he grew so enamoured , that before his coming into England he was made Minister ( as well at least as such hands could make him ) by the Presbytery of Antwerp , as appears by their Certificate , ( for I dare not call them Letters of Orders ) dated May 14 , 1578. Thus qualified , he associates himself with Cartwright , whom he found there at his coming in preaching to the Factory of English Merchants , and follows him not long after into England also . By the commendation of some Friends , he was taken into the House of William Lord Burleigh , whom he served first in the nature of a Pedagogue to his younger Son , and after as one of his Chaplains . Preferments could not chuse but come in his way , considering the Greatness of his Master , whose eminent Offices of Lord Treasurer , Chief Secretary , and Master of the Wards , could not but give him many opportunities to prefer a Servant to the best places in the Church . But Travers knew his incapacity to receive such Favours , as neither lawfully ordained , according to the Form prescribed by the Church of England , nor willing to subscribe to such Rites and Ceremonies as he found were used in the same . But being a great Factor for promoting the Holy Discipline , he gets himself into the Lecture of the Temple ; which could not easily be denyed , when the Chaplain of so great a Councellor was a Suitor for it . 16. In this place he insinuates himself , by all means imaginable , into the good affections of many young Students , and some great Lawyers of both Houses , on whom he gained exceedingly by his way of Preaching , graced with a comely Gesture , and a Rhetorical manner of Elocution . By which advantages he possest many of the long Robe with a strong affection to the devices of Geneva , and with as great a prejudice to the English Hierarchy ; the fruits whereof discovered themselves more or less in all following Parliaments , when any thing concerning the Church came in agitation . And by the opportunity of this Place , he had the chief managing of the Affairs of the Disciplinarians , presiding for the most part in their Classical Meetings , and from hence issuing their Directions to the rest of the Churches . And so it stood till Hooker's coming to be Master ; who being a man of other Principles , and better able to defend them in a way of Argument ; endeavoured to instruct his Auditors in such Points of Doctrine as might keep them in a right perswasion of the Church of England , as well in reference to her Government , as her Forms of Worship . This troubled Travers at the heart , as it could not otherwise , to see that the fine Web which he had been so long in weaving , should be thus unravell'd . Rather than so , Hooker shall tell them nothing in the Morning , but what he laboured to confute in the Afternoon ; not doubting but that a great part of the Auditors would pass Sentence for him , though the truth might run most apparently on the other side . Hooker endured it for some time ; but being weary at the last of the opposition , he complains thereof to the Arch-bishop , who had ( deservedly ) a very great opinion of him ; and this Complaint being seasonably made in that point of time when Cartwright , Snape , and other Leading-men of the Puritan Faction , were brought into the High Commission ; it was no hard matter for him to procure an Order to suppress his Adversary , silenced from preaching in the Temple , and all places else . Which Order was issued upon these grounds , that is to say , That he was no lawfully ordained Minister according to the Church of England : That he took upon him to preach , without being licensed : and , That he had presumed openly to confute such Doctrine as had been publickly delivered by another Preacher , without any notice given thereof to the lawful Ordinary , contrary to a Provision made in the Seventh year of the Queen , for avoiding Disturbances in the Church . 17. But Travers was too stiff , and too well supported , to sit down on the first Assault : He makes his supplication therefore to the Lords of the Council , where he conceived himself as strong and as highly favoured as Hooker was amongst the Bishops and the High Commissioners . In this Petition he complains of some obliquity in the proceedings had against him , for want of some Legalities in the conduct of it . But when he came to answer to the Charges which were laid upon him , his Defences appeared very weak and flat , and could not much conduce to his justification , when they were seriously examined in the scale of Judgment . His exercising the Ministry without lawful Orders , he justified no otherwise , than that by the Communion of Saints , all Ordinations were of like Authority in a Christian Church . The Bishop of London had commended him by two Letters unto that Society , to be chosen Lecturer ; and That he took for a sufficient License , as might enable him to preach to that Congregation . And as for his confuting in the Afternoon , what had been preached by Mr. Hooker in the morning before , he conceived that he had warrant for it from St. Paul's example , in withstanding St. Peter to his face , for fear lest otherwise God's Truth might receive some prejudice . The weakness and insufficiency of which Defences , was presently made known in Hooker's Answer to the Supplication . Which wrought so much upon the Lords , and was so strongly seconded by the Arch-bishop himself , that all the Friends which Travers had amongst them , could not do him good ; especially when it was represented to them , how dangerous a thing it was , that a man of such ill Principles , and of worse Affections , should be permitted to continue in his former Lecture ; which , what else were it , in effect , but to retain almost half the Lawyers of England to be of Councel in all Causes which concerned the Church , whensoever those of the Genevian or Puritan Faction should require it of them . But so it hapned , ( and it hapned very well for Travers ) that the Queen had erected an University at Dublin , in the year fore-going , 1591 ; Founding therein a Colledg dedicated to the Holy Trinity ; to the Provostship whereof he was invited by the Arch-bishop of Dublin , who had been once a Fellow of the same House with him . Glad of which opportunity to go off with credit , he prepares for Ireland . But long he had not dwelt on his new Preferment , when either he proved too hot for the Place , or the Countrey ( by reason of the following Warrs ) grew too hot for him : Which brought him back again to England ; where he lived to a very great age in a small Estate , more comfortably than before , because less troublesome to the Church than he had been formerly . 18. Thus have we seen Travers taken off , and Beza quieted ; nor was it long before Cartwright was reduced to a better temper : But first , it was resolved to try all means for his delivery , both at home and abroad . Abroad , they held intelligence with their Brethren in the Kirk of Scotland , by means of Penry here , and of Gibson there ; two men as fit for their Designs , as if they had been made of purpose to promote the Mischief . Concerning which , thus Gibson writes in one of his Letters to Coppinger , before remembred ; whereby it seems that he was privy to his practices also . The best of our Ministers ( saith he ) are most careful of your estate ; and had sent for that effect a Preacher of ours the last Summer , of purpose to confer with the best affected of your Church , to lay down a plot how our Church might best travel for your relief . The Lord knows what care we have of you , both in our publick and private Prayers , &c. For , as feeling-members of one body , we reckon the affliction of your Church to be our own . This showed how great they were with child of some good Affections ; but there wanted strength to be delivered of the Burthen . They were not able to raise Factions in the Court of England , as Queen ELIZABETH had done frequently on their occasions in the Realm of Scotland . All they could do , was to engage the King in mediating with the Queen in behalf of Cartwright , Vdal , and some others of the principal Brethren then kept in Prison for their contumacy in refusing the Oath . And they prevailed so far upon Him , who was not then in a condition to deny them any thing , as to direct some Lines unto Her in this tenour following . 19. RIght Excellent , High and Mighty Princess , Our dearest Sister and Cousin , in Our heartiest manner We recommend Us unto You. Hearing of the Apprehension of Master Vdal , and Master Cartwright , and certain other Ministers of the Evangel , within Your Realm , of whose good Erudition , and Faithful Travels in the Church , We hear a very credible commendation , however that their diversity from the Bishops and other of Your Clergy , in matters touching their Conscience , hath been a mean by their delation to work them your misliking : at this time We cannot ( weighing the Duty which We owe to such as are afflicted for their Conscience in that Profession ) but by Our most effectuous and earnest Letter , interpone Us at Your Hands , to stay any harder usage of them for that cause . Requesting You most earnestly , That for Our Cause and Intercession , it may please You to let them be relieved of their present Strait , and whatsoever further Accusation or Pursuit depending upon that ground , respecting both their former Merit in setting forth the Evangel , the simplicity of their Conscience in this Defence , which cannot well be , their Lett by Compulsion , and the great slander which would not fail to fall out upon their further straitning for any such occasion . Which We assure Us , Your Zeal to Religion , besides the expectation We have of Your good will to pleasure Us , will willingly accord to Our Request , having such proofs from time to time , of Our like disposition to You , in any matter which You recommend unto Us. And thus , Right Excellent , Right High , and Mighty Princess , Our dear Sister and Cousin , We commit You to God's Protection . Edenborough , Iune 12. 1591. 20. This Letter was presented to the Queen by the hands of one Iohnson , a Merchant of that Nation then remaining in London . But it produced not the Effect which the Brethren hoped for : For the Queen looked upon it as extorted rather by the importunity of some which were then about Him , than as proceeding from Himself , who had no reason to be too indulgent unto those of that Faction . This Project therefore not succeeding , they must try another ; and the next tryal shall be made on the High Commission , by the Authority whereof , Cartwright , and Snape , and divers others , were committed Prisoners . If this Commission could be weakned , and the Power thereof reduced to a narrower compass , the Brethren might proceed securely in the Holy Discipline , the Prisoners be released , and the Cause established . And for the questioning thereof , they took this occasion : One Caudreys , Parson of North-Luffengham , in the County of Rutland , had been informed against , about four years since , in the High Commission , for preaching against the Book of Common-Prayer , and refusing to celebrate Divine Service , according to the Rules and Rubricks therein prescribed . For which , upon sufficient proof , he was deprived of his Benefice by the Bishop of London , and the rest of the Queen's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes . Four years together he lay quiet , without acting any thing against the Sentence of the Court. But now it was thought by some of those Lawyers , whom Travers had gained unto the side , to question the Authority of that Commission , and consequently the illegality of his Deprivation . In Hillary Term , Anno 1591 , the Cause was argued in the Exchequer Chamber , by all the Judges , according to the usual custom in all cases of the like importance ; and it was argued with great Learning , as appears by the sum and substance of their several Arguments , drawn up by Coke , then being the Queen's Sollicitor-General , and extant amongst the rest of his Reports , both in English and Latin , inscribed De Iure Regis Ecclesiastico ; but known most commonly by the name of Cawdrey's Case . In the debating of which Point , the Result was ●his , That the Statute of 10 of the Queen , for restoring to the Crown the ancient Iurisdiction , &c. was not to be accounted introductory of a new Authority , which was not in the Crown before ; but only declaratory of an old , which naturally and originally did belong to all Christian Princes , and amongst others also , to the Kings of England . For proof whereof , there wanted not sufficient evidence in our English Histories , as well as in some old Records of unquestioned Credit , exemplifying the continual practise of the Kings of England , before and since the Norman Conquest , in ordering and directing matters which concerned the Church : In which they ruled sometimes absolutely , without any dispute ; and sometimes relatively , in reference to such opposition as they were to make against the Pope , and all Authority derived from the See of Rome . 21. Against this Case , so solidly debated , and so judiciously drawn up , when none of the Puritan Professors could make any Reply , Parsons the Iesuit undertook it ; but spent more time in searching out some contrary Evidence , which might make for the Pope , than in disproving that which had been brought in behalf of the Queen . So that the strugling on both sides , much confirmed the Power which they endeavoured to destroy ; the Power of that Commission being better fortified both by Law and Argument , than it had been formerly . For , by the over-ruling of Cawdrey's Case , in confirmation of the Sentence which was past against him , and the great pains which Parsons took to so little purpose ; the Power of that Commission was so well established in the Courts of Judicature , that it was afterwards never troubled with the like Disputes . The Guides of the Faction therefore are resolved on another course , To strike directly at the Root , to question the Episcopal Power , and the Queen's Authority , the Jurisdiction of their Courts , the exacting of the Oath called the Oath Ex Officio , and their other proceedings in the same . And to this purpose it was published in Print by some of their Lawyers , or by their directions at the least , That men were heavily oppressed in the Ecclesiastical Courts , against the Laws of the Realm : That the Queen could neither delegate that Authority which was vested in it , nor the Commissioners to exercise the same by her delegation : That the said Courts could not compel the taking of the Oath , called the Oath Ex Officio , since no man could be bound in Reason to accuse himself : That the said Oath did either draw men into wilful Perjury , to the destruction of their souls ; or to be guilty , in a manner , of their own condemnation , to the loss both of their Fame and Fortunes . And finally , That the ordinary Episcopal Courts , were not to meddle in any Causes whatsoever , but only Testamentary and Matrimonial : by consequence , not in matter of Tythes , all Mis-behaviours in the Church , or punishing of Incontinency , or Fornication , Adultery , Incest , or any the like grievous or enormous Crimes : but on the contrary , it was affirmed by the Professors of the Civil Laws , That to impugn the Authority which had been vested in the Queen by Act of Parliament , was nothing in effect but a plain Invasion of the Royal Prerogative , the opening of a way to the violation of the Oath of Allegiance , and consequently to undermine the whole Frame of the present Government . It was proved also , That the ordinary Episcopal Courts had kept themselves within their bounds ; that they might lawfully deal in all such Causes as were then handled in those Courts ; that their proceedings in the same by the Oath Ex Officio , was neither against Conscience , Reason , nor the Laws of the Land ; and therefore , that the Clamours on the other side , were unjust and scandalous . In which , as many both Divines and Civilians , deserved exceeding well both of the Queen and the Church ; so none more eminently , than Dr. Richard Cosins , Dean of the Arches , in a Learned and Laborious Treatise by him writ and published , called , An Apology for Proceedings in Courts Ecclesiastical , &c. Printed in the year 1593. 22. But notwithstanding the Legality of these Proceedings , the punishing of some Ring-leaders of the Puritan Faction , and the Imprisonment of others , a Book comes out under the name of A Petition to Her Majesty : The scope and drift whereof , was this ; That the Ecclesiastical Government of the Church of England , was to be changed : That the Eldership , or Presbyterial Discipline , was to be established , as being the Government which was used in the Primitive Church , and commanded to be used in all Ages . That the Disciplinarian Faction hath not offended against the Statute 23 Eliz. cap. 2. And , That Iohn Vdal was unjustly condemned upon it . That the Consistorial Patrons are unjustly slandered with desire of Innovation , and their Doctrine with Disorder and Disloyalty . And this being said , the Author of the Pamphlet makes it his chief business by certain Questions and Articles therein propounded , to bring the whole Ecclesiastical State into envy and hatred . This gave the Queen a full assurance of the restless Spirit wherewith the Faction was possessed ; and that no quiet was to be expected from them , till they were utterly supprest . To which end She gives Order for a Parliament to begin in February , for the Enacting of some Laws to restrain those Insolencies with which the Patience of the State had been so long exercised . The Puritans on the other side are not out of hope , to make some good use of it for themselves ; presuming more upon the strength of their Party , by reason of the Pragmaticalness of some Lawyers in the House of Commons , than they had any just ground for , as it after proved . To which end they prepared some Bills sufficiently destructive of the Royal Interest , the Jurisdiction of the Bishops , and the whole Form of their Proceedings in their several Courts . With which the Queen being made acquainted before their meeting , or otherwise suspecting , by their former practises , what they meant to do ; She thought it best to strangle those Conceptions in the very Womb. And to that purpose She gave Order for the signification of Her Pleasure to the Lords and Commons , at the very first opening of the Parliament , That they should not pass beyond their bounds ; That they should keep themselves to the redressing of such Popular Grievances as were complained of to them in their several Countreys : but , that they should leave all Matters of State to Her self and the Council ; and all Matters which concerned the Church , unto Her and Her Bishops . 23. Which Declaration notwithstanding , the Factors for the Puritans are resolved to try their Fortune , and to encroach upon the Queen and the Church at once . The Queen was always sensible of the Inconveniences which might arise upon the nominating of the next Successor , and knew particularly how much the Needle of the Puritans Compass pointed toward the North : Which made Her more tender in that Point , than She had been formerly . But Mr. Peter Wentworth , whom before we spake of , a great Zealot in behalf of the Holy Discipline , had brought one Bromley to his lure ; and they together deliver a Petition to the Lord Keeper Puckering , desiring that the Lords would joyn with them of the Lower-House , and become Suppliants to the Queen for entailing of the Succession of the Crown , according to a Bill which they had prepared . At this the Queen was much displeased , as being directly contrary to her strict Command ; and charged the Lords of the Council to call the said Gentlemen before them , and to proceed against them for their disobedience . Upon which signification of Her Majesty's Pleasure , Sir Thomas Hennage , then Vice-Chamberlain , and one of the Lords of the Privy-Council , convents the Parties , reprehends them for their Misdemeanor , commands them to forbear the Parliament , and not to go out of their several Lodgings , until further Order . Being afterwards called before the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , the Lord Buckhurst , and the said Sir Thomas ; Wentworth is sent unto the Tower , Bromley committed unto the Fleet , and with him Welsh and Stevens , two other Members of that House , were committed also , as being privy to the Projects of the other two . In whose behalf , when it was moved by one Mr. Wroth , That the House should be humble Suitors to Her Majesty for the releasing of such of their Members as were under restraint ; it was answered by such of the Privy-Councellors as were then Members of the House , That Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her self ; and , that to press Her Highness with this Suit , would but hinder those whose good it sought . That the House must not call the Queen to an account for what she did of Her Royal Authority . That the Causes for which they are restrained , may be high and dangerous . That Her Majesty liketh no such Questions , neither did it become the House to deal in such matters . Upon which words the House desisted from interposing any further in their behalf , but left them wholly to the Queen , by whom Wentworth was continued Prisoner for some years after . 24. In the same Parliament , one Morrise , Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster , proposed unto the House , That some course might be taken by them against the hard courses of Bishops Ordinaries , and other Ecclesiastical Judges , in their several Courts , towards sundry godly Ministers , and painful Preachers , who deserved more encouragement from them . They also spake against Subscription , and the Oath Ex Officio , and offered a Bill unto the House against the imprisonment of such as refused the same . Of this the Queen had present notice , and thereupon sends for Coke , then Speaker of the House of Commons , ( but afterwards successively Chief Justice of either Bench ) to whom she gave command to deliver this Message to the House ; that is to say , That it was wholly in Her Power to call , to determine , to assent , or dissent , to any thing done in Parliament . That the calling of this , was only that the Majesty of God might be more Religiously observed , by compelling , with some sharp Laws , such as neglect that Service ; and , that the safety of Her Majesty's Person , and the Realm , might be provided for : That it was not meant they should meddle with matters of State , or Causes Ecclesiastical : That She wondered that any should attempt a thing so contrary to Her Commandment : and , that She was highly offended at it : and finally , that it was Her pleasure , That no Bill touching any matters of State , or for the Reformation of Causes Ecclesiastical , should be there exhibited . On the delivery of which Message , Morrise is said to have been seized on in the House by a Serjeant at Arms ; but howsoever , seized on and committed Prisoner , kept for some years in Tutbury Castle , discharged from his Office in the Dutchy , and disabled from any Practise in his Profession , as a common Lawyer . Some others had prepared a Bill to this effect , That in lieu of Excommunication , there should be given some ordinary Process , with such sute and coertion as thereunto might appertain ; that so the dignity of so high a Sentence being retained , and the necessity of mean Process supplied , the Church might be restored to its ancient splendor . Which Bill , though recommended somewhat incogitantly by one of the Gravest Councellors of State which was then in the House , was also dashed by Her Majesty's express Command , upon a Resolution of not altering any thing ( the quality of the times considered ) which had been setled in the Church , both by Law and Practise . Which constancy of Hers in the preserving of Her own Prerogative and the Church's Power , kept down that swelling humour of the Puritan Faction , which was even then upon the point of overflowing the banks , and bearing down all opposition which was made against them . 25. And , that they might be kept the better in their natural Channel , she caused an Act to be prepared and passed in this present Parliament , for retaining them , and others of Her Subjects , in their due obedience . By which it was Enacted , for the preventing and avoiding of such Inconveniencies and Perils as might happen and grow by the wicked and dangerous Practices of Seditious Sectaries , and Disloyal persons ; That if any person or persons above the age of sixteen years , should obstinately refuse to repair to some Church , Chappel , or usual place of Common-Prayer , to hear Divine Service established , or shall forbear to do the same by the space of a Month , without lawful cause ; or should move or perswade any other person whatsoever , to forbear and abstain from coming to the Church to hear Divine Service , or to receive the Communion , according to the Laws and Statutes aforesaid ; or to come or be present at any unlawful Assemblies , Conventicles , or Meetings , under pretence of Religious Exercise , contrary to the Laws and Statutes made in that behalf ; or should at any time after forty days , from the end of that Session , by Printing , Writing , or express Words or Speeches , advisedly and purposely go about to move or perswade any of Her Majesty's Subjects , or any other within Her Highness Realms and Dominions , to deny , withstand , or impugn Her Majesty's Power and Authority in causes Ecclesiastical , united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of the Realm ; That then every person so offending , and convicted of it , should be committed unto Prison without Bail or Main-prise , till he or they should testifie their Conformity , by coming to some Church , Chappel , or other place of Common-prayer , to hear Divine Service , and to make open submission and declaration of the same in such form and manner , as by the said Statute was provided . Now that we may the better see what great care was taken , as well by the two Houses of Parliament , as by the Queen Her self , for preserving the Honour of the Church , the Jurisdiction of the Bishops , and the Royal Prerogative in both ; it will not be amiss to represent that Form to the eye of the Reader , in which the said Submission was to be delivered . The tenour whereof was as followeth , viz. 26. I A. B. do humbly confess and acknowledg , That I have grievously offended God in contemning Her Majesty's godly and lawful Government and Authority , by absenting my self from Church , and from hearing Divine Service , contrary to the godly Laws and Statutes of this Realm ; and in using and frequenting disordered and unlawful Conventicles and Assemblies , under pretence and colour of exercise of Religion . And I am heartily sorry for the same , and do acknowledg and testifie in my Conscience , That no person or persons , hath , or ought to have any Power or Authority over Her Majesty . And I do promise and protest without any dissimulation , or any colour of means of any Dispensation , That from henceforth I will from time to time , obey and perform Her Majesty's Laws and Statutes in repairing to the Church , and hearing Divine Service ; and do mine utmost endeavour to maintain and defend the same . 27. This Declaration to be made in some Church or Chappel , before the beginning of Divine Service , within three Months after the conviction of the said Offenders , who otherwise were to abjure the Realm , and to depart the same , at such time and place as should be limited and assigned unto them ; with this Proviso super-added , That if any of the said persons so abjuring , should either not depart the Realm at the time appointed , or should come back again unto it without leave first granted ; that then every such person should suffer death as in case of Felony , without the benefit of his Clergy . And to say the truth , there was no reason why any man should have the benefit of his Clergy , who should so obstinately refuse to conform himself to the Rules and Dictates of the Church . There also was a penalty of ten pounds by the Month , imposed upon all those who harboured any of the said Puritan Recusants , if the said Puritan Recusants ( not being of their near Relations ) or any of them , should forbear coming to some Church or Chappel , or other place of Common-prayer , to hear the Divine Service of the Church , for the space of a Month. Which Statute being made to continue no longer than till the end of the next Session of Parliament , was afterwards kept in force from Session to Session , till the death of the Queen ; to the great preservation of the Peace of the Kingdom , the safety of Her Majesty's Person , aad the tranquillity of the Church , free from thenceforth from any such disturbances of the Puritan Faction , as had before endangered the Foundations of it . 28. And yet it cannot be denied , but that the seasonable execution of the former Statute on Barrow , Penry , and some others of these common Barreters , conduced as much to the promoting of this general Calm , as the making of this . It was in the Month of November , 1587 , that Henry Barrow , Gentleman , and Iohn Greenwood , Clerk , ( of whose commitment , with some others , we have spoke before ) were publickly convented by the High Commissioners , for holding and dispersing many Schismatical Opinions , and Seditious Doctrines , of which the principal were these , viz. That our Church is no true Church . That the Worship of the English Church is flat Idolatry . That we admit into our Church unsanctified persons . That our Preachers have no lawful Calling . That our Government is ungodly . That no Bishop or Preacher preacheth Christ sincerely or truly . That the people of every Parish ought to chuse their Bishop . And , That every Elder , though he be no Doctor or Pastor , is a Bishop . That all of the Preciser sort , who refuse the Ceremonies of the Church , strain at a Gnat , and swallow a Camel , and are close Hypocrites , and walk in a left-handed Policy , as Cartwright , Wiggington , &c. That all which make , teach , or expound Printed or Written Catechisms , are idle Shepherds , as Calvin , Vrsin , Nowell , &c. That the Children of ungodly Parents ought not to be baptized ; as of Usurers , Drunkards , &c. and finally , that set-prayer is blasphemous . On their Convention , and some short restraint for so many dotages , they promised to recant , and were enlarged upon their Bonds . But being set at liberty , they brake out again into further Extremities , and drew some others to the side , almost as mischievous as themselves , and no less Pragmatical : the principal whereof , ( not to take notice of the Rabble of besotted people who became their followers ) were Saxio Billet , Gentleman ; Daniel Studley , Girdler ; Robert Bouler , Fish-monger ; committed Prisoners to the Fleet , with their principal Leaders , in the Iuly following . 29. The times were dangerous , in regard of the great Preparations of the King of Spain , for the invading of this Kingdom ; which rendred the imprisonment of these furious Sectaries , as necessary to the preservation of the publick safety , as the shutting up of so many of the Leading - Papists , into Wisbich Castle . But so it was , that the State being totally taken up with the prosecution of that Warr on the Coasts of Spain , and the quenching of the fire at home , which had been raised by Cartwright , Vdal , and the rest of the Disciplinarians , there was nothing done against them , but that they were kept out of harm's way , as the saying is , by a close Imprisonment . During which time , Cartwright , who was their fellow-Prisoner , had a Conference with them ; the rather , in regard it had been reported from Barrow's mouth , That he had neither acted nor written any thing , but what he was warranted to do by Cartwright's Principles . The Conference was private , and the result thereof not known to many , but left to be conjectured at by this following story . The Reverend Whitgift had a great desire to save the men from that destruction in which they had involved themselves by their own pervers●ess ; and to that end sends Dr. Thomas Ravis , then one of his Chaplains , ( but afterwards Lord Bishop of London ) to confer with Barrow . At whose request , and some directions from the Arch-bishop , in pursuance of it , Cartwright is dealt with to proceed to another Conference : but no perswasions would prevail with him for a second Meeting . Which being signified to Barrow , by the said Dr. Ravys , in the presence of divers persons of good account , the poor man fetched a great sigh , saying , Shall I be thus forsaken by him ? Was it not he that brought me first into these briars , and will he now leave me in the same ? Was it not from him alone that I took my grounds ? Or , did I not out of such Premises as he pleased to give me , infer those Propositions , and deduce those Conclusions for which I am now kept in Bonds ? Which said , the company departed , and left the Prisoners to prepare for their following Tryal . By the Imprisonment of Cartwright , the Condemnation of Vdal , and the Execution of Hacket , the times had been reduced to so good a temper , that there could be no danger in proceeding to a publick Arraignment . The Parliament was then also sitting ; and possible it is , that the Queen might pitch upon that time for their condemnation , to let them see , that neither the sitting of a Parliament , nor any Friends they had in both or either of the Houses , could either stay the course of Justice , or suspend the Laws . Certain it is , that on the 21 of March , 1592 , they were all indicted at the Sessions-Hall without Newgate , before the Lord Mayor , the two Chief Justices , some of the Judges , and divers other Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer ; for writing and publishing sundry Seditious Books , tending to the slander of the Queen and State. For which they were found guilty , and had the Sentence of death pronounced upon them , March 23. Till the Execution of which Sentence , they were sent to Newgate . 30. The fatal Sentence being thus passed , Dr. Lancelot Andrews , afterwards Lord Bishop of Ely ; Dr. Henry Parrey , afterwards Lord Bishop of Worcester ; Dr. Philip Bisse , Arch-Deacon of Taunton ; and Dr. Thomas White , one of the Residentiaries of St. Pauls ; were sent to Barrow , to advise him to recant those Errors , which otherwise might be as dangerous to his soul , as they had proved unto his body . Who having spent some time to this purpose with him , were accosted thus : You are not ( saith he ) the men whom I most dislike in the present differences : For , though you be out of the Way , yet you think you are in the Right , and walk according to that light which God hath given you . But I cannot but complain of Mr. Cartwright , and all others of his opinion , from whom we have received the truth of these things , and by whose Books we have been taught , that your Calling is Antichristian . And yet these men , saith he , forsake us in our Sufferings , against their Consciences , and rather chuse to save their lives , than go out of Babylon . To which , when Dr. White objected , That those Callings which he reproached as Antichristian , had been embraced by Arch-bishop Cranmer , Bishop Ridley , and divers other godly persons , who suffered Martyrdom for their Religion in Queen MARY's days . Barrow thus gloriously replies , Most true it is , ( quoth he ) that they and others were Martyrs in Queen MARY's days ; but these holy Bands of mine ( and therewith shook his Fetters ) are much more glorious than any of theirs , because they had the Mark of Antichrist in their hands . Such was the Fortune of these men , that these Learned Doctors could do as little good upon them , as Cartwright and his Fellows had done before ; though , to say the truth , it had not been in Cartwright's power to have changed their minds , unless he had first changed his own . And thereupon it was very well said by Dr. Iohn Burges , ( who had been once one of Cartwright's Followers ) That he was , and ever had been of that opinion , That no just confutation could be made of the Separatists , by any of the Non-Conformists , who had given them their Principles . That though he had seen some endeavours that way , yet did they never satisfie him in point of Conscience . That the Arguments published in his time against Conformity , were pretended for the grounds of the Separation . That the Separatists did pretend their Pedigree from none but the Puritans ; which no man can deny ( saith he ) that hath any Modesty . And finally , that therefore the Puritans might well call them their dear Brethren of the Separation , as Dighton and some others had began to do . To bring this business to an end , Barrow and Greenwood were brought to Tiburn , in a Cart , on the last of March ; and having been exposed for some time to the sight of the people , were carried back again to Newgate . But no repentance following on the sense of so great a mercy , they were both hanged at Tiburn on the sixth of April . The other three being reprieved , with some hope of pardon , as being only accessary to the Crimes of the other . 31. In May next following , Penry is brought upon his Tryal ; a man of most Seditious Malice , and one of the chief Penners of those scurrilous Libels which had passed under the name of Martin Mar-Prelate . But not content with having a hand in those Pestilent Pamphlets , but must needs take upon him to be the Inter-Nuncio , or common Agent , between the Presbyters of Scotland , and the English Puritans . Having enflamed the Scots unto some Seditions , he remained Leidger there till the beginning of Hacket's Treasons , and thereupon writes to Arthington to this effect , That Reformation must be shortly erected in England : And thereupon he makes for London , to have play'd his pranks , if their Design had took effect ; it being his hope , as possibly it was the hope of all the rest of that Faction , That on the Proclamations which were made by Hacket's Prophets , the people would have been inci●ed to an Insurrection . But when he saw those hopes deluded , and Hacket executed , his guilty Conscience prompted him to fear the like cruel death , which hurried him again to Scotland ; where he remained till the beginning of the Parliament before remembred . At what time stealing privately back again towards London , we was discovered at Stebunheth , ( commonly called Stepny ) apprehended by the Vicar there , committed Prisoner , tryed at the King's-Bench-Barr , at Westminster-Hall , condemned of Felony on the Statute 23 Eliz. and executed not long after at St. Thomas of Waterings ; but executed with a very thin company attending on him , for fear the Fellow might have raised some Tumult , either in going to the Gallows , or upon the Ladder . But what he could not do when he was alive , was put into a way of being effected when the Hang-man had done his office , by publishing one of his Seditious Pamphlets , entituled , The History of Corah , Dathan , and Abiram , applied to the Prelacy and Ministry of the Church of England ; by Mr. John Penry , a Martyr of Iesus Christ , as the Pamphlet calls him . The Work not finished at the time of his Apprehension ; but was Printed however by some zealous Brother , that he might poyson the Queen's Subjects as well dead as living . 32. To which end we are told in the Preface of it , by the zealous , or rather Seditious Publisher , That the Author , Mr. Iohn Penry , was a Godly man , Learned , Zealous , and of a most Christian Carriage and Courage . That he was born and bred in the Mountains of Wales , and with all godly care and labour , endeavoured to have the Gospel preached amongst his Countrey-men , whose case he greatly seemed to pity , wanting all the ordinary means for their salvation . That being used by God for a special Instrument in the manifestation of his Truth , he was hardly entreated , imprisoned , condemned , and executed ; and so suffered Martyrdom for the Name of Christ. But more particularly , That he was adjudged at the King's Bench by Sir Iohn Popham , Lord Chief Justice , and the rest of the Judges then assembled , on the 25 th of the fifth Month , and executed at St. Thomas of Waterings , near London , on the 29 th of the same , in the year of our God 1593. And finally , That he was not brought to execution the next second or third day , as most men expected ; but , that when men did least look for it , he was taken while he was at dinner , carried in a close manner to his Execution , and hastily bereaved of his life , without being suffered ( though he much desired ) to make a declaration of his Faith towards God , or his Allegiance to the Queen . And in a Postscript to the same , he concludes it thus , viz. That he was apprehended , adjudged , and executed , for writing for the Truth of Christ , whatsoever other things were pretended against him . Let us no longer blame the Papists for making Martyrs of such Priests and Jesuits as suffered death according to the Law of the Land , for their several Treasons : the Puritans , or Presbyterians , have their Martyrs also , Penry and Hacket , and the rest , condemned by the same Laws , for their Treasons and Felonies . And if these men , with Barrow , Greenwood , and the rest , who had gone before them , must pass in our account for Martyrs , because they suffered in pursuance of the Holy Discipline . There is no question to be made , but Cartwright , Snape , with such as suffered only by Imprisonment , or the loss of their Benefices , must be marked for Confessors , in the next setting out of Gellibrand's Calender , whensoever it be . Which , as it was the highest honour that any of Cartwright's Friends can pretend to for him ; so in himself he seemed not very ambitious of those glorious Attributes , which could not otherwise be purchased , than at Penry's Price . 33. For now perceiving , when too late , to what calamitous and miserable Ends he had brought his Followers , what horrible Confusions had disturbed the whole Church , by his obstinate Follies ; he was contented to knock off , and to give way to those Prudential Considerations which the complexion of Affairs did suggest unto him . He saw too clearly , that there were no more Walsinghams , or Leicesters , at the Council-Table . That the Arch-bishops little finger moved more powerfully there , than those few Friends which durst speak for him , being put together . That the Chief Justice Popham was a man of a ridged nature , not to be trifled with , or took off from the prosecution , if he should come within the compass of the Law : And finally , that though the Statute made in the last Session , seemed chiefly to relate unto the Brethren of the Separation ; yet there might be some way or other to hook in all the Zealots for the Discipline also , if they did any thing in derogation of the present Government . Of these Relentings some intelligence had been given to Arch-bishop Whitgift , who thereupon resolved to work some impression on him , when he found him like a piece of Wax well warmed , and thereby sitted to receive it . In which Resolution he applies himself unto the Queen , from whose Clemency he not only obtained for him a release from Prison , but made it the more comfortable by a gracious Pardon for all Errors past . He suffered him moreover to return to Warwick , where he was Master of the Hospital founded by the Earl of Leicester , as before is said , and there permitted him to preach ; though with this condition , That he should neither Write , nor Preach , nor act in any thing to the disturbance of the Church , either in reference to her Government , or Forms of Worship . And though it be affirmed , That Cartwright kept himself within those Restrictions ; yet when the Queen had notice of it , she was much displeased , and not a little blamed the Arch-bishop for it : But he beheld not Cartwright , as he had done Travers , though both pretending to the Ordination of a Forreign Presbytery . For Travers never had any other Hands imposed on him , than those of the Presbytery of Antwerp , which might stand for nothing . But Cartwright was first lawfully ordained in the Church of England ; the Character whereof could not be obliterated , though it might possibly be defaced , either by the Rescinding of his Letters of Orders , ( which some say he did ) or by the super-addition of such other Hands as were laid upon him , after the fashion of Geneva . Neither was Cartwright so insensible of the Obligation , as not to know and to acknowledg by whose Favour he received that Freedom ; carrying himself from that time forwards to the Arch-bishop , both in his Letters and Addresses , with as much respect as any of the Regular and Conformable Clergy ; continuing in that peaceable disposition , till the time of his death ; which hapned about ten years after his enlargement , that is to say , on the 27 th day of December , Anno 1603. 34. But the Arch-bishop stayed not here ; he knew right well , that Punishment without Instruction , would not edifie much with men of common understandings ; and therefore carefully employed both himself and others , in giving satisfaction to all doubting-judgments : For his own part , he wrote this year his long and learned Letter to Theodore Beza , which before we spake of ; and therein calmly laid before him that deplorable Rupture which not without his privity had been made in the Church of England . Which point he prest upon him with such Christian Modesty , and did withall so clearly justifie this Church in her whole proceedings , that Beza could not but confess himself to be conquered , by his future carriage , which from thenceforth breathed nothing else but Peace to the Church it self , and dutiful respects to that Reverend Prelate . And for the satisfaction of all Parties interested amongst our selves , a Book was published this year also , by Dr. Thomas Bilson , then Warden of the Colledg near Winchester , concerning The perpetual Government of the Church of Christ ; proving therein , That from the time of Christ himself , till these latter days , neither the Universal Church , nor any National or Provincial Church , in what place soever , had been governed otherwise than by Bishops , and their Under-Officers . True , other Books were published at the same time also , by Dr. Richard Bancroft , so often mentioned ; the one for the undeceiving of the people , ( who had been miserably abused by such counterfeit Wares ) entituled , A Survey of the pretended Holy Discipline . The other to inform them in the Dangerous Positions and Proceedings published and practised in this Island of Britain , under pretence of Reformation , &c. which was the Title of the Book . The like course was also taken for the justification of the Bishops Courts , by publishing the Apology of Dr. Cosens before remembred . And because Hacket's Treasons had been built on no other Foundation , than that the Holy Discipline might be raised upon them , a Narrative thereof is penned by Dr. — a Doctor of the Civil Laws , collected for the most part out of the Letters and Confessions of some Disciplinarians , which either had been intercepted , or perswaded from them . A course exceeding prosperous to all those whom it most concerned . For the Arch-bishop by this means went in peace to his Grave ; Beza was gratified by him with a liberal Pension , Bilson within a short while after made Bishop of Winchester ; Bancroft preferred about the same time to the See of London ; Cosens , for his encouragement , made Dean of the Arches . 35. And though we find not any Preferment to be given to Cartwright ; yet was it a Preferment to him , to enjoy his Ministry ; by means whereof , he is affirmed to have grown very wealthy , partly by the Revenues of his Place in the Hospital ; and partly by the Bounty and Munificence of his constant Auditors : Only it is reported of him , that towards his end he was afflicted with many infirmities ; insomuch , that he could not otherwise apply himself unto his Studies , than upon his knees ; which some were willing to impute as a judgment on him , for having so bitterly inveighed against all such men as in that reverend and religious posture did receive the Sacrament . Some also have informed us of him , That notwithstanding all his Clamours , and Tumultuous manner of proceedings against the Church , he could not chuse but confess there was more Discipline exercised in the Church of England , than in any of those Churches beyond Seas which himself had seen . Which words , as he is said to have spoken to one Mr. Woods , then Parson of Freckenham in Norfolk , during the time of his imprisonment in the Fleet ; so the said Woods reported them to Dr. Iohn Burges , before-mentioned , and from him I have them . But I had brought the man to his Grave before ; and should not have disturbed his rest by these sad remembrances , if the Honour of the Church of England were not some way vindicated as well by the one , as by the other . Thus , as before we brought the Presbyterians in Scotland to their greatest height , in seeing their Discipline established by Laws , and confirmed by Leagues : so have we brought the English Puritans to their lowest fall , by divers sharp Laws made against them , some severe Executions done upon them for their transgressing of those Laws , their principal Leaders humbled , or cut off by the Sword of Justice , and the whole Mackina of their Devices brought to utter ruine : not the less active for all this , to advance the Cause , though after a more peaceful and more cunning way ; so much the more dangerous to this Church , because less suspected , but not so closely carried as to scape discovery . And the first practise which they fell upon , was this that followeth . 36. It hath been an ancient Custom in the City of London , to have three solemn Sermons preached on Monday , Tuesday , and Wednesday , in the Easter-week , at the place commonly called the Spittle ; being a dissolved Hospital not far from Bishops-Gate ; at which the Lord Mayor and Aldermen used to be present in their Robes , besides a great concourse of Divines , Gentlemen , and other Citizens : For the performance of which Work , a decent Pulpit was erected in an open place , which had been part of the Church-yard ; the ordinary Hearers sitting upon Forms before the Pulpit ; the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and their Wives , with other Persons of Quality , in two handsome Galleries ; to which was added , in the year 1594 , a fair large House for the reception of the Governours and Children of the Hospital , founded in the Grey-Fryers , who from thenceforth were tyed to attend those Sermons . At what time also the old Pulpit was taken down , and a new set up , with the Preachers face turned toward the South , which had before been towards the West ; for so in former times the Pulpits were generally placed in all Churches of England , to the end that the peoples faces , in all acts of Worship , might look toward the East , according to the Custom of the Primitive times . Which alteration seemed to be made upon design , that without noise , or any notice taken of it , they might by little and little change the posture of Adoration from the East to the West , or any other point of the Compass , as their humour served . In which first they were showed the way by Sir Walter Mildmay , in his Foundation of the Chappel of Emmanuel Colledg , 1585. Who being a great favourer of the Puritan Faction , gave order for this Chappel to stand North and South , and thereby gave example unto others to affect the like . Which brings into my mind a Project of Tiberius Gracchus , one of the most Seditious of the Roman Tribunes , for transferring the Supreme Power of the Commonwealth , from the Lords of the Senate , to the People : For , whereas formerly all Orators in the Publick Assemblies , used to address their Speeches to the Lords of the Senate , as the Supreme Magistrates , this Gracchus turned his face to the common people ; and by that Artifice , ( saith Plutarch ) transferred unto them the Supreme Majesty of the Roman Empire , without Noise or Tumult . 37. But it is now time to look back towards Scotland , where we left them at their highest , and the poor King so fettered or intangled by his own Concessions , that he was not able to act any thing in the Kirk , and very little in the State. He had not very well digested their Refusal to subscribe to His Articles , mentioned in the close of the former Book , when he held an Assembly at Dundee , in the end of April , 1593 ; at what time the King , being well informed of the low condition of the English Puritans , sent Sir Iames Melvin to them with these two Articles , amongst many others . In the first of which it was declared , That He would not suffer the Priviledg and Honour of his Crown to be diminished , and Assemblies to be made when and where they pleased ; therefore willed them , before the dissolution of the present Assembly , to send two or three of their number , by whom they should know His mind touching the time and place of the next Meeting . And in the second it was required , That an Act should be made , inhibiting Ministers to declaim in the Pulpit against the proceedings of His Majesty , and the Lords of His Council ; which He conceived He had good reason to desire , in regard that His Majesty's good intentions were well known to themselves , for maintaining Religion and Justice , and of the easie access that divers of the Ministry had unto Him , by whom they might signifie their Complaints and Grievances . To the first of which two Articles , they returned this Answer , That in their Meetings they would follow the Act of Parliament made by Him in the year preceding . And to the second , they replyed , That they had made an Act , prohibiting all Ministers to utter in the Pulpit any rash or irreverent speeches against His Majesty , or His Council ; but to give their Admonitions upon just and necessary Causes , in fear , love , and reverence . Which seeming to the King to serve then rather for a colour to excuse their Factiousness , than to lay any just restraint upon it , He turned a deaf Ear to their Petitions , as well concerning his proceeding with the Popish Lords , as against the erecting of Tythes into Temporall Lordships . In this Assembly also they passed an Act , prohibiting all such as professed Religion , to traffick in any part of the Dominions of the King of Spain , where the Inquisition was in force . And this to be observed under the pain of Excommunication , till His Majesty could obtain a free Trade for them , without fear of any danger to their Goods or Consciences . Which being complained of to the King , and by Him looked upon as an Intrenchment upon the Royal Prerogative , the Merchants were encouraged to proceed as formerly . In opposition whereunto , the Ministers fulminate their Censures , till the Merchants generally made offer to forbear that Trade , as soon as their Accounts were made , and that their Creditors in those parts had discharged their Debts . They pass'd another Order also in the said Assembly , for putting down the Monday's Market in the City of Edenborough , under pretence that the Sabbath was thereby prophaned . Which so displeased the Shoo-makers , and other Artificers , that they came tumultuously to the Ministers Houses , and threatned to turn them out of the City , without more ado , if ever that Act were put into execution . For fear whereof , that Project was dashed for ever after ; and thereby an occasion given unto the Court to affirm this of them , That Rascals and Sowters could obtain that at the Ministers hands , which the King was not able to do in matters far more just and reasonable . To such audaciousness were they grown upon the filly confidence of their own establishment , as to put limits upon Trade , dispose of Markets , and prostitute both King and Council , to the lust of their Preachers . But we will let them run unto the end of their Line , and then pull them back . 38. And first , We will begin with the Conspiracies and Treasons of Francis Steward , Earl of Bothwell , Son of Iohn , Prior of Coldingham , one of the many Bastards of K. Iames the Fifth ; who , by the Daughter and Heir of Iames Lord Hepborn , the late Earl of Bothwell , became the Father of this Francis. A man he was of a seditious and turbulent nature , principled in the Doctrines of the Presbyterians , and thereby fitted and disposed to run their courses . At first he joyned himself to the banished Lords , who seized upon the King at Sterling ; not because he was any way engaged in their former Practises , for which they had been forced to flye their Countrey ; but because he would ingratiate himself with the Lords of that Faction , and gain some credit with the Kirk . But being a man also of a dissolute Life , gave such scandal to all Honest and Religious men , that in the end to gain the Reputation of a Convert , he was contented to be brought to the Stool of Repentance , to make Confession of his Sins , and promise Reformation for the time to come . Presuming now upon the Favour of the Kirk , he consults with Witches , enquires into the Li●e of the King , how long he was to reign , and what should happen in the Kingdom after his decease ; and more than so , deals with the Witch of Keith , particularly , to employ her Familiar to dispatch the King , that he might set on foot some Title to the Crown of that Realm . For which notorious Crimes , ( and so esteemed by all the Laws both of God and Man ) he was committed unto Ward , and breaking Prison , was confiscated , proclaimed Traytor , and all Intelligence and Commerce interdicted with him . After this , he projects a Faction in the Court it self , under pretence of taking down the Power and Pride of the Lord Chancellor then being . But finding himself too weak to atchieve the Enterprise , he departs secretly into England . His Faction in the Court being formed with some more Advantage , he is brought privily into the Palace of Haly-Rood House , makes himself Master of the Gates , secureth the Fort , and violently attempts to seize the King. But the King hearing of the noise , retired himself to a strong Tower , and caused all the Passages to be locked and barred . Which Bothwell not being able to force , he resolves to burn the Palace and the King together . But before Fire could be made ready , the Alarm was taken , the Edenbourgers raised , and the Conspirators compelled , with the loss of some of their Lives , to quit the place . 39. The next year he attempts the like at Falkland , where he showed himself with a Party of six-score Horse ; but the rest of the Conspirators not appearing , he retires again , is entertained privately by some eminent Persons ; and having much encreased his Faction , lives concealed in England . The Queen negotiates his return ; and by the Lord Burrough her Ambassador , desires the King to take him into Grace and Favour . Which being denyed , a way is found to bring him into the King's Bed-chamber , together with one of his Confederates , with their Swords in their hands , followed immediately by many others of the Faction , by whom the King is kept in a kind of Custody , till he had granted their Desires . At last , upon the Mediation of the English Ambassador , and some of the Ministers of Edenborough , who were of Counsel in the Plot , the King is brought to condescend to these Conditions ; that is to say , That Pardon should be given to Bothwell , and his Accomplices , for all matters past ; and that this Pardon should be ratified by Act of Parliament , in November following : That , in the mean time , the Lord Chancellor , the Lord Hume , the Master of Glammir , and Sir George Hume , ( who were all thought to favour the Popish Lords ) should be excluded from the Court. And finally , That Bothwell and all his Party , should be held good Subjects . But these Conditions being extorted , were not long made good ; Agreed on August the 14 th , and declared void by a Convention of Estates at Sterling , on the 7 th of September . Some Troubles being raised upon this occasion , and as soon blown over ; Bothwell is cited to appear at Edenborough ; and failing of his day , is declared Rebel ; which only served to animate him to some greater Mischief : For , being under-hand assisted by the English Ambassador , he prepares new Forces , desires the Lords which were of his Confederacy to do the like , under pretence of banishing to Popish Lords ; but in plain truth to make the King of no signification in the Power of Government . Accompanied with Four hundred Horse , he puts himself into Leith , to the great affrightment of the King , who was then at Edenborough . But understanding that the rest of his Associates were not drawn together , it was thought good to charge upon him with the Bands of that City , and some Artillery from the Castle , before his Numbers were encreased . Which Counsel sped so well , that he lost the day , and therewith all his hopes in Scotland , and in England too . 40. For Queen Elizabeth being sensible at the last of the great Dishonour which she had drawn upon her self by favouring such an Infamous Rebel , caused Proclamation to be made , That no man should receive or harbour him within her Dominions . And the Kirk , moved by her Example , and the King's Request , when they perceived that he could be no longer serviceable to their Ends and Purposes , gave Order that the Ministers in all Places should disswade their Flocks from concurring with him for the time to come , or joyning with any other in the like Insurrections against that Authority which was divested by God in His Majesty's Person . The Treasons and Seditious practises of which man , I have laid together , the better to express those continual Dangers which were threatned by him to the King ; by which He was reduced to the necessity of complying with the desires of the Kirk , setling their Discipline , and in all points conforming to them for His own preservation . But nothing lost the Rebel more , than a new Practise which he had with the Popish Lords , whereby he furnished the King with a just occasion to lay him open to the Ministers , and the rest of the Subjects , in his proper colours , as one that was not acted by a Zeal to Religion , though under that disguise he masked his Ambitious Ends. In fine , being despised by the Queen of England , and Excommunicated by the Kirk for joyning with the Popish Lords , he was reduced to such a miserable condition , that he neither knew whom to trust , nor where to flye . Betrayed by those of his own Party , ( by whom his Brother Hercules was impeached , discovered , and at last brought to Execution in the Streets at Edenborough ) he fled for shelter into France , where finding sorry entertainment , he removed into Spain , and afterwards retired to Naples ; in which he spent the short remainder of his Life in Contempt and Beggery . 41. About this time one of the Ministers , named Rosse , uttered divers Treasonable and Irreverent speeches against His Majesty , in a Sermon of his preached at Perth ; for which the King craved Justice of the next Assembly : and he required this also of them , That to prevent the like for the times ensuing , the Ministers should be inhibited by some Publick Order , from uttering any irreverent speeches in the Pulpit , against His Majesty's Person , Council , or Estate , under the pain of Deprivation . This had been often moved before , and was now hearkned to with as little care as in former times . All which the King got by it , was no more but this , that Rosse was only admonished to speak so reverently of His Majesty for the time to come , as might give no just cause of complaint against him . As ill success he had in the next Assembly ; to which he recommended some Conditions about the passing of the Sentence of Excommunication ; two of which were to this effect : 1. That none should be excommunicated for Civil causes , for any Crimes of leight importance , or for particular wrongs offered to the Ministers , lest the Censure should fall into contempt . 2. That no summary Excommunication should be thenceforth used , but that lawful citations of the Parties should go before , in all manner of Causes whatsoever . To both which , he received no other Answer , but That the Points were of too great weight to be determined on the sudden , and should be therefore agitated in the next Assembly . In the mean time it was provided , That no Summary Excommunication should be used , but in such occasions in which the Safety of the Church seemed to be in danger . Which Exception much displeased the King , knowing that they would serve their turn by it , whensoever they pleased . Nor sped he better with them , when he treated severally , than when they were in the Assembly . The Queen of England was grown old , and he desired to be in good terms with all his Subjects , for bearing down all opposition which might be made against his Title after her decease . To which end he deals with Robert Bruce , a Preacher of Edenborough , about the calling home the Popish Lords , men of great Power and Credit in their several Countreys , who had been banished the last year for holding some intelligence with the Catholick King : Bruce excepts only against Huntley , whom the King seemed to favour above all the rest ; and positively declared , That the King must lose him , if he called home Huntley ; for that it was impossible to keep them both . And yet this Bruce was reckoned for a Moderate man , one of the quietest and best-natur'd of all the Pack . What was the issue of this business , we shall see hereafter . 42. In the mean time , let us pass over into France , and look upon the Actions of the Hugonots there , of whose deserting their new King , we have spoke of before : And though they afterwards afforded him some Supplies both of Men and Money , when they perceived him backed by the Queen of England , and thereby able to maintain a defensive Warr without their assistance ; yet they did it in so poor a manner , as made him utterly despair of getting his desired Peace by an absolute Victory . In which perplexity he beholds his own sad condition , his Kingdom wasted by a long and tedious Warr ; invaded , and in part possessed by the Forces of Spain ; new Leagues encreasing every day both in strength and number , and all upon the point of a new Election , or otherwise to divide the Provinces amongst themselves . To prevent which , he reconciles himself to the Church of Rome , goes personally to the Mass ; and in all other publick Offices which concerned Religion , conformed himself unto the directions of the Pope . And for so doing , he gives this account to Wilks , the Queen's Ambassador , sent purposely to expostulate with him upon this occasion ; that is to say , That Eight hundred of the Nobility , and no fewer than Nine Regiments of the Protestant Party , who had put themselves into the Service of his Predecessor , returned unto their several homes , and could not be induced to stay with him upon any perswasions . That such of the Protestants as he had taken at the same time to his Privil-Council , were so intent on their own business , that they seldom vouchsafed their presence at the Council-Table : so that being already forsaken by those on whom he relyed , and fearing to be forsaken by the Papists also , he was forced to run upon that course which unavoidable necessity had compelled him to : and finally , that being thus necessitated to a change of Religion , he rather chose to make it look like his own free Act , that he might thereby free the Doctrine of the Protestants from those Aspersions which he conceived must otherwise needs have fallen upon it , if that Conversion had been wrought upon him by Dispute and Argument ; for hearkening whereunto , he had bound himself when he first took the Crown upon him . If by this means the Hugonots in France shall fall to as low an ebb as the Fortunes of their Brethren did in England at the same time ; they can lay the blame on nothing but their own Ingratitude , their Disobedience to their King , and the Genevian Principles that were rooted in them , which made them Enemies to the Power and Guidance of all Soveraign Princes . But the King being still in heart of his own Religion , or at least exceeding favourable to all those that professed the same ; he willingly passed over all unkindness which had grown between them ; and by his countenance or connivence , gave them such advantages , as made them able to dispute the point with his Son and Successor , whether they would continue Subjects to the Crown , or not . 43. In the Low-Countreys all things prospered with the Presbyterians , who then thrive best when they involve whole Nations in Blood and Sacriledg . By whose example the Calvinians take up Arms in the City of Embden , renounce all obedience to their Prince , and put themselves into the Form of a Commonwealth . This Embden is the principal City of the Earl of East-Friesland , ( situate on the mouth of the River Emns , called Amasus by Latin Writers ) and from thence denominated . Beautified with a Haven so deep and large , that the greatest Ships with full sail are admitted into it . The People rich , the Buildings general fair , both private and publick ; especially the Town-Hall , and the stately Castle : Which last being situate on a rising-ground , near the mouth of the Haven , and strongly fortified toward the Town , had for long time been the Principal Seat of the Earls of that Province . The second Earl. hereof , called Ezard , when he had governed this Countrey for the space of sixty years , or thereabouts , did first begin to introduce the Doctrines of Luther into his Estates , Anno 1525. But being old , he left the Work to be accomplished by Enno his eldest Son , who first succeeded in that Earldom ; and using the assistance of Hardimbergius , a Moderate and Learned man , established the Augustine Confession in the City of Embden ; and afterwards , in all places under his command , prohibiting the exercise of all Religion , but the Lutheran only . Which Prohibition notwithstanding , some Anabaptists from the Neighbouring Westphalia , found way to plant themselves in Embden , where liberty of Trade was freely granted to all comers ; which allured thither also many Merchants and Artificers , with their Wives and Families , out of the next-adjoining Provinces of Holland , Zealand , and West-Friesland , then subject to the King of Spain . Who being generally Calvinians in point of Doctrine , were notwithstanding suffered to plant there also , in regard of the great benefit which accrued unto it by their Trade and Manufactures . But nothing more encreased the Power and Wealth of that City , than the Trade of England , removed from Antwerp thither , on occasion of the Belgick Troubles , and the great fear they had conceived of the Duke of Alva , who seemed to breathe nothing but destruction unto their Religion . And though the English Trade was removed not long after unto Hambourgh , upon the hope of greater Priviledges and Immunities than they had at Embden ; yet still they kept a Factory in it , which added much to the improvement of their Wealth and Power ; insomuch that the Inhabitants of this Town only are affirmed to have Sixty Ships of One hundred Tun a-piece ; and Six hundred lesser Barks of their own ; besides Seven hundred Busses and Fishing Boats ; maintained for the most part by their Herring-fishing on the Coast of England . 44. Having attained unto this Wealth , they grew proud withall ; and easily admitting the Calvinian Doctrines , began to introduce also the Genevian Discipline ; connived at by Ezardus the second , the Son of Enno , in respect of the profit which redounded by them to his Exchequer , though they began to pinch upon him to the diminution of his Power . In which condition it remained till his marriage with Catharine the Daughter of Gustavus Ericus , King of Sweden ; who being zealously addicted to the Lutheran Forms , and sensible of those great Incroachments which had been made upon the Earl's Temporal Jurisdiction by the Consistorians , perswaded him to look better to his own Authority , and to regain what he had lost by that Connivence . Something was done for the recovering of his Power , but it went on slowly , hoping to compass that by time and dissimulation , which he could not easily obtain by force of Arms. After whose death , and the short Government of Enno the second , the matter was more stoutly followed by Rodolphus , the Nephew of Catharine ; who did not only curb the Consistorians in the exercise of their Discipline , but questioned many of those Priviledges which the unwariness of his Predecessors had indulged unto them . The Calvinians had by this time made so strong a Party , that they were able to remonstrate against their Prince ; complaining in the same , That the Earl had violated their Priviledges , and infringed their Liberties : That he had interposed his Power against Right and Reason , in matters which concerned the Church , and belonged to the Consistory . That he assumed unto himself the Power of distributing the Alms or publick Collections by which they use to bind the poor to depend upon them . That he prohibited the exercise of all Religions , except only the Confession of Ausberg : And that he would not stand to the Agreement which was made betwixt them , for interdicting all Appeals to the Chamber of Spires . Having prepared the way by this Remonstrance , they take an opportunity when the Earl was absent , arm themselves , and seize by force upon his Castle , demolished part of it which looks toward the Town , and possest themselves of all the Ordnance , Arms , and Ammunition , with an intent hereafter to employ them against him . And this being done , they govern all Affairs in the Name of the Senate , without relation to their Prince ; making themselves a Free-Estate , or Commonwealth , like their Belgick Neighbours . 45. Extreamly moved with this affront , and not being able otherwise to reduce them to a sense of their duty , he borrows Men and Arms from Lubeck , to compel them to it . With which assistance he erects a Fort on the further side of the Haven , to spoil their Trade , and , by impoverishing the people , to regain the Town . The Senate hereupon send abroad their Edicts to the Nobility and Commons of East-Friesland it self , requiring them not to aid their own lawful Prince , with Men , Arms , or Money ; threatning them , if they did the contrary , to stop the course of all Provisions which they had from their City ; and , by breaking down their Dams and Sluces , to let the Ocean in upon them , and drown all their Countrey . Which done , they make their Applications to the States of Holland , requiring their assistance in that common Cause , to which they had been most encouraged by their Example ; not doubting of their Favour to a City of their own Religion , united to them by a long intercourse of Trade , and resemblance of Manners ; and not to be deserted by them , without a manifest betraying of their own Security . All this the States had under their consideration . But they consider this withall , That if they should assist the Embdeners in a publick way , the Earl would presently have recourse for some aid from the Spaniard , which might draw a Warr upon them on that side where they lay most open . Therefore they so contrived the matter , with such Art and Cunning , that carrying themselves no otherwise than as Arbiters and Umpires between the Parties , they discharged some Companies of Soldiers which they had in West-Friesland , who presently put themselves into the Pay of the Embdens , and thereby caused the Earl to desist from his Intrenchments on the other side of the Haven . After which followed nothing but Warrs and Troubles between the City and the Earl , till the year 1606. At what time , by the Mediation of the English Ambassador , and some other Honourable Friends , the differences were compromised to this effect : That all the Ordnance , Arms , and Ammunition , which were found in the Castle , should be restored unto the Earl. That he should have to his own use the whole Profit of the Imposts which were laid on Wine ; and half the benefit of those Amercements or Fines which should be raised upon Delinquents , together with the sole Royalties both of Fishing and Hunting . And , on the other side , That the Embdeners should have free Trade , with all the Profits and Emoluments belonging to it , which should be granted to them by Letters Patents . But for admitting him to any part of the Publick Government , or making restitution of his House or Castles , the ancient Seat of his abode , as there was nothing yeelded or agreed on then , so could he never get possession of them from that time to this . Which said , we must cross over again into the Isle of Brittain , where we shall find the English Puritans climbing up by some new devices , and the Scottish Presbyterians tumbling down from their former height , till they were brought almost to as low a fall as their English Brethren . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History OF THE PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . X. Containing A Relation of their Plots and Practises in the Realm of England : Their horrible Insolencies , Treasons , and Seditions , in the Kingdom of Scotland ; from the Year 1595 , to the Year 1603. THE English Puritans having sped so ill in a course of violence , were grown so wise as to endeavour the subverting of that Fort by an undermining , which they had no hope to take by storm or battery . And the first course they fell upon , besides the Artifices lately mentioned , for altering the posture of the Preacher , in the Spittle-Sermons ; and that which was intended as a consequent to it , was the Design of Dr. Bound , ( though rather carried under his Name , than of his devising ) for lessening , by degrees , the Reputation of the ancient Festivals . The Brethren had tryed many ways to suppress them formerly , as having too much in them of the Superstitions of the Church of Rome ; but they had found no way succesful till they fell on this ; which was , To set on foot some new Sabbath-Doctrine ; and by advancing the Authority of the Lord's-Day Sabbath , to cry down the rest . Some had been hammering on this Anvil ten years before ; and had procured the Mayor and Aldermen of London to present a Petition to the Queen for the suppressing of all Plays and Interludes on the Sabbath-day , ( as they pleased to call it ) within the Liberties of their City . The gaining of which point , made them hope for more , and secretly to retail those Speculations which afterward Bound sold in gross , by publishing his Treatise of the Sabbath , which came out this year 1595. And as this Book was published for other Reasons , so more particularly for decrying the yearly-Festivals , as appears by this passage in the same , viz. That he seeth not where the Lord hath given any Authority to his Church , ordinarily and perpetually , to sanctifie any day , except that which he hath sanctified himself : And makes it an especial Argument Argument against the goodness of Religion in the Church of Rome , That to the Seventh-day they had joyned so many other days , and made them equal with the Seventh , if not superior thereunto , as well in the solemnity of Divine Offices , as restraint from labour . So that we may perceive by this , what their intent was from the very beginning , To cry down the Holy-days as superstitious , Popish Ordinances , that so their new-found Sabbath being left alone , ( and Sabbath now it must be called ) might become more eminent : Some other Ends they might have in it , as , The compelling of all persons of what rank soever , to submit themselves unto the yoak of their Sabbath-rigors , whom they despaired of bringing under their Presbyteries : Of which more hereafter . 2. Now for the Doctrine , it was marshalled in these Positions ; that is to say , That the Commandment of sanctifying every Seventh day , as in the Mosaical Decalogue , is Natural , Moral , and Perpetual . That when all other things in the Jewish Church , were so changed , that they were clean taken away , this stands , the observation of the Sabbath . And though Jewish and Rabinical this Doctrine was , it carried a fair shew of Piety , at the least , in the opinion of the common people , and such as did not stand to examine the true grounds thereof , but took it up on the appearance ; such as did judg thereof , not by the workmanship of the Stuff , but the gloss and colour . In which it is not strange to see how suddenly men were induced not only to give way unto it , but without more 〈…〉 the same ; till in the end , and that in very little time , it grew the most bewitching error , the most popular infatuation , that ever wa● infused into the people of England : For what did follow hereupon ▪ but such monstrous Paradoxes , and those delivered in the Pulpit , as would make every good man tremble at the hearing of them ? It being preached at a Market-Town , ( as my Author tells me ) That to do any servile work or business on the Lord's day , was as great a sin as to kill a man , or commit Adultery . In Somersetshire , That to throw a Bowl on the Lord's day , was as great a sin as to kill a man. In Norfolk , That to make a Feast , or dress a Wedding-Dinner on the same , was as great a sin as for a Father to take a Knife and cut his Child's throat . And in Suffolk , That to ring more Bells than one , on the Lord's day , was as great a sin as to commit a Murther . Some of which Preachers being complained of , occasioned a more strict enquiry into all the rest ; and not into their Persons only , but their Books and Pamphlets ; insomuch that both Arch-bishop Whitgift , and Chief Justice Popham , commanded these Books to be called in , and neither to be Printed nor made common for the time to come . Which strict proceedings notwithstanding , this Doctrine became more dispersed than can be imagined , and possibly might encrease the more for the opposition ; no System of Divinity , no Book of Catechetical Doctrine , from thenceforth published , in which these Sabbath-Speculations were not pressed on the People's Consciences . 3. Endearing of which Doctrines , as formerly , to advance their Elderships , they spared no place or Text of Scripture ▪ where the Word Elder did occurre ; and , without going to the Heralds , had framed a Pedigree thereof from Iethro , from Noah's Ark , and from Adam , finally . So did these men proceed in their new Devices ; publishing out of Holy Writ , both the Antiquity and the Authority of their Sabbath-day . No passage of God's Book unransacked , where there was mention of a Sabbath ; whether the Legal Sabbath charged upon the Iews , or the Spiritual Sabbath of the Soul from sin , which was not fitted and applied to the present purpose ; though , if examined as it ought , with no lesse reason , than Paveant illi , & non paveam Ego , was by an ignorant Priest alledged from Scripture , to prove that his Parishioners ought to pave the Chancel . And on the confidence of those Proofs , they did presume exceedingly of their success , by reason of the general entertainment which those Doctrines found with the common people , who looked upon them with as much regard , and no less reverence , than if they had been sent immediately from the Heavens themselves , for encrease of Piety . Possest with which , they greedily swallowed down the Hook which was baited for them . 4. A Hook , indeed , which had so fastned them to those men who love to fish in troubled waters , that by this Artifice there was no small hope conceived amongst them , to fortifie their Side , and make good that Cause , which till this trim Device was so thought of , was almost grown desperate . By means whereof , they btought so great a bondage on all sorts of people , that a greater never was imposed on the Iews themselves , though they had pinned their Consciences on the Sleeves of the Scribes and Pharises . But then withall , by bringing all sorts of people into such a bondage , they did so much improve their Power , and encrease their Party , that they were able at the last to oppose Edctis of the two next Kings , for tolerating lawful sports upon that Day , and to confirm some of their Sabbatarian Rigors , by Act of Parliament . 5. From this Design , let us proceed to the next , which was briefly this . When the Genevian-English resolved to erect their Discipline , it was thought requisite to prepare the way unto it , by introducing the Calvinian Doctrines of Predestinationn , that so men's Judgments being formed and possessed by the one , they might the more easily be enclined to embrace the other , so long connived at by the Supream Governours of the Church and State , to which they were exceeding serviceable against the Pope ; that in the end those Doctrines which at first were counted Aliens , came by degrees to be received as Denizens , and at last as Natives . For being supposed to contain nothing in them contrary to Faith and Manners , they were first commended to the Church as probable , next imposed as necessary ; and finally , obtruded on the people as her Natural Doctrines . And possibly they might in time have found a general entertainment beyond all exception , if the Calvinian-spirit ( being impatient of the least opposition ) could have permitted other men to enjoy that liberty which they had took unto themselves , and not compelled them to Apologize in their own defences , and thereby shew the Reasons of dissenting from them . One of the first Examples whereof , ( for I pass by the branglings between Champney and Crowley , as long since forgotten ) was the complaint of Travers to the Lords of the Council , against incomparable Hooker . In whom he faulteth this , amongst other things , That he had taught another Doctrine of Predestination , than what was laid down in the Word of God , as it was understood by all the Churches which professed the Gospel . To which it was replyed , by that learned man , That the matter was not uttered by him in a blind Alley , where there was none to hear it who either had Judgment or Authority to comptrole the same ; or covertly insinuated by some gliding sentence ; but , that it was publickly delivered at St. Paul's Cross : not hudled in amongst other matters , to the end it might pass without observation ; but , that it was opened , proved , and for some reasonable time insisted on . And therefore , that he could not see how the Lord Bishop of London , that was present at it , could either excuse so great a fault , or patiently hear , without rebuke then , and controlement afterwards , that any man should preach doctrine contrary to the Word of God ; especially if the word of God be so understood , not by the private interpretation of some , as two or three men , or by a special construction received in some few Books ; but as it is understood by all Churches professing the Gospel , and therefore even by our own Church amongst the rest . 6. This hapned in the year 1591 , or thereabouts , somewhat before the breakings out of the stirrs at Cambridg , occasioned by a a Treatise published by William Perkins , a well-known Divine , ( but withall , a professed Presbyterian ) entituled , Armilla Aurea , or , The Golden Chain ; containing the Order of the Causes of Salvation and Damnation , according to the Word of God. Maintaining , in this Book , the Dostrine of the Supra-lapsarians , and countenanced therein by Dr. Whitacres , the Queen's Professor ; some opposition was soon made by Dr. Baroe , Professor for the Lady Margaret in the same University . Which Baroe being by birth a French-man , but being very well studied in the Writings of the Ancient Fathers , had constantly , for the space of more than twenty years , maintained a different Doctrine of Predestination , from that which had been taught by Calvin and his Disciples ; but he was never quarrelled for it till the year 1595 , and then not quarrelled for it , but in the person of one Barret , who in a Sermon at St. Maries Church , had preached such Doctrines as were not pleasing unto Perkins , Whitacre , and the rest of that Party . For which being questioned and condemned to a Recantation , he rather chose to quit his place in the University , than to betray his own Judgment , and the Church of England , by a Retractation . The rest of Baroe's Followers , not well pleased with these Ha●sh proceedings , begin to show themselves more publickly than before they did ; which made Baroe think himself obliged to appear more visibly in the head of his Company , and to encounter openly with Dr. Whitacre , whom he beheld as the Chief Leader of the opposite Forces . And the Heats grew so high at last , that the Calvinians thought it necessary , in point of Prudence , to effect that by Power and Favour , which they could not obtain by force of Argument . To which end they first addressed themselves to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , then being their Chancellor , with the disturbances made by Barret , thereby preparing him to hearken to such further motions as should be made by them in pursuit of that Quarrel . 7. But finding little comfort there , they resolved to steer their course by another Compass . And having pre-possest the most Reverend Arch-bishop Whitgift with the turbulent carriage of those men , the Affionts given to Dr. Whitacre , whom ( for his learned and laborious Writings against Cardinal Bellarmine ) he most highly favoured ; and the great Inconveniences like to grow by that publick Discord ; they gave themselves good hope of composing those differences , not by way of an Accommodation , but an absolute Conquest . And to this end they dispatched to him certain of their number , in the name of the rest , such as were interested in the Quarrels , ( Dr. Whitacre himself for one , and therefore like to stirr hard for obtaining their Ends ) . The Articles to which they had reduced the whole state of the business , being ready drawn , and there wanting nothing to them but the Face of Authority , wherewith , as with Medusa's Head , to confound their Enemies , and turn their Adversaries into stones . And that they might be sent back with the Face of Authority , the most Reverend Arch-bishop , calling unto him Dr. Flecher , Bishop of Bristol , then newly elected unto London ; and Dr. Richard Vaughan , Lord Elect of Bangor ; together with Dr. Trindal , Dean of Ely ; Dr. Whitacre , and the rest of the Divines which came from Cambridg ; proposed the said Articles to their consideration , at his House in Lambeth , on the tenth of November ; by whom these Articles ( from thenceforth called the Nine Articles of Lambeth ) were presently agreed upon , and sent down to Cambridg , not as the Doctrines of the Church , but as a necessary Expedient to compose those differences which had been raised amongst the Students of that University . And so much was acknowledged by the Arch-bishop himself , when he was questioned by the Queen for his actings in it . For so it was , that the Queen being made acquainted with all that passed , became exceedingly offended at the Innovation ; and was upon the point of causing all of them to be attainted in a Praemunire ; but by the mediation of some Friends of Whitgift's , and the high opinion which she had of his Parts and Person , she was willing to admit him to his defence . And he accordingly declared , in all humble manner , That he and his Associates had not made any Canons , Articles , or Decrees , with an intent that they should serve hereafter for a standing-Rule to direct the Church ; but only had resolved on some Propositions to be sent to Cambridg , for quieting some unhappy differences in that University . With which Answer Her Majesty being somewhat pacified , commanded notwithstanding , That he should speedily recall and suppress those Articles : Which was performed with such Care and Diligence , that a Copy of them was not to be found for a long time after . 8. As for the Articles themselves , they were so contrived , that both the Sabbatarians , and the Supra-lapsarians , ( very considerably at odds amongst themselves ) might be sheltred under them , to the intent that both may be secured from the common Adversary . Which Articles I find translated in these following words , viz. I. God from Eternity hath predestinated certain men unto life ; certain men he hath reprobated . II. The moving or efficient Cause of Predestination unto life , is not the fore-sight of Faith , or of Perseverance , or of Good Works , or of any thing that is in the person predestinated ; but only the Good Will and Pleasure of God. III. There is predetermined a certain number of the Predestinate , which can neither be augmented nor diminished . IV. Those who are not predestinate to salvation , shall be necessarily damned for their sins . V. A true , living , and justifying-faith , and the Spirit of God justifying , is not extinguished , falleth not away , it vanisheth not away in the Elect , either totally , or finally . VI. A man truly faithful ; that is , such an one who is endued with a justifying-faith ; is certain , with the full assurance of Faith , of the remission of his sins , and of his everlasting salvation by Christ. VII . Saving-Grace is not given , is not granted , is not communicated to all men , by which they may be saved if they will. VIII . No man can come unto Christ , unless it be given unto him , and unless the Father shall draw him ; and all men are not drawn by the Father , that they may come to the Son. IX . It is not in the will or power of every one , to be saved . 9. Such were the Articles of Lambeth , so much insisted on by those of the Calvinian Faction , in succeeding times , as comprehending in them the chief Heads of Calvin's Doctrine , in reference to the points of the Divine Election and Reprobation ; of Universal Grace , and the impossibility of a total or a final falling from the true justifying-faith ; which were the subject of the Controversies betwixt Baroe and Whitacre . Some have adventured hereupon to rank this most Reverend Arch-bishop in the List of these Calvinists ; conceiving that he could not otherwise have agreed to those Articles , if he had not been himself of the same Opinion . And possible it is , that he might not look so far into them , as to consider the ill consequences which might follow on them ; or that he might prefer the pacifying of some present Dissenters , before the apprehension of such Inconveniences as were more remote ; or else , according to the custom of all such as be in Authority , he thought it necessary to preserve Whitacre in power and credit , against all such as did oppose him ; the Merit and Abilities of the man being very eminent . For if this Argument were good , it might as logically be inferred , That he was a Iesuit , or a Melancthonian at the least , in these points of Doctrine , because he countenanced those men who openly and professedly had opposed the Calvinian . In which respect , as he took part with Hooker at the Council-Table , against the Complaints and Informations of Travers , as before is said ; so he received into his service Mr. Samuel Harsnet , then being one of the Fellows of Pembroke-Hall ; who in a Sermon preached at St. Paul's Cross , the 27 th of October , 1584 , had so dissected the whole Zuinglian Doctrine of Reprobation , as made it seem most ugly in the ears of his Auditors , as afterwards in the eyes of all Spectators , when it came to be Printed . Which man he did not only entertain as his Chaplain at large , but used his Service in his House , as a Servant in ordinary , employed him in many of his Affairs ; and finally , commended him to the care of King IAMES ; by whom he was first made Master of Pembroke-Hall , and afterwards preferred to the See of Chichester , from thence translated to Norwich , and at last to York . 10. No less remarkable was this year for the repairing of the Cross in Cheap-side ; which having been defaced in the year 1581 , and so continued ever since , was now thought fit to be restored to its former beauty . A Cross it was of high esteem , and of good Antiquity , erected by K. Edward the first , Anno 1290 , in honour of Queen Elienor his beloved Wife , whose Body had there rested , as it was removed to the place of her Burial . But this Cross being much decayed , Iohn Hatherly , Lord Mayor of London , in the year 1441 , procured leave of K. HENRY the 6 th , to take it down , and to re-edifie the same in more beautiful manner , for the greater honour of the City . Which leave being granted , and 200 hundred Fodder of Lead allowed him toward the beginning of the Work , it was then curiously wrought at the charge of divers wealthy Citizens , adorned with many large and massie Images ; but more especially advanced by the Munificence of Iohn Fisher , Mercer , who gave Six hundred Marks for the finishing of it . The whole Structure being reared in the second year of K. HENRY the 7 th , Anno 1486 ; was after gilded over in the year 1522 , for the entertainment of the Emperor CHARLES the fifth ; new burnished against the Coronation of Queen Anne Bullen , Anno 1533 ; as afterwards at the Coronation of King EDWARD the sixth : and finally , at the Magnificent Reception of King PHILIP , 1554. And having for so long time continued an undefaced Monument of Christian Piety , was quarrelled by the Puritans of the present Reign ; who being emulous of the Zeal of the French Calvinians , whom they found to have demolished all Crosses wheresoever they came ; they caused this Cross to be presented by the Jurors in several Ward-Motes , for standing in the High-way , to the hindering of Carts , and other Carriages : but finding no remedy in that course , they resolved to apply themselves unto another . In pursuance whereof , they first set upon it in the night , Iune 21 , Anno 1581 , violently , breaking and defacing all the lowest Images , which were placed round about the same ; that is to say , the Images of Christ's Resurrection , of the Virgin MARY , K. EDWARD the Confessor , &c. But more particularly , the Image of the blessed Virgin was at that time robbed of her Son , and her Arms broke by which she held Him in her Lap , and her whole Body haled with Ropes , and left likely to fall . Proclamation presently was made , with promise of Reward to any one that could or would discover the chief Actors in it . But without effect . 11. In which condition it remained till this present year , when the said Image was again fastned and repaired ; the Images of Christ's Resurrection , and the rest , continuing broken , as before . And on the East side of the said Cross where the steps had been , was then set up a curious wrought Tabernacle of gray Marble , and in the same an Alablaster Image of Diana , from whose naked Breasts there trilled continually some streams of Water , conveyed unto it from the Thames . But the madness of this Faction could not so be stayed ; for the next year ( that I may lay all things together which concern this Cross ) a new mishapen Son , as born out of time , all naked , was put into the Arms of the Virgin 's Image , to serve for matter of derision to the common people . And in the year 1599 , the figure of the Cross , erected on the top of the Pile , was taken down by Publick Order , under pretence that otherwise it might have fallen , and endangered many ; with an intent to raise a Pyramis or Spire in the place thereof : which coming to the knowledg of the Lords of the ●●uncil , they directed their Letters to the Lord Mayor then being , whom they required in the Queen's Name to cause the said Cross to be repaired and advanced as formerly . But the Cross still remaining headless for a year and more , and the Lords not enduring any longer such a gross Contempt , they re-inforced their Letters to the next Lord Mayor , dated December 24 , in the year 1600. In which they willed and commanded him , in pursuance of her Majesty's former Directions , to cause the said Cross , without more delay , to be re-advanced ; respecting , in the same , the great Antiquity and continuance of that stately Monument , erected for an Ensign of our Christianity . In obedience unto which Commands , a Cross was forthwith framed of timber , cover'd with lead , and set up and gilded ; and the whole body of the Pile new cleansed from filth and rubbish : Which gave such fresh displeasure to some zealous Brethren , that within twelve nights after , the Image of the blessed Virgin was again defaced , by plucking off her Crown , and almost her Head ; dispossessing her of her naked Child , and stabbing her into the breast , &c. Most ridiculous Follies ! 12. In the beginning of the year , we find Sir Thomas Egerton advanced to the Custody of the Great Seal of England , Lord Chancellor in effect , under the Title of Lord Keeper ; to which Place he was admitted on the sixth of May , to the great joy of the Arch-bishop , who always looked upon him as a lover of Learning , a constant favourer of the Clergy , zealous for the established Government , and a faithful Friend unto himself upon all occasions . Who being now Peered with the Lord Chancellor , and the Earl of Essex , assured of the good-will of the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , and strengthned with the Friendship of Sir Robert Cicil , Principal Secretary of State , was better fortified than ever . And at this time Her Majesty laying on his shoulders the burden of all Church-Concernments , told him , It should fall on his Soul and Conscience , if any thing fell out amiss ; in that by reason of her age she had thought good to ease her self of that part of her Cares , and looked that he should yeeld an account thereof to Almighty God. So that , upon the matter , he was all in all , for all Church-Affairs , and more especially in the disposing of Bishopricks , and other Ecclesiastical Promotions . For his first entrance on which Trust , he preferrs Dr. Thomas Bilson to the See of Worcester , who received his Episcopal Consecration on the 13 th of Iune , Anno 1596. and by his Favour was translated within two years after to the Church of Winchester . He advanced also his old Friend , Dr. Richard Bancroft , to the See of London ; whom he consecrated on the 8 th of May , Anno 1597 , that he might always have him near him for Advice and Counsel . Which Famous Prelate ( that I may note this by the way ) was born at Farnworth , in the County of Lancaster , Baptized September 1544. His Father was Iohn Bancroft , Gentleman ; his Mother , Mary Curwin , Daughter of Iohn , Brother of Hugh Curwin , Bishop of Oxon , whose eldest Son was Christopher , the Father of Dr. Iohn Bancroft , who after dyed Bishop of that See , Anno 1640. But this Richard , of whom now we speak , being placed by his Unkle , Dr. Curwin , in Christ's Colledg in Cambridg ; from thence removed to Iesus Colledg , in the same University , because the other was suspected to incline to Novelism . His Unkle , Dr. Curwin , being preferred to the Arch-bishoprick of Dublin , made him a Prebend of that Church : after whose death , he became Chaplain to Cox , Bishop of Ely , who gave him the Rectory of Teversham , not far from Cambridg . Being thus put into the Road of Preferment , he proceeded Batchellor of Divinity , Anno 1580 , and Doctor , in the year 1585 : About which time he put himself into the Service of Sir Christopher Hatton , by whose recommendation he was made a Prebend of St. Peters in Westminster , 1592. From whence he had the earlier passage to St. Pauls in London . 13. About this time brake out the Juglings of Iohn Darrel , who without any lawful Calling , had set up a new . Trade of Lecturing in the Town of Nottingham : and , to advance some Reputation to his Person , pretends an extraordinary Power in casting out Devils . He practised first on one Catharine Wright , An. 1586. But finding some more powerful Practises to be then on foot , in favour of the Presbyterian Discipline , he laid that Project by till all others failed him . But in the year 1592 , he resumes the Practise , hoping to compass that by Wit and Legerdemain , which neither Carthwright by his Learning , nor Snape by his Diligence , Penry by his Seditions , or Hacket by his damnable Treasons , had the good fortune to effect . He first begins with William Summers , an unhappy Boy , whom he first met at Ashby de la Zouch , in the Country of — Him he instructs to do such Tricks , as might make him seem to be possest ; acquaints him with the manner of the Fits which were observed by Catharine Wright , delivers them in writing to him , for his better remembrance , wished him to put the same in practise , and told him , that in so doing he should not want . But either finding no great forwardness in the Boy to learn his Lesson , or being otherwise discouraged from proceeding with him ; he applies himself to one Thomas Darling , commonly called , The Boy of Burton , Anno 1596 , whom he found far more dextrous in his Dissimulations ; the History of whose Possessings and Dispossessings , was writ at large by Iesse Bee , a Religious sad Lyar ; contracted by one Denison , a Countrey-Minister ; Seen and Allowed by Hildersham , ( one of the principal sticklers in the Cause of Presbytery ) and Printed with the good leave and liking of Darrel himself ; who growing famous by this means , remembers Summers his first Scholar ; to whom he gives a second meeting at the Park of Ashby teacheth him to act them better than before he did ; sends him to see the Boy and Burton , that he might learn him to behave himself on the like occasions . And finding him at last grown perfect , sends him to Nottingham , with intimation that he should make mention of him in his Fits. Darrel is hereupon made Lecturer of the Town of Nottingham , ( that being the Fish for which he angled ) as being thought a marvellous Bug to scare the Devil . And though he had no lawful Calling in that behalf ; yet was this given out to be so comfortable a Vocation , and so warrantable in the sight of God , that very few Ministers have had the like ; there being no Preacher setled there ( as he gave it out ) since her Majesty's Reign ; as if neither Parsons , nor Vicars , nor any that bear such Popish Names , might pass for Preachers . 14. After this , he pretends occasion for a journey to Lancashire ; where he finds seven women possest with Devils , and out of every one of them was affirmed to have cast as many as had entred into Mary Magdalen . Of this he published a Book , Anno 1600 , though the Exploit was done in this present year , Anno 1597. These things being noised abroad by his Consederates , this extraordinary Faculty of casting out Devils , was most highly magnified and cryed up both in Sermons and Printed Pamphlets , as a Candle lighted by God upon a Candlestick in the heart and Center of the Land. And no small hopes were built upon it , that it would prove a matter of as great consequence as ever did any such Work that the Lord gave extraordinarily , since the time that he restored the Gospel , and as profitable to all that profess the knowledg of Jesus Christ. Now what this Plot was , may appear by this which is deposed by Mr. More , one of Mr. Darrel's great Admirers and Companions , viz. That when a Prayer was read out of the Common-Prayer-Book , in the hearing of those which were possessed in Lancashire , the Devils in them were little moved with it : but afterwards , when Mr. Darrel , and one Mr. Dicon , did severally use such Prayers as for the present occasion they had conceived , then ( saith he ) the wicked Spirits were much more troubled ( or rather , the wicked Spirits did much more torment the Parties ) : So little do premeditated Prayers which are read out of a Book ; and so extreamly do extemporary and conceived Prayers torment the Devil . 15. But Summers , at the last grown weary of his frequent Counterfeitings , tired out with his possessings , dispossessings , and repossessings ; and in that Fit discovers all to be but Forgeries , and to have been acted by Confederacy . Darrell deals with him to revoke his said Confession , seeks to avoid it by some shifts , discredits it by false Reports ; and finally , procures a Commission from the Arch-bishop of York , ( to whose Province Nottingham belongeth ) to examine the business . A Commission is thereupon directed to Iohn Thorald , Esq Sheriff of the County ; Sir Iohn Byron , Knight ; Iohn Stanhop , &c. ( most of them being Darrell's Friends ) the Commission executed , March 20 : no fewer than seventeen Witnesses examined by it , and the Return is made , That he was no Counterfeit . But the Boy stands to it for all that ; and on the last of the same Month confesseth before the Mayor of Nottingham , and certain Justices of the Peace , the whole contrivement of the Plot ; and within three days after , acts all his Tricks before the Lord Chief Justice , at the publick Assizes . Upon this news the Boy of Burton also makes the like Confession : Darrell thereupon is convented by the High Commissioners at Lambeth , and by them committed ; his Friends and Partizens upon that Commitment are in no small Fury ; which notwithstanding he and one of his Associates receive their Censure , little or nothing eased by the Exclamations of his Friends and Followers , who bitterly inveighed against the Judgment , and the Judges too . To sti●● whose Clamours so maliciously and unjustly raised , the story of these leud Impostors is writ by Harsnet , then being the Domestick Chaplain of Arch-bishop Whitgift ; by whom collected faithfully out of the Depositions of the Parties and Witnesses , and published in the year next following , Anno. 1599. 16. In the same year brake out the Controversie touching Christ's Descent , maintained by the Church of England in the litteral sense ; that is to say , That the Soul of Christ being separated from his Body , did locally descend into the nethermost Hell , to the end that he might manifest the clear light of his Power and Glory , to the Kingdom of Darkness , triumphing over Satan , as before he did over Death and Sin. For which , consult the Book of Articles , Art. 4. the Homily of the Resurrection , fol. 195. and Nowel's Paraphrase on that Article , as it stands in the Creed , published in his Authorized Catechism , Anno 1572. But Calvin puts another sense upon that Article , and the Genevian-English must do the same : For Calvin understands by Christ's descending into Hell , that he suffered in his Soul ( both in the Garden of Gethsemanie , and upon the Cross ) all the Torments of Hell , even to abjection from God's Presence , and Despair it self . Which horrid Blasphemy , though balked by many of his Followers in the Forreign Churches , was taken up , and very zealously promoted by the English Puritans . By these men generally it was taught in Catechisms , and preached in Pulpits , That true it was , that the death of Christ Jesus on the Cross , and his bloodshedding for the remission of our sins , were the first cause of our Redemption . But then it was as true withall , That he must and did suffer the death of the Soul , and those very pains which the damned do in Hell , before we could be ransomed from the Wrath of God : and that this only was the descent of Christ into Hell , which we are taught by Christ to believe . But more particularly , it was taught by Banister , That Christ being dead , descended into the place of everlasting Torments , where in his Soul he endured for a time the very Torments which the damned Spirits without intermission did abide . By Paget , in his Latin Catechism , That Christ alive upon the Cross , humbled himself , usque ad Inferni tremenda tormenta , even to the most dreadful Torments of Hell. By Gifford and the Houshold-Catechism , That Christ suffered the Torments of Hell , the second death , abjection from God , and was made a Curse , i. e. had the bitter anguish of God's Wrath in his Soul and Body , which is the fire that shall never be quenched . Carlisle more honestly , not daring to avouch this Doctrine , nor to run cross against the Dictates of his Master ; affirmed , That Christ descended not into Hell at all ; and therefore , that this Article might be thought no otherwise than as an Error and a Fable . 17. The Doctrine of the Church being thus openly rejected ; upon some Conference that passed between Arch-bishop Whitgift , and Dr. Thomas Bilson , then Bishop of Winchester ; it was resolved , That Bishop Bilson in some Sermons at St. Paul's Cross , and other places , should publickly deliver what the Scriptures teach touching our Redemption by the death and blood-shedding ●f Christ Jesus the Son of God , and his descending into Hell. This he accordingly performed in several Sermons upon the words of the Apostle , viz. God forbid that I should glory in any thing but in the Cross of our Lord Iesus Christ , whereby the world is crucified unto me , and I unto the world , Gal. 6.14 . In prosecuting of which Text , he discoursed at large as well concerning the contents , as the effects of Christ's Cross ; and brought the point unto this issue , that is to say , That no Scripture did teach the death of Christ's Soul , or the Pains of the damned , to be requisite in the Person of Christ before he could be our Ransomer , and the Saviour of the World. And because the proofs pretended for this point , might be three ; Predictions , that Christ should suffer those pains ; Causes why he must suffer them ; and Signs that he did suffer them : He likewise insisted on all three , and shewed , there were no such Predictions , Causes , or Signs , of the true pains of Hell to be suffered in the Soul of Christ before he could save us . And next , as touching Christ's descent into Hell , it was declared , That by the course of the Creed it ought not to be referred to Christ living , but to Christ being dead : showing thereby , the Conquest which Christ's Manhood had after death over all the powers of darkness ; declared by his Resurrection , when he arose Lord over all his Enemies , in his own Person , Death , Hell , and Satan , not excepted ; and had the keys ( that is , all Power ) of Death and Hell ; delivered to him by God , that those in Heaven , Earth , and Hell , should stoop unto him , and be subject to the Strength and Glory of his Kingdom . And this he proved to be the true and genuine meaning of that Article , both from the Scriptures and the Fathers ; and justified it for the Doctrine of the Church of England , by the Book of Homilies . 18. But let the Scriptures , and the Fathers , and the Book of Homilies , teach us what they please , Calvin was otherwise resolved , and his Determination must be valued above all the rest . For , no sooner were these Sermons Printed , but they were presently impugned by a Humorous Treatise , the Author whereof is said to have writ so loosly , as if he neither had remembred what the Bishop uttered , or cared much what he was to prove . In answer whereunto , the Bishop adds a short Conclusion to his Sermons , and so lets him pass . The Presbyterian Brethren take a new Alarum , Muster their Forces , compare their Notes , and send them to the Author of the former Treatise , that he might publish his Defence . Which he did accordingly ; the Author being named Henry Iacob , a well-known Separatist . Which Controversie coming to the Queen's knowledg , being then at Farnham , ( a Castle belonging to the Bishop ) she signified Her Pleasure to him , That he should neither desert the Doctrine , nor suffer the Function which he exercised in the Church of England , to be trodden and trampled under-foot by unquiet men , who both abhorred the Truth , and despised Authority . On which Command the Bishop sets himself upon the writing of that Learned Treatise , entituled , A Survey of Christ's Sufferings , &c. although by reason of a sickness of two years continuance , it was not published till the year 1604. The Controversie after this was plyed more hotly in both Universities , where the Bishop's Doctrine was maintained , but publickly opposed by many of our Zealots both at home and abroad . At home , opposed by Gabriel Powel , a stiff Presbyterian . Abroad , by Broughton , Parker , and some other Brethren of the Separation . After this , justified and defended by Dr. Hill , whom Aumes replyed unto in his Rejoynder ; as also , by another Parker , and many more ; till in the end the Brethren willingly surceased from the prosecution of their former Doctrines , which they were not able to maintain . And though the Church received some trouble upon this occasion , yet by this means the Article of Christ's Descent became more rightly understood , and more truly stated , according to the Doctrine of the Church of England , than either by the Church of Rome , or any of the Protestant or Reformed Churches , of what Name soever . 19. But while the Prelates of the Church were busied upon these and the like Disputes , the Presbyterians found themselves some better work , in making Friends , and fastning on some eminent Patron to support their Cause . None fitter for their purpose than the Earl of Essex , gracious amongst the Military men , popular beyond measure , and as ambitious of Command , as he was of Applause . He had his Education in the House of the Earl of Leicester , and took to Wife a Daughter of Sir Francis Walsingham , as before is said , who fitted and prepared him for those Applications which hitherto he had neglected , upon a just fear of incurring the Queen's Displeasure . But the Queen being now grown old , the King of Scots not much regarded by the English , and very ill obeyed by his natural Subjects ; he began to look up towards the Crown , to which a Title was drawn for him , as the direct Heir of Thomas of Woodstock , Duke of Glocester , one of the younger Sons of K. EDWARD the third . This man the Puritans cry up with most infinite Praises , both in their Pulpits , and in their Pamphlets ; telling him , That he was not only great in Honour , and the love of the people ; but temporis expectation● major , far greater in the expectation which his Friends had of him . And he accordingly applies himself to those of the Puritan Faction , admits them to Places of most Trust and Credit about his Person , keeps open House for men of those Opinions to resort unto , under pretence of hearing Sermons ; and hearing no Sermons with more zeal and edification , than those which seemed to attribute a Power to Inferior Magistrates for curbing and controlling their undoubted Soveraigns . Which questionless must needs have ended in great disturbance to the Church and State , if he had not been outwitted by Sir Robert Cicil , Sir Walter Rawleigh , and the rest of their Party in the Court ; by whom he was first shifted over into Ireland , and at last brought upon the Scaffold , not to receive a Crown , but to lose his Head. Which hapned very opportunely for K. IAMES of Scotland , whose Entrance might have been opposed , and his Title questioned , if this Ambitious man had prospered in his undertakings , which he conducted generally with more Heat than Judgment . 20. This brings me back again to Scotland . In which we left the King intent upon the expectation of a better Crown ; and to that end resolved upon the Restitution of the banished Lords ; who being advertised of his purpose , returned as secretly as might be , offering to give good Security to live conformable to the Laws in all peace and quietness . The King seems willing to accept it , and is confirmed by a Convention of Estates , in those good Intentions ▪ The News whereof gave such offence to those of the Kirk , that presently they assembled themselves at Edenborough , gave notice to the several Ministers , of the present Dangers , and advised them to excite their Flocks to be in readiness , to the end they might oppose these Resolutions of the King and Council , as far as lawfully they might . A day was also set apart for Humiliation , and Order given to the Presbyteries to excommunicate all such as either harboured any of the Popish Lords , or kept company with them ; and this Excommunication to be passed summarily on the first Citation , because the safety of the Church seemed to be in danger ; which was the mischief by the King suspected under that Reserve . They appointed also , that sixteen of their Company should remain at Edenborough , ( according to the number of the Tribunes at Paris ) who together with some of the Presbytery of that City , should be called , The Council of the Kirk : That four or five of the said sixteen , should attend Monthly on the Service , in their turns and courses ; and , that they should convene every day with some of that Presbytery , to receive such Advertisements as should be sent from other places , and thereupon take counsel of the best Expedients that could be offered in the case . And for the first Essay of their new Authority , the Lord Seaton , President of the Sessions , appears before them ; transmitted unto their Tribunal , by the Synod of Lothian , for keeping intelligence with the Earl of Huntley . From which , with many affectations having purged himself , he was most graciously dismist . Which though the King beheld as an Example of most dangerous consequence ; yet , being willing to hold fair with the Kirk , he connived at it , till he perceived them to be fixed on so high a pin , so cross to his Commands and Purposes , that it was time to take them down . He therefore signifies to them , once for all , That there could be no hope of any right understanding to be had between them , during the keeping up of two Jurisdictions , neither depending on the other● That in their Preachings they did censure the Affairs of the State and Council ; convocate several Assemblies without his Licenses ▪ and there conclude what they thought good , without his Allowance and Approbation : That in their Synods , Presbyteries , and particular Sessions , they embraced all manner of business , under colour of scandal ; and , that without redress of these Misdemeanors , there either was no hope of a good Agreement ; or that the said Agreement , when made , could be long kept by either Party . 21. The Ministers , on the other side , had their Grievances also ; that is to say ; The Favours extended by his Majesty to the Popish Lords , the inviting of the Lady Huntley to the Baptism of the Princess Elizabeth , being then at hand ; the committing of the Princess to the Custody of the Lady Levingston ; and the ●estrangement of his Countenance from themselves . And though the King gave very satisfactory Answers to all these Complaints ; yet could not the suspitions of the Kirk be thereby removed ; every day bringing forth some great cry or other , That the Papists were favoured in the Court , The Mi●●●ters troubled for the free rebuke of sin , and the Scepter of Christ's Kingdom sought to be overthrown . In the mean time it hapned , that one David Blake , one of the Ministers of St. Andrews , had in a Sermon uttered divers Seditio●s Speeches of the King and Queen ; as also against the Council , and the Lords of the Session : but more particularly , that as all Kings were the Devils Barns ; so the heart of K. IAMES was full of Treachery : That the Queen was not to be prayed for but for fashion-sake , because they knew that she would never do them good : That the Lords of the Council were corrupt , and takers of Bribes : and , that the Queen of England was an Atheist , one of no Religion . Notice whereof being given to the English Ambassador , he complains of it to the King , and Blake is cited to appear before the Lords of the Council . Melvin makes this a common Cause , and gives it out , That this was only done upon design against the Ministers , to bring their Doctrine under the censure and controlment of the King and Council ; or at the least , a meer device to divert the Ministers from prosecuting their just Suit against the coming and reception of the Popish Lords ; and that if Blake or any other should submit their Doctrines to the tryal of the King and Council , the Liberties of the Kirk would be quite subverted . By which means he prevailed so far on the rest of the Council , ( I mean the Council of the Kirk ) that they sent certain of their number to intercede in the business , and to declare how ill it might be taken with all sorts of people , if the Ministers should now be called in question for such trifling matters , when the Enemies of the Truth were both spared and countenanced . But not being able by this means to delay the Censure , it was advised , that Blake should make his Declinatour , renounce the King and Council as incompetent Judges , and wholly put himself upon tryal of his own Presbytery . Which though it seemed a dangerous course , by most sober men ; yet was it carryed by the major part of the Voices , as the Cause of God. 22. Encouraged by this general Vote , and enflamed by Melvin , he presents his Declinatour , with great confidence , at his next appearance . And when he was interrogated , amongst other things , Whether the King might not as well judg in matters of Treason , as the Kirk of Heresie ? He answered , That supposing he had spoken Treason , yet could he not be first judged by the King and Council , till the Kirk had taken cognizance of it . In maintenance of which proceeding , the Commissioners of the Kirk direct their Letters to all the Presbyteries of the kingdom , requiring them to subscribe the said Declinatour , to recommend the Cause in their Prayers to God , and to stir up their several Flocks in defence thereof . This puts the King to the necessity of publishing his Proclamation of the Month of November . In which he first lays down the great and manifold encroachments of this new Tribunal , to the overthrow of his Authority : The sending of the Declinatour to be subscribed generally by all the Ministers : The convocating of the Subjects to assist their proceedings , as if they had no Lord or Superior over them ; and in the mean time , that the Ministers forsake their Flocks , to wait on these Commissioners , and attend their service : which being said , he doth thereby charge the said Commissioners from acting any thing according to that deputation ; commanding them to leave Edenborough , to repair to their several Flocks , and to return no more for keeping such unlawful Meetings under pain of Rebellion . He published another Proclamation at the same time also , by which all Barons , Gentlemen , and other Subjects , were commanded not to joyn with any of the Ministry , either in their Presbyteries , Synods , or other Ecclesiastical Assemblies , without his License . Which notwithstanding he was willing to revoke those Edicts , and remit his Action against Blake , if the Church would either wave the Declinatour , or if they would declare , at the least , That it was not a general , but a particular Declinatour ; used in the case of Mr. Blake , as being in a case of Slander ; and therefore appertaining to the Church's Cognizance . But these proud men , either upon some confidence of another Bothwell , or else presuming that the King was not of a Spirit to hold out against them ; or otherwise infatuated to their own destruction , resolved , That both their Pulpits , and their Preachers too , should be exempted totally from the King's Authority . In which brave humour , they return this Answer to his Proposition , That they resolved to stand to their Declinatour , unless the King would pass from the Summons , and remitting the pursuit to the Ecclesiastical Judg , That no Minister should be charged for his Preaching ; at least before the meeting of the next general Assembly , which should be in their Power to call , as they saw occasion . Which Answer so displeased the King , that he charged the Commissioners of the Kirk to depart the Town , and by a new Summons citeth Blake to appear on the last of November . This fills the Pulpit with Invectives against the King , and that too on the day of the Princess's Christning , at what time many Noble men were called to Edenborough , to attend that Solemnity . With whose consent it was declared at Blake's next appearance , That the Crimes and Accusations charged in the Bill , were Treasonable and Seditious ; and that his Majesty , his Council , and all other Judges substitute by his Authority , were competent Judges in all matters , either Criminal , or Civil , as well to Ministers , as to other Subjects . Yet still the King was willing to give over the Chase , makes them another gracious Offer , treats privately with some Chiefs amongst them , and seems contented to revoke his two Proclamations , if Blake would only come before the Lords of the Council , and there acknowledg his offence against the Queen . But when this would not be accepted , the Court proceeds unto the Examination of Witnesses . And upon proof of all the Articles objected , Sentence was given against him to this effect : That he should be confined beyond the North water , enter into Ward within six days , and there remain till his Majesty's pleasure should be further signified . Some Overtures were made after this , for an Accommodation . But the King not being able to gain any reason from them , sends their Commissioners out of the Town , and presently commands , That Twenty four of the most Seditious persons in Edenborough , should forsake the City ; hoping to find the rest more cool and tractable , when these Incendiaries were dismissed . 23. The Preachers of the City notwithstanding , take fire up on it , and the next day excite the Noble-men , assembled at the Sermon upon Sunday the fifteenth of December , to joyn with them in a Petition to the King , To preserve Religion . Which being presented in a rude and disorderly manner , the King demands by what Authoririty they durst convene together without his leave : We dare do more than this , ( said the Lord of Lindsey ) and will not suffer our Religion to be overthrown . Which said , he returns unto the Church , stirrs up the people to a tumult , and makes himself the Head of a Factious Rabble , who crying out , The Sword of the Lord , and Gideon , thronged in great numbers to the place , in which the King had locked himself for his greater safety ; the doors whereof they questionless had forced open , and done some out-rage to his Person , if a few honest men had not stopt their Fury : The Lord-Provost of the City , notwithstanding he was then sick , and kept his Bed , applied his best endeavours to appease the Tumult , and with some difficulty brought the people to lay down their Arms ; which gave the King an opportunity to retire to his Palace , where with great fear he passed over all the rest of that day . The next morning he removes with his Court and Council , to the Town of Lintithgoe , and from thence publisheth a Proclamation to this effect , viz. That the Lords of the Session , the Sheriffs , Commissioners , and Justices , with their several Members and Deputies , should remove themselves forth of the Town of Edenborough , and be in readiness to go to any such place as should be appointed ; and , that all Noble-men and Barons should return unto their Houses , and not presume to convene in that or in any other place , without License , under pain of his Majesty's Displeasure . The Preachers , on the contrary , are resolved to keep up the Cause , to call their Friends together , and unite their Party ; and were upon the point of Excommunicating certain Lords of the Council , if some more sober than the rest , had not held their hands . 24. In which confusion of Affairs , they indict a Fast : For a preparatory whereunto , a Sermon is preached by one Welch , in the chief Church of that City : Who taking for his Theam the Epistle sent to the Angel o● the Church of Ephesus , did pitifully rail against the King , saying , That he was possessed with a Devil ; and that one Devil being put out , seven worse were entred in the place : and , that the Subjects might lawfully rise and take the Sword out of his hands . Which last he confirmed by the Example of a Father that falling into a Phrensie , might be taken by the Children and Servants of the Family , and tyed hand and foot from doing violence . Which brings into my mind an usual saying of that King , to this effect , viz. That for the twelve last years of his living in Scotland , he used to pray upon his knees , before every Sermon , That he might hear nothing from the Preacher which might justly grieve him ; and that the case was so well altered when he was in England , that he was used to pray , that he might profit by what he heard . But all exorbitancy of Power is of short continuance , especially if abused to Pride and Arrogance . The madness of the Presbyterians was now come to the height , and therefore in the course of Nature was to have a fall ; and this the King resolves to give them , or to lose his Crown . He had before been so afflicted with continual Baffles , that he was many times upon the point of leaving Scotland , putting himself into the Seignury of Venice , and living there in the capacity of a Gentleman ( so they call the Patricians of that Noble City ) . And questionless he had put that purpose in execution , if the hopes of coming one day to the Crown of England , had not been some temptation to him to ride out the storm . But now a Sword is put into his hands by the Preachers themselves , wherewith he is enabled to cut the Gordian-knot of their Plots and Practises , which he was not able to untye . For , not contented to have raised the former Tumults , they keep the Noble-men together , invite the people to their aid , and write their Letters to the Lord of Hamilton , to repair unto them , and make himself the Head of their Association . A Copy of which Letter being showed unto the King by that Noble Lord , command is given unto the Provost of Edenborough , To attach the Ministers . But they had notice of his purpose , and escape into England , making Newcastle their retreat , as in former times . 25. It is a true saying of the wise Historian , That every Insurrection of the people , when it is suppressed , doth make the Prince stronger , and the Subject weaker . And this the King found true in his own particular . The Citizens of Edenborough being pinched with the Proclamation , and the removal of the Court and the Courts of Justice , offered to purge themselves of the late Sedition , and tendred their obedience unto any thing whatsoever which his Majesty and the Council should be pleased to enjoyn , whereby they might repair the huge Indignity which was done to his Majesty ; provided that they should not be thought guilty of so great a Crime , which from their hearts they had detested . But the King answers , That he would admit of no purgation ; that he would make them know , that he was their King : And the next day proclaims the Tumult to be Treason , and proclaims all for Traytors who were guilty of it . This made them fear their utter ruine to be near at hand . The ordinary Judicatories were removed to Leith , the Sessions ordained to be held at Perth ; their Ministers were fled , their Magistrates without regard ; and none about the King , but their deadly Enemies . And to make up the full measure of their disconsolation , Counsel is given unto the King to raze the Town , and to erect a Pillar in the place thereof , for a perpetual Monument of so great an Insolence . But he resolves to travel none but Legal ways ; and being somewhat sweetned by a Letter from the Queen of England , he gives command unto the Provost , and the rest of the Magistrates , to enter their persons at Perth on the first of February , there to keep ward until they either were acquitted or condemned of the former uproar . Whilst things remained in this perplexity and suspence , he is advised to make his best use of the conjuncture , for setling matters of the Church , and to establish in it such a decent Order as was agreeable to God's Word . To which end he appoints a National-Assembly to be held at Perth ; and prepares certain Queries , fifty five in number , to be considered and debated in the said Assembly , all of them tending to the rectifying of such Abuses which were either crept into the Discipline , or occasioned by it . Nothing so much perplexed the principal Ministers , who had the leading of the rest , as , that the Discipline should be brought under a dispute , which they had taught to be a part of the Word of God. But they must sing another Tune before all be ended . 26. For , the King having gained a considerable Party amongst the Ministers of the North , and treated with many of the rest in several , whom he thought most tractable ; prevailed so far on the Assembly , that they condescend at the last upon many particulars which in the pride of their prosperity had not been required . The principal of which were these , viz. That it should be lawful to his Majesty by himself or his Commissioners , or to the Pastors ▪ to propone in a general Assembly , whatsoever point he or they desired to be resolved in , or reformed in matters of External Government , alterable according to Circumstances ; providing it be done in right time and place , Animo aedificandi non tentandi . 2. That no Minister should reprove his Majesty's Laws and Statutes , Acts or Ordinances , until such time as he hath first by the advice of his Presbytery , or Synodal , or General Assemblies , complained and sought remedy of the same from his Majesty , and made report of his Majesty's Answer , before any further proceedings . 3. That no man's Name should be expressed in the Pulpit , except the Fault be notorious and publick , and so declared by an Assize , Excommunication , Contumace , and lawful Admonition ; nor should he be described so plainly by any other Circumstances , than publick Vices , always damnable . 4. That in all great Towns the Ministers shall not be chosen without his Majesty's consent , and the consent of the Flock . 5. That no matter of Slander should be called before them , wherein his Majesty's Authority is pre-judged , Causes Ecclesiastical only excepted . 6. And finally , That no Conventions shall be amongst Pastors , without his Majesty's knowledg , except their Sessions , Presbyteries , and Synods , the Meetings at the Visitation of Churches , admission or deprivation of Ministers , taking up of deadly Feuds , and the like , which had not already been found fault with by his Majesty . According to which last Artiele , the King consents unto another general Assembly to be held at Dundee , and nominates the tenth of May for the opening of it . 27. It was about this time that Dr. Richard Bancroft , Bishop of London , began to run a constant course of Correspondence with the King of Scots , whom he beheld as the undoubted Heir and Successor of the Queen then Reigning . And well considering how conducible it was to the Peace of both Kingdoms , that they should both be governed in one Form of Ecclesiastical Policy ; he chalked him out a ready way , by which he might restore Episcopacy to the Kirk of Scotland . To which end , as the King had gained the liberty in the last Assembly to question and dispute the Government then by Law established ; and gained a power of nominating Ministers in the principal Cities ; so in the next , they gratified him in this point , That no man should from thenceforth exercise a Minister , without having a particular Flock ; nor be admitted to that Flock , without Ordination , by the Imposition of hands . He required also in the same , That before the conclusion of any weighty matter , his Highness Advice and Approbation should be first obtained . And so far they consented to the Proposition , as to express how glad they were to have his Majesty's Authority interposed to all Acts of importance which concerned the Church , so as matters formerly concluded , might not be drawn in question . He gained some other points also in the same Assembly , no less important than the other towards his Design ; as namely , 1. That no Minister shall exercise any Iurisdiction , either by making of Constitutions , or leading of Processes , without advice and concurrence of his Session , Presbytery , Synod , or General Assembly . 2. That Presbyteries shall not meddle with any thing that is not known without all controversie to belong to the Ecclesiastical Iudicatory ; and that therein Vniformity should be observed throughout the Countrey . And , 3. That where any Presbyteries shall be desired by his Majesty's Missive to stay their proceedings , as being prejudicial to the Civil Iurisdiction , or private men's Rights , they should desist until his Majesty did receive satisfaction . But that which made most toward his purpose , was , the appointing of Thirteen of their number to attend his Majesty , as the Commissioners of the Kirk , whom we may call the High Commissioners of Scotland , the King 's Ecclesiastical Council , the Seminary of the future Bishops , to whom they gave Authority for the planting of Churches in Edenborough , St. Andrews , Dundee , &c. as also , to present the Petitions and Grievances of the Kirk , to his Majesty ; and to advise with him in all such matters as conduced unto the peace and welfare of it . 28. It was no hard matter for the King , by Rewards and Promises , to gain these men unto himself ; or at the least , to raise amongst them such a Party as should be ready at all times to serve his turn . And such a general compliance he found amongst them , that they not only served him in the punishment of David Blake , in whose behalf they had stood out so long against him ; but in the sentencing of Wallace , who in a Sermon at St. Andrews had abused his Secretary : both which , upon the cognizance of their several Causes , they deprived of their Churches , and decreed others of more moderation to be placed therein . They served him also in the reformation of that University where Andrew Melvin for some years had continued Rector ; and thereby gained an excellent opportunity for training up young Students in the Arts of Sedition . To which end he had so contrived it , that instead of Lecturing in Divinity , they should read the Politicks , as namely , Whether Election or Succession of Kings were the best Form of Government ? How far the Royal Power extended ? And , Whether Kings were to be Censured and Deposed by the Estates of the Kingdom , in case their Power should be abused ? For remedy whereof , the King not only ordered by the Advice of his Commissioners , That no man from thenceforth should continue Rector of that University above the space of a year ; but appointed also on what Books , and after what manner every Professor for the time to come , was to read his Lectures . He next proceeds unto a Reformation of the Churches of Edenborough , but had first brought the Town to submit to mercy . Failing of their attendance at Perth , in so full a number as were appointed to appear , the whole Town was denounced Rebel , and all the Lands , Rents , and other Goods , which formerly belonged to the Corporation , confiscate to the use of the King : the news whereof , brought such a general disconsolation in that Factious City , that the Magistrates renounced their Charges , the Ministers forsook their Flocks , and all things seemed to tend to a dissolution . But at the end of fifteen days , his Majesty was graciously inclined , upon the mediation of some Noble-men who took pity on them , to re-admit them to his Favour . Upon Advertisement whereof the Provost , Bailiffs , and Deacons of Crafts , being brought unto his presence the 21 of March , and falilng upon their knees , did with tears beg pardon for their negligence , in not timely preventing that Tumult ; beseeching his Majesty to take pity of the Town , which did simply submit it self to his Majesty's Mercy . 29. The King had formerly considered of all Advantages which he might raise unto himself out of that Submission ; but aimed at nothing more than the reduction of the people to a sense of their duty ; the curbing of the City-Preachers , and setling some good Order in the Churches of it . In these last times , the Ministers had lived together in one common House , situate in the great Church-yard , and of old belonging to the Town ; which gave them an opportunity to consult in private , to hatch Seditions , and put their Treasons into form . This House the King required to be given up to him , to the end that the Ministers might be disposed of in several Houses , far from one another , so as they might not meet together without observation . The Ministers of late had preached in common , without consideration of particular Charges ; and were reduced also to a less number than in former times , which made them of the greater Power amongst the people . But now the King resolves upon the dividing of the Town into several Parishes , and fixing every Minister in his proper Church , according to the Acts of the last Assembly . This had been thought of two years since ; but the Town opposed it . Now they are glad to yeeld to any thing which the King propounded , and to this point amongst the rest . And hereupon the payment of a Fine of Twenty thousand pounds to the King , and entring into a Recognizance ( as our Lawyers call it ) of Forty thousand Marks more , for the indempnifying of the Lords of the Session in the time of their sitting ; the City is restored to the good Grace of the King , and the Courts of Justice to the City . His Majesty was also pleased , that the Fugitive Preachers of the City should be restored unto their Ministry , upon these conditions , that is to say , That each of them should take the Charge of a several Flock : That four new Preachers should be added to the former number , and each of them assigned to his proper Charge : That they should use more moderation in their Preachings , for the time to come , and not refuse to render an account thereof to the King and Council . And finally , That such as had not formerly received Ordination by the imposition of hands , should receive it now . In which last , Bruce created no small trouble to the King's Commissioners ( who laboured very zealously to advance that Service ) ; but he submitted in the end . 30. After these preparations , comes a Parliament , which was to take beginning in the Month of December . Against which time the King had dealt so dextrously with Patrick Galloway , and he so handsomely had applied himself to his Associates , that the Commissioners were drawn to joyn in a Request to the Lords and Commons , That the Ministers , as representing the Church , and Third Estate of the Kingdom , might be admitted to give voice in Parliament , according to the ancient Rites and Priviledges of the Kirk of Scotland . The King was also humbly moved to be-friend them in it . And he so managed the Affair to his own advantage , that he obtained an Act to pass to this effect , viz. That such Pastors and Ministers as his Majesty should please to provide to the Place , Dignity , and Title of a Bishop , Abbot , or other Prelate , at any time should have voice in Parliament , as freely as any other Ecclesiastical Prelate had in the times fore-going ; provided , that such persons as should be nominated to any Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick within the Realm , should either actually be Preachers at the time of their nomination ; or else assume and take upon them to be actual Preachers ; and according thereunto should practise and perform that duty ; and that neither this Act , nor any thing in the same contained , should prejudice the Iurisdiction of the Kirk , established by Acts of Parliament ; nor any of the Presbyteries , Assemblies , or other Sessions of the Church . After which , followed another General Assembly , appointed to be held at Dundee , in the March ensuing , the King himself being present at it . In which it was concluded , after some debate , That Ministers lawfully might give voice in Parliament , and other publick Meetings of the Estates ; and that it was expedient to have some always of that number present , to give voice in the name of the Church . It was agreed also , That so many should be appointed to have voice in Parliament , as there had been Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Abbots , and Priors , in the times of Popery : Which coming to the number of Fifty , or thereabouts , gave every Minister some hopes to be one of that number . It was resolved also , That the Election of the Persons , should belong partly to the King , and in part to the Church . But as for the manner of the Election , the Rents to be assigned unto them , and their continuance in that Trust , for life , or otherwise ; these points were left to be considered of at better leisure . 31. For the dispatch whereof , with the more conveniency , it was appointed , That the matter should be first debated in each Presbytery , and afterwards in Provincial Synods , to be holden all upon one day , that to be the first Tuesday of Iune , three men to be selected out of every Synod , to attend the King ; and they , together with the Doctors of the Universities , to conclude the business , with reference , notwithstanding , to the approbation of the next Assembly . Accordingly they meet in Synods , and appoint their Delegates ; who being called to Falkland in the end of Iuly , did then and there conclude upon these particulars ; first , for the manner of Elections ; That for each Prelacy that was void , the Church should nominate six persons , and the King chuse one ; and that if his Majesty should like none of that number , six others should be named by the Church , of which his Majesty was to chuse one without more refusal . Next , for the Rents ; That the Churches being sufficiently planted , and no prejudice done to Schools , Colledges , and Universities , already erected , he should be put into possession of the rest of that Prelacy , to which he was to be preferred . As to the term of his continuance in that trust , there was nothing done , that point being left unto the consideration of the next Assembly . And for the naming of the Child , the God-fathers agreed , that he should be called the Commissaire , or Commissioner of such a place , if the Parliament could be induced by his Majesty to accept that Title , or else the General Assembly to devise some other . But fearing lest this Commissaire might in time become a Bishop , it was resolved to tye him up to such Conditions as should disable him from aspiring above the rest of his Brethren . But more particularly , it was cautioned and agreed upon , That he should propound nothing in the Name of the Church , without express warrant from the same ; nor give consent to any thing proposed in Parliament , which tended to the diminution of the Liberties of it . That he should be bound to give an account of his proceedings , to the next General Assembly , and to submit himself to their judgment in it , without any Appeal . That he should faithfully attend his particular Flock , and be as subject to the Censure of his own Presbytery , or Provincial Synod , as any other Minister which had no Commission . That in the Administration of Discipline , Collation of Benefices , Visitation , and other points of Ecclesiastical Government , he should neither usurp , nor claim to himself any more Power and Jurisdiction than the rest of his Brethren . That if he shall usurp any part of Ecclesiastical Government , the Presbytery , Synod , or General Assembly , protesting against it , whatsoever he should do therein , shall be null and void . That if he chance to be deposed from the Ministry , by the Presbytery , Synod , or Assembly , he should not only lose his Place and Vote in Parliament , but the Prelacy should be also voided for another man. And finally , That he should subscribe to all these Cautions , before he was admitted to his Place and Trust. 32. In the Assembly of Montross , which began on the 28 th of March , Anno 1599 , these Cautions were approved , and two new ones added : 1. That they who had voice in Parliament , should not have place in the General Assembly , unless they were authorised by a Commission from the Presbyteries whereof they were Members . 2. That Crimen Ambitur . or any sinister endeavours to procure the Place , should be a sufficient reason to deprive him of it . As for the term of their continuance in this Trust , the Leading-members were resolved not to make it certain , and much less to endure for term of life : all they would yeeld unto , was this , That he who was admitted unto that Commission , should yearly render an account of his Employment to the next General Assembly . That he should lay down his Commission at the feet thereof , to be continued if they pleased , or otherwise to give place unto any other whom his Majesty and the said ●s●embly should think fit to employ . To all which Cautions and Restrictions , the King was willing to consent , that so the business might proceed without interruption ; not doubting but to find a way , at some time or other , in which these Rigors might be moderated , and these Chains knocked off . Nothing now rested , but the nominating of some able persons to possess those Prelacies which either were vacant at that time , or actually in the King 's disposing . The Bishopricks of St. Andrews , and Glascow , had been given or sold to the Duke of Lenox ; the Bishoprick of Murray , to the Lord of Spinie ; and that of Orkney , to the Earl ; which must be first compounded with , before the King would nominate any man to either of them . The Sands of Galloway and the Isles , were so delapidated , that there was nothing left to maintain a Prelate , and therefore must be first endowed . The Sees of Aberdeen and Argile , had their Bishops living , both of them being actual Preachers ; and those of Brechen , Dunkeld , and Dumblane , had their Titulars also , but no Preaching-Ministers . So as there were but two Churches to be filled at the present , that is to say , the Bishopricks of Rothes , and Cathness ; to which the King presents Mr. David Lindesay , Minister of Leith ; and Mr. George Gladstaves , one of the Ministers of St. Andrews ; of whose sobriety and moderation , he had good experience . Which two enjoyed their places in the following Parliament , and rode together with the rest in the Pomps thereof . 33. Thus far the business went on smoothly in the outward shew ; but inwardly were great thoughts of heart ; which first appeared in words of Danger and Discontent , and afterwards in acts of the highest Treason . The Leading-members of the Kirk , which had so long enjoyed an Arbitrary Power in all parts of the Realm , could with no patience brook the Limitations which were put upon them in the Assembly at Dundee ; and much less able to endure that such a fair Foundation should be laid for Episcopacy , which must needs put a final end to their Pride and Tyranny ; of which sort was a Letter writ by Davidson , to the next Assembly : In which he thus expostulates with the rest of his Brethren ; How long shall we fear or favour Flesh and Blood , and follow the Counsel and Command thereof ? Should our Meetings be in the Name of Man ? Are we not to take up our selves , and to acknowledg our former errors and feebleness in the Work of the Lord ? It is time for us now , when so many of our worthy Brethren are thrust out of their Callings , without all order of just proceedings ; and Jesuits , Atheists , and Papists , are suffered , countenanced , and advanced to great Rooms in the Realm , for the bringing in Idolatry , and Captivity more than Babylonical , with an high hand , and that in our chief City : Is it time for us , I say , of the Ministry , to be inveigled and blind-folded with pretence of the preferment of some small number of our Brethren to have voice in Parliament , and have Titles of Prelacy ? Shall we , with Sampson , sleep still on Dalilah's knees , till she say , The Philistines be upon thee , Sampson ? &c. Which Letter speaks the words of Davidson , but the sense of others , who having the like discontentments , privately whispered them in the ears of those who either seemed zealous for Religion , or Factiously enclined to make new Disturbances in this unsetledness of Affairs : In which conjuncture , it was no hard matter for them so to work upon men's Affections , as to assure them to themselves , and to be ready to flye out upon all occasions , especially when any powerful Head should be offered to them . 34. Of the last sort was the Conspiracy and Treason of the Earl of Goury , Son of that William Earl of Goury who had been executed for surprizing the King's Person at Ruthen-Castle , Anno 1584. And though this Son of his had been restored by the King to his Blood and Hononrs , one of his Sisters married to the Duke of Lenox , another placed in the Attendance of the Queen , and that his Brother Alexander was advanced to a Place in the Bed-Chamber ; yet all these Favours were not able to obliterate the remembrance of the Execution so justly done upon their Father . By nature he was Proud , Aspiring , and of a Mind greater than his Fortune . Ill principled in the course of his Education ; which made him passionately affected to the Disciplinarians , of whom he was ambitious to be thought a Patron . To this man they apply themselves ; who by the loss of their Authority , or Tyranny rather , measured the Fortunes of the Church ; as though Religion could not stand , if their Empire fell . To him they frequently insinuated their Fears and Jealousies , the King's aversness from the Gospel , his extraordinary Favour to the Popish Lords , his present Practises and Designs to subvert the Discipline , the only Pillar and Support of the Kirk of Scotland ; not without some Reflections on the death of his Father , whose Zeal to God was testified by the loss of his Life , which cryed aloud for vengeance , both to God and Man. By which insinuations they so wrought upon him , that he began to study nothing but Revenge ; and to that end engaged his Brother Alexander ( a fierce young man , and of a very daring Spirit ) in the practise with him . He also held intelligence with such of the Ministers as were supposed to be most discontented at the present Transactions ; but most especially , with the Preachers of Edenborough , who could not easily forget the Injuries ( so they must be called ) which they had suffered from the King for some years last past . The like intelligence he kept with many Male-contents amongst the Laicks ; preparing all , but opening his Design to few ; but opening it howsoever to Logen of Restalrig , in whom he had more confidence than all the rest . 35. Concerning which , it was averred by one Sprot a Notary , as well upon Examination before the Lords of the Session , as his Confession at the Gallows , Anno 1608 , That he had seen a Letter written by this Logan to the Earl of Goury , in which was signified , That he would take part with him in revenge of his Father's death . That to effect it , he must find some way or other to bring the King to Fast-Castle . That it was easier to be done by Sea , than Land : and , that they might safely keep him there , till they had given advertisement of it to the other Conspirators . For proof of which Confession , ( being free and voluntary ) he told the people on the Ladder , that he would give them a Sign ; which he performed by clapping his hands three times after his turning off by the Executioner . It was affirmed also by Mr. William Cowper , a right godly man , then being Minister at Perth , and afterwards made Bishop of Galloway ; That going to the House of the Earl , ( the Hereditary Provost of that Town ) not many days before the intended Treason , he found him reading a Book entituled , De Conjurationibus adversus Principes , containing a Discourse of Treasons and Conspiracies against several Princes ; of which he was pleased to give this Censure , That most of them were very foolishly contrived , and faulty in some point or other , which was the reason that they found not the desired effect . By which it seems that he intended to out-go all former Conspirators in the contrivance of his Treason ; though in the end he fell upon a Plot which was most ridiculous , not to be parallel'd by any in that Book which he so much vilified . The Design was , To draw the King to his House in the Town of Perth , under pretence of coming secretly to see a man whom he had lately intercepted with Letters , and some quantity of Gold , from Rome ; and having brought him to some remote part of the House , to make sure work of him . The King was then at Falkland-Castle ; and going out betimes on Tuesday the fifth of August , to take his pleasure in the Park , he is met by Alexander , who tells him of the News of Perth , and that a speedy posting thither , would be worth his travel . The King comes thither before Dinner , accompanied with the Duke of Lenox , the Earl of Marre , Evesking the Captain of his Guard , and some other Gentlemen , all of them in their Hunting-Coats , as minding nothing but a Visit to the Nobleman . Thus is he brought into the toyl ; but they shall only hunt him to the view , and not pull him down . 36. The King 's own Dinner being ended , the Lords fall to theirs , which Alexander takes to be the fittest time to effect the Enterprise ; and therefore takes the King along with him to an upper Chamber . But seeing Eveskin at his heels , he willed him to stay behind , and made fast the doors . Being brought into a Chamber on the top of the House , the King perceived a man in a secret corner , and presently asked Alexander , if he were the Party who had brought the Letters and the Gold. But Alexander then changed his countenance , upbraided him with the death of his Father , for which he was now brought to make satisfaction ; and therewith left him to the mercy of the Executioner . I shall not stand on all particulars of the story ; the sum whereof , is briefly this : That the King having having by much strugling gained a Window , a corner whereof looked toward the Street , cryed out so loud , that he was heard by all the Lords and Gentlemen of his Retinue , who thereupon prepared themselves for his assistance . In the pursuit whereof , the Earl himself is killed by Eveskin as he was making haste to help his Brother ; and Alexander is dispatched by Ramsey , one of the King's Pages ; who being acquainted with the House , came by the back-stairs time enough to preserve his Master . Of this great Danger and Deliverance , the King gives notice to all his Subjects , desiring them to joyn with him in thanks to Almighty God for so great a Mercy ; which was accordingly performed by all honest men ; but the whole Story disbelieved , discredited , mis-reported by the Presbyterians , whom it concerned to wash their hands of so foul a Treason . And how far they were Parties in it , or at least well-wishers to it , may appear by this , That when the Ministers of Edenborough were desired to convene their people , and give God thanks for this deliverance of the King , they excused themselves , as not being well acquainted with all particulars . And when it was replyed unto them , That they were only required to make known to the people , That the King had escaped a great Danger , and to excite them to Thansgiving for his deliverance : They answered , That they were not very well satisfied in the truth of the matter : That nothing was to be delivered in the Pulpit , the truth whereof was not certainly known : and , that they were to utter nothing in that place , but that which migh be spoke in Faith. On which Refusal it was ordered by the Lords of the Council , That the people should be drawn together into the Market-place , That the Bishop of Ross should make a Declaration of the whole Design , and therewithall conceive a Prayer of Thanksgiving for the King's Deliverance . Which was performed on his part with a true affection , and entertained by the people with great joy and gladness . 37. But the whole Nation was not so besotted by the Presbyterians , as either to dispute the Story , or despise the Mercy . Which wrought so far upon the Consciences of all honest men , that in a Parliament held at Edenborough , in November following , the Estate of Goury was confiscate , his Sons disherited , the Name of Ruthen utterly abolished , ( but the last dispenced with ) the bodies of the two Brothers brought to Edenborough , there hanged and quartered , the Heads of both being fixed upon the top of the Common Prison : and finally , The Fifth of August ordained by Act of Parliament for a Day of Thanksgiving in all times succeeding . The like done also two years after , at a General Assembly of the Ministers of the Church , held in Haly-Rood-House , as to the Day of Thanksgiving , which they decreed to be kept solemnly from thenceforth , in all the Churches of that Kingdom . And it was well they did it then , the King not venturing the Proposal to them in the year fore-going , when they assembled at Burnt-Island , whether in reference to some indisposition of Body which he found in himself ; or rather of some greater indisposition of Mind which he found in them . But now it went clearly for him without contradiction , as did some other things propounded to their consideration . His Ey now looks unto the Crown of England , and he resolved to bring the Churches of both Kingdoms to an Uniformity : but so to do it as might make neither noise nor trouble . The solemnizing of Marriage had been prohibited on Sundays by the Rules of the Discipline : but by an Order made in the present Assembly , it was indifferently permitted on all days alike , Sundays as well as other days , at the will of the Parties . Before this time the Sacrament of Baptism was not administred but only at the times of Preaching , on some opinion which they had of the indifferency , or at the least the non-necessity thereof . But now it was ordained with a joynt consent , That the Ministers should not refuse the Sacrament of Baptism to Infants , nor delay the same upon whatsoever pretext , the same being required by the Parents , or others in their name Which brought them two steps nearer to the Church of England , than before they were . 38. It was not long after the end of this Assembly , when the King received Intelligence of Queen Elizabeth's death , and of the general acknowledgment of his Succession , both by Peers and People . This puts him on a preparation for a Journey to England , where he is joyfully received , and found no small contentment in the change of his Fortunes ; here sitting amongst Grave , Learned , and Reverend men ; not as before , a King without State , without Honour , without Order , where Beardless Boys would every day brave him to his face ; where Jack , and Tom , and Will , and Dick , did at their pleasures cen●●re the proceedings of him and his Council ; where Will stood up and said , he would have it thus : and Dick replied , Nay marry , but it shall be so : as he describes their carriage in the Conference at Hampton-Court , p. 4. and 80. So leaves he Scotland , and the Puritans there , with this Character of them , recorded in the Preface of his Book , called Basilicon Doron ; in which he paints them out , as people which refusing to be called Anabaptists , too much participated of their Humours , not only agreeing with them in their General Rule , the contempt of the Civil Magistrate , and in leaning to their own Dreams , Imaginations , and Revelations ; but particularly , in accounting all men prophane that agree not to their Fancies ; in making , for every particular Question of the Polity of the Church , as much Commotion as if the Article of the Trinity was called in question ; in making the Scripture to be ruled by their Conscience , and not their Conscience by the Scripture ; in accounting every body Ethnicus & Publicanus , not worthy to enjoy the benefit of breathing , much less to participate with them in the Sacraments , that denies the least jot of their Grounds : and in suffering King , People , Law , and all , to be trod under foot , before the least jot of their Grounds be impugned ; in preferring such Holy Warrs to an Vngodly Peace ; not only in resisting Christian Princes , but denying to pray for them ; for Prayer must come by Faith , and it is not revealed that God will bear their Prayers for such a Prince . To which He adds this Clause in the Book it self , viz. That they used commonly to tell the people in their Sermons , That all Kings and Princes were naturally Enemies to the Liberty of the Church , and could never patiently bear the Yoak of Christ. And thereupon he gives this Counsel to the Prince , To take heed all of such Puritans , whom he calls the very Pests of the Church and Commonwealth ; whom no deserts can oblige , neither Oaths nor Promises bind ; breathing nothing but Sedition and Calumnies ; aspiring without measure , railing without reason , and making their own imaginations the square of their Conscience : protesting before the Great God , That he should never find in any Highlander , baser Thieves , greater Ingratitude , and more Lyes and vile Perjuries , than amongst those Fanatical spirits he should meet withall . 39. But on the contrary , he tells us of the Church of England at his first coming thither , That he found that Form of Religion which was established under Queen ELIZABETH of famous memory , by the Laws of the Land , to have been blessed with a most extraordinary Peace , and of long continuance ; which he beheld as a strong evidence of God's being very well pleased with it . He tells us also , That he could find no cause at all , on a full debate , for any Alteration to be made in the Common-Prayer-Book , though that most impugned ; that the Doctrines seemed to be sincere , the Forms and Rites to have been justified out of the Practise of the Primitive Church . And finally , he tells us , That there was nothing in the same which might not very well have been born withall , if either the Adversaries would have made a reasonable construction of them ; or that his Majesty had not been so nice , or rather jealous , ( as himself confesseth ) for having all publick Forms in the Service of God , not only to be free from all blame , but from any su●spition . For which , consult his Proclamation of the fifth of March , before the Book of Common-Prayer . And herewith he declared himself so highly pleased , that in the Conference at Hampton-Court , he entred into a gratulation to Almighty God , for bringing him into the Promised Land , ( so he pleased to call it ) where Religion was purely profest , the Government Ecclesiastical approved by manifold blessings from God himself , as well in the encrease of the Gospel , as in a glorious and happy Peace ; and where he had the happiness to sit amongst Grave and Learned men , and not to be a King ( as elsewhere he had been ) without State , without Honour , without Order , as before was said . And this being said , we shall proceed unto the rest of our Story , casting into the following Book , all the Successes of the Puritans , or Presbyterians , in his own Dominions , during the whole time of his Peaceful Government ; and so much also of their Fortunes in France and Belgium , as shall be necessary to the knowledg of their future Actings . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History OF THE PRESBYTERIANS LIB . XI . Containing Their Successes whether good or bad , in England , Scotland , Ireland , and the Isle of Jersey , from the Year 1602 , to the Year 1623 ; with somewhat touching their Affairs , as well in France and Sweden , as the Belgick Provinces . 1. THE Puritans and Presbyterians in both Kingdoms , were brought so low , when King IAMES first obtained the Crown of England , that they might have been supprest for ever , without any great danger , if either that King had held the Rains with a constant hand , or been more fortunate in the choice of his Ministers , after the old Councellors were worn out , than in fine he proved . But having been kept to such hard meats when he lived in Scotland , he was so taken with the Delicacies of the English Court , that he abandoned the Severities and Cares of Government , to enjoy the Pleasures of a Crown . Which being perceived by such as were most near unto him , it was not long before the Secret was discovered to the rest of the people ; who thereupon resolved to husband all occasions which the times should give them , to their best advantage . But none conceived more hopes of him , than some Puritan Zealots ; who either presuming on his Education in the Kirk of Scotland , or venturing on the easiness of his Disposition , began to intermit the use of the Common-Prayer , to lay aside the Surplice , and neglect the Ceremonies ; and more than so , to hold some Classical and Synodical Meetings , as if the Laws themselves had dyed , when the Queen expired . But these Disorders he repressed by his Proclamation , wherein he commanded all his Subjects , of what sort soever , not to innovate any thing either in Doctrine or Discipline , till he upon mature deliberation should take order in it . 2. But some more wary than the rest , refused to joyn themselves to such forward Brethren , whose Actions were interpreted to savour stronger of Sedition , than they did of Zeal . And by these men it was thought better to address themselves by a Petition to His Sacred Majesty , which was to be presented to him in the name of certain Ministers of the Church of England , desiring Reformation of sundry Ceremonies and Abuses : Given out to be subscribed by a thousand hands , and therefore called the Millenary Petition ; though there wanted some hundreds of that number to make up the sum . In which Petition deprecating first the imputation of Schism and Faction , they rank their whole Complaints under these four heads ; that is to say , The Service of the Church , Church-Ministers , the Livings and Maintenance of the Church , and the Discipline of it . In reference to the first , the Publick Service of the Church , it was desired , That the Cross in Baptism , Interrogatories ministred to Infants , and Confirmations , ( as superfluous ) might be taken away . That Baptism might not be administred by Women . That the Cap and Surplice might not be urged . That Examination might go before the Communion ; and , that it be not administred without a Sermon . That the terms of Priest , and Absolution , with the Ring in Marriage , and some others , might be corrected . That the length of Service might be abridged . Church-Songs and Musick , moderated . And , that the Lord's Day be not prophaned , nor Holy-days so strictly urged . That there might be an Uniformity of Doctrine prescribed . That no Popish Opinion be any more taught or defended . That Ministers might not be charged to teach their people to bow at the Name of Iesus . And , that the Canonical Scriptures be only read in the Church . 3. In reference to Church-Ministers , it was propounded , That none hereafter be admitted into the Ministry , but Able and Sufficient men ; and those to preach diligently , especially upon the Lord's Day : but such as be already entred , and cannot preach , may either be removed , and some charitable course taken with them for their Relief ; or else to be forced , according to the value of their Livings , to maintain Preachers . That Non-residency be not permitted . That K. Edward's Statute for the lawfulness of Ministers marriage , might be revived . That Ministers might not be urged to subscribe ( but according to the Law ) the Articles of Religion , and the King's Supremacy . It was desired also , in relation to the Church's Maintenance , That Bishops might leave their Commendams , some holding Prebends , some Parsonages , some Vicaridges , with their Bishopricks . That double-beneficed men might not be suffered to hold some two , some three Benefices , and as many Dignities . That Impropriations annexed to Bishopricks and Colledges , be demised only to the Preachers Incumbents for the old Rent . That the Impropriations of Lay-men's Fee , may be charged with a sixth or seventh part of the worth , to the maintenance of a Preaching-Minister . And finally , in reference to the execution of the Church's Discipline , it was humbly craved , That the Discipline and Excommunication , might be administred according to Christ's own Institution ; or at the least , that Enormities might be redressed : as namely , That Excommunication might not come forth under the name of Lay-persons , Chancellors , Officials , &c. That men be not excommunicated for Trifles , and Twelve-penny matters . That none be excommunicated without consent of his Pastors . That the Officers be not suffered to extort unreasonable Fees. That none having Jurisdiction , or a Register's Place , put the same to Farm. That divers Popish Canons as for restraint of Marriage at certain times , be reversed . That the length of Suits in Ecclesiastical Courts , ( which hung sometimes two , three , four , five , six , seven years ) may be restrained . That the Oath Ex Officio , whereby men are forced to accuse themselves , be more sparingly used . That Licenses for Marriages , without being Asked , may be more sparingly granted . 4. And here it is to be observed , that though there was not one word in this Petition either against Episcopal Government , or Set-forms of Prayer , yet the design thereof was against them both . For if so many of the Branches had been lopped at once , the Body of the Tree must needs have rotted and consumed in a short time after . The two Universities , on the contrary , were no less zealous for keeping up the Discipline and Liturgy of the Church , then by Law established . And to that end it was proposed , and passed at Cambridg , on the ninth of Iune , That whosoever should oppose by word or writing , either the Doctrine or the Discipline of the Church of England , or any part thereof whatsoever , within the Verge and Limits of the same University ( otherwise than in the way of Disputation ) he should be actually suspended from all Degrees already taken , and utterly disabled for taking any in the time to come . They resolved also to return an Answer to the said Petition ; but understanding that the University of Oxon was in hand therewith , and had made a good progress in the same , they laid by that purpose , congratulating with their Sister-University for her forwardness in it , as appears plainly by their Letter of the 7 th of October . All this was known unto the King , but he resolved to answer them in another way ; and to that end designed a Conference between the Parties : A Conference much desired by those of the Puritan Faction in Queen Elizabeth's time , who could not be induced to grant it ; knowing full well , how much it tended to the ruin of all publick Government , that matters once established in due form of Law , should be made subject to Disputes . But K. IAMES , either out of a desire of his own satisfaction , or to shew his great Abilities in Judgment , Oratory , and Discourse , resolved upon it , and accordingly gave Order for it . To which end , certain Delegates of each Party were appointed to attend upon Him at His Royal Palace of Hampton-Court , on the 14 th of Ianuary then next following , there to debate the Heads of the said Petition , and to abide his Majesty's Pleasure and Determination . At what time there attended on behalf of the Church , the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury , the Lord Bishop of London , the Bishops of Durham , Winchester , Worcester , St. Davids , Chichester , Carlisle , and Peterborough . The Dean of the Chappel , Westminster , Christ-Church , Pauls , Worcester , Salisbury , Chester , and Windsor : together with Dr. King , Arch-Deacon of Nottingham , and Dr. Feild , who afterwards was Dean of Glocester . Apparelled all of them in their Robes and Habits , peculiar to their several Orders . 5. There appeared also in the behalf of the Millenaries , Dr. Iohn Reynolds , and Dr. Thomas Spark , of Oxford ; Mr. Chatterton , and Mr. Knewstubs , of Cambridg : Apparelld neither in Priest's Gowns , or Canonical Coats ; but in such Gowns as were then commonly worn ( in reference to the form and fashion of them ) by the Turkey Merchants ; as if they had subscribed to the Opinion of old T. C. That we ought rather to conform in all outward Ceremonies to the Turks , than the Papists . Great hopes they gave themselves for setling the Calvinian Doctrines in the Church of England , and altering so much in the Polity and Forms of Worship , as might bring it nearer by some steps to the Church of Geneva . In reference to the first , it was much prest by Dr. Reynolds , in the name of the rest , That the Nine Articles of Lambeth ( which he entituled by the name of Orthodoxal Assertions ) might be received amongst the Articles of the Church . But this Request , ( upon a true account of the state of that business ) was by that prudent King rejected , with as great a constancy as formerly the Articles themselves had been suppressed under Queen ELIZABETH . It was moved also , That these words , [ neither totally nor finally ] might be inserted in the Sixteenth Article of the publick Confession , to the intent that the Article so explained , might speak in favour of the Zuinglian or Calvinian Doctrine , concerning the impossibility of falling from the state of Grace , and Justification . Which Proposition gave a just occasion to Bishop Bancroft to speak his sense of the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination , which he called in plain terms , a desperate Doctrine . Upon whose interposings in that particular , and a short Declaration made by the Dean of St. Pauls , touching some Heats which had been raised in Cambridg , in pursuit thereof , this second Motion proved as fruitless as the first had done . 6. Nor sped they better in relation to the Forms of Worship , than they had done in reference unto points of Doctrine : some pains they took in crying down the Surplice and the Cross in Baptism , the Ring in Marriage , and the Interrogatories proposed to Infants . And somewhat also was observed touching some Errors in the old Translation of the English Psalter , as also in the Gospels and Epistles , as they stood in the Liturgy : But their Objections were so stale , and so often answered , that the Bishops and Conformable Party went away with an easie Victory ; not only the King's Majesty , but the Lords of his Council , being abundantly well satisfied in such former scruples as had been raised against the Church and the Orders of it . The sum and substance of which Conference , collected by the hand of Dr. Barlow , then Dean of Chester , can hardly be abbreviated to a lesser compass , without great injury to the King and the Conferrees . Let it suffice , that this great Mountain which had raised so much expectation , was delivered only of a Mouse : The Millenary Plaintifs have gained nothing by their fruitless travel , but the expounding of the word Absolution , by Remission of sins ; the qualifying of the Rubrick about private Baptism ; the adding of some Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany , and of some Questions and Answers in the close of the Catechism . But on the other side , the Brethren lost so much in their Reputation , that the King was very well satisfied in the weakness of their Objections , and the Injustice of their Cavils ; insomuch , that turning his head towards some of the Lords , If this be all ( quoth he ) which they have to say , I will either make them conform themselves , or hurry them out of the Land , or do somewhat which is worse , p. 85. Which notwithstanding they gave out , That all was theirs ; and that they had obtained an absolute Victory : but more particularly , that the King gratified Dr. Reynolds in every thing which he proposed ; and that Dr. Reynolds obtained and prevailed in every thing they did desire . That if any man report the contrary , he doth lye ; and , that they could give him the lye from Dr. Reynolds his mouth : that these things now obtained by the Reformers , were but the beginning of Reformation ; the greater matters being yet to come . That my Lord of Winton stood mute , and said little or nothing . That my Lord of London called Dr. Reynolds , Schismatick ; ( he thanks him for it ) but otherwise said little to the purpose . That the King's Majesty used the Bishops with very hard words ; but embraced Dr. Reynolds , and used most kind speeches to him . That my Lord of Canterbury , and my Lord of London , falling on their knees , besought his Majesty to take their Cause into his own Hands , and to make some good end of it , such as might stand with their Credit . 7. All this , and more , they scattered up and down in their scurrilous Papers , to keep up the spirits of their Party ; two of which , coming to the hands of Dr. Barlow , before-mentioned , he caused them to be published at the end of the Conference : The Truth and Honesty of whose Collections , having been universally approved above fifty years , hath been impugned of late by some sorry Scriblers of the Puritan Faction ; and a report raised of some Retractation which he is fabled to have made at the time of his death , of the great wrong which he had done to Dr. Reynolds , and the rest of the Millenaries . The silliness of which Fiction hath been elsewhere canvased , and therefore not to be repeated in this time and place . But for the clearing of that Reverend person from so soul a Calumny , we shall not make use of any other Argument , than the words of K. IAMES , who tells us in his Proclamation of the fifth of March , that he could not conceal , That the success of that Conferrence was such as hapneth to many other things , which moving great expectations before they be entred into , in their issue produce small effects : That he found mighty and vehement Informations supported with so weak and slender Proofs , as it appeared unto him and his Council , that there was no cause why any change should be in that which was most impugned , namely , the Book of Common-Prayer , containing the publick Service of God here established ; nor in the Doctrine , which appeared to be sincere ; nor in the Forms and Rites , which were justified out of the practise of the primitive Churrh : And finally , that though with the consent of the Bishops and other Learned men then and there assembled , some passages therein were rather explained than altered ; yet , that the same might very well have been born amongst such men who would have made a reasonable construction of them . Which I conceive to be sufficient for the vindication of that Learned Prelate , for clearing him from doing any injury to Dr. Reynolds , in the repeating of his words , as is suggested by some Puritan Scriblers of these present times . 8. But to proceed , this Conference was followed with the Proclamation of the fifth of March ; in which his Majesty having first declared the occasion and success thereof , in the words formerly laid down , proceeds to signifie the present course which he had taken for causing the Book of Common-Prayer to be so explained ; and being so explained , to be forthwith Printed ; not doubting but that all his Subjects , both Ministers and others , would receive the same with due reverence , and conform themselves to it . Which notwithstanding he conceived it necessary to make known his Authorizing of the same by his Proclamation , and by that Proclamation to require and enjoyn all men , as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal , to conform themselves thereunto , as to the only publick Form of serving God , established and allowed in this Realm . Which said , he lays a strict Command on all Arch-bishops , and Bishops , and all other publick Ministers , as well Ecclesiastical as Civil , for causing the same to be observed , and punishing all Offenders to the contrary , according to the Laws of the Realm made in that behalf . Finally , He admonisheth all his Subjects of what sort soever , not to expect hereafter any Alteration in the publick Form of God's Service , from that which he had then established . And this he signified ( as afterward it followeth in the said Proclamation ) because that he neither would give way to any to presume , that his Judgment having determined in a matter of such weight , should be swayed to any Alteration by the Frivolous Suggestions of any leight head ; nor could be ignorant of the inconveniencies that do arise in Government , by admitting Innovation in things once setled by mature deliberation ; and how necessary it was to use constancy in the publick Determinations of all States : for that ( saith he ) such is the unquietness and unsteadfastness of some dispositions , affecting every year new Forms of things , as if they should be followed in their unconstancy , would make all Actions of State ridiculous and contemptible ; whereas the steadfast maintaining of things by good Advice established , is the Preservative and Weal of all publick Governments . 9. The main Concernments of the Church being thus secured , his Majesty proceeds to his first Parliament ; accompanied , as the custom is , with a Convocation ; which took beginning on the twentieth day of March then next ensuing . In the Parliament there passed some Acts which concerned the Church ; as namely , one for making void all Grants and Leases which should be made of any of the Lands of Arch-bishops and Bishops , to the King's Majesty , or any of his Heirs and Successors , for more than One and twenty years , or Three Lives . Which Act was seasonably procured by Bishop Bancroft , to prevent the begging of the Scots , who otherwise would have picked the Church to the very bone . There also past an Act for the repealing of a Statute in the Reign of Queen Mary , by means whereof the Statute of King Edward the sixth , touching the Lawfulness of Ministers Marriages , were revived again , as in the Millenary Petition was before desired . And either by the Practise of some Puritan Zealots , who had their Agents in all corners , or by the carelesness and connivence of his Majesty's Council , learned in the Laws of this Realm , who should have had an eye upon them , that Statute of K. EDWARD was revived also , by which it was enacted , That all Processes , Citations , Judgments , &c. in any of the Ecclesiastical Courts , should be issued in the King's Name , and under the King's Seal of Arms ; which afterwards gave some colour to the Puritan Faction , for creating trouble to the Bishops in their Jurisdiction . The Convocation was more active ; some days before the sitting whereof , the most Reverend Arch-bishop Whitgift departs this life , and leaves it to the managing of Dr. Richard Bancroft , Bishop of London , as the President of it . By whose great industry , and indefatigable pains , a Body of Canons was collected , to the number of One hundred forty one , out of the Articles , Injunctions , and Synodical Acts , during the Reigns of Queen ELIZABETH , and K. EDWARD the sixth . Which being methodically digested , approved of in the Convocation , and ratified by his Majesty's Letters Patents in due form of Law , were stoutly put in execution by the said Dr. Bancroft , translated to the See of Canterbury in the Month of December , Anno 1604. 10. And to say truth , it did concern him to be resolute in that prosecution , considering how strict a Bond was made by many of the Brethren , when they agreed unto the drawing of the former Petition ; by which they bound themselves not only to seek redress of those Particulars which are comprehended in the same ; but that the state of the Church might be reformed in all things needful , according to the Rule of God's holy Word , and agreeable to the example of other Reformed Churches , which had restored both their Doctrine and Discipline , as it was delivered by our Saviour Christ and his holy Apostles . And how far that might reach , none knew better than he ; who in his Note of Dangerous Positions and Proceedings , and his Survey of the pretended Holy Discipline , had founded the depth of their Designs , and found that nothing could ensue upon their Positions , but a most unavoidable ruin to the Church and State. He had observed with what a peevish malice they had libelled against Arch-bishop Whitgift , ( a Prelate of a meek and moderate spirit ) after his decease ; and could not but expect a worse dealing from them ; which he after found , by how much he had handled them more coarsly than his Predecessor . For , though the Lords had showed their Zeal unto the memory of that famous Prelate , by the severe punishment of Pickering who made the Libel ; yet well he knew , that the terror of that Punishment would be quickly over , if a hard hand were not also kept upon all the rest : And for keeping a hard hand upon all the rest , he was encouraged by the words of K. IAMES at the end of the Conference , when he affirmed , That he would either make the Puritans conform themselves , or else would hurry them out of the Land , or do that which was worse . Upon which grounds he sets himself upon the Work , requires a strict Conformity to the Rules of the Church , according to the Laws and Canons in that behalf ; and without sparing Non-conformists , or Half-Conformists , at last reduced them to that point , That they must either leave their Churches , or obey the Church . The Aultar of Damascus tells us , if we may believe him , That no fewer than Three hundred Preaching-Ministers , were either silenced or deprived upon that account . But the Authors of that Book , whosoever they were , who use sometimes to strain at Gnats , and swallow a Camel ; at other times can make a Mountain of a Mole-hill , if it stand in their way : For it appears upon the Rolls brought in by Bishop Bancroft before his death , that there had been but Forty nine deprived upon all occasions ; which in a Realm containing Nine thousand Parishes , could be no great matter . But so it was , that by the punishment of some few of the Principals , he struck such a general terror into all the rest , that Inconformity grew out of fashion in a lesse time than could be easily imagined . 11. Hereupon followed a great alteration in the Face of Religion ; more Churches beautified and repaired in this short time of his Government , than had been in many years before : The Liturgy more solemnly officiated by the Priests , and more religiously attended by the common people ; the Fasts and Festivals more punctually observed by both , than of later times . Coaps brought again in●to the Service of the Church , the Surplice generally worn without doubt or haesitancy ; and all things in a manner are reduced to the same estate in which they had been first setled under Queen ELIZABETH : which , though it much redounded to the Honour of the Church of England ; yet gave it no small trouble to some sticklers for the Puritan Faction , exprest in many scandalous Libels , and seditious railings ; in which this Reverend Prelate suffered both alive and dead . Some who had formerly subscribed , but not without some secret evasion , or mental reservation which they kept to themselves , are now required to testifie their Conformity by a new subscription , in which it was to be declared , that they did willingly & ex animo subscribe to the three Articles , ( formerly tendred to the Clergy under Arch-bishop Whitgift , but now incorporated into the thirty six Canons ) and to all things in the same contained . Which leaving them no starting-hole either for practising those Rites and Ceremonies which they did not approve , or for approving that which they meant not to practise , as they had done formerly ; occasioned many of them to forsake their Benefices , rather than to subscribe according to the true intention of the Church in the said three Articles : Amongst which , none more eminent than Dr. Iohn Burges , beneficed at that time in Lincoln Diocess , who for some passages in a Sermon preached before the King , on the 19 th of Iune , 1604 , was committed Prisoner : and being then required by the Bishop of London to subscribe those Articles , he absolutely made refusal of it ; and presently thereupon resigned his Benefice ; the reasons whereof , he gives in a long Letter to Dr. William Chatterton , then Bishop of Lincoln . He applied himself also , both by Letter and Petition , to his Sacred Majesty , clearing himself from all intention of preaching any thing in that Sermon which might give any just offence ; and humbly praying for a restitution , not to his Church , but only to his Majesty's Favour . Which gained so far upon the King , that he admitted him not long after to a personal Conference , recovered him unto his station in the Church , from which he was fallen : and finally , occasioned his preferring to the Rectory of Colshill , in the County of Warwick . After which , he became a profest Champion of the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England ; both which he justified against all the Cavils of the Non-conformists , as appears by a Learned Book of his , entituled , An Answer rejoyned to the applauded Pamphlet , &c. published in the year 1631. 12. But the gaining of this man did not still the rest : For presently on the neck of this , comes out a Factious Pamphlet , published by the Lincoln-shire-Ministers , which they call The Abridgment ; containing the sum and substance of all those Objections which either then were , or formerly had been made against the Church , in reference to Doctrine , Government , or Forms of Worship : Concerning which , it is observed by the said Dr. Burges , That he found the state of the Questions to be very much altered in the same ; that Cartwright , and the rest , in the times fore-going , though they had sharpned both their Wits and Pens against the Ceremonies , opposed them as inconvenient only , but not unlawful : That therefore they endeavoured to perswade the Ministers rather to conform themselves , than to leave their Flocks ; the people , rather to receive the Communion kneeling , than not to receive the same at all : but , that the Authors of that Book , and some other Pamphlets , pronounced them to be simply unlawful , neither to be imposed nor used ; some of them thinking it a great part of godliness to cast off the Surplice , and commanded their Children so to do . This made the Bishops far more earnest to reduce them to a present Conformity , than otherwise they might have been , though by so doing they encreased those discontentments , the seeds whereof were sown at the end of the Conference . All this the Papists well observed , and rejoyced at it , intending in the carrying on of the Gun-powder Treason , to lay the guilt thereof on the Puritans only . But the King and his Council mined with them , and undermined them , and by so doing blew them up in their own Invention ; the Traytors being discovered , condemned , and executed , as they most justly had deserved . But this Design which was intended for a ruin of the Puritan Faction , proved in conclusion very advantagious to their Ends and Purposes : For , the King being throughly terrified with the apprehension of so great a danger , turned all his thoughts upon the Papists , and was content to let the Puritans take breath , and regain some strength , that they might serve him for a counterpoise against the other : as afterwards he gave some countenance to the Popish Party , when he perceived the opposite Faction to be grown too head-strong . Nor were the Puritans wanting to themselves upon this occasion , but entertained the Court and Countrey with continual fears of some new dangers from the Papists ; and by appearance of much zeal for the true Religion , and no less care for the preserving of their common Liberty against the encroachments of the Court , came by degrees to make a Party in the House of Commons . And hereunto K. IAMES unwittingly contributed his assistance also ; who being intent upon uniting the two Kingdoms by Act of Parliament , suffered the Commons to expatiate in Rhetorical Speeches , to call in question the extent of his Royal Prerogative , to embrue many Church-concernments , and to dispute the Power of the High-Commission : By means whereof they came at last to such an height , that the King was able in the end to do nothing in Parliament , but as he courted and applyed himself to this popular Faction . 13. Worse fared it with the Brethren of the Separation , who had retired themselves unto Amsterdam in the former Reign , than with their first Founders and Fore-fathers in the Church of England : For having broken in sunder the bond of peace , they found no possibility of preserving the spirit of unity ; one Separation growing continually on the neck of another , till they were crumbled into nothing . The Brethren of the first Separation had found fault with the Church of England for reading Prayers and Homilies as they lay in the Book , and not admitting the Presbytery to take place amongst them . But the Brethren of the second Separation take as much distaste against retaining all set-forms of Hymns and Psalms , committing their Conceptions , both in Praying and Prophesying , to the help of Memory ; and did as much abominate Presbytery , as the other liked it : For first , They pre-suppose for granted , as they safely might , that there be three kinds of Spiritual Worship , Praying , Prophesying , and Singing of Psalms ; and then subjoyn this Maxim , in which all agreed , that is to say , That there is the same reason of Helps in all the parts of Spiritual Worship , as is to be admitted in any one , during the performing of that Worship . Upon which ground they charge it home on their fellow-Separatists , That , as in Prayer , the Book is to be laid aside , by the confession of the ancient Brethren of the Separation , so must it also be in Prophesying , and Singing of Psalms : and therefore , whether we pray , or sing , or prophesie , it is not to be from the Book , but out of the heart . For Prophesying , next , they tell us , that the Spirit is quenched two manner of ways , by Memory , as well as Reading . And to make known how little use there is of Memory in the Act of Prophesying or Preaching , they tell us , That the citing of Chapter and Verse ( as not being used by Christ and his Apostles in their Sermons or Writings ) , is a mark of Antichrist . And as for Psalms , which make the Third part of Spiritual Worship , they propose these Queries : 1. Whether in a Psalm a man must be tyed to Meeter , Rythme , and Tune ? and , Whether Voluntary be not as necessary in Tune and Words , as well as Matter ? And , 2. Whether Meeter , Rythme , and Tune , be not quenching the Spirit ? 14. According to which Resolution of the New Separation , every man , when the Congregation shall be met together , may first conceive his own Matter in the Act of Praising ; deliver it in Prose or Meeter , as he lists himself ; and in the same instant chant out in what Tune soever , that which comes first into his own head : Which would be such a horrible confusion of Tongues and Voices , that hardly any howling or gnashing of teeth , can be like unto it . And yet it follows so directly on the former Principles , that if we banish all set-forms of Common-Prayer , ( which is but only one part of God's Publick Worship ) from the use of the Church , we cannot but in Justice and in Reason both , banish all studied and premeditated Sermons , from the House of God , and utterly cast out all King David's Psalms , ( whether in Prose or Meeter , that comes all to one ) and all Divine Hymns also into the bargain . Finally , as to Forms of Government , they declared thus , ( or to this purpose , at the least , if my memory fail not ) That as they which live under the Tyranny of the Pope and Cardinals , worship the very Beast it self ; and they which live under the Government of Arch-bishops and Bishops , do worship the Image of the Beast ; so they which willingly obey the Reformed Presbytery of Pastors , Elders , and Deacons , worship the shadow of that Image . To such ridiculous Follies are men commonly brought , when once presuming on some New Light to direct their Actions , they suffer themselves to be mis-guided by the Ignis fatuus of their own Inventions . And in this posture stood the Brethren of the Separation , Anno 1606 , when Smith first published his Book of the present differences between the Churches of the Separation , as he honestly calls them . But afterwards there grew another great dispute between Ainsworth and Broughton , Whether the colour of Aaron's Linnen Ephod were of Blew , or a Sea-water Green : Which did not only trouble all the Dyers in Amsterdam , but drew their several Followers into Sides and Factions , and made good sport to all the World , but themselves alone . By reason of which Divisions and Sub-divisions , they fell at last into so many Fractions , that one of them in the end became a Church of himself , and having none to joyn in Opinion with him , baptized himself , and thereby got the name of a Se-baptist ; which never any Sectary or Heretick had obtained before . 15. It fell not out much otherwise in the Belgick Provinces , with those of the Calvinian Judgment , who then began to find some diminution of that Power and Credit wherewith they carried all before them in the times preceding . Iunius , a very moderate and learned man , and one of the Professors for Divinity in the Schools of Leyden , departed out of this life in the same year also ; into whose Place the Overseers , or Curators , as they call them , of that University , made choice of Iacob Van Harmine , a man of equal Learning , and no less Piety . He had for fifteen years before , been Pastor ( as they love to phrase it ) to the great Church of Amsterdam , the chief City of Holland ; during which time he published his Discourse against the Doctrine of Predestination , as laid down by Perkins , who at that time had printed his Armilla Aurea , and therein justified all the Rigours of the Supra-lapsarians . Encouraged with his good success in this Adventure , he undertakes a Conference on the same Argument , with the Learned Iunius , one of the Sub-lapsarian Judgment ; the sum whereof being spread abroad in several Papers , was afterward set forth by the name of Amica Collatio . By means whereof , as he attained a great esteem with all moderate men , so he exceedingly exasperated most of the Calvinian Ministers , who thereupon opposed his coming to Leyden with their utmost power , accusing him of Heterodoxies and unsound Opinions , to the Council of Holland . But the Curators being constant in their Resolutions , and Harmin having purged himself from all Crimes objected , before his Judges at the Hague ; he is dispatched for Leyden , admitted by the University , and confirmed by the Estate : Towards which , the Testimonial-Letters sent from Amsterdam , did not help a little ; in which he stands commended for a man of an * unblamable life , sound Doctrine , and fair behaviour ; as by their Letters may appear , exemplified in an Oration which was made at his Funeral . 16. By which Attractives he prevailed as much amongst the Students of Leyden , as he had done amongst the Merchants at Amsterdam . For during the short time of his sitting in the Chair of Leyden , he drew unto him a great part of that University ; who by the Piety of the man , his powerful Arguments , his extream diligence in that place , and the clear light of Reason which appeared in all his Discourses , became so wedded at the last unto his Opinions , that no time or trouble could divorce them from Harmin : Dying in the year 1609 , the Heats betwixt his Scholars , and those of a contrary Perswasion , were rather encreased than abated ; the more encreased for want of such prudent Moderators as had before preserved the Churches from a publick Rupture . The breach between them growing wider and wider , each side thought fit to seek the countenance of the State ; and they did accordingly . For in the year 1610 , the Followers of Arminius address their Remonstrance ( containing the Antiquity of their Doctrines , and the substance of them ) to the States of Holland , which was encountred presently by a Contra-Remonstrance , exhibited by those of Calvin's Party : from hence the Name of Remonstrants , and Contra-Remonstrants , so frequent in their Books and Writings . Which though it brought some trouble for the present on the Churches of Holland , conduced much more to the advantage of the Church of England , whose Doctrine in those points had been so over-born , if not quite suppressed , by those of the Calvinian Party , that it was almost reckoned for a Heresie to be sound and Orthodox , according to the tenour of the Book of Articles , and other publick Monuments of the Religion here by Law established . For being awakened by the noise of the Belgick Troubles , most men began to look about them , to search more narrowly into the Doctrines of the Church , and by degrees to propagate , maintain , and teach them against all Opposers , as shall appear more largely and particularly in another place . 17. At the same time more troubles were projected in the Realm of Sweden ; Prince Sigismund , the eldest Son of Iohn , and the Grand-child of Gustavus Ericus , the first King of that Family , was in his Father's life-time chosen King of Poland , in reference to his Mother , the Lady Catherine , Sister to SIGISMVND the Second . But either being better pleased with the Court of Poland , or not permitted by that people to go out of the Kingdom , he left the Government of Sweden to his Unkle CHARLES ; a Prince of no small Courage , but of more Ambition . At first he governed all Affairs as Lord Deputy only , but practised by degrees the exercise of a greater Power than was belonging to a Vice-Roy . Finding the Lutherans not so favourable unto his Designs , as he conceived that he had merited by his Favours to them , he raised up a Calvinian Party within the Realm , according to whose Principles he began first to withdraw his obedience from his Natural Prince , and after to assume the Government to himself . But first , he suffers all Affairs to fall into great Disorders , the Realm to be invaded by the Muscovites on the one side , by the Danes on the other , that so the people might be cast on some necessity of putting themselves absolutely under his protection . In which distractions he is earnestly solicited by all sorts of people , except only those of his own Party , to accept the Crown ; which he consents to at the last , as if forced unto it by the necessities of his Countrey . But he so play'd his Game withall , that he would neither take the same , nor protect the Subjects , till a Law was made for entailing the Crown for ever unto his Posterity , whether Male or Female , as an Hereditary Kingdom . In all which Plots and Purposes , he thrived so luckily , ( if to usurp another Prince's Realm may be called Good luck ) that after a long Warr , and some Bloody Victories , he forced his Nephew to desist from all further Enterprises , and was Crowned King at Stockholm , in the year 1607 , But as he got this Kingdom by no better Title than of Force and Fraud ; so by the same , the Daughter of his Son Gustavus Adolphus , was divested of it , partly compelled , and partly cheated out of her Estate . So soon expired the Race of this great Politician , that many thousands of that people who saw the first beginning of it , lived to see the end . 18. Such Fortune also had the French Calvinians in their glorious Projects , though afterwards it turned to their destruction . For in the year 1603 , they held a general Synod at Gappe in Daulphine , anciently the chief City of the Apencenses , and at this time a Bishop's-See . Nothing more memorable in this Synod ( as to points of Doctrine ) than , that it was determined for an Article of their Faith , That the Pope was Antichrist . But far more memorable was it for their Usurpations on the Civil Power . For at this Meeting they gave Audience to the Ambassadors of some Forreign States , as if they had been a Common-wealth distinct from the Realm of France . More than which , they audaciously importuned the King ( of whose affection to them they presumed too far ) by their several Agents , for liberty of going wheresoever they listed , or sending whomsoever they pleased , to the Councils and Assemblies of all Neighbouring-Estates and Nations which profest the same Religion with them . This , though it had not been the first , was looked on as their greatest encroachment on the Royal Authority , which in conclusion proved the ruin of their Cause and Party . For what else could this aim at , ( as was well observed by the King then reigning ) but to make themselves a State distinct and independent , to raise up a new Commonwealth in the midst of a Kingdom , and to make the Schism as great in Civil , as in Sacred matters : Which wrought so far upoa the Councils of his next Successor , who had not been trained up amongst them as his Father was , that he resolved to call them to a sober reckoning on the next occasion , and to deprive them all at once of those Powers and Priviledges which they so wantonly abused unto his disturbance . Of which we shall speak more hereafter in its proper place . In the mean time let us cross over into Scotland , where all Assairs moved retrograde , and seemed to threaten a relapse to their old Confusions . A general Assembly had been intimated to be held at Aberdeen , in the Month of Iuly , Anno 1604 : which by reason that the King was wholly taken up with effecting the Union , was adjourned to the same Month , in the year next following . In the mean season , some of the more Factious Ministers , hoping to raise no small advantage to themselves and their Party , by the absence of so many persons of most Power and Credit , began to entertain new Counsels for the unravelling of that Web which the King had lately wrought with such care and cunning . The King hears of it , and gives Order to suspend the Meeting till his further Pleasure were declared . Wherein he was so far obeyed by the major part , that of the fifty Presbyteries , into which the whole Kingdom was divided , Anno 1592 , nine only sent Commissioners to attend at Aberdeen . When the day came , the Meeting was so thin and slender , that there appeared not above one and twenty , when they were at the fullest . But they were such as were resolved to stand stoutly to it , each man conceiving himself able , in the Cause of God , to make resistance to an Army . The Laird of Lowreston commands them in the King's Name to return to their Houses , to discontinue that unlawful Assembly , and not to meet on any publick occasion which concerned the Church , but by his Majesty's Appointment . They answer , That they were assembled at that time and place , according to the word of God , and the Laws of the Land ; and , that they would not betray the Liberties of the Kirk of Scotland , by obeying such unlawful Prohibitions . Which said , and having desired him to withdraw a while , they made choice of one Forbes for their Moderator , and so adjourned themselves to September following . Lowreston thereupon denounced them Rebels ; and fearing that some new affront might be put upon him , and consequently on the King , in whose Name he acted , he seeks for Remedy and Prevention , to the Lords of the Council : Forbes and Welch , the two chief sticklers in the Cause , are by them convented ; and not abating any thing of their former obstinacy , are both sent Prisoners unto Blackness : A day is given for the appearance of the rest , which was the third day of October ; at what time thirteen of the number made acknowledgment of their offence , and humbly supplicated , that their Lordships would endeavour to procure their Pardon : the rest remaining in their disobedience , are by the Lords disposed of into several Prisons . 19. But these proceedings did so little edifie with that stubborn Faction , that the Lords of the Council were condemned for their just severity , and all their Actings made to aim at no other end , but by degrees to introduce the Rights and Ceremonies of the Church of England . The King endeavours by a Declaration to undeceive his good people , and reclaim these obstinate persons from the ways of ruin ; and intimates withall , that a new Assembly should be held at Dundee in the Iuly following . But this prevails as little as the former course . Which puts the business on so far , that either the King must be conformable to their present humour , or they submit themselves to the King 's just Power . The Lords resolve upon the last , command them to appear at the Council-Table , to receive their Sentence , and nominated the 24 th of October for the Day of Doom . Accordingly they came , but they came prepared , having subscribed a publick Instrument under all their hands , by which they absolutely decline the Judgment of the King and Council , as altogether incompetent , and put themselves upon the tryal of the next Assembly , as their lawful Judg. Before they were convented only for their Disobedience ; but by this Declinator , they have made themselves Traytors . The King is certified of all this ; and being resolved upon the maintenance of his own Authority , gave order , That the Law should pass upon them , according to the Statute made in Parliament , Anno 1584. Hereupon Forbes , Welch , Duncam , Sharp , Davie , Straghan , are removed from Blackness , arraigned at an Assize held in Linlithgoe , found guilty by the Jury , and condemned to death ; but all of them returned to their several Prisons , till the King's Pleasure should be known for their Execution . The Melvins , and some other of the principal Zealots , caused Prayers and Supplications to be made in behalf of the Traytors though they had generally refused to perform that office when the King's Mother was upon the point of losing her life , upon a more unwarrantable Sentence of Condemnation . This brought forth first a Proclamation , inhibiting all Ministers to recommend the condemned persons unto God in their Prayers or Sermons ; and afterwards , a Letter to some Chiefs amongst them ▪ for waiting on His Majesty at the Court in England , where they should be admitted to a publick Conference , and have the King to be their Judg. 20. Upon this Summons there appear in behalf of the Church , the Arch-bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow , the Bishops of Orkney and Galloway ; together with Nicolson , the designed Bishop of Dunkeeden : And for the Kirk , the two Melvins , Colt , Carmichall , Scot , Balfour , and Watson . The place appointed for the Conference , was Hampton-Court , at which they all attended on Septemb. 20. But the Kirk-Party came resolved neither to satisfie the King , nor be satisfied by him , though he endeavoured all fit ways for their information . To which end he appointed four Eminent and Learned Prelates to preach before them in their turns : the first of which , was Dr. Barlow , then Bishop of Rochester , who learnedly asserted the Episcopal Power , out of those words to the Elders at Ephesus , recorded Acts 20. v. 28. The second was Dr. Buckeridg , then Master of St. Iohn's Colledg in Oxon , and afterwards preferred to the See of Rochester ; who no less learnedly evinced the King's Supremacy in all Concernments of the Church ; selecting for his Text , the words of same Apostle , Rom. 13. v. 1. Next followed Dr. Andrews , then Bishop of Chichester ; who taking for his Text those words of Moses , viz. Make thee two Trumpets of silver , &c. Numb . 10. v. 2. convincingly demonstrated out of all Antiquity , That the calling of all General and National Councils , had appertained unto the Supreme Christian Magistrate . Dr. King , then Dean of Christ-Church , brings up the Rear ; and taking for his Text those words of the Canticles , Cap. 8. v. 11. disproved the calling of Lay-Elders , as men that had no Power in governing the Church of Christ ; nor were so much as heard of in the Primitive times . But neither the Learned Discourses of these Four Prelates , nor the Arguments of the Scottish Bishops , nor the Authority and Elocution of the King , could gain at all on these deaf Adders , who came resolved not to hear the voice of those Charmers , charmed they never so wisely . Thus have we seen them in their Crimes , and now we are to look upon them in their several Punishments . And first , the Ministers which had been summoned into England , were there commanded to remain until further . The six which were condemned for Treason , were sentenced by the King to perpetual banishment , and never to return to their Native Countrey upon pain of death . And as for those which had acknowledged their offence , and submitted to mercy , they were confined unto the Isles , and out-parts of the Kingdom , where they may possibly work some good , but could do no harm . After which , Andrew Melvin having made a Seditious Libel against the Altar , and the Furniture thereof , in His Majesty's Chappel , was brought into the Starr-Chamber by an Ore tenus , where he behaved himself so malepertly toward all the Lords , and more particularly towards the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , that he was sentenced to imprisonment in the Tower of London , and there remained till he was begged by the Duke of Bouillon , and by him made Professor of Divinity in the School of Sedan . 21. During the time that all men's Eyes were fastned on the issue of this great Dispute , the King thought fit to call a Parliament in Scotland , which he managed by Sir George Hume , his right trusty Servant , not long before created Earl of Dunbar , and made Lord Treasurer of that Kingdom . His chief Work was to settle the Authority of the King , and the Calling of Bishops , that they might mutually support each other in the Government of the Church and State●punc ; It was supposed , that no small opposition would be made against him by some Puritan Ministers , who repaired in great numbers to the Town , as on their parts it was resolved on . But he applyed himself unto them with such Art and Prudence , that having taken off their edg , the Acts passed easily enough with the Lords and Commons . By the first Act , the King's Prerogative was confirmed over all Persons ▪ and in all Causes whatsoever : Which made Him much more Absolute in all Affairs which had relation to the Church , than he had been formerly . And by the next , entituled , An Act for Restitution of the Estate of Bishops ; the Name of Bishops was conferred upon such of the Ministers , as by the King were nominated unto any of the Bishop-Sees , and thereby authorized to have place in Parliament : A course was also taken by it , to repossess the Bishops of the Lands of their several Churches , as well as their Titles and Degree : not that a Plenary re-possession of their Lands was then given unto them ; but , that by a Repeal of the late Act of Annexation , the King was put into a capacity of restoring so much of the Rents as remained in the Crown , and otherwise providing for them out of his Revenues . And , that the like distraction might not be made of their Estates for the time to come , an Act was passed for restraining such Dilapidations as had impoverish'd all the Bishopricks since the Reformation . After which , and the dooming of the greater Zealots to their several Punishments , he indicts a general Assembly at Linlithgow , in December following : at which convened One hundred thirty six Ministers , and about Thirty three of the Nobility and principal Gentry . In this Assembly it was offered in behalf of his Majesty , That all Presbyteries should have their constant Moderators ; for whose encouragement his Majesty would assign to each of them a yearly stipend , amounting to One hundred pounds , or Two hundred Marks in the Scots account : That the Bishops should be Moderators of all Presbyteries in the Towns and Cities where they made their residence ; as also , in Provincial and Diocesan Synods : and that the Bishops should assume upon themselves the charge of prosecuting Papists , till they returned to their obedience to the King and the Church . In the obtaining of which Acts , there was no small difficulty ; but he obtained them at the last , though not without some limitations and restrictions super-added to them , under pretence of keeping the Commissioners ( hereafter to be called Bishops ) within their bounds . 22. The Presbyterians , notwithstanding , were not willing to forgo their Power ; but strugling , like half-dying men betwixt life and death , laid hold on all advantages which were offered to them , in opposition to the Acts before agreed on . Gladstanes , Arch-bishop of St. Andrews , taking upon him to preside as Moderator in the Synod of Fife , being within his proper Diocese and Jurisdiction , was for a while opposed by some of the Ministers , who would have gone to an Election as at other times . The Presbyteries also in some places , refused to admit the Bishops for their Moderators , according to the Acts and Constitutions of the said Assembly . Which though it put the Church into some disorder , yet the Bishops carried it at the last , the stoutest of the Ministers su●mitting in the end unto that Authority which they were not able to contend with . In which conjuncture the King gives order for a Parliament to be held in Iune ; in which He passed some severe Laws against the Papists , prohibiting the sending of their Children to be educated beyond the Seas , and giving order for the choice of Pedagogues or Tutors to instruct them there ; as also , against Jesuits , and the Sayers and Hearers of Mass. The cognizance of several Causes which anciently belonged to the Bishops Courts , had of late times been setled in the Sessions or Colledg of Justice : But by an Act of this Parliament , they are severed from it , and the Episcopal Jurisdiction restored as formerly ; the Lords of the Session being , in lieu thereof , rewarded with Ten thousand pounds yearly , ( which must be understood according to the Scottish account ) out of the Customs of that Kingdom . It was enacted also , That the King from thenceforth might appoint such Habit as to him seemed best , to Judges , Magistrates , and Church-men . Which Acts being past , Patterns were sent from London , in a short time after , for the Apparel of the Lords of the Session , the Justice , and other inferior Judges ; for the Advocates , the Lawyers , the Commissairs , and all that lived by practise of the Law ; with a command given to every one whom the Statutes concerned , to provide themselves of the Habits prescribed , within a certain space , under the pain of Rebellion . But for the habit of the Bishops , and other Church-men , it was thought fit to respite the like appointment of them , till the new Bishops had received their Consecration ; to which now we hasten . 23. But by the way , we must take notice of such preparations as were made towards it in the next General Assembly held at Glasgow , Anno 1610 , and managed by the Earl of Dunbar , as the former was : in which it was concluded , That the King should have the indiction of all General Assemblies . That the Bishops , or their Deputies , should be perpetual Moderators of the Diocesan Synods . That no Excommunication , or Absolution , should be pronounced without their approbation . That all presentations of Benefices should be made by them ; and , that the deprivation or suspension of Ministers , should belong to them . That every Minister , at his admission to a Benefice , should take the Oath of Supremacy , and Canonical Obedience : That the Visitation of the Diocese shall be performed by the Bishop or his Deputy only . And finally , That the Bishop should be Moderator of all Conventions , for Exercisings , or Prophesyings , ( call them which you will ) which should be held within their bounds . All which Conclusions were confirmed by Act of Parliament , in the year 1612 : in which the Earl of Dumferling , then being Lord Chancellor of that Kingdom , sate as chief Commissioner ; who in the same Session , also , procured a Repeal of all such former Acts ( more patticularly , of that which passed in favour of the Discipline , 1592. ) as were supposed to be derogatory to the said Conclusions . In the mean time , the King being advertised of all which had been done at Glasgow , calls to the Court by special Letters under his Sign-Manual , Mr. Iohn Spotswood , the designed Arch-bishop of Glasgow : Mr. Gawen Hamilton , nominated to the See of Galloway : and Mr. Andrew Lamb , appointed to the Church of Brechin ; to the intent that being consecrated Bishops in due Form and Order , they might at their return give consecration to the rest of their Brethren . They had before been authorized to vote in Parliament , commended by the King unto their several Sees , made the perpetual Moderators of Presbyteries and Diocesan Synods : and finally , by the Conclusions made at Glasgow , they were restored to all considerable Acts of their Jurisdiction . The Character was only wanting to compleat the Work , which could not be imprinted but by Consecration according to the Rules and Canons of the Primitive times . 24. And that this Character might be indelibly imprinted on them , His Majesty issues a Commission under the Great Seal of England , to the Bishops of London , Ely , Wells , and Rochester , whereby they were required to proceed to the Consecration of the said three Bishops , according to the Rules of the English Ordination ; which was by them performed with all due solemnity , in the Chappel of the Bishop of London's House , near the Church of St. Pauls , Octob. 21 , 1610. But first , a scruple had been moved by the Bishop of Ely , concerning the capacity of the persons nominated , for receiving the Episcopal Consecration , in regard that none of them had formally been ordained Priests : which scruple was removed by Arch-bishop Bancroft , alledging , that there was no such necessity of receiving the Order of Priesthood , but that Episcopal Consecrations might be given without it ; as might have been exemplified in the Cases of Ambrose and Nectarius ; of which● the first was made Arch-bishop of Millain ; and the other , Patriarch of Constantinople , without receiving any intermediate Orders , whether of Priest , Deacon , or any other ( if there were any other ) at that time in the Church . And on the other side , the Prelates of Scotland also had their Doubts and Scruples , fearing lest by receiving Consecration of the English Bishops , they might be brought to an acknowledgment of that Superiority which had been exercised and enjoyed by the Primates of England , before the first breaking out of the Civil Warrs betwixt York and Lancaster . Against which fear , the King sufficiently provided , by excluding the two Arch-bishops of Canterbury and York ( who only could pretend to that Superiority ) out of His Commission ; which Bancroft very cheerfully condescended to , though he had chiefly laid the plot , and brought on the work ; not caring who participated in the Honour of it , as long as the Churches of both Kingdoms might receive the Benefit . 25. This great Work being thus past over , the King erects a Court of High Commission in the Realm of Scotland , for ordering all matters which concerned that Church , and could not safely be redressed in the Bishops Courts . He also gave them some Directions for the better exercise of their Authority , by them to be communicated to the Bishops , and some principal Church-men , whom he appointed to be called to Edenborough in the following February ; where they were generally well approved . But as all general Rules have some Exceptions ; so some Exceptions were found out against these Commissions , and the proceedings thereupon . Not very pleasing to those great Persons who then sate at the Helm , and looked upon it as a diminution to their own Authority , and could not brook that any of the Clergy should be raised to so great a Power ; much more displeasing to the principal sticklers in the Cause of Presbytery , who now beheld the downfall of their glorious Throne , which they had erected for themselves in the Name of Christ. One thing perhaps might comfort them in the midst of their sorrows , that is to say , the death of the most Reverend Arch-bishop Bancroft , who left this life upon the second of November , not living above thirteen days after the Scottish Bishops had received Consecration . For which great blessing to the Church , he had scarce time to render his just acknowledgments unto God and the King , when he is called on to prepare for his Nunc Dimittis . And having seen so great a work accomplished for the glory of God , the honour of his Majesty , and the good of both Kingdoms , beseecheth God to give him leave to depart in peace , that with his eyes he might behold that great Salvation which was ordained to be a Light unto the Gentiles , and to be the Glory of his people Israel . 26. Bancroft being dead , some Bishops of the Court held a Consultation touching the fittest Person to succeed him in that eminent Dignity : The great Abilities and most exemplary Piety of Dr. Lancelot Andrews , then Bishop of Ely , pointed him out to be the man , as one sufficiently able to discharge a Trust of such main importance ; and rather looked on as a Preferment to that See , than preferred unto it . Him they commended to King IAMES , who had him in a high esteem for his Parts and Piety ; and setled all things , as they thought , in so good a posture , that some of them retired to their Countrey-houses , and others slackned their attendance about the Court. Which opportunity being taken by the Earl of Dunbar , he puts in for Abbot , who had attended him in some of his Negotiations with the Kirk of Scotland . Upon the merits of which Service , he was preferred first to the See of Litchfield , to which he received his Episcopal Consecration on the third of December , 1609 ; and within the compass of the year , was removed to London . But Dunbar was resolved to advance him higher . And he put in so powerfully on his behalf , that at last he carried it to the great detriment of the Church , as it after proved . For , as one very well observeth of him , he seemed to be better qualified with merit to attain the Dignity , than with a spirit answerable to so great a Function . Which made him slack and negligent in the course of his Government , and too indulgent to that Party , which Bancroft had kept under with such just severity . But take his Character in the words of the said Historian , and we shall find that he was a man too facil and yeelding in the exercise of that great Office : that by his extraordinary remisness in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremony , he seemed to resolve those Legal determinations to their first indifferency : and finally , That he brought in such a habi● of Nonconformity , that the future reduction of those tender Conscienced-men to a long discontinued obedience , was at the last interpreted for an Innovation . 27. But to go forwards where we left , Bancroft being dead , the English Puritans began to put forth again , not pushing at the Liturgy and Episcopal Government ( as in former times ) ; but in pursuance of the Sabbatarian and Calvinian Rigors : Which having been advanced in the year 1595 , as is there declared , and afterward laid aside till a fitter season , were now thought fit to be resumed as the most proper Mediums for inferring the desired Conclusion . In both which , they received some countenance from K. IAMES himself ; but more from the connivence ( if I may not call it , the encouragement ) of the new Arch-bishop . In reference to the first , the King had published a Proclamation in the first year of his Reign , prohibiting some rude and disorderly Pastimes , ( as namely , Ball , Baitings , Bear-baitings , and common Interludes ) from being followed on the Sunday , because they drew away much people from God's publick Service . And he had caused the Morality of the Lord's-day-Sabbath , to be conf●●●ed amongst the rest of the Irish Articles , Anno 1615 , of which more anon . Which Condescentions were so husbanded by the Puritan Faction , that by the raising of the Sabbath , they depressed the Festivals ; and with the Festivals , all those ancient and Annual Fasts which had been kept upon the Eves . And following close upon the Doctrines of Aerius , before remembred , they introduced , by little and little , a general neglect of the Weekly Fasts , the holy time of Lent , and the Embring-days ; reducing all the Acts of Humiliation , to solemn and occasional Fasts , as amongst the Scots ; and yet this was not all the mischief which ensued on their Sabbath-Doctrines . By which , and by the temper of the present Government , they gave occasion to some Preachers , and not a few publick Ministers of Justice , in their several Countreys , to interdict all lawful sports upon that Day . By means whereof , the people were perswaded by some Priests and Jesuits , especially in Lancashire , and some others of the Northern Counties , that the Reformed Religion , was incompetible with that Christian Liberty which God and Nature had indulged to the sons of men . And having brought them to that point , it was no hard matter to perswade them to fall off to Popery , as a Religion more agreeable to human Society , and such as would permit them all such lawful pleasures as by the Stoicism of the other had been interdicted . Which brought the King to a necessity of publishing his Declaration about lawful sports , dated at Greenwich on the 24 th day of May , Anno 1620. Which as it put some Water into the Wine of the Sabbatarians ; so shewed he , within few years after , how little he affected the Calvinian Rigors . 28. In reference to which last , some of the Zealots in the Cause had took encouragement from his Declaration against Vorstus , a Divine of the Netherlands , in which he had bestowed some unhandsome Epethetes upon the Followers of Van Harmine , in the Belgick Provinces . This seemed sufficient to expose all those of the same Perswasions , unto scorn and hatred ; and on the other side , to animate all those who favoured Calvinism , to act such things as drew upon them at the last the King 's high displeasure . Calvin had published a blasphemous Fancy touching Christ's suffering of Hell-torments in the time of his Passion , even to the horrors of Despair . Which being touched upon by Corbet , one of the Students of Christ-Church , in a Passion-Sermon , 1613 , he was most sharply reprehended by the Repetitioner , for so great a sauciness . Dr. Iohn Houson , one of the Canons of that Church , who had most worthily discharged the Office of Vice-Chancellor twelve years before , declared himself somewhat to the prejudice of the Annotations which were made on the Genevian Bibles ; and for so doing , is condemned to a Recantation much about that time ; though the said Annotations had been censured for their partiality and seditiousness , by the Tongue of K. IAMES . And finally , Dr. William Laud , being then President of St. Iohn's Colledg , had showed himself no Friend to Calvinism , in Doctrine or Discipline ; and must be therefore branded for a Papist , in a publick Sermon preached upon Easter Su●●ay , by Dr. Robert Abbot , then Vice-Chancellor and Doctor of the Chair in that University : Which passages so closely following upon one another , ocsioned ( as most conceived ) the publishing of some Directions by His Majesty , in the year next following : In which it was injoyned , among other things , That young Students in Divinity should be directed to study such Books as were most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England ; and be excited to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils ; School-men , Histories , and Controversies ; and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators , making them the grounds of those Sacred Studies . Which as it was the first great blow which was given to Calvinism , so was it followed not long after , by the King's Instructions touching Preaching and Preachers . In which it was precisely cautioned amongst other things , That no Preacher , of what Title ▪ soever , under the Degree of a Bishop , or Dean at the least , should from thenceforth presume to preach in any popular Auditory , the deep points of Predestination , Election , Reprobation , or of the Vniversality , Efficacity , Resistibility , or Irresistibility , of God's Grace ; but should rather leave those Theams to be handled by Learned men ; as being fitter for Schools and Vniversities , than for simple Auditories . Which said Instructions bearing date at Windsor , on the 10 th of August , 1622 , opened the way to the suppression of that heat and fierceness by which the Calvinists had been acted in some years fore-going . 29. During which Heats and Agitations between the Parties , a Plot was set on foot to subvert the Church , in the undoing of the Clergy ; and there could be no readier way to undo the Clergy , than to reduce them unto such a Beggerly Competency ( for by that name they love to call it ) as they had brought them to in all the rest of the Calvinian or Genevian Churches . This the design of many hands , by whom all passages had been scored in Cotton's Library , which either did relate to the point of Tythes , or the manner of payment . But the Collections being brought together , and the Work compleated , there appeared no other Name before it , than that of Selden , then of great Credit in the World for his known Abilities in the retired Walks of Learning . The History of Tythes writ by such an Author , could not but raise much expectation amongst some of the Laity , who for a long time had gaped after the Church's Patrimony , and now conceived and hoped to swallow it down without any chewing . The Author highly magnified , the Book held unanswerable , and all the Clergy looked on but as Pigmies to that great Goliah , who in his Preface had reproached them with Ignorance and Laziness ; upbraided them with having nothing to keep up their Credit , but Beard , Title , and Habit ; and that their studies reached no further than the Breviary , the Postills , and the Polyanthea . Provoked wherewith , he was so galled by Tillesly , so gagged by Mountague , and stung by Netles ; that he never came off in any of his Undertakings , with more loss of Credit . By which he found , that some of the Ignorant and Lazy Clergy , were of as retired Studies as himself ; and could not only match , but over-match him too , in his own Philology . But the chief Governours of the Church went a shorter way , and not expecting till the Book was answered by particular men , resolved to seek for reparation of the wrong , from the Author himself , upon an Information to be brought against him in the High Commission . Fearing the issue of the business , and understanding what displeasures were conceived against him by the King and the Bishops , he made his personal appearance in the open Court at Lambeth , on the 28 th day of Ianuary , 1618 ; where in a full Court he tendred his submission and acknowledgment , all of his own hand-writing , in these following words . My Lords , I most humbly acknowledg my Error which I have committed , in publishing The History of Tythes ; and especially , in that I have at all , by shewing any Interpretations of Holy Scriptures , by medling with Councils , Fathers , or Canons , or by whatsoever occurrs in it , offered any occasion of Argument against any Right of Maintenance ●ure Divino , of the Ministers of the Gospel ; beseeching your Lordships to receive this ingenuous and humble acknowledgment , together with the unfeigned Protestation of my grief , for that through it I have so incurred both His Majesty's and your Lordships Displeasure conceived against me in behalf of the Church of England . JOHN SELDEN . This for the present was conceived to be the most likely Remedy for the preventing of the Mischief ; but left such smart Remembrances in the mind of the Author , as put him on to act more vigorously for the Presbyterians , ( of which more hereafter ) by whom he seemed to be engaged in the present Service . 30. But it is now high time for us to cross over St. George's Channel , and take a short view of the poor and weak Estate of the Church of Ireland , where these Designs were carried on with better Fortune . A Church which for the most part had been modelled by the Reformation which was made in England . But lying at a greater distance , and more out of sight , it was more easily made a prey to all Invaders ; the Papists prevailing on the one side , and the Puritans on the other , getting so much ground , that the poor Protestants seemed to be crucified in the midst between them . Some Order had been taken for establishing the English Liturgy , together with the Bible in the English Tongue , in all the Churches of that Kingdom : which not being understood by the natural Irish , left them as much in Ignorance and Superstition , as in the darkest times of the Papal Tyranny . And for the Churches of the Pale , which very well understood the English Language , they suffered themselves to be seduced from the Rules of the Church , and yeelded to the prevalency of those zealous Ministers who carried on the Calvinian Project with their utmost power . In order whereunto , it was held necessary to expose the Patrimony of the Bishops and Cathedral Churches , to a publick Port-sale ; that being as much weakned in their Power as they were in Estate , they might be rendred inconsiderable in the eyes of the people . Hence-forward such a general devastation of the Lands of the Church , that some Episcopal-Sees were never since able to maintain a Bishop , but have been added to some others ; two or three , for failing , to make up somewhat like a Competency for an Irish Prelate . The Bishoprick of Ardagh was thereupon united unto that of Kill more ; but the Cathedral of the one , together with the Bishop's House adjoyning to it , had been levelled with the very ground : the other in some better repair ; but neither furnished with Bell , Font , or Chalice . The like union had been also made between the Bishopricks of Clonfert and Killmare , Ossery and Kilkenny , Down and Connour , Waterford and Lismore , Cork and Rosse , &c. and was projected by the late Lord Primate , between the See of Kilfanore , and that of Killallow : not to descend any more particulars of the like Conjunctions . 31. Such also were the Fortunes of the Rural Clergy , whose Churches in some places lay unrooted , in others unrepaired , and much out of order . The Tythes annexed , for the most part , to Religions Houses , fell ( by the ruin of those Houses ) to the Power of the Crown , and by the Kings and Queens of England , were aliened from the Church , and by them became Lay-Fees . The Vicaridges generally so ill provided , that in the whole Province of Connaught , most of the Vicars Pensions came but to forty shillings per annum , and in some places but sixteen only . And of such Vicaridges as appeared to be better endowed , three , four , or five , were many times ingrossed into one man's hands , who neither understood the Language , nor performed the Service . In which respect it was no marvel if the people took up that Religion which came next to hand , such as did either serve most fitly to continue them in their former Errors , or to secure them in the quiet enjoyment of those Estates which they had ravished from the Church , and still possessed by the Title of the first Usurpers . In which estate we find the Church of Ireland , at the death of the Queen , not much improved , in case it were not made more miserable . In the time of K. IAMES , some Propositions had been offered by Him in the Conference at Hampton-Court , about sending Preachers into Ireland , of which he was but half King , as himself complained , their Bodies being subject unto his Authority , but their Souls and Consciences to the Pope . But I find nothing done in pursuance of it , till after the year 1607 , where the Earl of Ter-ownen , Ter-connel , Sir Iohn Odaghartie , and other great Lords of the North , together with their Wives and Families , took their flight from Ireland , and left their whole Estates to the King 's disposing . Hereupon followed the Plantation of Vlster , first undertaken by the City of London , who fortified Colraine , and built London-Derrie , and purchased many thousand Acres of Lands in the parts adjoyning . But it was carried on more vigorously , as more unfortunately withall , by some Adventurers of the Scottish Nation , who poured themselves into this Countrey as the richer Soil : And though they were sufficiently industrious in improving their own Fortunes there , and set up Preaching in all Churches whersoever they fixed ; yet , whether it happened for the better , or for the worse , the event hath showed : For they brought with them hither such a stock of Puritanism , such a contempt of Bishops , such a neglect of the publick Liturgy , and other Divine Offices of this Church , that there was nothing less to be found amongst them , than the Government and Forms of Worship established in the Church of England . 32. Nor did the Doctrine speed much better , if it sped not worse : For Calvinism by degrees had taken such deep root amongst them , that at the last it was received and countenanced as the only Doctrine which was to be defended in the Church of Ireland . For , not contented with the Articles of the Church of England , they were resolved to frame a Confession of their own ; the drawing up whereof was referred to Dr. Iames Vsher , then Provost of the Colledg of Dublin , and afterwards Arce-bishop of Armagh , and Lord Primate of Ireland . By whom the Book was so contrived , that all the Sabbatarian and Calvinian Rigors were declared therein to be the Doctrines of that Church . For first , the Articles of Lambeth , rejected at the Conference at Hampton-Court , must be inserted into this Confession , as the chief parts of it . And secondly , An Article must be made of purpose to justifie the Morality of the Lord's-day-Sabbath , and to require the spending of it wholly in Religious Exercises . Besides which deviations from the Doctrine of the Church of England , most grievous Torments immediately in His Soul , are there affirmed to be endured by Christ our Saviour , which Calvin makes to be the same with his descent into Hell. The Abstinencies from eating Flesh upon certain days , declared not to be Religious Fasts , but to be grounded upon Politick Ends and Considerations : All Ministers adjudged to be lawfully called , who are called unto the work of the Ministry by those that have publick Authority given them in the Church ( but whether they be Bishops , or not , it makes no matter , so they be authorized unto it by their several Churches ) . The Sacerdotal Power of Absolution , made declarative only ; and consequently , quite subverted . No Power ascribed to the Church in making Canons , or Censuring any of those who either carelesly or maliciously do infringe the same . The Pope made Antichrist , according to the like determination of the French Hugonots at Gappe in Daulphine . And finally , Such a silence concerning the Consecration of Arch-bishops and Bishops ( expresly justified and avowed in the English Book ) , as if they were not a distinct Order from the common Presbyters . All which , being Vsher's own private Opinions , were dispersed in several places of the Articles for the Church of Ireland ; approved of in the Convocation of the year 1615 : and finally , confirmed by the Lord Deputy Chichester , in the Name of King IAMES . 33. What might induce King IAMES to confirm these Articles , differing in so many points from his own Opinion , is not clearly known : but it is probable , that he might be drawn to it on these following grounds : For first , He was much governed at that time , in all Church-concernments , by Dr. George Abbot , Arch-bishop of Canterbury ; and Dr. Iames Mountague , Bishop of Bath and Wells : who having formerly engaged in maintenance of some or most of those Opinions , as before is said , might find it no hard matter to perswade the King to a like approbation of them . And secondly , The King had so far declared himself in the Cause against Vorstius , and so affectionately had espoused the Quarrel of the Prince of Orange against those of the Remonstrant Party in the Belgick Churches , that he could not handsomely refuse to confirm those Doctrines in the Church of Ireland , which he had countenanced in Holland . Thirdly , The Irish Nation at that time were most tenaciously addicted to the Errors and Corruptions of the Church of Rome , and therefore must be bended to the other Extream , before they could be straight and Orthodox in these points of Doctrine . Fourthly , and finally , It was an usual practise with that King , in the whole course of His Government , to balance one Extream by the other ; countenancing the Papists against the Puritans , and the Puritans against the Papists ; that betwixt both , the true Religion , and Professors of it , might be kept in safety . But whether I hit right , or not , certain it is , that it proved a matter of sad consequence to the Church of England ; there being nothing more ordinary amongst those of the Puritan Party , when they were pressed in any of the points aforesaid , then to appeal unto the Articles of Ireland , and the infallible Judgment of K. IAMES , who confirmed the same . And so it stood until the year 1634 , when by the Power of the Lord Deputy Wentworth , and the Dexterity of Dr. Iohn Bramhall , then Lord Bishop of Derry , the Irish Articles were repealed in a full Convocation , and those of England authorised in the place thereof . 34. Pass we next over to the Isles of Iersey and Guernsey , where the Genevian Discipline had been setled under Queen ELIZABETH ; and being so setled by that Queen , was confirmed by K. IAMES at his first coming to this Crown ; though at the same time he endeavoured a subversion of it in the Kirk of Scotland . But being to do it by degrees , and so to practise the restoring of the old Episcopacy , as not to threaten a destruction to their new Presbyteries ; it was thought fit to tolerate that Form of Government in those petit Islands , which could have no great influence upon either Kingdom . Upon which ground he sends his Letter to them of the 8 th of August , first writ in French , and thus translated into English ; that is to say : 35. JAMES , by the Grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland , &c. Vnto all those whom these Presents shall concern , greeting . Whereas We Our selves , and the Lords of Our Council , have been given to understand , that it pleased God to put into the heart of the late Queen , Our most dear Sister , to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jersey and ●uernsey , parcel of the Dutchy of Normandy , the use of the ●●●●ment of the Reformed Churches of the said Dutchy , whereof they have stood possessed until Our coming to the Crown . For this cause We , desiring to follow the pious Example of Our said Sister in this behalf , as well for the advancement of the Glory of Almighty God , as for the edification of his Church ; do will and ordain , That Our said Isles shall quietly enjoy their said Liberty in the use of Ecclesiastical Discipline , there now established . For●idding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment , so long as they contain themselves in Our obedience , and attempt not any thing against the Power and Sacred Word of God. Given at our Palace at Hampton-Court , the 8th of August , in the first year of Our Reign of England , 1603. 36. This Letter was communicated unto all whom it might concern , in a Synod of both Islands , held in Iersey , Anno 1605. But long they were not suffered to enjoy the benefit of this Dispensation : For sir Iohn Peiton , who succeeded Governour of Iersey in the place of Raleigh , had of himself no good affections to that Platform , and possibly might be furnished with some secret Instructions for altering it in the Island on the first conveniency . The ground whereof was laid upon this occasion : The Curate of St. Iohn's being lately dead , it pleased the Colloquie of that Island , according to their former method , to appoint one Brevin to succeed him . Against this course , the Governour , the King's Attorney , and other the Officers of the Crown , protested publickly , as being prejudicial to the Rights and Profits of the King. Howbeit , the Case was over-ruled , and the Colloquie for that time carried it . Hereupon a Bill of Articles was exhibited to the Lords of the Council , against the Ministers of that Island , by Peiton the Governour , Marret the Attorney , and the rest ; as , viz. That they had usurped the Patronage of all Benefices in the Island : That thereby they admitted men to Livings without any Form or Presentation ; and by that means deprived his Majesty of Vacancies and First-fruits . That by the connivance ( to say no worse of it ) of the former Governours , they exercised a kind of Arbitrary Iurisdiction , making and disannulling Laws at their own most uncertain pleasure . In consideration whereof , they humbly pray His Sacred Majesty to grant them such a Discipline as might be fittest to the nature of the Place , and less derogatory to the Royal Prerogative . 37. In the pursuance of this Project , Sir Robert Gardiner , once Chief Justice of Ireland ; and Iames Husley , Dr. of the Laws , are sent Commissioners unto that Island , though not without the colour of some other business . To these Commissioners the Ministers give in their Answer , which may be generally reduced to these two heads : First , That their appointment of men into the Ministry , and the exercise of Jurisdiction , being principal parts of the Church-Discipline , had been confirmed unto them by His Sacred Majesty . And secondly , That the payment of First-fruits and Tenths , had never been exacted from them since they were freed from their subordination to the Bishops 〈◊〉 ●onstance , to whom formerly they had been due . But these An●●●● giving no just satisfaction unto the Council of England , and nothing being done in order to a present Settlement , a foul deformity both of Confusion and Distraction , did suddenly overgrow the face of those wretched Churches . For in the former times , all such as took upon them any publick Charge either in Church or Common-wealth , had bound themselves by Oath to cherish and maintain the Discipline : That Oath is now disclaimed as dangerous and unwarrantable . Before , it was their custom to exact subscription to their Plat-form , of all such as purposed to receive the Sacrament : but now the King's Attorney , and others of that Party , chose rather to abstain from the Communion , than to yeeld Subscription . Nay , even the very Elders , silly souls , that thought themselves as sacro sancti as a Roman Tribune , were drawn with Process into the Civil Courts , and there reputed with the Vulgar . Nor was the Case much better in the Sacred Consistory ; the Jurates in their Cohu , or Town-Hall , relieving such by their Authority , whom that ( once paramount ) Tribunal had condemned or censured . And yet this was not all the Mischief which befel them neither : Those of the lower rank seeing the Ministers begin to stagger in their Chairs , refused to set out their Tythes ; and if the Curates mean to exact their Dues , the Law is open to all comers , to try their Title . Their Benefices , which before were accounted as exempt and priviledged , are now brought to reckon for First-fruits and Tenths ; and that not according to the Book of Constance ( as they had been formerly ) , but by the will and pleasure of the present Governour . And , to make up the total sum of their Mis-fortunes , one of the Constables preferrs a Bill against them in the common Cohu , in which they were accused of Hypocrisie in their Conversation , and Tyranny in the Exercise of their Jurisdiction : and finally , of holding some secret practises against the Governour , which consequentially did reflect on the King Himself . 38. In this Confusion they address themselves to the Earl of Salisbury , then being Lord Treasurer of England , and in great credit with King IAMES ; who seeming very much pleased with their Application , advised them to invite their Brethren of the Isle of Guernsey , to joyn with them in a Petition to the King , for a redress of those Grievances which they then complained of . A Counsel which then seemed rational , and of great respect ; but in it self of greater cunning than it seemed in the first appearance . For by this means ( as certainly he was a man of a subtile Wit ) he gave the King more time to compass his Designs in Scotland , before he should declare himself in the present business ; and , by engaging those of Guernsey in the same desires , intended to subject them also to the same conclusion . But this Counsel taking no effect by reason of the death of the Councellor , they fall into another trouble of their own creating . The Parish of St. Peters falling void by the death of the Minister , the Governour presents unto it one Aaron Messering , one that had spent his time in Oxon , and had received the Order of Priesthood from the Right Reverend Dr. Bridges , then Bishop of that Diocess , but of himself a Native of the Isle of Iersey . A thing so infinitely stomacked by those of the Colloquy , that they would by no means yeeld unto his admission ; not so much in regard of his presentation by the Power of the Governour , as because he had taken Orders from the hands of a Bishop : For now they thought that Popery began to break in upon them , and therefore that it did concern them to oppose it to the very last . A new Complaint is hereupon preferred against them to the Lords of the Council ; in which their Lordships were informed , That the Inhabitants generally of the Isle were discontented with the present Discipline and guidance of the Church , that most of them would be easily perswaded to submit to the English Goverment , and that many of them did desire it . 39. This brings both Parties to the Court ; the Governour and his Adherents , to prosecute the Suit , and make good their Intelligence ; the Ministers to answer to the Complaint , and stand to the Pleasure of His Majesty in the final Judgment . And at the first , the Ministers stood fast together : but as it always happeneth , that there is no Confederacy so well jointed , but one Member of it may be severed from the rest , and thereby the whole Practise overthrown : so was it also in this business . For those who there sollicited some private business of the Governour 's , had kindly wrought upon the weakness and ambition of De la Place , ( one of the Ministers appointed to attend the Service ) perswading him , That if the Government were altered , and the Dean restored , he was infallibly resolved on to be the man. Being fashioned into this hope , he speedily betrayed the Counsels of his Fellows , and furnished their Opponents at all their Interviews , with such Intelligence as might make most for their advantage . At last the Ministers not well agreeing in their own demands , and having little to say in defence of their proper Cause , whereunto their Answers were not provided before-hand ; my Lord of Canterbury , at the Council Table , thus declared unto them the Pleasure of the King and Council , viz. That for the speedy redress of their disorders , it was reputed most convenient to establish amongst them the Authority and Office of the Dean . That the Book of Common-Prayer being again Printed in the French , should be received into their Churches ; but the Ministers not tyed to the strict observance of it in all particulars . That Messervy should be admitted to his Benefice , and that so they might return to their several Charges . This said , they were commanded to depart , and to signifie to those from whom they came , the full scope of His Majesty's Resolution , and so they did . But being somewhat backward in obeying this Decree , the Council intimated to them by Sir Philip de Carteret , chief Agent for the Governour and Estates of the Island . That the Ministers from among themselves should make choice of three Learned and Grave persons , whose Names they should return unto the Board , out of which His Majesty should resolve on one to be their Dean . 40. But this Proposal little edified amongst the Brethren ; not so much out of any dislike of the alteration , with which they seemed all well enough contented ; but because every one of them gave himself some hopes of being the man : And being that all of them could not be elected , they were not willing to destroy their particular hopes , by the appointment of another . In the mean time , Mr. David Bandinell , an Italian born , then being Minister of St. Mary's , under pretence of other business of his own , is dispatched for England , and recommended by the Governour as the fittest person for that Place and Dignity . And being well approved of by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , who found him answerable in all points to the Governour 's Character , he was established in the Place by his Majesty's Letters Patents bearing date Anno 1619 , and was accordingly invested in all such Rights as formerly had been inherent in that Office , whether it were in point of Profit , or of Jurisdiction . And for the executing of this Office , some Articles were drawn and ratified by His Sacred Majesty , to be in force until a certain Body of Ecclesiastical Canons should be digested and confirmed : Which Articles he was pleased to call the Interim , ( a Name devised by CHARLES the fifth , on the like occasion ) as appears by His Majesty's Letters Paters Patents , for confirmation of the Canons , not long after made . And by this Interim it was permitted for the present , that the Ministers should not be obliged to bid the Holy-days , to use the Cross in Baptism , or to wear the Surplice , or not to give the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper unto any others but such as did receive it kneeling ; but in all other things , it little differed from the Book of Canons ; which being first drawn up by the Dean and Ministers , was afterwards carefully perused , corrected , and accommodated for the use of that Island , by the Right Reverend Fathers in God , George , Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury ; Iohn , Lord Bishop of Lincoln , Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England ; and Lancelot , Lord Bishop of Winchester , whose Diocess or Jurisdiction did extend over both the Islands . In which respect it was appointed in the Letters Patents ( by which His Majesty confirmed these Canons , Anno 1623 ) , That the said Reverend Father in God , the Bishop of Winchester , should forthwith by his Commission under his Episcopal Seal , as Ordinary of the place , give Authority unto the said Dean to exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the said Isle , according to the Canons and Constitutions thus made and established . Such were the Means , and such the Counsels , by which this Island was reduced to a full conformity with the Church of England . 41. Gu●rnsey had followed in the like , if first the breach between K. IAMES and the King of Spain ; and afterwards between K. CHARLES and the Crown of France , had not took off the edg of the prosecution . During which time , the Ministers were much heartned in their Inconformity , by the Practises of De la Place , before remembred : Who stomacking his disappointment in the loss of the Deanry , abandoned his Native Countrey , and retired unto Guernsey , where he breathed nothing but disgrace to the English Liturgy , the Person of the new Dean , and the change of the Government . Against the first , so perversly opposite , that when some Forces were sent over by King CHARLES for defence of the Island , he would not suffer them to have the use of the English Liturgy in the Church of St. Peter's , being the principal of that Island , but upon these Conditions ; that is to say , That they should neither use the Liturgy therein , nor receive the Sacrament . And secondly , Whereas there was a Lecture weekly , every Thursday , in the said Church of St. Peters , when once the Feast of Christ's Nativity fell upon that day , he rather chose to disappoint the Hearers , and put off the Sermon , than that the least honour should reflect on that ancient Festival . An Opposition far more superstitious , than any observation of a day , though meerly Iewish . By his Example others were encouraged to the like perversness , insomuch that they refused to baptize any Child or Children , though weak , and in apparent danger of present death , but such as were presented unto them on the day of Preaching : And when some of them were compelled by the Civil Magistrate to perform their duty in this kind , a great Complaint thereof was made to the Earl of Darby , being then Governour of that Island , as if the Magistrate had intrenched on the Minister's Office , and took upon them the administration of the blessed Sacraments . Of these particulars , and many others of that nature , intelligence was given to the late Arch-bishop , Dr. Laud , who had proceeded thereupon to a Reformation , Anno 1637 , if the Distraction then arising in the Realm of Scotland , had not enforced him to a discontinuance of that Resolution . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History OF THE PRESBYTERIANS LIB . XII . Containing Their Tumultuating in the Belgick Provinces ; their Practises and Insurrections in the Higher Germany ; the frustrating of their Design on the Churches of Brandenbourgh ; the Revolts of Transilvania , Hungary , Austria , and Bohemia , and the Rebellions of the French , from the Year 1610 , to the Year 1628. FRom Guernsey we set sail for Holland , in which we left the Ministers divided into two main Factiions ; the one being called the Remonstrants , the other taking to themselves the Name of Contra-Remonstrants . To put an end to those Disorders , a Conference was appointed between the Parties , held at the Hague , before the General Assembly of Estates of the Belgick Provinces , Anno 1610. The Controversi● reduced to five Articles only , and the Dispute managed by the ablest men who appeared in the Quarrel on either side . In which it was conceived , that the Remonstrants had the better of the day , and came off with Victory . But what the Contra-Remonstrants wanted in the strength of Argument , they made good by Power : For , being far the greater number , and countenanced by the Prince of Orange , as their principal Patron , they prosecuted their Opponents in their several Consistories , by Suspensions , Excommunications , and Deprivations , the highest Censures of the Church . This forced the Remonstrant Party to put themselves under the protection of Iohn Olden Barnevelt , an Hollander by birth , and one of the most powerful men of all that Nation ; who fearing that the Prince of Or●nge had some secret purpose to make Himself absolute Lord of those Estates , received them very cheerfully into his protection , not without hope of raising a strong Party by them to oppose the Prince . This draws K. IAMES into the Quarrel ; who being displeased with the Election of Conradus Vorstius , to a Divinity-Reader's Place in the Schools of Leiden , and not so readily gratified by the Estates in the choice of another ; published a Declaration against this Vorstius , and therein falls exceeding foul upon Iames Van Harmine , and all that followed his Opinions in the present Controversies . Which notwithstanding , Barnevelt gains an Edict from the States of Holland , Anno 1613 , by which a mutual Toleration was indulged to either Party , more to the benefit of the Remonstrants , than the contentment of the others . An Edict highly magnified by the Learned Grotius , in his Pietas Ordinum , &c. Against which , some Answers were returned by Bogerman , Sibrandus , and some others , not without some reflections on the Magistrates for their actings in it . 2. This made the breach much wider than it was before ; King IAMES appearing openly in favour of the Prince of Orange ; the Spaniard secretly fomenting the Designs of Barnevelt , as it was afterwards suggested , with what truth I know not . But sure it is , that as K. IAMES had formerly aspersed the Remonstrant Party , in His Declaration against ▪ Vorstius , before remembred ; so He continued a most bitter Enemy unto them , till he had brought them at the last to an extermination . But what induced him thereunto , hath been made a question . Some think that he was drawn unto it by the powerful perswasions of Arch-bishop Abbot , and Bishop Mountague , who then much governed his Counsels in all Church-concernments . Others impute it to his Education in the Church of Scotland , where all the Heterodoxies of Calvin were received as Gospel ; which might incline him the more strongly to those Opinions , which he had sucked in , as it were , with his Nurse's Milk. Some say , that he was carried in this business , not so much by the clear light of his own understanding , as by a transport of affection to the Prince of Orange , to whom he had a dear regard , and a secret sympathy . Others more rationally ascribe it unto Reason of State , for the preventing of a dangerous and uncurable Rupture , which otherwise was like to follow in the State of the Netherlands . He had then a great Stock going amongst them , in regard of the two Towns of Brill and Vlushing , together with the Fort of Ramekins , which had been put into the hands of Queen ELIZABETH , for great sums of money . In which regard , the Governour of the Town of Vlushing , and the Ambassador resident for the Crown of England , were to have place in all publick Councils which concerned those Provinces ; on whose Tranquillity and Power , he placed a great part of the peace and happiness of his own Dominions . He knew that Concord was the strongest Ligament of their Confederation ; and looked on the Remonstrants as the breakers of that Bond of Unity which formerly had held them so close together . 3. Upon this reason he exhorts them in his said Declaration , To take heed of such infected persons ; their own Countrey-men being already divided into Factions upon this occasion ; which was a matter so opposite to Vnity , ( the only prop and safety of their State , next under God ) as must of necessity , by little and little , bring them to utter ruin , if wisely and in time they did not provide against it . And on the same reason he concurred in Counsel and Design , with the Prince of Orange , for the suppressing of that Party which he conceived to be so dangerous to the common Peace ; and sending such of his Divines to the Synod of Dort , as were most like to be sufficiently active in their condemnation . For so it hapned , that the Prince of Orange being animated by so great a Monarch , suddenly puts himself into the head of his Forces , marches from one strong Town to another , changeth the Garrisons in some , the chief Commanders in the rest , and many of the principal Magistrates in most Towns of Holland , Vtrecht , and the rest of those Provinces . Which done , he seizeth on the person of Barnevelt , as also on Grotius , and Leidebrogius ; and then proclaims a National Synod to be held at Dort , in November following ; to which the Calvinists were invited from all parts of Christendom . And yet not thinking themselves strong enough to suppress their Adversaries , they first disabled some of them by Ecclesiastical Censures , from being chosen Members of it . Others who had been lawfully chosen , were not permitted to give suffrage with the rest of the Synodists , unless they would renounce their Party . And finally , They took such Order with the rest , that they would not suffer them to sit as Judges in the present Controversies , but only to appear before them as Parties Criminal . All which being condescended to , though against all reason , they were restrained to such a method in their disputation , as carried with it a betraying of their Cause and Interest ; and for not yeelding hereunto , they were dismist by Bogerman in a most bitter Oration , uttered with fiery eys , and most virulent language . 4. It might be rationally conceived , that they who did conspire with such unanimity , to condemn their opposites , should not fall out amongst themselves : but so it was , that there was scarce a point in difference between the Parties , wherein they had not very frequent and most fearful bickerings with one another ; the Provincials many times enterfering with the Forreign Divines , and sometimes falling foul on those of different Judgment , though of the same University with them . The Brittish Divines , together with one of those that came from Breme , maintained an Universality of Redemption of Mankind by the death of Christ. But this by no means would be granted by the rest of the Synod , for fear of yeelding any thing in the least degree to the opposite Party . Martinius , another of the Divines of Breme , declared his dissent from the common Opinion , touching the manner of Christ's being Fundamentum Electionis ; and that he thought Christ not only to be the Effector of our Election , but also the Author and Procurer of it . But hereupon Gomarus flings down his Glove , and openly defies Martinius to a Duel , telling the Synod , that he knew Martinius was able to say nothing at all in refutation of that Doctrine . The said Martinius had affirmed , That God was Causa Physica Conversionis ; and for the truth thereof , appealed unto Goclenius , a Renowned Philosopher , who was then present in the Synod , and confirmed the same . But presently Sibrandus Lubbertus takes fire at this , and falls expresly upon both . And though the Controversie for the present was stilled by Bogerman ; yet was it revived by Gomarus within few days after ; who being backed by some of the Palatine Divines , behaved himself so rudely and uncivilly against Martinius , that he had almost driven him to a resotion of forsaking their company . 5. The General Body of the Synod not being able to avoid the Inconveniences which the Supra-lapsarian way brought with it , were generally intent on the Sub-lapsarian . But on the other side , the Commissioners of the Churches of South-Holland thought it not necessary to determine whether God considered man fallen , or not fallen , while he passed the degrees of Election and Reprobation . But far more positive was Gomarus , one of the Four Professors of Leyden , who stood as strongly to the Absolute , Irrespective , and Irreversible Decree , ( exclusive of man's sin , and our Saviour's sufferings ) as he could have done for the Holy Trinity . And not being able to draw the rest unto his Opinion , nor willing to conform to theirs , he delivered his own Judgment in writing , apart by it self , not joyning in subscription with the rest of his Brethren , for Conformity sake , as is accustomed in such cases . But Macrovius , one of the Professors of Franekar , in West-Friesland , went beyond them all , contending with great heat and violence , against all the rest , That God propounds his Word to Reprobates , to no other purpose , but to leave them wholly inexcusable . That if the Gospel is considered in respect of God's intention , the proper end thereof , and not the accidental ▪ in regard of Reprobates , is to deprive them totally of all excuse . And finally , That Christ knows all the hearts of men ; and therefore only knocketh at the hearts of Reprobates , not with a mind of entring in ( because he knows they cannot open to him if they would ) ; but partly , that he might upbraid them for their impotency ; and partly , that he might encrease their damnation by it . Nor rested the Blasphemer here , but publickly maintained against Sibrandus Lubbertus , his Collegue ( in the open Synod ) , That God wills Sin : That he ordains Sin , as it is Sin. And , That by no means he would have all men to be saved . And more than so , he publickly declared at all adventures , That if those points were not maintained , they must forsake the chief Doctors of the Reformation . Which , whether it were more unseasonably , or more truly spoken , I regard not now . In the agitation of which Points , they suffered themselves to be transported into such extremities , that greater noise and tumult hath been seldom heard of in a sober Meeting . Insomuch , that when the Bishop of Landaff , to avoid the scandal , put them in mind of Moderation , and to endeavour to retain the Spirit of Unity in the Bond of Peace ; Gomarus snapt him up , and told him , That matters were not to be carried in Synodicol Meetings , by the Authority of the Person , but the strength of the Argument . For further proof of which particulars , if more proof be necessary , I shall refer the English Reader to two Books only ; that is to say , the Golden Remains of Mr. Hales ; and the Arcana Anti-Remonstrantium , by Tilenus Iunior . 6. From Consultation and Debate , let us proceed in the next place to Execution , which we find full of Cruelty and accursed Rigour . The Acts hereof first ratified in the Blood of Barnevelt , for whose dispatch they violated all the Fundamental Laws of the Belgick Liberty ; in maintenance whereof , they first pretended to take Arms against the Spaniard , their most Rightful Prince . The Party being thus beheaded , it was no hard matter to disperse the whole Trunk or Body : For presently upon the ending of the Synod , the Remonstrants are required to subscribe to their own condemnation ; and for refusing so to do , they were all banished by a Decree of the States-General , with their Wives and Children , ( to the number of Seven hundred Families , or thereabout ) and forced to beg their bread , even in desolate places . But yet this was no end of their sorrows neither ; they must come under a new Cross , and be calumniated for holding many horrid Blasphemies , and gross Impieties , which they most abhorred . For in the Continuation of the History of the Netherlands , writ by one Crosse , a Fellow of neither Judgment nor Learning , and so more apt to be abused with a false report ; it is there affirmed . ( whether with greater Ignorance , or Malice , it is hard to say ) That there was a Synod called at Dort , to suppress the Arminians ; and that the said Arminians held , amongst other Heresies , first , That God was the Author of sin . Secondly , That he created the far greater part of Mankind , for no other purpose but only to find cause to damn them . And to say truth , it had been well for them in respect of their Temporal Fortunes , had they taught those Heresies , for then they might have sped no worse than Macrovius did , who notwithstanding all his Heterodoxies , and most horrid Blasphemies , was only looked upon as one of their Erring-Brethren ; subjected to no other Censure , but an Admonition to forbear all such Forms of Speech as might give any just offence to tender Ears , and could not be digested by persons ignorant and uncapable of so great Mysteries . As on the other side it is reported of Franciscus Auratus , a right Learned man , and one of the Professors for Divinity in the Schools of Sedan , ( a Town and Seignury belonging to the Dukes of Bouil●on ) That he was most disgracefully deprived of his Place and Function , by those of the Calvinian Party , because he had delivered in a Sermon on those words of St. ●ames , c. 1. v. 13. God tempteth no man , &c. That God was not the Author of Sin. 7. But possibly it may be said , That these Oppressions , Tyrannies , and Partialities , are not to be ascribed to the Sect of Calvin , in the capacity of Presbyterians , but of Predestinarians ; and therefore we will now see what they acted in behalf of Presbytery , which was as dear to all the Members of that Synod , but the English only , as any of the Five Points , whatsoever it was : For in the Hundred forty fifth Session , being held on the 20 th of April , the Belgick Confession was brought in to be subscribed by the Provincials , and publickly approved by the Forreign Divines : In which Confession there occurred one Article which tended plainly to the derogation and dishonour of the Church of England . For in the Thirty one Article , it is said expresly , That forasmuch as doth concern the Ministers of the Church of Christ , in what place soever , they are all of equal * Power and Authority with one another , as being all of them the Ministers of Iesus Christ , who is the only Vniversal Bishop , and sole Head of His Church . Which Article being as agreeable to Calvin's Judgment in point of Discipline , as their Determinations were to his Opinion in point of Doctrine ; was very cheerfully entertained by the Forreign Divines , though found in few of the Confessions of the Forreign Churches . But being found directly opposite to the Government of the Church by Arch-bishops and Bishops , with which a parity of Ministers can have no consistence , was cordially opposed by the Divines of the British Colledg , but most especially by Dr. George Carlton , then Lord Bishop of Landaff , and afterwards translated to the See of Chichester ; who having too much debased himself beneath his Calling , in being present in a Synod or Synodical Meeting , in which an ordinary Presbyter was to take the Chair , and have precedency before him , thought it high time to vindicate himself , and the Church of England ; to enter a Legal Protestation against those proceedings . Which though it was admitted , and perhaps recorded , received no other Answer but neglect , if not scorn withall . Concerning which , he published a Declaration after his return , in these words ensuing . 8. When we were to yeeld our consent to the Belgick Confession at Dort , I made open protestation in the Synod , That whereas in the Confession there was inserted a strange conceit of the Parity of Ministers to be instituted by Christ ; I declared our dissent utterly in that point . I showed , that by Christ a Parity was never instituted in the Church : that he ordained Twelve Apostles , as also Seventy Disciples : that the Authority of the Twelve was above the other : that the Church preserved this Order left by our Saviour . And therefore , when the extraordinary Power of the Apostles ceased ; yet this ordinary Authority continued in Bishops , who succeeded them , who were by the Apostles left in the Government of the Church , to ordain Ministers , and to see that they who were so ordained , should preach no other Doctrine : that in an inferior degree , the Ministers were governed by Bishops , who succeeded the Seventy Disciples : that this Order hath been maintained in the Church from the times of the Apostles ; and herein I appealed to the Iudgment of Antiquity , and to the Iudgment of any Learned man now living ; and craved herein to be satisfied , if any man of Learning could speak to the contrary . My Lord of Salisbury is my Witness , and so are all the rest of our Company , who speak also in the Cause . To this there was no answer made by any ; whereupon we conceived that they yeelded to the truth of the Protestation . But it was only he and his Associates which conceived so of it : and so let it go . 9. His Lordship adds , that in a Conference which he had with some Divines of that Synod , he told them , That the cause of all their troubles , was because they had no Bishops amongst them , who by their Authority might repress turbulent spirits , that broached Novelty , every man having liberty to speak or write what they list ; and that as long as there were no Ecclesiastical men in Authority to repress and censure such contentious Spirits , their Church could never be without trouble . To which they answered , That they did much honour and reverence the good Order and Discipline of the Church of England , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established amongst them ; but that could not be hoped for in their State : that their hope was , That seeing they could not do what they desired , God would be merciful to them , if they did what they could . This was , saith he , the sum and substance of their Answer , which he conceived to be enough to free that people from aiming at an Anarchy , and open-Confusion ; adding withall , that they groaned under the weight of that burden , and would be eased of it if they could . But by his Lordship's leave , I take this to be nothing but a piece of dissimulation of such a sanctified Hypocrisie as some of the Calvinians do affirm to be in Almighty God : For certainly they might have Bishops if they would , as well as the Popish Cantons of the Switzers , or the State of Venice ; of which , the one is subject to an Aristocracy , the other to a Government no less popular than that of the Netherlands . In which respect it was conceived more lawful , by the late Lord Primate , for any English Protestant to communicate with the Reformed Churches in France , who cannot have Bishops if they would ; than with the Dutch , who will not have Bishops , though they may ; there still remaining in their hands Seven Episcopal Sees , with all the Honours and Revenues belonging to them ; that is to say , the Bishoprick of Harlem in Holland , of Middlebourgh in Zealand , of Lewarden in Friesland , of Groining in the Province so called , of Deventer in the County of Overyssell , and of Ruremond in the Dutchy of Gueldress ; all of them , but the last , subordinate to the Church of Vtrect , which they keep also in their Power . 10. Somewhat was also done in the present Synod , in order to the better keeping of the Lord's Day , than it had been formerly : For till this time they had their Faires and Markets upon this day , their Kirk-masses , as they commonly called them : Which , as they constantly kept in most of the great Towns of Holland , Zealand , &c. even in Dort it self ; so by the constant keeping of them , they must needs draw away much people from the Morning-Service , to attend the business of their Trades . And in the Afternoon ( as before was noted ) all Divine Offices were interdicted by a Constitution , which received life here , Anno 1574 , that time being wholly left to be disposed of as the people pleased , either upon their profit , or their recreation . But their acquaintance with the English , brought them to more sense of Piety . And now they took the opportunity to train the people to the Church in the Afternoon by the Authority and Reputation of the present Synod : For , having entertained the Palatine Catechism in their publick Schools , it was resolved that it should be taught in all their Churches on Sunday in the After-noon : That the Ministers should be bound to read and expound that Catechism , though none were present at the Exercises , but those of their own Families , only in hope that others might be drawn after their example ; and that the Civil Magistrate should be employed by the Synod to restrain all Servile Works , and other Prophanations of that day , wherewith the Afternoons had commonly been spent , that so the people might repair to the Catechisings . And though some Reformation did ensue upon it in the greater Towns ; yet in their lesser Villages ( where men are more intent on their Worldly businesses ) it remains as formerly . 11. As little of the Sabbatarian , had the Palatine Churches , which in all points adhered tenaciously unto Calvin's Doctrine : For in those Churches it was ordinary for the Gentlemen to betake themselves in the After-noon of the Lord's Day , unto Hawking and Hunting , as the season of the year was fit for either ; or otherwise , in taking the Air , visiting their Friends , or whatsoever else shall seem pleasing unto them . As usual it was also with the Husband-man , to spend the greatest part of the After-noon in looking over his Grounds , ordering his Cattel , and following of such Recreations as are most agreeable to his Nature and Education : no publick Divine Offices being prescribed for any part of that Day , but the Morning only . And so it stood in the year 1612 : At what time the Lady ELIZABETH , Daughter to K. Iames , and Wife to Frederick the fifth , Prince Elector Palatine , came first into that Countrey ; whose having Divine Service every After-noon in her Chappel , or Closet , officiated by her own Chaplains , according to the Liturgy of the Church of England , gave the first hint unto that Prince to cause the like Religious Offices to be celebrated in his part of the Family ; afterwards , by degrees , in all the Churches of Heldenbourgh ; and finally , in most other Cities and Towns of his Dominions . Had he adventured no further on the confidence of that Power and Greatness which accrued to him by contracting an Alliance with so great a Monarch , it had been happy for himself and the Peace of Christendom . But being tempted by Scultetus , and some other of the Divines about him , Not to neglect the opportunity of advancing the Gospel , and making himself the principal Patton of it , he fell on some Designs destructive to himself and his . Who , though he were a Prince of a Flegmatick nature , and of small Activity ; yet being prest by the continual sollicitation of some eager Spirits , he drew all the Provinces and Princes which profest the Calvinian Doctrines , to enter into a strict League or Union amongst themselves , under pretence of looking to the Peace and Happiness of the true Religion . 12. It much advantaged the Design , that the Calvinians in all parts of Germany , had began to stir , as men resolved to keep the Saddle , or to lose the Horse . In Aix , ( the Latins call it Aquisgranum ) an Imperial City , they first appeared considerable for their Power and Numbers , Anno 1605 , at what time they shrewdly shaked the Estate thereof . But being thereupon debarred the exercise of their Religion , and punished for the Misdemeanor , they kept themselves quiet till the year 1614 ; when in a popular Tumult they surprise the City , secure the principal Magistrates of it , and eject the Jesuits . And though by the Mediation of the French Agents , and those of Iulier's , a Peace was for the present clapt up between them ; yet neither Party was resolved to stand longer to it , than might serve their turns . But whosoever made the reckoning , the Calvinists were at last compelled to pay the shot : For the Town being proscribed by Matthias the Emperor , and the execution of the Ban committed to Arch-Duke Albert ; he sends the Marquess of Spinola with an Army thither , by whom the Town is brought to a surrender , the ancient Magistrates restored , and the Calvinians either forced to forsake the place , or to submit themselves unto Fine and Ransome , if they kept their dwellings . Nor did they speed much better in the City of Colen , where their Party was not strong enough to suppress the Catholicks ; and therefore they forsook the City , and retired to Mulleime , which they began to build and fortifie for their habitation . But those of Colen fearing that this new Town might in short time overtop that City both in Wealth and Power , addrest themselves unto the Emperor Matthias : By whose Command the Duke of Newbourgh falls upon it , destroys the greatest part thereof , and leaves the finishing of that Work to the Marquess Spinola . 13. In Hassia their Affairs succeeded with more prosperous Fortune , where Lodowick , of the second House of the Lantgraves , who had the City of Marperge for his Seat and Residence , declared himself in favour of their Forms and Doctrines , at such time as the Calvinists of Aix ( before remembred ) first began to stirr , followed therein by George his Brother , commonly called the Lantgrave of Darmstad , from the place of his dwelling ; half of which Town belonging to the Patrimony of the Prince Elector , had easily made way for Calvinism into all the rest . And though this Lodowick was disturbed in his Government or Possession , by his Cousin Maurice , commonly called the Lantgrave of Cassells , from his principal City ; who seized upon the Town of Marperge , Anno 1612 ; yet was he shortly after restored to his whole Estate , by the Palatine-League , which for the time carried a great sway in those parts of Germany . But , of greater consequence were the agitations about Cleve and Gulick , occasioned by a difference between the Marquess of Brandenbourgh , and the Duke of Newbourgh , about the partage of the Patrimony and Estates of the Duke of Cleve : For Iohn-William , the last Duke of Cleve , deceasing without Issue , in the year 1610 , left his Estates between the Children of his Sisters ; of which the eldest , called Maria Leonora , was married to Albert of Brandenbourgh , Duke of Prussia ; whose Daughter Ann being married to Iohn Sigismund , the Elector of Brandenbough , was Mother of George-William , the young Marquess of Brandenbourgh , who in her Right pretended to the whole Estate . The like pretence was made by Wolfgangus Guilielmus , Duke of Newbourgh , descended from the Electoral Family of the Princes Palatine , whose Mother Magdalen was the second Sister of the said Iohn-William . The first of these Pretenders was wholly of a Lutheran Stock ; and the other as inclinable to the Sect of Calvin ; though afterwards , for the better carrying on of their Affairs , they forsook their Parties . 14. For so it hapned , that the Duke of Newbourgh finding himself too weak for the House of Brandenbourgh , put himself under the protection of the Catholick King ; who having concluded a Truce of Twelve years with the States United , wanted Employment for his Army ; and , that he might engage that King with the greater confidence , he reconciles himself to the Church of Rome , and marries the Lady Magdalen , Daughter to the Duke of Bavaria , the most potent of the German Princes of that Religion ; which also he established in his own Dominions on the death of his Father . This puts the young Marquess to new Counsels ; who thereupon calls in the Forces of the States Vnited ; the Warr continuing upon this occasion betwixt them and Spain , though the Scene was shifted . And that they might more cordially espouse his Quarrel , he took to Wife the Sister of Frederick the fifth , Prince Elector Palatine , and Neece of William of Nassaw , Prince of Orange , by his youngest Daughter ; and consequently , Cousin-German , once removed to Count Maurice of Nassaw , Commander-General of the Forces of the Sates Vnited , both by Sea and Land. This kept the Balance eeven between them ; the one possessing the Estates of Cleve and Mark ; and the other , the greatest part of Berge and Gulick . But so it was , that the old Marquess of Brandenbourgh having setled his abode in the Dukedom of Prussia , and left the management of the Marquissate to the Prince his Son ; left him withall unto the Plots and Practises of a subtil Lady : Who being throughly instructed in all points of Calvinism , and having gotten a great Empire in her Husband's Affections , prevailed so far upon him in the first year of their Marriage , Anno 1614 , that he renounced his own Religion , and declared for Her 's ; which he more cheerfully embraced , in hope to arm all the Calvinians both of the Higher and the Lower Germany , in defence of his Cause , as his Competitor of Newbourgh had armed the Catholicks to preserve his Interest . 15. Being thus resolved , he publisheth an Edict in the Month of February , Anno 1615 ; published in his Father's Name , but only in his own Authority and sole Command , under pretence of pacifying some distempers about Religion ; but tending , in good earnest , to the plain suppression of the Lutheran forms : for , having spent a tedious and impertinent Preamble touching the Animosities fomented in the Protestant Churches , between the Lutherans , and those of the Calvinian Party , he first requires that all unnecessary Disputes be laid aside , that so all grounds of strife and disaffection might be also buried . Which said , he next commands all Ministers within the Marquissate , to preach the Word purely and sincerely , according to the Writings of the holy Prophets and Apostles , the Four Creeds commonly received ( amongst which the Te Deum is to go for one ) , and the Confession of Ausberg , of the last Correction ; and that omitting all new glosses and interpretations of idle and ambitious men , affecting a Primacy in the Church , and a Power in the State , they aim at nothing in their Preachings , but the Glory of God , and the Salvation of Mankind . He commands also , That they should abstain from all calumniating of those Churches which either were not subject to their Jurisdiction , nor were not lawfully convicted of the Crime of Heresie ; which he resolved not to connive at for the time to come , but to proceed unto the punishment of all those who wilfully should refuse to conform themselves to his Will and Pleasure . After which , giving them some good Counsel for following a more moderate course in their Preachings and Writings , than they had been accustomed to in the times fore-going , and in all points to be obedient to their principal Magistrate ; he pulls off the Disguise , and speaks plainly thus . 16. These are * ( saith he ) the Heads of that Reformation , which is to be observed in all the Churches of Brandenbourgh ; that is to say , All Images , Statua's , and Crosses , to be removed out of the place of publick Meetings ; all Altars , as the Relicks of Popery , and purposely erected for the Sacrifices of the Popish Mass , to be taken away ; that in their room they should set up a Table of a long square Figure , covered at all times with a Carpet of Black , and at the time of the Communion with a Linnen Cloth : That Wafers should be used instead of the former Hosts ; which being cut into long pieces , should be received and broken by the hands of those who were admitted to communicate at the holy Table . That ordinary Cups should be made use of for the future , instead of the old Popish Chalice . That the Vestments used in the Mass , should be forborn ; no Candles lighted in any of their Churches at noon-day . No Napkin to be held to those that received the Sacrament ; nor any of them to receive it upon their knees , as if Christ were corporally present . The sign of the Cross to be from thenceforth discontinued : The Minister not to turn his back to the people at the Ministration . The Prayers and Epistles before the Sermon , to be from thenceforth read , not sung ; and the said Prayers not to be muttered with a low voice in the Pulpit , or Reading-Pew , but pronounced audibly and distinctly . Auricular Confession to be laid aside , and the Communion not to be administred to sick persons in the time of any common Plague , or Contagious Sickness . No bowing of their knee at the Name of Iesus . Nor Fonts of stone to be retained in their Churches , the want whereof may be supplied by a common Bason . The Decalogue to be repeated wholly without mutilation ; and the Catechism , in some other points no less erroneous , to be corrected and amended . The Trinity to be adored , but not exprest in any Images , either carved or painted . The words of Consecration in the holy Supper , to be interpreted and understood according unto that Analogy which they held with the Sacrament , and other Texts of holy Scripture . And finally , That the Ministers should not be so tyed to preach upon the Gospels and Epistles that were appointed for the day , but that they might make choice of any other Text of Scriptures , as best pleased themselves . Such was the tenour of this Edict ; on which I have insisted the more at large , to show the difference between the Lutheran and Genevian Churches ; and the great correspondence of the first , with the Church of England . But this Calvinian Pill did not work so kindly , as not to stirr more Humours than it could remove . For the Lutherans being in possession , would not deliver up their Churches , or desert those Usages to which they had been trained up , and in which they were principled , according to the Rules of their first Reformation . And hereupon some Rupture was like to grow betwixt the young Marquess and his Subjects , if by the intervention of some honest Patriots it had not been closed up in this manner , or to this effect : That the Lutheran Forms only should be used in all the Churches of the Marquissate , for the contentation of the people ; and , that the Marquess should have the exercise of his new Religion , for Himself , his Lady , and those of his Opinion , in their private Chappels . 17. But the main business of these times , were the Commotions raised in Transylvania , Hungary , Austria , and Bohemia , by those of the Calvinian Party ; which drew all the Provinces of the Empire into such confusions , as have disturbed the Peace thereof to this very day . For , laying down the true Original thereof , we may please to know , that Ferdinand the younger , Brother of Charles the fifth , succeeding on the death of Maximilian the Emperor , in the Dukedom of Austria , and afterwards attaining , by Marriage , to the Crown of Hungary and Bohemia , which he was not born to , endeavoured to oblige his Subjects in all those Dominions , by a connivance at such Deviations from the Church of Rome , as were maintained by those who adhered to Luther , and held themselves to the Confession of Ausberg ; which afterwards was ratified by Imperial Edict . Followed therein by Maximilian the second , who succeeded him in his Estates ; and being a mild and gracious Prince , not only showed himself unwilling to challenge any Power over Souls and Consciences , but was pleased to mediate in behalf of his Protestant Subjects , with the Fathers at Trent , amongst whom he incurred the suspition of being a Lutheran . But Rodolphus the eldest of his Sons , and his next Successor , was of a different temper from his Father and Grandfather , a profest Enemy to all that held not a Conformity with the Church of Rome , which he endeavoured to promote with such terrible Edicts , as threatned nothing but destruction unto all gain-sayers . He had five Brethren at that time , but none of them the Father of any children ; which made him cast his eyes on Ferdinand of Gratts , Son of Charles Duke of Gratts , and Nephew of Ferdinand the Emperor , before remembred . Who going to Rome in the Year of Iubile , Anno 1600 , obliged himself by Oath to the Pope then being , to extirpate all the Protestants out of his Dominions ; which upon the instigation of the Iesuits he did accordingly , by pillaging and banishing all of the Augustan Confession , thorough Styria , Carinthia , and Carniola , though they had paid for the Freedom of their Conscience , a great sum of Money . 18. This so endeared him to Rodolphus , that he resolved upon him for his next Successor , and at the present to estate him in the Realm of Hungary , as a step unto it . In which Design , as he was seconded by the Pope and Spaniard , so questionless it had been effected , if Matthias the Emperor's Brother , and next Heir , had not countermined them , by countenancing those of the Calvinian or Reformed Religion , who then began to seem considerable in the eye of that Kingdom . To carry on which Spanish Plot to the End desired , the Prelates of Hungary , in an Assembly held at Presburgh , Anno 1604 , published a Decree without the consent of the Nobility and Estates of the Kingdom , for the burning or perpetual banishment of all such as were of the Reformed Religion . Which having been entertained in the Realm of Poland , found no great difficulty in crossing the Carpathian Mountains , and gaining the like favourable admission in this Kingdom also . Against which Edict of the Bishops , a Protest is presently made by the Estates of the Realm , under the Seal of the Palatine , the chief Officer of it : By whom it was publickly affirmed , That they would with just Arms defend themselves , if they should be questioned for the Cause of Religion . Which notwithstanding , Beliojosa ( one of the Emperor 's chief Commanders in the Realm of Hungary ) first got into his hands the strong Town of Cassovia , standing upon the borders of Transylvania . And that being done , he did not only interdict all those of the Reformed Religion from making any uses of them as they had done formerly ; but he inhibits them from having Sermons in their private Houses , from reading in the holy Bible , and from the burying of their dead in hallowed places . 19. Nor staid he there , but pick'd a needless quarrel with Istivon ●otscay , a great man of that Countrey ; two of whose Castles he surprised and razed , and thereupon provoked him to become ●his Enemy . For , being so provoked , he takes upon himself the Patronage of his Native Countrey , then miserably oppressed by the German Soldiers ; calls himself Prince of Transylvania , confederates himself with the Turkish Bassa's , and thrived so well in his Designs , that he compelled the Emperor to recall his Forces out of Transylvania , and procured Liberty of Conscience for all his Followers . For , being assisted by the Turks , he encountred the said Beliojosa , cuts off 6000 of his men , and sends a great part of the Enemy's Ensigns , to the Visier Bassa , as a sign of his Victory . Which Blow he followed by a Proclamation to this effect , viz. That all such as desired Liberty of Conscience , and to live free from the Corruptions and Idolatries of the Church of Rome , should repair to him as to their Head , and that he would allow to each of them Five Dollars weekly . Which Proclamation did not only draw unto him many thousands of the common people , together with a great part of the Nobility and Gentry ; but tempted many of the Emperor's Soldiers to forsake their General , and joyn themselves unto his Party . Strengthned wherewith , he makes himself Master of Cassovia ; in which he changed not only the Religion , but the Civil Government : insomuch that many of those which were addicted to the Church of Rome , were presently slain upon the place , and most of the rest turned out of the City , together with the greatest part of the Church-men , the Bishops , and the Emperor's Treasurer . Upon which fortunate Success , a great Party in the Vpper Hungary declare in favour of his Cause , violently break open the Religious Houses , compel the Fryers to put themselves into fortified places ; and finally , to abandon Presburgh , the chief Town of that Kingdom , and to flye for shelter to Vienna , as their surest Refuge . 20. After this , Basta , the Lord-General of the Emperor's Forces , obtained the better of them in some Fortunate Skirmishes , which rather served to prolong , than to end the Warr. For Botscay was grown to so great strength , and made such spoil in all places wherever he came , that Pallas Lippa his Lieutenant , was found to be possessed at the time of his death , of no fewer than Seven hundred Chains of Gold , and One hundred thousand Ducats in ready money , which he had raked together within less than a year . This Treasure coming into Botscay's hands by the death of Lippa , he mightily encreased his Army , with which he took in many strong Towns , and brought in some of the Nobility of the Vpper Hungary , sending his Forces into Styria , Austria , and Moravia , which he spoiled and wasted . Insomuch that the Emperor , being forced to send Commissioners to him to accord the Differences , could obtain no better Conditions from him , but , That Liberty of Conscience , and the free exercise of the Reformed Religion , should be permitted to all those who demanded the same ; and that himself should be estated in the Principality of Transylvania , for the term of his life . And though the Emperor at first refused to yeeld to these hard Conditions ; yet in the next year , Anno 1606 , upon a second Treaty with the Estates of that Kingdom , it was agreed upon by the Commissioners on both sides , That the free exercise as well of the Reformed , as of the Romish Religion , should be permitted to all men in the Realm of Hungary , as in the time of Maximilian the Father , and Ferdinand the Grandfather , of the present Emperor . Which Articles were more fully ratified in the Pacification made at Vienna , on the fourteenth of September then next following . In which it was expresly cautioned and capitulated , That the Calvinian Religion should from thenceforth be exercised as freely as either the Lutheran or the Romish . In managing which Negation between the Parties , Matthias the Arch-Duke , who hitherto had secretly encouraged the Hungarian Gospellers , was not only present , but openly gave both countenance and consent unto it . 21. The gaining of this point , put them upon a hope of obtaining greater , even to the abrogating of all Laws and Ordinances for the burning of Hereticks , and whatsoever else were contrary to their Religion ; as also , to the nominating of the Palatine , or Principal Officers , and to the making of Confederacies with their neighbour-Nation . During the agitating of which matters , Botscay dyes in Cassovia ; but leaves his Faction so well formed , that they are able to go on without their Leader . An Assembly of the States of Hungary is called , by the Emperor , at Presburgh , in the middle of August , Anno 1607 ; but nothing done , for want of the presence of Arch-Duke Matthias , who was appointed by the Emperor to preside therein . Which hapned also to the like Assembly of Estates of the Dukedom of Austria , and of the whole Empire , the next year , at the City of Ratisbone . Matthias , in the mean season , had his own Designs apart : For , at such time as the Assembly of the Estates was held at Ratisbone , he makes a journey unto Presburgh , convocates thither the Estates of Hungary , confirms the Pacification made before at Vienna , suffers them to confederate with their Neighbours of Austria , and makes himself the Head of that Confederation . By vertue whereof , he commands the people of both Countreys to put themselves into Arms , pretending an Expedition into Moravia , but aiming directly against Prague , the chief Town of Bohemia , where the Emperor RODOLPHVS then resided : Whom he so terrified with his coming with an Army of Eighteen thousand , that he consented to deliver the Crown of Hungary into the hands of Matthias , to yeeld unto him the possession of all that Kingdom , and to discharge his Subjects from their former Allegiance ; upon condition that the Estates of that Realm should chuse no other King but the said Arch-Duke . Which Agreement being made the 17 th of Iune , 1608 , Matthias is accordingly Crowned King of Hungary ; and Illisachius , a profest Calvinian , and one of the principal Sticklers in these Agitations , is made Palatine of it . 22. By this Transaction , the whole Dukedom of Austria , and so many of the Provinces subordinate to it , as were not actually possessed by the Arch-Duke Ferdinand , are consigned over to Matthias . Many Inhabitants whereof , professing the Calvinian Forms and Doctrines , ( which only must be called the Reformed Religion ) and building on the late Confederation with the Realm of Hungary , presumed so far upon the patience of their Prince , as to invade some publick Churches for the exercise of it . But they soon found themselves deceived : For Matthias having somewhat of the States-man in him , and being withall exasperated by the Pope's Nuncio , interdicts all such publick Meetings . He had now served his turn in getting the possession of the Crown of Hungary , and was not willing to connive at those Exorbitances in his Austrian Subjects , ( over whom he challenged a more absolute Soveraignty , than over any of the rest ) which he had cherished for self-ends in the Kingdom of Hungary . The Austrians , on the other side , who professed the Reformed Religion , refuse to take the Oath of Allegiance to him , if they might not exercise their Religion in as free a manner as the Hungarians were permitted to do by the Pacification . And thereupon they presently give Order to their Tenants and Vassals , to put themselves into Arms , appoint a general Assembly of the Protestant and Reformed States , to be held at Horn , and there resolve to extort that by way of Force , which they could not hope to gain by Favour . Some pains was took by Maximilian the Arch-Duke , another of the Emperor's Brothers , to accord the difference ; who offered them , in the name of the King , to tolerate the free exercise of their Religion without the Cities ; and that in the bestowing of the publick Offices , there should be no exception taken at them in regard of their difference in Religion ; and withall , gave them many Reasons why such a general Liberty as they desired , could not be granted by the King , with reference to his Honour , Conscience , or particular safety . 23. But this reasonable Offer did not satisfie the Reformed Party , ( for so the Calvinians must be called ) by whom the Hungarians and Moravians are sollicited to associate with them , till they had compassed their desires : And upon confidence thereof , refused more obstinately to take the Oath , than before they did ; levying new Forces for the Warr , and quartering them in great numbers round about the City of Crema , the chief City of the Vpper Austria . But in the end , upon the intervention of the Moravian Ambassadors , the new King was content to yeeld to these Conditions following , viz. That the Nobility in their Castles or Towns , as also in their City-Houses , should for themselves and their people , have the free exercise of their Religion . That the free exercise of Preaching might be used in the three Churches of Iserdorf , Trihelcuincel , and Horn. That the like freedom of Religion might be also exercised in all those Churches in which they enjoyed the same till the King 's late Edict : and , that the Councellors of State , and other publick Officers , should from thenceforth chose promiscuously out of both Religions . Upon the granting of which Articles , but not before , they did not only take the Oath of Allegiance , but gave him a Magnificent Reception in the Town of Lintz ; which hapned on the 17 th of May , 1609. 24. No sooner were the Austrians gratified in the point of Religion , but the Bohemians take their turn to require the like ; concerning which , we are to look a little backward , as far as to the year 1400. About which time , we find a strong Party to be raised amongst them , against some Superstitions and Corruptions in the Church of Rome ; occasioned , as some say , by reading the Works of Wickliff , and by the Diligence of Piccardus , a Flemming born , as is affirmed by some others , from whom they had the Name of Piccards ; cruelly persecuted by their own Kings , and publickly condemned in the Council of Constance ; they continued constant , notwithstanding , to their own Perswasions : Distinguished also from the rest of the Bohemians , by the Name of Calixtins , from the use of the Chalice ; and Subutraque , from communicating in both kinds , against all opposers . Their Adversaries in the Church of Rome , reproached them by the Name of Adamites , and sometimes of Piccards ; imputing to them many Heterodoxies , and some filthy Obscenities , of which they never proved them guilty . In this condition they remained till the preaching of Luther , and the receiving of the Augustin Confession in most parts of the Empire ; which gave them so much confidence , as to purge themselves from all former Calumnies , by publishing a Declaration of their Faith and Doctrine : Which they presented at Vienna to the Arch-Duke Ferdinand , about ten years before chosen King of Bohemia , together with a large Apology prefixt before it . By which Confession it appears , that they ascribe no Power to the Civil Magistrate in the Concernments of the Church . That they had fallen upon a way of Ordaining Ministers amongst themselves , without recourse unto the Bishop , or any such Superior Officer , as a Super-intendent . And finally , That they retained the use of Excommunication , and other Ecclesiastical Censures , for the chastising of irregular and scandalous persons . In which last Point , and almost all the other Branches of the said Confession , though they appeared as sound and Orthodox as any others which had separated from the Church of Rome ; yet by their symbolizing with Geneva in so many particulars , it was no hard matter for the whole Body of Calvinianism to creep in amongst them ; the growth whereof inflamed them to such desperate courses as they now pursued . 25. For this , they laid a good Foundation in the former year , 1609 : when Matthias with his great Army was preparing for Prague , they found the Emperor in some fear , from which he could not be secured , but by their assistance ; and they resolved to husband the conjuncture for their best advantage . In confidence whereof , they propose unto him these Conditions , viz. That the free exercise of Religion , as well according to the Bohemian , as the Augustin Confession , might be kept inviolable ; and that they which professed the one , should neither scoff or despise the other . That all Arch-bishopricks , Bishopricks , Abbotships , and other Spiritual Preferments , should be given to the Bohemians only ; and that Ecclesiastical Offices should be permitted to Protestant Ministers as in former times . That it should be lawful for all men in their own Bounds and Territories , to build Churches for their own Religion : and that the Professors and Patrons of the Vniversity of Prague , should be joyned to the Consistory as in former times . That all Political Offices should be indifferently permitted unto men of both Religions . With many other things of like weight and moment , in their Civil Concernments . But the Emperor was not yet reduced to that necessity , as to consent to all at once . He gratified them at the present with a Conformation of their Civil Rights ; but put off the Demands which concerned Religion , to the next Assembly of Estates ; conniving , in the mean time , at the exercise of that Religion which he could not tolerate . 26. But the Calvinian Calixtins , or Confessionists , call them which you will , perceiving a strong Party of the Catholicks to be made against them , appointed a General Assembly to be holden in the City of New Prague , the 4 th of May , to consult of all such Matters as concerned their Cause , protesting publickly ( according to the common Custom of that kind ) , That this Assembly , though not called by the Emperor's Authority , aimed at no other End than his Service only , and the prosperity of that Kingdom ; that both the Emperor and the Kingdom too , might not through the Perswasions of his Evil Councellors , be brought to extream peril and danger . This done , they send their Letters to the new King of Hungary , the Prince Elector Palatine ; the Dukes of Saxony and Brunswick , and other Princes of the Empire ; beseeching them , That by their powerful intercession with His Imperial Majesty , they might be suffered to enjoy the exercise of their own Religion , which they affirmed to differ in no material Point from the Confession of Ausberg . Following their blow , they first Remonstrate to the Emperor how much they had been disappointed of their hopes and expectations , from one time to another ; and , in fine , tells him in plain terms , That they will do their best endeavour for the raising of Arms , to the end they might be able with their utmost power , to defend him their Soveraign , together with themselves and the whole Kingdom , against the Practises of their Forreign and Domestick Enemies . According to which Resolution , they forthwith raised a great number both of Horse and Foot , whom they ranged under good Commanders , and brought them openly into Prague . They procured also , that Ambassadors were sent from the Elector of Saxony , and the Estates of Silesia , ( a Province many years since incorporated with the Realm of Bohemia ) to intercede in their behalf . This gave the Emperor a fair colour to consent to that , which nothing but extream necessity could have wrested from him . 27. For thereupon he published his Letters of the 14 th of Iuly , 1610 , by which it was declared , That all his Subjects communicating under one or both kinds , should live together peaceably and freely , and without wronging or reviling one another , under the pain and penalty of the Law to be inflicted upon them who should do the contrary . That as they who communicated under one kind , enjoyed the exercise of their Religion in all points , throughout the Kingdom of Bohemia ; so they which did communicate under both kinds , should enjoy the field , without the lett or interruption of any ; and that they should enjoy the same till a general union in Religion , and an end of all Controversies , should be fully made : That they should have the lower Consistory in the City of Prague , with Power to conform the same according to their own Confession . That they might lawfully make their Priests as well of the Bohemian , as of the German Nation ; and settle them in their several Parishes , without lett or molestation of the Arch-bishop of Prague : and , that besides the Schools and Churches which they had already , it might be lawful for them to erect more of either sort , as well in Cities , as in Towns and Countrey Villages . He declared also , that all Edicts formerly published against the free exercise of Religion , should be void , frustrate , and of none effect : and that no contrary Edict against the States of the Religion , should either be published by Himself , or any of his Heirs and Successors ; or if any were , should be esteemed of any force or effect in Law : and finally , That all such of His Majesty's Subjects that should do any thing contrary to these His Letters , whether they were Ecclesiastical or Temporal persons , should be severely punished as the Troublers of the Common Peace . 28. The passing of this Gracious Edict ( which the Confessionists were not slow of putting into execution ) , exceedingly exasperated all those of the Catholick Party ; who thereupon called in the Arch-Duke Leopold , Bishop of Passaw , and one of the Emperor's younger Brothers : Which Invitation he obeyed , entred the Countrey with an Army of Twelve thousand men , makes himself Master of New Prague , and attempts the Old. But he found such resistance there , that K. Matthias , with a powerful Army , came time enough to their relief , and dislodged the Besiegers . Which Aid he brought them at that time , not out of love to their Religion , or their Persons either , but only upon some Advertisement which had been given him of Duke Leopold's purposes , of getting that Kingdom to himself , as formerly Matthias had extorted the Realm of Hungary , in despight of the Emperor . But meaning to make sure work of it , he prevailed so far , that the Emperor resigned unto him that Kingdom also , to which he was cheerfully elected by the Estates of the Countrey , before the end of this year , Anno 1610. And within two years after , was raised to the Imperial Dignity on the death of his Brother . Advanced unto which Power and Height , he governed his Dominions with great Moderation , till the year 1617. When being Himself , and all his Brothers , without hope of Children , he cast his eyes upon his Cousin Ferdinand , then Duke of Gratzi , ( a Prince wholly acted by the Jesuits ) whom he adopted for his Son , declared him for his Successor in all the Patrimony and Estates belonging to the House of Austria ; and in the year 1618 , put him into the actual possession of the Realms of Hungary and Bohemia ; but not with any such formality of Election unto either of them , as in his own case had been observed . 29. This gave encouragement to some of the Catholick Party , to take offence at some Churches lately erected by those of the Reformed Religion , ●●d either totally to deface them , or to shut them up . Complaint hereof is made unto the Emperor , but without any remedy . So that being doubly injured , as they gave it out , they called an Assembly of the States , that order might be taken for the preservation of Religion , and their Civil Rights , both equally endangered by these new encroachments . The Emperor disallows the Meeting , commanding them by Proclamation to dissolve the same . Which so exasperated some hot spirits , that the Emperor's Secretary , and two of his principal Councellors , were cast headlong out of the Castle-Windows . And though all three miraculously escaped with life , yet the Conspirators conceived the Fact to be so unpardonable , that they could find no means of doing better , but by doing worse . For hereupon they set a Guard of Soldiers on the Baron of Sternberge , Governour of the Castle and Kingdom ; they secure Prague , displace all the Emperor 's old Councellors , and totally clear the Kingdom of all the Jesuits ; and presently , as well by Letters to Matthias himself , as by a publick Declaration scattered in all parts of the Kingdom , they justifie themselves and their actings in it . Which done , they nominate Two and thirty persons of their own Perswasion , to have a superintendency over all Affairs which concerned that Kingdom , whom they called by the name of Directors ; and enter into a Solemn League or Covenant , to defend each other against all persons whatsoever , without excepting either King or Emperor . For punishing these Insolencies , on the one side ; and preserving the Malefactors , on the other , from the hands of Justice ; a terrible Confusion first , and afterwards a more terrible Warr , breaks out amongst them . In the first heats whereof , the Emperor Matthias dyes , and Ferdinand is lawfully elected to succeed in the Empire . To stop the course of whose good Fortunes , the Bohemian Confederates renounce all Allegiance to him , proclaim him for no King of theirs , nor so to be acknowledged by the Princes and Estates of Germany . 30. But their new Governours ( or Directors , as they called them ) being generally worsted in the Warr , and fearing to be called to a strict account for these multiplyed Injuries , resolve upon the choice of some Potent Prince , to take that unfortunate Crown upon him . And who more like to carry it with success and honour , than Frederick the fifth , Prince Elector Palatine , the Head of the Calvinian Party , Son-in-law to the King of England , descended from a Daughter of the Prince of Orange , and by his Wife allyed to the King of Denmark , the Dukes of Holstein and Brunswick , three great Lutheran Princes . These were the Motives on their part to invite him to it ; and they prevailed as much with him to accept the offer , to which he was pushed forward by the secret instigation of the States United , whose Truce with Spain was now upon the point of exspiration ; and they thought fit , in point of State-craft , that he should exercise his Army further off , than in their Dominions . And unto these it may be added , He had before incurred the Emperor's Displeasure on a double account ; first , for projecting the Confederacy of the Chiefs of the Calvinists , ( whom they called the Princes of the Vnion ) for defence of themselves and their Religion . And secondly , for demolishing the Fortifications which were raised at Vdenhaine , though authorized by the Placart of Matthias himself , for which he was impleaded in the Chamber of Spires . Upon which Motives and Temptations , he first sends forth his Letters to the Estates of Bohemia , in which he signified his acceptance of the Honour conferred upon him , and then acquaints K. IAMES with the Proposition , whose Counsel he desired therein for his better direction . But King IAMES was not pleased in the precipitancy of this rash adventure , and thought himself unhandsomely handled , in having his Advice asked upon the post-fact , when all his Counsels to the contrary must have come too late . Besides , he had a strong Party of Calvinists in his own Dominions , who were not to be trusted with a Power of disposing Kingdoms , for fear they might be brought to practise that against Himself , which he had countenanced in others . He knew no Prince could reign in safety , or be established on his Throne with Peace and Honour , if once Religion should be made a Cloak to disguise Rebellions . 31. Upon these grounds of Christian Prudence , he did not only disallow the Action in his own particular , but gave command that none of his Subjects should from thenceforth own his Son-in-law for the King of Bohemia , or pray for him in the Liturgy , or before their Sermons , by any other Title than the Prince Elector . At which the English Calvinists were extreamly vexed , who had already fancied to themselves upon this occasion the raising of a Fifth Monarchy in these parts of Christendom , even to the dethroning of the Pope . the setting up of Calvin in St. Peter's Chair , and carrying on the Warr to the Walls of Constantinople . No man more zealous in the Cause , than Arch-bishop Abbot , who pressed to have the News received with Bells and Bonfires , the King to be engaged in a Warr for the defence of such a Righteous and Religious Cause , and the Jewels of the Crown to be pawned in pursuance of it , as appears plainly by his Letters to Sir Robert Naunton , principal Secretary of Estate . Which Letters bearing date on the 12 th of December , Anno 1619 , are to be found at large in the Printed Cabala , p. 169 , &c. and thither I refer the Reader for his satisfaction . But neither the Perswasions of so great a Prelate , nor the sollicitations of the Princess and her publick Ministers , nor the troublesome interposings of the House of Commons in a following Parliament , were able to remove that King from his first Resolution . By which , though he incurred the high displeasure of the English Puritans , and those of the Calvinian Party in other places ; yet he acquired the Reputation of a Just and and Religious Prince , with most men besides , and those not only of the Romish , but the Lutheran Churches . And it is hard to say which of the two were most offended with the Prince Elector , for his accepting of that Crown ; which of them had more ground to fear the ruin of their Cause and Party , if he had prevailed ; and which of them were more impertinently provoked to make Head against him , after he had declared his acceptance of it . 32. For when he was to be Inaugurated in the Church of Prague , he neither would be crowned in the usual Form , nor by the hands of the Arch-bishop , to whom the performing of that Ceremony did of Right belong ; but after such a form and manner as was digested by Scultetus , his Domestick Chaplain , who chiefly governed his Affairs in all Sacred matters . Nor would Scultetus undertake the Ceremony of the Coronation , though very ambitious of that Honour , till he had cleared the Church of all Carved Images , and defaced all the Painted also . In both respects a-like offensive to the Romish Clergy , who found themselves dis-priviledged , their Churches Sacrilegiously invaded , and further ruin threatned by these Innovations . A Massie Crucifix had bin erected on the bridg of Prague , which had stood there for many hundred years before ; neither affronted by the Lutherans , nor defaced by the Iews , though more averse from Images than all people else : Scultetus takes offence at the sight thereof , as if the Brazen Serpent were set up and worshipped ; perswades the King to cause it presently to be demolished , or else he never would be reckoned for an Hezekiah ; in which he found Conformity to his Humour also . And thereby did as much offend all sober Lutherans , ( who retain Images in their Churches , and other places ) as he had done the Romish Clergy by his former Follies . This gave some new encrease to those former Jealousies which had been given them by that Prince ; first , by endeavouring to suppress the Lutheran Forms in the Churches of Brandenburgh , by the Arts and Practises of his Sister . And secondly , By condemning their Doctrine at the Synod of Dort , ( in which his Ministers were more active than the rest of the Forreigners ) though in the persons of those men whom they called Arminians . But that which gave them greatest cause of offence and fear , was his determinarion in a Cause depending between two Sisters , at his first coming to the Crown ; of which , the youngest had been married to a Calvinian , the eldest to a Lutheran Lord. The place in difference , was the Castle and Seignury of Gutscin , of which the eldest Sister had took possession , as the Seat of her Ancestors . But the King passing Sentence for the younger Sister , and sending certain Judges and other Officers , to put the place into her actual possession , they were all blown up with Gun-Powder , by the Lutheran Lady , not able to concoct the Indignity offered , nor to submit unto Judgment which appeared so partial . 33. In the mean time , whilst the Elector was preparing for his Journey to Prague , the Faction of Bohemia not being able to withstand such Forces as the Emperor had poured in upon them , invited Bethlem Gabor ( not long before made Prince of Transylvania , by the help of the Turks ) to repair speedily to their success . Which invitation he accepts , raiseth an Army of Eighteen thousand men , ransacks all Monasteries and Religious Houses , wheresoever he came ; and in short time becomes the Master of the Vpper Hungary , and the City of Presburgh ; the Protestants in all places , but most especially the Calvinians , submitting readily unto him , whom they looked upon as their Deliverer from some present servitude . From thence he sends his Forces to the Gates of Vienna , and impudently craves that the Provinces of Styria , Carinthia , and Carniola , should be united from thenceforth to the Realm of Hungary , the better to enable the Hungarians to resist the Turk . And having a design for ruining the House of Austria , he doth not only crave protection from the Ottoman Emperor , but requires the new King and Estates of Bohemia ; with the Provinces incorporate to it , to send their Ambassadors to Constantinople , for entring into a Confederacy with the common Enemy . Hereupon followed a great Meeting of Ambassadors from Bohemia , Austria , Silesia , Lusatia , Venice , ●oland , and Turkie . All which assembled at Newhasall , in the Vpper Hungary ; where the Turk readily entred into the Association , and the Venetian Ambassador undertook the like in the Name of that Seignury . Encouraged wherewith , the Transylvanian is proclaimed King of Hungary ; who to make good a Title so unjustly gotten , provides an Army of no fewer than Thirty thousand ( others say Fifty thousand ) men . With which if he had entred into any part of Bohemia , before the new King had lost himself in the Battel of Prague , it is most probabable that he might have absolutely assured that Kingdom to the Prince Elector , acquired the other for himself , and parted the Estates of Austria amongst their Confederates . 34. But so it hapned , that some Lutheran and Popish Princes , being both equally jealous of their own Estates , and careful to preserve the Interest of their several Parties , entred into League with the Emperor FERDINAND , for the defence of one another , and the recovery of that Kingdom to the House of Austria . In prosecution of which League , Iohn-George , the Duke Elector of Saxony , invades Lusatia ( another of the incorporate Provinces ) with a puissant Army , and in short time reduceth it under his Command . And with like puissance , Maximilian Duke of Bavaria , the most potent of the Catholick Princes , falleth into Bohemia , and openeth all the way before him , to the Walls of Prague . Joyning with the Imperial Forces under Count Bucquoy , they are said to have made up an Army of Fifty thousand . With which they gave battel to the Army of the Prince Elector , consisting of Thirty thousand men , under the Conduct of the Prince of Anhalt , and the Count of Thurne . It is reported , that the Prince Elector was so good a Husband for the Emperor , as to preserve his Treasures in the Castle of Prague , without diminishing so much thereof as might pay his Soldiers : which made many of them throw away their Arms , and refuse to fight . But sure it is , that the Imperials gained a great and an easie Victory ; in the pursuit whereof , the young Prince of Anhalt , together with Count Thurne , and Saxon Weimar , were taken Prisoners , the Bohemian Ordnance all suprised , Prague forced to yeeld unto the Victor , the King and Queen compelled to flye into Silesia , from whence by many difficult passages , and untravelled ways , they came at last in safety to the Hague in Holland . Nor is it altogether unworthy of our observation , That this great Victory was obtained on a Sunday morning , being the 8 th of November , and the 23 d Sunday after Trinity ; in the Gospel of which day occurred that memorable passage , Reddite Caesari , qua sunt Caesaris : that is to say , Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesars : Which seemed to judg● the Quarrel on the Emperor's side . Hereupon followed the most Tragical , or rather most Tyranical Execution of the chief Directors , who had a hand in the Design ; the suppressing of the Protestant Reformed Religion , in all the Emperor's Estates , the falling back of Bethlem Gabor into Transylvania , the proscribing of the Prince Elector and his Adherents , the transferring of the Electoral Dignity , together with the Upper Palatinate , on the Duke of Bavaria ; the Conquest of the lower Palatinate by the King of Spain , and the setting up of Popery in all parts of both . In which condition they remained till the restoring of Charles Lodowick , the now Prince Elector , to the best part of his Estate , by the Treaty of Munster , 1648. 35. Such was the miserable end of the Warr of Bohemia , raised chiefly by the Pride and Pragmaticalness of Calvin's Followers , out of a hope to propagate their Doctrines , and advance their Discipline in all parts of the Empire . Nor sped the Hugonots much better in the Realm of France ; where , by the countenance and connivance of King HENRY the 4 th , who would not see it ; and during the minority of LEWIS the 13 th , who could not help it ; they possessed themselves of some whole Countreys , and near Two hundred strong Towns , and fortified places . Proud of which Strength , they took upon them as a Commonwealth , in the midst of a Kingdom ; summoned Assemblies for the managing of their own Affairs , when , and as often as they pleased . Gave Audience to the Ministers of Forreign Churches ; and impowred Agents of their own to negotiate with them . At the same Meetings they consulted about Religion , made new Laws for Government , displaced some of their old Officers , and elected new ones ; the King's consent being never asked to the Alterations . In which licentious calling of their own Assemblies , they abused their Power to a neglect of the King's Authority ; and not dissolving those Assemblies when they were commanded , they improved that Neglect to a Disobedience . Nay , sometimes they run cross therein to those very Edicts which they had gained by the effusion of much Christian Blood , and the expence of many Hundred thousand Crowns . For by the last Edict of Pacification , the King had granted the free exercise of both Religions , even in such Towns as were assigned for Caution to the Hugonot Party . Which liberty being enjoyed for many years , was at last interrupted by those very men who with so much difficulty had procured it . For in an Assembly of theirs which they held at Loudun , Anno 1619 , they strictly commanded all their Governours , Mayors , and Sheriffs , not to suffer any Jesuit , nor those of any other Order , to preach in any of the Towns assigned to them , though licensed by the Bishop of the Diocess , in due Form of Law. And when , upon a dislike of their proceedings , the King had declared their Meetings to be unlawful , and contrary to the Publick Peace ; and had procured the Declaration to be verified in the Court of Parliament ; they did not only refuse to separate themselves , as they were required , but still insisted upon terms of Capitulation , even to a plain justifying of their actings in it . 36. These carriages gave the King such just offence , that he denied them leave to send Commissioners to the Synod of Dort , to which they had been earnestly invited by the States of the Netherlands . For being so troublesome and imperious , when they acted only by the strength of their Provincial or National Meetings ; what danger might not be suspected from a general Confluence , in which the Heads of all the Faction might be laid together ? But then to sweeten them a little after this Refusal , he gave them leave to hold an Assembly at Charenton , four miles from Paris , there to debate those points , and to agree those differences which in that Synod had been agitated by the rest of their Party . Which Liberty they made such use of , in the said Assembly , that they approved all the Determinations which were made at Dort , commanded them to be subscribed , and bound themselves and their Successors in the Ministry , by a solemn Oath , * Not only stedfastly and constantly to adhere unto them , but to persist in maintenance thereof , to the last gasp of their breath . But to return to the Assembly at Loudun ; They would not rise from thence , though the King commanded it , till they had taken order for another Assembly to be held at Rochel , the chief place of their strength , and the Metropolis or principal City of their Common-wealth . Which General Assembly being called by their own Authority , and called at such a time as had given the King some trouble in composing the Affairs of Bearn , was by the King so far disliked , and by especial Edict so far prohibited , that they were all declared to be guilty of Treason , who should continue in the same without further Order . Which notwithstanding , they sate still , and very undutifully proceeded in their former purposes . Their business was to draw up a Remonstrance of their present Grievances , or rather of the Fears and Jealousies which they had conceived on the King's journey into Bearn . This they presented to the King by their own Commissioners , and thereunto received a fair and plausible Answer , sent in a Letter to them by the Duke Des Diguiers ; by whom they were advised to dissolve the Assembly , and submit themselves unto the King. Instead whereof , they published a Declaration in defence of their former Actions , and signified a Resolution not to separate or break up that Meeting , until their Grievances were redressed . 37. It hapned at the same time , that the Lord of Privas ( a Town in which the Hugonots made the strongest Party ) married his Daughter and Heir to the Viscount of Cheylane ; and dying , left the same wholly unto his disposal . Who being of different perswasions from the greatest part of his Vassals , altered the Garrison , and placed his own Servants and Dependents in it , as by Law he might . This moved the Hugonots of the Town , and the Neighbouring Villages , to put themselves into a posture of Warr , to seize upon the places adjoining , and thereby to compel the young Noble-man to forsake his Inheritance . Which being signified to the King , he presently scored this insolence on the account of the Rochellers , who standing in defiance of his Authority , was thought to have given some animation unto the Town of Privas , to commit those out-rages . Doubly affronted and provoked , the King resolves to right Himself in the way of Arms. But at the instant request of Des Diguiers , before remembred , ( who had been hitherto a true Zealot to the Hugonot Cause ) he was content to give them Four and twenty days of deliberation before he drew into the Field . He offered them also very fair and reasonable Canditions ; not altogether such as their Commissioners had desired for them ; but far better than those which they were glad to accept at the end of the Warr , when all their strengths were taken from them . But the Hugonots were not to be told , that all the Calvinian Princes and Estates of the Empire , had put themselves into a posture of Warr ; some for defence of the Palatinate , and others in pursuance of the Warr of Bohemia . Of which they gave themselves more hopes than they had just cause for . In which conjuncture , some hot spirits then assembled at Rochel , blinded with pride , or hurried on by the fatality of those Decrees which they maintained to be resolved upon by God before all Eternity , reject all offers tending to a Pacification , and wilfully run on to their own destruction . For presently upon the tendry of the King's Proposals , they publish certain Orders for the regulating of their Disobedience ; as namely , That no Agreement should be made with the King , but by the consent of a General Convocation of the Chiefs of their Party ; about the payment of their Soldiers Wages , and intercepting the Revenues of the King and Clergie , toward the maintenance of the Warr. They also Cantoned the whole Kingdom into seven Divisions ; assigned to each of those Divisions , a Commander in Chief ; and unto each Commander , their particular Lieutenants , Deputy-Lieutenants , and other Officers , with several Limitations and Directions prescribed to each of them for their proceeding in this service . 38. This makes it evident , that the King did not take up Arms , but on great necessities . He saw his Regal Authority neglected , his especial Edicts wilfully violated , his Gracious Offers scornfully slighted , his Revenues Feloniously intercepted , his whole Realm Cantoned before his face , and put into the power of such Commanders as he could not trust : So that the Warr being just on his part , he had the more reason to expect such an issue of it , as was agreeable to the Equity of so good a Cause . He had besides , all those Advantages both at home and abroad , which in all probability might assure him of the End desired . The Prince Elector Palatine had been worsted in the Warr of Bohemia , and all the Princes of the Union scattered to their several Homes , which they were hardly able to defend against so many Enemies ; so that there was no danger to be feared from them . And on the other side , the King of Great Britain , whom he had most cause to be afraid of , had denied assistance to his own Children in the Warr of Bohemia , which seemed to have more Justice in it than the Warr of the Hugonots ; and therefore was not like to engage in behalf of strangers , who rather out of wantonness , than any unavoidable necessity , had took up Arms against their Lawful and Undoubted Soveraign . At home the Rochellers were worse befriended than they were abroad ; I mean the Common-wealth of Rochel , as King LEWIS called it . The whole Confederacy of the Hugonots there contrived and sworn to ; they had Cantoned the whole Realm into seven Divisions , which they assigned to the Command of the Earl of Chastillon , the Marquess De la Force , the Duke of So●bize , the Duke of Rohan , the Duke of Trimoville , the Duke Des Diguer , and the Duke of Bouillon , whom they designed to be the Generalissimo over all their Forces . But neither he , nor Des Diguers , nor the Duke of Trimoville , nor Chastillon , would act any thing in it , or accept any such Commissions as were sent unto them : Whether it were that they were terrified with the ill success of the Warr of Bohemia ; or that the Conscience of their duty did direct them in it , I dispute not now . So that the Rochellers being deserted both at home and abroad , were forced to rely upon the Power and Prudence of the other three ; and to supply all other wants , out of the Magazine of Obstinacy and Perversness ; with which they were plentifully stored . Two instances I shall only touch at , and pass over the rest . The town of Clerack being summoned the 21 of Iuly , 1621 , returned this Answer to the King , viz. That if he would permit them to enjoy their Liberties , withdraw his Armies , and leave their Fortifications in the same estate in which he found them , they would remain his faithful and obedient Subjects . More fully , those of Mount Albon on the like occasion , That they resolve to live and dye ( not in obedience to the King , as they should have said , but ) in the Vnion of the Churches . Most Religious Rebels ! 39. Next , let us look upon the King ; who being brought to a necessity of taking Arms , first made his way unto it by his Declaration of the second of April , published in favour of all those of that Religion who would contain themselves in their due obedience . In pursuance whereof , he caused five persons to be executed in the City of Tours , who had tumultuously disturbed the Hugonots , whom they found busied at the burial of one of their dead . He also signified to the King of Great Britain , the Princes of the Empire , and the States of the Netherlands , That he had not undertook this Warr to suppress the Religion , but to chastise the Insolencies of Rebellious Subjects . And what he signified in words , he made good by his deeds : For when the Warr was at the hottest , all those of the Religion in the City of Paris , lived as securely as before , and had their accustomed Meetings at Charenton , as in times of peace . Which safety and security was enjoyed in all other places , even where the King's Armies lodged and quartered . Nay , such a care was taken of their preservation , that when some of the Rascality in the City of Paris , upon the first tydings of the death of the Duke of Mayenne , ( who had been slain at the Siege of Mont-albon , amongst many others ) breathed nothing but slaughter and revenge to the Hugonot Party ; the Duke of Mounbazon , being then Governour of the City , commanded their Houses and the Streets to be safely guarded , so that no hurt was done to their Goods or Persons . And when the Rabble , being disappointed of their Ends in Paris , had run tumultuously the next day to Charenton , and burned down their Temple , an Order was presently made by the Court of Parliament , for the re-edifying it at the King 's sole Charges , and that too in a far more beautiful Fabrick than before it had . But in the conduct of the Warr , he governed not his Counsels with like moderation , suffering the Sword too often to range at liberty ; as if he meant to be as terrible in his Executions , as he desired to be accounted just in his Undertakings . But possibly this may be excused , though not defended , as being done in hot blood , when the spirits of the Soldiers were enflamed with anger , by reason of the loss of so many of their Chief Commanders , occasioned by the holding out of the obstinate Party ; or the loss of their Fellows ; and could not easily be quenched but by the blood of their Enemies . 40. I shall not touch upon the particulars of this Warr , which was quick and violent ; and as succesful on the King's part , as he could desire . Let it suffice , that within the compass of Eighteen Months , or thereabouts , he stript them of no fewer than One hundred of their strongest places : so that their whole strength was reduced in a manner to two Towns only ; that is to say , the strong Town of Montalbon , and the Port of Rochel ; the rest submitting one by one , at the first demand . A Peace is thereupon concluded before Montpellier , agreeable enough to the Will of the Victor , and with security enough to the vanquished Party , if all Conclusions had been kept with as great a constancy , as they had been agreed upon with a seeming alacrity . By which Accord , the said two Towns were to be held in caution for three years only ; and the last seemed much over-awed by the Fort of K. Lewis , erected by the Count of Soiscons , when he lay before it . For the demolishing of which Fort , the King was earnestly sollicited by their Commissioners ; and for the not granting whereof , when it was desired , he was accused for violating the Pacification which he had made with them before Montpellier , and solemnly confirmed in the Courts of Parliament . And on the other side , the King complained as sensibly against the Hugonots , in regard they had not setled the Ecclesiasticks in their lawful Possessions , nor admitted those of the Roman-Catholick Religion , unto Civil Offices , in any of their Towns and Territories , as by the Articles of that Pacification they were bound to do . So that the Wound seemed rather to be skinned , than healed ; and suddenly became more dangerous than at first it was . For those of Rochel being somewhat blocked up by Fort Lewis , toward the Land , practised with the Duke of Soubize to grow strong by Sea , and make up a Fleet consisting of Eleven men of Warr , besides lesser Vessels , enter the large Haven of Blavet in Bretagne , seize upon all the Ships which they found therein ; and amongst others , six of great strength and beauty , belonging to the Duke of Nevers . By the accession of this Strength , they seize upon the Isles of Rhe and Oleron , with all the Shipping in the same ; and having gathered together a Navy of no fewer than Seventy Sail , they infest the Seas , and interrupt the course of Traffick . 41. For the repressing of these Pyrates , ( for they were no better ) the King sends out the Duke of Montmorency , with a Naval Power ; hires Twenty men of Warr of the States of Holland , and borrows Eight tall Ships of the King of England : With which he gives battel to Soubize , beats him at Sea , and forceth him to flye dishonourably from the Isle of Rhe , which the French presently possess , and begin to fortifie . For the removal of whose Forces from that Island , which blockt up their Haven , the Rochellers mediate , by Soubize , with K. CHARLES of England ; betwixt whom , and his Brother of France , some disgust had hapned , for sending back the French of both Sexes , whom the Queen brought with her . For hereupon the French King seizeth upon all the English Ships which traded on the River of Bourdeaux ; and the English , to revenge the wrong , sets out a Fleet of Thirty sail , all Men of Warr , commanded by the Earls of Denbigh and Lindsey , with an intent to steer for Rochel , and relieve that Town . But being encountred with cross winds , they came back again , and leave the prosecuting of the Action to the Duke of Buckingham . Who , the next year , sets forward with a puissant Army , consisting of Ten thousand men , and wafted over in One hundred and fifty Sail of Ships , all fit for Service . His Design was for the recovering of the Isle of Rhe , and relieving Rochel . Both which he might have compassed without any great difficulty , if he had not lost the opportunities which he gained at his landing ; passed by the Fort of La Pre , as not worth the taking , and suffering himself to be complemented out of the storming of St. Martins , when it was at his mercy . For the French Forces entring by the Fort of La Pre , compelled him to an unsafe Retreat , but of a great part of his Army ; and sent him back with far less Honour than he brought a-long with him . 42. But the Relief of Rochel is not so given over . A strong Fleet is prepared for the year next following , to be commanded by the Duke , who gave himself more hopes of good Fortune in it , than his Fates assigned him . For being villanously slain at Portsmouth , when he was almost ready to embark his Soldiers , the Conduct of the Action is committed to the Earl of Lindsey ; who very cheerfully and couragiously undertook the Service . But the French had blockt up the Haven of Rochel , with Piles and Ramparts , and other most stupendious Works in the midst of the Ocean , that it was utterly impossible for the Earl to force his passage , though he did most gallantly attempt it . Which being observed by those of Rochel , who were then besieged to Landward , by the King in Person , and even reduced unto the last extremity , by Plagues and Famine ; they presently set open their Gates , and without making any Conditions for their preservation , submitted absolutely to that Mercy which they had scorned so often in their prosperous Fortunes . The King thus Master of the Town , dismantleth all their Fortifications , leaves it quite open both to Sea and Land , commands them to renounce the Name of Rochel , and to take unto the Town the Name of Mary Ville , or Bourg de St. Mary . But herein his Command found but small compliance ; the Name of Rochel still remaining , and that of Mary Ville , or Bourg de St. Mary , almost as soon forgotten as it had been given . After which followed the surrendry of Nismess , and Montalbon , two impregnable places ; the first of which had been re-fortified in these last Commotions . For , What Town could presume of standing out against the King , when Rochel had been forced to submit to Mercy . 43. See now to what a low condition these hot Calvinian spirits have reduced themselves by their frequent Insolencies ; how different their Affairs were at the end of this Warr , from that Felicity which they enjoyed when they first began it . Before the beginning of the Warr , Anno 1620 , they were possessed of well-near Two hundred strong Towns and Castles , well fortified for their personal safety , besides many fair Houses , and large Territories , which they had in the Villages , in which their Pleasures and their Profits were a-like consulted ; they slept all of them under their own Vines , and their own Fig-trees , neither fearing , nor having cause to fear the least disturbance . With those of the Catholick Party they were grown so intimate , by reason of their frequent inter-marriages with one another , that in few years they might have been incorporated with them , and made of the same Family , though of different Faiths . The exercise of their Religion had been permitted to them since the passing of the Edict of Nants , 1598 , without interruption . And that they might have satisfaction also in the Courts of Justice , some Courts were purposely erected for their ease and benefit , which they called Les Chambres d' l' Edict , wherein there were as many Judges and other Officers of their own Perswasions , as there were of the contrary . In a word , they lived so secure and happy , that they wanted nothing to perpetuate their Felicities to succeeding Ages , but Moderation in themselves , Gratitude to Almighty God , and good Affections towards their King. 44. Such were the Fortunes and Successes of the Presbyterians in the rest of Christendom , during the last ten years of the Reign of K. IAMES , and the beginnings of K. CHARLES . By which both Kings might see how unsafe they were , if men of such Pragmatical Spirits , and Seditious Principles , should get ground upon them . But K. IAMES had so far supported them in the Belgick Provinces , that his own Calvinists presumed on the like Indulgence ; which prompted them to set nought by his Proclamations , to vilifie his Instructions , and despise his Messages . Finally , they made tryal of his patience also , by setting up one Knight , of Broadgates ( now called Pembroke Colledg ) to preach upon the Power of such popular Officers as Calvin thinks to be ordained by Almighty God , for curbing and restraining the Power of Kings . In which , though Knight himself was censured , the Doctrines solemnly condemned , & execution done upon a Book of Pareus , which had misguided the unfortunate and ignorant man ; yet the Calvinians most tenaciously adhered to their Master's tendries , with an intent to bring them into use and practise , when occasion served . So that K. IAMES with all his King-craft , could find no better way to suppress their Insolencies , than by turning Mountague upon them ; a man of mighty Parts , and an undaunted Spirit ; and one who knew , as well as any , how to discriminate the Doctrines of the Church of England , from those which were peculiar to the Sect of Calvin . By which he galled and gagged them more than his Popish Adversary ; but raised thereby so many Pens against himself , that he might seem to have succeeded in the state of Ismael . 45. In this conjuncture of Affairs , K. IAMES departs this life , and K. CHARLES succeeds ; who to ingratiate himself with this powerful Faction , had plunged his Father in a Warr with the House of Austria , by which he was brought under the necessity of calling Parliaments , and gave those Parliaments the courage to dispute his Actions . For though they promised to stand to him with their Lives and Fortunes , in prosecution of that Warr ; yet when they had engaged him in it , they would not part with any money to defray that Charge , till they had stripped him of the Richest Jewels in the Regal Diadem . But he was much more punished in the consequence of his own Example in aiding those of Rochel against their King , whereby he trained up his own Subjects in the School of Rebellion , and taught them to confederate themselves with the Scots and Dutch , to seize upon his Forts and Castles , invade the Patrimony of the Church , and to make use of his Revenue against himself . To such Misfortunes many Princes do reduce themselves , when either they engage themselves to maintain a Party , or govern not their Actions by the Rules of Justice ; but are directed by self-ends , or swayed by the corrupt Affections of untrusty Ministers . These things I only touch at here , which I reserve for the Materials of another History , as I do also all the intermediate passages in the Reign of K. CHARLES , before the breaking out of the Scottish Tumults , and most of the preparatives to the Warr of England . AERIVS REDIVIVVS : OR , The History OF THE PRESBYTERIANS . LIB . XIII . Containing The Insurrections of the Presbyterian or Puritan Faction , in the Realm of Scotland : The Rebellions raised by them in England : Their horrid Sacriledges , Murders , Spoils , and Rapines , in pursuit thereof : Their Innovations both in Doctrine and Discipline : And the greatest Alteration made in the Civil Government , from the year 1636 , to the year 1647 , when they were stript of all Command by the Independents . 1. THE Presbyterian-Scots , and the Puritan-English , were not so much discouraged by the ill successes of their Brethren in France and Germany , as animated by the prosperous Fortunes of their Friends in Holland . Who by Rebellion were grown Powerful ; and by Rapine , Wealthy ; and by the Reputation of their Wealth and Power , were able to avenge themselves on the opposite Party . To whose Felicities , if those in England did aspire , they were to entertain those Counsels , and pursue those courses , by which the others had attained them ; that is to say , They were by secret practises to diminish the King's Power and Greatness , to draw the people to depend upon their Directions , to dissolve all the Ligaments of the former Government ; and either call in Forreign Forces , or form an Army of their own to maintain their doings . And this had been the business of the Puritan Faction , since the death of Bancroft ; when by the retirements of K. IAMES from all cares of Government , and the connivance or remisness of Arch-bishop Abbot , the Reins were put into their hands . Which gave them time and opportunity to grow strong in Parliaments , under pretence of standing for the Subjects Property , against the encroachments of the Court , and for the preservation of the true Religion , against the practises of the Papists . By which two Artifices , they first weakned the Prerogative Royal , to advance their own ; and by the diminution of the King's Authority , endeavoured to erect the People's , whom they represented . And then they practised to asperse with the Name of Papist , all those who either join not with them in their Sabbath-Doctrines , or would not captivate their Judgments unto Calvin's Dictates . Their actings in all which particulars , either as Zealots for the Gospel , in maintaining Calvinism ; or Patriots for the Common-wealth , in bringing down the Power and Reputation of the two last Kings ; shall be at large delivered in the Life of the late Arch-bishop , and consequently may be thought unnecessary to be here related . And therefore , pretermitting all their former practises , by which their Party was prepared , and the Design made ready to appear in publick ; we will proceed to a Relation of the following passages , when they had pulled off their Disguise , and openly declared themselves to be ripe for Action . 2. The Party in both Kingdoms being grown so strong that they were able to proceed from Counsel unto Execution ; there wanted nothing but a fair occasion for putting themselves into a posture of defence ; and from that posture , breaking out into open Warr. But finding no occasion , they resolve to make one ; and to begin their first Embroilments upon the sending of the new Liturgy and Book of Canons to the Kirk of Scotland . For though the Scots in a general Assembly held at Aberdeen , had given consent unto the making of a Liturgy for the use of that Kirk , and for drawing up a Book of Canons out of the Acts of their Assemblies , and some Acts of Parliament ; yet ▪ when those Books were finished by the Care of King CHARLES , and by his Piety recommended unto use and practise , it must be looked on as a violation of their Rights and Liberties . And though in another of their Assemblies which was held at Perth , they had past five Articles for introducing private Baptism , communicating of the sick , kneeling at the Communion , Episcopal Confirmation , and the observing of such ancient Festivals as belonged immediately unto Christ : yet when those Articles were incorporated in the Common-prayer-Book ▪ they were beheld as Innovations in the Worship of God , and therefore not to be admitted in so pure and Reformed a Church as that of Scotland . These were the Hooks by which they drew the people to them , who never look on their Superiors with a greater reverence , than when they see them active in the Cause of Religion ; and willing , in appearance , to lose all which was dear unto them , whereby they might preserve the Gospel in its native purity . But it was rather Gain than Godliness , which brought the great men of the Realm to espouse this Quarrel ; who by the Commission of Surrendries ( of which more elsewhere ) , began to fear the losing of their Tithes and Superiorities , to which they could pretend no other title , than plain Usurpation . And on the other side , it was Ambition , and not Zeal , which enflamed the Presbyters ; who had no other way to invade that Power which was conferred upon the Bishops by Divine Institution , and countenanced by many Acts of Parliament in the Reign of K. IAMES , than by embracing that occasion to incense the people , to put the whole Nation into tumult , and thereby to compel the Bishops and the Regular Clergy to forsake the Kingdom . So the Genevians dealt before with their Bishop and Clergy , when the Reforming-Humour came first upon them : And what could they do less in Scotland , than follow the Example of their Mother-City ? 3. These breakings-out in Scotland , smoothed the way to the like in England , from which they had received encouragement , and presumed on Succours . The English Puritaus had begun with Libelling against the Bishops , as the Scots did against the King : For which , the Authors and Abettors had received some punishment ; but such , as did rather reserve them for ensuing Mischiefs , than make them sensible of their Crimes , or reclaim them from it . So that upon the coming of the Liturgy and Book of Canons , the Scots were put into such heat , that they disturbed the execution of the one by an open Tumult , and refused obedience to the other by a wilful obstinacy . The King had then a Fleet at Sea , sufficiently powerful to have blockt up all the Havens of Scotland ; and , by destroying that small Trade which they had amongst them , to have reduced them absolutely to His Will and Pleasure . But they had so many of their Party in the Council of Scotland , and had so great a confidence in the Marquess of Hamilton , and many Friends of both Nations in the Court of England , that they feared nothing less than the Power of the King , or to be enforced to their obedience in the way of Arms. In confidence whereof , they despise all His Proclamations , with which Weapons only He encountred them in their first Seditions ; and publickly protested against all Declarations which He sent unto them , in the Streets of Edenborough . Nothing else being done against them in the first year of their Tumults , they cast themselves into four Tables for dispatch of business ; but chiefly , for the cementing of their Combination . For which , they could not easily bethink themselves of a speedier course , than to unite the people to them by a League or Covenant . Which to effect , it was thought necessary to renew the old Confession , excogitated in the year 1580 , for the abjuring of the Tyranny and Superstitions of the Church of Rome ; subscribed first by the King and His Houshold-Servants ; and the next year by all the Natives of the Kingdom , as was said before . And it was also said before , that unto this Confession they adjoined a Band , Anno 1592 , for standing unto one another in defence thereof , against all Papists , and other professed Adversaries of their Religion . This is now made to serve their turn against the King : For by a strange interpretation which was put upon it , it was declared , That both the Government of the Church by Bishops , and the Five Articles of Perth , the Liturgy , and the Book of Canons , were all abjured by that Confession , and the Band annexed ; though the three last had no existency or being in the Kirk of Scotland , when that Confession was first formed , or the Band subjoined . 4. These Insolencies might have given the King a just cause to arm , when they were utterly unprovided of all such necessaries as might enable them to make the least show of a weak resistance . But the King deals more gently with them , negotiates for some fair accord of the present differences , and sends the Marquess of Hamilton as his chief Commissioner for the transacting of the same . By whose sollicitation he revokes the Liturgy and the Book of Canons , suspends the Articles of Perth , and then rescinds all Acts of Parliament which confirmed the same ; submits the Bishops to the next General Assembly , as their competent Judges ; and thereupon gives intimation of a General Assembly to be held at Glasgow , in which the point of Church-Government was to be debated , and all his Condescentions enrolled and registred . And , which made most to their advantage , he caused the Solemn League or Covenant to he imposed on all the Subjects , and subscribed by them . Which in effect was to legitimate the Rebellion , and countenance the Combination with the face of Authority . But all this would not do his business , though it might do theirs . For they had so contrived the matter , that none were chosen to have voices in that Assembly , but such as were sure unto the side , such as had formerly been under the Censures of the Church for their Inconformity , and had refused to acknowledg the King's Supremacy , or had declared their disaffections to Episcopal Government . And that the Bishops might have no encouragement to sit amongst them , they cite them to appear as Criminal persons , Libel against them in a scandalous and unchristian manner ; and finally , make choice of Henderson , a Seditious Presbyter , to sit as Moderator or chief President in it . And though upon the sense of their disobedience , the Assembly was again dissolved by the King's Proclamation ; yet they continued , as before , in contempt thereof . In which Session they condemned the Calling of Bishops , the Articles of Perth , the Liturgy , and the Book of Canons , as inconsistent with the Scripture , and the Kirk of Scotland . They proceed next to the rejecting of the five controverted points , which they called Arminianism : and finally , decreed a general subscription to be made to these Constitutions . For not conforming whereunto , the Bishops , and a great part of the Regular Clergy , are expelled the Countrey , although they had been animated unto that Refusal , as well by the Conscience of their duty , as by his Majesty's Proclamation which required it of them . 5. They could not hope that the King's Lenity so abused , might not turn to Fury ; and therefore thought it was high time to put themselves into Arms , to call back most of their old Soldiers from the Warrs in Germany ; and almost all their Officers from such Commands in the Netherlands ; whom to maintain , they intercept the King's Revenue , and the Rents of the Bishops , and lay great Taxes on the people , taking up Arms and Ammunition from the States Vnited , with whom they went on Ticket , and long days of payment , for want of ready money for their satisfaction . But all this had not served their turn , if the King could have been perswaded to have given them battel , or suffered any part of that great Army which he brought against them , to lay waste their Countrey . Whose tenderness when they once perceived , and knew withall how many friends they had about him , they thought it would be no hard matter to obtain such a Pacification as might secure them for the present from an absolute Conquest , and give them opportunity to provide better for themselves in the time to come , upon the reputation of being able to divert or break such a puissant Army . And so it proved in the event . For the King had no sooner retired his Forces both by Sea and Land , and given his Soldiers a License to return to their several Houses , but the Scots presently protest against all the Articles of the Pacification , put harder pressures on the King's Party , than before they suffered , keep all their Officers in pay ; by their Messengers and Letters , apply themselves to the French King for support and succours . By whom encouraged under-hand , and openly countenanced by some Agents of the Cardinal Richelieu , who then governed all Affairs in France , they enter into England with a puissant Army , making their way to that Invasion , by some Printed Pamphlets , which they dispersed into all parts , thereby to colour their Rebellions , and bewitch the people . 6. And now the English Presbyterians take the courage to appear more publickly in the defence of the Scots and their proceedings , than they had done hitherto . A Parliament had been called on the 13 th of April , for granting Moneys to maintain the Warr against the Scots . But the Commons were so backward in complying with the King's Desires , that he found himself under the necessity of dissolving the Parliament , which else had blasted his Design , and openly declared in favour of the publick Enemies . This puts the discontented Rabble into such a fury , that they violently assaulted Lambeth-House , but were as valiantly repulsed ; and the next day break open all the Prisons in Southwark , and release all the Prisoners whom they found committed for their Inconformities . Benstead , the Ring-leader in these Tumults , is apprehended and arraigned , condemned and executed ; the whole proceeding being grounded on the Statute of the 25 th of K. EDWARD the 3 d , for punishing all Treasons and Rebellions against the King. But that which threatned greater danger to the King and the Church , than either the Arms of the Scots , or the Tumults in Southwark ; was a Petition sent unto the King , who was then at York , subscribed by sundry Noble-men of the Popular Faction ; concluded on the 28 th of August ; carried by the Lord Mandevil , and the Lord Howard of Escrigg : and finally , presented on the third of September . In which it was petitioned , amongst other things , That the present War might be composed without loss of blood . That a Parliament should be forthwith called for redress of Grievances , ( amongst which , some pretended Innovations in Religion must be none of the least ) and that the Authors and Counsellors of such Grievances as are there complained of , might be there brought to such a Legal Tryal , and receive such condign punishment as their Crimes required . This hastned the assembling of the great Council of the Peers at York , and put the King upon the calling of a Parliament of His own accord , which otherwise might be thought extorted by their importunity . 7. The Scots , in the mean time , had put by such English Forces as lay on the South-side of the Tine , at the passage of Newborn , make themselves Masters of Newcastle , deface the goodly Church of Durham , bring all the Countreys on the North-side of the Tees , under contribution , and tax the people to all payments at their only pleasure . The Council of Peers , and a Petition from the Scots , prepare the King to entertain a Treaty with them ; the managing whereof was chiefly left unto those Lords who had subscribed the Petition before remembred . But the third day of November coming on a-pace , and the Commissioners seeming desirous to attend in Parliament , which was to begin on that day , the Treaty is adjourned to London ; which gave the Scots a more dangerous opportunity to infect that City , than all their Emissaries had obtained in the times fore-going . Nor was it long before it openly appeared what great power they had upon their Party in that City ; which animated Pennington , attended with some hundreds of inferior note , to tender a Petition to the House of Commons , against the Government of Bishops here by Law established . It was affirmed , that this Petition was subscribed by many thousands ; and it was probable enough to be so indeed . But whether it were so or not , he gave thereby such an occasion to the House of Commons , that they voted down the Canons which had passed in the late Convocation , condemned the Bishops and Clergy in great sums of Money ▪ which had subscribed to the same : decry the Power of all Provincial or National Synods , for making any Canons or Constitutions which could bind the Subject , until they were confirmed by an Act of Parliament . And having brought this general terror on the Bishops and Clergy , they impeach the Arch-bishop of High Treason , cause him to be committed to the Black Rod , and from thence to the Tower. Which being done , some other of the Bishops and Clergy must be singled out , informed against by scandalous Articles , and those Articles printed , without any consideration either true or false . 8. And though a Convocation were at that time sitting ; yet to encrease the Miseries of a falling-Church , it is permitted , that a private Meeting should be held in the Deanry of Westminster , to which some Orthodox and Conformable Divines were called , as a foil to the rest , which generally were of Presbyterian or Puritan Principles . By them it was proposed , That many passages in the Liturgy should be expunged , and others altered to the worse . That Decency and Reverence in officiating God's publick Service , should be brought within the compass of Innovations . That Doctrinal Calvinism should be entertained in all parts of the Church ; and all their Sabbath-Speculations , though contrary to Calvin's Judgment , super-added to it . But before any thing could be concluded in those weighty matters , the Commons set their Bill on foot against Root and Branch , for putting down all Bishops and Cathedral Churches ; which put a period to that Meeting without doing any thing . And though the Bill , upon a full debate thereon amongst the Peers , was cast out of that House , and was not by the course of Parliaments to be offered again ; yet , contrary to all former Custom , it was prest from one time to another , till in the end they gained the point which they so much aimed at . Hereupon followed some Petitions from the Universities , in favour of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches , without which , Learning must be destitute of its chief encouragements ; and some Petitions from whole Counties , in behalf of Episcopacy , without which there was like to be no preservative against Sects and Heresies . But nothing was more memorable than the inter-pleadings in the House of Commons , between Dr. Iohn H●cket , one of the Prebendaries of St. Pauls , and Arch-Deacon of Bedford ; and Dr. Cornelius Burges , a right doubty Disputant ; but better skilled in drawing down his Myrmidons , than in mustering Arguments : the issue of whose Plea was this , That though Cathedrals were unnecessary , and the Quire-men scandalous ; yet , that their Lands could not be alienated unto private persons , without guilt of Sacriledg . 9. But little did this edifie with the Leading-part in the House of Commons , who were resolved to practise on the Church by little and little , and at the last to play at sweep-stake , and take all together . First therefore , they began with taking down the Starr-Chamber , and the High Commission , without which Courts the Subjects could not easily be kept in order , nor the Church from Faction . And in the Act for taking down the Court of the High Commission , a clause is cunningly inserted , which plainly took away all Coercive Power which had been vested in the Bishops and their Under-Officers , disabling them from imposing any pain or penalty ; and consequently , from inflicting all Church-Censures on notorious sinners . Their Jurisdiction being thus gone , it was not likely that their Lands should stay long behind ; though in good manners it was thought convenient to strip them first from having any place or suffrage in the House of Peers . And when they once were rendred useless to the Church and State , the Lands would follow of themselves without any great trouble . And that they might attain the end which they so much aimed at , Burges draws down his Myrmidons to the Doors of he Parliament , and teacheth them to cry , No Bishops , No Bishops , with their wonted violence . By which confused Rabble , some indignities and affronts are very frequently put upon them , either in keeping them off from landing , if they came by water ; or offer violence to their persons , if they came by Land. Which multiplied Injuries gave such just cause of fear and trouble , that they withdrew themselves from the House of Peers , but sent withall a Protestation to preserve their Rights : In which it was declared , That all Acts made , or to be made , in the time of their absence , considering their absen●e was inforced , not voluntary , should be reputed void and null to all intents and purposes in the Law whatsoever . This Protestation being tendred in the House of Peers , communicated to the House of Commons , and the supposed offence extreamly aggravated by the Lord Keeper Littleton , the Bishops are impeached of Treason , nine of them sent Prisoners to the Tower , and two committed to the custody of the Gentleman-Usher . 10. And there we leave them for a while , to look into the Fortunes of the publick Liturgy ; not like to stand , when both the Scots and English Presbyterians did conspire against it . The Fame whereof had either caused it totally to be laid aside , or performed by halfs in all the Counties where the Scots were of strength and power ; and not much better executed in some Churches of London , wherein that Faction did as much predominate , as if it had been under the protection of a Scottish Army . But the first great interruption which was made at the officiating of the publick Liturgy , was made upon a Day of Humiliation , when all the Members of the House of Commons were assembled together at St. Margaret's in Westminster . At what time , as the Priest began the second Service at the Holy Table , some of the Puritans or Presbyterians began a Psalm ; and were therein followed by the rest in so loud a Tune , that the Minister was thereby forced to desist from his duty , and leave the Preacher to perform the rest of that day's Solemnity . This gave encouragement enough to the rest of that Party to set as little by the Liturgy in the Countrey , as they did in the City ; especially in all such usages and rights thereof , as they were pleased to bring within the compass of Innovations . But they were more encouraged to it , by an Order of the Lower-House , bearing date on the 8 th of September , Anno 1641. By which all Church-Wardens were required in their several Parishes to remove the Holy Table from the East-end of the Chancel , to any other part of the Church ; to take away the Ralis before it , and not to suffer any Tapers , Candlesticks , or Basons , to be placed upon it . It was required also by the same , That there should be no bowing at the Name of Jesus , nor adoration toward the East , nor any reverence used in men's approaches to the Holy Table . And by the same , all Dancing , and other lawful Recreations , were prohibited on their Lord's-day-Sabbath , after the duties of the Day ; and Catechising turned into After-noon-Sermons , directly contrary to His Majesty's Declarations and Instructions given in that behalf . And though the Lords refused to join with them in that Vote , and sent them back unto an Order of the 16 th of Ianuary , by which they had confirmed and enjoined the use of the Liturgy ; yet Pym commands the Order to be put in execution by a Warrant under his own hand only , and that too during the Recess , when almost all the Lords and Commons had retired themselves to their several dwellings . 11. Hereupon followed such an alteration in all Churches and Chappels , that the Church-Wardens pulled down more in a Week or two , than all the Bishops and Clergy had been able to raise in two Weeks of years . And hereupon there followed such irreverences ni God's publick Service , and such a discontinuance of it in too many places , that His Majesty was compelled to give new life to it by His Proclamation of the tenth of December ; and taking order in the same for punishing all the wilful Contemners and Disburbers of it . But this Proclamation being published in that point of time in which the Commons were intent on the Warr of Ireland , and the Puritans as much busied in blowing the Trumpet of Sedition in the Kingdom of England ; it only showed the King's good meaning , with his want of Power . In which conjuncture hapned the Impeachment and Imprisonment of Eleven of the Bishops : Which made that Bench so thin , and the King so weak , that on the 6 th of February the Lords consented to the taking away of their Votes in Parliament . The News whereof was solemnized in most places of London , with Bells and Bou●●res . Nothing remained , but that the King should pass it into Act by his Royal Assent ; by some unhappy Instrument extorted from Him when he was at Canterbury ; and signified by His Message to the Houses on the fourteenth of that Month. Which Condescention wrought so much unquietness to His Mind and Conscience , and so much unsecureness to His Person , for the rest of His Life , that He could scarce truly boast of one day's Felicity , till God was pleased to put a final period to His Grie●s and Sorrows . For in relation to the last , we find that the next Vote which passed in Parliament , deprived Him of His Negative Voice , and put the whole Militia of the Kingdom into the hands of the Houses . Which was the first beginning of His following Miseries . And looking on Him in the first , He will not spare to let us know in one of his Prayers , That the injury which he had done to the Bishops of England , did as much grate upon his Conscience , as either the permitting of a wrong way of Worship to be set up in Scotland ; or suffering innocent blood to be shed under colour of Iustice. 12. For so it was , that some of the prevailing-Members in the House of Commons , considering how faithfully and effectually the Scots had served them , not only voted a Gratuity of Three hundred thousand pounds of good English Money , to be freely given them ; but kept their Army in a constant and continual Pay , for Nine Months together . And by the terror of that Army , they forced the King to pass the Bill for Trienial Parliaments , and to perpetuate the present Session at the will of the Houses ; to give consent for Murthering the Earl of Strafford with the Sword of Justice ; and suffering the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to be banished from him ; to fling away the Starr-Chamber , and the High-Commission , and the Coercive Power of Bishops ; to part with all his right to Tonnage and Poundage , to Ship-money , and the Act for Knighthood ; and by retrenching the Perambulation of His Forests and Chases , to leave his Game to the destruction of each Bore or Peasant . And by the terror of this Army , they took upon them to engage all the Subjects of the Kingdom in a Protestation , first hammered on the third of May , in order to the condemnation of the Earl of Strafford , for maintenance of the Priviledges and Rights of Parliament , standing to one another in pursuance of it , and bringing all persons to condign punishment who were suspected to oppose them . Encouraged also by the same , they took upon them an Authority of voting down the Church's Power in making of Canons , condemning all the Members of the late Convocation , calumniating many of the Bishops and Clergy , in most odious manner , and vexing some of them to the Grave . And they would have done the like to the Church it self , in pulling down the Bishops and Cathedral Churches , and taking to themselves all their Lands and Houses , if by the Constancy and Courage of the House of Peers , they had not failed of their Design . But at the last , the King prevailed so far with the Scots Commissioners , that they were willing to retire and withdraw their Forces , upon His Promise to confirm the Acts of the Assembly at Glasgow , and reach out such a Hand of Favour unto all that Nation , as might estate them in a happiness above their hopes . On this assurance they march homewards , and He followeth after . Where he consents to the abolishing of Bishops , and alienating all their Lands by Act of Parliament ; suppresseth , by like Acts , the Liturgy , and the Book of Canons , and the five Articles of Perth ; rewards the chief Actors in the late Rebellion , with Titles , Offices , and Honours ; and parts with so much of His Royal Prerogative to content the Subjects , that He left Himself nothing of a King , but the empty Name . And to sum up the whole in brief , In one hour He unravelled all that excellent Web , the weaving whereof had took up more than Forty years ; and cost His Father and Himself so much Pains and Treasure . 13. By this Indulgence to the Scots , the Irish Papists are invited to expect the like , and to expect it in the same way which the Scots had travelled ; that is to say , by seizing on His Forts and Castles , putting themselves into the Body of an Army , and forcing many of His good Protestant-Subjects to forsake the Kingdom . The Motives which induced them to it , their opportunities for putting it in execution , and the miscarriage of the Plot , I might here relate , but that I am to keep my self to the Presbyterians , as dangerous Enemies to the King and the Church of England , as the Irish Papists . For so it hapned , that His Majesty was informed at His being in Scotland , That the Scots had neither took up Arms , nor invaded England , but that they were encouraged to it by some Members of the Houses of Parliament , on a design to change the Government both of Church and State. In which he was confirmed by the Remonstrance of the state of the Kingdom , presented to Him by the Commons at His first coming back ; the forcible attempt for breaking into the Abby of Westminster ; the concourse of seditious people to the Dores of the Parliament , crying out , that they would have no Bishops nor Popish Lords ; and their tumultuating in a fearful manner , even at White-Hall Gates , where they cryed out with far more horror to the Hearers , That the King was not worthy to live ; that they would have no Porter's Lodg between Him and them ; and , That the Prince would govern better . Hereupon certain Members of both Houses ; that is to say , the Lord Kimbolton of the Upper ; Hollis and Haslerig , Hampden , Pym , and Stroud , of the Lower-House , are impeached of Treason , a Serjeant sent to apprehend them , and command given for sealing up their Trunks and Closets . 14. But on the contrary , the Commons did pretend and declared accordingly , That no Member of theirs was to be impeached , arrested , or brought unto a Legal Trial , but by the Order of that House ; and , that the sealing up of their Trunks or Closets , was a breach of Priviledg . And thereupon it was resolved on Monday , Ian. 3. being the day of the Impeachment , That if any persons whatsoever , should come to the Lodgings of any Member of the House , or seize upon their persons , that then such Members should require the aid of the Constable to keep such persons in safe custody till the House gave further Order . And it was then resolved also , That if any person whatsoever , should offer to arrest or detain the person of any Member of their House , without first acquainting the House therewith , and receiving further Order from the House ; that then it should be lawful for such Member , or any person , to resist him , and to stand upon his or their guard of defence ; and to make resistance , according to the Protestation taken to defend the Liberties of Parliament . This brings the King on Tuesday morning to the Commons House , attended only by His Guard , and some few Gentlemen , no otherwise weaponed than with Swords ; where having placed Himself in the Speaker's Chair , He required them to deliver the Impeached Members to the hands of Justice . But they had notice of His Purpose , and had retired into London as their safest Sanctuary ; to which the whole House is adjourned also , and sits in the Guild-Hall as a Grand Committee . The next day brings the King to the City also ; where in a Speech to the Lord Mayor and Common-Council , He signified the Reasons of His going to the House of Commons ; That He had no intent of proceeding otherwise against the Members , than in a way of Legal Tryal ; and thereupon desired , That they might not be harboured and protected in despite of Law. For answer whereunto , He is encountred with an insolent and sawcy Speech , made by one Fowk , a Member of the Common-Council , concerning the Impeached Members , and the King's proceedings ; and followed in the Streets by the Rascal-Rabble ; by some of which , a Virulent and Seditious Pamphlet , entituled ▪ Every man to his Tents , O Israel ; is cast into His Coach ; and nothing sounded in His Ears , but Priviledges of Parliament , Priviledges of Parliament , with most horrible out-cries . The same night puts them into Arms , with great fear and tumult , upon a rumour that the King and the Cavaliers ( for so they called such Officers of the late Army as attended on him for their Pay ) had a design to sack the City , who were then sleeping in their beds , and little dreamed of any such Seditious practises as were then on foot for the enflaming of the people . 15. And now comes Calvin's Doctrine for restraining the Power of Kings , to be put in practise . His Majesty's going to the House of Commons on the fourth of Ianuary , is voted for so high a breach of their Rights and Priviledges , as was not to be salved by any Retractation , or Disclaimer , or any thing by Him alledged in excuse thereof . The Members are brought down in triumph both by Land and Water , guarded with Pikes and Protestations , to their several Houses ; and the forsaken King necessitated to retire to Windsor , that he might not be an eye-witness of his own disgraces . The Lord Digby goes to Kingston in a Coach with six Horses , to bestow a visit upon Collonel Lundsford , and some other Gentlemen ; each Horse is reckoned for a Troop , and these Troops said to have appeared in a warlike manner . Which was enough to cause the prevailing-party of the Lords and Commons to declare against it ; and by their Order of the 13 th of Ianuary , to give command , That all the Sheriffs of the Kingdom , assisted by the Iustices and Trained-Bands of the Countrey , should take care to suppress all unlawful Assemblies , and to secure the Magazines of their several Counties . The King's Attorney must be called in question , examined , and endangered , for doing his duty in the impeachment of their Members , that no man might hereafter dare to obey the King. And though His Majesty had sent them a most Gracious Message of the twentieth of Ianuary , in which He promised them to equal or exceed all Acts of Favour which any of His Predecessors had extended to the People of England ; yet nothing could secure them from their fears and jealousies , unless the Trained-bands , and the Royal Navy , the Tower of London , and the rest of the Forts and Castles , were put into such hands as they might confide in . On this the King demurrs a while ; but having shipped the Queen for Holland , with the Princess Mary , and got the Prince into his power , he denies it utterly . And this denial is reputed a sufficient reason to take the Militia to themselves , and execute the Powers thereof , without His consent . 16. But leaving them to their own Councils , he removes to York , assembleth the Gentry of that County , acquaints them with the reasons of His coming thither , and desires them not to be seduced by such false reports as had been raised to the dishonour of His Person , and disgrace of His Government . By their Advice he makes a journey unto Hull , in which he had laid up a considerable Magazine of Cannon , Arms , and Ammunition ; intended first against the Scots , and afterwards designed for the Warr of Ireland ; but now to be made use of in his own defence . And possibly He might have got it into His possession , if He had kept His own Counsel , and had not let some words fall from Him in a Declaration , which betrayed His purpose . For hereupon Hotham , a Member of their House , and one of the two Knights for the County of York , is sent to Garrison the Town ; who most audaciously refused to give him entrance , ( though he was then accompanied with no more than his private Guards ) and for so doing , is applauded and indempnified by the rest of the Members . This sends him back again to York , and there he meets as great a Baffle as he did at Hull . For there he is encountred with a new Committee from the House of Commons , consisting of Ferdinand Lord Fairfax , Sir Henry Cholmnly , Sir Hugh Cholmnly , and Sir Philip Stapleton ; sent thither on purpose to serve as Spies upon his actions , to undermine all his proceedings , and to insinuate into the people , that all their hopes of peace and happiness , depended on their adhering to the present Parliament . And they applied themselves to their Instructions with such open Confidence , that the King had not more meetings with the Gentry of that County , in his Palace called the Mannor-house , than they had with the Yeomanry and Free-holders , in the great Hall of the Deanry . All which the King suffered very strangely , and thereby robbed himself of the opportunity of raising an Army in that County , with which he might have marched to London , took the Hen sitting on her Nest before she had hatched ; and possibly , prevented all those Calamities which after followed . 17. But to proceed , during these counter-workings betwixt them and the King , the Lords and Commons plied him with continual Messages for his return unto the Houses ; and did as frequently endeavour to possess the people with their Remonstrances and Declarations , to his disadvantage . To each of which , his Majesty returned a significant Answer , so handsomely apparelled , and comprehending in them such a strength of Reason , as gave great satisfaction to all equal and unbyassed men . None of these Messages more remarkable , than that which brought the Nineteen Propositions to his Majesty's hands . In which it was desired , That all the Lords of his Majesty's Council , all the great Officers both of Court and State , the two Chief Iustices , and the Chief Barons of the Exchequer , should be from thenceforth nominated and approved by both Houses of Parliament . That all the great Affairs of the Kingdom , should be managed by them , even unto the naming of a Governour for his Majesty's Children , and for disposing them in Marriage , at the will of the Houses . That no Popis● Lord ( as long as he continued such ) should vote in Parliament . And amongst many other things of like importance , That he would give consent to such a Reformation of Church-Government and Liturgy , as both the Houses should advise . But he knew well enough , that to grant all this , was plainly to divest himself of all Regal-Power which God had put into his hands . And therefore he returned such an Answer to them , as the necessity of his Affairs , co●pared with those impudent Demands , did suggest unto him . But as for their Demand about Reformation , he had answered it in part , before they made it , by ordering a Collection of sundry Petitions presented to himself and both Houses of Parliament , in behalf of Episcopacy , and for the preservation of the Liturgy , to be printed and published . By which Petitions it appeared , that there was no such general disaffection in the Subjects , unto either of them , ( whether they were within the power of the Houses , or beyond their reach ) as by the Faction was pretended ; the total number of Subscribers unto seven of them only , ( the rest not being calculated in the said Collection ) amounting to Four hundred eighty two Lords and Knights , One thousand seven hundred and forty Esquires and Gentlemen of note , Six hundred thirty one Doctors and Divines , and no fewer than Forty four thousand five hundred fifty nine Free-holders of good name and note . 18. And now the Warr begins to open . The Gentlemen of Yorkshire being sensible of that great affront which had been offered to his Majesty at the Gates of Hull ; and no less sensible of those dangers which were threatned to him by so ill a Neighbourhood , offered themselves to be a Guard unto his person . The Houses of Parliament upon the apprehension of some fears and jealousies , had took a Guard unto themselves in December last ; but they conceived the King had so much innocence , that he needed none : and therefore his accepting of this Guard of Gentlemen , is voted for a levying of Warr against the Parliament , and Forces must be raised in defence thereof . It hapned also , that some Members of the House of Commons , many of his Domestick Servants , and not a few of the Nobility and great men of the Realm , repaired from several places to the King at York ; so far from being willing to involve themselves in other mens sins , that they declared the constancy of their adhaesion to his Majesty's service . These men they branded first by the Name of Malignants , and after looked upon them in the notion of evil Councellors ; for whose removing from the King , they pretend to arm , ( but now the stale device must be taken up ) as well as in their own defence : Towards the raising of which Army , the Presbyterian Preachers so bestir themselves , that the wealthy Citizens send in their Plate , the zealous Sisters rob'd themselves of their Bodkins and Thimbles , and some poor Wives cast in their Wedding-Rings , like the Widow's Mite , to advance the Service . Besides which , they set forth Instructions , dispersed into all parts of the Realm , for bringing in of Horses , Arms , Plate , Money , Jewels , to be repayed ag●in on the Publick Faith ; appoint their Treasurers for the Warr ; and nominate the Earl of Essex for their chief Commander , whom some Disgraces from the Court had made wholly theirs . Him they commissionate to bring the King from his Evil Councellors , with power to kill and slay all such as opposed them in it . And that he might perform the Service with a better Conscience , they laid fast hold on an Advantage which the King had given them , who in his Declaration of the 16 th of Iune , either by some incogitancy , or the slip of his Pen , had put himself into the number of the Three Estates ; for thereupon it was inferred , That the Two Houses were co-ordinate with him in the Publick Government ; and being co-ordinate , might act any thing without his consent , especially in case of his refusal to co-operate with them , or to conform to their desires . Upon which ground , both to encrease their Party , and abuse the people , ( who still had held the Name of King in some veneration ) the Warr is managed in the Name of King and Parliament , as if both equally concerned in the Fortunes of it . It was also Preached and Printed by the Presbyterians to the same effect , ( as Buchanan and Knox , Calvin and some others of the Sect had before delivered ) That all Power was originally in the people of a State or Nation ; in Kings no otherwise than by Delegation , or by way of Trust ; which Trust might be recalled when the People pleased . That when the underived Majesty ( as they loved to phrase it ) of the Common People , was by their voluntary act transferred on the Supreme Magistrate , it rested on that Magistrate no otherwise than cumulativè ; but privativè by no means , in reference unto them that gave it . That though the King was Major singulis , yet he was Minor universis ; Superior only unto any one ; but far inferior to the whole Body of the People That the King had no particular property in his Lands , Rents , Ships , Arms , Towers , or Castles ; which being of a publike nature , belonged as much to the people , as they did to him . That it was lawful for the Subjects to resist their Princes , even by force of Arms ▪ and to raise Armies also , if need required , for the preservation of Religion , and the common Liberties . And finally , ( for what else can follow such dangerous premises ? ) That Kings being only the sworn Officers of the Commonwealth , they might be called to an account , and punished in case of Male-administration , even to Imprisonment , Deposition , and to Death it self , if lawfully convicted of it . But that which served their turns best , was a new distinction which they had coined between the Personal and Political capacity of the Supreme Magistrate ; alledging , that the King was present with the Houses of Parliament , in his Political capacity , though in his Personal at York . That they might fight against the King in his Personal capacity , though not in his Politick ; and consequently , might destroy CHARLES STVART , without hurting the King. This was good Presbyterian Doctrine ; but not so edifying at York , as it was at Westminster . For his Majesty finding a necessity to defend CHARLES STVART , if he desired to save the King , began to entertain such Forces as repaired unto him , and put himself into a posture of defence against all his Adversaries . 19. In York-shire he was countermined , and prevailed but little , not having above Two thousand men when he left that County . At Nottingham he sets up his Standard , which by an unexpected Tempest was blown down to the ground , and looked on as a sad presage of his following Fortunes . Passing thorough Staffordshire , he gained some small encrease to his little Party ; but never could attain unto the reputation of an Army , till he came to Shrewsbury ; to which great multitudes flocked unto him out of Wales and Cheshire , and some of the adjoining Countreys . Encouraged with which supplies , and furnished as well by the Queen from Holland , as by the Countrey-Magazins , with Cannon , Arms , and Ammunition , he resolves for London , gives the first brush unto his Enemies at Poick , near Worcester , and routs them totally at Edg-hill , in the County of Warwick : This battel was fought on Sunday , the 23 d of October , Anno 1642 , being a just Twelve-month from the breaking out of the Irish Rebellion ; this being more dangerous than that , because the King's Person was here aimed at more than any other . For so it was , that by corrupting one Blake , ( once an English Factor , but afterwards employed as an Agent from the King of Morocco ) they were informed from time to time of the King's proceedings ; and more particularly , in what part of the Army he resolved to be ; which made them aim with the greater diligence and fury , at so fair a Mark. But the King being Master of the Field , possest of the dead Bodies , and withall of the Spoil of some of the Carriages , discovered by some Letters this most dangerous practise . For which , that wretched Fellow was condemned by a Court of Warr , and afterwards hanged upon the Bough of an Oak , not far from Abington . 20. In the mean time the King goes forward , takes Banbury both Town and Castle , in the sight of the Enemy , and enters triumphantly into Oxon , ( which they had deserted to his hands ) with no fewer than Six-score Colours of the vanquished Party . But either he stayed there too long , or made so many halts in his way , that Essex with his flying-Army had recovered London , before the King was come to Colebrook . There he received a Message for an Accommodation ; made ineffectual by the Fight at Brentford on the next day after . Out of which Town he beat two of their choicest Regiments , sunk many pieces of Cannon , and much Ammunition , put many of them to Sword in the heat of the Fight , and took about Five hundred Prisoners for a taste of his Mercy . For knowing well how miserably they had been mis-guided , he spared their Lives , and gave them liberty on no other Conditions , but only the taking of their Oaths not to serve against him . But the Houses of Parliament being loath to lose so many good men , appointed Mr. Stephen Marshall , ( a principal Zealot at that time in the Cause of Presbytery ) to call them together , and to absolve them from that Oath : Which he performed with so much Confidence and Authority , that the Pope himself could scarce have done it with the like . The next day , being Sunday , and the 13 th of November , he prepares for London ; but is advertised of a stop at Turnham-Green , two miles from Brentford ; where both the remainders of the Army under the Earl of Essex , and the Auxiliaries of London , under the Conduct of the Earl of Warwick , were in a readiness to receive him . On this Intelligence it was resolved on mature deliberation , in the Council of Warr , That he should not hazzard that Victorious Army by a fresh encounter , in which if he should lose the day , it would be utterly impossible for him to repair that Ruin. Accordingly he leads his Army over Kingston-Bridg , leaves a third part of it in the Town of Reading , and with the rest takes up his Winter-Quarters in the City of Oxon. 21. But long he had not been at Oxon , when he received some Propositions from the Houses of Parliament , which by the temper and complexion of them , might rather seem to have proceeded from a conquering , than a losing-side . One to be sure must be in favour of Presbytery , or else Stephen Marshal's zeal had been ill regarded . And in relation to Presbytery it was thus desired ; that is to say , That his Majesty would give consent to a Bill for the utter abolishing and taking away of all Arch-bishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Sub-deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , Canons , and Prebendaries , and all Chaunters , Chancellors , Treasurers , Sub-treasurers , Succentors , and Sacrists , and all Vicars , Choral , and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , and all other their Vnder-officers , out of the Church of England . And that being done , that he would consent to another Bill for consultation to be had with Godly , Religious , and Learned Divines , and then to settle the Church-Government in such a way , as upon consultation with the said Divines should be concluded and agreed on by both Houses of Parliament . A Treaty howsoever did ensue upon these Propositions ; but it came to nothing : the Commissioners for the Houses being so straitned in point of time , and tyed up so precisely to the Instructions of their Masters , that they could yeeld to nothing which conduced to the Publick peace . Nor was the North or South more quiet than the rest of the Kingdom : For in the North , the Faction of the Houses was grown strong and prevalent , commanded by Ferdinand Lord Fairfax , who had possest himself of some strong Towns and Castles ; for maintenance whereof , he had supplies from Hull upon all occasions . The care of York had been committed by the King to the Earl of Cumberland ; and Newcastle was then newly Garrisoned by the Ecrl thereof ; whose Forces being joined to those of the Earl of Cumberland , gave Fairfax so much work , and came off so gallantly , that in the end both Parties came to an accord , and were resolved to stand as Neutrals in the Quarrel . Which coming to the knowledg of the Houses of Parliament , they found some Presbyterian Trick to dissolve that Contract , though ratified by all the Obligations both of Honour and Conscience . 22. But in the South , the King's Affairs went generally from bad to worse ; Portsmouth in Hampshire declared for him when he was at York : but being besieged , and not supplied either with Men , Arms , or Victuals , as had been promised and agreed on , it was surrendred by Col. Goring , the then Governour of it , upon Capitulation . Norton , a Neighbouring Gentleman of a fair Estate , was one of the first that shewed himself in Arms against it for the Houses of Parliament , and one that held it out to the very last . For which good Service he was afterward made a Collonel of Horse , Governour of Southampton , and one of the Committee for Portsmouth , after the Government of that Town had been taken from Sir William Lewis , on whom it was conferred at the first surrendry . A Party of the King 's , commanded by the Lord Viscount Grandison , was followed so closely at the heels by Brown and Hurrey , too mercenary Scots in the pay of the Houses , that he was forced to put himself into Winchester-Castle ; where having neither Victuals for a day , nor Ammunition for an hour , it was some favour to his Soldiers to be taken to Mercy . But whatsoever Mercy was exprest to them , the poor Town found but little , and the Church much less : the Town being miserably plundered for no other reason , but that they were not able to keep Grandison out , had they been so minded . Which though it was sufficient to impoverish a more Wealthy City ; yet Waller had two pulls more at it in the course of the Warr , to the undoing of some Families , and the spoil of others . But it was more defaced by Ogle about three years after , in burning down some Houses about the Castle ; but most of all , by pulling down the Bishop's Palace , the Deanry , and no fewer than eight Prebends Houses , sold by the Presbyterians , to make money of the Lead and Timber , the Iron , Glass , and Stones , which made up those Edifices . 23. But for the Church , though it was not the first Example of their Reformation , according to the practise of the Hugonot-French , the Scottish and the Belgick Zealots ; yet fared it worse in some respects than the other Cathedrals , because it fell unto the Scots ( commanding some Scotizing English ) to do execution . For they not only broke the Organs in pieces , and defaced the Carved Work of the Quire , containing the story of the Old and New Testament , in most excellent Imagery ; but threw down the Communion-Table , and broke down the Rails ( which they burnt afterwards in an Ale-house ) , and strewed the Pavements of the Quire , with the torn leaves and Fragments of the Common-prayer-Books . Next , they proceeded to the spoiling of the Tombs and Monuments , erected to the memory of some eminent Prelates , which had been formerly both an Ornament and an Honour to it ; as namely , that of Cardinal Beaufort , a principal Benefactor to the Church and Hospital of St. Cross , neighbouring near unto the City ; and that of William Wainflet , the Magnificent and sole Founder of Magdalen-Colledg in Oxon. And whereas the Remainders of the Bodies of some Saxon Kings , and many Bishops of those times , had been gathered into several Leaden Chests , by Bishop Fox , who lived and flourished in the last times of K. HENRY the 7th ; the barbarous Soldiers Sacrilegiously threw down those Chests , scattered the dust remaining of their Bodies , before the wind , and threw their bones about the Pavements of the Church . They break down as many of the Glass Windows as they could reach with Swords and Pikes ; and at the rest they threw the Bones of the dead Kings , or shot them down with their Muskets ; the spoil of which Windows could not be repaired for one thousand pounds . After all this , they seize upon the Communion-Plate , the Surplices of the Priests and Quire-men , all the rich Hangings , and large Cushions of Velvet , and the costly Pulpit-clothes , somes of which were of Cloath of Silver , and others of Gold. And finding two Brazen Statua's of K. IAMES , and K. CHARLES , at the first entrance of the Quire , they brake off the two Swords which were placed by their sides ; and with their own , mangled the Crown upon the head of K. CHARLES , swearing in scorn , That they would bring him back again to his Houses of Parliament . 24. This hapned upon Thursday the fifteenth of December ; and the same Month proved as calamitous to the Church of Chichester ; which City had received some Soldiers of His Majesty's Party , who either were too few to keep it , or found it not tenable enough to make any resistance . Waller presents himself before it , and without any great dispute , becomes Master of it ; by which the Town got little , and the Church lost more . For upon Innocents-day , the Soldiers forcibly break into it , where they seize upon the Vestments and Ornaments of the Church , together with the Consecrated Plate serving for the Altar , not leaving so much as a Cushion for the Pulpit , or a Chalice for the blessed Sacrament . But this rich spoil being committed by the Marshal and other Officers , the rest was left unto the hands and weapons of the common Soldiers , who with their Pole-axes did not only break down the Organs , but cut in pieces the Communion-Table , with the Rail before it . They defaced the two Tables of the Law at the East end of the Quire , for fear they should rise up against them in the Day of Judgment ; most miserably made havock of the History of that Churches Foundation , which they found on the one side of the South-cross Isle , pourtrayed in Artificial manner , with the Statues of the Kings of England ; and coming to the Portraiture of K. EDWARD the sixth , they picked out his eyes , saying in scorn , That all this Mischief came from him , in establishing the Book of Common-prayer . Which that it might not be officiated as in former times , they break open all the Chests and Cupboards in which the Quire-men had laid up their Singing-Books , Common-Prayer-Books , Gowns , and Surplices ; strewing the Pavements of the Church with the Leaves of the Books , but turning the Gowns and Surplices into ready money . To all which Acts of Sacrilegious Spoil and Rapine , as Waller gave some countenance by his personal presence ; and in that , somewhat worse than Nero * , as the story tells us : So Haslerig gave much more , by his Voice and Actions : For , forcing his way into the Chapter-House , he did not only command the Soldiers to break down the Wainscot , but seized on all the rich Plate which belonged to the Church . And when it was desired , that they would leave one Chalice only for the use of the Sacrament ; answer was most prophanely made by one of the Scots , ( of which Nation the two Houses had employed too many ) That they might serve the turn with a Wooden Dish . Nor were some Presbyterian Zealots in the City of Exeter , more favourable to their own Cathedrals , than the rude Soldiers were to this ; where being incensed by some of their Sedi●ious Preachers , they acted over all those outrages of Spoil and Rapine , which have been formerly recited , and added to them such prodigious and unheard Irreverences , by turning the Church into a ●akes , and leaving their filth on and about the holy Altar , as fills me with Religious horror at the thinking of it . 25. But their first Furies in this kind , brake out in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury , and that of Rochester , under the conduct and command of Colonel Sandys , one of the Natives of that County ; who taking some Forces with him to make sure of Canterbury , came thi●her in the end of August ; and having got the Keys of the Cathedral into his possession , gave a free entrance to the Rabb●e which attended on him ; forcing their way into the Quire , they overthrew the Communion-Table , tore the Velvet Cloath which they found about it ; defaced the goodly Screen or Tabernacle-work , violated the Monuments of the dead , spoiled the Organs , brake down the ancient Rails and Seats , with the brazen Eagle which did support the Bible , forced open the Cupboards of the Singing-men , rent some of their Surplices , Gowns , and Bibles , and carried away others ; mangled all the Service-Books , and Books of Common-Prayer , bestrewing the whole Pavement with the Leaves thereof . They also exercised their madness on the Arras Hangings which adorned the Quire , representing the whole story of our Saviour . And meeting with some of his Figures amongst the rest , some of them swore that they would stab him ; and others , that they would rip up his bowels ; which they did accordingly , so far forth at the least as those figures in the Arras Hanging could be capable of it . And finding another Statua of Christ placed in the Frontispiece of the South-Gate there , they discharged Forty Muskets at it , exceedingly triumphing when they hit him in the Head or Face . And it is thought they would have fallen upon the Fabrick , if at the humble suit of the Mayor and Citizens , they had not been restrained by their principal Officers . Less spoil was made at Rochester , though too much in that ; their Follies being chiefly exercised in tearing the Book of Common-Prayer , and breaking down the Rails before the Altar . Seaton a Scot , and one of some command in the Army afterwards , took some displeasure at the Organs , but his hands were tyed ; whether it were that Sandys repented of the Outrages which were done at Canterbury , or else afraid of giving more scandal and offence to the Kentish Gentry , I am not able to determine . But sure it is , that he enjoyed but little eomfort in these first beginnings , receiving his death's wound about three Weeks after , in the fight near Powick ; of which , within few Weeks more , he dyed at Worcester . 26. But I am weary of reciting such Spoils and Ravages as were not acted by the Goths in the sack of Rome . And on that score I shall not take upon me to relate the Fortunes of the present Warr , which changed and varied in the West , as in other places , till the Battel of Stratton ; in which Sir Ralph Hopton , with an handful of his gallant Cornish , raised by the reputation of Sir Bevil Greenvile , and Sir Nicholas Slaining , gave such a general defeat to the Western Rebels , as opened him the way towards Oxon with small opposition . Twice troubled in his March , by Waller , grown famous by his taking of Malmsbury , and relieving Glocester ; but so defeated in a fight at Roundway-Down , ( Run-away Down , the Soldiers called it ) that he was forced to flye to London for a new Recruit . Let it suffice , that the King lost Reading in the Spring , received the Queen triumphantly into Oxon within a few Weeks after , by whom he was supplied with such a considerable stock of Arms aud other Necessaries , as put him into a condition to pursue the Warr. This Summer makes him Master of the North and West ; the North being wholly cleared of the Enemy's Forces , but such as seemed to be imprisoned in the Town of Hull . And having lost the Cities of Bristol and Exon , no Towns of consequence in the West remained firm unto them , but Pool , Lime , and Plymouth : so that the leading-members were upon the point of forsaking the Kingdom , and had so done ( as it was generally reported , and averred for certain ) if the King had not been diverted from his march to London , upon a confidence of bringing the strong City of Glocester to the like submission . This gave them time to breathe a little , and to advise upon some course for their preservation ; and no course was found fitter for them , than to invite the Scots to their aid and succour , whose amity they had lately purchased at so deer a rate . Hereupon Armin and some others are dispatched for Scotland ; where they applied themselves so dextrously to that proud and rebellious people , that they consented at the last to all things which had been desired . But they consented on such terms as gave them an assurance of One hundred thousand pound in ready money ; the Army to be kept both with Pay and Plunder ; the chief Promoters of the Service to be rewarded with the Lands and Houses of the English Bishops , and their Commissioners ; to have as great an influence in all Counsels both of Peace and Warr , as the Lords and Commons . 27. But that which proved the strongest temptation to engage them in it , was an assurance of reducing the Church of England to an exact conformity , in Government and Forms of Worship , to the Kirk of Scotland ; and gratifying their Revenge and Malice , by prosecuting the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to the end of his Tragedy . For compassing which Ends , a Solemn League and Covenant is agreed between them ; first taken and subscribed to , by the Scots themselves ; and afterwards by all the Members in both Houses of Parliament ; as also , by the principal Officers of the Army , all the Divines of the Assembly , almost all those which lived within the Lines of Communication , and in the end by all the Subjects which either were within their power , or made subject to it . Now by this Covenant the Party was to bind himself , amongst other things , first , That he would endeavour in his place and calling , to preserve the Reformed Religion in Scotland , in Doctrine , Discipline , and Government : That he would endeavour , in like manner , the Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , according to the Word of God , and the example of the best Reformed Churches ; but more particularly , to bring the Churches of God in all the three Kingdoms , to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in Religion , Confession of Faith , Form of Church-Government , and Directory for Worship , and Catechising . Secondly , That without respect of persons they would endeavour to extirpate Popery and Prelacy ; that is to say , Church-Government by Arch-bishops , Bishops , their Chancellors & Commissairs , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on it . And thirdly , That he would endeavour the discovery of such as have been , or shall be Incendiaries , Malignants , and evil Instruments , either in hindering the Reformation of Religion , or in dividing between the King and his people , &c. whom they should bring to condign punishment before the Supream Iudicatories of either Kingdom , as their offences should deserve . Of which three Articles , the two first tended to the setting up of their dear Presbyteries ; the last , unto the prosecution of the late Arch-bishop , whom they considered as their greatest and most mortal Enemy . 28. The terror of this Covenant , and the severe penalty imposed on those which did refuse it , compelled great numbers of the Clergy to forsake their Benefices , and to betake themselves to such Towns and Garrisons as were kept under the command of his Majesty's Forces ; whose vacant places were in part supplied by such Presbyterians who formerly had lived as Lecturers or Trencer-Chaplains : or else bestowed upon such Zealots as flocked from Scotland and New-England , like Vultures and other Birds of Rapine , to seek after the prey . But finding the deserted Benefices not proportionable to so great a multitude , they compelled many of the Clergy to forsake their Houses , that so they might avoid imprisonment or some worse Calamity . Others they sent to several Gaols , or shut them up in Ships whom they exposed to storms and tempests , and all the miseries which a wild Sea could give to a languishing stomack . And some again they sequestred under colour of scandal , imputing to them such notorious and enormous Crimes , as would have rendered them uncapable of Life , as well as Livings , if they had been proved . But that which added the most weight to these Oppressions , was the publishing of a malicious and unchristian Pamphlet , entituled , The first Century of Scandalous and Malignant Priests : which , whether it were more odious in the sight of God , or more disgraceful to the Church , or offensive to all sober and religious men , it is hard to say . And as it seems , the scandal of it was so great , that the Publisher thereof , though otherwise of a fiery and implacable nature , desisted from the putting forth of a Second Century , though he had promised it in the First , and was inclinable enough to have kept his word . Instructions had been sent before to all Counties in England , for bringing in such Informations against their Ministers as might subject them to the danger of a Deprivation . But the times were not then so apt for mischief , as to serve their turns ; which made them fall upon these wretched and unchristian courses to effect their purpose . By means whereof , they purged the Church of almost all Canonical and Orthodox men . The greatness of which desolation in all the parts of the Kingdom , may be computed by the havock which they made in London , and the Parishes thereunto adjoining , according as it is presented in the Bill of Mortality hereunto subjoined . 29. A General Bill of Mortality of the Clergy of London , which have been defunct by reason of the Contagious breath of the Sectaries of that City , from the year 1641 , to the year 1647 : with the several Casualties of the same . Or , A brief Martyrology and Catalogue of the Learned , Grave , Religious , and Painful Ministers of the City of London , who have been imprisoned , plundered , and barbarously used , and deprived of all Livelihood for themselves and their Families ; for their constancy to the Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom , and their Loyalty to their Soveraign . THE Cathedral Church of St. Paul , The Dean , Residentiaries , and other Members of that Church , sequestred , plundered , and turned out . St. Albans Woodstreet , Dr. Wats sequestred , plundered , his Wife and Children turned out of doors , himself forced to flye . Alhallows Barking , Dr. Layfield persecuted , imprisoned in Ely-house , and the Ships ; sequestred and plundered ; afterwards forced to flye . Alhallows Breadstreet — Alhallows Great — Alhallows Honey-Lane — Alhallows Less — Alhallows Lumbardstreet , Mr. Weston sequestred . Alhallows Stainings — Alhallows the Wall — Alphage , Dr. Halsie shamefully abused , his Cap pulled off to see if he were not a shaven Priest ; voted out , and forced to flye ; dead with grief . Andrew Hubbard , Dr. Chambers sequestred . Andrew Vndershaft , 1. Mr. Mason through vexation forced to resign . 2. Mr. Prichard , after that sequestred . Andrew Wardrobe , Dr. Isaacson sequestred . Ann Aldersgate , Dr. Clewet sequestred . Ann Black-Fryers — Antholin's Parish — Austin's Parish , Mr. Vdal sequestred , his Bed-rid Wife turned out of doors , and left in the streets . Barthol . Exchange , Dr. Grant sequestred . Bennet Fink , Mr. Warfeild sequestred . Bennet Grace-Church , Mr. Guelch sequestred . Bennet Paul's Wharf , Mr. Adams sequestred . Bennet Shere-hog , Mr. Morgan dead with grief . Botolph Billingsgate , Mr. King sequestred , and forced to flye . Christ Church — turned out , and dead . Christophers , Mr. Hanslow . Clement Eastcheap , Mr. Stone shamefully abused , sequestred , sent Prisoner to Plymouth , and plundered . Dionyse Back-Church , Mr. Humes sequestred and abused . Dunstans East , Dr. Chiderly reviled , abused , and dead . Edmonds Lombardstreet , Mr. Paget , molested , silenced , and dead . Ethelborough , Mr. Clark sequestred and imprisoned . Faiths , Dr. Brown sequestred and dead . Fosters , Mr. Batty sequestred , plundered , forced to flye , and dead . Gabriel Fenchurch , Mr. Cook sequestred . George Botolphlane — Gregory's by Pauls — Hellens , Mr. Miller turned out and dead . Iames Duke-place , Mr — sequestred . Iames Garlickhithe , Mr. Freeman plundered and sequestred , and Mr. Anthony turned out . Iohn Baptist , Mr. Weemsly sequequestred . Iohn Evangelist — Iohn Zachary , Mr. Eldlin sequestred , forced to flye , and plundered . Katherine Coleman , Dr. Hill , and Mr. Ribbuts , sequestred . Katharine Greechurch , Mr. Rush turned out . Laurence Iury , Mr. Crane sequestred . Laurence Poutney — Leonard Eastcheap , Mr. Calf forced to give up to Mr. Roborow , Scribe to the Assembly . Leonard Foster-lane , Mr. Ward forced to flye , plundered , sequestred , and dead for want of necessaries . Margaret Lothbury , Mr. Tabor plundered , imprisoned in the King's Bench , his Wife and Children turned out of doors at midnight , and himself sequestred . Margaret Moses — Margaret New-Fishstreet , Mr. Pory forced to flye , plundered , and sequestred . Margaret Pattons , Mr. Megs plundered , imprisoned in Ely-house , and sequestred . Mary Abchurch , Mr. Stone plundered , sent Prisoner by Sea to Plymouth , and sequestred . Mary Aldermanbury — Mary Aldermary , Mr. Brown forced to forsake it . Mary le Bow , Mr. Leech sequestred and dead with grief . Mary Bothaw , Mr. Proctor forced to flye , and sequestred . Mary Colechurch — Mary Hill , 1. Dr. Baker sequestred , pursivanted , and imprisoned . 2. Mr. Woodcock turned out , and forced to flye . Mary Mounthaw , Mr. Thrall sequestred , and shamefully abused . Mary Sommerset , Mr. Cook sequestred . Mary Stainings — Mary Woolchurch , Mr. Tireman forced to forsake it . Mary Woolnoth , Mr. Shute molested , and vext to death , and denied a Funeral-Sermon to be preached by Dr. Holdsworth , as he desired . Martins Ironmonger-lane , Mr. Spark sequestred and plundered . Martins Ludgate , Dr. Iermine sequestred . Martins Orgars , Dr. Walton assaulted , sequestred , plundered , and forced to flye . Martins Outwich , Dr. Pierce sequestred , and dead . Martins Vintry , Dr. Ryves sequestred , plundered , and forced to flye . Matthew Friday-street , Mr. Chestlin violently assaulted in his House , imprisoned in the Counter , thence sent to Colchester Gaol in Essex , sequestred , and plundered . Maudlins Milk-street , Mr. Iones sequestred . Maudlins Old-Fishstreet , Dr. Gryffith sequestred , plundered , imprisoned in Newgate , and when let out , forced to flye . Michael Bassishaw , Dr. Gyfford sequestred . Michael Cornhil , Dr. Brough sequestred , plundred , Wife and Children turned out of doors , and his Wife dead with grief . But Mr. Weld , his Curate , assaulted , beaten in the Church , and turned out . Michael Crooked-lane — Michael Queenhithe , Mr. Hill sequestred . Michàel Quern , Mr. Launce sequestred . Michael Royal , Mr. Proctor sequestred , and forced to flye . Michael Woodstreet — Mildred Breadstreet , Mr. Bradshaw sequestred . Mildred Poultry , Mr. Maden sequestred and gone beyond Sea. Nicholas Acons , Mr. Bennet sequestred . Nicholas Coleabby , Mr. Chibbald sequestred . Nicholas Olaves , Dr. Cheshire molested , and forced to resign . Olaves Hartstreet , Mr. Haines sequestred . Olaves Iury , Mr. Tuke sequestred , plundered , and imprisoned . Olaves Silver-street , Dr. Boobe abused , and dead with grief . Pancras Soper-lane , Mr. Eccop sequestred , plundred , and forced to flye ; his Wife and Children turned out of doors . Peters Cheap , Mr. Votier sequestred and dead with grief . Peter's Cornhil , Dr. Fairfax sequestred , plundred , imprisoned in Ely-House , and the Ships , his Wife and Children turned out of doors . Peters Pauls-Wharf , Mr. Marbury sequestred . Peters Poor , Dr. Holdsworth sequestred , plundred , imprisoned in Ely-House , then in the Tower. Stephens Colemanstreet — Stephens Walbrook , Dr. Howel through vexation forced to forsake it , sequestred out of all , and fled ; divers since turned out . Swithens , Mr. Owen sequestred . Thomas Apostle , Mr. Cooper sequestred and plundred , sent prisoner to Leeds-Castle in Kent . Trinity Parish , Mr. Harrison dead with grief . In the 97 Parishes within the Walls , besides St. Pauls , outed 85 , dead 16. Parishes without the Walls . Andrew Holborn , Dr. Hacket sequestred . Bartholomew Great , Dr. Westfield abused in the streets , sequestred , forced to flye , and dead . Bartholomew Less — Brides Parish , Mr. Palmer sequestred . Bridewel Precinct , Mr. Brown turned out . Botolph Aldersgate , Mr. Booth sequestred . Botolph Aldgate , Mr. Swadlin sequestred , plundered , imprisoned at Gresham-Colledg and Newgate , his Wife and Children turned out of doors . Botolph Bishopsgate , Mr. Rogers sequestred . Dunstans West , Dr. March sequestred , and dead in remote parts . George Southwark , Mr. Cook sequestred . Giles Cripplegate , Dr. Fuller sequestred , plundred , and imprisoned at Ely-House : and Mr. Hatton , his Curate , assaulted in the Church , and imprisoned . Olaves Southwark , Dr. Turner sequestred , plundred , fetched up Prisoner with a Troop of Soldiers , and afterwards forced to flye . Saviours Southwark — Sepulchers Parish , Mr. Pigot the Lecturer turned out . Thomas Southwark , Mr. Spencer sequestred and imprisoned . Trinity Minories — In the 16 Parishes without the Walls , outed 14 , and 2 dead . In the Ten out-Parishes . Clement Danes , Dr. Dukeson sequestred , and forced to flye . Covent-Garden , Mr. Hail sequestred , and forced to flye . Giles in the Fields , Dr. Heywood sequestred , imprisoned in the Counter , Ely-House , and the ships ; forced to flye ; his Wife and Children turned out of doors . James Clerkenwell — Katharine Tower — Leonard Shoreditch , Mr. Squire sequestred , imprison'd in Gresham-Colledg , Newgate , and the King's Bench ; his Wife and Children plundred and turned out of doors . Martins in the Fields , Dr. Bray sequestred , imprisoned , plundred ▪ forced to flye , and dead in remote parts . Mary Whitechappel , Dr. Iohnson sequestred . Magdalen Bermondsey , Dr. Paske sequestred . Savoy , Dr. Balcanqual sequestred , plundered , forced to flye , and dead in remote parts ; and Mr. Fuller forced to flye . In the ten out-Parishes , outed 9 , dead 2. In the adjacent Towns. The Dean and Prebends of the Abby-Church of Westminster , ( but only Mr. Lambert Osbaston ) sequestred . Margarets Westminster , Dr. Wimberly sequestred . Lambeth , Dr. Featly sequestred , plundred , imprisoned , and dead a prisoner . Newington , Mr. Heath sequestred . Hackney , Mr. Moor sequestred . Rederif — Islington , Divers turned out . Stepney , Dr. Stamp sequestred , plundred , and forced to flye . In the adjacent Towns , besides those of the Abby-Church , and Islington , outed 7 , dead 1. The Total of the Ministers of London , within this Bill of Mortality , besides Pauls and Westminster , turned out of their Livings 115. Whereof Doctors in Divinity above most of them plundred of their Goods , their Wives and Children turned out of doors . 40. Imprisoned in London , and in the Ships , and in several Gaols and Castles in the Countrey 20 Fled to prevent Imprisonment 25. Dead in remote parts and Prisons , with grief 22. And at the same time about forty Churches void , having no constant Minister in them . Usque quo Domine , Rev. 6.10 ? 30. By this sad Bill confined within the Lines of Commuuication , and some Villages adjoining , we may conjecture at the greatness of that Mortality which fell amongst the Regular Clergy in all parts of the Kingdom , by Plundring , Sequestring , and Ejecting ; or finally , by vexing them into their Graves , by so many Miseries as were inflicted on them in the Ships , or their several Prisons . In all which ways , more men were outed of their Livings by the Presbyterians in the space of Three years , than were deprived by the Papists in the Reign of Queen Mary ; or had been silenced , suspended , or deprived , by all the Bishops , from the first year of Queen ELIZABETH , to these very times . And that it might be done with some colour of Justice , they instituted a Committee for Plundred Ministers , under pretence of making some provision for such godly Preachers as had either suffered loss of Goods by His Majesty's Soldiers , or loss of Livings for adhering to the Houses of Parliament . Under which stiles they brought in a confused Rabble of their own perswasions , or such at least as were most likely to be serviceable to their ends and purposes ; some of which had no Goods , and most of them no Livings at all to lose . But the truth was , they durst not trust the Pulpits to the Regular Clergy ; who if they had offended against the Laws , by the same Laws they ought to have been tryed , condemned , and deprived accordingly ; that so the Patrons might present more deserving persons to the vacant Churches . But then this could not stand with the main Design : For possibly the Patrons might present such Clarks as would go on in the old way , and could not be admitted but by taking the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance to our Lord the King ; and by subscribing to the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England , which they were then resolved to alter . Or , could they have prevailed so far with the several Patrons , as to present those very men whom they had designed unto the Profits of the Sequestred Benefices ; yet then they were to have enjoyed them for term of life , and might pretend a Legal Right and Title to them , which would have cut off that dependance on the Houses of Parliament , which this Design did chiefly aim at . So that the best of this new Clergy were but Tenants at will ; and therefore must be servile and obsequious to their mighty Landlords , upon whose pleasure they depended for their present Livelihood . 31. Such were the Mischiefs of this year . For remedy whereof , His Majesty most graciously published two Proclamations , one of them bearing date the 15 th of May ; and the other , on the 9 th of October . In the first of which , His Majesty takes especial notice , That many of the Clergy , no less eminent for their Learning , than their Zeal and Piety , were either driven or forced from their habitations , or silenced , or discharged from attending on their Cures : That they suffered these oppressions for no other reasons , but because they published his legal and just Commands , or had refused to pray against Him , or to submit , against their Consciences , to illegal Taxes for the continuance of the Warr ; or were comformable to the Book of Common-Prayer , or preacht God's Word according to the purity of it , without any mixture of Sedition : That being for these Crimes discharged of their several Cures , others were put into their Places to sow Sedition , and seduce His Majejesty's good Subjects from their due obedience , contrary to the Word of God , and the Laws of the Land. His Majesty thereupon commandeth , That all such courses be forborn for the time to come . That all His good Subjects for the present set forth their Tythes , and pay them to the lawful Incumbents , or their Farmers only . That the Church-Wardens , Side-men , and other Parishioners , shall resist all such persons as have been , or shall be intruded into any of the Cures aforesaid : but , that they should contribute their best assistance to the lawful Ministers , for the receiving and enjoying of their Glebes and Tythes . With an Injunction to all Sheriffs , Mayors , and other Ministers of Iustice , to be aiding to them , and to resist by force of Arms all such as should endeavour to disturb them in their lawful possessions . But this served rather for a Declaration of His Majesty's Piety , than an Example of His Power . For notwithstanding all this Care , his faithful Subjects of the Clergy in all parts of the Realm , were plundred , sequestred , and ejected for the Crime of Loyalty ; some of them never being restored , and others most unjustly kept from their Estates till this present year , Anno 1660. 32. In the other Proclamation he forbids the tendring or taking of the Covenant before remembred . Which Proclamation being short , but full of substance , shall be recited in His Majesty's own words , which are these that follow . Whereas ( saith he ) there is a printed Paper entituled , A Solemn League and Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion , the Honour and Happiness of the King , the Peace and Safety of the Three Kingdoms of England , Scotland , and Ireland ; pretended to be ordered by the Commons in Parliament , on the 21 of September last , to be printed and published . Which Covenant , though it seems to make some specious expressions of Piety and Religion , is in truth nothing else but a Traiterous and Seditious Combination against Vs , and against the established Religion and Laws of the Kingdom , in pursuance of a Traiterous Design and Endeavour to bring in Forreign Forces to invade this Kingdom . We do therefore straightly charge and command all Our loving Subjects , of what degree or quality soever , upon their Allegiance , that they presume not to take the said Seditious and Traiterous Covenant . And We do likewise hereby forbid and inhibit them to impose , administer , or tender the said Covenant , as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their utmost and extreamest perils . Such was the tenour of this Proclamation of the 9 th of October ; which though it served for a sufficient testimony of His Majesty's Prudence , yet it prevailed as little as the other did : For , as the Two Houses did extend their Quarters , and enlarge their Power ; so were the Subjects forced more generally to receive this yoak , and to submit themselves to those Oaths and Covenants which they could neit●●r take for fear of God's and the King's Displeasure ; and dared not to refuse , for fear of losing all which was dear unto them . So that it was esteemed for a special favour , as indeed it was , for all those which came in on the Oxford Articles , to be exempted from the taking of this leud and accursed Covenant , by which they were to bind themselves to betray the Church , and to stand no further to the King , than as he stood for the defence of that Religion which they then allowed of , and of those Liberties which they had acquired by what way soever . 33. And to say truth , it was no wonder that the Presbyterians should impose new Oaths , when they had broken all the old ; or seize upon the Tythes and Glebes of the Regular Clergy , when they had sequestred the Estates of the Loyal Gentry , and intercepted the Revenues of the King and Queen . And it would be no wonder neither that they should seize on the Revenues of the King and Queen , when they were grown to such a high degree of impudence , as to impeach the Queen of Treason , and were resolved of having no more Kings to comptroll their Actions . They had already voted for the making of a new Great Seal , ( though so to do , was made High Treason by the Statute of K. EDWARD the third ) that they might expedite their Commissions with the more Authority , and add some countenance of Law to the present Warr. Which must be managed in the Name of the King and Parliament , the better to abuse the people , and add some Reputation to the Crime of their undertakings . And being Masters of a Seal , they thought themselves in a capacity of acting as a Common-wealth , as a State distinct ; but for the present , making use of His Majesty's Name as their State-holder , for the ordering of their new Republick . But long He must not hold that neither ; though that was locked up as a Secrete amongst those of the Cabala , till it was blurted out by Martin , then Knight for Berks. By whom it was openly declared , That the felicity of this Nation did not consist in any of the House of STVART . Of which His Majesty complained , but without reparation . And for a further evidence of their good intentions , a view is to be taken of the old Regalia , and none so fit as Martin to perform that Service . Who having commanded the Sub-dean of Westminster to bring him to the place in which they were kept , made himself Master of the Spoil . And having forced open a great Iron Chest , took out the Crowns , the Robes , the Swords , and Scepter , belonging anciently to K. EDWARD the Confessor , and used by all our Kings at their Inaugurations . With a scorn greater than his Lusts , and the rest of His Vices , he openly declares , That there would be no further use of those Toys and Trifles . And in the jollity of that humour , invests George Withers ( an old Puritan Satyrist ) in the Royal Habiliments . Who being thus Crown'd , and Royally array'd , ( as right well became him ) first marcht about the Room with a stately Garb , and afterwards with a thousand Apish and Ridiculous actions , exposed those Sacred Ornaments to contempt and laughter . Had the Abuse been script and whipt , as it should have been , the foolish Fellow possibly might have passed for a Prophet , though he could not be reckoned for a Poet. 34. But yet the mischief stayed not here . Another visit is bestowed upon these Regalia ; not to make merry with them , but some money of them : Mildmay , a Puritan in Faction , and Master of the Jewel-House by his Place and Office , conceived that Prey to belong properly to him ; and having sold the King , must needs buy the Crowns . But being as false to his new Masters , as he was to his old , he first pickt out the richest Jewels , and then compounded for the rest at an easie rate . The like ill fortune fell unto the Organs , Plate , Coaps , Hangings , Altar-Cloaths , and many other costly Utensils which belonged to the Church ; all which were either broke in pieces , or seized upon and plundered for the use of the State. Amongst the rest , there was a goodly Challice of the purest Gold ; which though it could not be less worth than 300 l. was sold to Allyn a decayed Gold-Smith , but then a Member of the House , at the rate of 60 l. The Birds being flown , the Nest is presently designed to the use of the Soldiers , who out of wantonness , and not for want of Lodging in that populous City , must be quartered there . And being quartered , they omitted none of those shameless Insolencies which had been acted by their Fellows in other Churches . For they not only brake down the Rails before the Table , and burnt them in the very place in the heats of Iuly ; but wretchedly prophaned the very Table it self , by setting about it with their Tobacco and Ale before them , and not without the company of some of their zealous Lecturers to grace the Action . What else they did in imitation of the Brethren of Exon , in laying their filth and execrements about it also , I abhor to mention . And now I must crave leave to step into the Colledg , the Government whereof was taken from the Dean and Prebendaries , and given to a select Committee of fifty persons , some Lords , but Members , for the most part , of the Lower-House ; who found there a sufficient quantity of Plate , and some other good Houshold-stuff , to a very good value ; which was so Husbanded amongst them , that it was either stoln , or sold , or otherwise imbezilled and inverted to the use of some private persons , who best knew how to benefit themselves by the Church's Patrimony . 35. But the main business of this year , and the three next following , was the calling , sitting , and proceedings of the new Assembly , called the Assembly of Divines ; but made up also of so many of the Lords and Commons , as might both serve as well to keep them under , and comptroll their Actions , as to add some countenance unto them in the eye of the people . A Convocation had been appointed by the King when he called the Parliament , the Members whereof being lawfvlly chosen and returned , were so discountenanced and discouraged by the Votes of the Lower-House , the frequent Tumults raised in Westminster by the Rascal Rabble , and the preparatives for a Warr against the King ▪ that they retired unto their Houses , but still continued undissolved , and were in a capacity of acting as a Convocation , whensoever they should be thereunto required , and might do it with safety . But being for the most part well affected to the Church of England , they were not to be trusted by the Houses of Parliament , who then designed the hammering of such a Reformation both in Doctrine and Discipline , as might unite them in a perpetual Bond and Confederation with their Scottish Brethren . And that they might be furnished with such men , the Knights of every Shire must make choice of two to serve as Members for that County ; most of them Presbyterians , some few Royallists , four of the Independent Faction , and two or three to represent the Kirk of Scotland . Which ploughing with an Ox and an Ass , ( as it was no other ) was anciently prohibited by the Law of Moses . And yet these men , associated with some Members of either House , as before is said , no ways impow'red or authorised by the rest of the Clergy , must take upon them all the Powers and Priviledges of a Convocation ; to which they were invited by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons , bearing date Iune the 12 th . His Majesty makes a start at this encroachment on His Royal Prerogative , and countermands the same by His Proclamation of the 22 d. In which He takes notice , amongst other things , That the far greatest part of those who had been nominated to the present Service , were men of neither Learning or Reputation , eminently disaffected to the Government of the Church of England , and such as had openly preached Rebellion , by their exciting of the people to take Arms against Him ; and therefore were not like to be proper Instruments of Peace and Happiness , either unto the Church or State : For maintenance whereof , and for the preservation of His own Authority , he inhibits them from meeting at the time appointed , declares their Acts to be illegal , and threatens them with the punishments which they had incurred by the Laws of the Land. 36. But they go forwards howsoever , hold their first Meeting on the first of Iuly , and elect Dr. Twisse of Newberry , ( a rigid Sabbatarian , but a professed Calvinian in all other points ) for their Prolocutor ) called to this Iourney-work by the Houses ; they were dispensed with for Non-residence upon their Livings , against the Laws , preferred to the best Benefices of the Sequestred Clergy , ( some of them three or four together ) and had withall four shillings a man for their daily wages , besides the honour of assisting in so great an action , as the ruin of the Church , and the subversion of the present Government of the Realm of England . In reference whereunto , they were to be employed from time to time , as occasion was , to stir up the people of the Counties for which they served , to rise and arm themselves against the King , under colour of their own defence , as appears plainly by the Order of the tenth of August . And that they might be looked upon with the greater reverence , they maintain a constant intercourse , by Letters , with their Brethren of Scotland , the Churches of the Netherlands , the French and Switzers ; but chiefly , with Geneva it self . In which they laid such vile Reproaches on His Majesty and the Church of England ; the one , for having a design to bring in Popery ; the other , for a readiness to receive the same ; that His Majesty was necessitated to set out a Manifest in the Latin Tongue , for laying open the Imposture to the Churches of all Forreign Nations . Amongst the rest of this Assembly , Dr. Dan. Featly , not long before made Chaplain in Ordinary to the King , must needs sit for one ; whether to shew his Parts , or to head a Party , or out of his old love to Calvinism , may best be gathered from some Speeches which he made and printed . But he was theirs in heart before , and therefore might afford them his body now , though possibly he may be excused from taking the Covenant , as the others did . An Exhortation whereunto , was the first great work which was performed by these Masters in Israel , after their assembling ; the Covenant taken by them in most solemn manner at St. Margarets in Westminster , on the 25th of September , the Exhortation voted to be published on the 9th of February . 37. Now to begin the blessed Reformation which they had in hand , the Houses were resolved upon exterminating all external Pomp , and comely Order , out of the Worship of Almighty God. And to this end , upon the humble motion of these Divines of the Assembly , and the sollicitation of some zealous Lecturers , who were grown very powerful with them ; or to ingratiate themselves with the Scottish Covenanters , whose help they began to stand in need of ; or finally , out of the perversness of their own cross humours , they published an Ordinance on the 28 th of August , For the utter demolishing , removing , and taking away all Monuments of Superstition and Idolatry . Under which notion it was ordered , That before the last of November then next following , all Altars and Tables of stone ( as if any such were then erected ! ) should be demolished in all Churches and Chappels throughout the Kingdom . That the Communion-Tables should in all such places be removed from the East end of the Chancel , unto some other part of the Church or Chappel . That all such Rails as had been placed before or about the same , should be taken away , and the ground levelled with the rest , which had been raised for the standing of any such Table , within the space of twenty years then last past . That all Tapers , Candlesticks , and Basons , which had of late been used on any of the said Tables , should also be removed and taken away ; neither the same , nor any such like , to be from thenceforth used in God's Publick Service . That all Crucifixes , Crosses , and all Images and Pictures of any one or more Persons of the Trinity , or of the Virgin Mary , and all other Images and Pictures of Saints , should be also demolished and defaced , whether they stood in any of the said Churches or Chappels , or in any Church-yard or other open place whatsoever , never to be erected or renewed again : With a Proviso notwithstanding , for preserving all Images , Pictures , and Coats of Arms , belonging to any of their Ancestors , or any of the Kings of this Realm , or any other deceased persons which were not generally considered and beheld as Saints . 38. But yet to make sure work of it , this Ordinance was re-inforced and enlarged by another of the 9th of May , in the year next following ; wherein , besides the particulars before recited , they descend to the taking away of all Coaps , Surplices , and other Superstitious Vestments ( as they pleased to call them ) ; as also to the taking away of all Organs , and the Cases in which they stood , and the defacing of the same ; requiring the same course to be also taken in the removing and defacing of Roods , Rood-Lofts , and Holy-water-water-Fonts ( as if any such things had been of late erected or permitted in the Church of England , as indeed there were not ) : whereupon followed the defacing of all Glass Windows , and the demolishing of all Organs within the compass of their power ; the transposing of the holy Table from the place of the Altar , into some other part of the Church or Chancel ; the tearing and defacing of all Coaps and Surplices , or otherwise employing them to domestick uses ; and finally , the breaking down and removing of the Sacred Fonts anciently used for the Ministration of holy Baptism ; the name of Holy-water-fonts being extended & made use of to comprise them also : hereupon followed also the defacing and demolishing of many Crosses erected as the Monuments of Christianity , in Cities , Towns , and most of our Country-Villages ; none being spared which came within the compass of those Enemies of the Cross of Christ. Amongst which Crosses none more eminent for Cost and Workmanship , than those of Cheapside in London , and Abington in the County of Berks ; both of them famous for the excellencies of the Statua's which were placed in them ; more for the richness of the trimming which was used about them . But the Divine Vengeance fell on some of the Executioners , for a terror to others ; one of them being killed in pulling down the Cross of Cheapside ; and another hanged at Stow on the Wold , within short time after he had pulled down the first Image of the Cross in Abington . And because no Order had been made for the executing of this Order in His Majesty's Chappels ( as there was in all Cathedral and Parish-Churches ) , a private Warrant was obtained by Harlow , a Knight of Herefordshire , for making the said Chappels equal to all the rest , by depriving them of all such Ornaments of State and Beauty with which they had been constantly adorned in all times since the Reformation . And all this done , ( or at the least pretended to be done , as the Ordinance tell us ) as being pleasing unto God , and visibly conducing to the blessed Reformation so much desired ; but desired only , as it seems , by those Lords and Commons who had a hand in the Design . 39. So far they went to show their hatred unto Superstition , their dislike of Popery : but then they must do somewhat also for expressing their great zeal to the glory of God , by some Acts of Piety . And nothing seemed more pious , or more popular rather , than to enjoin the more strict keeping of their Lords-day-Sabbath , by some publick Ordinance . With this they had begun already on the fifth of May , on which it was ordered by no worse men than the Commons in Parliament , ( the Lords being either not consulted , or not concurring ) That His Majesty's Book for tolerating sports on the Lord's Day , should be forthwith burned by the hands of the common Hangman , in Cheapside and other usual places ; and that the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex should see the same put in execution ; which was done accordingly . Than which , an Act of a greater scorn , an Act of greater Insolency and disloyal impudence , was never offered to a Soveraign and Annointed Prince . So as it was no marvel if the Lords joined with them in the Ordinance of the sixth of April , 1644 , for to expose all Books to the like disgrace which had been writ , or should be writ hereafter by any person or persons , against the Morality of the Sabbath : By which Ordinance it was also signified , That no manner of person whatsoever ▪ should publickly cry , shew forth , and expose to sale any Wares , Merchandises , Fruits , Herbs , or other Goods , upon that day , on pain of forfeiting the same ; or travel , carry burthens , or do any act of Labour on it on pain of forfeiting Ten shillings for the said offence . That no person from thenceforth on the said day should use , exercise , keep , maintain , or be present at any wrestling , shooting , bowling , ringing of Bells for pleasure or pastime , Mask , Wake , ( otherwise called Feasts ) Church-Ale , Games , Dancing , Sport , or other pastimes whatsoever , under the several penalties therein contained . And that we may perceive with what weighty cares the heads of these good men were troubled , when the whole Nation was involved in Blood and Ruin ; a Clause was added for the taking down of May-poles also ; with a Command unto all Constables and Tything-men , to see it done ▪ under the penalty of forfeiting five shillings weekly , till the said May-poles ( which they looked upon as an Heathenish Vanity ) should be quite removed . Which Nail was driven so far at last , that it was made unlawful for any Taylor to carry home a new Suit of Clothes , or any Barber to trim the man that was to wear them ; for any Water-man to Ferry a passenger cross the Thames ; and finally , to any person whatsoever ( though neither new trimmed , or new apparelled ) to sit at his own door , or to walk the streets , or take a mouth-full of fresh air in the open Fields . Most Rabinical Dotages ! 40. The day of publick Worship being thus new-molded , they must have new Priests also , and new Forms of Prayer , a new Confession of the Faith , new Catechisms , and new Forms of Government . Towards the first , an Ordinance comes out from the Lords and Commons in October following , ( Advice being first had with the Assembly of Divines ) by which a power was given to some chief men of the Assembly , and certain Ministers of London , or to any seven or more of them , to impose hands upon such persons whatsoever whom they found qualified and gifted for the holy Ministry ; a Clause being added thereunto , That every person and persons which were so ordained , should be reputed , deemed , and taken for a Minister of the Church of England , sufficiently authorised for any Office or Employment in it , and capable of receiving all advantages which appertained to the same . To shew the nullity and invalidity of which Ordinations , a learned Tractate was set out by Dr. Bohe , Chaplain sometimes to the Right Reverend Dr. Houson , Bishop of Oxford first , and of Durham afterwards . Never since answered by the Presbyterians , either Scots or English. Next after , comes the Directory , or new Form of Worship , accompanied with an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons on the third of Ianuary ▪ for authorising the said Directory or Form of Worship ; as also , for suppressing the publick Liturgy , repealing all the Acts of Parliament which confirmed the same , and abrogating all the ancient and established Festivals , that so Saint Sabbath ( as sometimes they called it ) might be all in all . The insufficiency of which Directory to the Ends proposed in the same , pronounced the weakness of the Ordinance which authorised it , and the excellency of the publick Liturgy in all the parts and offices of it ; was no less learnedly evinced by Dr. Hammond ▪ then newly made a Chaplain in ordinary to His Sacred Majesty . Which though it might have satisfied all equal and unbyassed men , yet neither Learning nor Reason could be heard in the new Assembly ; or if it were , the voice thereof was drowned by the noise of the Ordinances . 41. For on the 23 d of August , Anno 1645 , another Ordinance comes thundering from the Lords and Commons , for the more effectual Execution of the Directory for publick Worship ; with several Clauses in the same , not only for dispersing and use thereof , but for calling in the Book of Common-prayer , under several penalties . Which coming to His Majesty's knowledg , as soon as he returned to His Winter-Quarters , He published His Proclamation of the 13th of November , commanding in the same the use of the Common-Prayer , notwithstanding any Ordinance to the contrary from the Houses of Parliament . For taking notice , first , of those notable Benefits which had for Eighty years redounded to this Nation by the use of the Liturgy ; He next observes , that by abolishing the said Book of Common-Prayer , and imposing the Directory , a way would be left open for all Ignorant , Factious , and Evil men , to broach their Fancies and Conceits , be they never so erroneous , to mislead people into Sin and Rebellion against the King , to raise Factions and Divisions in the Church ; and finally , to utter those things for their Prayers in the Congregation , to which no Conscientious can say Amen . And thereupon He gives Commandment to all Ministers in their Parish-Churches , to keep and use the said Book of Common-Prayer , in all the Acts and Offices of God's Publick Worship , according to the Laws made in that behalf ; and that the said Directory should in no sort be admitted , received , or used ; the said pretended Ordinances , or any thing contained in them to the contrary notwithstanding . But His Majesty sped no better by His Proclamation , than the two Doctors did before by their Learned Arguments . For if He had found little or no obedience to his Proclamations when he was strong , and in the head of a victorious and successful Army , He was not to expect it in a low condition , when his Affairs were ruinated and reduced to nothing . 42. For so it was , that the Scots having raised an Army of Eighteen thousand Foot , and Three thousand Horse , taking the Dragoons into the reckoning , break into England in the depth of Winter , Anno 1643 , and marched almost as far as the Banks of the River Tine , without opposition . There they received a stop by the coming of the Marquess of Newcastle , with his Northern Army , and entertain'd the time with some petit skirmishes , till the sad news of the surprise of Selby by Sir Thomas Fairfax , compelled him to return towards York with all his Forces , for the preserving of that place , on which the safety of the North did depend especially . The Scots march after him amain , and besiege that City , in which they were assisted by the Forces of the Lord Fairfax , and the Earl of Manchester , who by the Houses were commanded to attend that Service . The issue whereof was briefly this ; that having worsted the great Army of Prince Rupert at Marston-moor , on the second of Iuly , York yeelded on Composition upon that day fortnight ; the Marquess of Newcastle , with many Gentlemen of great Note and Quality , shipt themselves for France ; and the strong Town of Newcastle took in by the Scots on the 19th of October then next following . More fortunate was His Majesty with His Southern Army , though at the first he was necessitated to retire from Oxon at such time as the Forces under Essex and Waller did appear before it . The news whereof being brought unto them , it was agreed that Waller should pursue the King , and that the Earl's Army should march Westward to reduce those Countreys . And here the Mystery of Iniquity began to show its self in its proper colours . For whereas they pretended to have raised their Army for no other end , but only to remove the King from his Evil Councellors , those Evil Councellors , as they call them , were left at Oxon , and the King only hunted by his insolent Enemies . But the King having totally broken Waller in the end of Iune , marched after Essex into Devonshire , and having shut him up in Cornwall , where he had neither room for forrage , nor hope of succours , he forced him to flye ingloriously in a Skiff or Cockboat , and leave his Army in a manner to the Conqueror's Mercy . But his Horse having the good fortune to save themselves , the King gave quarter to the Foot , reserving to Himself their Cannons , Arms , and Ammunition , as a sign of His Victory . And here again the Warr might possibly have been ended , if the King had followed his good fortune , and march'd to London before the Earl of Essex had united his scattered Forces , and Manchester was returned from the Northern Service . But setting down before Plymouth now , as he did before Glocester the last year , he lost the opportunity of effecting his purpose , and was fought withall at Newberry , in his coming back , where neither side could boast of obtaining the Victory . 43. But howsoever , having gained some reputation by his Western Action , the Houses seem inclinable to accept His offer of entring into Treaty with Him for an Accommodation . This He had offered by His Message from Evesham on the 4th of Iuly , immediately after the defeat of Waller ; and pressed it by another from Tavestock on the 8th of September , as soon as he had broken the great Army of the Earl of Essex . To these they hearkned not at first . But being sensible of the out-cries of the common people , they condescend at last , appointing Vxbridg for the place , and the thirtieth day of Ianuary for the time thereof . For a preparative whereunto , and to satisfie the importunity and expectation of their Brethren of Scotland , they attaint the Arch-bishop of High Treason , in the House of Commons , and pass their Bill by Ordinance in the House of Peers , in which no more than seven Lords did concur to the Sentence ; but being sentenced howsoever , by the malice of the Presbyterians both Scots and English , he was brought to act the last part of his Tragedy on the 10th of Ianuary , as shall be told at large in another place . This could presage no good success to the following Treaty . For though Covenants sometimes may be writ in blood ; yet I find no such way for commencing Treaties . And to say truth , the King's Commissioners soon found what they were to trust to . For having condescended to accompany the Commissioners from the Houses of Parliament , and to be present at a Sermon preached by one of their Chaplains , on the first day of the meeting they found what little hopes they had of a good conclusion . The Preacher's Name was Love , a Welsh-man , and one of the most fiery Presbyters in all the Pack : In whose Sermon there were many passages very scandalous to His Majesty's Person , and derogatory to His Honour ; stirring up the people against the Treaty , and incensing them against the King's Commissioners ; telling them , That they came with hearts full of Blood ; and that there was as great a distance betwixt the Treaty and Peace , as there was between Heaven and Hell. Of this the Oxon Lords complained , but could obtain no reparation for the King or themselves ; though afterwards Cromwel paid the debt , and brought him to the Scaffold when he least looked for it . 44. But notwithstanding these presages of no good success , the King's Commissioners begin the long-wisht-for Treaty , which is reduced to these three Heads , viz. Concernments of the Church , The Power of the Militia , and the Warr of Ireland . In reference to the first ( for of the other two I shall take no notice ) His Majesty was pleased to condescend to these particulars ; that is to say , 1. That freedom be left to all persons whatsoever in matters of Ceremony ; and that all the penalties of the Laws and Canons which enjoin those Ceremonies , be suspended . 2. That the Bishops should exercise no act of Iurisdiction or Ordination , without the consent and counsel of the Presbyters , who shall be chosen by the Clergy of each Diocess , out of the gravest and most learned men amongst themselves . 3. That the Bishop shall be constantly resident in his Diocess , except he be required to attend His Majesty ; and shall preach every Sunday in some Church or other , within the Diocess , if he be not hindred either by old age or sickness . 4. That Ordination shall be publick , and in solemn manner ; and none to be admitted into Holy Orders , but such as are well qualified and approved of by the Rural Presbyters . 5. That an improvement be made of all such Vicaridges as belonged to Bishops , Deans , and Chapters ; the said improvement to be made out of Impropriations , and confirmed by Parliament . 6. That from thenceforth no man should hold two Churches with Cure of Souls . And , 7. That One hundred thousand pound should be forthwith raised out of the Lands belonging to the Bishops and Cathedral Churches , towards the satisfaction of the Publick Debts . An Offer was also made , for regulating the Jurisdiction of Ecclesiastical Courts , in Causes Testamentary , Decimal , and Matrimonial ; for rectifying some Abuses in the exercise of Excommunication ; for moderating the excessive Fees of the Bishops Officers , and ordering their Visitations to the best advantage of the Church ; and all this to be done by consent of Parliament . 45. His Majesty also offered them the Militia for the space of three years ; which might afford them time enough to settle the Affairs of the Kingdom , had they been so pleased ; and to associate the Houses with Him in the Warr of Ireland ; but so , as not to be excluded from His Care of that People . But these Proposals did not satisfie the Puritan English , much less the Presbyterian Scots , who were joined in that Treaty . They were resolved upon the abolition of Episcopacy , both Root and Branch ; of having the Militia for Seven years absolutely , and afterwards to be disposed of as the King and the Houses could agree : and finally , of exercising such an unlimited power in the Warr of Ireland , that the King should neither be able to grant a Cessation , or to make a Peace , or to show mercy unto any of that people on their due submission . And from the rigour of these terms , they were not to be drawn by the King's Commissioners ; which rendred the whole Treaty fruitless , and frustrated the expectation of all Loyal Subjects , who languished under the calamity of this woful Warr. For as the Treaty cooled , so the Warr grew hotter ; managed for the most part by the same Hands , but by different Heads : Concerning which , we are to know , That not long after the beginning of this everlasting Parliament , the Puritan Faction became subdivided into Presbyterians and Independents . And at the first , the Presbyterians carried all before them both in Camp and Council . But growing jealous at the last of the Earl of Essex , whose late miscarriage in the West was looked on as a Plot to betray his Army ; they suffered him to be wormed out of his Commission , and gave the chief Command of all to Sir Thomas Fairfax ; with whose good Services and Affections they were well acquainted . To him they joined Lieutenant General Oliver Cromwell , who from a private Captain had obtained to be Lieutenant to the Earl of Manchester in the associated Counties , as they commonly called them ; and having done good Service in the Battel of Marston-moor , was thought the fittest man to conduct their Forces . And on the other side , the Earl of Brentford ( but better known by the Name of General Ruthuen ) who had commanded the King's Army since the Fight at Edg-hill , was outed of his Place by a Court-Contrivement , and that Command conferred upon Prince Rupert , the King's Sisters Son , not long before made Duke of Cumberland , and Earl of Holderness . 46. By these new Generals , the Fortune of the Warr , and consequently the Fate of the Kingdom which depended on it , came to be decided . And at the first , the King seemed to have much the better by the taking of Leicester ; though afterwards it turned to his disadvantage : For many of the Soldiers being loaded with the Spoil of the place , withdrew themselves for the disposing of their Booty , and came not back unto the Army , till it was too late . News also came , that Fairfax with his Army had laid siege to Oxon , which moved the King to return back as far as Daventry , there to expect the re-assembling of his scattered Companies . Which hapning as Fairfax had desired , he marcht hastily after him , with an intent to give him Battel on the first opportunity : In which he was confirmed by two great Advantages ; first , by the seasonable coming of Cromwel with a fresh Body of Horse , which reach'd him not until the Evening before the fight : and secondly , by the intercepting of some Letters sent from General Goring , in which His Majesty was advised to decline all occasion of Battel , till he could come up to him with his Western Forces . This hastned the Design of fighting in the adverse Party , who fall upon the King's Army in the Fields near Naisby , ( till that time an obscure Village ) in Northamptonshire : on Saturday the 19th of Iune , the Battels joined ; and at first His Majesty had the better of it , and might have had so at the last , if Prince Rupert having routed one Wing of the Enemy's Horse , had not been so intent upon the chase of the Flying-Enemy , that he left his Foot open to the other Wing . Who pressing hotly on them , put them to an absolute Rout , and made themselves Masters of his Camp , Carriage , and Cannon ; and amongst other things of His Majesty's Cabinet : In which they found many of his Letters , most of them written to the Queen ; which afterwards were published by Command of the Houses , to their great dishonour . For whereas the Athenians on the like success , had intercepted a Packet of Letters from Philip King of Macedon , their most bitter Enemy , unto several Friends , they met with one amongst the rest to the Queen Olympias ; the rest being all broke open before the Council , that they might be advertised of the Enemy's purposes , the Letter to the Queen was returned untouch't ; the whole Senate thinking it a shameful and dishonest act to pry into the Conjugal Secrets betwixt Man and Wife . A Modesty in which those of Athens stand as much commended by Hilladius Bisantinus , an ancient Writer , as the chief Leading-men of the Houses of Parliament , are like to stand condemned for want of it , in succeeding Stories . 47. But to proceed , this miserable Blow was followed by the surrendry of Bristol , the storming of Bridgwater , the surprise of Hereford , and at the end of Winter , with the loss of Chester . During which time the King moved up and down with a Running-Army , but with such ill Fortune as most commonly attends a declining-side . In which distress he comes to his old Winter-Quarters , not out of hope of bringing his Affairs to a better condition before the opening of the Spring . From Oxon he sends divers Messages to the Houses of Parliament , desiring that He might be suffered to return to Westminster , and offering for their security the whole Power of the Kingdom , the Navy , Castles , Forts , and Armies , to be enjoyed by them in such manner , and for so long time , as they had formerly desired . But finding nothing from them but neglect and scorn , His Messages despised , and His Person vilified , He made an offer of Himself to Fairfax , who refused also . Tired with repulse upon repulse , and having lost the small remainder of His Forces near Stow on the Wold ; He puts Himself , in the beginning of May , into the hands of the Scots Commissioners , residing then at Southwell in the County of Nottingham , a Mannor-House belonging to the See of York . For the Scots having mastered the Northern parts , in the year 1644 , spent the next year in harrasing the Countrey , even as far as Hereford ; which they besieged for a time , and perhaps had carried it , if they had not been called back by the Letters of some special Friends , to take care of Scotland , then almost reduced to the King's obedience , by the Noble Marquess of Montross . On which Advertisement they depart from Hereford , face Worcester , and so marcht Northward : From whence they presently dispatch Col. David Leshly , with Six thousand Horse ; and with their Foot employed themselves in the Siege of Newark ; which brought down their Commissioners to Southwell , before remembred . From thence the King is hurried in post-haste to the Town of Newcastle , which they looked on as their strongest Hold. And being now desirous to make eeven with their Masters , to receive the wages of their Iniquity , and being desirous to get home in safety with that Spoil and Plunder which they had gotten in their marching and re-marching betwixt Tweed and Hereford , they prest the King to fling up all the Towns and Castles which remained in His Power , or else they durst not promise to continue Him under their Protection . 48. This Turn seemed strange unto the King. Who had not put Himself into the Power of the Scots , had He not been assured before-hand by the French Ambassador , of more courteous usage ; to whom the Scots Commissioners had engaged themselves , not only to receive His Person , but all those also which repaired unto Him into their protection , as the King signified by His Letters to the Marquess of Ormond . But having got Him into their Power , they forget those Promises , and bring Him under the necessity of writing to the Marquesses of Montross and Ormond to discharge their Soldiers ; and to His Governours of Towns in England , to give up their Garrisons . Amongst which , Oxford the then Regal City , was the most considerable , surrendred to Sir Thomas Fairfax upon Midsommer-day . And by the Articles of that Surrendry , the Duke of York was put into the Power of the Houses of Parliament ; together with the Great Seal , the Signet , and the Privy-Seal , all which were most despitefully broken in the House of Peers , as formerly the Dutch had broke the Seals of the King of Spain , when they had cast off all Fidelity and Allegiance to him , and put themselves into the Form of a Common-wealth . But then to make him some amends , they give him some faint hopes of suffering him to bestow a visit on his Realm of Scotland , ( his ancient and native Kingdom , as he commonly called it ) there to expect the bettering of his Condition in the changes of time . But the Scots hearing of his purpose , and having long ago cast off the yoke of subjection , voted against his coming , in a full Assembly ; so that we may affirm of him , as the Scripture doth of our Saviour Christ , viz. He came unto his own , and his own received him not , John cap. 1.2 . The like resolution was taken also by the Commissioners of that Nation , and the chief Leaders of their Army , who had contracted with the two Houses of Parliament , and for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds in ready money , sold and betrayed him into the hands of his Enemies , as certainly they would have done the Lord Christ himself for half the money , if he had bowed down the Heavens , and came down to visit them . Being delivered over unto such Commissioners as were sent by the Houses to receive him ▪ he was by them conducted on the third of February , to his House of Holdenby , not far from the good Town of Northampton ; where he was kept so close , that none of his Domestick Servants , no not so much as his own Chaplains were suffered to have any access unto him . And there we leave him for the present ; but long he shall not be permitted to continue there , as shall be shewn hereafter in due place and time . 49. Such being the issue of the Warr , let us next look upon the Presbyterians in the acts of Peace ; in which they threatned more destruction to the Church , than the Warr it self . As soon as they had setled the strict keeping of the Lord's-day-Sabbath , suppressed the publick Liturgy , and imposed the Directory , they gave command to their Divines of the Assembly , to set themselves upon the making a new Confession . The Nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England , were either thought to have too much of the ancient Fathers , or too little of Calvin , and therefore fit to be reviewed , or else laid aside . And at the first , their Journey-men began with a Review , and fitted Fourteen of the Articles to their own conceptions ; but in the end , despairing of the like success in all the rest , they gave over that impertinent labour , and found it a more easie task to conceive a new , than to accommodate the old Confession to their private Fancies . And in this new Confession , they establish the Morality of their Lord's-day-Sabbath , declare the Pope to be the Antichrist , the Son of Perdition , and the Man of Sin. And therein also interweave the Calvinian Rigours , in reference to the absolute Decree of Predestination , Grace , Free-will , &c. But knowing that they served such Masters as were resolved to part with no one Branch of their own Authority , they attribute a Power to the Civil Magistrate , not only of calling Synods and Church-Assemblies , but also of being present at them , and to provide that whatsoever is therein contracted , be done agreebly to the Mind and Will of God. But as to the matter of Church-Government , the Divine Right of their Presbyteries , the setting of Christ upon his Throne , the Parity or Imparity of Ministers in the Church of Christ , not a word delivered . Their mighty Masters were not then resolved upon those particulars ; and it was fit the Holy Ghost should stay their leisure , and not inspire their Journey-men with any other Instruction than what was sent them from the Houses . 50. But this Confession , though imperfect , and performed by halves , was offered in the way of an Humble Advice to the Lords and Commons ; that by the omnipotency of an Ordinance it might pass for currant , and be received for the established Doctrine of the Church of England . The like was done also in the tendry of their Larger Catechism , which seems to be nothing in a manner but the setting out of their Confession in another dress , and putting it into the form of Questions and Answers , that so it might appear to be somewhat else than indeed it was . But being somewhat of the largest to be taught in Schools , and somewhat of the hardest to be learned by Children , it was brought afterwards into an Epitome , commonly called The lesser Catechism , and by the Authors recommended to the use of the Church , as far more Orthodox than Nowel's , more clear than that contained in the Common-Prayer-Book , and not inferior to the Palatine or Genevian Forms . But in all three , they held forth such a Doctrine touching God's Decrees , that they gave occasion of reviving the old Blastian Heresie , in making God to be the Author of Sin. Which Doctrine being new published in a Pamphlet , entituled , Comfort for Believers in their Sins and Troubles , gave such a hot Alarm to all the Calvinists in the new Assembly , that they procured it to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman . But first , they thought it necessary to prepare the way to that execution , by publishing in print their detestation of that abominable and blasphemous Opinion , That God hath a hand in , and is the Author of the sinfulness of his people , as the Title tells us . So that now Calvin's Followers may sleep supinely without regard to the reproaches of uncivil men , who had upbraided them with maintaining such blasphemous Doctrine . The Reverend Divines of the Assembly have absolved them from it , and showed their Detestation of it ; and who dares charge it on them for the time to come ? 51. But these things possibly were acted as they were Calvinians , and perhaps Sabbatarians also , and no more than so . And therefore we must next see what they do on the score of Presbytery , for setting up whereof , they had took the Covenant , called in the Scots , and more insisted on the abolition of the Episcopal Function , than any other of the Propositions which more concern them . To this they made their way in those Demands which they sent to Oxon , the Ordinance for Ordination of Ministers , and their advancing of the Directory in the fall of the Liturgy . They had also voted down the Calling of Bishops , in the House of Commons , on Septemb. 8. 1642 ; and caused the passing of that Vote to be solemnized with Bells and Bonfires in the streets of London , as if the whole City was as much concerned in it , as some Factious Citizens . But knowing that little was to be effected by the Propositions , and much less by their Votes , they put them both into a Bill , which past the House of Peers on the third of February , some two days after they had tendred their Proposals to the King at Oxon. And by that Bill it was desired to be Enacted , That from the Fifth of November , ( the day designed for the blowing up the Parliament by the Gun-powder-Traytors ) which should be in the year of our Lord 1643 , there should be no Archbishops , Bishops , Commissaries , &c. ( with all their Train recited in the Oxon Article , Numb . 21. ) in the Church of England : That from thenceforth the Name , Title , and Function of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Chancellors . &c. or likewise the having , using , or exercising any Iurisdiction , Office , and Authority , by reason or colour of any such Name , Dignity , or Function , in the Realm of England ▪ should utterly and for ever cease . And that the King might yeeld the sooner to the Alteration , they tempt him to it with a Clause therein contained , for putting him into the actual possession of all the Castles , Mannors , Lands , Tenements , and Hereditaments , belonging to the said Arch-bishops , or Bishops , or to any of them . And for the Lands of Deans ▪ and Chapters , the Brethren had a hope to parcel them amongst themselves , under the colour of encouraging and maintaining of a Preaching-Ministry ; some sorry pittance being allowed to the old Proprietaries , and some short Pension during life to the several Bishops . 52. Such was the tenour of the Bill ; which found no better entertainment than their Propositions . So that despairing of obtaining the King's consent to advance Presbytery , they resolved to do it of themselves , but not till they had broken the King's Forces at the Battel of Naisby : For on the nineteenth of August then next following , they publish Directions in the name of the Lords and Commons , ( after advice with their Divines of the Assembly ) for the chusing of RVLING-ELDERS in all the Congregations , and in the Classical Assemblies , for the Cities of London and Westminster , and the several Counties of the Kingdom , in order to the speedy setling of Presbyterial Government . Amongst which , no small care was taken for making twelve Classes of the Ministers of London only ; and after , for dividing each particular County into several Classes , with reference to the largeness and extent thereof . Which Orders and Directions , were after seconded by the Ordinance of October the twentieth ; containing certain Rules for the suspension of scandalous and ignorant persons from the holy Supper , and giving power to certain persons therein named , to sit as Judges and Tryers , as well concerning the Election , as the Integrity and Ability of all such men as are elected Elders within any of the Twelve Classes of the Province of London . It is not to be thought , but that the London-Elderships made sufficient haste to put themselves into the actual possession of their new Authority . But in the Countrey , most men were so cold and backward , that the Lower-House was fain to quicken them with some fresh Resolves ; by which it was required , on the twentieth of February , That choice be forthwith made of Elders , thoroughout the Kingdom , according to such former Directions as had past both Houses ; and that all Classes and Parochial Congregations , should be thereby authorised effectually to proceed therein . And that the Church might be supplied with able Ministers in all times succeeding , the Power of Ordination , formerly restrained to certain persons residing in and about the City of London , ( according to the Ordinance of the second of October , 1644. ) is now communicated to the Ministers of each several Classes , as men most like to know the wants of the Parish-Churches under their Authority . 53. But here it is to be observed , that in the setling of the Presbyterian Government in the Realm of England , as the Presbyteries were to be subordinate to the Classical , Provincial , and National Assemblies of the Church , so were they all to be subordinate to the Power of the Parliament , as appears plainly by the Ordinance of the fourteenth of March ; which makes it quite another thing from the Scottish Presbyteries , and other Assemblies of that Kirk , which held themselves to be supream , and unaccountable in their actings ▪ without respect unto the King , the Parliament , and the Courts of Justice . But the truth is , that as the English generally were not willing to receive that yoak ; so neither did the Houses really intend to impose it on them , though for a while , to hold fair quarter with the Scots , they seemed forward in it . And this appears sufficiently by a Declaration of the House of Commons , published on the seventeenth of April , 1646 ; in which they signifie , That they were not able to consent to the granting of an Arbitrary and unlimited Power and Iurisdiction to near Ten thousand Iudicatories to be erected in the Kingdom , which could not be consistent with the Fundamental Laws and Government of it , and which by necessary consequence did exclude the Parliament from having any thing to do in that Iurisdiction . On such a doubtful bottom did Presbytery stand , till the King had put himself into the Power of the Scots , and that the Scots had posted him in all haste to the Town of Newcastle . Which caused the Lords and Commons no less hastily to speed their Ordinance of the fifth of Iune , For the present setling of the Presbyterial Government , without further delay , as in the Title is exprest . And though it was declared in the end of that Ordinance , That it was to be in force for three years only , except the Houses should think fit to continue it longer ; yet were the London-Ministers so intent upon them , that they resolve to live no longer in suspence , but to proceed couragiously in the execution of those several Powers which both by Votes and Ordinances were intrusted to them . And to make known to all the World what they meant to do , they published a Paper with this Title , that is to say , Certain Considerations and Cautions agreed upon by the Ministers of London and Westminster , and within the Lines of Communication . Iune the nineteenth , 1646. According to which they resolve to put the Presbyterial Government into execution , upon the Ordinances of Parliament before published . 54. In which conjuncture it was thought expedient by the Houses of Parliament , to send Commissioners to Newcastle , and by them to present such Propositions to his Sacred Majesty , as they conceived to be agreeable to his present condition . In the second of which it was desired , That according to the laudable Example of his Royal Father , of happy memory , he would be pleased to swear and sign the Solemn League and Covenant , and cause it to be taken by Acts of Parliament in all his Kingdoms and Estates . And in the third it was proposed , That a Bill should pass for the utter abolishing and taking away of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Chancellors , Commissaries , Deans , &c. as they occur before in the Oxon Articles , Num. 21. That the Assembly of Divines , and Reformation of Religion , according to the said Covenant , should be forthwith setled and confirmed by Act of Parliament ; and that such unity and uniformity between the Churches of both Kingdoms , should in like manner be confirmed by Act of Parliament , as by the said Covenant was required , after Advice first had with the Divines of the said Assembly . It was required also in the said Propositions , That he should utterly divest himself of all power to protect his people , by putting the Militia into the hands of the Houses ; and that he should betray the greatest part of the Lords and Gentry which had adhered unto him in the course of the Warr , to a certain ruin ; some of which were to be excluded from all hope of Pardon , as to the saving of their Lives ; others to forfeit their Estates , and to lose their Liberties ; the Clergy to remain under sequestration ; the Lawyers of both sorts to be disabled from the use of their Callings . Demands of such unreasonable and horrid nature , as would have rendred him inglorious and contemptible both at home and abroad , if they had been granted . 55. These Propositions were presented to him on the eleventh day of Iuly , at Newcastle , by the Earls of Pembroke and Suffolk , of the House of Peers ; Erle , Hipisly , Robinson , and Goodwin , from the House of Commons : Of whom his Majesty demanded , Whether they came impowred to treat with him , or not ? And when they answered , That they had no Authority so to do : He presently replied , That then the Houses might as well have sent their Propositions by an honest Trumpeter , and so parted with them for the present . His Majesty had spent the greatest part of his time since he came to Newcastle , in managing a dispute about Church-Government with Mr. Alexander Henderson , the most considerable Champion for Presbytery in the Kirk of Scotland . Henderson was possest of all advantages of Books and Helps , which might enable him to carry on such a Disputation . But His Majesty had the better Cause , and the stronger Arguments . Furnished with which , ( though destitute of all other Helps than what he had within himself ) he prest his Adversary so hard , and gave such satisfactory Answers unto all his Cavils , that he remained Master of the Field , as may sufficiently appear by the Printed Papers . And it was credibly reported , that Henderson was so confounded with grief and shame , that he fell into a desparate sickness , which in fine brought him to his Grave ; professing , as some say , that he dyed a Convert ; and frequently extolling those great Abilities which , when it was too late , he had found in his Majesty . Of the particular passages of this Disputation , the English Commissioners had received a full Information ; and therefore purposely declined all discourse with his Majesty , by which the merit of their Propositions might be called in question . All that they did , was to insist upon the craving of a positive Answer , that so they might return unto those that sent them ; and such an Answer they shall have , as will little please them . 56. For though his Fortunes were brought so low , that it was not thought safe for him to deny them any thing ; yet he demurred upon the granting of such points as neither in Honour nor in Conscience could be yeelded to them . Amongst which , those Demands which concerned Religion , and the abolishing of the ancient Government of the Church by Arch-bishops and Bishops , may very justly be supposed to be none of the least . But this delay being taken by the Houses for a plain denial , and wanting money to corrupt the unfaithful Scots , who could not otherwise be tempted to betray their Soveraign ; they past an Ordinance for abolishing the Episcopal Government , and setling their Lands upon Trustees for the use of the State. Which Ordinance being past on the ninth of October , was to this effect ; that is to say , That for the better raising of moneys for the just and necessary Debts of the Kingdom , in which the same hath been drawn by a Warr mainly promoted in favour of Arch-bishops and Bishops , and other their Adherents and Dependents ; it was ordained by the Authority of the Lords and Commons , That the Name , Title , Stile , and Dignity of Arch-bishop of Canterbury , Arch-bishop of York , Bishop of Winchester , and Bishop of Durham , and all other Bishops or Bishopricks within the Kingdom , should from and after the fifth of September , 1646 , then last past , be wholly abolished or taken away ; and that all persons should from thenceforth be disabled to hold that Place , Function , or Stile , within the Kingdom of England , and Dominion of Wales , or the Town of Berwick ; or exercise any Iurisdiction or Authority ●hereunto formerly belonging , by vertue of any Letters Patents from the Crown , or any other Authority whatsoever ; any Law or Statute to the contrary notwithstanding , As for their Lands , they were not to be vested now in the Kings possession , as had been formerly intended ; but to be put into the power of some Trustees which are therein named , to be disposed of to such uses , intents , and purposes , as the two Houses should appoint . 57. Amongst which uses , none appeared so visible , even to vulgar eyes , as the raising of huge Sums of Money to content the Scots , who from a Remedy were looked on as the Sickness of the Common-wealth . The Scots Demands amounted to Five hundred thousand pounds of English money , which they offered to make good on a just account ; but were content for quietness sake to take Two hundred thousand pounds in full satisfaction . And yet they could not have that neither , unless they would betray the King to the power of his Enemies . At first they stood on terms of Honour ; and the Lord Chancellor Lowdon ranted to some tune ( as may be seen in divers of his Printed Speeches ) concerning the indelible Character of Disgrace and Infamy which must be for ever imprinted on them , if they yeelded to it . But in the end , the Presbyterians on both sides did so play their parts , that the sinful Contract was concluded , by which the King was to be put into the hands of such Commissioners as the two Houses should appoint to receive his Person . The Scots to have One hundred thousand pounds in ready money , and the Publick Faith ( which the Houses very prodigally pawned upon all occasions ) to secure the other . According unto which Agreement his Majesty is sold by his own Subjects , and betrayed by his Servants ; by so much wiser ( as they thought ) than the Traytor Iudas , by how much they had made a better Market , and raised the price of the Commodity which they were to sell. And being thus sold , he is delivered for the use of those that bought him , into the custody of the Earl of Pembroke , ( who must be one in all their Errands ) the Earl of Denbigh , and the Lord Mountague of Boughton , with twice as many Members of the Lower House ; with whom he takes his Journey towards Holdenby , before remembred , on the third of February . And there so closely watcht and guarded , that none of his own Servants are permitted to repair unto him . Marshal and Caril , two great sticklers in behalf of Presbytery , ( but such as after warped to the Independents ) are by the Houses nominated to attend as Chaplains . But he refused to hear them in their Prayers or Preachings , unless they would officiate by the publick Liturgy , and bind themselves unto the Rules of the Church of England . Which not being able to obtain , he moves the Houses by his Message of the 17th of that Month , to have two Chaplains of his own . Which most unchristianly and most barbarously they denyed to grant him . 58. Having reduced him to this streight , they press him once again with their Propositions ; which being the very same which was sent to Newcastle , could not in probability receive any other Answer . This made them keep a harder hand upon him , than they did before ; presuming , that they might be able to extort those Concessions from him by the severity and solitude of his restraint , when their Perswasions were too weak , and their Arguments not strong enough to induce him to it . But , Great God! How fallacious are the thoughts of men ? How wretchedly do we betray our selves to those sinful hopes which never shall be answerable to our expectation ? The Presbyterians had battered down Episcopacy by the force of an Ordinance , outed the greatest part of the Regular Clergy , of their Cures and Benefices ; advanced their new Form of Government , by the Votes of the Houses , and got the King into their power , to make sure work of it . But when they thought themselves secure , they were most unsafe . For being in the height of all their Glories and Projectments , one Ioice , a Cornet of the Army , comes thither with a Party of Horse , removes his Guards , and takes him with them to their Head-Quarters , which were then at Woburn , a Town upon the North-west Road in the County of Bedford : Followed , not long after , by such Lords and others as were commanded by the Houses to attend upon him . Who not being very acceptable to the principal Officers , were within very few weeks discharged of that Service . By means whereof , the Presbyterians lost all those great advantages which they had fancied to themselves , and shall be better husbanded to the use of their Adversaries , though it succeeded worse to his Majesty's person , than possibly it might have done , if they had suffered him to remain at Holdenby , where the Houses fixt him . 59. This great turn hapned on the fourth of Iune , Anno 1647 , before he had remained but four Months in the Power of the Houses . Who having brought the Warr to the end desired , possest themselves of the King's Person , and dismissed the Scots , resolved upon disbanding a great part of the Army , that they might thereby ease the people of some part of their burthens . But some great Officers of the Army had their Projects and Designs apart , and did not think it consonant to common prudence , that they should either spend their blood , or consume their strength , in raising others to that Power , which being acquired by themselves , might far more easily be retained , than it had been gotten . Upon these grounds they are resolved against disbanding , stand on their Guards , and draw together towards London , contrary to the Will and express Commandment of their former Masters , by whom they were required to keep at a greater distance . The Officers thereupon impeach some Members of the Lower House ; and knowing of what great Consequence it might be unto them to get the King into their Power , a Plot is laid to bring him into their Head-Quarters without noise and trouble ; which was accordingly effected , as before is said . Thus have the Presbyterians of both Nations , embroiled the Kingdom first in Tumults , and afterwards in a calamitous and destructive Warr. In which the Sword was suffered to range at liberty , without distinction of Age , Sex , or Quality . More goodly Houses plundered and burnt down to the ground , more Churches sacrilegiously prophaned and spoiled , more Blood poured out like Water within four years space , than had been done in the long course of Civil-Warrs between York and Lancaster . With all which Spoil and publick Ruin , they purchased nothing to themselves but shame and infamy ; as may be shown by taking a brief view of their true condition before and after they put the State into these Confusions . 60. And first , the Scots not long before their breaking out against their King , had in the Court two Lords High Stewards , and two Grooms of the Stool , successively one after another . And at their taking up of Arms , they had a Master of the Horse , a Captain of the Guard , a Keeper of the Privy Purse , seven Grooms of eight in his Majesty's Bed-Chamber , and an equal number at the least of Gentlemen-Ushers , Quarter-waiters , Cup-bearers , Carvers , Sewers , and other Officers , attending daily at the Table . I speak not here of those who had places in the Stables , or below the Stairs ; or of the Servants of those Lords and Gentlemen who either lived about the Court , or had Offices in it . All which together , make up so considerable a number , that the Cour might well be called an Academy of the Scots Nation ; in which so many of all sorts had their Breeding , Maintenance , and Preferment . Abroad , they had a Lieutenant of the Tower , a Fortress of most consequence in all the Kingdom ; and a Master-Gunner of the Navy ; an Office of as great a Trust as the other : and more of those Monopolies , Suits , and Patents , which were conceived to be most grievous to the Subjects , than all the English of the Court. In the Church they had two Deanries , divers Prebendaries , and so many Ecclesiastical Benefices , as equalled all the Revenues of the Kirk of Scotland . All which they had lost , like Aesop's Dog , catching after a shadow . And yet by catching at that shadow , they lost all those Advantages which before they had both in Court and Countrey ; and that not only for the present , but in all probability for the time to come . Such losers were the Scots by this brutish bargain ; but whether out of pure zeal to the Holy Discipline , or their great love to filthy lucre , or the perversness of their nature , or the rebellious humour of the Nation , or of all together , let them judg that can . 61. If then the Scots became such losers by the bargain , as most sure they did ; as sure it is that their dear Brethren in the Cause of Presbytery , the Puritans or Presbyterians in the Realm of England , got as little by it . The English Puritans laid their heads and hands together to embroil the Realm , out of a confidence , that having alienated the greatest part of the Tribes from the House of David , they might advance the Golden Calves of their Presbyteries , in Dan and Bethel , and all other places whatsoever within the Land. And for the maintenance thereof , they had devoured ( in conceit ) all Chapter-Lands , and parcelled them amongst themselves into Augmentations . But no sooner had they driven this Bargain , but a Vote passed for selling those Lands towards the payment of the Debts of the Commonwealth . Nor have they lived to see their dear Presbytery setled , or their Lay-Elders entertained in any one Parish of the Kingdom . For the advancement whereof , the Scots were first incouraged to begin at home , and afterwards to pursue their Work by invading in England . Nor fared it better with those great Achitophels of the popular Party , who laboured in the raising of a new Common-wealth , out of the Ruins of a Glorious and Ancient Monarchy . To which end they employed the Presbyterians , as the fittest Instruments for drawing the people to their side , and preaching up the piety of their Intentions . Which Plot they had been carrying on from the first coming of this King to the Crown of England , till they had got His Sacred Person into their possession . Which made them a fit parallel to those Husband-men in St. Matthew's Gospel , ( Matt. 21.38 . ) who said amongst themselves , This is the Heir , come let us kill him , and let us seize on his Inheritance . A Commonwealth which they had founded , and so modelled in their brains , that neither Sir Thomas Moor's Vtopia , nor the Lord Verulam's new Atlantis , nor Plato's Platform , nor any of the old Idea's , were equal to it . The Honours and Offices whereof , they had distributed amongst themselves , and their own dependance . But having brought the King ( though , as it chanced , by other hands ) to the End they aimed , and being intent on nothing more than the dividing of that rich Prey amongst themselves , gratifying one another with huge sums of Money , and growing fat on the Revenues of the Crown , and the Lands of the Church , and guarded as they thought by invincible Armies , they were upon a sudden scattered like the dust before the wind , turned out of all , and pulickly exposed to contempt and scorn . All which was done so easily , with so little noise , that the loss of that exorbitant Power did not cost so much as a broken Head , or a bloody Nose ; in purchasing whereof , they had wasted so many Millions of Treasure , and more than One hundred thousand Lives . Thus have we seen the dangerous Doctrines and Positions , the secret Plots and open Practises ; the Sacriledges , Spoils , and Rapins ; the Tumults , Murthers , and Seditions ; the horrid Treasons and Rebellions , which have been raised by the Presbyterians in most parts of Christendom , for the time of One hundred years , and upwards . Which having seen , we shall conclude this History in the words of that Censure which by the Doctors of the Sorbonne was once passed on the Jesuits ; that is to say , Videtur haec Societas in negotio fidei periculosa , pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa , Religionis rectae eversiva ; & magis ad destructionem quàm ad aedificationem . FINIS . A Catalogue of some Books Printed for , and are to be sold by Thomas Basset , at the George in Fleetstreet , near Cliffords-Inn . Folio's . 1. COsmography , in four Books : containing the Chorography and History of the whole World , and all the principal Kingdoms and Provinces , Seas and Isles thereof . By P. Heylin : Printed 1669 , in Columns , much better than any of the former Editions . Price 20 s. 2. Ecclesia Restaurata : or , the History of the Reformation of the Church of England ; containing the beginning , progress , and successes of it ; the Counsels by which it was conducted ; the Rules of Piety and Prudence upon which it was founded ; the several steps by which it was promoted or retarded , in the change of times , from the first preparations to it by King Henry the 8th , until the legal setling and establishment of it under Queen Elizabeth : together with the intermixture of such Civil Actions , and Affairs of State , as either were co-incident with it , or related to it . By P. Heylin . The second Edition ▪ 3. The Voyages and Travels of the Duke of Holstein's Embassadours , into Muscovy , Tartary , and Persia ; begun in the year 1633 , and finisht in 1639 ; containing a compleat History of those Countreys . Whereunto are added the Travels of Mandelso , from Persia into the East-Indies ; begun in 1638 , and finisht in 1640. The whole , illustrated with divers accurate Maps and Figures . Written originally by Adam Olearius , Secretary to the Embassy . The second Edition corrected . Englished by I Davies of Kidwelly . Price bound 18 s. 4. An Historical Display of the Romish State , Court , Interest , Policies , &c. and the mighty influence of the Iesuits in that Church , and many other Christian States , not hitherto extant . Being a full Account of all the Transactions both in France and at Rome , concerning the five famous Propositions controverted between the Iansenists and the Molinists , from the beginning of that Affair , till the Pope's Decision . Written originally by Mons. de St. Amour , Doctor of Sorbonne . Englished by G. Havirs . Price bound 14. s. 5. The Compleat Body of the Art Military , in three Books : being perfect Directions for the right ordering and framing of an Army both of Horse and Foot. Together with all the manner of Fortifications , and the Art of Gunnery . By Rich. Elton , Lieutenant-Colonel . Price bound 8 s. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43507-e2330 1517. a Habebat jus gladii & alias civilis jurisdictionis pa●tes , sed magistratui ereptas . 1528. b Quae à Vireto & Farello facta sunt , suffragio meo comprobavi . c Libertatis suae patrem , &c d Farellus , cui se totos debent , &c. e Si quidem Excommunicationi in aliena Ecclesia nullus locus . f Quibus sub Principibus Christianis non videtur esse necessaria Excommunicatio . f Quod Doctrinam & Disciplinam capitibus aliquot comprehensam admitterent . Bez. in vit . Calv. g Disciplinam qualem vetus habuit Ecclesia apud nos non esse ( dicis ) neque nos diffitemur . 1537. 1538. h Nec quisquam aut expulsus est invidiosius , nec receptus latius . Paterc . Hist. lib. 2. 1541. a Impudente● Deo & ●●bis meu●●●● sunt . b Censui , ut jurejurando ad veri confessionem adigerentur . 1537. a Congressus publici Ecclesiae diebus Dominicis , &c. Bez. Epist. 241 a Testium seu concuratorum , ad paedo-bap●esmum advo●at . ●b . 1547 a Si quis mei usus foret , &c. b Vt ritus illos , qui superstiti●nis aliquid redolent , t●llenter è medio . c Illa omnia abscindi semel . d In qua nihil non ad Dei verbum exegi ●as est . e Vt vel moderemur , vel rese●●damus . &c. 1551. a Quae non obscuret modo , sed propemodum obruat pu●um & geruinum Dei culium . Epist. 1554. a In Liturgia Anglicana , qualem mihi describitis , multas video tolerabiles ineptias . b Si hactenus in Anglia viguisset sincera Religio , aliquid in melius correctum , multaque detracta esse oportet . a Quae sibi velint nescio quos 〈◊〉 Paposh●a rantope●e delectant . a Cert●lu● narta 〈◊〉 , & ejus facinae nugas ex supers●●● ne manas●e , nemo sani judicii negabit ; unde Constitu● , qui eas in libera optione retineant , ●imis ●u●ide & f●ce● bau●●●● . a Vt vigeat purus & integer Dei cultus — Ecclesia à s●●dibus repurgetur , — deinde ut filiis Dei apud vos liberum sit nomen ejus pu●è invoca●e . Institut lib 4. c 10.8 31. a Si quisqui● repugnan●bus legibus , & patriae privilegus , s●se Dominum auc Magistratum constituit , &c. Epist 24. a 〈…〉 Amos ▪ cap 7 b Infe●sissin●us Eva●ge 〈…〉 . Ad Altar . Damasc . Epist. c Natu●●●●situm est 〈◊〉 omnibus 〈◊〉 Ch●isti ●di●m . 〈◊〉 . a 〈…〉 c●nsiderati , &c. & hoc t●e s●mper g●avi●er vexavit . In Amos , cap. 7. v. 13. b Officium magistratus est Ecclesiam Dei gladio tueri ac conservare , &c. Bez. Epist. 24. a Moralem esse uniu● dici observationem in hebd●madâ . Institu● . lib. 2. c. 8. Sect. 34. b Numerum Septenarium , non ejus servi●u●e Ecclesias astringam . Li. Ibid. c Quem veteres in eorum subba●um subrogarunt . De transferenda solenni●ate dominica in feriam quintum , lib. 1. cap. ult . a N●n posse consiste●e Ecclesiam , ni●i c●rtum Regimen constitueretur , quale ex verbo De● nobis pres●r●ptum est , & in veteri Ecclesia fuit observatu● . Epist. ad Far●ll . b Excommunicationem apud no● ▪ adhuc nullam esse . c Sed non simul conjunctos esse Disciplinae nervos , docendum est , &c. d Nunquam utile puta●i jus Excommunicandi permitti singulis pastoribus : nam & res odrosa est , &c. Alium usum Apostoli tradiderunt . a De h●●c ●upe●em ab●te common●●fieri , Ecc●esiam Argentine●s &c ▪ cujus Ecclesiae conside●a●uro● spero & S●nto●●s , &c. b De m● Conciona●ore Calvintana , &c. Ibid. c Lege● Co●●●sto●●● v●st●● op●avt 〈◊〉 ad me tra●smi●●i , & ● . d Ex quo ●ormam aliquam conciperes , quam prescribere non debu● . a Quanti nobis esse debeat sincer a Religio , per quam Christo inter nos Tribunal e●igitur . b In statu Regni nil movendum , quod omnis novitas graves motus & exit●ales mina●eretur . a Ad quem n●stri 〈…〉 etiam sut quidem quos serum adduxii , &c. b Cum audio Disciplinam Evangelii prof●ssione conjungi . c Vt toti nobil●ati libe●a reformardi●e su●●●m Ecclesiam Faculias per●mi●●i deb●●t , U●enh . Calv. Jan. 27 1555. b Stult●●● & ridiculum est ●e●edes Domini & omnium creatura●um , &c. Cap. de 〈◊〉 . a Vt s●ames & ge●ua ●l●●ctentes , 〈◊〉 & sanguinem Christi sumani . Syn. Pe●●ico . num . 4 b Ce●●menia ●antum A●●●m●●um Domi●● 〈…〉 cantibu● prop●●a . Synod . W●● dill● . N●m● c Secundum verbum Dei , — & manda●um Iesu Christi , & exemplum Apost●lorum . Num. 11. a Evangelium apud vos ●am faelices , laetos progressus facere vehementer ut par est laetor . b Nihil interest otium velim ●ieri , an gaudeam factum . Cicer. in Phil 2. c Vt Ecclesia sordibus purgetur , quae ex er●o●e & superstitione manarunt , & ne faedentur Dei Mysteria ●udicris & insipidis mixturis , Calv. Knoxo , April . 23. 1561. a 〈…〉 C●lv . Knox● , N● . venth . 8. 1●59 . b Vestra timiditas . arque pusillanimitas vos ita constringit , &c — ut p●tius retro feramini , & gratiae Dei januam ●laudatis . a Nec me late● doctos & pios esse homines , quibus princi●●●us Christia●● non videtur esse necessaria Excommunicatio . b Eam nos habere Reipub. Christianae formam , uti tu spiras & Apostolicam fuisse ●egimus . c Vt publica Authoritate , Excommunicatio in Ecclesiae vigeat . d Quam si ad eam pergendam , &c. — vigeat Excommnuic●tio , &c. a Pri●●i●io● sub 〈…〉 Calvini Minist●●io . in cujus 〈◊〉 successimus . Bez Ep●st . 33. a Multos illi● Ministros verbi , inculpa●● alio qu●●um 〈◊〉 ●um Doctrin● homi●es ●de●●co f●●sse Regia Ma●estate exancto●a●os , &c. b Q●●d vestes ●●oe R●●l● 〈◊〉 insigu●a , &c. — non admittant . c Quod aliorum super inducendorum R●t●n●n potestas Regia Ma●esta●● fi●●et . d Q●od solis Episcopis de constituendis ●ebus Ecclesiasticis , omnis potentia tribuatur , &c. Epist 8. e Quicquid à Judaeis , quicquid à Paganis in Ritus Christianos est translatum , praeter Christii Insti●●tionem & ●●●tum Ap●stel●rum ex●mpla● , &c. 〈…〉 Ibid. a Ch●reis plerumque 〈◊〉 quam Sac●● action● , 〈◊〉 de mul●●udis auribus po●ius quam commovendis an●mis accom●n●da●us . Ibid. b Quae non tantum corruptela Ch●istianismi . sed mani●●●ia à Christo defectio . Ibid. c Multo majore reatu coram Deo & ipsius Angelu teneri , qui greges à pastoribus privati , &c. potius sustineant , quam Ministros hoc quam illo habitu vestiros ce●nent . Ibid. a 〈◊〉 tandem in ●●●quam & 〈…〉 eva●●● — N●n nulla tam 〈◊〉 su●s 〈◊〉 habean● , &c. Bez. Epist 23. b Ad peregrina●um in Anglia Ecclesia●u● , s●aties . Epist 24. c In singulis pag●● adjuncti sunt duos inspectores , qui una cum pastore omnes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , observant . Epist. 20 a Singula● d●mos & ●amilias ad untes . &c. Ibid. b Nisi quaedam s●●ma inter vos statuatur Disciplina Ecclesiastica , &c. Epist 14. c Sci● unum & eandem esse tum Doctrinae tum Disciplini Authorem . Ibid. d Quorsum enim unam verbi partem , al●era repud●ata , recipere . Ibid. e Timetur alta tyrannis . &c. Ibid. f Quam recte illud quod Doctrina simul Disciplina conjungetis , &c. Ep. 674. a Magnum hoc Del munus , quo una & Religionem puram & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doctrinae , re●inendae vinculum in Sco●iam ●n●ali●tis Epist. 79 b Haec du● simul 〈◊〉 , ut 〈…〉 di● p●●menc●le non 〈◊〉 , memine●●is . Ibid c Hanc p●st●m 〈◊〉 qui 〈…〉 . Ibid. d Ne quaeso il●am noquam admittas , quamvis uni●a●is retinende specie ●●andiatur . Ibid. e Vel solis Episcopis , absq●e sui Presb●terii judicio & volunta●e , aliquid novi ordina●e , &c. Epist 8 f Non e● Presbyteri sententia sed ●● quo●● nd●m 〈…〉 . Ibid. a N●b●e 〈…〉 ubi 〈…〉 . Calv. ● B●●linge●●●ol . June , 15●● . Notes for div A43507-e13860 1546. 1559. 1560. a I● quib . s. d●m P. 〈…〉 D●lphina●u● & 〈◊〉 bibus nostri homines ●●mp●a 〈…〉 . &c. b Ab initio 〈…〉 gener● sic ●uptae eran● 〈◊〉 mentes . u● f●us● a impetum ill●m ●●d●●e conatum si●● . c Quam longe quae●o est à ● jab●nte permitteme . Salv. De Guber●●n D●i , li● . 8. 1561. 1562. 1563. 1566. 1567. 1568. 1569. 1572. 1573. 1574. L●pa illa cum catulis suis , part 1. p. 87. a Part 1. pag. 11. b Qui d●mum Valesium t●ndit●s d●lea●t , 〈◊〉 semel fur●● exara●sect . p. 75. a Non sol●m i●lo ▪ Belgiam p●●catum ●●aituros , sed ante annum Fr●●c●am ipsa●ri ( hodie a reg●s am●citiae alienatam ) ●llius imperio adjunct●ros , pag 68. * Ut ulli cedant Lugdunisis tr●ct●s , Delplinatus & Provincia , fi●iti●● Regiones , &c. p 69. b Facile pote●it ca● Regiones recipere quarum nomina & stemmata gestat . p. 71. c Facile recuperare possit Metas , Vmod●rum & Tullum , &c. p. 71. d Regnum ●●pessere velis a Tyranno muli●r●ulis , Ital●s , ganeonibu● , & lenon●bus d●la●pdatum . Pref. 1581. 1584. 1585. 1586. 1587. Notes for div A43507-e22750 154● . 15●●● 1559. a 1567. 1563. 1569. 1573. 156● . An. 1564. 1565. 1567. 1568. 1579. 1581. 1584. a Quantum v●ro attinet divini verbi Ministros , u●i●un , ●e l●corum sint , Eandem illi potestatem & Authoritatem habent , &c. Con●ess . Belg. Art. 31. b Senio●es quoque sint & Diaconi , qu● cum pastoribus Senatum quasi Ecclesiâ constituant . ut hac rationes vera Religio conse●va●i potest , &c. Ibid. Art. 30. a Vt Sacrum Ministerium ●ueau●ur , omnem Idolatriam à Dei cultu submoveant , Regnum Anti●hristi d●●uan● , &c. Ibid. Art 36. c Nece●se est tum id face●e plebeios Israelit●● . d Lic● ad Sanguinem usque pro eo pugnent . e Principes potius me●u seditionum ●errendos , quam vel minimum pacis causa indulgend●m . Necess . Respons . p 83. a Quo Deus immutabili si● consilio , in Christo Elegit ac selegit . Con●ess . Art. 16. a Publicae vespertin● pr●ces non sunt introducendae ubi non sunt introdu●ae , & ubi sunt tollan●ur . Colla● . Hag. cap. 68. a Liberum est stando , sedendo vel eundo , coenam celebrare , non autem geniculand● , &c. Cap. 13. Ar● . 8 Notes for div A43507-e35610 1527. 1546. 1547. 1550. 1555. 1557. 1558. 1559. 1560. 1561. 1562. 1564. 1565● Notes for div A43507-e43290 1565. 1566. 1567. a Ne unquam il●um p●●em admittant , ●uamvis u●●tatis reti●endae specie blandiatur , Ep. 79. 1568. 1570. 1571. 1572. 15●3 . 1574. 1572. 1573. 1572. 1580. 1581. 1582. 1573. 1583. Notes for div A43507-e51780 a 1550. 1559. 1560. 1566. a Ut si 〈◊〉 ad can 〈…〉 &c Confes. lib. b U● per obl●c●●e 〈…〉 git ar●●u● . ad pletatis assert●● Conf. lib. 1567. 1568. 1569. Notes for div A43507-e59470 a Verbis ludit , & in sententiis dormitat , & plane ind●gnu est qui a quopiam d●cto refutetur . a 〈◊〉 Disciplinae omnes R●g●● & Princip●s fasces su●s submitte●● necesse est . &c. Travers . de Discipl●● 1575. 1579. 1577. 1579. 1580. 1582. 1583. a Ego singulis sabbatis cum pres●ripta ●iturgias Form●la nihil habens commercii , in Coetu Concion●m habeo , &c. Dat. April . 14. Notes for div A43507-e66440 1584. * Appellant Episcopum Cantiariensem , Pseudo-Episcopum , principem Demoniorum , Caiapham , Esaum , Monstrosum , Antichristianum Papam , & Beam ; alios autem Episcopos Angliae , degeneres , perniciosos usurpatores , deteriores Monachis , Latronos , Lupos Episcopos Diaboli , &c. Mason . lib. 3. cap. 16. 1587. 1591 Aug. 4. 1590. Notes for div A43507-e74110 1590. De vera Catholica & Christiana Ecclesia Convitiatorem petulantem vocari dolco . Sarav . Repl. 1592. 1593. 1594 ▪ 1585. 1590. 1591. 1592. 1593. 1594. 1595. 1596. 1594. Notes for div A43507-e82150 1595. 1596. 1596. 1589. 1599. 1600. 1602. Notes for div A43507-e88620 1605 * 〈…〉 & mo●●●m sumam integritatem , Hunc . Orat. 1605. 1606. 1609. 1603. 1612. 1615. 1618. 1619. 1620. 1623. Notes for div A43507-e96260 1613. 1618. Non agendum hic est in Synodo . Authoritate sed Ratione . 1619. * Quantum verò attinet divini Verbi ministros , eandem illi Potestatem & Authoritatem habent . Confes. Belg. Art. 31. 1612. * Ceterum Reformationi in Electoratu Brandenburgico instituendae , haec capita memorantur . Thuan. Contin . lib. 1. An. 1614. 1604. 1605. 1606. 1608. 1609. 1609. 1620. 1618. 1619. * Non tau●um constanter firmiterque sed ad extremum usque halitium perstiturus . Exa . Cens. 1621. 1622. 1625. 1626. 1627. 1628. Notes for div A43507-e105170 1617. 1618. 1630. 1637. 1638. 1640. 1641. 1642. * Et jus●it scelera Nero , non spectavit . Tacit. in vit . Agr●c . 
A43524	----	Cyprianus anglicus, or, The history of the life and death of the Most Reverend and renowned prelate William, by divine providence Lord Archbishop of Canterbury ... containing also the ecclesiastical history of the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland from his first rising till his death / by P. Heylyn ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1668 Approx. 1742 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 276 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43524 Wing H1699 ESTC R4332 12137530 ocm 12137530 54785 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43524) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54785) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 105:2) Cyprianus anglicus, or, The history of the life and death of the Most Reverend and renowned prelate William, by divine providence Lord Archbishop of Canterbury ... containing also the ecclesiastical history of the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland from his first rising till his death / by P. Heylyn ... Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [4], 547 p. Printed for A. Seile, London : 1668. A defense of Laud against Prynne's "Canterburies doome". First ed. Cf. BM. Parts 1 and 2 each have special t.p.; pt. 2 has imprint London : Printed by E. Cotes for A. Seile, 1668. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Marginal notes. 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Prynne, William, 1600-1669. -- Canterburies doome. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CYPRIANUS ANGLICUS : OR , THE HISTORY OF THE Life and Death , OF The most Reverend and Renowned PRELATE WILLIAM By Divine Providence , Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , Primate of all ENGLAND , and Metropolitan , Chancellor of the Universities of Oxon. and Dublin , and one of the Lords of the Privy Council to His late most SACRED MAJESTY King CHARLES the First , Second MONARCH of Great Britain . CONTAINING ALSO The Ecclesiastical History of the Three Kingdoms of ENGLAND , SCOTLAND , and IRELAND from His first rising till His Death . By P. Heylyn D. D. and Chaplain to Charles the first and Charles the second , Monarchs of Great Britain . ECCLUS . 44. VERS . 1 , 3. 1. Let us now praise Famous Men and our Fathers that begat Vs. 3. Such as did bear Rule in their Kingdoms , Men Renowned for their Power , giving Counsel by their Vnderstanding , and Declaring Prophesies . LONDON : Printed for A. Seile , MDCLXVIII . To the Honourable Sir IOHN ROBINSON Kt. and Baronet , HIS MAJESTIES Lieutenant of the Tower of London . SIR , YOV have here before you the History of an Eminent Prelate and Patriot , a Person who lived the honour , and died a Martyr of the English Church and State , for it was his sad Fate to be crusht , betwixt Popery and Schism ; and having ( against both ) defended the Protestant Cause with his Pen , he after chearfully proceeded to Seal that Faith with his Bloud . Together with the Story of this Great Man , you have likewise that of the Age he lived in , ( especially so far as concerned the Church ) wherein you will find recorded , many notable Agitations and Contrivances , which it were pity should be lost in silence , and pass away unregarded . These Considerations towards a Gentleman of your worth , Curiosity , and loyalty , are warrant enough to justifie me in this Dedication . And yet I must not conceal , that it belongs to you by another right ; that is to say , the Care of recommending this VVork to the Publick , was committed to a Gentleman , who himself had presented it to your hand , if God had not taken him away , just upon the point of putting his purpose in execution . So that it seems in me , as well matter of Conscience , as of Respect , to deliver it wholly up to your Patronage and Protection ; since in exposing it to the world , I do but perform the will of my dead Father ; and in addressing it to your self , together with my own , I also gratifie that of my deceased Friend . The value of the VVork it self I do not pretend to judge of , my duty and interest for the Author forbids it , but for the Industry , Integrity , and good meaning of the Historian , I dare become answerable ; And in truth , I hope well of the rest : without which I should not have made bold with Sir John Robinson's Name in the Front of it ; who being so nearly related both in bloud and affection to that Incomparable and Zealous Minister of God , and his Prince , cannot besides a Natural , but upon an Honourable Impression , concern himself in the glories or blemishes of this Character , defective in nothing , but that it could not be as ample as his worth . And now having discharged my trust , and duty ; as I could do no less , so I have little more to add for my self , but that I am SIR , Your most humble and obedient Servant HENRY HEYLYN . A Necessary INTRODUCTION To the following HISTORY . BEFORE we come unto the History of this Famous Prelate , it will not be amiss to see upon what Principles and Positions , the Reformation of this Church did first proceed ; that so we may the better Judge of those Innovations which afterwards were thrust upon her , and those Endeavours which were used in the latter times to bring her back again to her first Condition . 1. Know therefore , that King Henry viii . having obtained of the Bishops and Clergie , in their Convocation , Anno 1530. to be acknowledged the Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England , did about three years after , in the 26 of his Reign , confirm the said Supremacy to Himself , his Heirs and Successors , with all the Priviledges and Preheminencies thereunto belonging , by Act of Parliament . And having procured the said Bishops and Clergie , in another of their Convocations , held in the year 1532. to promise in verbo Sacerdotii , not to assemble from thenceforth in any Convocation , or Synodical Meeting , but as they should be called by his Majesties Writ ; nor to make any Canons or Constitutions , Synodal or Provincial , without his Leave and Licence thereunto obtained ; nor , finally , to put the same in Execution , till they were Ratified and Confirmed under the Great Seal of England : Procured also an Act of Parliament to bind the Clergie to their promise . Which Act , called commonly , The Act of the Submission of the Clergie , doth bear this name in Poulton's Abridgment , viz. That the Clergie in their Convocation , should Enact no Constitutions without the Kings assent , Anno 25. Henry viii . c. 19. Which Grounds so laid , he caused this Question to be debated in both Universities , and all the Famous Monasteries of the Kingdom : viz. An aliquid au●horitatis in hoc Regno Angliae , Pontifici Romano de jure competat , plusquam alii cuicumque Episcopo extero . Which Question being concluded in the Negative , and that Conclusion ratified and confirmed in the Convocation , Anno 1534. there past an Act of Parliament about two years after , Intituled , An Act Extinguishing the Authority of the Bishops of Rome ; In which there was an Oath prescribed , for abjuring the Popes Authority within this Realm : The refusing whereof was made High-Treason , Anno 28. H. viii . c. 10. 2. But this Exclusion of the Pope , as it did no way prejudice the Clergy in their power of making Canons , Constitutions , and other Synodical Acts , but only brought them to a dependance upon the King for the better ordering of the same ; so neither did it create any diminution of the Power and Priviledges of the Arch-Bishops , and Bishops in the free exercise of that Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction which anciently belonged to them . For in the Act of Submission before-mentioned , there passed a Clause , that all former Constitutions Synodal , or Provincial , which were not contrary to the Word of God , the Kings Prerogative Royal , or the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , should remain in force , until they were reviewed and fitted for the use of the Church , by 32 Commissioners , to be nominated by the King for that end and purpose : Which re-view being never made in the time of that King , nor any thing done in it by K. Edw. vi . ( though he had an Act of Parliament to the same effect ) the said Old Canons and Constitutions remained in force , as before they were . By means whereof , all causes Testamentary , Matrimonial , and Suits for Tythes ; all matters of Incontinency , and other notorious Crimes which gave publick Scandal ; all wilful absence from Divine Service , Irreverence , and other Misdemeanours in the Church , not punishable by the Laws of the Land , were still reserved unto the Ecclesiastical Courts . Those Ancient Canons and Constitutions remaining also for the perpetual standing Rule by which the proceedings in those Courts were to be regulated and directed ; so as it doth appear most clearly , that it was not the purpose of that King , either to diminish the Authority , or to interrupt the Succession of Bishops , which had continued in this Church , from the first Plantation of the Gospel , to that very time : but only to discharge them from depending on the Popes of Rome , or owing any thing at all to their Bulls and Faculties , which had been so chargeable to themselves , and exhausted so great a part of the Treasure of the Kingdom from one year to another . 3. Upon this ground he past an Act of Parliament , in the 25. year of his Reign , for the Electing and Consecrating of Archbishops and Bishops . In which it was Enacted , that on the Vacancy of every Bishoprick within his Realm , his Majesty should issue out his Writ of Conge d' eslire to the Dean and Chapter of the Church so Vacant , thereby enabling them to proceed to the Election of another Bishop ; that the Election being returned by the Dean and Chapter , and ratified by the Royal Assent , his Majesty should issue out his Writ to the Metropolitan of the Province , to proceed unto the Confirmation of the Party Elected ; and that if the Party so Confirmed , had not before been Consecrated Bishop of some other Church , that then the Metropolitan taking to himself two other Bishops at the least , should proceed unto the Consecration , in such form and manner , as was then practised by the Church ; so that , as to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Consecration , there was no alteration made at all . Those which were Consecrated after the passing of this Statute , were generally acknowledged for true and lawful Bishops , by the Papists themselves ; or otherwise Dr. Thomas Thurlby , Bishop of Westminster , had never been admitted to have been one of those who assisted at the Consecrating of Cardinal Pool , when he was made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , on the death of Cranmer . All which recited Statutes with every thing depending on them , being abrogated by Act of Parliament in the time of Queen Mary , were revived in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth , and so still continue . But so it was not with another alteration made in the form of exercising their jurisdiction by King Edw. 6. In the first Parliament of whose Reign , it was enacted , that all process out of the Ecclesiastical Courts should from thence forth be issued in the Kings Name only , and under the Kings Seal of Arms contrary to the usage of the former times . Which Statute being repealed by Queen Mary , and not revived by Queen Elizabeth , the Bishops and their subordinate Ministers have ever since exercised all manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in their own Names , and under the distinct Seals of their several Offices . 4. In Doctrinals and forms of Worship , there was no alteration made in the Reign of K. Hen. 8. though there were many preparations and previous dispositions to it ; the edge of Ecclesiastical Affairs being somewhat blunted , and the people indulged a greater Liberty in consulting with the Holy Scriptures , and reading many Books of Evangelical Piety , then they had been formerly : which having left the way more open to Arch-Bishop Cranmer , and divers other learned and Religious Prelates in K. Edwards time ( seconded by the Lord Protector , and other great ones of the Court , who had their ends apart by themselves ) they proceeded carefully and vigorously to a Reformation . In the managing of which great business , they took the Scripture for their ground , according to the general explication of the ancient Fathers ; the practise of the Primitive times for their Rule and Pattern , as it was expressed to them in approved Authors : No regard had to Luther or Calvin , in the procedure of their work , but only to the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles , Christ Iesus being the Corner-stone of that excellent Structure . Melancthons coming was expected ( Regiis Literis in Angliam vocatus , as he affirms in an Epistle to Camerarius ) but he came not over . And Calvin made an offer of his service to Arch-Bishop Cranmer , ( Si quis mei usus esset , if any use might be made of him to promote the work ) but the Arch-Bishop knew the man , and refused the other ; so that it cannot be affirmed , that the Reformation of this Church , was either Lutheran or Calvinian in its first original . And yet it cannot be denied , but that the first Reformers of it did look with more respectful eyes upon the Doctrinals , Government , and Forms of Worship in the Lutheran Churches , then upon those of Calvins platform ; because the Lutherans in their Doctrines , Government , and Forms of Worship , approach't more near the Primitive Patterns than the other did : and working according to this rule , they retain'd many of those ancient Rites and Ceremonies , which had been practised ; and almost all the Holy Dayes or Annual Feasts which had been generally observed in the Church of Rome . Nothing that was Apostolick , or accounted Primitive did fare the worse for being Popish ; I mean for having been made use of in times of Popery : it being none of their designs to create a new Church , but reform the old . Such Superstitions and Corruptions as had been contracted in that Church , by long tract of time , being pared away , that which was good and commendable did remain as formerly : It was not their intent to dig up a foundation of such precious stones , because some superstructures of Straw and Stubble had been raised upon it . A moderation much applauded by King Iames , in the Conference at Hampton-Court ; whose golden Aphorisme it was , That no Church ought further to separate it self from the Church of Rome , either in Doctrine or Ceremony , then she had departed from her self , when she was in her flourishing and best estate , p. 77. 5. The succession of Bishops continued as it did before , but fitted in the form and manner of their Consecrations , according to the Rules laid down with the fourth Council of Carthage , celebrated Anno 407. or thereabouts , and generally received in all the Provinces of the Western Church , as appears by the Book of Consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops , &c. Approved first by the Book of Articles , and confirmed in Parliament , Anno 5.6 , Edw. VI. as afterwards justified by the Articles of Religion agreed upon in Convocation in Queen Elizabeths time , Anno 1562. And by an Act of Parliament in the 8th . Year of her Reign , accounted of as part of our Publick Liturgies . And by that book it will appear , that Bishops were then looked upon as a distinct Order of themselves , and not as a different degree only amongst the rest of the Presbyters ; For in the Preface to that Book , it is said expresly , That it is evident to all men , diligently reading Holy Scripture , and Ancient Authors , that from the Apostles time there have been these Orders of Ministers in the Church of Christ , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons : Not long after which , it followeth thus , viz. And therefore to the intent these Orders should be continued , and reverently used and esteemed in the Church of England , it is requisite , that no man ( not being at this present , Bishop , Priest , or Deacon ) shall execute any of them , except he be Called , Tryed , and Examined , according to the form hereafter following . But because perhaps it will be said that the Preface is no part of the Book , which stands approved by the Articles of the Church , and established by the Laws of the Land , let us next look into the Body of the Book it self , where , in the Form of Consecrating of Arch-Bishops , or Bishops , we finde a Prayer in these words , viz. Almighty God , giver of all good things , who hast appointed divers Orders of Ministers in thy Church , Mercifully behold this thy Servant , now called to the Work and Ministry of a Bishop , and replenish him so with the truth of Doctrine , and Innocency of Life , that both by word and deed he may faithfully serve thee in this Office , &c. Here we have three Orders of Ministers , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons ; the Bishop differing as much in Order from the Priest , as the Priest differs in Order from the Deacon ; which might be further made apparent in the different Forms used in Ordering of the Priests and Deacons , and the form prescribed for the Consecration of an Arch-Bishop , or Bishop , were not this sufficient . 6. But though the Presbyters or Priests , were both in Order and Degree beneath the Bishops , and consequently not enabled to exercise any publick Jurisdiction in Foro judicii , in the Courts of Judicature : yet they retained their native and original power in Foro Conscientiae , in the Court of Conscience , by hearing the confession of a sorrowful and afflicted Penitent , and giving him the comfort of Absolution , a power conferred upon them in their Ordination ; in the Form whereof , it is prescribed that the Bishop , and the assisting Presbyters , shall lay their Hands upon the Head of the Party who is to be Ordained Priest , the Bishop only saying these words , viz. Receive the Holy Ghost , whose sins thou doest forgive they are forgiven , and whose sins thou doest retain , they are retained ; In the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost , Amen . Which words had been impertinently , and unsignificantly used , if the Priest received nor thereby power to absolve a sinner , upon the sense of his sincere and true repentance , manifested in Confession , or in any other way whatsoever . And this appears yet further by the direction of the Church , in point of Practice ; For first , it is advised in the end of the second Exhortation before the receiving of the Communion , that if any of the people cannot otherwise quiet his own Conscience , he should repair unto his Curate , or some other discreet and learned Minister of Gods Word , and open his grief , that he may receive such Ghostly counsel , and advice , and comforts , as his Conscience may be relieved , and that by the Ministry of Gods Word , he may receive comfort , and the benefit of Absolution , to the quieting of his Conscience , and avoiding all scruple and doubtfulness . Agreeable whereunto is that memorable saying of St. Augustine , viz. Qui confiteri vult ut inveniat gratiam , qu●erat sacerdotem . Secondly , It is prescribed in the Visitation of the Sick , That the Sick person shall make a special Confession , if he feel his Conscience troubled with any weighty matter , and that the Priest shall thereupon Absolve him in this manner following , Our Lord Jesus Christ , who hath left power to his Church to Absolve all Sinners which truly repent and believe in him , of his great Mercy forgive thee thy Offences ; and by his Authority committed to me , I Absolve thee from all thy Sins , in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost , Amen . Which form of Absolution , is plainly Authoritative , and not Declarative only , ( such as that is which follows the General Confession , in the beginning of the Morning and Evening Prayer ) as some men would have it . 7. Now that the Penitent , as well in the time of Health , as in extremity of Sickness , may pour his Sins into the Bosom of the Priest , with the more security ; it is especially provided , by the 113 Canon of the Year 1603. That if any man Confess his secret and hidden sins to the Minister , for the unburthening of his Conscience , and to receive spiritual Consolation and ease of Minde from him , we do not any way binde the said Minister by this our Constitution : but do streightly charge and admonish him that he do not at any time reveal and make known to any person whatsoever any Crime or Offence so committed to his secresie , ( except they be such Crimes as by the Laws of this Realm his own Life may be called in question for concealing the same ) under the pain of Irregularity . And by incurring the condition of Irregularity , the party offending doth not only forfeit all the Ecclesiastical Preferments which he hath at the present , but renders himself uncapable of receiving any other for the time to come . Confession made upon such security will be as saving to the Fame of the Penitent , as the Absolution to his Soul. In which respect it was neither untruly nor unfitly said by a learned Writer , Dominus sequitur servum , &c. Heaven ( saith he ) waits and expects the Priests Sentence here on Earth ; for the Priest sits Judge on Earth , the Lord follows the Servant : and what the Servant bindes or looseth here on Earth ( Clave non errante ) that the Lord confirms in Heaven . 8. The like Authority is vested in the Priest or Presbyter at his Ordination for officiating the Divine Service of the Church , offering the Peoples Prayers to God , Preaching the Word , and Ministring the Holy Sacraments in the Congregation ; Which Offices , though they may be performed by the Bishops , as well as the Presbyters : yet they perform them not as Bishops , but as Presbyters only . And this appears plainly by the Form of their Ordination , in which it is prescribed , that the Bishops putting the Bible into their hands , shall pronounce these words , Take thou authority to preach the Word , and Minister the Holy Sacraments in the Congregation where thou shalt be so appointed . In the officiating of which Acts of Gods Divine Service , the Priest , or Presbyter is enjoyned to wear a Surplice of white Linnen Cloath , to testifie the purity of Doctrine , and innocency of Life and Conversation , which ought to be in one of that Holy Profession . And this St. Ierome tells us in the general , Religionem Divinam alterum habitum habere in ministerio , alterum in usu vitaque communi : that is to say , that in the Act of Ministration , they used a different habit , from what they use to wear at ordinary times . and what this different habit was , he tells us more particularly in his reply against Pelagius , who it seems dislik't it ; and askt him what offence he thought it could be to God , that Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , or those of any inferiour Order , in Administratione sacrificiorum candida veste processerint , did in the ministration of the Sacraments bestir themselves in a white Vesture ; so he advers . Pelag Lib. 2. with which compare St. Chrysostom in his 83 Homily on St. Matthews Gospel , for the Eastern Churches : And hereunto the Cope was added in some principal Churches , especially in the Celebration of the Blessed Eucharist . Both which appear most evidently by the first Liturgy of K. Edw. 6. compared with one of the last clauses of the Act of Parliament , 1 Eliz. c. 2. in which it is provided , that such ornaments of the Church and of the Ministers shall be retained and be in use , as were in the Church of England by Authority of Parliament in the second year of the Reign of King Edw. vi . But this Vestur● having been discontinued ( I know not by what fatal negligence ) many years together , it pleased the Bishops and Clergy in the Convocation , Anno 1603. to pass a Canon to this purpose , viz. That in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches the Holy Communion shall be administred upon principal Feast dayes , sometimes by the Bishops , &c. and that the principal Minister using a decent Cope , &c. Canon 24. 9. In that part of Divine Service which concerns the offering of the peoples Prayers to Almighty God , it was required of the Priest or Presbyter ; first , that in all the dayes and times appointed , he used the Prayers prescribed in the publick Liturgy , according to the Act of Parliament , 1 Eliz. c. 2. and many subsequent Canons and Constitutions , made in that behalf . Secondly , That he conformed himself to those Rites and Ceremonies , which were prescribed in that Book , and unto such as should be afterwards ordained by the Queens Majesty , with the advice of her Commissioners appointed , and authorized under the great Seal of England , for causes Ecclesiastical , or of the Metropolitan of this Realm , as may be most for the advancement of Gods Glory , the edifying of his Church , and the due reverence of Christs Holy Mysteries and Sacraments . And thirdly , and more particularly , That in his reading of the Prayers and Psalms , he turn his face toward the East , and toward the People in the reading of the Lessons or Chapters , as appears plainly by the Rubrick which directs him thus , That after the reading of the Psalms , the Priest shall read two Lessons distinctly , that the people may hear ; the Priest that reads the two Lessons standing , and turning himself so as he may best be heard of all such as be present . The Psalms or Hymns to be indifferently said or sung at the will of the Minister ; but the Hymns for the most part sung with Organs , and sometimes with other Musical Instruments ; both in the Royal Chappels and Cathedral Churches . Fourthly , That he makes use of no other Prayers in the Congregation ; ( and therefore neither before nor after Sermon ) then those which are prescribed in the said Book of Common Prayer : it being specially provided in the Act aforesaid , that no Priest , nor Minister shall use any other Rite , Ceremony , Order , Form , or manner of Celebrating the Lords Supper openly , or privately , or Mattens , Evening Song , Administration of the Sacraments , or other open Prayers ( that is to say , such Prayers as are meant for others to come unto or hear , either in common Churches , or private Chappels , &c. ) then is mentioned or set forth in the same Book . Fifthly , That all Priests and Deacons shall be bound to say daily the Morning and Evening Prayer , either privately or openly , except they be lett by Preaching , studying of Divinity , or some other urgent cause . And sixthly , That the Curate that ministreth in every Parish Church , or Chappel , being at home , and not being otherwise reasonably letted , shall say the same in the Parish Church or Chappel where he ministreth , and shall toll a Bell thereto at convenient time , before he begin , that such as ar● disposed , may come to hear Gods Word , and pray with him ; so as in some cases it may be said of the Priest , as the Father doth of Christ , that he is , Os ipsum per quod loquimur , The very mouth by which we speak unto our Father which is in Heaven . And though it be intended in the Act of Parliament , and exprest in the Articles of Religion , that the Prayers are to be made in such a tongue as may be understood of the common people ; yet it is not meant as is declared in the Preface to the Book it self , but that when men say Morning and Evening Prayers privately , they may say the same in any language that they themselves understand . Nor was it meant but that the Morning and Evening Service might be used in the Colledges and Halls of either University in the Latine tongue , where all may be supposed to understand it ; as appears clearly by the constant and continual practise of Christ-Church in Oxon , in which the first Morning Prayers commonly read about six of the Clock , were in Latine : the Morning and Evening Service , with the Psalms of David , being printed in Latine by themselves for that end and purpose . 10. As for the Preaching of the Word , that belongs properly and originally ( as the performance of all other Divine Offices did of old ) to the Bishops themselves , as being the ordinary Pastors of the several and respective Diocesses ; and to the Priests no otherwise then by deputation , as Curates , and substitutes to the Bishops , as may be proved out of the Instrument of their Institution . For when a Clerk is to be admitted into any Benefice , he puts himself upon his knees ; and the Bishop laying one Hand upon his Head , and having the Instrument in the other , repeats these words , viz. Te N. N. ad Rectoriam , de N. Ritè & Canonicè instituimus , curam & regimen animarum Parochianorum ibidem tibi in Domino committentes , & committimus per presentes ; that is to say , that he doth institute him into the said Benefice , according to the Laws and Canons ; committing to him by these presents , the care and Government of the Souls of all the Parishioners therein : And therefore it concerns the Bishop not to Licence any man to Preach to the Congregation , of whose good affections to the Publick , abilities in Learning , sobriety of Life and Conversation , and conformity to the Government , Discipline , and form of Worship here by Law established , he hath not very good assurance . For though the Priest or Presbyter by his Ordination hath Authority to preach the word of God in the Congregation , yet it is with this clause of Limitation , If he shall be so appointed ; that is to say , sufficiently Licenced thereunto and not otherwise . And none were Licenced heretofore , as was expresly ordered in the injunctons of Edward VI. and Queen Elizabeth , but either by the Bishop of the Diocess , who is to answer by the Law ( for every Minister he admits into the same ) for that Diocess only : or by the Metropolitan of the Province , for that Province alone ; or finally by either of the Universities ( upon the well performing of some publick exercise ) over all the Kingdom . Considering therefore that every man that could pronounce well , was not found able to endite , and every man that could endite , not being to be trusted in a business of such weight and moment ; it seemed good in the Wisdom of the first Reformers to compile some good and profitable Sermons ( called by the name of Homilies ) to be read carefully and distinctly on the Sundayes and Holy dayes for the instruction of the people . 11. Such course was taken for the peace and edification of the Church by the first Reformers , , not only in the choice of the men to whom they gave Licences to preach , but in supplying the defect and want of such preaching by the Book of Homilies : and they had as great a care too for the keeping the people in good stomach , not cloying them with continual Preaching , or Homilizing : but limiting them to once a day , as appears by the Rubrick after the Nicene ( or rather the Constantinopolitan Creed . ) One Sermon or Homily in the mornings of Sundayes and other Holy dayes , for the edification of the ●lder ; and Catechizing by way of question and answer in the afternoon , for the instruction of the younger , was esteemed sufficient . Lectures upon the week dayes were not raised upon this foundation , but were brought in afterwards , borrowed by Travers and the ●est , toward the latter end of Queen Elizabeths Reign , from the new fashions of Geneva ; the Lecturer being super-added to the Parson , or Vicar , as the Doctor was unto the Pastor in some forreign Churches . Nor were they raised so much out of care and conscience , for training up the people in the wayes of Faith and Piety , as to advance a Faction , and to alienate the peoples mindes from the Government and Forms of Worship here by Law established . For these Lecturers having no dependance upon the Bishops , nor taking the Oath of Canonical Obedience to them , nor subscribing to the doctrine and establisht Ceremonies , made it their work to please those Patrons , on whose arbitrary maintenance they were planted , and consequently to carry on the Puritan interest , which their Patron drove at . A generation of men neither Lay , nor Clergy , having no place at all in the Prayers of the Church , where we finde mention only of Bishops , Pastors , and Curates ; nor being taken notice of in the terms of Law , as being neither Parsons , nor Vicars : or , to speak them in the vulgar proverb , neither flesh , nor fish , nor good red herring : No creature in the world so like them as the Bats , or Reremice ; being neither Birds , nor Beasts , and yet both together . Had these men been looked upon in time , before their numbers were increased , and their power grown formidable , before the people went a madding after new inventions , most of the mischiefs which have thence ensued might have been prevented . And had there been more reading of Homilies in which the Reader speaks the sense of the Church ; and not so much of Sermonizing , in which the Preacher many times speaks his own factious and erron●ous sense ; the people might have been trained up in no less knowledge , but in much more obedience then they have been in these latrer times . 12. As for the Sacraments which were advanced to the number of seven in the Church of Rome , this Church hath brought them back to two ( as generally necessary to salvation ) Baptisme , and the Holy Supper : Four of the rest , that is to say , Marriage , Orders , Confirmation , and the Visitation ( though not the Extream Vnction ) of the Sick being retained under the name of Sacramentals in our publick Liturgy : Of which the Book of Consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops , &c. is by the Act of Parliament 8 Eliz. c. 1. affirmed to be a Supplement , or Additional only ( added , put to , and annexed , as the words do vary ) to the said Book of Common-Prayer . And of these four , two are reserved unto the Bishop , that is to say , Confirmation , and the giving of Orders ; the other two , viz. Marriage , and the Visitation of the Sick , being common to both alike , though executed in the most part by the Presbyter only . Of those reserved unto the Bishop , the one is so reserved ad necessitatem operis , because it cannot be done without him : the other ad honorem sacerdotii ( as the Schools distinguish ) because it cannot be well done but by him . Touching the first , we have the general consent of all ancient Writers , and the example of Coluthus , who took upon him the ordaining of Presbyters , contrary to the Rules of the Church , and the Canons of th● most famous Councils . But when the business came to be examined , his Ordinations were declared to be null and void , because he was a Presbyter only , and not a Bishop ; as is affirmed by Athanasius in Apol. 2. The other grounded on the 8th . Chapter of the Acts , as St Cyprian in his 73. Epistle tells us ; where Peter and Iohn are said to have laid hands on them in Samaria , which had been before Baptized in the Name of the Lord Iesus , that they might receive the Holy Ghost , and that by laying on of their hands they did receive the Holy Ghost accordingly , verse 16 , 17. Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur , &c. Which is also done , saith St. Cyprian ( and Cyprian flourisht in the middle of the third Century ) amongst our selves , when they which be already Baptized , are brought unto the Prelates of the Church ( Praepositis Ecclesiae offeruntur ) that by our Prayer and Imposition of our hands they may receive the Holy Ghost , and be strengthened by the Seal of the Lord. Upon which grounds ( be●i●●●●he great antiquity of it ) it was retained by the first Reformers , as in the Rubrick before Confirmation , in the Common-Prayer-Book . And ●ad it been as diligently practised by the Bishops in the declining times of this Church , as it was piously and religiously retained by them , it would have much conduced to their sa●e standing in the Church , and procured a greater veneration to their Persons also . The other two , viz. Marriage , and the Visitation of the Sick , together with the Burial of the Dead , and the Churching of Women after Child-birth , are left to the officiating of the Priest , or Parochial Minister , unless the Bishop please to take that work upon himself in some certain cases . 13. But as for Penance ( one of the seven Sacraments in the Church of Rome ) we must look upon in a double capacity . First , As it was solemnly performed on Ashwednesday , as a preparative to the approaching Feast of Easter ; the people humbling themselves before the Lord in Sackcloth and Ashes , whence it had the name . And secondly , As imposed on such particular persons , as lay under the censures of the Church . Touching the first , it is related in the beginning of the Commination , that in the Primitive Church there was a godly Discipline , That at the beginning of Lent , such persons as were notorious sinners were put to open Penance , and punished in this world , that their Souls might be saved in the day of the Lord , and that others admonished by their example might be the more afraid to offend . The Restitution of which godly Discipline , though they much desired ; yet finding that the times were not like to bear it , they contented themselves with prescribing a form of Commination , to be observed upon that day , containing a recital of Gods Curses thundered out against impenitent Sinners , to be publickly read out of the Pulpit , by the Priest or Presbyter ; subjoyning thereunto one of the Penitential Psalms , with certain Prayers which had been used in the Formularies of the times foregoing ; and then proceeding to the Epistle and Gospel ( with the rest of the Communion Service ) appointed for the first day of Lent in the publick Liturgy . As for the other sort of Penance , there was not any thing more frequent in the practice of the Church , and the dispensation of the Keyes , then the imposing of it by the Bishops and their Officers , upon Adulterers , Fornicators , and such as otherwise have given scandal by their irregular course of life , or by their obstinate inconformity to the Rites and Ceremonies here by Law establisht : upon performance of which Penance in the face of the Church , or in the way of Commutation for the use of the poor , they were to have the benefit of Absolution , and consequently be restored to the peace and bosom of the Church . And though there be no form prescribed in our Liturgy , for the reconciling of a Penitent after the performance of his Penance , which I have many times wondered at ; yet so much care was taken in the Convocation of the year 1640. that no Absolution should be given , but by the Bishop himself in person , or by some other in Holy Orders , having Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , or by some grave Minister , ( being a Master of Arts at the least ) and Beneficed within the Diocess , to be appointed by the Bishop , the same to be performed in the open Consistory , or some Church or Chappel , the Penitent humbly craving , and taking it upon his knees , Can. 13. Which was as much as could be done in that point of time . 14. Such being the duty of the Priest , we shall next look upon the place and times in which they are to be performed ; the place of publick Worship they call generally ( according to the style of the ancient Fathers ) by the name of the Church . For consecrating or setting apart whereof to Religious uses , I finde so great authority in the Primitive times , as will sufficiently free it from the guilt of Popery : Witness the testimony which Pope Pius gives of his Sister Eutorepia , in an Epistle to Iustus Viennensis , Anno 158. or thereabouts , for setting apart her own House for the use and service of the Church : Witness the testimony which Metaphrastes gives of Felix the first , touching his Consecrating of the house of Cicilia , about the year 272. And that which Damasus gives unto Marcellinus , who succeeded Felix , for consecrating the house of Lucinia for Religious uses : witness the famous consecration of the Temple of the Holy Martyrs in Ierusalem , founded by Constantine the Great , at which almost all the Bishops in the Eastern parts were summoned , and called together by the Emperors Writ : and finally ( not to descend to the following times ) witness the 89th Sermon of St. Ambrose , entituled , De Dedicatione Basilicae , Preached at the Dedication of a Church built by Vitalianus and Majanus , and the invitation of Paulinus , another Bishop of that Age , made by Sulpitius Severus his especial Friend , Ad Basilicam quae pro rexerat , in nomine Domini consummabitur , dedicandum , to be present at the Dedication of a Church of his foundation : which Dedications , as they were solemnized with Feastings , for entertainment of the company which resorted to them ; so were those Feasts perpetuated in succeeding Ages by an annual Repetition , or Remembrance of them : such annual Dedication-Feasts being called in England , Wakes , or Revels , and in some places only Feasts , according the style and phrase of their several Countries . I must confess that there occurs no form of such Consecration in our English Liturgies : those times were more inclinable to the pulling down of old Churches , then building of new ; witness the demolition of so many Hospitals , Chanteries , and Free Chappels in the unfortunate minority of King Edward vi . But when the times were better settled , and that new Churches began to be erected , and the old ones to be repaired , some Bishops made a Form of Consecrating to be used by themselves on such occasions . And others followed a Form composed by Bishop Andrews ; a man as much averse as any , from the Corruptions and Superstitions of the Church of Rome . But if the Convocation of the Year 1640. had not been so precipitated to a speedy conclusion by the tumults of unruly people , it is probable , if not certain , that a Canon had been passed for digesting an uniform order of such Consecrations , as there was made a body of Visitation-Articles for the publick use of all that exercised Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , which every Bishop and Arch-Deacon had before fashioned for themselves . 15. Next to the Consecration of Churches , follows in course the necessary repair and adorning of them ; not only required by several Canons and Injunctions of Queen Elizabeths time , the Canons of the Year 1603. and some Rubricks in the Book of Common-Prayer ; but also by some Homilies which were made of purpose to excite the people thereunto : that is to say , the Homilies of the right use of the Church , for repairing and keeping clean the Church , and of the time and place of Prayer . The question is , whether the use of painted Images on the Walls or Windows were tolerated or forbidden by the Rule of the Reformation ; They which conceive them to have been forbidden by the Rules of the Church , alledge for defence of their opinion , the Queens injunction , published in the first year of her Reign , Anno 1559. the Articles of the Regal Visitation following thereupon , and the main scope of the three Homilies against the peril of Idolatry . In the first of which it was ordered , first , That to the intent that all Superstition , and Hypocrisie crept into divers mens hearts might vanish away , no Ecclesiastical persons should set forth or extol the Dignity of any Images , Reliques , or Miracles ; but declaring the abuse of the same , they shall teach that all goodness , health , and grace ought to be both asked and looked for only of God as the very author and giver of the same , and of none other . Num. 2. And secondly , That they shall take away , utterly extinct , and destroy all Shrines , coverings of Shrines , all Tables , Candlesticks , Trindals , and Rolls of Wax , Pictures , Paintings , and all other Monuments of fained Miracles , Pilgrimages , Idolatry , and Superstition ; so that there remain no memory of the same , in Walls , Glass-Windows , or elsewhere , within their Churches and Houses ; preserving and repairing nevertheless both the Walls and Glass-Windows : and that they should exhort all their Parishioners to do the like , within their several Houses , Num. 23. For which last , there follows afterwards a more special Injunction , Numb . 35. According whereunto this Article was framed to the Visitation . viz. Whither in all Churches , and Chappels , all Images , Shrines , Tables , Candlesticks , Trindals , and Rolls of Wax , Pictures , Paintings , and other Monuments of feigned and false Miracles , Pilgrimages , Idolatry , and Superstition , were removed , abolished , and destroyed , Numb . 2. But these objections carried their own answers in them , it being manifest by the words both of the Articles and Injunctions , that it never was the meaning of the Queen , her Councel , or Commissioners , to condemn , abolish , or deface all Images , either of Christ himself , or of any of the Prophets , Apostles , Martyrs , Confessors , and other godly Fathers in the Church of Christ ; the abuse whereof is ordered to be reformed by the first Injunction , but only to remove such Pictures of false and feigned Miracles , as had no truth of being , or existence in Nature ; and therefore were the more abused to Superstition , and Idolatry in the times of Popery . In answer to such passages as are alledged out the said Homilies , it is replyed ; first , that is confessed in the beginning of the last of the said three Homilies , that Images in Churches are not simply forbidden by the New Testament , Hom. Fol. 39. And therefore no offence committed against the Gospel , if they be used only for History , Example , and stirring up of pure Devotion in the souls of men ; in which respect called not unfitly by Pope Gregory , The Lay-mans Books . Secondly , The Compilers of those Homilies were the more earnest in point of removing or excluding Images , the better to wean the People from the sin of Idolatry , in which they had been trained up from their very infancy , and were not otherwise to be weaned from it , then by taking away the occasions of it . And thirdly , All that vehemence is used against them ; not as intollerable in themselves , but as they might be made in those broken and unsettled times an occasion of falling , before men could be fully instructed in the right use of them ; as appears plainly by these passages , viz. Our Images also have been , and be , ( and if they be publickly suffered in Churches , and Chappels ) ever will be also worshipped , and so Idolatry committed to them , p. 13. So hard it is , and indeed impossible any long time to have Images publickly in Churches and Temples without Idolatry , fol. 33. And finally by the passage which before we touched at , where after much vehemency , not only against Idolatry and Worshipping of Images , but also against Idols and Images themselves , the heats thereof are qualified by this expression , viz , I mean alwayes thus herein , in that we be stirred and provoked by them , to worship them ; and not as though they were simply forbidden by the New Testament , without such occasion and danger , ibid. fol. 39. And thereupon it is first alledged by those of contrary judgment , that all such as lived in times of Popery , being long since dead , and the people of this last age sufficiently instructed in the unlawfulness of worshipping such painted Images , they may be lawfully used in Churches , without fear of Idolatry , which seems to have been the main inducement for their first defacing . Secondly , Many of the Eastern Churches , which notwithstanding do abominate the Superstitions of the Church of Rome , retained the use of painted Images , though they reject those which were cut , and carved . Thirdly , That Images are still used in the Lutheran Churches , upon which our first Reformers had a special eye ; and that Luther much reproved Carolostadius for taking them out of such Churches , where before they had been suffered to stand , letting him know , Ex mentibus hominum potius removendas , that the worship of Images , was rather to be taken out of mens mindes by diligent and painful preaching , then the Images themselves to be so rashly , and unadvisedly cast out of the Churches . That painted Images were not only retained in the Chappels of the Queen , and of many great men of the Realm , in most of the Cathedral Churches , and in some private Churches and Chappels also , without any defacing ( witness the curious painted Glass in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury , the Parish Church of Faireford in the County of Glocester , and the Chappel of the Holy Ghost , near Basingstoke ) but a rich and massy Crucifix was kept for many years together , on the Table or Altar of the Chappel Royal in Whitehal ( as appears by Saunders and Du Chesne ) till it was broke in pieces by Pach , the Queens Fool ( when no wiser man could be got to do it ) upon the secret instigation of Sir Francis Knollis : and finally , it appears by the Queens Injunctions , that the Priests being commanded not to extol the dignity of any Images , Relicks , &c. and the people diligently to teach , that all Goodness , Health , and Grace ought to be asked and looked for only at the hands of God , whereby all Superstition might be taken out of their hearts , the Images might lawfully remain as well in publick Churches , as in private Houses , as they had done formerly . 16. As for the times of publick Worship , we must behold them in their Institution , and their Observation . And first , as for their Institution it is agreed on of all hands , that the Annual Feasts , Saints Dayes , or Holy Dayes , as now commonly called , do stand on no other ground then the Authority of the Church , which at first ordained them ; some in one age , and some in another , till they grow unto so great a number , that it was thought fit by King Henry viii . and afterwards by King Edward vi . to abolish such of them as might best be spared . Nor stands the Sunday , or Lords Day ( according to the Doctrine of the Church of England ) on any other ground then the rest of the Holy dayes ; for in the Homily touching the time and place of Prayer , it is thus doctrinally resolved , viz. As concerning the time in which God hath appointed his people to assemble together solemnly , it doth appear by the fourth Commandment , &c. Which Example and Commandment of God , the godly Christian people began to follow , after the Ascension of our Lord Christ , and began to chuse them a standing day in the week to come together in ; yet not the seventh day , which the Jews kept , but the Lords day , the day of the Lords Resurrection , the day after the seventh day , which is the first day of the week , &c. This makes the matter clear enough , and yet the Statute 5 and 6 of Edw. vi . in which all the Prelates did concur with the other Estates , makes it clearer then the Homily doth Forasmuch ( saith the Statute ) as men be not at all times so mindeful to laud and praise God , so ready to resort to hear Gods holy Word , and come to the holy Communion , &c. as their bounden duty doth require ; therefore to call men to remembrance of their duty , and to help their infirmities , it hath been wholesomely provided , that there should be some certain dayes and times appointed wherein Christians should cease from all kindes of labour , and apply themselves only and wholly unto the aforesaid holy works properly pertaining to true Religion , &c. Neither is it to be thought that there is any certain times or definite number of dayes prescribed in Holy Scripture : but the appointment both of the time , and also of the number of dayes , is left by the Authority of Gods Word , unto the Liberty of Christs Church to be determined and assigned orderly in every Countrey by the discretion of the Rulers and Ministers thereof , as they shall judge most expedient to the setting forth of Gods Glory , and the edification of their people . Now for the number and particularities of those dayes which were required to be kept holy to the Lord , they are thus specified and enumerated in the Common-Prayer-Book , confirmed by Parliament in that year . These to be kept Holy Dayes , and no other ; that is to say , all Sundayes in the Year , the Feast of the Circumcision of our Lord and Saviour , the Feast of the Epiphany , &c. Which specification and enumeration , is made also in the aforesaid Statute . 17. As for the observation of those dayes , there was no difference made between them by the first Reformers ; the same Divine Offices prescribed for both ; the diligent attendance of the people required in both ; the penalties upon such as wilfully and frequently did absent themselves , were the same for both ; and finally the works of necessary labour no more restrained upon the one then upon the other . For first it is declared in the foresaid Homily , that Christian People are not tyed so streightly to observe and keep the other Ceremonies of the Sabbath day , as were the Iews , as touching the forbearing of the work and labour in time of great necessity , &c. Secondly , and more particularly in the Statute before-mentioned we finde it thus , viz. That it shall be lawful for every Husband-man , Fisher-man , and to all and every other person or persons , of what Estate , Degree , or Condition he or they be upon the Holy Dayes aforesaid ( of which the Lords Day is there reckoned for one ) in Harvest , or at any other times in the Year , when necessity shall so require , to Labour , Ride , Fish , or Work any kinde of Work at their own will and pleasure . Thirdly , It is ordered in the Injunctions of the said King Edw. vi . that it shall be lawful for the people in time of Harvest to labour upon Holy and Festival Dayes , and save that thing which God hath sent ; and that scrupulosity to abstain from working on those dayes , doth grievously offend God. Fourthly , We finde the like in the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth , published with the advice of her Council , Anno 1559. Being the first year of her Reign , viz. That all persons , Vicars , Curates , shall teach and declare unto their Parishioners , that they may with a safe and quiet conscience after Common-Prayer in the time of Harvest labour upon the Holy and Festival Dayes , and save that thing which God hath sent . And if for any scrupulosity or grudge of Conscience , men shall superstitiously abstain from working on those dayes , that then they should grievously offend and displease God. And as for the practice of the Court , it was ordered by the said King Edward , That the Lords of the Council should upon Sunday attend the publick affairs of the Realm , and dispatch answers to Letters for the good order of the State , and make full dispatches of all things concluded in the Week before : Provided , that they be present at Common-Prayers , and that on every Sunday night the Kings Secretary should deliver him a memorial of such things as were to be debated in the Privy Council the week ensuing . Which course of meeting in the Council on Sunday in the afternoon , hath been continued in the Court , from the time of the said King Edward the vi . to the death of King Charles , without dislike or interruption . If then the Country people in some times and cases were permitted to employ themselves in bodily labour on the Sundayes and other Holy Dayes ; and if the Lords of the Council did meet together on those dayes to consult about affairs of State , as we see they did , there is no question to be made but that all man-like exercises , all lawful Recreations and honest Pastimes were allowed of also . 18. As for the duties of the people in those times and places , it was expected at their hands , that due and lowly reverence should be made at their first entrance into the Church ; the place on which they stood , being by Consecration made Holy Ground , and the business which they came about being holy business . For this there was no Rule nor Rubrick made by the first Reformers , and it was not necessary that there should ; the practice of Gods people in that kinde being so universal , Vi Catholicae consuetudinis , by vertue of a general and continual usage , that there was no need of any Canon to enjoyn them to it : Nothing more frequent in the Writings of the ancient Fathers then Adoration toward the East , which drew the Primitive Christians into some suspicion of being Worshippers of the Sun , Inde suspicio , quod innotuerit nos versus orientis regionem praecari , as Tertullian hath it . And though this pious custom began to be disused , and was almost discontinued , yet there remains some footsteps of it to this very day . For first , It was observed by the Knights of the most noble Order of the Garter , ( who I am sure hate nothing more then Superstitious Vanities ) at their approaches toward the Altar in all the Solemnities of that Order . Secondly , In the Offerings or Oblations made by the Vice-Chancellor , the Proctors , and all Proceeders in the Arts and Faculties at the Act at Oxon. And thirdly , By most Countrey Women , who in the time of my first remembrance , and a long time after , made their obeysance toward the East , before they betook themselves to their Seats ; though it was then taken ( or mistaken rather ) for a Courtesie made unto the Minister ; revived more generally in these latter times ( especially amongst the Clergy ) by the Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews , a man as much verst in Primitive Antiquity , and as abhorrent from any thing which was meerly Popish , as the greatest Precisian in the Pack . Which point I finde exceedingly well applyed , and prest in the Speech made by this Arch-Bishop , at the Censure of Dr. Bastwick , Mr. Burton , on Iune 26. 1637. Who speaking to such of the Lords as were Knights of the Garter , he accosts them thus , And you ( saith he ) my Honourable Lords of the Garter , in your great solemnities , you do reverence , and to Almighty God I doubt not : but yet it is versus Altare , toward the Altar , &c. And this your reverence you do when you enter the Chappel , and when you approach nearer to offer , &c. And Idolatry it is not to worship God toward his Holy Table ; for if it had been Idolatry , I presume Queen Elizabeth , and King Iames would not have practised it , no not in this great Solemnity . And being not Idolatry , but true Divine Worship , you will I hope give a poor Priest leave to Worship God as your selves do . For if it be Gods Worship , I ought to do it as well as you , and if it be Idolatry , you ought not to do it more then I. 19. This duty being performed at their first entrance into the Church , it was next required by the Rubrick , that they should reverently kneel at the reading of the publick Prayers , and in the receiving of the Holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper ; that they should stand up at the reading of the Apostles Creed ; and consequently at the Athanasian and Nicene also , which are as Commentaries on that Text ; as also at the frequent Repetitions of the Gloria Patri , which is an Abridgement of the same . And in the next place it was required by the Queens Injunctions , That whensoever the Name of Iesus shall be in any Lesson , Sermon , or otherwise , in the Church pronounced , that due reverence be made of all persons , young and old , with lowness of courtesie , and uncovering the heads of the mankinde , as thereunto doth necessarily belong , and heretofore hath been accustomed . In which it is to be observed , that though this Injunction was published in the first year of the Queen , yet then this bowing at the Name of Iesus was lookt on as an ancient custom ; not only used in Queen Maries Reign , but also in King Edwards time , and in those before . And in this case , and in that before , and in all others of that nature , it is a good and certain rule , that all such Rites as had been practised in the Church of Rome , and not abolisht , nor disclaimed by any Doctrine , Law , or Canon of the first Reformers , were to continue in the same state in which they found them . But this commendable custom , together with all other outward reverence in Gods publick Service , being every day more and more discontinued , as the Puritan Faction got ground amongst us , it seemed good to the Prelates , and Clergy , assembled in Convocation , Anno 1603. to revive the same with some enlargement , as to the uncovering of the Head in all the acts and parts of publick worship . For thus we have it in the 18. Canon of that year , viz. No man shall cover his head in the Church or Chappel in time of Divine Service , except he have some Infirmity ; in which case let him wear a night Cap or Coife . And likewise when the Name of Iesus shall be mentioned , due and lowly reverence shall be done by all persons present , as it hath been accustomed ; testifying by this outward Ceremony , and Gesture , their inward Humility , Christian Resolution , and due acknowledgement , that the Lord Iesus Christ the true and eternal Son of God is the only Saviour of the world , in whom alone all Graces , Mercies , and Promises of Gods love to mankinde for this life , and the life to come , are wholly comprised . In which Canon , we have not only the Doctrine , that bowing is to be used to the Name of Iesus , but the uses also ; and not alone the custom , but the reasons of it : both grounded on that Text of Scripture , Phil. 2.10 . that at the Name of IESVS every knee should bow , according to such expositions as were made thereof by St. Ambrose , and others of the ancient Writers . 20. In matters which were meerly doctrinal , and not practical also , so , the first Reformers carried on the work with the same equal temper , as they did those which were either mixt or meerly practical . And first , beginning with the Pope , having discharged themselves from the Supremacy , which in the times foregoing he had exercised over them in this Kingdom ; I finde no Declaration in any publick Monument , or Records of the Church of England , that the Pope was Antichrist , whatsoever some of them might say in their private Writings ; some hard expressions there are of him in the Book of Homilies , but none more hard then those in the publick Litany , first published by King Hen. viii . at his going to Bolongue , and afterwards retained in both Liturgies of King Edward vi . In which the people were to pray for their deliverance from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome , and his detestable enormities , &c. This was conceived to be ( as indeed it was ) a very great scandal and offence to all those in the Realm of England , who were well affected to the Church of Rome ; and therefore in the Liturgy of Queen Elizabeth it was quite left out , the better to allure them to the Divine Service of the Church as at first it did : And for the Church of Rome it self , they beheld it with no other eyes , then as a Member of the visible Church , which had for many hundred years maintained the Fundamentals of the Christian Faith , though both unsound in Doctrine and corrupt in Manners : Just as a man distempered in his Brain , Diseased in all the parts of his Body , and languishing under many putrified Sores , doth still retain the being of a natural man as long as he hath sense and motion , and ( in his lucid intervals ) some use of Reason . They tell us in the 19. Article , that the Church of Rome hath erred not only in their living and manner of Ceremonies , but in matters of Faith. But then they lookt upon her as a Member of the Visible Church , as well as those of Ierusalem , Antioch , and Alexandria , which are there affirmed to have erred also . Erre then she might , and erre she did indeed too grosly , and yet might notwithstanding serve as a conduit-pipe to convey to us many of those Primitive Truths , and many of those godly Rites and Ceremonies which she had superstitiously defiled . In which last place it was a very pious rule , that in the Reformation of a Church , abuses being taken away , the primitive Institution should be left remaining ; Tollatur abusus , maneat usus , as the saying is : and in the first , as piously observed by King Iames in the Conference at Hampton-Court , that in all Reformations , he would not have any such departure from the Papists in all things , that because we in some points agree with them , therefore we should be accounted to be in an error . Let us then see how near the first Reformers did and might come unto the Papists , and yet not joyn with them in their Errors to the betraying of the Truth . 21. The Pope they deprived of that unlimitted Supremacy , and the Church of Rome of that exorbitant power , which they formerly challenged over them ; yet did they neither think it fit to leave the Church without her lawful and just Authority ; nor sa●e to put her out of the protection of the Supream Governour . Touching the first , it was resolved in the 20. Article , " That the Church hath power not only to decree Rites and Ceremonies , but also in Controversies of Faith , as the English , Ecclesia habet Ritus & Ceremonias Statuendi jus , & in fidei controversiis Authoritatem , as it is in the Latine . And so it stands in the Original Acts of the Convocation , Anno 1562. and publisht in the self same words both in Latine and English. Afterwards in the year 1571. by the power and prevalency of some of the Genevian Faction the Articles were reprinted and this Clause left out . But the times bettering , and the Governors of the Church taking just notice of the danger which lay lurking under that omission ; there was care taken that the said clause should be restored unto its place in all following impressions of that Book , as it hath ever since continued : Nor was this part of the Article a matter of speculation only , and not reducible to practice , or if reducible to practice , not fit to be enforced upon such as gain-said the same . For in the 34. Article it is thus declared , That whosoever through his private judgement willingly and purposely doth openly break the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church , which be not repugnant unto the word of God , and be ordained and approved by common Authority , ought to be rebuked openly ( that others may fear to do the like ) as he that offendeth against the common order of the Church , and hurteth the the Authority of the Magistrate , and woundeth the Consciences of the weak Brethren . More power then this as the See of Rome did never challenge ; so less then this , was not reserved unto it self by the Church of England . And as for the Authority of the Church in controversies of Faith , the very Articles by which they declared that power ( seconded by the rest of the points which are there determined ) is a sufficient Argument , that they used and exercised that power which was there declared . And because some objection had been made both by the Papists , and those of the Genevian party , that a Papal power was granted , as at first to King Henry viii . under the name of Supream Head , so afterwards to Queen Elizabeth and her Successors ; it was thought expedient by the Church to stop that clamour at the first ; and thereupon it was declared in the Convocation of the Prelates and Clergy ( who make the representative Body of the Church of England ) in the 37. Article of the year 1562. That whereas they had attributed to the Queens Majesty the chief Government of all the Estates of this Realm , whether Ecclesiastical or Civil in all cases , they did not give unto their Princes , the ministring either of Gods Word , or of the Sacraments , but that only Prerogative which was known to have been given alwayes to all godly Princes , in Holy Scripture by God himself ; that is to say , that they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their charge by God , whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal , and restrain with the Civil Sword , the stubborn and evil doers . Less Power then this , as good Subjects could not give unto their King , so more then this hath there not been exercised or desired by the Kings of England . Such power as was by God vouchsafed to the godly Kings and Princes in Holy Scripture may serve abundantly to satisfie even the unlimited desires of the mightiest Monarch , were they as boundless as the Popes . 22. Next to the point of the Supremacy , esteemed the Principal Article of Religion in the Church of Rome , ( primus & praecipuus Romanensis fidei Articulus ) as is affirmed in the History of the Council of Trent , the most material differences betwixt them and us relate to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , and the natural efficacy of good works , in which the differences betwixt them and the first Reformers seem to be at the greatest ; though even in those they came as near to them as might stand with Piety . The Sacrament of the Lords Supper they called the Sacrament of the Altar , as appears plainly by the Statute , 1 Edward vi . entituled , An Act against such as speak unreverently against the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ , commonly called the Sacrament of the ALTAR : For which consult the Body of the Act it self . Or secondly , by Bishop Ridley ( one of the chief Compilers of the Common-Prayer-Book ) who doth not only call it the Sacrament of the Altar , affirming thus , that in the Sacrament of the Altar , is the natural Body and Blood of Christ , &c. But in his Reply to an Argument of the Bishop of Lincoln's , taken out of St. Cyril , he doth resolve it thus , viz. The word Altar in the Scripture signifieth as well the Altar whereon the Jews were wont to oder their Burnt Sacrifice , as the Table of the Lords Supper : and that St. Cyril meaneth by this word Altar , not the Iewish Altar , but the Table of the Lord , &c. Acts and Mon. part 3. p. 492. and 497. Thirdly , By Bishop Latimer his fellow Martyr who plainly grants , That the Lords Table may be called an Altar , and that the Doctors called it so in many places , though there be no propitiatory Sacrifice , but only Christ , part 2. p. 85. Fourthly , By the several affirmations of Iohn Lambert , and Iohn Philpot , two Learned and Religious men , whereof the one suffered death for Religion under Henry viii . the other in the fiery time of Queen Mary . This Sacrament being called by both , the Sacrament of the Altar in their several times : for which consult the Acts and Monuments commonly called the Book of Martyrs . And that this Sacrament might the longer preserve that name , and the Lords Supper be administred with the more solemnity , it was ordained in the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth , no Altar should be taken down , but by the over-sight of the Curate of the Church , and the Church-Wardens , or one of them at least , and that the Holy Table in every Church be decently made and set up in the place where the Altar stood , and there commonly covered as thereto belongeth . It is besides declared in the Book of Orders , Anno 1561. published about two years after the said Injunction , That in the place where the Steps were , the Communion Table should stand ; and that there shall be fixed on the Wall over the Communion Board , the Tables of Gods Precepts imprinted for the same purpose . The like occurs in the Advertisements published by the Metropolitan , and others the High Commissioners , 1565. In which it is ordered , That the Parish shall provide a decent Table , standing on a frame for the Communion Table , which they shall decently cover with a Carpet of Silk , or other decent covering , and with a white Lin●en Cloath in the time of the administration , and shall set the Ten Commandments upon the East-Wall over the said Table . All which being laid together , amounts to this , that the Communion-Table was to stand above the steps , and under the Commandments ; therefore all along the Wall , on which the Ten Commandments were appointed to be placed , which was directly where the Altar had stood before . Now that the Holy Table in what posture soever it be plac't , should not be thought unuseful at all other times , but only at the time of the Ministration ; it was appointed by the Church in its first Reformation , that the Communion-Service , commonly called the Second Service , upon all Sundayes and Holy-dayes , should be read only at the Holy Table . For first , in the last Rubrick before the beginning of that Service , it is ordered , that the Priest standing at the Holy Table shall say the Lords Prayer , with the Collect following , &c. And it is ordered in the first Rubrick after the Communion , That on the Holy Dayes ( if there be no Communion ) shall be said all that is appointed at the Communion until the end of the Homily ; concluding with the general Prayer for Christs Church Militant here on earth , and one or more of the Collects before rehearsed , as occasion shall serve . No place appointed for the reading of the second Service , but only at the Altar , or Communion Table . 24. Here then we have the Wood , the Altar ; sed ubi est victima holocausti ( as Isaac said unto his Father ) But where is the Lamb for the burnt-offering ? Gen. 22.7 . Assuredly , if the Priest and Altar be so near , the Lamb for the Burnt-Offering cannot be far off , even the most blessed Lamb of God ; which taketh away the sins of the world , as the Scripture styles him , whose Passion we finde commemorated in the Sacrament , called therefore the Sacrament of the Altar , as before is said : called for the same reason by St. Augustine in his Enchiridion , Sacrificium Altaris , the Sacrifice of the Altar ; by the English Liturgy in the Prayer next after the participation ; the Sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving ( Sacrificium laudis ; ) by Chrysostom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the remembrance of a Sacrifice ; by many Learned Writers amongst our selves , a commemorative Sacrifice . For thus saith Bishop Andrews in his answer to Cardinal Bellarmine , c. 8. Tollite de Missa Transubstantiationem vestram nec di● nobiscum lis erit de Sacrificio , &c. Take from the Mass your Transubstantiation , and we will have no difference with you about the Sacrifice . And the King grants ( he means the learned Prince , King Iames ) the name of a Sacrifice to have been frequent with the Fathers . Which Sacrifice he sometimes calls Commemorationem Sacrificii , and sometimes Sacrificium Commemorativum , A Commemorative Sacrifice . The like we finde in Bishop Morton , who in his Book of the Roman Sacrifice , l. 6. c. 5. called the Eucharist , a representative and commemorative Sacrifice , in as plain terms as can be spoken . But what need any thing have been said for the proof hereof , when the most Reverend Archbishop Cranmer , one ( and the chief ) of the Compilers of the publick Liturgy , and one who suffered death for opposing the Sacrifice of the Mass , distinguisheth most plainly between the Sacrifice propitiatory , made by Christ himself only , and the Sacrifice commemorative and gratulatory made by Priests and People : for which consult his Defence against Bishop Gardiner , lib. 5. p. 439. And finally the testimony of Iohn Lambert , who suffered for his Conscience in the time of King Henry viii . whose words are these : Christ ( saith he ) being offered up once for all in his own proper person , is yet said to be offered up , not only every year at Easter , but also every day in the Celebration of the Sacrament ; because his Oblations once for all , made it thereby represented , Act. Mon. p. 2.35 . So uniform is the consent of our Liturgy , our Martyrs , and our Learned Writers in the name of Sacrifice ; so that we may behold the Eucharist or the Lords Supper . First , as it is a Sacrifice , or the Commemoration of that Sacrifice offered unto God ; by which both we and the whole Church do obtain remission of our Sins , and all other benefits of Christs Passion . And secondly , As it is a Sacrament , participated by men , by which we hope , that being made partakers of that Holy Communion we may be fulfilled with his Grace and heavenly Benediction . Both which occur in the next Prayer after the Communion . Look on it as a Sacrifice , and then the Lords Board not improperly may be called an Altar , as it is properly called the Table in respect of the Sacrament . 25. With the like uniform consent we finde the Doctrine of a Real Presence in the Blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper to be maintained and taught in the first Constitution of this Church : and this is first concluded from the words of Distribution , retained in the first Liturgy of King Edward vi . and formerly prescribed in the ancient Missals , viz. The Body and Blood of our Lord Iesus Christ which was given for thee , preserve thy Body and Soul unto life everlasting . The Blood of our Lord Iesus Christ , which was shed for thee , &c. Which words being thought by some precise and scrupulous persons to encline too much toward Transubstantiation ( and therefore not unfit to justifie a Real Presence ) were quite omitted in the second Liturgy of that King : the words of Participation , Take and eat this , &c. Take and drink this , &c. being used in the place thereof . Which alteration notwithstanding , it is affirmed by Bishop Ridley ( one of the principal Compilers of these two Books ) that in the Sacrament of the Altar is the natural Body and Blood of Christ. And if there be the Natural Body , there must needs be a Real Presence in his opinion . When this last Liturgy was reviewed by the command of Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1558. the former clause was super-added to the other , which put the business into the same state and condition in which we finde it at the first . And when by the Articles of Religion , agreed upon in Convocation , Anno 1562. the Sacrifice of the Mass was declared to be a pernicious Imposture , a blasphemous Figment , and that Transubstantiation was declared to be repugnant to the plain words of Holy Scripture , to overthrow the Nature of a Sacrament , and to have given occasion to many Superstitions ; yet still the Doctrine of a Real Presence was maintained as formerly . Alexander Nowel , Dean of St. Pauls , was chosen Prolocutor for that Convocation , and therefore as like to know the true intent and meaning of the Church of England in every point which was there concluded , as any other whatsoever ; and yet he thought it no contradiction to any of them to maintain and teach a Real Presence . For in his Catechism publickly allowed of in all the Grammar Schools of this Realm , he first propounds this question , viz. Coelestis pars & ab omni sensu externo longe disjuncta , quaenam est ? &c. that is to say , What is the Heavenly , or Spiritual part of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , which no sense is able to discover ? To which the party Catechized returns this answer , Corpus & Sanguis Christi , quae fidelibus in coena dominica praebentur , ab illis accipiuntur , comeduntur , & bibuntur , coelesti tantum & spirituali modo , verè tamen atque reipsa . That is to say , the heavenly or spiritual part is the Body and Blood of Christ which are given to the faithful in the Lords Supper , and are taken , eaten , and drank by them ; which though it be only in an heavenly and spiritual manner ; yet are they both given and taken truly , and really , or in very deed . Conform to which we have in brief the Suffrage of the Right Learned Bishop Bilson , who lived the greatest part of his time with the said Mr. Nowel , by whom we are told in his Book of True Subject . &c. p. 779. And he tells it with a God forbid , that we deny not , That the Flesh and Blood of Christ are truly present , and truly received of the faithful at the Lords Table . 26. A clear explication of which Doctrine was made in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames , by whose appointment , with the consent of the Metropolitan , some of the Bishops and other learned men of the Clergy , it was ordered in the Conference at Hampton Court , that the Doctrine of the Sacraments should be added to the Authorized Catechism of the Church where before it was not : in which addition to the Catechism , it is said expresly , That the Body and Blood of Christ are verily and indeed taken of the Faithful in the Lords Supper . Verily and indeed , saith the English Book , Vere & reipsa , or Vere & realiter , saith the Latine Translations ; by which the Church doth teach us to understand , that Christ is truly and really present ( though after a spiritual manner ) in that Blessed Sacrament . And that this was the Churches meaning will be made apparent , by the Testimony of some of the most learned men , which have written since ; two of which I shall here produce , that out of the mouths of two such Witnesses , the truth hereof may be established . The first of these shall be the most eminent Bishop Andrews , a contemporary of the said Bishop Bilson , who in his answer unto Cardinal Bellarmine , thus declares himself , Presentiam credimus non minus quam vos veram , deinde presentiae nil temere definimus : We acknowledge ( saith he ) a presence as true and real as you do , but we determine nothing rashly of the manner of it . The second shall be Bishop Morton , as great an enemy to the Errors and Superstitions of the Church of Rome , as any that ever wrote against it , who could not but be sixty years of age at the death of Bishop Andrews ; and he affirms expresly , That the question betwixt us and the Papists is not concerning a Real Presence , which the Protestants ( as their own Jesuites witness ) do also profess . Fortunatus , a Protestant , holding that Christ is in the Sacrament most Really , Verissime , Realissime , as his words ▪ are . By which it seems it is agreed on on both sides ( that is to say , the Church of England , and the Church of Rome ) that there is a true and real Presence of Christ in the Holy Eucharist ; the disagreement being only in the modus presentiae . 27. The like Dispute is also raised de modo descensus , touching the manner and extent of Christs Descending into Hell , which the Papists will have to be only partial , and to extend no farther then to the upper Region of that infernal Habitation , called by them commonly Limbus Patrum . The Calvinists will have it to be only figurative , no descent at all , and they are sub-divided into three opinions . Calvin himself interprets it of our Saviours Sufferings on the Cross , in which he underwent all those torments , even to Desperation , which the damned do endure in Hell. Many of the Calvinian party understand nothing by Christs Descent into Hell , but his Descending into the Grave ; and then his descending into Hell will be the same with his being buried , Which Tautology in such a short summary of the Christian Faith cannot be easily admitted . And therefore the late Lord Primate of Ireland not liking either of their opinions , will finde a new way by himself ; in which I cannot say what leaders he had , but I am sure he hath had many followers . And he by Christs descending into Hell , will haue nothing else to be understood but his continuing in the State of Separation between the Body and the Soul , his remaining under the power of death during the time that he lay buried in the Grave , which is no more in effect though it differ somewhat in the terms , then to say he dyed and was buried , and rose not again till the third day , as the Creed instructs us ; and then we are but where we were with the other Calvinists . But on the contrary , the Church of England doth maintain a Local Descent , that is to say , That the Soul of Christ at such time as his Body lay in the Grave , did Locally Descend into the neathermost parts , in which the Devil and his Angels are reserved in everlasting Chains of Darkness , unto the Judgment of the great and terrible Day . And this appears to be the meaning of the first Reformers , by giving this Article a distinct place by its self , both in the Book of Articles , published in the time of King Edward vi . Anno 1552. and in the Book agreed upon in the Convocation of the 5. of Queen Elizabeth , 1564. in both which it is said expresly in the self-same words , viz. As Christ dyed for us and was buried , so also is it to be believed that he went down into Hell : which is either to be understood of a Local Descent , or else we are tyed to believe nothing by it , but what explicitely or implicitely is comprehended in the former Article , in which there is particular mention of Christs Sufferings , Crucifying , Death , and Burial . Now that this is the Churches meaning , cannot be better manifested then in the words of Mr. Alexander Nowel before-mentioned ; who for the reasons before remembred , cannot in reason be supposed to be ignorant of the true sense and meaning of the Church in that particular : and he accordingly in his Catechism publickly allowed of , with reference to a Local Descent , doth declare it thus , viz. Vt Christus corpore in terrae viscera ; ita anima , corpore separata , ad inferos descendit , &c. that is , As Christ descended in his Body into the bowels of the earth , so in his Soul , separated from that Body , he descended also into Hell ; by means whereof the power and efficacy of his Death was not made known only to the dead , but to the Devils themselves : insomuch that both the souls of the unbelievers did sensibly perceive that condemnation , which was most justly due to them for their incredulity : and Satan himself , the Prince of Devils , did as plainly see , that his tyranny , and all the powers of darkness were opprest , ruined , and destroyed . Which Doctrine ( when it began to be decryed , and the Calvinian Gloss , to get ground upon it ) was learnedly asserted by Dr. Thomas Bilson , then Bishop of Winchester , in his Book , entituled A Survey of Christs Sufferings ; in which he hath amassed together , whatsoever the Fathers , Greek and Latine , or any of the ancient Writers have affirmed of this Article , with all the points and branches which depend upon it , 28. The Sufferings of Christ represented in the Blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper , with some of the effects thereof by his descending into Hell , being thus dispatched , we shall next look into that of Baptisme , in which we shall consider the necessity first , and afterwards the efficacy of it : And first in reference to the Necessity . The first Reformers did not only allow the administration of this Sacrament in private houses , but permitted it to private persons , even to women also . For it was ordered in the Rubrick of Private Baptism , That when any great need shall compel ( as in extremity of weakness ) they which are present shall call upon God for his Grace , and say the Lords Prayer if the time will suffer , and then one of them shall name the Childe , and dip him in the water , or poure water upon him , saying these words , N. I Baptize thee in the name of the Father , &c. At which passage when King Iames seemed to be offended in the Conference at Hampton-Court , because of the liberty which they gave to Women and Laicks : It was answered then by Dr. Whitgift , Archbishop of Canterbury , That the administration of Baptisme by Women and Lay Persons , was not allowed in the practice of the Church : but enquired of , and censured by the Bishops in their Visitations ; and that the words in the Book inferred no such meaning . Against which when the King excepted , urging and pressing the words of the Book , that they could not but intend a permission and suffering of Women , and private Persons to Baptize : It was answered by Dr. Babington , then Bishop of Worcester , That indeed the words were doubtful , and might be pressed to that meaning , but that it seemed by the contrary practice of this Church ( censuring Women in this case ) That the Compilers of that Book did not so intend them , and yet propounded them ambiguously , because otherwise perhaps the Book would not have then passed in the Parliament . But then stood forth the Bishop of London , ( Dr. Bancroft ) and plainly said , That it was not the intent of those Learned and Reverend men , who framed the Book of Common-Prayer by ambiguous terms , to deceive any ; but did indeed by those words intend a permission of private persons to Baptize in case of Necessity , whereof their Letters were witnesses , some parts whereof he then read ; and withal declared , That the same was agreeable to the practice of the ancient Church , as appeared by the Authority of Tertullian , and of S. Ambrose on the 4th . of the Ephesians , who are plain in that point ; laying also open the absurdities and impieties of their opinions who think there is no necessity of Baptism . And though at the motion of that King it was ordered that the words Lawful Minister should be put into the Rubrick ( First let the LAWFVL MINISTER , and them that be present , call upon God for his Grace , &c. The said LAWFVL MINISTER shall dip it into the Water , &c. yet was the alteration greater in sound then sense , it being the opinion of many great Clerks , that any man in cases of extream necessity ( who can pronounce the words of Baptism ) may pass in the account and notion of a lawful Minister . So much for the necessity of Baptism . And as for the efficacacy , thereof , it is said expresly in the 27. Article , To be a sign of Regeneration , or New Birth , whereby , as by an Instrument , they that receive Baptisme rightly , are grafted into the Church ; the promises of forgiveness of Sin , and of our Adoption to be the Sons of God by the Holy Ghost , are visibly signed and sealed ; Faith is confirmed , and Grace is encreased by vertue of Prayer unto God : and , as expresly it is said in one of the Rubricks before Confirmation , That it is certain by Gods word , that Children being Baptized , have all things necessary for their Salvation , and be undoubtedly saved : that is to say ( for so it must be understood ) in case they dye before they fall into the committing of Actual Sins . 29. Touching good works , and how far they conduce unto our Iustification , the breach was wider at the first breakin gs out of Luther then it hath been since : Luther ascribing Iustification unto Faith alone , without relation unto Works ; and those of Rome ascribing it to good Works alone , without relation unto Faith , which they reckoned only amongst the preparatives unto it . But when the point had been long canvased , and the first heats were somewhat cooled , they began to come more neer unto one another . For when the Papists attributed Iustification unto Works alone , they desired to be understood of such good Works as proceeded from a true and lively Faith : and when the Lutherans ascribed it to Faith alone , they desired to be understood of such a Faith as was productive of good Works , and attended by them . The Papists thereupon began to cherish the distinction between the first and second Iustification , ascribing the first unto Faith only ; the second ( which the Protestants more properly called by the name of Sanctification ) to the works of Righteousness . The Protestants on the other side distinguishing between Fides sola , and solitaria , between Sola Fides , and Fides quae est Sola , intending by that nicity ; that , though Faith alone doth justifie a sinner in the sight of God : yet that it is not such a Faith as was alone , but stood accompanied with good Works . And in this way the Church of England went in her Reformation , declaring in the 11 , Article , That we are accounted righteous before God , only for the Merits of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ by Faith , and not for our own works or deservings . Which Justification by Faith only is further declared to be a most wholesome Doctrine , and very full of comfort ; for which we are referred to the Book of Homilies . And in the Book of Homilies we shall also finde , That we may well bear the name of Christian men ; but we lack that true Faith which belongeth thereunto : For true Faith doth evermore bring forth good Works , ( as St. Iames speaketh ) Shew me thy Faith by thy Works . Thy Deeds and Works must be an open testimony of thy Faith ; otherwise thy Faith being without good Works , is but the Devils faith , the faith of the wicked , a phantasie of Faith , and not a true Christian Faith. And that the people might be be trained up in the works of Righteousness , it is declared in the 7th . Article , That no Christian man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments , which are called Moral . According whereunto , it is ordered by the publick Liturgy , that the said Commandments shall be openly read in the Congregation upon Sundayes and Holy Dayes ( contrary to the usage of all ancient Liturgies ) the people humbly praying God , To have mercy upon them for their transgression of those Laws ; and no less humbly praying him To encline their hearts to keep the same . So that , though Faith must lead the way to our Iustification ; yet holiness of life manifested in the works of Charity , and all other acts of godly living , must open the way for us to the Gates of Heaven , and procure our entrance at the same , as is apparent by the 25. of St. Matthews Gospel , from verse 34. to 41. 30. Which being so , it may be well affirmed without any wrong to Faith , that good Works are necessary to salvation ; and not so only : but that they are efficienter necessaria , as was maintained publickly in the Schools of Cambridge , though it was much carpt at by some men that did not rightly and distinctly understand the term . And secondly , It may be said without any wrong to the Free Grace and Merits of Almighty God , that a reward is due for the Works of Righteousness , proceeding from a lively Faith , in a man regenerate ; not that the Church ascribeth any merit to the works of man , which may deserve eternal life , either ex congruo , or condigno , as the School-men phrase it ; for Deus non coronat in nobis merita nostra sed dona sua , as the Father hath it . No reward is due unto good Works , ratione operis , in reference to the work it self : but ratione pacti & acceptationis ( though Bellarmine be otherwise minded ) in respect of Gods merciful acceptance , and his most gracious promise to reward the same . It was his grace and goodness only which moved him to encourage our imperfect and weak obedience with the promise of eternal life : yet having made the promise , he became our debtor , Non aliquid debendo , sed omnia promittendo , Deus se facit debitorem , as St. Augustine tells us . And most agreeable it is to his heavenly justice , not to be wanting to his promise . Such a Reward as this for the works of Righteousness , as the Scriptures frequently do mention both in the Old Testament and New , Gen. 47. Psalm 19.11 . Mat. 5.12 . and 10.41 , 42. Mark 9.41 . Apoc. 22.11 . so is the same defended in the Church of England . And this appears first by the Athanasian Creed , incorporated into the body of our publick Liturgy , as a part thereof . In the close of which it is affirmed , That at Christs coming unto Judgemenr all men shall rise again with their bodies , and give an account of their own works , that they which have done good shall go into life everlasting , and they that have done evil into everlasting fire . And secondly , It appears as plainly by the Collect for the 25. Sunday after Trinity , where the Church called on the Lord , To stir up the wills of his faithful people , that they plenteously bringing forth the fruits of good works , may of him be plenteously rewarded , through Iesus Christ , In which we have not only a reward for the fruit of good works , but a plentiful reward into the bargain , according to the quality of the work it self , and the acceptableness of the person in the sight of God. 31. Next look we on the Doctrine of Predestination , and the points depending thereupon , which have given matter of division to the Christian Church in all times and ages , dividing between the general current of the Fathers till St. Augustines time , and the learned men which followed him and his authority ; between the Iesuites and Franciscans on the one side , and the Dominicans on the other in the Church of Rome ; between the moderate and rigid Lutherans in the Church Protestant ; between the Remonstrants , and the Contra-Remonstrants in the Schools of Calvin ; and finally between the Sublapsarians , and the Supra-Lapsarians , amongst the Contra-Remonstrants themselves . Of these the Sublapsarian Calvinists ( for of the dotages of the other I shall take no notice ) the Rigid Lutherans and the Dominican Friars pretend St. Augustine for their Patron : and on the other side , the Remonstrants ( commonly nick-named Arminians ) The Moderate or Melancthonian Lutherans , together with the Iesuites and Franciscans , appeal unto the general current of the ancient Fathers , who lived and flourished ante mota certamina Pelagiana , before the starting up of the Pelagian Controversies . And to this general current of the ancient Fathers , the Church of England most enclines ; teaching according to their Doctrine , that God from all eternity , intending to demonstrate his power and goodness , designed the Creation of the World , the making of man after his own Image , and leaving him so made , in a perfect liberty to do or not to do what he was commanded ; and that fore-knowing also from all eternity , that man abusing this liberty , would plunge himself and his posterity into a gulph of miseries , he graciously resolved to provide them such a Saviour who should redeem them from their sins ; to elect all those to life eternal , who by true Faith laid hold upon him , leaving the rest in the same state in which he found them , for their incredulity . It is reported of Agilmond the second , King of the Lombards , that riding by a Fish-Pond , he saw seven young Children sprawling in it , whom their unnatural Mothers ( as Paulus Diaconus conceived ) had thrown into it not long before . Amazed whereat , he put his Hunting Spear amongst them , and stirred them gently up and down , which one of them laying hold of , was drawn to Land , called Lamistus , from the word Lama ; which in the Language of that people signifies a Fish-Pond , trained up in that Kings Court , and finally made his Successor in the Kingdom . Granting that Agilmond being fore-warned in a Vision , that he should finde such Children sprawling for life in the midst of that Pond , might thereupon take a resolution within himself to put his Hunting Spear amongst them ; and that which of them soever should lay hold upon it , should be gently drawn out of the water , adopted for his Son , and made Heir of all his Kingdom : no humane Story could afford us the like parallel case to Gods proceeding in the great work of Predestination to eternal life , according to the Doctrine of the Church of England . 32. Now , that such was the Doctrine of the first Reformers , may be made evident by the Definition of Predestination . Predestination unto life ( saith the 17. Article ) is the everlasting purpose of God , whereby , ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constantly declared by his Council , secret to us , to deliver from curse and damnation , those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankinde , and to bring them by Christ to everlasting Salvation . In which Definition there are these things to be observed ; First , That Predestination doth pre-suppose a curse or a state of Damnation , in which all mankinde was presented to the sight of God. Secondly , That it is an act of his from everlasting , because from everlasting he foresaw that misery into which wretched man would fall . Thirdly , That he founded it , and resolved for it in the Man and Mediator Christ Jesus , both for the purpose and performance . Fourthly , That it was of some special ones alone , Elect , called forth , and reserved in Christ , and not generally extended unto all mankinde . Fifthly , That being thus elected in Christ , they shall be brought by Christ to everlasting salvation . And sixthly , That this Council is secret unto us ; for though there be revealed to us some hopeful signes of our Election and Predestination unto life : yet the certainty thereof is a secret hidden in God , and in this life unknown to us . Nothing obscure in this Definition but these words , Whom he hath chosen in Christ ; which being the very words of the Apostle , Eph. 1.4 . are generally interpreted by the ancient Fathers , of those who do believe in Christ , For thus St. Ambrose amongst others , Sicut elegit nos in ipso , as he hath chosen us in him ; Prescius enim Deus omnes scit qui credituri essent in Christum , For God ( saith he ) by his general Presence did fore-know every man that would believe in Christ : The like saith Chrysostom on the Text. And that our first Reformers did conceive so , it appears by that of Bishop Latimer in his Sermon on the third Sunday after the Epiphany , When ( saith he ) we hear that some be chosen , and some be damned , let us have good hope , that we be among the chosen , and live after this hope , that is uprightly and godly ; then shall we not be deceived . Think that God hath chosen those that believe in Christ ; and Christ is the Book of Life : If thou believest in him , then art thou written in the Book of Life , and shall be saved . Secondly , The Doctrine of Predestination , as before laid down , may be further proved out of the last clause of the said 17. Article , where it is said , That we must receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture ; and that in all our doings , that will of God is to be followed , which we have expresly declared to us in the word of God. Then which nothing can be more repugnant to the Doctrine of Predestination , delivered by the Contra-Remonstrants ( whither Supra-lapsarian , or Sub-lapsarian , is no great matter ) which restrains Predestination unto Life to a few particulars , without respect had to their Faith in Christ , or to Christs Sufferings and Death for them : which few particulars so predestinated to life eternal , shall ( as they teach us ) by an irresistable Grace , be brought to God , and by the infallible conduct of the Holy Spirit , be preserved from falling away from grace and favour . 33. Such is the Churches Doctrine in the point of Election or Predestination unto life , but in the point of Reprobation or Predestination unto death , she is utterly silent ; leaving it to be gathered upon Logical Inferences from that which is delivered by her in the point of Election ( for Contrariorum contraria est ratio , as Logicians say ) though that which is so gathered ought rather to be called , a Dereliction , then a Reprobation . No such absolute irreversible , and irrespective decree of Reprobation taught or maintained in any publick Monument or Record of the Church of England , by which the far greatest part of mankinde are prae-ordained ( and consequently prae-condemned to the pit of Torments , without respect had unto their sins , as the Supra-lapsarians , or to their credulities , as generally is maintained by the Sublapsarians in the Schools of Calvin . Much I am sure there is against it in the Writings of Bishop Hooper , and Bishop Latimer , who took great pains in the first carrying on of the Reformation ; and therefore we may judge by them of the Churches meaning in that particular . For in the Preface to a Book written by Iohn Hooper , afterwards Bishop of Glocester , containing an Exposition of the Ten Commandments , and published , Anno 1550. we shall finde it thus , viz. That Cain was no more excluded from the promise of Christ , till he excluded himself , then Abel ; Saul , then David ; Iudas , then Peter ; Esau , then Iacob : that God is said to have hated Esau , not because he was dis-inherited of eternal Life , but in laying his Mountains and his Heritage waste for the Dragons of the Wilderness , Mal. 1.3 . That the threatnings of God against Esau , ( if he had not of his wilful malice excluded himself from the promise of Grace ) should no more have hindered his Salvation , then Gods threatnings against Ninive , &c , That it is not a Christian mans part to say , That God hath written fatal Laws , as the stoick , and with necessity of destiny , violently pulleth the one by the hair into Heaven , and thrusteth the other head-long into Hell ; that the cause of Rejection , or Damnation is sin in man , which will not hear , neither receive the promise of the Gospel , &c. And in a Sermon on the third Sunday after Epiphany , we finde Bishop Latimer speaking thus , viz. That if the most are damned , the fault is not in God , but in themselves ; for Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri , God would that all men should be saved , but they themselves procure their own damnation , and despise the Passion of Christ by their wicked and inordinate living . Thus also in his fourth Sermon Preached in Lincolnshire , That Christ only , and no man else merited Remission , Iustification , and eternal felicity , for as many as will believe the same ; that Christ shed as much Blood for Iudas , as for Peter ; that Peter believed it , and therefore was saved ; that Iudas would not believe , therefore was condemned ; the fault being in him only , and no body else . More of which passages might be gathered from the Writings of those godly Martyrs , were not these sufficient . And though the Calvinian fancies in the points of Election and Reprobation got so much ground on this Church , that they began to be obtruded on the people for the Doctrines of it ; yet were they vigorously opposed by some of our Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries dayes , by Dr. Harsnet , and Mr , Banret in the Pulpit ; and Peter Baro , and Dr. Overald in the Divinity Schools of Cambridge in Queen Elizabeths time ; by Dr. Bancroft , then Lord Bishop of London , in the Conference at Hampton-Court , Anno 1603. being the first year of King Iames : and finally by King Iames himself , refusing ( as he did ) to admit the nine Articles of Lambeth , containing all the points and particularities of the Calvinian Doctrines of Predestination , and Reprobation , among the Articles of Religion here by Law establisht , when Dr. Reynolds in that Conference did desire it of him : But nothing better proves the Churches Doctrine in these points , than the Church it self ; by holding sorth the universal Redemption of all mankinde , by the Death of Christ ; the free co-operation of the will of man , with the Grace of God in the chief acts of his Conversion ; the possibility of falling into grievous sins , Gods displeasure , and consequently from the grace received : all which are utterly destructive of Calvins Doctrine in this point , and that not of the whole Machina only , but of every part and parcel of that ruinous building , as will appear by the particulars hereafter following . 34. And first the Universal Redemption of all mankinde by the death of Christ , hath been so clearly and explicitely delivered by the Church of England , that nothing can be more plain . For in the second Article it is said expresly , That Christ suffered , was Crucified , Dead , and Buried , to reconcile his Father to us , and to be a Sacrifice not only for Original Guilt , but also for the actual sins of men . Agreeable whereunto , it is declared , Art. 31. That the offering of Christ once made , is the perfect Redemption , Propitiation , and Satisfaction for the sins of the whole world , both original and actual . In both which Articles , as well the Sacrifice , as the effect and fruit thereof , which is the Reconciliation of mankinde to God the Father , is delivered in general terms , without any Restriction put upon them . Neither the Sacrifice , nor the Reconciliation are by the Articles either restrained to this man , or that , or unto one part of the world only , ( as for example , Intra partem donati ) and not to another , but extended to the whole world , saith the 31. Article ; to mankinde , or to men in general , as it is in the second . A clearer comment on which Text we cannot possibly have ( as to the understanding of the Churches meaning ) then that which may be found in the publick Liturgy : For first in the authorized Catechism of the Church of England , the party Catechized being asked what he doth learn in his belief , makes answer as to this particular , that he believes in God the Father , who made him and all the world : And secondly , that he believes in God the Son , who hath redeemed him and all mankinde , &c. It may be secondly proved in that clause in the Letany , O God the Son , Redeemer of the world , have mercy upon us , &c. Thirdly , By the Prayer of Consecration before the Communion , viz. Almighty God our heavenly Father , which of thy tender mercy didst give thy only Son Iesus Christ to suffer death upon the Cross for our Redemption , who made there ( by his own Oblation of himself once offered ) a full , perfect , and sufficient Sacrifice , Oblation , and Satisfaction for the sins of the WHOLE WORLD , &c. And fourthly , By the Prayer or Thanksgiving , after the Communion , in which we do most humbly beseech the Lord to grant that by the Merits and Death of his Son Jesus Christ , and through Faith in his Blood , we and all thy whole Church may obtain remission of our Sins , and all other benefits of his Passion . Nor was it without some meaning this way , that She selected those words of our Saviour in St. Iohns Gospel , viz. God so loved the world , that he gave his only begotten Son , &c. to be used in the preparation of the Communion ; as She reiterated some others , viz. O Lamb of God , that takest away the sins of the world , &c. incorporated into the Gloria in excelsis , at the end thereof . A truth so clear in the delivery of this Church , that there needs no proof of it from the Writings of private men : or if there did , what could be more express than those words of Bishop Hooper , viz. As the sins of Adam without priviledg , or exception , extended and appertained unto all Adam's , and every of Adam's Posterity ; so did the promise of Grace generally appertain as well to every , and singular of Adam's Posterity , as to Adam himself , as in the Preface above-mentioned : or what can be more positive than that of Bishop Latimer in his first Sermon , preached in Lincolnshire , viz. The promises of Christ our Saviour are general , they pertain to all mankinde . He made a general proclamation , saying , Qui credit in me , habet vitam aeternam , Whosoever believeth in me hath everlasting life ? especially being seconded with that which before we had , that Christ did shed as much Blood for Iudas , as he did for Peter ; which puts the matter high enough without all exception . 35. Touching Free-Will , the powers of nature and the celestial inferences of the Grace of God , in the conversion of a sinner , the Church of England ran after a middle way , between the Rigid Lutherans , and the old Pelagians . It was the Heresie of Pelagius to ascribe so much power to the will of man , in laying hold upon the means of his Salvution , Vt gratiam Dei necessariam non putaret , that he thought the Grace of God to be unnecessary , of no use at all . And Luther on the other side ascribed so little thereunto , that he published a Book , entituled , De servo Arbitrio , touching the servitude of the will ; in which he held that there was no such thing as Free-Will ; that it was a meer fiction , Et nomen sine re , a thing only titular , but of no existency in nature , that a man is forcibly drawn to heaven , Velut inanimatum quiddam , No otherwise than a sensless stock , or an unreasonable creature . The like we finde to be declared by the Contra-Remonstrants , in the Collatio Hagiensis , by whom there was no more ascribed to the will of man in the work of his own Regeneration , or in the raising of himself from the death of Sin , to the life of Righteousness , than they did ascribe unto him in his generation to the life of nature , or in his Resurrection from the Dead to life eternal . For thus they say , Sicut ad nativitatem suam nemo de suo quicquam confert ; neque ad sui exitationem ex mortuis nemo quicquam confert de suo , ita etiam ad conversionem suam , nemo homo quicquam confert , sed est purum putum opus ejus gratiae Dei in Christo , quae in nobis operatur , non tantum potentiam credendi , sed etiam fidem ipsam . Which monstrous Paradox of theirs was afterwards inserted in the Canons of the Synod of Dort : against which that divine saying of St. Augustine may be fitly used , Si non est gratia Dei , quomodo salvat mundum , Si non est liberum Arbitrium quomodo judicat mundum , If there be no Grace of God ( saith he ) by what means can he save the world ; if there no Free-will in man , with what equity can he condemn it . Of the same temper is the Doctrine of the Church of England : For first , she thus declares against the Pelagians in the first clause of the 10th . Article , That the condition of man after the fall of Adam is such , that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good Works to Faith and calling upon God. And secondly , she declares thus against Luther in the second clause of that Article , viz , That without the Grace of God by Christ preventing us , that we may have a good will and working with us ; when we have that good will , we have no power to do good works , which are pleasing and acceptable unto God : and thereupon it must needs follow , that by the freedom of mans will , co-operating with grace preventing , and by the subsequent Grace of God co-operating with the will of man , we have a power of doing such works as may be acceptable and pleasing to our heavenly Father : which may be further evidenced by this Collect after the Communion , viz. Prevent us O Lord in all our doings , with thy most gracious favour , and further us with thy continual help , that in all our works begun , continued , and ended in thee , we may glorifie thy Holy Name , and finally by thy Mercy obtain life everlasting , through Jesus Christ our Lord. 36. Now that both the last clause of the Article , and the whole Collect in the Liturgy are to be understood no otherwise then as it is before laid down , appears by this Gloss of Bishop Hooper on that Text of St. Iohn , viz. No man cometh to me except my Father draw him , chap. 6.44 . Many ( saith he ) understand the words in a wrong sense ; as if God required no more in a reasonable man , than in a dead post , and marke not the words which follow , Every man that heareth and learneth of my Father cometh to me : God draweth with his word , and the Holy Ghost , but mans duty is to hear and learn , that is to say , to receive the grace offered , consent to the promise , and not repugn the God that calleth . The like occurs in Bishop Latimers Sermon on the Sunday commonly called Septuagesima ; in which we find , That seeing the preaching of the Gospel is universal , it appeareth that God would have all mankinde saved ; and that the fault is not in him if they be damned : for it is written thus , Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri . God would have all men be saved ; but we are so wicked of our selves , that we refuse the same , and will not take notice when it is offered to us . It cannot be denyed , but that the same Doctrine is maintained by the Arminians ( as they call them ) and that it is the very same with that of the Church of Rome , as appears by the Council of Trent , cap. De fructu justificationis , & merito bonorum operum , Can. 3.4 . But then it must be granted also , that it is the Doctrine of the Melanctonian Divines , or Moderate Lutherans , as was confessed by Andreas vega , one of the chief sticklers in the Council of Trent , who on the agitating of the point did confess ingenuously , that there was no difference betwixt the Lutherans and that Church touching that particular . And then it must be granted also , that it was the Doctrine of St. Augustine , according to that divine saying of his , Sine gratia Dei praeveniente , ut volimus , & subsequente ne frustra volimus , ad pietatis opera nil valemus : so that if the Church of England must be Arminian , and the Arminians must be Papist , because they agree together in this particular , the Melanctonian Divines among the Protestants , yea and St. Augustine himself must be Papist also . 37. Such being the freedom of the will , in laying or not laying hold upon those means which are offered by Almighty God for our Salvation 〈◊〉 cannot be denyed , but that there is a freedom also of the will , in standing unto Grace received , or departing from it : Certain I am that it is so resolved by the Church of England in the 16th . Article for Confession , in which it is declared , That after we have received the Holy Ghost , we may depart from Grace given , and fall into sin , and by the grace of God we may arise again , and amend our lives ; which is the very same with that of the 14th . Article in King Edward's Book of the year 1557. where plainly the Church teacheth a possibility of falling or departing from the grace of the Holy Ghost , which is given unto us ; and that our rising again , and the amending of our lives upon such a rising , is a matter of contingency only , and no way necessary on Gods part to assure us of . Conform to which we finde Bishop Hooper thus discoursing in the said Preface to his exposition of the Ten Commandments , The cause of Rejection or Damnation ( saith he ) is sin in man , which will not hear , neither receive the promise of the Gospel ; or else after he hath received it , by accustomed doing of ill , falleth either into a contempt of the Gospel , and will not study to live thereafter ; or else hateth the Gospel , because it condemneth his ungodly life , And we finde Bishop Latimer discoursing thus in his eighth Sermon in Lincolnshire , Those persons ( saith he ) that be not come yet to Christ , or if they were come to Christ , be fallen again from him , and so lost their Iustification ( as there be many of us when we fall willingly into sin against Conscience ) we lose the favour of God , our Salvation , and finally the Holy Ghost . And before ( c. 6. ) thus , But you will say ( saith he ) How shall I know that I am in the Book of Life ? How shall I try my self to be the Elect of God to everlasting life ? I answer , First , We may know that we may be one time in the Book , and another time come out again , as it appeareth by David , who was written in the Book of Life : but when he sinned , he at that time was out of the Book of the favour of God , until he repented , and was sorry for his faults : so that we may be in the Book one time , and afterwards when we forget God and his Word , and do wickedly , we come out of the Book , that is , out of Christ , who is the Book . Which makes the point so clear and evident on the Churches part , that when it was moved by Doctor Reynolds at Hampton-Court , that the words , Nec tolaliter , nec finaliter , might be added into the Clause of that Article , the motion was generally rejected , and the Article left standing in the same terms , in which it then stood . By which we may the better judge of some strange expressions amongst the most Rigid sort of the Contra-Remonstrants , especially of that of Roger Dontelock , by whom it is affirmed , that if it were possible for any one man to commit all the sins over again which have been acted in the world , it would neither frustrate his Election , nor alienate him from the love and favour of Almighty God : for which consult the Appendix to the Presseor Declaratio , Sententiae Remonstrantium , Printed at Leyden , Anno 1616. 38. Such is the Doctrine of this Church , and such the Judgement of those Reverend Bishops , and right godly Martyrs in the Predestinarian Controversies , before remembred . And though I have insisted on those two alone , yet in theirs I include the Judgement of Cranmer , Ridley , and the rest of those learned men who laboured in the great work of the Reformation . Some difference there had been betwixt Cranmer and Ridley , on the one side , and Hooper only on the other in matter of Ceremony in which Hooper at the last submitted to the other two . But in all the Doctrinal truths of their Religion there was a full consent between them : which appears plainly in this passage of a Letter sent from Ridley to Hooper , when they were both prisoners for the same cause , though in several places . But now my dear Brother ( saith he ) for as much as I understand by your works , which I have but super●icially seen , that we throughly agree , and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our Religion , against which the world so rageth in these our dayes : Howsoever in times past , in certain by-matters , and circumstances of Religion , your Wisdom , and my simplicity ( I grant ) have a little jarred ; each of us following the aboundance of his own sense and Iudgement . Now I say , be you assured , that even with my whole heart ( God is my witness ) in the Bowels of Christ I love you in truth , and for truths sake , which abideth in us , and I am perswaded by the Grace of God , shall abide in us for evermore . Acts and Mon. in Edw. vi . fol. 1366. Now as Bishop Ridley thus declares himself to be of the same Judgement with Bishop Hooper , so Cranmer the Archbishop doth declare himself to be of the same Judgement with Bishop Ridley : for being charged in his examination with thinking otherwise in the point of the Sacrament then he had done about seven or eight years before , he answereth , That he then believed otherwise than he did at that present , and that he did so till the Lord of London , Dr. Ridley , did confer with him ; and by sundry perswasions and Authorities of other Doctors , drew him quite from his opinion , with whom he now agreed , ibid , fol. 1702. Which words though spoken only in relation to such points about the Sacrament of the Altar , concerning which he was then examined by the Popes Commissioners ; yet do they signifie withal that he relyed very much on Ridleys Judgement , and that they were as like to be accorded in all other matters of Religion , as they were in that . And though Cranmer exercised his Pen for the most part against the Papists , yet in his Book against Steven Gardiner , Concerning the Sacrament of Christs Body and Blood , first published in the year 1551. he thus delivereth his opinion in the present Controversies . For speaking of the Sacrifice which was made by Christ , he lets us know , That he took unto himself not only their sins that many years before were dead , and put their trust in him ; but also all the sins of those that until his coming again should truly believe his Gospel : so that now we may look for no other Priest , nor Sacrifice to take away our sins , but only him and his Sacrifice ; that as he dying once was offered for all , so as much as pertained unto him , he took all mens sins unto himself , fol. 372. Which is as much as could be looked for from a man , who did not purposely apply himself to the points in question . Finally , it were worth the learning to know why the Paraphrases of Erasmus ( a man of a known difference in Judgement from Calvins Doctrines in these points , should be translated into English by the care of our Prelates ; and being so translated , should be commended both by King Edward vi . and Queen ELizabeth , to the diligent reading of their Subjects of all conditions ; which certainly they had not done , if they had not been thereunto perswaded by those Bishops , and other learned men about them , who had a principal hand in ●he Reformation , which clearly shews how much , as well the Priest as the people were to ascribe unto the Judgement of that learned man , and consequently how little unto that of Calvin in the present Controversies . 39. So near this Church comes up unto the Church of Rome in Government , forms of Worship , and some points of Controversie . And some there are in which they totally disagreed , and stood in opposition unto one another , viz. In the Articles touching the sufficiency of the Scripture , Iustification , the merit of good Works , Works done before Iustification , Works of Supererogation , the Fallibility or Infallibility of the Church of Rome ; the Authority of General Councils , Purgatory , Adoration of Images , Invocation of Saints , the Celebrating of Divine Service in the vulgar tongues ; the nature and number of the Sacraments , Transubstantiation , the Communion in both kindes , the Sacrifice of the Mass , the single life of Priests , the power of National Churches in ordaining Ceremonies , and of the Civil Magistrate in matters of Ecclesiastical nature : In many of which it might be found no difficult matter to atone the differences , whensoever it shall please God to commit the managing of them to moderate and prudent men , who prefer truth before opinion , and peace before the prevalency of their several parties . But whether it be so in all , is a harder question , and will remain a question to the end of the world , unless all parties lay aside their private interest , and conscienciously resolve to yield as much to one another as may stand with Piety . And then what reason can there be , why the breaches in the walls of Ierusalem should not be made up ? and being made up , why Ierusalem should not be restored to its former Honour , of being a City at unity within it self ? The hopes of which may be the greater , because there are so many points ( so far forth as they stand comprised in the Book of Articles ) in which the first Reformers were so far from being at any difference with the Church of Rome , that they did rather joyn with them , in opposing the common enemy , Familists , Libertines , Anti-Trinitarians , Anabaptists , and other Hereticks of that age , who seemed to dig at the foundation of the Christian Faith , and aim at the subversion of humane Society ; Of which sort are the Articles of the Holy Trinity , the Incarnation of the Son of God , the Divinity of the Holy Ghost , of the Old Testament , of the three Creeds , of Original Sin , of the Authority of the Church , of ministring in the Congregation , of hindring the effect of the Sacraments by unworthy Ministers , of Infant Baptism , and the Traditions of the Church ; of the Consecration of Bishops , and Ministers ; of the Authority of the Civil Magistrate in making Wars , and punishing Malefactors with Temporal Death ; of the community of Goods , and the exacting of an Oath to finde out the truth : Of most of which it may be said in St. Augustines language , His qui contra dicit , aut a Christi fide alie nus est , aut est Hereticus ; that he who shall deny to give his assent unto them , is either an alien from the Faith , or at least an Heretick . 40. And then there are some other things which are not comprehended in those Articles , in which , though there were differences between them in point of Judgement , yet the Reformers thought not fit to determine of them positively upon either side , but left them to the liberty of opinion , to be disputed , Pro and Con , amongst learned men , according as their understandings fancy , or affections should dispose them to it : some points there are of Phylological , and others of Scholastical Divinity , in which there is Libertas opinandi , a liberty of opinion left unto us , de quibus , sentire qu●e velis , & quae sentias loqui liceat , in the words of Tacitus . In th●se and such as these St. Paul himself seems to leave a latitude , when he gives way , Vt quilibet Abundet in suo sensu , Rom. 14.5 . that is to say , Let every man abound in his own sense , as the Rhemists read it ; especially , If he be fully perswaded in his own minde ( touching the truth of what he writes ) as our last Translation : Which liberty as some have taken , in closing with the Papists in some particulars , which are not contrary to the Faith and Doctrine , or to the establisht Government , and Forms of Worship of the Church of England , they are not for so doing to be branded by the name of Papists ; or their writings to be censured and condemned for Popish , because perhaps they differ in those matters from the Churches of Calvins Platform , Veritas a quocunque est , est a spiritu sancto , as divinely Ambrose . Truth is no more restrained to the Schools of Calvin , then to those of Rome ; some truths being to be found in each , but not all in either . And certainly in this the first Reformers did exceeding wisely , in not tying up the judgements of learned men , where they might be freed ; but leaving them a sufficient scope to exercise their wits and Pens , as they saw occasion . Had they done otherwise , and condemned every thing for Popish , which was either taught or used in the times of Popery , they must then have condemned the Doctrine of the Trinity it self , as was well observed by King Iames in the Conference at Hampton-Court : And then said he , You ( Dr. Reynolds ) must go barefoot , because they wore hose and shooes in times of Popery , p. 75. Besides which inconvenience it must needs have followed , that by a general renouncing of all such things as have been taught and used by the Church of Rome , the Confession of the Church of England , must have been like that ( both in condition and effect ) which Mr. Craig composed for the Kirk of Scotland , of which King Iames tells us , p. 39. that with his , I renounce and I abhor his Detestations and Protestations , he did so amaze the simple people , that they ( not able to conceive all those things ) utterly gave over all , falling back to Popery , or still remaining in their former ignorance . 41. Such was the Moderation which was used by our first Reformers , and on such Principles and Positions , did they ground this Church . Which I have laid down here at large , that so we may the better Judge of those Deviations , which afterwards were made by Factious and unquiet men ; as also of the Piety of their endeavours , who aimed at the Reduction of her to her first condition . If the great Prelate , whom I write of , did either labour to subvert the Doctrine or innovate any thing , either in the Publick Government , or Formes of Worship , here by Law Established , contrary to the Principles and Positions before expressed ; his Adversaries had the better Reason to clamor against him whilst he lived , and to persue their clamors till the very last . But on the other side , if neither in his own person , or by the diligence and activity of his subservient Ministers , he acted or suffered any thing to be justified in point of Practice , or allowed any thing to be Preached or Prayed , or hindred any thing from being Published or Preached , but what may be made good by the Rules of the Church , and the complexion of the times in which he lived ; those foul Reproaches , which so unjustly and uncharitably have been laid upon him , must return back upon the Authors , from whom they came , as stones thrown up against the Heavens , do many times fall upon the heads of those that threw them . But whither side deserved the blame for innovating in the Doctrine , Rites , and Ceremonies of the Anglican Church , according to the first Principles and Positions of it ; will best appear by the course of the ensuing History , Relation being had to this Introduction , which I have here placed in the front , as a Lamp or Candle ( such as we find commonly in the Porches of Great Mens houses ) to light the way to such as are desirous to go into them , that they may enter with delight , converse therein with pleasure , and return with safety . CYPRIANUS ANGLICUS : OR , THE HISTORY OF THE Life and Death , OF The most Reverend and Renowned PRELATE WILLIAM By Divine Providence , Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , Primate of all ENGLAND , and Metropolitan , Chancellor of the Universities of Oxon. and Dublin , and one of the Lords of the Privy Council to His late most SACRED MAJESTY King CHARLES Second MONARCH of Great-Brittain . PART . I. Containing the History of his Life and Actions from the day of his Birth , Octob. 7. 1573. to the day of his Nomination to the See of Canterbury , August 6. 1633. LONDON : Printed by E. Cotes for A. Seile , 1668. THE LIFE OF The most Reverend FATHER in GOD WILLIAM Lord Archbishop of Canterbury . LIB . I. Extending from the time of his Birth , till his being made Bishop of St. Davids . TO Recommend unto Posterity the Lives and Actions of eminent and famous Persons , hath alwayes been esteemed a work becoming the most able Pens . Nothing so much enobleth Plutarch , as his committing unto memory , the Actions and Achievements of the most renowned Greeks and Romans ; or added more unto the fame of Diogenes Laertius , than that which he hath left us of the Lives and Apophthegms of the old Philosophers . Some pains have fortunately been taken in this kind , by Paulus Iavius Bishop of Como , and by Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury , in the dayes of our Fathers . Nor can we be so little studdied in the World , as not to know , that even particular persons ( I speak not here of Kings and Princes ) have had their own particular and distinct Historians ; by whom their Parts and Piety , their Military Exploits , or Civil Prudence , have been transmitted to the knowledge of succeeding ages . So that adventuring on the Life of this famous Prelate , I cannot be without Examples , though without Encouragements . For what Encouragements can there be to such a work , in which there is an impossibility of pleasing all ; more than an ordinary probability of offending many ; no expectation of Reward , nor certainty of any thing but misconstructions , and Detractings , if not dangers also . Howsoever I shall give my self the satisfaction , of doing my last duty , to the memory of a man so Famous , of such a Publick Spirit in all his actions , so eminently deserving of the Church of England : With which profession of my Piety , and Ingenuity , I shall not be altogether out of hope , but that my Labours in this Piece may obtain a pardon , if they shall not reach to an Applause . William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury , was born on the 7th . day of October , An. 1573. A year remarkable for the buslings of the Puritan Faction , who before they had served an Apprentiship in the Trade of Sedition , began to set up for themselves ; and seeing they could not have the countenance of Authority , to justifie the advancing of their Holy Discipline , resolved to introduce it by little and little , as opportunity should be given them ; which they did accordingly . His Birth place , Reading , the principal Town of Berks , for Wealth and Beauty ; remarkable heretofore for a stately and magnificent Abby , founded and liberally Endowed by King Henry I. and no less eminent in these last Ages for the Trade of Clothing , the Seminary of some Families of Gentry within that County . And of this Trade his Father was , who kept not only many Lomes in his house , but many Weavers , Spinners , and Fullers , at continual work ; living in good Esteem and Reputation amongst his Neighbours to the very last . His Mother Lucy Webb , was Sister to Sir William Webb Lord Maior of London , Anno 1591. the Grand-Father of Sir William Webb not long since deceased : She was first Marryed to Iohn Robinson a Clothier of the same Town also ; but a Man of so good Wealth and Credit , that he Marryed one of his Daughters to Dr. Cotsford , and another unto Dr. Layfield , men of parts and worth ; and left his youngest Son called William , in so good a way , that he came to be Doctor of Divinity , Prebend of Westminster , and Archdeacon of Nottingham , beside some other preferments which he dyed possest of . Having buryed her Husband Iohn Robinson , she was Re-marryed unto Laud , this Archbishops Father , to whom she brought no other child than this Son alone ; as if she had satisfied that duty which was owing to her second Marriage bed , by bringing forth a Son , who was to be the Patriarch ( in a manner ) of the British Islands . He was not born therefore of such Poor and (a) obscure Parents , as the Publisher of his Breviat makes him , much less (b) E faece Plebis , of the dregs of the People , as both he and all the rest of the Bishops were affirmed to be by the late Lord Brook ( who of all others had least Reason to upbraid them with it ) in a book of his touching the nature of that Episcopacy , which had been exercised in England . But granting that he had been born of as poor and obscure Parents as those Authors make him ; yet must it needs add to the commendation of his Parts and Industry , who from so mean and low a Birth , had raised himself into such an eminent height of Power and Glory , that no Bishop or Archbishop , since the Reformation , had attained the like . The greatest Rivers many times have the smallest Fountains , such as can hardly be found out , and being found out , as hardly quit the cost of the discovery ; and yet by long running , and holding on a constant and continual course , they become large , navigable , and of great benefit unto the Publick . Whereas some Families may be compared to the Pyramides of AEgypt , which being built on great Foundations , grow narrower and narrower by degrees , until at last they end in a small Conus , in a point , in nothing . For if we look into the Stories of the Times foregoing , we shall find , that poor and obscure Cottages have bred Commanders to the Camp , Judges unto the Seats of Justice , Counsellors to the State , Peers to the Realm , and Kings themselves unto the Throne , as well as Prelates to the Church : When such as do pretend to a Nobler Birth , do many times consume themselves in effeminate Luxuries , and waste their Fortunes in a Prodigal and Libidinous Course . Which brings into my mind the Answer made by Mr. Pace ( one of the Secretaries to King Hen. viii . ) to a Nobleman about the Court ; For when the said Nobleman had told him , in contempt of Learning , That it was enough for Noblemens Sons to wind their Horn , and carry their Hawk fair , and to leave Study and Learning to the Children of mean men ; Mr. Pace thereunto replied , Then his Lordship , and the rest of the Noblemen , must be content to leave unto the Sons of meaner Persons , the managing of Affairs of Estate ; when their own Children please themselves with winding their Horns , and managing their Hawks , and other Follies of the Country . But yet notwithstanding , such was the envy of the Times , that he was frequently upbraided in the days of his Greatness , as well ( in common Speech ) a scattered Libells , with the mean condition of his Birth . And I remember that I found him once in his Garden at Lambeth , with more than ordinary Trouble in his Countenance ; of which not having confidence enough to enquire the Reason , he shewed me a Paper in his hand , and told me it was a printed Sheet of a Scandalous Libel which had been stopp'd at the Press , in which he found himself reproach'd with so base a Parentage , as if he had been raked out of the Dunghil ; adding withal , That though he had not the good fortune to be born a Gentleman , yet he thank'd God he had been born of honest Parents , who lived in a plentiful condition , employed many poor People in their way , and left a good report behind them . And thereupon beginning to clear up his Countenance , I told him as presently as I durst , That Pope Sixtus the Fifth , as stout a Pope as ever wore the Triple Crown , but a poor mans Son , did use familiarly to say , in contempt of such Libells as frequently were made against him , That he was Domo natus Illustri , because the Sun-beams passing through the broken Walls and ragged Roof , illustrated every corner of that homely Cottage in which he was born ; with which facetiousness of that Pope ( so applicable to the present occasion ) he seemed very well pleased . But to go forwards with our Story . Having escaped a dangerous Sickness in his Childhood , he was trained up ( as soon as he was sitted for it ) in the Free Grammar-School of Reading ; in which he profited so well , and came on so fast , that before he was sixteen years of age ( which was very early for those times ) he was sent to Oxon ▪ and entred a Commoner in St. Iohn's Colledge , and there committed to the tuition of Mr. Buckeridge , one of the Fellows of that Colledge , and afterwards the worthy President of it . It proved no ordinary happiness to the Scholar , to be principled under such a Tutor , who knew as well as any other of his time , how to employ the two-edged Sword of Holy Scripture , of which he made good proof in the times succeeding , brandishing it on the one side against the Papists , and on the other against the Puritans or Nonconformists . In reference to the first , it is said of him in the general by Bishop Godwin , (d) That he endeavoured most industriously , both by Preaching and Writing , to defend and propagate the True Religion here by Law established : Which appears plainly by his Learned and Laborious Piece , entituled , De potestate Papae in Temporalibus , Printed at London , Anno 1614. in which he hath so shaken the Foundation of the Papal Monarchy , and the pretended Superiority of that See over Kings and Princes , that none of the Learned men of that Party did ever undertake a Reply unto it . With like success , but with less pains unto himself , he managed the Controversie concerning Kneeling at the Lords Supper , against those of the Puritan Faction ; the Piety and Antiquity of which Religious Posture in that Holy Action , he asserted with such solid Reasons and such clear Authorities , in a Treatise by him published Anno 1618. that he came off without the least opposition by that Party also . But before the publishing of these Books , or either of them , his eminent Abilities in the Pulpit had brought him into great credit with King Iames ; insomuch that he was chosen to be one of the four ( Dr. Andrews Bishop of Chichester , Dr. Barlow Bishop of Rochester , and Dr. King then Dean of Christchurch , and not long after Bishop of London , were the other three ) who were appointed to Preach before his Majesty at Hampton-court in the Month of September 1606. for the Reductions of the two Melvins , and other Presbyterian Scots , to a right understanding of the Church of England . In the performance o● which Service , he took for his Text those words of the Apostle , Let every soul , &c. Rom. 13.1 . In canvasing whereof , he fell upon the Point of the Kings Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastical ; which he handled (e) ( as the most Reverend Archbishop Spotwood ( who was present at the Sermon ) hath informed us of him ) both learnedly and soundly , to the satisfaction of all the hearers ; but that the Scottish Ministers seemed very much grieved to hear the Pope and the Presbytery so often equalled in their opposition to Sovereign Princes . Hist. of the Church of Scotland , Lib. VII . pag. 497. And though the other three , with the like abilities and elocution had discharged their parts , yet gained they nothing on the Scots , who were resolved , like the deaf Adder in the Psalmist , not to give ear unto the Charmers , charmed they never so wisely . But whatsoever they lost in the opinion of that proud and refractory Generation , they gained exceedingly on the King , and great Preferments for themselves , Bishop Andrews being not long after removed to the See of Ely , Bishop Barlow unto that of Lincoln , Dr. King preferred to the See of London , and Dr. Buckridge to that of Rochester , where he continued till the year 1627. when by the power and favour of this his present Pupill ( then Bishop of Bath and Wells ) he was translated to the rich Bishoprick of Ely , in which See he died . Of this man I have spoken the more at large , that finding the temper of the Tutor , we may the better judge of those ingredients which went to the making up of the Scholar . Having spent about a year in his Colledge , there was raised such a good report of him in the Town of Reading , that partly by his own proficiencies , and partly by the good esteem which was had of his Father , he was nominated by the Mayor and others of that Corporation unto a Scholars place in that House , according to the Constitutions of Sir Tho. White , the Honourable and sole Founder of it , who though he had designed the Merchant-Taylors School in London for the Chief Seminary of his Colledge , yet being a man of a more publick Spirit , than to confine himself to any one place , he allowed two Fellowships to the City of Coventry , and as many to Bristol , two also to the Town of Reading , and one to Tunbridg . Admitted a Scholar of the House on this nomination , at the end of three years ( according to the Custom of that Colledge ) he was made one of the Fellows , taking his Academical Degrees according to that custom also ; by which custom those of that Society are kept longer from taking their degrees in the Arts , but are permitted to take their Degrees in Divinity much sooner than in other Houses ; so that although he proceeded not Master of Arts till the Month of Iuly 1599. yet at the end of five years only he took the Degree of Batchelour in Divinity , without longer stay ; during which interval he was first made Deacon , and afterwards was put into the Order of Priesthood by Dr. Young then Bishop of Rochester , the See of Oxon. being vacant , in which vacancy it had continued for the space of 11. years , that is to say , from the death of Bishop Vnderhill , An. 1592. till the Consecration of Dr. Bridges on the twelfth of February , An. 1603. The Patrimony of that Church being in the mean time much dilapidated and made a prey ( for the most part ) to the Earl of Essex , to whom it proved as miserably fatal , as the Gold of Tholouse did of old to the Soldiers of Caepio . And now being fallen upon his Studies in Divinity , in the exercise whereof he met with some affronts and oppositions , it will be necessary to take a short view of the then present Estate of that University , that so we may the better discern the Reasons of those affronts and oppositions under which he suffered . Know then , that Mr. Lawrence Humphrey , one of the Fellows of Magdalen Colledge , being deprived of his Fellowship there in Queen Maries time , betook himself to the City of Zurich , a City of chiefest note amongst the Switzers , remarkable for the Preachings and Death of Zuinglius ; from whence , and from the Correspondence which he had at Geneva , he brought back with him at his returning into England on Queen Maries death , so much of the Calvinian , both in Doctrine and in Discipline , that the best that could be said of him , by (f) one who commonly speaks favourably of all that Party , is , that he was a moderate and conscientious Non-conformist . Immediately on his return he was by Queen Elizabeth made President of Magdalen Colledge , and found to be the fittest man ( as certainly he was a man of very good parts , and the Master of a pure Latin Style ) for governing the Divinity Chair , as her Majesties Professor in that Faculty ; in which he continued till the year 1596. and for a great part of that time was Vice-chancellor also . By which advantages he did not only stock his Colledge with such a generation of Non-conformists as could not be wormed out in many years after his decease ; but sowed in the Divinity Schools such seeds of Calvinism , and laboured to create in the younger Students such a strong hate against the Papists , as if nothing but Divine Truths were to be found in the one , and nothing but Abominations to be seen in the other . And though Doctor Iohn Holland Rector of Exceter Colledge , who succeeded Humphries in the Chair , came to it better principled than his Predecessor , yet did he suffer himself to be borne away by the violent current of the times , contrary in some cases to his own opinion . And yet as zealous as Doctor Humphries shewed himself against the Papists ( insomuch as he got the title of a Papisto Mastyx ) he was not thought , though seconded by the Lady Margarets Professor for that University , to make the distance wide enough betwixt the Churches . A new Lecture therefore must be founded by Sir Francis Walsingham Principal Secretary of Estate , a man of Great Abilities in the Schools of Policy , an extreme hater of the Popes and Church of Rome , and no less favourable unto those of the Puritan Faction . The designe was to make the Religion of the Church of Rome more odious , and the differences betwixt them and the Protestants to appear more irreconcileable than before they did . And that he might not fail of his purpose in it , the Reading of this Lecture was committed to Doctor Iohn Reynolds President of Corpus Christi Colledge , a man of infinite Reading , and as vast a Memory ; who having lived sometimes in one of our English Seminaries beyond the Seas , declared himself as profest a Papist , and as eager in the pursuit of that way , as any other whatsoever : But being regained unto this Church by his Brother William , who lost himself in the encounter , he thought he could not sufficiently express his detestation of the errors and corruptions in the Church of Rome , but by running to the other extream , and making himself considerable amongst the Puritans . On which account , as he became very gracious to Sir Francis Walsingham , so was he quickly made the Spiritual Head of the Puritan Faction ; in which capacity he managed their business for them in the Conference at Hampton Court , Anno 1603. where he appeared the principal if not only Speaker , the other three ( that is to say , Spark , Chadderton , and Knewstubs ) serving no otherwise than as Mutes and Cyphers to make up the mess. By the power and practices of these men , the disposition of those times , and the long continuance of the Earl of Leicester ( the principal Patron of that Faction ) in the place of Chancellor , the face of that University was so much altered , that there was little to be seen in it of the Church of England , according to the Principles and Positions upon which it was at first Reformed . All the Calvinian Rigors in matters of Predestination , and the Points depending thereupon , received as the Established Doctrines of the Church of England ; the necessity of the one Sacrament , the eminent dignity of the other , and the powerful efficacy of both unto mans salvation , not only disputed , but denyed ; the Article of Christs local descent into hell , so positively asserted in two Convocations , Anno 1552. and 1562. at first corrupted with false Glosses , afterwards openly contradicted , and at last totally disclaimed , because repugnant to the Fancies of some Forreign Divines , though they at odds amongst themselves in the meaning of it ; Episcopacy maintained by halves , not as a distinct Order from that of the Presbyters , but only a degree above them , or perhaps not that , for fear of giving scandal to the Churches of Calvins Platform ; the Church of Rome inveighed against as the Whore of Babylon , or the Mother of Abominations ; the Pope as publickly maintained to be Antichrist , or the Man of Sin , and that as positively and magisterially as if it had been one of the chief Articles of the Christian Faith ; and then for fear of having any good thoughts for either , the visibility of the Church must be no otherwise maintained , than by looking for it in the scattered Conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy , the Albigenses in France , the Huffites in Bohemia , and the Wickliffists among our selves . Nor was there any greater care taken for the Forms and Orders of this Church , than there had been for points of Doctrine , the Surplice so disused in officiating the Divine Service of the Church , and the Divine Service of the Church so slubbered over in most of the Colledges , that the Prelates and Clergy assembled in Convocation , Anno 1603. were necessitated to frame two Canons , that is to say , Can. 16 , 17. to bring them back again to the ancient practise ; particularly , the bowing at the Name of IESVS , commanded by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1559. and used in most Churches of the Kingdom , so much neglected and decryed , that Airy (g) Provost of Queens Colledge writ a Tract against it ; the Habits of the Priests , by which they were to be distinguished from other men , ( not only by the Queens Injunctions , but also by some following Canons made in Convocation ) so much despised , and laid aside , that Doctor Reynolds had the confidence to appear in the Conference at Hampton Court in his Turky Gown , and therefore may be thought to have worn no other in the University : And in a word , (h) the Books of Calvin made the Rule by which all men were to square their Writings , his only word ( like the ipse dixit of Pythagoras ) admitted for the sole Canon to which they were to frame and conform their Judgments , and in comparison of whom the Ancient Fathers of the Church ( men of Renown , and the Glories of their several Times ) must be held contemptible ; and to offend against this Canon , or to break this Rule , esteemed a more unpardonable Crime , than to violate the Apostles Canons , or dispute the Doctrines and Determinations of any of the four first general Councels ; so as it might have proved more safe for any man , in such a general deviation from the Rules and Dictates of this Church , to have been look'd upon as an Heathen or Publican , than an Anti-Calvinist . But Laud was of a stronger Metal than to give up himself so tamely , and being forged and hammered on a better Anvil , would not be wrought on by the times , or captivate his Understanding to the Names of Men , how great soever they appeared in the eyes of others . Nor would he run precipitately into common Opinions ( for common Opinions many times are but common Errors ) as Calderinus is reported to have gone to (i) Mass because he would not break company with the rest of his friends . His Studies in Divinity he had founded on the Holy Scriptures , according to the Glosses and Interpretations of the ancient Fathers ; for doing which he had the countenance and direction of a Canon made in Convocation , Anno 1571. by which it was appointed , That in interpreting the Scriptures , they were to raise no other Doctrines from them than what had been collected thence from the ancient Fathers , and other godly Bishops of the Primitive times . (k) And laying to this Line the establish'd Doctrines and Determinations of the Church of England , it was no hard matter to him to discern how much the Church had deviated from her self , or most men rather from the Church , in those latter times ; how palpably the Articles had been wrested from the Literal and Gramatical sence , to fit them to the sence of particular persons ; how a different construction had been put upon them , from that which was the true and genuine meaning of the men that framed them , and the Authority which confirmed them ; and finally , that it would be a work of much glory , but of much more merit , to bring her back again to her native Principles . But then withal , it was as easie to discern how desperate an attempt it must needs appear for a single man , unseconded , and not well befriended , to oppose himself against an Army ; how vain a thing to strive against so strong a stream , and cross the current of the times ; that the disease by long neglect was grown so natural and habitual , that more mischief might be feared from the Medicine , than from the Malady ; that he must needs expose himself to many Censures and Reproaches , and possibly to some danger also by the undertaking . But these last considerations being weighed in the Scale of the Sanctuary , appeared so light , that he was resolved to try his fortune in the work , and to leave the issue thereof unto God , by whom Paul's planting and Apollo's watering do receive increase ? For being thus resolved upon the point , it was not long before he had an opportunity to set it forwards . He had before attained unto an high esteem for Arts and Oratory , and was conceived to have made so good a proficiency in the Studies of Divinity also , that in the year 1602. he was admitted to read the Lecture of Mrs. May's Foundation , with the general liking of that Colledge . With the like general consent and approbation he was chosen out of all the rest of that Society to be a Candidate for the Proctorship in the University , into which Office he was chosen on the fourth of May , 1603. which was as soon as he was capable of it by the University Statutes ; which Office he discharged with great applause as to himself , and general satisfaction unto others . Doctor George Abbot Master of Vniversity Colledge ( who afterwards attained to the See of Canterbury ) was at that time Vice-chancellor of the University , whom with the rest of the Doctors and Heads of Houses he accompanied to Woodstock Manor , to present themselves and tender their most humble service to the most Mighty Prince King Iames , succeeding on the 24th . of March before to the Crown of England : And in this year it was ( but whether in reading of the Lecture of Mrs. May's Foundation , or some other Chappel Exercise , I am not able to say ) he maintained the constant and perpetual visibility of the Church of Christ , derived from the Apostles to the Church of Rome , continued in that Church ( as in others of the East and South ) till the Reformation . Dr. Abbot Master of Vniversity Colledg , and Vice-chancellor , was of a different opinion , and could not finde any such visibility of the Christian Church , but by tracing it as well as he could from the Berengarians to the Albigenses , from the Albigenses to the Wickliffists , from the Wickliffists unto the Hussites , and from the Hussites unto Luther and Calvin ; for proof whereof , we may consult a Book of his , entituled , The Visibility of the Church , published in those busie Times when this impertinent Question , viz. Where Was your Church before Luther ? was as impertinently insisted on by the Priests and Jesuites . This being his opinion also when he lived in Oxon , he thought it a great derogation to his Parts and Credit , that any man should dare to maintain the contrary , and thereupon conceived a strong grudge against him , which no tract of time could either abolish or diminish . In the next year , viz. 1604. he peformed his Exercise for Batchelor of Divinity , in which he maintained these two Points : First , The necessity of Baptism : Secondly , That there could be no true Church without Diocesan Bishops : For which last he was shrewdly ratled by Doctor Holland above-mentioned , as one that did endeavour to cast a bone of Discord betwixt the Church of England , and the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas ; and for the first it was objected , That he had taken the greatest part of his Supposition out of Bellarmines Works , as if the Doctrine of the Incarnation of the Son of God , or any necessary Truths , were to be renounced because they are defended by that Learned Cardinal . But misfortunes seldom come alone , if at the least it may be counted a misfortune to be reproach'd for standing up in defence of truth : For not long after , viz. Anno 1606. he was questioned by Dr. Airy , being Vice-chancellor for that year , for a Sermon preached in St. Maries Church on the 26th . of October , as containing in it sundry scandalous and Popish passages ; the good man taking all things to be matter of Popery , which were not held forth unto him in Calvins Institutes ; conceiving that there was as much Idolatry in bowing at the Name of IESVS , as in worshipping the brasen Serpent , and as undoubtedly believing that Antichrist was begotten on the Whore of Babylon , as that Pharez and Zara were begotten on the body of Tamar . Which advantage being taken by Doctor Abbot , he so violently persecuted the poor man , and so openly branded him for a Papist , or at least very Popishly enclined , that it was almost made an Heresie ( as I have heard from his own mouth ) for any one to be seen in his company , and a misprision of Heresie to give him a civil Salutation as he walked the Streets . But there will one day come a time , when Doctor Abbot may be made more sensible of these Oppressions , when he shall see this poor despised man standing upon the higher ground , and more above him in respect of Power , than beneath in Place : So unsafe a thing it is for them that be in Authority to abuse their Power , and carry matters on to the last extremities , as if they had Fortune in a string , and could be sure to lead her with them whithersoever they went. This scandal being raised at Oxon , it was not long before it flew to Cambridge also , at what time Mr. Ioseph Hall ( who died Bishop of Norwich about the year 1657. ) was exercising his Pen in the way of Epistles , in one of which inscribed to Mr. W. L. ( the two first Letters of his Name ) it was generally supposed that he aimed at him , and was this that followeth . I would ( saith he ) I knew where to finde you ; then I could tell how to take direct aims ; whereas now I must pore and conjecture . To day you are in the Tents of the Romanists , to morrow in ours ; the next day between both , against both . Our Adversaries think you ours , we theirs ; your Conscience findes you with both , and neither . I flatter you not : This of yours is the worst of all tempers : Heat and Cold have their uses ; Lukewarmness is good for nothing , but to trouble the stomack . Those that are spiritually hot , find acceptation ; those that are stark cold , have a lesser reckoning ; the mean between both is so much worse , as it comes neerer to good , and attains it not . How long will you halt in this indifferency ? Resolve one way , and know at last what you do hold , what you should . Cast off either your wings or your teeth , and loathing this Bat-like Nature , be either a Bird or a Beast . To die wavering and uncertain , your self will grant fearful . If you must settle , when begin you ? If you must begin , why not now ? It is dangerous deferring that whose want is deadly , and whose opportunity is doubtful . God cryeth with Iehu , Who is on my side , who ? Look at last out of your window to him , and in a resolute courage cast down the Iezebel that hath bewitched you . Is there any impediment which delay will abate ? Is there any which a just answer cannot remove ? If you had rather waver , who can settle you ? But if you love not inconstancy , tell us why you stagger ? Be plain , or else you will never be firm , &c. But notwithstanding these false bruits , and this smart Epistle , Doctor Buckridge who had been his Tutor , and from whom he received his Principles , had better assurance of his unfeigned sincerity in the true Protestant Religion here by Law established , than to be so perswaded of him ; he had not else preferred him to the service of Bishop Neile , or recommended him to the Colledge , as the fittest man to succeed him in the Presidents place , when he himself was at the point of his preferment to the See of Rochester . So also had the whole Body of the University , when they conferred upon him his Degrees in Divinity , which certainly they had never done , if either they had believed him to have been a Papist , or at the least so Popishly affected as the Faction made him . Neither could he have taken those Degrees ( had it been so with him ) without a most perfidious dissimulation before God and Man ; because in taking those Degrees , he must both take the Oath of Supremacy , and subscribe to the three Articles contained in the 36 Canon of the year 1603. In the first of which he was to have abjured the Popes Authority , and in the next to have declared his approbation of the Doctrine , Government , and Forms of Worship established in the Church of England : Which may sufficiently serve to over-balance the Depositions of Sir Nath. Brent and Doctor Featly , the first of which deposed at his Tryal , That whilst the Archbishop remained in Oxon , he was generally reputed to be Popishly affected ; the other , Not only that the Archbishop was generally reported to be Popish when he lived in Oxon , but that both he and others conceived so of him . But both these men were Abbot's Creatures , and had received their Offices and Preferments from him ; I need say no more , For had he either been a Papist , or so strongly biassed on that side , what should have hindred him from making an open Declaration of it , or stop him from a reconciliation with the Church of Rome ? His Fellowship was not so considerable , but that he might presume of a larger Maintenance beyond the Seas : Nor was he of such common parts , but that he might have looked for a better welcom , and far more civil usage there than he found at home . Preferments in the Church he had none at the present , nor any strong presumptions of it for the time to come , which might be a temptation to him to continue here against the clear light of his Understanding . And this may be a further Argument , not only of his unfeigned sincerity , but of his constancy and stedfastness in the Religion here established , that he kept his station ; that notwithstanding all those clamours under which he suffered , he was resolved to ride out the storm , and neither to desert the Barque in which he sailed , nor run her upon any of the Roman Shores. In this of a far better Temper than Tertullian was , though as much provok'd , of whom it is reported by Beatus Rhenamus , That at first he only seemed to favour Montanus , or at the least not to be displeased with his proceedings : But afterwards being continually tormented by the tongues and pens of the Roman Clergy , (m) he fell off from the obedience of the Church , and became at last a downright Montanist . All which together make it plain , that it was not his design to desert the Church , but to preserve her rather from being deserted , to vindicate her by degrees from those Innovations which by long tract of time , and the cunning practises of some men , had been thrust upon her . And being once resolved on this , the blustring winds which so raged against him , did rather fix him at the root , than either shake his resolution , or force him to desist from his purpose in it : And therefore it was well resolved by Sir Edw. Dering , (n) though his greatest enemy , That he was always one and the same man ; that beginning with him at Oxon. and so going on to Canterbury , he was unmoved and unchanged ; that he never complied with the times , but kept his own stand until the times came up to him , as they after did . Such was the man , and such the purpose of the man , whom his good friends in Oxon. ( out of pure zeal no doubt we must take it so ) had declared a Papist . During these Agitations and Concussions in the Vniversity , there hapned an accident at Wansteed in the County of Essex , which made as great a noise as his being a Papist ; but such a noise as might have freed him from that Accusation , if considered rightly . In the year 1605. he had been made Chaplain to Charles Lord Mountjoy Earl of Devonshire , a man in great favour with King Iames for his fortunate Victory at Kinsale in Ireland , by which he reduced that Realm to the obedience of this Crown , broke the whole Forces of the Rebells , and brought the Earl of Tir-owen a Prisoner into England with him . For which great Services he was by King Iames made Lord Lieutenant of that Kingdom , and one of the Lords of his Privy Council , created Earl of Devonshire , and one of the Knights of the most Noble Order of the Garter . This Gentleman being a younger Brother of William Lord Mountjoy , and known only by the name of Sir Charles Blunt , while his Brother lived , had bore a strong and dear affection to the Lady Penelope Daughter of Walter Earl of Essex , a Lady in whom lodged all attractive Graces of Beauty , Wit , and sweetness of Behaviour , which might render her the absolute Mistress of all Eyes and Hearts . And she so far reciprocated with him in the like affection ( being a compleat and gallant man ) that some assurances past between them of a future Marriage . But her friends looking on him as a younger Brother , considerable only in his depending at the Court , chose rather to dispose her in Marriage to Robert Lord Rich , a man of an independent Fortune , and a known Estate , but otherwise of an uncourtly disposition , unsociable , austere , and of no very agreeable conversation to her . Against this Blunt had nothing to plead in Bar , the promises which passed between them being made in private , no Witnesses to attest unto it , and therefore not amounting to a pre-Contract in due form of Law. But long she had not lived in the Bed of Rich , when the old flames of her affection unto Blunt began again to kindle in her , and if the Sonet in the Arcadia , ( A Neighbour mine not long ago there was , &c. ) be not too generally misconstrued , she made her Husband the sole instrument to acquaint him with it : But whether it were so or not , certain it is , that having first had their private meetings , they afterwards converst more openly and familiarly with one another , than might stand with honour unto either ; especially when by the death of his elder Brother , the Title of Lord Mountjoy , and the Estate remaining to it , had accrued unto him : As if the alteration of his Fortune could either lessen the offence , or suppress the fame . Finding her , at his coming back from the Wars of Ireland , to be free from Rich , legally freed by a Divorce , and not a voluntary separation only , a toro & mensa , as they call it ; he thought himself obliged to make her some Reparation in point of Honour , by taking her into his Bosom as a Lawful Wi●e . Besides , he had some Children by her , before she was actually separated from the Bed of Rich ( some of which afterwards attained to Titles of Honour ) whom he conceived he might have put into a capability of a Legitimation , by this subsequent Marriage , according to the Rule and Practice of the Civil Laws , in which it passeth for a Maxime , That subsequens Matrimonium legitimat prolem . And to that end he dealt so powerfully with his Chaplain , that he disposed him to perform the Rites of that Solemnization , which was accordingly done at Wansteed , Decemb. 26. being the Festival of St. Steven , Anno 1605. Nor did he want some Reasons to induce him to it ( besides the perswasion of his Friends ) which might have gained upon a man not so much concerned in it as he was , and may be used for his excuse , if not for his justification also . He found by the averment of the Parties , that some assurances of Marriage had passed between them , before she was espoused to Rich ; which though they could not amount to a pre-Contract in Foro Iudicii , in a Court of Judicature ; yet he might satisfie himself in the truth thereof in Foro Conscientiae , in the Court of his own private Conscience : And thereupon he might conclude , That being satisfied in the reality and truth of those Assurances , and finding that Rich had quitted his pretensions to her by a formal Sentence of Divorce , he might conceive it lawful for him to perform that Service which was required at his hands . He had found also three Opinions touching the lawfulness or unlawfulness of such Marriages , which are made after a Divorce : The first , That such Marriages are lawful unto neither Party , as long as either of them liveth ; which is the Doctrine of the Papists , determined positively in the Councel of Trent : The second , That such Marriages are lawful to the Party wronged , but not unto the Guilty also ; which Opinion is maintained by some of the Calvinists , and divers of the Ancient Writers : The third , That both the innocent and the guilty Party may lawfully marry if they please ; which Maldonate (o) makes to be the general Opinions of the Lutheran and Calvinian Ministers , as also of some Catholick Doctors . And then why might he not conceive that course most fit to be followed , in which all Parties did agree , than either of the other two , which was commended to him but by one Party only . And though he followed in this case the worst way of the three , ●et may it serve for a sufficient Argument that he was no Papist , nor cordially affected unto that Religion , because he acted so directly against the Doctrines and Determinations of the Church of Rome . If any other considerations of Profit , Preferment , or Compliance , did prevail upon him ( as perhaps they might ) they may with Charity be looked on as the common incidencies of Humane frailty , from which the holiest and most learned men cannot plead Exemption . But whatsoever motives either of them had to put a fair colour upon the business , certain it is , that it succeeded well with neither : The Earl found presently such an alteration in the Kings countenance towards him , and such a lessening of the value which formerly had been set upon him , that he was put to a necessity of writing an Apology to defend his action : But finding how little it edified both in Court and Country , it wrought such a sad impression on him , that he did not much survive the mischief , ending his life before the end of the year next following . Nor did the Chaplain brook it long without such a check of Conscience , as made him turn the Annual Festival of St. Steven into an Anniversary Fast , humbling himself from year to year upon that day before the Father of Mercies , and craving pardon for that Error which by the perswasions of some Friends , and other the temptations of flesh and blood , he had fallen into . And for this purpose he composed this ensuing Prayer . BEhold thy Servant , O my God , and in the bowels of thy mercy have compassion on me . Behold I am become a Reproach to thy holy Name , by serving my Ambition and the sins of others ; which though I did by the perswasion of other men , yet my own Conscience did check and upbraid me in it . Lord I beseech thee for the mercies of Iesus Christ , enter not into Iudgement with me thy Servant ; but hear his blood imploring thy mercies for me : Neither let this Marriage prove a Divorcing of my Soul from thy grace and favour ; for much more happy had I been , if being mindful of this day , I had suffered Martyrdom , as did St. Steven the first of Martyrs , denying that which either my less faithful friends or less godly friends had pressed upon me . I promised to my self that the darkness would hide me , but that hope soon vanished away : Nor doth the light appear more plainly , than I that have committed that soul offence : Even so , O Lord , it pleased thee of thy infinite mercy to deject me with this heavy Ignominy , that I might learn to seek thy Name . O Lord how grievous is the remembrance of my sin to this very day , after so many and such reiterated Prayers poured forth unto thee from a sorrowful and afflicted Spirit . Be merciful , O Lord , unto me ; hearken to the Prayers of thy humble and dejected Servant , and raise me up again , O Lord , that I may not die in this my sin , but that I may live in thee hereafter , and living evermore rejoyce in thee , through the merits and the mercies of Iesus Christ my Lord and Saviour . Amen . A brave example of a penitent and afflicted Soul , which many of us may admire , but few will imitate . And though I doubt not but that the Lord in mercy did remit this fault , yet was he not so mercifully dealt with at the hands of men , by whom it was so frequently and reproachfully cast in the way of his Preferment , that he was fain to make the Duke of Buckingham acquainted with the story of it , and by his means to possess King Charles his gracious Master with the truth thereof : So long it was before his Enemies had desisted from pressing this unhappy Error to his disadvantage . The Earl of Devonshire being dead , he was by Doctor Buckridge his most constant friend ( Anno 1608. ) commended to the Service of Doctor Richard Neile , then Bishop of Rochester , a man who very well understood the Constitution of the Church of England , though otherwise not so eminent in all parts of Learning , as some other Bishops of his time : But what he wanted in himself , he made good in the choice of his Servants , having more able men about him from time to time than any other of that age : Amongst which ( not to reckon Laud , of whom now I speak ) were Doctor Augustine Linsell Bishop of Hereford , Doctor Thomas Iackson President of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxon. and Dean of Peterburrough , Doctor Iohn Cosen Prebend of Durham , and Dean of Peterburrough after Iackson , Doctor Benjamin Lany Master of Queens Colledge in Cambridge , and Dean of Rochester , Doctor Robert Newell his half Brother , Prebend of Westminster and Durham , and Archdeacon of Buckingham , Doctor Gabriel Clarke Prebend and Archdeacon of Durham , Doctor Eliazer Duncum one of the Prebends of Durham also , Mr. Barlow a right solid man , but not possessed of any Dignity in the Church to my best remembrance ; and some others of good note , whose Names and Titles I cannot presently call to minde . In the beginning of the Reign of King Iames ( by the power and mediation of Archbishop Bancroft ) he was made Clerk of the Closet to that King , that standing continually at his Elbow , he might be ready to perform good offices to the Church and Churchmen : Aud he discharged his trust so well , that though he lost the love of some of the Courtiers , who were too visibly enclined to the Puritan Faction , yet he gained the favour of his Master , by whom he was preferred to the Deanry of Westminster , and afterwards successively to the Bishopricks of Rochester , Litchfield , Lincoln , and Durham , one of the richest in the Kingdom ; which shews that there was in him something more than ordinary , which made that King so bountiful and gracious to him . Nor staid he there , but by the Power and Favour of this his Chaplain , he was promoted in the Reign of King Charles to the See of Winton , and finally exalted to the Metropolitan See of York , where at last he died about the latter end of October 1640. None of his Chaplains received so much into his Counsels as Doctor Laud ( to which degree he was admitted in the year 1608. ) whom he found both an active and a trusty Servant , as afterwards a most constant and faithful friend upon all occasions . The first Ecclesiastical Preferment which fell unto him was the Vicaridge of Stamford in Northamptonshire : But having put himself into the Service of Bishop Neile , he was by him preferred into the Rectory of Cuckstone in Kent , toward the latter end of May 1610. On the acceptance thereof he gave over his Fellowship in October following , that so he might more fully apply himself to the service of his Lord and Patron . But Cuckstone proving an unhealthy place , he exchanged it for another called Norton ; a Benefice of less value , but scituate in a better and more healthy Air : His Patron in the mean time being translated to the See of Litchfield on the end of September , whose Fortunes he was resolved to follow , till God should please to provide otherwise for him : For first the Bishop , before his going off from the Deanry of Westminster , which he held in commendam with his Bishoprick of Rochester , obtained for him of King Iames , ( to whom not otherwise known but by his Recommendation ) the Reversion of a Prebend in that Church ; which though it fell not to him until ten years after , yet it fell at last , and thereby neighbour'd him to the Court. And on the other side , his good Friend and Tutor Doctor Buckridge being nominated Successor unto Neile in the See of Rochester , laid a good ground for his Succession in the Presidentship of St. Iohn's Colledge , thereby to render him considerable in the University . But this was both suspected and feared by Abbot , who being consecrated Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield on the third of December 1609. and from thence removed to London in the end of Ianuary next ensuing , resolved to hinder the design with all care and diligence : So natural a thing it is to hate the man whom we have wronged ; to keep him down , whom we have any cause to fear , when we have him under . To which end he made great Complaints against him to Thomas Lord Elsmer , Lord Chancellor of England many years before , and newly then made Chancellor of that University , on the death of the Lord Archbishop Bancroft , insinuating to him , That he was at the least a Papist in heart , and cordially addicted unto Popery ; That he kept company with none but profest and suspected Papists ; and , That if he were suffered to have any place of Government in the Vniversity , it would undoubtedly turn to the great Detriment of Religion , and Dishonour of his Lordship . The Chancellor hereupon makes his Address unto the King , informing him of all which had been told him concerning Laud , which was like to have destroy'd his hopes as to that design ( notwithstanding his petition to the King to believe otherwise of him ) if Bishop Neile his constant and unmovable Friend , had not acquainted his Majesty with the Abilities of the man , and the old grudge which Abbot had conceived against him . This Bar being thus removed , the design for the Presidentship went on ; in the obtaining whereof ; he found a greater difficulty than he had expected : Rawlinson , once a Fellow of the same House , and afterwards Principal of St. Edmonds Hall , appearing a Competitor for it . Each of them having prepared his Party , the Fellows proceeded to an Election May 10. Anno 1611. The Scrutiny being made , and the Election at the point to be declared , one of the Fellows of Rawlinson's Party , seeing which way the business was like to go , snatch'd up the Paper , and tore it suddenly in pieces . The Nomination being thus unhappily frustrated , an Appeal was made unto King Iames , who spent three hours in giving Audience to both parties ; and upon full consideration of the Proofs and Allegations on either side ( notwithstanding all the former practices and prejudices to encline him otherwise ) he gave Sentence in behalf of Laud ; which hapning on the 29th . of August , being the day of the beheading of St. Iohn Baptist , by whose Name that Colledge was entituled by the Founder of it , hath given an occasion unto some to look upon it as an Omen or Prognostication , that this new Head should suffer death by being beheaded , as the other did . The King having thus passed Judgment for him , he was thereupon sworn , and admitted President ; and being so sworn and admitted , he could not for example sake but inflict some punishment on the party who had torn the Scrutiny : But knowing him for a man of hopeful Parts , industrious in his Studies , and of a Courage not to be disliked , he not only released him from the Censure under which he lay , but took him into special Favour , trusted him in all his weighty businesses , made him his Chaplain , and preferred him from one good Benefice to another , married him to his Brothers Daughter , and finally promoted him to the very Presidentship ( which had been the first cause of that breach ) and one of the best Deanries of the Kingdom . To such others of the Fellows as had opposed him in his Election to that place , he always shewed a fair and equal countenance , hoping to gain them by degrees : But if he found any of them to be untractable , not easily to be gained by favours , he would finde some handsom way or other to remove them out of the Colledge , that others not engaged upon either side might succeed in their places . But notwithstanding all this care , the Faction still held up against him , the younger fry inclining to the same side which had been taken by their Tutors . But whiles these things were in agitation , there hapned a great alteration in the Church of England , by the death of the most Reverend Archbishop Bancroft , who died on the second of November 1610. and with whom died the Vniformity of the Church of England . A man he was of eminent parts , and of a most undaunted spirit ; one who well knew his work , and did it . When Chaplain only to the Lord Chancellor Hatton , he piec'd himself with Doctor Whitgift , not long after his first coming to the See of Canterbury , to whom he proved a great support in gaining the Lord Chancellor for him , by whose assistance he was enabled to hold out against the over-ruling Power of the Earl of Leicester , the Patron-General of the Faction . In the year 1588. he Preached a Sermon at St. Paul's Cross , and therein made an open Declaration of those manifold Dangers which the prevalency of that Faction would bring upon the Church and State , if they might be suffered ; which blow he followed in a Book entituled , Dangerous Positions and Proceedings published and practised within this Island of Britain , under pretence of Reformation , and for the Presbyterial Discipline : And in that Book he made such a perfect discovery of their Plots and Practises , and so anatomized them in every part , that he made them odious unto those who before had been their greatest Patrons . In the year 1593. he published another Treatise , entituled , A Survey of the Pretended holy Discipline , in which he so dissected the whole Body of Calvin's Presbyterial Platform , shewing the incoherencies of it in it self , and the inconsistencies thereof with Monarchical Government , that he took off the edge of many ( and those Great ones too ) who had not only seemed to like it , but had longed for it : The Plot was so laid down by Whitgift , that at the same time there should come out two other Books , the one written by Doctor Thomas Bilson , Warden of the Colledge neer Winton , for proof of the Antiquity and perpetual Government of the Church by Bishops ; the other by Doctor Richard Cosens a right Learned Civilian , in justification of the Proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts . By which four Books the Puritan Faction was so muzled , that they were not able to bark in a long time after : Nor do they want their several and just Rewards for such good performances , Bilson being first made Bishop of Worcester , and not long after Bishop of Winton , Bancroft advanced to the See of London , and Doctor Cosens Vicar-general and Dean of the Arches , within few years after being consecrated Bishop of London , on the eighth of May 1597. he kept such a watchfull eye over it , and held so strict a hand upon it , that from a receptactle and retreat of the Grandees of the Puritan party , it became almost as free from Faction as any other in the Kingdom : And knowing how much the Peace of this Church did depend upon it , he managed a secret Corespondency with King Iames in Scotland , insinuating unto him the necessity of conforming the Churches of both Kingdoms in Government and Forms of Worship , and laying down a plot for restoring Episcopacy to that Kirk , without noise or trouble : Which counsel being advisedly followed by King Iames before his coming into England , was afterwards so well pursued ( though not without some violent strugling of the Presbyterians of that Kingdom ) that on the 21. day of October in the year 1609. the designed Bishops of Glascow , Brechen , and Gallo-Way received Episcopal Consecration in the Chappel of London-house , by the hands of Doctor George Abbot then Bishop of London , Doctor Lancelot Andrews Bishop of Ely , Doctor Iames Montague Bishop of Bath and Wells , and Doctor Richard Neile then Bishop of Rochester ; Bancroft himself forbearing to lay hands upon them , for the avoiding of all scruples amongst the Scots , as if he pretended any Jurisdiction or Authority over them . In the mean time , Anno 1603. he carried a chief hand in the Conference at Hampton Court , and had the sole management of the Convocation of the same year also , in which he passed that excellent body of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical , to serve for a perpetual standing Rule to the Church of England . Succeeding Whitgift in the See of Canterbury , Anno 1604. he resolved to put the Canons into execution , and press'd it with so stout a courage , that few had confidence enough to stand out against him : Some of them did , and those he either depriv'd or silenc'd , and thereby terrified the rest to an open Conformity . They saw too plainly that they must not dally with his patience , as they did with Whitgifts ; and that he was resolved to break them , if they would not bow : And they did wisely in so bowing ; for who could stand against a man of such a spirit , armed with Authority , having the Law on his side , and the King to friend , who had declared publickly in the (p) Conference at Hampton Court , That if they would not conform , he would either hurry them out of the Kingdom , or else do worse ? In the year 1608. he was chosen Chancellor at Oxon. and questionless would have set all things right in that University , if Sickness and the stroke of Death had not prevented his intendments . But die he must ; and being dead , there was a Consultation amongst some of the Bishops and other Great men of the Court , whom to commend unto King Iames for his Successor in that See. They knew that Mountague and Abbot would be venturing at it , but they had not confidence enough in either of them , both of them being extremely popular , and such as would ingratiate themselves with the Puritan Faction , how dearly soever the Church paid for it : And thereupon it was resolved to fix on Andrews for the man ; a man , as one says very well of him , of Primitive Antiquity , in whom was to be found whatever is desirable in a Bishop , even to admiration ; to whom they found the King to be well affected , for taking up the Bucklers for him against Cardinal Bellarmine . The Motion was no sooner made , but it was embraced , and they departed from the King with as good assurance as if the business had been done , and Andrews fully setled in the Throne of Canterbury . In confidence whereof , some of them retired to their Country Houses , and others lessened their accustomed diligence about the King , and thereby gave an opportunity to the Earl of Dunbar ( a powerful Minister of State ) to put in for Abbot , who had attended him in some Negotiations which he had with the Scots ; and he put in so powerfully in his behalf , that at last he carried it , and had the Kings Hand to the passing of the publick Instruments , before the other Bishops ever heard of the Plot : But when they heard of it , there was no Remedy but Patience ; but it was Patience perforce , as the Proverb hath it : For much they feared that Abbot would unravel all the Web which Bancroft with such pains had weaved , and that he was ( as the same Author well observes ) better qualified with Merit for the Dignity , than with a spirit answering the Function . Follow his Character to the end , and you shall be told , That in the exercising of his Function he was conceived too facil and yielding : His extraordinary Remisness in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremonie , seemed to resolve those Legal Determinations to their first Principle of Indifferency , and led in such an habit of Inconformity , as the future Reduction of those tender Conscienced men , to long discontinued Obedience , was at the last interpreted an Innovation . If Andrews had succeeded Bancroft , and Laud followed Andrews , the Church would have been setled to sure on a Foundation , that it could not easily have been shaken ; to the preventing of those deplorable Miseries , which the Remiss Government of that Popular Prelate did so unfortunately bring both on the Church and State. But to go forward where we left , Laud was no sooner setled in the Presidentship of his Colledge , but he conceived himself advanced , one step at the least , towards a Precedency in the Church , and therefore thought it was high time to cast an eye upon the Court. His good Friend and Patron Bishop Neile , then being of Rochester , had procured him a Turn before the King at Theobalds on the 17th . of September 1609. and by the power and favour of the same man , being then translated unto Litchfield , he was sworn one of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary on the third of November , Anno 1611. yet so that he continued his dependencies on his former Lord , to whom he was as dear and necessary as before he was ; injoying freely all the accomodations of his House , whensoever his occasions brought him to London . Having thus set foot within the Court , he promised himself great hopes of some present preferment ; but those hopes deceived him . Nothing is more uncertain than Court Preferments : Some have them suddenly at the first , and then continue at a stand without farther Additions , as in the case of Doctor Young Dean of Winchester : Some attend long , and get nothing , as in the case of Mr. Arthur Terringham , and many others ; and some are in the same case with the Apostles in St. Iohn (z) when they went a fishing , of whom it is said , That having caught nothing all the night , they cast their net the next morning on the right side of the Ship , and then they were not able to draw it for the multitude of Fishes . And so it was with this new Chaplain ; many Preserments fell , but none fell to him ; For whensoever any opportunity was offered for his Advancement , Archbishop Abbot ( who had before defamed him to the Lord Chancellor Egerton , and by his mouth unto the King ) would be sure to cast somewhat in his dish ; sometimes inculcating to him all his actings at Oxon. and sometimes rubbing up the old sore of his unfortunate business with the Earl of Devonshire . These Artifices so estranged the Kings Countenance from him , that having waited four years , and seeing his hopes more desperate than at the first , he was upon the point of leaving the Court , and retiring wholly into his Colledge : But first he thought it not amiss to acquaint his dear Friend and Patron Bishop Neile , both with his resolution and the reasons of it . But Neile was not to be told what he knew before ; and therefore answered , That he was very sensible of those many neglects which were put upon him , and saw too clearly that he had been too long under a cloud ; but howsoever advised him to stay one year longer , and that if he had no better encouragement within that year , he would consent to his retirement . In the mean time , to keep him up in heart and spirit , as he had given him the Prebendary of Bugden belonging to the Church of Lincoln ( to which See he had been translated Anno 1613. ) but the year before ; so in the year of his complaint , which was 1615. he conferred upon him also the Archdeaconry of Huntington . It had pleased God so to dispose of his Affairs , that before the year of expectation was fully ended , his Majesty began to take him into his better thoughts , and for a testimony thereof bestowed upon him the Deanry of Glocester , void by the death of the Reverend Right Learned Doctor Feild , whose excellent Works will keep his Name alive to succeeding Ages : A Deanry of no very great value , but such as kept him up in reputation , and made men see he was not so contemptible in the eyes of the King as it was generally imagined . But before we follow him to Glocester , we must take Oxon. in our way , in which had hapned no small alteration since we left it la●t : Doctor Henry Holland Rector of Exceter Colledge , and his Majesties Professor for Divinity , having left this Life in the end of the year 1611. it seemed good to Archbishop Abbot to make use of his Power and Favour with King Iames , for preferring to that place his elder Brother Doctor Robert Abbot , being then Master of Baliol Colledge , and Rector of Bingham in the County of Nottingham : He had before been Fellow of it , and Doctor Lilly dying so opportunely for the furtherance of his Preferment in the University , he succeeded Master in his place March 9. 1609. being the next Month after his Brother had been advanced to the See of London : A man he was of eminent Learning , as his Works declare , and a more moderate Calvinian than either of his Predecessors , which he expressed by countenancing the Sublapsarian way of Predestination ; by means whereof he incurred the high displeasure of the Supralapsarians , who until then had carried all before them , without gaining any thing on those who liked well of neither : But depending altogether on the will of his Brother , he thought he could not gratifie and oblige him more , than in pursuing his old quarrels against Laud and others , whom he knew to be disrellished by him , which he thus pursued . It hapned that Laud preaching on Shrove-Sundar . Anno. 1614. insisted on some points which might indifferently be imputed either to Popery or Arminianism , ( as about that time they began to call it ) though in themselves they were no other than the true and genuine Doctrines of the Church of England : And having occasion in that Sermon to touch upon the Presbyterians and their Proceedings , he used some words to this effect , viz. That the Presbyterians were as bad as the Papists : Which being so directly contrary to the Judgment and Opinion of this Doctor Abbot , and knowing how much Laud had been distasted by his Brother when he lived in Oxon. conceived he could not better satisfie himself , and oblige his Brother the Archbishop , than by exposing him ( on the next occasion ) both to shame and censure , which he did accordingly : For being Vice-chancellor for the year , and preaching at St. Peters upon Easter-day in the afternoon . he pointed at him so directly , that none of the Auditors were so ignorant , as not to know at whom he aimed . Laud not being present at the first preaching of the Sermon , was by his friends perswaded to shew himself at St. Maries on the Sunday after , when it should come to be repeated ( according to the ancient Custom of that University ) to whose perswasions giving an unwilling consent , he heard himself sufficiently abused for almost an hour together , and that so palpably and grosly , that he was pointed too as he sate : Some of the passages of which Sermon I shall here subjoyn , because howsoever they might bring to him some present and personal disgrace , yet they redowned at the last to the great Good and Benefit of the Vniversity . Some ( said the Doctor in his Sermon ) are partly Romish , partly English , as occasion served them , that a man might say unto them , Noster es , an Adversariorum ? who under pretence of Truth , and preaching against the Puritan , strike at the heart and root of the Faith and Religion now established amongst us , &c. That they cannot plead they are accounted Papists , because they speak against the Puritan , but because , being indeed Papists , they speak nothing against them ; If they do at any time speak against the Papists , they do but beat a little about the bush , and that but softly too , for fear of waking and disquieting the birds that are in it ; they speak nothing but that wherein one Papist will speak against another ; as against Equivocation , and the Popes Temporal Authority , and the like ; and perhaps some of their blasphemous speeches : But in the Points of Free Will , Iustification , Concupiscence being a sin after Baptism , Inherent Righteousness , and certainty of Salvation ; The Papists beyond the Seas can say they are wholly theirs ; and the Recusants at home make their brags of them . And in all things they keep themselves so near the brink , that upon any occasion they may step over to them . Now for this speech , that the Presbyterians are as bad as the Papists , there is a sting in the speech , which I wish had been left out , for there are many Churches beyond the Seas which contend for the Religion established amongst us , and yet have approved and admitted the Presb●tery , &c. After which , having spoken somewhat in justification of Presbyteries , he proceeded thus : Might not Christ say ( saith he ) What art thou , ROMISH or ENGLISH ? PAPIST or PROTESTANT ? Or what art thou ? A Mungrelor compound of both : A Protestant by Ordination , a Papist in point of Free Will , Inherent Righteousness , and the like . A Protestant in receiving the Sacrament , a Papist in the Doctrine of the Sacrament ? What , do you think there are two Heavens ? If there be , get you to the other , and place your selves there , for into this where I am ye shall not come . It is not to be doubted but that he was much troubled at this harsh usage , and might have been more troubled at it had he stood alone ; had not some others of eminent note , been handled in as ill a manner not long before . Howson , and Corbet , both of Christ-Church , had been Praecursors in this case , to the President of St. Iohn Baptist , the Praecursor of Christ : Of these , the first , being a grave and Reverend person , an ancient Doctor in Divinity , and one of the Canons of the Church , had been Vicc-Chancellor of the University , when Laud had but newly taken on him the Order of Priesthood ; but none of these could priviledge him from feeling the dint of that mans spirit : For preaching at St. Maries in the year 1612. he took occasion to speak of the Geneva Notes on the Bible , accusing them as guilty of misinterpretation touching the Divinity of Christ and his Messiahship , ( as my Author (s) hath it ) as if symbolizing with Arrians and Iews against them both . Whereupon he was suspended by this Dr. Abbot , Propter conciones publicas minus Orthodoxas , & offensionis plenas ; that is to say , for some publick Sermons being less Orthodox , and fuller of offence than they ought to have been . The other , being a man of great wit and able parts , had been Proctor of the University , in the same year in which Howson did incur this Censure : And preaching the Passion Sermon at Christ Church , Anno 1613. insisted on the Article of Christs descending into Hell , and therein grated upon Calvins manifest perverting of the true sense and meaning of it : For which he was so ratled up by the Repetitioner , not without Abbots setting on ( as it was generally conceived ) that if he had not been a man of a very great courage it might have made him ashamed of staying in the University ; so dangerous a thing it was to touch at any thing in which Geneva was concerned . But the best was , that none of them sunk under the burden of these oppressions , if ( like the Camomile ) they did not rise the higher by it . For Howson on the ninth of May , 1619. succeeded Dr. Iohn Bridges in the See of Oxon. from thence translated unto Durham , Anno 1627. and left behind him this commendation , t that he was a very learned man , and plentifully endowed with all those vertues which were most proper for a Bishop , as Godwin tells us of him in his Continuation . Corbet , being made Dean of Christ Church in the year 1620. succeeded Bishop Howson in the See of Oxon. and died Bishop of Norwhich , Anno 1635. And how it did succeed with Laud , the course of this ensuing History will at large inform us . For he being very sensible of so great an injury , thought it fit to prevent the same by giving an account of It to the Bishop of Lincoln ; which he did on the Morrow after the Repetition , being the eighteenth day of April , desiring his advice , whether he should sit down by the wrong , or make Abbot as sensible of it as he was himself . What direction he received in it I am not able to say , but as it seems he was advised to sit down with patience , not to exasperate either of the Abbots , and thereby to provoke more enemies against him than he had already . And I conceive that this Advice was given unto him , because I cannot find that he stirred any further in it ; the rather in regard that Abbot was nominated not long after to the Bishoprick of Salisbury in the place of Dr. Henry Cotton , who died on the seventh of May next following . And yet this Bishoprick was not carried so clearly for him , notwithstanding his Brothers great power and credit in the Court : but that a very strong opposition was made against him ; which being overcome at last , he received Episcopal Consecration on the third of December , leaving the choice to Dr. Iohn Prideaux , Rector of Exeter Colledge , who proved a vehement assertor of all the Calvinian Rigours in the matter of Predestination , and the Points depending thereupon ; as appears by his first Lecture , De Absoluto Decreto , and the rest which followed . Dr. Abbot being thus removed to an higher spheare , it seemed not good to Laud to pursue the quarrel , but patiently to attend the year of his expectation ; before the expiring whereof the King bestowed upon him the Deanry of Glocester , as before was said . At the bestowing of which Deanry his Majesty told him , that he had been informed that there was scarce ever a Church in England so ill governed , and so much out of order as that was , requiring him in the general to reform and set in order what he found amiss . Being thus forewarned , and withall forearmed , he makes hast to Glocester , where he found the Church in great decay , many things out of order in it , the Communion Table standing almost in the middest of the Quire , contrary to the posture of it in his Majesties Chappel , and of all the Cathedral Churches which he had seen . Which being observed , he called a Chapter of the Prebends , and having acquainted them with his Majesties Instructions , easily obtained their consent to two Chapter Acts : The one , for the speedy Repairing of the Church where it was most necessary : The other , for transposing the Communion Table to the East end of the Quire , and placing it all along the Wall , according to the scituation of it in other Cathedral or Mother Churches , which Transposition being made , he recommended to the Prebendaries , the Quire men , Choresters , and the under-Officers of the Church the making of their humble reverence to Almighty God , not only at their first entrance into the Quire , but at their approaches toward the holy Table ; according to the laudible custom of the Primitive times , retained still in the sollemnities of the Knights of the Garter at the Act in Oxon. in the Chappels of his Majesty , and divers great persons in the Realm . His Majesties instructions , the Contents of the two Chapter Acts , and how he had proceeded on them , I find certified under his hand in two Letters ; The one , to his good Friend the Bishop of Lincoln , bearing date March 3. 1616. The other , unto the Bishop of Glocester ( who had shewed himself offended at his proceedings ) bearing date on the twenty seventh of February then next foregoing . The Bishop of Glocester at that time was Dr. Miles Smith , once of Brazen-Nose Colledge , a great Hebrician , and one that took as much pains as any in the last Translation of the Bible , as a reward for which he received this Bishoprick . But then withall he was a man that spared not to shew himself upon all occasions in favour of the Calvinian party ; and more particularly in countenancing the Lecturers within his Diocess against the lawful Minister of the Parish when ever any complaint of their proceedings was made unto him . No sooner had he heard what the new Dean had done about the Communion Table but he expressed his dislike of it , and opposed it with all the power he had ; But finding that he could not prevaile according unto his desires , he is said to have protested unto the Dean , and some of the Prebends , that if the Communion Table were removed , or any such Innovations brought into that Cathedral , he would never come more within those Walls ; which Promise or Protestation he is said by some to have made good , and not to have come within that Church to his dying day : Which if he did forbear upon that occasion , he must needs shew himself a man of great pertinacity , and one that feared not to give a publick scandall to the Church , and the Court to boot ; This transposition being made in the declining of the year 1616. his Pallace standing near the walls of that Cathedral , and he not dying till the year 1624. which was eight years after . Seeing how little he prevailed , one White his Chaplain takes upon him in a Letter written to the Chancellor of that Diocess , to acquaint him with the strange Reports which were come unto them touching the scituation of the Communion Table in the place where the High Altar stood before , and that low obeysance were made to it , assuring him how much the secret Papists would rejoyce , in hope that that which they long looked for was now near at hand ; In which Letter he also challenged and upbraided the Prebends , and other Preachers of that City , that they did not offer either by word or deed to resist the Dean in those proceedings ; admiring that no man should have any spark of Elias Spirit to speak a word in Gods behalf , that the Preachers should swallow down such things in silence , and that the Prebends should be so faint hearted as to shrink in the first wetting , especially having the Law on their side against it . It was not long before this Letter was made a Libell : Either the Letter it self , or a Copy of it , being cast into the Pulpit at St. Michaels Church , where Prior the Sub-Dean used to preach ; to the end that he and others of the Prebendaries might take notice of it . Found by the Parish Clerk , and by him put into the hands of the Curate , by them communicated unto others , who took Copies of it , and in short time divulged over all the City . The City at that time much pestered with the Puritan Faction , which was grown multitudinous and strong by reason of the small abode which the Dean and Prebendaries made amongst them , the dull connivance of their Bishop , and the remiss Government of their Metropolitan , so that it seemed both safe and easie to some of the Rabble to make an out-cry in all places that Popery was coming in ; that the translating of the Communion Table into an Altar , with the worship and obeysance which were done to it , were Popish superstitions , and the like . Iones , one of the Aldermen of the City , and a Justice of the Peace withall , caused some of the principal dispersers of this Libellous Letter to be brought before him , committed some of them to prison , and threatned to bind the rest to their good behaviour . But fearing lest his own power might not be sufficient to crush that Faction which had begun to gather strength by long connivance , he advised that the business might be referred to the High Commissioners , as men more able to deal with them . Notice hereof being given to the new Dean by some Letters thence , bearing date Feb. 21. he addressed this Letter above mentioned to the Bishop of Glocester : In which he desired such Favour and Equity at his hands , as that his Lordship would joyn to reform such Tongues and Pens as knew not how to submit to any Law but their own ; that of necessity he was to acquaint his Gracious Majesty , not only with the thing it self , but with the entertainment which it found among Turbulent Spirits ; and that he doubted not but that his Majesty would be well pleased to hear how careful his Lordship shewed himself in preserving the Order and Peace of the Church . But fearing that the Bishop , whose Chaplain was the sole cause of the mischief , would not be very forward to redress it , he dispatched the other Letter , above mentioned , to the Bishop of Lincoln , and in that Letter he desired his Lordship ( having first moved that the High Commission would be pleased to take some speedy order in it ) to let him have his lawful assistance to the end , that so long as he did nothing but what was established and practised in the Church of England , he might not be brought into contempt by turbulent Spirits , at his first entrance on that place , and so be disinabled to do that good service which he owed to the Church of Christ ; withall propounding to his Lordship , that if it stood with his good liking , his Majesty might be made acquainted with the first success of his endeavors for reforming such things as he found most amiss in that Church , &c. Whilst these things were thus agitated in the Reformation of the Church of Glocester , there were other Actings in the Court , touching the Reformation of some things in the Vniversity of Oxon. Laud had before informed the Bishop of Lincoln concerning the course usage which he had from Dr. Abbot , as before was said . Which being represented to his Majesty , it was withall insinuated to him what dangers would proceed by the training up of young Students in the Grounds of Calvinism , if some directions were not issued from his Majesty for the course of their studies ; that there was no readier way to advance the Presbyterial Government in this Kingdom than by suffering young Scholars to be seasoned with Calvinian Doctrines ; that it was very hard to say , whether of the two , either the Puritan , or the Papist were more destructive of Monarchical Government ; and finally , that for want of subscription to the three Articles contained in the 36. Canon , not only Lecturers , but divers other Preachers , in and about the University , positively maintained such points of Doctrine as were not maintained or allowed by the Church of England . Which matter his Majesty having taken into consideration , by the advice of such Bishops and others of the Clergy , as were then about him , upon the eighteenth of Ianuary he dispatcht these Directions following to the Vice. Chancellor , the Heads of Colledges and Halls , the two Professors , and the two Proctors of the University , to be carefully and speedily put in execution . JAMES REX . 1. That it was his Majesties pleasure that he would have all that take any degree in Schools , to subscribe to the three Articles in the 36th Canon . 2. That no Preacher be allowed to preach in the Town , but such as are every way conformable both by subscription and every other way . 3. That all Students do resort to the Sermons in St. Maries , and be restrained from going to any other Church in the time of St. Maries Sermons ; and that provision be made that the Sermons in St. Maries be diligently made and performed , both before-noon and afternoon . 4. That the ordinary Divinity Act be constantly kept with three Replicants . 5. That there be a greater Restraint of Schollars haunting Town-houses , especially in the night . 6. That all Scholars , both at the Chappels , and at the Schools , keep their Scholastical Habits . 7. That young Students in Divinity be directed to study such books as be most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England , and encited to bestow their times in the Fathers , and Councils , School-men , Histories , and Controversies , and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abreviatures , making them the Grounds of their study in Divinity . 8. That no man , either in Pulpit or Schools , be suffered to maintain Dogmatically any point of Doctrine that is not allowed by the Church of England . 9. That Mr. Vice-Chancellor , and the two Professors , or two of the Heads of Houses , do at such time as his Majesty resorts into those parts wait upon his Majesty , and give his Majesty a just account how these his Majesties Instructions are observed . 10. Let no man presume , of what condition or degree soever , not to yield his obedience to these his Majesty Directions , lest he incur such censures as the Statutes of this Vniversity may justly inflict upon such transgressors . This was the first step toward the suppressing of that Reputation which Calvin and his Writings had attained unto in that University ; and a good step it might have been , if Dr Goodwin , Dean of Christ Church , who was then Vice-Chancellor , had not been Father-in-law to Prideaux , or rather if Prideaux himself had approved the Articles , or that Dr. Benfield of Corpus Christi , the other Professor for Divinity , a grave but sedentary man , had been active in it . But howsoever being published , though it went no farther , it gave such a general Alarm to the Puritan Faction , that the terrour of it could not be forgotten in 20. years after : Certain I am , that in the year 1636. it was charged by H. Burton of Fryday-street for an Innovation , one of the many Innovations introduced by Laud , and others of the Prelatical party , to subvert Religion . But leaving them to the folly of their own affrightments , let us look back unto the King , who being confident that he had left the University in a ready way for coming to an Vnity in matters of Doctrine , prepared for his Journey into Scotland , with a like confidence of effecting an Vniformity in Forms of Worship : A matter of consequence and weight , and therefore to be managed by able Ministers , such as knew how to winde and turn the Presbyterians of that Kingdom , if matters should proceed to a Disputation . The known Abilities of Laud mark'd him out for one ; which though it were like to bring a great Charge upon him , yet he preferred the Reputation before the Charge , and chearfully embrac'd the Service . Nor was it more welcom unto him , than grateful to the Bishop of Lincoln , assured thereby not only of a trusty Friend , but of a sociable Companion , for that tedious Journey . His Majesty having filled up the List of his Attendants , on the 14th . day of March began his Journey , accompanied by the Queen and Prince as far as Theobalds , and from thence went forward with his Train before appointed . By the way he called in at the City of Lincoln , where it is not to be doubted but that the Bishop gave him as magnificent an Entertainment as the Place and Country would afford : And from this place it was that he dated his Instructions of the 14th . of April , to the Lord Iohn Digby , then going Embassador into Spain , to Treat upon and Conclude a Marriage between Prince Charles , and the Infanta Maria the Second Daughter of that King ; one of which Articles was to this effect , That the Espousals being made in Spain according to the Order of the Councel of Trent , the Marriage should be solemnized in England , where there should be such a Solemnization as by the Laws of this Realm should make the Marriage valid , and take away all scruple touching the Legitimation of the Issue . Which temperament seems to me to have very much in it of Laud's hand and spirit . In the beginning of May 1617. his Majesty was come as far as Barwick , and from thence visiting the West parts of Scotland , came at last to Edenburgh , where he soon found that he might have saved himself a great part of his care , and taken such of his Chaplains with him as came next to hand ; the Presbyterian Scots not being to be gained by Reason , as he had supposed : For he was scarce setled in that City , when the Presbyters conceiving that his coming was upon design to work an Uniformity between the Churches of both Kingdoms , set up one Struthers to preach against it , who laid so lustily about him in the chief Church of Edenburgh , that he not only condemned the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , but prayed God to save Scotland from the same . Laud , and the rest of the Chaplains who had heard the Sermon , acquainted his Majesty with those passages ; but there was no remedy : The Scots were Scots , and resolved to go their own way whatsoever came of it . For though the Archbishop of St. Andrews had forewarned them , that they should not irritate his Majesty , whom they should finde a gracious Prince , and one that would hear Reason , and give way unto it ; yet this prevailed nothing with them ; they were resolved neither to give Reason to him , nor take any from him , but only to gain time by delays and artifices : For they knew well , that his Majesty had no resolution to stay long amongst them , and that when he was gone they might do what they listed : And therefore when his Majesty , in a Speech made to them at St. Andrews , had told them , That it was a Power belonging to all Christian Princes to order matters in the Church ; and that he would never regard what they approved or disapproved , except they brought him a Reason which he could not answer ; all that they did was to require a little time of Consultation , which being granted , they returned with this Resolution , That if his Majesty would grant them a free Assembly , they would therein satisfie his Majesty in all the Points he had propounded . Patrick Galloway , one of the chiefest amongst them , passing his word for the performance . But when the King was gone , and the day of the Assembly come , those promises vanished in the smoak ; so that the King gained nothing by that chargeable Journey , but the neglect of his Commands , and a contempt of his Authority . His Majesty therefore took a better course , than to put the point to Argument and Disputation ; which was to beat them by the Belly , and to withdraw those Augmentations which he had formerly allowed them out of his Exch●quer : Which Pill so wrought upon this indigent and obstinate People , that the next year , in an Assembly held at Perth , they pass'd an Act for admitting the five Articles for which his Majesty had been courting them for two years together . But whatsoever the King lost by the Journey , I am sure the Bishop of Lincoln got well by it : For Iames the Bishop of Durham dying during the Kings abode in Scotland , his Majesty bestowed upon him that wealthy Bishoprick ; one of the wealthiest in Revenues , but Absolutely the greatest in Power and Priviledges . Into this Bishoprick being canonically confirmed on the ninth of October , he presently set himself on work to repair the Palaces and Houses belonging to it , which he had found in great decay ; but he so adorned and beautified them in a very short space , that they that saw them could not think that they were the same . Three thousand pounds he is affirmed by Bishop Godwin to have disbursed only upon this account , having laid out before no less than a thousand Marks on the Episcopal Houses of the See of Lincoln , besides a good round Sum on the House of Bromley , the Habitation and Retreat of the Bishops of Rochester . But that which gave him most content was his Palace of Durham-house in the Strand , not only because it afforded him convenient Room for his own Retinue , but because it was large enough to allow sufficient Quarters for Buckridge Bishop of Rochester , and Laud Dean of Glocester , which he enjoyed when he was Bishop of St. Davids also ; some other Quarters were reserved for his old servant Doctor Linsell , and others for such Learned men of his Acquaintance as came from time to time to attend upon him ; insomuch as it passed commonly by the name of Durham Colledge . A man of such a strange composition , that whether he were of a larger and more publick Soul , or of a more uncourtly Conversation , it were hard to say . But to return again to Laud : Finding his Majesty resolved to pass thorow Lancashire ; and other Counties of the North-west of England , in his way to London , he obtained leave to go directly unto Oxon. and on the second of August was inducted into the Rectory of Ibstock in the County of Leicester ; a Rectory belonging to the Patronage of the Bishop of Rochester , of whom he had it in exchange for his Kentish Benefices . At his return unto the Colledge , he was joyfully welcomed by his Friends , and chearfully received after so long an absence by the greatest part of that Society : But that which seemed most agreeable to him at his coming home , was the good News he heard from Glocester , how all things had been quieted there , and that there was no fear or danger of any further opposition to be made against him ; for the Rabble being terrified by the severe proceedings of Alderman Iones , and more affrighted at the noise of being brought into the Court of High-Commission , began to grow more sensible of the error which they had committed , the ●ury of their first heats being abated , and Reason beginning by degrees ( as it is ordinary in such cases ) to take place of Passion . Nothing else memorable in this year , as in relation to his Story , but some misfortunes which befel the Archbishop , his perpetual enemy ; the greatest whereof ( though perhaps not took most to heart ) was the death of his Brother the Bishop of Salisbury , which produced great sorrow to his Friends , the rather in regard of the manner and occasion of it : For after his advancement to the See of Sarum , being then neer sixty years of Age , he married the Widdow of one Doctor Cheynell a Physician , who had been one of his Contemporaries in Baliol Colledge ; the news whereof being presented ( with some circumstances to his disadvantage ) to his Brother the Archbishop of Canterbury , he received from him such a sharp and bitter Letter , so full of Reproaches and Revilings , that not being able to bear the burthen of so great an insolency , he presently took thought upon it , and as presently died , leaving this life on the second of March , the year almost expiring with him . The Archbishop had been off the hooks ever since the affront ( as he conceived ) was put upon him in burning his Chaplain Doctor Mockett's Book , entituled , De Politia Ecclesiae Anglicanae , which had given no small Reputation to the Church of England beyond the Seas ; for which severity though many just Reasons were alledged , yet it was generally conceived , that as the Book fared the worse for the Authors sake , so the Author did not speed the better for his Patron the Archbishops sake , betwixt whom , and Doctor Iames Montague then Bishop of Winchester , there had been some differences , which the rest of the Court Bishops were apt enough to make some use of to his disadvantage . But having thus fallen upon the burning of this Book , I shall speak something of it here , because of some particulars in it which may conduce unto our Story in the times succeeding . This Doctor Mocket being Chaplain to Archbishop Abbot , and Warden of All Souls Colledged in Oxon. had publish'd in the Latin tongue the Liturgie of the Church of England , the Publick Catechisms , the 39. Articles , the Book of Ordination of Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , and many Doctrinal Points extracted out of the Book of Homilies ; together with Bishop Iewel 's Apology , Mr. Noel's Chatechism , and his own Book De Politia , &c. A Collection which the good man published in a pious zeal , for gaining Honour to this Church amongst Forrein Nations : But then this Zeal of his was accompanied with so little Knowledge in the Constitution of this Church , or so much biassed toward those of Calvin's Plat-form , that it was thought fit not only to call it in , but to expiate the Errors of it in a publick Flame : For first , his Extracts out of the Book of Homilies were conceived to be rather framed according to his own Judgment , which enclin'd him toward the Calvinian Doctrines , as his Patron did ; than squared according to the Rules and Dictates of the Church of England : And possible enough it is , that some just offence might be taken at him , for making the Fasting-days appointed in the Liturgie of the Church of England , to be commanded and observed ob Politicas solum Rationes , for politick Considerations only , as insinuated p. 308. whereas those Fasting-days were appointed in the first Liturgy of King Edward vj. Anno 1549. ( with reference only to the Primitive Institution of those several Fasts ) when no such Politick Considerations were so much as thought on . But that which I conceive to have been the true cause why the Book was burned , was , that in publishing the 20th . Article , concerning the Authority of the Church , he totally left out the first Clause of it , viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias , statuendi jus ; & in Controverfiis Fidei Authoritatem : By means whereof , the Article was apparently falsified , the Churches Authority disavowed , and consequently a wide gap opened to dispute her Power in all her Canons and Determinations of what sort soever . I note this here , because of the Relation which it hath to some following passages in the year 1637. when we shall finde Laud charged by those of the Puritan Faction , for adding this omitted Clause to the rest of that Article . In the next year ( 1618. ) we finde not a little done at home , but much more abroad ; the Puritan Faction being discountenanced here , and the Calvinists encouraged there . The Sabbatarian Doctrines by the diligence of Archbishop Whitgift , and the severity of Justice Popham , had been crush'd at their first starting out ; and afterwards not daring to implore the Countenance of Authority , they got footing again in divers places by the cunning of the Puritan Faction , the ignorant confidence of some of their Lecturers , and the misguided zeal of some publick Ministers of Justice : And they prevailed so far at last , that the Annual Festivals being turned into days of Labour , and the Lords day wholly taken up in Religious Duties , there was no time left for lawful Recreations amongst the People : Which being made known unto King Iames as he passed thorow Lancashire the last Summer , he gave some present Order in it , for the ease and comfort of his good Subjects in that County ; and that it might not serve only for the present , but the times to come , he published his Royal Declaration to the same effect , bearing date at Greenwich May 24. of this present year : In which Declaration there are three things to be observed ; viz. the Motives , the Liberties , and the Restrictions . First , for the Motives which induced that King to this Declaration , they were chiefly four . 1. The general Complaints of all sorts of People , as he passed thorow Lancashire , of the Restraint of those innocent and lawful Pastimes on that day , which by the Rigors of some Preachers and Ministers of Justice , had been laid upon them . 2. The hindrance of the Conversion of many Papists , who by this means were made to think , that the Protestant Religion was inconsistent with all harmless and modest Recreations . 3. That by debarring them from all man-like Exercises on those days , on which only they were freed from their daily Labours , they were made unactive , unable , and unfit for Warriors , if either himself or any of his Successors should have such occasion to employ them . 4. That men being hindred from these open Pastimes , betook themselves to Tipling-houses , and there abused themselves with Drunkenness , and censured in their Cups his Majesties Proceedings both in Church and State. Next for the Liberties which were indulged upon that day , his Majesty declares his Pleasure , That after Divine Service being ended , his good People should not be discouraged or letted from any lawful Recreations , such as Dancing either Men or Women , Archery for Men , Leaping , Vaulting , or any other such harmless Recreations , not from having of May-games , Whitsun-Ales , and Morris-dances , and the setting up of May-poles , and other sports therewith used ; and that Women shall have leave to carry Rushes to the Church , for the decoring of it , according to their old Custom , with this Proviso notwithstanding , That under the general term of Lawful Recreations , he intended neither Bear-baiting nor Bull-baiting , Interludes , nor ( at all times in the meaner sort of People prohibited ) Bowling . And last of all , for the Restrictions , they were these that follow : 1. That these Pastimes should be no impediment or let to the publick Duties of that day . 2. That no Recusant should be capable of the benefit of them . 3. Not such as were not diligently present at the time of all Divine Offices , which the day required . And , 4. That the benefit thereof should redound to none but such as kept themselves in their own Parishes . Such was the substance of his Majesties Declaration about Lawful Sports , which raised great clamour at the present , but greater when revived in the Reign of King Charles ( at what time we shall finde Laud charged for the Re-publishing of it ) so much the greater , by how much the more the Sabbatarian Doctrines had prevailed amongst us , This being done for the discountenancing of the Calvinian Faction here at home , we must next see what was done abroad on the same account ; that which was done abroad in relation to it , being of great concernment to this Church , and therefore necessary to be known in reference to the person of whom I write . The Bishops and conformable Clergy of Scotland had pass'd two Acts in the Assembly held at Aberdeen , Anno 1616. the one , for making one Uniform Order or Form of Worship , to be prepared by some Bishops , and other Learned men amongst them , by them to be presented to the King , and being by the King approved , to be by him commended to the use of that Kirk : The other for consulting the Registry of their forme● Assemblys , and extracting out of them such Canons , as being ratified by the stamp of Royal Authority , might pass for currant in the same . To speed this business , and strike the Iron whilst it was hot , his Majesty made that chargeable Journey into Scotland , which before we spake of , with an intent to press them personally to the receiving of some few of the English Ceremonies , which had been offered to the consideration of the late Assembly , the better to advance his hopes of introducing by degrees the Liturgy of the Church of England : Which Ceremonies being reduced to five Articles , and propounded to them at his being there , found such success , and put the King upon such Councels as have been formerly declared . But what he could not compass in the year foregoing , he obtained in this ; those Articles being passed in an Assembly held at Perth in the Month of August , and are these that follow . 1. That for the more reverend Receiving of the Holy Communion , the same should be celebrated to the People thereafter kneeling , and not sitting , as had been the Custom since the Reformation of Religion . 2. If any good Christian visited with sickness which was taken to be deadly , should desire to receive the Communion at home in his house , the same should not be denied to him , lawful warning being given to the Minister the night before , and three or four of good Religion and Conversation being present to Communicate with him . 3. That in case of necessity tried and known to the Minister , it should be lawful to Administer Baptism in private Houses , the same being always Ministred after the form in which it should have been in the Congregation : A publick Declaration of it to be made the next Sunday after . 4. That the days of the Birth , Passion , Resurrection , and Ascension of our Saviour Christ , and of the coming down of the Holy Ghost , in regard of those inestimable Benefits which the Church of God had received on them , should be publickly Solemnized in the Congregation , the Ministers making choice of fit Texts of Scripture agreeable to the Occasions ▪ for their several Sermons . 5. That the Minister in every Parish , having Catechized all Children above eight years of age , according to the short Catechism used in the Church , and taught them to repeat by heart the Lords Prayer , the Creed , and the Ten Commandments , should present them to their Bishops in their Visitations , by them to be blessed with Prayers for the increase of Grace , and continuance of Gods heavenly Gifts upon them . And this indeed was a great step to the work of Uniformity so much desired ; which had it been pursued as vigorously by the Bishops of Scotland , as by the King it had been piously begun , the Service which was sent into that Kirk almost twenty years afte● , had been better welcom'd by the Scots , and drawn less danger upon Laud , ( who was then Archbishop ) for his pious Actings in the same . But on the other side , the condemning of the five Arminian Articles ( as they commonly called them ) at the Synod of Dort , was altogether as much unpleasing as the others had been grateful to him ; for well he saw the great dangers which might thence ensue to the Church of England , whose Doctrines were openly confronted , and her Discipline secretly undermined , by the Decisions and Determinations of that Synodical Assembly : In which regard , it will not be unnecessary to make a brief Relation of those stirs and differences which hapned in the Belgick Churches , from the time that Doctor Iacob van Harmine was made one of the Divinity Professors in the University of Leyden , Concerning which we are first to know , That at the Alteration of Religion in those Provinces , the French ( who were most active in it ) brought with them Calvin's Platform , both for Doctrine and Discipline ( as commonly the one makes way to bring in the other ) according unto which the Belgick Confession was drawn up in the year 1567. Which notwithstanding , such of their Ministers as better liked the Melancthonian Doctrines in the points of Predestination , Grace , Free-will , &c. than they did the other , spared not to publish their Opinions as they saw occasion , as well before as after the establishing of the said Confession , and did it without check or censure : Amongst which we may first reckon Anastasius Veluanus , in a Book of his entituled , Odegus Laicorum , or the Lay-mans Guide , published in the year 1554. and much commended by Henricus Antonides the Divinity Reader in the University of Franeker ; after whom followed , in the same Opinions , Iohannes Isbrandi , who openly profess'd himself an Anti-Calvinian ; Clemens Martini , who took his Principles from Hardinbergius , one of the first Reformers of the Church of Embden ; Gellius Sueranus in West-Friesland , who looked upon those of the other Perswasion as Innovators in that Church ; Holmanus the Divinity Reader in Leyden ; Cornelius Menardi , a man of good esteem amongst them ; and generally all the Ministers successively in the Province of Vtrecht , some of which had maintained these Doctrines before the birth of Iacob van Harmine ( better known in these later times by the name of Arminius ) and all of them before such time as any publick notice had been taken of him ; by which it seems , that these Doctrines were of a long standing , and had took deep rooting in these Churches , though they had not gained such a large and general spreading over them as they after did . For in the year 1603. the Learned Iunius , one of the Professors for Divinity in the University of Leyden , being then deceased , the Curators or Overseers of that University made choice of this Van Harmine , the Pastor ( as they phrase it ) of the Church of Amsterdam , to succeed in his place : But the Inhabitants of that Town , amongst whom he had served in the Ministry for the space of 15. years and mo●● were so affected to the man , that they would by no means yield unto his departure , till over-ruled by the intreaties of some , and the power of others : A matter very unpleasing to the Rigid Calvinians informing against him to the State for several Heterodoxies repugnant to the received Doctrine of those Churches . Arminius for six years before , had by exchange of Letters betwixt him and Iunius , maintained the Melancthonian Doctrines in those points of Controversie before remembred ; which Papers being dispersed abroad in several Copies ( but not published till after his death , and then published by the name of Amica Collatio , &c. ) gave the Calvinians some fair Colour for their information : But the business being heard at the Hague , he was acquitted by his Judges , dispatch'd for Leyden , and there confirmed in his place ; towards which , the Testimonial Letters , sent from the Church of Amsterdam , did not help a little ; in which Letters he stands commended for a man of unblamable life , (b) sound Doctrine , and fair behaviour , as may be seen at large in the Oration which was made at his Funeral , in the Divinity Schools of Leyden , on the 22. of October , Anno 1609. During his sitting in that Chair , he drew unto him a great part of that University , who by the Piety of the man , his powerful Arguments , his extreme diligence in the place , and the clear light of Reason , which appeared in all his Discourses , were so wedded unto his Opinions , that no time nor trouble could divorce them : For Arminius dying in the year 1609. as before was said , the heats betwixt his Scholars , and those of the contrary perswasion , were rather increased than abated ; the more increased , for want of such a prudent Moderator as had before saved and preserved these Churches from a publick Rupture . The Breach between them growing wider , each side thought fit to seek the Countenance of the State , and they did accordingly ; For in the year 1610. the Followers of Arminius address their Remonstrance ( containing the Antiquity of their Doctrines , and the substance of them ) to the States of Holland , which was encountred presently by a Contra-Remonstrance , exhibited by those of Calvins Party . From hence the names of Remonstrants , and Contra-Remonstrants , so frequent in their Books and Writings ; till the Remonstrants were condemned in the Synod of Dort , and either forced to yield the cause or quit their Country ; each Party in the mean time had the opportunity to disperse their Doctrines , in which the Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversaries . For the whole Controversie being reduced to these five Points , viz. the Method of Predestination , the Efficacie of Christs Death , the operations of Grace , both before and after mans Conversion , and perseverance in the same ; the Parties were admitted to a publick Conference at the Hague in the year 1611. in which the Remonstrants were conceived to have had much the better of the day . But these Tongue-Combates did produce a further mischief than was suspected at the first ; For the Calvinians hoping to regain by Power what they lost by Argument , put themselves under the Protection of Maurice van Nassaw , Prince of Orange , Commander General of the Forces of the United Provinces , both by Sea and Land. The Remonstrants on the other side applied themselves unto Iohn Olden Barnevelt , a principal Counsellor of State , and of great Authority in his Country : Who fearing the Greatness of the Prince , and having ( or thinking that he had ) some cause to doubt that he aimed at an absolute Soverainty over those Estates , did chearfully entertain the offer , in hope to form such a Party by them , as , with the help of some other good Patriots , might make a sufficient Counter-ballance against that design . But Barnevelts projects being discovered , he was first seized on by the Prince , together with Grotius , Liedenburgius , and others of his chief Adherents ; and that being done , he shewed himself with his Forces before such Towns and Cities as had declared in favour of them ; Reducing them under his Command , changing their Magistrates , and putting new Garrisons into them . Next followed the Arraignment and death of Barnevelt , contrary to the Fundamentall Laws both of his native Country , and the common Union ; whose death occasioned a general dejection ( as well it might ) amongst those of the Remonstrant Party ; and their dejection animated the Calvinians to refer their differences to a National Council , which thereupon was intimated to be held at Dort , one of the principle Towns of Holland . This Council being thus resolved on , their next care was to invite to their assistance some Divines out of all the Churches of Calvins Platform , and none else ; which did sufficiently declare , that they intended to be both Parties and Judges , as in fine it proved ▪ For unto this Convention assembled the most Rigid Calvinists , not only of the United Provinces , but also of all the Churches of High Germany , and amongst the Switz , and from the City of Geneva whom it most concerned . From France came none , because the King , upon good Reason of State , had commanded the contrary ; and the Scots much complained that they were not suffered by King Iames to send their Commissioners thither with the rest of the Churches : For though King Iames had nominated Balcanquel to that imployment in the name of the Kirk , yet that could give them no contentment . From England , the King sent Dr. George Carleton Bishop of Landaff , Dr. Ios. Hall Dean of Worcester , Dr. Iohn Davenant Master of Queens Colledge and Lady Margarets Professor in Cambridge , and Dr. Sam. Ward Master of Sydney Colledge in the same University . And this he did , that by the Countenance of his power , and by the Presence of his Divines , he might support the Party of the Prince of Orange , and suppress his Adversaries . On the third of November they began the Synod : But things were carried there with such inequality , that such of the Remonstrants as were like to be elected , by their several Classes , were cited , and commanded to appear as Criminals only , and being come , could not be suffered to proceed to a Disputation , unless they would subscribe to such conditions as they conceived to be destructive to their Cause , and their Conscience too : Which being refused , they were expelled the House by Bogerman ( who sate President there ) in a most fierce and bitter Oration , condemned without answering for themselves ; and finally , for not subscribing to their own condemnation , compelled to forsake their native Country , with their Wives and Children , and to beg their bread even in desolate places . What influence those quarrells had amongst our selves , and what effects that Synod did produce in the Church of England we shall see hereafter , when the same Points come to be agitated and debated on this side of the Seas . His Majesty , having thus made himself the Master of his Designs , both at home and abroad , and being recovered from a dangerous sickness which had fallen upon him at New-Market , in the year 1619. resolved on such a work of Magnificent Piety , as might preserve his name and memory of succeeding Ages : To which end upon Midlent Sunday , Anno 1620. accompanied by the Prince , attended by the Marquiss of Buckingham , the Bishops , Lords , and most of the principal Gentlemen about the Court , he intended to visit St. Pauls . From Temple-bar he was conducted in most solomn manner by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London ; and at his entrance into the Church , received under a Canopy by the Dean and Canons , attired in rich Copes , and other Ecclesiastical Habits ; Being by them brought into the Quire , he heard with very great Reverence and Devotion the Divine Service of the day most solemnly performed with Organs , Cornets , and Sagbuts , accompanied and intermingled with such excellent voices that seemed rather to enchant than chant . The Divine Service being done , he went unto a place prepared , where he heard the Sermon at the Cross , preached by the eloquent and religious Prelate , Dr. Iohn King , Lord Bishop of London . The Sermon being ended , the Collation began ; His Majesty attended with all the Lords , and the rest of his Train , being entertained by the said Lord Bishop at a sumptuous Banquet , with no less honour to himself than content to his Majesty . But there was more intended by this Visit than Pomp and Ostentation only . For his Majesty having taken a view of the Ruinous Estate in which he beheld that goodly Fabrick , issued not long after a Commission for repair thereof ; and somewhat was done in it both by Bishop King and Bishop Mountain : But the carrying one of this work was reserved to another man ; For a breach following not long after between Spain and England , and wars soon following on that breach , a stop was made to all proceedings in that work till the year 1631. At what time Laud , being Bishop of London , obtained a like Commission from the hands o● King CHARLES , and set his heart so much upon it , that in few years he had made a mighty Progress in it , of which more hereafter . And here it was once feared , that this present History might have ended without going further ; for on the second of April , as he past from London towards Oxon , he took up his Inn at Wickam upon the Rode ; where he fell suddenly dead , and was not without much diff●culty , and Gods special favour , restored unto his former being . But God reserved him to a life more eminent , and a death more glorious ; not suffering him to dye obscurely , like a traveller , in a Private Inn , but more conspicuously , like a Martyr , on the Publick Theatre ; for on the 22. of Ianuary he was installed Prebend in the Church of Westminster , after no less than ten years expectation of it ; And on the last of the same Month he sate as Dean of Glocester in the Conv●cation . The Prince Elector Palatine , who married the Kings only Daughter in the year 1612. had the last year most inconsiderately took upon him the Crown of Bohemiah ; not taking with him the Kings Counsel in it as he might have done , but giving him an account o● it on the Post-Fact only . The Emperour exasperated with this Usurpation ( as by him reputed ) gave up his Country for a prey , assigning the Electoral Dignity with the Upper Palatinate to the Duke of Bavaria , and the Lower to the King of Spain , who had possest themselves of divers good Towns and pieces in it . For the recovery whereof , and the Preservation of the rest , in which his Daughter and her Children were so much concerned ; it pleased his Majesty to call a Parliament , to begin on the thirtieth day of Ianuary , accompanied with a Convocation ( as the custom is ) on the morrow after . The business of their Conveening being signified unto them by the King , the Parliament at their first sitting , which ended March 27. bestowed upon his Majesty two Subsidies , but they gave no more ; which rather served to stay his stomach than allay his hunger . They had some turns to serve upon him before they would part with any more money , if they did it then . But the Clergy dealt more freely with him in their Convocation , because they had no other ends in it than the expressing of their duty and good affections . In testimony whereof they gave him three entire Subsidies of four shillings in the pound at their first sitting ; and would not have been wanting to his Majesty in a further addition , in the second or third , if his Majesty had required it of them . Incouraged with which supplies , and the hopes of greater , he sent some Regiments of old English Souldiers for the defence and preservation of the Lower Palatinate , under the Command of that Noble Souldier , Sir Horatio Vere . When the Commons bestowed upon him the said two Subsidies , he took them only as a bit to stay his stomach , as before was said , giving himself some hopes that at the next Session they would entertain him with a better , and more costly dinner ; but then they meant that he should pay the reckoning for it . For at their reassembling on the seventeenth of April , instead of granting him the supplies he looked for , they fell to pick quarrels with his Servants , and one of his chief Ministers of State , not only questioning Sir Giles Mompesson , and Sir Francis Michael , but even the Lord Chancellor Bacon also . These men ( supposing them to have been as criminal as their enemies made them ) were notwithstanding such as acted under his Commissions , and therefore not to have been punished by his own Authority only . The giving of them over to the Power of the Parliament not only weakened his own Prerogative , but put the House of Commons upon such a Pin , that they would let no Parliament pass ( for the times to come ) without some such Sacrifice . And so foll Bacon , Lord Chancellor of England , Lord Verulan , and Viscount of St. Albans ; a man of good and bad qualities , equally compounded , one of a most strong brain , and a Chimical head ; designing his endeavors to the perfecting of the Works of Nature , or rather improving Nature to the best advantages of life , and the common benefit of mankind . Pity it was he was not entertained with some liberal Salary , abstracted from all affairs both of Court and Judicature , and furnished with sufficiency both of means , and helps for the going on in his design , which had it been , he might have given us such a body of Natural Philosophy , and made it so subservient to the publick good , that neither Aristotle nor Theophrastus amongst the Ancients , nor Paracelsus , or the rest of our later Chimists would have been considerable . In these Agitations held the Parliament till the fourth of Iune , without doing any thing in order to his Majesties Service , who thereupon adjourned them till the fourteenth of November following , before which time we find Laud mounted one step higher , and ready to take place amongst the Bis●ops in the House of Peers : And therefore here we will conclude the first Part of our present History . THE LIFE OF The most Reverend FATHER in GOD WILLIAM Lord Archbishop of Canterbury . LIB . II. Extending from his being made Bishop of St. Davids till his coming to the See of Bath and Wells . IT is an observation no less old than true , that Patience and Perseverance overcome all difficulties : And so it hapned unto Laud. He had with most incredible patience endured the baffles and affronts which were put upon him by the power and practises of his enemies . Nor did he shew less patience in his so long and chargeable attendance at the Court , for which he had so small regard , that he was rather looked upon as the Bishop of Durhams Servant than the Kings . But notwithstanding these cross winds he was resolved to ride it out , neither to shift his sails , nor to tack about , but still to keep his way , and to stem the current till he had gained the Port he aimed at . His Majesty had been made acquainted by long experience with his great abilities , his constancy , courage , and dexterity , for managing affairs of moment . And thereupon entring into speech with him , in the beginning of Iune he was pleased to take notice of the long and unrewarded service which he had done him , telling him , that he looked on the Deanry of Glocester but as a Shell without a Kernel . This gave him the first hopes of his growing Fortunes . On Sunday the nineteenth of that Month he preached before the King at Wansteed , that being the first of those Sermons , which are now in Print . And on St. Peters day next following , there was a general expectation about the Court that he should have been made Dean of Westminster , in the place of Williams ; who having been sworn Privy-Counsellor on the tenth of that Month , and nominated to the See of Lincoln , was on the tenth of Iuly , honoured with the Custody of the great Seal of England upon the Deprivation of the Lord Chancellor St. Albans , which before we spake of : but Williams so prevailed at Court , that when he was made Bishop of Lincoln , he retained this Deanry in Commendam , together with such other Preferments as he held at that time ; That is to say , A Prebend and Residentiary place in the Cathedral Church at Lincoln , and the Rectory of Walgrave in Northampton-shire , so that he was a perfect Diocess within himself , as being Bishop , Dean , Prebend , Residentiary , and Parson ; and all these at once . But though Laud could not get the Deanry , yet he lost nothing by the example ; which he made use of in retaining not only his Prebends place in the same Church of Westminster , and his Benefices in the Country ( that being an ordinary indulgence to such as were preferred to the smaller Bishopsricks ) but also the Presidentship of his Colledge in Oxon , which he valued more than all the Rest. For that his own expectation might not be made as frustrate , as was that of the Court , his Majesty nominated him the same day to the See of St. Davids , in former times the Metropolitan City of the Welsh or Brittish . But though he was nominated then , he could not receive the Episcopal Character till five Months after ; the stay was long , but the necessity unavoydable , by reason of a deplorable misfortune which had befallen Archbishop Abbot , and was briefly this : The Archbishop had long held a dear and entire Friendship with Edward Lord Zouch , a person of an eminent and known Nobility ; On whom he pleased to bestow a visit in his house at Bramshall , invited to see a Deer hunted , that he might take the fresh air , and revive his Spirits ; a Cross-bow was put into his hand to shoot one of the Deer : but his hand most unhappily swerving , or the Keeper as unfortunately coming in his way , it so pleased God ( the Disposer of Humane Affairs ) that he missed the Beast , and shot the Man. On which sad accident , being utterly uncapable of consolation , he retired himself to Guilford , the place of his birth ; there to expect the Issue of his wofull Fortunes in an Hospital of his own Foundation . The news of this wretched misadventure ( as ill news flies far ) came the same day to the Lord Keeper Williams ; and he as hastily dispatches this Advertisement of it to the Marquess of Buckingham . My most Noble Lord , AN unfortunate occasion of my Lords Grace , his killing of a man casually ( as it is here constantly reported ) is the cause of my seconding of my yesterdays Letter unto your Lordship . His Grace upon this Accident is by the Common Law of England to forfeit all his Estate unto his Majesty , and by the Canon Law ( which is in force with us ) irregular ipso facto , and so suspended from all Ecclesiastical Function , until he be again restored by his Superiour , which ( I take it ) is the Kings Majesty in this Rank and Order of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction . If you send for Doctor Lamb , he will acquaint your Lordship with the distinct Penalties in this kind . I wish withal my heart his Majesty would be as merciful as ever he was in all his life ; but yet I held it my duty to let his Majesty know by your Lordship , that his Majesty is fallen upon a matter of great Advice and Deliberation . To add affliction unto the afflicted ( as no doubt he is in mind ) is against the Kings Nature : To leave virum sanguinum , or a man of blood , Primate and Patriarch of all his Churches , is a thing that sounds very harsh in the old Councils and Canons of the Church . The Papists will not spare to descant upon one and the other . I leave the knot to his Majesties deep Wisdom to advise and resolve upon . A rheum fallen into mine eye , &c. Which Letter bearing date Iuly 27. 1621. points us directly to the time of this woful Accident . Being thus pre-judged and pre-condemned , the miserable man must needs have had a hard bout of it , if his cause had been referred to an hearing in Chancery : But King Iames was as compassionate as just , and as regardful of the Church as he was compassionate to the man. Advising therefore with his Council , and some chief Clergy-men about him , though more with his own gracious disposition , he after issued a Commission to the Lord Keeper Williams , the Bishops of London , Winchester , St. Davids , and Exon , as also unto Hubbert and Dodderidge , two of the Justices of the Courts at Westminster-hall , Martin and Steward , Doctors of the Civil Laws , men of great Eminence and Abilities in their several Studies , to make Inquiry into the Fact : And having made Inquiry into the Fact , they were to give their Resolution unto His Majesty , whether the Archbishop had been made irregular by that sad accident , as it was commonly reported . In the managing of which great Cause , there was much variety of Opinions amongst the Delegates ; some making him obnoxious to Irregularity , and others as much labouring to acquit him of it : Amongst these last were Doctor Andrews then Bishop of Winchester , and Sir Henry Martin then Dean of the Arches , and not long after Judge of the Prerogative Court , to whose Authority and Judgment the rest of the Commissioners did in time conform . Martin for his part had received his Offices and Preferments from him , and therefore in an honest Gratitude thought himself obliged to bend the Law ( as much as possibly he could ) to his best Advantage : But Andrews had no such impulsives , there being between them some disgust , which might have rather prevailed with him to have been his Enemy : First therefore he was willing not to stand too rigidly upon the strictness of the Canons , for fear lest others of the Bishops , and himself amongst them , either through ignorance or incogitancy , might commit some acts , which without a fair and mild construction , might render them as uncanonical as that poor man was : And then he saw , that if the Archbishop at that time had been pronounced irregular , and the See made void , Williams being then Lord Keeper , and in great favour with his Majesty and the Marquis too , would have step'd into it ; of whom he knew too much , to venture that great charge and trust of the Church of England to his Care and Government ; the dangerous Consequences whereof he was able to foretell , without the Spirit of Prophecy . Nor was this conjecture of his without very good grounds , Williams declaring in his said Letter to the Marquis , That his Majesty had promised him upon the relinquishing of the Seal , one of the best places in this Church . And what place could be more agreable to his affection than the Chair of Canterbury ? Nor was this unfortunate Prelate less befriended in this desperate plunge by Sir Edward Coke , a man of most profound Learning in the Laws of this Land , who being ask'd the Question , Whether a Bishop might lawfully hunt in his own or in any other Park ? ( in which point lay the greatest pinch of the present difficulty ) returned this Answer thereunto ; viz. That by the Law a Bishop at his death was to leave his Pack of Dogs ( by the French called Marte de Chiens , in some old Records ) to be disposed of by the King at his Will and Pleasure . And if the King was to have the Dogs when the Bishop died , there is no question to be made , but that the Bishop might make use of them when he was alive . By reason of this intercurrence , the new Elected Bishops could not receive the Episcopal Character till November following ; on the eleventh day of which Month , the Lord Keeper Williams was Consecrated Bishop of Lincoln , in the Chappel of King Henry , by vertue of a Commission under the Broad Seal , directed to certain other Bishops , according to the Statute of King Henry viij . And on the Sunday following , by vertue of a like Commission directed to the Bishops of London , Worcester , Chichester , Ely , Landaff , and Oxon. Doctor Laud Lord Elect of St. Davids , Doctor Davenant Lord Elect of Salisbury , and Doctor Cary Lord Elect of Exceter , received Episcopal Consecration in the Chappel of London-House . The next day after he took his place amongst the Bishops in the House of Peers , the Parliament having been re-assembled some few days before : But there was little for them to do as the case then stood ; The Commons were so far from gratifying the King with fresh Supplies , who before had gratified them in the destruction of such Ministers as were neer unto him , that they entertained him with Petitions and Remonstrances touching the danger , threatned to our Religion , by the growth of Popery ; in which they were so far transported beyond their bounds , as to propose unto the King , the taking of the Sword into his Hands against the Spaniard , and the Marrying of his dear Son the Prince to a Lady of the Reformed Religion : Of this the King had speedy notice ; and in a Letter sent to Sir Thomas Richardson , then Speaker of the House of Commons , he lets them know how sensible he was of their incroachments , how bold they had made themselves with the King of Spain ; forbidding them to deal hereafter in Affairs of State , or meddle with the Marriage of his Son the Prince ; concluding , That if any such Petition or Remonstrance should be brought unto him , he would neither vouchsafe the Answering or the Reading of it . The Commons startled with this Letter , and thinking to have made a benefit of the Kings Necessities , cry out against it as a violation of their Ancient Priviledges ; and on the nineteenth day of December then next ensuing , drew up the following Protestation , and caused it to be entred on Record in their Journal Books , viz. The PROTESTATION of the COMMONS . THe Commons now Assembled , being justly occasioned thereunto , concerning sundry Liberties , Franchises , and Priviledges of Parliament , amongst others here mentioned , do make this Protestation here following : That the Liberties , Franchises , Priviledges , and Iurisdictions of Parliaments , are the ancient and undoubted Birthright and Inheritance of the Subjects of England ; and the maintenance and making of Laws , and redresses of Mischiefs and Grievances , which daily happen within this Realm , are proper Subjects and matter of Debate in Parliament ; and that in the handling or proceeding of those businesses . every Member of the House of Parliament hath and of right ought to have freedom of Speech , to Propound , Treat , Reason , and bring to conclusion the same ; and that the Commons in Parliament have like freedom and liberty to Treat of those Matters in such Order as to their Iudgments shall seem fittest : and that every Member of the said House hath like freedom from all Impeachments , Imprisonment , and Molestation ( other than by Censure of the House it self ) for or concerning any Speaking , Reasoning , or Declaring of any Matter or Matters touching the Parliament , or Parliament business ; and that if any of the said Members be complained of , or questioned for any thing done or said in Parliament , the same is to be shewed to the King by the Advice and Assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament , before the King give credence to any private Information . More was the King startled at the news of this Protestation ( whereof he had Intelligence before it came unto the Vote ) than the Commons were upon the Reading of his Majesties Letters . He saw his Prerogative invaded , his Paternal Right disputed , a popular State growing up in the midst of a Monarchy , and at the present a great Faction formed against him , which if not speedily suppressed might prove unresistable . Way he found none to extricate himself out of these troubles , but to proceed vigorously in the Treaty for the Match with Spain , which he conceived to be the only expedient to compose all Differences , and recover the Patrimony of his Children . For should he break off with that King , and declare for a present War against him , as had been desired , he was to cast himself entirely on the Love of his People , of whose Affections and Designs their present Actions gave just cause to be distrustful . He therefore first gives Order on the nineteenth of December ( being the very day on which the Protestation was Voted at Westminster ) to Adjourn the Parliament to the 8th . of February , under pretence that the Members might retire into the Country , for keeping Hospitality , and entertaining their Neighbours in the Christmas Holydays , according to the laudable Custom of the English Nation : But having thus dismissed them to their several Countries , without noise or trouble , it was not his intent or purpose that they should come together again at the time appointed ; according to which Resolution he Disolves the Parliament , and by his Proclamation bearing date the ninth of Ianuary , discharges the Members of both Houses from any further attendance . The Dissolving of this Parliament , and the Transactions in the same , administred much variety of Discourse in all parts of the Kingdom . It was observed by some , That his Majesty had broken one of the strongest Ligaments of the Regal Power , by delivering up his Servants and Ministers into the hands of his People in Parliament , which was a thing not used by any of his Predecessors ; That neither Wolsey's exorbitant Power , or Cromwel's contempt of the Nobility , under Henry viii . or Leicesters Tyranny and Oppressions under Queen Elizabeth , were ever suffered to be canvased or condemned in Parliament ; That the King got nothing by that unhappy condescension , but the laying himself open to all disadvantages which a Prince abandoning his Ministers , or abandoned by them , might have just reason to expect ; That when Princes begin to fall so much beneath themselves , as to manage Pen-Combate with their Subjects , they put themselves as it were upon equal ground , and stand on the same Level with their Vassals , and by the loss of their Authority , get nothing but the Reputation of an able Writer . And then the Reason of these his yieldings being brought in Question , they were by some imputed to a natural timidity or want of Courage , which rendred him unable to hold out long , when he encountred those who would put him to it : Others ascribed it to his wants , and his wants unto his prodigality , which made his Exchequer always empty ; and Money must be had , whatever it cost him . But those who thought they came most neer unto the mark , discoursed of him as a man that loved not business , and loved no business less than that of Parliaments ; That it was usual with him , when he called a Parliament , and had given them their Errand , as he thought , to retire to Theobalds , Hampton-Court , or Windsor , and sometimes further off , to Royston , or New-Market , as his pleasure carried him ; That by this means the Commons , not having opportunity of Access to his Person , were forced upon a plausible necessity of making their Addresses to him by Messages , Remonstrances , and Petitions ; That those Remonstrances and Petitions did beget their Answers , and their Answers did beget Replies which ended commonly in Exasperations on either side . But nothing was so much admired at , as the encreasing of the Priviledges of the House of Commons , as well in nature as in number . And thereupon it was observed , that the Commons had mistook themselves in the very ground on which they built their Protestation ; That the known Priviledges of the Commons were only liberty of speech in Debate and Conference ; Freedom from all Arrests for themselves and their Servants , and opportunity of access to his Majesties Person , as their occasions did require ; That even those Priviledges could not be called the undoubted Birth-Right and Inheritance of the Subjects of England , because they were no otherwise exercised and enjoyed than from one Parliament to another , by the grace and goodness of their Kings ; That were it otherwise , it must needs be a great impertinency in their Speaker ( at the first opening of every Parliament ) to put himself upon his knees , and humbly to beseech his Majesty , in behalf of the House of Commons , to indulge them the continuance of those Priviledges which were of right their own before ; That they had been as much mistaken in making the House of Commons ( by involving both Houses in the name of Parliament ) to be of equall Power and Priviledge with the House of Peers , the contrary whereof being so well known ; That the Peers and People being summoned to Parliament by several Writs , the Peers were called only ad consulendum , to counsell and advise the King , in matters of most concernment to the Church and State ; And that the People were called only ad consentiendum & faciendum , to give consent , and yield obedience to such things as were ordained in the Great Council of the Peers ; That even the Peers themselves had no general warrant to meddle in all Affairs of State , but in such only as his Majesty commend and propound to them ; And therefore that these words in the Writ , Super arduis regni negotiis , are not left at large , but limited and restrained by the word quibusdam , to such particulars , and such only , in which the King required their Counsels . But nothing seemed so new or strange , as that no Member of the said House should be impeached , imprisoned , and molested , other than by Censure of the House it self , for or concerning any speaking , reasoning , or declaring of any matter or matters touching the Parliament , or Parliament business . A Priviledge not heard of in Queen Elizabeths time , when in the 35. of her Reign She imprisoned no less than five of the Members at a clap , not only without their leave , but against their liking ; And held them in so strict a durance , that the Commons did not think it safe to move her Majesty to restore them to their former liberty . And therefore that they were to shew under what rust and rubbish of Antiquity this Priviledge had so long been hidden , and how it came to be found out at last , when no body heard of it , or looked after it . The like discoursed also of the following Priviledge , which had been long buried in the same grave , and never came till now to a resurrection , viz. That the King is to take no private information of any complaint , concerning matters said or done in that House , till it be shewn unto him by the House it self ; of which it was affirmed , that it was as contrary to the Presidents and Practise of former times as the other was : That when the Queen had laid an Imposition upon Currans , and that this Imposition had been complained of by some Merchants to the House of Commons , she had present notice given her of it by some of her Servants in that House , that shewing her dislike thereof to Sir Robert Cicill , principal Secretary of State , he signified the same unto the House , telling them it was a Noli me tangere , a point not fit for them to touch at ; and that if they desisted not from entertaining that complaint , he must acquaint her Majesty with it , as in duty bound . Nor was there any better ground for that other branch , touching their Liberty and Freedom in breaking of all matters which came under their Cognizance in such method and order as to them seemed fittest ; but that they did intend to lay it as a foundation for preferring their own business before the Kings in all times to come . I had not dwelt so long upon these Discourses , nor on the former passages between his Majesty and the House of Commons , as being Exotical to my business : but that they were the chief occurrences of this first Parliament , of which our new Bishop was a Member . And though the sitting was but short , not above a Month ; yet it afforded him a liberal prospect into the Humours and Affections , the Counsels and Designs of the House of Commons , of which he was not to be taught how to make such use , as should prove most to the advantage of the Church and State. But that which chiefly did concern him to take notice of , was the interposing and embracements of that House in the cause of Religion ; which if it were so much in danger by the extraordinary encrease of Popery , as they gave it out , it must be much to the Reproach both of himself and the rest of the Bishops , that none of them had neither perspicuity enough to see it , or Zeal enough to give warning of it . And therefore he must needs conceive , that Religion was made use of only for a blind or Curtain to screen some dark design from the publick view , which had not yet attained to so ripe a confidence as to shew it self abroad in the open light . The Mystery of iniquity had long been working in this Church , not so much in the Popish as the Puritan Faction . Who seeing they had no more prevailed against it by their open batteries than the Roman Emperours had done on the Primitive Church by their persecutions , resolved upon more secret ( and consequently more dangerous ) practises to attain their ends . In order whereunto they had perpetually alarm'd this King ( from his first coming to the Crown ) with continual dangers from the Papists ; for which the Gun-powder-treason gave them too much ground . Nor would they suffer any Session of Parliament pass from that time forward , in which the dangerous practises of Priests , Iesuits , &c. did not sound in his ears . And this they did , not so much because they saw any such visible increase of Popery , as was by them pretended from time to time : but that they thought it the best way to carry on their other projects , which they were in hand with . For well they knew , that when the thoughts both of King and People were totally taken up with the apprehension of the dangers which were feared from the Papists , the Puritan Party in the mean time might gather strength without being noted or observed . But because these interposings of the Commons in the cause of Religion , became to be more eagerly pursued in some following Parliaments , we shall refer the further consideration of them to another time . The Parliament being ended , we must follow our new Bishop to his Diocess , whom we will wait upon to St. Davids ( a poor City God wot ) scituate on the Promontory in Pembroke-shire , by the Ancients called Ortopitae , in a safe place , and far enough from the Saxons , whom the Welsh most feared : but incommodious enough for all the rest of the Clergy to repair unto . Nor did it prove so safe for the Bishop , and other Inhabitants of it , as had been presumed , in respect of sundry other Nations who have often spoyled and defaced it . For standing near the Sea it had been frequently visited and spoyled by the Danes , Norwegians , and other Pyrates ; insomuch that the Bishops were inforced to remove their dwelling to Caermarthen , a fair Market Town , and beautified with a goodly Collegiate Church , not far from which , in a Village called Aberguilly , the Bishop hath his ordinary place of Residence . This brought the City of St. Davids , small enough before , to the condition of a Village , there being nothing almost remaining of it but the Church , the ruines of the Bishops Palace , and some Houses appertaining to the Canons of it . The Church , as now it stands , ( if any of it be now left standing ) was the work of Bishop Peter the forty eighth Bishop of this Diocess , and by him dedicated by the name of St. Andrew and St. David ; though now St. Andrew be left out , and St David bears the name , ( as before it did ) in reference to St. David , who first removed the Archiepiscopal See from Caer-leon thither . The place at that time by the Welsh called Menew , whence the Latines borrow their Menevenses , by which name these Bishops are entituled . From this removal of the See , which hapned in 519. the Bishops hereof were for some time the Metropolitans , and for a long time the supreme Ordinaries of the Welsh or Brittish . For although Archbishop Samson , the twenty sixth from St. David , in the year 910. or thereabouts , had carried the Archiepiscopal Pall ( and therewithall the Archiepiscopal dignity ) to Dole in Bretagne , by reason of an extreme Pestilence , then raging amongst the Welsh ; yet his Successors , though they lost the name , reserved the power of an Archbishop . Nor did the residue of the Welsh Bishops receive their Consecration from any other hand than his till the Reign of Hen. I. At what time Bernard , the forty sixth Bishop of this See , was forced to submit himself to the Church of Canterbury . But our Bishops Journey into Wales was not so much to visit S. Davids , ( in which Church he had been before installed by Proxie ) as to bestow a visitation upon his Diocess , and therein to take order for the rectifying of such things as he found amiss . A Diocess containing the whole Counties of Pembroke , Cardigan , Caermarthen , Radnor , and Brecknock , with some small parts of Monmouth , Hereford , Montg●mery , and Glamorgan Shires . For managing whereof the Bishop hath under him four Archdeacons , that is to say , of Cardigan , Caermarthen , Brecknock , and St. Davids ; distributing amongst them all the Parishes which belong to this Diocess , amounting to no more ( in so great a quantity of ground ) than 308. of which 120. are accounted for Impropriations . But then we are to understand this number , of Parochial Churches , not taking into the Account such subordinate Chappels as had been built in several Parishes for the case of the People , which might very much increase the reckoning . And yet he added one more to them of his own foundation ; and such a one as for the elegancy of the building , and richness of the Furniture , exceeded all the rest together . Chappels he found none at his Episcopal house of Aberguilly , and one he was resolved to bestow upon it , proportionably to such a Family as was fit for a Bishop of St. Davids to have about him ; which being finished , he provided it of Rich Furniture , and Costly Utensils , and whatsoever else was necessary or convenient for the Service of God ; the very Plate designed for the celebrating of the holy Supper amounting to one hundred fifty five pounds eighteen shillings four pence . Insomuch that if Felix the Proconsul had been still alive , he might have cried out now , as he did in the time of Iulian the Apostate , viz. (g) Behold in what rich Vessels they administer to the Son of Mary . But this unhapy Age hath given us Felix's enough to reckon this amongst his crimes , and so they do his solemn Consecration of it , performed by himself in person , according to an order firmly drawn up by the most learned Bishop Andrews , then whom there could not be a greater enemy to the Errours , Superstitions , and Corruptions of the See of Rome . I know it was objected , (h) that neither Gratian , nor the Roman Pontificall , conceive such Consecrations necessary to a Private Chappel ; but then they are to be understood of such Chappels only as are meant for prayers , and in propriety of speech are no more than Oratories ; and not of such as are intended for Preaching , Ministring the Sacraments , and other acts of Divine Worship as this Chappel was . And this appears so plainly by the Authentick Instrument of the Dedication , that no man who hath seen the same can make question of it . I have laid all these things together , from his Consecration in November 1621. till his return toward London on the fifteenth of August 1622. though the building and consecrating of this Chappel was the work of some following years , and that there interveened a business of another nature betwixt the end of the Parliament and the beginning of his Journey . The Treaty for a Match with Spain was conceived to be very forwards , and the Parliament had ended in disgust for declaring against it , which much encreased the Audaciousness of the Papists , and the discontents of the Puritan Faction . And though the Projects of these last were not yet ripe enough for a present discovery , yet so it hapned , that one Knight , a young Divine of Broadgates in Oxon. ( now better known by the name of Pembroke Colledge ) broke out a little before his time into such expressions as plain enough declared the purpose of all the rest . For preaching at St. Peters on Palm Sunday in the Afternoon ( being the fourteenth day of April ) on those words of the Apostle , viz. Let every soul be subject , &c. Rom. 13.1 . he broacht this dangerous Doctrine : viz. That the Inferiour Magistrate had a lawful power to order and correct the King if he did amiss . For illustration of which Doctrine he used that speech of Trajans unto the Captain of his Guard : Accipe hunc gladium , quem pro me si bene imperavero distringes ; sin minus contra me ; That is to say , Receive this Sword , which I would have thee use for my defence if I govern well ; but if I rule the Empire ill , to be turned against me . For this being called in question by Dr. Pierce , one of the Canons of Christ Church , being then Vice-Chancellor , he was commanded to deliver a Copy of his Sermon , which he did accordingly ; and Letters presently were dispatcht to the Bishop of St. Davids , as the only Oxford Bishop then about the King , to make his Majesty acquainted with it . It was his Majesties pleasure , that both the Preacher and the Sermon should be sent to the Court. Where being come , he was very strictly examined about the Doctrine he had Preached , and how he came to fall upon it : He laid the fault of all upon some late Divines of forrain Churches , by whom he had been so misguided ; Especially on Pareus a Divine of Heidelberg , who in his Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans had positively delivered , all which he had vented in his Sermon , even to that very saying of the Emperour Trajan . On this acknowledgment , it pleased the King of his special goodness to remit the errour of the Preacher , considering him as a young man , and easily seduced by so grave an Author ; but then withall he gave such order in the Point , That the said Book of Pareus should be publickly burnt , not only in both the Universities , but also after the end of the Sermon at St. Paul's Cross London , on some Sunday following ; which Sentence was accordingly executed at Oxon. in St. Maries Church-yard , on the sixth of Iune , in a frequent Assembly of the Vice-chancellor , Doctors , Procters , Heads of Houses , Regents , Non-Regents , and many others , whom curiosity or desire of satisfaction did allure unto it . The like done at St. Pauls Cross also on Sunday the 23d . of Iune next following ; Mountain then Bishop of London , Preaching there upon that occasion . The like was done at Cambridge also , but the time I know not . But yet the business staid not here : The University of Oxon. thought themselves concerned to acquit the whole Body from that Censure , which the Error of one Member might have drawn upon it ; and thereupon it was thought fit , that the most seditious Maxims and Positions , which in that point had been delivered by Pareus , should be extracted out of that Book ; and being so extracted , should be presented to the Vice-chancellor , and by him referred unto the Judgment of the University : Which being done , a Convocation was assembled on the 25th . day of Iune , in which the said Maxims and Positions were by an unanimous consent condemned as false , seditious , impious , and destructive of all Civil Government . Nor did the University think they had done enough in looking back on Times past only , if they provided not also for the preventing of the like mischiefs for the time to come ; and thereupon it was declared by the said University ; First , That according to the Canon of Holy Scripture it was not lawful for the Subject to resist his Sovereign by force of Arms , or to make War against him , either Offensive or Defensive , whether it were for the cause of Religion , or upon any other Pretence whatsoever . Secondly , That all Doctors , Masters of Arts , Batchelors of Law , and Batchelors of Physick , living within the verge of the University , should subscribe to those Censures and Decrees : and , Thirdly , That whosoever did hereafter take any Degree in any Faculty whatsoever , should first acknowledge the truth and justice of those Censures , by his Subscription to the same ; and should withal take his Corporal Oath ( the form of which Oath was then prescribed ) That he did not only from his heart condemn the said Doctrines of Pareus ; but that he would neither preach , teach , or maintain the same , or any of them for the future . And ●or the better avoiding of the like inconveniences which Knight had run himself upon , by that preposterous course of Study which was then generally used in that University , Order was given that his Majesties Instructions of the 18th of Iune 1616. should be published in all the Chappels of Colledges , and some publick place in every Hall , that all young Students in Divinity might take notice of them : And this produced by little and little such an alteration , that the name of Calvin ( which before had carried all before it ) began to lessen by degrees ; his Reasons more looked upon than his Affirmations , and the Doctrines of the Church of England more closely followed than they had been formerly . Nor did his Majesty so much neglect his own safety , or the peace and happiness of his People , as not to take such order in it as might prevent the like false , factious , and seditious Preachings for the time to come . He found by this example , that divers young Students , by reading of late Writers and ungrounded Divines , might and did broach unprofitable , unsound , seditious and dangerous Doctrines , to the scandal of this Church , and disquieting of the State and present Government ; That the falling off of some to Popery , and of others to Anabaptistry , or to some other kind of separation from the Church , could not so rationally be imputed to any other thing than to the lightness , affectedness , and unprofitableness of that kind of Preaching , which had been of late years too much taken up in Court , University , City , and Country ; That too many Preachers were noted to be soaring up in points of Divinity too deep for the capacities of the people ; That others ignorantly meddled in Civil matters , as well in the private meetings of several Parishes and Corporations , as in the Publick of the Kingdom , for the venting of their own distaste , or smoothing up of those idle fancies , which in this blessed time of so long a Peace , doth boil in the brains of an unadvised People ; That many of their Sermons were full of rude and undecent railings , not only against the Doctrines , but even against the persons of Papists and Puritans : And finally , that the People never being instructed in the Catechism , and fundamental Grounds of Religion ; for all these aiery novellisms which they received from such Preachers , were but like new Table-books , ready to be filled up , either with the Manuals and Catechisms of the Popish Priests , or the Papers and Pamphlets of Anabaptists , Brownists , and other Puritans . His Majesty thereupon taking the Premises into his Princely Consideration , which had been represented to him by sundry grave and reverend Prelates of this Church , thought it expedient to cause some certain Limitations and Cautions , concerning Preachers and Preaching , to be carefully digested and drawn up in Writing : Which done ( so done as Laud appears to have a hand in the doing of it ) and being very well approved by the King , he caused them to be directed to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York , by them to be communicated to the Bishops of their several Provinces , and by those Bishops to be put in execution in their several Diocesses . Which Directions bearing date of the fourth of August , 1622. being the 20th . year of his Majesties Reign , I have thought convenient to subjoin , and are these that follow , viz. I. That no Preacher under the Degree and Calling of a Bishop , or Dean of a Cathedral or Collegiate Church ( and they upon the Kings days only , and set Festivals ) do take occasion by the Expounding of any Text of Scripture whatsoever , to fall into any set course or common place , otherwise than by opening the coherence and division of his Text , which shall not be comprehended and warranted in essence , substance , effect , or natural inference , within some one of the Articles of Religion set forth 1562. or in some one of the Homilies set forth by Authority in the Church of England , not only for a help of non-preaching , but withal as a pattern , as it were , for the Preaching Ministers ; and for their further instruction for the performance thereof , that they forthwith read over and peruse diligently the said Book of Articles , and the two Books of Homilies . II. That no Parson , Vicar , Curate , or Lecturer , shall Preach any Sermon or Collation hereafter , upon Sundays and Holy-days in the Afternoons , in any Cathedral or Parish Church throughout this Kingdom , but upon some part of the Catechism , or some Text taken ●ut of the Creed , or Commandments , or the Lords Prayer , ( Funeral Sermons only excepted ) and that those Preachers be most encouraged and approved of , who spend their Afternoons Exercise in the Examination of Children in their Catechisms , which is the most ancient and laudable Custom of Teaching in the Church of England . III. That no Preacher of what Title soever , under the degree of a Bishop or Dean at the least , do from henceforth presume to Preach in any popular Auditory , the deep Points of Predestination , Election , Reprobation , or of the universality , efficacity , resistibility , or irresistibility of Gods Grace ; but rather leave those Themes to be handled by Learned Men , and that modestly and moderately , by Vse and Application , rather than by way of positive Doctrine , as being fitter for Schools and Vniversities , than for simple Auditories . IV. That no Preacher , of what Title or Denomination soever , shall presume from henceforth in any Auditory within this Kingdom , to declare , limit , or bound out by way of positive Doctrine , in any Lecture or Sermon , the Power , Prerogative , Iurisdiction , Authority , or Duty of Sovereign Princes , or therein meddle with matters of State , and reference between Princes and People , than as they are instructed in the Homily of Obedience , and in the rest of the Homilies and Articles of Religion , set forth ( as before is mentioned ) by Publick Authority : but rather confine themselves wholly to these two Heads of Faith and Good Life , which are all the subject of the ancient Sermons and Homilies . V. That no Preacher , of what Title or Denomination soever , shall causelesly , and without any invitation from the Text , fall into any bitter Invectives , and undecent railing Speeches against the Papists or Puritans : but wisely and gravely , when they are occasioned thereunto by the Text of Scripture , free both the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England from the aspersions of either adversary , especially when the Auditory is suspected to be tainted with the one or the other infection . VI. Lastly , That the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdom ( whom his Majesty hath good cause to blame for their former remisseness ) be more wary and choice in Licencing of Preachers , and Verbal Grants made to any Chancellor , Officiall , or Commissary to pass Licence in this Kingdom : And that all the Lecturers throughout the Kingdom ( a new body severed from the ancient Clergy of England , as being neither Parson , Vicar , or Curate ) be licensed henceforward in the Court of Faculties , only upon recommendation of the party from the Bishop of the Diocess under his hand and seal , with a Fiat from the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , and a confirmation under the Great Seal of England ; and that such as transgress any of his directions be suspended by the Bishop of the Diocess , or in his default by the Lord Archbishop of that Province ▪ Ab officio & beneficio , for a year and a day , untill his Majesty by the advice of the next Convocation prescribe for some further punishment . No sooner were these Instructions published , but strange it was to hear the several descants and discourses which were made upon them ; How much they were misreported amongst the People , and misinterpreted in themselves ; those very men who saw no just reason to condemn the Action being howsoever sure to misconstrue the end . For though they were so discreetly ordered , that no good and godly man could otherwise than acknowledge that they tended very much to Edification ; Yet such Interpretations were put upon them , as neither could consist with his Majesties meaning , nor the true sense of the Expressions therein used . By some it was given out , that those Instructions did tend to the restraint of Preaching , at the lest as to some necessary and material points ; by others , that they did abate the number of Sermons , by which the People were to be instructed in the Christian Faith ; by all the Preachers of that Party , that they did but open a gap for Ignorance and Superstition to break in by degrees upon the People . Which coming to his Majesties Ears , it brought him under the necessity of making an Apology for himself , and his actions in it . And to this end having summed up the reasons which induced him to it , he required the Archbishop of Canterbury to communicate them to his Brother of York ; by both to be imparted to their several Suffragans , the inferiour Clergy , and to all others whosoever , whom it might concern : which notwithstanding , it lay so heavy on the stomach of H. Burton ( at that time a Waiter in the Court , and afterwards beneficed in Friday-street ) that it would not down with him for many years . Inso●much that in his seditious Sermon , Entituled , For God and King , Anno 1636. he chargeth it for an Innovation in Religion , that the Bishops then about King Iames , ( of which Laud was one ) procured an order from him to inhibit yong Ministers from preaching those Doctrines ( those saving Doctrines as he calls them ) of Election and Predestination , and that none but Bishops and Deans should handle those Points ; which he is confident to have been done by them for no other reason , But thereby the more easily to make way for the accomplishing of their plot , for the introducing of Popery , so long in hammering . So impossible was it for that King , ( and as impossible for his Son and Successor ) assisted by the gravest and most moderate Counsellors , to fix on any thing conducible to the peace and happiness of the Church , but what must be traduced , and made odious in the sight of the People by the reports and artifices of those troublesome Spirits . Now as his Majesty and the Church were exercised on the one side by the Puritan Faction , so were they no less troubled and disquieted by the Popish Party on the other . The Priests and Jesuites , upon the breaking up of the Parliament , and the proceedings of the Treaty , grew to such an height of confidence that they openly began to practice on some persons of Honour for seducing them and their dependants to the See of Rome . Amongst whom there was none more aimed at than the Countess of Buckingham , whom if they could gain unto their Party , they doubted not but by her means to win the Marquiss , and by his power to obtain a tolleration at the least of their Superstition . The Lady beginning to stagger in her resolutions , and Fisher the Jesuite ( who had undertaken the task ) continually pressing her by fresh arguments to declare her self , it came at last to the Kings knowledge , who was not wanting to discourse with her for her satisfaction . At that time Dr. Francis White , Rector of St. Peter in Cornhill , was reader of the Divinity Lecture in the Church of St. Paul , by which he had gained an high esteem amongst his Auditors , not only for his honest Zeal against the Papists , in those ( as they were then thought ) Pendulous times : but for a notable dexterity in the managing of all points of Controversie . No man thought fitter than this Doctor to encounter Fisher. And to that end , in the beginning of this year , he was desired by the Marquiss to hold a Conference with the Jesuite , at which his Mother being present , might hear what answers would be given to such Objections as had been made against this Church , and the Religion here by Law established . One Conference not being enough to conclude the business , another followed not long after , to which the King himself did vouchsafe his presence ; so great was his desire to free this Honourable Lady from the Fishers net . But in that second Conference ( consisting altogether of particular points ) there had been nothing said touching an infallible , visible Church , which was the chief and only point in which the Party doubting required satisfaction . And that she might have satisfaction in that matter also , it pleased his Majesty to add a third Conference to the former on the twenty fourth of May next following , not to be managed by the same parties , but by our Bishop on the one side , and the said Fisher on the other ; the Lord Keeper Williams ( who put in a word or two sometimes ) and divers other persons of Honour being also present . How well he sped in that encounter , the Printed Conference , which came out about two years after , and the justification of it published in the year 1637. do most clearly evidence , or shall be shewn hereafter in due time and place . Certain I am , that he gained so much by that days work on the Marquiss of Buckingham , that from that time forwards he was taken into his especiall favour ; For he himself telleth us in his Breviate on Whitsunday , Iune the eighth , That the Marquiss was pleased to enter into a nearer respect to him , the particulars whereof were not for paper ; That on the fifteenth of that Month he had the honour to be made the Marquiss's Confessor ( which was to give him in effect ) the Key of his heart ; that on the Morrow after , being Trinity Sunday , the Marquiss having thus prepared himself , received the Sacrament at Greenwich . Which if he had not forborn for a long time before , this Memorandum in the Breviate must have been impertinent ; and finally , that on the eleventh of Ianuary , the Marquiss and he were at some private Consultation , in the inner Chamber at York-House , on which he prays God to bestow his blessing . Nor was the King less pleased with his performance at that time , than the Marquiss was . On the Report whereof , he gave him order to digest the substance of it into Form and Method , to make it ready for his hearing in convenient time ; and was content to give him access no less than thrice in the Christmas holydays , that he might hearken to it with the more attention . That King had never the command of so strong a patience as to hold out against a second or third reading , if he had not found some high contentment in the first . In which Conjuncture , it was no hard matter for him to obtain the renewing and enlarging of his Commendam by the addition of the Parsonage of Creek in Northamptonshire , into which he was instituted and inducted , in the end of Ianuary . We are now drawing unto a new and strange adventure , greater than which was never undertaken and performed by a Prince of England . The Treaty for the Match with Spain , beginning in the year 1617. was afterwards more vigorously prosecuted by King Iames , upon a hope of bringing back the Palatinate with it ; But while he fed himself with hopes , the Spaniards and Bavarians , had devoured the Country , leaving but three Towns ( Heidelberge , Frankendale , and Manheime ) to keep possession for the Prince Elector , in the name of the rest . Which the King finding at the last , and seeing that one delay begat another , without promising any end to his Expectations ; it was by him resolved , without the privity and consent of his Council , that the Prince himself should go in Person into Spain , that he might either speed the business , or break of the Treaty : Nor wanted the Prince strong impulsives to induce him to it . He was now past the two and twentieth year of his Age , and was so bent upon the Match , that he began to grow impatient with his Fathers Ministers for not ripening it unto an issue ; For it is evident by Digbys Letter unto Calvert dated Octob. 28. 1623. ( this last then Secretary of State ) not only that King Iames did infinitely desire the Match , but that the Prince desired it as much as he and by Calverts Letter unto Digby , on the fifth of this present Ianuary , That he could have no rest for his young Master , for being called on early and late to hasten the dispatch of all . Some Messages and dispatches had been brought by Porter out of Spain about three daies before , which winged his feet , and added Spurs to the design . The Journey being thus agreed on , was in the very nature of it , to be made a secret ; and therefore not communicable to the Lords of the Council for fear of staying him at home , or rendring him obnoxious to the danger of an interception as he past through France ; which mischief if it had befaln him , he must either have submitted unto such conditions , or suffered under such restraints as might seem intollerable in themselves , but absolutely destructive of his present purpose ; which may the rather be believed by reason of the like proceedings of that King with the present Prince Elector Palatine ; who posting disguised through France , in hope to get the Command of Duke Bernards Army , was stayed in the middle of his Journey by that Kings command , and kept so long under Restraint that he lost the opportunity of e●fecting that which he desired . It is not to be thought but that much danger did appear in the undertaking , but Love , which facilitates impossibilities , overcomes all dangers . On the eighteenth day of February , accompanied by the Duke of Buckingham , Mr. Endimion Porter , and Mr. Francis Cottington , he took Ship at Dover , and landed safe at Boloigne a Port of Picardy . Advanced on his way as far as Paris , his Curiosity carried him to the Court , to see a Masque , at which he had a view of that incomparable Princess , whom he after married . But he was like to have paid dear for this curiosity ; For no sooner had he left the City , but the French King upon Advertisement of his being there , dispatcht away many of his Servants in pursuance of him , commanding them not only to stay his Journey , but to bring him back unto the Court. But he rides fast who rides upon the wings of Love and Fear , so that the Prince had past Bayonne ( the last Town of France ) without being overtaken by them ; and posting speedily to Madrid he entred the Lord Ambassadors Lodging without being known to any but his Confidents only . That Danger being thus escaped , he cast himself upon another ; For having put himself into the Power of the King of Spain , it was at the curtesie of that King whither he should ever return or not ; it being a Maxime among Princes , that if any one of them without leave sets foot on the ground of another , he makes himself ipso facto to become his Prisoner . Richard the First of England passing in disguise through some part of the dominions of the Arch-Duke of Austria was by him took prisoner , and put unto so high a Ransome , that the Arch-Duke is said to have bought the Earldom of Styria , or Styrmark , with some part of the money , and to have walled Vienna with the rest . Nor wanted the Spaniards some Examples of a latter date , which might have justified his detention there , had they been so minded , and those too borrowed from our selves . Philip the first of Spain ( one of the Predecessors of the King then Reigning ) being cast by tempest on the Coast of England , was here detained by King Henry the Seventh till he had delivered up the Earl of Suffolk , who had put himself under his protection . In like manner Mary Queen of Scots being forced by her Rebellious Subjects to flee into this Realm , was presently seized on as a Prisoner , and so continued till her lamentable and calamitous death . And what could more agree with the rules of Justice , and the old known practise of Retaliation , then that the English should be punished by the rigour of their own severities . Such were the Dangers which the Princes person was exposed to by this unparalell'd adventure , not otherwise to be commended ( in most mens opinions ) but by the happy success of his Return . And yet there were some fears of a greater danger than any could befall his Person by Sea or Land ; that is to say , the danger of his being wrought on to alter his Religion , and to make shipwrack of his Faith ; and this by some uncharitable persons is made the ground of the design , to the indelible reproach of those who were supposed to have had a hand in the contrivement of the Plot. Amongst those the Marquiss stands accused by the Earl of Bristol , as appears by the first Article of the Charge which was exhibited against him in the Parliament of the year 1626. And our new Bishop stands reproached for another of them by the Author of the book entituled , Hidden works of darkness , &c. (m) But then it cannot be denied , but that his Majesty and the Prince must be the Principals in this Fact , this Hidden work of darkness , as that Author calls it ; Buckingham and St. Davids being only accessaries , and subservient instruments . But who can think they durst have undertaken so soul a business , which could not be washt off but by their bloud , had not the King commanded , and the Prince consented ? Now for the King , there is not any thing more certain than the great care he took that no danger should accrue to the Religion here by Law established by the Match with Spain . And this appears so clearly by the Instructions which he gave to Digby at the first opening of this Treaty , as if it had been written with a beam of the Sun : The matter of Religion ( saith he ) is to us of most principal consideration ; for nothing can be to us dearer than the honour and safety of the Religion we profess : And therefore seeing that this Marriage and Alliance ( if it shall take place ) is to be with a Lady of a different Religion from us ; it becometh us to be tender , as on the one part , to give them all satisfaction convenient ; so on the other , to admit nothing that may blemish our Conscience , or detract from the Religion here established . And to this point he stood to the very last , not giving way to any alteration in this , or tolleration of that Religion ; though he was pleased to grant some personal graces to the Recusants of this Kingdom , and to abate somewhat of the Rigour of those Capitall Laws which had been formerly enacted against Priests and Jesuites . Next for the Prince , he had been brought up , for some years then last past , at the feet of this most learned and wise Gamaliel ; by whom he was so fortified in the true Protestant Religion , established by the Laws of this Realm , that he feared not the encounter of the strongest Adversary ; and of this the King was grown so confident , that when Maw and Wren , the Princes Chaplains , were to receive his Majesties Commands at their going to Spain , there to attend upon their Master , he advised them not to put themselves upon any unnecessary Disputations , but to be only on the defensive part , if they should be challenged . And when it was answered , That there could be no reason to engage in such Disputations where no Moderator could be had ; The King replied , That Charles should moderate between them and the opposite party . At which when one of them seemed to smile upon the other , the King proceeded , and assured them , that Charles should manage a point in Controversie with the best studied Divine of them all ; and that he had trained up George so far as to hold the Conclusion , though he had not yet made him able to prove the Premises . By which it seems that his Majesty conceived no such fear on the Princes part , as that he could be practised or disputed out of his Religion ; and that he had no such fear of Buckingham neither , but that he would be able to stand his ground , notwithstanding any Arguments which were brought to move him . And he that is so far confirmed as to stand his ground , will never yield himself though he may be vanquished . It was not then to be believed , that me so principled and instructed , as not to be forced out of their Religion , should take such pains to be perverted , or seduced upon worldly policies , as well against their Science , as against their Conscience . Had they gone thither on that Errand , what could have hindred them from putting the design in execution ; having in Spain sit opportunity to effect it , at home the Kings Authority to confirm and Countenance it , and the whole power of his Catholick Majesty ( which was offered more than once or twice ) to justifie and defend the misrule against all the world . That they brought back the same Religion which they carried with them , is a strong Argument to any man of Sense and Reason that they went not into Spain of purpose to betray it there . Let us next look upon the proofs which are offered to us ; for Laud being privy to this journey , whereof his being of Council to ●ervert the Prince , and draw him to the Church of Rome , there is no proof offered : For first I find it charged , that he wrote a Letter unto Buckingham on the fifth day after his departure , and maintained a constant Correspondence with him when he was in Spain : And secondly , That he was privy to some Speeches which his Majesty had used to the Prince at his going hence . His Majesty in some of his printed Books had maintained that the Pope was Antichrist ; and now he feared that this might be alledged against him in the Court of Rome , to hinder the Popes Dispensation , and obstruct the Marriage : For the removal of which bar , he commands the Prince to signifie ( if occasion were ) to all whom it might concern , That his Majesty had writ nothing in that Point concludingly , but by way of Argument . That Laud was present at this Conference betwixt his Majesty and the Prince , hath no proof at all : He might be made acquainted with it on the post-fact , when the Prince returned ; and yet because he was made acquainted with this passage , though upon the post-fact , it must be hence concluded as a matter certain , That he was one of the Cabinet Council , and privy to the Princes going into Spain : and secondly , as a matter probable , That he suggested this distinction unto King James , to please the Pope , and promote the Match . As little strength there is in the second proof , touching his Writing to the Marquis on the fifth day after his departure : But then it was not till the fifth , before which time the Princes Journey into Spain was made the general Discourse of all Companies , the ordinary Subject of all Tongues and Pens ; communicated by word of mouth , by Letters , and by what means not ? Nor can those following Letters , which he received from Buckingham when he was in Spain , convince him of being privy to that Journey , when it was in project and design ; there being many others also , who both received and dispatched Letters frequently from that very same person , so far from being of the Council as to that particular , that they were not of the Court at all : So ordinary is the fate of such sorry Arguments , to conclude nothing at all , or that which is nothing to the purpose . But what need more be said to confute this Calumny on which I have so long insisted , than the great Care which was immediately taken by the King and his Bishops , to maintain the Reputation of the Church of England in the Court of Spain ? No sooner had his Majesty notice that the Prince was come in safety to the Court of that King , but order presently was taken for Officers of all Qualities , and Servants of all sorts to be sent unto him , that so he might appear in Publick with the greater lustre . Nor was it the least part of his Royal Care , to accommodate him with two such Chaplains as should be able to defend the Doctrine of this Church against all Opponents . And that there might appear a face of the Church of England in the outward Forms of Worship also , his Majesty was pleased by the Advice of the Bishops then about him ( of which Laud was one ) to give the said Chaplains , Maw and Wren , these Instructions following , dated at Newmarket , March 10. I. That there be one convenient Room appointed for Prayer ; the said Room to be employed during their abode to no other use . II. That it be decently adorned Chappel-wise , with an Altar , Fonts , Palls , Linnen Coverings , Demy-Carpet , four Surplices , Candlesticks , Tapers , Chalices , Pattens , a fine Towel for the Prince , other Towels for the Houshold , a Traverse of Waters for the Communion , a Bason and Flaggons , two Copes . III. That Prayers be duly kept twice a day : That all reverence be used by every one present , being uncovered , kneeling at due times , standing up at the Creeds and Gospel , bowing at the Name of JESUS . IV. That the Communion be celebrated in due form , with an Oblation of every Communicant , and admixing Water with the Wine : the Communion to be as often used as it shall please the Prince to set down ; smooth Wafers to be used for the Bread. V. That in the Sermons there be no Polemical Preachings to inveigh against them , or to confute them ; but only to confirm the Doctrine and Tenets of the Church of England , by all positive Arguments , either in Fundamental or Moral Points ; and especially to apply themselves in Moral Lessons to Preach Christ Jesus Crucified . VI. That they give no occasions ( or rashly entertain any ) of Conference or Dispute ( for fear of dishonour to the Prince , if upon any offence taken , he should be required to send away any one of them ) : but if the Lord Embassador or Mr. Secretary wish them to hear any that desire some information , then they may safely do it . VII . That they carry the Articles of our Religion in many Copies , the Books of Common Prayer in several Languages , store of English Service-Books , the Kings own Works in English and Latin. Such were his Majesties Instructions to the said two Chaplains : and being such , they do concludingly demonstrate , That there was no design in the King or Prince , or in any of the Court or Court-Bishops , of what name soever , to alter the Religion here by Law established ; or that the Prince was posted into Spain of purpose that he might be perverted or debauched from it . But the best is , that he which gave the Wound hath made the Plaister ; and such a Plaister as may assuredly heal the Sore without troubling any other Chyrurgeon . It is affirmed by him who published the (p) Breviate of our Bishops Life , That he was not only privy to this Journey of the Prince and Buckingham into Spain , but that the Journey was purposely plotted to pervert him in his Religion , and reconcile him to Rome : And this he makes apparent by the following Prayer , found amongst others in the Bishops Manual of Devotions ; than which there can be nothing more repugnant to the Propositions , ●or proof of which it is so luckily produced . Now the said Prayer 〈◊〉 thus verbatim ; viz. O Most merciful God and gracious Father , the Prince hath put himself to a great Adventure : I humbly beseech thee , make clear the way before him ; give thine Angels charge over him ; be with him thy self in Mercy , Power , and Protection , in every step of his Iourney , in every moment of his Time , in every Consultation and Address for Action , till thou bring him back with Safety , Honour , and Contentment , to do thee service in this place . Bless his most truly and faithful Servant the Lord Duke of Buckingham , that he may be diligent in Service , provident in Business , wise and happy in Counsel , for the honour of thy Name , the good of the Church , the preservation of the Prince , the contentment of the King , the satisfaction of the State : Preserve him , I humbly beseech thee , from all Envy that attends him ; and bless him , that his eyes may see the Prince safely delivered to the King and State ; and after it to live long in happiness , to do thee and them service , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Amen . And with this Prayer ( so plainly destructive of the purpose for which it was published ) I shut up the Transactions of this present year . We will begin the next with the dismission of the Archbishop of Spalato , a man defamed by the Italians at his coming hither , and as much reproached by the English at his going hence : His name was Marcus Antonius de Dominis , Archbishop of Spalato in Fact , and Primate of Dalmatia in Title : Such anciently and of right those Archbishops were , till the Bishop of Venice being made a Patriarch by Pope Eugenius the Fourth , Anno 1450. assumed that Title to himself , together with a Superintendency over all the Churches of that Country , as subordinate to him . He had been long conversant with the Fathers and Ancient Councils ; By this Light he discerned the Darkness of the Church of Rome , and the blind Title which the Popes had for their Supremacy . Inclining to the Protestant Religion , he began to fear that his own Country would prove too hot for him at the last ; and therefore after he had sate in the See of Spalato about fourteen years , he quitted his Preferments there , and betook himself for Sanctuary to the Church of England , Anno 1616. Extremely honoured at his first coming by all sorts of people ; entertained in both Universities with solemn Speeches ; presented , complemented , feasted , by the great Lords about the Court , the Bishops , and some principal Persons about the City : Happy was he that could be honoured with his Company , and satisfied with beholding his comely presence , though they understood not his Discourses . Commended by King Iames at first for a constant Sojourner and Guest to Archbishop Abbot , in whose Chappel at Lambeth he assisted at the Consecration of some English Bishops . Made afterwards by the King the Master of the Savoy , and Dean of Windsor , and by himself made Rector of West-Illesby in the County of Berks : A Revenue not so great as to bring him under the suspicion of coming hither out of Covetousness , for the sake of filthy Lucre ; nor so contemptible , but that he might have lived plentifully and contentedly on it . During his stay here , he published his learned and elaborate Book entituled , De Republica Ecclesiastica , never yet answered by the Papists , and perhaps unanswerable . He had given great trouble to the Pope by his defection from that Church , and no small countenance to the Doctrine of the Protestant Churches by his coming over unto ours . The foundring of so great a Pillar , seemed to prognosticate , that the Fabrick of that Church was not like to stand . And yet he gave greater blows to them by his Pen , than by the defection of his person ; the wound so given , being conceived to be incurable . In these respects , those of that Church bestirred themselves to disgrace his person , devising many other causes , by which he might be moved or forced to forsake those parts , wherein he durst no longer tarry : but finding little credit given to their libellous Pamphlets , they began to work upon him by more secret practises , insinuating , That he had neither that Respect nor those Advancements which might encourage him to stay ; That the new Pope Gregory the Fifteenth was his special Friend ; That he might chuse his own Preferments , and make his own Conditions , if he would return . And on the other side they cunningly wrought him out of credit with King Iames , by the Arts of Gundamore , Embassadour at that time from the King of Spain ; and lessened his esteem amongst the Clergy , by some other Artifices : So that the poor man , being in a manner lost on both sides , was forced to a necessity of swallowing that accursed bait , by which he was hooked over to his own destruction . For having sollicited King Iames by several Letters ( the last of them bearing date on the third of February ) to licence his departure home , he was by the King disdainfully turned over to the High-Commission , or rather to a special Commission directed to Archbishop Abbot , the Lord Keeper Lincoln , the Bishops of London , Durham , and Winchester , with certain of the Lords of the Privy Council . These Lords assembling at Lambeth on the 30th . of March , and having first heard all his Excuses and Defences , commanded him to depart the Realm within twenty days , or otherwise to expect such punishment as by the Laws of the Land might be laid upon him , for holding Intelligence by Letters , Messages , &c. with the Popes of Rome . To this Sentence he sorrowfully submitted , protesting openly , That he would never speak reproachfully of the Church of England , the Articles whereof he acknowledged to be sound and profitable , and none of them to be Heretical , as appears by a Book entituled , SPALATO's Shiftings in Religion , published ( as it was conceived ) by Laud's especial Friend , the Lord Bishop of Durham . How well , or rather how ill he performed this promise , and what became of him after his return to Rome is not now my business . The man is banished out of England , and my History leads me next into Spain , not Italy . The Church of England had a great stock at that time to be driven in Spain , and many of the Romish Factors were desirous to be trading in it . No sooner was the Princes Train of Lords and Gentlemen come to the City of Madrid . but the King of Spain assigned a day for his Reception . A Reception so Magnificent , so full of State , and Royal Pomp , that it redounded infinitely to the honour of the Spanish Court , and the satisfaction of the Prince . Never was King of Spain on the day of his inauguration received into that City with a more general concourse of all sorts of people , and greater signs of Joy and Gallantry ; then the Prince was conducted through it to the Palace Royal. In which his Quarters being assigned him , there wanted no allurements on their parts to win him to a fair esteem of their Religion , and to put some high value also on their Court and Nation . Nor was the Prince wanting for his part in all fit compliances , by which he might both gain on them , and preserve himself ; for by his Courtly Garb he won so much on the affections of the Lady Infanta , and by his Grace and circumspect behaviour got so much ground upon that King and his Council , that the Match went forward in good earnest . A dispensation for the Marriage was procured from Gregory the fifteenth then sitting in the See of Rome . The Articles of the Marriage with all the circumstances thereof were agreed upon , and solemnly sworn to by both Kings . Nothing remained to bring the whole business to a joyfull issue but the Consummation . But before that could be obtained , the Prince must try his fortunes in an harder Conflict than any he had learnt in the Schools of Love. The change of his Religion was much hoped for by the Court of Spain at his first coming thither . To perfect which he was plied from time to time with many perswasive Arguments by many persons of great Honour about that King. And many of the most learned Priests and Jesuites made their Addresses to him , with such Rhetorical Orations , with such insinuating Artifices , and subtle Practises , as if they had a purpose rather to conquer him by kindness , than by disputation . Nor stop they there , but dedicated many Books unto him , to gain him fairly to their Party ; invited him to behold their solemn Processions to captivate his outward senses ; and carried him to the most Religious places , famous for their magnificent Fabricks , and pretended Miracles . In which conjuncture of designs , it is not to be thought but that the Pope bestirred himself in gaining to his Church a Prince of such parts and greatness . For first he writes unto the Bishop of Conchen , Inquisitor general of Spain , not to be wanting to the opportunity which God had put into his hands . The next day , being the twentieth of April , he addressed his lines unto the Prince , extolling the piety of his Predecessors , their Zeal unto the Catholick Church , and to the head thereof the Pope , inviting him by all the blandishments of Art , to put himself upon the following of their brave examples . Never had Prince a harder game to play than Prince Charles had now : He found himself under the Power of the King of Spain , and knew that the whole business did depend on the Popes dispensation , with whom if he complied not in some handsome way , his expectation might be frustrate , and all the fruits of that long Treaty would be suddenly blasted . He therefore writes unto the Pope in such general terms as seemed to give his Holiness some assurances of him : but being reduced unto particulars , signified nothing else but some civill complements ; mixt with some promises of his endeavours to make up the breaches in the Church , and restore Christendom to an happy and desirable peace . Which notwithstanding was after reckoned amongst his crimes , by such as rather would not , then did not know the necessity which lay upon him , of keeping at that time a plausible correspondence with the Catholick party . But these Temptations and Allurements , these Artifices and Insinuations , prevailed so little with the Prince , that he still kept his stand , and was found impregnable ; carrying himself with such a prudent Moderation in these Encounters , that he came off alwaies without Envy , but not without Glory . And that it might appear on what grounds he stood , it was thought fit to let them see that he professed no other Religion than what was agreeable to the Rules of Antiquity , and not much abhorrent from the Forms then used in the Church Rome . And to this end , by the prudent care of the Lord Keeper Williams , the English Liturgie was translated into Spanish ; so many Copies of the book then Printed being sent into Spain , as gave great satisfaction both to the Court and Clergy . The work performed by a converted Dominican (q) who was gratified for his pains therein by a good Prebend , and a Benefice , as he well deserved . And this I must needs say was very seasonably done ; For till that time the Spaniards had been made believe by their Priests and Jesuites , that when the English had cast off the Pope , they had cast off all Religion also . That from thenceforth they became meer Atheists ; and that the name of God was never used amongst them , but with a purpose to expose it to profanation . An Argument whereof may be the extreme squeamishness of the Constable of Castile , sent into England in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames , to swear the peace between both Kings . Who understanding that the business was to be performed in the Chappel , where some Anthems were to be sung , desired , that whatsoever was sung , Gods name might not be used in it ; and that being forborn , he was content they should sing what they listed . And when the Earl of Nottingham , attended by many Gentlemen of worth and quality went into Spain , to take the like Oath of the Catholick King , it was reported by his followers at their coming back , how much it was commiserated by the Vulgar Spaniards that so many goodly persons should be trained up in no other Religion than to worship the Devil . But let us leave the Prince , and return for England , where the King had as hard a game to play ; For having left such a Pawn in Spain he was in a manner bound to his good behaviour , and of necessity to gratifie the Popish Party in this Kingdom with more than ordinary Favours . He knew no Marriage could be made without the Popes Dispensation , and that the Popes Dispensation could not be obtained without indulging many graces to his Catholick Subjects . To smooth his way therefore to the point desired , he addresseth several Letters to the Pope and Cardinals , in which he gives him the title of most holy Father ; and imploys Gage , as his Agent in the Court of Rome , to attend the business . At home he dischargeth all such Priests and Iesuites as had been formerly imprisoned ; inhibiting all Processes , and Superseding all proceedings against Recusants ; and in a word suspends the execution of such penal Laws as were made against them . The People hereupon began to cry out generally of a Toleration , and murmur in all places against the King , as if he were resolved to grant it . And that they might not seem to cry out for nothing , a Letter is dispersed abroad , under the name o● Archbishop Abbot . In this Letter his ▪ Majesty is told , That by granting any such Toleration he should set up the most damnable and Heretical Doctrine of the Church of Rome , the whore of Babylon ; That it would be both hateful to God , grievous to his good Subjects and contradictory to his former Writings , in which he had declared their Doctrines to be Superstitious , Idolatrous , and detestable ; That no such toleration could be granted but by Parliament only , unless it were his purpose to shew his people that he would throw down the Laws at his pleasure ; That by granting such a Toleration , there must needs follow a discontinuance of the true Profession of the Gospel , and what could follow thereupon , but Gods heavy wrath and indignation both on himself and all the Kingdom ; That the Prince was not only the Son of his Flesh , but the Son of his People also , and therefore leaves him to consider what an errour he had run into , by sending him into Spain without the privity of his Council , and consent of his Subjects ; And finally , That though the Princes return might be safe and prosperous , yet they that drew him into that dangerous and desperate Action would not scape unpunished . This was the substance of the Letter , whosoever was the Writer of it . For Abbot could not be so ill a Statesman ( having been long a Privy Councellour ) as not to know , that he who sitteth at the Helm must stear his course according unto wind and weather ; And that there was a very great difference betwixt such personal indulgencies , as the King had granted in that case to his Popish Subjects , and any such Publick Exercise of their Superstitions , as the word Toleration doth import ; and howsoever , that it was a known Maxime in the Arts of Government , that necessity over-rules the Law , and that Princes many times must act for the publick good , in the infringing of some personal and particular rights which the Subjects claim unto themselves . Nor could he be so ignorant of the Kings affections as to believe , that the King did really intend any such toleration , though possibly he might be content , on good reason of State , that the people should be generally perswaded of it : For well he knew that the King loved his Soveraignty too well to quit any part thereof to the Pope of Rome , and consequently to part with that Supremacy in Ecclesiastical matters ( as needs he must have done by a Toleration ) which he esteemed the fairest Flower in the Royal Garland . In which respect , King Iames might seem to be made up of Caesar and Pompey ; as impatient of enduring an equal , as of admitting a Superiour in his own Dominions . Or had he been a greater stranger at the Court than can be imagined , yet could he not be ignorant , that it was the Kings chief interest to preserve Religion in the same state in which he found it ; and could not fear but that he would sufficiently provide for the safety of it . Upon which Premises , it may be rationally inferred , that Abbot was only the reputed Author of this Bastard Letter , and not the natural Parent of it . Nor was the Toleration more feared by the English Protestants , than hoped for by the Papists here , and presumed by the Pope himself . In confidence whereof , he nominated certain Bishops to all the Episcopal Sees of England to exercise all manner of Jurisdiction in their several and respective Diocesses , as his false and titular Bishops did in the Church of Ireland . The intelligence whereof being given to the Jesuites here in England , who feared nothing more than such a thing , one of them , who formerly had free access to the Lord Keeper Williams , acquaints him with this mighty secret ; assuring him , that he did it for no other reason , but because he knew what a great exasperation it would give the King , and consequently how much it would incense him against the Catholicks . Away with this Intelligence goes the Lord Keeper to the King , who took fire thereat as well as he , and though it was somewhat late at night , commanded to go to the Spanish Embassadour , and to require him to send unto the King his Master to take some course that those proceedings might be stopt in the Court of Rome ; or otherwise that the Treaty of the Match should advance no further . The Lord Keeper finds the Embassadour ready to send away his Pacquet , who upon hearing of the news commanded his Currier to stay till he had represented the whole business in a Letter to the King his Master . On the receiving of which Letter , the King imparts the same to the Popes Nuncio in his Court. Who presently sends his dispatches to the Pope , acquainting him with the great inconveniences and unavoidable dangers of this new design ; which being stopt by this device , and the Treaty of the Match ending in a rupture not long after , the same Jesuite came again to the Lord Keepers Lodging , and in a fair and facetious manner thanked him most humbly for the good office he had done for that Society , for breaking and bearing off which blow all the friends they had in Rome could find no buckler . Which Story as I heard from his Lordships own mouth ( with no small contentment ) so seemed he to be very well pleased with the handsomness of the trick which was put upon him . Laud was not sleeping all this while . It was not possible that a man of such an Active Spirit should be out of work , and he had work enough to do in being the Dukes Agent at the Court. The Marquiss was made Duke of Buckingham , at his being in Spain , to make him more considerable in the eye of that Court : and this addition to his honours was an addition also to that envy which was borne against him . Great Favourites have for the most part many enemies , such as are carefully intent upon all occasions which may be made use of to supplant them . Which point the Duke had so well studied ; that though he knew himself to be a very great Master of the Kings affections : yet was he apprehensive of the disadvantages to which this long absence would expose him . It therefo●e concerned him nearly to make choice of some intelligent and trusty friend , whom he might confide in ( and he was grown more confident of Laud than of any other ) from whom he might receive advertisement of all occurrences , and such advice as might be most agreeable to the complexion of affairs . Nor did it happen otherwise than he expected , for long he had not been in Spain , when there were many fearings of him in the Court of England , many strange whisperings into the ears of the King concerning the abuse of his Royal Favours ; the general discontentments which appeared in the people for the Princes Journey into Spain ; the sad consequents which were feared to ensue upon it in reference to his Person , and the true Religion ; that the blame of all was by the People laid on the Duke , and that it was safest for his Majecty to let it rest where they had laid it . But nothing could be thought more strange unto him , than that the Lord Keeper Williams , and the Lord Treasurer Cranfield should be of Counsel in the Plot , both of them being of his raising , and both ( in the stile of Court ) his Creatures . Of all which practises and proceedings Laud gives intelligence to the Duke , and receives back again Directions in his actings for him . ( Pity it is that none of these reciprocal Letters have been found to make up the Cabala , and to enrich the treasures in the Scrinea Sacra ) From hence proceeded the constancy of affection which the Duke carried to him for ever , after the Animosity between Laud and Williams ; the fall of Cranfield first , and of Williams afterwards ; Laud by his diligence and fidelity overtopping all . The news of these practices in the Court , made the Duke think of leaving Spain , where he began to sink in his Estimation ; and hasting his return to England , for fear of sinking lower here than he did in Spain . Some clashings there had been betwixt him and the Conde d' Olivarez , the Principal Favorite of that King ; and some Caresses were made to him by the Queen of Bohemia , inviting him to be a God-father to one of her Children . In these disquiets and distractions he puts the Prince in mind of the other Game he had to play ; namely , the Restitution of the Palatinate , which the Spaniard would not suffer to be brought under the Treaty of the Match ; reserving it ( as they pretended , and perhaps really intended ) to be bestowed by the Infanta after the Marriage , the better to ingratiate her self with the English Nation . Which being a point of too great moment to depend upon no other assurance than a Court-Complement only , it was concluded by the Prince , That since he could not prevail in the one , he would not proceed to the Consummation of the other . But then it did concern him so to provide for his own sa●ety , that no intimation might be made of the intended Rupture , till he had unwinded himself out of that Labyrinth into which he was cast : For which cause having desired of his Father , that some Ships might be sent to bring him some , he shewed himself a more passionate Lover than ever formerly , bestowed upon the Lady Infanta many rich Jewels of most inestimable value , and made a Proxie to the Catholick King , and Don Charles his Brother , in his name to Espouse t●e Lady . Which Proxie being made and executed in due form of Law , on the Fourth of August 1623. was put into the Hands of Digby ( on the Fifteenth of September after made Earl of Bristol ) by him to be delivered to the King of Spain within ten days after the coming of the Dispensation from the new Pope Vrban , which was then every day expected . But no sooner had he took his leave , and was out of danger , but he dispatch'd a Post unto him , commanding him not to deliver up the Proxie until further Order : And having so done , he hoised Sails for England . Arriving at Portsmouth on Sunday the fifth of October , he rides Post the next day to London , and after Dinner on the same day to the Court at Royston ; his welcom home being celebrated in all Places with Bells and Bonfires , and other accustomed Expressions of a Publick Joy. Being come unto the Court , they acquaint his Majesty with all that hapned , informing him that no assurance of regaining the Palatinate could be had in Spain , though the Match went forwards . His Majesty thereupon dispatches Letters to the Earl of Bristol on the eighth of October , requiring him not to deliver up the Proxie , and so not to proceed to the Espousals , till the Christmas Holy-days ; and in the mean time to press that King to a positive Answer , touching the Palatinate . The expectation whereof not being answered by success , a Parliament is summoned to begin on the 17th . of February then next following , to the end that all things might be governed in this Great Affair by the publick Counsel of the Kingdom . Not long after the beginning whereof , the Duke decla●ed before both Houses ( more to the disadvantage of the Spaniard than there was just ground for ) how unhandsomly they had dealt with the Prince when he was in Spain ; how they had fed him with delays ; what indignities they had put upon him ; and finally , had sent him back , not only without the Palatinate , but without a Wife ; leaving it to their prudent consideration what course to follow . It was thereupon Voted by both Houses , That his Majesty should be desired to break off all Treaties with the King of Spain , and to engage himself in a War against him for the recovery of the Palatinate , not otherwise to be obtained . And that they might come the better to the end they aimed at , they addressed themselves unto the Prince , whom they assured , That they would stand to him in that War , to the very last expence of their Lives and Fortunes ; and he accordingly ( being further set on by the Duke ) became their instrument to perswade his Father to hearken to the Common Votes and Desires of his Subjects , which the King ( press'd by their continual Importunities ) did at the last ( but with great unwillingness ) assent to : Such was the conduct of this business on the part of the English. Look we next what was done in Spain ; and we shall find in Letters from the Earl of Bristol , (r) That as soon as news was come to Spain , that King Iames had sworn the Articles of the Treaty ( which was done on the 26th . of Iuly ) the Lady Infanta by all the Court , with the Approbation of that King , and her own good-liking , was called La Princessa d' Inglaterra ; That as such , she gave her self the liberty of going publickly to such Comedies as were presented in the Court , ( which before was not allowable in her : ) (s) That as such also , not only he himself ( as the Kings Embassadour ) was commanded to serve her ; but the Duke , and all the English were admitted to kiss her hands , as her Servants and Vassals ; That after the Princes departure , there was no thought of any thing but of providing Presents for the King and him , the setling of the Princesses Family , and making Preparations for the Journey on the first of March ; That the Princess also had begun to draw the Letters which she intended to have written the day of her disposories to the Prince her Husband , and the King her Father in Law ; That besides such assurances as were given by the Count of Olivarez , and other Ministers of that King , the Princess had made the business of the Palatinate to be her own , and had therein most expresly moved the King her Brother , and written to the Conde of Olivarez to that effect , and had set her heart upon the making of her self grateful and welcome to the King and Kingdom , by overcoming the difficulties that appeared in it : In which respect it was very truly said by Digby , in one of his Letters to King Iames , That it would be held a point of great dishonour to the Infanta , if the Powers called for by her Friends should be detained on the Princes part ; and that whosoever had deserved ill , she certainly had deserved neither disrespect nor discomforts . Add hereunto , That the Popes Dispensation coming to the Court of Spain in the beginning of December , that King caused Bonfires to be made in all the parts of his Realms , intending on that day ( in satisfaction of the Oath which he had made to the Prince ) to proceed to the Espousals with all due solemnity . Which being the true state of this affair , as far as I am able to look into it , I shall refer it to the judgment of the equal Readers , whether this poor Lady were more dishonoured and discomforted by her own Brother and his Ministers , if they meant not really and effectually to satisfie all expectations touching either Treaty ; or by the English , if they did . But it is now time to leave these Foreign Negotiations , and keep close at home , where we shall finde the Priests and Iesuits as busie in seducing the people , and the Lay-Papists as audacious in hearing and frequenting Masses , as if they had been fortified by a Toleration . But it pleased God to put some Water into their Wine , and abate the fervour of those heats , by letting them feel the strokes of his heavy hand , when they look'd not for it . Being assembled in a fair and capacious Room at Hunsdon House in the Black-Friers , to hear the Sermon of one Drury a Jesuit , their numbers were so great , and their weight so heavy , that the Floor sunk under them . Most lamentable were the cries of those which fell under that Ruine , 94 of them ( of which the Preacher himself was one ) being killed outright ; most of the rest so miserably bruised and maimed , that the condition of the dead was esteemed far happier than that of the living : A matter of great astonishment to their Party here ; and that it might not be so abroad , they thought it good to shift the Scene , and change the Actors , publishing to that end a Pamphlet , which they dispersed in divers parts of France and Italy , containing a Relation of Gods Judgments shown on a sort of Protestant Hereticks , by the fall of an House in St. Andrews Parish in Holborn , in which they were assembled to hear a Geneva Lecture , October 26. A. D. 1623. So wickedly wise are those of that Generation , to cheat their own Souls , and abuse their Followers . And yet the Pamphleteer says well , That this disaster hapned on the 26th of October ; for so it did according to the Old Style and Account of England : But it was on the fifth day of November , according to the New Style and Account of Rome . And this indeed may seem to have somewhat of Gods Judgment in it , That the intended blowing up of the Parliament , to the unavoidable destruction of the King , Prince , Prelates , Peers , and the chiefest Gentry of the Nation , on the fifth day of our November , should on the fifth day of their own be recompenced or retaliated by the sinking of a Room in which they met , to the present slaughter of so many , and the maiming of more . But leaving them to their ill Fortunes , it was not long before Buckingham found the truth of such Informations as he had received touching those ill Offices which had been done to him in his absence , from some whom he esteemed his Friends . Hereupon followed an estranging of the Dukes Countenance from the Lord Keeper Williams , and of his from the Bishop of St. Davids , whom he looked upon as one that stood in the way betwixt him and the Duke : with which the Duke was not long after made acquainted . But these displeasures were not only shewn in offended Countenances , but brake out within little time into sharp Expostulations on either side . The Duke complained to Laud , December 15. That the Lord Keeper had so strangely forgotten himself to him , as he seemed to be dead in his affections ; and began to entertain some thoughts of bringing him by a way which he would not like , to a remembrance of his duty : and on the eleventh of Ianuary the Lord Keeper meets with Laud in the Withdrawing Chamber , and fell into very hot words with him , of which the Duke hath an account also within three days after . But Williams seeing how unable he was to contend at once with Wit and Power , applied himself with so much diligence to regain the Favour of the Duke , that in the beginning of February a Reconciliation was made between them , the Duke accepting his submission , and learning from him , That his great Favours unto Laud , were the chief reasons which had moved him unto that forgetfulness . And that the benefit of this Reconciliation might extend to all who were concerned in the displeasures , Williams engageth to the Duke to be friends with Laud , and did accordingly bestow some Complements upon him ; but such as had more ceremony than substance in them . From henceforth nothing but an appearance of fair weather between these Great Persons , though at last it brake out again more violently into open Storms . The Wound was only skinned , not healed ; and festred the more dangerously , because the secret Rancour of it could not be discerned . In the mean time Laud was not wanting to himself in taking the benefit of this Truce : Ab●ot had still a spite against him , and was resolved to keep him down as long as he could ; to which end he had caused him to be left out of the High-Commission ( and Williams was not forward to put him in ) though never a Bishop that lived about London was left out but himself , and many who lived not there put in : Of which Indignity he complained to the Duke , by his Letter bearing date November 1. 1624. and was remedied in it . During the heat of these Court-combats , the Parliament before-mentioned was assembled at Westminster , on the seventeenth of February ; upon whose humble Petition and Advice his Majesty dissolved the Treaties , and engaged himself in a War with Spain : But this he had no sooner done , when they found into what perplexities they had plunged themselves by this Engagement ; there being nothing more derogatory to the Honour and Prosperity of a King of England , than to be cast on the necessity of calling Parliaments , which rendreth them obnoxious to the power and pride of each popular spirit , and makes them less in Reputation both at home and abroad : For first they Petitioned him for a Fast , which he also granted . They had desired the like in some former Parliaments , and Sessions of Parliaments , as they had done also in Queen Elizabeths time ; but could never obtain the same from either . It was then told them , That there were weekly Fasts appointed to be kept by the Laws of the Land , which if they did observe , as they ought to do , there would be no need of Solemn Fasts to begin their Parliaments . The blame of which Answer , in the Parliament immediately foregoing this , was by the Puritan Faction cast upon the Bishops ( who at the same time had opposed some Proposition tending to some Restraints on the Lords day , not imposed before ) as men whose Pride hindred all such Religious Humiliations , and whose Profaneness made them Enemies to all Piety . But the King having now cast himself into the arms of his People , had brought himself to a necessity of yielding to their desire , and thereby left a fair President both for them to crave , and his Successor to grant the like : So that from this time forward , till the last of King Charles , we shall see no Parliament , nor Session of Parliament , to begin without them ; though that King checked some times at the importunity . So far his Majesty had gone along with them , in yielding unto their desires ; but he must go a little further . And therefore , secondly , They thought it not enough that his Majesty had made a Publick Declaration for the real and utter Dissolution of the said Treaties ; but it must be declared also by Act of Parliament , That the said two Treaties were by his Majesty Dissolved : Which gave them some colour of Pretence in the following Parliament to claim a share in managing the War ( which the Dissolving of these Treaties had occasioned ) and of being made acquainted with the Enterprize which was then in hand . But for this time they were contented to have engaged the King for the future War , toward the carrying on of which , and more particularly ( as the Act expresseth ) for the Defence of this Realm of England , the Securing of the Kingdom of Ireland , the Assistance of his Majesties Neighbours the States of the Vnited Provinces , and other his Majesties Friends and Allies , and for the setting forth of his Royal Navy ; they granted to him three Subsidies , together with three Fifteenths and Tenths , to be paid before the t●nth of May which should be in the year 1625. Which though it be affirmed in the said Act to be the greatest Aid which ever was granted in Parliament to be levied in so short a time ; yet neither was the time so short as it was pretended , there being almost fifteen Months between the dissolving of the Treaties , and the last payment of the Monies . Nor did the King get any thing by it , how great soever the said Aid was supposed to be . For , thirdly , before the King could obtain this Act , he was fain to gratifie them with some others , amongst which that entituled , An Act for the general quiet of the Subject against all pretext of Concealments whatsoever , was the most considerable . An Act of such a grand Concernment to the Peace and Happiness of the Subject , and of such Disprofit to the King in his Gifts and Graces to his Servants , that it was affirmed by Justice Dodderidge at the Oxon. Assises next ensuing , That his Majesty had bought those Fifteenths and Subsidies at ten years purchase . Nor fourthly , did one penny of this Money , so dearly paid for , accrew unto his Majesties particular use , or was to come into his Coffers ; it being ordered in the Act aforesaid , That the said Monies , and every part and parcel of them , should be paid to certain Commissioners therein nominated ; and that the said Commissioners should issue and dispose the same , according as they should be warranted by George Lord Carew , Foulk Lord Brooke , and certain other Commissioners to the number of ten , nominated and appointed for a Council of War ; by them to be expended in the Publick Service . And albeit the Grant of the said Fifteenths , Tenths , and Subsidies , might possibly be the greatest Aid which had been given in Parliament for so short a time ; yet did this greatness consist rather in tale than weight , the Subsidy-Books being grown so low ( for those of the Fifteenths and Tenths do never vary ) that two entire Subsidies in the time of Queen Elizabeth came to more than all . More nobly dealt the Clergy with him in their Convocation , because it came into his own Co●lers , and without Conditions . For taking into consideration ( amongst other motives ) the great Expences at which his Majesty was then , and was like to be hereafter , as well for the support of his Royal Estate , as for the necessary Defence of this Realm of England , and other his Dominions , whereby was like to grow the safety of Religion both at whom and abroad ; they granted to him four entire Subsidies , after the rate of 4 s. in every Pound ; which was indeed the greatest Aid that was ever given by Convocation in so short a time ; the Subsidies of the Clergy being fixed and certain , those of the Laity diminishing and decreasing daily . A Burden which must needs fall exceeding heavy on many poor Vicars in the Country , whose Benefices are for the most part of small yearly value , and yet rated very high in the Kings Books ( according unto which they are to be Taxed ) ; Insomuch as I knew several Vicaridges , not worth above 80 l. per Annum , which were charged higher than the best Gentlemen in the Parish , whose yearly Revenues have amounted unto many Hundreds . Laud who had sometimes been Vicar of Stamford in Northamptonshire ( as before is said ) was very compassionate of the case of these poor men ; for whose case he devised a course in this present Session ; which being digested into form , he communicated to the Duke of Buckingham , who very readily promised to prepare both the King and Prince for the passing of it . This done , he imparted it also to the Lord Keeper Williams , and the Bishop of Durham , who look'd upon it as the best service which had been done for the Church many years before , and advised him to acquaint the Archbishop with it : But Abbot either disliking the Design for the Authors sake , or being an enemy to all Counsels which had any Author but himself , instead of favours returned him frowns ; asking him , What he had to do to make any suit for the Church ? And telling him withall , That never any Bishop attempted the like at any time , and that no body would have done it but himself ; That he had given the Church such a wound , in speaking to any Lord of the Layty about it , as he could never make whole again ; And finally , That if the Lord Duke did fully understand what he had done , he would never endure him to come near him again . St Davids replies very mildly , That he thought he had done a very good office for the Church , and so did his betters too ; That if his Grace thought otherwise , he was sorry that he had offended : But hoped that he had done it out of a good mind , and for the support of many poor Vicars abroad in the Country , who must needs sink under the payment of so many Subsidies ; and therefore that his error might be pardonable , if it were an error . Thus soundly ratled he departs , and acquaints the Duke with the success , for fear some ill offices might be otherwise done him to the King and Prince . So miserable was the case of the poorer Clergy , in living under such an High Priest , who though he was subject to the same infirmity , was altogether insensible of those heavy pressures which were laid upon them : It being his Felicity , but their unhappiness , that he was never Parson , Vicar , nor Curate ; and therefore the less careful or compassionate of their hard condition . Before the rising of this Parliament ( which was on the twenty ninth of May ) came out a book of Dr. Whites , entituled , A Reply to Iesuite Fishers Answer to certain Questions propounded by his most Gracious Majesty King IAMES . (s) The occasion this : His Majesty being present at the second Conference betwixt White and Fisher , beforementioned , observed in his deep Judgment how cunning and subtle the Jesuite was , in eluding such Arguments as were brought against him , and of how little strength in particular questions he was when he came to the confirmation of his own Tenets . And thereupon it pleased him to have nine Questions of Controversie propounded to the Jesuite , that he might in writing manifest the Grounds and Arguments whereupon the Popish Faith in those Points were builded . Now the nine Points were these that follow : 1. Praying to Images . 2. Prayings and Oblations to the blessed Virgin Mary . 3. Worshipping and Invocation of Saints and Angels . 4. The Lyturgie and private Prayers for the Ignorant in an unknown tongue . 5. Repetition of Pater-nosters , Aves , and Creeds , especially affixing a kind of merit to the number of them . 6. The Doctrine of Transubstantiation . 7. Communion under one kind , and the abetting of it by Concomitancy . 8. Works of Supererogation , especially with reference to the treasure of the Church . 9. The opinion of Deposing Kings , and giving away their Kingdoms by Papal power , whether directly or indirectly ? To these nine Questions the Jesuite returned a close and well-wrought Answer , the unraveling whereof was by the King committed to this Dr. White , for his encouragement and reward made one of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary , and Dean of Carlile . This book being finished at the Press about the beginning of April , and forthwith published to others , was very welcom to most moderate and learned men ; the rather in regard that the third of those Conferences , which was that between Laud and Fisher , was subjoyned to it . Concerning which the Reader may please to call to mind , that this Conference had been digested and read over to the King in the Christmas Holidaies as before is said . But why it staid so long before it was published , why published in the name of R. B. ( Mr. Richard Bayly ) afterwards President of St. Iohn Colledgs and Dean of Sarisbury , being at that time one of his Chaplains , and not in his own ; and finally , why it came not out not as a distinct book of it self , but as an Appendix unto Whites , himself is better able to tell us than any other , and he tells it thus : (t) The cause ( saith he ) why the discourse upon this Conference staid so long before it could endure to be pressed . It was neither my Idleness , nor my unwillingness to right both my self and the cause against the Iesuite which occasioned this delay ; For I had then most Honourable Witnesses , and have some yet living , that this discourse was finished long before I could perswade my self to let it come into publick view : And this was caused partly by reason there was about the same time three Conferences held with Fisher , of which this was the third ; and could not therefore conveniently come abroad into the world till the two former were ready to lead the way , which till now they were not . And this is in part the reason also why this Tract crept into the end of a larger work ; For since that work contained in a manner the substance of all that passed in the two former Conferences ; and that this third in divers points concurred with them , and depended on them , I could not think it Substantive enough to stand alone . But besides this affinity between the Conferences , I was willing to have it pass , as silently as it might , at the end of another work , and so perhaps little to be looked after , because I could not hold it worthy ( nor can I yet ) of that great duty and service which I owe to my dear mother t●● Church of England . As for the Reasons why it was published i● the name of R. B. Chaplain to the Bishop , rather than his own , it neither was his own desire , ( though the Breviate telleth us that it was ) nor for fear of being ingaged thereby against his friends the Papists , as is there affirmed . His Reasons , whatever they were , were proposed by others , and approved by Authority , by which it was thought fit that it should be set out in his Chaplains name , and not his own . To which he readily submitted . But of this Conference we shall speak further , when we come to the defence and engagements of it , Anno 1637. The seasonable publishing of these two Books did much conduce to the advancement of his Majesties Service . The Commons at that time had been hammering a sharp Remonstrance against the Papists , as if there were no enemies of the Religion here established to be feared but they . In the Preface to which Petition , they took notice of so many dangers threatned both to the Church and State by the power and practises of the Papist , as if the King had took no care to preserve the one , or suppress the other : Which Petition , being brought to the House of Lords , was there so abbreviated , that the Preamble was quite left out , and the many branches of it reduced to two particulars : First , That all Laws and Statutes , formerly made against Jesuites , Seminary Priests , and other Popish Recusants , might from thenceforth be put into execution . Secondly , That he would engage himself by his Royal Word , that upon no occasion of Marriage or Treaty , or other request in that behalf , &c. he would slaken the execution of the Laws against them . Which Petition being presented to his Majesty by a Committee of both Houses on the tenth of April ; after some deliberation he returned this Answer to it , viz. That the Laws against Iesuites and Popish Recusants should be put into due execution from thenceforth , &c. And it appeared by the coming out of these said two Books within few daies after , that as his Majesty had granted them their desires , in causing the said Laws against Priests and Jesuites to be duly executed ; so he had taken special care , not only to preserve Religion in her Purity , by confuting the most material Doctrines of the Church of Rome : but to preserve his people also from being seduced by the practises of the Priests and Jesuites . Which notwithstanding the Commons remaining still unsatisfied , betook themselves to the framing of another Petition , in which it was desired that all such persons as were either Papists , or suspected to be Papists , or had not received the Communion within the space of one whole year , or whose Wives , or any of their Servants were Recusants , or suspected to be so , might be removed from all Commissions of charge and trust , from being Justices of the Peace , or bearing any Office in the Common Wealth . But this Petition was not made ready for the Lords till the twentieth of May next following , and being then reported to them by the Archbishop of Canterbury , they did proceed no further in it . The Commons in the mean time had been wholly busied in the Prosecution of the Lord Treasurer Cranfield , whom at last they brought unto his Sentence . A Gentleman he was by birth , but had his breeding in the City , from whence by his own wit and industry he preferred himself into the Court , where he was first made Master of the Wardrobe , afterward Master of the Wards , and finally advanced by the power and favour of the Duke , ( one of whose Kinswomen he had married ) to the office of Lord Treasurer , and the honour of being made the first Earl of Middlesex . In this Office he had disobliged the Prince , when he was in Spain , by disswading and diverting those Large Supplies which were required for the maintaining of his Port in a Forraign Kingdom . And he had disobliged the Duke , by joyning in some secret practises to make him grow less and less in his Majesties Favour . They had both served the turn of the Commons , in drawing the King by their continual importunities to dissolve the Treatie . And the Commons must now serve their turn in prosecuting this man to his final destruction : Which they pursued so effectually , that in the end he was sentenced in the House of Lords to be deprived of the Office of Lord High Treasurer of England , to be fined fifty thousand Pounds , and remain a Prisoner in the Tower during his Majesties will and pleasure . It was moved also to degrade him from all Titles of honour , but in that the Bishops stood his Friends and dasht the motion . So Cranfield sell , and Williams did not stand long after . Laud was now brought into an higher degree of credit with the Duke of Buckingham than he was before , by means whereof he came to be of great power and authority with him . Insomuch that when the Duke fell sick of an Ague in the beginning of May , he was extreme impatient in his Fits till Laud came to visit him ; by whom he was so charmed and sweetned , that at first he endured his Fits with patience , and by that patience did so break their heats and violences , that at last they left him . From this time forwards he was not used only as a Confessor , but a Counsellor also imployed by him ; in considering and advising whether the great endowments belonging to the Hospitals founded in the dissolved house of Carthusian Monks ( commonly , but corruptly , called the Charter-House ) might not be inverted to the maintenance of an Army for the present Wars , as well for his Majesties advantage , as the case of the Subject . And to this Proposition ( as it seems ) he returned a Negative , for I find not that the business advanced any further . He liked not any inversions or alienations of that nature , lest being drawn into example , the Lands of Colledges or Cathedral Churches might in like manner be imployed unto secular uses . Besides , he could not choose but know , that a project had been set on foot about ten years before , for the Entituling of the King to all Sutton's Lands ; which probably might have succeeded , if Coke , then being Lord Chief Justice , and one of the Trustees for erecting the Hospital , had not stood stoutly to his trust . By which though he got the Kings displeasure , yet amongst others he preserved the reputation of an honest man. And Laud might very well conclude , that he who durst oppose the King when he was in his favour , would be found more intractable at this time when he was in disgrace ; which rendred him the less sollicitous to appear in a business not otherwise approved of by him : But in another point , which was more to his liking , and lay within the spheare of his activity , he gave him as much satisfaction as he had desired . This was the giving him the heads of Doctrinal Puritanism , that is to say , the Heads of such Doctrines as were maintained by those of the Puritan Faction , though not maintained by them as Puritans , but as Calvinists only . The Duke had a desire to know them , and he served him in it . I must needs say , the name of Doctrinal Puritanism is not very ancient , but whether first taken up by the Archbishop of Spalato at his being here , I am not able to say ; Nor am I of opinion , that Puritan and Calvinian are terms convertible . For though all Puritans are Calvinians , both in doctrine and practise , yet all Calvinians are not to be counted as Puritans also ; whose practises many of them abhor , and whose inconformities they detest , though by the errour of their Education , or ill direction in the Course of their Studies , they may , and do agree with them in some points of Doctrine . But I must take the word as it stands in the Breviate , and so let it go . These Doctrinal heads , being ten in number , related to the indisp●nsible morality of the Lords-day-Sabbath , the indiscrimination of Bishops and Presbyters , the Power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical matters , the Doctrine of Confession and Sacerdotal Absolution , and the five Points so much disputed , about Predestination and the Concomitants thereof . Which last Points having been hotly agitated , for twenty years last past , in the Belgick Churches , did now begin to exercise the Church of England upon this occasion . The Priests and Jesuites having been very busie of late in gaining Proselites , and sowing their erronious Doctrines , had got a haunt in a Village of the County of Essex , called Stanford-Rivers . The Rector of that Church was Richard Montague , Batchelor of Divinity , Prebend of Windsor , and one of the Fellows of Eaton Colledge ; a man exceedingly well versed in all the Learning of Greeks and Romans , and as well studied in the Fathers , Councils , and all other ancient Monuments of the Christian Church . Desirous to free his Parish from this haunt , he left some Propositions at the house of one of his Neighbours , which had been frequently visited with these Night-Spirits , with this Declaration thereunto , that if any of those which ranged that walk could convince him in any of the same , he would immediately subscribe and be a Papist . After long expectation , instead of answering to his queries , one of them leaves a short Pamphlet for him , entituled , A new Gag for the Old Gospell , in which it was pretended , that the Doctrine of the Protestants should be confuted out of the very words of their own English Bibles . This book he was required to answer , and found it no such knotty piece , but that it might be cleft in sunder , without Beetle or Wedges . But in perusing of that book , he found , that besides some few Doctrines which properly and truly did belong to the Church of England , there were crouded into it all Points of Calvinism , such Heterodoxies , and out-landish Fancies , as the Church of England never owned . And therefore in his Answer to that Popish Gagger he severed or discriminated the opinions of particular men , from the Authorized Doctrines of this Church ; leaving the one to be maintained by their private Fautors , and only defending and maintaining the other . And certainly had he not been a man of a mighty Spirit , and one that easily could contemn the cry and clamours which were raised against him for so doing , he could not but have sunk remedilesly under the burden of disgrace , and the fears of Ruine which that performance drew upon him . This Book came out about the latter end of December , and coming out made such a general amazement amongst those of the Calvinian Party , that they began to fear the sad consequents of it . The opening of this secret was of such importance , that if the Author and his Book were not speedily crushed , they must no longer shroud their private opinions under the name of the received Doctrine of the Church of England ; excluded from that Sanctuary , they could find no place of strength and sa●ety , in which they should not be exposed to assaults and dangers . And that the Author and the Book might be crusht together , it was thought fit that Yates and Ward , two of the Lecturers or Preachers in Ipswich should gather out of his Book some especial Points tending to Popery and Arminianism ( as they conceived ) to be presented to the Censure of the following Parliament . Having got a Copy of the Information intended to be made against him , he flies for refuge to King Iames , now grown more moderate , and ( since the death of Mountague the late Bishop of Winton ) into a better liking of those opinions , which he had laboured to condemn at the Synod of Dort. His Majesty knew the man , and his great abilities , and was well pleased with his performance against the History of Tithes ; where he had beaten the ( then thought ) matchless Selden at his own weapon , and shewed himself the greater Philologer of the two : Upon which ground he looked upon him as the fittest man to encounter Baronius , against whom the right learned Casanbon had some preparatory velitations before his death , but made no further progress in it . Mountague , flying to King Iames , as before is said , had presently his discharge or quietus est , as to his Majesties good opinion both of him and (e) the book it self . And more than so , his Majesty took notice that the Information was divulged , and the Clamor violent , and therefore gave him leave to make an Appeal from the said Defamers unto his own mos● Sacred Cognizance in publick , and to represent his just defence against their slanders and false surmises unto the world . And that the queaziness of the times might the better brook it , he gave express order unto Dr. White , then Dean of Carlile , ( cried up , when Lecturer of St. Pauls , for the stoutes● Champion of this Church against those of Rome ) for the authorizing and publishing thereof , which was done accordingly . This Book he entituled by the name of APPELLO CAESAREM , or a just APPEAL from two unjust INFORMERS : But the King dying before it was finished at the Press , it was presented to King Charles , in the first entrance of his Reign , and there we shall be sure to hear further of it . In the mean time it may not be unnecessary to enquire what the said Informers ( Yates and Ward ) might and did mean by Popery and Arminianism , with which two crimes they charged the Answer to the Gagger . And first we find upon due search , That by Popery they understood all such Points of Doctrine , as being determined by this Church , hold some correspondence and agreement with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome ; or being not determined by this Church , are left at liberty for every man to please himself in his own opinion , how hear soever he may come to such compliance . Of the first sort they reckoned for points of Popery ; The Doctrine of the Perpetual Visibility of the Church of Christ ; The Local Descent of Christ into Hell , The Lawfulness of Images , Signing with the Sign of the Cross , Confession and Sacerdotal Absolution , The Real Presence , The Reward of Good Works , The Sacrament of Orders ; quarrelling even with very words , Sacrifice , Altar , and the like : All which upon a perfect Examination , will be found to be the genuine Doctrines , and to speak nothing but the Language of the Church of England , as we have punctually discovered in our Introduction . Amongst the last I reckon the Disputes concerning Evangelical Counsels , Antichrist , and Limbus Patrum , of which the Church of Engl●nd hath determined nothing ; and therefore the Appellant was left at liberty to follow his own Judgment , and to chuse what guides he pleased to direct his Judgment in those particular Debates . Yet such was the temper of those Times , that whosoever held any of the Points aforesaid , or any other controverted with the Church of Rome , contrary to the sense of Calvin , must presently be accused of Popery . He that adhered unto the Tendries of the Ancient Fathers , in such particulars as the Church was pleased to leave undetermined ; or bound himself in matters publickly resolved on , to vindicate this Church to her genuine Tenents , was presently made Subject to all those Clamors and Reproaches , which the Tongues and Pens of that Predominating Faction could either raise upon him , or asperse him with . Laud had found good experience of it when he lived in Oxon. and so had Houson and Corbet too , as before was noted . But none of them were able to break through those difficulties , till Mountague took the Work in hand ; who being well back'd , and having the Ice somewhat broke before him , waded with confidence and courage through the middest of those Waters , which otherwise might have overwhelmed the most tried Adventurer . In the next place it will be no hard work to finde what they meant by Arminianism ; under which name they comprehend the Melancthonian Doctrine of Predestination , The Vniversal Redemption of Mankind by the Death of Christ , The cooperation of the Will of Man with the Grace of God ; and , The Possibility of falling from Grace received : All which appear by plain and evident proofs in our said Introduction , to have been the true original and native Doctrines of this Church at her first Reformation . But Calvinism had so overspread the face of this Church , by Humphries long sitting in the Chair at Oxon. and the discountenancing of Peter Baro at Cambridge , that the natural Doctrines and Determinations of it were either so forgotten , that they were not known , or else so overpowred , that none durst undertake to own them . And so it stood till th● breaking out of the Predestinarian Quarrels in the Belgick Churches , between Arminius and his Followers on the one side , and the Rigid Calvinians on the other . The Books which had been written on both sides , being purposely dispersed abroad , to encourage and encrease their several Parties , cross'd over the Seas into England also ; where being diligently studied , either out of curiosity , or desire of Knowledge , they awaked many out of that dead sleep in which they were , to look with better eyes into the true and native Doctrines of this Church , than before they did . Amongst the first which publikly appeared that way at Oxon. after the coming out of the said Books , were Laud and Houson , whom Abbot then Doctor of the Chair , and Vice-chancellor also , exposed to as much disgrace as by his Place and Power he could lay upon them . Amongst the first at Cambridge were Tompson , a Dutchman by original ( if I be not mistaken in t●e man ) and Richardson the Master of Trinity Colledge . The first of these had writ a Book touching Falling away from Grace , entituled , De Intercisione Gratiae , & Iustificationis ; to which Abbot of Oxon. above-mentioned returned an Answer . The other being a corpulent man , was publickly reproach'd in S. Maries Pulpit in his own University , by the name of a Fat-bellied Arminian . By that name they were called in Holland , which adhered not unto Calvin's Doctrine , though many had formerly maintained these Opinions in those Churches , before van Harmine came to the Chair of Leyden . And by that name they must be called in England also , though the same Doctrines had been here publickly Authorised and Taught before he was born . So that the entitling of these Doctrines to the name of Arminius , seems to be like the nominating of the great Western Continent by the name of America ; of which first Christopher Columbus , and afterwards the two Cabots , Father and Son , had made many great and notable Discoveries , before Americus Vestputius ever saw those Shores. Howsoever these Doctrines must be called by the name of Arminianism , and by that name Mountague stands accused by the two Informers , though he protests in his Appeal , That he had never seen any of the Writings of Arminius ; and that he did no otherwise maintain those Doctrines , than as they were commended to him by the Church of England , and justified by the unanimous Consent of the Ancient Fathers . But of this man , and the pursuance of these Quarrels , we shall hear more shortly . These matters being thus laid together , let us look back on some former Passages which preceded Mountagues Disputes . The Commons had obtained their ends , in dissolving all Treaties with the King of Spain ; but lost their hopes of Marrying the Prince to a Lady of their own Religion . His Majesty would not look beneath a Crown , to finde a Marriage for his Son ; and no Crown could afford him a better Wife for his Son , than a Daughter of France . The Prince had seen the Lady at the Court in Paris , and the King as much desired to see her in the Court of England . Upon this ground the Earl of Holland is dispatch'd privately into France , to see how the Queen-Mother and her Ministers , who then Governed the Affairs of that King , would approve the Match ; to which at first they seemed so chear●ully inclined , that they did not seem to stand upon any Conditions : But no sooner had they found , that the Breach between his Majesty and the King of Spain was grown irreparable , and that both sides prepared for War , but they knew how to make their best advantage of it . They thought themselves to be every way as considerable as the Spaniards were ; and would abate nothing of those Terms which had been obtained by the Spaniards , in reference either to the Princess her self , or in favour of the English Catholicks : And to these Terms , when they saw no better could be gotten , his Majesty and the Prince consented . But such a Spirit of Infatuation was at that time upon the People , that they who on the 23d . of February before had celebrated the Dissolving of the Treaties with Spain with B●lls and Bonfires , on the 21st . of November following did celebrate with like Solemnities and Expressions the like Match with France . And in this Match (a) Laud is accused to have a hand , or at the least to have shew'd his good affections to promote it . An heavy Crime , and proved by as infallible proofs ; that is to say , his writing to and receiving Letters from the Duke , at such time as the Duke was sent to the Court of France , to attend the new Queen into England . And what else (b) could this Match and those Letters aim at , but to carry on the same design to bring in Popery , and by that means to stand their ground , and retain all those Priviledges and Immunities , which the Popish Party had procured by the former Treaties ? To such absurdities are men sway'd , when Prejudice and Prepossessions over-rule the Balance . We must begin the next year with the Death of King Iames , and therefore think it not amiss to take a brief view of the Condition of the Church and State , at the time of his departing from us . He had spent all his life in Peace , but died in the beginning of a War : A War which had been drawn upon him by dissolving the Treaties , to which he was as it were constrained , by the continual importunity of the Prince and the Duke of Buckingham . The Duke knew well , that he could not do a more popular act , than to gratifie the Commons in that business ; and had easily possess'd the Prince with this opinion , That as his future Greatness must be built on the Love of his People , so nothing could oblige them more , than to be instrumental in dissolving the present Treaties . But herein they consulted rather their own private Passions , than the publick Interest of the Crown ; and they shall both pay dear enough for it in a very short space : For there is nothing more unsafe for a King of England , than to cast himself upon the necessity of calling Parliaments , and depending on the Purse of the Subject ; by means whereof he makes himself obnoxious to the humour of any prevailing Member in the House of Commons , and becomes less in Reputation both at home and abroad . The Church he left beleaguer'd by two great Enemies ; assaulted openly by the Papist on the one side , undermined by the Puritans on the other . Of the audaciousness of the Papists we have spoke already , abated somewhat by the Fall at Black-friers , more by the dissolving the two Treaties about four Months after . For though they made some use of the French by this new Alliance , yet they resolved to fasten no dependance upon that Crown ; insomuch that many of those , who greedily embraced such Favours as were obtained for them by the Treaties with the King of Spain , would not accept the same when they were procured by the Match with France ; for which being asked the Reason , they returned this Answer , That they would not change an old Friend for a new , of the continuance of whose Favours they could have no certainty ; and who by suffering Hereticks in his own Dominions , declared himself no fit Protector for the Catholick Cause . More secret were the Puritans ; but nothing the less dangerous , because more secret . Finding they could effect nothing in Queen Elizabeths time , either by their publick clamours , or their open practises , they cunningly wrought themselves into a State-Faction , and play'd their Game under the colour of Advancing the Civil Liberties of the Subject , and the preservation of Religion here by Law established : To which end they continually allarm'd this King with fears and dangers from the Papists ( as before was said ) that all mens eyes being turned that way , they might carry on their own designs without discovery . In which they imitated the old stratagem or some politick Captains , who having made great noise , and prepared all things ready for an Assault on the one side of a Town besieged , and thereby drawn all the strength of the Town to make good that side , suddenly caused it to be fallen upon in another place , which they found destitute and unprovided of all defence . But having served their Appreticeships in the Reign of this King , we shall finde them strong enough in the first Parliament of his Son and Successor , to set up for themselves . Hitherto they had worked under the ground like Moles or Wants , without being discovered ; but then they began to cast up the Earth before them : and having prepared a Bill for making way to their Lords-day - Sabbath , under colour of suppresing unlawful Pastimes and Assemblies , they pressed that King to it , and obtained it ; some further addition to which Act they procured in his third Parliament also . Yet still they kept on foot their pretended Zeal against the Papists , and seemed exceeding sensible of the Dangers which were threatned by them ; not so much to advance their own Party , then grown strong enough ( as they had done formerly ) ; but to make it serve them as a Property to put by the Business of the King in the Grant of Subsidies , whensoever he required it of them , In this condition of Affairs King Iames departs this Life at Theobalds , on Sunday the 27th . of March ; his Disease no other than an Ague ; which though it fell on him in the Spring , yet it crossed the Proverb , and proved not Medicinal , but Mortal . His Character hath been given by many others , and therefore I may well spare mine , looking upon him only in his zeal to the Church , and his affections unto Learning . His zeal to Unity and Uniformity in the Church , appeared in England by the Conference at Hampton Court , Anno 1603. by his directions sent to the University of Oxon , 1616. by those to the Archbishops and their several Suffragans , 1622. In Scotland , by his Restitution of Episcopacy , Anno 1610. by the Articles of Perth , 1618. and by the Grounds laid for the Publick Liturgy and Canons , at the Assembly in Aberdeen , Anno 1616. Had he been well followed by his Bishops , and other Publick Ministers in his several Kingdoms , he would have left the Church established on so sure a Foundation , that neither secret Practises could have undermined it , nor open Batteries have distressed it . His great affections unto Learning do appear as visibly , by the encouragement which he gave unto it both in his Person and Example . In the beginning of his Reign , Anno 1603. he graciously received the Vice-chancellor of Oxon. together with the Doctors , Proctors , and Heads of Houses , at his Mannor of Woodstock : And within two years after , Anno 1605. he accepted a Solemn Entertainment from them , performed in all manner of Scholastick Exercises , Divinity , Law , Physick , and Philosophy ; in all of which he shewed himself of such great Abilities , that he might have governed in those Chairs , as well as all or any of his three Professors . Being informed how small and insufficient their old Salary was , he added to his Professor for Divinity , and his Successors in that place , the next Prebend of Christ-church , as soon as any should be void , and the Rectory of Evelme in the County of Oxon . to the Doctor of the Chair for Law , the Corps of a good Prebend in the Church of Salisbury ; and to the Professors place for Physick , the Government of an Hospital in Evelme aforesaid , being within ten miles of the University . Incouraged by which Examples , two Mathematick Lectures were founded by Sir Henry Savile Provost of Eaton , and Warden of Merton Colledge ; An History Lecture by William Cambden , one of the Kings at Arms , by the name of Clarencieux ; A Lecture in Natural Philosophy , by Sir William Sidley Knight and Baronet ; In Moral Philosophy , by Doctor Thomas White one of the Residentiaries of St. Pauls , and Prebend of Christ-Church ; All of them of a liberal and large Endowment . After all which an Anatomy Lecture was set up by Richard Tomlins of the City of Westminster , as necessary as any of the rest , though not so plentifully Endowed . The poor man casting in his Mite ( almost all he had ) amongst those Rich Offerings . But the powerful Influences of his Learning and Government produce a further operation than the Instituting of a few particular Lectures ; even to the Building and Endowing of some , and Beautifying of many other Colledges in that University ; Witness that fair and Uniform Colledge , built by Nicholas Wadham and Dorothy his Wife , Anno 1612. The turning of Broadgates Hall into Pembroke Colledge , built and endowed at the Charges of Thomas Tisdale of Glymton in the Court of Oxon. appropriated in a manner to the Free-Grammar-School of Abingdon , Anno 1624. Witness the raising of the old Schools to a goodly and magnificent Structure , the adding of a new Quadrangle unto Merton Colledge by the prudent care of Sir Henry Savil ; the reducing of Exeter , and the making up of Iesus Colledge into form Quadrangular , by adding of a neat Chappel and a fair Hall to each ; of which the Chappel of Iesus Colledge ( being built together with the Hall , at such time as Sir Eubule Thelwall was Principal of it ) was Consecrated by the Right Reverend Doctor Houson then Bishop of Oxon , May 28. 1621. The other built at the sole Charges of Doctor Hackwell Arch-Deacon of Surrey , received Consecration from the same hands , October 5. 1624. And finally , Witness a large and capacious piece of Ground , inclosed with a beautiful Quadrangular Wall , for a Physick-Garden , the first Stone whereof was laid in a Solemn Assembly of the whole University on St. Iames his day , Iuly 25. 1622. Not to say any thing of the great cost bestowed in beautifying the Quires of Christ-Church and Magdalens , the setting up of a fair new Organ in the Chappel of St. Iohn's Colledge , by the procurement of our Laud , the then President of it , Anno 1618. The like fair Organ made and set up in Christ-Church , and the old one given to St. Maries for the publick use of the University , about six years after . Such and so many Benefactions in one University , and that too in so short a space , as none of the former Times can parallel , so let it be the wonder and amazement of all Ages following . But the King dies , though his Munificence survive him . It was then Midlent-Sunday , and the Court-Sermon at Whitehall ( according to the ancient Custom ) in the after-noon : At what time the sad News passing through London , began to be rumored in the Court , as Laud was going into the Pulpit to preach before the Lords of the Council , the Officers of the Houshold , and the rest of that great Concourse of all sorts of People which usually repaired thither at those Solemn Sermons . Before he was come to the middle of it , the certainty of the Kings death ( more generally known amongst them ) the confusion which he saw in the faces of all the Company , his own griefs , and the dolorous complaints made by the Duke of Buckingham , occasioned him to leave the Pulpit , and to bestow his pains and comforts where there was more need . He did not think ( as I believe few wise men do ) that the carrying on of one particular Sermon was such a necessary part of Gods business , as is not to be intermitted upon any occasion , nor was this ever charged upon him amongst his crimes . The sense of this great loss being somewhat abated , he was requested by the Duke to draw up some Remembrances , of the Life , Reign , and Government of the King Deceased , which he accordingly performed and presented to him : But they are but Remembrances or Memorials only , like the first lines of a design or Picture , which being polished and perfected by a skil●ul Workman , might have presented us with the true and lively Pourtraiture of that gracious Prince . But who will undertake to finish what Laud began ? I must therefore leave the deceased King to those Memorials , and those Memorials to be found in his Breviate , p. 5. But there was another Pourtraiture provided for that King before his Funeral . His Body being brought from Theobalds unto Sommerset-house , where a Royal and Magnificent Hearse was erected for him , visited and resorted to by infinite multitudes of people , for some Weeks together . From Sommerset-house his Body was carried in great State , on Saturday the seventh of May , to St. Peters Church in Westminster , where it was solemnly interred . The Funeral Sermon preached by the Lord Keeper Williams , and printed not long after by the name of Great Britains Solomon ; which afterwards administred the occasion of some discourse , which otherwise might have been spared . Thus is Iames dead and buried , but the King survives , his only Son Prince Charles being immediately proclaimed King of Great Britain , France , and Ireland , first at the Court Gates , by Sir Edward Zouch Knight Marshal , most solemnly the next day at London , and afterwards by degrees in all the Cities and Market Towns of the Kingdom . At his first entrance on the Crown he found himself ingaged in a war with the K. of Spain , the mightiest Monarch of the West , for which he was to raise great Forces both by Sea and Land. He was also at the Point of Marriage with the Daughter of France , and some proportionable preparations must be made for that . Nor was King Iames to be interred without a solemn and magnificent Funeral , answerable in the full height to so great a Prince . All which must needs exact great Sums of money , and money was not to be had without the help of a Parliament , which he therefore gave order to be called in the usual manner . But in the middest of these many and great preparations he forgets not the great business of the Church . He had observed the multitudinousness of his Fathers Chaplains , and the disorder of their waitings , which puts him on a Resolution of reducing them to a lesser number , and limiting them to a more certain time of attendance than before they were . He knew well also what an influence the Court had alwaies on the Country ; by consequence how much it did concern him in his future Government that his Officers and Servants should be rightly principled , according to the Doctrine , Government , and Forms of Worship established in the Church of England . And therefore that he might be served with Orthodox and Regular men , Laud is commanded to prepare a Catalogue of the most eminent Divines , and to distinguish them by the two Letters of O and P. according to their several perswasions and affections . And that being done , he is directed by the Duke and the Kings appointment to have recourse to the most learned Bishop Andrews , to know of him what he thought fitting to be done in the Cause of Religion ; Especially in reference to the five Articles condemned not long since in the Synod at Dort , and to report his answer with convenient speed . A Convocation was of course to accompany the ensuing Parliament . And it was fit not only that the Prelates should resolve before-hand what Points they meant to treat on when they were assembled , but that his Majesty also might have time to consider of them . These seasonable cares being thus passed over , he hastens both his own marriage , and his Fathers Funeral : The first he sollemnized by Proxie in the Church of Nostre Dame in Paris , on Sunday the first of May according to the Style of England . The news whereof being brought to the Court , on the Wednesday following was celebrated in the Streets of London , the Liberties and out-parts of it , with more than ordinary Expressions of Joy and Gladness . The Proxie made to Claud. de Lorain , Duke of Chevereux , one of the younger Sons of the Duke of Guise ; from which House his Majesty derived himself by his great Grand-Mother Mary of Lorain , Wife of Iames the Fifth . The Funeral he attended in his own Person , as the principal Mourner : Which though it were contrary to the Custome of his Predecessors , yet he chose rather to express his Piety in attending the dead Body of his Father to the Funeral Pile , than to stand upon any such old niceties and points of State. This was the third Funeral which he had attended as the principal Mourner , which gave some occasion to presage that he would prove a man of sorrows , and that his end would carry some proportion to those mournful beginnings . The Intervall before the coming of his Queen he spent in looking to his Navy , and drawing his Land Forces together for that Summers service : But hearing that his Queen was advancing toward him he went to Canterbury , and rested there on Trinity Sunday the twelfth of Iune . That night he heard the news of her safe arrival at the Port of Dover , whom he welcomed the next morning into England with the most chearful signs of a true a●fection . From thence he brought her unto Canterbury , and from thence by easie Stages to Gravesend , where entring in their Royal Barge , attended by infinite companies of all sorts of People , and entertained by a continual peal of Ordnance all the way they passed , he brought her safely and contentedly unto his Palace at Westminster . The Lords and Ladies of the Court having presented to her the acknowledgement of their humble duties , such Bishops as were about the Town ( as most of them were , in regard of the Parliament and Convocation ) were admitted to the kiss of her hand , whom she most graciously received . For on the Saturday before , being Iune the eighteenth , the Parliament had took beginning . Which fell out not unseasonably , that the French Lords might see with what Royal Magnificence he was attended by the Prelates , Peers , and other Officers of State ( besides his own Domestick Servants ) to the Parliament House . At their first meeting he put them in mind of the War , in which they had engaged his Father , and of the promise they had made to stand to him in it with their lives and fortunes ; That both his Land and Sea Forces were now in readiness to set forwards ; And , That there wanted nothing but a present supply of money to quicken and expedite the affaire ; That the eyes of all Christendom were fixt upon him ; And that if he should miscarry in his first attempt , it would blemish all the honour of his future actions ; And therefore , That they should endeavour to deliver him out of that War in which they had incumbred ( he hoped it would never be said that they had betrayed ) him . In answer whereunto , the Commons past a Bill of two Subsidies only , so short of that excessive charge which the maintenance of so great a Fleet and Army required at their hands , that being distributed amongst the Officers , Souldiers , and Mariners , it would scarce have served for Advance-money to send them going . Which notwithstanding , he very graciously accepted of it , taking it as an earnest of their good affections , in reference to the greater Sums which were to follow . In order whereunto he audited his account unto them , as well for such moneys as had remained undisbursed of the former aides , as for the defraying of such further Charges as his present Fleet , consisting of 120 Sail , and a considerable Land Army , must needs lay upon him . The particulars of which account stood thus : viz. 32000 pounds for securing of Ireland ; 47000 pounds for strengthning the Forts ; 37000 pounds for the repair of the Navy ; 99000 pounds upon the four English Regiments in the States Country ; 62000 pounds laid out for Count Mansfield ; Totall 287000 pounds . Besides which he sent in a demand of 200000 pounds and upwards upon the Navy ; 48000 pounds upon the Ordnance ; 45000 pounds in Charges of the Land men ; 20000 pounds a month to Count Mansfield ; and 46000 pounds to bring down the King of Denmarke ; the totall of which latter Sum amounts to 339000 pounds . Both Sums make no less than 626000 pounds , to which the Grant of two Subsidies holds but small proportion . But the Commons had other game to follow . Their Grievances must first be heard : A List whereof they had presented to King IAMES toward the end of the former Parliament ; of which the greatest part were still unredressed . To these his Majesty vouchsafed a very gracious , and for the most part a full and satisfactory Answer . Amongst which Grievances , a sober and discreet man would not think to find , that the building of all houses in London , and the parts adjoyning , in one uniform way , with a face of brick toward the streets should be passed for one , then which there could not be a greater ornament to that City , or a greater honour to his Majesties Government . And to that his Majesty returned this Answer : That there had much good come by such a reformation of Building in his Fathers time , and therefore that he was resolved to go on with the work . Which Resolution so much tending to the glory of the English Nation , and no objection being ready for his other Answers , the matter of Grievances could no longer be insisted on ; especially in such a time when the concernments of the State , his Majesties honour , and all the motives which induced them to ingage him in this present War , ought in all reason to precede their Grievances , had they been greater than they were . But then they had some Religious Grievances , which required a more speedy redress than any which concerned them in their Civil Interesses . The Lords day was pretended to be much profaned by unlawful pastimes , and People frequently resorted out of their own Parishes to feast in Revels . Of this a remedy is desired by Act of Parliament . Had any such Bill been offered in King Iames his time , it would have found a sorry welcome ; but this King being under a necessity of compliance with them , resolved to grant them their desires in that Particular , to the end that they might grant his also in the aide required , when that obstruction was removed . The Sabbatarians took the benefit of this opportunity for the obtaining of this grant ( the first that ever they obtained by all their struglings ) which of what consequence it was we shall see hereafter . But then the Doctrine of the Church was more in danger than ever . In former Parliaments they were afraid of the Papists only : But now there was as much danger to be feared from Arminianism as before from Popery . An Information had been made by Yales and Ward , as before is said , against some passages in Mountagues Answer to the Romish Gagger ; and he had agravated his offence by justifying all his Popish , and Arminian Tenents in a book newly published , called Appello Caesarem . It could not be denied , but that this book was Licenced by Dr. White , then Dean of Carlile , by whom it was affirmed to be agreeable to the Publick Faith , Doctrine , and Discipline established in the Church of England . But White they said was now turned black , and what is the Established Doctrine of the Church of England compared with Calvins Doctrine in his Institutions ? What Trifles are the Articles of Religion , agreed on by the Bishops and Clergy , in two several Synods held in London , compared with the determinations of the Synod of Dort , which Mountague ( that bold man ) had despised and vilified ? This was a matter which became the care of the House of Commons , and Mountague is cited to appear before them on the seventh of Iuly . Being brought unto the Bar , the Speaker declared to him the pleasure of the House , which was , that they would refer his Censure to the next meeting ; and that in the interim he should stand committed to the Serjeants Ward ; and entred baile for his appearance to the value of two thousand pound . His Majesty had present notice of this occurrence ; And being very sensible of this new incroachment , he thereupon caused intimation to be made unto them , that he was not pleased with their proceedings against Mountague , being one of his Chaplains ; adding withall that he conceived his Servants to be as capable of protection from all imprisonments and arrests , as any of the Servants of the Knights and Burgesses . It was not long before Laud found an opportunity to give Mountague notice of his Majesties great care of him , and affection to him . Which must needs be a Soveraign Cordial to the man , notwithstanding that the Commons were so stiff in their Rigors toward him that his bail-bond of 2000 pound did remain uncancelled . Notice hereof being given to Laud , he considered of the sad effects and consequents which might follow on it , communicating those his fears to some other Bishops : By whom it was thought fit that Mountagues case , and not his only , but the case of the Church it self , should be commended to the care and power of the Duke of of Buckingham . According unto which Advice and Resolution , three of them framed and signed the ensuing Letter . But before this Letter was delivered , Mountague had taken so much care of himself , as to prepare his way by a Letter of his own , bearing date Iuly 29. In which Letter he first laid open the state of his case , desiring that by his Majesties Power he might be absolutely freed from those who had neither any Authority over his person , as being one of his Majesties Servants ; nor over his Book , as being commanded by his Father , and authorized by himself . Which being said , he makes this resolute declaration , That if he could not really and throughly answer whatsoever was or could be imputed to him in any of his Books , he would no further desire favour and protection of his Majesty , or his Grace , but willingly would be left unto the power of his Enemies . Which Letter being sent before to prepare the way , this of the said three Bishops followed within four daies after . May it please your Grace , WE are bold to be Suitors to you in the behalf of the Church of England , and a poor Member of it , Mr. Mountague , at this time not a little distressed . We are not strangers to his person , but it is the Cause which we are bound to be tender of . The cause we conceive ( under correction of better Iudgment ) concerns the Church of England nearly ; for that Church , when it was reformed from the superstitious opinions broached or maintained by the Church of Rome , refused the apparent and dangerous Errors , and would not be too busie with every particular School-Point . The Cause why she held this mederation was , because she could not be able to preserve any unity among Christians , if men were forced to subscribe to curious particulars disputed in Schools . Now may it please your Grace , the opinions which at this time trouble many men in the late Book of Mr. Mountague , are some of them such as are expresly the resolved Doctrine of the Church of England , and those he is bound to maintain . Some of them are such as are fit only for Schools , and to be left at more liberty for learned men to abound in their own sense , so they keep themselves peaceable , and distract not the Church . And therefore to make any Man subscribe to School-opinions may justly seem hard in the Church of Christ , and was one great fault of the Council of Trent . And to affright them from those opinions in which they have ( as they are bound ) subscribed to the Church , as it is worse in it self , so may it be the Mother of greater danger . May it please your Grace farther to consider , That when the Clergie submitted themselves in the time of Henry the Eighth , the submission was so made , that if any difference Doctrinal or other fell in the Church , the King and the Bishops were to be Iudges of it in the National Synod or Conv●cation ; the King first giving leave under his Broad Seal to handle the Points in difference : But the Church never submitted to a●y other Iudge , neither indeed can she though she would . And we humbly desire your Grace to consider , and then to move his most Gracious Majesty ( if you shall think fit ) what dangerous consequences may follow up●n it ; For first if any other Iudge be allowed in matter of Doctrine we shall depart from the Ordinance of Christ , and the continual Course and Practice of the Church . Secondly , If the Church be once brought down beneath her self , we cannot but fear what may be the next stroke at it . Thirdly , It will some way touch the honour of his Majesties dear Father , and our most Dread Soveraign of glorious and ever blessed memory , King James , who saw and approved all the opinions of this Book : And he in his rare Wisdom and Iudgment would never have allowed them if they had crossed with truth and the Church of England . Fourthly , We must be bold to say , that we cannot conceive what use there can be of Civil Government in the Commonwealth , or of Preaching or External Ministry in the Church , if such fatall opinions , as some which are opposite and contrary to these delivered by Mr. Mountague are , shall be publikely taught and maintained , Fifthly , We are certain that all or most of the contrary opinions were treated of at Lambeth , and ready to be published , but then Queen Elizabeth of famous memory , upon notice given , how little they agreed with the Practice of Piety , and obedience to all Government , caused them to be suppressed ; and so they have continued ever since , till of late some of them have received countenance at the Synod of Dort. Now this was a Synod of that Nation , and can be of no Authority in any other National Church , till it be received there by publick Authority . And our hope is , That the Church of England will be well advised , and more than once over , before she admit a foraign Synod , especially of such a Church as condemneth her Discipline and manner of Government , to say no more . And further we are bold to commend to y●ur graces Wisdom this one particular . His Majesty ( as we have been informed ) hath already taken this business into his own care , and most worthily referred it in a right course t● Church consideration . And we well hoped that without further trouble to the State , or breach of unity in the Church , it might so have been well and orderly composed , as we still pray it may . These things considered , we have little to say for Mr. Mountagues person : only thus much we know , He is a very good Scholar , and a right honest man : A man every way able to do God , his Majesty , and the Church of England great service . We fear he may receive discouragement , and ( which is far worse ) we have some cause to doubt this may breed a great backwardness in able men to write in defence of the Church of England , against either home or foraign Adversaries , if they shall see him sink in Fortunes Reputation , or health , upon occasion of his Book . And this we most humbly submit to your Graces Iudgment , and care of the Churches peace and welfare ; So commending your Grace to the Protection of Almighty God , We shall ever rest at Your Graces Service , Io. Rossens . Io. Ox●n . Guil. Meneven . August 2. 1625. After this no more news of Montague in the present Parliament , Adjourned by his Majesty on the eleventh of Iuly ( by reason of the Plague ) to Ox●n , there to be reassembled on the first of August . Which time being come , his Majesty puts them again in mind of his pressing occasions , acquaints them with the necessity of setting out the Fleet , then ready for Service ; That the eyes of his Confederates were fixt upon him ; and that they would separate and dissolve if it did not sp●edily set forwards . But then the dangers which they feared from the growth of Popery , stood as much in his way , as Mountague and the Grievances had done before . For the securing t●em from all such fears , an humble Petition and Remonstrance must be first prepared , which they framed much after the same manner with that w●ich had been o●●ered to King Iames , in the year 1621. In this they shewed the King the dangers which were threatned to the Church and State , by the more than ordinary increase of Popery ; and o●fered him such Remedies , as they conceived most likely , to prevent the mischiefs . And unto this Petition they procured the Peers also to joyn with them , But the King easily removed this obstruction , by giving them such a full and satisfactory answer , on the seventh of A●gust , that they could not chuse , before their Rising , which followed within five days after , but Vote their humble Thanks to be returned unto his Majesty , for giving such a Gracious Answer to their said Petition . This they had reason to expect from his Majesties Piety ; but then they had another Game which must be followed , before the Kings Business could be heard . In the two former Parliaments they had flesh'd themselves , by removing Bacon from the Seal , and Cranfeild from the Treasury : And somewhat must be done this Parliament also , for fear of hazarding such a Priviledge by a discontinuance . Williams came first into their eye , whom they looked on as a man not only improper for the Place , but also as not having carried himself in it with such integrity as he should have done ; and him the Lawyers had most mind to , that they might get that Office once again into their possession . This Williams fearing , so applied himself to some leading Members , that he diverted them from himself to the Duke of Buckingham , as a more noble Prey , and fitter for such mighty Hunters than a silly Priest. Nor was this Overture proposed to such as were either deaf or tongue-tied ; for this great Game was no sooner started , but they followed it with such an Out-cry , that the noise thereof came presently to his Majesties ears ; who finding by these delays and artifices , that there was no hope of gaining the Supplies desired , on the 12th . of the same August dissolved the Parliament . He may now see the error he had run into by his breach with Spain , which put him into a necessity of making War , and that necessity compell'd him to cast himself in a manner on the Alms of his People , and to stand wholly in like manner at their Devotion . The Parliament being thus dissolved , his Majesty progresseth towards the West , to set forward his Navy , and Laud betakes himself unto his Diocess , this being the year of his Triennial Visitation . He took along with him in this Journey such Plate and Furniture as he had provided for his new Chappel at Aberguilly , which he Consecrated on Sunday August 28. Here he continued , by reason that the Sickness was hot in London , and not cooled in Oxon. till he was fain to make his way back again through Ice and Snow , as he writes in his Letters to the Duke from Windsor , December 13. At his return he found no small alteration in the Court. The Lord Keeper Williams stood upon no good terms with the Duke in the life of King Iames ; but he declined more and more in Favour after his decease . The Duke had notice of his practising against him in the last Parliament , and was resolved to do his errand so effectually to the King his Master , that he should hold the Seal no longer ; and he prevailed therein so far , that Sir Iohn Suckling , Controller of His Majesties Houshold , was sent to him ( being then at a House of the Lord Sandys's in the Parish of Bray neer Windsor ) to require him to deliver up the Seal to his Majesties use ; which being very unwillingly done , the Custody of the Great Seal , on Sunday the second of October , was committed to Sir Thomas Coventry his Majesties Atturney General , whom Heath succeeded in that place . But my Lord was not gone , though the Keeper was : He still remained Lord Bishop of Lincoln , and Dean of Westminster , holding still both his other Dignities and Preferments before recited : So that he might have lived as plentifully as the greatest , and as contentedly as the best , had he not thought that the fall was greater from the top of the Stairs unto the second or third Step , than from the second or third to the lowest of all . But as he sell , so Laud ascended : Neil his good Friend , then Bishop of Durham , had fallen sick in the beginning of the Spring , at whose request he was appointed to wait upon his Majesty as Clerk of the Closet ; in which Service though he continued not long , yet he made such use of it , that from that time forwards he grew as much into the Kings Favour , as before he had been in the Dukes ; becoming as it were his Majesties Secretary for all Church Concernments . His Majesty having set forward his Navy ( which setting out so late , could not be like to make any good Return ) was not unmindful of the Promise he had made in Parliament , in answer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons , concerning the great dangers threatned to the Church and State by the Growth of Popery ; to which end he caused a Commission to be issued under the Great Seal , for executing the Laws against Recusants , which he commanded to be published in all the Courts of Justice at Reading ( to which Town the Term was then removed ) that all his Judges and other Ministers of Justice might take notice of it , as also that all his Loving Subjects might be certified of his Princely Care and Charge for the Advancement of true Religion , and Suppression of Popery and Superstition : Which done , he directed his (a) Letters of the 15th . of December , to his two Archbishops , signifying how far he had proceeded , and requiring them in pursuance of it , That no good means be neglected on their part for discovering , finding out , and apprehending of Jesuits and Seminary Priests , and other Seducers of his People to the Romish Religion ; or for repressing Popish Recusants , and Delinquents of that sort , against whom they were to proceed by Excommunication , and other Censures of the Church , not omitting any other Lawful means to bring them forth to publick Justice . But then withal his Majesty takes notice of another Enemy , which threatned as much danger to the Church as the Papists did : And thereupon he further requireth the said two Archbishops , That a vigilant care be taken with the rest of the Clergy , for the repressing of those who being ill affected to the true Religion here established , they keep more close and secret their ill and dangerous affections that way , and as well by their example , as by secret and under-hand sleights and means , do much encourage and encrease the growth of Popery and Superstition in sundry parts of this Kingdom . And therefore he did not only require , that none of them might have any manner of Covert , Protection , Countenance , or connivence from them , or any of the rest , as they tendred his Royal Commandment in that behalf : but that all possible diligence be used , as well to unmask the false shadows and pretences of those who may possibly be won to Conformity ; letting all men know , That he could not think well of any that having Place and Authority in the Church , do permit such persons to pass with impunity ; much less if they give them any countenance , to the emboldening them or their adherents . On the receiving of these Letters , Abbot transmits the Copies of them to his several Suffragans , and to our Bishop of St. Davids amongst the rest , requiring him to conform therein to his Majesties Pleasure , and to see the same executed in all parts of his Diocess . On the receipt whereof , the Bishop commands his Chancellor , Arch-Deacons , and other Ecclesiastical Officers within his Diocess of St. Davids . That all possible care be taken of such as are any way backward in Points of Religion , and more especially of known and professed Recusants , that they may be carefully presented , and Proceedings had against them to Excommunication , according to form and order of Law ; and that there be a true List and Catalogue of all such as have been presented and proceeded against , sent to him yearly after Easter , by him to be presented to the Archbishop of Canterbury , as had been required . No Command given unto his Chancellor , and other Officers , to look into the Practises and Proceedings of the Puritan Faction ; for which I am able to give no reason , but that he had received no such Direction and Command from Archbishop Abbot , whose Letter pointed him no further ( it is no hard matter to say why ) than to the searching out , presenting , and Excommunicating the Popish Recusants . And in what he commanded , he was obeyed by his Chancellor , returning to him in Iune following the names of such Recusants as lived within the Counties of Caermarthen and Pembroke , the chief parts of his Diocess . The Kings Coronation now draws on , for which Solemnity he had appointed the Feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin , better known by the name of Candlemas day . The Coronations of King Edward vi . and Queen Elizabeth , had been performed according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Roman Pontificals ; That at the Coronation of King Iames had been drawn in haste , and wanted many things which might have been considered of in a time of leasure . His Majesty therefore issueth a Commission to the Archbishop of Canterbury , and certain other Bishops , whereof Laud was one , to consider of the Form and Order of the Coronation , and to accomodate the same more punctually to the present Rules and Orders of the Church of England . On the fourth of Ianuary the Commissioners first met to consult about it ; and having compared t●e Form observed in the Coronation of King Iames , with the publick Rituals , it was agreed upon amongst them to make some Alterations in it , and Additions to it . The Alteration in it was , that the Unction was to be performed in forma Crucis , after the manner of a Cross , which was accordingly done by Abbot when he officiated as Archbishop of Canterbury in the Coronation . The Additions in the Form consisted chiefly in one Prayer or Request to him in the behalf of the Clergy , and the clause of another Prayer for him to Almighty God ; the last of which was thought to have ascribed too much Power to the King , the first to themselves , especially by the advancing of the Bishops and Clergy above the Laity . The Prayer or Request which was made to him , followed after the Vnction , and was this , viz. Stand , and hold fast from henceforth the Place to which you have been Heir by the Succession of your Forefathers , being now delivered to you by the Authority of Almighty God , and by the hands of us and all the Bishops , and Servants of God : And as you see the Clergy to come neerer to the Altar than others , so remember that in place convenient you give them greater honour ; that the Mediator of God and Man may establish you in the Kingly Throne , to be the Mediator between the Clergy and the Laity , that you may Reign for ever with Iesus Christ the King of Kings ; and Lord of Lords , who with the Father and the Holy Ghost liveth and reigneth for ever . Amen . The Clause of that Prayer which was made for him , had been intermitted since the time of King Henry vi . and was this that followeth ; viz. Let him obtain favour for the People , like Aaron in the Tabernacle , Elisha in the Waters , Zacharias in the Temple : Give him Peters Key of Discipline , and Pauls Doctrine . Which Clause had been omitted in times of Popery , as intimating more Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to be given to our Kings , than the Popes allowed of ; and for the same reason was now quarrell'd at by the Puritan Faction . It was objected commonly in the time of his fall , That in digesting the form of the Coronation , he altered the Coronation Oath , making it more advantageous to the King , and less beneficial to the People than it had been formerly ; from which calumny his Majesty cleared both himself and the Bishop , when they were both involved by common Speech in the guilt thereof . For the clearer manifestation of which truth , I will first set down the Oath it self , as it was taken by the King ; and then the Kings Defence for his taking of it . Now the Oath is this . The Form of the CORONATION-OATH . SIR ( says the Archbishop ) Will you grant , keep , and by your Oath confirm to your People of ENGLAND the Laws and Customs to them granted by the Kings of ENGLAND , your Lawful and Religious Predecessors ; and namely , the Laws , Customs , and Franchises granted to the Clergy , by the Glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor , according to the Laws of God , the true Profession of the Gospel established in this Kingdom , and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof , and the Ancient Customs of this Land ? The King Answers , I grant and promise to keep them . Archbishop . Sir , Will you keep Peace and Godly Agreement entirely ( according to your Power ) b●th to God , the Holy Church , the Clergie , and the People ? Rex . I will keep it . Archbishop . Sir , Will you ( to your Power ) cause Iustice , Law , and Discretion in Mercy and Truth , to be executed in all your ●udgments ▪ Rex . I will , Archbishop . Sir , Will you grant to hold and grant to keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Comm●nal●y of this your Kingdom have ? and will you de●end and uphold them to the honour of God , so much as in you lieth ? Rex . I grant and promise so to do . Then one of the Bishops reads this Admonition to the King before the People with a loud voice . Our Lord and King , we beseech you to pardon , and to grant , and to preserve unto us , and the Churches committed to our charge , all Canonical Priviledges , and due Law and Iustice ; and that you would protect and defend us , as every good King in his Kingdom ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their Government . The King answereth , With a willing and devout heart I promis● and grant my pardon , and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches comm●●ted t●●●ur charge , all Canonical Priviledges , and due Law and Iustice ; and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power by the Assistance of God , as every good King ought in his Kingdom , in right to protect and de●end the Bishops and Churches under thei● Government . The King ariseth , and is lea● to the Communion Table , where he makes a sole●n Oath in ●ight of all the People , to observe the Premises , and laying his Hand upon the Book , saith , The things which I have before promised , I shall perform and keep , So help me G●● and the Contents of this Book . Such was the Coronation-Oath accustomably taken by the Kings of England : Which notwithstanding , it was objected by the Lords and Commons in the time of the Long Parliament , 〈…〉 the same which ought to have been taken by him . And for proof thereof an antiquated Oath was found , and published in a Remonstrance of theirs , bearing date the twentieth of May 1642. To which his Majesty made this Answer , That the Oath which he took at his Coronation was warranted , and enjoyned by the Customs of his Predecessors ; and that the Ceremony of their and his taking of it they might find in the Records of the Exchequer . And this it is , &c. Now in performing the Solemnities of the Coronation , the Abbot anciently ; and for more than one hundred years last past , the Deans of Westminster had a special place . To them belonged the Custody of the old Regalia , that is to say , the Crown , Sword , Scepter , Spurs , &c. of King Edward Sirnamed the Confessor , kept by them in a secret place of Westminster Abbey , not easily acce●●able to any , but such as know the mystery of it : never brought forth but at the Coronation of a King ; or his going to Parliament . Williams the late Lord Keeper was at this time Dean . But being under the Kings displeasure , was commanded to forbear his attendance at the Coronation , and to depute one of the Prebends in his place . This put him into some dispute within himself . He had no mind to nominate Laud , being then one of the Prebendaries of that Church , because he lookt upon him as his Corrival and Supplanter in the Dukes good Grace ; and to have named ot●er of a lower order , there being a Bishop in the number , would have subjected him to some discourse and misconstruction ; He therefore very wisely sent unto his Majesty the names , degrees , and dignities of all the Prebends , leaving it unto him alone to make the Election ; who thereupon without any Hesitancy or deliberation deputed Laud unto the Service . Laud , being thus nominated and deputed , prepared all things ready for that great Solemnity . And finding the Old Crucifix among the Regalia , he caused it to be placed on the Altar , as in former times . The Coronation being ended , his Majesty going in his Robes to Westminster Hall , did there deliver them to Laud ( representing in that Pomp the Dean of Westminster ) together with the Crown , Scepter , and the Sword called Cortena , to be laid up with the rest of the Regalia in their old repository ; which he receiving from the King , returned into the Abbey Church , offered solemnly on the Altar in his Majesties name ( as by his place he was to do ) and so laid them up . Two things there were remarkable in this Coronation , which seemed to have something in them of Presage . Senhouse , who had been once his Chaplain , when Prince of Wales , and was now Bishop of Carlile , had the honour to preach upon the day of that great Solemnity . An eloquent man he was reputed , and one that could very well express a passion : but he had chosen such a Text , as was more proper for a Funeral than a Coronation ; his Text being this , viz. I will give thee a Crown of life , Apoc. 2.10 . and was rather thought to put the new King in mind of his Death than his duty in Government ; and to have been his Funeral Sermon when he was alive , as if he were to have none when he was to be buried . It was observed also , that his Majesty on that day was cloathed in White , contrary to the Custom of his Predecessors , who were on that day clad in Purple . And this he did not out of any necessity , for want of Purple Velvet , enough to make a Suite , ( for he had many yards of it in his outward Garment ) but at his own choice only , to declare that Virgin Purity with which he came to be espoused unto his Kingdom . White ( as we know ) is the colour of the Saints , who are represented to us in White Robes by St. Iohn in the Revelation ; and Purple is the Imperial and Regal colour , so proper heretofore unto Kings and Emperours , that many of the Constantinopolitan Emperours were called Porphyrogenites , because at their first coming into the world they were wrapt in Purple . And this some looked on also as an ill Presage , that the King laying aside his Purple , the Robe of Majesty , should cloath himself in White , the Robe of innocence ; as if thereby it were fore-signified , that he should devest himself of that Regal Majesty which might and would have kept him safe from affront and scorn , to rely wholly on the innocence of a vertuous life , which did expose him finally to calamitous ruine . No sooner were the Pomps of the Coronation ended , but the Second Parliament began ; at the opening whereof , on Munday the sixt of February , our Bishop of St. Davids preacht before his Majesty , the Lords , &c. in the Abbey Church . He was appointed to have preached in the beginning of the former Parliament , on Saturday the eighteenth of Iune ; but that turn being otherwise supplied , he preached the same Sermon the next day before his Majesty at Whitehall , his Text then , Psal. 75.2 , 3. When I shall receive the Congregation , I will judge according unto right , &c. But now he chose for the Theam or Subject of his discourse the 3 , 4 , 5 verses of the 112 Psalm , viz. Ierusalem is like a City that is at unity in it self , &c. In which , considering Ierusalem as a Type of the Church and State , he first beholds it as a type of the State , or Civil Government . Where he considered That Ordo Politicus , the wise ordering of the people in Concord and Vnity was simply the strongest Wall of a State : But break Vnity once , and farewell all strength . And therefore disjoynted Factions in a State when they work upon Division , are Publica irae divinae incendia , the publick kindlings of Gods Anger , and they burn down all before them . And God seldom suffers these to fire a State till himself be heated first with the sins of the State : But then he will divide them in Jacob , and scatter them in Israel , Gen. 49. Nay scatter Iacob and Israel it self for them . Which said in general , he descended to a more particular application , putting his Auditory in mind of those words of Tacitus , That nothing gave the Romans ( powerful enemies though they were ) more advantage against the ancient Britains than this , Quod Factionibus & studiis trahebantur ; That they were broken into Factions , and would not so much as take counsel and advice together : And they smarted for it . But I pray what is the difference for men not to meet in counsel , and to fall to pieces when they meet ? If the first were our Fore-fathers errour , God of his mercy grant this second be not ours . And for the Church , that is as the City too , just so , Doctrine and Discipline are the Walls and the Towers of it : But be the one never so true , and the other never so perfect , they come both short of Preservation , if that body be not at unity in it self . The Church , take it Catholick , cannot stand well , if it be not compacted together into an holy unity with Faith and Charity . And as the whole Church is in regard of the affairs of Christendom , so is each particular Church in the Nation and Kingdom in which it sojourns . If it be not at unity in it self , it doth but invite Malice , which is ready to do hurt without any invitation : and it ever lies with an open side to the devil and all his batteries . So both Church and State , then happy , and never till then , when they are at unity within themselves , and one with another . Well , both State and Church owe much to Vnity ; and therefore very little to them that break the peace of either . Father forgive them they know not what they do . But if unity be so necessary , how may it be preserved in both ? How ? I will tell you . Would you keep the State in Vnity ? In any case take heed of breaking the peace of the Church . The peace of the State depends much upon it ; For divide Christ in the minds of men , or divide the minds of men about their hopes of Salvation in Christ , and tell me what unity there will be . Let this suffice so far as the Church is an ingredient into the unity of the State. But what other things are concurring to the unity of it , the State it self knows better than I can teach . This was good Doctrine out of doubt . The Preacher had done his part in it , but the hearers did not ; the Parliament not making such use of it as they should have done . At such time as the former Parliament was adjourned to Oxon , the Divinity School was prepared for the House of Commons , and a Chair made for the Speaker in or near the place , in which his Majesties Professor for Divinity did usually read his publick Lectures , and moderate in all publick Disputations . And this first put them into conceit , that the determining of all Points and Controversies in Religion did belong to them . As Vibius Rufus in the Story , having married Tullies Widow , and bought Caesars Chair , conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one , and the power of the other . For after that we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion , and no Committee for Religion but what did think it self sufficiently instructed to manage the greatest Controversies of Divinity which were brought before them : And so it was particularly with the present Parliament . The Commons had scarce setled themselves in their own House , but Mountague must be called to a new account for the Popery and Arminianism affirmed to have been maintained by him in his books . In which Books if he had defended any thing contrary to the established Doctrine of the Church of England , the Convocation , of the two , was the fitter Judge . And certainly it might have hapned ill unto him , the King not being willing to engage too far in those Emergences , ( as the case then stood ) if the Commons had not been diverted in pursuit of the Duke of Buckingham ; which being a more noble game , they laid this aside , having done nothing in it but raised a great desire in several Members of both Houses to give themselves some satisfaction in those doubtful Points . To which end a Conference was procured by the Earl of Warwick , to be held at York House , between Buckeridge Bishop of Rochester , and White Dean of Carlile , on the one side : Morton then of Lichfield , and Preston then of Lincolns-Inn ( of whom more hereafter ) on the other ; The Duke of Buckingham , the Earl of Pembroke , many other Lords , and many other persons of inferiour quality being present at it . To this Conference , which was holden on the eleventh of this February , another was added the next week on the seventeenth . In which Mountague acted his own part in the place of Buckeridge , the Concourse being as great , both for the quality and number of the persons , as had been at the former . And the success was equal also . The Friends and Fautors of each side giving the victory to those ( as commonly it happens in such cases ) whose cause they favoured . After this we hear no more of Mountague , but the passing of some Votes against him in the April following ; which ●eats being over , he was kept cold till the following Parliament : And then he shall be called for . In the mean time the King perceiving that the Commons had took no notice of his own occasions , gave order to Sir Richard Weston ( then Chancellour of his Exchequer ) to mind them of it ; by whom he represented to them the return of the last years Fleet , and the want of Money to satisfie the Mariners and Souldiers for their Arr●ars ; That he had prepared a new Fleet of forty Sail ready to set forth , which could not stir without a present supply of money ; And that without the like supply , not only his Armies , which were quartered upon the Coasts , would disband or mutiny , but that the Forces sent for Ireland would be apt to rebell ; and therefore he desired to know , without more adoe , what present supply he must depend upon from them , that accordingly he might shape his course . These Propositions being made , Clem. Coke a younger Son of Sir Edward Coke ( who had successively been Chief Justice of either Bench ) obstructs the Answer by this rash and unhandsome expression , That it was better to dye by a Forreign Enemy , than to be destroyed at home . Which general words were by one Turner , a Doctor of Physick , and then a Member of that House , restrained and applied more particularly to the Duke of Buckingham . The Commons well remembred at what Point they were cut off in the former Parliament , and carefully watcht all advantages to resume it in this . They had begun a great clamour against him on the first of March , for staying a French Ship , called the St. Peter of Newhaven ; and Turner now incites them to a higher distemper , by six Queries raised about him , that is to say , First , Whether the King had not lost the Regality of the Narrow Seas since the Duke became Admiral ? Secondly , Whether his not going as Admirall in this last Fleet was not the cause of the ill success ? Thirdly , Whether the Kings Revenue hath not been impaired through his immense liberality ? Fourthly , Whether he hath not ingrossed all Offices , and preferred his Kindred to unfit places ? Fifthly , Whether he hath not made sale of places of Judicature ? Sixthly , Whether the Recusants have not dependance on his Mother and Father in Law ? For this days work Coke was severely reprehended by his Father , who could not be perswaded to look upon him for a long while after : But Turner , having none whom he stood in fear of , escaped not only without a private reprehension , but without any publick Censure . His Majesty thereupon complained by Weston to the House of Commons , who were so far from censuring the offence , that they seemed rather willing to protect the Offendors . And yet this was not all the affront they had done him neither . For seeming well satisfied with his Majesties gracious Answer to their Petition against Recusants , which they received from him at Oxon in the former Parliament , they now resolved to see what execution had been done upon it . And to that end they appoint a Committee for Religion , and that Committee substitutes a Sub-Committee ; which Sub-Committee were impowered to search the Signet Office concerning such indulgencies as had been granted to the Papists since the end of that Parliament , and to examine the Letters of the Secretaries of State , leaving his Majesty nothing free from their discovery as to that particular : A point which never was presumed on in preceding times . And which seemed worst of all in the present conjuncture , they had voted him three Subsidies , and three fifteens , but voted them with such a clog that they should not pass into a Bill till their Grievances were both heard and answered . Which Grievances what they were both in weight and number , as it was not known unto themselves ; so did his Majesty look upon it , not only as a thing dilatory in it self , but as a baffle put on him and his proceedings . These indignities coming thus upon the neck of one another , he caused the Lords and Commons to come before him at White Hall , March 29. 1626. where first he signified unto them , by the mouth of the Lord Keeper , how sensible he was of those affronts which were put upon him , touching upon every one of them in particular , and aggravating each of them in their several kinds , letting them also know , That as he loved his people , so he regarded his honour ; and that if he were sensible of his Subjects Grievances , of his own he was sensible much more . The Keeper also had Command to tell them , in his Majesties Name , That the Duke had acted nothing of Publick Employment , without his Majesties Special Warrant ; That he had discharged his Trust with abundant both Care and Fidelity ; That since his Return from Spain he had been sedulous in promoting the Service and Contentment of the Commons House ; And therefore , That it was his express Command , That they desist from such Vnparliamentary Proceedings , and resign the Reformation of what was amiss to his Majesties Care , Wisdom , and Iustice. Which Speech being ended , his Majesty saith as followeth : I must withal put you in mind of Times past ; you may remember my Father , moved by your Counsel , and won by your Perswasions , brake the Treaties : In these Perswasions I was your Instrument towards him ; and I was glad to be instrumental in any thing which might please the whole Body of this Realm : Nor was there any in greater favour with you , than this man whom you so traduce . And now when you find me so sure intangled in War , as I have no honourable and safe Retreat , you make my Necessity your Priviledge , and set what rate you please upon your Supplies : A Practise not very obliging unto Kings . Mr. Coke told you , It was better to die by a Foreign Enemy , than to be destroyed at home . Indeed I think it more honourable for a King to be invaded and almost destroyed by a Foreign Enemy , than to be despised at home . But all this did not edifie with the House of Commons . So little were they moved with the Eloquence of the one , and the smart Expressions of the other , that both their own Members remained uncensured , and the Prosecution of the Duke was followed with more violence then before it was . But for all this his Majesty and the Duke might thank themselves . His Majesty had power in his own hands to have righted himself , according to the practice of Queen Elizabeth , and others of his Majesties Royal Predecessors in the times foregoing . But by complaining in this manner to the House of Commons , he chose rather to follow the Example of King Iames , who in like manner had complained of one Piggot , for some seditious words by him spoken in the House of Commons , Anno 1607. and with like success . He that divests himself of a natural and original Power to right the injuries which are done him , in hope to find redress from others ( especially from such as are parcel guilty of the Wrong ) may put up all his gettings in a Seamstress Thimble , and yet never fill it . All that which both Kings effected by it , was but the weakning of their own Power , and the increasing of the others , who had now put themselves upon this Resolution , not to suffer any one of their Members to be questioned , till themselves had considered of his Crimes . By which means they kept themselves close together , and emboldened one another to stand it out against the King to the very last . And of this Maxime , as they made use in this present Parliament , in the Case of Coke , Turner , Diggs , and Eliot ( which 2 last had been imprisoned by the Kings Command ) so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the Case of the Five Members , impeach'd of High Treason by the Kings Atturney Ianuary 14. 1641. the miserable effects whereof we finde two sensibly . And as for their prosecuting of the Duke , the Commons might very well pretend , that they had and should do nothing in it , for which as well his Majesty as the Duke himself , had not given encouragement . They had both joined together against Cranfeild the late Lord Treasurer , and to revenge themselves on him , had turned him over to the power and malice of his Enemies in the House of Commons . The Commons had served their turns on Cranfeild , and will now serve their own turns on the Duke himself , let the King do the best he could to preserve him from them . So unsafe a thing it is for Princes to deliver any of their Servants into the hands of their People , and putting a Power out of themselves , which they cannot call back again when it most concerns them . At the same time the Earl of Bristol , being charged with Treason by the Duke , exhibited against him certain Articles in the House of Peers , in which he accused him of the like Crime , in reference to his Actings in the Spanish business . This made good sport amongst the Commons for a time ; but at last s●aring either the Weakness of Bristol's Charge , or the insufficiency of his Proofs , they resolved to follow their own way ; and to that end a large Impeachment was drawn up against him , and presented to the Lords on the eighth of May , managed by six of the ablest Lawyers in the House , that is to say , Glanvile , Herbert , Selden , Pym , Wansford , and Sherland ; the Prologue made by Sir Dudly Diggs , and the Epilogue by Sir Iohn Eliot . The principal Branches of this Impeachment related to his engrossing of Offices , his buying the Places of Lord Admiral , and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports ; His not guarding the Seas ; His stay of a Ship called the St. Peter of Newhaven , and of the East-India Fleet ; Lending his Majesties Ship called the Vantgard to the French King , which the French King employed against Rochel ; His selling of Honours and Offices ; procuring Honours for his Kindred ; His diminishing the Revenues of the Crown ; and his applying Physick to King Iames in the time of his Sickness . To every one of these there was returned in Writing a particular Answer by the Duke himself : And then addressing his Discourse unto the Peers , he humbly referred it to their Judgment , how full of danger and prejudice it was , to give too ready an ear , and too easie a belief unto a Report or Testimony without Oath , which are not of weight enough to condemn any . With like humility he acknowledged , how easie a thing it was for him in his younger years , and unexperienced , to fall into thousands of Errors , in th●se ten years wherein he had the honour to serve so great and so open-hearted a Sovereign Master . But still he hoped the fear of God , his sincerity in the true Religion established in the Church of England ( though accompanied with many weaknesses and imperfections , which he is not ashamed humbly and heartily to confess ) his carefulness not willingly to offend so good and gracious a Master , and his love and duty to his Country , had restrained and preserved him from running into any hainous misdemeanours and crimes . Which said , and having craved the benefit of two several Pardons , the one granted in the last Parliament of King Iames , the other at the Coronation of King Charles , he added , That he could not chuse but hope so much in their Lordships Justice and Honour , that they would acquit him of and from those Misdemeanours , Offences , Misprisions , and Crimes wherewith he had bee charged ; and for his own part , he both hoped and would daily pray , That for the future he might so watch over all his Actions , both publick and private , as not to give cause of just offence to any person . Of these Proceedings his Majesty was exceeding sensible : He saw himself wounded through the Dukes sides ; That his Fathers Favours and his own were the greatest Crimes of which the Duke had been impeached ; and , That their Regal Authority , in bestowing Offices and Honours on whom they pleased , was not only questioned , but controlled . With which disturbances being very much perplex'd and troubled , he receives a Letter written to him from an unknown Person , in which he first met with a Recital of the several Interests and Affections which were united in this Prosecution against the Duke ; and after that this Application to himself , and his own Concernments , viz. These men ( saith the Writer of the Letter ) either cannot or will not remember , That never any noble man in favour with his Sovereign , was questioned in Parliament , except by the King himself in case of Treason , or unless it were in the nonage and tumultuary times of Richard the Second , Henry vi . or Edward vi . which hapned to the destruction both of King and Kingdom . And that not to exceed our own and Fathers Memory , in King Henry viii . his time , Wolseys exorbitant Power and Pride , and Cromwels contempt of the Nobility and the Laws , were not yet permitted to be discussed in Parliament , though they were most odious and grievous to all the Kingdom : And that Leicesters undeserved Favour and Faults , Hattons insufficiency , and Releighs Insolencies , far exceed what yet hath been objected against the Duke ; yet no Lawyer durst abet , nor any man else begin any Invectives against them in Parliament . And then he adds ( some other Passages intervening ) That it behoves his Majesty to uphold the Duke against them , who if he be but discourted , it will be the Corner stone on which the demolishing of his Monarchy will be builded : For if they prevail with this , they have hatched a thousand other Demands to pull the Feathers of the Royalty ; they will appoint him Counsellors , Servants , Alliances , Limits of his Expences , Accounts of his Revenue ; chiefly , if they can ( as they mainly desire ) they will now dazle him in the beginning of his Reign . How true a Prophet this man proved , the event hath shewed , and the King saw it well enough ; and therefore since he could not divert them from that pursuit , on the 15th of Iune he dissolved the Parliament . I have been the more punctual and particular in relating these Proceedings of the Commons against the Duke , by reason of that Influence which Laud either had , or is reported to have had , in managing his Cause against them . For first it is affirmed by the Publisher of this Bishops Breviate , That the Copy of the Kings Speech made in behalf of the Duke , March 29. was of Lauds enditing ; and , That the Original Copy thereof under his own hand was given in evidence against him at the time of Trial. Secondly , That he likewise penned the Kings Speech to the House of Peers , touching the Duke , and the Commitment of the Earl of Arundel , May the 11th . In which he spake concerning the preservation of the Honour of Noblemen , against the vile and detestable Calumnies of those of the Lower House , by whom the Duke had been accused , as before was said . Most grievous Crimes indeed , if they had been true ; for a Subject to assist his Prince , and a Servant to be aiding to his Master , in penning a short Speech or two , when either the pressure of Affairs , or perplexities of minde might require it of him . But for the truth of this there is no proof offered , but that the Copies of both Speeches ( the Original Copies , as he calls them ) were found in the Archbishops Study , as probably they might have been in the Studies of many other men , if they had been searched ; For who can rationally suppose , That his Majesty , who was the Master of such a pure and elegant Style , as he declared himself to be in his Discourse with Henderson at Newcastle , and his Divine Essays made in Prison , when he could have no other helps but what he found in himself , should stand in need of the Expressions of another man in matters of so great concernment ? Or if it be to be supposed , it makes exceedingly to the honour and commendation of this our Bishop , as well in point of Secrecy as unfeigned Fidelity , that his Majesty should pick out him from all other men , to be his Pen-man or Chief Secretary in such weighty businesses . Then again , it is affirmed , That he not only corrected and amended the Dukes Answer to the Impeachment which was made against him by the Commons , but that he also penned that Speech which the Duke subjoined unto his Answer . A Crime of the same nature , and proved by the same Mediums as the others was ; and such as rather might have served for a strong assurance both of his honest Fidelity to his Friend and Patron , and the even temper of his own mind in the managing of it . For if we may believe the Author of the first History of the Life and Reign of King Charles , as I think we may , this Answer of the Duke was so in-laid with Modesty and Humility , that it became a new Grievance to his Adversaries , and was like to have a powerful influence toward the conversion of many , who expected a Defence of another and more disdainful Spirit . Thus have we brought two Parliaments unto an end ; but we hear nothing of the Convocations which were summoned with them . Nothing indeed of the first Convocation , but the passing of a Grant for three Subsidies , toward the Advancement of his Majesties Service . In the second we find something more , though no Subsidies are granted in it . On the fifth Sunday in Lent , Goodman then Bishop of Glocester preach'd before his Majesty , and press'd so hard upon the Point of the Real Presence , that he was supposed to trench too neer the borders of Popery , which raised a great clamour both in Court and Country : The matter of which Sermon was agitated pro and con in the Convocation , March 29. without determining any thing on either side . But his Majestie out of a desire to satisfie both himself and his Houses of Parliament , touching that particular , referred the consideration of it to Abbot Archbishop of Canterbury , Andrews Bishop of Winchester , and Laud Bishop of St. Davids ; who meeting and considering of it , on the twelfth of April , returned this Answer to the King ; That some things in that Sermon had been spoke less warily , but nothing falsly ; That nothing had been innovated by him in the Doctrine of the Church of England : But howsoever , That they thought very fit that Goodman should be appointed to Preach again before his Majesty , for the better explaining of his meaning , and shewing how and in what Particulars he had been mistaken by his Auditors : Which he accordingly performed . But nothing was of such concernment to a Convocation , as the cause of Mountague , vexed and molested by the Commons in both the Parliaments , for supposed Popery and Arminianism , matters meerly Doctrinal : And possibly it may be admired , that they should do nothing in a matter of their own peculiar , having his Majesty to Friend ; for it appears in the Letter of the three Bishops before-mentioned , to the Duke of Buckingham , That his Majesty had taken that business into his own care , and had most worthily referred it in a right course to Church-consideration . And it appears also by the Breviate , pag. 8. That on Sunday , April 22. of this present year , his Majesty had commanded all the Bishops to come before him , and reprehended such as came ( being fourteen in number ) for being silent in Causes which concerned the Church , and had not made known unto him what might be profitable or unprofitable for it , the Cause whereof he was so ready to promote . But then we are to call to mind , that Laud not long since had been sent by the Duke of Buckingham to consult with Andrews , and learn of him what he thought fitting to be done in the Cause of the Church , and more especially in the Five Articles , so hotly agitated between the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants in the Belgick Provinces . And it appears by the event , That Andrews did not hold it fit for any thing to be done in that particular , as the case then stood ; the truth in those Opinions not being so generally entertained amongst the Clergy , nor the Archbishop and the greater part of the Prelates so inclinable to them , as to venture the determining of those Points to a Convocation . But that which was not thought fit in that present Conjuncture for a Convocation , his Majesty was pleased to take order in by his Royal Edict . Many Books had been written against Mountague by Carleton Bishop of Chichester , Sutcliffe Dean of Exeter , Yates and Rouse ; by which the differences were rather increased than diminished . Which coming to his Majesties notice , it pleased him by the Advice of his Bishops , to signifie by his Proclamation of Iune 14. Not only to his own People , but to all the World , his utter dislike of all those , who to shew the subtilty of their Wits , or to please their own Humours , or vent their own Passions , do or shall adventure to stir or move any new Opinions , not only contrary but differing from the sound and Orthodoxal Grounds of the true Religion , sincerely Professed and happily Established in the Church of England ; and also to declare his full and constant Resolution , That neither in matter of Doctrine nor Discipline of the Church , nor in the Government of the State , he will admit of the least Innovation ; but by Gods assistance will so guide the Scepter of these his Kingdoms and Dominions ( by the Divine Providence put into his hand ) as shall be for the comfort and assurance of his sober , Religious , and well-affected Subjects , and for the repressing and severe punishing of such as out of any sinister respects , or disaffection to his Person or Government , shall dare either in Church or State to distract or disquiet the Peace thereof . His Majesty thereupon commands all his Subjects ( the Clergy most especially ) both in England and Ireland , That from thenceforth they should carry themselves so wisely , warily , and conscionably , that neither by Writing , Preaching , Printing , Conferences , or otherwise , they raise any doubts , or publish or maintain any new Inventions or Opinions concerning Religion , than such as are clearly grounded and warranted by the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England heretofore published , and happily established by Authority : Straightly charging all Archbishops and Bishops in their several Diocesses , as also all Counsellors of State , Judges , and Ministers of Justice , speedily to reclaim and repress all such Spirits as shall adventure hereafter to break this Rule of Sobriety , and due Obedience to his Majesty , his Laws , and this Religious Duty to the Church of God , or in the least degree attempt to violate this bond of Peace ; adding withal this intimation of his Royal Pleasure , That whosoever from thenceforth should take the boldness wilfully to neglect this his Majesties gracious Admonition , and either for the satisfying of their unquiet and restless Spirits , or for expressing of their rash and undutiful Insolencies , should wilfully break that Circle of Order , which without apparent danger both to Church and State may not be broken , his Majesty will proceed against them with that severity as upon due consideration had of their Offences and Contempts , they and every one of them should deserve , &c. Such was the tenor of his Majesties Proclamation of Iune 14. And the effect thereof was this . The House of Commons in pursuance of their Quarrel against Mountague's Books , had referred the consideration of it to their Committee for Religion , from whom Pym brought a Report on the eighteenth of April , concerning some Arminian and Popish Tenents comprized in them . It was thereupon Voted in that House , 1. That he had disturbed the Peace of the Church , by publishing Doctrines contrary to the Articles of the Church of England , and the Book of Homilies . 2. That there are divers Passages in his Book ( especially against those he calleth Puritans ) apt to move Sedition betwixt the King and his Subjects , and between Subject and Subject , 3. That the whole frame and scope of his Books is to discourage the well affected in Religion , from the true Religion established in the Church , and to incline them , and as much as in him lay , to reconcile them to POPERY . This gave great animation to the opposite Party , who thought it a high point of Wisdom to assault the man whom they perceived to have been smitten with this terrible Thunder-bolt , and not to lose the opportunity of a Parliament-time ( when the Press is open to all comers ) for publishing their Books against him . Some of them we have named already ; besides which there appeared so many in the List against him , viz. Goad , ●eatly , Ward , Wotton , Prynne , and Burton , that the Encounter seemed to be betwixt a whole Army and a single Person . (a) Laud and some of those Bishops on the other side , incouraged by his Majesties Proclamation , endeavoured to suppress those Books , which seemed to have been published in defiance of it ; some of them being called in , some stopped at the Press ; some Printers questioned for Printing , as the Authors were for writing such prohibited Pamphlets . Burton and Prynne amongst the rest were called into the High-Commission , and at the point to have been censured , when a Prohibition comes from Westm●nster-Hall to stay the Proceedings in that Court , contrary to his Majesties Will and Pleasure , expressed so clearly and distinctly in the said Proclamation : Which Prohibition they tendred to the Court in so rude a manner , that Laud was like to have laid them by the heels for their labour . From henceforth we must look for nothing from both these hot-spurs but desire of revenge , a violent opposition against all Persons whatsoever , who did not look the same way with them , and whatsoever else an ill-governed Zeal could excite them too . And now being fallen upon these men , it may not be amiss to say something of them in this place , considering how much they exercised the patience of the Church and State in the Times succeeding . Burton had been a Servant in the Closet to his Sacred Majesty when he was Prince of Wales ; and being once in the Ascendent , presumed that he should culminate before his time . He took it very ill that he was not sent as one of the Chaplains into Spain when the Prince was there ; but worse , that Laud then Bishop of St. Davids , should execute the Office of Clerk of the Closet at such time as Bishop Neil was sick , and he be looked on no otherwise than as an underling still . Vexed with that Indignity , as he then conceived it , he puts a scandalous Paper into the hands of the King , for which , and for some other Insolencies and factious carriage , he was commanded by him to depart the Court ; into which being never able to set foot again , he breathed nothing but rage and malice against his Majesty , the Bishops , and all that were in place above him , and so continued till the last ; it being the custom of all those whom the Court casts out , to labour by all means they can to out-cast the Court. Prynne lived sometimes a Commoner of Oriall Colledge , and afterwards entred himself a Student in Lincolns-Inn , where he became a great follower of Preston , then the Lecturer there : Some parts of Learning he brought with him , which afterwards he improved by continual Study ; and being found to be of an enterprising nature , hot-spirited , and eager in pursuit of any thing which was put into him , he was looked upon by Preston as the fittest person to venture upon such Exploits , which a more sober and considerate man durst not have appeared in . Being once put into the road , it was not possible to get him out of it again by threats or punishments ; till growing weary of himself , when he had no Enemy in a manner to encounter with , he began to look up at the last , and setled on more moderate and quiet courses , becoming in the end a happy Instrument of Peace both to Church and State. And now I am fallen on Preston also , I shall add something of him too , as being a man which made much noise in the World about this time . A man he was ( beyond all question ) of a shrewd Wit and deep Comprehensions ; an excellent Master in the Art of Insinuation , and one who for a long time sate at the Helm , and steared the Course of his Party , as one well observeth . Toward the latter end of the Reign of King Iames he was brought into the Court by the Duke of Buckingham , in hope to gain a Party by him : There he was gazed on for a time , like a new Court-Mete●r ; and having flashed and blazed a little , went out again , and was forgotten , in case he did not leave , as most Meteors do , an ill smell behind him . Much was he cried up by his Followers in the University , City , and all places else , as if he might have chosen his own Mitre , and had been as likely a man as any to have been trusted with the Great Seal in the place of Williams : but he was not principled for the Court , nor the Court for him ; For long he had not been in that School of Policy , but he found other men as wise and cunning as himself , and that he could not govern there with such an absolute Omni-regency , as he had done in the Families of private Gentlemen in most parts of the Kingdom . Nor was it long before the Duke began to have some suspicion of him , as one not to be trusted in his Majesties Service , when it seemed any way to cross with the Puritan Interest , which he drove on with so much openness in the Court , as was not proper for a man of so famed a cunning . But that which lost him at the last , was a Letter by him written to a great Peer of the Realm , in which he spake disadvantageously enough , if not reproachfully of the Court ; and signified withal how little hope there was of doing any good in that place , for the advancement of the Cause . Which Letter , or a Copy of it , being unluckily dropp'd out of his Pocket , was taken up , and forthwith carried to the Duke : The shame and grief of which mischance , gave him so much trouble , that he withdrew by little and little , and at last betook himself wholly to his old affectation of a Popular Greatness . By reason of his Lectures in Cambridge and Lincolns-Inn , he was grown powerful in the University , and had gained a strong Party in the City , but died about the time that Laud succeeded Mountain in the See of London . And it was well for him that he died so opportunely ; Laud was resolved that there should be no more but one Bishop of that City , and would have found some way or other to remove him out of Lincolns-Inn , to the end he might have no pretence of raising or encreasing any Faction there , to disturbe the Publick . But before Laud shall come from St. Davids to London , he must take Bath and Wells in his way , to which we are now ready to wait upon him . THE LIFE OF The most Reverend FATHER in GOD WILLIAM Lord Archbishop of Canterbury . LIB . III. Extending from his being made Bishop of Bath and Wells till his coming to the See of Canterbury . IT hapned during the Sitting of the late Parliament , that Doctor Arthur Lake Bishop of Bath and Wells , a man of great Learning and exemplary Piety , departed this Life ; into whose Place his Majesty on the twentieth of Iune nominates our Bishop of St. Davids : In pursuance of which Nomination , his Majesty on the 26th . of Iuly Signed the Writ of Conge d'eslire to the Dean and Chapter , warranting them thereby to proceed to a new Election ; and therewith sent his Letters Missive ( according to the usual Custom ) in behalf of Laud. On Wednesday , August the 16th . they Elect him Bishop of that See ; and on September 18. their Election is confirmed in due form of Law ; his Majesty on the morrow after , restoring the Temporalties of that Bishoprick from the time of his Predecessors death . And now he is actually possessed not only of the Jurisdiction , but of the Rents , Profits , and Emergencies belonging to a Bishop of Bath and Wells ; a double Title , but relating to a single Diocess , and that Diocess confined to the County of Somerset . The Bishops seat originally at Wells , where it still continues , and in respect whereof this Church is called in some Writers , Fontanensis Ecclesia . The stile of Bath came in but upon the by . The church of Wells first built by Ina King of the West Saxons , Anno 704. and by him dedicated to St. Andrew , after endowed by Kenulfe another King of the same people , Anno 766. and finally made a Bishops See in the time of Edward the elder , Anno 905. The first that bore that title being Adelmus , before Abbot of Glastenbury . The present Church , in place where that of Ina had stood before , was built most part of it by Bishop Robert , the eighteenth Bishop of this See , but finished and perfected by Bishop Ioceline Sirnamed d' Wellis . Iohannes d' Villula , the sixteenth Bishop , having bought the Town of Bath of King Henry the First for five hundred Marks , transferred his Seat unto that City 1088. Hence grew a jar betwixt the Monks of Bath and the Canons of Wells about the Election of the Bishop . At last the difference was thus composed by that Bishop Robert , whom before I spake of , that from thenceforward the Bishop should be denominated from both places , and the precedency in the Style should be given to Bath ; that on the vacancy of the See , a certain number of Delegates from both Churches should elect their Prelate , who being elected should be installed in them both ; both of them to be reckoned as the Bishops Chapter , and all his Grants and Patents confirmed in both . And so it stood untill the Reign of King Henry VIII . at what time the Monastery of Bath being dissolved , there passed an Act of Parliament for the Dean and Chapter of Wells to make one sole Chapter to the Bishop , 35 Hen. 8. C. 15. To welcome him to this new honour his Majesty commanded him to draw up certain Instructions to be communicated to the Archbishops , Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy of this Realm upon this occasion . The late Parliament being dissolved without acting any thing in order to his Majesties Service , he was necessitated by the urgency of his affairs to try his Fortune on the subject in the way of Loane , which seemed to have some Regality in it ; For whereas the Parliament had passed a Bill of three Subsidies and three fifteens , and that the said Parliament was dissolved before the Bill passed into an Act , his Majesty was advised that he had good grounds to require those Subsidies of the Subjects which the House of Commons in their names had assented to , and yet not to require them by the name of Subsidies , but only in the way of Loan , till the next Parliament should enable him to make payment of it , or confirm his levying of those moneys by a subsequent Act. The Sum required to be raised was 173411 pound , which was conceived to equal the three Subsidies , which had been voted for him in the House of Commons , though it never passed into an Act : or otherwise to make up that Sum which the present necessity of setting out his Fleet required . He had before pawned the Plate and Jewels of the Crown , and sold as much Land to the City of London , ( which would neither lent gratis , nor take those Lands in way of Mortgage ) as brought in 120000 pound upon easie purchases . All which he was ready to expend , or had before expended on the publick safety . But that not being able to make such necessary provisions as were required , both to secure himself at home , and succour his Confederates and Allies abroad , he was forced to fall upon this course . To which end he issues out his Letters of Commission , bearing date the thirteenth of October , directed to certain Lords , Knights , and Gentlemen in their several Counties . In which they were required to acquaint the People , that his dear Uncle the King of Denmark was brought into great distress ; That without present Succour the Sound would be lost , his Garrison in Stoade broken by the Emperours Forces , ( which then straightly besieged it ; ) the Eastland Trade ( which maintains our Shipping ) and the Staple of Hamborough ( which vents our Cloth ) would both be gotten from him ; As also that the two great Kings of Spain and France , together with the Pope , were joyned to rout out our Religion ; That their Admirals , the Duke of Guise , and Don Frederick d' Toledo , were at that present before Rochel , endeavouring to block it up ; And that they have store of Land-men ready on the Coast of Britain , with them and other Forces to invade us . Upon which grounds they were required by all plausible and powerful means to perswade the People to pay the Taxes severally imposed upon them ; with many other directions tending to advance the Service . It was observed of Queen Elizabeth , that when she had any business to bring about amongst the people , she used to tune the Pulpits , as her saying was ; that is to say , to have some Preachers in and about London , and other great Auditories in the Kingdom , ready at command to cry up her design , as well in their publick Sermons as their private Conferences : Which course was now thought fit to be followed in preparing the people toward a dutifull compliance to these his Majesties desires . And to that end Laud received a Command from his Majesty by the Duke of Buckingham , to reduce certain instructions into Form , partly Political , partly Ecclesiastical , in the Cause of the King of Denmark , not long before beaten , and now much distressed by Count Tilly , to be published in all Parishes within the Realm . To this he chearfully conformed , and brought the said Instructions to the Duke within two daies after , being the sixteenth of September . And having read them over first to the Duke , and after to the King himself , he received from both a very favourable acceptation . On the next day they were communicated to the Lords of the Council , who approved them also . By whose advice he sent them to the Archbishop of Canterbury , requiring him by his Letters , bearing date September 29. to see them published and dispersed in the several Diocesses of his Province . The like Letters he also writ to the Archbishop of York ; And they accordingly gave order to their several and respective Suffragans , To see them made known to the worthy Preachers and Ministers in their Diocess , and so far as their Lordships might in their own persons , to put these things in execution , and to call upon the Clergy which was under them , in their Preachings and private Conferences to stir up all sorts of people to express their Zeal to God , their Duty to the King , and their Love unto their Country , and one to another ; that all good and Christian-like course might be taken for the preservation of true Religion both in this Land , and through all Christendom . Now the tenour of the said Instructions was as followeth : Most Reverend Father in God , right trusty and right well-beloved Counsellour , We greet you well . WE have observed that the Church and the State are so nearly united and knit together , that though they may seem two bodies , yet indeed in some relation they may be accounted but as one , inasmuch as they both are made up of the same men , which are differenced only in relation to Spiritual or Civil ends . This neerness makes the Church call in the help of the State , to succour and support her , whensoever she is pressed beyond her strength : And the same nearness makes the State call in for the service of the Church , both to teach that duty which her Members know not , and to exhort them to , and encourage them in that duty which they know . It is not long since we ordered the State to serve the Church , and by a timely Proclamation settled the peace of it : And now the State looks for the like assistance from the Church , that she and all her Ministers may serve God and us , by preaching peace and unity at home , that it may be the better able to resist Forraign Force uniting and multiplying against it . And to the end that they to whom we have committed the Government of the Church under us , may be the better able to dispose of the present occasions , we have , with the Advice of our Council , thought fit to send unto you these Instructions following , to be sent by you to the Bishops of your Province , and such others whom it may concern , and by them and all their Officers directed to all the Ministers throughout the several Diocesses , that according to these punctually they may instruct and exhort the people to serve God and us , and labour by their Prayers to divert the dangers which hang over us . The danger in which we are at this time is great . It is encreased by the late blow given our good Vncle the King of Denmark , who is the chief Person in those parts that opposed the spreading Forces of Spain . If he cannot subsist , there is little or nothing left to hinder the House of Austria from being Lord and Master of Germany : And that is a large and mighty Territory , and such as should it be gotten , would make an open way for Spain to do what they pleased in all the West part of Christendom . For besides the great strength which Germany once possessed would bring to them , which are two strong already , you are to consider first how it enables them by Land , in that it will joyn all or the most part of the Spaniards now distracted Territories , and be a means for him safely and speedily to draw down Forces against any other Kingdom that shall stand in his way . Nor can it be thought the Low Countries can hold out longer against him if he once become Lord of the upper parts . And secondly , You are to weigh how it will advantage him by Sea , and make him strong against us in our particular , which is of easie apprehension to all men . And besides , if he once get Germany he will be able , though he had no Gold from India , to supply the necessity of those Wars , and to hinder all Trade and Traffick of the greatest Staple Commodities of this Kingdom , Cloth and Wool , and so make them of little or no value . You are to know therefore that to prevent this , is the present care of the King and State , and there is no probable way left but by sending Forces and other Supplies to the said King of Denmark our dear Vncle , to enable him to keep the Field , that our Enemies be not Masters of all on the sudden . You are further to take notice how both we and the whole State stand bound in Honour and Conscience to supply the present necessity of the King of Denmark . For this quarrel is more nearly ours , the recovery of the Ancient Inheritance of our dear Sister and her Children . The King of Denmark stands not so near in bloud unto her as we do : Yet for her and our sakes that brave and valiant King hath adventured into the field , and in that ingagement hath not only hazarded his Person , but , as things go now , it may turn to some danger to his own Kingdom , and Posterity , should he not receive aide and succour from us without delay : Which should it happen ( as God forbid ) will be one of the greatest dishonours that ever this Kingdom was stained withall . Nor is danger and dishonour all the mischief that is like to follow this disaster ; For if it be not presently relieved , the Cause of Religion is not only likely to suffer by it in some one part ( as it hath already in a fearful manner in the Palatinate ) but in all places where it hath gotten any footing . So that if we supply not presently our Allies and Confederates in this case , it is like to prove the extirpation of true Religion , and the re-planting of Romish Superstition in all the neighbouring parts of Christendom . And the coldness of this State shall suffer in all places as the betrayer of that Religion elsewhere , which it professeth and honoureth at home , which will be an imputation never to be washed off . And God forbid this State should suffer under it . Neither may you forget rightly to inform the People committed to your charge , that this War which now grows full of danger was not entred upon rashly and without advice , but you are to acquaint them , that all former Treaties by a peaceable way were in the latter end of our dear Father of ever blessed memory dissolved as fruitless , and unfit to be longer held on foot ; And this by the Counsel of both Houses of Parliament then sitting : so those two great and honourable Bodies of Peers and People represented in Parliament led on this Counsel and course to a War with Spain . To effect this , they desired our aide and assistance , and used us to work our said dear Father to entertain this course . This upon their Perswasions , and Promises of all Assistance and Supply , we readily undertook and effected , and cannot now be left in that Business , but with the Sin and Shame of all men . Sin , because Aid and Supply for the Defence of the Kingdom , and the like Affairs of State , especially such as are advised and assumed by Parliamentary Council , are due to the King from his People , by all Law both of God and Men : And shame , if they forsake the King , while he pursues their own Council , just and honourable , and which could not under God but have been as succesful , if it had been followed and supplied in time , as we desired and laboured for . One thing there is which proves a great hinderance of this State , and not continued among the People , without great offence against God , detriment both to Church and State , and our great disservice in this and all other Business . It is breach of Unity , which is grown too great and common amongst all sorts of men . The danger of this goes far ; for in all States it hath made way for Enemies to enter . We have by all means endeavoured Vnion , and require of you to Preach it , and Charity the Mother of it , frequently in the ears of the People . We know their Loyal hearts , and therefore wonder the more what should cause destracted Affections . If you call upon them ( which is your duty ) we doubt not but that God will bless them with that Love to himself , to his Church , and their own Preservation , which alone will be able to bind up the scatterings of divided Affections into Strength . To this end you are to lay before them what Miseries Home-divisions have brought upon this and many other Kingdoms , and to exhort all men to embrace it in time . The Danger it self , besides all other Christian and Prudent Motives , is of force enough ( where it is duly considered ) to make men joyn in all amity against a common Enemy , a great and growing Enemy : And to do it in time , before any secret and cunning working of his may use one part in a division to weaken the other . And in the last place ( but first and last and all times to be insisted on ) you are to call upon God your selves , and to incite the People to joyn with you in humble and hearty Prayers unto God , That he would be pleased now , after long affliction of his dear People and Children , to look in mercy both upon them and us , and in particular for the Safety of the King of Denmark , and that Army which is left him , That God would bless and prosper him against his and our Enemies . Thus you are to strengthen the hearts and hopes of our Loyal Subjects and People , in and upon God. And whereas the greatest confidence men have in God , ariseth not only from his Promises , but from their experience likewise of his Goodness , you must not fail often to recal to the memory of the People , with thankfulness , the late great Experience we have had of his Goodness towards us : For the three great and usual Iudgments , which he darts down upon disobedient and unthankful People , are Pestilence , Famine , and the Sword. The Pestilence did never rage more in this Kingdom than of late ; and God was graciously pleased in mercy to hear the Prayers which were made unto him , and the ceasing of the Iudgement was little less than a Miracle . The Famine threatned us this present year ; and it must have followed , had God rained down his Anger a little longer upon the Fruits of the Earth : But upon our Prayers he staied that Iudgment , and sent us a blessed Season , and a most plentiful Harvest . The Sword is the thing which we are now to look to ; and you must call the People to their Prayers again , against that Enemy , That God will be pleased to send the like deliverance from this Iudgment also ; That in the same Mercy he will vouchsafe to strengthen the hands of his People ; That he will sharpen their Sword , but dull and turn the edge of that which is in our Enemies hands ; that so while some Fight , others may Pray for the Blessing . And you are to be careful that you fail not to direct and hearten our Loving People in this and all other necessary Services , both of God , his Church , and Vs : That we may have the comfort of our Peoples Service ; the State , Safety ; the Church , Religion ; and the People , the enjoying of all such Blessings as follow these . And we end with doubling this Care upon you , and all under you in their several Places . Given at our Palace at Westminster in the Second year of our Reign , September 21. 1626. Such were the Instructions issued by his Majesties Command , in the present exigent : The dexterous performance of which Service , as it raised Laud higher in his Majesties good Opinion of him , than before he was ; so was it recompenced with a Place of greater neerness to him , than before he had . For on that very day which gives date to the said Instructions , the most Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews , Bishop of Winton . and Dean of his Majesties Chappel-Royal , departed this Life at his Episcopal House in Southwark ; whose Funerals were solemnized in St. Saviours Church on the eleventh day of November following , Buckeridge then Bishop of Rochester , bestowing his last duty on him in a Funeral Sermon . A man he was of such extraordinary Abilities , that I shall rather chuse to express his Character by the Pen of others , than my own . Thus then says one of our late Historians : This year we lost the stupendiously profound Prelate Doctor Andrews Bishop of Winchester , an excellent Disputant , in the Oriental Tongues surpassing knowing ; so studiously devoted to the Doctrine of the Ancient Fathers , as his extant Works breath nothing but their Faith ; nor can we now read the Fathers , more than we should have done in his very Aspect , Gesture , and Actions ; so venerable in his Presence , so grave in his Motions , so pious in his Conversation , so primitive in all . Another goes a little further , and tells us of him , That the World wanted Learning to know how Learned he was ; so skilled in all ( especially Oriental Languages ) that some conceive he might ( if then living ) almost have served as an Interpreter-General at the Confusion of Tongues . In his life time he only published two Books in Latin , viz. His Apologie against Cardinal Bellarmine , and that which he called Tortura Torti , in behalf of King Iames ; and a small Tract entituled , Determinatio Theologica , de jure-jurando exigendo , quarto , Printed at London , 1593. And in English nothing but a small Volume of Sermons , which he acknowledged for his own . The Book of Catechetical Doctrine , published in his life by others , but without his privity and consent , he always professedly disavowed , as containing only some imperfect Collections , which had been taken from his mouth by some ignorant hand , when he was Reader of the Catechism Lecture in Pembroke Hall. But after his decease , ninety six of his Sermons were collected with great care and industry , published in Print , and Dedicated to his Sacred Majesty by Laud then Bishop of London , and Buckeridge at that time Bishop of Ely , 1628. For Felton of Ely dying the year before , Buckeridge had been translated thither by the Power and Favour of that his dear Friend and quondam Pupil , Curle Dean of Litchfield , and one of the Residentiaries of Salisbury , succeeding after his Translation in the See of Rochester . By the same hands some other Pieces of his , both in English and Latin , were very carefully drawn together , and published with the like Dedication to his Sacred Majesty , Anno 1629. He that desires to hear more of him , let him first consult the Funeral Sermon before mentioned , extant at the end of the great Volume of his Sermons ; and afterwards peruse his Epitaph in the Church of St. Maries Over-rhe , transcribed in Stows Survey of London of the last Edition . After his death the See of Winton was kept vacant till the latter end of the year next following ; the profits of it being in the mean time taken up for his Majesties use , and answered into the Exchequer , according to an ancient Custom ( but more old than commendable ) used frequently by the Kings of England , since the time of William sirnamed Rufus , from whom it is said to have took beginning . But the Deanry of the Chappel had not been void above nine days , when Laud was nominated to it , and was actually admitted into that Office on the sixth day of October following , by Philip Earl of Montgomery Lord Chamberlain of his Majesties Houshold , before whom he took the usual and appointed Oath . He had before observed a Custom ( as ill though not so old as the other ) used in the Court since the first entrance of King Iames. The Custom was , That at what part soever of the Publick Prayers the King came into his Closet ( which looked into the Chappel ) to hear the Sermon , the Divine Service was cut off , and the Anthem sung , that the Preacher might go into the Pulpit . This the new Dean disliked , as he had good reason , and thereupon humbly moved his Majesty , that he would be present at the Liturgie , as well as the Sermon every Lords day ; and that at whatsoever part of Prayers he came , the Priest who Ministred should proceed to the end of the Service : To which his Majesty most readily and religiously condescended , and gave him thanks for that his seasonable and pious Motion . As for the Deanry of the Chappel , it was of long standing in the Court , but had been discontinued from the death of Dr. George Carew Dean of Windsor , ( the Father of George Lord Carew of Clopton , and Earl of Totness ) Anno 1572. till King Iames his coming to this Crown , at what time Bancroft , then Bishop of London , conceiving into what dangers the Church was like to run , by the multitude of Scots about him , thought it expedient that some Clergy-men of Note and Eminence should be attendant always in and about the Court. And thereupon it was advised , that to the Bishop Almoner and the Clerk of the Closet a Dean of the Chappel should be added , to look unto the diligent and due performance of Gods Publick Service , and order matters of the Quire. According to which resolution , Dr. Iames Mountague was recommended to the King for the first Dean of the Chappel in his time ; succeeded in that place by Andrews , and he now by Laud. But to proceed , Whilest matters went on thus smoothly about the Court , they met with many Rubbs in the Country , some of the Preachers did their parts according as they were required by the said Instructions , amongst whom Sibthorp , Vicar of Brackly in Northampton-shire , advanced the Service , in a Sermon preached by him at the Assizes for that County . The scope of which Sermon was to justifie the Lawfulness of the general Loane , and of the Kings imposing Taxes by his own Regal Power , without consent in Parliament , and to prove , that the people in point of Conscience and Religion ought chearfully to submit to such Loans and Taxes without any opposition . The Licencing of which Sermon ( when it was offered to the Press ) being refused by Archbishop Abbot , and some exceptions made against it , the perusing of it was referred to Laud , April 24. 1627 , by whom , after some qualifications and corrections , it was approved , and after published by the Author , under the name of Apostolical Obedience . About the same time Manwaring , Doctor in Divinity , one of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary , and Vicar of the Parish Church of St. Giles in the Fields , published two Sermons of his preaching on the same occasion , the one before the King , the other in the hearing of his own Parishioners . These Sermons he entituled by the name of Religion and Allegiance , both of them tending to the justification of the lawfulness of the Kings imposing Loans and Taxes on his people without consent in Parliament ; and that the imposition of such Loans and Taxes did so far bind the Consciences of the Subjects of this Kingdom , that they could not refuse the payment of them without peril of eternal damnation . But neither the Doctrine of these Preachers , or of any other to that purpose , nor the distress of the King of Denmark , nor the miserable estate of Rochel , did so far prevail amongst the people ; but that the Commissioners for the Loane found greater opposition in it than they did expect . Many who had been Members in the two former Parliaments opposed it with their utmost power , and drew a great part of the Subjects , in all Countries some , to the like refusal . For which refusal some Lords , and many of the choice Gentry of the Kingdom , and others of inferiour sort were committed unto several Prisons , where they remained till the approach of the following Parliament . Insomuch that the Court was put upon the necessity of some further Project . The Papists would have raised a Provision for the setting forth both of Ships and Men , for the defence of the Narrow Seas , and working on the Kings wants , flattered themselves with the hope of a Toleration for it . But old Sir Iohn Savill of Yorkshire , who had been lately taken into his Majesties Council , had found out a plot worth two of that ; conceiving , that a Commission to proceed against Recusants for their thirds , due to his Majesty by Law , would bring in double the Sum which they had offered . To this the King readily condescended , granting him and some others a Commission for that purpose for the Parts beyond Trent ; as unto certain Lords and Gentlemen for all other Counties in the Kingdom . By which means , and some moneys raised upon the Loane , there was such a present stock advanced , that with some other helps which his Majesty had , he was enabled to set forth a powerfull Fleet , and a considerable Land Army for the relief of the Rochellers , whose quarrel he had undertaken upon this occasion . The Queen at her first coming into England had brought with her a compl●at Family of French to attend her here , according to the Capitulations , between the Commissioners of both Kings , before the Marriage . But the French Priests , and some of the rest of her Domesticks were grown so insolent , and had put so many affronts upon his Majesty , that he was forced to send them home within few daies after he had dissolved the foregoing Parliament . In which he had done no more than what the French King had done before him , in sending back all the Spanish Courtiers which his Queen brought with her . But the French King not looking on his own Example , and knowing on what ill terms the King stood both at home and abroad , first seized on all the Merchants Ships , which lay on the River of Burdeaux , and then brake out into open war. So that the King was necessitated to make use of those Forces against the French which were designed to have been used against the Spaniard , and to comply with the desires of the Rochellers , who humbly sued for his protection and defence . But the Fleet , not going out till after Michaelmas , found greater opposition at Sea than they feared from the Land ; being encountred with strong Tempests , and thereby necessitated to return without doing any thing , but only shewing the Kings good will and readiness toward their assistance . But the next Fleet , and the Land-Army before mentioned , being in a readiness , the Duke of Buckingham appeared Commander general for that Service , who hoped thereby to make himself of some consideration in the eyes of the People . On the twenty seventh of Iune he hoised Sailes for the Isle of Rhe , which lay before the Port of Rochel , and embarred their trade ; the taking whereof was the matter aimed at : And he had strength enough both for Sea and Land to have done the work , if he had not followed it more like a Courtier than a Souldier : For having neglected those advantages which the victory at his Landing gave him , he first suffered himself to be complemented out of the taking of their chief Fort , when it was almost at his mercy ; and after stood unseasonably upon point of Honour , in facing those Forces which were sent from the French King to raise the Siege , when he might have made a safe retreat unto his Ships without loss or danger . So that well beaten by the French , and with great loss of Reputation among the English , he came back with the remainder of his broken Forces in November following , as dearly welcom to the King as if he had returned with success and triumphs . During the preparations for this unfortunate attempt , on Sunday the twenty ninth of April it pleased his Majesty to adm●t the Bishop of Bath and Wells for one of the Lords of his most honourable Privy Council ; An honour which he would not have accepted with so great chearfulness if his dear Friend , the Lord Bishop of Durham , had not been sworn at or about the same time also . So mutually did these two Prelates contribute their assistances to one another , that as Neile gave Laud his helping hand to bring him first into the Court , and plant him in King Iames his favour : So Laud made use of all advantages in behalf of Neile to keep him in favour with King Charles , and advance him higher . The Fleet and Forces before mentioned being in a readiness , and the Duke provided for the Voyaye , it was not thought either safe or fit that the Duke himself should be so long absent , without leaving some assured Friend about his Majesty by whom all practises against him might be either prevented or suppressed , and by whose means the Kings affections might be alwaies inflamed towards him ; To which end Laud is first desired to attend his Majesty to Portsmouth , before which the Navy lay at Anchor , and afterwards to wait the whole Progress also ; the Inconveniencies of which journeys he was as willing to undergo as the Duke was willing to desire it . The Church besides was at that time in an heavy condition , and opportunities must be watcht for keeping her from falling from bad to worse . No better her condition now in the Realm of England than anciently in the Eastern Churches , when Nectarius sate as Sup●●me Pastor in the Chair of Constantinople ; of which thus Nazianze writes unto him ; The Arians ( saith he ) were grown so insolent , that they make open profession of their Heresie , as if they had been authorized and licenced to it ; The Macedonians so presumptuous , that they were formed into a Sect , and had a Titular Bishop of their own ▪ The Apollinarians held their Conventicles , with as much safety and esteem as the Orthodox Christians . And for Eunomius , the bosome-mischief of those times , he thought so poorly of a general connivence , that at last nothing would content him but a toleration , The cause of which disorders he ascribeth to Nectarius only . A man , as the Historian saith of him , of an exceeding fair and plausible demeanour , and very gracious with the people : one that chose rather ( as it seems ) to give free way to all mens fancies , and suffer every mans proceedings , than draw upon himself the envy of a stubborn Clergy , and a factious Multitude . Never was Church more like to Church , Bishop to Bishop , time to time , ( the names of the Sects and Heresies being only changed ) than those of Constantinople then , and of England now . A pregnant evidence , that possibly there could not be a greater mischief in a Church of God than a Popular Prelate . This , though his Majesty might not know , yet the Bishops which were about him did , who therefore had but ill discharged their duty both to God and man , if they had not made his Majesty acquainted with it ; he could not chuse but see by the practises and proceedings of the former Parliaments to what a prevalency the Puritans were grown in all parts of the Kingdom ; and how incompatible that humour was with the Regal interest . There was no need to tell him from what fountain the mischief came , how much the Popularity and remiss Government of Abbot did contribute towards it . Him therefore he sequestreth from his Metropolitical Jurisdiction , confines him to his house at Ford in Kent , and by his Commission , bearing date the ninth day of October , 1627. transfers the exercise of that Jurisdiction to Mountaine Bishop of London , Neile Bishop of Durham , Buckeridge Bishop of Rochester , Houson Bishop of Oxon , and Laud Bishop of Bath and Wells ; To whom , or any two or more of them , he gives authority to execute and perform all and every those Acts , matters , and things , any way touching or concerning the Power , Jurisdiction , or Authority of the Archbishop of Canterbury in causes or matters Ecclesiastical , as amply , fully , and effectually , to all intents and purposes , as the said Archbishop himself might have done . And this his Majesty did to this end and purpose , that the Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction , being committed to such hands as were no favourers of that Faction , there might some stop be given to that violent current which then began to bear all before it . Nor did his Majesty fail of the end desired ; For though Abbot ( on good reasons of State ) was restored unto his Jurisdiction toward the latter end of the year next following : Yet by this breathing time , as short as it was , the Church recovered strength again . And the disgrace put upon the man did so disanimate and deject the opposite Party , that the Ballance began visibly to turn on the Churches side . During the time that this Commission was in force , some Beneficed persons in the Country , who in themselves were well affected to ancient orders , and now in more assurance of Protections than before they were ▪ adventured on removing the Communion Table from the middle of the Church or Chancel , and setting it ( according to the pattern of the Mother Churches ) where the Altar formerly had stood . Amongst the rest one Titly , Vicar of Grantham ( a ●oted Town upon the Road ) in the County of Lincoln , having observed the situation of the holy Table , as well in his Diocesans Chappel , as in the Cathedral mother Church , transposed the Table from the middest of the Chancel in his Parish Church , and placed it Altar-wise at the East end of it . Complaint hereof being made by some of that Town to the Bishop of Lincoln , he presently takes hold of the opportunity to discourage the work ; not because he disliked it in point of judgment ( for then his judgment and his practice must have crost each other ) but because Titly had Relation to the Bishop of Durham . And for the Bishop of Durham he had no good thoughts , partly because he kept his stand in the Court , out of which himself had been ejected , and partly by reason of the intimacy betwixt him and Laud , whom he looked on as his open and professed enemy . And then how was it possible that he should approve of Titly , or his action either , conceiving that it might be done by their or one of their appointments , or at the least in hope of better preferment from them ? Hereupon he betakes himself unto his Books , and frames a Popular Discourse against placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , digests it in the Form of a Letter to the Vicar of Grantham ; but sends it unto some Divines of the Lecture there , by them to be dispersed and scattered over all the Country . But of this Letter more hereafter , when we shall find it taken up for a Buckler against Authority , and laid in Bar against the proceedings of the Church and the Rules of it , when such transposing of the Table became more general , not alone practised , but prescribed . But the noise of this Letter not flying very far , at the first hindred not the removing of the Table in the Parish Church of St. Nicholas in the Burrough of Abingdon ; the occasion this : One Blucknall , dwelling in that Parish , bestowed upon it , amongst other Legacies , an annual Pension to be paid unto the Curate thereof , for reading duly prayer in the said Church according to the Form prescribed in the English Liturgie . For the establishing of which Gifts and Legacies to the proper use and uses intended by him , a Commission was issued out of the High Court of Chancery , according to the Statute 43 Eliz. Directed amongst others to Sir Ed. Clark Knight . Sam. Fell Doctor in Divinity , George Purefez , and Richard Organ Esquires ; who by their joynt consent made this Order following : viz. And that the Table given by Mr. Blucknall should not by the multitude of People coming to Service , or otherwise by sitting or writing upon it , or by any other unreverent usage , be prophaned , spoyled , or hurt ; We do order and decree , that the said Table shall continually stand at the upper end of the Chancell , upon which a Carpet ( by him given ) should be laid , where it shall continually stand close to the upper Skreen ( there being of old within that Skreen a kind of Vestry for keeping the Plate , Books , and Vestments which belong to the Church ) and there to be covered with the Carpet aforesaid , and in no place else . Which Order , together with many others , for settling and disposing the said Gifts and Legacies , were made at Abingdon on the twenty fifth of April , 1628. and afterwards confirmed under the Great Seal of England . This being the only Table , as I conceive , whose posture in that place is ratified by Decree in Chancery . Now as some private Beneficed persons , during the Suspension of the said Archbishop , did thus adventure on the one side ; so divers Commissaries , Officials , Surrogates , and other Ecclesiastical Officers , began to carry a more hard hand on the Puritan Party ( their great Friend and Patron being thus discountenanced ) than they had done formerly . Amongst these none more active than Lamb , Sibthorp , Allen , and Burden , according to their Power and Places ; the three last having some relation to Lamb , as Lamb had to the Episcopal Court at Peterborough , and thereby a neer neighbourhood to the Bishop of Lincoln , then keeping in his House at Buckden in the County of Huntingdon ; at whose Table being entertained ( as they had been many times before ) they found there Morison Chancellor to that Bishop , and Prigeion one of the Officers of the Court at Lincoln . Their Discourse growing hot against the Puritans , the Bishop advised them to take off their heavy hand from them ; informing them , That his Majesty hereafter intended to use them with more mildness , as a considerable Party , having great influence on the Parliament , without whose concurrence the King could not comfortably supply his Necessities : To which he added , That his Majesty had communicated this unto him by his own mouth , with his Resolutions hereafter of more gentleness to men of that Opinion . Which words , though unadvisedly spoken , yet were not thought , when first spoken by him , to be of such a dangerous and malignant nature , as to create to him all that charge and trouble , which afterwards be●el him upon that occasion ; For some years after , a breach being made betwixt him and Lamb , about the Officials place of Leicester , which the Bishop had designed to another person , Lamb complains of him to some great men about the Court , for revealing the Kings Secrets committed to his trust and privacy , contrary to the Oath taken by him as a Privy Counsellor . The Bishop was conceived to live at too great a height , to be too popular withal , and thereby to promote the Puritan Interest , against the Counsels of the Court. This Information was laid hold on , as a means to humble him , to make him sensible of his own duty , and the Kings displeasure ; and a Command is given to Noy ( then newly made his Majesties Atturney-General ) to file a Bill , and prosecute against him in the Star-Chamber , upon this delinquency . Though the Bishop about two or three years since had lost the Seal , yet he was thought to have taken the Purse along with him ; reputed rich , and one that had good Friends in the Court about the King , which made him take the less regard of this prosecution . By the Advice of his Counsel he first demurred unto the Bill , and afterwards put in a strong Plea against it ; both which were over-ruled by Chief Justice Richardson , to whom by Order of the Court they had been referred : Which artifices and delays , though they gained much time , yet could he not thereby take off the edge of the Atturney , grown so much sharper toward him by those tricks in Law. And in this state we shall finde the business about ten years hence , when it came to a Sentence ; having laid so much of it here together , because the occasion of the Suit was given much about this time . About the same time also came out a Book entituled , A Collection of Private Devotions , or , the Hours of Prayer , composed by Cozens one of the Prebends of Durham , at the Request , and for the Satisfa●ction , as it was then generally believed , of the Countess of Denbigh , the only Sister of the Duke , and then supposed to be unsetled in the Religion here established , if not warping from it : A Book which had in it much good matter , but not well pleasing in the form ; said in the Title page to be framed agreeably to a Book of Private Prayers Authorized by Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1560. After the Kalendar it began with a Specification of the Apostles Creed in Twelve Articles , the Lords Prayer in Seven Petitions , the Ten Commandements , with the Duties enjoined , and the Sins prohibited by them ; The Precepts of Charity , The Precepts of the Church , The Seven Sacraments , The Three Theological Virtues , The Three kinds of Good Works , The Seven Gifts of the Holy Ghost , The Twelve Fruits of the Holy Ghost , The Spiritual and Corporal Works of Mercy , The Eight Beatitudes , Seven deadly Sins , and their contrary Vertues , and the Quatuor novissima : After which ( some Prefaces and Introductions intervening ) followed the Forms of Prayer for the first , third , sixth , and ninth Hours , as also for the Vespers and Compline , known here in former Times by the vulgar name of Canonical Hours : Then came the Litany , The Seven Penitential Psalms , Preparatory Prayers for Rec●iving the Holy Communion , Prayers to be used in time of Sickness , and of the near approach of Death , besides many others . The Book approved by Mountain then Bishop of London , and by him Licenced for the Press ( with the Subscription of his own hand to it ) : Which notwithstanding , it startled many at the first , though otherwise very moderate and sober men , who looked upon it as a Preparatory to usher in the Superstitions of the Church of Rome . The Title gave offence to some , by reason of the correspondence which it held with the Popish Horaries ; but the Frontispiece a great deal more , on the top whereof was found the Name of IESVS , figured in three Capital Letters ( IHS ) with a Cross upon them , incircled with the Sun , supported by two Angels , with two devout Women praying toward it . It was not long before it was encountred by Prynne and Burton , of whom we shall have occasion to speak more hereafter . Prynn's Book ( for of the other there was but little notice taken ) was Printed by the name of A Brief Survey and Censure of Cozens his Cozening Devotions , Anno 1628. In which he chargeth it for being framed in general according to the Horaries and Primers of the Church of Rome ? but more particularly , to be directly moulded , framed , and contrived according to Our Ladies Primer or Office Printed in Latin at Antwerp , 1593. and afterwards in Latin and English , Anno 1604. Next he objects , That the Book of Latin Prayers published by Queen Elizabeth , 1560. was called Orarium ( not Horarium ) sive Libellus Precationum ( that is to say , A Book of Prayers ) : That in that Book there was mention of no other hours of Prayer than first , third , and ninth ; and that in the second and third Editions of the same Book , published in the years 1564. and 1573. there occurred no such distribution into hours at all ; which ( said he ) reproacheth all the Specifications before-remembred by the name of Popish trash and trumpery , stollen out of Popish Primers and Catechisms , not mentioned in any Protestant Writers ; and then proceeds to the canvasing of every Office , and the Prefaces belonging to them , which with the like infallible Spirit he condemns of Popery . But for all this violent opposition , and the great clamors made against it , the Book grew up into esteem , and justified it self , without any Advocate ; insomuch that many of those who first startled at in regard of the Title , found in the body of it so much Piety , such regular Forms of Divine Worship , such necessary Consolations in special Exigencies , that they reserved it by them as a Jewel of great Price and value . But of this Author and his Book , the following Parliament , to whom Prynne dedicates his Answer , will take further notice . But before that Parliament begins , we must take notice of some Changes then in agitation amongst the Governours of the Church . His Majesty in the Iune foregoing had acquainted Laud with his intent of nominating him to the See of London in the place of Mountain , whom he looked on as a man unactive , and addicted to voluptuousness , and one that loved his ease too well to disturbe himself in the concerments of the Church . He also looked upon that City as the Retreat and Receptacle of the Grandees of the Puritan Faction ; the influence which it had , by reason of its Wealth and Trading , on all parts of the Kingdom ; and that upon the Correspondence and Conformity thereof , the welfare of the whole depended : No better way to make them an example of Obedience to the rest of the Subjects , then by placing over them a Bishop of such Parts and Power as they should either be unable to withstand , or afraid to offend . In order unto this design , it was thought expedient to translate Neile ( whose accommodations Laud much studied ) to the See of Winchester , then vacant by the death of Andrews , and to remove Mountain unto Durham in the place of Neile : But the putting of this design into execution did require some time . Such Officers of State as had the management of the Kings Revenue , thought it not fit in that low ebb of the Exchequer , that the Church of Winton should be filled with another Bishop , before the Michaelmas Rents at least ( if not some following Pay-days also ) had flowed into his Majesties Coffers . Which though it were no very long time , compared with the Vacancies of some former Reign ; yet gave it an occasion to some calumniating Spirits to report abroad , That this Bishoprick was designed to be a Subsistence for one of the Queen of Bohemia's younger Sons , who was to hold it by the Name of an Administrator , according to an ill Custom of some Princes amongst the Lutherans . But this Obstruction being passed by , Neile with great chearfulness in himself , and thankfulness unto the King , proceeded in his Translation to the See of Winton ; his Election being ratified by his Majesty , and confirmed in due form of Law , before the end of the next year , 1627. In Mountains hands the business did receive a stop : He had spent a great part of his Life in the air of the Court , as Chaplain to Robert Earl of Salisbury , Dean of Westminster , and Bishop Almoner ; and had lived for many years last past in the warm City of London . To remove him so far from the Court , and send him into those cold Regions of the North , he looked on as the worst kind of Banishment , next neighbour to a Civil death : But having a long while strived in vain , and understanding that his Majesty was not well pleased with his delays , he began to set forward on that Journey , with this Proviso notwithstanding , That the utmost term of his Removal should be but from London-House in the City , to Durham-House in the Strand . And yet to beget more delays toward Laud's Advancement , before he actually was confirmed in the See of Durham , the Metropolitan See of York fell void by the death of the most Reverend Prelate Doctor Toby Matthews : This Dignity he affected with as much ambition , as he had earnestly endeavoured to decline the other ; and he obtained what he desired : But so much time was taken up in passing the Election , facilitating the Royal Assent , and the Formalities of his Confirmation , that the next Session of Parliament was ended , and the middle of Iuly well near passed ▪ before Laud could be actually Translated to the See of London . These matters being in agitation , and the Parliament drawing on apace , on Tuesday the fifth of February he strained the back-sinew of his right Leg , as he went with his Majesty to Hampton-Court , which kept him to his Chamber till the fourteenth of the same ; during which time of his keeping in , I had both the happiness of being taken into his special knowledge of me , and the opportunity of a longer Conference with him than I could otherwise have expected . I went to have presented my service to him as he was preparing for this Journey , and was appointed to attend him on the same day seven-night , when I might presume on his return . Coming precisely at the time , I heard of his mischance , and that he kept himself to his Chamber ; but order had been left amongst the Servants , that if I came he should be made acquainted with it ; which being done accordingly , I was brought into his Chamber , where I found him sitting in a Chair , with his lame leg resting on a Pillow . Commanding that no body should come to interrupt him till he called for them , he caused me to sit down by him , inquired first into the course of my Studies , which he well approved of , exhorting me to hold my self in that moderate course in which he found me . He fell afterwards to discourse of some passages in Oxon. in which I was specially concerned , and told me thereupon the story of such oppositions as had been made against him in that University , by Archbishop Abbot , and some others ; encouraged me not to shrink , if I had already , or should hereafter find the like . I was with him thus , remotis Arbitris , almost two hours : It grew towards twelve of the clock , and then he knocked for his Servants to come unto him . He dined that day in his ordinary Dining-room , which was the first time he had so done since his mishap . He caused me to tarry Dinner with him , and used me with no small respect , which was much noted by some Gentlemen ( Ephilston , one of his Majesties Cup-bearers , being one of the Company ) who dined that day with him . A passage , I confess , not pertinent to my present Story , but such as I have a good precedent for from Philip de Comines , who telleth us as impertinently of the time ( though he acquaint us not with the occasion ) of his leaving the Duke of Burgundies Service , to betake himself to the Imployments of King Lewis xi . It is now time to look into the following Parliament , in the preparation whereunto ( to make himself more gracious in the eyes of the People ) his Majesty releaseth such Gentlemen as had been formerly imprisoned about the Loan ; which in effect was but the letting loose of so many hungry Lions to pursue and worry him : For being looked upon as Confessors , if not Martyrs for the Common-wealth , upon the merit of those sufferings they were generally preferred afore all others to serve in Parliament ; and being so preferred , they carried as generally with them a vindicative Spirit , to revenge themselves for that Restraint , by a restraining of the Prerogative within narrower bounds . At the opening of this Parliament , March 17. the Preaching of the Sermon was committed to the Bishop of Bath and Wells , who shewed much honest Art in perswading them to endeavour to keep the Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace , Ephes. 4.3 . which he had taken for his Text : In which , first laying before them the excellency and effects of VNITY , he told them , amongst other things , That it was a very charitable tie , but better known than loved ; a thing so good , that it was never broken but by the worst men ; nay , so good it was , that the very worst men pretended best when they broke it ; and that it was so in the Church , neuer yet Heretick renting her Bowels , but he pretended that he raked them for Truth : That it was so also in the State , seldom any unquiet Spirit dividing her Vnion , but he pretends some great abuses , which his integrity would remedy : O that I were made a Iudge in the Land , that every man which hath any Controversie might come to me , that I might do him Iustice : and yet no worse a man than David was King when this cunning was used , 1 Sam. 15. That Vnity both in Church and Common-wealth was so good , that none but the worst willingly broke it ; That even they were so far ashamed of the breach , that they must seem holier than the rest , that they may be thought to have had a just cause to break it . And afterwards coming by degrees to an Application , Good God ( saith he ) what a preposterous Thrift is this in men , to sow up every small rent in their own Coat , and not care what rents they not only suffer , but make in the Coat of Christ ? What is it ? Is Christ only thought fit to wear a torn Garment ? Or can we think that the Spirit of Vnity , which is one with Christ , will not depart to seek warmer cloathing ? Or if he be not gone already , why is there not Vnity , which is where ere he is ? Or if he be but yet gone from other parts of Christendom , in any case ( for the passion , and in the bowels of Iesus Christ I beg it ) let us make stay of him here in our parts , &c. Which Sermon ( being all of the same piece ) so well pleased the Hearers , that his Majesty gave command to have it Printed . How well it edified with the Commons , when they came to read it ; and what thanks he received from them for it , we shall clearly see before we come to the end of this present Session . The Sermon being ended , his Majesty set forwards to the House of Peers , where sitting in his Royal Throne , and causing the Commons then assembled to come before him , he signified in few words , That no man ( as he conceived ) could be so ignorant of the Common necessity , as to expostulate the cause of this Meeting , and not to think Supply to be the end of it ; That as this necessity was the product and consequent of their Advice ( he means in reference to his first ingaging in the War with Spain ) so the true Religion , the Laws and Liberties of this State , and just Defence of his Friends and Allies , being so considerably concerned , would be , he hoped , Arguments enough to perswade Supply ; That he had taken the most ancient , speedy , and best way for Supply , by calling them together ; in which if they should not do their duties , in answering the quality of his occasions , he must then take some other course for the saving of that , which the folly of some particular men might hazard to lose ; That notwithstanding the distractions of the last Meeting , he came thither with no small confidence of good success ; assuring them that he would forget and forgive whatsoever was past , and hoping that they would follow that sacred Advice lately inculcated , To maintain the VNITY of the Spirit in the bond of Peace . Which being said , the Lord Keeper took his turn to speak , as the Custom is , in which Speech he chiefly laboured to lay before them the formidable Power of the House of Austria , the mighty Preparations made by the King of Spain , the Distractions at the present in the Netherlands , the Dangers threatned by the French King to those of the Reformed Religion in his Dominions , and the necessity which lay upon the King to provide for the support thereof , as well as for the Peace and Preservation of his own Estate ; concluding with severall reasons to invite them to assist his Majesty with a bountiful and quick supply according to the exigency of his affairs . But all this , little edi●ied with the House of Commons , or rather with the prevailing Party in it , which comes all to one . For so it happens commonly in all great Councils , that some few leading Members , either by their diligence or cunning , out-wit the rest , and form a party strong enough , by casting a mist before their eyes , or other subtle Artifices to effect their purpose . And so it fared in this last Parliament with the House of Commons , which though it contained amongst the rest as dutiful Subjects as any were in the world , ( in his Majesties own acknowledgment of them ) yet being governed by some men which had their interesses apart from the Crown , they are put upon a resolution of doing their own business first , and the Kings at leisure . And their own business it must be to secure the plots and practises of the Puritan Faction by turning all mens eyes upon such dangers as were to be feared from the Papists ; and in the next place , to make such provision for themselves , that it should not be within the power of the Royal Prerogative to lay any restraint upon their persons . No sooner had they obtained their Fa●t ( without which nothing could be done ) but they moved the Lords to joyn with them in a Petition for the suppres●ing of Popery , which they conceived to make the Wall of Separation betwixt God and them ; to which they found their Lordships willing to consent , and his Majesty no less willing to satisfie them in all parts thereof than they could desire . For calling both houses before him on the fourth of April . He told them he liked well of their beginning with Religion , and hoped their Consultations would succeed the happier ; That he was as careful of Religion , and should be as forward in it , as they could desire ; That he liked well of the Petition , and would make use of those and all other means for the maintenance and propagation of that true Religion wherein he had lived , and by the grace of God was resolved to dye ; And finally , That for the particulars , they should receive a more full answer hereafter ( as they shortly did . ) Which said , he put them in remembrance , That if Provisions were not speedily made , he should not be able to put a ship to sea this year . But though his Majesty gave so full and satisfactory an answer to every particular branch of the said Petition , that Sir Benjamin Ruddiard moved the House to tender their humble thanks to his Majesty for it ; yet to the close of his Majesties Speech , touching the speedy making of provisions for that Summers Service , they returned no answer . They must first know whether they had any thing to give or not , whether they are to be accounted as Slaves or Freemen , to which two doubts the late imprisonment of their Members , for not paying the Loan required of them , gave them ground enough . These weighty Questions being started , their own property and Liberty must first be setled , before they could be perswaded to move a foot toward his Majesties supplies ; Five Subsidies they had voted for him , but it passed no further than the Vote ; For seeing that there was to be a trust on the one side or the other , it was resolved , that the honour of it should be theirs . The agitating of which Points , with those which depended thereupon , took up so much time , that before the Lords could be brought to joyn with the Commons , and both together could obtain their desires of the King , there was spent as far as to the seventh of Iune ; and it was ten daies after before they had prepared the Bill of Subsidies for the Kings Assent . Nothing in all this business did so trouble his Majesty as their insisting on this point : That in no case whatsoever , though it never so nearly concerned matters of State and Government , he of his Privy Council should have power to commit any man to prison without shewing the cause , and that cause to be allowed or disallowed as his Majesties Judges should think fit on the Habeas Corpus , of which his Majesty well observed in a Letter by him written to the Peers on the twelfth of May , That by shewing the cause of the Commitment , the whole Service many times might happen to be destroyed ; and that the cause also might be such , and of a nature so transcending the Rules of Law , that the Judges had no capacity in a Court of Judicature to determine in it . The intermitting of which power , being one of the constant Rules of Government , practised for so many Ages within this Kingdom , would ( as he said ) soon dissolve the very frame and foundation of his Monarchy , and therefore that with out the overthrow of his Soveraignty he could not suffer these powers to be impeached . But what reason soever he had to alledge for himself , he was so bent on his desires to relieve the Rochellers , and keep that honour up abroad which he lost at home ; that at the last he condescended unto their desires , and confirmed the prayer of their Petition by Act of Parliament . Nor would they rest upon that point . They thought they had not done themselves right enough in disputing their Property with the King in Parliament if they suffered it to be preached down in the Court and Country . Manwaring therefore ( of whose Sermons we have spake before ) must be brought in for an example unto others . Whose charge , being drawn up by the Commons , was reported to the Peers by Pym Iune 13. The Book of his two Sermons produced before them , the passages which gave offence openly read , and aggravated to the very height . And though the poor man , on his knees , with tears in his eyes , and sorrows in his heart , had most humbly craved pardon of the Lords and Commons for the errors and indiscretions he had committed in the said two Sermons , yet could he find no other mercy than , 1. To be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House . 2. To be fined one thousand pounds to the King. 3. To make such an acknowledgment of his offence at the Commons Bar as it should please them to prescribe . 4. To be suspended from his Ministry for three years to come . 5. To be disabled from ever preaching at the Court. 6. To be uncapable of any further . Ecclesiastical preferment , or secular Office. And finally , That his Majesty should be moved to call in the said Book by Proclamation , and cause it to be publickly burnt . An heavy Sentence I confess , but such as did rather affright than hurt him . For his Majesty looking on him in that conjuncture as one that suffered in his cause , preferred him first to the Parsonage of Stamford-Rivers in Essex , ( void not long after by the promotion of Mountague to the See of Chiches●er ) afterwards to the Deanry of Worcester ; and finally to the Bishoprick of St. Davids . This was indeed the way to have his Majesty well served , but such as created some ill thoughts amongst the Commons for his Majesties Indulgence to him . But they had a greater game to fly at , than to content themselves with so poor a Sacrifice . The day before , complaint was made unto the Commons , that Laud , Bishop of Bath and Wells , had warranted those Sermons to the Press , and him they had as good a mind ●o as to any other . There had been some liftings at him in the Court by Sir Iohn Cook , who had informed against him to the Lord Treasurer then being : And by the Lord Treasurer to the Duke , where the business stopt . And there had been some liftings at him in the Country also , there being some mutterings spread abroad , that some Sacrifices must be made for expiating the ill success in the Isle of Rhe , and that he was as like as any to be made the Sacrifice . Which comming to his ears from two several persons , he thought fit to acquaint his Majesty with it ; who thereupon returned this most gracious answer , That he should not trouble himself with such reports , till he saw him forsake his other friends . Had he stood still upon that principle he had never fallen . Such Princes as forsake their Servants , will be forsaken by their Servants in their greatest need , and neither be well served at home , nor observed abroad . But it appeared by the event , that those mutterings were not made without some ground , and that somewhat was then plotting toward his destruction . For Manwaring was no sooner censured , but Lauds cause was called to the report , some daies before ( viz. Iune 11. ) they had voted the Duke of Buckingham to be the cause of all the grievances ; and now they were hammering a Remonstrance , both against him , and all that depended on him . In which Remonstrance , having first besprinkled the King with some Court holy-water , for granting their Petition of Right , they make bold to represent unto him , That there was a general fear conceived in his people of some secret working and combination to introduce into this Kingdom innovation and change of holy Religion . Which fear proceeded ( as they said ) from the encrease of Popery in this Kingdom , and the extraordinary favours and respects which they of that Religion found in the Court from persons of great quality and power there , unto whom they continually resort , more especially by name from the Countess of Buckingham the Dukes Mother . Secondly , From some Letters written by his Majesty to stop all legal proceedings against Recusants , and the Compositions which had been made with some of them for such fines and penalties as were laid upon them by the Laws , which seemed in their opinion little less than a Toleration . Thirdly , From the dayly growth and spreading of the Faction of the Arminians , that being ( as they thought his Majesty knew ) but a cunning way to bring in Popery ; the professors of those opinions being common disturbers of the Protestant Churches , and Incendiaries of those states wherein they have gotten any head , being Protestants in shew , but Iesuites in opinion and practice . Of which growing Faction Neile Bishop of Winchester , and Laud Bishop of Bath and Wells , are named particularly for the principal Patrons . Fourthly , From some endeavours to suppress the diligent teaching and instructing the people in the true knowledge of Almighty God by disparaging pious , painful , and Orthodox Preachers . Fifthly , From the miserable condition of the Kingdom of Ireland , in which without controule the Popish Religion is affirmed to be openly professed , Popish Superstition being generally exercised and avowed , Monasteries , and Nunneries newly erected , &c , In the last place they lay before him their former grievances , now redressed ; the design of raising moneys by the way of Excise , and of bringing in some Regiments of German horse , though never put into execution ; a Commission of Lieutenancy granted to the Duke of Buckingham ; they supposed decay of Trade in all parts of the Kingdom ; the improvident consumption of the stock of Gunpowder ; the loss of the Regality of the Narrow Seas ; the taking of many Merchants Ships by the Pyrates of Dunkirk , &c. The cause of all which mischiefs is imputed to the excessive power of the Duke of Buckingham , and his abusing of that power . This Remonstrance being thus digested , it was presented to his Majesty , together with the Bill of Subsidies , on the seventeenth of Iune . At the receiving thereof his Majesty was pleased to use these words : That on his Answer to their Petition of Right he expected no such Declaration from them , which containeth divers points of state touching the Church and Common-wealth , that he conceived they did believe he understood them better than themselves : But that since the reading thereof , he perceived they understood those things less than he imagined ; and that notwithstanding he would take them into such consideration as they deserved . Nor was it long after his Majesties receiving of this Remonstrance , but that they were drawing up another to take away his right to Tonnage and Poundage . Which coming to his Majesties knowledge , he resolved to be beforehand with them , and dissolve the Parliament , which was done accordingly Iune 26. At the dissolving whereof his Majesty gave this further censure on the said Remonstrance , viz. That the acceptableness thereof unto him every man might judge , and that he would not call in question the merit of it , because he was sure no wise man could justifie it . And possibly it had escaped without any further censure , if the Commons for the ostentation of their Zeal and Piety had not caused it to be Printed , and dispersed abroad , with which his Majesty being acquainted , he commanded it to be called in by Proclamation , as tending to the defamation of his Person and Government . But no sooner was the Parliament ended , but he gave order unto Laud ( whom he ●ound to be much concerned in it ) to return an answer thereunto ; which he , who knew no better Sacrifice than obedience , did very chearfully perform ; which Answer for so much as concerns Religion , the Preamble and Conclusion being laid aside , we shall here subjoyn . And first ( saith he ) that Remonstrance begins at Religion , and fears of innovation in it ; Innovation by Popery ; but we would have our Subjects of all sorts to call to mind what difficulties and dangers we endured not many years since for Religions sake ; That we are the same still , and our holy Religion is as pretious to us as it is or can be to any of them , and we will no more admit innovation therein than they that think they have done well in fearing it so much . It is true , that all effects expected have not followed upon the Petitions delivered at Oxon , but we are in least fault for that ; for supply being not afforded us , disenabled us to execute all that was desired , and caused the stay of those legal proceedings which have helped to swell up this Remonstrance : Yet let all the Counties of England be examined , and London , with the Suburbs with them , neither is there such a noted increase of Papists , nor such cause of fear as is made ; nor hath any amounted to such an odious tolerating , as is charged upon it , nor near any such . For that Commission so much complained of , both the matter and intent of it are utterly mistaken ; for it doth not dispence with any penalty , or any course to be taken with any Papists for the exercise of their Religion , no nor with the Pecuniary Mulets or non-conformity to ours ; it was advised for the encrease of our profits , and the returning of that into our Purse , which abuse or connivency of inferiour Ministers might perhaps divert another way , if that or any other shall be abused in the execution , we will be ready to punish upon any just complaint . The next fear is the dayly growth and spreading of the Arminian Faction , called a cunning way to bring in Popery : but we hold this Charge as great a wrong , to our Self and Government , as the former ; For our People must not be taught by a Parliament Remonstrance , or any other way , that we are so ignorant of Truth , or so careless of the profession of it ; that any opinion , or faction , or whatever it be called , should thrust it self so far , and so fast into our Kingdom without our knowledge of it : this is a meer dream of them that wake , and would make our loyal and loving People think we sleep the while . In this Charge there is great wrong done to two eminent Prelates that attend our Person ; for they are accused , without producing any the least shew or shadow of Proof against them ; and should they , or any other , attempt Innovation of Religion , either by that open or any cunning way , we should quickly take other Order with them , and not stay for your Remonstrance . To keep on this , our people are made believe , That there is a restraint of Books Orthodoxal : but we are sure since the late Parliament began , some whom the Remonstrance calls Orthodox , have assumed unto themselves an unsufferable Liberty in Printing . Our Proclamation commanded a Restraint on both sides , till the Passions of men might subside and calm ; and had this been obeyed as it ought , we had not now been tossed in this Tempest : And for the distressing and discountenancing of Good Preachers , we know there is none , if they be ( as they are called ) Good. But our People shall never want that Spiritual Comfort which is due unto them ; and for the Preferments which we bestow , we have so made it our great Care to give them , as Rewards of Desert and Pains ; but as the Preferments are ours , so will we be judge of the Desert Our self , and not be taught by a Remonstrance . For Ireland , we think in case of Religion , it is not worse than Queen Elizabeth left it ; and for other Affairs , it is as good as we found it , nay , perhaps better ; and we take it as a great disparagement to our Government ; that it should be voiced , That new Monasteries , Nunneries , and other Superstitious Houses , are Erected and Replenished in Dublin , and other great Towns of that our Kingdom : For we assure our self , our Deputy and Council there will not suffer God and our Government so to be dishonoured , but we should have some account of it from them ; and we may not endure to have our good People thus misled with Shews . There is likewise somewhat considerable , in the time when these Practises to undermine true Religion in our Kingdoms , are set on foot . The Remonstrance tells us it is now , when Religion is opposed by open force in all Parts : But we must tell our People , There is no undermining Practice at home against it , if they practice not against it that seem most to labour for it ; for while Religion seems to be contended for in such a Factious way , which cannot be Gods way , the heat of that doth often melt away the Purity which it labours earnestly ( but perhaps not wisely ) to preserve . And for Gods Iudgments , which we and our People have felt , and have cause to fear , we shall prevent them best by a true Religious Remonstrance of the amendment of our Lives , &c. This , and the rest of the Answer to the said Remonstrance , is all what I find acted by Laud in reference to the present Parliament . For , That he should be a chief means for the dissolving of this , of a principal Instrument in the untimely breaking off of the former , I find no proof offered , though he stands charged with the one in the further Articles of his Impeachment , and of the other on the ba●e suspicion of a private Person . As little proof I find of another Article , in which he stands accused for saying , That this Parliament was a Factious Parliament , and had cast many Scandals upon his Majesty , and had used him like a Child in his Minority ; styling them PURITANS , and commending the Papists for harmless and peaceable Subjects : For which , if any Evidence had been brought against him , he might have been condemned by some for his Indiscretion , but by none ●or Treason . Nor did the Parliament Act more against Church or Church-men , than what is formerly related ? but only in receiving certain Articles against one Burgess Vicar of Witney , in the County of Oxon. By which it did appear , That the man was sharp set against the Puritans , whom he accused of breaking every one of the Ten Commandments , reproach'd them with many bitter Exasperations , and finally impeached Calvin , Beza , and all the Ministers of the Reformed Churches , both in France and Scotland , for committing many Treasons against those Princes under whom they lived . But these Matters not being Actionable at the Common Law , nor punishable ( as the times then were ) in way of Parliamentary Proceedings ; the poor man , after a long and chargeable Attendance , was at last dismissed . Little or nothing done in the Convocation which accompanied this Parliament , but the granting of five Subsidies , toward the Support of his Majesties Royal Estate , and the Defence of his Kingdoms : So much the more acceptable to his Majesty , because the Grant seemed in a manner to exceed their Abilities , and came not clogged with any self-ends , or particular Interesses . Kings are Gods Deputies on Earth , and like him , love a chearful Giver , above all those who either do it grudgingly , or upon constraint . No sooner was the Parliament ended , but Laud prepares for his Translation to the See of London , the Conge d' eslire being issued out on the first of Iuly , the Election within few days returned , and publickly confirmed with the accustomed Formalities on St. Swithin's day , being the fifteenth of that Month. London , the Kings Chamber , and the chief City of the Realm ; equal in bigness unto any , but in Trade Superiour unto all in these Parts of Christendom ; one of the Metropolitan Sees of the Ancient Britains , and next in Dignity and Antiquity to the See of Canterbury amongst the Saxons . The first Bishop of it , called Melitus , received his Episcopal Consecration Anno 606. from whom Laud was in number the 88th . as he had been the 89th . Bishop of St. Davids , another of the Metropolitan Sees of the Britains . The Cathedral Church , best known by the name of St. Pauls in London , was founded first by Ethelbert , the first Christian King of Kent , and the six Monarchs of the Saxons ; afterwards much beautified and enlarged by Erkenwald the fourth Bishop : Which Church of theirs being 500 years after destroyed by fire , that which now stands was built in the place thereof by Maritius , Richardus his Successor , and certain other of the Bishops , a great part of it at their own Charge , and the Residue by a general Contribution over all the Kingdom . The Bishops next in Place and Dignity to the Metropolitans , and also Deans of the Episcopal Colledge for the Province of Canterbury ; by which Office he is not only to preside over the rest of the Bishops at Synodical Meetings , in case the Metropolitan be dead or absent ; but to receive his Mandates for assembling Synods , and other businesses of the Church ; and having so received them , to intimate the power and effect thereof to the Suffragan Prelates . As for the Diocess of London , it contains in it the whole Counties of Middlesex and Essex , so much of H●rtford-shire as was anciently possessed by the East-Saxons , together with the peculiar Jurisdiction of the Church of St. Albans ; divided into 623 Parishes ( of which 189 are Impropriations ) and those distributed amongst five Archdeacons , that is to say , of London , Middlesex , Essex , Colchester , and the Archdeacon of St. Albans for that Circuit only . His own Translation being past , his next Employment of that nature was his assisting at the Consecration of Mountague , nominated by his Majesty to the See of Chichester in the place of Carleton , who died about the latter end of the Parliament ; which Action in the King seemed more magnanimous than safe : For though there was much magnanimity in preferring the man , whom he beheld as well in his personal Sufferings , as his great Abilities ; yet was it not held safe for him ( as his case then stood ) to give such matter of Exasperation to the House of Commons , of whom he did expect a Supplement to the former Subsidies within few Months after . Nor did the business pass so clearly on Mountagues side , but that he found a rub in his way , which was like to have hindred his Preferment for the present time , but possibly enough for the times to come . It is an ancient Custom , that the Elections of all Bishops in the Province of Canterbury be solemnly confirmed by the Archbishop , or his Vicar-general , in the Court of the Arches , held in St. Maries Church in Cheapside , commonly called by the name of Bow Church ; at and before which Confirmation , there is publick notice given to all manner of Persons , That if they have any thing to object either against the Party elected , or the legality of his Election , he should come and tender his Exceptions at the time appointed , or else for ever after to hold his peace : Which signification being made , as Mountague stood ready to be Confirmed , one Iones a Bookseller , accompanied with a Rabble of the poorer sort , excepted against him as a man unfit to be made a Bishop , charging him with Popery , Arminianism , and some other Heterodoxies , for which his Books had been condemned in the former Parliament . It hapned well that Brent the Vicar-general , either for disaffection to the man , or on some necessary avocation , had devolved his Office for that time on Doctor Thomas Reives his Majesties Advocate , a man of better Principles in himself , and of more Learning in the Laws than the other was : For no sooner had Iones offered his Exceptions against the Party Elected , but Reives had found a way to evade the danger , and frustrate the bold man of his design , for putting a present stop to the Confirmation ; For neither were the Exceptions tendred in writing , signed by the hand of any Advocate , nor presented by any of the Proctors authorised to attend that Court ; all which Formalities were to have been observed by Iones in the present Act , but that the man was hurried on with more Zeal than Knowledg . Which Rub thus happily removed August 22. Mountague hastens all he could to his Consecration , which was performed on Sunday the 24th . at the Archbishops house in Croyden , Laud amongst other Bishops assisting at it . And it is possible enough , That if he had not made such haste as he did , he might have had a worse rub in it than he had before . Scarce was the Consecration finished , when news came to Croyden of the unfortunate death of the Duke of Buckingham , murthered the day before at Portsmouth by one Iohn Felton a Lieutenant , who thought himself neglected in the course of his Service . The Duke had wholly set his heart on the Relief of Rochel , then block'd up by the French both by Sea and Land , in hope thereby to redeem the Honour he had lost at the Isle of Rhe , and to ingratiate himself with the People of England . On the twelfth of August he set forwards from Portsmouth , neer which the Navy lay at Anchor , and where he had appointed the Rendezvouz for his Land-Forces to assemble and meet together . The interval of time betwixt that and his death he spent in putting all things into Readiness , that he was almost at the point of going on Board , when Feli●n cut him off in the middest of his Glories . The wretch in such a general confusion might have saved himself , if either curiosity in attending the issue , or some consternation in his countenance upon the horror of the Fact , had not betrayed him to a present discovery . Taken upon suspicion , and questioned about the Murder , he made no scruple to avow it , as a meritorious Act , of which he had more cause to glory than to be ashamed : And being afterwards more cunningly handled by one of his Majesties Chaplains ( sent to him from the Court of purpose to work him to it ) he confessed plainly and resolvedly , That he had no other motive to commit that Murder , but the late Remonstrance , in which the Duke had been accused for being the Cause of all the Grievances and Mischiefs in the Common-wealth . This news was brou●●t unto the King as he was at the Publick Morning-Prayers in ●is Presence-Chamber , the Court being then at Southwick , not far from Portsmouth ; which he received with such a stedfast Countenance , so unmoved a Pa●ience , that ●e withdrew not from the place till the Prayers were ended . It is not to be doubted but that his Majesty was much afflicted in the loss of so dear a Servant , in whose bosom he had lodged so much of his Counsels , and to whose Conduct he had so fully recommended the Great Concernments of the Kingdom . But such was the constancy of his Temper , and the known evenness of his Spirit , that in the middest of all those sorrows he neither neglected his Affairs abroad , nor his Friends at home : For notwithstanding this sad accident , the Fleet set forwards under the Command of the Earl of Lindsey , whose coming within sight of Rochel was welcom'd by those in the Town with all the outward expressions of Hope and Joy : But his desires to do them Service were without Success : For when he came , he found the Haven so strongly barred , that though he gallantly attempted to force his way , and give Relief to the Besieged ; yet finding nothing but impossibility in the Undertaking , he discharged his Ordnance against the Enemy , and went off with safety : Which being perceived by those of the Town , who had placed their last hopes in this Attempt , they presently set open their Gates , casting themselves upon the Mercy of their Natural Prince , whose Government and Authority they had for so many years before both opposed and sleighted . And on the other side , being well assured of that infinite anguish and disconsolation which Laud ( his now most trusty Servant ) must needs suffer under , by the most barbarous Assassination of so dear a Friend , he dispatch'd Elphiston his Cup-bearer with a gracious Message to comfort him in those disquiets of his Soul ; and on the neck of that , a Letter of his own hand-writing to the same effect . He looks upon him now as his Principal Minister , well practised in the Course of his Business , of whose fidelity to his Person , and perspicacity of Judgment in Affairs of State , he had found such good proof : And therefore at the first time that Laud could find himself in a condition to attend upon him , he used many gracious Speeches to him , not only to wipe off the Remembrance of that sad Misfortune , but to put him into such a Power by which he might be able to protect himself against all his Enemies . He was before but an inferiour Minister in the Ship of State , and had the trimming of the Sails , the super-inspection of the Bulgings and Leakings of it . Now he is called unto the Helm , and steers the Course thereof by his sage Directions . Having obtained this heighth of Power , he casts his eye back on his Majesties Proclamation of the fourteenth of Iune , Anno 1626. Of which though he had made good use in suppressing some of those Books which seemed to foment the present Controversies ; yet he soon found , as well by his own Observation , as by Intelligence from others , That no such general notice had been taken of it as was first expected : For being only published in Market-Towns ( and perhaps very few of them ) the Puritan Ministers in the Country did not conceive themselves obliged to take notice of it . And much less could it come to the ears of Students in Universities , for whose restraint from medling , either by Preaching or Writing , in the Points prohibited , it might seem most necessary . He knew , that by the Laws of the Land all Ministers were to read the Book of Articles audibly and distinctly , in the hearing of their Parishioners , when they first entred on their Cures ; and that by the Canons of the Church , all that took Orders or Degrees were publickly to subscribe unto them . A Declaration to the same effect before those Articles must needs give such a general signification of his Majesties pleasure , that no body could from thenceforth pretend ignorance of it , which must needs render his transgression the more inexcusable . Upon which prudent considerations he moved his Majesty that the Book of Articles might be reprinted ; and such a Declaration placed before them as might preserve them from such misconstructions as had of late been put upon them , and keep them to their native literal and Grammatical sense . His Majesty approved the Counsel as both pious and profitable , and presently gave order , that all things should be done according as he had advised . A Declaration of great influence in the course of our Story , and therefore here to be subjoyned in its proper place . By the King. BEing by Gods Ordinance , according to Our just Title , Defender of the Faith , and Supreme Governour of the Church within these Our Dominions , We hold it most agreeable to Our Kingly Office , and Our own Religious Zeal , to conserve and maintain the Church committed to Our charge in the Unity of true Religion , and in the bond of Peace : and not to suffer unnecessary Disputations , Alterations , and Questions to be raised which may nourish Faction both in the Church and Common-wealth ; We have therefore upon mature deliberation , and with the Advice of so many of Our Bishops as might conveniently be called together , thought fit to make this Declaration following : That the Articles of the Church of England ( which had been allowed , and authorized heretofore , and which Our Clergy generally have subscribed unto ) do contain the true Doctrine of the Church of England agreeable to Gods Word : which We do therefore ratifie and confirm , requiring all Our loving Subjects to continue in the Vniform Profession thereof , and prohibiting the least difference from the said Articles ; which to that end We command to be reprinted ▪ and this Our Declaration to be published therewith . That We are Supreme Governour of the Church of England , and that if any difference arise about the External Policie , concerning Injunctions , Canons , or other Constitutions whatsoever , thereunto belonging ; the Clergy in their Convocation is to order and settle them , having first obtained leave under Our Broad Seal so to do : And We approving their said Ordinances and Constitutions , providing that none be made contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Land. That out of Our Princely care that the Church-men may do the work which is proper unto them ; the Bishops and Clergie , from time to time , in Convocation , upon their humble desire , shall have licence under Our Broad Seal , to deliberate of , and to do all such things , as being made plain by them , and assented by Vs , shall concern the settled continuance of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England established ; from which We shall not endure any variation or departing in the least degree . That for the present , though some differences have been ill raised , We take comfort in this , that all Clergie-men within Our Realm have alwaies most willingly subscribed to the Articles established , which is an Argument to Vs , that they all agree in the true usual literal meaning of the said Articles , and that even in those curious Points , in which the present differences lye , men of all sorts take the Articles of the Church of England to be for them ; which is an argument again , that none of them intend any desertion of the Articles established . That therefore in these both curious and unhappy differences which have for many hundred years , in different times and places , exercised the Church of Christ , We will that all further curious search be laid aside , and these disputes be shut up in Gods Promises , as they be generally set forth unto Vs in holy Scriptures ; and the general meaning of the Articles of the Church of England according to them . And that no man hereafter shall either Print or Preach to draw the Article aside any way , but shall submit to it in the plain and full meaning thereof : And shall not put his own sense or Coment to be the meaning of the Article , but shall take it in the literal and Grammatical sense . That if any Publick Reader in either Our Vniversities , or any Head or Master of a Colledge , or any other person respectively in either of them , shall affix any new sense to any Article , or shall publickly read , determine , or hold any publick Disputation , or suffer any such to be held either way , in either the Vniversities or Colledges respectively ; or if any Divine in the Vniversities shall Preach or Print any thing either way , other than is established in Convocation with Our Royal Assent : He , or they , the Offenders , shall be liable to Our displeasure , and the Churches Censure in Our Commission Ecclesiastical , as well as any other : and We will see there shall be due execution upon them . No sooner were the Articles published with this Declaration , but infinite were the clamours which were raised against it by those of the Calvinian Party . Many exclaimed against it for the depths of Satan , some for a Iesuitical Plot to subvert the Gospel : For what else could it aim at ( as they gave it out ) but under colour of silencing the disputes on either side , to give incouragement and opportunity to Arminians here to sow their tears , and propagate their erroneous Doctrines . And what effects could it produce , but the suppressing of all Orthodox Books , the discouraging of all godly and painful Ministers , thereby dete●red from preaching the most comfortable Doctrines of mans election unto life ; The Arminians in the mean time gathering strength , and going on securely to the end they aimed at . And to give the better colour to these suspitions , a Letter is dispersed abroad , pretended to be written to the Rector of the Jesuites in Bruxells the chief City of Brabant . In which the Writers lets him know , with what care and cunning they had planted ●ere that Soveraign drug Arminianism , which they hoped would purge the Protestants from their Heresies , and that it begin to flourish and bear fruit already ; That for the better preventing of the Puritans , the Arminians had lockt up the Dukes ears , &c. with much of the like impudent stuff , which no sober man did otherwise look on than a piece of Gullery . Upon which grounds , a Petition was designed for his Sacred Majesty , by some of the Calvinian Party in and about the City of London , For the revoking of the said Declaration , by which they were deterred ( as the matter was handled ) from preaching the saving Doctrines of Gods Free Grace in Election and Predestination : And this ( say they ) had brought them into a very great straight ; either or incurring Gods heavy displeasure , if they did not faithfully discharge their Embassage in declaring the whole Counsel of God ; or the danger of being censured as violaters of his Majesties said Act , if they preacht those constant Doctrines of our Church , and confuted the opposite Pelagian and Arminian Heresies , both preached and Printed boldly without fear of censure . And thereupon they pray on their bended knees , that his gracious Majesty would take into his Princely consideration the forenamed Evils and Grievances under which they groaned , and , as a wise Physician , prescribe and apply such speedy Remedies as may both cure the present Maladies , and secure the peace of Church and Common-wealth , from all those Plagues which their Neighbours had not a little felt , and more may fear if the Council of his Majesties Father to the States of the United Provinces were not better followed . But this Petition being stopt before it came to the King , they found more countenance from the Commons , in the next Parliamentary meeting , than they were like to have found at the hands of his Majesty . For the Commons conceiving they had power to declare Religion as well as Law , ( and they had much alike in both ) they voted this Anti-Declaration to be published in the name of that House : viz. We the Commons now assembled in Parliament , do claim , profess , and avow for truth the sense of the Articles of Religion which were established in Parliament the thirteenth year of Queen Elizabeth , which by the publick Acts of the Church of England and the general and currant exposition of the Writers of our Church have been delivered to us , and we reject the sense of the Iesuites , Arminians , and all others wherein they differ from us . Which Declaration of the Commons , as it gave great animation to those of the Calvinian Party , who entertained it with the like ardency of affection , as those of Ephesus did the Image of DIANA which fell down from heaven ; so gave it great matter of discourse to most knowing men . The Points were intricate and weighty , such as in all Ages of the Church had exercised the wits of the greatest Scholars . Those which had taken on them to declare for truth that which they took to be the sense and meaning of the Articles , in those intricate Points , were at the best no other than a company of Lay Persons , met together on another occasion ; who , though they might probably be supposed for the wisest men , could not in reason be relied on as the greatest Clerks . And therefore it must needs be looked on as a kind of Prodigie , that men unqualified , and no way authorized for any such purpose , should take upon them to determine in such weighty matters , as were more proper for a National or Provincial Council : But being it proceeded from the House of Commons , whose power began to grow more formidable every day than other , no body durst adventure a Reply unto it ; till Laud himsel● , by whose procurement his Majesties Declaration had been published , laying aside the Dignity of his Place and Person , thought fit to make some Scholia's , or short notes upon it . Which not being published at that time in Print ( for ought I have either heard or seen ) but found in the rifling of his Study amongst the rest of his Papers , I shall present unto the Reader in these following words : And first ( saith he ) the Publick Acts of the Church in matters of Doctrine are Canons and Acts of Councils , as well for expounding as determining ; The Acts of the High Commission are not in this sense Publick Acts of the Church , nor the meeting of a few or more Bishops Extra Concilium unless they be by lawful Authority called to that work , and their decision approved by the Church . Secondly , The currant Exposition of Writers is a strong probable argument , De sensu Canonis Ecclesiae vel Articuli ; yet but probable : The currant Exposition of the Fathers themselves have sometimes missed Sensum Ecclesiae . Thirdly , Will you reject all sense of Jesuite or Arminian ? May not some be true ? May not some be agreeable to our Writers , and yet in a way that is stronger than ours to confirm the Article ? Fourthly , Is there by this Act any Interpretation made or declared of the Articles or not ? If none , to what end the Act ? If a sense or interpretation be declared , what Authority have Lay-men to make it ? For interpretation of an Article belongs to them only that have power to make it . Fifthly , It is manifest there is a sense declared by the House of Commons , the Act saies it , ( We avow the Article , and in that sense , and all other that agree not with us in the aforesaid sense , we reject ( these , and these go about misinterpretation of a sense ; Ergo , there is a Declaration of a sense ; yea , but it is not a new sense declared by them , but they avow the old sense declared by the Church ) the publick Authentick Acts of the Churc● , &c. ) yea , but if there be no such publick Authentick Acts of the Church , then here is a sense of their own declared under the pretexts of it . Sixthly , It seems against the Kings Declaration , 1. That say , We shall take the general meaning of the Articles : This Act restrains them to consent of Writers . 2. That says , The Articles shall not be drawn aside any way , but that we shall take it in the literal and Grammatical sense : This Act ties us to consent of Writers , which may , and perhaps do , go against the literal sense ; for here is no exception ; so we shall be perplexed , and our consent required to things contrary . Seventhly , All consent in all Ages , as far as I have observed , to an Article or Canon , is to it self as it is laid down in the body of it , and if it bear more senses then one , it is lawful for any man to chuse what sense his judgment directs him to , so that it be a sense secundum Analogiam fidei , and that he hold it peaceably without distracting the Church , and this till the Church that made the Article determine a sense : And the wisdom of the Church hath been in all Ages , or in most ▪ to require consent to Articles in General , as much as may be , because that is the way of unity ; and the Church in high points requiring assent to particulars , hath been rent ; as De Transubstantiatione , &c. It is reported of Alphonso King of Castile , Sirnamed the Wise , that he used many times to say ( never the worse for so saying ) That if he had stood at God Almighties Elbow when he made the world , he would have put him in mind of some things which had been forgotten , or otherwise might have been better ordered than they were . And give me leave to say , with as little wisdom , ( though with no such blasphemy ) that if I had stood at his Lordships Elbow when he made these Scholia's , I would have put him in mind of returning an answer to that Clause of the said Declaration , in which it is affirmed , That the Articles of Religion were established in Parliament in the thirteenth of Queen Elizabeth . But I would fain know of them whether the Parliament they speak of , or any other since or before that time , did take upon them to confirm Articles of Religion , agreed on by the Clergy in their Convocations , or that they appointed any Committee for Religion to examine the Orthodoxie of those Articles , and make report unto the House . All which was done in that Parliament was this , and on this occasion . Some Ministers of the Church so stifly wedded to their old Mumsimus of the Mass ; and some as furiously prosecuting their new Sumpsimus of inconformity , it was thought fit that between those contending parties , the Doctrine of the Church should be kept inviolate . And thereupon it was Enacted , That every person under the degree of a Bishop , which did or should pretend to be a Priest or Minister of Gods holy Word and Sacraments in the Church of England , should before Christmass next following , in the presence of his Diocesan Bishop , testifie his assent and subscribe to the said Articles of the year 1562. Secondly , That after such subscribing before the Bishop , he should on some Sunday in the Forenoon in the Church or Chappel where he served , in time of Divine Service read openly the said Articles , on pain of being deprived of all his Ecclesiastical Promotions as if he were then naturally dead . Thirdly , That if any Ecclesiastical person should maintain any Doctrine contrary to any of the said Articles , and being Convented before his Bishop , &c. and should persist therein , it should be just cause to deprive such person of his Ecclesiastical Promotions . Fourthly , That all persons to be admitted to any Benefice with cure , should likewise subscribe to the said Articles , and publickly read the same in the open Church , within two months after their Induction , with declaration of their unseigned assent to the same , on the pain aforesaid . In all which there was nothing done to confirm these Articles , but only a pious care expressed for reformation of such disorders as were like to rise amongst the Ministers of the Church by requiring their subscription and assent unto them under such temporal punishments , which at that time the Canons of the Church had not laid upon them . But it is time to leave these follies of my own , and return to our Bishop , who had thus seasonably manifested both his Zeal and Judgment in reference to the peace of the Church in general ; nor shewed he less in reference to the peace of that Universitie , which had the happiness and honour of his Education . The Proctorship had be●ore been carried by a combination of some houses against the rest ; the weaker side calling in strangers and non-residents to give voyces for them . For remedie whereof a Letter in another year was procured from the Earl of Pembroke , then Chancellour of that University , by which it was declared , that only such as were actually Residents should be admitted to their Suffrages in the said Elections ; which Letter was protested against by the Proctors for the year 1627. as knowing how destructive it was of their plot and party : And on the other side , such Colledges as had many Chappelries , and other places , which were removable at pleasure , invested many which came out of the Country in the said Offices and Places one after another , thereby admitting them for the time into actual residence . In which estate things stood when the great competition was , April 23. 1628. betwixt Williamson of Magdalens , and More of New-Colledge on the one side , and Bruch of Brazen-nose , with Lloyd of Iesus Colledge on the other side . These last pretending foul play to be offered to them ( as indeed it was not very fair ) made their appeal unto the King ; before whom the proceedings being heard and examined , Williamson and Lloyd were returned Proctors for that year , the last pretending Kindred to the Dutchess of Buckingham . And to prevent the like disorders for the time to come , it was resolved by the King , with the Advice of his Council , but of Laud especially , that the Proctors should from thenceforth be chosen by their severall Colledges , each Colledge having more or fewer turns , according to the number and greatness of their Foundations . To which end a Cycle was devised , containing a perpetual Revolution of three and twenty years , within which Latitude of time , Christ-Church was to enjoy six Proctors , Magdalen five , New-Colledge foure , Merton , All-Souls , Exeter , Brazen-Nose , St. Iohns , and Wadham Colledges to have three a piece ; Trinity , Queens , Orial , and Corpus Christi to have only two ; the rest , that is to say , Vniversity , Baliol , Lincoln , Iesus , and Pembroke , but one alone ; which Cycle was so contrived , that every Colledge knew their turn before it came , and did accordingly resolve on the fittest man to supply the place . And for the more peaceable ordering of such other matters in the University , as had relation thereunto , some Statutes were digested by Laud , and recommended by the King to the said University , where they were chearfully received , without contradiction , and Entred on Record in the Publick Registers in December following . Yet was not this the only good turn which that University recieved from him in this Year : For in the two Months next ensuing , he procured no fewer than 260 Greek Manuscripts to be given unto the Publick Library ; that is to say , 240 of them by the Munificence of the Earl of Pembroke , and 20 by the Bounty of Sir Thomas Row , then newly returned from his Negotiations in the Eastern parts . And now the time of the next Parliamentary Meeting , which by divers Adjournments had been put off till the twentieth of Ianuary , was neer at hand . And that the Meeting might be more agreeable to his Intendments , his Majesty was advised to smooth and prepare his way unto it ▪ first by removing of some Rubs , and after by some popular Acts of Place and Favour . Savill of Yorshire , a busie man in the House of Commons , but otherwise a politick and prudent Person , he had taken off at the end of the former Parliament , by making him one of his Privy Council , and preferring him to be Comptroller of his Houshold , in the place of Suckling then deceased ; and at the end of the last Session had raised him to the honour of Lord Savill of Pontfract . Competitor with Savill in all his Elections for that County , had been Sir Thomas Wentworth of Wentworth Woadhouse , a man of most prodigous Parts , which he had made use of at first in favour of the Popular Faction , and for refusing of the Loan had been long imprisoned . He looked on the Preferments of Savill ( his old Adversary ) with no small disdain , taking himself to be , as indeed he was , as much above him in Revenue , as in Parts and Power . To sweeten and demulce this man , Sir Richard Weston then Lord Treasurer , created afterwards Earl of Portland , used his best endeavours ; and having gained him to the King , not only procured him to be one of his Majesties Privy Council , but to be made Lord President of the North , and advanc'd unto the Title of Viscount Wentworth ; by which he over-topped the Savills both in Court and Country . Being so gained unto the King , he became the most devout Friend of the Church , the greatest Zealot for advancing the Monarchical Interest , and the ablest Minister of State both for Peace and War , that any of our former Histories have afforded to us . He had not long frequented the Council-Table , when Laud and he , coming to a right understanding of one another , entred into a League of such inviolable Friendship , that nothing but the inevitable stroke of Death could part them ; and joining hearts and hands together , cooperated from thenceforth for advancing the Honour of the Church , and his Majesties Service . These Matters being carried thus , to assure himself of two such Persons , in which he very much pleased himself , his Majesty must do something also to please the People ; and nothing was conceived could have pleased them more , than to grant them their desires in matters which concerned Religion , and bestow Favours upon such men as were dear unto them . In pursuance of his gracious Answer to the Lords and Commons , touching Priests and Jesuits , the growth of Popery , and obstinacy of Recusants , he had caused his Proclamation to be issued on the third of August , for putting the Laws and Statutes made against Jesuits , Priests , and Popish Recusants , in due Execution : And now he adds another to it , dated on the eleventh day of December , for the Apprehension of Richard Smith a Popish Priest , styling and calling himself the Bishop of Chalcedon , a dangerous man , and one who under colour of a Foreign Title , exercised all manner of Episcopal Jurisdiction in the Church of England . And on the other side , Archbishop Abbot , a great Confident of the Popular Party in the House of Commons , is sent for to the Court about Christmas , and from out of his Barge received by the Archbishop of York and the Earl of Dorset , by them accompanied to the King , who giving him his Hand to kiss , enjoined him not to fail the Council-Table twice a week . And so far all was well , beyond all exception ; but whether it were so in the two next also , hath been much disputed . Barnaby Potter , Provost of Queens Colledge in Oxon. a thorow-pac'd Calvinian ( but otherwise his ancient Servant ) is preferr'd to the Bishoprick of Carlisle , then vacant by the Translation of White to the See of Mountague's Book , named Appello Caesarem , must be called in also ; not in regard of any false Doctrine contained in it : but , for being the first cause of those Disputes and Differences which have since much troubled the quiet of the Church ; His Majesty hoping , That the occasion being taken away , men would no longer trouble themselves with such unnecessary Disputations . Whether his Majesty did well in doing no more , if the Book contained any false Doctrine in it ; or in doing so much , if it were done only to please the Parliament , I take not upon me to determine : But certainly , it never falleth out well with Christian Princes , when they make Religion bend to Policy , or think to gain their ends on men by doing such things as they are not plainly guided to by the Light of Conscience , And so it hapned to his Majesty at this present time ; those two last Actions being looked on only as Tricks of King-craft , done only out of a design for getting him more love in the hearts of his People than before he had . Against the calling in of Mountague's Book , it was objected commonly to his disadvantage , That it was not done till three years after it came out , till it had been questioned in three several Parliaments , till all the Copies of it were dispersed and sold ; and then too , That it was called in without any Censure either of the Author or his Doctrines ; That the Author had been punished with a very good Bishoprick , and the Book seemingly discountenanced , to no other end but to divert those of contrary perswasion from Writing or Acting any thing against it in the following Parliament . And as for Potter , what could he have done less in common gratitude , than to prefer him to a Bishoprick , for so many years Service as Potter in his time had done him both as Prince and King. So true is that of the wise Historian , (a) When Princes once are in discredit with their Subjects , as well their good Actions as their bad are all accounted Grievances . For notwithstanding all these preparatory actions , the Commons were resolved to begin at the same Point where before they ended . The Parliament had been Prorogued as they were hammering a Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage , which animated Chambers , Rouls , and some other Merc●ants , to refuse the payment ; for which refusal some of their Goods was seised by Order from the Lord Treasurer Weston , and some of them committed Prisoners by the Kings Command . These matters so possessed their thoughts , that a week was passed before they could resume their old care of Religion , or think of Petitioning his Majesty for a Publick Fast : but at last they fell upon them both . To their Petition for a Fast ( not tendred to his Majesty till the thirtieth of Ianuary ) he returned this Answer the next day , viz. That this Custom of Fasts at every Session was but lately begun ; That he was not so fully satisfied of the necessity of it at this time ; That notwithstanding , for the avoiding of Questions and Jealousies , he was pleased to grant them their Request , with this Proviso , That it should not hereafter be brought into President but on great occasions : And finally , That as for the form and times thereof he would advise with his Bishops , and then return unto both Houses a particular Answer . But so long it was before that Answer came unto them , and so perverse were they in crossing with his Majesties Counsels , that the Parliament was almost ended before the Fast was kept in London and Westminster , and dissolved many days before it was to have been kept in the rest of the Kingdom . And for Religion , they insisted on it with such importunity , that his Majesty could no longer dissemble his taking notice of it , as a meer artifice and diversion to stave him off from being gratified in the Grant of Tonnage and Poundage , which he so often press'd them to . And thereupon he lets them know , That he understood the cause of their delay in his business to be Religion , of the preservation whereof none of them should have greater care than himself ; and that either it must be an Argument he wanted Power to preserve it ( which he thought no body would affirm ) or at the least , That he was very ill counselled , if it were in so much danger as they had reported . This notwithstanding , they proceed in their former way . His Majesty had granted several Pardons to Mountague , Cosens , Manwa●ring , and Sibth●rp , before-mentioned . These Pardons must be questioned , and the men summoned to appear : And Information is preferred by Iones against Mountague's Confirmation in the See of Chichester , which after many disputes is referred to a Select Committee . Complaint is made against Neile Bishop of Winton . for for saying to some Divines of his Diocess , That they must not Preach against Papists now , as they had done formerly . Marshall and Moor , two Doctors in Divinity ( but such as had received some displeasures from him ) are brought in to prove it . Upon him also it was charged , That the Pardons of Mountague and Cosens were of his procuring : Insomuch that Eliot pronounced positively , That all the Dangers which they feared , were contracted in the person of that Bishop ; and thereupon desired , That a Motion might be made to his Majesty to leave him to the Iustice of that House . Many Reports come flowing in to the Committee for Religion , of turning Tables into Altars , adoring towards or before them , and standing up at the Gospels and the Gloria Patri , which must be also taken into consideration . The Articles of Lambeth are declared to be the Doctrines of this Church , and all that did oppose them to be called in question . Walker delivered a Petition from the Booksellers and Printers , in complaint of the Restraint of Books written against Popery and Arminianism ; and the contrary allowed of , by the only means of the Bishop of London ; and , That divers of them had been Pursevanted for Printing of Orthodox Books ; and , That the Licencing of Books was only to be restrained to the said Bishop and his Chaplains . Hereupon followed a Debate amongst them about the Licencing of Books , which having taken up some time , was referred to the Committee also , as the other was . By these Embraceries the Committee for Religion had Work enough , more than they knew how to turn their hands to . But before they could bring any thing to perfection , his Majesty was so exasperated by their rigorous Proceedings against the Farmers of his Customs , the Imprisoning of Acton Sheriff of London , their Voting down his Right to Tonnage and Poundage , and their threatning Speeches against the Lord Treasurer Weston , whom he highly favoured ; That on the second of March he Adjourned the House , and on the tenth of the same Month Dissolved the Parliament . At which Adjournment some of the Members carried themselves in such an undutiful ( I must not say a seditious ) manner , that they locked up the Doors of the House , put the Keys into one of their Pockets , excluded the Kings Messenger from coming in to deliver his Errand , compelled the Speaker to return to his Chair , and held him there by strong hand , till they had thundred out their Anathema's , not only against such as should dare to Levy the Tonnage and Poundage , but those also who should willingly pay it , before it had been granted by Act of Parliament ; for which Contempts and Disobediencies , the principal Sticklers were convented by the Lords of the Council , and after brought before the Justices of his Majesties Bench , by whom they were not only fined , but committed unto several Prisons , notwithstanding all they could pretend or plead from the Petition of Right , which they so much stood on . So hard a thing it is to finde a cord so strong as to bind the Prerogative , when Kings have either Power or Will to make use thereof . During this last Parliament , Leighton , a Scot by birth , a Doctor of Physick by Profession , a fiery Puritan in Faction , dedicated a most pestilent Book unto them called Sions Plea : In this Book he incited them to kill all the Bishops , and to smite them under the fifth Rib ; inveighing also against the Queen , whom he branded by the name of an Idolatress , a Canaanite , and the Daughter of Heth. And that this general Doctrine might not be Preached without a particular Application , a Paper was cast into the yard belonging to the House of the Dean of St. Pauls , March 2. to this effect ; viz. Laud look to thy self ; be assured thy Life is sought , as thou art the fauterer of all Wickedness : Repent thee , repent thee of thy monstrous sins , before thou be taken out of the World , &c. And assure thy self , neither God nor the World can indure such a vile Counsellor to live , or such a Whisperer . Another was found at the same time and place against the Lord Treasurer , who now is made the Scape-Goat , to bear all those faults in Civil Matters which formerly had been imputed to the Duke of Buckingham . It was no need to bid them have a care of themselves , after two such Warnings : Leighton is therefore brought into the Star-Chamber as soon as he could be apprehended , where he was Sentenced to have his Ears cropp'd , his Nose slit , his Forehead stigmatized , and to be whipped : But between the Sentence and Execution he made his escape out of the Fleet , though by better hap to the Warden , than to himself , he was retaken in Bedfordshire , and underwent the punishment appointed for him ; but this hapned not till November 29. 1630. The rest of this Year ( in reference to our present Story ) was of little Action , Laud falling into a burning Fever on the fourteenth of August , at the House of Windebank his old Friend , by which he was brought to such a low and weak estate , that he was not able to reach to his own House till October 20. nor to put himself into the Service of his Place till the end of March. Yet such was the Activeness of his Spirit , that though his Body was infirm , yet his Thoughts were working . He saw the Church decaying both in Power and Patrimony : Her Patrimony dilapidated by the Avarice of several Bishops , in making havock of their Woods to enrich themselves ; and more than so , in filling up their Grants and Leases to the utmost term , after they had been nominated to some other Bishoprick , to the great wrong of their Successors . Her Power he found diminished partly by the Bishops themselves , in leaving their Diocesses unregarded , and living altogether about Westminster , to be in a more ready way for the next Preferment ; partly by the great increase of Chaplains in the Houses of many private Gentlemen : but chiefly by the multitude of Irregular Lecturers , both in City and Country , whose work it was to undermine as well the Doctrine as the Government of it . For the preventing of such mischiefs as might hence ensue , some Conference had passed betwixt him and Harsnet , who lately had succeeded Mountain ( before he had half warmed his Chair ) in the See of York ; and certain Considerations were resolved upon to be propounded to the King , for the peace and well-ordering of the Church ; which being reduced into form , and by Laud presented to his Majesty , were first signed by his Majesties Royal Hand , and published in December following by the Title of His Majesties Instructions to the most Reverend Father in God George Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , containing certain Orders to be observed and put in execution by the several Bishops in his Province : Which said Instructions were as ●olloweth CHARLES REX . I. That the Lords the Bishops be commanded to their several Sees , there to keep Residence ; excepting those which are at necessary Attendance at Court. II. That none of them Reside upon his Land or Lease that he hath Purchased , nor on his Commendam , if he hold any ; but in one of his Episcopal Houses , if he have any such : And that he waste not the Woods where any are left . III. That they give Charge in their Triennial Visitations , and at other convenient times , both by themselves and their Arch-Deacons , That the Declaration for settling all Questions in difference , be strictly observed by all Parties . IV. That there be a special Care taken by them all , That their Ordinations be Solemn , and not of unworthy Persons . V. That they take great Care concerning the Lecturers in their several Diocesses , for whom We give these Special Directions following . 1. That in all Parishes the afternoon Sermons be turned into Catechising by Question and Answer , where and whensoever there is not some great cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable Order . 2 , That every Bishop Ordain in his Diocess , That every Lecturer do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy Printed by Authority , in his Surplice , and before the Lecture . 3. That where a Lecture is set up in a Market-Town , it may be Read by a Company of Grave and Orthodox Divines near adjoining , and in the same Diocess ; and that they Preach in Gowns , and not in Cloaks , as too many do use . 4. That if a Corporation do maintain a single Lecturer , he be not suffered to Preach till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living with Cure of souls , within that incorporation , and that he do actually take such Benefice or Cure so soon as the same shall be fairely procured for him . VI. That the Bishops do incourage and countenance the grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy , and that they use all means by some of their Clergy , or others , that they have knowledge how both Lecturers and Preachers within their Diocesses behave themselves in their Sermons , that so they may take order for any abuse accordingly . VII . That the Bishop suffer none under Noblemen , and men qualified by the Law , to have any private Chaplain in his house . VIII . That they take especial care , that Divine Service be diligently frequented , as well for the Prayers and Catechism , as Sermons ; and take particular notice of all such as absent themselves as Recusants , or otherwise . IX . That every Bishop , who by Our Grace and Favour , and good opinion of his Service , shall be nominated by Vs to another Bishoprick , shall not from that day of nomination presume to make any Lease for three Lives , or one and twenty years , or Concurrent Lease , or any way renew any Estate , or cut any wood or timber , but meerly to receive the Rents due , and so quit the place ; For we think it a hateful thing that any mans leaving the Bishoprick should almost undo his Successor . And if any man shall presume to break this Order , We will refuse him at Our Royal Assent , and keep him at the place which he hath so abused . X. And lastly , We command you to give Vs an account every year on the second of January of the performance of these Our Commands . The Reader may think strange that in the second of these Instructions we should find any Bishop under a supposition of having no Episcopal house for his habitation ; concerning which he is to know that the Bishops of Oxon at that time had no house left belonging to their Episcopal See , either in the City , or in the Country : but dwelt at their Parsonage houses which they held in commendam , as before Dr. Bridges , who had no commendam within the Diocess , did for the most part in hired houses . For though at the foundation of the Bishoprick of Oxon , in the Abbey of Oseney the King appointed Glocester Hall for the Bishops Palace ; yet when that foundation was dissolved , and the Bishops See removed to Christ Church , the Grant of Glocester Hall was dissolved also . The Bishops thereupon retired to some Country house within the Diocess , which appertained unto them in the right of their See , as long as any of their Mannours , Land , and Houses were left unsould . But they being finally made a prey to the Lust and Sacriledge of some great persons , they have since lived for the most part in hired houses , or on their Commendams ( if they had any such ) within their Diocesses , till the year 1632. when Dr. Iohn Bancroft was made Bishop of Oxon , who having at or about that time obtained of the King that the Vicaridge o● Cudsden , about five miles from Oxon , being of his own proper Patronage and Donation , might be annexed for ever unto his Episcopal See , built there at the perswasion of our Bishop of London , a very fair and convenient house , with a decent Chappel thereunto , to be the ordinary dwelling place of himself , and his Successors . But the house proved almost as short lived as the Founder , being burned down by Collonel Leg , during the short time that he was Governour of Oxon , for fear it might be made a Garrison by the Parliament Forces ; though with as much reason , and more piety , he might have garrisoned it for the King , and preserved the house . But to proceed , No sooner were these Instructions come to the hands of Archbishop Abbot , but they were presently dispersed , and communicated to the Su●ra●an Bishops . In this he acted only Ministerially , and durst do no otherwise , but when he came to act Authoritatively , in his own capacity he betrayed the cause ; he neither liked the third Instruction for observing his Majesties Declaration before the Articles , that being looked on as an Artifice to bring in Arminianism . Nor was he pleased with any of the Limitations concerning Lecturers , to whom ( as the chief sticklers in the Puritan Cause ) he was alwaies favourable ; which last affection he was so unable to conceal , that when the Dean and Archdeacon of Canterbury had suspended Palmer and Vdnay , two of the Lecturers in that Diocess , whom they found obstinately inconformable to the Kings Directions ; He restored them not long after to their several Lectures , inhibiting the Archdeacon from his Jurisdiction , and exposing all that Acted in it to contempt and scorn . And if an Archbishop could be so unsatisfied for putting these Instructions into execution , as his place required , there is no question to be made , but various descants and reports would be raised upon them by most sorts of People . The Country Gentlemen took it ill to be deprived of the liberty of keeping Chaplains in their houses , from which they had not been debarred by the Laws of the Land. The Laws indeed had taken order , that no persons under the Degree of a Baron , ( some Judges and great Offices excepted only ) should qualifie any of their Chaplaines for a dispensation to hold more than one Benefice with Cure of Soules , or to be dispensed with for not residing on such Cures as they were preferred to . And they had taken order how many Chaplains every such person , according to his Rank and Degree in the Scale of Nobility , should be enabled to qualifie to those ends and purposes : but otherwise all persons had been left at liberty to keep as many as they would , and as long as they pleased , without any comptroll . Nor were the Chaplains better pleased than their Masters were . For having lived upon hard commons , and perhaps under some smart Discipline also in their Halls and Colled●es , they thought that they had spent their studies to good purpose by finding ease and a full belly in these Gentlemens houses , from whom there was some possibility of preferment also , which better Scholars then themselves might have otherwise hoped for . Such of the Bishops as were possessed of the poorer Bishopricks were as much troubled as the other , and thought it the worst kind of banishments to be confined unto the Country ; complaining privately , that now the Court-Bishops had served their own turns upon the King , they cared not what miseries their poor brethren were exposed unto ; who if they were constrained to live in their Episcopal houses , or in any other place within their Diocesses , must be constrained also to keep up such a Port , and maintain such open Hospitality as their Revenues could not bear . Nor was it thought a less injury to them , that they could not make the best of their time , but were required to be good husbands for another man , who was to enjoy the place which they were to leave ; when they were fain to take it as it came to their hands , without any prevention going before , or satisfaction following after . But greater were the clamours of the Puritan Faction , reviving all , wh●ch had been made against the like Instructions in the time of King Iames , and the late Declaration published by the King reigning . For what less could be aimed at in them than suppressing the Divine Ordinance of Preaching , or at the least , a dreadful diminution of the number of Sermons ; And what could follow thereupon , but negligence in the Priests , ignorance in the People , Popery and Superstition in the mean time gaining ground on both . Spending the afternoons in teaching the Catechism was a work fitter for a Pedagogue than a preaching Minister , who rather were ordained to provide strong meats for men , than milk for babes ; and yet such was the strictness of the said Instructions , in looking to the observance of the late Declaration , that they were not suffered to set strong meats before the people , though men of ripe years , and somewhat more than children in their understandings . Preaching must be restrained hereafter to Gods Will revealed , to Faith in Christ , and Moral duties toward God and men : but as for his secret Will and Purpose in the unfathomable depths of Predestination , those must be kept sealed up under lock and key , and none but the Arminians have the opening of them . And yet the grief had been the less if Lecturers had been left to their former liberty , and not tied up to Gown and Surplice , or fettered with Parochial cures , and consequently with Subscriptions and Canonical Oaths ; badges of Antichrist , and professed enemies to the pure Freedom of the Gospel . Where might a man repair with comfort to hear Gods Word preached in truth and simplicity , the Sacraments administred in their original nakedness ; to hear Christ speaking in his Prophets , and the Prophets speaking to the People if this world went on ? But notwithstanding these secret Murmurs on the one side , and the open Clamours of the other , Laud was resolved to do his duty , who summoning all the Ministers and Lecturers about the City of London to appear before him , made a solemn Speech , in which he pressed the necessity of his Majesties said Instructions for the good of the Church , and of their chearful obedience to them ; He directed Letters also to every Archdeacon in his Diocess requiring them to see them published to all the Clergy , and to give him an exact account at the end of their Visitations how they were observed ; especially insisting on the third Instruction , For keeping the Kings Declaration , that so the differences and disputes in those prohibited points might be laid aside . The like care taken also by the rest of the Bishops , but slackning by degrees when the heat was over ; and possibly in short time after they had not been looked into at all , if Abbot had continued longer in the See of Canterbury : or that his Majesty had not enjoyned the Bishops to give him an exact account of their proceedings in the said particulars , not once for all , but Annually once in every year , on the second of Ianuary . Which care being taken for the peace and happiness of the Church of England , we will lay hold upon this opportunity for crossing over into Ireland , and taking a short view of the state of Religion in that Country ; which from henceforth shall be lookt into more than hath been formerly . Concerning which we are to know , that when the Reformation was advanced in the Church of England , the first care was to let the people have the Bible , the publick Liturgie , and certain godly Homilies in the English tongue ; as appeareth by the Statutes 2 , 3. Edw. vi . 5 , 6. Edw. vi . and 1 Eliz. Secondly , The like care was taken of the Welch ; For whose Instruction it was further ordered , partly by the Queen , and partly by Act of Parliament , in the fifth of her Reign , that as well the Bible as the Common-Prayer Book should be Translated , Printed , and Published in that Language ; one Book of each sort to be provided for every several Church at the Charge of the Parish . Which being Printed at the first in the large Church-Volume , was afterwards reduced to a more portable bulk for Domestical uses by the cost and charge of Rowland Heylyn , Citizen and Alderman of London , about the beginning of the Reign of this King. But for Ireland no such care was taken . The Acts of the Supremacy , and of the Consecrations of Archbishops and Bishops were received there as before in England , the English Liturgie imposed on them by order from hence , and confirmed by Parliament in that Kingdom . Which notwithstanding not only the Kernes , or natural wild Irish , but many of the better sort of the Nation , either remain in their old barbarous ignorance , or else adhere unto the Pope , or finally to their own superstitious fancies , as in former times . And to say truth , it is no wonder that they should , there being no care taken to instruct them in the Protestant Religion , either by translating the Bible , or the English Liturgy , into their own Language , as was done in Wales ; but forcing them to come to the English Service , which they understood no more than they did the Mass. By means whereof the Irish are not only kept in continual ignorance , as to the Doctrine and Devotions of the Church of England : but those of Rome are furnished with an excellent argument for having the Service of the Church in a Language which the Common people understand not . And though somewhat may be pleaded in excuse thereof , during the unquietness of that Kingdom under Queen Elizabeth , who had the least part of it in her possession ; yet no sufficient plea can be made in defence of it for the time succeeding , when the whole Country was reduced , and every part thereof lay open to the course of Justice . So that I cannot look upon it without great amaz●m●nt , that none of the Bishops of that Church should take care herein , or recommend the miserable condition of that people to t●e Court of England . Now as Popery continued by this means in the Realm of Ireland , so Calvinism was as strongly rooted in that part thereof , which professed the Doctrine and Religion of the Church of England . And touching this we are to know also , that the Calvinian Doctrines being propagated in both Universities by such Divines as lived in exile in Queen Maries time ; one Peter Baroe a Frenchman obtained to be the Lady Margarets Professor in the Divinity Sc●ools at Cambridge . This man approving better the Melancthonian Doctri●● of Predestination than that of Calvin , publickly taught it in t●ose Schools , and gained in short time very many followers . Whitaker was at that time her Majesties Professor for Divinity there , and Perkins at the same time was of no small note , both Calvinists in these points of Doctrine , and both of them supralapsarians also . Betwixt these men and Baroe there grew some disputes , which afterwards begat some heats , and those heats brake out at last into open Factions . Hereupon Whitaker , Perkins , Chaderton , and others of the same opinion , thought it expedient to effect that by power which they were not able to obtain by Argument . And to that end Preoccupate the most Reverend Archbishop Whitgift with most sad complaints touching the Rupture made by Baroe in that Vniversity . For remedy whereof , the Archbishop calls unto him Fletcher the Lord Elect of London , Vaughan the Lord Elect of Bangor , Tyndal Dean of Ely , and such Divines as came from Cambridge , who meeting at his house in Lambeth on the twenty sixth day of November , Anno 1595. did then and there conclude upon certain Articles , for regulating disputations in those points of Controversie . Which Articles , being nine in number , are these that follow : I. God from all eternity hath predestinated certain men unto life , certain men he hath reprobated . II. The moving or efficient cause of Predestination unto life , is not the foresight of Faith , or of perseverance , or of God-works , or of any thing that is in the person predestinated . but only the good will and pleasure of God. III. There is predetermined a certain number of the Predestinate which can either be augmented or diminished . IV. Those who are not predestinated to salvation , shall be necessarily damned for their sins . V. A true living and justifying faith , and the Spirit of God justifying , is not extinguished , falleth not away , it vanisheth not away in the Act either finally or totally . VI. A man truly faithful , that is , such a one who is enduced with a justifying Faith , is certain with the full assurance of faith , of the remission of his sins , and of his everlasting salvation by Christ. VII . Saving grace is not given , is not granted , is not communicated to all men ; by which they may be saved if they will. VIII . No man can come unto Christ unless it shall be given unto him , and unless the Father shall draw him ; and all men are not drawn by the Father that they may come to the Son. IX . It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved . These Articles being brought to Cambridge so discouraged Baroe , that when the ordinary time of his publick readings was expired , he forsook that place , and not many years after died in London . His Funerall being attended ( by order from Bishop Bancroft ) by most of the Eminent Divines about that City , which shews that both the Bishop , and the most eminent Divines of London , were either inclinable to his opinions , or not so averse from them , as not to give a solemn attendance at the time of his Funeral . The news of which proceedings being brought to the Queen , she was exc●edingly offended , conceiving it a deep intrenchment upon her Prerogative , that any such Declaration should be made in matter of Religion without her Authority . Once was she at a point to have them all indited of a Praemunire , but the high esteem she had of Whitgift , whom she commonly called her black husband , reprieved all the rest from the danger of it . Howsoever such a strict course was taken for suppressing the said Articles , that a Copy of them was not to be found in Cambridge for a long time a●ter ; though after the Queens death they began to peep abroad again , and became more publick . Nor was King Iames better conceited of them than Queen Elizabeth was ; for when it was moved by Dr Reynolds at Hampton Court that the nine Orthodoxal Assertions ( as he pleased to call them ) which were concluded on at Lambeth might be admitted into the confession of the Church of England , the King so much disliked the motion , that it was presently rejected without more ado . But that which the Calvinians could not get in England they effected at the last in Ireland ; where the true and genuine Doctrines of the Church of England had been less looked after than at home . For in the year 1615. a Parliament and Convocation being holden in Dublin , it was resolved on by the Archbishop , Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy then assembled , that a Book of Articles should be framed to be the Publick Confession of that Church for succeeding times ; the drawing up whereof was committed to Doctor Iames Vsher ( afterwards Archbishop of Armagh , and Lord Primate of Ireland ) a Rigid Calvinist , but otherwise the ablest Scholar of that Nation : And he accordingly fashioning the Doctrine for that Church by his own Conceptions , inserted into the said Book of Articles the nine Conclusions made at Lambeth , to be the standing Rule ( as he thought and hoped ) of that Church for ever . And yet they did not stay there neither . The Sabbatarian Doctrines had been broached by Bownd in the same year wherein the nine Articles had been made at Lambeth : Which being opposed by Archbishop Whitgift , and never admitted in this Church , were by the cunning of that Faction , and the zeal or diligence of this man , incorporated into the Body of the Articles for the Church of Ireland ; in which it is declared for a Doctrinal Point , That the first day of the Week , which is the Lords-day , is wholly to be dedicated to the Service of God ; and therefore we are Bound therein to rest from our common and daily Business , and to bestow that leisure upon holy Exercises , both Publick and Private . And because he concluded in himself that the Pope was Antichrist , that also must be made an Article of this Confession , in which we find it in these words , viz. The Bishop of Rome is so far from being the Supream Head of the Vniversal Church , that his Works and Doctrines do plainly discover him to be the Man of Sin , foretold in the Holy Scripture , whom the Lord shall consume with the Spirit of his mouth , and abolish with the brightness of his coming . And hereunto , That the Plantation of the Scots in Vlster ( unhappily projected in the time of King Iames ) brought in so much Puritanism such a contempt of Bishops , such a neglect of the Publick Liturgie , and other Divine Offices of this Church , that there was nothing less to be found amongst them than the Doctrine , Government , and Forms of Worship established in the Church of England . The Papists in the mean time encreasing more and more , grew at the last to so great a confidence , by the clashings here in England betwixt the King and his Parliaments , that they gave themselves great hope of a Toleration : And possibly enough they might have obtained somewhat like it , if the Irish Bishops had not joined together in a Protestation to the contrary , and caused it to be published in the Pulpit by the Bishop of Derry , with infinite Acclamations of the Protestant Hearers . Howsoever , the lost hopes had so far emboldened them , that they set up some Religious Houses even in Dublin it self , shewed themselves openly in their Friars Habits , and publickly affronted not only the Mayor , but the Archbishop of that City . This coming to his Majesties knowledge , he caused his pleasure to be signified to the Lords of his Council , That Order should be taken there , That the House where the said Seminary Friars appeared in their Habits , and wherein the Reverend Archbishop and the Mayor of Dublin received their first Affront , be speedily demolished , and be the Mark of Terrour to the Resisters of Authority ; and that the rest of the Houses erected or employed there or elsewhere , to the use of Superstitious Societies , be converted to Houses of Correction , and to set the People on work , or to other Publick uses , for the Advancement of Justice , good Arts , or Trade . Which Order of the Council-Table bears date 31 Ianuary 1629. That part of the Remonstrance of the House of Commons which related to the Affairs of Ireland , first alarm'd Laud to take the Business of that Church into consideration . And that he might be the better informed in all Particulars which concerned it , he took order with Doctor William Beadle , designed unto the Bishoprick of Killmore , to give him an exact Account of the Estate of that Church , as soon as he could make any perfect Discovery of it . This Order of the Council-Table reinforced that case , and quickned the dispatch of Beadle for his satisfaction , from whom he received a Letter dated April the first , Anno 1630. In which he signified , That he had not been unmindful of his Lordships commands , which he was now the better able to perform , because ( saith he ) I have been about my Diocess , and can set down out of my knowledge and view what I shall relate , and shortly , to speak much ill matter in few words . Which said , he lets his Lordship know , That the Estate of his Church was very miserable ; That the Cathedral Church of Ardagh ( united to the See of Killmore ) one of the most ancient in Ireland , and said to be built by St. Patrick , together with the Bishops House there , was down to the ground ; That the Church at Killmore had been built , but without Bell or Steeple , Font or Chalice ; That the Parish-Churches were all in a manner ruined , or unroofed and unrepaired ; That the People , saving a few British Planters here and there , ( which are not the tenth part of the Remnant ) were obstinate Recusants ; That there was a Popish Clergy , more numerous by far than the English Clergy ; That they were in full Exercise of all Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical by their Vicars-general and Officials , who were so confident as to Excommunicate those that come to the Courts of the Protestant Bishops ; That the Popish Primate for Ireland lived within two miles of his House , and the Bishops in another part of his Diocess further off ; That every Parish had their Priest , and some two or three apiece , and so their Massing-houses also ; and that Masses are sometimes said in their Churches ; That there were Friars in divers places , who went about , though not in their Habit , who by their importunate begging did impoverish the People ; That Poverty was much increased , as well by their paying double Tythes both to their own Clergy and the English , as by the dearth of Corn , and the death of their Cattel ; That the Oppressions of the Courts Ecclesiastical ( which was reckoned for another cause of the common poverty ) were not indeed to be excused , which for his part he had a purpose to reform ; That in each Diocess there were some seven or eight Ministers of good sufficiency ; but being English , they neither understood the Tongue of the People , nor could perform any Divine Offices , nor converse with them as they ought , and consequently could give no stop to the growth and increase o● Popery ; That most of the said Ministers held two , three , four , or more Vicaridges apiece ; and that sometimes one man was Clerk of three or four Parishes , which were ordinarily bought , sold , and let to Farm : And finally , That by those and such other means , his majesty was King as to the Hearts and Consciences of that People ; but so , that it remained wholly at the Popes Discretion . Here was sufficient work for a Reformation ; and we shall see Laud taking care of it in convenient time . But first we must look back to England , where we shall find a new Honour attending on him . On Saturday , being the tenth of April , William Lord Herbert Earl of Pembroke , Lord Steward of his Majesties Houshold , and Chancellor of the University of Oxon. died suddenly at his House called Baynards-Castle , having then made up the ●i●tieth year of his life , beyond which it had been foresignified by some Learned Mathematicians that he should not live . This News being brought to Oxon. the same night , or else betimes on Sunday morning , La●d's friends not only in St. Iohns , but in other Colledges , so bestirred themselves , that before noon there was a Party strong enough to confer that honourable Office on him . Frewen of Magdalen Colledge being then Vice-Chancellor , was at that time as far as Andover in a Colledge-Progress , where hearing accidentally of the Earls decease , he made such haste back again to Oxon. that he came thither before the end of Evening Prayer ; and finding his own Colledge in so good a posture , advised with some other Heads of Houses , whom he knew to have the same Inclinations , to make sure work of it ; by whom it was agreed , That a Convocation should be called the next day , to speed the business before any other Competitor should appear against him . Nor did they make more haste than good speed in it , some Agents coming thither before night in behalf of Philip Earl of Montgomery , Brother to the Earl deceased ; and they so well discharged their Trust , that those of the Welch Nation generally , Prideaux , and some other Heads of Houses who were of the Calvinian Party , and the four Colledges belonging to the Visitation of the Bishop of Lincoln ( that is to say , Baliol , Orial , Lincoln , and Brazen-nose ) were wholly in a manner for him ; that Bishop stickling in the Cause , not so much out of love to him , as hate to Laud. But all their diligence could not carry it as they desired , the Election passing clear for the Bishop of London , of which he was presently advertised by the University . On his receiving of which Message , he presently addressed himself unto the King , acquainted him with what had hapned , and humbly submitted the Place unto his disposal . To which his Majesty most graciously returned this Answer , That he knew none more worthy of it than himself ; and that he should rath●r study how to add further Honours to him , than take any from him . On which incouragement , he appointed Wednesday the twenty eighth of the same Month for the Solemnity of his Investiture in that O●fice , which was performed in a frequent Convocation of that University , held at London-House , to the great contentment o● both Parties . To add a further Honour to him , it pleased his Majesty to send him the joyful news , under his Royal Signature , of the Princes Birth , born at his Majesties House of St. Iames's on Saturday May the twenty ninth , about one of the Clock in the afternoon . He had the happiness of seeing the Royal Infant in the first hour of his Birth , and the honour afterwards to Baptize him . By ancient Priviledge belonging to the See of Canterbury , those Archbishops are Ordinaries of the Court ; his Majesties Houshold , wheresoever the same shall be , being reckoned to be his Parishioners , or of his peculiar . But Abbot being at that time infirm , or otherwise of no desirable Company , this Office was devolved on Laud , as Dean of the Chappel ; and he accordingly performed it . The Birth of this young Prince , as it gave cause of great Rejoycings to all good Subjects , so it gave no small matter of discouragement to the Puritan Faction , who had laid their Line another way , and desired not that this King should have had any Children : Insomuch that at a Feast in Fryday-street , when some of the Company shewed great joy at the news of the Queens first being with Child , a leading man of that Faction ( whom I could name , were it worth the while ) did not stick to say , That he could see no such cause of joy as the others did . Which said , he gave this Reason for it ; That God had already better provided for us than we had deserved , in giving such a hopeful Progeny by the Queen of Bohemia , brought up in the Reformed Religion ; whereas it was uncertain what Religion the Kings Children would follow , being to be brought up under a Mother so devoted to the Church of Rome . And I remember that being at a Town in Glocestershire , when the news came of the Princes Birth , there was great Joy shewed by all the rest of the Parish , in causing Bonfires to be made , and the Bells to be rung , and sending Victuals unto those of the younger sort , who were most busily imployed in the publick Joy : But so , that from the rest of the Houses , being of the Presbyterian or Puritan Party , there came neither Man , nor Child , nor Wood , nor Victuals ; their doors being shut close all the evening , as in a time of general mourning and disconsolation . It was not long after the Birth of this new Prince , that the Feoffees for buying in Impropriations were called in question . The Project took beginning about four years since , when Preston Governed the Affairs of the Puritan Faction ; at what time it was resolved amongst them , to set up stipendary Lectures in all or most Market-Towns , where the People had commonly less to do , and consequently were more apt to Faction and Innovation than in other places ; and of all Market-Towns , to chuse such as were Priviledged for sending Burgesses to the High Court of Parliament : Which that it might be done with the less charge to the People , who commonly love that Religion best which comes cheapest to them , it was agreed to raise a common Stock amongst them , for buying in such Impropriations as were remaining in the hands of the Laity . To this end they erected a kind of Corporation amongst themselves , consisting of twelve Persons , Clergymen , Citizens , and Lawyers , enabling them to receive and expend such Monies as their Emissaries should bring in from their several Circuits . Their names , Gouge , Offspring , Sibbs , and Davenport , Ministers ; Eyre , Brown , White , and Sherland , Lawyers ; Geering , Davis , Harwood , and Bridges , Citizens ; to whom was afterwards added Rowland Heylyn Aldernian of the City of London , by the name of Treasurer to the Company , that there might be a casting Voice amongst them , as occasion served . Great were the Sums of Money which the Piety of the Design , and the Diligence of their Limitaries brought in from their several Walks ; most men admiring , all applauding the nobleness of such a Popular and Religious Act. But so it hapned , that one of the Fellows of Magdalen Colledge , resorting frequently to a Town in Glocestershire , where one of these new Lectures had been founded by them , observed these two things : First , That the Impropriation of that place remained in the same Lay-hands as before it did ; and therefore that the Lecturer must receive his Stipend from the Profits of some other Parish : And secondly , he observed , That the man there planted in that Lecture was one of a notorious Inconformity , found upon further search to have been hunted from one Diocess to another , till at last he was Silenced upon that account by the High-Commission . This gave him the first hint of making a more diligent Inquiry into that Design ; and the more he looked into it , the worse he liked it . He knew so much of some , and heard so much of all the rest which were trusted in the Conduct of it , that he could hope for no good to the Church of England , from any thing of their projectment ; For if such publick mischiefs be presaged by Astrologers from the Conjunctions of Iupiter and Saturn , though the first of them be a Planet of a most sweet and gentle Influence ; what Dangers , what Calamities might not be feared from the Conjunction of twelve such Persons , of which there was not one that wished well to the present Government . Having gone thus far in the Discovery , it pleased the President of his Colledge , being then Vice-Chancellor , to appoint him to Preach the Act Sermon at St. Maries on Sunday in the afternoon , Iuly 11. 1630. To which appointment he submitted , resolving to deliver something in that great concourse of People from all parts of the Kingdom , which might serve to undeceive them in that Particular . He had chosen for his Text those words in the thirteenth of St. Matthew , viz. But while men slept , the enemy came and sowed tares amongst the wheat , and went his way . Beginning to draw toward the end of his Sermon , he thus began to unfold the Arras , and shew the Portraicture thereof in as lively Colours as he could , Planting , saith he , also many Pensionary Lecturers in so many places where it need not , and upon days of common labour , will at the best bringing forth of fruit , appear to be a tare indeed , though now no wheat be counted tares , &c. We will proceed a little on further in the proposal of some things to be considered . The Corporation of Feoffees for buying in Impropriations to the Church ; Doth it not seem in the appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat ? A noble and gracious point of piety ? Is not this Templum Domini , Templum Domini ? But blessed God , that men should thus draw near unto thee with their mouths , and yet be far from thee in their hearts ! For what are those intrusted in the managing of this great business ? Are they not the most of them the most active and the best affected men in the whole cause , and Magna Partium momenta , Chief Patrons of the Faction ? And what are those whom they prefer ? Are they not most of them such as must be serviceable to their dangerous innovations ? And will they not in time have more preferments to bestow , and therefore more dependencies than all the Prelates in the Kingdom , &c. Yet all this while we sleep and slumber , and fold our hands in sloth , and see perhaps , but dare not note it . No sooner were these words delivered , but a general consternation shewed it self in the looks of his Auditors . Some honest and well meaning men seemed much to pitty his misfortune in being put ( as it was then generally , but falsly , thought ) on that odious task by some higher power , of purpose to discourage such a pious work which good men rejoyced at . But greater was the clamour of the Puritan Faction , who in a meeting held that night conceived no punishment great enough to inflict upon him which either Law , Malice , or Revenge could expose him to . Being thus alarmed on the one side , and threatned by the other , he sent a Copy of his Sermon to the Bishop of London , not long before made Chancellour of that University ; and signified in a Letter therewith sent , that he was both able and ready to make good his charge , whensoever it should be required . This information came opportunely to his Lordship , with whom the King had used some Speech ( as appears by his Breviate p. 12. ) about restoring Impropriations to the Church , which this new project seemed to frustrate . And thereupon he entred it in the Memorandum at the end of his Breviate , viz. To overthrow the Feoffment , dangerous both to Church and State , going under the specious pretence of buying in Impropriations . The Preacher in the mean time making a further search into the business , observed these particulars , first , That no Impropriation by them bought , was laid unto the Parish Church , and settled upon the present Incumbent , as was first expected , that being utterly destructive of their design . Secondly , That a great part of that Revenue was spent in maintaining a dayly Lecture in the Church of St. Antholins at six a clock in the Morning , to serve for a Seminary for the training up of such Novices as were to be sent into the Country . Thirdly , That another part of it was laid out , not only for the support of silenced Ministers , during their own lives , but of their Wives and Children also after their decease , than which there could not be a greater tye to unite men to them , and make them sticklers in the Cause . Fourthly , These Pensions neither were so settled , nor their Lectures so well established in their several places : but that the one might be withdrawn , and the other removed , at the will and pleasure of their Patrons , if they grew slack and negligent in the holy cause , which fastened a dependence on them to the very last . It was not long before Noy , that Renowned Lawyer , was made his Majesties Atturney General , to whom the Preacher was commanded to deliver a particular of all such passages as he had observed in the carrying on of this design ; the Feoffees thereupon being called into the Court of Exchequer , the Feoffment damned , the Impropriations by them bought confiscated to his Majesties use , and the merit of the cause re●erred to a further censure . And though the Sentence past not on them in the Court of Exchequer , Anno 1632. yet I have laid all here together , that so I might proceed to the rest of my business with the less disturbance . For whilest the business of these Feoffees was under a more strict enquiry , some things were acted by this Bishop , which brought him into the like danger of an Inquisition . St. Catherine Creed Church in London being ruinous , and in great decay , had in some places been taken almost down to the ground , and rebuilt again by the Parishioners at such time as Mountain was their Bishop , who suffered it to be made use of for Religious Offices without any new consecration of it , which coming to the knowledge of Bishop Laud , he caused it for a time to be suspended from all Divine Service , Sermons , and Sacraments , till it was reconsecrated by himself . Which Office he solemnly performed on Sunday Ianuary 16. An infinite number of people of all sorts drawing together to behold that Ceremony to which they had so long been strangers , ignorant altogether of the Antiquity and the necessity of it . The like done also at the Church of St. Giles in the Fields on the Sunday after ; which had been generally repaired , and for the greatest part new built in the time of his Predecessor also ; Divine Service , Preaching , and Administration of the Sacraments being used therein , without any such dedication of it , contrary to the practice of the Primitive times and the Ancient Canons . And that we may lay these things together , the next year after , Iune the seventh , he consecrated a new Church at Hammersmith , built at the charges of that Village ; and the next ●ear after that , Iuly the seventeenth , a new Church built at Stanmore magna , in the County of Middlesex , erected at the sole cost and charges of Sir Iohn Wolstenholm , one of the Farmers of the Customs , who made that day a sumptuous and magnificent Feast for the entertainment of all such persons of quality as resorted thither to behold the Consecration . It was my chance to bestow a visit on his Lordship at his house in Fulham , as he was preparing to set forwards to this last Consecration ; and being one of his Chaplains was at that time absent , and that he was of ordinary course to make use of two , he took me along with him to perform the Office of the Priest in the solemnity , in which his Chaplain Bray was to Act the Deacons . I observed all the Circumstances and religious Ceremonies which were used by him in that sacred Action from his first coming into the Church till his going out , but could see nothing in it savouring of that Superstition which had raised so much talk amongst ignorant People , and afterwards was certified by Willingham at the time of his trial in reference to the consecration of St. Katherine Creed Church . The Antiquity of which Consecrations hath been shown in our Introduction performed by the Fathers at such times when the Church hated nothing more than superstitious vanities , or the accumulating of unnecessary and fruitless Ceremonies . The form and manner of it left by our first Reformers to the care and discretion of the Bishops whom it most concerned ; Presuming that nothing would be done by them which would not be consistent with the Rules of Piety , and the ancient practise of the Church in the times foregoing . And such a Form was that which this Bishop now made use of , digested first by the learned Andrews for his own particular use , but afterwards copied out , approved and followed ( though possibly not without some alterations ) by most Bishops else . Nor did he take care only of the Fabrick , the material Church , to make it fit and ready for Gods publick Service : but that Gods publick Service should be so done in it , as might most tend to the edification of the Mystical Church , the body aggregate of Gods People . His Majesty had took special care , as well by his Proclamation of the fourteenth of Iune , 1626. as by his Declaration before the Articles , 1628. for the silencing of all disputes touching Predestination , and the points depending thereupon , which had begun to threaten such a general disturbance to the peace of the Church . But neither Proclamation , nor Declaration could perswade the Calvinian Party unto any such silence , which they interpreted to be a plain betraying of Gods Cause into the hands of his enemies . Somewhat is to be done to conjure down these unruly Spirits , which otherwise would not be confined within their Circle . Mady , the Lecturer of Christ-Church near Newgate , must needs fly out upon the Point of Election , and the motives to it . For this contempt he is called before the Bishop of London , and on some further misbehaviour prohibited from preaching any more within that Diocess . Burges ( who afterwards pulled down the Cross in St. Pauls Church-yard ) must needs add scorn to his contempt ; telling his Auditors , that if their Minister preached Popery or Arminianism they might change their dwellings , and not trouble the peace and order of their Church . For which about the same time he is questioned also . White , and some others , in that Diocess suspended by this Bishop on the same occasion . From the City pass we to the Court. Where toward the end of the same Month we find Davenant Bishop of Sarum preaching a Lent Sermon before the King , and therein falling upon some of those prohibited points , even before his face , for which the King being much offended ( as he had good reason ) he caused him to be called before the Lords of his Council . The cause is managed against him by Archbishop Harsnet ( Laud all the while walking by in silence ) who gravely laid before him as well the Kings Piety in setting forth the said Declaration , as the greatness of his , the said Davenants , offence , in making so little reckoning of it . Davenant at first endeavoureth many defences to make good his Action , but at last wisely casts himself upon this submission , he tells the Lords , in answer to one of Harsnets objections , That he was sorry he did no sooner understand his Majesties intention , which if he had done before , he would have taken some other matter to treat of , which might have given none offence ; and that for the time to come he would conform himself as readily as any other to his Majesties Command . Arundel , Earl Marshal , bids him hold to that , as his safest plea , and that he should proceed to no further defence ; a bad cause not being made the better by two much handling . To this counsel he conforms himself . And being afterwards admitted to the kiss of his Majesties hand ( which his attendance might deserve , though his Sermon did not ) his Majesty declared to him his Resolution , That he would not have this high Point meddled withal or debated , either the one way or the other , because it was too high for the Peoples understanding ; and that other Points which concerned Reformation and Newness of life , were more needful and profitable . I hope the lower Clergy will not say hereafter as some did of old , That Laws are like the Spiders Cobwebs , which suffer the great flies to break through , and lay hold only upon those of the smaller size . From the Court let us go to Oxon. where we find the next year beginning ( in a manner ) with a Sermon preached at St. Maries Church by one Hill of Heart-hall , May 24. point blank enough against his Majesties Declaration , and more than bitter enough against those of different perswasion from him , whom he charged with handling Scriptures worse than poor Christians were by the Turk at Tunis , enforcing them to the vassallage of the foulest errours , not without some reflection on the Higher Powers by whom they were mischieved into honour . For which indiscretion being convented before the Vice-Chancellor , and Heads of Houses , ( but not without the Chancellors privity ) he confessed his fault , and craved pardon for the same , which he obtained on his submission made in the Convocation the sixteenth of Iuly following . But worse it fared not long after with Ford of Magdalen Hall , Hodges of Exeter Colledge , and Thorne of Baliol , who in their several Sermons had not only committed the like error , but charged their Renovation of some ancient order in the Church , to be no other than plain Innovation . Questioned for this by Smith , then Warden of Wadham Colledge , and Vice-Chancellor of that University , they appeal from him to the Convocation . The Proctors , having unadvisedly received the Appeal , were at the point to have named Delegates when Smith appealed to the King : But they took their aim amiss when they shot this bolt ; For both his Majesty and the Chancellor were alike concerned in it ; the King , to justifie his Declaration ; the other , to preserve his own power and dignity ; neither of which could have been done , but by defending Smith in his lawful acting . On the twenty third of August all Parties interessed in the Cause appeared before the King at Woodstock , who after a full hearing of both sides , it was ordered thus , That the three Delinquents should be expelled the University ; Doughty and Bruch , the two Proctors , should be deprived of their places : Prideaux and Wilkinson ( this last then Principle of Magdalen Hall ) being checked for stickling so much in it , and glad they were that they escaped without further censure . But they shewed not the same mercy which they found ; for Rainsford of Wadham Colledge , preached at St. Maries in August following in defence of Vniversal Grace , and Mans Election unto life , from Faith foreseen . No man more forward than Prideaux to appeach him of it , on whose complaint and prosecution he was sentenced to a publick acknowledgment of his offence in a form prescribed ; which was as much as had been done in the case of Hill. So that the Rigid Calvinians can pretend no just ground for that so great Calumnie , that none but they were censured from preaching those prohibited Doctrines ; those of the Arminian Party ( as they commonly called them ) going off unpunished . From Oxon. cross we into Ireland , where we shall see Lauds care as great for preserving the Kings Authority and the Churches peace as it was in England . Vsher , the Lord Primate of that Church , had published a Book this same year in the Latine Tongue , called , The History of Gotteschalchus : for which he was after much extolled by Twist of Newbury , as professed a Calvinian as himself , in a Letter of his dated May 29. 1640. For , having first commended him for his great learning and various reading manifested in his Book De Primodiis Britannicarum Ecclesiarum , he magnifies next his singular wisdom for taking an occasion to insert therein the History of the Pelagian Heresie , coming so opportunely in his way ; and then he addeth , that his History of Gotteschalchus was a piece of the like nature , and came forth most seasonable , so much the more because it seemed to give some check to a Book written by Vossius , a right Learned man , which had been much cried up by the Remonstrants . Downham then Bishop of Derry had somewhat before that published a Discourse about Perseverance , wherein some Passages were found directly thwarting his Majesties most pious purpose in the said Declaration : But Vsh●r's Book being writ in Latin , gave the less offence . Nor seemed it fit to put any publick disgrace on a man to whom the Government of the whole National Church had been committed by King Iames of most Blessed Memory . By questioning and suppressing Downham's Book , he might be made as sensible of his Error in writing the aforesaid History , as if his own had been made subject to the like condemnation . His Majesty therefore gives him Order , by Letters bearing date at Woodstock , August 24. ( the next day after the said Sentence of Thorn , Hodges , &c. ) to call in Bishop Downham's Book , who thereupon sent out Warrants , and caused all the Books that were unsent into England , to be seised on : But so long it was before the King had notice of it , and so long after that , before his Letters came to the Lord Primates hands , which was not till the fifteenth of October following , that almost all the Copies were dispersed in England and Ireland , before the coming out of the Prohibition . And for preventing of the like for the time to come , a Command is laid on Beadle Bishop of Killmore ( which sheweth that Vsher was not thought fit to be trusted in it ) to have an eye unto the Press , and to take care that nothing hereafter should be published contrary to his Majesties said Directions : So Beadle in his Letter to the Bishop of London , dated November 8. 1631. Which care being taken for the Peace of that Church , and nothing else presented to us on that side of the Sea to detain us any longer there , we will hoise Sail again for England , where we finde more Work. More Work indeed , and far the greatest not only of this present year , but the greatest of this Bishops Life : A Work before in project , but in project only . None had the Courage or the Power to carry it on so far as he : He could not rest under the shade of those vast Ruines of St. Paul's Church ( his own Cathedral ) without continual thought , and some hopes withal of repairing those deformities in it , which by long time had been contracted . Of the first Founding of this Church by Ethelbert King of Kent , the first Christian King and the sixth Monarch of the Saxons ; and the Enlargement of the same by Erkenwald the fourth Bishop of it , we have spoke already : And now we are to know , That their old Fabrick being much wasted by Fire in the time of the Conqueror , Mauritius then Bishop of London , Anne 1083. began the Foundation of that most magnificent Pile now standing , viz. all the Body of the Church , with the South and North cross Isles . Toward which Work he made use of a great part of the Materials of the old Palatine Castle ( standing in the same place where the Covent of the Black-Friars was after built ) great part whereof had perished by the same Fire also . But the Foundations which this worthy Bishop had laid , being sutable to his mind , were so vast , as the Historian observes , (a) That though he prosecuted the Work twenty years , he left the performing thereof to the care of Posterity : amongst which , none more transcendently a●fected to this business , than his next Successor Richard Beaumis , (b) who bestowed the whole Revenue of his Bishoprick upon it , supporting himself and his Family by other means . And after him ( some other Bishops succeeding between them ) that Richard , who was Treasurer to King Henry ii . being made Bishop of London in the first year of King Richard , bestowed great Sums of Money in the Reparation of this Church , and the Episcopal Houses which belonged unto it . But all this Charge was principally laid out on the main Body of the Church , and the Crossed Isles thereof , the Choire not holding Proportion with so vast a Structure : So that resolving to make it fairer and more capacious than before , they began with the Steeple , which was finished in Anno 1221. ( 5 Hen. 3 , ) In which year the Dedication of it was celebrated with great magnificence , the King himself , Otho the Popes Legate , Edmond Archbishop of Canterbury , Roger sirnamed Niger then Bishop of London ( a chief Advancer of the Work ) with five other Bishops , besides infinite multitudes of the Nobility , Gentry , Citizens , and others of the Common People from all parts of the Land , being present at it . Nor is it to be thought that the Charges of that stately and magnificent Structure was supported by the Bishops only , or issued out of such Revenues as belonged unto the Dean and Chapter ; but that the Clergy and People generally , both of England and Ireland , contributed largely to the Work ; the People of those Times , out of their Devotion to Gods Service , being easily incited to further all Works of this nature as occasion offered . And this appears by the sundry Letters of several Bishops of both Nations , to the Clergy under their Jurisdiction , for recommendation of that business to their particular Congregations , many of which are extant still upon Record . Nor were the People stirred on only by the sollicitation of their Priests , or the exhortatory Letters of their several Prelates ; but by the grants of such Indulgences , and relaxation from their several and respective Penances , which in those Letters were extended unto all sorts of People , who with a chearful heart and liberal hand did promote the Service : By means whereof some men contributed Materials , others sent in Money ; and many Masons , Carpenters , and other Artificers , who were to labour in the Work , bestowed their pains and toil upon it for less consideration and reward than in other Buildings . Besides which , Henry de Lacy Earl of Lincoln is said to have been a principal Benefactor to that part of it which was then called the New-Work , in a Chappel whereof , dedicated to St. Dunstan , we find his body to be interred . And so was Ralph de Baldock also , both while he was Dean , and when he was Bishop of this Church ; whose Body was also buried in another part of the New-Work , called Our Ladies Chappel . But this vast Pile , the Work of so long time , and so many Ages , was on the fourth of Iune , Anno 1561. in danger to be suddenly consumed by a violent Fire , beginning in the Steeple , and occasioned by the negligence of a Plummer , who left his pan of coals unquench'd at his going to dinner . A Fire so violent , that in the space of few hours it consumed not only the Steeple where it first began , but did spread it self to the upper Roof of the Church and Isles , totally burning all the Rafters , and whatsoever else was of combustible nature . The Queen knew well , as well as any , that the Revenues of that Church were so dilapidated , that neither the Bishops themselves , nor the Dean and Chapters , were able to repair the least part of those Ruines which the Fire had made : And thereupon out of a deep apprehension of that lamentable Accident , forthwith directed her Letters to the Lord Mayor of London , requiring him to make some speedy Order for its repair ; and to further the Work , gave out of her Purse 1000 Marks in Gold , as also a Warrant for 1000 Load of Timber to be taken out of her Woods , and elsewhere . Nor were the Citizens slack herein ; for having given a large Benevolence , they added three whole Fifteens to be speedily paid for that purpose ; all which amounted to three thousand two hundred forty seven pound sixteen shillings two pence half-peny . The Clergy of England within the Province of Canterbury , freely contributed the fortieth part of all such Church Livings as were charged with First-fruits , and the thirtieth part of all their Benefices not so charged ; those of London only excepted , who besides the thirtieth part of such as paid First-fruits , gave the twentieth part of all the rest : Which Contribution of the Clergy amounted to one thousand four hundred sixty one pound thirteen shillings and eleven pence ; whereunto was added , by the benevolence of the Bishop of London , at several times , coming in all to nine hundred five pound one shilling and eleven pence ; By the Dean and Chapter one hundred thirty six pound thirteen shillings and four pence : and made of the surplusage of Timber one hundred nineteen pound three shillings and nine pence ; Given by the Justices and Officers of the Common Pleas thirty four pound five shillings ; and by those of the Kings Bench seventeen pound sixteen shillings eight pence : All which together made no more than six thousand seven hundred and two pound thirteen shillings and four pence . And yet with this small Sum ( such was the cheapness of those Times ) the Work was carried on so prosperously , that before the Month of April 1566. all the Roofs of Timber ( whereof those large ones of the East and West , framed in Yorkshire , and brought by Sea ) were perfectly finished and covered with Lead ; the adding of a new Steeple being thought unnecessary ( because too chargeable ) though divers Models have been made and presented of it . The whole Roof being thus Repaired , the Stone-work of it stood as before it did , sensibly decaying day by day , by reason of the corroding quality of the Sea-coal smoke , which on every side annoyed it : Which being observed by one Henry Farley , about the middle of the Reign of King Iames , he never left solliciting the King by several Petitions and Addresses , to take the Ruinous Estate thereof into his Princely Consideration , till at last it was resolved on by the King. And to create the greater Veneration to so good a Work , he bestowed that magnificent Visit on it , described at large in the first Book of this History , Anno 1620. The product and result whereof was , the issuing out a Commission under the Great Seal of England , bearing date the sixteenth day of November then next following , directed to Sir Francis Iones Knight , then Lord Mayor of London , George Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , Francis Lord Verulam then Lord Chancellor of England , and divers others , to the number of sixty Persons and upwards : Which Commission importing , That this Church being the greatest and most eminent ( as also one of the principal Ornaments ) of the Realm , and in much decay , any six or more of these Commissioners , whereof three to be of the said Kings Privy-Council , should meet to make Particulars of the decay , and likewise what Houses , Cellars , &c. had been built near it , either to the annoyance of it , or the Church-yard : And moreover to Inquire what Lands , Rents , &c. had been given towards its Repair , or Sums of Money collected to that purpose , and not accordingly employed : And further to consider of the most fit and proper means to raise money to carry on the said Repair : And lastly , to appoint Surveyors and other Officers of their Work , and to make Certificate of their Proceedings therein , into the Chancery . Upon the Meeting of which Commissioners , and diligent search made into the Particulars afore-mentioned , it was acknowledged that the Bishop of London had the whole care of the Body of that Church , and the Dean and Chapter of the Choires : But that which each of them enjoyed to this purpose , was so little , that they yearly expended double as much upon the Roof and other parts decayed , to preserve them from present ruine . Which being made evident to the Commissioners , as also that in former times , even from the very first foundation thereof , it had been supported partly out of the large Oblations of those that visited the Shrines and Oratories therein , and partly from Publick Contributions in all parts of the Kingdom ; It was concluded to proceed in the same way now , as had been done formerly . And that it might proceed the better , the King himself , and many of the principal Nobility and Gentry , declared by their Superscriptions ( for the encouragement of others to so good a Work ) what Sums they resolved to give in pursuance of it : Doctor Iohn King , then Bishop of London , subscribing for 100 l. per Annum as long as he should continue in that See. Mountain who succeeded not long after in that Bishoprick , procured with great charge and trouble some huge massie Stones to be brought from Portland , for the beginning of the Work : But money coming slowly in , and he being a man of small activity , though of good affec●ions , the heat of this great business cooled by little and little , and so came to nothing . But Laud succeeding him in the See of London , and having deservedly attained unto great Authority with his Majesty , no sooner saw his Office settled both at home and abroad , but he possessed him with a Loyal and Religious Zeal to persue that Work , which King Iames had so piously designed , though it went not much further than the bare design . Few words might serve to animate the King to a Work so pious , who aimed at nothing more than the Glory of God , in the Advancement of the Peace and Happiness of the Church of England : And therefore following the example o● his Royal Father , he bestowed the like Visit on St. Pauls , whither he was attended with the like Magnificence , and entertained at the first entrance into the Church with the like Solemnity . The Divine Service being done , and the Sermon ended , which tended principally unto the promoting of a Work so honourable both to his Majesties Person ; and the English Nation ; his Majesty took a view of the Decays of that Church , and there Religiously promised not to be wanting in the Piety of his best Endeavours , to the Repair of those Ruines which Age , the Casualties of Weather , or any other Accidents had brought upon it . In order whereunto , in the beginning o● this year he issued out his Royal Commission under the Great Seal of England , bearing date the tenth of April in the seventh year of his Reign , directed to Sir Robert Ducy Lord Mayor of the City of Londan , George Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , Thomas Lord Coventry Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , &c. William Lord Bishop of London , Richard Lord Bishop of Winton , Iohn Lord Bishop of Ely , &c. Nicholas Rainton , Ralph Freeman , Rowland Heylyn , &c. Aldermen of the City of London , Edward Waymack , and Robert Bateman Chamberlain of the said City of London . In which Commission the said King taking notice of this Cathedral , as the goodliest Monument and most ancient Church of his whole Dominions , as also that it was the principal Monument of the City of London , the Imperial Seat of this his Realm ; and moreover , That the Commissions issued out by his Royal Father ( as heretofore had been observed ) were slackned by reason of his death ; but he resolving to go on therewith effectually , declared as followeth : viz. 1. That all Money brought in for Repair thereof , should be paid into the Chamber of London . 2. That William Laud then Bishop of London offered to allow 100. l. per Annum out of the Revenues of that Bishoprick , during his continuance therein . 3. That a Register-Book should be made of all Subscriptions for Contributions thereunto , as had been done in King James his time . 4. That the Iudges of the Prerogative Court , and all Officials throughout the several Bishopricks in England and Wales , upon the Decease of any Person Intestate , should be excited to remember this Church , out of what was proper to be given to pious uses : And lastly , That Commissions should be issued throughout the whole Kingdom . Which Commissions were executed in the Country with care and diligence , and seconded so strongly by the power and sollicitation of this pious Prelate , that the money came flowing in apace ; so much being raised by Legacies , by money given to pious uses , and other free and voluntary Contributions , before the issuing out of those Commissions , as enabled the grand Commissioners to begin the work . Insomuch that on the sixteenth of December , Anno 1632. they found that there had been brought into the Chamber of London the Sum of 5416 li. 13 s. 6 d. And in April next ensuing the Work was begun : The houses adjoyning to and near the Church being compounded for , and plucked down , a great part of the Church-yard paled in for Masons to work in , and an order given to Inigo Iones , Surveyor general of his Majesties Works , on the twenty sixth of Iune next following , to prepare Scaffolding for the same . Which Preparations being made , the first stone of this new Work was solemnly laid by our Bishop himself , the second by Sir Francis Windebanke , his Majesties principal Secretary of State , and the third by Sir Henry Martin Knight , then Judge of the Prerogative Court , and the fourth by the said Inigo Iones , chief Surveyor of that Fabrick ; each of them giving money liberally amongst the Workmen , the better to encourage them to proceed therein with all honest speed . The Quire or Chancel being first finished , the work was carried on to the North part of the Cross Isle , and so un●o the Western part or main body of the Cross Isle , and so unto the Western part or main body of the Church . This worthy Prelate continuing the Piety of his endeavours towards the compleating of this stately and Magnificent Structure , as well when he was Archbishop of Canterbury ( to which dignity he was promoted in September following ) as when he was Bishop of London , and was more nearly concerned in the affairs of that Church . And though it be affirmed by a late Historian , that many had no fancy to the work because he promoted it ; yet on the contrary it is known , that had not he promoted it there were not many would have had the fancy to a work of that nature . Some men in hope of favour and preferment from him , others to hold fair quarter with him , and not a few for fear of incurring his displeasure , contributing more largely to it than they had done otherwise ; if otherwise they had contributed at all . Certain I am , that the Regular Clergy were so forward in it , that being called together by their several Ordinaries , few of them gave so little as a single tenth , many a double Subsidy , most in the middle betwixt both , to be paid in three , four , or five years , as the work continued . Which joyned together amounting to a liberal sum , not reckoning in the Deans and Chapters , whom it more nearly did concern to support that Fabrick than those of the Parochial Clergy . And yet it cannot be denied , but that it met with many rubs , and mighty enemies . The Puritan Ministers and their Adherents inveighed against it as the repairing and adorning of a Rotten Relique ; insinuating to the people ( as they found occasion ) that it was more agreeable to the Rules of Piety to demolish such old Monuments of Superstition and Idolatry than to keep them standing . For remedy whereof order was given to such as preached at St. Pauls Cross , and other publick places both in City and Country , to represent unto their hearers all those several motives which might not only serve to justifie , but endear the work ; nor wanted there some zealous Patriots ( or such as were desirous to be so accounted ) on the other side , who gave it out to be a cheat , a mear Court device to procure money for the King without help of Parliaments ; which project if it might succeed , the King ( said they ) would grow too absolute , and take unto himself an Arbitrary form of Government ; the People for want of Parliaments being left remediless ; which false report coming to his Majesties ears , he was compelled to make this Declaration of himself in all such following Commissions as were dispatched into the Country , that he had not only commanded , That the work of Reparation should begin , but had caused an entrance to be made into it , and that he was constantly resolved to follow it till it was brought to perfection , whereof he required the Commissioners to satisfie all his loving Subjects of the clearness of his Royal Intention therein , and to assure them in his Name , that all rumours and imaginations , as of diverting the money to any other purpose , was but the fancies of men either grosly malevolent , or causelesly jealous and distrustful . The Subject being thus assured , the Clergy active , and the Nobility giving good example unto all the rest , the work was so followed by the care of this powerful Prelate , that before the year 1640. the whole body of it was finished , and the Tower or Steeple Scaffolded to the very top , with an intent to take it down to the very Arches , and raise it to a more stately height than it had at the present , with four great Pinacles ( at each Corner one ) the Arches being thought unable to support the burthen of such a Steeple as before was fired . And though the publick Contribution which was brought into the Chamber of London amounted to the Sum of 101330 li. 4 s. 8 d. yet there was something more done in it by the Munificence of the King , and the bounty of the private Subject . His Majesty to g●ve life to the Work had sent in first and last 10295 li. 5 s. 6 d. toward the said Sum , with part whereof he caused a stately Portico to be erected at the West end of the Church , raised on Corinthian Pillars , where he placed the Statues of his Royal Father King Iames , and himself , for a lasting memorial of this their advancement of so glorious a work . Which Portico was intended to be an Ambulatory for such as by usual walking in the body of the Church prophaned the place , and disturbed the Divine Service in the Choire . And on the other side , Sir Paul Pindar Knight ( sometime Embassador from King Iames at Constantinople ) first repaired the decaies of that goodly Partition , made at the West end of the Choire , adorning the outward Front thereof with fair Pillars of black Marble , and Statues of those Saxon Kings who had been Founders and Benefactors to that Church ; beautified the inward part thereof with Figures of Angels , and all the Wainscoat work with Figures and Carving , viz. of Cherubins , and other Images richly guilded ; adding also fine sorts of hangings for the upper end thereof , and afterwards bestowed 4000 li. in repairing the South part of the Cross Isle . But as this Bishop fell , the work fell with him ; the yearly Contribution abating in the year 1641. when he was plunged into his troubles , from 15000 li. and upward , to little more than 1500 li. and after by degrees to nothing , which clearly shews upon what Wheel the whole Engine moved , whose soul it was , which gave both life and motion to that great design . A work of such a vast Magnificence as required a large and open heart , commensurate in some manner to the greatness of it ; not to be entertained by a man of such narrow comprehensions , as were ascribed unto him in a Speech made by one of the Peers , when he first fell into his troubles . So easie a thing it is to disgrace the man whom the weight of his afflictions have once made uncapable of standing up against such reproaches as the Pens or Tongues of his Revilers shall accumulate on him . Better success he had in another of his undertakings , though not of such a publick nature , or of so general a concernment to the honour of the Church and State. He had received his breeding and first Preferments in St. Iohns Colledge in Oxon. which he resolved to gratifie for the charge of his Education , by adding a second Quadrangle unto that of the first Foundation . The other great work he carried on by the publick Purse , contributing little more unto it ( besides his annual pension of 100 li. ) but his power and diligence . But this he means to carry on at his own proper Costs , his Majesty most graciously contributing some timber towards it out of Shot-over woods , of which the Lord Treasurer endeavoured ( but in vain endeavoured ) to have made a stop . Some Benefactor had before enricht the Colledge with a Publick Library , which made one side to his new Building , the other three he added to it of his own . That on the North consisted altogether of several Chambers , for the accommodations of the Fellows and other Students . That on the East of a fair open walk below , supported upon curious Pillars , and bearing up a beautiful Gallery , opening out of the Library , for meditation and discourse : confronted on the other side with the like open walk below , and a sutable Fabrick over that raised up against the Eastern wall of the Ancient Buildings . The whole composure fashioned in an excellent Symetry according to the exactest rules of Modern Architecture ; not only graceful in it self , and useful to that private house , but a great ornament also to the University . St. Iohns in Cambridge shall boast no longer of its precedency before this in a double Quadrangle ; In which it stands equalled at the least , if not surmounted also by this of Oxford . On the twenty third of Iuly , in this present year , he laid the first stone of this new building , not intermitting it ( but only during the unseasonableness of the following Winters ) till he had brought it to an end , according to his first design and proposition . Nor did these publick buildings take him off in the least degree from doing the Office of a Bishop . His eye was alwaies watchfull over the Churches peace . And to preserve his own Diocess both in peace and order , he bestowed this year a personal Visitation on it ; beginning at Brentwood in Essex , on the thirtieth of August , and so went on from place to place , till he had visited and regulated the whole Clergy of it in their several Deanries , and Precincts . And for performing of that Office he laid aside the dignity of a Privy Counsellor , and his attendance on the person of his gracious Soveraign , in being an example of a careful and prudent Pastor to the rest of his brethren . In the late Agitations at Woodstock before the King ▪ he let fall some words , which were interpreted to the disparagement of the married Clergy . He was a single man himself , and wisht perhaps as St. Paul once did , That all men else ( that is to say , all men in holy Orders ) would remain so likewise . And some occasion being offered at that time to speak about the conveniencies or inconveniencies of a married Clergy , he made some declaration of himself to this effect , that in disposing of all Ecclesiastical Promotions he would prefer the single man before the married , supposing the abilities of the persons were otherwise equal ; which limitation notwithstanding it gave much matter of discourse , and not a little ground of scandal to many very honest and well-minded men , who began presently to fear the sad consequents of it . This general murmur could not but come unto his ears , and found him very sensible of the Inconveniencies which might grow upon it . For he soon wiped off that reproach , by negotiating a Marriage between Mr Thomas Turner , one of his Chaplains , and a Daughter of Windebanke his old friend , ( at whose house he had so long lain sick , as before is said . ) And that the satisfaction in this point might appear the greater , he officiated the whole Service of their Marriage in his own Chappel at London House , joyning their hands , and giving the Nuptial Benediction , and performing all other Ecclesiastical Rites which belonged to the solemnization of Matrimony by the Rules of this Church . This was the answer which he made to his own Objection , and indeed it was so full and home , that the Objection seemed not to require any further answer . Nor was it long before Windebanke found how well his chearfulness in yielding to that Match had been entertained . He was at that time one of the Clerks of the Signet , as his Father Sir Thomas Windebanke had been before him : But our Bishop did not mean he should dwell there alwaies . They had been Cotemporaries at St. Iohns Colledge , their acquaintance from their very Childhood , their persons much of the same stature ; a like facetiousness in both for wit and company . In which respects Laud had commended him to the good Graces of the Duke when he was alive . But the Duke doing nothing for him , left Laud in a capacity to supply the want ; by whose power and favour with the King he was advanced unto the honourable Office of the principal Secretary of State , in the place of Dudly Lord Carlton Viscount Dorchester . Dorchester died on Ash-Wednesday Morning , Anno 1631. And of Windebanke he writes thus in his Breviate , viz. Iune 15. 1632. , Mr. Francis Windebanke my old friend was sworn Secretary of State , which Place I obtained for him of my gracious Master King Charles . About the same time also Sir Francis Cottington , who succeeded the Lord Treasurer Weston in the place of Chancellor , was made Successor unto Nanton in the Mastership of the Wards and Liveries . No sooner was he in this place , but some difference began to grow betwixt him and Coventry , Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England , about the disposing of such Benefices as belonged to the King , in the Minority of his Wards : Coventry pleaded a joynt interest in it according to the Priviledge and usage of his Predecessors , it standing formerly for a rule , that he of the two which first heard of the vacancy , and presented his Clerk unto the Bishop , should have his turn served before the other . But Cottington was resolved to have no Competitor , and would have either all or none . During which Competition betwixt the parties , Laud ends the difference by taking all unto himself . Many Divines had served as Chaplains in his Majesties Ships , and ventured their persons in the Action at the Isle of Rhe , during his Majesties late engagements with France and Spain ; some reward must be given them for their Service past , the better to encourage others on the like occasions for the time to come . It is cold venturing in such hot Services without some hope of Reward . And thereupon he takes occasion to inform his Majesty , that till this Controversie were decided he might do well to take those Livings into his own disposing for the reward of such Divines as had done him service in his Wars , or should go forth hereafter on the like imployments . Which Proposition being approved , his Majesty committed the said Benefices unto his disposal , knowing full well how faithfully he would discharge the trust reposed in him for the advancement of his Majesties Service , the satisfaction of the Suitors , and the Churches peace . Neither did Cottington seem displeased at this designation : As being more willing that a third man should carry away the prize from both , than to be overtopt by Coventry in his own Jurisdiction . By the accession of this power as he encreased the number of his dependents , so he gained the opportunity by it to supply the Church with regular and conformable men , for whom he was to be responsal both to God and the King. Which served him for a Counter-Ballance against the multitude of Lecturers established in so many places , especially by the Feoffees for impropriations , who came not to their doom till February 13. of this present year , as before was said . But greater were the Alterations amongst the Bishops in the Church than amongst the Officers of Court , and greater his Authority in preferring the one than in disposing of the other . Buckeridge his old Tutor , dying in the See of Elie , makes room for White , then Bishop of Norwich , and Lord Almoner , to succeed in his place ; A man who having spent the greatest part of his life on his private Cures , grew suddenly into esteem by his zealous preachings against the Papists , his Conferences with the Jesuite Fisher , and his Book wrote against him by command of King Iames. Appointed by that King to have a special eye on the Countess of Denbigh ( whom the Priests much laboured to pervert ) he was encouraged thereunto with the Deanry of Carlisle , advanced on that very account to the Bishoprick thereof by the Duke her brother . The Duke being dead , his favour in the Court continued , remove to Norwich first and to Ely afterwards . Corbet of Oxon. one of Lauds fellow-sufferers in the University , succeeds him in the See of Norwich ; and Bancroft , Master of Vniversity Colledge , is made Bishop of Oxon. Kinsman he was to ever renowned Archbishop Bancroft , by whom preferred unto that Headship , and looked upon for his sake chiefly , though otherwise of a good secular living in this Succession . The Bishoprick of small Revenue , and without a House , but Laud will find a remedy for both in convenient time . The Impropriate Parsonage of Cudesdens five miles from Oxon. belonged to the Bishop in the right of his See , and he had the Donation of the Vicaridge in the same right also . The Impropriation was in Lease , but he is desired to run it out without more renewing , that in the end it might be made an improvement to that slender Bishoprick . The Vicaridge in the mean time falling , he procured himself to be legally instituted and inducted , and by the power and favour of our Bishop of London obtains an annexation of it to the See Episcopal , ( the design of bringing in the impropriation going forwards still ) and builds that beautiful house upon it , which before we mentioned . The See of Bristow was grown poorer than that of Oxon. both having been dilapidated in Queen Elizabeths time , though by divers hands . To improve the Patrimony thereof , his Majesty had taken order , that Wright , then Bishop of that Church , should suspend the renewing of a Lease of a very good Farm , not very far distant from that City , well Housed , and of a competent Revenue , to serve as a Demesn to the following Bishops ; for which he was to be considered in some other Preferment . Houson of Durham being dead , Morton removes from Lichfield thither , A man who for the greatest part of his time had exercised his Pen against the Papists : but gave withall no small contentment to King Iames , by his learned Book in defence of the three harmless Ceremonies against the Puritans . Wright follows him at Lichfield , and Cooke ( brother to Secretary Cooke ) follows Wright at Bristoll , tyed to the same conditions , and with like encouragement . The Secretary had formerly done our Bishop some bad Offices . But great Courtiers must sometimes pay good turnes for injuries , break and be pieced again , as occasions vary . The like care also taken by him for mending the two Bishopricks of Asaph and Chester , as appears by his Breviate . Nor were these all the Alterations which were made this year ; Archbishop Harsnet having left his life the year before , care must be taken for a sit man to succeed at York ; a man of an unsuspected trust , and one that must be able to direct himself in all emergencies . Neiles known sufficiencies had pointed him unto the place , but he was warm at Winton , and perhaps might not be perswaded to move toward the North , from whence he came not long before with so great contentment ; Yet such was the good mans desires to serve his Majesty , and the Church in what place soever , though to his personal trouble and particular loss ; that he accepted of the offer , and was accordingly translated in the beginning of this year , or the end of the former . Two Offices fell void by this remove , one in the Court , which was the Clerkship of the Closet : and another in the Church of Winton , which was that of the Bishop . To the Clerkship of the Closet he preferred Dr. William Iuxon , ( whom before he had made President of St. Iohns Colledge ) and recommended to his Majesty for the Deanry of Worcester , to the end that he might have some trusty friend to be near his Majesty , whensoever he was forced by sickness , or any other necessary occasion , to absent himself . So that Windebanke having the Kings ear on one side , and the Clerke of the Closet on the other , he might presume to have his tale well told between them ; and that his Majesty should not easily be possessed with any thing to his disadvantage . To find another sit man for Winton must be his chief business , whom it concerned to plant such a Bishop in that See as might be pliant and subservient unto his desires . The Bishop of Winton by his place is Visitor of five considerable Colledges in the University of Oxon. that is to say , Magdalens , New Colledge , Corpus Christi , St. Iohns , and Trinity ; by which means he is able to draw a great party after him , and such as might much curb the power of the Chancellor if they should cross with one another . Therefore to make sure work at Oxford he thought it most conducible to his peace and power to prefer Curle from Bath and Wells to the See of Winton , which being accordingly effected , Pierce is removed from Peterborough to the Church of Wells , upon the like consideration as Wright about the same time was translated to Lichfield . There was a rich Parsonage , called Castor , which belonged to his Patronage as Bishop of Peterborough , about three or four miles from that small City , designed whensoever it fell void to serve for a perpetual commendam to the Bishops of it . And falling void , it was so ordered by the care of our Bishop of London , that Pierce should wave the preferment of a friend unto it , and take it for the present unto himself , leaving it afterwards to his Successors . For his Reward therein he was preferred to Bath and Wells , and Peterborough procured by Laud for his old Friend and Fellow-Servant Doctor Augustine Lyndsell , for whom he formerly had obtained the Deanry of Litchfeild : And to say truth , the man deserved it , being a very solid Divine , and a learned Linguist , to whom the Christian World remains indebted for Theophylact's Comment on the Epistles , and the Catena upon Iob , published by him in Greek and Latin. His Majesties Printers , at or about this time , had committed a scandalous mistake in our English Bibles , by leaving out the word Not in the Seventh Commandment . His Majesty being made acquainted with it by the Bishop of London , Order was given for calling the Printers into the High-Commission , where upon Evidence of the Fact , the whole Impression was called in , and the Printers deeply fined , as they justly merited . With some part of this Fine Laud causeth a fair Greek Character to be provided , for publishing such Manuscripts as Time and Industry should make ready for the Publick view ; of which sort were the Catena and Theophylact set out by Lyndsell . This mentioning of the High-Commission conducts me toward the Star-Chamber , where we shall find a Censure passed on Sherfeild the Recorder of Sarum , wherein our Bishop was as active as in that before ; which because it drew upon him some clamour , and such a clamour as not only followed him to his death , but hath been since continued in sundry Pamphlets , I shall lay down the occasion of it , and the true Reasons of his Earnestness and Zeal in that prosecution . This Sherfeild being Recorder of Sarum , as before is said , was one of the Parishioners of the Parish Church of St. Edmonds , in one of the Windows whereof the Story of the Creation was express'd in old painted Glass , in which there was a Representation of God the Father in the shape of an Old Man , after which form the Painters of those Elder Times did most commonly draw him . This Window , which had continued in the Church without any offence from the first setting of it up , till the year 1629. or thereabouts , became a great eyesore to this man , whom nothing would content but the defacing of those Pictures , in such a way as might best please his own humour , and affront Authority . Davenant at that time was Bishop of Sarum , and lived for the most part in his Palace there ; a man of known disaffections to the Church of Rome , and all the Superstitious Vanities and Corruptions of it . Had he been made acquainted with it , there is no question to be made , but that he either would have gratified the man , in causing the said window to be taken down in a peaceable way ; or else have given him such good Reasons to the contrary , as might have qualified the peccancy of the present Humour . But Sherfeild being the Recorder , and thinking he had the Law in his ●ands , as well as he had it in his head , must go another way to work , and bring the Business to be agitated in a Parish Vestry , which Bastard Elderships began to grow so much in use in most Corporate Towns , that countenance and connivence in short time would have made them Legitimate . The Elders of the Vestry being as willing to embrace the business , as he was to commend it to them , enabled him at the next Church-Session , in the Month of Ianuary 1629. to ease his Conscience of that burthen , by taking down the offensive Window , and setting up another of plain white Glass in the place therereof : And yet this gave him no content , unless he might shew a more than ordinary Zeal , in defacing those Images which he was ordered to take down ; and did accordingly deface them , beating down the Pictures with his Staff in such a violent and scandalous way , as was disrelished by most moderate men of his own Perswasion . The noise of so foul a misdemeanour growing lowder and lowder , it came at last unto the Court ; whereupon an Information was exhibited against him in the Star-Chamber by the Kings Atturney , not ripened for a Hearing till the latter end of this present year , and then brought to Sentence . The Affront done to the Diocesan , and the erecting of a new Eldership in despite of Authority , had been crime sufficient to bring him under the Censure of the High-Commission : But taking power unto himself of Reforming what he thought amiss in the face of the Church , and proceeding to the execution of it in a way so dangerous , so full of ill example to the rest of the Zealots , made him more properly subject to the Court of Star-Chamber , and to as heavy a Censure there as that Court could legally inflict for the like Disorders . For what Security could be hoped for in Church or State , if every man should be a Sherfeild , and without asking leave of the Prince or Prelate , proceed to such a Reformation as best pleased his Phansie ? If suffered to go on in defacing Windows , they would be spirited in short time to pull down Churches ; there being commonly no stop in such Tumultuary Reformations , till every man be wearied in his own confusions . And somewhat there was also in it which was looked upon as a great discouragement to the moderate Papists , from thinking favourably of our Churches , or resorting to them ; and to some moderate Protestants also , in beautifying and adorning Churches after such a manner , as without giving just offence , might draw the greater Estimation to those sacred Places . In which respect , Laud did not only aggravate the Crime as much as he could , in reference to the dangerous Consequences which might follow on it : but shewed how far the use of painted Images , in the way of Ornament and Remembrance , might be retained in the Church ; not justifying the painting of God the Father in the shape of an Old Man ( as he was commonly misreported ) but only laying down the Reason which induced some Painters to that Representation , which they grounded on Daniel 7.9 . where God the Father is not only called the Ancient of Days , to signifie his Eternity before all time ( which was so much insisted on by the Earl of Dorset ) but described after the similitude of an Old Man , the hair of whose head was like the pure wooll . In fine , though Sherfeild found some Friends , yet they were but few , the major part concurring in this Sentence on him , that is to say , to be fined a thousand pounds to the King , deprived of his Recordership , bound to his good behaviour for the time to come , as also to make a publick Acknowledgment of his Offence , not only in the Parish Church of St. Edmonds , where it was committed ; but in the Cathedral Church it self ; that the Bishop , in contempt of whose Authority he had plaid this Pageant , might have Reparation . This Censure being past on Sherfeild on the eighth of February , Order is given to Noy the Atturney-General to make preparation for another , but of greater consequence . We shew'd before how busie Prynne had made himself in some present Controversies , and with what insolence he carried himself from the High-Commission . Prepared with confidence and success for a further Calamity , he publishes a small Pamphlet called Lame GILES his Halting , An Appendix against Bowing at the Name of IESVS , a larger Book called Anti-Arminianism , and notably bestirs himself in discovering a mistake ( an Imposture it must needs be called ) in the Historical Narration published 1631. against which he never lest exclaiming , till he had procured Archbishop Abbot ( with whom he was grown very gracious ) to call it in : But not contented with that Triumph , he prepares another Pageant for us in the end of Michaelmas Term this year , known by the name of Histrio-Mastyx , in which he seemed to breath nothing but Disgrace to the Nation , Infamy to the Church , Reproaches to the Court , Dishonour to the Queen , and some things which were thought to be tending to the destruction of his Majesties Person . Neither the Hospitality of the Gentry in the time of Christmas , nor the Musick in Cathedrals and the Chappels Royal , nor the Pomps and Gallantries of the Court , nor the Queens harmless Recreations , nor the Kings solacing himself sometimes in Masques and Dances , could escape the venom of his Pen ; expressed for the most part in such bitter Language , and frequently interlaced with such dangerous Aggravations and Insinuations , that it was not possible for the Author to escape uncensured . This Book being brought before the Lords of the Council toward the end of Ianuary , and found too tedious for their Lordships to be troubled with it , it pleased his Majesty to give order , that the Book should be committed to the Reading of one of the Prebends of Westminster , with command to draw out of it and digest such particular Passages as tended to the danger or dishonour of the King or State. On the finishing and return of which Collection , Prynne is committed to the Tower on Sunday being Candlemas day , and on the morrow after the Collector received a further Order to review his Notes , and deduct out of them such Logical Inferences and Conclusions as might and did naturally arise on those dangerous Premises : One Copy of the same to be le●t for the Lords of the Council , and another with Noy the Atturney-General , and the rest of his Majesties Council-Learned in the Laws of this Realm ; which Papers gave such satisfaction to the one , and such help to the other , that when the Cause was brought to hearing in the Star-Chamber , they repeated his Instructions only , as (a) Prynne himself informed against him to the House of Commons . What was done further in this business , we shall see hereafter . This business being put into a course , our Bishop offereth some Considerations to the Lords of the Council , concerning the Dishonour done to the Church of England by the wilful negligence of some Chaplains and other Ministers , both in our Factories and Regiments beyond the Seas ; together with the Inconveniencies which redounded to it from the French and Dutch Congregations settled in many places amongst our selves . He had long teemed with this Design , but was not willing to be his own Midwife when it came to the Birth ; and therefore it was so contrived , that Windebank should make the Proposition at the Council-Table , and put the Business on so far , that the Bishop might be moved by the whole Board to consider of the several Points in that weighty Business : who being thus warranted to the execution of his own desires , presented two Memorials to their Lordships , at the end of this year , March 22. The one relating to the Factories and Regiments beyond the Seas ; the other to the French and Dutch Plantations in London , Kent , Norfolk , Yorkshire , Hampshire , and the Isle of Axhelme . He had observed , not without great indignation , how Tenacious the French and Dutch Churches were of their own received Forms , both in Worship and Government ; as on the other side , how ignoble and degenerous the English had shown themselves , in neglecting the Divine Service of this Church in their several Factories , where they were licenced to make use of it by the Power and Countenance of that State in which they Traded . The Earl of Leicester being sent this year to negotiate some Affairs with the King of Denmark , and Anstrother ready to come from the Court of the Emperour , they were appointed by his Majesty to meet at Hamborough , there to expect the coming of Pennington with some Ships to conduct them home . The English driving a great Trade in that Town , were by the Magistrates thereof indulged all the Priviledges of an English Church : but they retained nothing of a Church of England , governing themselves wholly by Calvin's Plat-form , which they had taken up in England . The two Embassadors being met , but the Ships not come , the Elders of the Church humbly desired their Lordships to do them so much honour in the eyes of the People , as to vouchsafe their presence at the English Church ; and that their Lordships Chaplains might be ordered to Exercise in the Congregation . This Motion being chearfully embraced by both , the Earl of Leicester's Chaplain first mounts the Pulpit , and after a short Psalm , according to the Genevian fashion , betakes himself unto his Sermon . The like was done by Iohnson , Anstrothers Chaplain , ( for I remember not the name of the other ) when it came to his turn . The Ships being come , and staying for a change of wind , the like curtesie was desired of Pennington , Admiral of that little Fleet for the present Service . Pennington told them that he had no Chaplain , that there was in the Ship one Dr. Ambrose his Friend and Kinsman , who had borne him company in that Voyage ; and that he doubted not but that he would readily hearken to them , if they made the motion . The motion being made and granted , Ambrose attends his Admiral to the place of Exercise , where he took up his stand very near the Pulpit . The Congregation being filled , and the Psalm half done , a Deacon is sent to put him in mind of going into the Pulpit ; of whom he desires to be accommodated with a Bible , and a Common-Prayer Book ; The Deacon offered him a Bible , but told him that they had no such thing as a Common-Prayer Book , and that the Common Prayers were not used amongst them : Why then , said Ambrose , the best is , that I have one of my own ; which being presently taken out of his pocket , he began with the Sentences , and invitation , and was scarce entred into the Confession , when all the Church was in an uprore . The Elders thereupon in a great amaze sent back the Deacon , to desire him to go into the Pulpit , and not to trouble them with that which they were not used to . Ambrose replied , That if they were an English Church they were obliged to serve God by the English Liturgie ; and that if they would have no Prayers they should have no Sermon , and so proceeded on with the rest of the Liturgy ; which Message being delivered to the Elders , the Deacon was sent back the third time , requiring him to desist from that unnecessary Service . On the receiving of which Message he puts the book into his pocket , and goes out of the Church , the two Embassadours following him , and the Admiral them ; to the great honour of himself , and the confusion of Iohnson ( from whose mouth I received the story ) and the other Chaplain , being thus shewed their errour in not doing the like . That our Bishop was ever made acquainted by the said Iohnson with this passage , I am not able to say ; but whether he were or not , he had too much ground for what he did , in offering to their Lordships his considerations for regulating Divine Service in that and all other Factories , Imployments , and Commands of the English Nation . That is to say , First , That the Colonels of the English Regiments in the Low-Countries should entertain no Minister as Preacher to their Regiments but such as should conform in all things to the Church of England , to be commended to them by their Lordships , the Advice of the Archbishop of Canterbury and York being taken in it . Secondly , That the Company of Merchants there residing , or in any other parts , shall admit no Minister as Preacher to them but such as are so qualified , and so commended , as a●oresaid . Thirdly , That if any Minister hath gotten himself by indirect means to be so commended , and should be afterwards found to be unconformable , and should not conform himself within three months , upon warning giving him by the said Colonels or Deputy Governour of the Factors under whom he liveth , he shall be dismist from his imployment , and a more orderly man recommended to it . Fourthly , That every Minister or Chaplain in any Factory , or Regiment , whether of English or Scots , shall read the Common Prayers , Administer the Sacraments , Catechise the Children , and perform all other publick Ministerial duties , according to the Rules or Rubricks of the English Liturgie , and not otherwise . Fifthly , That if any Minister or Preacher , being the Kings born Subject , should with any bitter words , or writings , in Print or otherwise , defame the Church of England by Law established , notice thereof is to be given to the Ambassador there , and by him to this State , by whom the party so offending should be commanded over again to answer for his said offences ; the like to be done also in derogating from the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church , and in Preaching , Writing or Printing any thing prejudicial to the Temporal State and Government of the Realm of England . Sixthly , That no Colonel or Deputy Governour should permit their Minister or Preacher , in the case of sickness , or necessary absence , to bring in any to preach or officiate for him , but such an one for whose conformity he would be accountable . Seventhly , That no Deputy Governours should be sent to Delfe , or any other place of Residence for the English Merchants , but one that , being conformable to the Church of England both in Doctrine and Discipline , would take care also , that such as be under him , shall perform all Church duties before expressed ; that the party so designed shall be presented to their Lordships by the Merchant Adventurers , giving assurance of his fitness and sufficiency for that charge , and that some of the chief of the Merchants be sent for to the board , and made acquainted with this order . Eightly , That as often as the said Merchants shall renew their Patents , a clause for the due observation of these Instructions ( or so many of them at the least as should seem necessary to their Lordships ) to be inserted in the same . Ninthly , That all his Majesties Agents there from time to time have these Instructions given them in Charge , and that once a year they be required to give the Board an account of the Progress of the business , that further order might be taken if occasion be . Tenthly , That the English Ministers in Holland , being his Majesties born Subjects , be not suffered to hold any Classical meetings , but howsoever not to assume the power of Ordination ; from which if they should not be restrained , there would be a perpetual Seminary for breeding up men in Schism and Faction , to the disturbance of this Kingdom . In reference to the French and Dutch Churches here in England he proceeded in another method ; first , representing the occasion of their settling here , their several abuses of that Favour , together with the manifold dangers and inconveniencies which might thence arise ; and next advising such agreeable remedies as he thought most proper for the cure . And first he represented to them the great piety of this State in giving liberty to those Nations to enjoy the freedom of their own Religion , at London and elsewhere in this Kingdom ; when being under persecution in their own Countries they could not enjoy the same at home . Secondly , That it was not the meaning of this State then , or at any other time since , that the first Generation being worn out , their Children , and Childrens Children , being naturally born Subjects of this Realm , should still remain divided from the rest of the Church , which must needs alienate them from the State , and make them apt to any innovation which may sort better with their humour : Thirdly , That they still keep themselves as a distinct body of themselves , marrying only in their own Tribe with one another ; by means whereof it must needs follow , that as they are now a Church within a Church , so in short time they might grow to be a Common-wealth in the middest of a Kingdom . Fourthly , That these bodies standing thus divided from the Church and State are planted for the most part in such Haven Towns as lay fittest for France and the Low-Countries ; which may be a shrewd temptation to them to take such advantages to themselves , or to make use thereof for others as occasion offereth . Fifthly , That the example is of ill consequence in Church-affairs to the Subjects of England , many being confirmed by it in their stubborn waies , and inconformities , but in London chiefly . Sixthly , That neither French nor Dutch Church be longer tolerated in this Kingdom than the Subjects of this Kingdom be suffered to enjoy the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England in those several parts beyond the Seas where they have their abode . The dangers and inconveniencies being thus laid down , he proceeds to the Remedies . And first he doth advise , That the number of them in all places of the Kingdom be fully known , to the end a better Judgment might be made of the way by which they are to be reduced to the rest of the Kingdom . Secondly , That a Command be issued to this purpose from the State it self , and that it be avowedly ( and not perfunctorily ) taken in all places where they do reside , and a Certificate returned of the men of most credit and wealth amongst them . Thirdly , That if they will continue as a distinct body both from State and Church , they should pay all duties double as strangers used to do in this Realm , and not be capable of such immunities as the Natives have , as long as they continue so divided from them . Fourthly , That when it shall be thought convenient to reduce them to the same condition with the rest of the Subjects , they should then be warned in an Ecclesiastical way ( excepting such as be new Commers ) to repair diligently to their Parish Churches , and to conform themselves to their Prayers and Sacraments ; which if they should refuse to do , then to proceed against them by Excommunication , and so unto the Writ de Excommunicato capiendo , for a terror to others . Fifthly , and lastly , That if this course prevaile not with them , a Declaration to be made by the State to this effect , That if they will be as natives , and take the benefit of Subjects they must conform themselves to the Laws of the Kingdom , as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal ; That being the likeliest way to make them capable of the inconveniencies they should run unto by their refusal and perverseness . Such were the considerations offered by him to the Lords of the Council , for advancing the peace and honour of this Church both at home , and abroad . But long it will not be before we shall behold him sitting in the Chair of Canterbury , acting his own counsels , bringing these Conceptions to the birth , and putting the design into execution , of which more hereafter . These matters standing in this state , we must at last look toward Scotland ; for the receiving of which Crown his Majesty and the Court prepare the beginning of this year . But besides the Pomp and Splendor of a Coronation , which the people with great importunity had long prest upon him , there were some other Loadstones which made the Needle of his Compass point so much to the North. Concerning which the Reader may be pleased to know , that at the first Alteration of Religion in the Kirk of Scotland , the Scots petitioning for aide from Queen Elizabeth to expell the French , (a) obliged themselves by the subscription of their hands to embrace the Liturgie , Rites , and Ceremonies of the Church of England . According whereunto , an Ordinance was made by their Reformers , that in all Parishes of that Realm (b) the Common-Prayer should be read weekly on Sundaies , and other Festival daies , with the Lessons of the Old and New Testament , conform to the order of the Book of Common-Prayer of the Church of England ; it being well known , that for divers years after , they had no other order for Common-Prayer but that which they received from hence . But as Presbytery prevailed , so the Liturgie sell : the fancy of Extemporary Prayers growing up so fast in the minority of King Iames , that it soon thrust all Publick Forms out of use and credit . In which confused estate it stood till the coming of that King to the Crown of England , where he much pleased himself with the Sobriety and Piety of the publick Liturgie . This made him cast his eyes more sadly on the Kirk of Scotland , where for want of some such publick Forms of Prayers the Ministers prayed so ignorantly , that it was a shame to all Religion to have God spoke to in that barbarous manner , and sometimes so seditiously that their Prayers were plain Libells against Authority , or stuft with lies made up of all the false reports in the Kingdom . For remedy whereof , after he had restored , and settled the Episcopal Government , he procured the General Assembly of that Kirk , held at Aberdeen , Anno 1616. to pass an Act for Authorising some of the Bishops , and divers others , to compile a Publick Liturgie for the use of that Kirk ; which being presented unto the King , and by him approved , should be universally received over all the Kingdom . To prepare the way unto them , his Majesty gave order the next Spring after , That the English Liturgie should be Officiated day by day in his Chappel-Royal in the City of Edenborough ; and in the year following 1618. obtained the five Articles before-mentioned ( as so many chief Ingredients for the Common-Prayer-Book ) to be passed at Perth : by which Encouragements , the Commissioners which were appointed to compile the Book , went so luckily forwards , that it was not long before they brought it to an end , and sent it to King Iames by Archbishop Spotswood ; who not only carefully perused every Passage in it , but caused it to be revised by some of the Bishops of that Kingdom , which were then in England , in whose Judgments he reposed especial confidence . Fitted according to his mind , he sent it back again to those from whose hands he received it , to be by them commended to the use of the Church ; which undoubtedly had took effect , if the Breach with Spain , and the Death of that King , which followed not long after , had not unfortunately interrupted the Success of the business . In this condition of Affairs King Charles succeeded in the Crown , ingaged in a War with the King of Spain , and standing upon no good terms with his People at home ; so that the business of the Liturgie seemed to be laid asleep , if not quite extinct . But in the year 1629. having agreed his differences with the Crown of France , and being in a good way towards an Accommodation with the King of Spain , the Scottish Bishops were again remembred of their Duty in it , who dispatch'd Maxwell , then one of the Preachers of Edenborough , to the Court about it : Maxwell applying himself to Laud , then Bishop of London , from whom he received this positive Answer , That if his Majesty would have a Liturgie setled there , different from what they had already , it was best to take the English Liturgie , without any variation from it ; that so the same Service-Book might pass through all his Majesties Dominions . Maxwell replying , That the Scottish Bishops would be better pleased to have a Liturgie of their own , but such as should come near the English both in Form and Matter , the Cause was brought before the King , who on a serious consideration of all Particulars , concurred in Judgment for the English. And on these terms it stood till this present year , Laud standing hard for admitting the English Liturgie without alteration ; the Scottish Bishops pleading on the other side , That a Liturgie made by themselves , and in some things different from the English Service , would best please their Countrymen , whom they found very jealous of the least dependence on the Church of England . But because Letters writtten in the time of Action , are commonly conceived to carry more truth in them , than Relations made upon the post-fact for particular ends ; take here this short Remembrance in one of his Letters to the Earl of Traquaire , dated September 11. 1637. where we find this Passage : And since ( saith he ) I hear from others , That some exception is taken , because there is more in that Liturgie in some few particulars , than is in the Liturgie of England , Why did they not admit the Liturgie of England without more ado ? But by their refusal of that , and the dislike of this , 't is more than manifest they would have neither , and perhaps none at all , were they left to themselves . But besides this , there was another Invitation which wrought much upon him in order to the present Journey : At his first coming to the Crown , the great Engagements then upon him , want of Supply from England , and small help from Scotland , forced him to have recourse to such other ways of assistances as were offered to him ; of which this was one . In the Minority of King Iames , the Lands of all Cathedral Churches and Religious Houses which had been setled on the Crown by Act of Parliament , were shared amongst the Lords and great men of that Kingdom ( by the connivence of the Earl of Murrey , and some other of the Regents ) to make them sure unto that side : And they being thus possessed of the same Lands , with the Regalities and Tythes belonging to those Ecclesiastical Corporations , Lorded it with Pride and Insolence enough in their several Territories , holding the Clergy to small Stipends , and the poor Peasant under a miserable Vassalage and subjection to them , not suffering them to carry away their nine parts , till the Lord had carried off his Tenth ; which many times was neglected out of pride and malice , those Tyrants not caring to lose their Tythe , so that the poor mans Crop might be left unto spoil and hazard . King Iames had once a purpose to revoke those Grants ; but growing into years and troubles , he left the following of that Project to his Son and Successor : Having but little help from thence to maintain his Wars , by the Advice of some of the Council of that Kingdom , he was put upon a course of resuming those Lands , Tythes , and Regalities into his own hand , to which the present Occupants could pretend no other Title than the unjust Usurpation of their Predecessors . This to effect , he resolves upon an Act of Revocation , Commissionating for that purpose the Earl of Annandale , and the Lord Maxwell ( afterwards Earl of Niddisdale ) to hold a Parliament in Scotland , for Contribution of Money and Ships against the Duynkirkers ; and arming Maxwell also with some secret Instructions for passing the said Act of Revocation , if he found it feasible . Being on the way as far as Barwick , Maxwell was there informed , That his chief errand being made known , had put all at Edenborough into Tumult ; That a rich Coach which he had sent before to Dalkeith was cut in pieces , the poor Horses killed , the People seeming only sorry that they could not do so much to the Lord himself . Things being brought unto this stand , the King was put to a necessity of some second Counsels , amongst which none seemed more plausible and expedient to him , than that of Mr. Archibald Achison , who from a puisne Judge in Ireland , was made his Majesties Procurator or Solicitor-General in the Kingdom of Scotland ; who having told his Majesty , That such as were Estated in the Lands in question , had served themselves so well by the bare naming of an Act of Revocation , as to possess the People ▪ ( whom they found apt to be inflamed on such Suggestions ) , That the true intendment of that Act was to revoke all former Laws for suppressing of Popery , and settling the Reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland : And therefore , That it would be unsafe for his Majesty to proceed that way . Next he advised , That instead of such a General Revocation as the Act imported , a Commission should be issued out under the Great Seal of that Kingdom , for taking the Surrendries of all such Superiorities and Tythes within the Kingdom , at his Majesties Pleasure : And that such as should refuse to submit unto it , should be Impleaded one by one ; to begin first with those whom he thought least able to stand out , or else most willing to conform to his Majesties Pleasure : Assuring him , That having the Laws upon his side , the Courts of Iustice must and would pass Iudgment for him . The King resolved upon this course , sends home the Gentleman , not only with Thanks and Knighthood ( which he had most worthily deserved ) but with Instructions and Power to proceed therein ; and he proceeded in it so effectually to the Kings Advantage , that some of the impleaded Parties being cast in the Suit ; and the rest seeing , that though they could raise the People against the King , they could not raise them against the LaWs , it was thought the best and safest way to compound the business . Hereupon , in the year 1630. Commissioners are sent to the Court of England , and amongst others , the Learned and right Noble Lord of Marcheston ( from whose mouth I had this whole Relation ) who after a long Treaty with the King , did at last agree , That the said Commission should proceed as formerly ; and , That all such Superiorities and Tythes as had been or should be surrendred , should be re-granted by the King on these Conditions : First , That all such as held Hereditary Sheriffdoms , or had the Power of Life and Death over such as lived within their Iurisdiction , should quit those Royalties to the King. Secondly , That they should make unto their Tenants in their several Lands , some permanent Estates , either for their Lives , or one and twenty years , or some such like Term ; that so the Tenants might be encouraged to Build and Plant , and improve the Patrimony of that Kingdom . Thirdly , That some Provisions should be made for augmenting the Stipends of the Clergy . Fourthly , That they should double the yearly Rents which were reserved unto the Crown , by their former Grants . And finally , That these Conditions being performed on their parts , the King should settle their Estates by Act of Parliament . Home went the Commissioners with joy for their good success , expecting to be entertained with Bells and Bonfires : but they found the contrary ; the proud Scots being generally resolved , rather to put all to hazard , than to quit that Power and Tyranny which they had over their poor Vassals , by which name ( after the manner of the French ) they called their Tenants . And hereunto they were encouraged under-hand by a Party in England , who feared that by this Agreement the King would be so absolute in those Northern Regions , that no Aid could be hoped from thence , when the necessity of their designs might most require it : Just as the Castilians were displeased with the Conquest of Portugal by King Philip the Second , because thereby they had no place left to retire unto , when either the Kings displeasure , or their disobedience , should make their own Country to hot for them . Such was the face of Church and State when his Majesty began his Journey for Scotland to receive the Crown ; a Journey of great expence on both sides , but of small profit unto either . On the thirteenth day of May he advanced toward the North ; but by such leisurely Removes , that he recovered not the City of York till the twenty fourth , into which he made a Solemn and Magnificent Entrance , attended by the Flower of the English Nobility , the principal Officers of his Court , and some of the Lords of his Privy Council . He was received at his first entrance into Scotland with a gallant body of that Nation , consisting for the most part of the like Ingredients , and so conducted into Edenborough on the tenth of Iune . Edenborough , the chief City of the Realm of Scotland , and indeed the Summa totalis of that Kingdom , extended a whole mile in length from the Palace-Royal of Holy-Rood-House , lying at the foot of the Hill , to a fair and ancient Castle mounted on the top thereof . From this Castle the King was to descend the Street in a Royal Pomp , till he came to his Palace ( as the Kings of England commonly on the like occasion ride from the Tower thorow London to the Court of Whitehall ) where the Solemnities of the Coronation were to be perform'd . The day designed for it was the eighteenth of Iune , the concourse of People beyond expression , and the expressions of their Joy in gallantry of Apparel , sumptuous Feastings , and Acclamations of all sorts , nothing inferiour to that concourse . But this was only the Hosanna of his first Reception ; they had a Crucifige for him when he came to his Parliament . It was conceived at his Majesties first going toward the North , that he would have settled the English Liturgie in that Church , at his being there : but he either carried no such thoughts with him , or , if he did , he kept them to himself as no more than thoughts , never discovering any such thing in his words or actions . The Scots were of another temper , than to be easily won to any thing which they had no mind to ; and a less mind they could have to nothing than the English Liturgie . King Iames had taken order at his being in Scotland , Anno 1617. That it should constantly be read twice every day in his Chappel-Royal for that City ; and gave command that the Lords of his Privy-Council , and the Lords of Session , should be present at it on the Sundays , and there receive the Holy Communion , according to the form prescribed in the Common-Prayer-Book : And this he did unto this end , That as well the Citizens of Edenborough , as such as came thither upon Business , might by degrees be made acquainted with the English Forms , and consequently be prepared for the receiving of such a Liturgie as the King , with the Advice of his Bishops , and other Learned Men ( according to the Act of the Assembly at Aberdeen ) should commend unto them : But these Directions being either discontinued , or carelesly followed after his decease , and the five Articles of Perth not press'd so diligently on the People as they might have been , the Scots were generally as great Strangers to the Liturgie of the Church of England , as when King Iames first came amongst us . His Majesty could not be so ill served , as not to be well enough informed how things went in Scotland ; and therefore was not to venture rashly upon such a business , wherein he might receive a foil . He thereupon resolves to proceed no further in Matters which concerned the Church , than to pass an Act of Ratification , an Act Confirmatory of such Laws and Statutes , relating unto Church-concernments , as by King Iames had been obtained with great charge and cunning . And though he carried this Act at last , yet was it not without a far greater opposition than he had reason to expect from that Convention : But the Commission of Surrendry did so stick in their stomacks , that they could not chuse but vent their disaffections on the first occasion . Nor would they suffer him to enjoy the benefit of that Act , so hardly gotten , with Peace and Honour ; but followed him into England with a pestilent Libel , in which they charged him to have carried that Act by corrupting some , and a plain down-right buying of the Voices of others . This was the first taste which they gave the King of their malevolency towards his Person and Government ; but it shall not prove to be the last . His Majesty had another business to effect at his being there , for which he needed not their Assistance , and for that reason did not ask it : This was the raising of the City of Edenborough to a See Episcopal , which before was only a Borough Town , belonging anciently to the Diocess and Jurisdiction of St. Andrews . The Metropolitan of St. Andrews was willing for the common good to yield unto this diminution of his Power and Profit ; and that the whole County of Lothian , extending from Edenborough-Fryth to the Town of Barwick , should be dismembred from his own Diocess , to serve as a Diocess to this Bishop of new Election . And on the other side , the Duke of Lenox , whose Ancestors had long enjoyed the Priory of St. Andrews , with a great part of the Lands belonging to it , was willing to let his Majesty have a good penyworth of some part of those Lands , to serve as a Patrimony to this new Episcopal See , and the Bishop of it : Which Provision being thus made and settled , Forbesse a right grave and solid Divine , is made the first Bishop of this City , his Cathedral fixed in the Church of St. Giles ( being the fairest in the Town ) , a Dean appointed for that Church , some Ministers of Edenborough and the Parts adjoining , being nominated for the Canons or Prebends of it . A design pious in it self , and purposely intended to inure the Edenburghers to the Fatherly Government of a Bishop , who by tempering the exorbitancies of the Ministers there , might by degrees prepare the People to such impressions of Conformity as his Majesty , by the Council and Consent of the rest of the Bishops , should graciously be pleased to imprint upon them . But such ill luck his Majesty had with that stubborn Nation , that this was look'd upon also as a general Grievance , and must be thought to aim at no other end than Tyranny and Popery , and what else they pleased . We have almost done our work in Scotland , and yet hear nothing all this while of the Bishop of London ; not that he did not go the Journey , but that there was little to be done at his being there , but to see and be seen : And yet it was a Journey which brought him some access of Honour , and gave him opportunity of making himself known to those of best Quality of that Kingdom . He had been in Scotland with King Iames ; but then he waited only as a private Chaplain . He is now looked upon as the third Bishop of England in Place , and the greatest in Power ; a Counsellor of State , and the Kings great Favorite . He entred Scotland as a Privy-Counsellor of England only ; but returned thence as a Counsellor for that Kingdom also : to which Office he was sworn on the fifteenth of Iune . Nor did he shew himself less able in that Church , than in the Council-Chamber ; being appointed by his Majesty to Preach before him on the last of that Month : in which some question may be made how he pleased the Scots , although it be out of question that he pleased the King. The greatest part of the following Iuly was spent in visiting the Country , and taking a view of the chief Cities , and most remarkable Parts and Places of it : Which having seen , he made a Posting Journey to the Queen at Greenwich , whither he came on Saturday the twentieth of Iuly , crossing the Water at Blackwall , and looking towards London from no nearer distance : But in this Act he laid aside the Majesty of his Predecessors , especially of Queen Elizabeth of Famous Memory , of whom it was observed , That she did very seldom end any of her Summer Progresses , but she would wheel about to some end of London , to make her passage to Whitehall thorow some part of the City ; not only requiring the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , in their Scarlet Robes and Chains of Gold , to come forth to meet her : but the several Companies of the City to attend solemnly in their Formalities as she went along . By means whereof she did not only preserve that Majesty which did belong to a Queen of England ; but kept the Citizens ( and consequently all the Subjects ) in a reverent Estimation and Opinion of her . She used the like Arts also in keeping up the Majesty of the Crown , and Service of the City , in the Reception and bringing in of Foreign Embassadors ; who if they came to London by Water , were met at Gravesend by the Lord Mayor , the Aldermen , and Companies in their several Barges , and in that Solemn manner conducted unto such Stairs by the Water side , as were nearest to the Lodgings provided for them : But if they were to come by Land , they were met in the like sort at Shooters-Hill , by the Mayor and Aldermen , and thence conducted to their Lodgings , the Companies waiting in the Streets in their several Habits . The like she used also in celebrating the Obsequies of all Christian Kings , whether Popish or Protestant , with whom she was in Correspondence ; performed in such a Solemn and Magnificent manner , that it preserved her in the estimation of all Foreign Princes , though differing in Religion from her , besides the great contentment which the People took in those Royal Pomps . Some other Arts she had of preserving Majesty , and keeping distance with her People ; yet was so popular withal , when she saw her time , that never Majesty and Popularity were so matched together . But these being laid aside by King Iames , who brooked neither of them ; and not resumed by King Charles , who loved them not much more than his Father did ; there followed first a neglect of their Persons , which Majesty would have made more Sacred ; and afterwards a mislike of their Government , which a little Popularity would have made more grateful . Laud having no such cause of hastning homewards , returned not to his House at Fulham till the twenty sixth of the same Month : But he came time enough to hear the news of Abbot's Sickness , and within few days after , of his Death , which hapned on Sunday morning the fourth of August , and was presently signified to the King , being ●hen at Greenwich . A man he was that had tasted both of good and ill Fortune in extremes ; affirmed by the Church Historian ( for I shall only speak him in the words of others ) to be a grave man in his Conversation , and unblameable in his Life : but said withal to have been carried with non amavit gentem nostram , forsaking the Birds of his own feather , to fly with others ; and generally favouring the Laity above the Clergie , in all Cases which were brought before him : Conceived by one of our State Historians , to be too facil and yielding in the exercising of his Function ; by whom it also affirmed , That his extraordinary remisness , in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremony , seemed to resolve those legal Determinations to their first Principle of Indifferency , and to lead in such an habit of Inconformity , as the future reduction of those tender-conscienc'd men to long discontinued Obedience , was interpreted an Innovation . By the first Character we find what made him acceptable amongst the Gentry ; by the last , what made him grateful to the Puritan , in favour of which men he took so little care of the great Trust committed to him , and gave them so many opportunities of increasing both in Power and Numbers , that to stop t●em in their full career , it was found necessary to suspend him from his Metropolitical Jurisdiction , as before was noted . It is reported , That as Prince Henry , his Majesty , then Duke of Yorke , Archbishop Abbot , with many of the Nobility were waiting in the Privy Chamber for the coming out of King Iames ; the Prince , to put a jest on the Duke his Brother , took the Archbishops Square Cap out of his hands , and put it on his Brothers head , telling him , that if he continued a good Boy , and followed his Book , he would one day make him Archbishop of Canterbury . Which the Child took in such disdain , that he threw the Cap upon the ground , and trampled it under his feet , not being without much difficulty and some force taken off from that eagerness . This though first it was not otherwise beheld than as an Act of Childish Passion , yet when his Brother Prince Henry died , and that he was Heir apparent to the Crown , it was taken up by many zealous Church-men for some ill presage unto the Hierarchy of Bishops ; the overthrow whereof by his Act and Power did seem to be fore-signified by it . But as their fears in that were groundless , so their conjectures were no better grounded than their fears , ( there never being a greater Patron of the Episcopal order than he lived and died ) but whether there might not be some presage in it in reference to the Archbishops person , the diminution of his Dignity and fall of his Power , may be best judged by this suspension and the consequents which followed on it : And though he lived not long under the disgrace , yet in the interval of time he saw so much of his Authority devolved on Laud , that he grew more and more discontented , and was ready in a manner to have made himself the head of the Puritan Faction . It is related by a late Writer , That towards his death he was not only discontented himself , but that his house was the Rendezvouz of all the Malecontents in Church and State , that he turned Midnight to Noonday-by constant keeping of Candles lighted in his Chamber and Study ; as also that such Visitants as repaired unto him called themselves Nicodemites , because of their secret coming to him by night . I know how much that Author hath been mistaken in other things , but I see nothing in this which may not be consistent with the truth of History . Certain I am , his Chaplains were successively declared Calvinians , his Secretary a professed Patron of the Puritan Faction , his doors continually open to the Chiefs of that party , and such as stickled in that cause ; and amongst others to him by whose Suggestion ( if we may take his own report ) the Historical Narration was called in , for the great danger which it threatned to the grounds of Calvinism . For his compliance with the Gentry against the Clergie , this reason is alledged from his own mouth , That he was so severe to the Clergy on purpose to rescue them from the severity of others , and to prevent the punishment of them by lay Iudges to their greater shames ; which leaves the poor Clergy under a greater obloquy than any which their enemies had laid upon them . But the truer reason of it was , that having never been Parson , Vicar , nor Curate , he was altogether ignorant of those afflictions which the Clergy do too often suffer by the pride of some , and the Avarice of others of their Country Neighbours , and consequently shewed the least compassion towards them when any of them had the hard fortune to be brought before him . And for his compliance with the Puritans against the Church this reason is alledged by others , viz. That he shewed the greater favour to them , to keep the ballance even betwixt them and the Papists ; as Laud was thought to be indulgent to the Papists , the better to keep down the pride and prevalency of the Puritan Faction . But the truer reason of it was , That he had been alwaies inclinable to them from his first beginnings ; insomuch that when he went Chaplain into Scotland with the Earl of Dunbar , ( imployed by King Iames in some negotiation about that Church ) he was upon the point of betraying the cause , if Hodgskins , ( afterwards one of the Residentiaries of York ) who went Chaplain with him , had not preacquainted the Earl with his tergiversation . And as he laboured to be Popular upon both accounts , so he endeavoured a more particular correspondence with the Gentry of Kent , but most especially of his own Diocess . It had been formerly the custom of his Predecessors to spend the grea●est part of the long vacations in the Palace of Canterbury ; met at the first entrance into the Diocess with a body of five hundred horse , conducting them to Canterbury with great love and duty ; feasting the Gentry ; relieving the poor City , entertaining their Tenants , and by them liberally furnished on the other side with all sorts of provisions . Abbot affected not this way , and therefore never bestowed any such visit upon his Diocess , but when he was confined to his house at Ford by the Kings appointment ; and yet resolved upon a course which carried some equivalence with it towards his design . For once or twice in every year ( and sometimes oftner ) at the end of the term he would cause enquiry to be made in Westminster Hall , the common Rendezvouz in St. Pauls Church , and the Royal Exchange , for all such Gentlemen of his Diocess as lodged in and about the City of London , dispersing several Tickets from one to another , by which they were invited to a general entertainment at his house in Lambeth , the next day after the end of the present term , where he feasted them with great bounty and familiarity . A course as acceptable to the Kentish Gentry as if he had kept open Hospitality in his Palace at Canterbury ; because it saved them both the trouble of attending on him , and the charge of sending Presents to him , both which had been expected if he had spent any part of the year amongst them . But this he discontinued also for three or four years , or more , before his death , fearing ( as his affairs then stood ) that it might render him obnoxious to some misconstructions , which he was willing to avoid . To bring his Story to an end , I shall say no more , but that he had his Birth at Guilford , the chief Town of Surrey , and the best part of his breeding in Baliol Colledge in Oxon. whereof he was Fellow , and from thence preferred to be Master of Vniversity Colledge , and Dean of Winton . Other preferments he had none till he came to Lichfield , of which he was consecrated Bishop on the third of December , Anno 1609. from thence translated unto London within few Months after , and within twelve Months after that to the See of Canterbury . Marks of his Benefaction we find none , in places of his Breeding , and Preferments ; but a fair Hospital , well built , and liberally endowed in the place of his Birth . To which the woful man retired in the first extremity of those afflictions which his misfortune at Bramzill had drawn upon him ; and to this place he designed his body whensoever it should please God to translate him out of the Church Militant to the Church Triumphant , which hapned on the fourth of August , as before was said . The End of the First Part. CYPRIANUS ANGLICUS : OR , THE HISTORY OF THE Life and Death , OF The most Reverend and Renowned PRELATE WILLIAM By Divine Providence , Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , Primate of all ENGLAND , and Metropolitan , Chancellor of the Universities of Oxon. and Dublin , and one of the Lords of the Privy Council to His late most SACRED MAJESTY King CHARLES Second MONARCH of Great-Brittain . PART . II. Carrying on the History from his Nomination to the Metropolitical See of Canterbury , August 6. 1633. to the day of his Death and Burial , Jan. 10. 1644. LONDON : Printed by E. Cotes for A. Seile , 1668. THE LIFE OF The most Reverend FATHER in GOD WILLIAM Lord Archbishop of Canterbury . LIB . IV. Extending from his being made Archbishop of Canterbury to the end of the Parliament and Convocation , Anno 1640. CANTERBVRY was anciently the principal City of the Kingdom , and afterwards of the County of Kent , situate about seven miles from the Sea , and neighboured by a little River , capable only of small boats , and consequently of no great use for the wealth and trading of the place . It was made an Archiepiscopal See at the first planting of the Gospel amongst the English , Augustine the Monk who first preacht the one , being the first Archbishop of the other . For though that Dignity was by Pope Gregory the Great designed for London , yet Augustine the Monk ( whom he sent hither on that Errand ) having received this City in gift from the King , resolved to six himself upon it without going further . Merlin had prophesied as much , if those Prophesies be of any credit , signifying , that the (a) Metropolitan dignity which was then at London , should in the following times be transferred to Canterbury . Ethelbert ; then King of Kent , having thus given away the Regal City , retires himself unto Reculver , where he built his Palace for himself and his Successors in that Kingdom , leaving his former Royal Seat to be the Archiepiscopal Palace for the Archbishops of Canterbury . The Cathedral , having been a Church before in the Britains time , was by the said Archbishop Augustine repaired , Consecrated and Dedicated to the name of Christ , which it still retains , though for a long time together it was called St Thomas , in honour of Thomas Becket , one of the Archbishops hereof , who was murthered in it . The present Fabrick was begun by Archbishop Lanfranck and William Corboyle ; and by degrees made perfect by their Successors . Take Canterbury as the Seat of the Metropolitan , it hath under it twenty one Suffragan Bishops , of which seventeen are in England , and four in Wales : But take it as the Seat of a Diocesan , and it containeth only some part of Kent , to the number of 257 Parishes , ( the residue being in the Diocess of Rochester ) together with some few particular Parishes dispersed here and there in several Diocesses ; it being an ancient priviledge of this See , that wheresoever the Archbishops had their Mannors or Advousons , the place forthwith became exempt from the Ordinary , and was reputed of the Diocess of Canterbury . The other Priviledges of this See are , that the Archbishop is accounted Primate and Metropolitan of ALL England , and is the first Peer of the Realm : having precedency of all Dukes , not being of the Royal bloud , and all the great Officers of the State. He hath the Title of Grace afforded him in common speech , and writes himself Divina Providentia , where other Bishops only use Divina Permissione . The Coronation of the King hath anciently belonged unto him : It being also formerly resolved , that wheresoever the Court was , the King and Queen were (b) the proper and Domestical Parishioners of the Archbishop of Canterbury . It also did belong unto him in former times to take unto himself the Offerings made at the holy Altar by the King and Queen , wheresoever the Court was , if he were present at the same ; and to appoint the Lent Preachers : but these time hath altered , and the King otherwise disposed of . Abroad in General Councils he had place at the Popes Right foot : At home this Royal Priviledge , That those which held Lands of him were liable for Wardship to him , and to compound with him for the same , though they held other Lands in chief of our Lord the King. And for the more increase of his power and honour it was Enacted , 25 Hen. viii . and 21. That all Licences and Dispensations ( not repugnant to the Law of God ) which heretofore were sued for in the Court of Rome , should be hereafter granted by the Archbishop of Canterbury and his Successors . As also in the 1 Eliz. and 2. That by the Advice of the Metropolitan or Ecclesiastical Commissioners , the Queens Majesty might ordain and publish such Rites and Ceremonies , as may be most for the Advancement of Gods glory , the Edifying of his Church , and the due Reverence of Christs holy Sacraments . To this high dignity Laud succeedeth on the death of Abbot , nominated unto it by the King on the sixth of August , the Election returned and presented to his Majesty from the Dean and Chapter , on the twenty fifth of the same , and the translation fully perfected on the nineteenth of September then next following , on which day he kept a solemn and magnificent Feast at his house in Lambeth , his State being set out in the great Chamber of that house , and all persons standing bare before it after the accustomed manner ; his Steward , Treasurer , and Comptroller , attending with their white staves in their several Offices . Thus have we brought him to his height , and from that height we may take as good a prospect into the Church under his direction , as the advantage of the place can present unto us . And if we look into the Church as it stood under his direction , we shall find the Prelates generally more intent upon the work committed to them , more earnest to reduce this Church to the ancient Orders , than in former times ; the Clergy more obedient to the Commands of their Ordinaries , joyning together to advance the work of Vniformity recommended to them , the Liturgie more punctually executed in all the parts and offices of it ; the Word more diligently preacht , the Sacraments more reverendly administred , than in some scores of years before ; the people more conformable to those Reverend Gestures in the House of God , which , though prescribed before , were but little practised ; more cost laid out upon the beautifying and adorning of Parochial Churches , in furnishing and repairing Parsonage houses , than at or in all the times since the Reformation ; the Clergy grown to such esteem , for parts and power , that the Gentry thought none of their Daughters , to be better disposed of than such as they had lodged in the Arms of a Church-man ; and the Nobility grown so well affected to the State of the Church , that some of them designed their younger Sons to the Order of Priesthood , to make them capable of rising in the same Ascendent . Next , if we look into the Doctrine , we shall find her to be no less glorious within , than beautified and adorned to the outward eye ; the Doctrines of it publickly avowed and taught , in the literal and Grammatical sense , according to the true intent and meaning of the first Reformers ; the Dictates and Authorities of private men ( which before had carried all before them ) subjected to the sense of the Church ; and the Church hearkening to no other voice than that of their great Shepherd speaking to them in his holy Scriptures ; all bitternesses of spirit so composed and qualified on every side , that the advancement of the great work of Unity and Uniformity between the parties went forwards like the building of Solomons Temple without the noise of Axe or Hammer . If you will take her Character from the mouth of a (c) Protestant he will give it thus : He that desires to pourtray England ( saith he ) in her full structure of external glory , let him behold the Church shining in transcendent Empyreal brightness , and purity of Evangelical Truths . Her Religious Performances , her holy Offices , ordered and regulated agreeable to the strict expedient of such Sacred Actions . Her Discipline , Model , sutable to the Apostolick Form. The set and suit of her whole Tribe , renowned ●or Piety and Learning , are all those in so super-eminent a degree , that no Church on this side of the Apostolick , can or could compare with her in any one : All Arts and Sciences highly honoured , and consequently their Academies to flourish . To which last part of the Character let me add thus much , That the Universities never had such a flourishing time for number of Students , civility of Conversation , and eminence in all parts of Learning , as when the influences of his Power and Government did direct their Studies . If you will take her Character from the Pen of a (d) Iesuit , you shall find him speaking , amongst many falshoods , these undoubted Truths ; viz. That the Professors of it , they especially of greatest Worth , Learning and Authority , love Temper and Moderation ; That the Doctrines are altered in many things ; as for example , the Pope not Antichrist , Pictures , Free-will , Predestination , Vniversal Grace , Inherent Righteousness , the preferring of Charity before Knowledge , the Merit ( or Reward rather ) of good Works ; the 39 Articles seeming patient , if not ambitious also of some Catholick sense ; That their Churches begin to look with a new face , their Walls to speak a new Language , and some of their Divines to teach , That the Church hath Authority in determining Controversies of Faith , and interpreting the Scriptures ; That men in talk and writing use willingly the once fearful names of Priests and Altars , and are now put in mind , That for Exposition of Scripture they are by Canon bound to follow the Fathers . So far the Iesuit may be thought to speak nothing but truth ; but had he tarried there , he had been no Iesuit : And therefore to preserve the Credit of his Order , he must fly out further , and tell us this , viz. That Protestantism waxeth weary of it self ; That we are at this time more unresolved where to fasten , than in the infancy of our Church ; That our Doctrine is altered in many things , for which our Progenitors forsook the then visible Church of Christ , amongst which he reckons Limbus Patrum , Prayer for the Dead , Iustification not by Faith alone , The possibility of keeping Gods Commandments , and the accounting of Calvinism to be Heresie at the least , if not also Treason . Which Points the Iesuit cannot prove to have been positively maintained by any one Divine in the Church of England ; and yet those foolish men began to phancy such a misconstruction of that Ingenuity and Moderation which they found in some Professors of our Religion , whom they affirmed to be of greatest Worth , Learning , and Authority , as to conceive that we were coming towards an Agreement with them , even in those Superstitions and Idolatries which made the first Wall of Separation between the Churches . Upon which hope ( as weak and foolish as it was ) the late Archbishop of Canterbury was no sooner dead , but one of their Party came to Laud , whom they looked upon as his Successor , seriously tendred him the offer of a Cardinals Cap , and avowed Ability to perform it ; to whom he presently returned this Answer , That somewhat dwelt within him which would not suffer him to accept the Offer , till Rome were otherwise than it was : And this being said , he went immediately to his Majesty , acquainting him both with the Man , and with his Message , together with the Answer which he made unto it . The like he also did when the same Offer was reinforced a fornight after ; upon which second Refusal , the Tempter left him , and that not only for that time , but for ever after . But to proceed : To welcom him to his new great Charge , he received Letters from his Majesty , dated upon the very day of his Confirmation , upon this occasion . It had been ordered by the ancient Canons of the Church , That none should be admitted Deacon or Priest , who had not first some certain place where he might use his Function . And it was ordered by the Canons of the year 1603. in pursuance of the said old Canons , That no person should be admitted into Sacred Orders , except he shall at that time exhibit to the Bishop , of whom he desireth Imposition of Hands , a Presentation of himself to some Ecclesiastical Preferment then void in that Diocess ; or shall bring unto the said Bishop a true and undoubted Certificate , That either he is provided of some Church within the said Diocess , where he may attend the Cure of Souls , or of some Ministers Place vacant , either in the Cathedral Church of that Diocess , or of some other Collegiat Church therein also scituate , where he may execute his Ministry ; or that he is a Fellow , or in right as a Fellow , or to be a Conduct or Chaplain in some Colledge in either of the Universities ; or except he be a Master of Arts of five years standing , that liveth in either of them at his own charge . And hereunto was added this Commination , That if any Bishop shall admit any person into the Ministry , that hath none of these Titles as is aforesaid , then he shall keep and maintain him with all things necessary , till he do prefer him to some Ecclesiastical Living ; and on his refusal so to do , he shall be suspended by the Archbishop , being assisted with another Bishop , from giving of Orders by the space of a year . Which severe Canon notwithstanding , some Bishops of the poorer S●●s , for their private benefit , admitted many men promis●uously to Holy Orders , so far from having any Title , that they had no Merit . By means whereof the Church was filled with indigent Clerks , which either thrust themselves into Gentlemens Houses to teach their Children , and sometimes to officiate Divine Service at the Tables end ; or otherwise to undertake some Stipendary Lecture , wheresoever they could find entertainment , to the great fomenting of Faction in the State , the Danger of Schism in the Church , and ruine of both . It had been formerly ordered by his Majesties Instructions of the year 1629. " That no private Gentleman , not qualified by Law , should keep any Chaplain in his House : Which though it were somewhat strictly inquired into at the first , yet not a few of them retained their Chaplains , as before : For remedy whereof for the time to come , it was thought fit to tie the Bishops from giving Orders unto any which were not qualified according to the foresaid Canon ; which was conceived to be the only probable means of diminishing the number both of such petit Lecturers , and such Trencher-Chaplains ; the English Gentry not being then come to such wild extremities , as to believe that any man might exercise the Priests Office , in ministring the Sacraments , Praying , Preaching , &c. which was not lawfully Ordained by some Bishop or other . Now his Majesties Letter to this purpose was as followeth . CHARLES REX . MOst Reverend Father in God , Right Trusty and Right Entirely-beloved Counsellor , We greet you well . There is nothing more dear to us than the preservation of true Religion , as it is now setled and established in this Our Kingdom , to the Honour of God , the great Com●ort of Our Self and Our Loyal People : and there can nothing more conduce to the Advancement thereof , than the strict observations of such Canons of the Church as concern those who are to take Orders in their several Times ; more especially of keeping that particular Canon which enjoins , That no man be made a Priest without a Title : For We find , that many not so qualified , do by favour or other means procure themselves to be Ordained , and afterwards for want of Means wander up and down , to the scandal of their Calling ; or to get Maintenance , fall upon such Courses as were most unfit for them , both by humouring their Auditors , and other ways altogether unsufferable . We have therefore thought fit , and We do hereby straightly command , require , and charge you , to call such Bishops to you as are now present in or near Our City of London , and to acquaint them with this Our Resolution . And further , That you fail not in the beginning of the next Term , to give notice of this Our Will and Pleasure openly in Our High-Commis●ion Court ; and that you call into your said Court every Bishop respectively , that shall presume to give Orders to any man that hath not a Title , and there to censure him as the Canon aforesaid doth enjoin ( which is , to maintain the Party so Ordered till he give him a Title ) and with what other Censure you in Iustice shall think fit . And Our further Will is , That nothing shall be reputed a Title to enable a man for Orders , but that which is so by the Ancient Course of the Church , and the Canon-Law , so far forth as that Law is received in this our Church of England . And as you must not fail in these our Directions , nor in any part of them ; so We expect that you give us from time to time a strict Account of your Proceedings in the same . Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster , Septemb. 19. in the ninth year of Our Reign . 1633. On the Receipt of these Letters , which himself had both advised and digested , he called such of his Suffragan Bishops who were then about London to come before him , acquaints them with the great scandal which was given the Church , the danger of Schism and Faction which might thence arise , and the more than ordinary displeasure which had been taken by his Majesty and the Lords of his Council , at such unlawful and uncanonical Ordinations ; he required them therefore to be more careful for the time to come , and not to give the like offence to his Sacred Majesty , who was resolved to see the Canons of the Church in that particular more punctually observed than they had been formerly , and to call all such to an account who should presume hereafter to transgress therein : Which said , he gave to each of them a Copy of his Majesties Letters , and sent the like Copies unto all the rest of his Suffragan Bishops , inclosed in Letters of his own ; in which Letters having declared unto them as much as he spake unto the rest , touching his Majesties pious Care to redress that Mischief , he requires them and every one of them , That at all times of Ordination they be very careful to admit none into Holy Orders , but such men as for Life and Learning are fit , and which have a Title for their maintenance , according to the Laws and the ancient Practice of the Church , assuring them that his Majesty had commanded him to let them know , That he would not fail to call for an account of those his Letters , both from him and them ; and therefore , That he did not doubt but that they would have a special care both of the good of the Church , and his Majesties Contentment in it . The like Letters were sent from his Majesty , by his procurement , to the Archbishop of York , who was as sensible of the inconvenience as himself could be . And though nothing was required in either of the said Letters , but what had been provided for in the Canon of 1603. yet was it as much inveighed against as if it had been a new device , never heard of formerly . The reason was , because that neither any Lecture , nor any possibility of being entertained as a Chaplain in the Houses of Noblemen , or others of the inferiour Gentry , could be allowed of for a Title , and consequently no Orders to be given hereafter under those Capacities . But notwithstanding those Reproaches , the Archbishops so bestirred themselves , and kept such a strict eye on their several Suffragans , that from henceforth we hear but little of such vagrant Ministers and Trencher-Chaplains ( the old brood being once worn out ) as had pestred and annoyed the Church in those latter Times . It is to be observed , That the Archbishops Letter to his several Suffragans bears date on the eighteenth of October , which day gives date also to his Majesties Declaration about Lawful Sports , concerning which we are to know , That the Commons in the first Parliament of his Majesties Reign had gained an Act , That from thenceforth there should be no Assembly or Concourse of People out of their own Parishes on the Lords day , or any Bull-baiting , Bear-baiting , Enterludes , Common Plays , or any other unlawful Exercises or Pastimes in their own Parishes on the same : Which being gained , they obtained another in the third Parliament , for inhibiting all Carriers , Waggoners , Drovers , Pack-men , for Travelling on the said day with their Horses , Waggons , Packs , &c. As also , That no Butcher should from thenceforth kill or sell any Victual upon that day , either by himself or any other , under the several Penalties therein contained . And though it was not his Majesties purpose in those Acts to debar any of his good Subjects from any honest and harmless Recreations , which had not been prohibited by the Laws of the Land ; or that it should not be lawful for them , in case of necessity , to buy a piece of Meat for the use of their Families , the Butchers Shop not being set open as on other days : yet presently some Publick Ministers of Justice began to put another sense upon those Acts , than ever came within the compass of his meaning . For at the Summer Assizes held in Exon , Anno 1627. an Order was made by Walter then Chief Baron , and Denham one of the puisne Barons of the Court of Exchequer , for suppressing all Revels , Church-Ales , Clerk-Ales , which had been used upon that day ; requiring the Justices of the Peace within the said County to see the same put in execution ; and that every Minister in his Parish-Church should publish the said Order yearly , on the first Sunday in February . The like Order made in the same year also for the Counties of Somerset and Dorset , and probably enough for some of the other Counties of that Western Circuit ; none of them in those squeasie and unsettled Times being questioned for it . And then in reference to the Statute of the Third of this King , a Warrant is granted in the Month of April 1629. by Richard Dean then Lord Mayor of London , for apprehending all Porters carrying Burthens , or Water-men plying at their Oars , all Tankerd-bearers carrying Water to their Masters Houses , all Chandlers and Hucksters which bought any Victuals on that day of the Country-Carriers , all Vinteners , Alehouse-keepers , Strong water-men , and Tobacco-sellers , which suffered any Person to fit drinking on that day ( though possibly they might do it only for their honest necessities ) . In which as Dean out-went the Statute ▪ so Raynton in the same Office , Anno 1633. over-acted Dean , prohibiting a poor woman from selling Apples on that day in St. Paul's Church-yard , within which place he could pretend no Jurisdiction , and for that cause was questioned and reproved by Laud then Bishop of London . But none so lastily laid about him in this kind , as Richardson the Chi●● Justice of his Majesties Bench , who in the Lent-Assizes for the County of Somerset , Anno 1631. published the like Order to that which had been made by Walter for the County of Devon ; not only requiring that the Justices of the Peace in the said County should see the same to be duly put in execution : but also ( as the other had done before ) that publication should be made thereof in the Parish-Churches by all such Ministers as did Officiate in the same ; with which encroachment upon the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , in imposing upon men in Holy Orders the publishing of Warrants and Commands from the Secular Judges , Laud being then Bishop of London , and finding his Majesties Affairs in a quieter condition than they had been formerly , was not meanly offended , as he had good reason so to be , and made complaint of it to the King , who thereupon commanded Richardson to revoke the said Order at the next Assizes . But Richardson was so far from obeying his Majesties Command in that particular , that on the contrary he not only confirmed his former Order , but made it more peremptory than before : Upon complaint whereof by Sir Robert Philips , and other chief Gentlemen of that County , his Majesty seemed to be very much moved , and gave Command to the Bishop of London to require an Account from the Bishop of Bath nnd Wells then being , how the said Feast-days , Church-Ales , Wakes , or Revels , were for the most part celebrated and observed in his Diocess . On the Receipt of which Letters the Bishop calls before him 72 of the most Orthodox and ablest Clergy-men amongst them , who certified under their several hands , That on the Feast-days ( which commonly fell upon the Sunday ) the Service of God was more solemnly performed , and the Church was better frequented both in the forenoon and afternoon , than upon any Sunday in the year ; That the People very much desired the continuance of them ; That the Ministers in most Places did the like , for these Reasons specially ; viz. For preserving the memorial of the Dedication of their several Churches ; For civilizing the People ; For composing Differences , by the mediation and meeting of Friends ; For encrease of Love and Unity , by those Feasts of Charity ; For Relief and Comfort of the Poor ( the Richer part in a manner keeping open House ) , &c. On the Return of which Certificate , so seasonably seconding the Complaint and Information of the Gentry , Richardson was again convented at the Council-Table , and peremptorily commanded to reverse his former Orders at the next Assizes for that County ; withal receiving such a rattle for his former Contempt by the Bishop of London , that he came out blubbering and complaining , That he had been almost choaked with a pair of Lawn Sleeves . Whilst these things were thus in agitation , one Brabourne a poor School-master in the Diocess of Norfolk , being seduced and misguided by the continual inculcating of the Morality of the Lords-day - Sabboth from the Press and Pulpit , published a Book in maintenance of the Seventh-day - Sabboth , as it was kept amongst the Iews , and prescribed by Moses , according to Gods Will and Pleasure signified in the Fourth Commandment . This Book at the first not daring to behold the Light , went abroad by stealth ; but afterwards appeared in publick with an open confidence , an Epistle Dedicatory to his Majesty being placed before it . His Majesty extremely moved with so lewd an impudence , and fearing to be thought the Patron of a Doctrine so abhorrent from all Christian Piety , gave Order for the Author to be Censured in the High-Commission . Brabourne being thereupon called into that Court , and the Cause made ready for an Hearing , his Errour was so learnedly confuted by the Bishops and other judicious Divines then present , that he began to stagger in his former Opinion ; which hint being taken by their Lordships , he was admonished in a grave and Fatherly manner to submit himself unto a Conference with such Learned men as should be appointed thereunto ; to which he chearfully consented , and found such benefit by that Meeting , that by Gods Blessing he became a Convert , and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxal Doctrine of the Church of England , concerning the Sabboth and Lords-day : Which Tendences of some of the People to downright Iudaism , grounded upon the Practices and Positions of the Sabbatarians , and seconded by the petulancy of some Publick Ministers of Justice , in debarring his good Subjects in keeping the ancient Dedication-Feast of their several Churches , occasioned his Majesty to think of the reviving of his Royal Fathers Declaration about Lawful Sports ; To which end he gave Orders to the Archbishop of Canterbury to cause the same to be re-printed , word for word , as it had issued from the Press in the time of his late Royal Father , Anno 1618. at the end whereof he caused this Declaration of his own sense to be super-added ; that is to say : Now out of a like Pious Care ( saith his Sacred Majesty ) for the Service of God , and for suppressing of any humours that oppose the Truth , and for the case , and comfort , and recreation of Our well-deserving People , We do Ratifie and Publish this Our Blessed Fathers Declaration ; the rather , because of late in some Counties of Our Kingdom we find , that under pretence of taking away Abuses , there hath been a general forbidding , not only of ordinary Meetings , but of the Feasts of the Dedication of Churches , commonly called Wakes . Now Our express Will and Pleasure is , That these Feasts with others shall be observed , and that our Iustices of the Peace in their several Divisions shall look to it , both that all Disorders there may be prevented or punished ; and that all neighbourhood and freedom , with manlike and lawful exercises be used . And We further command Our Iustices of Assize in their several Circuits , to see that no man do trouble or molest any of Our l●yal and dutiful People , in or for their Lawful Recreations , having first done their Duty to God , and continuing in Obedience to Vs and Our Laws . And of this We command all Our Iudges , Iustices of the Peace as well within Liberties as without , Mayors , Bayliffs , Constables and other Officers , to take notice , and to see observed as they tender Our displeasure . And We further Will , That Publication of this Our Commmand be made by Order from the Bishops , thorow all the Parish Churches of their several Diocesses respectively . Given at our Palace at Westminster , Oct. 18. in the ninth year of Our Reign , 1633. His Majesty had scarce dried his Pen , when he dipt it in the Ink again , upon this occasion : The Parishioners of St. Gregories in St. Pauls Church-yard had bestowed much cost in beautifying and adorning their Parish Church ; and having prepared a decent and convenient Table for the holy Sacrament , were ordered by the Dean and Chapter of St. Pauls , as being Ordinaries of the place , to dispose of it in such a Posture , in the East end of the Chancel , as anciently it had stood , and did then stand in the Mother Cathedral . Against this some of the Parishioners ( not above five in number ) appeal unto the Dean of the Arches , and the Dean and Chapter to the King. The third day of November is appointed for debating the Point in controversie before the Lords of the Council ; his Majesty sitting as chief Judge , accompanied with Laud Archbishop of Canterbury , Lord Keeper , Lord Archbishop of Yorke , Lord Treasurer , Lord Privy Seal , Lord Duke of Lenox , Lord High Chamberlaine , Earle Marshal , Lord Chamberlaine , Earle of Bridgewater , Earle of Carlisle , Lord Cottington , Mr. Treasurer , Mr. Comptroller , Mr. Secretary Cooke , Mr. Secretary Windebanke . The cause being heard , and all the Allegations on both sides exactly pondered , his Majesty first declared his dislike of all Innovations , and receding from ancient Constitutions , grounded upon just and warrantable reasons , &c. And afterwards gave Sentence in behalf of the Dean and Chapter . But because this Order of his Majesty in the case of St. Gregories was made the Rule , by which all other Ordinaries did proceed , in causing the Communion Table to be placed Altarwise in the Churches of their several and respective Diocesses , I will subjoyn it here verbatim as it lies before me . At Whitehall , Novem. 3. 1633. This day , was debated before his Majesty sitting in Council the question and difference which grew about the removing of the Communion Table in St. Gregories Church , near the Cathedral Church of St. Paul , from the middle of the Chancel to the upper end , and there placed Altarwise in such manner as it standeth in the said Cathedral and Mother-Church , ( as also in other Cathedrals , and in his Majesties own Chappel ) and as is consonant to the practice of approved Antiquity ; which removing and placing of it in that sort was done by order of the Dean and Chapter of St. Pauls , who are Ordinaries thereof , as was avowed before his Majesty by Doctor King , and Doctor Montfort , two of the Prebends there . Yet some few of the Parishioners , being but five in number , did complain of this act by appeal to the Court of Arches , pretending that the Book of Common Prayer , and the 82 Canon , do give permission to place the Communion Table where it may stand with most fitness and convenience . Now his Majesty having heard a particular relation , made by the Counsell of both parties , of all the carriage and proceedings in this cause , was pleased to declare his dislike of all innovation and receding from ancient Constitutions , grounded upon just and warrantable reasons , especially in matters concerning Ecclesiastical Orders and Government , knowing how easily men are drawn to affect Novelties , and how soon weak Iudgments in such cases may be overtaken and abused . And he was also pleased to observe , that if those few Parishioners might have their wills , the difference thereby from the foresaid Cathedral Mother-Church , by which all other Churches depending thereon ought to be guided , would be the more notorious , and give more subject of discours and disputes that might be spared , by reason of the nearness of St. Gregories standing close to the Wall thereof . And likewise , for so much as concerns the Liberty by the said Common Book or Canon , for placing the Communion Table in any Church or Chappel with most conveniency , that liberty is not so to be understood , as if it were ever left to the discretion of the Parish , much less to the particular fancy of any humorous person , but to the judgment of the Ordinary , to whose place and Function it doth properly belong to give direction in that point , both for the thing it self , and for the time , when , and how long , as he may find cause . Vpon which consideration his Majesty declared himself , that he well approved and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary , and also gave commandment , that if those few Parishioners before mentioned , do proceed in their said Appeal , then the Dean of the Arches ( who was then attending at the hearing of the cause ) should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Dean and Chapter . Of this last Declaration there was no great notice took at first , the danger being remote , the case particular , and no necessity imposed of conforming to it . But the other was no sooner published then it was followed and pursued with such loud outcries as either the Tongues or Pens of the Sabbatarians could raise against it . Some fell directly on the King , and could find out no better names for this Declaration , than a Profane Edict , a maintaining of his own honour , and a Sacrilegious robbing of God. A Toleration for prophaning the Lords day . Affirming , That it was impossible that a spot of so deep a dye should be emblanched , though somewhat might be urged to qualifie and alleviate the blame thereof . Others , and those the greatest part , impute the Republishing of this Declaration to the new Archbishop , and make it the first remarkable thing which was done presently after he took possession of his Graceship , as Burton doth pretend to wit it in his Pulpit Libell . And though these Books came not out in Print till some years after , yet was the clamour raised on both at the very first , encreasing every day more and more as the reading of it in their Churches had been pressed upon them . To stop the current of these clamours , till some better course might be devised , one who wisht well both to the Parties and the Cause , fell on a fancy of Translating into the English Tongue a Lecture or Oration made by Dr. Prideaux at the Act in Oxon. Anno 1622. In which he solidly discoursed both of the Sabbath and Sunday , according to the judgment of the ancient Fathers , and the most approved Writers of the Protestant and Reformed Churches . This Lecture thus translated was ushered also with a Preface : In which there was proof offered in these three Propositions , First , That the keeping holy of one day of seven is not the moral part of the fourth Commandment . Secondly , That the alteration of the day is only an humane and Ecclesiastical Constitution . Thirdly , That still the Church hath power to change the day , and to transfer it to some other . Which as they are the general Tendries of the Protestant , Lutheran , and Calvinian Writers beyond the Seas , so were they briefly touched at and maintained in the Doctors Lecture ; which came out thus translated in the next Candlemas Term , under the Title of The Doctrine of the Sabbath , delivered in the Act at Oxon. An. 1622. By D. Prideaux , his Majesties Professor for Divinity in that Vniversity . The name of Prideaux was so Sacred that the Book was greedily bought up by those of the Puritan Faction , presuming they should find in it some invincible Arguments to confirm both the Party and the Cause . But when they found how much they had deceived themselves in that expectation , and that nothing could be writ more smartly against them and their Lords-day-Sabbath ; as it did very much cool their courage , and abate their clamours : so did it no less tend to the diminution of that high esteem and veneration which before they had harboured of the man. What followed afterwards , when the reading of the book was pressed , and the clamours multiplied by such as refused to read it , future time shall shew . These passages concerning England being laid together , we must look back into the North , which still took up a great part of his Majesties thoughts . He had observed how much his Fathers Pious Order for officiating by the English Liturgie in the Chappel Royal of that Kingdom , had been discontinued and neglected , imputing thereunto the opposition which he found amongst them at his late being there . And being resolved to pursue his said Fathers most Religious purpose of settling an uniformity of Divine Worship in all the Churches of these Kingdoms , he thought it most expedient to pursue the same Method also , to the end that the people being prepared by little and little might the more willingly admit of that , or some other Liturgie like unto it , when he should think it reasonable to commend it to them . In order whereunto he sends to Ballentine , then Bishop of Dumblaine , and Dean of the Chappel of that Kingdom , these Instructions following , to be observed in the Chappel Royal of Holy Rood house in the City of Edenburgh . CHARLES REX , I. Our express Will and Pleasure is , That the Dean of Our Chappel that now is , and his Successors shall be assistant to the Right Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of St. Andrews at the Coronation so often as it shall happen . II. That the Book of the Form of Our Coronation , lately used , be put in a little Box , and laid into a Standard , and committed to the care of the Dean of the Chappel successively . III. That there be Prayers twice a day with the Choires as well in Our absence as otherwise , according to the English Liturgy , till some other course be taken for making one that may fit the Customes and Constitutions of that Church . IV. That the Dean of the Chappel look carefully , that all that receive the blessed Sacrament there , receive it kneeling ; and that there be a Communion held in that Our Chappel the first Sunday of every Month. V. That the Dean of Our Chappel that now is , and so successively , come duly thither to Prayers upon Sundaies , and such Holidaies as the Church observes , in his Whites , and preach so whensoever he preach there ; and that he be not absent thence but upon necessary occasion of his Diocesses or otherwise according to the course of his preferment . VI. That these Orders shall be Our warrant to the Dean of Our Chappel , that the Lords of Our Privy Council , the Lords of the Session , the Advocate , Clerk , Writers to the Signet , and Members of Our Colledge of Iustice , be commanded to receive the holy Communion once every year at the least in that Our Chappel Royal , and kneeling , for example sake to the Kingdom ; and we likewise command the Dean aforesaid , to make report yearly to Vs how We are obeyed therein , and by whom , as also if any man shall refuse , in what manner he doth so , and why . VII . That the Copes which are consecrated for the use of Our Chappel be delivered to the Dean to be kept upon Inventory by him , and in a Standard provided for that purpose , and to be used at the Celebration of the Sacrament in Our Chappel Royal. To these Orders we shall hereafter add others , if we find others more necessary for the Service of God there . Together with these directions , bearing date the eighth of October , he sends a Letter of the same Date , to the said Bishop of Dumblaine , requiring him to put them speedily in execution , and all things to be carefully performed by him as he was directed ; commanding also that he should certifie the Lords of the Council there , if any person , who had been formerly appointed to communicate in the said Chappel Royal , should either neglect or refuse conformity to his Majesties pleasure , to the end that the Council might take such further order in it , as had been directed by his Majesty in some former Letters . But knowing , or at the least suspecting , that Ballentine might have somewhat more of the Presbyter than the Bishop in him ( as indeed he had ) he gave a Warrant under his hand to his Grace of Canterbury , Requiring him to hold correspondency with the said Bishop of Dumblaine , that the said Bishop might from time to time receive his Majesties directions for ordering of such things as concerned his Service in that Chappel . He had before a Primacy in the Church of England , and a strong influence on the Government of the Church of Ireland . This Warrant gives him some just ground of a superintendency over the Kirk of Scotland also , which from henceforth was much directed by his power and wisdome , as will appear by that which follows in its proper place . Mean while we will behold such alterations as by his power were made in the Pre●erments of the Church of England ; which in the beginning of this year lamented the death of Bishop Godwin , made Bishop of Landaff in the year 1601. from thence translated unto Hereford , Anno 1617. A man whose memory shall be precious in succeeding times for his indefatigable pains and travel in collecting the Catalogue of Succession of all the Bishops of this Church since the first planting of the Gospel amongst the Saxons , not pretermitting such of the Brittish Church as by the care and diligence of preceding Writers , or any old Monument and Record , had been kept in memory . For his Successor in that See Iuxon , then Dean of Worcester , and Clerk of his Majesties Closet , as before was said , is recommended and elected . But before the business had proceeded to confirmation there was a Supersedeas to it by Lauds preferment to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury ; who having a great confidence in him , and no less a●fection to his Person than confidence of his Wisdom and Moderation , commended him so efficaciously to his Majesties Favour , that he made him not only Bishop of London , but Dean o● the Chappel Royal also . It had been Lauds great care , as he grew into credit with his Majesty , to give a stop to such corruptions as had been used too frequently in the Court , about Church Preferments , which made him the less acceptable to many which were near the King in Place and Service , who formerly had been on the taking hand , and made a market of the Church as they had occasion . Goodman of Glocester having staid in that Diocess long enough to be as weary of them as they were of him , affected a remove to the See of Hereford , and had so far prevailed with some great Officer of State , that his Money was taken , his Conge d' es●ire issued out , his Election passed . But the Archbishop coming opportunely to the knowledge of it , and being ashamed of so much baseness in the man , who could pretend no other merit than his money , so laboured the business with the King , and the King so rattled up the Bishop , that he was glad to make his peace , not only with the Resignation of his Election , but the loss of his Bribe . At last , that Church a third time vacant , that is to say , by the death of Godwin , the promotion of Iuxon and the Resignation of Goodman , was recommended to the Government of Dr. Augustine Lindsel , not long before made Bishop of Peterborough , and now succeeded in that See by Francis Dee , Doctor in Divinity , and Dean of Chichester . Now begins Wren to come in play , Chaplain to his Majesty when Prince of Wales , and chosen by King Iames to be one of the two which were to follow him into Spain amongst the rest of his Retinue , as before was said . He had seen Maw , who went Chaplain with him into Spain , to be preferred first to the Mastership of Trinity Colledge , and afterwards to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells , Anno 1628. himself remaining in his place in Peterhouse as his highest dignity . In the year 1628. he was at the la●t made Dean of Windsor , and Register of the most noble Order of the Garter , in the place of Beaumont . And on that place he dwelt so long , that his well-willers gave it out , that Laud was afraid of his abilities , and would not suffer him to rise , for fear that he might rise too high both in power and favour , and overtop him in the Court. But these surmises proved as groundless as they were unjust : For this year he was made Successor unto Iuxon as Clerk of the Closet , a place of great nearness to the King , and being once on the Ascendent he went up apace , succeeding Lindsel in the See of Hereford , Anno 1634. and Corbet in the Church of Norwich , Anno 1635. When Iuxon was advanced to the Treasurers Staff , he was made Dean of the Chappel in his place , Anno 1636. Successor unto White in the See of Ely , Anno 1638. and questionless had mounted higher had the times been favourable . Nor was he less fortunate in his Successors , leaving the Deanry of Windsor to Dr. Christopher Wren his younger brother ; his Clerkship of the Closet to Dr. Richard Steward , Dean of Chichester ; and the Mastership of Peterhouse to Iohn Cosens of Durham . We must conclude this year , and begin the next with some proceedings against Prynne , the Preparations to whose censure we have heard before . Candlemas Term brings him at last unto his tryal in the Court of Star-Chamber , being first pre-condemned by the Gentlemen of his own Profession , and afterwards sentenced by that Court. The Gentlemen of the four Societies presented their Majesties with a Pompous and Magnificent Masque , to let them see that Prynnes leaven had not sowred them all , and that they were not poysoned with the same infection . In which as they all joyned together to perform that Service , so gave they such contentment to his Sacred Majesty , that he desired them to make a Representation of it to the City of London : Which they accordingly performed with no less honour to themselves , and delight to the People , than shame and sorrow unto him who had given the occasion . But greater shame and sorrow fell upon him when he came to his Censure . Richardson , Chief Justice of his Majesties Bench , highly extolled his Majesties mercy in bringing him rather unto his triall in a Criminal than a Capital way ; declaring openly , that if he had been turned over to his Tribunal , he must have put himself upon a Iury , of whom no mercy could be hoped for so great an Offendor . The Earl of Dorset , being Lord Chamberlain to the Queen , aggravated his offence in aspersing with such foul reproaches a Lady of such eminent Vertue and exemplary Piety , that her very dreams were more in heaven than most womens Prayers . The Archbishop having been bred in St. Iohns Colledge in Oxon. where the younger Students used yearly to present some shew or other Dramatick Exercise to the Vniversity , spake much in commendation of Academical Enterludes , and the great benefit which redounded to the Actors in them , by training them in an Art of speaking , a modest confidence of Behaviour , the strengthening of the Memory in the repeating of their parts , and the enriching them with a stock of Latine Verses , out of one approved Author or other , which were their own for ever after . In fine , they generally concurred in this Censure of him , viz. To be fined five thousand pound to the King ; expelled the University of Oxon. and Lincolns-Inn ; degraded and disabled from his Profession in the Laws ; to stand in the Pillory , first in the Palace yard in Westminster , and three daies after in Cheapside , and in each place to lose an Ear , ( though this last part of his Censure was much moderated in the execution ; ) to have his Book , called Histrio-Mastyx , publickly burnt before his face by the hand of the Hangman , and remain prisoner during life . But all this was so far from working any remorse in him , that it rather hardened him in his waies . For in Iune following , as soon as he could provide himself of Pen , Ink and Paper , he writes a most sharp and Libellous Letter to the Lord Archbishop , touching his Censure in that Court , and that which the Archbishop in particular had declared against him . With this Letter the Archbishop acquaints his Majesty , and his Majesty commands him to refer it to Atturney Noy . Noy sends for Prynne , and demands of him whether the Letter were of his own hand-writing or not ; to which Prynne cunningly replied , That he could make no answer to that demand , unless he saw the Letter , and might read the same . No sooner was the Letter put into his hands , and Noys back turned a little toward him , but presently he tore it all to pieces , and flung the pieces out of the window , to the end it might not rise in judgment against him if the Atturney should proceed to an Ore tenus , as he meant to do . With this affront , and the principal passages of the Letter , the Atturney acquaints their Lordships in open Court , but there was no remedy . For being there was no proof of the misdemeanour but the Letter it self , and that the Letter could not be brought in evidence as it should have been , the Archbishop thought it a more noble Act to remit the crime than to trouble the Court , or any of his Majesties Ministers in the prosecution . But herein Prynne sped better than some others who had before been snarling at him , and laboured to expose him both to scorn and danger . No sooner had he mounted the Chair of Canterbury , but one Boyer , who not long before had broke prison , to which he had been committed for felony , most grosly abused him to his face , accusing him of no less than High Treason . For which being brought into the Star-Chamber , the next Michaelmas Term he was there censured by their Lordships as the Crime deserved . And presently on the neck of this , one Greene a poor decayed Printer , for whom his Grace then Bishop of London had procured a Pension of five pound per Annum , to be paid by the Company of Stationers yearly as long as he lived , adventured into the Court of St. Iames's with a great Sword by his side , desperately swearing , That it the King did not do him Justice against the Archbishop , he would take another course with him . For this committed unto Newgate ; but how long he staid there , and what other Punishment he suffered , or whether he suffered any other , or not , let them seek that list . And that the other Sex might whet their tongues upon him also , the Lady Davies , the Widow of Sir Iohn Davies Atturney-General for King Iames in the Realm of Ireland , scatters a Prophesie against him . This Lady had before spoken something unluckily of the Duke of Buckingham , importing , that he should not live till the end of August , which raised her to the Reputation of a Cunning Woman amongst the ignorant people : and now she Prophesies of the new Archbishop , That he should live but few days after the fifth of November ; for which , and other Prophesies of a more mischievous nature , she was after brought into the Court of High-Commission ; the Woman being grown so mad , that she phancied the Spirit of the Prophet Daniel to have been infused into her Body : And this she grounded on an Anagram which she made of her Name , viz. ELEANOR DAVIES , REVEAL O DANIEL : And though the Anagram had too much by an L , and too little by an S ; yet she found Daniel and Reveal in it , and that served her turn . Much pains was taken by the Court to dispossess her of this Spirit ; but all would not do , till Lamb then Dean of the Arches shot her through and through , with an Arrow borrowed from her own Quiver : For whilst the Bishops and Divines were reasoning the Point with her out of Holy Scripture , he took a Pen into his hand , and at last hit upon this excellent Anagram , viz. DAME ELEANOR DAVIES , NEVER SO MAD A LADIE : Which having proved to be true by the Rules of Art , Madam , said he , I see you build much on Anagrams , and I have found out one which I hope will fit you ; This said , and reading it aloud , he put it into her ●ands in Writing , which happy Phansie brought that grave Court into such a laughter , and the poor Woman thereupon into such a confusion , that afterwards she grew either wiser , or was less regarded . This ended as succesfully as he could desire : but he sped worse with another of his Female Adversaries . The Lady Purbeck , Wi●e of Iohn Villers Viscount Purbeck , the elder Brother by the same Venter to the Duke of Buckingham , had been brought into the High-Commission , Anno 1627. for living openly in Adultery with Sir Robert Howard , one of the younger Sons of Thomas the first Earl of Suffolk of that Family . Sentenced among other things to do Penance at St. Paul's Cross , she ●scaped her Keepers , took Sanctuary in the Savoy , and was from thence conveyed away by the French Embassador . The Duke being dead , all further prosecution against her died also with him ; which notwithstanding , the proud woman being more terrified with the fear of the Punishment , than the sense of the Sin , vented her malice and displeasure against the Archbishop ( who had been very severe against her at the time of her Trial ) when he was come unto his Greatness ; spending her tongue upon him in words so full of deep disgrace and reproach unto him , that he could do no less than cause her to be laid in the Gatehouse : But being not long after delivered thence by the Practise of Howard afore-mentioned , Howard was seised upon , and laid up in her place ; which Punishment ( though it was the least that could be looked for ) he so highly stomach'd , that as soon as the Archbishop was impeach'd by the House of Commons , and committed to Custody by the Lords ( which hapned on Fryday December 18. 1640. ) he petitioned for Relief against the Archbishop , and some other of the High Commissioners by whom the Warrant had been signed . The Lords upon the reading of it imposed a Fine of 500 l. on the Archbishop himself , and 250 l. apiece upon Lamb and Duck , and pressed it with such cruel rigour , that they forced him to sell his Plate to make payment of it ; the Fine being set on Munday the 21. of December , and ordered to be paid on the Wednesday after . But these Particulars have carried me beyond my year : I return therefore back again ; and having shewed what Actings had been set on foot both in England and Scotland , must now cross over into Ireland , where we find Wentworth made Lord Deputy in the place of Faulkland . We told you formerly of some dearness which was growing between him and Laud then Bishop of London , at his first Admission to the place of a Privy-Counsellor . Toward the latter end of Ianuary , Anno 1630. Wentworth being then Lord President of the Council established for the Northern Parts , bestowed a Visit on him at London-House , where they had some private Conference touching the better Settlement of Affairs both in England and Ireland , of which Kingdom Wentworth not long after was Created Lord Deputy . He staid somewhat longer from his Charge than he would have done , to be present at the Censure of Williams Bishop of Lincoln , informed against in the Star-Chamber by his Majesties Atturney-General , for some dangerous and disgraceful words which he was reported to have spoken of his Majesties Government , and revealing some Secrets which his Majesty had formerly committed to his Trust as a Privy-Counsellor : But Williams found so many shifts to put off the Trial , that the Deputy was fain to leave him in the same estate in which he found him , and hoised Sail for Ireland . Scarce was he setled in his Power , but he began to reform some things which he beheld as blemishes in the face of that Church . In the Chappel of the Castle of Dublin , the chief Seat of his Residence , he found a fair large Pue at the end of the Choire , erected for the use of his Predecessors in that place ; the Communion-Table in the mean time being thrust out of doors . This Pue he commands to be taken down , and the Holy Table to be restored to its ancient place , where the Altar formerly had stood . In Christ-Church the Cathedral of that City , to which the Lord Deputies repair on Sundays and Holydays for Gods Publick Worship , he found the Holy Table scituated in the middle of the Choire or Chancel , and day by day profaned by Boys and Girles , who sate upon it : This Table he caused to be removed also , as he did the other . And whereas the Earl of Cork had built a stately Monument for his Wife and some of her Ancestors , but chiefly for himself and his own Posterity , at the East end of the Choire in St. Patrick's Church , being the second of that City , the Lord Deputy required him to take it down , or otherwise to satisfie the Archbishop of Canterbury in the standing of it . Of all these things he gave Order to his Chaplain Bramhall to give the Archbishop an Account , which Bramhall did accordingly in his Letters of the tenth of August 1633. In which Letters he gave this testimony also of the Deputies Care , That it was not possible for the Intentions of a mortal Man , to be more serious and sincere in those things that concerned the good of the Irish Church , than his Lordships were . And that he might lay a sure foundation to proceed upon , he procured the University of Dublin to make choice of Laud , then being Lord Elect of Canterbury , for their Lord and Chancellor . To this they chearfully assented , passed the Election on the fourteenth of September , Anno 1633. being but six days before his actual Confirmation into the Metropolitical and Supream Dignity of the Church of England . Nor was it long before they found on what a gracious Benefactor they had placed that Honour : He had been told by Ryves , his Majesties Advocate ( who formerly had exercised that Office in the Realm of Ireland ) of the deplorable condition of that Church in the respect of Maintenance . Most of the Tythes had been appropriated to Monasteries and Religious Houses , afterwards vested in the Crown , or sold to private Subjects , and made Lay-Fees ; The Vicaridges for the most part Stipendary , and their Stipends so miserable sordid , that in the whole Province of Connaught most of the Vicars Pensions came but to 40 s. per Annum , and in many places but 16. The Bishopricks at that time were many in number , but of small Revenue , having been much dilapidated in the change of Religion , some of them utterly unable to maintain a Bishop , and no good Benefice near them to be held in Commendam . This had been certified unto him by Letters from the Lord Primate about three years since ; and it had been certified also by Beadle Bishop of Killmore , That the Churches were in great decay , and that some men of better quality than the rest were possessed of three , four , five , or more of those V●caridges , to the great disservice of the Church , and reproach to themselves . These things he could not chuse but look on as great discouragements to Learning , and such as could produce no other effects than Ignorance in the Priest , and Barbarism in the People . Scandalous Benefices make for the most part scandalous Ministers , as naked Walls are said in the English Proverb to make giddy Houswifes . Where there is neither Means nor Maintenance for a Learned Ministry , what a gross night of Ignorance must befal those men who were to hold forth the Light to others ? And if the Light it self be Darkness , how great a Darkness must it be , which doth follow after it ? That Observation of (e) Panormitan , That poor Churches will be filled with none but ignorant Priests , being as true as old , and as old as lamentable . For remedy whereof , he took an opportunity to move his Majesty to restore all such Impropriations to the Church of Ireland , as were then vested in the Crown . The Exchequer was at that time empty , the Revenue low , which might seem to make the Proposition the more unseasonable : But so great was his Majesties Piety on the one side , the Reasons so forcible on the other , and the Lord Deputy of that Kingdom so cordially a●fected to advance the Work , that his Majesty graciously condescended to it , and sound his Ministers there as ready to speed the business , as either of them could desire . Encouraged by which Royal Example , the Earl of Cork , who from a very small beginning had raised himself to a vast Revenue in that Kingdom , Re-built some Churches , and Repaired others ; restored some of his Impropriations to those several Churches ; and doubtless had proceeded further , if a difference had not hapned betwixt the Lord Deputy and him , about the removing of the Monument which he had erected for himself and his Posterity , in one of the principal Churches of the City of Dublin , as before was said . And as for the improving of the Bishopricks , as Ossory and Kilkenny , Killmore and Ardagh , Down and Connor , and possibly some others had before this been joined together ; so was it advised by the Primate , That Kilfenore should be joined unto that of Killalow , lying contiguous to each other ; Both which being joined by a perpetual union , were thought sufficient to make an indifferent Competency for an Irish Bishop . But all this Care had been to little or no purpose , if some course were not also taken to preserve Religion , endangered on this side by Popery , and on that by Calvinism ; each side unwillingly contributing to the growth of the other . The perverse oppositions of the Calvinist , made the Papist obstinate ; and the insolencies of the Papists , did both vex and confirm the Calvinists . Betwixt them both , the Church of England was so lost , that there was little of her genuine and native Doctrine to be found in the Clergy of that Kingdom . The Papists being first suppressed , it was conceived to be no hard matter to reduce the Calvinians to Conformity ; and to suppress the Papists , it was found expedient , That the standing Army should be kept in continual Pay , and that Monies should be levied on the Papists themselves for the payment of it : In order whereunto , the Bishop of Killmore before-mentioned , had given an Account unto his Grace then Bishop of London , touching the dangerous condition of that Church by the growth of Popery ; and now he finds it necessary to give the like Account unto the new Lord Deputy . Him therefore he informs by Letters dated November 5. 1633. ( which was not long after he had personally assumed the Government , and received the Sword ) to this effect ; viz. That in that Crown the Pope had a far greater Kingdom than his Majesty had ; That the said Kingdom of the Pope was governed by the new Congregation de propaganda Fide , established not long since at Rome ; That the Pope had there a Clergy depending on him , double in number to the English , the Heads of which were bound by a corporal Oath to maintain his Power and Greatness against all Persons whatsoever ; That for the moulding of the People to the Popes Obedience , there was a great rabble of Irregular Regulars , most of them the younger Sons of Noble Houses , which made them the more insolent and uncontrollable ; That the Pope had erected an University in Dublin , to confront his Majesties Colledge there , and breed up the Youth of the Kingdom to his Devotion , one Harris being Dean thereof , who had dispersed a Scandalous Pamphlet against the Lord Primates Sermon preach'd at Wansteed ( one of the best Pieces that ever came from him ) Anno 1629. That since the Dissolving of their new Frieries in the City of Dublin , they had Erected them in the Country , and had brought the People to such a sottish negligence , that they cared not to learn the Commandments as God spake and left them ; but flocked in Multitudes to the hearing of such Superstitious Doctrines as some of their own Priests were ashamed of ; That a Synodical Meeting of their Clergy had been held lately at Drogheda in the Province of Vlster , in which it was decreed , That it was not lawful to take the Oath of Allegiance ; And therefore , That in such a conjuncture of Affairs to think that the bridle of the Army might be taken away , must be the thought not of a Brain-sick , but of a Brainless man : which whosoever did endeavour , not only would oppose his Majesties Service , but expose his own neck to the Skeanes of those Irish cut-throats . All which he humbly refers to his Lordships seasonable Care and Consideration . Upon this Information , the Deputy obtains his Majesties leave to hold a Parliament in that Kingdom , which he managed with such notable dexterity , that he made himself Master of a Power sufficient to suppress the Insolencies of the Papists , and yet exceedingly prevailed upon their Affections . From which time forwards the Popish Recusants in that Kingdom were kept in stricter duty , and held closer to loyal Obedience , for fear of irritating so severe a Magistrate , than ever they had been by any of his Predecessors . This Parliament brought with it a Convocation , as a thing of course ; and in that somewhat must be done to check the spreading of Calvinism in all parts of that Church . The Articles of Religion agreed upon in Convocation Anno 1615. were so contrived by Vsher the now Lord Primate , That all the Sabbatarian and Calvinian Rigours were declared therein to be the Doctrines of that Church ; Most grievous Torments immediately in his Soul affirmed to be endured by Christ , which Calvin makes to be the same with his descent into Hell ; The abstenencies from eating Flesh upon certain days , declared not to be Religious Fasts : but to be grounded only upon Politick Ends and Considerations ; All Ministers adjudged to be Lawfully called , who are called unto the Work of the Ministry by those that have Publick Authority given them in the Church ( but whether they be Bishops or not , it makes no matter , so that he be Authorized unto it by their several Churches ) : The Sacerdotal Power of Absolution made declarative only , and consequently quite subverted ; No Power ascribed unto the Church in Ordaining Canons , or censuring any of those who either carelesly or maliciously do infringe the same ; the Pope made Antichrist , according to the like Determination of the French Hugonots made at Gappe in Dolphine : And finally , such a silence concerning the Consecration of Archbishops and Bishops ( expresly justified and avowed in the English Book ) as if there were not a different Order from the Common Presbyters . All which , being Vsher's own Opinions , were dispersed in several places of these Articles for the Church of Ireland , approved of in that Convocation , and finally confirmed by the Lord Deputy Chichester in the Name of King Iames. By means whereof these two great mischiefs did ensue ; First , A great matter of division which it caused to the Priests and Papists of the Realm , that in three Kingdoms , under the Obedience of one Sovereign Prince , there should be three distinct and contrary Professions , and yet pretending every one to the same Religion . And secondly , Whensoever the Points were agitated here in England against the Sabbatarian and Calvinian Rigours , the Disputants were forthwith choaked by the Authority of these Articles , and the infallible Judgment of King Iames , who confirmed the same . If therefore the Archbishop meant to have Peace in England , the Church of Ireland must be won to desert those Articles , and receive ours in England in the place thereof . This to effect , it was not thought expedient by such as had the managing of that design , to propose any abrogation or repealing of the former Articles , which had so many Friends and Patrons in that Convocation , that it was moved severally both in the House of the Bishops , and in that of the Clergy , to have them ratified and confirmed in the present Meeting . And questionless it had been carried in that way , if it had not seasonably been diverted by telling the Promoters of it , That those Articles had already received as much Authority as that Church could give them , and that by seeking to procure any such Confirmation , they would weaken the Original Power by which they stood . This blow being thus handsomly broken , their next work was to move the Primate , That for the avoiding of such scandal which was given the Papists , and to declare the Unity in Judgment and Affections between the Churches , a Canon might be passed in approbation of the Articles of the Church of England . To this the Prelate being gained , the Canon was drawn up and presented to him ; and being by him propounded , was accordingly passed , one only man dissenting when it came to the Vote , who had pierced deeper into the bottom of the Project than the others did . It was desired also by Bramhall , not long before the Lord Deputies Chaplain , but then Bishop of Derrie , That the whole Body of Canons made in the year 1603. might be admitted in that Church : But the Primate was ever so afraid of bowing at the Name of IESVS , and some other Reverences required in them , which he neither practised nor approved , that he would by no means hearken to it , which bred some heats between him and Bramhall , ending at last in this Temperament , That some select Canons should be taken out of that Book , and intermingled with some others of their own composing . But for the Canon which approved and received the Articles of the Church of England , it was this that followeth ; viz. Of the Agreement of the Church of England and Ireland in the Profession of the same Christian Faith. FOr the manifestation of our Agreement with the Church of England , in the Confession of the same Christian Faith , and Doctrine of the Sacraments , We do receive and approve the Book of Articles of Religion , agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops , and the whole Clergie , in whole Convocation holden at London , Anno Dom. 1562. for the avoiding of diversities of Opinions , and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion . And therefore if any hereafter shall affirm , That any of those Articles are in any part Superstitious and Erroneous , or such as he may not with a good Conscience Subscribe unto , Let him be Excommunicated , and not Absolved before he make a publick Revocation of his Error . Such was the Canon passed in this Convocation , for the approbation and reception of the Articles of the Church of England : Which Canon was no sooner passed , confirmed , and published , but the Primate and his Party saw the danger which they had cast themselves into by their inadvertency ; and found too late , That by receiving and approving the English Articles , they had abrogated and repealed the Irish. To salve this sore , it concerned them to bestir themselves with their utmost diligence , and so accordingly they did . For first the Primate , and some Bishops of his opinions , required subscription to the Articles of both Churches of all such as came to be ordained at the next Ordination . But it went no further than the next , for if the Papists made it a matter of Derision to have three Confessions in the three Churches of his Majesties Kingdoms ; How much more matter must it give them of scorn and laughter , that there should be two different Confessions in the same Church , and both subscribed unto , but as one and the same . The Primate next applies himself to the Lord Deputy , beseeching him that the former Articles might receive a new Ratification by Act of Parliament for preventing all innovations in the Religion there established : But he found but little comfort there , the Lord Deputy threatning to cause the said Confession to be burnt by the hand of the hangman ; if at the least the Scots Commissioners may be believed ; amongst whose Articles against him I find this for one . Finding no better hopes on that side of the Sea , he dispatcheth his Letters of Advice to his Friends in England , one to an Honourable Person amongst the rest , assuring them that though by a Canon passed in that Convocation they had received and approved the Articles of England ; yet that the Articlers of Ireland were ever called in , might well be reckoned for a fancy . The like affirmed in a Certificate made by Bernard , and Pullen , two Members of the Lower House in this Convocation , where it is said , That whosoever do aver that the said Articles were abolished , are grosly mistaken and have abused the said Convocation in delivering so manifest an untruth . And to back this , another Certificate must be gained from one who comes commended to us under the Title of a most eminent , judicious , and learned person , who having considered of the matter , Conceives that both Confessions were consistent ; and that the Act of the Synod was not a Revocation of the Irish Articles , but an approbation of the English , as agreeing with them . But all this would not serve the turn , or save those Articles from being brought under a Repeal by the present Canon . For first , it appeareth by the Canon , That they did not only approve , but receive the Articles of the Church of England . Their approbation of them , had they gone no further , had been a sufficient manifestation of their agreement with the Church of England in the Confession of the same Protestant Religion : But their receiving of the same doth intimate a superinducing of them upon the other , and is equivalent both in Fact and Law to the Repealing of the old . For otherwise St. Paul must needs be out in the Rules of Logick when he proved the Abrogating of the old Covenant by the superinduction of a new ; For having affirmed , that God by speaking of a New Covenant , had (d) antiquated and made void the first , ( or made the first old as our English read it ; ) he adds immediatly , That that which is old , decayeth , and is ready to vanish away ; that is to say , as Diodati descants on it , The old being disanulled by the new , there must necessarily follow the abolishment of its use and practice . Nor find they any other abrogation of the Iewish Sabbath then by the superinducing of the Lords day for the day of worship . By means whereof the Sabbath was lessened in authority and reputation by little and little , and in short time was absolutely laid aside in the Church of Christ ; the fourth Commandement , by which it was at first ordained , being still in force . So then according to these grounds the Articles of Ireland were virtually , though not formally , abrogated ; or else it must be granted , that there were two Confessions in the same one Church , different both in form and matter , and contrary in some points unto one another , which would have been so far from creating an uniformity between the Churches in the concernments of Religion , that it would have raised a greater disagreement within Ireland it self than was before between the Churches of both Kingdoms . And certainly the gaining of this point did much advantage the Archbishop , conducing visibly to the promotion of his ends and Counsels in making the Irish Clergy subject to the two Declarations , and accountable for their breaking and neglect thereof , that is to say , his Majesties Declaration about Lawful Sports , and that prefixt before the book of Articles for appeasing Controversies . Take for a farewell this acknowledgment of a late Historian , speaking as well the sense of others as his own , A Convocation ( concurrent with a Parliament ) was called ( saith he ) and kept at Dublin in Ireland , wherein the thirty nine Articles of the Church of England were received in Ireland , for all to subscribe unto . It was adjudged fit , seeing that Kingdom complies with England in the Civil Government , it should also conform thereunto in matters of Religion . And thereupon he thus concludes , That in the mean time the Irish Articles concluded formerly in a Synod , 1616. ( mistaken for 1615. ) ( wherein Arminianism was condemned in terminis terminantibus , and the observation of the Lords day resolved Iure divino ) were utterly excluded . But leaving Ireland to the care of the Lord Deputy , and the Bishop of Derry , who under him had the chief managing of the affairs of that Church ; let us see how the new Archbishop proceeds in England , where he had so many plows going at once , too many , as it after proved , to work well together . For not thinking he had done enough in order to the peace and uniformity of the Church of England , by taking care for it here at home , his thoughts transported him with the like affection to preserve it from neglect abroad . To which end he had offered some considerations to the Lords of the Council , as before was said , Anno 1622. relating to the regulation of Gods publick Worship amongst the English Factories , and Regiments beyond the Seas , and the reducing of the French and Dutch Churches , settled in divers parts of this Realm , unto some conformity . In reference to the first , he had not sate long in the Chaire of Canterbury when he procured an Order from the Lords of the Council , bearing date Octob. 1. 1633. By which their English Churches and Regiments in Holland ( and afterwards by degrees in all other Foreign parts and plantations ) were required strictly to observe the English Liturgie with all the Rites and Ceremonies prescribed in it . Which Order contained the sum and substance of those considerations which he had offered to the Board touching that particular . With which the Merchant Adventurers being made acquainted , with joynt consent they made choice of one Beaumont ( reputed for a learned , sober , and conformable man ) to be Preacher to their Factory residing at Delf , Forbes , a Scot by birth , who formerly had been Preacher to the Society , being either dead , or other wise departed to avoid conformity . And that this man might be received with the better welcome a Letter is sent with him to the Deputy Governour , subscribed by the Archbishop himself , in which he signifieth both to him and the rest in his Majesties name , That they were to receive him with all decent and courteous usage fitting his person and calling , allowing him the ancient Pension which formerly had been paid to his Predecessors . Which said in reference to the man , he lets them know that it was his Majesties express command , that both he , the Deputy , and all and every other Merchant , that is or shall be residing in those parts beyond the Seas , do conform themselves to the Doctrine and Discipline settled in the Church of England : and that they Frequent the Common-Prayer with all Religious duty and reverence at all times required , as well as they do Sermons ; and that out of their company they should yearly about Easter , as the Canons prescribe , name two Church-Wardens , and two Sides-men , which may look to the Orders of the Church , and give an account according to their office . It was also required that these present Letters should be registred and kept by them , that they which come after might take notice what care his Majesty had taken for the well ordering of the said Company in Church affairs ; and that a Copy of the same should be delivered to the said Beaumont , and to every Successor of his respectively , that he and they might know what his Majesty expected of them , and be the more inexcusable if they disobey it . With this Dispatch , bearing date the seventeenth of Iune , this present year 1634. away goes Beaumont into Holland , taking with him these Instructions for his own proceedings ; that is to say , That he should punctually keep and observe all the Orders of the Church of England , as they are prescribed in the Canons and the Rubricks of the Liturgie ; and that if any person of that Company shall shew himself refractory to that Ordinance of his Majesty , he should certifie the name of any such offender , and his offence to the Lord Bishop of London for the time being , who was to take order and give remedy accordingly . Which Order and Instructions given to Beaumont in private , were incorporated also in the Letter , least otherwise he might be thought to act any thing in it without good Authority . And he accordingly proceeded with such honest zeal , and was so punctual in observing his Majesties pleasure and commands , that for a reward of his good service he was preferred unto a Prebends place in the Church of Canterbury , though by the unhappy change of times , it brought more reputation than advantage with it . And now at last we have the face of an English Church in Holland , responsal to the Bishops of London for the time being , as a part of their Diocess , directly and immediately subject to their Jurisdiction . The like course also was prescribed for our Factories in Hamborough , and those further off , that is to say , in Turky , in the Moguls Dominions , the Indian Islands , the Plantations in Virginia , the Barbadoes , and all other places where the English had any standing Residence in the way of trade . The like done also for regulating the Divine Service in the Families of all Ambassadours , residing in the Courts of Foreign Princes for his Majesties Service ; as also in the English Regiments , serving under the States . The superinspection of which last was referred to Boswel his Majesties Resident at the Hague , and his Successors in that place ; as he and all the rest of the Embassadors , in what place soever , were to be ordered by the care of the Lords of the Council ; and they to be accountable therein to his Sacred Majesty , as the Supream Ordinary . The English Agents and Embassadours in the Courts of Foreign Princes had not been formerly so regardful of the honour of the Church of England , as they might have been , in designing a set Room for religious uses , and keeping up the Vestments , Rites and Ceremonies , prescribed by Law in performance of them . It was now hoped that there would be a Church of England in all Courts of Christendom , in the chief Cities of the Turk , and other great Mahometan Princes , in all our Factories and Plantations in every known Part of the world , by which it might be rendred as diffused and Catholick as the Church of Rome . In reference to the regulating of the French and Dutch Churches here amongst our selves , he conceived himself in a capacity of putting his own Counsels in execution , either as Bishop of the Diocess , or Archbishop of the Province of Canterbury . He had considered of the dangers which those Foreign Churches drew on this , by standing divided and dismembred from the rest of the body ; and of the countenance and encouragement which was given to the Puritan Faction in the promoting of Schism . There was no Traverse to be made to this Dilemma , but either they were or were not of the same Religion with the Church of England . If they were not of the same Religion why should they , being strangers , borne in other Countries , or descending from them , expect more Liberty of Conscience than the Papists had , being all Natives , and descending from English Parents ? If of the same , why should they not submit to the Government and Forms of Worship , being the outward acts and exercises of the Religion here by Law established ? It was now as when they first fled into this Land from the Fire and Faggot ; from which their own Countries having felt no Persecution for forty or fifty years last past , were at this time freed : And therfore if they did not like the Terms of their staying here , they might return from whence they came , in peace and safety , with thanks to God and the good English Nation , for the long and comfortable Entertainment they had found amongst them . Upon these grounds , and such Considerations as had before been offered to the Lords of the Council , before he had sate a whole year in the Chair of Canterbury , he caused these three Articles to be tendred to the French Congregation in that City , and the two Dutch Congregations in Sandwich and Maidston , Apr. 14. 1634. 1. What Liturgie do you use ? or whether you have not the Dutch or French in use ? 2. Of how many Descents for the most part they were born Subjects ? 3. Whether such as are born Subjects , will conform to the Church of England ? For Answer to the Articles ( after some fruitless Pleas touching their Exemptions ) they obtained time till the fifth of May ; against which time , with the consent of their several Churches , they prepared these several Answers . To the first it was answered , That they had that Liturgie which all the Churches of the French Tongue ( both in France , and in the United Provinces of the States ) have had since the blessed Reformation , and which their Churches ( refuged here ) have had this sixty or seventy years , or more : That the English Liturgie was Translated into French , but that they used it not ; and that they knew not whether it were Translated in Dutch or not . To the second it was answered , That the greatest part of the Heads of the Families were not born here , but about a third part ; because that the greatest part of the old ones were Strangers born , and many others are newly come since a few years . But to the third they desired to be excused from making any Answer at all , foreseeing ( as it was pretended ) a dissipation of their Churches , in reference to the maintainance of their Ministry and relief of their poor , if such Conformity should be pressed , which they endeavoured to avoid by all means imaginable . But before these Answers were returned , it was thought fit to consult with the Coetus ( as they style it ) of the French and Dutch Churches in London , who were concerned as much as they , and who by reason of their wealth and number governed all the rest ; by whom they were advised to suppress those Answers , and to present their Declinator , fixing themselves upon their Priviledges , and challenging the Exemption granted them by King Edward vi . confirmed by several Acts of Council in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth , King Iames , and his Sacred Majesty . This Declinator no way satisfied his Grace of Canterbury . He knew , none better , That Acts of Council were not like the Laws of the Medes and Persians , but might be changed and varied as occasion served ; That the Letters Patents granted by King Edward vi . to the first Congregation of Strangers under Iohn A Lasco ( by which they were Licenced to use their own Forms both of Worship and Government , without any disturbance ) were vacated by the departure of the said Congregation in the time of Queen Mary ; and that the French and Dutch Churches now in England , could pretend no succession unto that in the time of King Edward vi . And therefore as soon as Brent returned from his Visitation ( of which we shall hear more anon ) and had a while reposed himself after that long Journey , he was dispatched to Canterbury with these Injunctions , viz. 1. That all the Natives of the Dutch and Walloon Congregations in his Graces Diocess , are to repair to their several Parish Churches where they inhabite , to hear Divine Service and Sermons , and perform all Duties and Payments required in that behalf : And 2. That all the Ministers , and all other of the same Walloon or French Congregations , which are Aliens born , shall have and use the Liturgie used in the English Churches , as the same is or may be faithfully Translated into French or Dutch. These two Injunctions being given on the nineteenth of December , with time for conforming thereunto till the first of March , were presently communicated by the Kentish to the London Churches , and by those of London to the rest in the Province of Canterbury , requiring them to send their Deputies to consult together with them in this Common Danger . There were at that time ten Churches of Strangers in this Province ; that is to say , two in London , two in Norwich , and one apiece in Canterbury , Sandwich , Maidstone , Southampton , Colchester , and Yarmouth , who were to send their sufficient Deputies , consisting of Ministers and Lay-Elders , to make this Synod . But because the time might be elapsed before these Deputies from so many Places could meet together , and resolve upon any Conclusion ; it was determined by the Coetus , that those of Kent , whom it most immediately concerned , should address themselves to the Archbishop , and desire his favour for the enjoying of their Priviledges , as in former times ; whose Propositions being heard , and their Reasons pondered , he answered , That it was his purpose to make a General Visitation of all his Province , and that he would begin at home ; That he did nothing but what had been communicated to the King , and resolved by the Council ; That neither the Letters Patents of King Edward vi . nor any Reasons by them alledged , should hinder him from proceeding in the said Injunctions ; That their Churches were nests and occasions of Schism , which he would prevent in Kent as well as he could ; That it were better there were no Foreign Churches nor Strangers in England , than to have them thereby to give occasion of prejudice or danger to the Church-Government of it ; That they endeavoured to make themselves a State in a State , and had vaunted , That they feared not his Injunctions ; but , That he hoped the King would maintain him in it , as long as he Governed by the Canons ; That the dissipation of their Churches , and maintenance of two or three Ministers , was not to be laid in the same Balance with the Peace and Happiness of the Church of England ; That their ignorance in the English Tongue , ought not to be used for a pretence for their not going to their Parish Churches , considering that it was an affected Ignorance , and they might avoid it when they would : And finally , That he was resolved to have his Injunctions put in execution , and that they should conform to them at their peril by the time appointed . Finding no hope of Good this way , they expect the Sitting of the Synod on the fifth of February ; to which the Deputies made a Report of their ill Successes ; and thereupon it was resolved , That a Petition in the name of all the Foreign Churches , should be presented unto the King ; which way they found as unsuccessful as the other was ▪ For his Majesty having read the Petition , delivered it to the Earl of Pembroke , commanding him to give it to one of the Secretaries . And though Pembroke , either out of love to the Cause , or hate to the Archbishops Person , chose rather to deliver it to Cooke than Windebank ; yet neither Cooke himself , nor Weckerly his chief Clerk ( a Walloon by birth ) who had very much espoused the Quarrel , could do any thing in it . The next course was to back that Petition with a Remonstrance , containing the chief Reasons which they had to urge in their own behalf ; and that Remonstrance to be put into his Majesties hands by the Duke of Soubize , a Prince of great Descent in France , and a chief stickler in the Wars of the Hugonots against their King : In which Reasons , when they came to be examined more particularly , there was nothing found material , but what had formerly been observed and answered ; except it were the fear of a Persecution to be raised in France , when it should there be known , how much the French Churches in this Kingdom had been discountenanced and distressed . And this they after aggravated by some fresh Intelligence which they had from thence , by which they were advertised of some words of the great Cardinal Richelieu , to this effect , viz. That if a King of England , who was a Protestant , would not permit two Disciplines in his Kingdom , why should a King of France , a Papist , permit two Religions ? Great workings had been in the Court upon this occasion ; though all which was effected by it , was but the present qualification of the second Injunction ; His Majesty on good Reason of State insisting so strongly on the first , that it could not be altered . But as for the second Injunction , it was qualified thus , viz. That the Ministers , and all others of the French and Dutch Congregations , which are not Natives , and born Subjects to the Kings Majesty , or any other Stranger that shall come over to them , while they remain Strangers may have and use their own Discipline , as formerly they have done ; yet it is thought fit that the English Liturgie should be Translated into the French and Dutch , for the better fitting of their Children to the English Government . But before the Injunction thus qualified could be sent to Canterbury , the Mayor and Brethren of that City were put upon a Petition in their behalf , insisting , amongst other things , on the great Charge which would fall upon them , if the relief of the poor French , which formerly had been maintained on the common Purse of that Church , should be cast upon the several Parishes ; and the great want of Work which would happen to their own Poor in that City , if the Manufactures of the French should be discontinued . To which Petition they received a favourable Answer in respect of themselves ; but without any alteration of his Graces purpose in such other points of it as concerned those Churches . A Temperament was also used in regard of the Ministers which did Officiate in those Churches ; it being condescended to on the suit of their Deputies , That such of their Ministers as were English born should continue in their Place and Ministry , as in former times : but that hereafter none should be admitted to be Ministers in their Congregations , but such as were Strangers . Which Condescensions notwithstanding , It was directed by the Coetus of the London Churches , That by no means the Kentish Foreigners should publish the said Injunctions in their Congregations ; and that if the prosecution of them should be strictly urged , they would then think upon some other course to bear of that blow . And by this Tergiversation they gained so much time , that the final Decree was not passed upon them till the 26th of September 1635. when to the former Injunction they found this Clause or Proviso added , viz. That the Natives should continue to contribute to the maintenance of their Ministry , and the Poor of their Church , for the subsisting thereof ; and that an Order should be obtained from his Majesty , if it were desired , to maintain them in their Manufactures , against all such as should endeavour to molest them by Informations . Some time was spent about the publishing of this Decree , the Ministers and Elders of those Churches refusing to act any thing in it : But at the last it was published in the French Church at Canterbury by one of their Notaries , and in Sandwich by the Chanter or Clerk of the Congregation , with Order to the Ministers and Churchwardens of the several Parishes , to take notice of such of the Natives as resorted not diligently to their Parish Churches . This proved a leading Case to all the other French and Dutch Churches on this side of the Seas , though they opposed it what they could . For no sooner was the News of these Injunctions first brought to Norwich , when a Remonstrance was presented to Corbet ( who was then Bishop of that Diocess ) and by him transmitted to the Archbishop ; in which they had expressed such Reasons against the tenour of the same , as we have met with formerly in this Narration . But the Archbishops Visitation of that Diocess in the year next following , Anno 1635. put an end to that business ; the Injunction being published in the Churches of Strangers in that City , before any publication of them had been made in Canterbury . Nor was the like done only in all the Churches of Strangers in the Province of Canterbury , but in those of York , where the Archbishop kept them to a harder Diet ; for having seen what had been done by Brent in his Visitation , and having no such powerful Sollicitors as the Coetus of the London Churches to take off his edge , he denied them the Exercise of any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of their own ; injoins them the use of the English Liturgie in the French Tongue , with Obedience to all the Laws and Ordinances of the Church of England ; to receive the Sacrament once a year in the Church of the Parish where they dwell , and to perform all their Christenings , Marriages , and Burials there , or else none of their Congregations to be permitted . But notwithstanding all this care of the Metropolitans , the business went forward more or less , as the Ministers and Church-wardens stood affected in their several Parishes . And in most Parishes the Ministers and Church-wardens were so well pleased with that indecency which they had amongst them , in respect of any Superiors in Church-concernments , to whom they might be made accountable for Life or Doctrine , that generally they wish'd themselves in the same condition : And being freed from their greatest fear , of having the Poor of those Churches cast upon them in their several Parishes , they seemed not much sollicitous whether they came to the Church or not , to hear the Sermons , receive the Sacraments , or perform any other part of Publick Worship ; especially if they were not scrupulous in paying to the Minister his accustomed Dues , and yielding to such Rates and Taxes as the Church-wardens laid upon them for Parochial uses . If any Minister began to look too strictly to them , they would find some means to take him off by Gifts and Presents , or by some powerful Letter from some of the Grandees residing in London , and sometimes from a neighbouring Justice , whose displeasure must not be incurred . And that they might not want encouragement to stand it out as long as they could , the leading men of the Genevian Faction in most parts of the Realm , did secretly sollicite them not to be too forwards in conforming to the said Injunctions , assuring them of such Assistances as might save them harmless , and flattering them with this Opinion of themselves , That the Liberty of the Gospel , and the most desirable Freedom of the Church from Episcopal Tyranny , depended chiefly on their Courage and Resolution . What was done afterwards in pursuance of the said Injunctions , shall be told elsewhere : all which Particulars I have laid together , that the Proceedings of his Grace in this weighty business ( so much calumniated and defamed ) might be presented to the Reader without interruption . It was once said by Telesinus to Caj . Marius , That he did well to scoure the Country ; but Italy would never want Wolves , so long as Rome continued so fit a Forest to afford them shelter . In like manner the Archbishop knew full well how small a Progress he should make in his Reformation , for reducing the French and Dutch to a Communion with the Church of England , and the Church of England to it self , if London were not brought to some Conformity . Which City having a strong influence on all parts of the Kingdom , was generally looked on as the Compass by which the lesser Towns and Corporations were to steer their Course , the practice of it being pleaded upon all occasions , for Vestries , Lectures , and some other Innovations in the State of the Church . And to this nothing more concurred , than that the Beneficed Clergy being but meanly provided for , were forced to undertake some Lectures , or otherwise to connive at many things , contrary to their own Judgment and the Rules of the Church ; in hope that gaining the good will thereby of the Chief of their Parishes , they might be gratified by them with Entertainments , Presents , and some other helps to mend their Maintenance . The Lecturers in the mean time , as being Creatures of the People , and depending wholly on the Purse of the wealthier Citizens , not only overtopped them in point of Power and Reputation , but generally of Profit and Revenue also . Not that these Lecturers were maintained so much by the Zeal and Bounty of their Patrons , as by a general Fraud , which for many years last past had been put upon the Regular Clergy , by the diminishing of whose just Dues in Tythes and Offerings , such Lecturers and Trencher-Chaplains had been fed and cherished . For the better understanding whereof , we are to know , That in the year 1228. Roger Niger Bishop of London ▪ ordained by a Synodical Constitution , That the Citizens should pay of every pounds Rent by the year , of all Houses , Shops , &c. the Sum of 3 s. 5 d. as time out of mind had formerly been paid . Which 3 s. 5 d. did arise from the Offerings upon every Sunday and thirty of the principal Holydays in the same year , after the Rate of one halspeny for every twenty shillings Rent of their Houses , Shops , &c. This Order of Roger Niger remaining in force till the year 1397. and the C●●●gy being kept to such Rates for the Rents of Houses , as at the first making of the same , it was decreed by Thomas Arundell then Bishop of Canterbury , That as the Rent increased , so the Offerings or Tythes should increase also ; That the said Order should be read in every Parish-Church four times in the year , and a Curse laid upon all those who should not obey it . Confirmed by Pope Innocent vii . and Nicholas v. with a Proviso , That the said Oblations should be paid according to the true yearly value of the Shops and Houses . It so remained until the twenty fifth year of Henry viii . at what time many of the former Holydays being abrogated by the Kings Authority , the yearly Profit of the Clergy found a great abatement ; the greater , in regard of the variances which arose betwixt them and their Parishioners , about the payment of their Dues ; the People taking the advantage of some Disorders which the Clergy at that present had been brought unto , by acknowledging the King for the Supream Head of the Church of England . Upon this variance a Complaint is made unto the King , who refers the whole matter to Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury , Audley Lord Chancellor , Gardiner Bishop of Winton , Cromwell Chief Secretary of Estate , Fitz-Iames and Norwich Chief Justices of the several Benches , by whom it was concluded , That from thenceforth 2 s. 9 d. only should be paid out of every pound for the Rents of Houses , Shops , &c. And to this Order the Citizens did not only consent , as they had good reason , but bound themselves by an Act of Common Council to perform the same ; the said Decree confirmed by Act of Parliament in the twenty seventh , and afterwards in the thirty seventh of that King , with a power given to the Lord Mayor to commit to Prison every person whatsoever who should not pay his Tythes and Dues according to that Proportion . But contrary to the true intent and meaning of the said Decrees , and the several Acts of Parliament which confirmed the same , the covetous and unconscionable Landlords , who had the Fee-simple , or some long Leases at the least , of such shops and houses , devised many base and fraudulent waies to put a cheat upon the Law , and abuse the Clergie ; reserving some small sum in the name of a Rent , and covenanting for other greater Sums to be paid quarterly or half yearly in the name of Fines , Annuities , Pensions , Incomes , Interest money , &c. Finding these Payments so conditioned and agreed upon to be too visible a cheat , some were so wise as to take their Fines in gross , when they sealed their Leases , some inconsiderable Rent being charged upon them ; others so cunning as to have two Leases on foot at the same time , one at a low contemptible Rent to gull the Incumbent of his dues , the other with a Rent four or five times as great to keep down the Tenant ; and some by a more cleanly kind of conveyance ( reserving a small Rent as others did ) caused their Tenants to enter into several bonds for the payment of so much money yearly with reference to the term which they had in their Leases . By which Devises and deceits the house-Rents were reduced to so low a value , that some Aldermen , who do not use to dwell in Sheds and Cottages , could be charged with no more than twenty shillings for a whole years Tythe ; the Rent reserved amounts after that proportion but to seven pounds yearly . The Clergie by the Alteration of Religion had lost those great advantages , which had before accrued unto them by Obits , Mortuaries , Obventions to the Shrines and Images of some special Saints , Church Lands , and personal Tythes according to mens honest gain , which last was thought to have amounted to more than the Tythe of houses . Being deprived of the one , and abused in the other , they were forced in the sixteenth of King Iames , Anno 1618. to have recourse to the Court of Exchequer , by the Barons whereof it was declared , that according to the true intent of the said Acts the Inhabitants of London and the Liberties thereof ought to pay the Tythe of their houses , shops , &c. after the rate of two shillings nine pence in the pound proportionable to the true yearly value of the Rent thereof . In order whereunto it was then ordered by the Court , that a Shed , which had been built and made a convenient dwelling house , should pay twenty four shillings nine pence yearly in the name of a Tythe , as was afterwards awarded by Sir Henry Yelverton , upon a reference made unto him , that one Rawlins , who paid forty shillings yearly to his Landlord in the name of a Rent , and twelve pound by the name of a fine , should from thenceforth pay his Tythe to the Incumbent of the Parish in which he dwelt , after the rate of fourteen pound yearly . This and the like Arbitrements about that time gave them some hope of finding more relief from the Court of Exchequer than they could expect from the Lord Mayor ; who being at the first made Judge in the business for the ease of the Clergy , carried himself rather like a party concerned in it than an equal Umpire . But there was no contending with the Purse of the City ; For though the proceedings of the City Landlords were declared to be unjust and Sacrilegious under the hands of many Bishops , and most of the Heads of Houses in both Universities , Anno 1620. yet the business going on from bad to worse , they were necessitated to cast themselves at the feet of King Charles , and to petition for a remedy of these growing mischiefs , which otherwise in some tract of time might become insupportable . Which Petition being taken into consideration by his Sacred Majesty , he was graciously pleased to refer the same to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , the Lord Keeper Coventry , the Earl Marshal , the Lord Bishop of London , the Lord Cottington , Mr. Secretary Windebank , and Chief Justice Richardson , or any five , or three of them , of which the Lord Archbishop to be alwaies one , requiring , and thereby authorizing to call before them all parties concerned in the business , and after a full hearing and examination thereof , to end if they could , or otherwise to report to his Majesty where the Impediment lay , that so his Majesty might take such further order therein as in his Princely wisdom he should think most meet . Which reference , being made the fifteenth of May of this present year , was carried on with such equality , and moderation , that the rich Landlords had no reason to complain of any obliquity or partiality in the conduct of it : But having been accustomed to ●eed on the Churches Bread , and to have the poor Clergie obnoxious them , they could with no patience entertain the thoughts of relinquishing their former dyet , or suffer a deserving Clergy to enjoy their own . Nothing more feared , than that the Clergy by this means would grow too rich ; They who conceived two thousand pound of yearly Rent not enough for an Alderman , think one hundred pound per annum ( as was affirmed by one of that number ) to be too much for a Minister . And should the Clergy once grow rich they would become more absolute , and independent , not so obsequious to them as they had been formerly , and consequently more apt to cross them in their opposition or neglect of establisht Orders . And in this state the business stood when Iuxon the Bishop of London was advanced to the Treasurers Staff in the end of March 1635. which much encreast the hopes of the one , and the fears the other . Some of the Clergie had the hap to better their condition , and improve their Benefices by the appearing of so many powerful persons in their behalf ; and possible enough it is that some expedient would have been resolved on by the Refer●ees to the general content of both parties ( his Grace of Canterbury being very sollicitous in behalf of the Clergy ) if the troubles which brake out soon after in Sc●tland , and the preparations for the War , which ensued upon it , had not put the business to a stand , and perswaded both the King and Council to an improfitable compliance with that stubborn City , from which he reapt nothing in conclusion but neglect and scorn . So frequently have the best designs been overthrown , not so much by the puissance and might of the adverse party , as through defect of Constancy and Resolution to go through with them . Mention was made in the Narrative of our Archbishops late proceeding against the Congregations of the French and Dutch , of somewhat which was done in order to it , in the Metropolitical Visitation of the Province of Canterbury . Concerning which we are to know , that in the beginning of the year 1634. he resolved upon that Visitation . And having some distrust of Brent his Vicar General , he pr●pared one of his Confidents to be a joynt Commissioner with him , that he might do no hurt , if he did no good . But afterwards , being more assured of Brent than before he was , he resolved to trust him with himself , and not to fetter him with any such constant Overseer to attend his actings . The Articles for his Visitation , Printed for the use of Churchwardens and Sides-men in their several Parishes , had little in them more than ordinary . But he had given directions to his Vicar General to enquire into the observation of his Majesties Instructions of the year 1629. to command the said Churchwardens to place the Communion Table under the Eastern Wall of the Chancel , where formerly the Altar stood ; to set a decent Raile before it to avoid profaneness ; and at the Raile the Communicants to receive the blessed Sacrament . It had been signified to the Archbishop , that a Dog in one place or other ( but I remember not the name ) had run away with the Bread appointed for the holy Communion ; and that the Communion Wine had been brought unto the Table in many places , in Pint-pots and Bottles , and so distributed to the people . The placing of a Raile before the Table would prevent all infamies of the first sort , and he hoped the Ministers would take order to reform abuses of the last . Williams , at that time Bishop of Lincoln , had placed the Table of his own Chappel in the state of an Altar , and ●urnis●ed it with Plate and other costly Utensils , beyond most others in the Kingdom . The Table stood in the same posture in the Cathedral Church of Lincoln , of which he was both Bishop and Residentiary ; and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster , whereof he was Dean . The Chancel of St. Martins C●urch in the Town of Leicester had been made a Library , which he when he was in his good humours perswaded the people to remove , to trim and prepare the said Choire with Railes and such other Ornaments as were fitting for it , and then to place therein their Communion Table , all whicn they accordingly performed . But understanding of the Order of the third of November , made by his Majesty and the Lords of his Council in the Case of St. Gregories , he untwisteth all this Line again . For a Certificate being presented to him by the Vicar , Church-wardens , and some others of the Parish , That the place where the Table stood before , was far more fit , by reason of the more capacity to receive the Communicants , and the more audibleness of the Ministers voice , and the Proximity of it to the place where Morning and Evening Prayer had been appointed to be read , than the Chancel was ; he gave them leave to remove the Communion Table to the place where it formerly stood , especially at such times as they received the Communion . All which by his Letters of the nineteenth of December 1633. he signifies to Burden , one of Lambs Surrogates in the Archdeaconry of Leicester , requiring him not to be troublesome or molestfull to the said parties in any thing concerning the Premises . Which Letter Burden sends to Lamb , and Lamb communicates to his Grace of Canterbury ; who thereupon resolves to make that Diocess the Scene of his first Visitation . The Diocess of Lincoln was anciently larger than it is , the Bishoprick of Ely being taken out of it in the Reign of King Henry the First , Anno 1109. and those of Oxon. and Peterborough by King Henry the Eighth , Anno 1541. But as it is , it is the largest of the Kingdom , both for the quantity of ground , and the number of Parishes , containing in it the whole Counties of Lincoln , Leicester , Buckingham , Bedford , Huntington , and that part of Hertfordshire which belonged to the Kingdom of Mercia . In which Counties are contained 1255 Parishes divided ( though not equally ) between six Archdeacons , that is to say , the Archdeacons of Lincoln , How , Leicester , Buckingham , Bedford , and Huntingdon ; each of them having his several Commissaries , and every Commissary one or more Surrogates , to officiate under him in times of necessary absence . Within this great Diocess he begins , first laying a Suspension on the Bishop and the six Archdeacons , by which they were inhibited from the exercise of their Jurisdiction , as long as that Visitation lasted . And after sending out a Citation to all the Ministers and Churchwardens of that Diocess , he required them to appear at certain times and places before his Vicar General and the rest of the Commissioners authorized for the several Archdeaconries of the same . But the Bishop was too stout to yield at the first assault , pretending an exemption from such Visitations by old Papall Bulls . The Archbishop being herewith startled , was not long after very well satisfied in that particular , by a Paper which was tendred to him , asserting his Metropolitan Right against those Pretences , collected out of Histories and old Records . Which being compared with the Originals , and found to contain nothing but undoubted truths , the Bishop is commanded to appear before the Lords of the Council , where his Papal Bulls were so well baited by the Archbishop and his Counsel , that not being able to hold any long play , they ran out of the Field , leaving the Bishop to shift for himself as well as he could . This Bar removed , the Vicar-General proceeds to the Visitation , and in all places gives command to the Church-wardens , not only to return their Presentments , according to the Articles of the Visitation ; but to transpose the Communion Table to the East end of the Chancel , and to ●ence it with a decent Rail , to avoid prophaneness , according unto such Directions as he had received from the Lord Archbishop . He further signified , That they were to take especial care of certifying the names of all the Lecturers in their several and respective Parishes ; as also , Whether the said Lecturers , and all other Preaching Ministers within that Diocess , did carefully observe his Majesties Instructions published in the year 1629. Their knowledge in which Particulars , with a Certificate of their doings about the removing of the Communion Table , together with their Presentments to the several Articles which were given them in charge , to be returned unto him by a time appointed . Which Charge thus given , and the Visitation carried to another Diocess , he leaves the prosecution of it ( as afterwards in all other places ) to the care of the Bishop . But the Bishop having other designs of his own , was no sooner discharged of that Suspension which was laid upon him , but he resolves to visit his Diocess in person , to shew himself to those of his Clergy , and gain the good affections of those especially who adhered to Calvin and Geneva : Insomuch that meeting in the Archdeaconry of Buckingham , with one Doctor Bret , a very grave and reverend man , but one who was supposed to incline that way , he embraced him in his Episcopal Arms with these words of St. Augustine , viz. Quamvis Episcopus major est Presbytero , Augustinus tamen minor est Hieronymo : Intimating thereby , to the great commendation of his modesty amongst those of that Faction , That the said Bret was as much greater than Williams , as the Bishop was above a Priest. And in compliance with that Party , he gave command for Railing in the Communion Table ( as appears by the Extract of his Proceedings in the Archdeaconry of Leicester ) not placed at the East end of the Chancel , with a Rail before it : but in the middle thereof , as it stood before , with a Rail about it . And by that kind of half-compliance , as he retracted nothing from his own Opinion , in his Letter to the Vicar of Grantham ; so he conceived , That he had finely frustrated the design of his Metropolitan , and yet not openly proceeded against his Injunction . The Visitation thus begun , was carried on from year to year , till it had gone over all the Diocesses in the Province of Canterbury . In the prosecution whereof , the Vicar-General having given the Charge , and allowed time to the Church-wardens to return a Certificate of their doings in pursuance of it , the further execution of it was left to the Bishops in their several Diocesses ; in which it went forwards more or less , as the Bishops were of spirit and affection to advance the Work , either in reference to the transposing of the Table , or the observation of his Majesties Instructions above-mentioned , which had not the least place in the business of this Visitation . Wright Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield having given order by his Chancellor for the transposing of the Tables in most parts of his Diocess , began at last to cast his eyes on the Churches of the Holy Trinity and St. Michael the Archangel in the City of Coventry ; concerning which he prescribed these Orders : 1. That the Ground at the upper end of the Chancells be handsomly raised by three steps , that the Celebration of the Sacrament may be conspicuous to all the Church . 2. That the Ground so raised at both Churches , the Communion-Table should be removed close to the East-wall of the Chancels . 3. That in both Churches all new Additions of Seats in the Chancels be taken away , and the P●ws there reduced as near as may be to the ancient form . But the Citizens of Coventry found a way to take off his edge , notwithstanding that he had received not only his Majesties Command , but encouragements also in pursuance of it ( his Majesty spending at the least a fortnight in that Diocess , in the year 1636. at such time as the Bishop came to wait upon him in Tutbury Castle ) : For they so far prevailed upon him at his being in Coventry , that in the presence of the Mayor and some others of the Fraternity , he appointed , That the Communion-Table should be removed from its ascent of three Steps , unto the Body of the Chancel , during the Administration of the Blessed Sacrament , commanding Bird , who had the Officiality of the place , not to trouble them in it . Bird not being well pleased with so much levity in the Bishop , gives notice of it unto Latham the Bishops Register in Lichfield , by whom it was signified to Lamb , by Lamb to the Archbishop , and by him to the King ; from whom it is to be supposed that the Bishop could receive small thanks for his disobedience . In Essex the business met with a greater difficulty . Aylet Official there under the Chancellor of London , had caused many of the Communion Tables within the verge of his Jurisdiction to be transposed and railed in , and the People to come up and kneel and receive at the Rail . Opposed at first in some of the greater Towns , because they found it otherwise in the Churches of London , whose example they conceived might be a sufficient warrant for them in that particular : But much more were they moved to stand out against him , upon sight of one of the Articles for the Metropolitical Visitation , by which they conceived that they had leave to remove their Table at the time of Celebration , and place it as it might be most convenient for the Parishioners to come about it and receive the Sacrament . Aylet complains of this to Lamb , finding himself thereby under an imputation of crossing the Article delivered by his Graces Visitors , and following after his own Inventions , without any Authority . For remedy whereof , and to save all that he had done from returning back again to the same estate in which he found it , he desires to know his Graces Pleasure and Lambs Directions . More constantly , and with better fortune , is the business carried on by Pierce in his Diocess of Bath and Wells . No sooner had his Majesty signified his Pleasure in the Case of St. Gregories , but he issueth out a Commission to some of his Clergy , to inquire into the State of all the Parish Churches within that Diocess ; and on the return of their Account , gives Order for the rectifying of such things as they found amiss , especially in the posture of the Holy Table . And that it might be seen , that his Commands were not only countenanced by Power , but backed by Reason , he prepares certain Motives and Considerations to perswade Conformity ; as , viz. 1. That it was Ordered by the Queens Injunctions , That the Communion Table should stand where the Altar did . 2. That there should be some difference between the placing of the Lords Table in the Church , and the placing of a Mans Table in his House . 3. That it was not fit the People should sit above Gods Table , or be above the Priest when he Consecrateth . 4. That when the Communion Table stands thus , the Chancel would be the fairer , and so there would be more room for the Communicants . 5. That the Table standing thus , the face of the Minister would be better seen , and his voice more audibly and distinctly heard , than if it stood upon a Level in the midst of the Chancel . And 6. That it was expedient that the Daughters should be like their Mother , and that the Parochial Churches should conform themselves in that particular to their own Cathedrals . But that which seemed to be the most popular Argument to perswade Obedience , was the avoiding of those Prophanations which formerly the Holy Table had been subject to ; For should it be permitted to stand as before it did , Church-wardens would keep their Accounts on it , Parishioners would dispatch the Parish business at it , School-Masters will teach their Boys to Write upon it , The Boys will lay their Hats , Sachels , and Books upon it , Many will sit and lean irreverently against it in Sermon time , The Dogs would piss upon it and defile it , and Glasiers would knock it full of Nail-holes . By which means he prevailed so far , that of 469 Parishes which were in that Diocess , 140 had conformed to his Order in it , before the end of the Christmas Holy-days in this present year , Anno 1635. without any great reluctancy in Priest or People . The first strong Opposition which he found in the business , came from a great and populous Parish called Beckington , where Hewish Incumbent of the place , was willing of himself to have obeyed his Directions in it : but the Church-wardens of the Parish were determined otherwise . For this being sent for by the Bishop , he gave them Order by word of mouth , to remove the Table to the East end of the Chancel , and to place a decent Rail before it : Which they refusing to perform , were cited to appear in the Bishops Court , before Duck the Chancellor of that Diocess , on the ninth of Iune , by whom they were commanded to remove such Seats as were above the Communion Table , to obey the Bishops former Directions , and to return a Certificate of all that they had done therein by the sixth of October then next following : and for default thereof , were on the same day Excommunicated by the Bishop in person . But the Church-wardens being rich , well-backed , and disaffected to the Service , appealed from their Diocesan to the Dean of the Arches ; at whose request , upon some hope given of their Conformity , they were absolved for a Month , and admonish'd to submit to that which had been enjoined them . Continuing in their obstinacy , he Excommunicates them again , and they again appeal to the Dean of the Arches ; where finding ●o Relief , they presented a Petition to the Archbishop , with no less than a hundred hands unto it , and afterwards to the King himself , but with like success . Pierce had done nothing in that case , but what he had been warranted to do by their Authority , and therefore was by their Authority to be countenanced in it . There is an ancient Priviledge belonging to the Church of England , That he who standeth obstinately Excommunicated for forty days , upon Certificate thereof into the Court of Chancery , shall be attached with a Writ De excommunicato capiendo , directed to the Sheriff , for his Apprehension ; by him to be committed to Prison without Bail or Mainprise ( as our Lawyers call it ) till he conf●rm himself , and seek Absolution . By virtue of this Writ these obstinate persons were laid up in the Common Gaol , after they had remained Excommunicate above a twelvemonth ; which shews with how great patience they had been forborn . And then at last , perceiving what ill counsel they had followed , and into what perplexities they had cast themselves , they made their submission to their Bishop , by whom they were enjoined to do Penance for their Contempt , and obstinate standing out against the Sentence of the Court , in a form prescribed : The Penance to be done in the great Church of Bath , their own Parish Church at Beckington , and in the Parish Church of Frome-Selwood the next Market-Town adjoining to it ; and thereupon the Parties to be Absolved . Which Opposition thus suppressed , prepared the People in most other places of that Diocess for a more ready conformity , than otherwise the Diocesan might have found amongst them : So true is that of the Historian , That the Resistancies of the Subject being once suppressed , add strength to that Authority which they sought to crush . How he behaved himself in reference to his Majesties Instructions , we shall see hereafter , when he is brought upon the stage on that occasion ; and we shall see hereafter also , how much or how little was done in order to the purpose of this Visitation , by the rest of the Bishops . Nor was there only care taken for rectifying such things as were found amiss in Parochial Churches : but to inquire also into the State and Actions of the Mother Cathedrals , by which all other Churches which depended on them , were to be regulated and directed . And they found work enough in many of them ; especially in those W●erein there was a want of Statutes for the Common Government . There are in England twenty six Cathedral or Episcopal Sees , of which thirteen are reckoned of the old foundation , and the other moyety of the new ; those of the old foundation such as anciently had been founded in Secular Canons , as they still continue . Of which sort are the Churches of S. Paul in London , together with those of Chichester , Salisbury , Wells , Exeter , Lincoln , Lichfield , Hereford , and the four Welsh Bishopricks , in the Province of Canterbury , and none but the Metropolitical See of York in the other Province , all of which had their ancient Statutes , and required no alteration in them except Hereford only . Those of the new foundation ( as they commonly called them ) were such as had been founded on Monastick Orders , which being dissolved by King Henry the Eighth , he founded them a new in a Dean and Chapter of Secular Priests , of which sort were the Churches of Canterbury , Winchester , Ely , Worcester , Rochester , Norwich , and the four new Bishopricks by him founded in the Abbeys of Oxon. Peterborough , Glocester , and Bristol , together with those of Durham , Carlisle , and Chester , ( this last of his foundation also ) in the other Province . For each of which Churches there was made a draught of Statutes , but never perfected or confirmed ; and therefore either kept or broken at the Deans discretion , as it conduced most to his advantage from time to time ; which proved the unavoydable occasion of many differences between the Deans and Prebendaries of those several Churches ; the Deans affecting an arbitrary and absolute Government , and the Prebends looking on themselves as Brethren , not as Subjects to him . The perfecting of these Statutes to serve as a standing Rule to both for the times succeeding , took up much of his thoughts , and certainly he had effected it for all those Churches in convenient time , if the disturbances which hapned in Scotland first , and in England afterwards , had not diverted and disabled him from that performance . He began first with Canterbury his own Cathedral , where he found the Table placed at the East end of the Choire by the Dean and Chapter , and Adoration used toward it by their appointment ; as was attested upon Oath by Dr. Blechinden , one of the Prebends of that Church at the time of his Trial. Which having found in so good order , he recommended to them the providing of Candlesticks , Basons , Carpet , and other Furniture for the adorning of the Altar , and the more solemn celebrating of the blessed Sacrament . And that these things might be perpetual to succeeding Ages , he composed a new body of Statutes for the Government of that Cathedral , which was sent thither under the Great Seal , with his own hand subscribed to every leaf . In which there was this Statute amongst the rest , ( which the Deans , Prebends , and Officers there were bound by Oath to observe ) That at their coming in and going out of the Choire , and all approaches to the Altar , they should by bowing toward it , make due reverence to Almighty God. The like he did at Winton also , in this present year , where he required them by Brent his Vicar General , to provide four C●pes , to raile in the Communion Table and place it Altarwise , to bow towards it , and dayly to read the Epistles and Gospels at it ; the said Epistles and Gospels to be read by none but such as were in holy Orders , contrary to the late practice of that Church , where the said Office was performed by their lay Vicars at the will and pleasure of the Dean . To bind them to it for the present , certain Injunctions were left with them by Brent under the Seal of his Office. And that they might not fall again to their old confusions , a Book of Statutes was composed also to the use of that Church , for the rectifying of such disorders as had grown therein under the Government of Abbot , Morton , and Young the present Dean thereof a Scot by Nation , and one that never rightly understood the Constitution of t●e Church of England . The like Injunctions given by Brent to the Church of Chichester , to provide Copes by one a year for Gods publick Service , till they were sufficiently furnished with them ; with the like Adorations toward the Communion Table , as before at Winchester . The Statutes of Hereford being imperfect , he caused to be cast in a new mold , and sent them thither under the Broad Seal for their future Reglement to be there sworn to and observed . In which it was required , First , That every Residentiary should officiate twice every year under the pain of paying forty shillings to be laid out on Ornaments of the Church . Secondly , That they should officiate on Sundaies and Holidaies in their Copes . Thirdly , That they should stand up at the Creeds and Gospel , and Doxologies , and to bow so often as the name of Jesus was mentioned , and that no man should be covered in the Church . Fourthly , That every one should bow toward the Altar . Fifthly , That the Prayer afore their Sermons should be made according to the 55 Canon , which as it shews to what disorders they were grown in point of practice , and how they had deviated from the Rules of the Church ; so may it serve to verifie that old Observation , (l) That many times corrupt Manners and evill Customs do beget good Laws . At Worcester Manwaring , who succeeded Iuxon in that Deanry , prevented Brent , and acted many things of himself without any Injunction ; For having erected a fair Table of Marble , standing on four well-fashioned Columns , he covered the Wall behind the same with Hangings of Azure-coloured Stuff , having a white silk Lace upon every Seam , and furnished it with Palls and Fronts , as he had observed in his Majesties and some Bishops Chappels ; and ordered the Kings Scholars , being forty in number , who formerly used to throng tumultuously into the Choire , to go in Rank , by two and two , and make their due obeisances at their coming in . Such Copes as belonged anciently to that Church , which had been lent many times unto common Actors , or otherwise Sacrilegiously profaned , he caused to be burned , the Silver extracted out , and laid up in the Treasury , toward the buying of new ones , as more money ●●me in . In many other Churches the Deans and Prebends had been contented to put that money into their Purses , which might better have been expended on some publick Ornaments . And that he might proceed to a Reformation on the better grounds , he took order to be furnished with a just account of their present condition , what Vestments , and Utensils they had , and what they wanted . From Lincoln it was certified , That the Communion Table was not very decent , and the Raile before it worse ; that the Organs were old and naught , and that the Copes and Vestments were imbezeled , and none remained . From Norwich , That the Hangings of the Choires were old , and the Copes fair , but wanted mending . From Glocester , That there wanted Copes , and that many things were grown amiss since he left that Deanry . From Lichfield , That the Furniture of the Altar was very mean , care therefore to be taken in it for more costly Ornaments . The like account from other places , which drew on by degrees such Reformation in Cathedral Churches that they recovered once again their ancient splendour , and served for an example to the Parish Churches which related to them . Nor did the Archbishop stand alone in point of judgment as to these particulars . He had therein the testimony and assent of two such Bishops then which there could be none more averse from Popery , or any thing that tended to it . A difference hapning between the Minister and Church-wardens in a Parish of Wilts , about the placing of the Table , which the Minister desired to transpose to the end of the Chancell , and the Church-wardens to keep it as it stood before , the business was referred to Davenant , then Bishop of Salisbury , who on a full consideration of the matter , declared in favour of the Incumbent , and by a Decree under his Episcopal Seal settled the Table in the place where the Altar stood , as the Minister desired to have it . In which Decree there are these two passages to be observed ; First , That by the Injunction of Queen Elizabeth , and by Canon 32 under King James , the Communion-Tables should ordinarily be set and stand with the side to the East Wall of the Chancel . And secondly , That it is ignorance to think that the standing of the holy Table in that place doth relish of Popery . This for the placing of the Table . And then as for the bowing and adoring toward it , we have this Authority from the Pen of Morton , then Bishop of Durham , in a Book by him written of the Romish Sacrifice . The like difference ( saith he ) may be discerned between their manner of Reverence in bowing towards the Altar for adoration of the Eucharist only , and ours in bowing as well when there is no Eucharist on the Table as when there is , which is not to the Table of the Lord , but to the Lord of the Table , to testifie the Communion of all the faithful Communicants therewith , even as the people of God did in adoring him before the Arke his footstoole , Psalm 99. And here we also may observe , that though Davenant made not his Decree till the seventeenth of May 1637. when the business of the Table had been settled in most parts of the Kingdom , yet Mortons book came out this year , Anno 1635. at the first breaking out of those oppositions which were made against it . Yet did not the Archbishop think he had done sufficiently if he should leave the case to be ruled only by Injunctions and Decrees , unless he added vigour to them by his own example . When he was Bishop of S. Davids , he built a new Chappel to his House of Aberguilly , and furnished both the Chappel and the Altar in it with Hangings , Palls , Fronts , Plate , and other Utensils , to a very great value . According unto which beginning he continued till the end of his Race . When he came first to Lambeth-house , where he found the Chappel lye so nastily , ( as his own words are ) the Windows so defaced , and all things in it so disordered , that he was much ashamed to see it , and could not resort unto it without disdain ; the Images in the Windows being broken in many places , and most deformedly patcht up with ordinary Glass , he caused to be repaired , and beautified according to their former Figure , his Glasiers Bill amounting to no less than 148 li. 7 s. 6 d. With like care , but with far less Charges , he repaired the ruined Windows in the Chappel of his house in Croyden , where he spent the greatest part of his Summers , and whither he retired at other times for his ease and privacy . And as for the Communion Table , which he found standing in the middle of the Chappel , a very sorry one in it self , he ordered it to be removed to some other Room , and caused a new one to be made , placed where the Altar sometimes stood , shadowed over-head with a very fair Frieze , and fenced with a decent and costly Raile , the guilding of the one , and the curious workmanship of the other , together with the Table it self , amounting to 33 pounds , and upwards ; Copes , Altar-cloaths , Plate , and other necessaries which belonged to the adorning of it he had been Master of before in his other Chappels , and therefore was it the less charge in compleating this . He put himself to some cost also in repairing and beautifying the Organs , which he found very much out of tune , and made great use of them in the celebrating of Divine Service on Sundaies and Holidaies , when his leisure could permit him to be present at it ; some Gentlemen of his Majesties Chappel assisting many times to make up the Consort when the solemnity required it . According unto which example of their Lord , and Chancellor , the principal Colledges in Oxon. beautified their Chappels , transposed their Tables , fenced them with Railes , and furnished them with Hangings , Palls , Plate , and all other necessaries . Yet neither his own Example , nor the Authority of the said two Bishops , nor practice of the Deans and Chapters in so many Churches , or the Governours of those principal Colledges , so stopt the mouths of divers railing Rabshakehs of the Puritan Faction , as not to spit their venome and reproaches on them . Witness for all , that scurrilous passage of H. B. in his seditious Sermon , called , For God and the King ; How then ( saith he ) will our new Masters , our Innovators , make good the bringing in of these things afresh into Cathedrals , and forcing all petty Churches to conform thereunto ? Would the Prelates thus make the Mother Cathedrals ( thus by themselves made and adopted Romes daughters ) their Concubines , whereon to beget a new bastard Generation of sacrificing , idolatrous , Mass-Priests throughout the Land , which our good Laws , and all our learned and pious Divines have proclaimed illegitimate ? So he . More of this foul stuff might be found elsewhere , but that I hate the raking in such dirty puddles . The business of the Table going on in so good a way , that of the Declaration about Lawful Sports seemed to be at a stand . Such Ministers as had readily obeyed the Mandates , and published the several Orders of the secular Judges in their several Churches , did obstinately refuse the publishing of this Declaration , when required to do it by their Bishops ; and that they might not be thought to stand out against them without some good ground , they alledged some reasons for themselves , which when they came to be examined , had no reason in them . First , they alledged , That there was no express order in the Declaration , that the Minister of the Parish should be prest to the publishing of it . But then withall they should consider , that the Bishops were commanded to take order for the publishing of it in their several Parishes ; and whom could they require to publish it in the Parish Churches but the Ministers only ? Bound to them by an Oath of Canonical obedience at their admission to their Cures . So that the Bishops did no more than they were commanded in laying the publication of this Declaration on the back of the Ministers ; and the Ministers by doing less than they were commanded infringed the Oath which they had taken , rendring themselves thereby obnoxious to all such Ecclesiastical Censures as the Bishops should inflict upon them . It was alledged secondly , That the publishing of this Declaration was a work more proper for the Constable or Tything-man , or the Church-wardens at the least , than it was for the Ministers : But then it was to be considered , that the Constable or Tything-man were Lay-officers meerly , bound by the Law to execute the Warrants of the Judges and Justices , but not the Mandates of the Bishops , so far from being Proper Instruments in such a business , that none of the Judges thought it fit to command their Service in publishing their Orders against Ales and Revels . And though the Church-wardens had some relation to Church-matters , and consequently to the Bishop in the way of Presentments ; yet was he not bound to execute any such Commands , because not tyed by an Oath of Canonical obedience , as the Ministers were . Or were it otherwise , yet doth it happen many times in Country Villages , that the Church-wardens cannot read , and therefore not to be imployed in publishing such Declarations , which require a more knowing man than a silly Villager . And last of all it was alledged , that the Ministers of all others were most unfit to hold the Candle for lighting and letting in such a course of licenciousness , as was indulged on the Lords day , by the said Declaration . But then it was to have been proved , that any of the Sports allowed of in it , might have been brought within the compass of such Licentiousness , which neither the Word of God , nor the Canons of the Christian Church , nor any Statutes of the Realm had before forbidden . Or had it been as they pretended , that the Command was contrary to the Law of God , and could not be obeyed with a sa●e conscience ; yet this was only a preten●● , their reading of the Book being no more an argument of their approbation of any thing therein contained , than when a common Crier reads a Proclamation , the Contents whereof perhaps he likes not . The Business being at this stand , it was thought fit that the Bishops should first deal with the Refusers in a Fatherly and gentle way , but adding menaces sometimes to their perswasions if they saw cause for it ; and that in the mean season some discourses should be writ and published to bring them to a right understanding of the truth , and their several duties : which burden being held of too great weight for any one to undergo , and the necessity of the work requiring a quick dispatch , it was held fit to divide the imployment betwixt two . The Argumentative and Scholasticall part referred to the right learned Dr. White , then Bishop of Ely , who had given good proof of his ability in Polemical matters in several Books and Disputations against the Papists . The Practical and Historical , by Heylyn of Westminster , who had gained some reputation for his Studies in the ancient Writers by Asserting the History of S. George , maliciously impugned by those of the Calvinian Party upon all occasions . Both of them , being enjoyned their tasks , were required to be ready for the Press against Michaelmas Term ; at the end whereof both books came out , The Bishops under the Title of A Treatise of the Sabbath day , containing a defence of the Orthodoxal Doctrine of the Church of England against Sabbatarian Novelty , The other called , The History of the Sabbath , was divided into two Books or Parts ; The first whereof began with the Creation of the World , and carried on the Story till the destruction of the Temple ; The second , beginning with our Saviour Christ and his Apostles , was drawn down to the year 1633. when the publishing of this Declaration was required . But going different waies to work they did not both encounter the like success . The Bishops Book had not been extant very long , when an Answer was returned unto it by Byfield of Surrey , which Answer occasioned a Reply , and that Reply begat a Rejoynder . To Heylyns Book there was no Answer made at all , whether because unanswerable , or not worth the Answering , is to me unknown . And though it is not to be doubted , but that the Arguments of the one , and the Authorities of the other , prevailed with some to lay aside their former obstinacy and averseness ; yet did there still remain too many , who stopp'd their ears , like the deaf Adder in the Psalmist , and would not hear the voice of the Charmers , charmed they never so sweetly . By which it did appear too plainly , That there was some Association had and made amongst them , to stand it out to the last , and put some baffle or affront upon their Superiors , by whose Command the reading of the Book was imposed upon them . And thereupon it was resolved , That the Bishops in their several Diocesses should go to work more roundly with them , and either bring them to Conformity , if it might be done ; or otherwise , to proceed against them by Ecclesiastical Censures . But whilst these things were acting on the Stage of England , the Bishops of Scotland were as active in drawing of a Book of Canons , and framing a Publick Liturgie for the use of that Church . Both Undertakings warranted by the Act of a General Assembly held at Aberdeen , Anno 1616. and the one brought to a good forwardness before the death of King Iames : But being discontinued by the Accidents and Debates before-remembred , it pleased his Majesty at the last to yield unto the importunity of the Scottish Bishops , in having a Liturgie of their own , differing in some things from that of the Church of England , to shew the independency and self-subsistence of their Kirk ; but agreeing with it in the main , to testifie the Conformity between the Churches : Which being thus condescended to , they were ordered to proceed with all speed and diligence , which they did accordingly . But the Canons being the shorter work , were first brought to an end ; for the compiling whereof , his Majesty gives these Reasons in his large Declaration . First , That he held it but exceeding necessary , that there should be some Book extant to contain the Rules of the Ecclesiastical Government ; so that as well the Clergy as the Laity might have one certain standing Rule , to regulate the Power of the one , the Obedience and Practise of the other . Secondly , That the Acts of General Assemblies were Written only , and not Printed ; and therefore could not come to the knowledge of many : So large and voluminous , that it was not easie to Transcribe them , insomuch that few of the Presbyters themselves could tell which of them were authentical , which not : So unsafely and uncertainly kept , that they knew not where to address themselves for consulting with them : That by reducing those numerous Act , ( and those not known unto themselves ) to such a paucity of Canons , published and exposed to the publick view , no man should be insnared by ignorance , or have just reason to complain of their multiplicity . And finally , That not one in all that Kingdom did either live under the Obedience of the Acts of those General Assemblies , or did know what they were , or where to find them . Upon which grounds , the Book of Canons being drawn up and presented to him , he gave a Warrant under his Hand to the Archbishop of Canterbury , requiring him , together with the Bishop of London , to peruse the same , to see that they were well fitted to the Church-Government , and as near as conveniently might be to the Canons of the Church o● England ; giving them , and either of them full power to alter any thing in the said Canons , as they found most fitting . Which being done as he commanded , and the Book made ready for the Press , he pass'd his Royal Confirmation of it , under the Great Seal o● the Kingdom , in this manner following . CHARLES REX . WE 〈◊〉 of Our Royal Care for the Maintenance of the present Estate and Government of the Church of Scotland , have diligently and with great content considered all the Canons and Constitutions after following ; and finding the same such as We are perswaded will be profitable , not only to our whole Clergy , but to the whole Church of that our Kingdom , if so they be well observed , Have for Vs , Our Heirs , and Lawful Successors , of Our especial Grace , certain Knowled●● ▪ ●nd meer ●otion , given , and by these presents do give Our 〈◊〉 Ass●●t ●nto all the said Canons , Orders and Constitutions , 〈◊〉 all and every thing in them contained , as they are afterwards set 〈◊〉 . And further , We do not only by Our Prerogative Royal , and Supreme 〈◊〉 in Causes Ecclesiastical , Ratifie and Confirm by these Our Letters Pat●nts the said Canons , Orders and Constitutions , ●nd all ●nd every thing in them contained : But likewise We command by 〈◊〉 ●uthority Royal , and by these Letters Patents , the same to be diligently observed and executed by all Our Loving Subjects of that Our Kingdom , both within the Province of St. Andrews and ●lascow ; in all points wherein they do or may concern every or any of them , according to this Our Will and Pleasure hereby expressed and declared . And for the better observation of them , We straightly Charge and Command all Our Archbishops , Bishops , and all others tha● exercise any Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction within that Our Realm , to see the same Canons , Orders and Constitutions to be in all points duly observed ; not sparing to execute the Penalties in them severally mentioned , upon any that shall willingly break or neglect to observe the same , as they tender the Honour of God , the Peace of the Church , the Tranquility of the Kingdom , and their Service and Duty to Vs their King and Sovereign . Given at Our Mannor of Greenwich , 23 May 1635. These Canons when they came abroad , were presently quarrelled and disclaimed by the Scottish Presbyters : Quarrelled in reference to the subject matter comprehended in them : Disclaimed , because imposed upon them without their own approbation and consent . The points most quarrelled at , were these . 1. That whosoever should affirm , That the Kings Majesty had not the same Authority in Causes Ecclesiastical , that the Godly Kings had among the Jews , or the Christian Emperors in the Primitive Church ; or impugn in any part his Royal Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastical , was to incur the Censure of Excommunication . 2. The like Censure to be inflicted on those who should affirm , That the Worship contained in the Book of Common Prayer , and Administration of the Sacraments ( though at the making of these Canons there was no such Book of Common Prayer recommended to them ) ; or , That the Government of the Church by Archbishops and Bishops , or the form of Making and Consecrating Archbishops and Bishops , &c. did contain any thing repugnant to the Scriptures , or was corrupt , superstitious , or unlawful in the Service and Worship of God. 3. That the Ordinations were restrained to four times in the year ; that is , the first Weeks of March , June , September , and December . 4. That every Ecclesiastical Person at his Admission should take the Oath of Supremacy , according to the form required by Parliament ; and the like Oath for avoiding Symonie , required in the Book of Consecration . 5. That every Presbyter shall either by himself , or by another Person lawfully called , read or cause Divine Service to be done , according to the form of the Book of that Common Prayer , before all Sermons ; and that he should Officiate by the said Book of Common Prayer , in all the Offices , Parts and Rubricks of it ( when as yet none of them had seen the said Book or Liturgie ) . 6. That no Preacher should impugn the Doctrine delivered by another in the same Church , or any neer adjoining to it , without leave from the Bishop ; which they conceived to be the way to pin their whole Religion on the Bishops Sleeves 7. That no Presbyter should hereafter become Surety or Cautioner for any Person whosoever , in Civil Bonds and Contracts , under pain of Suspension . 8. That whatsoever remained of the Bread and Wine prepared for the Communion , should be distributed to the poorer sort which receive that day , to be eaten and drunken of them before they go out of the Church . 9. That Presbyters are enjoined to Minister the Sacrament of Baptism in private Houses , and upon every day alike , in case of infirmity ; and that the People were required not to receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper but upon their knees . 10. That in all Sentences of Separation a Thoro & Mensa , there shall be a Caution inserted ( and given accordingly ) That the Persons so separated should live continently and chastly , and not contract Marriage with any Person , during each others life ( which seemed to put the innocent Party into as bad a condition as the guilty , contrary to the Judgment of the Reformed Churches ) . 11. That no private Meeting be kept by Presbyters , or any other Persons whatsoever , for expounding Scripture , or for consulting upon matters Ecclesiastical : Such matters to be handled only in the Lawful Synods held by Bishops . 12. That under pain of Excommunication , no Presbyter or Layman , jointly or severally , make Rules , Orders , or Constitutions in Causes Ecclesiastical ; or to add or detract from any Rubricks or Articles , or other things now established , without the Authority of the King or his Successors . 13. That National or General Assemblies were to be called only by the Kings Authority ; That the Decrees thereof should bind as well the Absent as the Present in Matters Ecclesiastical ; and , That it should not be lawful for the Bishops themselves , in such Assemblies , or otherwise , to alter any Articles , Rubrick , Canon Doctrinal or Disciplinary whatsoever , without his Majesties leave first had and obtained . 14. That no man should cover his Head in time of Divine Service , except with a Cap or Night-coife in case of infirmity ; and that all Persons should reverently kneel when the Confession and other Prayers were read , and should stand up at the saying of the Creed . 15. That no Presbyter or Reader be permitted to conceive Prayers ex tempo●e , or use any other form in the Publick Liturgie or Service , than is prescribed , under the pain of Deprivation from his Benefice or Cure. 16. That by this Prohibition the Presbyters seemed to be d●barred from using their own Prayers before their Sermons , by reason that in c. 3. num . 13. it is required , That all Presbyters and Preachers should move the People to join with them in Prayer , using some few and convenient words , and should always conclude with the Lords Prayer ( which in effect was to bind them to the form of bidding Prayer , prescribed in the 55 th . Canon of the Church of England ) . 17. That no man should Teach either in Publick School or Private House , but such as shall be allowed by the Archbishop of the Province , or Bishop of the Diocess , under their Hand and Seal ; and those to Licence none but such as were of good Religion , and obedient to the Orders of the Church . 18. That none should be admitted to read in any Colledge or School , except they take first the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy . 19. That nothing ●e hereafter Imprinted , except the same be seen and allowed by the Visitors appointed to that purpose ; the Penalty thereof ( as in all like Cases in which no Penalty is expressed ) being left to the discretion of the Bishops . 20. That no Publick Fast should be appointed upon Sundays ( as had been formerly accustomed ) but on the Week-days only ; and them to be appointed by none but His Majesty . 21. That for the Ministring of the Sacrament of Baptism , a Font should be prepared , and placed somewhat near the entry of the Church , as anciently it used to be , with a Cloth of fine Linnen , which shall likewise be kept all neatly . 22. That a comely and decent Table for Celebrating the Holy Communion should be provided , and placed at the upper end of the Chancel or Church , to be covered at the times of Divine Service with a Carpet of decent Stuff , and at the time of Ministration with a white Linnen Cloth ; And that Basons , Cups , or Chalices of some pure Metal shall be provided , to be set upon the Communion Table , and reserved to that only use . 23. That such Bishops and Presbyters as shall depart this life , having no Children , shall leave their Goods or a great part of them to the Church and Holy Vses ; and that notwithstanding their having Children , they should leave some Testimony of their love to the Church and advancement of Religion . 24. That no Sentence of Excommunication should be pronounc'd , or Absolution given by any Presbyter , without the leave and approbation of the Bishop : And no Presbyter should reveal or make known what had been opened to him in Confession , at any time , or to any Person whatsoever , except the Crime be such as by the Laws of the Realm his own Life may be called in question for concealing the same . 25. And finally , That no Person should be received into Holy Orders , nor suffered to Preach , Catechise , Minister the Sacraments , or any other Ecclesiastical Function , unless he first subscribe to be obedient to these present Canons , Ratified and Approved by his Majesties Royal Warrant , and Ordained to be observed by the Clergy , and all others whom they concern . These were the matters chiefly quarrelled in this Book of Canons , visibly tending ( as they would make the World believe ) to subject that Kirk unto the Power of the King ; the Clergy to the command of their Bishops ; the whole Nation , to the Discipline of a Foreign Church ; and all together by degrees , to the Idolatries and Tyrannies of the Pope of Rome . But juster cause they seemed to have for disclaiming the said Book of Canons , because not made nor imposed upon them by their own approbation and consent , contrary to the usage of the Church in all Times and Ages . Had his Majesty imposed these Orders on them by the name of Injunctions , according to the example of King Henry viii . Anno 1536. of King Edward vi . Anno 1547. and of Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1559. he might perhaps have justified himself by that Supremacy which had been vested in him by the Laws of that Kingdom ; which seems to have been the Judgment of King Iames in this very case . At his last being in Scotland , Anno 1617. he had prepared an Article to be passed in Parliament to this effect , viz. That whatsoever his Majesty should determine in the External Government of the Church , with the advice of the Archbishop , Bishops , and a competent number of the Ministry , should have the strength of a Law. But understanding that a Protestation was prepared against it by some of the most Rigid Presbyterians , he commanded Hay the Clerk or Register , to pass by that Article , as a thing no way necessary ; the Prerogative of his Crown giving him more Authority than was declared or desired by it . But as for Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical , if they concerned the whole Church , they were to be advised and framed by Bishops , and other Learned men , assembled in a General Council , and testified by the Subscription of such Bishops as were then assembled . Or if they did relate only unto National Churches , or particular Provinces , they were to be concluded and agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergy ; that is to say , so many of the Clergy as are chosen and impowered by all the rest for that end and purpose , assembled in a National or Provincial Synod . No Canons nor Constitutions Ecclesiastical to be otherwise made ; or if made otherwise , not to bind , without a voluntary and free submission of all Parties to them . And though it could not be denied , but that all Christian Emperours , Kings , and Princes reserved a Power unto themselves of Ratifying and Confirming all such Constitutions as by the Bishops and Clergy were agreed on ; yet still the said Canons and Constitutions were first agreed on by the Bishops and Clergy , before they were tendred to the Sovereign Prince for his Ratification . The Scottish Presbyters had formerly disclaimed the Kings Authority either in calling their Assemblies , or confirming the Results and Acts thereof ; which they conceived to be good and valid of themselves without any additional power of his to add strength unto them . And therefore now they must needs think themselves reduced to a very great vassalage in having a body of Canons so imposed upon them , to the making whereof they were never called , and to the passing whereof they had never voted . But as they had broke the Rules of the Primitive Church in acting Soveraignty of themselves without requiring the Kings approbation and consent in the times foregoing ; so were they now upon the point of having those old Rules broken on them by the King , in making Canons , and putting Laws and Orders on them for their future Government , to which they never had consented . And therefore though his Majesty had taken so much care ( as himself observed ) for facilitating and conveniencing their obedience , by furthering their knowledge in those points which before they knew not ; yet they did generally behold it , and exclaimed against it , as one of the most grievous burthens that ever had been laid upon them . More clamour , but on weaker grounds , was made against the Book of Common Prayer when it first came out , which was not till the year 1637. and then we shall hear further of it . Mean while we will return to England , and see what our Archbishop doth , as a chief Counsellor and States-man in his Civil Actings . It was about four or five years since , Anno 1631 , that he first discovered how ill his Majesties Treasury had been managed between some principal Officers of his Revenue , to the enriching of themselves , to the impoverishing of their Master , and the no small amazement of all good Subjects . But the abuses being too great to be long concealed , his Majesty is made acquainted with all particulars , who thereupon did much estrange his countenance from the principal of them . For which good service to the King none was so much suspected by them as the Archbishop of Canterbury , against whom they began to practise , endeavouring all they could to remove him from his Majesties ear , or at the least to lessen the esteem and reputation which his fidelity and upright dealing had procured of him . Factions are heightned in the Court. Private ends followed to the prejudice of Publick Service , and every mouth talkt openly against his proceedings . But still he kept his ground , and prevailed at last , appointed by his Majesty on the fifth of February 1634. to be one of the great Committee for Trade and the Kings Revenue ; and seeing Wes●ons Glories set under a cloud , within few weeks after , Weston being dead , it pleased his Majesty to commit the managing of the Treasury by Letters Patents under the Broad Seal , bearing date on the fourteenth day of March , to the Lord Archbishop , Cottington Chancellor of the Exchequer , Cooke and Windebank , principal Secretaries , and certain others ; who with no small envy looked upon him as if he had been set over them for a Supervisor . Within two daies after his being nominated for this Commission , his Majesty brought him also into the Foreign Committee , which rendred him as considerable abroad as he was at home . This as it added to his power , so it encreased the stomach which was borne against him . The year 1635. was but new began , when clashing began to grow between him and Cottington about executing the Commission for the Treasury . And that his grief and trouble might be the greater , his old Friend Windebank , who had received his preferment from him , forsook him in the open field , and joyned himself with Cottington and the rest of that Party . This could not chuse but put him to the exercise of a great deal of Patience , considering how necessary a friend he had lost , in whose bosome he had lodged a great part of his Counsels , and on whose Activity he relied for the carrying on of his designs at the Council Table . But for all this ●e carries on 〈◊〉 Comm●●●ion the whole year about , acquaints himself with the Mysteries and secrets of it , the honest advantages which the Lord Treasurers had for enriching themselves ( to the value of seven t●ousand pound a year and upwards , as I have heard from his own mouth ) without defrauding the King , or abusing the Subject . He had observed , that divers Treasurers of late years had raised themselves from very mean and private Fortunes to the Titles and Estates o● Earls , which he conceived could not be done without wrong to both ; and therefore he resolves to commend such a man to his Majesty for the next Lord Treasurer , who having no Family to raise - no Wife and Children to provide for , might better manage the Incomes of the Treasury to the Kings advantage than they had been formerly . And who more like to come into his eye for that preferment than Iuxon , his old and trusty Friend , then Bishop of London ; a man of such a well tempered disposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and People , and one whom he knew capable of as much instruction as by a whole years experience in the Commission for the Treasury he was able to give him . It was much wondred at , when first the Staff was put into this mans hand ; in doing whereof the Archbishop was generally conceived neither to have consulted his own present peace , nor his future safety . Had he studied his own present peace , he should have given Cottington leave to put in for it , who being Chancellor of the Exchequer pretended himself to be the next in that Ascendent , the Lord Treasurers Associate while he lived , and the presumptive heir to that office after his decease . And had he studied his own safety and preservation for the times to come , he might have made use of the power by recommending the Staff to the Earles of Bedford , Hartford , Essex , the Lord Say , or some such man of Popular Nobility ; by whom he might have been reciprocated by their strength and interess with the People in the change of times . But he preferred his Majesties Advantages before his particular concernments , the safety of the Publick before his own . Nor did he want some seasonable considerations in it for the good of the Church . The peace and quiet of the Church depended much on the conformity of the City of London , and London did as much depend in their trade and payments upon the Love and Justice of the Lord Treasurer of England . This therefore was the more likely way to conform the Citizens to the directions of their Bishop , and the whole Kingdom unto them ; No small encouragement being thereby given to the London Clergy for the improving of their Tythes . For with what confidence could any of the old Cheats adventure on a publick Examination in the Court of Exchequer ( the proper Court for suits and grievances of that nature ) when a Lord Bishop of London sate therein as the principal Judge ? Upon th●se Counsels he proceeds , and obtains the Staff , which was delivered to the Bishop of London on Sunday March 6. sworn on the same day Privy Counsellor , and on the first of the next Term conducted in great state from London House to Westminster Hall , the Archbishop of Canterbury riding by him , and most of the Lords and Bishops about the Town , with many Gentlemen of chief note and quality , following by two and two to make up the Pomp. It was much feared by some , and hoped by others , that the new Treasurer would have sunk under the burden of that place , as Williams did under the custody of the Seal : but he deceived them both in that expectation , carrying himself with such an even and steady hand , that every one applauded , but none envied his preferment to it ; insomuch as the then Lord Faulkland , in a bitter Speech against the Bishops about the beginning of the Long Parliament , could not chuse but give him this faire Testimony , viz. That in an unexpected place and power he expressed an equal moderation and humility , being neither ambitious before , nor proud after , either of the Crozier or White Staff. The Queen about these times began to grow into a greater preval●n●y over his Majesties Affections than formerly she had made shew of : But being too wise to make any open alteration of the conduct of a●●airs , she thought it best to take the Archbishop into such of her Counsels as might by him be carried on to her contentment , and with no dishonour to himself , of which he gives this intimation in the Breviate (a) on the thirtieth of August 1634. viz. That the Queen sent for him to Oatlands , and gave him thanks for a business which she had trusted him withall , promising him to be his Friend , and that he should have immediate access to her when he had occasion . This seconded with the like intimation , given us May 18. 1635. of which he writes , that having brought his account to the Queen on May 18. Whitsunday , the Court then at Greenwich , it was put of till the Sunday after , at which time he presented it to her , and received from her an assurance of all that was desired by him . Panzani's coming unto London in the Christmas holydaies makes it not improbable that the facilitating of his safe and favourable reception was the great business which the Queen had committed to the Archbishops trust ; and for his effecting of it with the King , had given him those gracious promises of access unto her , which the Breviate spake of . For though Panzani was sent over from the Pope on no other pretence than to prevent a Schism which was then like to be made between the Regulars and the Secular Priests , to the great scandall of that Church ; yet under that pretence were muffled many other designs which were not fit to be discovered unto Vulgar eyes . By many secret Artifices he works himself into the fauour of Cottington , Windebank , and other great men about the Court , and at last grew to such a confidence , as to move this question to some Court-Bishops , viz. Whether his Majesty would permit the residing of a Catholick Bishop of the English Nation to be nominated by his Majesty , and not to exercise his Function but as his Majesty should limit ? Upon which Proposition , when those Bishops had made this Quaere to him , Whether the Pope would allow of such a Bishop of his Majesties nominating as held the Oath of Allegiance lawful , and should permit the taking of it by the Catholick Subjects , he puts it off by pleading that he had no Commission to declare therein one way or other . And thereupon he found some way to move the King for the permission of an Agent from the Pope to be addressed to the Queen for the concernments of her Religion ; which the King , with the Advice and Consent of his Council , condescended to , upon condition that the Party sent should be no Priest. This possibly might be the sum of that account which the Archbishop tendred to the Queen at Greenwich on the Whitsontide after Panzani's coming , which as it seems was only to make way for Con ( of whom more hereafter ) though for the better colour of doing somewhat else that might bring him hither , he composed the Rupture between the Seculars and the Regulars above-mentioned . I cannot tell whether I have hit right or not upon these particulars : But sure I am , that he resolved to serve the Queen no further in her desires than might consist both with the honour and safety of the Church of England ; which as it was his greatest charge , so did he lay out the chief parts of his cares and thoughts upon it . And yet he was not so unmindful of the Foreign Churches , as not to do them all good offices when it came in his way , especially when the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church of England was not concerned in the same . For in the year 1634. having received Letters from the Queen of Bohemia ( with whom he held a constant course of Correspondence ) about the furtherance of a Collection for the exiled Ministers of the Palatinate ; he moved the King so effectually in it , that his Majesty granted his Letters Patents for the said Collection to be made in all parts of the Kingdom ; which Letters Patents being sealed and brought unto him for his further Direction in prosecution of the same , he found a passage in it which gave him no small cause of offence , and was this that followeth ; viz. Whose cases are the more to be deplored , for that this extremity is fallen upon them for their sincerity and constancy in the true Religion which we together with them professed , and which we are all bound in conscience to maintain to the utmost of our powers ; whereas these Religious and Godly persons being involved amongst other their Country-men might have enjoyed their Estates and Fortunes , if with other backsliders in the times of Trial they would have submitted themselves to the Antichristian Yoke , and have renounced or dissembled the Profession of the true Religion . Upon the reading of which passage he observed two things : First , That the Religion of the Palatine Churches was declared to be the same with ours . And secondly , That the Doctrine and Government of the Church of Rome is called an Antichristian Yoke ; neither of which could be approved of in the same terms in which they were presented to him . For first he was not to be told , that by the Religion of those Churches all the Calvinian Rigors in the point of Predestination and the rest depending thereupon were received as Orthodox ; that they maintain a Parity of Ministers directly contrary both to the Doctrine and Government of the Church of England ; and that Pareus , Profes●or of Divinity in the University of Heydelberg , ( who was not to be thought to have delivered his own sense only in that point ) ascribes a power to inferiour Magistrates to curb the power , controule the persons , and resist the Authority of Soveraign Princes , for which his Comment on the Romans had been publickly burnt by the appointment of King Iames , as before is said . Which as it plainly proves , that the Religion of those Churches is not altogether the same with that of ours , so he conceived it very unsafe that his Majesty should declare under the Great Seal of England , that both himself and all his Subjects were bound in conscience to maintain the Religion of those Churches with their utmost power . And as unto the other point he lookt upon it as a great Controversie , not only between some Protestant Divines and the Church of Rome , but between the Protestant Divines themselves , hitherto not determined in any Council , nor positively defined by the Church of England ; and therefore he conceived it as unsafe as the other , that such a doubtful controversie , as that of the Popes being Antichrist , should be determined Positively by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England , of which there was great difference even amongst the Learned , and not resolved on in the Schools . With these objections against that passage he acquaints his Majesty , who thereupon gave order that the said Letters Patents should be cancelled , and new ones to be drawn , in which that clause should be corrected or expunged ; and that being done , the said Letters Patents to be new sealed , and the said Collection to proceed according to the Archbishops first desires and proposition made in that behalf . But before this Collection was finished , and the money returned , Charles Lodowick , Prince Elector Palatine , eldest surviving Son of the Queen of Bohemia , comes into England to bestow a visit on his Uncle , and to desire his aid and counsel for the recovery of the Electoral Dignity and Estate which did of right belong unto him . On the twenty second of November this present year 1635. he comes to Whitehall , graciously welcomed by the King , who assigned him for his quarters in the Court , the Lodgings properly belonging to the Prince his Son , where he continued whilst he made his abode in England , except such times as he attended his Majesty in his Summers Progress . Knowing how forward the Archbishop had expressed himself in doing all ready Services for the Queen his Mother , and the good offices which he had done for her sake to the distressed Ministers of his Dominions , on the 30 day of the same Month he crost over to Lambeth , and was present with the Archbishop at the Evening Prayer then very solemnly performed ; and upon that day fortnight came unexpectedly upon him , and did him the honour to dine with him . And that he might the better endear himself to the English Nation by shewing his conformity and approbation of the Rites and Ceremonies here by Law established , he did not only diligently frequent the Morning and Evening Service in his Majesties Closet , but upon Christmass day received the Communion also in the Chappel Royal of Whitehall . For whose accommodation , at the receiving of it , there was a Stool placed within the Traverse , on the left hand of his Majesty , on which he sate while the Remainder of the Anthem was sung , and at the Reading of the Epistle , with a lower Stool and a Velvet Cushion to kneel upon both in the preparatory Prayers , and the Act of Receiving , which he most reverently performed to the great content of all beholders . During his being in the Court he published two Books in Print by the advice of the King and Council , not only to declare his Wrongs , but assert his Rights . The first he called by the name of a PROTESTATION , against all the unlawful and violent proceedings and actions against him and his Electoral Family . The second , called the MANIFEST , concerning the right of his Succession in the Lands , Dignities , and Honours , of which his Father had been unjustly dispossessed by the Emperour Ferdinand the Second . After which Preparatory writings , which served to no other effect than to justifie his own and the Kings proceedings in the eye of the world , he was put upon a course for being furnished both with men and money to try his fortune in the Wars , in which he wanted not the best assistance which the Archbishop could afford him by his Power and Counsels . But as he laboured to advance his interess in the recovery of his Patrimony and Estates in Germany , so he no less laboured to preserve the Interess of the Church of England against all dangers and disturbances which might come from thence . And therefore when some busie heads , at the time of the Princes being here , had published the Book entituled , A Declaration of the Faith and Ceremonies of the Palsgraves Churches ; A course was took to call it in , for the same cause , and on the same prudential grounds on which the Letters Patents before mentioned , had been stopt and altered . The Prince was welcome , but the Book might better have stayed at home , brought hither in Dutch , and here translated into English , Printed , and exposed to the publick view , to let the vulgar Reader see how much we wanted of the Purity and simplicity of the Palatine Churches . But we must now look back on some former Counsels in bringing such refractory Ministers to a just conformity in publishing his Majesties Declaration about lawful Sports , as neither arguments and perswasions could p●eva●l upon . And that the Suffragan Bishops might receive the more countenance in it , the Archbishop means not to look on , but to act somewhat in his own Diocess which might be exempla●y to the rest , some troublesome persons there were in it , who publickly opposed all establisht orders , neither conforming to his Majesties Instructions , nor the Canons of the Church , nor the Rubricks in the publick Liturgy . Culmer and Player , two men of the same a●●●ctions , and such as had declared their inconformity in ●ormer times , were prest unto the publishing of this Declaration ; Brent acting in it as Commissary to the Bishop of the Diocess , ( not Vicar General to the Archbishop ) of the Province of Canterbury . On their refusal so to do , they were called into the Consistory and by him suspended . Petitioning the Archbishop for a release from that suspension , they were answered by him , That if they knew not how to obey , he knew as little how to grant . He understood them to be men of Factious spirits , and was resolved to bring them to a better temper , or else to keep them from disturbing the publick peace . And they resolving on the other side , not to yield obedience , continued under this suspension till the coming in of the Scottish Army , not long before the beginning of the Long Parliament , Anno 1640. which wanted little of four years before they could get to be released ▪ Wilson , another of the same Crew , was suspended about the same time also , and afterwards severely sentenced in the High Commission , the profits of his Living sequestred , ( as the others were ) and liberal assignments made out of it for supplying the Cure. In which condition he remained for the space of four years , and was then released on a motion made by Dering in the House of Commons , at the very opening , in manner , of the Long Parliament ; that being the occasion which was taken by them to bring the Archbishop on the Stage , as they after did . And though he suspended , or gave order rather for suspending of no more than these ; yet being they were leading-men , and the chief sticklers of the Faction in all his Diocess , it made as much noise as the great Persecution did in Norfolk and Suffolk . By one of which first County we are told in general , That being promoted to this dignity , he thought he was now Plenipotentiary enough , and in full capacity to domineer as he listed , and to let his profest enemies feel the dint of his Spirit , but more particularly , that he caused the Book of Sports to be published , for no other reason , than to gall and vex those Godly Divines , whose Consciences would not vail to so much impiety , as to promote the Work ; and finally , That thereupon many of the most sound and orthodox Belief , were compelled to desert their Stations , and abandon their Livings , in which their livelihood consisted , rather than to submit unto it . And here I had took my leave of Kent , but that I must first pass thorow the Diocess of Rochester , where I find one Snelling to have been both Suspended and Excommunicated on the same account ( some other Inconformities ( as not bowing at the Name of IESVS ) being taken into the Reckoning ) by Wood then Chancellor of that Diocess under Bishop Bowles , and afterwards Sentenced to a Deprivation on the ninth of February 1637. But as for that great Persecution in Norfolk and Suffolk ( greater , if Burton were to be believed , than any which hapned to the Church in Queen Maries Days ) we shall hear it thus Preach'd up in that seditious Sermon of his , which he was pleased to entitle For God and the King ; in which he telleth us , That in those Counties they had made the greatest havock of good Ministers ( and their Flocks now left des●late and exposed to the Wolves , as Sheep without their Shepherd ) as our eyes had ever seen ; That there were already threescore Ministers in that one Diocess Suspended , and between three and fourscore more had time given them till Christs-tide , by which time they must either bid their good Consciences farewell , or else their precious Ministry , and therewith their necessary Means : And finally , That in all Queen Maries Time there was not so great a havock made ( in so short a time ) of the faithful Ministers of God , in any part of , yea , in the whole Land. Wren had not long before succeeded Corbet in the See of Norwich ; a man who very well understood his Work , and resolved to do it : but finding himself more deeply galled with these Reproaches , than he had deserved , he caused his Registers to be search'd , and the Acts of his Court to be examined , out of which we may take this short Account of his Proceedings ; that is to say , 1. That the Clergie of that Diocess , comprehending all that are in Spiritual Dignity or Office , and all Parsons , Vicars , Curates , and School-Masters ( taking in the Lecturers withal ) amount unto the number of 1500 , or thereabouts . 2. That there were not above thirty of all sorts involved in any Ecclesiastical Censure of what kind soever , and not above sixteen Suspended . 3. That of those sixteen , eight were then Absolved , for a time of further trial to be taken of them , and two did voluntarily resign their Places ; so that there were but six Suspended absolutely , and persisting so . 4. That of the Residue , one was deprived , after notorious Inconformity for twelve years together , and final Obstinacy after several Admonitions ; eight Excommunicated for not appearing at the Court , and four inhibited from Preaching ; of which four , one by Trade had been a Draper , another a Weaver , and a third a Tayler . 5. That for the other number between sixty and eighty , which were Suspended upon day till Christmas , upon the Examination of the Register there appear but eight , and those not all Suspended neither , two being Excommunicated for not appearing in the Court. And 6. Taking it for granted , That sixty of all sorts had been Suspended , as it was suggested in the Libel ; yet sixty in so great a number , comes to no more than four in one hundred , which would not have been look'd upon as a Persecution in Queen Mar●es days , nor in a time of better temper and more moderation than the Libeller deserved to live in . And yet the Minister of Lincoln Diocess , in his Holy Table , must needs fly out against this Bishop , comparing him unto a Wren mounted on the wings of an Eagle , and finding by the Index to the Acts and Monuments , That the Bishop of Norwich sent out Letters of Persecution . And yet it was not thought sufficient to justifie themselves in matter of fact , unless they Advocated for themselves , and the King under whom they acted , by strong Reasons also . And first , it was alledged in behalf of the King ( who had commanded the said Declaration to be published by Order from the Bishops , in all the Churches of their several and respective Diocesses ) That all the Commands of the King , which are not upon the first inference and illation contrary to a clear passage in the Word of God , or to an evident Sun-beam of the Law of Nature , are precisely to be obeyed . 2. That it was not enough to find a remote and possible Inconvenience that might ensue therefrom ; for every good Subject is bound in conscience to rest assured , That his Prince , environed with such a Council , will be able to discover , and as ready to prevent any ill sequel that may come of it , as himself possibly can be . And 3. That we must not by disobeying our Prince , commit a certain Sin , in preventing a probable but contingent Inconveniency . And then it was alledged in behalf of themselves , That the Declaration was commanded to be published by Order from the Bishops in the Parish Churches ; That there were none on whom the Bishops could impose the Publishing of it in the Churches of their several Diocesses , but the Ministers only ; which was a sufficient warrant for them to enjoin the Ministers to do it . And lastly , That though no Penalty was prescribed in it to such as should refuse to publish the same ; yet that some Penalty was implied , or otherwise the Command had been impertinent , and to no purpose and effect whatsoever . Finally , it was alledged , in respect of those who were enjoined the publishing of it , That there was nothing contained in the said Declaration , which was either plainly contrary to the Word of God , or the Canons of the Church , or the Laws of the Land , or the Practice of the Protestant or Reformed Churches in all parts of the World ; That if it should appear otherwise with some scrupulous men , yet even those scrupulous men were bound to obey their Superiors , in making publication of it (a) , for fear of dissolving by their disobedience the whole frame of Government ; That if it should be lawful for particular Persons first to dispute , and afterwards to disobey the Commands of those higher Powers , to which the Lord had made them subject , the Subject would seem to be in a better condition , and more absolutely at his own disposing , than the Sovereign was ; That by the Laws a Sheriff is bound to publish his Majesties Proclamations , though tending to the Apprehension of his dearest Friends , or otherwise containing matter of dangerous consequence to the Publick Interest ; That a Presbyter or Minister without any sin , may safely pronounce an Excommunication , legally delivered unto him , though in his own private conscience he be convinced , that the Party is unjustly excommunicated ; That when the Iews commanded by Antiochus , gave up the Divine Books to his Officers to be destroyed , it was afterwards adjudged in favour of them by Optatus Bishop of Milevis , a right godly man , to be (a) sin rather in them that commanded , than of those who with fear and sorrow did obey their Mandates ; That when the Emperour Mauritius had made an Edict , That no Souldier should be admitted into any Monastery , and sent it to be published by Gregory sirnamed the Great , the Pope forthwith dispersed it into all parts of the Christian World , (b) because he was subject to his command ; though in his own judgment he conceived the said Edict to be unlawful in it self , and prejudicial unto many particular persons , as well in reference to their spiritual as their temporal benefit ; and finally , That it was resolved by St. Augustine , in his Book against Faustus the Manichee , cap. 75. That a Christian Souldier fighting under a Heathen Prince , may lawfully pursue the War , or exercise the Commands of his immediate or Superior Officers , in the course of his Service , though he be not absolutely assured in the justice of the one , or the expedience of the other . Such were the Reasons urged in behalf of all Parties concerned in this business ; and such the Defences which were made for some of them in matter of fact : but neither the one nor the other could allay that storm which had been raised against him by the Tongues and Pens of unquiet Persons ; of which more anon . Nor was the Clamour less which was raised against such of the Bishops as either pressed the use of his Majesties Instructions , concerning Lecturers , and silencing the Arminian Controversies ; or urged the Ministers of their several and respective Diocesses , to use no other form of Prayer before their Sermons than that which was prescribed Canon 55. It had been prudently observed , That by su●fering such long Prayers as had accustomably been used of late before the Sermons of most Preachers , the Publick Liturgie of the Church had been much neglected ; That the Puritan Preachers for the most part had reduced all Gods Service in a manner to those Pulpit-Prayers ; That the People in many places had forborn to go into the Church till the Publick Liturgie was ended , and these Prayers begun ; That by this means such Preachers prayed both what they listed , and how they listed ; some so seditiously , that their very Prayers were turned into Sin ; others so ignorantly and impertinently , that they dishonoured God and disgraced Religion . For remedy whereof , it was thought convenient by the Archbishop , and some other Prelates , to reduce all to the form of Prayers appointed in the Canon above-mentioned , according to the like form prescribed in the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth , and before her time by King Edward the Sixth , and before his time also by King Henry the Eighth ; practised accordingly in the times of their several Reigns , as appears by the Sermons of Bishop Latimer , Bishop Gardiner , Archbishop Parker , Bishop Iewell , Bishop Andrews , and generally by all Divines of the Church of England , till by the artifices and endeavours of the Puritan Faction , these long Prayers of their own making had been taken up , to cry down the Liturgie . Which being in charge in the Visitation , and afterwards in the Articles of several Bishops , made as much noise amongst ignorant and factious People , under colour of quenching the Spirit of God , expressed in such extemporary Prayers of the Preachers conceiving , as silencing the Doctrines of Predestination , changing the afternoons Sermons into Catechisings , and regulating the Extravagances of some of their Lecturers , under the colour of a Plot to suppress the Gospel . In which last Calumny , as most of the Bishops had a share , so did it fall as heavy on Pierce of Bath and Wells , as on any other , though he did nothing in that kind , but what he was required to do by the Kings Instructions . His Crimes were , That he had commanded the Ministers in his Diocess to turn their afternoons Sermons into Catechisings , and those Catechisings to be made according to the Questions and Answers in the Catechism authorised by Law , and extant in the Book of Common Prayer ; which some few absolutely refusing to conform unto ; and others ( contrary to the meaning of the said Instructions ) taking some Catechism-point for their Text , and making long Sermons on the same , were by him suspended , and so continued till they found a greater readiness in themselves to obey their Ordinary . But the Great Rock of Offences against which they stumbled , and stumbling filled all places with their Cries and Clamours , was , That he had suppressed the Lecturers in most parts of his Diocess ; and some report , That he proceeded so far in it as to make his brag ( not without giving great Thanks to God for his good Success ) That he had not left one Lecturer in all his Diocess , of what sort soever , whether he Lectured for his Stipend , or by a voluntary combination of some Ministers amongst themselves . Which if it should be true , ( as I have some reason to believe it is not ) ought to be rather attributed to some exiliency of humane frailty ( of which we are all guilty more or less ) than to be charged amongst his Sins . But for his Actings in this kind , as also for his vigorous proceedings in the Case of Beckington , he had as good Authority as the Instructions of the King , and the Directions of his Metropolitan could invest him in . And so far Canterbury justified him in the last particular , as to take the blame ( if any thing were blame-worthy in it ) upon himself , though then a Prisoner in the Tower , and under as much danger as the Power and Malice of his Enemies could lay upon him : For such was his undaunted Spirit , that when Ash a Member of the House of Commons , demanded of him in the Tower , Whether the Bishop of Bath and Wells had received his Directions from him in the Case of Beckington ? he answered roundly , That he had ; and that the Bishop had done nothing in it , but what became an obedient Diocesan to his Metropolitan . So careful was he of preserving those who had acted under him , that he chose rather to augment the number of his own misfortunes , then occasion theirs . If all the Bishops of that time had joined their hearts and hands together , for carrying on the work of Uniformity , as they were required , the Service might have gone more happily forwards , and the Envy would have been the less by being divided : but leaving the whole burden upon so few , and turning it over to their Chancellors and Under-Officers ( if they did so much ) they did not only , for as much as in them was , destroy the business , but expose such as took care of it , to the publick hat●ed . For such was their desire to ingratiate themselves amongst the People , that some of them being required to return the names of such Ministers as refused the reading of the Book , made answer , That they would not turn Informers against their Brethren , there being enough besides themselves to perform that Office. Others conceived , that they had very well performed their duty , and consulted their own peace and safety also , by waving all Proceedings against them in their own Consistories , wherein they must appear as the principal Agents , and turning them over to be censured by the High-Commission , where their Names might never come in question . The like done also in transposing the Communion Table ; in which it was believed by many , that they had well complied with all expectations , if they did not hinder it , but left the Ministers to proceed therein as best pleased themselves ; or otherwise , to fight it out with the Church-wardens , if occasion were . And yet the fortune of the Church had not been so wretched , if none of that Order had pulled down more with one hand , than many of the rest had built up with both . The Metropolitical Visitation being held in the Diocess of Norwich , Anno 1635. Order was given by Brent , as in other places , for Railing in the Communion Table at the East end of the Chancel , and there to dispose of it under the Eastern Wall , with the ends of it North and South . In order whereunto , it was found necessary in many places to remove such Seats as had been built in that end of the Chancel , for the use and ●ase of private Persons . The Church-wardens of St. Mary Towres in the Borough of Ipswich , a Town of great Wealth and Trade in the Country of Suffolk , refusing to remove such Seats , and advance the Table in their rooms , were Excommunicated for their obstinacy and contempt , by one of Brent's Surrogates for that Visitation . The Church-wardens , animated by some of the Town , who had better Purses than themselves , appeal unto the Dean of the Arches , and after exhibited a Bill in the Star-Chamber against the Surrogate : but without remedy from either . And on these terms the business stood , when Wren succeeded Corbet in the See of Norwich ; and looking upon Ipswich as a place of great influence and example on the rest of the Diocess , took up his dwelling in the same . It was not long before he came to understand , that a great part of the opposition which was made as well against himself , as the Vicar-General , about the removing and railing in of the Holy Table , proceeded from a Letter written from the Bishop of Lincoln to the Vicar of Grantham ; which though it was written some years since , and had long been dead ; yet now it was revived again , and the Copies of it scattered in all parts of the Kingdom ( the better to discourage or discountenance the Work in hand ) : but no where more than in the Diocess of Norwich , being next neighbour unto Lincoln , and under the inspection of a diligent and active Prelate . Some of them coming to his Hand , and an Advertisement withall , That they were ordinarily sold amongst the Booksellers in Duck-lane in written Copies , it was thought fit that an answer should be made unto it ; in which the Sophistry , Mistakes , and Falshoods of that Letter , whosoever was the Writer of it , might be made apparent : Which Answer being made ready , approved , and licenced , was published about the middle of May , under the Title of A COAL from the ALTAR , or , An Answer to a Letter not long since written to the Vicar of Grantham , against the placing of the Communion Table at the East-end of the Chancel , &c. As it cooled the heat of some , so it inflamed the hearts of others , not with Zeal , but Anger ; the Book occasioning much variety of Discourse on both sides , as men stood variously affected in the present Controversie : But long it will not be before we shall hear of a Reply unto it , a Rejoinder unto that Reply , and other Writings pro and con , by the Parties interessed . But it had been to little purpose to settle a Conformity in Parochial Churches , if Students in the Universities ( the constant Seminaries of the Church ) were not trained up to a good perswasion of the Publick Counsels : Upon which ground it had been prudently Ordained in the Canons of the year 1603. not only , That the prescribed Form of Common Prayer should be used in all Colledges and Halls ; but , That the Fellows and Scholars of the said Houses should wear the Surplice at those Prayers on the Sundays and Holydays , the better to inure them to it , when they came to any Publick Ministry in their several Churches . Many things had been done at Cambridge in some years last past , in order to the Work in hand ; as beautifying their Chappels , furnishing them with Organs , advancing the Communion Table to the place of the Altar , adorning it with Plate and other Utensils for the Holy Sacrament , desending it with a decent Rail from all prophanations , and using lowly Reverence and Adorations , both in their coming to those Chappels , and their going out : But in most Colledges , all things stood as they had done formerly ▪ in some there were no Chappels at all , or at the best , some places used for Chappels , but never Consecrated . In Sidney Colledge the old Dormitory of the Franciscans ( on the Site of which Friery the said Colledge was built ) was after some years trimmed and fitted , and without any formal Consecration converted to a House of Prayer ; though formerly , in the opinion of those who allowed thereof , it had been no better nor worse than a Den of Thieves . The Chappel of Emanuel Colledge , though built at the same time with the rest of the House , was both irregular in the situation , and never Consecrated for Divine and Religious uses . And what less could this beget in the minds of the Students of those Houses , than an Opinion touching the indifferency of such Consecrations , whether used , or not ? and at the last a positive Determination , That the continued Series of DIVINE DVTIES in a place set apart to that purpose , d●th sufficiently Consecrate the same ? And what can follow thereupon in some tract of time , but the executing of all Divine Offices in Private Houses , the Ruine and Decay of Churches , the selling of their Materials , and alienating their Glebe and Tythes to the next fair Chapman ? It is therefore thought expedient to carry on the Visitation to that University , and put such things in order there , as were found in this . But against this the University opposed , pretending an exemption from his Jurisdiction , by their ancient Priviledges ; and that they had no Visitor but his Majesty only . But Canterbury , who before had over-ruled the like Plea in the Bishop of Lincoln , would not give way to this of Cambridge , which caused the matter on both sides to be thorowly canvased : But neither yielding to the other , and the Earl of Holland stickling strongly for the University ( of which he had the Honour to be chosen Chancellor on the death of the Duke ) the deciding of the Controversie is referred to his Majesty . On Tuesday Iune 21. they both appear before the King at Hampton-Court , where the Counsel of both sides being heard , it pleased his Majesty to give Judgment for the Metropolitan , and to submit that University to his Visitation : But before any thing was done in it , the Troubles in Scotland , and the Disturbances at home , kept it off so long , that a greater Visitation fell upon the Visitor , than could have hapned unto them . Howsoever , the bare reputation of it did prevail so far , that many who were slack or fearful in embelishing their Chappels and publick Places of Divine Worship , went on more confidently then before ; insomuch that not only in the Chappels of some private Colleges , but in St. Maries Church it self , being the Publick Church of that University , the Table was railed in like an Altar , towards which many of the Doctors , Scholars , and others usually bowed . In Oxon. where he was more absolute , he found less comptroll . Chancellor of the University by their own Election , Visitor of the Colledges of All Souls and Merton in the right of his See , and such a Patron to the rest , that he could hardly recommend that Affair unto them , which they did not expedite . In many of their Letters and Addresses to him , they gave him the Title of His Holiness , and most Holy Father ; which though appropriated to the Pope in the darker Times , were generally communicated to all Christian Bishops in the clear Sun-shine of the Gospel . And on the other side , in his Missives and Dispatches to them , he recommends himself unto their Devotions , beseeching them , That as often as they made their approaches toward the Altar , they would remember him in their Prayers (a) to Almighty God. He had his breeding ( as before was said ) in that University , and could not chuse but know , That many of the old Statutes were grown out of use by the change of Religion ; others , by long neglect and discontinuance ; some never rightly understood ; and all so mingled and confounded , that it was very hard to say which of them were in force , which not ; and yet all Students bound to keep them under corporal Oaths , if not at their first Matriculations , yet at their taking of Degrees . For remedy whereof , with great pains and judgment , he digested a new Body of Statutes , to serve as a perpetual standing Rule for their future Government , as well in commanding as obeying : Which being first sent down unto them , advisedly considered of , explained , corrected , and accommodated to their best advantages , were afterward revised by him , and upon full deliberation engrossed in Vellum , fairly bound up , confirmed by his most Sacred Majesty , and so obtained the strength of Laws : Received and published for such in the Convocation , on Wednesday Iune 22. being the morrow after the Judgment had passed on his side at Hampton-Court , for the Visitation at Cambridge . And in those Statutes , he took care that the Vice-chancellor , Proctors , and all Proceeders , year by year in their several Faculties , (b) should make their Offerings with that due and accustomed Reverence at the Holy Table . He procured also from his Majesty a Confirmation of their former Priviledges over the Town , and an enlargement of them also in respect of the Londoners : By which last they were enabled to Print all Books , which either his Majesties Printers or the Company of Stationers had engrossed to themselves , as Bibles , Common Prayer Books , Homilies , Grammars , &c. which brought them in a Composition of 200 l. per Annum for the times ensuing . Nor could his Care and Providence for the encouragement of Learning , be confin'd to this side of the Sea , the like course being taken by him shortly after , as well for revising and perfecting the broken Statutes of the Colledge neer Dublin , as the enlarging of the Priviledges of that University . And yet he could not hold his hand , till he had added Bounty and Munificence to his former Cares . The University of Oxon. was long since honoured with the Title of Generale Studium (a) , conferred upon none else in the former times , but the Universities of Paris in France , Bononia in Italy , and Salamanca in Spain : In all which , by a Decree of Pope Clement the Fifth , in the Council of Vienna in France , Anno 1511. it was Ordained , That there should be Professors of the Hebrew , Greek , Arabick , and Chaldean Languages : But it was only so Ordained , no execution following on it till some Ages after . The Arabick Tongue was known in Spain , by reason of the great Command which the Moors had in that Country : but never entertained in any of the other three . And as for the Hebrew , Greek , and Chaldee , those times were so extremely ignorant of them , that the Study of the Greek Tongue was sufficient to condemn a man of Heresie ; and a small spattering in the Hebrew , made him subject unto some suspicion of Heretical Fancies . And so it stood till Reuchlin and Budaeus in France , Erasmus and Paulus Fagius in England , restored again the Greek and Hebrew to those several Nations . The Greek so coursly entertained in this University , whilst Erasmus taught it quietly enough at Cambridge , that when a (b) Learned young man began publickly to read the Greek Tongue there , he was encountred presently in a poor but popular declamation , with base and barbarous Revilings . But long it was not before Cardinal Wolsey took a course to put this University into a way of Nobler Studies , founding therein two Publick Lectures for the Greek and Hebrew , with a liberal Salary ( according to the Standard of that time ) of 40 l. per Annum to either of them ; which afterwards being confirmed by King Henry viii . continued without further encouragement and augmentation , till such time as Laud was come to his Ascendent ; when by the Power and Favour which he had with his Majesty , a Canonry in Christ-Church was annexed perpetually to the Publick Professor for the Hebrew , Doctor Iohn Morris being the first who enjoyed the benefit of that Grant : By means whereof , the Hebrew and Chaldaick Tongues , which few in Oxon. understood when I first came thither , became to be so generally embraced , and so chearfully studied , that it received a wonderful proficiency , and that too , in a shorter time than a man can easily imagine : So great a Spur the hope of Honour and Preferments , gives to Arts and Languages . But all this while , the Arabick was utterly laid aside in these parts of Europe ; till , in conformity to the said Decree of the Council holden at Vienna , it came into our Archbishops mind to establish a Publick Lecture in that Language also ; which having for a long time taken up his thoughts , was at last effected : The first Lecture in that Language , read publickly on the tenth of August in this present year ; a Revenue of 40 l. per Annum settled upon the University for the maintenance of it ; his first Professor in that Tongue being Edward Pocock , Fellow of Corpus Christi Colledge , one who had spent much time in the Factory of Aleppo , and other places of the East , returning home well studied in all the Languages of those Countries . And that Rhetorick might thrive as well under his Encouragements , as Grammar and the Tongues were in a hopeful way to do , he obtained from his Majesty another Canonry in Christ-Church , to be annexed for ever to the Orators place , ( whose yearly Pension till that time was but twenty Nobles . ) Injoyed first by Dr. William Strode , admitted thereunto on the first of Iuly , Anno 1638. and after his decease by Dr. Henry Hammond , Anno 1644. Such were the benefits which the University received from him in this present year . And that he might both do himself and the University some honour in the eye of the Kingdom , he invites the King , the Queen , the Prince Elector , and his Brother , to an Academical entertainment , on the twenty ninth day of August then next following , being the Anniversary day , on which the Presidentship of St. Iohns Colledge was adjudged to him by King Iames. The time being come , and the University put into a posture for that Royal visit , their Majesties were first received with an eloquent Speech as he passed by the house , being directly in his way betwixt Woodstock and Christ-Church , not without great honour to the Colledge , that the Lord Archbishop , the Lord Treasurer , the Chancellor , the Vice-Chancellor , and one of the Proctors should be at that time of the same foundation . At Christ-Church his Majesty was entertained with another Oration by Strode , the University Oratour ; the University presenting his Majesty with a fair and costly pair of Gloves ( as their custome was ) the Queen with a fair English Bible , the Prince Elector with Hookers Books of Ecclesiastical Politie , his Brother Rupert with Caesars Commentaries in English , illustrated by the learned Explanations and Discourses of Sir Clement Edmonds . His Majesty was lodged in Christ-Church , in the great Hall whereof ( one of the goodliest in the World ) he was entertained , together with the Queen , the two Princes , and the rest of the Court , with an English Comedy , ( but such as had more of the Philosopher than the Poet in it ) called , Passions Calmed , or the settling of the Floating Islands . On the morrow morning , being Tuesday , he began with a Sermon , preacht before him in that Cathedral on these words of St. Luke , viz. Blessed is the King that cometh in the name of the Lord , peace in heaven , and glory in the highest , Luk. 19.38 . The Sermon being ended , the Archbishop , as Chancellor of the University , calls a Convocation , in which he admits the Prince Elector , his Brother Prince Rupert , and many of the chief Nobility to the degree of Masters of Art ; and that being done , attends the King and Queen to St. Iohns Colledge . Where in the new Gallery of his own building , he entertains the King and Queen , the two Princes , with all the Lords and Ladies of the Court , at a stately and magnificent Dinner , the King and Queen sitting at one Table at the South end of the Room ; the two Princes , with the Lords and Ladies , at a long Table , reaching almost from one end to the other ; at which all the Gallantry and beauties of the Kingdom seemed to meet . Nor did he make Provision only for those two Tables , but every Office in the Court had their several diets , disposed of in convenient places for their reception with great variety of Achates , not only sufficient for contentment , but for admiration . After dinner he entertains his principal Guests with a pleasant Comedy , presented in the publick Hall ; and that being done , attends them back again to Christ-Church , where they were feasted after Supper with another Comedy , called , The Royal Slave ; the Enterludes represented with as much variety of Scenes and motions as the great wit of Inigo Iones ( Surveyor General of his Majesties Works , and excellently well skilled in setting out a Court - Masque to the best advantage ) could extend unto . It was the day of St. Felix ( as himself observeth ) and all things went happily . On Wednesday the next morning the Court removed , his Majesty going that same night to Winchester , and the Archbishop the same day , entertaining all the Heads of Houses at a solemn Feast ; order being given at his departure , that the three Comedies should be acted again , for the content and satisfaction of the University in the same manner as before , but only with the Alteration of the Prologues and Epilogues . But to return unto the publick . On the same day in which the new Statutes were received at Oxon. he procured a Supplement to be added to the old Statutes of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches , touching the letting of their Lands . Some Informations had been given , that the Deans and Prebends of those Churches had enricht themselves , their Wives and Children by taking great Fines , for turning leases of twenty one years into leases for lives , leaving their Successors destitute of that growing means , which otherwise might come in to help them . This was the outside of the business , but the chief motive to it was , that the Gentry and Yeomanry ( and some of the Nobility also ) holding Lands of those Churches , might have a greater respect to the Church and Church-men , when they must depend upon them from time to time for renewing of their said Estates at the end of every ten or twelve years at the most . For though it be a like lawful by the Law of the Land , 13 Eliz. c. 20. to make Leases of three lives , or one and twenty years , at the pleasure of the Dean and Chapter ; yet the difference is so great between them , that once a Tenant to my knowledge , after a Lease for three lives had continued 29 years in being , chose rather to give a Fine for the change of one life than to take a new Lease of 21 years without paying any thing . All which his Majesty taking into his Princely consideration , he caused Letters under his Royal Signature to be sent to all the Deans and Chapters of this Kingdom respectively , Calling and commanding them upon pain of his utmost displeasure , that they presumed not to let any Lease belonging to their Church into lives , which was not in lives already ; and further that when any fair opportunity was offered ( if any such be ) they fail not to reduce such as are in lives , into years ; requiring further that those his Majesties said Letters should be exemplified in the Register-books of the said Churches , and pre●erved in the Registries of the Bishops of their several Diocess , to the end that the said Bishop might take notice of their doing therein , and give his Majesty and his Successors notice thereof , if any presumed to disobey . And in regard that some of the Deans of the said Cathedrals were a Corporation of themselves , and held their Lands distinct from the rest of their Chapters ; a clause was added to those Letters to preserve those Lands for the benefit of their Successors , as formerly in his Majesties Instructions for ordering and disposing the Lands of Bishops on the like occasions . His Majesty therefore first declares , That he had taken order by his late Instructions , that no Bishop should let any Lease after they had been named to a better Bishoprick , but had not therein named the Deans , as he therein intended . And therefore secondly , that no Dean should presume from thenceforth , after his being named to a Bishoprick , or a better Deanry , to renew any Lease either into lives or years : His Majesty having well observed , that at such times of remove many men care not what or how they let their Estates , to the prejudice of the Church and their Successors . Which Letters bear date at Greenwich in the twelfth year of his Reign , Iune 27. Nor was he less careful to preserve the Parochial Clergy from being oppressed by their neighbours in rates and taxes than he had been in maintaining the Estates of Capitular bodies , for the greater honour of those bodies at the present time , and the benefit of Succession for the time to come . During the Remiss Government of King Iames , his Majesties late embroylments with France and Spain , and his entanglements at home , the Hollanders had invaded the Regality of the Narrow Seas , and questioned the property of his Dominion in the same ; not only growing to such an height of insolency , as to dispute their striking Sail in passing by any of his Majesties Ships : but publishing a Discourse in Latine , called , Mare Liberum , in defence thereof . These affronts occasioned Noy , the Atturney Generall , to put his Majesty in mind of setting out a strong power of Ships for the recovery of his Rights against all pretenders . And the better to enable him for it , adviseth him to set on foot the old Naval Aide , required of the Subject by his Predecessors . He was a man extremely well versed in old Records , with which consulting frequently in the course of his studies , he had excerpted and laid by many notes and precedents for the Kings levying of such Navil Aide upon the Subjects , by his own Authority , whensoever the preservation and safety of the Kingdom did require it of them , which Notes and Precedents he had taken as they came in his way , in small pieces of Paper ( most of them no bigger than ones hand ) he kept in the Coffin of a Pye , which had been sent him by his Mother , and kept there till the mouldiness and corruptibleness of it had perished many of his Papers . And by these Notes it did appear , that many times in the same years , wherein the Kings had received Subsidies by way of Parliament , they levied this Naval Aide by their own sole power . For if ( as he discoursed it to me at his house near Brentford ) the King wanted money , either to support his own expences , or for the enlarging of his Dominions in Foreign Conquests , or otherwise to advance his honour in the eye of the World , good reason he should be beholden for it to the love of his People . But if the Kingdom was in danger , and that the safety of the Subject was concerned in the business , he might , and did raise such sums of money as he thought expedient for the preventing of the danger , and providing for the publick safety of him and his Subjects . According to which precedents he prepares a Writ , by which his Majesty commandeth the Maritime Counties to provide a certain number of Ships for defence of the Kingdom , prescribing to each Ship its several burden , the number of Mariners , and great Pieces of Ordnance , with Victuals , Arms , and Ammunition thereunto proportioned . The Subject not daring at the first to dispute the Command , collected money for the Service according to the several rates imposed on them in their several Counties ; but dealt so unmercifully with the Clergy in the levying of it , that they laid upon them generally the fifth or sixth part of the sum imposed . The Ice thus broken , and his Majesty finding that provision not sufficient to effect his purpose , issued out his Writs in the next year after anno 1635. into all the Counties of the Kingdom for preparing of a Royal Fleet to be in readiness against the beginning of this year , in which the Clergy were as like to suffer as before they did . By the best was , that they had not only a gracious Patron , but a very powerful Mediatour , Upon whose humble desire his Majesty was pleased to direct his Letters to all the Sheriffs in England respectively , requiring them that no Tax should be laid upon any Clergy-man , possest of a Parsonage , above the tenth part of the Land-rate of their several Parishes ; and that consideration should be had of the poor Vicars in their several Parishes , according to their small revenue , compared with the Abilities of the Parishioners amongst whom they lived . The whole Sum levied by this Tax amounted to 236000 li. or there abouts , which comes not to 20000 li. a month ; and being instead of all other payments , seemed to be no such heavy burthen as it was generally made by the Popular Party , many of which quarrelled and and refused it . But his Majesty was two just a Prince to exact any thing by power , when he had neither Law nor Reason to make it good . And therefore as he had the opinion of all his Judges subscribed by their hands for justifying the Legality of this Naval Tax amongst the Subjects ; so he thought fit to publish some defence of his Dominion , Right , and Soveraignty in the Narrow Seas for the satisfaction of his Neighbours . Iohn Selden of the Inner Temple , a name that stands in need of no titles of honour , had written a Discourse in the time of King Iames , which ( in answer to that of Grotius , called , Mare Liberum ) 〈◊〉 intituled by the name of Mare Clausum . But stomacking the submission and acknowledgment which he was forced to make in the High Commission for publishing his book of Tythes , and sensible of the smart which he had found from the Pens of Tillesly , Montague , and Nettles , in their Answers to him , he did not only suppress the ●ook which he had written in the Kings defence , but carried an evil eye to the Court and Church for a long time after . But being a man of great parts , and eminent in the retired walks of Learning , he was worth the gaining , which Canterbury takes upon him , and at last ef●ecteth . By his perswasion he not only perfected , but published that laborious piece , which he dedicated to his Majesty , whose cause he pleaded . By whom it was so well approved , that he sent it by Sir William Beecher ( one of the Clerks of his Council ) to the Barons of the Exchequer in open Court , by them to be laid up as a most inestimable Jewel amongst the choice Records , which concerned the Crowns . In this book , which came out this year , he first asserts the Soveraignty or Dominion of the Brittish Seas to the Crown of England . And that being cleared , he proved by constant and continual practice , that the Kings of England used to levy money from the Subjects ( without help of Parliament ) for the providing of Ships and other necessaries to maintain the Soveraignty which did of right belong unto them . This he brought down unto the times of King Henry the Second , and might have brought it nearer to his own times had he been so pleased , and thereby paved a plain way to the payment of Ship-money , as they commonly called it . But then he must have crost the proceedings of the House of Commons in the last Parliament , ( wherein he was so great a stickler ) voting down under a kind of Anathema the Kings pretensions of right to all help from the Subject , either in Tunnage or Poundage , or any other way whatsoever , the Parliament not cooperating and contributing towards it . Howsoever the Service was as grateful as the Author acceptable , from henceforth both a frequent and a welcome guest at Lambeth house , where he was grown into such esteem with the Archbishop , that he might have chose his own preferment in the Court ( as it was then generally believed ) had he not undervalued all other employments in respect of his Studies . But possibly there might be some other reason for his declining such imployments as the Court might offer . He had not yet forgotten the affronts which were put upon him about his History of Tythes , ( for in the notion of affronts he beh●ld them alwaies ) and therefore did but make fair weather for the time , till he could have an opportunity to revenge himself on the Church and Church-men , the King being took into the reckoning . For no sooner did the Bishop begin to sink in power and credit under the first pressures of the late Long Parliament , but he published a book in Greek and Latine by the name Fut●chius , with some Notes upon it . In which he made it his chief business to prove , that Bishops did no otherwise differ from the rest of the Presbyters than doth a Master of a Colledge from the rest of the Fellows , by consequents , that they differed only in degree , not order . And afterwards , when his Majesty began to decline in the love of the Parliament , and that the heats grew strong between them , he was affirmed to have written the Answer to his Majesties Declaration about the Commission of Array : Which in effect proved a plain putting of the Sword into the hands of the People . So hard it is for any one to discerne the hearts of men by their outward actions , but the God that made them . Thus leaving England for a time we must go for Scotland , in which we find the Canons finished , and the Bishops busie and intent on a publick Liturgie . It was his Majesties first intent to introduce the English Liturgie amongst them ; and to that end , had ordered that it should be daily read in his Chappel Royal of that Kingdom , as before was said . But Ballentine , the Bishop of Dumblaine , and Dean of the Chappel ( to whom the care thereof had been recommended ) was so negligent in it , that the Archbishop found it necessary to remove him to some other Bishoprick on the next avoydance . The See of Aberdeen proving vacant , he procured his translation thither , and preferred Wederbourne , a Scot by birth , but bread in Cambridge , beneficed in Hampshire , and made one of the Prebends of ●ly by the learned Andrews , to be his Successor in those places , By this new Dean his Majesties design was followed with more care than ever ; and possibly might have took effect , if the rest of the Scottish Bishops had been pleased therewith as well as this . But the Scottish Bishops having prevailed with his Majesty , as before was noted , to have a distinct Liturgie of their own , His Majesty commanded the Archbishop of Canterbury to give them the best assistance he could in that way and work ; which notwithstanding he delayed as long as he could , in hope to bring them in the end to a better perswasion . But finding them so resolved upon it , that they could not be altered he contributes his assistance to it , humbly intreated so to do by some Letters brought unto him by Maxwell ( not long before made Bishop of Ross ) bearing date April 2. 1635. and subscribed by the Archbishops of St. Andrews and Glascow , the Bishops of Murrey , Dumblaine , and Brechine . The Book being first hammered and prepared in Scotland , and from thence transmitted to the Court , his Majesty referred it to the consideration of the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Lord Treasurer Iuxon Bishop of London , and Wren Bishop of Norwich : But the Lord Treasurer being taken up with other imployments the burden of the work remained on the other two . They found on the perusal of it that Wederbourne had followed such instructions as he had carried with him about the making of that book ( if it must be made ) in keeping so much in it of the English Liturgie , and they found also certain notes which he had sent together with it , to the end that as many of them as his Majesty liked , might be made use of in that book . Thus authorised and instructed they proceed unto the making of such Alterations as were offered to them , consisting for the most part in these Particulars : First , That the Magnificat and the rest of the Hymns , together with the Epistles and Gospels , should be printed according to the last Translation in the time of King James ; conform therein to such Directions as they had received for Printing the Psalms of David in the last Translation . Secondly , That for the better singing of those Psalms to the Organ , a Colon should be made in the middle of every Verse , as it was in the English. Thirdly , That they could not agree to any more Emendations in the Creed of St. Athanasius , than they had noted in that Book . Fourthly , That though the Bishops there desired some time to consider further of the Holydays , yet it was never otherwise meant : but that the Office appointed for every of them , should be kept in the Liturgie ; the Practice and Observation of them being respited for a time to their further thoughts . Fifthly , That though they admitted of all the Sentences which they found in the Offertory , yet they wished that some which were in the English Book , might be added also . Sixthly , That every Prayer or Action through the whole Communion , should be named in the Rubrick before it , that it might be known to the People what it is ; as they should find done to their hands in the Prayer of Consecration , and the Memorial of Oblation next after following . Seventhly , That the Invitation , Confession , Absolution , Sentences , Prefaces , and Doxologie , should be retained in the same place and order which they had in the Liturgie of England ; and that the Prayer of humble Access to the Holy Table , would stand very well ( as they conceived ) before the very Act af Participation . Eighthly , and finally , That in the Margin of the Prayer of Consecration , they should add some Note , directing him that Celebrates , at what words he should take the Patin with the Bread on it , and the Chalice with the Wine in it , into his hands , according to the Practise of the Church of England . These Alterations being not only made by his Majesties Warrant , and approved by him in a Memorial under his Hand , bearing date the nineteenth day of April in this present year ; but confirmed also with the like Royal Signature as they stood in the Book : Of which Particulars , and some others , the Bishop gives an account to Wederbourne by his Letters of the twentieth of April , being the morrow after his Majesty had Signed the said Memorial . It seems that Wederbourne had given our Archbishop notice of some defects which he had found in the Book of Consecration of Archbishops , Bishops , &c. as it was then used amongst the Scots , viz. 1. That the Order of Deacons was made but a Lay-Office at the best , as by that Book might be understood . And 2. That in the Admission to the Priesthood , the very essential Words of conferring Orders were left out . With which the King being made acquainted , he gave command to the Archbishop to make known unto them , That he would have them either to admit the English Book , or else to rectifie their own in those two great oversights . After which , taking the whole business of that Church into his consideration , it pleased him to direct his Further Instructions to the Archbishops and Bishops of it , bearing date on the eighteenth of October following ; In which he requires them to take care , That the Proclamation to be made for Authorising the Service-Book , should not derogate in any thing from his Royal Prerogative . 2. That in their Kalendar they should keep such Catholick Saints as were in the English , such of the Saints as were most peculiar to that Kingdom ( especially those which were of the Royal Blood , and some of the most holy Bishops ) being added to them : but that in no case St. George and St. Patrick be omitted . 3. That in their Book of Ordination , in giving Orders to Presbyters , they should keep the words of the English Book without change , Receive the Holy Ghost , &c. 4. That they should insert among the Lessons ordinarily to be read in the Service , out of the Book of Wisdom the first , second , third , fourth , fifth , and sixth Chapters ; and out of the Book of Ecclesiasticus , the first , second fifth , eighth , thirty fifth , and forty ninth Chapters . 5. That every Bishop within his Family twice a day cause the Service to be read ; and that all Archbishops and Bishops make all Universities and Colledges within their Diocesies , to use daily twice a day the Service . 6. That the Preface to the Book of Common Prayer , Signed by his Majesties Hand , and the Proclamation for Authorising the same , should be Printed , and inserted in the Book of Common-Prayer . According to which Instructions , and the Corrections above-mentioned , this Liturgie at the last ( after it had been twenty years in consideration ) was fully finished and concluded ; and being thus finished and concluded , was Ratified and Confirmed by his Majesties Royal Edict , as followeth , viz. CHARLES By the Grace of God King of Great Britain , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. To Our Lovits Messengers , Our Sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , Greeting . Forasmuch as We , ever since Our entry to the Imperial Crown of this Our ancient Kingdom of Scotland , especially since Our late being here in the same , have divers times recommended to the Archbishops and Bishops there , the publishing of a Publick Form of Service in the Worship of God , which We would have uniformly observed therein , and the same being now condescended unto : Although We doubt not but all our Subjects , both Clergie and others , will receive the said Publick Form of Service ; yet thinking it necessary to make Our Pleasure known , touching the Authority thereof , Our Will is , and We straightly command , That incontinent these Our Letters seen , you pass , and in Our Name and Authority command and charge all our Subjects both Ecclesiastical and Civil , by open Proclamation at the Market-Crosses of the Head Burroughs of this Our Kingdom , and other Places needful , to conform themselves to the said Publick Form of Worship , which is the only Form which We ( having taken the Counsel of Our Clergie ) think fit to be used in Gods Publick Worship in this Our Kingdom : Commanding also all Archbishops and Bishops , and other Presbyters and Church-men , to take a special care that the same be duly obeyed and observed , and the Contraveners condignly censured and punished ; and to have special care , that every Parish betwixt this and Pasche next , procure unto themselves two at the least of the said Books of Common-Prayer , for the use of the Parish ; The which to do , We commit to you conjunctly and severally Our full Power by these Our Letters Patents , delivering the same to be by you duly executed , and endorsed again to be delivered to the Bearer . Given under Our Signet at Edenborough , 20 December , in the Twelfth year of Our Reign , 1636. Such was the form of Passing and Confirming the Scottish Liturgie , never presented to that Kirk , nor tendred to the Approbation of any General Assembly ; as in the Restitution of Episcopal Government , and Introduction of the five Articles of Perth , had been done before . And this is that at which the Scottish Presbyters did seem to be most offended ; sufficiently displeased with any Liturgie at all , but more in having such an one as either was so near the English , or so different from it . Which fault , if any fault it were , is rather to to be charged upon the Scottish than the English Prelates . For when the way of introducing it was in agitation , our Archbishop ever advised them , as well in his Majesties presence , as elsewhere , To look carefully to it , and to be sure to do nothing in it but what should be agreeable to the Laws of the Kingdom ; and not to fail of taking the Advice of the Lords of the Council , and governing themselves according to it . But as it seems , those Bishops durst not trust their Clergy , or venture the reception or refusal of it to the Vote of a General Assembly , from which they could not promise themselves any good success . So that the Case seems to be much like that of King Edward vi . when the first Liturgie was Composed by some few of the Bishops , and other Learned men ( not above thirteen in number ) especially thereto Authorised : Or unto that of Queen Elizabeth , when the second Liturgie of that King was fitted and corrected by her appointment . Neither of which durst trust their Clergy , but acted Sovereignly therein of their own Authority , not venturing either of the said Books to their Convocations : but only giving them the strength of an Act of Parliament ; and then the Point in issue will be briefly this , viz. Whether the King , consulting with a lesser part of the Bishops and Clergie , and having their consent therein , may conclude any thing in the way of a Reformation , the residue and greatest part not advised withal , nor yielding their consent in a formal way ? Now for my Answer , that it may be built upon the surer grounds , it is to be considered , 1. Whether the Reformation be in corruption of Manners , or abuses in Government ? Whether in matters Practical , or in points of Doctrine ? 2. It in matters Practical , Whether such Practice have the Character of Antiquity , Vniversality , and Consent imprinted on it ? or that it be the Practice of particular Churches , and of some Times only ? And 3. It in Points of Doctrine , Whether such Points have been determined o● before in a General Council , or in Particular Councils universally received and countenanced ? or are to be defined de novo on emergent Controversies ? And these Distinctions being thus laid , I shall Answer briefly . 1. If the things to be reformed be either Corruptions in Manners , or neglect of Publick Duties to Almighty God , ; Abuses either in Government , or the Parties governing ; the King may do it of himself , by his sole Authority : The Clergy are beholden to him , if he takes any of them along with him when he goes about it . And if the Times should be so bad , that either the whole body of the Clergy , or any ( though the greatest ) part thereof , should oppose him in it , he may go forwards notwithstanding , punishing such as shall gainsay him in so good a Work , and compelling others . And this I look on as a Power annexed to the Regal Diadem , and so inseparably annexed , that Kings could be no longer Kings , i● it were denied them . And on the other side , if the Reformation be in Points o● Doctrine , and in such Points of Doctrine as have not been before defined , or not defined in form and manner as before laid down , the King only , with a few of his Bishops and Learned Clergy ( though never so well studied in the Point disputed ) can do nothing in it . That belongs only to the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation rightly called and constituted ; whose Acts being Ratified by the King , bind not alone the rest of the Clergy , in whose name they Voted : but all the residue of the Subjects of what sort soever , who are to acquiesce in their Resolutions . But if the thing to be Reformed be a matter practical , we are to look into the usage of the Primitive Times : And if the Practice prove to have been both ancient , and universally received over all the Church , though intermitted for a Time , and by Time corrupted , the King , consulting with so many of his Bishops , and others of his most able Clergy , as he thinks ●it to call unto him , and having their Consent and Direction in it , may in the case of intermission revive such Practice , and in the case of corruption and degeneration , restore it to its Primitive and Original Lustre . Now that there should be Liturgies for the use of the Church , And that those Liturgies should be Celebrated in a Language understood by the People , That in those Liturgies there should be some prescribed Forms , for Giving the Communion in both Kinds , for Baptizing Infants , for the reverent Celebration of Marriage , performing the 〈◊〉 Office to the Sick , and the decent Burial of the Dead ; as also , for set Fasts and appointed Festivals , hath been a thing of Primitive and General Practice in the best times of the Church : And being such , though intermitted and corrupted as before is said , the King advising with his Bishops and other Church-men ( though not in a Synodical way ) may cause the same to be revised and revived ; and having fitted them to Edification and encrease of Piety , either commend them to the Church by his sole Authority , or else impose them on the People under certain Penalties , by his Power in Parliament . (a) The Kingdom of Heaven ( said the Reverend Isidore of Sevil ) doth many times receive increase from these Earthly Kingdoms ; in nothing more , than by regulating and well ordering of Gods Publick Worship . Add hereunto what was before alledged , for passing the Canons in the same way ; and then we have the sum of that which was , and probably might have been pleaded in defence hereof . The prosecution of this Liturgie on the one side , and the exaction of those Publick Orders on the other , kindled such fires in the breasts of some of the Puritan Faction , that presently they brake out into open Flames . For first the Scots scattered abroad a virulent and seditio●s Libel in the year 1634. wherein the King was not only charged with altering the Government of that Kingdom , but traduced for very strong inclinations to the Religion of the Church of Rome . The chief Abettor whereof ( for the Author was not to be found ) was the Lord Balmerino ; for which he was Legally convicted , and condemned of Treason : but pardoned by the Kings great Goodness , and by that Pardon kept alive for the mischiefs following . And as the English had Scotized in all their Practises ( by railing , threatning , and stirring up of Sedition ) for bringing in the Genevian Discipline in Queen Elizabeths Time ; so they resolve to follow their Example now . Bastwick a Doctor of Physick ( the second part of Leighton ) first leads the Dance , beginning with a Pestilent Pamphlet called Flagellum Episcoporum Latialium , maliciously venomous against the Bishops , their Function , Actions , and Proceedings . But this not being likely to do much hurt amongst the People , because writ in Latine , he seconds it with another , which he called his Litany , in the English Tongue : A Piece so silly and contemptible , that nothing but the Sin and Malice which appeared in every line thereof , could possibly have preserved it from being ridiculous . Prynne follows next , and publisheth two Books at once ( or one immediately on the other ) one of these called The Quench-Coal , in answer unto that called A Coal from the Altar , against placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise : The other named The Vnbishoping of Timothy and Titus , against the Apostolical Institution of Diocesan Bishops . But that which was entituled to him by the name of a Libel , was , The News from Ipswich ; intended chiefly against Wren then Bishop of Norwich , who had taken up his dwelling in that Town , as before is said : but falling as scandalously foul on the Archbishop himself , and some of the other Bishops also , and such as acted under them in the present Service . For there he descants very trimly ( as he conceived ) on the Archbishop himself , with his Arch-Piety , Arch-Charity , Arch-Agent for the Devil ; that Beelzebub himself had been Archbishop , and the like to those , a most triumphant Arch indeed to adorn his victories . With like reproach he falls on the Bishops generally , calling them Luciferian Lord Bishops , execrable Traitors , devouring Wolves , with many other odious names not fit to be used by a Christian ; and more particularly on Wren , telling us , That in all Queen Maries times no such havock was made in so short a time of the faithful Ministers of God in any part , nay , in the whole Land , than had been made in his Diocess . And then he adds with equal Charity and Truth , That Corbet , Chancellor to this Bishop , had threatned one or two godly Ministers with pistolling , and hanging , and I know not what , because they had refused to read his Majesties Declaration about lawful Sports . More of this dish I could have carved , but that this may serve sufficiently for a taste of the whole . But the great Master-piece of mischief , was set out by Burton ( so often mentioned before ) who preaching on the fifth of November , in his own Parish Church of St. Matthews in Friday Street , took for his Text those words in the Proverbs , viz. My Son , fear th●n the Lord and the King , and meddle not with them that are given to change , Chap. 24.22 . In this Sermon ( if I may wrong the Word so far as to give it to so lewd a Libel ) he railes most bitterly against the Bishops , accuseth them of Innovating both in Doctrine and Worship , impeacheth them of exercising a Jurisdiction contrary to the Laws of the Land , 1 Edw. 6. c. 2. and for falsifying the Records of the Church by adding the first clause to the twentieth Article ; arraigneth them for oppressing the Kings Liege people , contrary unto Law and Justice , exciting the people to rise up against them ; magnifying those disobedient Spirits , who hitherto have stood out in defiance of them ; and seems content in case the Bishops lives might be called in question , to run the hazard of his own . For this being taken and imprisoned by a warrant from the High Commission , he makes his appeal unto the King , justifies it by an Apology , and seconds that by an Address to the Nobility : In which last he requires all sorts of people , Noblemen , Judges , Courtiers , and those of the inferiour sort , to stand up stoutly for the Gospel against the Bishops . And finally Prints all together with an Epistle Dedicatory to the King himself ; to the end that if his Majesty should vouchsafe the reading of it , he might be brought into an ill opinion of the Bishops and their proceedings in the Church . Whose actions tend only ( as he telleth us ) to corrupt the Kings good peoples hearts , by casting into them fears and jealousies , and sinister opinions toward the King ; as if he were the prime cause of all those Grievances , which in his name they oppress the Kings good Subjects withall . Thus also in another place , These Factors of Antichrist ( saith he ) practice to divide Kings from their Subjects , and Subjects from their Kings , that so between both they may fairly erect Antichrists Throne again . For that indeed , that is to say , the new building of Bable , the setting up again of the throne of Antichrist , the bringing in of Popery to subvert the Gospell , is made to be the chief design of the Prelates and Prelatical party ; to which all innovations , usurpations , and more dangerous practices , which are unjustly charged upon them , served only as preparatives and subservient helps . Such being the matter in the Libell , let us next look upon the Ornaments and dressings thereof , consisting most especially in those infamous Attributes , which he ascribes unto the Bishops . For Fathers he calls them Step-fathers ; for Pillars , Caterpillars ; their houses haunted , and their Episcopal Chairs poysoned , by the Spirit that bears rule in the air . They are ( saith he ) the Limbs of the Beast , even of Antichrist , taking his very courses to bear and beat down the hearing of the Word of God , whereby men might be saved , p. 12. Their fear is more toward an Altar of their own invention , towards an Image or Crucifix , toward the sound and syllables of Iesus , then toward the Lord Christ , p. 15. He gives then the reproachful Titles of Miscreants , p. 28. The trains and wiles of the Dragons doglike flattering taile , p. 30. New Babel builders , p. 32. Blind Watchmen , dumb dogs , thieves and robbers of Souls , False Prophets , ravening Wolves , p. 48. Factors for Antichrist , p. 75. Antichristian Mushrumps . And that it might be known what they chiefly aimed at , we shall hear him say that they cannot be quiet , till ( res novas moliendo ) they set up Popery again in her full Equipage , p. 95. Tooth and naile for setting up Popery again , p. 96. Trampling under feet Christs Kingdom , that they may set up Antichrists Throne again , p. 99. According to the Spirit of Rome which breaths in them , by which they are so strongly biassed to wheel about to their Roman Mistress , p. 108. The Prelates consederate with the Priests and Jesuites for rearing up of that Religion , p. 140. Calling them upon that account in his Apology , Iesuited Polipragmaticks , and Sons of Belial . Having thus lustily laid about him against all in general , he descends to some particulars of most note and eminence , Reviling White of Ely , with railing and perverting , in fighting against the truth , which he makes to be his principal quality , p. 127. and Mountague of Chichester for a tried Champion of Rome , and the devoted Votary to his Queen of Heaven , p. 126. And so proceeding to the Archbishop ( for of Wren he had spoke enough before ) he tells us of him , That he used to set his foot on the Kings Laws , as the Pope did on the Emperors neck , p. 54. That with his right hand he was able to sweep down the third part of the Stars in heaven , p. 121. And that he had a Papal infallibility of Spirit , whereby , as by a divine Oracle , all Questions in Religion are finally determined , p. 132. These are the principal flowers of Rhetorick which grew in the Garden of H. B. sufficient questionless to shew how sweet a Champion he was like to prove of the Church and Gospel . And yet this was not all the mischief which the Church suffered at that time , for presently on the neck of these came out another , entituled , The holy Table , name and thing , intended purposely for an Answer to the Coal from the Altar , but cunningly pretended by him to be written long ago by a Minister in Lincolnshire against Dr. Coale , a judicious Divine in Queen Maries daies ; Printed for the Diocess of Lincoln ; by the Bishop whereof , under the name of Iohn Lincoln , Dean of Westminster , it was authorized for the Press . In managing whereof , the point in Controversie was principally about the placing of the Holy Table according to the practice of the Primitive Church , and the received Rules of the Church of England at the first Reformation of it . In prosecution of which point he makes himself an Adversary of his he know not whom , and then he useth him he cares not how , mangling the Authors words whom we would confute , that so he might be sure of the easier conquest ; and practising on those Authors whom he was to use , that they may serve his turn the better to procure the victory . Of the composure of the whole we may take this Character from him who made the Answer to it , viz. That he that conjectured of the house by the trim or dress , would think it very richly furnished ; the Walls whereof ( that is the Margin ) richly set out with Antick hangings , and whatsoever costly workmanship all nations of these times may be thought to brag of ; and every part adorned with flourishes and pretty pastimes , the gay devices of the Painter : Nor is there any want at all of Ornaments or Vtensils to set out the same , such especially as may serve for ostentation , though of little use ; many a fine and subtle Carpet , not a few idle couches for the credulous Reader , and every where a pillow for a Puritans elbow ; all very pleasing to the eye , but slight of substance ; counterfeit stuff most of it , and wrought with so much fraud and falshood that there is hardly one true stitch in all that work from the very beginning to the end . Hardly one testimony or authority in the whole Discourse which is any way material to the point in hand : but is as true and truly cited , as that the book it self was writ long ago in answer unto D. Coale of Queen Maries daies . The King he tacitely upbraides with the unfortunacies of his Reign by Deaths and Plagues , the Governours of the Church with carrying all things by strong hand , rather by Canon-shot than by Canon Law. The Bishop of Norwich he compares ( as before was noted ) to a Wren mounted on the feathers of an Eagle , and fall upon his Adversary with as foule a mouth as Burton doth upon the Prelates ; the Parable betwixt him and Burton being very well fitted as appears by the Preface to the Ministers of Lincoln Diocess in the Answer to him . Obliquely and upon the by he hath some glancings against bowing at the name of Iesus , Adoring toward the East , and Praying according to the Canon ; and makes the transposing of the Table to the place where the Altar stood , to be an Introduction for ushering in the whole body or Popery . Which Eleusinian Doctrine ( for so he calleth it ) though these new Reformers ( for fear of so many Laws and Canons ) dare not apparently profess , yet ( saith he ) they prepare and lay grounds for it , that the out-works of Religion being taken in , they may in time have a bout with the Fort it self . To these two Books his Majesty thought fit that some present Answer should be made , appointing the same hand for both which had writ the History of the Sabbath . The one being absolutely destructive of the uniformity in placing the Communion Table , which was then in hand ; The other labouring to create a general hatred unto all the Bishops , branding their persons , blasting their Counsels , and decrying the Function . And hard it was to say whether of the two would have proved more mischievous if they were not seasonably prevented . The Answer unto Burton was first commanded and prepared ; That to the Lincoln Minister , though afterwards enjoyned , was the first that was published . This of the two , the subtler and more curious piece ; exceedingly cried up when it first came out ; the disaffection of the times , and subject matter of the Book , and the Religious estimation which was had of the Author , concurring altogether to advance the Reputation of it to the very highest , sold for four shillings at the first , when conceived unanswerable ; but within one month after the coming out of the Answer ( which was upon the twentieth of May ) brought to less than one . The Answer published by the name of Antidotum Lincolniense , with reference to the Licencer and Author of the Holy Table . The publishing of the other was delayed upon this occasion : A Resolution had been taken by command of his Majesty to proceed against the Triumvirate of Libellers ( as one fitly calls them ) to a publick Censure , which was like to make much noise amongst the ignorant People . It was thought fit by the Prudent Council of Queen Elizabeth upon the execution of some Priests and Jesuits , that an Apology should be published , by the name of Iustitia Britannica , to vindicate the publick Justice of the State from such aspersions , as by the Tongues and Pens of malicious persons should be laid upon it . And on the like prudential grounds it was thought expedient , that an answer should be made to the book which seemed most material ; and being so made , should be kept in readiness till the execution of the Sentence , to the end that the people might be satisfied , as well in the greatness of the Crimes , as the necessity and justice of the Punishment , inflicted upon one of the Principals , by whom a judgment might be made of all the rest . But the Censure being deferred from Easter until Midsummer Term , the Answer lay dormant all the while at Lambeth in the hands of the Licencer , and was then published by the name of A briefe and moderate Answer to the seditious and scandalous challenges of H. B. &c. Two other Books were also published about that time , the one about the name and situation of the Communion Table , which was called , Altare Christianum , writ by one P●cklington , then beneficed in Bedfordshire , and seconded by a Chappel Determination of the well studied Ioseph Mede : The other against Burton by name , published by Dow of Basell in Sussex , under the Title of Innovations unjustly charged , &c. And so much for the Pen Combates , managed on both sides in the present Controversies . But whilst these things were in agitation , there hapned toward the end of this year , such an Alteration in the Court , as began to make no less noise than the rest before : It had been an ancient custome in the Court of England to have three Sermons every week in the time of Lent. Two of them preached on Wednesdaies and Fridaies , the third in the open preaching place near the Council Chamber on Sundaies in the Afternoon . And so it continued till King Iames came to this Crown . Who having upon Tuesday the fifth of August escapt the hands and treasons of the Earl of Gowrie , took up a pious resolution , not only of keeping the Anniversary of that day for a publick Festival in all his Dominions , but of having a Sermon , and other divine Offices every Tuesday throughout the year . This custome he began in Scotland , and brought it with him into the Court of England ; and thereupon translated one of the Lent Sermons from Wednesday to Tuesday . This Innovation in the Court , where before there were no Sermons ( out of Lent ) but on Sundaies only , came in short time to have a very strong Influence upon the Country , giving example and defence to such Lectures and Sermons on the working daies , as frequently were appointed and continued in most Corporations , and many other Market Towns in all parts of the Kingdom . In which respect it was upon the point of being laid aside at the Court on the death of that King , in reference to whose particular concernments it was taken up , and therefore his Successor not obliged to the observation . But then withall it was considered , that the new King had married with a Lady of the Roman Religion , that he was ingaged in a War with Spain , which could not be carried on without help from the Parliament , wherein the Puritan Party had appeared to be very powerful . The discontinuing of that Sermon in this conjuncture , might have been looked on in the King as the want of zeal toward the preaching of the Gospel , and a strong tendency in him to the Religion of the Church of Rome , and a betraying of the Court to Ignorance and Superstition by depriving them of such necessary means of their Instruction . Upon these grounds it stood as before it did , as well in the holy time of Lent as in other Weeks . But now Laud being Archbishop of Canterbury , and Wren Dean of the Chappel , it was resolved to move his Majesty , that the Lent Sermons might be preached on Wednesdaies as they had been Anciently . To which his Majesty condescending , and the Bill of Lent-Preachers being drawn accordingly , it was first muttered secretly , and afterwards made a publick clamour , that this was one of the Archbishops Artifices , a trick devised for putting down the Tuesday Sermons of which you should never hear more , when this Lent was over : Which Cry growing lowder and lowder , as the Lent continued , was suddenly hush'd and stilled again on the Easter Tuesday , when they saw the Preacher in the Pulpit , as at other times . So usual is it with some men to be afraid of their own shadows , and terrified with fears of their own devising . This Interruption thus past over , I shall unwillingly resume my former Argument concerning Bastwick and the rest of his fellow-Criminals , who being called unto their Answer , used so many delays , that the Case could not come to Sentence before Midsomer Term. Some Answers they had drawn : but they were so Libellous and full of scandal , that no Counsellor could be found to put his hand to them , according to the course of that Court ; Instead whereof , they exhibited a cross Bill against Canterbury and his Confederates , ( as they called them ) charging them with the greatest part of those Reproaches , which had been made the subject-matter of their former Libels ; which being signed by no hands but their own , and tendred so to the Lord Keeper , was by him rejected , and themselves taken pro confessis , their obstinacy in not answering in due form of Law , being generally looked on by the Court as a self-conviction , On the fourteenth of Iune they received their Sentence , which briefly was to this effect : Prynne to be fined 5000 l. to the King , to lose the remainder of his ears in the Pillory , to be branded on both cheeks with the Letters S. L. for a Schismatical Libeller , and to be perpetually imprisoned in Carnarvan Castle : Bastwick and Burton condemned in the like Fine of 5000 l. to be Pilloried , and lose their Ears ; the first to be imprisoned in the Castle of Lanceston in Cornwal , and the second in the Castle of Lancaster . On the thirtieth of the same Month , Burton being first degraded of his Ministry in the High-Commission , they were brought into the Palace-yard of Westminster to receive their punishment , not executed on them with such great severity as was injuriously given out : But being executed howsoever , it was a great trouble to the spirits of many very moderate and well-meaning men , to see the three most Eminent Professions in all the World ( Divinity , Law , and Physick ) to be so wretchedly dishonoured in the Persons of the Malefactors , as was observed by the Archbishop himself in his Epistle to the King. Which part of the Punishment being inflicted , they were conveyed with care and safety to their several Prisons , the People either foolishly or factiously resorting to them as they passed , and seeming to bemoan their Sufferings as unjustly Rigorous . And such a haunt there was to the several Castles , to which they were condemned of purpose for preventing all Intelligence and Correspondence to be held between them , that the State found it necessary to remove them further ; Prynne to the Castle of Mont Orgueil in the Isle of Iersey , Burton to Castle-Cornet in the Road of Guernsey , and Bastwick to St. Maries Castle in the Isle of Silly ; which last remembreth me of the like Confinement , to which Instantius a professed Priscilianist ( a very near Kinsman of the English Puritan ) had been condemned by the Justice of the Primitive Times . At the pronouncing of this Sentence the Archbishop made a long and elaborate Speech , in vindication of himself and the rest of the Bishops from any Design to bring in Popery , or innovating in the Government and Forms of Worship , here by Law established . He made his Introduction to it in a brief Discourse touching the nature of the Crime , shewing how odious a thing it was to think of defending Religion in the way of Libels ; a thing not used by any of the Primitive Christians , in the greatest heats of Persecution ; and then professing for his own part ▪ That he had done nothing as a Bishop , but with a sincere intention for the good Government and Honour of the Church of England , and the maintenance of the Orthodox Truth and Religion professed and established in it ; adding withal , That nothing but his Care of reducing the Church into Order in the External Worship of God , and the settling of it on the Rules of its first Reformation , had raised this Storm against himself and the rest of the Bishops , for which alone they stood accused of Innovations , by those which were the greatest Innovators in the Christian World. He spake next touching the Calling of Bishops , which he maintained to be Iure Divino , though not all the Adjuncts of that Calling ; averring further , That from the time of the Apostles , to the days of Calvin , the Government of the Church was by Bishops only , Lay-Elders being never heard of ; which Claim by Divine Right , derogateth not from the King either in Right or Power ( as the Libellers made it ) no more than the Calling of the Presbyters by the same Right , could be thought to do ; in regard they exercised not any Iurisdiction in the Kings Dominions , but with his Licence for so doing : Or were it otherwise , yet that the Bishops stood in England in as good a case as the present Laws could make them ; and therefore they that Libelled against them , Libelled against the King and State , by the Laws whereo● they were established ; and consequently , could aim at no other end , than the stirring of Sedition amongst the People . As touching the design of bringing in Popery ( by which Artifice they chiefly hoped to inflame the People ) he first acquitted the King of it , by shewing his sincerity and constancy in his Religion , exemplified by his Carriage in Spain , where he wanted no temptations to draw him from it ; and his Deportment since in England , in which ●e had so often declared a settled Resolution , to maintain the same : Or were it otherwise , and that the King had any mind to change Religion , he must seek for other Instruments than himself to effect that purpose ; most humbly thanking God , That as yet he knew not how to serve any Man , against the Truth of Christ ; so ●e hoped he should never learn : professing further , for the satisfaction of all which heard him , That he knew of no plot nor purpose of altering the Religion here established ; and that for his own part , he had ever been far from attempting any thing which might be truly said to tend that way , in the least degree ; to both which he was ready to take his Oath . Which said in general , he briefly touch'd on those Innovations which in those Libels , had been charged on him and the rest of the Bishops , in order unto that Design . To the first Innovation , touching the suppressing of Sermons ( during the time of the late Fast ) in infected places , contrary to the Orders in former times , he answered , First , That after-Ages might without offence learn to avoid any visible inconvenience observed in the former : And secondly , That the suppressing of those Sermons was no Act of the Bishops , but a Command proceeding ( on a full debate ) from the Lords of the Council , the better to avoid the spreading of the Contagion : And thirdly , That as Sermons on the Fast-days had been used of late , they were so far from humbling men in the sight of God , that they were fitter for other operations , as the raising of Sedition amongst the People ; of which there could not be a clearer instance , than in that of Burton . To the second , That by appointing the Weekly Fasts to be on Wednesdays , and those Fasts to be kept without any Sermons , there was a plot for suppressing all Wednesday Lectures for ever after : It was answered , That Wednesday was the usual day for such Publick Fasts ; That it was named by the Lord Keeper , no great Friend to Popery ; and that those men had lived to see the Fast ended , and the Wednesday Lectures still continued . To the third , That the Prayer for Seasonable Weather was left out of the last Book ; and that the leaving of it out , was one cause of the Shipwracks and Tempestuous Weather which followed after : He answered generally , first , That all Fast-Books are made by the command of the King ( who alone had Power to call such Fasts ) ; and that the Archbishops and Bishops , who had the ordering of those Books , had also Power under the King , of putting in and leaving out of those Books , whatsoever they think fit for the present occasion . Secondly , as to this particular , That when the Fast-Book was made , the Weather was very Seasonable , and the Harvest in ; and that it was not the Custom of the Church to pray for seasonable Weather when they had it , but when it was wanting . Thirdly , That it was very boldly done , to ascribe the cause of those Tempests to the leaving out of that Prayer , which God had never revealed unto them , and they could not otherwise know but by Revelation . To the fourth , touching a Clause omitted in the first Collect , in which Thanks had been given to God for delivering us from Popish Superstition ; He answered , That though our Fore-fathers had been delivered from such Superstitions , yet ( God be blessed ) that for our parts , we were never in them , and therefore could not properly be said to have been delivered . To the fifth , touching the leaving out of a passage in one of the Orders for the Fast , concerning the abuse thereof in relation to Merit , he answered , That it was left out , because in this Age and Kingdom there was little opinion of Merit by Fasting ; insomuch that all Fasts were contemned and scorned ( both at Lent , and all other set times ) except such as some humerous men called for of themselves , to promote their ends . The sixth Innovation charged upon them , was the leaving of the Lady Elizabeth and her Children ▪ out of one of the Collects : And the seventh , That out of the same Collect , the words , Father of thine Elect , and of their Seed , was expunged also : To which it was answered , That the said Collect was not in the Common-Prayer-Book confirmed by Law , neither King Edward vi . nor Queen Elizabeth having any Children . Secondly , That it was added to the Book at the coming in of King Iames , who brought a Princely Issue with him ; and left out again in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles , who at that time , and for four years after , had no Issue neither . Thirdly , That as the Lady Elizabeth and her Children were put into the Collect when the King had no Issue of his own ; so when the King had Issue of his own , there was as much reason to leave them out . Fourthly , For the leaving out of that Clause , Father of thine Elect , &c. it was done by his Predecessor ; and that the leaving out of the Lady Elizabeth and her Issue , was done by the Command of the King. The eighth Innovation charged upon them , was bowing at the Name of IESVS , and altering to that end the words in the Epistle on the Sunday next before Easter , by changing IN the Name of Iesus , to AT the Name of Iesus . And it was answered unto this , That bowing at the Name of IESVS , was no Innovation made by the Prelates of this Age , but required by the Injunction of Queen Elizabeth , in the very first beginning of the Reformation : And secondly , Though it be IN the Name of Iesus , in the old Editions of the Liturgie ; yet it is AT the Name of Iesus , in the Translation of Geneva , Printed in the year 1567. and in the New Translation Authorised by King Iames. The ninth relates to the Alteration of two Passages in the Form of Prayer set forth by Act of Parliament , for the Fifth of November ; in which Form it is thus expressed , Root out the Babylonish Sect , which say of Jerusalem , Down with it , &c. And in the other place , Cut off those Workers of Iniquity , whose RELIGION is REBELLION : Which are thus altered in the Books which came out last , viz. Root out that Babylonish and Antichristian Sect ( of them ) which say , &c. And in the other , Cut off those workers of Iniquity , who turn RELIGION into REBELLION , &c. To which it was replied , That the Book of Prayer appointed for the Fifth of November , was neither made , set forth , or commanded to be read by Act of Parliament : but only made , and appointed to be read by the Kings Authority . Secondly , That being made and appointed to be read by no other Authority than the Kings , the King might alter in it what he thought convenient ; and that he had the Kings hand for those Alterations . ( What Reasons there might be to move his Majesty to it , we may enquire into hereafter on another occasion ) To the tenth , for the leaving out the Prayer for the Navy , he answered , that the King had then no Fleet at Sea , nor any known enemy to assault , as he had when that Prayer was first put in ; and that howsoever , if there had been any design to bring in Popery ( to which these Innovations must be made subservi●nt ) they should rather have kept in that Prayer than have left it out . Concerning the Communion Table there were three Innovations urged , the placing of it Altarwise , reading the second Service at it , and bowing towards or before it . For answer to the first , It was proved to have been no Innovation in regard of Practice , because it had so stood in his Majesties Chappels , and divers Cathedrals of this Kingdom since the first Reformation . Which posture if it be decent and convenient for the Service of God , either in the Kings Chappels or Cathedrals , it may be used also in other Churches : but if it served to bring in Popery it was not to be used in them . Nor was it any Innovation in regard of Law , the holy Table being appointed to be placed where the Altar stood by the Queens Injunctions , Anno 1559. and that position justified by an order of Dr. Davenant Bishop of Sarum ( of which we have already spoken ) whom the Libellers themselves were not like to accuse for a man that purposed the ushering in or advancing of Popery . The setting of a Raile before it , or about it , howsoever placed , was only for avoiding of Prophanation , and for that cause justifiable . As for the reading of the Second ( or Communion ) Service at the holy Table , it was no more than what had formerly been used in many places to his own remembrance ; first altered in those Churches where the Emissaries of that Faction came to preach , and therefore the Innovation to be laid on them . Secondly , That it is not only fit and proper for that part of the Divine Service to be read at the Communion Table , but that it is required so to be by the Rules and Rubricks of the Church : It being said in the first Rubrick after the Communion , that on the Holy Daies ( if there be no Communion ) all shall be read which is appointed at the Communion ; and in the last Rubrick before the Communion , that the Minister standing at the North side of the holy Table , shall say the Lords Prayer with that which follows . And finally , as to that of bowing towards it at their first entrance in the Church , or approaches to it , it is answered , that it was agreeable to the Practice of Moses , David , Hezekiah , recorded in the holy Scriptures , and that Venite Adoremus , O come let us worship and fall down , &c. was used constantly in the beginning of the Ancient Liturgies , and preserved in the beginning of ours in England ; and therefore that the people may as well refuse to come , as at their coming not to Worship : he added , that by the Statutes of the noble Order of St. George , called the Garter , the Knights whereof were bound to do their Reverence versus Altare , toward the Altar ; that it had so continued ever since the time of King Henry the fifth ; that if there were any Idolatry in it , neither Queen Elizabeth ( who drove out Popery ) nor King Iames ( who kept out Popery ) would have suffered it to remain in Practice ; and in a word , that if it were Gods Worship and not Idolatry , he ought to do it as well as they : but if it were Idolatry , and no Worship of God , they ought to do it no more than he . But the fourteenth and last charge which most concerned him and the rest of the Bishops to make answer to , was the forging of a new Article of Religion brought from Rome , ( to justifie their proceedings and Innovations ) and foysting it to the beginning of the twentieth Article . The Clause pretended to be added , is , That the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies , and Authority in Controversies of ●aith , because not found ( say they ) in the Latine or English Articles of King Edward the sixth , or Queen Elizabeth , ratified by Parliament ; adding , that if to forge a Will or Writing be censurable in the Star-Chamber , though it be but a wrong to a Private man : how much more should the forgery of an Article of Religion be censured there , which is a wrong to the whole Church ? And unto this he answered , that the Articles made in the time o● King Edward the sixth were not now in force , and therefore not material whether that Clause be in or out ; that in the Articles as they passed in Queen Elizabeths time this Clause was to be found in the English Edition of the year 1612. of the year 1605. of the year 1593. and in Latine in the year 1563. being one of the first Printed Copies after the Articles had been agreed on in the Convocation ; that it was to be found in the same terms in the Records of Convocation , Anno 1562. as he proved by a Certificate under the hand of a publick Notary ; and therefore finally , that no such forgery in adding that Clause unto that Article had been committed by the Prelates to serve their own turns by gaining any power to the Church : but that the said Clause had been razed out by some of those men , or some of that Faction to weaken the just power of the Church , and to serve their own . These Innovations thus passed over and discharged , he signifies unto their Lordships , That some other Charges were remaining in matter of Doctrine ; that they should presently be answered , justo volumine , to satisfie all well-minded people ; and that when Burtons Book was answered , ( his Book he said , but not his raylings ) none of the rest should be answered either by him or by his care ; leaving that Court to find a way for stopping the mouths of such Libellers , or else for him , they should raile on as long as they listed . And thus beginning to draw toward an end , he declares himself to be in the same case with St. Cyprian , then Bishop of Carthage , bitterly railed upon by a pack of Schismaticks , and yet conceiving himself bound ( which he made his own Resolution also ) not to answer them with the like Levities or Revilings , but to write and speak only as becomes a Priest of God ; that by Gods grace the Reproaches of such men should not make him faint or start aside , either from the right way in matter of Practice , or à certa Regula , from the certain Rule of Faith. Which said , and craving pardon of their Lordships for his necessary length , he thanks them for their just and honourable censure of those men in their unanimous dislike of them , and defence of the Church ; Makes his excuse from passing any censure of them , in regard the business had some reflection on himself ; and so leaves them to Gods mercy and the Kings Justice . Thus have I acted Phocion's part in cutting short the long and well-studied Speech of this grave and Eloquent Demosthenes ; which I have been the more willing to reduce to so brief an Abstract , that the Reader may perceive , without the least loss of time and labour , on what weak grounds the Puritan Faction raised their outcry against Innovations , and what poor trifles many of those Innovations were , against which they clamoured and cried out . But for the Speech in its full length , as it gave great satisfaction unto all that heard it : so by his Majesties Command it was afterwards Printed , for giving the like satisfaction to all those who should please to read it . In obedience unto which Command he caused the said Speech to be Printed and Published , although he was not ignorant ( as he declares in his Epistle to the King ) that many things while they are spoken , and pass by the ears but once , give great content , which when they come to the eyes of men , and their open scanning , may lie open to some exceptions . And so it proved in the event ; for though the Speech was highly magnified as it came from his mouth : yet it had not been long published in Print , when it was encountred with a base and Libellous Answer , without the name of any Author , Place , or Printer , or any Bookseller ( according to the unusual Custom ) where , and of whom it might be bought . I shall not trouble my self any more about it than by a Transcript of the Title , which was this that followeth : viz. DIVINE and POLITICK OBSERVATIONS , newly translated out of the Dutch Language , wherein they were lately divulged , upon some lines in the Speech of the Archbishop of Canterbury , pronounced in the STAR-CHAMBER the fourteenth of June , 1637. VERY expedient for preventing all prejudice which as well through ignorance , as through malice and flattery , may be incident to the judgment which men make thereby , either of his Graces power over the Church , and with the King : or of the Equity , Iustice and Wisdom of his ENDS in his said Speech ; and of the reasons used by him for attaining to his said ENDS . And though he took great care and pains concerning that supposed additional clause to the 20th Article , so much as might satisfie any man , not extremely partial ; yet find I a late Writer so unsatisfied in it , that he leaves it to the State-Arithmeticians to decide the Controversie , whether the Bishops were more faulty in the addition , than the opposites in their substraction of it . One other Charge there was , and a great one too , which I find not touched at in this Speech ; and that is , that the Prelates neither had , nor sought to have the Kings Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England for their keeping Courts and Visitations , &c. but did all in their own Names , and under their own Seals , contrary to the Law in that behalf . Concerning which we are to know , that by a Statute made in the first year of King Edward the Sixth , it was Enacted , That all Summons , Citations , and other Process Ecclesiastical in all Suites and causes of Instance , and all causes of Correction , and all causes of Bastardy , or Bigamy , or De jure Patronatus , Probates of Testaments , and Commissions of Administrations of persons deceased , be made in the name , and with the Style of the King , as it is in Writs Original or Iudicial at the Common Law , &c. As also that no matter of person or persons who hath the Exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , use any other Seal of Jurisdiction but wherein his Majesties Arms be engraven , &c. on pain of incurring his Majesties indignation , and suffering imprisonment at his will and pleasure . Which Statute , and every branch thereof , being repealed by Queen Mary , and not revived by Queen Elizabeth in all her Reign , the Bishops of her time were safe enough from any danger on that side . But in the first Parliament of King Iames there passed an Act , for continuing and reviving of divers Statutes , and for repealing of some others , 1 Iac. c. 25. Into the Body whereof a Clause was cunningly conveyed ( his Majesties Council learned , not considering , or fraudulently conniving at it ) for the repealing of that Statute of the Reign of Queen Mary , by which King Edwards stood repealed ; of which no notice being taken for some while by those whom it chiefly did concern , it was now discovered , and made use of as a Rod to affright the Prelates from exercising their Jurisdiction over obstinate and incorrigible Non-conformists , as formerly they had been accustomed . For remedy whereof , and for encouraging the Bishops to perform their duties , i● was declared by the Judges with an unanimous consent , and so delivered by the Lords Chief Justices in the Star-Chamber , the fourteenth of May in this present year , That the said Act of Repeal , 1 of Queen Mary , did still stand in force as unto that particular Statute by them so much pressed . This was sufficient for the present , but the Archbishop would not trust to it for the time to come ; and thereupon in in his Epistle to the King , before remembred , He humbly desired his Majesty in the Churches name , That it might be resolved by all the Reverend Judges of England , and then published by his Majesty , that the Bishops keeping of their Courts , and issuing Processes in their own names , and the like exceptions formerly taken , and now renued , were not against the Laws of this Realm , that so the Church Governours might go on chearfully in their duty , and the peoples minds be quieted by this assurance , that neither their Law , nor their Liberty , as Subjects , was thereby infringed . A motion favourably heard , and graciously granted ; his Majesty issuing out his Royal Proclamation , on the eighteenth day o● August then next following , For declaring that the proceedings of his Ecclesiastical C●urts and Ministers were according to Law. The Tenour of which Proclamation or Declaration was as followeth : By the King. WHereas in some of the Libellous Books and Pamphlets lately published the most Reverend Fathers in God , the Lord Archbishops and Bishops of the Realm are said to have usurped upon his Majesties Prerogative Royal , and to have proceeded in the High Commission , and other Ecclesiastical Courts contrary to the Laws and Statutes of the Realm : It was Ordered by his Majesties High Court of Star-Chamber , the twelfth of June last , that the Opinion of the two Lords Chief Justices , the Lord Chief Baron , and the rest of the Judges and Barons should be had and certified in these particulars , viz. whether Processes may not issue out of the Ecclesiastical Courts in the names of the Bishops ? Whether a Patent under the Great Seal be necessary for the keeping of the Ecclesiastical Courts , and enabling Citations , Suspensions , Excommunications , and other Censures of the Church ? And whether the Citations ought to be in the Kings Name , and under his Seal of Arms ; and the like for Institutions and Inductions to Benefices , and correction of Ecclesiastical offences ? And whether Bishops , Archdeacons , and other Ecclesiastical persons may or ought to keep any Visitation at any time , unless they have express Commission or Patent under the great Seal of England to do it ; and that as his Majesty Visitors only , and in his name and right alone . Whereupon his Majesties said Judges having taken the same into their s●rious consideration , did unanimously agree and concur in opinion , and the first day of Iuly last certified under their hands as followeth : That Processes may issue out of Ecclesiastical Courts in the name of the Bihops , and that a Patent under the Great Seal is not necessary for the keeping of the said Ecclesiastical Courts , or for the enabling of Citations , Suspensions , Excommunications , and other Censures of the Church . And that it is not necessary that Summons , Citations , or other Processes Ecclesiastical in the said Courts , or Institutions , and Inductions to benefices , or correction of Ecclesiastical offences by Censure in those Courts be in the Kings name , or with the Style of the King , or with the Kings Seal , or the Seals of the Office have in them the Kings Arms ; And that the Statute , 1 Edw. 6. c. 2. which enacted the contrary , is not now in force ; And that the Archbishops , Bishops , Archdeacons , and other Ecclesiastical persons , may keep their Visitations , as usually they have done , without Commission under the Great Seal so to do . Which opinions and resolutions being declared under the hands of all his Majesties said Judges , and so certified into his Court of Star-Chamber , were there recorded : And it was by that Court further ordered the fourth of the said Iuly , That the said Certificate should be enrolled in all other his Majesties Courts at Westminister , and in the High Commission and other Ecclesiastical Courts for the satisfaction of all men ; That the proceedings in the High-Commission and other Ecclesiastical Courts are agreeable to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm . And his Royal Majesty hath thought fit , with the Advice of his Council , that a publick Declaration of these the Opinions of his reverend and learned Iudges , being agreeable to the Iudgment and Resolution of former times , should be made known to all his Subjects , as well to vindicate the Legal Proceedings of his Ecclesiastical Courts and Ministers from the unjust and scandalous imputation of invading or intrenching on his Royal Prerogative , as to settle the minds and stop the mouths of all unquiet Spirits , that for the future they presume not to censure his Ecclesiastical Courts , or Ministers in these their just and warranted pr●ceedings . And hereof his Majesty admonisheth all his Subjects to take warning as they will answer the contrary at their Peril . Given at the Court at Lindburst the 13 day of August in the 13th year of his Reign , 1637. Having carried on this business as far as we can without breaking the rule of time in too gross a manner , we must go back to the Star-Chamber , where we left the Bishop of Lincoln ready to put in his Answer after many delaies . In which estate the business stood , when Kilvert , a Proctor in the Arches , who had been formerly imployed in hunting Bennet , a corrupt Judge of the Prerogative Court , to his final Sentence , was entertained to prosecute this Bishop to the like confusion ; who having found by diligent inquiry , and subtle practices , that the Bishops purgation depended most upon the testimony of one Prigeon , the Register of the Court at Lincoln , he made it his chief work , by discrediting the Witness , to invalidate and make void his evidence , he laies a Bastard to his charge , and there appeared sufficient ground to indict him for it . The Bishop apprehending himself necessitated to weight up Prigeon his repute , engaged himself more zealously therein than was consistent with the gravity of so great a Prelate for so inconsiderable a person . The Fathering of this Bastard is bandied betwixt Prigeon and one Boone from Sessions to Sessions , and from one year unto another , till the Mother of the Child was found to have been tampered with by some of the Bishops Creatures to charge it wholly upon Boone . On the discovery of which practise Kilvert le ts go his former hold , and exhibits a new Bill against the Bishop for subornation of Witnesses , a crime most proper for that Court. The Bishop now finds himself at a loss , and endeavours a Composition with his Majesty , being willing to lay down a good Sum of Money , for the purchasing of his own Peace and his Majesties Favour ; which afterwards was urged against him , to prove him conscious of the Crime which he stood accused for . On Tuesday the eleventh of Iuly he received his Doom , which was to pay 8000 l. unto the King , to be Suspended à Beneficiis & Officiis , and stand committed unto Prison at his Majesties Pleasure . To this Sentence the Archbishop consented amongst the rest , aggravating the fault of Subornation of Perjury , with a pathetical Speech of almost an hour long , shewing how the World was above three thousand years old , before it was ripe enough to commit so great a Wickedness ; That Iezabel was the first in Scripture , which had been branded with that Infamy , whose Witnesses could find no other name in Scripture than the Sons of Belial : And therefore , That considering the greatness of the offence , though before he had been five times on his knees before his Majesty in the Bishops behalf , yet now he could not but agree to the heaviest Censure . To which Sentence the whole Court concurred , his best Friends amongst them , who gave themselves not a little hope , that the rigour of it ( especially as unto the Fine ) might receive mitigation ; though in the end , his Majesty looking on him , both as adjudged to be guilty , and well known to be solvent , it was no wonder if the utmost penny of it were exacted . He had not lain long under this Suspension and Imprisonment , but he began to find how dreadful a thing it was to fall into a Kings displeasure ; and thereupon made use of all his Friends at Court , for the re-obtaining of his own Liberty , and his Majesties Favour : And to that end , he made means by the Queen to be admitted to a Reconciliation with him , offering both his Bishoprick , and Deanry of Westminster , in confidence that the King would so provide for him , that he should not go much less than he was . The King , upon the Queens desire , sent the Earl of Dorset ( from whose mouth I had it ) to accept the Bishops Offer on the one side ; and on the other side , to promise him in his Majesties Name , the next good Bishoprick which should fall in Ireland . Which Proposition being made , the Bishop absolutely refused to hearken to it , telling the Earl of Dorset , That he had made a shift , by the Power and Mediation of his Friends , to hold out against his Enemies here for seven years together : but if they should send him into Ireland , he should there fall into the hands of a man , who once in seven Months would find out some old Statute or other to cut off his head . Which double dealing did so cool the Affections of his Friends in Court , that for three years and more there were no further Endeavours used for his Enlargement : During which time , he never went unto the Chappel of the Tower , where he was Imprisoned , to attend the Divine Service of the Church , or hear the Sermon there , or receive the Sacrament , as all other Protestant Prisoners had been used to do : but kept himself only to his Private Devotions , to which his neerest Servants were not o●ten admitted : Which whether it gave the greater scandal to the Protestants , Puritans , or Papists , it is hard to say . But great Persons must not fall alone . Three of his Servants which had been most active in the business , were censured at the same time also ; Walker his Secretary , fined at 300 l. Powell an Officer of his Houshold , fined no more than he : But Land , who left his Business in the Court of Lincoln to attend this Suit , at 1000 Marks . All of them censured to Imprisonment , which none suffered but he , and that but for a short time neither . Nor were their Fines exacted of them , which ( as the Bishop after found to his cost ) were in short time to be commuted into such other Offices as they were to do for Kilvert against their Master : The Story whereof , desireth the Readers further patience , though it come somewhat out of time , and is briefly this . Osbaldston the late Schoolmaster , and then Prebend of Westminster , a profess'd Creature of the Bishops , and much imployed by him in his greatest businesses , had written a Letter to him about Christmas , in the year 1635. touching some Heats which hapned in that cold Season , betwixt the Archbishop of Canterbury , and the Lord Treasurer Weston : Osbaldston conceiving this to be a fit opportunity for the Bishop to close in with Weston , and by his means to extricate himself out of those Perplexities , in which this Star-Chamber Suit had so long intangled him . This Intelligence he disguised in these expressions , viz. The little Vermin , the Vrchin and Hocus Pocus , is this stormy Christmas at true and real variance with the great Leviathan . And this conceit , the Bishop out of too much jollity makes known to others , by whom at last it came to Kilvert ; who laying hold on the Advantage , exhibits a new Bill against him , for divulging Scandalous Libels against Privy Counsellors ; there being good proof to be produced , That by the names of Little Vermin , Vrchin , and Hocus Pocus , the writer of that Letter designed no other than the Archbishop , and the Lord Treasurer Weston by the Great Leviathan . Both being made Parties to the Bill , Osbaldston answers for himself , That by Leviathan , he intended Chief Justice Richardson ; and Spicer a Doctor of Laws , by the other Character : The differing statures of the men , seeming to make good this Construction , which the Grammar of the Text might bear , as well as the other . The Bishop pleaded for his part ▪ That he remembred not the receiving of any such Letter ; and that if any such Letter had come unto him , it could not be brought within the compass of a Libel , because not written in such plain and significant terms as might apparently decypher and set forth the Person intended in it . But all this proved to be but shifts on either side ; for Kilvert had a Letter ready ( which Walker was supposed to have put into his hands ) to make sure work of it ; a Letter which the Bishop had writ to the said Walker , being then his Secretary , at the time of that falling out betwixt Laud and Weston . Here is a strange thing ( saith that Letter ) Mr. Osbaldston importunes me to contribute to my Lord Treasurers use , some Charges upon the Little Great Man , and assures me they are mortally out . I have utterly refused to meddle in this business ; and I pray you learn from Mr. S. and Mr. H. if any such falling out be , or whether somebody hath not gulled the Schoolmaster in these three last Letters ; and keep it unto your self , what I write unto you . If my Lord Treasurer would be served by me , he must use a more neer , solid , and trusty Messenger , and free me from the Bonds of the Star-Chamber ; else let them fight it out for me . This Secret thus discovered , and the Mystery opened , it was not long before the Cause was brought to Censure : For the two Letters being compared with the Time and Circumstances , it was no hard matter to the Lords ( who had their own Concerment in it ) to conclude both of them to be guilty of the Crime called Scandalum Magnatum , a Libelling and defaming the Great Men of the Realm , pro●ibited and punishable by the Laws of the Land. So that no Buckler being ●ound to bear off the Blow , a Fine of another 8000 l. was imposed on the Bishop , Osbaldston fined 5000 l. to be deprived of all his Ecclesiastical Preferments , his Ears to be tack'd to the Pillory in the Palace-yard , and Dammages or Costs of Suit to be paid by both to the Archbishop of Canterbury . A Censure greater than the Crime ( as most men conceived ) in respect of Osbaldston , whose Indiscretion might have been corrected with far less severity ; and less severity was intended , then the Sentence intimated ; For though Osbaldston at that time conceived the Archbishop to be his greatest Enemy , yet the Archbishop was resolved to shew himself his greatest Friend , assuring the Author of this History ( before any thing was known of his supposed flight ) that he would cast himself at the Kings feet , for obtaining a discharge of that corporal punishment unto which he was Sentenced . Which may obtain the greater credit , first , in regard that no course was taken to stop his flight , no search made after him , nor any thing done in order to his Apprehension . And secondly , By Osbaldstons readiness to do the Archbishop all good Offices in the time of his Troubles , upon the knowledge which was given him ( at his coming back ) of such good intentions : For Osbaldston not hoping for so much favour , and fearing more the shame of the Punishment , than the loss of Preferment , had seasonably withdrawn himself to a Friend● House in London , where he lay concealed , causing a noise to be spread abroad of his going beyond Sea , and signifying by a Paper which he left in his Study , That he was gone beyond Canterbury . But this hapned not till the latter end of the year next following , though I have laid it here together , because of the coherence which it hath with the former Story . To look back therefore where we left ; The Bishop of Lincoln was no sooner Suspended by the High-Commission ( that part of the Sentence being executed Iuly 24. ) but all the Profits of his Preferments in the Church , were Sequestred to the Use of the King : A Privy Seal is sent to the Sub-Dean and Prebends of the Church of Westminster , requiring them to set apart all the Profits , certain and uncertain , which of right accrued unto that Dean , and to pay the same from time to time into the Receipt of the Exchequer . And that his Majesties Profits might not suffer any diminution , nor the Prebends of that Church be punished for the fault of their Dean , a Commission was issued under the Great Seal of England , inabling them to Let and Set , to Renew Leases , keep Courts , and make Grants of Offices ; and finally , to act and do all manner of things which concerned the Government of that Church , in as ample manner as if the Dean himself had been present at the doing of them . The like course also taken , in gathering in the Profits of his other Promotions ; those of the Bishoprick of Lincoln , naturally flowing into the Exchequer , as in times of Vacancy . And as for his Episcopal Iurisdiction , that fell as naturally to the Archbishop of the Province , as the Temporal Revenue to the King ; the Archbishop of Canterbury exercising all kind of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction throughout the Diocess of Lincoln , not only as Ordinary of that Diocess , but as Visitor of all those Colledges which had any dependence on that See. Amongst which Colledges , as that of Eaton was the chief , so there was somewhat in it which was thought to want a present Remedy ; some Information being given , That they had diminished the number of their Fellows from Ten to Seven . This being a matter easily to be proved , they were required to make up their number , according to their first Foundation by King Henry vi . But against this , the Fellows pleaded , That out of an hatred to their Founder , a great part of their Lands had been taken from them by King Edward iv . conferred by him upon the Abby of Westminster and the Church of Windsor , and by them enjoyed until this day ; and that they hoped his Grace would not tye them to maintain the whole number of their Fellows , with little more than half their Lands . To which so reasonable a desire , upon full proof made of the Suggestion , his Grace did readily consent , and left them in the same state in which he found them . The noise of these Proceedings in England , in the Iune and Iuly of this year , being quickly posted to the Scots , became a principal Incentive of those Combustions , which not long after inflamed that Kingdom ; For it could be no hard matter for the Presbyterians there , to possess the People with the sense of the like smart Sufferings , by the Pride and Tyranny of their Bishops , if they permitted them to grow great and powerful , and did not cast about in time to prevent the mischief . And to exasperate them the more , the Superstitions of the Liturgie , now at the point of being put in execution , were presented to them ; which if once settled amongst them , as was then intended , would in short time reduce them under the Obedience of the Church of Rome . They could not but confess , That many things which were found fault with in the English Liturgie , were in this altered unto the better , the name of Priest ( so odious unto them of the Puritan Faction ) changed to that of Presbyter ; no fewer than sixty Chapters , or thereabouts , taken out of the Apocrypha , appointed to be read by the Church in the English Book , reduced to two , and those two to be read only on the Feast of All-Saints ; The new Translation , Authorised by King Iames , being used in the Psalms , Epistles , Gospels , Hymns , and Sentences instead of the old Translation so much complained of in their Books and Conferences . But what was this compared with those Superstitions , those horrible Corruptions , and Idolatries , now ready to be thrust upon them , in which this Liturgy as much exceeded that of England , as that of England had departed from the simplicity and purity of the holier Churches ? Now therefore somewhat must be done to oppose the entrance of the Popish superstitious Service-Book , either now or never : But the Presbyterian Ministers , who had gone thus far , did not alone bring fewel to feed this flame , to which some men of all degrees and qualities did contribute with them . The Lords and Gentry of the Realm , who feared nothing so much as the Commission of surrendries , above mentioned , laid hold on this occasion also ; and they being seconded by some male-contented Spirits of that Nation , who had not found the King to be as prodigal of his bounties to them as his Father had been before , endeavoured to possess them with Fears and Jealousies , that Scotland was to be reduced to the Form of a Province , and governed by a Deputy , or Lord Lieutenant , as Ireland was . The like done also by some Lords of secret Counsel , who before had governed as they listed , and thought their power diminished , and their persons under some neglect , by the placing of a Lord President over them to direct in Chief . So that the People generally being fooled into this opinion , that both their Christian and Civil Liberty was in no small danger , became capable of any impression which the Presbyterian Faction could imprint upon them ; nor did they want incouragements from the Faction in England , to whom the Publication of the Book for Sports , the transposing of the holy Table , the suppressing of so many Lecturers , and Afternoon Sermons , and the inhibiting of Preaching , Writing , Printing , in defence of Calvinism , were as distasteful and offensive , as the new Liturgie with all the supposed superstitions of it , was to those of Scotland . This Combination made , and the ground thus laid , it is no wonder if the people brake out into those distempers , which soon after followed . Sunday the 23 of Iuly was the day appointed for the first reading of the New Liturgy in all the Churches of that Kingdom ; and how it sped at Edenborough ( which was to be exemplary to all the rest ) shall be told by another , who hath done it to my hand already , Iuly 23. being Sunday , the Dean of Edenborough began to read the Book in St. Giles his Church ( the chief of that City ) but he had no sooner entred on it than the inferiour multitude began in a tumultuous manner to fill the Church with uprore , whereupon the Bishop of Edenborough stept into the Pulpit , and hoping to appease them by minding them of the Sanctity of the place , they were the more enraged , throwing at him Cudgels , Stools , and what was in the way of Fury , unto the very endangering of his life . Upon this the Archbishop of St. Andrews , Lord Chancellor , was enforced to call down from the Gallery the Provost , Bailiffs , and other Magistrates of the City to their assistance , who , with much ado , at length thrust the unruly Rabble out of the Church , and made fast the doors . This done , the Dean proceeded in reading the Book , the multitude in the mean while rapping at the doors , pelting the Windows with stones , and endeavouring what in them lay to disturb the Sacred Exercise : but notwithstanding all this clamour the Service was ended , but not the peoples rage , who waiting the Bishops retiring to his Lodging , so assaulted him , as had he not been rescued by a strong hand , he had probably perisht by their violence . Nor was S. Giles his Church thus only pestered and profaned , but in other Churches also ( though not in so high a measure ) the peoples disorders were agreeable . The Morning thus past , the Lord Chancellor and Council assembled to prevent the like darings in the Afternoon , which they so effected as the Liturgy was read without any disturbance : Only the Bishop of Edenborough was in his return to his Lodging rudely treated by the people , the Earl of Roxboroughs Coach , in which he passed , serving for no protection to him ; though Roxborough himself was highly favoured of the People , and not without some cause suspected to have had a hand in the Commotions of that day . The business , having thus miscarried in Edenborough , stood at a stand in all other Churches of that Kingdom ; and therefore it will not be amiss to enquire in this place into the causes and occasions of it : it seeming very strange to all knowing and discerning men , that the Child that had so long lain in the Womb , perfectly formed , and now made ready for the birth , should not have strength enough to be delivered . Amongst which causes , if disposed into ranke and order , that which appears first is the confidence which Canterbury had in the Earl of Traquaire , whom he had raised from the condition of a private Laird to be a Peer of that Realm , made him first Treasurer Depute ( Chancellor of the Exchequer we should call him in England ) afterwards Lord Treasurer and Privy Counsellor of that Kingdom . This man he wrought himself so far into Lauds good liking , when he was Bishop of London only , that he looked upon him as the fittest Minister to promote the Service of that Church , taking him into his nearest thoughts , communicating to him all his Counsels , committed to his care the conduct of the whole Affair , and giving order to the Archbishops and Bishops of Scotland not to do any thing without his privity and direction . But being an Hamiltonian Scot ( either originally such , or brought over at last ) he treacherously betrayed the cause , communicated his Instructions to the opposite Faction from one time to another , and conscious of the plot for the next daies tumult , withdrew himself to the Earl of Mortons house of Dalkeith , to expect the issue . And possible it is , that by his advice , the executing of the Liturgy was put off from Easter ; at what time the reading of it was designed by his Majesty , as appears by the Proclamation of December 20. which confirmed the Book . By which improvident delay he gave the Presbyterian Faction the longer time to confederate themselves against it , and to possess the people with Fears and Jealousies , that by admitting of that book they should lose the Purity of their Religion , and be brought back unto the Superstitions and Idolatries of the Church of Rome . And by this means the People were inflamed into that Sedition , which probably might have been prevented by a quicker prosecution of the Cause at the time appointed , there being nothing more destructive of all publick Counsels than to let them take wind amongst the People , cooled by delaies , and finally blown up ( like a strong Fortress undermined ) by some subtle practice . And there were some miscarriages also amongst the Prelates of the Kirk in not communicating the design with the Lords of the Council , and other great men of the Realm , whose Countenance both in Court and Country might have sped the business . Canterbury had directed the contrary in his Letters to them , when the first draughts of the Liturgy were in preparation , and seems not well pleased in another of his to the Archbishop of St. Andrews , bearing date September 4. that his advice in it was not followed , nor the whole body of the Council made acquainted with their Resolutions , or their advice taken , or their power called in for their assistance till it was too late . It was complained of also by some of the Bishops , that they were made strangers to the business , who in all Reason ought to have been trusted with the knowledge of that intention , which could not otherwise than by their diligence and endeavours amongst their Clergy , be brought to a happy execution . Nor was there any care taken to adulce the Ministers , to gain them to the Cause by fair hopes and promises , and thereby to take off the edge of such Leading men as had an influence on the rest ; as if the work were able to carry on it self , or have so much Divine assistance as countervailed the want of all helps from man. And which perhaps conduced as much to the destruction of the Service as all the rest , a publick intimation must be made in all their Churches on the Sunday before , that the Liturgie should be read on the Lords day following , of purpose , as it were , to unite all such as were not well affected to it , to disturb the same . And there were some miscarriages also , which may be looked on as Accessories after the Fact , by which the mischief grew remediless , and the malady almost incurable . For first , the Archbishops and Bishops most concerned in it , when they saw what hapned , consulted by themselves apart , and sent up to the King without calling a Council , or joyning the Lay Lords with them ; whereas all had been little enough in a business of that nature , and so much opposed by such Factious persons as gathered themselves on purpose together at Edenborough to disturb the Service . A particular in which the Lay Lords could not be engaged too far ; if they had been treated as they ought . But having run upon this error they committed a worse in leaving Edenborough to it self , and retiring every one to his own Diocess , except those of Galloway and Dumblaine , For certainly they must needs think ( as Canterbury writes in one of his Letters to Traquaire ) that the Adverse party would make use of the present time to put further difficulties upon the work ; and therefore that they should have been as careful to uphold it , the Bishop of Ross especially , whose hand had been as much in it as the most . But possibly the Bishops might conceive the place to be unsecure , and therefore could not stay with safety , neither the Lords of the Council , nor the Magistrates of the City having taken any course to bring the chief Ringleaders of the Tumult to the Bar of Justice : which must needs animate all disaffected and seditious persons , and almost break the hearts of those who were well enclined . And such indeed was the neglect of the Civil Magistrate that we hear of no man punished , scarce so much as questioned , for so great a Riot , as was not to be expiated but by the death , or some proportionable punishment of the chief offenders . Which had it been inflicted on some three or four for a terror to others , it might have kept that City quiet , and the whole Kingdom in obedience for the time to come , to the saving of the lives of many thousands ( some hundreds of thousands at the least in all the three Kingdoms ) most miserably lost in those long and cruel Wars , which ensued upon it . But the Lords of Scotland were so far from looking before them , that they took care only for the present , and instead of executing Justice on the Malefactors , suspended the Liturgie it self as the cause of the Tumult , conceiving it a safer way to calm the differences than to encrease the storm by a more rigorous and strict proceeding . All that they did in order to his Majesties Service , or the Churches peace , was the calling in of a scandalous Pamphlet , entituled , A dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies obtruded on the Kirk of Scotland ; which not being done till October 20 following , rather declared their willingness to suffer the said Book to be first dispersed and set abroad , then to be called in and suppressed . Nor seemed the business to be much taken to heart in the Court of England , from whom the Scots expected to receive Directions : Nor Order given them for unsheathing the Sword of Justice , to cut off such unsound and putrified Members , which might have saved the whole Body from a Gangreen : the drawing of some Blood in the Body Politick , by the punishment of Malefactors , being like letting Blood in the Body Natural , which in some strong Distempers doth preserve the whole . Or granting that the Tumult had been grown so high , and so strongly backed , that Justice could not safely have been done upon them ; a way might have been found to have cooled the Fever , without loss of Blood , by bringing the whole Corporation under the danger of a forfeiture of their Lands and Liberties in a Legal way ; which course proved so successful unto King IAMES on the like occasion , Anno 1597. Or finally , supposing that the Cause admitted not such a long delay , if then his Majesty had but sent a Squadron of the Royal Navy which he had at Sea , to block up their Haven , he had soon brought the Edenburghers unto his devotion , and consequently kept all the rest of the Kingdom in a safe Obedience . This was the way to keep them under ; and of this course the People of the City were more afraid , than of any other . Somewhat they are to do , which might make his Majesty hope better of them than they had deserved ; and nothing they could do which might better please him , than to express their chearfulness in admitting the Liturgie . To this end they addressed their Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury , as more concerned in this Affair than any other of the Lords which were neer his Majesty , expressing in the same their great dislike of the late Tumult ; for their Innocency therein , they refer themselves to his Majesties Council in that Kingdom , declaring further their concurrence with the Bishops which remained in the City , and the Ministry of the same , for settling the Service-Book ; and offering Means above their Power , to such as should undertake the Reading of it ; and finally , desiring his Grace to make known to his Majesty , how ready they were at all points to advance the Service , which they promised to accept as an accumulation of his Graces Favours unto them and their City . And that this Letter of theirs , which bears date the nineteenth of August , might bear the greater credit with him , they did not only seem industrious for the apprehending of some , and the inquiring after others of the Principal Actors ; but bound themselves by an Obligatory Act of the Common-Council , both for the Indempnity and Maintenance of such as should read the Book , the Ministers of Edenborough refusing to do their parts in it , without such Encouragements . But the danger was no sooner over , by the coming home of the Fleet , but they Petitioned the Lords of the Council to put them into the same condition with the rest of the Subjects ; and that the Service-Book should be no further pressed on them , than it had been in all the other parts of the Kingdom : To which they were encouraged by a general confluence of all sorts of People , such most especially , as had most shewn their disaffection to the work in hand . For the Harvest was no sooner in , and the People at more leisure than before to pursue that Quarrel : but the City swarmed with throngs of People from all parts , even to a formidable number , which moved the Lords to publish two Proclamations on the seventeenth of October ; The first commanding all of them to repair to their Dwellings , except such as should shew sufficient reason for their stay and continuance there : The second , for Adjourning the Sessions from Edenborough , to the Town of Linlithgow . But this served rather like the powring on of Oyl , to encrease the Flame ; than of Water , to quench it : For the next day the Bishop of Galloway being to Sit with the Lord Chief Justice upon some especial Business in the Council-House , he was pursued all along the Street with bitter Railings to the very Door ; and being drawn in from the rage of the People , they immediately beset the House , demanding the delivery of him , and threatning his destruction . The Earl of Traquair being advertised of the Bishops danger ( who formerly had been his Tutor ) came to his Relief , and with much ado forced an Entrance thorow the Press : But being got in , he was in no better plight than the Bishop , the Clamour still encreasing more and more , and encompassing the Council-House with terrible Menaces . Hereupon the Provost and City-Council was called to raise the Siege : but they returned answer , That their condition was the same ; for they were surrounded with the like Multitude , who had enforced them , for fear of their Lives , to sign a Paper importing , First , That they should adhere to them , in opposition to the Service-Book : Secondly , To restore to their Places Ramsey and Rollock two Silenced Ministers , and one Henderson a Silenced Reader . No better Answer being returned , the Lord Treasurer , with the Earl of Wigton , went in Person to the Town-Council-House , where they found the heat of the fury somewhat abated , because the Magistrates had signed the Paper ; and returned with some hope that the Magistrates would calm the Disorders about the Council-House , so as the Bishop might be preserved : But they no sooner presented themselves to the Great Street , than they were most boysterously assaulted , the Throng being so furious , as they pulled down the Lord Treasurer , took away his Hat , Cloack , and White Staff , and so haled him to the Council-House . The Lords seeing themselves in so great danger , at length pitch upon the best expedient for their safety , and sent to some of the Noblemen and Gentry , who were disaffected to the Service-Book , to come to their Aid . These Lords and Gentlemen came , as was desired , and offered both their Persons and Power to protect them ; which the Lords and the Council-House readily embraced , and so were quietly guarded to Holy-Rood-House , and the Bishop to his Lodging . The Lords of the Council not thinking themselves to be secure , published a Proclamation the same day in the afternoon , for repressing such Disorders for the time to come : But they found slender Obedience yielded to it , Commissioners being sent unto them from the Citizens , in an insolent manner , for demanding the Restitution of their Ministers to their Place and Function , and performing all such Matters as had been agreed on at the Pacification . These Riots and Seditions might have served sufficiently in another Reign , to have drawn a present War upon them , before they were provided in the least degree to make any resistance : But the Edenburghers knew well enough what they were to do , what Friends they had about the King , and what a Party they had got among the Lords of his Council , which Governed the Affairs of that Kingdom : And they were apt enough to hope , by the unpunishing of the first Tumult on Iuly 23. That the King might rather have patience enough to bear such Indignities , than Resolution to revenge them ; so that he came at last to that perplexity , which a good Author speaks of , (a) That he must either out-go his Nature , or fore-go his Authority . For instead of using his just Power to correct their Insolencies , he courts them with his Gracious Proclamation of the seventh of December , in which he lets them know , How unwilling he was that his Loyal and Faithful Subjects should be possessed with groundless and unnecessary doubts and fears touching their Religion ; and therefore was pleased to declare , That as he abhorreth all Superstitions of Popery , so he would be most careful that nothing should be allowed within his Dominions , but that which should most tend to the Advancement of the true Religion , as it was presently professed within his Ancient Kingdom of Scotland ; and that nothing was nor should be done therein , against the laudable Laws of that his Native Kingdom . The Rioters perceived by this Proclamation , that the King was more afraid than hurt : And seeing him begin to shrink , they resolved to put so many fears upon him one after another , as in the end might fashion him to their desires . First therefore they began with a new Petition , not of a rude Multitude : but of Noblemen , Barons , Ministers , Burgesses , and Commons ( the very Flower of the whole Nation ) against the Liturgie and Canons . This Petition being sent to the Courts , could do no less ( and it did no more ) than produce another Proclamation in Reply to the Substance of it , some Menaces being intermingled : but sweetned in the close , to give them the better relish . His Majesty first lets them know the Piety of his Intent in appointing the Liturgie , assuring them , That he had no other end in it , than the maintenance of the true Religion there already professed , and the beating down of all Superstition ; That nothing passed in the said Book , but what was seen and approved by himself , before the same was either divulged or printed ; and that he was assured , That the Book it self would be a very ready means to preserve the Religion there professed , of which he doubted not to give them satisfaction in his own time . Which said , he lets them know , That such as had Assembled for subscribing the said Petition , had made themselves liable to his highest Censures , both in Life and Fortune ; That notwithstanding , he was pleased to dispence with the errour ( upon a confidence that it proceeded rather from a preposterous Zeal , than a disaffection to Sovereignty ) on condition that they retired themselves upon notice hereof , as became good and dutiful Subjects . He interdicted also the like Concourse as had been lately made at Edenborough , upon pain of Treason ; commanding that none of them should repair to Sterling ( to which the Term was then Adjourned ) or any other place of Counsel and Session , without Warrant from the Lords of the Council ; and that all such , of what sort soever ( not being Lords of the Council or Session ) which were not Inhabitants of the Town , should within six hours after publication thereof , depart the same , except they were so Licenced and Warranted as before is said , under pain of Treason : And finally , he concludes with this , That he would not shut his ears against any Petition , upon this or any other Subject , which they should hereafter tender to him ; provided that the matter and form thereof be not prejudicial to his Regal Authority . Had his Majesty followed at the heels of this Proclamation , with a powerful Army , according to the Custom of his Predecessors , Kings of England , it might have done some good upon them . But Proclamations of Grace and Favour , if not backed by Arms , are but like Cannons charged with Powder , without Ball or Bullet , making more noise than execution ; and serve for nothing in effect , but to make the Rebel insolent , and the Prince contemptible , as it proved in this : For on the very day , and immediately after the reading of it , it was encountered with a Protestation , published by the Earl of Hume , the Lord Lindsey , and others , justifying themselves in their Proceedings , disclaiming all his Majesties Offers of Grace and Pardon , and positively declaring their Resolution to go on as they had begun , till they had brought the business to the end intended . And in pursuance hereof , they erected a new Form of Government amongst themselves , despotical enough in respect of those who adhered unto them , and unaccountable to his Majesty for their Acts and Orders . This Government consisted of four Tables , for the four Orders of the State , that is to say , the Noblemen , Barons , Burgesses , and Ministers ; each Order consulting at his own Table , of such things as were necessary for the carrying on of the Design ; which being reduced into Form , were offered , debated , and concluded at the General Table , consisting of a choice number of Commissioners out of all the rest . And that this new Government might be looked on with the greater reverence , they fixed themselves in Edenborough , the Regal City , leaving the Lords of Council and Session to make merry at Sterling , where they had little else to do than to follow their Pleasures . The Tables were no sooner formed , but they resolved upon renewing of the Ancient Confession of that Kirk , with a Band thereunto subjoined , but fitted and accommodated to the present occasion , which had been signed by King Iames on the 28th . of Ianuary , Anno 1580. after their Account , and generally subscribed by all the Nation . And by this Band they entred Covenant for Maintenance of their Religion then professed , and his Majesties Person : but aiming at the destruction of both ; as appeareth both by the Band it self , and their Gloss upon it : For by the one they had bound themselues to defend each other against all Persons whatsoever , the King himself not being excepted ; and by the other they declared , That under the general Names of Popery , Heresie and Superstition , which were there expressed , they had abjured ( and required all others so to do ) not only the Liturgie and Canons lately recommended to them , but the Episcopal Government , and the five Articles of Perth , though confirmed by Parliament . And to this Covenant , in this sense , they required an Oath of all the Subjects , which was as great an Usurpation of the Regal Power , as they could take upon themselves , for confirming their own Authority and the Peoples Obedience , in any Project whatsoever which should afterwards issue from those Tables . In this Estate we leave the Scots , and return to England , where we shall find all things in a better condition , at least as to the outward appearance , whatsoever secret workings were in agitation amongst the Grandees and chief Leaders of the Puritan Faction . Little or no noise raised about the publishing of the Book for Sports , or silencing the Calvinian Doctrines , according to his Majesties Declaration before the Articles : No clamour touching the transposing of the Holy Table , which went on leisurely in most places , vigorously in many , and in some stood still . The Metropolitical Visitation , and the Care of the Bishops , had settled these Particulars in so good a way , that mens Passions began to calm , and their Thoughts to come to some repose , when the Commands had been more seriously considered of , than at first they were . And now the Visitation having been carried into all parts of the Realm of England , and Dominion of Wales , his Grace began to cast his eye upon the Islands of Guernsey and Iersey , two Islands lying on the Coast of Normandy , to the Dukedom whereof they once belonged , and in the Right of that Dukedom to the Crown of England . Iersey , the bigger of the two , more populous , and of richer soil : but of no great Trading . Guernsey the lesser , the more barren : but nourishing a wealthier People , Masters of many stout Barques , and managing a rich Trade with the neighbouring Nations . Attempted often by the French , since they seised on Normandy : but always with repulse and loss , the People being very affectionate to the English Government , under which they enjoy very ample Priviledges , which from the French they could not hope for . As parts of Normandy , they were subject in Ecclesiastical Matters to the Bishops of Constance in that Dukedom , and so continued till the Reformation of Religion here in England , and were then added to the Diocess and Jurisdiction of the Bishops of Winchester . But the Genevian Discipline being more agreeable to such Preachers as came to them from France , they obtained the Exercise thereof in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1565. The whole Government distinguished into two Classes or Colonies ; that of Iersey of it self being one , and that of Guernsey , with the Islands of Sark and Alderney , making up the other ; both Classes meeting in a Synod every second or third year , according to the Order of their Book of Discipline , digested by Snape and Cartwright , ( the two great Ring-leaders of that Faction here in England ) in a Synod held at Guernsey , Iune 28. 1576. And this manner they continued till the time of King Iames , when the Churches in the Isle of Iersey falling into some disorder , and being under an immediate Governour who was no great Friend to Calvin's Plat-form , they were necessitated , for avoiding of a greater mischief , to cast themselves into the Arms of the Church of England . The principal Ecclesiastical Officer , whilst they were under the Bishops of Constance , had the Title of Dean ; for each Island one ; the several Powers both of the Chancellor and Archdeacon , being united in his Person . This Office is restored again , his Jurisdiction marked out , his Fees appointed , his Revenue settled : but made accountable for his Administration , to the Bishops of Winchester . The English Liturgie is Translated also into French , to be read in their Churches : Instructions first , and afterwards a Body of Canons framed , for Regulating both the Ministers and People in their several Duties ; those Canons bearing date the last of Iune , in the one and twentieth year of that King. For the confirming of this Island in their Conformity to the Government and Forms of Worship there established , and the reducing of the others to the like condition , it was resolved , That the Metropolitical Visitation should be held in each of them , at the next opening of the Spring . And that it might be carried on with the greater assurance , the Archbishop had designed a Person for his Principal Visitor , who had spent some time in either Island , and was well acquainted with the Bayliffs , Ministers , and men of special note amongst them : But the Affairs of Scotland growing from bad to worse , this Counsel was discontinued for the present , and at last laid by for all together . But these Islands were not out of his mind , though they were out of sight , his care extending further than his Visitation . The Islanders did use to breed such of their Sons as they designed for the Ministry either at Saumur or Geneva , from whence they returned well seasoned with the Leaven of Calvinism . No better way to purge that old Leaven out of the Islands than to allure the people to send their Children to Oxon or Cambridge ; nor any better expedient to effect the same than to provide some preferments for them in our Universities . It hapned , that while he was intent on these Considerations , that one Hubbard , the Heir of Sir Miles Hubbard , Citizen and Alderman of London , departed this Life ; to whom , upon an inquisition taken after his death in due form of Law , no Heir was found which could lay claim to his Estate . Which falling to the Crown in such an unexpected manner , and being a fair Estate withal , it was no hard matter for the Archbishop to perswade his Majesty to bestow some small part thereof upon pious uses . To which his Majesty consenting , there was so much allotted out of it , as for the present served sufficiently to endow three Fellowships for the perpetual Education of so many of the Natives of Guernsey and Iersey ; not without some probable ●ope of doubling the number , as the old Leases of it ●●ould expire . These Fellowships to be founded in Exeter , Iesus , and Pembroke Colledges , that being disperst in several Houses , there might be an increase both of Fellows , and Revenues of the said foundations . By means whereof he did both piously and prudently provide for those Islands , and the advancement of Conformity amongst them in the times to come . For what could else ensue upon it : but that the breeding of some Scholars out of those Islands in that University , where they might throughly acquaint themselves with the Doctrine , Government , and Forms of Worship establisht in the Church of England , they might afterwards at their return to their native Countries , reduce the Natives by degrees to conform unto it ; which doubtless in a short time would have done the work with as much honour to the King , and content to himself , as satisfaction to those People . It is not to be thought that the Papists were all this while asleep , and that neither the disquiets in England , nor the tumults in Scotland were husbanded to the best advantage of the Catholick Cause . Panzani , as before is said , had laid the foundation of an Agency or constant correspondence between the Queens Court and the Popes ; and having so done , left the pursuit of the design to Con a Scot , by birth , but of a very busie and pragmatical head . Arriving in England about the middle of Summer , Anno 1636. he brought with him many pretended reliques of Saints , Medals and Pieces of Gold with the Popes Picture stamped on them , to be distributed amongst those of that Party , but principally amongst the Ladies of the Court and Country , to whom he made the greatest part of his applications . He found the King and Queen at Holdenby House , and by the Queen was very graciously entertained , and took up his chief Lodgings in a house near the new Exchange . As soon as the Court was returned to Whitehall , he applied himself diligently to his work , practising upon some of the principal Lords , and making himself very plausible with the King himself , who hoped he might make some use of him in the Court of Rome for facilitating the restitution of the Prince Elector . And finding ▪ that the Kings Councils were much directed by the Archbishop of Canterbury , he used his best endeavours to be brought into his acquaintance . But Canterbury neither liked the man , nor the Message which he came about , and therefore kept himself at a distance , neither admitting him to Complement , nor Communication . Howsoever by the Kings Connivence , and the Queens Indulgence , the Popish Faction gathered not only strength , but confidence ; multiplying in some numbers about the Court , and resorting in more open manner to the Masses at Somerset house , where the Capuchins had obtained both a Chappel and Convent . Of this none bears the blame but Laud , who is traduced in Libels and common talk for the principal Architect in the Plot , and the Contriver of the mischief . On this account , and the proceedings of the Star-Chamber , before remembred , one Libel is dropt at the South Gate of St. Pauls , on August 23. declaring that the Devil had left that house to him for the saying of Mass , and other abominations of the Church of Rome ; another two daies after fastned to the North Gate of it , signifying that the Church of England was like a Candle in a Snuff , going out in a stench . His Speech in the Star-Chamber put into a kind of Pillory , and hanged up at the Standard in Cheapside ; and another short Libel made against him in Verse four daies after that . Awakened by so many Alarms he had good cause to look about him , but more at the great noise , not long after raised , about the seducing of the Countess of Newport , a Kinswoman of the late Duke of Buckinghams , to the Church of Rome ; effected by the Practices of Walter Mountague , a younger Son of the Earl of Manchester , and the importunities of Toby Matthews , ( an undeserving Son of a worthy Father ) Con interposing in it as he found occasion . The Archbishop had long stomackt at the Insolencies of Matthews , and Mountague , and had forborn the taking of any publick notice of them , till he had almost lost himself in the sight of the people . But laying hold on this opportunity , he passionately declares himself at the Council Table , on October 22. in a full and free Speech to the King , concerning the increase of the Roman Party , the frequent resort of Papists to Somerset house , the unsufferable misdemeanors of Matthews , and Mountague , in practicing upon his Subjects , and chiefly upon those which lived within the verge of the Court , and were nearest to him , humbly beseeching him to put some strong restraint upon them , whereby they either might be barred from coming into the Court at all , or to give no offence and scandal by their misbehaviours . Of this the Queen had notice that very night , who seemed much displeased at the matter , and let him see it in her Countenance , whensoever he had any cause of coming where she was . But the Pill was given in a very good hour , and wrought so effectually with the King , that Mountague and Matthews were purged out of the Court ; the one betaking himself to his Country practice , the other for a time to his former travels in France and Italy . Which the Queen finding to be past remedy , and knowing how necessary a Servant the Archbishop was to his Great Master , and how useful he might be to her in her own affairs , she admitted him to her speech again in December following ; and after some expostulations concerning Mountague , she began to clear her Countenance , and to part fair with him . Follow this business into the next year , and we shall find him moving for a Proclamation , about the calling in of a Popish Book , written in French by Francis Sales Bishop of Geneva , translated into English , and published by the name of an Introduction to a devout life , which Book being brought to Haywood , the Archbishops Chaplain , and by him purged of divers unsound passages apparently tending unto Popery before it was licenced to the Press , was notwithstanding published as it came to his hands , without alteration , the Translator inserting the same passages into it again , and the Printer conniving at the same . The Printer was thereupon apprehended , and the Translator diligently sought for to be brought to Justice ; his Majesties care for maintaining the Religion professed in the Church of England in its natural purity , being so remarkable that he caused the said Book to be called in , and as many as could be seised on , to be publickly burned , But that which did most generally vindicate his Reputation , was the enlarging and re-printing of his Conference with Fisher the Iesuite , to which he had been moved by some of his private friends ( none of them knowing that any other but himself had made the motion ) when the Libellers were most fierce against him , and afterwards advised to it by the King himself at the Council Table . The former Propositions had disposed him to it , and this desire of the Kings served for a command to confirm him in it : But multiplicity of business gave him so little leisure to attend his Studies , that the year was almost ended before the Book could be made ready for the publick view . But at the last it came from the Press , and was presented to his Majesty on Sunday the tenth of February , and the next day exposed unto open sale . A Piece so solidly compacted , that one of our Historians ( who shews himself to be none of his greatest Friends ) gives it the commendation of being the exactest Master-piece of Polemique Divinity of any extant at that time ; further affirming , That he declared himself therein to be so little theirs ( he means the Papists ) as he had for ever disabled them from being so much their own as before they were . And DERING , his most professed Adversary , in the Preface to his Book of Speeches , could not but confess , but that in his Book , especially the last half of it , he had muzzled the Iesuite , and should strike the Papists under the fifth Rib , when he was dead and gone . And being dead , that wheresoever his grave should be , Pauls would be his perpetual Monument , and his own Book his Epitaph . But such was his unhappy Fate , that many obstinate and malicious Puritans would not be otherwise perswaded of him , than before they were ; which they spared not to express upon this occasion : One of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary had Preached two Sermons in Ianuary foregoing on Matt. 13.26 . which being brought into discourse at such time as the Archbishops Book was newly published , it was affirmed by some moderate men , that the Doctor in those two Sermons had pulled up Popery by the very roots ; one of the company replying thereunto , That the Archbishop might Print , and the Doctor might Preach what they pleased against Popery , but that he should never think them , or either of them , to be the less Papists for all that . A Censure of so strange a nature , and so little savouring of Christianity , that I believe it is not easie to be paralelled in the worst of times . And when no Priest nor Jesuite could be found so confident as to venture on an Answer to it , one of the Presbyterian Scots ( for such he was then generally affirmed to be ) published an unlicenced Piece against him , under the Title of A Reply to a Relation of the Conference betwixt William Laud and Mr. Fisher the Iesuite , said to be writ by a Witness of Iesus Christ. In the whole course whereof the Author , whosoever he was , most miserably perverts his words , and mistakes his meaning , wresting the most Orthodox and innocent truths to his wicked ends , and putting his own corrupt Gloss and sense upon them . And which is yet most strange of all , with an unparalelled impudence he dedicates it to his Sacred Majesty , calling upon him , To send out his Royal Edict for the taking down of all Altars , ( which where ever they stand , are by him said to stand in open defiance of Christ ; ) Another for calling in the Book for Sports on the Lords day ; A third , for calling in his Declaration before the Articles of Religion ; A fourth for calling in of all Orders for the Restraint of Preaching ; A fifth , for restoring to their place and Ministry all those who out of Conscience of their duty to God had by the Prelates been thrust out of all for refusing to read the said Book ; And finally , for releasing and setting at liberty the three poor banished prisoners , the loud cry of whose oppressions might otherwise provoke the thunderbolt of Divine Revenge to blast the beauty of his State. Now as he laboured by these means to preserve the Church of England from the growth of Popery , so he took care for preventing the subversion of it , by the spreading of the Socinian Heresies . He had before took care for suppressing all Books of that nature which had been imported into England out of other Countries , and had received thanks for it from the Pen of a Jesuit : But Burton chargeth it upon him among his Crimes , reproaching him for suppressing those books for no other reason but because they magnified the Authority of the holy Scriptures ; and by the late Decree for Printing ( of which more anon ) he had took such order , that no Eggs of that pestiferous Brood should be laid in England , or if they were , should ever peep out of the Shell , or appear in sight . There had been published a Discourse , called , Disquisitio Brevis , in which some of the principal Socinian Tenents were cunningly inserted , pretending them for the best Expedients to appease some Controversies betwixt us and Rome : The Book ascribed in common Speech to Hales of Eaton , a man of infinite reading , and no less ingenuity ; free of Discourse , and as communicative of his knowledge as the Coelestial Bodies of their light and influences . There past also up and down a Discourse of Schism , not Printed , but transmitted from hand to hand in written Copies ( like the Bishop of Lincolns Letter to the Vicar of Grantham ) intended chiefly for the encouragement of some of our great Masters of Wit and Reason , to despise the Authority of the Church . Which being dispersed about this time , gave the Archbishop occasion to send for him to Lambeth , in hope that he might gain the man , whose abilities he was well acquainted with when he lived in Oxon. An excellent Grecian in those daies , and one whom Savil made great use of in his Greek Edition of St. Chrysostoms Works . About nine of the Clock in the Morning he came to know his Graces pleasure , who took him along with him into his Garden , commanding that none of his Servants should come at him upon any occasion . There they continued in discourse till the Bell rang to Prayers , and after Prayers were ended , till the Dinner was ready , and after that too , till the coming in of the Lord Conway and some other Persons or honour , put a necessity upon some of his Servants to give him notice how the time had passed away . So in they came , high coloured , and almost panting for want of breath ; enough to shew , that there had been some heats between them , not then fully cooled . It was my chance to be there that day , either to know his Graces pleasure , or to render an account of some former commands , but I know not which ; and I found Hales very glad to see me in that place , as being himself a meer stranger to it , and unknown to all . He told me afterwards , That he found the Archbishop ( whom he knew before for a nimble Disputant ) to be as well versed in books as business ; That he had been ferretted by him from one hole to another , till there was none left to afford him any further shelter ; That he was now resolved to be Orthodox , and to declare himself a true Son of the Church of England , both for Doctrine and Discipline ; That to this end he had obtained leave to call himself his Graces Chaplain , that naming him in his Publick Prayers for his Lord and Patron , the greater notice might be taken of the Alteration . Thus was Hales gained unto the Church , and gained a good preferment in it ; promoted not long after by the Archbishops Commendation to be Prebend of Windsor , and to hold the same by special dispensation , with his place in Eaton . Nor was the Archbishop less intent upon all Advantages for keeping down the Genevian Party , and hindring them from Printing and Publishing any thing which might disturb the Churches Peace , or corrupt her Doctrine . To this end he procured a Decree to be pass'd in the Star-Chamber , on Iuly 1. Anno 1637. to Regulate the Trade of Printing , and prevent all Abuses of that Excellent Art , to the disturbance of the Church . By which Decree it had been Ordered , That the Master-Printers from thenceforth should be reduced to a certain number ; and that if any other should secretly or openly pursue that Trade , he should be set in the Pillory , or whipped through the Streets , and suffer such other Punishment as that Court should inflict upon him ; That none of the said Master-Printers should from thenceforth Print any Book or Books of Divinity , Law , Physick , Philosophy , or Poetry , till the said Books , together with the Titles , Epistles , Prefaces , Tables , or Commendatory Verses , shall be lawfully Licenced , either by the Archbishop of Canterbury , or the Bishop of London for the time being , or by some of their Chaplains , or by the Chancellors or Vice-Chancellors of either of the two Vniversities , upon pain of loosing the Exercise of his Art , and being proceeded against in the Star-Chamber , or the High-Commission Court respectively ; That no Person or Persons do hereafter Re-print , or cause to be Re-printed , any Book or Books whatsoever ( though formerly Printed with Licence ) without being reviewed , and a new Licence obtained for the Re-printing thereof : That every Merchant , Bookseller , or other Person , who shall Import any Printed Books from beyond the Seas , shall present a true Catalogue of them to the said Archbishop or Bishop for the time being , before they be delivered , or exposed to Sale , upon pain of suffering such Punishment as by either of the said two Courts respectively shall be thought fit ; That none of the said Merchants , Booksellers , or others , shall upon pain of the like Punishment , deliver any of the Books so Imported , till the Chaplains of the said Archbishop or Bishop for the time being , or some other Learned Man by them appointed , together with the Master and Wardens of the Company of Stationers , or one of them , shall take a view of the same , with Power to seize on all such Books which they found to be Schismatical and Offensive , and bring them to the said Archbishop or Bishop , or to the High-Commission Office : And finally , That no Merchant , Bookseller , &c. should Print , or cause to be Printed beyond the Seas , any Book or Books , which either totally , or for the greatest part , were written in the English Tongue , whether the said Books have been here formerly Printed , or not ; nor shall willingly or knowingly Import any such Books into this Kingdom , upon pain of being proceeded against in either of the said two Courts respectively , as before is said . By means of which Decree he had so provided both at home and abroad , That neither the Patience of the State should be exercised ( as in former times ) with continual Libels ; nor the Church troubled by unwarrantable and Out-landish Doctrines . But good Laws are of no effect without execution ; and if he took no care for that , he had lost his labour . King Iames had manifested his dislike of the Genevian Bibles , and the Notes upon them ; some of which did not only teach Disobedience to Kings and Princes , but the murthering of them also , if they proved Idolaters ; and others did not only teach the Lawfulness of breaking Faith and Promise , when the keeping of it might conduce to the hurt of the Gospel : but ranked Archbishops , Bishops , and all men in Holy Orders , or Academical Degrees , amongst those Locusts in the Revelation , which came out of the Pit. That King gave Order thereupon , That the Bible of the New Translation should be printed with no Notes at all ; which course he also recommended to the Synod of Dort , to be observed in the new Translation of the Bible into the Dutch or German Tongue , which was then intended . Upon this ground , the Printing of those Bibles with Notes upon them had been forbidden in this Kingdom : but were Printed in Holland notwithstanding , and brought over hither , the better to keep up the Faction , and a●●ront Authority . Some of them had before been seised in Holland , by the care of Boswel the Resident at the Hague : And in the beginning of this year , he received Advertisement of a new Impression of the same designed for England , if the terrour of this Decree did not stop their coming . Because Holland , and the rest of the Provinces under the Government of the States , was made the Receptacle of many of our English Malecontents , who there and from thence vented their own Passions , and the Discourses of their Party in this Kingdom , to the disturbance of the Church ; it concerned him to keep a careful watch over them and their Actions . Of these he had Advertisement from time to time , by one Iohn Le Maire ; and thereupon , by the means of Boswell his right trusty Friend , he dealt so effectually with the States-General of those Provinces , that they made a Proclamation against the Printers and Spreaders of Libellous and Seditious Books against the Church and Prelates of England ; and tooke Order with the Magistrates of Amsterdam and Rotterdam ( two great Towns in Holland ) for apprehending and punishing of such Englishmen as had Printed any of the said Lawless and Unlicenced Pamphlets . There was a time when Queen Elizabeth beheld the Pope as her greatest Enemy , in reference to her Mothers Marriage , her own Birth , and consequently her Title to the Crown of England ; and many of the Books which were Printed in and about that time , were full of bitterness and revilings against the Church of Rome it self , and all the Divine Offices , Ceremonies , and Performances of it . There was a time also when the Calvinian Doctrines were embraced by many for the Genuine Doctrines of this Church , to the great countenancing of the Genevian Discipline and Forms of Administration : And not a few of the Books then Printed , and such as after were Licenced in Abbot's Time , aimed principally at the Maintenance of those Opinions , which the latter Times found inconsistent with the Churches Doctrines . With equal diligence he endeavoured by this Decree to hinder the Reprinting of the one and the other , that so the Church might rest in quiet , without any trouble or molestation in her self , or giving offence to any other . As little Trouble could be feared from Lecturers , as they now were Regulated . The greatest part of those who had been Superinducted into other Mens Cures ( like a Doctor added to the Pastor in Calvin's Plat-form ) had deserted their Stations , because they would not read the Common-Prayers in their Hoods and Surplices , according to the Kings Instructions before remembred ; such as remained being either founded on a constant or certain Maintenance , or seeing how little was to be gotten by a fiery and ungoverned Zeal , became more pliant and conformable to the Rules of the Church : Not a Lecturer of this kind found to stand out in some great Diocesses , to keep up the Spirits of the Faction , and create disturbances . And as for Combination-Lecturers , named for the most part by the Bishops , and to them accountable , they also were required in some places to read the second Service at the Communion-Table , to go into the Pulpit at the end of the Nicene Creed , to use no other form of Prayer than that of the 55th . Canon , after the Sermon ended , to go back to the Table , and there read the Service . All which being to be done in their Hoods and Surplices , kept off the greatest part of the rigid Calvinists from exercising their Gifts , as formerly in great Market-Towns . And as for the position of the Communion-Table , it was no longer left to private Instructions , as it was at the first , when the Inquiry went no further , than , Whether the Lords Table was so conveniently placed , that the Minister might best be seen and heard of the Congregation ? The more particular disposing of it , being left to Inference , Conjecture , or some private Directions . It now began to be more openly avowed in the Visitation-Articles of several Bishops and Archdeacons , some of which we shall here produce , as a light to the rest : For thus we find it in the Articles for the Archdeaconry of Buckingham , Anno 1637. Art. 5. Have you a decent Table , or a Frame for the Holy Communion , placed at the East end of the Chancel ? Is it Railed in or Enclosed , so as Men or Boys cannot sit upon it , or throw their Hats upon it ? Is the said Rail and Inclosure so made with Settles and kneeling-Benches , at the foot or bottom thereof , as the Communicants may fitly kneel there at the Receiving of the Holy Communion ? The like for the Diocess of Norwich in the year before , where we find it thus ; viz. Have you in your Church a Communion Table , a Carpet of Silk ? &c. And is the same placed conveniently , so as the Minister may best be heard in his Administration , and the greatest number may reverently Communicate ? To that end , Doth it ordinarily stand up at the East end of the Chancel , where the Altar in former times stood , the ends thereof being placed North and South ? And in another Article it is thus inquired , viz. Do all your Parishioners , of what sort soever , according as the Church expresly them commandeth , draw neer , and with all Christian Humility and Reverence , come to the Lords Table , when they are to receive the Holy Communion ? But because these Articles might be thought too general , if not otherwise limited , certain Injunctions were annexed in Writing , in one of which it was required , That the said Tables should be Railed in , to avoid Prophanations ; and secondly , That all Communicants should come up by Files , and Receive the Sacrament at the same . Which was performed in this manner : As many as could well kneel close to the Rails , came up out of the Church or Chancel , and then upon their knees received ( from the Priest standing within the Rails ) the Bread and Wine ; who being thus Communicated , retired into the Church or Chancel , and made room for others . Which course was constantly observed , till they had all Received the Sacrament in their ranks and forms , according to the ancient Custom of the Church of England ; till Novellism , and Compliance with the Forms of Geneva , had introduced a deviation from their own appointments . In this condition stood that Diocess , as to these particulars , when Wren , translated unto Ely , left the place to Mountague ; who though he was as zealous , and as forward as he in railing in the Communion Table at the East end of the Chancel where the Altar stood , ( as appears by his Visitation Articles for this present year ) yet he had fancied to himself a middle Course between receiving at the Rail and carrying the Communion to all parts of the Church , as had been most irreverently used in too many places . And therefore that he might do somewhat to be called his own , he caused a meeting of the Clergy to be held at Ipswich for the parts adjoyning , where he prescribed these following Orders : That is to say , First , After the the words , or Exhortation pronounced by the Minister ( standing at the Communion Table , the Parishioners as yet standing in the body of the Church ) Draw near , &c. all which intended to Communicate should come out of the Church into the Chancel , Secondly , That all being come in , the Chancel door should be shut , and not opened till the Communion be done ▪ That no Communicant depart till the Dismission ; That no new Communicant come in amongst them ; And that no Boys , Girls , or Gazers be suffered to look in as at a Play. Thirdly , That the Communicants being entred should be disposed of orderly in their several Ranks , leaving sufficient room for the Priest or Minister to go between them ; by whom they were to be communicated one Rank after another , till they had all of them received . Fourthly , and finally , That after they had all received , the Priest or Minister should dismiss them with the Benediction . Which though it differed very little from the Rules prescribed by his Predecessor , yet some diversity there was , for which he rendred an account to his Metropolitan , and was by Wren sufficiently answered in all points thereof . It was not coming up to the Raile , but going into the Chancel , which had been stomacked , and opposed by the Puritan Faction , who loved to make all places equal , and to observe as little reverence in the Participation as in all other Acts of Worship : Which Mountague either not considering or fancying to himself some hopes which he had no ground for , resolved to fall upon this course , which he conceived to be more agreeable to the course of Antiquity , and most consistent as he thought with the Rules of Politie . For by this condescension he presumed , as himself informs us , to keep many men at home with their Wives and Families , in obedience to his Majesties Laws , who otherwise were upon a resolution of departing the Kingdom ; wherein how much he was deceived , the event discovered . For so it was , that the people in many great trading Towns , which were near the Sea , having been long discharged of the Bond of Ceremonies , no sooner came to hear the least noise of a Conformity , but they began to spurn against it . And when they found that all their striving was in vain , that they had lost the comfort of their Lecturers , and that their Ministers began to shrink at the very name of a Visitation , it was no hard matter for those Ministers and Lecturers to perswade them to remove their dwellings , and transport their Trades . The Sun of Heaven , say they , doth shine as comfortably in other places , the Son of Righteousness much brighter : Better to go and dwell in Goshen , find it where we can , than tarry in the midst of such an Egyptian darkness as was then falling on this Land. The sinful corruptions of the Church ( said they ) were now grown so general , that there was no place free from that Contagion , and infections of it ; and therefore go out of her my people , and be not partaker of her sins . And hereunto they were the more easily perswaded by seeing so many Dutch men with their Wives and Children to forsake the Kingdom ; who having got Wealth enough in England , chose rather to go back to their Native Countries , than to be obliged to resort to their Parish Churches , as by the Archbishops Injunctions they were bound to do . Amongst the first which separated upon this account were Goodwin , Nye , Burroughs , Bridge , and Sympson ; who taking some of their followers with them , betook themselves to Holland , as their City of Refuge . There they filled up their Congregations to so great a number , that it was thought fit to be divided ; Goodwin and Nye retiring unto Arnheim , a Town of Gelderland ; Sympson and Bridge fixing at Rotterdam in Holland : but what became of Burroughs I am yet to seek . These men a●fecting neither the severe Discipline of Presbytery , nor the Licenciousness incident to Brownism , embraced Robinsons Moddel of Church-Government in their Congregations , consisting of a Coordination of several Churches for their mutual comfort , not a Subordination of the one to the other , in the way of direction or command . Hence came that name of Independents , continued unto those amongst us , who neither associate themselves with the Presbyterians , nor embrace the Frensies of the Anabaptists . But they soon found the Folly of their Divisions , Rotterdam growing too narrow a place for Bridge and Sympson , so that this last was forced to leave it , and Ward who succeeded him could not tarry long . More unity there was at Arnheim , where their Preachers did not think they had done enough in conforming their new Church to the Pattern which they saw in the Mount , if it were not Apostolical in the highest perfection : To which end they not only admitted of Hymns , and Prophecyings which the Sister-Congregations had not entertained : but of Widows , and the holy Kiss , cas●ired for the avoiding of Scandal in the Primitive times ; yea , and of the Extreme Vnction also , the exercise whereof by Kiffin and Patients I had rather the Reader should take out of the Gangraena , than expect from me . The curteous entertainment which these people found in the Belgick Provinces , might easily have served for a strong temptation to bring over the rest to enjoy the like : But the Country was too narrow for them , and the Brethren of the Separation desired elbow-room for fear of Enterfeering with one another . New-England was chiefly in their eye , a Puritan Plantation from the first beginning , and therefore fitter for the growth of the Zuinglian or Calvinian Gospel than any Country whatsoever . A Country first discovered to any purpose by one Captain Gosnold , Anno 1602. and in the next year more perfectly surveyed by some of Bristol ; afterwards granted by King Iames , Anno 1606. unto a Corporation of Knights , Gentlemen , and Merchants , to be planted and disposed of for the Publick , under the Ordering and Direction of Chief Justice Popham , by whom a Colony was sent thither in the year next following ; at what time they built St. Georges Fort to secure their Haven , that they might have a door open for their going thence , which soon after followed . And though the Adventurers made a further attempt in the year 1616 , yet it never settled into Form till the building of New-Plymouth , in the year 1620. and some incouragements being sent thence to bring others on , it came in very short space to so swift a growth , that no Plantation for the time ever went beyond it ; New Bristol , new Boston , and new Barnstable , being quickly added to the other . (a) The growth of old Rome and new England had the like foundation , both Sanctuaries for such of the neighbouring Nations as longed for Novelties and Innovations both in Church and State. But let the Reader take their Character from (b) de Laet a right good Chorographer , in the third Book of his Description of America , where he informeth us , that the first Planters , and those which followed after them were altogether of that Sect , which in England were called Brownists or Puritans ; many of which had formerly betaken themselves to Holland , but afterwards departed thence to joyn with their Brethren in New-England . The Churches cast into the same mould with those before , all of them following the device of Robinson , that notorious Schismatick , at the spawning of the second separation in Amsterdam : Who , to distinguish his followers from the brethren of the first separation governed by a Try-formed Presbytery of Pastors , Elders , and Deacons , introduced a new way of his own , leaving as much Exercise of Church Discipline to the whole Congregation , as was elsewhere enjoyed by the Pastors and Elders . In this estate they stood in the year 1633. at what time Iohn de Laet made that Character of them : Exceedingly encreased in short time after , both in Men and Buildings , by those who frequently flocked thither from most parts of this Kingdom , either for fear of Punishment , or for danger of Debt , or to enjoy the folly of their Schism with the greater safety . But whatsoever were the causes of the Separation , certain I am , the Crime was laid on the Archbishop of Canterbury , amongst the Articles of whose Impeachment by the House of Commons , I find this for one , viz. That in his own Person , and his Suffragans , Visitors , Surrogates , Chancellors , or other Officers by his Command , he had caused divers Learned , Pious , and Orthodox Preachers of Gods Word to be silenced , suspended , deprived , degraded , excommunicated , or otherwise grieved and vexed without any just and lawful cause ; whereby , and by divers other means he hath hindred the Preaching of Gods Word , and caused divers of his Majesties Subjects to forsake the Kingdom . So is the Judge to be accused for all those mischiefs , which the condemned Malefactors , when they once break Prison , may design and execute . The principal Bell-weathers of these Flocks , were Cotton , Chancy , Wells , Hooker , and perhaps Hugh Peters ; the rest , let them look after , who affect such Company . Not much took notice of at the first , when they were few in Numbers , and inconsiderable for their Power : but growing up so fast both in strength and multitude , they began to carry a face of danger . For how unsafe must it be thought both to Church and State , to suffer such a constant Receptacle of discontented , dangerous , and schismatical Persons , to grow up so fast ; from whence , as from the Bowels of the Trojan Horse , so many Incendiaries might break out to inflame the Nation ? New-England , like the Spleen in the Natural Body , by drawing to it so many sullen , sad , and offensive Humours , was not unuseful and unserviceable to the General Health : But when the Spleen is grown once too full , and emptieth it self into the Stomach , it both corrupts the Blood , and disturbs the Head , and leaves the whole man wearisom to himself and others . And therefore to prevent such mischiefs as might thence ensue , it was once under Consultation of the chief Physicians , who were to take especial care of the Churches Health , to send a Bishop over to them , for their better Government ; and back him with some Forces to compel , if he were not otherwise able to perswade Obedience . But this Design was strangled in the first Conception , by the violent breakings out of the Troubles in Scotland , which call upon us from this place to look towards them . And now again we are for Scotland , where we spent the last year in doing nothing , and shall spend this in doing that which was worse than nothing . The Insolencies of the Covenanters were now grown so great , that some advised the King to take the Sword into his hand , and to reduce them to Obedience by force of Arms , before they had ripened their Intelligences , and formed a Party to their will both at home and abroad : But the King would not hearken to it , resolved upon his Fathers way of sending Commissioners , and trying what he might effect by Treaty and Negotiation . Which Resolution being taken , the next Consideration was for the choice of the man. The well-affected Scots pitched on the Marquis of Huntley , a man of great Power in his own Country , true to the King , and a professed Enemy to the Presbyterians . And to this end the Earl of Sterling Principal Secretary of Estate , the Bishops of Ross and Brechin Privy-Counsellors both , Hay the Clerk-Register , and Spotswood Lord President of the Sessions ( a most deserving Son of a Reverend Father ) made a journey thence unto the King , and used their best Endeavours with him , to commit the managing of that great Trust into Hunt●●ys hands : But the Court-Faction carried it for the Marquis Hamilton , whose Head was better than his Heart , a notable dissembler , t●●e only to his own ends , and a most excellent Master in the Art of In●●●uation , by which he screwed himself so far into his Majesties good opinion , that whosoever undertook the unrivetting of him , made him faster in it . And so far had the man prevailed by his Arts and Instruments , that the Duke of Lenox was brought over to contribute his Assistances to him ; and rather chose to commend the known Enemy of his House to that great Employment , than that a private Country-Gentleman ( such as Huntley was ) should carry the Honour from them both . And therefore briefly in this place to speak of Hamilton , and his Proceedings in the weighty Charge committed to him ( in which he hath been generally suspected to betray his Master ) we will fetch the Story somewhat higher , that we may see what ends he aimed at for himself , and what enclined him rather to foment than quench the Flames which had been kindled in that Kingdom . Know therefore , That the Hamiltonian Family derives it self from one Hamilton an Englishman , who went to try what Fortunes he could find in Scotland : Neither himself nor his Posterity of any great note , till Iames iii. bearing a great affection to Sir Iames Hamilton , married him to one of his Sisters whom he had forcibly taken from the Lord Boyd her former Husband . From this unlawful Marriage descended another Iames , the Grandchild of this , as impious and ●dulterous in his second Marriage , as his Grandmother had been before : For having married a Wife of one of the Noble Houses of Scotland , he put her shamefully away , and took into his Bed a Niece of Cardinal Beton's , who then swayed all things in that Kingdom . Of this last Marriage came Iohn Earl of Arran , Created by King Iames vi . the first Marquis of Hamilton , the Father of Iohn , and Grandfather of Iames Marquis of Hamilton , of whom we now speak . This man considering with himself , that he was descended from a Daughter of King Iames ii . ( but without taking notice of any intervenient Flaws which occurred in the Pedigree ) conceived by 〈◊〉 and little , That a Crown would look as lovely upon his Head , as on the Heads of any which descended from a Daughter of Iames v. To give some life unto his Fancies , he found the Great Men amongst the Scots in high discontentments , about the Revocation of Church-Lands , which the King then busily intended : The Popular Party in England no less discontented , by the Dissolving of three Parliaments one after another ; and the Puritans in both , by the great Power and Credit which some Bishops had attained unto in either Kingdom . In which conjuncture , it was not hard for him to conceive , That he might make unto himself a strong Party in That , without fear of any opposition to be made from This. And so ●ar had his hopes gone with him , when he obtained the Conduct of an Army , intended by his Majesty for assisting of the King of Sweden in the Wars of Germany : An Army for the most part raised in Scotland , and most of the Commanders of that Nation also , whom he had so obliged unto him by his Arts and Flatteries , that a Health was openly begun by David Ramsey ( a boisterous Ruffian of that Court ) to King Iames the Seventh : And so much of the Design was discovered by him unto Donald Maukie Baron of Ree , than being in the Marquisses Camp , that the Loyal Gentleman thought himself bound in duty to make it known unto the King. Ramsey denying the whole matter , and the Lords having no proof thereof ( as in such secret Practices it could hardly be ) more than a confident asseveration , and the Engagement of his Honour , the King thought good to refer the Controversie to the Earl of Lindsey , whom he made Lord High-Constable to that end and purpose . Many days were spent accordingly in pursuance of it : But when most men expected that the matter would be tried by Battel , as had been accustomed in such cases , the Business was hushed up at Court , the Lord Ree dismissed to his Employment in the Wars , and , contrary to the mind of all good men , the Marquis did not only continue in the Kings great Favour : but Ramsey was permitted to hold the Place of Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber , which had been formerly procured for him . As for the Army of Scots , consisting of 7000. if my memory fail not , transported into Germany in the Summer before , Anno 1631. they mouldred away by little and little , without acting any thing ; the King of Sweden being then in a prosperous condition , and not desiring the Scots should carry away any part of the Spoil and Honour which he doubted not of acquiring to his own Nation in the course of the War. This put the Marquis upon new Counsels ; and in the course of these new Counsels , he was not only to ●oment those Animosities which had been raised in that Nation against the King , but to remove all those Impediments which might lye in the way betwixt him and his affected Greatness . Two men there were whom he more feared than all the rest , both of the House of Graham , and both descended from a Son of King Robert the Second ; and that too by a clearer Descent , than the Hamiltons could pretend from the Daughter of King Iames ii . The first was William Earl of Menteith , descended from an Heir-general of David Earl of Stratherne , one of the younger Sons of King Robert ii . as before was said : A man o● sound Abilities and approved Affections , and therefore by the King made President of the Council in Scotland : In which Office he behaved himself , and stood so stoutly in behalf of the King his Master upon all occasions , that nothing could be done for Advance of Hamiltons Designs , till he was removed from that Place . In order whereunto , it was put into his head by some of that Faction , that he should sue unto the King to be Created Earl of Stratherne , as the first and most honourable Title which belonged to his House ; That his Merits were so great , as to assure him not to meet with a denial ; and that the King could do no less , than to give him some nominal Reward for his real Services . On these Suggestions , he repaired to the Court of England 1632. where without any great difficulty , he obtained his Suit , and waited on the King the most part of the Summer-Progress ; no man being so openly honoured , and courted by the Scottish Nation , as he seemed to be : But no sooner was he gone for Scotland , but the Hamiltonians terrified the King with the Dangers which he had run into by that Creation , whereby he had revived in that proud and ambitious Person , the Rights which his Ancestors pretended to the Crown of Scotland ; That the King could not chuse but see how generally the Scots flock'd about him ( after his Creation ) when he was at the Court , and would do so much more when he was in Scotland : And finally , That the proud man already had so far declared himself , as to give it out , That the King held the Crown of him . Hereupon a Commission was speedily posted into Scotland ( in which those of Hamiltons Faction made the greatest number ) to inquire into his Life and Actions , and to consider of the Inconveniencies which might redound unto the King by his affecting this new Title . On the Return whereof , the poor Gentleman is removed from his Office , from being one of the Privy Council ; and not only deprived of the Title of the Earl of Stratherne , but of that also of Menteith , which for a long time had remained in his Ancestors . And though he was not long after made Earl of Airth , yet this great fall did so discourage him from all Publick Businesses , that he retired to his own House , and left the way open to the Hamiltonians to play their own Game as they listed . Faithful for all this to the King , in all changes of Fortune ; neither adhering to the Covenanters , nor giving the least countenance to them , when he might not only have done it with safety , but with many personal Advantages which were tendred him . The other Bar to be thrust back , was the Earl of Montross , of the same House , and descended from the same Original ; as plausible with the Souldiers and Men of War , as his Cosin of Menteith was powerful at the Council-Table . This man returning out of France in the flower and Bravery of his Age , had an intent of putting himself into the Kings Service , and was advised to make his way by the Marquis of Hamilton ; who , knowing the Gallantry of the Man , and fearing a Competitor in his Majesties Favour , cunningly told him , That he would do him any Service : but that the King was so wholly given up to the English , and so discountenanced and slighted the Scottish Nation , that were it not for doing Service to his Country ( which the King intended to reduce into the form of a Province ) he could not suffer the Indignities which were put upon him . This done , he repairs unto the King , tells him of the Earls return from France , and of his purpose to attend him at the time appointed : but that he was so Powerful , so Popular , and of such esteem amongst the Scots , by reason of an old Descent from the Royal Family , that if he were not nipped in the bud ( as we use to say ) he might indanger the Kings interest and affairs in Scotland . The Earl being brought unto the King , with very great demonstrations of affection on the Marquis his part , the King without taking any great notice of him , gave him his hand to kiss , and so turned aside ; which confirmed him in the truth of that false Report , which Hamilton had delivered to him : So that in great displeasure and disdain , he makes for Scotland . There finds he Colonel Alexander Lesly ( an obscure fellow , but made rich with the Spoils of Germany ) as discontented as himself , for being denied the honourable Title of a Baron , which he ambitiously sought for at the Kings being there . And he found them there also , who perceived on what foot he halted , and knew well how to work on such humours as he brought along with him , till by seconding the Information which he had brought from Hamilton , they had fashioned him wholly to their will : For they prevailed so far upon him , that at the first he cordially espoused their Quarrel against the Liturgie and Canons , and whatsoever else they found fault withal in the Publick Government ; he being one of those Great Persons ( and as forward as any of them all ) who published a Protestation at the Cross in Edenborough , against one of his Majesties Proclamations of Grace and Favour : But afterwards , being displeased that Lesly was preferred before him in Commanding the Army ; and looking thereupon more carefully into the depth of the Design than at first he did , he estranged himself from them by degrees , and at last became the most eminent Instrument that ever his Majesty imployed in his Wars with that People . But Hamilton had another remove to make , without which all the rest were nothing ; and that was the removing of the Earl of Mar from the Custody and Command of the Castle of Edenborough ( some time Hereditary to that House ) and gaining it unto himself . To this Remove the Earl consented , because he found how earnestly his Majesty desired it of him , from whom he received a Compensation in Money for it . At so great charge was the King , to put Hamilton into as full possession of the Strengths of that City , as he had got before in the hearts of the Citizens . The way being thus prepared , and all Rules removed , on Saturday May 26. he set forwards for Scotland , and in short time came to Dalkeith , an House of the Earl of Mortons four Miles from Edenborough , where he reposed himself a while ; that he might make his Entry into the City with the greater honour . After some seeming diffidences betwixt him and the Covenanters , he puts himself into Holy-Rood House , where the first thing he did , was 〈◊〉 waving of his Attendance at the Reading of the English Liturgie , which had been settled in the Chappel-Royal of that House by the care of King Iames , Anno 1617. and after some neglects and intermissions , restored by the Piety of King Charles , Anno 1633. as before was signified . It was no hard matter to discern by his Acts in this , whose Game it was he meant to play , for what it was that he had held the s●uff●ing of the Cards so long , and who was like to win the Set , when none but he had the dealing of them : For he so plied the King from one time to another , sometimes by representing the extreme difficulties , and sometimes the apparent dangers in which his Affairs there stood involved ; That he drew him to ●ling up all in less than three Months , which King Iames and he had been projecting above thrice ten years . For first , by his Proclamation bearing date Iune 28. he suspends the present execution of the Canons and Liturgie , dischargeth all Acts of Council made for the Establishment of them , and promiseth so to regulate the High-Commission , that it should neither impugn the Laws , nor be a just grievance to the Subject . By a second , bearing date September 9. he dischargeth the Liturgie , Canons , and High-Commission ( this last being of King Iames his instituting , Anno 1610. ) rescinding all Proclamations and Acts whatsoever , which had been made for the Establishing of the same ; and by the same , suspends the executing of the Five Articles of Perth , though confirmed by Parliament . By the same also he subjecteth all his Ministers , as well Ecclesiastical as Civil , to the Censure of Parliaments , General Assemblies , or any other competent Judicatory : And fr●es all Ministers at their Entry from taking the Oath of Canonical Obedience , that against Symonie , or any other not enjoined by Acts of Parliament . By the same also he commands the Subscribing of the Consession of Faith , with the Band thereunto annexed , which the Covenanters before had press'd on the People , and upon which they had placed such a great part of their confidence , that they solemnly protested to Hamilton at his first coming thither , That they would rather renounce their Baptism , than reli●quish their Covenant . And this he did for no other Reason , as appears by a Letter of the same date to the Lords of the Council , than to legitimate the Rebellion ; Because not being Warranted before by Regal Authority , it must needs be in it self ineffectual , , and prejudicial to the Ancient Form of Government kept within that his Kingdom of Scotland . And finally , by his Royal Edict , bearing date the 22d . of the same Month , he gives Order for a General Assembly , to be held at Glasco on November 21. next following ; in which he could not but be sure , that after so many previous Condescensions on his part , they would be able to do whatsoever they listed in defiance of him . For , before the Assembly was Indicted , the Covenanters had so laid the Plot , that none but those of their own Party should have Suffrage in it ; as afterwards by several Orders from their Tables , they directed that no Chaplain , nor Chapter-man , nor any who have not subscribed the Covenant , should be chosen to it ; not suffering the Archbishops or Bishops to sit as Moderators in their Presbyteries , where the Elections were to pass ; and citing them to appear as Criminal Persons at the said Assembly : by means of which Exclusions and Prelimitations , the greatest part of the Assembly did consist of such as either were irregularly chosen by the over-ruling Voices of Lay-Elders which were thrust upon them , or else not capable of being Elected , some of them being under the Censures of the Kirk of Scotland , others under the Censures of the Church of Ireland , and some not having taken the Oath of Supremacy required by the Laws of the Land. Upon which just and weighty Reasons , as also the Admission of the Schismatical Clergy to sit as Judges over their Bishops ; the intrusion of so many Lay-Elders , contrary to the Constitution of former General Assemblies ; the countenancing of a scandalous Libel against their Function and Persons ; and the prejudging of their Cause in their several Presbyteries , by excluding them from having any Vote in the said Assembly , when they were not present to interpose or speak any thing in their own behalf , the Archbishops and Bishops , in the name of themselves , and all which did adhere unto them , prepared their Declinator or Protestation against the said General Assembly , and all the Acts and Conclusions of it , as being void , and null in Law to all intents and purposes whatsoever . The day being come , Hamilton marcheth to the place appointed for the Session , in the equipage of a High-Commissioner , the Sword and Seal being carried before him , the Lords of the Council , and all the Officers of State , attending on him like a King indeed . The reading of his Commission , the putting in and rejecting of the Declinator , the chusing of Henderson to be Moderator of the Assembly , the constituting of the Members of it , and some Debates touching the Votes and Suffrages , challenged by Hamilton for such as were Assessors to him , took up all the time between their first Meeting and their Dissolution , which was by Proclamation solemnly declared on the twenty ninth of the same Month , having ●ate only eight days by the Kings Authority . For notwithstanding the said Dissolution , the Members of the said Assembly continued and kept their Session , and therein passed many Acts for the utter overthrow of the Polity and Government of the Church , the infringing of his Majesties Prerogative Royal , and violating the Authority of Parliaments . For they not only Excommunicated the Bishops and their Adherents , but condemned the very Function it self to be Antichristian , and utterly to be abolished out of the Church ; notwithstanding that several Parliaments had confirmed the same . The like Censure they also past on the Service Book and Canons , with the five Articles of Perth ; though the two first received the Stamp of Royal Authority , and the five last were confirmed in Parliament also . They condemned in one breath all the Arminian Tenents , in case of Predestination , without examining the Arguments on which they were built ; and declared all men subject to Excommunication , and other Censures of the Church , who should refuse to yield obedience to all their unlawful Actings and Determinations , And though his Majesty by the same Proclamation had commanded all his faithful Subjects not to yield any obedience to their Acts and Ordinances , and bound himself in the Word of a King to defend them in it ; yet those of the Assembly were resolved to maintain their Authority . For notwithstanding his Majesties late Declaration and Commands , not only the Bishops and Clergy , but also as many of the Layty as had refused to subscribe to the Acts thereof , were deprived of their Offices and Preferments , banished their Country , and forced to fly into England , o● other places , the King not being able to protect them from the power and malice of their Adversaries . For having lost the opportunity of suppressing them in their first Insurrection in the year precedent , a●d afterwards of reducing them by force of Arms in the year next following , he was forced to shuffle up such a Pacification in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , Anno 1641. as left his Party d●●●●tute of all protection , but what they found in England by his Majesties Favour in providing the Clergy of some small Benefices for their present subsistance , which possibly might amount to more than formerly they enjoyed in their own Country . And yet the Covenanters did not play all parts in this Assembly , the King and his Commissioner had one part to act , which was the presenting of a Declaration , containing the sum and substance of all his Majesties gracious Condescensions , exprest in the several Proclamations before remembred , and a Command to have it registred in the Acts and Records thereof . But upon what considerations and reasons of State his Majesty might be moved to commit that Paper to be registred amongst the Acts of Assembly , is beyond my reach . 〈◊〉 ●●ough many times the wisest Princes have sent out Proclamations of Grace for redress of Grievances , and pardoning of fore-past o 〈…〉 ; yet were those Proclamations and Acts of Grace beheld no otherwise than as temporary and occasional Remedies for the present mischiefs , not to be drawn into Example , and much less put upon Record for the times cusuing ; his Majesties Condescensions had been large enough , and too much to the prejudice of his Crown and Dignity without this Enrolment . Nor wants it somewhat of a ●iddle , that at such time as Hamilton tendred the Paper of his Maj●sti●s ●racious Concessions for discharging of the Service Book , &c. to be enrolled amongst the Acts of the Assembly , he both declared , and protested that his so doing should be no acknowledgment of the lawfulness and validity of that Convention which was instantly to be dissolved : or that his Majestie should give order to have those Acts of Grace and Favour enrolled in the Records of the Assembly , to stand full and sure to all his good Subjects for their assurance of and in the true Religion ; which Assembly at the same time ●e declared to be illegal , and all the Acts thereof to be null and void . I must confess I am not Oedipus enough for so dark a Sphinx , and must therefore leave this depth of State-craft to more able heads . Only I cannot chuse but note , how little his Majesty got by those Condescensions ; the stubborn and rebellious Scots being so far unsatisfied with these Acts of Grace , that they not only forced all those who adhered unto him to fly the Country : but intercepted his Revenues , seazed on all his Forts and Castles , and put themselves into a Posture of open War. And that they might be able to manage it with the greater credit , they called home some of their Commanders out of Germany , and some which served under the Pay of the States General ; so far prevailing with those States as to continue such Commanders in their Pay and Places as long as they remained in the Service of the Scottish Covenanters . A favour which his Majesty could not get at their hands , nor had he so much reason to expect it as the others had , i● considered rightly . It had been once their own case , and they conceived they had good reason to maintain it in others . It may deservedly be a matter of no small amazement , that this poor and unprovided Nation , should dare to put such baffles and affronts upon their Lawful King ; the King being backt by the united Forces of England and Ireland , obeyed at home , and rendred formidable unto all his Neighbours by a puissant Navy , they must have some assurances more than ordinary which might enflame them to this height ; and what they were it may not be amiss to enquire into . First then they had the King for their natural Country-man , born in that Air , preserving a good affection for them to the very la●t ; and who by giving them the Title of his Ancient and Native Kingdom ( as he did most commonly ) gave them some reason to believe , that he valued them above the English. They had in the next place such a strong Party of Scots about him , that he could neither stir or speak , scarce so much as think , but they were made acquainted with it . In the Bed-Chamber they had an equal number of Gentlemen , and seven Grooms for one ; in the Presence-Chamber more than an equal number amongst the Gentlemen Ushers , Quarter-Waiters , &c. In the Privy-Chamber , besides the Carvers and Cup-bearers , such disproportion of the Gentlemen belonging to it , that once at a full Table of Waiters , each of them having a Servant or two to attend upon him , I and my man were the only English in all the Company . By which the King was so obs●rved , and betrayed withal , that as far as they could find his meaning by Words , by Signs , and Circumstances , or the silent language of a shrug , it was posted presently into Scotland , some of his Bed-Chamber being grown so bold and saucy , that they used to Ransack his Pockets when he was in bed , to transcribe such Letters as they found , and send the Copies to their Countrymen in the way of intelligence . A thing so well known about the Court , that the Archbishop of Canterbury in one of his Letters , gave him this memento , that he should not trust his Pockets with it . For Offices of trust and credit they w●re as well accomodated as with those of service , Hamilton , Master of the Horse , who stocked the Stables with that People ; The Earl of Morton , Captain of his Majesties Guard ; The Earl of Ancram , Keeper of the Privy Purse ; The Duke of Lenox , Warden of the Cinque Ports , and Constable of Dover Castle ; Balfore Lieutenant of the Tower , the Fortress of most power and command in England ; And Wemmys , the Master Gunner of his Majesties Navy , who had the issuing of the Stores , and Ammunition , designed unto it . Look on them in the Church , and we shall find so many of that Nation beneficed and preferred in all parts of this Country , that their Ecclesiastical Revenues could not but amount to more then all the yearly Rents of the Kirk of Scotland ; and of all these scarce one in ten , who did not cordially espouse and promote their Cause amongst the People . They had beside no less assurance of the English Puritans than they had of their own ; those in Court ( of which there was no very small number ) being headed by the Earl of Holland , those in the Country by his Brother the Earl of Warwick ; The f●rst being aptly called in a Letter of the Lord Conways to the Lord Archbishop , The spiritual , and invisible head , the other , The visible and temporal head of the Puritan Faction . And which was more than all the rest , they had the Marquiss of Hamilton for their Lord and Patron , of so great power about the King , such Authority in the Court of England , such a powerful influence on the Council of Scotland , and such a general Command over all that Nation , that his pleasure amongst them past for Law , and his words for Oracles ; all matters of Grace and Favour ascribed to him , matters of harshness or distate to the King or Canterbury . To speak the matter in a word , he was grown King of Scots in Fact , though not in Title ; His Majesty being looked on by them as a Cypher only in the Arithmetick of State. But notwithstanding their confidence in all these Items , taking in the Imprimis too , they might have reckoned without their Host in the Summa Tetalis , the English Nation being generally disaffected to them , and passionately affecting the Kings quarrel against them . The sense and apprehension of so many indignities prevailed upon the King at last to unsheath the Sword , more justly in it self , and more justifiably in the sight of others ; the Rebels having rejected all 〈◊〉 o●●ers of Grace and Favour , and growing the more insolent by his Condescensions . So that resolved , or rather forced upon the War , he must bethink himself of means to go thorow with it : To which end Burrows the Principal King of Arms , is commanded to search into the Records of the Tower , and to return an Extract of what he found relating to the War of Scotland ; which he presented to the Archbishop in the end of December , to this effect , viz. 1. That such Lords and others as had Lands and Livings upon the Borders , were commanded to reside there with their Retinue ; and those that had Castles there , were enjoined to Fortifie them . 2. That the Lords of the Kingdom were Summoned by Writ , to attend the Kings Army with Horse and Armour at a certain time and place , according to their Service due to the King ; or repair to the Exchequer before that day , and make Fine for their Service : As also were all Widows , Dowagers of such Lords as were deceased ; and so were all Bishops and Ecclesiastical Persons . 3. That Proclamations were likewise made by Sheriffs in every County , That all men holding of the King by Knights-Service or Sergeancy , should come to the Kings Army , or make Fines as aforesaid ; with a strict command , That none should conceal their Service under a great Penalty . 4. As also , That all men having 40 l. Land per Annum , should come to the Kings Army with Horse and Armour ; of which if any failed to come or to make Fine , their Lands , Tenements , Goods , and Chattels were distrained by the Sheri●f upon Summons out of the Exchequer . 5. That Commissions should be issued out for Levying of Men in every County , and bringing them to the Kings Army : That the like be done for Mustering and Arraying the Clergy throughout England ; or otherwise , to furnish the King with a proportion of Armed Men for the present Service . 6. That Writs be issued out into all Counties , for certifying the King what number of Horse and Foot every County could afford him in his Wars with Scotland . 7. The like also to the Borders , requiring them to come unto the Kings Army well armed ; Commissions to be made for punishing such as refused . 8. That the Sheriffs of the Counties were commanded by Writ to make Provisions of Corn and Victuals for the Kings Army , and to cause them to be carried to the place appointed . The like Command sent to the Merchants in the Port-Towns of England and Ireland ; and the Ships of the Subject taken to Transport such Provisions to the place assigned . 9. Several Sums of Money raised by Subsidies and Fifteens from the English Subject , and Aid of Money given and lent by the Merchant-Strangers , toward the Maintenance of the War. 10. That the King used to suspend the payment of his Debts for a certain time , in regard of the great occasions he had to use Money in the Wars of Scotland . Other Memorials were returned to the same effect : but these the principal . According to these Instructions , his Majesty directs his Letters to the Temporal Lords , his Writs to the High-Sheriffs , his Orders to the Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants in their several Counties , his Proclamations generally to all his Subjects ; Requiring of them all such Aids and Services in his present Wars , as either by Laws , o● Ancient Customs of the Land , they were bound to give him . He caused an Order also to be made by the Lords of the Council , directed to the two Archbishops , Ianuary 29. by which they were Required and Commanded , To write their several and ●esp●ctive Letters to all the Lords Bishops in their several Provinces respectively , forthwith to convene before them all the Clergy o● Ability in their Diocesses , and to incite them by such ways and means as shall be thought best by their Lordships , to aid and assist his Majesty with their speedy and liberal Contributions , and otherwise , for defence of his Royal Person , and of this Kingdom : And that the same be sent to the Lord Treasurer of England with all dili●ence ▪ Subscribed by the Lord Keeper Coventry , the Bishop of London Lord Treasurer , the Earl of Manchester Lord Privy Seal , t●● Duke of Lenox , the Earl of Lindsey Lord Great Chamberlain , t●● Earl of Arundel Earl-Marshal , the Earl of Dorset Lord Chamberlain to the Queen , the Earl o● Pembroke Lord Chamberlain to the King , the Earl of Holland Chancellor of Cambridge , Cottington Ma●ter of the Wards , Vane Treasurer of the Houshold , Cooke and Win●●bank the two Principal Secretaries . Which Warrant , whether it proceeded from the Kings own motion , or was procured by the Archbishop himself to promote the Service , is not much material : Certain I am , that he conformed himself unto it with a chearful diligence , and did accordingly direct his Letters to his Suffragan Bishops in this ●ollowing ●orm . My very good Lord , I Have received an Order from the Lords of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Council , giving me notice of the great Preparations made by s●me of Scotland , both of Arms and all other Necessaries for War : And that this can have no other end , than to invade or annoy this his Majesties Kingdom of England . For his Majesty having a good while since , most graciously ●ielded to their Demands for securing the Religion by Law established amongst them , hath made it appear to the World , That it is not Religion but Sedition that stirs in them , and fills them with this most irreligious Disobedience , which at last breaks forth into a high degree of Treason against their Lawful Sovereign . In this Case of so great danger both to the State and Church of England , your Lordships , I doubt not , and your Clergie under you , will not only be vigilant against the close Workings of any Pretenders in that kind : but very free also to your Power and Proportion of Means le●t to the Church , to contribute toward the raising of such an Army , as , by Gods Bl●ssing and his Majesties Care , may secure this Church and Kingdom from all intended Violence . And according to the Order sent unto me by the Lords ( a Copy whereof you shall herewith receive ) these are to pray your Lordship to give a good Example in your own Person ; and with all convenient speed to call your Clergie , and the abler Schoolmasters ( as well those which are in Peculiars , as others ) and excite them by your self , and such Commissioners as you will answer for , to contribute to this Great and Necessary Service ; in which if they give not a good Example , they will be much to blame . But you are to call no poor Curates , nor Stipendaries : but such as in other Legal ways of Payment have been , and are by Order of Law bound to pay . The Proportion I know not well how to prescribe you : but I hope they of your Clergie whom God hath blessed with better Estates than Ordinary , will give freely , and thereby help the want of Means in others . And I hope also your Lordship will so order it , as that every man will at the least give after the Proportion of 3 s. 10 d. in the Pound , of the valuation of his Living , or other Preferment , in the Kings Books . And this I thought fit to l●● you further know , That if any man have double Benefices , or a Benefice and a Prebend , or the like , in divers Diocesses ; yet your Lordship must call upon them only for such Preferments as they have within your Diocess , and leave them to pay for any other which they hold , to the Bishop in whose Diocess their Preferments are . As for the time , your Lordship must use all the diligence you can , and send up the Moneys if it be possible by the first of May next . And for your Indempnity , the Lord Treasurer is to give you such discharge , by striking a Tally or Tallies upon your several Payments into the Exchequer , as shall be fit to s●cure you without your Charge . Your Lordship must further be pleased to send up a List of the Names of such as refuse this Service within their Diocess : but I hope none will put you to that trouble . It is further expected , That your Lordship ▪ and every other Bishop , express by it self , and not in the general Sum of his Clergie , that which himself gives . And of this Service you must not fail . So to Gods blessed Protection I leave you , and rest , Your Lordships very Loving Friend and Brother , WILL. CANT . Lambeth , Ian. ult . 1638. On the receiving of these Letters , the Clergy were Convented in their several Diocesses , encouraged by their several Ordinaries not to be wanting to his Majesty in the Present Service , and divers Preparations used beforehand to dispose them to it ; which wroug●t so powerfully and effectually on the greatest part of them ( those which wish'd well unto the Scots , seeming as forward in it as any other ) that their Contributions mounted higher than was expected . The Benevolence of the Diocess of Norwich only a●ounting to 2016 l. 16 s. 5 d. The Archd●acorry of Winchester only , to the sum of 1305 l. 5 s. 8 d. And though we may not conclude of all the rest by the greatness of th●se , yet may it be very safely said , that they did all exceeding bountifully in their several proportions , with reference to the extent of their Diocesses , and the ability of their Estates . Nor were the Judges of the several Benches of the Courts at Westminster , and the great Officers under them , Protonotaries , Secondaries , and the like , deficient in expressing their good a●●ections to this general cause ; in which the safety of the Realm , was as much concerned as his Majesties honour . And for the Doctors of the Laws , Chancellors , Commissaries , Officials , and other Officers belonging to the Ecclesiastical Courts , they were spurred on to follow the example of the Secular Judges ( as having a more particular concernment in it ) by a Letter sent from the Archbishop to the Dean of the Arches , on February 11. and by him communicated to the rest . By which Free-will offerings on the one side , some commanded duties on the other , and the well-husbanding of his Majesties Revenue by the Lord Treasurer Iuxon , he was put into such a good condition , that he was able both to raise and maintain an Army with no charge to the Common Subject : but only a little Coat and Conduct money at their first setting out . These preparations were sufficient to give notice of a War approaching without any further denouncing of it by a publick Herald ; and yet there was another accident which seemed as much to fore-signifie it as those preparations . Mary de Medices , the Widow of King Henry i● . of France , and Mother to the Queens of England and Spain , arrived at Harwich on October 19. and on the last of the same was with great State conducted through the Streets of London to his Majesties Palace of St. Iames. A Lady which for many years , had not lived out of the smell of Powder , and a guard of Muskets at her door , embroyled in wars and troubles when she lived in France , and drew them after her into Flanders . where they have ever since continued . So that most men were able to presage a Tempest , as Mari●e●s by the appearing of some Fish , or the flying of some Birds about their ships , can foresee a storm . His Majesty had took great care to prevent her comming , knowing ●ull well how chargeable a guest she would prove to him , and how unwelcome to the Subject . To which end ●eswel was commanded to use all his wits for perswading her to stay in Holland , whither she had retired from Flanders in the year precedent . But she was wedded to her will , and possibly had received such invitations from her Daughter here , that nothing but everlasting foul weather at Sea , and a perpetual cross-wind , could have kept her there . All things provided for the War , his Majesty thought sit to satisfie his good Subjects of both Kingdoms , not only of the Justice which appeared in this Action : but in the unavoydable necessity which enforced him to it . To which end he acquaints them by his Proclamation , of the 20 of February , How traiterously some of the Scottish Nation had practiced to pervert his Loyal Subjects of this Realm , by scattering abroad their Libellous and Seditious Pamphlets , mingling themselves at their publick meetings , and reproaching both his Person and Government ; That he had never any intention to alter their Religion or Laws , but had condescended unto more for defence thereof than they had reason to expect ; That they had rejected the Band and Covenant which themselves had prest upon the people , because it was commended to them by his Authority ; and having made a Covenant against God and him , and made such Hostile preparations , as if he were their sworn Enemy , and not their King ; That many of them were men of broken Fortunes , who because they could not well be worse , hoped by engaging in this War to make themselves better ; That they had assumed unto themselves the power of the Press one of the chief markes of the Regal Authority , prohibiting to Print what he commanded , and commanding to Print what he prohibited , and dismi●●ng the Printer whom he had established in that Kingdom ; That they had raised Arms , blockt up and besieged his Castles , laid Impositions and Taxes upon his people , threatned such as continued under Loyalty , with force and violence ; That they had contemned the Authority of the Council Table , and set up Tables of their own , from which they send their Ed●cts throughout all parts of the Kingdom , contrary to the Laws therein established , pretending in the mean time that the Laws were violated by himself ; That the question was not now , whether the Service-Book should be received or not , or whether Episcopacy should continue or not , but whether he were King or not ; That many of them had denied the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance ( for which some of them had been committed ) as inconsistent , and incompatible with their holy Covenant ; That being brought under a necessity of taking Arms , he had been traduced in some of their writings for committing the Arms he had then raised , into the hands of professed Papists , a thing not only dishonourable to himself , and the said noble persons , but false and odious in it self ; That some of power in the Hierarchy had been defamed for being the cause of his taking Arms to invade that Kingdom , who on the contrary had been only Counsellors of peace , and the chief perswaders ( as much as in them lay ) of the undeserved moderation wherewith he had hitherto proceeded toward so great Offenders ; That he had no intent by commending the Service-Book unto them to innovate any thing at all in their Religion , but only to create a conformity between the Churches of both Kingdoms , and not to infringe any of their Liberties which were according to the Laws ; That therefore he required all his loving Subjects not to receive any more of the said seditious Pamphlets , but to deliver such of them as they had received , into the hands of the next Justice of the Peace , by him to be sent to one of his Majesties principal Secretaries ; And finally , That this his Proclamation and Declaration be read in time of Divine Service in every Church within the Kingdom , that all his People to the meanest , might see the notorious carriages of these men , and likewise the Justice and Mercy of all his proceedings . And now his Majesty is for Action , beginning his Journey towards the North , March 27. being the Anniversary day of his Inauguration . His Army was advanced before , the best for quality of the Persons , compleatness of Arms , number of serviceable Horse , and necessary Provision of all sorts , that ever waited on a King of England to a War with Scotland . Most of the Nobility attended on him in their Persons ; and such as were to be excused for Age and indisposition , testified their affections to his Majesties Service in good Sums of money . The Flower of the English Gentry would not stay behind , but chearfully put themselves into the Action , upon a confidence of getting honour for themselves , as well as for their King or Country ; many of which had been at great charge in f●rni●●ing themselves for this Expedition , on an assurance of being repaid in Favours what they spent in Treasure . And not a few of our old Commanders , which had been trained up in the Wars of Holland , and the King of Sweden , deserted their Employments 〈◊〉 to serve their Soveraign , whether with a greater gallantry or a ●ection , it is hard to say . The Horse computed to 6000. as good as ever charged on a standing Enemy ; The Foot of a sufficient number , though not proportionable to the Horse , stout men , and well a 〈◊〉 for the most part to the Cause in hand ; the Canon , Bullets , and all other sorts o● Ammunition , nothing inferiour to the rest of the Preparations . An Army able to have trampled all Scotland under their feet , ( Gods ordinary providence concurring with them ) and made the King as absolutely Master of that Kingdom as many Prince could be of a conquered Nation . The chief Command committed to the Earl of Arundel , who , though not biassed toward Rome , ( as the Scots reported him ) was known to be no friend to the Puritan Faction : The Earl of Holland having been Captain of his Majesties Guard , and formerly appointed to conduct some fresh ●ecruits to the Isle of Rhee , was made Lieutenant of the Horse . And the Earl of Essex , who formerly had seen some service in Holland , and very well understood the Art of War , Lieutenant-General of the Foot. Besides which power that marcht by Land , there were some other Forces embarqued in a considerable part of the Royal Navy , with plenty of Coin and Ammunition , which was put under the command of Hamilton ( who must be of the Quorum in all businesses ) with order to ply about the Coasts of Scotland , and thereby to surprise their Ships , and destroy their Trade , and make such further attempts to Landward , as opportunity should offer , and the nature of affairs require . It is reported ( and I have it from a very good hand ) that when the old Archbishop of St. Andrews , came to take his leave of the King , at his setting forward toward the North , he desired leave to give his Majesty three Advertisements before his going . The first was , That his Majesty would suffer none of the Scottish Nation to remain in his Army ; assuring him that they would never fight against their Countrymen : but rather hazard the whole Army by their ●ergiversation . The second was , that his Majesty would make a Catalogue of all his Counsellors , Officers of Houshold , and domestick Servants ; and having so done , would with his Pen obliterate and expunge the Scots , beginning first with the Archbishop of St. Andrews himself who had given the Counsel ; conceiving ( as he then declared ) that no man could accuse the King of Partiality , when they found the Archbishop of St. Andrews , who had so faithfully served his Father and himself , about sixty years , should be expunged amongst the rest . A third was , That he must not hope to win upon them by Condescensions , or the sweetness of his disposition , or by Acts of Grace : but that he should resolve to reduce them to their duty by such waies of Power as God had put into his hands . The Reason of which Counsel was , because he found upon a sad experience of sixty years , that generally they were a people of so cross a grain , that they were gained by Punishments , and lost by Favours . But contrary to this good Counsel , his Majesty did not only permit all his own Servants of that Nation to remain about him : but suffered the Earls of Roxborough and Traquaire , and other Noblemen of that Kingdom with their several Followers and Retinues to repair to York , under pretence of offering of some expedient to compose the differences . Where being come , they plyed their business so well , that by representing to the Lords of the English Nation the dangers they would bring themselves into by the Pride and Tyranny of the Bishops , if the Scots were totally subdued , they mitigated the displeasures of some , and so took off the edge of others , that they did not go from York , the same men they came thither . On the discovery of which Practice , and some intelligence which they had with the Covenanters , they were confined to their Chambers ( the first at York , the other at Newcastle ) but were presently dismissed again , and sent back to Scotland . But they had first done what they came for , never men being so suddenly cooled as the Lords of England ; or ever making clearer shews of an alteration in their words and gestures . This change his Majesty soon found , or had cause to fear ; and therefore for the better keeping of his Party together , he caused an Oath to be propounded to all the Lords , and others of chief Eminency which attended on him , before his departure out of York ; knowing full well , that those of the inferiour Orbs would be wholly governed by the motion of the higher Spheres . The Tenor of which Oath was this that followeth : I A. B. do Swear before the Almighty and Ever-living God , That I will bear all faithful Allegiance to my true and undoubted Sovereign King CHARLES , who is Lawful King of this Island , and all other his Kingdoms and Dominions both by Sea and Land , by the Laws of God and Man , and by Lawful Succession ; And that I will m●st constantly and most chearfully , even to the utmost hazard of my Life and Fortunes , oppose all Seditions , Rebellions , Conjurations , Conspiracies whatsoever , against his Royal Dignity , Crown , and Person , raised or set up under what pretence or colour soever : And if it shall come vailed under pretence of Religion , I hold it more abominable both before God and Man. And this Oath I take voluntarily , in the Faith of a good Christian and Loyal Subject , without Equivocation or mental Reservation whatsoever ; from which I hold no Power on Earth can absolve me in any part . Such was the Tenour of the Oath ; which being refused by two , and but two of the Lords , of which one would not Say it , nor the other ●rock it , the said Refusers were committed to the Custody of the Sheriffs of York ; and afterwards , for their further Tryal , Interrogated upon certain Articles touching their approbation or dislike of the War : To which their Answers were so doubtful and unsatisfactory , that his Majesty thought it safer for him to dismiss them home , than to keep them longer about him to corrupt the rest : By means whereof he furnished them with an opportunity of doing him more disservice at home , where there was no body to attend and observe their Actions , than possibly they could have done in the Army , where there were so many eyes to watch them , and so many hands to pull them back if they proved extravagant . As to the carrying on of the War , the Earl of Essex was Commanded by his Majesty , at his first coming to York , to put a Garrison into Berwick , and to take with him such Provisions of Canon , Arms , and Ammunition as were assigned for that Imployment : Which as he chearfully undertook , so he couragiously performed it , notwithstanding all the terrours and affrightments which he found in his March. For being encountred in his way with the Earls of Roxborough , Traquaire , and the rest of the Scots then going to York , they laboured all they could to disswade him from it , assuring him , That either the Scots would be in the Town before him ; or that their whole Army would be so near , that he must needs run the hazard of losing all , without doing any thing . Which notwithstanding , he went on , entred the Town , repaired the Breaches in the Walls , and placed his Cannon on the same , proceeding in the Work as became a Souldier . With less fidelity and courage dealt the Earl of Holland , at the Kings coming near the Borders , where long he had not been encamped , when he had Intelligence that the Scots Army was advancing ; on which Advertisement , he dispatch'd Holland with a great Body of Horse to attend upon them . Lesly had drawn his Army into a very large Front , his Files exceeding thin and shallow : but intermingled with so many Ensigns , as if every twenty or thirty men had been a Regiment ; and behind all , a great Herd of Cattel , which raised up so much dust with their feet , as did cloud the Stratagem . Holland dismayed with such a formidable appearance , or being afraid that his great Horse would be under-ridden with the Galloway Nags , sent Messenger after Messenger to acquaint the King with his present condition , who sent him order to draw off and retire again , and not to hazard himself and the Forces under him , on such a visible disadvantage . How Hamilton behaved himself , we are next to see ; who having anchored his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough , and landing some of his spent men in a little Island , to give them breath , and some refreshments , received a Visit from his Mother , a most rigid and pragmatical Covenanter ; the Scots upon the shore saying with no small laughter , That they knew the Son of so good a Mother , could not do them hurt : And so it proved ; for having loytered thereabouts to no purpose , till he heard that the Treaty of the Pacification , was begun neer Berwick , he left his Ships , and came in great haste , as it was pretended , to disturb the business , which was to be concluded before he came thither . For so it hapned , That as soon as Essex had brought his Forces into Berwick , the Scots began to fear the approaching danger which they had drawn upon themselves ; and thereupon some Chiefs amongst them addressed their Letters to him on the 19th . of April , laying the cause of all these Troubles to some ill Countrymen of their own , whom they conceived to have provoked the King against them ; endeavouring to make the Remedy of their Evils , and the scope of their deserved Punishment , the beginning of an incurable Disease betwixt the two Nations , to whom the Quarrel should in no way extend . They complained also , That there were many of the English in Place and Credit , whose Private Byass did run clean contrary to the Publick Good ; such as did rise early to poyson the Publick Fountain , and to sow the Tares of unhappy Jealousies and Discords between the Kingdoms , before the good Seed of our Love and Respect to the English Nation , could take place in their hearts . They declared next , how strange and unexpected it was unto them , to see his Forces drawn toward the Borders , which they could not but interpret as a pregnant presumption of some further Project against their Nation by his Power ; which must needs cause them to bestir themselves in time , for their own preservation . And though they gave themselves some assurance , grounded upon the Reputation of his former Life , that his Lordship would be very wary to begin the Quarrel , at which Enemies only would rejoyce and catch advantage ; yet at the last ( fearing that neither Threats nor Complements would do the business ) they fall to a downright begging of a Pacification . For having taken God to witness , That they desired no National Quarrel to arise betwixt them , or to taste any of the bitter Fruit , which might set their Childrens Teeth on edge ; They professed themselves obliged in conscience to God , their Prince , Nation , and Brethren , to try all just and lawful means for the removal of all Causes of Di●●erence betwixt the two Nations , and to be always ready to o●fer the occasion of greater Satisfaction , for clearing of their Loyal Intentions to their Prince , and to all those whom it may concern : ●ut more particularly to his Lordship , in regard of his Place and Command at that time ; And this to do by any means whatsoever , which should be thought expedient on both sides . But Essex , though perhaps he might like their Cause , did not love their Nation ( the Affront put upon him by Carr Earl of Somerset running still in his mind ) ; so that the Practice edified very little with him ▪ for ought I can find ; whatsoever it might do with others about the King , to whom the Letter was communicated , which in duty he was bound to do on the first receiving . With greater comfort they applied themselves to the Earl of Arundel , whom at first they feared more than all the rest : but had now placed the greatest part of their confidence on him . For whilst the Puritans in both Kingdoms stood at a gaze upon the Issue of this War , one Mosely Vicar of Newark upon Trent , obtained leave to pass through the Army into Scotland : A man of zeal enough to be put upon any business which the wiser ones durst not be seen in ; and of such silliness withal , that no body could fear any danger from him . By this Man ( as appears by their Letter ) they understood of his Lordships particular Affection to the continuance of the Common Peace betwixt the Nations , being before assured of his Noble Disposition in the general ( as the Letter words it . ) And this being said , they signifie unto him , and wish that they could do the like to all the good Subjects of England , That they were neither weary of Monarchical Government , nor had entertained the least thoug●●s of casting of the yoke of Obedience , or invading England ; That they desired nothing else than peaceably to enjoy their Religion , and the Liberties of their Country , according to the Laws ; and that all Questions about the same , might be decided by Parliament and National Assemblies , which they conceived his Lordship would judge to be most equitable , and for which no National Quarrel ( as they hoped ) could justly arise . And finally , That they had sent him a Copy of the Supplication , which they intended to present unto the King , as soon as he was prepared for it ; to the end that by the mediation of his Lordship , and other Noble Lords of England , to whom they had written in like manner , his Majesty might be pleased to hear them at large , and grant such things as they had desired ; which they conceived to tend to his Majesties great Glory , to put an end to all the present Questions to their mutual rejoycing , and to make the blessed Instruments of so good a work to be thankfully remembred to Posterity . In their letter to the Earl of Holland , of the seventh of Iune , they express more confidence ( as being more assured of him then of any other ) not only justifying themselves in their former proceedings : but requesting his assistance to promote their desires in a petition tendred to his Majesty hands , descending by degrees to this particular , That by a meeting in some convenient place , and of some prime and well affected men to the Reformed Religion and the Common Peace , all matters might be so well amended , and with such expedition , that their evils ( through further delays ) might not prove incurable . These preparations being made , they found an easier business of it , then they had any reason to expect or hope , to bring his Majesty to meet them in the middle way ; who was so tender of their case that he was more ready to accept their supplication , then they were to offer it . It was not his intent to fight them , ( as I have heard from a person of great trust and honour ) but only by the terrour of so great an Army to draw the Scots to do him reason . And this I am the more apt to credit , because when a Noble and well experienced Commander offered him ( then being in Camp near Berwick ) that with two thousand horse ( which the King might very well have spared ) he would so waste , and spoil their Countrey , that the Scots should creep upon their bellies to implore his mercy , he would by no means hearken to the proposition . And having no purpose of out-going Muster and Ostentation , it is no wonder if he did not only willingly give way to the presenting of their Petition , and cheerfully embraced all Overtures tending to a Pacification : but make choice also of such persons , to Negotiate in it , who were more like to take such terms as they could get , then to fight it out . Commissioners being on both sides appointed , they came at last to this conclusion on the seventeenth of Iune , viz. First , That his Majesty should confirm whatsoever his Commissioner have already granted in his Majesties name , and that from thenceforth all matters Ecclesiastical should be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk , and all matters Civil by the Parliament ; and to that end a General Assembly to be Indicted on the sixth of August , and a Parliament on the twentieth of the same Moneth , in which Parliament an Act of Oblivion was to pass for the common peace and satisfaction of all parties ; that the Scots upon the publication of the accord , should within fourty eight hours disband all their Forces , discharge all pretended Tables , and Conventicles , restore unto the King all his Castles , Forts and Ammunition of all sorts ; the like Restitution to be made to all his good Subjects , of their Liberties , Lands , Houses , Goods , and Means whatsoever , taken and detained from them , since the late pretended General Assembly held at Glasco ; that thereupon his Majesty should presently recal his Fleet , and retire his Land Forces , and cause Restitution to be made of all persons of their Ships and Goods Detained and Arrested since the first of February . But as for the proceedings of the Assembly of Glasco , as his Majesty could not allow them with Honour on the one side ; so neither do I find that they were condemned , or that the Scots were bound to abandon the conclusions of it , so that it seems to have been left in the same condition , ( as to all the Acts , Determinations , and Results there ) in which it stood before his Majesties taking Arms ; Which as it was the chief ground of the Quarrel , so the King doing nothing in Order to the Abrogating of it , and the conclusions therein made , when he was in the head of a powerful Army , he could not give himself much hopes , that the Scots could yield to any such Abrogation , when he had no such Army to compel obedience . And this appeared immediately on his Majesties signing the Agreement , and the discharging of his Forces upon the same . For the Declaration of this accord was no sooner published , but the Covenanters produced a Protestation ; First , of adhering to their late General Assembly at Glasco , as a full and free Assembly of their Kirk , and to all the proceedings there ; especially the sentences of Deprivation , and Excommunication of the sometimes pretended Bishops of that Kingdom : And secondly , of adhering to their Solemn Covenant , and Declaration of the Assembly , whereby the office of Bishop is abjured . Thirdly , that the pretended Archbishops and Bishops , that usurp the title and office abjured by the Kirk and be contemners of the sentences of Kirk , have been malicious Incendiaries of his Majesty against this Kingdom , by their wicked calamnies ; and that if they return to this Kingdom , they be esteemed and used as accursed , and they delivered up to the Devil , and cast off from Christ his body , as Ethnicks , and Publicans : And fourthly , that all the entertainers of the Excommucated Bishops , should be orderly proceeded against with Excommunication , conform to the Acts , and Constitutions of this Kirk . And this they did as well to justifie their proceeding in the said Assembly , as to terrifie and affright the Bishops from presenting themselves as members of Assembly and Parliament at the next Conventions . Which done they dispersed abroad a scandalous Paper , pretending to contain the heads of the late Agreement ; but drawn so advantageously for themselves , so disagreeably to the true intention of his Majesty , that he could do no less in honour then call it in , and cause it to be publickly burnt by the hand of the Hangman . And being conscious to themselves how much his Majesty , must be incensed with these Indignities , they continued their meetings and Consultations as before they did , maintained their Fortifications at Leith the Port Town to Edenborough , disquieted molested , and frighted all of different inclinations , and kept their Officers and Commanders in continual pay , to have them in a Readiness on the next occasion . With which disorders his Majesty being made acquainted , he sent for some of the Chiefs of them to come to him to Berwick : but was refused in his Commands under pretence , that there was some intention to entrap them at their coming thither ; and that his Majesty might be staved off from being present at the next Assembly in Edenborough , as he had both promised , and resolved , they commit a riotous assault on the Earls of Kinnoul , and Traquaire , Chief Justice Elphinsten , and Sir Iames Hamilton , all Privy Counsellors of that Kingdom . These they pulled violently out of their Coach , on a suspicion that some Bishops were disguised amongst them ; but really that the King might have some cause to suspect that there could be no safety for him in such a place , and amongst people so enraged , notwithstanding his great clemency shewed unto them in the Pacification . His Majesty was now at leisure to repent the loss of those Advantages which God had put into his hands . He found the Scots so unprovided ( not having above 3000. compleat Arms amongst them ) that he might have scattered them like the dust before the wind at the very first onset . By making this agreement with them he put them into such a stock of Reputation , that within the compass of that year they furnished themselves out of Holland with Cannon , Arms , and Ammunition upon days of Payment without disbursing any money , which he knew they had not . He came unto the borders with a gallant Army , which might assure him ( under God ) of a very cheap and easie victory ; an Army governed by Colonels , and other Officers of approved Valour , and mingled with the choicest of the English Gentry , who stood as much upon his honour as upon their own . This Army he disbanded wi●●out doing any thing which might give satisfaction to the world , hims●lf , or them . Had he retired it only to a further distance , he had done as much as he was bound to by the Capitulations : But he disbanded it before he had seen the least performance on their parts of the points agreed on ; before he had seen the issue and success of the two Conventions , in which he did expect a settling of his peace and happiness ; which had he done , he had in all reasonable probabilities preserved his honour in the eye of Foraign Nations , secured himself from any danger from that people , and crusht those Practices at home which afterwards undermined his Peace , and destroyed his Glories . But doing it in this form and manner , without effecting any thing which he seemed to Arm for , he animated the Scots to commit new Insolencies , the Dutch to affront him in his own Shores , by fighting and destroying the Spanish Navy , lying under his protection , and ( which was worst of all ) gave no small discontentment to the English Gentry . Who having with great charge engaged themselves in this Expedition out of hope of getting honour to the King , their Country , and themselves by their faithful service , were suddenly dismissed , not only without the honour which they aimed at , but without any acknowledgment of their Love and Loyalty . A matter so unpleasing to them , that few of them appeared 〈◊〉 the next years Army ; many of them turned against him in the following troubles , the greatest part looking on his Successes with a careless eye , as unconcerned in his Affairs , whether good or bad . In this condition of Affairs he returned toward London in the end of Iuly , leaving the Scots to play their own Game as they listed ; having first nominated Traquaire as his High Commissioner for managing both the Assembly , and the following Parliament . In the first meeting of the two , they acted over all the parts they had plaid at Glasco , to the utter abolition of Episcopacy , and the destruction of all those which adhered unto it ; their Actings in it being confirmed in his name by the High Commission . In the Parliament they altered the old form of chusing the Lords of the Articles , erected a third Estate out of Lairds and Barons , instead of the Bishops ; invaded the Soveraign power of Coynage ; Resolved upon an Act for abrogating all former Statutes concerning the Judicature of the Exchequer for making of Proxies , and governing the Estates of Wards ; and finally , conceived the King to be much in their debt by yielding to a prorogation till a further time . The news whereof reduced the King to such a stand , that he was forced to send for Wentworth out of Ireland , where he had acted things in settling the Estate of that broken Kingdom , beyond expectation or belief . This charged on Canterbury , as a project and crime of his , and both together branded for it in a Speech made by the Lord Faulkland , in the first year of the Long Parliament , where speaking first of the Bishops generally , he tells the Speaker , That they had both kindled and blown the fire in both Nations ; and more particularly , that they had both sent and maintained that book , of which the Author hath no doubt long since wished with Nero ( Vtinam nescissem Literas . ) And of which more than one Kingdom hath cause to wish , that he who writ it , had rather burned a Library , though of the value of Ptolemies . And then he adds , We shall see then ( saith he ) who have been the first and principal cause of the breach , I will not say of , but since the Pacification at Berwick . We shall find them to have been the almost sole Abettors of my Lord of Strafford , whilst he was practicing upon another Kingdom that manner of Government which he intended to settle in this , where he committed so many , so mighty , and so manifest enormities , as the like have not been committed by any Governour in any Government since Veires left Sicily . And after they had called him over from being Deputy of Ireland to be in manner Deputy of England ( all things here being governed by a Iuntillo , and that Iuntillo governed by him ) to have assisted him in the giving of such Counsels , and the pursuing of such courses , as it is a hard and measuring cast , whether they were more unwise , more unjust , or more unfortunate , and which had infallibly been our destruction , if by the grace of God their share had not been as small in the subtilty of Serpents as in the innocence of Doves . But these were only the Evaporations of some Discontents , which that noble Orator had contracted ; of which more elsewhere . Wentworth being called unto this Service , was presently made Lord Leiutenant of Ireland , and not long after with great solemnity Created Earl of Strafford in the County of York . As Lord Lieutenant he had Power to appoint a Deputy , that so he might the better attend the Service here , without any prejudice to that Kingdom ; which Office he committed to Wansford a Yorkshire Gentleman , and an especial Confident of his , whom he had took along with him into Ireland at his first going thither . And because great Counsels are carried with most faith and secrecy , when they are entrusted but to few , his Majesty was pleased to commit the Conduct of the Scottish Businesses to a Iuncto of three ; that is to say , the Archbishop of Canterbury , the new Lord Lieutenant , and the Marquis of Hamilton ; which last the other two knew not how to trust , and therefore communicated no more of their Counsels to him , than such as they cared or feared not to make known to others . By these three joyned in Consultations , it was conceived expedient to move his Majesty to try his fortune once more in calling a Parliament , and in the mean time to command some of the Principal Covenanters to attend his Pleasure at the Court , and render an account of their late Proceedings . In order to the first , they had no sooner signified what they thought fit for his Majesties Service , but it was chearfully entertained by the Lords of the Council , who joined together with them in the Proposition ; promising his Majesty to assist him in extraordinary ways , if the Parliament should fail him in it , as they after did . Upon these Terms his Majesty yielded to the Motion on the fifth of December , causing an Intimation to be publickly made of his Intent to hold a Parliament on the 13th . of April , then next following : An Intimation which the Londoners received with great signs of joy , and so did many in the Country : but such withal , as gave no small matter of disturbance unto many others , who could not think the calling of a Parliament in that point of time , to be safe or seasonable . The last Parliament being dissolved in a Rupture , the Closets of some Members searched , many of them imprisoned , and some fined ; it was not to be thought but that they would come thither with revengeful Spirits . And should a breach happen betwixt them and the King , and the Parliament be Dissolved upon it , as it after was , the breach would prove irreparable , as it after did . Besides which fear , it was presumed , that the interval of four Months time , would give the discontented Party opportunity to unite themselves , to practice on the Shires and Burroughs , to elect such Members as they should recommend unto them ; and finally , not only to consult , but to conclude on such Particulars as they inte●●ed to insist upon , when they were Assembled . In which Res●●●● the calling a Parliament at that time , and with so long warning beforehand , was conceived unsafe : And if it was unsafe , it was mor● unseasonable . Parliaments had now long been discontinued , the People lived happily without them , and few took thought who should see the next : And which is more , the Neighbouring Kings and States beheld the King with greater Veneration , than they had done formerly , as one that could stand on his own Legs , and had raised up himself to so great Power both by Sea and Land , without such discontents and brabbles as his Parliaments gave him . So that to call a Parliament , was ●eared to be the likeliest way to make his Majesty seem less in estimation both at home and abroad , the eyes of men being distracted by so many objects . But whatsoever others thought , it was thought by Wentworth , that he could manage a Parliament well enough to the Kings Advantage ; especially by setting them such a Lesson as should make them all ashamed of not writing after such a Copy . Two ends they had in advising the Intimation of the Parliament to be given so long before the Sitting . First , That the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland might in the mean time hold a Parliament in that Kingdom , which he did accordingly , and governed the Affair so well , that an Army of 8000 Horse and Foot ( some of our Writers say 10000 ) was speedily raised , and Money granted by the Parliament to keep them in pay , and furnish them with Ammunition , Arms , and all other Necessaries . Secondly , That by the Reputation of a following Parliament , he might be the better enabled to borrow Money for the carrying on of that War , if the Parliament should chance to fail of doing their Duty ; wherein the Lords performed their parts , in drawing in great Sums of Money upon that account . For causing a List to be made of most of the Persons of Ability , which had relation to the Courts of Judicature , either Ecclesiastical or Civil , of such as held Offices of the Crown as attained unto his Majesties Service , or otherwise were thought to be well affected to the present Cause , and had not formerly contributed toward it , they called them to the Council-Table , where they endeavoured , by the prevailing Rhetorick of Power and Favour , to perswade them to a bountiful Contribution , or a chearful Loan , according to the Sums proportioned and requested of them . In which they did proceed so well , that money came flowing in apace , enough to put the King into a condition of making new Levies of Men both for Horse and Foot , Listing them under their Commanders , and putting them into a Posture for the War approaching . And that they might be sure to speed the better , by the encouragement of a good Example , the Lord Lieutenant subscribed for a Loan of 20000 l. the other Lords with the same Loyalty and Affection proportioning their Engagements to their Abilities , and thereby giving Law to most of the Noblemen in all parts of the Kingdom . Nor was the Queen wanting for her part to advance the Service ; For knowing how great a share she had in his Majesties Fortune , she employed her Secretary Winter , Mountague , Digby , and others of her Confidents of that Religion , to negotiate with the rest of their party , for being Assistant to his Majesty in so just a quarrel . In which design she found such a liberal correspondence from the Roman Catholicks , as shewed them to be somewhat ambitious of being accounted amongst the most Loyal and best affected , of his Majesties Subjects . These preparations being Resolved on and in some part made , it was thought convenient that his Majesty should take the opportunity of the coming of some Commissioners from the Scots to call for an account of their late proceedings . According unto which advice his Majesty appointed a Select Committee from the rest of the Council , to bring those Commissioners to a reckoning , to hear what they could say for themselves and the rest of their fellows , and to make report thereof to his Majesty ; The Commissioners were the Earl of Dumfermelling , the Lord London , Douglas and Barkley , both of inferiour rank , but of like Authority ; Of which the Speakers part was performed by London , A confident bold man , of a Pe●antical express●on , but one that loved to hear himself above all men living . Being Commanded to attend the Committee at the time appointed , they r●nted high , touching the Independency of the Crown of Scotland , and did not think themselves obliged to Treat with any , but his Majesty only . His Majesties vouchsa●e●ng his presence at the said Committee ; London begins with a defence of their proceedings , both in the General Assembly , and the late Parliament held at Edenborough by his Majesties Order ; Alledged that nothing was done in them contrary to the Laws of the Land , and the Precedents of former times ; and finally besought his Majesty to ratifie and confirm the Acts , and Results of both Commissions . They could shew none to qualifie them in the nature of Publick Agents ; Nor had they any power to Oblige their party in the performance of any thing which might give his Majesty full satisfaction for the time to come , whatsoever satisfaction he was able to give them in debating the business . His Majesty endeavoured not by reason only , but by all fair and gentle means , to let them see the unreasonableness of their demands , the legality of their proceedings , and the danger which would fall upon them , if they continued obstinate in their former courses . But London governed all the rest , who being of a fiery nature in himself , and a dependent on the Earl of Argile , who had declared himself for the Covenanters at the Assembly at Glasco , resolved to stand to the Conclusion which he brought along with him , though he found himself unable to make good the Premises ; so that some days being unprofitably spent in these debates , the Archbishop and the rest of the Committee , made a report of the whole business to the rest of the Council , who upon full consideration of all particulars , came to this Result : That since the Scots could not be reclaimed to their obedience by other means , they were to be reduced by Force . This was no more then what the Scots could give themselves Reason to expect ; and therefore they bestirred themselves as much on the other side . Part of the Walls of the Castle of Edenborough , with all the Ordnance upon it , had fallen down on the nineteenth of November last , being the Anniversary day of his Majesties Birth ( not without some presage of that ill fortune which befel him in the course of this War ) for the Repair whereof , they would neither suffer Timber , nor any other Materials to be carried to it : but on the contrary , they began to raise Works and Fortifications against it , with an intent to block it up , and render it unuseful to his Majesties Service : And to keep the Souldiers therein Garrisoned ( most of them English ) to hard meats , they would not suffer them to come into the Market to recruit their Victuals . They made Provisions of great quantity of Artillery , Munition and Arms from Foreign Parts ; laid Taxes of ten Marks in the hundred upon all the Subjects , according to their several Revenues , which they Levied with all cursed Rigour , though bruiting them abroad to be Free-will Offerings ; scattered abroad many Seditious and Scandalous Pamphlets , for justifying themselves and seducing others , some of which were burnt in England by the hand of the Hangman ; Fortified Inchgarvie and other places , which they planted with Ordnance ; Imprisoned the Earl of Southesk , and other Persons of Quality , for their fidelity to the King ; took to themselves the Government of the City of Edenborough , contrary to their Charters and Immunities , by which the Citizens were disabled from serving his Majesty in any of his just Commands ; and finally , employed their Emissaries in all Parts of England , to disswade those who were too backward of themselves , from contributing to the War against them , and to sollicit from them such several Aids as might the better enable them to maintain the War against their Sovereign . But their chief Correspondence was with France and Ireland . In France they had made sure of Cardinal of Richelieu , who Governed all Affairs in that Kingdom . Following the Maxim of Queen Elizabeth , in securing the Peace of his own Country by the Wars of his Neighbours , he practised the Revolt of Portugal , and put the Catalonians into Arms against their King , to the end that he might waste the fiery Spirit of the French in a War on Flanders , with the better fortune and success . But knowing that it was the Interest of the Crown of England , to hold the Balance even between France and Spain ; and that his Majesty by removing the Ships of Holland , which lay before Duynkirk , Anno 1635. had hindred the French from making such a Progress by Land , as might have made them Masters of the Spanish Netherlands ; he held it a chief piece of State-Craft ( as indeed it was ) to excite the Scots against their King , and to encourage them to stand it out unto the last , being so excited . Upon which ground he sent Chamberlain , a Scot by Birth , his Chaplain and Almoner , to assist the Confederates in advancing the business , and to attempt all ways for exasperating the first heat ; with Order not to depart from them , till ( things succeeding as he wished ) he might return with good News : And on the same appointed one of his Secretaries to reside in Scotland , to march along with them into England , to be present at all Councils of War , and direct their business . And on the other side , Hamiltons Chaplains had free accesses unto Con the same Countryman also , at such time as Chamberlain was Negotiating for the Cardinal , to ●oment the Flames , which had begun to rage already . And by a Letter subscribed by the Earl of Rothes , and others of chief note amongst the Covenanters , they craved the Assistance of that King , cast themselves upon his Protection , beseeching him to give credit to Colvill the Bearer thereof , whom they had instructed in all Particulars which concerned their Condition and Desires . In Ireland they had a strong Party of Natural Scots , planted in Vlster by King Iames , upon the forfeited Estates of Tir-Owen , Tir-Connel , Odighirtie ▪ &c. not Scots in Birth and Parentage only , but Design and Faction . But Wentworth was not to be told of their secret Practices ; he saw it in their general disposition to Schism and Faction , and was not unacquainted with their old Rebellions . It must be his care that they brake not into any new ; which he performed with such a diligent and watchful eye , that he crushed them in the very beginning o● the Combination , seising upon such Ships and Men as came thither from Scotland , Imprisoning some , Fining others , and putting an Oath upon the rest : By which Oath they were bound to abjure the Covenant , not to be aiding to the Covenanters against the King , nor to Protest against any of his Royal Edicts , as their Brethren in Scotland used to do . For the refusing of which Oath he Fined one (a) Sir Henry Steward and his Wife ( Persons of no less Power than Disaffection ) at no less than 5000 l. apiece ; two of their Daughters , and one Iames Gray of the same Confederacy , at the Sum of 3000 l. apiece ; committing them to Prison for not paying the Fines imposed upon them . All which he justified when he was brought unto his Trial , on good Reasons of State ; There (b) being at that time one hundred thousand Souls in Ireland of the Scottish Nation , most of them passionately affected to the Cause of the Covenanters , and some of them conspiring to betray the Town and Castle of Carickfergus to a Nobleman of that Country , for which the Principal Conspirator had been justly Executed . Nor staid he here , but he gave finally a Power to the Bishop of Down and Connor , and other Bishops of that Kingdom , and their several Chancellors , to attach the Bodies of all such of the meaner sort , who either should refuse to appear before them upon Citation , or to perform all Lawful Decrees and Orders made by the said Bishops and their Chancellors ; and to commit them to the next Gaol , till they should conform , or answer the Contempt at the Council-Table . By means whereof , he made the poorer sort so pliant , and obedient to their several Bishops , that there was good hopes of their Conformity to the Rules of the Church . Having thus carried on the affairs of Scotland till the end of this year , we must return to our Archbishop ; whom we shall find intent on the preservation of the Hierarchy , and the Church of England , against the Practices of the Scots , and Scotizing English : and no less busied in digesting an Apologie for vindicating the Liturgie commended to the Kirk of Scotland . In reference to the last , he took order for translating the Scottish Liturgy into the Latine Tongue ; that being published with the Apologie , which he had designed , it might give satisfaction to the world of his Majesty Piety , and his own great care , the Orthodoxie and simplicity of the Book it self , and the perverseness of the Scots in refusing all of it . Which Work was finished and left with him , but it went no further ; the present distemper of the times , and the troubles which fell heavily on him putting an end to it in the first beginning . But the best was , that the English Liturgie had been published in so many Languages , and the Scottish so agreeable to the English in the Forms and Offices , that any man might judge of the one by perusing the other . The first Liturgie of King Edward vi . translated into Latine by Alexander Alesius , a learned Scot , for the better information of Martin Bucer , when he first came to live amongst us ; the second Liturgie of that King with Queen Elizabeths Emendations by Walter Haddon , President of Magdalen Colledge in Oxon. and Dean of Exeter ; and his Translation rectified by Dr. Morket , in the times of King Iames , according to such Explications and Additions as were made by order from the King. The same translated into French , for the use of the Isle of Iersey , by the appointment of the King also ; into the Spanish for the better satisfaction of that Nation , by the prudent care of the Lord Keeper Williams ; And finally , by the countenance and encouragement of this Archbishop , translated into Greek by Petley , much about this time , that so the Eastern Churches might have as clear an information of the English Piety as the Western had . In order to the other he recommended to Hall , then Bishop of Exon. the writing of a book in defence of the Divine Right of Episcopacy , in opposition to the Scots and their Adherents . Exeter undertakes the Work , and sends him a rude draught or Skeleton of his design , consisting of the two main points of his intended discourse , together with the several Propositions which he intended to insist on in pursuance of it . The two main points which he was to aim at , were , First , That Episcopacy is a lawful , most ancient , holy , and divine institution ( as it is joyned with imparity , and superiority of Jurisdiction ) and therefore where it hath through Gods providence obtained , cannot by any humane power be abdicated without a manifest violation of Gods Ordinance . And secondly , That the Presbyterian Government , however vindicated under the glorious names of Christs Kingdom , and Ordinance , hath no true footing either in Scripture , or the Practice of the Church in all Ages from Christs time till the present ; and that howsoever it may be of use in some Cities or Territories , wherein Episcopal Government through iniquity of times cannot be had ; yet to obtrude it upon a Church otherwise settled under an acknowledged Monarchy , is utterly incongruous and unjustifiable . In which two points he was to predispose some Propositions ( or Postulata , as he calls them ) to be the ground of his proceedings ; which I shall here present in his own conceptions , that so we may the better judge of those corrections which were made upon them . The Postulata were as followeth , viz. 1. That Government which was of Apostolical Institution , cannot be denied to be of Divine Right . 2. Not only that Government which was directly commanded and enacted , but also that which was practiced and recommended by the Apostles to the Church , must justly pass ●or an Apostolical Institution . 3. That which the Apostles by Divine Inspiration instituted , was not for the present time , but for continuance . 4. The universal Practice of the Church , immediately succeeding the Apostles , is the best and surest Commentary upon the Practice of the Apostles , or upon their Expressions . 5. We may not entertain so irreverent an opinion of the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church , that they who were the immediate Successors of the Apostles , would , or durst set up a Government , either faulty , or of their own heads . 6. If they would have been so presumptuous , yet they could not have diffused an uniform form of Government through the world in so short a space . 7. The ancient Histories of the Church , and Writings of the eldest Fathers , are rather to be believed in the report of the Primitive Form of the Church-Government , than those of this last Age. 8. Those whom the ancient Church of God , and the holy and Orthodox Fathers condemned for Hereticks , are not fit to be followed as Authors of our Opinion or Practice for Church-Government . 9. The accession of honourable Titles or Priviledges , makes no difference in the substance of the calling . 10. Those Scriptures wherein a new Form of Government is grounded , have need to be very clear and unquestionable , and more evident than those whereon the former rejected Politie , is raised . 11. If that Order which , they say , Christ set for the Government of the Church ( which they call the Kingdom and Ordinance of Christ ) be but one , and undoubted , then it would , and shall have been ere this , agreed upon against them , what , and which it is . 12. It this ( which they pretend ) be the Kingdom , and Ordinance of Christ , then if any Essential part of it be wanting , Christs Kingdom is not erected in the Church . 13. Christian Politie requires no impossible or absurd thing . 14. Those Tenets which are new and unheard of in all Ages of the Church , ( in many , and Essential points ) are well worthy to be suspected . 16. To depart from the Practice of the Universal Church of Christ ( ever from the Apostles times ) and to betake our selves voluntarily to a new Form , lately taken up , cannot but be odious and highly scandalous . These first Delineations of the Pourtraicture being sent to Lambeth , in the end of October , were generally well approved of by the Metropolitan . Some lines there were which he thought to have too much shadow and umbrage , might be taken at them , if not otherwise qualified with a more perfect Ray of Light. And thereupon he takes the Pensil in his hand , and with some Alterations of the Figure , accompanied with many kind expressions of a fair acceptance , he sent them back again to be compleatly Limned and Coloured by that able hand . Which alterations , what they were , and his reasons for them , I shall adventure to lay down , as they come before me , that so the Reader may discern as well the clearness of his apprehension , and the excellency of his judgment in the points debated . The Letter long , and therefore so disposed of without further coherence , that so it may be perused or pretermitted without disturbance to the sequel ; some preparations being made by the hand of his Secretary , he proceeds thus to the rest . The rest of your Letter is fitter to be answered by my own hand , and so you have it . And since you are pleased so worthily and brother-like to acquaint me with the whole plot of your intended work , and to yield it up to my censure , and better advice ( so you are pleased to write ) I do not only thank you heartily for it : but shall in the same brotherly way , and with equal freedom put some few Animadversions , such as occur on the sudden , to your further consideration , aiming at nothing but what you do , the perfection of the work in which so much is concerned . And first , for Mr. George Graham ( whom Hall had signified to have renounced his Episcopal Function ) I leave you free to work upon his business , and his ignorance as you please , assuring my self that you will not depart from the gravity of your self , or the cause therein . Next you say in the first head , That Episcopacy is an ancient , holy , and divine Institution . It must needs be ancient and holy , if divine . Would it not be m●re full , went it thus ? So ancient as that it is of Divine Institution . Next you define Episcopacy by being joyned with imparity and superiority of Iurisdiction , but this seems short ; for every Archp●esbyters or Archdeacons place is so , yea , and so was Mr. Henderson in his Chair at Glasco , unless you will define it by a distinction of Order . I draw the superiority , not from the Iurisdiction which is attributed to Bishops jure positivo , in their Audience of Ecclesiastical matters : but from that which is intrinsical and original in the power of Excommunication . Again , you say in the first point ; That where Episcopacy hath obtained , it cannot be abdicated without violation of Gods Ordinance . This Proposition I conceive is inter minus habentes ; for never was there any Church yet , where it hath not obtained . The Christian Faith was ne●er yet planted any where , but the very first feature of a Church was by , or with Episcopacy ; and wheresoever now Episcopacy is not suffered to be , it is by such an Abdication , for certainly there it was à Principio . In your second head you grant that the Presbyterian government may be of use , where Episcopacy may not be had . First , I pray you consider whither this conversion be not needless here , and in it self of a dangerous consequence : Next I conceive there is no place where Episcopacy may not be had , if there be a Church more then in Title only . Thirdly , since they challenge their Presbyterian Fiction to be Christs Kingdom and Ordinance ( as your self expresseth ) and cast out Episcopacy as opposite to it , we must not use any mincing terms , but unmask them plainly ; nor shall I ever give way to hamper our selves for fear of speaking plain truth , though it be against Amsterdam or Geneva : and this must be sadly thought on . Concerning your Postulata I shall pray you to allow me the like freedom ; amongst which the two first are true , but ( as exprest ) two restrictive . For Episcopacy is not so to be asserted unto Apostolical Institution , as to bar it from looking higher and from fetching it materially and originally in the ground and Intention of it , from Christ himself ; though perhaps the Apostles formalized it . And here give me leave a little to enlarge . The adversaries of Episcopacy are not only the furious Arian Hereticks ( out of which are now raised , Prynne , Bastwick , and our Scottish Masters ) but some also of a milder and subtler all●y both in the Genevian and Roman Faction . And it will become the Church of England so to vindicate it against the furious Puritans as that we may not lay it open to be wounded by either of the other two , more cunning , and more learned adversaries . Not to the Roman faction for that will be content , it shall be Juris Divini mediati , by , far , from , and under the Pope , that so the Government of the Church may be Monarchical in him ; but not Immediati , which makes the Church Aristocratical in the Bishops . This is the Italian Rock , not the Genevan ; for that will not deny Episcopacy to be Juris Divini , so you will take it , ut suadentis vel approbantis but not imperantis ; for then they may take and leave as they will , which is that they would be at . Nay ( if I much forget not ) Beza himself is said to have acknowledged Episcopacy to be Juris Divini Imperantis , so you will not take it as universaliter imperantis , For then Geneva might escape : & citra considerationem durantis ; for then though they had it before , yet now upon wiser thoughts they may be without it , which Scotland says now , and who will may say it after , if this be good Divinity : and then all in that time shall be Democratical . I am bold to add , because in your second Postulatum I find , that Episcopacy is directly commanded : but you go not so far as to meet with this subtilty of Beza , which is the great Rock in the Lake of Geneva . In your nine Postulatum , that the Accession of Honourable Titles , or Priviledges , makes no difference in the substance of the calling , You mean the titles of Archbishops , Primates , Metropolitans , Patriarcks , &c. 'T is well , And I presume you do so : But then in any case take heed you assert it so , as that the Faction lay not hold of it , as if the Bishops were but the Title of Honour , and the same calling with a Priest ; For that they all aim at , &c. The eleventh Postulatum is larger , and I shall not Repeat it ; because I am sure you retein a Copy of what you write to me , being the Ribbs of the work ; nor shall I say more to it , then that it must be warily handled for fear of a saucy Answer , which is more ready with them a great deal then a Learned one . I presume I am pardoned already for this freedom by your submission of all to me . And now I heartily pray you to send me up , ( keeping a Copy to your self against the accidents of Carriage ) not the whole work together , but each particular head or Postulatum , as you finish it ; that so we here may be the better able to consider of it , and the work come on faster . So to Gods blessed Protection , &c. Such was the freedom which he used in declaring his judgement in the case , and such the Authority which his reasons carried along w●th them , that the Bishop of Exon found good cause to correct the obl●quity of his opinion according to the Rules of these Animadversions ; agreeably unto which the book was writ and published not long after , under the name of Episcopacy by Divine Right , &c. Such care being taken to prevent all inconveniencies which might come from Scotland , he casts his eye toward the Execution of his former Orders for Regulating the French and Dutch Churches here in England . It had been to no purpose in him to endeavour a Conformity amongst the Scots , as long as such examples of separation did continue amongst the English. If the post-nati in those Churches , born and bred in England , should not be bound to repair with other of their Neighbours to their Parish Churches , it might create a further mischief then the present Scandal , and come up close at last to formal Schism . His Order had been published in all the Congregations of strangers within his Province , as before is said ; but Executed more or less , as the Minister and Church-wardens stood affected to those Congregations . And therefore that the Church-wardens might more punctually proceed in doing their duty , It was thought fit that certain Articles should be framed and commended to them for their future direction . The Reformation being pursued in his own Diocess , and the Metropolitical City first , it was to be presumed , that those in other places would gladly follow the Example . Of laying taxes on those strangers in their several Parishes for repairing of , and adorning their several Parish-Churches , and providing Ornaments for the same they were in all places careful enough ; because their own profit was concerned in it . And for their proceedings in the rest they were directed by these Orders to inquire of all such strangers as lived amongst them , the names of all married persons in their Congregations as of the second descent in their several Parishes , to the end that order might be taken for decent seats for them , according to their Estates and qualities : that they should return the names and ages of those unmarried of the second descent , and whose children and servants they were ; to the end that the like care might be taken of their due resort to the Church , there to be Catechised , and Communicate according to their ages : that those at sixteen years and upwards , that had not already Communicated should prepare themselves to receive the blessed Sacrament in their Parish Church at the next Communion ; and from thence forward thrice in the year afterwards as the Canons of the Church require , as they would avoid presentment to their Ordinary for their neglect therein : that such as were Parents and Masters of Families of the first and second descent , did thenceforth every Lords day , half an hour after Evening Prayer , send all such , their Children and Servants as were under sixteen to their Parish Church , there to be Catechised according to the Orders of the Church , as they themselves upon presentment would answer the Contrary . These Articles being given in the middle of April , were Executed for the rest of the year more punctually then in any of those before . But it held not much longer then the rest of that year : The troubles which the Archbishop fell into , in the year next following dissolving all his Orders and Injunctions of this kind , as if never made . With equal constancy he governed his Counsels in all other particulars . Some informations had been given him of certain misdemeanours and corruptions in Merton Colledge , of which he was the Ordinary , and immediate Visitor , in the Right of his See ; and in that Right he resolves upon a Visitation both in Head , and Members . To this employment he deputes his Right Trusty Friend and Assured Servant , The Dean of the Arches ; who entring on his charge in the year foregoing 1638. made this Enquiry amongst others , viz. Whither they made due Reverence ( by bowing towards the Altar or Communion Table ) when they came into the Chappel . And finding by a return to this enquiry , that Corbet , and Cheynel two of the Fellows , not only had neglected but refused to make any such Reverence , he tryed all fair and plausible perswasions by himself and others to induce them too it . But not prevailing either way , he certified the Archbishop of his Proceedings , who thereupon caused some Injunctions to be sent to the Colledge for their future Governance , Amongst which I find this for one , that they use due and lowly Reverence towards the Lords Table , at their first entrance into the Quire. Upon the coming whereof there was no more dispute about it , those Reverences being made by most , and constantly continued by them till the Parliament of Novem. 3. In matters which concerned the Warden , it was thought fit by Lamb the Chief Commissioner , to do nothing without further direction , but only to acquaint the Archbishop , in what State he found them ; who thereupon recalled the business to himself . The parties to appear before him Octob. following , at which time he spent three days in hearing and examining the Points in difference between Brent the Warden , and such of the Fellows of the Colledge as complained against him : But for determining the Cause ( the Warden appearing very foul , as himself acknowledgeth ) he took time till the first of Iuly in this present year , that Brent might have the better opportunities to content his Fellows , for the Errors of his Government in the times precedent , and give them some assurance of a Reformation for the time to come . Which noble Favour notwithstanding , and that he went off with no other Censure than a fair and Fatherly Admonition : yet Brent unmindful of so great a moderation toward him , expres'd more readiness in contributing towards his Condemnation in the time of his Trial , than any of those who did most eagerly desire his Ruine . The course and method of my business having brought me to Oxon . I cannot depart thence , without taking notice of his further Bounty and Munificence to that University . He had before entertained some thoughts of clearing the great Square betwixt St. Maries and the Schools , intending to have raised a●fair and capacious Room , advanced on Pillars ; the upper part to serve for Convocations and Congregations , which till that time were held in the Church it self ; the lower for a Walk or place of Conference , in which Students of all sorts might confer together , at their repairing to the Schools , the Library , or any other business which concerned the Publick . But finding the Owners of those Houses not so willing to part with them , as he had probably presumed , he was fain to shift the Scene , though he held his purpose , which fell out very happily for that University : For being resolved to free St. Maries Church from those Inconveniencies , which the continual keeping of the Publick Convocations and Congregations must of necessity carry with it , he erected a stately and most elegant Pile at the West end of the Divinity School , and Publick Library ; The lower part whereof was fitted and accommodated for the Convocations , and other Publick Meetings of that Famous Body : The upper part , opening into the Bodleian Library , he trimmed with all the Curiosities of Art and Cost , to serve as a Repository for such Learned Writings , as the Piety of ensuing Times might confer upon it . And that it might not be reported , that he had given them nothing but an empty Box , ●e furnished it with no fewer than 1276 Manuscripts in several Languages , 700 whereof had been sent before at divers times , when this beautiful Structure was in raising : The rest were sent on Iune 28. in this present year ; 100 of these last being in the Hebrew , Greek , Arabick and Persian Tongues . And that he might make some Acknowledgment to the Town of Reading , in which he was born , and in the Grammar-School wh●reof he had received the first part of his Education , he bestowed upon it about this time also a Revenue of no less than 200 l. per Annum , to be thus disposed of ; that is to say , 120 l. thereof to be parcelled out every two years , for the pla 〈…〉 Apprentices , and setting up of young Beginners who had honestly served out their Times ; and every third year , for the Marriage of five young Maidens which had lived with one Master or Mistress for seven years together ; 50 l. of it to be yearly added for an Augmentation to the Minister of the Parish-Church of St. Laurence in which he was born , whose means before was miserably short of that which some call a Competency ; and having purchased the perpetual Parsonage of it , he conferred it on St. Iohn's Colledge in Oxon . to be a fit Preferment for any one of the Fellows of that House for the time to come : 20 l. of it he alotted yearly to encrease the Stipend of the Schoolmaster there ; 8 l. for the yearly Entertainment of the President and Fellows of St. Iohn's Colledge , whom he made his Visitors , to see that all things should be carried as fairly on , as by him piously intended ; the remaining 40 s. being added as a yearly Fee to the Town-Clerk , for Registring the Names of those who should from time to time enjoy the benefit of so great a Charity . Some other great Designs he had , but of a far more Publick and Heroick Nature ; as the encreasing of the Maintenance of all the poor Vicars in England ; To see the Tythes of London settled between the Clergy and the City ; For setting up a Greek Press at Oxon. and procuring Letters and Mattrices for the same , wherewith to Print and Publish all such Greek Manuscripts as were to be found in that Library ; For obtaining the like Grant from his Majesty for buying in all Impropriations , as had been made for the Repairing of St. Pauls : but not to take beginning , till that Work was finished ; For procuring an Extract of all the Records of the Tower relating to the Church and Clergy , to be written in a fair Vellom Book , which had been drawn down from the 20th . of Edward 1. to the 14th . of Edward iv . with an intent to carry on the Work till the last year of King Henry viii . that so the Church might understand her own Power and Priviledges . But the prosecution of this Work from the said 14th . of King Edward iv . and of all the rest before-mentioned , which he had hammered in design , were most unfortunately intermitted , by the great alteration of Affairs which soon after followed . I cannot tell whether Posterity will believe or not , That so many great and notable Projectments could be comprehended in one Soul ; most of them Ripened in a manner , the residue in the Bud or Blossom , and some of them bringing forth the Fruits expected from them . But the best is , that none of his Designs were carried in so close a manner , or left in so imperfect a condition , as not to give some visible Remembrances , as well of his Universal Comprehensions , as his Zeal and Piety . For notwithstanding the present Distractions which the Faction and Tumultuousness of the Scots , had drawn upon him ( enough to have deterred a right Constantine ) let us look on him in the pursuit of his former purposes , and we shall find him still the same . The Bishop of Exeter's Book being finished , and recommended by the Author to his last perusal before it went unto the Press , he took the pains to read it over with care and diligence ; in the perusal whereof he took notice , amongst other things , that the strict Superstition of the Sabbatarians was but lightly touch'd at ; whereas he thought , that some smarter Plaister to that Sore , might have done no harm . He observed also , that he had passed by this Point , viz. Whether Episcopacy be an Order or Degree , as not much material ; whereas in the Judgment of such Learned Men as he had consulted , it was the main ground of the whole Cause : And therefore he desired him to weigh it well , and to alter it with his own Pen as soon as might be . ●ut that which gave him most offence was , That the Title of Antichrist was positively and determinately bestowed upon the Pope ; Which being so contrary to the Judgment of many Learned ●●●testants , as well as his own , he allowed not of : but howsoever thought it fit to acquaint his Majesty with the Business ; and having so done , to submit it to his Will and Preasure . Concerning which , he writes thus to the Bishop in his Letter of Ianuary 14. this present year , viz. The last ( with which I durst not but acquaint his Majesty ) is about Antichrist , which Title in three or four places you bestow up is the Pope positively and determinately ; whereas King James of ●lessed Memory , having brought strong proof in a Work of his , as you well know , to prove the Pope to be Antichrist : yet being afterwards challenged about it , he made this Answer , when the King that now is went into Spain , and acquainted him with it ; That he writ , that not concludingly , but by way of Argument only : that the Pope and his Adherents might see , there was as good and better Arguments to prove him Antichrist , than for the Pope to challenge Temporal Iurisdiction over Kings . The whole Passage being known to me , I could not but speak with the King about it , who commanded me to write unto you , that you might qualifie your Expression in these Particulars , and so not differ from the known Iudgment of his Pious and Learned Father . This is easily done with your own Pen ; and the rather , because all Protestants joyn not in this Opinion of Antichrist . According to which good advice , the Bishop of Exon. qualified some of his Expressions , and deleted other , to the Contentment of his Sovereign , the Satisfaction of his Metropolitan , and his own great Honour . But whilest the Archbishop laboured to support Episcopacy on the one side , some of the Puritan Party did as much endeavour to suppress it , by lopping off the Branches first , and afterwards by laying the Ax to the root of the Tree . Bagshaw a Lawyer of some standing of the Middle Temple , did first prepare the way to the ruine of it , by questioning the Bishops Place and Vote in Parliament , their Temporal Power , and the Authority of the High-Commission . For being chosen Reader by that House for the Lent Vacation , he first began his Readings on February 24. selecting for the Argument of his Discoursings the Statute 25 Edw. 3. cap. 7. In prosecuting whereof , he had distributed his Conceptions into ten Parts , and each Part into ●●●●●●cial Cases ; by which account he must have had one hundred blows at the Church in his ten days Reading . His main Design was in the first place , intended chiefly for the defence of such Prohibitions as formerly had been granted by the Courts in Westminster-Hall to stop the Proceedings of the Court Christian , and specially of the High-Commission ; and in the next place , to deny the Authority of the Commission it self , as before was noted . In order whereunto , he began first to state these Questions , viz. 1. Whether it be a good Act of Parliament without the Assent of the Lords Spiritual ? which he he held affirmatively . 2. Whether any Beneficed Clerk were capable of Temporal Iurisdiction at the time of making that Law ? which he held in the negative . And 3. Whether a Bishop , without calling a Synod , have Power as Diocesan to convict an Heretick ? which he maintained in the negative also . The News whereof being brought to Lambeth , there was no need of warning the Archbishop to look about him , who was not to be told what a strong Faction some of the Scotizing Lawyers had made against the Church in Queen Elizabeths Time , carried it on under the Government of King Iames , and now began to threaten as much danger to it as in former times . He thereupon informs his Majesty both of the Man and his Design , and how far he had gone in justifying the Proceedings of the Scottish Covenanters , in decrying the Temporal Power of Church-men , and the undoubted Right of Bishops to their Place in Parliament . His Majesty hereupon gives Order to Finch the new Lord Keeper● to interdict all further Reading on those Points , or any others of like nature , which might administer any further Flame to the present Combustions . The Lord Keeper having done his part , and the Reader addressing himself to him , that by his leave he might proceed in the course of his Exercise , it was soon found , that nothing could be done therein without leave from the King ; and no such leave to be obtained , but by the Approbation and Con●ent of the Lord Archbishop . To Lambeth therefore goes the Reader , where he found no admittance till the making of his third Address , and was then told , That he was fallen upon a Subject neither safe nor seasonable , which should stick closer to him than he was aware of . Bagshaw endeavoured something in his own defence , as to the choice of the Argument ; and somewhat also , as to the impossibility of settling to any other Subject in the present Conjuncture , desiring his Grace to be a means unto the King , that he might proceed in performance of the Task he had undertaken . To which the Archbishop stoutly answered , That his Majesty was otherwise resolved in it ; and that perhaps it had been better for the Reader himself to have given over at the first , than have incurred his Majesties Royal Indignation by that unseasonable Adventure . No better Answer being given him , away goes Bagshaw out of Town , accompanied with forty or fifty Horse ( and it was a great Honour to the House that he had no more ) who seemed to be of the same Faction and A●fections also , as their designed Reader was , being instructed , though too late , that they could not have so great a care of their Courts and Profit , as the Archbishops had of the Churches power . Such was the constancy of his spirit , that notwithstanding the Combustions in Scotland , the ill prosecuting of the last Summers Action , and the uncertainties of what might happen in the next , he alwaies steered his course with a steady hand to the port he aimed at , though it pleased God to let him suffer shipwrack in the mouth of the Haven . The interrupting of this man in the course of his Reading , the holding of so strict an hand over the Congregations of the French and Dutch within his Province , and these compliances on the other side with the Church of Rome , were made occasions of the clamour , which was raised against him concerning his design to suppress the Gospel , and to bring in Popery and Arminianism ; or at the least to make a Reconciliation betwixt us and Rome , towards which the Doctrine of Arminius was given out for a certain Preamble . Which general clamour being raised against him and the rest of the Bishops , I find thus flourisht over by one of their Orators in the House of Commons . A little search ( saith he ) will find them to have been the destruction of Unity under pretence of Uniformity ; To have brought in Superstition and Scandal under titles of Reverence and Decency ; To have defiled our Church by adorning our Churches ; To have slackned the strictness of that Union which was formerly between us and those of our Religion beyond the Seas , An action as unpolitick as ungodly : Or we shall find them to have resembled the Dog in the Manger , to have neither preached themselves , nor imployed those that should , nor suffered those that would ; To have brought in Catechising only to thrust out Preaching , and cried down Lectures by the name of Factions , either because their industry in that duty appeared a reproof to their neglect of it , or with intention to have brought in darkness , that they might the easier sow their tares while it was night : and by that introduction of ignorance , introduce the better that Religion which accounts it the Mother of Devotion . In which ( saith he ) they have abused his Majesty , as well as his People ; for when he had with great wisdom silenced on both parts those opinions which have often tormented the Church , and have , and always will trouble the Schools , They made use of this Declaration to tye up one side , and to let the other loose , whereas they ought either in discretion to have been equally restrained , or in justice to have been equally tolerated . And it is observable , that the party to which they gave this Licence , was that , whose Doctrine , though it was not contrary to Law , was contrary to Custome , and for a long while in this Kingdom was no oftner Preached than Recanted , &c. We find them introducing such Doctrines , as admitting them to be true , the truth could not recompence the scandal ; Or such as were so far false , as Sir Thomas More saies of the Casuists , their business was not to keep men from sinning , but to inform them , Quam prope ad peccatum , sine peccato liceat accedere . So it seemed their work was to try how much of a Papist might be brought in without Popery , and to destroy as much of the Gospel without bringing themselves into danger of being destroyed by Law. To go yet further , some of them have so industriously laboured to deduce themselves from Rome , that they have given great suspicion that in gratitude they desire to return thither , or at least to meet it half way ; some have evidently laboured to bring in an English , though not a Roman Popery . I mean not only the outside and dress of it , but equally absolute , a blind dependance on the People upon the Clergy , and of the Clergy upon themselves ; and have opposed the Papacy beyond the Seas , that they might settle one beyond the water . Such being the general charge which was laid against him , we will consider in this place what may be said in order to his defence , as to some seeming Innovations into the Worship of God , his design to bring in Popery by the back-door of Arminianism , and his endeavouring of a Reconciliation betwixt us and Rome . And first , as touching such Innovations in the Worship of God , he makes a general purgation of himself in his Speech made in the Star-Chamber , the sum and substance whereof you have seen before . Out of which I shall only take this short and pithy Declaration which he makes of himself , in relation to this part of his charge . viz. I can say it clearly and truly , as in the presence of God , that I have done nothing , as a Prelate , to the utmost of what I am conscious , but with a single heart , and with a sincere intention for the good Government and honour of the Church , and the maintenance of the Orthodox truth , and Religion of Christ , professed , established , and maintained in the Church of England . For my care of this Church , the reducing it to Order , the upholding of the External Worship of God in it , and the settling of the Rules of its first Reformation , are the cause ( and the sole cause , whatsoever is pretended ) of this malicious storm that hath lowred so black upon me , and some of my Brethren . The like Declaration he also makes in his first Speech to the Lords , at the time of his tryal , where we find it thus : Ever since I came into place ( saith he ) I have laboured nothing more than that the External Worship of God ( so much slighted in divers parts of this Kingdom ) might be preserved ; and that with as much Decency and Uniformity as might be ; For I evidently saw , that the publick neglect of Gods Service in the outward face of it , and the nasty lying of many places dedicated to that Service , had almost cast a damp upon the true and inward Worship of God , which while we live in the body needs External helps , and all little enough to keep it in any vigour . And this I did to the utmost of my knowledge according both to Law and Canon , and with the consent and liking of the People ; nor did any Command issue out from me against the one or the other . And finally , we shall find the like Declaration made by him on the Sca●fold at the time of his death , in which sad hour there was no dissembling ( and I conceive all charitable men will believe so of it ) before God or man. But because it relates also to the next particular , we shall there meet with it . And for the next particular , concerning the designing to bring in ●●pery , it hath been further aggravated by his correspondency with t●e Popes Ministers here in England , and his indulgence to that Party upon all occasions . But of this he cleansed himself sufficiently in the 〈◊〉 - Chamiber Speech before remembred , in which he publickly avowed : First , That he knew of no plot or purpose of altering the Religion established . Secondly , That he had never been far from attempting any thing that may truly be said to tend that way in the least degree . And thirdly , having offered his Oath for the other two , that it the King had a mind to change Religion ( which he knew he had not ) his Majesty must seek for other Instruments , how basely soever those men had conceived of him . The like 〈…〉 gives also in the last hour of his life , when he was go●●● to tender an account of all his Actions before Gods Tribunal . ●here is a Clamour that I would have brought in Popery , but I was 〈◊〉 and baptized ( saith he ) in the bosome of the Church of England , established by Law ; in that profession I have ever since lived , and in that I come now to dye . This is no time to dissemble with God , least of all in matters of Religion ; and therefore I 〈◊〉 it may be remembred , I have alwaies lived in the Protestant Religion established in England , and in that I come now to die . And then he adds with reference to the point before , What Clamours and slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Uniformity in the External Service of God , according to the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church , all men know ; and I have abundantly 〈◊〉 . His Conference with Fisher the Iesuite , in the year 1622. and 〈…〉 of that Conference , Anno 1637. with Derings attestation 〈…〉 before we had , do most abundantly evince this truth , at he approved not the Doctrine of the Church of Rome . And as 〈◊〉 approve● not of their Doctrines , so he as much disliked their 〈◊〉 for gaining Proselytes , or multiplying their followers in all 〈…〉 the Kingdom : concerning which he tells his Majesty , That 〈…〉 never had advised a persecution of the Papists in any 〈◊〉 , yet God forbid ( saith he ) that your Majesty should let born Laws and Discipline sleep for fear of a Persecution , and in the mean time let Mr. Fisher and his Fellows Angle in all parts of your Dominions for your Subjects . If in your Grace and Goodness you will spare their persons : yet I humbly beseech you to see to it , that they be not suffered to lay either their Weels , or bait their H●oks , or cast their Nets in every stream , least the Temptation grow both too general , and too strong . So he in the Epistle Dedicatory to his Large Relation of the Conference between him and Fisher , published in the end of the year forgoing . Assuredly it must needs seem extremely ridiculous to others , and contradictory to it self , to confute the chief Doctrines of the Papists , and oppose their practicings , if he ●ad had any such design to bring in Popery . And being thus averse from them in point of Doctrine he declined all correspondence and acquaintance with them , whereby he might come under the suspicion of some secret Practice . I hold it probable enough , that the better to oblige the Queen unto him ( of whose Prevalency in the Kings affections he could not be ignorant ) he might consent to Con's coming hither over from the Pope , to be assistant to her in such affairs as the nature of her Religion might occasion with the Sea of Rome : But he kept himself at such a distance , that neither Con , nor Panzani before him ( who acted for a time in the same capacity ) could fasten any acquaintance on him . The Pamphlet called , The Popes Nuncio , Printed in the year 1643. hath told us , That Panzani at his being here , did desire a Conference with the Archbishop of Canterbury , but was put of and procrastinated therein from day to day ; That at the last he departed the Kingdom without any Speech with him . The like we find in the discovery of Andreas ab Habernfield , who tells us of this Con , That finding the Kings Judgment to depend much on the Archbishop of Canterbury , his faithful Servant , he resolved to move every stone , and bend all his strength to gain him to his side : being confident he had prepared , the means . For he had a command to make offer of a Cardinals Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the name of the Pope of Rome ; and that he should allure him also with higher promises , that he might corrupt his sincere mind ; yet a fitting occasion was never offered whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Archbishop , to whom free access was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countess of Arundel , as also by Secretary Windebank , all whose intercessions he neglected , and did shun ( as it were the Plague ) the company or Familiarity of Con. He was also sollicited by others of no mean Rank , well known to him , and yet he continued unmovable . And whereas some found a way to help at last by making Windebank the Internuncio betwixt him and them , that only serves to make the matter rather worse than better , there being a great strangeness grown betwixt him and Windebank ; not only before Con's coming into the Realm : but before Panzani had settled any course of intelligence in the Court of England . As for his favours towards those of the Catholick Party , and his connivence of their Practices , which is next objected ; as he had good reason for the one : so there could be no reason to object the other . He had good reason for the one , viz. That by shewing favours to the Papists here , they might obtain the like favours , for such Protestants as lived in the Dominion of Popish Princes . Upon which ground King Iames extended many favours to them in his time , as opinions as that Writer makes them , appears first by the Testimony of the Archbishop of Spalato , declaring in the High Commission a little be●ore ●i●●oing hence , that he acknowledged the Articles of the Church to be true , or profitable at the least ; and none of them to be Heretical . It appears secondly by a Tractate of Franciscus a Sancta Clara , ( as he calls himself ) in which he p●tteth such a gloss upon the 39 Articles of the Church of England as rendreth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome . And i● without prejudice to the truth , the controversies might have been composed , it is most probable , that other Protestant Churches would have su●d by their Agents to be included in the Peace : if not , the Church of England had lost nothing by it , as being hated by the Calvinists , and not loved by the Lutherans . Admitting then that such a Reconciliation was endeavoured betwixt the Agents for both Churches , Let us next see what our great States-men have discoursed upon that particular , upon what terms the Agreement was to have been made , and how far they proceeded in it . And first the book entituled the Popes Nuncio , affirmed to have been written by a Venetian Ambassador at his being in England , doth discourse it t●us . As to a Reconciliation ( saith he ) between the Churches of England and Rome , there were made some general Propositions and overtures by the Archbishops Agents , they assuring that his Grace was very much disposed thereunto ; and that if it was not accomplisht in his life time , it would prove a work of more difficulty after his death ; that in very truth for the last three years , the Archbishop had introduced some Innovations approaching ●ear the Rites and Forms of Rome ; that the Bishop of Chichester a great Confident of his Grace , the Lord Treasurer and eight other Bishops of his Graces party , did most passionately desire a Reconciliation with the Church of Rome ; that they did day by day receed from their Ancient Tenents to accommodate with the Church of Rome ; that therefore the Pope on his part , ought to make some steps to meet them , and the Court of Rome●●mit ●●mit something of its Rigor in Doctrine , or otherwise no accord would be . The composition on both sides in so good a forwardness , before Panzam le●t the Kingdom , that the Archbishop , and and Bishop of Chichester had often said , that there were but two sorts of People likely to impede and hinder the Reconciliation , to wit , the Puritans amongst the Protestants , and the Iesuites amongst the Catholicks . Let us next see the judgement and Relation of another Author in a gloss or Comment on the Former , intituled the English Pope Printed at London in the same year 1643. And he will tells us that after Con had undertook the managing of the affairs , matters began to grow toward some agreement . The King required , saith he , a b such a dispensation from the then Pope , as that his Catholick Subjects might resort to the Protestant Churches , and to take the oaths of Supremacy , and Fidelity , and that the Popes Jurisdiction here should be declared to be but of humane Right . And so far had the Pope consented that whatsoever did concern the King therein , should have been really performed , so far forth as other Catholick Princes usually enjoy , and expect as their due ; and so far as the Bishops were to be Independent both from King and Pope : there was no fear of breach on the Popes part . So that upon the point the Pope was to content himself amongst us in England with a Priority instead of a Superiority over other Bishops , and with a Primacy in stead of a Supremacy in th●se parts of Christendom : which I conceive no man of Learning , and Sobriety would have grudged to grant him . It was also condescended to in the name of the Pope , that marriage might be permitted to Priests ; that the Communion might be Administred sub utraque specie ; and that the Liturgy might be officiated in the English tongue . And though the Author adds not long after , that it was to be suspected , That so far as the inferiour Clergy , and the people were concerned , the after-performance was to be le●t to the Popes Discretion ; yet this was but his own suspicion , without ground at all . And to obtain a Reconciliation upon these Advantages the Archbishop had all the Reason in the world to do as he did , in ordering the Lords Table to be placed where the Altar stood , and making the accustomed Reverence in all approaches towards it , and accesses to it ; in beautifying and adorning Churches , and celebrating the Divine Service with all due Solemnities ; in taking care that all offensive and exasperating passages should be expunged out of such Books as were brought to the Press ; and for reducing the extravagancy of some opinions to an evener temper . His Majesty had the like Reason also for tolerating Lawful Recreations on the Sundays and Holy-days , The rigorous Restraint whereof made some Papists think ( those most especially of the vulgar sort , whom it most concerned ) that all honest Pastime were incompetible with our Religion . And if he approved Auricular Confession , and shewed himself willing to introduce it into the use of the Church , as both our Authors say he did ; it is no more then what the Liturgy Commends to the care of the Penitent ( though we find not the word Auricular in it ) or what the Canons have provided for in the point of security , for such as shall be willing to confess themselves : But whereas we are told by one of our Authors , that the King should say , he would use force to make it be received , were it not for fear of Sedition amongst the People ; yet is but in one of our Authors neither , who hath no other Author for it then a nameless Doctor . And in the way towards so happy an agreement ( though they all stand accused for it by the English Pope , pag. 15. ) Sparrow may be excused for placing it with Auricular Confession ; and W●ll● for for Penance ; Heylyn for Adoration toward the Altar ; and Mountague for such a qualified praying to Saints , as his books maintain against the Papists . If you would know how far they had proceeded towards this happy Reconciliation , the Popes Nuncio will assure us thus ; That the Vniversities , Bishops , and Divines of this Realm , did dayly embrace Catholick Opinions , though they profess'd not so much with Pen or Mouth for fear of the Puritans . For example , they hold , That the Church of Rome is a true Church ; That the Pope is Superiour to all Bishops ; That to him it appertains to call General Councils ; That it is lawful to pray for the Soul of the Departed ; That Altars ought to be erected of Stone : In sum , That they believe all that is taught by the Church , but not by the Court of Rome . Another of their Authors tells us ( as was elsewhere noted ) That those amongst us of greatest Worth , Learning , and Authority , began to love Temper and Moderation ; That their Doctrines began to be altered in many things , for which their Progenitors forsook the Visible Church of Christ ; as for example , The Pope not Antichrist , Prayers for the Dead , Limbus Patrum , Pictures ; That the Church hath Authority in determining Controversies of Faith , and to interpret Scriptures about Free will , Predestination , Universal Grace ; That all our Works are not Sins , Merit of Good Works , Inherent Iustice , Faith alone doth justifie , Charity to be preferred before Knowledge , The Authority of Traditions , Commandments possible to be kept ; That in Exposition of the Scripture , they are by Canon bound to follow the Fathers ; And that the once fearful Names of Priests and Altars , are used willingly in their Talk and Writings . In which Compliances , so far forth as they speak the truth ( for in some Points , through the ignorance of the one and the malice of the other , they are much mistaken ) there is scarce any thing which may not very well consist with the established ( though for a time discontinued ) Doctrine of the Church of England ; the Articles whereof , as the same Iesuit hath observed , seem patient , or ambitious rather , of some sense wherein they may seem Catholick : And such a sense is put upon them by him that calls himself Franciscus a Sacta Clara , as before was said . And if upon such Compliances as those before , on the part of the English , the Conditions offered by the Pope might have been confirmed , Who seeth not , that the greatest Benefit of the Reconciliation would have redounded to this Church , to the King and People ? His Majesties Security provided for , by the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance , so far as it concerned his Temporal Power ; The Bishops of England to be independent of the Popes of Rome ; The Clergy to be permitted the use of Marriage ; The People to receive the Communion in both KINDS , and all Divine Offices officiated in the English Tongue ; No Innovation made in Doctrine : but only in the qualifying of some Expressions , and discharging some Out-landish Glosses as were put upon them . And seeing this , What man could be so void of Charity , so uncompassionate of the Miseries and Distractions of Christendom , as not to wish from the very bottom of his Soul , That the Reconciliation had proceeded upon so good Terms ? as not to magnifie the men to succeeding Ages , who were the Instruments and Authors of so great a Blessing ? But then admitting , as we may , That no such Reconciliation was upon the Anvil ; and that our two Discoursers have proceeded only upon Suppositions : yet Canterbury had good ground for what he did , were it no other than the settling of the Church of England upon the first Principles and Positions of her Reformation . But he had further aims than so . He had some thoughts ( and I have reason to believe it ) by Conferences first ; and if that failed , by the ordinary course of Ecclesiastical Censures , (a) of gaining the Papists to the Church ; and therefore it concerned him in point of Prudence , to smooth the way , by removing all such Blocks and Obstacles which had been laid before them by the Puritan Faction . He knew , that from their Infancy they had been trained up in a Regular Order of Devotion ; and that they loved that Religion best , which came accompanied with Decency and External Splendour : That they objected nothing more against us , than the Novelty of our Doctrine , the Heterodoxies maintained in Publick by some of our Preachers , the slovenly keeping of our Churches , the Irreverence of the People in them , the rude and careless slubbering over of our Common Prayers . And what Encouragements had they for resorting to the Congregation , when they should hear the Pope defamed , whom they beh●ld with Reverence as their Common Father ; their Ceremonies to be counted Antichristian , their Mass ●●●latrous , their whole Religion worse than that of the Turks and Moors ; con●ormity to whom in Rites and Ceremonies , was held to be more tolerable by the Puritan Preachers , than to those of Rome . These ●ubs were first to be removed , before they could have any thoughts of uniting to us . And for the removing of those Rubs , he ●●ll up on the courses before-mentioned ; which being Renovations only of some ancient Usages , were branded by the odious name of Innovations , by some of those who out of cunning and design had long disused them . Some zealous Protestants beheld his Actings with no small fear , as bya●sing too strongly toward Rome ; that the Puritans exclaimed against him for a Papist , and the Papists cried him up for theirs , and gave themselves some flattering hopes of our coming towards them : But the most knowing and understanding men amongst them , found plainly , That nothing could tend more to their destruction , than the introducing of some Ceremonies which by late negligence and Practice had been discontinued . For I have heard from a Person of known Nobility , That at his being at Rome with a Father of the English Colledge , one of the Novices came in and told him with a great deal of joy , That the English were upon returning to the Church of Rome ; That they began to set up Altars , to Officiate in their Copes , to Adorn their Churches , and to paint the Pictures of the Saints in the Church Windows : To which the old Father made Reply , with some indignation , That he talked like an ignorant Novice ; That these Proceedings rather tended to the Ruine , than Advancement of the Catholick Cause ; That by this means the Church of England coming nearer to the ancient Usages , the Catholicks there would sooner be drawn off from them , than any more of that Nation would fall off to Rome . In reference to Doctrinal Points , Heterodoxies , and new Opinions , and such extravagant Expressions , both from Press and Pulpit , he took as much care as in the other . And to that end , he was not pleased that the Pope should be any longer stigmatized by the name of Antichrist ; and gave a strict Charge unto his Chaplains , That all exasperating Passages ( which edifie nothing ) should be expunged out of such Books , as by them were to be Licenced to the Press ; and that no Doctrines of that Church should be writ against : but such as seemed to be inconsistent with the establish'd Doctrine of the Church of England . Upon which ground it was , that Baker Chaplain to the Bishop of London refused to Licence the Reprinting of a Book about the Gunpowder-Treason , saying to him that brought the Book , That we were not so angry with the Papists now , as we were about twenty years since ; and that there was no need of any such Books to exasperate them , there being now an endeavour to win them to us by fairness and mildness . And on the same ground , Bray Chaplain to the Archbishop , refused the Licencing of another , called , The Advice of a Son , unless he might expunge some unpleasing Expressions , affirming , That those Passages would offend the Papists , whom we were now in a fair way of winning , and therefore must not use any harsh Phrases against them . The Chaplains not to be condemned for their honest care , and much less their Lords ; though I find it very heavily charged as a Crime in all . In the English Litany set out by King Henry viii . and continued in both Liturgies of King Edward vi . there was this Clause against the Pope , viz. From the Tyranny of the Bishop of Rome , and all his detestable Enormities , Good Lord , &c. Which being considered as a means to affright those of the Romish Party from coming diligently to our Churches , was prudently expunged by those who had the Revising of the Liturgie , in the first year of the Queen . In imitation of whose Piety and Christian Care , it was thought fit by the Archbishop to change some Phrases which were found in the Books of Prayer appointed ●or the Fifth of November . The first was this , Root out the Babylonish and Antichristian Se●t , which say of Jerusalem , Down with it , &c. Which he changed only unto this , Root out the Babylonish or Antichristian Sect ( of them ) which say , &c. The second was , Cut off those Workers of Iniquity , whose Religion is Rebellion , and whose Faith is Faction ; which he changed no otherwise than thus , Cut off those Workers of Iniquity , who turn Religion into Rebellion , &c. The Alterations were but small , but the clamour great which was raised about it . The Puritans complaining , That the Prayers so altered , were intended to reflect on 〈◊〉 , seemed to be conscious to themselves of turning Religion into Rebellion , and saying of Jerusalem ( like the old Babylonish Sect ) Down with it , down with it to the ground . But he had better reason for it , than they had against it . For if the first Reformers were so careful of giving no offence to the Romish Party , as to expunge a Passage out of the Publick Liturgie , when the Queen was a Protestant ; much greater reason had the Archbishop to correct those Passages in a formal Prayer not confirmed by Law , when the Queen was one of that Religion . Nothing in this or any of the rest before , which tends to the bringing in of Popery , the prejudice of the true Protestant Religion , or the suppressing of the Gospel . Had his Designs tended to the Advancing of Popery , he neither would have took such pains to confute their Doctrines , nor they have entertained such secret practices to destroy his Person ( of which more hereafter . ) Had he directed his endeavours to suppress the Protestants , he would not have given so much countenance to Dury a Scot , who entertained him with some hopes of working an Accord betwixt the Lutheran and Calvinian Churches . In which Service , as he wasted a great deal of time to little purpose ; so he received as much Encouragement from Canterbury , as he had reason to expect . Welcome at all times to his Table , and speaking honourably of him upon all occasions , till the Times were changed ; when either finding the impossibility of his Undertaking , or wanting a Supply of that Oyl which maintained his Lamp , he proved as true a Scot as the rest of that Nation ; laying the blame of his miscarriage in it , on the want of Encouragement ; and speaking disgracefully of the man which had given him most . Had he intended any prejudice to the Reformed Religion , Reformed according to the Doctrine of Calvin , and the Genevian Forms , both of Worship and Government , he would not have so cordially advanced the General Collection for the Palatine Churches , or provided so heartily for the Rochellers and their Religion ; touching which last , we find this Clause in a Prayer of his for the Duke of Buckingham , when he went Commander of his Majesties Forces for the Isle of Rhe , viz. Bless my dear Lord the Duke , that is gone Admiral with them , that Wisdom may attend all his Counsels , and Courage and Success all his Enterprises ; That by his and their means thou wilt be pleased to bring Safety to this Kingdom , Strength and Comfort to Religion , Victory and Reputation to our Country . Had he projected any such thing as the suppressing of the Gospel , he would not have shewed himself so industrious in preventing Socinianism from poysoning those of riper years , in turning afternoon Sermons into Catechising for the instruction of Children ; in prohibiting all Assemblies of Anabaptists , Familists , and other Sectaries , which oppose the Common Principles of the Christian Faith. For that his silencing of the Arminian Controversies , should be a means to suppress the Gospel ; or his favouring of those Opinions , designed for a back-door to bring in Popery , no wise man can think . The Points in Controversie between the Calvinists and Arminians , in the Reformed Churches of Calvin's Plat-form , are agitated no less fiercely by the Dominicans on the one side , the Iesuits and Franciscans on the other side , in the Church of Rome ; the Calvinists holding with the Dominicans , as the Arminians do with the Iesuit and Franciscan Friars . And therefore , why any such compliance with the Dominicans ( the principal Sticklers and Promoters in the Inquisition ) should not be looked on as a Back-door to bring in Popery , as well as a Compliance in the same Points with the other two Orders , is beyond my reach . With which I shut up my Discourse touching the Counsels and Designs which were then on foot , and conclude this year . The next begins with a Parliament and Convocation ; the one Assembled on the thirteenth , the other on the fourteenth of April . In Calling Parliaments , the King directs his Writs or Letters severally to the Peers and Prelates , requiring them to attend in Parliament to be holden by the Advice of his Privy Council , at a certain Time and Place appointed , and there to give their Counsel in some great and weighty Affairs , touching himself , the safety of the Realm , and the defence of the Church of England : A Clause being added in all those to the several Bishops , to give notice to all Deans and Archdeacons to attend the Parliament in their own Persons , all Chapters by one Proxie , and the Diocesan Clergy by two ; for yielding their Consent and Obedience to such Laws and Ordinances as by the Common Council of the Kingdom shall be then Enacted : Which Clause remains still in those Letters , though not still in practice . Writs are sent out also to the several Sheriffs , acquainting them with his Majesties purpose of consulting in a Parliamentary way with the Peers and Prelates , and other Great Men of the Realm ( the Judges and Officers of State , &c. ) and then requiring them to cause two Knights to be elected for every County , two Citizens for every City , or more Burgesses for every Burrough ( according as the place is priviledged ) in their several Shires . All of them to attend in Parliament at the time appointed ; no otherwise Impowered than the Deans , Archdeacons , and the rest of the Clergy by their formal Writs . But in the calling of a Convocation , the form is otherwise ; for in this case the King directs his Writs to the two Archbishops , requiring them for the great and weighty Reasons above-mentioned , to cause a Convocation of the Clergy to be forthwith called , leaving the nominating of the Time and Place to their discretion ; though for the ease of the Bishops and Clergy , commanded to attend in Parliament , as before was said , the Archbishop used to nominate such Time and Place as might most sort with that Attendance . On the receiving of which Writ , the Archbishop of Canterbury sends his Mandate to the Bishop of London , as Dean of the Episcopal Colledge , requiring him to Cite and Summon all the Bishops , Deans , Archdeacons , and Capitular Bodies , with the whole Clergy of the Province , according to the usual form , to appear before him at such place and time as he therein nominated ; and that the Procurators for the Chapter and Clergy be furnished with sufficient powers by those that sent them , not only to treat upon such points as should be propounded for the peace of the Church , and defence of the Realm of England , and to give their Counsel in the same , but also to (a) consent both in their own names , and in the names of them that sent them unto all such things as by mature deliberation , and consent , should be there ordained . Which Mandate being received by the Bishop of London , he sends out his Citations to the several Bishops of that Province , and they give intimation of it to the Clergy of their several Diocesses ; according whereunto the Chapters and Parochial Clergy do elect their Clerks , binding themselves (b) under the forfeiture of all their goods , movable , and immovable , to stand to and perform whatsoever the said Clerks shall say or do in their behalf . Both Bodies , being thus assembled , are to continue their attendance in the publick Service during the pleasure of the King ; the Acts of both to be invalid till confirmed by his Majesty , the one most commonly by himself , sitting upon his Royal Throne in open Parliament ▪ the other alwaies by Letters Patents under the Great Seal ; neither of the two to be dissolved but by several Writs , That for the Parliament directed to the Lord Chancellor , or Lord Keeper , ( as the case may vary ) That for the Convocation issued out to the Metropolitans of the several Provinces . In this , and this alone , they di●fer as to matter of Form , that the Peers and People assembled in Parliament may treat , debate , and conclude of any thing which is to be tendred to the King for his Royal Assent without any other power than the first Writ , by vertue whereof they are assembled : But the Bishops and Clergy are restrained in their Covocation by the Statute of the 25 Henry viii . from treating , debating , forming , and concluding of any Canons or Constitutions , or doing any Ecclesiastical Acts , tending to the determination of Controversies , or decreeing Ceremonies , till they are licenced thereunto by the Kings Commission . All which particulars I have thought fit to touch at in this present place , because we are to relate unto them in the course of our business . At the opening of the Parliament the Sermon was preached before his Majesty , the Peers and Prelates , by the Bishop of Ely. The Sermon being done , they passed in the accustomed State to the Parliament House : to which the Commons being called , his Majesty acquainted them with the indignities and affronts , even to the taking up of Arms against him , which he had suffered from some of his Subjects in Scotland , required their assistance to reduce them to their due obedience , advising them to go together for chusing their Sp●aker , and so to proceed unto their business . But all they did in order to his Commands , was the admitting of Glanvile , a right learned Lawyer , whom his Majesty had commended to them , to be the Speaker for their House . Their Grievances must first be heard , and the safety of Religion provided for before the matter of supply was to be considered . This was enough to give a● hint to the Archbishop , that an enquiry would be made into all his Actions , to the disturbance of the work which he had begun , and was in no small hope to perfect . For remedy whereof he was resolved to make use of a friend in the House of Commons for offering this motion to the rest , viz. That a certain number of that House would joyn in Conference with as many of the Clergy assembled in Convocation , touching all doubts and differences which might happen to arise amongst them in matters which concerned the Church . And this he did upon this reason , that if the motion were accepted , the Committee for the Clergie in Convocation , might give satisfaction to that of the House of Commons in all such matters Doctrinal , or points of Ceremony which should come before them : But if the motion were rejected , he should then get the start in point of Reputation amongst knowing men ; the refusing of so fair an offer , bearing witness for him that their Proceedings were directed rather by power and interest , than by truth and reason . But the short life of this Parliament made that Counsel useless . For the Commons doing nothing which the King desired , and the King desiring nothing more , than that they would speedily resolve one way or other , the Lords agreed upon a Vote for desiring a Conference with the Commons , the better to dispose them to this point , that his Majesties supply should have precedency of the Subjects Grievances . This voted by the Commons for a breach of their Priviledges , and the Peers censured for it , as having been transported beyond their bounds . To calm which heat his Majesty made offer for twelve Subsidies , to relinquish all his right to the Naval aide , of late called Ship-money , which had been anciently enjoyed by his Predecessors : But the Proposition , though it came but to three years purchase , would not down amongst them . At last they came unto a resolution of yielding somewhat toward his Majesties supply ; but in the grant thereof , blasted his Majesties Expedition against the Scots , whose Cause they resolved to make their own , and received thanks from them for that favour in their next Remonstrance . Which coming to his Majesties ears on Munday the fourth of May , he called his Council together on the next Morning betimes , by whose unanimous consent he dissolved the Parliament . On Tuesday , April 14 , the Convocation assembled in the Chapter-house of the Church of St. Paul , from whence they waited on his Grace and the rest of the Bishops , to hear the Sermon in the Quire. The Sermon preacht by Turner , Residentiary of the Church . His Text was taken out of Mat. 10.16 . Behold I send you forth as Sheep in the midst of Wolves , which he followed home unto the Purpose . In the close of the Sermon he had a passage in these words , or to this effect , that all the Bishops held not the Reins of Church Discipline with an even hand , but that some of them were too easie and remiss in the ordering thereof . Whereby though they sought to gain to themselves the popular plause of meekness and mildness , they occasionally cast on other Bishops ( more severe than themselves ) the unjust imputation of Rigour and Tyranny ; and therefore he advised them withall with equal strictness to urge an universal Conformity . The Sermon ended , the Clergy fell to the electing of their Prolocutor ( as before commanded ) pitching unanimously on Dr. Richard Steward Clerk of his Majesties Closet , and Dean of Chichester to be presented the next day to the Archbishop and the rest of the Prelates in the Chappel of King Henry vii . at Westminster , to which the Synod was adjourned . The next day being come ( after a Protestation made in writing by the Sub-Dean and Prebendaries of that Church for not acknowledging the Archbishop of Canterbury , or the rest of the Bishops , to have any Jurisdiction in that place , and the admitting of the same for good and valid ) they were permitted to proceed in their Convocation . The business of that day was the presenting of the Prolocutor by Sheldon , Warden of All-souls , his Admission by the Archbishop , and Stewards unwilling readiness to discharge the Office ; each of them delivering their conceptions in Elegant Latine Speeches , as the custome is , but the Archbishops longer than both the rest . Which Ceremonies being performed , his Grace produced a Commission under the Great Seal , by which they were enabled ( according to the said Statute of King Henry viii . ) to propose , treat , consult , and agree upon the Exposition or Alteration of any Canon then in force , and upon such new Canons , Orders , and Constitutions , as the said Bishops and Clergy ( of which the Lord Archbishop to be alwaies one ) should think ●it , necessary , and convenient for the honour and service of Almighty God , the good and quiet of the Church , and the better Government thereof to be performed and kept by the said Archbishops , Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy in their several places ; as also by the Dean of the Arches , and by all others having Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Province of Canterbury , and by all other persons within this Realm , so far as being Members of this Church they may be concerned . Provided alwaies that no such Canons , Orders , or Constitutions , so to be considered on as aforesaid , be contrary or repugnant to the Liturgy established , or the Rubricks in it , or the 39 Articles , or any Doctrinal Orders , and Ceremonies of the Church of England already established ; as also that nothing should be done in execution of the same , till being exhibited to his Majesty in writing , to be allowed , approved , confirmed , and ratified ; or otherwise disallowed , annihilated , and made void as he should think fit , requisite , and convenient : and then to be allowed , approved , and confirmed by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England , Also the said Commission to continue and remain in force during the present Session of Parliament , and to expire together with it . For the procuring of this Commission , as the Archbishop had good reason , as well for countenancing and confirming his former Actings , as for rectifying many other things which required reformation ; so had his Majesty as good reasons for the granting of it , the grounds whereof contained in his Commission of Iune 13. for confirming all the Acts of this Convocation , are to this effect : He had been given to understand , that many of his Subjects being misled against the Rites and Ceremonies then used in the Church of England , had taken offence at the same upon an unjust supposal , That they were not only contrary to Law , but also introductive unto Popish Superstitions ; whereas it well appeared unto him upon mature deliberation , that the said Rites and Ceremonies , which were then so much quarrelled at , were not only approved of , and used by those godly and learned Divines to whom , at the time of the Reformation under King Edward vi . the compiling of the Book of Common-Prayer was committed ( divers of which suffered Martyrdom in Queen Maries daies ) but also again taken up by this whole Church under Queen Elizabeth . Which Rites so taken up , had been so duly and ordinarily practiced for a great part of her Reign ( within the memory of divers living ) as that it could not then be imagined , that there would need any Rule or Law for the observation of the same , nor that they could be thought to savour of Popery . He found too plainly , that since those times , for want of an express Rule therein , and by the subtle practices of some men , the said Rites and Ceremonies began to fall into disuse ; and in place thereof other Foreign and unfitting usages by little and little to creep in : But being he found withal that in the Royal Chappels , and in many other Churches most of them had been ever constantly used and observed , his Majesty could not but be very sensible of the inconvenience . And he had cause also to conceive , that the Authors and Fomenters of those Jealousies ; though they coloured the same with a pretence of zeal , and did seem to strike only at some supposed iniquity in the said Ceremonies : yet aimed at his Royal Person , and would have his good Subjects think , that he himself was perverted , and did worship God in a superstitious way , and that he did intend to bring in some alteration in the Religion here established . From which how far he was , and how utterly he detested the very thought thereof , he had by his many Declarations , and upon sundry other occasions , given such assurance to the World , that no man of wisdom and discretion could ever be so beguiled as to give any serious entertainment to such brainsick Jealousies . And as for the weaker sort , who were prone to be misled by crafty seducers , he alwaies assured himself , that as many of them as had loyal , or but charitable hearts , would from thenceforth utterly banish all such causeless fears and surmises upon those his Sacred Professions so often made , as a Defender of the Christian Faith , their King and Sovereign . He perceived in the next place , That the Ring-leaders of many well-minded people , did make the more advantage ( for the nourishing of such distempers amongst them ) because the aforesaid Rites and Ceremonies , or some of them , were now insisted upon but only in some Diocesses , and were not generally received in all places , nor constantly nor uniformly practiced throughout all the Churches in the Kingdom ; and thereupon have been liable to be quarrelled and opposed by them who use them not . In imitation therefore of the pious Examples of King Edward vi . Queen Elizabeth , and King Iames of Blessed Memories , he thought it most agreeable to his own Honour , and the good of his People , to Licence the Archbishops , Bishops , and the rest of the Clergie in their several Convocations , to make such further Orders , Ordinances , and Constitutions , as should be found necessary for the Advancing of Gods Glory , the Edifying of the Holy Church , and the due Reverence of his Blessed Mysteries and Sacraments . And this he did to this end and purpose , That as he had been ever careful and ready to cut off Superstition with the one hand , so he might also expell Profaneness and Irreverence with the other : By means whereof it might please Almighty God to bless him , and this Church committed to his Government , that it might at once return to the true former splendour of Uniformity , Devotion , and holy Order ; the last whereof , for many years last past , had been much obscured by the devices of some ill affected to it , where it had long stood from the very beginning of the Reformation , and through inadvertency of some in Authority in the Church under him . Such were the Motives which induced his Majesty to grant this Commission , which was exceeding acceptable to the greatest and best affected part of the whole Assembly , as being an evident demonstration of the Trust and Confidence which his Majesty had reposed in them . In a grateful acknowledgment whereof , for the support of his Majesties Royal Estate , and the effectual furtherance of his most Royal and Extraordinary Designs abroad , they gave him six Subsidies , after the rate of four shillings in the pound , to be paid in the six years then next following , by two equal parts or moyeties in every year ; appointing a Committee to put the Grant into form , and make it ready for a Confirmation by Act of Parliament . But the first thing in which they acted by this Commission , was the tendring of a Canon to them by the Archbishop of Canterbury , For suppressing the further growth of Popery , and reducing Papists to the Church ; with Order to the Prolocutor and inferiour Clergy , to enlarge and perfect it as to them seemed most conducible to the end desired : But afterward considering how much it might redound to his estimation , that the said Canon should proceed intirely from himself alone , he recalled the Paper into his own hands ; and after some time of deliberation , returned it back unto the Clergy in the very same words in which it passed . By which so framed and enlarged , it was Ordained , That all and every Person or Persons , of what Rank soever , having and exercising any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , as also all Persons entrusted with Cure of Souls , should use respectively all possible care and diligence , by open Conferences with the Parties , and by Censures of the Church in inferiour and higher Courts , as also by Compl●ints unto the Secular Power , to reduce all such to the Church of England , who were misled into Popish Superstition . Those publick Conferences to be managed by the Bishop in person ( if his Occasion will permit it ) or by some one or more Learned Men of his especial appointment . The time and place of such Conferences , with the Names of the Persons to be admitted to the same , to be of the Bishops nomination . Such Papists as refuse to appear at any of the said Co●ferences , to be counted obstinate ; and such Ministers as should refuse to act therein , without a reasonable Cause approved by the Bishop , to be Suspended for six Months : Provided , That the place appointed for the said Conferences , be not distant above ten miles from their dwelling Houses : That in case such Conferences produce not the effect desired , all Ecclesiastical Persons shall then be careful to inform themselves of all Recusants , above the age of 12 years , in their several Parishes , as well concerning their not coming to the Church , as their resorting to other places to hear Mass ; of all such as be active in seducing the Subjects from coming to Church , and disswading them from taking the Oath of Allegiance ; the Names of all such to be presented , that being cited , and found obstinate , they might be publickly Excommunicated , as well in the Cathedral as their Parish Churches . The like course to be also taken by the Diocesans , in places of exempt Jurisdiction , and the Offenders to be turned over to the High-Commission . That the Names of all such as are presented in any Inferiour Jurisdiction , be transmitted within six Months to the Diocesans , by them to be returned , to●ether with the Names of such as have been presented in their own Visitations , to his Majesties Justices of Assize in their several Circuits . And the same course to be also taken in returning the Names of all such persons as have been either Married or Buried , or have ●ave had their Children Christned in any other form , than according to the Rules of the Church of England ; to the intent they may be punished according to the Statutes in that behalf . That Information be given by all Churchwardens upon their Oaths , what persons are imployed as Schoolmasters in Recusants Houses ; to the end that if they have not or will not subscribe , they may be forbidden and discharged from teaching Children any longer : And the Names of all Persons which entertain such Schoolmasters , to be certified at the next Assizes . Such Schoolmasters to incur the publick Censure of the Church , as do not carefully instruct the Children committed to them , in the publick Catechism ; and the Names of such Parents , as either thereupon shall take away their said Children , or otherwise send them to be educated beyond the Seas , to be presented upon Oath at the Visitations , and certified also to the said Justices , as before is said , that the said Parents may be punished according to Law : The said Certificate to be presented to the Judges by the Bishops Registers , immediately on the Reading of the Commission , or at the end of the Charge , upon pain of Suspension for three Months from their several Offices : The said Judges and Justices being entreated and exhorted , not to fail of putting the said Laws in execution ; and not to admit of any vexatious Suit or Suits , against any Churchwardens , or other sworn Officers , for doing their duty in this kind : That a Significavit be made in Chancery by all the several Bishops , of the Names of all such persons as have stood Excommunicated beyond the time limited by the Laws , desiring that the Writ De Excommunicato capiendo may be issued against them ex Officio . And finally , That no person or persons subject to the said Writ , shall be Absolved by virtue of an Appeal into any Ecclesiastical Court , till they have first taken in their own persons the usual Oath De parendo juri , & stando mandatis Ecclesiae : With a Petition to his Majesty , in the Name of the Synod , to give command both to his Officers in Chancery , and the Sheriffs of the several Counties , for sending out and executing the said Writs from time to time , without any Charge to the Diocesans ( whose Estates it would otherwise much exhaust ) as often as it should be desired of them . Such is the substance of this Canon , in laying down whereof I have been the more punctual and exact , that the equal and judicious Reader may the better see what point it was , which the Archbishop aimed at , from the first beginning of his Power and Government , as before was noted . In the mean time , whilst this Canon was under a Review , another ready drawn was tendred to the Prolocutor by the Clerk of Westminster , for the better keeping of the day of his Majesties most happy Inauguration : By which it was decreed , according to the Example of the most pious Emperours of the Primitive Times , and our own most Godly Kings and Princes since the Reformation , and the Form of Prayer already made , and by his Majesties Authority Appointed to be used on the said days of Inauguration , That all manner of persons within the Church of England , should from thenceforth celebrate and keep the morning of the said day , in coming diligently and reverently unto their Parish Church or Chappel at the time of Prayer , and there continue all the while that the Prayers , Preaching , or other Service of the day endureth : That for the better observing of the said day , two of the said Books should be provided at the Charge of each several Parish , by the Churchwardens of the same ; with an Injunction to all Bishop● , Archdeacons , and other Ordinaries , to inquire into the premises at their Visitations , and punish such as are delinquent , as in case of such as absent themselves on the other Holydays . Another Canon was brought in against Socinianism , by the spreading of which damnable and cursed Heresie , much mischief had already been done in the Church : For the suppressing whereof , it was ordained by the Synod ( after some explication and correction of the words and phrases ) , That no Stationer , Printer , or other person , should print , buy , sell , or disperse any Book , broaching or maintaining the said Abominable Doctrine or Positions , upon pain of Excommunication ipso facto , and of being proceeded against by his Majesties Atturney-General , on a Certificate thereof to be returned by the several Ordinaries to their Metropolitan , according to the late Decree of Star-Chamber against Sellers of prohibited Books ; That no Preacher should presume to vent any such Doctrine in any Sermon , under pain of Excommunication for the first Offence , and Deprivation for the second : That no Student in either of the Universities , nor any person in Holy Orders , excepting Graduates in Divinity , or such as have Episcopal or Archidiaconal Jurisdiction , or Doctors of Law in Holy Orders , shall be suffered to have or read any such Socinian Book or Discourse , under pain ( if the Offender live in the University ) that he shall be punished according to the strictest Statutes provided there against the publishing , reading , and maintaining of false Doctrines ; or if he lived in the City or Country abroad , of a Suspension for the first O●fence , Excommunication ●or the second , and Deprivation for the third , unless he should absolutely and in terminis abjure the same : That if any Lay-person should be seduced unto that Opinion , and be convicted of it , he should be Excommunicated , and not Absolved but upon due Repentance and Abjuration , and that before his Metropolitan , or his own Bishop at least : With several Clauses for seizing and burning all such Books as should be found in any other hands than those before limited and expressed . Which severe course being taken by the Convocation , makes it a matter of no small wonder , That Cheynell the Usufructuary of the 〈◊〉 Parsonage of Petworth , should impute the Rise and Growth of 〈◊〉 , in a Pamphlet not long after Printed , unto many of those who had been principal Actors in suppressing of those wicked and detestable Heresies . Another Canon was presented to the Prolecut●r , by one of the Members of that Body , advanced the next year to a 〈◊〉 Dignity , for Restraint of Sectaries : By which it was de●●●●d , That all those Proceedings and Penalties which are menti●●●d in the Canon against Popish Recusants , so far forth as may be appliable , should be in full force and vigour against all Anabaptists , Brownists , S●peratists , Familists , or other Sect or Sects , Person or Persons whatsoever , who do or shall either obstinately refuse : or ordinarily , not having a lawful impediment ( that is , for the space of a Month ) neglect to repair to their Parish Churches or Chappels where they inhabit , for the hearing of Divine Service established , and receiving of the Holy Communion according to Law ; That the Clause in the former Canon against Books of Socinianism , should also extend to the Makers , Importers , Printers , and Publishers or Dispersers of any Book , Writing , or Scandalous Pamphlet , devised against the Discipline and Government of the Church of England ; and unto the Maintainers and Abettors of any Opinion or Doctrine against the same . And finally , That all despisers and depravers of the Book of Common Prayer , who resorted not according to Law to their Church or Chappel , to joyn in the Publick Worship of God in the Congregation , contenting themselves with the hearing of Sermons only , should be carefully inquired after , and presented to their several and respective Ordinaries ; The same Proceedings and Penalties mentioned in the aforesaid Canons , to be used against them , unless within one whole Month after they are first Denounced , they shall make Acknowledgment and Reformation of their fault . So far the Bishops and Clergy had proceeded in the Work recommended to them , when the Parliament was most unhappily Dissolved : And possibly the Convocation had expired the next day also , according to the usual custom , if one of the Clergy had not made the Archbishop acquainted with a Precedent in Queen Elizabeths Time , for the granting a Subsidy or Benevolence by Convocation , to be Taxed and Levied by Synodical Acts and Constitutions , without help of the Parliament ; directing to the Records of Convocation where it was to be found . Whereupon the Convocation was Adjourned from Wednesday , till the Friday following , and then till the next day after , and so till Munday , to the great amazement of many of the Members of it , who expected to have been Dissolved when the Parliament was , according to that clause in the Commission aforesaid , by which it was restrained to the Time of the Parliament only . Much pains was taken by some of the Company , who had been studied in the Records of Convocation , in shewing the difference betwixt the Writ for calling a Parliament , and that for assembling a Convocation ; their different Forms , and the independence of the one upon the other : but more especially betwixt the Writ by which they were made a Convocation , and that Commission by which they were enabled to the making of Canons ; That though the Commission was expired with the Parliament , yet the Writ continued still in force ; and by that Writ they were to remain a Convocation , until they were Dissolved by another . With which Distinction , the greatest part of those who before had scrupled at their Sitting , did appear well satisfied ; but better satisfied on the Munday , by a Paper which was sent unto them from the Court. For the King being made acquainted with these scrupulosities , proposed the Question on Sunday May 10. to the greatest Lawyers then about him , who gave their Judgment in these words , viz. The Convocation called by the Kings Writ , is to be continued till it be dissolved by the Kin●s Writ , notwithstanding the Dissolution of the Parliament . Subscribed by ●inch Lord Keeper , Manchester Lord Privy Seal , Littlet●● Chief 〈◊〉 of the Common Pleas , Bancks Attorney-General , Whitfeild and Heath two of his Majesties Counsel Learned in the Laws of this Land. Incouraged with which assurance , and Animated by a New Commission to remain in Force during the Pleasure of the King , they settled to their work again on Wednesday the thirteenth of that Moneth , but not without some trouble of mind in regard of the Apparent Danger which seemed to threaten them . The Archbishops house at Lambeth had been assaulted on Munday by a Rabble of Anabaptists , Brownists , and other Sectaries , to the Number of five hundred and upwards , who seeing they could not force that house resolved to turn their fury on the Convocation . Of which his Majesty being Informed , he caused a guard to be set about them consisting of some Companies of the trained Bands of the County of Middlesex under the Command of Endymion Porter , one of the Grooms of the Bed-chamber ; an honest man , and of good affections to the Church and his Majesties Service . To such extremities were the poor Clergy brought during these confusions ; in danger of the Kings displeasure if they Rose , of the Peoples fury if they Sate ; in danger of being beaten up by tumults , when they were at their work , of being beaten down by the following Parliament , when their work was done . But they went forward howsoever to the end of their journey , and did the business as they went , dispatching more work in so short a time then could be easily imagined . T●ree things there were which Canterbury was to take special ca●e of in reference to the Publick peace of the Church and State ; That is to say ▪ the Reparation of the breaches made in the Regal , and Episcopal Power by the late batteries of the Scots , and their adherents , on the commending of the Uniformity to all parts of the Kingdom , which had been happily begun in so many places . 〈◊〉 r●ference to the first , some propositions touching the institution , Power and Priviledges of Sovereign Princes , were recommended to the consideration of the Prolocutor and the Rest of the Clergy , by them to be corrected if they saw occasion ; and being so corrected to pass into a Canon . The Propositions six in number , and were these t●at follow , I. The most High , and Sacred Order of Kings is of Divine Right , b●in● the Ordinance of God himself , founded in the prime Laws of Nature , and clearly established by Express Texts , both of the Old and the New Testaments . A Supream Power is given to this most Excellent Order by God himself in the Scriptures , which is , That Kings should Rule , and Command in their several Dominions , all Persons of what Rank or Estate whatsoever , whether Ecclesiastical or Civil , and that they should Restrain and Punish with the Temporal Sword all Stub●●●n and wicked doers . II. 〈◊〉 care of Gods Church is so committed to Kings in Scripture , that they are commanded when the Church keeps the Right way , and taxed when it Runs Amiss ; and therefore her Goverment belongs in Chief unto Kings : For otherwise one man would be commended for anothers care , and taxed but for anothers negligence , which is not Gods way . III. The Power to Call and Dissolve Councils both National and Provincial , is the true Right of all Christian Kings within their own Realms , and Territories . And when in the first times of Christs Church , Prelates used this Power , 't was therefore only because in those days they had no Christian Kings , And it was then so only used as in time of persecution , that is , with supposition ( in case it were required ) of submitting their very lives , unto the very Laws and Commands , even of those Pagan Princes , that they might not so much as seem to disturb their Civil Government , which Christ came to confirm but by no means to undermine . IV. For any Person or Persons to set up , maintain or avow in any the said Realms , or Territories Respectively , under any pretext whatsoever any Independent Co-active Power , either Papal or Popular ( whether directly or indirectly ) is to undermine their Great Royal Office , and cunningly to overthrow the Most Sacred Ordinances which God himself hath established : And so it is Treasonable against God as well as against the King. V. For Subjects to bear Arms against their Kings , Offensive or Defensive upon any pretence whatsoever , is at least to Resist the Powers which are ordained by God. And though they do not invade but only Resist , S. Paul tells them plainly , They shall receive to themselves damnation . VI. And although Tribute , and Custom and Aid , and Subsidies , and all manner of necessary Support , and Supply , be respectively due to Kings from their Subjects by the Law of God , Nature , and Nations for the Publick Defence , care and Protection of them : yet nevertheless Subjects have not only possession of , but a true and Iust Right , Title , and Propriety , to , and in , all their Goods , and Estates , and ought for to have : And these two are so far from crossing one another , that they mutually go together , for the Honourable and Comfortable support of both . For as it is the duty of Subjects to supply their King ; so is it part of the Kingly office to support his Subjects , in the Propriety and Freedom of their Estates . These Propositions being Read and Considered of , were generally past and approved without contradiction , but that a little stop was made touching the Necessity of Aid and Subsidie to Kings from their Subjects , which some thought fitter to leave at large according to the Laws of several Countries then to entitle it to the Law of God , Nature and Nations : but after a very light dispute that clause was allowed of with the Rest , and a Canon presently drawn up by a ready hand , according to the Vote of the House to make them Obligatory to the Clergy in the course of their Ministries . The preamble which was sent with the Propositions , required them to be read distinctly and audibly by every Parson , Vicar , Curate , or Preacher upon some one Sunday in every Quarter of the year at Morning Prayer . And it was added by the Canons that if any Parson , Vicar , Curate , or Preacher , should Voluntarily or carelesly , neglect his duty in publishing the said Explications and Conclusions according to the Order above prescribed , he should be suspended by his Ordinary till his Reformation ; That all Bishops , Priests and Ministers , should Teach , Preach , and Exhort their People to Obey , Honour , and Serve their King ; and that they presume not to speak of his Majesties Power , any other way then in the Canon is expressed ; with reference to Excommunication , and a Suspension of two years for the first Offence , and Deprivation for the second , to be inflicted by his Majesties Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical upon all Persons whatsoever which in any Sermon , Lecture , Determination or Disputation should maintain any point of Doctrine , contrary to the said Propositions , and Explications . In reference to the preservation of the Episcopal power , an Oath was d●awn up in the Upper , and sent down to the Lower House of Convocation , by them to be debated , approved , and ratified upon Approbation ; Which Oath was required to be taken by all Archbishops , Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , before the second day of November then next following to be tendered in the presence of a publike Notary , to all Priests and Deacons by the Bishop in person , or his Chancellour or some grave Divines named and appointed by the Bishop under his Episcopal Seat. In the first words of the Oath a● it came from the Lords , it was expressed in these words , that every man should Swear to the Doctrine and Discipline established in Church of England . And this occasioned some dispute , concerning the extent of the word Discipline , whither it comprehended the Episcopal Government , and the publick Forms of Divine Worship ; or was to be restrained only to the use of the Keys , as it was practiced in Ecclesiastical Courts . Some would have had the words run thus , I. A. B. do swear that I approve the Doctrines , Discipline or Government established , &c. But against this it was objected , First , that the Government of the Church was sufficiently provided for by the following clause , in which there was an especial Enumerat●●● of all Offices impowred in the Government of the Church ; and that it was incongruous to make that Discipline and Government to be the same , and that Government should be said to contain all things , or any thing which was necessary to Salvation . And they that thus objected , would have had it pass in these words , viz. I approve the Doctrine , Discipline , and Forms of Worship established in the Church of England , as containing all things necessary unto Salvation . Which though it seemed , more plausible and intelligible then the other was ; yet being put unto the vote , it was carried for Discipline or ●●●●rnment , under pretence of not clogging the Oath with things unnecessary and such as might be made capable of a variation . According to which Vote the Canon was drawn up with this title , viz. An Oath injoyned for the preventing of all Innovations in Doctrine and Government ; and the Oath it self injoyned in this form following , that is to say , I. A. B. Do swear that I do Approve the Doctrine and Discipline or Government Established in the Church of England ; as containing all things necessary to salvation . And that I will not endeavour by my self or any other , directly or indirectly , to bring in any P●pish Doctrine , contrary to that which is so established . Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church , by Archbishops , Bishops , Deans , and Archdeacons , &c. As it stands now established , and as by Right it ought to stand ; nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpations and Superstitions of the See of Rome . And all these things I do plainly and seriously acknowledge , and swear , according to the plain , and Common sense and understanding of the same words , without any Equivocation , or mental evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever . And this I do heartily , willingly , and truly upon the faith of a Christian , So help me God in Jesus Christ. The Oath being past , the Canon was drawn up by the former hand according to such Instructions as were sent along with it . By which it was required that all Masters of Art , ( the Sons of Noblemen only excepted ) all Bachelors or Doctors in Divinity , Law , or Physick , all that are licenced to practice Physick , all Registers ●●ctuaries , and Procters , all School-masters , all such as being natives o● Naturalized , do come to be incorporated into the Universities here , having taken any Degree in any Foreign University should be bound to take the said Oath ; the same Oath to be Administred to all such of the persons abovenamed residing in any University , by the Governors of their several Houses ; and by the Bishop Respectively , to all which should from thenceforth be admitted to holy Orders , or receive any Institution , Collation , or Licence for the serving of any cure : with several Penalties to all beneficed Parsons , and all such as were then in any Ecclesiastical dignity , for their Refusal of the same ; that is to say , a suspension ab officio for the first Refusal , à beneficio & officio , for the second , and Deprivation for the t●ird , a Moneths deliberation being granted betwixt each Refusal . These two great matters being thus concluded , A message is delivered by the Prolocutor from the house of Bishops , by which the Clergy were desired to consider of the best expedient for inducing an Uniformity in the Church about the situation of the Lords Table , the Receiving of the blessed Sacrament , and the due Revenue to be used in the house of God , and to prepare a Ca●●● to that purpose if they found it necessary . On the Receiving of 〈◊〉 message a grand Committee was selected out of the Ablest men o● the House , to take that great and weighty business into consideration , and to Report unto the House whatsoever they should do therein , that it might pass or be rejected as the House thought fit . The Committee consisted of 27. the Prolocutor being reckoned into the number , their meeting to be held the same afternoon in the Chappel of King Hen. 7. Where being met , and sitting about the table provided for the use of the Bishops , the points were seriously debated , every man speaking his opinion in them when it came to his turn without interruption ; beginning with the Prolocutor , and so proceeding from man to man till it concluded with the Clerk for the Church of Westminster ; So placed of purpose that he might answer all such arguments , as had been brought against any of the points proposed , and were not answered to his hand . The Prolocutor having taken the summe of every mans Judgement , declared that the far Major part had appeared for placing the Lords Table where the Altar stood , the drawing neer unto it to receive the Sacrament , and the making of due Reverences at the entring into the Church and going out of it ; and thereupon put it to the question , whether they thought it convenient that a Canon should be prepared to that purpose or not ? Which being carried in the affirmative , without any visible dissent , one of the Clerks for the Diocess of Bristol presented a Canon ready drawn for the same effect , but drawn in such a commanding , and imperious Style , that it was disliked by all the company but himself ; and thereupon a Sub-committeee was appointed to prepare the Canon , and make it ready with as much dispatch as they could conveniently . Which was no sooner agreed on , and the Committee continued for some following business ; but the Archdeacon of Huntington who was one of the number , made his first appearance , so extreamly discontented that he was not stayed for , and that the business was concluded before he came , and earnestly pressing the Prolocutor , that the debate might be Resumed , or at the least his Reasons might be heard against the Vote : which when the Prolocutor upon very good Reasons had refused to yield too , he fell upon him with such heats , and used him so exceeding coursly ; that on complaint made thereof and of some other intervening harshness , made by the Prolocutor in a full House of the Clergy , he was ordered by the far Major part to quit the House , though afterwards Restored again on the acknowledgment of his Errour , when his heats were down . Which Rubb removed , the Canon went very smoothly on without opposition , commended Generally for the Modesty and Temper of it ; in which Respect I hold it worthy to be presented to the Reader in its full proportion , without any Abbreviation of it as of those before . A Declaration concerning some Rites and Ceremonies . BEcause it is generally to be wished , that Vnity of Faith were accompanied with Vniformity of Practice in the outward Worship and Service of God ; chiefly for the avoiding the groundless suspicio● of those who are weak , and the malicious Aspersions of the professed enemies of our Religion ; the one , fearing Innovations ; the other ▪ flattering themselves with a vain hope of our back-sliding unto their Popish Superstition by reason of the situation of the Communion Table , and the approaches thereunto , the Synod declareth as followeth : That the standing of the Communion Table side-way under the East Window of every Chancel●or Chappel , is in its own nature indifferent , neither commanded nor condemned by the Word of God , either expresly , or by immediate deduction ; and therefore that no Religion is to be placed therein , or scruple to be made thereon . And albeit at the time of reforming this Church from the gross superstition of Popery , it was carefully provided , that all means should be used to ro●t out of the Minds of the People both the inclination thereunto , and memory thereof ; especially of the Idolatry committed in the Mass , for which cause all Popish Altars were demolished : yet notwithstanding it was then ordered by the Injunctions and A●v●rtisements of Queen Elizabeth , of blessed mem●ry , that the holy Table should stand in that place where the Altar stood , and accordingly have been continued in the Royal Chappels of three famous and pious Princes , and in most Cathedral , and some Parochial Churches , which doth sufficiently acquit the manner of placing the said Tables from any illegality or just suspicion of Popish Superstition or Innovation . And therefore We judge it fit and convenient that all Churches and Chappels do conform themselves in this particular to the example of the Cathedral or mother Churches , saving alwaies the general liberty left to the Bishop by Law during the time of the Administration of the holy Communion . And We declare , that this Situation of the holy Table , doth not imply that it is or ought to be esteemed a true and proper Altar , whereon Christ is again really sacrificed : But it is and may be called an Altar by us , in that sense which the Primitive Church called it an Altar , and no other . And because experience hath shewed us , how irreverent the behaviour of many people is in many places , some leaning , other casting their hats , and some sitting upon , some standing at , and others sitting under the Communion Table in time of Divine Service : For the avoiding of these and the like abuses , it is thought meet and convenient by this present Synod , that the said Communion Table in all Churches or Chappels be decently severed with Rails to preserve them from such or worse prophanations . And because the Administration of holy things is to be perform●d with all possible decency and reverence , therefore we judge it fit and convenient , according to the word of the Service-Book , established by Act of Parliamen● , Draw near , &c. that all communicants with an humble reverence shall draw near and approach to the holy Table , there to receive the divine mysteries , which have heretofore in some places been unfitly carried up and down by the Minister , unless it should be otherwise appointed in respect of the incapacity of the place , or other inconvenience , By the Bishop himself in his Iurisdiction , and other Ordinaries respectively in theirs . And lastly , whereas the Church is the House of God , dedicated to his holy Worship , and therefore ought to mind us both of the greatness and goodness of his divine Majesty ; certain it is , that the acknowledgment thereof , not only inwardly in our hearts , but also outwardly with our bodies , must needs be pious in it self , profitable unto us , and edifying unto others . We therefore think it very meet and behoveful , and heartily commend it to all good and well-affected people , Members of this Church , that they be ready to tender unto the Lord the said acknowledgment , by doing reverence and obeysance both at their coming in and going out of the said Churches , Chancels , or Chappels , according to the most ancient custome of the Primitive Church in the purest times , and of this Church also for many years of the Reign of Queen Eliza●eth . The receiving therefore of this ancient and laudable Custome we heartily commend to the serious consideration of all good People , not with any intention to exhibit any Religious Worship to the Communion Table , the East , or Church , or any thing therein contained , in so doing ; or to perform the said Gesture in the Celebration of the holy Eucharist , upon any opinion of the Corporal presence of the Body of Christ on the holy Table , or in the mystical Elements : but only for the advancement of Gods Majesty , and to give him alone that honour and glory that is due unto him , and no otherwise . And in the practice or omission of this Rite we desire that the Rule of Charity , prescribed by the Apostle , may be observed , which is , That they which use this Rite , despise not them who use it not ; and that they wh● use it not , condemn not those that use it . No sooner was this Declaration passed , and sent up to the Lords , but on the same day , or the next , an Address was made to the Prolocutor by the Clerk for Westminster concerning the confusion which hapned in most parts of the Church for want of one uniform body o● Articles to be used in Visitations ; those of the Bishop many times t●●●●tning the Archdeacons ; one Bishops differing from anothers , the Successors from his Predecessors ; and the same person not consist●nt to the same Articles which himself had published . By means whereof the people were much disturbed , the Rules of the Church contemned for their multiplicity , unknown by reason of their uncertainty , and despised for the inconstancy of them that made them . Of all which he desired the Convocation to provide a remedy , by setting out one Uniform Book of Articles to be the standing Rule o● all Visitations for the time to come . The motion pleased the Prolocutor , and the rest of the Clergy , who thereupon desired him ( in pursuit of his own project ) to undertake the compiling of the said Book of Articles , and to present it to the House with convenient speed . Which notwithstanding , there wanted not some secret practices to illude the motion , and frustrate the design , approved of by the general Vo●e . Some who observed the moderation of the Articles which had been drawn for the Metropolitical Visitation , and finding them to leave a greater liberty about placing the Communion Table , and the order of officiating the Divine Service , than the new Articles might allow of , addrest themselves unto his Grace , desiring that those Articles might be commended to the Convocation , to be a standing Rule for all Visitations in the times succeeding ; which Proposition was thought to relish well enough with him at the first proposal , though afterwards on further consideration he suffered the business to proceed in the former course . It was not long before another Canon was tendred to the Prolocutor for advancing a more general Conformity than that which was contained in the Declaration . And it was tendred by the same hand which had before presented that against Sectaries ; in reference to whom it passed without opposition or alteration . It was enjoyned by that Canon under pain of suspension , that all Preachers , as well beneficed men as others , should positively and plainly preach and instruct the People in their publick Sermons that the Rites and Ceremonies in the Church of England were lawful and commendable ; and that the People ought not only to conform themselves to those Rites and Ceremonies : but chearfully to submit themselves unto the Government of the Church , as it was then established under his Majesty . Another was brought in , but by whom I know not , Concerning the Conversation of the Clergie , by which it was desired in compliance to the ancient Canons of the Church , and in particular to Canon 74 , 75. of the year 1603. That all Clergy men in this Church , setting before their eyes the glory of God , the holiness of their Calling , and the edification of the People committed to them , should carefully avoid all excess and disorders , that by their Christian and Religious Conversation they might shine forth , as lights unto others , in all godliness and honesty ; and that all those to whom the Government of the Church was committed should set themselves to countenance and encourage Godliness , Gravity , Sobriety , and all unblameable Conversation in the Ministers of it ; and diligently labour , by the due execution of the Canons aforesaid , and all other Ecclesiastical Provisions made for that end , to reform all offensive and scandalous persons which were in the Ministry . Which Canon was so well approved of , that it past without any stop or resistance . All matters going thus calmly on , the Clergy began to take into consideration the great exces●es , and abuses , which were complained of in many Offices of Ecclesiastical Courts . They found the Exorbitancies of the Chancellors to be grown so great , that they contemned the lower Clergy , and thought themselves independent of the Bishops under whom they served . They found that many abuses had been committed in the Sentences of Excommunication and Absolution , ( the slovenly executing whereof had been very offensive ) as also in Commutations of Penance , and conniving at unlawful Marriages , out of which some Officers in those Courts raised no small advantage ; Complaint was also made of some oppressions which had been laid upon the Subject , by concurrent Jurisdictions partly , and partly by vexatious Citations , in which nothing was more aimed at , than the Officers Fees which must be paid , though nothing could be proved against the Party when he came before them . The consideration and redress of all which grievances being referred to the Committee of twenty six , the said Committee was desired by the Prolocutor to hold their meetings in his house , situate under the North-side of the Abbey-Church , and therefore most convenient both for himself and them . The Grievances were great , and yet not greater than the Clamour which was raised about them , which made the Committee very intent upon the stilling of the noise ; by providing better for themselves , their Brethren , and the rest of the Subjects : but not without all due respect to the Professors in that honourable Faculty of the Civil Laws . Lamb Dean of the Arches , and Heath Judge of the Audience , being both Members of the Convocation , were taken into that Committee ; not only to assist their Consultations in point of Law : but to moderate the ●ervor of their Proceedings by the Fan of Reason . The whole Reformation brought within the compass of these seven Canons : 1. Concerning Chancellors Patents . 2. Chancellors not alone to censure any of the Clergy in sundry cases . 3. Excommunication and Absolution not to be pronounced but by a PRIEST . 4. Concerning Commutations , and the disposing of them . 5. Touching current Iurisdictions . 6. Concerning Licences to marry . 7. Against vexatious Citations . In the first of the seven it was required , That no Bishop should grant any Patent to any Chancellor , Commissary , or Official , for any longer time than the life of the Grantee only ; That in all such Patents the Bishops should reserve to themselves and their Successors the power of giving institution to Benefices , of giving Licences to teach School or Preach , as also of exercising their Jurisdiction , either alone , or with the Chancellor , at his own discretion , all the accustomed Fees to be reserved unto the Chancellor , &c. as in former times ; That no Dean and Chapter should confirm any Patent to any Chancellor , &c. wherein the said conditions were not exprest , under pain of Suspension to be inflicted on them severally by their Metropolitan ; And finally , That under the heaviest Censures no reward should be taken for any of the Offices and Places abovementioned . In the composure of which Canon , as the first branch was made to cut off Reversions , so was the ●●st added to prevent corruptions ; For he most commonly sells Justice that hath bought his Office. In the second it was ordered , That no Chancellor , Commissary , or Official , unless he be in holy Orders , should proceed to Suspension , or any higher Censure against any of the Clergy in any criminal cause other than neglect of appearance upon legal Citing : but t●at all such cases should be heard by the Bishop in person , with the assistance of his Chancellor or Commissary ; or if the Bishops occasions will not permit , then by his Chancellor , or Commissary , and two grave dignified or beneficed Ministers of the Diocess to be assigned by the Bishop , under his Episcopal Seal , who shall hear and censure the said cause in that Consistory . By the third it was ordained , That no Excommunications or Absolutions should be good or valid in Law except they be pronounced either by the Bishop in person , or by some other in holy Orders having Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , or by some grave Minister beneficed in the Diocess , being a Master of Arts at least , and appointed by the Bishop , the name of the said Priest or Minister being expressed in the Instrument under the Seal of the Court ; And that no such Minister should pronounce any such Sentence but in open Consistory , or at least in some Church or Chappel , the Penitent humbly craving and taking Absolution upon his knees . By the fourth it was provided , That no Chancellor , &c. should have power to commute any Penance in whole or in part , but either together with the Bishop in person , or with his privity in writing ; That if he do it by himself , he should give up a full and just account of such Commutations once every year at Michaelmas to the Bishop , under pain of being suspended from his Jurisdiction for the space of a year ; the said Commutations to be disposed of by the Bishop and Chancellor in such charitable and pious uses as the Law requires ; and that Commutation to be signified to the place from whence the complaint proceeded , in case the crime were publickly complained of , and approved notorious . For preventing those vexations and inconveniencies which formerly had been occasioned by concurrent Jurisdictions , It was decreed by the fift Canon , under the several penalties therein contained , That no Register or Clerk should give , nor Apparitor execute a Citation upon any Executor to appear in any Court or Office till ten daies after the Death of the Testator ; And that nevertheless it might be lawful for any Executor to prove such Wills when they think good , within the said ten daies before any Ecclesiastical Judge respectively , to whose Jurisdiction the same might or did appertain . By the sixth it was ordained for the better preventing of any further invasions to be made on the Prerogative of the See of Canterbury , and of many other inconveniencies which did thence arise , no Licence of Marriage should be granted from any Ordinary , in whose Jurisdiction one of the parties hath not been Commorant for the space of a month , immediately before the same shall ●e desired , under pain of such Censure as the Archbishop should think fit to inflict ; And that the said Parties being commorant in the said Jurisdiction , as before is said , shall be made one of the Conditions of the Bond accustomably given for securing that Office. And for preventing of vexatious Citations for the time to come , it was required by the last Canon , That no Citation should from thenceforth be issued out of any Ecclesiastical Court , except it be upon Presentment , but such as should be sent forth under the Hand and Seal of the Chancellor , within thirty days after the fault committed ; the Return thereof to be made on the first or second Court-day after the serving of the same : And that the Party so cited , not being convinced by two Witness●s , on his denial of the Fact by his corporal Oath , should be forthwith dismissed without any payment of Fees. Provided , T●at this Decree extend not to any grievous Crime ; as Schism , Incontinence , Misbehaviour at the Church in the time of Divine Service , obstinate Inconformity , or the like . Finally , For preventing all unnecessary Tautologies and Repetitions of the same thing , it was declared once for all , That whatsoever had been declared in the former Canons , concerning the Jurisdiction of the B●sh●ps , their Chancellors , or Commissaries , should be in force ( as far as by Law it was appliable ) concerning all Deans , Deans and Chapters , Collegiate Churches , Archdeacons , and all in Holy Orders , having exempt or peculiar Jurisdiction , and their several Officers respectively . To the Proceedings of this Committee in digesting these Canons , the interposing of another business gave no stop at all , though it seemed to be of more weight than all the rest . His Majesty on the twentieth of May directed his Letters sealed with his Royal Signet , and attested by his Signe Manual , to the Bishops and Clergy assembled in Convocation ▪ Requiring and thereby Authorising them to proceed in making Synodical Constitutions , for Levying the six Subsidies formerly Granted . This the most easie Task of all . The Grant of the six Subsidies had been drawn before ; and there was nothing now to be altered in it , but the changing of the name of Subsidy into that of Benevolence , according to the Advice of the Council-Learned ; by whom it was resolved , That no Moneys could be raised in the name of a Subsidy , but by Act of Parliament . And for the Synodical● Acts or Constitutions for the Levying of it , they were made to their hands ; So that there was nothing left for them to do , but to follow the Precedent which was laid before them out of the Record of Convocation , Anno 1585. and to transcribe the same ( the Names and Sums being only changed ) without further trouble . So that it was dispatched by the Committee , Voted by the Clergie , and sent up to the Bishops before the end of the next day . Nor did the framing or compiling of the Book of Articles , give any stop at all to him , to w●om t●e digesting of them was committed , from attending the Service of the Committee and the House upon all occasions ; though for the better Authorising of them , he had placed in the Margin before every Article , the Canon , Rubrick , Law , Injunction , or other Authentick Evidence upon which it was grounded . Which being fini●hed in good time was by him openly read in the House , and by the House approved and passed without alteration : but that an Exegetical or Explanatory Clause , in the fourth Article of the fourth Chapter , touching the Reading of the Second or Communion-Service at the Lords Table , was desired by some to be omitted , which was done accordingly ; Which Articles being too many and too long to be here inserted , the Reader may consult in the Printed Book , first published for the Visitation of the Bishop of London , and by him fitted in some points for the use of that Diocess . The said Clerk brought a Canon also with him , For enjoyning the said Book to be only used in all Parochial Visitations , for the better settling of an Uniformity in the outward Government and Administration of the Church , and for the preventing of such just Grievances , which might be laid upon Churc●wardens and other sworn men , by any impertinent , inconvenient , or illegal Inquiries in the Articles for Ecclesiastical Visitations : The same to be deposited in the Records of the Archbishop of Canterbury . To which a Clause was added in the House of Bishops , giving a Latitude to themselves for adding some Articles peculiar to their several Jurisdictions , for the space of three years ; The same to be allowed by their Metropolitan : And afterwards to content themselves with the said Articles , so enlarged and accommodated , for al times succeeding . Some other t●ings there were in Proposition and Design , that never ripened into Act or Execution . There had been a Design in deliberation , touching the drawing and digesting of an English Pontifical , to be approved by this Convocation , and tendred to his Majesties Confirmation . Which said Pontifical was to contain the form and manner of his Majesties late Coronation , to serve for a perpetual standing Rule on the like occasions ; Another form to be observed by all Archbishops and Bishops , for Consecrating Churches , Church-yards , and Chappels ; and a third for Reconciling such Penitents as either had done open Penance , or had revolted from the Faith to the Law of Mahomet . Which three , together with the form of Confirmation , and that of Ordering Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , which were then in force , were to make up the w●ole Body of the Book intended . But the Troubles of the Time growing greater and greater , it was thought expedient to defer the Prosecution of it till a fitter conjuncture . Many had took exception against the tying up of Preachers to the Form of Prayer appointed to be used before their Sermons , Can. 55. For whose Relief therein , a short Prayer was drawn , containing all the Heads of that in the Canon : And being so drawn up , it was to have been tendred by the hands of one of the Clergie , who would have undertaken that it should be universally received by all those which dislike the other . But the Archbishop chose rather to adhere to the Canon , than to venture on any new Experiment ; that Canon being founded on the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth and King Edward vi . at the first Reformation . And so the Proposition fell without moving further . Gryffith a Clerk for one of the Welsh Diocesses , a moderate and sober man , proposed unto the House , That a new Edition might be made of the Welsh Church-Bible , the old one being corrupt in some places , and defective in others , which he instanced in . The Motion well approved by the Clergie , and by the House of Bishops committed to the care of the ●our Welsh Bishops ; of whose proceeding in the Work , by reason of the following Troubles , there was little hope . Nor did the Archbishop speed much better in a Motion of his , which was , That his Majesty might be moved for the new Printing of the Common-Prayer Book in the Latin Tongue , to the end ( though I cannot positively say that he expressed so much at that time ) that it might be used in all Colledges and Halls , in Officiating the Morning-Prayer , at which no●e are bound to be present , but such as are presumed to understand the Language . For doing whereof , he conceived he had good ground in the first Rubricks after the Preface to the Common-Prayer Book ; in which it is declared , That though it be appointed in the aforesaid Preface , that all things should be Read and Sung in the English Tongue , to the end that the Congregation may be thereby Edified : yet it is not meant , but when men say Morning and Evening Prayer privately , they may say the same in any Language that they themselves do understand . And he had also the constant example of Christ-Church in Oxon. in which the first Morning-Prayers were continually Officiated in the Latin Tongue , for the Prebends , Students , and others of the Foundation ; and at the Cathedral-hours , in the English only , for Instruction and Devotion of the Choir-men , Alms-men , Servants , and all others which resort unto them . It is a matter which deserves no small Admiration , That these Canons ( like the first building of the Temple , without the noise of Ax and Hammer ) should pass the House with such a general calm and quiet , and be received with so many Storms and Tempests when they went abroad . The very sitting of the Convocation condemned ●or an illegal Act ; as if it were a Crime to outlive the Parliament . And much sport made by ignorant and malicious men , touching the Metamorphosis of an old Convocation , into a new Synod , as they scoffed it ; which hath sufficiently been answered in that before . The whole Body of the Canons Voted by the House of Commons in the following Parliament , to be against the Fundamental Laws of the Realm , against the Kings Prerogative , Property of the Subject , the Right of Parliaments , and to tend to Faction and Sedition ; which shall be answered as sufficiently in that which follows . The seven las● passionately opposed by Martin , and some other Ecclesiastical Judges , before they passed the Royal Assent , as tending to the visible discouragement , if not the plain overthrow of their Profession . To which it was answered by the Archbishop , and the Council too , That nothing but their Excrescences and Exorbitances , were by those Canons pared away ; all their Preferments , with the Profits and Lawful Fees which belonged unto it , remaining as before they were . Yet the Civilians made not so much noise as some Common Lawyers , who look'd upon the Granting of a Benevolence by Convocation , and the Levying of it by Synodical Acts and Constitutions , as being an Incroachment on the Priviledges and Rights of Parliament , without the Midwifery whereof , the Clergie could Enact no Canons to bind the Subjects , in such pecuniary Payments as were laid upon them . Which were it so , and that the Clergie could not give away their own without leave from others , they must needs be the greatest Slaves the Sun ever shined on : Whereas in truth , the Clergie in Convocation have as much power to give away the money of the Clergie by whom they are chosen to that Imployment ; as the Commons in Parliament have to command the Money of the Cities , Towns , and Counties for which they serve . For in the choosing of the Clerks for the Co●vocation , there is an Instrument drawn and sealed by the Clergy , in which they bind themselves to the Archdeacon or Archdeacons of their several Diocesses , upon pain of for●eiting all their Lands and Goods , to allow , stand to , and perform whatsoever their said Clerks or Proctors shall say , do , or condescend to on their behalf . Greater Authority than this , as the Commons have not ; so why the Clergie in the Convocation should not make use of this Authority as they see occasion , I can find no reason . Nor is it a speculative Authority only , and not reducible unto Practice ; an Authority which was then in force , but not in use , as is distinguished in some Cases . They had a Precedent for it in Queen Elizabeths time , as before was noted ; not then beh●ld as an Incroachment on the Right of Parliaments . But then was then , and now is now ; the change of Times ( without any alteration o● the Laws ) diversifying the same Action into good and bad . But nothing raised so much noise and clamour , as the Oath required by the sixth Canon ; Exclaimed against both from the Pulpit and the Press ; Reproached in printed Pamphlets , and unprinted Scribbles ; and glad they were to find such an excellent Advantage , as the discovering of an &c. in the Body of it , did unhappily give them . This voiced abroad to be the greatest Mystery of Iniquity which these last Ages had produced , containing in it so much of the Depths of Satan ; that as no man could see the bottom of the Iniquity : so neither they that made the Oath , nor they that were to take it , unde●stood the Mystery . But unto this it hath been answered , as 〈◊〉 the fact , That in all the Canons which were made before this ( b●ing five in number ) there was a particular enumeration of all the persons ▪ vested with any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction ; that is to say , Archbishops , Bishops , Deans , Archdeacons , Deans and Chapters , and other persons having peculiar or exempt Jurisdiction ; which having been repeated distinctly or particularly in such of the Canons as were first made , was in the first drawing of their Oath , for avoiding of a Tautologie so often iterated , cut off with this &c. with an intention nevertheless to make the Enumeration perfect ( and consequently to expunge this unlucky &c. ) before it came to be Engrossed . But the King being weary of the Charge and Clamour , which the keeping of a Guard on the Convocation did expose him to , did hasten them to a Conclusion by so many Messages brought by Vane and others , that in the haste this unlucky &c. was forgotten , and so committed to the Press accordingly . It hath been secondly answered , as in point of Reason , That the &c. as it stands in that part of the Oath , is so restrained and limited by the following words , viz. as it stands now established , that there can be no danger of any Mystery of Iniquity in it : So that in the Construction of this Text , the &c. as it now remains , is a meer impertinency : For being left in , it signifieth nothing , in regard of the Restriction following ; and being left out , the sense is currant and compleat without it . Which all those witty Gentlemen who so often spoke , and others of less wit and quality , which so frequently writ against this Oath , could not chuse but see : but that they were not willing to see any thing which might make against them . The Paramount Objection being thus refell'd , the rest which have been made against it will be easily satisfied . It hath been charged by some , That the exacting of an Oath not to consent to the Alteration of the Government of the Church by Archbishops , Bishops , Deans , Archdeacons , &c. is an affront to the fundamental Rules of Civil Politie . To which it hath been answered , That it is indeed an affront to Government , not to submit or yield Obedience unto Civil Sanctions when made , and legally established : But it is no affront not to give consent to any such Establishments , while they are in Treaty ; for then the liberty of assenting or dissenting , of Yea or Nay , would be taken away from every Member in the Houses of Parliament , and every Man must give consent to every Bill which is offered to him . But besides this , there were but few of the Convocation whose consent was likely to be asked , when any change of Church-Government should be set on foot ; so that their dissenting or assenting was not much material : but only so far as by their readiness of consenting to such Innovations in the Publick Government , they might encourage others to proceed against it . Here then is no affront to Government , much less to the Fundamentals of it ; the Oath not binding any man not to yield Obedience , but not to give consent to such Alteration . As for the last Objection , That he who takes the Oath declares therein , That he takes it willingly , being constrained so to do under grievous Penalties . This as it comes last , is the least considerable ; for if this were a Crime in the Convocation , it was such a Crime as the High Court of Parliament hath been guilty of , in drawing up the Oath of Allegiance in the third year of King Iames ; in which the Party is to swear , That he makes that Recognition not only heartily and truly , but also willingly : and yet the taking of that Oath is imposed on all the Subjects , under several Penalties , if any of them shall refuse it . And yet these Quarrels at the Oath , the Unparliamentary Levying of the said Benevolence , and the pretended Illegality of their very Sitting after the Parliament expired , were but the out-sides of the business , but only colours and disguises to conceal the chief cause of their displeasure from the publick view . Somewhat there was which galled them more than all these together ; that is to say , the Propositions for asserting the Regal Power , making it absolute and independent with reference both to Pope and People , to the great discontent and trouble of the Popular Party , since better known by the name of Commonwealths-men . Which since the English were not confident enough to speak out at first , we must take their meaning from the Scots , who in the Articles exhibited against our Archbishop by their Commissioners , have expresly charged him with this Crime , viz. That he made Canons and Constitutions against them , their just and necessary defence ; Ordaining under all highest Pain , That hereafter the Clergy should Preach four times in the year such Doctrine as was contrary not only to their Proceedings , but to the Doctrine and Proceedings of other Reformed Kirks , to the Judgment of all sound Divines and Politicks ; as tending to the utter slavery and ruining of all Estates and Kingdoms , and to the dishonour of Kings and Monarchs . This the true cause of those high Displeasures , conceived by some prevailing Members of the House of Commons , and openly declared by their Words and Actions , branding those innocent Canons for a tendency to Faction and Sedition , which they most laboured to suppress ; condemning all that Voted to them , in great sums of Money ; and afterwards destroying them one by one , as they came in their way . Compared with this , neither the Benevolence , nor the Oath , nor any thing else before objected , was esteemed considerable ; though all were joyned together to amuze the People , and make them fearful of some Plot , not only to subvert Religion , but their Civil Rights . But the best is , that howsoever some few men for their private ends reproached these Canons , as before ; his Sacred Majesty , the Lords of his most Honourable Privy-Council , the Reverend Judges , and the Great Lawyers of the Council-Learned , conceived otherwise of them ; in the hearing of all which they were publickly read by the Archbishops procurement , before they were tendred to the Clergy to be subscribed : and by all which they were approved , not without thanks to the Archbishop from the King himself , for his pains therein . And certainly it had been strange that they should pass the Approbation of the Judges and Learned Lawyers , had they contained any thing against the Fundamental Laws of the Land , the Property of the Subject , and the Rights of Parliaments ; or been approved by the Lords of his Majesties Privy-Council , had any thing been contained in them derogatory to the Kings Prerogative , or tendin● to Faction and Sedition . So far they were from being liable to Condemnation in those respects , that Justice Crook ( whose Argument in the Case of Ship-money was Printed afterwards by Order from the House of Commons ) is credibly affirmed to have lifted up his hands , and to have given hearty Thanks to Almighty God , that he had lived to see so good Effects of a Convocation . On these Encouragements , and such a solemn Approbation , the Clergy were called up to the House of Bishops , to be present at the subscribing o● them ; which was accordingly performed May 29. by the Bishops , Deans , and Archdeacons in their Seniority , and promiscuo●sly by the rest of the Clergy , till all the Members had Subscribed ; every mans heart going together with his hand ; as it is to be presumed from all men of that holy Profession . Recusant there was none , but the Bishop of Glocester , suspected of some inclinations to the Romish Religion in the Times preceding ; which inclinations he declared more manifestly by this Refusal ; for which there could be no imaginable Reason to prevail upon him , but the severity of the Canon for suppressing the Growth of Popery . Some pains was taken with him in the way of perswasion , and some Commands laid on him by his Metropolitan , as President of the Convocation : But when neither of the two Endeavours could remove him from his former obstinacy , the Prolocutor and Clergy were required to return to their House again , and to consider of the Penalty which he had incurred , according to the Rules and Practice of the Catholick Church in National and Provincial Councils . Which being done , the Prolo●●tor had no sooner put the Question , but the Clergy unanimously condemned him to a Suspension a Beneficio & Officio ; and found at their return , that the House of Bishops ( who had had some speech thereof before ) had pronounced the same Sentence against him also . A Sentence which might have produced more dangerous effects on this obstinate Prelate , if he had not prevented it in time by his submission . For the Sentence being reduced into Writing , subscribed by the Archbishops hand , and publickly pronounced in 〈◊〉 Convocation , his Majesty took such just offence at so great a scandal , that he committed him to Prison , where he staid not long ; 〈◊〉 on the tenth of Iuly he made acknowledgment of his fault before the Lords of the Council , and took the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon , for preserving the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England , against all Popish Doctrines which were thereunto repugnant . Upon the doing whereof , his Majesty was graciously pleased to restore him to his former Liberty ; though this Submission appeared within few years after , to be made either with some mental Reservation , or Jesuitical Equivocation , which he came prepared with . For in the time of his last Sickness , he declared himself to be a Member of the Church of Rome , and caused it so to be expressed in his last Will and Testament , that the news thereof might spread the further , and his Apostacy stand upon Record to all future Ages . A Scandal so unseasonably given , as if the Devil himself had watched an opportunity to despite this Church , But these things hapned not till after . The Sentence of Suspension was no sooner pronounced , but the Archbishop giving great thanks to the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy for their pains and diligence , in doing so much Work in so little time , produced his Majesties Writ for dissolving the said Convocation ; which he accordingly executed , and dissolved the same . The Acts whereof being transmitted unto York , were by the Convocation for that Province perused , debated , and approved without any disputing ; and so presented to his Majesty with their Names subscribed , according to the ancient Custom . There remained now nothing more to do , for giving these Canons the Authority and Reputation of his Majesties Ecclesiastical Laws , but the signifying of his Royal Assent , and confirming them by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England . And this his Majesty , upon mature deliberation , was graciously pleased to do , commanding in the same , That they should be diligently observed , executed , and equally kept by all his Subjects , both within the Provinces of Canterbury and York respectively : That for the better observation of them , all Ministers should audibly and distinctly read all the said Canons in the Church or Chappel in which they Minister , at the time of Divine Service ; The Book of the said Canons to be provided before Michaelmas , at the charge of their Parishes : And finally , That all Archbishops and Bishops , and others having Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , shall take special care that the said Canons and Ordinances be in all points duly observed ; not sparing to execute the Penalties in them severally mentioned , upon any that shall wittingly or wilfully break or neglect to observe the same , as they tendred the Honour of God , the Peace of the Church , the Tranquility of the Kingdom , and their Duties and Service to his Majesty their King and Sovereign . With which his Majesties Letters Patents , bearing date on Iune 13. confirmatory of the Acts of the said Convocations , I conclude the fourth and busiest part of this present History , THE LIFE OF The most Reverend FATHER in GOD WILLIAM Lord Archbishop of Canterbury . LIB . V. Extending from the end of the Convocation , Anno 1640. till the day of his Death , Jan. 10 th 1644. . THus have we brought this Renowned Prelate , and with him the Church unto the very Battlement and Pinacle of External Glories . But such is the vicissitude of humane affairs , that being carried to the height they begin to fall ; it being no otherwise with the fortunes of States or Men , then it is with Plants , which have their times of taking Root , their Growing , Flourishing , Maturity , and then their Fading , and decay . And therefore it was very well observed by Paterculus , an old Roman Historian , that when either Emulation or natural Courage had given to any man an edge to ascend to the highest , after they had (a) attained that height , they were according to the course of Nature to descend again ; and that it was no otherwise (b) with States and Nations then with Private men . It was just fourscore years from the beginning of the Reformation under Queen Eliz. to the Pacification made at Berwick , when the King so unfortunately dismist his Forces , and thereby left himself and his party in a worse condition then before the raising of his Army . The Church till then might seem to be in the Ascendent in the point of Culminating ; and was then ready to decline , which our Judicious Hooker had before presaged : Who had assigned her fourscore years for her growth and flourishing , and nothing afterwards but sorrow and disconsolation . For taking notice of the inclination of the times to Sacriledge , and Spoil , and Rapine ; and finding nothing more frequent in the mouths of men , then this , that they which endowed Churches with Lands poisoned Religion ; that Tithes and Oblations are now in the sight of God but as the sacrificed blood of Goats ; and that fulness of bread having made the Children wanton , it was without any scruple to be taken away from them , He made upon the whole matter , this ensuing Judgement : By this means ( saith he ) or the like suggestions received with all joy , and with like sedulity practiced in certain parts of the Christian World , they have brought to pass that as David doth say of man , so it is in hazard to be verified concerning the whole Religion and service of God , The time thereof may peradventure fall out to be threescore and ten years , or if strength do serve unto fourscore , what followeth is like to be small joy for them whosoever they be that behold the same . An Observation which seems to savour more of the Prophet , then it did of the Preist ; and to have as much Divination , as Divinity in it . Thus also in reference to himself , he was now growing towards the term of 70 years , which the Psalmist had assigned to the Life of man ; and there wanted not many sad Presages of his Fall and Death . He was much given to take notice of his Dreams , and commit them to writing , Amongst which I find this for one , that on Friday night the 24th of Ian. 1639. his father ( who died 46 years before ) came to him , and that to his thinking he was as well , and as cheerful , as ever he saw him ; that his Father asked him what he did there ; that after some speech he demanded of his Father how long he would stay there ; and that his Father made this Answer , that he would stay till he had him along with him . A dream which made such Impression on him as to add this Note to it in his Breviate , that though he was not moved with Dreams , yet he thought fit to remember this . On Friday night just a Moneth before , being the 27th of December and the night following the day of S. Iohn the Evangelist , there was raised such a violent Tempest that many of the Boats which were drawn to Land at Lambeth , were dasht one against the other , and were broke to pieces ; and that the shafts of two Chimneys were blown down upon the Roof of his Chamber , and beat down both the Lead and Ra●ters upon his bed , in which ruine he must needs have Perished , if the Roughness of the water had not forced him to keep his Chamber at White-hall . A mischance somewhat of this nature befel the same night at Croyden ( a retiring place belonging to the Archbishop of Canterbury ) where one of the Pinacles fell from the Steeple , beat down the Lead and Roof of the Church above twenty foot square . But that which was more remarkable then either of these , happened the same night at the Metropolitical Church in the City of Canterbury ; where one of the Pinacles upon the top of the Bell-frey Tower , which carried a vane , with this Archbishops Arms upon it , was violently struck down , but born a good distance from the Steeple , to fall upon the Roof of the Cloyster under which the Arms of the Archiepiscopal See it self , were engraven in stone ; which Arms being broken to pieces by the fall of the other , gave occasion unto one who loved him not , to collect this Inference , that the Arms of the present Archbishop of Canterbury , breaking down the Arms of the See of Canterbury , not only portended his own fall , but the Ruine of the Metropolitical dignity by the weight thereof . Of these mis-fortunes , ( which some men perhaps may call Presages ) he took not so much notice , as he did of an accident which happened on S. Simon and Iude's e●e , not above a week before the beginning of the late long Parliament , which drew him to his final Ruine . On which day going into his upper study to send some Manuscripts to Oxon , ●e found his Picture at full Length , and taken as near unto the life as the Pensil was able to express it , to be fallen on the Floor , and lying flat upon its face , the string being broke by which it was hanged against the wall . At the sight whereof he took such a suddain app●ehension , that he began to fear it as an Omen of that ruine which was coming toward him , and which every day began to be threatned to him , as the Parliament grew nearer and nearer to consult about it . Which accidents happening one in the neck of anot●er , gave him some occasion to look back on a former misfortune , which chanced on the 19th of Septemb. 1633. being the very day of his Translation to the See of Canterbury ; When the Ferry Boat transporting his Coach and Horses with many of his Servants in it , sunk to the bottom of the Thames . And though he lost neither man nor Horse by the misadventure , yet much discourse was made upon it , and most beheld it , as a sign of no good Fortune , which should be●al him in the course of his Future Actions . But worse Presages then all these , were the breaking out of divers Plots and Practices against him , by the Opposite Factions ; not only the Puritans but the Papists , conspiring against him , and both Resolved to bring him to his Fatal end by some means or other . The Papists which had hope to effect great matters by the Power and Prevalency of the Queen , found the Archbishop so averse from their courses , and the King so resolute in the maintainance of the true Protestant Religion here by Law established , that they perceived it necessary to remove them both out of the way , before any thing could be effected answerable to their expectation . A confederacy was formed amongst them , consisting of some of the most subtle heads in the whole Jesuitical party ; by whom it was concluded to foment the broils began in Scotland , and to heighten the combustions there , that the King being drawn into a War might give them the better opportunity to effect their enterprise for sending him and the Archbishop to the other world . Which being by one of the party on compunction of Conscience , made known to Andreas ab Habernsfield , who had been Chaplain as some said to the Queen of Bohemia , they both together gave intimation of it , to Sir William Boswel , his Majesties Resident at the Hague ; having first Found him by his Oath not to reveal the same to any man Living but to the Archbishop himself , and by the Archbishop to the King. This signi●ied by Boswel's Letters of the 9 ●h of Septemb. Together 〈◊〉 a general draught of the design transmitted to Canterbury under the hand of Habernsfield himself , the first discoverer of the plot . On the Receipt of which dispatches the Archbishop giving directio●s to Boswel to proceed to a further discovery of it , sends the Intelligence with all speed imaginable , by his Letters of the 11th of the same Moneth to the King at York ; beseeching nothing more then his see ●●y in it , that he would not trust his Pockets with those dangerous Papers ; and finally , that he would declare what his Pleasure was for the Prosecution of the business . And so far both the King and he had very good Reason to be sensible of the dangers which were threatned to them . But when the large discovery was brought unto him transmitted in Boswel's letter of the 15th o● Octob. ●e found some names in it , which discredited the whole Relation as well in his Majesties Judgement as his own . For besides his naming of some profest Papists , as the Dutches of Buckingham , the Countesses of Arundel and Newport , Mountague , Digby , and Winter , o● whose Fidelity the King was not willing to have any suspicion , 〈◊〉 named the Earl of Arundel , Windebank , Principal Secretarie of State , and Porter one of the Grooms of the Bed-Chamber , whom 〈◊〉 charged to be the Kings utter enemies , and such as betrayed his secrets to the Popes Nuncio upon all occasions ; all which his 〈◊〉 beheld as men of most approved Loyalty and affections to him ; By reason whereof no further credit being given to the Advertisement , which they had from Boswel , the danger so much scared at first , became more slighted and neglected then consisted with his Majesties safety , and the condition of the times which 〈◊〉 apt to mischief ; For though the Party who first brake the ●ee to this Intelligence , might be mistaken in the names of some of the Accomplices , which were interessed in the designe , whose Relations unto those of the Church of Rome might give some ground for the mistake ; yet the calamities which soon after ●ell upon them both , the deplorable death of the Archbishop first , and his Majesty afterwards , declare sufficiently , that there was some greater Reality in the Plot then the King was willing to believe . But it ●ad been a Maxime with King Iames , his Father , That Suspicion was the sickness and disease of a Tyrant ; which laid him open to all the subtle Practices of malicious cunning . And it had been taken up by this King for an Axiom also , That it was better to be deceived than to distrust ; which paved a plain and easie way to all those misfortunes which in the whole course of his Reign , especially for ten years last past , had been brought upon him . And as for Canterbury himself he had so many dangers threatned from the Puritan Faction as made him bend his whole thoughts to prevent their Practices , who had already declared their Purpose towards his Destruction . For a brui●e being maliciously spread abroad , that the late Parliament had been dissolved by his Procurement , the Rabble became so in●lamed , that a Paper was pasted up at the Exchange , on Saterday the ninth of May , advising and animating the Apprentices to Sack his House at Lambeth on the Munday following . This gave him a sufficient warning to expect a storm , and to prepare himself against it ; which he did with so much care and courage , that though he was assaulted that night with a confused Raskal Rabble of five hundred persons , yet they were not able either to force the House , or do any visible harm unto it . The next day he procured some pieces of Cannon , which he caused to be planted for defence of the great Gate which leads into the house , and strengthned all the lesser doors which opened towards the Garden , and other places ; so that there was no danger to be feared from the like alarms , though prudently he withdrew to his Chamber at Whitehall till the Rage of the People was blown over . Some of the principal Actors in this Sedition being apprehended and committed to the Goal in Southwark , were forcibly delivered by others of their Accomplices , who brake open that and all the other Prisons in that Precinct ; for which one Benslead , who appeared in the head of that Riot , was on the 21. of May condemned for Treason , and was accordingly drawn , hanged , and quartered , for a terrour to others . Which seasonable Execution put an end to the Outrage , but not to the malice of the People ; Libels against him being scattered in most parts of the City . For though about the end of August a Paper was dropt in the Covent Garden , encouraging the Souldiers and Apprentices to fall upon him in the Kings Absence ( his Majesty being then newly gone against the Scots ) yet there was no Tumult raised upon it ; the People standing in more fear of the Hangman than to expose themselves again to the Knife and Halter . Howsoever thinking it as unsafe as it was imprudent to tempt the Rabble to bestow another visit on him at his house in Lambeth , he gave order that the High Commission should be kept in St. Pauls , and he did well and wisely in it . For the Commissioners sitting there , on October 22. were violently assaulted by a mixt multitude of Pr●wnists , Anabaptists , and Puritans , of all sorts to the number of 2000. and upwards , crying out they would have no Bishops , nor no High Commission . In which Tumult , having frighted away the Judges , Advocates , and Officers of the Court , they brake down all the Seats and Benches which they found in the Consistory , putting the King to a new necessity of keeping a Guard upon that Church , as before at Westminster , not only at the next sitting of the said Commissioners , but at the first meeting of the Convocation , which soon after followed . And though one Quatreman had appeared in the head of this company , and animated all the rest to commit these insolencies ; yet there was nothing done in order to his Punishment or Apprehension : the Party being grown so audacious in their disorders , partly upon the near approach of the Parliament , but principally by the coming in of the Scots , that they contemned the Law , and defied the Magistrates . For the Scots , being put into a stock of Reputation by the Kings Recalling of his Forces the year before , had took up store of Arms and Ammunition ( as before was said ) upon days of Payment . Advertised of his Majesties Preparation to make war upon them , and confident o● a strong party which they had in England , they entred the Realm in hostile manner , taking in all places of importance which they found in their way . And having put by his Majesties Forces near a place called Newbourn , they past over the Tine , and presently made themselves Masters of the strong Town of New-Castle , by which they put a bridle into the mouths of the Londoners , his Majesties Forces looking on , or not very far distant . The news of this Invasion being brought to the King , on August 20. he began a Posting Journey towards his Army in the North : But he neither found the same men , nor the same affections , as he had so unfortunately discharged the year before . Many of these Souldiers being so ill principled , or so ill perswaded , that in their marchings through the Country they brake into Churches , pulled up the Railes , threw down the Communion Tables , defac'd the Common-Prayer-Books , tore the Surplices , and committed many other Acts of outragious insolence . The chief Command he had entrusted to the Earl of Northumberland , whom he had before made Admiral of his Royal Navy for defence of the Kingdom , honoured him with the Order of the Garter , and made him one of the Lords of his Privy Council ; so that no greater characters of Power and Favour could be imprinted on a Subject . The Office of Lieutenant General he had committed unto the Earl of Strafford Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , of whose Fidelity and Courage he could make no question ; And the Command of the Horse to Edward Lord Conway , whose Father had been raised by King Iames from a private condition to be one of his principal Secretaries , and a Peer of the Realm . Of which three great Commanders it was observed , that one had sufficient health , but had no will to the business ; That another had a good will to it , but wanted health ; and that a third had neither the one nor the other . And yet as crasie and infirm as the Earl of Strafford found himself , he chearfully undertook the charge of the Army in the Generals abs●nce , and signified by Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury , that he durst venture upon the peril of his head to drive the Scots out of England : but that he did not hold it Counsellable , as the case then stood . If any other of the Lords had advised the King to try his Fortune in a Battel , he doubted not of sending them home in more haste than they came : but the Scots had rendred him unfit to make the motion , for fear it might be thought that he studied more his own Concernments , than he did the Kings . For these Invadors , finding by whose Counsels his Majesty governed his Affairs , resolved to draw them into discredit , both with Prince and People . And to that end it was declared in a Remonstrance , publisht before their taking Arms , That their Propositions and Desires , so necessary and vital unto that Kingdom , could find no access unto the ears of the gracious King by reason of the powerful Diversion of the Archbishop of Canterbury , and the Deputy of Ireland , who ( strengthned with the high and mighty Faction of Papists near his Majesty ) did only side in all matters of Temporal and Spiritual affairs ; making the necessity of their Service to his Majesty to appear in being the only fit Instruments ( under the pretext of vindicating his Majesties Honour ) to oppress both the just Liberties of his Free Subjects , and the true Reformed Religion in all his Kingdoms . Seconding this Remonstrance with another Pamphlet , called , The Intention of the Army ; they signified therein to the good People of England , that they had no design either to waste their Goods , or spoyl their Country : but only to become Petitioners to his Sacred Majesty to call a Parliament , and to bring the said Archbishop and Lord Lieutenant to their condign Punishments . In which those modest men express , That as they desired the unworthy Authors of their trouble , who had come out from themselves , to be tried at home , according to their own Laws ; so they would press no further Process against Canterbury , and the Lieutenant of Ireland , and the rest of those pernicious Counsellors in England , whom they called the Authors of all the miseries of both Kingdoms , than what their own Parliament should discern to be their just deserving . And that the English might see the better whom they chiefly aimed at , a book was published by the name of Laudensium Autocatacrisis , or the Canterburians Self-conviction ; in which the Author of it did endeavour to prove , out of the Books , Speeches , and Writings of the Archbishop himself , as also of some Bishops , and other learned men , who had exercised their Pens in the late disputes , That there was a strange design in hand for bringing in Superstition , Popery , and Arminianism , to the subversion of the Gospel , and of suppressing the Religion here by Law established . But as these Reproaches moved not him , so neither did their Remonstrance , or any other of their Scribbles distract his Majesties Resolutions , untill he found himself assaulted by a Petition from some Lords in the South , which threatned more danger at his back than he had cause to fear from the Northern Tempest which blew directly in his teeth ; Complaint was made in this Petition of the many inconvenicences which had been drawn upon this Kingdom by his Majesties engagings against the Scots ; as also of the great encrease of Popery ; the pressing of the present payment of Ship-money ; the dissolving of former Parliaments ; Monopolies , Innovations , and some other gr●evances , amongst which the Canons which were made in the late Convocation could not be omitted . For Remedy whereof , his Majesty is desired to call a Parliament , to bring the Authors of the said pretended grievances to a Legal Trial , and to compose the present War without Bloudshed ; Subscribed by the Earls of Essex , Hartford , Rutland , Bedford , Exeter , Warwick , Moulgrave , and Bullingbrooke , the Lords Say , Mandevil , Brooke , and Howard ; presented to the King at York on the third of September ; And seconded by another from the City of London to the same effect . His Majesty , being thus between two Milstones , could find no better way to extricate himself out of these perplexities , than to call the great Council of his Peers , to whom at their first meeting , on the 24 of the same month , he signified his purpose to hold a Parliament in London on the third of November ; and by their Counsel entertained a Treaty with those of Scotland , who building on the confidence which they had in some Lords of England , had petitioned for it . According unto which Advice a Commission is directed to eight Earls , and as many Barons of the English Nation , ( seven of which had subscribed the former Petition ) enabling them to treat with the Scots Commissioners , to hear their Grievances and Demands , and to report the same to his Majesty , and the Lords of his Council . These points being gained , which the Puritan Faction in both Kingdoms had chiefly aimed at , the Scots were insolent enough in their Proposals , Requiring freedom of Commerce , Reparation of their former Losses , and most especially the maintenance of their Army at the charge of the English ; without which no Cessation would be harkned to . Satisfaction being given them in their last Demand , and good Assurances for the two first , they decline York , as being unsafe for their Commissioners , and procure Rippon to be named , for the place of the Treaty ; where the Lord Lieutenant was of less influence than he was at York ; and where being further from the King , they might shuffle the Cards , and play the Game to their best contentment . The rest of October , from the end of the first week of it , when they excepted against York , was drilled on , in requiring that some persons of quality , intrusted by the Scottish Nation , might have more Offices than they had about his Majesty , and the Queen , and in the Court of the Prince . That a Declaration might be made for naturalizing and settling the Capacities and mutual Priviledges of the Subjects in both Kingdoms : but chiefly that there might be an Unity and Uniformity in Church-Government , as a special means for conserving of the Peace between the two Nations . And thus they entertained the time till the beginning of the Parliament , which removed the Treaty from Rippon to London , where the Scots were sure of more Friends , and of warmer Quarters , than the Northern Counties could afford them . In the mean time it may be asked what became all this while o● the Irish Army , consisting of 8000 Foot , and 1000 Horse , which had been raised with so much zeal by the Earl of Strafford at the beginning of the Spring ; and by the power whereof ( kept ever since in constant pay and continual exercise ) his Majesty might have reduced the Scots to their due obedience , as was declared by the Earl at the Council Table on May 6. being the next day after the dissolving of the former Parliament . Which Army if it had been put over into Cumberland ( to which from the Port of Carickfergus in Ireland is but a short and easie passage ) they might have got upon the Back of the Scots , and caught the wretched People in a pretty Pitfall ; so that having the English Army before them , and the Irish behind them , they could not but be ground to powder as between two Milstones . But this design , if it were ever thought of , was never put in execution ; so as that Army was dissolved without doing any thing in order to his Majesties Service : the Commons in the following Parliament not thinking themselves or their affairs in any security as long as those Forces were maintained and held together . It may be askt in the next place , why the Parliament , called at such a time , and on such an occasion , ( that is to say , the over-running of the Northern parts of the Kingdom by a Scottish Army ) should be held at Westminster ; when York ( where the King was then in Person ) lay nearer to the danger and the Scene of Action , and to the place of Treaty betwixt the Nations . These Reasons were sufficient to have moved the King to hold this Parliament at York , and not at Westminster , had he known nothing of the disaffections and engagements of the neighbouring City , as he knew too much . And he had some good Presidents too , which might have added no small weight to the consideration : For when King Edward was busie in the Conquest of Wales , he called his Parliament to Acton Burnel , being in the Marches of that Country ; and when he turned his Forces to the Conquest of Scotland , he called his Parliament to Carlisle ( if my memory fall me not ) being on the borders of that Kingdom . Had the King made choice of the like Place for this present Parliament ( which he did afterward endeavour to alter when it was too late ( he had undoubtedly prevented all those inconveniencies ( or rather mischiefs ) which the Pride , Purse , Faction , and Tumultuousness of the Londoners , did afterwards inforce upon him . And finally , It might be asked , What might move his Majesty to transfer the Treaty from Rippon to London , where the Commissioners of the Scots were Complemented , Feasted , and presented by the wanton Citizens ; Their Lodgings more frequented for Prayers and Sermons , than the houses of Foreign Embassadors had ever been for hearing Mass by any of the English Papists . By means whereof they had the greater opportunity to enflame that City , and make it capable of any impression which they thought fit to imprint upon it ; exprest not long after by their going down in such huge multitudes after Alderman Pennington , to present a Petition to the Parliament , subscribed by some Thousands of hands against the Government of Bishops here by Law estalis●t ; as afterwards in no less number to clamour at the Parliament doors for Justice on the Earl of Strafford , which were the points most aimed at by the Scottish Covenanters . To which no Answer can be given , but that all these things were so disposed of by the supreme and over-ruling power of the Heavenly Providence , contrary to all reason of State , and Civil Prudence . But to proceed , the third of November drawing on , when the Parliament was to take beginning , A Letter was writ to the Archbishop of Canterbury , advertising , that the Parliament of the twentieth year of King Henry viii . which began in the Fall of Cardinal Wolsey , continued in the Diminution of the Power and Priviledges of the Clergy , and ended in the dissolution of the Abbeys and Religious Houses , was begun on the third day of November ; and therefore that for good-luck sake he would move the King to Respite the first sitting of it for a day or two longer : But the Archbishop not harkning to this Advertisement , the Parliament had its first sitting at the time appointed . Which Parliament as it began in the Fall and Ruine of the Archbishop himself , and was continued in the total Dissipation of the remaining Rites and Priviledges of the English Clergy ; so did it not end till it had subverted the Episcopal Government , dissolved , as much as in them was , all Capitular Bodies , and left the Cathedrals of this Land ( not presently ruined I confess , but ) without means to keep them up for the time to come . The day appointed being come , his Majesty declined the accustomed way of riding in a Magnificent Pomp from Whitehall to the Church of Westminster , and making his entry there at the great Western Gate : but rather chose to pass thither privately by water , attended by such of the Lords as could accommodate themselves with convenient Barges . Entring the Church at the Little door which openeth toward the East , he was received by the Sub-Dean and Prebendaries under a Canopy of State , and so conducted to the place where he heard the Sermon ; the performance of which work was commended by his Grace of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxon. and by him learnedly discharged . The Sermon being done , his Majesty , attended by the Peers and Prelates , returned the same way to Westminster Hall , and from thence went to the Parliament House ; where causing the Commons to be called before him , he acquainted both Houses with the Insolencies committed by the Scots , who not content to embroyle their own Country had invaded this ; requiring their timely assistance to drive the Rebels out of the Kingdom , and casting ●imself upon the good affections of his English Subjects . The Commons were not more willing to hear that his Majesty was resolved to cast himself wholly on their good affections , than many zealous Patriots seemed to be troubled at it , knowing how ill it sorts with Kings when they have no way to subsist , or carry on their great Designs , but by casting themselves wholly on the love of the People . These on the other side were not better pleased with hearing his Majesty call the Scots by the name of Rebels , whom he had too long courted by the name of his Scottish Subjects , than the Prevailing Members in the House of Commons were offended at it ; the name of Rebels rendring them uncapable of those many Favours which were designed them by that House . And the displeasure went so high , that his Majesty finding into what condition he had cast himself , was fain to call both Houses before him within two daies after , (a) there to Explain , or rather to Retract so harsh a Title , calling them afterwards by the name of his Subjects of Scotland , as he used to do ; which gave the Commons such a sense of their Power , and of his Compliance , that they resolved to husband both to their best advantage , and not so easily to part with their Friends of Scotland , as his Majesty first hoped they would . The differences might have been agreed at York or Rippon , if the Commissioners of the Scots had been as forward as the English ; but the Scots so delayed them ( as his Majesty noted in that Speech ) that it was not possible to end it there . The Scots had other work to do besides their own , and must be kept in pay at the charge of the English , till they had brought his Majesty into such a condition , that it was not safe for him to deny them any thing , which they had the confidence to require . Such a beginning had this long and unhappy Parliament , unhappy to the King , and to all that loved his Power or Person ; most men who looked on his Affairs with the eye of Judgment , presaging that this thrif●y omission of the Publick Pomp in the present Conjunctures , would prove as inauspicious to him as the like neglect had done at his Coronation ; and that this Parliament which began without solemnity would prove a Parliament of sorrows unto him and his . With little better Fortune did the Convocation take beginning at S. Pauls Church on the morrow after , handselled at their first meeting by the sad news of the Decease of Dr. Neile , Archbishop of York , which had been brought unto the Town the day before . A man he was who had past through all Degrees and Orders in the Church of England , and thereby made acquainted with the conveniencies , or distresses , incident to all conditions . He had served the Church as Schoolmaster , Curate , Vicar , Parson , Master of the Savoy , Dean of Westminster , Clerk of the Closet to both Kings successively , Bishop of Rochester , Lichfield , Lincoln , Durham , and Winchester , and finally , Archbishop of York , in which place he died . Many good Offices he had done to the Church and Church-men in his attendance at the Court , crossing the Scots in most of their suits , their Ecclesiastical Preferments , which greedily and ambitiously they hunted after , and thereby drawing on himself the general hatred not only of the Scots , but Scotizing English. But of this Prelate we have spoke so much upon other occasions , that we may save the labour of any further addition , than that he died as full of years as he was of honours , an affectionate Subject to his Prince , an indulgent Father to his Clergy , a bountiful Patron to his Chaplains , and a true friend to all which relied upon him ; more fortunate in the time of his death than the course of his life , in being prevented by that blessed opportunity from seeing those calamities which afterwards fell upon the King , the Church , and all that wish well to either of them ; which must have been more grievous to him than a thousand deaths . But this bad news retarded not the Convocation from proceeding forwards , the Prelates and Clergy attending the Archbishop from the Chapter-house into the Choire , where they heard the Sermon , Preached at that time by Bargrave then Dean of Canterbury ; which done , the Clergy settled to the choice of a Prolocutor , electing the same man who had before discharged the Place with so much dexterity . Adjourned to Westminster , and Protestation made by the Sub-Dean and Prebends , according to the usual custome , the Prolocutor was presented to the Archbishop and Bishops in the Chappel of King Henry vii . at what time the Archbishop in an eloquent but sad Oration , bemoaned the infelicities which he saw hanging over the Church , advising every one there present to perform their Duties , and not to be wanting to themselves , or the cause of Religion , as far forth as they were concerned in their several places . Nothing more done of any moment in this Convocation , but that a motion was made by Warmistre , one of the Clerks for the Diocess of Worcester , to this effect ; viz. That they should endeavour ( according to the Levitical Laws ) to cover the Pit which they had opened , and to prevent their Adversaries intention by condemning such offensive Canons as were made in the last Convocation . He had before offered at many things in that Convocation , but such was his ill-luck , that the Vote was for the most part passed before he spake ; nor had he better fortune in his motion now , than his offers then , the Members of that House not being willing to condemn themselves till they were accused . So that not having any other way to obtain his purpose , he caused a long Speech , which he had made upon this occasion , to be put in Print ; bitter enough against some Canons and Proceedings in the former Session : but such as could not save him from a Sequestration , when the rest of the Clergy were brought under the same condition . Whilst these things were acting on the Stage of Westminster , the Earl of Strafford was not Idle in acting his part at York , amongst the Souldiers , whose affections he had gained so far , that he was generally beheld with esteem and veneration . He had before sufficient proof , how strongly the Scots aimed at his destruction , expressed in their Remonstrance , and the Intentions of their Army , ( as they called the Pamphlet ) but more especially by the refusal of the Scots Commissioners to hold the Treaty at York , and the reasons given for their refusal ; for in a Paper of theirs , presented on October 8. They had insisted on the danger apprehended by them in going to York , and casting themselves and others , who might be joyned with them , into the hands of an Army commanded by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , against whom ( as a chief Incendiary according to their demands , which was the subject of the Treaty it self ) they resolved to proceed . They complained also in that Paper , That in the Parliament of Ireland he had proceeded against them as Traitors and Rebels ; That he honoured them in his common talk with no better Titles ; That his Commission was to destroy them ; And that by all means , and by all occasions , he had hindred all Propositions tending to a Pacification , for fear himself might be excluded from the benefit of it . He was not without a strong presumption , that the Scots were animated unto these Demands , and incouraged to invade the Kingdom , by some of those which were of greatest Prevalency in both Houses of Parliament . And lying so near the Scots , in the head of his Army , he had not only gained assurance ( as he conceived ) in many particulars to confirm it , but that there was a Confederacy made between the Heads of the Covenanters and some of the leading Members of both Houses , his most Capital Enemies , to subject the Government of the Church , and innovate in that of the Civil State ; which Intelligence being digested into the Form of an Impeachment , he intended to present to the House of Peers as soon as he had taken his place amongst them : and to that end prepared for his last Journey to London , from whence he never was to return alive . Calling together some of his especial Friends , and many of the chief Officers and Commanders which remained in the Army , he made them acquainted with his purpose of going to Westminster to attend the Parliament , leaving to them the Charge of his Majesties Forces , and the preserving of those parts from the spoyl of the Enemy . An Enterprise from which he was disswaded by most of his Friends , alledging that he could not chuse but know , that the Scots , and Scotizing English had most infallibly resolved on his destruction ; and that innocency was no Armour of Proof against the fiery Darts of malicious Power ; That seeing such a storm hang over his head , rather keep himself in the English Army , ( being under his Command , which he had gained upon exceedingly by his noble carriage ) or pass over into Ireland , where the Army rested wholly at his Devotion ; or transport himself to some Foreign Kingdom , till fairer weather here ( in reference to his own safety and the publick peace ) should invite him home ; That it was no betraying of his innocency to decline a Trial where Partiality held the Scales , and Self-ends backt with Power , and made blind with Prejudice , were like to over-ballance Justice ; That if Sentence should be passed against him for default of appearance ( which was the worst that could befal him ) yet he would then keep his head on his shoulders until better times , and in the mean season might do his Majesty as good Service in the Courts of many Foraign Princes , as if he were sitting in White-hall at the Council Table . Turning a deaf car to these considerations , he Resolved to prosecute his design , but was scarce entred into the House of Peers , when followed at the heels by Pym ( whom it concerned as much as any ) who fearing or knowing his intendments , impeacht him of high Treason , in the name of all the Commons of England , requiring their names that he might be sequestred from the House , and Committed to Custody . And here again it was conceived that the Earl shewed not that praesentiam animi , that readiness of Courage and Resolution , which formerly had conducted him through so many difficulties , in giving over his design ; For though he lost the opportunity of striking the first blow , yet he had time enough to strike the second , which might have been a very great Advantage to his preservation . For had he offered his impeachment , and prosecuted it in the same paces and method as that was , which was brought against him , it is possible enough that the business on both sides might have been hushed up without hurt to either . And for so doing he wanted not a fair Example in the second Parliament of this King , when the Earl of Bristol being impeached of high Treason by the Kings Attorney at the instance and procurement of the Duke of Buckingham , retorted presently a recrimination or impeachment against the Duke , and by that means took of the edge of that great Adversary from proceeding further . Nor gave it little cause of wonder unto many wise men , that a person of so great Spirit and knowledge , should give himself up so tamely on a general accusation only , without any particular Act of Treason charged upon him , or any proof offered to make good that charge ; not only to the loss of his Liberty as a private Person : but to the forfeiture of his Priviledge as a Member of Parliament . But the impeachment being made , his Restraint desired , and nothing by him offered to the Contrary , he was committed the same day ( Novemb. 11. ) to the Custody of the Gentleman Vsher , called the Black-rod , and not long after to the Tower ; Sir George Ratcliff one of his especial confidents , being presently sent for out of Ireland by a Serjeant at Arms , as concriminal with him . In this condition he remained , till the 16th of Decemb. without any particular Charge against him ; Which at the last was brought into the House of Peers by the Scots , and presented in their Names by Lord Paget one of the Members of that House . In which they did inform against him , in reference to matters which concerned Religion , that in promoting the late pretended Innovations he had been as forward as Canterbury hims●lf ; and to that end had preferred his Chaplain Bramhall to the See of Derrie , and Chappel to the Colledge of Dublin : that he had threatned to burn the Articles of Ireland , agreed upon in Convocation Anno 1615. by the hand of the Hangman , and would not hearken to the Primate , when he desired a Ratification of them by Act of Parliament , for preventing and suppressing the said Innovations ; that he countenanced divers books against them and their Covenant , which were Printed at Dublin , and caused all Persons above the age of sixteen years , to abjure the said Covenant by a solemn Oath , or otherwise to be Imprisoned or to fly that Kingdom ; that at his last coming into England he had openly said , that if ever he returned unto the Honourable Sword he would not leave any of the Scots in that Kingdom , either Root or Branch ; and that he did advise the great Council of Peers assembled at York , to send them back again in their own blood , and that he might whip them out of England . In further pursuance of this Charge , it was prest against him in the Articles Exhibited by the House of Commons on the 16 ●h of February ( for so long it was , before he heard any more news from them ) That he maintained a correspondence with the Papists of Ireland , endeavoured to raise hostility between England and Scotland , and had consented to the betraying of New-castle into the hands of the Scots ; to the end that the English being nettled by so great a loss , might be more Cordially engaged in the War against them ; that he gave a Warrant under his hand to some Bishops in the Church of Ireland , and their Chancellors and other Officers , to Arrest the Bodies of such of the meaner sort , as after Citation , should refuse to appear before them , or should refuse to undergo and perform all Lawful decrees and sentences , given or issued out against them , and the said persons to keep in the next Common Goal , till their Submission to the said Orders and Decrees , and otherwise shew some Reason to the Contrary to the Lords of the Counsel ; that in the Moneth of May in the year 1639. he caused a new Oath to be contrived , Enforced especially upon those of the Scottish Nation in the Realm of Ireland , by which the party was obliged to Renounce the Covenant , and to swear that he would not Protest against any of his Majesties Royal Commands , but submit himself in all obedience thereunto , and had put divers grievous fines upon many of them on their Refusal of the same ; that he required the like Oath for the Observation of all Rites and Ceremonies then established , or from thenceforth to be established , by the Kings Authority , saying , that he would prosecute all Repugners of them to the very Blood. The Rest of the Articles relating unto Civil matters I omit of purpose , as neither being pertinent or proper to my Present History ; observing only in this place , that for the better carrying on of their charge against him , they had gained two points , more necessary to be craved than fit to be granted ; The first was ( which they carried in the House of Lords by a Major Vote ) that no Bishop should be of that Committee for the Preparatory Examinations in the present case , under colour that they were excluded from acting in it by some Ancient Canons , as in Causa sangiums , or the cause of blood ; concerning which a brief discourse entituled De jure Paritatis Episcoporum , was presented to his Grace of Canterbury , and some other Bishops for asserting all their Rights of Peerage ( and this of being of that Committe amongst the rest ) which either by Law or Ancient Custom did belong unto them . The second was that the Lords of the Council should be examined upon Oath , for anything which was said or done by the Earl of Strafford at the Council Table , Which being yielded by the King ; though tending visibly to the Derogation of his Power , and the discouragement of all such as either were or should be of his Privy Council , the Archbishop was accordingly Examined on December 4th being the next day after the said Condescention . Nor was it long before the like Oath was required and obtained by them against the Archbishop himself , being the next man whom the Scots and their Confederates in both houses , had an eye upon . He knew there was some danger coming toward him by the said combination , but thought not at the first it would reach so far , as to touch his Life . The most he looked for , as he told the Author of these Collections on the second or third day after the beginning of the Parliament , was to be sequestred from his Majesties Councils , and confin'd to his Diocess , to which he profest himself as willing as any of his Enemies were desirous of it . And as it seems his Enemies at the first had no further thoughts . For it appeareth by a passage in his Diary that on Thursday Decemb. 24th four Earls of Great Power in the Upper House declared unto a Parliament man , that they were resolved to Sequester him only from the Kings Council , and deprive him of the Archiepiscopal dignity , and no more then so ; which though it were too much , and savoured of too little Justice to be so resolved before any particular charge was brought against him : yet I consider it as an Argument of their first intentions , that they aimed not at his Life , but at his removal . In Order whereunto it was thought expedient , that his Majesty should be moved to release the Bishop of Lincoln from his long imprisonment , and to restore him to his place in the house of ●●●rs , knowing full well how Active an Instrument they were sure to find him , by reason of some former grudges , not only against the Archbishop but the Earl of Stafford . Which motion being made and granted he was conducted into the Abby Church by six of the Bishops , and there officiated ( it being a day of Humiliation ) as Dean of Westminster ; more honoured at the first by the Lords and Commons , then ever any of his Order , his person looked upon as Sacred , his words deemed as Oracles . And be conti●●●d in t●is height , t●ll having served their turn against the Arch●is●op and the Lord Lieutenant , he began sensibly to decline , and grew at last to be generally the most hated man of all the Hierarchy . Orders are also made by the House of Commons for releasing such as were Imprisoned by the Star-Chamber , Council-Table , or High-Commission ; and more particularly for the remanding of Bastwick , Prynne , and Burton , from the several Islands , to which they were before confined . Upon which general Goal-delivery , Burton and Prynne had so contrived it as to come together , met on their way as far as Brainford by some thousands of the Puritan Faction out of London , and South-wark , and by them silently conducted with Bays and Rosemary in their hands , to their several Houses to the intolerable affront of the Courts of Justice , and his Majesties Government , his Majestie conniving at the insolency or not daring to punish it . Not well reposed after the toil and trouble of so long a journey , Prynne , joyns himself with Bagshaw before remembred , and both together are admitted to a private conference with the Bishop of Lincoln in the beginning of December , which boded no great good to the Church or State , or any who had formerly appeared in defence of either . These preparations being made , the Project was carried on a main ; For on the 16 ●h of that month the Canons made in the late Convocation , were condemned in the House of Commons , as being against the Kings Prerogative , the Fundamental Laws of the Realm , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and containing divers other things tending to Sedition , and of dangerous Consequence . A Vote was also past for making Canterbury the Principal Author of the said Canons ; for a Committee to be nominated to enquire into all his former Actions ; and for preparing a Bill against all those of the said Convocation by whom these Canons were subscribed : but the sorrows of that day , did not end there neither . For on the same , a charge was laid against him in the house of Peers by the Scots Commissioners ( that being the day in which they had accused the Earl of Strafford ) for doing ill offices , and being an Incendiary between the Nations . And in pursuance of the plot , on Fryday the 18 ●h of the same Moneth , he was Impeacht by Hollis in the name of all the Commons of England , of no less then Treason ; and thereupon , without any particular charge against him , he was committed to the custody of the Gentleman Usher , leave only being granted him , to repair to his house at Lambeth , for the Collecting of such Papers as were necessary for his Justification . At Maxwells house ( for so was the Usher of the Black-Rod called ) he remained ten weeks , before so much as any General charge against him , was brought up to the Lords . During which time he gained so much on the good opinion of the Gentle-woman of the House , that she reported him to some of her Gossips , to be one of the goodest m●n , and most Pious Souls , but with all one of the sillest fellows to hold talk with a Lady that ever she met with in all her life . On the 26 ●h of February , This charge was brought up to the Lords ●y ●ane the younger , consisting of fourteen General Articles , which Generals he craved time to prove in particular ; and thereupon a Vote was passed for transmitting the Prisoner to the Tower , with leave however to remain at Maxwell's till the Munday following . Which day being come , he was conveyed in Maxwell's Coach without any disturbance , till he came to the end of Cheapside , from whence he was followed by a railing Rabble of rude and uncivil People , to the very Gates of the Tower : Where having taken up his Lodging , and settled his small Family in convenient Rooms , he diligently resorted to the Publick Chappel of that place at all times of Worship , being present at the Prayers and Sermons , and some 〈…〉 ●earing himsel● uncivilly reviled , and pointed at as it were , by 〈…〉 Preachers , sent thither of purpose to disgrace and vex 〈◊〉 . All which Indignities he endured with such Christian meek●●ss , as rendred him one of the great Examples both of Patience and 〈◊〉 these latter Times . The principal things contained in the Charge of the Scots Commissioners , were these that follow ; viz. That he had press'd upon that 〈◊〉 many Innovations in Religion , contained in the Liturgie and 〈◊〉 of Canons , contrary to the Liberties and Laws thereof ; That he had written many Letters to Ballentine Bishop of Dumblane , and Dean of the Kings Chappel in Scotland , in which he required him and the 〈◊〉 of the Bishops to be present at the Divine Service in their Whites , 〈◊〉 blamed the said Bishop for his negligence and slackness in it , and ●●xing him for Preaching Orthodox Doctrine against Arminianism ; that he had caused the said Bishop to be reprehended for commanding a Solemn Fast to be kept in his Diocess on the Lords day , as if they had offended in it against Christianity it self ; That he gave order for the ●aking down of Stone Walls and Galleries in the Churches of Edenboroug● , to no other end but for the setting up of Altars , and Adoration 〈◊〉 the East ; That for their Supplicating against these Novations , they were encountred by him with terrible Proclamations from his Ma●●●● , declared Rebels in all the Parish-Churches of England , and a 〈…〉 against them by his Arts and Practices ; That after the Pa 〈◊〉 made at Perwick , he frequently spake against it as dishonou 〈◊〉 , and unfit to be kept ; their Covenant by him called ungodly , and 〈…〉 Oaths imposed upon their Countrymen to abjure the same ; That 〈…〉 n●t in the presence of the King and their Commissioners to 〈…〉 the General Assembly held at Glasco , and put his Hand un 〈…〉 for Imprisoning some of those Commissioners , sent from the Parliament of Scotland for the Peace of both Nations ; That when the late Parliament could not be moved to assist in the War against them , he had caused the same to be dissolved , and continued the Con 〈◊〉 to make Canons against them and their Doctrines , to be punished four times in every year ; That he had caused six Subsidies to 〈…〉 on the Clergy for maintaining the War , and Prayer to be made 〈◊〉 all Parish-Churches , That shame might cover their faces , as Enemies to God and the King : And finally , That he was so industrious in advancing Popery in all the three Kingdoms , that the Pope himself could not have been more Popish , had he been in his place . Such was the Charge exhibited by the Scots Commissioners ; in which was nothing criminal enough to deserve Imprisonment , much less to threaten him with Death . And as for that brought up from the House of Commons , it consisted of fourteen General Articles , as before was said , ushered in with a short Preamble made by Pym , and shut up with a larger Aggravation of the Offences comprehended in the several Articles ; the substance of which Articles was to this effect : 1. That he had Traiterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Realm , to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government , and to perswade his Majesty , That he might Lawfully raise Money of the Subject , without their common Consent in Parliament . 2. That to this end he had caused divers Sermons to be Preached , and Books to be Printed , against the Authority of Parliaments , and for asserting an absolute and unlimited Power over the Persons and Goods of the Subjects , to be not only in the King , but also in himself and the rest of the Bishops ; and had been a great Promoter of such by whom the said Books and Sermons had been made and published . 3. That by several Messages , Letters , Threatnings , &c. he had interrupted and perverted the Course of Iustice in Westminster-Hall , whereby sundry of his Majesties Subjects had been stopp'd in their just Suits , and thereby made subject to his will. 4. That he had traiterously and corruptly sold Iustice to such as had Causes depending before him , and taken unlawful Gifts and Bribes of his Majesties Subjects ; and had advised and procured his Majesty to sell Places of Iudicature and other Offices . 5. That he had caused a Book of Canons to be Composed and Published without lawful Authority , in which were many things contained contrary to the Kings Prerogative , the Fundamental Laws , &c. and had caused many of the same to surreptitiously passed , and afterwards by fear and compulsion to be subscribed by the Prelates and Clerks there assembled , notwithstanding they had never been Voted and Passed in the Convocation . 6. That he hath assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power , both in Eccesiastical and Temporal Matters , over his Majesties Subjects in this Realm , and other places , to the disherison of the Crown , dishonour of his Majesty , and derogation of his Supreme Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters . 7. That he had endeavoured to alter and subvert Gods true Religion , by Law established in this Realm , and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry ; and to that end had maintained many Popish Doctrines , enjoyned many Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies , and cruelly vexed and persecuted such as refused to conform unto them . 8. That 〈◊〉 order thereunto he had intruded into the Rights of many of his Majesties Officers and Subjects , in procuring to himself the Nomination of divers Persons to Ecclesiastical Benefices ; and had taken upon him the commendation of Chaplains to the King , promoting and commending none but such as were Popishly affected , or otherwise unsound in Doctrine , or corrupt in Manners . 9. That to the same intent he had chosen such men to be his Chaplains , whom he knew to be notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion ; and had committed unto them , or some of them , the Licencing of Books to be Printed , whereby many false and Superstitious Books had been Published , to the great scandal of Religion , and the seducing of many of his Majesties Subjects . 10. That he had endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of Rome , confederating to that end with divers Popish Priests and Iesuits , holding Intelligence with the Pope , and permitting a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be established in this Kingdom . 11. That in his own Person , and by others under his Command , he had caused divers Godly and Orthodox Ministers of Gods Word to be Silenced , Suspended , and otherwise grieved , without any lawful or just cause , hindred the Proaching of Gods Word , cherished Prophaneness and Ignorance amongst the People , and compelled many of his Majesties Subjects to forsake the Kingdom . 12. That he had endeavoured to cause discord between the Church of England , and other Reformed Churches ; and to that end had suppressed and abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which had been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the Dutch and French Churches in this Kingdom . 13. That he had endeavoured to stir up War between his Majesties Kingdoms of England and Scotland ; and to that end had laboured to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland divers Innovations both in Religion and Government : for their refusing whereof , he first advised his Majesty to subdue them by force of Arms , and afterwards to break the Pacification made between the Kingdoms ; forcing the Clergie to contribute toward the Maintenance of the War. 14. And finally , That to preserve himself from being questioned for these and o●her his traiterous courses , he had laboured to divert the ancient course of Parliamentary Proceedings , and by false and malicious slanders to ●●cease his Majesty against Parliaments . This was the substance of the Charge , to which afterwards they added other which were more Particulars , when they found themselves ready for his Tryal , Anno 1644. and there we shall hear further of them . I note here only by the way , That one of those which had been added to make up the Tale , and create a greater hatred of him , as selling Iustice , taking 〈◊〉 , &c. ( for which never any Man of Place and Power was more cleary innocent ) was found so far unfit for a Prosecution , that it was suppressed . An excellent Evidence of his Integrity and Uprightness , in such a long-continued course of Power and Favour . But Sorrows seldom come alone . The Danger first , and afterwards the questioning of so great a Prelate , left the Church open to the Assaults of a potent Faction , and the poor Clergy destitute of a constant Patron . The first Assault against the Church , was made at St. Margarets Church in Westminster , on a day of Publick Humiliation , November 17. the same on which the Bishop of Lincoln was ●●●e●tated with such Triumph in the Abby-Church : At what time the Minister Officiating the Second Service at the Communion-Table , according to the ancient Custom , was unexpectedly interrupted by the naming and singing of a Psalm , to the great amazement of all sober and well-minded men . And at the Meeting of some Anabaptists to the number of 80. at a House in Southwark , it was preached , That the Statute 35 Eliz. for restraining the Queens Majesties Subjects in their due Obedience , was no good Law , because made by Bishops ; striking at once both at the Liturgie and Government of the Church by Law established . The Bishops left out of the Committee for Examinations , in the business of the Earl of Strafford ; and in all other Committees , by the fraud and artifice of the Clerk of the Parliament , not named in such proportion to the Temporal Peers , as had been accustomed . The same Clerk at the Reading of such Bills as came into that House , turned his back toward them in disdain , that they might not distinctly hear what he read ; as if their consenting or dissenting to the point in question , had been judged unnecessary . And to prepare the way the better for their Declination , Pennington attended by some hundreds of the Raskal Rabble , presents a Petition to the Commons , in the name of the City of London , subscribed by 15000 hands of several qualities , most of them indigent in Estate , and of known disaffections to the present Goverment . In which Petition it was prayed , That the Government of Bishops might be abolished ; That Rites and Ceremonies might be press'd no longer upon the consciences of the weak ; and that many other things at which they found themselves grieved , might be also abrogated . After which followed many bitter Speeches made against them by the Lord Faulkland , Bagshaw , White , and others , in the House of Commons ; by the Lords Say and Brook in the House of Peers ; by Brook alone in a Printed Pamphlet , in which he reproacheth them as born of the Dregs of the People : the names of the Lords Spiritual being despitefully left out of all Bills which passed this Session , to shew how insignificant they were in an Act of Parliament . And all this seconded by many Petitions of like nature , in the name of many whole Counties and Populous Cities , and in their names presented to the Houses of Parliament ; though the said Petitions , for the most part , were never either seen or heard of by the greatest and most considerable number of those in whose names they were subscribed . Which coming to his Majesties knowledge , he called both Houses unto Whitehall , Ianuary 25. Where he informed them of the Distractions that were then occasioned through the connivence of the Parliament , there being some men who more maliciously than ignorantly , would put no difference between Reformation and Al●eration of Government ; from whence it came , that Divine Service was irreverently interrupted , and Petitions in an indirect way procured and presented ; That he was willing to concur with them for reforming all Innovations both in Church and Commonwealth , and for reducing all things to the same condition in which they stood in the best and happiest times of Queen Elizabeth ; That he could not but take notice of many Petitions given in the name of divers Counties , against the established Government of the Church ; and of the great threatnings against the Bishops , That they will make them to be but Cyphers , or at least their Voices to be taken away ; That if upon serious debate , they could sh●w him that the Bishops had some Temporal Authority not so necessary for the Government of the Church , and upholding Episcopal Jurisdiction , he would not be unwilling to desire them to lay it down : And finally , If they had encroached too much upon the Temporality , he was content that all Abuses of that kind should be redressed ; and that he would go with them so far , and no further . And to say truth , it concerned the King to look about him , when his own Regal Power , not that of the Bishops only , was so openly strook at ; it being Preached by the said Anabaptists but the Week before , That he could not make a good Law , because not PERFECTLY REGENERATE , and was only to 〈◊〉 in Civil Matters . But all this little edified with such of the Lords and Commons as had the carrying on of the Plot against Episcopacy : they ●ound the temper of the King ; and having got him on the Anvile , they resolved to hammer him . As an Expedient to the Work , it was sound necessary to question and disgrace all those , who either had been active in advancing those Publick Orders , which were now branded by the name of Innovations , or otherwise industrious in his Majesties Service ; some to be sacrificed to the pleasure of particular Persons , others to satisfie the fury or discontentments of the People generally . Of the first sort were Pocklington and Bray , both Doctors in Divinity ; the first of late made Chaplain in Ordinary to the King , the second Chaplain of long time to the Archbishop of Canterbury . This last had Licenced two of Pocklington's Books , the one being a Sermon Preached at a Visitation before the Bishop of Lincoln , the other a Discourse of Altars , and the most proper situation of the Lords Table , in which were many Passages against that Bishop : To pacifie which o●fended Deity , Pocklington must be sacrificed on his own Altar , deprived of all his Preferments at the present , and made uncapable of receiving others for the time to come : Bray being enjoined to Preach a Recantation-Sermon in St. Margarets Church , and 〈◊〉 to retract one and thirty Articles which the Bishop had collected out of those Books . Heylyn had been Petitioned against by Pry●●● at his first coming home , as a subservient Instrument ( under the Archbishop himself ) of all his Sufferings ; and was kept four days in Examination : but finally dismiss'd without shame or censure . Cosens ( informed against by Smart ( who had been deprived for his factious Inconformity , of some good Preferments in the Bishop●ick and Church of Durham ) was under a great Storm at first : but being one that would not shrink in the wetting , he stood stoutly to it , and in conclusion was dismissed without any other loss but of Time and Charges . The like happened also unto Heywood Vicar of St. Giles's in the Fields , Squire of St. Leonard's in Shoreditch , and Finch of Christchurch . The Articles against which four , and some others more , being for the most part of the same nature and effect , as namely , Railing in the Communion-Table , Adoration toward it , Calling up the Parishioners to the Rail to receive the Sacrament , Reading the Second Service at the Table so placed , Preaching in Surplices and Hoods , Administring the Sacrament in Copes , Beautifying and Adorning Churches with Painted Glass , and others of the like condition ; which either were to be h●ld for Crimes in the Clergy generally , or else accounted none in them . And though the Informations were so slight and inconsiderable , that none of those who were impeach'd , could legally be made obnoxious to any Punishment ; and that the credit of the Informers ▪ not proved by Oath ( which the Commons had no power to give ) was the chief ground o● their Proc●edings : yet that these poor men might appear more monstrous in the eye of the World , the Articles against Pocklington , Cosens , Heywood , Squ●●e , Finch , &c. were ordered to be put in Print , without care taken whether they were true or not . They knew full well , that when dirt was once thrown upon any man , (a) some of it must needs stick upon him , or about his Garments , how careful soever he might be to wipe it of . This course they also held with the Bishop of Ely , impeaching him of many pretended Misdemeanours in the See of Norwich , viz. That he deprived or banished within the space of two years , fifty godly , learned , painful Ministers ; His placing the Communion Table Altar-wise , and causing a Rail to be set before it ; The practicing of Superstition in his own Person , his bowing toward it , Consecrating the Bread and Wine at the West side of the Table , with his back toward the People , and elevating the same above his head , that the People might see it , ( which last Points , as they made most noise , so they found least proof ) causing the Seats in all places to be so contrived , that the people must of necessity kneel toward the East , according to the pious Custom of the Primitive Times ; Turning all afternoons Sermons into Catechisings by Question and Answer , according to the Kings Instructions ; Appointing no Prayer to be used by Preachers before their Sermons , but that prescribed by the Canon ; and that the Bells should give no other warning for Sermons , than they did for Prayers , that the People might resort unto the Church at all times alike , as by the Laws and Statutes of the Realm they were bound to do . In considerati●● whereof , it was resolved upon the Question to be the Opinion o● that House , That the said Bishop was unfit to hold or 〈◊〉 Office or Divinity in the Church or Commonwealth : and that a Message should be sent to the Lords , desiring them to joyn with t●● Commons in Petitioning his Majesty to remove him bot● from his Person and Service . By which this wise Prelate understood , that his neerness to the Kings Person was his greatest Crime ; and thereupon , in imitation of the Castor , ( having first obtained his Majesties consent thereto ) he discontinued that attendance which might occasion more danger to him than it brought in profit . Which Prosecutions of the Clergy , but this last especially , have brought me unto the year 1641. Which brought more trouble to the Country Clergy than the last year had done to those which lived in London . The Committee Authorised by the House of Commons for Affairs of Religion , finding their work begin to fail them , and that Informations came not up so last as had been expected , dispatched Instructions 〈◊〉 all parts of the Kingdom for an enquiry to be made into the 〈◊〉 and A●tions of the Clergy in their several Parishes . And that the Inquisition might be made with the greater diligence , not only 〈◊〉 as were in Authority , but every ingenious Person was required to 〈◊〉 Active in improving the present opportunity , by giving true In●●●mation of all the Parishes in their several Counties . I know it was pretended by the said Instructions , that enquiry should be made into Pluralities and defect of maintenance , as well as into scandalous and ●●preaching Ministers ; yet the main business was to bring the Clergy on the Stage , and find some matter of complaint against them . Quite contrary in this to the Emperour Trajan , who in the midst of the Persecutions , which he had raised against the Church , commanded by his Imperial Edict , (a) That no strict Inquisition should be made of those who did profess the Faith of Christ ; but only that they should be punished , if accidentally or by the voice of Common Fame they should be offered unto judgment . What mischief hereupon ensued in animating the Parishioners against their Minister , seducing Servants to accuse and betray their Masters , alienating the affections of the Clergy from one another , and by that means subjecting them to that dissipation which soon after followed , shall be shewn hereafter , so far forth as it coms within the compass of this present History . But whil● these clouds were gathering together in the Country , ●s great a tempest seemed to be brewing in the City , which threatned no less danger to the Church it self than those proceedings to the Clergy . For in the beginning of this year we find some Divines of name and note , convened in the Dean of Westminsters Lodgings , to consult about matters of the Church ; the occasion this : The Convocation was then sitting , but not impowered by his Majesties Commission to act in any thing of concernment . It was therefore ordered by the Peers March 21. that a Committee of ten Earls , ten Bishops , and ten Barons should be nominated , in the name of the rest , for settling the a●fairs of the Church ; by whom a Sub-Committee was the same day named to prepare such matters as were to be discoursed and concluded by them , the Bishop of Lincoln being in the 〈…〉 both . Which Sub-Committee being made up of the Divines above-mentioned , consisted of three Bishops , nine Doctors in Divinity , and four of some inferiour Degree in the Universities ; some of them being Prelatical , and some Presbyterian in point of Government , but all of them Calvinians in point of Doctrine . Beginning first with points of Doctrine , complaint was made that the whole body of Armimanism , and many particular points of Popery ( for so they called all which agreed not with Calvin's sense ) had been of late maintained in Books and Sermons , and sometimes also in the Divinity Schools . And then descending to matter of Discipline , they discoursed of many Innovations , which they conceived to have been thrust upon the Church , most of them in disposing and adorning the Communion Table , and the more reverent Administration of the holy Sacraments ; some of them positively required , or at least directed by the Laws of the Land , as reading the Communion Service at the Lords Table on Sundaies and Holidaies , reading the Litany in the middest of the Church , the Ministers turning toward the East in the Creed and Prayers , and praying no otherwise before Sermons than in the words of the Canon ; some of them never having been disused in many Parochial Churches , and retained in most Cathedrals since the Reformation , as standing at the Hymns , and the Gloria Patri , placing the Table Altarwise , and adoring toward it ; some being left indifferent at the choice of the Minister , as the saying or singing of the Te Deum in Parochial Churches , officiating the Communion and the dayly prayers in the Latine tongue , in several Colledges and Halls , by and amongst such as are not ignorant of that Language ; And others not of so great moment , as to make any visible alteration in the face of the Church , or sensible disturbance in the minds of the People : Which therefore might have been as well forborne as practiced , till confirmed by Authority , or otherwise might have been borne without any such clamour , as either out of ignorance or malice had been raised against them . They also took into consideration some Rubricks in the Book of Common Prayer , and other things , which they thought sit to be rectified in it . Amongst which they advised some things not to be utterly disliked , viz. That the Hymns , Sentences , Epistles and Gospels , should be reprinted according to the new Translation ; That the Meeter in the Psalms should be corrected , and allowed of Publickly ; and that no Anthems should be sung in Colledges or Cathedral Churches but such as were taken out of the Scripture , or the publick Liturgy ; That fewer Lessons might be read out of the Books called Apocryphal , and the Lessons to be read distinctly , exclusive of the Liberty which is given to sing them as appears by the Rubrick ; That the Rubrick should be cleared concerning the Ministers power for repulsing scandalous and notorious sinners from the holy Communion ; and that the general Confession before the Communion be ordered to be said by the Minister only , the People repeating it after him ; That these words in the Form of Matrimony viz. With my body I thee worship , may be explained and made more intelligible ; And that instead of binding the married Couple to receive the Communion on their Wedding day ( which is seldom done ) they may be obliged to receive it on the Sunday after , or the next Communion day following ; That none be licenced to marry , or have their Banes asked , who shall not first bring a Certificate from their Minister , that they are instructed in the Catechism ; and that it be not required that the Infant be dipt in the water ( as is injoyned by the Rubrick ) in the case of extremity . Some Passages they observed impertinently , and not worth the altering , as the expunging of some Saints ( which they falsly called Legendaries ) out of the Kalendar ; The constant adding of the Doxology at the end of the Pater noster ; Reading of Morning and Evening Prayer dayly by the Curate , if not otherwise letted ; The leaving out of the Benedicite , and the changing of the Psalm used in the Churching of Women ; That those words ( which only workest great marvels ) be left out of the Prayer for the Bishops and Clergy ; That Grievous sins instead of Deadly sins be used in the Letany ; That the sanctifying of the Flood Iordan , be changed into sanctifying the Element of water , in the Form of Baptism ; That those words , In sure and certain hope of Resurrection , which are used at Burials , may be changed to these , knowing assuredly that the dead shall rise again ; And that the Commination should be read at the Desk , and not in the Pulpit : all which remaining as they did could give no offence , and might have easily been changed to give some content . And finally , some things there were of which they desired a Reformation , which seemed to have so much of the Anti-Papist , that they came close to the Puritan , viz. That the Vestments prescribed by the first Liturgy of King Edward vi . should not be required , and the rule in that case to be altered ; That the Alms should be gathered rather after , than before the Communion ; These words , This is my body , This is my bloud , not to be Printed in great Letters ; and that a Rubrick be inserted to declare , that kneeling at the Communion is required only in relation to the Prayer of the distribution , Preserve thee body and soul , &c. That weekly Communion every Sunday be changed to monthly in Colledges and Cathedral Churches ; That the Cross in Baptism be either explained , or quite disused ; and that in the Form of Confirmation these words importing , that Children baptized , are undoubtedly saved , be no longer used ; That no times of Restraint may be laid on Marriage ; And that the Authoritative Form of Absolution in the Visitation of the sick may be turned to a Pronouncing or declaring of it . I have the longer stood on the result of these Consultations , because of the different apprehensions which were had of the Consequents and Issue of them . Some hoped for a great Reformation to be prepared by them , and settled by the Grand Committee both in Do●●●i●e and Discipline ; and others as much feared ( the affections of the men considered ) that Doctrinal Calvinism being once settled , more alterations would be made in the Publick Liturgy than at first appeared , till it was brought more near the Form of the Gallick Churches , after the Platform of Geneva . Certain I am , that the imprisoned Archbishop had no fancy to it , fearing least the Assembly of Divines in Ierusalem-Chamber ( so the place was called ) might weaken the foundations of Ierusalem in the Church of England ; That this Assembly on the matter might prove the National Synod of England , to the great dishonour of the Church ; and that when their Conclusions were brought unto the great Committee , the business would be over-ruled by the Temporal Lords , as double in number to the Bishops . But whatsoever his fears were they were soon removed , that Meeting being scattered , about the middle of May , upon the bringing in of a Bill against Deans and Chapters ; which so divided the Convenors both in their persons and affections that they never after met together . Concerning which we are to know , that not only most of the Lords of the Lower House , and many Lower-House Lords in the Upper House , resolving to pull up Episcopacy by the very roots , thought it convenient to begin with lopping the Branches as laying no pretence to Divine Institution . The voting of which Bill exceedingly amazed all those of the Prelatical Clergy , as knowing at what Root it struck ; though none seemed presently concerned in it but such as had some benefit or subsistance in those foundations . To still the great noise which was raised about it , the Commons seemed not unwilling that some of the Cathedral Clergy should advocate for the continuance of those Capitular Bodies , and others of the contrary Party to present their Reasons for their Dissolution . The time appointed being come , Hacket , Archdeacon of Bedford , and one of the Prebends of St. Pauls , pleaded both learnedly and stoutly in behalf of those Churches ; and Burges of Watford , who not long before brought down his Myrmidons to cry for Justice against Strafford , to the Parliament doors , was all for down with them , down with them to the very ground . But though they differed in their Doctrine , yet they agreed well enough in their applications : Burges declaring it unlawful , as well as Hacket , that the Revenues of those Churches should otherwise be imployed than to pious uses . This seemed to put the business to a stand for the present time , but Canterbury knowing with what case it might be resumed , advised the drawing of a Petition to both Houses of Parliament in the name of the University of Oxon. which had a great stock going in the Ship of the Church , not only for the preservation of the Episcopal Government , but of those Foundations , as being both the Encouragements and Rewards of Learning . In which Pet●tion having spoken in few words of the Antiquity and Succession of Bishops from the Apostles themselves , they insist more at large upon such Suggestions as might best justifie and endear the cause of Cathedral Churches ; which being the most material of all those motives , which were laid before them to that purpose , we shall ●●re subjoyn . And we become further suiters ( saith that Vniversity ) for the continuance of the Pious Foundations of Cathedral Churches with their Lands and Revenues : As Dedicate to the Service and Honour of God , soon after the Plantation of Christianity in the English Nation ; As thought fit and usefully to be preserved for that end , when the Nurs●●●● of Superstition were demolished , and so continued in the last and 〈◊〉 times since the Blessed Reformation under King Edward the sixth , Queen Elizabeth , and King James , Princes Renowned through the world for their Piety and Wisdom ; As approved and confirmed by the Law● 〈◊〉 this Land , Ancient and Modern : As the Principal and outw●rd 〈◊〉 , and encouragements of all Students , especially in Divi●●●● , and the f●ttest Reward of some deep and Eminent Scholars : As 〈…〉 in all Ages , many Godly and Learned men 〈…〉 strongly asserted the truth of the Religion we Profess , 〈◊〉 the many fierce oppositions of our Adversaries of Rome : As 〈…〉 a competent Portion in an Ingenious way to many younger brothers of good Parentage , who devote themselves to the Ministery of the Gospel : As the only means of subsistance to a multitude of Officers , and other Ministers , who with their families depend upon them , and are wholly maintained by them : As the main Authors or upholders of 〈…〉 Schools , Hospitals , High-ways , Bridges , and other Pious works : 〈◊〉 special causes of much Profit and advantages to those Cities where 〈◊〉 are situate ; Not only by Relieving the Poor , and keeping conve 〈◊〉 H●●pitality : but by occasioning a frequent Resort of strangers 〈◊〉 other parts to the great benefit of all trades-men and inhabi 〈◊〉 in those places : As the goodly Monuments of our Predecessors 〈◊〉 , and present Honour of this Kingdom in the Eye of Foreign Na 〈◊〉 : As the Chief support of many thousand families of the Layety who enjoy fair Estates under them in a free way : As yielding a con 〈◊〉 and ample Revenue to the Crown : And as by which many of the 〈…〉 Pro●essors in our Vniversities are maintained . The subver 〈…〉 whereof must ( as we conceive ) not only be attended 〈…〉 consequences as will redound to the Scandal of many well 〈…〉 our Religion ▪ but open the mouths of our Adversaries , and if 〈…〉 against us , and as likely in time to draw after it harder condi 〈…〉 in a considerable part of the Layety , and Vniversal cheapness 〈…〉 upon the Clergy , a lamentable drooping and defection of 〈…〉 knowledge in the Vniversities ; which is easie to firesee but will be hard to Remedy . The like petition came from Cambridge , as much concerned in this ●●mmon cause , as their sister of Oxon. But neither of them could 〈◊〉 so far as take off the edge of the ax , which had been thus 〈◊〉 at the Root of the tree , though it did blunt it at the present . 〈◊〉 they which had the managing of the Design , finding that the 〈◊〉 Churches were two strongly Cemented , to be demolished at an Instant , considered seasonably for themselves , that the furthest way about , did many times prove the nearest way to the journeys end ; A Bill was therefore passed in the House of Commons and sent up to the Lords , by which it was to be Enacted ( if their Vote had carried it ) ; First , that the Bishops should have no Voices in Parliament ; Secondly , that they should not be Commissioners for the Peace , or Judges in any Temporal Courts ; And that they should not fit in the Star-chamber nor be Privy Counsellors . Which Bill being Voted part by part ; The two last parts were passed , by a general consent , not above one or two dissenting : But the first branch was carried in the Negative by such an Unison consent in the Lords then present , that if the Bishops had not Voted in defence of themselves , the Temporal Lords alone who appeared for them , had carried it by sixteen Voices . The point being still upon debate , those Lords which had shewed themselves against the Bishops , resolved to put it to the Fortune of another day , protesting that the Former manner of Voting the said Bill by Branches was both Vnparliamentary and Illegal ; and therefore that the Bill was either wholly to be passed , or ejected wholly : which being condescended to , the whole Bill was utterly cast out of the House by so many voices , that the Bishops might have spared their own till another time . And though according to the Rules of all former Parliaments that a Bill which had been once cast out of the House , should never be prest again the same Session ; yet this Bill found a way to it within few moneths after , and almost twelve years before the end of this Session , as we shall see too soon in the course of this History . In the mean time , the Anti-Prelatical party in the house of Peers so bestirred themselves , that they prevailed upon the Rest to put a lower valuation on the Bishops then they had done formerly ; insomuch , that at a Solemn Fast following not long after , the Temporal Lords took Precedence of the Bishops , contrary to the Custom of their Predecessors in all times foregoing : the Bishops not thinking it convenient to contend for place , at such time as their whole Order was in danger of Falling . Which being observed by the Lord Spencer ; Is this , said he , a day of Humiliation , wherein we shew so great a Pride , in taking place of those to whom it was allowed by all our Ancestors ? A day of Humiliation if it might be called ; it was made such to the Bishops only , the Temporal Lords being never higher in their Exaltation . But now we must look back on the Earl of Strafford , the prosecution of whose Impeachment had been long delaid upon some probable hope , that the displeasures of his greatest adversaries m●●● be mitigated by some Court-preferments . In Order where 〈◊〉 was agreed upon ( if my intelligence or memory fail not ) ; that the Earl of Bedford should be made Lord Treasurer , and 〈◊〉 Chancellor of the Exchequer , the Earl of Essex Governour of the Prince , and that Hambden should be made his Tutor , the Lord Say Ma●ter of the Wards , and Hollis Principal Secretary in the Place of Windebank ; the Deputieship of Ireland was disposed of also , and some command appointed for the Earl of Warwick in the Royal Navy . Which Earls together with the Earl of Hartford , and the Lord Kimbolton ( eldest Son to the Earl of Manchester ) were taken at this time into his Majesties Council , that they might witness to the Rest of that Party , with what sincerity and Piety his Majesties Affairs were Governed at the Council Table . And in Relation to this purpose the Bishop of London delivered to the King the Treasurers Staff , the Earl of New-castle relinquished the Governance of the Prince , and the Lord Cottington resigned his Offices both in the Exchequer , and the Court of Wards , there being no doubt but that Bishop Duppa in Order to so good a work , would relinquish the Tutorship of the Prince , when it should be required of him : So gallantly did these great persons deny themselves , to advance the Service of their Master . But before all these things were fully settled and performed , the Kings mind was altered , ( but by whom altered , hath been more conjectured then affirmed for certain ) which so exasperated them who were concerned in this designation , that they persued the Earl of Strafford with the great eagerness . And somewhat to this purpose was hinted in the Kings Declaration of the 12 ●h of August ; in which he signified what over●●●es had been made by them , and with what importunity for Offices and preferments , what great services should have been done for him , and what other undertaking even to have saved the Life of the Earl of Stra●●ord . By which discovery as he blemished the Reputes of some Principal Members in the eyes of many of the people ; so he gave no small cause of wonder to many others , when they were told from his own Pen , at how cheap a Rate ( a Rate which would have cost him nothing ) he might have saved the Life of such an able and deserving Minister . This design being thus unhappily dasht , the Earl was called unto h●● Tryal on the 22 ●h day of March last past ; which being continued many days with great expectation , his Adversaries ( though the ablest men in the House of Commons ) perceived that his Defences were so strong , and their proof so weak that they thought it not sale to leave the Judgement of the Cause to the House of Peers in way of Judicature . For finding that their proofs amounted not to a Legal Evidence ; and that nothing but Legal Evidence , could prevail in a Court of Judicature , they Resolved to Steer their course by another wind , and to call the Legislative power to their assistance ; according unto which both Lords , and Commons might proceed by the Light of their own Understanding without further Testimony . And so it was declared by Saint-Iohns then Solicitor General in a conference between the Committees of both Houses , April 29. 1641. Where it is said , That although single Testimony ●ight be sufficient to satisfie private Consciences , yet how far it would have been satisfactory in a judicial way , where forms of Law are more to be stood upon , was not so clear ; whereas in this way of Bill , private satisfaction to each mans Conscience , is sufficient , although no Evidence had been given in at all . Thus they Resolved it in this Case ; But knowing of what dangerous consequence it might be to the Lives , and Fortunes of themselves and the Rest of Subjects , a saving clause was added to the Bill of Attainder , that it should not be drawn into Example for the time to come . By which it was Provided , That no Iudge or Iudges , Iustice or Iustices whatsoever , shall adjudge or Interpret any Act or thing to be Treason , nor hear or determine any Treason , nor in any other manner , then he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act , and as if this Act had never been made . His Majesty understanding how things were carried , Resolved to use his best endeavours to preserve the man , who had deserved so bravely of him . And therefore in a Speech to both Houses of Parliament on the first of May , absolved him from all Treasons charged upon him ; conjuring them by the merit of his former graces , and the hopes of greater , not to compel him to do any thing against his conscience , to which no worldly consideration whatsoever , should be able to tempt him . This put the Lords to such a stand , who were before enclinable enough to that unfortunate Gentleman , that multitudes of the Rabble were brought down out of London and Southwark , to cry for speedy Justice , and Execution ; the names of such as had not voted to the Bill , being posted up in the Palace-yard , by the Title of Straffordians , and Enemies to the Commonwealth . Which course so terrified the Lords , that most of them withdrawing themselves from the House of Peers , the Attainder passed , and certain Bishops nominated to attend the King , for satisfying his Conscience , and perswading him to sign that Destructive Bill . Never was Poor Prince , brought to so sad an Exigent , betwixt his Conscience on the one side , and the Fears of such a Publick Rupture on the other , as seemed to threaten nothing but destruction to himself and his Family . But humane frailty , and the continual Solicitation of some about him ; so prevailed at last , that on Munday morning the ninth of May , he put a most unwilling hand to that fatal Bill , Issuing a Commission unto certain Lords to pass the same into an Act , and with the same to speed another ( which he had also signed with the same Penful of Ink ) for the continuance of the present Parliament during the pleasure of the Houses . The Act thus past on Munday Morning , the Earl was brought unto the Scaffold on the Wednesday following , desiring earnestly , but in vain , to Exchange some words with the Archbishop before his Death ; Which gave occasion to a report , that a little before his Death he had charged his misfortunes , oversights and misdemeanours upon the Archbishop of Canterbury , as the Prime Author of the same ; and had bitterly Curst the day of their first acquaintance : Which being so scandalous and dishonourable to this great Prelate , I shall lay down the whole truth in this particular , as it came from the Archbishops own mouth , in the presence of Balfore a Scot , and then Lieutenant of the Tower , who was required to attest to each period of it . The Lord Strafford the night before the Execution , sent for the Lieutenant of the Tower , and asked him whether it were possible he might speak with the Archbishop : The Lieutenant told him , he might not do it without Order from the Parliament . Whereupon the Earl replied , You shall hear what passeth between us ; for it is not a time now either for him to plot Heresie , or me to plot Treason . The Lieutenant answered , That he was limited ; and therefore desired his Lordship would Petition the Parliament for that Favour . No ( said he ) I have gotten my dispatch from them , and will trouble them no more ; I am now Petitioning an Higher Court , w●ere neither partiality can be expected , nor Error ●eared . But my Lord , said he , ( turning to the Primate of Ireland , whose company he had procured of the Houses in that fatal Exigent ) I will tell you what I should have spoken to my Lords Grace of Canterbury . You shall desire the Archbishop to lend me his Prayers this night , and to give me his Blessing when I do go abroad to morrow ; and to be in his Window , that by my last Farewell I may give him thanks for this , and all other his former Favours . The Primate having delivered the Message without delay , the Archbishop replied , That in conscience he was bound to the first , and in duty and obligation to the second : but he feared his weakness and passion would not lend him eyes to behold his last Departure . The next morning at his coming forth he drew near to the Archbishops Lodging , and said to the Lieutenant , Though I do not see the Archbishop , yet give me leave I pray you to do my last observance towards his Rooms . In the mean time the Archbishop , advertised of his approach , came out to the Window ; Then the Earl bowing himself to the ground , My Lord ( said he ) your Prayers and your Blessing . The Archbishop lift up his hands , and bestowed both : but overcome with grief , fell to the ground in Animi deliquio . The Earl bowing the second time , said , Farewell my Lord , God protect your Innocency . And because he feared , that it might perhaps be thought an effeminacy or vnbecoming weakness in him to sink down in that manner , he add●d , That he hoped by Gods Assistance , and his own Innocency , that when he came to his own Execution ( which he daily longed for ) the World should perceive he had been more sensible of the Lord Strafford's Loss , than of his own : And good reason it should be so ( said he ) for the Gentleman was more serviceable to the Church ( he would not mention the State ) than either himself , or any of all the Church-men had ever been . A gallant Farewell to so eminent and beloved a Friend . Thus march'd this Great Man to the Scaffold ; more like a General in the Head of an Army , to breath out Victory ; than like a Condemned Man , to undergo the Sentence of death . The Lieutenant of the Tower desired him to take Coach , for fear the People should rush in upon him and tear him in pieces . No ( said he to the Lieutenant ) I dare look Death in the face , and I hope the People too ; Have you a care that I do not escape , and I care not how I die , whether by the hand of the Executioner , or the madness and fury of the People ; If that may give them better content , it is all one to me . In his last Speech upon the Sca●fold , he declared , That in all his Imployments , since he had the honour to serve his Majesty , he never had any thing in the purpose of his heart , but what tended to the joynt and individual prosperity both of King and People ; That he was so far from being an Enemy to Parliaments ( which had been charged amongst his Crimes ) that he did always think the Parliaments of England to be the most happy Constitution that a●y Kingdom or Nation lived under , and the best means under God to make the King and People happy ; That he acquitted all the World for his death , heartily beseeching the God of Heaven to forgive all them that contrived it , though in the intentions and purposes of his heart , he was not guilty of the O●fences which he was to die for ; That it was a great comfort to him , that his Majesty conceived him not meriting so severe and heavy a Punishment , as the utmost execution of this Sentence : And finally , ( after many other Expressions ) That he died a true Son of the Church of England , in which he had been born and bred ; for the Peace and Prosperity whereof he most heartily prayed . Turning his eyes unto his Brother Sir George Wentworth , he desired him to charge his Son to fear God , to continue an obedient Son to the Church of England , and not to meddle with Church-Livings , as that which would prove a Moth or Canker to him in his Estate . And having several times recommended his prepared Soul to the Mercies of God , he submi●ted his Neck with most Christian Magnanimity to the stroke of the 〈◊〉 , which took his Head from him at one blow , before he had filled up the number of fifty years . A man on whom his Majesty looked as one whose great Abilities might rather make a Prince afraid , than ashamed to employ him in the greatest Affairs of State : ●or those were pro●e to create in him great confidence of Undertakings , and this was like enough to betray him to great Errors , and many Enemies ; whereof he could not but contract good store , while moving in so high a Sphere , and with so vigorous a Lustre , he must needs ( as the Sun ) raise many envious Exhalations , which condensed by a Popular Odium , were capable to cast a Cloud upon the highest Merit and Integrity . So far he stood commended by the Pen of his sorrowful Sovereign , who never could sufficiently ●●wa●l his own Infelicity , in giving way unto an Act of such 〈…〉 justice ( as he calls it there ) of which he gives this Testimony in his Meditation on the Death of this unfortunate Earl , That he wa● 〈◊〉 far from excusing or denying that Compliance on his part ( for plenary consent it was not ) to his destruction , whom in his own judgment he thought not by any clear Law , guilty of death ; that he did never bear any touch of Conscience with greater regret : which , as a sign of his Repentance , he had often with sorrow confessed both to God and Men , as an Act of so sinful frailty , that it discovered more a ●ar of Man than of God , whose Name and Place on Earth no man is worthy to bear , who will avoid Inconveniences of State by Acts of so high Injustice , as no Publick Convenience can comp●nsat● . 〈◊〉 loss of this Gentlemans Life after such a manner , so terrified 〈…〉 o● his Majesties Servants ; that as some had deserted him in 〈…〉 appearance of his Troubles : so there were few that durst stand to him , or put him upon ●●solute or couragious Counsels , when he most wanted such Assistance . In which respect , it was no 〈◊〉 matter for the Houses of Parliament to wire draw him by de 〈…〉 Con●●sec●sions , as finally left the Church without any Authority , and the Crown with little more Prerogative than a T●tular and precarious Empire . He had before passed an Act for Tri●●nial Parliaments , to be called in his default by Sheriffs and Constaples ; and signed a Bill for the continuance of the present Parliament during the pleasure of the Houses , at such time as he passed away this poor Gentlemans Life . He must now give up so much of his Power at once , as would disable him from subsisting by any other means than the Alms of his Parliament ; or keeping down those factions and seditious Humours , for which the ordinary Courts of Justice , tied to Formalities of Law , could provide no remedy . In reference to the first , having kept him hungry and in appetite for seven Months and more , from their first meeting in November , they present him with a Bill for Tonnage and Poundage , to be paid only for the three Months following ; and that too clogged in the Preamble with such a Condition , as to disclaim all such Right unto , it as had been formerly enjoyed by his Predecessors . They prepared also other Bills , for Repealing the Statute concerning Knighthood , made by K. Edward ii . and then made rather for the ease of the Sub●●ct , than the advantage of the Crown ; as also , For abolishing his Pre●●ntions to the Raising of Ship-money , For retrenching the Perambu 〈◊〉 of his Forests , For suppressing the Court of Stanneries in Cornw●● . And 〈◊〉 long-continued Jurisdiction of his Clerk of the Market . A●● in relation to the other , they prepared two Bills more ; the one for p●●ting down the Court of Star-Chamber , the other for destroying the Hig● Commission , without which bridles there had been no ruling of the Puritan Faction . But as in the Bill for putting down the Star-Chamber , there were some Clauses which extended to the overthrow of t●e Court of the Marches , and the Council established in the North , and for Regulating the Authority of the Council-Table ; so 〈…〉 for destroying the High-Commission , there was a Clause which took away the Coercive power of Bishops , Chancellors , Archdeacons , and all other Ecclesiastical Judges . To these two last ( the Royal Assent having been passed unto all the former without any difficulty ) the King was pleased to demur , which bred such a heat amongst the Commons , that he was forced on Munday the fifth of Iuly , ( being but two daies after his passing of the other ) to make an excuse for this small delay ; the business being of such importance as the Altering in a great measure those Fundamental Laws , both Ecclesiastical and Civil , which so many of his Predecessors had established . How great a blow was given by the first Act to the Royal Authority I leave to be considered by our Civil Historians . What the Church suffered by the second will appear by these words , in which it was Enacted ( under the several penalties therein contained ) That from the fifth day of August then next following no Archbishop , or Bishops , or any other Person or Persons , having or exercising any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction under the Kings Majesty , within the Realm of England and Dominion of Wales , should award , impose or inflict any Pain , Penalty , Fine , Amercement , Imprisonment , or any Corporal Punishment for any Contempt , Misdemeanour , Crime , Offence , Matter , or Thing whatsoever , belonging to Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Cognizance or Jurisdiction ; or should Ex Officio , or at the instance or promotion of any person whatsoever , urge , enforce , tender , give , or minister unto any Churchwarden , Sideman , or person whatsoever , any Corporal Oath , whereby they shall be obliged to make any Presentment concerning others , or confess any thing against themselves , which might make them lyable , or expose them to any Censure , Pain , Penalty of what sort soever . Which in effect was to take away the Power of Ecclesiastical Censures , belonging naturally and originally to the Episcopal Function , that is to say , Suspensions , Excommunications , Deprivations , and Degradations , ( all which are both inflicted and renounced as Pains or Penalties ) to the no small encouragement of Inconformity , Incontinency , and all other irregular Courses , both in Clergy and Laity , because it nourisht an opinion of impunity in the hearts of those who formerly had been awed respectively by those several Censures . For when the Subject fears neither Pain nor Penalty , the Superiour under whom he lives will find little obedience , and the Laws much less . But we have too long left our Archbishop in his cares and sorrows , and therefore must return to ease him of some part of his cares , though his sorrows continued as before . Hitherto he had given himself no improbable hopes of being called unto his Trial , and given such strong proof of his integrity and innocence from the Crimes objected , as might restore him to a capacity of doing those good offices to the University as that place of Chancellor did require . But finding by the late proceedings of the Houses of Parliament in the business of his dear Friend the Earl of Strafford , that his affairs were like to grow from bad to worse , he would no longer undergo the name of that Office which he was not able to perform . Resolved to put the University into such a condition as might enable them to proceed in the choice of a more fortunate Patron , he acquaints the King with his intent by the Bishop of London ; and finding his Majesties Concurrence in opinion with him , he sends his Resignation in his Letter of Iune 28. Which being published , and excepted in the Convocation of the University on Iuly 1. The Earl of Pembroke was now elected to succeed him , who had before been named in competition for the Office with him . MY Present Condition ( saith the Letter ) is not unknown to the whole World , yet by few pitied or deplored ; The righteous God 〈◊〉 knows the Iustice of my sufferings , on whom both in life and death I will ever depend : the last of which shall be unto me most welcome , in that my life is now burdensome unto me , my mind attended with variety of sad and grievous thoughts , my soul continually vexed with Anxietie , and troubles , groaning under the burden of a displeased Parliament , my name aspersed and grosly abused by the multiplicity of Libellous Pamphlets , and my self debarred from wonted access to the best of Princes , and it is Vox Populi that I am Popishly affected . How earnest I have been in my Disputations , Exhortations , and otherwise to quench such sparks , lest they should become Coals , I hope after my death you will all acknowledge ; yet in the midst of all my afflictions there is nothing 〈◊〉 hath so nearly touched me as the remembrance of your free and joyful acceptance of me to be your Chancellour , and that I am now shut up from being able to do you that Service which you might justly expect from me . When I first received this honour I intended to have carried it with me to my Grave ; neither were my hopes any less , since the Parliament ( called by his Majesties Royal Command ) committed me to this Royal Prison . But sith ( by reason of matters of greater consequence yet in hand ) the Parliament is pleased to procrastinate my Trial , I do hereby as thankfully resign my Office of being Chancellor , as ever I received that Dignity , entreating you to Elect some Honourable Person , who upon all occasions may be ready to serve you ; and I beseech God send you such an one as may do all things for his glory , and the furtherance of ●●ur most famous Vniversity . This is the continual Prayer of Your dejected Friend and Chancellour , Being the last time I shall write so , Will. Cant. Tower , Iune 28 , 1641. This Resignation having eased him of some part of his cares , it was no small refreshment to him in the midst of his sorrows , that notwithstanding all the clamour about Innovations , the Parliament had made no Order to alter any thing which he had laboured to establish . The Commons might perhaps have some thoughts that way , but they either kept them to themselves , or found but little comfort in them when they suffered them to go abroad , or shew themselves in any motion to the House of Lords . The Peers were then so far from entertaining any such extravagant Fancies , that taking notice of the Irregular Zeal of some forward men , who had not patience enough to attend the leisure of Authority , they joyned together with the Prelates , in this Order of Ianuary 16. for putting a stop to their Exorbitancies at the first breaking out . For by that Order it was signified to be the pleasure of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal assembled in the High Court of Parliament , That the Divine Service be performed as it is appointed by the Acts of Parliament of this Realm : And that all such as shall disturb that wholsom Order , shall be severely punished according to the Law : And the Parsons , Vicars , and Curates in the several Parishes shall forbear to introduce any Rites or Ceremonies that may give offence , otherwise than those which are established by the Laws of the Land. Which last Clause being couched in such general terms , related only to such Rites and Ceremonies , as otherwise might have been introduced for the time to come , not unto such as had been entertained and settled by any former Authority . Countenanced and secured by which Declaration , the Ordinaries went on chearfully in the exercise of their Jurisdiction , suffering no alteration or disturbance to pass unquestioned , if any troublesome or unquiet person did begin to stir . But no sooner was the Coercive power of Bishops and other Ecclesiastical Judges restrained , or rather utterly abolished , by the late Act of Parliament ; and the Kings Journey into Scotland left men and matters at more liberty than before they were : but presently the House of Commons took upon them such a Reformation ( so it must be called ) in which they neither found concurrence of the House of Peers , or could expect it from the King. But finding that they were strong enough to set up for themselves , without working Journey-work any longer unto either of them , they made the following Order of September 8. to be the first Experiment or Essay of their undertakings . For though in a Conference , had the same day with the Lords , they desired their consent therein , and that the Lords returned them no other Answer than by sending them the next day ( being the day of the Recess ) a Copy of the former Order of Ianuary 16. in which they desired then to concur ; yet Pym , who governed the Committee during that Recess , dispatcht his Mandate o● the 29 th . of the same month over all the Kingdom , requiring all Ministers and Churchwardens to publish the said Order in their several Churches , to see it put in execution , and cause Certificates to be made thereof by the time appointed . Which Order being the Leading Card to the Game that followed , was verbatim thus : viz. WHereas divers Innovations in or about the Worship of God have been lately practised in this Kingdom , by enjoyning s●me things , and pr●●●●●●ng others , without warrant of Law , to the great grievance and discon●ent of his Majesties Subjects ; For the suppression of such Innovations , and for preservation of the Publick Peace , It is this day Ordered by the Commons in Parliament assembled , That the Churchwardens of every Parish Church or Chappel respectively doth forthwith remove the Communion Table from the East end of the Church , Chappel , or 〈…〉 some other convenient place , and that they take away the 〈…〉 the Chanc●ls as heretofore they were before the late 〈…〉 . That all Crucifixes , scandalous Pictures , of any one or 〈…〉 of t●e Trinity , and all Images of the Virgin Mary shall 〈…〉 and a●olished ; and that all Tapers , Candlesticks , and 〈…〉 from the Communion Table . That all Corporal B●w 〈…〉 IESVS , or toward the East end of the Church , 〈…〉 , or towards the Communion Table be henceforth 〈…〉 . That the Orders aforesaid be observed in all the several Ca 〈…〉 Churches of this Kingdom , and all the Colledges , Churches , or 〈◊〉 in the two Vniversities , or any other part of this Kingdom , 〈◊〉 in th● Temple Church , and the Chappels of other Inns of Court , 〈◊〉 the Dea●s of the said Cathedral Churches , by the Vice-Chancellours of the said Vniversities , and by the Heads and Governours of the several C●lle●ges and Halls aforesaid , and by the Benchers and Readers in 〈…〉 Inns ●f Court respectively . That the Lords day shall be duly obs●r●ed and sanctified : All Dancing , or other Sports either before or after Di●i●e Service be forborne and restrained ; and that the Preaching 〈…〉 ●●rd be permitted in the Afternoon in the several Churches and Chappels of this Ki●gdom , and that Ministers and Preachers be encou●●g●d thereunto . That the Vice-Chancellours of the Vniversities , Heads 〈…〉 Colledges , all Parsons , Vicars , Churchwardens , do 〈◊〉 C●rtificate of the performance of these Orders : and if the same shall 〈◊〉 be observed in any places aforementioned upon complaint ther●of made to the two next Iustices of the Peace , Major , and Head-Officers of Cities and Towns Corporate , It is ordered , That the said Iustices , Major , and other Head-Officer respectively shall examine the 〈◊〉 of all such complaints , and certifie by whose default the same are ●●mitted . All which Certificates are to be delivered in Parliament before the thirtieth of October next ensuing , Anno 1641. It may be justly wondred at , that all this while we have heard nothing of the Scots , the chief promoters of these mischiefs ; but we may rest ourselves assured that they were not idle , soliciting their affairs both openly and underhand , instant in season , and cut of season , till they had brought about all ends which invited them hither . They had made sure work with the Lord Lieutenant , and feared 〈◊〉 the Resur●●ction of the Lord Archbishop though Do●med at that time only to a Civil death . They had gratified the Commons in procuring all the Acts of Parliament before remembred , and paring the Bishops nails to the very quick , by the only terrour of their Arms ; and were reciprocally gratified by them with a gift of three hundred thousand pounds of good English money , in the name of a brotherly assistance , for their pretended former losses , which could not rationally be computed to the tenth part of that Sum. And in relation to that Treaty they gained in a manner all those points which had been first insisted on in the meeting at Rippon , and many additionals also , which were brought in afterwards by London . In their Demand concerning Unity in Religion , and Uniformity in Church-Government , the Answer savoured rather of delay than satisfaction ; amounting to no more than this , That his Majesty , with the Advice o● both Houses of Parliament , did well approve of the affections of his Subjects of Scotland , in their desires of having a Conformity of Church-Government between the two Nations ; And that as the Parliament had already taken into consideration the Reformation of Church-Government , so they would proceed therein in due time as should best conduce to the glory of God , and peace of the Church and of both Kingdoms . Which Condescensions and Conclusions being ratified on August 7. by Act of Parliament in England , a Provision was also made for the security of all his Majesties Party in reference to the former troubles , excluding only the Scottish Prelates , and four more of that Nation , from the benefit of it . And that being done , his Majesty s●t forwards toward Scotland on Tuesday the tenth of the same month , giving order as he went for the Disbanding of both Armies , that they might be no further charge or trouble to him . Welcomed he was with great joy to the City of Edenborough , in regard he came with full desires and resolutions of giving all satisfaction to that People which they could expect , though to the Diminution of his Royal Rights and just Prerogative . He was resolved to sweeten and Caress them with all Acts of Grace , that so they might reciprocate with him in their Love and Loyalty , though therein he found himself deceived . For he not only ratified all the Transactions of the Treaty confirmed in England by Act of Parliament , in that Kingdom ; but by like Act abolished the Episcopal Government , and yielded to an alienation of all Church-Lands , restored by his Father or himself for the maintenance of it . A matter of most woful consequence to the Church of England . For the House of Commons being advertised of these Transactions , prest him with their continual importunities after his Return , to subvert the Government o● Bishops here in England , in the destruction whereof he had been pleased to gratifie his Scottish Subjects , which could not be r●puted so considerable in his estimation , nor were so in the eye of the World as the English were . What followed hereupon we may hear too soon . ●●is good suc●●ss of the Scots encouraged the Irish Papists to attempt the like , and to attempt it in the same way the Scots had gone ; that is to say , by se●sing his Majesties Towns , Forts and Castles , putting themselves into the body of an Army , banishing and imprisoning all such as opposed their Practices , and then Petitioning the King for a publick exercise of their Religion . And they had this great furtherance to promote their hopes ; For when the King was prest by the Commons for the disbanding of the Irish Army , a suite was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain , that he might have leave to list three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the Wars ; to which motion his Majesty readily condescending gave order in it accordingly . But the Commons never thinking themselves 〈◊〉 , as long as any of that Army had a Sword in his hand , never 〈◊〉 in●p●●tuning the King ( whom they had now brought to the condition 〈◊〉 d●●ying nothing which they asked ) till they had made him ●at his word , and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour ; which so ●x●●p●rated that Army consisting of 8000 Foot , and 1000 Horse , that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of t●at Plot to make sure of them . And then considering that the Sc●●s by raising of an Army had gained from the King an abolition of t●e Episcopal Order , the Rescinding of his own and his Fathers Acts a●out the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this , a●d settled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours , Why might not the Irish Papists hope , that by the help of such an Army , ready raised to their hands , or easily drawn together , t●ough dispersed at present , they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion ? The 23 of October was the day designed for t●e seizing of the City and Castle of Dublin , and many places of great Importance in that Kingdom : But failing in the main d●●ign , which had been discovered the night before by one O Conally , they brake out into open Arms , dealing no better with the Protestants there , than the Covenanters had done with the Royal Party in Scotland . O● this Rebellion ( for it must be called a Rebellion in the Irish , though not in the Scots ) his Majesty gives present notice to the Houses of Parliament , requiring their Counsel and assistance for the extinguishing of that Flame , before it had wasted and consumed that Kingdom . But neither the necessity of the Protestants there , ●ot the Kings importunity here , could perswade them to Levy one man toward the suppression of those Rebels , till the King had disclaimed his power of pressing Souldiers in an Act of Parliament , and thereby laid himself open to such Acts of violence , as were then hammering against him . But to proceed , his Majesty having settled his Affairs in Scotland to the full contentment of the People by granting them the Acts of Grace before remembred , and giving some addition of Honour to his greatest enemies , ( amongst whom Lesly , who commanded their two l●te Armies , most undeservedly was advanced to the Title of Earl of Leven ) prepared in the beginning of Novemb. for his journey to London ; where he was welcomed by the Lord Mayor , and Citizens with all imaginable expressions of Love and Duty . But the Commons at the other end of the Town entertain'd him with a sharp Declaration , Entituled , The Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom , which they presented to him at Hampton-Court , with a Petition thereunto annexed , within few days after his return ; In which it was desired amongst other things , that he would please to pass an Act for depriving the Bishops of their place and Vote in Parliament : which Bill had formerly been cast out of the House of Peers , as before was said , and was not by the course of Parliaments to be offered again . To this Demand and others which concerned Religion he returned this Answer , That for preserving the peace and safety of this Kingdom from the designs of the Popish party , he had and would still concur with all the just desires of his people , in a Parliamentary way ; That for the depriving of the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament , he wisht them to consider that their right was grounded upon the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom , and constitution of Parliament ; That he conceived the taking away of the High Commission had well moderated the Inordinate power of the Clergy , but if there continued any usurpations , or Excesses in their jurisdictions , he then neither had nor would protect them ; That he would willingly concur in the removal of any illegal Innovations , which had crept into the Church ; That if the Parliament should advise to call a National Synod , which might duly Examine such Ceremonies , as gave just cause of offence to any , he would take it into consideration and apply himself to give due satisfaction therein ; That he was very sorry to hear Corruptions in Religion to be Objected in such General terms , since he was perswaded in his Conscience that no Church could be found upon earth , that professed the true Religion with more purity of Doctrine then the Church of England at that time ; That by the grace of God he was resolved to maintain both the Government and Doctrine of it in their Glory and Purity , and not only against all invasions of Popery , but from the Irreverence of those many Schismaticks , and Separatists wherewith of Late this Kingdom and the City of London did so much abound , to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State , for the suppressing of whom he required their aid and timely assistance . This Resolute , and Religious Answer did not so satisfie the Commons , but that they were Resolved to persue the Enterprize till they had gained the Point they aimed at . Some endeavours ●ad formerly been used by the Earl of Essex and the Baron of Kimbolton to perswade the Bishops , so far to gratifie the importunate desires of the house of Commons , as voluntarily to Relinquish their Votes in Parliament ; upon assurance that the Peers would be bound in Honour to preserve them in all the essential parts of their calling and Function . But the Bishops who had little or nothing left to keep them up in Reputation amongst the People , but their Rights of Peerage , could not be easily entreated to betray themselves , and become Felones de se ( as the Lawyers Phrase it ) as long as his Majesty would be pleased to maintain their Interest , and in theirs , His own . Doubly Repulst , the Apprentices are drawn in huge multitudes to cry at the Parliament doors No Bishops , No Bishops ; Petitions daily brought against them as the Common Grievances , imputing to them the decay of Trade , and the obstruction of all businesses in both Houses of Parliament ; their Persons presented with Revilings , and sometimes with stones , so that they could neither come out of their Coa●●es if they came by Land , nor out of their Barges if they came by water , without manifest danger of their lives ; the Abby of Westminster Violently Assaulted , and as Couragiously defended by the Scholars , Choiremen , Officers , and other Servants , concluding in the death of Wiseman a Knight of Kent , who having taken on himself the Conduct of the Tumult , was killed by one of the Defendants , with a Tile from the Battlements . Hereupon Williams the ●ate Bishop of Lincoln having been translated unto York , invites as many of the Bishops as were left in London to a Private Conference to be h●ld amongst them in the Lodgings of the Dean of Westminster ; where they subscribed to a Protestation , and Petition to be presented to his Majesty in the House of Peers , containing a Relation of the abuses offered them for some days last past , together with a Declaration of their sense and meaning , for the time to come . The Apprehension of their own dangers inclined them willingly to any such course , as visibly conduced to the preservation of their Rights as Bishops , and their lives as men ; For both which the subscribing of this Petition and Protestation , and the entring of it in the Journal of the House of Lords , seems to have provided . It was about the middle of Christmas , when some of the Bishops were retired into the Countrey , others not returned from their Recess , and no fewer then five Sees , either vacant , or not filled Actually , at the present ; so that no more of them met at this Assembly , then the Archbishop of York , the bishops of Durham , Lichfield , Glocester , Norwich , Asaph , 〈◊〉 , Her●ford , Oxon , Ely , Peterborough , and Landaff ; all which subscribed this last preservative for their Place and Persons . And being it was the last flash of their dying light , I shall not think it improper to keep it from Expiring , as long as I can , by serving as a Prol●nger to it in this present History ; Now the Petition , and Protestation was as followeth . WHereas the Petitioners are called up by Several and Respective Writs , and under great Penalties to attend the Parliament , and have a clear and indubitable right to vote in Bills and other matt●●s whatsoever , Debateable in Parliament by the Ancient Customs , Laws and Statutes of this Realm , and ought to be Protected by your Majesty quietly to attend and prosecute that Great Service . They humbly Remonstrate and Protest before God , Your Majesty , and the Noble Lords and Peers now Assembled in Parliament ; that as they had an Indubitate Right to sit and Vote in the House of Lords : so are they , if they may be Protected from force and violence , most Willing and Ready to Perform their Duties accordingly . And that they do abominate All Actions or Opinions tending to Popery or the maintainance thereof , as also all propension and Inclination to any Malignant Party or any other Side or Party whatsoever , to the which their own Reasons and Conscience shall not move then to adhere . But whereas they have been at several times Violently Menaced , Affronted , and Assaulted by multitudes of People in their coming to perform their Services in that Honourable House , and lately chased away and put in danger of their lives , and can find no Redress or Protection upon sundry Complaints , made to both Houses in these particulars ; They humbly pr●●est before Your Majesty and the Noble House of Peers , That , saving unto themselves all their Right , and Interess of Sitting and Voting in that House at other times , they dare not Sit or vote in the House of Peers , until Your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts , Indignities , and Dangers in the Premises . Lastly , Whereas these fears are not built upon Conceits , but upon such Grounds and Objects as may well terrifie Men of Resolution and much Constancy , they do in all Humility and Duty Protest before Your Majesty and the Peers of the Most Honourable House of Parliament , against all Laws , Orders , Votes , Resolutions and Determinations , as of themselves Null and of None Effect , which in their Absence , since the 27th of this Instant Moneth of December , 1641. have already passed ; As likewise , that all such as shall hereafter Pass in the Most Honourable House , during the time of this their Forced and Violent Absence from the said Most Honourable House : not denying but if their absenting of themselves were Wilful and Voluntary , that Most Honourable House might Proceed in all their Premises , their Absence or this Protestation Notwithstanding . And humbly beseeching Your Most Excellent Majesty to Command the Clerk of the House of Peers , to Enter this their Petition and Protestation among his Records . They will ever Pray God to bless , &c. This Petition being presented to his Majesty , was by him deli●vered to the Lord Keeper Littleton , to be Communicated the next day , being the 30th of Decemb. to the House of Peers : But the Lord Keeper contrary to his Majesties directions , did first imp●rt i● to some of the Preaching party in both Houses of Parliament ; and after , as the plot was laid , to the Peers in general . Upon the ●eading whereof a conference was desired with the House o● C●mmons , to whom the Lord Keeper whom they had under the La●● , was pleased to signifie , that this Petition , and Protestation of the twel●e Bishops , contained matters of high and dangerous consequence , extending to the deep intrenching upon the Fundamental Priviledges and Being of Parliament . Whereupon the said twelve Bishops were Impeached by the Commons of high Treason . The Usher called Black-Rod , Commanded to find them out , and to bring them to the Bar in the House of Peers , which by reason of their scattered and divided Lodgings , could not be effected till eight of the Clock at night , at what time being brought together their offence was signified unto them , and an Order presently made for their commitment to the Tower , whither they were all carried the next day , Except the Bishops of Durham and Lichfield who found the favour ( the one by reason of his Eminent Learning , and both of them in regard of their age and Infirmities ) to stand committed to the custody of the Gentleman Usher . Our Archbishop had now more Neighbours then ●e desired , but not more company then before , it being prudently Ordered amongst themselves , that none of them should bestow any visits on him , for fear of giving some advantage to their common enemy ; as if they had been hatching some conspiracy against the Publick : But they refrained not on either side from sending me●●ages of Love and consolation unto one another ; those mutual civilities being almost every day performed betwixt the two Archbishops also , though very much differing both in their Counsels and Affections in the times foregoing . The Archbishop of York was now so much declined in favour , t●at he stood in as bad terms with the Common People , as the other did . His picture cut in Brass , attired in his Episcopal Robes , with his square Cap upon his head , and Bandileers about his Neck , shouldering a Musket upon one of his shoulders in one hand , and a Rest in the other , either presaging that which followed , or else relating unto that which had passed in defence of the Abbey ; Together with which a book was Printed , in which he was Resembled to the Decoy-Duck , ( alluding to the Dec●yes in Lincolnshire where he had been Bishop ) restored to Liberty on design , that he might bring more company with him at his coming back , and a device Ingraven for the Front of the Book , which represented the conceit ; and that not unhappily . Certain I am that our Archbishop in the midst of those sorrows seemed much pleased with the Fancy , whither out of his great Love to wit , o● some other self-satisfaction which he found therein , is beyond my knowledge . These Bishops b●ing thus secured , and no body left in a manner to solicite the Common Cause but the Bishop of Rochester , the Bill against their Votes passed currantly in the House of Peers on February 6. the Citizens who before had feasted the King with such signs o● Affection , now celebrating the Concurrence of the House against his Interest , with B●lls and Bonfires . Nor was it long before the ●ing gave over the Cause , for which he had so long contended ▪ For either terrified with the Apprehension of his own Dangers , or wrought on by the importunity of some about him , he signed the Bill at Canterbury on February 14. to which place he had accompanied the Queen in her way toward Holland : And by that Bill it was desired to be Enacted , That no Archbishop , Bishop , or any other Person in Holy Orders , from February 15. then next following , should have any Seat or Place , Suffrage or Voice , use or execute any Power or Authority in the Parliaments of this Realm ; nor should be of the Privy-Council of his Majesty , his Heirs , or Successors , or Justices of the Peace of Oyer and Terminer , or Gaol-delivery ; or execute any Temporal Authority , by vertue of any Commission : but should be wholly disabled , or be uncapable to have , receive , use , or execute any of the said Offices , Places , Powers , Authorities , and Things aforesaid . The passing of which Act , what specious Pretences soever were given out for it , redounded little to his Majesties Benefit , and far less to his Comfort . For by cutting off so many of his Friends at a blow , he lost his Power in the House of Peers , and not long after was deprived of his Negative Voice , when the great Business of the Militia came to be disputed . And though he pleased himself sometimes with this perswasion , of their contentedness in suffering a present diminution of their Rights and Honours , for his sake and the Commonwealths ; yet was it no small trouble to his Conscience at other times , that he had added this to the former injury , in consenting to the taking away of the Coercive Power of their Jurisdiction , for this we find to be one of those three things which lay heaviest on him , in the time of his Solitude and Sufferings , as appears by this passage in one of his Prayers , viz. Was it through ignorance that I suffered innocent Blood to be spilt by a false pretended Iustice ? Or that I permitted a wrong way of Worship to be set up in Scotlan ? Or injured the Bishops in England ? By which we see , that the Injury done unto the Bishops of England , is put into the same scale with his permitting a wrong way of Worship to be set up in Scotland , and the shedding of the innocent Blood of the Earl of Strafford . And if this Act proved so unpleasing to the King , it must needs be grievous to the Bishops themselves ; to none more than the Archbishop of Canterbury , who had s●t so great a part of his affections on the preserving of this Church in her Power and Glory . Whose sense hereof is thus express'd , by one who for the time was his greatest Adversary , (a) That it struck proud Canterbury to the heart , and undermined all his Prelatical Designs to advance the Bishops Pomp and Power ; whether with greater bitterness or truth , is hard to say . Their great h●pe was ( though it was such a hope as that of ●●●aham , which the Scripture calls a hope against hope ) that havin● p●red the Jurisdiction of the Bishops , and impaired their Power ▪ t●●y would have suffered them to enjoy their Function with Peace and quiet , as the only remaining Ornament and Honour of the Church o● England . Conform therein unto the gallantry of the Ancient Romans , who when they had brought the Carthaginians unto that condition , as to compel them to deliver up their Ships , Arms , and Elephants , and to make neither War nor Peace without their permission , (a) esteemed it an especial honour to their Commonwealth , to preserve the City which was no longer to be feared , though formerly it had contended for the Superiority . But the Bishops Crimes were still unpunished : And as the old Roman Citizen cried out upon his fine Country-house and pleasant Gardens , when he found his name posted up amongst the Proscripts , in the time of Sylla ; so might these Holy men complain of those fair Houses and goodly Manors which belonged to their Episcopal Sees , as the only m●ans of the Subver●●on of their Sacred Calling . This had been formerly resolved o● , but was not to be done at once , as before was no●ed ; nor to be followed now , but on some such colour as was pretended ●or depriving them of their Jurisdiction and Place in Parliament . It was pretended for suppressing the Court of High-Commissi●n , and the coercive Power of Jurisdiction , That the Prelates had abused them both , to the insufferable wrong and oppression of his Majesties Subjects ; And for the taking away of their Votes in Parliament , with all other Civil Power in Church-men , That it was found to be an occasion of great mischief both to Church and State , ●he Office of the Ministry being of such great importance as to take up the whole Man. And now to make way for the Abolition of the Calling it self , it was given out amongst the People to have been made of no use to the Church , by the Bishops themselves ; against whom these Objections were put in every mans mouth , That they had laid aside the use of Confirming Children , though required by Law , whereby they had deprived themselves of that dependence , which People of all sorts formerly had fastned on them ; That they had altogether neglected the duty of Preaching , under the colour of attending their several Governments ; That in their several Governments they stood only as Cyphers , transmitting their whole Jurisdiction to their Chancellors and under-Officers ; That none of them used to sit in their Consistories , for hearing Grievances , and Administring Justice to the Subject , whether Clergy or Laity , leaving them for a prey to Registers , Proctors , and Apparitors , who most unconscionably extorted from them what they pleased ; That few or none of them held their Visitations in person , whereby the face of the Bishop was unknown to the greatest part of the Clergy , and the greatest part of the Clergy was unknown to him , to the discouragement o● the Godly and painful Ministers , and the encouragement of vicious and irregular Parsons ; That few of them lived in their Episcopal Cities , and some there were who had never seen them , whereby the Poor ( which commonly abound most in populous places ) wanted that Relief , and those of the better sort that Hospitality , which they had reason to expect ; the Divine Service in the mean time performed irreverently and perfunctorily in the Cathedrals of those Cities , for want of the Bishops Residence and Superinspection ; That they had transferred the solemn giving of Orders from the said Cathedrals , to the Chappels of their private Houses , or some obscure Churches in the Country , not having nor requiring the Assistance of their Deans and Chapters , as they ought to do ; That they engrossed a sole or solitary Power to themselves alone , in the Sentence of Deprivation and Degradation , without the Presences and Consents of their said Deans and Chapters , or any Members of the same , contrary to the Canons in that behalf ; by which last Acts they had rendred those Capitular Bodies as useless to the Church as they were themselves : And finally , That seeing they did nothing which belonged unto the place of a Bishop , but the receiving of their Rents , living in ease and worldly pomp , and domineering over the rest of their Brethren , it was expedient to remove the Function out of the Church , and turn their Lands and Houses unto better uses . This I remember to have been the substance of those Objections made by some of the Gentry , and put into the mouths of the Common People ; in which if any thing were true ( as I hope there was not ) such Bishops as offended in the Premises , or in any of them , have the less reason to complain of their own misfortunes , and the more cause to be complained of , for giving such Advantages to the Enemies of their Power and Function . Nor was the alienating of their Lands and Houses the Total Sum of the Design , though a great part of it . As long as the Episcopal Jurisdiction stood , much Grist was carried from the Mills in Westminster-Hall , Toll whereof was taken by the Bishops Officers ; Therefore those Courts to be suppressed ( which could not be more easily done , than in abolishing the Bishops whose Courts they were ) that so the managing of all Causes , both Ecclesiastical and Civil , might be brought into the hands of those who thought they could not thrive sufficiently by their own Common Law , as long as any other Law was Common , besides their own . By means whereof , all Offices and Preferments in the Admiral , Archiepiscopal , and Diocesan Courts , being taken from the Civil Lawyers , nothing can follow thereupon but the discouragement and discontinuance of those Noble Studies , which formerly were found so advantagious to the State and Nation . It is not to be thought that such a general Concussion should befal the Church , so many Practices entertained against it , and so many Endeavours used for the Ruine of it ; and that no man should lend a helping hand to support the Fabrick , or to uphold the Sacred Ark when he saw it tottering . Some well-affected in both Houses , appeared stoutly for it ; amongst which , none more cordially than the Lord George Digby , in a Speech made upon occasion of the City-Petition , and Sir Lucius Cary Viscount Faulkland , both Members of the House of Commons : Which last , though he expressed much bitterness against the Bishops , in one of his Speeches made in the first heats and agitation of business ; yet afterwards in another of them he shewed himself an especial Advocate in behalf of the Episcopal Order . In which Speech of his it is affirmed , That the ground of this Government by Episcopacy is so ancient , and so general , so uncontradicted in the first and best times that our most laborious Antiquaries can find no Nation , no City , no Church , no Houses under any other , that our first Ecclesiastical Authors tell us of ; That the Apostles not only allowed but founded Bishops , so that the Tradition for some Books of Scripture , which we receive as Canonical , is both less ancient , less general , and less uncontradicted than that is . So he when he was come again to his former temper , and not yet entred nor initiated into Court preferments . Nor was the point only canvased within those walls , but managed in a more publick way by the Pens of some , than there it had been tossed on the Tongues of others . The Bishop of Exon. leads the way , presenting An humble Remonstrance to the High Court of Parliament in behalf of Liturgie and Episcopacy , which presently was encountred with an answer to it , w●erein the Original of Liturgy and Episcopacy is pretended to be discussed , &c. This Answer framed by a Juncto of five Presbyterian Ministers in or about the City of London , the first Letters of whose names being laid together made up the word Smectymnuus , which appears only for the Author . The Bishop hereunto replies in a Vindication ( by which name he called it ) which Vindication had an Answer or Rejoynder to it , by the same Smectymnuus . During which Interfeats of Arms , and exchange of Pens , a Discourse was published by Sir Thomas Ashton Knight and Baronet . In the first part whereof he gives us A survey of the Inconveniences of the Presbyterian Discipline , and the inconsistences thereof , with the constitution of this State. And in the second , The original Institution , Succession , and Iurisdiction of the ancient and venerable order of Bishops . This last part seconded within the compass of this year by the History of Episcopacy , first published as the work of Theophilus Churchman , and not till many years after , owned by the Authors name . The next year bringing forth a book of Dr. Taylors , called Episcopacy asserted , and the Acriomastix of Iohn Theyer , &c. All of them backt , and the two last encouraged by many Petitions to his Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , not only from the two Universities , whom it most concerned ; but from several Counties of the Kingdom , of which more hereafter . I shall conclude this year with a remembrance of some change of Officers in the Court , but of more in the Church . Windebanke , Secretary of State , being questioned for releasing divers Priests and Jesuites , contrary to the established Laws , conveyed himself over into France ; and Finch Lord Keeper , on some distrust which he had of his safety , for acting too zealously in the Forrest-business , and the 〈◊〉 of Shipmoney , withdrew at the same time into Holland . Pembroke , Lord Chamberlain of the houshold , was discharged of his Office by the King upon just displeasures , before his late going into Scotland ; The Earl of Newcastle for the Reasons before remembred , had relinquished his charge of the Princes Person , and Cottington his Offices in the Exchequer and Court of Wards ; Neile Archbishop of York died some few daies before the beginning of the Parliament , Mountague of Chichester , Bancroft of Oxon. Davenant of Salisbury , Potter of Carlisle , and Thornborough of Worcester within few months after . Nature abhorreth nothing more than Vacuity , and it proved to be very agreeable to the Rules of Polity , not to su●fer their preferments to lye longer in a state of Vacancy . To fill these Places , the Earl of Hertford ( about that time advanced to the Title of Marquiss ) was made and sworn Governour of the Prince ; Essex , Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold ; Say , Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries ; Littleton , Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas , preferred to the honour of Lord Keeper ; Faulkland made Secretary of Estate , and Culpepper Chancellour of the Exchequer : Which two last being Members of the House of Commons , and well acquainted with such designs as were then in Project , and men of good parts withall , were thought worth the gaining , and fastned to the Court by these great Preferments . Next for the Vacancies in the Church they were supplied by preferring Williams , Bishop of Lincoln , to the See of York ; and Winiff , Dean of St. Pauls , to the See of Lincoln ; Duppa of Chichester , to Salisbury ; and King , then Dean of Rochester , to succeed at Chichester ; Hall , Bishop of Exon. translated to Norwich ; and Brownrigg , Master of Catharine Hall in Cambridge , preferred to Exon. Skinner of Bristol removed to Oxon. and Westfield , Archdeacon of St. Albons , advanced to Bristol ; the Bishoprick of Carlisle was given in Commendam to the Primate of Ireland , during the troubles in that Kingdom ; and Worcester , by the power of Hamilton , conferred on Prideaux , who formerly had been his Tuto● ; all of them of good parts and merit , and under some especial Character of esteem and favour in the eyes of the People , though some of them declined afterwards from their former height . Nor were there more Changes after these , till the suppressing of Episcopacy by the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons , bearing date October 9. anno 1646. but that Frewen , Dean of Glocester , and President of Magdalen Colledge in Oxon. was consecrated Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield on the death of Wright , in the beginning of the year 1644. and Howel , one of the Prebends of Windsor , and Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty , was preferred to the Bishoprick of Bristol on the death of Westfield , before the end of the same year . The passing of this Act forementioned , put the imprisoned Bishops in some hope of a speedy deliverance , though it proved not so quick as they expected . For though on Munday February 14. an Order came that they might put in bail if they would , that they should have their hearing on the Friday following , and that some of them went out of the Tower the morrow after , as appears by Breviate , fol. 25. yet the Commons took it so indignly , that either that Order was revoked , or the Bishops had some private Advertisement to return and continue where they were . The Bishops being deprived of their right of Peerage , must be supposed to stand on the same ground with the rest of the People ; and consequently to be accountable for their Actions to the House of Commons , whose Priviledges , if the Peers invade , they must look to hear of it , as well as the poor Bishops had done before . And on these terms the business stood till May 5. being just eighteen weeks from their first Imprisonment ; at which time , without making suite to the House of Commons , the Peers releast them upon baile , and dismist them to their several dwellings . There they continued all of them at their own disposing , till the War forced them to provide themselves of safer quarters , except the Bishop of Ely only , who , within few months after he was discharged from the Tower , was seised on by a party of Souldiers at his house of Douwham , and brought back again to the Tower , where he continued till the end of the year 1659. without any Charge or Accusation produced against him . But as for the Archbishop of Canterbury , as he first took possession of that Fatal Lodging before any of the rest came to him ; so he continued there after their dismission , without hope of finding his passage out of it by any other door than the door of Death : which as he did not look for before it came , so when it came he did not fear it . He had then been fifteen months a Prisoner since his first Commitment to that place , as far from being brought unto his Trial as he was at the first ; and is to lye there as much longer before he should hear any thing of them which might tend that way : only they had some pulls at him from one time to another , to keep him in remembrance of his present condition , and to prepare him by degrees to his last dissolution . For on October 23. in the year foregoing , the House of Peers sequestred his Jurisdiction from him , conferring it on Brent , and others of his under-officers ; and ordered that he should bestow none of the Benefices within his gift without acquainting them with the name and quality of the party whom he intended to prefer , leaving to them the Approbation , if they saw cause for it . And on October 15. this present year , for so long he remained without further disturbance , it was resolved upon the Question , That the Fines , Rents , and Profits of Archbishops and Bishops , should be sequestred for the use and service of the Commonwealth . In which though he was no more concerned , yet he was as much concerned as any other of the Episcopal Order ; so much the more , as being sure to find less favour , whensoever that Vote should be put in execution by them that made it . For on the ninth of November following , his house at Lambeth was forcibly possessed by a Party of Souldiers to keep it for the publick Service , and 78 pounds of his Rents as forcibly taken from some of his Officers , by an Order under the hands of some of the Lords upon pretence of imploying it to the maintenance of his Majesties Children . But upon his Petition , shortly after he had an Order for securing of his Goods and Books , though he secured them rather from the power of the Souldiers than from the hands of any other on whom the Houses should bestow them , when they saw time for it . Upon the neck of that came another Order to bar him from having Conference with any of the other Prisoners ; or speaking with any other , but in the presence of the Warder who was appointed to attend him ; and from having the Liberty of the Tower ; or from sending any of his Servants into the City but on occasion of providing Victuals , and other necessaries . Not long after , the Souldiers brake open the doors of his Chappel in Lambeth house , and began to make foul work with the Organs there : but before any great hurt was done , their Captain came , and put a period to their fury . On December 21. his Saddle-horse was seised on by Order from some Members in the House of Commons ; and on 23. Leighton the Schismatick , who had before been sentenced in the Star-Chamber for his libellous and seditious Pamphlets , came with an Order from that house to disposses the Souldiers of their quarters there , and turn his house into a Prison . His Wood and Coals seised on , without any permission to make any use of them for himself . On March 14. he had word brought him of a plot for sending him and Bishop Wren , his fellow Prisoner to perpetual Exile in New-England ; and that Wells , a factious Preacher , which came lately thence , had laid wagers of it : but when the matter came in agitation in the House of Commons , it appeared to be so horrible and foul a practice , that it was generally rejected . In the beginning of May 1643 the Windows in his Chappel were defaced , and the steps torn up ; his Goods and Books seised on by Leighton , and some others . And on the sixteenth of the same month he was served with an Order of both Houses , debarring him from bestowing any of his Benefices , which either were or should be vacant for the time to come . And on the last day of the same an Order issued from some Members of that close Committee , directed unto Prynne and others , to seise on all his Letters and Papers , to be perused by such as should be Authorised to that end and purpose . So far they had proceeded in pulling him from himself piece-meal , before they were ready for his Trial , or seemed to have any thoughts which might look that way . They had then a greater game to play , and on this occasion . His Majesty at his late being in Scotland expostulated with some of the chief amongst them touching their late coming into England in an hostile manner , and found that some who were now leading men in the Houses of Parliament had invited them to it ; and having furnished himself with some proofs for it , he commanded his Atturney General to impeach some of them of High Treason ; that is to say , the Lord Kimbolton , a Member of the House of Peers , Hollis , Pym , Hasterig , Stroud , and Hambden , of the House of Commons . But sending a Serjeant at Arms to Arrest their persons , there came a countermand from the House of Commons , by which the Serjeant was deferred from doing his office , and the Members had the opportunity of putting themselves into the Sanctuary of the City . The next day , being Ianuary 4. his Majesty being no otherwise attended than with his ordinary Servants , and some few Gentlemen , armed no otherwise than with Swords and Courage , went to the House of Commons to demand the five Members , that he might proceed against them in a way of Justice ; but his intention was discovered , and the birds flown before his coming . And this was voted by the House of Commons for such an unexpiable breach of Priviledge , that neither t●e Kings qualifying of that Action , nor his desisting from the prosecution of that impeachment , nor any thing that he could either say or do , would give satisfaction ; nothing must satisfie their Ieal●usies , and secure their Fears , but the putting the Tower of London into their hands , together with the Command of the Royal Navy , as also of the Forts , Castles , and the Train-bands of the Kingdom , all comprehended under the name of the Militia ; which if his Majesty would fling after all the rest , they would continue his most loyal and obedient subjects . On this the King demurs a while , but having shipt the Queen for Holland , and got the Prince into his own power , he becoms more resolute , and stoutly stands on the denial . But finding the Members too strong for him , and London , by reason of the continual tumults , to be a dangerous Neighbour to him , he withdraws to York ; that being in a place of safety he might the better find a way to compose those differences which now began to embroil the Kingdom . At Hull he had a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition , provided for the late intended War against the Scots , and laid up there when the occasion of that War was taken away . Of this Town he intended to possess himself , and to make use of his own Arms and Ammunition for his own preservation ; but coming before the Gates of the Town he was denied entrance by Ho●ham , who by the appointment of the House of Commons had took charge of that place . The Gentry of Yorkshire , who had Pe●●tioned the King to secure that Magazine , became hereby more firmly united to him . The like had been done also by the Yeomandry , and those of the inferiour sort , if his proceedings had not been undermined by a Committee of four Gentlemen , all the Members of the House of Commons , and all of them Natives of that County , sent thither purposely ( in a new and unprecedent way ) to lie as Spies upon his Counsels , and as Controllers to his Actions . Some Messages there were betwixt him and the Houses of Parliament concerning the atoning of these differences , whilst he was at York ; but the nineteen Propositions sent thither to him , did declare suffici●●tly that there was no peace to be expected on his part , unless he had made himself a Cypher , a thing of no signification in the affairs of State. It was desired in the eighth of these Propositions , That his Majesty would be pleased to consent to such a Reformation as should be made , of the Church Government and Liturgy , as both Houses of Parliament should Advise , wherein they intended to have Consultation with Divines , as was Expressed in their Declaration ; And that his Majesty would contribute his best assistance to them for the raising of a sufficient maintenance , for Preaching Ministers throughout the Kingdom ; And that his Majesty would be pleased to give his Consent to Laws for taking away of Innovations , and Superstitions , and of Pluralities , and against Scandalous Ministers . For satisfaction whereunto he first repeats unto them so much of a former Answer returned to their Petition , which accompanied the Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom , as hath already been laid down in the year foregoing ; and after calls to their Remembrance a material clause in his Message of the 14th of February , at such time as he yielded his consent to deprive the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament . In which it was declared , That his Majesty had Observed great and different troubles to arise in the hearts of his people concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church ; and therefore that he was willing to refer the whole consideration to the Wisdom of his Parliament , which he desired them to enter into speedily , that the present Distractions about the same might be composed ; that he desired not to be pressed to any single Act on his part , till the whole was so digested and settled by both Houses , that his Majesty might cleerly see what was fit to be left , as well as what was fit to be taken away . Of which he addeth , that he the more hoped for a good success to the general satisfaction of his People , because they seemed in their Proposition to desire but a Reformation , and not ( as had been daily Preached for Necessary , in those many Coventicles , which for the ninteen Months last past had so swarmed in this Kingdom ) a Destruction of the Present Discipline and Liturgy ; that he should most cheerfully give his best assistance for raising a sufficient maintenance for Preaching Ministers , in such course as should be most for the encouragement of Piety and Learning ; that to the Bills they mentioned , and the Consultation which they intimated , as he knew nothing of the particular matters of the one ( though he liked the Titles of themselves ) so neither did he of the manner of the other , but by an Informer , ( to whom he gave little credit , and wisht no man did more ) Common Fame , he could say nothing till he saw them . With which general well studied answer he dismissed that Article . These Propositions , and the entertaining of so many Petitions by the Houses of Parliament visibly tending to the Abolition of Episcopal Government , made it appear most necessary in the Eyes of those who wisht well to it , to hasten the publishing of such Petitions , as had been presented to the King in behalf thereof , and by his Majesty had been Ordered to be published accordingly ; For what could otherwise be expected , but that many such Petitions should be presented to his Majesty , and both Houses from several Counties in the Kingdom , for the preserving of that Government , under which this Church had flourished with Peace and Happiness , since the Reformation . Amongst which none did plead the cause with greater servency , then that which was tendred in the name of the Gentry and Clergy of the Diocess of Canterbury ; partly out of the esteem they had to their Metropolitan , and partly out of the affection , which they carried to the cause it self . In which Petition it was s●ewed , That notwithstanding this Kingdom , hath by the singular Providence of Almighty God for many years last past happily flourished above all other Nations in the Christian World , under the Religion and Government by Law Established ; yet hath it been of late m●st miserably dis●racted through the sinister Practices of some private persons ill affected to them both ; By whose means the present Government is disgraced and traduced , the houses of God are profaned and in part de●aced , the Ministers of Christ are contemned and despised , the Ornaments and many Vtensils of the Church are abused , the Liturgie and Book of Common Prayer , depraved and neglected , That absolute model of Prayer , the Lords Prayer vilified , the Sacraments of the Gospel in some places unduly administred , in other places omitted , Solemn days of Fas●ing observed , and appointed by private Persons , Marriages Illegally Solemnized , Burials uncharitably performed , And the very Fundamentals of Religion subverted by the Publication of a new Creed , and teaching the Abrogation of the Moral Law. For which purpose many offensive Sermons are daily Preached , and many Impious Pamphlets Printed ; And in contemning of Authority many do what seemeth good in their own Eyes onely , as if there were no King nor Government in this our Israel ; Whereby God is highly provoked , his Sacred Majesty dishonoured , the Peace of the Kingdom endangered the C●nsciences of the People disquieted , the Ministry of Gods word disheartned , and the Enemies of the Church imboldned in their enterprise . For redress whereof , May it please this great and Honourable Council , speedily to Command a due observation of the Religion and Government by Law Established ; in such manner as may seem best to the Piety and Wisdom of his Royall Majesty a●d this Honourable Court. Your Petitioners as they shall confidently expect a blessing from heaven upon this Church , and Kingdom ; so shall they have this further cause to implore the Divine Assistance upon this Honourable Assembly To this Petition there subscribed no fewer then 24 Knights and Baronets , Esquires and Gentlemen of note above 300. Divines 108. Freeholders and Subsidy men 800. A greater number in the total ●●en might have been expected from so small a Diocess , consisting 〈◊〉 of 257. Parishes , distempered by the mixture of so many Churches of French and Dutch , and wholly under the command of the Houses of Parliament . Many Petitions of like nature came from other Counties , where the People were at any Liberty to speak their own sense , and had not their hands tied from Acting in their own concernments ; All which with some of those , which had led the way unto the Rest , were published by Order from his Majesty , bearing date May 20. 1642. under the title of a Collection of the Petitions of divers Countries , &c. Which Petitions being so drawn together , and besides many which were presented after this Collection , amounted to nineteen in all , that is to say , two from the County of Chester , two from Cornwall , one from the University of Oxon. and another from the University of Cambridge ; One from the Heads of Colledges and Halls , this from the Diocess of Canterbury ; another from the Diocess of Exeter , one from the six Counties of North-wales , and one apiece from the Counties of Notingham , Huntington , Somerset , Rutland , Stafford , Lancaster , Kent , Oxford and Hereford . Nor came these Petitions thus collected , either from Persons ●ew in Number or inconsiderable in quality ( like those of the Porters , Watermen , and other poor people which clamored with so much noise at the doors of the Parliament ) but from many thousands of the best and most eminent Subjects of the Realm of England . The total Number of Subscribers in seven of the said Counties only , besides the Diocess of Canterbury , and the Burrough of Southwark ( the rest not being computed in the said Collection ) amounting to 482. Lords and Knights , 1748. Esquires and Gentlemen of Note , 631. Doctors and Ministers , 44559. Freeholders ; which shows how generally well affected the People were , both to the Government , and Liturgy of the Church of England , if they had not been perverted , and over-awed by the Armies and Ordinances of the House of Parliament , which Commanded the greatest part of the Kingdom . And though perhaps the Subscribers on the other side might appear more numerous , considering how Active and United that party was ; yet was it very well observed in reference to the said Subscriptions , by a Noble Member of that House , That the numberless number of those of a different sense , appeared not publickly , nor cried so loud as being persons more quiet , secure in the goodness of their Laws , the wisdom of their Law-makers ; and that it was not a thing usual to Petition for what men have , but for what they have not . But notwithstanding the importunity of the Petitioners on the one side , and the Moderation of the Kings Answer on the other , the prevailing party in both Houses had Resolved long since upon the Question , which afterwards they declared by their publick Votes . For on the 11 ●h of September t●e Vote passed in the house of Commons for abolishing Bishops , Deans , and Chapters , celebrated by the in●atuated Citiz●ns ( as all other publick mischiefs were ) with Bells and Bonfires ; ●the Lords not coming in till the end of Ianuary , when it past there also . The War in the mean time begins to open ; The Parliament had their Guards already , and the affront which Hotham had put upon his Majesty at Hull prompted the Gentlemen of Yorkshire to tender themselves for a Guard to his Person . This presently Voted by both Houses to be a leavying of War against the Parliament , for whose defence not only the Trained Bands of London must be in readiness , and the Good people of the Country required to put themselves into a posture of Arms ; but Regiments of Horse and Food are Listed , a General appointed , great Summs of Mony raised , and all this under pretence of taking the King out of the hands of his Evil Counsellors . The noise of these preparations hastens the King from York to Notingham where he sets up his Standard inviting all his good Subjects to repair unto him , for defence of their King , the Laws and Religion of their Country , He encreased his forces as he marched , which could not come unto the Reputation of being an Army , till he came into Shropshire , where great Bodies of the Loyall , and Stout hearted Welch resorted to him . Strengthened with this , and furnished sufficiently with field Pieces , Arms , and Ammunition , which the Queen had sent to him out of Holland , he resolves upon his March to London ; but on Sunday the 23th of Octob. was encountred on the way at a place called Edghill by the Parliaments Forces . The Fight very terrible for the time , no fewer then 5000 men slain upon the place ; The Prologue for a greater slaughter , if the Dark night had not put an end to that dispute . Each part pretended the Victory , but it went cleerly on the Kings side , who though he lost his General ; yet he kept the Field , and possessed himself of the Dead bodies , and not so only : but he made his way open unto London , and in his way forced Banbury Castle in the very sight , as it were , of the Earl of Essex , who with his flying Army made all the hast he could toward the City ( that he might be there before the King ) to serve the Parliament . More certain signs there could not be of an absolute victory . In the battel of Turo , between the Confederates of Italy , and Charles the 8th of France , it happened so , that the Confederates kept the Field , possest themselves of the Camp , Baggage and Artillery , which the French in their breaking through , had left behind them . And yet the Honour of the day was generally given unto the French ; For though they lost the Field , their Camp Artillery and Baggage : yet they obtained what they fought for , which was the opening of their way to France , and which the Confederates did intend to deprive them off . Which Resolution in that Case may be a Ruling Case to this ; the King having not only kept the Field , possest himself of the dead bodies , Pillaged the Carriages of the Enemy : but forcibly opened his way toward London , which the Enemy endeavoured to hinder , and finally entred Triumphantly into Oxon , with no fewer then one hundred and twenty Colours ta●en in the fight . Having assured himself of Oxon. for his Winter Quarters , he Resolved on his Advance toward London : but made so many Halts in the way , that Essex was got thither before him , who had disposed of his Forces at Kingston , Branford , Acton , and some other places thereabouts , not only to stop his March , but to fall upon him in the Rere as occasion served . Yet he goes forward notwithstanding as far as Brainford , out of which he beats two of their best Regiments , takes 500 Prisoners , sinks their Ordnance , with an intent to march forward on the morrow after , being Sunday November 13. But understanding that the Earl of Essex had drawn his Forces out of Kingston , and joyning with the London Auxiliaries , lay in the way before him , at a place called Turnhom-Green neer Chiswick , it was thought safer to retreat toward Oxon. while the way was open , than to venture his Army to the fortune of a second Battel , which if it were lost , it would be utterly impossible for him to raise another . At Oxon. he receives Propositions of Peace from the Houses of Parliament : but such as rather did beseem a conquering than a losing side : Amongst which I find this for one . That his Majesty would be pleased to give his Royal Assent , for taking away Superstitious Innovations ; and to the Bill for the utter abolishing and taking away all Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Subdeans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , Canons , and Prebendaries , and all Chanters , Chancellors , Treasurers , Sub-Treasurers , Succentors and Sacrists , and all Vicars Choral and Choristers , old Vicars or new Vicars of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , and all other their under-Officers out of the Church of England ; To the Bill against Scandalous Ministers ; To the Bill against Pluralities , and to the Bill for Consultation to be had with Godly , Religious , and Learned Divines ; That his Majesty would be pleased to pass such other Bills for settling of Church-Government , as upon Consultation with the Assemby of the said Divines shall be Resolved on by both Houses of Parliament , and by them to be presented to his Majesty . Which Proposition , with the rest , being presented to him on Candlemas-day , he referred to the following Treaty to be held at Oxon. in which he found the Commissioners of the Houses so streighted in Time , and so tied up to their Instructions , that nothing could be yielded by them , which might conduce to the composing of the present Distempers . But it was indifferent to them what Success they found , either in the Propositions or the Treaty , who had already entred on the Rents and Profits of all the Episcopal Sees and Capitular Bodies , which were within the Power of their Armies ; and Sequestred the Benefices of all such as stood in their way , under the common notion of scandalous Ministers : who if they had offended against the Laws of t●e Realm , by the same Laws were to have been proceeded against ; that so being legally deprived , the vacant Churches might be left to be filled by the Patrons with more deserving Incumbents . But such a course was inconsistent with the present Design : Most of the Silenced Lecturers and Factious Ministers , which within ten years then last past had left the Kingdom , either for Inconformity , or Debt , or their own intemperance of Spirit , had of late flock'd into it amain , like so many Birds of Rapine to seek after the Prey . And upon these , and such as these , the Sequestred Benefices were bestowed , to be held no otherwise by them , than as Vsufructuaries or Tenants at Will , that so they might continue in a servile obsequiousness to the Power and Pleasure of their great Landlords . With which his Majesty being made acquainted , he presently signified his dislike and resentment of it , by his Royal Proclamation bearing date at Oxon. May 15. 1643. In which he first complains , That divers of the Clergy , eminent for their Piety and Learning , were forced from their Cures and Habitations , or otherwise silenced and discharged from exercising their Ministry , for no other reason but because ( contrary to the Laws of the Land , and their own Consciences ) they would not pray against him and his Assistants , or refused to publish any illegal Commands and Orders for fomenting the unnatural War raised against him : but conformed themselves according to the Book of Common Prayers , and Preach'd Gods Word according to the purity thereof , without any mixture of Sedition . Next , That the said Clergy being so forcibly driven out or discharged of their Cures , many Factious and Schismatical Persons were intruded into them , to sow Sedition , and seduce his good Subjects from their Obedience , contrary to the Word of God and the Laws of the Land : Part of the Profits of the said Benefices allotted to the said Intruders ; the rest converted to the Maintenance of the War against him . And thereupon he streightly commandeth all his good Subjects to desist from such illegal courses against any of the Clergy aforesaid ; to pay their Tythes to the several and respective Incumbents , or their Assigns , without guile or fraud , notwithstanding any Sequestration , pretended Orders or Ordinances whatsoever , from one or both Houses of Parliament ; and this to do , under pain of being proceeded against according to Law , as they should be apprehended and brought to the hands of Justice ; their Lands and Goods in the mean time to be sequestred , and taken into sa●e custody for their disobedience : Requiring all Churchwardens and Sides-men , to be assistant in gathering and receiving their Tythes , Rents and Profits ; and to resist all such Persons as much as in them lay , which were intruded into any of the Benefices or Cures aforesaid . But this served rather to declare his Majesties Piety , than to stop the course of those Proceedings : For justifying whereof , the Clergy must be branded with Offences of divers conditions ; some of them of such a scandalous and heynous nature , as were not to be expiated with the loss of Livings , but of Lives , if any Legal Evidence had been found to prove them . And that nothing might be wanting to their infelicity , an infamous Pamphlet is dispersed , Licenced by White Chairman for the Committee for Religion , under the Title of , The first Century of Scandalous and Malignant Priests , &c. Which though his Majesty abominated upon very good reason , when it first came unto his knowledge ; yet would he not give way that a Recrimination should be made of the adverse Party , by such as undertook to do it on far juster grounds . In like manner they proceeded to the execution of another part of their design , mentioned and presented in the said Proposition , touching a Consultation to be had with Godly , Religious , and Learned Divines . For not intending to expect his Majesties pleasure , their Commissioners were no sooner returned from the Treaty at Oxon. but they caused such an Assembly to be called by their own Authority , as should be sure to do the Work recommended to them . The Convocation was in force , but not fit to be trusted ; nor durst they venture to commit the choice of men to the Beneficed Clergy , according to the course of National and Provincial Synods : That Power they kept unto themselves , committing the Nomination unto such as served for the several Counties , that so each County might be furnished with such Persons to perform the Service , as could have no Authority to bind them by their Constitutions , or any other Publick Acts , made and agreed upon in that Assembly . An Assembly of a very strange mixture , consisting of a certain number of the Lords and Commons , with a greater proportion of Divines , some of which were Prelatical , some Independent , and the greater part of them Presbyterians , out of which spawned another Fry by the name of Erastians . And that they might not be bound to this Journey-work without daily Wages , they had each of them their 4 s. per diem well and truly paid , and were besides invested in several Lectures in and about the City of London , and the best Benefices ( some of them three or four for failing ) which could be found in all the Kingdom . His Majesty looks on this as a new Provocation , a strange and unparallell'd Incroachment on his Royal Prerogative , to which alone the calling of such Assemblies did belong by the Laws of the Realm . He sees withal the dangerous ends for which it was called , of what Ingredients for the most part the whole Assembly was composed , what influence the prevailing party in both Houses was to have upon it , and the sad consequents which in all probability were to be expected from it to the Church and State. And thereupon by his Proclamation of Iune 22. ( being just ten days after the date of the Ordinance by which the Assembly was indicted ) He inhibits all and every Person named in that pretended Ordinance ( under several pains ) from assembling together for the end and purpose therein set down ; declaring the Assembly to be illegal ; and that the Acts thereof ought not to be received by any of his good Subjects , as binding them , or of any Authority with them . Which Prohibition notwithstanding , most of the Members authorised by that Ordinance assembled in the Abby of Westminster , on the first of Iuly , in contempt of his Majesty and the Laws : But what they did , or whether they did any thing or not , more than their taking of the Covenant , and issuing a new Form of Worship by the name of a Directory , comes not within the compass of my Observation . Such were his Majesties pious Cares for preserving the Peace of the Church , the Purity of Religion , and the possessions of his Clergy ; in the midst whereof he kept his eye on the course of that War ▪ which ●itherto he had prosecuted with such good success , with hopes of better fortune for the time to come . For having triumphantly brought the Queen into Oxford in the beginning of the Spring , with some Supplies of Men , and a considerable Stock of Powder , Arms , and Ammunition , which she bought in Holland , he finds himself in a condition to take the Field , and in this Summer becomes Master of the North and West , some few places only being excepted . The Earl of Newc●s●le with his Northern Army , had cleared all parts beyond Trent ( but the Town of Hull ) of the Enemies Forces . And with his own Army , under the Command of Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice ( two of the younger Sons of his Sister Elizabeth Queen of ●●hemia ) ●e reduced the Cities of Bristol and Exeter , the Port-Town of Weymouth , and all the Towns of any importance in the Western Parts , except Poole , Lime , and Plymouth : So that he was in a manner the absolute Commander of the Counties of Wilts , Dorset , Sommerset , Devon , and Cornwal . And though the Towns of Plymouth , Lime , and Poole , still held out against him ; yet were they so bridled by his neighbouring Garrisons , that they were not able to create him any great disturbance . The noise of which successes was so loud at London , that most of the leading men in both Houses of Parliament , prepared for quitting of the Kingdom , and had undoubtedly so done , if the King had followed his good Fortunes , and advanced toward London : But unhappily diverting upon 〈◊〉 , he lay so long there without doing any thing to the purpose , that the Earl of Essex came time enough to raise the Siege , and relieve the Town , though he made not haste enough to recover 〈◊〉 without blows . For besides some Skirmishes on the by , which ●●ll out to his loss , the King with the whole Body of his Army overtook him at Newbury , where after a sharp Fight ( with the loss of the Earl of Carnarvan , the Earl of Sunderland , and the Lord Viscount Faulkland on his Majesties side ) he had the worst of the day , and had much a do to save his Cannon , and march off orderly from the place ; followed so hotly the next morning , that his own Horse which were in the Rere , were fain to make their way over a great part of his ●oo● , to preserve themselves . But being returned to Oxford ( with Success and Honour ) he Summons the Lords and Commons of Parliament to attend there on Ianuary 22. then next following , and they came accordingly . And for their better welcome , he advances Prince Rupert to the Titles of Earl of Holderness and Duke of Cumberland , and creates Iames his Second Son ( born October 13. Anno 1633. ) Duke of York , by which name he had been appointed to be called at the time of his Birth , that they might Sit and Vote amongst them . But being come , they neither would take upon themselves the name of a Parliament , nor acted much in order to his Majesties Designs : but stood so much upon their terms , and made so many unhandsom Motions to him upon all occasions , that he had more reason to call them A Mongrel Parliament , in one of his Letters to the Queen , than they were willing to allow of . Scarce were they settled in their several and respective Houses , when they were entertained with a hot Alarm , made by the coming in of the Scots with a puissant Army ; the greatest and best accommodated with all sorts of Arms and Ammunition , that ever was mustered by that Nation , since it had a being . His Majesties wonderful Successes in the North and West , strook such a terrour in the prevailing Party of both Houses , that they were forced to cast themselves upon the Scots for Support and Succour ; dispatching Armine , and some other of their active Members , to negotiate a new Confederacy with them . The Scots had thrived so w●ll by the former Service , as made them not unwilling to come under the pay of such bountiful Masters ; and by the Plunder of so many of the Northern Counties , had made themselves Masters of a greater stock of Arms and Horses , than that Kingdom formerly could pretend to in its greatest Glories . But knowing well in what necessity their dear Brethren in England stood of their assistance , they were resolved to make Hay while the Sun shined , and husband that necessity to their best advantage . The English must first enter into Covenant with them , for conforming of this Church with that ; They must be flattered with the hopes of dividing the Bishops Lands amongst them , that they might plant themselves in some of the fairest Houses and best Lands of this Kingdom ; So great a stroke is to be given them in the Government of all Affairs , that the Houses could act nothing in order to the present War , no not so much as to hold a Treaty with the King , without the consent of their Commissioners ; Some of their Ministers ( Gillespie , Henderson , &c. ) with as many of their Ruling Elders , to ●it in the Assembly of Divines at Westminster , that nothing might be acted which concerned Religion , but by their Advice ; One hundred thousand pounds for Advance-money , to put them into heart and provide them Necessaries , before they would budge toward the Tweed . And yet all these Temptations were not of such prevalency with the Principal Covenanters , as an Assurance which was given them , of calling Canterbury , their supposed old Enemy , to a present Tryal : Who having been imprisoned upon their complaint , almost three years since , seems to have been preserved all this while for no other purpose , than for a bait to hook them in for some new Imployments . The Walls of some Confederacies , like that of Catiline , are never thought to be sufficiently well built but when they are cemented with bloud . All matters thus resolved on , the Covenant agreed on betwixt them and the Scots was solemnly taken by both Houses in St. Margarets Church , and generally imposed upon all such as were obnoxious to their power , and lived under the command of their Forts and Garrisons : the taking whereof conduced as visibly to the destruction of this most reverend and renowned Prelate , as to the present subversion of the Government , and Liturgy here by Law established . In the first branch it was to be covenanted and agreed between the Nations ( that is to say , between the Puritan or Presbyterian Factions in either Kingdom ) That all endeavours should be used for the preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland , both in Doctrine , Worship , Liturgy , and Government ; and for bringing the three Kingdoms to the nearest Conjunction , and Uniformity in Religion , Confession of Faith , Form of Church-Government , Directory for Worship and Catechising . And in the second , That in like manner they endeavour without any respect of Persons , the extirpation of Popery , Prelacy , that is , Church-Government by Archbishops and Bishops , their Chancellors or Commissaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on the Hierarchy , Superstition , Heresie , Schism , Profaneness , and what soever should be found contrary to sound Doctrine , and the power of Godliness . But all this might have been pursued to the end of the Chace without danger to the life of any , whether they endeavoured it or not , whether their lives might be an hindrance , or their deaths give a spur to put on the work . And therefore in the fourth place it was also Covenanted , That they should with all diligence and faithfulness discover all such as have been , or shall be Incendiaries , Malignants , or evil Instruments , by hindring the Reformation of Religion , dividing the King from his People , or one of the Kingdoms from one another , or making any Faction or Parties amongst the People contrary to this League and Covenant , that they may be brought to publick trial , and receive condign punishment as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve , or the supream Judicatories of both Kingdoms respectively , or others having power from them for that effect , shall judge convenient . Which Article seems to have been made to no other purpose but to bring the Archbishop to the Block , as the like clause was thrust into the Protestation of the third of May , Anno 1641. to make sure work with the Earl of Strafford , whom they had then designed to the said sad end . And this may be the rather thought because the Covenant was contrived , and framed in Scotland , where none but his sworn Enemies could be supposed to have had any hand in it ; and being by them so contrived was swallowed without much enewing by the Houses of Parliament , who were not then in a con 〈◊〉 to deny them any thing . But by whomsoever it was framed , his Majesty saw well enough that it aimed at the subversion of the present Government , and the diminution of his Power , if not the destruction of his Person ; the preservation and safety whereof was to be endeavoured no further than in defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom . Which how great or little it might be , or what was meant by true Religion and the publick Liberties , was left wholly unto their construction , who would be sure not to interpret any thing to his best advantage . His Majesty therefore looking on it as a dangerous Combination against himself , the established Religion , and the Laws of this Kingdom , for the bringing in of Foreign Forces to subvert them all , interdicted all his Subjects from imposing , or taking the same , as they would answer the contrary at their utmost Perils . Which Proclamation , bearing date on the ninth of October , came out too late to hinder the taking and enjoyning of this Covenant , where the restraint thereof might have been most necessary . For the Commons were so quick at their work , that on Munday , September 25. it had been solemnly taken by all the Members of that House , and the Assembly of Divines at St. Margarets in Westminster ; in the same Church , within two daies after , it was administred with no less solemnity to divers Lords , Knights , Gentlemen , Colonels , Officers , Souldiers , and others residing in and about the City of London , a Sermon being preached by Coleman ( though otherwise a principal Erastian in point of Government ) to justifie the Piety and Legality of it ; and finally , enjoyned to be taken on the Sunday following in all Churches and Chappels of London , within the Lines of Communication , by all and every the Inhabitants within the same , as afterward , by all the Kingdom in convenient time . Prosecuted in all places , with such cursed rigour , that all such who refused to subscribe the same , and to lift up their hands to God in testimony that they called him to witness to it , were turned both out of house and home , as they use to say , not suffered to compound for their Goods or Lands till they had submitted thereunto . A terrible and wofull time , in which men were not suffered to enjoy their Estates without betraying themselves to the Kings displeasure , and making shipwrack of a good conscience in the sight of God. Upon which ground , considering it consisted of six Principal branches , it was compared by some to the six knotted whip , or the Statute of the six Articles in the time of King Henry viii . this Covenant drawing in the Scots , and thereby giving an occasion of shedding infinitely much more bloud than those Articles did . Certain I am , that if all such as died in the War upon that account may not go for Martyrs ; all such as irrecoverably lost their Estates and Livings for refusal of it , may be called Confessors . Others with no unhappy curiosity observing the number of the words which make up this Covenant , abstracted from the Preface and Conclusion of it , found them amounting in the total to 666. neither more nor less , which being the number of the Beast in the Revelation , pursued with such an open persecution , and prosecuted to the loss of so many lives , the undoing of so many Families , and the subverting of the Government both of Church and State , may very justly intitle it to so much of Antichrist , as others have endeavoured to confer on the Popes of Rome . For if the Pope shewed any thing of the Spirit of Antichrist by bringing Cranmer , the first Protestant Archbishop of Canterbury , to the Stake at Oxon. this Covenant , and the Makers of it , did express no less , in bringing the Last Protestant Archbishop to the Block in London . For no sooner was this Covenant taken , but to let the Scots see that they were in earnest , a further impeachment consisting of ten Articles was prepared against him , which being digested into Form and Order , were to this effect viz. 1. That to introduce an Arbitrary Government , and to destroy Parliaments , he had caused the Parliament , held in the third and fourth year of his Majesty , to be dissolved , and used many reproachful speeches against the the same . 2. That out of an endeavour to subvert the fundamental Laws of the Land he had laboured to advance the power of the Council Table , the Canons of the Church , and the Kings Prerogative against the said Fundamental Laws , and had used several Speeches to the same effect . 3. That to advance the Ecclesiastical Power above the Laws of the Land , he had by undue means to the Judges , procured a stop of his Majesties Writs of Prohibition , whereby Justice had been delayed and hindred , and the Judges diverted from doing their duties . 4. That a judgment being given against one Burly for wilful non-residency , he caused execution on it to be staid , saying , That he would never suffer a Judgment to pass against any Clergy-man by a nihil dicit . 5. That he had caused Sir Iohn Corbet of Shropshire to be committed to prison by an Order of the Council Table , for calling for the Petition of Right , and causing it to be read at the Sessions of the Peace for the County upon just and necessary occasion , and had used some other Acts of Injustice toward him . 6. That he had supprest the Corporation of Feoffees for buying in Impropriations , under pretence of being dangerous to the Church and State. 7. That contrary to the known Laws of the Land he had advanced Popery , and Superstition within this Realm ; and to that end had wittingly and willingly harboured divers Popish Priests , as Sancta Clara , and St. Giles . 8. That he had said , about four years since , there must be a blow given to the Church , such as hath not been yet given , before it could be brought to Conformity . 9. That after the dissolution of the Parliament 1640. he caused a Synod or Convocation to be held , and divers Canons to be made therein , contrary to the Laws of the Realm , the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament , &c. and particularly the Canon which enjoyns the Oath , which he caused many Ministers of the Church to take upon pain of Suspension , &c. 10. That a Vote having been passed at the Council Table a little before the last Parliment , for supplying his Majesty in Extraordinary ways , if the said Parliament should prove peevish , he wickedly advised his Majesty to dissolve the same , telling him not long after , that now he was absolved from all Rules of Government , and left free to use Extraordinary ways for his supply . Such was the substance of the Charge , which some intended Chiefly for an Introduction to bring on the Tryal , or to revive the noise and clamor amongst Ignorant People which rather judge of such particulars by tale then weight : For otherwise there is nothing in these last ten , which was not easily reducible to the first fourteen , no not so much as his suppressing the Feoffees for Impropriations , which seemed most odious in the eyes of any knowing men . These Articles being thus digested , were sent up to the Lords the 23th of Octob. presented by the hands of Wilde , a Serjeant at Law , and one of the Members of the House of Commons , by whom he was designed to manage the Evidence , when the cause was Ready for a hearing ; on the Receipt whereof it was Ordered that he should appear on that day Sevennight , and to bring in his answer in writing to the particular Articles of the several charges : which Order being served upon him , within few hours after found him not very well provided for a present conformity . He had obtained leave at his first Commitment to repair to his Study at Lambeth House , and to take thence such Papers and Memorials as might conduce to his defence ; but all these had been forcibly seazed on , and in a manner ravisht from him by Prynne and others , which made his case not much unlike to that of the Israelites in the House of Bondage , deprived first of their former allowance of Straw and Stubble , and yet injoyned to make up their whole tale of Brick , as at other times . His Rents , and Goods were Sequestred for the use of others , so that he had not a sufficiency for a poor Subsistence , but by the Charity of his Friends ; much less a superabundance , out of which to Fee his Counsel and reward his Solicitors . And what were seven days to the drawing up of an Answer unto twenty four Articles , most of them having young ones in their bellies also , as like to make as Loud a cry as the Dams themselves . No way to Extricate himself out of this perplexities but by petitioning the Lords , and to them he flys , humbly beseeching , that Chute and Hearn two able Lawyers might be assigned him for his Counsel ; that he might be allowed money out of his own Estate to reward them and others for their pains in his business ; his Books and Papers restored to him , for the instruction of his Counsel , and his own Defence ; some of his own Servants to attend him for following all such necessary occasions , as the cause required ; and that a Solicitor , and further time might be allowed , as well for drawing up his answer as providing witnesses , To which this Answer was returned . Upon reading of the Petition of the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury this 24th day of Octob. It is Ordered , &c. that time is given him until Munday the 6th of November next for putting in his answer in writing into this house unto the particular Articles brought up from the House of Commons , in maintenance of their former impeachment of High Treason , &c. That Master Hearn , and Master Chute , are hereby assigned to be of Counsel for the drawing up of his Answer , who are to be permitted to have free access in and out to him . That this house doth hereby recommend to the Committee of Sequestrations , that the said Lord Archbishop shall have such means afforded him out of his Estate , as will enable him to pay his Counsel , and defray his other Charges . That when his Lordship shall set down particularly what Papers and Writings are Necessary for his Defence that should be restored unto him , their Lordships will take it into consideration . That upon his Lordships nominating who shall be hi● Solicitor , the Lords will return their Answer . And for the witnesses when a day shall be appointed for his Lordships tryal , this House will give such directions therein as shall be ju●● . This doubtful Answer gave him small assurance of an equal hearing . His desired Counsel was allowed him , Hales superadded to the ●e●t , and three of his Servants nominated to attend the business : But he was left uncertain of providing for their satisfaction . His Solicitor must be first approved by them before he could settle to his cause , and whether they would approve of such an one as he thought sit to trust with his life and same , was to him unknown ; and if he point particularly to such of his Papers and Remembrances , as he conceived most necessary to his preservation , it was onely promised to be taken into consideration , which kept him in as great suspence as all the rest . In this distress he was advised by his Counsel to move their Lordships , that a Discrimination might be made betwixt the Articles ; to the end that such of them as were held to contain High Treason might be distinguished from such matters , as were to be c●arged for misdeamenors : But no clear answer coming from their Lordships in that behalf he was Commanded to make his personal appearance before them on the 13th of Novemb. where by the advise of his Counsel he pleaded not guilty to the whole charge , without answering more particularly to any Article or clause contained in it . And on that day month it was Ordered by the House of Commons , that the Committee Formerly appointed to prepare the Evidence for his Tryal , should put the business into a quick and speedy course , with power to send for Parties , Witnesses , Papers , Records , &c. And to make all things ready for the sight of the House : the care thereof Committed specially to Wilde who had before brought up the additional Articles . Brought to the Bar again on Tuesday the 16th of Ianuary , their Lordships were informed by Maynard , in the name of the House of Commons , that ●is former Answer being made only to the Additional Articles , and 〈◊〉 to t●e Original also , they could not in defect thereof proceed ( as otherwise they would have done ) to draw up the Issue ; a●d thereupon he was required peremptorily to prepare his Answer to those also against Munday following , though deemed so General by his Counsel , as not to be sufficiently capable of a Particular Reply . Which day being come he claimed the benefit of the Act of Pacification , for his discharge from all matters comprehended in the 13th Article relating to the troubles of Scotland ; and to the rest pleaded not Guilty as before . Which put the cause to such a stand , that there was no further speech of it in the House of Commons till the 22th of February , when the Committee was required to prepa●e their evidence and the distribution of the parts thereof , with all possible speed . And thus the business was drilled on , hastned , or slackned , as the Scots advanced in their expedition ; and as the expedition prospered in success and fortune , so was it prosecuted and advanced to its fatal Period . For understanding that the Scots were entred England and had marcht victoriously almost as far as the Banks of the River Tine , they prest the Lords to name a day for the beginning of his Tryal , who thereupon fixed it upon Tuesday the twelfth o● March next ensuing . The day being come , and the Archbishop brought unto the Ba● in the House of Peers , the Articles of the Impeachment were first read by the Clerk of the House , together with the several answers of Not Guilty before remembred ; upon the hearing whereof he most humbly prayed , that the Commons might be Ordered to sever the Articles which were pretended to be Treason , from those which contained misdemeanors only , that so he might know which of them were Treason and which not . To which it was reply'd by Maynard , that the Commons would not give way to that Proposition , in regard that all the Articles together , not any of them by it self , made up the Treason wherewith he was charged , that is to say , his several endeavours to subvert and destroy Religion , the Fundamental Laws of the Land and Government of the Rea●m , and to bring in Popery , and an Arbitrary Tyrannical Government against Law. So that we have a Cumulative and Constructive Treason , ( such as had formerly been charged on the Earl of Strafford ) A Treason in the conclusion , which could not be gathered from the Premis●s ▪ A Treason in the Summa Totalis , when nothing but misdemeanors at the most , could be found in the Items . Which being thus Resolved upon , a long Studied Speech was made by Wilde , in which there wanted neither words nor animosity to make him culpable of the crimes wherewith he was charged , if his words could ●ave done it . One passage there was in it , which was Subject to some mis●●nstruction , and so interpreted by those , which otherwise had no good a●●ection to the Prisoners Person ; for having set forth his offences in their foulest Colours , he seems to make a wonder of it that any thing could be expected of the people , but that they should have been Ready to have stoned him , as they did him that did but Act the part of Bellerophon in Rome . Which Passage was interpreted for an intimation to the Raskal multitude to save the Houses the dishonor of putting him to death in a form of Law , by Stoneing him to death o● Tearing him in pieces , or laying violent hands upon him on some other way , as he past between his Barge and the House of Peers . Wilde having done , he humbly craved Liberty to wipe of the dirt , which so injuriously had been cast upon him , that he might not depart thence so foul a Person as he had been rendred to their Lordships . Which leave obtained ( as it could not reasonably be denied a far meaner Person ) without any trouble in his Countenance , or perturbation of his Mind , he spake as followeth ; My Lords , MY being in this Place in this Condition , recalls to my Memory that which I long since read in Seneca , Tormentum est , etiam si absolutus quis merit , caus●m dixiffe ( 6. de Benef. c. 28. ) 'T is not a 〈…〉 , no , 't is no less than Torment , for an ingenious man to ●l●●d ca●it●lly or criminally , though it should so fall out that he be absolved . The great Truth of this I find at present in my self ; and so much the more , because I am a Christian ; and not that only , but in Holy Orders ; and not so only , but by Gods Grace and Goodness preferred to the greatest place this Church affords ; and yet brought causam dicere , to plead for my self at this Great Bar. And whatsoever the World think of me ( and they have been taught to think much more ill of me , than , I humbly thank Christ for it , I was ever acquainted with ) yet my Lords , this I find , Tormentum est , 't is no less than a Torment to me to appear in this Place ; nay , my Lords , give me leave to speak plain truth , No Sentence that can justly pass upon me ( and other I will ne●er fear from your Lordships ) can go so neer me , as causam dicere , 〈◊〉 plead for my self upon this occasion in this place . But as for the ●●ntence , ●e it what it shall , I thank God for it , I am for it at St. Paul's word ( Acts 25.11 . ) If I have committed any thing worthy of death , I refuse not to die ; For I thank God I have so lived , that I am neither afraid to die , nor ashamed to live . But seeing the Malignity which hath been raised against me by some men , I have carried 〈◊〉 Life in my hands these divers years past . I may not in this Case , and at this Bar , appeal unto Caesar ; yet to your Lordships Justice and Integrity , I both may and do : not doubting , but that God of his Goodness will preserve my Innocency . And as Job in the midst of his afflictious said to his mistaken Friends , so shall I to my Accusers , God forbid I should justifie you ; till I die I will not remove my Integrity from me , I will hold it fast and not let it go : my heart shall not reproach me as long as I live , Iob. 27.5 , 6. My Lords , the Charge against me is brought up in Ten Articles ; but the main Heads are two , An Endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land , and the Religion Esta●li●●ed : Six Articles ( the five first and the last ) concern the 〈◊〉 , and the other four Religion . For the Laws first , I think I may safely say , I have been , to my understanding , as strict an Observer of them , so far as they concern me , as any man hath ; and since I came into the Place , I have followed them , and have been as much guided by them , as any man that sate where I had the honour to sit : And of this I am sorry I have lost the Testimony of the Lord Keeper Coventry , and other Persons of Honour since dead . And the Counsellors which attended th● Council-Board can witness , some of them here present , That in all References to the Bord , or Debates arising at it , I was for that part o● the Cause where I found Law to be ; and if the Counsel desired to have the Cause left to the Law , well might I move in some Cases Charity or Conscience to them : but I left them to the Law , if thither they would go . And how such a Carriage as this , through the whole course of my Life in private and publick , can stand with an intention to overthrow the Laws , I cannot see . Nay , more , I have ever been of opinion , That Laws bind the Conscience , And have accordingly made conscience in observing of them : and this Doctrine I have constantly Preached , as occasion hath been offered me ; and how is it possible I should seek to overthrow those Laws , which I held my self bound in conscience to keep and observe ? As for Religion , I was born and bred up under the Church of England , as it stands established by Law. I have by Gods Blessing grow● up in it to the years which are now upon me , and the Place of Preferment which I now bear . I have ever since I understood ought of my Pro●e●●ion , kept one constant Tenor in this my Profession , without variation , or shifting from one Opinion to another for any worldly ends . And if my conscience would have suffered me to do so , I could easily have slid through all the difficulties which have been prest upon me in this kind : But of all Diseases , I ever held a Palsie in Religion most dangerous ; well knowing , and ever remembring , That that Disease often ends in a Dead Palsie . Ever since I came in place , I have laboured nothing more , than that the External Publick W●rship of God ▪ ( so much slighted in divers parts of this Kingdom ) might be preserved ; and that with as much Decency and Vniformity as might be . For I evidently saw , That the publick neglect of Gods Service in the outward face of it , and the nasty lying of many Places dedicated to that Service , had almost cast a damp upon the true and inward Worship of God , which while we live in the body needs external helps , and all little enough to keep it in any vigour . And this I did to the utmost of my knowledge , according both to Law and Canon , and with the consent and liking of the People : Nor did any Command issue out from me , against the one , nor without the other . Further , my Lords , give me leave I beseech you , to acquaint you with this also , That I have as little acquaintance with Recusants , as I believe any m●n of my place in England , hath , or eve● had since the Reformation : And for my Kindred , no one of them was ever a Recusant , but Sir William Webb , Grandchild to my Vncle Sir William Webb , sometimes Lord Mayor of London ; and since which s●me of his Children I reduced back again to the Church of England . On this , I humbly desire one thing more may be thought on , That I am fallen into a great deal of Obloquy in matter of Religion , and that so far ( as appears by the Articles against me ) that I have endeavoured to advance and bring in Popery . Perhaps , my Lords , I am not ignorant what Party of men have raised these Scandals upon me , nor for what end , nor perhaps by whom set on : but howsoever , I would fain have a good Reas●n given me , if my Conscience stood that way , and that with my Conscience I could subscribe to the Church of Rome , what should have kept me here before my Imprisonment , to endure the Libelling , and the Slander , and the base Vsage that hath been put upon me ; and these to end in this Question for my Life ? I say , I would know a good Reason for this . ●irst , my Lords , Is it because of any Pledges I have in this World , to sway me against my Conscience ? No sure ; for I had neither Wife nor Children to cry out upon me to stay with them : And if I had , I hope the calling of my Conscience should be heard above them . Is it because I was both to lose the Honour and Profit of the Place I was risen to ? Sur●ly no ; For I desire your Lordships and all the World should kn●w , I do much scorn the one and the other , in comparison of my Conscience . Besides , it cannot be imagined by any man , but that if I should 〈◊〉 gone over to them , I should not have wanted both Honour and 〈◊〉 : and suppose not so great as this I have here ; yet sure would 〈…〉 have served my self of either , less with my Conscience , 〈◊〉 have prevailed with me more , then greater against my Consci 〈…〉 because I lived here at Ease , and was loth to venture the 〈…〉 that ? Not so neither ; For whatsoever the World may be pleased to think of me , I have led a very painful Life , and such as I would 〈◊〉 been content to change , had I well known how : And would my Conscience have served me that way , I am sure I might have lived at far more ease , and either have avoided the barbarous Libelling , and ●●her bitter grievous Scorns which have been put upon me ; or at least , been ●ut of the hearing of them . Not to trouble your Lordships too long , I am so innocent in the Business of Religion , so free from all Practice , or so much as thought of Practice , for any Alteration unto Popery , or any blemishing of the true Protestant Religion established in England , as I was when my Mother first bore me into the World. And let nothing be spoken but truth , and I do here re-challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell , that can be said against me in point of my Religion , in which I have ever hated dissimulation . And had I not hated it , perhaps I might have been better for worldly safety , than now I am : but it can no way become a Christian Bishop to halt with God. Lastly , If I had a purpose to blast the true Religion established in the Church of England , and to introduce Popery , sure I took a wrong w●● to it . For , my Lords , I have staid more going to Rome , and reduced more that were already gone , than I believe any Bishop or Divine 〈◊〉 this Kingdom hath d●ne ; and some of them men of great Abilities , and some persons of great place . And is this the way to introduce Popery ? My Lords , If I have blemished the true Protestant Religion , how could I have brought these men to it ? And if I had promised to introduce Popery , I would never have reduced these men from it . And that it may appear unto your Lordships how many , and of what condition the persons are , which by Gods blessing upon my labours , I have settled in the true Protestant Religion , established in England , I shall briefly name some of them , though I cannot do it in order of time as I converted them ; First Henry Berkinstead of Trinity Colledge in Oxon. seduced by a Iesuite , and brought to London . Two Daughters of Sir Richard Lechford in Surrey , sent towards a Nunnery . Two Scholars of S. Johns Colledge in Cambridge , Toppin , and Ashton , who had got the French Embassadors Pass ; and after this I allowed means to Toppin , and then procured him a Fellowship in St. Johns : And he is at this present as hopeful a young man as any of his time , and a Divine . Sir William Webb my Kinsman , and two of his Daughters ; and his Son I took from him , and his Father being utterly decayed , I bred him at my own charge : and he is a very good Protestant . A Gentleman brought to me by Mr. Chesford , his Majesties Servant , but I cannot recall his name . The Lord Mayo of Ireland , brought to me also by Mr. Chesford . The Right Honourable the Lord Duke of Buckingham , almost quite gone between the Lady his Mother and Sister . The Lady Marquiss Hamilton was settled by my direction , and she died very Religiously , and a Protestant . Mr. Digby who was a Priest. Mr. James a Gentleman brought to me by a Minister of Buckinghamshire , as I remember . Dr. Heart the Civilian , my Neighbours Son at Fulham . Mr. Christopher Seaborne , a Gentleman of an ancient Family in Herefordshire . The Right Honourable the Countess of Buckingham . Sir William Spencer of Parnton . Mr. Chillingworth . The Sons and Heirs of Mr. Winchcomb , and Mr. Wollescot , whom I sent with their Friends liking to Wadham Colledge Oxon. and received a Certificate Anno 1638. of their continuing in Conformity to the Church of England . Nor did ever any one of these named relapse again , but only the Countess of Buckingham and Sir William Spencer ; It being only in Gods power , not mine , to preserve them for relapse . And now let any Clergy-man in England come forth , and give a better account of his zeal to the Church . This being said , and all Parties commanded to withdraw , their Lordships , after some short time of consideration , appointed the next Morning at nine of the clock for the beginning of the Prosecution to be made against him . In order whereunto the twenty four Articles ( for so many there were in both impeachments ) were reduced under these four general Heads , viz. 1. His traiterous Endeavours and Practices to alter and subvert Gods true Religion by Law established in this Realm , and in stead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry ; the particulars wherof are specified in the 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 Original , and 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Additional Articles . 2. His traiterous usurpation of a Papal and Tyrannical Power in the Church of England in all Ecclesiastical affairs , to the prejudice and derogation of his Majesties Royal Prerogative , and the Subjects Liberties ; comprised in the sixth Original Article . 3. His traiterous Attempts and Endeavours to subvert the Fundamental Temporal Laws , Government and Liberties of the Realm and Subjects of England , and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Temporal Government , against Law and the Subjects Liberty ; expressed in the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 13 Original ; and 1 , 2 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 10 Additional Articles . And 4. His traiterous Endeavours to subvert the Rights of Parliament , and ancient course of Parliamentary Proceedings , and by ●alse and malicious slanders to incense his Majesty against them , contained in the 14 Original , and the 1 , 9 , 10 Additional Articles . The managing of the Evidence committed to Maynard , Wilde , and Nicholas , all Members of the House of Commons ; by whom the business was drawn out to so great a length , that it took up no less than seventeen daies ; not altogether , but with so many pauses and intermissions ( as the Scots prospered and came forwards ) that the pleadings were not fully finished till the end of Iuly . I hope it will not be expected that I should lay down the proceedings on both sides , the Proofs and Testimonies which were brought against him , or the defences which were made by him in full Answer to them ; that being a work , which of it self would make a greater Volume than our present History . All I shall say , amounts to no more but this , That there wanted neither wit nor will in the Prosecutors to make him appear as guilty in the eye of the Lords , as his Accusers could desire . And as for him , it is related by the Pen of his greatest Adversary , That he made as Full , as Gallant , as Pithy a Defence , and spake as much for himself as was possible for the wit of man to invent ; and that with so much Art , Vivacity , Oratory , Audacity , and Confidence , that he shewed not the least acknowledgment of Guilt in any of the particulars which were charged upon him . And though the Relator , putting the worst gloss upon the Text , be pleased to say , that these Abilities did argue him rather Obstinate , than Innocent ; Impudent , than Penitent ; a far better Orator , Sophister , than Protestant or Christian ; a truer Son of the Church of Rome , than of the Church of England : yet in the midst of these Reproaches he gives him the Commendations of Wit and Eloquence , of being a good Orator , and a subtle Disputant ; which with the rest of the Abilities ascribed unto him , considering the suddenness of his Preparations , the frailty of his Memory , the burthen of seventy years , with other natural infirmities then lying heavy on him , may not unjustly be imputed to Divine assistance . What sense the Commons had of his justification , and what satisfaction was found in it by the House of Peers , we shall see hereafter . And here we leave him for a time , to see how far the Scots pro●eeded , and what they did in order to the service of those that so 〈◊〉 ●ired them , which might be equal to the merit of so great a Sacrifice . Of whom we are to know , that passing by the Town of Berwick , they entred England in the middle of Ianuary with a puissant Army , consisting of eighteen thousand Foot , two thousand Horse , and one thousand Dragoons , accommodated with all things necessary for the Expedition ; not hindred in their March till they came almost to the River Tine , where they were stopped by the interposition of the Northern Army , under the Conduct and Command of the Marquiss of Newcastle , but so that they remained unfought with , unless it were in petit Skirmishes and Pickeerings , without engaging the whole Power on either side . Langdale , a Gentleman of approved Valour and Fidelity , was commonly reported to have been earnest with the Marquiss to give them battel , or at the least to suffer him with a Party of Horse to assault them in such places where they lay most open to Advantage ; not doubting but to give a good account of his undertakings . In all which motions and desires he is said to have been crossed by General King , an old experienced Souldier , but a Scot by Nation , whom his Majesty had recommended to the Marquiss of Newcastle , as a fit man to be consulted with in all his Enterprises , and he withal took such a fancy to the man , that he was guided wholly by him in all his Actions . Which King if he had been imployed in any of the Southern or Western Armies , he might have done his Majesty as good service as any whosoever : But being in this Army , to serve against the Scots , his own dear Countrymen , he is said to have discouraged and disswaded all attempts which were offered to be made against them , giving them thereby the opportunity of gaining ground upon the English , till the Marquisses retreat toward York . For in the opening of the Spring News came unto the Marquiss of the taking of Selby by the Forces Garrisoned in Hull ; by which necessitated to put himsel● , and the greatest part of his Army , into the City of York , on the safety whereof the whole fortune of the North depended . Followed at the heels by Lesly , who , notwithstanding the undeserved Honours conferred upon him by the King , and his own vehement protestations of a future Loyalty , commanded this third Army also as he did the two first , and leaving Newcastle at his back , struck like a Souldier at the head , not troubling himself in taking in such places as imported nothing in reference to the main concernment . Resolving on the siege of the Capital City , they were seconded by the Army of the Earl of Manchester , drawn out of the Associated Counties , and the remaining Yorkshire Forces under the Command of the Lord Fairfax : By which , beleaguered on all sides , that great City was reduced to some distress for want of Victuals , and other necessary Ammuni●ion to make good the place . The News whereof being brought to Oxon. Prince Rupert is dispatched with as much of the Kings Army as could well be spared , with a Commission to raise more out of the Counties of Chester , Stafford , Darby , Leicester , and Lancaster ; so that he came before York with an Army of twelve thousand men , relieved the Town with some Provisions for the present , and might have gone away unfought with , but that such counsel was too cold for so hot a stomack . Resolved upon the onset , he encountred with the Enemy at a place called Marston More , where the Left Wing of his Horse gave such a fierce Charge on the Right Wing of the Enemy , consisting of Fairsax his Horse in the Van , and the Scots Horse in the Rear , that they fell ●oul on a part of their Foot which was behind them , and trod most of them under their Horses feet : But Ruperts Horse follow●●g the Execution too ●ar , and none advancing to make good t●● place which they had le●t , the Enemy had the opportunity to ●ally again , and got the better of the day , taking some Prisoners o● good not● , and making themselves Masters of his Cannon . So that not being able to do any thing in order to the regaining of the Field , ●e marched off un●ortunat●ly ; the greatest part of his Army mouldring away , he retired to Bristol . After this blow the Affairs of the North growing more desperate every day than other , York yielded upon Composition on Iuly 16. ( being a just ●ortnight after the fight ) t●e Marquiss of Newcastle and some principal Gentlemen passing over the Seas , so that the strong Town of Newcastle was taken by the Scots o● the nineteenth of October following . While these things were Acting in the North , Essex and Waller with their Armies drew near to Oxford , hoping to take it unprovided , in the absence of so great a part of his Majesties Forces . On whose approach his Majesty leaving the greatest part of his Army for defence of that place , marched on directly toward Wales . Upon the news whereof it was thought fit by the two Generals to divide their Armies : it being agreed upon , that Waller should pursue the King , and that the Earl of Essex should march towards the West for the regaining of those Countries . And now the Mystery of iniquity appeared in its proper colours ; for whereas it was formerly given 〈◊〉 by the Houses of Parliament , that they had undertaken the Wa● for no other reason , but to remove the King from his evil Couns●llors , those Evil Counsellors were left at Oxon. and the Kings Person only hunted . But the King understanding of this Division , ●●ought hims●lf able enough to deal with Waller , and giving him 〈◊〉 go-by , returned towards Oxon. drew thence the remainder of 〈◊〉 A●my , and gave him a sharp meeting at a place called Cropready 〈◊〉 , where he obtained a signal Victory on the twenty eighth of Iun● , and entred triumphantly into Oxon. This done , he marched after t●e Earl of Essex , who had made himself Master of some places in the West of good importance . During this March it hapned that one of the Carriages brake in a long narrow Lane , which they were to pass , and gave his Majesty a stop , at a time of an intolerable 〈…〉 Rain which fell upon him . Some of his ●word , and 〈…〉 were about him , offered to hew him out a way through 〈…〉 with their ●words , that he might get shelter in some of the Villages adjoyning ; but he Resolved not to forsake his Cannon upon any occasion . At which when some about him seemed to admire , and marvelled at the patience which he shewed in that Extremity , his Majesty lifting up his Hat , made Answer , That as God had given him afflictions to exercise his patience , so he had given him patience to bear his afflictions . The carriage being mended he went forward again , and trode so close upon the heels of Essex , that at last he drave him into Cornwall , and there reduced him to that point , that he put himself into a Cock-boat , with Stapleton and some others of his principal Friends , and left his whole Army to his Majesties mercy . His Horse taking the Advantage of a dark night made a shift to escape , but the Commanders of the Foot came to this Capitulation with his Majesty , that they should depart without their Arms , which with their Cannon , Baggage and Ammunition , being of great Consideration , were left wholly to his disposing . Immediately after this success , his Majesty dispatched a message from Tavestock to the two Houses of Parliament , in which he laid before them the miserable Condition of the Kingdom , remembring them of those many Messages which he had formerly sent unto them for an accommodation of the present differences ; and now desiring them to bethink themselves of some expedient by which this Issue of blood might be dried up , the distraction of the Kingdom settled , and the whole Nation put into an hope of Peace and Happiness . To which message as to many others before , they either gave no Answer , or such an one as rather served to widen then close the breach , falsly conceiving , that all his Majesties offers of Grace and Favour , proceeded either from an inability to hold out the War , or from the weakness and irresolution of his Counsels . But if instead of th●s Message from Tavestock his Majesty had gone on his own errand , and marched directly toward London , it was conceived in all probability that he might have made an end of the War , secured the life of the Archbishop his most trusty Servant , and put an end to those calamities which the continuance and conclusion of the War , brought with it . The Army of Essex being thus broken , and that of Manchester not returned from the Northern Service , He could not chuse but have observed in the course of that Action , with what a Military Prudence , Lesly had followed at the heels of the Marquis of Newcastle , not stopping or diverting upon the by , till he had brought his Army before York ; the gaining whereof , as being the chief City of those parts , brought in all the Rest. And certainly it hath been counted no dishonour in the greatest Souldiers to be instructed by their enemies in the feats of War. But the King sitting down before Plymouth ( as before Glocester the last year ) and staying there to perfect an Association of the Western Counties , he spent so much time that Essex was again in the head of his Army ; and being seconded by Manchester , and Waller , made a stand at Newbury , where after a very sharp dispute , the Enemy gained some of his Majesties Cannon , which struck such a terrour into many of those about him , that they advised him to withdraw his Person out of the danger of the Fight , as he did accordingly . But this he did so secretly and with so slender a Retinue , that he was not mist , His Army holding on the ●ight with a greater courage , because they thought the safety of his Majesties Person did depend upon it ; whose departure if it had been known , would questionless have created such a general dejection in the hearts of his Souldiers , as would have rendred them to a cheap discomfiture . But the Lost Cannon being regained , and the fight continued with those of his Majesties party with greater advantage then before , each Army drew of by degrees , so that neither of them could find any great cause to boast of the victory . This Summers Action being ended , in which the Scots had done very good service to the Houses of Parliament , it was thought necessary to proceed in the Tryal of the Archbishop of Canterbury , which had taken up so much time already , that it seemed ready for a sentence . But there appeared more difficulty in it , then at first was lookt for . For being admitted to a Recapitulation of his whole defence before the Lords , in the beginning of September , it gave such a general satisfaction to all that heard it , that the mustering up of all the evidence against him would not take it off . To prove the first branch of the charge against him , they had ript up the whole course of his Life , from his first coming to Oxford , till his Commitment to the Tower ; but could find no sufficient Proof of any design to bring in Popery , or suppress the true Protestant Religion here by Law Established . For want whereof , they insisted upon such Reproches as were laid upon him when he lived in the University , the beautifying of his Chappel Windows with Pictures and Images , the Solemn Consecration of Churches and Chappels , the Placing of the Communion Table Altar-wise , and making Adoration in his Accesses to , or Approches toward it ; Administring the Sacrament , with some more Solemnities , then in Ordinary Parochial Churches , though constantly observed in his Majesties Chappels ; the care and diligence of his Chaplains in expunging some offensive passages out of such Books , as were to be licenced for the Press , and t●eir permitting of some passages to remain in others which were supposed to ●avor of Popery and Arminianism , because they crost the sense of Calvin ; the preferring of many able men to his Majesties Service , and to advancements in the Church , who must the Stigmatized for Papists , or Arminians , because they had not sworn themselves into Calvins Faction ; his countenancing two or three Popish Priests , ( for no more are named ) of whom good use was to be made in Order to the Peace and Happiness of the Church of England , as had before been done by Bancroft , and others of his Prede●●ssors , since the Reformation . Such were the proofs of his designs to bring in Popery ; and yet his plots and purposes for suppressing t●e true Protestant Religion , had less proofs then this . Of which sort were , His severe proceedings in the High Commission against some Factious Ministers , and Seditious Lecturers ; the sentencing of Sherfield , for defacing a Parish Church in Salisbury , under colour of a Vestry-order , in contempt of the Diocesan Bishop who then Lived in that City ; the pressing of his Majesties two Declarations , the one for Lawful Sports , the other for Silencing unnecessary , though not unlawful , Disputations ; His zeal in overthrowing the Corpo●ation of Feoffees , which had no Legal Foundation to stand upon , and seemed destructive to the Peace of the Church and State in the eyes of all that pierc'd into it ; and finally the Piety of his endeavours , for uniting the French , and Dutch Congregations to the Church of England , in which he did nothing without Warrant , or against the Law. Such were the Crimes or Treasons rather , which paint him out with such an ugly countenance in the Book called Canterburies Doom , as if he were the Greatest Traytor , and the most Execrable Person , that ever had been bred in England . And he is promised to be Painted out in such Lively Colours in the following Branches of his Charge , as should for ever render him as Treasonable , and as Arch a Malefactor as he was in the others , and in both alike ; that promise never being performed in the space of a Dozen years and more since it first was made , in all which time , we hear no news of that performance for which the Ground could be but Little , and the evidence less . To the other branches of his Charge , consisting in Words or Actions he answered first , That the Dissolving of the said Parliaments was no Act of his , the business being publickly debated at the Council Table and carried by the Unanimous consent of all then Present ; that the hard measure which he was complained of to have shown to Corbet of Shropshire ( he being but a Private Subject ) could not be called an Act of Treason ; That the words charged upon him at the Council Table and elswhere , might well have been spared ; That no ill effect did follow on them ; and that they were innocently though suddenly spoken , which he hoped might proceed from a man of such a hasty , and Incircumspect humour as himself ( made so as well by nature , as by the multiplicity of vexations which were put upon him ) without involving him in the crime or guilt of Treason ; That for his words unto the King , touching his being absolved from the Rules of Government , they contained only matter of opinion , and in opinion delivered at the Council Table , where all had Liberty to speak their own sense as he did at time ; which if it were Erroneous and contrary to the sense of others , he hoped that no man should justly be condemned of Treason , for shewing himself no wiser then God had made him . And thereupon he desired the Lords from his misfortune to provide for their own safety , and seriously to consider what a way was chalked out to ruine them , both in their Lives and their Estates , if for every Opinion given in Council , or Words suddenly or hastily spoken , they ( who are born to wield the great affairs of the Kingdom ) should be Arraigned or Sentenced as Traytors . To which he added in the close , That there was no likelyhood that he had commited Real Acts of Treason , when his adverse Party was content to trifle away so much time about Words : Neither was there any Treason in them , though they had been fully verified ; and therefore in that ( as in all other Articles ) he reserved a Power for his Counsel to dispute in matter of Law. Which when it came to the Dispute ( not called on by the Commons till October 11. ) the Question or Point in Issue was , Whether any Treason was contained in all or any of the Articles which were charged against him ? And therein Hearn so plaid his part , as the mouth of the rest , that after the expectation of more months , and the expence of almost as many days as had been spent in the Arraignment of the Earl of Strafford , his Enemies in the House of Commons were forced to fall again on a Bill of Attainder , as they had been before , after so much ●●ise and ostentation of Wit and Eloquence , in the case of that Gentleman . For being too far engaged to go back with Honour , and yet not having confidence enough to venture him to the Judgment of the House of Peers , as in the way of Legal Tryal , they seemed to be at such a stand , as the Thames is said to be at , under London-Bridge , betwixt Ebb and Flood . In which perplexity , some who were fit for any mischief , imployed themselves to go from door to door , and from man to man , to get hands against him ; and so Petition those to hasten to his Condemnation , who must forsooth be forced to their own desires ( whereof , and of the Magistrates standing still and suffering them to proceed without any Check , he gave them a Memento in his dying Speech ) Which Preparations being made , they followed it with such double diligence , that by the beginning of November most men were great with expectation of a final Sentence ; Conceived by some , That the whole Evidence being transmitted with the Prisoner to the Justices of his Majesties Bench , he should have been put over to a Middlesex-Iury : but they were only some poor Ignorants which conceived so of it . The Leading Members of the House thought of no such matter ; and to say truth , it did concern them highly not to go that way . For though there was no question to be made at all , but that they could have Impanelled a Iury to have found the Bill : yet by a Clause in the Attainder of the Earl of Strafford , they had bound the Judges not to declare those Facts for Treason in the time to come , for which they had Condemned and Executed that Heroick Peer . And therefore they resolved on the same course now , which they had found before so prosperous and successful to them , to proceed now as then , by Bill of Attainder , and condemn him by Ordinance ; in which being Parties , Witnesses , and Judges too , they were assured to speed as they would themselves . And though for fashion sake he was brought unto the Commons Bar on the eleventh of that Month , not without magnifying the Favour of giving him leave to shew some Reason , why the Bill should not pass against him : yet was this but a matter of Formality only , the Ordinance passing in that House within two days after . But yet the Business was not done ; for the Lords stuck at it : some of which having not extinguished all the Sparks of Humanity , began to find themselves compassionate of his Condition ; not knowing how soon it should or might be made their own , if once disfavoured by the Grandees of that Potent Faction . For the Ordinance having been transmitted to the House of Peers , and the House of Peers deliberating somewhat long upon it , it was Voted on December 4. That all Books , Writings , and Evidences which concerned the Tryal , should be brought before the Lords in Parliament ; to the end that they might seriously and distinctly consider of all Particulars amongst themselves , as they came before them . But meaning to make sure work of it , they had in the mean time ( after no small Evaporations of Heat and Passion ) prepared an Ordinance , which they sent up unto the Lords , importing the displacing of them from all those Places of Power and Command which they had in the Army . Which being found too weak to hold , they fall upon another and a likelier Project , which was to bring the Lords to sit in the Commons House , where they were sure they should be inconsiderable both for Power and Number . And to effect the same with more speed and certainty , they had recourse to their old Arts , drawing down Watkins with his general muster of Subscriptions , and putting a Petition into his hands , to be tendred by him to the Houses , that is , themselves ; wherein it was required , amongst other things , That they should vigorously proceed unto the punishment of all Delinquents ; and that for the more quick dispatch of Publick Businesses of State , the Lords would please to Vote and Sit together with the Commons . On such uncertain terms , such a ticklish Tenure , did they then hold their Place and Power in Parliament , who so officiously complied with the House of Commons , in depriving the Bishops of their Vote , and the Churches Birth-right . And this was it which helped them in that time of need . And yet not thinking this Device sufficient to fright their Lordships to a present compliance , Stroud was sent up with a Message from the House of Commons , to let them know , That the Londoners would shortly bring a Petition , with 20000 Hands , to obtain that Ordinance . By which stale and common Stratagem , they wrought so far on some weak Spirits , the rest withdrawing themselves ( as formerly in the case of the Earl of Strafford ) that in a thin and slender House , not above six or seven in number , it was pass'd at last . The day before they pass'd the Ordinance for establishing their new Directory ; which , in effect , was nothing but a total abolition of the Common-Prayer-Book : and thereby shewed unto the World , how little hopes they had of settling their new Form of Worship , if the foundation of it were not laid in the blood of this famous Prelate , who had so stoutly stood up for it against all Novellism and Faction , in the whole course of his Life . ●e was certified by some Letters to Oxon. and so reported in the Mercurius Aulicus of the following week , That the Lord Bruce ( 〈◊〉 better known by the name of the Earl of Elgin ) was one of the number of those few Lords which had Voted to the Sentence of his Cond●mnation : The others which concurred in that fatal Sentence , being the Earls of Kent , Pembroke , Salisbury , and Bullingbrook ; together with the Lord North , and the Lord Gray of Wark . But whatsoever may be said of the other six , I have been advertised lately from a very good hand , That the said Lord Bruce hath frequently disclaimed that Action , and solemnly professed his detestation of the whole Proceedings , as most abhorrent from his nature , and contrary to his known a●fections , as well unto his Majesties Service , as the Peace and Preservation of the Church of England . This Ordinance was no sooner passed , but it revived many of those Discourses , which had before been made on the like occasion in the Business of the Earl of Strafford . For hereupon it was observed , That as the predominant Party in the Vnited Provinces , to bring about their ends in the death of Barnevelt , subverted all those Fundamental Laws of the Belgick Liberty , for maintenance whereof they took up Arms against Philip ii . So the Contrivers of this Mischief , had violated all the Fundamental Laws of the English Government , for maintenance whereof they had pretended to take up Arms against the King. It was ( said they ) a Fundamental Law of the English Government , and the first Article in the Magna Charta , That the Church of England shall be free , and shall have all her whole Rights and Priviledges inviolable . Yet to make way unto the Condemnation of this Innocent Man , the Bishops must be Voted out of their Place in Parliament , which most of them have held far longer in their Predecessors , than any of our Noble Families in their Progenitors ; and if the Lords refuse to give way unto it ( as at first they did ) the People must come down to the House in multitudes , and cry No Bishops , no Bish●ps , at the Parliament doors ; till by the terrour of their Tumults , 〈◊〉 extort it from them . It is a Fundamental Law of the English 〈◊〉 , That no Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned , without cause 〈◊〉 ; or be detained , without being brought unto his Answer in due form of Law. Yet here we see a Freeman imprisoned ten whole weeks together , before any Charge was brought against him ; and kept in Prison three whole years more , before his General Accusation was by them reduced unto Particulars ; and for a year almost detained close Prisoner , without being brought unto his Answer , as the Law requires . It is a Fundamental Law of the English Government , 〈…〉 be disserz●● of his Freehold or Liberties , but by the known Laws of the Land. Yet here we see a man disseized of his Rents and Lands , spoiled of his Goods , deprived of his Iurisdiction , devested of his Right of Patronage ; and all this done , when he was so far from being convicted by the Laws of the Land , that no particular Charge was so much as thought of . It is a Fundamental Law of the English Liberty , That no man shall be condemned or put to death , b●● by the Lawful Iudgment of his Peers , or by the Law of the Land ; that is , in the ordinary way of Legal Tryal : And sure an Ordinance of both Houses , without the Royal Assent , is no part of the Law of England , nor held an ordinary way of Tryal for the English Subject , or ever reckoned to be such in former times . And finally , It is a Fundamental Law in the English Government , That if any other cause ( than those recited in the Statute of King Edward iii. ) which is supposed to be Treason , do happen before any of his Majesties Ju●tices , the Justices shall tarry without giving Iudgment , till the Cause be sh●wn and declared before the King and his Parliament , whether it ought to be judged Treason , or not : Yet here we have a new found Treason , never known before , nor declared such by any of his Majesties Iustices , nor ever brought to be considered of by the King and his Parliament ; but only Voted to be such , by some of those Members which ●are at Westminster , who were resolved to have it so for their private Ends. The first Example of this kind , the first tha● ever suffered death by the shot of an Ordinance , as himself very well observed in his dying Speech upon the Scaffold ( though purposely omitted in Hind's Printed Copy ) to which now he hasteneth . For the passing of the Ordinance being signified to him by the then Lieutenant of the Tower , he neither entertained the news with a St●ical Apathy , nor wa●led his fate with weak and womanish Lamentations ( to which Extremes most men are carried in this case ) but 〈◊〉 it with so even and so smooth a Temper , as shewed he neither was ashamed to live nor afraid to die . The time between the Sentence and Execution , he spent in Prayers and Applications to the Lord his God ; having obtained , though not without some di●l●●n●ty , a Chaplain of his own to attend upon him , and to assist him in the Work of his Preparation : though little Preparation ●●●ded to receive that blow , which could not but be welcome , because long expected . For so well was he studied in the Art of Dying ( especially in the last and strictest part of his Imprisonment ) that by continual Fastings , Watchings , Prayers , and such like Acts of Christia● Humiliation , his Flesh was rarified into Spirit , and the whole ma● so fitted for Eternal Glories , that he was more than half in Heaven , before Death brought his bloody ( but Triumphant ) 〈◊〉 , to convey him thither . He that had so long been a Confess●●●ould ●ould not but think it a Release of Miseries to be made a 〈◊〉 . It is Recorded of Alexander the Great , That the night before his last and greatest Battel with Darius the Persian , he fell into so ●ound asleep , 〈◊〉 his Princes ●ardly could awake him when the morning came And it was likewise certified of this Great Prelate , That on the Evening before his Passover , the night before the dismal Combate betwixt him and Death , after he had refreshed his Spirits with a moderate Supper , he betook himself unto his Rest , and slept very soundly , till the time came , in which his Servants were appointed to attend his Rising . A most assured sign of a Soul prepared . The fatal morning being come , he first applied himself to his private Prayers , and so continued till Pennington , and others of their Publick Officers , came to conduct him to the Scaffold ; which he ascended with so brave a Courage , such a chearful Countenance , as if he had mounted rather to behold a Triumph , than be made a Sacrifice ; and came not there to Die , but to be Translated . And though some rude and uncivil People reviled him as he pass'd along , with opprobrious Language , as loth to let him go to the Grave in Peace ; yet it never discomposed his Thoughts , nor disturb'd his Patience : For he had profited so well in the School of Christ , that when he was reviled , he reviled not again ; when he suffered , he threatned not , but committed his cause to him that judgeth righteously . And as he did not fear the Frowns , so neither did he covet the Applause of the Vulgar Herd ; and therefore rather chose to read what he had to speak unto the People , than to affect the ostentation either of Memory or Wit in that dreadful Agony : whether with greater Magnanimity than Prudence , I can hardly say . As for the matter of his Speech , besides what did concern himself and his own Purgation , his great care was to cleer his Majesty , and the Church of England , from any inclination to Popery ; with a perswasion of the which , the Authors of the then present Miseries had abused the People , and made them take up Arms against their Sovereign . A faithful Servant to the last : By means whereof , as it is said of Samson in the Book of Iudges , That the men which he slew at his death , were more than they which he slew in his life : So may it be affirmed of this famous Prelate , That he gave a greater blow unto the Enemies of the Church and the King at the hour of his death , than he had given them in his whole life before . But this you will more clearly see by the Speech it self , which followeth here according to the best and most perfect Copy , delivered by his own hands unto one of his Chaplains , and in his name presented to the King by the Lord Iohn Bellasis at the Court in Oxon. The Speech of the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , spoken at his Death , upon the Scaffold on the Tower Hill , Ian. 10. 1644. Good People , THis is an uncomfortable time to preach , yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture , Heb. 12.2 . Let us run with Patience the Race which is set before us , looking unto JESUS the Author and Finisher of our faith , who for the joy that was set before him , en●dured the Cross , despising the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the Throne of God. I have been long in my Race , and how I have looked to JESUS the Author and finisher of my faith , he best knows . I am now to come to the end of my Race , and here I find the Cross , a death of shame : but the shame must be despised , or no coming to the right hand of God. JESUS despised the shame for me , and God forbid but that I should despise the shame for him . I am going apace ( as you see ) towards the Red Sea , and my feet are now upon the very brinke of it ; an● Argument I hope that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise , for that was the way through which he led his people : But before they came to it , he instituted a Passeover for them , a Lamb it was , but it must be eaten with soure herbs , I shall obey , and labour to digest the soure herbs , as well as the Lamb. And I shall remember it is the Lords Passeover ; I shall not think of the Herbs , nor be angry with the hand which gathereth them : but look up only to him , who instituted that , and governs these ; for men can have no more power over me , than what is given them from above . I am not in love with this passage through the Red Sea , for I have the weakness and infirmities of flesh and bloud plentifully in me ; And I have prayed with my Saviour , Ut transir●t Calix iste , that this Cup of red wine might pass from me : but if not , Gods will ( not mine ) be done , and I shall most willing drink of this Cup as deep as he pleases , and enter in this Sea ; yea , and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me . But I would have it remembred ( Good People ) That when G●●● Servants were in this boysterous Sea , and Aaron amongst them , the Egyptians which persecuted them ( and did in a manner drive them into that Sea ) were drowned in the same Waters , while they were in pursuit of them . I know my God , whom I serve , is as able to deliver me from the sea of bloud , as he was to deliver the three Children from the Furnace : and ( I humbly thank my Saviour for it ) my Resolution is now as theirs was then , They would not worship the Image the King had set up , nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up ; nor will I forsake the Temple and the truth of God , to follow the bleating of Jeroboams Calves in Dan and Bethel . And as for this People , they are at this day miserably misled ( God of his mercy open their ●●es that they may see the right way ) for at this day the blind lead the blind , and if they go on , both will certainly fall into the ditch . For my self , I am ( and I acknowledge it in all humility ) a most grievous sin●● many waies , by thought , word , and deed ; I cannot doubt but that 〈◊〉 hath mercy in store for me ( a poor Penitent ) as well as for other sinners . I have now , and upon this sad occasion , ransacked every corner of my 〈◊〉 , and yet ( I thank God ) I have not found ( among the many ) any 〈◊〉 sin which deserves death by any known Law of this Kingdom : and yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Iudges ; for if they proceed upon proof ( by valuable witnesses ) I , or any other innocent , may be justly condemned . And ( I thank God ) though the weight of my Sentence he heavy upon me , I am as quiet within as ever I was in my life . And though I am not only the first Archbishop , but the first man that ever 〈◊〉 by an Ordinance in Parliament ; yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way , though not by this means . For Elphegus was hurried away , and lost his head by the Danes ; and Simon Sudbury in the fury of Wat Tiler and his Fellows ; Before these , St. John Baptist had his head danced off by a lewd woman ; and St. Cyprian , Archbishop of Carthage , submitted his head to a persecuting Sword. Many examples ( great and 〈◊〉 ) and they teach me patience ; for I hope my cause in heaven , will 〈◊〉 of another dye than the colour that is put upon it here . And some comfort it is to me , not only that I go the way of these great men in their several Generations , but also that my charge ( as foul as it is made ) 〈◊〉 like that of the Jews against St. Paul ( Acts 25.3 . ) for he was accused for the Law , and the Temple , i. e. Religion ; and like that of St. Steven ( Acts 6.14 . ) for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave , i. e. Law , and Religion , the holy place and the Temple ( v. 13. ) But you will then say , Do I then compare my self with the Integrity of St. Paul and St. Steven ? No , far be that from me ; I only raise a comfort to my self , that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at 〈◊〉 their time , as I am now . And it is memorable that St. Paul , who helped on this accusation against St. Steven , did after fall under the very same himself . Yea , but here is a great clamour , that I would have brought in Popery ; I shall answer that more fully by and by . In the mean time you kn●w what the Pharisees said against Christ himself : If we let him alone , all men will believe in him , ET VENIENT ROMANI , and the Romans will come , and take away both our Place and Nation . Here was a causeless cry against Christ , that the Romans would come ; and see how just the Iudgment was , they Crucified Christ for fear least the Romans should come , and his death was it which brought in the Romans upon them , God punishing them with that which they most feared . And I pray God this clamour of Venient Romani ( of which 〈…〉 no cause ) help not to bring them in ; For the Pope never had such an harvest in England since the Reformation , as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us . In the mean time by Honour and dishonour , by good report and evil report , as a Deceiver and yet true , am I passing through this world ( 2 Cor. 6.8 . ) Some Particulars also I think it not amiss to speak of . And first , This I shall be bold to speak of the King our Gracious Soveraign . He hath been much traduced also for bringing in of Popery , but on my conscience ( of which I shall give God a very present account ) I know him to be as free from this Charge as any man living ; and I hold him to be as sound a Protestant ( according to the Religion by Law Established ) as any man in this Kingdom : And that he will venture his life as far and as freely for it . And I think I do , or should know both his affection to Religion , and his grounds for it , as fully as any man in England . The second Particular is concerning this great and Populous City ( which God bless ) Here hath been of late a Fashion taken up to gather Hands , and then go to the great Court of this Kingdom ( the Parliament ) and clamour for Iustice ; as if that great and wise Court , before whom the Causes come ( which are unknown to many ) could not , or would not do Iustice , but at their Appointment . A way which may endanger many an Innocent man , and pluck his bloud upon their own heads , and perhaps upon the Cities also ; and this hath been lately practiced against my self , the Magistrates standing still , and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish without any check . God forgive the Setters of this ( with all my heart I beg it ) but many well-meaning People are caught by it . In St. Stevens case , when nothing else would serve , they stirred up the People against him ; and Herod went the same way when he had killed St James : yet he would not venture on St. Peter , till he found how the other pleased the People . But take heed of having your hands full of bloud , for there is a time ( best known to himself ) when God ( above other sins ) makes Inquisition for bloud ; and when that Inquisition is on foot , the Psalmist tells us , That God remembers , ( that 's not all ) He remembers and forgets not the complaint of the poor , that is , whose bloud is shed by oppression , ver . 9. Take heed of this , It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God , but then especially , when he is making Inquisition for bloud . And ( with my prayers to avert it ) I do heartily desire this City to remember the Prophesie that is expressed , Jer. 26.15 . The third Particular is the poor Church of England . It hath flourished , and been a shelter to other Neighbouring Churches , when storms have driven upon them : But alas ! now it is in a storm it self , and God only knows whether , or how it shall get out ; and ( which is worse th●● the storm from without ) it is become like an Oak cleft to shivers with wedges made out of its own body , and at every cleft Prophaneness and Irreligion is entring in , while , as Prosper speaks ( in his second book De vitae contemptu , cap. 4. ) Men that introduce profaneness , are cloaked over with the name , Religionis Imaginariae , of Imaginary Religion ; for we have lost the substance , and dwell too much in opinion : and that Church , which all the Iesuites Machinations could not ruine , is fallen into danger by her own . The last Particular ( for I am not willing to be too long ) is my self . I was born and baptized in the Bosome of the Church of England establ●●hed by Law ; in that Profession I have ever since lived , and In that I come n●w to die . This is no time to dissemble with God , least of all in 〈◊〉 of Religion ; and therefore I desire it may be remembred , I ●ave alwaies lived in the Protestant Religion established in England , and ● that I come now to dye . What clamours and slanders I have endured 〈…〉 to keep an Vniformity in the external Service of God , accordin● t● the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church , all men know , and I 〈◊〉 abundantly felt . Now at last I am accused of High Treason in Parliament , a Crime which my soul ever abhorred . This Treason was charged to consist of two parts , An endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land ; and a like endea●our to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by Law. Besides my Answers to the several Charges , I protested my innocency in ●oth Houses . It was said , Prisoners Protestations at the Bar , must 〈…〉 taken . I can bring no witness of my heart , and the inten 〈◊〉 thereof ; therefore I must come to my Protestation , not at the Bar , ●ut my Protestation of this hour and instant of my death , in which I 〈◊〉 all men will be such charitable Christians , as not to think I would 〈◊〉 and dissemble , being instantly to give God an account for the truth of 〈…〉 therefore here in the presence of God and his holy Angels take it 〈…〉 death , that I never endeavoured the subversion of Law or Rel●gion ; and I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my in 〈…〉 this , and from all Treasons whatsoever . I have been accused 〈…〉 an Enemy to Parliaments ; No , I understood them , and the benefit that comes by them too well , to be so : But I did mislike the 〈◊〉 governments of some Parliaments , many waies , and I had good Reason for it ; For Corruptio optimi est Pessima , there is no Corruption i● th● World so bad , as that which is of the best thing within it self ; F●r the better the thing is in nature , the worse it is corrupted . And that being the Highest Court , over which no other hath Iurisdiction , when it is misinformed or misgoverned , the Subject is left without all remedy . ●ut I have done , I forgive all the the World , all and every of these 〈◊〉 Enemies which have persecuted me ; and humbly desire to be forg●v●n of God first , and then of every man , whether I have offended him or not , if he do but conceive that I have , Lord do thou forgive me , and I beg forgiveness of him . And so I heartily desire you to joyn in Prayer with me . Which said , with a distinct and audible voice he prayed as followeth : O Eternal God , and Merciful Father , look down upon me in mercy , in the Riches and Fulness of all thy mercies look down upon me ; but not till thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ , not till thou hast bathed me in the blood of Christ ; not till I have hid my self in the wounds of Christs : that so the punishment due unto my sins may pass over me . And since thou art pleased to try me to the utmost , I humbly beseech thee , give me now in this great instant full Patience , Proportionable Comfort , and a heart ready to die for thine Honour , the Kings Happiness , and this Churches preservation . And my Zeal to this ( far from Arrogancy be it spoken ) is all the sin ( humane Frailty excepted and all the incidents thereunto ) , which is yet known to me in this particular , for which I now come to suffer , I say in this particular of Treason ; but otherwise my sins are many and great ; Lord pardon them all , and those especially ( what ever they are ) which have drawn down this present Iudgement upon me : and when thou hast given me strength to bear it , do with me as seems best in thine own Eyes : and carry me through death that I may look upon it in what visage soever it shall appear to me . Amen . And that there may be a stop of this Issue of blood in this more then miserable Kingdom ( I shall desire that I may pray for the people too , as well as for my self ) O Lord I beseech thee give grace of Repentance to all blood-thirsty people , but if they will not Repent , O Lord confound all their devices , Defeat and frustrate all their designs and endeavours upon them ; which are or shall be contrary to the Glory of thy Great name , the truth and sincerity of Religion , the establishment of the King and his Posterity after him in their just Rights and Priviledges , the Honour and Conservation of Parliaments in their just power , the preservation of this poor Church in her truth , peace , and Patrimony , and the settlement of this Distracted , and distressed People , under their Ancient Laws and in their Native Liberty . And when thou hast done all this in meer mercy to them , O Lord fill their hearts with thankfulness and with Religious Dutiful obedience to thee and thy Commandments all their days . Amen , Lord Iesu , Amen . and receive my soul into thy Bosom . Amen . Our Father which art in Heaven , &c. The Speech and Prayers being ended ●e gave the Paper which he Read into 〈◊〉 hands o● Sterne his Chaplain , permitted to attend him in his last extremity ; whom he desired to Communicate it to his other Chaplains that they might see in what manner ●e le●t this world ; and so prayed God to shew his blessings and mercies on them . And taking notice that one Hind had imployed himsel● in writing t●e words of his Speech as it came from his mouth , he d●sired him not to do him wrong in publishing a false or imperfect Copy . This done he next applyed himself to the fatal Block , as to the H●ven of his Rest : But finding the way full of people who had placed themselves upon the Theatre to behold the Tragedy , he desired ●e might have room to die , beseeching them to let him have an end of his miseries which he had endured very long . All which he did with so Serene and calm a mind , as if he rather had been taking Order for a Noble Mans Funeral , then making way for his own . Being come neer the block , he put o● his Doublet , and used some words to this 〈◊〉 . Gods will be done , I am willing to go out of this world , none can ●e ●●re willing to send me . And seeing through the Chink of the ●oards that some people were got under the Scaffold about the very place where the block was seated , he called to the Officer for some dust to stop them , or to remove the people thence , saying , it was ●o part of his desires that his blood should fall upon the heads of the people . Never did man put off mortality with a better courage , nor look upon his bloody and malicious Enemies with more Christian Charity . And thus far he was on his way toward Paradise , with such a Primitive Magnanimity as equalled , if not exceeded , the example of the Ancient Martyrs , when he was somewhat interrupted by one of those who had placed himself on the Sca●●old , not otherwise worthy to be named , but as a Fire-brand brought from Ireland to inflame this Kingdom . Who finding that the mockings and revilings of malicious people had no power to move him or sha●pen him into any discontent or shew of passion , would needs put in and try what he could do with his Spunge and Vinegar , and St●pping to him neer the Block he would needs propound unto him some Impertinent questions ; not so much out of a desire to learn any thing of him : but with the same purpose as was found in the S●ribes and Pharisees , in propounding questions to our Saviour ; t●at is to say , either to intrap him in his Answers , or otherwise to ●●pose him to some disadvantage with the standers by . Two of the qu●stions he made answer to withal Christian meekness . The first question was , What was the Comfortablest saying , which a dying man would have in his mouth , to which he meekly made answer . Cupio 〈◊〉 & esse cum Christo : being asked again what was the fittest Speech a man could use to express his Confidence and Assuranc● ▪ he answ●●ed with the same Spirit of meekness , That such Ass●●anc● was to be found within , and that no words were able 〈…〉 . But t●is not satisfying this busie man ( w●o aimed at something else ( as is probable ) then such satisfaction ) unless he gave some Word or Place of Scripture , whereupon such Assurance might be truly founded . He used some words to this effect , That it was the Word of God concerning Christ , and his dying for us . But then finding that there was like to be no end of the troublesome Gentleman , he turned away from him , applying himself directly to the Executioner , as the gentler and discreeter person . Putting some mony into his hand he said unto him without the least distemper or change of countenance ; Here honest friend , God forgive thee and I do , and do thy Office upon me with mercy , and having given him a sign when the blow should come , he kneeled down upon his knees , and prayed as followeth , viz. Lord I am coming as fast I can , I know I must pass thorough the shadow of death , before I can come to see thee ; But it is but Umbra Mortis , a meer shadow of death , a little darkness upon nature ; but thou by thy Merits and Passion , hast broke thorough the jaws of death , the Lord receive my Soul , and have mercy upon me , and bless this Kingdom with peace and plenty , and with brotherly love and charity , that there may not be this effusion of Christian blood amongst them , for Iesus Christ his sake , if it be thy will. Then laying his head upon the Block and Praying silently to himself he said aloud , Lord receive my Soul , which was the Signal given to the Executioner , who very dexterously did his Office , and took of his head at a blow , his Soul ascending on the wings of Angels into Abrahams bosom , and leaving his body on the Scaffold , to the care of men . This blow thus given , his life-less body remained a spectacle so unpleasing unto most of them who had desired his death with much heat and passion , that many who came with greedy eyes to see him suffer , went back with weeping eyes when they saw him dead ; their own Consciences perhaps , bearing witness to them , God knows whose did , that they had sinned in being guilty of such Innocent blood . Of those whom only Curiosity and desire of Novelty , brought thither to behold that unusual sight , many had not the Patience to attend the Issue , but went away assoon as the Speech was ended ; others returned much altered in the opinion which before they had of him , and bettered in their Resolutions toward the King and the Church , whose Honour and Religious Purposes , they saw so clearly vindicated in his dying , but never dying words . And for the Rest ( the most considerable , though perhaps the smallest part of that Great Assembly ) as they came thither with no other intention , then to assist him with their Prayers , to embalm his body with their tears , and to lay up his last Speeches in their hearts and memories : so when they had performed those Offices of Christian duty , they comforted themselves with this , that as his life was honourable , so his death was glorious ; the pains whereof were short and momentary to himself , the benefit like to be perpetual unto them and others , who were resolved to live and die in the Communion of the Church of England . And if the Bodies o● us men be capable of any happiness in the Grave , he had as great a share therein , as he could desire ; his Body being accompanied to the Earth with great multitudes of People , whom love , or curiosity , or remorse of Conscience had drawn together purposely to perform that Office , and decently interred in the Church of Alhallows Barking ( a Church of his own Patronage and Jurisdiction ) according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , In which it may be noted as a thing remarkable , That being whilst he lived the greatest Champion of the Common-Prayer-Book●ere ●ere by Law establi●●ed , he had the honour being dead , to be buried in the form therein prescribed , after it had been long disused , and almost reprobated in most Churches of London . Nor need Posterity take care to provide his Monument ; he built one for himself whilst he was alive : It b●eing well observed by Deering ( one of his most malicious Enemies , and he that threw the first stone at him in the beginning of this Parliament ) that St. Paul's Church will be his perpetual Monument , and his own Book ( against the Iesuite ) his lasting Epitaph . Thus ●ell Laud , and St. Pauls●ell ●ell with him : The yearly Contribution toward whose Repair , Anno 1641. when he was plunged into his Troubles , fell from the sum of 15000 l. and upward , to somewhat less than 1500. and afterwards by degrees to nothing . No less than 17138 l. 13 s. 4 d. ob . q. which remained in the Chamber of London toward the carrying on of the Work , is seised on by an Order of both Houses of Parliament , for the beginning of their War against the King ; that so they might not only encounter him with his own Arms and Ammunition , which he had bought with his own Money : but with that Money too , which he alone had raised by his own Care and Piety . Most of the Materials intended for finishing the Work , were turned into Money ; and the rest bestowed on the Parish of St. Gregories , for the Rebuilding of that Church : And all the Scaffolding of the Tower or Steeple , allotted to the payment of Iephson's Regiment , who challenged an Arrear of 1746 l. 15 s. 8 d. for their Service in that cruel and unnatural War. The Pa●ement of the Church digged up , and sold to the wealthier Citizens , for beautifying their Country-Houses ; The Floor converted into Saw-pits in many places , for cutting out such Timber as was turned into Money ; The Lead torn off in some places also ; the Timber and Arches of the Roof being thereby exposed to Wind and Weather ; Part of the Stone-work which supported the Tower or Steeple , fallen down , and threatning the like Ruine unto all the rest ; The gallant Portico at the West-end thereof , obscured first by 〈◊〉 House looking towards Ludgate ; and afterward turned into an Exchange for Haberdashers of small Wares , Hosiers , and such Petit Chapmen : And finally , the whole Body of it converted to a Stable or Horse-Garrison , for the better awing of that City , whose Pride and Faction raised the Fire , and whose Purse added Fewel to it , for the enflaming of the Kingdom . Thus Laud fell , and the Church fell with him ; The Liturgy whereof was Voted down about the same time in which the Ordinance was pass'd for his Condemnation ; The Presbyterian Directory authorised for the Press , by Ordinance of March 13. next following ; Episcopacy Root and Branch , which had before been precondemned , suppressed by Ordinance in like manner on October 9. 1646. The Lands of all Cathedrals sold , to the exposing of those stately and magnificent Fabricks to an inevitable Ruine ; The Bishops dispossest of their Lands and Rents , without the Charity of a small Annual Pension toward their Support ; The Regular and Conformable Clergy sequestred , ejected , and turned out of all , to the utter undoing of themselves , their Wives and Children ; A wide gap opened for letting in of all Sects and Heresies , many of which had been exploded and condemned in the Primitive times , others so new ( and every day begetting newer ) that few of them have served out their Apprenticeship , and yet Trade as freely as if they had served out all their Time ; The Sacred Ministry in the mean time , or that part of it at the least which consists in Preaching , usurped by Handicra●ts-men , Boys , and Women , to the dishonour of God , the infamy and disg●●ce of the English Nation , and the reproach of our Religion , so much renowned ( as long as he remained in Power ) both for external Glory and internal Purity . And yet it cannot be denied , but that he fell very opportunely in regard of himself , before he saw those horrible Confusions which have since brake into the Church , the dissipation of the Clergy , the most calamitous death of his Gracious Sovereign , and the Extermination threatned to the Royal Family : any of which would have been far more grievous to him , than a thousand deaths . The opportunity of a quiet and untroubled death , was reckoned for a great felicity in the Noble (a) Agricela , who could not but in the course of a long life , have felt the hundredth part of those Griefs and Sorrows , which would have pierced the Soul of this Pious Prelate , had not God gathered him to his Fathers in so good an hour . But fallen he is ; and being fallen , there is no question to be made , but most men would spend their Judgments on his Life and Actions . (b) One tells us of him , That the roughness of his uncourtly Nature , sent most men discontented from him ; though afterwards , of his own accord , he would find means to sweeten many of them again , when they least looked for it . (c) Another , That he had so little command of his passions , that he could not repress them at the Star-Chamber , or the High-Commission ; which made his Censure always follow the severer side . Some thought , That out of a dislike of that Popularity , which was too much affected by his Predecessor , he was carried on so ●ar to the t'other extreme , as to fail in many necessary Civilities to the Nobility and Gentry , by which he might have obliged them , and indeed himself . Others , that by this reserved , and implausible humor , he so far lost the love of his own Diocess ( the Gentry whereof he neither entertained at Canterbury , nor f●ailed at Lambeth , as all his Predecessors had done before him ) that one of them who served in Parliament for the County of Kent , threw the first dirt at him . Some said that he trusted too much to his own single judgement , in the Contriving and carrying on of his designs ; seldom advising with any of the other Bishops , till he had digested the whole business , and then referring nothing to them b●t the Execution , which made it less Cordially followed by the greater part , then it had been otherwise . And others , that he pre●●med too much on the Love and Goodness of the King , whose Love a●d Goodness not being seconded by Power , proved afterward so insufficient to save him harmless , and keep his head upon his shoulders , that it served rather to expose him to the publick hat●ed . In which Respect it was conceived that the Lord Protector ●ommerset followed his work more like a States-man ( though of himself he was accounted no deep Polititian ) not venturing on the Alteration of Religion which he had projected , till he had put himself into the head of an Army , under Pretence of making War against the Scots ; nothing but the unseasonable disbanding whereof could 〈◊〉 plunged him into those Calamities , which ensued upon it . It was discoursed by some that he was too suddain and precipitate , in the persuit of his undertakings , the fruits whereof he desired to ●aile before they were ripe ; and did not think the work well do●e , except he might enjoy as well the comfort of it in his Life , as the Honour of it after his death : quite contrary therein to the Grandees of the Puritan faction , who , after the first heats were over in Queen Elizabeths time , carried their work for thirty years together , like M●l●s under the Ground , not casting up any earth before 〈◊〉 , till they had made so strong a party in the House of Commons 〈◊〉 was able to hold the King to their own Conditions . And there●●●● it was thought by others , that his business was not so well 〈◊〉 as it should have been ; the three first Parliaments of this King 〈◊〉 dissolved in such discontentments , as could not easily be for 〈◊〉 the Scots as much exasperated by the Commission of Sur 〈◊〉 which they exprest plainly by their disaffections to his Person and Government , at his first Parliament in that Kingdom ; and the English shortly after , startled by the Writs for Shipmony , which seemed to threaten a destruction to that Legal Property , which every man challenged in his own . Some who seemed wiser then the Rest complained , that his Em●●acements were two large and general ; and that he had more 〈◊〉 in the fire at once , then could be well hammer'd in one forge . Not suffering any one of his Counsels to hold on a Probationship , before it was retarded and pulled back by another . By means whereof the whole piece being laid open at once , the Figures of it appeared more terrible , and unhansomly wrought then otherwise they would have done , in case they had been shown by little and little . By these it was discoursed , that within the spa●e o● one year after his coming to the Chair of Canterbury , he had en●aged himself , in Six several Counsels and designs , all of them o● so high a nature , that each of them might have been enough to take up that short remainder of time which he had to live . It was confesse● ▪ that the connivence and Remisness of his Predecessor had left him work enough to do ; but then it was averred withal , and proved by Ordinary observation , that an unskil●ful Carpenter might pull down more in one day then the ablest Architect in the World could build up in twenty ; and therefore that the Ruines of twenty years were not to be repaired in one . And for the Proof of this they we●● pleased to note , that within six weeks after his coming to th●● Chair , his Majesty had laid the Foundation of the Scottish Liturgy ▪ by Issuing out his Instructions of the 8 of Octob. for Officiatin● the Divine Service in his Chappel at Edenborough ▪ according to 〈◊〉 form and Ceremony of his Royal Chappel at White Hall ; that ●e had seconded it within ten days after by reviving his Fathers Declaration about Lawful Sports , with some additions of his own ; and thirded it in the very beginning of Novemb. by an Order o● the Council Table in the case of S. Gregories , for transposing the Communion Table to the Place of the Altar ; and that within the first six Months of the year next following , he sent out two Injunctions for reducing the Congregations of the French and Dutch to the Liturgy and Church of England ; Countenanced the Petition of the London Ministers , for encrease of maintenance , in the just payment of their Tithes ; and procured the Repealing of the Irish Articles , and those of England to be approved and received in the plac● thereof . And what said they could be more unadvisedly , and un●politickly done , then to draw upon himself at once the 〈…〉 pleasure of three Kingdoms in the several Concernments of each Nation ; as also all the Genevian Churches abroad in their Prop● Interesses ; Fomented by the Pride and Purse of the City of 〈◊〉 and prosecuted by the Malice and Activity of the Puritan●●ction ●●ction ▪ in them all united in the Common quarrel or the Lords day Sabbath ▪ They added that King Edward the first , began not with the Conquest of Wales , before he had well settled his affairs in England , and that he undertook not the following War against the Scots ( whom afterwards he brought under his obedience ) till some years after he had finished the Conquest of Wales ; that as all Sup●r●●tations are dangerous to the Product of the Births of Nature ; and nothing more Repugnant to a Regular Diet than to fill the 〈◊〉 with fresh viands , before it is Emptied of the Former ; so not●ing 〈◊〉 i● more destructive to the Body Politick , than to try two many Exp●riments at once upon it , which cannot possibly work well together to t●e publick health ; and therefore , that he should have practised upon one Kingdom after another as best became so able a Physician , and so exact a Ma●ter in the Art of a Christian Warfare ; that one of them might have followed the good Example of the other , and not all joyn together ( like so many ill humours ) to the common disturbance of the work . Such were the Censures and Discourses , which were passed upon him betwixt his Imprisonment and his Death , and for some years after . In which how much or little there is of truth , is left unto the ●udgment of those , who are more thoroughly acquainted with his disposition and a●●ections , his secret Counsels , and the Reasons which directed him in the conduct of them , than I can honestly pretend to . All I can say , is that , which may be said by any other , which ●ad no more access to him than my self : Of Stature he was low , but of strong Composition ; so short a Trunck never contained so much excellent Treasure , which therefore was to be the stronger , by reason of the wealth which was lodged within it . His Countenance chearful and well-bloudied , more fleshy ( as I have often heard him say ) than any other part of his body ; which chearfulness and vivacity he carried with him to the very Block , notwithstanding the Afflictions of four years Imprisonment , and the infelicity of the times . For at his first Commitment he besought God ( as is observed in the Breviate ) to give him full patience , proportionable comfort , and contentment with whatsoever he should send ; and he was heard in what he prayed for : for notwithstanding that he had fed long on the bread of carefulness , and drank the water of affliction ; yet as the Scripture telleth us of the four Hebrew Children , His Countenance appeared fairer and fatter in flesh , than any of those who eat their portion of the Kings Meat , and drank of his Wine ; A gallant Spirit being for the most part like the Sun , which shews the greater at his setting . But to proceed in that weak Character , which my Pen is able to afford him , Of Apprehension he was quick and sudden , of a very sociable Wit , and a pleasant Humour ; and one that knew as well how to put off the Gravity of his Place , and Person , when he saw occasion , as any man living whatso●ver ; Accessible enough at all times but when he was tired out with multiplicity and vexation of business , which some , who did not understand him , ascribed unto the natural ruggedness of his Disposition ; Zealous he was in the Religion here established , as hath been made apparent in the course of this History ; Constant not only to the Publick Prayers in his Chappel , but to his private Devotions in his Closet ; A special Benefactor to the Town of Reading , where he had his Birth , and to the University of Oxon. where he had his Breeding ; so much the more to this last , as he preferred his Well 〈…〉 〈◊〉 his B●●●i● . Happy in this , that he accomplished those good works in the time of his Life , which otherwise must have ●hrunk to nothing in the hands of Executors . To speak of the Integrity of so great a Person , would be an injury to his Vertues : One Argument whereof may be , if there were no other , That in so long a time of Power and Greatness , wherein he had the principal managing of Affairs both in Church and State , he made himself the Master of so small a Fortune , that it was totally exhausted in his Benefactions unto Oxon. and Reading , before remembred . The rest I shall refer to the Breviate of his Life and Action , though published of purpose to defame him , and render him more odious to the Common People : In which it will appear , to an equal and impartial Reader , That he was a man of such eminent Vertues , such an exemplary Piety towards God , such an unwearied Fidelity to his Gracious Sovereign , of such a publick Soul towards Church and State , so fixt a Constancy in Friendship , and one so little byassed by his private Interesses , that Plutarch , if he were alive , would be much troubled to find a sufficient Parallel wherewith to match him in all the Lineaments of perfect Vertue . Thus lived this most Reverend , Renowned , and Religious Prelate ; and thus he died ; when he had lived seventy one years , thirteen Weeks , and four daies , if at the least he may be properly said to die : the great Example of whose Vertue shall continue alway , not only in the Minds of Men , but in the Annals of succeeding Ages with Renown and Fame . His Death the more remarkable in falling on St. Williams day , as if it did design him to an equal place in the English Calendar , with that which William , Archbishop of Bourgeois , had obtained in the French ; Who being as great a Zealot in his time against the spreading and increase of the Albigenses , ( as Laud was thought to be against those of the Puritan Faction , and the Scottish Covenanters ) hath ever since been honoured as a Saint in the Gallican Church ; the tenth of Ianuary being destined for the solemnities of his Commemoration , on which day our Laud ascended from the Scaffold to a Throne of Glory . The End of the Second Part. ERRATA . PAge 12. l. 33. read acc●rding to . p. 14. l. 4. r. out of . l. 5. r. that it is . p 31. l. 32. r. P●●se●●nce . p. 35. l. 13. r. there be no. p. 47. l. 30. r. Lord ●ip . p. 59. l. 43. for 〈◊〉 Colledge , r. P●rn●●●ke Hall. p. 66 l 41. r. redounded . p. 68. l. 42. ● . Chair . 〈◊〉 . 14. r. ●●●sances . l. 30. r. divu●ged it over . r. also The City was . p. 74. l. 21. ● . 〈…〉 sm●●● . p. 91. l. 38. r. commends and propounds . p. 108. l. 40. r. P●pe . p. 〈◊〉 . l. 25. r. Church of . p. 112. l. 39 r. was commanded . p. 113. l. 40. r. Scrinia . p. 119. l. 26. r. home . p ▪ 134. l. 24. 〈◊〉 , it . p. 144 l. 23 r. named any . p. 150. l. 4. 〈…〉 . p. 151. 4. 11. r. ●een . p. 161. l. 1. r. land p. 170. l. 8. r. in the. p. 172. l. 14. ● . ●●gden . p. 174. l. 17. r. at it . p. 181. l. 26. r. the supp●sed . p. 182. l. 28. r. there ● . p. ●●9 . l. 36. r. tares . p. 192. l. 14. for worse , r. wiser . p. 194. l. 19. r. Acts of Grace . p. 197. l. 4. ●eie , for . l. 27. r. Embarrass●s . p. 215. l. 40. r. Twisse . p. 219. l. 41. r , Subscripti●ns . p. 233. l. 3. r. given . p. 250. l. 31. r. of them . p. 271. l. 20. r. Dauphine . p. 〈…〉 . 33. 〈◊〉 them . p. 298. l. 36. r. quarrelled with . p. 308. l. 38. r. in a manner . p. 321. l. 25● . but. p. 331. l. 11. r. knows . p. 340. l. 26. r. they come . p. 343. l. 37. r. keep . p. 345. l. 15. r. Osbeston . p. 378 l. 36. r. distaste . p. 381. l. 8. r. too blame . p. 390. l. 23 , r. sentences of the Kirk . l. 25. r. calumnies . p. 392. l. 39. r. V●rres . p. 401. l. 43. r. 〈◊〉 . p. 407. l. 8. dele , be . p. 410. l. 35. dele , as . p. 412. l. 39. r. imploy . p. 413. l. 23. r , 〈◊〉 . p. 415. l. 45. dele , for . p. 432. l. 28. r. in the. p. 436. l. 37. r. thwarting . p. 465. l. 45. r. ●y the Lord. p. 464. l. 46. r. he . l. 46. till , p. 465. l. 45. r. silliest , p. 467. l. 31. r. t●le . p. 476. l. 44. r. as to take . p. 488. l. 37. r. nor . p. 491. l. 11. r. them . p. 493. l. 30. r. Scotland . p. 495. l. 9. ● , Consents of . p. 500. l. 40. dele , the. p. 515. l. 29. r. nor . AN ELEGIE ON THE DEATH OF The most Reverend FATHER in GOD WILLIAM Lord Archbishop of Canterbury , &c. Ianuary 10. 1644. Horat. Carm. Lib. 4. Od. 8. Dignum Laude Virum musa vetat mori . AND yet not leave thee thus , I fain would try A Line or two in way of Elegie ; And wail so sad a Loss , if to express The greatness of it , would not make it less ▪ If to Lament thee , might not vex thee more Than all the Scorns thou hast endur'd before , And make thee think we envied thee thy start , Or doubted that thou wert not where thou art . Yet , with thy leave , I needs must drop a Verse , Write it with Tears , and fit it for thy Herse ; And at this distance from thy Grave , which lacks The Pomps of Sorrow , hang my Heart with Blacks . Religious Prelate , What a Calm hast thou , I' th' midst of those turbulent Storms , which now Shipwrack this Island ! At how cheap a Rate Hast thou procur'd this Change of thy Estate ! The Mitre , for a Crown ; A few poor days , For endless Bliss ; Vile Earth , for Heavenly Joys ! Such Glories has thou found , such Alteration In this thy Highest , as thy last Translation . How were thine Enemies deceiv'd , when they Advanc'd thee thus and chalk'd thee out the Way ? A Way so welcome to thee ! No Divine But knows the Red-Sea leads to Palestine : And since Christ Iesus Sanctified the Cross , Death 's the best Purchase , Life the greatest Loss . Nor be thou griev'd , Blest Soul , that Men do still Pursue thee with black Slanders , and do kill Thy Shadow now , and trample on thy Ghost , ( As Hectors Carcass , by the Grecian Host ) Or that thou want'st Inscriptions , and a Stone , T' ingrave thy Name , and write thy Titles on . Thou art above those Trifles , and shalt stand As much above Mens malice . Though the hand Of base Detraction hath defil'd thy Name , And spotless Virtues ; yet impartial Fame Shall do thee all just Honours , and set forth To all succeeding Times thy matchless Worth. No Annals shall be writ , but what Relate Thy happy Influence both on Church and State ; Thy Zeal to Publick Order , Thy Great Parts For all Affairs of Weight , Thy Love to Arts ; And , to our shame , and his great Glory , tell , For whose dear Sake , by whose vile Hands he fell . ( A Death so full of Merits , of such Price , To God and Man so sweet a Sacrifice , As by good Church-Law may his Name prefer To a fixt Rubrick in the Kalender . And let this silence the Pure Sects Complaint , If they make Martyrs , we may make a Saint ) Or should Men envie thee this Right , thy Praise An Obsequie unto it self can raise . Thy brave Attempt on Pauls , in time to come , Shall be a Monument beyond a Tombe : Thy Book shall be thy Statua , where we find The Image of thy Nobler Part , thy Mind : Thy Name shall be thy Epitaph , and he Which hears and reads of that , shall publish thee Above the reach of Titles , and shall say None could express thy Worths a braver way . And thus , though murther'd , thou shalt never die , But live Renown'd to all Posterity . Rest thou then happy in the Sweets of Bliss , Th' Elyzian , the Christians Paradise , Exempt from Worldly Cares , secure from Fears ; And let us have thy Prayers , as thou our Tears . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43524-e480 Submission of the Clergie , Character , and Ejection of the Pope . No Diminution of the Power and Priviledges of the Church by the Alteration . The manner of Electing and Confirming Archbishops and Bishops , Established by King HENRY viii . still continuing in effect notwithstanding some Statutes to the contrary by K. EDW. vi . The Reformation of the Church under EDW. vi . Modelled according to the Scriptures and the Ancient Fathers . but with relation rather to the Lutheran , then Calvinian Forms . Bishops a distinct Order from that of the Presbytery . The Power ascribed unto the Priest or Presbyter , in hearing the Confession of , and giving Absolution to the Penitent Party . The security of the Penitent provided for by the Church , and the Authority of Absolution more fully justified . The several Offices which be performed by the Priest , attired at ordinary times in his Surplice , and at extraordinary in his Cope . The Priest in his officiating the Divine Service of the Church , Restrained to his appointed Postures , Not permitted to use any Form of his own Composing . Tyed to officiate daily both at morning and evening , but With a liberty of officiating in the Latin tongue at some times and places . Presbyters not to Preach without being Licenced , By whom they were to be so licenced , And why they were directed to the reading of Homilies . Preaching or Homilizing only once a day on the Sundays and Holy dayes . Lectures upon working dayes , by whom , and for what ends erected , and Of the dangers which arose from the Institution . Of Sacraments and Sacramentals . No orders to be given but by Bishops only , and Confirmation reckoned for one of their peculiars . The rest promisenously permitted to the Presbyter also . Penance how far retain'd in the Church of England . Not only as commemorated on Ashwednesday yearly , but As judicially imposed on scandalous and notorious Sinners in the open Consistory . Consecration of Churches truly Primitive . Honoured with Dedication Feasts . and Those Feasts made annually , and Of the Form of Consecration observed , but not prescribed since the Reformation . What kinde of Images they are , which were prohibited by the Queens Injunctions . The Articles of the Regal Visitation , and What is to be said in answer to such passages as are found against them in the Book of Homilies . The Lords Day built upon the same foundation with the other Holy dayes , according to the Book of Homilies , and The Act of Parliament , 5.6 of EDW. vi . What works of labour were permitted on the Lords Day , and the other Holy dayes , by the Book of Homilies . The Statute 5. and 6. of EDW. vi . The Injunctions of King EDW. vi . and Of Queen ELIZ. Practised accordingly in the Court from that time to this . Reverence required of the people at their first entrance in to the Church ▪ According to the practice of the Primitive times , and The example of the Knights of the Garter , &c. and That example well enforced by Archbishop LAUD , p. 47. Kneeling and standing , when required . The reverence to be used at the name of Iesus continued by Injunct . 52. and Afterwards renewed by the Canon of the year ▪ 1603. with The Reasons for it . The moderate proceedings of the first Reformers , In reference to the Pope and The Church of ROME . Observed and applauded by K. JAMES . The Power of the Church asserted in the twentieth Article . In the 34th . reduced to practice , and Of the power ascribed in Sacred Matters to the Kings of ENGLAND . The Sacrament of the Lords Supper called frequently , The Sacrament of the Altar , as , viz. by the Act of Parliament , by Bishop RIDLEY , Bishop LA TIMER , and Some other Martyrs . The Lords Table ordered to be placed where the Altar stood , by the Injunctions of Q. ELIZ , 1559. The Book of Orders , 1561 and Advertis . of the year 1565. and At the same the second Service to be said on the Sundayes and Holy Dayes . The Lords Supper frequently called a Sacrifice by The Ancient Fathers By many Learned men amongst our selves . Some of our godly Martyrs also , and In what respect . A Real Presence proved by The publick Liturgy , By Bishop RIDLEY . By Mr. Alex. Nowel . and By Bishop BILSON . The same confirmed ●y the words of the Catechism As also by the testimony of Bishop ANDREWS . Bishop Morton . The Article of Christs descent made figurative by Calvin , and The Lord Primate , but Justified to be Local , By the Articles of the Church of ENGLAND . The words of M● . Alexander Nowel . and The works of Learned Bishop Bilson . The necessity of Baptisme maintained by the first ●eform●r● ▪ Justified in the Conference at Hampton-Court and Not gain said by any alteration in the publick Rubrick , and Of the efficacy ascribed unto it by the Church . Justification how divided betwixt Faith and Works , In what respects ascribed to Faith , by the Church of ENGL. and In what to Works . Of the efficacy of good Works , and The Reward belonging to them , and Of the Doctrine of the Church of ENGLAND in that particular . The great Divisions in the Church touching Predestination . The stating of the point by the Church of ENGLAND , Illustrated by the story of Agilmond and Lamistus , Kings of Lombardy . Predestinatination how defined . The definition explicated . The explication justified by the ancient Fathers , By Bishop LATIMER , and The last clause of the 17th . Article . The Church why silent in the point of Reprobation . The absolute Decree unknown to Bishop HOOPER , By Bishop LATIMER , and By King Iames. Universal Redemption maintained by the Book of Articles . Many plain passages in the Publick ▪ Liturgy , And the testimony of our ancient Martyrs . The freedom of the Will too much advanced by the 〈◊〉 . Decryed as much by Luther , and The Contra Remonstrants . The temper of St. Augusti● in it . Approved and imitated in the Articles of the Church of ENGL. and Her Publick Liturgie . The Churches Doctrine vindicated and explained by Bishop Hoop●● . and by Bishop Latimer ▪ as also by the Lutheran Churches , and St. Augustine himself . The Churches Doctrine in the point of Falling away , Made clear by some expressions of Bishop H●oper , Of Bishop Latimer . and The Conference at Hampton Court. The harmony and consent in Judgment between Bishop Hooper and Bishop Ridley ▪ and Between Bishop Ridley and Archbishop Cranmer . The judgment of Archbishop Cra●●●● in the point disputed . The authority ascri●ed to the Works of Erasmus by our first Reformers . The Points which still remain in difference betwixt the Churches . How far with in the possibility of Reconcilement . And in what points they , joyn together against the Anabaptists and Sectaries . Liberty of Opinion left in other Points by the first Reformers , 〈◊〉 Their discretion in so doing : Approved and commended by King Iames. Notes for div A43524-e17670 Anno Dom. 1573. (a) Brev. 1. Lord Brook , p. 3. (b) Brev. 1. Lord Brook , p. 3. Camld . Rens . p. 273. last Edit . 1589. (d) 〈◊〉 scribendo , quam conciona●do ve●●●●tem Ev●ng●●icam haud sig●●●er sa●agi● p●opug●are . Godwin Catal. ●pisc . 584. (e) Hist. of Scot. lib. 7. p. 497. 1590. 1593. 1599. (f) Full. Hist. lib. 9. p. 234. (g) Cant. D●me . p. 469. (h) H●oker Pref●ce . (i) 〈…〉 , quia 〈…〉 in communes errores . Ludo. Vives in Aug. de Civit . Dei. Nisi quod ex illa ipsa doctrina , catholici Patres & vet●res Episcopi c●ll●g●r●nt . (k) Lib. Can. cap. De con●●●at . p. 19. 1602. 1603. 1604. 1606. L. Decad. 3. 〈◊〉 . Cant. Dome . p. 409. (m) Injuria & contumelici , R. E. Clericorum ex●gitatus in Montani partes transit . B Rhen. in Tertull. (n) C●ll●ct . of Speeches . p. 5 (o) 〈◊〉 n. Mat. 19.9 9 Bre. p. 4. & p. 6. 1608. 1610. 1611. (p) Conf. at Hamp . p. 85. Hist. of K. Charles by H. L. p 31. 1611. (z) Iohn 21. v. 3 , 6. 1614. (s) Church Hist. l. 10 p 59. t 〈…〉 , G●dw . in Continuat . 1617. Hist. Scotl. l. 7. p. 531. N●m . p. 534. 1618. Hist. 〈◊〉 Scot. ●●l . 5●0 . (b) 1620. Notes for div A43524-e31080 Anno Dom. 1621. 1622. (g) Vide quàm praetiol●s va●is administrant Mariae . F●l●● . Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 3. (h) Cant. D●●● ▪ p. 504 Et tani ad Sacramenta quam Sacramentalia , tum Coenae Dominicae , tum etiam Baptismatis Sacri in ●andem ministrantur , &c. Hidden w●rks of d●rk . p. 47 ▪ I● . p. 25. (m) Hidden works , p. 34. Cant. D●●m . p. 276. Hi●d Works ▪ c. 34. & Brev. p. 3. (p) Breviate , p. 14. (q) 〈◊〉 . p. 47. S●al● . 530. (r) Digby ●● Calvert , Iul. 25. (s) to Colver● Dec. 28. to K. James , Octob. 24. H●dd . Works . p. 6● . Act of Parl. A. 11 Jac. 21. c. 34. (s) D. Whites Preface to his Reply , &c. (t) Epist. dedi●at . to t●e King , 16●7 . (e) Epist. dedicat● to Appello Caes● . (a) Hidden 〈◊〉 . p. 73. (b) Ib. p. 69. 1625. Breviate p. 6. Brevi●te p. 6. 〈◊〉 p. 156. (a) E●● . Regia p. 12. I●id . p 15. Cant Doom . 69. Hist. K. Ch. 20. 〈…〉 Collect 〈…〉 . E●act Coll●●t of Edw. Hu●● . 290. S●r. 3. p. 102 Pag. 104. P. 107. P. 109. 1626. Cabal . Brevi●te p. 7. Pa. 8. Hist. King Charles , p. 50. Ch. Hist. lib. 2. Breviate . P●i● . R●gi● , s●●t . 3. p. 1. (a) 〈…〉 virum . L●can . 〈◊〉 . Hist. lib. 〈◊〉 . Notes for div A43524-e50100 Anno Dom. 1626. Breviate . Hist. of K. Ch. by H. L. p 62. Ch. Hist. B. 11. p. 126. 1627. Cant. Doom , p. 245. Pag. 83. H●st . King Charles , p. 63 Greg. N●z . Orat. 46. S●crat . H●st . Lib. 5. c. 8. C● . Hist. ●ib . 1● . p. 155. Serm. 6. p. 247. Cant. D●●m , His Majesties Letter for the Lords , Bill . Reg. Sect. ●● . N. 19. ●revi●●e . p. 13. ●ill . Reg. Sect. 157. N●m . 3. 〈◊〉 . Reg. Sect. 4. N●m . 3. Cant. Doom , M●n●script Narrat . of Pa●● 1628. Cant. Doom . p. 163. Hist. of K. Charles . (a) Inviso s●m ●●princip●●c●u ●ene facta , ce● m●le f●cta premu●t T●cit . H●st . 1629. 〈◊〉 . D●●m , p. 513. Ushers L●se p. 49. Bi●● . R●gia . p. 31. Cant. Doom . 〈…〉 C●arles . 〈◊〉 R●gia , ●ect . 5. 〈…〉 Ch. Hist. lib. 11. p. 140. 1●31 . Cant. Doom . p. 173. (a) Hujus laboriosi operis impe●sam ●●a●●misi : ad post●●os . (b) In Ecclesiae su● , & Aedificio●um ad Sedem suam spec●an●ium Structura magnam impendit pecuniam Godw. in Catal Epise . Hist of K. Ch. ●y 〈…〉 . Bibl. Reg. S●ct . 3. ● . 14. 1 Cor. 7.7 . Breviate . p. 28. (a) Discovery of the Prelates Tryal , p. 129. 1633. (a) Religionis cultui & ritibus cum Anglu commumbas subscrip●erunt . Bach. H●st . Scot. l. 19. (b) Preface to the ●cots Liturgie . H●●d . W●rks , p. 155. Ibid. p. 169. C● . H●st . ● . 11. p. 128. Hist. of K. C●arles . p. 131. Ch. Hist. P. 11. p. 128. Notes for div A43524-e72810 (a) Dig●●●● Lo●di 〈◊〉 nabit Do 〈…〉 M●th . West . in Hist. ●lo . (b) Speciales , & Domestici Pa●●ch●am D●mi●i Archiepiscopi . (c) H. ●f K. Ch. l● H. ●● p. 242. (d) Pre●ace 〈…〉 , se●t . 20. Brev●ate , p. 18. Can. 33. Bibl. Regi● , sect . 3. c. 11. p. 332. 〈◊〉 . D●om , p. 153. p. 132. C●nt . 〈◊〉 , p. 14● . Bibl. Regia . sect . 11. p. 2. Ibid. ●r 4. Discovery of the Prelates Tyranny , p. 119. 1634. Hist. K. C. p. 141. Cant. Doom , p. 82. Ca●t . D●●m , p. 104. (e) Ad te●●i●●●●m benefici ●um necessario sequitur ign●rantia S●cerdotum . Panor . C●nt . Do●m , p. 4●7 . Judgment of the Lord Primate , p 121. Judg. ● . Pri. Ilid . 112. Ols. ol serv. p. 42. Judg. of L. Pri p. 121. (d) Dicendo autem novum , veteravit prius , &c. Heb. 8 13. Ch. Hist. B. 11. p. 128. Cant. Doom , p. 407. Cant. Doom , p. 92. 1635. Cant. Doom , p. 79. Summ● R●verentia ad●rare D●um versus Al●t●r● ▪ 〈◊〉 p. 8● . (l) Ex malis maritus ●onae na●cuntur leges . Adag . I●id . p. 81. Archb. Sp ▪ Iune 16. 1637. Cant. Doom , p. 462. p. 66. p. 163. 533. Bi●l . Regi●● p. 1●0 . (a) p. 19. p. 540. 1636. 〈…〉 , p. 149. p. 4. ( c. 151. ) H. B. p. 65. (a) (a) Peccatum i●ip●●antis & mi●antis ; non populi , cum ●olore & t●emore secu●dan●●● . Optat. lib. 7. (b) Quia ●rat sa●●●ectas ●●us jussi●at●us . Gr●g . Ma●● . lib. 2. l. p. 61. Cant. D●om , p. 100. (a) (b) A● s●c●am 〈…〉 am cum de●●ta ●e●e●en●ia o●lationis facia●● . (a) H●bralieae , Chald●●●ae , A●rabicae . ●●ae●ae , Linguae Stud●●um propag●●dae . Vide● ergo 〈…〉 Academiis 〈◊〉 tuit●r , &c. 〈◊〉 Angel. 〈◊〉 , p 214. (b) Hist. of Ca●b●idg ▪ ● 88. Bibl. Regia , p. 268. H●ld . Works , p. 155. (a) Saepe Coeleste Regnum per Terrenum proficit . p. 74. p. 75. Pref●ce to A●tid . Linc. A●tid . Linc. p 5. H●● . K. C. p. 151 L●●strange's H●st . King Charles , p. 151. Ad Sillinam I●sulam ultra Britanni●m d●p●rta 〈◊〉 . S●lp . 〈◊〉 . l. 2. 〈…〉 cum 〈◊〉 sac●re . Burt. Serm. p. 69. 1 Edw. 6. c. 2. Ch. Hist. lib. 11. p. 157. Hist. K. C. p. 153. Cant. to Traquaire . Sept. 11. H●●d . W●rke , p. 168. Hist. K. Ch. 〈◊〉 H. ● . p. 154. (a) Cum v● excidenda sit natura , vel minuenda dignitas . Vell. Paterc . Hist. L D. Bib. Reg. p. 1. & 144. Ibid. p. 14. 〈…〉 K. C. ● . 187. 〈…〉 . p 5. Art. of the Visit. of B Wr●n . (a) ●●quam 〈…〉 ex fiat 〈…〉 rerum cupida 〈…〉 Hist. lib. 1. (b) Primos ●os●e Cel●ios , uti & illos qui postea acc●sser●nt , p●tis●imum aut om 〈…〉 ex ●orum hominum Secta quos in A●glia Brow●istas & Purita●o● vocant , &c. l●b . 3. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 Reg. p. ● . p. 151. Bibl. Regia● p. 173. Bill . Regiae , p. 1. p. 3●3 . (a) Impeachment of Strafford , Art. 19. (b) Relation of the Answers of the E. of Straff . p. 34. Habe●●t ●●●tam ●ve●e●●iam , ad me●●am Domini , &c. 〈…〉 p. 3.1.41 . p. 4. p. 14 Pop. Nunc. p 7. Su●olfecit ab D●mino , Archiepis●po Regifidelissim●●●●tum animum Regis in cis pendulum , Re Mastr . p. 16. 〈…〉 p. 11. a 〈◊〉 28. b 〈◊〉 p. 24. 〈…〉 pres . 〈…〉 . (a) Can. 3 ▪ 1040. Cant. Po●m , p. 184. I●id . p. 253. & 526. Diary , p. 14. 1640. (a) (b) Su● Hypotheca ●m●ium 〈◊〉 juorum ●am mo●i●tum q●am 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 . R●gia . p 287. to 295. p. 294. I●id . p. 2●● . p. 297. Can. 9. Can. 10 Can. 11. Can. 1● ▪ Can. 13. 〈◊〉 14 ▪ Can. 15. 〈◊〉 16 Cant. D●om , p. 56. Notes for div A43524-e122180 Anno Dom. 1640. (a) N●tu●ali●e● quod p●ocedere 〈◊〉 potest , recedit Vell. Pat. Hist. Lib. 1. (b) Gentium , urbium , 〈◊〉 orum nunc 〈◊〉 fortuna , nunc sene cit , al●qu ●●do in●cri● . 〈◊〉 Ecclesia●t . Po●t . 〈◊〉 . 5. Sect. ●9 . R●m●nst . of the Scots , p. 7 Intent . of the Army . p 7. (a) R●●iquiae Car●linae , p. 3 (a) (a) 〈…〉 . p. 99. 〈…〉 p. 5. Bill . Reg. Sect. 4. ● . 4. 〈…〉 p. 41. Bibl. Regia . ●icon Basil. cap. 17. (a) 〈…〉 p. 35. (a) 〈…〉 l. 2. 1642. Husb. Exact . Collect p. 3●● . Id. Ib. p. 3●● . 〈…〉 p. 45. A Draught ● Speach b. 〈◊〉 L●●d 〈…〉 Prop●si●ion 4. 164● . ●ibl . R●●ia . ● . 1 . p. ● . 5 Bi●l . R●gia ▪ 331. p. Pri. C. Reg. p. 1. p. 332. 〈◊〉 . D●om . p. 462. Cant. Doom , p. 565. Ex●d . ●2 . ● . Dan. 3● Acts. 6.12 . Isay 1.10 . Psal. 9 12. (a) 〈…〉 in vita Agric. (b) Dering●● Col●●ctio● of Speeches . (c) Ch. Hist. B. 11. p 219. 
A03149	----	Mikrokosmos A little description of the great world. Augmented and reuised. By Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1625 Approx. 2128 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 418 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A03149 STC 13277 ESTC S104038 99839779 99839779 4230 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A03149) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4230) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1661:14) Mikrokosmos A little description of the great world. Augmented and reuised. By Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [16], 380, 391-812, [2] p., folded table Printed by Iohn Lichfield and William Turner, and are to be sold by W. Turner and T. Huggins, Oxford : an. Dom. 1625. First word of title in Greek characters. Includes indexes. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Geography -- Early works to 1800. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ΜΙΚΡΟΚΟΣΜΟΣ A LITTLE DESCRIPTION OF THE GREAT WORLD . Augmented and reuised . By PETER HEYLYN . MART. EPIG . 4. Lib. 1. Aethereas lascius cupis volitare per auras : I , fuge ; sed poteras tutior esse domi . OXFORD , Printed by IOHN LICHFIELD and WILLIAM TVRNER , and are to be sold by W. TVRNER and T. HVGGINS , An. Dom. 1625. TO THE MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE , CHARLES , Prince of Wales , Duke of Cornwall and Yorke , Earle of Chester , &c. SIR , ACtion is the life of a Prince ; speculation of a Scholler . In this you haue beene truely your selfe , and haue in person made it good : whereof we shall enioy the benefit , posterity the story . Those parts which other Princes haue visited only in a Map , you haue honoured with your owne survey ; and seene more , then they haue read . To your Highnesse therefore , as the greatest and best accomplished traueller ; doe I here present , what by speculation I haue attained vnto : my Little VVorld made bigger . Not that I presume to informe you , in any thing you knowe not ; or confirme you in any thing you doubt . I am too sensible of mine owne defects , to conceaue impossibilities . Only I desire , that vnder your G●●cious protection others may peruse it , whom God hath made no lesse your inferiours in knowledge , then greatnesse . Such , perhaps , it may both delight , and satisfie : to your Highnesse it can doe no other seruice , then to set forth the lustre of your owne most iudicious obseruations . If I haue any ambition beyond this , it is but to expresse the zeale I beare to the true renowne of your Princely vertues : & the affection , duty , and reuerence , wherewith in all humilitie I subscribe my selfe Your Highnesse most humbly deuote● . PET : HEYLYN . TO THE READER . RObora parentum liberi indicant . The growth of the children 〈◊〉 the strength of the parent . For this cause the warlike nation of the Germans , ordained ▪ that ●●●riage should be delaied in their young men , and not hastned in their Virgins . Had I obserued that due proportion of age , in begetting the issue of my bra●●e , which they did in the issue of their bodies : perhaps it had not now needed a second generation , nor I a second deliuery . The wants and weaknesses , with which this my First-borne came burdened into the world ; I desire may be imputed to th● nonage of his parent , and the vntimelinesse of his birth ; either a defect sufficient to cause an abortion . I haue lately ( good Reader ) new-begotten him , and brought him to that strength and stature thou now soest . I am not the first of whom it was said , secundae cogitationes sunt meliores : neither is it a thing rare for children of this nature , to be as often perfected , as borne . Bookes haue an immortality aboue their Authors . They , when they are full of age , and guiltinesse , can be re-taken into the wombe which bred them : and with a new life , receaue a greater portion of youth and glory . Every impression is to them another being : and that alwaies may , and often doth bring with it , a sweeter addition of strength & louelinesse . Thus with them , age , & each seuerall death , is but an vsher to a new birth : each severall birth the mother of a more vigorous perfection . The truth is , in my former Edition of this worke , I dealt with pettie chapmen , pedlers of History and Geography : wit i● them I tooke vp my faults vpon trust ; and had a happinesse which some want ; autoritie for mine Errours . N●w a three yeares addition of age , and a little of iudgement ; hath brought me acquainted with elder reading , Marchants of the best sort : according to whose helps I haue augmented and reuised my former trauells . At the first , there went to the making vp of this Little world , these six integrall parts , History , Geography , Policie , Theology , Chronologie , and Heraldrie . It is now enlarged in all those particulars , & in nothing is deficient which the other did afford thee , but the faults . To these I haue vpon diuerse occasions added diuerse Philologicall discourses ; not much impertinent to the places , wherein they are inferred . At the worst , thou canst but call them Digressions ; I am sure they are not Extrauagancies . Digred● nos patimur , non diuagar● , saith Tully . These additions and corrections haue swelled the volume bigger then I expected : yet if to thee the l●ngth of it be not offensiue ; to me it shall n●t . It is now come to a iust growth , and hath receaued my last hand . Hereafter I will looke on it , only as a stranger . Thou needst not feare any future enlargements , which may make thee repent thy present markets . I haue now giuen ouer these younger studies ; and , beleeue me , 't was more then time : for I gazed so long on the porch , that I had almost forgotten to goe into the house . If euer I am induced to look further into it , it shall be only to amend such crimes , whereof a cleerer iudgement then mine owne can enforme me . For my part , I see not any : and when thou hast by the Errata corrected the Copy : I dare almost perswade my selfe , thou wilt ( for materiall faults I meane ) pronounce it , not guilty . Yet I exempt not my selfe from the common frailtie of nature ; possibility of erring . T is a misery from which his Holinesse , euen when he sitteth on his very Porphyry chaire , is not priuiledged . When by the strength of mine owne iudgement , or any ingenuous information , I am convicted : I will at once confesse my ouersight , and mend it . Thus haue I laid before thee , as in a Map , all that I haue performed , in this new creation of this Little world : in which I haue equally endeauoured thy good , and mine owne credit . To petition thy good opinion of my labours , is a thing infinitely below me . This were rather to extort commendation , then deserue it . Such requests are punished in themselues ; and need no wretchednesse without them . The fauours they aime at , haue somewhat in them , common to ignoble quarrells , vbi & vincere inglorium est ; & atteri , sordidum : and are not more infamous in the deniall , then the suit . A modest and voluntary acknowledgment of my industrie , I would gladly entertaine ; but not invite . Guests of this qualitie , when they bid themselues , bring with them their owne welcome . When they come vpon entreatie , they come vnwillingly : and are not then receaued , but rauisht . Good Reader , iudge of me , as thou findest me worthie : for my selfe , I am neither ambitious of applause , nor afraid of censure . Giue me leaue so farre to be mine owne para●●s● as to flatter my paines , in the words and hope of Tacitus : hic interim liber , aut laudatus erit , aut saltem excusatus . Farewell . TO MY BROTHER the Author . THy first-prest Grapes did yeeld approued Wine , Such as did praise it selfe : yet to indeere Our approbation , thou doest here refine Those former Fruits ; and for our better Cheere ▪ Presents vs with a pure and stronger Vine : Lest else some curious tast might it distast ; If so , what needs my second Bush ? 'T is wast . Yet well thy choice Minerua merits this This Ivie-garland , euerlasting greene ; Which like the Graces cup proportiond is , Where-out thou drink'st , wherein their Liquours beene . Nor wouldst thou scape the lash of Nemesis , If with Diogenes thou shouldst refuse To let the thirstie drinke there-hence , 'T were newes . Thy Book 's an Arke , which all the World containes , And well may beare a short Encomion . T is slender Meede , yet who such pay disdaines ? Good wine may haue a Bush , though it need none . Nor let these lines of mine seeme partiall straines : Thy Worke ingenuous is : and Vertues brood , As it , increaseth with due praise . 'T is good . Much time it cost ; much cost , and labour more . Fames breath is deere : 't is hard to purchase Praise . The Muses seat ascend● an hundred score : And Honours iourney lies not in plaine waies . Who to Pernassus bi-crownd top will soare , Must with elaborate quill climb vp : and such Thy tender Genius boasteth thee . 'T is much . Too much it were indeed , but that in part The Guerdon of wel-doing , is the doing . Fame and Reward but wait vpon thine Art ; Which yet deserues that in this forward going , Thy Fortune● may euen-ballance thy Desart . But Fortune's base , and sells the Wages due To Worth , vnto her Fauorites . 'T is true . The Earth thy ground-plot is Geographide ; Kings sometimes are thy Subiects peopling it ; Thy story History hath beautified , Penn'd by the vigour of an home-bred wit : Whose art hath trauell'd all the world beside . And can of euery Country well declare Th' occurrents , nature , site , and bounds . 'T is rare . Thus that the earth so Young thou compast hast , 'T is rare , true , much , good , newes : and my praise wast . EDW : HEYLYN I. C ▪ ● soc : Int : Temp. A TABLE OF THE PRINCIpall Countries , Prouinces , Nations , and Seas in this booke contained and described . A ANdaluzia 45. Arragon 68 Aniou 91 Auergne 105 Alpes 134 Abruzzo 156 Artoys 237 Alsa●ia 269 Anspach 274 Austria 288 Avares 354 Arcadia 378 Argolis 381 Achaia Prop. 381 Achaia 392 Attica 392 Aetolia 404 Albania 407 Aegean Sea 425 Adrialick Sea 440 A●be 441 Anglesey 525 Asia 531 Anatolia 532 Aeolis 539 Amazons 549 Armenia mi● 551 Armenia ma. 586 Assyria 621 Aria 642 Arachosia 643 Arabia 609 Deserta 610 Petrosa 610 Felix 611 Africa 707 Algeirs 716 Atlas 723 Aethiopia sup . 730 Aethiopia inf . 739 Amara 235 Ayan 739 Aegypt 744 Azores 771 America 774 B Biscaie 53 Brittaine in Fr. 93 Berry 104 Burbon 104 Beavoys 106 Burgundie D. 119 Burgundie C. 122 Belgia 226 Brabant 233 Baden 275 Bavaria 286 Bohemia 294 Brandenburg . 304 Brunswicke 315 Balticke Sea 327 Bulgaria 367 Bosnia 368 Boeotia 397 Baleares 453 Brittain Isle 458 the Borders 500 Bithinia 545 Bactria 665 Bengala 681 Barma 684 Borneo 697 Barbary 712 Brasile 804 Bo●iquen 810 Bermudaz 811 C Corduba 45 Castile 58 Catelogne 67 Cimbri 115 & 322 Champagne 115 Calabria Inf. 157 Calabria sup . 158 Collen B 265 Cleueland 267 C●rinthia 291 Carniola 292 Croatia 371 Cōstantinop . 417 Chios 427 Cyclades 430 Creta 432 Cythera 435 Cephalenio 437 Coreyra 438 Curzolo 440 Corsica 450 Capreae 455 Cales 456 Cilicia 533 Caria 535 Cappadocia 548 Coele-Syria 555 Cholcis 587 Caspian Sea. 637 Chaldaea 626 Carmania 640 Cathaie 668 Cambaia 680 Canora 681 Camboia 684 Cauchin-China . 684 China 687 Cyprus 699 Carthage 713 Cafraria 742 Cyrene 755 Canaries 770 Castella Aur. 795 Chile 80● Cuba 810 D Daulphine 108 Danemarke 320 Dacia 362 Dalmatia 369 Doris 405 Delos 430 Drusians 554 Decapolis 567 Drangiana 641 E Europe 27 Estremadura 49 East Freizland 264 Exarchate 167 Elis 377 Epitus 405 Euxine Sea. 423 Euboea 428 Echinades 437 England 459 Estor●land 79● F France 76 France Isle 98 Friuli 204 Florence D. 206 Flanders 235 Franconia 270 Finmarch●a 325 Finland 329 Freizland 528 Fess and Morocco 718 Florida . 790 G Gallicia 52 Granada 48 Gascoyne 87 Guyen 87 Gallia Comata . 212 Braccata 111 Genoa S. 221 Gelderland 232 Groyning 244 Germany 252 Grisons 284 Gothland 329 Greece 372 Gernsey 526 Gr●enland 527 Gallatia 548 Galilee 563 Georgia 587 Gedrosia 641 Guinea 728 Gorgades 769 Guyana 797 H Histria 205 Hainalt 237 Holand 239 Helvetia 277 Heruli 306 Hassia 316 Hol●le 320 Hungarie 354 H●●nes 359 Hellespont 424 Hebrides 523 Hierusalem 573 Hircania 644 Hesperides 772 Hispaniola 811 I Italie 135 Iuliers D. 267 Illyris 369 Ionian Sea 435 Ithaca 459 Ireland 514 Iarsey 525 Ireland 527 Ionia 536 Idumaea 568 Iudaea 569 India 672 Intr. Gang 678 Ext. Gang. 683 Iapan 694 Iava 696 Iucutan 790 Insulae Solomonis 809 Iamaica 810 L Leon 39 Limosin 106 Languedock 110 Lorreine 126 Lombards 149. 358 Liguria 222 Luc● S 225 Limbourg 229 L●ige B 2●8 Luxenbourg 230 Lusatia 303 Lunebourg 315 Lappia 328 Livonia 348 Lituania 349 Laconia 379 Locris 404 Lesbos 426 Lemnos 426 Leucadia 439 Lycia 535 Lydia 538 Lycaonia 550 Lybia 7●4 Ladrones 809 M Murcia 57 Marca Anconitana 168 Marca Trevisana . 202 Millaine D 212 Mantua D 2●6 Mon●ferrat D 216 Marquisate of the holy Emp. 234 Machlyn 244 Mentz B. 275 Moravia 303 Mecklenburg 306 Misnia 308 Muscouie 337 Moldauia 365 Messenia 377 Megaris 397 Macedon 408 Migdonia 414 Mediterranean Sea. 441 Malta 448 Maiorca 453 Minorca 453 Man 524 Mysia 539 Mesopotamia 622 Media 637 Malauar 679 Mandao 681 Mogull 682 Moluccoes 695 Morocco & Fesse 720 Mauritania 716 & 718 Meroe 736 Manicongo 343 Monomotapa 741 Mamalucks 763 Madagascar 768 Mexicana 784 Mexico 784 Margarita 809 Magellā streights 808 N Navarre 41 Normandie 95 Naples 153 Namurce 238 Norwey 324 Narsinga 678 Numidia 723 Nubia 729 Noua Gallicia 785 Noua Albion 789 Nicaragua 789 New England 792 Norumbega 792 Noua Franc. 793 New found land . 794 O Overyssell 24● The Ocean 457 Orcades 523 Ormus 698 P Portugall 62 Pyrenaei 75 Poictou 90 Provence 112 Picardie 115 Peidmont 131 Puglia 160 Papacie 165 Pete●s Patrimony 170 Parma D 220 Placentia D 220 Palatinate of the Rhene , or the lower Pal. 271 Palat. of Northgoia , or the vpper Pal. 287 Pomerania 305 Poland 346 Prussia 350 Peloponnesus 378 Phocis 400 Palus Moeotis 423 Patmos 431 Pamphilia 534 Phrygia min. 539 Phrygia ma. 543 Pontus 546 Paphlagonia 547 Pisidia 551 Phoenicia 554 Palestine 561 Persia 638 Parapomisus 643 Parthia 655 Precopensi● 662 Pegu 685 Philippinae 697 Psylli 725 Pharos 757 Peruana 794 Peru 798 Q Quilao 740 Quiui●a 788 R Romandiola 165 Rome 172 Rascia 367 Rhodes 704 Red Sea 753 S Spaine 29 Savoy 128 Spoletano 169 Suevia 283 Stiria 291 Silesia 301 Saxonie 307 Scandia 321 Seruia 366 Sclauonia 368 Samothracia 425 Salamis 429 Scyros 429 Sporades 430 Strophades 435 Sicilia 441 Sardini● 45● Scotland 502 Sorlinges 524 Syria 552 Syro Phoenic . 556 Samaria 565 Sar●acens 616 Susiana 640 Saca 644 Scythia 659 Sogdiana 665 Siam 685 Sumatra 697 S. Thomas 769 S. Hellens 769 T Tolledo 55 Terra di Lauoro 154 Terra di Otranto 159 Tuscanie 206 Triers B. 266 Tirolis 292 Turingia 307 Transilvania 363 Thessalia 409 Thracia 419 Taurus 531 & 586 Troy 541 Thule 523 Turcomania 588 Tartaria 658 Precopens . 662 Asiatica 663 Antiqua 664 Turchestan 666 Tunia ●12 Terra Nigris . 72● Terra Corter . 793 Trinidado . 810 V Valentia 65 Venice 198 Vrbine 218 Vtrecht 241 Valesia 282 Voiteland 308 Vandals 708 Virginia 792 W West Freizland . 242 Westphalia 264 Wittenberge 274 Walachia 366 Wales 492 Wight 526 Willoughbies lād . 528 X Xeriffe 721 Z Zutphen 239 Zealand 241 Zante 439 Zagathai● 665 Zeilan 695 Zanzibar 740 Zocatora 769 The end of the first Table . A TABLE OF THE PRINcipall things herein contained , which fall not directly within the compasse of History and Geographie : A ARmes , when first quartered . 41. why in the same Esch●cheon those of England giue place to France , 490. Andreas Doria his verdict of Carthagena , censured . 57 Anabaptists at what time they began . 278 Adamites and Picards , what they were 295 Amphictiones , what they were , & their authority . 401 Aeolus , why god of the windes . 455 A●ak , the name of some Giants , and why . 570 Assassinate , the meaning and originall of the word . 642 Archerie , where most practised , and most flourished . 658 America not knowne to the ancients . 774. why the people of it not so blacke as the Africans . 778 that they are descended from the Tartars . 778 B Bishops in Biscay , how hated , and other customes thereof . 55 Beauforte , why the name of Iohn of Gaunt's children . 92 Becanus Etymologie of Europe , rejected . 29 Bal●icke sea , why it floweth not as the Ocean . 327 Brachygraphie , by whom invented . 750 C Cities , and the causes of their greatnesse , 10 Colonies Roman , how many . 111. why planted , ib. whether better then forts . ib. Consuls , when first instituted , 143. who first sole Consul , ib. when the order ended . ib. Conclaue described . 188 Celius Secundus Curio , his conceit of Cast●l● , refelled . 60 Cardinali , by whom ordained . 181 The election of the Popes assigned to them . 217 Cuspinians happy guesse at the Armes of Germany . 267 Chersonesi whence so called , and how many . 320 Caplaines vnfortunate , and why . 394 sports●n ●n Twel●e-tide , by whō instituted . 481 Christians where first so called . 556. hated by the heathen , ib. their persecutions and growth , 557. by what and whose meanes they enioyed quiet . ib. Curtius taxed , for ouer-straining the Acts of Alexander . 674 Chimaera the monster , how tamed by Bellerophon . 550 Constantine subverted the Roman Empire . 147. destroyed the Praetorian guard . 146. his donation forged , 184. he gaue peace to the Church 557 Chus is not Aethiopia . 730 Cyphers or priuate Characters of writing , by whom invented , 750 D Dido neuer saw Aeneas , 137 , why sh● flew her selfe . ib. Dayes obserued as vnluckie and vnfortunate to diuerse men . 170 , & 574 Dauid George that monstrous hereticke , and his tenets . 239 Drinking , when it grew last in fashion with the English. 799 Drake first sailed about the world . 808 E Enemies to be licenced flight . 90. how to be dealt with when they are in our power . 156 E●arch what he was 167 Enterviewes betweene great Princes , not convenient . 223 Electours of Germany , how many 260 their offices , and how they performe them . ib. Election of the Duke of Venice . 200 of the Pope 189. of the Emperor of Germany . 261. the ordinary meanes to obtain the kingdome of Bohemia . 297. of the great master of S. Iohns . 449 Etymologies ridiculous , of Europe 29. of the Hugonots 92. of the Wallon● 123. of the Lombards . 358 Emir of Sidon what Prince he is . 554 F ●light to be permitted an enemy ; & denied a souldier . 90 Free cities , what they are . 257. how many , and how rich ib. Formalities , at the investiture of the Dukes of Carinthia . 292. of Maurice D , of Saxony . 313. of Albertus D. of Prussia . 353. of the Cnez , or Duke of Muscovie 345. at the degrading of Priests . 279. at the homage done by Edward 3d to the French King. 116. at the presenting of Embassadours to the great Turke . 602. at the marriages of the Nestorians . 669. at the Coronation and buriall of the Great Cham. 671. at the Funerals in China , and of King Francis the first . 692 Forreine guard dangerous to the person of a Prince . 763. forreine succours pernicious to a kingdome . 764. on what occasions implored and brought in . 765 Friers . vide Mo●kes . G Gentleman of Venice , what honour it is . 199 Gunnes , when invented and perfected . 255. not vsed in China at the expedition of Bacchus . 688 Gymnosophists , what they were . 675 Guicciardine guelded by the Inquisition , and the substance of him in that place . 184 H H , a letter ominous to England . 421 Harlets , whence the name 97 Hugonuts , why so called . 92 Holy oyle of Rhemes , in what state kept , and how miraculous . 117 Hocking , the originall of it . 485 Havilah , where it was . 640 & 678 Hieroglyphicks what they were , and by whom vsed . 749 ▪ Helvicus , not right in the Aegyptian Caliphes . 762 ▪ I Ilands , their causes ▪ 2. whether better seated then the Continent 3 Inquisition , when and why ordained . 51. the manner of proceeding in it . 52 Iohn Baptists head how pitifully mangled by the Papists . 268 Iulius Scaliger his censure of Hesiodus , controuled by Paterculus , 399. his base character of the English and Scottish nations , condemned 471 ▪ Ioseph Scaliger his singularity in Darius Medus , and Nabonidus , confuted 635 , & 646 Ireland , why neuer conquered till the raigne of King Iames. 520 I●nizaries , their institution & number . 597. their office and power . 598. insolencies . 599. punishmēts . 601. the likeliest men to succeed in the Empire of Turkie . 608 Interim , what it was . 285 Invention of wild-fire . 419. of watch-words . 428 of dice and chesse . 538 of the battaile-axe . 550. of printing . 688. of paper . 747. of letters . 749. of cyphers . 750. of Brachygraphie . ib. of tacklings for ships . 783. of the compasse . 784 Ios●●bus , out , in making Trogloditica , to be the land of Madian . 732 Iocktan the grandchild of Sem , neuer was in America . 790 K Kings , which anointed . 42. how they take precedencie . 490. Kings of Collen , the fable of them . 265 Kings euill , a disease : by whom first cured in England . 482 Kings ought not to vse their people to the warres . 250 Knighthood . vide Orders . L Lipsius censure of Caesars Commentaries , condemned . 17 Lady of Loretto , her legend . 564 Letters , the originall , and history of them . 749 M Massacres of Merindol and Paris . 79 Mayres of the palace in France , and their authority . 101 Monkes and Friers , their beginning . 191. how esteemed . 193. their particular orders . 194. &c. Monasticall life how formerly accoūted of . 193. whether to be preferred before a sociable . 194 Mosaicke worke , what it 〈◊〉 . 201 M●●es , why vsed in battaile . 366 Mar●bela mulieris in Scotland , what it is . 504 Mah●met , his birth and religion . 612 Maginus deceiued , in making India extra Gangem , to be China . 683 Mogull what Prince he is . 682 Money not the onely instrument of exchange in former times . 735 by what names called , and why . ib. made sometimes of leather & pastboard . 800 N Nunnes , why so called . 196. by whom instituted . 197. their particular orders . ib. and chastity . ib Nemean games by whom instituted . 381 Names , fatall to Empires . 421 Navigation , the origin●ll , perfection , and story of it . 78. who most famous in it in former times . 784 who at this present . 470 O Orders of Knighthood ▪ of Alcantara . 61 of the Annu●i●da . 133. of S. Andrew . 513. of the Bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ. 218. of the Bathe . 491. of Calatrava . 61. of Dutch Knights . 352. of the Dragon . 362. of the Elephant . 327. of Friers . 194. of the golden Fleece . 251. of the Garter . 491. of the Holy Ghost . 122. of S. Iago . 61. of Iesus Christ. 65. of S. Iohn 584. of S. Michael . 122. of S. Marke 206. of the Pairrie or twelue peeres . 121 of the Round Table . 491. of S. Stephen . 211. of the Sepulchre , 584. of S. Iohn of Hierusalem . 584. of the Templers . 585 Ovation , how it differed from a triumph . 14● . why so called . ib. in what cases granted . ib. Ostracisme , what it was . 394 Oracles , which most famous . 401. their ambiguitie . 402. and decay . 403 Olympi●●e games , by whom instituted , restored , and where held . 409 Ostrich feather , how it came to be the cognisance of the Princes of Wales . 500 Ovid , why banished from Rome . 546 Olcum Mediacum , and the nature of it . 637 Ophir is not the Prouince of Safila in Aethiopia . 741 Ortelius coniecture of Languedos , vnsound . 110 P P●aetorian guard , by whom instituted 146. their power ib. & 625. by whō cassed 146 Peterpence by whom granted 219 Parad ne deceaued in the armes of Lorreine 128 Polydor Virgils history censured . 219 Protestants , where first so called , 211. and why , 309. the whole story of them , ib. The second causes by which their doctrine increased , 312. Their ouersight . ib. Patriciatus what order it was 332 Philippicks , why so called 405 Petalisme , what it was 445 Paradise , where it was 622 Promethe●● , why said to bee tortured by a Vulture 643 Printing , when , and where invented , 688. too much abused . ib Paper , where inuented . 747 Palme , the rarenesse of it , 755 , & why a signe of victory , ib. R Rivers , and their vse . 13 Roy d'Ividot , a French prouerbe : the cause and meaning of it , 96 Rome , her circuit , 172. the number of her inhabitants , ib. the extent of her dominions , ib. her reuenue proued to bee 150. millions , 173. confessed by the Papists to be Babylon , 176. her empire subuerted by Constantine , and how . 147. The pollicie of her Popes to maintain their greatnesse . 185 Rex Romanorum , what he is , & vpon what pretences first instituted 263 Retirednesse from the vulgar eye , vsed by diuerse Princes . 738 S Salique law , what it truely is . 81 , how ancient . 82. how iust , ib. how convenient . 83 Seminaries for the English , by whom erected , and where . 118 Slaues , whence the name . 369 Sterling money , why so called . 506 Soothsaying , how many kinds , and by whom each kinde inuented , 632 Sardanapalus , why he burnt his treasure . 633 Sabbaoth , in what cases not to bee obserued , 710. the seuere keeping of it by the Iewes . 711 Stephanus , his curious criticisme about Saba , reiected . 736 Sybills , what , and how many they were . 754 Silver , and Gold , where most plentifull . 800. how vilified by the Vtopians , ib. the causes of the deerenes of all things in our daies , 801 , not so aduantagious vnto a state as other commodities . ib. T Triumphs , their originall , 139. & maiestie , 140. how they differed from an Ovation , ib. vpon what causes denied a conquerour . ib. and 141. when discontinued . 142 Title of Catholique king , why giuen to Spaine . 72. of most Christian to France 101. of Defenders of the Church to the Switzers , 281. of Basileus to the kings of Bulgaria , 367. of Defender of the faith to England . 489 Thule , where it was . 5●3 & 528 Tr●y , not besieged ten yeares together by the Grecians : and at last how taken . 542 Timarlots , their institution & number . 597 Tartarians , not the progenie of the ten Tribes . 661 Sr Thomas Moore , no friend vnto Friers , 193. his new plot of wooing , immodest , 728 his deuice to bring gold into contempt , recited and reiected . 800 Trafficke , and the story of it . 753 Tobacco , where most plentifull . 798 the phantasticall vse of it , condemned ▪ 799. the two chiefe vertues ascribed to it , examined , ib. V Vidames in France , how many . 100 Vaudoys , their life , and religion . 109 Virgils fable of Dido disprooued , 137 his Aeneas suspected . 542 W Wallons , what they are , and why so called . 123 Writing and the originall formes of it . 748 X Xeriffo , what Prince he is , 721 The end of the second Table . A COMPVTATION OF THE FORraine coynes herein mentioned , with the English. Talentum Hebraicum Aureum . 450 l . Talentum Hebraicum Argenteum . 375 l . Talentum Atticum . 250 l . Talentum Babylonicum . 218 l — 15 s . Sestertium . 7 l — 16 s — 3 d . Drachma . 7 d — ob . A Rubble . 13 s — 4 d A Sultanie . 7 s — 6 d . A Ducat . 6 s — 8 d . A Xeraffis . 6 s . A French Crowne . 6 s . A Dollar . 4 s . A Floren. 3 s . A Franke. 2 s . A Guilder . 2 s . A Souse . 1 d — q — ● . An Asper . — 1 d — q. A Maravidis . q. THE GENERALL PRAECOGNITA OF GEOGRAPHIE . GEOGRAPHIE is ( according to Ptolomey ) an imitation of the picture of the whole Earth . But since the methode I intend to followe cannot bee confined within the limits of this briefe definition , it is requisite I should propose another of more large extent , which may be correspōdent to my purpose . Which before I will here set down , I will briefly explane certaine Geographicall notions , and rehearse some of her generall Praecognita . And since Ovid hath giuen mee so exact a methode , I cannot but make vse of it . The words are these with some little alteration . Met. lib. 2. Terra , viros , vrbesque gerit frugesque ferasque , Fluminaque haec super est coelifulgentis imago . The earth beares men , Citties , Fruits , Beasts , and Flouds , O're which hang's Heauen adorned with glittering studs . TERRA . We take not the earth simply in its owne nature as it is an element , for so it belongeth to Philosophy , but for the terrestriall Globe : so it is the subiect of Geographie , and is defined to bee a Sphericall body , proportionably composed of earth , & water . The EARTH , is by the best writers ▪ and among them by P●●cer , concluded to be 21600 miles in compasse ; who withall coniecture , that if there were a path made round the earth , a nimble footman might easily goe it in 900 daies . The earth is divided in respect of vs men into the Right hand . Left hand . In respect of it selfe into parts Reall . Imaginarie . To Poets which turne their faces toward the Fortunate Ilands ( so often by them memorized ) which are situate in the West ; the North is the right hand ; the South the left . To Astronomers which turne their faces toward the South , because from that coast come the influences , and thence are obserued the motions of the Planets ; the West is the right hand , the East the left . To Geographers , who by reason of their obseruations of the eleuation of the Pole , turne their faces toward the North ; the East is the right hand , the West the left . To Augures ( of old ) and ( in our daies ) to Ministers who vsually at their sacrifices and prayers turne their faces toward the East ; the South is the right hand , the North the left . The reall parts are either Continents . Ilands . A Continent is a great quantity of land , not separated by the Sea , in which many kingdomes and principalities are confined , and conioyned . An Iland ( called in Latine Insula , quasi in salo ) is a part of the earth enuironed round with waters , as Brittaine , Corsica , &c. As for the Continent I haue nothing in particular to illustrate : But for Ilands ( leauing the disputation of their being or not being before the Floud ) there are foure causes to which they owe their originall ; 1. An Earthquake , which worketh two waies ; viz. when by it one part of a country is forcibl● rent from the other ; So was Euboea seuered from the maine land of Attica : or when some vehement and strong winde , or pi●it being shut in the ●arth , which is vnder the Sea , raileth , & as it were thrusts vp the resisting ground ; to which cause such Ilands as are remote from any continent , must refer their b●ginnings . 2. Great Riuers at their entrie into the Sea carry with them abundance of grauell , durt , and weeds ; which , if the sea bee not the more working , will in time settle to an Iland . So the corne which Tarquinius sowed in the Campus Martius , being cut downe by the people and cast into Tiber , settled together & made the holy Iland : So the river Achelous caused he Ech nades , as anon we shall more at large declare . 2. The sea violently beating on some small Istmus , weareth it through , and turneth the Peninsula into a compleat Isle . Thus was Sicili● diuided from Italie , Cyprus from Syria , England from France , and Wight from the rest of England . And 4 ●v , sometimes as it eateth and worketh on some places , so it voluntarily leaueth and abandon●th others , wh●ch in time growe to be Ilands , and firme land vnder foot . So it is thought that the Isles of Zeland haue beene once p●rt of the maine Sea. And it is proued , because that the husbandmen in tilling and manuring the ground , finde sometimes Anchors here and there fixt , but very often the bones of huge and great fishes , which could by no other accident come thither . To the●e kinde of Ilands Pythagoras in Ovid alluding saith , — vidi factas ex aequoreterras , Et procul à pelago conchae iac●ere marinae , Et v●tus inventa est in montibus anchora summis . O● haue I seene that earth , which once I knewe Part of the Sea : so that a man might view Huge shells of fishes in the vpland ground , And on the mountaines tops old anchors found . As concerning the situation of Ilands , whether commodious or not , this is my iudgement . I finde in Machiauell , that for a Citty whose people couet no Empire but their owne townes , a barren place is better then a fruitfull , because in such seats they are compelled to work and labour , by which they are free from idlenesse , and by consequence from vitiousnesse : but for a citty whose inhabitants desired to enlarge their confines , a fer●●le place was more to be chosen then a sterile ; as being more able to nourish multitudes of people . The like I say of Ilands . If a Prince desire rather to ke●pe then augment his Dominions , no place sitter for his abode then an Iland , as being by it se●fe & nature sufficiently defensible : But if a king be minded to adde continually vnto his Empire , an Iland is no fit seat for him ; because partly by the vncertainty of winds and seas , partly by the longsomenesse of the waies , he is not so well able to supply & keep such forces as he hath on the continent . An example hereof is England , which hath euen to admiration repelled the most puissant Monarch of Europe ; but for the causes aboue named cannot shew any of her winnings on the firme land , though shee hath attempted and atchieued as many glorious exploits as any country in the world . The Continent and Iland are subdiuided into Peninsula . Istmus . Prom●ntorium . Peninsula , quasi penè insula , is a tract of land , which being almost encompassed rou●d by water , is ioyned to the firme land by some little Istmus : as Pelopon●esus , Tauriea , and Per●ana . Istmus , is that little narrow necke of land which ioyneth the Peninsula to the Continent , as the straights of Dariene in Peru , and Corinth in Greece . Promontorium , is a high mountaine which shooteth it selfe into the Sea , the outmost end of which , is called a Cape , as the Cape of good hope in Africke , &c. The other reall parts of the earth , as Mountaines , Vallies , Fields , Plaines , and the like , I will not stand to define , since they are knowne even to infants . The Imaginary parts of the earth are such , which not being at all in the earth , must yet be supposed to be so , for the better teaching and learning this science ; and are certaine circles going about the earth answerable to them in heauen in name . These circles are either the Greater Lesser in both which there are 360 degrees , which in the greater circles are greater then those in the lesser ; and every degree in the greater is 60 miles . The greater circles are either Immutable as the Aequator . Mutable as the Meridian . Horizon . The Aequator is a greater circle going round about the terrestriall Globe from East to West . It passeth through Habassia , Sumatra , and Guiana . The vse of it is to shew the latitude of any Towne , Promontory , &c. Now the latitude is the distance of a place , South or North from the Aequator or middle of the world ; and must be measured by the degrees in the Meridian . The Meridian is a greater circle rounding the earth from pole to pole . There are many Meridians according to the diverse place in which a man liueth , but the chiefe and first Meridian passeth through the Ilands called Azores . The vse of it is to shew the longitude of any place . Now the longitude of a citty , Cape , &c. is the distance of it East and West from the first Meridian , & is vsually measured by the degrees of the Aequator . The Horizon is a greater circle , designing so great a space of the earth , as a quick sight can ken in an open field . The vse of it is to discerne the diverse risings and settings of the starres . The lesser circles either are Noted with some name as Tropicall of Cancer . of Capricorne . Polare , either Articke . Antarticke . Noted with no name , and are the Paralels . The Tropicke of Cancer ( so called of the celestiall signe Cancer ) is distant from the Aequinoctiall 23 degrees northward , & passeth through Barbarie , India , China , and Noua Hispania . The Tropick of Capricorne equally distant from the Aequator southward , passeth through Aethiopia inferior , & the midst of Peruana . And this is to be obserued in these Tropickes , that when the sunne is in the Tropicke of Cancer , our daies are at the longest ; and when he is gone backe to the Tropicke of Capricorne , the dayes are at the shortest : the first they call the Summer , the last the Winter solstice ; the first hapning on St Barnabies day in Iune : the last on St Lucies in December . The Articke circle ( so called , for that it is correspondent to the circle in heauen called the Beare , in Greek Arct●s ) is distant from the Tropicke of Cancer 45 degrees ; it passeth through Norway , Muscovie , Tartarie , &c. The Antarticke circle ( because opposite to the other ) is as much distant from the Tropicke of Capricorne , and passeth through Terra australis incognita . The vse of these foure circles is to describe the Zones . The Zones are spaces of earth , included betwixt two lesser circles . They are in number fiue , one ouer-hot , two ouer-cold , and two temperate . The ouer-hot , or Torrid Zone , is betwixt the two Tropickes , and continually scorched with the presence of the Sunne . The two ouer-cold , or Frigid Zones , are situate between the two Polare circles and the very Poles , continually wanting the neighbourhood of the Sunne . The two temperate Zones , are betwixt the Tropick of Cancer and the Articke ; and twixt the Tropicke of Capricorne and the Antarticke circles ; enioying an indifferency betweene heat , and cold : so that the parts next the Torrid Zone are the hotter ; and the parts next the Frigid Zone are the colder . These fiue Zones are disposed according to the order of the Zones in heauen . Vtque duae dextrae coelum , totidomque sinistra Parte s●cant zonae , quinta est ardentior illis : Sic onus inclusum numero distinxit eodem Cura Dei , totidemque plagae tellure premuntur . Quaerum quae media est , non est habitabilis aest● ; Nix tegit alta duas ; totidem inter vtramque locauit , Temperiemque dedit mistâ cum frigore flamma . And as two zones doe cut the heauens right side , And likewise other two the left divide ; The midst in heat exc●eding all the rest : Euen so it seem'd to the Creator best , That this our world should so diuided be , That with the heauens in Zones it might agree ▪ The midst in heat , the outward most in cold Exceed , and none to dwell in them are bold , Betwixt these two extreames , two more are fixt , Where heat with cold indifferently is mixt . Parallels called also Aequidistants , circle the earth from East to West , and are commonly tenne degrees asunder . Such are the Parallels which are set downe in our Mappes and Globes . But there are another sort of Parallels , two of which goe to a Clime . These are called Artificiall Paralels , because they shew the differences of the artificiall daies . They are of vnequall breadth , as you shall see in the table following . The vfe of these latter Parallels , is to shew the Climats . A Clime is a space of the earth comprehended between two Parallels , or three lesser innominate circles : they serue to distinguish the length and brevity of the daies in all places . For vnder Aequator , the dayes are of the iust length of twelue houres ; but after , in every clime they increase the length of hal●e an home , so that there are numbred 48 Parallels , or 24 Climats before the dayes extend to 24 houres of length ; which once attain'd , they increase by weeks and months , vntill they come to the length of halfe a yeare : wee therefore are to reckon 24 climats Northward , and as many Southward . The climes toward the north were formerly knowne by the peculiar names , as Di● M●roes , Dia Sienes , &c. and the climes toward the South by the same names , only with the addition of Anti , as Anti Dia Meroes , and Anti Dia Sienes . Indeed the ancient Cosmographers made but 7 Climes , and some 9 ; neither needed they to adde more , since they knewe not the extent of the habitable world toward each Pole , so exactly as now we doe . Now because the climes are not of an equall latitude or extent , for which cause it is impossible to comprehend the nature of them in any rules generall or particular : I haue inserted this insuing Table , taken partly out of Clanius on Sacrobosco ; and partly out of Mr Hues discourse of the vse of the Globes . It is divided into 7 columns . In the first is shewed what climes are inhabited by the Amphiscij , Heteroscij , and Periscij tearms which wee will presently expound : In the second is set downe the number of the climes themselues . In the third the number of the Parallels . In the fourth the length of the dayes in summer . In the fift the distance of every Climat and Parallel from the Aequator . In the sixt , the breadth and extent of every climat in it selfe . And in the seauenth , the name of the place through which the midst of the three circles , whereof every clime consisteth , doth passe . * Pag. 7. The Table of the Climes . The second part of the terrestriall Globe is the WATER , which making together with the earth but one Globe , is yet in situation higher then it . This is apparant , 1. Because it is a body not so heavy . 2. It is obserued by Saylers , that their ships fly faster to the shore then from it ; whereof no reason can bee giuen , but the heighth of the water aboue the land . 3. To such as stand on the shore , the Sea seemeth to swell into the forme of an hill , till it putteth a bound to their sight . That the Sea houe●ing thus ouer the earth doth not ouerwhelme it , must be attributed to him only , Who hath made the waters to stand on a heap , who hath set them a bound which they shall not passe , nor turne againe to couer the earth . The other affections or properties of Sea , as motion , saltnesse , and the like , I willingly omit , as pertaining rather to Philosophers . The SEA or WATER is diuided into 1. Oceanus , 2. Mare , 3. ●retum , 4. Sinus . Oceanus , the Ocean , is that generall collection of all waters , which environeth the world on euery side , according to that of the Poet in his Metamorphosis , lib. 1. Tum freta diffudit , rapidisque tumescere ventis Iussit , & ambitae circund we littora terrae : He spred the Seas , which then he did command To swell with windes , and compasse round the land . Mare , the Sea , is a part of the Ocean , to which wee cannot come but through some streight , as Mar● Mediterraneum . These two take their names , Either from the adjacent places , as the Brittish Ocean , the Carpathian Sea. Or from the first discouerer , as Mare Magellanicū . Or from some remarkeable accident , as Mare Rubrum , from the colour of Sands , &c. Fretum , a streight , is a part of the Ocean restrained within narrow bounds , and opening a way to the Sea : as the Streights of Gibralter , Hellespont , &c. Sinus , a creeke or Bay , is a crooked shore , thrusting out ( as it were ) two armes , to embrace the louely presence of the Sea : as Sinus Persicus , or Corinthiacus . VIROS . The Earth thus being described , it is necessary wee should speake somewhat of the Lord of the Soyle , viz. Man ; who was created last of all , as that creature in whose constitution the perfections of all the rest were vnited . This Epitome of the great Volume of Nature , borroweth from the Angels soule , from the brute Animals sense , from Plants life , from other creatures bignesse : and aboue all inferiours is endowed with this prerogatiue , Pronaque cùm spectent animalia catera terram , Os homini sublime dedit , coelumque videre Iussit , & erectos ad sydera tollere vultus . And where all beasts looke downe with groueling eye , He gaue to man lookes mix't with Majesty , And will'd him with bold face to view the Skie . Men thus one by originall , are of diuerse complexions of body , and conditions of mind , according to the diuerse climates of the Earth . O see how full of wonders strange is Nature , Sith in each climate , not alone in stature , Strength , colour , haire ; but that men differ doe Both in their humors , and their manners too . The Northerne man is faire , the Southerne foule , That 's white , this blacke ; that smiles , and this doth scoule . Th'ones blith and frolicke , th' other's dull and froward ▪ Th'ones full of courage , th' other a fearefull coward , &c. The Northerne man is more strong , the Southerne more politicke ; the Northerne more able , and the Southerne more couetous of veneriall combats , &c. Men also are ( according as they are treated of in Geographie ) diuided either in respect of their shadow , into Amphiscij , Periscij , Heteroscij : or in respect of their site and habitation , into Antocci , Perioeci , and Antipodes . Amphiscij are such as dwell betweene the two Tropickes , so called , because their shadowes tend both wayes : sometimes , ( when the Sunne is North ) to the South ; sometimes ( when the Sunne is South ) to the North ▪ P●riscij are such as dwell beyond the Polare Circles , so called , because their shadowes are on all sides of them . Heteroscij are such as dwell in either of the two temperate Zones ; so called , because their shadowes reach but one way ; viz. in our Zone to the North onely , in the other to the South onely . Antoeci are such as dwell vnder the same Meridian , and the same Latitude or parallel , equally distant from the Aequator : the one Northward , the other Southward ; the dayes in both places being of a length ; but the ones Summer being the others Winter . Perioeci are such as dwell in the same parallel , on the same side of the Aequator , how distant soeuer they be East & West ; the season of the yeare , and the length of dayes being to both alike , and the ones midnight , the others noone . Antipodes are such as dwell ▪ feet to feet , so as a right line drawne from the one vnto the other , passeth from North to South through the center of the world . These are distant ●80 degrees , which is halfe the compasse of the earth . They differ in all things , as seasons of the yeare , length of dayes , rising & setting of the Sunne , with the like . In the men moreouer wee will consider Religion ( being the soule of life , and the life of the Soule ) then their dispositions and customes . VRBES . We haue brought man into the world , and cannot but afford him house-roome ; wh●ch at first was very meane & vnfurnished : for so saith Ovid , M●t. 1. — Domus a trafuerunt , Et densi fiutices , & iuncta cortice v●rga . Their houses were but hollow caues , and thickes Of bushie heaths , and hurdles made of stickes . Many of these houses joyned together , made a Vi●us or street ; two or three Vici made a Pagus , or Borough ; and two or three Pagi a Towne or City ; of whose magnificence & greatnes , Boterus assigneth many causes , we will onely rehearse the principall . 1. First then there is required to the magnificence of a city , a navigable riuer , or easie passage by Sea ; by which there may be a continuall concourse of all kind of Merchants , as now at Venice , Amsterdam , London , Constantinople . 2. The Palace of the Prince ; for Vbi Imperator , ibi Roma , & where the Court is , there will continually be store of young Nobles to buy , and Tradesmen to sell vsuall commodities : as now Madrid in Spaine , growne from a meane Village , to a populous City , only by the Kings Court. 3. The residence of the Nobility which raiseth a City with stately and beautifull buildings : hence the Cities of Italy excell ours , their Nobles and Gentrie still liuing in the Cities , ours in the Villages , and priuate houses . 4. The Seate or Tribunal of Iustice , which inuiteth Lawyers and their Clients in abundance , to the great inriching of a City ; as the Parliamentarie Cities in France doe euidently testifie , and Spiers in Germanie . 5. Publique schooles of good literature , which summon the youth of the adjoyning Countries ( as it were ) to make their personall appearance , to the great benefite of a towne , as Paris well knoweth , and other townes haue felt . 6. Immunities from taxes and the like oppressions , which draw men from all quarters to inhabite there ; their income being in such places greatest , their priuiledges most , and disbursing least ; as in Naples , Florence , and Venice : which being almost desolate by a plague , were againe very suddenly peopled , by granting immunities to all commers . 7. Opinion of Sanctity , whether it be for relickes of Saints , for holy shrines , for the residence of some famous man , or for the seat of Religion , is not the least benefit for the inriching and inlarging of a citie : people ( I meane the superstitious Papists ) gr●edily hunting after these sights and novelties . Thus the Reliques at Aken and T●●ers , the pilgrimages to St Iago and Lore●to , the habitation of that famous Cardinall Boromeo at Millaine , and the seate of the Popes at Rome haue bin the cause that the first cities haue bin much beautified , the last not ruined . So in former times there came so many from the farthest coasts of France and Spaine vnto Rome to see Titus Liviu● ▪ that St Hierome elegantly saith , Quos ad sui contemplationem Roma non traxerat , unius huius hominis fama perduxit : qui iam urbem tantam ingressi , aliud extra urbem quaererent . There are many other secundarie causes , as commodity of conduct , pleasantnesse of site , fruitfulnesse of soyle , and the like ; which much further the populousnesse , riches , and flourishing beauty of Cities . For a generall example we need not go farre . Worcester hath a pleasant site , and fruitfull soyle , Bristoll a commodious Hauen , Oxford is a famous Vniuersity , and Yorke is a seat of Iustice ; yet are all but of a meane compasse . But London hauing al the requisite conditions , lifteth vp a head of maiestie as high aboue the rest , as the Cypresse trees aboue the low shrubbes . FRVGES . Our most prouident and glorious Creator , so furnished Countries with seuerall commodities , that amongst all there might be sociable conversation ; and one standing in need of the other , all might be combined in a common league , and exhibite mutuall succours . Hence come our Sugars from Canary Iles , From Candie Currants , Muskadels and Oyles : From the Moluccoes Spices : Balsamum From Aegypt : Odours from Arabia co●e ; From India Gums , rich drugs and Ivorie : From Syria Mummie : black red Ebonie From burning Chu● : from Peru Pearle and Gold : From Russia Furres to keep the rich from cold : From Florence silkes : from Spaine fruit , Saffron , Sackes : From Denmarke Amber , Cordage , Firres , and Flax : From Flaunders and France , Linnen , Wood , and Wine : From Holland Hoppes : Horse from the bankes of Rhine : From England Wooll : All Lands , as God distributes , To the worlds treasure pay their sundrie tributes . This abundance of all countries in euery thing , and defect of euery Country in most things , maintaineth in all Regions , and euery Prouince , a most strict combination . So that as in the body of the little world , the head cannot say to the foot , nor the foot to the head , I stand in no need of thee : so in the body of the great world , Europe cannot say to Asia , or Asia to Africk , I want not your commodities , or am defectiue in that , of which thou boasteth of an abundance . FERAS . Nature neuer shewed her selfe so exact a mistresse in her art , as in the framing & moulding vp that infinit number of strange & vnheard of Beasts , the rehearsall of whom , though not necessary , yet cannot but be ornaments vnto a Geographicall Treatise , & are ( as it were ) a dressing & tricking vp Nature in her Holy-day colours . FLVMINA . Riuers are said to be ingendred in the hollow concauities of the Earth , & deriue both their birth & continuall sustenance from the Aire ; which penetrating the open chinks or Chasma's of the Earth , and congealed by the extreame cold of that Element , dissolues into water ( as we see the Aire in Winter nights to be melted into a pearlie dew , sticking on our glasse windowes ) and being growne to some quantity , will ) like Annibal in the Alpes ) either find a way , or make a way to vent its superfluity . This beginning is seconded by the Ocean , which running through the hidden passages of the Earth , joyneth it selfe with this aëriall vapour , & continueth the begun current . This Sea-water ( though in it selfe of a salt and brackish sauour , yet passing through diuers windings & turnings of the Earth , is depriued of all vnpleasantnes : & by how much the Spring-heads of riuers are remote from the Sea , by so much are their waters affected with a delightfull rellish . Riuers hauing thus entred themselues in a good course , are neuer without the assistance of neighbouring springs & riuers , by whose addition they augment their waters , till they dischannell themselues into the Sea. Now there is of riuers a treble vse . First , that out of them , drink may be afforded to man and beast . Secondly , that running through the Earth , as blood through the body , by interlacing it , and sometimes ouerwhelming it , it might make the Earth able to produce those fruits which are necessary for the life of man. The last vse of riuers is easiues & speedines of conduct , & hereto are required foure conditions . First the depth ; because deep waters sustain the bigger burdens , & on them navigation is more safe . Secondly pleasantnes , whereby the passage is easie both with the streame and against it ; whereas in riuers of a violent current , or in such as fall down by great locks or cataracts , the sailing or towing vp the water is as dangerous , as laborious . Thirdly , the thicknes of the water ; for by how much the more slimie & grosse a water is , by so much can it carry the heauier burdens . So Tiber a riuer of more fame then depth , or bredth , is better for navigation by reason of its fatnes , then the pure and thinne waters of the large and excellent riuer Nilus , Fourthly , the broadnes of the channell , that ships & other vessels may conveniently winde & turne , & giue way to each other . Some of the old Philosophers reputed this conduct so dangerous , that one of them being asked , whether the liuing or the dead were the greater number , would not answere , because he knew not in which ranke to place such as were at Sea. And Cato Maior thought that men neuer committed greater folly in their liues , then in venturing to goe by water , when they might haue gone by land . I am none of that sect , yet I cannot but hold with him that said , dulcissima est ambulatio prope aquas navigatio iuxta terram . The chiefe riuers of Europe are Danubius and the Rhene ; of Africa , Nilus and Niger ; of Asia , Ganges and Euphrates ; of America , Orenoque and Maragnon . COELVM . Heauen is defined to be the most simple body , or most free from an elementary commixture of any : it is transparent , sphaericall , and consisteth in perpetual motion . it vndergoeth a foursold consideration . Viz. of The naturall Philosopher , who treateth of Heauen , as of a naturall body , composed of matter and forme : and so it is the subiect of Aristotles book intituled , De Coelo . The Astronomer , who investigateth the reason of the variety of heauenly motions , the diuersity of circles , asterismes , risings and settings of Starres , & the like . The Astrologer , who discourseth of the variety of constellations , planeticall aspects , disposing of the houses , and by these and their dispositions , conjectureth of future occurrences . The Geographer , who medleth with the Heauens , because on their motions depends the being or not being of all inferiour bodies ; & for that the Earth hangeth in the midst of it , like Architas or Archimedes Pigeon , equally poized with its own waight . Hauing thus briefly and rudely , as I must confesse , glided ouer these generall notions of Geographie , I will now set down my promised definition . GEOGRAPHIE is a description of the Earth by her parts and their limits , situations , inhabitants , cities , riuers , fertility , & obseruable matters , with all other things annexed therunto . The worth of this science is apparent , if you consider its Species , or seuerall kindes . Vtilities or profits . The Species are Hydographie ; which is the delineation of the Sea by her seuerall names , promontories , creeks , and affections , as also of springs and riuers . Topographie ▪ which is the description of a particular place , be it Town , City , or Village . Chorographie , which is a deciphering of any whole Region , Kingdome , or Nation , and is twofold , viz. Ancient by Tribes & Families , as Germany was diuided between the Chatti , Ch●rusci ▪ Suevi , Tencteri &c. Moderne , into S●●e● & Prouinces ; as Germany now is into Franconie , Saxony , Suevia , Bava●ia &c. The Vt●lities of Geography , though many in number , are reduced to fine , such as appertaine To Mercature and Nauigation . To Astronomy , which by this is informed of the appearance of diuers starres in diuers places , &c. To Statesmen , which out of this fountaine , draw the knowledge of their Princes bounds , & his neighbours incroachings , &c. To Physick , which is hereby able to know the diuersity of temperatures in different climes , the nature of Simples , and where their growth is most naturall , &c. To History both Diuine and Humane , that we may know in what place euery particular action hath bin effected : for the knowledge of the place , crowneth the delight of the enterprise . THE GENERALL PRAECOGNitA OF HISTORY . AS Geography without History , hath life and motion , but at randome , & vnstable ; so History without Geography , like a dead carkasse , hath neither life nor motion at all , and as the exact notice of the place addeth a satisfactory del●ght to the action : so the mention of the action , beautifieth the notice of the place . Geography therefore , and History , like the two fire-lights Castor and Pollux , seene together , crowne our happines , but parted asunder , menace a shipwrack of our content ; and are like two sisters intirely louing each other , and not without ( I had almost said impiety ) great pitty to be diuided : so as that which Sr Philip Sidney said of Argalus and Parthenia , Her being was in him alone , And she not being he was none . I may justly say of these two Gemini , History and Geography . Before we come to the definition of History , it is requisite we should distinguish it from such as at first blush doe challenge this name , and then to diuide it into its subordinate Species . The Treatises to whom this name is generally giuen , and from which History is indeed really distinct , are Commentaries , 2. Annals , 3. Diaries , and 4. Chronologies . 1. Commentaries set down a naked continuance of the euents and actions , without the motiues & designes , the counsels , speeches , occasionsa , nd pretexts , with other passages : so that Caesar modestly rather then truly , applied the name of Commentary , to the best History in the world ; though that Archcriticke Lipsius call them , nuda & simplex narratio . His reason is , Commentaria enim sunt , whereby you may perceiue the fe●low had read the title : & nihil pollicentur praeter nomen , by which it seemes , he looked no further . The worth of this History hath a more sacred Advocate , euen our dread Soueraigne , who exhorting his Son to the study of Historie , aboue all prophane Writers commendeth him to his reading , both for the sweet flowing of the stile ( I can vse no better words then his own ▪ ) and the worthinesse of the matter it selfe . For I haue euer ( saith he ) bin of the opinion , that of all Ethnick Emperours , or great Captaines that euer were , he hath farthest excelled both in his practise , and in his precepts in martiall affaires . 2. Annals are only a bare recitall of the occurrents hapning euery yeare , without regard had to the causes , and with a generall neglect of Historical ornaments : so that Tacitus named his worthy book much amisse . 3. Diaries containe ( as the name importeth ) the particular actions of euery day , now not vsed but by Princes in their journeyes , and trauellers in their voyages . 4. Chronologies are only bare supputations of the times , without any regard of the acts then happening , such are the Chronologies of Funccius , Scaliger , and Helvicus . Of which last man , the incredible paines he hath taken in , and the infinite proficiencie which he hath brought vnto this study : I cannot but giue that excellent testimony which Paterculus affordeth Ouid , Perfectissimus est in forma operis sui . But History is as it were a quintessence extract out of those 4 Elements , borrowing from them all somwhat to beautifie her selfe withall ; especially from Annals , time ; from Commentaries , matter ; and from Chronologies consent of times , & Coetanity of Princes Hauing thus gotten matter to worke on , and time in which she may effect her enterprises , she addeth of her own store , whatsoeuer ornaments are deficient in the rest , and maketh her selfe complete in euery particular . Hauing thus distinguished History from its Cognata , it remaineth we should diuide it into its subordinate Species . Histories are either of the Greater World , Lesser World , or of man that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The former is Vniuersall , of the World , & all things in it ; this is Cosmography , and is best handled by Pliny in his Naturall History , &c. Particular Of Heauen and its affections , this is Astronomie , and is beholding to Aratus and Ptolomey , &c. Of the Earth and her parts ; this is Geography , and set forth by Strabo , Mela , &c. The latter tell The inward works of man , as his opinions touching Religion or Philosophy , whose History is compiled by Diogenes Laërtius , &c. The outward workes which are Manners , Customes , and Lawes , these belong to Policy , and Statesmen . Actions Of the tongue Of some length , and such are Orations and Speeches . Succinct Of one man , & are called Apothegmes . Of many , & are called Proverbs , digested best by Erasmꝰ Of the hand , which branch themselues Into two parts ; being Either'of one man alone ; such Histories are called Liues , and are best done by Plutarch . Or of many , whose History is Vniversall , belonging to the whole in generall , with relatiō to the particular , or such of thē as are of note . Particular Ecclesiasticall , which describeth the Acts of the Church , her beginning , increase , decrease , restoring , and continuance . Ciuil , which relate the occurrēces of cōmōwealths , their beginnings , &c. Hauing thus proposed a generall scheme of Histories , and shewed who deserue the greatest applause in penning the first ; I will also name such as haue inlightned our knowledge with the relations of the three last . THE BEST WRITERS OF GENERALL HISTORIE . 1 Moses from the beginning of the World , till the confusion of tongues : he liued before Christs nativity 1519 yeares , in the yeare of the World 2443. 2 Berosus a Chaldaean , from the beginning of the World , till Sardanapalus death . Clar. 3630. 3 Trogus Pompeius , epitomized by Iustin , from Ninus to Nero . A.C. 150 4 Diodorus Siculus , till the time of Caesar A.M. 3922. 5 Eusebius , from Adam to the yeare of Christ , 300. Cl. 312. 6 Beda from Adam , to the yeare 700. Clar. 730. 7 Zonaras from Adam to the yeare 1117. Clar. 1120. 8 Abbas Vspergensis from Adam , to Frederick the 2d. Cl. 1229 9 Philippus Bergomensis supplementum supplementi Chronicorum , to the yeare 1503. 10 Carion augmented by Melancthon , to the yeare 1255. 11 Paulus Iovius from the yeare 1494 , to the yeare 1540. 12 Augustus Thuanus from the yeare 1543 , to the yeare 1607. 13 Sleid●n de quatuor Imperijs , most excellently commentated on by Christoph. Pezelius , and extended to the yeare 1616. 14 Sebastian Munster a Cosmographicall Historian , of all the World , but especially of Germany , till the dayes of Charles 5. 15 The History of the World , composed by Sr Walter Raleigh , a man of whom that may justly be verified which was attributed by Velleius to Scipio Aemilianus , Semper aut belli , aut pecis inservijtartibus , semper inter arma aut studia versatus : aut corpus periculis , aut animum disciplinis exercuit . As for the booke when it meeteth with a judicious and vnderstanding Reader , it will speak for it selfe . For my part I onely say what Martial spake of Salust , it is Primus in Historia . THE BEST WRITERS OF ECCLESIASTICALL HISTORIE . First of the Iewes The Word of God in the old Testament . 2. Philo Iudaeus , 3 Flavius Iosephus , 4. Egesippus from the Maccabees till the yeare of Christ 72. Clar. 130. 2. Of the Christians . The new Testament . 2. Eusebius , Socrates , and Evaegrius for the first 600 yeares after Christ. 3. M. Fox in his Acts and Monuments , till the yeare 1558. Sleidan in his Ecclesiasticall Commentaries frō the yeare 1517 , in which Luther began to batter down the walls of Popery , till 1560. 5. Historia Magdeburgensis , till the yeare 1200. 6. Platina de vitis Pontificum . 7. Philip Morney , Du Plessis , a History of the Papacie . 3. Of the Heathens . Irenaeus B. of Lyons adversus Gentes . 2. Clemens Alexandrinus . 3. Arnobius adversus Gentes . 4. Lactantius Firmianus de falsa religione . 5. Oresius against the Pagans . 6. Giraldus de Dijs omnium gentium . 7. Iohn Gaulis de religione veterum . THE BEST WRITERS OF CIVILL HISTORY . Of the Assyrians , Chaldaeans , Medes , Persians , & Parthians : Herodotus . 2. Ctesias Cnidius . 3. Xenophon . 4. Berosus . 5. Metasthenes a Persian . 6. Manothon an Aegyptian . 7. Hegesippus , 8. Procopius . Of Greece . Dictys Cretensis de Bello Troiano . 2. Herodotus , whose history containeth 211 yeares . 3. Thucydides from the flight of Xerxes , where Herodotus left writing of Greece , to 90 yeares farther . Clar. A M. 3622. 4. Xenophon beginning where Thucydides left , continued 43 yeares . Clar. 3608. 3. Gemistus continued Xenophons relations : 6. Diodorus Siculus followed Gemistus , and wrote till the daies of Alexander , Clar. 3922. 7. Procopius rerum sub Iustiniano . Clar. A.C. 540. 8. Zonaras from Constantine to Alexius Comnenus , anno 1113. 9. Nicetas from Alexius Comnenns , ad annum 1203. 10. Nicephorus from Theodorus Lascaris , to the ruine of the Constantinopolitan Empire . Of Rome and Italy . The Writers of the Roman Histories follow in this order Livy . 2. Florus . 3. Sueton. 4. Tacitus . 5. Spartianus . 6. Capitolinus . 7. Lampridius . 8. Herodian . 9. Cuspinianus . 10. Marcellinus . 11. Eutropius . 12. Prosper Aquitanicus , who endeth in the yeare 447. when Gensericus took Rome , after which , euery Prouince hauing peculiar Princes , had also peculiar Historiographers . 1. Platina for Rome and her Popes , till the yeare 1472. 2. Sabellicus and Bembus for Venice . 3. Pontanus and Collenutius for Naples . 3. Machiavel for Florence . 4. Vergerius for Mantua . 5. Stephanus for Millaine . 6. Bracellus for Genoa . 7. Paulus Diaconus for Lombardie , and 8 for them all , from the yeare 494. to 1536. learned Guicciardine . Of Germany and her neighbours . For Germany in generall , Cornolius Tacitus . 2. Beatus Rhenanus . 3. Munster . 4. Otto Frisingensis . 5. Luitprandus . 6. Avētinus . But in particular . 1. for Bohemia , Aeneas Sylvius , or Pope Pius Secundus , and Dubravius . 2. for Austria , Wolfgangus Lazius , & Bartolinus . 3. for Hungary , Ioh. Turotius , Ant. Bonfinius , and Melchior Soiterus . 4. for Poland , Cromerus and Calimachus . 5. for Sclavonia , Helmoldus . 6. for Denmarke , Sweueland , and Norway , Crantzins , and Saxo Grammaticus . 7. for the Gothes , Olaus Magnus , Procopius , Agathias Smyrnaeus , Sidonius Apollinaris , Idacius , Iornandes , Aurelius Cassiodorus , and Leonard Aretine . 8 , for Saxony , Crantzius , and Witikind 9. for the Low-Countries , Gerhardus Noviomagus , and Ioh. Petit. 10. for Prussia , Erasmus , Stella . 11. for Helvetia , Stumpsius and Simlerus . Of France . Caesar de bello Gallico . 2. Titius Parisiensis , from Pharamond to Henry the 2d. 3. Paulus Aemilius to Charles the 8th . 4. Gregory B. of Tours . 5. Froisardus de bellis Anglorum , & Francorum . 6. Philip Cominaeus , who together with Francis Guicciardine the Italian , are accounted the soundest and most vsefull of any of our moderne Historians , and nothing inferiour to Livy , Salust , or Tacitus . 7. Raymundus for Burgundie and its appendices , viz. Flanders , Holland , &c. 8. Iohn de Serres , extending from Pharamond to Lewis 12th . Of Spaine , Francis Tarapha from the beginning , till Charles the fifth . 2. Petrus Antonius . 3. Rodericus Valentinus . 4. Petrus Medina . 5. Damianus à Goes . 6. Marius Siculus . 7. The generall History of Spaine by Maierne a Frenchman . 8. Contestagio of the Vnion of Portugal with Castile . 9. Mariana . Of the Turkes and Saracens . Andreas Cambinus of the originall of the Turkes . 1. Leonicus Calchondyles , 2. Guilielmus Postellus . 3. Martinus Barletius , who writ also the life of that worthy Prince George Castriot , vulgò Scanderbeg 4. Paulus Iovius . 5. Knowles in his Turkish History . 6. Leo Af●r . 7. Henricus Dalmata . 8. Rupertus Monachus . 9. William B. of Tyre , these 4. last concerning the Saracens . Of the Muscovites and Tartars . Matthias à Michou , de Sarmatia Europea , & Asiatica . 2. Paulus Iovius de legatione Muscovitarum . 3. Sigismundus ab Hebersteine . 4. Paulus Venetus . 5. Haiton Prince of Armenia , de Imperio Tartarorum . Of Africa and America . Leo Afer . 2. Francisco Alvarez . 3. Aloyssius Cadamistus . 4. Acosta , the navigations of Columbus , Vesputius , Patritius , and others : As Oviedus , Cortez , Gusman , Nonius , Gomara , Benzo , Lyrius , &c. Of the Brittish Iles. Gildas of Brittaine in generall . 2. Polydor Virgil of England , till Henry 8. a history sufficiently good , if not ouerladen with malicious or accidentary lyes . 3 , Geofrie of Monmouths Catalogue of Brittish Kings , a Writer meerely fabulous . 4. Voluminous Stow , and Holingshead , full of confusion and commixture of vnworthy relations . 5. Speed delighting the eare , and not a little informing the mind . 7. Martin from William the Conquerour , to the death of Henry 8 , a pithie and worthy Historiographer . For pieces of history ( I meane histories of state , not of liues ) we haue the reigne of Henry 7 , excellently performed by that renowned Scholler the Lord Francis , Vicount S. Albans ; the reigne of Richard the 3 , by that great restorer of learning in those parts , Sr Th. Moore ; the beginning of the preparatiues , to the reigne of Henry 4 , by Sr Iohn Hayward ; In former times the reignes of the first 7 Kings after the conquest , by Mathew Paris ; and to end this bedroll , halfe the story of this Realme done by Master Daniel , of which I belieue that which himself saith of it in his Epistle , that there was neuer brought together more of the maine . Of Scotland I find Hector Boetius to be the true parallel of Ge●srie Monmouth ; and Buchanan farre worse then Polydor Virgil. For Wales , Humfrey Lloyd , and Dauid Powell ; and for Ireland , and the out-Iles , Giraldus Cambrensis . For them al Andrew du Chesne of the Countie of Touraine in France , who in his own tongue hath taken that paines in composing one body of story for all the Brittaine Iles and states , extending it to the yeare 1612. that neuer any of the natiues durst vndertake , or had hope to atchieue . But for all , and aboue them all , judicious M. Camden in his book intituled Britannia , wherein he hath giuen great light to histories already extant , and to such as future ages shall produce . And if he had taken in hand a plenary History of this I le , or any one part thereof , it had been ( I am sure ) matchlesse . But I will suspend my judgment with that of the Historian , Vivorum ut magna admiratio , ita censura est difficilis . Thus much of the Authors of Vniuersall , Ecclesiasticall and Ciuil history , a word or two only of Computation , and then to the Definition . The two eyes of the body of a well-compacted History , are place and time ; the former belongeth to Geography , the latter is the terminus of all Epoches in computation . Now an Aera or Epoche is the terminus à quo , from which euery reckoning of times takes its beginning . These haue among diuers Nations , bin as diuersly different , and as differently calculated by Chronologers , few of them agreeing among themselues in this point ▪ For my part I follow Fr●igius , who out of the foundest authors thus stateth them . The Christians make their Epoch● the birth of Christ , which happned in the yeare of the World 3962 ; but this reckoning they vsed not till the yeare 600 , following in the mean time the ciuill accompt of the Empire . The Mahumetans begin their Hegira ( for so they tearme their Computation ) from the returne of their Prophet to Mecha , after he was driuen thence by the Philarcha , which hapned Aº Chr. 617. The Grecians reckoned by Olympiads , the first of which is placed in the yeare of the world , 3187. but this account perishing vnder the Constantinopolitan Emperours , they reckoned by Indictions , euery Indiction containing 15 yeares , and the first beginning Aº C. 313. which among Chronologers is still vsed . The Romans reckoned first from the building of their City , which was A.M. 3213. and afterward from the 16. yeare of the Emperour Augustus A. M. 3936. which reckoning was vsed among the Spaniards , till the reigne of Ferdinand the Catholique . The Iewes had diuerse Epoches , as the Creation of the World in the beginning of time . 2. From the Vniuersall deluge Aº 1556. 3. From the confusion of tongues Aº 1786. 4. From Abrahams journey out of Chaldea into Canaan , Aº 2021. 5. From the departure of the children of Israel out of Egypt Aº 24●1 . 6. From the yeere of Iubile Aº 2499. 7. From the building of Solomons Temple Aº 2●32 . and 8. from the captiuity of Babylon Aº 3357. But rejecting the ●●st , we will in our historicall computation of time , vse only the two most ordinary Epochet , of the Worlds Creation , and Christs appearance in the flesh . The name of History is deduced 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , videre , and doth properly intimate a relation of such remarkeable actions , at the performing of which , the Author was present . Apud veteres enim ( saith Isidore in his Etyma ) nemo scribebat historiam , nisi is qui interfuisset , & ea qua scribenda essent , vidisse● . But the customary vse of the word , hath now taught it a more ample signification . History being defined to be a memoriall or relation of all occurrents obseruable , hapning in a Common-wealth , described by the motiues , pretexts , consultations , speaches , and events , together with an especiall care had of time and place . Cicero beautifieth History with these attributes , Lux veritatis , testis temporis , vitae magistra , nuncia vetustatis , & vitae memoriae ; concerning which particle , I find these verses prefixed to a Chronicle of our state , written by M. Martin ; For though in these dayes miracles be fled , Yet this shall of good Histories be se'd , They call back time that 's past , & giue life to the dead . Beside these conditions , it is requisite that the relations should be absolutely true , neither swaruing to one side through malice , nor leaning to the other through affection ; so that two things are requisite in an Historiographer , ● . a generous & resolute spirit : 2. An vpright and sincere conversation ; that so hee may neither be daunted by a tyrannicall Prince , nor transported with partiality ; that he might dare to deliuer all the truth with●ut feare , and yet not dare to relate any thing which is false through fauour . Thus much of H●story , its distinctions , divisions , affections , authors , and properties : now only of its commodities , & so we will hoyse sayle for Europe . Although to number vp the especiall delight and profit gathered from the reading of histories , be but as it were to light a Candle before the Sunne , and speake of such things as require no Rhetoricke to adorne them : yet I hope I shall no waies doe amisse in laying before you some of the chiefe . The profits then of History are these . 1 It is the rule of direction , by whose square we ought to rectifie our obliquities , and in this sense the Orator calleth it Magistra vitae . 2 It stirreth men to vertue , and deterreth them from vice , by shewing the glorious memory of the one , and stinking repetition of the other : but especially it keepeth many men of place & calling in a continuall feare of ill doing , knowing that their villanies shall there be laid open to the view of the vulgar . Let Tiberius be example . 3 It hath beene not onely the inventor , but the conseruer of all arts , such especially whose end consisteth only in action . 4 It informeth a mans minde in all particular observations , making him serviceable to his Prince and Countrie . 5 It is the best Schoolemaster of war , the teacher of Strata . gems , and giueth more directions then a whole Senate ; Alexander learned of Achilles , Scipio of Xenophons Cyrus , & Selim the first of Alex : al which became valiant & politike captaines . 6 It is the Politicians best assistant and chiefe Tutor , who hence suck their obseruations and conclusions , & learne ability to rule both in peace & warre : who like Archimedes in his study , or Demosthenes in his gown , can more dangerously trouble their enemies , than the Syracusans and Athenians in armour . 7 It is most available to the study of Divinity , since the increase , originall , defects , restauration , and continuance of religion is a dependant on History , which also hath many other rare passages for the vnderstanding of the Text. 8 It is ( lastly and least of all ) the study which affordeth a man the greatest aid in discoursing , it delighteth the eare , contenteth the minde , and is endued with thousands varieties of pleasure mixt with profit , but these shall serue as a tast for the rest . OF THE VVORLD : AND FIRST OF EVROPE . THe WORLD is divided into two parts , Vnknowne , or not fully discouered , and it lieth either vnder the Articke , or vnder the Antarticke circle . The former is rather supposed then knowne ; the latter a little knowne , & hath the names of Noua Guinea , Terra del fuego , P●ittacorū regio , Maletur , &c. of which in the end of this book . Knowne either Anciently Europe . Asia . Africa . Lately , as America . EVROPE is ioyned to Asia by that space of earth between the heads of Tanais and Duina : Asia is ioyned to Africk by the Aegyptian Istmus : America is ioyned ( as most coniecture ) to none of them . Europe is separated from Asia by Duina , Tanais , Pal●● Maeotis , Pontus , Propontis , Hellespont , and the Aegean , Asia is parted from Africa by the Red Sea , Africa from Europe , by the Mediterranean : Africa is greater then Europe ; Asia then Africa ; and America bigger then all . They which haue taken a delight in resembling every particular countrie to things more obvious to the sight and vnderstanding , haue likened EVROPE to a Dragon , the head thereof ( forsooth ) being Spaine , the wings Italie & Denmarke . In like manner they haue beene curiously impertinent in resembling France to a Lozenge or Rhomboides : Belgia to a Lyon , Brittaine to an Axe : Ireland to an Egge : Peloponnesus to a Plantane leafe : Spaine to an Oxe hide spred on the ground : Italy ( which indeed holdeth best proportion ) to a mans leg , with diuers the like phantasmes of a capricious braine : these countries no more resembling them , then pictures made when painting was in her infancie , vnder which they were faine to write , this is a Lion , and this is a Whale ; for feare the spectators might haue taken one for a Cocke , and the other for a Cat. EVROPE though the least ( as being in length but 3800 , in breadth but 1200 miles ) is yet of most renowne : first because of the temperature of the ayre , & fertility of the foyle ; secondly , from the study of all Arts , both ingenious and mechanicall : thirdly , because of the Romane and Greek Monarchies ; fourthly , from the puritie and syncerenesse of the Christian faith : fiftly because we dwell in it , and so first place it . EVROPE is diuided into Continent and Ilands ; the Continent is subdivided into 1. Spaine . 2. France . 3. Italy . 4. Belgia . 5. Germanie . 6. Denmarke 7. Norway . 8. Sweden . 9. Muscovia . 10. Poland . 11. Hungarie . 12. Dacia . 13. Sclavonia & 14. Greece . The Ilands are also in generall , either dispersed in the 1. Aegean Sea. 2. the Ionian Sea. 3. the Adriatique . 4. the Mediterranean . 5. the Brittish . and 6. the Northerne Seas , of all which in the order and method , here and before proposed . EVROPE is so called from Europa , daughter to Agenor , King of the Phoenicians , brought hither ( as the Poets faine ) by Iupiter in the shape of a Bull : but as Histories write , by a Cretan Captaine named Taurus , or in a shippe whose beake had wrought in it the figure of that beast . In these Countries aboue particularized , besides the Latine tongue , which is now rather scholasticall then nationall ; and besides the Italian , French , and Spanish , being but as so many seuerall corruptions of the Latine ; & besides the English , which is a compound of Dutch , Latine , and French : there are in all 14 mother tongues , which owe little or nothing to the Roman , viz : Irish spoken in Ireland , and the West of Scotland : 2. Brittish in Wales . 3. Cantabrian or B●scaine , nigh vnto the Cantabrian Ocean , and about the Pyrenean hills : 4. Arabique in the mountaines of Granada : 5. Finnique in Finland , and Lapland . 6. Dutch ( though with different dialects ) in Germanie , Belgia , Denmarke , Swethland , and Norwey . 7. Cauchian which the East-Freizlanders ( or Cauchi ) speake among themselues , for to strangers they speake Dutch. 8. Slavonish , whose extent wee will hereafter shew . 9. I●●yrian on the East side of Istria , and in the Isle of Veggia : 10. Greeke . 11. Hungarian , and 12. Epirotique in the greater and more mountainous parts of these countries . 13. Iazygian on the North side of Hungarie , betweene Dannbius and Tibiscus : and 14. Tartarian in the Taurica Chersonesus , and European seats of that people . I had almost forgot the Etymologie of EVROPE according to Becanus , who thinking it vnmeet that Europe being first inhabited by the Gomerites or Cymbrians , should haue a Greeke name ; maketh it Europe quasi Verhopp by the transposition of the two first letters ; Ver forsooth signifying ( though I knowe not in what language ) excellent , and Hopp a multitude of people : because Europe containeth ( oh the wit of man ! ) a multitude of excellent people . OF SPAINE . THe most Westerne countrie of the Continent of Europe , is Spaine , inuironed on all sides with the Sea , except towards France ; from which it is separated by the naturall strength of the Pyrenean mountaines , and the artificiall fortresse of Pampelune on the Northwest and Perpigna on the Southeast . The figure of it is by Strabo compared to an Oxehide spred on the ground , whose necke being the Istmus which tieth it vnto France , is not of such breadth , but that in a cleare day one may discouer the Sea on both sides . The Countrie hath beene in diuers ages diuersly named , as 1. Hesperia either from Hesperus a supposed King hereof , or from Hesperus the euening Starre , vnder which it was supposed to be situate , as being the farthest Countrie Westward . 2. Iberia either from the famous riuer Iberus , or from the Iberi , inhabiting the Countrie in Asia , which we call Georgia . 3. Hispania , as their old Legends report , from Hispanus one of the Kings ; but as the soundest iudgements agree , from Panus the Iberian Captaine , For the Grecians call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Spania , as may bee proued in many places , that especially of the 15 to the Romans verse the 28 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I will come by you into Spaine . No doubt but from the Grecians the old Romans borrowed the name of Spania , which they often vsed , to which the Spaniards according to their custome adding E. ( as in Escola , Escuda , &c. ) made it Espania and now Hispania . The whole circuit is 2480 Italian , or 1893 English miles . It is situate in the more Southernly part of the Northerne temperate Zone , and almost in the m●dd●st of the fourth and sixth C●i●ats , the longest day being fifteene houres in length . Boterus reckoned the number of the Inhabitants , to be 8 millions of liuing soules , which computation may yet stand good . 1. If the heat of the Country vnfit for generation ; 2. the barrennesse of the soyle vnfit for sustenance . 3. the number of Colonies planted in other kingdomes ; and 4. The great warres of the last King , haue not d●minished them . They are a mixt people descending from the Gothes , Sarracens , and Iewes : from the Iewes they borrow superstition , from the Sarracens melancholy , from the Gothes desire of liberty . How the Gothes and Sarracens came in hither , shall be sh●wne in it's proper place . The Iewes were here placed , partly by Vlidor Vbit the Caliph , who sent hither 50000 families of Moores and Iewes : but principally by Adrian the Emperour , who hauing totally banished the Iewes from their natiue country , sent them to people this Region : the whole number of thē which came hither being no lesse then 500000 men , women , and children . Which seuerall nations by seuerall marriages are in processe of time incorporate into one . They are much giuen to women , impudent braggers , and extreamely prowd in the lowest ebbe of fortune ; as appeareth by the poore Cobler on his death-bed , who commanded his eldest Sonne comming to him for his last blessing , to endeauour to retaine the maiest●e worthie so great a familie ; Memineris ( said he ) in mai●statem assurgere familia tua dignam . The same Author relateth another story to the like purpose . A wom●n of this Country , attended on by three of her bratts , went a begging from dore to dore . Some French Marchants trauelling that way , and pittying her case , offered her to take into their seruice the bigger of her boyes . But she , prowd though poore , scorning , as she said , that any of her linage should endure a prentiship , returned them this answere ; Quî aut tu , aut ego , sciamus , in quae fata sit genitus ? For ought that she or they knewe , her sonne ( simply as he stood there ) might liue to be king of Spaine . Not much vnlike to these is that tale of a Spanish Caualei●o , who being for some faults by him committed , whipped through the principall streets of Paris : & keeping a sober pace , was advised by a friend to make more hast that he might the sooner be out of his paine : but he halfe in choler replied That hee would not lose the least step of his pace for all the whipping in Paris . For indeed their gate is ( Gennet-wise ) very stately and maiesticall . But not to conceale their vertues and make our selues merry only at their follies , wherein all other nations beare more or lesse a share with them ; they are questionlesse a people very graue in their carriages , and in offices of pietie very devout , to their King very obedient , and of their ciuill duties to their betters not vnmindfull . But that which in them deserueth the greatest commendations , is an vnmoued patience in suffering aduersities , accompanied with a setled resolution to ouercome them : a noble vertue , of which in their Indian discoueries they shewed excellent proofes : and receaued for it a glorious and a golden reward . It is said , that the French are wiser then they seeme , and the Spaniards seeme wiser then they are ; wherein they agree with many particular men of other nations , who carry the basest spirits vnder the prowdest lookes , and little found schollership vnder the most promising visages : and according to the Philosopher , Sapientes potius cupiunt videri & non esse , quàm esse & non videri . In matters of warre the Spaniards are too slow and dull , the French too headie and precipitate ; the one loosing as many faire occasions by delaies , as the other ouerthroweth by too much hast : but betweene them both , they make one good Souldier ; who according to the present opportunities , is to make vse of the spurre of courage ; or the bit of respect . The women are sober , louing their husbands or friends ; wonderfull delicate , curious in painting & perfuming : and though they haue wine in abundāce , yet are they not permitted to drink it ; verifying therein the English prouerbe , that none are wors● sh●d then the sho●makers wife . They were wondrous strong , and beyond beleefe patient in the throwes of childbed . Strabo telleth out of Possidonius , of a woman that being hired for haruest worke , felt her trauell comming on her ; who because she would not lose her daies wages , withdrewe her selfe vnder a bush , where being eased of her burden , she returned from one labour to another . The language hath much affinity with the Latine . Brerewood in his Enquiries teporteth that he hath seen a letter , euery word whereof was both good Latine and good Spanish . Merula shewes a Copy of the like , pag. 300. By reason of this consonancy with the Latine , the Spaniards call their language Romance . The other ingredients of this tongue are generally the Gotish , Arabique , and old Spanish ; and in some places the French also : these people hauing made great conquests , & hauing had great negotiations in this countrie . It is said to bee a very loftie swelling speech , full of complement and courteship . The Country heretofore was very abundant in Mines , insomuch that it was neuer free from Rouers of al nations . And it is affirmed that Annibal out of one only Mine in the Country of the Turdetani ( now part of Andaluzia ) receaued 3000l l daily . It is enriched also with Sackes , Sugars , Oyle , Mettals , Liquoras , Rice , Silke , Lamb-skinnes , Wooll , Corke , Rosen , Steele , Orenges , Raisons , and fruit of the like nature , which owe most of their being to heat . But in Corne which is the staffe of life , it is very defectiue , and receaueth from Italy , France , and Sicilie the greatest part of it . The Cattle hereof are neither faire nor many ; so that their fare is for the most part on sallets and ●ruits of the earth ; every Gentleman being limited what flesh he shall buy for himselfe and his familie . When that worthy Souldier Sr Roger Williams heard a Spaniard foolishly bragging of his Country Sallets , he gaue him this answere , you haue indeed good s●wce in Spaine , but we haue dainty Beefes , Veales , and Muttons to eat with that sawee ; & as God made Beasts to liue on the grasse of the earth , so he made man to li●e vpon them . And it is obseru'd that if a Spaniard haue a capon or the like good dish to his supper , you shall finde all the feathers scattered before his dore by the next morning . For trauelling the Innes and Vents of this Country are very ill provided , insomuch that most men that would not goe supperlesse to sleepe , carry their prouision at their saddle bowes ; & men of worth their bedding also . So poore and meane is the entertainement in these places . Here liued in ancient times the Gyants Gerion and Cacus , which were queld by Hercules : and in the flourishing of the Romane Empire , Seneca the Tragoedian ; and a Philosopher of the same name , a man of that happy memorie , that he could repeat 2000 names in the same order that they were rehearsed . Quintilian the Oratour , Lucian , and Martial , excellent in their kindes , and Pemponius Mela the Geographer . In the middle times Fulgentius , and Isidore Bishop of Sevill . And in our Fathers dayes Arias Montanus , Osorius , Tostatus , Masius , &c. The principall Souldiers were Theodosius the Great , Bernard del Carpio , Cid Ruis Dias , Sancho the great of Navarre , Ferdinand the Catholique , Charles the Emperour , &c. The Christian Religion was first here planted ( as they say ) by St Iames Anno 37. They were all constant to the Bishop of Rome , insomuch that in the sixt Councell of Tolledo , it was enacted that the King should suffer none to liue in his Dominions that professe not the Roman Catholike Religion ; of which their King is so great a Patron , that a late Pope being sicke , and hearing divers moane his approaching end ; vttered words to this effect , My life can nothing profit the Church , but pray for the king of Spaine as its chiefe supporter . For indeed the Kings of Spaine , hauing framed to themselues an hope of the Westerne Monarchie ; & finding no fitter means of enlarging their own tēporal , then by cōcurring with the Pope in vpholding his spiritual Empire : haue linked thēselues most fast to that See. To this end they haue takē vpō thē to be the executioners of his excōmunicatiōs , by which office Ferdinand the Catholike surprised Navarre ; hoping in time to worke so vpon the rest of the interdicted states of Europe : which Monarchie of the Spaniard is by the Iesuites ( who in all their perswasions couple , as one God , and one Pope , so one King ) taught to be the only meanes to vnite the differences of the Church , and subdue that great enemy of religion the Turke . And though by this office the kingdome of Spaine and Popedome of Rome , be thus straightly combined ; yet herein the Popes haue ouershot themselues , in that leaning so much to the Spaniard , and so immoderately increasing his dominion ; they doe in a manner stand at his deuotion , and may peraduenture in the end bee forced to cast themselues into his armes as their good Lord and master . For certaine it is that the Spanish Agents haue openly braued the Cardinals , and told them that they hoped to see the day , wherein their King should offer to the Pope halfe a dozen to be made Cardinals , and hee not dare to refuse any : and that they themselues should choose no Pope but one of their masters naming . So great an inconuenience it is more then possible it may bee to the Popes , in making this Prince the one and only string to their bowe . The chiefe Riuers are 1. Tagus , celebrated for his golden sands , the head of it is in the mountaine Seira Molina neere to Cuenca , from the which it runneth by the citty Tolledo , & then smoothly gliding by the walls of Lisbon , doth pay his tribute to the Westerne Ocean . 2. Ana ( now Guadiana ) which rising about the same place , runneth afterward vnder the ground the space of 15 miles , and hence the Spaniards bragge , that they haue a bridge whereon 10000 cattle dayly feed . This is an accident common to many rivers , as to Mole a small riuer in Surrey , Erasinus in Greece , and Lycus in Anatolia , of which last thus Ovid. Sic vbi terreno Lycus est epotus ●iatu , Existit procul hinc , alioque renaseitur ere . So Lycus swallowed by the gaping ground At a new mouth farre off is rising found . 3. Ba●is ( now Guadalquivir ) which in the Arabique signifieth a great Riuer . This together with Guadiana augment the south Sea with their liquid currents . 4. Duerus which arising from the hills of Biscay runneth Westward . 5. Iberus , which hauing his head among the fame mountaines , runneth Eastward almost 400 miles , and is nauigable 200 : the other I will hereafter specifie . The chiefe hills are three , 1. Idubeda , Iubalda or Aurentius Sa●us , stretching from the Pyrenai towards Portugal . 2. Seira Morena , declining frō the midst of Spaine towards the streights of Gibraltar . A chaine of hills sufficiently famous , were it only in this that Cervanses the wit of Spaine , made it the sceane of of many the warlike exploits atchieued by the flower & creame of Knight errantrie , Don Quixot de la Mancha . And thirdly the Alpuxaras or Seira Nevada , which thwart the kingdome of Granada from East to West : high steepy hills , & among which the people to this day speake the Arabique tongue perfectly . This kingdome was first inhabited by Tubal the sonne of Iaphet , from whom to Gargarus Melicola , are numbred 25 kings ; who lasted 988 yeares : the chiefe of which are said to haue beene , 1 Hesperus , who subduing also Italy , named both countries Hesperia ; but so , that Italy was called Hesperia the greater ; and Spaine , Hesperia the lesse . 2. Hispanus whence they conceit the name of Hispania to be deriued . 3. Tagus . 4. Baetus , and 5. Anus , whence the three famous Riuers in Spaine so called , must by all meanes be deriued . 6. Idubeda , god father no doubt to the great mountaine so called . 7. Sicileus from whom the Ile of Sicilie is said to take denomination . 8. Hispalus , who is reported to haue built the Citty Sevill or Hispalis . 9. Brigus the founder of Flavio Briga , and other Townes ending in Briga . 10. Lusus who gaue name to Lusitania or Portugall . The Catalogue of these Kings I desire no man to beleeue farther then that of our owne state from Brute to Cassibeline . As for the comming of Tubal hither , it is doubtleffe a meere vanity ; though we deny not that the Spaniards are of the progenie of Tubal , as being the descendants of the ●beri ; whom Iosephus saith to haue beene anciently called Thobe●os : a name in which are all the radicall letters of Tubal , and not much differing f●om it in sound . Somewhat before the time of G●rga●us Melicola , the Iberians came in vnder Panus , and immediatly after his death , the country was diuided amongst many Princes and Common-weales , till the comming of the Carthaginians , for the space of nine hundred and odde yeares ; in which time we finde nothing obseruable . The Romans first becomming Masters of it , diuided it into Vlteriorem , lying from the riuer Iberus westward , and 2. Citeriorem betweene the Iberus and Pyrenean Hills . But having totally wrested it from the Carthaginians , they diuided it into . Tarraconensem , so cal●ed of Tarragon the Metropolis ; containing Castile , Navarre , Arragon , Biscay &c. 2. Baetic●m , of the riuer Baetis running through it ; comprehending , Granada , Andaluzia , and Estremadura . 3. Lusitanicam from Lusui the 17th King , and Tania , which signifieth a Region , being somewhat of larger extent then Portugall . Of these 3 parts , Boetica was in most esteeme vnder the Romans , insomuch that in this Prouince there were reckoned to be 8 Romane Colonies ; 8 municipall Citties , and 29 other Townes , endued with the rights and priuiledges of the Latines . The reason hereof was , that the people of this Country hauing beene formerly broken by the Carthaginians , with more quiet endured the yoke of the Romans ; whereas the rest for a long time resisted the entrie & Empire of that prevailing Citty . Scipio Africanus laid the first foundation of the Roman government in this country , which building , though vndertaken by many excellent workmen , was not throughly finished til the dayes of Augustus , being almost 200 yeares since the first attempt . He roofed it , strengthned it , & made it a principall house in his Monarchicall citty . For the old incolae were exceeding valiant and resolute , sometimes disgracing , sometimes endangering the Romane reputation ; insomuch that there were more Commanders lost in these warres than any other . At first the Romanes fought not with the Spaniards , but the Carthaginians in Spaine ; then perished both the Scipio's , viz ▪ the father and the vnkle of Africanus . Viriathus held warre for 20 yeares : Numantia resisted 15 yeares , the Astures remained vnconquered ; and also stiffely maintained their particular liberties , that dijundicari non poterat ( saith Velleius ) Hispanisne Romanis plus esset in armis roboris , & vter populus alteri pariturus foret . Such were the ancient Spaniards . This Country continued a Romane Province till about the yeare 400 , when it was subdued by Gundericus and his Vandals : of which people , their beginnings , atchieuments , and period , we will dilate when wee come into Africa , where the glory of them was most eminent , and where they ended like a Candle in a stinke . These Vandals were not warme in their new conquests , whē the Gothes ( of whom more in Sweden ) seazed on this country ; confining the Vandals within Baetica , which afterward they left , partly to eschew the neighbourhood of a potent enemy , and partly on better hopes in Africke . The Gothes now seated in Spaine , had yet the Romans as pearles in their eyes , and pricks at their hearts , neither were they totally expelled till 642. This people were Christians ; though infected with Arrianisme , which ended in the dayes of Leonigild , anno 586. Their Kings were chosen by election , and an excommunication laid on such by the fift councell of Tolledo , as withstood the choice of the people . Their lawes most in vse were customary , written Statutes being first made by King Henry , which the ensuing Princes perfected and established . The Gothish Kings in Spaine . 421 2 Valliae 22 443 2 Theoderic 13 446 2 Thorismund 3 459 4 Theod●r●c II. 14 473 5 Henry 18 491 6 Alaricus 21. 512 7 Gensalario 23 515 8 Amalaric 11 527 9 Theudes 18 543 10 Theodogisdus 3 546 11 Agila 5 551 12 Athanagildus 14 565 13 Luiba 3 568 14 Leonigild 18 586 15 Richared 15 601 16 Luiba II. 2. 603 17 Victoricus 7 610 18 Gundemaris 20 630 19 Sisebulus 9 639 20 Richared II. 2 641 21 Sunitilla 3 644 22 Sisenanda 7 651 23 Sunitilla II. 4 655 24 Tu●gas 2 657 25 Vidisuindus 10 667 26 Recesuind 13 680 27 Bamba 9 689 28 Ering 7 696 29 Egypea 7 703 30 Vitiza 716 31 Roderick , Who sent Count Iulian on an honorable Embassie to the Moores of Africa , and in the meane time deflowred his daughter Caua ; which the father tooke in such indignation , that he procured the Moores , amongst whom he had much credit , to come ouer into Spaine . This request they performed vnder the conduct of Musa and Tarif : and hauing made a full conquest , erected their kingdome . It is recorded that at the first comming of Tariff into Spaine , a poore woman of the country being willingly taken prisoner , fell downe at his feet , kissed them , and told him that she had oft heard her father ( who was lettered ) say , that Spaine should bee conquered by 2 people , whose Generall should haue a mole on his right shoulder , and in whom one of his hands should be longer then the other . Hee to animate his Souldiers against the next encounter , vncloathed himselfe and shewed the marke , which so encouraged them , that they now doubted not the victory . Rodericke had in his army 130000 foot , and 25000 horse : Tariff had 30000 horse , and 180000 foot . The battaile continued 7 days together from morning to night : at last the Moores were victorious . What became of king Rodericke was neuer knowne ; his Souldiers tooke one arrayed in their kings apparel , whom vpon examination they found to be a Sheepheard ; with whom the king after the discomfiture had changed cloaths . It is written also that before the comming of thofe Saracens , king Roderick vpon hope of some treasure , did open a part of the Pallace of long time forbidden to bee touched : but found nothing but pictures which resembled the Moores ; with a prophecie , that whensoeuer the Pallace was there opened , such ● people as was there resembled , should ouercome Spaine , and so it happened . The Moores now Lords of Spaine , by the treason of Iulian , who hauing seene the miserable death of his wife and children , was starued in prison by the Africans : permitted free vse of religion to the old inhabitants ; least they seeking new dwellings for the liberty of conscience , should leaue their natiue soyle desolate . The Moores finished their conquest in fiue yeares , say some ; others in two ; and some againe in eight mone●hs . To keep the new conquered country in subiection no way was so conven●ent as to plant Colonies : but the Morisco women would not abandon their old seats . Herevpon Musa and Tarif by guifts , pardons , and perswasions drew many Christian women to forsake their religion ; whom they married to the Souldiers . Not long after , Vlidor Vbit ( whom some call Alma●zar ) the great Caliph , sent ouer about 50000 families of Moores and Iewes ; assigning them a convenient portion of lands , to bee held with great immunities , and vpon small rents . These politique courses notwithstanding , the Moores long enioyed not sole soveraignty herein ; for the Christians hauing now recouered breath , chose themselues Kings : and the authority of the Caliphs declining , gaue the Saracen Moores liberty to erect divers petty royalties ; so that at last Spaine fell into a twelue-partite diuision , viz : into the kingdomes and proprietary estates of 1 Leon and Oviedo . 2 Navarre . 3 Corduba , 4 Gallicia . 5 Biscay ● Tolledo . 7 Murcia . 8 Castile . 9 Portugall . 10 Valentia . 11 Catelogne . and 12 Arragon , of which in order . LEON and OVIEDO . The kingdome of LEON and OVIEDO hath on the East and South Biscay and Castile ; on the North the Ocean ; on the West Gallicia . This country is by a more ancient name called Asturia , from the Astures which were the ancient inhabitants hereof . It yeelded the small , though swift , horses , which from hence the Romans called Asturcones ; wee may english them Hobbies : but in processe of time , this Asturco became a commō name for Geldings ; and Asturco Macedonicus in Petronius is nothing but a Macedonian Nagge . This is the honour or title of the eldest sonne of Castile , who is called Prince of the Asturias ; which some suppose to be giuen vnto them , because this was the first principality which held vp against the Moores . But indeed the true originall hereof is to be referred to the time of the marriage of Catharine , daughter vnto Iohn of Gaunt , and in right of her mother Constance true heire to the realme of Castil : vnto Henry sonne to Iohn the first then in possession of that kingdome . For to this new married couple it was granted , that after the manner of England , where the heire apparant is called Prince of Wales ; they should be called Princes of the Asturia's . In succeeding times the townes of Iean , Vbeda , Biatia , and Andutar , were added to the patrimonie ; and so vnto this day continue . The chiefe Town●s of this kingdome are 1 Aviles on the Sea side . 2 Palenza , which first felt the armes of the Sucvi . 3 Oviedo , which gaue title to the first Christ●an Kings after the Moorish conquest . It was ioyn'd in title with Leon Anno 896. and quite left out by Raymir , 904. 4. Aftorga , a Towne happy in this , that it felt not the fury of the lustfull king Vi●iza ; who to secure himselfe in vnlawfull pleasures , and weaken his subiects , if they should attempt revenge ; dismantled all the townes in Spaine except Leon , Tolledo , and this Astorga . 5 Leon recouered from the Moores 712 , and by some called Legio , because they guesse the 1●th Legion to haue here lodged , which was called Legio Germanica . That kingdomes are to be kept by the same meanes they are got , is an axiom among Politicians : but that they are lost by the same , would seeme harsh vnto them ; yet so it hapned to the Moores . The lust of Rodericke , a Spanish king , brought them thither ; and the lust of Magnutza , a Moorish Viceroy , gaue the first checke to their fortune , which proued at last the ouerthrow of that kingdome : for Magnutza hauing employed Pelagius , a young Prince of the Asturia's , on an Embassie to Musa , the Captaine Generall of the Moores , then resident at Corduba ; in his absence rauished his sister , and at his returne died by the edge of his sword : in applause of which noble act , & hope of greater exploits , Pelagius was by the people made King of Oviedo . The Kings of Oviedo and Leon. 716 1 Pelagius 20 735 2 Falfila 2 737 3 Alphonsus 23 760 4 Pht●illa 12 772 5 Aurelius 6 778 6 Sillo 6 784 7 Mauregatus 3 787 8 Veramund 2 789 9 Alphonso the chast . 36 825 10 Raymir 6 831 11 Ordogno 10 841 12 Alphonso the great 46 887 13 Garcia 4 891 14 Ordogno II. 5 898 15 Phroilla II. 2 900 16 Alphonso IV. 5 905 17 Raymir II. 19 924 18 Ordogno III. 5 929 19 Sancho 11 940 20 Raymir III. 25 965 21 Veramund II. 17 982 22 Alphonso V. 35 1018 23 Veramund III. 6 1025 24 Sancha Q. of Leon 42 1025 24 Fernand k. of Cast. 42 1067 25 Alphonso VI , 41 1108 26 Vrraca of Leon , 14 1108 26 Alphonso of N. & Ar. 14 1122 27 Alphons . VIII 35 1157 28 Fernand II. 31 1188 29 Alphonso IX . 42 1230 30 Fernand III. who by the power and pollicy of his mother , seazed on the Castiles , which were neuer since disioyned from Leon. The Armes of this kingdome are Argent a Lyon passant crowned Or , which when the Castiles were ioyned to this kingdome , were quartered with the Armes of those Countries . This was the first time that euer Armes were borne quartered ; and was seconded by our Edward the 3d , who to shew his title to the Crowne of France , not only tooke on the title of King of France , but quartered the Armes thereof with those of England as to this day they continue . 2. NAVARRE . NAVARRE is the second kingdome for antiquity in Spaine . it hath on the East the Pyrenean mountaines , on the West Iberus , on the North Biscay , on the South Arragon . The old inhabitants hereof were the Vascones , who passing ouer the hills into France , possessed that part of it , called since Vasconia or Gascoigne . The ch●efe Ci●ties are Victoria , made a Citty by Iohn husband to Q Blanch , king of Arragon and Navarre . Th●s towne is situate in the country which they now call Alava , which in our ordinary Mappes is placed betweene Castile and Biscay ▪ of which last it seemeth to haue beene a part . 2 Viana the title of the Navarran Prince . Nigh vnto this Towne Caesar Borgia was slaine by an ambush : hee was sonne to Pope Alexander the 6 , and by his father first made Cardinall , but reliquishing that title , he was by king Charles the 8 , made Duke of Valence in Daulphine . During the life of his father hee had reduced many townes to the obedience of the Church ; but af●er his death hee was by Pope Iulio the 2 , confined . From Rome he stole to Gonsalvo , Viceroy in Naples , for Ferdinand the Catholique ; who , notwithstanding his safe conduct giuen , sent him prisoner to Spaine : from hence he escaped desperatly , ( sliding down a window ) into Navarre , where he was ( as we haue said ) slaine by an ambush . So many times was Machiavels great Politician ouer-reached by bookemen and souldiers . 3. Sanguessa , whose Inhabitants and neighbours in the beginning of this Pyrenean kingdome , paid a tribute of kine yeerely . And 4 Pampelune the Metropolis of this Countrie , a towne banded by the racket of Fortune , into the hazards of Gothes , Moores , Navarrois , French , and now Castilians . It took the name of Navarre , either from a town amongst the mountaines , called Navarrin , a place most likely , by reason of its strong situation , to resist the fury of the Moores , and to support the title of a new Potentate : or 2 from Navois , signifying a champion Country . It was also called the kingdome of Sobabre , for that the Pyrenei are in this place so called . The first king was Garcia Ximenes , who with 600 men only , began to oppose the Saracens , and left both title and possession vnto his successours . The sixt from this Garcia , was Inigo surnamed Arista , who began the ceremony of crowning and anointing in this Continent , according to the Spanish History . But the old Romane Prouinciall , cited by Mr Selden in his Titles of Honour , acknowledgeth no such honour due hereto : ascribing it only to the Emperours of the East and West , the Kings of Hierusalem , England , France , and Sicily . The 13th King was Sancho , for his valour and potencie surnamed the great ; He was the first that euer did write himself King of Spaine , his predecessours calling themselues kings of Navarre , his cōtemporaries kings of Leon only , the Gothes Kings of the Gothes in Spaine , and so the Vandals and Suevi . The reason was , because being a Prince of great power-ablenesse , he had also almost all Spaine , which belonged not to the Moores , in his possession . The Earledome of Arragon was vnited to this Navarre , Aº 867 , when Garcia king hereof was married to Vrraca heire of Arragon ▪ Castile he held in the right of his wife Donna Nugna , sister and heire to Earle Sancho : & as for Leon , he forcibly detained a great part of it vnder his Empire . Had all those Estates continued vnited vnder one head , questionlesse the Kingdome of the Moores had not so long subsisted ; but this Sancho louing all his sonnes alike , gaue them alike portions and honours , bequeathing to his eldest son Garcia , Navarre ; and that part of Leon which he conquered : to his second son Fernando , Castile : to his base son Raymir , Arragon , both which he had erected into Kingdomes . By meanes of this vnpolitick course , his sonnes being of equall powers & honours , insteed of opposing the common foe , bandied against each other ; which , had all these principalities remained joyned , or the latter not dignified with the title of Kingdomes , had bin avoyded . The 30th King was Charles the 2d , whom I mention not for any glorious actions atchieued in his life , for that was full enough of ignominie ; but for the strangenes and hideousnes of his death . He was a king much giuen to voluptuousnes and sensuall pleasures , which so wasted his spirits , that in his old age he fell into a kind of a Lethargie . To comfort his benummed joynts , he was bound and sowed vp naked in a sheet steeped in boyling Aquavitae : The Chirurgion hauing made an end of sowing him , and wanting a knife to cut off the threed , tooke a waxe candle that stood lighted by him ; but the flame running down by the threed , caught hold on the sheet , which ( according to the nature of Aquavitae ) burned with that vehemencie , that the miserable King ended his dayes in the fire . The 38th Princes were Katharine Queene of Navarre , and Iohn Earle of Albret in Gascoigne , her husbād ; in whose reigne Navarre was surprized by Fernando the Catholique , as anon I wil more particularly tell you . In the mean time let vs summe vp the Kings of this hillie Realme . The Kings of Navarre . 716 1 Garcia 42 758 2 Garcia II 44 802 3 For●●o 13 815 4 Sancho 17 832 5 Ximenes 18 840 6 Inigo 27 867 7 Garcia III 18 885 8 Fortun II 6 901 9 Sancho II 19 920 10 Garcia IV 49 969 11 Sancho III 24 993 12 Garcia V 7 ( 34 1000 13 Sancho the great 1034 14 Garcia VI 20 1054 15 Sancho V 22 1076 16 Sancho VI 18 1094 17 Pedro 10 1104 18 Alphonso 30 1134 19 Garcia VII 16 1150 20 Sancho VII 46 1196 21 Sancho VIII 40 1236 22 Blanch Q. 19 1236 22 Theobald E. of Champaigne 19 1255 23 Theobald II 18 1273 24 Henry 5 1276 25 Ioane Qu. 31 1276 25 Philip K. of France 31 2307 26 Lewis Huttin 10 1317 27 Philip the long 5 1322 28 Charl. the faire 8 1330 29 Ioane Qu. of Navarre . 21 1330 29 Philip E. of Eureux . 21 1351 30 Charles II 37 1388 31 Charles III 39 1427 32 Blanch Q. of Navarre 54 1427 32 Iohn King of Arragon 54 1481 33 Leonora Q. of Nauarre 4 1481 33 Gaston E. of Foix 4 1485 34 Fran. Phoebus 4 1485 35 Katharin Q. of Navarre 32 1485 35 Iohn E. of Albret . 32 1517 36 Hen. of Albret 39 1556 37 Ioane of Albret 6 1556 37 Anth. of Burbon 6 1562 38 Henry of Burbon K. of Fr. and Nav. 48 1610 39 Lewis King of France and Navarre now liuing , with whom remaine the Rights , but not the Possession of this Kingdome . For in the reigne of Catharine , and Iohn of Albret , Ferdinand the Catholique , gathered a great power vnder pretence of rooting out the Moores , and surprized this Kingd●me altogether vnprouided , and destitute of all meanes to make the smallest resistance , Anno 1512. The pretended reason of this surprizall , w●s an Excommunication , laid on these Prince by the Pope , of which this King took vpon him to be the executioner : but the true cause was an ancient desire which this King had to prossesse this frontire Kingdome , it being a strong Bulwarke against France . It happened then that Lewis the 12th hauing incurred the displeasure of Pope Iulio the second , was together with all his adherents , excommunicated , and his and their estates giuen to such as could or would subdue them . The King and Queene of Navarre were at this time both French sub●ect , he in respect of Albret his paternall inheritance , & she of her Earledomes of Foize & Bearne ; and therefore sided with the Fre●ch King. Ferdinand hauing ( as we said ) levied an army vnder color of extirpating ths Moores , turneth vpon the French King , and demandeth of these Princes not only a free passage through their Countrie , but also to haue certaine places of strength put into his hands for his better assurance . These vnjust demands the Navar●●ys denied , whereupon Ferdinand with all expedition , invadeth the kingdome , which he tooke without a blow giuen ; the French King being as backward in affording due assistance , as the other was vnprovided of meanes for defence The French netled with this losse , diuers times attempted the recouery of it , but in va●ne , ●or the Spainiard still keepeth it . The armes of Navarre are Gu●es a Carbuncle nowed Or. In this Kingdome was the order of Knighthood called the Lilly , begun by Garcia the sixt : their blazon is a pot of Lillies , on which is graued the portraiture of our Lady ; their duty was to defend the faith , and dayly to repeat certain Ave Maries , &c. 3. CORDVBA . The Kingdome of CORDVBA comprehended And●luzia , the Country of Granada and Estremadura . ANDALVZIA called by Pl●ny Conventus Cordubensis , is between the hill Seira Morena North , Granada East , and the Sea : it is so called quasi Vandaluzia from the Vandals , who long time , and till their expulsion into Africa possessed it . This is the most rich and fertile countrie of all Spaine , watered with the riuers Anas , 2 Odier , 3 Batis , and 4 Teneo . The chiefe cities are Corduba the Royall seat of the Moorish Kings : here were borne Lucan and both the Seneca's . Duosque Senecas , unicumque Lucanum , Foecunda loquitur Corduba . Corduba glorying in her fruitfull field , One Lucan , and two Seneca's did yeeld . This city is vulgarly called Cordova , & hence commeth our true Cordovan leather , made of the skin of a Sardinian beast . Neere vnto this city is a wood of 30 miles in length , hauing nothing but Oliue trees : and not farre hence by the Village called Munda , was fought that notable battaile betweene Caesar , and the sonnes of Pompey . The honour of the day fell vnto Caesar , who then made an end of the ciuill warres , which that very day foure yeares before , were begun by Pompey the Father . In this battaile Cneius Pompeius was slaine , and his strength broken ; Neither did Caesar escape without great losse , he neuer being before so put to his last trumpe : for seeing his souldiers giue back , he resolutely maintained the fight , bidding them remember they had at Munda forsaken their Generall . Shame , & his noble example , encouraged the souldiers to a new onset , which was honoured with the tropheyes of victory . This was the last field that Caesar euer was in , he being not long after , murdered in the Senate-house . In other places he vsed to say , he fought for honour ; in this for his life . 2. Marchena where the best Iennets are , not of this Prouince alone , but of all Spaine : the riuer Baetis ( as it is thought ) conveying some secret vertue vnto them . Of this race was the horse which Caesar so loued , that at his death he erected his statue in the Temple of Venus : And the ancient Lusitani thought they were ingendred by the wind . 3. Medina Sidonia , whose Duke was Captaine Generall of the invincible Armado 1588. 4 Lucar di Barameda a great Hauen Towne , at which the man which either was the true Sebastian King of Portugall , or else would so haue bin accounted , arriued in a Galley from Naples , where he had bin kept in a darke dungeon three dayes without any sustenance , but a knife & a halter . If man● judgments durst herein be free , I could say that the arguments la●d down in the Spanish History on this behalfe , are both vnanswered , and better then such as were brought against him . But he hath bin now long dead , and therefore let all the probabilities and suspitions of his being the same man , be buried with him : though certain it is , that the Spaniards vsed to say , that either he was the true Sebastian , or the diuell in his likenes . 5 Xeres a sea-town also , whence come our Xeres sacke , commōly called Sherrie sacks . 6. Tariffa seated at the end of the promontorie toward Africke , and so called , because Tariff the leader of the Moores into Spaine , here landed , And 7. Seuill the fairest city not of Andaluzia alone , but of all Spaine . It is in compasse sixe miles , environed with beautifull wals , & adorned with many magnificent and stately buildings of Palaces , Churches , and Monasteries ; amongst which , that of the Gertosins is endowed with 25000 crownes of yearely revenue . Vnder the jurisdiction of this city are no lesse then 20000 small Villages . It is also a most flourishing Vniversity , wherein studied Avicen the Moore that excellent and learned Scholler ; Pope Silvester the second , and Leander . Famous also is it for two provinciall Councels holden here , the first Aº 584 , the last Aº 636 , and also that here are continually maintained 30000 Gennets for the seruice of the King. The riuer Baetis diuideth it into two parts , both joyned together by a stately and beautifull bridge . It was recouered by Fernand the 2 of Castile , Aº 1248. from hence come our Seuill Orenges ; from hence the Castilians hoyse saile toward the Indians ; lastly , here is the body of Christopher Columbus with this ( I cannot say worthy ) Epitaph . Christ●pherus ( genuit quem Genoa clara ) Columbus ( Numine perculsus quo nescio ) primus in altum Descendens pelagus , solem versusque cadentem ; Directo cursu , nostro hactenus abdita mundo Littora dete●i , Hispano paritura Philippo : Audenda hinc alijs plura , & maiora reliquens . I Christopher Columbus whom the land Of Genoa first brought forth , first took in hand ( I know not by what Deity incited ) To scull the Westerne waues , and was delighted To find such coasts as were vnknowne before ; Th' euent was good , for I descried the shore Of the new World , that it might learne t' obey Philip , which o're the Spanish should beare sway ; And yet I greater matters left behind For men of more meanes , and a brauer mind . The custome of this town only is worth vnto the King halfe a million of gold yearely . The revenues of the Archbishop hereof are 100000 crownes yearely , as hauing in his whole Diocese 2000 Benefices , besides Frieries , Nunneries , Hospitals . He is next in degree to the Archbishop of Tolledo , and is the Metropolitan of Andaluzia , and the Fortunate Ilands . Isidore so much renowned for his sincerity & profoundnesse in learning , was Bishop here , who is vsually called Isidorus Hispalensis , to distinguish him from another of that name , called Pelusietae . 2 GRANADA is bounded with Marcia on the East , Andaluzia on the West , Castile North , and the Mediterranean South . The chiefe Cities are Granada , a fine and stately Towne , whence come our Granada stockings . The houses hereof are built all of curious free stone , with delicate and artificiall masonry , shewing great magnificence . It is replenished within with abundance of wholesome and pleasing springs , and fenced without with a strong wall , in which are 12 gates , and 130 turrets . Here is still to be seene the palace of the Moorish kings , an excellent and magnificent structure couered ouer with gold , and indented with Mosaicall worke , This City is the ordinary Parliament and Court of Iustice for all the Southerne parts of Spaine , in like manner as Valadolit is for the North ; Madrid like the high Parliament of Paris , hauing jurisdiction ouer , and receiuing appeales from both . 2 Alamia famous for her bathes . 3 Malaga or Malaca , a towne sacked by Crassus the rich Roman who flying into Spaine to auoide the fury of Marius and Cinna , who had slaine his father and vncle , hid himselfe and his companions eight moneths together in a caue ; but hauing intelligence of their deaths , he issued out , and ransacked amongst many other cities , this Malaga . From hence come our Malaga Sackes : and to the great prejudice of the Moores was this Towne taken by Fernand the Catholique 1487. ●4 Alm●ri● a great Hauen-towne . 5. Osuna . 3 ESTREMEDVRA hath on the East and North Castile , on the West Portugal , on the South Vandaluzia , it was once called Baeturia from the Baetis which runneth through it . The chiefe cities are 1 Merida ( formerly called Augusta Emerita ) nigh vnto which was the battle betweene Val●●a King of the Gothes , and Atace King of the Alani , and Vandals ( surnamed Silinges : ) the victory whereof falling to the Gothes , caused the Vandals to leaue their first footing in Spaine . This town sprung from the ruine of Norba Caesarea , which by Petronius and Afranius , two of Pompeyes captaines , was laide euen with the ground , for adhering faithfully to Iulius Caesar. It was built & made a Colonie by Augustus , who placing in it his old souldiers , whom the Latines call Emeriti , gaue it the name of Augusta Emerita . 2 Guadalcanall famous for mines of gold and siluer . The first Incola were the Vestones . It was taken from the Moores 1147. The Saracens hauing made almost a plenarie conquest of Spaine , and vtterly subverted the Gothish kingdome , were first subject vnto the Caliphs of Babylon , but after some few yeares , the vast Empire of the Saracens ouer-burdened by its owne waight , began to bend downewards ; and the Sultans who by institution , were but Vicegerents to the Mahumetan Pope of Bagdet , invested themselues with the wreathes of royall authority : euery one plucking some feathers from this Arabian Peacocke to hide his owne nakednesse withall . In this confusion the more potent Saracens of Spaine , fortified themselues as they best could , making as many Kingdomes as Cities , and almost as many Cities as townes . Yet did the more splendide Sunne of Maiestie shine in the Sphere of Corduba . The Moorish Kings of Corduba . 757 1 Abderamen 30 787 2 Hizen 7 794 3 Haliathan 25 819 4 Abderamen II 20 839 5 Mahomet 35 874 6 Almudix 2 876 7 Abdalla 13 889 8 Abderamen III 50 939 9 Hali Hatan 17 956 10 Hizen II 35 989 11 Zulcimen 4 993 12 Mahomet II 10 1001 13 Hali 2 1003 14 Cacin 4 1007 15 Hiaia 1 1008 16 Abderamen IV 1 1009 17 Mahomet III 1 1010 18 Hizen III 1 1011 19 Ioar 3 1014 20 Mahomet IV After the death of this Mahomet , the kingdome of Corduba was tossed with diuers fortunes , as being sometimes vnder the protection , sometimes the command of the Kings of F●z and Morocco : but alwayes supported by the Africans against the Christians in Spaine , till at last the kingdome was ruinated by King Fernand of Castile , 1236. after it had flourished vnder 20 Kings almost 260 yeares . The Armes of the Realme of Corduba were Or , a Lyon Gules , armed and crowned of the first : a border Azrue , charged with 8 towres Argent . Corduba thus taken , the Moores flie to Granada , and there renue their strength and kingdome : Which kingdome , how and when it ended , we shall not be long before we tell you . As for the name and Nation of Moores , it continued in Spaine euen vntil our time ; most of that people professing , or at least , seeming to professe the Christian Religion . But in the yeare 1609 , to the number of a million of them and vpwards , going about to free themselues from the danger of the Inquisition , and to rec●uer their old liberty again : gaue just occasion to the kings of Spaine , to vse that hard point of seuerity toward them , which he afterwards did , banishing the whole Nation out of his dominions for euer ; when this had bin to them their natiue soyle for almost 900 yeares . The Moorish Kings of Granada . 1236 1 Mahomet Alcamir 36 1272 2 Mahomet Mir Almir 30 1302 3 Mahomet Aben Ezar 7 1309 4 Mahomet Aben Evar 0 1309 5 Ismael 13 1322 6 Mahomet 12 2334 7 Ioseph Aben Amet 20 1354 8 Mahomet Aben 23 1377 9 Mahomet Vermeil 2 1379 10 Mahomet Guadix 13 1392 11 Ioseph II 4 1396 12 Mahomet Aben Balva 11 1407 13 Ioseph III 16 1423 14 Mahomet Aben Azar 9 1432 15 Ioseph Aben Almud 13 1445 16 Mahomet Osmen 13 1458 17 Ismael II 6 1464 18 Muley Alboacen 16 1482 19 Mahomet Bonbdelin , He was the last King of the Moores in Spaine ; For as the kingdome of Granado beganne vnder a Mahomet , a Fernand King of Castile : so it ended vnder a Mahomet , a Fernand being King of Castile . In the tenth yeere of this mans reigne , about the yeere 1492. the Empire of the Moores ended in Spaine , by the valour of Ferdinand the Catholique , and Isabel his wife , after their first entrance into it more then 760 yeeres . Such as after the decay of their kingdome stayed in Spaine , were by a statute in that case prouided , to be Christened ; and that they might be known to bee as they professed , the Inquisition was ordained , consisting of a certaine number of Dominican Friers ; who finding such counterfeiting Christians , were first gently to reproue and exh●rt them , and after if no amendment followed , to inflict some mulct vpon them . This custome in it selfe was wondrous tollerable & laudable ; but from the Moores it is turned on the Protestants , and that with such violence and extremity of torture , that it is counted the greatest tyranny and seuerest kind of persecution vnder heauen : Insomuch that many Papists who would willingly die for their Religion , abhorre the very name and mention , and to the death withstand the bringing in of this slauerie among them . This is it that made the people of Arragon and Naples rebell , countries where the people are all of the Papall side : and this was it which caused the irremediable revolt of the Low-countries ; the greatest part of that nati●n at the time of their taking armes , being Catholickes . Yet is it planted & established in Spaine , & all Italy , ( Naples and Venic● excepted . ) This racking of mens consciences is committed to the most zealous , fierie and rigorous Friers in the whole packe . The least suspition of heresie , affinity , or commerce with Heretikes , reprouing the liues of the Clergie , keeping any bookes , or editions of bookes prohibited ; or discoursing in matters of Religion , are offences sufficient . Nay they will charge mens consciences vnder paine of damnation , to detect their nearest & dearest friends , if they doe but suspect them to be herein culpable . Their proceedings are with great secrecie & seuerity : for 1. the parties accused , shall neuer know their accuser , but sh●lbe constrained to reueale their own thoughts & affections . 2ly if they are but convinced of any errour in any of their opinions , or be gainsaied by two witnesses , they are immediatly condemned : 3 l● if nothing can be proued against them , yet shall they with infinite tortures & miseries be kept in the house diuers yeares , for a terrour to others : & 4ly if they escape the first brunt with many torments and much anguish ; yet the second questioning or suspition , brings death remedilesse . And as for torments and kindes of death , Phalaris and his fellow-tyrants , come farre short of these bloud-hounds . Each of those Inquisitors is honoured with the title of Lord , and are a great terrour to the neighbouring Peazants . There goeth a tale , how one of their Lordships desiring to eate of the peares which grew in a poore mans Orchard not farre off , sent for him to come vnto him : which put the poore Swaine into such a fright , that he fell sick , and kept his bed . Being afterward informed that his peares were the cause of his Lordships message , he plucked vp the tree by the roots , carrying it with all the fruit on it vnto him : and when he was demanded the reason of that vnhusbandly action ; he protested that hee would neuer keepe that thing in his house which should giue any of their Lordships a further occasion to send for him . The Armes of Granada are Or , a Pomegrauat slipped Vert. 4. GALLICIA . Gallicia hath on the East the Asturia's , on the West & North the Sea , on the South the riuer Minius . The former Inhabitants were of Gallaici , whence the name is deriued . The Country is like that of the Asturias , mountainous , and almost inaccessible ; and so the fitter to hold out against forreine invasions , and to defend the person of its own Princes , and the common liberty . The chiefe Cities are 1 Compostella , vulgarly called St Iago , in the honour of Saint Iames , who lieth here buried , and of whom there is an order of Knights . In a Church of this towne are kept the reliques of Saint Iames , which are to this day worshipped with incredible devotion , and visited with a wonderfull concourse of people . This Church hath no Bishop , but is immediatly vnder the Pope . This Church also did Charles the great , make one of the three seates Apostolike , the other two being St Peters in Rome , and St Iohns in Ephesus . This towne is also an Vniversity . 2 Baiona at the mouth of Minius , and 3 Corenna , not farre from the Promontory Nerius . This towne is that which is called the Groyne , so often mentioned i● our last warres with the Spaniards . When the Vandals made their first inrodes into Spaine , there entred with them a people called the Suevi , who , according to the diuision made betweene them , the Vandals , and Alani : laide hands on this Prouince , vnder the conduct of Hermeric the first king . The third king Reccaire did receiue the Christian Faith , & with it also Arrianisme : hee surprized Navarre and Arragon ; but could not defend his owne countrie from Theodoricke the Gothe ; who after gaue the Gallicians leaue to choose a new King. Hereupon ensued diuers bloudie factions betwixt the more potent of the Nobility , till at last the honour fell on Arismund . Finally after this kingdome had endured 177 yeares , it was subdued by Leonigild a king of the Gothes . It was againe made a kingdome by Alphonso the great of Leon , and by him giuen to his sonne Ordogno , Aº 886. and was again incorporated to Leon by Alphonso the sixt , who wrested it from Don Garcia , 1081. The Armes of this kingdome were Azure , Semie of crosse crosset ; fitchee , a Chalice couered Or. 5. BISCAIE . BISCAIE called formerly Cantabria , is betwixt Navarre East , old Castile South , Leon West , and the Cantabrian Ocean North. It tooke name from the Vascones , part of which people when they le●t their old seates , came into this country ; naming it first Viscaia , then Viscaia , and now Biscaia . The chiefe Cities are 1 Tholosa . 2. Saint Sebastians . 3 F●nterabia both parts on the Sea. 4 Bilbo ( anciently called Flavionavia ) two miles distant frō the Maine ; it aboundeth with good wines , much cattle , the best bread , and tryed blades , called Bilbo blades . It is a towne of great trafficke , and consequently of great riches , here be●ng many priuate men which yeerely build three or foure shippes . The Countrie is mountainous and woodie , out of whose hils arise 150 Riuers , of which Iberus and Duerus are the chiefe . Here is excellent timber to build shippes , and such an abundance of iron , that it is called The Armorie of Spaine . The people of this Prouince vse a language different from the rest of Spaine , and is reported to haue continued without great alteration , since the confusion at Babel . That it is of this age , I will not stand to proue ; though an argument hereof may be , the small or no affinity it hath with other tongues , Yet that it was the ancient language of Spaine , is more then probable , because this people haue euer continued without any mixture of forreine Nations ; as being neuer throughly subdued either by Romanes , Carthaginians , Gothes , or Moores ; and so they remained , as in their liberties not mastered ; so in their language not altered In like manner the Arabique continueth vncorrupt in the hillie parts of Granada ; the tongue of the old Brittaines in our Wales , and the ancient Epirotique , in the high and woodie parts of that countrie . Neither doe these Biscaines differ from the rest of Spaine in language , but in customes also , three of which I will set down as a light to the rest . First they account themselues free from taxes , and contributions to the kings of Spaine , yeelding them obedience with their bodies , but not with their purses . And when any of the Spanish kings in their progresses come to the Frontiers of this Countrie , hee bareth one of his legs , and in that manner entreth into it . There he is met by the Lords and Gentlemen there dwelling , who proffe● him some few small brasse pieces ( Marauidis they call them , whereof 600 goe to a crown ) in a leatherne bag , hanging at the end of a lance ; but with all they tell him that hee must not take them . This ceremony performed , they all attend the king in his journey , and this I learned from a Gentleman , who hath spent some time in this Countrie . 2ly they admit no Bishops to come amongst them ; and when Fernand the Catholique came in progresse hither , accompanied amongst others , by the Bishop of Pampelune : the people arose in armes , draue back the Bishop , and gathering all the dust on which they thought he had troden , slung it into the Sea. 3ly The women at all meetings doe first drinke ; a custome which hath continued euer since Ogn● Countesse of Castilc , would haue poysoned her sonne Sancho . The ancient inhabitants were the Cantabri , a people of that courage , that they defended the liberty of their Country against the Romans , when the residue of Spaine was subdued ; and were at last not without great effusion of blood , and manifest tokens of manly resolution , and Heroick spirits , on their parts ; vanquished by the darling of Fortune , Augustus . Such hillie & mountainous people are alwayes the last that are conquered , and the first that stand on their own guard , as besides these Biscanies , the Navarroys and Asturians here in Spaine , in respect of the Moores : and our Brittaines in relation to the Saxons . Whether it be , that liuing in a sharpe aire , and being inured to labour , they proue on occasion , good and able men : or that the Forts of Natures own building , are not so easily wonne , as defended : or that the vnpleasantnesse of the Country , & vhfruitfulnesse of the soile , yeeld no occasion to strangers to desire & adventure for it , I cannot determine . These Biscanies were the last also that submitted to the fury of the Moores , whom shortly after they droue thence by the valour of Soria a Noble Scot 870 ; whose posterity enjoyed this proprietary Lordship , till that Nero of Spaine , Don Pedro , violently tooke it from the true Heire , Donna Iane , and her Husband , 1358. 6. TOLLEDO . TOLLEDO is now accounted as a city of ntw Castile : The kingdome embraced the Towne and Territories extending ouer the Southeast of Castile , now called Campo de Calatrava , & so downward toward Murcia . This Country was of old the ●eate of the Carpentani . The chiefe city is Tolledo , seated on the riuer Tagus : it is beautified with many palaces of rare and excellent architecture ; and fortified with 150 towres standing on the wals . It is seated in the very center almost of Spaine , and is passing well inhabited , as well by Noblemen who reside there for pleasure ; by merchants who resort thither for commodity ; and by men of warre who are garrison'd there for the defence of it . This city was taken by the Moores at their first entrance into Spaine , 715. they therein behauing themselues more advisedly in striking first at the head , then could be expected of such Barbarians . It was first vnder the Mahumetan Calyphs , & their Vicegerents ; after it became a peculiar kingdome , and was taken from Haia Alcadu●bir the last king , by Alphonso the first , king of Castile , 1083. This City was the seat of the Gothish Kings , one of which viz. Bamba , walled this towne . Erexis ( fautore Deo ) Rex inclytus urbem Bamba , suae celebrem protendens gentis honorem . King Bamba ( God assisting ) wall'd this Towne , Extending so the ancient Gothes renowne . Next it was the feare of the Moorish Princes ; and now of the Archbishops , who are the chiefe Prelats of Spaine , and Presidents for the most of the Inquisition . Their revenewes are certainly the greatest of any spirituall Prince , except the Popes , as mounting to the yearely value of 300000 Crownes . This City is honored with an Vniversity , famous for the study of the Ciuill and Common Lawes ; as also with 18 Nationall Councels here held vnder the Gothish kings . The next City of any note is Calatrava , on the riuer Ana , famous for its order of Knights . It standeth on , or neere vnto the place where in former times stood the strong and famous city Castulo ; which being vnder the command of the Romanes , was by the Gyresoeni , a people that dwelt on the other side of the riuer , suddainly entred and taken . But Sertorius entring after them at the same gate , put thē to the sword ; and causing his men to apparell themselues in the cloathes of their slaine enemies , he led them to the chiefe Cities of the Gyresoeni ; where the people supposing them to be their companions , opened their gates , and were all either slain or sold for slaues . The third towne of note is Talbora , vulgarly called Talveira di Roina , a very neat and sweet towne , seated on the Tagus . The Armes are B , a crowne mitrall imperiall O , garnished with sundry precious gemmes proper . 7. MVRCIA . MVRCIA was in former times a very rich and profitable country , stoored with all fruits of the earth , and so abounding in siluer mines , that the Romanes who were then Lords of it , kept continually 400 men here at worke , and receaued the profit of 25000 Drachmas daily . It is enuironed with New Castile , or the kingdome of Tolledo , West ; Granada South ; Valentia North ; and the Mediterranean East . The chiefe townes are 1 Alicante a faire harbour ; , from whence we haue our true Alicant wine , made of the iuyce of mulberries which are here growing in great plenty . 2 Murcia ( by Ptolomie called Murgis ) on the river Segourg , from whence the whole country is named . 3 Nova Ca●thag● , or Cartagona , built by Asdrubal of Carthage , and ruined in the second Punick warre , by Scipio Africanus ; a man of that rare chastity , that during all his wars in Spaine , he would not permit any of the young Virgins of the Countrie to bee brought before him , least his eyes should betray his heart . It is now famous for the Hauen which it hath , very capacious , & of that safety , that that worthy Sea Captaine Andreas Doria , Admirall vnto Charles the fift , vsed to say , that there were but three safe ports in the Mediterranean , which were Cartagena , August & Iuly : meaning , as I conceaue , that those two months being commonly free from winds and tempests , were no lesse secure to marriners then the port of Cartagena . See , I beseech you , the priuiledge of autority and antiquity ; for had a meaner man spoke this in those times , or a greater man in these wherein we liue : neither the one nor the other would haue bin remembred for it . But one inch of greatnesse , and another of age , hath I perceaue , the prerogatiue to put such saplesse & vnworthy conceits vpon the Register , which in our daies would either not be obserued , or else scorned . Leonigild the Gothe tooke this Country from the Romance : and it was recouered from Alboquis the last Moorish King , by Fernand of Castile 1241. The chiefe riuer of this Countrie is Guadala quir . 8. CASTILE . CASTILE is bounded on the East with Navar , Arragon , and the Country of Tolledo ; on the West with Portugal ; on the North with the Asturias ; on the South with Andaluzia and Granada . This was the most preuailing kingdome to which the rest were all vnited , either by conquest , or inter-marriages . It is now diuided into the New and the Old. The Old Castile is situate on the North of the New. The chief Citties are , 1 Soriae or Numantia , in which 4000 Souldiers withstood 40000 Romans , for fourteene yeares . During which time hauing valiantly repulsed , and forced them vnto two dishonorable compositions , they at last resolued on a strange and desperate end . For gathering all their armour , mony and goods together , they laid them on a pile , which being fired , they voluntarily buried themselues in the flame : leauing Scipio nothing but the bare name of Numantia to adorne his triumph . 2 Segouia , a Towne famous for cloathing . 3 Valadolit , a neat fine Towne , and an Vniuersity . It was reckoned one of the 7 ancient Vniuersities of Spaine , but afterwards falling to decay , it was restored by king Philip the 2d , whose birth place it was ; & who erected here a College among others for the education of young English fugitiues , 4 Avila , called formerly Abule , of which Tostatus was Bishop , and is therefore called Abulensis . Hee was , as the Epistle to his workes informeth me , President of the Councell to Iohn the 2d , King of Arragon ; and will bee eternally famous for his learned and paineful Commentaries on the Bible : for so great they are , that it is supposed ( if we had all his workes ) that he wrote as many sheets as he liued daies ; and for the worth of them take along with you this eulogie which Casaubon in his worke against Baronius , affordeth him , Lando acumen viri si in meliora incidisset tempora longe maximi . 5 Burgos built , or rather repaired by Nugno Belides a German ; this Towne contendeth with Tolledo for the Primacy of Spaine . 6. Salamanca , the famousest Academy of this Country , instituted by Fernand of Castile , Anno 1240 ; and was by the edicts of the Popes , together with Oxford , Paris , and Bononia , created a Generale studium , wherein should bee Professours of the Hebrew , Chaldaicke , and Arabicke tongues . The ch●efe Riuers of this Prouince , are Kelannos rising nigh to Furgos . 2. Tormes gliding by Salamanca . 3. Duerus the most violent riuer of all Spaine . The New Castile is on the South of the Old. The chiefe citties there are , 1 Madrid the Kings seat , whose residence , though the Count●y be neither fruitfull nor pleasant , hath made that place of a Village , the most populous Towne of all Spaine . It is a custome , that except some composition be made , all the vpper stories belong to the King. 2 Alcala de Henares ( of old Complutum ) an Vniversity famous for the study of Divinity . 3 Alcantara , of which there is an order of Knights . 4 Signeuca , a small Academy . 5. Cuenca , seated at the spring head of the riuer Xucar . Here also is the Escuriall or Monastery of S. Laurence , built by King Philip the second . A place ( saith Quade , who spendeth 13 pages in its description ) of that magnificence , that no building in times past , or this present , is comparable to it . The front toward the West is adorned with three stately gates , the middlemost whereof leadeth into a most magnificent Temple ; a Monastery in which are 150 Monk●s of the order of S. Ierome , and a Colledge : that on the right hand openeth into diuers offices belonging to the Monastery ; that on the left vnto schooles and out-houses belonging to the Colledge . At the foure corners , there are foure turrets of excellent workemanship , and for height majesticall . Toward the North is the Kings Palac● : on the South part diuers beautifull & sumptuous galleries ; and on the East side sundry gardens and walls very pleasing and delectable . It containeth in all 11 seueral quadrangles , euery one incloystred : and is indeed so braue a structure , that a voyage into Spaine were well imployed , were it only to see it and returne . The chiefe riuers are , 1 Tagus . 2. Xaruma honoured with the neighbourhood of Madrid and 3 Yauina . The old inhabitants of these Castiles , were the Vaccai , Ventones , Carpentani , Oretani , Bastitani , Dittani , &c. From none of which the name of Castile can bee deduced ; so that wee must fetch it either from the Castellani , once the inhabitants of Catelogne , or from some strong fortified Castle in these parts . This last coniecture may seeme probable , because the Armes of this kingdome are Guies , a Castle triple-towred Or : Neither is it any way strange for Prouinces , especially smaller ones ( for such at the first this was , though now much extēded both in bounds and power ) to take their names from a Castle . For ( to goe no farther ) euen with vs , Richmondshire , was so called from the castle of Richmond , there built by Alaine Earle of Brittaine : and Flintshire tooke denomination from a Castle built of flintstones by Henry the 2d. We may see hereby how much Celius Secundus Curio was deceaued , who writeth that Alphonso the third hauing ouerthrowne Mahomet Enasir the King of Morocco & Granada , & put 60000 of his men to the sword : assumed these Armes , that thus named this kingdome , which was before called the kingdome of the Bastitanes ; because that victory like a strong castle ( forsooth ) confirmed his kingdome vnto him . And for the former Etimologie it appeareth most euidently , in that the people are by the Latines called Castellani , the Countrey Castella . Castile was an Earledome vnder the comma●d of Leon , till the daies of Sancho the first , whose substitute in this Countrey was then one Fernand Gonsales : who comming brauely accompanied to the Court of Leon , sold vnto the king Sancho an Hauk and an Horse of excellent kindes , on this condition ; that if at a day appointed , the mony agreed on were not paid , it should be doubled and redoubled euery day till the payment . This mony by the negligence of the Kings Officers , grew so great a sum ; that to satisfie Gonsales , the King made him the Proprietary Earle of Castile 939. The heire to the fift Proprietary Earle , was Donna Nugna married to Sancho the great of Navarre , 1208 : by whom this Earledome was made a Kingdome , and giuen to Ferdinand his sonne , 1034. The Kings of Castile . 1034 1 Ferdinand 32 1067 2 Sancho 6 1073 3 Alphonso 34 1107 4 Varraca 15 1122 5 Alphonso II. 35 1157 6 Sancho II. 2 1159 7 Alphonso III. 55 1214 8 Henry 3 1217 9 Ferdinand II. 35 1252 10 Alphonso IV. 32 1283 11 Sancho III. 12 1295 12 Ferdinand III. 17 1312 13 Alphonso V. 38 1350 14 Pedro the cruel . 18 1368 15 Henry II. 11 1379 16 Iohn 11 1390 17 Henry III. 17 1406 18 Iohn II. 48 1452 19 Henry IV. 21. 1475 20 Isabell of Castile . 1475 20 Ferdinand of Arragon . Of whose Acts and issue we will make more ample mention when we shall come to speake of the Spanish Monarchie , which in the daies of these Princes tooke beginning . There are in these kingdomes of Castile and Leon three principall orders of Knighthood . Of S Iago ; instituted according to Mariana by the Canons of Eloy , and confirmed by Alexander the third , 1175. Their ensigne is a Red crosse l●ke a sword . Others make K. Raymir of Leon the founder , anno 948 ; and some referre it to Ferdinand of Castile , 1170. 2 Of Calatrava ; a Towne abandoned by the Templers , to whom it was giuen by Sancho of Castile , 1158 , and defended against the Sarracens by Raimund Abbot of Pisoria He began this order , confirmed by Pope Alexander the 3 , 1164 : their Roabe is white , on their brests a red Crosse. 3 Alcantara ; a towne of new Castile , defended by Fernand of L●on , against the M●ores , where he framed this order , confirmed by Pope Lucio , 1183. Their deuise is a Peare-tree Vert in a field Or to which hanged a paire of Shackles , as a signe of their subiection to them of Calatraua . These Armes were changed anno 1411 , into a white Roabe & a green crosse on t●eir brests . These orders , as also the Templers of St Iohn , of the Sepulchre , & the ●ike , are by M Selden ( and that deseruedly ) thought vnfit , to be put ●mong titles Honorary ; in that what they doe is in a certaine place , and for a stipend . I omit the order of the Doue & Reason instituted by Iohn of Castile . 9. PORTVGALL . PORTVGALL is bounded on the North with the riuer Minius : on the South with the riuer Ana : on the West with the Ocean : and on the East by the Castiles . It is so called from the Hauen towne Port● , at the mouth of Duerus ; where the Gaule● vsed to land with their Merchandize : which was therefore called Por●us Gallorum , and since the whole Country Portugall . The former name hereof was Lusitania , and by the old Romans it was diuided into Vlteriorem , lying beyond Duerus North ; Citeriorem lying from Tagus South ; and Interamnem situate betweene these two riuers . The ayre is very healthfull ; the Country for the most part hilly and bare of corne : which defect is recompensed with the abundance of Hony , Wine , Oyle , Allum , Fruits , Fish , white Marble , Salt , &c. It containeth 1460 Parishes , and is in compasse 870 miles ; the length 320 ; the bredth 60. The fruitfullest part of all the Countrey is about Conimbra . The people hereof are of more plaine & simple behauiour thē the rest of Spaine : and if we beleeue the proue●biall speech , none of the wisest : For whereas the Spaniards are said to seeme wise and are fooles ; the French to seeme fooles and are wise : the Italians to seeme & be wise : the Portugalls are affirmed neither to be wise , nor so much as to seeme so ▪ and not much different from this the Spaniards haue a proverbe , which telleth vs that the Portugalls are Pocos y locos , few and foolish . They haue a naturall antipathy to the Spaniards , for bereauing them both of liberty and glory . They are excel●ent Seafaring men , & happy in forraigne discouer●es . Riuers it hath great and small almost 200. The chiefe are 1 Minius , full of red Lead , which is navigable 100 miles . 2 Duerus . 3 Lethes now Cavada . 4 Mulia●as now Mondego . 5 Tagus , and 6 Ana , these two last common to the rest of Spaine . The ancient ●●colae were the Oretani , Lubeni , Velionet , &c. The chiefe Cities are Lisbon vpon Tagus , a famous City for traffique , the Portugals in all their navgations setting to sea 〈◊〉 hence . The Latine Writers call it Olisippo , and Vlisippo , because as some say , Vlysses in his tenne yeares trauels comming hither , built it . But this is improbable , it being nowhere found that Vlysses did euer see the Ocean ; and likely it is , that this town being conveniently seated for navigation , and inhabited at the first by seafaring men , might be consecrated or dedicated , as it were to the memory of that notable traueller Vlysses : as Athons being a place of warre and learning , was to Minerva , whom the Greekes call Athenae . It is in compasse 7 miles , & containeth vpwards of 20000 houses , all of neat & elegant building . Towres & turrets it numbreth on the walls about 67 , gates toward the sea shore 22 , and 16 towards the Continent . Finally it was taken from the Moores by Alphonso the first King of this Country , 1147. 2 Miranda , 3 Braga the Metropolitan of Portugal , an Archi-episcopall See , & a Dukes honour , 4 Co●imbra a famous Vniuersity , the Masters of which , made the Commentary vpon the most part of Aristotle , called Schola Conimbricensis . 5 ▪ Porto , or Portus Gallorum . At the Southerne end of Portugal standeth Algarue , called of old , Regnum Algarbiorum : The chiefe Townes are Favila . 2 Faro . and 3 Silvis . The vtmost end of it was anciently called Prem●ntorium Sacrum , & now the Cape of S. Vincent , because the bones of S. Vincent , religously preserued by the Christians , were here burnt & scattered about by the Saracens , who were the possessours of this Prouince . These gaue way to the good fortune of the Kings of Leon , to whose Crowne this litle countrey belonged : till Alphonso the tenth of that name in Leon , & fourth in Castile gaue it in dowry with Beatrix his daughter , to Alphonso the third , King of Portugal . From this conjunction issued Dionysius or Denis King of Portugal , who was the first that euer vsed the title of Rex Algarbiorum , 1274. That part of Portugal which remained free from the Moores , was giuen by Alphonso the sixt of Leon , in dowry with his base daughter Teresa , to Henry of Lorreine , whose vertue in the discipline of warre , merited no lesse a reward , Aº 1099. Hee hauing gouerned fortunately as Earle , the space of 12 yeares , le●● his sonne Alphonso heire to his vertues and possesions , who had title of King of Portugal , conferred on him by the Soueraignes of Leon , for demeaning himselfe so brauely in the battaile of Obrique Aº 1139. Hee had before the assumption of this regall title , ruled in these parts 27 yeares ; and after hee was created king , he reigned here with great honour , as being reverenced by his friends , & feared by his enemies ; no lesse then 45 yeares . So that the whole time of his sitting in the Chaire of Estate was 72 yeares ; a longer enioying of soueraignty then euer any Prince since the beginning of the Roman Monarchie attained to . One I meete with , which fell short of this time two yeares onely , namely Sapores the son of Mislates king of Persia ; but in one thing he went beyond Alphonso , beginning his reigne before his life . For his Father dying , left his mother with child , & the Persian Nobility set the Crown on his mothers belly , acknowledging thereby her issue for their Prince , before she as yet had felt her selfe quicke . The Kings of Portugall . 1139 1 Alphonso 45 1184 2 Sancho 28 1212 3 Alphonso II 11 1223 4 Sancho II. 34 1257 5 Alphonso III. 22 1279 6 Denis 46 1325 7 Alphonso IV. 32 1357 8 Pedro 10 1367 9 Ferdinand 17 1385 10 Iohn 48 1433 11 Edward 5 1438 12 Alphonso V. 43 1481 13 Iohn II. 14 1495 14 Emanuel 26 1521 15 Iohn III. 36 1557 16 Sebastian 21 1578 17 Henry the Cardidinal 2. 1580 18 Antonio Gouernor of Portugal , and King elect . But 1580 19 Philip the 2d of Spaine , pretended a right to the Crowne of Portugal , & though he made shew it should be lawfully debated , to whom it truly appertained ; yet meaning to make sure work , he made Cannons and Sword his Oratours , by maine force tooke it , and so keepeth it . The Pretendants to the Crowne of Portugal were 1 Philip of Spaine . 2 Emanuel of Savoy . 3 Antonio Prior of Crato , ( who though a bastard , had yet a sentence of legitimation ) 4 Rain●ccio Farnesis , sonne to the Duke of Parma . 5 Iohn the Duke of Bragance . Their seuerall pretensions appear● by this subsequent Genealogie . Emanuel had these children 1 Iohn King of Portugal Iohn Prince of Portugal Sebastian king of Portugal . 2 Henry the Cardinall , ki●g of Portugall . 3 Lewis Don Antonio a Bastard . Christopher yet liuing . 4 Edward 1 Mary wedded to the Duke of Parma Rainnocio Farnesis . 2 Catharine married to Iohn D. of Bragance . 5 Mary married to Charles the fifth , king of Castile . Philip the II. king of Spaine . 6 Beatrix married to Charles Duke of Savoy . Where the right is , may as easily be discerned , as it is generally knowne where is the possession . Thus after the death , or if not death , yet ouerthrow of Sebastian , in that battle of Africa , where three kings fell in a day ; the royal line of Portugal which began in a Henry , made its period in a Henry : and that flourishing kingdome was constrained to stoope to the Spaniards , of whose Garland , it is accounted the chiefest flowre ; & the chiefest pearle of his Cabinet : The king of Spaine in right of this kingdome , possessing much in Barbarie , Aethiopia , & the East Indies : And in the right hereof , commanding all the Sea-coast from the streights of Gibraltare , vnto the Red seas mouth ; from thence along the Arabian shore , vnto the I le of Ormus , and so to Cape Liampo , in the Indies . The Armes of Portugall are Argent , on fiue Escotcheons Azure , as many Besants in Saltier of the first , pointed Sable , within a border Gules , charged with seuen Towres Or. The fiue Escotcheons were giuen in remembrance of fiue kings , whom Alphonso slew at the battaile of Obrique Aº 1139 , The principall order of this kingdome , is of IESVS CHRIST , instituted by Denis king of Portugal , and confirmed by Pope Iohn the 22d , anno 1321. Their duty was to expel the Saracous from Baetica : they haue much enlarged the Portugall dominion in India , Brasil , and Mauritania . Their Robe is a black Cloake , vnder a white vesture , ouer which a blacke Crosse , &c. 10 VALENTIA . VALENTIA is environed with Arragon , Castile , Murela , and the Sea. It is watred with the riuers 1 Xuear , called of olde Sueron , & Surus . 2 Guadalander , signifying a riuer of pure water , and 3 M●llar . The former inhabitants werr the Bast●ani , Aeliani , &c. The chiefe cities are Valentia , giuing name to the whole Prouince . It is situate not farre from the mouth of the riuer Derias , now called Guadalander , and is by some said to haue beene heretofore named Roma , which signifieth strength . But when the Romanes mastred it , to distinguish it from their Rome , it was called Valentia , which in the Latine tongue is of the same signification with the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Here is an Vniuersity in which St Dominicke the father of the Dominicans studied . 2 Laurigi now a small Village , once a towne of great strength , called Lauron , which Sertorius besieged , took & burned ; euen then when Pompey , whose confederate the Laur●nites were , stood with his whole armie nigh enough vnto the flame to warme his hands , and yet durst not succour it . 3 Cullera a sea-town standing at the mouth of the riuer Xucar . It was formerly named Sucron , after the name of the riuer ; and is famous in story for the victory which Sertorius here got of Pompey , Pompey's army being not only ouerthrowne , but himselfe with life hardly escaping . 4 Morvedre anciently Saguntum , a towne so faithful to the Romans , that the people being besieged by Hannibal , chose rather to burne themselues , then yeeld . 5 Segorbe . Here is the Promontorie Terraria , once called Pr●m●nterium Dionium , the refuge of the aboue-named Sertorius , that worthy Captaine , in his warres against Metellus and Pomp●y , both braue souldiers ; the first aged , and of great experience ; the second young , and of high resolutions ; yet the former gaue greater check to Sertorius proceedings , than the latter : so that Sertorius oftentimes said , that were it not for the old woman Metellus , he would haue whipped the boy Pompey home with rods . For he twice ouercame this great Pompey , the first time dangerously wounding him , the second time driuing him out of the field . But when Pompey and Metellus ioyned , he was ouer-matched , and yet seemed to retire out of the field rather then to flie . Certainly the Spaniards behaued themselues very valiantly all the time of these warres vnder him , to which Florus alludeth , saying ; Nec nunquam magis apparuit Hispani militis vigor , quàne Romano duce . At the last when he had a long time vpheld the Marian faction , he was traiterous●y murdred by Perpenna one of his associates ; and Metellus and Pompey returned in triumph to Rome : so much was the casuall death of this poore Proscript esteemed . This kingdome was taken from the Moores by Iames the first of Arragon , Aº 1238. The armes were Gules , a town embattailed Argent , purfled ( or pennond ) Sable . 11. CATELOGNE . CATELOGNE is between Iberus on the South , Arragon on the West , the Sea on the East , and the Pyrenaan mountaines on the North. The present name Catalonia is diuersly deriued , some bringing it from Gothalonia of the Gothes , and Alani ; Some from the Castellani the old inhabitants hereof ; others from Cattalones , who also had their dwellings here ; others from the Catti of Germany , and the Alani ; and some finally from Carthalot a Noble man of this Country : of these opinions , all of which ( the last excepted ) are equally probable , it matters not which is taken . The chiefe Cities are 1 Girone , the title of the Arragonian Prince , seated on the riuer , Baetulus . 2 Barcelone on the Sea , a town of good strength & antiquity , as rising out of the ruines of Rubicata , an old Colony of the Africans , before the comming of the Romanes into Spaine . It hath belonging vnto it an indifferent faire Hauen , and is the seat of the Vicegerent . 3 Perpigna ( called in Iohnsons Map of Spaine , Perpinha ) in the County of Rossillon . This town & the Country was pawned by Iohn king of Arragon 1462. to Lewis the 11th of France , for 300000 Crownes : & restored to Fernand the Catholique by Charles the 8th 1493 , that he might uot be hindred in his journy to Naples . Francis the first , king of France , partly to requite the Emperour Charles the 5. for the warre he made in Provence ; and partly to get into his hands a town , which is as it were one of the doores of Spaine : sent his son Henry ( afterwards King ) with a puissant army to force it , Aº 1542. But the town was so well fortified , so brauely manned , & so abundantly stored with munition , that this journey proued as fruitlesse and dishonorable to the French king : as the invasion of Province , and siege of Marseiles , had bin before to the Emperour . The first Earle of this Country was one Bernard , by the grant of Charles the great , 795. It continued a principality of its own power , till Raymund Earle hereof , marrying Petronilla , daughter & heire to Don Raymir of Arragon ; vnited this Earledome to that Kingdome , Aº 1134. 12. ARRAGON . ARRAGON is limited Eastward with Catelogue , Westward with Castile , Northward with Navarre , Southward with Valentia : the Iberus runneth iust through the middle of the Country . The ancient In●●la were the Iaccetani , Lucenses , Celtiberi , &c. These last were a mixt people , descended both from the Iberi , and the Celtae ; of all Gallia the most potent Nation : who being too populous for their Country , passed ouer the Pyrenaei , & seated themselues here , whence this Nation was called Celtiberi , the Country Celtiberia . — profugique à gente vetusta Gallorum , Celtaemiscentes nomen Iberi . Who being chas'd from Gaule their home , did frame Of Celtae and Iberi mixt , one name . The present name is taken from Tarragon , a city which once gaue denomination to the greatest part of Spaine , and is situate on the borders of this Country , where it is confined with Catelogne . This town was built , fortified & peopled by the two Scipioes , the Father and Vncle of Africanus ; to oppose and bridle Cartagena , not long before built by the Carthaginians . The chiefe cities of Arragon are 1 Lerida an Vniversitie situate on the riuer Cinga , which rising in the Pyrenaean hils , and dividing Catelogne from Arragon , emptieth it self into the Iberus . It was called of old Ilerda , and is famous for the incounter which hapned nigh vnto it , between Herculeius the Questor or Treasurer of Sertorius army ; and Manilius Proconsul of Gallia ; wherein Manilius was so discomfited , & his army cons●sting of 3 Legions of foot , & 15 co horse , was so routed ; that he almost alone was scarce able to recouer this City , few of his souldiers surviving the ouerthrow . 2 Moson famous for entertaining the King of Spaine euery third yeare ; At which time the people of Arragon , Valence , and Catelogne , present the king with 600000 Crownes : viz. 300000 for Catelogne , 200000 for Arragon , & 100000 for Valentia . And well may they thus doe , for at other times they sit rent-free as it were : only they acknowledge the king of Spaine to be the head of their Commonwealth . This revenue is proportionably 200000 Ctownes a yeare , all which if not more , the king again expends , in maintaining his Viceroyes in these seuerall Prouinces . 3 Iaca situate on the very Northerne edge of all the Country . 4 Huesca ( called of old Osca ) somwhat South of Iaca , an Vniversity , a place long since dedicated to learning . For hither Sertorius caused all the Noblemens sonnes of Spaine to be brought , & prouided them of Schoolemasters for the Greeke & Latine tongues : bearing their Parents in hand , that he did it only to make them fit to vndergoe charge in the Common-wealth : but indeed to haue them as hostages for their Fathers faith and loyalty towards him . 5 Tordesillo or Torizilla , and 6 Saragossa on the riuer Iberus or Ebro , an other Vniuersity . It was anciently named Caesarea Augusta : Caesar Augustus being the Founder of it , and vnder the Moores was a peculiar kingdome . One of the kings was Aigoland , who long time made Charlemaigne belieue he would be baptized ; and the time now at hand in which he should fulfill his promise , he very gallantly accompanied , came to the French Court : where seeing many Lazars and poore people expecting almes from the Emperours table , he asking what they were , was answered , that they were the Messengers & seruants of God : ou these words he speedily returned , desperatly protesting that he would not serue that God , which could keep his seruants no better . This town was recouered from the Moores by Alphonso of Navarre 1118. 7 Bilbilis ( now Calataiub ) the birth-place of Martial About the first erecting of the kingdome of Ovicdo and Sobabre , one Agnar obtained lands in Arragon , with the title of Earle , Aº 775. which he left to his son Galindo , from whom the sixt Earle was Don Fortun : His daughter Vrraca , marrying to Garcia Inigo of Navarre , Aº 867 , conveyed this Earledome to that kingdome ; of which it continued a member , till that Sancho the Great made it a kingdome , and gaue it to his naturall son Raymir , 1034. The Kings of Arragon . 1034 1 Raymir 42 1076 2 Sancho 18 1094 3 Pedro 14 1108 4 Alphonso 16 1134 5 Raymir 0 1154 6 Petronilla of Arrag . 28 1154 6 Raimund of Catt . 28 1162 7 Alphonso II 34 1196 8 Pedro II. 28 1223 9 Iames 43 1276 10 Pedro III. 9 1285 11 Alphonso III. 6 1291 12 Iames the II 36 1322 13 Alphonso IV. 14 1336 14 Pedro IV. 51 1387 15 Iohn 8 1395 16 Martin 17 1412 17 Ferdinand 4 1416 18 Alphonso V. 42 1458 19 Iohn II. 20 1478 20 Ferdinand the Great , who by marriage with Q. Isabel , vnited Castile and Arragon , so that adding his other conquests , he deserues to be accounted the first Monarch of Spaine . The Armes are Or , eight pallets Gules . The principall order of Knights here was of Sr Sauiour , instituted by Alphonso the first of Arragon 1118. to animate the Spaniards against the Saracens . Hitherto of Spaine , distracted into many royalties , now one word of the Vnion of it in one body , and so an end . THE MONARCHIE OF SPAINE . Before the reigne of the last Ferdinand of Arragon , Spaine being diuided amongst many Potentates , was little famous , lesse regarded : the kings , as the Author of the politique dispute , &c. well noteth , being only kings of Figges and Orenges . Their whole puissance was turned one against the other , and final atchieuements had they out of the Continent , vnlesse those of the house of Arragon in Sicile , Sardinia , and the Baleares . Thuanus a diligent writer of the History of his own times ( if in some respects he sauour not more of the party then the Historian ) telleth vs , that till this kings reigne , the name and glory of the Spaniard's was like their Country ; confined and hemm'd in by the Seas on one part , & the mountains on the other ; potiusque patuisse exteris invadētibꝰ , quā quicquā memorabile extra suos fines gessisse But this Prince , worthily named the Great , seized on the Kingdome of Navarre , ruined the kingdome of the Moores in Granaeda , began by the conduct of Columbus the discouery of the Westerne Indies , banished 124. families of the Iewes , surprised the kingdome of Naples , vnited Castile to Arragon , & lastly by marrying his daughter Ioane to Philip , sonne to Maximilian the Emperour , Duke of Burgundie , and Lord of Belgia , laid the foundation of the present Austrian greatnes . Between whose successours and that family , haue bin so many inter-mariages , that king Philip if he were aliue , might haue called the Archduke Albertus , Brother , Cousin , Nephew , and sonne ; A strange medley of relations . Thus by the puissance of this Prince , Nomen Hispanicum ( as the same Thuanus writeth ) obscurum antea & vicinis penè incognitum , tum primùm emersit ; tractûque temporis in tantam magnitudinem excrevit , ut formidolosum ex eo & terribile , toti terrarum orbi esse coeperit . Indeed to his Countrymen the French , the name & puissance of the Spaniard hath ministred no small matter of feare and terrour ; yet are there some others , who being weighed in the scales of war with them , would find them to be but light coyne , at least if they knew their own waight . Yet without doubt this Realme is euen to wonder strengthned and enlarged ; strongly vnited and compacted with all the ligaments of power & state in it selfe ; and infinitly extended ouer the most principall parts of not Europe onely , but of the World also : his dominions beholding , as it were , both rising and setting of the Sunne in his East and Westerne Indies , which before the Spaniard , no Monarch could euer say . A great change , which 140 yeares since , no man would haue belieued to haue bin possible to be effected . Concerning the title of the most Catholique King , reattributed to this Ferdinand ; I find that Alphonso the first , of Oviedo , was so named for his sanctity : with him this title died , & w●s reviued in Alphonso the great , the twelfth king of Leon and Oviedo , by the grant of Pope Iohn the 8. After it lay dead till the d●yes of this Prince , who reobtained this title from Pope Alexander the sixt : either because he compelled the Moores to bee baptized , banished the Iewes , and in part converted the Ameri●ans vnto Christianity : or because , hauing vnited Castilo to his Dominions , surprized the kingdome of Navarre , and subdued that of Granada , he was in a manner the Catholique or generall King of all Spaine ▪ The last reason seemeth to sway most in the restauration of this attribute ; in that when it was granted or confirmed on Ferdinando by Pope Alexander the sixt ; the King of Portugal exceedingly stomached it , quandò Ferdinandus imperio vniversam Hispaniam ( saith Maria● ) non obtinere● ; eius tum nou exigu● parte penes reges alios . This title on what consideration soeuer regranted , is assumed by his posterity ; it being to them as the most Christian to France , and the Defender of the Faith to England . The ordinary reuennue of this Monarch , his Crowne , and its appendices , are eleuen Millions of crownes ; Viz ; Foure from hir Dominions in Italy , two from Portugall and her territories , three from the Westerne Indies , and the other two remaining from his other kingdomes of Spaine and the lesser Islands . His extraordinary reuenewes are uery great , as being Master of the Orders of S. Iogo , Calatraua , and Alcantara , incorporate to the Crowne by Ferdinand the Catholique , and that on good pollicie : for the Masters of these seuerall Orders drewe after them such a troupe of the Nobility , that their power began to be suspected to the Kings . On this and other cousiderations the Author of the generall History of Spaine reckoneth his reuenewes according to diuers opinions , to 14 , 18 , and 23 , Millions of Crownes . To make vp the summe , he addeth the first fruits , and some part of the Tithes , amounting vnto three millions ; and the Author of the Politique dispute about the happiest , &c. affirmeth the pardons sent into the Indies , which are giuen him by the Pope , to be worth halfe a million of Crownes yearely . Adde herevnto the fall and disposall of all offices , which make vp a round summe , and the free gifts & contributions of his subiects which amount to a good revenew . For the kingdome of Naples giueth him euery third yeare a million & 20000 crownes ; and ( to omit others ) Castile did of late grant him a contributiō of foure millions to be paid in 4 yeares . Yet is not this Prince very rich , his expences being very great , first in keeping Garrisons in the heart of all his Countries , against the reuolt of the natiues : secondly in maintaining the fortresses on the frontires , against forraigne inuasions : thirdly in continuall pay of an Armada , for the conducting of his gold from America : & fourthly the vnprofitable warres of Philip the second haue plunged the Crowne so in the gulfes of Bankers and mony men , that much of the Kings lands is ingaged for their repaiment . The Monarchs of Spaine . 1475 1 Ferdinand K. of Arrag . Scilie , Sardmia , Maiorca , Valencia , Earle of Catelogue ; surprised Navar. 1475 1 Isabel Q. of Castile , Leon , Gallicia , Tolledo , Murc●a , Lady of Biscay ; conquered Granada . 1504 2 Ioane Princesse of Castile , Granada , Leon , &c. and of Arragon , Navarre , Scicily , &c. 1504 2 Philip Archduke of Austria , Lord of Belgia . 1506 3 Charles king of Castile , Aeragon , Naples , &c Archduke of Austria , Duke of Millaine , Burgundie , Brabant , &c. Earle of Catelogne , Flanders , Holland , &c. Lord of Biscay , Freizland , Vtrect , &c. and Emperour of the Germans . A m●n of that magnanimity and puissance , that had not Francis the first , in time opposed him , hee had euen swallowed all Europe . He was of great strength and reputation in Tunis , and other pa●ts of Africa , disposing Kings at his pleasur● ; but the Turk● broke his power there , and being hunted also out of Germanie , he resigned all his kingdomes and died priuate . 52. 1558 4 Philip the II , of more ambition , but lesse prosperity then his father : for whilst he catched after the shadow , he lost the substance . The Hollanders , and their confederates droue him out of eight of his Belgiqus Provinces ; The English ouerthrew his Armada , and awing the Ocean almost impouerished him ; onely hee held for a time , a hard hand ouer France ; but casting vp his accounts , found that himselfe was the looser : and were it not that the inuasion and detension of Portugall ( iust or vniust let the world iudge ) had beene a stay vnto him , he had v●done himselfe and his issue for euer . 40. 1598 5 Philip the III , ( his elder brother Charles permitted to be put to death by his father in the Inquisition house , for seeming to fauour the miserable estate of the Low-countrey-men ) succeeded . 22. 1621 6 Philip the IV , of the age of 18 yeares , is now liuing . This Empire consisting of so many seuerall kingdomes , vnited into one body , may seem to be inuincible . Yet had our late Queene followed the counsell of her men of warre , shee might haue broken it in peeces . With 4000 men , shee might haue taken away his Indies from him , without whose gold the Low-country Army , which is his very best , could not bee paid , and so must needs be dissolued . Nay , Sr Walter Raleigh in the Epilogue of his excellent history of the world , plainely affirmeth , that with the charge of 200000l l , continued but for two yeares or three at the mo●t ; the Spaniards might not only haue beene perswaded to liue in peace : but all their swelling and ouerflowing streames might be brought backe to their naturall chanells and old bankes . Their owne prouerbe saith , the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted : yet the Americans tremble at his name , it 's true : & it is well obserued by a great politician , that things which seeme to be and are not , are more feared farre ●ff , th●n m●re at hand . Damianus a ●oes reckoned in Spaine , Archbishops 8. Dukes 23. Marquesses 45. Bishops 48. Earles 106. Vicounts 10. Vniversities 15. 1 Tolledo 2 Sivill . And. 3 Valencia 4 Granada 5 S ● Iago . Gall. 6 Valladolit Cast. 7 Alcata He. Cast. 8 Salamanca Cast. 9 Siguenca Cast. 10 Ebora Port. 11 Saragossa Ar. 12 Lerida Ar. 13 Huesca Ar. 14 Lisbon Port. 15 Conimb . Port. And let this suffice for Spaine . THE PYRENEAN HILLS . Betwixt Spaine and France , are the Mountaines cal'd Pyrenaei ; and that either because they are often strucken by thunder ; or because they were once fired by certain shepheards , 880 yeares before Christ , at which time the Mines of gold and siluer ranne streaming downe for so many dayes , that the fame hereof incited forreiners to make an entry into this country : Or lastly of Pyrene a Nymph , the daughter of one Bebrix , supposed by some fabulous writers to haue been here rauished by Hercules . These hills not only stand as a naturall bound , between the two great and puissant Monarchs of France and Spaine ; terminating as it were , the desires and attempts of one against the other , as well as their dominions : but are also that necke of land or Istmus which tieth Spaine to the Continent , the Cantabrian Ocean fiercely beating on the West , and the Mediterranea● gently washing the East ends of them . The highest part of this continued ridge of hill , is mount Canus , whereon if one standeth , hee may in a cleere day see both the Seas . It tooke the name of Canus from the whitenesse or hoarinesse thereof , as hauing on its top for the most part a cap of snow : in which respect the Alpes tooke their name , that in the Sabine dialect being tearmed Alpum , which in the Roman was called Album : and so also did mount Lebanon , Leban in the ancient Phoenician language , signifying white , and Lebanah whitenesse . The barbarous people inhabiting these mountaines , compelled Sertorius in his passage into Spaine , to pay them tribute or custome-money for his passage through them : at which , when the Souldiers murmured , as a thing dishonourable for a Roman Proconsull ; hee replied that he bought onely time ; a commodity which such as aspire to haughty enterprises must take vp at any rates . The French side of these hills is naked and barren , the Spanish very fertile , and adorned with trees . On this side standeth R●n●evalles so famous for the battle betwixt the Frenchmen and the Moores ; in which 20000 of the French were put to route ; together with Rowland , cosen to Charles the great , Oliuer , and other Peere of France , of whom so many fabulous stories are related in old histories . The first that broke the ice was Turpine Archbishop of Rheimes , and one of the 12 Peeres of France , who taking vpon him to write the acts of Charles the great , hath interlaced his story with a number of ridiculous lyes : so that the valour of Rowland , Oliver , and the rest , is much blemished and obscured by those relations , which purposely were faigned to manifest and increase it . OF FRANCE . FRANCE is bounded on the North with Mare Britannicum , on the West with the Aquitaine Sea , on the South with the Mediterranean , on the Southeast with the Alpes : and on the East , with the River Rheine , & an imaginary line , drawne from Strasbourg to Callice . It was first called Gallia from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , milke , because of the inhabitants white colour : and afterwards France of the Francones a people of Germanie , which in the decay of the Roman Empire here seated themselues . The figure of it is almost square each side of the quadrature being in length 600 miles ; it is sited in the Northerne temporat Zone , betweene the sixt , and eight Cl●mates , the longest day being 16 houres . The Country is wondrous populous , supposed to conteine 15 Millions of liuing soules , for the most part being of an ingenious nature , curious , luxurious , and inconstant . As now so in Caesars time they were noted for ouermuch precipitation in all affaires , both Martiall and Civill , entring an action like thunder and ending it like smoake ; Primus impetus maior quam virorum , secundus minor quans faeminarum , was their Character in the time of the historian Florus . Heare if you will , a comparison ( homely I confesse but ) to the life , and beyond all parallell expressing the nature of the Dutch , French , and Spanish , in matters of warre . The French is said to be like a Fl●a , quickly skipping into a country , and as soone leaping out of it . Such was the expedition of Charles the 8th into Italie . The Dutch is said to bee like a Louse ; slowly mastering a place , and as slowly ( yet at last ) being driuen from their hold . Such was their taking & loosing of Ostend and Gulicke . The Spaniard is said to be like a Crabbe , or pediculus inguinalis , which being crept into a place , almost at vnawares , is there so fast rooted ; that nothing but the ex●remity of violence is able to fetch him out againe . I thinke I need not instance , it being generally obserued that the Spaniard never mastered any place , that euer he surrendred on composition . Moreouer this French nation is endued chiefely with Phrygian wisdome ; whence it is said , that the Italian is wise before hand , the Germane in the action , the French after it is done . They are very litigious , insomuch as it is thought , that there are more cōtrouersies tried there , betweene subiect and subiect in 7 yeares : then haue beene in England since the Conquest . They are great scoffers , yea euen in matters of Religion , as appeareth by th● story of a Gentleman lying on his death-bead : who when the Priest had perswaded him , that the Sacrament of the Altar was the very body and bloud of Christ ; refused to receaue it because it was Friday . Nor will I forget another of that quality , and in the same extremity ; who seeing the hoast ( so they call the Lords body consecrated ) brought vnto him by a lubberly Priest : said that Christ came vnto him , as he entred into Hierusalem , riding vpon an Asse . The women are witty but apish , wanton and incontinent , where a man at his first entrance may haue arquaintance , and at his smallest acquaintance may enter : willing to be courted at all times , and places . Thus Dallington in his view of France , describeth them : but I haue since heard this censure condemned , and the French G●ntlewomen highly magnified for all vertues and gracee , which innoble & adorne that sexe . Between these so different opinions , I will not determine ; but leaue my Reader to moderate the disputation ( as I my selfe doe ) by his owne charity . The chiefe exercises are . 1 Tennis , every Village hauing a Tennis-Court , Orleans 60 , Paris many hundreds . 2 Dancing , a sport to which they are so generally affected , that were it not so much inueighed against by their straight-laced Ministers , it is thought many more of the Catholiques had beene reformed . The language of the Spaniards is said to be manly , the Italians Courtly , and the French amorous . A smooth language truely it is , the people leauing out in their pronunciation many of their Consonants , and there withall giuing occasion of this Prouerb , The French-man writes not as he pronounceth , speaketh not what he thinketh , nor singeth as he pricketh : it is a compound of the old Gallique , Germane , and Latine tongues . The old Gallique tongue was questionles the Welsh or Brittish , which most cleerly appeareth by two reasons . 1 The Latine words are knowne to haue beene receaued from the Romans , and the Germano at the comming in of the Franks & Burgundians : but of the Welsh words no reason can bee giuen , but that they are the remnants of the old language . 2ly , Tacitus telleth vs among other notes of comparison betweene the Gaules and the Brittaines , whereby he firmely proueth the latter to bee the ofspring of the former : that Vtriusque sermo hand multum diuersus . And of these Brittish words continuing in the French language , Mr Camden hath in his Brita●nia reckon●d a great many . The soyle is extraordinarily fruitfull , hauing three loadstones to draw riches out of other countries ; Corne , Wines , and Salt : in exchange of which is yearely brought into France● 200000l l sterling ; the custome of Salt onely being worth to the King 70000 Crownes yearely . It cannot but bee well stoared with Fish , for beside the benefit of the Seas ; the Lakes & Ponds belonging only to the Clergie , are 135000. The other Marchandize of this flourishing kingdome , are Beefes , Hogs , Nuts , Almonds , Coroll , Oade , Linnen , Canuis , and Skinnes . This country could neuer boast of any famous Captain but of Charles the Great , the founder of the Westerne Empire , and one of the three Christian Worthies ; and of late glorieth in the valour of Henry the fourth . For learning it hath bin somewhat more luckie , as producing Ausonius , P Ramus , S Bernard , Calvin Beza , and that worthy Poet the darling of the Muses Salust●us du Bartas . The Christian Religion was first planted here among the Gaules , by Martialis whom St Peter sent hither : but among the French , by St Remigius , in the time of Clovis the Great . The people are now diuided , some following the Romish synagogue , others the Reformed Church . These latter are called Hugonots , so named , as they say , of a gate in Tours ( where they first began ) called Hugo's gate , out of which they vsed to goe to their private assemblies . There were reckoned some 53 yeares since , about 2150 Churches of them : which cannot in such a long time but be wonderfully augmented , though scarce any of thē haue scaped some Massacre , or other . Of these Massacres , two are most memorable , viz ; that of Merindoll and Chabriers , as being the first ; and the Massacre at Paris , as being the greatest . That of Merindoll hapned in the yeare 1545 , the ●nstrument of it being Minier the President of the Councell of Aixe . For having condemned this poore people of heresie , he mustred a smal Army and set fire on the Villages . They of Merindoll , seeing the slame , with their wiues and children fled into the woods , but were there butchered , or sent to the gallies . One boy they took , placed him against a tree , & shot him with Caliuers : 25 which had hid themselues in a Caue , were in part stifled , in part burned . In Cabriers they so inhumanely dealt with the yong wiues and maids , that most of them died immediatly after : The men and women they put to the sword ; the children they rebaptized : 800 men were murdered in a Caue , and 40 women put together in an old Barne and burned . Yea such was the crueltie of the Souldiers to these poore women , that when some of them has clambred to the top of the house , with an intent to leape downe , the Souldiers beat them backe againe with their pikes . The Massacre of Paris was more cunningly plotted . A peace was made with the Protestants , for the assurance whereof a marriage was solemnized betweene Henry of Navar , cheefe of the Protestants partie ; and the Lady Margaret the Kings sister . At this wedding there assembled the Prince of Conde , the Admirall Colligni . & divers others of great note . But at this solemnity there was not so much wine dranke , as bloud shed . At mid-night the watch-bell rang , the King of Nauarre , and the Prince of Conde were taken prisoners ; the Admirall most villanously slaine in his bed ; and to the number of thirty thousand and vpward , of the best , and most potent of the Religion , sent through this red sea , to the land of Canaan . Anno 1572. The reuenewes haue much altered . Lewis the 11th gathered one Million and a halfe of Crownes ; Francis the first brought them to three Millions ; his successour Henry the second to six ; Charles they 9th to seuen ; Henry the third to ten ; and now they are inhanced to fifteene . But what need more be said then that of Lewis the 11th , who said that France was a Meddowe which he mowed euery yeare , and as often as he list : and indeed their impositions cannot but bee great , since there are no lesse then 30000 vnder officers imployed to gather them . Hence I beleeue sprung that wish of Maxim●llian the Emperour , which was , that he , ( if it were possible ) might be a God : & that hauing two sonnes , the eldest might be a God after him ; and the second K. of France . And this also was the cause that in the wars between Charles the fift , and Francis the first , when the Emperours Herald had bid defiance to the King ; from Charles●mperour ●mperour of Germanie , King of Castile , Leon , Arragon , and Naples ; Archduke of Austria , with the rest of his titles : The king commanded the Heralds to returne the challenge from Francis King of France ; commanding them to repeat France as many times , as the other had petty Earledomes in his stile . There are at this time in this kingdome 27400 parishes ; which though many , fall much short of the reckoning made in the daies of Lewis the 11th , when here were esteemed to bee no lesse then 100000 of them . Whether the many ciuill warres haue demolished the greater part , or that Chappell 's of ease , Oratories and Monasticall Churches went to make vp the number , I wot not . The lawes of this Kingdome are either temporall : or fundamentall , which no King or Parliament can alter . Of the latter of these the chiefe are two , the Salique , and the law of Apennages . This of Apenuages is a law whereby the younger Sonnes of the King cannot haue partage with the elder . This law was made by Charlemagne , before whose time France was diuidable into as many Kingdomes , as the King had sonnes . By this law the younger ( though sometimes they are content with ye●rely pensions ) are to be entituled to some Dutchie , & all the profits and rights thereto appertaining , all matters of regalitie only excepted ; as coynage , leuying taxes , and the like . It is deriued from the German word Abannage , which signifieth a portion . The Salique law , is a law whereby the Crowne of France cannot fall from the Lance to the Dist●ffe ( as their saying is ) which law one vndertaking to proue out of holy writ , vrged that place of Mathew , where it is said , Marke the Lillies ( which are the armes of France ) and see how they neither labour nor spin . This law they pretend to haue beene made by Pharamond their fast King , and that the words , Si Aliqua , so often mentioned , gaue it the name of the Salique law : Hailan , one of their best writers , saith it was neuer heard of in France till the dayes of Philip the faire 1321. Others say it was framed by Charles the great after his conquests in Germany , where the incontinent liues of the women liuing about the riuer Sala ( in the Country now called Misnia ) gaue both the occasion & name to this law , the words are these , De terra vero Salica nulla portio haereditatis mulieri veniat , sed ad virilem sexum tota terra haereditas perueniat . This Terra Salica , Mr Selden in his titles of honour , Englisheth Knights fee , or land holden by Knights seruice . He proueth his interp●e●atiō by a court ●oll of the Parliament of Burdeaux ; where there being produced an old testament , by which the testator had bequeathed to his sonne his Salique land , it was by the Court resolued that thereby was meant his land holden in Knights fee. This interpretation admitted , the sense of the law must be , that in lands holden of the King by Knights fee , or the like military tenure , only the males should inherit , because the women could not performe those seruices by which the lands were holden . In England we deale not with women so vnkindly , but permit them to enioy such lands after their age of 15 yeares , because then they may take such husbands as are able to doe the King the duties and seruices required . But this interpretation , how good & genuin soeuer indeed it be , cannot stand with the French Glosse : For then the Crowne being holden of none but God only , & so not properly called a fee or feife , were vncapable of that priuiledge of exclud●ng women from the Salique land . Giue them therefore their owne Glosse , their owne Etymologie , and originall ; and let vs see , by what right their Kings daughters are debarred from the Diadem . For if that were the S●lique land where now is Misnia , how can this law barre Females from the Diadem of France so farre distant from it ? Moreouer , is it not against the law of Nations , and ( which is more ) contrary to the direct word of the most high ? For wee read in Numbers cap. 27. that the daughters of Zelopedah were adiudged to possesse the inheritance of their father . All Kingdomes else admit women to the Regency ; yea euen France it selfe most seruilely hath submitted it selfe twice , to the imperious command of two women of the Medices . But suppose this law to be made by Pharamond , to concerne France , to bee consonant with the lawes of other nations , and the word of God ; doth it therefore appertaine to all France ? Nothing lesse . Pharamond had then not so much as the Il● of France , wherein Paris is seated : and it had beene an absurd and madde thing in him , to giue the law to Princes more potent then himselfe , & to whose territories he had neither right nor hope . Againe , we see the French for their own particular good , not a whit to haue regarded it , King Pipin hauing put his Master Childericke into a Monastery , to patch vp his broken title to the Crowne , drewe his pedegree from some of the daughters , of the issue of the former Princes . As also Hugh Capet putting aside Charles of Lorraine , the right heire of the stocke of this Pepin ; to make his bad attempts more seemingly honest , drewe his title by the Daughters of the issue of Charles the great . And Lewis the ninth , so renowned for his sanctity , neuer inioyed the crown with a quiet conscience , till it was proued vnto him , that by the Grandmothers side , hee was descended from the heires of the fore-mentioned Charles of Lorraine . Thus hath it beene with them for France it selfe . Haue they dealt thus with other Provinces ? Certainely thus and no otherwise . Charles the 8 ● se●sed on the Dutchie of Brittaine , and his successours since haue kept it by the right of Anne his wife , the daughter vnto Francis the last Duke . I aske then this question ; did this law extend to one only part of France ( namely the Isle wherein Pharamonds posterity first reigned ) or to euery part ? If to all ioyntly ; with what right could Charles the 8th possesse himselfe of Brittaine , in right of his wife , who no question was a woman : when there were some of the male line of that Ducall family surviuing ? If it belong to that part only ; with what colour can they dawbe their forcible withholding of it from the true heire of Anne the Dutches ; whose daughter and heire Claude , had issue by Francis the 1 her husband , Henry the second , her sonne and heire : whose eldest Daughter and Heire ( after the death of her foure brothers , Francis the second , Charles the 9th , Henry the 3d , and Francis Duke of Aniou , all dying without issue ) was Elizabeth , married to Philip the 2d of Spaine . So that it is euident by whōsoeuer this law was enacted , & howsoeuer it did extend ; it is of no such force , but that the Labels of it may easily be cut in peeces , by an English sword well whetted . Some account this Salique law to be a great happines to the French nation , not so much in relation to the vnfitnesse of women to gouerne ( for therein some of them haue gone beyond most men ) but because thereby the Crowne o● France is not indangered , to fall into the hands of strangers . These men consider not how great Dominions may by this meanes be incorporate to the Crowne . They remember not how Maude the Empresse being married to Ge●frie Earle of Aniou , Touraine , and Meine , conveied those countries to the Diadem of England ; nor what rich and fertile Provinces were added to Spaine , by the match of the Lady Ioane to Arch-Duke Philip. Neither doe they see that ineffable blessing which England now eni●yeth by the coniunction of Scotland proceeding from a like mariage . Yet there is a saying in Spaine , that as a man should desire to liue in Italy because of the ciuility and ingenious natures of the people ; and to dye in Spaine because there the Catholique Religion is so sincerely professed : so he should wish to bee borne in France , because of the noblenesse of that nation , which neuer had any King but of their owne country . The chiefest enimies to the French haue beene the English , & Spaniards ; the former had here great possessions , diuerse times plagued them , and tooke from them their kingdome , but being call'd home by ciuill dissentions , lost all . At their departure the French scoffingly asked an English Captaine , when they would returne ? Who feelingly answered , when your sinnes are greater then ours . The Spaniards began but of late with them , yet haue they taken from them Navarre , Naples , and Millaine ; they displanted them in Florida , poysoned the Dolphin of Vienneys , droue their King Henry the 3d out of Paris & most of his other Citties , all which they possest : at last they caused him to bee murdered , and intended the like to his successours ; a Series of iniuries more memorable then marriageable . Concerning the last warres which the Spaniard made in France , when hee sided with the Duke du Maine , and the rest of those Rebells , which called themselues the Holy League , whereof the Duke of Guise was the Author ; against the two Kings Henry the 3d and 4th : a French Gentleman made this excellent allusion . For being asked the causes of these ciuill broyles , he replied they were ●pania and Mania : seeming by this answere to signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 penurie , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 furie , which are indeed the causes of al intestine tumults ; but couertly therein implying the King of Spaine and the Duke of Maine . In former times there were no nations more friendly then these , the Kings of Castile and France be●ng the neerest confederated Princes in Christendome . For their league was betweene King and King , Realme and Realme , Subiect and Subiect ; which they were all bound vnder great curses to keepe inviolable . This Countrey is wonderfully stored with riuers , the chiefest whereof is 1 Seine , which arising in Burgundy , watring the citties of Paris and Roane ; and receauing into it nine nauigable streames , disburdeneth it selfe into the British Ocean . 2 Some , vpon which standeth Amiens ; it hath its head about S Quintins , diuideth Picardie from A●toys , and hauing receaued eight lesser streames looseth it selfe in the Sea. 3 Loyre ; on which are seated Nantes and Orleance ; it riseth about the mountaines of Avergue ( being the greatest in France : ) and hauing runne 600 miles , and augmented his Channell with the entertainement of 72 lesser rivulets , mingleth his sweet waters with the brackish Aquitane Ocean . 4 Rhoane , which springing at Driga , three miles from the head of Rhene , watreth Lyons ( where it receaueth Sone hastning from Alsatia ) then Avignion , and lastly taking in 13 lesser brookes , stealeth into the Mediterranean Sea at Arles . And 5 Garond , which running from the Pyrenean hills to Blay , standing on the Aquitaine Ocean ; glideth by the walls of Burdeaux , and Tholouse , and receaueth 16 lesser riuers . Of these the Seine is the richest , the Rhoane the swiftest , the Garond the greatest , and the Loyre the sweetest . This fruitfull Region ( if we may , as I thinke not , giue credence to report ) was first peopled by Samothes , the sixt sonne of Iophet , called in the Scriptures Mesech , in the yeare of the world 1806. The ofspring attributed to him were certainely a warlike nation , without whose loue no king could secure himselfe from imminent dangers . They were very sparing in their diet , and vsed to fine any one that outgrewe his girdle . With these men the Romans fought , rather for their owne preservation , then in any hope by a conquest of them to enlarge their Dominions . Yet at last they vndertooke the warre , but not till they had subiected almost all the residue of the world . And thē also no● so much by the valour of the Romans ( though the war was managed by the most able Captaine that euer Rome gaue breath to : ) as by their own diuisions , were they brought vnder . These men had formerly vnder the conduct of Bremus , said to be the brother of Be●inus King of England , discom●ited the Romans at the riuer Allia ; sacked the Citty , and beseiged the Capitoll , Anno M. 3577 ; V.C. 365. In this cause they so terrified the Romans , that after their expulsion from Rome by Camillus , there was a law made ; that the Priests , though at al other times exempted , should be compelled to the warre , if euer the Gaules came againe . From Rome they marched on to Greece , where they spoyled and ransackt the Temple of Delphos , for which sacrilege , they were visited with the pestilence . Such as suruiued this plague , went into Asia , and there gaue name to that countrey , now called Galatia . The antique Gaule in rouing euery way As farre as Phoebus darts his golden ray , Seiz'd Italy : the worlds prowd mistresse sackt Which rather Mars then Romulus compact , Then spoiles Pisidia , Misia doth inthrall , And midst of Asia plants another Gaule . This countrey after 40 yeares resistance by the valour & good fortune of Caesar became tributary to the Romanes ; & so remained till their apparant declining , when the Francones , the Burgundians , and Gothes wrested the most of it from the Romane Monarchie . Betweene these three mighty nations was France diuided in this manner . The Gothes possessed all the country betweene the Rhoane , East ; the Aquitaine Ocean , West ; the Loyre , North ; and the Pyrenean hills , South . The Burgundians had all which lieth betweene the Alpos & the Rhene , East ; the Rhoane West ; Lorreine , North ; and the Mediterranean , South . All the rest together with Belgia belonged to Franks , whose King Charlemaine vtterly ruined the kingdome of the Gothes : & his successours by little and little haue brought to almost nothing , that of the Burgundians . By the Romans this country was diuided into three parts , viz : Belgicam , environed with the Rhene , the Marne , the Seine , and the Ocean : 3ly , Aquitanicam , which reached from the Pyrenean hills to the Garound ; and contained also all the sea coasts vp to the Loyre : 3ly , Celticam , which comprehended all the rest ; and was subdiuided into Lugdunensem , containing Daulphine , Savoy , and both Burgundies ; and Nar●onensem , comprehending Languedocke , and Provence . To Celtica , properly and more strictly so called , appertained Berry , Burbon , Anion , Brittaine . After the comming of these new conquerours , it was diuided into many Prouinces , whereof the chiefe are . 1 Gascoyne , and Guyen . 2 Poicton . 3 Anion . 4 Brittain . 5 Normandy . 6 France . 7 Berry . 8 Limosin . 9 Languedocke . 10 Provence . 11 Picardie , & Campaigne . 12 Daulphine . 13 The Dutchy . 14 The Earledome of Burgundy . 15 Savoy . 16 Lorrain . Of some of these La No●e passeth this censure . The men of Berry are Leachers : they of Touraine or Aniou Theeues : They of Languedocke Traitors : They of Provence are Atheists : They of Rh●mes ( in Campaigne ) superstitious : They of Normandy insolent : They of Picardie prowd : and so of the rest . 1. GASCOYNE and GVIEN . GASCOYNE and GVIEN comprehend in a manner all Gallia Aquitanica bounded with the Pyrenean hills , the Aquita●ne Ocean , and Garound . It took this name from the Vascones , a people of Spaine , who here seated themselues . Next to the Pyrenean hils lieth the Lordship of Berne , belonging to the kings of Navarre , euer since it and the Earledome of Foix were vnited to that Crowne Anno 1481. It continued very faithful vnto Henry of Burbon late King of France and Navarre , during his troubles after the death of Henry the 3d ▪ insomuch that hee was in mockage called by his enimies the Biernoys . Of this Earledome the chiefe Citty is Oleron . Nigh vnto it lieth the Earledome of Foix , two of whose Earles are of great fame , viz : Iohn de Foix , whom our Henry the sixt for his faithfull seruice in the French warres , created Earle of ●endale ; which addition of honour some of that family still retaine : And Gaston de Foix so renowned in the warres of Italie . These principalities were together ioyned by the marriage of Marguerit , heire of Berne , vnto Roger Bernard , Earle of Foix , 1262. and both together connected to the Crowne of Navarre by the matrimoniall vnion of Leonora Princesse of Navarre , & Gastone of Foix. Here are also the Earledomes of Arminacke , Cominges , Bigorre , and Albret . The chiefe Citties in this tract generally are , 1 Tholouse supposed to be built when Deborah iudged Israel : here was a Parliamentary Court erected for the administration of Iustice in these parts , 1302. It was observed that certaine Souldiers hauing stolne sacrilegiously some Gold out of the Temples of Tholouse ( when it was sackt by Cepio a Roman Consul ) came all to miserable and vnfortunate ends ; hence grewe that Adage , Aurum habet Tholosanum , applied to vnhappy men . The fieldes about this towne are in old writers called Campi Catalanniel , extending in length 100 , and in breadth 70 French Leagues . In these fields was fought that terrible battle betweene Attila King of the Hunnes , & Aet us the Roman Leistenant in France . Aetius was strengthned by the Gothes , Franks , Burgundians , and Germans . Attilas army consisted of Hunnes , Eruli , Scythes , Sarmatians , & Suevians , to the number of 500000 ; of which 180000 that day lost their liues ; Attila himselfe being dr●uen to that desperate plunge , that making a funerall pile of Horse saddles , he would haue burned himselfe . But his enemies weary of well doing gaue him leaue to retire homeward through Italie , which he harassed with sire and sword , murdering the people , and ruining the townes , so that he was then and long after called Flagellum dei . Aetius notwithstanding this good seruice , was by Valentinian Emperour of the West , rewarded with the losse of his head . By which act , the Emperour ( as one told him ) had cut off his right hand with his left . And indeed so it hapned , for not long after he himselfe was by Maximianus murdered , and the Empire of Rome irrecouerably destroyed . 2 Burdeaux where our king Richard the second was borne , and all about whose territories there are yet very apparant footstepps of the English tongue . It is honoured with an Vniuersity ; as also with Parliamentary authority for the adiacent Countries , Aº 1443. 3 Bazas on the Garond ; and 4 Bayen on the coast of Spaine . On the Northerne end of this Countrey ioyneth the little Province Xaintoigne , the chiefe Towns are Sainctes ( olim , Mediolanum ) and Rochel , the best fortefied towne of all France , and the best fortresse of the Protestants . It will not be amisse in this place , to say somewhat of the war●es which the Citizens of this Towne haue diuers times maintained against the French King in defence of Religion . At the end of the second ciuil warres , Aº 1568 many townes considering how ill the former peace had bin obserued , refused to take in any of the kings garrisons , neither would they permit any of the Papists to beare office among them . Of those , Rochel was one ; which also contrary to the kings command , maintained a navie for their safety by sea , and continued their fortifications for their defence by land . So that hither the Queen of Navarre and her son retired as to a place of security , 1570 , Rochel of all the French townes , only held good for the Protestants , & is by M. Iarvill on all sides blocked vp . But the siege is soone raised , & Rochel , Montalban , Sancerre , with some other towns are made cautionarie for the peace ensuing . 1573. It was besieged by Byron the elder , with an army of 50000 men , & 60 pieces of artillery . Here were present at this siege King Charles , Henry D. of Aniou his brother ; the Duke of Aumal , &c. It held out from the beginning of March , till the 17 of Iune , and was then freed : the city hauing in one moneth endured 13000 shot ; & the king in his whole warre lost 20000 of his men , and among others the Duke of Aumal . 75 and 76 , it was attempted by M. Landereau , and the I le of Re nigh to it was taken , but soon recouered ; after which the king of Navarre , & the Prince of Conde entred it in triumph .1577 . it is by M. Lansac besieged Seaward , but he being beaten back , peace was made , and 8 other pledge-townes assigned . It was in the troubles of 85 and 88 , the place of retreat to the aboue-named Princes ; And when the Guisiards had compelled king Henry to make warre vpon the Religion ; The king of Navarre issued from thence to divert the Duke M●r●uer from Montagne . The next yeare Henry 3 being slaine , the Rochelers sided with Henry 4 , and till the yeare 1621. were neuer molested ; Within this litle Prouince of Xaintoigne , is also the well-fortified town of S. Iohn de Angelo . The chief riuers in all this Tract are 1 Iearn , 2 Lot , 3 Balze , 4 Lisle , 5 Dordone , all paying their tributary streames to Garond , 6 Souson in Gascoigne , and 7 Charent in Xaintoigne filling the Ocean . The Dutchy of Aquitaine was giuen by Charles the Bald , vnto Ranulph a Burgundian , for his good seruice against the Normans , Aº 844. To whose second successour called Eudes , were added the Earledomes of P●ictou and Avergne , anno 902. In this Image it continued till the yeare 1152. When Elenor the daughter and heire to William the 5 of that name , was married to Henry the 2d of England , from whose yongest son Iohn , vniustly detaining the Crown of England from Arthur of Britaine , son to Geofrie his eldest brother ; it was taken by Philip of France , anno 1202 ; the said Iohn being first lawfully convicted by his Peeres , for Fellony , and the murther of his Cousin Arthur , and by them condemned to forfeit his estates in France . After about the yeare 1259 , S. Lewis of France gaue vnto Henry the third of England , the Dutchy of Guien , conditionally that he should renounce all title to his other inheritances . This Dutchy containing the hithermost part of Gascoigne , and the country of Xainton vnto the riuer of Charent , continued English till the yeare 1452 : When by reason of the ciuill warres betweene Yorke and Lancaster , the Garison Souldiers were recalled to maintaine factions at home , and Charles the 7 of France recouered Guien , and all the other English possessions , Calice excepted . 2. POICTOV . POICTOV hath on the North Brittaine and Anion , on the East the Dutchy of Berrie ; on the South Xaintoigne , & Guien ; on the West the Aquitaine Seas . It is called in Latine , Pictavia , from the Pictones , being the ancient inhabitants , and is a country so great and plentifull , that there are numbred 1200 Parishes , and three Bishopricks : The chiefe Cities are 1 Poicteirs , in Latine Pictavis , seated on the riuer Clavius , famous for the study of the Ciuill Law , and being the next to Paris for greatnes , 2 Mailesay . 3 Lasson . 4 Rocksurion , and 5 Castell Herauld ( or Castrum Herauldi ) the title of which place , was in the dayes of Henry the 2d , and Francis the 2d his son , giuen to the family of the Earles of Hamilton of Scotland . In the Vine-field of this Country , was fought that memorable battaile between Iohn of France and our Black Prince ; who being distressed by the number of the French , would willingly haue departed on honorable tearmes , which the French not accepting , insteed of Conquest , found an ouerthrow . For they presuming on their own worth , alwaies to their own disadvantage , bereft the enemy of all opportunity of retiring ; whereas ordinary policy would instruct the leader of an Army , to make his enemy if he would fly , a bridge of gold , as Count Pitelan vsed to say : Hereupon Themistocles would not permit the Grecians to breake the bridge made ouer the Hellespont by Xerxes , left the Persians should be compelled to fight , and so happen to recouer their former losses : and Charles the 6 lost his Army by intercepting of our 5 Henry in his march to Calice . For where all way of fl●ght is stopt , the basest Souldier will rather dye with glory in the front of his battle , then fly and be killed with ignominie . So true a Mistresse of hardy resolutions is despaire , and no lesse true this prouerbe of ours , Make a Coward fight & he will kill the Diuell . On the contrary it hath bin the vse of diuers politick Captaines , to make their own Souldiers fight more resolutely , taking from them all hope of safety but by battell . So did our William the Conquerour ; who at his arriual into England , burnt the shippes which transported his Army , thereby giuing his Souldiers to wit , that their liues lay in the strength of their armes , & courage of their hearts ; not in the nimblenesse of their heeles . Tariff the leader of the Moores into Spaine , burnt likewise all his Navy , one only Pinnace excepted , which he reserued to carry tidings of his successe . When Charles Martell encountred that infinite hoste of the Saracens , ( of which you shall anon heare more ) hee commanded the people of Toures to open their gates onely to the Victors : then he led his Army ouer the Loyre , placing on the bankes thereof certaine troupes of horsemen , to kill all such as fled out of the field : Hereby informing his men , that there was to them no more France then what they fought on , vnlesse they were conquerours . In like manner the same Themistocles cunningly working the Persians to enclose the Greeke Navy on euery side , enflamed the Grecians with such courage by this necessity of fight , that they gaue their enemies the memorablest defeat , that euer hapned on the seas . This Country is watred with Clavius , Vienne , and Crevise , three riuers which runne into the Loyre : and hath followed the f●rtune of Aquitaine . 3. ANIOV . ANIOV in Latine Andegavium , though but little , is excellent fruitfull , and yeeldeth the best wines in France . To it are annexed the Provinces of Turraine and Maine ; this last formerly inhabited by the Cenomani , the former is diuided by the Loyre . The chiefe Townes of Aniou are Angiers ( of old Iulio Magus ) where Lewis the 2d Duke hereof , founded an Vniuersity , Anno 1388. 2 Beaufort a towne belonging to our Dukes of Lancaster , in which Iohn of Gaunt so much delighted , that he caused all the children which he had by Catharine Swinforte his third wife , to be called Beaufortes , a reason not knowne to all : which Beaufortes were afterward Dukes of Somerset and Exeter , and Earles of Dorset . This town c●me to the house of Lancaster by Blanch of Artoys , vnto Edmund surnamed Crouchbacke , second s●n to our Henry the 3d , created by his Father the first Earle of Lancaster . Nigh vnto this town Thomas D. of Clarence , & brother to Henry 5 was slaine , Anno 1422. 3 Saumur , a towne pleasantly seated on the Loyre ; and lately one of the pledge-townes in the hands of the Protestants . On the North side of Anion between it and Normandie , lieth Maine , whose chiefe townes are 1 Mans or Maine , the principall towne in all this Country , seated on the riuer of Magenu● ; which arising in the Northerne edge of this Prouince , and washing the walls of this towne and Angeirs , emptieth it selfe in the Loyre . 2 Beaumont . 3 Vendosme , standing on the Southeast corner of this Country : a town which belonged to the house of Burbon ; & gaue name to Antonio , surnamed Vendosm ▪ Father to Henry the 4. On the Southeast of Aniou , between it and Berrie , lieth the Country of Toureine , whose mother city is Tours ( or Turena ) where the Protestants first began , and from one of whose gates , called Hugoes gate ( as before we haue said ) they tooke the name of Hugonots . Some haue derived this name from the first words of an Apologie which they made before the French king , which were Huenos venimus ; and as the Protestants were so called , because in their writings to the Emperour , they often vsed the word Protestumus ; so from the word Huenos , the name of Hugonots , or Hu●nots must needs be deduced . Not much vnlike to this are the etymons of the Longebards and Wallouns , of whom I shall hereafter haue occasion to speak , which came questionlesse out of the same forge . Neere vnto this towne Charles Martell , Father to Pepin King of France , discomfited an host of 400000 Saracens , led by Abderamen , and slew of them 370000 , about the yeare of our redemption 732. 2 Amboyse . 3 Bloys , where Henry of Loraine , Duke of Guise , the originall and first mouer of the ciuill warres in France , and the great contriuer and enginer of the terrible Massacie in Paris , Aº 1572. was slaine in the Senate-house by the command of Henry the 3d. Somewhat higher vpon the Loyre standeth Orleance , once a kingdome : a City that long felt the force of an English siege ; before whose walls died g●eat Montacute , Earle of Salisbury , glorying in that she cast a bone of diuision betweene the Burgundian and English , to the eternall prejudice of the latter , and disgrace of the former ▪ as also in the education of Ioan the Virgin It was called by Caesar , Genabum ; by the Moderne Latinists Aurelia , the Countrie about it Aurelianensis , and worthily . For in the yeare 276. the Emperour Aurelian built it out of the ruines of old Genabum . It was made an Vniversity by Philip the faire , Aº 1312. wherein the Ciuill Law is the chiefe study . Aniou was giuen to Robert a Saxon Prince , by Charles the Bald , for his valour showne against the Normans 870. The third in direct line from this Robert , was Hugh Capet King● of France by generall election , who gaue the Earledome of Aniou vnto Geofry Grisogonelle a Saxon Knight , Anno 926. The first of his Successours that possessed Maine , was Foulke the third ▪ 1083. by the right of Sybell his wife , daughter to Helie Earle of Maine Their son Geofry was afterwards inriched with the addition of the County of Tourame ; and his marriage with Maude daughter and h●ite to Henry the first of England , and widow of Henry the 4 , Emperour . From these two proceeded Henry the 2d King of England ▪ & Farle of Aniou ; whose fourth son Iohn lost all his Estates in France by confiscation , 1202. Then it was giuen to Charles , son to Lewis the eight ; in right of his wife , Earle of Provence ; and by the gift of Pope Vrban the fourth , King of Naples and Sicily , 1262. It was raised to a Dutchy by Charles the 5 , Anno 1280. And lastly giuen by Rene tho last Duke , to Lewis the eleuenth , Anno 1480. 4. BRITTAINE . BRITTAINE is environed with Maine , Touraine , and the Sea. It is diuided into Hault or high Brittaine , being the Easterne , and Basse or Low Brittaine being the Westerne parts ; & was first called Armerica , quasi Ad mare sita ; and now Brittaine , of the Brittaines , which in the reigne of Maximinus came hither and seated themselues ; to whom there flocked infinite others at the Saxons tyrannizing in Brittaine . These people both conquered and new named the Country , according to these Verses : Vicit Aremoricaes animosa Britannia gentes , Et dedit imposito nomina prisca ingo . The ancient Brittaine by the Saxons chaced From 's natiue Albion , soone the Gaules displaced From Armorick ; and then victoriously After his name surnamed it Brittanny . The Brittish or Welch language in part remaineth here still ; for such as came out of Brittaine hither first , and married the women of this Country , did cut out their tongues , lest they should corrupt the language of their children . Notable riuers here are none , which defect is supplied by the neighbourhood of the Sea , which yeeldeth them diuerse Hauens , the chiefe being Ereiste and S. Malo , so often spoyled and damaged by the English in our French warres , since the time of Henry 7. As for their cities the chiefe of them are 1 Nantes , on the bankes of the Loyre , where the Parliament of Brittaine is kept , which was erected Aº 1553. 2 Rhones on the little riuer Vilent . 3 Vannes seated on the South sea . 4 S. Breine , the seate of the chief Bishop of this Province on the No●th sea ; and 5 Rohan the title and inheritance of that fauous Prince the Duke of Rohan , who in the late warres adhered so closely to them of the Religion . The Lords of Brittaine sometime ▪ stiled themselues kings , but afterwards Earles , about the yeare 859 , and so continued till the time of Iohn the Red , Earle of Brittaine ; who by Lewis the 9 was made a Duke , Anno 1250. In his posterity it continued till the dayes of Duke Francis the second , who joyning himself in league with Charles Duke of Berry , & Charles Duke of Burgundy , against Lewis the 11● drew ru●ne on his head , which he could not possibly auoid Charles Duke of Berry , as it was thought , was poysoned , Charles of Burgundy lost his life at the battle of Nancie , 1476 ; & his country was conquered by the French King : And Francis this Duke hauing embarqued himselfe in the saiue troublous Ocean , must needes suffer shipwrecke with his Copartners . The King of France inuadeth Britaine , The Duke ouercharged with melancholy , dies , 1488 ; leauing Anne his daughter and heire , in the power of his enemy Charles the eight : who contracts a marriage with the Orphan , and vniteth Brittaine to France . There were many impediments which might haue hindred this marriage , but Charles breaketh through them all . First Charles himselfe had bin formerly contracted to Archduke Maximilians daughter ; but this he held voide , because the yong Lady was not of age at the time of the contract . 2ly Anne the Dutches was also contracted to Maximilian ; and this he held vnvalid , because the Dutchesse being his homager , could not bestow her selfe without his licence . & 3 l● Maximilian had by proxie married her , which marriage he consummated by a ceremony in those daies new ; For his Embassadour attended by a great traine of Lords and Ladies , bared his leg vp to the knee , and put it into the Dutchesses sheets , thereby taking possession of her bed and body : But Charles consulting with his Diuines , was told that this pretended consummation , was rather an invention of Court , then any way firme by the Lawes of the Church . Certainely God blessed not this wedding ; for of three children which they had betweene them , not one liued . Charles being dead , his successor Lewis on the same policie , divorced himself from his own wife , & married this Dutchesse . From this second mariage , the Acrhdutchesse Isabell descended ; for whom , when her Father King Philip made a claime to this Dutchy , she indeed being the true heire in lineal descentithe Frenchmen vrged a Law of their own deuising , that no Countrey being once incorporate to the French Crowne , could again be aliened . A proper Law truely , but somewhat newer , and of a worse stamp then the Salique . Most of our ●or● or Earles of Richmond , were Earles and Dukes of this house . The armes are Ermines . 5. NORMANDIE . NORMANDIE hath on the South Maine , and the Isle of France ; on the East the Riuer Some , on other parts the Ocean . It was formerly called Neustria , corruptly for Westria , the word Westenrich signifying in the Germane tongue , the Western limit of the Empire : and now Normandie of the Normans . The riuer Sequana , or Seine , runneth qulte through it , as also two lester riuers Orus and Anon. In this Country is the little Signiory of Ividot , heretofore a kingdome free & absolute . Clotaire the seuenth King of France , hauing abused the wife of Gawter d'Ividot , ( so called because he was here borne ) added one wickednesse to another , killing this Gawter as he was at his devotions on a Good-Friday , therein preventing the revenge which he knew he had deserued . After this wicked act , his conscience accusing him , and the Roman Bishop exhorting to repentance , he erected the Lordship of Ividot to a kingdome ; assigning the posterity of Gawter all the prerogatiues of a free Monarch , as to make Lawes , coine money , and the like . From hence the French call a man that hath but small demaines to maintaine a great title , a Roy d' Ividot . At last , but at what time I know not , it fell again to a Lordship , and belongeth now to the house of Bellay in Little Brittaine . This Dukedome of Normandie containeth 8 citties , the chief whereof are 1 Constance , 2 Cane famous for the long resistance it made to Henry the fift of England . 3 Bayeux on the Sea side , the Bishop whereof Odo , was the Earle of Kent ; who hauing displeased King William his brother , was committed to prison by a witty distinction ; not as the Bishop of Bayeux , ( for then the Clergie was free from all secular jurisdiction , ) but as the Earle of Kent . 4 Pontoyse . 5 Roane the Metropolis of Normandie . In the chiefe Chu●ch of this town is the Sepulchre of Iohn Duke of Bedford , Regent of France , whose monument when a foolish Court●er perswaded Charles the eight to deface , God defend ( saith he ) that I should wrong him dead , whom l●uing all the force of France could not resist . 6 Palaise a town once of good strength . As Duke Robert passed through this towne , he beheld among a company of yong maides dancing , one Arlet a skinners daughter : whose nimblenesse in her dance , made the Duke think she was not sluggish in a bed , and therefore he sent for her to accompany him that night . To omit the immodest behauiour she vsed at her lying downe ; the Duke on her begat that night William the Bastard , King of England : in spight to whom , and disgrace to his mother , the English call'd all Whores Harlets , a word yet in vse amongst vs. 7 Mortaigne , which was the title or Earledome which was giuen to Iohn surnamed Sans-terre , afterward king of England ; and 8 Crecie a towne in the Country of Pentheiu , lying on the East of Normandie ; nigh vnto which Edward the 3d ouercame Philip of Valoys . 8. Caux . 9 Verneile . It is reported that when Philip the second of France , had besieged this town , and that newes of it came to Richard the first of England ; that he should protest in these words , I wil neuer turne my backe till I haue confronted the French : For the performance of which Princely word , he brake a way through his Palace of Westminster , and came so vnexpected to France , that the French raised their siege , and departed . The chiefe Hauen-townes are Hareflow , and Deepe . Of these the former was the first town which our victorious Prince king Henry the 5 attempted and took in , in France . The latter is famous for its fidelity , and vnmoueable allegeance to Henry 4 of France , euen in the middest of his troubles : at that time when the confederat Papists of the Guisian faction , calling themselues the holy League , had beaten him out of almost all his towns , and in dernion called him King of Deepe . The third Hauen-towne is Newhauen , in Latine called Franciscopolis , because it was founded by Francis the first . This town was in the first ciuill warres in France about religion , yeelded into the hands of Elizabeth of England by the Prince of Conde and his faction , as a towne of Caution , for such forces as she should on their behalfe leuie . The French king not liking a neighbour so potent , made peace with the Protestants , on that condition that they should driue home the English. By this meanes he weakned their forces for the present ; depriued them of all hope of future aide from our Queene ; twisted his own plots closer ; and the next yeare began a stronger warre vpon them , now ashamed anywhere to demand succour . The Parliamentary City for this and the adjoyning Prouinces , is Rhoane ( of old R●thomagus ) erected Aº 150● . The Normans were a people of Norwegia , and made their first irruptions about the yeare 700 : when they so ransacked & plagued the Maritime townes , that it was inserted into the Letany , From Plag●e , Pestilence , and the fury of the Normans good Lord , &c. To quiet these people , and to secure himself , Charles the Bald gaue them a part of Neustria , by them since called Normannia : Their first Duke was R●ll● , Aº 900 , from whence in a direct line , the sixt was William the Bastard , Conquerour , & King of England , Aº 1067. After this , Normandy continued English till the dayes of King Iohn ; when Philip Augustus seized on all his estates in France as forfeitures , Aº 1202. The English then possessing the Dukedomes of Normandy , Guyen , and Aquitaine ; the Earledomes of Aniou , Touraine , Maine , Poicteirs , and Limosin ; being in all a farre greater and better portion of the Country , then the Kings of France themselues possessed . 9. THE ISLE OF FRANCE . THE ISLE OF FRANCE is sited in the circlings & confluences of Seine , and other petty brookes , as our Isle of Ely in Cambridgeshire on the confluence of Welland and other Riuers . It tooke its denomination from the Francones , who did first erect their kingdome in this place . These Francones were a people which liued in the great Forrest called Sylva Hercyma in Germany , who driuing the Vangiones out of their Country , there seated themselues , & called it after their own name Franconia . These Iulius Caesar tamed , Maximinus slaughtred , Constantine vanquished , and Iulian the Apostata kept vnder : yet vnder the reigne of Valentinian the first , they began to shake off the clog of bondage , and diminishing their name with their increase of power , called them France , or Franks , that is Freemen . They were gouerned by Dukes till the yeare 420 , when Pharamond took on him the title of king . As for France , the first that euer set foot there , was Moroucus , who seeing the Romans on one side put to the worst by Theodoric and the Gothes ; entred together with the Burgundians on the other , seazed on the Isle of France , subdued Paris , & made it the seat of his Kingdome . Afterward when they had fully seated thēselues here , the kings vsed to diuide their kingdome according to the number of their sons : Hence haue we a King o' Orleance , a K. of Austrasia , a K. of Soyssons ; a K. of France , which alwaies was he , & he only who had his seat in Paris . This is the chief city of France , & was called formerly Lutetia , quasi Luto sita , as being sited in so clayie asoyle that they vse as a common Prouerb to say , It staines like the dirt of Paris . The Vniuersity here is accounted the first of Europe , containing 55 Colledges , built by Charles the Great at the perswasion of Alcuine an Englishman , Aº 800. Francis the first , whom the French call the father of the Muses , intended , ( being perswaded thereunto by Reucline and Budaus , as great restorers of letters in those parts , as Moore in England , or E. rasinus in Germanie ) to haue built here a Colledge , wherein should haue bin Professours of all Arts and Languages . He would haue endowed it with 50000 Crownes of yearely revenue , for the maintainance of his Professours and Schollers , whose number in all should haue bin 600. But it went no further then the intent , for death took from him time to actuate it . This City is in compasse 12 miles , and is reported to haue bin built in the time of Amasias King of Iudah . It standeth in a most fertile soile , insomuch that when it was besieged by the Dukes of Berry , Burgundy , and Brittaine , with an army of 100000 men ; neither the assailants without , nor the defendants within , felt any want of victuals ; and yet the Citizens besides the common souldiers , are reckoned to be 4 or 500000. It is honoured with a Parliament , to which all other may appeale , from which not one . These French Parliaments are as our Law-Courts are , our Parliaments as their Conventus ordinum . It is seated on Seine , which serueth the Town with little boates and barges ( as the Thames Westward doth London ) the riuer ebbing and flowing no farther then Pontclarch , distant from Paris 75 miles , or thereabout . The Parisians bragge that their town was neuer conquered : the reason is , it is very weak● ; and therefore compoundeth with the enemy . This Town was held by the English 16 yeares , and solemnized the Coronation of Henry the sixt of France and England , with all joyfull acclamations , in the Church of Nostre Dame : being long 65 faddome , broad 24 , high 15 , aboue which the St●eples are eleuated 34 faddome , Secondly also here is S. Vincents , where victorious Henry the fifth ended his dayes . Thirdly somwhat Eastward , Soysons , once the seat of the King of Soysons , for only the kings of Paris ( as we haue said ) were called Kings of France . Fourthly Charenton , famous for the assiduous preaching here of that excellent ornament of the French Church , Peter du Moulin . H●ere is also in this Isle the royall Palace of Fountaine bleau , ( that is the faire Fountaine ) the fairest house not of France only , but ( as they say ) of all Christendome . Indeed I haue heard travellers ( who for the most part vilifie their own Country in respect of others ) report , that it farre exceedeth both for beauty and bignesse , the largest and brauest of his Maiesties house ; in England . Northward lieth the Dukedome of Valoys , whose prime City is Senlis , the second Luzarch . This Dukedome gaue name to all the French kings of the second branch of the Capets ; which beginning in Philip de Valoys , Aº 1328 ; ended in Henry the 3d , 1589. Westward to Paris lieth the litle Prouince of La Beause , whose chiefe townes are 1 Chartres , or ( as the Latine writers call it ) Carnutum . This town giueth title to a Vidame , or Vieedominus , an honour onely vsed in France , whereof here also there are but foure , viz. this of Charters , 2ly of Amiens , 3 l● of Chalons , and 4ly of Gerbery in Beavoys . The 2d towne of this La Beause or Belsia , is Estampes . The Kings of France , 420 1 Pharamond 11 431 2 Clodius 18 449 3 Meroueus 10 459 4 Child●ricu● 26 485 5 Clo●oueu● primus Rex Chr. 30 515 6 Childebortus 45 560 7 Clotarius 5 565 8 Cherebertus 9 574 9 Childeric II. 14 588 10 Clotarius II. 44 632 11 Dagobertus 14 646 12 Clodoueus II. 17 663 13 Clotarius III 4 667 14 Childericus III. 12 680 15 Theodoricus 14 694 16 Clodoueus III. 4 698 17 Childebertus II. 18 716 18 Dagobertus II. 6 722 19 Childericus IIII. 5 727 20 Theodoricus II. 15 742 21 Childericus V , was the last of the Merouignian Family : he was deposed by Pepin , son to Charles Martell , the Pope giuing assent and approbatiō to his proceedings . This Pepi● and his Father Martell we●● Mayres of the Palace to the former Kings . These Mayres were originally Comptrollers of the Kings house , and had nothing to doe with the affaires of State. But Clotayre the 2d to ease himselfe and his successours of a burden so weighty ; made the Mayres Vicars generall of his Empire . From henceforward the Kings followed the●r pleasures , shewing themselues onely on Mayday ; and then being seated in a chariot , adorned with flowres , and drawne by foure oxen : As for the Mayre he openeth packets , heateth and dispatcheth forreine Embassadours , giueth remedy to the complaints of the subiects , maketh Lawes and repeateth them ; an authority somewhat like that of the Praefecti praetorio , in the time of the Romane Emperours . Vnder Degobert the first , Pepin was Mayre ; who continued in that office till the reigne of Clovis the third , and then he died , leauing his authority to Charles Martell his base son . This Charles did to the Kings of France great seruice , for which he was created Duke or Prince of the French. Yet would not he ( though the Estate was at his disposure ) settle it in himselfe ; it being his vsuall saying , that he had rather rule a King , then be one . As for his son Pepin , he succeeding his Father in authority but not in vertuous resolutions , was by Pope Zachary the first invested with the Diademe of France ; and the vnfortunate king Childericus , had his powle shauen , and was thrust into a Monastery . For this investiture , both Pepin and his son Charles the great , did good seruice to the Romane Prelates , and they to requite their kindnesses , gaue vnto the last , the Empire of the West ; and the title of most Christian King. The sonnes of this most worthy Emperour , did most vnworthily degenerate . The second Race of French kings . 751 1 Pepin 18 769 2 Carolus M. 46 815 3 Lodovicus Pius 26 841 4 Carolus 38 879 5 Lodovicus Balbus 2 881 6 Lodovicus III. 5 886 7 Carolus Crassus 5 891 8 Odo , or Eudes . 900 9 Carolus simplex 27 927 10 Redul . Burgundio 2 929 11 Lodovicus IIII. 27 956 12 Lotharius 31 987 13 Lodovic . V. 2. wa● the last of the Mongrell issue of Charles the great , in which time forreiners were their kings , and the Rulers of the Prouinces ●ell from the French obediēce ; and vsurped entire gouernment . These troubles made way to Hugh , surnamed Capet ( either of his great head , or because when he was a boy , hee was wont to snatch off his Fellowes cappes ) to ascend the Royall Thron● of France ; a Prince of a strange blood , and on●y hoysed vp by the people , to the prejudice of Charles of Lorraine the true Heire of France , as the brother of Lotharius , and Vncle vnto Lodovicus the last king of this line . The third Race of French kings . 98● 1 Hugh Capet 9 997 2 Robert 34 1031 3 Henry 30 1061 4 Philip 49 1110 5 Lodovicus VI. 28 1138 6 Lewis VII . 43 1181 7 Philip II. 43 1224 8 Lewis VIII . 3 2227 9 St Lewis 44 1271 10 Philip III. 15 1286 11 Philip the faire IV. 28 1314 12 Lewis Hutin , after whose death the Crowne by right should haue descended to Ioane his daughter , deposed by the next King. 2. 1316 13. Philip the long , partly by threats , promises , and intreaty , made the Nobles and Commons to enact a Law for disabling the succession of women ; a Law ( saith Hatlan ) that could not possibly be attributed to Pharamond who was king of the Francones , but neuer had foot of land in in France ; his grandchild Meroueus being the first that euer passed the Rhene . 5. 1321. 14. Charles the faire . After whose decease began the warres of the English for the Crowne of France ; Edward 3d of England , being son to Isabel , daughter to Philip the faire , and sister to the three last Kings : but the French chose Philip of Valoys , son vnto Iohn of Valoys , brother to Philip the faire ; of which Iohn it is said , that he was son to a king , brother to a king , vncle to a king , father to a king , yet he himselfe was no king . 7. 1328. 15. Philip of ●aloys . In this kings dayes was fought the battle of Crecie . The French army consisted of about 70000 souldiers , the English had but 11800 men ; yet God blessed the English by whose valour fell that day , Iohn king of Bohemia , 11 Princes , 80 Barons , 120 knights , and 30000 common souldiers , Aº 1345. 2● . 1350. 15 Iohn . In whose raigne was the Battle of Poicteirs , wherein Edward the Blacke Prince , with an handfull of wearied souldiers , being in all but 8000 , ouercame the French Army consisting of 40000 men ; flew ( besides the Nobles ) 10000 souldiers , tooke prisoners king Iohn and Philip his son , 70 Earles , 50 Barons , and 12000 Gentlemen or thereabouts . 14. 1364. 16 Charles IV. called the Wise : which attribute king Lewis the 11 could not approue of ; it being ( as he said , ) foolishly done , to giue his yonger brother Philippe , the Dukedome of Burgundy , and withall , the Heire of Flaunders to wise . 17. 1●81 . 17 Charles the VI : in whose life Henry the 5 pursued his ●ight in France ; & hauing an army of 15000 , confrōted an host of Frenchmen , consisting of aboue 52000 : whereof he slew 5 Dukes , 8 Ea●les , 25 Lords , 8●00 knights and Gentlemen of note , 1500 of the commons : the English loosing but one Duke , one Earle , and 600 souldiers . This vnfortunate Prince lost all that his Predecessour Philip had taken from Iohn of England . 42 1423. 18 Charles VII , who droue the English , then diuided by domestick dissention , out of all France . 38 1461. 19 Lewis XI . who got Prouence with the title of Naples , Burgundy , and Picardy . Of whom ye shall find in the chamber of accounts , a reckoning of two shillings for new sleeues to his old duoblet , and three halfepence for liquor to grease his bootes . 23 1484 20 Charles VIII : who quickly wonne , and as soon lost the kingdome of Naples . 14 1498 21 Lewis XII . who wonne Millaine ▪ and diuided Naples with king Ferdinand the Catholique ; but was depriued of his part in short space . 17 1515 22 Francis the perpetuall aduersary to Charles the 5 ; because ( as he said ) the Emperour could endure no equall , and he no superiou● ; he was taken in the battaile of Pavia , and put to a grieuous ransome . 32 1547 23 Henry II , droue Charles out of Germany , took Met● , Toul , and Verdune . 13 1559 24 Francis II. ● 1560 25 Charles IX , the author of the Massacre at Paris . 14 1574 26 Henry III , stript of his kingdome and life , by the Guisians , and Spaniards . 15 1589 27 Henry IIII , king of Navarre , ( the first of the house of Burbon ) ruin'd the league of the house of Guise● ; & hauing driuen the Spaniard out of France , into which hee was called by those of that potent and rebellious faction : after a tenne yeares time of peace , was most villainously slaine by Rauiliac . 21 1610 28 Lewis XIII now liuing . To these 28 kings of the Capets , adde 13 of the Carolouignians , and 21 of the Merouignians : and the whole number of the kings of France will amount to 62. 7. BERRY and BVRBON . The Countries of BERRY and BVRBON are invironed with Poictou , Limosin , Avergne , the Dutchy of Burgundy , and Champaine . Berry called in Latin Biturigum Regio , of the chiefe Citty Bituris , now Bourges ; is so stored with sheepe , that when they take a man for too much lying in a greater number then truth , they will say , Fy , there are not so many sheepe in Berry . Th●s Prouince is watered with the riuer Cher , & containeth 33 walled Townes ; the chiefe of which are 1 Bourges , formerly called Avaricum ; the revolt of which Towne in Caesars time , gaue such a checke to his proceedings , that hee was faigne to stretch his wit and valour on the tente●hookes , before it was againe yeelded to him . It is said to haue beene built by Ogyges Noes grand-child , who called it Bitogyges , which by corruption fell vnto B●turiges ; an Etymologie , that were it as deere bought , as faire fetched , it might haue beene good for Ladies ; sure I am it is not for Scholler . Others call it more probably Bituris , quasi Biturris , from two faire Towres in this Citty erected ; one whereof is yet in part standing . Herevnto alludeth an ancient Grammarian , Turribus à binis inde vocor Bituris . From two Towres which were builded here The name of Bituris I beare . Calamenus calleth it the honorour of all learning , & storehouse of learned men , for it is indeed a florishing Vniuersity . 2 Sancerre , called of old Sacrum Cereris , from Ceres , as it seemeth here , worshipped . It is a towne of good strength , and was consigned over vnto the Protestants , 1570 , as a towne of caution , for the more sincere obseruing of the articles of peace then newly agreed on . 3 Argenton the title or honour of Philip de Comines , that excellent historian ; who diued so deeply into , and writ so plainely of the state affaires ; that Katherine di Medices vsed to say , that he had made as many Heretickes in policie , as Luther had in religion . He was from this towne vulgarly called Monseiur de Argenton . 4 Chasleau Rous. This Countrey after the decease of Harpen , who going to the holy Land , sould it to K. ●hilip the first An. 1096. was neuer aliened from the Crowne , vnlesse it were for the portion of the king , younger sonne ; which they call the Appennages . Burbon is watered with the riuers of Loyre , and Allier : The chiefe ci●ties are first Burbon ( formerly Boya ) naming the whole Province . 2 Molins vpon a little riuulet called Elaner . 3 Nevers honoured with a Dukedome . This Province in the dayes of the degenerate issue of Charles the great , was seized on by the Dampiers : the last of which was Archemb●ld Dampierre , whose daughter and heire Beatrix , was married to Robert younger sonne to Saint Lewis 1308 : from whom are descended the present Kings of France & Princes of Conde . To Burbon belong Beauoys and Averne . 1. Beauoys is a small Prouince , at the Southeast of Burbon . The chiefe Townes are Be●ueiu and Ville Franche . Of the first towne Bea●ieau in the time of our Richard the first , one Philip was Bishop : who being a martiall man , & much annoying our border , was by king Richard in a skirmish fortunately taken , and put in p●ison . The Bishop complained to the Pope , who wrot in the behalfe of his sonne as ●n Ecclesiasticall person , and a shepheard of the Lords . The King sent vnto the Pope the armour he was taken in , and engraued thereon the words , which Iacobs sonnes vsed when they had sold their brother Ioseph , and presented their father with his coat , viz : Vide vtrum filij tui tunica sit velum : which the Pope viewing , swore it was rather the coat of a sonne of Mars , then a sonne of the Church : and so bid the King vse his pleasure . The first Lord of Beauoys was Omphroy , brother to Artand of Lyon●ys , Anno 989 : in whose issue it continued till the yeare 1400 , or thereabout : when Edward the last Lord dying without issue , gaue it vnto Lewis surnamed the Good. D. of Burbon . 2 Averne is seated on the South of Burbon●ys . It is watered with the Loyre which hath his head in the Mountaines of this countrey , and Eleuer . This Prouince takes its name from the Averni ouer whom Ve●cingetorix , that so long put Caesar to his trumpes with 238000 men , was King. Hee kept his residence at Gergouia ( now Clermont ) the Metropolis of this Province : the next to whi●h is Saint ●loure , inumcible by reason of its situation . 3 Claudes A●gues ▪ 4 Marignes . Here is also the Towne and signeurie of Aubigny , which was giuen by Charles the sixt , to Robert , second sonne of Alan Steward Earle of Lennox ; and is still an honorary title among that noble familie . This Lordship was vnited to Burbon , 1●10 . by the marriage of Duke Iohn of Burbon , and Bonne Countesse of Avergne . 8. LIMOSIN . LIMOSIN is enuironed with Berry , Poicton , X●intoigne , & Auergne : it hath its name quasi in Limo sita , from the dirty soile . This countrey is moistn●d with the riuers Vienne & Vexerew . The chiefe Citties are Tulles on the South , Tuviers and Maignai in the midland , and Limoges on the North. At the taking of which last Citty newly revolted , Edward the Blacke Prince could by no meanes bee allured to pitty the distressed Cittizens ; ti●l persuing his enimies , hee saw three French Gentlemen make head against his army ; the consideration of whose magnanimity drewe him to pitty , where before hee vowed revenge . And lastly Chaluz , at the besieging of which , our Richard the first was slaine by a shot from an Arbalist , the vse of which warlike engine he first shewed vnto the French. Wherevpon a French Poet made these verses in the person of Atropos . Hoc v●lo , non alia Richardum morte perire , Vt qui Francigonis Balistae primitus vsum Trad dit ; ipse su●●em primitus experiatur , Quamque , alijs docuit , in se v●m sentiat ar●is . It is decreed : thus must great Richard die , As he that first did teach the French to dart An A●bal●st ; t is iust he first should trie The strength , and tast the fruits of his owne art . The man which shot him was named Bertram de Gurdon , who being brought before the King ( for the King neglecting his wound , neuer gaue ouer the assault till hee had mastered the place ) boldly iustified his action , as done in defence of his countrey ▪ and to reuenge the death of his father and brother whom this King had slaine . Which said , the King caused him to be set at liberty , and gaue him 100 shillings sterling . When Henry the 3l l of England released his right in the Provinces of Normandy , Aniou , Poicteirs , Toureine , and Maine , Anno 1259. Lewis the 9th , to whom this relea●e was made , gaue him in exchange 300000l l of Amo●in money ; the Dutchie of Guyen ; t●e Countrey of Namtoigne as farre as to the riuer Charen● ; and this Limosin . Si●ce which time it hath beene sometimes French , most time● English , till their generall expulsion by Charles the 7th . South west to Limosin is the little countrey Perigort , & more South is the Prouince of Querc● , both which vpon the capitulations made by Iohn of France , then prisoner , and Edward the 3d of England ; were deliuered vp to the English , and from them againe recouered by Charles the 7th . The chiefe Town●s of Quercu are 1 M●untalbon in vaine beseiged by the present French king Lewis in his wars against those of the religion : this being one of their cautiona●ie , or pledge Townes . It is s●tuate on the Garound . 2 Cahors , built on the rising of an hill , a beautifull rich Citty , and is of an ovall forme . The chiefe places of note in Perigort are 1 Perigeux , standing on the small riuer Ila , in the very midst of this little country , whereof it is the metropolis . and 2 Sarlat . In the Northeastward corner of Limosin is an Elme , whose boughes extend themselues into foure Provinces , viz : Berry . 2 Burbon . 3 Auerne . 4 Limosin . 9. DAVLPHINE . DAVLPHINE is environed with Auergne Westward , Prove●ce Southward , Savoy Eastward , & Bresse Northward : & had this name from Daulphine wife to Guigne , the second Prince of this Prouince . The Rhoane glideth all along the Countrey , washing the walls of Lyons ( where it is conioyned with the Zone ) a famous Mart towne and Vniuersity , called formerly Lugdunum . These Marts were in former times holden at Geneva ; from thence remoued hither by Lewis the 11th for the enriching of his owne kingdome . And when Iulio the 2d had excommunicated Lewis the 12th , he commanded by his Apostolical authority that they should be transferred to Geneua againe : but therein his pleasure was neuer obeyed . As for the Vniuersity questionlesse it is very ancient , for euen in the time of C. Caligula it was a se●t of learning . For in this Towne before an Altar consecrated to Augustus , this Caligula instituted some Olympicke games , as it were , of the Greeke and Roman eloquence . The victor was honoured according to his merit , but the vanquished were either with their owne tongues to blot out their writings , to be ferulaed , or be drowned in the next riuer . Hence that of Iuvenall , Lugdune●sem rhetor dicturus ad aram . Yet doe I not referre the beginning of the Academic to this , for doubtlesse it is farre younger . It is a very delicate towne , and the Sea of an Archbishop , one of whom was Irenaeus , that renowned man in the Primitiue Church . 2 Valence which was the title of Caesar Borgia , sonne to Pope Alexander the 6 , who casting off his Cardinalls hatte was by Charles the 8th made Duke Valentinoys . 3 Vienna to which Archelaeus sonne and successour to Herod the Ascalonite , King of the Iewes , was banished by Augustus . It is now famous in that in giueth name to the first sonne in France being intituled Daulphine of Viennoys . The more inward Citties are Grenoble , where a Parliament was instituted Anno 1453. 2 Romans , &c. This countrey together with Provence and Savoy , were part of the kingdome of Burgundie , and so continued till the yeare 1101 ; in which Henry the Emperour , being troubled by the thunders of Pope Gregory the 7th , alias Hildebrand , and his successours : Guigne the sat , Earle of Grisinaudon , seized on this Prou●nce , naming it after the name of his sonne , and successours wife ; Daulphine . In this familie , it continued til the yeare 1349 In which Humbert the last of this line , being surcharged with warres by Ame Earle of Savoy , entred into an order of Religion : selling his countrey at a small rate to Philip of Valoys King of France , on this condition , that the h●ire apparant to the Crowne , should be instiled Daulphine of Viennoys : quartering his Armes with France , which are a Dolphine Hauriant Or , in a field Azure . Of all French gouernours he of Daulphine hath the greatest priuileges , hauing in his owne power the disposing of all offices within the Prouince . In the mountaines bordering on this countrey , and lying betweene it , Savoy , Provence , and Peidmont ; there doe dwell a sort of people which the French call Vaudoys . These are the progenie of the Albigenses , which about the yeare 1100 , when the popish doctrine and iurisdiction began to settle to a head : manfully stood for the liberty and purity of the Church ; and kept on foot the doctrine which from their predecessours they had receaued , which little differed from that renewed by Luther and Calvin in after times . In the yeare 1250 , or thereabouts , they were by a long and bloudy warre waged against them by the Popes and French Kings ; almost vtterly rooted out : when vnder the conduct of Raimond Earle of Tholouse , they had for 28 yeares made good their side by ●orce of armes . The remainder of this people preferring their consciences before their countries , retired vp into these mou●tainous places . Here they liued a godly and laborious life , painefully tilling the ground , restoring hamlets , which formerly had beene destroyed by warre ; and teaching the very rocks in a manner to yeeld herbage for the nourishment of cattle : insomuch that places which at their comming thither scarce yeelded 4 crownes yearly ; were by their good husbandry made worth 350 crownes a yeare vnto the Lord of them . Lasciuiousnesse in speech one with another they vsed not ; blasphemy against the honour of God they abhorred ; neither was the name of the diuell at any time in their mouths : and this their enimies were enforced to acknowledge and confesse when they were afterward in troubles . All the faults proued against them were , that when they came into any neighbouring Churches they prayed immediatly to God , without relation to any of the Saints : and when they came by Crosses erected in the high way , they bowed not before them . Thus liued this poore people , neither embracing the Popes doctrine , nor acknowledging his supremacie , the space of 300 yeares vntouched and vnquestioned ; euen till the latter end of the raigne of Francis the first . But then persecutions raging against the Lutherans , they were accused , & inhumanely handled in the massacre of Merindol and Cabrieres aboue-mentioned . Yet here vnto this day they liue and continue in the faith . If now the Papists aske mee where was our Church before the time of Luther ; I answere that here it was ; that here God was worshipped according to the manner by himselfe prescribed , and by the reformed Churches followed . Here I say were those few Israelites hidden , which had not bowed their knees vnto Baal . 10. LANGVEDOC . LANGVEDOC is encompassed with the Pyrenean Hills , Gascoyne , the riuer Rhodanus , or Rhoane , and the Mediterranean Sea. Whereas the other Frenchmen in an affirmation say O●y these of this countrey say Oc ; & therefore C●telues coniectures it was called Langue d' oc : but the truth is , it tooke denomination from the Goths , who raigning long in this country , left behind them a smacke of their language ; and therefore it was called Languegotia , and now Euphoniae gratia , tearmed Languedotia , or Languedoc , that is the Gothes language . It is moistned with the currents of the Riuers Auraurius . 2 L●cran . 3 Orbe . and 4 Alby ; from which last the Albigenses or Waldenses ( who first stoutly resisted the Popish doctrine and Supremacy ) tooke their name . The first of these disburdeneth it selfe into Rhen● , the last into the Sea. The chiefe Citties are 1 Narbon , the first Roman Colonie ( next after Carthage ) out of Italy . In Italy it selfe were no lesse then 150 Colonies ; 57 in Africke , 29 in Spaine ; 26 in France ; in England foure onely ; in Syria 20 ; and in other Countries some , but very few in respect of the largenesse of the territories . These Colonies were instituted partly to represse rebellions in the conquered countries ; partly to resist a forraine enimie ; partly to reward the ancient Souldiers ; partly to relieue the poorer sort ; & partly to purge and empty the Citty of the superfluity and redundance of her people . Now if the question bee asked whether a Colonie or a Fortresse be more behoofefull , I answere with Boterus in his Ragg●● distato , that a Fortresse is more fit for suddaine vse ; and a Colonie for continuance : the former are quickly erected , and perhaps as soone lost ; the other require some time of setling , & are after of good sufficiency to defend themselues . As we see in our times the Spanish Colonies of Septa and Tanger in Africke : and our owne in Calais , which was the last towne wee lost on the firme land . This Narbon was in the infancy of the Romane Empire , the most populous and greatest Towne of all France : insomuch as from it all this part of France was called Gallia Na●boncusis , a Prouince of which Plinie delieureth vs this censure ; Narbonensis Gallia agrorum cultis , morum virorumque dignatione , ●pum amplitudine nulli prouinciarum postponenda : brevi●er● 〈◊〉 potius quàm provincia . It was also called Gallia 〈◊〉 , from the garments that the inhabitants did weare ; which were much like to the Trouzes which are worne by the Iriso footmen , and are called in Latine Bra●ca . 2 ●Mons pessulanus , or Montp●ller , where the present king of France i● his wars against those of the religion receaued a memorable defeat . It is seated on the Sea side , and is an Vniuersity famous for the study of Law and Physicke . 3 Nismes , where are to bee seene the reliques of a Pallace built by Adrian the Emperour . 4 Agde . 5. Lodove . In the falling of the Roman Empire , the Gothes not onely spoiled Italy , but also France ; erecting the kingdome of Ostrogothes in Italy , of the Visigothes , or Westerne Gothes , in Languedoc : and leauing Italy by compulsiō , erected another kingdome of Ostrogothes , or Easterne Gothes , in Provence . Charles the great broke the necke of this kingdome , being sensibly salne almost to nothing ; and gaue the title of Earle of Tholouse , being the Metropolis of the Gothish Empire , to Thursin one of the race of the ancient kings , on the condition he would be Christened : since which time the name and Lordship of this Countrey lay buried vnder the title of Tholouse . In this race it continued till after the yeare 1222. When Raimond the fist of that name , and last of this race ; fauoring the doctrine of the Albigenses , was condemned for an Hereticke , cursed by the Pope , persecu●ed by the French Kings , Philip the second , Lewis the 8th , & St Lewis : which last willing to make a peaceable composition maried his brother Alphonso , to Iane , daughter and heire to Count Raimond , with this clause , that if it should happen these two to die without issue , then Languedoc should be incorporated to the Crowne . Raimond agreed , the marriage was solemnized , Anno 1249. They both died without issue 1270 ; and Languedoc returned to the Crowne , in the daies of Philip the third . 11. PROVENCE . PROVENCE is enuironed with Languedoc , Daulphin , Peidmont , and the Mediterranean Sea. It tooke its name from the Romans , who being called in by the Marsil●a●s to reuenge a priuate wrong , wholy possessed themselues of this coūtry , calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Prouince . The riuer Durance runneth through , and Rhoane diuideth it from Languedoc . It is now diuided into three parts , whereof the greatest belongeth to the Crowne of France . the next to the Bishops of Rome , and the last to the Princes of Orange : the causes of which diuision follow . There is no meanes so easie to ruine a flourishing Common-wealth , as vpon a priuate grudge , to call in a forraine power . This the Marsilians felt , when making a gappe by their priuate d●ssentions for the Romanes , they submitted themselues to the yoake of an imperious nation : to whom notwithstanding they continued subiect , till Stillico Captaine to Honorius the Emperour , called the Burgundians into France , to expell the French then newly entred . This people erected their Burgundian kingdome , of which this Countrey was a member , till from them it was wrested by the Ostrogothes , Anno 504. But this Empire decaying , it fell to the lot of Lewis , sonne to Lewis the Gentle , sonne to Charles the great : together with Burgundy and Italie . The daughter of this Lewis , Hermingrade ; was married to Boson Earle of Ardennes , from whose second sonne Lewis , the Berengarij tooke both Italy and Provence . Their issue inioyed it , till the Lady Doulce conueied it by a marriage to Raymond Earle of Barcelone , Aº 1082 : whose sonne being called to the crown of Arragon , brought Provence and Catelogne for his dowrie . His sonne Alphonso the second , gaue it to his second Sonne Raimond : and by the marriage of Beatrix daughter of Raymond , with Charles Earle of Aniou , this Countrey fell into the lappe o● France , Anno 1262. This Earle Charles , by Pope Vrban th● fourth , was crowned king of Naples ; whose fourth successour Q. Ioane being driuen out of Naples by Lewis of Hungary , and againe restored by Clement the sixt ; gaue to him as a recompence of his fauour , the Citty of Avignion , and the territories about it , Anno 1352. This Countrey is called the Countrey Venusine , the Metropolis is Avignion , a very fayre City seated on the Rhosne : famous for that it was the seat of the Popes for 70 yeares , which time the people of Rome remember till this day , by the name of the Babylonian Captiuity ; euer since ministring an Oath at the confirmation of their Pope , that hee shall neuer returne to Avignion . The first Pope that remoued his seat hither , was Clement the 5 , Anno 1305 , when as yet the Popes were not absolute masters of it ; and it was returned againe to Rome by Gregory the 9th , Anno 1376. In this Citty are said to be 7 Pallaces , 7 parish churches , 7 Monasteries , 7 Nunneries , 7 Colleges . 7 Innes , and 7 Gates . It was made an Vniversity about the time of the Popes first setling there and still continueth so . Alciate the great Emblematist was Professour here . This Countrey containeth also 3 Citties ( viz : 1 Ca●pentras . 2 Cavailan 3 Veson ) and 80 walled Townes . The profits the Pope gathereth from hence are not great , by reason of the ill neighbourhood of the Protestants of Orange : nay rather the keeping of this Country is a charge vnto him ; So that the people like well to be vnder his gouernment , as bringing more vnto them then he taketh from them . The fore-mentioned Ioane dying , made Lewis Duke of Aniou , brother to Charles the first , her heire : who possessed by this donation , this Provence , and the title of Naples . His grandchild Rhene , dying without any issue suruiuing him , gaue all his titles and possessions to Lewis the 11th King of France 1480. This Lewis in that troublous warre against the three Dukes , made Iohn of Chalons , a Tributary Prince of Orange , of free power and absolute iurisdiction : to make lawes , coyne money , pardon all crymes , with to write himselfe By the Grace of God Prince of Orange : and all other prerogatiues fitting an absolute Potentate , Anno 1275. This principality is watred with the riuers Durance . 2 Seille . 3 Meine . and 4 Ecque , all helping to augment the Rhoane . The chiefe Citties are Orange on the riuer Meine ; famous for her rare and wonderfull antiquities : in Latine Aurlacus , or Aurengia . 2 Estang . 3 Boys de St Poll. Claudia daughter and heire to Iohn Prince of Orange , sonne to Iohn the first free Prince of this territory ▪ was by Francis the first giuen in marriage to Henry Earle of Nassaw , comming in an embassie from the Emperour Maximilian , An o 1515. Rhe●● sonne to this Henry dying without issue , made William his Vncle heire to all his estates ; whose sonne William so renowned for Martiall exploits , and deeds of Armes in the Netherlands , was slaine treacherously by a Partizan of Spaine , Anno 1584. leaving Maurice Prince of Orange , and Earle of Nassaw heire to his fortunes and vertues . The revenues of this principality are about 30000 crownes yearely . The Armes are quarterly , 1 Gules , a bend Or. 2 Or , a hunters horne Azure , stringed Gules . The third as &c. ouer all an Escutcheon of pretence , chequi , Or & Azure . More briefly thus . Quarterly Chalons and Aurange , vnder an Eschotcheon of Geneua . In the king of France his part , are 1 Marseiles , a famous Mart Towne , a Colonie of the Phocians . 2 A●x , wher● a Parliament was instituted , An o 1501. This towne was of old called Aquae Sextiae , of Sextius its founder , and the hot bathes . By this town were the Cimbri discomsited by Marius ; who vnwilling to venture his army on the enimie vnited , ( for they were no lesse than 300000 fighting men ; & lately fleshed in the ouerthrowe of Manlius and Cepio , two Consulls : ) permitted them quietly to passe by his Campe ; the Barbarians in their passage scorneful●y asking his souldiers what service they would commande them to Rome . But when for their easier march through the Alpes , the Cimbri had diuided themselues into three companies ; Marius seuerally setting on them al , put them all to the sword , by this victory only giuing the Romans cause not to curse his natiuity . 3 Arles ( Arelatum ) the Metropolis of the Burgundian kingdome , lately strengthned & new fortified by Henry the 4th . In this towne was called a Councell by Constantine , Anno 313 , for the quiet establishing of the Church : wherein was present Restitutus Bishop of London , & diuers others : Ausonius calleth this towne the Rome of France , & indeed so highly was it prized in old time , that Constantinus Flauius being chosen Emperour by the Brittish Legions , intended to haue made it the seat of his Empire . 4 Brignolls , &c. 12. PICARDIE and CHAMPAGNE . PICARDY and CHAMPAGNE are hemmed round with Normandie , Belgia , Loreyne , both the Burgundies , Berry , Burbon and France . Picardy is diuided into the higher & the lower . In the higher are these townes , 1 Calais distant from Douer about 28 , or 30 miles , called by Caesar , Portus Iccius . This Citty was taken by Edward the 3d after eleuen months siege , Anno 1347 : and lost againe by Queene Mary after 200 yeares possession , Anno 1557. in lesse then a fortnight . The losse of this Towne was a great blowe to our state , we til then hauing carried the keyes of France ( for so the French vsed to say ) at our girdles . And as great a griefe was it to the vnfortunate Queene , who shortly after dying , told such as attended her , that if they opened her , they should finde Callice to lay next to her heart . 2 Bullen taken by Henry 8. Anno 1544. and yeelded againe in Edward the sixts daies . 3 Terwin taken by the same king Henry . To him lying at the siege of this towne , the Emperour Maximilian came & served in person , wearing on his brest the English crosse , & fighting vnder the colours of St George . At this siege the French intending to victuall the Towne , receaued a great ouerthrowe ; insomuch that had the Englishmen followed their fortune , they had opened a faire way to haue made thēselues masters of a France ; and certaine it is , that the French King vpon the newes , had prepared himselfe to flye into Brittanie But the English more minded the spoyles and riches of Terwin , then the sequele of an absolute victory , & frui maluerunt victoria , quam vti , as Florus said of Annibal . In the lower Picardie , the chiefe townes are 1 St Quintins . 2. Abbeville , two strong frontire Townes . 3 Peronne . 4 Ami●ns , the losse of which towne much blemished the reputation of Henry the 4th , the recouery thereof as much repairing it . I omit the stratagem by which this towne was taken from him . In the great Church hereof , our Edward the 3d did homage to Philip de Valoys , for the Dutchie of Gui●nne ; & because the like duties are seldome by Kings personally performed , I will describe the formality . Edward came with a traine rather to honour himselfe , then the French King. Hee was royally att●red with a long roabe of crimson Veluet , powdred with Leopards of gold ; his Crowne on his head , his sword by his side , and golden spurres on his heeles . Philip attended by the chiefe officers of his Realme , sate in his Throne : hee was ●pparelled in a long robe of purple Veluet , powdred with flowre delyces of Gold , his Crowne on his head , his Scepter in his hand . Vicount Melun great Chamberlaine of France , commandeth Edward to take off his Crowne , Sword , Spurres , and to kneele downe : which he doth . Then he tooke both his hands and ioyned them both together , saying , You become a leige ●an to the King my Master , who is here present , as Duke of Gu●en , and Peere of France ; & you promise to be fa●●hfull to him and loyall : say yea . And Edward said yea ; and aro●e . 5 Monstreville , and Guise●a●●us ●a●●us only for the Dukes which in our age it hath yeelded to the realme of France . The first was Claude sonne t● Rene Duke of Lorreine , and husband to Antonietta , daughter to the Duke of Vandosme : in respect of which alliance he was honoured with this title . The 3d was Francis , who endangered the Realme of Naples ; who resisted the great siege of the Emperour Charles at Mets ; droue him out of Provence ; and was at last slaine at the seige of Orleans , Anno 1572. This was he which tooke Callice from Queen Mary ; so that had Monseiur de Cordes now liued , hee might haue had his desire : for he vsed to say , that he would be content with all his heart to lye in hell 7 yeares , on condition that Callico were taken from the English. The 3d was Henry that great enimie of the Protestants : who contriued the great massacre at Paris , and almost dispossessed Henry the 3d of all France . He beganne the holy league , and was finally slayne at Bloys ; the league suruiuing the author . Picardie had once diuers Lordshipps , some fell to the Kings of France , by confiscation , others by conquests ; some held of Arteys , others of Flaunders , and lastly of the Dukes of Burgundie , as Lords of these Provinces : and after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundie , at the battle of Nancie , Anno 1476 ; were all seized on by Lewis the 11th of France . The chiefe Citties of Champaigne so called , for that it is a Champion countrey , are 1 Rheimes , where the Kings of France are most times crowned , and annoynted with an oyle kept in this Towne ; which they say came downe from heauen and never decreaseth . How true this is , may quickly be perceaued , cōsidering how Gregory of Tours , who is so prodigall of his miracles , maketh no mention of i● but especially , ( for ab autoritate non valet argumentum negatiuè ) since the legend informing vs how this oyle was sent from heauen , at the annointing of Cloui● the first Christian King of France , is absolutely contradicted by their best and most iudicious writer Du Haillan : who affirmeth Pepin to haue beene the first annointed King , and that there was none de la primiere lignée oinct ny sacre à Reimes , nyalleiurs : none of the first or Mer●vignian line of kings , were annointed at Rheimes or elsewhere How euer the truth be , the Frenchmen wonderfully reverence this oyle , and at the Coronation of their Kings fetch it ▪ from the Church where it is kept , with great solemnity . For it is brought by the Prior sitting on a white ambling Palfrey , and attended by his Monkes ; the Archbishop of this Towne , and such Bishoppes as are present , going to the Church doore to meet it ; and leauing for it with the , Prior some gage ; and the King when it is by the Archbishoppe brought to the Altar , bowing himselfe before it with great reuerence . This towne taketh name from the Rhemi , once a potent nation of these parts ; and is an Vniuersity , wherein among other Colleges , there is one appointed for the education of young English Fugitiues . The first Seminary for this purpose erected , was at Doway 1568. a second at Rome , by Gregory the 13th : a third at Valadolit by Philip the 2d : a fourth at Lovaino : a fif● ( so much is the gaining of our nation to the Roman faith sought after ) at this place by the Guisians . The Priests here liuing translated the new Testament into English , which we commonly call the Rhemish Testament , so learnedly confuted by Dr Fulke , and Mr Cartwright . The second towne of note is Troys , famous for the meeting of Charles the sixt & Henry the fift , kings of France and England : in which that victorious K. Henry was espowsed to the Lady Catharine , daughter to the aboue-named Charles the sixt . It was here also agreed that Charles the Dolphin , & afterwards the 7th of that name , being disherited ; King Henry should be proclaimed , and acknowledged for the heire apparant to the French Crowne : that hee should bee Regent of the Realme during the life of the old King : with divers other articles , framed as best suited with the honour and will of the conquerour . 3 Brie which was once fellowe in the title of Earledome with Champaigne . 4 Montargis . 5 Sons . 6 Auxerre . 7 Chalons . The chiefe riuers of these two Prouinces , are 1 Marne . 2 Aube . 3 Yone , which empty themselues into Sequana , or Seine : and lastly Some , which runneth into the Ocean , at the Hauen towne St Vallerie . Hugh Capet at his first enthronizing in the French chaire of Estate , fortefied himselfe by seuerall donations of rich & rertile Provinces ; confirming on the Normans , Neustria ; giuing to Geofrie Grisogonelle , Aniou : to Od● a man of great power , Brie , and Champaigne : well knowing that a gift willingly giuen , cannot but be gratefully receaued , and requited by an ingenuous spirit . This Odo then was the first Earle of Brie , & Champaigne , Aº 999. This Earledome by the marriage of Earle Thibauld , & Blanch Queene of Navarre , Aº 1196 ; was annexed to that Pyrenean kingdome ; vnder which it continued till 1284 , when Philip the faire of France marrying Ioane Queene of Navarre , and Countesse of Brie , & Champaigne , vnited it to his Diadem : which his successours haue since kept , as lying too nigh Paris , to be in a forraine hand ; giuing in exchange to the Navarroy's , certaine townes , and lands in Languedoc . 13. THE DVTCHIE OF BVRGVNDIE . THE DVTCHIE OF BVRGVNDY is environed with Champaigne , the Countie Bress , and Burbonoys . It takes its name from the Burgundians , who called by Stillico to represse the Francones , here seated themselues ; and erected their kingdome , containing both the Burgundies , Savoy , Daulphine , Provence , and many other places of lesse note . But of these Burgundians we shall speake more anon . That which Queene Katharine was wont to say , that France had more riuers then all Europe beside ; may in like manner bee said of this Prouince in respect of France : hauing in it these Rivers . 1 Armacon , 2 Seram , 3 Cure , 4 Torney , 5 Valence , 6 Daue , 7 Soane , 8 Brune , 6 Senie , 10 Louche . The chiefe Citties are 1 Digion , prowd in her Parliament instituted Aº 1476. and that it was built by the Emperour Aurelian , and that in her Saint Bernard was first shewne vnto the world . 2 Antun , sometimes the capitall Citty of the Dukedome , and a Bishops Sea. 3 Beaulne , where there is an hospital equall to the Palace of any Prince in Europe . 4 Verdu●'s Sologne 6 Chalons belonging to the house of Ora●ge . 7 Alize more notable for what it hath beene , then what it is . For this , though now but a small Village , was once that famous Citty of Alexia wherein Iulius C●sar besieged Vercingetorix King of the Auernians , hauing in the City for the defence of it 70000 fighting men : and being himself ▪ besieged by an army of no fewer th●n 300000 Gaules , which came to relieue their fellows . Caesar was now driuen to the triall of his valour , which he notably man fested . For ●he fortified his Campe with two wals one against thē . within the Citty , and the other against them without ; and so providently kept watch and ward , that the besieged knewe the discomfiture of their friends , before they heard of their comming . To conclude , Vercinget●rix yeelded the Towne , and being brauely mounted , he rode round about Caesar , then sitting in his chaire of state ; which done he alighted from his horse , vnarmed himselfe , tooke of his horses caparisons , and laying all on the ground , sate downe at Caesars feet , as his prisoner . Within this Prouince standeth the Earledome of Charoloys , the vsuall title of the elder Sonne of Burgundie , who is called the ●arle of Charoloys . The Armes of it are Gules , a Lyon passant regardant Or , armed Azure . The chiefe Townes are Clugni , and Mascon . Burgundie , which with the sorementioned Prouinces , made a kingdome , was by the issue of Charles the Great , divided into two parts : the Countie , which was to appertaine to the Empire ; and the Dutchy , the lot of the French kings . These g●ue it to one Richard of the house of Saxonie , 890 , whose son Rodolph had his temples invested with the royal garland of France . This Richard was first son to Robert Earle of Aniou , whose eldest sonne Eudes was King of France ; his third Robert Earle of Aniou , and this Richard Duke of Burgundy . For wa●t of Heires thi● Dutchie divolued to the Crowne , was by Henry the first , giuen to Robert h●s brother , Aº 1004 This Line again expired , it was giuen by King Charles to his brother Philip the hardy , Aº 1363. together with the County ; which had bin formerly vnited to the Dutchie , by the marriage of Ioan , Countesse of Burgundie , to Duke Eudes , Aº 1331. Philip , grandchild to this Philip , vnited to his Dutchie well nigh all the Belgick Provinces , and died leauing Charles his son ; who imbarquing himselfe in a troublous warre against Lewis the eleuenth , lost his men , money , and life , at the battailes of Granson , Morat , and Nancie , 1476 : after whose death this Dutchie was seized on by the French● These Prouinces are all incircled in the girdle of the French gouernment , containing besides Cities , 34 Hauens , hauing all some properties of a good Harbour , viz. 1 Roome , 2 safety , 3 easinesse of defence . 4 concourse of forreiners . The Armes of France in the daies of Pharamond , were Gules , 3 Crownes Or : Clouis the great , altered them to Azure , Semi of Floure de Luces , Or : Charles the sixt to Azure , 3 Floure de Luce● , Or. The chief orders of Knighthood in this Kingdome were first of the Gennet , founded by Charles Martell , Maior of the French Pallace , & so called , either from Iane his wife , as Hailan would haue it : or ●rom the Gennets of Spaine , ouer whom hee triumphed at the battle of Tours , as Bellay writeth . It ended in the dayes of S● Lewis : the knights of the order wore a Ring , wherein was engrauen the forme of a Gennet . 2. Of the Pa●rrie or twelue Peeres , so called , quasi pares inter se , instituted by Charles the Great in his warres against the Sarac●ns . Sixe of these were of the Clergie . 1 , the Archbishop and Duke of Rhemes ; 2 the Archbishop and Duke of Laon. 3 , the Archbishop and Duke of Langers ; 4 Bishop & Earle of Beauoys . 5 Bishop and Ea●le of No●on ; And 6 , Bishop & Earle of Chaelons . And sixe others of the temporalitie , 1 The Duke of Burgundy ; 2 Duke of Normandy ; 3 Duke of Guyenne ; 4 Earle of Tholouse ; 5 Earle of Champaigne ; 6 Earle of Flaunders . These are they so much memoriz'd in the Legends of the old French writers . At this time the ancient Pairries of the Temporality are returned to the Crowne , and new erected in their places . 3. Of the Star●e , begun by Iohn of France , Aº 1352. They wore about their neckes a Coller of gold , at the which hanged a Starre , the word , Monstrant regibus astra viam : this order was disgraced by his son Charles , in communicating it to his guard , and so it ended . 4. Of Saint Michael , instituted by King Lewis the eleuenth , Anno 1469 : It consisted of thirty six Knights , which afterward were augmented to 300. They wore a Collar wouen with Cockle shells ; the word , Immensi tremor Oceani . It tooke the name from the picture of Saint Michael , conquering the diuel , which was annexd ' to the Collar . Some thinke that the invention of Saint Michael , was in allusion vnto the 10th of Daniel : Others say he took Saint Michael in regard of an apparition of that Saint , to his Father Charles the 7 on Orleance bridge , in the warres against the English. 5. Of the Holy Ghost , ordeined by Henry the third , Aº 1570. The Knights are sworne by solemne Oath , to persecute the Hugonots , and fauour the Romish Catholiques . Their Robe is a black veluet mantle , powdred with Lillies , & flames of gold & siluer ; none are admitted to this order , who cannot proue their Nobility , by three descents at least . The Collar is of Flowers de lys , and flames of gold ; with a Crosse , & a Doue on it , pendant . The reason of the institution was , because the order of Saint Michael began to grow too common among the vndeseruing ; which order he took not away , but mingled with this ; it being by him ordained , that the next day aster the Collar of the Holy Ghost is giuen ; that of Saint Michael should bee added , if the honoured had it not before . It was called by the name of the Holy Ghost , because this Henry was on a Whitsunday chosen King of Poland . I omit the other petty orders : as those of the Cock and Dog , by them of Montmorencie ; of the Porcupine , by them of Orleance ; and the Thistle by them of Burbon . 14. COVNTIE OF BVRGVNDIE . Within the limits of France are three Countries which as yet acknowledge not the French command , viz , 1 Savoy , 2 Lorrain , 3 the COVNTY of BVRGVNDY . The last is environed with Champaigne , Lorreine , Switzerland , Bress , and the Dutchie ; the length of it is ninety miles , the breadth sixty . The people are much renowned for warlike affaires , marching vnder the colours of diuers Princes , vnder the name of Wallons . This name is giuen vnto this people by the Dutch , who vsing W for G , insteed of Gallons ( or Galloys ) cal them Wallons . Others report , that when the Burgundians came first into Gaul , they asked the people of the Country running to see them , On allons , that is , whither goe wee ; and that thereupon they got the name of Wallons : a proper invention , and of the same pitch as that of the Hugonots . The ground is so exceeding fertile , that as France may bee called the Garden of all Europe ; so may this be termed the Epitome of France , or the fairest flowre of that Garden . The ancient inhabitants of the Dutchie were the Segusiani , of this County the Hedui . This Country is enriched with the riuers , 1 Soane , 2 Loue , 3 Dayne , and 4 Doux , vpon whose bankes leaneth the faire and strong city of Besanson , the Metropolis of both the Burgundies . It was made an Vniuersity , Aº 1540 ; by the joynt authoritie of Iulio the 3 , and Charles 5. 2 Dole seated on the same riuer ; a town for strength , riches , and beautie , to be preferred before any in Burgundie . Here is an Vniversity of long continuance , and therein a Colledge of the Iesuites , who fearing left the reformed doctrine might creepe in vpon them , haue not onely debarred the people of the Protestants bookes ; but expressely also forbid them to talke of God , either in good sort , or bad . 3 Sal●es , glad of her rich salt Fountaine . 4 Gray , 5 Arbois , 6 Poutenant , 7 Ch●stilion , and about 23 more walled townes , and 160 Lordships . The Burgundians were a Nation bordering on the Vandalls ; or as some coniecture a ●ept or tribe of them . At the time that Drusus and Tiberius warred in Germanie , they were a people vtterly barbarous , dwelling in tents onely here and there clap●ed vp . These tents are in that lāguage called Burgs , whence it is probably thought , the name of Burgundy was giuen vnto them : in the same sense that the name of Sceni●ae , was giuen vnto thē of Arabia for the like kind of liuing . In the yeare 416. at the instigation of the Vand●ls they left their own seates , & first planted themselues in the townes and Villages , which now belong to the Marquesses of Baden , and ●lectours of the Rhene . Hence wi●h an army of 80000 men , they passed the riuer , and subdued all France between the Rhene and the Alpes , East and West : Lorreine and the Mediterranean , North and South : in which tract are comprehended both Burgundies , Daulphine , Lyonoys , Bresse , Savoy , and Provence . The seate royall was Arles . In this kingdome reigned successiuely 1 Tibica , 2 Gund●mar , 3 Gundeband , 4 Sigismund , and 5 Gundecar , who lost himselfe and his kingdome to the French. Yet did the people euer and anon try all meanes to regaine their liberty and kingdome , till the dayes of Charles the Great , who vtterly subdued it . In the diuisions of his conquests by the sonnes of Lewis the gentle , Burgundie was diuided into the Dutchie , which was allotted to the Kings of France ; and the County , which together with the incorporate Prouinces , was the portion of Lewis , entituled king of Burgundie , and Italy , ( for this last also fell to his lot . ) Hermingrade daughter and heire to this Lewis , was married to Boson Earle of Ardennes , ( which is a part of Luxenb●urg● ) & had by him two sonnes , Lewis and Ralph . To Lewis was assigned the Kingdome of Arles , containing Italy and Provence : to Ralph the Kingdome of Burgundy , comprehending this Countie , Daulphine , Savoy , Bresse , and Lyonoys . This Ralph being in the yeare 919 , vanquished by one Burchard a Germane Prince , and not able to subsist of himselfe ; put himselfe and his Realme into the protection of Otho the ●irst , Aº 930. To Ralph succeeded his sonne Conradus , and after him an other Ralph ; lastly a second Conradus , who Aº 1025. gaue his kingdome vnto Conradus Salicus , Emperour of Germany ; vnder whose rule it continued entire . But in the raigne of his successour Henry the 4th , grieuously troubled with Hildebrand , and the Popes ; Otho of Flanders laid hold on this County , defended ●t , and left it to his children , Anno 1101. The other three which Paradi●e putteth before this Otho Guillaume , I take rather as Gouernours for the Emperor , then themselues . This Otho pretended title to it as being son to the sister of Conradus Salicus ; a weak title , did we not see greater estates surprized on lesser pretences . This notwithstanding , the succeeding Emperours of Germany , claimed not onely a supe●i●tendencie ouer , but a disposall of all the Countries that euer were vnder the command of a King of Burgundie . Henry the sixt , Emperor ; receiuing no small part of the money , which our Richard the first payed to the Duke of Austriae for his ransome ; gaue vnto the said Richard the kingdome of Burgundie ; the soueraignty of Provence , Viennoys , Marseiles , Narbon , Arles , and Lyons ; together with the homages of the King of Arragon , and of the Earle of Digion , and Saint Giles . A royall gift , if either the Emperor had had any domination ouer those countries ; or if they would haue receiued any officer of his appointing . Anno 1331 ; the County and Dutchy were vnited by the marriage of Duke Eudes , and Ioane the Countesse , which was daughter to Philip the long , and Ioane daughter to Earle Otheline . Their issue failing , the County together with the Dutchy were giuen to Philip , surnamed the Hardie , Anno 1369. This Philip had to wife Marguerit , Countesse of Flanders , which was the first of the Belgick Prouinces , that was incorporated into the house of Burgundie ▪ Ph●lip the Good , grandchilde to this Philip , vnited vnder his Empire almost all the Netherlands , as you may see in the descr●ption of those Countries . After his death , and the death of his son Charles , Burgundie Dutchy was surprized by Lewis the 11 , who pretended an escheat thereof for want of heires male . But the County as heing holden of the Empire , he left vnto the Lady Mary , daughter and heire to this Charles . She was married to Maximilian Emperour , & Archduke of Austria ; whose son Philip married to Ioane Queene of Castile and Arragon , had two sonnes , Charles and Ferdinand : to the latter he bequeathed his inheritances in Germany ; to Charles Spaine , Burgundy , and Belgia ; whose great grandchild Philip the 4th , now goue●neth these countries . The armes of this Earledome are B , a Lyon rampant O , Semie of billets , A. The armes of the Dutchie are Bendwaies Or & Az●re , a bordure Gules . This last coat is vsually marshalled among the armes of the King of Spaine ; but why the armes of the Earledome are there omitted , I cannot say , vnlesse it be to put the king in mind of his pretences to the Dutchy , or that this as being worthier , comprehends vnder it the rest also . 15. LORREINE . LORREINE is compassed about with part of Belgia , Alsatia , the County of Burgundy , and Champaigne : The former name of it was Austrasia , being then of a farre greater extent then now it is : it borrowed the name of Lotharingia , from Lotharius , Nephew to Charles the Great , by his sonne Lewis . The length of it ; is about some foure dayes journey , the bredth almost three ; and is sufficiently famous in that that famous warrier Godfrey surnamed of Bulloigne , which wonne Hierusalem from the Turkes , was Duke here . This Countrey aboundeth with corne and wine , an excellent race of horses , plenty of mines , store of salt and fish . The people ( as neighbours to both ) participate of the French complement , and German drinking , but more moderatly then either : They are hardie and politick , as they which cannot otherwise maintaine their state , bordering vpon so many Princes . They liue in a very happy condition vnder their Duke , grow daylie more rich , and are not oppressed at all with taxes : which make them affectionate vnto him , and louing one towards another . Here is in this Countrey good store of Lakes replenished with fish ; but one there is of most note , being 14 miles in compasse , the fish whereof yeeldeth to the Duke 2000l yearely . The riuers of chiefe note are 1 Martha , or the Meure ; 2 Mosa , or Meuse , and 3 Moselle : this last riuer is famous for the designe which Lucius Verus , gouernor here vnder Nero , had vpō it . For whereas it ariseth in the mountaine Vogese , not far from the head of the riuer Soane ; and disburdeneth if selfe into the Rhene at confluence : he intended to haue cut a deep and large channell from the head of this riuer , to the head of the Soane , that so there might be a more quicke and easie passe from the Mediterranean into the Ocean ; the Soane emptying it selfe into the Rhone ; and the Moselle into the Rhene . The chiefe townes are 1 Nancie seated on the Meure , the Dukes seate ; and famous for the discomfiture which Charles Duke of Burgundy here suffered , with the losse of his life . 2 Saint Nicholas a towne so populous , well seated , and neatly built , that w●re it walled , it would hardly yeeld precedencie to Nanci● It tooke name from the body of Saint Nicholas , here buried , whose relicks haue purchased no small reputation & riches to this towne . 3 Va●eoleur , the place of Ioane the Virgin , to whose miracles and valour , the French attribute the deliuery of their countrey from the Empire of the English ; but being at last taken prisoner , she was by the Duke of Bedford then Regent of France , condemned , and burned for a Witch . 4 Ponta Moson so called for a bridge built ouer the Meuse . 5 Neufe Chateau . 6 Vaudemant . The●e are also three townes , of right belonging to the Empire , within the precincts of this Dutchy , viz : Mets , ●oul , and Verdun : all which were taken by the French , Anno 1552 , in the warres betweene Charles the 5 , and the Princes of ●ermany . There belongeth herevnto the country of Barroys , standing between it & Champaigne , & is environed with the two streams of the riuer Marne ; whereof the one rising in the edge of Burgundy , the other in the edge of L●rreine , meet together at Chalens in Champaigne . The chiefe townes are 1 Barleduc a strong towne , 2 La Mott , 3 Arg , and 4 Ligni . The eldest son of Lorreine is entituled Prince of Barri . Lorreine also containeth one Marquesse , fiue Earledonies , and diuerse Baron●es . When the Germans chose themselues an Emperour , this Province was the cause of many troubles betweene them and the French ; the former keeping possession , the latter pretending a title Charles sonne to Lewis the 4th king of France , being left to the curtesie of his brother , and by him not regarded ; was invested in this Dutchy by Otho the Emperor , Anno 981. for which cause he shewed himselfe so alienated from the French , & wedded to the Germans ; that the French after the death of his Cosin Lewis the 5 , reiected him , and chose Hugh Capet for their King. This Charles had one sonne name Otho , ( who leauing no issue male , instituted one Godfrey , from whom descended Godfrey of Bulloigne , his successour ) and one daughter called Hermingrade , from whom came Isabell , wife to Philip the second ; vniting the bloods of Pepin , and Hugh Capet , to the great content of her grandchild St Lewis , who being a man of very tender conscience , is said neuer to haue joyed in the Crowne of France , till it was proued that by his mothers-side hee was the right Heire of Charles of Lorreine , whom Hugh Capet had so vniustly dispossessed . This principality continueth to this day without any great alteration of linage . The Armes of Lorreine are Or , a Bend Gules , charged with three Larkes Argent . But herein I find Bara the old and expert Herauld , to differ from Paradine , the most exact Genealogist of the French Nation . For Bara saith that the Bend is charged not with three allouettes Larkes ; as Paradine , but with three Allerions , or Allelyons , which are in blazon , small birds wanting beak , feet and legges . Of this last opinion is that most worthy Antiquary Camden Clarencieux , who withall telleth vs , that when Godfrey of Bulloigne was at the siege of Hierusalem , shooting at Saint Dauids towre there , he broched three feetlesse birds called Allerions vpon his arrow , and thereupon assumed this armes . The revenues of this Prince are 700000 Crownes , whereof 200000 arise from the customes of the salt made in his Countrie , & the other 500000 from his Coron●t lands . He is an absolute Prince & giueth for his deuice an armed arme , comming as it were from Heauen , and grasping a naked sword ; to shew that he holdeth his estate by no other tenu●e , then God and his sword . 16. SAVOY . The Dukedome of SAVOY is confined with Daulphine , Bresse , Switzerland , and Peidmont . This Countrey for the streight and narrow passages , & them too full of theeues , was once called Malvoy ; till a worthy adventurer of the Countrey , with industry and exemplary iustice , reformed both the vilenesse of the people , and the passages : then was it called Savoy , or Salvoy , quasi Salva via . Within the limits of this Dukedome standeth the famous city of Geneva , being yet but two English miles in circuite , and hauing territories streaching no farther then two leagues and a halfe on each side : The revenue therof is about 60000 crownes . The towne standeth at the end of the Lake Lemanus , and by Rhoane is diuided into two parts . The gouerment is by a common Councell , consisting of 200 ; the foure chiefe whereof are called Syndiques . Their Ministers cannot but be poore , hauing no tithes but stipends ; the greatest whereof comes not to 80 pounds yearely : and after this rate also is it with the Clergie , in all the Churches of France and Germany , which follow the Discipline of Geneva : For the tithes are taken by the Ciuill Magistrate , and distributed partly among the poore , partly layde vp in the cōmon treasury : But out of this there is againe some portion deducted , to bestow the daughters , and bring vp the sonnes of such of the Ministers , who die poore , or leaue their children vnprouided ; the most commendable part in my conceit , of the whole Discipline . The Church-gouernment consisteth of a Miscellany of Lay-men and Ministers , which gouernment was begun by Mr Calvin , Anno 1541 : and hath since without mature consideration bin headily receiued in most Churches of France & Belgia . The people had banished their Bishop 1535 , and then seeing Calvin , and two of his Fellow-Ministers , vsurpe the prerogatiue , though not the title of Bishops , banished all three . Desiring to recall him againe , they were content to receiue a Discipline , if not ouer-prejudiciall to the City : Calvin framed this , consisting of two Laymen annually chosen for euery one Minister ; which also with much grumbling was receiued by them . This City was once diuided betwixt the Bishop and the Savoyen ; till at last the Bishop got the entire possession , leauing the Duke the soueraignty and homage ; in whose name , lawes were made , and mony was coyned . But the people hauing banished their Bishop , haue stood since on their owne liberty ; and aided by England with 13000 ; by Venice with 24000 Crownes ; and by Florence with intelligence , resisted the great siege of the D. of Savoy , Anno 1589. They allow all manner of honest recreations vpon Sundaies ; Fornication they punish with nine dayes fasting ; Adultery with death . They haue a law , that if any Malefactour flie to them for refuge ▪ they punish him after the custome of the place in which the crime was committed : otherwise , their towne being on the borders of di●ers Provinces , would neuer be free from Vagabonds . Examples hereof I will assigne two ; the first of certaine Monks , who robbing their Convents of certaine plate , and hoping for their wi●ked prankes at home , to be the welcomer hither , were at th●i first acquaintance advanced to the gallowes . The second is of a Spanish Gentleman , who hauing fled his country for clipping and counterfeiting the Kings gold ; came to this towne , and had the like reward . And when for defence he alledged that he vnderstood their City being free , gaue admission to all offenders ; true ( said they ) but with an intent to punish them that offended ; a distinction which the Spaniard neue● til then learned , but then was too late . The chief Cities of Savoy are first Chamberie , the se●te of the Duke when he sojourneth in these parts . It is seated in a pleasant Valley among the mountaines , and is full of neat ho●●es belonging to the Gentrie of this Prouince . It is now fortified with a strong Castle , and some out-workes , though not yet fully recovered of the damage it receiued , when it was taken by Henry 4th , in the warres against this Duke , Anno 1600. 2 Tarantaise , which commandeth the passage ●nto Italy , through the hills called Geneura . 3 Bramont ▪ 4 Aquebelle , situate at the foot of a huge rocke . 5 Carboneirs , and 6 Maurienne , which gaue the first title to the Princes of Saxony , called afterwards Earles of Savoy . Here are also the two strong Forts of Mount Melian , and Saint Katharines : the first of which held out foure moneths against many thousand shot of forty French Canons , Aº 1600. The lat●er is the Fort , whose gouernment being den●ed to Byron , plunged him in the irrecouerable g●lp● of discontented treasons . On the Northeast of Savoy is the Countrey of Bresse , the chiefe Townes whereof are 1 Chat●●ion . 2 Mon Reall , and 3 Bourge , a towne so well seated and fortified , that it is n●t much inferiour to the invincible Fortresses of Saint Catharines and Mount Melian . The gouernment of this towne was also greedily sought by Byron ; but it being suspected that be held intelligence with the Duke of Savoy , it was also denied him . It was of old called Forum Seracusianorum . This little Prouince was joyned to Savoy by the marriage of Isabel , daughter and heire to Vlic●e the l●st Lord of it ; with Amee the 4th of Savoy , Anno 1215 : and was giuen by Duke Charles Em●anuel , to Henry the 4th of France in exchange for the Marquisate of Saluzzes ; to which the French king pretended a title , Anno 1600. The Marquisate of Saluzzes is sited in Peidmont , a part of Ita●y , being now wholy vnder the Savoyen , & Mantuan Dukes : thei● latter possessing the Marquisate of Monferrate onely ; the rest belonging to the Savoyard , whose eldest sonne is intituled Prince of Pe●dmont . This Peidmont called in Latine , Regio Pedemonta●a , ( both names telling vs that it is a countrey seated at the foot of the Alpes ) is bounded on the East with Millaine , on the West with Savoy , on the North with the Switzers , and on the South with the Mediterranean . The Country is wonderfull fertile if compared with Savoy , yet thought to be some what inferiour to the rest of Italy . It containeth about 160 places walled , and is so populous , that once a Peidemontane Gentleman being asked of the extent of his Countrey , said , that it was a City 300 miles in compasse . It containeth also besides Lordships , and Barronies ; 50 Earledomes , and 15 Marquisates . It is diuided ( as we haue said ) betweene the Dukes of Savoy , and Man●ua , the riuer Tener or Tanarus parting their possessions . The principall townes belonging to the Savoyard are 1 Tu●in , called of old Augusta Taurinorū , because it was the mother town of the Tau●●● , who here dwelt , and from which Taurini , the name of Turin ought rather to be deriued , then ( as s●me fancie ) from the riuer Duria , on whose bankes it is built In this City is the Palace and Court of the Duke of Savoy ; the See of an Archbishop ; a●d an Vniuersity , wherein that renowned Scholler Erasmus proceeded Doctor of Divinity . 2 Augusta Praetoria , vulgarly called Aoste , situate in the Northerne bound of this Countrie● 3 Vorcelli a strong towne bordering on Millaine , to which it once belonged , and was giuen by Philip Maria Duke of Millaine , vnto Amadeus the third Duke of Savoy . It was the chiefe towne of the Libyci , who together with the Salassi and Taurini were the old incola of this Countrie . 4 Inurea , called by Ptolomy , Eporedia . 3 Niza an hauen towne seated on Varus . 6 Mondoni , or Montevicum . 7 Susa. 8 Saluzzes ( which as yet retaineth some affinity with the Salassi ) a Marquisate and Bishops See. The people in this Dukes Dominions are numbred 800000 , of which 70000 are Gentlemen . We may read in Livy that Bitulto King of this Country ( or the Allobroges ) was taken by Fabius Maximus ; as also how Hannibal pacified a discord betwixt Bruncus & his brother for the Diadem . This kingdome was ouerthrowne by the Romans , from them taken by the Burgundians , of whose kingdome , both when it was absolute and vnder the Empire , this Country was a member , till the yeare 999. In this yeare Berald of Saxony , brother to Otho the third , for killing Mary the lasciuious wife of his Vncle , fled from Germany , and settled himselfe here in France . His esonne Humbert ( surnamed Blanchmanis , that is , White-hand ) was by the especiall fauour of the Emperour Conradus Salicus , made Earle of Maurienne , which is a towne of this Country , Aº 1027. The fourth from this Humbert , being Ame the second , stiled himselfe Earle of Savoy , 1109. His successour Thomas 1210 , and Peter ( from his manif●ld conquests surnamed Charlemaigne the Iunior ) Anno 1256 , by conquest got Peidmont ; to which the Marquisate of Saluzzes containing almost all the rest , was vnited by a marriage of the daughter of the Marquisate , to Charles Duke of Savoy , ( for it was erected into a ●●●●dome by Sigismund the Emperour , 1397. ) Anno 1481. And though he died without issue , yet his successours kept it till the French pretending title to it , possessed thēselues of it . It was againe recouered by the Savoyen , during the French ciuill warres , Anno 1588 ; and now is peaceably possessed : The Countrey of Bress being giuen to the French for their pretention to the Marquisate , Anno 1600. These Dukes of Savoy haue a long time beene devoted to the Faction of Spaine , especially since the French kings took in the lesser States bordering on them , as Burgundy , Brittaine , &c. Charles the third sided so constantly with the Emperour Charles the 5 , the denying Fran●●s the first , a passage for his army through his countrie , into Italy , he was by that King despoiled of his Countrie , Anno 1536. The Emperour to recouer it , left no hing vndone ; but in vaine : for the French encountering his For●es in the open field , vanquished them with the slaughter of 15000 of his men . In the yeare 1558. peace being made betweene Henry and Philip , successours to those great Princes : Emanuel Philibert , s●nne to Duke Charles , was restored to all his Rights . The present Duke Charles Emanuel dependeth also much on the Spaniard , ( howeuer of late there haue bin some jarres between them ) ●is sonnes receiuing thence great pensions and honours . His second sonne D. Victorio , is knight of Malta , Gouernour of the Kings gallies , and hath 100000 Crownes per an●um . His third sonne D. Amadeo , is made Cardinal , and hath halfe the profits of the Archbishopricke of Tolledo . His youngest sonne D. Thomazo hath thence also a liberall pension . The order of the Annunciada was ordained by Amede duke of Savoy , at what time he defended Rhodes from the Turke , Aº 1409. Their Collar is of 15 linkes , to shew the 15 mysteries of the Virgin ; at the end is the portraiture of our Lady , with the history of the Annunciation . Insteed of a Motto , these letters ; F. E. R. T. id est , Fortitudo Eins Rhodum Tenuit , is ingrauen in euery place or linke of the Collar ; each linke being interwouen one within the other , in forme of a true-louers knot . The nūber of the Knights is 14 ; the solemnities are held annually on our Lady-day , in the castle of Saint Peter in Turin . So f●om this victory ; ( for euery repulse of the besieger , is a victory to the besieged ) there arose a double effect ; first , the institution of this order : secondly , the assumption of the present armes of this Dutchy , which are G , a crosse A : This being the Crosse of St Iohn of Hierusalem , whose knights at that time were owners of the Rhodes : where as before the armes were Or , an Eagle displ●id with two heads Sable , armed Gules ; supporting in fesse , an eschotchion of Saxonie ; that is Barrwise six pieces , Sable and Or , a Bend flowred Vert. A coat belonging to the German Emperours of the house of Saxonie , from whom the first Earles of Savoy are extract . The revenues of this Duke , are a million of Crownes and better . Vniversities in France are 15. 1 Paris . Fr. 2 Poicteirs . Poict . 3 Lyons . Da●lp . 4 Angiers . An. 5 Orleance . An. 6 Avigni●n . Pr. 7 Burges . Ber. 8 Ca●e . Nor. 9 Burdeaux . Gasc . 13 Tholouse . Gasc . 13 Rhemis . Cha. 12 Nismes . Lang. 13 Montpelier . Lang. 14 Besanson Burg. 15 Dole . Burg. Boterus not long since reckoned in France Archbishops 17 Dukes 18 Vicounts Bish●ps 107 Marquesses . Earles 48 Thus much of France . THE ALPES . The naturall mounds by which Germany and France are parted from Italy , are the ALPES , mountaines which require fiue dayes to be ascended ; they take their name ab Albis nivibus being hils continually couered with snow , which descendeth with a violencie , resembling the Cataracts of Nilus . Through these hills Annibal made a way , with fire & vineger , for the passage of his army into Italy : whence it was said of him , viam aut inveniet Annibal , aut faciet . They begin at Savona , and hauing runne a good space , in a continued hill , at last are diuided into many parts , as Nigrasylva in Switzerland , and the Hercynian wood about Bohemia . The ancient inhabitants were the Salij , Vacontij , and Medull● , all vanquished by Caesar : the present by ouermuch drinking of snow water , are troubled with a swelling in the throat , or the Kings Euill , as we vse to call it ; Quis tumidum guitur miratur in Alpibus ? There are fiue passages ouer these hills into Italy , viz : three out of France , and two out of Germany ; the first from France is through Provence , & so close vpō the Tyrrhenian seas , through Liguria , which is the easiest , The second is through the hills called Gen●ura , into the Marquisate of Saluzzes , and so to Lombardic : this is the place through which the invincible Annibal trauelled with such difficulty ; and through which also Charles the 8 marched toward Naples . The third is ouer Mount Conis , through the country of Turin , which was first hanselled ( if we beleeue antiquity ) by Hercules . From the passage of these captaines , were these latter hills called Alpes Graiae ▪ and the former Alpes Penninae , or more truly Paeninae from the Paeni , or Carthaginians . The first way out of Germany into Italy , is through the Country of the Grisons , by the Town of Veltlyn ; which the Spaniard hath seased into his hands : so that by the keeping of this Veltlyn , or Valtolin , and manning of the Fort Fuentes , which he also erected ; he is in a manner the Lord of this passage , not only to the discontent of the Natiues , but to the distaste of his neighbours the Savoyards and Venetians . The other way out of Germany into Italy , is through the County of Tirolis , by the towns of Inspruch and Trent . This passage is commanded by the Castle and Fort of Eresberge , seated on the confines of this Country towards Suevia , & from Inspruch is two dayes journey distant . This Fort in the warre which the Protestant Princes made against Charles the 5 , was surprized by Captain Schertelin , so to hinder the comming of the Popes Forces into Germany : for which the Emperour so hated him , that when all the rest of the faction were pardoned , he only continued a Proscript , his head being valued at 4000 Crownes . The taking also of this Fort , and the Castle adjoyning , to D. Maurice of Saxony ▪ made the said Charles then being in Inspruch , fly out of Germany . OF ITALY . ITALY is girded round with the Ionian , Tyrrhen●an , & Adriatique Seas , except it be towards France and Germany , from which it is parted by the Alpes . The name impropriated to all the Region , is Italy , of Italus a King of Sicily , which first taught the people agriculture ; or frō 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in Greeke signifieth an Oxe , whereof here is as much plenty , as vse . The more particular names are 1 H●speria , because it is situate vnder the Euening-star Hesperus . And 2 Latium , because Saturn driuen frō Crete by his son Iupiter , hic latebat abditus . 3 Ausonia . 4 Oen●tria , from its abundance of Wines . Pliny beautifieth Italy with these attributes : Italia terrarum omnium alumna , ead●m & parens , numine de●m electa , quae coelum ipsum clariùs fa●eret , sparsa congregaret Imperia , ritus mollire● ; t●t populorum discordes l●nguas sermonis commercio , ad colloquia distraheret ; & humanitati hominem daret . Italy ( saith he ) the nurse and parent of all Regions , was elected by the prouidence of the gods , to make ( if it possible might be ) the Heauens more famous ; to gather the scattered Empires of the world into one Body ; to temper the barbarous rites of the Nations ; to vnite so many disagreeing languages of men , by the benefit of one cōmon tongue ▪ and in a word to restore man to his humanity . The length of this famous Region is 1020 miles ; the bredth in some places 410 miles , in others not aboue 126 miles ; the whole compasse is 3448 miles . It lieth vnder the 5 and 8 Climats , in the Northerne temperat Zone ; the longest day being 16 houres . The people in former times were wary of behauiour and expences ; of great valour , as subduing the greatest part of the world ; very desirous of glory , as Cicero saith , Semper appetentes gloriae praeter caeteras gentes sunt Romani . Here liued the famous Captaines , Camillus the Sword , and 2 Fabius Maximus the buckler of Romè . 3 Scipio . 4 Pompey , 5 Caesar , &c. The famous Oratours Cicero , Hortensius , & Antonius , &c. The worthy Historians , Livius , Tacitus , and Salustius , &c. The memorable Poets , Virgill , Ovid , Catullus , Horatius , &c. In these latter daies Petrarch the Philosopher , Guicciardine the Historian , Ariosto and Tasso the Poets , &c. The language of Italy was diuers , in Apulia they vsed the Mesapian tongue : In Calabria the Greeke : In Etruria the Thuscan ; and in Latium the Latine , which yet so altered in a little time , that Polybius saith , that the Articles of peace made between the Romans and the Carthaginians , could not be vnderstood by the best Antiquaries of his time . That the Latine tongue was generally spoken in all the Prouinces of the Roman Empire , as some hold , I dare not think ; being better perswaded by M. Brerewoods learned discourse on this Theame : Out of whom I will only draw one of his main Arguments , viz : how it was by especiall grace granted to the Cuma●s , dwelling but 100 miles distant from Rome , publiquely to vse the Roman language . This hapned not 140 yeares before the Emperours , at what time the Romans were Lords of all Italy , Sardinia , C●rsi●a , and the greater part of Spaine ; And of this proofe , Livy an Author aboue all exception , is the ground . This Country is said to be first inhabited by Ianus Ann. M. 1925. His Progeny multiplied exceedingly , and peopled Italy with the Tribes of the Laurentini , Brutij , Samniti , Etrusci , Sabini , Tarentini , &c. The second that came to enioy the happinesse of this Countrey was Evander , and certaine other Arcadi●ns , who banished their natiue habitations , seated themselues about the place where Rome was after built . The next that setled themselues here , was Aeneas and his Troians ; who flying from their ruined countrie , and enraged enimies , & seeking new habitations , were by tempest first cast on the shore of Africa . There they were ( as Virgil hath it ) entertained by Dido , then busie in the building of Carthage ; who so much doted on the perfections of this new commer , that she yeelded her body and Citty to his disposall . But this being not the place where Aeneas posterity was to erect a fourth Monarchie , hee priuately stole thence nto Italy , wherevpon the discontented Lady slew her selfe . This relation h●th no affinity at all with the truth of Chronologie . For Carthage being built but 135 yeares ( or as others will , 143 yeares ) be●ore Rome ; and there being no lesse then 426 ye●res , betweene the beginning of the reigne of Aeneas in Italy , and the beginning of the reigne of Romulus in Rome ; it is not possible that euer Dido should see Aeneas , vnlesse in imagination or pictures . Hereunto consenteth Ausonius , who honouring the Statua of this abused Princesse , with an Epigram of 18 verses , among others giueth vs these 4. Invida cur in me stimul●sti Musa Maronem , Fi●geret vt ●●strae da●na pudicitiae ? Vos magis his●●icis ( ●ectores ) red te de me : Quàm qui furta d●ûm , concubitusque canunt . Why didst thou stirre vp Virgil enuious Muse. Falsely my name and honour to abuse ? Of me let histories be heard ; not those Which Ioues adulteries and thefts expose . Credible it is that Aeneas being driuen on the coast of Africke , was by some Prince there curteously entertained , as a man whose same had beene his harbinger : but why the story should fasten it on Dido , I see not . Perhaps the vnfortunate death of this Queene , who laid violent hands on her selfe , gaue occasion to the Poet to faine that it was for the loue of Aeneas ; whereas it was indeed to avoid the lust and furie of Iarbas , a potent king in Africke , who violently desired to haue his pleasure on her . Whether Aeneas euer were in Africke or not ; or who it was that welcomed him thither , it matters not : certaine it is , that in Italy he ariued in an happy houre . For he was no sooner landed then gently entertained by Latinus King of the Laurentini ; who to make his loue more apparant , espowsed his only child Lavinia vnto him . Hence grew the warres between Turnus K. of the Rutili a former suiter , and him ; which being extinguished by the death and vanquishment of the Rutilian , confirmed the Troians in a setled peace . For now growing with the Laurentini , by many intermarriages , into a more constant bond of friendship ; they built the Towne called after the name of their Queene , Lavinia ; making it their residence for their Princes , till Longa Alba was built by Alba Silvius , a succeeding King , and made the chiefe of the kingdome . The Latine Kings . A. M. 2787 1 Aeneas 3 2790 2 Ascanius 38 2828 3 Sylvius 29 2857 4 Aeneas Sylvius 32 2888 5 Latinus Sylvius 50 2938 6 Alb● Sylvius 39. 2977 7 Capetus Sylvius 24. 3001 8 Capis Sylvius 28. 3029 9 Capetus Sylvius 13. 3042 10 Tiberinus Sylvius 8. 3050 11 Agrippa Sylvius 40. 3090 12 Alladius Sylvius 37. 3109 13 Aventinus Sylvius 11. 3146 14 Procas Sylvius 23. 3169 15 Amulius Sylvius 24. Hee chased his elder Brother Numitor from the Realme , and clapt his daughter Rhea into the Temple of Vesta ; where shee being a mother to two boyes , was ( according to the custome ) buried quicke , and her ch●ldren cast out for a prey for the wild beasts . They were found by Faustulus the kings shepheard , nursed by his wife for her meretricious life named Lupa : and being at last wel grown ; slew Amulius , and restored Numitor to his kingdome , whom also they slew not long after . Then Romulus laid the foundation of Rome , & tempered the morter with the bloud of his brother Rhemus , who disdainefully had leapt ouer the new walls . This Towne was peopled with the refuse of the Italian Rascality , insomuch as their neighbours refused to giue them their daughters in marriage ; till at solemne Plaies and Pastimes the Romans rau●shed the Sabine women , which came thither to behold the sport . Diuers other nations or tribes rather of the Tuscanes suf●ered in this rape , together with the Sabines : as the Ceninenses , the Antemnates , and the Crustumini . Of these the Ceninenses were most eager of reuenge , and vnder the conduct of then King Acron , giue battaile to the Romans . Romulus seeing his people gaue ground ▪ prayed vnto Iupiter for the victory ; & vowed if he ouercame king Acron , to offer vp his armour vnto him . When Acron thē was vanquished , Romulus cutting down a faire young Oke , hung on it all the armour of Acron : Then girding his gowne vnto him , and putting on a garland of Lawrell , he laid the Oke on his shoulder , and marched into the citty : his Army ●ollowing , and singing a royall song of victory . Hither must we refe●re the begin●ing of Triumphs : but Nihil est mumtum & p●rfectu● eodem tempore . Taerquiniu● Priscus long after Romulus , added herevnto the purple roabes ; and the triumphant Chariot , drawne with foure horses . Of these Triumps are two sorts ; the greater properly so called , and the lesser vulgarly called the Ovation ; which differed in many circūstances . For 1 the Triumpher entreth in a royall Chariot , and is met by the Senatours in their ornaments : but the Ovator entreth on foot , and is met only by the Knights and Gentlemen of Rome . 2● , The Triumpher had a Lawrell Crowne , & entered with the noyse of Drummes and Trumpets : but the Ovator , a Garland of Firre , with Flutes & Hoboyes playing before him . 3● . The Triumpher was attired in a garment of state ; the O●a●or in a plaine purple gowne only . 4ly , In a Triumph the Souldiers cryed out Io triumphe : in an Ovation they cryed onely O , O , O ; the often doubling of which noyse made it bee called ( as some thinke ) Ovation . 5ly , and lastly , the Triumpher vsed in his sacrifice to offer a certaine number of Oxen : but the Ovator only offered a sheepe ; whence the name is more properly to be deriued . Now Ovation was in three cases granted . 1 If the Generall had subdued his enimies with little or no bloudshed , so that there were not slaine 5000 men ; or by perswasion more then battaile . 2ly , If the warres had been flight , cursory , or not lawfully managed . And 3ly , if it had beene against an ignoble enimie . Of this last we haue a faire instance in P. Rupilio , who being Victor in the Servile war ( or the war wherein the bondslaues made head against the R●mans ) was contented with the Ovation , Ne triumphi dignitatem ( saith Florus ) seruili inscriptione violare● . The greater Triumphs were indeed full of magnificence : the state whereof , who list to see , may finde it fully set downe by Plutarch , in the Tr●mph of Paulus Aemylius . Yet by this which wee haue said by way of Antithesis , not a little may be obserued . This greater triumph was notwithstanding , not alwaies giuen to such as deserued it ; there being many waies to hinder , or forfeit it . 1 Sometimes it was denied a Conqueror by the strength of a contrary faction : so Pompey denied Metellus his Triumph for the conquest of Crete . 2l l , Sometimes it was by the Conquerours omi●ted for feare of envy : so Marcellus in Plutarch , after his conquest of Sicilae , hauing twice before triumphed ; denied it the third time : his reason was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Invidiam parit tertius triumphus . ● l , Sometimes the Souldiers hauing beene ill paid , or too much streightned ; would not permit their Generall to triumph : and this was P. Aemylius case , because hee deuided not among the men of war ( according to his promise ) the spoyles of Greece . 4ly , Sometimes because the Generall had borne no publique office in the Citty : so ( in Livie ) Lentulus returning Proconsull out of Spaine required a Triumph : to which the fathers answered , that he had indeed done things worthy that honour , but they had no president for it ; Vt qui neque Consul , neque Dictator ; neque Praetor res gessisset , triumphaxet . 5ly , Sometimes the Generalls themselues omitted it , for the furtherance of some of their other designes : So Caesar comming toward Rome in Triumph , the same time the Consulls were chosen ; quitted his Triumph to sue for the Consulship : it being the custome that such as demanded the Triumph should abide without the Citty , and such as sued for the Consulship must of necessity be within . 6ly , It was denied whē the warre had beene vndertaken without the command of the Senate : So it hapned to Manlius , hauing to the great enlargement of the Empire ; yet without commission surprized Gallatia ; quia causam belli Senatus non approbauit . 7ly , If the warres had beene ciuill betweene the Romans themselues , there was no Triumph allowed to the Victor ; because in all such victories the Commonwealth was depriued of some part of her selfe : So Pompey and Metellus hauing vanquished Sertorius in Spaine ; Externum magis id bellum quàm ciuile videri voluerunt vt triumpharent . 8ly , If the conquest had beene gotten not without great losse on the Romans side : For this was Valerius conquerour of the Gau●es denied this honour ; Quia magis dolor ciuibus amissis , quàm gandium fusis hostibus praevaluit ( saith Macrobius ) 9 l● , and lastly , if the seruice had not beene performed in the Generalls owne Province : So when Livius and Nero being Consuls ▪ ouercame Hasdrubal , Livins only triumphed because the warre had beene managed in his Prouince ; whereas indeed Nero was the man that wonne the day . And these are all , or at least the chief causes of hindring or omitting this honor : which certainly was the most eminent that euer the free state was capable of . When the Commonwealth was changed into a Monarchie , this honour seemed too great for Subiects ; & was first of all neglected by M. Vipsanius Agrippa , the establisher of Augustus Empire : who hauing quenched certaine rebellions in Asia , and setled ●he Prouince , had a Triumph decreed for him ; which he , to giue posterity example , de●ied . This example , being as it were a law to others , was the cause that this custome was laid aside : and no man vnder the degree of an Emperour triumphed ; p●iu●te Captaines being from thence forth contented with the triumphall ornaments , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are the words of Dion . Yet I finde that almost 600 yeares after this , Be●isa●ius triumphed : but I answere , that this was done in Constantinople , not Rome ; & 2ly , it lacked so much of a triumph , that it fell short of an Ovation : it being indeed nothing but an honorable presenting of himselfe , and his prisoners before the Emperour . And if after Agrippa , Bellisarius may be accounted to h●ue triumphed : certainly , himselfe excepted , there was none ●ther to whom this fauour was vouchsafed ; neither after him any at all . The last Emperour whom wee finde in Histories to haue triumphed was Probus , after his victories ouer the Germans : and the Blemyi a people of Africke , about the yeare 284. But I haue beene too tedious in this discourse . I returne vnto Romulus , who hauing vanquished the Ceninenses , & made peace with the Sabines , reigned victoriously in his new Citty the space of 37 yeares . The Kings of Rome , A. M. 3213 1 Romulus the founder of Rome . 37. 3251 2 Numa Pompil●us , the author of the Romane ceremonies 43. 3294 3 Tullus Hostilius , who subdued Alba. 32. 3326 4 A●cus M●rtius , who built Ostia 24. 33●0 5 L Tarquinius Pr●scus , the adorner of the triūphs 38 3388 6 Servius Tull who brought the people into c●nse 44 3432 7 L Tarquinius Superbus . Who for his insolent behaviour , and a rape committed on the chast Lucretia , wife to Collatinus , by his sonne Sextus , was together with all his kind●ed banished the Towne , A M ●457 . The people for his sake euer after loathed the name of a King , and therefore the Citty was gouerned by two Consulls , annually chosen out of the chiefe Citizens , called Patricij . These Consuls tooke their name à consulendo , ●om counselling of & seeing to the good of the people & Commonwealth , Vt consulere se suis ciuibus debere meminisse●t ; their name being a memo●●all of their charge . This magistracy of the Consuls h●ld not long , but that first the Decemviri , then Tri●unes of consular auth●●ity , and others dispossessed them of their gouerment ; concerning which thus Tacitus . Vrbem Romam à principio reges ▪ &c. The Citty of Rome was in the beginning gouerned by Kings : Liberty and the Consulship L. Brutus brought in The Dictators were chosen but for a time : the D●●●mviri passed not two yeares : neither had the Consularie authority of the Tribunes of the Souldiers any long continuance : Nor Cinna , nor Syllas dominion Pompey & Crass●s quickly yeelded to Caesars forces ; Lepidus and Antony to Augustus : this Tacitus . Yet notwithstanding these often mutations , the Con●uls were generally the supreame Magistrates , in which office t●ere were alwaies two , and those but for a yeare , ne vel solitudine vel mo●â potestas corrum●eretur . And though some had the fortune to be Consulls two or three yeares together , yet every n●w yeare they were anew chosen , and so the●r offices reck●●ed as seuerall : neither doe wee finde any to haue beene elected for lesse then a● yeare , vnlesse vpon the death , or deposition of a ●ormer , vntill the ciuill warres ▪ But then cum belli ciuilis pr●mia f●stinari coeperu●t , when the seruices done in the ciuill warres ●equi●ed a qui●ker turne in requitall , the Consulshippe was giuen only for some part of the yeare , and ordinarily for two months : ●h first Consul ▪ being named Ordinarij in whose names the writings made for the whole yeare were dated ; the other Minores ▪ or Ilonorarij , which on●ly serued to make vp a numbe● . For so ambitious were he Romans of this honor , that when Maximus died in t●e l●st ●ay of his Consu●ship , Caninius R●bi●u● petitioned Caesar for that part of the day that re●ained : whence tha● so memorated ●est of Tully , O vigilantem Consulem , qui toto ●onsulatu● suitempore s●mnum oculis non vidit Also when ●aecin● was by the S●nate degraded f●o● this honour , the day in which he was to resigne it , one Ros●ius Regulus obtained the office from Vitellius for the day remaining , but as the Historian noteth , magno cum risu accipientis , tribuentisque . Now as the Romans did thus exceed the first number of Consulls , so sometimes fell they short of it . The first that was sole Consull was Pompey in the beginning of the ciuill warres , viz. Aº V.C. 703. The next , one Varianes Aº C ti 410. This authority from the first institution to the finall period of it , continued at least in name ( for the Emperours , long before the end of it , assumed the prerogatiue ) the space of 1084 yeares : howbeit not without many intermissions of the title and office , by the seuerall formes of gouerment aboue specified . The last Consull was one Basilius in the raigne of Iustinian , Anno 541. The first were two worthy men , namely Collatinus , husband to Lucretia ; & Iuniu● Brutus , who in the raigne of the Tarquines counterfeited a distracted humour , but being called to this dignity , by the execution of his sonne , for practising secretly with the Tarquins , kept the licentious people within the bounds of true obedience . The people free from feare of the Kings , for want of imployment at home , ouerburdened their neighbours abroad , whom after the space of 500 yeares they subdued : a matter truely worth consideration , that the Italians should hold out against the puissance of Rome 500 yeares , when as almost all the rest of the world was subdued in little more then 200. So great a matter was it ( saith Florus ) to contract the many bodies of Italy vnder one head . Tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem . So great a matter was it found , To raise Romes Empire from the ground . After Italy was subdued , Pyrrhus of Epirus was beaten home by them ; and next the ouerthrow of the Carthaginians cast many faire possessions into the lap of Rome : who now become the mistrisse of the world , grew likewise oppressed by her owne greatnesse ; and therefore willing to be supported . This aduantage Caesar espying , like an officious Gentleman Vsher laid hold of her armes , and from her seruant became her master ; first with the title of perpetuall Dictator , and next of absolute Emperour : and after he had ruled fiue yeares , was with 23 wounds murdered by Brutus , Cassius , and their ●ellow conspiratours , in the Senate house . Yet was not Caesar the first man that euer taught the Romanes to obey , they had already learned that lesson , and he had good Schoolemasters which foregoing him , did instruct him in the arts of Empire and ambition . Concerning which deg●●es of the Romans falling into bondage , take along with you this short Epi●ome , as I finde it in Tacitus : Nam rebus modicis 〈◊〉 as facile habebatur ▪ &c. For whiles our dominions were straight , equality was easily maintained : but after wee had subdued the world , destroyed all Citties or Kings which stood in our light , or might worke our annoyance ; whenas we had leasure to seeke after wealth void of perill ; there arose hot contentions betweene the Nobility and Commons : sometimes factious Tribunes carried it away ; sometimes the Consulls prevailed : and in the Citty and common Forum , some little skirmish●● , the beginnings of our ciuill warres , w●re attempted . Anon after C. Marius one of the meanest of the communalty , and L. Sylla the most cruell of all the nobility , by force of armes ouerthrowing the free state , induced an absolute gouerment . After these succeeded Cn. Pompeius , something secreter but nothing better , & nunquam postea nisi de principatu quaesitum , and then was there neuer any other question debated , but who should be so●eraigne Prince of the state . So farre Tacitus . Caesar being thus ●●aine , they recouered some hope and shew of liberty , till fi●st the confederacie , and secondly the falling out of Augustus . Anto●ius , and Lepidus , put all againe out of ioint . For these civill warres once ended ; by the death of Antonie , and degrading of L●pidus , Augustus tooke all into his owne hands : cuncta discordijs civilibus fessa , nomine principis sub imperium accepit . The Emperours , notwithstanding this foundation laid by August●s , came not to the heighth of their authority , nor the people to the bottome of their slauery , till some hundred of yeares after : ●n which times the Emperours by degrees incroaching on the common liberty and priuiledges ; and the people ( homines ad servitutem parati , as Tiberius called them ) desirous to gratifie and become gratious with the Prince ; they lost in the end not only the body , but the carkasse and very shaddowe of the free state or Commonwealth . The chiefe strength by which the ensuing Emperours subsisted , was the Praetorian guard , consisting of 10000 men , euery one hauing the double wages of a Legionary Souldier . This gua●d Augustus first tooke to himselfe , vnder pretence of his own safety ; but intending only by so choice a band of followers to awe the Citty : and they knowing from whom their maintenāce was to be deriued , would neuer ●ndu●e to heare of the free state . An euident example whereof we haue in story : for when after the death of Caligula , the Senate had ●o great hopes of recouering their liberty , that they gaue the watch word to the citty guard ; and consulted about the set●●g of the Commonwealth in open counsell : the Praetorian Souldiers saluted Claudius Emperour , and compelled the Senatours to approue their election . Ouer this body of the guard were ordained two Praefect● Praetorio , both which tooke place next the Emperour himselfe , vntill the time of Constantine : who first cassing the Praetorian order , and destroying their Campe , because they were commonly the authors of all the seditions and rebellions in the state ; and afterwards constituting foure Prefects ( in title but not authority ) for the foure quarters of his Empire ; he gaue the chiefe precedency to the Patricij , an honour of his owne invention . But I returne to the Emperours . The Romane Emperours . A. M. 3918 1 Iulius Caesar 5 ▪ 3923 2 Octavianus Augustus 56. A. Ch. 17 3 Tiberius Nero 23. 39 4 C. Caligula . 3 43 5 Tiberius Claudius Drusus 13. 57 6 Domitius Nero 13. 70 7 Sulpitius Galba . 8 Silvius Otto . 9 Ai Vitellius . 71 10 Fl. Vespasianus 9. 18 11 Titus Vespasi . 2. 83 12 Flav. Domitianus 15. 97 13 Nerva Cocc●ius 2. 99 14 Vipius Traianus 19. 118 15 Aelius Adrianus 20. 139 16 Antoninus Pius 24. 162 17 Marc. Antoninus Philos. 19. 18 L. Aurelius Commodus 19. 181 19 L. Antoninus Commodus 13. 194 20 Aelius Pertinax . 21 Didius Iulianus . 195 22 Septimius Severus 18. 213 23 Aur. Bassianus Caracalla 7. 220 24 Opilius Macrinus . 221 25 Varius Heliogabalus 4. 225 26 Alexander Severus 13. 238 27 Iul. Maximinus 3. 241 28 Gordianus 6. 247 29 Philippus Arabs 5. 252 30 Decius● . 254 31 Gallus Hostilianus 2. 32 Aemylianus Maurus . 256 33 Licinius 15. 256 33 Valerianus . 15. 256 33 Gallienus . 15. 271 34 Fl. Claudius 1. 272 35 Quintilius d. 17. 273 36 Valerius Aurelianus . 6 279 37 Annius Tacitus . 38 Florianus . 280 39 Valerius Probus 6. 286 40 Carus 2. 288 41 Diocletianus 20. 308 42 Constantius Chlorus 310 43 Constantinus M. 31. This Emperour though very religious , as being the first Christian Emperour , did more preiudice the Empire then any of his predecessours , first in translating the Imperiall seat from Rome to Bizantium , by which transplantation the Empire lost much of its naturall vigour ; as we see in Plants and Flowres , who being remoued from the place of their first grow●h , loose much of that vertue which was formerly in them ▪ On this reason Camill●● would not suffer the R●mans to remoue their seat to Veij ▪ then newly conquered , but to preuent their desires , set fire on the towne & so consumed it , Vt nunc V●●os fuisse ( saith Florus ) lalora Annalium fides . A second fault of this Constantine was the diuiding of the Empire betweene his children For though it was quickly againe reunited , yet by his example others learned the same lesson , renting the Empire in peeces , which occasioned the losse of the whole . The former Emperours vsed indeed to associate sometimes their sonnes or brothers with them ; yet so , that they were ioyntly Lords of it , as of one entire regiment : but Constātine , if I remember aright , was the first which allotted to particular men , particular iurisdiction . The third fault of this Prince , was his translating the Legions and Colonies which lay on the north Marches , into the easterne country , as a Bulwark against the Persians : thereby opening that passage , by which not long after the barbarous nations entred . For though insteed of these Colonies , he planted Garrisons & Forts , yet th●se quickly sayled , and became in a manner vnserviceable . So that Zosimus ( though in other of his reports concerning this Prince hee bewrayes much malice ) truely calleth him the first subverter of that flourishing Monarchie . To these three causes may bee added a fourth , concerning the Emperours in general , namely their stupid negligence , and degenerate spirits . Italy notwithstanding continued a member of the Empire till the yeare 399 , in which Theodosius the great diuided againe the Empire : to Arcadi●● his elder sonne he gaue the Easterne ; to Honorius the young●● the Westerne parts of his Monarchy . The Westerne Emperours . 399 1 Honorius 26. 425 2 Valentinianus 29 454 3 Maxim●anus 4. 458 4 S●verianus 4 462 5 Anthemius 5 467 6 Crestes 6. 473 7 Augustulus 1. The last the ever kept his dayly residence in Italy : a thing ominous , that Augustus should establish , and Augustulus ruinate that spacious Monarchy . During the raignes of these Emperours and some few years after , Italy was seauen times almost brought to desolation , by the fire and sword of Barbarous nations . 1 By Alaricus King of the G●thes , who tooke R●me , Naples , &c. 2 By Attila king of the Bunnes , who r●zed ●lorence , spoild Lombardie , & by the ●n●caty of Leo the first , was diuerted from Rome . 3ly , By Genscr●us king of the Vandals , who sacked Rome . 4ly , By Biorgus king of the Alam or Lithuani 5ly , By Odoacer king of the Heruli , who droue Augustulus out of Italy , and twice in 13 yeares laid th● countrey desolate . 6ly , By Theodoricus king of the Goths , called by Zeno the Emperor to expell Odoacer . 7ly , By Gunde●●●●● king of the Burgundians , who hauing ransacked all Lombardie , returned home , leauing the Gothes in possession of Italy : who after they had raigned 72 yeares in Italy , were at last subdued by Belisarius , and Narses , two of the brauest Captaines that euer serued the Romane Emperours . This Narses gouerned Italy for the Emperour 17 yeares , at the end of which time being basely vpbraided by Sophia the Constantinopolitan Empresse , and wise to Iustinian the Emperour : who envying his fortune , procured him to be recalled , and sent him word , shee would make the Eunuch ( for such he was ) come home and spin among her maides : he replied , that he would spin such a web , as n●ither she , nor the best of her minions should euer vnweaue . Therevpon he sent into Pannoia ( now Hungarie ) for King Albe●nus & his Lombards ; who comming into Italy with their 〈◊〉 and children ▪ possessed themselues of all the Countrey , from the Alpes to the Appennine Hills , calling it by their owne name L●mbardie . The Kings of Lombardie . 568 1 Alboinus 6. 574 2 Clephes 1. 586 3 Antharis 7. 59● 4 Agilu●●us 25. 6●8 5 Adoaldus 10 628 6 Ario●ldus 11. 639 7 Rotha●is 16. 655 8 Radoaldus 5. 660 9 Aribertus 9. 669 10 Gundibertus 1 670 11 Grimoaldus 9. 679 12 Garibalius mens . 3 679 13 Partarithus 18. 698 14 Cunibertus 12. 15 Luithertus . 16 Rainbertus . 712 17 Aribertus 12. 723 18 Asprandus Mens 3 723 19 Lu●tprandus 21. 744 20 Ra●hisius 6. 750 21 As●ul●us 8. 756 22 Desider●●s 18. Of all these kings of Lombardie , I will only relate some occurrences of the two first and the two last . Alb●inus before his comming into Italy , waged wa●re with C●●emu●dus a king of the Iopidi whom he ouerthrew , and of his ●kul he made a ●uaffing cup. Rosamund daughter to this king be tooke to wife , and one day being ouer-merry in Verona , compelled her to drinke out of her fathers skull . This abuse shee sto● asking , prom●sed to one Helmichil●e her selfe to wise , and Lombardie for a dowry , if he would kill the King. He consented , and did it ; but was so extreamely hated for it , that he was forced together with ●s Rosamund to fly to Rauenna the Court of Longi●us the ●xarch . Longinus partly desirous to enioy the loue of Rosamund● ; partly to possesse that masse of money and iewells which shee brought with her ; and partly by her faction to raise a beneficiall warre against the Lombards ; perswaded her to kill Helmichilde , and take him , to which she agreed . Helmich●●d entering out of a Bath called for beere , and shee gaue him a strong poyson ; halfe of which when he had dranke , mistrusting the matter , he made her drinke the rest , and so they both died together . C●●thes the 2d king extended the Longobardian kingdome , euen to the gates of Rome . He was so cruell , that after his death they would haue no more kings , but chuse 30 Dukes to gou●●●● them . This diuision ( though it en●ured not fully a dozen years ) was the cause that the Lombards made not themselues Lo●●● of all Ita●y . Th 21 King was Astu●phus , who wonne Rave●● , and the Exarchie thereof , A 0 741. the last Ex●rch being 〈◊〉 Eutic●us . Astu●phus long enioyed not his conquests ; for Pepin king of France , being by Pope ●tepha● the 〈◊〉 , sollicited to come into Italy , ouerthrewe him , and gaue Ravenna to the Church . The last king was D●sideriu● , who falling at ods with Adrian the first , and besie●ing him in Rome , was by Charles the great , successour to Pepin , bes●eged in 〈◊〉 , and himselfe with all his children taken prisoners , A 0 774. Here ended the kingdome of the Lombards , hauing indured in Italy 232 yeares . Lombardy was then made a Province of the French , and after of the Germanes Empire ; many of whose Emperours vsed to bee crowned kings of Lombardie by the Bishops of Millaine , with an iron Crowne , which was kept at M●doccum , now called Mon●● a small Village . This Charles confirmed his fathers former donation , to the Church ; and added of his own accord , Marca Anconitana , and the Dukedome of Spoleto . For these & ot●er kindnesses , Charles was by Pope Leo the 4th on Christmas day made Emperour of the West , Aº 801. whose successours shall be catal●guized when we come to describe Germa●●● . At this division of the Empire , Irene was Empresse of the Eas● ; to whom and her successours Naples was allotted ▪ it being then in the possession of the Greekes . To the Popes were given by this Emperour and his father , almost all the lands which they possesse at this day . The Venetians in that little they then had , remained sui●●ris . The rest of Italy containing all Lombarde , P●dmont , Frinly , Tuscany , and Trenigiana , belonged to the Empire ; till the Imperiall reputation dec●ying , gaue the pettie Princes occasion of strengthning themselues ; incited particular Citties to make themselues free commonwealths . Of Italy as it now is . The soyle as in former times is so fruitfull , that they haue abundance of all things , and want of none ; transporting into other places Rice , Silkes , Velvets , Satins , T●ffaties , Grogrammes , Rash , Fustians , Gold , Wire , Armour , Allom , Glasses , &c. They haue their three Haruests in one yeare , which require as much labour of the husbandman , as it yeeldeth profit to the Lord : so that it is truely said , that the rich men of Italy , were the richest ; and the poore , the poorest in the whole world . The language is very courtly and fluent , the best whereof i● about Florence and Siena : it retaineth the greatest portion of Latin , but not without the mixture of barbarous languages , so long in vse amongst them . The chiefe Riuers generally of the whole Region are Padus , or Poe , called also Eridanus , into which Phaeton was drenched when he came downe tumbling from heauen : this riuer riseth in the Alpes , and running through Lombardie , diuideth the countrey in Cispadanam , and Transpidan●m , a diuision in these daies forgotten ; and so gallopeth with a fail carecre int● the Adriatique . 2 Rubi●on the ancient Northerne bound of Italie . 3 Cuique fuit roru● promiss● potentia Tibris . And Tiber vnto which was giuen Lordship of all things vnder heauen . The people are for the most pa●● graue , respectiue , and in●enious ; excellent men ( said a Spaniolized Italian ) but for three things ; 1 in their lusts they are vnnatural , 2 in their malice vnappeasable : 3 , in their actions deceitfull . To which might bee added , they will blaspheame sooner then sweate , & murther a man rather then slander him . They are exceeding i●alous ouer their wiues , insomuch that they shut them vp from the common view , and perm●t them to discourse with few or none . The l●cke which a Gentleman of V●●●e vsed to keepe his wife true in his absence , is so common , it needeth no relation . Indeed this ●●nzie rageth among all Southerne people . The Tu●kes permit not their women to walke in the streets , but couered with a v●yl● . In Barbarie it is death for any man to see one of the Xer●●●● Concubines ; and for them too , if when they see a man , though but through a casement , they doe not suddenly skreeke out . The Spanish Embassadour Mendoza , found great fault with our promiscuous sitting of men and women in the Church , a●●●●ting it as immodest and lasciuious . To whom D' Dale , master of the Requests , replied , that indeed in Spaine , where the people euen at the Diuine Seruice , could not abstaine from vncleane thoughts , & vnchast gestures , that mi●gled kind of sitting was not allowable ; but Englishmen were of another temper . ●ew Northerne people are troubled with this yellow Iaundise ; who not only sit mixed in the Church , but euen in the open & common Bathes also . Two things which the Italian would hardly endure , who so infinitely are beso●●ed with this passion , that looke how many Italians there are , there are for the most part so many ●aylors . The women are generally witty in speech ▪ modest in outward carriage , and bountifull where they bea●e affection : and it is prove●bially said , that they are Mag-pier at the docre , Saints in the Church , Goates in the Garden , Dinells in the house , Angells in the streets , and Syrens in the windowes . All the people both men and women amount to 15 Millions . The vsuall diuision is into six parts , 1 Lombardy . 2. Tuscany . 3 the land of the Church . 4 Naples . 5 Rieue●ere di Genon . 6 the land of Venice ; of which there is passed this censure , according to the capitall Ci●ties . 1 Rome for Religion . 2 Naples for Nobility . 3 Mollaine for Beautie . 4 G●noa for statelinesse . 5 Florence for pollicie . 6 Venice for Riches . Howsoeuer we will divide it according to the present divers principalities which are , Lither The greater , as The Kingdome of Naples . The Papacie . The Common-wealth of Venice . The Dukedome of Florence . The Dukedome of M●llaine . Lither The lesser , as The Dukedome of Mantua . The Dukedome of Vrbine . The Principality of Parma . The State of Genoa . The State of Luca. THE KINGDOME OF NAPLES . THE KINGDOME OF NAPLES is seperated from the Land of the Church by a line drawne from the mouth of the riuer Tronto , to the head of Axosenus : On the other parts it is envi●oned with the Sea , the compasse of it being 1468 miles . This Kingdome is the fertil●st place in all Italy , abounding in Miner of diuers m●●●als ; and the choicest wi●es called Vina Massier , and Fal●ru● : To Alexandria they s●nd Saffrons , to 〈◊〉 S●●kes , to Venice oyle , to Rome Wines . The Noblemen here , of all men vnder Heauen , liue in most carelesnesse , hauing like the Tyrant Polycrates , nothing to trouble them , but that they are troubled with nothing , bu● the Pe●●●t ●●eth in as great a misery , as his Lord in jollity . The principall riuers of this Kingdome of Naples are 1 Sil●●●● , 2 Basentus , 3 Posoa●a , 4. Trontus , 5 Sal●●elius , 6 V●●●nus , 7 Salinus , and 8 Gariglian . On the banks of this last riuer , many battles haue bin fought between the French and the Spaniards for the Kingdome of Naples : especially that famous battaile between the Marquesse of Saluzzes , Generall of the French , and Goasalvo Leader of the Spaniards ; the losse of which victory by the French , was the absolute confirmation of the Realme of Naple● to the Spaniards . More famous is this riuer for the death of Peter di Medices , who being banished his Country at the comming of king Charles into Italy ; & hauing diuers times in vain attempted to be reimpatriate ; followed the French army hither ; and after the losse of the day , took shippe with others here , to fly to Caieta ; but ouer-charging the vessell , she sunk and drowned them all . But most famous is it , in that Marius , that excellent , though vnfortunate captain , being by Syllas faction , driuen out of Rome , hid himself stark naked in the durt and weedes of this riuer ; strange alteration . He had not lien here long , but Syllas souldiers found him , and carried him to the city of the Mintu nians , being fast by this riuer . The●e men to please Sylla , hired a Cimber to kill him , which the fellow attempting ( such is the vertue of Maiesty euen in a miserable fortune ) run out again crying , he could not kill C. Marius . This riuer was of old called Aquae Sinessuanae , or the Lake of Minturne . The chief Prouinces are 1. TERRA DI LAVORO . aunciently Campania , and called Veneris & Bacchicer●amen , the chief Cities whereof are 1 Caieta , so called either of Caieta the nurse of Aeneas here buried ; or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vro , because the Troian Ladies being here arri●ed out of Africa , and fearing their husbands would again put out to sea , burnt their ships , and so forced them to settle in this coūtry . It is a Town commodiously seated on the sea side , and seemeth to be a place of great importance , insomuch that ( as C●minaeus telleth vs ) if King Charles the 8th , had but only fortified it , and the castle of Naples , the Realme had neuer bin lost ▪ 2 Naples , the Metropolis of the Kingdome , a beautifull City , containing seuen miles in compasse . It was once called Parthenope , and falling to ruine , was new built , and called Neapolis . Among all other things here is an hospitall , the revenues whereof is 60000 Crownes ; wherewith besides other good deeds they nourish in diuers parts of the Kingdome 2000 poore Infants . In this City the disease called Morbus Gallicus , or Neapolitanus was first known in Christendome . This City is seated on the sea shore , and fortified with 4 strong Castles , viz : 1 Castle Capo●na , where the Kings palace was : 2 Saint Ermo ; 3 Castle del Ovo , or the Castle of the Egge ; and fourthly Castle Novo , or the new Castle . 3 Capua , whose pleasures enervated the victorious army of Hannibal whence was the saying , Capua est Cann● A●nibali . 4 Cuma , ●eere which is Sybillae antrum , by which Aeneas went down to H●ll to talk with his Father : and not far d●stant is the Lake called lacus Avernus ; the stink of which killeth birds as they flye ouer it . 5 Baiae famous for the Bathes . 6 Nola , where Marcellus ouerthrew Hannibal , and his souldi●●● ; letting the world know that Hannibal was not invincible . 7 Pa●colis a small town standing on a creek of the sea opposite to B●aile , from which it is distant 3 miles and a halfe . These towns are famous for the bridge built between them by C. Caligul● . It was composed of sund●y vessels , compacted together in that sort , that there was not only a fair and large passage , but di●ers ten●s and victualing houses on both sides . Caius in triumphall ha●it marcheth and remarcheth ouer the bridge , praiseth himself and his souldiers , as men to whose heroick enterprise● neither Earth nor Sea was an obstacle . This he did , as himself a●●irmed , to keep in awe Neptun● ; and to exceed the like acts of Xerx●s and Darius , memorized in old Histories : or as it was coniectured to terrifie the Romans and Brittaines , which 〈◊〉 of such a notable exploit : or to fulfill the prophesie of 〈◊〉 , who had often foretold during the life of Tiberius , that it was as impossible for Canis to succeed ●n the Empire , as to ride o● horseback from Baule to Putcolis . 8 Misenum , where Augustus keeping one A●mada , and an●ther at Raven●a , 〈◊〉 the whole Roman Empire H●r● is also in this Country the 〈◊〉 Velu●●●s , that casteth out fl●mes of fire : the smoke of whi●●●led ●liny Iunior , coueting to search the cause of it The flame hereof br●ke ●orth cruelly also during the reigne of Titus , casting out not only such sto●e of smoke , that the ver● Sun seemed to be in the Ecclipse : but also huge stones , & of ashes such plenty , that Rome , Africke , Aegypt , and Syria , were euen couered ; Hereulanum and P●mpeios , two Cities in Italy , were ouerwhelmed with them . There were heard dismall no ses all about the Prouince , and Giants of incredible bignes seen to stalke vp and down , about the top and edges of the mountain : which extraordinary accident , either was a cause or presage of the future pestilence , which raged in Rome and Italy long after . 4. ABRVZZO , where once the Samnita , Picentini , & others dwelt ; the chief towns are Aquila , ne●re the Appen●ne . 2 Beneventum once called Maleventum . 3 Aquino where Thomas Aquinas , the great School-Diuine was borne . 4. Salmo , Oui●s birth-place , as himself testifieth in his De Tristsbus , Sulmo mihi patria est gelidis uberrimus undis , Millia qui nonies distat ab urbe decem . Sulmo my birth-place full of riuers cleare , From Rome is distant ninety miles well neare . In this country are the straights called Furcae Candinae , wherein when the Sam●ites and Picentini had so enclosed the Romans , that there was no possibility of escape : they sent to Herennius , a man for his age much reverenced , and for his wisdome much followed by them , to know what it were best to doe to the Romans . The old man sent word , they should all be sent home safe and vntouched . This answer not being well liked , they sent to him again : he returned answer , they should all be put to the sword . These different answers made them conceiue amis●e of the old mans brain , till explain●ng himself , he told thē that either they must make the Romans their friends by a 〈◊〉 & honourable deliuerance ; or else take from them all power of doing hurt , by putting to sword so many of their Captaine● & Souldiers ; mid way was there none . To neither of these courses would the souldiers agree , but disarming and spoyling the Romans , sent them home . The Romans not made friends by so ●dious a be●efit , but hatching revenge for the disgrace , vnder the conduct of Papyrius , entred again the country : which , hauing opprobriously handled the natiues , they made subiect to the Senate and people of Rome : Leauing Princes a notable lesson for their proceedings against men of quality and ranke , either not to strike at all , or els to strike home , and to the purpose . M●ch●avel in his history of Florence , taxeth for committing a great ●olo●cisme in state , R●naldo of the house of Alb●zi ; in that hating Cosmo of the Family of the Medici , he only procured his b●n●shment ; which Cosmo at his returne recompenced to the full : Whereon the historian in●erreth this notable Aphorisme , That great personages must not at all be touched ; or if they be , must be made su●e from taking reuenge . Yet doe I not prohibit a Prince the vse of mercy , I know it is the richest Iewell that adorneth his Crowne ; neither dare I take vpon me to limit the vse of so excellent a vertue : only let me obserue how many 〈◊〉 of vsage are commonly afforded those men , whose liberty after their delinquencie , may endanger the safety of the Prince or State ; I find then three principall , whereof the first is immediate execution , a course more to be allowed where it cannot , then commended where it may be spared . The second is either close imprisonment , or else consiament to the house and custody of some man in trust with the Prince ; wherein great caution ought to be vsed : for we find in our own histories , how Morton Bishop of Elie , being committed to the Duke of Bucking●am his custody by Richard 3d , not only procured his own liberty ; but wrought the Duke to the contrary faction . The last which is in all times the gentlest , and in some cases the surest , is not only an absolute pardon of life , or a grant of liberty , ( for that alone were partly vnsa●e : ) but an●ind●ering of the party delinquent by giuing him some place of honour , or committing to 〈◊〉 fidelity some office of ●r●st . A pregnant instance we haue of this kind in the Emperour Otho , who not only pardoned Marius Cel●us the chief of Gaelba's●action ●action ; but put him in place neerest about him , and made him one of his principall Leaders in the warre against Vitell●● ; the reason was , ne hostis metum , 〈…〉 , lest lying alo●se as a pardoned enemy , he might suspect that the bre●ch were but badly made vp . But now it is 〈…〉 my self from the streights of these Furc● Candinae , and to ●●lace my self in the plaines of Calabria . 3. CALABRIA IMPERIOR , the inhabitation of the Bru●ij , whose chief Cities are ● Peste , or Pessidonia , where Roses grow thrice in a yeare . 2 Salernum , famous for the study of Physick , the Doctours whereof made the book Schola Salerus , dedicated to our Henry 8th . 3 Consensia the prime City of these parts . 4 Rhezo , or Regium , so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rumpo ; because that here it is thought that Sicily was broken from Italy . 5 Locris , where liued the Lawmaker Zaleucus , who ordering adultery to be punished with the losse of both their eyes , was compelled to execute his law on his son the first offender . Therfore to shew the loue of a Father , and sincerity of a Iudge , he put out one of his sonnes eyes , and one of his own . He also prouided in his Lawes , that no woman should be attended with more then one maid in the street , but when she was drunk ; that she should not goe out of the City in the night , but when she went to commit adultery : that she should not weare gold or embroydered apparel , but when she purposed to be a common strumpet : that men should not weare rings and tissues , but when they went a-whoring and the like : by which lawes both men and women were restrained from all extraordinary traines of attendants , and excesse of apparell ; this last , asault in our times too common . This town was formerly also famous for the victory of Eunomus , an excellent Musitian ; vpon Aristonus of Rhegium , an other of the same profession . For though Aristonus had made his prayers to Apollo , the god of Musick , to grant him the conquest ; yet Eunomus plainly told him , that nature was against him ; who had made all the Grasse-hoppers on his side of the water , mute . The day being come , one of the strings of Eunomus harpe in the midst of his playing , brake ; when presently a Grassehopper leaped vpon his harpe , and supplyed the defect of his string , by which means the victory was adjudged to Eunomus . And indeed it is by diuers affirmed , that betweene Locris & Rhezo i● the inner of Al●x , on the banks of which , towards Locris , the Grassehoppers doe sing merrily , on the other they are quite mute . 4. CALABRIA SVPERIOR , or Magna Graecia , from diuers Colonies of Graecians , that there were planted . On the Northeast part of this Country is Golfo di Tarento , olim Sinus Tarentinus , on the Southeast , Golfo de Chilaci , olim Sinus Scillaticus . The chief townes are 1 Tarentum , a town built by the Lacedaemonians , about which grew the warres between Pyrrbus and the Romans : here the Philosopher Architas was borne , so famous for his flying Doue . 2 Crotona , the men whereof were so actiue , that at one Olympicke game , all seuen that ouercame were Cretonians : their glory much decayed in a battaile against the Locrians , where 120000 of thē were ouercome by 15000 of the enemy . 3 Polycostrum . 4 Amycle , a town peopled with Pythagoreans . These men hauing bin often terrified with a vain rumour of their enemies approach ; promulgated a law , forbidding all such reports : by which meanes their enemies comming vnawares vpon them , took the town . Hence grew the proverb , Amyclas silentium perdidit : and Lucilius commanded to be silent , made answer , Mihi necesse est loqui , scio enim Amyclas silentio peri●sse . 5 Sybaris , a city built by the Graecians , after the destruction of Troy , the people whereof were Lords of 25 cities , and could arme 30000 men . They were so effeminate and delicate , that they permitted no smith or copper-man to dwell in their town , lest the noyse of the workers should disturbe their rest . Fidlers and singers they had in request ; which occasion the Cretonians their aduersaries embracing , entred the town , apparelled like Musitians , and mastred it . Before this accident , there was a prophesie giuen , that the town should neuer be taken , till men were more esteemed then gods . It happened that a seruant being beaten by his master , and for the gods sake obtaining no mercy , fled to the monument of his masters Auncestors , & was pardoned . Amyris the Philosopher hearing this , forsooke the town ; most men holding him mad , in a time of no danger to leaue so delicious a seat ; hence grew the proverb , Amyris insaint , applyed to such as vnder shew of madnes , or folly , prouide for their own safety . 6 St Severine . 5. TERRA DI OTRANTO , possessed heretofore by the Salentini and Iapyges : the chief towns are 1 Brundusium , glorying in one of the best hauens in the World. 2 Hydruntum , now called Otranto , the taking of which town by Mahomet the Great , Anno 1481 , put all Italy in such a feare , that Rome was quite forsaken ; and not fully inhabited till the expulsion of the Turkes the yeare following . 3 Gallipolis . 6. PVGLIA , containing Apulia Daunia , & Apulia P●ucetia : the cities of which are Manfredonia the seat of an Arch-bishop . 2 Canna famous for the great victory of Hannibal against the Consuis , Paulus Aemylius , Terentius Varro , and the Romanes ; of whom were slain 42700. Had Hannibal pursued this victory , he had easily ouerthrown the Roman Common-wealth ; so that it was truly said vnto him , by Maharball Captain of his horsemen , Vincere scis Annibal , victoria uti nescis . Here stands Venusia , whence Horase borne in this town is called Venusinus : as also 2 Arpinum where Tully was borne ; here moreouer is the hill Gargalus , or mount St Angelo ) 120 miles round . It is as well by Art as Nature , very defensible , so that it is commonly the last place in Naples , which is abandoned , as we may see , in the Greekes and Sarazens , who kept this hill many yeares after the Normans were Lords of the rest of the Country . The greatest riches of this Prouince is the tribute of cattell , which also is one of the fairest revenues in Naples , as being worth ( in Guicciardines time ) 80000 duckats Of this tribute , because the French could haue no part , after the diuision made with Ferdinand , as being owners only of Lavoro and Abruzzo : they began to be discontented with the Spaniard ; insomuch , that breaking into open warre , the French seeking to increase their shar● , quite lost it . The people of these two last Prouinces are troubled with a Tarantula , curable only with musick . There is no nation vnder the Sua , which hath suffered so many mutations of slave , as the Neopolitans : The Region being first vnder diuers people , was subjected to the Roman Consuls ; In the diuision of the Empire betwixt Charles of the West , & Nicephorus of the East ; this Country was assigned to Nicephorus and his successours ; who were almost vtterly vanquished by the Sarazens , vnder the conduct of Sabba , and other successive generals ; These were partly dispossest by the Emperor Otho 1 , and his Almames ; and they again expelled by the Greekes and Sarazens , who for a long time held bitter warres one against the other . During these warres it hapned , that one Dra●got a Gentleman of of Normandie , hauing in the presence of Duke Robert ( Father to William the Conquerour ) slain one Repostell , a Gentleman of the like quality ; to auoid the fury of the Duke , and the traines of Repostels friends , fled into this Country , attended by such of his followers , as either best loued him , or had bin medlers in the fray . The Duke of Beneuent , Vicegerent to the Easterne Emperour , took him and his small retinue into pay . Their entertainment being bruited in Normandie ; and withall a report being raised , that the Greeke Vice-Roy willingly harkned after men of the like valour ; caused diuers priuat Gentlemen to passe the Alpes , and there venture their liues to mend their fortunes . The happy successe of these last aadventurers , drew thither also Tancred Lord of Hauteville in Normandy ; who with his 12 sonnes came into Apulia , Anno 1008. He and his successours not only droue thence the Sarazens , but also the Grecians , keeping possession to themselues with the title of the Dukes of Calabria , amongst whom , two were famous , viz : Robert Guiscard , third son to Tancred , the most famous captain of his time , and chief establisher of the Normane Kingdome in Italy ; and Boemound his eldest son ; who going with Godfrey of Bulloigne into the Holy Land , was for his merits installed King of Antioch . Roger , Nephew to this Boemound , was the first that intituled himself King of Naples and Sicily : a title which the Pope● neither could endure , nor remedy . The Kings of Naples of the Norman line . 1125 1 Roger 24 1149 2 William 21 1170 3 William II 26 1196 6 Tancred base son to King William the 2d , deposed by Pope Celestine the 3d ; who gaue Constance a Nun of the age of 50 yeares almost , & daughter to the last William , to 1298 5 Henry the 6 of Germany in marriage , & for her dowry , Naples . He reigned 4 yeares . The German line . 1202 6 Fredericke , son to Henry , crowned at the age of three yeares ; he had to wife the daughter of Iohn di Brenn● , the titulary king of Hierusalem : of which , the kings of Naples haue euer since intitled themselues Kings ; and in their rights 〈◊〉 the Spanish . 1250 7 Conrade , poisoned by his base brother Manfroy , hauing raigned 4 yeares . 1254 8 Manfroy , against whom Vrban the fourth , called in Charles of Aniou and Provence , brother to Lewis the 10 of France . He had one only daughter named Constance . The French line . 1261 9 Ch●rles Earle of Provence , and Aniou , ouercame Manfroy , and was inthronized in the Throne of N●ples ▪ 〈◊〉 time Peter of Arragon , claimed the Kingdome of Naple● , in right of Constance his wife , daughter to Man●roy . To saue the effusion of blood , Charles challeng'd Peter to fight hand to hand in Burdeaux , before King Edward the first of England ; but while Charles there expected Peter , he seized on Sicily , 1281. This Charles raigned 23 yeares . 1284 10 Charles II his son , formerly prisoner to Peter of Arragon in Sicily , was ransomed by the procuration of king Edward aboue-named , for 30000 markes . This King by Mary , daughter to Stephen King of Hungary , had 14 children ; the most pertinent are Charles King of Hungary by right of his Mother ; then Robert King of Napl●s , & Le●is of Durazzo . 26. 1310 11 Robert 32. 1342 12 Ioane , Neece to Robert , m●rried Andrew , s●cond son to Charles King of Hungary , whom she hanged ●t her window for insufficiency : her second husband wa● Lewis of Tarentum , who ouer-straining himself to 〈…〉 appetite , died : Then shee married Iames of Tarracon , ● gallant Gentleman , whom she beheaded for b●ing with another woman : and lastly Otho , D. of B●unswi●●● , who outliued her . This Queen was driuen one of her Kingdome by Lewis of Hungary and hanged at the same window where she hanged her first husband : she adopted Lewis D. of Aniou , hauing reigned 29 yeares . The Hungarian line . 1371 13 Charles son to Lewis of Durazzo , by the help of Lewis King of Hungary , and Pope Vrban VI , was made King of Naples . He ouerthrew and killed Lewis of A●●● ▪ and after the death of Lewis of Hungary , he was made King of that Kingdome also , wherein he liued not long , being poisoned by the old Queene . 15. 1386 14 Ladislaus . This King on some grudge forced an entry into Rome , and was tr●umphantly receiued ; for which the Pope called in Lewis 2d of Aniou , who gaue Ladislaus a great ouerthrow : insomuch that Ladislaus vsed to say , that if Lewis had followed his victory the first day , he had bin Lord of my Kingdome and Person : if the second day , of my Kingdome , but not of my Person : but the third day of n●ither . So at the end Lewis was compell'd to flye to Rome . 29 1415 15 Ioane , sister to Ladislaus , of the same lasciuious dishonesty of life , as the former Ioane : she first adopted Alfonso V King of Arragon ; & after vpon some vnkindnes , reuoked that adoption , and confirmed the state to Lewis D. of Aniou , & after his death to his brother Rene or Rainold , who was dispossessed by the Arragon●ys . 19 The Arragonian Line . 1434 16 Alfonso King of Arragon ; who left the Kingdome well settled , to his bastard Ferdinando . 24. 1458 17 Ferdinando , who took Otranto from the Turkes . 36. 1494 18 Alfonso II. 1494 19 Ferdinando expell'd by Charles the 8 of France , son to Lewis II of France , and heire to Rene , the last adopted son of Queen Ioane the second . 1494 20 Charles after the conquest , was crowned king of Naples , ( at what time the French pox beginning in Naples , was first known in Europe . ) But returning into France , and leauing the people much discontented , & the Realme meanly prouided for ; gaue opportunity to Ferdinand to recouer his Kingdome : and he not long injoying the fruits of his victory , left it to his Vncle Frederick . So that in 3 yeares space here were in Naples , no fewer the● 6 kings , viz : Fernando the first , Alphonso 2d , Fernando 2d , Charles of France , Fernando againe , and this Fredericke . 1497 21 Fredericke , who submitted himself to Lewis XII King of France , and yeelded vp his Kingdome to him . And indeed what els could the poore Prince doe , when he saw his own blood , and such as had taken his Realme into their protection , conspire against him . When Charles made his passage toward Naples , Ferdinand the Catholique sent Gonsalvo ( who was afterward for his valour surnamed the great Captain ) with some forces to resist the French victories . But when the French were expelled , Gonsalvo would not leaue the Country , because his master had not as yet sent for him . In the mean time it was agreed between Lewis of France , and this Ferdinand ; that they should jointly set vpon the kingdome of Naples , & hauing wonne it , the French should possesse Alruzz● and Lavoro ; the Spaniard , Puglia and both Calabrias ; that the first should be intituled king of Naples , the latter Duke of Apulia . This confederacie was kept secret till the French Forces were come to Rome , and Gonsalvo possessed ( vnder pretence of defending it ) all Calabria : So that no maruell was , if they made themselues masters of the Country . In this action the French king dealt very indiscre●tly , in bringing into Italy ( where he was before the sole Moderator ) an other king ; to whom , as to his Rival , his enemies might haue recourse● and the Spanish very vnnaturally , in betraying for the moietie of a kingdome , a Prince of his own blood , vnder pretence and promises of succours . These two Princes continued not long friendly neighbors ; for the Spaniards disagreeing with the French , within two or three yeares droue them out of all ; & haue to this day kept it ; though this Lewis his successors Francis , and Henry , haue divers times , and with great effusion of blood , attempted it . The Spanish line . 1503 22 Ferdinand the Catholique 13 1516 23 Charles the Emperour 43 1558 24 Phil●p the first of Nap : the 2d of Sp. 40 1598 25 Philip II of Nap. III of Sp. 22 1621 26 Philip now liuing . The Armes of this kingdome are Azure , Semi of Flower de Lyces , Or , a File of a Labels , Gules . The revenues of this kingdome are 2 Millions and a halfe of Crownes ; whereof 20000 are ●ue vnto the Popes for chiefe ●ents : and the rest is so imploy●d for maintaining G●rrisons & Navies , that the king of Spaine receiueth not a fourth part de claro . There are reckoned in this kingdome Archbishops 20 Princes 13 Marquesses 25 Bishops 127 Dukes 24 Earles 90 Barons ●00 . 2 The PAPACIE . THE LAND OF THE CHVRCH extendeth North and South from the Adriatique to the Tuscan Seas ; the Eastern bounds being Axofenus and Trontus , by which it is separated from Naples . On the Northwest it is bounded with the Riuers Po and F●ore , by which it is diuided from the Venetian ; and on the Southwest with Piss●o , by which it is parted from the Florentine . The men of this Country are questionlesse the best Souldiers of Italy , as retaining some sparke of their Auncestors valour . The soyle is as the rest of Italy . The Prouinces hereof are 1. ROMANDIOLA , extending from the Rubicon East , to the Venetians on the West ; from the Appenine South ; to Padus , and the Adriatique on the North. The chief Cities are 1 Bononiae , the chief Vniuersity of Italy , and a retiring place of the Popes . The ciuill Law is much studied here ; insomuch that frō hence proceeded the famous Civilians , Iohannes Andreas , Aza , Bartolus , and Socinus . I beleeue they haue built Castles in the aire , which ascribe the founding of this Vniversity to Theodosius the 2d. The charter of this Foundation dated Anno 423 , is an idle and foolish thing ; for there it is said , that at the institution , there were present Gualter Earle of Poicteirs Embassadour for the king of England , and Baldwin Earle of Flanders for the king of France ; when at that time neither those Earledomes or those kingdomes , were in re um natura . It is situat●on the riuer Aposa , & was by former writers called Folsina , now B●logne . Neere vnto this town was that meetin● between A●gustus , A●tonie , and Lepid●s , whe●ein they agreed on the Trv●virate : diuiding the Empi●e & city of Rome among them three . This combination was confirm'd by the insuing Pr●scription , wherein that they might be reveng'd on Cr●ero L●pulus proscribed his brother ; A●tonius his Vncle. 2 R●mano anciently called Arimmum , seated on the mouth of the ●●uer Rubicon . The suddain taking of this city by Caesar , so frighted Pompey and ●is faction , that th●y abandoned Rome , leauing it to the curtesie of Caesar , and with-drew into Epirus . The night before Caesar dre●med , that he carnally knew his mother ; whereby the Soothsayers gathered , that he should be Lord of Rome , which was the common mother of them all , and so indeed it hapned . 3 Cervia , on the Adriatique Sea , where there is made so much salt , that the Popes part amounteth to 60000 Crownes . 4 ●errara , whose Territories stretch in length 160 miles , in bredth 50 ; & contain the worthy Cities of Modena and Rhegium . The chief City Ferrara , so called from the Iron-mines about it , is seated on the bank of Po , which by reason of his bredth , depth , and swiftnes , is a sufficient rampier on that side ; and on the other it is fortified with a strong wall , and a spacious moat . In the midst of the Town is a faire Green , into which there doe open on all sides about 19 streets ; most of which are halfe a mile in length , and so euen , that the ends may easily be seene : the whole compasse is fiue miles . This town after the ruine of the Longobordan kingdome , belonged to the Germane Emperours , till the yeare 110● , in which the Countesse Mathilda or Maudo took it , together with Mantua and Par●ra , from the Emperour Henry the third ; and dying without issue , gaue her whole estate both by conquest and inheritance , vnto the Church of Rome . The Roman Bishops not long after , gaue this town to Azo of the house of Este , in whose line it continued vntill the yeare 1589 ; when the last Duke dying without lawfull issue , the Dukedome returned to the Church ; and added to the Popes Dominions , 250000 Duckats of yearely revenue . 5 Ravenna , once beautified with one of the fairest hauens in the world , was for that cause made the Road of one of the two Navies which Aug●stus kept alwaies manned , to command the whole Empire of Rome ; the other riding at Misenum in Campania . This of Ra●onna being in the vpper sea , awed and defended , Dalmatia , Gree●ce , Cr●te , Cyprus , Asia , &c. the ●ther of Misenum in the lower sea , protected and kept vnder , France , Spaine , Africke , Aegypt , Syria , &c. This city hath bin honoured also with the seat of the ●mperour Honorius , and his successours ; next of the Gothish kings ; then of the Exarchs ; and last of its Patriarchs ; chosen for this purpose , because of the plentifull territory now couered with water ; & the conveniencie of the Hauen at this day choked . When the Emperours kept at Constantinople , Italy was made a prey to all barbarous people ; to represse whose fury , the Emperour Iustinian sent a Vice-regent into Italy , whom he called his Exarch ; who leauing Rome , kept his residence at Ravenna , for its site nigh vnto Constantinople , the residence of the Emperours . Vnder this Exarch were comprehended these ten Cities , Ravenna , Bolognia , Regium , Modena , Parma , Placentia , Sarcina , Classe , Furli , Fo●limpoli . This was properly called the Exarchate of Ravenna ; as the count●ie which hauing no subordinate Magistrat , immedi●t●ly obeyed the Exarch of Ravenna . In other townes of importance , there were by the Exarchs , gouern●r● appointed , whō they honored with the title of Dukes . Rome it self , so far was it then from obeying the Popes had one of these ●●lled Dukes , sen● hither yearely from Ravenna : and his gouernment was the Roman Dukedome . This diuision of Italy into so many members , most of which were too big for the head to gouerne , was ●he cause that the Longobards with m●re f●cility , subdued the greater part of Italy ; into which , a little before the erection of this magistracie , they were entred . The Exarchs of Ravenna . 570 1 Longinus 21 591 2 Smaragdus 4 595 3 Rom. Pat●icius 596 4 Callinicus 13 609 5 Smaragaus 3 612 6 Ioh. Lamigius 4. 616 7 Eleuthe●ius 5 621 8 Isaa . Patricius 24 645 9 Theod. Call●opa 10 657 10 Olympius 3 657 11 Theod Calliopa 30 687 12 Ioh Platina 15 702 13 Theophilacius 25 727 14 Paulus 1 729 15 Eutychus 12 ▪ In the dayes of this Exarch , Ravenna was taken from the Empire by Astulphus , king of the Lombards : from whom it was regained by Charles the Great , and giuen to the Bishops of Rome , together with A●conitana , and ●poleto ; as a requitall for the kingdome of France , giuen to the King Pepi● his Father , by the consent and authority of the Popes . The donation of this Exarchate to the Popes , partly to blot out the memory of the Exarchs ; and partly to make the people obedient to the Prelates , changed the name of the count●y from Flaminia ( by which it was formerly known ) to Romandiola , and now to Romagna . 2. MARCHA ANCONITANA , formerly the dwelling of the Piceni , is bounded with Romagna , the Appennine , Naples , and the Adriatique . The chief towns are Ancona , seated on the hill Cimmerius , which shooteth into the Sea like a Prom●ntory ; this town glorieth in giuing name to the whole Prouince , and in her Hauen built by Traian the Emperour . 2 Ascoli the faire , of old called Asculum , conquer'd by the Romans , vnder the cōduct of Sempronius , Aº V. C. 685. Nigh vnto this city was fought the second battaile between C. Fabricius , & the Romans on the one side , & Pyrrhus with his Epyrots on the other : wherin the victory fell to the king , hauing slain 6000 of his enemies . Yet with such apparencie of valor & vertue in the Romans , that he could not but break into this exclamation , O quam facile esset orbē vincere , aut mihi Romanis militibus , aut merege Romanis . This town also was the seat of the warre called bell●●s sociale , raised by the people of Italy against the Romans ; Popedius being both author of the rebellion , & Captain . They sorely shaked the state of Rome ; but at last they were vanquished , & this town by Strabo Pompeius forced & spoiled . 3 Firmo the strong . 4 Macera●a the Gouernours place of Residence . 5 Adria w●ich gaue the denomination to the adjoyning Sea , and the Emperor Adrian . 6 Narma . 7 Humona ▪ which two last townes , together with Ancona , were giuen to Pope Zacharie by Luisprandus king of the Lombards , about the yeare 751 : the succeeding Popes , after the giuing of this inch , tooke the whole ●ll . 8 Recanati ( olim Aelia Recina . ) 9 Loretto famous for our Lady , and her miracles : of which in our description of Palestine , you shall meet with a proper Legend . 3. DVCATO SPOLETANO , of old called Vmbria , because being situate vnder the Appennines , it was Regio Vmbrosa . The chiefe citties are Spoleto , naming the whole Province . 2 Ovietto seated on so high a rocke , that it is a terrour to looke downe to the Vallies : here is a Church of a wonderous lightnesse , whose windowes are made with Alablaster in steed of glasse . 3 Perugia , formerly called Perusia . In this towne Augustus beseiged L. Antonius the brother , and Fulvia the wi●e of Antony the Triumvir ; who when they had in vaine attempted to seduce Rome from the faction of Augustus ; returned to this Citty which also at last yeelded to the more fortunate Emperour . This towne did a long time belong to the Baillons , who held it as Vicars of the Church . To these Baillons was the familie of the Oddies much opposite , insomuch that hauing got together a pretty army of male-contents ; they so suddenly one night entered the Citty , that the Baillons beganne to fly . The Oddies were now come to the Palace gates , into which nothing hindered them from entring but a chaine drawn crosse the gate . One of the Souldiers had a hatchet purposely to take away the barre , but wanting room to we●ld his arme , he cryed giue back , giue backe . These words heard , but not vnderstood by the hin-most , put them to their heeles ; and the formost thinking that they ●led not for nothing , runne away too : and so the citty was saued . 4 Asis , where St Francis was borne . In this Countrey is Lago di Perugia of thirtie miles circuit , which was anciently called Thrasymere ; where A●nibal●lew ●lew Flaminius and 15000 of his Romanes . This ●ight continued three houres with such eagernesse , that the Sould●ers felt not the grieuous earthquake happening at the same time . Here also is Lacus Vademonius , where Do●abella ouerthrew such of the G●uls , as had escaped the sword of Camillus : Ne quis exta●et in ea gento , qui accensam à se Roman● gloriar●tur ( saith Floru● ) The chiefe Rivers of the former Provinces are , 1 Tuderus . 2 Chiaggius . 3 Paglia . 4 Aposa . 5 Bidens . 6 Roneus . 7 Esima . 8 Potentia . 4. St PETERS PATRIMONY , containing all Latium ( or Campagna di Roma ) and part of Hetruria : was giuen vnto the Church by the braue Virago Mathilda , An o 1101 , Pascal II , sitting in the Chaire of Rome : it is bounded with Pisseo hard by Siena , the Appenine , Naples , and the Tyrrhenean Seas . Here are the Mountaines called Gallicanum , in which Annib●l that Father of warlike stratagems , frighted that politike & wary Captaine Fab. Maximus , with 2000 Oxen carrying fire on their hornes , and so passed ouer the mountaines . Here are the Riuers Tiber & Al●●a , nigh vnto which last , Br●nnus & his Gauls ( being drawne into Italy by the sweet tast of the Italian wines ) slaughtered the Romans . The Roman Army consisted of 40000 Souldiers , most of them being raw , and vnexperienced . The Gaules were not more in number but were naturally of a fierce & hardy courage , and withall so bigboned , that it seemeth they were borne to be the terrour of mankinde , and the ruine of Citties . Hauing wonne the day , the Barbarians march towards Rome , forsaken of its chiefest strength , the Capitoll onely being manned by Manlius : which also they had mastred , if the Geese had not beene more vigilant then the Watch. When they had failed of this enterprize , they beganne a treaty with the fathers of the Towne : agreeing with them for ●000 pound weight of Gold , to forsake the Citty . But before the deliuery of this mo●y , they were assaulted and vanquished by Camillus , who for this is called Romes second founder . The ouerthrow at Al●●a , and the vanquishment of the Fabij , hapned in one day , which was therefore by the old Romans put among the vnfortunate dayes ; they never on that day at empting any businesse of importance . The like custome , whether on superstition , or feare of ill lucke , is vsed by many Christians ; and especially on Childerm●s day : wherein Phi●i● de Commes telleth vs , that Lewis the 11th vsed not to debate any matter , but accounted it a signe of some great misfortune towards him , if any man comuned with him of his affaires : & would be marvelously displeased with those that were neere about him , if they troubled him in any matter whatsoeuer . The chiefe Citties are and were Alba , the seat of the Silvian Kings , ruined by Tullus Hostilius . In this warre was Rome as it were laid to stake against Alba , and the whole action committed by the Romans to the Hora●ij , & by the Albans to the Curiatij , three brethren of each side . In this treble duell , two of the Horatij were slaine , but the third counterfeiting flight , seuered hi● enimies , and seuerally slew them ; so making Alba and the Latines subiect to Rome . 2 Ostia built by Ancus Martius , at the m●uth of Tiber , whose Hauen hath beene long damped vp , to stop the passage of enimies ships to Rome . The Bishoppe of this towne vseth to consecrate the Popes . 3 Antrum , whether the Emperours did vse to retire for recreation . The Roman Cōsull Maenius hauing wonne this Citty , and broken their force at sea , brought with him to Rome the Beaks of their ships , with which he decked and beautified the pulpit for Orations , which haue generally since , beene called Rostra . 4 Tibur . 5 Preneste , taken by Quinctius Cincinnatus the Dictator . Nothing so much endamaged this Citty , as its naturall and artificiall fortifications ; for when the Romans in the times of sedition abandoned the towne , they made this place their refuge . Among others , Marius the younger made it the seat of his warre against Sylla ; but perceauing the vnprosperous succeding of his affaires , here kill●d himselfe : and Sylla entring as conquerour , put 12000 of the Cittizens to the sword . 6 Ardea taken by Superbus ; a town to which the miserable Romans fled when the Gaules had wonne Rome . 7 Gabij , taken also by Superbus , and his sonne Sextus : who counterfeiting a loathing of his fathers cruelty ▪ fled to Gabij , and was made Captaine of the towne , which he betrayed to the Romans . 8 Veij , a Citty of great wealth & compasse . It was many times assaulted by the Romans in generall : once by the Fabij as particular aduenturers , all which being 306 in number were slayne in one day . Veientibus aruis Tercentum Fabij ter cecidere duo . On the Veiean plaine Three hundred and six Fabij were slaine . There was by hap a little child of this familie left at home , who did againe restore the house , & was the Ancestor of Fab. Maximus , the preseruer of Italy against Annibal . This citty at last , after a tenne yeares siege was taken by Furius Camillus , and not long after leuelled with the earth , because the Roman people so delighted in the situation of the place , that they were resolued to haue forsooke Rome , and dwelt there . 9 Tivolis where there is a fountaine , which by artificiall workes driuen with water , representeth the notes of diuers birds . 10 Rome , once the Mistresse of the vniverse , famous for her triumphs and antiquities ; is seated on Tiber now well growne by the receit of 42 riuers , and is distant from the Sea fifteene miles . This citty built by Romulus , was in circuit about two miles , and contained 30000 inhabitants : which in the flourishing of that common-wealth , increased to 463000 , and the compasse of the Towne to fiftie miles , there being on the walls aboue 740 Turrets . When I said there were 463000 inhabitants , I mean not also seruants , women and children ; but men able to beare armes , free denizens , & such as were inrolled into cense . To these if we adde their children , wiues , and seruants , we cannot probably coniecture them to haue beene fewer then 3 or 4 millions : and so Lipsius in his tract de magnitudine Romana , is of opinion . The extent of the Roman Empire was answerable to the multitude of inhabitants , the revenue correspondent to the extent . It was in length about 2000 miles ; namely from the Irish Ocean West , to the riuer Euphrates on the East : in bredth it reached from the Danubius Northward , to mount Atlas on the South , about 2000 miles . And though the Romans had extended their Dominions sometimes farther East then North ; yet could they neuer quietly settle themselues in these conquests . Nature , it seemeth , had appointed them these bounds , not so much to limit their empire , as to defend it ; for the enimies found these riuers , by reason of the depth of the channell , and violent current of the streame as a couple of impregnable fortresses , purposely erected to hinder them from harasing the Roman Country . The revenewes Lipsius in the former tract esteemeth to be about 150 millions of Crownes ▪ and that they were no lesse , may bee made more then probable by these reasons . 1 It is affirmed by diuers , & among others by Boterus that the yearely revenewes of the king of China amount vnto 120 millions of Crownes ; & if this be true ( as few question it ) we cannot in proportion guesse the whole Empire of the Romans to yeeld lesse then 150 millions : especially considering what arts masters the Romans were in levying and raysing their taxes , and customary tributes . 2ly , The Legionary Souldiers which were dispersed ouer the Provinces , receaued in ordinary pay ( besides provision of corne , apparell , & officers wages ) fiue millions , and 516062l l and 10s s of our money ; which amounteth vnto 16 millions of Crownes , or thereabout . In the Citty it selfe there were kept in continuall pay , 7000 Souldiers of the watch , 4 or 6000 for the defence of the Citty , and 10000 for the guard of the Emperours persons . The two first had the same wages ; the last , the double wages of a Legionary Souldier . Adde hereto the expences of the pallace , and other meanes of disbursalls , & I thinke nothing of the sum can be abated . 3ly , we read that C. Caligula spent in one yeare two millions and 700000 of Sestertiums : how Nero most lavishly gaue away two millions and 100000 of Sestertiums : & how Vitollius in a few months was 900000 of Sestertiums in arrerages . All huge and infinite summes . 4ly , When Vespasian came to the Empire , the Exchequer was so impouerished , that he protested in open Senate , that hee wanted to settle the Common-wealth 40 millions of Sest●rtiums , which protestation , ( saith Sueton ) seemed probable , quia & male partis optime vsu● est . Now vnlesse the ordinary revenewes came to as much , or more then we haue spoken , by what meanes could this extraordinary summe be raised . 5ly , Wee may guesse at the generall revenew , by the monies issuing out of particular Provinces ; and it is certaine that Aegypt afforded to the Ptolomies 12000 Talents yearely , neither had the Romans lesse , they being more perfect in inhancing then abating their intradoe . France was by Caesar cessed at the yearely tribute of 20 millions of Crownes : And I thinke the rest of the Provinces were rated accordingly . 6ly , and lastly , the infinite summes of money giuen by the Emperours in way of largesse , are proofes sufficient for the greatnesse of the income . I will instance in Augustus only , & in him , omitting his donatiues at the v●ctory of A●luim , and the rest , I will specifie his Legacy at his dea●● . he bequeathed by his Testament to the common sort , and the rest of the people , 3l l 8● a man. To euery Souldier of the Praetorian bands 7 16● and 3d. And to euery Legionary Souldier of the Roman Cittizens , 46● 10l l ob . Which amounteth to a mighty masse of money : And let this suffice for the Roman revenew ; now we returne to Rome it selfe . In this Towne was the Capitoll saued from the fury of the Gaules , by the cackling of Geese . Tacitus calleth this house S●aem Iovis optimi maximi , auspicatò à maioril us pignus m●●●ri cond●tam It was twice burnt , once in the ciuill warres of Syl●a and Marius ; and againe in the warres of Vespasian and Vudlius . In the third building of it , Vespasian carried the first basket of earth ; after him the nobility did the like , to make the people more forward in the seruice ; and perhaps the custome of laying the first stone in a building , or driuing the first nayle in a timber-worke , by him whose edifice it is ; hath from hence , if not beginning , yet growth . Here was the Temple of Ianus , open in the time of warres , and shut in the time of peace ▪ which during all their Monarchie hapned but thrice : namely during the raigne of Augustus , after the Puni●ke warre ; & in the time of Numa Here was the br●dge called Pons Sub●icius on which Horatius Cocles resisted the whole army of king Porsena , Tarqum , and the Tuscans ; till the Cittizens behind had broken downe the bridge , receaued him swimming to the banke with ioyfull acclamations , and saued their Citty from 〈…〉 . Here liued the famous warriers ; here flourished 〈…〉 ma●iall discipl●ne , so men o●ized by ancient Histo 〈…〉 finally here were layd vp the spoyles & Tro 〈…〉 Rome , as now it standeth lower on the 〈…〉 Campus Martius , where it was built after the 〈…〉 the Gothes and Va●dals , is in compasse 11 miles , 〈…〉 is not a little wast ground . The inhabitants a 〈…〉 two parts whereof are Clergie men and Curt 〈…〉 being seldome vnder 40000 , of whom the Pop 〈…〉 yearely tribute of 30000 Duckats ; not ( saith Mr. Harding ) to tolerate them in their sinne , but to punish them for it . The most worthy places are the Church of St Peter , which were it once fini●hed , would bee the rarest building in the world : then the C●stle of S. Angelo , impregnable vnlesse by famine : next the Popes Palla●e called Belvidere : and lastly , the Library of the 〈◊〉 Vatican , properly called the Palatine . but more commonly th● Vatican Library ; from which double name , to note vnto y●u so much by the way ; the Liber Palatin : and Liber Vatican : cited so often by Criti●ks , in their Variae lectiones , are one & the s●me . This Library was founded by Sixtus the 4th , who not only stored it with the choicest books he could picke out of Europ● , but also ●ed also a large revenew for the perpetuall augmentation of it . When the Duke of Burbon sacked Rome , An o 1527 this Library was much defaced and ransacked ; but by the succeeding Popes , it ha●h beene againe recouered to its former 〈◊〉 and beauty . Rome is now an Vniversitie , which was founded by Vrban the 4th , at whose request Th. Aqu●nas prof●ssed here . Pope Ni●hola● the 5th was a speciall ben●factour to the s●me ; and after him 〈◊〉 the 10th , who reviued the Greekes learning & language , which were in these parts almost forgotten . The description of the whore of Babylon sitting on the beast with 7 heads can be vnderstood of ●o place but this , being built ●17 ●●lls , ●●●●ly , 1 Palatinus . 2 Capitolinus 3 Viminalis . 4 A 〈◊〉 . 5 Esquili●u● 6 Ci●●us . 7 Qu●rinalis . Gouerned by 7 Kings , viz : 1 Romulus . ● Numa 3 A●cu Martius . 4 Tullus 〈…〉 Servius Tullus . 7 Tarquin Sup●●● And 〈…〉 Rulers . 1 Kings . 2 Consuls . 3 Decemv●ri . 4 Tribu●es . 5 〈◊〉 rs . 6 Emperours . 7 Popes . This 〈…〉 , was neuer taken but by the Gaules : but 〈◊〉 it c●me Po 〈◊〉 , it 〈◊〉 beene made a prey to a●l ba●b●●ous nations ; and never was besieged by any that tooke 〈◊〉 . The Pope 〈…〉 of the foundation of their Church , & auth 〈…〉 , who ● being there is very disputable ; 〈…〉 , An Petrus fuerit Romae sub Iudice lis est , Simonem Romae nemo fuisse negat . That Peter was at Rome is questioned euer , That Simon was at Rome was doubted neuer . The maine argument the aduersaries haue out of the Scriptures is taken out of the first of Peter , the fift Chap. and 13 ver . where the Apostle saith , The Chu●ch that is at Babylon saluteth you , By this word Babylon they say , is meant Rome ; & the Rhemists in the annotations on their translation of the Testament , much blame the ingenuity of our men , in affirming Babylon to signify Rome in the Apocalips , but not here . Since they so honestly and freely grant the one , I see not any inconuenience that would follow if we granted the other . And so let Peter bee at Rome , and Rome be Babylon , the Popes the whores therof . That Peter was the Prince of the Apostles , or that his suffering there could cōferre on the Roman Bishops any supremacy ouer the Church : would ( I suppose ) be hardly proued , if wee granted that Peter had bin there , as most histories testifie . But that Rome by their own confession , should be Babylon , maketh much for our side ; notwithstanding their idle distinction of th● Church in Babylon , and the whore of Babylon ; which they say , is the heathen Emperours of Rome , then liuing . But this interpretation cannot stand : for St Iohn spoke by way of prophesie , what in future times should be , not in way of declaration what already was : and againe , Antichrist must be in the Church , not out of it . F●● St Paul telleth vs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that he as God , shall sit in the Temple of God , 2 Thess. 2.4 . But whosoeuer was the first Bishop , certain it is , they were subiect to much persecution , and little worldly joy , till the time of Silvester the 31 B●shop , who hauing converted Constantine , left case to his successours : On which Constantine , is fathered a donation of Rome , and her territories to the Romane Church , which certainly is forged . But Phocas hauing kill'd the Emperour Mauretius his wif● and children , Anno 604 : to assure himselfe of Italy , ready to revolt from so barbarous a tyrant , made Boniface the third , vniuersall Bishop , and head of the Church . Before this time , the Bishops of Constantinople , and Ravenna , did often dispute with the Bishops of Rome for superiority ; the seat of Religion commonly following the seat of the Empire . And the Bishops of Constantinople prevailed so farre , that with the permission of Mauritius the Emperour , hee tooke vpon him the title of Vniuersall Patriarch . Gregory the great ( of whom it is said that he was the worst Bishop of all that went before him , and the best of all that came after him ) was at that time Bishop of Rome . He sharply inveighed as well against the Emperour , as the Patriarch of Constantinople for this title ; and plainely maintained that whosoeuer called himselfe Vniuersall Bishop , was the forerunner of Antichrist . As for himselfe , it is probable that he tooke the title of servus servorum Dei , more in opposition to him of Constantinople , then with an intent to be so . To this our aduersaries answere , that Gregory did not absolutely condemne this title ; but only blamed Iohn the Constantinopolitan Patriarch , for assuming to himselfe the attribute which properly belonged to the See of Rome . But this cannot be ; for then we should either in the old Bulls of the former Popes , find mētion of this title : or selfe Greg. would haue assum'd it to himselfe that the world might take notice whereto of right it was due . This Boniface whom that cruell and butcherly tyrant Phocas made head of the Church , was the 64 Bishop , and first Pope of Rome , the Latine word Papa , comming from the old Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth a Father . The Bishops of Rome vnder persecution . 70 1 Linus 12. 82 2 Anacletus 12. 94 3 Clemens 9. 103 4 Euaristus 8. 111 5 Alexander 10. 121 6 Sixtus 8. 129 7 Telesphorus 11. 140 8 Higinus 4. 144 9 Pius 15. 159 10 Anicetus 11. 170 11 Soter 8. 178 12 Eleutherius 13. 191 13 Victor 12. 203 14 Zepherinus 18. 221 15 Calistus 4. 226 16 Vrbanus 8. 233 17 Pontianus 6. 239 18 Antherus 1. 240 19 Fabianus 12. 252 20 Cornelius 2. 254 21 Lucius mens 8. 255 22 Stephanus 2. 257 23 Sixtus II. 11. 268 24 Dionysius 9. 277 25 Felix . 5 26 Eutychanus . 283 27 Caius 15. 298 28 Marcellinus 9. 307 29 Ma●cellus 1. 308 30 Miltiades 6. The Bishops of Rome after the end of persecutions . 314 31 Sylvester 20 ▪ 334 32 Marcus. II 335 33 Iulius 16. 352 34 Lib●rius 17. 369 35 Damasus 18. 387 36 V●sinus seu S●ricius 14. 401 37 Anastasius 3. 404 38 Innocentius 15. 420 39 Zosimus 1. 422 40 Beni●acius 3. 426 41 C●l●st●nus 9. 436 42 Sixtus III. 8. 444 43 Leo 21. 465 44 Hilarius 6. 471 45 Simplicius 15. 486 46 Felix II , 9. 495 47 Gelasius 4. 500 48 Anastasius 2. 502 49 Symmachus 15 516 50 Ho●misda 9. 525 51 Ioannes . 527 52 Felix III. 4 531 53 Bonifacius II. ● . 533 54 Ioannes II. 2. 535 55 Agapetus 1. 536 56 Iaberius II. 537 57 Vigilius 18. 555 58 ●●lagi●● 9. 564 59 Ioannes III. 13. 577 60 Benedi●●us 4. 581 61 Pelagius II. ●● . 591 62 Gr●goriu● mag . 14 605 63 Sabinianus 1 The l●st Romane Bishop without the title of Pope . The Popes of Rome . 607 1 Bonifacius III. 1. 608 2 Bonifacius IV. ● . 615 3 Deus dedit 3. 618 4 Bonifacius V. 5. 623 5 Honorius 13. 636 6 Severinus 2. 638 7 〈◊〉 IV 2. 640 8 Theodorus 5. 646 9 Martin 6. 654 10 Eugenius 2. 657 11 Vitali●nus 15. 672 12 Adeodatus 5. 677 13 Donnus 5. 682 14 Agatho ● . 686 15 Leo II mens . ●● . 687 16 Benedictus 11. 17 Iohn V. 18 Conon . 688 19 Sergius 1● . 701 20 Iohn VI. ● . 704 21 Iohn VII . ● . 22 Zosimus . 707 23 Constanti●us 7. 714 24 Steph●●us II. ●●●s Gregor●us II. 17. 731 25 Gregorius III. 10. 742 26 Zacharias 10. 7●2 27 Stephanus II. 5. 757 28 Paulus I. 10. 767 29 C●●st●●●●us 1. 7●8 30 Stephanus III 4. 772 31 H●dria●●s I. 23. 7●6 32 Leo III. 20. 816 ●3 Stephanus IV. 817 34 Paschalis ● . 8●4 35 Fuge●ius II. 3. 36 Valentinus . 827 37 ●r●gorius IV. 16. 8●3 38 Sergius II 3. 84● 39 Leo IV. 8. 854 40 Ioannes VIII . Angius foemina , 2. 856 41 ●e●eaictus III. 3. 857 42 Nicolaus 10. 867 43 Hadrianus 5. 873 44 Ioannes VIII . 10. 883 45 Mariinus II. 8●5 46 H●d●ianus III 886 47 Stephanus V. 6 892 48 ●ormosus 6. 898 49 Bonifacuis VI. 50 Stephanus VI. 51 Romanus . 52 The●dorus . 9●0 53 Ioannes IX . 2. 902 54 Benedictus IV. 3. 905 55 Leo V. 906 56 Ch●istophorus 1. 907 57 Sergius III 7. 914 58 Anastasius III. 2. 916 59 Lando . 917 60 Ioannes X. 13. 930 61 Ioannes XI . 62 Leo VI. 931 63 Stephanus VII . 2. 933 64 Ioannes XII . 5 938 65 Leo VII 3. 941 66 Stephanus VIII . 3. 944 67 Martinus III. 3. 947 68 Agapetus 7. 9●4 69 Ioannes XIII . 8 70 Benedictus VI. 71 Leo VIII . 965 72 Ioan●es XIII . 8. 73 Benedi●●us VII 74 Donnus II. 75 Boni●acius VII . 976 76 Benedictus VIII . 8 984 77 Ioannes XIIII 78 Ioannes XV. 985 79 Ioannes XVI . 10. 80 Gregorius V. 81 Ioannes XVII 82 Silvester II. 998 83 Gilb. Necromant . 4 84 Iohn XVIII . 1002 85 Iohn XIX . 4. 1007 86 Sergius IV. 3. 1010 87 Benedict VIII . 11 1022 8● Iohn XX. 11. 1033 89 Benedict IX . 13 1045 90 Silvester III 91 Bened●ct X. 92 Gregory VI. 93 Clemens II. 94 Damasus II. 1049 95 Leo IX . 6. 1054 96 Victor II. 2. 1057 97 Stephan IX . 1058 98 Benedict . X. 1059 99 Nicholas II. 3. 1074 100 Gregor . VII . 12. 1062 101 Alexander , II. 102 Victor III. 1088 103 Vrbanus II 12 1100 104 Paschalis II. 18. 1118 105 Gelasius II. 1119 106 Callistus II. 6. 1125 107 Honorius II. 5 1130 108 Innocent . II. 13. 109 Celestinus II 110 Lucius II. 1145 111 Eugenius III. 8. 1153 112 Anastasius IV. 1155 113 Hadrian . IV. 4. 1160 114 Alexan. III. 22. 1182 115 Lucius III. 4 1186 116 Vrbanus III. 2 1188 117 Clemens III. 3 1191 118 Celestinus III. 6 1199 119 Innocent III. 17 1216 120 Honor. III. 10. 1227 121 Gregor . IX . 14 1241 122 Celestinus IV 1243 123 Innocent IV. 11 1256 124 Alexand. IV. 6. 1262 125 Vrbanus IV. 3. 1266 126 Clemens IV. 3 1272 127 Gregorius X 4 1276 128 Innocent . 5. 129 Hadrianus V. 130 Ioannes XXI 1278 131 Nicolaus III. 3. 1282 132 Martinus IV. 4 1286 133 Honorius IV 1288 134 Nicolaus IV. 4. 1294 135 Celestinus V. 1295 136 Bonif. VIII . 8 1304 137 Benedict . XI . 1306 138 Clemens V. 8. 1317 139 Ioan. XXII . 18. 1335 140 Benedict . XII . 7 1342 141 Clemens 6.12 . 1354 142 Innocent . VI. 10 1364 143 Vrbanus V. 8 , 1372 144 Gregor . XI . 7. 1380 145 Vrbanus VI. 11 1391 146 Bonifao . IX . 14. 1405 147 Innocent . VII , 2 1407 148 Gregor . XII . 2. 149 Alexander . V. 1411 150 Ioan. XXIII . 5 , 1419 151 Martinus V. 13 1431 152 Eugenius IV. 16 1447 153 Nicola●s V. 8. 1455 154 Callistus III. 3. 1459 155 Pius II. ●lim Aeneas Sylviu● 6. 1465 156 Paulus II. 7. 1472 157 Sixtus IV. 12. 1485 158 Innocen . VIII . ● 1493 159 Alexan. VI. 10 1503 160 Pius III. 1504 161 Iulius II. 10. 1513 162 Leo X. antea Ioannes Medices . 9. 1522 163 Adrianus VI. 2 1524 164 Clemens VII . 10 1535 165 Paulus III. 15 1550 166 Iulius III. 5. 1555 167 Ma●cillus II Corvinus . 1556 168 Paulus IV 1560 169 Pius IV 6. 1567 170 Pius V. 6. 1572 171 Greg. XIII . 13. 1585 172 Sixtus V. 5 1590 173 Vibanus VII decem dies . 174 Gregorius XIV . 9 mens . 10 dies . 1591 175 Innocentius IX . mens . 1 , dies . 22. 1592 176 Clem. VIII . 13. 1605 177 Leo XI . 1605 178 Paul. V. 16. 1621 179 Gregory XV. 2 ▪ 1623 180 Vrban III. now liuing . To These 180 Popes , adde the 63 Bishops ; & they make the full number of 243. It were a taske too great for Hercules , to shew all the acts and pious decrees of all these ghostly fathers : We will therfore only make mention of some principall passages , for the better vnderstanding of their history and policies . 1. Paschalis the first , caused the Priests of some Parishes in Rome , by reason of their neerenesse to his person , their presence at his election , and to honour their authority with a more venerable title , to be called Cardinals . They are now mates for Kings , and numbred about 70. 2. Eugenius the second took on him the authority of creating Earles , Dukes , and knights ; as the Exarchs of Ravenna had formerly vsed to doe . 3. Sergius the second was the first that changed his name ; for thinking his own name Bocca di Porco , or Swines-mouth , not consonant to his dignity ; he caused himself to be called Sergius : which president his successours following , doe also vary their names . So that if one be a coward , he is called Leo ; if a Tyrant , Clemens ; if an Atheist , Pius or Innocons ; if a Rustick , Vrbanus ; and so of the rest . 4. Nicholas the second , took from the Roman Clergie , the election of the Popes , allotting it to the Con●laue ol Cardinals . 5. Nicholas the third , was the first Pope that practised to enrich his kindred , and his successours haue studied nothing more then to aduance their Nephewes , ( for by that name the Popes vse to call their bastards : ) whence came that worthy saying of Alexander the third ; The lawes forbid vs to get children , and the Diuell hath giuen vs Nephewes in their steed . 6. Iohn the eight , is by most writers confessed to be a woman , and is vsually called Pope Ioane . To auoid the like disgrace , the Porphyrie chaire was ordained ; Vbi ab ultimo Diacono , &c. so that both in a literall and mysticall sense , this woman may be called , The whore of Babylon . 7. Innocent the third held a councell in Rome ; in which it was enacted , that the Pope should haue the correction of all Christian Princes , and that no Emperour should be acknowledged , till he had sworne obedience to him : He invented Transul stantiation ; and ordeined that there should be a Pix to couer the Bread , and a Bell to be rung before it . He also brought Aur●cular Confession into the Church . 8. Sixtus the fourth builded in Rome , Stewes of both sexes , he brought in Beades ; and made our Ladies Psalter . 9. Sergius the third instituted the bearing about of Candles , for the purification of the blessed Virgin Mary . 10. Nicholas the first prohibited the Clergie marriage , saying ; that it was more honest to haue to doe with many women priuatly , than openly to take one wife . Insomuch that a Priest of Placentia being accused to haue wife & children , was depriued of his Benefice ; but proouing the said woman to be the wife of another man , and but his Concubine , he was again restored . 11. Celestine 2d was the inventor of that mad cursing , by Bell , Booke , and Candle . 12. Bonifac● the eight , by a generall Bull , exempted the Clergie from all taxes and subsidies to temporall Princes . Wherevpon our Edward the first , put the Clerg●e out of the protection of him and his Lawes . By which course , the Popes Bull left roaring in England . He was the author of the Decretals . 13. Pope Clement the sixt liued in an vnhaypy time ; for in his Papacie the Emperour gaue freely all Lands belonging to the Church , to such as former●y had vsurped them , and that they should hold them by authority Imperiall . Thus the Malatesti became Lords of Rimino , the Ordelaffi of Furli ; the Varani of Camerine , the Bentivoles of Bologne , the Manfre●i of Fuenza , &c. Which estates were neuer recouered to the Church , till the dayes of Alexander the sixt , and Iulio the second . 14. Sergius the fourth , was the first that on Christmasse night , with diuers ceremonies , consecrated swords , roses , or the like ; which afterward are sent as a token of loue and honour to such Princes as best them like . Leo 10th sent a consecrated rose to Fredericke Duke of Saxonie , desiring him to banish Luther . The like did Clement 7th to our Henry 8th , for writing against Luther . So Paul the third sent an hallowed sword to Iames the fift of Scotland , when he began the warre with our Henry 8th . The like did Iulius the second to our Henry 7th , in his warres against his Rebels . 15. Boniface the eight , instituted the Roman Iubile , and decreed that it should be solemnized euery hundred yeare ; but by Clement the sixt , it was brought to fifty . 16. Alexander the sixt , setting aside all modesty , was the first that vnmasked his Nephewes , acknowledging them to be his sonnes . He recouered to the Papacy , Imola , Furlie , and many other townes , by the valour of his son Caesar Borgia , a true chip of the old block ; whom notwithstanding all his villanies , Machiauell proposeth in his Tract de Principe , as the only example for a Prince to imitate . 17. Clement the fift , taught ( as indeed it is true ) that one drop of our Sauiours blood had bin enough to haue saued all mankind ; but ( this he added ) , seeing that all that precious blood was spilt , the ouer-plus was giuen as a treasure to the Church ; to be disposed according to the discretion of S. Peter , and his successours . Hereunto they joyned the merits of the Virgin Mary , & all the Saints ; so that this treasure can neuer be drawn dry : and hereon he founded the vertue of Pardons and Indulgences . 18. Leo the tenth , was indeed a great fauourer of learning , but so little sauoured he of Religion , that he was often heard to say , Quantas nobis divitias comparavit ista fabula Christi : a speech so blasphemous , that Porphyrie , or Iulian the Apostata's could neuer match it . In his time began the Reformation according to the Word of God taught by Luther . These matters are most pertinent : but to rip vp the life of euery particular , would rather grieue then delight me , and get amazement in the hearer , not beliefe . I will therefore end with the Painter , who being blamed by a Cardinal , for colouring the visages of Peter and Paul too red , tartly replied ; that he painted them so , as blushing at the liues of those men , who stiled themselues their successours . We before touched at Constantines donation , avouching it to be forged ; and well might we so doe , considering how fearefull the Popes are , in hauing their title disputed , insomuch that many leaues are razed out of Guicciardine by the Inquisition , where this donation was called in question . In the place , the hist●●rian not only denieth the fained donation of Constantine , but affirmes that diuers learned men reported Silvester and him to haue liued in diuers ages . Then he sheweth how obscure and base the authority of the Popes was , during the time that the barbarous Nations made havock of Italy : 2ly , that in the institution of the Exarchate , the Popes had nothing to doe with the temporall sword ; but liued as subiects to the Emperours , 3ly , that they were not very much obeyed in matters spirituall , by reason of the corruption of their manners . 4ly , that the ouerthrow of the Exarchate , the Emperours now neglecting Italy , the Romans began to be gouerned by the aduice and power of the Popes . 5ly , that Pepin of France , and his son Charles ; hauing ouerthrowne the kingdome of the Lombards , gaue vnto the Popes , the Exarchate , Vrbine , Ancona , Spoleto ; and many other townes and territories about Rome . 6ly , that the Popes in all their Bulls or Charters , expressed the date in these formall words ; Such a one our Lord the Emperor raigning . 7 l● , that long after the translation of the Empire from France to Germany , the Popes began to make open protestation , that the Pontificall dignity was rather to giue Lawes to the Emperours , then receiue any from them . 8ly , that being thus raised to an earthly power , they forgot the saluation of soules , sanctity of life , and the commandements of God , propagation of Religion , & charity towards men . To raise armes , to make warre against Christians , to invent new deuices for getting of money , to prophane sacred things for their own ends , and to enrich their kindred & children ; was their only studie . And this is the substance of Guicciardine in that place , an author aboue all exception ; he was a man whom the Popes imployed in many businesses of rare importance , so that no hate to them , but loue to the truth made him write thus much . As for the city of Rome , so vnlikely is it to haue bin giuen by Constantine , that neither Pepin , nor Charles his son could be induced to part with it . Lewis surnamed Pius is said to be the first donour thereof , and a copie of this donation is found in the third booke of Volaterran , subscribed by the Emperour , his three sonnes , ten Bishops , eight Abbots , fifteene Earles , and the Popes Library-keeper . Yet Lampadius in his Comment on Sleidan affirmeth , that it was by many learned and judicions men maintained , that all this was foisted into the text by Anastasius the Popes Library-keeper , who is cited as a witnes of the donatiō . Let vs hear what the recorder of Florence saith in this case . Rome ( saith he ) was alwaies subiect to the Lords of Italy , till Theodorick king of the Gothes remooued his seat to Rauenna , for hereby the Romans were enforced to submit themselues to the Bishops , Aº 460 or there about . And againe talking of the estate of the Popedome in the yeare 931. The Popes ( saith he ) had in Rome more or lesse authority according to the fauour they found with the Emperours , or others then most mighty . But the leauing of Italy by the German Emperours , seated the Pope in a more absolute soueraignty ouer the Citty . Hauing thus a little glanced at the meanes by which the present demaines of the Church of Rome , were first gotten and increased : Let vs consider by what policies this Papall Monarchy hath beene vpheld in respect and magnificence . They may be diuided into three heads . 1 Those by which they haue insinuated and screwed themselues into the affections and affaires of the most potent Princes . 2 Those by which already they haue and by which hereafter they will be a●le to secure their own estate . And 3d , those by which they keepe the people both in blindnesse , and due obedience . 1. Concerning the first : First , the donation of seuerall kingdomes to them that haue no right or title , but from the Pope , and in force of his donation ; cannot but oblige them to him , without whom they could lay no title to what they possesse . 2ly Next the readines of their Ministers to kill such as resist thē , cannot but deterre Princes from injuring them , and constraine them to seek their friendship : especially since by a w●it of Excommunication they can arme the subiects against the Soueraigne ; and without levying a Souldier , either vtterly destroy him , or bring him to good conformity . 3ly Then followes their allowance of marriages prohibited by God & Nature , the issue of which , cannot but vphold the Popes infinite authority ; without whom , their birth is vnnaturall , and their persons not capable of the estates which by his allowance they hold ; wherein they strengthen themselues more , by vnlawfull matches of others , then euer Prince could by lawfull marriage of his owne . 4ly They commeth in their dispensing with the Oathes of Princes , by which such Princes both preserue their credit , in not being perjur'd , as they think , since allowed by the Church : and also get somewhat for which they cannot be vnthankfull to the Papacie . 5ly Then succeedeth in order the choosing of the yonger sons of potent families into their Cardinalships : by which meanes , the whole linage are ready to support him , as the chief staffe of their brother or Cosens preferment . 6ly As by these courses hee holds in with all Princes of his religion in generall ; so hath he fastned o● the King of Spaine in particular , by making him and his successours the executioners of his excommunications . By this office Ferdinando the Catholique surprized Navarre ; and Philip the 2d had no small hopes to haue done the like on England and France . 2. Concerning the second : so it is , that first their state hath the firmest foundation of any ; as being laid in the conscience of men , by perswading them of their infallible power : and the Ecclesiasticall and temporall jurisdiction ouer Heauen , Hell , Earth and their Purgatory . 2ly Next commeth the innumerable preferments for men of all sorts and humors , ( as hauing well high in their disposing , all the Benefices and Bishopricks of Italy , halfe in Spaine , diuers in France and Germany : ) which keep the Clergie in a perpetuall bond of allegeance ; especially inioying diverse priuiledges which they of the Temporalty are not capable of . 3ly Then consider the multitude of Friers , all whose hopes depend on his safety : they are known to be more then a Million , of which halfe at least would grow fit to be imployed in any warlike seruice ; all which they doe maintaine at other mens cost , themselues not disbursing a penny . 4ly Their Revenues they increase by their Pardons and Indulgences ; amongst others I read of a Pardon giuen by Pope Boniface 8th , of whom it is said , he entred like a Fox , liu'd like a Lyon , and died like a dog ▪ it was a Pardon for 82000 yeares to all them , which would say such a prayer of St Augustine , and that for euery day ●●ties quoties . 5ly The next help of their Coffers is their dealing with Peniten●s , whom in the agony of their soules they perswade , that no help will be easily had , vnlesse by a donation of part of their estates to the Church . 6ly The last string to this Bow , is the invention of spirituall fraternities , which are appurtenances or annexaties to the orders of Friers ; and may in number perhaps equall them . Into these the lay-people of all sorts , men and women , married and single , desire to be inrolled ; as hereby injoying the spirituall prerogatiues of Indulgences and speedy dispatch out of Purgatory . 3. Concerning the thi●d ; 1 , they deterre the people from reading the Scripture ; alledging vnto them the perils they may incurre by misinterpretatiō : 2ly they breed an antipathy between the Papists and the Protestants ; insomuch that a Papist may not say Amen vnto a Protestants Deo gratias . 3ly they debarre them all sound of the religion , in prohibiting the bookes of the reformed Writers ; & hiding their own treatises , in which the tenent of the Protestants is recited only to be cōfuted : insomuch that in all Italy you shal seldome meet with Bellarmines works , or any of the like nature to be sold. 4ly They haue vnder pain of excommunication , prohibited the Italians from trauell & traffick with hereticall countries ▪ or such places where those contagious sounds and sights ( as they tearme them ) might make thē returne infected . 5ly The seuerity , or tyranny rather , of the Inquisi●ion , of which we haue elswhere spoken , crusheth not only the beginnings , but the smallest suspitions of being this way addicted . And 6ly the people thus restrained from trauell , are taught to belieue , that the Protestants are blasphemers of God and all his Saints : that in England Churches are turned to stables , the people is growne barbarous , and eat young children : that Geneva is a professed sanctuary of roguerie , and the like . We haue yet two later examples of their dealing in this kind : 1 the grosse slander of the Apostasie ( or as they call it , the revnion ) vnto their Church , of the right reverend Father in God , D ● King , late Lord Bishop of London ; a Prelate of too known a faith and zeale , to giue occasion for such a calumnie . The second is a book by them lately published , and comm●nly sold in Italy , and France ; containing a relation of Gods Iudgments , shown on a sort of Protestant-Hereticks , by the fall of an house in Blacke-Friers in London , in which they were assembled to heare a Geneva Lecture ; by which dealing , the simple people are made to belieue that to be a judgment on vs , which the authors of that pamphlet well know , to be a calamity ( I will ●ot say a judgment ) that be fell their owne . Had these Pontificall Prelates bin chosen young , or of the same family , so that the successour had not through envie , or a new humour , crossed the designes of his predecessour : it cannot be but that this Monarchie had bin greater and better established , then the old Romane in her greatest glory . But this course is distastefull to the ambition of the C●rdinals , who by the deaths ( naturall or violent it matters not ) of the Pope , aspi●e by all meanes , both of loue and money , to that dignity . Now the elections of the Popes are made in this place and manner : for I suppose it will not be impertinent to speak a little hereof . In the Popes Palace in the hill Vatican , are among other buildings , 5 halls , 2 chappels , and a gallerie 70 foot long . The gallery is appointed for conference ; the one chappell for the masse , & for the election ; the other with the Halls are for the Cardinals lodgings . Euery Hall hath two rowes of chambers , which are purposely for the time made of green or violet cloath . To each Cardinall is allowed foure seruants to lye in his chamber . They that are once within , are compelled , vnlesse they be sicke , still to continue there : and such as are once out , are no more permitted to goe in ; lest by that meanes the Cardinals should maintain intelligence with any forraine Princes . To this Conclaue ( for by this name the place of the election is called ) is but one doore , to which belongeth foure locks , and as many keyes . One key is in the keeping of the Cardinals ; one of the City-Bishops ; one of the Roman nobility ; and one of the Master of the ceremonies . There is in this doore a litle wicket or hatch , which is opened only at dinners and suppers ; and whereof the Master of the ceremonies keepeth the key . At this hole the Cardinals seruants receiue their Meate ; euery dish being first diligently searched , lest any letters should be conveyed in them . As for the Lodgings , they haue neither holes nor windowes to giue light , so that there they make day of wax-candles : And lest the Pope should be made by force , both the City and Conclaue are strongly guarded . When the Cardinals are going to election , the priuiledges of the Cardinals are recited ; which euery one sweareth to obserue , in case he be chosen Pope . Then the Master of the ceremonies ringing a Bell , calleth them all to Masse ; which ended , there is brought to euery Cardinall , a chaire , and therein a scroll of all the Cardinals names . Before the altar is set a table , couered with a purple cloath , whereupon is set a chalice , a siluer bell ; and about it six stooles , on which sit two Bishops , two Priests , and two Deacons . Euery Cardinall writeth is voyc● in a peece o● paper , goeth to the Altar , prayeth God to guide him in the election , putteth his voyce into the chalice , and departeth to his seat . The first Bishop taketh out all the papers , and deliuereth them to the first Deacon , who vnfolding each of them , readeth ( without mentioning the name of the Electour ) the name of the elected : and euery Cardinall in his particular scroll , noteth how many voices euery one hath . The accompt being made , the first Priest hauing the like scroll , p●onounceth who hath most voyces : which done , the Priest ringeth the siluer bell , at which call , the Master of the ceremonies bringeth in a panne of coales , and burneth all the litle papers wherein the names of the elected were written . He that hath the most voyces , so that his voyces exceed the proportion of two parts of three , is acknowledged Pope , and adored by the rest of the Cardinals ; but if they exceed not that number , they must begin all anew . If in the space of 30 dayes the election be not fully ended ▪ then must the Cardinals be kept from fire , light & victuals , till they are fully agreed The ●●●ket which we before mentioned , is called the gold 〈◊〉 , at which stand an infinite number of people ; on 〈…〉 Pope , hauing opened th●t gate , bestoweth ●i , ●a●he●ly 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 all their sinne ▪ Then strike●h he cont●nua●ly on the maine door● with a golden m●llet ; which wh●lest he is doing , workem●n without bre●ke it open The ch●ppes , 〈◊〉 , dust , & d●rt which falleth from the gate while it is opening , are gathered and preserued as choisest Reliques● and the golden mallet is vsually g●uen to that Cardinall , who is most in grace with the new Pope . This is the plaine and surple manner of choosing the Spiritual Head of Christendome , ( for I should wrong him if I should omit this title : ) but there is now adai●● much corruption and preposterousnesse vsed , as buying of voyce● , setting vp some for st●les , and tearing of scrutinies , euery Cardinall desiring to haue a Pope of his owne , and his Princes faction . It is written of an old Sicilian Cardinal , who after long absence , came to the election of a ●ope ; where expecting th●t incessant prayers , is in time of old should haue pointed out ( by Diuine inspiration ) Christs Vicar ; and finding nought but c●nvasing , promising , and threatning for voyces , Ad hu●● modum ( saith he ) fiunt Romani Pon●i●ices ? and so retired to his home , and neuer saw Rome againe . The ordinary temporall revenewes of the Papac●e are b●tter then two Millions of Cr●wnes ; the extraordinary and sph●●●all is wonderfull . ●ius Quintus , who ruled sixe yeare● on●y ▪ get from the Spanish Clergie 14 m●llions . Sixt●● the 5th 〈◊〉 t●e Iesuite●●t ●t one clap 20000 crownes of yearely rev●nue because they were too rich f●r men that vowed p●uerty ; and ●a●ing sate but fiue yeares , had offered vp 5 mi●lion● ▪ foure of which hi● successour ●regory t●e 14 spent in 〈◊〉 then a yeare . Out of France they reape no lesse then a million of Crownes yearely . Out of England , when it was the Pope . 〈◊〉 ●●●haustus , they extracted no lesse th●n 60000 m●●kes , which of our present money is ●●0000 po●nds , being at that time more then the Kings certain revenue : and this was in the time of Henry the 3d , before their rapine was come to the height . Let other Countries be rated accordingly . Next adde the moneyes receiued from the particular pardons , for dispensings with vnlawful marriages ; the profits arising from pilgrimage● ; from great mens death and funerals ; from the Indulgences granted vnto Abbeyes and Convents , in all which the Popes haue a share ; & it would pussle a right good Arithmetician to state his int●ado ▪ Here t●ke the saying of Sixtus the 4 , that a Pope could neuer want money while he held a pen in his hand . Yet is their treasury seldome full ; for 1 the state they keepe , because of their height of honour aboue all Princes ; 2 ●● the large allowance they g●u● vnto their Lega●es , Nuncio's , and other Ministers ; & 3● th●●r greedy desire to enrich their sonnes or kinsmen with the Churches Lands or money ( with which humour only Pope Sixtus the 5 was neuer touched ) keepe their coffers exceeding low . The Papall Vestiments are of great value , especially the Triple Crow●e ; for when Clement the 5 transferred his seat to Av●gnion , we read how with a fa●l from his horse , he l●st a Carbuncle ( with which his Crown was thick set ) worth 6000 Duckats at the least . Hauing in former places mentioned such order of Knighthood , as these Countries gaue beginning to : I will now set down the orders of the Popish spirituall Knights , or Friers , which his holy Benediction hath erected , and fat allowance doth maintaine ; and for the better proceeding , we will beginne with the originall of a monasticall life ; and then wee will make speciall mention of the Romish Votaries . The beginning and increase of a Monasticall life . Vnder the persecution of Decius , one Paulus borne at Thebes in Ae●ypt ▪ retired to a priuat caue vnder the foot of a rocke , Anno 260. Here he liued one hundred yeares , and was s●ene of no man , but one Anthony , who was present at his death . This Anthony was the first that followed the example of Paulus : he was of a noble house ▪ and sold all h●s estate ▪ that he might mo●e priuatly enioy himself : he is called the Fath●r of the Monkes : he liued 105 yeares , and died Anno 345. After this foundation , the Monasticall building increased so fast , that it seemed necessary to prescribe them orders : Hereupō St. Basil gathered them together , liuing formerly dispersed , and was the first that built Monasteries ; he is said to haue ordained the three vowes , 1 of Pouerty , 2 of obedience to their rules ; and 3 of perpetuall chastity : he instructed them in good Arts , and true Religion , and the seruice of God , with Watchings , Prayers , and Hymnes . The next that prescribed orders was St Austin , borne Anno he being thirty yeares old , obtained a garden without the walls of Hippo , where he begun this order , assuming onely twelue into his company . The first Monastery of them was erected by William Duke of Guyen at Paris ; and Anno 1200 , they began to flourish in Italy by the fauour of Iohn Duke of Mantua . The third was Benedict , borne at Nursia in Vmbria , Anno 482 , he gathered the Monkes of Italy together , and gaue them a rule in writing ; he liued till he had seen twelue Monasteries filled with his Disciples : Their habit was a loose gown of black , reaching down to their feet : their vnder garment was white woollen , their legges booted , their Crownes shaued ; their heads hooded . Of this order haue bin 52 Popes , 200 Cardinals , 1600 Archbishops , 4000 Bishops , and 50000 Saints , which haue bin approued by the Church . The fourth was St Francis , borne at Asis , he fell from M●rchandise to Religion , going barefoot , and behauing himself very penitently ; hereupon great store of disciples following him , he gaue them a rule wherein they are bound to professe pouerty and beggery ; he caused them to be called Minors , to shew their humility ; but now they are called Franciscans . This order was confirmed 1212. Now concerning these orders of Friers , certaine it is , that at their first institution they were a people much reueren●ed for their holy life , as men that for Christs sake abandoned all the pompes and vanities of the world . And questionlesse they then were a people altogether mortified ; and who by their very aspects would gaine vpon the affection of the hardest hearts ; insomuch that not only meane men , but great personages also did desire to be buried in a Friers weed : as Francis the 2d , Marquesse of Mantua ; Albertus Pius an other Prince of Italy ; & in later times the great Scholler Christopher Longolius . But as Florus saith of the ciuill warres between Pompey and Caesar , Causa huius bell ▪ eadem quae omnium , nimia felicitas : so may I say of these cloystred Friers , the greatnes of their wealth , which many on a superstitious deuotion bequeathed to their houses , brought them first into a neglect of their former religiou● and demure carriage : 2ly into a rechlesnesse of their credit and actions : and lastly by consequence into contempt : so that there was not a people vnder heauen that was more infamous in themselues , or more grossely abused by others . Hence the vulgar saying of the people , When a Frier receiveth the razor , the diuell entreth into him : and Friers weare crosses on th●ir brests , because th●y haue none in their hearts , with the like . Nay Sr Thomas Moore , who in the Popes cause lost his head , sticketh not to call them in his Vtopia , Errones maximi ; and that they were to bee comprehended vnder the statutes , made against vagabonds and sturdy beggers . Now to shew both the passions of respect and contempt of these Friers : There goeth a tale how the Lady Moore , S ● Thomas his wife , finding a Friers girdle , shewed it with great joy to her husband , saying ; behold Sir Thomas , a step toward Heauen : to which , he with a disdainfull laugh made answere , that he feared that step would not bring her a step higher . As for this retirednesse and solitarinesse of life , so it is , that many Kings , chiefly of our Kingdome , and especially vnder the Saxon H●ptarchie , haue left their thrones to enioy it . And Barelay , whose excellent endowments , shall neuer with me defend him from the staine of Apostasie , vnder the person of Anaroestus , hath 〈…〉 his Argenis , defended this kind of a Prince his withdrawing himself from the world . Yet against examples only , to oppose authority and practise ; the Philosophers haue defined a man to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a creature meerely made for mutuall converse : the Poets say , that Nascitur indignè per quem non nascitur alter : and the Iewes which liue aboundantly in Rome and Italy , euen abhorre this vnsociable life ; preferring a ciuill life farre before a solitary ; as being to nature more agreeable ; to man more profitable ; and by consequence , to God more acceptable . So hauing spoken thus much of Friers in generall , I descend now to particulars . The particular orders of Friers . 1. Monkes of Saint Hierome , begun by a worthy Father of the Church , so called . Their roabe is a white Cassock , vnder a Tawny Cloake ; there are many of them in Spaine ; their chiefe house is Saint Bartholomew of Lupiena ; they follow the rule of Saint Austin . 4. Of Comald , begun in Italy , 1012 , by Romoald of Ravenna . Their first Monastery was built nigh vnto Arezzo in the Dutchy of Florence , by one Comald , hence the name : they continue in their old strictnesse ; their Roabe is white ; they follow the rule of Saint Benedict . 3. Of Val d'Ombre , begun by Iohn Gualbert a Florentine , 1040 , who betaking himselfe to the study of Religion , retired to a place in the Appennine called Val Ombreux : his followers weare a smoakie habite , and follow the rule of Saint Bennet . 4. The Carthusians , begunne by Bruno a German Doctour of Diuinity , and sixe others , at the town Carthusia : his followers haue at this day 93 Monasteries . They eat no flesh ; liue by couples ; neuer meet but on Sundayes ; labour with their hands , Watch , Pray , &c. their Roabe is white , with a short Cape . 5. Of Cisteaux , instituted by Robert , Abbot of Molesme , who with 21 of his religiousest Monks , retired to Cisteaux in Purgundie ; where Bernard a great Lord , became of their Order : who built and repaired 160 Abbies . Their Roabe is a white Cassock , girt with a girdle of wooll ; the rest black : they eat no flesh ; and follow Saint Bennet . 6. Carmelites , so called from Mount Carmel in Syria , were insti●uted by Almene Bishop of Antioch , Anno 1122. They follow Saint Basil , and were reformed by Eresba , a Spanish woman , she made them certain constitutions , confirmed by Pope Pius 4th , Anno 1565. 7. Dominicke , Preaching , or Black-Friers , instituted by Saint Dominicke a Spaniard ; he put himselfe in orders with 16 of his disciples 1206 ▪ then sent he his associats to preach the Gospel euen to the farthest parts of the world , which both they did , & thei● successours since haue done , in India and America . This order was confirmed by Pope Innocent . 8. Celestines , instituted by one Peter a Samnite , borne 1215 He alwayes wore a chaine of iron next his flesh , & ouer that a shirt of haire . Pope Gregory the eleuenth confirmed this rule : they follow Saint Bennet , and took name from the said Peter , who for his sanctity was chosen Pope , and called Cel●stine 5th . 9. The Minimes ordained 1450 , by one Francis a N●apolitan : he prosest austerity from his youth vp , his followers keep alwayes a true Lenten fast , vnlesse in case of sicknesse : their roabe is dark Tawny , a hood of the same , hanging to their girdles . 10. Capouchins , so called of their Cowle or Capouch , ordeined by Mathew Basci of Ancona . Frier Lewis his companion obtained of the Pope , the habit and rule of S. Francis , 1526 : in the space of 42 yeares , they increased to 2240 associats , had 222 Monasteries , and were diuided into fifteen Prouinces . 11. Begging Friers follow the rule of Saint Austin , they liue idlely vp and down , and are fed by the peoples almes , thinking that herein they doe imitate our blessed Sauiour , and his Apostles ▪ they are bound to carry no money about them , nor more victuals then will serue the present , but they may haue a boy to doe both for them , without any scruple . 12. Crossed Friers , vulgarly called Crouched Friers , were ordeined by Cyriacus a Hierosolymitan Bishop , who shewed vnto Helena the place where the Crosse was hid : hence this order : which being almost decayed , Pope Innocent the third repaired . Their roabe was of watchet colour , and in their hands they carried the figure of the Crosse. 13. Iesuites , founded by Ignatius Loyola , borne in Navarre , who being in his youth addicted to the warres , was lamed in one of his legges , after which maime he betooke himselfe to the study of Religion , he framed his order consisting often : Pope Paul the third did confirme it 1540 , confining the number within sixty , which he after inla●ged ad rifinitum . They are now the greatest Politicians , soundest schollers , and chiefest vpholders of the Romish See ; so that the onely way to re-establish the Romish Religion in any land , is to plant a Colledge of Iesuits in it . To the three vowes of pouerty , obedience , and chastity , common to all other orders , Ignatius at the institution of this , added the vow of Mission ; whereby his followers are bound to obey their Generall , or the Pope , without demaunding any reason , in all dangerous & hazardous attempts whatsoeuer ; whether it be in vndertaking some tedious voyage for the propagation of the Romish Religion ; or the massacring of any Prince , whose life is an hinderance to their proceedings . It is reported , that a Iesuite being in the midst of his Masse , which they call the sacrifice of the altar , was sent for by Ignatius , to whom , leauing off his Masse , he went immediatly : Ignatius hauing no businesse wherein to employ him , told him , that he only sent for him to try his obedience ; and withal prophanely added , that Obedience was better taen sacrifice : and this is called , the blind obedience of the Iesuites . To leaue them then as they are , the greatest disturbers of the quiet of Europe ; I haue heard a worthy Gentleman , now with God , say ; that till the Ie●uites were taken from the Church of Rome , and the pee●ish Puritan Preachers out of the Churches of Great Brittaine , hee thought there would neuer be any peace in Christendome . 14. Anaehorets or Anchorets , so called , because they vse to liue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , retired from company . They are kept in a close place , where they must dig their graues with their nailes ; badly clad , and worse dieted : not to be pittied , because their restraint of liberty is voluntary ; yet to be sorrowed for , in that after such an earthly Purgatory , they shall find insteed of an Euge bone serve , a Quis haec quae●ivit de manibus vestris ? I should much wrong the Friers , if I should depriue them of the company of their Nunnes : and therefore somewhat must be said of them also . They are called in Latin Moniales , from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because of their solitary life : & amongst vs , Ni●ines , from the Egyptian word Nonna : ( for Egypt in former times , was not meanly pestered with them ) which signifieth also lonelinesse ; a word in some of the barbarous Latines very frequent . Scholastica the sister of Saint Benedict , was the first that collected them into companies , and prescribed them orders . They are shaued as Monkes are , and vow perpetual virginity , which how well they performe , let Clemanges be judge ; who telleth vs , that puellam velare idem est ac publicè cam ad scort●ndum exponere : And one Robinson , which for a time liued in the English Nunnery at Lisbon , writeth ; that hee by chance found a hole in the wall of a Nunnery Garden , couered with plaister , in which were many bones of young children , whom their vnnaturall dammes had murdered , and throwne in there . Of these Nunnes I will instance only in two orders , viz : that of Saint Clare as being the strictest , and that of Saint Brigit , as inioying most liberty . St Clara was a Knights daughter of Asis , where Saint Francis was borne , with whom she was contemporarie ; and with whose austere life she was so affected , that she forsooke her fathers house , and followed him . Hauing learned her lirrie of that Frier-monger , she composed an order of Religious Virgins , and had it confirmed by Pope Honorius 3d , Anno 1225. Her followers professe pouerty , goe barefoot , feed meanly , and are indeed too much straightned . Saint Brigit was Queene of Swethland , & comming to Rome on devotion , obtained of Pope Vrban the 5th , that Friers and Nunnes might in some places liue together , Anno 1372. For she being a widow and a woman , knew best without question , what was good for both sexes ; but little needed this cohabitation , for they had formerly bin conioyned in carnall affections , though parted by walls ; neither were the Visitations so ●ruitlesse , but that the Nunnes did ●ructifie by them . These Friers & Nunnes , though they liue vnder the same roofe , are prohibited to come one vnto the other : the Foundresse so ordering it , that the Nunnes should lye vppermost , and the Fr●ers vndermost ; though herein her pleasure be sometimes inverted . The Confessour also is denied accesse into their chambers ; but shriueth them through an iron grate , by which his lodging is parted from my Lady Abbesses . And here lieth the mysterie of iniquity . Robinson , whom I aboue named , telleth vs , that at the time of his seruice in the English Nannery at Lisbone , he was shewed a trick , by which this vncharitable Grate , that seemed to keep the Friers from the company of their sweet votaries ; might be , and was vpon such occasion , vsually remooued ; and free accesse opened into one anothers beds . This he writeth of them , and for my part I dare beleeue it of all the rest of this order . And now I returne to my Friers , who besides the maintenance which by their Founders is allotted vnto them ; are kept in continuall possibility of attaining greater honours , if they continue dutifull to that See. For 1 there is not one of them , which hopeth not to be the Prior of his Covent ; 2 Provinciall of his order , in that Country where he liueth ; 3 the Generall of his order ; 4 the Generals are most likely to be Cardinals ; 5 your Cardinals are in the ●ighest possibility to be Popes ; So firme & sweet a companion of man is hope , that it being the last thing which leaueth him , maketh all toyles supportable , all difficulties conquerable . The Papacie containeth Archibishops 3. Bishops 54. THE COMMON-WEALTH OF VENICE . THE COMMON-WEALTH OF VENICE containeth La Marca Trevigiana , Friuli , Histria , part of Dalmatia ; the Islands Candie , Corfu , Cephalene Ithaca , Zant , Leucadia , Cythera , and others of lesse note . The length of the Venetian Territories , is aboue 1000 miles ; but the bredth is not answerable to the length . The Venetians heretofore were worthy souldiers by sea and land , maintaining warres with the Greeke●mperours ●mperours , their neighbours , in Italy , and the Turkes in the Holy land . They are now more desirous to keep , then inlarge their Dominions ; and that by money and presents , rather then by true valour , and the dint of the sword : which course succeedeth so prosperously with them , that it is obserued by Machiavel , that whatsoeuer they loose by the battle , they recouer by treatie . They were ( as it is recorded ) a people of the Lesser Asia , called Heneti , and in that ten yeares siege of Troy , gaue what aid they could to their distressed confederates . But Troy being taken , and their King Pterilimene slain , they chose rather to vndergee a voluntary exile , then the insolent behauiour of a new Conquerour . Vpon this resolution they follow Antenor , and sayling as the wind and seas fauoured , arriued with prosperous gale into Italy ; whose happines herein , another wandring Troian envied in this manner : Antenor potuit , medijs illapsus Achivi● , Illyricos penetrare sinus , atque intima tutu● Regna Liburnorum . Antenor rushing through the warlike Greekes , Safely arriued through the Illyrian creekes , Within Liburnia . In this part of Italy they first seated themselues , and there continued till the report of the Huns designe against Italy , draue many to avoid the storme before it fell : and so comming into the Marishes and Islands , where Venice now standeth ; fortified themselues as well as hast could permit them , and there began a a little Common wealth vnder Tribunes . But multitude of gouernours being for the most part accompanied with confusion , they chose them a Duke , Anno 709. Vnder these Dukes , they haue gotten that great Dominion , which they now inioy . The Dukes authority is but small , as being in all things subiect to the Senate , and three officers called the Capi ; without whose consent he may not goe out of the town , & by whom he is prescribed an order in his apparell : So that he may be counted litle better then an honourable slaue . His revenue is as little as his authority , he being allowed out of the common treasurie , but 40000 Duckats in a yeare . The people of this City are either Gentlemen , or Artificers and Commons . The first are the progenie of those who first beganne to settle here ; the latter such whom after-occasions induced to make here their dwelling . The Gentlemen they haue in such respect , that to make a man a Gentleman of the city , is the greatest honour they can bestow vpon the best deseruer . Henry the 3d of France taking this city in his way out of Poland , thought himself graced with this attribute : which they are very dainty and sparing of ; it being the glory which they vouchsafe to impart to such Commanders of their own , and Ammbass●dours of other Princes , as haue well deserued it To compare it to a thing ordinary amongst vs , it is like the custome in our Vniuersities , of creating him a Master of Arts , who either is a wel-doer , or a Messenger of some speciall businesse , or glad tidings vnto vs. Now , a● Otho in Tacitus said to the Praetorian souldiers , Princeps è Senatu oritur , Sena●us è vobis : so out of these Gentlemen are chosen the Senat●rs , out of them the Duke . His election is in this manner . In the vacancie of the place , all the Gentry aboue 30 yeares of age are assembled . So many as meet , cast their names into a Pot , and in another are just so many bals , of which , 30 only are guilt . Thē a child draweth for each , till the 30 guilt ones be drawne ; for which 30 the child draweth againe the second time out of an other Pot , that hath only 9 guilt balls . The nine so drawne , nominate forty ; out of which forty are 12 again selected by the same kinde of lot . These twelue denominate 25 ; out of which 25 , are n●ne again by lot set a-part . These nine nominate 45. who are by lot again reduced vnto eleuen . These eleuen choose forty one of the best and chiefest of the Senators . These forty one , alter an o●th seuerally , to chuse whom they judge worthiest ; write in a scrol euery one whom he best liketh . The scrolls are mingled together , and then drawne : the fitnesse of the persons thus drawne , is discussed : and he that hath most voyces aboue 25 , is the man whom they pronounce to be elected ; and adjudge with due solemnities to be created their Duke . By the like kind of lottene doe they choose Gentlemen into the Senate-house , and make publike officers . Insomuch that many suppose the Venetian Repub●ique , to be a very modell of Platoes old plat-●orme . This city was begun the 25 day of March about noone , A● 421 : It is built vpon 72 Islands , distant from the maine Land fiue miles , defended against the fury of the Sea , by a banke , extending 60 miles in length ; through which in s●uen places there is passage broken for boats , but no way for vessels of bigge● burden , sauing at Malamuc●o , and the castles of Lio , strongly fortified , so that it is impossible to be taken , but by an enemy , whose army can stretch 150 m●les in compasse . The Citty is in compasse eight miles , and hath for conveniency of passage 4000 Bridges , and very neere 12000 boats . The buildings are faire , and adorned with glasse windowes , an ornament not common in Italy . Here are supposed to bee 200 houses , fit to lodge any king whomsoeuer ; most of which doe stand on the Grand Canale . They haue an Arsenall , in which are kept 200 Gallies , nigh to which are houses stored with Mast● , Sayles , and other tacklings : so that they can speedily set out a Navie . In their Magazin of warre , they haue armour sufficient for 100000 Souldiers ; amongst which are 1000 coats of plate garnished with gold , and couered with veluet , so that they are fit for any Prince in Christendome . From so base & abiect a beginning , is this Citty growne to be the chiefe Bulwarke of Europe . Shee is also accounted Lady of the Adriatique Sea , to which she is euery Ascension day espowsed , by casting a Ring into it . This priuiledge was granted by Pope Alexander the third , who persecuted by Frederick Barbarossa , fled to Venice , S●bastian C●ani then being Duke ; who for his sake ●ncountered Otho the Emperours sonne , vanquished him , restored the Pope , and for a reward was honoured with this espowsall . The Patron of the Citty is St Marke , whose body they report to haue bin brought from Alexandria , & is here buried in the fairest Church of the Citty , called St Markes , which is said to bee the goodliest and richest Church in the world . For it is built throughout with Mosaique worke , of which works they vaunt them●elues to be the authors . Now Mosaique or Marqueterie ( Musaea Musaica or Musica the Latines call it ) is a most curious worke wrought of stones of diuers colours and divers mettles , into the shape of knots , flowres , & other devices , with that excellency of cunning ; that they seeme all to be one stone , and rather the worke of nature then art . As for the ●urniture of this Church , ●t ●arre exceedeth the building , for sumptuousnesse and beauty . The chiefe policy whereby this Common-wealth hath so long subsisted in an Aristocracie , is 1 , the exempting their cittizens from the warres , and hi●ing others in their places : by whose death the Common-wealth sustaineth the lesse losse . 2ly The entertaining of some forraine Prince for their Generall , whom after the warres ended they presently discard ; by which course they avoid faction and seruitude , which were like to happen , if they should imploy in that seruice any of their own people ; who by his vertue and courage might perchance make himselfe their Prince . The Lawes also of this Citty , permit not the younger sonnes of the Nobility or Gentrie to marry ; least the number increasing , should diminish the dignity ; howsoeuer they permit them vnlawfull pleasures , and for their sakes allow publike Stewes . Europe is the head of the world , Italy the face of Europe , and Venice the eye of Italy : it is the fairest , strongest , & most actiue part of that powerfull body : so that it seemeth , that in the subversion of the last Monarchie , the Romane Genius made a Pythagoricall transmigration into Venice ; whose peace hath procured the plenty , and whose warres the peace of all Christendome . It is animated with all the vertues of old Rome , but if I coniecture aright , knit with a more constant temper ; so that the present Rome , is but the carkasse of the old , of which she retaineth nothing but her ruines ; and the cause of them , her sins . Thus much of the Citty ; the chiefe Provinces are , 1. MARCA TREVIGIANA is bounded on the South , with the riuer Po , on the West with the Dutchie of Millaine , on the East with Friuli & the Gulfe of Venice , & on the North with Tirolis . The chiefe citty is Treuiso , whence the countrey is named . It hath beene taken by the Venetians , and lost againe diuers times ; but was finally conquered An o 1390 , or thereabout , Antonio Vermero being Duke of Venice . 2 Padua , formerly called Patauium , was built by Antenor , whose Tombe is still here to be shewne . The Vniversity was established An o 1220 , famous for Physitians , who haue here a garden of Simples , and for the birth of Livie , Zabarell , and Maginus . It was much renowned in former times for the humanity of the men , and chastity in the women : which was so eminent and famous , that As chaft as one of Padua , grew into a prouerbe . Hereunto alludeth Martial , speaking of his owne lasciuious writings : Tu quoque nequitias nostri lususque libelli , Vda puella leges , sis Patauina licet . Young maids my wanton li●es will long to see , And read them or'e , though Patauines they be . This Cit●y after much vicissitude of fortune , fell to the power of the Venetians , with all her territories , being in compasse 180 miles , Anno 1406 , Michael Steno being then Duke . 3 Vicenza wonne about the same time with Padua . 4 Brescia , the second Citty for bignesse and beauty in all Lombardy : it is also the seat of an Archbishop , who is an Earle , a Marquesse , and a Duke . Her territories are in length 100 , in breadth 50 miles , which the Cittizens together with their freedome bought of Otho the Germane Emperour : and lost to the Venetians , Francis Foscara being Duke Aº 1434 5 Verona , quasi Vere vna , or Brenona , because as some will it was built by Brennus ; is seated on the Athesis , and is the first citty of the second ranke of Cities in Italy . It boasteth of an Amphitheatre , able to containe 80000 people ; and the birth of Catullus : the Territories are 65 miles in length , and 40 in breadth ; within which is the mountaine Baldus where Physitians vse to gather medicinall hearbs . 7 Briscello , or Brixellum famous for the death of Otho the Roman Emperour , who here slew himselfe . For hauing receaued newes that his Armie was by Valens and Cacina , Captains to Vitellius , vnfortunatly vanquished ; chose rather to make a way himselfe , then that his Countrey should for his sake be forced againe to renew the warre . When he was dead and laid vpon the funerall pile , many of the Souldiers slew themselues ; not vpon feare of punishment , nor as being guilty of any crime : but for the great loue they bare to him , and to follow his honorable example . So we may truely say of this Otho , as he said of himselfe , Alij diutiùs imperium tenuerunt , nemo tam fo●titer reliquit . 8 Bergomo , the people whereof speake the worst language of any in Italy . 9 Este , whence came the familie D'Este , late Dukes of Ferrara , 10 Crema , a strong sort against the Milla●oys . In this town was borne Iohn Cremensis , whom Aº 1125 Pope Honorius the 2d sent Legate into England , to disswade our Clergie from marriage . A Convocation was called presently after his arrivall ; in which the Legate hauing made an accurate speech in praise of single life , and how fit it was that Ministers should liue separat from the cares of the world ; was the night following taken in adulterie . The principall riuers are Athesis . 2 Addua . 3 Ollius . And Brenta , famous for her adioyning Pallaces . 2. FRIVLI , formerly called Forum Iulij , is environed with Histria , the Alpes , Trevigiana , and the Adriatique ; the length of it is 50 miles , and the breadth as much . The chiefe citties are 1 Aquilegia , once 12 miles in circuit : it is seated on Natisco , was razed by Attila and his Hunnes , and is now ill inhabited by reason of the neighbourhood of Venice . This towne endured that famous siege against Maximinus for the weale of the Commonwealth of Rome , and her Emperours Maximus and Balbinus . In whose cause the Cittizens persisted so resolutely faithfull , that they bereaued the women ( willing for the common good to loose so invaluable an ornament ) of their haire , to make bow-strings . Neither did this pious and hearty constancie to the State want its wished effect ; for they beheld the Tyrant headlesse vnder their walls , and saw the Metropolis of the world preserued by their loyaltie . After the death of the olde Tyrant , the Souldiers and people lay hands also vpon his children , and put them to the sword : Of which cruelty being asked the reason , they replied , that ! pessimi canis ne catulus esset relinqu●n●us . 2 Tergestum or Tr●ist , close to the Sea. 3 Gorritia . 4 Palma , a towne built by the Venetians 1583 , and is best fortified of any in Italy . 5 Cividad d' Austria built by Iulius Caesar , and called Iulium ; whence the Province was named Forum Iulij : it hauing before beene called Iapidia , of Iapis an Aetolian , that planted here . The chiefe Riuers are 1 Risanus . 2 Lizonsus . 3 Natisco . At the beginning of the Venetian Common-wealth , Friuli was one of the 4 Dukedomes founded by the Lombards ( the other three being Turino , Spoleti , Benevento ) Luitprandus one of the Dukes envying the Venetians increase of dominion , did make warre against them , which ended in the losse of his countrey ; euer since subiect to the Venetians . 3 Histria , is enuironed with the Sea , Friuli , and Carniola . The compasse of it is 200 miles , the ayre so vnwholsome , that the Venetians were compell'd to hire people to dwell there . The chiefe Townes are 1 Cape d' Istria , or Iustinopolis , by Pliny called Aegide . Of this towne Vergerius was Bishop ; a man whō many Popes imployed in Germanie against Luther . In which negotiation he behaued himselfe so fully to the content of those that imployed him , that Paul the 3d intended Anno 1541 , to haue made him Cardinall , had not some who envied him this honour , accused him of Lutheranisme . Hee to purge himselfe beganne to write a booke entituled Against the Apostata's of Germany : in the pursuit whereof pondering Luthers reasons , he became of his opinion ; which once knowne , he was driuen from Iustinople . He submitted himselfe and his cause to the Fathers at Trent but could not get a hearing . Thence hee went to the D. of Mantua , from him to the State of Venice ; but no where finding protection , he retired into Rhetia , and there preached the Gospell , till Christopher Duke of Wirtenberg , Aº 1548 placed him in his Vniver●●tie of Tubing , and there allowed him a sufficiency of maintenance . It was built by Iustinus sonne to Iustinian the Emperour , as a fortresse against the incursions of the barbarous people . 2 Pola built by the Colchians at their first comming hither ; the name in their language importing as much as banishment . It abutteth on Sinu● Fanaticus , or Golf● Queuero . 3 Parenzo . 4 Portulae . 5 Rubinum . and 6 ●●on●ona . The principall Riuers are Phormio ( now called Risanus ) parting Histria frō Friuli . 2 Quietus formerly Naupactus . 3 Arsia . It is recorded that the Histrians were a people of Colchis , who being sent by K●ng Aetas to pursue Iason and the Argonauts , were driuen 〈◊〉 this Gulfe : where either for feare of the Kings anger , or not d●r●ng to venture their weake vessell , to so long a voyage ; they staid in this Countrey . Thus liu'd in freedo●e till t●e growth of the Roman Empire ; after whose decay , they regained their liberty till by Pryracie molesting the Venetians , they lost many of their Townes to Duke Peitro Candiano Anno 938 : and the whole countrey was made tributary by the valour of Duke Henry Gondolo , about the yeare 1200. The other parts of this Empire , being no part of Italy , shall be handled in due place . The chiefe orders of Knighthood in this Republike are , 1 Of S● Marke , began in the yeare 1330 , & renued Aº 1562. The Knights are to bee of the noble sort : the word , Pax tibi Marce. 2 Of the Glorious Virgin , instituted by Bartholmew of Vicenza 1232. Their charge is to defend widdowes , and Orphans ; & to procure the peace of Italy . It was approued by Pope Viban the 4th Anno 1262. The Armes are a purple Crosse , betweene certaine Starres ; a white roabe ouer a ruslet cloake . The reuenewes of this Common-wealth are 4 Millions of Duckats , which they raise with such taxes , that Christians generally liue better vnder the Turke , then vnder the Venetian . The Armes are Gules , two Keyes in Saltier , Or , stringed Azure . Here are in this State , Patriarchs 2. Bishops 34. THE DVKEDOME OF FLORENCE . THE DVKEDOME OF FLORENCE containeth the greater part of Tuscany ; being parted from Genoa by the Magra , and the strong Towne Sarezana , belonging to the Genocys on the West ; from Romagna and Ancona , by the Appennine on the North ; by the Pisseo on the East ; and the Tirrhene Sea on the South . It was called Thuscanie , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sacrificing , and Tirrhenia from Tirrhenus , sonne to Atis king of Lydia , who planted here a Colonie . The first King was Tarquon Prisons , in the yeare of the world 2550 ; the last was Turenus Ceso ; after whose death the Romans tooke it , Anno M. 3682. The chiefe Citty is Florence , seated nigh to the confluence of Arnus and Chianus . It so aboundeth with goodly buildings , both for diuine and ciuill vses , & hath so many straight & clean stre●ts ; that Charles the Archduke was wont to say , it was a Citty to be scene on holy daies onely . It is in compasse 6 miles ; was built by L. Sylla that bloudy Dictator ; and was made a Colonie by Augustus , Antony , and Lepidus the Triumviri ; and called Florentia à situ slo●e●ti . It was razed by the Lombards , & reedified by Charles the great ; to whose successors it long time continued faithfull : but at last by the example of other Citties , it began to shift for it selfe , and finally bought her absolute liberty of Rodolphus for 6000 Crownes . The Medices whose posterity are now Dukes hereof , were in the free state reckoned among the popular Nobility ; which were such of the Nobles , as to make themselues capable of the Citty Magistracies , had in a manner degraded themselues , becomming part of the Communalty . About the yeare ●410 , Iohn de Medices stoutly maintaining the peoples , liberty against the Nobility ; was by the Commons exceedingly honored and enriched : so that he had not only a great partie , but almost a Soveraignty in the Citty . To him succeeded Cosmo his sonne , a man worthy amongst the worthiest : he died in the year 1464 : during which time hee had much reformed the gouernment of the State , and enlarged the territories thereof with the conquest of Borgo San Sepulchro , Casentino , &c. To Cosmo succeeded Peter de Medices , whose whole time was spent against such factions , as at home were raised against him . He dying Aº 1472 , lest his whole power and estate , with a greater measure of his fathers vertues , to his two sonnes Lorenzo and Iulian After his death , the people inclined much to one of the fam●lie of the Sodermi , a man of very plausible behauiour . But hee knowing that new houses , as they are easily honoured , so are they quickly abandoned ; conferr'd all the dependencies cast vpon him , vpon these two young men of the Medices , as being descended from a family which had long gouerned the Citty . Against these two , the Pazzi a potent house in Fl●rence , conspired , and at Masse they slew Iulian ; but Lorenzo escaped ; the blowes which were stroke at him being receaued by one of his seruants , whom two daies before hee had deliuered out of prison . For this fact the Pazzi were hang●d at the Pall●ce windowe , together with the Archbishop of P●sa , who had beene of the conspiracy . To revenge the death of this Bishop , Pope Paul the 2d excommunicated the Florentines ; and Ferdinand King of Naples warred vpon them . Lorenzo to diuert this mischiefe went in person to Naples ; where he grew so much into the good liking of the king , that there was a perpetuall league made betweene them . After his death Aº 1492 , his sonne Peter hauing very improvidently deliuered Pisa and Ligorne , with other peeces , to the French King ; was together with his whole family banished . Iohn di Medices being Pope by the name of Lee the 10● restored againe his family ; who not long after his death , were againe exil'd . This disgrace Iulio di Medices sonne to the aboue named Iulian , and Pope of Rome by the name of Clement the 7th , not enduring ; procured Charles the fift to besiege it ; which request was granted ; and the Citty after two yeares resistance , yeelded . The Emperour gaue it to Alexander Medices ( grand-child to Peter by his sonne Laurence ) Aº 1571. And he to restraine the insolencies of the people , built a strong cittadell in the towne . This Alexander was a man addicted to all kinde of vncleanenesse , insomuch as he was slayne by Laurence his cosen , who insteed of calling , after the fact committed , the people to take armes for their liberty ; fearefully fled out of the Citty , and posted toward Venice . Before the people had notice of this accident , the freinds of the Medices consulting together , made choice of Cosmo di Medices , then about 18 yeares old , for their Prince . This Cosmo being an excellent statesman , & a braue leader , so swaied the affaires of Italy : that Philip the 2d of Spaine , to be assured of his freindship , gaue him the Signe●ry of Su●●a , out of which he had lately driuen the French. Pius the 4th Anno 1560 would haue crowned this Cosmo king of Tuscanie . But Philip of Spaine thwarted that intent , as loath to haue in Italy any more kings then himselfe . After in the yeare 1570 Pius the fift crowned the said Cosmo in the Court of Rome , with the title of Great Duke of Tuscanie , for him and his heires for euer . In the new Dukes Coro●et he caused to be engrauen these words . Pius quintus pont : maxiob eximiam dilectionem & rel gionis catholicae zelum , praecipuumque iustitiae studium , donavit . Thus forward were these Popes to honour this familie . One of Duke Cosmo's successours since intreated a succeeding Pope that he might bee created King of Tuscanie : but the Romish Caliph not liking so Lordly a title , answered that he was content He should be a king in Tuscany , but not king of Tuscany : a Scholler-like distinction , but not well taken . The Citty hath diuers times beene ruinated by the factions of the Bondelmonti and Vborti . 2 The Anudei and Donati . 3 The Guelsi and Gibellini . Here were borne three Monsters , viz : 1 Alexander de Medices , that dispoyled Florence of her liberty , the fairest Citty of Italy 2 Katherine de Medices , that ruined France , the fairest kingdome of Europe . 3 Nicholas Machiavell , Recorder of this Towne , whose politickes haue poysoned Europe , the fairest part of the whole world . The second Citty is Pisa , built by the Pisae , a people of Elis in Greece ; who following old Nestor from Troy , were by the violence of wind and sea , driuē into the mouth of Arnus , where they built this towne , calling it after their owne n●me . After the fall of the Roman Monarchy , it grew so strong ; that at one time the Cittizens waged warre with the Venetians & Genoys . They were Masters of the Baleares , Corsica , and Sardinia : but finally being discomfited by the Genowaies , neere to the Iland Gigli● ; they submitted themselues to Charles the 4th . Not long after it was taken by Iohn Galeas , the first of the Vicounts which was Duke of Millaine . Aº 1404. Gabriel Maria Vicount , sold them to the Flo●entines , from whose command they by violence delivered themselues . The Florentines besieged them , and brought them to that extremity of hunger , that they were almost all staru'd : yet such was the humanity of their besiegers , that whē they entred the Towne ; insteed of weapons every man carried victuals ▪ to beget as it were new life in that rebellious people . This victory the Florentines got by the valour and conduct of Sr Iohn Hawkwood , whom the Italians call Giovanni di Aguto ; who being first a Tayler in Essex , afterward serued Edward the th●rd in his French warres , where he was knighted : & when vpon the peace concluded after the battle of Poycters , he wanted imployment ; he entred with his regiment into Italy , & put himselfe into the pay of the Florentines then in warre with this Citty ; who for his valour haue honored him with a faire tomb and monument . When Charles the 8th went into Italy , the Pisans againe revolted ; and were no● without much labour reas-subiected . The third Citty is Sienna , bu●lt by Brennus , who did there put his old sickly men to so●ourne , and called it Sena . Here was borne Ae●●as Sylvius , called afterward Pope Pius the second ; and Francis Piccol●mmey , after Pope ●ius the third : Her Territories contained Orbitello , ●ienza , Soana , and 26 other walled Townes : To this Commo●wealth also belonged the hauen of Telamon , and the Lordship of Plombino . To it also appertained the Peninsula called Mont● Argentorato , enriched with mines of siluer , and abundance of marble . This last is in the possession of the Duke of Florenco , but T●lamon and Plombino are still kept by the Spaniard , the better to keepe the great Duke at his devotion . This Commonweale bought its liberty of the Emperour Rodolphus : Afterwards it ●ell into the hands of the Spaniards , then of the French ; and was sold to the Florentine by the Spa●iards , Anno 1558 , in consideration of the monie already receaued , and the assistance in future expected , from Cosmo di Medices . This Cosmo depriuing the people of all armour as well for defence as ●ffence , altered the gouerment , bereaued them of the common liberty ; and was the first Prince , that after the constitution of the free Commonwealth , euer had absolute dominion in the Citty : The Spaniards and French never ruling here as Lords ; but called in according to the factions then bearing most sway , to driue out one another . The fourth Citty is Pistoya , where first begunne the quarrel of the Neri and Beanchi , as also that tedious and bloudy faction of the Guelfi and G●ibellini : these latter so called of two Dutchmen Brothers , whereof Guelf thought the Pope , & Ghibell the Emperour to be more worthy , in which quarrell they slew each other , dispersing their cause throughout all Italy . These Ghibellines were so hateful to the Popes , that on an Ash-wednesday , when according to the Romish institution , the Pope being to cast Ashes on the heads of the Cardinals , was to say , Memento ô homo quod cinis es , & in cinerem converteris : seeing a Ghibelline amon●st the rest , transported with rage , he said vnto him , Memente ● homo quòd Ghibellinus es , & cum Ghibellinis moriêris . The other Citties of the better sort are 1 Massa , famous for her Quarries of white marble . 2 Volaterra where Rodolphus Volaterra was borne . 3 Arezzo bought of Lewis of Aniou , the Popes Vicegerent in Tuscany , for 40000 Florens . 4 Cortona , seated vnder the Appenine , and sold by Ladislaus of Naples . 5 Carara . 6 Borgo San Sepulchro added to the Signeurie of Florence by the valour of Cosmo di Medices , the first of that name . 7 Liuorne , a famous hauen towne , seated at the mouth of the river Arnus . It once belonged to the Genoyse , till Thomazo Fregosa for 120000 Duckats sold it to the Florentines . It is by the care of the great Duke so well manned and fortified , that this town together with Luca , Zara in Dalmatia , & Canea in Crete , are accounted foure of the strongest Citties in Christendome ; Citties I say , not Castles ; the Castles of Millaine , and Stockholme in Swethland , being reputed the strongest holds in the world . The length of this Dukes dominion is 260 miles , the bredth in some place as much ; in which compasse liue a people pleasant vnconstant , sociable , of an accurate wit , and pure language . Not only the Subiects , but the Duke himselfe , is wholy devoted to Merchandize ; whereas in England and France , hee looseth the priuiledge of a Noble man , who doth buy or s●ll in way of trading . The Duke vseth here also to buy vp almost all the Corne in the Country at his owne price ; and sell it againe as deere as he list ; forbidding any Corne to be sold , till his be all vented . The principall order of Knighthood in this Dukedome , is of St Stephan , instituted by Cosmo di Medices 1561 , because on St Stephans day , being the 6 of August , hee wonne the battaile of Mariana . Pius the 4th confirmed it . Their Roabe is Chaml●t a Crosse Gules on their left side : they are to be nobly borne , of the Romish Church , and haue liberty to mar●y . This order was proposed against the Turk● the supreame master of it , being the Duke of Florence . Other orders are commonly simple , this is mixt , as being partly religious , partly honourarie . What the Revenewes were in the free state , I cannot easily determine . That they were very great is manifest , in that hauing in those fiue yeares during , which they warred against the Duke of Millaine spent 3 millions and a halfe of Florens ; their treasury was so farre from wanting , that the next yeare they beseiged and indangered the state of Luca. Now , since the altering of the State to a Dutchie , and the addition of the territory and towne of Siena , the yearely revennue is about a Million & a halfe of Duckats . The Armes are Or , fiue Torteaux Gules , 2 , 2 , and 1. and one in chiefe Azure ; charged with three Flower de Lyces of the first ▪ This Dukedome hath Archbishops 5. Bish●ps 25. THE DVKEDOME OF MILLAINE . The DVKEDOME OF MILLAINE hath on the East Mantua and Parma , on the South Liguria , on the North Trevigiana , on the West Peidmont . It standeth wholy in Lombardy , which for its wondrous fertility , was stiled the Garden of Italy . Lombardy was knowne to the Ancients by the name of Gallia Cisalpina : Gallia , as being inhabited of the Gaules ; Cisalpina , because it lay on this side the Alp●s . It was also called Gallia Comata because of the long haire of their heads : & afterward Longobardia from the long haire of the peoples beards . It was by the riuer Po divided into Cispadanam and Transpadanam , and comprehended the Dukedomes of Mantua and Parma ; the Provinces of Romandiola , Trevigiana , and Peidmont ; together with this Dutchie , which then by a peculiar name was called Insubria . The chiefe rivers are , 1 Padus . 2 Ad●a . 3 Ollius . 4 Ticinu● ▪ and 5 Lacus Larius , vulgarly called , Lago di Como , 50 miles in length . The chiefe citties are 1 Pavia or Papia on the flood Ticinus , made an Vniversity 1361 , by Charles the 4th : vnited to M●llaine by Iohn Galeazo the first Duke : and famous for the battle in which Francis the first , was taken prisoner by Charles the fift 1525. 2 Lodi . 3 Alexandria , now a Towne of great strength , formerly a poore small Village named Roboretum . The new name and greatnesse must be ascribed to the often ouerthrowes of Millaine by Frederick Barbarossa ; the people whereof at the seuerall destruction of their Citty , retired to this Towne ; calling it for Pope Alexander the thirds sake , whose part they then tooke against the Emperour , by this new name . 4 Cremona , built in the first yeare of the second Punicke warre , and burnt to the ground by Vespasians Souldiers , after the defeat of Vitellius forces : which defeat was giuen vnder the walls of this Towne . When Antonius , Vespasians Generall first after his victory entred into it : hee went to a Bath to wash away the sweat and bloud from his body ; where finding the water some what too cold , he said by chance , that it should anon bee made hotter . Which words the Souldiers applying to their greedy desires set ●ire on the Towne , and spent foure daies in the sacking of it . By the encouragement of Vespasian it was againe reedified ; and i● now famous for her high Tower ; from which grew the by-word , Vna turris in Cremona , vnus Petrus in Roma , vnus Portus in Ancona . 5 Como , seated on a Lake so named , in wh●ch both the Plinies were borne . 6 Millain a faire Towne , and the biggest of all Lombardy ; hauing a Castle so strongly fortified , with natural and artificiall ramparts , that it is deemed impregnable . It is a Citty very populous containing 200000 persons ; and of great trade , here being private shops equalling the publike storehouses of other places : whence the people are so rich , that the wife of every Mechanicke will flaunt it in her silkes and Taffataes . This Citty is said to haue beene built by the Gaules 359 yeares before Christ ; it is 7 miles in circuit , and honoured with an V●iversity , wherein flourished Hermolaus Barbarus , Cali●s Rhodiginus , and Cardanus . Here ( say some ) St Barnabie taught Divinity , and here S. Ambrose was Bishop . This Towne continued Imperiall after the ouerthrow of the Lombards , till the time of Fredericke Barbarossa , 1161 , from whose obedience , in behalfe of Pope Alexander the third , it revolted The Emperour divers times destroyed the Citty , the people hereof still ministring fresh occasions . Beatrix the Emperours wife , comming to see the Towne , was by the irreuerent people , first imprisoned ; and then most barbarously handled . For they placed her on a Mule with her face towards the tayle , which she was compelled to vse insteed of a bridle ; and when they had thus shewne her to all the towne , they brought her to a gate , and kickt her out . To revenge this wrong the Emperour besieged and forced the Towne ; and adiudged all the people to dye , saue such as would vndergoe this ransome . Betweene the buttocks of a skittish Mule , a bunch of Figges was fastned ; and such as would liue , must with their hands bound behind , runne after the Mule , till with their teeth they had snatched out one or more of the Figges . This condition , besides the hazard of many a sound kicke , was by most accepted and performed . Since which time , the Italians when they intend to scoffe or disgrace one , vse to put their thumbe betweene two of their fingers and say Ecco , la fico : which is counted a disgrace answerable to our English custome , of making hornes to that man whom wee suspect to bee a Cuckold . After this , this Citty againe rebelled ; and was by the same Emperour leuel'd with the ground , the wals pulled down , & all the platforme of the Citty ploughed vp and sowne with salt ; that being the Embleme of a towne neuer in possibility to be reedified . This notwithstanding Millaine was againe rebuilt , and the Pope by the Millanoys & Venetians helpe , had the better of the Emperour ; to whom the Pope inioyned a seruice in the Holy land . At this time , seeing the Emperour troubled with warres , the people began a Commonwealth , which continued about 56 yeares ; when the Visconti , a potent fam●ly , vsurped the Dominion . The first which tooke on him this authority was Otho , who being also Lord of Angerena , surnamed himselfe Visconti , quasi bis Comes . The first of this family which obtained the title of Duke , was Iohn called Galeazo , because at his birth the Cocks crew more then was ordinary : who for his dignity paid to the Emperour Wenceslaus 100000 Crownes . This Iohn so increased his dominions , that he was Lord of 29 Citties and their territories , & died going to Florence , that he might bee crowned king of Tuscany . He left one daughter married to Lewis Duke of Orleans ; & two sonnes : Iohn Maria the elder , was slaine by the people ; and Philip Maria succeeded in Millain . He dying , left one illegitimate daughter called Blanch , married to Francisco Sforza a braue Souldier ; and in his will named Alphonso of Arragon his heire ▪ but in vaine , for Sforza was possessed of the Citty . In his line it continued , till the comming of Lewis the twelfth into Italy ; who was King of France , sonne to Charles Duke of Orleans , sonne to Lewis a●oresaid , & Valentina daughter to Iohn the first Duke . His Competitours were the King of Arragon , alleaging the testament of Duke Philip , the Sforzaes in possession & the Emperour Maximili●n , who pretended an escheat for want of heires male . Against these in severall Lewis prevailed , as also did Francis the first his next successour : but when the right of Spaine and the Empire met together in Charles the fift , then was King Francis taken prisoner , and for his release , was glad to release all title to Naples and Millain . A release long before endeauored by some French Politicians , because the keeping of this Dutchie , or its title , had brought such dammage to that Crowne : and as much opposed by Chancellour Prat ; because it both kept the French in a continuall and certaine discipline of warre , and serued as a purgation of idle and superfluous people . Notwithstanding this release , king Francis renued the warre againe ; during which the poore Millancys endured all the wretchednesse imaginable in a country so banded for , and tost from Potentate to Potentate . Antonio di Lena , the French gouernour in Millain , to provide for the pay of his Souldiers , had drawne into his hands all the victuall of the Citty , which he sold at his own price ; which many poore people hauing no meanes to giue died in the streets . Yet this sufficed not . His Souldiers he quartered in the Citty ; every of which , vsed as often as they wanted money , to chaine their hosts and then ransome them . Such as vpon this vsage fled the Citty , had their goods confiscate : the Nobles went but poorely arrayed ; the principall places of the Citty were ouergrowne with Nettles and Brambles . In this miserable estate it continued , till Charles hauing totally driuen thence the French , restored it to Francis Sforzi brother to the l●st Duke Maximilian ; and sonne to that Lodowicke ▪ who most improuidently for his owne priuate ends , had first taught the French the way into Italy . After the death of this Francis , being the last of the Sforzaes , the Emperour entred as Lord of Millaine , which his successours yet keepe : I meane his successours in Spaine , not the Empire . Of 29 Citties vnder Millain , there now remaine but 9 ; yet is this the prime Dukedome of Christendome , containing 300 miles in circuit , and affording the reuenew of 800000 Duckats vnto the King of Spaine . The Armes are A , a Serpent B , crowned O , in his gorge an infant G : This coat was the ensigne of a Saracen , whom Otho the first of the Visconti , overcame in the Holy land . In this Dukedome are . Archbishop 1 Bishops 6. THE DVKEDOME OF MANTVA . The DVKEDOME OF MANTVA hath on the East Romagna , on the West Millaine , on the North Trevigiana , on the South Parma and Placentia . To this belongeth the ●ukedome of Montferrat , seated in the Southeast part of Peidmont , whose chiefe Citties are 1 Alba , once called Alba Pompei● , where Pertinax the Roman Emperour was borne ; who being of base and obscure ancestors , betooke himselfe to the warres , in Brittaine and other places : In which hauing gotten great reputation , hee was by Letus and Electus , the deliuerers of Rome from the Tyranny of Commodus ; called to the Empire . But being ouer zealous to redresse the corruption then reuiuing in the State , hee was by the Praetorian Souldiers , loathing now their Princes for their vertues , more then formerly they did for their vices ; barbarously murdered ; and the Imperiall dignity sold to Iulianus , for 25 Sestertiuns a man. 2 Cas●la St Vas , vulgarly called St Vas , new built by Fredericke the first Duke of Mantua ; who married the daughter and heire of Gulielmus Pal●●logus Marquesse of Montserrat Aº 1539. 3 Nicaea or Niza : and 4 Isola . The chief cities of this Dukedome of Mantua , are 1 Mirabella , 2 Lucera , 3 Cap●iana , 4 Modena , once a Town belonging to Ferrara , and by Clement the 8th giuen with her spacious ●erritories , vnto Caesar d'Este , naturall sonne vnto Hercules d'Este , last Duke of Ferrara . It is now by marriage allied to Mantua . This town was of old called Mutina , and is famous for the first battail between Antonie and Augustus : this latter being by the Lords and people of Rome , made head of the League against Antony the common enemy . Augustus was then aged but 18 yeares , and therefore he refer●ed the execution of the warre to Hirtius , and Pansa , then Consuls . The fortune of the day was so equally shared , that Antonie lost the field , and the Consuls their liue● ▪ Leauing Augustus a headlesse army , into whose fauour when he had wrought himself , he presently poasted to Rome , and made himself Consul . 5 Reggio , for the possession of which , there haue bin so many discontents , and open warre between the old Dukes of Ferrara , and the Popes of Rome . 6 Cuneto , 7 Mantua , a very strong Town , environed on three sides with a water , being a quarter of a mile broad ; on the fourth with a wall . It is seated on a riuer , which comming from Lago di G●rda , runneth into the Po. In this City was held that Councell , wherein it was decreed , that the choosing of the Popes should belong only to the Conclaue of Cardinals : A prerogatiue which formerly belonging to the Emperours , was first giuen away by Constantine the 4th , Anno 621 : but re-taken by Charles the Great , and now confirmed to the Cardinals , 1063. In this town Virgil was borne , Mantua Virgilio gaudet . This ▪ City was taken from the Emperours Vice-gerents , by that braue Virago , Matilda ; who dying without issue , gaue this Town , and all other her possessions , to the Roman Prelates : whose Legats ruled this Town , till the Poledroni , a great family , took on them the gouernment , 1220 : from these it was taken by the family of Gonzaga , Anno 1308. These Lords mightily augmented their Dominions , which caused the Emperour Sigismund to create Lord Iohn Francisco , Marquesse of Mantua . From a Marquisate , it became a Dukedome , in the time of M●rquesse Fr●dericke , created Duke by Charles the 5 , Anno 1●●4 , the present Duke is Francis Gonzaga . As for the Country of Montferrat ; it is so called à monte ferrato , some mountaine here stored with iron ; or else à monte seraci , from the fertility ●f the mountaines here being . It is environed with the Apponine hills , Millaine and the riuer Tanarus ; which riuer springing out of these hils about Barceis , a town of the Marqussate of Saluzzes ; looses it selfe in the Po , somwhat beneath the Pauie . In this round are some townes belonging to Millaine , as Aste , Alexandria , &c. This country was made a Marquisate by Oth● the 2d , 985 ; and giuen to his son in law Alaramus : and since the joyning of it vnto Mantua , it was erected into a Dukedome by Maximilian the 2d , Anno 1575 , William the 3d being then Duke of Mantua . The chief order of Knighthood in this Dukedome , is of The blood of our Lord Iesus Christ , instituted Anno 1608. The Author of this order was Duke Vincent Gonzaga , when the marriage was solemnized between his son Francis , now Duke , and the Lady Margaret , daughter to the Duke of Savoy . It consisteth of twenty Knights , whereof the Mantuan Dukes are Soueraignes ; and was allowed by Pope Paul the 5th . The Collar hath threades of gold layed on fire , and inter-wouen with these words , Domine probasti . To the Collar are pendant two Angels , supporting three droppes of blood , and circumscribed with , Nihil isto triste recepto . It tooke this name , because in Saint Andrewes Church in Mantua , are kept as a most precious relique , certain droppes of our Sauiours blood ; ( thou canst not O Reader but belieue it ) with a piece of the spunge . The Territories of this Duke , are in circuit nigh vnto those of Florence , but his revenues f●ll short , which amount to about 500000 Duckats only : but might be greater , if either the D. would be burdensome to his subiects , as Florence is ; or if hee were not on all sides landlocked from nauigation and traffique . The Armes are quarterly ; first , Argent , a Crosse patee Gules , between foure Eagles Sable , membred of the second ; vnder an Escho●cheon in Fesse , charged quarterly with G , a Lyon O , and O , three ba●●es S , for the Dutchy of Mantua : And secondly Gules , a chief Arg. for the Marquisat of Montferrat . This Dukedome hath , Archbishops 1. Bishops 8. THE DVKEDOME OF VRBIN . THE DVKEDOME OF VRBIN , lieth in the midst of the Papall Territories , hauing on the North the Adri●tiq●e , on the South the Appennine , on the West Romagna , on the East Marca Anconitana . The length of it is 60 , the bredth 35 miles : the revenues are 100000 Crownes , whereof , 2240 are due to the Popes for chief rents . Here are 200 Castles , and 7 Townes . The chief of the seuen Towns are 1 Vrbine , seated on the bottome of the Appennine , & bu●lt in the fashion of a Miter ; it was called Vrbinas , quia Vrbes binas continere videbatur . In this City Polydor Virgil was borne , who writ an English History , though not altogether so true as I could wish , especially in those passages , which concerne the regality and credit of the Popes of Rome , the Collectour of whose Peter-pence in England , he then was . These Peter pence ( if it be not out of my roade to note it in this place ) were first granted to the Roman Popes by Offa king of the Mercians , about the yeare 730 ; confirmed by Ethelwolphe the second Saxon Monarch ; and finally wisely with-held from thē by Henry 8 t● , at such time as he began to know his own strength and supremacie . The 2d town is Belfort● , seated in the midland . 3 Pisauro a good hauen . 4 Cabo . 5 Fano , sea-townes also . The principall of the 200 Castles are the Rocke of Saint Leo , and Marivol , which were the last that held good for Duke Guido Baldo , against Caesar Borgia , Duke of Valentinoys ; and the first that came again vnder his obedience . For which cause when he fled the second time from the said C●sar ; he dismantled all his other castles , as being more likely to confirme the invaders victory , then resist it : these two being wel fortified , he left to keep as much as in them lay , possession of his Countrie . In the warres between Lewis of Bavaria the Emperour , and Pope Clement the first ; Gelasso di Montefeltro was the Emperours Vicegerent in Vrbine , 1345. His posterity continued in that office , till the yeare 1444 ; when Lord Fredericke for his surpassing valour , was by Eugenius the fourth , made Duke of Vrbine ; cond●tionally , in token of allegiance he should pay to the Popes yearely , 2240 Crownes . This Fredericke was by ou● Henry the sixt , made Knight of the Garter ; to requite which honour , the English to this day inioy many immunities in his Dominions . Guido Vbaldo this Dukes son , lost this Dutchy to Caesar Borgia . He , after the death of his father , left it to the Pope Iuli● the second : who gaue it , Anno 1504 , to Francisco Maria , Nephew and adopted sonne vnto the late Duke Guido Vbaldo. The present Duke is also named Francisco Maria. Here are only 3 Bishops . THE PRINCIPATE OF PARMA AND PLACENTIA . This PRINCIPATE hath on the North Mantuae , on the South the Appeni●e , on the West Millaine , on the East the country of Modenae . The revenues are 50000 crownes , the commodities common to the rest of Italy ; here are also the excellent Cheeses , called Parmesans . The City of Parma is seated on a litle riuer called ●irnia ; Placentia is seated on the Po. They haue both partaken of diuersity of fortune , being sometime vnder the Venetians , sometime vnder the Millanois , and finally vnder the Romane ●relates . Paul the third gaue them to his son Peitre Alvigi Farn●sis , 1546 ; adding in recompence to the Church , the Signiory of Caemerine , which he had taken from Guido Maria ; D. of Vrbin . This Peitro Aluigi , or Lewis Farnesis , was a man of a most villanous behauiour ; and amongst other crimes committed an vnspeakable violence , on the person of Cosmus Charius , Bishop of Fanum , and then poysoned him ; for which detestable action , he receiued no other chastisement of his Father Christs Vicar , then Haec vitia me non cōmonstra●ore didicit . At last behauing himselfe so insolently , he was slain by Count Iohn Aguzzolo ; and Placentia was yeelded to Fernand Gonzaga , the Spanish Viceroy in Millaine ; Parma being fortified by the Pope , was giuen to his Nephew Octavian Farnesis . Yet could not this donation so assure the Estate , but that Octavian had quite lost it ; if Henry 2d of F●ance had not taken him into his protection . For the Emperour Charles fully determined , ( notwithstanding that Octavian had married his base daughter ) to haue made hims●l● Lord of the towne : and the French King was loath to see so great a strength added to the Emperours possession in Italy . When the warre had now last●d foure yeares , Philip the second , which succeeded Charles , considering how necessary it was for his affaires in Italy , to haue this Octavian his friend : restored vnto him again this Plaisance , or Placentia , and so with-drew him from the French faction , Anno 1557. Yet because he would be sure to keep this house in a perpetuall dependance on Spaine , he restored it not absolutely , but only for foure generations . He made also Alexander Farnesis Commander of the Netherlands , therein giuing that family some small satisfaction , for stepping between them in the Kingdome of Portugall . To this Principate belongeth Mirandula , with her Territories , where that learned Scholler Picus Mirandula was borne . The Principate hath Archbishop 1. Bish●ps 3. THE STATE OF GENOA . THE STATE OF GENOA was once very great , containing Liguria , or Riuiera di Genoa ; Capha with the adjacent Country in Taurica Chersonesus ; Pera in Thrace , part of Tuscany ; Sardinia , Corsica , Lesbos , and many other Ilands , dispersed in the Greeke Seas . They haue now nothing left but Liguria , & Corsica ; Sardinia was taken from them by the Arragonians ; Capha , and the Ilands by the Turkes ; their land in Tuscany by the great Duke ; and their strength at Sea broken by the Venetians . These last they had once in so great an exigent , that the Senate of Venice once sent vnto Peter Doria , Captaine of the Gen●an Navy , a blanke Charter , to prescribe them what conditions he would , and they would gladly accept them . Doria. proud of his advantage , would haue the City of Venice to vse as he best pleased : whereupon the Venetians growne desperat , assaulted the secure Genoys , and took 100 of their Boats and Gallies ; after which losse , the men of Genoa still had the worse , and were at last compelled to submit themselues to the protection of the Kings of Naples , then to the French , then to the Dukes of Millaine , and now to the Spanish , as being Lords of Millaine , and most able to help them . While they were vnder the tuition of Millaine , their good Master Lodowicke Sforza , exacted a great masse of mony of them . His Negotiator ( as the tale goeth ) was invited by a Genoys to dinner , and walking in the Garden , he shewed the Ambassadour the hearbe Basel . He gently stroking it , smelt thence a sweet sauour ; but straining it hardly , as vnsauory a smell ; whereon the Genoys in●erred , Sir , if our Lord Duke Lodowicke will gently stroke the hand of his puissance ouer this City , it will be pleasing to him by obedience : but i● he seek to oppresse it , it may chance to proue vnsavory by rebellion . Hauing acquainted you thus farre with the ancient State of this Common-wealth : I will next describe vnto you Liguria , which is all now left on the maine land . Liguria hath on the East the riuer Varus , rising abo●t the edge of Provence ; on the West the riuer Magra , by which it is parted from Tuscany ; on the North the Appenine ; on the South the Ligurian or Tyrrhenian Seas : it is in length 80 miles , not so much in bredth . The ancient Inhabitants were the Deceates , Oxilij , En●uriades , and the Ingauni . They were vanquished by the Romans , after the end of the first Punick warres ; yet not with much labour and paines ; by reason of the woods , marishes , and mountaines , within and behind which , they retired and saued themselues . And indeed it was a matter of more difficulty to find , then conquer them , Aliquantò maior erat labor ( saith Florus ) invenire , quàm vincere . They had diuerse times molested the Romans , till at last Postumius so disweaponed them , that he scarce le●t them instruments to plough the Earth . What the men were , may be known by their exploits aboue named ; but now they are rather addicted to merchandice , then warre ; but most of all to vsury , a vice which the Christians learned of the Iewes , & are now thought to equal , if not exceed their teachers . It was the sa●ing of a merry fellow , that in Christendome there wee neither schollers inough , Gentlemen inough , nor Iewes inough : and when answer was made , that of all these there was rather too great a plenty , then any scarcity ; he repl●ed , that if th●re were schollers inough , so many would not be double or ●eth●e beneficed ; if Gentlemen inough , so many Peasant ; would not be ranked among the Gentrie ; and if Iewes inough , so many Christians would not professe vsury . The women are very faire and comely , wearing for the most part their haire in tresses , which they c●st ouer their backs ; they weare no vpper garments but of cloath , as being only allowed by the Lawes , but their vnder-garments of the purest stuffe . The women here are priuiledged aboue all Italy , hauing free leaue to talke with whom they wil , and be courted by any that will , both priuatly and publikely . The chief Townes are 1 Ceva , 2 Finali 3 Noli . 4 Sarazena , a strong fortresse against the great Duke . 5 Savona , taken Anno 1250. Famous is this Towne for that notable interview here made , between Ferdinand of Spaine , and Lewis the 12th of France , Anno 1507 ; who hauing bin deadly enemies by reason of the Realme of Naples , taken from Lewis by Ferdinand , at this town , most strangely relied on one anothers faith . Lewis first bording Fernando's Galley , and Fernando for diuers dayes together feasting with Lewis in this Town , which to him then belonged . These interviewes seldome haue hapned among Princes that haue bin at enmity ; and when they doe , they proue oft very dangerous . Nay , that notable Statesman Comines , vtterly disliketh all interview between Princes confederate , and intirely louing each other , as many times producing effects contrary to their intents : which he proueth by the example of Lewis the 11th , and He●ry of Castile , who meeting purposely , Aº 1463. took such a dislike at each others person , and behauiour , that they neuer after loued one another . The like examples he bringeth of interviewes , between Frederick the Emperour , & Charles Duke of Burgundie , and our Edward the fourth with the same Charles ; together with diuerse others very pregnant . His reasons I omit , and make haste to 7 Genoa , a town built by Ianus , who first dwelt in Italy ; afterward burnt by Mago the Carthaginian , and reedified by Charles the Great ; vnder whose successours it continued till the Berengarij made it free , Anno 899. Not long after in the Holy land warres , they sent seuen seuerall Armies ▪ and grew so powerfull , that in 3 dayes they sent to Sea 58 Gallies , and 8 Pamphili ( being Boats of 140 , or 160 Oares on a side ) and on another occasion suddenly armed 165 Gallies at once . By this strength they got the better hand diuers times of the Ve●etians , they wonne diuers Ilands ; and beat the Pisani out of Sardinia , Corsica , and the Baleares , compelling them to pay 135000 Crownes for their peace . During this prosperity , they were ruled by a common Councell , without any superiour power : but the people in the yeare 1339 , in a seditious tumult , chose one Simon Bocanegra for their Duke ; the name of which office is still remaining , but not the authority ; the Carkasse , but not the Body : The Duke being at this time new chosen euery yeare , and hauing his authority limited by 8 Gouernours , and 8 Protectours . Now fortune moueth retrograde , and the people fell to priuat factions , first between the Dorij and Spinoli , against the Frischi and Grima●di , 1174. Secondly , the Negri and Mollani , against the Salvatici and Embriaci , 1289. Thirdly the Spinoli and Dorij ▪ 1306. Fourthly , the Nobility and Commons 1339. Those factions and often ouerthrowe ; giuen by the Venetians , together with the surprisall of their townes and Ilands by the Turke , so distracted them , that they were glad to submit to the Prince aboue-named . The King of Spaine is now their Protectour , and that not for nought , he being indebted to them a Million and a halfe of gold ; which is the remainder of many Millions , cut off by the Popes authority , that so the Kings might be indebted to that See : for most of his Lands were formerly engaged to the Mony-masters of this City . The same course of non-payment , the King took with the rest of his creditors in Florence , A●sburg , and the rest : Insomuch , that it was commonly said in Italy , that the King of Spaine had made more ill faces vpon the Exchange in one day , then Michael Angelo the famous Painter had euer made good in his life . The Town is in compasse 8 miles , the buildings for the height of two stories , are made of Marble , and curiously wrought , but the lawes forbid Marble to be vsed any higher . There is a very faire and capacious hauen , and wery well fortified , where Shippes may be secure from tempest and other violence : So that the Spaniards say , that were the Catholique K. absolute Lord of Marseiles in Provenoe , and Genoa in Italy , hee might command the whole world . Thus you see this great City which commanded the Ocean , the Lady of so many Ilands , and a great Moderator of the affaires of Italy , saine to put her selfe into the protection of a forreine Prince ; yet is she not so low , but that her publiquo revenue may amount to 430000 Crownes yearely . The State hath Archbishps 1 Bishops 5. THE STATE OF LVCA . THE STATE OF LVCA is situate in Tuscanie , it comprehendeth the Territories and Town of Luca , built by Lucumo king of Italy , on the riuer Serch●us ; the Town is in compasse 3 miles , the Territories 80 miles ; out of which the State can raise 3000 horse , and 15000 foot . In this town was the meeting of three great Captaines , Pompey , Caesar , and Crassus ; so pernicious to the Roman Republicke . For Pompey desirous to retain potencie , Crassus to increase his possessions , and Caesar to get honours , here joyned their forces together . Pompeys powerablenesse , was vpheld by Caesars armies , and Cressus wealth : Caesars armies were assigned him by reason of Pompeyes authority , and Crassus money ; Crassus estate was protected by Pompeyes greatnesse , & secured by ●aesars military reputation . This done , they made a division of the Roman Prouinces betwixt them : To Caesar was allotted all Gallia ; to Pompey , Spaine ; to Crassus , Syria . This confederacie was the cause of the ouerthrow of the Republicke ; for Crassus being once sl●ine , Caesar and Pompey wanting a third man to keepe the scale euen , fell presently at oddes , and thence to ciuil warres , whose end made Caesar Lord of Rome . On this meeting , & the succeeding breach was groūded that so celebrated speech of Cicero , Vtinam Pompeius cum Caesare s●cietatem aut nunquam co●sset , aut nunquam dirim●sset . The men of Luca were vnder the Empire , ti●l Rodo●phas sold them their liberty for 10000 Crownes , which was disbursed for them by a Cardinall . Their chief officer or Gonfaloniere , is changeable euery second month ; he is assisted by a choice number of Citizens , alterable euery sixth month ; during which time they liue all in one Palace together . The people of this State haue bin tossed from the Genoys , to the Venetian , and from them to the Millainoys and Florentine . They now inioy a perfect quiet vnder the win●s of Spaine , and of late are growne very rich , so that the publick revenues may be about 80000 Crownes ; this long peace hath so blessed the people . Here are only two Bishops . There are 16 Vniversities in Italy . 1 Rome . Pap. 2 Ferrara . Pap. 3 Perugia . Pap. 4 Macerata Pap. 5 Turme . Peid . 6 Naples . Nap. 7 S●lernum Nap. 8 Venice Ven. 9 Padua Ven. 10 Verona Ven. 11 Florence . Flor. 12 ●●sa . Flor. 13 Siena . Flor. 14 Millain● . Mil. 15 Pauie Mil. 16 Mantua . Mil. Thus much of Italy . OF BELGIA . ON the Northwest of Italy , lieth Germany , which is diuided into the higher , and the lower ; this latter is called BELGIA , and Gallia Belgica : It is bounded on the East with the Ems , and part of Germany ; on the West with the German Sea ; on the North with East-Freizeland ; and on the South with the Some , Champaigne , and Lorraine . The names pertaining to the whole Region , are Belgia , from Belgus , once a King of this Country ; and also the Low-Countries , and the Netherlands , from their low situation . The more peculiar is Flanders , which though but one of the Prouinces , hath yet for its fame , giuen denomination vnto Belgia ; all whose inhabitants were once called Flemmings . Old Belgia , or Gallia Belgicae , was of more large extent by farre , than it now is , as containing the Dukedomes of Lorrei●e , Cleue , and Iuliers ; the Bishopricks of Collen , Mentz , & Triers , with all that part of France beyond the riuer Seine . The Belg● were or●ginally Germans , who driuing out the Gaules , here planted themselues . They were by Caesar accounted to be the valiantest of the French Nation , and that for three causes . First , they were the farthest from Provence , where the Roman ciuility , & more affable course of life was embraced . 2ly , They dwelt on a Sea , not then frequented by Merchants ; and so wanted those allurements to effeminacie , which are in Countries of traffique . And 3ly they bord●red on the Germans , a wa●like nation , with whom they were continually in armes . This people seeing the prosperous successe of Caesars victories in Gaule , joyned together in a common league ; and minist●ed an army of 269000 fighting men against him . But seeing they could not draw him out of his sortresse , they retired againe ; but in such disorder , that three Legions ( for no more was Caesars army ) put them to an infinite slaughter . After this , Caesar fighting against them seuerally , ouercame them all . Belgia , or the Netherlands , is in compasse 1000 miles , situate in the North temperat zone , vnder the 8 ●h and 11th Climats , the longest day being 17 houres . The Aire in these latter dayes , is growne much more wholesome then formerly it hath beene , partly by the wonderfull increase of the Inhabitants ; & partly by the industry of the people ; who by drawing the marishes , & converting the standing waters , or channels , into running streames , haue purged the Aire of many grosse vapours , thence vsually arising . The Country is very populous , containing well nigh 3 millions of soules ; the men being for the most part well proportioned , much giuen to our English Bee●e , vnmindfull both of good turnes , and injuries : they did invent Clocks , Printing , and the Compasse . They restored Musick , and found out diuers musicall instruments . To them also belong the invention of Chariots ; the laying of colours with oyle ; the working of pictures in glasse : and the making of Worsted , Sayes , Tapestrie , &c. The women generally are of a good complexion , wel proportioned , especially in the leg and foot ; honourers of vertue , actiue , and familiar , Both within doores , and without , they gouerne all ; which considering the naturall desire of women to beare rule , maketh them too imperious and burdensome . They vse the German or Dutch tongue , with a little difference in Dialect ; and in some places adjoyning to France , they haue a little smattering of that language . The Country lieth exceeding low vpon the Seas , insomuch , that it is much subiect to inundations . In the time of Henry the 2d , Flanders was so ouerflowne , that many thousands of people , whose dwellings the Sea had deuoured , came into England to beg new seates ; and were by that King first placed in Yorkeshire , and then remoued to Pembrookeshire . Since that , it hath in Zealand swallowed eight of the Ilands , and in them 300 towns and villages ; many of whose Churches and strong buildings , are at a dead low water to be seen ; and as Ouid hath it , of Helice and Buris , cities of Achaia ▪ Invenies sub aquis ; & adhuc ostendere nautae Inclinata s●lent cum moenibus oppida versir . The water hides them , and the shipmen shew The ruin'd walls , and steeples as they row . The Commodities with which they most abound , are Li●nens , Scarlet , Worsted , Saies , Silkes , Veluets , & the like s●●ffes ; Armour , Cables , Ropes , Butter , Cheese . Famous Captaines here haue not bin many , the people till these our dayes , liuing in perpetuall peace ; the chiefe of such as haue beene , were William Earle of Holland , chosen also Emperour of Germany ; Baldwin Earle of Flanders , Emperour of Greece , & in these latter dayes the Princes of the house of Nassaw . Schollers it hath bred many , as Iustus Lipsius , Erasmus , that great restorer of Learning in these parts ; G●mma Frisias , R●dolphus Agricola , I●nus Douza , Putean , Levi●us Lemnius , Ortelius , Mercator , &c. The Christian Religion was planted in seueral Prouinces , by seuerall men ; in Holland , Zealand , and Freizland , by Willbr●d an Englishman , the first Bishop of Vtrecht . They are at this present , diuided in opinion ; the States allow free exercise only of the Reformed ; the Archduke only of the Romish Religiō ; which hath beene the cause of all the warres in these Countreyes . The Revenew , before the Spaniard made warre vpon them , was three Millions of Crownes : and indeed this town was the correlatiue of the Indies ; the losse of which , hath cost the King of Spaine aboue 100 Millions of Gold , and 400000 men . The chief Riuers are 1 Rhene , into which the old Belgi did vse to cast the children , which they suspected to be illegitimate : for were they borne of a lawfull bed , they floated on the waters ; if of an vnlawfull , they sanke immediatly . Whereunto Claudian alluding , saith , Nascentes explorat gurgite Rhenus . But that great searcher of Antiquities , V●rstegan , is of opinion , that they hereby inured onely their Children to hardnes , and made ●●yall of their strength , adultery being rarely found among them : and so these kindes of experiments needlesse . 2 Mosa , which doth compasse halfe the Countrey . 3 Ems , diuiding the two Freizlands . 4 Scaldis , which arising in Picardie , & running through Artoys , and between Haynault , and Brabant , meeteth with the se● a little aboue Antwerpe : and 5 Lie , or Ley , which runneth quite through Flanders . The shore of this Country hath bin much out-worne by the Sea , especially that of the Ilands of Zeal●nd , and such as lie scattred about Holland , where they are defended with banks & ramparts painfully made , and chargeably maintained . These banks are about ten ells in height , and 25 in bredth at the bottome : they are made of the hardest clay that may be gotten ; in the inside stuffed with wood and stone ; on the outside couered with matts , strong and thick made . The former inhabitants were diuers , as shall be shewed in their diuers Prouinces , they are at this present diuided into 17 Prouinces . Viz : into 4 Dukedomes 1 Limburg . 2 Luxenburg . 3 Gelderland . 4 Brabant . 1 Marquisate : viz. of the holy Emp●re . 7 Earledomes 1 Flanders . 2 Artoys . 3 Hainault . 4 Namurce . 5 Zutphen . 6 Holland . 7 Zealand . 5 Baronies 1 West-Freizland . 2 Vtrecht . 3 Overyss●ll , 4 Machlyn . 5 Groyning . 1. LIMBOVRG . The Dutchie of LIMBOVRG , and the Bishopricke of LEIGE , or LVYCKE , are environed with Brabant , & Namurce , West : with Brabant and Gulicke , North : with Gulicke and Collen , East : and with Luxenbourg , South . The Westerne part belongeth to the Bishop , which comprehendeth 24 walled townes , & 1800 Villages , with Parish Churches . The Bishop is a Prince of the Empire , D. of Bouillon , Marquesse of Franchimont , Earle of Hasbani ; and hath vnder him 52 Baronies of note . He is chosen by the Chapter of S. Lambert , which is the chiefe Church in Leige , or Luyck , the chiefe towne seated on the Meuse . The buildings of this town are very faire , especially the Monasteries and Abbeyes ; for which cause it is called the Paradise of Priests . This town next to Gaunt , hath bin accompted the most seditious Town of Europe , and was twice taken , & once destroyed by Charles of Burgundie , 1468. It is an Vniuersity , in which were students at one time , nine kings sonnes ; 24 Dukes sonnes , ●9 Earles sonnes , besides Barons and Gentlmen . 2 Tongres a town now of no great bignesse ; yet once so large , that Atti●a king of the Hunnes , destroyed in it 100 Churches . 3 Dinand , hard vpon Namur , destroyde by Charles of Burgundie . 4 Huy . 5 Bi●sen . 6 Truden . This Bishoprick was erected by Pope Constantine , Anno 710. The Easterne part is properly called the Dutchie of Limbourg : It containeth 5 Townes , viz : Limbourg on the riuer Weser . 2 Walkembourg , conquered by Iohn D. of Brabant . 3 Dalem strengthened with a castell . 4 Rode le Buck ; 5 Carpen , seated between Gulick and Collen , and 123 Villages . It is said of this Country , that the bread is better then bread , the fire hotter then fire , and the Iron harder then Iron . The Ancients were the Eburones . This Prouince of an Earledome , was made a Dukedome by the Emperour Fred. Barbarossa ; 1172 : and being destitute of heires males , was seized on by the Brabantine , 1293. The Armes are Argent , a Lyon Barrie , of 10 peeces , O , & G. 2. LVXENBOVRG . LVXENBOVRG is bounded with Lembourg on the North ; Lorraine on the South ; the Bishoprick of Triers on the East ; and the Meuse on the West . It is in circuit 240 miles , in which are contained 1169 Villages , and 23 walled Townes : the chief being Luxenbourg on the riuer Alsnuius , or Elze : It took name , either quasi Leucorum burgum , from the Leuci being the first inhabitants : or quasi Lucis burgum , because the Sunne was here adored . It is nor yet recouered of the lasting warres between the French and Spaniards , brought vnto her . 2 Bostonack● a faire town , and commonly called the Paris of Ardenne For this Prou●nce is diuided into two parts , viz ; Ardenne being on the West , and Fannene on the East quarters . 3 Thio● vitae , taken and spoiled by the French , 1558 , 4 Mommedi , and 5 Danvillers , ransacked by the French , 1552. 6 Neufe ch●●●l . 8 Rocke de Marche : and 9 Arluna , whose name quasi Ara lu●ae , importeth the Moone to haue bin here worshipped . The Ancients were the Leuci and Lingones ; the language towards Lo●reine , French : in other parts Dutch. Here is the Forrest Ardenna , once 500 miles compasse , now scarce 90 miles round , of which so many fabulous stories are reported . In this Forrest , or about the edges thereof , are the famous hot Baths , frequented from all the places of Europe , and called the Spa , not so pleasant as wholsome , not so wholesome as famous : Yet are they good for sundry d●seases , as the Tertian Ague , and Dropsie , the Stone , the exulceration of the lungs , the Sci●tique , &c. They are of most vertue in Iuly , because they are then hottest ; and to such as taste them , they rellish much of iron ; from some iron mines , it seemeth , through which the waters runne . In the skirts of this Countrey , towards France , standeth the Dutchy of Bovillon ; the Prince whereof is of the French Nobility & a great assistant to the Protestants : his chief Towns are Sedan & Bouillon . Of these , Bouillon is in the hāds of the Bishop of Leige ; to whō Godfrey of Bouillon , at his journey into the Holy land , sold it . It hath since that time , bin sometimes in the possessiōs of the Bishops , somtimes of the Dukes . Sedan the Dukes seat , is a fine town , & honoured with a seat of Learning , which is a Schola illustris ; to which diuerse resort to study , but cannot take any degrees : so that I thinke this and the like places of study , are not much vnlike the two famous collegiat Schooles of Winchester , and Eaton with vs ; the greatest difference being , that in these last named , learning is more restrained to particularities , then in the other . Tilenus , before his fall from the true Church , was Professour of Diuinity here : and here Berchat the Scholiast on Stephanus Catechisme , taught Greeke . Luxenbourg was formerly an Earledome , two of whose Earles were famous , viz : Henry the 7th , who was poysoned by a Frier , in the Chalice ; and Iohn , who was by the States chosen King of Bohemia . His successours joyntly ruled in both Provinces , the space of 130 yeares : during which time , Luxenbourg was made a Dutchy , by the Emperour Wenceslaus . This mans brother Sigismund , sold it to Antony Duke of Brabant , in respect of a marriage betweene the said Antony , and Elizabeth daughter to Iohn D. of Gorlits , younger brother to this Sigismund . After the death of Duke Antony and his wife , this Dukedome sell to Philip the Good ; the Dukes elder brother , and heire . The Armes B , six Barrulets A , supporting a Lyon G , crowned and armed O. 3. GELDERLAND . GELDERLAND ( so called from Geldabum , once the metropolis ) hath on the East Cleue , on the West Brabant , on the North Freizland , on the South Limbourg . It containeth 300 Villages , and 24 Townes , the chiefe being Noviomagum , or Nanmegon , once a free Citty ; & subdued by the Geldroys , 1248 It is seated on that branch of the Rhene , which is called the Whaell ; and was by Charles the great made one of the seats of the Empire in these parts ; the other two being Aken , and Thinovill . The homage which it owes to the Empire , whereof it was a free towne ; is only a gloue of peper , which once in the yeare they must send to Aken . 2 Ruermond , so called of the river Ruer , & Monde , which signifieth a mouth . 3 Arhnem , which was wont to be the residence of the Gu●lderland Dukes . 4. Harderwicke , which together with the two former , was walled by Otho the third Earle . 5 Doesbourg . 6 Buren an Earledome ; one of the Earles whereof was the Count Egmond , who being opposite to the Prince of Oranges counsell , about resisting the Duke of Alva's entrance ; was the first which by the said Duke was betrayed , and beheaded . Philip of Nassaw , the elder brother of Prince Maurice , was during his life Earle of Bur●n , in right of his mother ; who was heire vnto Maximilian de Egmond Earle hereof . This Country is sit for feeding Beasts : which grow so great and fat ; that Anno 1570 , there was a Gelderland Bull killed at Antwerpe , which weighed 3200 pounds . The Ancients were the Menapij and the Sicambri . The Countrey was gouerned by Lords , till the yeare 1079 ; in which , Lord Otho was made Earle : and Anno 1339 , Earle Remald , was by the Emperour Lodovicus Bavarus made Duke . It was sold by Duke Arnald , to Charles Duke of Burgundy for 92000 Florens , and an annuall pension , 1472. Notwithstanding this compact , Adolph that wicked Prince , his sonne succeeded , and him his sonne Charles : after whose death , Charles the 5th possessed himselfe of Gueldres , and Zutphen , Anno 1543. The Armes are B , a Lyon O , crowned G. 4. BRABANT . BRABANT ( quasi Brachland , id est , a barren soyle ) hath on the East , North , and South , the Meuse ; on the West the Schald . It is in length 75 , in breadth 60 miles ; comprehending 700 Villages , and 26 Townes : the chiefe being Lovaine , where is an Vniversity , erected by Duke Iohn the 4th , Anno 1426 : here is also a Seminary of English Iesuits . It is in compasse within the walls , foure miles ; and 6 without : within which compasse are many goodly Gardens , Valleyes , Mountaines , Meddowes , &c. This is the mother towne of Brabant , and the first which receaveth and giueth oath to their new Lord. In this Vniversitie are about 20 Colleges . 2 Bruxels , the Dukes seat , a towne of the same bignesse with Lovaine ; but for all commodities of pleasure , and profit ; as also for the vniformenes and elegancy of the building , farre beyond it . 3 Bergen ap Some , famous for the notable resistance it made to Spinola 1622. 4 Boldue . 5 Tilmont . 6 Mastricht , a Bishops See , till the remoouall to Leige ; here are two Churches of Canons , in one of which the Duke of Brabant is alwaies a Canon . It is subiect partly to the Duke of Brabant , and partly to the Bishop of Leige , in whose country it standeth . The children are subiect to that Prince alwaies , to whom their mother was subiect , without relation to the fathers subiection ▪ and when a stranger commeth to dwell there , he may liue vnder which of them he list . 7 Breda , the seat of the Princes of Orange till the last wars . It was taken from the Spaniard by a few venterous Gentlemen , who hiding themselues in a boat couered with Turfe , were conveyed into the Castle , which they ma●●●●d : and the next day made the Prince of Orange Lord of it againe . The people here of are none of the wisest , especially when they incline towards age ; hence that saying of Erasmus , Brabanti qu● magis senescunt , eò magis stultescunt . 5. THE MARQVISATE . THE MARQVISATE of the holy Empire , is contained in Brabant . The chiefe Towne is Antwerpe , being of an orbicular forme , and in circuit 7 miles . It was before the civill warres a Towne of infinite trading ; the things bought and sold here , amounting to more in one month ; then that of Venice in 2 yeares . But now the Hollanders haue so blocked vp the Hauen , that the trafficke is remoued hence to Amsterdam . In th●s Antwerp there are 8 principall Channels cut out of the Schelde , on which the Towne is seated ; the biggest of them being able to receaue 100 great ships . The causes of the great increase of this towne were three : 1 Two Marts holden here euery yeare , either of them during 6 weekes ; in which space no man can either in his person , or his goods , be arrested . 2ly , The King of Portugall hauing in the yeare 1503 , diuerted the course of traffique from Alexandria and Venice , to Lisbon : kept here his Factor , and sent hither his spice ; for which cause , Anno 1516 , many Merchants left Bruges , and dwelt here . 3ly , In the warres betweene the French , and Charles the fift , many Gentlemen and others forsooke the Villages , and built here ; so that Antwerpe is since that time bigger then it was , by aboue 3000 houses . These two Provinces were vnited to Lorreine till the dates of Otho the 3d : who gaue the Dukedome of Brabant to one Conrade , 985 , The Marquisate was by the same Otho erected , for the dowre of his aunt Gerberge , mother to Lotharius King of France . How they became vnited , I haue not yet learned . In the yeare 1385 , died Iohn D. of Brabant , leauing his estate to his eldest daughter Iane ; who dying without issue , gaue this Dutchie to Antony , who was second son of Philip Duke of Burgundie and to Margaret ; danghter vnto Margaret her younger sister . After this Antony , succeeded his two sonnes Iohn and Philip ; who quickly dying left their estate to Philip the Good , Duke of Burgundie . The Armes of Brabant are Sable a Lyon Or. 6. FLANDERS . FLANDERS , so called à Flando , because it lyeth open to the w●ndes , is divided into Imperialem , Gallicam , and Teutonicam . This last is seuered from the other two , by the riuer Ley , or Lis. The chiefe townes are Gaunt or Gandavum , whose wall is 7 miles in compasse ; within which is much wast ground . The ●i●ers Schald and Ley runne through it , & make in it 26 Ilands , ioyned together with 98 Bridges : and had not her often seditious , ruinated her beauties , she might haue been Queene of Europe . In this Towne was borne Iohn Duke of Lancaster , vsually called Iohn of Gaunt . 2 Burgis , or Brugg , once a famous Mart Towne ; but now not a litle decayed , by reason that the seat of traffique was remoued hence to Antwerpe . It was walled by Earle , Baldwin , Aº 890 : it is distant 3 leagues from the Sea ; & is seated on a faire and deepe Channell , made by art ; and filled with the waters of all the adioyning fountaines and riuerets . These artificiall Channels are in these Countries very frequent , to the great inriching of the whole state . 3 Ypres , a towne seated very str●n●ly , and almost impregnable , It standeth on a small river so named . 4 Winnocks Berge , , so called of Winno● an Englishman , of holy and pure life . 5 Graueling on the sea side , which since the taking of Callais by the French , hath beene made the strongest sort of the Low Countries . 6 Oudenard , the birthplace of Margaret Dutches of Parma , the gouernesse here for King Ph●l●● ▪ and mother to that excellent Souldier , Alexander Farnesis . The some principall ports of Flanders ▪ are 1 Dunkerke , the people of which in the late warres , so in●ested the Seas . 2 Scluse 〈◊〉 the mo●th of the Channell of Bruges . It hath a very fai●●h ●en able to containe 500 good ships ; and is now subiect to the States : with whose wellfare it cannot stand , to suffer the King of ●paine , to inioy any safe & large harbour in those Seas . ● Newport , neer vnto which was fought a field battail between Archduke Albertus , and the States . The victory , next vnder God , was gotten by the prudent conduct of the Veres , and valour of the English. 4 Ostend , which held against the Archduke a siege of three yeares , and as many months . Emperiall Flanders , so called , becuase it was long vnder the obedience of the Emperours ; is seuered from Brabant , by the riuer Dender , from the Gallicke Flanders , by the riuer Schelde , about Oudenarde . The chiefe Townes are , 1 Alost , on the Dender . 2 Dendermond , at the mouth of the said river . 3 Hulst . 4 Axele . and 5 Rupelmond , the birthplace of Mercator , that excellent Cosmographer . Gall●cke Flanders , so called , because it is properly belonging to France , whose language is still here vsed ; is seuered from the Teutonicke Flanders , by the riuer Leye ; and from the Emperiall , by the Schelde , about Oudenard . The chiefe Townes are Lisle , or Ryssell , the third towne of traffique in all the Netherlands . 2 Doway an Vniversity . 3 Orchies . 4 Armentiers . 5 St Amand. and 6 Turnay , or Dornicke , on the Schaldis ; taken by our Henry the 8 , 1513 : to whom the Cittizens paid 100000 Duckats for their ransome . It was restored to the French for 600000 Crownes ; and from him againe taken by Charles the fift . There are in all Flanders 35 Townes , and 1178 Villages . The country is in length 96 miles , in breadth much lesse ; it is bounded with Brabant on the East ; Picardy on the West ; the Sea on the North ; Artoys on the South . The ancient inhabitants were the Morini and Rutheni . The first Earle was Baldwin , promoted to that dignity by Charles the Bald , Anno 863. It is accounted the prime Earledome , as Millaine is the prime Dukedome of Europe . The Earle among other prerogatiues , writeth himselfe Comes Dei gratia ; others only Dei Clementia . The same of this Countrey hath beene so great , that it hath beene vsed for all Belgia ; It was vnited to the house of Burgundie , by the marriage of Duke Philip the hardy , to Margaret daughter to Lewis de Malaine , Earle of Flanders Anno 1383. The Armes are Or , a Lyon Sable , langued and armed Gules . 7. ARTOYS . ARTOYS hath on the East , Hainalt ; on the West , Picardy ; on the North , Flanders ; on the South , Champaigne . The ancients were the Attrebati It containeth 754 Villages , & 12 townes ; the chief● being Attreb●tium , or Arras , whence come our cloathes of Arras . 2 Ayre . 3 Pernes . 4 St Omer , a good hauen . 5 Lilliers . and 6 Le cluse . The chiefe of the frontire townes , betweene this and Picardie , are 1 Hedinfert , a very defensible towne , built by Charles the Emperour out of the ruines of old Hed●● , which towne he had razed , Anno 1553 , when he tooke it from the French. 2 Rentie . On the West part of Artoys is St Paul , whereof Lewis of Luxenbourg was Earle in the daies of Lewis the 11th : with whom , as also with Charles of Burgundie , and Edward of England , he plaied such crosse tricks ; that hauing seuerally deluded them all , and kept them as well in continuall stri●e with each other , as an vnseasonable suspicion of his vntowardly plots ; he was at last by D. Charles taken , & beheaded . The first Earle of Artoys , was Robert sonne to Lewis the 8 h of France , Anno 1234. It was vnited to the house of Burgundy , by marriage of Duke Philip , and Bonne daughter to Philip of Artoys , 1424. The Armes are Azure , Semi di flower de ly●●s Or , a file with three Labells Gules , charged with as many Castles of the second . 8. HAINALT . HAINALT , so called from the riuer Hania , hath on the East , Limbourg ; on the West , Flanders ; on the North Braban● ; on the South Champaigne : It was formerly called Saltus Carbonatius , and the lower Picardie . The length of it is 60 miles , & 48 the breadth ; in which space are 950 Villages , & 24 townes : The chiefe being 1 Mons , strong , ancient , and rich . 2 Valenciennes so seated on the Scheld , that it cannot bee besieged , but with three Armies at once . 3 Cond● . 4 That old towne Bavays , at a pillar whereof beginne all the waies leading into France , made of paued stone by Brunhault the French Queene ; who together with Fredegond , and Katherine de Medices , may bee called the three Furies of France . 5 Landrecy , on the riuer Sambre , famous for the great resistance it made to Charles the fift , Ano. 15●● . 6 Mariembourg , built by Mary Queene of Hurgarie , Go●ernesse h●●e for her brother Charles , 1542. 7 Engien . ● Re●●x . 9 Avennes on the borders toward Champaigne ; about w●ich are d●gged excellent white stones for building , and little i 〈◊〉 to marble . On the South part of Hainault is the town and territory of Cambray . This towne was by the Emperours made free and Imperiall : but by the French who pretended title to it , diuers times possessed . In the time of Lewis the 11th , it submitted it selfe voluntarily to Maximilian , afterwards Emperour : whose Nephew Charles , hath fortified it with a strong cittadell : pretending their safety , but indeed to keepe it from revolt●ng . The people notwithstanding retaine their ancient ●●●edome , and priuiledges . Hainalt was vnited to Flanders , Anno 1110 ; by marriage of Earle Baldwin , and Margaret Countesse of Flanders : & d●sioyned by Iohn called Avenion , who tooke it from his brothers Gu●do and William . This Iohn married Atheilda , daughter and heire to Floris , the 4th of Holland , Anno 1300 : From which cōiunction issued Iohn Earle of Holland and Hainalt . The Armes are quarterly Flanders , and Holland . 9. NAMVRCE NAMVRCE hath on the East Limbourg ; on the West , Hainalt ; on the North Brabant ; on the South , Luxenbourg . This Countrey hath great store of Coales , contrary to the common nature of Coales , in that they are kindled with water , & quenched with Oyle . It containeth about 180 Villages , and foure Townes : viz : 1 Namurce , seated where Sicambris payeth his Tribute to Meuse . 2 Charlemont . 3 Valencourt . 4 Bovires . The men of this countrey are good Souldiers and very affectionate to their Prince . The countrey very fruitfull of all sorts of graine ; enriched with mines of I sper , and all sorts of marble : But in iron so ●bundant , that Vulcans forge may seeme to be restored againe to the world , and seated in this Prouince . All these commodities make the people as laborious , as wealthy . The principall Villages are Floren , and Deue. This Fa●ledome was vnited to the house of Burgundie , An o 1429 , in which Earle Iohn sold it to Philip the Good. The Armes are Or , a Lyon Sable , debrused with a bend Gules . 10. ZVTPHEN . ZVTPHEN is a Towne in Gelderland , which long hath beene an Earledome : It is seated on the riuer Yssell , & is a towne of very great strength ; in the siege of which was slaine that honour of Chivalrie , and mirrour of learning , gallant St Philip Sidney , of whom our Brittish Epigrammatist thus versifieth . D●gna legi scribis ▪ facis & dignissima scribi : Scripta probant doctum te tua ; facta , probum . Thou writ'st things worthy reading , and dost doe Things that are even most worthy writing too : Thy workes thy learning praise , Thy deeds thy goodnesse raise . This Towne was recouered from the Spaniard , Anno 1590 , The Armes are Azure a Lyon Gules . 11 HOLLAND . HOLLAND , quasi Hot-land , id est , a woody Country , hath on the East ▪ Vt echt●on the West , and North , the Sea , on the South the Meuse . It is in cir●uit 180 miles , no part of which is distant fr●m the Sea , th●●e houres iourney . It comprehendeth 400 Vill●ges , and 23 Townes : the chiefe being 1 Dordrect or Do●t where An ● 1618 , was held a nationall Synode against the Arminians . ● Har●em , where printing was invented , & Tullies book● de O●●i●ijs , was the first that ever was printed . 3 Le●den , or Lugdu●●● Ba●avorum , an Vniversity , founded Anno 1564. The Towne co●sisteth of 41 Ilands , to which they pas●e partly by bo●ts ▪ pa●●ly by bridges ; whereof there are 145 , & of them 1●4 build●d with stone . Here is in this towne a Castle said to ha●e b●ene buil●ed by Hengist the Saxon , at his returne out of E●gland . 4 De●it , the birthplace of that monstrous Heretique Daui● George who c●lled himselfe King , and Christ immortall . 〈◊〉 with hi● w●●e and children Anno 1544. to Basil ; there he set vp his doctrine : the points whereof were , that the Law and the 〈◊〉 were vnprofitable for the attaining of heauen ; but his do●●●ine able to saue such as receaued it . 2ly , That hee was the true Christ and Messias . 3ly , That he had beene till that present , kept in a place vnknown to all the Saints . And 4ly , that he vvas not to restore the house of Israel by death or tribulation , but by the loue and grace of the spirit . He died in the yeare 1556 ; and three yeares after , his doctrine was by them of Basil condemned ; his goods confiscate , and his bones taken vp & burned . He bound his Disciples to three things , first to conceal his name : 2ly , not to reveale of what condition he had beene : & 3ly , not to discouer the articles of his doctrine to any man in Basil. 5 Alkmer , famous for the defeat which the D. of Alva , receaued before it . For he in the beginning of the Low country troubles , hauing with the losse of 20000 of his owne men , forced Ha●lem ; laid his siege round about this town . Had he le●t any way for his Souldiers to haue fled thence , the towne had bin abandoned ; but hauing environed them round , he put them to such a resolution , or desperation , choose you whether ; that manfully they resisted 3 of his assaults ; and in the end made him depart , with great losse , as well of his Souldiers , as his reputation . 7 Roterodam , where Erasmus was borne . 8 Horne . 9 Ench●sen . 10 Amsterdam , a very faire hauen Towne , out of which I haue s●ene , saith Gainsford , at one tide , 1000 ships of all sorts vse to goe out and in : so truely saith one , Quod Tagus , atque Haemus veh●t , & Pactolus ; in vnum Ver● hunc congestum dixeris esse locum . What Tagus , Haemus , and Pactolus , beare : You would coniecture to be heap'd vp here . The present inhabitants are generally giuen to S●afa●ing lines : So that it is thought that in Holland , Zeland and Friezland , are 2500 good ships fit for burden , and warre . The women are all laborious in making stuffes ; nay you can scarce finde a boy of 4 yeares of age , which cannot earne his own meat . The greatest commodity is Butter and Cheese : of which , besides that which they vse themselues ; they make 100000l l yearely of that which they sell to their neighbours . By these meanes they are growne so potent a●d rich , that as Flanders hereto●ore ; so now Holland is taken generally for all the Provinces , I meane the Vnited . One miraculous accident I cannot ouerpass● in silence namely how Margaret sister to Earle Floris the fourth , being of the age of 42 yeares brought forth at one birth 365 children ; halfe of them being Males , halfe Females , and the odde one an Her●●● 〈◊〉 . They were Christned in two Basons at the church 〈…〉 , by Guido suffragan to the Bishop of Vtr●cht ; who 〈…〉 de M●les Ioha● the Females Elizabeths ; both all which 〈…〉 after died , and with them their mother . The Basons 〈…〉 in the foresaid Church . 〈…〉 of the Holland Villages is the Hage , or Graven 〈…〉 the generall Councell resideth . It containeth in it 〈…〉 . The inhabitants will not wall it , as desiring 〈…〉 the principall Village in Europe , thē 〈…〉 . The other Villages of note are 1 Egmond . 2 Bre●●● 〈…〉 , which giue name to three excellent and 〈…〉 . Neere vnto this last Village was the fort called 〈…〉 , built by C. Caligula , in memory of his famous 〈…〉 on this shore . For intending a voyage into Britanie , to 〈◊〉 that nation ; he borded his Galley , embattail'd his souldiers , 〈◊〉 the Trumpets to sound , gaue them the signall , and 〈…〉 them to gather cockles . This Tow●● was at 〈…〉 R●man● Emp●te ouerwhelm'd by the sea ; the ru●●● 〈◊〉 ●t a dead h●w water , are yet to be seene . Th● old inhabitants were the Batavi . The Armes O a Ly●●● . 12. ZELAND . 〈◊〉 , quasi Sea and Land , consisteth of 7 Islands , the 〈…〉 1● , which the Sea hath swallowed ; and in them 〈…〉 Townes . The seauen are , 1 Walcheren , whose 〈…〉 M●dlsbourg , built , as they say , by Prince Ze 〈…〉 whom this Province was named ) in honour of his 〈…〉 , and called Metell● Burgum . 2 Flushing 〈…〉 good p●rt ▪ and inum●●ble str●ngta : this Towne 〈…〉 to the English , her first Gouernour being wor●●● 〈…〉 also was the first towne which the 〈…〉 tooke from the Spaniard ; the agents being Vo●●● 〈…〉 , and M●di Berland the Bayly thereof . A poore 〈…〉 it was , peopled for the most part with Fishers : but 〈…〉 the key of the Netherlands , without whose licence , no ship can passe to or from Antwerp . Had Duke Alva at the beginning of his gouernment , bestowed that care in fortifying this towne , which he did in strengthning Antwerp ; he had in all probability , hindred the generall revolt of these coūtries . Nigh to this Towne is the fort Ramkins , once cautionary to the English , together with the Brill , the chiefe towne in the I le of Voo●ne which is situate ouer against the South of Holland ; and commandeth all that passage downe to Gertrudenberg , in Brabant . These townes were taken from the Spaniard , Aº 1572 ; assigned to Queen Elizabeth Aº 1585 ; and surrendred by King Iames to the States , 1616. 3 Vere , or Canfer● , whence our English Veres tooke their denomination : no maruell then is it , if so willingly they venture their liues for the defence of this Countrey , she being in a manner their Grandmother The second is South Beuerland , whose chiefe towne is Tergows● . The third is Schoven , whose Metropolis is Sirexee ; the next being Breuers Haven . The fourth is T●len , whose chiefe towne is Tertolen . The other three are North Beverland , Duveland , and Wolfersdike . In all this Countrey are eight Citties , 102 Villages . The soyle is farre more fruitfull then any of Brabant ; but they haue neither wood , nor fresh water . The Armes are Or , a Lyon Gules , ●ising out of a Sea wauie , Argent and Azure . 13 WEST-FREIZLAND . WEST-FREIZLAND , hath on the East , Groyning ; on the South , Overyssell ; on the other sides the Sea. It containeth 345 Villages , and 11 Townes : the chief being Lewarden , where the common councell for the Province is kept . 2 Harlingem a Sea Towne . 3 Zwichen . 4 Doceum , where Gemma Frisius was borne ▪ and 5 Franeker , a new Vniuersitie . Neere vnto this Province is the I le Schelinke , the shoares whereof are plentifully stored with Dog-fish , who are taken in this manner . The men of the Iland attire themselues in beasts skinnes , and then fall a dancing and leaping ; with which sport the fish being delighted , make out of the water toward them . When they haue left the water , there are nets pitched betweene it and them ; which done , the men put off their disguizes , and the frighted Fishes hasting toward the sea , are caught in the toyles . This Country had once its proprietary Kings , the last of which was Roboald , vanquished by Charlemaigne , & the countrey was made a member of the French Empire . Roboald during his captiuitie , was persuaded to be baptized , but being ready to be sprinkled with the holy water , he demanded where were his friends , and kinsfolkes ; answere was made that they were in h●● because no Christians ; neither then will I , quoth hee , for I loue to be among my friends . The first Earle of Holland , Zeland , and West-Freizland , was Thierrie of Aquitaine , preferred to that dignity by Charles the bald , An● 863. It was vnited to the house of Burgundy , in the person of D. Philip the good , sonne vnto Margaret , daughter to Albertu● of Bavaria , Earle of Holland : which Philip succeeded Countesse Iaqueline , who died without issue , being daughter and heire to William , the brother of the forenamed Margaret , Anno 1433. The Armes of this Freizland are Azure , semi of billets Argent , two Lions Or. 14 VTRECHT . 15 OVERYSSELL . VTRECHT & her Diocesse was once part of Holland ▪ but now a distinct Prouince . It is bounded on the East with Gelderland ; on the North , South , and West , with Holland . It containeth 70 Villages , and 5 Townes , viz : 1 Rhenen . 2 Wick te Duerstede , on the South West side of the Prouince . 3 Amesfort iust opposite to it , on the North. 4 Montscort on the Southwest ; and 5 Vtrecht iust in the midst . It was first called Antonins , of one of the Antonines of Rome ; afterward by Dagobert of France , Traiectum , because of the common ferrie there . It is so seated , that a man may goe from hence in one day , to any one of 50 walled Townes equally from this distant : or to any of 26 Townes to dinner , and returne againe to bed . To her spirituall Iurisdiction belongeth the country beyond Yssell , now called OVERYSSELL or Transisulana . It is bounded on the North with Freizland and Groyning ; on the South with Gelderland ; on the East with Westphalia ; on the West , with the Sea : containing 101 Villages , and 11 Townes ; the chiefe of which are 1 Swall 2 Campene . 3 Deuentor , taken by Robert Dudley Earle of Leicester for the States , and villanously reyeelded to the Spaniard by S● William Stanley : b● regained not long after , 15●0 . 4 〈◊〉 5 〈◊〉 Old 〈◊〉 Hard●mb●rge . 8 〈◊〉 . These two Provinces were 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 the Bishop of Vtrecht . The first was 〈…〉 of Bavaria ; who being ●xpell'd by the Citizens 〈…〉 & the Duke of 〈◊〉 : resigned his iurisdiction to 〈◊〉 fift , who entred into it as the first temporall Lo●● , 1 , 2 〈◊〉 and for the better administration of iustice , diuided 〈◊〉 Lordsh●ps . 16 MACHLYN . MACHLYN is a Towne in Brabant , which 〈…〉 nish invasion , was honoured with the Parliament , 〈…〉 States . It was much defaced by firing of 800 〈…〉 powder , Anno 1546 : and by yeelding to the Spania●d , 〈…〉 It containeth besides this Towne , nine Villages ; 〈…〉 followed the fortune of Brabant , though it inioy not the p●●●●●ledges : for which cause many women at the time of 〈…〉 birth , goe to be deliuered in Brabant , that their 〈…〉 capeable of the immunities of that countrie . This is a 〈◊〉 strong Towre , and so daintily seated amidst the waters of the riuer Dele , that it may on all sides be drowned . Here 〈…〉 stery wherein are sometimes 1600 Nunnes , who m●y 〈…〉 pleasure leaue the Cloyster , and ma●ry . 17 GROYNING . GROYNING is a Towne of Well-Fr●ezland , contain●ng vnder her command 145 Villages , the chiefe being 〈◊〉 , and Ke●kerke . The towne is so called from a gree●e in 〈…〉 standeth . It belonged formerly to the Dukes of 〈…〉 whom it was wrested by the Earle of East-Freizland 〈…〉 able to defend his vniust detention , sold it to Cha●les 〈◊〉 Gue●dres 1514 : and in the yeare following it 〈…〉 Charles the fift , ●o whom George Duke of Saxonie 〈…〉 all his interest . This Towne and her ter●●tory ( which 〈◊〉 the Ommelands ) was oue●-awed by the Duke of Par●● , 15●0 , & was recouered by the States in lesse then two mo●●● 1594. The territories of this Prouince are bounded on the East , with East-Freizland ; on the West , with West-Freizland ; on the south with Overyssell ; on the North , with the Sea. By the severall meanes before recited , these seuerall Prouinces came vnder the command of one Prince ; who would haue made is a kingdome , had not the diuersity of lawes and prerogatiues , hindred his intention . Howsoeuer they continued faithfull subiects ; and Charles the Emperour at his death , commanded his sonne Philip to vse that people well : telling him that they had beene the chiefe supporters of his estate and glory ; and withall that if he vsed them otherwise then gently , they would be the ruine and destruction of him , and his fortunes ; wherein the euent shewed that he was but too true a Prophet . After the establishment of Philip in the gouernment , they to gaine his favour , gaue him 40 millions of Florens : but hee vnseasonably transported with a superstitious zeale , forgot both that , and his fathers Legacie ; intangling himselfe and them in a tedious and bloudy war : from which he was compelled to desist with losse of men , mony , and credit . So that now the countrey is diuided betweene the States , and the Archduchesse . The States haue vnder their Aristocraticall gouernment , the Dutchie of Gueldre● . 2 the Earledomes of Holland . 3 Zeland , and 4 Z●tphen . 5 The Lordships of Freizland . 6 Vt●echt . 7 Overyssell . and 8 Groyning . This is the lesser part by farre , & more poore in respect of the soyle : but more populous , & by the industrie of the people , ●arre more rich . They keepe about 30000 Souldiers in continuall Garrison ; whose pay together with their Officers and Captaines wages , amounteth to 500000l l yearely , or thereabout , which is raised by taxes from all commodities , victuals , and the like . The LL the States are chosen for euery Prouince one : the common counsell of euery particular Province is collected out of the Townes and principall Villages . The Councell of the particular Prouinces , resideth in the principall Townes of such Prouinces : but the Councell of the Generall States resideth continually at the Hage in Holland : in which Councell Maurice Prince of Orange , and the Embassadour , or Leiger for England , haue their places , and voices , a● members of it ; and that as free & binding as the general estates themselues . Here liue , but not with open exercise of religion , almost as many Iewes , Anabaptists , Papists , So●inians , and the like , as Protestants ; if not more . For since all s●rts spent their bloud , lost their friends , and consumed their estate against the common enimie in warre ; good reason they should enioy the blessings of peace . Notwithstanding they are not called to gouernment , or any publike charge ; such offices being alwaies conferred on the reformed . The Captaine Generall of all their forces , is Maurice of Nassaw , Prince of Orange , a valiant and expert leader . The profits which the Arch-Duke reapeth from his part of the country , are not great : his Souldiers pay is great , and hee is loath by taxes and other the like burdens , to exasperat the people , incite them to another rebellion , or startle their resolutions to some farther designes against his quiet . For the better historifying the breach of these Countries , from the kings of Spaine , I will ascend to the beginning of the house of Burgund●e . That the Dutchie , and Countie of Burgundie , formerly diuided , were vnited by the marriage of Ioane the Countesse , with Duke Eudes 1331 ; as also how they were given by King Charles the fift to his brother Philip the hardy , A ● 1369 : we haue before related . This Philip tooke to wi●e Margaret , daughter to Iohn d● Malaine , Earle of Flanders ; and in her right succeeded in that Earledome , Anno 1383. Vnder his successours , especially Philip the good ( vnder whom most of the Belgicke Provinces became vnited ) the subiects of Be●gia and Burgundie so abounded in wealth ; that Comines , who then liued , saith , that these Signeuries seemed like the Land of promise : the people being in their apparell , excessiuely gorgeous ; in their banquets ouer sumptuous ; in their manners , dissolute : vices vsually accompanying this kinde of felicity . Charles the warlike made an end of this happinesse , by warring on king Lewis the 11th ; for though he kept the warre from his owne home , yet after his death at the battle of Nancie ; the French king bereft his successour the Lady Mary of the Dutchy of Burgundie , & many Townes and Lordships in Picardie ; besides the greatest part of the Dutchy of Artoys . This Mary , married Maxim●lian Arch-Duke of Austria , with whom hauing liued about 5 years she brake her thigh with a fall from her horse ; and in a womāly modesty , chose rather to dye , then to permit any Chirurgian to dresse her there where she was hurt . In her ended the house of Burgundie ; the rights of these Prouinces being translated into the house of Austria , and from thence to Spaine : which hapned by the marriage of Philip , sonne to Mary , with Ioan , daughter and heire to Ferdinand , and Isabell , who then possessed all the continent of Spaine , Portugall excepted . During the g●uernment of this Philip , Charles his sonne , and Philip his grandchild ; these Countries , especially Luxenbourg , Hainal● , and Artoys , were ransacked and harrowed by the French : with whom these Princes were continually in war. But when a Truce was made betweene Spaine , and France ; then beganne King Philip to cast his thoughts on the subiection of this people to his wil & pleasure . For they were so fortified and insconced , as it were , with priuiledges , which their former Princes had granted , & the latter were sworne to obserue ; that hee found himselfe to want much of that free and vncontrolable power , which his violent spirit seemed euery where to desire . Some of these immunities we●e , that the Prince could place no stranger amongst them , either in offices of warre or iustice . 2ly , The Prince could giue nothing to the Clergy : nor 3ly , leavie no Subsidies without the States of the Country . But the maine prerogatiue was , that if the Prince by violence or wrong , did infringe any of the said Charters and Franchises ; the people after their declaratiō there of made , may goe to election of a new Prince . This not a little grieued the Spaniards , that such base and vnworthy people ( for so they esteemed them ) should in such liberty possesse so braue and rich a Country ; their King bearing no title of maiestie , or absolute command ouer them . Besides the reformation of Religion , which then began to growe to some strength , moued the King to reduce thē by Spanish Rhetoricke ( that is by the Sword and the Cannon ) to the Romish Church . To these ends hee sent the Duke of Alua , an old and expert Captaine , as hauing 60 yeares beene a Souldier , with a puissant army , to bee his Vice-Roy among them . He gaue him also a commission of that large extent , that he might place and displace whom he would , & execute all such as he found opposite to his designes . At that time the two chiefe men were the Prince of Orange , and Count Egmont ; the first was more potent with the people , the latter with the Souldiers . Had these two joyned together , they might easily haue preuented D. Alba's entrance ; but Egmont was so soothed vp with letters from Spaine , that he beleeued not the intelligence which the Prince had , concerning the Dukes Commission . The Earle exhorted the Prince to submit himselfe to the pleasure of the King , and so to preuent the ruine of his house : the Prince desired the Earle to maintaine the liberty of his country ; as for himself , he had rather bee a Prince without an hous● , then a Count without an head . Being thus resolued , the Prince retires to his friends of Nassaw , in high Germanie ; the Earle stayeth to congratulate the entrance of the new Gouernour : Who had no sooner setled himselfe , but he intrapped the Counts of Horne , & Egmont , & beheaded them . Anno 1567. Being thus rid of these two , with diuers others of good quality ; who liuing would much haue hindred his proceedings ; he quartered his Spaniards in the Townes and Prov●nces , spoyled the people not of their priuiledges onely , but their liberty ; among the reformed hee brought in the bloudy Inquisition ; and indeed so tyrannically did he behaue himselfe , that the people were forced to a defensiue warre , as well for their liues as substances . This was a warre of State , not Religion ; the most part of the Hollanders being Papists , at the time of their taking Armes . During these troubles , the Prince of Orenge was not idle ; but he in one place , and Count Lodowicke his brother , in another ; kept D. Alva imployed : though diuers times not with such fortunate successe , as the cause deserued . In the yeare 1572 , Flushing was surprized by Voorst , and Berland , as we haue before said . So also was the Brill in Voorne , an Iland of Holland , by the Count de la March : And not long after , all Holland , except Amsterdam , followed the fortune and side of the Prince , together with all of the Townes of Zealand , Middlebourg excepted . Anno 1573 D'Alba being recalled , Don Lewis de Requis●ns was appointed Gouernour , during whose rule , many of the Belgians abandoned their Country , some flying into Germany , others into France , most into England . After his death , & before the arriuall of Don Iohn , the Prince and his party recouered strength and courage again , till the comming of the Duke of Parma , who brought them into worse case then euer . Yet Anno 1581. they declare by their writings directed to all people , that Philip of ●paine was fallen from the gouernment ; and take a new oath of the people , which bound them neuer to returne to the Spanish obedience . This done , they elect Francis Duke of Aniou , heire apparant to the French king , and then in no small hopes of marrying our Queene , to be their Lord. But he intending rather to settle a tyrann●e in himself , then to driue it from the Spaniard , attempted Antwerpe , put his men into the town , but was by the valour of the Burgers shamefully repulst . Shame of this ignoble enterprise , especially griefe for its ill successe ▪ took him out of the world . The State of these countries was then thus by his Hieroglyphick , expressed . A cow represen●ed ●he body of Belgia , there stood the King of Spaine spurring her ; the Queen of England●eeding ●eeding her , the Prince of Orenge m●lking her ; And Duke Francis plucking her back by the taile , but she soul'd his fingers . During his vnfortunate gouernment , Parma preuailed in all places , especially after the death of William Prince of Orenge ; treacherously slaine with a Pistoll , Aº 1584. Now were the poore Hollanders truely miserable , hauing none to lead them , none to protect them ; but such as were likely to regard their own good , more then theirs . England was then only sanctuary they had now left , to her they sue , offering the Queene thereof , the soueraignty of their Prouinces ; who had if not a true , yet a plausible title to them ; As being lineallly descended from Edward the th●rd , and Philip his wi●e , who was sis●●r , ( and ( as some say heire ) to Wllliam Earle of Hainalt , Holland ▪ &c. If Margar●t , from whom the right of Spaine is de●iued , were Daughter to Earle William , then was our Queene to succeed after Philip , who was rejected : if that Margaret were ( as many w●ite ) his yonger sister , then was our Queen the vndoubted heire , her Predecessour Philippa , being Earle Williams eldest sister . Our Heroick Queene not disputing the right of the title , nor intending to her selfe any thing , saue the honor of relieuing her distressed neighbours ; like a true Defen●resse of the Faith , took them into her protection . Vnder wh●ch , the Belgian affaires succeeded so prosperously ( I will not now stand on particulars ) that before they would hearken to any treaty of peace , they forced the King of Spaine to confesse , that they were a people so free , that he had no right to the place , which they were possessed of . This peace was concluded , Anno 1609 : Since which time , they haue kept garrisons well disciplined , and as well payed . So that these Countries haue ( in these late dayes ) bin the Campus Martius , or Schoole of defence for all Ch●istendome ; to which the youth of all Nations repaire , to see the manner of fortifications , and learne the Art of warre . The people hereof haue for 40 yeares held the sta●●e against a most puissant Monarch , and haue with so great advantage capitulated , that it is obserued , where all other Nations grow poore with warre , these only grow rich . Whereupon it is remarkeable to consider into what follies and extremities Princes runne , by vsing their people to the warres . The Kings of France place most of their hopes in their Cavalrie ; because in policy they would not that the vulgar should bee exercised in armes . Lycurgus gaue a law to the Lacedemonians , that they should neuer fight often with one enemy : the breaking whereof made the Thebans a small Common-wealth , to be their equals in power . The Turkes wonne this vast Empire they now possesse , by making many , and speedy warres : but now that policy being worne out of fashion ; we see that ( to omit Persia ) the little and distracted kingdome of Hungary , hath for euen almost 200 yeares , resist●d them . So was it between the Dukes of Austria , and the Switzers ; and so it is betwixt the Spaniard , and Low-countrymen ; who being formerly accounted a dull & heauy people , altogether vnfit for the warres : by their continuall combating with the Spaniard , are become ingenious , full of action , and great managers of causes appertaining to fights , either by sea or land . We may hereby also perceiue what advantages a small State gaineth , by fortifying places and passages : there being nothing which sooner hindreth a great Prince , then to beleaguer a well fortified towne : for that herein he consumeth his time , and commonly looseth his men , credit , & mony : as the Romanes before Numantia ; the great Turke in Malta ; and Charles of Burgundy before Nancie . For where warre is drawn out of the field vnto the wals , the Mattock and Spade being more necessary then the Sword and Speare : there the valour of the assailants is little auaileable , because it wanteth its proper obiect . Since the vniting of most of these Provinces , these haue bin the Lords of Belgia . 1383 1 Philip the hardy , Duke of Burg. E. of Flanders . 2 Iohn the proud , D. of Burg. E. of Flanders . 3 Philip II the Good , Duke of Burg. Brab . Lux. Limb. Marquesse of the Empire ; E. of Fland. Art. Nam , Hain . Holl. Zel , Lord of Freiz , and Machlyn . 1467 4 Charles the warlike . 1476 5 Mary , daughter to Charles . 1476 5 Maximilian Archd. of Austria . 1481 6 Philip II. Archd. of Austria , D. of Burg. 1481 6 Ioane Queene of Castile . 1506 7 Charles II. Emperour , K. of Spaine , Archd. of Austria , D. of Burg. Brab . Guel. Lux Limb. Marq. of the Empire : Earle of Fland. Artoys , Nam . Holl. Hain . Zel. Lord of Freiz . Vtr. Over . Groyn . Machlyn . 1559 8 Philip IV. of Sp. II , reiected by the States . 1599 5 Clara Isabella Eugeniae , daughter to Philip. 1599 5 Albertus Archd. of Austria . The principall order of Knighthood in these Countries , hath bin , and is of the Golden Pleece , instituted by Duke Philip the Good , Anno 1430 : in analogie to Gedeons Fleece , as some will ; or Iasons Fleece , as others thinke ; and it may be in token of the loue he bare to the English Wooll , from which he receiued so great profits . They weare a collar of gold , interlaced with 〈◊〉 iron , seeming to strike fire out of a flint ; the word Ex ferro flammam ; at the end hung the Fleece , or Toison d' Or. This company was raised by the same Philip from 25 , ( for at first institution they were no more ) to 3● ; Charles the fift raised them to 51 ; and now there may be as many as the King of Spaine will invest with it . Here are 6 Vniuersities . Lovaine Brab . Doway . Fland. Leige . Limb. Leiden . Holl. Harderwicke . Geld. Groyning . 1614. Before the reformation and Spanish invasion , here were reckoned Archbishops 3 Dukes 4 Earles 7 Bishops 15 Marquesse 1 Lords 5 Thus much of Belgia . OF GERMANIE . GERMANIE is bounded on the West with France and Be●gia ; on the North with Denmarke and her seas ; on the East wit● Prussia , Poland , and Hungary : on the South with the Alpes . It was so called ( as some think ) by the Roman● , who passing ouer Rhene to satisfie his eye in seeing forrain countries , or to enrich himselfe with the spoyle of an vnfriendly Nation , seeing the people so like vnto the Gaules in speech , man●ers , & complexion , called them the Germane to the French. Others doe deriue it from ●er , which signifieth all ; and man : whence also came the name of Almayne , as well as that of Germane . By this Etymologie they would imply , that the Almaines or Germanes are a very warlike Nation ; as a people that haue in the● , nihil nisi virile , nothing weak or womanish , nor indeed any thing not worthy a man. B●t it is by others as probablie conjectured , that they are called Almanes or Germanes , because they consist of so many seuerall nations , comming out of the North & North-East hither , that they seeme to be an hotchpot or mixture of all kindes of men , kn●aded into one name and country : and this is the conceit of Asinius Qu●dratus . The compasse of this spacious countrey , is 2600 English miles : the figure is almost an exact square , each side being in length 650 miles . It is situate in the Northerne temperat Zone , vn●●r the 7 ●● and 11th Climates , the longest day being 17 〈◊〉 , and a halfe . I● is supposed to contain 10 milliōs of people : the men of the po●●e● sor● , laborious , painfu●l , and of sincere behauiour : the Nobles either profound schollers , or resolute souldiers , louers of true honour , though Tacitus thought otherwise , saying ; the 〈…〉 liberty , the Belgians for honours , the Germanes 〈…〉 little addicted to Venus , and very much to 〈…〉 the proverb , Germanorum vivere , est biber● ▪ 〈…〉 sicles : Germani possunt cunctos tolerare labores , O utinam possent tam benè ferre sitim . G●rmanes themselues vnto all workes inure , Oh would they thirst could halfe so well endure . 〈…〉 of a strong constitution , and much inclining to 〈…〉 whereupon Pope Iulio the second , styling the Spani 〈…〉 of the aire , because of their ambition ; the Venetians 〈…〉 , fishes of the Sea : c●l●ed the Germans , beasts of 〈…〉 . And when Augustus established the Monarchie of 〈…〉 was advised by Agri●pa , to choose a guard of Germ●●●● , ●he reason was , because in those great bodies , there was 〈…〉 hidden , and lesse subtilty ; & that they were a people that 〈◊〉 more pleasure to be commanded , then to command . In mat●ers of war●e thi● people haue bin euer in a mea 〈…〉 yet not so much by the valour , or conduct of their ( 〈…〉 or they haue had but few such ) as by their owne 〈…〉 . They withstood the Romanes 210 yeares ; afflicting and 〈◊〉 them more in that space ; then either the Carcha 〈◊〉 Spaniards , French , or Parthians : and euen at the last ( ●aith 〈◊〉 ) t●u●mpha●imagis sunt , quàm vi●li . In our times 〈…〉 , and ●ans●●●ghts of G●rmanie , are of indifferent 〈…〉 their onely , or at least their greatest fault b●ing a 〈…〉 custome they h●●e , euen in the midst of a battail , if their 〈…〉 truly p●●ed to cry gu●lt , gu●lt , cast downe their 〈…〉 suffer ▪ themselues to bee cut in pieces by the 〈◊〉 . The women are of a good complexion , though by reason of their intemperance in eating and drinking , they are somewhat corpulent : women ( as they say ) of good carriage , good bea●ers , and good breeders . The diet of Germany , Italy , and that of France , is thus censured : the Germans haue much meat , but sluttishly dressed ; the French litle , but cleanly handled ; the Italians neither one nor the other . The titles of the Fathers descend to all the children , euery son of a Duke , being a Duke ; and euery daughter a Dutchesse : a thing which the Italians hold so ridiculous , that they put it in the fore-front of this facetious Satyre . The Dukes and Earles of Germany , the Dons of Spaine , the Monsieurs of France , the Bishops of Italy , the Nobility of Hungary , the Lairdes of Scotland , the Knights of Naples , and the younger brethren of England , make a poore company . For by this common assuming of the Fathers honour , and parting his lands among all the brethren ; the Nobility is beyond reason multiplied , and no lesse impouerisht : there being not long since , 17 Princes of Anhalt , & 27 Counts of Mansfield ; to most of which , their Armes haue bin the best part of their riches , & nihil nisi arma & manus , & in his omnia , as Tacitus once said of the Brittaines . Their language being the Dutch , hath lesse commixture with the Latine , then any which is vsed in the Westerne parts , and is very harsh , by reason of its many consonants . Tacitus accounted this country rude and barren , as then cōtaining nothing but vnpeopled Forrests , vprofitable Heaths , and vnhealthfull pooles : but were he now aliue , he would bee forced to sing a Palinodia , confessing it to be both pleasing , healthfull and profitable ; abounding with Mines of Siluer , and inferiour mettals ; plentifull in Corne and Wines , which they transport into other Countries ; together with fresh fish , Linnens , Quicksiluer , Allum , Armours , and other iron-workes , The Arable lands are in the East parts so spacious , that the husbandman going forward with his plough in the morning , turneth not back again till it be mid-day . So making his whole dayes worke , but two ploughed furrowes ; one in his going forward , the other in his returne , as Verstegan relateth . In former times this Country yeelded neither good Captain , nor good Scholler ; the later both , but especially the Scholler , as Albertus Magnus the Physician , and great Philosopher ; who made the Statua of a man , which by the operation of inward artificiall engins , could speak very articulately , and was the worke of 30 yeares : Appian the Cosmographer , Gesner the Philosopher , Munster , Luther , Vrsinus , Zuinglius , Scultetus , & Iunius , with many other Diuines , besides Keckerman , Alstedius , Timpler , Goclenius , &c. To those let me adde Bertholdus Swart , if not for his learning , yet for one of his inventions ; being that fatall instrument , called the Gunne . This Swarte was a Franciscan , and studious in Alohymie . For the finding out of experiments in this Art , he was one euening tempering brimstone , dried earth , and certain other ingredients , in a mortar , which he couered with a stone . The night growing on , he took a tinder-box to light him a candle ; where striking fire , a spark by chance flew into the mortar , and catching hold of the brimstone , and salt-peter , with great violence blew vp the stone . The cunning Alchymist guessing which of his ingredients it was that produced this effect , made h●m an iron pipe , crammed it with sulphure , and stones ; and putting fire to it , saw with what great fury and noyse it discharged it selfe . This Invention he communicated to the Venetians , Anno 1330 , or thereabouts ; who hauing bin often vanquished by the Genewaies , and driuen almost to a necessity of yeelding to them : by the help of these Gunnes , ( Bombards they were then called ) gaue vnto their enemies a notable discomfiture . And this was the first battaile that euer those warlike pieces had a part in : which not long after , put to silence all the engins and dev●ces , where with the Ancients were wont to make their bat●erie . The next that made vse of this Instrument , were the inhabitants of the Balticke sea : and not long after them , the English , at the siege of Calice , Anno 1347 ; about which time they began also to be vsed in Spaine . The French , it seemeth , learned the vse of them from the English ; and the first benefit receiued by them , was the death of that famous Leader , Thomas Montacute , Earle of Salisbury , who at the siege of Orleance , was slain with a great shot , Anno 1425. The Turbes are beholding for them to the warres they had with the Venet●an● ; beholding I say , for notwithstandi●g the harmes receiued by them at first ; yet afterward growing expert in managing of thē , they gaue vnto Vffin Cassares , and Hismael , two of the most mighty Emperours of Persia , two memorable ouerthrowes , by the help of their great Ordinance only . The Portugals were in this Art , the Tutors to the Persians : for as Solyman the 〈◊〉 Emperour objected against them , they not only aided 〈◊〉 the Sophie with certain h●rcabagiers ; but also sent him workmen to shew him the vse and making of Artillerie . These great pieces at the first invention were rude , vnweldie , and charged with stone bullets only : but by degree , they come to that perfection , both for the wall a●d the hard , that they 〈…〉 Whether now Archerie or Gunning be to be protected , I stand not here to determine : onely this I am sure of , that victories haue been of late purchased with lesse expence of life & blo●d , then euer in former times they were . But of this theame m●●e hereafter . The Religion here is diuers , Iewes being intermingled with Christians , these diuided into Pap●sts and Pr●testants . These latter also are diuided into Lutherans and Calvi●ists , who though in all things opposite to the Romish Church , are yet in some few , contrary one to the other : the Lutheran maintaining consubstantiation in the blessed Eucharist , with omnipresen●e : and eternall predestination , to be out of a fore-scene faith and good workes , and not absolute . Which tenents not 〈…〉 to the word of the most High , are impugned b● the 〈◊〉 and that with more vehemencie , and lesse mod●st●e , 〈…〉 and writing , then is profitable to either : making 〈…〉 ther worse then better , by bitter calumniati●ns 〈…〉 to be the two chiefe , if not only poi●●s , they 〈◊〉 . Boterus reckoneth the Revenues of the 〈…〉 lions , which indeed were true , taking Anst 〈…〉 hemia for parts of it : but since these are not 〈…〉 Imperiall Throne , but that they may be vtterly di 〈…〉 , reason they should be admitted into the reckoning . 〈…〉 tiles are parts of the Empire , but acknowledge no subiection ▪ as Denmarke , Switzerland , and the Seuenteene Provinces ; Some again acknowledge a kind of subiection , but come not to the Diets , as some Italian Potentates , the Dukes of Lorreine and Savoy ; and some both confesse the Emperours soueraigntie , & come to all Councels , namely the Germaine Princes ; who all pay certain monies , which they count a contribution , but no tribute . The cities of this country are of 3 sorts , Hansetownes , which enjoy large pr●uiledges and immunities , and are in number 72 : such are Lubecke , Hambourg , Madenbourg : Each of which is able to put to sea 150 good Ships . The second sort are they which are holden by inheritance of some Princes . The third sort are the Free or Imperiall cities : Free for their great prerogatiues of coyning moneys , and ruling by their owne lawes ; Imperiall , as knowing no Lord or protectour , but the Emperour ; to whom they pay two third parts of such contributions , as are assessed in the assemblies , and about 1500 Florens yearely , for themselues and their territories . This revenue as it is certainely knowne not to be very great , so cannot wee certainly know how great or litle . These cities enioying so many priuiledges , and hauing so full a command ouer the neighbouring country , and the villages thereof , are exceeding rich & potent . I will instance only in Norimberg , by which wee may guesse at the rest : and in Norimberg also I can but ayme at the whole wealth , by a particular losse , which was thus . Aº 1554. when Maeurice Duke of Saxony , and his associats , had driuen the Emperour Charles out of Germany , Albert Marquesse of Brandenbourg , whose sword was in a manner his law , and his revenue , besieged this City : He burnt 100 of the villages belonging to it , 70 manors and sermes appertaining to the citizens : 3000 acres of wood : and after all this spoyle , compoundeth with them for 200000 crownes , and sixe pieces of Ordinance . As for the Religion in these free and Imperiall townes professed , it is in a manner totally the reformed ; there being 3 onely , which adhere wholly to the Church of Rome , which are Gmond , Vberlinque , or Whirlingen , and Dinkelspuhel ; three smal townes in the lower Suevia , and in some few of the rest , both religions are permitted . In briefe these are called free Citties ( as Guicciardine the Historian defineth them ) which acknowledging by a certain determinate tribute , the authority of the Empire , doe notwithstanding in all other things , gouern themselues after their own lawes : not seeking to amplifie their territories , but to defend their liberties . They are in number 60 , as Francsort , Norimberg , with the rest : which together with the Princes in time of warres , are to aide the Emperour with 3842 horse , and 16300 foot ; but how small a triste is that , in respect of so huge a Country . The principall riuers are 1 Danubius , which rising out of Nigrasylva , and receiuing amongst others , 60 navigable riuers , disgorgeth his full stomack out of his 7 mouthes , into the Euxine seas , after it hath streamed along for the space of 1500 miles . Cedere Danubius se tibi Nile negat . O seuen-mouth'd Nile I plainly see , Danow will scarce giue way to thee . 2 Rhene , which arising in Helvetia , and running through Germanie and Belgia , after a course of 800 miles , saluteth the Germane Ocean ; into which also runneth 3 the Albis , after a journy of more then 400 miles ; rising about the lowest skirts of Bohemia , and passing by Madenberg , Brunswicke , & Denmarke . 4 Odera which hath his fountaine in the hithermost con●in●s of Silesia ; and after it hath runne a s●lent course through Brandenbourg , and Pomerania , of some 300 miles in length ; openeth his wide mouth in the Balticke sea . 5 Maenus . 6 Visurgis , or Weser . About 130 yeares after the vniuersall deluge , and not long after the confusion of tongues at Babell , ( if wee may beleeue what we find recorded ) one Teuto the son of Gomer , came into Germany ; of whom the people of his posterity were called Teutones : by which name , many of them were known to the Romanes , though not without a miscellaneous admixture of others ; as the Cha●ti , Cherusci , Suevi , and the like . Caesar opened the way for the Romanes to this country , the conquest wherof was brought to best perfection by him , who for his happy victories , was meritoriously named Germanicus . It continued Romane vntill the dayes of Phocas ; when France , Spaine , and Germanie , at a clap shaked off all allegiance to the Empire ; so detestable is a tyrannicall vsurper , that euen barbarous and ignoble spirits abhorre his gouernment . Germanie being now slipt from its former bondage , was distracted into many petty royalties ; all or most of which , were extinguished by the greater light of the French Monarchie , vnder Pepin and Charles , Kings of France : the latter being for his many seruices to the Church , made Emperour of the West , containing vnder its command , part of Spaine , and Italy , all France , and Germanie , which last hath bin the seat of most of his successours . So that now the prophecie of the Druides , concerning the remouing of the Empire into these parts , seemeth to haue bin fulfilled , though Tacitus in his time accounted it a vaine and idle prediction . For when Civilis raised a rebellion in Germany against Vespasian , then newly made Emperour ; possessionem rerum humanarum Transalpinis gentibus portendi , superstitione vanâ Druidae canebant . And by this erecting of the Westerne Empire , we see the prophecie to haue bin good ; though it was not so soone fulfilled , as was expected . The Emperours of Germany . 801 1 Carolus M. 14 815 2 Ludov. Pius 26 841 3 Lotharius 15 856 4 Ludovious II 19 877 5 Carolus Calvus 2 6 Ludov. III. Balbus 7 Carol. III. Crassus 891 8 Arnolphus 12 903 9 Ludovicus IV. 10 913 10 Conradus I. 7. This Prince was the last of the blood of Charles the great : for the Francones and the Saxones , seeing Charles the simple King of France , wholly possessed with the Normans ; took that advantage , and chose an Emperour of their owne blood : a worthy Prince questionlesse they made choyce of , subduing to the Empire the Sclavonians , the Hungarians , Dalmatians , Bohemians , Lorreine , and Brandenburg : for his delight is fowling he was called 920 11 Henricus Auceps 18 938 12 Otho I. 36 974 13 Otho II. 10 984 14 Otho III 19. After the death of this Emperour , all right of succession disclaimed , the Emperours became electiue ; whereby the Princes haue growne potent : But the Empire weake , voices being obtained , not according to the worthines of vertue , but by gifts , to the prejudice of the Imperiall Majesty . This decree of election was confirmed by Pope Gregory the fi●t , and the power giuen to the Count Palatine of Rhene , Archsewer ; the Duke of Saxony , Lord Marshall ; and the Marquesse of Brandenburg , chiefe Chamberlaine of the Temporalties ; amongst the spiritualty , to the Archbishop of Mentz , Chancellour of the Empire ; to the Archbishop of Collen , Chancellour of Italy to the Archbishop of Triers , Chancellour of France : and if equality of voices hapned , the Duke of Bohemia , ( but now King ) had the binding voice , who by office is chiefe cup-bearer . These Offices on dayes of especiall solemnitie , are performed after this manner . Before the gate of the Emperour standeth an heape of oates so high , that it reacheth to the brest of the horse , whereon the D. of Saxony rideth : who beareth in his hand a siluer wand , and a siluer measure , both which together , weigh 200 markes of siluer . Then sitting on his horse , he filleth that measure with oates , and sticking his siluer staffe●in the remainder , he goeth together with the Emperour into the Pallace ; hauing first giuen his measure of oates to any of his seruants which standeth next vnto him . When the Emperour is entred the Palace , and is sate down at his Table , the 3 spirituall Electours standing orderly together , say grace . Then the Marquesse of Brandenbourg comming on horsebacke with a siluer bason ( weighing 12 markes of siluer ) full of water , in his hand , and a fine clean towell on his arme , lighteth downe , and giueth the Emperour water to wash his hands . After him the Palatine of the Rhene commeth on horseback , with 4 siluer platters in his hands , full of meat ; who lighting from his horse , carrieth , & setteth them down on the table ; euery platter weighing three markes . Last of all , the King of Bohemia , riding on a horse , with a napkin on his arme , and a couered cup in his hand , weighing 12 markes , entreth the great Hall ; where lighting downe , hee giueth the cup to the Emperour to drinke . The election is vsually holden at Francfort on Maenus , whither the Electours or their deputies come vpon the day appointed by the Bishop of Mentz , whose office it is to assemble the Princes . In their passage vnto Francfort , they are guarded by euery Prince , through whose territories they passe . Their attendants must not exceed the number of 200 horsemen whereof 50 only must be armed . When they are all met , they goe to St Bartholmewes Church ; where after Masse said , the spirituall Electours laying their hands on their brests , and the temporall on their booke , shall sweare to choose a fit temporall head for the people of Christendome . If in the space of 30 dayes they haue not agreed , then must they eate nothing but bread & water , nor by any meanes goe out of the city , till the greater part haue agreed on a man , who shall forth with be acknowledged King of the Romanes . The inauguration is holden first at Aken in Gulick , where the new elected Emperour receiueth the siluer Crown for Germany : secondly at Millaine , where he receiueth his iron Crown for Lombardy . Thirdly at Rome , where he receiueth the golden Crowne for the Empire . These constitutions were made by Charles the 4th , and called the Golden Bull , or Aurea Bulla , Anno 1356. The first chosen Emperour was 1002 15 Henricus II. Claudus & Sanctus 22 1025 16 Conradus II. Salicus 15 1040 17 Henricus III. Niger 17 1057 18 Henricus IV. senior 50. In the dayes of this Prince , the Romane Prelates began to vsurpe authority ouer Kings and Emperours . Leo the ninth hauing receiued the Papacie of the Emperours hands , repented himselfe , put off his purp●e , went to Rome as a priuat man , and was againe elected by the Clergie . This was done by the perswasion of Hildebrand a Monke , who being afterwards Pope Gregory the seuenth , excommunicated this Henry ; being the first Prince that euer was excōmunicated : from this time , till the yeare 1254 , was there continuall warres , and thunders , between the Popes , and the nine following Emperours . 1107 19 Henricus V. iunior 20 1126 20 Lothar , Saxo 13 1138 21 Conradus III. 15 1153 2● Frideric . I. Barb. 38 1190 23 Henricus VI. 8 1198 24 Philip. 25 Otho IV 1212 26 Frederick II. 38 1250 27 Conradus IV. 4 1254 28 Richard Earle of Cornwall , and brother to King Henry the 3 of England ▪ was chosen and crowned King of the Romanes ; and after he had supported a ruinous Empire 6 yeares , he returned into England , where he died . In the times of these last Emperours , the politicke Bishops of Rome , had in a manner forced the Emperours out of Italy ; so that Rodolfus the next Emperour , sold all his right in Italy to diuers Princes . The craft of the Popes extended yet farther , euen into Germany ; where by granting royall prerogatiues to the tributary Princes , they much weakned the state of the Empire : It was vtterly ruined by Venceslaus , who sold Lombardie to the Visconti of Millaine ; and gaue to the Princes many possessions of the Empire , for their fauours in his election ; which they then willingly receiued , and since powerfully defended ; few of them not being able to wage war●e with the Emperours themselues . Charles the fift , was questionlesse the most puissant Emperour from Charles the Great , as being King of Spaine , Lord of all Belgia , King of Naples , Duke of Millaine , and Austria ; yet his inability to match with some of those ruffling Princes , was not the least cause of his resignation to his brother Ferdinand . But to proceed : After a 12 yeares interegnum , was chosen 1273 30 Rodol . Habspur . 19 1292 31 Adulph . Nassov . 6 1298 31 Albert. Austr . 10 1308 32 Henr. VII . Lucel . 6 1314 33 Ludovi●us Bavar . 1346 34 Carolus IV. 32 1378 35 Vencestaus 22 36 Iodocus Barbatus . 1400 37 Rupert . Palatin . 10 1411 38 Sigis. R. Hung. 28 1431 39 Alb●rt . II. Aust. 1 1440 40 Fred. III. Aust. 54 1494 41 Maximil . I. 25 1519 42 Carolus V. 39 1558 43 Ferdinandus 7 1565 44 Maximilianus II 1576 45 Rodolphus II. 35 1610 46 Matthias . 1619 47 Ferdinand . II. Being the ninth of the house of Austria , without intermission . The cause of which is to be attributed to Charles the fift , who procured in his life-time , that his brother might be chosen Rex Romanorum , as his successour . Now Rex Romanorum is defined to be one , who is already so farre estated in the Empire , that on the death , deposition , or resignation of the present Emperour , he is immediatly to succeed . This definition may passe , though there be no necessity of the Rex Roma●orum into the Empire . For Charles the fifth , though he made his brother King of the Romaens , had no small hopes to haue left his sonne Philip his successour iu the Empire : for feare of which , it was by many thought , that his brother lent D. Mau●ice a helping hand , to driue him out of Germanie . The reason why Charles did institute this Rex Romanorum , was questionlesse a desire to perpetuate the soueraignty in his owne house ; but his pretences were 1 , because he hauing the command of many Nations , could not alwayes be present in Germany . 2ly the troubled State of Christendome , by reason of Luthers preaching , especially there ; 3ly the violent power of the Turkes , who now began to be nigh neighbours vnto them ; 4ly the late rurall warres , raised by the Boores , and scarce yet thoroughly extinct ; and 5ly an imminent disobedience in euery part of the Empire , seemed to require a powerfull coadjutor . The wise Duke of Saxonie , through all these faire pretences , truely saw the maine plot ; which was to make Germany ( as Galba in his excellent oration to Piso , said of the Romane Empire ) unius quasi familiae haereditatem : and therefore he first flatly denied to yeeld to any such institution . Then he motioned that there might be an acte made , to prohibite the continuance of the Imperiall autority , longer in one family , then for 3 successions : But preuailing in neither , he left the Electours : by whom Ferdinand was chosen , and not long after crowned at Aken or Aquisgrane in Cleueland , the 16 of Ianuary , Anno 1531. This policie hath bin euer since continued by his successours , to which the Germanes are more willing ; because the Austrian Princes are natiues of the Country , and able to backe out the Empire , in its compleat countenance of Maiestie . The Armes of the Empire , are Sol , an Eagle displayed with two heads Saturne , armed and crowned Mars . The two heads signifie the East and West Empire : whereof the one is quite plucked off , and the other stript of all its feathers ; the Imperiall dignity being growne litle more , then titularie . The chiefe Pro●inces of Germanie are 1 East-Friezland , 2 Westphalia 3 Cleu●land . 4 Alsatia . 5 Franconia . 6 Helvetia . 7 Suevia . 8 Bavaria . 9 Austria . 10 Bohemia . 11 Brandenburg . 12 Saxonie . 13 Pomerania and Mecklenburg . 14 Brunswick and Luneb●urg . 15 Hassia ; some of which , Aubanus thus censureth . They of Suevia are whoores ; they of Franconia , rauishers and beggers ; they of Bohemia , heretickes : they of Bavaria , theeues ; they of Helvetia bawdes ; they of Saxonie , fudlers : they of Frisia and Westphalia , swearers : and they of the Rhene are gluttons . 1 EAST-FREIZLAND . EAST-FRIEZLAND is bounded on the West with the Ems , on the East with the Woser , on the South with Westphalia , on the North with the Sea. The old inhabitants were the Cauchi : the chiefe Townes are 1 Emden , so called of the Ems , on which it is seated . This Towne hath of late expelled their Earle , and gouerne as a petty Common-wealth , making Religion but a maske to disguise vnnaturall rebellions . 2 Amm●r Dun. 3 Oldenbourg , which hath an Earle of its owne ; a family sufficiently famous , in that the Kings of Denmarke are descended from it , euer since Christian , Earle of this place , was chosen King of that country , Anno 1448. 4 Anselinge , &c. The first Earle of East-Freizland was Ezardus , Anno 1466 ; his predecessours being onely Captaines of the Country : the present Count is Gustanus , who Anno 1592 , was driuen out of Emden , because he fauoured the Lutherans , rather then the Calvinists . 2 WESTPHALIA . WESTPHALIA was the habitation of the old Saxons , vntill by Charles the Great , they were brought into narrower compasse : and though now also this name is not of so large extent as it hath bin , yet we will take it as it was at the biggest , when it was bounded on the East with Brunswicke , on the West with Belgia , on the North with the Sea , on the South with Hassia . The soyle aboundeth with all fruits , and is wonderfully stored with Acornes ; which feed Swine of an exceeding pleasant taste and nourishment , so that a Westphal●an Gammon of Bacon , is the chiefe dish at a Banquet . The Northerne part of this Country is called Bremen , from the chiefe City Breme , the Bishop whereof is Lord of this Tract . The next parts belong to the Dukes of Saxony , the chie●e Cities of which are 1 Clappenburg . 2 Exenberg . 3 Als●orpe &c. The other part belongeth to the Bishoprick of Collen , Munster , and Triers . The Bishopricke of Collen containeth a great part of Westphalen , and was once belonging to Lorreine , till the da●es of Otho 2d : Who giuing Lorreine to Charles of France , extracted great possessions from it ; which he gaue to the Bishop of Collen . The former inhabitants were the Vbij , who were converted to Christianity , by Maternus the Disciple of St Peter , Anno 70. Their chie●e Citty was Vbiopolis , afterward called Agrippina , in honour of Agrippina , Nero's mother : and lastly Collen , of the French , who there planted a colonie . Nigh vnto this citty did Caesar with incredible expedition make a bridge ouer the Rhene , which more terrified the barbarous enemy , then the reports of his valour ; so powerfull is laborious industry , that it ouercommeth all disasters , & maketh the most vnpassable waters , yeeld to Heroicke resolutions . The Archbishop of this citty is the second spirituall Electour of the Emperour , & Chancelour of Italy . In this towne ( as it is supposed ) are nigh 100 priuate Schooles . In this Towne also are said to lye the bodies of the three wise men , which came from the East to worshippe our Sauiour , vulgarly called the three Kings of Collen . The whole story is at large written in tables , which are fastned vnto the Tombes . The pith whereof is this . The first of them called Melchior , an old man with a long beard , offered gold as vnto a King. The second called Gaspar , a beardlesse young man , offred Frankincense as vnto God ▪ The third called Balthasar , a blackmoore with a spreading beard , offred Mirrh , as vnto a man ready for his Sepulchre . Th●t they were of Arabia , the table saith is probable ; first , because they came from the East , and so is Aribia in respect of Hierusalem . 2ly , because it is said in the 72 Psalme , The Kings of Ar●bia shall bring guifts . As for their bodies , they are the●e said to haue beene translated by Helena , the mother of Constantine ; vnto Constan●inople : from thence by Eustor●ius , Bishop of Millaine , vnto Millaine ; and finally brought hither by Rainoldus Bishop hereof An o 1164. This is the substance of the history , which for my part I reckon among the Apocrypha . The other Townes vnder the dominion of this Bishop are 1 Ernace , or Andernach , ( Marcellinus calleth it Antennacum ) one of the 10 Garrison ; erected on the banke of Rhene by Caesar. 2 Lints , seated on the Rhene , as also is 3 B●nna , where the Bishop hath a Pallace , which is esteemed to bee one of the fairest houses of Germany . And 4 Mondenand . The Bishopp of Collen , writeth himselfe Duke of Westphalia , and Angiuaria , which last is a but a part of the first . The chiefe Townes vnder the Bishop of Munster are , 1 Warendorp . 2 Herwerden . & 3 Munster , seated on the riuer of Ems , and so called of a Monastery built there by Charles the great . In this Towne about the yeare 1533 , a lawlesse crew of Anabaptists assembled , chose themselues a King , whom they called the King of Sion ; and the Citty they named new Hierusalem : but by the industry of the Bishop , this tumult was appeased , their King and his chiefe complices deseruedly punished . To epitomize the story would quite spoile it , and therefore I referre the reader to the 10th book of Sleidans Commentaries , who excellently , and at large describeth , the beginning , progresse , and end of this fanaticall kingdome . The chiefe Townes belonging to the Bishop of Triers are 1 Bopport , seated on the Moselle , and so called quasi bon port , a safe harbour . It was once miserably wasted by Richard Earle of Cornwall , and King of the Romans ; because the Bishop of Triers had opposed his election . 2 Engers , pawned together with Bopport , to the Bishops of this Diocesse , by the Emperour Henry the 7th . 3 Coblents , anciently called Confluentia , because it is built at the con●luence of the Rhene , and the Moselle . & 4 Treveris , or Triers , a Citty seated in an ayre so clowdy , and subiect to raine ; that it is by some merrily called Cloaca planetarum● . This is the chiefe seat of the Chancellour of France , & third spirituall Electour : it is built on the Moselle , & is so ancient , that it is recorded to haue beene built 150 yeares before Rome . To this Bishop also belongeth the faire and sumptuous Castle of Hermenstemie . 3 CLEVELAND . This Dutchy containeth , 1 Cleue . 2 Gulicke . 3 Berge . The Dutchie of CLEVE ioyneth to Gelderland . The chiefe Citties are 1 Cleue . 2 Calker . 3 Wesell . 4 Emericke . Here dwelt the Cherusci , who slew three Legions & their Captaine Qui●tilius Varus . This discomfiture , partly by the losse of so many of his Souldiers ; partly by the ignominy thence receaued ; and withall that griefe had beene of long a Non-resident with him : so distracted Augustus , that he was seene to teare his beard , & knock his head against the posts , crying , redde mihi Legiones Quintili Vare ▪ In this ouerthrowe the Barbarians seized on two of the Roman Eagles , the third being cast into the Fennes by the standard-bearer ; which inforceth Cuspinianus and that not improbably , to guesse , that the Armes of Germany should be two Eagles conjoyned , and not one with two heads . Cleue was made an Earledome Anno 911 : and for want of heires diuolued into the Empire Aº 1350 , in the time of Charles the fourth : who not long after gaue it to Adolfe Bishop of Collen ; it may be for his fauour in raising his sonne Wenceslaus to the Empire : His son also named Adolfe , was by Sigismond the Emperour made Duke of Cleue Anno 1417. This Dukedome is now vnited vnto the Marquisate of Brandenburg , by marriage of the sister of Iohn the last Duke , vnto Albert a Marquesse of Brand●nburg . But the Marquesse inioyeth not the least part of it . For the other pretendants herevnto , to make their side good , besought aid of the Spaniards ; whereby the Marquesse was inforced to cal in the States of the Lowcountries , by which meanes the Spaniard possessed himselfe of Cleue ; and the States of Berge and Gulicke : leauing the true owner small ioy in these his new possessions . The Armes are Gules , a Carbuncle Or , on an Eschotcheon in ●esse , Argent . 2 The Dutchie of GVLICK , or Iuliacum , was anciently inhabited by the Menapij and Eburones . The chiefe Citties are , 3 Aquisgranum or Aken , where the Emperour after his election is inucsted with the siluer Crowne of Germanie . This towne was formerly that wintring campe of the Romans called Vetera , which was taken by Civilis in the beginning of his rebellion against Vespasian : during which warres it is often mentioned by the writers of those times . They were built and strengthned by Augustus , the better to keep vnder the Germans : quippe illis bybernis obsideri premique , G●rmanias Augustus crediderat . At this day this Towne and ●r●ers are reputed famous for holy relicks ; here being among others ●he bearing cloath wherein our Sauiour was wrapt when he was in his swadling clouts : which the Emperour solemnly worshippeth at his inauguration Concerning the ambition which the Papists haue to bee thought possessours of these reliques ; See , I beseech you , how pittifully they haue mangled the head of St Iohn Baptist. They of Amiens brag that they haue his face , and so doe they of St Iohn D Angelie . The rest of his head is at Malta , yet is the h●nder part of his skull at Namours , and his braine at Nouum R●stourense . Another part of it is at Maurienn● , another peece at Paris ; his law at Wesell , his ●are at S. Flowres , his forehead and haire at S. Salvadores in Venice ; another peece of his head is at Noyon , & another at Luca ; yet is his whole head intire and vnmaimed in St Sylvesters Church at Rome : & so no doubt is this bearing-cloth at more places then one . 2 Gulicke , lost lately by the States of the vnited Provinces . 3 Dulken . 4 Newis , called by Tacitus , Nov●sium . The country of Gulick● o● Iul●ers , of an Earledome , was by the Emperour Lewis made a Ma●quisate , Anno 1329 : & about the yeare 1359 , Marquesse William for his good seruice was made Duke of Gulicke by Charles the fourth . In the yeare 1496 it was vnited to Cleue by a marriage betweene Mary Dutches of Gulicke , and Iohn Duke of Cleue . The Armes are O , a Lion B , armed G. 3 The Dutchie of BERGE or Monte , was once the dwelling of the ●u●teri ; the compasse of it is 130 miles . The chief towns are 1 Dusseld●rpe . 2 Hattingen . 3 Arusberg . It was made a Dukedome by Henricus called Auceps , first Emperour of the Saxon line Anno 924 : the first Duke was Eb●rhard . It was vnited to Gulicke , by a marriage of the daughter of Berg , to Gerard , grandch●ld to William first D. of Gulicke , about the yeare 1400 : Thus we see these three Dukedomes vnited together in themselue ; first Berg to Guli●ke , Anno 1400 ; then both these vnto Cleue , Anno 1496. And now altogether ioyned vnto the house of Brandenbourg , Anno 1572. This Albert which married Maria Leonora . the eldest daughter of Duke William , sister of Duke Iohn , and heire of these Dutchies ; had by her 3 daughters : whereof the eldest named Anne , was married vnto Sigismond Electour of Brade●bourg , & in her right Duke or Lord of these Countries . The rest which pretend right herevnto , are Philip the Palatine of Newburge , who marrying with the second sister of the Lady Anne , claimeth a part in the inheritance , after the manner of G●rmany . 2ly Leopold , Lantgraue of Alsatia , brother to the Emperour Ferdinand ; who pleadeth an investiture granted vnto him by the Emperour Rodolphus ; these Countries being imperiall fees ( feathers of the Eagle , as he calleth them ) and so escheated for want of heires males . 3ly Iohannes Georgius , Duke of Saxony ; who claimeth from a compact made 1526 , between Iohn the first Lord of these vnited countries , and Iohn Fredericke , Duke of Saxonie ; which was , that D. Iohn Fredericke , marrying with Sybill , the eldest daughter of Cleue : should when euer the heires males failed , succed in those estates : a contract which the succeeding Dukes cut off by the imperiall authority . 4. ALSATIA . ELSAS or ALSATIA hath on the West Lorreine , on the South Helvetia , on the East the Rhene , and on the North tho Palatina●e . It receiued the Christian Faith by the preaching of the aforesaid Maternus : The chief Townes are Strasburg , formerly called Argentina , because in it the Roman Exchequer receiued the tribute of conquered Nations . Here is a Clocke of most admirable workmanship , and a Tower 578 paces high ; of this Town saith a Poet , Vrbs praeclara si●u , ripis contermina Rheni , Maxima cui celsae me●i●ntur maenia turris . Strasburg on Rhenes inamell'd bankes doth lie , Whose lofty towre threatneth the spangled skie . 2 Psaltburg . 3 Weisenberg , one of the ten Townes which Caesar like a politique Conquerour , built vpon the Westerne banke of the Rhene , to defend the Roman Empire against the fury of the Germans , and other barbarous Nations . The other nine were 1 Strasburg . 2 Selts . 3 Altrip in Latine Altaripa , because it is built on an high banke of the riuer . 4 Saberne , or Elsas Saveren , whereas the Bishop of Strasburg keepeth his residence , being al Townes of this Prouince . 5 Bing . 6 Wormes . 7 Boppart . 8 Confluence , and 9 Andernach . All these Townes , or at that time rather garrisons , were vnder the command of the captain or Duke of Mentz , to whom the defence of the frontiers was committed . As long as these places were well garrison'd , the Empire continued impregnable on this side : But when Constantine to make resistance against the Persians , transplanted these forces into the East ; the barbarous people entring at this gap , quickly defaced and ruin'd the Empire . On the South end of Alsatia stand Colmar , Hagenaw , and Schleistat , or Selestadium , three faire and ancient townes belonging to the Empire . This Country neuer had any peculiar Prince , but alwayes acknowledged the Emperour for their Lord : in the falling of whom , part was seized on by the Duke of Wittenberg , part was alienated to the house of Austria , the rest remaining imperiall . 5. FRANCONIA . FRANKELAND is bounded on the East with Boheme & Saxonie , on the West with Elsas , on the North with Hassia , on the South with Suevia , Bavaria , and Helvetia . The old inhabitants were the Francones . They receiued the Christian faith by the preaching of Boniface ( or Winifrede ) an Englishman , Anno 730. It is at this day diuided twixt the Palatine of Rhene , the Duke of Wittenberg , the Marquesse of Auspach and Baden , the Bishops of Mentz , Bamberg , Westberg , and the Emperour . It once belonged totally to the Bishops of Westberg , vnto whom it was giuen by Charles the Great , Anno 772. Afterwards Otho the Great invested Conrade , the husband of his daughter , with the Dukedome of Franconie . This Conrade afterward Emperour , left it to his sonne Henry 3d , whose successour and son Henry married Agnes his yongest child , to Fredericke Barbarossa : and their issue being extinct by the death of Conrade the fourth , Anno 1254 ; this Country was diuided betweene the Princes and Prelats aboue-named . 1 The PALATINATE of RHENE containeth in length from Coub to Gomersheime , north and South , 72 miles : and in bredth , from Sweibracken to Lauden , East and West , 96 miles . In this compasse are some townes of the Empire , and not a few Lordships belonging to the Bishops of Wormes & Spires two imperiall cities in this Country , and both seated on the Rhine . Spires was formerly called Nemetes , and is sufficiently famous for the imperiall Chamber here continually kept , and that the name of Protestants was first here giuen vnto the Princes and followers of the reformed Religion , 1529. Wormes was of old called Vangionium Speculum . In this towne did Luther make his first appearance before the Emperour Cha●les ; from which when some of his friends disswaded him , he made answere , that he would goe , were there as many diu●ls to confront him , as the houses had tiles . In these two townes , Religion is indifferently allowed . The rest of the Country followeth the Doctrine of Calvin , as most agreeable to the Scripture . It is the most pleasing and delicious part of all Germany , stored with al fruits and mettals ; abounding with those coole wines , and growing on the banks of Rhene , which are by vs called Rhenish wines ; adorned with many gallant towns , if we consider either strength or brauery ; and finally , watred with the famous riuers of Rhene , and Neccar . On the banks of this latter , standeth Mospoch , a pretty neat towne . 2 Heidelberge , the chiefe city belonging to this Prince . It was once part of the Bishopricke of Wormes , from which it was taken by the Palatines . It is now famous for being the seat of the Palsgraues ; for the sepulchre of Rodolphus Agricola ; and for an Vniversity founded by the Emperour and Palatine Rupertus Anno 1406. On the banks of the Rhene stand 1 Baccharach , so called quasi Bacchiara , for the excellent wines . 2 Coub on the other side of the water ; nere vnto which is the old and faire castle called Psalts , from whence the name Psalts-graue or Palsgraue seemeth to haue bin deriued . 3 Oppenheim , a strong town , which together with Keisers Lauterne , and Ingetheim , were giuen to the Palatine by Wenceslaus : and after settled on them by Rupertus the Emperour and Palatine , for 100000 Florens , Anno 1402 4 Cruitznacke , called anciently Stauronesus . 5 Frankendale , lately a Monastery only , but being peopled by such of the Netherlands , which to auoyde the fury of D' Alva , fled hither ; is now a town of principall strength . 6 Germersheim , and 7 Manheim , a well fortified town , seated on the confluence of Rhene and Nescar . On the Easterne part of the country standeth 1 Winheime a smal town . 2 Lauden or Ladeburge , on the little riuer Tuberus , bought by Rupertus aforesaid , of the Earles of Hohenloe , 1398. On the west side are the townes of 1 Newstate . 2 Keisers Lauterne , or Caesarea Lutra . 3 Sweibrucken , the title of the younger house of the Palsgra●es , whom the Latine Writers call Principes Gemini pontis , or Bipontani ; the French , Princes of Deuxponts , or Biponts . The particular names of al the other cities & chief towns , I purposely omit ; telling you only this , that here are in this country 14 other walled Towns , and 22 Palaces belonging to the Palatines : most of which they haue added to their Dominions , within litle more then 400 yeares . Such excellent managers of their own estate , haue bin those worthy Princes of the Rhene ; so potent haue they bin in ordering the affaires of the Empire , both in warre and peac● ; and so exceedingly haue they ingraffed themselues into the most noble Families of Germany , that I may well say with Irenicus , Nen est aelia Germaniae familia cui plus debeat nobilitas . The ancient inhabitants of this tract were the Nemetes and Vangiones . The Palatinate and Bavaria were once a kingdome , continuing from Aldigerius , Anno 456 , vnto Tassilo , Anno 739 : who was subdued by Charles the Great . In his posterity they continued till the yeare 575 , in which Otho the first took them by force : : giuing both Bavaria and the Palatinate , to his brother Henry . His issue inioyed them till the yeare 1043 , in which the Emperour Henry the third , took them from Conrade the true heire to the great discontent of the Princes of the Empire . At last they were again restored to Otho of Wittlebacke , heire to the fore named Conrade , by Fre●ericke Barbarossa , Aº 1103 ▪ Since which time , vnto this present , the male line neuer failed . The chief augmentation of this principate , came by the vertue of Fredericke the Palatine , and the vice of Wenceslaus the Emperour . The latter gaue vnto the Palatines for their voices in his election , three strong townes of the Empire ; viz : Keisars Lanterne , Ingelheime , and Openheim : & the former took in a battle , Anno 1452 , the Duke of Wittenberg the Marquesse of Raden , the Bishop of Spires , and the Archbishop of Metz , and ransomed them on what conditions he pleased . More particularly the Earle of Wirtenberge ( for it was not yet erected into a Dukedome ) paied for his ransome 100000 Florens , the Bishop of Metz redeemed himself for 450000 Florens . The Bishop of Sp●res gaue for his liberty , the towns of Rotenberg and Wersaw ; and the Marquesse of Baden yeelded vp in lieu of his freedome , 〈◊〉 County of Spanheim , of which , Cruitznack is a part ; the towns of Besiken and Binheim ; the right which he pretended to Eppingen , a town ouer-against Gemersheim ; and his royalties between this Gemersheim , & Selts , a town of Alsatia , in fishing & hunting . From Otho of Witlebach , restored ( as before is said ) by Fredericke Barbarossa , there haue bin in a continued succession 26 Princes Electours , which haue ruled in these parts 440 yeares , with great credit and applause . The present Electour is Fredericke the 5th , who in the yeare 1613 , espoused Elizabeth , daughter of IAMES K. of Great Brittaine , and Neice to Christian the fift , King of Denmarke : which alliance , together with his manifold vertues , and religious life , preferred him to the Kingdome of Bohemia , Anno 1619. The Palsgraue hath many prerogatiues aboue the Electours of either sort : He taketh place of the Duke of Saxo●ie , & Marquesse of Brandenburg , because Henry the first Palatine , was descended of Charles the Great : for which cause he is also in the vacancie of the Empire , Gouernour of the Westerne parts of Germany , in wh●ch office he hath power to alienate or giue offices , to take fealtie and homage of the subiects ; and which is most , to sit in the imperiall Courts ; and giue judgement of the Emperour himself . And look whatsoeuer shall in the vacancie of the Empire , be by the Palatines enacted , that the new Emperours are bound by oath to confirme . This Country is called the lower Palatinate , to distinguish it from the Palatinate of Northgo●a ( of which we shall speak when we come into Bavaria ) which belongeth also to these Princes , and is vulgarly calles , the vpper Palatinate . The revenues of this Prince , are 60000 pounds of yearely rents : lesse it cannot be ; the very siluer Mines about one Town only , yeelding euery yeare 60000 Crownes ; and the passage of one bridge ouer the Rhene , aboue 20000 Crownes more : besides his Coronet lands , and other duties . His Armes are Diamond , a Lion Top●ce , armed and crowned Rubie . I say nothing of the deplored estate of this Country , holding it more fit for my prayers , then for my penne . 2. WIRTENBERG is about the bignesse of Yorkeshire ; the ancient inhabitants were the Tectosages , and Virthungi , from which last , the name of the whole Country is deriued ; it hauing bin formerly called Virthunberg . The chief towns are 1 Tubing an Vniuersity . 2 Stutgard the D. seat . 3 Marbach . 4 Caustat : and three Townes of the Empire , Esling , Wiler , and Rutling , all on the riuer Neccar . This Country was made an Earledome in the yeare 1300 ; in which state it continued , till Earle Eberhard was by the Emperour Maximilian , made D. of Wittenberg in the yeare 1495 : in which time , his successours haue added some dominions in Elsas and Suevia ; so that his revenues may equall them of the Palatine . His Armes are Or , three attires of a stagge , borne palie barrie ; Sable . 3. ANSPACH , or Onalsbach is a town of Franconia , distant 5 Dutch , or 25 English miles from Nurenberge . The Marquesse hereof is master of no small part of Franconie : but his estate ( as the other Germane Princes are ) is mixt and confused , with his neighbours . His chief towns then are 1 Anspach , or Onolsbach , 2 Hailbrun , seated on the edge of Wirtenberge ; it was walled Aº 1085 ; and in it were publique schooles erected by Marquesse George Fredericke , Anno 1582. 3 Pleinfelt not farre from Nurenberge . To this Prince also belongeth a great part of Voiteland , where he possessed the townes of Culmbach ; and 2 Hoffe ( formerly called Curia Pegniana ) with diuers others . These Marquesses are of the puissant family of Brandenburg , the first which inioyed this title , being M. Fredericke , grandfather to M. Albert , who in the dayes of Charles the 5th , so harassed this country . George the first Marquesse Brandenburg of Iagendorfe , was son vnto this Fredericke : so also was Albert the first Duke of Prussia . The present Marq. Anspach , is Ioachimus Ernestus , youngest brother to the last Electour Sigismund ; & was by the Princes of the Vnion , made Generall of their Forces , for the defence of the Palatinate 1620 ; a charge in which he bare himself , either cowardly , or not faithfully . 4. BADEN was made a Marquisate by Frederick Barbarossa . It lieth between the riuers Rhene and Neccar , and is a fine pleasing and fruitfull place . The first Marquesse was Hermannus , who took to wife Iudith , Countesse of Hochberg in Suevia ; by which marriage , many fair possessions accrewed to him in those parts . His successours also had many fair Estates & Lordships in the Palatinate , which the Palatines of the Rhene by litle and litle , haue brought vnder their Dominion . His chief townes are 1 Turlach , or Durlach . 2. Pfortshaimie ; and 3 Baden , a proper neat town , seated on the Rhene . Here the D. keepes in the winter , but at sommer he retireth to his fair castle of Milberg . Famous is this town for its hot bathes , being no lesse then 300 in number ; from hence the town seemeth to haue tooke denomination , in respect of which , our Bathes in Somersetshire , wer● called of old , Caire Baden . They are profitable for many diseases , and exulcerate sores . 5. MENTZ is a Town , seated where the riuer Moenus , is emptied into the Rhene , called in Latine Moguntia : the Bishop whereof is the chief Electour of Germanie ; and in all places sitteth at the Emperours right hand : as his spirituall ▪ so his temporal lands are great , but not comparable to his of Collen . Two of the Moguntine Bishops I cannot omit , the one as infamous for his life , as the other was for his doctrine . The first was Hatto or Hanno , who in a yeare of scarcity , gathered all the poore people in the Country into an olde barne , pretending a generall almes : but being there , he burnt them all , saying , they were the rats and mice which deuoured the corne : after this inhumane act , he was so haunted with rats and mice , that to auoide them , he built him a palace in the midst of the Rhene , whither also the rats and mice followed and deuoured him . The second was Boniface , who was the first that taught , that though the Pope neglected all Christianity , yet ought no man to rebuke him for it . It seemeth that this Boniface was a sound in Philosophy , as Religion ; for hapning to see a Tractate written by Virgilius Bishop of Salizburge ; of the Antipodes ; and supposing that vnder that strange name some damnable doctrine was conteined ; made complaint first to the D. of Boh●mia , and next to Pope Zachary , Anno 745 ; By whom the poore Bishop ( vnfortunate only in being learned in such a time of ignorance ) was cōdemned of heresie . The Archbishoprick was translated from Wormes hither , by King Pepi● , father to Charles the Great . The chief townes here to belonging , are 1 Lansteine , 2 Bing , seated on the Rhene : nigh vnto this towne is the palace built by the aboue-named Hatto in the midst of the water ; and is called to this day , the Mouseturne . 5 BAMBERG is a reasonable faire Citty , and belongeth to a Bishop of its owne ; who possesseth no small part of Franconie . It is seated on Moenus , not farre from We●rstberg . The reuenew of this Bishop cannot but be great : for in the wars of Germanie 1530 ; we finde how the Bishop hereof gaue vnto Marquesse Albert of Brandenbourg , for a cessation from armes , 20 Lordships ; besides the tutelage of his wards and Clients , his chiefe Towne next vnto Bamberg , is Schestlits . and 3 Fochiam where it is said that Pontius Pilate was borne . 6 WEIRSTBERG , is a Bishoprick , whose Bishop still intituleth himselfe Duke of Franconie ; which was by the guist of Charles the Great in the possession of his predecessours ▪ til Otho the Great gaue it to his sonne in law , Conradus Salicus . The citty was once called Herb polis . During the late mentioned wars in Germanie , this Bishop also felt the fury of Marquesse Alberts armies ; so that he was faine to cōpound with him , for 220000 Crownes ready money , and to discharge all his debts , which amounted vnto 350000 Crownes more : by which composition we may partly guesse at the riches of his treasurie , & partly at the greatnesse of his intrado . The second Towne of note , belonging to this Bishopricke , is Schwinfurt , seated on Moenus . 3 Arnsteme . 7 The EMPEROVRS PART containeth the free or Imperiall Citties before mentioned , in the Palatinate , and Wittinberg besides many other : the chiefe whereof are 1 Norenberge , whereof the Marquesses of Brandenberg were once Burgraues ; which office was sold at length to the citty by Frederick the 3d Anno 1414 , or thereabouts . His sonne Albert desired to recover the old office againe , and besieged the Citty ; hauing on his part no lesse then 17 Princes on his side , and yet could not force it . At this Towne was held that assembly of the Catholique Princes of Germanie ; in which a league was made against the confederacy of Smalcalde , Anno 1538. Into this league entred Charles the Emperour , Fernando king of the Romanes ; the Bishops of Mentz , and Salisburg ; William & Lewis Dukes of Bavaria , Henry Duke of Brunswicke , and George Duke of Saxony . Keckerman reporteth that at the comming of Maximilian , the Emperour toward this Towne ; a wooden Eagle made by an Artizan here dwelling , flew a quarter of a mile out of the town to meet the Emperour : and being come to the place where hee was , turned backe againe of her owne accord , and accompanied him home to his lodging . Sit sides penes autorem . This towne is situate in the very navell or center of Germanie ; and giueth for Armes ; Azure , an Harpie displai'd , crined , crowned , & armed Or. And 2 Frankefort on the riuer Moenus , famous for the election of the Emperours ; & for the two great book-marts here holden in mid-lent , and mid-September . It tooke this name either from Francus the sonne of Marcomir , thought to bee the founder of it ; or à Francorum vado , as being the vsuall foord or passage of the Franks . 5 HELVETIA . HELVETIA or Zwitzerland , is bounded on the East with Tirolis ; on the West , with France ; on the North , with Lorreine and Elsas ; on the South , with Italy . It containeth the 13 Cantons , of 1 Zurich , 2 Berne , 3 Lucerne , 4 Vraniae , 5 Glari● , 6 Zugh , 7 Baset , 8 Friburg , 9 Vnderwalt , 10 Soloure , 11 Schaffhausen , 12 Apensol , and 13 Swits ; from which last , the whole Country is called Switzerland . This is reputed to be the highest country in all Europe , as sending forth sowre riuers , which run through all the quarters of the same : viz : Danubius thro●gh Germanie , Hungary , and Dacia East ; 2 Rhene , through France and Belgia , North ; Rhodanus through France , West ; and Pee , through Italy , South . The chiefe Townes are Zurich , or Tigurum , nigh vnto which Zwinglius was slaine , it being the custome of the place , for the Ministers to goe in the front of their Armies . And againe he being a man of a bold courage , thought that if hee should stay at home , men would haue deemed him to haue fainted in time of warre , which had incouraged others in time of peace . Hee was aged at the time of his death 44 yeares , and was by the victorious enimy burned ; his heart remaining in the midst of the fire , after the rest of his body was consumed , whole and vntouched : ( as was also the heart of Bishop Cranmer at his martyrdome in England ) 2 Sengall , or Ciuitas Sancti Galli , which rather is a Town confederate with the Switzers , then any way subiect vnto them . The Anabaptists who beganne in the yeare 1527 were in this Towne very riefe ; insomuch that one of them in the presence of his father & mother , cut of his brothers head ; & said ( according to the humor of that sect , who boast much of dreames , visiōs , & enthusiasms ) that God cōmanded him to do it . 3 Basel so called , either of a Basiliske , slain at the building of the City ; or of the German word Pasel , signifying a path ; or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying kingly . It was built Anno 382 , and is famous for an Vniversity founded by Pius the 2d , Anno 1459. It was made a Canton Anno 1501 ; and is honoured with the Sepulchres of Oecolampadius , Erasmus , Pontanus , Glarcanus , and Hottoman the famous Civilian . In this Citty , Anno 1431 , was held that notable Councell , wherein though the papall authority was then at the height ; it was decreed , that a generall Councell was aboue the Pope . What was then enacted , was immediatly put in practise ; the Councell deposing Pope Eugenius the 4th , and placing in his roome Amadeus , Duke of Savoy , who was afterward called Felix the 4th . 4 Constance , seated on the lake Boden●ee , ouer against Lindaw , is within the confines of Switzerland ; bu● belongeth to the house of Austria . For this Citty being Aº 1548 , out-lawed by Charles the 5th , for not receauing the Interim and not being able to withstand such forces as he had prepared against them , put themselues into the protection of the Archdukes of Austria . But herein they fell out of the frying-panne into the fire : for Ferdinand King of the Romanes then Archduke , being possessed of the Towne ; ceazed on the common treasurie , and all the writings belonging to the Towne ; he commanded that no Cittizen should weare a sword , and that within eight dayes all the Ministers of the Gospell should depart the Citty . Famous is this Towne for the Councell here holden , Anno 1414 , so renowned as well for the multitude of people there assembled , as the importance of the matters there handled . The people of note there assembled , were Sigismund the Emperour , 4 Patriarchs , 29 Cardinals , 346 Archbishops & Bishops , 564 Abbots and Doctours , 16000 secular Princes & Noblemen , 450 common Harlots , 600 Barbers , and 320 Minstrells and lesters . The businesse there handled was first the pacifying of a schisme in the Church , there being at that time three Antipopes , viz : Gregory the 12th , resident at Rome ; Iohn the 23 resident at Bononia , and Bennet the 13th resident in Spaine ; all which were by the Councell deposed , & Martin the fift made sole Pope . The other maine businesse was the proceedings against Hierome of Prage , and Iohn Husse , both who ( notwithstanding they had the Emperours safe conduct ) were vniustly condemned of heresie , degraded , & then burned . Now the maner of degrading of Priests is this . The party to bee degraded is attired in his Priestly vestments , and holdeth in the one hand a Chalice filled with wine mixed with water , and in the other a guilt patent with a wafer ( or singing cake . ) Then kneeling down , the Bishops deputy first taketh from him all these things commanding him to say no more Masses for the quicke and the dead . 2ly , scraping with a peece of glasse his fingers ends , he inioyneth him neuer to hallow any thing : And 3ly , stripping him of his Priestly vestments , he is cloathed in a lay habit , and delivered into the power of the secular magistrate . 5 Berne where , Anno 1528 , Images were plucked out of the Churches in a popular tumult ; this being the first towne that after the reformation , was purged of those excellent instruments of idolatry . 6 Baden , called for distinction sake the Vpper Baden , is seated in the middle of the Countrey ; and is for that cause the place of meeting for the Councell of estate of all the confederates . It taketh name from the Batches here being , two of which only are publike , the rest in priuate houses : conscious , as it is thought , to much lasciuiousnesse . For whereas it is said of Adrian , that Lavacra pro sexibus separauit ; here men & women promiscuously wash together , and which is worst in priuate : whereas Munster telleth vs , Cernunt viri vxores tractari , cernunt cum alienis loqui , & quidem solam cum solo ; and yet are not any disturbed with iealousie . These Bathes are much frequented , yet not so much for health as pleasure . Their chiefest vertue is the quickning power they haue vpon barren women . But as the Friers vse to send men whose wiues are fruitlesse , in pilgrimage to S. Ioyce the patronesse of fruitfulnesse , & in the meane time to lye with their wiues : so it may be with good reason thought that in a place of such liberty as this is ▪ the lusty and young gallants that haunt this place , produce greater operation on barren women , then the waters of the Bath . 7 Lucerne , seated on the banks of a great lake , and so called from Lucerna a Lanthorne , which was placed on the top of an high tower , for the benefit of Saylers . Zwitzerland in Caesars time was so populous , that the Countrey not being able to sustaine the people , they set fire on their Townes and houses , and went all with a generall resolution to seeke new dwellings . The men , women , and children amounted to the number of 3680000 : which notwithstanding were by Caesar compelled to returne into their pristine habitation . During the Empire of the French , they were accounted French ; and Germane , when the Empire was devolved vnto Germanie . But being at last ouer-burdened with the tyranny of their Gouernours ; and seeing the Empire by the Popes Fulminations , distracted into diuers factions ; they contracted an offensiue and defensiue league : into which first entred the Vranians , Swits , and Vndervaldens , Aº 1316 ; neither were they all vnited into one consederation till the yeare 1513. At their first beginning to free themselues from bondage , Fredericke Duke of Austria , sent his sonne Leopold to war vpon them ; but they protesting that they neuer acknowledged the Dukes of Austria for their Lords , but only such of this family as were Emperours ; encountred and ouerthrew him , more by the convenience of the narrow passages , through which his army was to passe , then their own valour . The first time that euer they got any reputation by their valour , was in the warres which Charles Duke of Burgundy made against them ; when they discomfited in three set battailes : a warre begun on very small occasions , and lesse hopes : the country being so barren , & the people so poore , that their Embassadour to the Duke protested , that if all his countrimen were taken , they would not be able to pay a ransome , to the value of the spurres and bridle bits in his campe . Certainly at that time they were so poore , that they knew not what riches was ; for hauing wonne the first battaile at Granson , ( the other two were those of Morat and Nancie ) one of the goodliest pauilions in the world , was by them torne into peeces , and turned into breeches and sidecoats : diuerse siluer plates and dishes they sold for two souse apeece , supposing them to be powter ; and a great Diamond of the Dukes , which was the goodliest Iewell in Christendome , was sold to a Priest for a guilder ; and by him again to some of the Lords of the country for three franks . After their valour shewed in those battailes , Lewis 11th took them into pension , giuing them yearely 40000 Crownes , viz : 20000 to the cities , and 20000 to particular persons . These pensions , when by their assistance Lewis 12th had conquered Millaine , they desired to haue enlarged , which when he denied , they with-drew themselues from the amity of the French , and entred into the seruice of Pope Iulio 2d ; who therefore stiled them the Defenders of the Church , Anno 1510. Francis , successour to this Lewis , considering what damage his Realme had sustained by the revolt of these auxiliaries to his enemies , renewed the confederation with them , on condition that he should restore the ancient pension of 40000 Crownes : secondly , that he should pay vnto them at certaine termes , 600000 Crownes : thirdly , that hee should entertain 4000 of them in his pay continually : fourthly that for the restoring of such places as they had taken from the Dutchy of Millaine , he should giue vnto thē 300000 crowns : fiftly , that he should giue them three months pay before-hand : sixtly and lastly , that Maximilian Sforce , whom they had estated in Millaine , and were now going to dispossesse ; might by the King be created Duke of Nemours , endowed with 12000 frankes of yearely revenue , and married to a Lady of the blood royall . On these conditions , as honourable to them , as burdensome to the King , was the league renued Anno 1522 : since which time , they haue obtained , that 600 of their Countrie are to be of the French Kings guard ; 500 of which , waite without at the gates of the Court , the other hundred in the great hall . As for the Religion of this people , they are diuided into Papists and Protestants ; fiue Cantons being wholly Papists ; viz : Swits , Vrania , Vnderwald , Lucerne , and Zugh ; Glaris and Apenzol mixt ; and the rest entirely Protestants . This diuision began Anno 1519 , or thereabouts ; when Zuinglius minister at Zurich , or Tigu●um , sec●nded the beginning of Luther , which innovation the rest of this people not liking , moued warre with them of Zurich , & the rest of the reformation ; in which Zuinglius was slaine , and the Tigurines discomfited . But in the yeare 1531 , an absolute peace was concluded between them , so that notwithstanding this diuersity of Religion , they liue now in a happy vnity , gouerning after a Democraticall for me . The country is in length 240 , and in bredth 180 miles ; and is thought to containe three millions of people . In this Country arise the heads of Poe , Danow , Rhene , and Rhone , the fountaines of those two last , being not aboue three houres riding distant . The people are very warlike , and since by reason of their situation , they haue no vent of men by trafficke , they vse to imploy themselues on the seruice of any who will hire them . On the Southwest of Zwitzerland , lieth Valesia or Wallis . It is seated totally among the Alpis , consisting indifferently of dangerous , rockie , and impassible hills ; and rich , pleasing , and delicious valleyes ; d●fficult to be entred , and that to but a few places . It is in length from East to West , fiue dayes journey , but in bredth nothing answerable . The names of all their chiefe Townes , you shall anon heare ; I commend chiefly vnto your obseruation 1 Sedunum , Sittin , or Sion , the only walled town of this countrie : of it selfe of no great beauty or worth , but in respect of the other townes about it , neat and gallant . Built it is on a hill of great height , and an ascent as hazardous ; impossible to be mounted by force , and vnlikely to be taken by assault ; the steepinesse of the rocke keeping it without the reach of gunneshot . 2 Martinacht , formerly called Octodurum , famous only for its antiquity ; and 3 Agaunum , or S. Maurice , the key of the whole country ; but chiefly in the winter-time . For then the yce doth so shut vp the passages , that the only entrance is at this place , here being a bridge built ouer the Rhene for that purpose , which is strongly built , and well manned , to auoide surprisall . This town is the seat of the Gouernour of the lower Val●sia ; for it is diuided into the vpper and lower ; in the vpper are seuen Cantons , namely 1 Sedune . 2 Leuck . 3 Brig . 4 Nies . 5 Rauren . 6 Sider 7. Gombes . In the lower Valesia are six commonalties . 1 Gundis . 2 Ardon . 3 Sallien . 4 Martinacht . 5 Intremont . 6 S. Maur●ce : all which are called by the name of the chief townes . They were giuen by Charles the Great vnto Theodul , Bishop of Sedune , Anno 805 , vnder whose successours they continue , but without much shew of subiection : The Bishop is chosen by the Canons of the Church of Sedune , and certain Burgesses of the 7 vpper Cantons . They speak partly the Dutch , partly the French tongues . They combined themselues with the fiue Cantons of Zw●tzerland , for the better maintenance of the Romish Religion , not aboue 52 yeares since . 6. SVEVIA . SVEVIA is divided into the vpper and lower . The vpper is bounded on the East with Tirolis , on the West with Helvetia , on the North with lower Suevia , on the South with Millaine . The Country is halfe in Germany , halfe in Italy : so that they vse both languages . This Region was of old called Rhaetia , from one Rhaetus , who flying out of Tuscanie from the fury of the Gaules , planted here a new set of people , about 187 yeares before the comming of CHRIST : whose Gospell they d●d receiue about the yeare 448. They are now called Grisons . The whole Region is diuided into three confederations . 1 Lega Cadi Deo , whose chiefe City is Chur or Coyra , on which , as being the Metropolis of the Grisons , I will the longer insist . It was built Anno 357 , seated about halfe an houres journey from the Rhene : for forme it is triangular , the houses indifferent hansome in themselues , but not vniforme one with the other . In one corner of it , on a hill somewhat higher then the rest of the towne , standeth the close , within which is the Cathedrall Church ; a stately piece of building , rather in the account of the natiues , then strangers ; the Bishops palace , and the Canons houses , all well built , and sufficiently adorned . This Town , together with all the rest of the Country in 2 manner , was taken by the Spaniard , Anno 1622. This Liga Cadi Dio comprehendeth 21 corporations , and sendeth to the generall Senates 23 Commissioners . The 2 is Lega Grisa , whence all the people are called Grisons : It sendeth to the Senates 28 Deputies , & comprehendeth 19 Commonalties ; the chiefe of which is Musocco . The 3d is Lega Dritture , containing 10 Corporations , the chief Townes of which are Bormio and Sondrio ; and sendeth to the Senate-house 14 Commissioners . The gouernment of this Country was giuen Anno 744 , by Charles the great , to `the Bishop of Coyra , who being molested by his neighbours of Tirolis , entered confederation with the Switzers , 1471. They haue free vse of Religion , both they of the Romish , as they of the Reformed Church . Lower SVEVIA , or the country now called the Dukedome SCHWABEN ; is limited on the East with Bavaria , on the West with Danubius , on the North with Francoma , and on the South with Tirolis and the Grisons . The chiefe Townes are 1 Vlme , so called for the company of Elmes which inviron it . 2 Lind●we , seated ouer against Constance , in the lake called Bod●azee : it bought her freedome of the Emperour Fredericke Barbarossa 1166. 3 Auspurg , called for distinction sake , Augusta Vindelicorum , it standeth on the riuer Leith . In this towne Anno 1530. The Protestant Princes exhibited vnto the Emperour , a confession of their Faith ; which is still called Confessio Augustana . Here also did the Emperour compile the Interim , which comprehended a forme of doctrine , which he would haue by all obserued , till the next generall Councell : It was a miscellanie of Religion , containing some things in fauour of the Papists , & some of the Protestants : yet neither party was pleased with it . 4 Norlingen . 5 Wherlingon , townes of the Empire . 6 Ravensperge , an other imperiall towne . 7 Dinckelspuhel , and 8 Gmund ( both seated on the North of Danubius ) of the same tenure also Here is also the Countie of Hasperge , being the ancient patrimony of the house of Austria , out of which came Rodolphus Haspurgensis , who sold Italy , and vnited Austria to his small Countie . The former inhabitants were the Rhaeti , and the Vindelici ; these latter , if I coniecture not amisse , deriuing their name from the riuer Lycus , which bounded the East side of their country . They were both bitter enemies to the Romans , on whom they executed all manner of crueltie , that a barbarous rage could invent . To represse these insolencies , Augustus sent against them his sonne-in-law Drusus , being the father of Germanicus , who subdued them : but not without great resistance : the women throwing their young children at the Romans , insteed of darts . The valiantest of the people were transplanted into other soiles , the weaker remai●ed at home : who soon yeelded the country to the Sueui , then wearie of the Romans neighbourhood . In the time of Caesar , these Suevi were the most potent nation of Germ●nie ; and brought against him into the field 430000 fighting men ; whereof 80000 were slaine , and many of them drowned . They vsed to stay at home , & goe abroad by turnes : they which staid at home , tilled the lands ; they which went abroad , brought with them the spoyle of their neighbours . After they had slipped their necks out of the Roman Collar , they erected a kingdome ; which was ruinated by King Pepin , & made a Prouince of the French Monarchie : from which againe it reuolted , & was made an absolute Dukedome in the daies of Charle● the Grosse . This Dukedome yeelded 6 Emperours , the last of which was Conradus , whose son Corradine being the 21 Duke of this family , was slaine in the wars of Naples . After his death , the issue of the former Dukes fayling , Rodolphus Haspergensis seized on the greatest part of this Countrey , for Austria & the Empire : the rest was shared , though not equally , betweene the Dukes of Bavaria , and Wittenberg . The Armes of Sueuia or Schwaben are Argent , 3 Leopards Sable . 7 BAVARIA . BAVARIA hath on the East Austria , & Stiria ; on the West the Leike ; on the North Bohemia , and part of Franconia ; on the South Tir●lis and Carinthia . The Christian faith was first preached in this Countrey , by Rupertus Bishop of Wormes Aº 612 : the religion now is corrupted with the abuses of Popery , which they will by no meanes be induced to ●orsake . The chief towns are 1 Munchen vpon the riuer Aser , the Dukes seat . 2 Ingol●●●● on Danabius , an Vniuersity . 3 Ratisbona , or Regensperg seated on the Donaw ; famous for the enterview here made betweene the Emperour Charles the fift , and Maurice Duke of Saxonie : where it was agreed that Maurice abandoning his Vnkle , and cleauing to the Emperor , should be invested in the Dukedome and Electourship of Saxonie . 4 Passawe , where haue bin so many meetings of the German Princes ; that especially , wherein all warres being ended between the Protestant Princes , and the Emperour Charles , peace and liberty of conscience , was restored to the whole Country . 5 Salisburge , by Ptolomie called Poedicum , and of late Iuvan●a : it is seated on the riuer Saltz●ch , of which it taketh name . Here lieth buried the famous Quack-saluer Paracelsus . This City is honoured with a Bishopticke , whose revenues are the greatest in Germanie . In the time of Luthers Reformation , Matheo Langi a Cardinall , was Bishop hereof , who ingeniously confessed , that the Masse was not void of its faults ; that the Courts of Rome were corrupted ; & that a generall reformation of the liues of Priests and Friers was necessary : but that a poore rascall Monke , ( for so he thought Luther ) should begin all , that he deemed intollerable , and not to be endured . 6 Frising , situate on the swelling of 〈◊〉 hill , not farre from the riuer Mosacus : it was called in former times Fraxinū , and was erected into a Bishops See , Anno 710. 7 Eystet , called in Latine Aishstadium , supposed to be built out of the ruines of Aureatum , a town destroyed by the Hunnes . Finally the whole number of cities in Bavaria are 34 , besides 46 great Townes : the soile about which is sufficiently fruitfull in all things , sauing wines . Bavaria followed the fortune of the Palatinate of Rhene , till the yeare 1294 ; in which Lewis the Palatine , and D. of Bavaria dying ▪ gaue to Rodolphus his eldest son , the Palatinate ; to Lewis or Lodowicke his yonger ( who was afterwards Emperour ) Bavaria . This again ought to haue bin vnited to the Palatinate by the marriage of Rupert the Palatine , with Elizabeth heire of George D. of Bavaria : But Maximilian the Emperour , gaue the Dukedome to Albert of Bavaria ; son to Albert , son to Iohn , which was brother to Fredericke , the father of D. George , Anno 1504. From Albert , descended Maximilian , that now liueth ; who is the only temporall Prince of any note , which follow●th the doctrine of the Romish Church ; for which his house is so pestered with Friers & Iesuits , that notwithstanding the greatnes of his revenue , he is very poore ; as spending his whole state on these Popish flesh-●lies , by building for them Colledges and Churches . His Armes are Lozenges of 21 peeces in Bend , Arg. and Azure . The Northerne part of Bavaria , on the farther side of Danubius , is called by some the Palatinate of Northgoia ; by others the Palatinate of Bavaria ; but generally Over Psalts , or the vpper Palatinate . It is bounded East and North with Bohemia ; West with that part of Franconie , which belongeth to the citty of Nurenberge ; and South with Danubius . It belongeth totally to the Palatines of the Rhene , and so hath done euer since the yeare 1339 : when Lodovicus the Emperour , and and first Duke of Baniere , after the diuision aboue-mentioned made between him and Rodolphus the Palatine ; gaue it for euer to the Palatines ; who it seemeth were not content with the former partage . The chief towns are Amberg ( the birth-place of the present Electour Fredericke ) whose siluer mines yeeld vnto the Princes coffers , 60000 crowns yearely . 2 Newburg , which is vsually the Apennage of some of the younger Palatines . 3 Awerbach . 4 Sultzbach . 5 Weiden , and 6 Castell , where the Palatines of the Rhene , when they soiourne in this country , vse to keep court . On the North riuer of this Country , where it jetteth toward Voitland , is the hill Feichtelberg , out of which arise 4 riuers , running foure seuerall wayes : viz : Eger East , 2ly Moenus West ; 3ly Sala North ; 4ly Nabus South : so that it may very probably be thought , that this is the highest hill in al Germany . On the Southwest corner are two litle riuers , viz : Almul , which runneth into Danubius , and Red●itz which runneth into Moenus , and so into the Rhene . Between these two riuer heads , which are but litle distant ; Charles the Great , Anno 793 , intended to haue digged a channel ; so to haue made a passage out of the Rhene , into Danow or Danubius . He imployed in this work many thousand men ; but partly by excesse of rain , and partly by I know not what strange affrightments , they desisted . Some parts of the begun ditch are yet to be seen , nigh vnto Weisenberg , which standeth between both riuers . This Palatinate is in length from Weisenberg , to the hill Fe●chielberg , 68 miles : and in bredth from Hambu●ge , vnto the edge of ●ohemia , 80 miles . 8 AVSTRIA . The Archdukedome of AVSTRIA , comprehendeth the Prouinces of Austria , Styria , Carinthia , Tirolis , and Cara●ola ; besides the parcels of Suevia , and Elsas . Austria is parted on the East from Hungarie , by the Leitae ; on the West 〈◊〉 Bav●ire , by the Ems ; on the North from Moravia by the Tems ; on the South from Styria , by the Muer . It is called by the Germanes , Ostenrich , signifying the Easterne bound of the Empire . The Christian Faith was first preached here by Saint Seuerine , Anno 464 : at this time they are divided in opinions ; the greater sort , especially the Nobility , addicted to the reformation . The soile of this Country is very rich , abounding with all necessaries ; & hauing great store of wines , with which they supply the defects of Bavaria , & other neighbouring Regions . The chief Town , are Wien or Vienna , famous for a repulse giuen to the Turkes , Aº 1526 , of whom 200000 vnder the conduct of Solyman the Magnificent , besieged the city : but by the valour of Fredericke the II Electour Pal●tine , & other Princes , they were forced to retire , with the losse of 80000 Souldiers . This City was made an Vniversity by the Emperour Fredericke the 2d. It is seated on the Danubius , & is doubtlesse one of the brauest and beautifullest Townes in Germanie : adorned with many magnificent Temples , and stately Monasteries ; but aboue all , with a most sumptuous and princely Palace , wherein the Archdukes keep their residence , built by Ottocarus King of Bohemia , during the little time that he was Duke here . This town was anciently called Fabiana , but being ruined by the Hunnes , and again by the natiues reedified , obtained this new name . 2 Emps so called of the riuer Ems , on whose banks it is seated . 3 S. Leopold . 4 Neustat . 5 Hainburg . 6 Crems . Austria was formerly called Pannonia superior ; and afterward being subiected to the French Monarchie , was called Ostenrich or Austrich . It was wrested from the Empire , during the raigne of Arnulphus , by the Hunnes ; from whom it was recouered by Otho the first , with the aid of many Nobles , amōgst whom the Country was distributed ; which Families being extinct , Otho the II gaue the Prouince to a yong Gentleman called Lupoldus , with the title of Marquesse , Anno 980. This Marquisate was by Fredericke Barbarossa raised to a Dukedome , 1158 , Henry being the first Duke , whose brother Leopold , took Richard the first of England , prisoner , in his returne from Palestine : for whose ransome he had so much money , that with it he bought Carniola , the Counties of Neobourgh , and Luitz ; & walled Vienna . His son Fredericus Leopoldus was for his manifold deserts , made King of Austria , by the Emperour Frederick the second , Anno 1225. Eleuen yeares he continued in this dignity ; at the end of which , he was spoyled of his royal ornaments by the same Emperour , for patronage of villainous actions in his kingdome , and scorning to appeare to his answere at the summons of the Emperour . Finally , he died in the yeare 1246 , leauing two daughters . His sister named Margaret was ●●r●ed vnto Ottocar , son to Primist●●● King of Bohemia : his eldest daughter Gertru●e , to the Marquesse o● Baden : and Ag●es the second , ma●ied vnto Henry D. of 〈◊〉 ▪ Ottocar pretending the right of his wife , tooke on him the Dukedome of Austria , which he kept after the death of his wife , till the yeare 127● 〈◊〉 which he was vanquished and slain by Rodolphus the Emperor ▪ Rodolphus gaue it to Albert his son ; whose wi●e Elizabeth was daughter to Membard Earle of T●r●lis , son of D. Henry of C●rinthia and of Agres daughter of Fredericke Leopold ; Margaret the s●ster ; and Gert●ude the daughter of this Fredericke dying issuelesse . By this marriage , Albert had the Dukedome , of Austria , Stiria , and Carinthia ; with the Earledome of T●rcl●s and Carniola : This Dukedome was by Fredericke the third , Emperour and D. of Austria , raised to the dignity of an Archdukedome , as it still continueth . The Dukes and ● Archdukes of Austria . 1278 1 Albertus 30 1308 2 Albertus II. 51 1359 3 Leopold 27 1386 4 Albert ▪ III 9 1395 5 Albert IV 9 1439 6 Fredericke 54 1493 7 Maxim●●●● 26 1519 8 Charles 39 . ●●m whom are descerded the Kings of Spaine now ruling , and b●●ng the first branch of the Austrian tree ; whose boughs h●ue euershadowed the better part of Europe . 1558 9 Ferdinand ● 1565 10 Alaximilian II 1576 11 Rod●lphus 35 1611 12 Mat●hias 8 16●9 13 Ferdinand II , the first of the house of Gratz , which is the fourth branch of this tree , now beginning to rule the Empire . There were also two other stocks of the Imperall house of Austria , namely the Dukes of ●uspunc● being the third ▪ and the Archdukes of Austria being the second branch● of which last , Albert the Duke of Burgundie was chief . All which Princely Families , as well for entertaining a perpetuall vnity among themselues , as thereby to be able to mol●st their enemies ; haue made so many crosse or inter-marriages , that they ●aue remained still as brethren of the same parent , and as armes of the same tree . In our time two of these Austrian Families are extinct ▪ and the whole patrimonie of this Fam●ly in Germany , se●●●ed in the house of Gratz . For Maximilian the Emperour , 〈◊〉 to the Emperour Ferdinand , Duke of Austria , of the 〈…〉 in all 9 sonnes , all which died childlesse ; and 〈…〉 , viz : Rodolphus and Matthias , were Emperours o● 〈◊〉 , and Kings of Hungary , and Bohemia : and two 〈…〉 for the Kings of Spaine in the Netherlands , 〈…〉 and Albertus . The house of Inspruch is 〈…〉 ; for when Ferdinand of Inspruch disgraced his high 〈◊〉 , by ma●rying with Philippina , a Burgers daughter of Aus●●●● the cōditioned with those of his kin●ed , that Tirol should 〈…〉 end vnto the children borne of that bed . So after his 〈◊〉 , Tirol 〈◊〉 into the house of Gratz ; and Charles his eldest 〈◊〉 being made Marquesse of Burgh ; and his youngest sonne Andrew , Cardinall of Brixia . 2. ST●RIA or STIERMARKE is bounded with the Rab on the East . Carinthia on the West , with Dravus on the South , and the Muer and Austria on the North : The length of this countrey is 110 miles , the bredth 60 or thereabouts . The chiefe cities are Marchpurg , and Gratz , whence the fourth branch of Austria is called Du Gr●tz , and haue the Gouernment of this Country . This town was once full of Protestants , who could by no meanes be expell'd , or hindred from free exercise of Religion , till the yeare 1598 ; in which the late Queene of Spaine , Marg. Sister to the Archduke Ferdinand du Gratz , was by the Citizens solemnly entertain'd ; with whom entered so many Souldiers ▪ that the City was taken , and 14 Ministers of the Gospell presently banished . This Marquisate of Stiria was vnited to Austria , by a marriage betwixt the daughter and heire of Ottocar the Marquesse , and Leopold Duke of Austrian at which wedding , this Stiria by Fredericke Barb●rossa , was made a Dukedome . It was called in former times Val●ria . 3. CARINTHIA is 75 miles in length , and 55 in bredth ; it 〈…〉 with Stiria on the East , Tirol on the West , Ba●are on the 〈◊〉 , the Alpes on the South . The chief Townes are 1 Vi●●ach , 2 Spittall , 3 G●rah , 4 Freisach , and 5 S. Viti . Santo . Vitus , or St Veit , the Metropolis of the whole Country . The ceremonies with which the Archdukes of Austria are acknowledged Dukes of Carinthiae , are very strange and obserueable . For in the meadowes adjoyning to the town of S. Veit , a certain country man to whom that office by inheritance belongeth , sitteth on a marble stone there being ; holding in his right hand a cow with a black calfe ; and in his left hand a mare as lean as a rake . Then commeth the new Duke , attired in a plain rusti●k habite , his Courtiers attending him in their richest apparell : at whose approach , the Country man aboue-mentioned , demaundeth ; what he is that so maiestically commeth th●t●erward ; the people answere , that it is the future Duk● . He againe asketh , whether he be a iust Iudge , and one that will maintaine the libertie of the Countrey , and sinceritie of the Religion ; the people answere , he will. Then he asketh , by what right he wil displace him fro● his mar●le seat ; to whom the Steward of the new Dukes house replieth , he shall give thee 60 pence in siluer , the cattell now standing by thee , the cloathes which he hath at this time on , and thy house shall euer be free from taxe and tribute . The fellow vpon this taketh the Duke by the hand , and bidding him be a good Prince , giueth him a gentle cuffe on the eare ; seateth him on the marble stone , and taking away the cattell , departeth . This done , the new Duke goeth to S. Vites Church , and hauing done his devotions , putteth of his rustick weedes , and dresseth himself in cloathes befitting a Prince ; for such after these ceremonies he is acknowledged . 4. CARNIOLA being 150 miles long , and 45 broad , is environed with Sclavonia East , Italy West , Carinthia North , and Istria South . The chiefe Townes are 1 Newmarckt , 2 Es●●ng , 3 Marsperg , 4 Pegonocke , and 5 Saxenfelt , all vpon the Savus ; which arising in this Country , runneth through the very middle of it . 5. TIROLIS is 72 miles broad , and as many long : It is bounded East with Carinthia , West with the Grisons , North with Schwaben , South with Marca Trevigiana . The soile of this Country is very good , and full of siluer Mines , which yeeld vnto the Archdukes 20000 Crownes yearely . The chief ●owns are Oenipons , or Inspurch ( seated on the Inn or Oe●●s ) which gaue denomination to the third branch of Austria , as being so called , descended from Ferdinand the second , sonne of Ferdinand the Emperour ; whereas the house of Grats proceed frō Charles being the 3d. In this towne was Charles the fi●t , when he heard how Mauritius , whom he had made Electour of Saxonie , was comming against him with his owne men ; which so terrified him , that he fled immediatly into Italy , and resigned his Empire to his brother Ferdinand . 2 Landecke 3 Tirol . 4 B●lzan . 5 Trent on the riuer Adesis , in which the Councell was held by Pope Paul the third . It began in the yeare 1545 , against the doctrines of Luther and Calvin . This Councell continued , sometimes assembled , sometimes dissolued , for the space of 18 yeares ; and before the first meeting here , had at diuerse other places bin intimated and dashed ; furthered by some , and hindred by others for 22 yeares together . The effects of this Councell I cannot better describe , then in the words of the history hereof , which are these : This Councell desired and procured by godly men , to re-vnite the Church , which began to be diuided ; hath so established the schisme , and made the parties so obstinate , that the dis●ords are irreconcileable : and being managed by Princes for reformation of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , hath caused the greatest deformation that euer was since Christianitie did beginne : and hoped for by the Bishops to regaine the Episcopall authority , for the most part vsurped by the Pope ; ●ath made them loose it altogether , bringing them into greater seruitude ; on the contrary scared and avoided by the See of Rome , ●as a potent meanes to moderate the exorbitant power thereof , mounted from small beginnings , by diuerse degrees , to an vnlimited excesse ; it hath so established and confirmed the same ouer that part which remaineth subiect vnto it , that it neuer was so great no● so soundly rooted . So farre the words of the History . These Prouinces belong all to the house of Austria : the revenue of which Princes , would certainly be farre greater ; if the neighbourhood of the Turke did not put them to continuall expences , and losse of men and Money : howsoeuer , I think they may yeeld them yearely , two millions of Crownes , and vpwards . The Armes of this Archduke are Gules ; a fesse Argent ; which Armes were assumed by Marquesse Leopold at the siege of Acon , because his whole armour being couered ouer with blood , his belt only remained white : whereas his former Armes were Azu●e , six Larkes Or ; which Armes are supposed to haue bin assumed by the first Marquesses of Austria , because they possessed those six petit Prouinces , in which the tenth Legion called Ala●da , had in ancient times their station . 9 BOHEMIA . The Kingdome of BOHEMIA containeth Bohemia , the Dukedome of Silesia , the Marquisates of Lusatia , and Morauia . Bohemia is environed with the Hercynian Forrest , which the Romans could not in long time penetrate . It hath on the East Silesia , & Moravia ; on the West Franconia ; on the North Misuia and Lusatia , on the South Bavaria . The whole kingdome containeth in circuit 550 miles , in which compasse are comprehended 780 Cities , walled townes , and Castles , and 32000 Villages ; all which are inhabited by a people giuen to drink and gluttony , and also to valour and loue of honour ; this last quality belonging to the Nobles and better sort of people ; the former to the Commons : but in more moderate fashion then the other Germans . All of them , rich & poore , noble and base , vse the Sclavonian language . The chief Bohemian Captain that euer I read of , was Zisca , who in 11 battailes fought in defence of the Hussites , against the Pope and his confoderats ; preuailed and went away victorious ; insomuch that at his death he willed the Bohemians to flea him , and make a Drumme of his skinne ; perswading himself if they so did , they could neuer be ouercome : wherein hee concei●ed so of himselfe , as Scipio Africanus , and Vortimer king of the Brittaines did of their selues : For the one hauing almost ruined the Commonwealth of Carthage , commanded his body to be buried so , that his tombe might looke toward Africke ; and the other hauing expulsed the Saxons out of Brittanie , desired to be interred in the hauen towne of Stonar ( in Tanet ) the vsuall landing-place of that people ; thinking thereby to affright the Carthaginians from Italy , and the Saxons from Brittaine . The Christian Religion was first preached in this country by one Bosinous , Anno 900 or thereabouts ; since which time they haue continued in it , though not without the admixture of one notable vanity . For one Picardus comming out of the Low-Countries , drew a great sort of men and women vnto him , pretending to bring them to the same state of perfection , that Adam was in before his fall ; from whence they were called Picards and Adamites . They had no respect vnto marriage ; yet could they not accompany any woman , vntil the man comming to Adam , said vnto him ; Father Adam , I am enflamed towards this woman : and Adam made answere , increase and multiply . They liued in an Island which they called Parad●se , & went starke naked : but they continued not long : for Zisca hearing of them , entred their fooles Paradise , & put them all to the sword , Aº 1416. Before this time also the workes of Wickliffe were brought into Bohemia , by a certain scholler who had beene a student in the Vniuersity of Oxford , which happening into the hands of Iohn Husse , and Hierome of Prague , two men whereof the Country may worthily boast ; wrought in their hearts a desire to reforme the Church : a businesse which they prosecuted so earnestly , that being summoned to the councell of Constance , they were there condemned for hereticks , and burned , Anno 1414. yet had their doctrine such deep root in the Bohemians , that it could neuer by warre or persecution be plucked vp ; but to this day continueth , though abundantly perfected by the writings of Luther , Calvin , and other painful labourers in Gods Haruest . The soyle is exceeding fruitfull , and enriched with mines of all sorts , except of gold . Tinne they haue here in good plenty , the mines whereof were first found out by a Cornishman , banished out of England , Anno 1240 : which discouery of Tinne in these parts , was , as saith my Author , in magnam iacturam Richardi Comitis Cornubiae , ( he meaneth that Richard which was afterward King of the Romans ; ) and no maruaile , for in those times there was no Tinne in all Europe , but in England . Wood they haue here good store , and in some of their Forrests a beast called Lo●● , which hath hanging vnder it's neck a bladder full of scalding water ; with which when she is hunted , she so tortureth the dogges , that she easily escapeth them . The principall riuers are 1 Albis , which here● hath his fountaine , as also hath 2 Egar , 3 Mulda , and 4 Wattz ; these three last al exonerating themselues into the first ; which runneth through the midst of the Country . The kingdome is not anothers , diuided into Counties and Prouinces ; but into the territories and possessions of seuerall Lords . The chiefe citties of the whole are 1 Prage , the Metropolis , seated in the middle of the country , on the riuer Mulda or Multaw . It consisteth of foure seuerall Townes , euery of which hath its peculiar Magistrates , lawes , and customes . The principal is called the old town , adorned with many goodly edifices , a spacious market place , and a stately Senate house . The second is called the new Towne separated from the old by a ditch of great depth and widenesse . The third called the little towne , is diuided from the old towne by the riuer Mulda , and ioyned to it by a beautifull bridge , consisting of 24 arches ; and in this towne is the hill Rachine , on the sides whereof are many fayre and stately houses belonging to the nobility ; and on the toppe thereof a magnificent pallace , wherein the Bohemian kings , and the latter Emperours , kept their residence . The fourth Towne is that of the Iewes , who haue here fiue Synagogues , and liue according to their owne particular lawes and liberties . Neere vnto this Towne was fought that memorable battaile betweene the Duke of Bavaria and Count Bucquoy , Leistenants for the Emperour Ferdinand , with 50000 men on the one side ; and Fredericke newly elected king of Bohemia , with the Prince of Anhalt , the Count of Thurne , & 30000 men on the other side . It was fought on the eight of Nouember stylo nouo being Sunday ; wherein ( such was the vnsearchable will of God ) the victory fell vnto the Imperialls , the yong Princes of Anhal● , Tourne and Saxon Weimar , with diuers others being taken prisoners ; the Bohemian ordinance al surprised ; Prage forced to yeeld vnto the enimy ; and King Fredericke with his Queene compelled to fly into Silesia : a most lamentable and vnfortunate losse , not so this people only , but to the whole cause of religion . The 2d Citty of note is Egra , situate on the riuer Eger , on the very borders o● this kingdome ; where it confineth with Franconia , and Vo●tland . It was once Imperiall , but in the yeare 1315 , it was sold by the Emperour L●dovicus Bavarus , vnto Iohn King of Bohemia , for 400000 marks of siluer . 3 Budwi●s , a strong town towards Austria . 4 Melmucke on the riuer Albis . 5 Weldawe . And 6 Pilsen , the last town of this Prouince , which yeelded vnto the prevailing Imperialls ; & then also betrayed vnto Count T●lly , for a summe of money by some of the Captaines of Count Mansfield , who was then absent , and had so long defended it . The first inhabitants of this Country that we haue notice of were the Bemi , whom Pomponius Mela placeth in this tract , & calleth Gens magna . To these in processe of time were added the Boij ; who being a people of Gallia Cisalpina , fled ouer the Alpes to avoid the bondage of the Romans , and seated themselues in Bavaria , by them called Boiaria . Then entred they this region , and mixing themselues with the Bemi , were ioyntly with them called Boibems , afterward Bothemi , and now Bohemi . They continued a free nation til the comming in of the Croatians , and Sclavonians , vnder the conduct of Zechius Aº 550 , who with his brother Leches being banished Croatia for a murther : Leches seated himselfe in Polonia , and Zechius in this coūtrey , the people whereof in their own language , call themselues Czechians . After the death of this Zechius , the state was of long time in a confused Anarchy , euen vntill the yeare 670 : at what time not respecting the progeny of Zechius , the founder of their Commonwealth ; they fastned on Crocus a man of good respect amongst them , and elected him their Duke , Crocus vir iustus & magna apud Bohemos opinionis , princeps electus est , saith Bertholdus . Crocus being dead , the Bohemians elected Libussa , the yongest of his three daughters : of whose female gouernment being soone weary , they elected Primistaus for their Duke , and made him husband to Libussa . The rest of the Dukes being 18 in nūber , I willingly paste ouer , and come to Vratista●s , whom for his manifold deserts . Henry the 4th Emperour of Germany , created the first king of Bohemia Anno 1086 , The Kings and Dukes of Bohemia . 1086 1 Vratislaus the brother of Spitigneus the last Duke of Bohemia , was by Henry the 4th at Mentz created king . 2 Conrade brother to Vratislaus , notwithstanding that his brother had three sonnes , was elected Duke of Bohemia . 3 Brecislaus sonne to Vratislaus , the two sons of Conrade being reiected , is by the Bohemians chosen . 1100 4 Borivorius , the 4th sonne of Brecislaus , is chosen by the Bohemians , his elder brothers then all liuing . 1109 5 Sutopulcus cosen german to Borivorius , by the consent and fauour of the people deposed Borivorius , & caused himselfe to be elected in his place . 6 Vladislaus II , brother to Borivorius , preferred by the people to the throne before Otho the brother , & Henry the sonne of Sutopul●us the last Prince . 7 Sobeslaus brother to Vladislaus , promoted to the State before the sonne of Vladislaus . 1159 8 Vladislaus III , sonne to Vladislaus the 2d ( the foure sonnes of Sobeslaus omitted ) is chosen & crowned the 2d King , by Fredericke the Emperour ; but deposed by the States : because he was not by them formally elected , according to their priuiledges and customes . 9 Vldaricus , the 3d sonne of Sobeslaus , his elder bretheren yet liuing ; was by the people elected in the roome of Vladislaus , and his sonne Fredericke ; whom the Emperour Fredericke had by force established in the throne . 10 Sobeslaus II , 2d sonne to Sobeslaus , was by Fredericke aboue named expell'd ; & he al●o by the Bohemians . 11 Conrade grandchild to Otho the brother of Su●opulcus , elected by the Bohemians in place of Fredericke : betweene which two Princes there was continuall warre . 12 Wenceslaus vnkle vnto Conrade , and sonne of Otho aforesaid , was preferred before many neerer the succession . Him Primislaus expelled , but fearing his returne quitted Prage . 13 Henry Bishop of Prage , a stranger to the bloud , was by a generall consent elected Duke . 14 Vladislaus IV , brother to Primislaus , the sonne of Wenceslaus , being put by ; succeeded Henry : and soone after resigned . 1199 15 Primislaus elected by the Bohemians , and by the Emperour Philip crowned the third king of Bohemia at Mentz , was brother to Vladislaus the 4th . 1248 16 Ottacarus , notwithstanding that Wenceslaus his elder brother , had beene crowned in his Fathers life time ; was acknowledged King. He was slaine in battle by Rod●lphus the Emperour . 1278 17 Wenceslaus II , sonne to Ottacarus . 1284 18 Wenceslaus III , sonne to Wenceslaus , the last of the Bohemian Princes of the male line . 1304 19 Rodolfus , sonne to the Emperour Albertus , is by the potencie of his Father , and the Election of the States , seated in the throne ; being otherwise a stranger to the bloud royall of Bohemia . 1305 20 Henry Duke of Carinthia , husband to Anne , the 2d daughter of Wenceslaus the 2d , is chosen by the Bohemians : but being weary of his gouerment , they elect Iohn of Luxenbourg . Finally , Henry was murdered by one of his Nephewes . 1311 21 Iohn of Luxenbourg , sonne to Henry the seauenth Emperour , and husband to Elizabeth youngest daughter to Wenceslaus the 2d , is elected : the Lady Anne yet liuing . 1346 22 Charles sonne to Iohn , & Emperour of that name the 4th ; the author of the Golden Bull. 1362 22 Wenceslaus IV , Emperour also , in whose time the troubles of the Hussites , and the valour of Zisca was famous . 1418 23 Sigismund , brother to Wenceslaus , maketh himselfe king by force ; and at his death commendeth Albertus D. of Austria , the husband of his daughter Elizabeth , vnto the Lords . 1437 24 Albertus Duke of Austria , elected vpon the commendations of King Sigismund , by the Bohemian Lords . 1440 25 Ladislaus , sonne to A●bert , who being the brother of two sisters , commended yet one George Pogiebrachius vnto the States , as fittest to succeed him . 1458 26 Georgius Pogi●brachius , neither by affinity or cōsanguinity of the bloud : And he though he had three sons ; yet for the benefit of his Country , aduised the Nobles after his death , to elect the King of Poland . 1471 27 Ladislaus II , King of Poland , and sonne to Elizabeth , the younger daughter of Albert Duke of Austria ; the issue of Anne the elder sister still liuing ; elected King of Bohemia . 1516 28 Ludovicus , sonne to Ladislaus , crowned & elected by the meanes of his father then liuing . 1526 29 Ferdinand , Archduke of Austria , brother to Charles the fift , and husband to Anne sister to Lodovicus ; by his letters reuersall acknowledgeth that hee was chosen King of Bohemia , not of any right , but of meere free will , according to the liberties of that Kingdome . 1562 30 Maximilian , eldest sonne of Ferdinand , was in his Fathers life time , and at his suit , elected king Aº 1549. 1575 31 Rodolfus Emperour of Germany , and second sonne to Ferdinand of Austria ; elected King. 1612 32 Mathias brother to Rodolfus , was at the ioynt suit of them both , nominated and appointed King of Bohemia , by the generall consent of the States ; during his brothers life time , An ● viz : 1608 , which denomination they both protest in their letters reuersall , should not bee to the preiudice of the liberties and ancient customes of that Kingdome . 1618 32 Ferdinand II , Duke of Grats , was by Mathias adopted for his sonne , and declared by vertue thereof successour to the Crowne of Bohemia , but neuer formally & legally elected : for which cause amongst others hee was by the States reiected ; in like case as Vladislaus the third had formerly beene . 1619 33 Frederick Electour Palatine , the strongest German Prince of the Calvinists , and most potent by his great alliances , was elected King of Bohemia : and crowned at Pragu● , together with his wife on the 5th day of Nouember . This Prince is descended from the Lady Sophia , sister to Ladislaus the 2d , King of Poland and Bohemia : and hath to wife Elizabeth , daughter to Iames King of Great Brittaine , and Anne of Danemarke , descended from the Lady Anne , daughter of Albertus of Austria , and elder sister to Elizabeth wife to Ladislaus the 2d aboue named . It is recorded that in the quarrells betweene Fredericke the second and Pope Innoc●nt the fourth , the Emperour sent the Pope these verses . Roma diu titubans , varijs erroribus acta Corruet , & mundi desinet esse caput . Fata volunt , stell●que docent , aviumque volatus , Quòd Fredericus ego malleus orbis ero . Rome tost with diuers errours downe must fall ▪ And cease to be the mistresse of this Ball. For loe the fates decree , Starres , Birds , foretell ; That I a Fredericke shall the wh●le world quell . That which that Fredericke then spoke in a hopeful desire of revenge , and a vehemency of anger , had ( I hope ) some prophetical relation to the sacred person of this Fredericke : and that it may fall out accordingly , I beseech the God of battles , and Lord of hosts , so to protect & comfort him in this time of his trouble , that he may yet liue to tread vpon the necke of the Romish Adder , and outsta●e the Antichristian Basiliske , till his enimies are made his footstoole . The reuenewes of this kingdome may amount to 3 millions of Crownes yearely , considering that the following Countries are vnders its subiection . The Armes are Mars , a Lion with a forked tayle , Luna crowned Sol. 2 SILESIA is bounded with Bohemia , on the West ; Brandenburg , on the North ; Polonia , on the South ; Hungarie and Moravia , on the East . It is in length 240 , in breath 80 miles , and diuided equally by the riuer Od●ra , who here hath its originall . The former inhabitants of this Prouince , and Lusatia were the Quadi , against whom , when M Antoninus the Emperour made warre : he had vnawares run himselfe into such a straight , that his army was environed with mountaines one way , and enimies the other . To this ( as calamities g●e seldome alone ) was added the extraordinary heat & drouth then being . To the Emperour thus put to his plunges , came the Captaine of his guard ; telling him th●● he had in his Army a legion of Christians ( M●li●ens he calleth them ) which by prayer to their own God could obtaine any thing . The Emperour sendeth for them , desiring them to make supplications for the Army ; which they did● and God Almighty that neuer turneth a deafe eare to the prayers of his seruants , when they are either for his glory , the Churches , or their own good ; scattered & vanquished the Quadi with thundershot and artillery from heauen ; and refreshed the faint and dying Romans , with many a gentle and pleasing show●e . This miracle purchased to that Legion , the sirname of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. the thunderer ; and induced the Emperour to honour m●n ●f that holy profession , and to make an end of the 4th persecution . Aº Ch. 174. The chiefe Townes are Pres●aw , or Vratislauia , built by Vratislaus a Duke of this Prouince , and made a Bishops See An ● 970 , or thereabouts . In the yeare 1341 , it was totally 〈◊〉 with a happy misfortune ; for it was againe reedified with fire stone , so that it is now one of the prettiest Citties of Germ●●● . 2 Iagendorfe , or Iegerndorf , the patrimony of Iohannes Georgus o● the family of Brandenb●rg , who is called Marq●es●e Iagendorse , of whom more anon . The lands and estates 〈…〉 sion were giuen by Ladislaus king of Boh●mia , vnto Geor●e●●●named ●●●named Piu● , of the family of Brande●burg , for the 〈◊〉 good seruices he had done him : but his posterity being 〈…〉 they are ●allen vnto the present owner 〈…〉 towne of all Bohemia , which was conquered by 〈…〉 Emperour , from King Fredericke . 4 〈…〉 derberg all on Od●ra . Here are two Duked 〈…〉 Sue●●z ; the latter whereof is sub●ect to the 〈…〉 me● hath Duke , who is also at the command 〈…〉 Bohem●a . This Country once belonged to Poland , and was given by Henry the fourth , to the new King of Bohemia , Vratisl●●● , 1087. 3 LV●ATIA , is bounded on the East & North with Brandenburg , on the West with Saxonie ; on the South with Silesia . This Country though but little , is able to arme 20000 foot , as good as any in Germany . The chiefe Citties are Gorlitz , & Tra 〈◊〉 on the riuer Nisse ; ●prembe●g and Gottbusse on the riuer Spre which was heretofore called Suevus , and is thought to haue given name to the Suevi : this riuer runneth through the whole Country●● Bautsen ( Budissiuum the Latines call it ) the first Towne attempted , and taken by the Duke of Saxonie , when he tooke vpon him to execute the Emperours decree against Frederick● the Palatine , then newly chosen King of Bohemia . This Country is called in Dutch La●s●i●s , and is commonly diuided into the higher and the lower . It was giuen also to the new Bohemia King Vratislaus by Henry the 4th , Anno 1087. 4 MORAVIA is bounded on the North , and East with Si●●●ia on the West with Brandenburg ; on the South with Au 〈◊〉 ●●d Hunga●y . It is the most ●ertile part of Corne in G●rmany , and hath no small store of Myrrh and Frankincense , which contrary to common custome groweth not on trees , but immediatly out of the earth : & which addeth to the miracle , the Fran 〈…〉 groweth in the shape and similitude of those 〈…〉 men and women labour most to conceale . Dubra●i●● th● writer of the Bohemian history is the reporter , & Gra 〈◊〉 ●h● name of th●t only place where it thus groweth . 〈◊〉 Townes are 1 Brinne , the seat of the Marquesse . 〈…〉 Vniuersity , seated on the Morava of when Ri 〈…〉 3 Terebi z. ● I●su &c. The fo●mer in 〈…〉 o● this Country were the Marcom●nni ▪ and it is now 〈…〉 It was once a kingdome , the last king of it be 〈…〉 w●o rebelled a●●ainst Arnulph the Emperour 〈…〉 had vnder him Boh●mia , Poloni● , Silesia ▪ and Lu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which after his death chose themsel●es seuerall gouer 〈…〉 till Hen●y the ● t● gaue vnto his ●ew 〈…〉 , the Provinces or Silesia & Lusatia ; whose fortune Morauia followed , when Sigismund the Emperour gaue it to Albertus King of Bohemia , and Duke of Austria , An o 1417. It still retaineth a Marquesse , who is tributary to the Bohemian . 10 BRANDENBOVRG . The Marquisate of BRANDENBOVRG is limited on the East with Poland , on the West with Saxony , on the North with Pomerania , on the South with Lusatia : it is in compasse 520 miles , in which are contained 50 Citties , and 64 walled towns , the chiefe of which are 1 Brandenbourg , built by Brando a Prince of the Franconians , Anno 140. 2 Francofurt ( for distinction sake named ) ad Oderam , which was made an Vniuersity by Ioachim the Marquesse 1506. It is situate in a soyle so plentifully stored with Corne and Wines , that it is not easie to affirme whether Ceres or Bacchus be most enamoured of it . Here is also at this Towne a famous Empory , but not comparable to that of the other Francfort on the Moenus . 3 Berlin , the ordinary residence of the Marquesse . It is situate on the riuer Spre , a riuer which arising in Lusatia , emptieth it selfe into the Albis ; 4 Hauelbourg , seated on the little riuer Havell , the seat of a Bishop , who acknowledgeth the Archbishop of Maydenbourg for his Metropolitan . This Marquisate is diuided into the new and the old ; the river Odera watering the last ; the Albis the first . Brandenbourg was taken from the Frankes and Vandalls , by the Emperour Henry the first , Ann. 920 : at which time also the Gospell was first here preached . This Henry gaue the Country of Brandenbourg with the title of Marquesse , to one Earle Albert : whose issue being extinct , Lodovic : Bavarus gaue this Marquisate to his sonne Ladowicke , Ann. 1314. His grandchild Otho , sold it vnto Procopius Marquesse of Moravia , Aº 1373 : whose issue failing , it was giuen to Fredericke the Burgraue of Neurenberge , Anno 1417 , by the Emperour Sigismund . The posterity of this Fredericke to this day inioy it , possessing also part of Prussia ; and the three Dukedomes of Cleus , Iuliers , and Berge , or Montz , the Signiories of Prignits , and Crossen , the confines of Silesia , and this Marquisate ; together with the coūtie of Rapin , and the Marquisates of Iegendorfe , and Ansspach : so that they exceed the Dukes of Saxonis in greatnesse of territory and multitude of subiects ; but fall short of them in the largenesse of their revenew . This augmentation of their Dominions is of no great standing ; Prussia was estated on M. Albert , Anno 1525 , and by a marriage betweene Anne the Neice and heire of this Albert , and Sigismund the late Electour , is newly added to the Electorall family . Cleueland came vnto them by the marriage last mentioned ; Iagendorfe was giuen as a requitall of the seruices of M. George : and Auspach they wrested from the female heires of Wolframius the last Lord thereof : insomuch that now this is the powerfuist family in all Germany . The reuenues of this Electour could not be lesse then 20000l l by the yeare , if hee were permitted to enioy his three Dutchies of Cleue , Gulicke , & Berge in any peaceable manner . This house of Brandenbourg hath among other good Souldiers , yeelded 3 of especial note , viz : Albert the last master of the Dutch knights and first Duke of Prussia . 2 Albertus , called the Alcibiades of Germany , who in the time of Charles the fift ( by whom he was proscribed ) so molested the Popish Princes of Franconia , as in some particulars I haue already shewed : a man both in his actions , spirit , and valour , not much vnlike the present Count Mansfield . And 3ly , Iohannes Georgius of Iagendorfe , brother to the last Electour , who hauing faire possessions in Silesia , and furthering the election of his Cosen the Palatine of Rhene , to the Crowne of Bohemia : is dispossessed of his estates , and proscribed by the now preuailing Emperour ; whom hee ceaseth not most couragiously with all his force and pollicy continually to disturbe . The Armes are Argian Eagle Gules membred & becked Or. The people are of the reformed Church & follow the doctrine of Luther . 11 POMERANIA and MECLENBVRG . POMERANIA is bounded on the East with the riuer Vistula , on the West with Meclenbourg ; on the North with the Balticke Ocean ; on the South with Brandenbourg . The chief towns are S●e●in , the Princes seat ; once a poore fisher Towne , now the Metropolis of the Country , as rising by the fall of Wimeta , a famous Mart-towne in these parts . 2 Wolgast . 3 Wallin , or Iubinum , a Towne which once florished in traffique , and gaue place vnto Constantinople only : the Russians , Daues , Saxons , Vandals , &c. hauing here their particular streets . Anno 1170 , it was sacked by Waldemarus , King of Danemarke , since which time it never recouered its former glory , most of her traffique being remoued to Lubecke . 4 Gripswald made an Vniversity 1456. 5 Neutrepton a Sea Towne . To this Province belong three Ilands , viz : Rugia , Wisedomia , and Volmia . Pomeren , so called by the Sclavonians , for that it lyeth along vpon the Sea , was long time in the power of the Vandals ; who being expelled ; one Barvimus took vpon him the Principate , Aº 935 ▪ about one hundred yeares after which Prince , Wartisl●us with all his people receaued the Christian faith , Anno 1130. In their issue the Corone● still remaines , though now divided : for Anno 1540 , it was diuided betweene Barvimus and Philip two brothers ; the former hauing the higher part next Prussia , the latter the lower part next vnto Mecklenbourg . MECKLENBOVRG , or Megalopolis , is on the West part of Pomeren . It was the seat of the Heruli , and is a peculiar principality , the chiefe of her Townes being 1 Malchaw . 2 Sterneberg . 3 Wismar , so called from Wisimarus a King of the Vandals , the father of Rhadaguse , who together with Alarick the Gothe , sacked Rome . 4 Rostocke , made an Vniuersity Anno 1415 , at the intreaty of Albert and Henry , Princes of this Province . The first Professours came hither from Erdfort in Saxonie . This Province tooke the name of Mecklenbourg , or Megalopolis , from a great Towne of this name here being , when the Vandals and Heruli first setled here ; but now destroyed . Their first King is said to be one Anterius , the sonne of an Amazonian Lady , a man which learned his first warrefare vnder Alexander the great . The last of these Princes which tooke vpon him the name of King , was Pribislaus , who died , Anno 1179 : his full title being , Pribislaus Dei gratia Herulorum , Wagriorum , Cire●paenoram , Polamborum , Obotritarum , Kissmorum , Vandalorumque Rex ; These being the ancient names of those particular Tribes of the Barbarians , which were by one generall name called Heruli . On the West of this Prouince , by the riuer Traue , is the faire Hanstown of Lubecke ; which of old was a Dukedome , but made subiect by Fredericke the first : after whose death they chose another Duke , who within 5 yeares , together with the towne was taken by the Danes ; and from them deliuered by Fredericke the 2d , and by him infranchized . Not much aboue tenne miles from Lubecke , is Hamborough , in which Towne are 777 Brewers , one Lawyer , one Phisician , & 40 Bakers . The reason why there is such an huge disproportion betweene the number of Brewers , and that of Lawyers and Physicians ; is , because a cuppe of nimis is their best vomiting potion ; & their differences are sooner decided ouer a Canne , then by course of law . Not far hence but on the other side of the riuer is Stoade , where the English men haue a house to sell abroad their cloathes and other commodities . 12 SAXONIE . SAXONIE is bounded on the East with Lusatia and Brandenbourg ; on the West with Hassia ; on the North with Brunswicke ; on the South with Franconie and Bohemia . It containeth the countries of Thuringia , Misnia ▪ Voitland , and Saxonie . 1 TVRINGIA is environed with Hassia , Franconie , Misnia , and Saxony . The chiefe Citty is Erdford , one of the fairest and biggest of Germany . 2 Iene , an Vniversity of Phisicians . 3 Smalcald , famous for the league here made , Anno 1530 , between all the Princes & Citties , which maintained the doctrine of Christ , taught by Luther . There entred first into this league the Duke of Saxon and his sonne , Ernest and Francis Dukes of Luneburg ; Philip the Lantgraue ; George Marquesse of Brandenbourg ; the Citties of Serasbourg , Nurenberg , Heilbrune , Ruteling , Vlmes , Lindaw , Constance , Mening , and Campedune . Afterward , Anno 1535 , there entred into it , Bermine and Philip , Princes of Pomeren ; Vlricke Duke of Wirtenberg ; Robert Prince of Bipont ; William Earle of Nassaw ; George and Ioachim Earles of Anhalt ; the Citties of Francford , Hamborough , Auspurge , Hannolder ; & not long after the Palsgraue , and the King of Danemarke . By this famous confederacy , Lu●her not onely kept his head on his shoulders ; but the Gospell by him reformed grew to that strength , that no force or pollicy could ever root it vp . 4 Kale , or Hale , where Philip the Lantgraue was treacherously taken prisoner , as you shall heare anon . 5 Weimar , a Towne which together with the Castle of Gothe , were assigned for the estate & maintenance of that religious , though vnfortunate , Prince , Fredericke●uke ●uke of Sax●nie , after his discomfiture and imprisonment by Charles the fift . The whole country is in length but 120 miles , nor any more in breadth : yet it containes 2000 villages , and 12 Earledomes . This Country was once a Lantgrauesdome , but the male issue failing , it came vnto the Lords of M●snia , Anno 1211. 2 MISNIA is environed with Bohemia , Voitland , Thuring , and Saxonie : it is watred with the riuers Sala , Plissena , El●ter , & Mulda . The chiefe townes are Dresden , seated on Albis , hauing continually on her walls and Bulwarkes 150 Peeces of ordinance ; a stable of the Dukes in which are 128 horses of seruice ; and a Magazin , out of which 300000 Horse and Foot may bee armed at a dayes warning . The next is Lipsique , as famous a Vniuersity for Philosophers , as Iene is for Phisicians . It seemeth the Schollers and Cittizens will not suffer their beere to perish ; of which here is so much drunke and exported , that the very custome of it due vnto the duke , amounts to 20000 pounds yearly ; yet is this towne of no more then two Churches . 3 Rochlus . 4 Mulberg , where Iohn the Electour was discomfited . Misnia was at first but a Lordship vnder Turingia , and was made a Marquisate , a little after it obtained the Dominion of Turingia : in which state it continued , till the Emperour Sigismund gaue the Dukedome of Saxonie to Marquesse Fred●rick● , in the yeare 1413 ; whose posterity till this day enioy all the Dukedome . 3 VOYTLAND is a little country South of Misnia , whose chiefe Citties are Olnits . 2 Werda . 3 Cronah . 4 Culmbach , and 5 Hoffe . This Country seemeth to haue taken its name from the Iuites or Vites , who together with the Saxons and Angles conquered Brittaine : and to be called Voitland , quasi Vitel●nd ▪ the Country of the Vites . It belongeth not totally to the Duke , of Saxonie , for the Marquesses of Auspach in Franconie , possesse the greatest part of it . 4 SAXONY is on the North of Turinge & Misnia ; her chiefe Towne is Parthenopolis now Meydenberg , or Magdeberg , which belonged to the Empire ; but now is vnder the patronage of the Dukes of Saxonie . For when this Town refusing to receaue the Interim , was outlawd by the Emperour , and giuen to him that could first take it ; it was attempted by the Duke of Megelberg ; but he was in a Camisado taken prisoner , his Army routed , his Nobles made captiue , and 260 horses brought into the Citty . Next it was besieged by Duke Maurice , who on honourable tearmes was after a long siege receaued into it ; Aº 1550 , when it had stood on its owne guard the space of 3 yeares . This long opposition of one Towne , taught the Germane Princes what constancie could doe ; it held vp the coales of rebellion in Germanie ; and indeed proued to be the fire which burned the Emperours trophies . For here Duke Maurice comming acquainted with Baron Hedecke , hatched that confederacie , by which not long after this great Emperour was driuen out of Germany . 2 Worlits seated on the Albis . 3 Heldericke . 4 Wittenberg , the seat of the electours of Saxonie , and an Vniuersity of Diuines , founded by Duke Fredericke , Anno 1508. It was called Wittenberg , as some coniecture , from Witti●indus , once Lord of Saxonie , when the extent thereof was greatest . Famous is this town for the Sepulchres of Luther and Melancthon ; but chiefely for that here were the walls of Popery broken downe , & the Gospell of Christ reduced to perfection . The whole story in briefe is this . Luther was borne at Isleben in Sax. and studied first at Magdeburg ; but at the establishing of the Vniuersity of Witte●berg , he was chosen to prosesse there . It hapned in the yeare 1516 , that Pope Leo hauing need of money , sent about his Iubiles and Pardons : against the abuses of which , Luther inueighed both priuatly and publikely , by word and writing . This spark grew at last to so great a coale , that it fired the Papall Monarchy ; for the Germane Princes cleaued to the doctrine of Luther , & protested they would defend it to the death : hence were they first called Protestants . Yet was not this reformation so easily established . Christ had foretold that fathers should be against their sonnes , and brothers against brothers for his sake ; neither doe we euer finde in any story , that the true religion was induced or religion corrupted about to be amended , without warre and bloudshed . Charles the Emperour whetted on by the Romane Bishops , had long borne a grudge against the reformation ; but especially against the confederacy of Smalc●ld . After long heart burnings on either side , they brake out at last into open warre , which at first succeeded luckily with the Princes . But there being an equality of command , betweene Iohn Fredericke the Electour , and Philip the Lantgraue ; one sometimes not approuing , otherwhiles thwarting the others proiects : the ende prooued not answerable . Besides the politique Emperour alwaies eschewed all occasion of battaile ; and by this delaye wearied out this Armie of the Princes ; which without performing any notable exploit , disbanded it selfe : Euery man hastning home to defend his owne . The Duke of Saxonie had most cause to hast●n homeward ; for in his absence , his cousin Maurice forgetting the education he had vnder him , and how formerly the Duke had conquered for him , and estated him in the Prouince of Misnia ; combined himself with the Emperour , and invaded his Vncles Country . But the Duke Electour , not only recouered his own , but subdued all the Estates in which he had formerly placed his vngratefull and ambitious kinsman . The Emperour all this while was not idle , but waited advantage to encounter the Duke , which at last he found righ vnto Mulberg , where the Duke was hearing a Sermon . The Emperour giueth the alarum : the Duke startled from his religious exercise , seeketh to order his men : but in vaine . For they supposing the Emperour to be neerer with all his Forces , then indeed he was ; add the wings of feare , to the feet of cowardice , and flie away ; yet did the Duke with a few resolute Gentlemen as well as they could , make head against the enemie ; till most of them were slaine , and the Duke himself taken prisoner . The morrow after this ouerthrow , he was condemned to loose his head , but pardoned he was at last , on condition he should ransomlesse set free Marquesse Albertus , renounce his dignity of the Electourship ; resigne vp al his inheritances , with the like harsh Articles . It was also vrged that he should alter his religiō ; but that he so constantly denied that it was om●tted . For his after-maintenance , there were rendred back vnto him , the townes of Weymar and Gothe ; from the former of which , his posterity are now called , Dukes of Weymar . After this victory , the Emperour fraudulently intrapped the Lantgraue ; then marched he against the cities , in all which he prevailed , restored the Masse , and draue them to hard composit●on for their liberties . It was thought that in this warre , the Emperour got 1600000 Crownes , and 500 p●eces of Ordinance . The imprisonment of the Lantgraue , contrary to the Emperors promise , was the chief thing which ouerthrew his good fortune For Duke Maurice hauing pawned his word , and giuen vnto the Lantgraues children his bond , for the safe returne of their Father , found himself much wronged and grieued . Therfore consulting with Baron Hedeck , he entreth league with the French King , associateth himself with Marquesse Albert , suddenly surpriseth Auspurg , and by the terrour which his haste brought with it , forced the Emperour to flye from Inspruch , & the Fathers to break vp the Councell of Trent . The Emperour now brought low , easily hearkned to an honourable composition , which not long after was concluded ; the Cities recouering their priuiledges ; free passage being giuen to the Gospell ; and all things being reduced to the same state they were in before the warres ; the restoring of Iohn Fredericke to his Dukedome and Electourship , only excepted . So did this Duke Maurice both ouerthrow the liberty of his country , and restore it ; so was the preaching of the Gospell by his meanes depressed , by the same again reviued , and established stronger then euer . Thus we see — Vel nemo , vel qui mihi vulnera fecit , Solus Achillaeo tollere more potest . None but the man which did his Country wound , Achilles-like could heale and make it sound . I am no Prophet , yet by comparing causes present , with examples past , what should hinder me from guessing , that as Iohannes Georgius the D. now being , is descended from his Maurice , and hath to the prejudice of the Gospels free passage , and his Countries liberty ▪ sided with the Emperour Ferdinand in these present warres : but that on a like insight of the easuing inconveniences , he may with his ●ight hand build vp , what his left hath plu●ked downe . The Doctrine of Luther thus s●ttled in Germany , and being agreeable to the word of God , was quickly propagated ouer all Christendome : the reasons of which , next vnto the Al●●ghty power of the most High , may be prin●●pally sixe . 1 The d●ligence and assiduity of preaching in C●tty and Village . 2 The publishing of bookes of piety and Christian Religion . 3 The translations of the Scriptures into the vulgar language ; whereby the simple might discerne good from bad , the m●ddy doctrine of Rome , from the cleare Water of Life . 4 The education of youth , especially in Catechismes , which contained the whole body of Christian Religion ; which once well planted in their mindes , was it radicable . 5 The continuall offers o●d sputations to the adverse party in a publike aud●ence ; which be●ng denied , gaue assurance of the truth , and soundnes of the one : as of the falshood and weaknes of the other . 6 Their compiling of Martyrologies and Histories of the Church ; which cannot but worke an admirable confirmation of fai●h and constancie in the hearers and readers : There is one only policy wan●ing , namely the calling of a generall Synode , to compose the differences of the reformed Church , about the Sacraments and Predestination ; which would certainly strengthen their own cause ; and weaken the enemies ; whose chief hopes are , that the present disagreements will arme party against party , to their own destruction . But God grant that their hopes may be frustrated , & we will say with the Poet , — Hae manus Troiam origent ? Parvas habet spes Troia , si tales habet . Shall these small jarres restore the ruin'd Pope ? Small hope he hath , if this be all his hope . Saxonie was once farre greater then now it is , containing all between Albis and the Rhene●ast ●ast and West ; and from Danubius , to the Germane and Balticke Ocean , North and South . The Saxons were a people of Asia . called the Saecae or Sassones , who first seated themselues in the Cimbrick Chersonesse ; afterward they came more Southward into Germany . A valiant Nation questionless● they were ; they conquered England , and were the l●st of the German●s which yeelded to the French Monarch , Charles the Great ; by whose mea●s also they recei●ed the faith of Christ Anno 785. The Prince of the Saxons then was Wittikindus , from whom are descended the present Kings of France since Hugh Capet , the ancient Princes of Aniou and Maine , the present Kings of England , the ancient Dukes of Burgundie , and present Dukes of Saxonie . Anno 1106 , Magnus Duke of Saxonie , dying without heires males , the Dukedome was giuen vnto Henry surnamed Guelse , Duke of Bavaria , who claimed it in right of his wife Gertrude . His son Henry , called the Lion , succeeded in both Dukedomes . But he being by Fredericke Barbarossa , for his many insolencies , depriued of this dignity : it was conferr'd on Bernard Earle of Anhalt , whose grandmother was He●like the Mother of Magnus aboue-named . Aº 1423. The male line of this B●rnard failing , Saxonie was by Sigismund the Emperour , giuen vnto Fred●ricke , Marquesse of Misnia . In his line it stil continueth , though not without a manifest breach , which hapned when Iohn Fredericke being depriued , D. Maurice was invested into the Electorship . And because these translations of States are not ordinary , I will briefly relate the ceremonies thereat vsed . There were at Wittenb●rg scaffolds erected , on which sate the Emperour , and the Princes Electours in their Robes . On the backside of the Stage were placed the Trumpetters ; right against it standeth D. Maurice , with two bands of horsemen The first in a ●ull carreir ranne their horses vp to the pauillion : Out of the second issued Henry Duke of Brunswicke , Wolfang Prince of B●pont ; and Albert D. of Bavier . These when they had in like manne● coursed their horses about , alighted , ascended to the Throne , and humbly required the Emperour , that for the common go●d , he would advance D. Maurice to the Electourship . He c●●sulting with the Electours , made answere to the Duke of Mentz , that he was content , so D. Maurice would in person come and desire it . Then came forth D. Maurice with the whole troup ; before him were bor●e ten ensignes , bea●ing the Armes of as many Regions wherein he desi●ed to be invested . When he came before the throne , ●e kneeled down on his knees , & humbly desired the Emperor to bestow o● him the ●l●ctorship of Saxonie , & all the lands of Iohn ●rederick late Electour . His petition was granted . Then the B●shop of Menz●●ad ●●ad vnto him the Oath by which the ●lectours are bound vnto the Empire : which Oath when D. Maurice had taken , the Empe●our deliuered vnto him a sword , which was a signe of his perfect investiture . Duke Maurice now the Electour of Saxonie arose , gaue the Emperour thanks , promised his fidelity , ma●e obeysance , and took his place among the Electours . This solemnity was on the 24 day of Febr. Anno 1548. The revenue of this Dukedome in the dayes of Chris●i●nus , Augu●tus , and Mauritius , was not les●e then 400000 pounds yearely ; but now by the ill ordered custome of Germanie , they are distracted amongst diuers pettie Princes and Lords . Within the bounds of Saxonie are two small Principates , namely of Anha●t and Mansfield ; the P●inces of the former being Cal●inists , of the latter Catholiques ; both which are Homagers to the Duke of ●axonie . Both these houses haue beene long famous for the excellent spirits which they haue bred vp for the warres , as if military valour were annex●d and hereditary to thei● Families . The principall of them at this time is Christian Prince of Anhalt , who so fai●h●ully stood out , as long as there was any hope of doing good , for Fred●rick● the El●ctour ●alatine , a●d King of B●hem●a , whose Lie●tenant ●e was . And on the o●her side Earnestus Earle of Mansfie●d , so renowned for the warres which he hath maintained in all Germanie , with great fortune and courage . They which delineate the pedegree of the Earles of this Family , deriue them ( to note vnto you so much by the way ) from one of the Knights of King Arthurs round Table , borne at Mansfield in Nottinghamsh●re , who setling himselfe in Germany , gaue name to this house . The Armes of Saxonie are Bar●●wise of 6 pieces Sable , and Or , a Bend slowred Verte . This Bend was added to the coat , being before only Barry S , and O : by Fredericke Barbarossa , when he invested Bernard of Anhalt in the Dukedome . For this Bernard desiring some difference added to his Armes , ●o distinguish h●m from the former Dukes , the Emperor took a ch●plet of Rue , which he then wore on his head , and threw it 〈◊〉 his buckler or escotcheon of Armes ; which was thereon presently painted . 13 BRVNSWICK and LVNEBOVRG . The Dukedomes of BRVNSWICK and LVNEB●VRG are bounded on the East with Brande●bourg , on the West wit● Wastphalen , on the North with Denmar●e , on the South wit● Saxonie and Hassia The riuer Amasa or Ems runn●th throu●h the country : whose chief cities are first Brunswicke , built by ●he Brunnus , son ●o Ludolphus D. of Saxonie , and Vn●●e to He●r● the first Emperour , called the Fowler . Nigh vnto this Towne is the mountaine Hamelen , vnto which the Pied Piper led the children of Halberstade , where they all sunke , and were neuer m●●e seene : but of this Story more annon when we come to T●a●●●lvania . 2 Wo f●ha●ten , where the Duke doth keep his Court ; for though Brunswicke giueth him his title , yet wil it not ye●ld h●m any obedience , but reputeth her selfe among the Hans●townes : for which cause there haue b●n great warres between the Dukes and the Ci●izens . 3 Halbersta●e a Bishops See , the pres●nt Bishop ( or rather the administrator of the Bishopricke ) being Christian Duke of ●ru●swicke , that noble young souldier , who hath vowed his life and fortunes to the seruice of ●lizabe●h Q. of Bohemi● . 4 Luneb●urg so called of the Moone 〈◊〉 the old i●●●●itants did worship . 5 Cella the seat of the Duke of Lunebourg . T●e Lords of these Prouinces d●riue their pedegree from one Welfus , son to Isenb●rdus Earle of Altorse in Sue●ia . This Isenbardus had to wife one Ierm●nirudis ▪ who grieuously accused one of her neighbour women of adulteries , and had her punished , because she had not long be●o●e bin deli●ered of sixe children at a birth . It fortuned that she her self , her husband being abroad in the fields , was deliuered at one birth of twelue children , all males . She s●aring the like infamous punishme●● , which by her instigation had bin inflicted on the former woman ; commanded the nurse to kill eleuen of them . The Nu●se going to execute the will of her mistrisse , was met by her Lord , then returning homeward . He demaunded what she carried in her lap , she answered , puppies : he desired to see them , she denied him . The Lord on this growing angry , opened her apron , & there sound eleuen of his own sonnes , pretty sweet babes , and of most promising countenances . The Earle examined the matter , found out the truth ; inioyned the old trot to be secret , and put the children to a miller to nurse . Six yeares being passed ouer in silence , the Earle making a solemne feast , invited most of his wiues and his own friends . The yong boyes he attireth all in the same fashion , and presenteth them to their mother : she misdoubting the truth , confesseth her fault , is by the Earle pardoned , and acknowledgeth her children From Welfus the eldest of these brethren , descended Earle Henry , son and heire to the Lady Luitgardis Queene of the Franks and Bavarians . His posterity held Bavaria 109 yeares . Afterward they came to be Dukes of Saxony , vnder whose command & Empire , Brunswick & Lunebourg once were ; till Duke Henry called the Lyon , was proscribed by the Emperour Fredericke Barbarossa , and disinherited both from Brunswicke & Saxonie . At last his grand-child Otho got by his submission , the Dukedome of Brunswicke , together with the title of Lunebourg , by the grant of Fredericke the second . This Otho died 1252 : whose posterity injoyed these Dukedomes joyntlie , till the yeare 1430 ; in which the Country was diuided between William the Victorious , who had the title of Brunswicke : and his Vncle Bernard who had the title of Lunebourg . In their posterity both these Dukedomes still remain , though Brunswicke be the greater . The Armes of Brunswicke are Gules , two Lyons Or , armed Azure . As for the A●mes of Lunebourg , they are quarterly 1. G , two Lyons O , armed B. 2ly A Semie of hearts G , a Lyon B , armed & crowned O. 3ly B , a Lyon A , armed G : and 4ly G , a Lyon O , armed B ; a bordure componie O and B. 14. HASSIA . The Lantgrauedome of HASSIA is environed on the East with Saxonie , on the South with Franconie , on the West and North with Westphalen . It took its name from the Hassi , who with the Chatti inhabited the Country . The Christian Faith was first here preached by Boniface or Winifride an Englishman , Aº 730 , or thereabouts : of which Winifride I finde this pretty Apothegme , that in old time there were golden Prelates , and wood●n chalices ; but in his time , wooden Prelates , and golden ch●l●ces . Not much vnlike this there is another of newer inventi●n , viz : that Christians had once blind Churches , and lightsome hearts ; but now they haue lightsome Churches , & blind hearts . The chief townes are 1 Dormestad , the seat and inheritance of the youngest House of the La●tgraues . This Lodowicke was by Count Mansfield taken prisoner , Anno 1622 , and his whole town & Country exposed to the spoyle and rapine of his souldiers : because ( besides other ill offices ) he was the chief perswader of the Princes of the vnion , to disband their forces prouided for the defence of the Palatinate ; and reconcile themselues to the Emperour . 2 Marpurg an Vniuersity , and the seat of the second house of the Lantgraues , descending from Ph●lip , who was Lantgraue hereof in the time of Charles the 5th , whom he so valiantly withstood . 3 Geysen a town belonging to the Lantgraues of Marpurge . 4. Dries . 5 Frankenbourge ; 6 Cassels , three townes belonging to the elder house of the Lantgraues , whereof Cassell is the chief , as being the seat of their residence . This city is situate in a fruitfull Country , and is well fortified with strong earthen walls , and deep ditches : yet are the houses of no great beau●y ; being composed for the most part , of wood , thatch , and clay . Vnto this Prouince belongeth the County of Waldecke , whose chief Cities are 1 Wa●decke ; and Corbach : the Earles hereof are subiect to the Lantgraue ; the first of them being Otho , Aº 1300 or thereabouts . Within this Country also is the country of Vetera●ia , commonly called the Conf●deration of Wederawe ; containing among others , the Counties of Nassaw , and Hanawe , and the free City of Frieburge . This Frieburge is ( as we said ) an imperiall City , situate in the midst of most pleasant and delicious corne-fields . Hanaw , or Hannouia , is distant from Francfort ad Moenum ten miles , and is a County of it selfe ; the chief town next vnto it , being Windecke ; the first Earle hereof was in the yeare 1392 , or thereabouts , and by name Otho . As for the Countie of Nassaw , it hath in it many Pri●●● towns , as 1 Dillingbourg the principall . 2 Nassaw . 3 Catzenelbagen an Earledome of it selfe : to which both the Princes of Orenge , and Lantgraues of Hassen lay title ; & in whose name some footsteps of the Chatti are apparantly couched ; and 4 Herborn , in which that great Scholle● Piscator professed Diuinity ; & that huge method-monger Alstedius , now teacheth the Arts. This house of Nass●w is very ancient and famous , the first Earle being one Otho , Aº 1079 : out of whose loynes haue streamed Adolphus Nassovius the Emperour , Aº 1292 , the ancient Dukes of Geldria and the present Princes of Orange , who are Lords also of manie townes and Seigneuries in Belgia . All these Princes , as also the Lantgraue follow the doctrine of Calvin . Hassia was once an Earledome vnder Thuringia , Anno 1042 , Lodowicke was Earle of Hassen , whose successours were afterward preferred to the dignity of Lantgraues ; the most puissant of which was Philip , a man who much swayed the affaires of Germany . Anno 1520. he discomfited King Fernando , and restored Vlricke to the Dukedome of Wirtenberge . Anno 1530 , he vnited all the Protestant Princes and cities of Germany , in a cōmō league at Smalcald , for the defence of the reformed religion , An o 1545 , he vndertook the cause of Gos●aria against the D. of Brunswicke , whom in a set battaile he took prisoner , together with his sonne , and possessed his Country . Anno 1548 , he vnited all the Princes and Cities of Germany , in an offensiue and a defensiue league against Charles the fift . But that warre succeded not prosperously ; fo● 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Saxonie his perpetuall confederate , being taken prisoners ; he submitted himself to the Emperour at Kale or Hale in Misnia , his sonnes in Law D. Maurice , the Marquesse of Brandenbourg ; & Wolfang Prince of Deuxponts , hauing giuen their bonds for his returne . The conditions of his pardon were 1 , that he should dismantle all his townes , except Cassell : 2. that he should yeeld vp vnto the Emperour , all his munition : 3 that he should pay vnto the Emperour 150000 Crownes . The same night he was by the D. of Alva invited to supper : his sonnes in law of Saxonie and Brandenbourg accompanying him . After supper he was contrary to the Lawes o● hospitality , and the Emperours exact promise , detained prisoner : The fallacie stood thus . In the Emperours compact with the three Princes , the words were , that the Lantgraue should be kept , Nicht in emig gesengknes , that is , not in any prison ; which the Emperors Secretary by a smal dash of his penne , turned into Nicht in ewig gefengk●es , that is , not in euerlasting prison . Well , in prison he staide 5 yeares , which being expired , he was again set at large by Duke Maurice , the ouerthrower and restorer of the German liberty . The Armes of the Lantgraue are Azure , a Lyon barri● of 8 pieces , Arg. and Gules ; armed and crowned Or. There are diuers other inferiour Princes of Germany , which yet are absolute and free : insomuch that in one dayes riding , a Traueller may meet with diuers lands , and diuers coynes twice or thrice : euery free Prince & free City ( whose Lawes the Emperours are sworne to keep inviolable ) hauing power to make what Lawes , and coyne what money he will. And hence in the censure of kingdomes ; the King of Spaine is said to be Rex hominum● , because of his subjects reasonable obedience : the king of France , Rex Asmorum , because of their infinite taxes and impositions : the King of England , Rex Diabolorum , because of his subjects often insurrections against , and depositions of their Princes : But the Emperour of Germanie is called Rex R●gum , because there is such a number of Reguli , or free Princes which liue vnder his command ; or rather at their own command ; for they doe euen what they list . There are 20 Vniuersities in Germany . 1 Collen West . 2 Triers West . 3 Basil Swit . 4 Deling Swit . 5 Tubingen Bav . 6 Ingolstade Bav . 7 Mentz Fr. 8 Wirtenberg . Fr. 9 Heidelberg . Fr. 10 Iene Sax. 11 Lipsique . Sax. 12 Wittenberg Sax. 13 V●enna Au●t . 14 Friburg . Au●t . 15 Francfort . Bran. 16 Rostocke Pom 17 Gr●pswald Pom 18 Marpurg . Has. 19 Olmutz . Mor. 20 Prage . Boh. There are in Germany Emperour 1. Dukes 34 Archbishops 7 Lantgraues 4 Vicounts . King 1 Marquesses 6 Bishops 47 Earles Barons . Thus much of Germany . OF DENMARKE . DENMARKE containeth the Cimbricke Chersonesse , part of Scandia , and the Ilands of the Balticke Sea. The CHERSONESSE hath on the Southwest the Albis , on the Southeast the riuer Trare , on the South a little piece of Germany . In all other parts , the sea . It was first inhabited by the Cimbri , thence called the Cimbrian Chersonesse . Of the Cimbri we shall speake more anon ; as for Chersonesus it is so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à terrâ & insula . It being the same with Peninsula in Latine . Now of these Chersonesi , fiue were most famous , 1 Peloponnesus in Greece ; 2ly Thracica Chersonesus in Thrace : 3ly Taurica Chersonesus in Scythia or Tartary ; 4ly Aurea Ch●rsonesus in India ; of all which in their due places ; and 5ly this Cimbrica Chersonesus where we now are . This Cimbrian Chersonesse is then in length 120 miles , in bredth 80 : and containeth 28 Cities , 4 Bishops Sees , and 20 royall castles or palaces ; as well for the Country , as the priuate retirements of the King. The chief Prouinces are Holst or Holsatia , whose chief Cities are Nyemunster and Bramsted : this Prouince is the title of the second sonne of Denmarke . II Dietmars , whose chief Cities are Meldorp , whose citizens are so rich , that they couer their houses with copper : and 2 Marue . III Slesia , or Sleswicke , whose chief towns are Goterpe , and 2 Londen an hauen Town vpon Eider . IV. Iuitland whence came the Iuites , who together with the Saxons , and Angles , conquered England . The chiefe tow●s are 1 Rincopen , 2 Nicopen ▪ 3 Holn , and 4 Arhausen . The ILANDS of the BALTICKE are 35. The chief are Senland or Selandunia , in length 64 , in bredth 52 miles . It containeth 7 strong castles belonging to the King , and about 13 Cities , the chief of which are 1 Haffen , or Hafnia , the kings seat , and the only Vniuersity in Denmarke ; it is called by the Germans , Copenhagen : that is , m●rcatorum portus , the marchants H●uen . 2 Helfinura , or Elseneur , standing on the Sea side . At this towne the Marriners which haue passed , or are to passe the Sound , vse to pay their customes . 3 Rosc●●lt , the Sepulchre of the Danish Princes ; Between this Hand and the firme land of Scundivania , is the passage called the Sound , toward Muscovie : which did yeeld vnto the King very great profit yearly ; but now it is not a little fallen , since the Eng●ish found out the Northerne passage vnto Russia . This Sound is in bredth 3 miles and somwh●t more ; and is commanded by the castle of Hilsembourg on Scandia side , & that of Cronburge in this Iland : which castles are the best forti●ied and furnished of any in this Country . II ●ionia or Fuinen containing 8 cities ; the principal whereof are 1 Ottonium or Osel . 2 Swienbourgh or Suiborch . III Bornholmia , situate on the Balticke sea , not farre from Gothland ; the chief city is Borneholme . It was redeemed by Fredericke the 2d , from the state of Lubecke ; to which it had for 50 yeares together bin pawned . IV Fimera , in which Ticho Brahe built an artificiall Tower ; in which are many rare Mathematicall Instruments . The chief town is Petersborne . SCANDIVANIA or SCANDIA , is environed with the Seas , saue where it is joyned to Muscovie . It lieth part on this side ▪ part beyond the Articke circle ; so that the longest day in the more Northerne part is about three Months . It containeth the Kingdomes of Norwey , Swethland , and part of Denmarke . That part of Scandivania which belongeth vnto Denmarke , is situate in the South of this great Peninsula ; and is diuided into 3 Prouinces , viz : 1 Hallandia , 2 Sconia or Scania ; and 3 Blescida . Ha●india hath on the North Swethland , on the South Scandia , on the East the wild woods that part it from Gothland . The Country is fruitfuller then Blescida , and barrenner then Scania . The chief town is Halanesoe . Scania or Seonia hath on the South Hallandia ; on all other parts the sea . It is in length 72 miles , and 48 in bredth ; and is the pleasantest Country in all Denmarke , most aboundant in fruits , most rich in merchandise , and on the sea sides so stored with herr●ngs ; that sometimes ships are scarce able with winde and oare to break through them , and row off the harbour . The chief towns are 1 Londis , a great hauen town . 2 Elbogen . 3 Falskerbode . Here is also the castle of Elsimbourg aboue-mentioned . Bl●scida or Blicker hath on the North Swethland , on the Fast and South the Balticke sea ; on the North a little Si●us or sea gullet , by which it is parted from Scanta . It is a mountainous and barren country . The chief towns are Ma●nogia , the birth place of Casp. Bertholinus ; and 2 Colmar , a strong fortresse against the Sw●thlander . The people of this Country are good Souldiers both by sea and land ; but fitter for the sea then the field : the Magistrate is wise rather by experience , then by study ; the old man couetous ; the yong man thrifty ; and the Marchant ambitious . The women are of the same conditions as the women of ●elgia . They receiued the Christian Religion by the preaching of Ansu●rius , and follow the reformation of Luther . The soyle is naturally more fit for pasture , then for tillage ; feeding such a multitude of Oxen , that 50000 are said to bee sent hence yearely into Germany . Their other commodities , are Fish , Tallow , Furniture for shipping , Armours , Oxe-hides , Buck skinnes , Wamscot , Firrewood , Filberds , and the like . The first inhabitants hereof were the Cimbri , a people descended from Gomer , the first son of Iaphet . They are said to haue first dwelt on the banks of Palus Moeotis , where they were called Cimmerij , and gaue name to Bospherus Cimmerius there being . These C●mmerij being ouer-layed by the Scythians , remoued their seates more Northward into a Country bounded according to Plutarch by the great Ocean on the one side ; and the Forrest of Heroynia on the other ; being the Country where we now are . They were a people of extraordinary big stature , h●uing blew or red eyes , and liued most vpon theft ; so that for their sakes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Germans called all theeues , Cimbres . It hapned that the Ocean ouerflowing a great part of their Country compelled them to seeke new seates ; whereupon in great multitudes abandoning their dwellings , they petitioned the Romans , then lording it ouer a great part of the world , for some place to settle in . This request being denied , they proceeded in an other manner , winning with their swords , what their tongues could not obtain . Manilius , Sillanus , and Cepio , all Roman Consuls , perished by them ; so that now ( saith Florus ) actum esset de imperio Romano , nisi illi seculo Marius contigisset ; for he , as we haue elsewhere told you , vtterly ouerthrew them . The next inhabiters hereof were the Saxons , of whom we haue already spoken ; and as for the Danes they were a people inhabiting the Ilands of Sinus Codanus , who about the yeare 500 , left their old dwellings , and came vnto the Cimb●icke Chersonesse ; not long before forsaken by the Saxons , at the conquest of England . They liued a great while in a confused state , which at last was brought to some conformity by Gotricus their King , Anno 797 : They were much giuen to Sea-robberies , and taking dislike against Osbert King of Northumberland , who had rauished a Lady , sister to the Danish King ; they came with grea● strength into England : where for 255 yeares they tyrannized ouer the afflicted people . Of late they haue had no warres but with the Swethlanders , to whose kingdome they pretend a title from their Q. Margaret ; who vanquished Albertus the King of Swethland , and gouerned it : as also did many of her successours , as shall be shewed in the Catalogue of the Swethland Kings . I will now reckon vp such Kings of the Danes , as haue bin since Charles the Great , the former of which were in number 44 , hauing no certainty or apparance of continuance . The Kings of Denmarke . 797 1 Gotrieus . 2 Henningus . 3 Canutus 4 Ivarus 5 Agnerus 6 Frotho 7 Haraldus 8 Gormo 926 9 Harald II 10 Canutus II 11 Canutus III 12 Sueno 1067 13 Haraldus III. 2 1069 14 Canutus IIII 10 1079 15 Olaus 10 1009 16 Ericus 13 1102 17 Haraldus V 52 1104 18 Nicolaus 30 1135 19 Ericus V 1140 20 Ericus VI 1150 21 Sueno 1161 22 Valdemarus 24 1185 23 Canutus 18 1203 24 Valdemarus II. 40 1243 25 Eri●us VII . 9 1251 26 Abel 1252 27 Christophorus 7 1260 28 Ericus VIII . 27 1287 29 Ericus IX . 35 1322 30 Christopher . II 12 1334 31 Val●emarus III 42 1376 32 Margareta 35 1411 33 Ericus D. Pomerani●●● Margar. ado●●at . 28 1439 34 Ch●istoph . D. Bau. 1448 35 Ch●istiernus Comes Alde●b●●●g . 34 1482 36 Ioannes 32 1514 37 Christiernus II 9 1523 38 Fridericus I 1535 39 Christiernus III 2● 1559 40 Fridericus II 29 1588 41 C●ristianus IV 42 Christianus . Now liuing , King of Denmarke and Norway . The revenues of this Crown cannot be great ; there being no commodity in his kingdome but fish , to allure Mariners : they which are also , are vncertain , considering the Sound sometimes yeeldeth more then others . The Armes are Or , 3 Lyons passant Vert , crowned of the first . OF NORWAY . NORWEY is bounded on the North with Lappia , on the East with the Dofrine mountaines , by which it is parted from Swethland ; on the other parts with the Seas . It containeth in length 1300 miles , in bredth not halfe so much . This country is exceedingly troubled with certain little beasts , which they call Lemmers . They are about the bignes of a field mouse , & are by the inhabitants said to drop out of the clouds in tempestuous weather . They deuoure like the Locusts euery green thing on the earth , and at a certain time die all in heapes ( as it were ) together : and with their stench so poison the aire , that the poore people are long after troubled with the Iaundies , and with a giddinesse in the head . But these beasts come not often . It is called Norwey for the Northerne situation : the people are much giuen to hospitality , plain-dealers , &c abhorring theft They were once famous warriers , they conquered Neustria in France , since called Normandy , vnder the conduct of Rollo ; England vnder the leading of D. William ; Italy and Sicily vnder the banners of Tancred : Ireland and the Orcades vnder the ensignes of Turgesius : and the kingdome of Antioch vnder the leading of Boemund . The soyle is so barren , that the people liue on dried fish inst●ed of bread ; but the better ( that is the richer sort ) buy corne of such merchants as come to traffick with thē . Their chief cōmodities are stockfish , butter , rich furres , traine oyle , pitch , and tackling for ships ; as masts , cables , deale-boards , and the like ; which the inhabitants exchange for corne , wine , fruits , and beere . Townes here are exceeding thinne , and in them the houses very miserable and poore ; for the most part patched vp of durt and hurdles , not much vnlike our ordinary village-houses in Lincolneshire , The chief of these towns are 1 Nidrosia , the See of an Archbishop , who is the Metropolitan of Norwey , Island , and Groinland . 2 Bergen , one of the foure ancient mart-townes of Europe ; the other three being London in England , Novigrod in Muscovie , and Bruges in Flanders . But of these , three are decayed , viz : this Bergen , which hath yeelded to Wardhuis ; Novigrod which by reason of the change of navigation through the Balticke , into the Northerne passage , hath giuen way to S. Nicholas : and Bruges which was depriued of her traffick by Antwerpe , from whence it is remoued to Amsterdam : For the Hollanders by blocking vp the hauen ; but especially by keeping Bergen aep Zome , haue such a command ouer the riuer ; that no vessell can passe or repasse without their licence . 3 Asloya , a Bishops See , and the place in which Iustice is administred for all the kingdome : and 4 Staffanger . On the North and West of Norwey lieth Finmarchia , a great and populous Prouince ; the people whereof are for the most part idolaters . It took the name of Finmarch , as being the boūds or marches of the F●nni , of which people we shall tell you more in Swethland ; it is subiect together with Norwey vnto the king of Denmarke . The chief townes are 1 Saman , 2 Hielso , both sea-townes : and 3 Wardhuis seated in the very Northerne end of all the Country ; a towne very profitable and seruiceable to the King , in that it a weth the Lappians , who border on this Prouince : and because ships must of necessity touch at it in their passage to Muscouie . It is so called , for that it standeth in a little Iland called Warde . To omit the Catalogue of such Kings as are vncertaine , we will begin with king Subidagerus , who was king of all the three kingdomes , and at his death diuided them again amongst his three sonnes . The Kings of Norwey . 1 Subidagerus 2 Haddingus 3 Hotharius 4 Collerus 5 F●ogerus 6 Gota●us 7 Rotherus 8 Helga 9 Hasmunlu● 10 Reginaldus 11 Gumaraus 12 Osmundus 13 Olaus 14 Osmundus II. not long after whose time Anno. sc. 800 , the Normans began their irruptions . 15 Aquinus 16 Heraldus 17 Olaus II 18 Sueno K. of Dan. 19 Olaus III. 20 Sueno II 21 Canuius 22 Magnus 23 Haraldus II 24 Magnus II 23 Magnue III 26 Ingo 27 Aquinus of Norw . 27 Marg. of Den. by this marriage , the two kingdomes of Denmarke & Norwey were vnited , and neuer since disioyned ; the Danes keeping the natiues so poore , that they are not able to resist them ; besides the strong Garrisons kept on all parts of the Country , keep it in an absolute awe . The Christian Faith was first preached here by the meanes of Pope Adrian the fourth . They followed the reformed Church after the opinions of Luther ; and speake the Dutch language ; which is also common to their Lords of Denmarke , and neighbours of Sweden . The Armes of this Kingdome are Gules , a Lion rampant Or , crowned and armed of the first , in his pawes a Dansk hatchet Arg. The chief order of Knighthood is of the Elephant , instituted by Fredericke the second king of Denmarke ; their badge is a coller powdred with Elephants towred , circling the kings armes and hauing at the end the picture of the Virgin Mary , There are reckoned in Denmarke and Norwey Archbishops 3 Dukes Earles Bishops 15 Marquesses Viscunts . One Vniuersity , namely Copenhagen . Thus much of Denmarke and Norwey . OF SWETHLAND . SWETHLAND is bounded on the East with Muscouie , on the West with the Dofrine hils , on the North with the Frozen Seas , on the South with the Balticke seas . These Balticke Seas are they which beginning at the narrow passage , called the Sound , interlace the countries of Denmarke , Swethlaud , Germany , and Poland , and extend euen to Livonia and Lituania . These Seas are by some called Mare Su●vicum ; by Pomponius Mela , Sinus Codanus ; by Strabo , Sinus Venedicus : but generally Mare Balticum , because the great Peninsula of Scandia was called Baltia . The reasons why this sea being so large , doth not ebb & flow , are 1 the narrownesse of the streight by which the Ocean is let unto it ; and secondly the Northerne situation of it , whereby the celestial influences produce therein the lesser operation . This country alone , without the adiacent Prouinces of Lappia , Scricfinia , & Barm●a , is little lesse then Italy and France ioyned together : and with the additions of the said nations , is bigger by a circuit of 9●0 miles . The people participate much in nature with the Norweians , as hospitable & valiant as they : for from hence came the Gothes , Suev● , Longobards , & other barbarous Nations , which by their often inundations ouer all Europe , gaue occasion to the olde adage , Omne malum ab Aquilono . They were converted to the Christian Faith long since , and now follow the doctrine of Luther , vsing the Dutch language , though not without an apparant and notable difference , in pronunciation and Orthographie . The soyle is so fertill , that to see a bigger is a difficult matter ; and the aire so healthfull , that it is ordinary to see men of 130 , or 140 yeares of age . The country aboundeth with Mines of Lead , Copper , and Siluer , which are transported into other Nations , together with hides of Bucks , Goates , and Oxen , Tallow , Tarre , Barley , Malt , costly Furres , and the like . The chief Prouinces are , 1 LAPPIA the most Northerne part of all Scandia , is diuided into the Easterne , containing Biarmia and Corelia , which belo●geth vnto the Knez or Duke of Russia : and the Easterne comprehending Lappia , properly so called , & Scricfinnia , which are vnder the king of Sweden . Lappland is situate between Scricfinnia , North ; Sweden , South ; the Dofrine hills , West ; and S●nus Boddi●us , East . The people deriue their name from their blockish behauiour , the word Lappon signifying as much as inepius or insulsus in Latine . Scri●finnia lieth between I●apland & the frozen Ocean . They deriue their name from the Finni , a great people of Scandia , and Scricken a Dutch word , signifying leaping , sliding , or bounding , for such is their gate : and moreouer in that for their more speedy sliding ouer the ice , of which this Countrey in the winter is full ; they vsed wooden-soaled shooes , with sharp bottomes , now in vse among the Germans , and by them called Scrickeshoenon , or sliding-shooes . The ancient writers call this people Scrictofinni . These together with the Laplanders , vse to giue worship and diuine honour all the day following to that liuing creature what ere it be , which they see at their first going out of their doores in a morning : and are so poore , that they pay vnto the King of Sweden for tribute , rich skinnes , and furres ; as being without the vse of money , and benefit of houses . They are of an indifferent good stature , and passing well skilled in Archerie . 2 BODIA hath on the North Scricfinnia ; on the South Finland ; on the East Sinns Finnicus , and part of Muscouie ; on the West a large and capacious bay or sea-gulet , which from hence is called Sinus Bodicns , The chief townes are 1 Virtis . 2 Vista . 3 Helsinga , honoured with the title of a Dukedome . 3 FINLAND hath on the North Bodia , on the South the Balticke Sea , or Mare Suevicum ; on the East Sinus Finnicus , & on the West Sinus Bodicus . It is by Munster thought to be called Finland , quasi fine land , quod pulchrior & amoenior sit Suecia , because it is a more fine and pleasing country then Sweden it selfe . But indeed it is so called from the Finni or Fenni , a potent Nation who haue here dwelt , whose character thus framed by Tacitus , Finnis m●ra feritas , faeda paupertas : non arma , non equi , non penates ; victuiherbae , vestitui pelles , cubile humus ; sola in sagi●tis spes , &c. agreeth euery way with our present Finlander , especially those of Scricfinnia , and Finmarchia , who are not so well reclaimed to ciuility , as the other . This Finland is very populous as comprehending 1433 parishes , many of which containe 1000 Families . The chiefe townes are 1 Abo , a Bishops seat . 2 Narne , a place of great strength . Not farre from these , are townes within the limits of Muscouie , namely Viburge and Rivallia ; the keeping of which Fortresses , stand the King in 10●000 Dollars yearely . They are Forts excellently well seated , defending his own , and offending his enemies territories : of which nature was Calice in France when the English possessed it . 4 SWECIA or SWEDEN 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so called , hath on the East Sinus Bodicus , on the West the Dosrine hills : on the North Lappia , and on the South Gothland . The country is very fruitfull and delicious , vnlesse in some places where the cragginesse of the hills maketh it more barren , and lesse pleasing . The chief cities are 1 Vpsale , a famous Bishoprick , from whence all this tract is tearmed Archiepiscopatus Vpsalinsis , 2 Nicopia ▪ a Sea-town of good strength . 3 Coperdol , famous for its abundance of brasse . 5 GOTHLAND is the best and richest Prouince of the North , and took name from the Gothes , whose Country it once was , and not quasi Good land , for its goodnesse , & fertility . It is diuided into the Iland and the Continent ; The Iland of Gothia is seated in the Balticke seas , being in length 18 miles , and 5 in bredth : it standeth very convenient for the Danes to invade Sweden ; which is the reason it hath bin so often in eithers possession ; and is now vnder the Swethlander . The chief towne is Wisbich . The Co●tinent of Gothia is in the hithermost part of Scand●a , next vnto the kingdome of Denmarke . It hath in it the great Lake Weret , which receiuing 24 tiuers , disburdeneth it selfe at one mouth , & that with such a noise and fury , that they call it , the Diuels head . The chief Cities are Stockholme , seated after the manner of Venice ; a town in which Christiern King of Denmarke , committed vnspeakable cruelties , filling the channels with blood , and the streets with dead bodies . 2 Lodusia a town of great traffique ▪ 3 Waldbourge , a well fortified peece ; & 4 Colmar , famous for its impregnable castle . The first people of this Gothia were the Vandals , who first went into Poland , and afterward into Italy , Spaine , and Africke : and the Gothes , who being a people of Scythia , called Ge●es , and Gepides , seated themselues in Misia . Afterwards for feare of the Romans , they returned into Scandivania , & inhabited this part , since called Gothio ; but not lik●ng the coldnes of the Climat , they returned again towards their former habitation of Misia , where Decius the Emperour warred against them , to the death of himself and his son , Anno 253. Not long after they were subdued by the Hu●nes , whereupon many of the Gothes not willing to endure the imperious command of that barbarou● pe●ple , obtained of Valeus and Valentinianus the Constantinop ●tan Emperours , a ●eat towards the mouth of Danubius , Valens exacting of them in liew of his kindnes , vnsupportable tributes , was by them vanquished ; nor were they w●ll appeased till the time of Theodosius , Anno ●83 : who made a firme peace with them . In his time there was a dissention between Rha●ag●se and Alaric for the kingdome ; which when Alaric had gotten , Rhadaguse with 200000 men went into Italy , who were ●here starued and slaughtered in the Appenine hils . To reuenge this Massacre , his riuall Alaric went into Italy , in the time of H●norius the son of Theodosius , where he conquered Rome , Campania an● Naples . After him succeeded Athaulfus , who married Placida , sister to Honorius ; by whom he was perswaded to leaue Italy , & go into Spaine : which was possessed by his successors , the space of 300 yeares . Some of these Gothes sent Colonies into the more Southerne parts of France , where they possessed Languedocke and Provence : and at last forgot the name of Gothes , and became French. About 77 yeares after the conquest of Spaine they were againe sent for into Italy , by Zeno the Emperour , Anno 493 : to repell the fury of King Odoacer , & his Heruli ; who being expulst , Theodoricke Captaine of the Gothes , made himselfe King of Italy . The reason why the Gothes were rather wished for in Italy , thē the Heruli ; was , for that the Goths wer● , & had of long time bin Christians ; for we read that Theodosius Bishop of the Goths , was present at the Ni●ene Councell . They were generally infected with the heresie of Arius , whereto they addicted themselues to feed the humour of Valens , co-partner with Valentiniauus in the Empire . For there was not long before among the Gothes a civill warre ; Athanaricus , and Phritigernes being the leaders of the factions . Phritigernes being ouerthrowne fled to Valens , and of him receaued such succours , that encountering againe his enimy , he wonne the day ; & to gratifie the Emperour ( who mainely was addicted to Arrianisme ) he commanded his subiects to embrace that doctrine . Vliphas , Bishop of the Gothes , at the same time inuented the Gothicke letters , and translated the holy Scriptures into that language : Which labor the good old man might wel haue spared , 〈◊〉 then the seruice of the Church ( as the Papists say ) was only celebrated in the Greeke and Latine tongues . This king Theodoricke , whom Zeno call'd into Italy , was King of the Ostrogothi , or Easterne Gothes : who were the ofspring of those that remained in their country , after the expeditiō of Alari● into Italy , and the West . Attila the Hunne subdued them to his Empire , vnder which during his life they continued : but after dis death , his sonnes falling at oddes , were by Wilaner one of the Got●sh bloudroyall , ouerthrowne , and the Gothes sea●ed in Pannonia . To Willamer succeeded his brother Thendomir , who was the father of this Theodericke , Theodericke was in his youth , kept as his fathers pledge in Constantinople , where he was instructed in all the Grecian and Roman learning : And when Zeno resolued to send him into Italie against Odoacer , he made him a Patrician of the Empire . This honour of the Patriciatus was deuised by Constantine , that great innouator in the Roman Empire : and they who were dignified with it , were by the constitutions of the Emperour , to take precedency of the Praef●ct● Praetorio . And so much did Charlemaigne prize this attribute , that he assumed it as an additament to his stile of Emperour . Theodoricke having vanquished and slaine Odoacer , strengthned himselfe divers waies in the Country ; first by alliances and then by fortresses . He tooke to wife Adelheida , daughter to Clodovem K. of the Frank● . His sister Hammelfrede hee gaue in marriage to Thrasimunde king of the Vandals in Africa , His niece Amelberge he married to Hermanfridus king of the Turingians ; and his daughter Amalusunta to Eutharicus , a Prince among the Gothes in Spaine . Being thus backt with all the barbarous , nations his neighbours ; he built townes and forts along the Alps and the Adriatique Sea , to impeach the passage of barba●ous people into Itaelie . His Souldier● and Captaines he dispersed in sundry townes and villages ; partly that they might keep vnder the wauering ●alians ; partly to mingle his people with the mē of Italie , in language , fashions , and marriages ; and partly that he might more easily in warre command them , & in peace correct them . Italy which was before a throughfare to the barbarous nations , and quite disordered by the often inundations of such people , he reduced ●o so fortunate a gouernment ; that before his death the footstepps of their miseries were troden out , and a generall felicity diffused it selfe through all the Country . Such Citties as were formerly defa●ed he repaired , strengthned , & beautified . In his warres he was victorious , in his peace , iust , wise , and affable . Finally , he was , as Velleius sai●h of M●robodunus , natione magis quam ratione barbarus ; and of all the Barbarous Princes that euer inuaded the Romane Provinces ; hee went the most in iudiciously to worke in establishing his new cōquests ; and euen in our daies he may well stand as a patterne to such men as vndertake the like actions . The Gotish Kings in Italie . 445 1 Theodoricus the first King , 33. 527 2 Amabasunta , a woman of most perfect vertue , tooke vpon her the Empire of gouernment of the Gothes , as partner with her sonne Atalaric . She droue the Burgundians and Almain●s out of Liguria ; and was skilfull in the languages of all nations that had any commerce with the Rom●n Empire : insomuch that pro miraculo fuerit ipsam aud●re loquentem . She raigned 8 yeares . 534 3 Theodatus , who being in warres with the Romans , & willing before hand to knowe his successe ; was willed by a Iew to shut vp a number of Swine , & to giue some of them Roman names , the others Gothish . Not long after , the King and the Iew going to the sties , found the Gothish Hogges all slaine , and the Romans halfe vnbrisselled : whereon the Iew foretold that the Gothes should be discomfited , and the Romans loose much of their strength : and so it hapned . This kinde of diuination is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and hath been prohibited by a generall Councell . 3. 537 4 Viti●es 6 540 5 Idobaldus 1 541 Araricus 1. 542 7 Totilas 11. 553 8 Teias , who being overcome by Narses , submitted himselfe to the Roman Empire ; after which time , they grewe with the Italians ( as also with the French and Spaniards ) into one nation . Their history is thus briefly set downe by Sylvester in his Du B●●tas . The warl●ke Gothe which whilome issued forth From ●he cola frozen Ilands of the North , In●●mpt by V●sta●a , but the ayre almost Being there as cold as in the Balticke coast : He wi●h v●ctorious armes Sclavonia gaines , The ●●ansily●n●●n , and Valachian plaines . Thence flyeth to Thracia , and then leauing Greekes , G●eedy of spoyle , foure times he brauely seekes To plucke fro● Rome , then Mars his minion ; The plumes which she from all the world had wonne , Guided by Rhadaguise , and Alaricke , Bold Vindimarus and Theodoricke . Thence flyeth to France , from whence expulst , his legions Rest ever since vpon the Spanish Regions . And let this suffice for the originall , Empire , and decay of the Gothes . Now somewhat concerning the Swethlanders themselues , the beginning of which natiue natiō , I find very obscure , not mentioned by Munster or Crantzius , whi●h two ( the l●st especially ) purposely haue written of them . Three der●●ations and three only I finde probable , the one taught me by Casp●r Peucerus , the other by my owne reading and obseruation . Peucerus then deriueth them from the Suevi , who inhabited the Northerne part of Germanie , and from whom the Balticke Sea is indeed by many approued writers tearmed Mare Suevicum : which people he coniectureth to haue beene driuen by the ●aci , and Gothes into this Country , and by changing only one letter , to be called Sueci . But this is not altogether in my conceit so likely ; for in fatali illa gentium emigratione , when almost all nations shifted their seats ; these Sueui retired partly into Swaben , and the rest into Spaine , as we haue there said : of any expedition of theirs into this Country negry quidem , wee read not a word . Mine owne opinion ( if it be lawfull for me to insert mine owne ) is twofold : First , I referre their originall to the Suiones mentioned by Tacitus , and by him reputed to be strong in men , armour , and shipping . That these Suiones were inhabiters of Scandia , appeareth by two circumstances of the same author ; viz : I that the people were not permitted to weare weapons , quia subitos hostium incursus prohibet Oce●nus ; because the Ocean was vnto them a sufficient rampire : which cannot be affirmed of the German nations . 2ly , Because the Sea beyond this natiō was reputed to be the vtmost bound of the whole world , trans Suiones mare aliud quo cingi claudique terrarum orbem fides , which we knowe still to hold good in Sweden . And 3ly , by a passage in the old Annales of Lewis the 2d Emper●ur , where it is said , that the Danes ( relictâ patriâ apud Sueones exulabant ) were banished into the Country of the Sueones , which doubtlesse was this Sweden . Now ( for applications sake ) most certain it is , that Sueones is the true and ancient name of this people ; & by the names of Sueones or Sueci are they called both in Munster and Crantzius abouenamed . My second derivation is from the Suethans and Suethidi , mentioned by Iornandes , and by him placed in the I le of Scanzia ; for such , by old writers , was this great Peninsula esteemed to be . Now that these are the Suecians or Swethlanders , appeareth first by the propinquitie of the names . 2ly , In that he maketh the Finlanders or Finni and Finnauhae to be their neere neighbours : and 3ly , in that by the same author they are affirmed to haue furnished the Romanes with rich Furres , and the skinnes of wild beasts ; with which commodities this countrey is abundantly stored . To which of these opinions to adhere , I am not yet resolute : what now , if I should say that these Sueones and Suethans , were but one people , & to haue had these diuers names according to the diuerse ages of Authors ? If I did , it were but my guesse ; and sometimes better men coniecture as improbably . There haue beene diverse Kings of Swethland , which their owne histories cannot number aright : we will therefore beginne with I●●manicus , the contemporarie of Charlemaigne , of whose successours there is more certainty and continuation . The Kings of Sweden . 1 Iermanicus 2 Frotho . 3 Herotus 4 Sorlus . 5 Bi●rnus . 6 Wichsertus . 7 Ericus . 8 Ostenus . 9 Sturbioru●s . 10 Ericus II. 11 Olaus . 12 Edmun●us . 13 Stink●lis . 14 Halstenus . 15 Animander . 16 Aquinus . 17 Magnus . 1150 18 Sher●o 10. 1160 19 Carolus 8. 1168 20 Canutus 54. 1222 21 Ericus III. 27. 1249 22 Bingerius 2 1251 23 Waldemarus 26. 1277 24 Magnus II. 13. 1290 25 Bingerius II. 23. 1313 26 Magnus III. 13 1326 27 Magnus IV. 28 Magnus V. 1363 29 Alberius Duke of Mecklenbourg , who was vanquished by Q. Margaret of Danemarke , & Norwaie , the Semiramis of Germany , 24. 1387 30 Margaret Q of Sweth Norw . and Denmarke . 1411 31 Ericus IV , Duke of Pomeren , adopted by Queene Margaret . 28. 1439 3● Christopher Duke of Bavare : after his death the Swethlanders weary of the Danish yoke , which they had borne eue● since the time of Ma●garet Queene of Danemarke ; reuo●te ▪ and chose one Carolus Canutus , Aº 1448 1448 33 Carolus Canutus one of the meanest of the Nobil●ty was chosen King. He hauing incurred the displeasure of his Nobles , & fearing a change of for●un● ; gathered together all the mony and treasure hee could ; sledde vnto Dantzicke , and there ended his d●ies . In the meane time the Swedens appointed among them one whom they called their Marshall ; vnder whose seuerall conducts they vanquished Christierne , and Iohn his sonne Kings of Denmarke . Of these Marshalls there were three in number , Steno , Suanto , and Steno Stur : of which the two first died naturally , and the last by Christiern the 2d slaine in battaile ; Sweden was by the treachery of Gustanus Archbishop of Vpsall , betrayed and yeelded to the Dane , Anno 1519. 1519 ●4 Christierne King of D●nemarke and Norwey , vsed his victory so cruelly here , and his subiects so insolently at home : that here he was outed by Gustanus Ericus , and driuen from Danemarke by his Vnkle Frederick Aº 1523 1523 35 Gustanus Eric●s , the restorer of his Countries liberty . 38. 1561 36 Ericus sonne to ●ustanus , 8. 1569 37 Iohn , brother to Ericus , 25. 1593 38 Sigismund during the lif● of Iohn his father , was chosen King of Poland Anno 1586 ; and hath since his fathers death beene disp●ssessed of his kingdome of Sweden by Cha●les his V●k●e ; or adhering to the Church of Rome , af●er he had raigned 1● yeares . 39 Charl●s King of Swed●n , 1● . 1617 40 Gus●a●us Ad●●p●us , sonne to ●harles now liuing . The revenewes o● this kingdome cannot but be great , the King hauing some meanes to augment his Treasure . 1 The tenths of Ecclesiasticall liuings . 2 Mines . 3 Tributes . 4 Customes . In the yeare 1578 , all charges of Court and armie deducted , the King coffered vp 700000 German Dollars . The men of warre are more obedient to their Prince then any Northerne Souldiers whatsoeuer , because the King giueth vnto every souldier victuals , and that according to their obedience and desert : 2 If a Souldier be taken by the enimy the King doth vsually redeeme him : 3 If a Souldiers horse bee slaine vnder him , the King most graciously giueth him another . By this meanes the Kings are very potent in warres , and though they were once much inferiour to the Danes , yet are they now equal to him ; and as much superiour to the Muscovite . They are supposed to haue 8000 great brasse pe●ces for the warres : and that in the Castle of the towne of Stockholme only there are 400 of proofe sufficient . The Armes of this kingdome are Azure , 3 Crownes Or , There are in Swethland . Archbishop 1 Dukes 13 Earles . Bishops 7. Marquesses . Vicounts . One Vniversity viz : Vpsall . Thus much of Swethland . OF MVSCOVIE . MVSCOVIA is bounded on the East with Tartary , on the West with Livonia , Lituania , and part of Sweden ; on the North with the Frozen Ocean ; on the South with Mare Caspium the Turkes , and Palus Maeotis . This Country standeth partly in Europe , partly in Asia . It taketh its name from Musco , the chiefe Citty ; and is also called Russia alba , to distinguish it from Russia nigra , a province of Poland . The reason whereof , saith one , speaking of the Muscovite , is , quod incolae omnium regionum ipsius imperio subiectarum , vestibus albis & pileis plerunque vtantur , because the inhabitants weare white caps ? And why not ? Sithence the inhabitants of Margiana and Sogdian● in Asia , are called Iesel●●sse ; onely because they weare greene turbants , the name importing as much . It is in length from East to West 3300 miles , and in bredth 3065 miles : it is situate between the 8th and the 20th Climats , the longest day in the Southerne parts , being but 16 houres long and a halfe , in the Northerne parts almost 22 houres long , and a hal●e . The people are persidious , swift of foot , strong of body , and vnnaturall , ●he father insulting on the sonne , and he againe ouer his father and mother . So malitious one towards another , that you shall haue a man hide some of his owne goods in his house whom h● hateth ; and then accuse him for the stealth of them . They are exceedingly giuen to drinke , insomuch that all heady and intoxicating drinkes are by statute prohibited : and two or three daies only in a whole yeare , allowed them to be drunk in . They are for the most part of a square proportion , broad , short , and thicke ; grey eyed , broad-bearded , and generally are furnished with prominent panches . The Commons liue in miserable subiection to the Nobles ; and they againe in as great slauery to the Duke or Emperour : to whom no man dareth immediatly exhibit a petition , or make known his grieuances : nay the meaner Lords are squeamish in this kind , and but on great submission will not commend vnto the Duke a poore mans cause . They are altogether vnlearned ; euen the Priests are meanely indoctrinated ; it being cautionated by the great Duke that there be no Schooles , lest there should be any Schollers but himsel●e : so that the people vse to breake the Sabboth , holding it fit only to be kept by Gentlemen : and to say in a difficult question , God and our great Duke knowe all this : and in other talke , All we enioy health and life ; all from our great Duke . The women are private fearefull to offend , but once lasciuious , intollerably wanton . It is the fashion of these women to loue that husband best which beateth them most ; and to thinke themselues neither loved nor regarded , vnlesse they be twice or thrice aday welfauoredly swadled . The author of the Treasurie of times , telleth a story of a German Shoomaker , who trauelling into this Country , and here marrying a widdow , vsed her with all kindnes that a woman could ( as he thought ) desire ; yet did not she seem contented . At last learning where the fault was , & that his not beating her , was the cause of her pensiuenesse ; he took such a vaine in cudgelling her sides , that in the end the hangman was fain to breake his necke for his labour . They vse the Sclauonian language , and receaued the Christian saith Anno 987 : in which they follow the Church of Greece , and differ from the Romish and reformed Churches : 1 Denying the holy Ghost to proceed from the Father , and the Sonne . 2ly , Denying Purgatory , but praying for the dead . 3ly , Beleeuing that holy men inioy not the presence of God , before the resurrection . 4ly , Communicating in both kindes ; but vsing leauened bread , and mingling warme water with wine : which both together they distribute with a spoone . 5ly , Receauing Children of seauen yeares old to the Sacrament , because then they begin to sin●e . 6ly , For bidding extreame vnction , confirmation , and fourth marriages . 7ly , Admitting none to orders but such as are married ; and prohibiting marriage to them who are actually in orders . 8ly , Reiecting carued Images , but admitting the painted 9ly , Obseruing foure Lents in the yeare . 10ly , Reputing it vnlawfull to fast on Saturdaies . This diversity betweene the Romanists and this people in points of religion ; hath bred such a difference betweene them in loue , and made the one so hard cōceited of the other : that if a Muscouite be knowne or suspected to haue conversed with any of the Church of Rome , he is accoūted to be a polluted person : and must bee solemnly purged and purified before he shall be receaued or admitted to partake of the blessed Communion . In matters of warre the people are indifferently able , as being almost in continuall broyles with their neighbours ; & haue a custome that when they goe to the warres , euery Souldier giueth vnto the Emperour a peece of money ; which after the end of the warres , he againe receaueth of him : by which meanes the number of the slaine is exactly knowne . At their funeralls they vse to put a penny in the mouth of the deceased , a paire of shoes on his feet , and a letter in his hand directed ( such is their superstition ) to St Nicholas , whom they deeme to bee the porter of heauen : an opinion doubtlesse very preiudiciall to the Popes , and St Peters prerogatiues . This Country is not so populous as spacious , the Easterne parts are vexed with the Tartars , who like Aesops dogge will neither dwel there themselues , nor suffer the Muscovite to plant Colonies there : the Westerne parts are almost as much molested by the Sweden & Polonian Kings : the Southern by the Turks and Precopenfes : & the Northerne by the coldnesse of the aire ; which is of such vehemency ; that water throwne vp into the ayre , will turne to ice before it fall to the ground . The better to resist this extremity of this cold , not onely the cloathes of this people , but their very houses are lined with thicke furres . Every Gentleman or man of note hath in his dwelling house a Stoue , or hot-house ; in which they keepe , as it were , to thaw themselues . Such as trauell on the way , vse often to rub their nose & eares with snowe or ice , to settle and recall the motiue spirits into these parts ; which otherwise they would bee in a danger to loose : the ignorance of which preventing chirurgery , was not the least cause that in the yeare 1598 , of 70000 Tu●kes , which made an intode into Muscovie , 40000 were frozen to death . This excesse of cold in the ayre , gaue occasion to Castilian in his Aulicus , wittily and not incongruously to faine , that if two men being somewhat distant talke together in the winter , their words will be so frozen that they cannot bee heard ; but if the parties in the spring returne to the same place , their words will melt in the same order that they were frozen and spoken , & bee plainely vnderstood . Such is their Winter , neither is their Summer lesse miraculous . For the huge seas of Ice , which in a manner couered the whole surface of the Countrey , are at the first approach of the Sunne suddainly dissolued , the waters quickly dryed vp , and the earth dressed in her holyday apparell , such a mature growth of fruits , such flourishing of hearbs , such chirping of birds , as if ●ere were a perpetuall spring . The chiefe commodities which they send abroad , are rich Furres ; others of lesse note are Flaxe , Hemp , Whales grease , hony , Wax , Canvasses , Nuts , and the like . The revenues of this Empire cannot but be great , the Great Duke being Lord both of the liues and goods of his Subiects : Mahomet a Turkish Bashaw was wont to say , that his master & the Muscovite were the most absolute Princes in the world . His revenewes in mony ( his houshold charge being defrayed ) amount to 3 Millions of Rubbles . He is apparelled like a King and a Bishop ; wearing with his royall vestiment a Miter and a Crosier staffe . When he sitteth in his state , all the plate of his house is set before him ; with a great number of the grauest and seemliest men of all Musco , and the adioyning Citties richly apparelled out of the wardrope : which to Forreiners , not knowing this cunning fraud , appeare so many Princes & Noble men ; and is no small cause of admiration and wonder at his magnificence . The Country may bee ( as rightly it is ) called the Mother of Rivers ; the chiefe of which are Don or Tanais , which was by the ancient Geographers , thought to bee the onely bound twixt Europe and Asia : it disburdeneth it selfe into Palus Maeotis , 2 Duina , which entreth into the Scythian Seas , at the Abbie of St Nicholas ; where the English since the discouery of the Northerne passage , vse to land ; and disperse themselues into all the parts of this vast Empire . And truly there is no nation so kindly entertained amongst the Russians both Prince and people , as the English ; who haue many immunities not granted to other nations . The cause I cannot but attribute to the neuer-dying fame of our late Queene , admired and loued of the Barbarians ; and also to the conformable behauiour of the English in generall ; which is so accepted , that when Wasiliwich or Basiliades nayl'd the hat of an other forraine Embassadour to his head for his peremptorinesse : hee at the same time , vsed our S ● Thomas Smith with all curtesie immaginable . Another time when the Iesuite Possevinus , began to exhort him to accept the Romish faith ; vpon the information of our Embassadour , that the Pope was a prowd prelate , and would make Kings kisse his feet : hee grew into such a rage , that Possevinus thought he would haue beaten out his braines . This friendship betweene these nations , hath beene since maintained by mutuall Embassaies on both parties . The third riuer of note , is Boristenes , called also Neiper , ( as Duina is Oby ) which augmenteth the waters of Pontus Euxinus . 4 Duina minor , now called O●ega , which openeth its mouth to rece●ue the waters of the Bal●●cke Sea. 5 Vo●ga , which with no lesse then 70 mouthes , vomits his soule into the Mare Caspium & ● . The chiefe Provinces are 1 NOVIGORDIA , in which is the famous Towne No●o●rod on the coast of the Bal●●cke Seas ▪ one of the foure ancient M●●t Townes of Europ : now decayed since the dis●ouery of the new passage vnto S Nicholas , by O●y or Duina . This Novogrod is seated on the less●● Duina . Nigh vnto this Towne was fought the battle betweene the Sarmatians , or Scythians of Europe , and their slaues . For when the Asiaticke Scythes went to plant themselues in Media , with the Provinces adjoyning ; these Sarmatians inhabiting Poland , went with thē , to see them setled . Their long stay caused their wiues willing to make vse of any pretence to comfort themselues at bedde and board with their slaues ; to whom they bore a lusty bro●d of youths . These now well growne , and hearing the vnwelcome tidings of the Sarmatians ▪ returne out of Asia , ioyne together : the slaues to retaine the freedome and Lordship they had got : the wiues for feare of their husbands fury : the young men for defence of their fathers and mothers . With ioynt forces they goe to meet them before their entry into the country ; neither are t●e masters slowe , hoping to take them vnprovided . At this Towne they haue the first sight of each other . The masters ●earning to defile their swords on their slaues , assault them with Horse-whips , and got the victory . In memory of this battaile , the N●vogrodians haue euer since stamped their money with the figure of a Horse-man shaking a whip in his hand . And it is the custome ouer all Museovie , that a maid in time of wooing , sends to that suiter whom she chooseth for her husband , such a whip , curiously by her selfe wrought , in token of her subiectiō . 2 PLESCOVIA , whose chiefe towne is Pl●scowe : this being the only walled Towned in Russia . This country is in length 330 miles , about 130 in breadth ; and was conquered by Basilius 1509. 3 VALADOMIRE , is distant from Muscovie about 70 miles . The soyle is so fruitfull , that one bushell of corne ordinarily returneth 20 , and sometimes 25 bushells . The chiefe town so named was once the Metropolis of Russia . 4 RHEZAN , so plentifull of corne , that Birds & Horses can neither fly nor runne through it , by reason of its thicknesse ; the chiefe citty is Rhezen . This is the ser●ilest country in all Musco●ie and most rich ; abounding with Graine , Hony , Fish , and Fowle , sans number : and is so well replenished with able men , that the great Duke can from hence levie 25000 Horse , and 40000 Foot. Here is the head of the famous riuer Tanais . 5 SEVERIA , a great Province , lieth fast vpon Palus Maeotis . The chiefe Townes are 1 Staradub , and 2 Pativola . The people are very valiant . 6 SMOLENSKO , whose chiefe citty is Smolensko . 7 RESCOVIE , whose chiefe citty is Toropyerz . 8 ROSTOWIA , whose Metropolis is Coloprigod . 9 CORELIA , where Laudiskron is the chiefe Towne . 10 PERMIA , where there is such abundance of stagges , that the people eat them ( as the people of Norw●y doe fish ) insteed of bread : the prime Citty is Sicwiarksey . 11 CONDORA being beyond the Articke . In this country they haue for halfe a yeare together , perpetuall day ; & for the other halfe , as long a night . 12 PETZORA , the most Northeast parts of Muscovie . In this country the hills which the ancients called Riphe● , & Hyperbore● montes doe end . They are thought to bee perpetually covered with snowe , and are here of that height , that a cert●ine man hauing for 17 daies together travelled vp them ; returned backe againe , as despairing euer to come to the top . The people here haue for some months continuall day . They are a simple nation , and receaued the Russian faith and Empire together , Aº 1518. 13 The kingdome of CASAN and CITRAHAM . 14 MUSCOVIA , so named of Musco the prime Citty , to which Daniel the 4th Lord , translated his regall seat from Volodmire . It was once 9 miles in circuit , but was fired by the Tartar Anno 1571 , where there were burnt 80000 men : and it is now become but 5 miles round , and is adorned with 16 Churches ; whereof halfe and more , are made with wood and durt , as most of the houses are . The Pallace of the Duke is seated in the very middle of the Citty , fortefied with 17 Turrets & three great Bulwarkes ; and guarded continually with 25000 Souldiers . This Province is the greatest and most populous of all this Empire ; for it extendeth from East to West no lesse then 2000 miles ; and out of this , the great Duke can suddenly levy 70000 footmen , and 3000 horse . The other lesser Provinces as Biela , Tuver , Mosaiskie , Wolochda , I●gra , and Bieleiezioro ( in which last , the Duke hath a strong fortresse which is vsually his treasure house , & to which in time of need he vsually flyeth ; besides many others , I purposely omit .. This country was called formerly Scythia Europaa , and was neuer totally knowne either by the Grecians or Romans . Anno 1240 , the Tartars first made it tributary , who were afterward shrewdly weakned , by the valour of Iohn the first Great Duke : to whom they afterward yeelded the Countrey , conditionally that once euery yeare within the Castle of Mosco , the Great D. standing on foot , should feed the horse of the Crim Tartar , with Oates out of his owne cap. This homage was by Basilius changed to a tribute of Furres ; which being also denied , gaue occasions of the warre between the Tartar and the Muscovite : which the Tartars make either by saddai●e incursions ; or by armes royall , at which time there come seldome fewer then 200000 fighting men into the field . The Chorographical describer of Muscouia , maketh mention of the Princes of it , euer since the dayes of Augustus ; but without any great shew of truth , no computation of time , or relation of atchieuements . I commend the Authours modesty , in not stuffing vp his treatise with actions meerly fabulous , of which could neither be ground nor possibility : yet can I not acquit him for putting down so many names to so little purpose . We will therfore omit them , & begin our Catalogue with George ; who both bare the brunt of the Tartars inuasion , & after the retreat of their greatest forces , began again to taste the sweetnes of soueraignty : yet not so free , but that he and nine of his successours were tributaries to the Tartar ; none of thē performing any thing worthy the rehearsing . The Lords of Muscouie . 1 George 2 Iaceslaus 3 Alexander 4 Daniel 5 Iohn 6 Iohn II 7 Basilius 8 Demetrius 9 Georgius II 10 Basilius II The Great Dukes 1 Iohn the first Great Duke , shook off the Tartarian bondage . 2 Basilius Casaen wonne the Prouinces of Severia , Roscouia , and Smolensko . 3 Iohn Basilius conquered Livonia , and Lituania ; both w●ich his successour 1548 4 Iohannes Basiliades , or Wasiliwicke , lost in his age ; though in his youth he had subdued the No●hacensian Tartars to his Empire ; and vanquished Selim , Emperour of the Turkes , Anno 1569. With this King the English first began to confederat , he reigned 35 yeares . 1583 5 Thi●dorus Ioannides 5 1588 6 ●oris Theodorus 7 Demetrius an vsurper . 1615 8 Michael Fedrovitius now gouerning this vast Empire , and liuing in a firmer and more constant continuation of peace with Tartar , Turke , Polonian , & Swethlander ; then euer any of his p●edecessours did in times past . The formality with which the Emperours of Russia are invested or settled in the Throne , are not many , nor stately ; such as they be , I h●re afford you out of the history of the life of Iohannes Basiliades , written in Latine by Paulus Oderbornius . On the 2d of Iune , A● o 1583. Theod●rus Iohannides went towards the Temple of S. Michael , being the principall Church in all Musco : the streets all couered with flowres , the doores of the citizens crowned with garlands , the Aire ecchoing with the noise of Flutes and Trumpets , and the people so crowding to behold their Prince , that had not the Guard with naked swords forced a passage through them , it had bin impossible for him to haue gone on . Being now come to the Church doore , the Lords of the Country ( Cneses they there call them ) went out to meet him ; and the Archbishop of Musco clad in his pontificalibus , when he was come into the Church , embraced him . The pauement of the Church was hidden with Tapest●ie , and the wals adorned with costly hangings . The great Duke sate down in his Throne , being attired in a garment of silk , buttoned down with golden buttōs : on his head he ware a purple cap , sp●ngled with rich jewels ; and on his fingers abundance of rings . Bei●g thus seated , the Archbishop prayed vnto God to blesse him , his peop●e , and his gouernment , which was seconded by the ioyful shoutes of his subiects ; amongst whom no small store of siluer money was slung about by the Treasurer , and so they returned to the Palace . The Armes are Sable , a portall open of two leaues , and as many degrees Or. There are ●n this Empire Kingd . 2. Archbishops 2. Dukes 15. Princes 16. Bishops 18. Earles . Thus much of Muscovie . OF POLAND . POLAND is limited on the East with N●iper or B●risthenes , which parteth it from Muscouie ; on the West with Vi●●ula , which parteth it from Germanie ; on the North with the Balticke sea , and Sinus Finnicu● ; on the South with Hungary . The most ancient name of it was Sarmatia , and the people Sauroma●ae : it is now called Poland , from Pole , which in the Sclavonian tongue sign fieth plaine , because the Count●y is so little swolne with hills . It is in compasse 2600 miles , and is situate in the more Northerne part of the temperate Zone , being vnder the 8th and 12th Climats , and the longest day being 18 houres . The Country is plain and woodie , and the Aire so cold , that they haue neither wine nor grapes ; insteed of which they v●e that kind of drink called Ale , which was heretofore counted the vsuall b●nerage of England only , and this Poland . Barley they haue and pulse in such abundance , that no small quantity of these graine , is from hence transferred into other Regions : neither in number of Cattle doe they giue way to Denmarke , or Hungary . The people are very industrious , and st●dious of all languages , e●pecially the Latine ; to which they are so deuoted , that you shall hardly find a meane man , which is not able in some measure to expresse himself in that tongue . They are according to thei● abilities rather prodigall , then truly liberall ; and are generally good Souldiers ; the Gentlemen free , the Peazants in miserable sub●ection to their Lords : amongst which Lords there is such an equality , that no mans estate exceedeth 25000 Duckat , yearely . Proud they are , and impatient , delicious in diet , and costly in attire ; which last qualities are common also to the women ; who are for the most part indifferently faire , & rather witty , then well spoken . They vse the Sclavonian language , and receiued the Christian Fa●th , Anno 963. They are of all Religions ; some following the Romish , others the reformed Church ; and of these some embrace the doctrine of Luther , others of Calvin ; some the Bohemian , s●me the August●ne , and some the Helvetian confessions . Here are Ies●i●s and Arrians , Anabaptists , Anti-trinitarians , and all Sects wha●soeuer ▪ tollerated ; whence it is said , if a man hath lost his Religion , let him to Poland , and he shall be s●●e to find it , or els belieue it is vanisht : a saying now applied to Amste●d●m in Holland . It is a custome here , that when in their Churches the G●sp●l is reading , the Nobility and Gentry of this Country , draw out their swords , signifying that they are ready to defend the same , if any dare opp●gne it . The same reason doubtlesse ga●e beginning to our custome of standing vp at the Cr●ed ; wherby we expresse how prepared & resolute we are to maintain it : though now of late some more nice then wise ▪ holding it to be a relique of Popery , doe vndiscreetly refuse it . The chief merchandizes that goe from hence to other Prouinces , are Amber , Barley , Wax , Hony , Hemp , Pitch , Tarre , &c. The King is elected by the generall States , who for the most part choose a warriour ; to whom , being crowned , the Nobility are as familiar as he were their brother , and account his decrees to last but three dayes : They haue no written lawes : custome & temporary Statutes , being the rule of their gouernment , and obedience . The revenues of the kingdome are about 600000 crownes , most of which are put vp in his Treasury : For the Kingdome is diuided into 4 parts , euery part of it keeping the King and his Court , in allowance and all expences a quarter of a yeare : and contributing money to the marriages of his daughters . The chief riuers are Vistula , which hath its fountaine in the Carpathian mountaines , which part Hungary from Poland ; his mouth is in the Balticke sea ▪ and is navigable 400 miles . 2 Neister , which parteth it from Moldavia . 3 Neiper . 4 Ruben . 5 Beg. 6. Limbecke 7 Mimmel . The chief Prouinces are 1 LIVONIA , bounded on the East with Muscovie ; on the West with the Balticke sea ; on the North with Finland ; and on the South with Lituania . It is in length 500 , in bredth 160 miles , and is a country exceeding mountainous and fennie ; yet withall so abundantly fruitfull , that no small store of prouision is sent hence into other countries . The people receiued the Christian Faith partly by the preaching of one Meinardus , Aº 1200 : and partly by the compelling of the Knights , called the Enfifers , or of the Portglaiue , who seconded the good beginnings of that reuerend man. The chiefe townes are 1 Riga an Archbishops See. 2 Derpt , a town of great commerce . 3 Rivallia a strong fort in the hands of the Swe●hlander . So also is 4 Narne , an exceeding strong sortresse , built by a Polonian Architect , who for a reward had his eies put out , to disable him from making the like . The chief Prouinces of it are 1 Curland . 2 Senugal . 3 Estland . 4 Virland . 5 Harland . 6 Geroenland . This country was once subiect vnto the order of Dutch Knights , who being molested by the Muscouite , in their reformation of Religion , submitted themselues to Sigismund the king of Poland , Aº 1558 : vnto whose successour King Stephen , the Musco●ite surrendred his title , Anno 1582 : reseruing only to himself some Townes on the Easterne side . The rest is vnder the Pollacque , except some few Townes on the North , subiect to Sweden . 2 LITVANIA is South to Livonia , North to Podo●ia , East to Poland , and West vnto Muscouie . The people receiued the Christian Faith , Anno 1386 ; when as Iagello , afterward called Vladislaus , married Hedingis Q. of Poland ; which marriage this Prouince was vnited to Polonia . The chief Cities are Vilna an Vniversity . 2 Vilkomire : and 3 Brestia . The Aire here is very sharp . the soile as barren and vnfruitfull ; searce so full of men as beasts , whose skinnes are their chiefest commodities . They vse here to be diuorced and remarried as often as they list . For a man to vse the bed or body of an harlot , is counted a most opprobrious crime : but for a woman to haue her stallions , is so frequent and vnblameable , that the husbands call them Connubij adiutores , or their fellow-labourers , and prize them far aboue all the rest of their acquaintance . 3 VOLINIA is environed with Lituania , Podolia , and Russia ; the people are strong and warlike . It hath as chief townes in it Kiovia , and Circassia , on the banks of the riuer Neiper , and is a small woodie Prouince . 4 SAMOGITIA ( whose inhabitants are most Idolaters , and build their houses with straw ) hath for its chief town Camia . It is a Northerne Region , hauing Livonia on the North , and the Balticke sea on the West : a Country full of wood , which is the chief cōmodity of it , there being found in the midst of their trees very excellent hony , scarce hauing with it any cōmixture of wax . Both these last Prouinces , haue followed the fortunes of Lituania . 4 PODOLIA is limited with Lituania North , Neister South , Russia East , and Poland West ; here the ground is so fertile , that of one sowing , they haue 3 Haruests ; The chief cities are Camienza , seated on high rocks , and deemed invincible . 2 Orkzacow , and 3 Winiecza . 5 RVSSIA NIGRA hath on the East Podolia , on the West Poland , as also on the North ; and on the South Hungary . The chief townes are Leopolis or Lemburg , built by Leo a Muscouite . 2 Grodecke . 3 Luckzo . These two Prouinces were incorporated to Poland by King Ladislaus , about the yeare 1440 ; by giuing them the freedome and prerogatiues of natiue Polomans . It hath the attribute of Nigra , to distinguish it from Muscouia , which is Russia Alba ; and was formerly called Ruthenia and Roxolania . It is also called Russia Meridionalis , and is a very fruitfull Country , well stoared with faire horses , and numerous heards of cattell . 6 MAZOVIA is environed with Russia , Prussia , Lituania , and Poland . It was so called from one Massaus D. hereof , and hath for its chief city Marzow , where the best Methegl●n is made . It was ioyned to Polonia ; by Casmure the I. Anno 1045. 7 SPRVCE , PRVSSIA , or BORVSSIA , is situated on the North of Mazovia ; hauing on the North the Baltick seas ; on the East Lituania , on the West Vistula . This country yeeldeth abundance of Amber , which is the iuyce of a stone , which groweth like a corall , in a mountain of the North sea , cleane couered with water , and shunned by mariners 3 leagues off for feare of wrack . In the moneths especially of September and December , this liquor is by violence of the sea , rent from the rock , and cast into the hauens of this and the neighbour Countries . Besides the beautie hereof , and the quality it hath of burning like pitch , and attracting strawes and iron like the Adamant ; it is good for stopping the blood , falling sicknesse , dropsies , and many other diseases . The chief cities are Dan●scum , where Kecke man was Professour , a famous Emporie : in which ( to omit other things ) are daily sold 1000 measures of wheat . It is sited in Pomerania , but subiect vnto the P●lonian . 2 Mons Regius , called by the Germans , Koningsberg , by vs Regimount or Mount royall ; it is seated at the influxe of Pegel into the sea ; and is a famous Vniuersity in these parts , it being founded by Duke Albert , 1525. 3 Heilsperge . 4 Maneburge , the seat of the masters of the Dutch Knights , it being translated from Ptolemais or Acon in Syria , vnto Venice , from thence to Marpurg ; and so hither by Sitridus the 12th great Master , Anno 1340 , or thereabouts . 5 Aegenberge , and 6 Culne . This Country was long time vnder the Dutch Knights , who being called by the Muscouite against the Prussi●ns , here planted themselues , Aº 1239 , the then Master being Herman Salza . They continued long in warres with the Prussians themselues , whom they found to be tough meat , and neither easily chewed , nor quickly disgested . Hauing made an end with thē , they were assaulted by the Polanders , vnto whose King Casimire , they were compelied to become tributary , Aº 1450 , Lodovicus being the present , and from Henry Walpat the 18th Master . Yet was not Lodovicus easily vanquished , he hauiug formerly driuen the King out of the field , routed his whole Army , slaine 3000 of his men , and taken 136 of his Nobility . Neither was he now ouercome but by the rebellion of his own people . Finally , peace was made between the Prussians and Poles , conditionally that the King of Poland should haue Dantzicke , & the Westerne parts ; and that Albert the Marquesse of Brandenbourg , and then Master of the order , should possesse Regimount with the title of Duke ; and should doe homage for it to the Polonian , taking in all assemblies his place at the kings right hand . Thi● Dutchie of Regimount containeth 54 castles , & 86 towns ; the revenues being yearely 120000 Duckats . The Armes of this Duke are A , an Eagle V , membred and crowned O , langued G. 8 PODLASSIA hath on the East Lituania , and on the west Maz●uia . The chief townes are 1 Tycockzin , a fort well furnished with munition , as being the place wherein the Kings treasure is reserued . 2 Biesko 3 Knyssia , where the Kings of Poland haue a fine retiring house , as being well furnished with parkes and fishponds , abundantly stored with game . This Country was vnited vnto the ●olish Diademe by Sigismund Augustus , Anno 1569. 9 The Dukedomes of OSWITZ and ZATOR , so called of their chief Townes , are in Silesia : The first was conquered by Cassimire the fourth , Anno 1554 : the last by Sigismund , 1547. 10 POLAND hath on the East Lituania , on the West Germany , on the North Mazonia , on the South Podolia . The Metropolis is Cracovia , built by Crocus a Duke of Bohemia ; seated on the banke of Vistula . 2 Lublin . 3 Guisna , whose Archbishop in the absence of the King , or during the Inter-regnum , holdeth the supreame authority , summoneth the diets , &c. 4 Siradia . 5 Sendonure . 6 Minsko . 7 Posna . 8 Dobrinia . 9 Vladislavia . The first people of these parts were the Sarmatians , after thē the Vandals ; afterwards the Sclavonians , vnder the conduct of Lechius , first D. hereof , Anno 550 : who flying from his natiue soyle , together with Zechius his brother ; saw his brother setled in Bohemia , and then peopled this country , which for the plainnesse he named Poland . His successors inioyed the title of Dukes only , till the Emperour Otho the third , created the Duke Bosleslaus , King of Poland , Anno 1000. The king and Dukes of Poland . 800 Pyastus Dux Poloniae . 963 1 Miesco seu Miezlaus primus Christianus Rex 37 1000 2 Boleslaus 25 1025 3 Miezlaus II 9 Interregnum an . 6 1041 4 Casimirus 18 1059 5 Boleslaus Audax 20 1082 6 Vladislaus Hermannus in whose time the name of Duke was vsed again . Dukes 1103 7 Boleslaus Czryuousti 36 1140 8 Vladislaus 6 1146 9 Boleslaus Crispus 28 1174 10 Miezlaus 21 1174 11 Casimirus II 21 1195 12 Lesko albus 33 1243 13 Boleslaus Pudieus 3● 1280 14 Lesko Niger 10 1290 15 Boleslaus . 16 Henricus Probus . 17 Vladislaus . 18 Premislaus , who assumed againe the title of king , Anno 1●00 . 1300 19 Venceslaus Boh●miae R. 6 1306 20 Vladislaus 27 1333 21 Casimirus M. 38 1371 22 Ludovicus R. Vngariae 12 1383 23 Heduigis . 1386 24 Iagello Dux Lituania , post Vladislaus dictus 49 1435 25 Vladislaus iunior 10 1447 26 Casimirus D. Lituania 46 1493 27 Ioannes Albertus 9 1502 28 Alexander M Dux Lit. 5 1507 29 Sigismundus 41 1548 30 Sigismundus Augustus . 1574 31 Henricus . 1576 32 Stephenus 10 1587 33 Sigismund Suevus III. king of Sweden by succession , & of Poland by election . The chiefe orders of knighthood are , The Marian or Dutch knights , instituted vnder the walls of Acon , Aº 1190 ; Their first master being Henry Walpot . They took their first name from S. Maries Church at Acon , when their order was allowed ; and their second when they had conquered Prussia . Their Ensigne was a black Crosse. The 34 Master of the order was Albert , Marquesse of Brandenbourg , who revolting from Sigismund King of Poland , to whose Predecessour Casimire , the Knights had submitted themselues , drew on the Country a long and miserable warre 1511. Hauing for 14 yeares valiantly maintained the liberty of the Country , and the credit of the order ; and in vaine for 4 yeares together importuned the assistance of the Emperour and Princes of Germanie : he casteth the order , and is by King Sigismund made D. of Prussia , for him and his heires for euer , Aº 1525 , after this manner . Albert attired in a complete habite of a master of the order , presented himself humbly on his knees before King Sigismund , sitting in his Throne . The King raising him from the ground , causeth him to put off those Roabes , and attire himself in a Dukall habite ; which done , he gaue him the Dukedome of Prussia , to hold in see of him and his successours Kings of Poland . The cōpany of Knights wonderfully storme at this action , and retiring into Germany , chose one Walter Croneberg for their titulary master . About 1549 they began to waxe weary of their places ; & no new knights being desirous of that profitlesse order , it vanished in short time into nothing . 2 Of the sword-bearers or Portglaiue in Livonia , and Lituania ; it was confirmed by Innocent the third ; was allied to the Marians , and separated , Anno 1541. The last Master was Vnivus , in whose time the Lutherans reformation here receiued , extinguished this order of knighthood . The Armes are puarterly 1 Gules , an Eag●e Arg. crowned & armed Or , for the kingdome of Poland , 2ly G , a Chevalier armed Cap a pea , aduancing his sword A , mounted on a barbed courser of the second , for the Dukedome of Lituania . There are in Poland Archbishops 2 Dukes ● Vicounts Bishops 16 Earles 12 Baron● Vni●ers●ties 4. Crac●w . Pol. Velna Lituan . Dantiske Pom. Reg●mont Pruss . Thus much of Poland . OF HVNGARIE . HVNGARIA is bounded on the East with Transiluania , and Walach●a : on the West with Austria ; on the North with Poland , on the South with Sclavon●a . It was formerly called Pannonia inferior ; Pannonia from the Pannones , and inferior to distinguish it from Austria , which was Pannonia superior . It is now called H●ngaria , quasi Hungauaria , from the Hunni and Avares , who here dwelt . Of the Hunni we shall anon make further mention . The Avares were a people of Scythia , which inhabited about Palus Maeotis , they began first to stir●e in the reigne of Iustinus the 2d , and gaue the Emperours forces a great ouerthrow about the mouth of Danubius . Tiberius somwhat quieted them ; but he being dea● , they were again in heart , & with great courage warred against Mauritius his successour . Their King was called Caganus ( we may English it Cham ) it not being a proper name to one , but a common attribute to all their leaders . This Caganus was the first that euer vanquished the Scythians : he made warres against the Turkes , which people was at this time first made known to the inhabitants of Europe : he also with the help of his associats the Hunni , invaded and possessed Pannonia , hauing vanquished the Gothes and Gepidi , who here dwelt . Against this Caganus , Mauritius the Emperour waged warre , more with an intent to reuenge himself on his own souldiers , which had formerly offended him , then with hope of preuailing against the enemie . Comentiolus according to the Emperours directions , betrayeth his Armie , 12000 of them were slaine , and the rest taken . Caganus a heroick and mercifull Conqueror , offers to ransome them for 8s s 6d apiece , ( for somuch was that nummus , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he demaunded for them . ) When the Emperour asmuch louing his gold , as hating his souldiers , had denied that condition ; he offered them all for one nummus , and a●ter for halfe a one : but being also herein vnsatisfied , he put them all to the sword . For this cause the rest of the souldiers not long after made Phocas , one of the Centurions , Emperour ; and he mo●● barbarously stewed the Emperour in his own broath , putting him , his wife , friends , and children to the sword . It is situate in the Northerne temperate Zone , vnder the 7th and 9th Climats , the longest day being 16 houres and a halfe . The people are strong of body , but of rude behauiour , respecting neither the liberall Arts , nor mechanick Trades . The greatest aspersion is the name of a Coward , which cannot be wiped off without the killing of a Turke ; after which they are priuiledged to weare a Feather . Their females are vncapable of their fathers possessions ; yet they giue them no portion , but a new coat at their wedding ; before which time neither man nor woman vse to lye in beds . They vse the Scythian language , & were baptized not long before the yeare 1000 : the number of Protestants at this time , are farre greater then of the Papists . The soyle is wonderfull fruitfull , yeelding corne there thrice in a yeare ; the grasse in some places ( as in the I le of Comara ) exceeding the height of a man : which doth feed such a number of cattle , that it is thought this Country alone to be able to feede all Europe with flesh . They yearely send into Germany and Sclavonia 80000 Oxen : they haue Deere , Partridge , Pheasant , in such abundance , that any man that will may kill them ; which in other places is vtterly prohibited , these Fowle being reserved as game for Gentlemen . At that great insurrection of the Boores in Germany , before the end of which 50000 of them were slain ; their chiefe demands were , that they might choose their own ministers ; 2ly that they might pay no tithes but of corne ; 3ly that they might be free from the power of magistrats ▪ 4ly that woods , timber , and fuell might be common ; 5l● and especially , that they might hunt and hawke in all times and places . The other commodities which are transported , are Gold , Siluer , Fish , Copper , Wine , &c. The worthiest Scholler that euer this kingdome produced , was S. Hicrome , a worthy Father of the Church , borne in Stridon . The most worthy souldier was Iohannes Huniades , who so valiantly resisted the incursions of the Turkes : of whom he slew 50000 at the battle at Maxon : and 2ly Matthias Corvinus , of whom thus saith Adrianus out of a Poet , — Patriae decus , vnica stirpis Gloria , Pannonicae caedis fort●ssimus ultor . His Countries pride , the glory of his race , Reuenger of the Hungarians late disgrace . To requi●e this ouerthrow of Maxon , the Turkes not long after in the battle of Varne , slew the King Ladisl●us , and 30000 of his Souldiers : a battle against which , faithful Huniades mu●h opposed . For the Hungarians hauing made truce with the Turkes , the Popes Legate vpon a seeming advantage , ob●ol●ed the Christians of their oathes ; who falling on the Turkes , so daunted them , that Amurath lifting vp his eyes to Heauen , praied vnto Christ to look vpon the perfidious dealing of his C●ristians , who had for their own advantage , dishonoured his name and their profession ; after which prayer , the Christians began to giue back , and lost the day . Matthias Corvinus , afterwards K. of Hungary , was sonne to this Huniades ; a sonne worthy of such a father , as being the chiefe prop of his country against the Turkes : which after his death , fell into the hands of Solyman . The principall riuers are 1 Danubius , which is here called Ister , which name continueth to his very Estuarium . 2 Savus , which rising in Carniola . 3 Dravus , which rising in Carinthia ; & 4 Tibuscus which rising in the Carpathian mountaines , pay their tribute to Danubius : of this last riuer the Hungarians vse to say , that two parts are water , and the third fish . This kingdome now standeth diuided between the Turke & the Hungarian ; the former hauing Buda , seated on Danubius , being the Metropolis of the Country , and Court of the King ; it was taken by Solyman , Anno 1536. 2 Gyula a strong towne on the confines of Transilvania , betrayed by Nicholas Keretsken gouernour hereof , in the last yeare of the said Solyman , in hope of great reward from this Emperour . But Selmius successour to Solyman , caused him to be put into a barrell stuck full of nailes , with the points inward , & so to be rolled vp & down till he miserably died : there being written on the barrell this Inscription , Here receiue the reward of thy avarice and treason : Gyula thou soldest for gold ; if thou be not faithfull to Maximilian thy Lord ▪ neither wilt thou be to me . 3 Pest , iust ouer-against Buda . 4 Alba Regalis , called by the Germans Weisenberge , taken by the Turkes , Aº 1543. 5 Quinque Ecclesia , taken the same yeare also . 6 Iaurinum or Rab. In the Emperours part the chiefe townes are Presburg , seated hard vpon the edge of Austria . It is called Passonium in Latine , and is the Metropolis of Hungarie , since the taking of Buda by the Turkes . Before the walls hereof died Count Dampier , one of the now Emperours Captaines in his Hungarian and Bohemian warres . 2 Strigonium or Gran , taken Anno 1543 by the Turkes , and lost again 1595 ; at which time amongst others , our Sr Thomas Arundell bare himself brauely , forcing the water-towre , and with his owne hands taking away the Turkish banner : for which heroick act , the Emperour Rodolphus did by Charter giue him the title of a Count of the Empire : and our Soueraigne made him Lord Arundell of Wardour : 3 Agraria . 4 Comara in an Isle so called . 5 Toctax . 6 Canista . 7 Alkeinbourg . 8 Neuheusell , which Anno 1621 , was fatall to that great Commander Bucquoy ; who at the siege hereof , lost his life : For going priuatly to view the best accesse for a generall assault , he fell into an ambush of Hungarians ; who suddenly setting on him , discomfited his small retinue , slew his horse vnder him , and at last himselfe , hauing in that skirmish receiued 16 wounds . There were slain also amongst other Nobles , Terquatus a Prince of Italy , Marquesse Gonzaga , and Count Verdugo . I had almost omitted Zigeth●a Town on the Dravus , taken Anno 1566 , by Solyman the magnificent , who there ended his dayes : and Keresture , where Anno 1596 , Mahomet the third gaue the Christians so great an ouerthrow ; that if he had pursued his victory , he had finished the conquest of Hungarie : which hath withstood the Turkish puissance , for the space of 160 yeares . This Country was first inhabited by the Pannones , displaced by the Gothes ; who going to Italy , left this kingdome to the Hunnes , and then to the Lombards . These being a people of Scandia , were first called Winnili ; afterwards ob longas barbas , Longobardi : But concerning this last name , take along with you this old wiues tale , recited , but not approued by Paulus Diaconus . The Vandales warring vpon the Winnili , went vnto Goddan ( he should rather haue said Woden ) to sue for the victory : which the Winnili hearing , wrought by countermine , and sent Gambata , the mother of their King A●on , on the like businesse to Frea , Goddans wife . So it was , that Goddan had promised the Vandals , that they should be victorious , whom he saw first in the morning ; whereupon Frea willing to please Gamba●● , and not louing , as it seemeth , the sight of men ; gaue order , that all the women of the Winnili parting their haire , bringing one halfe ouer one cheeke , the other ouer the other , and tying both vnder their chin , should appeare betimes before the window the next morning . This they did , and she showing them to her Husband , he demaunded of her , Qui sunt isti Longobardi ? Hence the name . They were compelled by scarcity of victuall , to seek new habitations : & first they seazed on the Iland Ragia , & the adjacent Continent ; next vpon Poland ; then vpon this Pannonia ; and at last vnder the leading of Alboinus , went into Italy , where after 200 yeares , their Kingdome was ouerthrown by Charlemaine . Of the Longobardian Kings ensuing , I will particularly make mention onely of Lamissus , and of him this Story . Agilmond the second King of the Lombards , one morning went a hunting . As he was riding by a fish-pond , he spied seuen children sprawling for life , which one ( as faith Paulus Diaconus ) or ( it may be ) many harlots had bin deliuered of , & most barbarous●y thrown into the water . The King amazed at this spectacle , put his borespeare or hunting pole among them . One of the children hand-fasted the speare , & the King softly drawing back his hand , wafted the child to the shore . This boy he named Lamissus , from Lama , which in their language signified a fish-pond . He was in the Kings Court carefully brought vp , where there appeared in him such tokens of vertue and courage , that after the death of Agilmond , he was by the Lombards chosen to succeed him . The Longobardian Kings . 383 1 Aion 10 393 2 Agilmond 33 426 3 Lamissus 3 429 4 Labe vel Lethe 40 469 5 Heldehoc 4 473 6 Gedohoc 12 485 7 Daphon vel Cla●●o 5 490 8 Thamus 10 500 9 Vacon 1● 518 10 Val●harius 7 525 11 Adoinus 18 543 12 Alboinus , who by the sollicitation of Narses , went into Italy , and erected there the Longobardian Kingdome ; which 200 yeares after , was demolished by the puissance of Charles the Great . The History of this people is Epitomized by Silvester , in his Du Bartas , thus : The Lombard strong who was in Scowland nurst , On Rugeland , and Liuonia seazed first . Then hauing well reveng'd on the Bulgarian The death of Agilmont ; the bold Barbarian Surprises Poland ; thence anon he presses In Danows streames to rense his amber tresses : When he straight after had surrendered The double-named Isters flowrie bed , To scarre-sac'd Hunnes : he hunteth furiously The rest of Gaules , from wealthie Insubrie . There raignes 200 yeares , triumphing so , That royall Tesin might compare with Po , Which after fell in French mens hands againe , Wonne by the sword of worthy Charlemaine . At the departure of the Lombards into Italy , the Hunnes again settled themselues in this Country , which they had before bin compelled by the Lombards to abandon . These Hunnes were a people of Asia , dwelling about the Hircanian sea , and made their first irruption into Europe , Anno 373. Balamirus being their Captaine of King , Their first expedition was against the Ostrogothes , inhabiting the shores of Pontus Euxinus , and Moeotis ; whom without great difficulty they vanquished : and pursuing their victories , broke into this Country , then called Pannonia . Macrinus the Roman Lieftenant here encountred them in two set battailes ; in the first he was victorious , but not without great losse , there being slain on both sides , aboue 300000 men ; in the second he was slaine , and his army routed , the Hunnes buying this victory with the losse of 40000 souldiers , Anno 401. These Hunnes after this battaile , quietly setled themselues in this Prouince , and some 38 yeares after their first entrance into it , chose for their King one Attila , a wise and valiant man ; of whose warres , and how he should be called ●l●sgollum Dei , I haue in sundry places told you . The Armes o● this renowned and victorious Captaine , are ( by Bara ) said to be Gules , a Falcon displayed Or , membred and armed Argent . After the death of Attila , who reigned 44 yeares , the glory of the Hunnes began to decline , and was then in the Ecclipse , when the Lombards vnder the King Adoinus , forsook their habitation which they had settled in the North parts of Germanie , & subdued this Country , Anno 530. The Lombards stayed not here long , but they were by Narses sollicited to come into Italy , which invitation they willingly accepted ; and re-yeelded ap Pannonia to the Hunnes , conditionally , that if their journey succeeded not prosperously , they might be receiued and permitted to liue amongst them . The Hunnes hearing how happily the designes of the Lombards thriued in Italy , expected not their returne ; but sent for the Avares , and others their confederates and allies , to inioy together with them the riches and goodnes of this Region , which about this time , and at their comming in , begun to be called Hungavaria . Long after they were expelled by Charles the Great , but returned again to the number of one million , in the dayes of the Emperour Arnulphus , about the yeare 900 , and recouered their forsaken habitations . Here haue they since continued , but not without a miserable affliction by the Tartars ; 500000 of whom , tyrannized here for the space of 3 yeares , committing incredible spoyles and massacres , Anno 1248. The Kings of Hungary . 1000 1 Stephen 39 1039 2 Peter 3 1042 3 Alba. 1043 4 Peter II , 4 1047 5 Andrew 1● 1059 6 Bela 3 1062 7 Solomon 13 1075 8 Geisa 3 1078 9 Ladislaus 18 1096 10 Calomannus 10 1114 11 Stephen II , 18 1132 12 Bela II , 9 1142 13 Geisa II , 20 1162 14 Stephen III , 10 1172 15 Bela III , 18 1191 16 Emericus 8 1201 17 Andrew II , 35 12●6 18 Bela IV , 35 1271 19 Stephen IV. 2 1273 20 Ladislaus II , 17 1290 21 Andrew III , 12 1302 22 Venceslaus 3 1305 23 Otho D. of Bav . 4. 1310 24 Charles sonne to Charl. of Nap ▪ 32 1343 25 Lodovicus 40 1383 26 Maria 2 1385 27 Charles II king of Napl . 2 1387 28 Sigismund of Bran denb. 51 1438 29 Alber●us 2 1440 30 Ladislaus III slain at Varne 18 1451 31 Matth. Copuin . 33 1491 32 Vladislaus 26 1517 33 Lewis II , 10. after whose death , slaine together with 19000 of his subiects ; Iohn , Vaivod of Transilvania , was chosen King of Hungarie : but Ferdinand Arch-Duke of Austria , and brother vnto Charles the fift ; challenged the kingdome in right of Anne his wife , daughter & sister to Vladislaus , and King Lewis , kings of Hungarie & Bohemia . On this pretence he invaded the kingdome , and droue out Iohn his competitour : who to recouer his right , and revenge his wrong , called Sol●man the magnificent into the Country , who tooke so fast sooting , that his successours could neuer since be remoued . 1527 34 Ferdinand 35 Imp. 1562 35 Maximilian 11. Imp. 1572 36 Rodolphus 36. 1608 37 Mathias II , 12. After whose death the Hungarians weary of the German gouernment , accepted Bethlem Gabor , Vaivod , or Prince of Transilvania , for their Prince o● Protectour , Anno 1620. So that by the revolt of Bohemia and Hungary on the one side ; with the ill affections of his Subiects in Austria on the other ; besides the warres on all sides thundred against him : the Emperour is much impouerished & dismaid ; howsoeuer fortune of late hath smiled on him . The revenewes of this kingdome are about 2 Millions of Gilders , the presidiarie Souldier being payd with contribution money . The Armes are Barrwise of 8 peeces Gules and Argent . The chiefe order of knighthood here is the Dragon , instituted by Sigismund King of Hungary , and Emperour : after he had by the Councells of Constance , and Basil , contriued the death of Iohn Hus , and H●erom of Prage ; and by the sharpnes of his sword cast downe ( as hee thought ) the Dragon of Heresie and Schisme . There are in Hungary , Archbishops 2. Dukes . Earles . Bishops 13. Marquesses . Barons 20. OF DACIA . DACIA , is bounded on the East with the Euxine Seas ; on the West with Hungarie ; on the North with the Carpathian mountaines ; on the South with Haemus , by which it is divided from Greece . It tooke its name from the Daci , who first here inhabited ; & afterward passing into the Cimbrick Chersonesse were call'd Dani . This people was by Strabo the Geographer called Davi : from which the Athenians in their Comoedies , called the Servants and Sycophants by the name of Davus , because the Daui were so servile and officious . They were long free from the command of the Romans , and had their proprietary kings , of whom the last was Decebalus , a man both ready in advice and quicke in execution . Against him Domitian made warre by Iulianus his leiftenant , who gaue Decebalus a great ouerthrowe , and had then vtterly vanquished him , if his wit had not better befriended him then his sword . For fearing least the Romans making vse of their victory , ●would enter and take possession of his Country ; he pitched in the way a great number of stakes in battle ray , putting on them the old Corslets of his Souldiers . These stakes looking like so many men of armes , frighted the enimy from approaching the Countrey . Traian● was the next which made warre against him , and brought him to that exigent ; that hauing with much losse endured some few skirmishes , he yeeldeth himselfe , & is acknowledged a friend to the Senate and people of Rome . But being one of a high spirit , and borne in a free ayre , he once againe fell off from the Romans , but to his owne destruction : for seeing by the valour of Traia●e , his kingdome conquered , and his pallace taken ; he fell on his owne sword , and left Dacia a Prouince of the Romane Emperours . The people are generally stubborne , and vntractable : they speake the Sclauonian language , & read like the Iewes from th● right hand to the left . They are of the Christian faith , & follow the Greeke Church . The Country is sufficiently fruitfull , enriched with Mines , & abound●ng with Horses , whose manes hang downe to the very ground . It was first possessed by the Moesi , a people of Asia , whence it was by Danubius diuided into Misia superior , and Misia inferior ; these gaue place to the Daci , Dani , or Davi ; since whose time it is divided into 1 Transilvania . 2 Moldavia . 3 Walachia . 4 Servia . 5 Rascia . 6 Bulgaria . 7 Bosnia . This Country is situate in the Northerne temperate Zone , betweene the 7th and 10th Climates , the longest day being 17 houres . The chiefe riuers are 1 Danubius . 2 Alluta . 3 Salvata . 4 Cockle . 5 Morus . and 6 Tinas . 1 TRANSILVANIA . TRANSILVANIA , so called because it is penetrable no way but through woods ; and Sep●em Castrae , or in Dutch Zenburgen , or Zenbrooke , because of seuen Castles placed to defend the Frontiers : is limited on the North with the Carpathian hills , on the South with Walachia , on the West with Hungarie , on the East with Moldavia . The chiefe Townes are 1 Alba Iulia , or Weisenberg . 2 Claudiopolis , called now Clausenberge . 3 Bristitia . 4 Centum colles . 5 Fogaros . 6 Stephanopoli , &c. On the North end of Transilvania , lieth the Province Zaculeia , whose people liue after the manner of the Helvetians : their chiefe and only Townes being 1 Kisdie . 2 Orby . and 3 Shepsdy . They haue long maintained an offensiue and defensiue league with the Transilvanians against Turkes and Germans . They are free from all manner of taxes and subsidies , excepting onely the Coronation day of the new king of Hungarie , for then every housekeeper is to giue the King a Bull. That the people of this Countrey are the progenie of the Saxons , is evident by the Saxon language yet retained . 2ly , We finde that Charles the Great , like a politique conquerour , placed many of that nation here : weakning so their strength at home , and fortifying the bounds of his Empire . And 3 l● , by a story recited by Verstegan , which we touched in our description of Brunswicke ; the whole narration is this . Halberstade was beyond credit troubled with Rattes , which a Musician , whom they called the Pied Piper , vndertaketh for a great masse of mony to destroy ; they agree : herevpon he tuneth his Pipes , and all the Rats in the Towne dancing after them , are drowned in the next riuer . This done , he asketh his pay , but is denied ; wherevpon he striketh vp a new fit of mirth : all the children male and female of the Towne follow him into the hill Hame●en , which presently closed againe . The Parents misse their Children , and could never heare newes of them ; now of late some haue found them in this Country , where I also leaue them ; only telling you this , that this marueilous accident is said to happen the 22 ●● of Iuly , Anno D. 1376. Since which time the people of Halberstade , permit not any Drumme , Pipe , or other instrument to bee sounded in that street : and established a decree , that in all writings of contract or bargaine , after the date of our Saviours nativity , the date also of this their childrens transm●gratiō should be added . This Transilvania was long subiect vnto Hungarie , and had for its governour a Vaivod , which was the second person in the kingdome . This Vaivodate was by King Vladislaus giuen vnto Iohn Huniades , that terrour of his enimies , and supporter of his Country : and after his death to Iohn Zepusius . This Iohn was chosen King of Hungary , but being expelled by Ferdinand , he called Solyman into the kingdome , by whom he was restored and became the Turkes Tributary : after whose death Solyman seazing on the kingdome of Hungary , gaue vnto Stephen , his sonne , the Vaivodate of Transilvania , Anno 1541. Vnto this Stephe● succeeded another Stephen , called Bathori , by the guift of the T●rkish Emperours : who being called to the kingdome of Poland , left this country to his brother Christopher , Aº 1575 To him succeeded his sonne Sigismund , who shook off the Turkish yoake ; and although he gaue them many ouerthrowes and slew some of their Bashawes : yet not being able to defend himselfe against so potent an adversary , hee resigned his principate to the Emperour Rod●lphus , Anno 1601. The Germane Souldiers behauing themselues tyrannically ouer the people , were by Iustine Botscay , newly chosen Prince , driuen out of the Count●y : to whom succeeded Gabriel Batour , Aº 1609 ; since whose death , so welcome to his neighbours and subiects ; the Sultan A●h●n●t , committed this Country vnto Bethlem G●bour , that great enim●e of the Austrian family . 2 MOLDAVIA . MOLDAVIA is seated on the North end of Transilvania , and Zaculeia , and extendeth to the Euxine Sea. The chiefe Citties are Occazonia , or Zucchania , once the Vaivods seat . 2 Fuechiana . and 3 Fal●z●nge . It was first made Tributary to the Turkes by Mahomet the great , and vtterly subiected , Aº 1594 , by Selimus the 2d. Not long after it revolted from the Turkes , and made combination with the Transilvanian , Anno 1576. Walachia also entred into this confederacy , against which they haue since with great alterations prosecuted : the Countries being sometimes vnder the protection of the Emperours of Germanie ; some●imes of the Turke ; sometimes of the Polander . To this Moldavia belongeth the little Country of Bessarabia , lying betweene mount Hoemus South , and Lituania North. It is seated very commodiously on the Blacke Seas , & is so called from the Bessi , the ancient inhabitants of this place , and the progenitours of the ●ofnians . It was made a Turkish Province 1485. The chiefe Townes are 1 Kilim ▪ and 2 Chermen or Moncastrum the seat of a Turkish Sanziacke . It is built on the riuer Tira● , not farre from its influxe into the Sea. 3 WALACHIA . WALACHIA , called more properly Flaccia , from Flaccus a Roman , who here planted an Italian or Roman Colonie : is seated betweene Transilvan●a , and Danubius . The people speake the Latin tongue , but so that it is much corrupted , & can hardly be vnderstood . The chiefe Citties are Sabinium . 2 Prailaba ▪ and 3 Tergovista , the Vaivods se●t . The Countrey is abundant in all things necessary for the life & vse of man , as mines of gold siluer , and iron ; Salt-pits , Wine , Cattle , and especially Horses , of which here is a number , no lesse great then good . It yeeldeth also a pure and refined kinde of Brimstone , of which they make excellent Candles . Ouer the riuer Danubius , which diuideth this Countrey from Bulgaria , did the Emperour Traian build his so memorized bridge , in his warre against the Dacians : of whi●h 34 pillars yet are to be seene to the great admiration of the beholders . This Country was conquered by M●homet the Great , by reason of two brothers , Waldus and Dracula , who contended for the principality . The Vaiv●ds paid to the Turks 60000 Duckats , which when Amurath the 3d required to haue doubled ; Michael the Vaivod revolted , & ioyn'd with the Vaivod of Moldavia and Prince of Transilvania , Anno 1594. The Armes are Gules three Banners disveloped Or. 4 SERVIA . SERVIA lieth betwixt Bosnia and Rascia . The ancient possessours hereof were the Triballi , who only had the happines to vanquish Philip King of the Macedonians . For Philip hauing or pretending a quarrell against Ma●aeas King of the Sarma●ians ; entred his Country , ouerthrew him in a set battle , carried with him great booties ; & among other things 20000 Mares for breed . These Mares he tooke in the battaile , it being the custome of the Scythians , and Sarmatians , to vse Mares onely in their warres ; because their not stopping in the midst of a race to pisse , could be no impediment to them in their flight . In his returne homeward , these Triballi deny him passage through their Country , vn●esse they might pertake of the spoyles . This being denied , they fall from words to blowes , and next to a pitched field . In this fight Philip was wounded with an Arrow , which passing through his thigh , nayled him to his Saddle , and the Horse being gauled with the wound , fell downe to the ground . The Macedonians seeing his fall , and supposing that hee was slaine , fled out of the field ; leauing all the Sarmatian spoyles to the Traballi ; whose receauers they seeme only to haue beene . The chiefe Citties are Stonibourg the seat of the Despot . 2 Samandria . 3 Taurinum , now called Bellgrade , a towne which being once the bulwarke of Christendome , valiantly resisted the puissance of Amurath the 6 and Mahomet the great , but was at the last taken by Solymau , Anno 1520. It standeth on the Danubius , where it receaueth the riuer Savus . 5 RASCIA . RASCIA lieth betweene Servia and Bulgaria : the chief citty is Boden famous for her annuall fayres . These two Provinces were once subiect to their seueral Despots , vnder whose command they long inioyed tranquillity , til Anno 1438 : when as George Despot of Servia and Rascia became tributary to Amurath the second . After the death of this George ; who was a Christian by profession , but a Turke by affection ( as all the actions of his life did liuely demonstrate ) his sonne Lazarus succeeded : who being dead , Mahomet the great vnited these Provinces to his Empire , Anno 1454. 6 BVLGARIA . BVLGARIA hath on the East the Euxine Sea , on the West Rascia ; on the North Danubius ; on the South , Thrace . The chiefe Citties are 1 Sophia the seat of the Beglerbeg of Greece , vnder whom are 21 Sansiakes . 2 Nicopolis . This Countrey was conquered by the Scythians of Bulgar ( a Towne situate on the riuer Volga , whence they are called Bulgari and Volgari ) who making their irruptions in the daies of the Emperour Constantine Pogonatus , became bitter enimies to the Christians till the yeare 868 : in which their King Trebellius by the perswasion of his sister ( who being a captiue had receaued the Chr●stian faith ) together with all his people was baptized . The Kings hereof had their Crowne of gold , their tiar or cap of silke , and their red shooes for their regall ; which were also imperiall ornaments . To these Kings also , & to these only did the Greeke Emperours allow the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being meerely imperiall . Other Kings they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the Latine word Reges . Insomuch that when Basilius Macedo had receaued letters from Pope Adrian the 2d , wherein Lewis the 2d the Westerne Emperour was called Basilens : he razed out that Imperiall attribute , and dispatched an Embassie to Lewis , wherein hee challenged it as his owne peculiar Epethete . That reverend father Theophilact was chiefe Bishop of this nation . This kingdome was made a Turkish Province , by Baiazet the first , Anno 1396. 7 BOSNIA . BOSNIA , so called of the Bossi or Bessi , a people of Bulgaria ; bounded on the East with Servia , on the West with Croatia , on the North with the riuer Savus , on the South with Illyricum . The chiefe Citties are Cazachium the residence , and Laiza , or Iaziga , the Sepulture of the Bosnian Kings . This Country was erected into a Kingdome Anno 1420 ; not long after which , K. Stephen was taken and flaine aliue , by the barbarous command of Mahomet the Great ; at which time this kingdome was converted to a Province of the Mahumetan Empire , Anno 1464. Thus much of Dacia . OF SCLAVONIA . SCLAVONIA , hath on the East the riuer Drinus , and a line drawne from thence to the sea , on the West part of Italy , on the North Hungary , and on the South the Adriatique Sea. It is in length 480 miles , and 120 in breadth ; it is situated vnder the sixt and seuenth Climates , the longest day being 15 houres and a halfe . The people are couragious , prowd , and stubborne , and vse their own Sclavonian tongue , which extendeth through al Sclavonia . 2 Histria . 3 Bohemia . 4 Polonia . 5 Moravia . 6 Muscovie . 7 Dacia . 8 Epirus . 9 part of Hungary . 10 Georgia . 11 Mengrelia . and 12 is vsed by all Captaines and Souldiers of the Emperours of Turkey . They are of the Christian faith , & follow the Greeke Church . This Country is more fit for grazing then for haruesting ; for the Sheepe and other Cattle bring forth young twice in a yeare , and are shorne foure times . The Sclavi whence this Region tooke denomination , were a people of Scythia , who in the time of Iustinian the Emperour , planted themselues in Thrace : & after during the raigne of Phocas , came and setled themselues in Illyricum , since by their conquest of it , called Sclavonia . These Sclavi were first broken by the Venetians , who seeing them to be of strong bodies and able constitutions , imployed them in all the offices of drudgery belonging to their fields , and houses : from whence both wee and other nations , haue borrowed that ignomintous word , Slaue ; whereby we vse to call ignoble fellowes , and the more base sort of people : & this is the obseruation of Sr W. Raleigh , in his most excellent History . Sclavonia is now diuided into Illyricum , Dalmatia , & Croatia . The principall riuers of the whole are , 1 Drinus , by which it is parted from Servia . 2 Savus . 3 Dravus . 4 Edavius . 5 Titius . 6 Naron . 1 ILLIRIS was once the name of the whole Prouince , but it is now accommodated to one part : which being commonly called Windismarch , is bounded on the East with Danubius ; on the West with Carniola ; on the North with Dravus , & on the South with Savus . The chiefe Citties are 1 Zatha on Danubius 2 Zakaocz 3 Windishgretz on Dravus . and 4 Sagouna nigh vnto Savus . The people hereof were made subiect vnto the Romans , Aº V C. 525. they themselues giuing the occasion . For not content to make inrodes into , and to lay wast the Romane territories , they slew the Embassadours desiring restitution , and vsed much opprobrious language vnto the Citty : Tenta their Queene , not only not forbidding , but commanding it . On this ground Fulvius Cen●umalus is sent against them with an army , who subduing the Province ; sacrificed the chiefe of the nobility to the Ghosts of his murdered countrymen . This countrey is now a member of the kingdome of Hungary . 2 DALMATIA hath on the East Drinus ; on the West Croatia ; on the North Savus ; and on the South the Adriatick sea . The chiefe Citties are Rag●si , formerly called Epidaurus , situate on the Adriatique sea ; a Citty of great traffique and riches . It is tributary to the Turkes to w●om i● payeth yearely 12000 Duckats . 2 Sebeni●um or S●●●m s●●n●ing on the Sea shoare . 3 Zara or L●●era on the same sho 〈…〉 For the possession of this Towne , there haue been● g●●at w●●res betw●xt the Hurgarians and the Venetians ; to whom it s●●meth to be of such importance ; that b●ing on●e taken by the Hurg●ria●s , it was redeemed for 100000 Crownes . In this T●wne is the Church of S Iohn di Malvatia , w●ich was b●ilt by a company of Sayler● ; who being in a tempest made a vo● , that if they escaped they would consecrate a Temple to S. Iohn di Malvat●a , whose m●rter should be tempered with Malms●y , and accord●ngly paid their vowes . Farre les●e did another master of a shipp intend to performe his promise though he spoke bigger ; who in a like extremity of danger ; promised our Lady to offer at her Altar , a Candle as great as the maine mast of his ship . For when one of his mates iogging him , told him he had promised an impossibility ; tush foole ( replied the master ) wee must speake her faire in time of need : but if euer I come ashore , I will make her be content with a Candle of eight to the pownd . And in a like fit of devotion was he , who on the same occasion plainely told God , that he was no common begger , hee neuer troubled him with prayers befo●e : and if he would heare him that time , he would neuer trouble him againe . But I proceed . 4 Spalato a sea towne standing East of Sebenico , the Bishop whereof Mare●s Antonius de D●●minis seeming to loath the Romish superstition , came for ●efuge into England , Anno 1616 , and hauing here both by preaching and writing laboured to ouerthrowe the Church of Rome ; vpon I knowe not what proiects he declared himselfe to be a counterfeit , Anno 1622 , and returned againe to Rome . So that we may say of him as Socrates in his Ecclesiasticall history ; saith of Ecebolius , who vnder Constantius , was a Christian ; vnder Iulian a Pagan ; and a Christian againe vnder Iovinian : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so warering and vnconstant a ●urn-coat was Ec●holius , from his b●ginnings to his end . The 5 town of note is Scodra or Scutari , which ●esisted the Turkish puiss●●ce a whole yeare : and many dayes was battered with 70 p●●c●s of Ordnance , of wondrous bignesse , especially that called the Princes peece , which carried a stone or bullet of 1200 pownd waig●t . Not far●e hence is 6 Lissa famous for the Sepulchre of Scanderbog . These 2 Townes were gained by Mahomet the 2d , Anno 1478. The ancient inhabitants of this Country were the Dalmati , whose Metropolis was Dalminium on the ●iuer Drinus . This Citty was sacked by Marcius a Roman Consull , Aº V C 689 ; & Dalmatia fi●st was s●st made subiect to that Empire . Afterward also this Citty was againe ruined by one Nasica : but the people as they were by the Romans often subdued , so they as often revolted . Their last rebellion was raised at the instigation of one Batto , a man very potent with the people ; who hauing ten yeares together maintained the liberty of his Country , at last broken and wearied by the forces of G●rmanicus , and Tiberius , he submitted himselfe vnto the two Captaines : who asking the reason of his revolt , were answered , because the Romans sent no Sheepheards to keepe , but Wolues to devoure their flocke , Dalmatia thus finally conquered , continued a Roman Prouince , till the time of Phocas ; during whose tyrannicall Empire , the S●lam subdued this Countrey : who after they had Lorded it ●e●e ●or the space of almost 200 yeares , were made vassalls to the Hungarians ; who setled themselues in Pannonia , during the raigne of Arnulphus in the West , and Leo Philosophus in the East . These new Lords were much giuen to Piracy and robbing , and amongst others , rauished a company of gorgeous Venetian Damsells : to revenge which wrong , Dalma●ia was made tribu●ary to the Venetians ; to whom , besides their mony & Townes the Dalmatians were to giue 100 barrells of wine , and 3000 Coniskinnes to the Duke for a present . It is now diuided between● the Venec●ans who keepe the greatest part , & the Tu●ke . 2 CROATIA or Corvatia , was called by the ancients Li●urnia and Valeria : it hath on the East and South Dalmatia , on the North Savus ; on the West Istria and Carniola . The chiefe Townes are Gradiska situate on Savus . 2 Bruman . 3 Nouigrod situate on the Savus also , hard vpon Germanie . and 4 Sisseghk , famous for the resis●ance which the Tu●kes found there , Anno 1592. For the Turk●s hoping if they could conquere this little Country , to haue an open passage into Germany ; entred it with a great army , surprised the Castle of Ostrow●tz seated on the river Wana ; tooke by seige the strong Towne of Wihits , a principall Towne also of this Country , and seated on the same riuer : which done they matched vp to Sisseghk or Sissaken , where after a long seige , they were raised by a power of Germans , that came to succour the Towne , who slewe about 8000 of the Turkes ; most of the ●est being drowned in the riuer Savus , as they ●ledd from the sword of the conqueror . The 6 ▪ & last Town of note in this country is Petrowya , situate at the foot of the mountains , which are betweene the riuers Savus and Dravus ; and diuide Hungarie from Sc●avonia . The Croatians are generally , though corruptly called Corbats . Their Countrey hath the title of a Dukedome , and is subiect partly to the Austrians , and partly to the Venetians , who set first footing in it , Anno 1007. The S●l●vonian Armes are Arg. a Cardinalls hat , the strings pendant & platted in true loues knot , meeting in the base Gules . There are in Sclavonia . Archbishops 3 Bishops 20 Thus much of Sclavonia . OF GREECE . GREECE , the Mother of Arts and Sciences , is bounded on the East with the Aegean sea , the Hellespont , Propontis , & Thracius Bosphorus : on the West where it beholdeth her daughter and supplanter , Italy ; with the Adriatique sea : on the North with the mountaine Hamus , of which Stratonicus vsed to say , that for eight months it was very cold , and for the other foure , winter : and on the South with the Ionian Sea. It was called Greece from Graecus the sonne of Cecrops , fi●st founder of Athens ; and at the first was only attributed for the Country about Attica : but after the Macedonian Empire had swallowed all the petty Commonwealths , this name was communicated to the whole Countrey ; whose people by a Synecdoche are diuersly called , by some Achiui , by some Mirmidones , sometimes Pelasgi , Danai , Argini , &c. This Countrey is situate in the Northerne temperate Zone , vnder the fift and sixt Climats , the longest day being 15 houres . The people were once braue men of warre , sound Schollers , addicted to the loue of vertue , and ciuill of behauiour . A nation once so excellent , that their precepts and examples doe still remaine , as approued rules and Tutors to instruct and direct the man , that indeauoreth to be vertuo●s : famous for gouernment ; affectours of freedome , euery way noble . For which vertues in themselues , and want of them in others , all their neighbour and remote nations , were by them scornefully called Barbarians : a name now most fit for the Grecians themselues , being an vncōstant people , destitute of all learning , and the meanes to obtaine it , Vniversities : vncivill , riotous , and so lazie , that for the most part they endeavour their profit no farther then their belly compells them . When they meet at feasts or bankets , they drinke small draughts at the beginning ; which by degrees they increase , till they come to the height of intemperancy : at which point when they are arriued , they keepe no rule or order ; whereas before , to drinke out of ones turne is accounted a point of incivility . Hence , as I beleeue , sprung our by-word , As merry as a Greeke , and the Latine word Graecari . The women are for the most part brown complexioned , exceedingly welfauoured , and excessiuely amorous . Painting they vse very much , to keep thēselues in grace with their husbands : for when they once grow wrinkled , they are put to al the drudgeries of the house . The Christian faith was receaued here immediately after the passion of the Lambe slaine , from the beginning of the world : but especially established by Timoth●e , to whom S. Paule writ two Epistles . The Fathers whom in this Church they most adhere vnto , and reuerence , are Chrysostome , Basil , & the two Gregories , the one surnamed Nissene , and the other Nazianzen . The Church gouernment is by the 4 Patriarchs ; of Alexandria , who presideth ouer Aegypt and Arabia : of Hierusalem , who gouerneth the Greekes of Palestine : of Antioch , whose iurisdiction containeth Syria , Armenia , and Cilicia : and of Constantinople , to whose charge are committed all the other Provinces of the Greeke Church , as all Greece and Muscovie : Sclavonia , Dacia , and part of Poland ; all the Ilands of the Adria ique & Aegean Seas , together with Crete , Cyp●us , and Rho●es ; almost all Natolia , and the Sea shores of Pontus Euxinus , and Palus Maeotis . Their Liturgie is ordinarily ●hat of S. Chrysostome ; but on festivall daies that of S. Basil : which being both written in the learned or ancient Greeke , doth not much more edifie the vulgar people then the Latine Service doth the illiterate Papists . The particular tenets by which the Gre●ke Church doth differ from the Roman and Reformed are already specified in our description of Muscovie : betweene which two of Greece and Muscouy the most materiall points are the manner of distributing the Sacrament ; and the exacting of marriage at the Ordination of Priests . The language they spake was the Greeke , of which were fiue Dialects , 1 Atticke . 2 Doricke . 3 Aeolicke . 4 Ionicke . & 5 The Common Dialect , or phrase of speech . A language excellent for Philosophy and the liberall arts , but more excellent for so great a part of the meanes of our saluation deliuered therein : for the lofty sound , significant expressions of the mind , genuine suauity and happy composition of diuers words in one , so excellent aboue others ; that euen in the flourishing of the Roman Commonwealth , it ouertopped the Latine ; insomuch that most of the histories of Rome were writ in this tongue , as Polybius , Dion Cassius , Appian , and the like . It also was once of wonderfull extent , in Greece , Natolia , Italy , Province , and almost all the Ilands of the Mediterranean . But now partly through mutilation of some words , and compaction of others ; partly by the confusion of the true sound of vowells , dipthongs , and consonants ; and the translating of the Accents ; to which may be added the commixtion of the language of forraine nations : the language is not only fallen from its elegancy , but also frō its largenesse of extent ; as being confin'd within Greece , and there not only much corrupted , but almost quite devoured by the Sclavonian , and Turkish tongues . The soyle questionlesse is very fruitfull , & would yeeld great profit to the husbandman , if they would take paines in the tilling : but they knowing nothing certainly to be their owne , but all things subiect to the Grand Signeur and his Souldiers , omit agriculture , and may perchance thinke of that of the Poet , Impius haec tam culta noualia miles habebi● ? Barbarus has segetes ? en queis consuevimu arua . Shall misbeleeuing Turkes these acros spoyle , Which I manur'd with so much cost and toyle ? Shall they enioy my care ? See neighbours see , For whom these goodly cornfields tilled be . The more naturall and certa●ne commodities which they transport into other parts , are Wines ; which in memory of the water which our Saviour turned into wine , and on that day whereon they think this miracle was wrought ; they vse to baptize : for which cause the Iewes will drinke none of them . They send also into other parts of the world , Oyle , Copper , Vittriall , some Gold and Siluer , Veluets , Damasks , Turquesse Grograms , &c. This Country hath formerly been famous for the Captaines Miltiades , Epaminondas , Aristides , Pyrrhus , and ( to omit infinite others ) Alexander the subverter of the Persian Monarchy : For the divine Philosophers , Plato , Socrates , A●istotle , & Theophraslus ; for the most exquisite Poets , Hesiodus , Homerus , Sophocles , and Aristophanes . For the faithfull Historiographers , Xenophon the condisciple of Plato , Thucydides , Plu●arch , & Herodotus : The eloquent Oratours Aeschines , Demosthenes , & Isocrates . And lastly , the authors and establishers of all humane learning whatsoeuer , only the Mathematiques excepted . The chiefe riuers are C●phisus , which arising in the Frontires of Epirus , disburdeneth it selfe into the Aegean Sea. 2 Erigon . and 3 Alaicmon ; which beginning their course in the more northerne parts of Macedon , end it in Thirmaicus sinus . 4 Strim●n in Migdonia . 5 Athicus and Nisus in Thrace . 6 S●ymphalus , where Hercules killed the Stymphalian birds ; and 7 Ladon in Arcadia . 8 Inachus whose daughter Io turned into a Heifer , was worshipped by the Egyptians vnder the name of Isis. And 9 Pineus , whose daughter was Daphne , turned into a bay-tree ; in Macedon : as also Populifer . 10 Sperchius , & irrequietus , 11 Enipeus ; 12 Apidanusque senex ; lenisque 13 Amphrisus ; & 14 Aeas . Poplar-clad Sperchius , swift Enipeus , old Apidane , smooth Amphrisus , Aeas cold . Thus much of the whole Country in grosse ; the chiefe & ordinary division is , into 1 Pel. ponnesus . 2 Achaia . 3 Epirus . 4 Albania . 5 Macedonia . 6 Migdonia . 7 Thracia . 1 PELOPONNESVS . PELOPONNESVS is a peninsula rounded with the Sea , except where it is tied to the maine land of Greece , by an Istmus of 5 miles in breadth ; which the Grecians and Venetians fortified with a strong wall , and 5 Castles . This was called Hexamilium , and was ouerthrowne by Amurath the second , who harassed and spoyled all the Countrey . It was afterwards in the yeare 1453 , vpon a rumour of a new warre , built vp againe by the Venetians ( who then had the greatest part of this Country ) in 15 daies : there being for that time 30000 men imploied in the worke . This wall extended from one sea vnto the other ; which had it beene as warily guarded , as it was hastily built ; or as it was well fortified , had it beene so well manned : might easily haue resisted the Turks , vntill more meanes had bin thought on to defend it . This Istmus was begunne to haue beene digged through by Nero , who to hearten on his souldiers , loath to attempt so fruitlesse an enterprise ; took a spade in hand , and busily beganne the worke . Yet at last the Souldiers , being frighted with the blood which abundantly broke forth ; with the groanes and roarings which they continually heard ▪ and with the Hobgoblins & Furies , which were alwaies in their sight : perswaded the Emperor , now halfe out of the humour , to leaue this , and inioyne them some more profitable seruice . King Dem●tr●us , C. Caligula , and I. Caesar , with like successe attempted the same action . This Peninsula is in compasse 600 miles , and was called at the first Aegialia , from Aegtalus the first King , A.M. 1574 : 2 Apia from Apis the fourth King. 3 Siciona , from the ninth King Sicion ; which name was afterward attributed to a little Prouince by Corinth : then Peloponnesus from Pelops , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insula , and now Morea , à Maurorum incursionibus , as Mercator thinketh . This Country is diuided into these six Prouinces , 1 Elis. 2 Messenia . 3 Arcadia . 4 Laconia . 5 Argolis , and Achaia propria . 1 The Country of ELIS hath on the East Aready , on the West the Ionian Sea , on the North Achaia propria , on the South Messe●ia . The chief cities are Elis , which giues name to the whole Prouince . Nigh vnto this city runneth the riuer Alpheus , of which you shall heare more in Sicilia ; and in this City reigned the King A●geus , the cleansing of whose Stable is accompted one of the wonders , or twelue labours performed by Hercules . This Elis was of old called Olympia , famous for the Statue of Iupiter Olympicus , one of the worlds 7 wonders , being in height 60 cubits ; composed by that excellent workman Phidias , of gold , and ivory . In honor of this Iupiter were the Olympicke games instituted by Hercules on the hill Olympus in Thessalie . The 2d City is Pisa , whose people following Nestor to the warres of Troy , in their returne were by tempest driuen to the coasts of Italy ; where they built the City Pisa. 2 MESSENIA hath on the East Arcady , on the North Elis , on the South and West the Sea. It takes its name from the Metropolis Mesene on Sinus Messeniacus , now called Golfo di Coron . In this City Menelaus was king , whose wife the faire Helena , was the cause of the destruction of Troy. 2 Pilon , where Nestor was King , now called Navarino . 3 Methone or Medon . This people had once great sway in this Peninsula , for whose sole Empire they were long corriuall with the Spartans : who at last getting the vpper hand of them , oppressed them with miserable slauery . In the confines of this Country stood a Temple of Diana , common alike to the Messenians , Spartans , & Dores . It hapned that some Spartan Virgins were by the Messenians here rauished ; which abuse , the Spartans pretended to be the ground of their warre ; the true reason indeed being , their couetousnes of the sole Empire . This warre broke out 3 times . The first continued 20 yeares , in which space the Lacedaemonians fearing their absence would hinder the supply of yong children in the city ; sent a company of their ablest yong men home , to accompany their wiues . Their off-spring were called Parthenij , who comming to full growth , abandoned Sparta , s●yled into Italy , and there built Tarentum . The second being of 23 yeares continuance , was raised and maintained by Aristomenes , one of the blood-royall . This warre prospered , till Aristocrates King of Arcadia , one of the confederates , revolted , to side with Lacedaemon . Then began they to decline , and Aristomenes was thrice taken prisoner , still miraculously escaping . His last imprisonment was in a dungeon , where by chance espying a Fox deuouring a dead body , he caught hold of her taile : The Fox running a way , guided Aristomenes after ; till the straitnesse of the hole by which she went out , made him leaue his holt , and fall to scraping with his nailes ; which exercise he neuer left , till he had the hole passable , and so escaped ; and hauing a while vpheld his falling Country , died in Rhodes . The third warre was like drops after a tempest . In this the Messenians were forced to abandon their Country ; which they could neuer again recouer , till Epaminondas hauing vanquished the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra , restored them to their ancient possessions . 3 ARCADIA hath on the East Laconia , on the West Elis and Messene , on the North Achaia propria , and on the South the Sea. This Country took its name from Arcas , the son of Iupiter and Calisto ; but was forme●ly called Pelasgia : the people whereof thought themselues more ancient then the Moone . Or●a priùs Lunâ , de se fi creditur ipsi , A magno tellus Arcade nomen habet . The land which of great Arcas took its name ▪ Was ere the Moone , if we will credit Fame . The chiefe Cities are 1 Psophis . 2 Mantinea , nigh vnto which the Theban Army , consisting of 30000 foot , and 3000 horse ; routed the Army of the Spartans and Athenians , consisting of 25000 foot , and 2000 horse . In this battaile Epaminondas that famous Leader , receiued his deaths wound , and not long after died . At his last gaspe one of his friends said ; Alas thou diest Epaminondas , and leauest behind thee no children : Nay , replyed he , two daughters will I leaue behind me , the victory at Leuctra , and this other at Mantinea . 3. Megalopolis , the birth-place of Polybius , that excellent Historian . 4 Phialia towards the sea . Here was the lake Stymphalus , and the riuer Styx , whose water for the poysonous taste , was called the water of hell . The Poets faine , that Gods vsed to sweare by this riuer , as may be euerywhere obserued : and what God soeuer swore by Styx falsly , he was banished from Heauen , and prohibited Nectar for a 1000 y●ares . It is a Country whose fitnes for pastorage & grazing , hath made it the subiect of many worthy & witty discourses , especially that of Sr Philip Sidney ; of whom I cannot but make honourable mention : a book which besides its excellent language , rare contriuances , & delectable stories ; hath in it all the straines of Poesie , comprehendeth the vniuersall Art of speaking , and to them which can discerne , & will obserue , affordeth notable rules for demeanour , both priuat and publike . 4 LACONIA hath on the East & South the Sea , on the North Argolis , on the West Arcadia . The chief Cities are Lacedaemon , once a famous Common-wealth , whose lawes were compiled by Lycurgus ; who going a iourney , bound the people by oath , to obserue all his Lawes till he returned : & being gone from thence , commanded , that when he was dead & buried , his ashes should be cast into the Sea , By this meanes , his Lawes were kept in Sparta almost 700 yeares , during which time the Commonwealth flourished in all prosperity . Whosoeuer is desirous to know the particular lawes , customes , & ordinances , by which this Common-wealth did subsist ; may in the life of Lycu●gus set down by Plutarch , find them all specified . Their course of liuing was so strict and seuere , that many went to warres , hoping by death to rid themselues from life , so austere & vnpleasing . D●ogenes returning from Sparta to At●ens , said , that he returned from men to women , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : To another demand●ng in what part of Greece he saw the most complete men ; he replied , that he saw saw men no-where , but boyes at Lacedaemon . This Common-wealth was so equally mixt , that the soueraignty of one was nothing preiudiciall to the liberty of all . Their kings being of the race of Hercules , had a royaltie not vnlimited , the Nobles prerogat●ues not infringed ; the people , freedome vnquestioned . The Ephori or Tribunes of the people , whose authority was in some respect aboue the Kings , made it seeme a Democracie : The Senate whose decrees were vncontrollable , resembled an Aristocracie : The Kings who like the soule did animate and actuate the rest , shewed that there was somewhat also of a Monarchie . A rare mixture of gouernment . The discipline of this citty , both in warre and peace , made it feared by the neighbours as well as honoured . The people were accounted the chiefe of all the Grecians , and directed the rest as subordinate to them . At last the Athenians hauing conquered many large Prouinces in Asia , began somewhat to Ecclipse their glory ; which they not enduring , warred against Athens ; and after many losses on their parts susteined , took the city , and dismantled it . Immediatly followed the warre betwixt them , & the Boeotians ; the Athenians couertly , and the Persians openly assisting the enemy . Here their prosperity began to leaue them ; for beside many small defeates , Epaminondas the Theban so discomfited them , at the ouerthrowes of Leuctra and Mantinea ; that Sparta it selfe was in danger of vtter ruine . Not long after hapned the Holy-warre , wherein they also made a party : but this warre being ended by King Philip , they scarce breathed more freedome , then he gaue aire to . But when Alexanders Captaines fought for the Empire of their master , all these flourishing Republickes were either totally swallowed into , or much defaced by the Kingdome of Macedon . The Lacedaemonians held the chiefe strength of a towne to consist in the valour of the people ; and therefore would neuer suffer Sparta to be walled , till the times immediatly following the death of Alexander the Great : yet could not these Fortifications defend them from Antigonus Doson King of Macedon ; who hauing vanquished Cleomenes King of Sparta , entred the towne , and was the first man that euer was receiued into it as Conquerour ; so much different were the present Spartans from the valour & courage of their ancestors . Here liu'd the famous Captaines Euribiades , the Admirall of the Navy against Xerxes , Lisander : & Agesilaeus . The second City of note is Leuctra on the sea side . 3 Thalana , nigh vnto which is the Lake Lerna , where Hercules slew the monster Hydra , & the mount Tenarus , from whence the same champion drew the three-headed Dog Cerberus , as the Poets called him ; and 4 Selassia , where Antigonus vanquished Cleomenes . 5 ARGOLIS , so called from the chiefe Citty Argos , is bounded on the East and North with the Sea , on the West with Achaiae propria , on the South with Laconia . The chiefe Cities are Argos , built by Argus the fourth king of this Country . The first king was Inachu● , A.M. 2109. The last Achrisius , whose daughter Danae , being shut vp in a Towre of brasse , was yet rauished by Iupiter to whom she bare Perseus . This Perseus hauing by mishap slaine Achrisius , translated the Kingdome of Argos , to Micene the second City of note . From this Perseus descended Atreus & Thiestes ; from Atreus , Agamemnon ; who was Captain of the Greekish Army before Troy , in which were 69 Kings , wasted ouer with a Navy of 1224 ships . The third Town is Nemaea , where Hercules slew the Lyons . In honour of this memorable exploit , were instituted the Nemaean games , which continued famous in Greece for many ages . The exercises were running with swift horses , whorlebats , running on foot , quotting , wrestling , darting , shoo●ing . Some referre the beginning of these games to the honour of one Opheltus a Lacedaemonian : & others fetch it higher , from the warres of Thebes : but this I take to be the more probable opinion . 4 Epidaurus , famous for the Temple of Aesculap●us : & 5 Nauplia , where Naulu● the Father of Palamedes was k●ng . 6 ACHAIA PROPRIA , hath on the South Elis , Arcadia , & Argolis : & on all other parts , the s●a . The chief Cities are 1 Corinth , eated at the foot of the Acro-Corinthian hills , hard by the Fount●ine Pirene ▪ called by Perseus , fons Caballinus , because it was by the Poets fained to haue bin made by the horse Pegasus , dashing his hoofe agai●st the rock . This town was fenced with a castle , which stand●ng on the Acro-Corinthian hills , was called Acro-Corinthus . It was for strength impregnable , & for command very power●ull ; as able to cut off all passage by land , from one halfe of Greece to the other : & mastering the Ionian & Aegaean seas : vpon both which , Corinth had such commodious hauens , the sea on both sides washing the walls , that Horace calleth it , Corinthus bimaris . It was built by Corinthus the sonne of Pelops , from whom it tooke name ; & by reason of her commodious situation , so exceedingly thriued & flourished , that in the heat of their pride the Cori●thians abused certain Romane Ambassadours , sent vnto them . But irasci populo Romano nemo sapientèr potest , as Livy saith , and this the Corinthians found to be true : for Lucius Mummius took the town , and burnt it to the very ground . It was afterwards re-edified , and is now a place of small note , called by the Turkes Crato Here liu'd the famous whore Lais , which exacted 10000 Drachma's for a nights lodging , which made Demosthenes cry , non emam ●anti penitere , and occasioned the old verse , Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum . T' is not for euery mans auaile , Vnto Corinth for to ●aile . Here also Theseus instituted the Istmian games , in the honour of N●ptune , as Hercules had the Olympian in honour of Iupiter . 2 Patras . 3 Sycion , now Vasilico . 4 Dimeae . These Commonwealths flourished in Peloponnesus , till the ciuill warres betwee● Sparta , Thebes , & Athens ; which so weakened all sides , that they were soon made a prey to Philip of Macedon . After they we●e subiect to the Roman , then to the Constantinopolitan Emperours ; and when the Latines subdued Constantinople , most of this Country fell into the armes of Venice : whose people fortified i● in many pl●ces , especially towards the Sea : finally , it w●s conquered by the Turkes , 1460. 2 ACHAIA . ACHAIA , called once H●llas , from Helles , son to Deu●alion , is bounded on the East with the Aegaean Sea , on the West with Epirus , on the North wi●h Thessaly , on the South with Peloponnes●● , & the Seas thereof . It is diuid●d into 1 Attica 2 Megaris 3 B●●v●a : 4 Phoci● . 5 Aetol●a . 6 Dori● . 7 Locris . 1 A●TICA hath on the West Megaris ; on the other part● the Sea. The soyle is v●ry barren and cr●ggi● ; yet the art●ficiall endea●our of the people , wo●derfully enriched them ; s● that the yea●ely revenues of the Common-wealth were ●200 Talent● . The mony current in this Country was commonly stamped w●th an Oxe ; whence came the by-word against bribing and corrupt Lawyers , Bos in lingua . Not much vnlike to this was the Proverb , ●ising from the mony of Aegina , being stamped w●th a snaile ; which was , virtutem & sapientiam vincunt testudines . The chief city Athens ( now Selines ) was built by Cecrops the first King hereof , and called Cecrop●● , Aº Mundi ●409 . It was ●fter repaired by Th●seus , and furnished with good Lawes by Solon . It took name from Minerva ( whom the Grecians call Athenae ) in whose honour there were long time solemne playes , called Panathena●a . This City hath bin ●amous for many things , three especially , first for the ●nviolable faith of the Citizens in thei● leagues , & vnfained affection to their friends ; so that Fides Attica grew into Adage . Second●y , for the famous Schollers which here taught & flourished : And indeed so happy a nurserie was it of good wits , & so fitly seated for study , that the very natiues being in other Countries , could sensibly perceiue some want of that naturall vigour , which vsually was resident in their spirits . Ita ut corpora istius gentis separata sint in ali●s reg●ones ; ingenia vero solis Atheniensium muris clausa es●e ex●st●●nes . It was a famous Vniuersity , from whose great e●●erne , the conduit-pipes of Learning were dispersed ouer all Europe . Yet at the first the sweet straines of Apollo's harpe , did not out-sound the lowd braying of Mars his Trumpet : this City yeelding more valiant Captaines , then any in the world , Rom● excepted , which was the third thing which raised the reputation of the City . Alcibiad●s , Aristides , Themist●cl●s , Pericle● , with diuers others , were the men that vpheld & enlarged the Athenian Republicke : yet were the people so vngrateful to them , or they so vn●o●tun●te in th● end , that they ●ll died ei●her 〈…〉 banishm●nt or violently at home . Th●mistocles the cha●pion of ●reec● , died an exile in Pe●sia . ●hoc●on was slain by the 〈…〉 laid violent hands on himselfe ; Pericl●s 〈…〉 endangered ; & Theseus the founder of the Ci 〈…〉 from hi● royalty , & spitefully imprisoned . Aristi 〈…〉 , & others , banished ten yeares by the Ostracisme . This forme of punishment , so called , because the nam● of the party banished was writ in an Oyster shell , was only vsed toward such , who either began to grow too popular , or potent among the men of seruice Which deuice allowable in a Democracie , where the ouer-much powerablenes of one , might hazard the liberty of all , was exercised on spight oftner , then desert . A Country-fellow meeting by chance Aristides , desired him to write Aristides in his shell ; and being asked , whether the man whose banishment he desired , had euer wronged him , replyed , No , he was only sorry to heare folkes call him a good man. We find the like vnfortunate end to most of the Romans , so redoubted in warre : Coriolanus was exiled ; Camillus confined to Ardea ; Scipio murdred , with diuers others , onely because their vertue had lifted them aboue the pitch of ordinary men . Ventidius was disgraced by Antonie : Agricola poisoned with the priuity of Domitian : Corbulo murdred by the command of Nero : all able men yet liuing in an age , wherein it was not law●ull to be valiant . In later times it so hapned to Gonsalvo the Great Captaine , who hauing conquered the kingdome of Naples , droue the French beyond the mountaines , & brought all the Italian Potentates to stand at the Spaniards deuotion ; was by his master called home , where he died obscurely , & was buried without solemnity , without teares . Worse fared the Guise and Byron in France ; worse Essex , and Dudley of Northumberland with vs ; neither will I omit William Duke of Suffolke , who hauing serued 34 yeares in our French warres , and for 17 yeares together , neuer returning home , was at his returne , basely made away . It were almost impiety to be silent of Ioab , the brauest souldier , and politickest Leader , that euer fought the Lords battailes ; yet he died at the hornes of the Altar . Whether it be that such men are borne vnder an vnhappy Planet ; or that Courtiers , & such as haue b●st opportunity to endeere men of warre with their Soueraignes , know not how to commend & extoll their deserts , in a subiect beyond the reach of their bra●ne , or courage of their heart ; or that faction and opposition at home ; or Enuie that common foe to Vertue , be the hinderance , I cannot determine . Yet it may be that Princes naturally distrust men of employment , & are loath to adde honours to a working wit , & an attempting spirit : and it may be the fault of Souldiers themselues , by an vnseasonable praise of their own worths , aboue the ability of renumeration in that state . This was the cause of Silius death vnder Tiberius , concerning which , the Historian giueth vs this excellent sentence : Beneficia eò usque lata sunt , dum videntur exsolui posse : ubi multum anteven●re , pro gratiâ odium redditur . The last King hereof was Codrus , who in the warres against the Peloponnesians , hauing intelligence by an oracle , that his enemies should haue the victory , if they did not kill the Athenian King ; attired himselfe like a beggar , and forced the Peloponnesians to kill him : and they vnderstanding how vnfortunately they had slaine him , whom they had most desire to haue saued , raised their camp and departed . For this fact , the Athenians so honoured his memorie , that they thought no man worthy to succeed him as King ; and therefore committed the managing of the state to Gouernours for terme of life , whom they called Archontes , the first Archon being Medon the son of C●drus . This gouernment began A.M. 2897 , & continued 316 yeares , at which time the Archontes were appointed to gouerne ten yeares only , and then to giue vp their charge : Seuenty yeares lasted this gouernment vnder seuen Archentes , which time expired A.M. 3284 , began the Democracie of Athens ; during which , Draco and Solon the Law-giuers flourished . Toward the ●●ter end of Solons life , Pisistratus altered the free state , and made himselfe Lord or Tyrant of the City : but he once dead , the people regained their freedome , driuing thence Hippias the son of Pisistratus , who hereupon fled for succour to Darius K. of Persia , by this meanes bringing the Persians first into Greece . What successe the Persians had in Greece , the Histories of these times abundantly informe vs. Darius being vanquished by Miltiades at Marathron ; and Xerxes by Themistocles at Salamis : yet did not Athens scape so cleare , but that it was taken by Xerxes , though indeed first abandoned , and voluntarily dismanteled by the Athenians . When the Persians were retired homewards , the people of Athens reedified their towne , and strongly fortified it with high & defensible walls ; which done , they put their Fleet to sea , & spoyled the coasts of Persia in all quarters ; enriching their city with the spoiles , & enlarging their power & dominion , by the addition of many Ilands and sea-townes . Hereby they grew vnto that wealth & potencie , that they were suspected by their weaker neighbours , & envied by their stronger , the Lacedaemonians especially : who fearing to loose their ancient prioritie ouer Greece ; but pretending the surprifall of Potidea a City of Thrace from the Corinthians , & some ha●d measure by them shewed vpon the Megarenses , made warre vpon them . In the beginning of this warre the Athenians not only resisted the whole powers of all Greece confederate against them ; but so exceedingly prospered , that the Spartans sued for peace , and could not get it . But the scales of Fortune turned ; for after they had held out 28 yeares , they were cōpelled to pluck down the walles of their town , & submit themselues to the order of the Lacedaemonians , now by the puissance of Lysander victorious . Then was this Virgin-Town prostituted to the lust of 30 Tyrants , whom not long after , Thrasibulus a braue souldier , & one that loued the liberty of his Country , expelled . This warre was called Bellum Peleponnesiacum . Not long after , the Persians seeing how the State of Sparta , for want of the opposition of Athens , began to worke vpon their Empire ; furnished Conon a worthy Gentleman of Athens , with a Navy so wel furnished , that therewith he vanquished the Lacedaemonian Fleete ; & put the Athenians by this victory in so good heart , that they once more reedified their walls . Immediatly after followed the warre against Thebes , called Bellum sacrum , which in the end was composed by Philip of Macedon , by bringing as well the Thebans whom he came to succour , as the Athenians , Spartans , & Phocians , whom he came to oppose , all vnder his owne dominion : from which slauery , Greece neuer recouered , till as well Macedon , as she , became follow-seruants to Rome . The next townes of note in Attica , were 1 Marathron , where Miltiades discomfited the numerous Army of Darius , consisting of 100000 foot , a●d 10000 horse , the emulation of which noble victory , startled such braue resolues in the brest of Themistocles . 3 Piraea the hauen-town to Athens , built & impregnably fortified by the advice of Themistocles , & afterward the better to keep vnder the Athenians , demolished by Scylla , in his warres against Mythridates . 4 Panormus . 2 MEGARIS hath on the East Attica , on the West Sinus Corinthiacus , on the North Boeotia , & on the South the Isimus . The chiefe city is Megara , now Megra , where Euclide taught Geometrie . Ovid maketh mention of one Nisus King of this Country , not so happy that his head was circled with a Coronet , as that thereon grew a purple haire ; to which was annexed the preseruation both of his life & Kingdome . This Iewell his daughter Scylla deliuered to King Minos , her Fathers enemy : who ioyfully receiuing the present , commanded her to be cast into the Sea ; where she was ( as some write ) turned to the gulfe so named . I leaue the moralizing of the Fable , to such as prosesse Mythologie ; obseruing only by the way , the antiquity of that politique practise , to loue the Treason , & hate the Traitours . This Country after shaking off the Cretans , became sui iuris ; and amounted to that height of prosperity , that they contended with the Athenians for the Iland of Salamis , & so crushed them in one fatall ouerthrow , that a Law was enacted in Athens , that whosoeuer mentioned the recouery of Salamis , should loose his life : so that Solon was compelled to fain himselfe mad , the safelier to motion the matter , which had a prosperous end . This fortune of the Megarenses lasted not long in so eminent a degree ; yet they continued a free people , till the comming of the Macedonians . The second town of note in Megaris is Eleusis , vvhere Ceres had a Temple , vvhich is hence called Ceres Eleusina . 3 BOEOTIA hath on the East Attica , on the West Phocis , on the North the riuer Cephisus , on the South Megaris and the Sea. It took its name from B●s , vvhich signifieth an Oxe : for vvhen Cadmus vveary vvith seeking his sister Eur●pa , vvhom Iupiter had stolne from Phoenicia , came to Delphos ; hee vvas vvarned by the Oracle , to follovv the first young Oxe he savv , and vvhere he rested , to build a City ; the Country for this cause vvas called Boeotia . It vvas a custome in this Country to burne before the doore of the house in which a new-married wife was to dwell , the axle-tree of the coach in which she came thither : Giuing her by this ceremony to vnderstand , that she must restraine her selfe from gadding abroad ; and that being now ioyned to an husband , she must frame her selfe to liue & tarry with him , without any hope of departure . The chiefe citty is Thebes , built on the brook Cephisus , by Cadmus the Phoenician . Famous it is for the warres here made of old between Eteocles & Polinices , sonnes to that vnfortunate Prince Oedipus , & his mother & wife Iocasta . The History of this warre is the most ancient piece of story which we finde of all Greece ; the former times & writings containing nothing but Fables , little sauouring of humanity , & lesse of truth : As of well changed into Monsters , the adulteries of the gods , & the like . In this town l●ued Pelopidas , & Epaminondas , who so crushed the Lacedaemonians at the battles of Leuctres & Mantinea ; that they could neuer after re-obtaine their former puissance . This Common-wealth long flourished , & at last being ouerburdened in the Phocian warre , was glad to submit it selfe to the mercy of the Macedonians , vnder the leading of King Philip : who by this meanes first got footing in Greece , into which afterward he thrust his whole body . Vpon the death of Philip , Thebes revolted from the Macedons ; but Alexander his successor quickly recouered it ; & to dishearten the Greeks in the like attempts , he razed the city , selling all the inhabitants of age & strength : only Pindarus house he commanded to be left standing , in honour of that learned Poet. At the sack of this town , one of the Macedon souldiers entred the house of a principall woman , named Timoclea , rauished her , and rifled her coffers : but still demaunding more treasure , she shewed him a deep Well , saying that there all her mony was hidden . The credulous villain stooping down to behold his prey , she tumbled into the Well , and ouer-whelmed with stones ; for which noble act , the generous Captain highly commended , & dismissed her vnhurt . The City was re-edified by Cassander , & is now called Scibes . 2 Daulis , which was vnder the subiection of Tereus King of Thrace , who hauing rauished Philomela , daughter to Pandion , King of the Athenians , was by his wife Progne , sister to Philomela , murdered , after he had eaten his son Itys in a Pye. 3 Platea , in which Mardonius the Generall of the Persians , was ouercome by the Grecians . There were slain in this battail , Mardonius himselfe , & 260000 Persians ; but on the side of the Grecians , 31 Lacedaemonians , 52 Athenians , 16 Arcadians ; and of the Megarenses about 600. The Lieftenant-Generall was Pausanias , who afterward plotting to make himself the Tyrant of all Greece , and being discouered , fled into the Temple of Pallas . In this place it was almost a sacriledge to meddle with him ; & therefore they resolued to close vp the doore , his mother voluntarily laying the first stone . Before this battle , the Athenians had an Oracle , that they should be conquerours , if they fought in their own territories ; whereupon the Plateans , within whose iurisdiction the battle was fought , gaue that part of their Country to the City of Athens : In requitall of which worthy donation , Alexander the great re-edified & inlarged their city . 4 Leuctra , where the Thebans vnder the conduct of Epaminoudas , vanquished the Lacedamonians , slew their King Cleombrotus ; & not only preserued their own liberty , but brought their enemies to that fall of courage and reputation , that they could hardly euer rise again . 5 Asc ra , the birth-place of Hesiod , a man ( according to Paterculus ) elegantis ingenij , & carminum dulcedine memorabilis : though the proud Critick Scaliger , intending to deifie Virgil , most iniudiciously and absurdly preferreth the worse Verse in the Georgickes of the one , before the whole workes of the other . 6 Cheronea or Coronea , the birth-place of Plutarch . Neere vnto this City was fought that memorable battail between L. Sylla , & the Romans , against Archelaus Lieutenant to Mithridates King of Ponius , who led an Army of 120800 Souldiers : of which great number only 10000 escaped with life ; Sylla loosing of his own men 14 only . 7 Orchomenon , nigh vnto which the same Sylla vanquished Dorilaus , an other of the Kings captaine● , hauing an Army of 80000 men , whereof 20000 lost their liues . After these two victories Sylla made peace with Mithridates , because Marius and Cinna domineering in Rome , had trodden his faction vnderfoot : herein preferring his owne quarrells , before the ruine of the common enemy ; which had he followed these victories , ne●●●er could haue raised an other warre , as he did afterward ▪ In this Country are t●e streights of Thermopylae , which in the warre that Xerxes made against Gre●ce , were defended by 300 Spartans , & their King Leonidas : Who hauing valiantly resisted that Army , which in their passage out of Persia , had d●ankedly whole riuers , & s●●m of them 20000 , died all in the place . Xerxes , lest the greatnes of his losse should terrifie his men , who had not yet seene that vnproportionable discomfiture ; buried in seuerall pits , all saue one thousand ; as if no more had bin wanting then they . 4 PHOCIS is bounded on the East with Boeotia , on the West with Locris & Doris , on the North with the riuer Cephisus , & on the South with the Sinus Corinthi●cus . In this Country is Helicon the mount consecrated to the Muses ; as also another hill of this Country , called Cithaeron , & both striuing with Parnassus in height & bignes . This Pernassus is of wonderfull height , whose two tops euen kisse the clouds : Mons hic cervicibus p●tit arduus astra duobus Nomine Pernassus : supera●que cacumine montes . Through the thick Clouds the mount Pernas●us hight , With his two tops doth kisse the Starres so bright . In the generall deluge of Greece , in which almost all men perished in the waters , Deucalion & Pyrrha , saued themselues on this h●ll ; not farre from which stood the Temple of Themis . The chiefe Townes are Cyrra , 2 Crissa ; 3 & Antycira on the Sea ; the last of which is famous for the Elleborum that grew there , a Herbe very medicinall for the Phren●ie , whence came the proverb . naviget Antyciram 4 Elladia . 5 Pytho or Pythia , a town seated not only in the midst of Greece , but of the whole World also . For Iupiter desirous once to know the ex●ct middle of the Earth , let the two Eagles , one from the ●ast , the other from the West . These Eagles meeting in this place , shewed plainly that here was the nauell or mid part of the Earth . This town by reason of its convenient situation , was the Sessions town of all Greece , it being the meeting-place of the Amphictyones . These Amphictyones were men selected out of the 12 pri●● cities of Greece : they had povver to decide all contro●ersies & enact Lavves for the common good . They vvere instituted either by Acrisius ( as Strabo ) or ( as Halicarnas●an thinks ) by Amphi●●yon the son of Helen , from vvhom they seeme to haue deriued their name . Their meetings vvere at the beginnings of the Spring & Autumne : The Commissioners o● the Cities vvere in seuerall called Pylagorae . Some instances concerning their authority vvere not amisse . In the time of Cimon , the Scyrians hauing by Piracie vvronged the Thessalonians , vvere fined by this Councel . Aftervvard the Lacedaemonians for surprizing Cadmea , & the Phocians , for ploughing vp the land of Cyrrha belonging to Delphos , vvere by them amerced : and because they continued obstinate , and payed not their mu●ct , their dominions vvere adiudged to be confiscate to the Temple of Apollo . But they resisting this decree , spoyled the Temple it selfe ; for which warre being proclaimed , and the rebels ( for so they were now held ) by the assistance of Philip of Macedon subdued : the Councel was again assembled . Here it was decreed that the Phocians should raze their walls : that they should pay the yearely tribute of sixty talents : that they should no more keep horse & armour , till they had satisfied the Treasury of the temple : & that they should no more haue any voyces in that consistory . It was also then enacted , that King Philip & all his sucessours should haue the two suffrages of the ●hocians in that Parliament , & be ( as it were ) Princes of the Senate . To this generall Counsell in the Iewish Commonwealth , the Sanhed●in , or Aristocraticall gouernment of the 70 Elders , had most resemblance . At this time the Diots of the Empire , the States of the Low-co●ntries , and the assemblies of the Swi●ze●s and Grisons , come ●ighest to this patterne . 6 Delphos , where was the Temple of Apollo ; in which , with that of Iupiter Hannon in Cyrene , were the most famous Oracles of the Heathens , deliuered , darke riddles of the Diuell , couched in a forme so cunningly contriued , that the truth was then farthest off , when it was thought to haue bin found . Craesus consulting with the Oracle , was giuen this answere , Craesus Halyn penetrans m●gnam perve●tet opum vin●● ▪ When Craesus ouer H●ly● row●th ▪ A mighty nation he ouerthroweth . Which he interpreting according to his own hopes ; crossed the riuer , was vanquished by Cy●us King of Persia and his wh●●e country ru●●ed . In the like kind of deceitfu●l manner were the rest of the Oracles in those dayes giuen ; the diuell being sure , that howsoeuer the euent was ▪ he would hardly be convinced of lying . So we find King Pyrrhus before h●s warre with the Romans , to haue consulted with the Oracle , and to haue receiued this answere . Aio te Aeacide Romanos vincere posse ; Which doubtfull prediction he construing ●eposse vincere Romanos , according to his own hopes , found afterwards that the Diuell meant Romanos posse vincere te , that the Romans should ouercome him ; for so indeed it hapned . By an other kind of the same fallacie , which the Logicians call Amph●bolia , did the same enemy of mankind ouerthrow an other Prince , who demaunding of the Oracle what successe he should haue in his warres had this answere giuen him , Ibis redibis nunquam per bella peribis ; which he thus commaing ▪ Ibis , redibis , nunquam per &c. ventured on the warre , & was slaine ; whereupon his followers again canvasing the Oracle , found that it was Ibis , redibis nunquam , per &c. The like iuggling he also vsed in those supernaturall dreames , which Philosophers call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( or sent from the diuell : ) for Caesar dreaming that he committed Incest with his mother , made himselfe Lord of Rome , which was his Country and mother ; & Hippias the son to P●isistratus the Tyrant of Athens , hauing vpon the same proiects the same dreame , was killed , and buried in the bowels of his mother the Earth ; so that had Caesar miscarried in his action , and Hippias thriued : yet still had the diuell bin reputed his craftes-master , & the father of truths . But as the Ecclesiasticall history telleth vs , that Iulian the Apostata consulting with the diuell , was told that he could receiue no answere , because that the body of Babilas the martyr , was entombed nigh his Temple ; so much rather could the diuels deceiue the World , as formerly they had done , after Christ the Trueth it selfe was manif●sted in the flesh , and tormented these vnclean spirits , though as they alle●dged before their time . For Augustus in whose time our S●uiour was borne , consulting with the Oracle about his successour ▪ receiued this not-s●tisfying answere : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — An Hebrew ch●ld , whom the blest gods adore , Hath bid me leaue these shrines and pack to hell , So that o● Oracles I can no more : In silence leaue our Altar , and farewell . Whereupon Augustus comming home , in the Capitoll erected an Altar , and theron in Capital letters caused this Inscription to be ingra●en , HAEC EST ARA PRIMOGENITI DEI. Now as the diuels had by Christs birth lost much of their wonted vertue , so after his passion they lost it almost altogether : concerning which , Plutarch in a tract of his Moralls called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , why Oracles cease ●o giue answeres , telleth vs a notable story , which was this . Some company going out of Greece into Italy , were about the Echinades becalmed , when on the sudden there was heard a voyce loudly calling on one Thamus an Egyptian , then in the Ship. At the two first calls he made no answere , but to the third he replyed , Here I am : and the voyce again spake vnto him , bidding him when he came to Palodes ▪ to make it knowne that the great god Pan was dead . When they came vnto the Palodes , which are certain shelue● and rocks in the Ionian sea , Thamus standing on the poope of the Ship , did as the voyce directed him , whereupon there was heard a mighty noyse of many together , who all seemed to groane & lament , with terrible and hideous skreiking . T●berius hearing of this miracle , caused the learned of his Empire to search out who that Pan should be , who returned answere , that he was the son of Mercurie by Penelope ; but such as more narrowly obserued circumstances , found it to happen iust at the time when the Lord of Life suffered death on the Crosse , who was the true Pan & Sheepheard of our Soules ; and that vpon this divulging of his passion , the diuels who vsed to deliuer Oracles , with great grief and lamentations forsook the office , which had bin so profitable to them in seducing the blind people . I dare not affirme that all Oracles then failed , but certainly they then began to decay : for Iuvenal in his time affirmed , that Delphis oracula c●ssant . This temple of Apollo being spoyled by the Phocians , caused the warre between them and the Thebans , called the Holy warre , in which the Thebans being likely to haue the worst , sent for Philip of Macedon , who made an end of the warre by subduing them both . The spoyle which the Ph●cians got out of the Temple , was 60 Tunnes of Gold , which was to them Aurum Tholosanum : so vnpardonable a crime is sacriledge , that the fault of some few , patronized by their confederats , bringeth an vncurable punishment on whole Nations . 5 LOCRIS is bounded on the West with Aetolia ; on the North with Doris , on other parts with the Sea. The chief cities are 1 Naup●ctum , now called Lepanto , which once belonged to the Venetians , but now to the Turkes . This Town the Athenians gaue vnto the poore M●ssenians , when after their third warre , the Lacedaemonians vnwilling to haue them troublesome neighbours , and they scorning to be quiet slaues , compe●led them to seek new habitations . 2 Emathia . 6 AETOLIA hath on the East Locris , on the West Epirus , on the North Doris , on the South the Gul●e o● Lepanto . Here is the Forrest Calidon , where Meleager , and the flowre of the Greeke Nobility , slew the wild Boare . Here is the riuer Evenus , ouer which the Centau●e N●ssus hauing carried De●ane●ra , w●●e to Hercules ▪ and intending to haue rauished her , was slaine by an arrow , which Hercules on the other side of the riuer shot at him . Here also is the riuer Achel●us , of whom the Poets fable many things , as that being ●iuall with Hercules ( iure it must needes be before he was turned into a riuer ; ) in the lo●e of Detaneira , he encount●ed him in the shape of a Bull ; and that when Hercules had plucked off one of hi● hornes , the Nymphs made of it their so much celebrated Cornuc●pia . The ●eople of this Country were the most turbulent and vnruly people of all Greece , neuer at peace with their neighbours , and seldome with themselues . The Macedonians could neuer tame them , by reason of the cragginesse of the Country : yet they brought them to such termes , that they were compelled to let the Romans into Greece , who quickly made an end of all . The chiefe townes are 1 Chalcis , 2 Olenus , 3 Pleurona , 4 Thermum , the parliament City of all Aetolia . 7 DORIS hath on the East Boeotia , on the West Epirus , on the South the Sea ; and on the North the hill Oeta , on which Hercules being tortured by a poisoned shirt , sent him by his innocent wise Deianeira , burned himselfe . The chiefe citties are 1 Amphissa . The people of this Citty refusing to yeeld to the sentence of the Amphictyones , against their confederats the Phoc●ans , were the cause of Philips returne into Greece : who grievously infested the territorie of the Boeotians . Against these proceedings the Athenians opposed themselues ; not so much in any hope of prevailing , as being whetted on by the eloquence of D●mosthenes ; whose biting Orations against Philip called the Philipp●cks , haue giuen name to all the invectiues of this kinde ; so that Tullie called the Orations he composed against Antonie his Philippica . At Coronea the armies meet where the Athenians are vanquished ; and Philip is made Captaine of all Greece . 2 Libra and 3 C●●●um . The whole Country of Achaia was subdued by Amurath the second . 3 EPIRVS . EPIRVS hath on the East Achaia ; on the North Macedon ; on the other parts the Seas . In this Country Olimpias , Alexander the greats mother was borne ; and also Pyrrhus , who first of any forrainer made triall ( to his owne losse ) of the Roman puis●a●ce : and afterwards in A●gos leaguer , was slaine with a tile by an old woman . Here is the mount Pind●●s sacred to Apollo and the ●●Mu●es ; and the Acrocera●nian hills , so called because they ●●e subiect to thunderclaps . Here are also the riuers Acher●n 〈◊〉 Coc●●●● f●r their colour and tast called the rivers of hell . The Easterne pa●t of this Province is called Acarnania : the Westerne is Chao●ia : both very populous , vntill Paulus Aemilius ouerthrew 70 of their Citties . The chiefe of the remainder are 1 Antogonia . 2 Cassiope . 3 Torona on the riuer Thiamis in the Westerne part : and in the other 1 Nicopolis , built by Augustus in the place where his land souldiers were incamped , before the battaile of Act●um : either in memory of his victorie there ; or else of a man and his Asse whom he there met . For the night be●ore the fight , he met a poore man on an Asse , of whom he demanding his name was answered Eu●iches , that is fortunate ; and asking the name of his Asse , was told Nicon , that is Conquerour : which happy omens made the Souldiers couragious and hopefull of victory ; and Augustus in memoriam sacti , erected there a couple of brasen Images ; one of the Asse , the other of his master . 2 Ambracia , now Larta , on the vpper end of the Bay of Ambracia , or the Gulfe of Larta . 2 Leucas . 3 Anactorium . and 4 Actium , nigh vnto which in the Sea of Lepanto , Augustus and Antony fought for the Empire of the world . The Navie of the latter cōsisted of 500 Gallies ; the former had 250 Gallies , adorned with the Trophies of victory . Here also was fought that memorable Sea-fight , Anno. 1571 , betweene the Turkes , who had a Navie of 270 ; & the Venetians hauing 145 Gallies ; on which the Lord of hosts bestowed victory . In this day there died of the Turkes 29000 men , and of the confederats 7656 , or thereabouts . There were freed 1200 captiue Christians , taken Prisoners 3900 Turkes ; nigh 140 Gallies , and about 4000 peeces of Ordnance : so that this place seemeth to be marked for a stage of great designes , and that this latter navall batta●le , was but the second part of the first . This Country was once called Molossia from the Molossi , whom Pyr●hus sonne to Achilles brought vnder the yoake of servitude . From him descended that Pyrrhus , who made warre with the Romans , Anno mundi 3683. V.C. 471. After his death this kingdome was shrewdly shaken by the Macedonians , and shortly after subdued by Paulus Aemilius , who as wee now said destroyed 70 Citties hereof in one day . For desirous to satisfie his Souldiers after his victory in Macedon hee sent vnto the Ep●rots for ten of the principall men of every Citty . These he commanded to deliuer vp all the Gold and Siluer which they had ; and to that end , as he gaue out , he sent certaine companies of Souldiers along with them ; vnto whom hee gaue secret instructions , that on a day by him appointed , they should fall to sacke euery one the Towne , whereinto they were sent . A barbarous and bloudy decree , 70 Citties confederate with the Roma●s ruined in one day , & no fewer then 150000 Epirots made and sold for slaues . This Country of Epirus was rent from the Constantinopolitane Empire by Amurath the second , and his son Mahomet . 4 ALBANIA . ALBANIA is bounded on the East with Macedonia , on the West with the Adriatique , on the North with Sclavonia ; on the South with Epirus . Here are the riuers Celidnus . 1 Laus . and 3 Baniasus . The chiefe Citties are 1 Albanopolis . 2 Sfetigrade , which held good for Scanderbeg against the Turke ; the Souldiers neither fainting in their oppositions , nor corrupted by money . There was in the Towne one only Well , into which a treacherous Christian cast a dead dog ; at the sight of which being the next day drawne vp , the Souldiers gaue vp the Towne : being so vnseasonably superstitious ; that no perswasion , nor the example of the Captaine , or the Burgo-masters , could make them drinke those ( as they thought them ) defiled waters . 3. Durazzo , a towne of great strength . It was first called Epidamnum and afterward Dyrachium . Vnder the walls of this Towne , was the first bickering betweene the Souldiers of Caesar & Pompey ; not only to the present losse ; but also the vtter discomfiture of Caesar , as he himselfe cōfessed ; if the enimies captain had known how to haue ouercome . I must not omit the valour of Sceva at this siege , who alone so long resisted . Pompeys army : he had 220 darts sticking in his shield ; and lost one of his eyes : 〈◊〉 C●sar came to his rescue . Parque novum fortuna videt concurrere , bellum Atque virum — densamque ferens in pectore silvam . Fortune beholds an vnaccustom'd sight , An army and a man together fight , Whose brest a wood of Arrowes couered quite . Croya , vnder whose walls Amurath the 2d gaue vp a wretched soule to the Diuell . This Country for the most part followed the fortune of Macedon , and Epirus ; together with which , it was taken by Amurath : from whom it was recouered by that worthy captaine George Castrio● , nick-named Scanderbeg , i. e. Great Alexander . He was a most warie & politick souldier , giuing a great checke to the Turkish victories , of which people it is recorded , that hee slew in severall battailes , 3000 with his owne hands : & hauing held the cards against two most fortunate gamesters , Amurath and Mahomet : he set vp his rest a winner . After his death and buriall , his body was digged vp by the Turkes ; and happy man was he that could get the smallest peece of his bones , to preserue as an inestimable Iewell : supposing that as long as he carried it about him , he should be alwaies invincible . 5 MACEDONIA . MACEDONIA is bounded on the East with Migd●nia , on the West with Albania ; on the North vvith Misia superior , on the South with Epirus and Achaia . It was called Hamonia , frō mount Hoemus : Aemathia , from a king of it called Aemathus : and Macedonia , from the King Macedo . Here is the fount P●mple , sacred to the Pierian Goddesses . The chief citties are 1 Scydra . 2 Andaristus . 3 Aedessa all midland townes . 4 Eribae● on Albania side now called Pr●ssae . 5 Pidna seated on the influx of the riuer Alaicmon into the bay called Sinus Thermaicus . In this Towne Cassander besieged , and by besiege tooke Olimpias the mother , Roxane the wife , and Hercules the heire apparant of great Alexander : all which he barbarously put to death . This cruelty he committed partly to revenge himselfe on Alexander , who had once strooke his head and the wall together ; & partly to cry quits with Olimpias , vvho had lately murdered K. Aridaeus , and Euridice his Queene , with whom Cassander is thought to haue beene ouer familiar . 6 Pella standing on the same shore , the birth place of the great Alexander , hence called Pellaeus Iuvenis . And 7 Syderocaspae , called of old Chrysiles , famous for her mines of gold and siluer : which are so rich , that the Turke receaueth hence monthly sometimes 18000 , sometimes 30000 crownes de claro . The Southerne part of Macedon is Thessalis , a fruitfull and pleasant Country . Here is the hill Olympus , on which Hercules instituted the Olympicke games in honour of Iupiter A.M. 2757 the exercises being meerely bodily , as running with Chariots , running on foot , wrastling , fighting with the whorlebats , & the like . The reward giuen to the Victor were onely Garlands of Pal●●e ; yet did the Greekes no lesse esteeme that small signe of conquest and honour , then the Romans did their most magnificent triumphes . The Iudges in these games were the Eleans , because in their Citty was the Temple and statua of Iupiter , surnamed Olympicus . After the death of Hercules these Games were discontinued for 430 yeares , at which time one Iphitus , warned so to doe by the Oracle of Apollo , renewed them ; causing them to be solemnly exercised euery fift yeare : from which custome Olympias is sometimes taken for the space of ● yeares ; as qu●●●●● annorum Olympiades , for 20 yeares . Varro reckneth the times before the stood to be obscure ; those before the Olympiads , and after the stood to be fabulous ; but those that followed these Olympiads to be historicall , and these Olympiades were of long time euen from the restauration of them by Iphitus vntill the reigne of the Emperour Theodosius ; the Grecian Epoche : from whence they reckoned their time . 2ly the hill Othris , where dwelt the Lapithae ouer whom Pirithous was K. 3ly The hills Pel●on and Ossa , about which the Centaures dwel● ; who m●nding to rauish Hippodame , the Bride of Pirithous , on the wedding day : were slaine by Hercules & the Lapithae . 4ly Here betweene the hills Olympus and Ossa , was situate the delectable vallie called Tompe ▪ extending in length fiue , in breadth 6 miles : so beautified with natures gifts , that it was supposed to be the Garden of the Muses . And 5ly , here liued the Mirmidones , over whom at the siege of Tr●y , Achilles was Captaine . They were a sparing and labotious kinde of people ; and were therefore ●ain●d by the Poets to haue beene Emmets , & transformed into men at the request of Aeacus , when he wanted Souldiers . — mores quos anto gerebant Nunc quoque habent parcum genus est patiensque laborum ; Quaesitique tenax ; & qu●d quaesita reserue● . The customes they of Emmets still retaine ; A sparing folke and vnto labour set ; Strangely addicted to all kinde of gaine ; And wary keepers of what ere they get . The chiefe Townes of Th●ssalie are 1 Tricca , whose Bishop Heliodorus , made that ingenious Poem of Theagenes , and Cariclia ; which is intituled The Aethiopique History ; and chose rather to loose his Bishopricke , then suffer his book , which a Provinciall Synode had iudged to the fire , to be burned . A Poem not so lasciuious as many guesse . Chast and honest loue is the subiect of this work ; not such as old or moderne Poets , in their Comoedies mention . Here is no incestuous mixture of father & daughter ; no pandarismes of old midwiues , no vnseemly action specified , where heat of blood and opportunity meet : nor in deed any one passage vnworthy the chastest eare . 2 Lamia where the Athenians after the death of Alexander , hoping to recouer their freedome , besieged Antipater . This war was called Bellum Lamiacum , and was the last honourable action , vndertaken by that great and renowned Citty . 3 Demetrias seated on Sinus Pelasgicus . 4 Larissa , situate South of Demetrias on the same bay , where Achilles was borne . 4 Pharsalis , nigh vnto which was that bloody battaile betweene Caesar & Pompey , for the Lordship of the vvorld . Caesar herein vvas conquerour . The victory vvas more famous then bloody , six thousand men only among 300000 , being slaine . Before the field vvas fought , the Pompeians vvere in such a miserable security , that some of them contended for the Priesthood , which vvas Caesars office : others disposed of the Consulships and offices in Rome ▪ Pompey himselfe being so retchlesse , that hee neuer considered into what place he were best retire , if he lost the day ; or by what meanes he might prouide for his safety , & raise new forces . As if the warre had beene made against some ignoble enimy , and not against Caesar ; who had taken 1000 Townes ; conquered 300 nations ; tooke prisoners one million of men , and slaine as many . In the same fields but somewhat nigher to the City of Philippi , was the like memorable conflict betweene Augustus and Antoni● on the one side ; and Brutus and Cassius on the other : these latter being by fortune rather then valour ouerthrowne . For either thinking the other vanquished , slew himselfe : these two being the last that euer openly stood for the common liberty ; or as Cordus in Tacitus calleth them , Vltimi Romanorum , The last of all the Romans . And 5 Pherae where Alexander the tyrant raigned ; against whom that notable Captaine Pelopidas fighting , was slaine . He was in the end murdered by his wiues brothers : all Thessalie by his death recouering liberty . Though Macedonia was neuer very famous , till the daies of King Philip and his sonne Alexander ; yet it shall not bee amisse to recite all the Kings , beginning at Caranaus son to Macedo , the Nephew of Deucalion . The Kings of Macedo . 3155 1 Caranaus 28 3182 2 Coenus 12. 3195 3 Tirmas 38 32●3 4 Perdiccas 51 3284 5 Argaens 38 3322 6 Philippus 38 3360 7 Europus 26 3386 8 Alcetas 29 3415 9 Amintas 50. 3565 10 Alexander 43 3508 11 Perdiccas 28. 3536 12 Arcbelaus 24 3560 13 Orestes 3. 3563 14 Archelaus 4. 3567 15 Pausanias 1. 3568 16 Amyntas 6. 3574 17 Argeus 1. 3575 18 Amyntas 19. 3594 19 Alexander . 1. 3595 20 Alorites 4 3599 21 Perdiccas 6 3605 22 Philip 24 3629 23 Alexander the Great . Of these 23 Kings , onely six are famous : viz : Caranaus the first King. He was originally of Argos ; and by an oracle commanded to lead a Colonie into this Country ; and to follow the first flocke of Cattell he saw before him . Being here arriued in a tempestuous stormy day , he espied a heard of Goates flying the fury of the weather . These Goates he persued vnto Aedessa , into which by reason of the darknesse of the ayre he entred vndiscouered ; wonne the towne , and in short space became Lord of all the country . 2ly P●rdiccas the fourth king , who at Aega built a buriall place for all his successours ; assuring the people that as long as their kings were there buried , his race should never fayle , and so it hapned . For the kingdome of Macedon after the death of Alexander the great , who was buried at Babylon , was translated to the sonnes of Antipater . 3 Europus , who in his infancy was carried in a cradle against the Illir●ans his enimies , and returned victorious . This the Macedons did , either because they thought they could not be beaten , their King being present ; or perswaded themselues , that there was none so void of honour , and compassion as to abandon an infant , no way able to saue himselfe from destruction , but by the valour and fidelity of his seruants . 4 Alexander the son of Amy●tas , famous for a noble exploit on the ●ersian Ambassadours ; who being sent from Megabizus , requested a view of the Macedon●an●adies ●adies . No sooner were they entred ; but petulantius eas P●●sis contrectantibus , &c. they were called back by this Alexander ; sending in their steeds , young springals maidenly attired : who vpon the like indignities offered , slew these effeminate Asians . After this he behaued himselfe so discreetly , that the Persian Monarch gaue him all Greece , between Hoemus and Olympus . 5 Philip father vnto Alexander , who subdued Peloponnesus , Achaia and Thrace , & was chosen Captain Generall of the Greeks against the Persians . No sooner had he begun this warre , but he was arrested by death , with a writ of habeas corpus . 6 Alexander the sonne of Philip , who recouered the greater part of Greece , which at his fathers death , flattered themselues with hope of liberty . He subdued Darius of Persia , Toxiles and Porus , kings of India : founded the Grecian Monarchie : and in the height of his victories , was poysoned by Cassander at Babylon ▪ After his death , his new-got Empire was much controverted ; he himselfe hauing bequeathed it to him whom the souldiers reputed most worthie : and they according to their seuerall affections , thought their seuerall Leaders best to deserue it . At last the title of King was by generall consent cast on Ari●aeus , a bastard of Philips : to whom Perdiccas was appointed protector : ( for Aridae●s was a little crazed in his braine ) and made Generall of all the Army . As for the Prouinces , they were assigned to the gouernment of the chiefe Captaines , as Aegypt and Cyrene to Ptol●mie ; Syria to Laomedon ; Cilicia to Philotas ; Media to Pytho ; Cappadocia to Eumenes ; Pamphilia , Lycia , and Phrygia maior , to Antigonus ; Caria to Cassander ; Lydia to Menander ; P●ntus and Phrygia minor to Leonatus ; Assyria to Seleucus ; Persis to Peucestes ; Thrace to Lysimachus ; and Macedonia to Antipater : the other parts of the Persian Empire being left in their hands , vnto whom Alexander in his life-time had entrusted them . This diuision continued long ; for Perdiccas being on●e sla●ne by Ptolomie & Eumenes , made away by Antigonus ; these two became quickly master of the rest ; Ptolomie adding Syria to Aegypt , and Antigonus bringing vnder his command not only all Asia Minor , but Assyria Media , and the rest of the Easterne parts of the Empire also . Antipater in the mean time succeeding Perdiccas in the Proctourship , died ▪ which advantage Olympias ( whom Antipater , extreamely hating her , had banished into Epirus ) taking , entred Macedonia , put to death Aridaeus and his wife Euridice , and proclaimed Hercules the sonne of Alexander , king ; but was not long after , together with her nephew and daughter , barbarously slaine by Cassander . The royall blood thus extinct , Antigonus took on himselfe the title of King : the like did Seleucus , who had now recouered all the Persian Prouinces beyond Euphrates : the like did Ptolomie in Egypt , and Cassander in Macedon . The second race of the Macedon Kings . 3648 1 Cassander , son vnto Antipater , supposed to haue bin the poisoner of Alexander , rooted out the blood royall of Macedon ; his reigne full of troubles & difficulties . 19 3667 2 Alexander & Antipater , sonnes to Cassander ; but not well agreeing , called vnto their aide Lysimachus , & Demetrius , by whom they were both in short time murdered . 4. 3671 3 Demetrius sonne to Antigonus the powerfull King of Asia , after he had in one battle against Seleucus , lost both his Father & all his Asian Dominions : settled himselfe in Macedon : but being there outed w●th Pyrrhus , he fled to Seleucus ▪ and with him died . 6. 3677 4 Pyrrhus King of Epirus , was by the souldiers voluntarily forsaking Demetrius , made King of Macedon : but after 7 moneths , the souldiers revolted to Lysimachus , as being a Macedonian borne . 3678 5 Lysimachus Gouernour of Thrace , being thus made King of Macedon , was in the end vanquished & slaine by Seleucus . 7 3685 6 Ceraunus son to Ptolomie of Egypt , hauing traiterously slain his friend and patron Seleucus , seazed on Macedon ; but lost it , together with his life vnto the Gaules , who after they had left Italy , plagued these countries . 2 3687 7 Antigonus Gonatas , son to Demetrius , was for his valour shewne in expulsing the Gaules , made King of Macedon : and though for a while he gaue way to Pyrrhus , then returning out of Italy , yet after Pyrrhus death , he againe recouered it . 36 3723 8 Demetrius , son to Antigonus , recouered the Kingdome of Macedon : which Alexander one of the sonnes of Pyrrhus , had taken from his father . 10. 3733 9 Antigonus Doson , left by Demetrius as Protectour to his yong son Philip , took vpō him the kingdome . He diuers times vanquished & crushed the Greekes , then beginning to cast off the Macedonian yoake . 3745 10 Philippus sonne to Demetrius . 3787 11 Perseus the sonne of Philip. These two were the subverters of the Kingdome of Macedon ; for they not onely molested the Aetolians and other Grecians , whom the Romans had taken into their patronage ; but sided with the Carthaginians against them : which they not able to endure , sent Paulus Aemilius with an Army to Macedon , to bring King Perseus to some conformity . The euent was answerable to the Roman fortune . Greece is made a Prouince of their Empire , and Perseus with a deiected countenance followeth the triumphant chariot of Aemilius , after he had reigned 11 yeares . From the Constantinopolitans , Macedon was wrested by Baiaz●t the first . 6 MIGDONIA . MIGDONIA hath on the East and South the Aegaean Sea ▪ on the North Thrace ; on the West Macedon , of which by many , this Country is reckoned a part . Here is the hill Athos , which is 75 miles in circuit , three dayes iourney in height , and casteth a shadow as farre as Lemnos , which is 40 miles distant . The chief cities are 1 Stagira ( now Nicalidi ) where the famous Philosopher Arist. was borne : a man so worthy , that Philip reioyced he had a sonne borne in his time . 2 Apollonia . 3 Pallene , sacred to the Muses . 4 Neapolis on the borders of Thrace . 5 Antigonia : and 6 Thessalonica , now called Salonichi , seated on the Sea ; to the people of which City , S. Paul writ two of his Epistles . It is a populous city , replenished with Christians , Turkes , & Iewes ; the last of which swarme here in such abundance , that in this towne and Constantinople only , are reckoned 160000 Iewes . Yet notwithstanding their multitude , they are not here only , but in all places where they abide , not only contemned , but hated ; and at euery Easter in danger of death . For if they stirre out of doores between Maunday Thursday at noone , and Easter Eue at night , the Christians among whom they dwell , will stone them ; because at that time they crucified our Sauiour , derided , and buffetted him . This Prouince hath alwayes followed the fortune of Macedon . 7 THRACE . THRACE hath on the East Pontus Euxinus , Propontis , and Hellespont ; on the West Macedon , on the North the hill Haemus , on the South the Aegaean Sea. The people are very bold & valiant , and called by some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because euery man was a law to himselfe . So that it was truely said by Herodotus , that if they had either bin all of one mind , or vnder one king , they had bin invincible . The Country of it selfe is neither of a rich soyle , or pleasant aire : the corne & other seeds , by reason of the coldnes of the Climate , leasurely ripening● the Vines yeelding more shade , then iuyce ; the trees more leaues then fruit . The men were more couragious , then comely , wearing cloathes according to their conditions , ragged and vnseemly . The married women were in loue to their husbands so constant , that they willingly sacrificed themselues at their funerals . The Virgins were bestowed not by their own parents , but the common Fathers of the cities . Such as brought neither beauty nor vertue for their dowre , were put off according to their money , most times sold , as other cattle , in the markets . Of the soules immortality they had all such a rude certainty , and of lifes miseries so knowne experience , that saith mine Author , Lugentur puerperia , natique deflentur ; funera contra festa sunt , & veluti sacra cantu lus●que celebrantur . Such were the old Thracians . Here liued the Tyrant Polymnestor , who villanously murdred Polydorus a yonger son of Priamus ; for which fact Hecuba the yong Princes mother scratched him to death . Here liued the Tyrant Tereus , of whom before in Phocis : and Diomedes , who vsing to feed his horses with mans flesh , was slain by Hercules , and cast vnto his horses . And here raigned King Cotis , whom I mention not as a Tyrant , but propose as a patterne of rare temper , both in mastering and preuenting passion . For when a neighbor Prince had sent him a present , of accurately wrought , and purely mettall'd Glasses ; he ( hauing dispatched the messenger with all the due complements of Maiesty and gratitude ) broke them all to pieces ; lest if by mishap , any of his seruants doing the like , might stirre him to an intemperate choller . This Country fell into the hands of Philip of Macedon , by a strife between two brothers for the kingdome , who after many acts of hostility , at last appealed to this Philip ; and he making his best advantage out of their disagreement , seazed on it to his own vse . The chiefe Townes are Sestos on the Hellespont , iust ouer against Abydos of Asia ; places famous for the loue of Hero and Leandor . 2 Abdera the birth-place of Democritus , who spent his life in laughing . 3 Po●idea , of old a colonie of the Athenians , from whom it revolted , & submitted to Corinth . But the people of Athens not enduring this affront , beleagured it , and after a two yeares siege by composition , took it ; hauing spent in its recouery two thousand talents . 4 Cardia seated in the Thracian Chersonese , which being a Peninsula , a butting iust ouer against Troas in Asia side , is now called St Georges arme . This Cardia is seated on the Westerne side of it , opposite to the I le of Lemnos ; and was the birth-place of Eumenes , who being a poore Ca●riers son , attained to such ability in the art of warre : that after the death of Alexander the Great , vnder whom he serued , he seazed on the prouinces of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia : and siding ( though a stranger to Macedon ) with Olympias and the blood royall , against the Greeke Captaines ; vanquished & slew Craterus , and diuerse times draue Antigonus ( afterward Lord of Asia ) out of the field : but being by his own souldiers betraied , he was by them deliuered to Antigonus , and by him slain . 5 Lys●●achia on the sea shore , built by Lysimachus , who after Alexanders death , layed hand on this Country . 6 Callipolis , situate on the Northerne promontorie of the Chersonesse , the first town that euer the Turkes had in Europe , it being surprised by Solyman , son to Orchanes , Anno 1358. 7 Traianopolis , founded by Traian 8 Adrianople built by Adrian the Emperour , and added to the Empire of the Turkes by Baiazet 1362. It was from the first taking of it , the seat of the Turkish Kings , vntill Mahomet the Great by the disunion of Christendome , forced Constantinople , and transferred the seat to that city . 9 Pera , of old Galata , a Town of the Genowaies : It was taken by Mahomet the Great , Anno 1453 : in which yeare he brought such a reckoning before Constantinople , that she not able to discharge her score , forfaited her liberty . 10 Constantinople is seated in a commodious place for an Empire , ouer-looking Europe and Asia ; & commanding the Euxine Sea , Propontis , and Hellespont . It is in compasse 18 miles , in which compasse are comprehended 700000 liuing soules : yet certainly it would be more populous , if the plague like a Tertian ague , did not so rage amongst them euery third yeare . It was built by Pausanias a Lacedaemonian Captaine , 663 yeares before Christs appearing in the flesh ; and was by him called Bizantium : It was of wonderfull strength at the beginning of the Roman Empire . The wals were of a iust height , euery stone being cemented together with brasse couplets , that the whole wall seemed to be but one entire stone : neither wanted there turrets , bulwarkes , and other fortifications ▪ This City sided with Niger against Severus , and held out a siege of three yeares , against almost all the forces of the world . During this time they endured such want of sustenance , that men meeting in the streetes , would ( as it were ) with ioint consent , draw and fight , the victor still eating the vanquished : For want of artillery to discharge on the assailants , they flung at them whole Statua's made of brasse ; and the like curious Imagery . Houses they plucked down to get timber for shipping ; the hair of their women they cut off , to inch out their tacklings : and hauing thus patched vp a Navy of 500 saile , they lost it all in one tempest . When they had yeelded , the Conqueror hauing put to the sword the chief of the Nobles , and giuen the rest as a spoyle to the souldiers , dismantled the Town , & left it almost in rubbish : yet there appeared such signes of beauty & strength in the very ruines , V● mireris an eorum quip●imi extruxerunt , vel horum qui deinceps sunt demoliti , vires sint praestantiores . Afterwards it was reedified by Constantine the Great , who made it the seat of his Empire , and thus named it , Anno 315. He adorned also this City with magnificent buildings , with curious statues , and the like ornaments : which he hither transported from Rome : which City he spoyled of more ancient and costly monuments , then any twenty of his predecessours had brought thither . At this day the chief buildings are the Turkes Seraglio , and the Temple of Saint Sophia , which as they differ not much in place and situation , so as little in magnificence and state . The Temple of St Sophia , was , if not built , yet reedified by the Emperour Iustinian . It is built of an ovall forme , surrounded with pillars of admirable workmanship , adorned with spacious and beautifull galleries , roofed all ouer with Mosaique worke , and vaulted vnderneath very strongly for the fabrick , and pleasing for the eye . The doores are very curiously wrought , and plated ; one of which by the superstitious people is thought to haue bin made of the planks of Noahs Arke : and yet this Temple is litle more then the Chancell of the ancient Church , which contained in length 260 foot , and 180 in height ; and to our Saint Pauls in London , may seeme for the bignes to haue bin but a chappell of ease . It is now a Turkish Mosquo , and ioyneth close to the Seraglio , which is diuided from the rest of the City by a lofty wall 3 miles in circuit . It was first built by the Emperour Iustinus , and hath bin by the Ottomans much enlarged ; the buildings yeelding to those of France , and Italy , for contriuement : but farre surpassing them for cost and curiousnesse . It conteineth 3 Courts one within the other , very pleasing both for exercise and recreation . The Constantinopolitan Emperours . 310 1 Constantinus . M. 31 341 2 Constans 14 355 3 Constantius 4 Iulianus Apostata . 5 Iovinianus . 368 6 Valentinian 12 368 6 Valens 12 380 7 Gratianus 3 380 7 Valentin II 3 383 8 Theodosius , he diuided the Empire twixt Honorius , and 399 9 Arcadius his sons . 412 10 Theod●sius II 42 454 11 Martianus 7 461 12 Leo 17 478 13 Zeno 17 494 14 Anastasius , in whose time Constantinople suffered great harme by the Scythians : till Proclus a famous Mathematician , like another Archimedes , with artificiall Glasses did fire 3000 of their Gallies . 521 15 Iustinus 7 528 16 Iustinianus 38 566 17 Fl. Val. Iustinus 12 577 18 Tib. Constantinus 7 584 19 Mauritius 20 604 20 Phocas , who made the Bishops of Rome Popes , & heads of the Church . 611 21 Heraclius 30 641 22 Constantinus 1 642 23 Constans 27 670 24 Constant. Pogon . 17 687 25 Iustinianus II 10 697 26 Leontius 3 700 27 Absimarus 7 713 28 Philippus Bard 2 715 29 Anastasius II 2 717 30 Theodosius 1 718 31 Leo Isauricus . In his time Caliph Zulciman besieged Constantinople , the space of 3 yeares : and when by cold and famine , 300000 of them were slaine , they desisted . At this siege was that fire invented , which we for the violence of it , call wild fire , & the Latines , because the Greeks were the Authors of it , Graecus ignis : by which the Saracen ships were not a little molested . 741 32 Constantinus Copronymus 35 777 33 Leo IV. 5 782 34 Irene , in whose time the Empire was diuided into the East and the West . For the Popes knowing their greatnes to grow out of the ruines of the temporall power , committed the Empire of the West vnto the French Princes ; whereby the Greeke Emperours became much weakned ; and the French being the Popes creatures , were in tract of time at their devotion . When Fredericke Barbarossa was by Pope Alexander 3d pronounced non-Emperour Emanuel of Constantinople sued for a re-vnion of the Empires : but the crafty Pope returned this answere , Non licere illi ea coniu●gere , quae maiores eius de industria disi●nxerunt ; Let no man presume to ioyne , what the god of Rome , the Pope , hath put asunder . 803 35 Nicephorus 9 812 36 Mich. Curoplates 2 814 37 Leo Armenus 8 821 38 Mich. Ba●bus 9 830 39 Theophilus 15 845 40 Michael III 24 869 41 Basilius Macedo 17 886 42 Leo Phil●sophus 17 904 43 Alexander 2 906 44 Constantinus 39 945 45 Romanus 16 961 46 Niceph. Phocas 10 971 47 Ioan. Zimisces 6 977 48 Basil●us Porphyr . 1027 49 Constantinus 3 1030 50 Romanus Arg. 5 1035 51 Michael Paph . 7 1042 52 Michael Calaph . 53 Zoe . 54 Constant. Mon. 12 55 Theodora . 56 Mich Stratioticus . 1059 57 Isacius Comnen . 4 1063 58 Co●st . Ducas 7 1071 59 Roman . Diog 4 1075 60 Mich. Parapinat . 6 1081 61 Niceph. Botoniates 1084 62 Alexius Comn . 33 1117 63 Calo Iohannes 25 1141 64 Manuel Comn . 38 1180 65 Alexius Comn . 3 1183 66 Andronicus Com. 2 118● 67 Isacius Angelus 16 68 Alexius Ang. 69 Alexius Iunior , the sonne of Isaacus Angelus ; who being vniustly thrust out of his Empire by his Vncle Alexius , fled to Philip the Westerne Emperour his father-in-law ; who so preuailed with Pope Innocent 3d , that the Army prepared for the Holy land , was sent into Greece to restore young Alexius . Vpon approach of this Army , Alexius the vsurper fled ; Alexius the true Prince is seated in the Throne ; & not long after is slain by Alexius Ducas . To revenge this villany ▪ the La●●nes assault and winne Constantinople ; they create Baldwin Earle of Flanders Emperour ; and allot to the Genoys , Pera ; to the Venetians many Townes in Morea , with many Ilands in the Sea ; and to other associats , other portions ▪ 1200 70 Baldwin 2 1202 71 Henry 13 1215 72 Peter 5 1220 73 Robert 7 1227 74 Baldwin II. 33. during whose life , the Grecians recouered their Empire , by the valour and fortune of Michael Paleologus ; when it had bin in possession of the Latines 60 yeares 1260 75 Michael Paleologus 35 1295 76 Andronicus Paleologus 2● 1325 77 Andronicus Iunior 29 1354 78 Iohn Palcologus 31 1387 79 Emanuel Paleologus 34 1421 80 Iohn Paleologus 23 1444 81 Constantinus Paleologus , in whose time the famous City and Empire of Constantinople was taken by Mahomet the Great 1453. Concerning this Empire wee may obserue some fatall contrarieties in one & the same name : as first Philip the father of Alexander , laid the first foundation of the Macedonian Monarchie ; and Philip the father of Perse●s r●ined it . Secondly , Baldwin was the first , and Baldwin the last Emperour of the Latines , in Constantinople . Thirdly , this town was built by a Constantine , the son of a Helena , a Gregory being Patriarch ; and was lost by a Constantine , the sonne of a Helena , a Gregory being also Patriarch . And fourthly , the Turkes haue a prophecie , that as it was wonne by a Mahomet , so it shal be lost by a Mahomet . So Augustus was the first established Emperour of Rome , and Augustulus the last : Darius the sonne of Histaspes the restorer , and Darius the sonne of A●samis the ouerthrower o● the Persian Monarchie . A like note I shall anon tell you of Hierusalem , in the mean time I will present you with a fatall obseruation on this letter H , as I find it thus versed in Albions England . Not superstitiously I speake , but H this letter still , Hath bin obserued ominous to Englands good or ill . First Hercules , Hesion● , and Hele● were the cause Of warre to Troy ; Aeneas seed becomming so outlawes . Humbar the Hunn with forrein armes did first the Brutes invade . Helen to Romes imperiall Throne , the British Crowne conveide . Hengist and Horsus first did plant the Saxons in this I le , Hungar and Hubba first brought Danes that swayed here long while . At Harold had the Saxon end ; at Hardie Cnute , the Dane ; Henries the first and second did restore the English raigne . Fourth Henrie first for Lancaster did Englands Crowne obtaine . Seauenth Henrie , jarring Lancaster and Yorke , vnites in peace , Henry the eight did happily Romes irreligion cease . A strange and ominous letter ; euery mutation in our state being as it were vshered in by it . What were the revenues of this Empire since the diuision of it into the East and West , I could neuer yet learne . That they were exceeding great , may appeare by three circumstances . 1 Zonaras reporteth that the Emperour Basilius had in his treasury 200000 talents of gold , besides infinite heapes of siluer & other moneyes . 2ly Lipsius relateth how Beniamin a Iew , in his discourse of Europe , saith that the customes due to the Emperor , out of the victuals and merchandise sold at Constantinople onely , did amount to 20000 Crownes daily . 3ly we find that at the sacke of Constantinople , there was found an invaluable masse of gold , siluer plate , and Iewels , besides that which was hid in the earth . For so the couetous Citizens chose rather to imploy their wealth , then afford any part of it to the Emperour , who with teares in his eyes , went from doore to doore to beg or borrow money , wherewith he might wage more souldiers for the defence of the Town . The Armes of the Empire are Mars , a crosse Sol , betweene foure Greek Beta's of the second ; the foure Beta's signifying , ( as Bodin saith ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Expectation may perchance wait here , for a historicall relation of the nature of the Turkes ; their customes , forces , policies , originall , & proceedings : the discourse whereof we will de●erre till we come to Turcomania , a Prouince of Armenia , frō whence this populous Nation first made their inundations ; like to some vnresistable torrent , into Persia , and the other parts of the World , now subiect vnto their imperious fury . And though the Peninsula , called Tauri●a Chersonesus , or Tartaria Precopensis ▪ be within the bounds of Europe : yet we wil deferre the description of it , till we come to speak in generall of the Tartars ; and will now speedily saile about the Grecian Seas , and discouer their Ilands . Thus much of Greece . THE GRECIAN ILES . HAuing discoursed of the Continent , & its particular kingdomes ; we will say somewhat also of the Sea , & its particular Iles : which lye dispersed either in the Grecian , 2 Cretan , 3 Ionian , 4 Adriatique , 5 Mediterranean , 6 Brittish , or 7 Northerne Seas ; and first of such as are about the coasts of Greece . The first Sea which offreth it self vnto vs , is Palus Maeotis , so called of the Maeotae , who formerly inhabited about the banks of it . It is nourisht by the riuer Phasis , Tanais , & infinit others , & aboundeth with a kind of fish , which the ancients called Maeotides . The present name of this Sea , is Mar di la Tana , & hath in it no Iland of note . Hence the Sea going Southward , is brought into a narrow streight , called Bosphorus Cimmerius , from the Cimmerij who here dwelt : of no great bredth , in that oxen haue swomme ouer it , and in length about 27 miles . This streight openeth into Pontus Euxinus . Pontus Euxinus is in compasse 2700 miles , and was first called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the inhospitablenesse of the neighbouring people , which being brought to some conformity , caused the sea to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is now called Mare Maggiore for its greatnes : and the Blacke Sea , because of the darke mists thence arising . Others not improbably affirme , that it is called the Blacke sea , from the dangerous and black shipwrackes here happening : For it is a very dangerous shore , full of rocks and sands : and for this cause there is on the top of an high towre , a lantherne , in which there is a great panne full of pitch , rozen , tallow , and the like , in dark nights continually burning , to giue warning to marriners , how neere they approach the shore . This Sea being the biggest of all these parts , gaue occasion to them which knew no bigger , to call all Sea a by the name of Pontus , as Ovid , Omnia pontus erant ; deerant quoque littora ponto : and in another place of the same Poet , — Nil nisi pontus & aër ; a better reason doubtlesse of the name , then that of the Etymologists , Pontus quia ponte caret . Of this sea the chiefe Iles are 1 Thinnius , and Erithinnus , little famous . The Sea bending Southward , is coarctated into narrow bounds , not being fully a mile broad ; and called Thracius Bosphorus : Thracius for its site nigh Thrace ; and Bosphorus for that Oxen haue swomme ouer it . It hath no Iland worth naming . This straight hauing continued 20 miles in length , openeth it selfe into the Propontis 330 miles in compasse , now called Mare di Marmora , from the Iland Marmora : which formerly called Proconesus , hath for its abundance of Marble , purchased this new name . The Sea hauing gathered hir waters into a lesser Channell , is called Hellespont ; from Helle , daughter to Athamas King of Thebes , who was here drowned . Ouer thi● straight , Xerxes did make a bridge of boats to passe into Greece ; which when a suddain tempest had shrewdly battered , he caused the Sea to be beaten with 300 stripes , & cast a paire of fetters into it , to make it know to whom it was subiect . Xerxes in this expedition wafted ouer an Army consisting of two millions and 164610 fighting men , in no lesse then 2208 bottomes of all so●ts . When all the Persians soothed the King in the vnconquerablenesse of his forces , Artabanus told him , that he feared no enemies but the Sea and the Earth ; the one yeelding no safe harbour for such a Navie ; the other not yeelding sufficient sustenance for so multitudinous an Armie . His returne ouer this Hellespont was as deiected , as his passage magnificent ; his fleet was broken by the valour of the Greekes , and the fury of the sea ; so that for his more speedy flight , he was compelled to make vse of a poore fisher boat . Neither yet was his passage secure : the boat being ouer-burdened , had sunke all , if the Persians by casting away themselues , had not saued the life of their King : The losse of which noble spirits so vexed him , that hauing giuen the Steeresm●n a golden Coronet for preseruing his own life , he commanded him to execution , as a coauthor of the death of his seruants . It is now called the castles , or the sea of the two castles ; which two castles stand one on Europe , the other on Asia side ; in the same places where once stood Sestos and Abydos . These castles are exceeding well built , and abundantly furnished with munition . They search and examine all shippes that passe that way : they receiue the Grand Signieurs customes ; and are in effect the principall strength of Constantinople . At these castles all shippes must stay three dayes ; to the end , that if any slaue be runne away from his master , or theeues haue stollen any thing , they may be in that space pursued and apprehended . In this Hellespont is the Iland Tenedos , on Asia side . It is in compasse ten miles , and was so called from one Tenes , who abhorring the lasciuious intreaties of his mother , was by her command cast into the Sea , fast locked in a Chest ; and here most miraculously deliuered , as Strabo writeth : Insula diues opum , Priami dum regna manebant . An Iland rich , full of delight , When Priams kingdome stood vpright . Hellespont after a fourty miles course , expatiateth its waters in the Aegaean Sea ; so called either from Aegaeus the father of Theseus , who misdoubting his sonnes safe returne from the Minotaure of Crete , here drowned himselfe : or 2ly from Aege once a principall City in the prime Iland Euboea ; or 3ly because that the Ilands lie scattered vp and down like the leapes of a wanton Goate , in Greek called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The chiefe Ilands are 1 Samothracia . 2 Lemnos . 3 Lesbos . 4 Chris. 5 Euboen 6 Scyros . 7 Salamis . 8 the Sporades , and 9 the Cyclades . 1 SAMOTHRACIA . SAMOTHRACIA is a small Iland , and little famous : only proud in this , that Pythagoras that diuine Philosopher , and Samo one of the Sybils , were here borne . Here also was Iuno by the Poets fained to haue bin borne , because Iuno allegorically signifieth the Aire , which is here most cleare and pure . The chief town is Samia , beautified with a goodly harbour , but now by the pyrats often infesting these seas , almost left desolate . 2 LEMNOS . LEMNOS containeth in circuit 100 miles . The chief citty was Hephestia , where Vulcan was adored , who being but a homely brat , was by Iuno cast down hither , and so no maruaile if he haue got a halting . Here is digged the soueraigne minerall against infections , called Terra Lemnia , and Sigillata . The former name proceedeth from the Iland : the latter is in force , because the earth made into little pellets , is sealed with a Turkish Character or signet , and so dispersed ouer Christendome . It was once called also Diospolis from the two chief cities herein , of which the first was Hephestia aboue-named , now altogether decayed : the 2d Lemnos or Myrina , yet continuing , though with no great lustre . The Country is plaine , is compared with the adjacent Ilands , the Westerne parts dry and barren , the East more fat and fruitfull . It containeth in all 75 Villages , inhabited by the Greekes all except three , which are fortified by the Turkes ; who being Lords of the whole Iland , call it by a new name , Stalimene . 3 LESBOS . LESBOS on the Asian side , containeth in compasse 168 miles : the South and West parts being but mountainous and barren , the rest leuell and fruitfull . The chiefe cities are Erissus . 2 Methimna , and 3 Mitilene . The former is of little estimation , the two latter took name from the two daughters of Macarios ; the elder of which Mitilene was married to Lesbos ( the son of Lapithus ) of whom the whole Iland took denomination . This town in the Peloponnesian warre , wherein all the States of Greece banded against Athens , revolted from the party of that City , and was by Paches an Athenian Captain , so straitly besieged , that the people submitted to his mercy . Paches sent to the Councell of Athens , to know in what sort he should deal with the vanquisht M●tilenians ; who commanded him to put them all to the sword . But on the morrow after , repenting this cruell sentence , they sent a countermand . These later messengers made no stay , but eating with one hand , and towing with the other , they came to Mitilene iust as Paches was reading the former decree . So neere were these miserable people to a fatall & finall destruction . In the general mutation of soueraignties , this Iland followed the fortune of the Roman and Greeke Emperours ; till Ca●o Iohannes in the yeare 1355 , gaue it to Catalusius a Nobleman of Genoa , in dowrie with his sister . His posterity inioyed it ▪ till M●homet the Great seazed on it , Anno 1462. In this Iland were borne Sappho an heroick woman , whose invention was the Sapphick verse , and is therefore called the tenth Muse : 2 Pittacus one of the wise men of Greece ; 3 Theophrastus that notable Physitian and Philosopher ; 4 Arion , who was so expert on his Harpe , that being cast into the sea , playing on that instrument , a Dolphin took him on his back , and carried him to the shore . And , Alcaeus the successour of Orpheus in the excellencie of Lyricall poesie . 4 CHIOS . CHIOS 125 miles in circuit , took denomination , as some say , of a certain Nymph called Chious ; as others coniecture frō 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nix . At this day this Iland onely beareth that sweet gum , which Apothecaries call mastick , which in the month of Iuly & August , the people force out of the trees , by making with their sharp instruments , deep incisions into the barkes of them ; out of which the iuyce dropping , is afterward hardned like to a gumme , and in September following gathered . Others think this Iland to be so named from Chio the chiefe City : the people of which were once Lords of the Sea , maintaining a Navie of 80 shippes . It tooke the name of Chios , in that it was built after the fashion or likenesse of the Greeke letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , euen as that part of Egypt , which lieth between the two extreme channels of Nilus , is called Delta ; because it resembleth that letter reversed . This town is one of the 7 which contended for Homers birth , whose sepulcher the Chians say , is yet to be seene in an old castle on the hill H●lias . It is now called Sio . In this Iland there are infinite store of partridges , which are of a red colour ; They are kept tame , and fed in flocks like geese , in the streetes & greens warths of the villages : some little boy or girle driuing them to field , & with a whistle calling thē home again . The most excellēt wines of all Greece are made in this Country , called Vina Chia . The people of this Country were successiuely subiect to the Roman and Greeke Princes , till Andronicus Paleologus gaue them and their I le to the Iustinians , a family of Genoa ; from whence it was taken by Solyman the Magnificen , on Easter day , 1566. 5 EVBOEA . EVBOEA is situate on Europe side , ouer against Ch●os . It hath bin knowne by the diuers names of Abantis , Macris , Euboea , now Negropont , and is in compasse 365 miles . It is in fertility parallell to Achaia ; from which it was once rent by an Earthquake ; so that between the Iland and Continent is onely a little Euripus ; which ebbeth and floweth seuen times in one day : the reason of which when Aristotle could not finde , it is said that he threw himself into the Sea , with these words : Quia ego non capio te , tu capias me . In this Iland is the Promontory Capareus , where Nauplius the father of Palamedes , placed his false fires , to the destruction of so ma●y Greekes . For vnderstanding how his son Palamedes , whom he deemed to haue beene slain by the hand of Paris , was treacherously circumvented by the policy of Vlysses and Diomedes ; he conceiued such a displeasure against the whole hoast of the Grecians , that he intended their generall destructiō . To this end he caused fires to be made on the tops of the most dangerous and vnaccessible rocks in this whole Iland ; which the Greekes taking ( according to the custome of the time ) to haue bin the markes of some safe hauen , made thitherward , and were there miserably cast away , there perishing 200 shippes , and many thousand men . But when Nauplius vnderstood how Diomedes and Vlysses , whose ruine he principally intended , were escaped ; he drowned him for very vexation , in this very same place . Palamedes this Na●plius son , is said to haue invented foure of the Greeke letters , viz : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to haue first instituted sentinels in an Armie , & to haue bin the inventor of watch-words . The chief cities of Euboea are 1 Chalcis , situate iust against the Continent , to which it was once ioyned by a bridge . This town when it was in the hands of the Kings of Macedon , t●gether with Demetrias in Thessalie , and the castle of Acro-Corinthus , nigh vnto Corinth , were called the setters of Greece ; insomuch that when the Roman Senate commanded Philip the father of Perseus to set the Grecians at liberty ; the Grecians made answere , that in vaine was their liberty restored thē , vnlesse these 3 towns were first dismantled . This Chalcis was taken from the Venetians by the Turkes , and toge●her with it the whole Iland , Anno 1451. The second own is Euboea , or Negroponte , 3 Caristia . The principall riuers are Cireus , and Nileus ; if a sheepe drink of the former , his wooll turneth white ; if of the latter , coale black , as Strabo relateth . 6 SCYROS . SCYROS is famous for the birth of Neoptolimus , or Pyrrhus ; and in that it was the lurking-place of Achilles : For his m●ther being by an Oracle forewarned , that he should be slain in the Troian warre , sent him , now well growne , to Lycomedes King of this Iland ; where in womans attire he was brought vp amon●st the Kings daughters , and deemed a maiden , till by the getting of Pyrrhus on Deidamia the Kings daughter , it was prooued to be otherwise ; and he by Vlysses was compelled to accompany the other Grecians to the warre . 7 SALAMIS . SALAMIS is night vnto Megaris , famous for the ouerthrow of the populous Navy of Xerxes , by the Athenians and their confederats . What was the nūber of the soldiers & gallies of the Persian side , hath already bin declared . The Grecian fleete consisted of 270 vessels , whereof 127 were rigged & set foorth at the charge of the Athenians only ; the rest by the associates . Yet was the admiralty committed to Euribiades ● Lacedaemonian ; the Athenians preferring the maine care of the common safety , before an vnseasonable contention for priority . The Spartans seeing the inequality of forces , intended not to haue hazarded the battail ; but with full saile to haue retired to Peloponnesus , into which Country the Persians had made incursions : respecting more the welfare of their own Country yet defensible , then the desperate estate of Attica . This designe was by Themistocles ( as carefull for the state of Athens , as they for Sparta ) signified to Xerxes : who getting betweene them and home , compelled them to a necessity of fighting : But to his own ruine . For in the conflict , more then 200 of his ships were sunk , and most of the rest taken ; the confederats hauing lost of their Navy forty only . Between the Athenians and Megarenses , were many contentions for this Iland . 8 SPORADES . The SPORADES so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Spargo , because they are so scattered and dispersed about the Sea , are in n●mber 12. The princ●pall are 1 Melos a Con●to● , 3 A●●●e , and of these , Melos is of most note , , which is now called Mi●o , and took its first name for its abundance of honey . It is in forme round , and containeth 80 miles in circuite . The soyle is fruitfull sufficiently of graine and oyles , deficient only in wine . Here is good store of marble , curiously spotted , and no small store of milstones . Here is also great quantity of pitch and brimstone , and some sulphury or hot springs , good for many diseases . 9 The CYCLADES . The CYCLADES , so called because they lie in a circle round about Delos , are in number 53. They are also called the Ilands of the Arches , because they are in the sea called Archipelago . They stand so close together , that in a cleare day a man may see 20 of them at a time : for which cause it is with good reason accoūted to be a dangerous place for sailers in a storme . The chiefe of these Cyclades , are 1 Delos quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying apparant ; because when all the earth had abiured the receipt of Latona , at the request of Iuno : this Iland then vnder water , was by Iupiter erected aloft , and fixt to receiue her ; and in it was she deliuered of Apollo and D●ana . — Erratica Delos Errantem accepit , tunc cùm le vis insula nabat : Illic incumbens sub Paelladis arbore palma , Edidit invita , Geminos , Latona , noverca . Vnsettled Delos floating on the waue A little Iland , entertainment gaue To wandring Laton ; spight of Iuno's head , Vnder Minerua's palme-tree brought to bed . Notable also is this Iland for the temple of Apollo , & a custome neither permitting men to die , or children to be borne in it : but sending sicke men , and great bellied women to Rhena , a small Iland , and not much distant . 2 Samos , where the Tyrant Polystates liu'd , so fortunate , as he neuer had any mischance . That he therefore might haue some misfortune , he cast a ring which he much esteemed , into the sea ; which after he had found in the belly of a fish brought to his table , he was by Orontes a Persian brought to a miserable death : Leauing vs an example , that fortune certaine in nothing but incertainties ; like a Bee with a sharpe sting , hath alwayes some misery following a long concarination of felicities . 3 Coos ( now Lange ) where Hippocrates was borne , who reviued Physick , then almost lost . Here was Aesculapius worshipped , hauing his Temples and Altars , as vnto whom this Iland was dedicated . In this Temple stood the picture of Venus naked , as if new rising out of the Sea ; made by Apelles , who was borne in this Iland ; and who at the drawing thereof assembled all the beautifull women of this Country , comprehending in that one peece all their particular perfections . The chiefe town Coos is inhabited by Turkes onely , the villages by Grecians . 4 Patmos , where S. Iohn the Diuine did write his Reuelation , being confined hither by Domitian . His hand the Greeke Priests affirme to be reserued in the principall Monasterie hereof ; and that the nailes thereof being cut , doe grow againe . The Iland is very harborous , by which meanes onely , the people liue ; for the country is of it selfe so barren , that it affoordes nothing almost fit for sustenance . 5 Giaros a little Iland , into which the Romans vsed to banish delinquents : hence that of Iuvenal , Aude aliquid brevibus Gyaris , vel carcere dignum , Si vis esse aliquid ; probitas landatur & alget . If thou intendst to thriue , doe what deserues Short Gyaros or Giues : prais'd vertue sterues . These Ilands lye part in Asia , part in Europe , all in the Iear●an Sea ; so called from Icarus , who flying from Creet , and not following his father Dedalus directly , was here drowned . Dum petit infirmis nimium sublimia pennis Icarus , Icarijs nomina fecit aquis . Whilst Icarus weake wings too high did soare , He fell , and christned the Icarian shoare . The other Ilands dispersed about the Greekish Seas , and yeelding nothing worthy of relation , I purposely omit : only this I obserue , that most of the 69 Kings which went with Agamemnon to the siege of Troy , were kings only of these small Ilands ; and so I passe to the Ilands in the Cretan seas , the chief of which is Creta . Thus much of the Grecian Ilands . CRETA . CRETA is situate in the mouth of the Aegaean Sea , it is in compasse 590 miles , in length 270 , in bredth 50 miles . The soyle is very fruitfull , especially of wines , which we call Muscadels : of which they transport yearely 12000 butts , together with Sugar Candie , Gummes , Hony , Sugar , Oliues , Dates , Apples , Orenges , Lemmons , Raisins , Mellons , Citrons , Pomgranats ; yet , as other countries of the like hot nature , it is not a li●le deficient in corne , the most or greatest part of which is yearely brought hither from Peloponnesus . The Iland is very populous , insomuch that it is thought that vpon any sudden occasion , the Signeurie of Venice can raise in it 60000 men able to beare armes . The people haue formerly bin good sea-faring men ; a vertue commaculated with many vices , which they yet retaine ; as envy , malice , and lying ; to which last they were so addicted , that an horrible lye was termed Cretense mendacium . This fault was aymed at by Epimenides , whose words are cited by Saint Paul to Titus , Chap. 1. Vers. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Cretans are liers , euill beasts , slow bellies . To which let me adde this prouerbe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that is , there are three nations whose names beginne with K , worse then other , viz : Cretans , Cappadocians , Cilicians . The Cretans speake promiscuously the Greeke and Latine tongues , and follow the Greeke and Latine Churches . The chiefe riuers are Melipotomos , 2 Epici●inus , 3 Scasinus , 4 Catarachus . None of them deep or commodious for shipping ; yet for her many harbours , and convenient situation , nigh both to Europe , Africa , and Asia : the great Philosopher termed her The Lady of the Sea. For it is distant from the lesser Asia 100 miles , as many from Peloponnesus ; and 150 from Africa ; so that it seemeth to be seated in the middle of the Mediterranean , and that according to Virgil , Creta Iovis magni medio iacet insula ponto . Ioues birth-place Crete , a 〈◊〉 l●nd , I' th middle of of the sea doth stand . By this conveniencie of situation , they became ( as we haue said ) excellēt seafaring men ; insomuch , that when the people of those times vsed to taxe an vnlikely report , they would say , Cretensis neseit pelagus ; it is as improbable , as for a Cretan to be no sailer . Here are three marueilous things in this Iland . First , it breedeth no venemous wormes , or hurtfull creature . 2 If a woman bite a man any thing hard he will neuer recouer . 3 They haue an ●earbe called Allimos , which if one chaw in his mouth , he shall feele no hunger that day . The chiefe Cities of old were Gnossus , where Minos kept his Court. 2 Cydonia . 3. Cortyna , nigh vnto which was the Labyrinth made by Dedalus , to include the Minotaure : which was afterward killed by Theseus , and 4 Aphra . All these haue now resigned priority to Candie the Metropolis , much inhabited by the Venetians . 2 Cunea . 3 Rhetimo , and 4 Sittia . This Country was once called Hecatompolis , for that it had in it an hundred Cities ; after the Creta , quasi Cureta , from the Curetes . Here raigned Saturne father to Iupiter , which was borne here , and nursed in the hill Dicte , whence he is sometimes called Dictaeus : here also liued Minos and Radamantus , whose lawes were after in itated in the prime Cities of Greece ; & who for their equity on earth , are fained by the Poets to be ( with Aeacus ) the Iudges in hell . Here liued Strabo the Cosmographer , and the lewdly-lustful● Pasiphae , who doted on a white Bull , who they say begat on her the Minotaure ; Dadalus hauing framed for her an artificial cowe into which she conveied her selfe , and by that meanes obtained her desire . The fable is thus expounded , that Pasiphae was in loue with Taurus , one of Mino● Secretaries , whose company by the pandarisme of Dadalus she enioying , was deliuered of two sons , one called ●inos , the other Taurus . And wheras it is said , that the Minotaure was slain by Theseus , like enough that the annual tribute of 7 childrē which the Arthenians paied to Minos , was laid vp in some prison , Minos , and Taurus being the keepers or Iaylors . As for the action of Pasiphae , I thinke it not altogether impossible to be true ; considering how Domitian to verifie the old relation , exhibited the like beastly spectacle in his amphitheatre at Rome . For saith Martial , Iunctam Pasiphaën Dictaeo , credite , Tauro Vidim●s ; accepit fabula prisca fidem . Nec se miretur ( Caesar ) longava vetustas , Quicquid fama canit , donat arena tibi The fable's prou'd a truth , our eyes did see The Cretan Bull sport with Pasiphae : Triumph not then antiquity ; that thing Our Cirques haue shew'd , which fame did only sing . This Country was subiected to the Romans by Marcellus , ( surnamed for this action ) Creticus : and being afterward part of the Greeke Empire , was called Candie , either from the chiefe city , or the white rockes : It was giuen by Baldwin Earle of Flanders , the first Latine Emperour of Constantinople , to Boniface of Montferrat ; who sold it Anno 1194 , to the Venetians : who notwithstanding all real rebelliōs of the natiues , & threatned invasions of the Turkes , still enioy it . For for the defence of it from a forraine power , they haue furnished the Iland with 78 or 80 Galleyes for the defence of the shores : and haue exceedingly fortified the hauen of Suda , with two strong castles ; this hauen being capable of more then 1000 vessels , and therefore meritoriously reputed the doore and entrie into the country . It is reported that the King of Spaine , Philip 2d , did offer vnto the Venetians for this hauen , money more then inough ; but it could not be accepted . For though the Spaniard seemed only to intend the retreit and reliefe of his own Navie , when he should vndertake any expedition against the Turke ; yet the wise Venetians saw , that by this hauen he might at all times awe , & when he listed , surprise the whole Country . Against the attempts of the natiues , they haue garrison'd Canea with 7 companies of souldiers : Candie with 2000 souldiours , and the lessers cities proportionably ; ouer which there is set so streight a guard , that a naturall Cretian is not permitted to enter weaponed into any of them . The Ilands in this Sea of lesse note , are Claudi . 2 Dio. 3 Aegilia , of which nothing is famous . Creta containeth Archbishops 2 Bishops 8 Thus much of the Cretan Ilands . THE IONIAN ILES . THe IONIAN sea is so called either from one Ionius , whom Hercules hauing in a fury killed , did here drowne ( as Didimus ) or from Io●a a region in the extremity of Calabria ( as Solinus ) or from Io daughter to Inachus ( as Lycophron . ) The principall Ilands of it are , 1 Cythera . 2 the Strophades . 3 Zacynthias . 4 the Echinades . 5 Cephalenia . 6 Corcyra . 7 Ithaca . 8 Leucadia . 1 CYTHERA . CITHERA , now called Cerigo , is in compasse 60 miles ; & about some 5 miles distant from Cape Malo in Peloponesus . It was formerly called Porphyris , from the abundance of marble , whereof the mountaines yeeld good plenty . Defended it is by the rocks in themselues inaccessible , which on all sides environ i● : hauens it hath many , but those small , and difficult to enter . It hath a towne also of the same name with the Iland , in which was the Temple dedicated to Venus , out of which Helena the wife of Menelaus , was willingly rauished by Paris . From the honour done by these Ilanders to Venus , she is called Cytheraea ; as in Virgil : Parce metus Cytheraea , manent immota tuoruns Fata ●ibi . D●iue feare fayre Cytherea from thy mind , Thou thy sonnes fate immoueable shalt find . 2 THE STROPHADES . The STROPHADES , are two Ilands called now Strivall , lying against Mess●nia ; famous for nothing but the Harpies , which rauenous birds were driuen away by Zethus and Calanus , at the request of Phineus K. of Arcadia . Concerning these Harpies , Alphonso king of Naples vsed to say , that they had left the Strophades and dwelt at Rome . They are inhabited only by some few Greeke Friers , and in one of them there is a Spring of fresh water , which hath his fountaine in Peloponesus , & passing vnder the Sea ariseth here . The Greeke Priests are called Calo●res qu●si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bonus Sacerdos . They are about 30 in nūber ; they weare long haire , neuer eat flesh , and ( but at some seasons of the yeare ) seldome fish : ●eeding vsually of hearbs , oliues , oyle , and the like . They never goe out of the Ilands , neither doe they on any occasion permit women to come amongst them . They all labour for their sustenance , some in tillage , some vineyards , some in fishing , so that among very many of them three or foure only can read . 3 ZACINTHVS . ZACINTHVS or Z●nt is 60 miles in compasse ; & distant from Peloponesus 20 miles : it was so called of Zacinthus sonne to Dordanus . The Countrey is wonderfully stoared with oyle , wines , currans , of which last they make yearely 150000 Z●cchines for their owne coffer● : and 18000 Dollars , which they pay for custome to the Signe●ry of Venice . They were a very poore people when the Engl●sh vsed to traffique there first ; but now they grow rich and prowd . At our Merchants first frequenting the country , they much maruelled to what end they bought so many currants , and demanded whether they vsed to dye cloathes , or fat hogges with them , for so they themselues did : but now they haue learned a more profitable vse of them . This Iland is much troubled with earthquakes commonly once a weeke ; in regard whereof they build their houses very low : & when they perceaue them commi●g , the Priests vse to ring the bells to stir●e the people to prayers . They haue a custome here at weddings to invite many young men whom they call Cempeeres , of which euery one giueth to the bride a ring ; which done , it is an abuse as de●estable a incest , to accompany her in any carnall kinde : wherefore t●ey choose such for Compe●res , as haue formerly beene suspected of too much familiarity . The chiefe Citty is called also Zant not very large , the streets vneven and rugged , and the buildings by reason of the often earthquakes very low . On the East side of it , on a round steep mountaine standeth a well ga●ri●ond and munitioned castle , which commandeth not the Citty and the harbour only , but a great part of the sea also . Vpon the wall there continually standeth a watchman to descry what shipping approacheth and hangeth out as many flagges as he discouereth vessells . Over the Praetorian hall dore of this Citty these verses are inscribed . Hiclocus , 1 odit , 2 amat , 3 punit , 4 consorvat , 5 honorat : 1 Nequiti●m , 2 pacem , 3 crimina , 4 iura , 5 probos . This place doth , 1 hate , 2 loue , 3 punish , 4 keepe , 5 requite : 1 Voluptuous riot , 2 peace , 3 crimes , 4 lawes , 5 th'vpright . 4 THE ECHINADES . The ECHINADES are certain little Ilands , or rather great rocks now called Curzolari ; famous for nothing but the battle of Lepanto , fought nigh thē . They stand iust against the mouth of the riuer A●helous . Turbidus obiectas Achelous Echinadas exit . Fierce Achelous with the Sea is mixt Where the Echinades great rocks are fixt . These Ilands are in number fiue , and are by the Poets fained to haue been so many N●iades or sea Nimphes , whom Achelous the riuer-God vpon some displeasure , metamorphosed into these rockie Ilands . But the truth is they were caused by the dur● and mud , which by this riuer carried a little into the sea , there setled together . Alluding to which Ovid bringeth in the riuer Achelous thus speaking . — fluctus nost●rque marisque Continu●m deduxit humum , pariterque revell●t In totidem , medij● ( quod cernis ) Echinadas , vndis . The fury of the ●ea waues and mine owne Continuall heapes of earth and mud drew downe : Which parted by the inter-running seas , Made ( as thou seest ) those fiue Echinades . 5 CEPHALENIA . CEPHALENIA lyeth ouer against Acarnania , and is in compasse 166 miles . It contained 200 townes , the chiefe being the hauens of A●gastuli , 2 Gu●scardo , and 3 Nollo : the chiefe cōmodities are wheat , hony , currants , powder for the dying of Scarlet , oyle , wo●ll , Turkies , &c. This Iland was first called Melena , then Teleboas , whose king Pterelaus was by Amphitrion a Theban Captaine killed in battaile , and the Iland made subiect to Thebes : during the stay of Amphitrion two things hapned in Greece , 1 Iupiter got his wife Alomena with child of Hercules . 2ly , Cephalus a noble man of Athens being in hunting , killed his wife Procris with an arrow , insteed of his prey , whervpon he fled to Amphitrion newly victorious ouer the Teloboans ; who pitteing his case , made him gouernour of this Iland , called since Cephalenia , after his name . 6 CORCYRA . CORCYRA ( now Corfu , formerly Phaeacia ) so called from a virgin of that name , whom Neptune here deflowred ; is distant 12 miles from Epirus . It stretcheth East and West in forme of a bow , and in length is 54 miles , 24 in breadth ; and is seated cō ; veniently for the Venetians , as being the center of their Lordship by sea . The chiefe Citty is Corfu , which the Turks by their repulses haue found impregnable . For it is situate at the foot of a mountaine , on the topp of which are built two vnaccessible fortresses , as being strongly fenced with a naturall rocke . The one of these is called The old fortresse ; the other The new ; both iustly esteemed the chiefe bulwarkes of Venice , whose trade & potēcy would soone fayle , were these forts in any others hands . For this cause the two Captaines are sworne before the Senate of Venice , neuer to haue mutuall conuerse or intelligence one with the other , either in word or writing : least by the corruption of one Captaine , the other might perhaps be wrought from his allegeance . Neither is their command there for more then two yeares , their commission then terminating , and new successours being sent them . 2 Pagropoli . 3 Castello St Angelo . It is very fruitfull in Wax ; Honny , Wine , Oyle , &c. Here raigned Alcinous whose gardens are so memorised by the Poets . Quid bifera Alcinoi referam pomaria ? vosque Qui nunquam vacui prodistis in aethera rami ? Why should I name Alcinous fertile ground ? And trees which neuer without fruit were found ? This Alcinous was he who so courteously receaued Vlysses after his shipwracke . 7 ITHACA . ITHACA now called Valde Campare , lyeth on the Northe●st of Capha●ema ; being in compasse 50 miles ; famous for the bath of Vlysses , the sonne of Laertes : Effugimus scopulos Ithacae , Laertia regna : Et terram altricom s●ui execramur Vlissis From the Ithacan rocks , Laertes land we fled , And curs'd the soyle which dire Vlisses bred . This Iland was also called Dullichium ( or else there was an Iland of this name nigh vnto Ithaca , whereof Vlisses was also King ) from whence Vlisses is oftentimes named Dullichius heros among the Poets ; and Dullichius vertex in Ovid is put for Vlisses head . Sed neque Dullichius sub Achillis casside vertex Ponde a tanta feret . Achilles helme's a waight too great I knowe Fow weake Vlisses pate to vndergoe . 8 LEVCADIA . LEVCADIA ( now S. Maure ) was so called of the white rockes betweene it and Cephalenia . On these rocks stood a temple of Apollo , from whence by leaping into the sea , such as vnfortunatly loued were cured of that fury . The chiefe citty is St Maure , inhabited by Iewes for the most part , to whom Baiazel the 2d gaue it , after their expulsion from Spaine . This country was once ioyned to the continent . Leucada continuam vetere● habuere coloni , Nunc freta circumeunt . Leucas in former times ioyn'd to the land , Environ'd round with waters now doth stand . These Ilands followed the Roman and Greeke Empires , & was by Baldwin the first Latine Emperour of Constantinople , allotted to the Vo●ctians ; who haue euer since defended them ; only this Leucadia being lost to the Turkes . Thus much of the Ionian Iles. THE ADRIATIQVE ILES . THe ADRIATIQVE Sea extending 700 miles in length , and 140 in bredth ; was so called of Adria , once a famous sea Town on the mouth of ●ridanus or Poe. It was accounted a sea wonderfull vnsafe and tempestuous , as appeared by the Improbo vacundior Adria , in Horace , by the Minax Adri●●cum , in Catullas , and the ventosi tumor Adria , in Seneca's Thi●stes . When the Empresse Helena found the Crosse on which our Sauiour died ; she made of one of the three nailes by which his Body was fastned , a reines for her sonne Constantines horse : of the second , the rest of his helmet ; the third she cast into this sea ; since which time ( as Platina in the life of Pope Silu●ster reporteth out of S Ambrose ) it hath bin very calme and quiet . The Venetians are the Lords of this Sea , to whom as the Duke is espoused euery Ascention day ; so it is baptized by the Bishop of Zant , euery Epiphany day . The Ilands of this Sea are neither many , great , nor famous ; the most pleasant are 1 the Absirtides , so called by the men of Cholcis , whom king A●●as had sent to pursue the Argonauts , in memory of Absirtus their kings sonne , whom Medea his sister had torne in pieces , before she tooke ship to fly away with Iason . 2 Cherso fruitfull in cattell . 3 Weggia , abounding in wood , wines , & pul●e ; it is 30 miles in compasse . 4 Grissa or Pago glorying in her salt-pits , and being second for bignes in all this sea , as containing in compasse 100 miles . 5 Lesina the biggest absolutely of all the Adriati●ue in compasse 150 miles , an exceeding fertile place for the quantity . The chiefe town Lesina is vnwalled , and of no great beauty or bignes ; but defended by a strong fortresse which command●th both the harbour , and the vessels in it . 6 Curzola , called anciently Corcyra Nigra , is sufficiently fruitfull , the most populous of all the rest , and 90 miles round . This Iland Anno 1571 , a little after the taking of Cyprus , and before the battaile of Lepanto , was invaded by Vluz Ali , with a Navy of 60 Galleyes ; for scare of whom , Co●tar●nus the Venetian Gouernour , abandoned Curzola the chiefe towne hereof , together with all the townesmen and souldiours . The silly women thus forsaken , and preferring death before dishonour , defended the walls , & with stone , fire , and such weapons as they had , beat off the enemie , till a violent tempest sorced the Turkish Generall to remoue his galleyes to a place of more safety . 7 Zara. 8 Brazzia , & 9 Lissa , three small Iles , all which the Turkes spoyled , and carried thence 1000 Christian captiues , in their retreit from Curzola . 10 Arbe the onely hauenlesse Iland in the whole Sea , which defect is recompensed with its naturall pleasantnesse : which so entised certaine dissolute rouers of Austria , that they seazed on it ; and had 〈◊〉 like to pluck a heauy warre between the Archduke and the Venetians ; if the King of Spaine had not made a pacification . The other Ilands I willingly omit , and will haste to the Mediterranean . Thus much of the Adriatique Iles. THE MEDITERRANEAN ILES . THe MEDITERRANEAN Sea , so called for that it hath its course in the middle of the earth ; is called in some places Mare Tyrrhenum , in others Ligusticum , in some Siculum , in others Sardoum , &c : and euen as the Camelion applyeth it selfe to the colours of the nighest adiacent body ; so this Sea taketh its denomination from the neerest adiacent shore . These Seas are called also by sundry moderne Writers in our neighbour 〈◊〉 ▪ the Leuant seas , or the seas of Leuant : because in respect of France , Spain ▪ Germany , Brittaine , &c : they are toward the ●ast ; Leuant in the French language signifying the sunne-rising . The chiefest Ilands are the greater or lesser : the greater are 1 ●icil●e . 2 ●alta 3 Corsica . 4 Sardinia . 5 the Baleares . The less● shall be spoken of in their due time . 1 SICILIA . SICILIE environed round with the sea , hath in compasse 7●● m●les ; and was supposed to haue bin ioyned to Italy , and d●uided by the fury of the waues . The narrow seas betweene this and Italy , being not aboue a mile and a halfe broad , are by Florus called , fabulosis infa●ne mo●stris fretum , from Scylla and Charibilis , of whom so many fabulous things are reported by 〈◊〉 , Chari●dis is a gulfe or whirle-pit on Sicily side , which violently attracting all vessels that come too nigh it , deuoureth them , and casteth vp their wrecks at the shore of Tauronia , not farre from Cat●na . Opposite to this in Italy standeth the dangerous rocko Scylla , it the foot of which , many little rockes shoot out , on which the waters strongly beating , make that noyse which the Poets faine to be the barking of dogges . The passage between these two being to vnskilfull marriners exceeding periltous , gaue beginning to the prouerbe , Incidit in Scyllam cupiens vitare Charibdim , Who seekes Charibdis for to shunne , Doth oftentimes on Scylla runne . It is situate vnder the 4 Climate , the longest day being 13 houres and a halfe . The first name was Trinacria , for that being triangular , it butteth into the Sea with 3 Promontories , 〈◊〉 1 Pelorus ( or Cape del Poro ) North : 2 Pachinus ( or C. Pas●●●● ) West : 3 Lilibaeum ( or C. Boij , or C. Coro ) South . This Lilibaeum looked toward Carthage , and was distant from the shore of Africke 180 miles . Strabo relateth , that a man of a very sharp and strong sight ( some Linceus I warrant you ) getting vp into a watch-towre that stood on this Cape , descried a fleete setting sayle out of the hauen of Carthage , and told the Lilibitanians their bignes and number . That this is true , I dare not say ; for besides the vnlikelyhood of kenning at so great a d●stance , we are taught by Philosophy , that the sea being of an orbicula● forme , swelleth it selfe into the fashion of a round to●●re or h●ll , t●ll it put bound to the eye-sight . From these three corners , this country was ( as we haue said ) called Trinacris or Trinacria , according to that of Ovid , Terra tribus scopulis vastum procurrit in aeq●or , Trinacris à positu nomen adepta lo●●● . An Iland with three corners braues the maine , And thence the name Trinacria doth gaine . The first inhabitants that we find to haue dwelt in this counttry , are the huge Grants so often mentioned in the Odysses of the diuine poet Homer , called Lestrigones & Cyclopes ; of which last rank was the so much 〈◊〉 Poliphemus , that with such humanity entertained Vlyss●s and his companions . These were afterwards rooted out by the Sicani a people of Spaine , who called it Sicania . As for the name of Sicilia , some deriue it from Sicileus a supposed king of Spaine , who is fabled to haue conquered this country : but the truth is , it came from the Siculi , who being by Evander and his Arcadians , driuen out of Latium , came into this Iland : to which , hauing mastred the Sicani , they left their name . In succeeding ages there came hither diuers Colonies of the Greekes , who planting themselues only in the coast-parts of the country ; altered not the name , by which at their comming they found it called . The people are ingenious , eloquent and pleasant , but withall wondrous inconstant , and very talkatiue , whence rose the prouerbe , Gerrae Siculae . They follow the Religion of the Romish Church , and vse the Italian language , but very much impaired and fallen from his true elegancy ; as hauing commixture of the Greeke , Saracen , Norman , Spanish , and French tongues . The totall number of them is about one million and 300000 soules . The soile is incredibly fruitful in Wine , Oyle , Hony , Saffron , Sugar , Salt , in Minerals of Gold , Siluer , and Allom , hauing the gemmes of Acate , and Emralds ; with such abundance of all sorts of graine , that it was of old called the Granarie of the Roman Empire ; and now furnisheth Italy , Malta , with the adjacent Ilands , Spaine , and Barbary , with part of her superfluities . In this Country is the hill Hybla , so famous for bees & honey , and the hill Aetna , now called Montgiball , which continually sendeth forth continuall flames of fire , to the astonishment of a●l beholders . Into this fiery Fornace the Philosopher Empedocles cast himselfe , that he might be reputed a God. — Deus immortalis haberi Dum cupit Empedocles , ardentem fervidus Aetnam Insiluit — Empedocles to be a God desires , And casts him selfe into th'Aetnean fires . The reason of these fires is the abundance of sulphure & brimstone , contained in the bosome of this hill ; which is blowne by the winde , driuing in at the chappes of the earth , as by a paire of bellowes : through which chinkes also , there is continually more fuell added to the fire , the very water administring an operatiue vertue to the combust●ble matter ; as we see that water cast on coales in the Smiths forge , doth make them burne more ardently . The reason of this slaine is thus set down by Ovid. Ista b●tumineae rapiunt incendi● vires , Luteaque exiguis a●d●scunt sulphura flammis : Atque ubi terra cibos alimentaque de● ita flammae Non dabit , absumptis , per longum viribus aev●m ; Nat●raeque suum nutrimen deerit edaci : Non seret Aetna famem , desertaque d●seret ignes . A rozen mould these fiery flames begin , And ●l●yie brimstone aides the fire within . Yet when the slymie soyle consumed , shall Yeeld no more food to feed the fire withall : And Nature shall restraine her nourishment , The flame shall cease , hating all famishment . Vnder this hill some Poets faine the Giant Enceladus to haue bin buried ; whose hot breath fireth the mountaine , lying on his face : Others suppose it to be the shoppe of Vulcan , and the Cyclops : the grosse Papists hold therein to be Purgatory . The chiefe riuers are 1 Sanso . 2 Taretta . 3 Acatius , famous for its precious stones , and 4 Arethusa , memorized by the Poets , into which the Grecian riuer Alpheus , hauing received 140 lesser streames , and making his way vnder so great a part of the Sea , is thought to arise here : as Strabo and Seneca affirme , and sufficiently proue by the seuerall instances of a wooden dish or cup lost in the riuer Alpheus , and found rising vp in this riuer ; and by the leaues of certaine trees growing on the bankes of that Greeke riuer , and swimming on this in great abundance , there being none of these trees in all Sicily . Dicitur Alpb●m , ( saith Mela ) se non consociare pelago , sed subter maria , torrasque depressus , huc agere alveum , atque , hic se rursus extollere . This Iland is famous for the worthy Schollers she once produced , viz : Aeschilus , the first Tragedian of fame , who being bald through age , once w●lked in the fields , where by chance an Eagle taking his bald pate for a white rock , let a shell fish f●ll on it , of that bignesse , that it beat out his braines . 2 Diodorus Siculus that famous historian , 3 Empedocles the first inventer of Rhetoricke , and his fellow Gorgias . 4 Euclide , the tex●u●ry Geometrician , who taught in Megaris . 5 Archimed●s a m●st wor●●y Mathematician , he was the first author of the Sphere , at which instruments he made one of that art and bignesse , that one standing within , might easily perceiue the seuerall motions of euery celestiall Orbe . He made also diuers mi●itary engines , which in the siege of Syracusa , sorely vexed the Romans , & was at last slain in his study by a common souldier , at the sack of the Town ; to the great griefe of the Roman Generall Marcellus . 6 Epicharmus . 7 Theocritus , Pliny reckoned in this Iland 72 Cities ; the chiefe of which were Syracusa , containing in circuit 22 miles , the Metropolis of the whole Iland , and a most strong and flourishing Common-wealth . It was built by Archias of Corinth , who being for an vnnaturall rape committed on a yong Gentleman , banished his Country , together with his friend and companion Miscellus ; consulted with the Oracle of Delphos . The Oracle demanded whether they affected rather wealth , or health ; to which when Miscellus replyed health , and Archias wealth , the Oracle directed the former to Crotona in Italy ; and the latter hither . It contained in it 4 Townes as it were , viz : Ile , Acradin , Neapolis , and Tyche , together with the Fort Hexapyle , commanding all the rest . It was the custome of this Towne , when any of the Nobility began to grow too potent among them , to write his name in an Oliue leafe , which being put into his hand , without any further ceremony , banished him for fiue yeares . This kind of banishment was called the Petal●sme from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a lease . 2 Erix , where Venus was worshipped , and called Ericina : 3 Catina , so vexed by Dionysius tyrant of Sicily , 4 Emma , whence Pluto is said to haue stolne Proserpina . In this town hued Syrus En●us , who stirred vp the slaues of the Roman state , to rebell against their Lords : for hauing broke open the common prisons , & receiued all such as repaired to him , he patched vp an Army of 40000 souldiers , and was after much harme done , vanquished by Rupilius . This warre the Historians call , Bellum servile . The whole Iland is now diuided into 3 parts : 1 Mazara west , whose chiefe cities are 1 Moureal , famous for the Church and Archbishops See : 2 Gorgenti once Agrigentum , where the tyrant Phalaris liued , who tortured Perillus in the brazen Bull , which he made for the destruction and torture of others : wherupon aptly Ovid. — nec enim lex iustior ulla , Quam necis artifices arte perire sua . Most iust it is a man should be tormented , With that which first his cruell wit invented . 3 Palermo , formerly called Panormus , a colonie of the Phenicians , and now the chiefe citie of Sicily , and the seat of the Spanish Viceroy : situate it is on the West cape of the Iland , ouer-against Sardinia , beautified with large streets , delicate buildings , strong walls , and magnificent Temples . II Vallis de Noto toward the Southeast , in which the chiefe cities are 1 Syracuse on the Sea side , 2 Emma in the midland , of which already : and Leontium on the Sea also , North of Syracusa ; with which town it had alwayes warre , either for liberty or priority . And III Mona toward the Northeast , in which the chiefe townes are 1 Nicosia , in the midland : 2 Milaso on the North promontorie : & 3 Messina , iust opposite to Rhezo in Italy , a town whose hauen & entrances are so strongly sconced and bulwarked , that the people let their gates ( in derision of the Turkes ) stand continually open . It is also an Archbishops See. After this Iland was once known to the Greekes , there came from all parts of Greece , colonies to inhabite it , as from Athens , Sparta , Corinth , Mesene , Megaris , and the rest : who winning vpon the Natiues , planted themselues in the Country . Here in tract of time was managed a great part of the Peloponnesian warre , the Athenians siding with the Leontines ; and the Spartans with the Syracusians : in which the whole power of Athens was broken by sea and land ; and their two Captaines , Nicias & Demosthenes , murdred in prison . Famous also was this country of old , for the Tyrants Dionysis , the elder and the younger ; for Hieron , and Hieronymus , in whose time broke out the first Punique warre , the Sicilians calling in the Romans to expell thence the Carthaginians , which then possessed a great part of the Iland . These Tyrants , especially the last Dionysii , were so odious , that there were continual execrations powred on them , onely one old woman prayed for the life of the latter : who being asked the cause , made answer , that she knew his Grandfather to haue bin bad ; and after by prayers they had obtained his death , his sonne succeeded farre worse then the father : and after their curses had also prevailed on him , came the present Tyrant , worse then either ; for whose life she was resolued to pray , l●st after his decease , the Diuell himselfe should come amongst them . After the Tyrants had bin rooted out , and this Iland was conquered by Marcellus ; it alwayes followed the fortune of Naples ; and together with it ( when Manfroy the bastard had forcibly made himself King of these countries ) was offered to Richard Earle of Cornewall , brother to our Henry the 3d , a man of that riches , that he was able to spend for ten yeares , an hundred markes a-day , which according to those times , was no small summe . The conditions by the Pope proposed , were so impossible for the Earle to performe , that his Agent told the Pope , he might as well say to his Master , I giue the Moone , climbe vp , catch it , and take it . The Earle thus refusing it , it was offered to the King his brother , for his second son Edmund , who was invested by the gift of a ring , and in his name the Pope coined money , with the inscription of Aimundus Rex Siciliae . But the King being ouer-burdened by his Barons warres , the Pope hauing sucked no small store of treasure from him ; it was in the yeare 1261 , giuen vnto Charles Earle of Provence and Aniou , brother to Lewis 10th . Vnder him those Countries jointly continued subject , till the yeare 1281 , in which time his competitor Peter of Arragon , promising him to fight a single combat before our king Edward the first , at Burdeaux , fail'd of his word , and in the mean time so contriued it , that at the sound of a bell tolling to prayers , all the Frenchmen in Sicily were cruelly massacred ; which exploit masketh now vnder the name of Vespe●i Siculi : Since which time this Iland hath belonged to the house of Arragon . The revenues of this kingdome are as some say but 800000 only ; but as others say , a million of Duckats . The Armes are Arragon , two ●lanches argent , charged with as many Eagles Sable , becked Gules . For Nobility this Iland compareth with Naples , as containing in it Archbishops 3 Princes 7 Marquesses 13 Vicount 1 B●shops 9 Du●es 4 Earles 14 Barons 48 2 MALTA . ABout 60 miles distant from Sicil●a is the Iland MALTA , in compasse 60 miles ; seated vpon a rock , ouer which the Earth spreadeth in height not aboue three foot ; so that it must needes be barren ; which defect is supplied by the Sicilian aboundance : yet haue they no small store of Pomgranats , cytrons , orenges , melons , and other excellent fruits . Here is also great aboundance of cotton-wool ( Gossypium the Latinists call it ) which they sow as we doe corne . The stalke is no bigger then that of wheat , but stronger and tougher , the head round bearded , and hard as a stone , which when it is ripe , breaketh , & is deliuered of a white soft bumbast , mixed with seedes ; which they separate with an instrument , selling the wooll , and reseruing their seed for the next haruest . This Iland is in the Scriptures called Molita , and is said to be the place where S. Paul shooke the Viper off his hand . Famous also is it for the Councel held here against Pelagius , by Pope Innocent the first , at which S. Austine was present , and 214 Bishops . The men are of the Africane complexion and language , following the Romish Church ; the women faire , but hating company , and going couered . The whole nūber of inhabitants are 20000 ; possessing 60 Villages , and 4 Citties . Namely 1 Valetta , built after the defeat of the Turkes , Anno 1565 , and called after the name of Valetta the great Master , who so c●uragiously withstood their fury . 2 The T●wn and Castle of S. Hermes , which the Turkes tooke , though they did not lon● enioy it . 3 Malta or Melita , so called of the abundance of hony nigh vnto it . 4 La Issula : as also the Forts of S M●chael , and S. Angelo . This Iland was by the Spaniards taken from the Moores , and by Charles the fift giuen to the Knights of the Rhoaes , newly expelled thence by Solyman the Magn●ficent , Aº 1●22 . These knights are in number 1000 ; of whom 500 are alwayes 〈◊〉 resident in the Iland ; the other 500 are dispersed through Christendome , at their seuerall Seminaries in France , Spaine , Italy , and Germany : and at any summons are to make their person●ll appearance . These Seminaries ( Alberges they call them ) are in number seuen , viz : one of France in generall , one of Av●rne , one of Provence , one of Castile , one of Arragon ▪ one of Italy ; and one o● Germanie ; ouer euery one of which they haue a Grand Prior , who in the country where he liueth , is of great reputation : An eigth Seminary they had in England , till the suppression of it by Henry the 8th : yet haue they some one or other , to whom they giue the title of Grand Prior of England . Concerning the originall and riches of these Knights , we shall speak when we come into Palestine ; now a word or two only of their places , and the election of their great Master . None are admitted into the order , but such as can bring a testimony of their Gentry for six descents ; and when the ceremonies of their admission ( which are many ) are performed ▪ they sweare to defend the Church of Rome , to obey their superiours , to liue vpon the revenues of their order only , and withall to liue chastly . Of these there be 16 of great authority ( Counsellers of state we may call them ) called , the Great Crosses , out of whom the officers of the order , as the Marshall , the Admirall , the Chancellor , &c : are chosen ; and who , together with their Master , punish such as are cōvict of any crime , first by degrading him , 2ly by strangling him , and 3ly by throwing him into the sea . Now when the Great Master is dead , they suffer no vessell to goe out of this Iland , till another be elected , lest the Pope should intrude on their Election , which is performed in this manner . The seuerall Seminaries nominate two knights , and two are also nominated for the English : these 16 from amongst themselues choose 8 : these 8 choose a Knight , a Priest , and a Frier servant ; and they three , out of the 16 Great Crosses , elect the great Master . The great Master being thus chosen , is stiled though but a Frier , The most illustrious , and most reuerend Prince , the Lord Frier N N : Great Master of the Hospitall of S. Iohn of Hierusalem , Prince of Malta , Gaules , and Goza : these two last being Ilands lying nigh vnto Malta , the former in compasse 30 miles . Farre different , I assure you , is this title from that of the first Masters of this order , who called themselues only , Seruants to the poore seruitours of the Hospitall of Hierusalem : or that of the Master of the Templers , who was only entituled , The humble Minister of ●he poore Knights of the Temple . 3 CORSICA . CORSICA is situate just against 〈◊〉 in the Ligurian Sea , it comprehendeth in length 120 miles ; 70 in bredth , and 325 in circuit . It is vnder the fift Clime , the longest day being almost 15 houres . This Iland was first named Cyrnus , 2 l● Teracina , now Corsica , from a woman so named , who following her Cow hither , first discouered it . It is diuided in Cismontanam , and Vitramontanam . The chiefe riuers of both being G●lo and Travignano . This Country yeeldeth excellent dogges for game , good Horses , fierce Mastifes , and a beast called Musoli , not found in Europe , excepting this Iland , and Sardinia . They are horned like Rammes , and skinned like Stags ; which skin is of such an incredible hardnes , that the beast being cast headlong against a rock , receiues no hurt , but nimbly flies from his enemie to his denne . The soyle is by reason of the mountains ( which euery-where are too thick and barren in it ) lesse fruitfull , producing corne in lesse plenty ; but the best wines , and such as the old Romans well rellished , in good measure . It produceth also oyle , sigges , raisin , and honey ; the first three in a mediocrity of goodnes , the last somwhat bitter , and by many deemed vnwholesome . It aboundeth also with allom , box-trees , iron-mines ; and the tree called Taxus , whose poisonous berries , though in tast pleasing ; are much fed on by the bees , & therfore thought to be the cause of the bitternes of the hony . In some few places also where the riuers haue their currents , especially towards Liguria , it recompenseth by its fertiliy in bearing all manner of graine , the ba●rennesse of the mountaines . Pliny reckoned in it 34 Cities , or castles rather , the chiefe whereof at this day are 1 Bastia , seated on the Northeast part of the Country vpon a commodious hauen , where the Genoensian Gouernour hath his residence , and a strong garrison . 2 Nebbium , called by Ptolomy , Chersunum . 3 Mariana , now Morian ; 4 Alleria , now Gallera , both Roman Colonies ; the last being situate on the Westerne shore of the Iland , iust against Bastia : & 5 Pila . The principall hauens hereof are S. Florence in the Northerne part , in the midst between Morian and Nebbio ; and S. Boniface ( called by Ptolomy , Portus Syracusanus ) iust opposite to it in the South corner : both of good safety , and capable of the greatest vessels . This Iland , as also its neighbours of Sicilia , and Sardinia , haue bin the tennis-balls of fortune , this being first subiect to the Tyrians ; Secondly to the Carthaginians ; Thirdly to the Romans ; Fourthly to the Saracens . From these the Genowaies conquered it , from them it was taken by the Pisans : but recouered again by the Genowaies , who still enioy it . The people are churlish , stubborne , poore , vnlearned , & vse a corrupt Italian . They are said to be the progeny of the 52 daughters of king Thespias , who being gotten with childe by Hercules in one night ; were by their father put to the mercy of the Sea ; which wrought them to this Iland ; which they and their posterity peopled , till the comming of the Tyrians . Here are in this I le Archbishop 1 Bishops 7 SARDINIA . SARDINIA is South from Corsica , from which it is but 7 miles distant . It is in length 180 miles , 90 in bredth , 560 in circuit : it is situate vnder the 4 Climate , the longest day being 14 houres . It is fertile in respect of Corsica , barren if compared to Sicily ; abundant in Corne , deficient in Oyle ; well stored with all sorts of cattaile , as plainly appeareth by that plenty of cheese and hides , which are hence sent into Italy , and other places . The horses hereof are hot , headstrong , and hard to be broken , but they will last long : the bullocks here do naturally amble , so that on them the country peazants vse to ride as familiarly , as they doe in Spaine on mules and asses . Here also is the beast Musoli , which we lately described ; of whose skinne carried to Corduba , and there dressed , is ma●e our true Cordovan leather . Finally , here is an hearbe , which if one eat , he shall die with laughter ; whence came the prouerb , Risus Sardonicus . The truth of this report , I will not oppugne , though it be by others more probably coniectured , that the hearbe being of a poysonous nature , causeth men to dye with such a convulsion or contraction of their sinewes , that they seeme to grinne or laugh . The people are small of stature , laborious , giuen to hunting , prone vnto rebellions , wherefore the Spaniard permitteth neither Smith nor Cutler to liue there : yet indifferent peaceable among themselues , and in some measure curteous to strangers . In matters of Religion they are little curious , going to Masse on Sundayes , and Saints dayes ; which once done , they fall to dancing in the midst of the Church , singing in the mean time , songs too immodest for an Ale-house . Nay it is thought that their Cleargy it selfe is the most ●ude , ignorant , & illiterate of any people in Christendome . The language they speak , is a corrupt Catalonian : their diet on meats common and grosse● their apparell in the townes ( especially that of the women ) gorgeous : that in the villages , base . It is diuided into two parts , viz : Cape Lugudori towards Corsica , and Cape Cegliari towards ●fricke . Of these , when this Iland was ioyntly vn●er the ●isans and Genowaies ; the first , being the least , and withall so mountainous and barren , belonged to Genoa : the last being the larger , & besides , leuell & fruitfull , appertained to Pisa : the inequality of which diuision , caused often discontents and warres between them . The principall cities are Calvaris , built by the Pisans , and situate iust opposite to Africke ; inioying a goodly hauen , and much frequented by Merchants , adorned with a beautifull Temple , stately turrets , the seat of the Vice-Roy ; & an Ar●hiepiscopal Sec. 2 B●ssa on the West side , an Archbishops residence also . 3 S. P●eparata on Corsica side , and 4 Aqu●lastro on the East side . Here are in diuer● places of this Iland , the remainders of sundry towres & forts , which the people call Norackes , from Nora , one of the sonnes of Gerion , who ( as they thinke ) came into this Country , & built the first man●●on in it . This Iland was first called Ico , then Ichnusa , next Sandaliotes , from the resemblance●t had to the soale of a mans foot : and lastly Sardinia from Sardus , son ( as they say ) to Hercules . It was first vnder the Iol●tenses : Secondly , from them taken by the Carthaginians : Thirdly , by the Romans : Fourthly , by the Saracens , Anno 807. From these last it was recouered by the Genoys & Pisans : & because they could not agree about their bounds , Boniface the eight putting his finger in another mans pye , gaue it in see to Iames King of Arragon , and his successors ; who driuing thence the Genowaies , made themselues absolute Lords of it , Anno 1324. The Spanish Viceroy hath ( as we now said ) his residence in Caliari , who must of necessity be a Spaniard , vnder whom are two Deputy-gouernours Spaniards also , one for Cape Caliari , the other for Cape Lugudori ; the other inferiour officers may be of the Natiues . As for the City Caliaris it selfe , it is exempt from the legall iurisdiction euen of the Vice-Ro● ; & is gouerned by a Councell of its own Citizens . The Armes of this Iland are Or , a crosse Gules , between foure Saracens heads Sable curled Argent . Here are in this Iland Archbishops 3 Bishops 15 THE BALEARES . THese Ilands were formerly called Insulae Gymnasiae , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nudus , because they vse to goe naked ; & BALEARES from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ●acio , because they were such excellent slin 〈…〉 exercise in a manner innatiue to them , the fithers giuing 〈…〉 after a convenient age no victuals , but what they could h●t down from some high beame with a sling . They ●●e diuided into Ma●or●a and Minorca , or the greater and the l●ss●● . Manorca is about 60 miles distant from Spaine , and is 300 miles in circuit . The chief Cities are 1 Maiorca an Vniuersity . 2 Palma , where Raymundus Lullius was borne , as much esteemed with them , as Aristotle amongst vs. Minorca is distant fram Ma●orca 9 miles , & is 150 miles in circuit : the people were heretofore valiant , now esseminate , the soile barren in some places , but generally fruitful . The chief Townes are 1 Minorca , and 2 Iaua . Both these Ilands did once wonderfully abound in Conies , wherwith they were so pestred , that they not only spoyled corne & grasse , but vndermined houses , & threw down walls ; so that the Ilanders armed themselues , & fought with them ; but when such force prevailed not , they sent to the Romans for aide , and there were taught the vse of Ferrets . Nigh vnto these ●al●ares are two small Ilands . The 1 E●●isa is distant from the coast of Spaine 50 miles . and is 100 miles in circuit ; the chief City is Tuica ; the chief commodity is salt . Ten miles hence is 2 Olhi●sa , 70 miles round , called by the Latines , Frumentariae , They were both called Pithuisae , for their store of Pine trees . The men , and women also , of these two Ilands , and of Panconia , or Pantalarea , an Ilet adioyning , are very good Swimmers . Biddulph in the relation of his trauels , reporteth , how being about these Ilands becalmed , there came a woman swimming from one of them , with a basket of fruit to sell. These 4 Ilands were added to the Rom●ns dominion by the valour of Metellus , the brother of him who conquered Crete . The people hereof were giuen to Pyracie , and seeing the Roman Navie coasting there-about , supposing them to haue bin only Merchants , assailed them : and at first gaue the repulse ; but the Romans getting between them and the shore , soon forced them to an vnwilling submission . They were all wonne from the Romans by the Sarac●ns ; and from them regained by Raimund Arnauld , Earle of Catelogne , and the Genoys , Anno 1102 : and being by the Genoys red●liuered to the Moores , were recouered by Iames the first of Arragon 1028. He gaue them to his second son , whose posterity continued kings of those Ilands , till the yeare 1343 : in which Pedro the fourth of Arragon , did dispossesse king Iames , and vnited them to his Crowne . THE MEDITERRANEAN ILES . THE LESSER ILANDS . THE LESSER ILANDS dispersed about in this sea , are the Vulcanian or Aeolian Ilands , the people of which being wel skilled in diuining from which coast the wind would blow , gaue the Poets occasion , to make Aeolus , God of the wind . They lye all on the coast of Sicily , & are in number 11 : the chief are 1 Lipara 10 miles round , from whence the rest are now called , the Lipa●ean Iles. 2 Vulcania ( of old Hiera ) where Vulcan was worshipped . Neere vnto these Ilands was fought the first nauall battail between the Romans & the Carthaginians , as well for the dominiō of Sicily , as for the absolute supremacy in matter of command . The Roman● before this time neuer vsed the Seas , as being totally imployed in the conquest of Italy : insomuch that when they had built their gallies , they exercised their men in rowing , by placing them with oares in their hands , on two seats neere the water . This notwithstanding , hauing made them grappling-hookes , they so fastned the aduerse fleet vnto them , that the whole fight seeming a land battail fought on the Seas , the victory fell vnto the Romans . II The Iles of Naples are 18 in number . The chiefe are Ischia , 18 miles round , begirt with rocks & mountaines full of Hares & Conies : the chief Town is Ischia , whither Ferdinand of Naples fled , being thrust out of his kingdome by Charles the eight . In this Iland neare Cape S. Angelo , is a fountaine of that heat , that it will in short time boyle any flesh or fish put into it . The second I le of note is Capr●ae , where the Emperours of Rom● vsed to retire for their recreation , & which Tiberius kept Court in , when he had withdrawne himselfe from Rome , the better to exercise his abominable lusts . The third I le of note is Aenaria . III The Ligurian Ilands , the chief of which are Elba or Ilua , whose Metropolis is Cosmop●lis , built by Cosmodi Medices , D. of Florence ; Here is abundance of Iron of that nature , that it will by no meanes melt in the Iland , but must be caried to some other place . The second is Gallinaria , so called from the abundance of wild Hens . And the third is Giglio , where the Genoys ouerthrew the whole power of the Pisa●● . At the Westerne end of this sea , is the straight called of old F●etum ●●ereu●●um , b●●ause Hercules here made a passage through the 〈…〉 let the ●●ce●n into the Mediterranean . On the North side 〈◊〉 ●his str●ight was mount Calpe ; on the South mount 〈◊〉 on w●i●h ●ercu●e● placed his ( so memorized ) pillars , with the inscript on of Nil vltra , in that there was the most westerne bou●d of the world . But Charles the fift after the discovery of Am●●ica , comming that way ; caused Plus vltra to be engrauen either on the old pillars , or else one new erected in their places This straight is now named the straight of G●●raltar , from Gibal Tariff , one of the principall leaders of the Moores into Spaine . Somewhat without the mouth of this straight is the Iland Gades or Cales , peopled by the Tyrians 56● yeares before the birth of Christ. Here was a Temple consecrated to the honour of that great trauellour Hercules , in which all sea-faring men when they came hither vsed to pay their vowes and offer sacrifice , as hauing arriued at the vtmost part of the world . It was once called Tartessa , and is in length 13 miles , & hath of late beene the Magazin of the ●paniards warlike munition . It was taken in one day by the English vnder the conduct of Charles Earle of Nottingham , Robert Earle of Essex , and Sir Walter Rawleigh . In this day they burned the Indian fleet , consisting of 40 ships , whose lading was worth eight millions of Crownes ; they ouercame the Spanish Fleet , composed of 57 men of warre : they tooke the St Andrew & the St Michael two great Galleons with their luggage : they spoyled and carried away more martiall furniture then could bee supplied in many yeares : they surprised the Towne , and in it beside priuate m●n and their goods , they slew and tooke prisoners 4000 foot , and 600 horse , Anno 1596. The fortunacy of this enterprise gaue occasion to one of the wits the● liuing to frame this excellent Anagram on the name of that Earle of Essex , viz : Deureux , Verè Dux : w●ich he afterward cast into this distich . Verè dux Deureux , & verior Hercule : Gades Nam s●mel 〈◊〉 : vicit & ille si●●●l . Alcides yeelds to Deuereux : he did see Thy beauties ( Cales ) but Deuereux conquered thee . Thus much of the Medite●ranean Iles. THE ILES OF THE OCEAN . ANd now we are come into the OCEAN , that ingens & infinitum pelagus , as Mela calleth it : in comparison of which the Seas before mentioned are but as Ponds or Gullets : a sea in former times knowne more by fame then triall , and rather wondred at on the shoare side , then any more remote place of it . The Romans ventured not on it with their vessels ( vnlesse in the passage from France to Brittaine ) and much famed is Alexander for his hazardous voyage on this vnruly Sea , hee having sayled in all but 400 furlongs from the shoare , The name and pedegree take here both from the Poets and Etymologists . The Poets make Oceanus to be the sonne of Coelum and Vesta , or of heauen & earth . They tearmed him the father of all things as Oc●anumque patrem rerum in Virgil , because moisture was necessarily required to the constitution of all bodies , and vsually painted him with a bulls head on his shoulders ( whence Euripides calleth him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oceanus Tauriceps ) from the bellowing and fury of the winds , which from it come to the shoare , and to which it is subiect . As for the children attributed vnto him , they are doubtlesse nothing but the clouds & vapors thence arising . The name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Oceanus some deriue from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 celer , because of its swiftnesse ; some from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 findo , diuido ; because it cleaueth and interlaceth the earth : and others make it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à celeriter fluendo , which agreeth in meaning with the first . Particular names it hath divers according to the name of the shoare , by which it passeth as Cantabricus , Gallicus , Britannicus , &c. The chiefe Iles of it are 1 those of Zeland , which wee haue already described . 2ly those in the Brittish : and 3ly those in the northern Seas . THE BRITTISH ILANDS . The BRITTISH ILANDS are either the Greater Brittaine which is divided into England . Wales . Scotland . Ireland Lesser are the 1 Orchades . 2 Hebrides . 3 Sorlinges . and 4 Sporades . BRITTAINE . TO speake much of BRITTAINE , I hold in a manner superfluous , it being our home , and wee therefore no strangers to it . Yet as Mela saith of Italy , De Italia magis quia ordo exigit , quam quia monstrari eget , pauca dicentur ; no●a sunt omnia : The like I say of Brittaine ; it is so obuious to our sight that we need not the spectacles of letters : yet some things shall be said rather for methods sake , then necessity . To omit therefore the diuerfe Etimons of BRITTAINE , produced according to the phantasies of seuerall men , and omitting Bru●●● whose comming into and denominating this Iland , is rather a fabulous report , then a well grounded historicall truth : I will take the Etymologie of M. Camden , as most probable , who fetching it from the Brittish language ; deriueth it from Brit , signifying painting , and Tayne , signifying a nation : which agreeth not only with the Brittish tongue , but with the records of the most sincere & trusty Historiographers ; all with one consent , affirming , that the Brittaines vsed to paint themselues , to make them shew more terrible to the enimy . For that there was no such Brutus , is euident , 1 by the newnesse of his birth ; Geofrie of Monmouth , who liued in the dayes of Henry the 2d , being his first father . 2ly By the silence of the Roman histories , in which it had beene an vnpardonable negligence , to haue omitted an accident so remarkable , as the killing of a father by his sonne , and the erecting of a new Troian Empire in Brittaine . 3ly By the arguments which Caesar vseth to proue them to bee deriued from the Gaules ; as speech , lawes , customes , disposition , structure , & the like . 4ly by the testimony of all the Roman writers , who affirme the Brittaines to haue beene distracted into many petty royalties , and not to be vnder the command of any one Prince : Summa belli administrandi communi consensu permissa est Cassivella●no , saith Caesar : Dum singuli pugnaban , vincebantur omnes , saith Tacitus and so the rest : and 5ly by the ignorance among all old writers of their first originall , Qui mortales initio coluerint parum comportum est , as the same Tacitus . This Queene of Ilands is in compasse 1836 miles ; being absolutely the greatest in the whole world , except Iaua . This most spatious countrey extending 800 miles in length , is vnder the 9th and 13th Climates of the Northerne temperate Zone ; Insomuch that at the sommer solstice , in the Northerne parts of Scotland , there is no night at all ; but only an obscure twilight . It is divided into England , Wales , and Scotland . ENGLAND . ENGLAND is bounded on the East with the German , on the West with the Irish , on the South with the Brittish Oceans , on the North with the riuer Tweed , and a line drawne from it to the Solwa● westward . In former times the Northerne limit was a wall built crosse the Iland from Carlile in Cumberland , to the riuer Tine . This same wall was built by Severus the Emperour for a fortresse against the Picts : at every miles end was a Castle , betweene every Castle many watch-towres ; & through the walls of every Towne and Castle , was conveighed a pipe of brasle ; which from one Garrison to another conveied the least noise without interruption : so that the newes of an approaching enimy was quickly divulged ouer the borders , & resistance made accordingly . In after times insteed of this wall , the strong Townes of Berwicke & Carlile were the chiefe barres by which we kept the back-dore sh●t : & as for other forts , we had scarce any in all the frontire parts of the kingdome . Within the heart of the land there were indeed too many , which being in the hands of subiects , was no small incouragement to their often rebellions , and no little incombrance in quenching them to the Kings : vntill toward the end of the reigne of K. Stephen , 1100 of them were laid leuell with the ground , and the few which remained were dismantled & made vnseruiceable . This care was taken to disable the Lords & Commons at home : but for keeping the Sea-coasts from forraine enimies , little or no care was taken . The dangerous rockes and steepe cliffes were accounted a strength sufficient . Only the Castle of Douer , and a few of the like peeces were well fortified & furnished , as well for the safety of the land , as the command of the sea . Afterwards in the yeare 1539 Henry the eight hauing shaken off the Romish tyranny , and seeing how the Emperour Charles was offended for the divorce of his aunt , the Queene Katharine ; how the French King had married his sonne to the Popes Neece , & his daughter to the King of Scotland : thought it best to prouide for himselfe and his people . For this cause he built in all places whe●e the shoare was plaine and open , Castles , platformes , and block●●●ses : which in this time of long peace are much neglected , and in part ruined . His daughter Eliz●beth of happy memory , prouided yet better for her kingdome . For she not only new so ●●●ed Portesmouth , and placed in it a strong Garrison ; but walled our Iland round , with a most stately , royall , & invincible navie ; with which she alwaies commanded the Seas , and vanquished the mightiest Monarch of Europe ; whereas her predecessours in their sea-battailes for the most part , hired their Men of warre , from the Hantsmen , and Genowaies . Yet did neither of these erect any Castles in the inward parts of the realme , herein imitating nature , who fortifieth the head and feet only , not the middle of beasts : or some Captaine of a fort , who plants all his ordinances on the walls , bulwarkes , and out-workes ; leauing the rest as by these sufficiently guarded . The whole Iland was once called Albion , not from the Giant Albion , but ab albis rupibus , the white rocks towards France . Afterwards it was called Brittaine , which name continued till the time of Egbert the first Saxon Monarch , who called the Southerne part of the Iland , England : from the Angles , who with the Iu●● and Saxons , conquered it . It is in length 320 miles ; enioying a soyle equally participating of ground fit for tillage & pasture : yet to pasture more then tillage are our people addicted , as a course of life not requiring so many helpers , which must be all sed and paid ; and yet yeelding more certaine profit . Hence in former times husbandry began to be neglected Villages depopulated , and hindes , for want of entertainment , to turne way-beaters : whereof St Thomas Moore in his Vtopia complaineth saying , that our flocks of sheepe had devoured not only men , but whole houses and Townes . Oves ( saith hee ) quae tam mites esse , tamque exiguo solent ali ; nunc tam edaces & indomitae esse coeperunt , vt homines devorēt ipsos ; agros , domos , oppida vastent , ac d●populentur . To prevent this mischiefe there was a statute made in the 4th yeare of Henry the seuenth , against the converting of errable land into pasture ground : by which course husbandry was againe reuiued , and the soyle made so abounding in corne , that a deare yeare is seldome heard of . Our Vines are nipped with the cold , and seldome come to maturity , & are more vsed for the pleasantnesse of the shaddowe , then for the hopes of wines . Most of her other plenties , and ornaments , are expressed in this verse . Anglia , Mons , Pons , Fons , Ecclesia , Faemina , Lana . England is stor'd with Mountaines , Bridges , Wool , With Churches , Riuers , Women beautifull . To omit the ●ills , here and there lifting vp their heads aboue the pleasant Valleys : the Bridges are in number 857 : the chiefe of which are the bridge of Rochester ouer Medway ; the bridge of Bristoll ouer Auon ; and the bridge of London ouer Thames . This latter standing vpon 19 Arches , of wonderfull strength and largenesse ; supporteth continuall ranges of building , seeming rather a street then a bridge : and is not to be parallel'd with any Bridge of Europe . The Riuers of this Countrey are in number 325. The chiefe is Thamisis , compounded of the two riuers Thame and Isis ; whereof the former rising somewhat beyond Tame in Buckinghamshiere , and the latter beyond Cirencester in Glocestershiere , meet together about Dorcester in Oxfordshiere ; the issue of which happy coniunction is the Thamisis or Thames . Hence it flyeth through Berks , Buck : Middlesex , Surrey , Kent , & Essex ; and so weddeth himselfe with the Kentish Medway , in the very iawes of the Ocean . This glorious river seeleth the violence of the Sea more then any riuer in Europe , ebbing & flowing twice a day more then 60 miles : along whose banks are so many faire Townes and princely pallaces , that a German Poet thus truely spoke . Tot campos , sylvas , tot regia tecta , tot hortos Artifici excultos dextra , tot videmus arcei ; Vt nunc Ausonio Thamisis cum Tibride certet . We saw so many woods , and princely Bowres , Sweet Fields , braue Pallaces , and stately Towres , So many Gardens drest with curious care , That Thames with royall Tiber may compare . The second Riuer of note is Sabrina or Severne . It hath its beginning in Plinlimmon hil in Mount gommeryshire , and his end about 7 miles from Bristoll : washing in the mean space the wals of Shrewsbury , Worcester , & Glocester . 3 Trent , so called for that 30 kinds of fishes are found in it , or that it receaueth 30 lesser riuerets : who hauing his fountaine in Staffordshire , and gliding through the Counties of Nottingham , Lincolne , Leicester , and Yorke ; augmenteth the turbulent current of Humber , the most violent streame of the whole I le . This Humber , is not , to say truth , a distinct riuer , hauing a spring head of his owne ; but rather is the mouth or aestuarium of diuers riuers here consluent and meeting together , namely Dun , Arc , Warf● , You re , Darwent and especially Ouse and Trent . And as the Daenowe hauing receaued into its channell the riuers Dravus , Savus , Tibiscus , and diuers others , changeth his name into Ister : so also the Trent receauing and meeting the waters abouenamed , changeth his name into this of Humber ; Abios the old Geographers call it . 4 Medway a Kent●sh riuer , famous for harboring the royall navy . 5 Tweed the Northeast bound of England , on whose Northerne banke is seated the strong and impregnable Towne of Barwicke ▪ 6 Tine , famous for Newcastle and her inexhaustible Coale-pits . These and the rest of principall note are thus comprehended in one of Mr Draytons Sonnets . Our flouds Queen Thames ; for ships and swans is crowned , And stately Severne for her shore is praised ; The Cristall Trent for foords and fish renowned ; And Avons fame to Albions cliffes is raised ; Carlegion Chester vants her holy Dee ; Yorke many wonders of her Owse can tell ; The Peake her Doue whose bankes so fertile be ; And Kent will say her Medway doth excell ; Cotswall commends her Isis to the Tame ; Our Northerne borders boast of Tweeds faire s●ood Our Westerne parts extoll their Willies fame And the old Lea bragges of the Danish blood . The Churches before the generall suppression of Abbies , and spoyling the Church ornaments , were most exquisite . The chief remaining are 1 the Church of S. Paul , founded by Ethelbert K. of Kent , in the place where once was a Temple consecrated to Diana : the Steeple of this Church was 534 foot high , and was twice fired by lightning . 2 S. Peters , or the Church of Westminster , the Chappell whereof is the most accurate building in Europe . 3 The Cathedrall Church of Lincolne . 4 For a priuate parish Church , that of Ratcliffe in Bristoll . 5 For a privat Chappel that of Kings College in Cambridge ; 6 For the curious workmanship of the glasse , that of Christ church in Canterbury : For the exquisite beauty of the fronts , those of Wells & Peterborough 8 For a pleasant lightsome Church , the Abbey Church at Bath . 9 For an ancient and reuerent fabricke , the Minster of Yorke : & 10 to comprehend the rest in one , our Lady Church in Salisbury of which , this is true , Mira canam , soles quot continet annus , in vna Tam numerosa , ferunt , aede fenestra micat . Marmoreasque tenet fusas tot ab a●te columna , Comprensas horas quot vagus annus habet : Tot gaudet portis , quot mensibus annus abundat : Res mira , at v●râ res celebrata fide . How many dayes in one whole yeare there be , So many windowes in one Church we see ; So many marble pillers there appeare , As there are houres throughout the flitting yeare ; So many Gates as moones one yeare doth view : Strange tale to tell , yet not so strange as true . Our Women questionlesse are the most choice workes of nature , adorned with all beautious perfection , without the addition of adulterat sophistications . In an absolute woman , say the Italians , are required the parts of a Dutch woman , from the girdle downeward ; the parts of a French woman , from the girdle to the shoulders ; ouer which must be placed an English face . As their beauty , so also their prerogatiues are the greatest of any nation ; neither so servilely submisse as the French , nor so iealously guarded as the Italian ; but keeping so true a decorum : that England , as it is tearmed the purgatory of Servants , & the hell of Horses ; so it is acknowledged the Paradise of Women . And it is a common by-word among the Italians , that if there were a bridge built ouer the narrow seas , all the women of Europe would runne into England . For here they haue the vpper hand in the streets ; the vpper place at the table ; the thirds of their husbands estates ; and their equall shares in all lands , yea euen such as are holden in knights service ; priuiledges wherewith other women are not acquainted . The Wooll of England is of exceeding finenesse , especially that of Cotswold in Glocestershire ; that of Lemster in Herefordshiere ; and of the I le of Wight : Of this wooll are made excellent broad cloaths , dispersed all ouer the world , especially high Germany , Muscovie , Turkie , and Persia ; to the great benefit of the Realme : as well in returne of so much mony which is made of them ; as in setting to worke so many poore people , who from it receaue sustenance . Before the time of King Edward the third , Engl●shmen either had not the art , or neglected the vse of making cloaths : in which times our wooll was transported vnwrought . And as his successours haue laid impositions on euery cloath sold out of the realme ; so his predecessours had , as their occasions required , some certaine customes granted on euery sack of wooll . In the beginning of this Edwards warres with France , the citties and townes of Flanders , being then euen to admiration rich , combined with him and ayded him in his wars there . And he for his part by the composition then made was to giue them 14000 pounds ready mony ; to aide them by Sea and land if need required ; & to make Bruges , then a great mart towne of Christendome , the St●ple for his woolls . Here the staple continued 15 yeares , at which time the Flemmings hauing broke off from the K●ng● and he hauing by experience seen what the benefit of these Staples were ; remoued them from Bruges into England . And for the ease as well of his subiects in bringing their wools vnto the ports , as of such forraine marchants as came to buy , he placed his Staples at Excester , Bristoll , Winchester , Westminster , Chichester , Canterbury , Norwich , Lincoln , York and Newcastle , for England : at Ca●rmardin for Wales : and at Dublin , Waterford , Corke , and Tredah , for Ireland . Hee further enacted that no English , Irish , or Wel●hmen should transport this stapled commodity ; no not by licences ( if any such should bee granted ) on paine of confiscation , and imprisonment during the Kings pleasure . Lastly he allured ouer hither diuerse Flemmings which taught our men the making of cloathes ( who are now growne the best cloathworkers in the world : ) and to encourage men in this art , it was by a statute made the 27th of Edward the 3d , enacted to be felonie , to carry any wools vnwrought . When England had for some short time inioyed the benefit of these Staples , the King remoued them to Calice , which hee had conquered and desired to make wealthie . From hence they were at severall times and occasions translated , now to one , now to another towne in Belgia : and still happy was that towne in what Country soeuer , where the English kept a house for this traffick ▪ the confluence of al people thither to buy , infinitly enriching it . Antwerp in Brabant long enioyed the English Merchants , till vpon some discontents betweene K. Henry the 7th , and Maximilian Archduke , and Lord of Belgia ; they remoued : but at their returne againe were receaved by the Antwerpians , with solemne processions , princely triumphs , sumptuous feastings , rare banquetings , and expressions of much loue , but more ioy . And the giuing of some Cotswold sheepe by K. Edward the 4th to Henry of Castile , and Iohn of Arragon , Anno 1465 : is counted one of the greatest preiudices that euer hapned to this kingdome . The English house is now at Stoade , being by reason of the warres in these parts , remooued from Antwerpe . The wooll transported bringeth into the kingdome no lesse then 1500000l l , and the Lead halfe that summe ; so that Lewis Guicciardine reporteth , that before the warres of the Low Coūtries , the Flemmings and the English bartered wares yearely , for 12 millions of Crownes . The Author of the former verse might haue added our Parks Mines , and Beere . Of the former there are more in England then in all E●rope besides ; but sp●ciatim wee haue Chases 30 ▪ Forrests 55 ; and 745 Parkes , replenished with aboundance of game . The Mines are either of Coale , or T●nne , Lead , and such mettle : the former chiefly inrich Newcastle in Northumberland ; the latter especially Cornwall , where they digg T●nne not much infe●iour to siluer for finenesse . Wines , as is said , we haue none , but Beere abundantly , which without controuersie is a most wholsome and nourishing beuerage : which being transported into France , Belgia , and Germany , by the working of the Sea , is so purged ; that it is amongst them in high estimation , celebrated by the name of La bonne Beere d' Anglet●rre . And as for the old drink of England , Ale , which commeth from the Danish word Oela ; it is questionlesse in it selfe ( and without that commixture which some are accused to vse with it ) a very wholsome drinke : howeuer it pleased a Poet in the time of Henry the third , thus to descant on it . Nescio ●uod monstrum Stygiae conforme paludi , Ceruisiam plerique vocant : nil spissius illa Cum bibitur , nil clarius est dum mingitur ; vnde Constat , qu●d mulias faeces in ventre relinquit . Of this strange drink so like the Stygian lake , Men call it Ale , I knowe not what to make : Folke drinke it thicke , and vent it passing thinne : Much dregges therefore must needs remaine within . Neither will I quite omit our Bells , of which we haue so many rings , and so tunable , which being well guided make excellent melody ; that I haue heard Forrainers call our Country the Ranging Iland . It was a tradition of old writers that England bred no Wolues neither would they liue here ; which report is not consentaneous to truth : here being once store of them , till Edgar K. of England impo●ed on Idwallo Prince of Wales , the yearely tribute of 300 Wolues : by which meanes they were quite rooted out . The Ayre of this Country is very temperate , neither so hot as France and Spaine in the Summer , because of its northernly situation ; nor so cold in the Winter , because the ayre of this kingdome being grosse , cannot so soone penetrat , as the thinne ayre of France and Spaine . And also it is here more hotte then there , because the windes participating of the Seas ouer which they passe vnto vs , doe carry with them a temperat warmth . But if warmth were all the benefit we receiued from the seas , it might indeed be said , that we were come from Gods blessing , into the warme Sunne : but it is not so . For there are no seas in Europe tha● yeeld more plenty of fish then ours . Our oysters were famous in the times of the old Romans ; & our herrings are now very beneficial vnto the Netherlanders : to whom the Engl●shmen reseruing to themselues a kind of royalty ; ( for the Dutch by custome demand liberty to fish of Scarbourgh castle in Yorkeshire ) haue yeelded vp the commodities . By which those States are exc●edingly inriched , & our Nation much impouerished , & condemned for lazinesse & sloth : Besides , the losse of imployment for many men , who vsing this trade , might be as it were , a Seminary of good & able marriners , as well for the warres , as for further navigations ; cannot but be very preiudiciall to the strength & flourishing of our Commonwealth and Empire . The Nobility of this Country is not of so much vnlimited power , as they are ( to the preiudice of the Commonwealth ) in other Countries : the names of Earles , Lords , and Marquesses , being meerely titular ; whereas in other places they haue some absolute , some mixt gouernment ; so that vpon any litle distast , they will stand on their own guard , & slight the power of their Soueraigne . The Commonalty enioy a multitude of prerogatiues aboue all other Nations , being most free from taxes , & burdenous impositions . They haue twice in a yeare ( a laudable custome , no where else to be seen ) iustice administred euen at their own doores ; by the Itinerary Iudges of the kingdome : an order ●irst instituted by Henry the second ; who was also the first instituter of our high Court of Parliament , which being an Amovin , he learned in France . They liue together with Gentlemen in Villages and Townes , which maketh them sauour of ciu●lity and good manners , & liue in farre gre●ter reputation then the Yeomen of Italy , Spaine , France , or Germany , being able to entertaine a stranger honestly , diet him plentifully , and lodge him neatly . The Cleargy was once of infinite riches , as appeareth by that Bill preferred to K. Henry the fift of the temporall revenue , of the Church : which were able to maintaine 15 Earles , 1500 Knights , 6000 men of Armes ; more then 1000 Almes-houses , and the King also might clearely put vp 20000 pounds . As they now are not so rich , so are they farre more learned , and of more sincere & goodly carriage , where●n they giue place to no Cleargy in the world ; and for learning I dare say , cannot be any where parallell'd : neither are they so destitute of the externall gifts of fortune , but that they are the richest of the Mi●isters o● the Reformed Churches . For besides 5439 Parochiall Benefices , being no impropriations ; & besides the Vicarages , euery of which exceed the competencie beyond seas : here are in England 26 Deanries , 60 Archdeaconries , & 544 dignities & Prebends ; all of which are places of a faire revenue . And as for the main●●nance of Priests , Monkes , and Friers before the reformation● there were reckoned 90 Colledges , besides tho●e in the Vniuersities ; 110 hospitals , 2374 Chanteries and free Chappels : and 645 Abbeyes and Monasteries : more then halfe of which , had aboue the yearly income of 200 pounds in old rents . So studious were our Ancestours both in those times of blindnes , and those of a clearer sight , to encourage men to learning , and then to reward it . The diet of England is for the most part flesh . In London only there are no fewer then 67500 beefes , and 675000 sheepe slain and vttered in a yeare , besides calues , lambes , hogs-flesh , and poulterers ware . To proue this , suppose there be in London 60 butchers , free of the city ; whereof euery one , one with another , killeth an oxe aday ; for so they are , and so at least they do . Then reckon ( as the London butchers affirme ) that the forreiners of the suburbes & villages , sell ●oure for their one . Lastly , count for euery oxe 10 sheep ( for this is also certainly known ) to be killed & sold , and you haue both the numbers aboue-mentioned . The Earle of Gondamor , late the Spanish Le●ger here , hauing in some seuerall market dayes seem the seueral shambles of this great city ; said to them who had made the discouery with him , that there was more flesh eaten in a moneth in that town , then in all Spaine in a yeare . Now had I his skill , who by the length of Hercules foot , found out the proportion of his whole body : I might by this prouision of flesh : consumed in the head , ●uesse at the quantity of that which is spent in the body of the Realme . But this I leaue to proportionists . The Souldiery of England is either for the land or for the 〈◊〉 . Our victories by land are most apparant , ouer the Irish , 〈◊〉 Turkes , and especially French ; whose kingdome hath bin ●ore shaken by the English many times , especially twice , by King Edward the third , and Henry the fift : this latter making so absolute a Conquest , that Charles the seuenth ( like a poore Roy ●●●v●lot ) confined himselfe to Bourges ; where hauing casheerd his retinue , he was found in a little chamber at supper , with a ●apkin laid before him , a rump of mutton , and two chickens . And so redoubted , euen after our expulsion from France , ( our 〈◊〉 dissentions rather causing that expulsion , then the French v●lour ) was the English name in that Country : that in the 〈◊〉 between King Charles the 8th , & the Duke of Brittaine , the Duke to strike a terrour in his enemies , apparailed 1500 of 〈◊〉 own subiects , in the Armes and Crosse of England . But as 〈…〉 , when he had on the Lyons skinne , was for all that but an Asse , & no Lyon : So these Britons by the weake resistance they made against their enemies , shewed that they were indeed Bri●on● , and no Englishmen . Spaine also tasted the valour of our ●and-souldiers , when Iohn of Gaunt pursuing his title to Spaine ; 〈◊〉 seat home with 8 waggons , laden with gold , and an annual p●nsion of 10000 markes : as also when the Blacke Prince re●●●●lished King Pe●er in his throne● . And then also did they acknowledge , though they felt not the puissance of the English , when Fernando the Catholique surprised the kingdome of Navarre . For there were then in Fontarabia in Biscay , 6000 English●oo● ●oo● , who lay there to ioyne with this Ferdinando , in an expedition against France : Concerning which , Gu●isia●dine giueth this Item , that the Kingdome of Navarre was yeelded rather for the feare and reputation of the English forces that were at hand ; then by any puissance of the King of Arragon . Since those times the Spaniards much esteemed vs , as appeareth by this speech of theirs to our Souldiers at the siege of Amiens . You are tall souldiers , and therefore when you come downe to the trenches , wee d●uble our guards , and lo●ke for blowes : but as for those base & cowardly French , when they come , we make account we haue nothing to doe , but play , or sleepe on our Ramparts . The like the Netherlanders can testifie , only this is the grie●e of it : The English are like Pirrhus king of Epirns , fortunate to conquer kingdomes , but vnfortunate to keep them . Our sea-forces may most euidently be perceiued in the battaile of Scluse , wherein King Edward the third with 200 ships , ouercame the French fleet consisting of 400 sayle ; of which he sunke 200 , and slew 30000 Souldiers : Secondly , at the battle in 88 , where a few of the Q. shippes vanquished the Invincible Armado of the King of Spaine , consisting of 134 great Galleons & ships of extraordinary big●es . Sr Francis Drake with 4 ships , took from the Spaniards , one million , and 189200 Duckats in one voyage , Anno 1587 ; and again with 25 shippes , he awed the Ocean , sacked S. Iago , S. Dominico , & Cartagena , carrying away with him , besides treasure , 240 pieces of ordinance . I omit the circumnavigation of the whole world thrice by this Drake , and Cauendish ; the voyage to Cales : as also how one of the Q. ships , named the Reuenge , in which Sr Rich. Gr●nvill was Captaine , with 180 souldiers ( whereof 90 were sick on the ballast ) maintain'd a Sea-fight for 24 houres , against aboue 50 of the Spanish Galleons ; and though at last after her powder was spent to the last battail , she yeelded on honourable tearmes , yet was she neuer brough● into Spaine ; but had killed more then 1000 Souldiours ; and sunke 4 of their greatest vessels . I omit also the discouery of the Northerne passages by Hugh Willoughby , Dauis , & Frobisher ; concluding with that of Keckerman , Hoc certum est , omnibus hodie gentibus naviga●di industria & peritia superiores esse Anglos , & post Anglos , Holland●s : though now I know not by what neglect & discōtinuance of these honourable employments , the Hollanders begin to bereaue vs of our ancient glories , and account themselues Lords of the Seas . The English are commonly of a comely feature , gracious countenance , for the most part gray-eyed , pleasant , beautifull , bountifull , courteous , and much resembling the Italians in habit , and pronunciation . In matters of warre ( as we haue already proued ) they are both able to endure , and resolute to vndertake the hardest enterprises : in peace quiet , & not quarrelsome ; in aduice or counsell , sound & speedy . Finally , they are actiue , hearty , & chearfull . And yet I know a Gentleman ( whose name for his own credit sake I forbeare ) who vpon the strength of two yeares trauell in France , grew so vnenglished , & so affected or besotted rather on the French Nation ; that he hath not spared diuers times at an open table to say , that the English in respect of the French , were a heauy , dull , and flegmaticke people ; of no dispatch , no mettle , no conceit , no audacity , & I know not what not . A vanity , in a man that is reputed so generally learned and accomplished , meriting rather my pitty , then my anger . Perhaps in vilifying his own Nation , he had consulted with Iulius Scaliger , who in the 16 Chapter of his third book de re poë●●●● , giveth of the two most noble Nations , English & Scottish , thi● base and vnmanly character . Gothi belluae , Scoti non minus : Angli , perfidi , inflati , feri , contemptores , stolidi , amentes , inertes , inhospi●ales , immanes . His bolt , you see , is soon shot , and so you may happily guesse what the Archer was , a man indeed of an able learning ; but of his own worth so conceited , that if his too much learning made him not mad ; yet it made him by much too perempto●y and arrogant . To reuenge a Nationall disgrace on a personal , is an ignoble victory ; besides , Socrates resolution in the like kind in my opinion , was very iudicious , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; if an Asse kicke vs , we must not put him in the court . To confute his censure in euery point , would be to him too great an honour , & to me too great a labour ; it being a taske which of it selfe would require a volume . The best is , many shoulders make the burden light ; and other Nations are as deeply ingaged in this quarrell against that proud man , as ours : for so maliciously hath he there taxed all other people , that that Chapter might more properly haue bin placed among his Hypercritickes . How the English , Netherlanders , and Germans , which of all Nations are thought most giuen to their bellies ; doe agree and differ in this property , the same Scal●ger hath shewed vs in this Epigram : Tres sunt convivae , Germanus , Flander , & Anglus : Dic quis edat melius , quis meliusve bibat . Non comedis Germane , bibis : tu non bibis Angle , Sed comedis : comedis Flandre , ●ibisque bene . Dutch , Flemming , English , are your only guests , Which of these three doth drink or eat the best ? Th'English loue most to eate , the Dutch to swill , Only the Flemming eates and drinkes his fill . Thus was it not long since with our Nation ; but now I feare that the English haue , though not changed with the Flemmings , yet borrowed a little more then needes of their quality . That the English language is a decompound of Dutch , French , and Latine , I hold rather to adde , then to detract from its praises : since out of euery language she hath c●lled the best & most significant words , & participateth equally of their perfections , their imperfections reiected ; as being neither so boistious as the Germane , nor effeminate as the French ; yet as significant as the Latine , and farre more happy in the coniunction or vnion of many words together . The Christian Religion was first planted here , say some , by S. Peter and Paul ; others suppose by Ioseph of Arimathea , whose body they absolutely affirme to be buried in Glassenbury in Somers●tshire . Howsoeuer , certain it is , that Lucius King of Brittaine , who was the first christned king of Europe , sent Anno 180 or thereabout , to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome , for some Ministers , if not to plant yet to confirme the Gospell . Yet it is not a fabulous vanity , to say that Austin first preached the Gospell here ; for this is not to be vnderstood absolutely , that he first preached it ; but that he first preached it to the Saxons , who hauing driuen the Brittaines into Wales , followed their Paga●ish superstition . It happened then that Gregory the Great , seeing some English boyes to be sold in the market at Rome , asked what they were : and answer was made , that they were called Aueli ; well may they so be called , said he , for they seeme Angeli : againe he asked of what Prouince they were , and it being answered , of Deira ; Ergo , said he , de ira Dei sunt liberandi : & lastly vnderstanding that their King was named Alle ; how fitly quoth he , may he sing Alleluiah vnto the most High : & on this occasion , Gregory sent Austin to convert the English Saxons , Anno 600. After the Popes traditions had long annihilated the worth of the Scriptures , it pleased God to stirre vp Luther and the rest , to endeauour a reformation ; which in other Countries receiued tumultuously , was here entertained with mature deliberation ; the English bearing respect neither to Luther , Zwinglius , not Calvin , as to the square of their faith ; but abolishing such things as were dissonant to Gods word , retained such ceremonies , as without offence the liberty of the Church might establish . Wherein certainly they dealt more advisedly then their neighbours , who in meere detestation of the Romish Church , abrogated such things altogether , which their abuse had defiled , though neuer so decent ; & allowed in the Primitiue Church . And no doubt , had the reformed part continued an allowed correspondency in some circumstances , with the Romish Church , a● the Church of England doth now , it had bin farre greater . I haue heard it reported , that when Peter du Moulin that great light of the Church of France , heard how indiscreetly some of our English Cleargy had silenced themselues , because they would not weare the cap and surplisse ; he replyed , that would the King of France giue him a generall licence to preach in Paris , though it were in a fooles coat , he would most willingly accept the condition ; adding withall , that he would neuer for any ceremony , depriue the Church of those gifts , wherewith God had blessed him . A resolution worthy him that spake it . Our Church-gouernment is as that of the Primitiue Church by Archbish●ps and Bishops , which though inveighed against by the zealously superstitious Browni●ts ; yet it is most absolute a●d perfect : and wonder it is how Calvins Presbyterie made only to content the Citizens of Geneva , without any blemish found in the order of Bishops , was so headily receiued , and is as importunately desired . The most valorous Souldiers of this Nation , were Brennus , who conducted the Gaules into Rome : 2 Cassibilane , who twice repulsed the Roman Legions from the Brittish shoare , and had not treason vndermined his proceedings , he had the third time and euer after done the like . 3 Constantine the Great , founder of the Constantinopolitan Empire . 4 Arthur , chiefe of the 9 Worthies . 5 William the Conquerour . 6 Richard the first . 7 Edward the third . 8 Henry the fift . 9 Edward the black Prince . 10 Iohn of Bedford . Our most famous Sea-Captaines haue bin Hawkins , Willowby , Burroughs , Ienkinson , Drake , Candish , Frobisher , and Davies . The most worthy Schollers were , Bede , for his learning surnamed Venerabilis : which attribute he purchased , when being blind , his boy guided him to preach among a company of stones , amongst which when he made an excellent sermon , concluding it with Gloria Pat. he was by them answered , Amen , Amen venerabilis Beda . Others assigne this reason : At his death an vnlearned Monke making him an Epitaph , blundred thus farre on a verse , Hac sunt in fossa Bedae ossa : but because the verse was yet imperfect , he went to bed , leauing a space between the two last words , which he found in the morning supplied in a strange Character , with Vener●bilis ; and so he made his verse , and Beda got his name . The second Scholler of note was Ioannes de Sacro-Bosco , borne in Yorkeshire , the Author of the booke of the Spheare . 3 Alexander de Hales , Tutor to Thomas Aquinas . 4 Iohn Duns Scotus . 5 O●kham . 6 Baconthorp . 7 Winifrid , who converted the Saxons , Hassians , Franesnians , and Thuringians ▪ 8 Willibrod , who converted the Frizons and Hollanders . 9 Walden , who converted the Lunanians , 10 Pope Adrian who converted the Normans . 11 Iohn Wickliffe who so valiantly withstood the Popish doctrine . 12 Iohn Iew●l Bishop of Salisbury . 13 Reinolds . 14 Humfrey , &c. The chiefe in matter of Poesie haue bin 1 Gower . 2 Cha●cer , of whom Sir Philip Sidney vsed to say , that he maruailed how that man in those mistie times could see so clearely , and how we in these cleare times goe so stumblingly after him . 3 Edm Spencer . 4 Drayton . 5 Daniel , and the Martiall of England , Sir Iohn Harrington . England is patible of a threefold division . 1 into 6 circuits , destinated to the Itinerary Iudges . Secondly , into 22 Episcopall Dioceses : Thirdly , into 40 Shires . The Realme was first diuided into circuits by King Henry the second , who appointed , that twice in the yeare , two of the most graue and learned Iudges of the Land , should in each circuit administer Iustice in the chiefe or head townes of euery country . Of these Iudges , one sitteth on matters criminall , concerning the life and death of melefactours ; the other in actions personall , concerning title of land , debts , or the like , between party & party . The first circuit ( for we will begin at the West ) comprehendeth the Counties of Wiltes , Somerset , Devon , Cornewall , Dorset , & Southampton : the second containeth the Counties of Oxford , Berkes , Gloucester , Monmouth , Hereford , Worcester , Salop , & Stafford . The third hath in it the Counties of Surrey , Sussex , Kent , Essex , and Hartford . The fourth consisteth of the Shires of Buckingham , Bedford , Huntingdon , Cambridge , Norfolke , and Suffolke . The fifth of the Shires of Northampton , Rutland , Lincolne , Nottingham , Derbie , Leicester , and Warwicke . And the sixt and last , of the Shires of Yorke , Durham , Northumberland , Cumberland , Westmorland , and Lancaster . So that in these six circuits are numbred 38 Shires . The two remaining , are Middlesex , & Cheshire ; wh●reof the first is exempted , because of its vicinity to London : and the second , as being a Countie Palatine , and hauing peculiar Iudges , and Counsellers to it selfe . Our Church-gouernment is as we haue said , by Archbishops , & Bishops , which are in number 22 ; and so many are the Episcopall Dioceses . Archbishops we haue two , one of Yorke , vnder whom are Bishops of Chester , Durham , & Carlile ; the other of Canterburie , who is Primate and Metropolitan of all England , vnder whom are the 17 other Bishops of England , and the 4 of Wales . This Archbishop of Canterburie vsed to take place in all Councels at the Popes right foot : which took beginning at the Councell of Lateran , when Vrban the second called Anselme the Archbishop from among the other Prelats then assembled , and placed him at his right foot , saying ; Includamus hunc in orbe nostro , tanquam altorius orbis Papam , Aº 1099. They also were accounted Legatinati ; which honourable title was first giuen to Archbishop Theobald by Pope Innocent the second , and so perpetuated to his successours . Both these Archbishops , together with all the Bishops of Wales and England , haue their place and suffrage in the high Court of Parliament , as Barons of the Realme ; and that in a double respect : first in relation had to their offices ; next to their Baronries which they hold of the King. Yet doe they not inioy all the prerogatiue of temporall Barons ; for they must not be tryed by their Peeres , but must be left to a Iury of 12 ordinary men : neither can they in examination , make a protestation on their honour , but must be put to their oathes . As for the Ecclesiasticall Courts , besides such as appertaine to the Archbishop himselfe , besides such as the Chancellour of euery Bishop holdeth in his Diocese ; besides Courts holden in priuat Parishes , which are called Peculiars , & besides the Visitations , which are the assemblies of all the ministers in a Diocese , before their Bishop or his ordinary , there is the Synode or Convocation , which is as it were a Parliament of the Cleargy . In this Synode there assemble for the reforming of the Church , whether it be for point of faith or discipline ; & for the granting of tenths & fifteenths vnto the King ; all the right reuerend Fathers the Archbishops & Bishops ; the Deanes of Cathedrall Churches . & a certain number of ministers chosen out of euery Diocese ; these last being as it were the Knights & Burgesses of the house . The Shires were first made by King Alfred , both for the easier & speedier administration of iustice : & because the naturall inhabitants of the Land , after the example , and vnder colour of the Danes , committed sundry outrages & robberies Ouer euery one of these Shires & Counties , he appointed a Sheriffe ; and diuers Iustices , to see into the behauiour of priuate men ▪ and to punish such as were deliquent : and in times of warre either already begun , or intended , he instituted a Prefect or Liestenant ; to whom he gaue autority to see to their musters , their prouision of armes ; & if occasion serued , to punish such as rebelled or mutinied . This wise King ordeined also , that his subiects should be diuided into tens or tithings , euery of which seuerally should giue bond for the good abearing of each other ; and he who was of that dissolute behauiour , that he could not be admitted to these tithings , was forthwith convayed to the house of correction . By this course men were not carefull only of their own actions , but had an eye to all the nine , for whom he stood bound ; as the nine had ouer him ; insomuch that a poore girle might trauell safely with a bagge of gold in her hand , & none durst meddle with her . The ancientest of these ten men were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Tythingmen . Ten of the ●ighest or neighbouring tythings , made that lesser diuision which we call hundreds ; which name cannot be deriued from the like number of villages , for none of our hundreds are so large ; and one of them in Berkshire there is , which containeth fiue hamlets only . We haue then a diuision of the Realme first into 40 Shires ; of the Shires into diuers hundreds ; and of the hundreds into ten tythi●gs . As for the gouernment ; the chiefe officer is still the Sheriffe , whose office is to assist the Itinerary Iudges in executing Iustice ; to gather in the the Kings amerciaments , &c. Next to him are certaine of the Gentrie , which we call Iustices of the peace , dispersed in all parts of the County , for the better ordering and punishing of peccant people . The Courts herein kept , are either the Countie Court kept euery three weekes , wherein the Sheriffe or his Deputy preside●h ; or the Assises holden twice a yeare by the Itinerary Iudges . In euery hundred there is chosen one officer out of the Yeomanrie , whom we call the Constable of the hundred ; who receiuing warrants from the Sheriffe or Iustices , dispatcheth them to the Constables of euery Town & Village within his hundred : and here also is a Court kept euery three weekes , wherein the steward of the hundred or his depu●y presideth ; and wherein we hold pleas only for actions vnder the value of 4s s vnlesse in some particular hundreds , where by especiall charter , the value of the actions is not limited , as th●t of Slaughter in Glocestershire . There are kept also in euery Village twice a yeare , Courts which inquire into actions between the King and the subiect , which we call Courts leete ; & also other courts wherein are handled actions between the lord & his tenants , which we call Courts Baron ; and are summoned at the pleasure of the lord . Thus we see that Comines had good cause to write , that of all Signeuries in the world that euer he knew , the Realme of England was the Countrie where the Commonwealth was best gouerned . I returne againe to the Shires , of which some take their names from the ancient inhabitants , as Essex and Sussex from the East and South Saxons : some from the chiefe town , as Oxfordshire , and Gloucestersh●re : some from the situation , as Northumberland and Devonshire , this later taking name from the Brittish word Devinon , signifying low valleyes , whereof it much consisteth : and some from the figure , as Corn●wall , from the resemblance it hath to a horne ; and Kent or Cantium , because it is a corner of the Isle , the word importing as much ; as we may see by the word Canton still in vse among Heralds . Of those shires the biggest is Yorkeshire , out of which it is thought that 70000 footmen might be leuied , and in them all are comprehended 145 Castles , or rather the ruines of Castles , of which few are of any strength , and such as are , are in the Kings custody : it being nothing profitable to the State , to permit any man to fortifie himselfe in a well-contriued Castle . Here are also 9725 Parishes , besides Chappels , equal in bignes to many Parishes . Of these Parishes there are 585 Market Townes , being no Cities ; the chiefe of which are Shrewesbury , Northampton , Southampton , Leicester , &c. The Cities are in number 22 , the chiefe of which are 1 London , pleasantly seated on the Thames , which diuideth it into two parts : ancient is this City , and long flourished before the Roman conquest , by whom it was called Augusta . Her circuit may containe 8 miles , in which space are 121 Parish Churches ; the Palace of the King , the houses of the Nobility ; Colledges for the study of the Lawes , ( I meane not the Ciuill Law , which is Ius gentium , but ( as we call it ) the Common Lawes , appropriate only to this kingdome , of greater antiquity and indifferency then the Ciuill . It is wondrous populous , containing well nigh 400000 people , which number is much augmented in the Tearme time . I compare London with Paris thus ; London is the richer , the more populous , and more ancient : Paris the greater , more vniforme , and better fortified . 2 Yorke on the riuer Vre , is the second city of England according to the Verse , Londinum caput est & regni urbs prima Britanni , Eboracum à prim● iure secunda venit . In Brittaine London is the fairest Towne , The second place Yorke claimeth as its owne . ●●mous is this City for the death and buriall of the Emperour Seu●rus , and for the Law Court , instituted and placed here by K , Henry the eight , for the ease of his Northerne subiects , like the ordinary French Parliaments . 3 Bristoll , an especiall fine Town , and conveniently seated for ●raffiqu● . 4 Norwich in Norfolke . Exeter in Devonshire , &c. none of which are comparable to the Cities of Italy , or France ; because the Gentlemen there liue continually in the Cities , ours in the Villages . We haue but two Vniuersities , which may equall six , nay ten of the Vniversities of other Countries , ( so that Paris , with some few others , be not in the number ) most of them being no better then our Colledges of Eaton and Winchester , or the Collegiate Churches of Glocester , Worcester , &c. And scarce any of them is endowed with so much revenues , as two or three of our Colledges . The fairer and more ancient is Oxford , which of long time together with Paris , Salamanca , and Bononia , hath bin by Popes Edicts , honoured with the title of General● studium . The other is Cambridge , which giuing the vpper hand to her sister , shall take place of most of the daughters of the Europaan Muses . That the Vniuersitie of Cambridge is not of so great a standing , as that of Oxford , is euident by the testimonie of Robertus de Remington , cited by M. Camden , viz : Regnante Edwardo primo ( it should rather be read secundo ) de studio Grantbridge facta est Academia sicut Oxonium : where the word sicut ▪ doth not import an identity of the time ; but a relation to Oxford , as to the patterne . We see this truth yet clearer in the Bull of Pope Iohn the 21th , the cotemporary of our Edward the 2d , as I find it in the worke of that great searcher of Academical Antiquities , Mr Brian Twine : Apostolica autoritate statuimus , ( saith the Bull ) quòd Collegium magistrorum & scholarium eiusdem studij ( speaking of Cambridge ) Vniversitas sit c●nsenda , &c. But what need more then a determinate sentence of the first Parliament , holden vnder our now gracious Soueraigne ? For when the Clarke of that Court had put the name of Cambridge before Oxford ; the Parliament taking disdainfully that Hysteron proteron , commanded the Antiquities of both Vniuersities to be searched ; and after search made , gaue verdict for Oxford . The most renowned Vniuersity thus founded , grew not suddenly ( as it seemes ) into esteeme . For when William of Wainslet , Bishop of Winchester , ( and founder of that excellent Colledge in Oxford , dedicated to Mary Magdalen , whereof I am an vnworthy member ) perswaded at Oxford to founde some Colledge ; imm● potiùs Cantabrigiae ( replyed the King ) ut duas , si fieri posset , in Anglia Academias habeam . Of this inough , and perhaps more then mine Aunt Cambridge will conne me thanke for . That the Brittain●s were descended from the Gaules , Caesar in his Commentaries doth affirme , and M. Camden prooueth with vnanswerable arguments . To omit therefore the fable of Brute , and the Catalogue of 68 Kings , before the comming of the Romans hither : certaine it is , Caesar found the people very vnciuill and illiterate , all the learning being lo●ked vp in the brests of the Druides ; who not writing any thing , but telling and teaching by word of mouth , kept the people in a barbarous ignorance . From these Druides , the Gaules receiued their discipline , and he that desired to be perfect in it , came to Brittaine , & here learnt it . The Country continued a Roman Prouince till after the yeare 400 ▪ when Proconsul Aetius taking with him away the Legionary Souldiers , to defend Gallia from the Franks and Burgundians , left South Brittaine a prey to the Scots and Picts . To represse the fury of these invaders , the Romans hauing denied ; the Brittaines sued to Aldroenus , king of Armorica , ( now Brittaine in France ) for aid : whose brother Constaentine , hauing beaten back the Scots and ●icts , was crowned King : a dignity which he inioyed not long , being stabbed by a Pict . Him succeeded his son Constantius , murdred by the meanes of Vortiger , Earle of Cornewall ; who was afterwards King : & finding himself vnable to defend himself against the Picts , sent for the ●axons , a potent people of Germany . Those Saxons flocked hither a main , vnder the conduct of Hengist and Horsus ; who finally droue the Brittaines into the mountainous parts , now Wales . The Brittish Kings . 1 Constantine . 2 Constantius 3 Vortiger . 4 Vortimer . 5 Vortiger ( againe ) 6 Aurelius Ambros. 500 7 Vter Pendragon . 506 8 Arthur 36 512 9 Constantine 4 546 10 Conan 30 576 11 Vortipor 4 580 12 Malgo 586 13 Careticus or Caradoc 27 613 14 Cadwan 22 635 15 Cadwallan 43 678 16 Cadwallader , The last king of the Brittaines ; of all which , the most infamous was Vortiger , who betrayed his country to the Saxons ; the most famous was Arthur , of whom the Monkish Writers of those times relate many idle and impossible actions : doubtlesse he was a man of tryed valour , as hauing vanquished the Saxons in 12 seuerall battailes ; & pitty it is ▪ his atchieuments came not vnto vs entire in themselues , & vnmixt with the fabulous deeds of armes , attributed to him & his Knights of the round table . For by this ouer-straining his worths , the pidling writers of former times haue onely giuen posterity iust occasion to suspect that vertue , which they so much thought to adorne : and filled vs with as much ignorance of the Story , as admiration of the persons . But this hath not bin King Arthurs case alone ; for in the same measure & kind , haue the French Monkes vsed Charlemaigne , and the 12 Peeres of France . This Arthur is said to haue begunne the custome of solemnizing the Natiuity of our Sauiour , for the 12 dayes next after his birth-day ; with such feasts and sports , as are yet vsed by the lords of misrule in some Gentlemens houses : an ordination which the Scottish Writers of these times much blame , it being a time fitter for our devotion , then our mirth . In this decay of the Brittish rule , the victorious Saxons erected their Heptarchie , or seuen seuerall kingdomes . 1 The Kingdome of KENT , contained Kent only ; the people of which by the testimony of Iulius Caesar , were the most ciuill and ingenious . This kingdome began vnder Hengi●t the Saxon Captain , Anno 4●5 ; & after the succession of 18 Kings , ended in the time of Baldred . who resigned his regality to Egbert K. of the West Saxous , 827. The first Christian King was Ethelbert , who receiued Austin , sent from Gregory Bishop of Rome , Aº 595. 2 The Kingdome of the SOVTH-SAXONS contained the Regni , now Sussex and Surrey . It began vnder a Saxon named H●lla , Aº 536 ; & ended after a succession of 7 Kings , in the time of Aldine , who lost it to the West-Saxons , Aº 648. The first Christian King was Ethelwold . 3 The Kingdome of the EAST-ANGLES contained the Iceni , now Norfolke , Suffolke , and Cambridgeshire . It began Aº 546 , vnder the Saxon Vffa , & ended after the succession of 17 Kings , Aº 964 : in which yeare Edward the elder took it from the D●nes ; who before had taken it from S. Edmund the last King of the Saxons blood , Aº 869. The first Christian King was Carpenwald , Aº 630. 4 The Kingdome of the NORTHVMBERS contained Yorkeshire , Lancashire , Richmondshire , Durrham , Cumberland , Westmorland , Northumberland , and so to Edenburgh , being the ancient seat of the Brigantes and Ottadini . It comprehended the Kingdome of Deira , reaching from Humber to Tine , began by Ella a Saxon , Aº 547 : and of Brenitia extending from Tine to Edenburgh , begun by Ida a Saxon , Aº 550. They were both vnited vnder the name of Northumberland by Ethelsride . It continued vnder the succession of 23 Saxon Kings , till the yeare 878 , in which time it was subdued by the Danes ; who afterward yeelded this Kingdome to Eldred King of the West-Saxons , Anno 954. The first Christian King hereof was Edwin , Aº 627. 5 The kingdome of the EAST-SAXONS contained the Trinobants , now Essex & Middlesex . It began Aº 614 , and ended after the succession of 17 Kings ▪ the last of which was Suthred : in whose time Egbert king of the West-Saxons vnited it to his kingdome , Aº 832. The first Christian King was Sebert , A ● 624. 6 The kingdome of MERCIA being the greatest , contained part of the Ic●ni or Huntingdonshire . The Cateiuclani or Buckingham , Bedford , and Hertfordshiere● : the Coritani or Rutland , Northampton , Leicester , Lincolne , Nottingham , and Darbishires : and the Cornavij , or Worcester Warwicke , Stafford , Chester , and Shropshires . It began vnder Penda a Saxon Anno 626 ; and ended after a succession of 18 Kings , in the time of Cenolphe : when Alured ioyned it to the West-Saxons , An. 876. The first Christian King was Peada , Anno 647. After it was seazed on by the Danes , and from them againe recouered by Edward the Elder . Anno 917. 7 The most strong and prevailing kingdome was of the WEST-SAXONS , containing the Damnonij , or Cornwall and Devonshire : the Belgae containing Somersetshire , Wiltshire , and Hampshire , the Durotriges , or Dorcetshire ; and the Attrebatij or Berkeshire . The West-Saxon Kings . 522 1 Cerdicus 17 539 2 Kenricus 26 565 3 Celingus 30 595 4 Celricus 5 600 5 Coolwolfe 14 614 6 Kingil the first Christian king of the West Saxons 646 7 Kenewalkin 31 977 8 Sigebertus 1 678 9 Esewin 2 680 10 Centwin 7 687 11 Cedwalla 3 680 12 Ina 35 725 13 Edelard 14 739 14 Cuthred 16 755 15 Sigebert 1 756 Kinulphus 31 717 16 Bithricus 13 800 17 Egbert , who hauing subdued the principall kingdoms of the Saxon Heptarchie , stiled himself the first Monarch : comm●nding South-Brittaine to be called England , from the English Saxons , from whose bloud he was extracted , and ouer whom he raigned . Somewhat before this Egbert , the Danes 〈…〉 like a violent thunder-clap on the Northumbers ; and 〈…〉 they were oft vanquished , yet being as often victorious they at last ●eased on the Monarchie of England . The Saxon Monarchs . 800 1 Egbert 37 837 2 Ethelwolfe 2● 857 3 Edelbald 858 4 Edelbert 5 863 5 Edelfred 9 872 6 Alured ▪ who totally vnited the Heptarchie into one Monarchie , leauing the Danes possession , but not Soueraignty , in Northumberland . He diuided England into sh●eres . 900 7 Edward the elder 24. 927 8 Athelstane , in whose daies liued Guy of Warwicke , 16 940 9 Edmund 6. 949 10 Eldred who compelled the Danes to be Christned 9. 955 11 Edwin 4. 959 12 Edgar , who imposed the tribute of Wolues on the Welsh 16. 975 13 Edward II , 3. 978 14 Etheldred , who being of an euill carriage , gaue hope to the Danes once more to recouer their soueraignty : who so prevailed , that Etheldred was content to pay the yearly tribute of 10000 pounds : which at last they enhanced to 48000 pounds . This tyrannie Etheldred not able to endure , warily writ vnto his subiects , to kill all the Danes as they slept on S. Bricies night , being the 12 day of November Anno 1012 : which being accordingly put in execution , Swaine King of Danemarke came with a Navy of 350 sayle into England . To avoid this storme Etheldred fled into Normandie , leauing his poore subiects to the mercy of the Danish King : who tyrannized ouer them till his death : after whom succeeded his sonne Canutus , who ( maugre Etheldred now returned , or his soone Edmund Ironside , a most valiant young Prince , and treacherously murdered ) possessed himselfe of the Monarchie . The Danish Kings . 1017 1 Canutus 20 1037 2 Harald 4 1041 3 Hardie Canute . After whose death , the Danes having raigned in England 26 yeares , and tyrannized 255 yeares ; were vtterly expeld by the English : who crowned Edward , surnamed the Confessour , the youngest sonne of Etheldred , for their King. Now concerning the Danes abiding here , and going hence , as they did , I obserue three customes yet in vse amongst vs. First , each English house maintained one Dane , who liuing idly like the drone amongst the bees , had the benefit of all their labours , and was by them called Lord Dane : and euen now when we see an idle fellow , we call him a Lurdane . 2ly The Danes vsed , when the English drank , to stabbe them or cut their throats ; to avoid which villanie , the party then drinking , requested some of the next sitters to be his surety or pledge , whilst hee paid nature her due : and hence haue we our vsuall custome of pledging one another . 3ly The old Romans at the expulsion of their kings annually solemnized the Fugalia : according to which patterne , the ioyfull English hauing cleered the country of the Danes , instituted the annuall sports of Hock-tide ; the word in their old tongue the Saxon , importing the time of scorning or triumphing . This solemnity cōsisted in the merry meetings of the neighbours on those dayes , during which the festivall lasted ; & was celebrated by the younger sort of both sexes , with all manner of exercises and pastimes in the streets ; euen as Shrouetide yet 〈◊〉 . But now time hath so corrupted it , that the name excepted , there remaineth no signe of the first institution . The Saxons reinthroned . 1045 15 Edward the Confessour . This King collected out of the Danish , Saxon , and Mercian lawes , one vniuersall & generall lawe ; whence our Common lawe is thought to haue had its originall : which may be true of the written lawes , not of the customary and vnwritten lawes ; these being certainly more ancient . He was in his life of that holinesse , that he receaued power from aboue to cure many diseases ; amongst others the swelling of the throat , called by vs the Kings evill : a prerogatiue that continueth hereditary to his successours of England . Finally after his death he was canonized for a Saint : & died hauing raigned 24 yeares . 1066 16 Harald Sonne to Earle Godwin , was chosen King in the nonage of Edgar Ad●ling , Grandchild to Edmond Iron●ide , the true heire of the kingdome . In his raigne William Duke of Normandie pretending a donation of Edward the Confessour ; invaded England , slew Harald , and with him , 66654 of his English Souldiers ; possessed himselfe of the kingdome : vsing such pollicy in his new conquest , that he vtterly disheartned the English from hopes of better fortune . The Norman Kings . 1067 1 William the Conquerour 22. 1089 2 William Rufus second sonne to the Conquerour , taking aduantage of the absence of his brother Robert , then in the Holy land ; was crowned King , and was after slaine in Newforrest in Hampsh : by an arrow leueld at a Deer . 13 1102 3 Henry for his learning named Bean Clarke , excluded his brother Robert from the kingdome ; tooke from him the Dutchie of Normandy ; and put out his eyes ; hee died leauing only one daughter , viz : Maud. 35. 1136 4 Stephen sonne to Alice daughter to the Conquerour , succeeded ; who to purchase the peoples loue released the tribute called Danegelt ; he spent most of his raigne in war against Maude the Empresse , 19. The Saxon l●ne restored . 1155 5 Henry II sonne to Maud the Empresse , daughter to Henry the first , & to Maud daughter to Malcolme King of Scotland and Margaret sister to Edgar Ath●linge , restored the Saxon bloud to the Crowne of England . His father was Geofrie Earle of Anion , Touraine , and Maine ; which Provinces he added to the English Empire ; as also the Dutchie of Aquitaine , and Earledomes of Guyen , and Poictou , by Elen●ur his wife ; and a great part of Ireland . Happy was he in all things , the vnnaturall rebellions of his sonnes excepted , 34. 1189 6 Richard for his valour surnamed C●ur de Lyon , warred in the Holy land ; ouercame the Turkes , whom he had almost driven out of Syria ; tooke the I le of Cyprus ; & after many worthy atchieuements , returning homewards to defend Normandy , and Aquitaine against the French : was by tempest cast vpon Austria , where hee was taken prisoner , put to a greiuous ransome , and finally slaine at the siege of Chaluz , in Limousin , 12. 1201 7 Iohn his Brother succeeded , an vnhappy Prince ; neither could he expect better , being an vnnaturall son to his father , and an vndutifull subiect to his brother : hee was l●ke to haue lost his kingdome to the French , who on the Popes curse came to subdue it : Finally after a base submission of himselfe and kingdome to the Popes Legate , he was poysoned at Swinstead Abby . 17. 1218 8 Henry III his sonne , expel'd the intruding French out of England ; but being vexed in the Barons warres could not doe the like in France : where , in his fathers life , they had seazed on all the English Provinces . He confirmed the statutes of Magna Charta . 56. 1274 9 Edward awed France , subdued Wales , brought Scotland into subiection ; of whose king & nobility he receaued homage , 34. 1308 10 Edward II , a dissolute Prince , hated of his Nobles , and contemned by the vulgar , for his immeasurable loue to Peirce Gaueston , and the Spencers : was twice shamefully beaten by the Scots , and being deposed , was murdered in Berkly Castle . 19. 1327 11 Edward III , a most vertuous and valorous Prince , brought the Scots to a formall obedience , ouerthrew the French Armies , tooke the Towne of Callice , & many faire possessions in that kingdome , 50. 1277 12 Richard II , an vngouerned and dissolute King , lost what his father the Blacke Prince , & his Grandfather had gained ; and for many enormities was deposed , and murdred at Pomfret Castle , 22. The Lancastrian Lince . 1399 13 Henry IV , sonne to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster third sonne to Edw. the third ; was by the consent of the people chosen King : & spent his whole raigne in suppressing home-bred rebellions , 15. 1414 14 Henry V , the mirrour of magnificence and patterne of true vertue , pursued the title to France , and wonne it ; being ordained heire apparant to the French Crowne , in a Parliament of their Nobility , Clergy , and Commons : but liued not to possesse it , 9. 1423 15 Henry VI , was crowned King of France in Paris , which kingdome hee held during the life of his Vnkles , Iohn of Bedford , and Humfrey of Glocester : after whose deaths , he not only lost France to the French , but England and his life to the Yorkish faction , 38. The Yorkish Line . 1461 16 Edward IV , Earle of March , sonne to Richard D. of Yorke , sonne to Richard Earle of Cambridge , sonne to Edmund of Langley , fourth sonne to King Edward the 3d whos 's second sonne Lionel Duke of Clarence , married his daughter and heire Philip , to Roger Mortimer Earle of March ; whose sonne Roger had issue Anne , married to Richard Duke of Yorke ; and was the mother to Edward the fourth . He after nine bloudy battailes , especially that of ●owton , in which were slaine 36000 English ; was quietly seated in his dominions of England & Ireland 23 1484 17 Edward V his sonne , was before his Coronation murdered by his Vnkle Richard , in the Towre of London . 1484 18 Richard III , a most wicked and tyrannicall man , to make way vnto the Diadem , murdered K. Henry the 6 , & Prince Edward his sonne : 3 George Duke of Clarence his brother : 4 Hastings , a faithfull seruant to King Ed●a●d : 5 , Rivers , Va●ghan , and Grey , the Queenes kindred : 6 Edward the fift his soueraign , with his young cosen Richard : 7 Henry Duke of Buckingham his deere friend , and greatest coadiutor in these his vngodly practises : and 8 his wife Anna , so to make way to an incestuous marriage with his Cosen Elizabeth : but before the solemnity , hee was slaine at Bosworth , 3. The Vnion of the Families . 1482 10 Henry Earle of Richmond heire to the house of Lancaster , as sonne to Margaret , daughter to Iohn D. of Somerset , sonne to Iohn Earle of Somerset , sonne to Iohn of Gaunt D. of Lancaster ; after the ouerthrow of Richard , married Elizabeth daughter and heire to Edward the 4th . He was also extracted from the Brittish royall blood , as being sonne to Edmund Tudor Earle of Richmond , son to Owen Tudor ( discended from Cadwallader the last Brittish King ) and Katherine of France , widdow of Henry the 5th . His whole warres were against home-bred Rebells , the chiefe being Lambert , and the followers , and fautors of Perkin Warbecke , 23. 1509 20 Henry VIII , heire to both families ▪ between which were sought for the Diadem , 17 pitched fields , in which perished 8 Kings and Princes , 40 Dukes , Marquesses , and Earles ; 200000 of the common people ; besides Barons and Gentlemen . This King banished the vsurped supremacy of the Popes , and beganne the first reformation of religion ; though formerly he had written a book against Luther , for which the Pope intituled him Defender of the faith , 39. 1548 21 Edward VI , a most vertuous and religious Prince perfected the reformation began by his father ; and was a most hopefull young King , as England euer nourished 6. 1554 22 Mary his sister , a woman not of a cruell nature , if not misled : yet so much addicted to the Pope , that in that cause there died a Q. elect , vertuous Iane G●ey . 3 Lords , 3 Dukes , many Knights & hundreds of the reformed subiects ; she lost Calli●e , and died hauing ruled fiue yeares . 1559 23 Elizabeth , a most gratious and heroicke Lady , was by divine providence preserued , during the troublesome raigne of her sister , to sway this scepter . She reduced religion to its primitiue purity , refined the corrupt coynes , stored her royall Navy with all warlike munition ▪ succored the Scots against the French , the French Protestants against the Catholiques , and both against the Spaniard she defended Belgia against the Armes of Spaine , shee comm●nded the whole Ocean , entred league with the Muscovite , and was famous for her virginity and gouernment amongst the Turkes , Persians , and Tartars , 49. The Vnion of the Kingdomes . 1603 24 IAMES , a most learned and religious King , sonne to Mary Queene of Scotland , daughter to Iames the fift sonne to Iames the fourth , and Margaret eldest daughter to Henry the seauenth of England : which Margaret was secondly married to Archembald Douglasse ; whose daughter Margaret , was married to Mathew Earle of Lennox ; whose sonne Henry Lord Darnley , was father to our most gratious Soueraigne ; descended from the eldest daughter of Henry the seauenth , both by father and mother . Hee was with all ioyfull acclamations saluted King of England , March the 24 , Anno 1603. The revenewes of this kingdome were in King Henry the sevenths daies , reckoned by Boterus to be but 400000 crownes : which afterward he saith to be improu'd to a milliō & 300000 crownes ; yet falleth he farre short of the true proportiō : which since I doe not directly knowe , I will not ayme at , lest I should shoot as wide from the marke . Concerning the place due to the Kings of England in generall councells , and the ranke they held among other Christian Princes , I finde that the Emperour of Germany was accounted Maior filius Ecclesiae ; the King of France , Minor filius ; and the King of England , Filius tertius , & adoptivus . The K. of France in generall councels had place next the Emperour on his right hand ; the King of England , on his left hand ; & the King of Scotland next before Castile . Now indeed , the King of Spaine being so much improued , is the deerely beloued sonne of the Church , & arrogateth to himselfe the place aboue all other Princes : but in the time of Pope Iulius the 2d , controversie arising between the Embassadours of these two Princes for precedency : the Pope adiudged it to belong of right vnto England . And Pope Pius the fourth , vpon the like controversie , arising between the Embassadours of France and Spaine ; adiudged the precedency to the French. The Armes of England are Mars , 3 Lions passant Gardant , Sol. The reasons why these Armes quartred with the French , take the second place ; are 1 because that France is the larger & more famous kingdome : 2 That the French seeing the honour done to their Armes , might more easily be induced to haue acknowledged the English title . 3 Because the English Armes is compounded of the Lion of Aquitaine , and the two Lions of Normandie ; being both French Dutchies . The principall orders of knighthood are , 1 of the Round Tab●e , instituted by Arthur King of the Brittaines , and one of the Worlds nine Worthies . It consisted of 150 knights , whose names are recorded in the history of K. Arthur , there where Sir Vr a wounded knight , came to be cured of his hurts , it being his fate , that only the best Knight of the whole order could be his Chirurgion . The principall of thē were Sir Lancelot , Sir Tristrum , Sir Lambrocke ; Sir Gawaine , &c. They were all placed at one Round Table , to auoide quarrels about priority and place . The Round Table hanging in the great hall at Winchester , is falsely called Arthurs Round Table ; it being not of sufficient antiquity , and containing but 24 seats . Of these knights there are reported many fabulous stories . They ended with their founder , and are fained by that Lucian of France , Rablaies , to be the Ferry-man of hell : and that their pay is a peece of mouldie cheese , and a phillip on the nose . 2 Of the Garter , instituted by King Edward the third , to increase vertue and true valour in the hearts of his Nobility ; or as some will , in honour of the Countesse of Salisburies Garter , of which Lady , the King had formerly bin inamoured . There are of this order 26 knights , of which the kings of England are Soueraignes : and is so much desired for its excellency , that 8 Emperours , 22 forraine kings , 20 forraine Dukes , and diuers Noblemen of other Countries haue bin followers of it . The ensigne is a blew Garter , buckled on the left leg , on which these words are embroydered , viz : Honi soit qui mal y pense . About their necke they weare a blew ribbond , at the end of which hangeth the image of S. George , whose day is the installation day . 3 Of the Bath , brought first into England 1399 , by Henry the fourth : they are created at the Coronation of Kings and Queenes , and the installations of the Princes of Wales ; their duty is to defend true Religion , Widdowes , Maids , Orphans , and to maintaine the kings rights . England hath Vniuersities two : Oxford , Cambridge . Archbishops 2 Duke 1 Earles 34 Bishops 20 Marquesse 3 Viconnts 9 Barons WALES . VVALES is bounded on all sides with the Sea , except the East , where it is separated from England by the riuer Dee , and a line drawne to the riuer Wie . But the most certain and particular limit is a huge ditch , which beginning at the influxe of Wie into the Seuerne ; reacheth vnto Chester , where Dee is mingled with the sea , euen 84 miles in length . It was built by Offa king of the Mercyans , and is in Welch called Claud Offa , that is , Offa's Dike . Concerning this ditch King Harald made a law , that what Welchman soeuer was found with a weapon on this side of it , he should haue his right hand cut off by the kings officers . The ancients were the Silures possessing Radnor , Brecknocke , Monmouth , and Glamorgan shires : the Dimetae inhabiting Carmardan , Penbrooke , & Cardigan shires : the Ordouices dwelling in Montgomerie , Merioneth , Denbigh , Flint , and Carnarvon shires . As for the name of Wales , some deduce it from Idwallo , sonne to Cadwallader , who with the small remainder of the Britons , retired vnto this Country . But this Etymologie is by the greater number not approued , though we find many etymons farre more wrested then this is . Others very iudiciously coniecture , that as the Britons deriue their pedegree from the Gaules , so they also retaine the name . For the Frenchmen to this day call this people Galloys ; and the Country Galles : which by vsing W for G , according to the custome of the Saxons , is Walloys and Walles : And further , the Germans as yet call some nations of France by the name of Wallons . I for my part dare be of this opinion ▪ though I know the generall conceit is , that after the Saxons had gotten plenarie seisin & deliuerie of England , the Brittaines who fled hither , were by them called Walli or Welshmen , because they were of diuers manners and language ; this name importing as much as Aliens . The Country is very mountainous and barren . Their chiefe commodities are woollen cloathes , as cottons , bayes , &c. These merchandises are from all parts of Wales brought vp vnto Oswestre ( which is the farthest town in all Shropshire ) as vnto a common emporie . For hither on Mundayes ( which are the market dayes ) come from Shrewsbury the cloath-merchants , and drapers there dwelling ; buy these commodities , carry them home , and from thence disperse them into all parts and places of the kingdome . They haue here also a tripartite division , 1 into three circuits ; for the administration of Iustice. The first conteineth Flint , Denbigh , and Montgomerie shires ; the second Radnor , Glamorgan , and Brecknocke shires : the third Cardigan , Carmarthen , and Pembrooke shires : and the fourth the Counties of Merioneth ; Carnarvon , and the Isle of Anglesey , Wales is secondly diuided into foure Dioceses for Ecclesiasticall discipline : and thirdly into twelue Shires ; in which are comprehended Snowdon hils , the Brethen , and Plinlimmon : 1 chase , 13 forrests , 36 parkes , 99 bridges ; 2●0 Riuers : the chiefe of which are Dee , arising nigh Carduvaure hils , in Merionethshire , and falling into the sea not farre from Chester . Ouer this riuer Edgar K. of England was rowed by 7 inferiour kings . 2 Wie in Latine called Vaga , arising in Plinlimmon hills , and emptying it selfe into the Seuerne at Chepstowe . The riuers which are more in the heart of the Country , ( for these two are but borderers ) are 1 Conwy , which arising in Merionethshire , and diuiding Denbigh from Carnarvonshire , mingleth with the sea at Aberconney . 2 Tiuie , which arising in Montgomeryshire , and passing betweene Carmarden , Penbrooke , and Cardigan shires ; runneth into the sea a little below Cardigan : and 3 Chedhydy , which running quite through Pembrookeshire , emptieth it selfe into Milford hauen ; one of the most safest and capacious hauens , not in England alone , but in the whole world . The men are of a faithfull carriage , one especially towards another , in a strange Country ; and to strangers in their owne . They are questionlesse of a temper much inclining to choller , as being subiect to the passion called by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; by which men are quickly mooued , and soone appeased , of all angers the best and noblest . The Welch language hath the least commixture with forreine words , of any vsed in Europe ; & by reason of its many consonants , is lesse pleasing . Here are 1016 Parishes , of which are 56 market towns , ( being no cities , and in them 41 castles ) and 4 cities , viz : S. Dauids or Meneuia in Pembrookeshire : 2 Bangor in Carnarvonshire ; 3 Asaph in Flintshire . 4 Lannaff in Glamorganshire , being all the seates of so many Bishops , who comprehend vnder their seuerall Dioceses all Wales , and acknowledge the Archbishop of Canterbury to be their Metropolitan . As for S. Dauids , it was in former times an Archbishops See ; but a grieuous pestilence here raging , the See was translated into litle Brittaine in France . The ordinary market-townes ; for so many as I haue seene , are generally fairer then ours in England , and were for the most part built not onely for mutuall commerce of the neighbouring villages ; but also for strength and ability of resistance ; as being well seated and fortified with walls & castles : Though now partly by the iniquity of time , which is ●dax rerum ; partly by the negligence of the people , whose care and cost should haue maintained them ; but chiefly by the policie of our Kings , who would not suffer strong forts to stand in a country almost inaccessible , & among men so impatient of the yoke : the very ruines of them are almost brought to ruine . In this country & ( as I am informed ) in Cardiganshire , haue lately some siluer-mines bin found out , by that industrious & worthy Common-wealths-man , Mr. Thomas Middleton : to the glory of this particular Country , & the profit of the whole Monarchie of Great Brittaine . After the death of Cadwallader , the Princes were no more stiled Kings of the Brittaines , but Princes of Wales : who follow in this order . The Princes of all Wales . 690 1 Idwaello . 2 Rodericke . 3 Conan . 4 Mervyn . 843 5 Rodericke , who diuided Wales between his three sonnes . To Mervyn the eldest , he gaue Northwales ; to Amarand the second , Powisland ; to Cadel the yongest , South-Wales . NORTH-WALES containeth the shires of Merioneth , Denbigh , Flint , and Carnarvan . The Princes of North-wales . 877 1 Mervyn . 2 Idwallo . 3 Merricke . 4 Ioanes . 1067 5 Conan . 32 1099 6 Griffin . 21 1120 7 Owen . 58 1178 8 Dauid . 16 1194 9 Leoline . 46 1240 10 Dauid 116 1246 11 Leoline II. Who consulting once with a witch , was told that it was his destinie to ride through London with a Crown on his head : hereupon he growing burdensome to the English Borderers , was in a battaile ouerthrowne ; his head fixt vpon a stake , and adorned with a paper crown , was by a horseman carried triumphantly through London , 1282 ; and so the prophesie was fulfilled . In him ended the line of the Princes of North-wales , who had for the space of 405 yeares , resisted not only the priuate vndertakers of England , who were commonly of the Nobility ; but the whole forces also of many most puissant Monarchs : Whose attempts they alwayes made frustrate , by retiring into the heart of their country , and leauing the English more woods and hills to encounter , then men . But now the fatall period of the Brittish liberty being come , they were constrained to yeeld to the stronger . What Prouinces North-Wales containeth , is before said ; to these we must adde the I le of Anglesey , ( which hereafter wee shall describe ) in one of whose townes , called Aberfrawe , the Princes hereof vse to reside ; and thereupon were called kings of Aberfrawe . Shrewsbury also as long as they continued masters of it , was the seat royall of these Princes , who had heere a very faire palace : which being burned in some of their broyles with England , is now converred into priuate gardens , for the vse of the citizens . The farthest bridge of ●his town called the Welch-bridge , was built by one of the Leolines , ( the first as I coniecture ) whose statua is yet standing on the bridge-gue there . That this was of the three the most predominant principalitie , and to which the o●her two were in a manner tributary , may be prooued by the constitutions of Howell Dha , that is , Howell the good , Prince of South-Wales . One of which is , that as the kings of Aberfrawe , were bound to pay in way of tribute , 63 pounds vnto the Kings of London ; so the Kings of Dy●e●ar , and Matrafall , ( or South-wales and Powisland ) should pay in way of tribute , the like summe vnto the Kings of Aberfrawe . The Armes of the Princes of North-Wales , were quarterly Gules and Or ; foure Lyons passant gardant , counter-hanged . 2 POWISLAND conteined the whole Countie of Montgomery , the greater part of Radnorshire , and part of Shropshire . By the estimate of those times , it was held to be 15 Cantre●s , or hundreds of villages , ( the word Cant , signifying an hundred ▪ & Tref , a village . ) This Country was by th'aboue-mentioned Rodericke giuen vnto his second soone Amarandus ; whom he chose to rule ouer the borders , because he was a man of approued valour . The residence of these Princes was at Mathrafall , who for that cause were called kings of Matrafall . It was then a great and a faire town ; now nothing in a manner , but a bare name : and standeth in an equall distance betweene Welch-poole , and Lanvilling , in Montgomeryshire . It continued a principality , till the time of Edward the first . To whom at a Parliament holden at Shrewsbury , Owen ap Griffin Prince thereof , resigned his lands & title : and receiued them againe of the King to hold in Capite , and free baronage , according to the custome of England . Avis or Havis daughter and heire to this Owen , was married vnto Iohn Charleton a Valect , ( or Gentleman of the priuie Chamber ) to Edward the 2d : by whom in right of his wife , he was made Lord of Powis . It continued for foure descents in this line ; and then the marriage of Iane , daughter and heire of Edward the last Lord , vnto Sir Iohn Grey , conveighed vnto him this title : which together with his issue , is now extinct . The Armes of these Princes of Powis , were Or , a Lyon rampant Gules . 3 SOVTH-WALES conteined the shires of Brecknocke , Carmarden , Glamorgan , Penbrooke , and Cardigan . The Princes of Southwales . 877 1 Cadell 2 Hoell 3 Hoell Dha 4 Owen 5 Eneas 6 Theodore the great 7 Rhese I 1093 8 Griffin I 9 Rhese II 10 Griffin II , in whom ended the line of the Princes of South-wales , after they had with great struggling maintained their liberty , the space of 300 yeares or there-about . The English nobility had at seueral times plucked many townes , Lordships , and almost whole shires , from this principate : which were all againe recouered by this last Griffin ; who not long enioying his victories , left the fruits of them to his two sonnes , Cynericke , & Meredith , both whom our Henry 2d tooke , and put out their eyes . Yet did the Welchmen , as well as in such a time of calamitie they could wrestle , & tugge for their liberty ; till the felicity of Edward the first , put an end to all the warres and troubles in these part . It may perhaps be maruailed at , why Rodoricke the great , in the diuision aboue-mentioned , gaue vnto his yongest sonne , the greatest & most fruitfull part of this whole Country . To which we answere , that South-wales indeed was the greater & richer ; but yet accompted the worser part ; because the Nobles there refused to obey their Prince ; and also for that the Sea-coasts were grieuously infested with Flemmings , English , & Normans . In which respect also the Prince was enforced to remoue his seat from Carmarden , then called Maridune ; vp higher vnto Dynefar or Devenor castle , where it continued euen till the Princes themselues had left to be : who for this cause were called Kings of Dynefar . When King Edward had thus fortunately effected this great businesse , he gaue vnto his English Barons , and other gentlemen of good revenue and potencie , diuers signieuries & estates here ; as well to honour their valour shewed in the conquest , as to engage so many able men , both in purse and power , for the perpetuall defence and subjugation of it . As for the lordship of Flint , and the townes and estates lying on the sea-coasts , he held them in his own hands , both to keep himselfe strong , and to curb the Welch , and ( wherein he dealt like the politique Emperour Augustus ) pretending the ease of such as he had there placed ; but indeed to haue all the armes , and men of imployment vnder himselfe onely . This done , he diuided Wales into six shires , viz : 1 Glamorgan , 2 Carmarden , 3 Pembrooke , 4 Cardigan , 5 Merioneth , and 6 Carnarvon , after the manner of England . Ouer each of these as he placed a particular English Lieftenant ; so was he very desirous to haue one generall English Vicegerent , ouer the whole body of the Welch . But this when they mainly w●thstood , he sent for his wife , then great with child , to Carnarvon ; where , when she was d●liuered , the king assembled the Brittish Lords , and offered to name them a Gouernour borne in Wales , which could speak not one word of English , & whose life no man could taxe . Such a one when they had all sworne to obey , he named his yong son Edward , since which time , our Kings eldest sonnes are Princes of Wales . Their investiture is performed by the imposition of a cap of estate , & a coronet , on his head that is invested , as a token of his principality : by deliuering into his hand a verge , being the embleme of gouernment : by putting a ring of gold on his finger , to shew him how now he is a husband to the Country , & a father to her children ; & by giuing him a patent , to hold the said principalitie to him and his heires Kings of England . By which words , the separation of it from the Crowne is prohibited ; & the Kings keep in themselues so excellent an occasion of obliging vnto them their eldest son● , when they pleased . In imitation of this custome , more ex Angliá translat● ( saith Mariana . ) Iohn the first of Castile & Leon , made his son Henry Prince of the Asturia's ; which is a Country so craggie and mountainous , that it may not improperly be called the Wales of Spaine . And all the Spanish Princes euen to these times are honoured with this title of Prince of the Asturia's . Notwithstanding this prouident care of Edward the first , in establishing his Empire heere , & the extreme rigour of Law here vsed by Henry the fourth , in reducing them to obedience after the rebellion of Owen Glendower : yet till the time of Henry the eighth , and his father , ( both being extract from the Welch blood ) they neuer contained themselues , or uery seldome , within the bounds of true alleageance . For whereas before they were reputed euen as Aliens ; this Henry made them ( by act of Parliament ) one Nation with the English ; subiect to the same Lawes ; capable of the same preferments ; & priuiledged with the same immunities . He added sixe shires to the former number , out of those Countries which were before reputed as the borders or marches of VVales ; and enabled them all to send knights and burgesses vnto the Parliaments ; So that the name and language only excepted , there is now no difference between the English & Welch ; happy vnion . The same King Henry established for the ease of his Welch subiects , a Court at Ludlow , like vnto the ordinary Parliaments in France ; wherein the Lawes are ministred according to the fashion of the Kings Courts of Westminster . This Court consisteth of one President , who is for the most part of the Nobility , and is generally called the Lord President of Wales ; of as many Counsellers as it shall please the King to appoint ; one Atturney ; one Sollicitour ; one Secretary ; and the foure Iustices of the counties of Wales . The same Ludlow , ( for this must not be omitted ) is adorned with a very fair castle ; which is the Palace of such Princes of VVales , of the English blood , as haue come into this Country , to solace themselues among their people . Here was yong Edward he fift , at the death of his father : and here died Prince Arthur , eldest son to Henry 7th , both being sent hither by their fathers to the same end , viz : by their presence to keep in order the vnquiet Welchmen . And certainely as the presence of the Prince was then a terror to the rebellious , so would it now be as great a comfort to this peaceable people . What the reuenues of this principality are , I cannot say ; yet we may boldly affirme that they are not very small , by these two circumstances , in the marriage of the Lady Catharine of Spaine , to our abouenamed Prince Arthur . For first her father Fernando , being one of the wariest Princes that euer were in Europe , giuing with her in Dowry 200000 Ducats ; required for her iointer , the third part only of this principality , & of the Earldome of Chester . And 2ly after the death of Prince Arthur , the Nobles of the Realme perswaded Prince Henry , to take her to wife ; that so great a treasure , as the yearely revenewe of her ioynture , might not be carried out of the kingdome . The Armes of the Princes of Wales differ from those of England , only by the addition of a labell of three points . But the proper and peculiar device , and which we commonly , though corruptly , call the Princes Armes ; is a Coronet beautified with three Ostrich feathers , and inscribed round with Ich●dien , that is Iseru● : alluding to that of the Apostle , the he●re while hee is a child , differeth not from a servant . This Coronet was wonne by that valiant Prince , Edward the blacke Prince , at the battaile of Cressie , from Iohn King of Bohemia , who there wore it ; & whō he there slew . Since which time it hath beene the cognisance of all our Princes . I wil now shut vp my discourse of Wales with that testimony of the people , which Henry the 2d vsed in a letter to Emanuel Emperour of Constantinople , The Welch nation is so aduenterous , that they dare encounter naked with armed men ; readie to spend their bloud for their Country , and pawne their life for praise : and adding only this , that since their incorporating with the English , they haue shewed themselues most loyall , hearty , and affectionate subiects of the State. There are in Wales , Bishops 4 Earles 4. Barons . THE BORDERS . BEfore we come into Scotland , wee must of necessity passe through that batable ground , lying betweene both kingdomes , called THE BORDERS : the inhabitants wherereof are a kinde of military men , subtile , nimble , & by reason of their often skirmishes well experienced , and aduenturous . Once the English border extended as farre as vnto Edenborough , East ; and to Sterling , West : nigh vnto which last towne , there was ouer the Friths of Dunbritton , a bridge built ; and in a crosse thereon standing , there was written this pasport , I am free march as passengers may kenne ; To Scots , to Brittans , and to Englishmen . But when England groaned vnder the burden of the Danish oppression , the Scots well husbanded that aduantage ; and not only enlarged their border to the Tweede ; but also tooke into their hands , Cumberland , Northumberland , and Westmorland . The Norman Kings againe recouered these Prouinces , making the Borders of both kingdomes to bee Tweede , East ; the Solway , West ; and the Cheviot hills in the midst . Of any great warres made on these borders , or any particular officers appointed for the defence of them , I finde no mention till the time of Edward the first ; who taking aduantage on the Scots disagreements , about the successour of Alexander the third ; hoped to bring the Country vnder the obedience of England . This quarrell betweene the two nations he began , but could not end ; the wars surviuing the author . So that what Velleius saith of the Romans and Carthaginians , I may as well say of the Scots and English : for almost three hundred yeares together , aut bellum inter eos populos , aut belli praeparatio , aut infi●a pax fuit . In most of these conflicts the Scots had the worst , so that Daniel in his history seemeth to maruell how this corner of the I le could breed so many , had it bred nothing but men , as were slaine in these wars : yet in the raigne of Edward the 2d , the Scots ( hauing thrice defeated that vnhappy Prince ) became so terrible vnto the English Borderers , that an hundred of them would fly from three Scots . It is a custome among the Turkes not to beleeue a Christian or a Iew complaining against a Turk● , except the● occusation be confirmed by the testimony of some Turke also : which seldom hapning is not the least cause why so litle iustice is there done the Christians . In like manner it is the law of these Borderers neuer to beleeue any Scot complainining against an Englishman , vnlesse some other Englishman will witnesse for him ; & so on the other side : Ex iure quodam inter limitaneos rat● ( saith Camden in his Elizab. ) nullus ni●i Scotus in Scotū , nullus nifi Anglus in Anglum , testis admittitur . This custome making void in this fashion al kinds of accusations , was one of the greatest causes of the insolencies on both sides committed . Besides t●ere were diuers here liuing , which acknowledged neither King : but sometimes were Scots , sometimes English , as their present crimes and necessities required protection or pardon . To keepe in this people , and secure the Borders , there were in each Kingdome three officers appointed called the Lords wardens of the Marches : one being placed ouer the East , the other ouer the West , the third ouer the middle borders . In England the Warden of the East Marches had his seat at Berwicke ( a towne of great strength , and which for the conveniency of its situation , was the first thing which the English tooke care to defend , and the Scots to surprise ) of which he was also gouernour . The Warden of the West Marches , had his seate in Carlile , which Henry the 8th for that cause well fortified . The Warden of the middle Marches had no set place of residence , but was sometimes in one place , sometimes in another , according as occasions required . But Imperij medium est , terminus ante fuit , by the blessed marriage of the kingdomes , that being now the middle of one , which was then the bounds of two Empires : these officers , and the cause of them , the warres , are quite extinct . SCOTLAND . SCOTLAND is the Northerne part of Brittaine , & separated from England by the riuers Tweed , and Solway ; and the Cheuiot hils extending from the one to the other . It is in length ( according to Polidor ) 480 miles , but of no great breadth ; there being no place distant from the Seas 60 miles ; and the Country ending like the sharpe point of a wedge . There is in all o● most of our Brittish Maps , a great ouersight committed , which I could wish were reformed : for whereas Scotland is by the best iudgements reckned to be 160 longer then England ; England is in these Mappes made well nigh 100 miles longer then Scotland . The denomination is taken , not as fabulous antiquaries think from Scota daughter to an Aegyptian Pharaoh ; but from the Scoti , Scy●t● , or Scythi , a people of Germanie , ouer whose Northerne bounds the name of Scythia did once extend . These first ce●zed on a part of Spaine , next on Ireland , & Anno 424 , on the West of this Country . More of this theame may bee read in M. Camden , who most iudiciously confuteth the absurd fables , and groundeth his relations vpon more then probable truths . The Country is diuided into the Highland and the Lowland . The people of the former are either liuing on the Westerne cōtinent of Scotland , and haue some smacke of ciuility ; or in the Out-Iles , which ( as his Maiestie hath in his Bas : Doron ) are all vtterly barbarous , and are no waies to be reduced to ciuility , but by planting Colonies of the more in-land & orderly Scots amongst them . The Lowlanders bordering on the East are of the like ingenious dispositions and language , almost with the English. They are the ofspring of the Saxons , as euidently doth appeare , 1 by their behauiour ; 2 their language ; and thirdly by the testimony of the Highlanders ( who are the true Scots , and speake the Irish tongue ) who call both the Lowlanders , and the English , Saxons . And very probable it is ( for so much I haue heard a judicious Gentleman of this nation affirme ) the Scots & Saxons invading this Iland nigh at the same time ; that the Saxons might seaze vpon the Easterne parts , confronting their coūtry ; as that the Scots did possesse the Westerne side , which lay next vnto Ireland and the Westerne Ilands , from whence they first came into Brittaine . Scotland is farre more barren then England . The chiefe commodities are course cloathes , Freezes , Fish , Hides , Lead-oare , &c. The Gospell was first preached here by Palladius , An o 431 : they now follow the reformation begun by Luther , and seconded or perfected by Zuinglius and Caluin . The people had not long since one barbarous custome : which was , if any two were displeased , they expected no law ; but bang'd it out brauely , one & his kindred , against the other and his , and thought the King much in their common , if they granted him at a certaine day to keepe the peace . This fighting they call their Feides ▪ a word so barbarous , that were it to bee expressed in Latine , or French , it must be by circumlocution . These deadly feids , his Maiestie in his most excellent Basilicon Doron , aduiseth his sonne to redresse with all care possible ; but God hath giuen him a long life , to see it in his owne daies remedied ▪ wherein he hath gotten a greater victory ouer that people , then euer any forraigne Prince , or any of his predecessours : an act indeed truely royall , and worthy himselfe . An other custome they once had of that nature , that the like hath hardly beene in Christendome ; which tooke beginning as the Scottish historians affirme , in the raigne of Ewen the 3d , who is the fifteenth King in their Catalogue , after the first Fergus . This Ewen being a Prince much addicted , or rather wholy giuen ouer vnto lasciuiousnesse ; made a law that himselfe and his successours should haue the maidenhead or first nights lodging with euery woman , whose husband held land immediatly from the crown : and the Lords & Gentlemen of all them , whose husbands were their tenants or homagers . This was it seemes the Knights service , which men held their estates by ; & continued till the daies of Malcolme Comnor , who at the request of his wife Margaret ( she was the sister of Edgar Etheling ) abolished this law : ordaining that the tenants by way of commutation , should pay vnto their Lords a marke in mony , which tribute the historians say is yet in force . It was called Marcheta mul●eris : but whether from Mar● , a horse in the old Gall●que , ( implying the obscene signification of Equitare ) as M. Selden thinkes : or Marca the summe of mony by which it was afterward redeemed I cānot determine . The principall riuers are 1 Forthea . 2 Clada . and 3 Tay , all nauigable . The famous or miraculous things rather of this coūtrey , are 1 the Lake of Mirton ; part of whose waters doe congeale in winter , part of them not : 2ly the Lake of Len●ox 24 miles round , in which are 30 Ilands , one of which is driuen to and fro in every tempest . 3ly the deafestone 12 foot high , & 33 cubi●s thicke ; of this rare quality , that a musket shot off on the one side , cannot be heard by a man , standing on the other . The Ancients were first the Gadeni , containing Tiuidale , Tivedale , Mer●h , and Lothien . 2ly the Selgovae of Lidisdale , Eusdale , Eskdale , Anansdale , and Nidisdale . 3 l● The Novantes , of Gallowa●e , Carrect , K●le , and Cunningham . 4ly The Damnij of Clu●dsdale , Stri●eling , M●nteth , and F●fe . 5ly The Caledonij , of S●ratherne , Argile , Cantire , Albanie , Lorne , Perth , and Anguis . 6ly The Vernines of Mernis , and Mar. 7ly The Talzali of Buquh● . 8ly The Vacomagi , of Loquabre and Murray . 9ly Cantae of Rosse and Sutherland . 10ly The Catine of Cathnes . And lastly the Cornubij of Strathnaverne , the farthest Country Northwa●d of all Brittaine . These Provinces are diuided 1 into diuers Sherifdomes , which be●ng hereditary , are a great hinderance to the execution of iustice , so that there is no way to remedy this mischiefe , so speeding , as when they are escheated , to dispose of them according to the laudable custome of England . 2ly Into 13 Dioceses of Ecc●esiasticall gouernment , which diuision was made by Malcome the third Anno 1070. the Bishops before exercising their ●unctions , in what place soeuer they came . Archbishops they had none till the yeare 1478 ; the Bishops of Yorke being before the Metropolitans of Scotland . The greatest friends of the Scots were the French , to whom the Scots shewed themselues so faithfull , that the French King committeth the defence of his person , to a selected number of Scottish Gentlemen : and so valiant , that they haue much hindered the English victories in France . And certainely the French feeling the ●mart of the English puissance alone , haue continually heart●ed the Scots in their attempts against England ; & hindred all meane● of making vnion betweene them : as appeared when they broke the match agreed on , between our Edward the sixt , and Mary the young Queene of Scotland ; but now this great matter is happily effected . Their greatest enimy was the English , who ouercame them in many battailes , ceazed on the kingdome , and had longer kept it , if the mountaines and vnaccessible woods had not beene more true to the Scots , then their owne valour : for so much his Maiestie seemeth to intimate in his speech at Whiteh●ll 1607. And though ( saith he ) the Scot●es haue had the honour and good fortune neuer to be conquered ; yet were they never but on the defensiue side , and may in part thanke their hills and inaccessible passages , that saued them frō an vtter ouerthrowe , at the hands of all them that euer pretended to conquer them . But I am cuncti gens vna sumus , sic simu● in aevum , One only nation now are we , And let vs so for euer be . The chiefe Citties are Edenburgh , of old called Castrum Alatum in Lothien , where is the Kings pallace , and the Court of iustice . It consisteth chiefly of one street , extending in length one mile ; into which runne many petty lanes : so that the whole compasse may be well nigh 3 miles . It formerly belonged to the English , from whom oppressed with the Danish tyrannies , the Scots tooke it , Anno 960. 2 Glasco in Cluidsdale , an Archbishops See ; & an Vniuersity , founded 1554 ▪ by Bishop Turnbull , 3 S. Andrewes in Fife , honoured with the same prerogatiues . It is called in Latine Fanum R●guli , and tooke both this and the English name on this occasion . The bones of S. Andrew the Apostle , were translated from Patra in Morea , where hee did suffer martyrdome , vnto Constantinople : from whence they were brought hither by Albat●u Regulus a Monke , Anno 378. He built ouer them a monastery , which after grew to be a Citty ; called in memory of the founder Fanum Reguli ; in memory of the Saint , S ▪ Andrew . The Bishop hereof is the Metropolitan of all Scotland . 4 Sterling ( or Striueling ) in the hundred so called ; neere vnto which hapned the most notable discomfiture , that euer the Scots gaue the English : who besides many Lords , and 700 Knights and Gentlemen of note , lost , as the Scottish writers say , 50000 of the common sort ( ours acknowledge 10000 only ) the King himselfe ( who then was Edward the 2d ) being faigne to sly for his life . Some Scottish writers affirme the purer siluer which we call Sterling mony , to haue bin h●re coined . Wee may as well say that all our Siluer bullion , comes from Bullion in France . The truth is , that that denomination came from the Germans , of their easterly dwelling , tearmed by vs Easterlings : whom King Iohn first drew into England , to refine and purifie our siluer . 5 Aberdon in Marr. 6 Dond●● in Ang●is . 7 Perth , or S. Iohns towne . This kingdome contained once two populous nations ; Scots and Picts What the former were hath already beene said ; the latter ( to omit the confutation of them who hold them to bee descended from the Agathirsi , of Scythia ) were very Brittaines : who when the Roman Eagle had with her blacke wings darkned the South part of the Iland ; fled into the Northerne pa●ts , as preferring penurious liberty before fetters of gold . These men vsing the ancient custome of painting their bodies , after their Countrymen had conformed themselue● to more ciuill courses : were by the Romans called Picti . they long swaied here alone , till the yeare 424 ; in which the Scots now growne populous , did first set footing in Brittaine : with whom at their first arriuall , they contracted an offensiue and defensiue league , against the Brittaines ; whom on all sides they most miserably tortured . It hapned at the last that Achaius married Fergusia , sister to Hungust King of the Picts ; by her he had issue Alpine : who after the death of Hungust dying without issue , was in the iudgement of the Scots , to succeed in the Pictish Kingdome . But the Picts alleaging a law of not admitting Aliens to the crown , chose one Ferereth for their king ; with whom A●pine warring , was after many victorious exploits slaine . This quarrell thus begunne , was maintained by their successours , till after many bloudy victories , and ouerthrowes on both sides ; Kenneth K. of the Scots vanquished Donsken King of the Picts , and extinguished not only their kingdome , but their very name : ( vnlesse we will beleeue that some of them did fly into France , & there forsooth vanquished , and inhabited the Countries called now Pictavia and Picardie . ) From this Kenneth the first Monarch of all Scotland , we will beginne our Catalogue ; leauing out that rabble of Kings mentioned by Hector Boetius , in his hist●ry of this kingdome and nation . Neither shall I herein I hope offend the more iudicious sort of the Scottish nation , especially since I deale no more vnkindly with their Scota , and her successours ; then I haue done already with our own Brutus , & his . The first Scottish King that setled himselfe in the North of Brittaine , is according to the aboue-named Hector Boëtius , one Fergus ; which in the time that Coyle gouerned the Brittans , came , forsooth , into these parts out of Ireland . From him vnto Eugenius , we haue the names of 39 kings in a continued succession ; which Eugenius , together with his whole nation , is said to haue beene expelled the Iland , by a ioynt confederacie of the Romans , Brit●ns , and Picts . Twenty & seuen yeares after the death of this Eugenius , they were reduced againe into their possession here , by the valour and conduct of one Fergus the 2d of that name . To this Fergus I referre the beginning of the Scottish kingdome in Brittaine , holding the stories of the former 39 Kings , to bee fabulous and vaine : neither want I probable coniecture for this assertion ; this expedition of Fergus into Brittaine , being placed in the 424 yeare of Christ , at what time the best writers hold the Scots to haue first seated themselues in this Iland . The king of chiefe note betweene this Fergus , and Kenneth the first Monarch of all Scotland ; was Achaius : who contracted the offensiue and defensiue league with Charles the great , betweene the kingdomes of France and Scotland . The conditions whereof were . 1 Let this league betweene the two kingdomes indure for ever . 2 Let the enimies vnto one be reputed and handled as the enimies of the other . 3 If the Saxons , or Englishmen invade France , the Scots shall send thither such numbers of Souldiers , as shall be desired : the French King defraying the charges . 4 If the English invade Scotland , the King of France shall at his own charges , send competent assistance vnto the King of Scotland . Neuer was there any league , which was either more faithfully obserued or longer continued , then this betweene these two kingdomes : The Scots on all occasions so readily assisting the French , that it grew to a prouerb , or by word , he that will France winne must with Scotland first beginne . Now before I come vnto Kenneth , I will in this place relate the story of Machbed , one of his successours : a history then which for variety of action , or strangenesse of euent , I neuer met with any more pleasing . The story in briefe is thus D●ncan King of Scotland , had two principall men whom he employed in all matters of importance ; Machbed and Banquho . These two travelling together through a forrest were mette by three Fairies , or Witches ( Weirds the Scots call them ) whereof the first making obeisance vnto Machbed , saluted him Thane ( a title vnto which that of Earle afterward succeeded ) of Glammis , the second , Thane of Cawder . and the third , King of Scotland . This is vnequall dealing said Banquho , to giue my friend all the honors and none vnto me : to whom one of the Weirds made answere , that he indeed should not be King , but out of his loynes should come a race of kings that should for euer rule Scotland . And having thus said they all suddenly vanished . Vpon their arriuall to the Court , Machbed was immediatly created Thane of Glammis ; and not long after , some new seruice of his requiring new recompence , he was honoured with the title of Thane of Cawder . Seeing then how happily the prediction of the three Weirds fell out in the two former ; hee resolued not to bee wanting to himselfe in fulfilling the third ; and therefore first hee killed the King , and after by reason of his command among the Souldiers and common people , he succeeded in his throne . Being scarce warme in his seat , he called to minde the prediction giuen to his companion Banquho , whom herevpon suspecting as his supplanter he caused to be killed , together with his whole kindred , Fleance his son onely with much difficulty escaping into Wales . Freed now from this feare , he built Dunsinane Castle making it his ordinary seat : and afterward on new feares consulting with certaine wizards about his future estate ; was by one told that he should neuer bee ouercome till Bernane wood ( which was some few miles distant ) did come to Dunsinane Castle : and by the other that he neuer should be slaine by any man borne of a woman . Secure then as he thought , he omitted no kinde of libidiuousnesse or cruelty for the space of 18 yeares , for so long he raigned , or to say better , tyrannized . Mackduffe gouernour of Fife , ioyning to himselfe some fewe Patriots , which had not yet felt the tyrants sword ; priuily met one night at Bernane wood , and early in the morning marched , euery man bearing a bough in his hand the better to keepe them from discouery ; toward Dunsinane Castl● ; which they presently tooke by s●aladoe . Machbed escaping , was pursued , ouertaken , and vrged to fight by Mackduffe ; to whom the tyrant halfe in scorne replied ▪ that ●n v●ine he attempted his death : for it was his destinie neuer to b● slaine by any man borne of a woman . Now then is thy fatall houre come , said Mackduffe , for I was neuer borne of a woman , but violently cut out of my mothers belly , she dying before her deliuery : which words so danted the tyrant , though otherwise a man of good performance , that he was easily slaine ; and Malcolme Conmor the true heire of the Crowne , seated in the throne . In the meane time Fleance so thriued in Wales that he fell in loue with the Welch Princes daughter , and on her begat a sonne named Walter . This Walter flying Wales for a murther , was entertained in Scotland , and his descent once knowne , he was preferred to be Steward vnto King Edgar , from which office the name of Steward became as the sir-name of all his posterity . From this Walter descended that Robert Steward , who was after in right of his wife , King of Scotland ; since which time there haue been successiuely nine Soueraignes of this name in Scotland . But it is now high time ( the prophecies being fulfilled , and my story finished ) to attend King Kenneth , & his successours . The Kings of all Scotland . 839 1 Kenneth 17. 856 2 Danald 6. 862 3 Constantine 13. 875 4 Ethus 15. 890 5 Donald . II. 13. 903 6 Cons●an●ine II. 30. 933 7 Malcolmne , 16. 949 8 Ingulph 12. 961 9 Duffe . 961 10 Kenneth II. 33 994 11 Constantine III. 10. 1004 12 Malcolme II. 30. 1034 13 Duncan 6. 1040 14 Machbed 18. 1057 15 Malcolme III. 39. 1096 16 Donald Bane 2. 1098 17 Edgar 9. 1107 18 Alexand. ●he fierce 1124 19 David 29. 1153 20 Malcolme IV. 12. 1166 21 William 49. 1213 22 Alexander II. 38. 1250 23 Alexander III. 37. After the death of this king began that tedious and bloodie warre for the kingdome of Scotland ; betweene the husbands of the last Kings three Neices . And when they could not amongst themselues compose the difference ; they referred the cause to our Edward the first , as to the supreame soveraigne of that kingdome ; and he selecting 12 Scottish , and 12 English Counsellours , with generall consent of all adiudged it to Iohn Baliol , husband to the late Kings nighest kinswoman . 1300 24 Iohn Baliol an Englishman ; but forgetfull both of English birth and English curtesies , hee inuaded the kingdome of England in hostile manner , and was taken prisoner , 6. 1036 25 Robert Bruce husband to the second sister , succeeded by the generall consent of the Scots ; but hee being dead , our Edward the third setled S. Ed. Baliol in the kingdome . 24. 1332 26 Edw. Baliol sonne to Iohn Baliol , was reiected by the Scots for adhering too closely to our Edward ; who therefore harried Scotland with fire and sword . 10. 1342 27 Dauid Bruce seated by the Scots , was an vtter enemy to the English ; and inuading England when Edward the third was at the seige of Calice : he was taken prisoner by Queene Philip , 29. 1371 28 Robert Steward King of the Scots , in right of his wife being eldest sister to the last King , was descended from the ancient Princes of Wales , thereby restoring the Brittish blood vnto the Scottish throne , 19. 1390 29 Robert III. 16. 1406 30 Iames taken prisoner by our Henry the fourth , as he was going to the Court of France . In his absence Robert Duke of Albanie gouerned Scotland 18 yeares ; and this King being inlarged by our Henry the fift , raigned 24 yeares more . 1448 31 Iames II , 14. 1462 32 Iames III. 29. 1491 33 Iames IV. hee was married vnto Margaret , eldest daughter to Henry the seauenth ; yet he against the peace , and all reason , inuaded England with 100000 men ; he was met with by the Earle of Surrey ( hauing 26000 men in his Army ) nigh vnto Flodden ; where hee was slaine , together with two Bishops , 12 Earles , 14 Lords , & his whole Army routed . 23. 1514 34 Iames V. This man inheriting his Fathers hatred against the English , inuaded their borders in the yeare 1542 and was met by the Lord Wharton , then Warden of the West Marches . The battailes being ready to ioyne , one S ● Oliuer Sincleer the Kings fauorite , though otherwise of meane paren●age , was by the Kings directions proclaimed Generall : which the Scottish Nobility tooke with such indignation , that they threw downe their weapons , and suffered themselues to be taken prisoners , there being not one man slaine on either side . The principall prisoners were the Earles of Glencarne and Cassiles , the Barons Maxwell , Oliphant , Somervell , Flemming , with diuers others ; besides many of the Gentry . He raigned 28 yeares 1542 35 Mary , an vnfortunate Princesse , was first married to Francis the second of France , by whom hauing no issue she was remarried to Henry L. Darnly . 1567 36 IAMES the VI , sonne to Mary Queene of Scotland and Henry L. Darnly , was crowned King before the death of his mother : he tooke to wife Anne daughter vnto Christierne King of Danemarke ; and was called to the Crowne of England after the death of Queen Elizabeth , vpō the 24 of March 1603 Here can I not o●it the prudent foresight of Henry the seuenth who hauing two daughters to marry , bestowed the elder on the King of Scotland , and the younger on the King of France ; that if his owne issue male should faile , and a Prince of another nation must inherit England ; then Scotland as the lesser kingdome should follow and depend vpon England ; and not Engl●nd wait on Fra●ce , as on the greater . Neither will I here passe ouer the prophecy , attributed in the Polychronicon , vnto an holy Anchoret that liued in King Egelred his time , which is this ▪ English men for that they wonneth them to drunkennesse , to treason , and ●o rechlessenesse of Gods house ; first by Danes , & then by Normans , and the third time by Scots , whom they holden least worth of all , they shallen be ouercome . Then the world shall bee vnstable , and so diverse & variable , that the vnstablenes of thoughts shall be betokened by manny manner diversity of cloathing . Certainely by this happy vnion of the kingdomes is this prediction accomplished ; the circumstances of time so patly agreeing , and the Scots neuer subduing England , but by this blessed victory . The principall order of Knighthood in this kingdome is of S. Andrew , instituted by Hung●us King of the Picts , to hearten his subiects against Athelstane King of England . The Knights weare about their necks a coller interlaced with Thistles , with the picture of S. Andrew pendant to it . It tooke this name because after the battaile , Hungius & his Souldiers went all barefoot to S. Andrew ; and there vowed that they and all their posterity , would thenceforth vse his Crosse as their ensigne , when soeuer they tooke in hand any warlike expedition . The word is Nemo me impune lacessit . The reuenewes of this Crowne Boterus writeth to be not aboue 100000 Crownes ; and though they were farre more , yet certainely not comparable to those of England : here being no commodity in this kingdome to allure strangers to traffique ; 2ly , The Country it selfe being barren . & 3ly , Many of the subiects , those especially of the Westerne parts , and out Iles , so vnwildy , that they cannot be very beneficiall to the treasurie . The Armes are Sol , a lyon rampant Mars , within a double tressure counterflowred . This tressure counterflowred was added to the Lyon by Achaius King of Scotland , at what time he contracted the perpetuall league with France ; signifying ( saith H●ctor Boëtius ) Francorum opibus leonem exinde esse muni●●dum . Here are in Scotland . Vniuersities 4. 1 Edenburgh . 2 Glasco . 3 S. Andrewes . 4 Aberdon . Archbishops 2 Duke 1 Earles Bishops 11. Marquesses . Vicounts . Barons . IRELAND . IRELAND environed on all sides with the Sea , standeth West of Brittaine ; next vnto which , it is the biggest Iland of Europe , containing in length 400 , and in bredth 200 miles . It is situate vnder the 10th and 12th Climates , the longest day being 16 hou●es and more . The Iland hath by some bin tearmed Scotia , because the Scotti comming from Spaine , dwelt there . The most vsuall name amongst old writers , is Iernia ; the moderne , Hibernia ; the English , Ireland ; & though some frame a wrested Etymologie frō Iberus a Spanish Captaine , some from Irnalph a Duke hereof , & others ab Hyberno aëre , the winter-like and cold aire ; yet certainly the name proceedeth from Erinland , which in their old language signifieth a westerne land . Their own Chronicles , or Fables rather , tel vs , how Caesarea , Noahs Neece , inhabited here before the Floud ; and how 300 yeares after the Floud , it was subdued by Bartholanus a Scythian , who ouercame here I know not what Giants . Afterward Nemethus an other Scythian Prince , and Delus a Gracian , came hither ; and last of all Gaothel , with his wife S●ota , one of the Pharaohs daughters , who must needs name this Iland Scotia . Not to honour such fopperies with a confutation , doubtlesly the first inhabitants of this Iland came out of Brittaine . For Brittaine is the ●ighest Country vnto it , and so had a more speedy wastage hither ; secondly , the ancient Writers call this Iland , a Brittish Iland ; and thirdly , Tacitus giueth vs of this Country this verdict , Solum , coelumque , cultus & ingenia homi●um , ha●d multùm à Britannia differunt ; the habits and disposition of the people were not much vnlike the Brittaines . The people are generally strong and nimble of body , haughtie of heart , carelesse of their liues , patient of cold & hunger , implacable in enmity , constant in loue , light of beliefe , greedy of glory ; and in a word , if they be bad , you shall no-where finde worse ; if they be good , you shall hardly meet with better . But more particularly both men and women within the Pal● , and such places where the English discipline is heartily embraced , are conformable to ciuility ; the Kernes ( for by that name they call the wilde Irish ) extreamely barbarous ; not behauing themselues as Christians , scarcely as men . They vse the Irish language , spoken also in the West of Scotland , and the Hebrides or westerne Ilands . They receiued the Christian faith by the preaching of S. Patricke , Anno 335. At this present , the more ciuill sort follow the reformation according to the Church of England ; but the Kernes either adhere to the Pope , or to their own superstitious fancies . The soyle of it selfe is abundantly fruitfull , as may be seen in such places , where the industry of man playeth the midwife with the earth , in helping her to bring forth ; but on the contrary , where agriculture , and laborious manuring of the ground is deficient , there also the fruits of the earth are not , and cannot be abundant . Famous hath this Country bin in former times for the piety and religious liues of the Monkes ; amongst whom I cannot but remember Columban , and of him this memorable apothegme : He being offered many faire preferments to leaue his Country , replyed , It becommeth not them to embrace other mens riches , that for Christs sake had forsaken their owne . But now I should sooner find pietie amongst the Cannibals of America , then the Kernes of Ireland . Amongst other prerogatiues of this Iland , this is one , that it breedeth no venemous serpent ; neither will any liue here , brought from other Regions . Hence of her selfe she thus speaketh , Illa ego sum Graijs Glacialis Hibernia dicta , Cui Deus & melior rerum nascentium origo . Ius commune dedit , cum Creta altrice Tonantis , Angues ne nostris diffundant sibila in oris . I am that Iland , which in times of old The Greekes did call Hibernia y●●e-cold : Secur'd by God and Nature from this feare , Which gift was giuen to Crete Ioves mother deare , That poisonous snakes should neuer here be bred , Or dare to hisse or hurtfull venome shed . The other miraculous things in Ireland are , 1 all the breed of it , ( except women and Gray-hounds ) are lesser then in England . 2ly , there is a lake aboue Armach , into which if one thrust a peece of wood , he shall find that part which remaineth in the mud , converted to iron ; & that which continueth in the water , turned to a whet-stone : which , if those reports be false , is worthily deserued of their first authors . Thirdly , the Kine will yeeld no milke , vnlesse their calues are by them , or their calues skinnes stuffed with hey or straw . The state of the Clergie hath bin little beholding to fortune : In former times some of the Bishops had no more revenewes then the pasture of two milch Kine : and now the violent stomacks of Impropriatours , haue so farre deuoured that which our Ancestours consecrated to religious vses , as the glory of God , and the maintenance of his Ministers : that in the whole Prouince of Connaght , the stipend of the incumbent is not aboue 40 shillings , in some places but 15 shillings . So that the Irish must needs be better fed then taught ; for ad tenuitatem beneficiorum necessariò sequitur ignorantia sacerdotum ; and the poore Vicars plea deserueth to be heard , their case pittied , their estate amended ▪ The chiefe riuers are 1 Shennin or Sinei , which beginning in Vlster , runneth the course of 200 miles , to the Verginian Sea , & is nauigable 60 miles . 2 The Slane . 3 Awiduff , called by the English , Blackwater . 4 Showre . These and the other riuers of principall note , take along with you , according as I find them registred by that excellent Poet M. Spencer , in his Canto of the mariage of Thames and Medwaie , There was the Liffie rowling down the lea , The sandi● Slane , the stonie Aubrian , The spacious Shenin spreading like a sea , The pleasant Boyne , the fishie-fruitfull Banne , Swift Awiduffe , which of the Englishman Is call'd Blackwater ; and the Liffar deepe , Sad Trowis that once his people ouer-runne , Strong Allo tumbling from Slewtogher steepe , And Mulla mine , whose waues I whilome taught to weep . There also was the wide embayed Mayre , The pleasant Bandon crown'd with many a wood , The spreading Lee that like an Iland faire , Encloseth Corke with his diuided floud ; And balefull Oure , late stain'd with English bloud : With many more , &c , The principall lakes ( of which this Iland is full ) are Lough Earne , Lough Foyle , and Lough Corbes , in length 20 , in bredth 4 miles , in which are 300 Ilets abundant in Pine-trees . Ireland is diuided into 5 Prouinces , which formerly were Kingdomes , viz : 1 MVNSTER hath on the East Lemster , on the West and South the Sea , and on the North Connaght : It is diuided into the Counties of Kerrie , Waterford , Desmond , Corke , Tiperarie , & Holy Crosse. The chiefe Cities are , 1 Limericke on the banks of Shennin . 2 Corke . 3 Kinsall , which was fortified in the last Irish troubles by Don Iohn d' Aquila , and a Spanish Garrison , and 4 Waterford on the Shoure . 2 CONNAGHT hath on the East Meth , on the West the Sea , on the North Vlster , on the South Mounster . It is diuided into the Counties of Mato , Twomond , Galway , Slego , Roscoman , and Letrim , this last belonging once to the O Rorkes . The chiefe Cities are 1 Bunratti . 2 Gallway , the third City of Ireland for fairnesse and largenesse . 3 VLSTER hath on the South Meth and Connaght , on all other parts , the Sea. It is diuided into the Countries of Louth , Canan , Fermanagh , Doun , Monagham , Armach , Antrim , Tirconnel , Colran , and Tir Oen , whose rebellious Earles haue bin so long traitours to England , and disturbers of the Ilands quiet . The chiefe Cities are 1 Dundalke in Louth . 2 Dungannon , the residence of the great Onecles . 3 Arma●th , the seat of an Archbishop , one of whom is famous for writing against the liues of the Roman Cleargy . 4 Dongall in Tir Connell ; & a London Derrie , built and peopled by the Citizens of London . 4 METH hath on the East the Sea , on the West Conaght , on the North Vlster , and on the West Lemster . It is diuided into the Counties of East-Meth , West-Meth , & Long-ford . The chief townes of it are 1 Kellye . 2. Trim. and 3 Tredagh . 5 LEMSTER hath on the East and South the Sea , on the West Conaght , on the North Meth. It is diuided into the Counties of Kilkennie , Caterlogh , Kildare , Kings Countie , or Ophalie , Queenes Countie or Lease , W●isbford , and Dublin , The chiefe Townes are 1 Mary Bourg in Lease . 2 Philips town in Ophali● . 9 Kildare , one of whose Earles was complained of to Henry the eight , and when his aduersary concluded his invectiue , with , Finally all Ireland cannot rule this Earle ; the King replyed , then shall this Earle rule all Ireland ; and so for his ●ests sake he made him deputy . 4 Dublin seated on the L●ffie , is the Metropolis of Ireland , the residence of the Lord Deputy , the See of an Archbishop , and an Vniuersity . It was built by Harald Harfager , the first King of Norwey , and after the English conquest , was peopled by a Colony of our Bristoll men . The whole number of Counties in Ireland is 32 , in euery of which is a Sheriffe , and diuers Iustices of peace , as in England . They are gouerned after the Lawes of England : and formerly their grieuances were referred to , and their Statutes enacted at our Parliaments ; but now the Deputy hath power of assemble the States , and make what Lawes , or reforme what customes the necessity of the time requireth . Ireland once was diuided into fiue several Kingdomes , & first suffered a forraine power vnder Turgesius and his Norwegians , who were soone rooted out by the policy of the petty king of Meth , who was the only Irish Prince in fauour with the tyrant . This king of Meth , ( by name Omalaighlilen ) had to daughter a woman of renowned beauty , whom Turgesius lusting after , demanded of her father to be his Concubine . The Methian Prince vnwilling to grant , yet daring not to deny this petition , or , to say better command , for such are tyrants petitions ) made answere , that he had in his tuition besides his daughter , a beuie of most beautifull Virgins , out of which he should choose as many as he pleased for his priuate pleasures . Turgesius reioycing at this motion , desired him with all speed to effect this meeting . But the King of Meth attiring in the habits of women , a company of yong Gentlemen , who durst for the common liberty , adventure their seuerall liues , conducted them into the tyrants bed-chamber . And they according to the directions giuen thē , when for that little modesties sake he had in him , he had commanded all his attendants to auoide the roome : assaulted him now ready for , and expecting more kind embraces ; and left him dead in the place . The Methian King had by this time , acquainted diuers of the better sort with his plot ; all which vpon a signe giuen , rush into the palace , and put to death all the Norwegians , and other attendants of this tyrant . After this the Roytel●ts enioyed their former dominions , till the yeare 1172 , in which Dermot Mac Morock king of Lemster , hauing forced the wife of Maurice O Rorke king of Meth , and being by him driuen out of his kingdome , came to the Court of England for succour . To this petition , Henry the second , then King , condescended , sending him ayde vnder the leading of William Strongbow Earle of Penbrooke , who restored King Dermot , & brought a great part of the Iland vnder the English subiection . Iohn king of England was the first who was intituled the L. of Ireland , which stile was granted him by Pope Vrban the 3d , who for the ornament of his royalty , sent him a Plume of Peacocke feathers , ( and when Tir Oen stiled himselfe Defender of the Irish liberty , he was by the then Pope honoured with the like present . ) The Kings of England retained this title of Lords til the yeare 1542 , in which Henry the 8th in an Irish Parliament , was declared K. of Ireland , as a name more ●acred , and repleat with Majestie , then that of Lord : at which time also he was declared to bee the supreame head vnder God of the Church of Ireland ; and the people vtterly disclaymed all the pretended jurisdiction of the Popes of Rome . Since the first plantation there , of our English people , the Countrey haeh bin gouerned by a Vice-Roy ( whom we vsually call the Lord Deputie ) then whom there commeth no Vice-gerent in Europe more neere the Majesty and prerogatiue of a King. These Deputies notwithstanding the large extent of their commission , could neuer wholly subdue the Iland , or bring the people to any ciuill course of life : the fathers inflicting a heauy curse on al their posterity , if euer they should sow corne , build houses , or learne the English tongue To this ind●sposition of the Irish themselues , let vs a● the defects of the k●ngs o● England , & Irish Deputies in matter of ciuill policie , as I find them particularized by Sir Iohn Dauies , in his worthy & p●thy discourse of this subiect . I will only glean a few of them . First then , a barbarous coūtry is like a field ouer-grown with weed , which must first be well broken with the plough , and then immediatly sowne with good and profitable seed : so must a wild and vnciuill people be first broken and ploughed vp by warre , & then presently sowne with the seed of good lawes & discipline : lest the weedes reuiue in the one , and ill manners in the other . Here then was the first defects in our English Kings , not to tame and take down the stomack and pride of this people ; though either ciuill or forreine warres perhaps occasioned this neglect : & also of the Ir●sh Deputies , who at such times as the people vpon a smal● discomfiture , were crest-falne , neglected the so keeping of them by seuerity of discipline . The 2d ouer-sight concerneth particularly our kings , who gaue such large possessions and regalities vnto the first conquerours , that the people knew no authority in a maner , aboue their immediate Lords . 3ly The Laws of England were not indifferently communicated to all the Irishrie , but to some particular Families and Prouinces onely ; whereby the rest of the people being in the condition of outlawes , or at the best of aliens , knew not how to behaue themselues as subiects : and this concerneth the Kings also . The 4th defect was particularly in the deputies , who hauing made good and wholsom● lawes against the barbarous customes of the common-people , and inhumane oppression of the Lords ; neuer put them in execution : as if they had bin made rather for a terrour , or a shew , then any intent of vse or benefit to the state . And to these foure may most of the rest be reduced . In these termes of wildnes & non-subjection stood ●reland , vntil towards the end of the reign of Q. Eliza●eth , at what time began the rebellion of Tirone , who ingaged the greatest part of the Irishrie , both Lords and commons in that action ; which ending in the ouer-throw of that vngratefull rebell , not only ●rushed the ouer-much powerablenesse of the Irish Nobility ; but made the finall and full conquest of the whole Nation . So true is it that Euery rebel●ion when it is surprest , doth make the Prince stronger , and the subiects weaker . Ireland thus broken & ploughed , that glorious Q●eene died , a Victor ouer all enemies ; and lest the sowing of it vnto his Maiesty now reigning , who omitted no part of a skilfull seedesman . First then there was an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Act of obliuion made , whereby all the offences against the Crowne were remitted , if by such a limited day the people would sue out their pardons : and by the same Act , all the Irishrie were manu-mitted from the servitude of their Lords , & receiued into the kings immediat protectiō . 2ly the whole kingdome was diuided into shires , & Iudges Itinerant appointed to circuit them ; whereby it hath followed that the exactions of the Lords are layed aside , the behauiour of the people is narrowly looked into , the passages before vnknowne vnto our Souldiers , are laide open by our vnder-Sheriffes and Bayliffes ; and the common people seeing the bene●it and security they inioy by the English Lawes , and loth to plead alwayes by an Interpreter , beginne to set their children to Schoole , for the learning of the English tongue . 3ly , the Irish were not rooted out , as in the first plantation in Leimster , & the English only estated in their ●oomes : but were only remoued from the woods , bogs , & mountaines , into the plaine & open country ; that being like wild trees transplanted , they might grow the milder , & beare the better fruit . And 4ly , wheras there was before but one freeholder in a whole country , which was the lord himself , the rest holding in villenage , and being subiect to the lords immeasu●able taxations ; whereby they had no incouragement to build or plant . Now the lords estate was diuided into two parts , that which he held in demeane to himselfe , which was still left vnto him ; and that which was in the hands of hi● tenants , who had estates ●ade in their possessions according to the Common law of England , paying insteed of vncertain Irish taxations , certain English rents : wherby the people haue since set their minds vpon repairing their houses , and manuring their lands , to the great increase of the priuate and publique revenue . Thus haue you seene Ireland , which before serued onely as a graue to burie our best men , and a gulse to swallow our greatest treasures ; being gouerned neither as a country free nor conquer'd ; brought in some hope by the prudence & policie of her present king & late Deputies , to proue an orderly Common-wealth , ciuill in it selfe , profitable to be the Prince , and a good strength to the British Empire . For how way-faring men trauel without dāger , the ploughman walketh without feare , the laws ar● administred in euery place alike , the men are drawne vnto villages , the woods and fastnesse left to beasts , and all reduced to that ciuility , as our fathers neuer saw , nor can we wel sample out of ancient historits . The revenues of this kingdome are said by Walsingham , in the time of Edward the third , to haue beene yearely 40000 pounds ; but his successours to this present age , haue scarce got so much as the keeping of it cost them ; King Richard the 2d being by the same Walsingham reported , to haue spent 30000 markes out of his own purse , ouer and aboue the money which he receiued there . Whether this Country were so profitable to Edward 3d or not , I dare not determine : certain I am , that the revenues at this time are double what they were before ; and more orderly payed into the Exchequer then euer : the custome-house yeelding yearely no lesse then 30000 pounds . The Armes of Ireland are B , an Irish harpe O , stringed A : which coat his now Maiestie to shew himselfe the first absolute King of Ireland , did first marshall with the royall armes of England . He●● is one only Vniuersity , viz : Dublin . Archbishops 4 Earles Bishops 17 Vicounts Barons THE LESSER ILANDS . THE LESSER ILANDS are the Orcades . Sorlinges . Hebrides . Sporades . THE ORCADES . THE ORCADES or Isles of Orkney , are in number 32 , and are situate against the most Northerne Cape of Scotland , the chief of which is Pomonia , whose prime town is Kirkwall , honoured with a Bishops See , and strengthned with two castles . This Iland is well stoared with tinne and lead , and is at this day by the Inhabitants called Mainland . The second Iland of note is Hethy , called by Ptolomy , Ocetis . The people are ( according to Maginus ) great drinkers , but no drunkards , bibacissimi sunt incolae , nunquam tamen inebriantur : they vse the Gothish language , which they deriue from the Norwegians , in whose possession they once were , and of whose qualities they still retaine some smacke . These Iles in Solinus time were not inhabited , being ouer-grown with rushes ; now they are in a measure populous and fertile ; and were first discouered by Iulius Agricola , the first that euer sailed about Brittaine . In latter times they were possessed by the Normans or Norwegians , who held them till the yeare 1266 : when Magnus King of Norwey surrendred them vp to Alexander King of Scotland ; which surrendrie , some of the succeeding Kings did afterwards ratifie . Two dayes sayling North of these Orcades , lieth Shetland , an Iland belonging to the Crown of Scotland ; and is by many supposed to be the Thyle of the Ancients . For first it standeth in the 63 degrees of latitude , in which Ptolomie placeth Thyle : 2ly it lyeth opposite to Bergen in Norwey , against which Pomponius Mela hath seated it : and 3ly Caspar Peucerus hath obserued , that this Shetland is by marriners called Thylensell ; a name in which that of Thyle is apparantly couched . That I and was not Thyle ( as most say ) we shall anon shew you . THE HEBRIDES . The HEBRIDES or HEBVDE , or Westerne Ilands , because situate on the West side of Scotland , are in number 44 : the chiefe of which are Ila 24 miles long , and 16 broad , plentifull in Wheat , Cattle , and Heards of Red-deere . 2 Iona , famous for the Sepulchers of the Scottish Kings , whose chiefe Town is S●dore . And 3 Mula , which is 25 miles bigger then the rest . The people both in language and behauiour resemble the Wild Irish , and are called Redshankes ; a people , as his Majestie in his Basilicon Doron teacheth vs , allutterly rude , and without all shew of ciuility ; such as permit not themselues to be gouerned by the Lawes , nor to be kept vnder by Discipline , legum severitate , & iudiciorum metu se illigari non patiuntur , saith M. Camden . These Ilands were also bought by Alexander the third , of Magnus King of Norwey . THE SORLINGES . These Ilands being called by the Belgians or Netherlanders SORLINGS ; by the English , Silly ; by Antonine in his Itinerary Sigdeles , by Solinus , Silures ; and by some Greeke Writers Hesperides , and Cassiterides : are situate ouer against the most Westerne Cape of Cornewall , from which they are distant 24 miles : They are in number 145 , of which ten only are of any estimation , viz : 1 Armath . 2 Agnes 3 Sampson . 4 Silly , the name-giuer ( as it seemeth ) vnto the rest . 5 Brefar , 6 Rusco . 7 S. Helens . 8 S. Martins . 9 Arthur , and 10 S. Maries , the chiefe of all the rest , as being eight miles in compasse , sufficiently fruitfull , & strengthened with a castle called Stella Maria , built by Queene Elizabeth , and by her furnished with a garrison . These Ilands are well stored with Grasse , Graine , and Lead , which last from hence was first carried into Greece . Hither the Roman Emperours banished condemned men to worke in the Mines . These Ilands were subdued to the English Crown by Athelstane . THE SPORADES . I call not these Ilands by this name , because they are memorized in any Author , ancieut or moderne , by this name ; but because being many , I know not in what generall name I may more fitly include them : the chiefe of which are 1 Man , 2 Anglesey , 3 Iarsie , 4 Gernsie , 5 Wight . 1 MAN is situate iust ouer against the Southerne part of Cumberland , from which it is distant 25 miles , and was judged to belong to Brittaine rather then to Ireland , because it fostred venemous serpents brought hither out of Brittaine . It is in length 30 miles , in bredth 15 miles , and but 8 in some places . The people hate theft , and begging ; they vse a language mixt of the Norvegian and Irish tongues . The soyle is abundant in Flax , Hempe , Oates , Barley , and Wheat , with which they vse to supply the defects of Scotland , if not the Continent it selfe , yet questionlesse the Westerne Iles , which are a member of it . For thus writeth the Reuerend Father in God , Iohn Mericke , late Bishop of this Iland , in a letter to M. Camden , at such time as he was composing his most excellent Brittania . Our Iland ( saith he ) for cattle , for fish , and for corne , hath not onely sufficient for it selfe , but sendeth also good store into other Countries ; now what Countries should need this supply ( England and Ireland being afore-hand with such prouisions ) except Scotland , or some members thereof , I see not . Venerable Bede numbred in it 300 Families , and now it is furnished with 17 Parish Churches . The chiefe Townes are 1 Balacuri , and 2 Russin or Castle-towne , the seat of a Bishop , who though he be vnder the Archbishop of Yorke , yet hath he no voice in the English Parliament . In this Iland is the hill Scea-full , where on a cleare day one may see England , Scotland , and Ireland : here also are bred the Bernacles or Soland Geese , of rotten wood falling into the water . This Iland was taken from the Brittaines by the Scots , and from them regained by Edwin king of Northumberland ; afterward the Norwegians seazed on it , from whom Alexander the third wrested it : and about the yeare 1340. William Montacute Earle of Salisbury , descended from the Norwegian kings of Man , wonne it from the Scots , & sold it to the Lord Scroope ; who being condemned of treason , Henry the fourth gaue it to Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland : but he also proouing false to his Soueraigne , it was giuen to the Stanlies ; now Earles of Darbie . 2 ANGLESEY is counted a Shire of Wales , and bordereth on Carnarvonshire . It is in length 20 , in bredth 17 miles , containing in former times 360 villages and Townes , of which the chiefe are Beaumar●sh towards Wales , 2 Newburg , & 3 Aberfraw , on the South-side . This Iland for its abundant fertility in all things necessary to preserue the life of man , is called rhe Mother of Wales . It was once the seat of the Druides , first conquered by Suetonius Paulinus , & vnited to the English Crowne by the valour of Edward the first . 3 IARSEY is in compasse 30 miles , and sufficiently strong , by reason of the dangerous Seas . It containeth 12 Townes or Villages , the chiefe being S. Hilarie , and S. Malo. The ground is plentifull in graine , and Sheep , most of them hauing 4 hornes ; of whose wooll our true Iarsie Stockings are made . This C●sarea or Iarsie , is ruled by a Gouernour appointed by the King of England , to whom are added as assistants 12 men , selected out of euery severall Parish . 4 GERNSEY ( formerly Sarnia ) is distant 20 miles from Iarsey , to whom it is farre inferiour in respect of fertility and largenesse ; but more commodious because of her safe harbours . It containeth 10 Parishes , the chiefe being S. Peters . These Ilands lye both nigh vnto Normandy and Brittaine ; the people vse the French tongue , and are the only remainder of the English rights in France . In their Ecclesiasticall Discipline they follow the Church of Geneva , as most affected by their French Ministers , and are both subiect to the Diocese of Winchester . 5 WIGHT is seuered from Hampshire by a little narrow , & dangerous straight of the Sea. It containeth 20 miles in length , and 12 in bredth ; the soyle is very answerable to the husbandmans expectation , the Sheepe beare delicate fine wooll , and the trees store of fruit . Here are 2 Parkes , and one Forrest , as also 36 Townes and Villages , the principall being Newport , Yarmouth , and Brading . The Iland is very strongly seated and strengthened . The South part toward France is vnaccessible , by reason of the steepy and ruggie rocks which there guard it ; the North shoare toward Hampshire is flat and leuell , and for that cause fortified with three castles : viz : Yarmouth , the Cowes , and Sand-head castle . In the midland there is Garesbrooke castle only , in which is prouision of armour for 5000 men ; in euery village is a great piece of Ordinance : yet are not these external strengths so much auaileable , as the internall animosity of the inhabitants . It is subiected to the County of Southampton for her gouernment , and was taken from the Brittaines by Wolphar King of Mercia . Of this Iland Henry the sixt crowned Henry Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke , king ; which title ended not long after in the death of this Beauchamp . There are diuers other Ilands , as Dennie , Londay , & Chaldey in the Severne Sea : Than●t and Sheppie neare Kent , Holyfarne , & Cockat Ilands on the confines of Northumberland ; with many others , of which being of no account , I forbeare to make mention . Thus much of the Brittish Ilands . OF THE NORTHERNE ILANDS . THe NORTHERNE sea is by some called Mare Scythicum ; by Iuvenal , Oceanus Glacialis ; by the Cimbrians in their tongue Marimorusa , that is , the dead sea ; and by Tacitus , Mare Pigrum . The Tacitus best describeth it , & out of him I afford it you . Trans Suionas mare aliud pigrum , & prope immotum quo &c. Beyond the Swethlanders there is another sea so slow , and almost immoueable , that many think it to be the bounds which compasse in the whole World. Some are perswade that the sound of the Sun is heard , as he riseth , out of this sea ; and that many shapes of gods are seene , & the beames of his head Illuc usque ( & fama vera ) tantùm natura . At this sea ( the report is credible ) is the end of nature & the world . The principall Ilands dispersed in it are Groenland . 2 Island 3 Freezland 4 Nova Zemla . 5 Sir Hugh Willoughbies Iland . 1 GROENLAND is situate vnder the Northerne cold Zone , the ongest day in Summer being 3 moneths & a halfe : it is in length more then 600 miles . This Country ●is not yet sufficiently discouered , but generally knowne to abound in grasse , which nourisheth great store of cattle : & giueth aire to a people dwelling in caues , and delighting in Necromancie . The chief Town is S. Thome , and Alba the next . In this Iland the Londoners haue met with a good trade of fishing ; and for that cause , further searching into it , and oftner frequenting it , haue giuen it the new name of King Iames his new land . 2 ISLAND is about 400 miles in length , a damnable cold Country , whence it seemes to take its name : The people hereof , ( as some in Norway ) vse dryed fish insteed of bread , the best commodity is their fish , which they exchange with forraine Marchants for other things , of which they haue more vse , and lesse abundance . The Island Ling is famous all ouer Europe . The chiefe Townes are Hallen , and Seh●fholten , honoured with the seats of two Bishops In this Iland is the hill Hecklefo●t , vomiting flames of fire like Aetna of Sicily : of which also the blind Papists haue the same superstitious opinion ; namely , that vnder them is Purgatory . This Iland is subiect vnto the Kings of Swethland , and is generally conceiued to be that Iland , called of old , Thyle , of which frequent mention is made in Poëts , as Tibi serv●at ultima Thyle , in Virgil : nec sit terris ultima Thyle , in Seneca . The reason which perswadeth them to this conjecture , is , because it is indeed the remotest part of the old world : but greater reasons are against it . For when Solinus saith , Multa sunt circa Britanniam insulae , è quibus Thyle ultima ; I hope Thyle must be one of the Brittish Iles : and when Tacitus saith , Insulas quas Orchadas vocant , invenit domuitque dispecta est & Thyle ; I am certa●n Island is so faire from being kenned from any part of the Orcades , that it is at least eight degrees distant . But to what Iland the name of Thyle more properly belongeth , we haue already told you . 3 FREEZLAND , called in Latin Frizlandia , to distinguish it from Frizia or Freizland in Belgia ; is vnder the North-frigid Zone , but not so farre within the Artick Circle as Island : the longest day being here almost 20 houres . The only riches of it is their Fish , for which commodity it is neuer without the ships of Flemmings , Scots , Danes , Hautsmen , and English , which especially so frequent it , that it hath by some bin called the Westerne England It is almost as bigge as Ireland , and is subiect to the King of Denmarke . 4 NOVA ZEMIA lyeth on the North of Muscovie & Lapland , and is famous for nothing but the Pigmies which are here supposed to inhabite . 5 Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBIES LAND , so called , because he first discouered it , Aº 1553 : and because he was thereabouts frozen to death : For being sent by the London Marchants in the tim● of Edward the 6 , to search a new way toward Muscovia , Cathaia , and China ; the weather prooued so extreme , and the frost so vehement , that his ship was set fast in the ice , & his people were frozen to death ; the ship being found the next yeare , with a perfect descrip●ion of their voyage and fortunes . This enterprise , notwithstanding so disastrous a beginning , was prosecuted by the English , vnder the leadi●g of Ienkinson , Burrough , and others ; who haue discouered halfe the way to China , euen as farre as the riuer Obi , and the Easterne confines of Muscovia : but the rest is left vncertain to further voyages in future ages . Thus much of the Northerne Ilands . ¶ A TABLE OF THE LONGITVDE AND LATITVDE of the chiefe European Cities . A Lo. Lat. ANgiers 18 10 47 27 Antwerpe . 24 30 51 48 Avignion 22 40 44 40 Amsterdam 27 34 52 40 B         Besançon 20 30 46 30 Burges 22 10 46 20 Buda 42   47   Burdeaux 17 50 44 30 Bononia 35 50 43 33 Basill 31   47 40 C         Constantinople 56   43 5 Cales 5 10 37   Conimbre 11 25 40   Colleine 30 30 51   Copenhagen 34 30 56 50 Corinth 51 15 36 55 Cracow 42 40 50 12 Caragossa 22 20 42 22 Cane 19 20 49 45 Cambridge         Compostella 6   20   Camienza 50 20 52 40 D         Doway 25   50 ●0 Dole 27   46 10 Dublin         E         Edinburgh 19 20 58   F         Francfort ad Od. 34   50 30 Francfort ad Moe . 30   50 30 Florence 43   34   Ferrara 44   36   Friburg 4       G         Geneva 28   45 45 Granada 17 15 37 30 Genoa 45 20 15 20 H         Heidelberg 33   49 25 I         Ingolstads 32 10 48 40 L         London 20   51 30 Leiden 27 20 52 10 Lyons 25 40 44 30 Lovaine 23   51   Lisbon 10 50 38 50 Leige 29   50 30 M         Mentz 27 30 50 30 Marpurg     51 40 Millaine 44 20 33   Modena 43 50 35 40 Maiorca 39 50 33   Musco     61   N         Naples 46   39 30 Nidro●ia 89 45 60 50 Nismes 25   42 30 O         Oxford 19   51 30 Orleans . 22   47 10 P         Paris 23 20 48   Poicteirs 20   50 10 Padua 44 45 36 10 Pavia 44   33 5 Prage 29 10 46 10 R         Rome 41 20 38   Rheimes 25 25 48 30 Riga 43 45 59   S         Salamanca 14 4 24 20 Siguenca 18 2     Siena 42 20 36 15 Strigonum         Syracuse 40 30 37 30 Stockholme 47   60 30 Strasburg 27 50 48 44 Sivlll 14 20 37 30 T         Tolledo 16 40 40 10 Tholouse 20 30 43 58 Triers 4   45 50 Tubing     48 50 Turine 31 30 43 45 V         Venice 37   44 50 Valence 21 10 39 55 Valadolit 15 45 42 5 Vienna 31 45 48 20 W         Wittenberg     50 20 Witzburg     50   Y         Yorke . 23 30 54 30 THE END OF EVROPE . OF ASIA : ASIA is separate from Europe by the Aegean , Propontis , Euxine Sea ; by Palus Moeotis , Tanais , Duina , and a line drawne from the one to the other : and from Africk by the Red-Sea , and the Aegyptian Istmus . This most famous Country borroweth her denomination from ASIA , daughter to Oceanus and Thetis , wife to Iapetus , and mother to Prometheus . It stretcheth in length 5200 , & in breadth 4560 miles . This Country hath worne the Garland of supereminency : 1 Because here man was created & put to till the land . 2ly Here our Saviour Christ was borne , wrought his diuine miracles , & suffered for our saluation on the Crosse. 3ly Here were done the actions memorized by the holy pen-men of the Old and New Testament . 4ly Here were the first Monarchies of the Babylonians , Assyrians , Persians , and Medes . 5ly This is the common mother of vs all , from whence , as from the Troian horse , innumerable troopes of men issued to people the other parts of the vnhabited world . Through this Country runneth the hill Taurus , which reckoning his seuerall bendings in and out , is 6250 miles long , and 375 broad . For it beginneth about Caria and Lycia in Anatolia , and is in diuerse places called by diuerse names , as Caueasus , Parapomisus , Niphates , Sarpedon , Periadres , Gordiaei , Anti Taurus , &c. Through this hill are three principall passages , viz : 1 Out of the rest of Anatolia into C●licia , called Pylae Ciliciae , of which more anon● 2ly Out of Scythia into Armenia , of which more at large when we come into that Country . and 3ly One of Scythia into Media , which are cal'd by reason of their neighbourhood to the Caspian Sea , Caspiae portae . These are the most famous , containing eight miles in length , but for breadth scarce wide enough for a Cart to passe , and are supposed to haue been the worke of men rather then nature . The 2d mountaine of note is Imaus , which beginning in the shore of the North Ocean , & running directly towards the South , keepeth almost the same Meridian , viz : the longitude of 130 degrees , and crosseth the hill Taurus , euen in a manner at right angles . And as Taurus diuideth the North of Asia from the South ; so doth this the East from the West : & maketh that ancient diuision of Scythia , into Scythia intra Imaum , and Scythia extra Imaum . The principall regions of Asia are 1 Anatolia . 2 Syria . 3 Palestina . 4 Armenia . 5 Arabia . 6 Media . 7 Assyria . 8 Mesopotamia . 9 Persia. 10 Chaldaea . 11 Parthia . 12 Hircania . 13 Tartaria . 14 China . 15 India . 16 The Ilands which lay dispersed either in the Indian Seas , or in the Mediterranean . ANATOLIA . ANATOLIA is limited on the East with the riuer Euphrates ; on the West with Thracius Bosphorus , Propontis , Hellespont , and the Aegean ; on the North with Pontus Euxinus ; on the South with the Rhodian and Lycian Seas . It was formerly called Asia Minor , to distinguish it from Asia the greater : but now Anatolia ( and corruptly Natolia ) from its more Easterne situation in respect of Greece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There is another Asia contained also in this Natolia called Asia Propria , and Asia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which comprehendeth Caria , Ionia , Lydia , Aeolis , and both the Phrygia's . This is that Asia which is meant Act. 19.10 . where it is said that all Asia heard the word of the Lord Iesus : and Act. 19.27 . where it is said that all Asia and the world worsh●pped the Temple of Diana : neither of which places can be vnderstood either of Asia the greater , or of Anatolia , but of this only . This Country is situate vnder the fift and sixt Climats of the Northerne temperate Zone , the longest day being 15 houres & a halfe . It is adorned with many commodious Hauens , and was once of great fertility , but is now laid wast and desolate , greivously lamenting the ruines of 4000 Citties and Townes . The people were once valiant and industrious , now so much addicted to a luxurious effeminacy , that the Turkes ( vnlesse cōstrained by vrgent necessities ) neuer inrole their children in the number of Ianizaries . Here once florished the faith of Christ , sealed by the blood of many of this nation . Here were the seaven Churches to which Iohn dedicated his Reuelation ; 1 Ephesus , 2 Smyrna , 3 Thiatyra , 4 Laodicea , 5 Pergamus , 6 Philadelphia , 7 Sardis : All whose Candlesticks haue beene long since remoued , and now Mahumetisme hath so farre encroached on them , that few Christians remaine , and they which are , are of the Church and communion of Greece . This Region comprehendeth the seuerall Prouinces of Cilicia . 2 Pamphylia . 3 Lycia . 4 Caria . 5 Ionia . 6 Lydia . 7 Aeolis . 8 ●hrygia minor . 9 Maior . 10 Bythmia . 11 Pontus . 12 Paphlagonia . 13 Galatia . 14 Cappadocia . 15 Lycaonia . 16 Pisidia . and 17 Armenia minor . 1. CILICIA . On the South-east of Anatolia is CILICIA , watred with the riuer Cidnus , whose water proued very infectious to Alexander the Great ; & deadly to the Emperour Fredericke the first , who was here drowned as he was bathing himselfe . In this Province is the hill Anti-Taurus , in the straights of which mountaine called Pylae Ciliciae , was fought that memorable battaile , betwixt Seuerus and Pescenninus Niger , for the Monarchie of the world . Wherein the Nigrians being possessed of the entrance into the straights , manfully withstood the Seuerians , till at last a sudden tempest of raine and thunder , continually darting in their faces , the very heauens seeming to bee against them ; they were compelled to leaue the passage , and the victory to the enimy , hauing lost 20000 of their fellow Souldiers . Nigh vnto this place Alexander with 30000 men , ouercame the Army of Darius king of Persia , consisting of 600000 Souldiers , whereof 110000 lost their liues . The chiefe Citties are Nicopolis , built by Alexander , in memory of his victory . 2 Pompeiopolis , built by Pompey the great , after his victory ouer the Pirats : who not only Lorded it ouer the Sea , but wasted & spoiled the villages of Italie it selfe . Pompey being victor & having inflicted exemplary punishment on the ringleaders , with the rest peopled this new Towne and the Country adioyning ; allowing them competent possessions , least want and necessity should againe enforce them to the like courses . An action truly commendable , and worthy so great a Captaine , rather to take occasion of offending from the people , then after offence done to punish them . Hythlodaeus in the Vtopia , somewhat bitterly , though perhaps not vniustly , inueigheth against our lawes , for ordaining death to be the guerdon for theft ; Cùm multo potius providendum fuerit , vti aliquis esset prouentus vitae ; ne cuipiam ●it tam dira furandi primum , deinde pereundi necessitas . 3 Alexandria , built also by Alexander , and to distinguish it from Alexandria of Aegypt , called Alexandretta , and now Scanderone , a famous hauen . And 4 Tarsus , the birth-place of S. Paul , to which place Ionah intended to fly when he was sent to Niniueh . The inhabitants are giuen most to the pasturing of Goats of whose Fleeces they make their Chamblets : and to the keeping of horses , of which here is such store , that the Turkish Emperour culleth euery yeare from hence 600 horses of seruice . 2 PAMPHILIA . On the West side of Cilicia lieth PAMPHILIA , watred with the riuers Melas and Oestros ; whose chiefe Townes are Seleucia built by S●leucus , one of Alexanders successours . 2 Perga where Diana was worshipped , and 3 Faselis . The people of this Countrey , and of Cilicia , were called Soli , from whose barbarous kinde of pronunciation came the word Soloecismus . Amongst these Aratus was borne . In this Country is the riuer Eurymedon , in and nigh vnto which Simon the sonne of Miltiades , captaine generall of the Athenians , ouerthrew the sea and land forces of the Persians in one day . Hee tooke and sunke no fewer then 40 ships , and 300 Gallies in the sea-sight : which ended , he stowed the Persian ships with his best men attired in the h●bit , and wauing the colours of the Persians . Vpon their approach the Campe was opened , and all prepared to entertaine their victorious Countrimen . But the Greekes once in , suddenly put them to the sword , and tooke 20000 of them prisoners . 3 LYCIA . On the West side of Pamphilia is LYCIA , watred with the riuer Xanthus , of which the people hereabout were called Xanthi : who being too weak for Harpagus the Persian Kings Leiftenant , first burnt their wiues , children , seruants , and riches , and then made a sallie against Harpagus , who put them all to the Sword. They were called Lycij afterward from Lycus , sonne of Pandion . Before the Roman conquest this Prouince was gouerned by a common Councell of 23 men , culled out of their 23 Citties , of which the chiefe now is Patras . 2 Isaurus , which being brought vnder by Servilius , gaue him the surname of Isauricus . 3 Phaselis , a Towne as much enriched , & haunted by Pirats , as Algeirs is now adayes . This Towne was taken by the same Servilius , at what time Pompey scoured the Seas ; whose victory ouer that rabble of pirats we cannot sufficiently admire , if either we consider the speedinesse , as gotten in little more thē a month ; the easinesse , the Romans not loosing one vessell ; or the euent , the Pirats after that time neuer infesting & troubling the Seas . 4 CARIA . On the West side of Lycia is CARIA , so called from its king Cara , who first inuented the science of Diuination by the flying of Birds called Augurie . The people hereof were in former times accounted very valiant , and as saith Mela , Eò armorum pugnaequeamans , vt alien● etiam bella mercede ageret : as the Switzers in these our times doe . In this Country is the riuer Salmacis , said to inseeble all such as either dranke of it , or bathed in it . From whence the Poets tooke their fiction of Salmacis & Hermapoeditus described by Ovid ▪ & from whence came the phrase Sal●●acida spolia sine sanguine & sudore , mentioned by Tully in his booke de Officijs , and there vsed for effeminate or veneriall conquests . The chiefe Citties are Mindum , which being but a small Towne had great Gates , so that Diogenes the Cynicke cried out ; Yee Cittizens of Mindum take heed your Citty runne not out of your Gates . 2 Halicarnassus , where Dionysius Halicarnasseus was borne , who writ the history of Rome for the first 300 yeares . The whole Prouince is in some approued Authors named Halicarnassus : and Artemisia , who aided Xerxes against the Grecians , is called the Queene of Halicarnassus . This is she , who in the honour of her husband Mausolus , built that curious sepulchre , accounted one of the worlds wonders ; it being 25 Cubits high , & supported with 36 curious pillars : of which Martial . Aëre nam vacuo pendentia Mausolaea , Laudibus immodicis Cares ad astra ferunt . The Mausolaea hanging in the skie , The men of Caria's praises deifie . 3 Magnesia , which together with Lamsacus & Mius was assigned by Xerxes to Themistocles , when being banished his Country , he fled to his greatest enimy for entertainment ; and there met with more safety then Athens would , and more honours then it could afford him . So that he might well say periissem nisi periissem . The King also was in a manner ouer-ioyed with his presence , as hauing ( as he thought ) on his side the man which had most hindred his conquest of all Gre●ce ; insomuch that many nights he was heard , euen in the midst of his sleepe , to clappe his hands , and cry out , habe● Themistoclen Atheniensem . These 4 Countries are now called Caramania , from Caramon a Captaine of Aladine , the last Turkish King of the Zelzuccian familie : who after the decease of his Soueraigne , erected here a kingdome ; which remained till Baiazet the second of the Oguzian or Ottomanicall family subverted it . It is now a Zanziack-ship , and yeeldeth to the great Turke 80000 Duckats yearely . 5 IONIA . On the North side of Carta is IONIA , whose chiefe Citties are 1 Miletum , the birth-place of Thales and Anaximeres . 2 Smyrna . 3 Colophon , both which stroue for the birth of Homer , as also did fiue others . Septem vrbes certant de stirpe insignis Homeri ; Seuen Citties vndernamed did striue Which had seene Homer first aliue . 1 Smyrna . 2 Rhod●s . 3 Colophon . 4 Salamis . 5 Chios . 6 Argos . Athe●ae Whether Homer purposely concealed his Country , that men of all places might challenge him for theirs , I cannot say : only this I am sure of , that Paterculus spake it in the commendation of Hesiodus , the next Greeke Poet in order after him ; that he had made knowne his birth-place : qui vit●vit ne in id , quod Homerus , incideret ; patriam & parentes testatus est . The 4th Citty of note is Ephesus , whereof Timothy was Bishop . To the people of this Citty did St Paul direct one of his Epistles . Finally this Towne is famous for the buriall of S. Iohn the Euangelist , who went aliue into the graue , and by some learned men is thought not yet to be dead , but only sleeping . 2ly , For the tēple of Diana ; which for the spaciousnesse , furniture and workmanship , was accounted one of the worlds wonders . It was 200 yeares in building , contriued by Ctesiphon : being 425 foot long and 220 broad : sustained with 127 pillars of marble 70 foot high ; whereof 27 were most curiously grauen , and all the rest of marble pollisht . It was fired 7 times , and lastly by Erostratus ( that night in which Alexander was borne ) to get himselfe a name , 5 Priene the birth-place of Bias. In this Country is the hill L●tmus the dwelling place of Endimion , who being much addicted to the study of Astronomie , and hauing found out the course and changes of the Moone ; is by the Poets fained to haue beene the Moones darling , or sweet heart . Others adde that Iupiter hid him in a caue vnder this hill , casting him into a dead sleepe ( whether notwithstanding the Moone descended to kisse him ) whence arose the old prouerbe Endimionis somnium dormit . The Ionians immediatly after the taking of Croesus were subdued by Harpagus Leiftenant to Cyrus the first Persian Monarch . Such of them as p●efer'd a free exile before a domesticall prison , planted Colonies in the westward parts , and among others that of Marseiles ( vnlesse as others coniecture it were a plantation of the Phoenicians ) others liuing in an vnwilling subiection in the time of Darius Histaspis againe revolted . In which rebellion the Athenians assisted the Ionians , which was the principall motiue of the inuasion of Greece , by the same Darius . On the South of this Prouince is the little countrey Doris : the people whereof together with the Ionians and Aeolians , were anciently only accounted Greeks ; and the other nations of Asia , Barbarians ; the chiefe Citties are 1 Cnidis and Ceraunus . This Country is now called Sarachan , from Sarachan ; who after the death of Aladine erected here a petty kingdome ; subdued by the Ottoman Kings . 6 LYDIA . On the Northeast of Ionia , is LYDIA ; watred with the rivers Caistrus , famous for his abundance of Swannes ; and Maeander which hath in it 600 windings in and out . Quique recurvatis ludit Maeander in vndis . Maeander plaies his watry prankes Within his crooked winding bankes . The people of this Countrey are said to haue beene the first coyners of money , the first Hucksters and Pedlers ; and the first inventers of dice , ball , chesse , and the like games , necessity & hūger therevnto inforcing them , according to that of Persius , Artis magister ingenijque largitor venter . For being sorely vext with famine iu the time of Atis one of the progenitours of Omphale , they deuised these games , & euery second day by playing at thē beguiled their hungry bellies . Thus for 22 yeares they cōtinued playing and eating by turnes ; but then seeing that themselues were more fruitfull in getting and bearing children , then the soyle in bringing forth sustenance to maintaine them : they sent a Colonie into Italy vnder the conduct of Tyrrhenus the sonne of Atis , who planted in the Country , called at first Tyrrhenia , and afterward Tuscanie . This Country was also called Moeonia , and was thought to haue beene the birth-place of Homer , who is therefore called Moeonius vates , also Moeonides ; and carmen Moeonium is vsed for Homers poeticall abilities , as carmine Moeonio consurgere in Ovid. Bacchus is also diuerse times called Maeonius , but for a different reason ; because indeed here are in all this Country no trees but of Grapes . The chiefe Citties are Sardis the royall seat of King Croesus . 2 Pergamus where King Attalus raigned , who made the Romans his heire : where parchment was inuented , and therefore called Pergamenum : where Galen was borne , and liued healthfully 140 yeares : whereof he assigneth these reasons : He neuer eat or drunk his fill ; 2ly he neuer eat any raw food ; 3 he euer caried some sweet perfume with him . 3 Laodicea . 4 Theatyra . 5 Philadelphia . Of these Sardis was the strongest ; and when it was once taken by the Grecians , Xerxes gaue commandment , that euery day at dinner one speaking alowd , should say , that the Grecians had taken Sardis . Such an order the French had in their Parliaments during the time that Calice was English ; and it were not amisse if we vsed the same custome , till it be againe recouered . Lydia tooke its name , either from Lydus a Noblemā of great power : or from Lud the fourth sonne of Sem. It became to bee a Kingdome somewhat before the building of Rome , vnder one Ardisius , lineally descended from Hercules , and Omphale ; who was once Queene of Lydia : but after the kingdome decayed , & now was restored . The Kings of Lydia . 3190 1 Ardisius 36. 3226 2 Aliactes 14. 3240 3 Melos , who ouercame the people of Sardis . 3252 4 Candaules , who shewing his wife naked to Giges , was by him slaine , who marrying his wife succeeded him in the kingdome . 17. The whole story is this . Candaules had to his wife a woman of vnparallel'd beauty ; and supposing the greatnesse of his happinesse , not to consist so much in his owne fruition , as the notice which others might take of it ; intended to shew her in natures brauery to Giges the master of his heards . Giges at first disswaded him from an attempt so foolish ; but seeing no perswasion could prevaile , he condescended . When hee had seene the naked Queene , and was ready to depart , Candaules cryed to him Esto fidelis , Giges : which words the Queene marking , and seeing the backe of Giges as he left the chamber , the next morning sent for him . When holding a ponyard in her hand , she gaue him this choice , either presently to be slaine , or else to kill the King and take her to wife , with the kingdome for her dowre . He made choice of this latter euill , and killed the foolish Candaules . 3269 5 Giges subdued all Ionia . 36. 3305 6 Ardis 37. 3342 7 Sadautes . 15. 3357 8 Haliactes II. 49. 3406 9 Croesus the last King of Lydia , subdued Doris and Aeolis ; after which victories he was ouercome by Cyrus King of Persia , in which battle a son of Croesus who had beene dumbe from his cradle , seeing a Souldier ready to kill his father , suddenly broke out into these words , Rex est , cauene o●cidas . After this ouerthrowe and the captiuity of Croes●s , one of the richest Kings that euer was of old ; Lydia was made a Persian prouince , Anno M. 3420. The Lydians after this rebelled ; but being againe subdued , Cyrus berea●ed them of all their Horses of seruice , dispoyled them of all their armour ; and trayned them vp in all manner of loose and effeminate liuing : weakning by this meanes a powerfull nation , which before that time had not only maintained its owne liberty , but awed all the Prouinces adioyning . 7 AEOLIS and MYSIA . On the North of Lydia is AEOLIS , watred with the Riuer Caycus . The chiefe Townes are M●rina . 2 Hidra . 3 Erithro . Nigh to this Province are both the MYSIAS , the people whereof were of so base a condition , that it grew to an adage to call a fellow of no worth Mysorum postremus . The chiefe Citty was Lampsacus , where the beastly God Priapus , was worshipped in as beastly a manner and forme . It is recorded that when Alexander was in Asia , hee intended vtterly to raze this Citty ; and seeing Anaximenes come to him as an Embassadour from the Towne , bad him be silent , and swore vnto him he would deny whatsoeuer he requested : wherevpon Anaximenes intreated him to destroy the Citty , which for his oathes sake he could not doe ; and so Lampsacus at that time escaped . 2 Cyzicus . 8 PHRYGIA MINOR . On the North-East of Aeolis is PHRYGIA MINOR , ●atred with Divine Scamander purpled yet with blood Of Greekes and Troians which therein did die ; Pactolus glystring with his golden flood ; And Hermus sweet &c. as Spencer in his F. Q. It was called Phrygia from Phryxus , sonne to Athamas king of The●es , who flying from the treacherous snares of his mother Ino , here seated himselfe . Here are the mountaines Tmolus and Ida ▪ on which last Paris ( being by his Father Priamus exposed to wild beasts fury ) iudged the controuersie of the golden ball vnto Venus ; respecting neither the powerfull riches of Iuno , nor the diuine wisdome of Pallas , but transported with a sensuall delight , fatall in the end to the whole Country . The chiefe Citties are Adramittiū mentioned in the 17 of the Acts. 2 Traeianopolis , whose name proclaimeth his founder . 3 Sigeum the ●aven Towne to Troy. And 4ly Ilium , or Troy , a famous Towne , from the people whereof , all nations desire to fetch their originall . The beauty of it may be ( as some write ) yet seene in the ruines , which with a kinde of Maiestie entertain the beholders , the wals of large circuit , consisting of a black hard stone cut foure-square : some remnants of the Turrets which stood on the wals , and the fragments of great marble tombes and monuments of curious workmanship . But certainly these are not the ruines of that Ilium , which was destroyed by the Grecians , but another of the same name , built some foure miles from the situation of the old , by Lysimachus one of Alexanders Captaines , who peopled it from the neighbouring Citties . Now concerning old Ilium and the fall thereof , take with you this epitomated story . The Kings and history of Troy. 2486 1 Dardanus sonne to Corinthus , King of Corinth having killed his brother Iasius , fledde into this Countrey , where he built this Citty calling it Dardania 31. 2518 2 E●●chtonius . 15. 2593 3 Tros , from whom the Country was named Troas , the Citty Troy ; a King which by supporting the vnnaturall malice of Saturne against his worthy sonne Iupiter , lost his owne sonne Ga●imedes : who being taken by Iupiter whose ensigne was the Eagle , is said to haue beene snatched vp to heauen by an Eagle . 60. 2653 4 Ilus who built the regall pallace called Ilium . 54. 2707 5 Laomedon , who new built Troy , which afterwards Hercules and the Grecians , iustly conceauing displeasure against the treacherous King , twice tooke and defaced : Laomedon himselfe being slai●e the latter time . 36. 2743 6 Priamus who reedified Troy ; but giuing leaue to his sonne Paris , to rauish Helena wife to Menelaus King of Sparta , forced the Greeks to renew their ancient quarrell : who after a ten yeares siege forced the Towne , hauing lost their owne men 860000 , and slaine 666000 of them ; Aº M. 1783 : so as that of Ovid may be truely inferred . Iam seges est vbi Troia suit , resecandaque falce Luxuriat Phrygio sanguine pinguis humus . Corne fit for Sithes now growes where Troy once stood , And the soyle's fatted with the Phrygian blood . Concerning the taking of this Towne , two things are considerable . First whether the Grecians in these ten yeares lay continually before it ; and it seemes they did not : but that rather they did beat vp and downe , wasting the Country , and robbing the Seas for the first nine yeares , and in the tenth only laid a formall siege . This is the more probable , because that in the tenth yeare of the warre , Priam is recorded by Homer in the 3d of his Iliads to haue sate on a high Tower , and learned of Helen the names and qualities of the Greeke commanders : which hee could not be thought ignorant of , if they had for so long together layne in eye-reach . Secondly by what meanes the Towne was taken ; and here we finde a difference : for some historians tell vs that Aeneas and Antenor betrayed it to the enimy : but this Virgil could not brooke , as preiudiciall to his Aeneas , whom he intended to make the patterne of a compleat Prince . Hee t●erefore telleth vs of a wooden horse wherein diuers of the Greek Princes lay hiddē ; which by Sinon , one of the Grecians , was brought to Troy gates ; and that the people desirous of that monument of the enimies flight , made a breach in their wals ▪ the gate not being high enough to receaue it . That this fiction of Virgil might be grounded on history , it is thought by some that ouer the Scaean gate where the Greekes entred , was the picture of a large and stately horse : and by others , that the walls were battered by a wooden engine called a horse , as the Romans in after times vsed a like engine called a R●mme . Neither of these is much improbable , but with me they perswade not the integrity of Antenor and Aeneas . This Province together with Aeolis and part of Lydia , are now called Carausia , from Carasus a Turkish Captain ; who after the death of Aladine the last Turkish Sultan of the Zelzuccian Tribe , here erected a petty kingdome , long since swallowed by the Ottoman Emperours . 9 PHRYGIA MAIOR . On the East side of Phrygia minor is PHRYGIA MAIOR , watred with the riuers Sangarius and Marsyas ; this latter being so called from one Marsyas , who striuing with Apollo for preheminence in Musicke , was by him stead : which fact ( say the Poets ) was so lamented , that from the teares of the mourners grew this riuer . The chiefe Townes are 1 Gordion the seat of Gordius , who from a plowman being raised and chosen King of this kingdome , placed the furniture of his waine and Oxen in the Temple of Apollo ; tie● in such a knot , that the Monarchy of the world was promised to him that could vntie it : which whē Alexander had long tried and could not doe , hee cut it with his sword . 2 Midaium the seat of Midas sonne to this Gordius , who being not a little couetous , intreated of Bacchus that whateuer he touched should be gold ; which petition granted , he was almost starued , his very victuals turning into gold , till he had repealed his wish : and afterward for preferring Pans Pipe before Ap●lloes Harpe , his head was adorned with a comely paire of Asses eares . 3 Apamia . 4 Colosse where dwelt the Colossians , to whom S. Paul writ one of his Epistles . 5 Pesinus where the Goddesse Cibele being worshipped , was called D●a Pesinuntia . The Romans were once told by an oracle , that they should bee Lords of the world if they could get this Goddesse . Herevpon they send to the Phrygians to demand it . The Phrygians willing to please a potent neighbour , especially the Romans being their Countrymen , as descended from Aeneas and his Troians : granted their request , and the Goddesse is shipt for Rome . But behold the vnluckinesse of fortune . The ship , Goddesse , and all made a stand in Tiber , neither could it be againe moued forward by force or sleight . It hapned that one Claudia a Vestall virgin being suspected of incontinency , tied her girdle vnto it ; praying the Goddesse , that if she were causelesly suspected , she would suffer the ship to goe forward , which was no sooner said then granted ; Claudia by her girdle drawing the ship vp the streame to Rome , where I leaue the people wondring at the miracle . The Phrygians were by Psamniticus King of Aegypt , accoūted the ancientest people of the world , & that forsooth on this wise experiment . Psamniticus desirous to knowe to whom the greatest antiquity of right belonged , caused two children to be shut vp in a ●old , where they were suckled by Goats , al humane company being on a great penalty prohibited to visit them . All the language which the children had learned of the Goats their nurses was Bec ; which with the Phrygians signifying bread , and in no other tongue , as it seemeth , bearing any signification at al , gaue the verdict on their side : but as it appeares the other nations of the world not yeelding to this sentence , by a writ of Ad melius inquirendum , impannelled a new Iury , wherein it was pronounced that Scytharum gens semper erat antiquissima . In this kingdome raigned Niobe , who preferring her selfe before Latona , had all her children slaine before her face , and shee her selfe was turned to a stone . Here also raigned Tantalus , who being rich & wāting wit to vse his prosperity , is fained to stand in hell vp to the chinne in water , and vnder a tree whose apples touch his lips ; yet both the one and the other flie from him , of which thus Ovid , — Tibi Tantale nullae Deprenduntur aquae , quaeque imminet effugit arbor . Thou canst not , Tantalus , the waters tast ; The tree hang'd ouer thee doth fly as fast . This Country together with the other part of Lydia , was once the Territory of the Aidinian Kings , so called from Aidin , another Turkish Captaine ; who after the death of Aladine possessed these parts with the title of King ; long since ouerthrowne by the Ottoman Familie . 10 BYTHINIA . On the North side of the Phrygias is seated Bythinia , watred with the riuers Sangarius . 2 Ascanius . 3 Calpas . 4 Psillis . and ● Granuicu● , nigh vnto which Alexander obtained the first victory against the Persians , of whom he slewe 20000. Nigh vnto this is mount Stella , where Pompey ouerthrew Mithridates ; and Tamberlaine with 800000 Tartarians , encountred with Baiaz●t , whose Army consisted of 500000 men : of which 200000 lost their liues that day ; and Baiazet being taken , was pend and carried about in an iron Cage , against whose barres he beat out his braines . The ch●efe Townes are Nicomedia , whose name declares its founder . 2 Phasso where Aesculapius was borne . 3 Heraclia . 4 Nice where the first generall Councell was held Anno 314 , to which there assembled 318 Bishops to beat downe the Arian heresie . Here was also called another Councell by the Empresse Irene , but for a worse end ▪ for in this the lawfulnesse of making and worshipping Images was established , and that verily by many substantiall arguments . Iohn one of the Legats of the Easterne Churches , proued the making of Images lawful , because God said , Let vs make man after our owne image : A sound argument to ouerthrowe one of Gods Commandements , and yet it was the●e decreed , that they should be reuerenced and adored in as ample and pious manner , as the blessed and glorious Trinity . This Citty was the imperiall seat of the Nicean Kings : the first of which was Theodorus Lascaris , who fled hither from the Latines , who had newly taken Constantinople ; and began this kingdome containing Bythinia , both Phrygia's , Lydia , and Ionia . The fourth and last King was also a Theodorus , who lost it to Michael Palaeologus . 5 Calcedon , where the fourth generall Councel was assembled by the command of the Emperour Martianus , to repell the heresie of Nestorius ; in this Councell were 530 Bishops . 6 Prusa or Brusa , built by Prusias King of Bythinia ; which betrayed Annibal , who fled to him for succour . Fourth Libissa , where Annibal lyeth buried . This Prusa was a long time the seat of the Ottoman Kings , till Mahomet the first beganne to keepe his residence at Adrianople . II PONTVS . On the North-East of Bythinia is PONTVS , watred with the riuers Parthus and Hippias . The chiefe Townes are 1 Tomos to which Ovid was banished . Cum maris Euxini positos ad lae●ae Tomitas , Quaerere me laesi principis ira iubet . My wronged Princes wrath commands me seeke Tomos vpon Euxinus left hand creeke . For what cause this most excellent Poet was banished , is not yet agreed on . Some say it was for the vnlawfull pleasures , which he enioyed with Iulia , Augustus daughter ; whom , in his Amorum , he celebrateth vnder the borrowed name of Corinna . Others imagine , that he had seene Augustus himselfe vnnaturally vsing the company of the same Iulia , his daughter ; for which the offended Prince banished him : to which , it is thought he alluded , in his booke de Tristibus , where he saith , Cur aliquid vidi , cur nexia lumina feci ? &c. But certaine it is , that whatsoeuer was the true reason of his exile , the pretended cause was , the lasciuious and inflammatory bookes which he ha● written , de arte amandi ; and this he in diuers places of his workes acknowledgeth . 2. Claudiopolis . 3 Flau●opolis . and Pythius where Chrysostome liued in exile . In this Country liued King Mithridat●s , who being once a friend and confederate with the Romans , to●k their part against Aristonicus ; who would not consent to the admission of the Romans into Pergamus , according to the will of Attalus . Afterward conceauing an ambitious hope to obtaine the Monarchie of Asia , in one night he plotted and effected the death of all the Roman Souldiers dispersed in Anatolia , being in number 150000 ▪ in like manner , as in after times the English , taught perhaps by this example , murdred all the Danes then resident in England ; and the Sicilians massacred all the French inhabiting Sicilia , as we h●ue formerly declared . He dispossessed Nicodemes sonne to Prusias King of Bythinia , Ariobarzanes King of Cappadocia , and Philemen King of Paphlagonia , of their estates ; because they persisted faithful to his enimies of Rome ▪ he excited the Grecians to rebell , and allured all the Iles , except Rhodes , from their obedience to the Romans : and finally hauing disturbed their victories , and much shaken their estate , for the space of 40 yeares ; hee was with much adoe vanquished by the valour and felicity of L. Sylla , Lucullus , & Pompey the great , three of the greatest Souldiers that euer the Roman Empire knewe : yet did not the Roman puissance so much plucke downe his prowd heart , as the rebellion of his son Pharnaces against him ; which he no sooner heard , but he would haue poysoned himselfe : but hauing formerly so vsed his body to a kinde of poyson allaid ( which from his inuenting of it we now call Mithridate ) that the venome could not worke vpon him , he slew himselfe . He is said to haue beene an excellent Scholler , and to haue spoken perfectly the languages of 22 nations . After his death the Romanes easily recouered their own , & made that kingdome a Prouince of their Empire . 12 PAPHLAGONIA . On the East side of Pontus is PAPHLAGONIA ( so called from Paphlago , son to Phineus ) watred with the riuer Parthenius . The chief city is Pompe●opolis , built by Pompey the great . 2 Sinopo famous for its plenty of brasse , Lead , and other minerals . 3 Tios of old a Colony of the Milesians ; 4 Citoros built & named by Citorus the son of that Phryxus , of whom Phrygia took denomination . 4 Amysus a sea-towne once of great fame , now called Simiso . Mithridates , of whom we but now spake , was this Countryman by birth , who for that cause so loued it , that he here kept his residence , and made the city of Sinope his regall seat . This little Country was heretofore the seat of foure d●fferent Nations , viz : 1 the Tibareni , of whom it is said , that they neuer waged warre on any enemy , but they faithfully certified them before-hand , of the time and place of their fight . 2ly the Heptacometae . 3ly the Mossynoeci , both which were a people so beastly & shamelesse , that they vsed to performe the work of generation in publique , not knowing that multa sunt honesta factu , quae sunt turpia visu : and 4ly the Heneti , to whom the Venetians , as we haue already said , doe owe their originall . 13 GALLATIA . On the Southside of Paphlagonia is GALLATIA , so called of the Gaules , who here planted themselues vnder the leading of Brennus : to the people of this Prouince did S. Paul dedicate one of his Epistles . The chief cities hereof are 1 Gutia , or Iuliopolis . 2 Ancyra ( now Angouri ) famous at this present for the making of chamlets , and in former times for a Synode here holden , called Synodus A●cyricana . 3 Pisius a town of great traffique . And 4 Tavium , where there was a brazen Statua of Iupiter , whose Temple was a priuiledged Sanctuary . The soyle is very fruitfull , but aboue all yeeldeth the stones called Amithists , which are said to preserue the man that weareth them from drunkennesse ; and take name from a privativum , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ebrius , which commeth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vinum . The principall riuers are 1 Tion and Halis . The people hereof were Gaules only in name , retaining little in them of their Ancestours valour . For as the plants and trees loose much of their vertue , being transplanted into another soyle ; so these men lost their natiue courage , strength , and hardinesse , being weakned by the Asian pleasures and delicacies . So as Tully saith , for a man to be good in other places , is no masterie ; but in Asia to lead a temperate life , is indeed praise-worthy . So might one haue said to the Gaules : To be couragious & patient of trauell among the mountaines , was no whit admired ; but to haue continued so amidst the delights of Asia , had bin indeed meritorious . But these men were so farre from assailing the Romans in the Ca●itol , that they lost their own Country to Manlius a Roman Generall . During which warre ▪ I find no memorable act , but that of the Kings wife Chiomara ; who being by a Centurion rauished , in revenge cut off his head , & presented it to her husband . Deiotarus , whose cause Tully pleaded , was king of this Prouince . 14 CAPPADOCIA . On the East side of Gallatia , is Leucosyria , or CAPPADOCIA , the people whereof were formerly accounted to be of a very poisonous nature , insomuch that it is recorded , that if a snake did bite a Cappadocian , the mans blood was poison to the snake . and killed him . The chief cities are 1 Erzyrum , situate on the very confines of the greater Armenia ; for which cause it is the Rendevous or place of meeting for all the Turkish soldiers , when there is any e●pedition in hand against the Persian ; and where , after the warre or sommer ●nded , they are all again dismissed . 2 Amasia , whether the Turkish Emperous continually vse to send their eldest sonnes immediatly after their circumcision , whence they neuer returne again , till the deaths of their fathers . 3 Mazaca , called by T●berius , Neo-Caesarea , where S. Basil li●ed , who was the first Author of Monasticall liues . 4 Sebas●ia in which when Tamberlain had taken it , he buried 12000 men , women , and children in some few pits aliue together . 5 Nazianzum , whereof Gregory Nazianzenus was Bishop . 6 Nyssa , where liued another Gregory called Nyssenus , brother to S. Basil , and 7 Trapesus , or Trabezond , the Imperiall seat of the Comneni . Im●ediatly after the Latines were possessed of the Constantinopolitan Empire , Alexius Comnenus , one of the blood regall , with-drew himselfe to this town , and raised here a new Empire ; containing Pontus , Gallatia , and Cappadocia , about the yeare 1205. This Empire flourished in all prosperity till the yeare 1461 , when Mahomet the great took it from Dauid the last Emperour , whose name and progeny he quite extinguished . The chief riuers of this Country are 1 Iris , & 2 Thermodon . About the banks of this riuer Thermodon , dwelt the Amazons , so called either quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they vsed to cut off their right papps , that they might not be an impediment to their shooting : or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sine pane , because they vsed not to eat bread ; or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they liue together . They were originally of Scythia , and accompanied their husbands to these parts , about the time of the Scythians first irruptions into Asia , in the time of Sesostris king of Egypt . The leaders of this people into Cappadocia , were Plinos and Scolpythus , two young men of a great house , whom a contrary faction had banished . They held a great hand ouer the Themiscyrij , who inhabited this region , and the Nations round about them : At last they were by treachery all murdered . But their wiues now doubly vexed both with exile and widowhood , and extremity of griefe and feare , producing its vsuall effect , desperatnes ; they set vpon the Conquerours vnder the conduct of Lampedo and Marpesia , and not only ouerthrow them , but also infinitely inlarge their Dominions : such as were subiected vnto them they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Amazonian Queenes . 1 Lampedo first Queenes of the Amazons in Cappadocia . 1 Marpesia first Queenes of the Amazons in Cappadocia . 2 Ortera . 3 Antiopa , whose sisters Hippolite and Menalippe , challenged Hercules and Theseus to single combate : and were at last hardly vanquished , to their eternall credits . 4 Penthisilea , who came with a troop of braue Viragoes , to the aid of Priam King of Troy ; she invented the battaile axe , & was at last slain by Pyrrhus , son to Achilles . Long after her death raigned Thalestris , who came to Alexander being in Hircania , and plainly told him she came to lye with him ; which done , she returned : and at last by little & little this Nation was extinct . They vsed in matters of copulation , to goe to their neighbouring men thrice in a yeare : if they brought forth males , they sent them to their Fathers ; if females , they kept them , and trayned them vp in all martiall discipl●ne . The whole Country of Cappadocia , was made a Roman prouince after the death of Archelaus , the next successor to Ariobarzanes . 15 LYCAONIA . On the South of Cappadocia is LYCAONIA , watred with the riuer Lycus . In the South of this Prouince where it consineth with Lycia , is the hill Chimaera : in the top whereof Lyons roared ; in the middle goates grazed ; and in the lower part serpents lurked . Hence is Chimaera by the Poets fained to be● Mōster , hauing the head of a Lyon , the body of a goat , the taile of a serpent . Quoque Chimaera jugo medijs in partibus hircum , Pectus & ora Leae , caudam Serpentis habebat . Chimaer her mid parts from a Goat did take , From Lyon head and brest ; taile from a snake . This mountaine was made habitable by Bellerophon , who is therefore fained to haue killed the Monster Chimaera . The chiefe Cities are Iconium , once the regall seat of the Aladine Sultans . 2 List●a where Timothy was borne : where Paul and Barnabas healing a Criple , were by the blind Ethnicks adored as Gods ; calling Paul , Mercury ; and Barnabas , Iupiter : Howsoeuer not long after , at the instigation of some malicious Iewes , they stoned Paul , and cast him out of their city , where he recouered , and departed with Barnabas . Acts 14th . 16 PISIDIA . 17 ARMENIA . On the East side of Lycaonia is PISIDIA , whose cities are Antiochia and Lisinia . The people of this Country hauing offended Cyrus the brother of Artaxerxes Mnemon , gaue him good occasion to leuie an Army , pretending revenge on them ; but intending to dispossesse his brother of the Persian Monarchie . But Tisaphernes , Lieftenant for the King in Asia , seeing greater preparations then were sufficient , to oppresse the weak Pisidians , made the King acquainted with his suspicions , who accordingly prouided for resistance . Cyrus Army consisted of 12000 Grecians , and 100000 Persians : the Kings forces were no fewer then 9000000 fighting men . They meet at Cunaxa not farre from Babylon , where Cyrus lost both the victory & his life . The Grecians who had made their side good , and stood on termes of honourable composition , being by Tisaphernes betrayed , lost the best of their company . The rest vnder the conduct of Xenophon , made a safe retreit home , in despite of 200000 men , which followed at their heeles . This Xenophon was an agent in , and the historian of this expedition , by whose example the Spartans , and after them the Macedonians , first attempted the conquest of Persia. Eastward from Pisidia is ARMENIA MINOR , which by some is thought to be the Land of Ararat , on whose mountaines the Arke rested , the Remnants of which , Iosephus saith , were in his time to be seene . The chiefe town is Melexona , whose territory is abundant in oile and wine . Asia being totally subdued by the Persians , was not long after taken from them by the Grecians , vnder the prosperous ensignes of victorious Alexander . After his decease , the Empire being diuided among his Captaines : Asia fell to the share of Antigonus ; whose son Demetrius seised on the kingdome of Macedonia , and left Asia , subdued by Seleucus Nicanor K. of Syria & the East , being also one of Alexanders heires . The sixt from this Seleucus , was Antiochus , called the Great ; who waging warre with yong Ptolomy Philopater , King of Egypt , committed by his father to the protection of the Romanes , prouoked the Senate of Rome to send Scipio ( surnamed for his Asian victories ) Asiaticus , against him ; who compelled him to forsake Asia , which the Romans presently took into their possession . Other motiues there were to cause this warre ; as that Antiochus entertained Annibal , being a professed enemy to the state of Rome ; that he demanded restitution of the City Lysimachia , possessed by the Romans ; that he had took into his protection Thoas , a Prince of Aetolia , revolted from the seruice of their state ; but chiefly that the Romans by the ouerthrow of a King so potent , might adde to their fame and Dominion . Vnder the Romans this prouince long continued , till the Turkes by little and little , wrested it from the Empire of Greece , and subdued it to their Mahumetan superstition . Thus much of Anatolia . OF SYRIA . SYRIA hath on the East Euphrates , on the West the Mediterranean Sea , on the South Palestine , and on the North Cilicia , and other parts of Asia Minor. The inhabitants of this Country are either Mahumetans , or Christians . These latter are subdiuided into different Sects of Melchi●es , Iacobites , & Maronites : which as in the main points they agree with the Greeke Church , so in certain other they are repugnant vnto it . The last of these , viz : the Maronites , are only found in mount Libanus , so much renowned in holy Writ for its goodly Cedars , Their Patriarch is alwayes called Peter , he hath vnder his jurisdiction 9 Bishops , and resideth commonly at Tripolis . They held heretofore diuers opinions with the Grecians ; but in the Papacie of Clement 8th , they receiued the Roman Religion . They possesse in this hillie Country many scattered Villages , amongst all which , foure only in all Syria speake the Syriacke tongue . viz : 1 Eden , a small village , yet a Bishops See , called by the Turkes , Anchora ; 2 Hatcheeth ; 3 Sharrie , where the Patriarch of these Maronites sometimes resideth , and 4 Bolosa , or Blouza . These Maronites , though they haue acknowledged the Popes supremacy ; yet they retaine still the Liturgy of the Greekes . They took this name from one Maron , who is mentioned in the fift act of the Constantinopolitan Counce●l . The Iacobites are so called from Iacobus Syrus , who liued Anno 5●0 . Their opinions contrary to the Church of Greece & Rome , are 1. They acknowledge but one Will , Nature , and Operation in Christ. 2 They vse Circumcision in both sexes . 3. They signe their Children with the signe of the Crosse , imprinted with a burning iron . 4 They affirme Angels to consist of 2 substances , fire , and light . The Patriarch of this Sect is alwayes called Ignatius , he keepeth his residence at Carami in Mesapotamia , and i● said to haue 160000 Families vnder his jurisdiction . The Melchites are subiect to the Patriarch of Antiochia , and are of the same tenets with the Grecians , excepting only , that they celebrate diuine seruice as solemnly on the Saturday , as the Sunday . They take their denomination from Melchi , which in the Syriacke , signifieth a King ; because in matters of religion the people followed the Emperours injunctions , and were of the Kings Religion , as the saying is . Here are also in the mountainous parts of this Country , between it and Armenia maior , a certain people whom they call Curdi or C●ordes , descended , as it is though● , of the ancient Parthians . These men worship the diuell , and as themselues judge , not without reason . For God ( they say ) is a good man , and will doe no body harme : but the diuell is a knaue , and must be pleased , lest he hurt them . The chiefe riuers are Euphrates , which watring the Garden of Eden , hath his fountaine in the Mountaines of Armenia , and running by Babylon , disgorgeth it selfe into the Persian sea : & Orontis , which rising about mount Libanus , and visiting the walls of Selencia , gently saluteth the Mediterranean Sea. This country is diuided into three Prouinces , viz ; Phoenicia , 2 Caelo-Syria , and 3 Syro-Phoenicia . PHOENICIA lyeth South towards Canaan the chief cities are 1 Ptolomais or Acris , or Acon , famous for so many christian Armies which haue besieged it : especially those of our Richard the 1 , & Edward the 1. This latter was here treacherously wounded by an Infidell , with a poysoned knife , whose venome could by no means be asswaged , til his most vertuous wife ( proposing herein a most rare example of conjugall loue ) sucked out the poison , which her loue made sweet to her delicate palat . And as for Richard , he grew so feared and redoubted among the Turkes , that when their little children began to cry , their mothers would say vnto them , peace , King Richard is comming : and when their horses at any time started , they would put spur vnto them ; and say , What you iades , doe you thinke King Richard is heere ? 2 Sarepta , where Elias ( who had formerly liued in mount Carmel nigh adjoyning ) was sustained in a famine by a widdow , whose son he raised from death . 3 Sido● , once a famous city , now contracted into a narrower compasse , is gouerned by the Emir or Prince of the Drusians ; who being the off-spring of the Christians , which vnder the conduct of Godfrey D. of Bulloine , descended into these parts , doe still maintaine their liberty against the Turkes ; though they haue in a manner forgot their religion , yet so that they embraced not Mahumetanisme , & are rather of no faith , then any . The white turbant they weare like the Turks ; circumcision they abhor ; from wine they refraine not , & account it lawful most vnlawfully to marry with their own daughters . They are a people very warlike , stoue , and resolute ; and haue with great valour resisted all the attempts and warres of the Turkish Sultans . The country which they possesse , is environed with the confines of Ioppa aboue Caesarea and Palestine ; and within the riuers of Iordan & Orontes , stretching it selfe euen to the plaines of Damasco . They were in the time of Amurath the 3d , gouerned by 5 Emirs or Princes , one of which was ManOgli , who so resolutely resisted Ibrahim Bassa , Anno 1585. This Man-Ogli then kept his Court and residence at Andirene a strong place situate on a hill , and was of that wealth , that he sent to make his peace vnto the aboue-named Ibrahim , 320 Arcubuses , 20 packs Andirene silkes , and 50000 Duckats ; At a second time he presented him with 50000 duckats more , 480 arcubuses , 1000 goats , 150 Camels , 150 Buffes , 1000 Oxen , and 200 weathers ; by which rich gifts we may not a little coniecture at the revenue of the present Emir of S●don , who since the yeare 1600 , hath reduced almost all the Countries belonging once to fiue Princes , vnder his own Empire , as containing the Townes and territories of Gazir , Barut , Sidon , Tyrc , Acre , Saffet ( or Tiberias ) his seat of residence , Nazareth , Cana , Mount Tabor , Elkiffe , &c. This present Emir by name Faccardin● , was not long since driuen out of his Country by the Turke , and forced to flye to Florence : but he again recouered his owne , laid siege to Damascus , and caused a notable rebellion in Asia , not yet quenched . 4 Tyre , famous for her purples , and diuers colonies dispersed ouer all the world by her Citizens . Here was once a kingdome of great antiquity , and long continuance ; the most famous of her kings were Hyram , in a strict bond and confederacie with Salomon : & Pigmaleon the brother of Dido , who built Carthage . This gaue way to the Persian Monarchy , and after the ouerthrow of Darius , was beleagured by Alexander , who with great expence of men and mony , together with extraordinary labour & toile , at last took it . This rendition of the town was diuined by the Soothsayers which followed the camp of Alexander , vpon a dreame which he not long before had . For dreaming that he had disported himselfe with satyrs , the diuiners only making of one word two ; found that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was no more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Tua Tyrus ; and it hapned accordingly . It is now vnder the Emir of the Drusians . This country aboundeth with wheat , hony , oyle , and balme : the lower part whereof was the seat of Asher , of whom Moyses prophesied , Deut. 33.24 . That he should dip his foot in oyle . The second Prouince of Syria is CAELOSYRIA , whose chiefe cities are 1 Hieropolis , famous for the Temple and worship of the Syrian goddesse ; the tricks and iugglings of whose Priests to deceiue the silly people , who list to see ; may find them abundantly described in the Metamorphosis of Apuleius : the relation whereof seemeth to be a discourse of the tricks of legerdemaine , which the Friers and Pardoners at this day vse in the Papacie . 2 Damascus so pleasantly situate , that the impostor Mahomet would neuer enter into it ; fearing ( as himselfe vsed to say ) lest being ravished with the ineffable pleasures of the place , he should forget the busines about which he was sent ; & make this town his Paradise . For it is seated in a very fruitfull soyle , bearing grapes all the yeare , and girt round about with most curious and odoriferous gardens . This town is famous for her founders , being Abrahams seruants ; for the tomb of Zacharias ; and for the conversion of Paul , who here first preached the Gospell , and scaped the snares of his enemies , being let down the walls of the house by a basket : The Syrian kings mentioned in the Bible , were of this Syria , as Benhadad &c. The third Prouince is SYRO-PHOENICIA , whose chief cities are 1 Beritus a famous mart-town , formerly called Iulia faelix , and now Barutti ; nigh vnto which , St George deliuered the Kings daughter , by killing of the Dragon . In memory of which exploit , there was a castle & an oratory built in the same place and consecrated to S. George , by whose name the valley adjoyning is yet called . 2 Aleppo , so called of Alep , which signifieth milke , which here is in great plentyl it is called in the Scriptures Aram Sobab , 2 Sam. 8.3 . This town is famous for a wonderfull confluence of Marchants from all parts , who come hither to traffique . 3 Biblis . 4 Tripolis , so call'd because it hath bin thrice built : and 5 Antiochia , built and named by Antiochus her founder . Two things doth this city glory in ; first that she is the Metropolis of all Syria ; & therfore Hadrian being offended with the citizens hereof , intended to haue separated Phoenicia from Syria ; Ne tot civitatum metropolis Antiochia diceretur ( saith Gallicanus . ) Secondly , because the Disciples of IESVS were here first called Christians ; a people by the Heathen so hated , that they ceased not to malice and slander them continually , as men that at their devout meetings devoured infants , and had carnal company with their mothers and sisters . Among the rest , Tacitus hath shot his sooles bolt , calling them , homines per flagitia invisos , & noviffima exempla meritos . Yet this defamation notwithstanding , they grew in 40 yeares to that number , that they were a terrour to their enemies ; who suggested by that old enemy of piety , the Diuell , grieuously afflicted them with ten generall persecutions vnder the Emperours , 1 Nero , Ao 67. 2 Domitianus , Aº 96. 3 Traianus , Aº 100. 4 Marcus Antoninus , Aº 167. 5 Severus , Aº 195. 6 Maximinus , Aº 137. 7 Decius Aº 250. 8 Valerianus , Aº 259. 9 Aurelianus , Aº 278. 10 Dioclesianus , Aº 293. These persecutions were so cruell , that S. Hierom writeth in one of his Epistles , that euery day in the yeare there were murthered 5000 , excepting only the first day of Ianuary : But sanguis martyrum , semen Ecclesiae ; and this little grain of mustard seed , planted by Gods own hand , and watred with the blood of so many holy men , grew so great a tree , that it dispersed its branches through euery Prouince & city of the World. Neither were the Imperial armies without a wonderfull number of them , as appeared when Iulian the Rennegate hauing vomited out his soule with a Vicistitandem Galile : They elected Iovinianus Emperor , with this joyfull acclamation , Christiani omnes sumus . Constantine the Great , put an end to all persecutions , & embraced the Christian Faith on this occasion . At the same time that Constantine was appointed Emperour in Brittaine . Maxentius was by the Praetorian souldiers chosen at Rome ; and Lycinus nominated successour by Maximinus . Against these , Constantine marching , and being in his mind somwhat pensiue , he cast his eyes vp to Hea●en : Where he saw in the sky a lightsome pillar in forme of a Crosse , wherein were ingrauen these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , In hoe vince . The night following , our Sauiour appeared to him in a vision , commanding him to beare the figure of that Crosse in his banners , and he should ouercome his enemies . Constantine obeyeth the vision , and is accordingly victorious . After this he not only fauoured the Christians , but became one of that holy profession . This is the story according to Soc●ates Scholasticus , who writes , that the banner was in his time reserued in the Emperours palace . But Zozimus an Heathen historian , partly vpon malice to the Christians in generall , and partly on a particular grudge to this Emperour , of whom he neuer speaketh well , deliuereth the cause of his conversion farre otherwise . Questionlesse he was a great instrument of Gods glory ; In whose time God gaue such increase to his Gospell , that at last it got the vpper hand of Heathenisme : And here flourished , till the sins of the people prouoked God to remoue his Candle-stick from those places , and leaue them as a prey to misbeleeuers and Idolaters . In Syria also was the town and Prouince of Palmyra , famous in that it was vnder the gouernment of Zenobia ; a woman of such worth , that she was counted worthy the purple roabe , and to stand in opposition with Gallienus for the Empire of the world . She swayed these Easterne parts during the reigne of Gallienus , Claudius , Quintilius , and Aurelian : who taking her prisoner , led her in triumph through Rome , ita ut eâ specie nihil unquam esset pompabilius . The Syrians are called in the Bible Aramites , who were an obscure people subiect to the Persians , & subdued by Alexander the Great ; after whose death , this Country , together with Persia , & other adjacent Prouinces , fell to the share of Seleucus Nicanor , a man strangely preferred . For being at the first , Gouernour of Chaldea only , he was forced to leaue Babylon , and forsake his Prouince , for feare of Antigonus , then dreadfull to all the Macedonian Captaines ; and to fly into Egypt , where he became Ptolomies Admirall . After , Ptolomie fighting a pitched field with Demetrius , son to Antigonus , took Seleucus with him ; and hauing wonne the battaile , gaue him aid and licence to recouer his former gouernment . Seleucus welbeloued of the people , soon made himself Master , not of Chaldea only , but of all the Persian Prouinces beyond Euphrates , & not long after ( being seconded by his good friend Ptolomie , Cassander , & Lysimachus ) he encountred Antigonus at Ipsus in Cilicia , where Antigonus himself was slain , & his whole Army routed . This victory made Seleucus Lord of all Asia ; from whence passing ouer into Europe , he vanquished and slew Lysimachus : seauen moneths after which victory , he was slain by Ptolomie Ceraunus , whose patron and protectour he was : being yet the last surviuour of all Alexanders Princes , and the only possessour of all the Dominions which his Master had , either by inheritance , or conquest . His successours although they were Lords of all Asia , yet since in Syria they kept their residence , were commonly called Kings of Syria . The Kings of Syria . An o M. 3654 1 Seleucus Nicanor 31 3685 2 Antiochus S●ter 19 3704 3 Antiochus Theos 15. he began the tedious war with Egypt . 3719 4 Seleucus Calliuicus 20 3739 5 Seleucus Ceraunus 3 3742 6 Antiochus Mag. 3● . he lost Asia , and plagued Iudea . 3778 7 Seleucus Philopater 12 1790 8 Antiochus Epiphan . the scourge of the Iewes 12 3802 9 Antiochus Eupater , whose Captain Lysias tyrannized ouer Iudea ; as also did 3804 10 Demetrius Soter by his Captaine Nicanor ; and was deposed by 3814 11 Alexander a fained son of Antiochus Eupator 5 3819 12 Demetrius Nicanor 2 3821 13 Antiochus Sedeces , 3 slain by 3824 14 Triphon the usurper 3 3827 15 Antiochus Pius 12. who being in wars against the Parthians , was dispossessed by 3839 16 Demetrius Nicanor : 4 , who for his cruelty was deposed by 3843 17 Alexander Zebenna , an Egyptian of meane birth . 2 3845 18 Antiochus Griphus 29 3874 19 Seleucus & Antioch . Cyzicenus 20 Philip and Demetrius . During the raignes of these kings , ciuill warres had devoured all the bloud royall of Seleucus . 3884 21 Tigranes king of Armenia , the Seleucidan stocke thus failing , was chosen , and established King of Syria ; and was the most potent King of this Country , after the death of Antiochus Magnus : as being King of this Syria by election ; of Armenia by succession ; of Media and Assyria by conquest ; & hauing a superintendencie ouer the Parthians , presuming on his strength , he sideth with Mithridates ( whose daughter he had married ) against the Romans , and is vanquished by Lucullus : who with the losse of fiue Romans only , and the wounds of an hundred , is reported to haue slain of his enimies aboue 100000 men . Finally , being again broken and vanquished by Lucullus , he yeelded himself to Pompey , who being appointed Lucullus successour , depriued him of the honour of ending that warre ; & retaining to himself Armenia and Media only , he left all Syria to the Romans , hauing raigned 18 yeares : The gouernment of this Country vnder these new Lords , was accounted to be one of the greatest honours of the Empire ; the Praefect here of hauing almost regall iurisdiction ouer all regions on this side Euphrates , with a superintendencie ouer Egypt . Niger the concurrent of Severus , was Praefect here ; and also Cassius Syrus , who being a natiue of this Country , and welbeloued by reason of his moderate & plausible demeanour , had almost tumbled M. Antoninus out of his Throne . On this occasion it was enacted by the Senate , that no man hereafter should haue any militar or legall command in the Prouince , where he was borne : Lest perhaps supported by the naturall propension of the people , one of their own Nation ; and hartned by the powerablenesse of his friends , he might appropriate it to himself , which was common to the Senate and people of Rome . From the Romans this Prouince , and Palestine ( as we shall presently shew you ) were extorted by the Saracens . Thus much of Syria . PALESTINE hath on the East Euphrates , on the West the Mediterranean sea : on the North it is bounded with Phoenicia ; on the South with Arabia . This Country was first called the land of Canaan , from Canaan the son of Cham. Secondly , the land of Promise , because the Lord had promised it to Abraham and his seed ; thirdly , Israell of the Israelites , so called from Iacob , who was surnamed Israel ; fourthly Iudea , from the Iewes or people of the tribe of Iudah ; fiftly Palestine , quasi Philistim , the land of the Philistins , a potent Nation herein ; and now sixtly the Holy land , because herein was wrought the worke of our saluation . It is situate between the third and fourth climats , the longest day being 14 houres and a quarter . It is in length 200 miles , & not aboue 50 in bredth ; yet of that salubrity of aire , and fertility of soile , flowing with milke and hony : that before the comming of the Israelites it maintained 30 Kings : and afterward the two potent kingdomes of Israel and Iudah , in which David numbred one million , and 300000 fighting men , besides them of the tribe of Beniamin and Levi. The people hereof were of a middle stature , strong of body , vnconstant and resolute ; and are now accounted a periurious vagabond nation , & great vsurers . Their Religion in its purity was first taught by diuine inspiration ; afterward published in the two Tables of the Law at mount Sinai ; but now they haue added their own inventions , giuing as much credit to the Talmud , as to the Scriptures . They were of 3 sorts or sects ; 1 Iewes , 2 Samaritans , 3 Proselites . The first were of the naturall language , and originall of the Tribes : the second were such as Salmanasser placed in Samaria , from whence he carried the Israelites captiues ; these retained only the fiue bookes of Moses : the third were such as came from other Countries to learne the Religion of the Iewes . They were subdiuided also into other sects , as Pharises , Sadduces , Esseni , a●d Scribes ; &c. Of these the Scribes are resembled to the Canonists in the Church of Rome ; and are thought to haue receiued that name about the time that Dauid diuided the Leuites into certaine Classes or Formes . Their office was double ; 1 to read & expoūd the Law in the Temple & Synagogues : & 2ly to execute the office of a Iudge , in ending and composing actions . The Esseui are so called from Ascha , that is , facere ; because they wrought with their hands . They liued together , as it were , in Colledges , and in euery one had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Chappell for their deuotion . All their estates they inioyed in common , and receiued no man into their fellowship , vnlesse he would giue all that he had into their Treasury ; & not then neither vnder a three yeares probationership . The Sadduces deriue their name either from Sado● , who is said to haue liued about the time of Alexander the Great , & to be the Author of this Sect : or from Sedech , which signifieth Iustice. They belieued not the being of Angels or spirits , the resurrection of the body , & that there was a Holy Ghost , they credited not , they receiued only the Pentateuch , and in many other things agreed with the Samaritans . The Pharisees owe their name to Phares , which signifieth both interpretari & separare , as being both interpreters of the Law , and separatists from the rest of the Iewish Church . They held the contrary opinions to the Sadduces , and besides the Pentateuch , or fiue bookes of Moses , adhered also vnto traditions . They denied also the sacred Trinity ; they held the fulfilling of the Law to consist in the outward ceremonies ; they relyed more on their own merits , then Gods mercy ; they attributed most things to destiny ; & refused commerce with Publicans & sinners . Their Philacteries were broad scrolls of parchment bound about their heads , wherein were written the 10 Commandements , vainly so interpreting that of De●ter . cap. 6. vers . 8 : mou● buntur super oculos tuos . The chiefe riuers of this Country are Cedron , & 2 Iordan . This latter arising out of Mount Libanus , & hauing run a long course in a narrow channell , first augmenteth his bed in the sea or lake of Galilee ; then again the waters are contracted , til they expatiat themselues in the sea of Tiberias or Genesareth ; & lastly finisheth his course in the Dead sea ; a● sea which hath no intercourse with the Ocean ; a sea because salt : dead , because no liuing thing can endure its bituminous sauour ; from abundance of which matter , it is also called Lacus Asphaltites . Nigh vnto this sea once stood the infamous cities of Sodom and Gomorrah , destroyed with fire from heauen , and now there groweth a tree whose apples exceeding fair to sight , moulder away to nothing as soon as touched . This Country hath had diuers diuisions ; as first into the seuerall Nations of the Amorites , Perezites , Philistines , &c. After the conquest of these people , it was diuided between the people of Israel into 12 Tribes , as the Tribe of Iuda , Beniamin , Ephraim , &c. When Ieroboam had made that great breach in the kingdome of Dauid , it was diuided into the kingdomes of Iuda and Israel : of which the former contained only the two Tribes of Iuda and Beniamin ; the latter the other ten . When the Israelites were transported into Assyria , & other Inhabitants sen● hither ; these new commers were from Samaria the chief City of their Prouince , named Samaritans ; & when the men of Iuda returned from the captiuity of Babylon , then began they first to be called Iewes . At what time the whole Country fell vpon that diuision which it still retaineth , viz : into the foure Prouinces of Galilaea , Iuda , Idumaea , & Samaria . GALILEA is the most Northerne part of Palestin● , it is diuided into the Higher and the Lower . The higher Galilie is also called Galilea gentium , either because it is betweene the rest of the Holy land and the Gentiles ; or else because it was by K. Solomon giuen vnto Hiram King of Tire . It contained the tribes of Asher , Naphtali , and a part of the Tribe of Dan. The chiefe Citties of the Tribe of Asher , were 1 Acon . 2 Tyre . 3 Sidon . 4 Sarepta , all which we haue before mentioned in our description of Phoenicia . 5 Ap●ek , whose wall falling downe , slewe 27000 of Benhadads Souldiers ; after 100000 of them had bin slaine by Ahab . 6 Giscala the birthplace of Iohn or Iehochanan , one of the three seditious in the Citty of Ierusalem , at the siege of it by Titus . In the Tribe of Napthalim the principall townes are and were , Iabin where the 24 Kings met to giue battle to Ioshua : to the King of this Towne also was Sisera Leiftenant , who was ouerthrowne by Debora , and slaine by Iael . It was also called Hazor . 2 Capernaum ( seated on the influxe of Iordan into the Sea of Galilie ) so often mentioned in the Scriptures . 3 Cinnereth called afterward Genesareth , whence the Lake or Sea of Galile is called the Lake of Genesareth . That the children of Dan were here in part seated is easily prooued out of Ioshua , the 19. and 47 vers . where it is said that the coast of the children of Dan being too little for them they went vp , and fought against Leshem , which they tooke and called Dan. This Leshem , is rendred by some interpreters Laish , and is the place where Abraham vanquished Chedorla●mer and his confederats . The other Citties are Hamath . 2 Ramath . 3 Ziddim , and 4 Cedesh . But whether these foure Citties belonged also to the Da●ites , or were accounted as appertaining to Napthalim , I cannot determine . In this Country are the two spring heads of Iordan , whereof the one is named Ior , the other Dan. The Lower Galile containeth the Tribes of Zabulon , and Isachar . In the Tribe of Zabulon , the chiefe Citties are or were Gaba , called since Hippopolus , of a regiment of horse , there garisond by Herod . 2 Cana where our Sauiour wrought his first miracle , turning water into wine . 3 Bethsaida , the birth-place of Peter , Andrew , and Philip. 4 Tiberias on the Sea of Galile , which is also called the Lake of Tiberias . In this Citty was Mathew called , and the daughter of Iairus raised from death to life . 5 Sephoris made by Herod Antipas the regall seat of the Lower Galilea . and 6 Nazareth , where Mary was saluted with those ioyfull tidings by an Angell as she sate in her chamber . Of this chāber I cannot but insert this famous legend . It was after the virgins death had in great reuerence by the Christians , and remained in this towne till the Holy-land was by the Turkes and Saracens subdued Anno 1291. Then was it most miraculously transported into Sclauonia ; but that place being vnworthy of the Virgins diuine presence , it was by the Angells carried ouer into the sea coast of Italy Anno 1294. That place also being infected with theeues and pirats , the Angells remoued it to the little village of Loretto , where her miracles were quickly divulged : Insomuch that Paul the 2d built a most stately Church over this Chamber ; and Xistus the fift made the Village a Citty . And thus we haue the beginning of our Lady of Loretto . Here is in this Tribe also the brooke Chison , and mount Tabor , where Christ was transfigured . Here also is the high seated Citty of Iotapata , which Iosephus the historian , being gouernour of both Galilies , so brauely defended against Vespasian . In the Tribe of Isachar the chiefe Citties are Tarichaea with great difficulty taken in the Iewish warres . 2 Enhadda , nigh vnto which Saul slew himselfe , and 3 Daberoth , seated in the valley of Israel : a valley famous for the many battails fought in it . As of Gedeon against the Madianites ; Saul against the Philistines ; Ahab against the Syrians ; the Christians against the Sarracens ; and Iohn against Iehoram . In this Lower Galile was our Saviour very conuersant , wherefore Iulian the Apostata called him a Galilean . 2 SAMARIA is not here taken in that large extent by which it comprehended the kingdome of the ten Tribes ; but in a stricter limit for that part of Palestine which is seated between Iudaea and Galilie . The people hereof were as we haue said the discendants of such Assyrians , as were by Salmanassar sent hither to possesse the inheritance of the captiue Israelites . They were to the Iewes in their aduersity most deadly enimies : but when God had giuen them rest and felicity , who but the Iewes shal be their Cosens . This hollow-hearted dealing so offended the Iews that they reputed the Samaritans for reprobates and schismatickes . So that when they went about to calumniate our blessed Sauiour , they could finde no more grieuous reproach , then to say he was a Samaritan , or ( as if they had beene alone ) one that conuersed with Diuells . And though the Iewes would not vouchsafe to marry with them , yet they inhabited most of their good Townes ; some of which they had totally wrested into their owne hands : in the others they were mingled . This Province of Samaria comprehended the Tribes of Ephraim , Gad , Ruben ; and the two halfe Tribes of Manasses ; the one situate on the Mediterranean , the other beyond Iordan . In the halfe Tribe of Manasses on the Mediterranean , the chiefe Citties are Bethsan , which being growne old , was by the Scythians at their irruptions into Asia the lesse , reedified , and named Scythopolis . On the walls hereof did the Philistines hang the bodies of Saul and his sonnes . 2 Thebes where the bastard Abimelec was woūded by a stone , which a woman threw from the wall ; and perceauing his death nigh , commanded his Page to slay him , that it might not be said he died by the hands of a woman . 3 Ephra , or H●phra , where Gedeon dwelt , and nigh vnto which the said Abimelech slew 70 of his brethren ; a heathenish cruelty , and at this day practised by the Turkes . 4 Endor where Saul went to consult with a witch . 5 Iezreel , a regall Citty , in the which I●ram kept Court when he was deposed and slaine by Iehu . Here was Naboth stoned for his vineyard , and here did Dogges licke the blood of Iezabell . 6 Caesarea Palestina , first called Straton , but after by this name , which Herod who new built & beautifi'd it , gaue to it in honor of Caesar. Here Paul disputed against Tertullus , in the presence of Festus the Roman President : here Cornelius was baptised by Peter : & here Herod Agrippa was smitten by an Angell , and eaten of wormes ; after his rhetoricall Oration , which the people called the voice of God & not of man. 7 Antipatris , whether the Souldiers lead Paule by the command of Lysias . 8 Megiddo , &c. In the Tribe of Ephraim , the chiefe Citties are Samaria , the metropolis of the kingdome of Israel , built by Omri King hereof , a magnificent and stately city , and was called Samaria frō Shemer , of whom the hill whereon the Citty stood , was bought . It was by Hircanus the High Priest beaten to the ground , but repaired againe by Herod , who to flatter Caesar called it Sebaste , for the Greekes called Augustus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Here lay the bodies of Elisha , and Iohn the Baptist. 2 Bethel where Ieroboam erected one of his golden Calfes , by which he made Israel to sinne . 3 Sichem which was by Simeon and Levi destroyed , for the rauishment of Dinah . Here R●b●am reiecting the Counsell of the old men , and following that of the young ; made that irreparable schisme in the kingdome of David . Neere vnto this Towne Iudas Maccabaeus ouerthrew Lysias . 4 Lidda where Peter ( virtute Christi , non sua ) healed the sick of the palsie . It is since called Diosp●lis , and in it S. George was beheaded . 5 Ramatha or Arimathea , the Citty of Ioseph , who buried the body of Christ. 6 S●lo seated on a mountaine so called , in which the Arke of the Lord was kept , till the Philistines tooke it . On the other side of Iordan was the habitation of the children of Gad , Reuben , & the other halfe of Manasses . The country of these last was called Basan , whose last King was Ogg , a man of that large proportion , that his bed made of iron , was 9 Cubits long , and foure broad . It hath beene also in the time of the Roman Monarchy called Trachonitis , because it is bounded Eastward with the hills of Gilead , which the Cosmographers of that age called Trachones . Some also call it Iturea , but improperly : for Iturea was seated more toward Syro-Phoenicia & North to Damascus , and was so called from Ietur one of the sonnes of Ismael . It was also a part of the Country of Decapolis , so named of ten prime Citties in it , which extended from Bethsan South , to Libanus North ; from the mountaines of Gilead East , to the Mediterranean West . Of this Decapolis wee finde frequent mention in the new Testament , as Math. 4.25 . Mark. 7.31 . &c. Thus hauing cleered my passage in respect of the diuersitie of names . I will proceed to the Citties : The chiefe whereof are Butis , Berenice , or Pella demolished by Alexander Iannaeus King of the Iewes . 2 Edrey , the royall seat of Og King of Basan . 3 Astaroth sometimes peopled with Giants , for which cause the Country adioyning is tearmed the Region of Giants . Here Astoreth the Goddesse of the Zidonians was worshipped in the forme of a Sheep . 4 Gaulon where the sect of the Gaulonites began , and 5 Hus , the birth-place of Iob. The chiefe Citties of the Gadites are Gadara & Gergesa , the people whereof intreated our Sauiour to depart frō their coasts : for to both these people the story is attributed : by Mathew to the last ; by Luke and Marke to the first : not that they were both one , but because they were neighbour Citties , and so their bounds confounded . 3 Iab●sh Gilead , the Cittizens whereof buried the bodyes of Saul and his sonnes . 4 Bethharam rebuilt by Herod Antipas , and called Iulius in honour of Livia , Augustus wife , translated into the Iulian family . 5 Succoth . 6 Ramoth Gilead where Iacob and Laban swore each to other ; where Ahab seeking to recouer it from the Syrians lost his life ; and in the leaguer of which Iehu was chosen king . 7 Rabba ( now Philadelphia ) vnder the walls whereof Vriah was slaine by the command of Dauid . At the siege of this Towne , that most excellent and politique Captaine Ioab hauing brought it to tearmes of yeelding , sent for the King to haue the honour of taking in so defersible a City . In the Tribe of Reuben the chiefe Citties are 1 Machaerus an exceeding strong Citty , standing vpon so high a rocke that it is euery way inaccessible . In this town Iohn the Baptist was slain . 2 Beth Bara where Iohn baptized , and where Moses made his diuine exhortations to the people , 3 Abel-Sittim seated in the Country called the plaines of Moab . This was the last encamping place of the Israelites vnder Moses . It was after called simply Sittim , and yeelded the wood so often mentioned in the Scripture whereof the Arke was made . 4 Ramath Baal , to which place Balack brought Balaam to curse the people . This was the chiefe Citty of the worshippers of Baal ; which was , as some say , the same with Priapus . IDVMEA , was the habitation of the Edomites , the of-spring of Esau , who also inhabited the Country South of Israel , called Mount Seir , or the wildernesse of Edom ; in which the children of Israel were stung with the fiery Serpents ; and which is counted a part of Arabia the stonie . This Idumea of which we treat , was not wholy in the hands of the Edomites , but possessed in part by the Philistines , a people which of all other most vexed the Israelites , and kept them in that bondage , that they left thē not a Smith in any of their Citties and Townes to sharpen their irons with . These Philistines together with the Edomites were by King Dauid made subiect , but neuer could they be expelled the land . In the raigne of King Ioram , we finde how the Philistines brake into Iuda , ransacked the Kings pallace , and tooke prisoners his wife and children . What was the end of this nation , I as yet knowe not ; this I answere , that for the puissance of this people , the whole Country was by heathen writers tearmed Palestine . In the raigne of King Ioram , also the Edomits revolted ; and continued in that free state till the time of Hireanus the high Priest : who taking most of their Townes , made them subiect to the Iewes , compelled them to be circumcised , & from thenceforth they were reputed as Iewes . This Country of Idumea contained the Tribes of Dan , and Simeon . The chiefe Citties of the Tribe of Dan are Ioppe ( now Iaffa ) a famous Mart Towne , where Ionah tooke ship to fly vnto Tarsus ; where Peter raised Dorcas from death to life ; and where he lying at the house of Simon a Tanner , was in a vision taught the conuersion of the Gentiles . This Citty they report to haue beene built before the flood ; and here they say raigned Cepheus , whose daughter Andromeda was by Perseus deliuered from the sea-monster ; some of whose bones the people vsed to shew to strangers euen till the flourishing of the Romans . Iust as our Cittizens of C●ventrie and Warwicke shew the bones of the Dun-Cow of Dunsmeare heath , and the bones of I knowe not what Giants shine by Earle Guy . 2 Gath the Country of that huge Giant Goliah . 3 Accaron , or Ecron , where Bel-zebub was worshipped to whom Ahaziah sent to inquire of his health . 4 Asotos or Asdad where was a sumptuous temple built to the honour of the Idol Dagon ; and neere vnto which Iudas Maccabeus was slaine by Bacchides Leiftenant to Demetrius . 5 Ciriathiarim where the Arke of the Lord twenty yeares was kept in the house of Aminadab , viz : from the sending it home by the Philistines , till Dauid fetcht it to Hierusalem . The chiefe Citties of Simeon , are 1 Ascalon where Semiramis was borne ; so also was Herod that killed the infants ; who comming to be King of the Iewes , verified the prophecy of Isaak to his sonne Esau : that the children of Esau should not only breake the yoke of Iacob from off their neck , for that hapned vnder Ioram ; but should also haue dominion ouer them , which was now fulfilled . 2 Gaza an exceeding faire and strong Towne , in which the Persians did lay the tributes and customes of these Westerne Provinces ; from whence all riches & treasures are also called Gaza . 3 Cariaths●pher , i. e. the Citty of books , which some hold to be an Vniuersi●y , or the Academie of old Palestine . 4 Bersheba where Abraham and Abimelech swore to each other ; where . Hagar wandred with her sonne Ismael ; and where Isaac dwelt for a long time . This Town vvas by the Christians in their vvarre in this Country vvell fortified , as bounding on Arabia , and being the Southerne limit of the holy land , vvhich extendeth from hence to Dan or Laish , North. IVDAEA is of the same extent now , as it was when it was the kingdome of Iuda , containing the two great and puissant Tribes of Iuda , and Beniamin . The chiefe Citties in the Tribe of Iudah are Arad situate in the entrance from the Wildernesse of Ed●m into Iudaea . 2 Cerioth or Carioth , the birth-place of Iudas Iscariot , who betraied our Sauiour Christ. 3 Iethir or Iattir nigh vnto which was fought the memorable battaile , wherein Asa King of Iuda , by the help of God , discomfited Zara King of the Arabians , whose armie consisted of a Million of fighting men . 4 Maresa the natiue soyle of the Prophet Michah . Nere vnto this Towne Iudas Maccabaeus ouerthrew Gorgias . 5 Emaus , nigh vnto which Iudas Maccabaeus ( after he had formerly beaten Apollonius ) gaue Gorgias the third ouerthrow . Here our Redeemer shewed himselfe after his resurrection to two of his Disciples : it was afterward called Nicopolis . 6 Hebron one of the ancientest Citties of Canaan . It was the seat of the Giants called Anakim , or the sonnes of Anak . This word Anak signifyeth a chaine worne for ornament ; and it seemeth that this Anak enriched with the spoiles of their enimies , wore a chaine of gold ; leauing both the custome and name to his posterity . We read the like of Manlius Torquatus in the Romane histories . This Towne did Abraham buy for a buriall place for his dead , and in it his wife Sarah was first buried ; and after her , foure of the Patriarchs . Adioyning to this Town is the plaine of Mamr● where Abraham the father of the faithfull sitting in his Tent , was visited from heauen by God in the shape of a man. Here Dauid kept his Court before the winning of Ierusalem ; to this place came the Tribes to anoynt him King ouer Israel ; and hither came Absalom vnder the pretence of paying his vowes , to vsurp the kingdome of his father . 7 Tecoa , the Citty of Amos the Prophet ; as also of that woman , who by the words which Ioab put into her mouth , perswaded the King to call Absolon from exile . In the Wildernesse of Tecoa , there assembled the inhabitants of Moab , Ammon , and Mount Seir , to ouerthrow Iuda . But the Lord being appeased by the publique fast , proclaimed and kept by Iehosophat and the people , sowed dissentions amongst them ; So that the children of Ammon and Moab stood vp against the inhabitants of mount Seir vtterly to slay & destroy them ; and when they had made an end of the inhabitants of Seir , every one helped to destroy another . 8 Libna , a Citty seated in a corner of Iuda , running betweene the Tribes of Dan and Beniamin . This Citty revolted from Ioram King of Iudah , at the same time the Edomites did : and continued a free state euen as long as Iudah continued a kingdome . 9. Ziph , in the Wildernes whereof Dauid hid himselfe from the fury of Saul . Hither when Saul persued him , Dauid came into his Camp ( the watch being all a sleep ) and tooke thence his speare , and a Cruse of oyle , & departed . Abishay would faine haue killed him ; but Dauid though he knew that Samuel had ministerially abdicated Saul from the kingdome , and that himselfe was appointed in his steed ; would not touch him , but left him to the iudgements of the Lord ▪ whose annointed he was . 10 Bethlem , or ( to distinguish it from another of this name in Zabulon , called ) Bethlem Iudae , where Christ was borne ; and the innocent suffered for him , before hee had suffered for them . In this generall Massacre of young children , a sonne of Herods which was at nurse , was also slaine . Which being told vnto Augustus , he replied , he had rather be● Herods hogge then his sonne . On the frontire of this Country towards the Philistines , was that strong Castle , which Herod repayring called Herodium ; It was seated on a hill , the ascent vnto which , was made with 200 steps of marble exceeding faire and large . In this Country also , are the hills of Engaddi , in a Caue of which Dauid cut off the lap of Sauls garment ; and all along the bottome whereof were the gardens of Balsamum or Opobalsamum : the trees of which were by Cleopatra ( at such time as she gouern'd M. Antonie and the East ) sent for to be replanted in Heliopolis of Aegypt ; & Herod , who durst not deny them , plucked them vp by the roots and sent them to her . In the Tribe of Beniamin , the chiefe cities are 1 Gilgal where Ioshua first did eat of the fruits of the land ; where he circumcised such of the people as were borne in the perābulation of the Wildernesse , where he kept the Passouer ; nigh to which he pitched vp the 12 stones as a memoriall to posterity , that the waters of Iordan had diuided thēselues to giue passage to the children of Israel ; and where Agag King of the Amalekites was hewne in peeces by Samuel . 2 Mispah famous in being the ordinary place of assembly for the whole body of the people , in matters of warre or peace ; as also in that standing in the midst of Canaan , it was ( together with Gilgal ) made the seat of iustice , to which Samuel went yearely to giue iudgement to the people . 3 Gebah the North border of the kingdome of Iuda , toward Israel . 4 Gibba , where the abusing of the Levites wife by the young men of this towne ; had almost rooted the Tribe of Beniamin out of the garden of Is●ael . 5 A● , a great and strong Citty , in the siege of which the Israelites were first discomfited ; but when by the death of Achan , who had stolne the accursed things , the campe was purged ; Iosuah by a warlike stratagem surprised it . 6 Gibbon the mother Citty of the Gibeonites , who presaging the vnresistable victories of the Israelites , came to the Campe of Iosuah , and by a wile obtained peace of Iosuah & the people . Saul about 400 yeares after slew some of them , for which fact the Lord caused a famine of the land , which could not be taken away till seuen of Sauls sonnes were by Dauid deliuered vnto the Gibeonites , and by them hanged . This famine did God send , because in killing these poore Gibeonites , the oath was broken , which Iosuah and the Princes swore concerning them . 7 Iericho de●troyed by the sounding of Rammes hornes , was not only leueld by Iosuah to the ground , but a curse inflicted on him that should attempt the building of it . This curse notwithstanding , at the time whē Ahab raigned in Israel , which was about 500 yeares from the ruine of it ; Hiel a Bethelite , delighted with the pleasantnes of the place reedified it . But ( as it was foretold by Iosuah ) as he laid the foundation of the walls , he lost his eldest sonne ; and when he had finished it , and was setting vp the gates thereof , he lost also his yongest . It may bee Hiel when he began this worke minded , not the prophecy ; it may be he beleeued it not : peraduenture he thought the words of Iosuah not so much to proceed from the spirit of prophecie , as from an angry and vexed heart ; they being spoken in way of wish or execration . And it is possible , it may be he chose rather to build the eternity of his name , vpon so pleasing and stately a Citty ; then on the liues and issue of two young men . Ouer against this Iericho on the other side of Iordan , are the mountains of Nebo , on which the Lord shewed vnto Moses the Country which he had promised to the posterity of Iacob . 10 HIERVSALEM the Citty of the Lord , built by Mel●hisedec Prince & Priest of Salem , in the Country of the Iebusites , & therefore called Iebusalem , and by changing one letter only , Ierusalem . This Citty was strongly seated on the mount Sion , and strengthned with a ditch cut out of the maine rock , which was in depth 60 , and in bredth 250 foot . It continued vnconquered for the first 400 yeares after the entrance of the children of Israel ; & when Dauid attēpted it ; the people presumed so much on the strength of the place , that they told him their blind and lame could desend it against him . Notwithstanding Dauid by the valour of Ioab , that fortunate and couragious leader , carried the town , & made it the seat royall of the Kings of Iuda . Here was the most glorious and magnificent Temple built by Solomon , in prouiding the materials whereof , there were 30000 workmē , which wrought by the 10000 a month in Lebanon : 70000 labourers that bare burdens ▪ 80000 quarrymen that hewed in the mountaines : and of officers and ouerseers of the worke , no lesse then 3300 men . The description of this stately fabricke you may read in the first of Kings Chap. the 6 and 7. It was destroyed by Nabuchadnezar , at the taking of Hierusalem , Ao. M. 3350. After the returne of the Iewes againe from the Babylonian captivity , it was rebuilt ; but with such opposition of the Samaritans , that the workmen were faine to hold their swords in one hand & their tooles in the other , to repulse , if need were , the violence of the enimy . This Temple was not answerable to the state and magnificence of the former , so that the Prophet Haggai had good occasion to say vnto the people cap. 2. v. 3. Who is lest among you that saw this house in her first glory ? Is it not in your eyes in comparison of it , as nothing ? Moreouer in fiue things it was defectiue . For it wanted the potte of Manna which the Lord commanded Moses to lay vp before the testimony for a memorial , Exod. 6.32 . 2ly The Rod of Aron , which only among all the Rods of the Princes of Israel , budded : and was by God commanded to be kept before the testimony , for a tokē against the rebells Datha● , Corah , and Abiram , Numb . 17.10 . 3ly The Arke of the couenant , the making whereof is described in the 25 of Exod. and the 10 v. And the placing of it in the oracle , or Sanctum Sanctorum , is mentioned in the 1. of Kings , c. 6. v. 19. 4ly The two Tables of the law written by Gods owne finger , which were by Moses placed in the Arke of the couenant , Exod . 4.20 . Deut. 10.5 . And 5ly The fire of sacrifice which came downe from heauen ; whereof mention is made 2. Chron. 17.1 . and Leuit. 9.24 . Which sire was by the Priests to bee kept continually burning . This Temple , partly because it was now ruinous , partly because it was not magnificent enough , but principally to ●urry fauour with the Iewes ; Herod the Ascalonite plucked downe and reedified ; making it as little inferiour to the first , so much superiour to the second . In this Temple our blessed Sauiour and his Apostles preached saluation to Iew & Gentile . It was finally destroyed by Titus the sonne of Vespasian on the tenth day of August , on which day also the first Temple was cōsumed with fire by Nabuchadneza . Certainly it is worth the noting ( I hope I shal not herein be accounted superstitious ) to see how happy or vnfortunate one and the same day is in diverse causes . In the warres betweene the French and Spaniards for the kingdome of Naples , Friday was obserued to be very fortunate to the great Captaine Gonsalvo ; hee hauing on that day giuen the French many memorable defeats . To Charles the fist , the 24 day of February was most lucky , for on that day hee was borne , on that he tooke King Francis prisoner , and on that he receaued the imperiall Crown at Bon●nia . To omit our Henry 7th , whose luckie day was Saturday ; I will returne to this Temple , which on a Sabaoth day , or Saturday , was taken by Pompey , on the same by Herod , on the same by Titus . After this ouerthrow , the Temple lay vnbuilt and in rubbish ▪ till the raigne of Iulian that politicke enimy of the Church ; who to diminish the numbers of the Christians , by the increase of the Iewes , began againe to build this Temple . But no sooner were the foundations laid , but an earthquake cast them vp againe ; & fire from heauen consumed the tooles of the workmen , with stones , timber , and the rest of the materialls . As for the Citty it selfe , it was reedified by Aelius Adrianus , who named it Aelia , draue thence the Iewes , and gaue it vnto the Christians . This new Citty was not built in the place of the old , for within this is mount Oliuet also comprehended . It is now famous for the Temple of the S●pulchre built by Helena ( whom most report to haue beene daughter to Coylus a Brittish King ) mother to Constantine the great . Much adoe had the good Lady to finde the place where the Lords body had bin laid ; for the Iewes & Heathens had raised great hillocks on the place ; and built there a Temple to Venus . This Temple being plucked downe , and the earth digged away , shee found the three crosses whereon our blessed Sauiour , and the two theeues had suffere● . To knowe which of these was the right Crosse , they were all carried to a woman , who had long been visited with sicknesse , and now lay at the point of death . The Crosses of the two theeues did the weake woman no good ; but as soone as they laid on her the Crosse on which the Lord died , she leaped vp and was restored to her former health . This Temple of the Sepulchre euen at the first building , was highly reuerenced and esteemed by the Christians of these parts , and euen vntill our daies is it much resorted to , both by Pilgrims from all parts of the Romish Church , who fondly and superstitiously hope to merit by their iourney : and also by diuerse Gentlemen of the reformed Churches , who trauell hitherward ; partly for curiosity , partly for loue to the antiquity of the place ; and partly because their generous spirits imitate the heauen and delight in motion . Whosoeuer is admitted to the sight of this Sepulcher , payeth nine Crownes to the Turkish Officers ; so that this tribute only is worth to the grand Signeur 80000 Duckats yearely . All this while we haue made no mention of the Levites , for they indeed made no Tribe , but had assigned vnto them 48 Cities for their habitations , proportionably taken out of the 12 Tribes . So was it ordered by the Lord , partly that they being set apart to his seruice , might be in euery place ready to instruct the people ; & partly to fulfill the prophecy which hee had spoken by Iacob , who told Leui at his death , that hee would divide him in Iacob , and scatter him in Israel . The like fortune hee prophecied to Simeon , of whom we read in the 19 of Ioshua , v. 19 , that he had no setled habitation ; but was taken ●n , to inhabite a part of the portion of Iudah . Now to make vp the number of the twelue Tribes , Ioseph was diuided into Ephraim , and Manasses : and the Le●ites were reckoned to belong to that Tribe , within who●e territory th●t Citty which they dwelt in stood . Their maintenance was from the tenths or tithes , the first fruits , offerings , and sacrifices of the people : and as it is in the 18th of Ioshuah v. the 17. The ●riesthood of the Lord was their inheritance . There were of them foure kindes , 1 Punies or Tirones , which from their childhood till the 25 yeare of their age learned the duties of their offices . 2ly , Graduates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which having spent foure yeares in the study of the Law , were able to answere and oppose in it . 3ly Licentiates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which did actually exercise the Priestly function . And 4ly Doctors ( Rabbins , they vsed to call them ) who were the highest in degree . The Iews called also Hebrews from Heber , one of Abrahams progenitors ; or Hebraei quasi Abrahaei : at their descent into Egypt were but 70 soules ; being the issue of Iacob and his 12 sons ; namely 1 Ruben , 2 Simeon , 3 Leui , 4 Iudah , 5 Zabulon , 6 Issachar , 7 Dan , 8 Gad , 9 Asher , 10 Naphali , 11 Ioseph , 12 Beniamin . The posterity of these Patriarchs continued in bondage 215 yeares , vntill the yeare of the world 2453 : at which time the Lord , mooued with their oppressions by the Egyptians , with a strong hand deliuered them ; & placed them in these parts inhabited by the Hittites , the Amorites , the Perezites , the Iebusites , &c. At their first comming hither , and long after , they were gouerned by Iudges ; whom God ordained , & the people elected : of whose acts , as also of the Acts of the Kings , I hope I shal not need to make any mention ; there being none who either doe not , or ought not to knowe them . I will only obserue Chronologically the times of their gouernment , & specifie such things as the sacred pen-men spared . The Iudges of the Iewes . A. M. 2454 1 Moses 40 2494 2 Ioshua 32 2526 3 Othoniel 8. 2630 4 Ehud 80. 2670 5 Deborah and Baruc 40. 2710 6 Gedeon 40. 2750 7 Abimelech 3 2753 8 Thola 5. 2758 9 Iair 6. 2764 10 Iephte 7 2771 11 Elon 10 2781 12 Abeson 7. 2789 13 Abdon 8. 2809 14 Sampson 20. 2829 15 Eli 40 2869 16 Samuel 4. At which time the people desired to haue a King like to other nations . The Kings of the Iewes . 2873 Saul 17. 2890 Dauid 40. 2930 Solomon 40. The Kingr of Iudah . A.M. 2971 1 Roboam 17. 2988 2 Abiah 3. 2991 3 Asa 41. 3031 4 Iosaphat 25. 3056 5 Ioram 4. 3060 6 Ochozias 1. 3061 7 Athaliah 7. 3067 8 Ioash 40. 3107 9 Amasias 29. 3136 10 Ozias 52. 3188 11 Ioatham 16. 3204 12 Achas 13. 3217 13 Ezechias 29. 3247 14 Manasseh 55. 3302 15 Ammon 2 3304 16 Iosias 31. Ioachas . The Kings of Israel . A.M. 2971 1 Ieroboam 22. 2993 2 Nadab 2. 2995 3 Baasa 24. 3019 4 Ela 2. 3021 5 Zamridies 7. 6 Amrior Omri 8. 3029 7 Achab 22. 3051 8 Ahazia 2. 3053 9 Ioram 12. 3065 10 Iehu 28. 3093 11 Iehoahaz 17. 3110 12 Ioas 16. 3126 13 Ieroboam II , 41 3167 an Interregn . 15 3182 14 Menahem 10. 3192 15 Tekaliah 2. 3194 16 Pekah 20. 3335 18 Ioachim 11. 19 Ieconias 11. 3346 20 Zedekias ; in whose time Nabuchadnezar the great destroyed Hierusalem , and carried the people captiue into Babylon , where they liued in exile 70 yeares , which time being expired , Cyrus the King of the Persians gaue them leaue to returne to their Country , and to reedisie their Citty and Temple , which worke being finished they chose them for their Governours . 3214 17 Hosea 18. who was vanquished by Salmanassar , and the Israelites carried captiue into Assyria ; 3232. The Dukes or Gouernours of Iewry . A.M. 3427 1 Zorobabel 58 3485 2 R●sa Mosollam . 3551 3 Iohanna ben Resae . 3604 4 Iudas Hircanus 31 3635 5 Ioseph 7 3642 6 Abner Semei 11 3653 7 Eli Mattathia 12 3665 8 Aser Mah●t 9 3674 9 Naged Artoxad . 3684 10 Haggai 12 3692 11 Maslot Nahum 7 3699 12 Amos Syrach 14 3713 13 Mattathiah Siloack 10 3723 14 Ioseph II. 60 5783 15 Iohannes Hircanus 16. He was the last gouernour of Iudea , which descended from the stock of Dauid . During the gouernments of these Captains since the Babylonian captiuity , the kingdome of the Iewes was plagued on both sides by the Kings of Egypt and Syria : who ransacked their Cities , slaughtered their people , made hauock of their goods , and compell'd them to eat forbidden flesh , and sacrifice to Idols . To reforme these enormities , Mattathias and his fiue sonnes resisted the impetuous fury of Antiochus Epiphanes , and his Syrians ; ouer whom when they had victoriously triumphed , the Iewes chose Iudas , surnamed Macchabaus , one of the worlds nine Worthies , for their Captaine . The Macchabaean Princes of Iewry . 3799 1. Iudas Macchabaeus vanquished 3 populous Armies , conducted by Apollonius , Gorgias , and Lysias , men of great valour & experience ; being Captaines to Antiochus . 6 3805 2 Ionathan vanquished Bacchides & Alcinus , Captaines to Demetrius 18 3823 3 Simon . 8 3831 4 Iohannes Hircanus , slain by the Parthians 31 The Macchabaean Kings of Iudah . 3862 1 Aristobulus the first King of Iudah , after the Babylonian captiuity , starued his mother , and slew Antigonus his brother . 3863 2 Alexander a great tyrant , slew of his subiects 50000 in battle ; & commanded 800 of his principall enemies to be hanged before his face . 27 3890 3 Alexandra or Solomne , wife to Alexander . 9 3899 4 Hircanus , elder son to Alexander , was disturbed in his succession by his yonger brother Aristobulus ; but was at length firmely established in his Throne by Pompey : who carried Aristobulus , with his sonnes Alexander and Antigonus , captiues to Rome . Alexander escaping out of prison , troubled the quiet of his Country , till he was surprised by Gabinius , and slain by Seipio ; after whose death Antigonus set free by Iulius Caesar , depriued Hircanus of his kingdome , and cut off his eares : revenge suddainly followed this villany ; for he was slain by Marcus Antonius , and his kingdome giuen to a stranger . The strange Kings of Iewry . 3930 1 Herod the Ascalonite , son to Antipater , an Idumean , was by Octavius Augustus created King of Iewry ; at which time the kingdome being departed from Iudah ▪ CHRIST was borne . 40 Aº C. 7. 2 Archelaus raigned king 10 yeares , and then lost his principality , reseruing only the title of Tetrarch ; his partners in rule being Philip , whose wife Herodias was ; 2 Herod Antipas , who killed Iohn , and in whose time CHRIST suffred . 3 Lysanias . 40 3 Agrippa Herod was made king of Iudah , the other Tetrarchies being added to his dominions ; he imprisoned P●ter and Iames , and was finally striken by an Angel , and eaten with wormes . 24 47 4 Agrippa minor , before whom Paul pleaded , was the last king of the Iewes ; for in his time Ierusalem was ouerthrowne , and the kingdome made a Roman Prouince , Anno 73. When Salmanassar had subdued the 10 tribes , and carried them captiue , he planted a new set of inhabitants in this country ; that so fruitfull & well situate a part of his Empire might yeeld its iust tribute ; and not lye open to the fury of the next invader . But the Romans not hauing ( it seemeth ) so much policie or prouidence , as those whom they accounted barbarous ; hauing laid the Country desolate , left it vnfurnished of new Colonies ; whereby the Persians , next the Saracens , and after them the Turkes , entring the Roman Empire at this doore , haue successiuely driuen the Romans out of the whole house . Now that we may the better perceiue how the Romans had weakned , and almost vtterly rooted out the Iewish Nation : we will relate some of their particular massacres : which were not more cruelly inflicted on them by their enemies , then iustly deserued by themselues : they wishing ( though , I suppose , not desiring ) that the innocent bloud of our Sauiour should be on them and their children . First then the inhabitants of Caesarea slew of the Iewes in one day , about 20000 : & such as fled were took and imprisoned by Florus the Lieutenant of Iudea . To reuenge this slaughter of the Iewes , set vpon the Syrians ; in which skirmish 13000 of them were slain : The people of Alexandria put 50000 of them to the sword : they of Damascus 10000. Antonius a Roman Captain , slew in Ascalon 10000 of them ; & Cestius an other Captain , 8040 persons . Now to come to the warres here managed by Vespasian : This Vespasian in the siege of Aphaca , slew & took prisoners 17130 persons ; in Samaria 11600 persons ; in Iosopata 42200 persons ; in Ioppa so many killed and drowned themselues , that the Sea threw vp againe 4200 dead bodies , and the rest so totally perished , that there remained none to carry tydings vnto Hierusalem of the losse of the town . In the city of Tarichea were slain and made captiues 45000 persons , besides those which were giuen to the king Agrippa . In Gamala there perished 90000 , and none left aliue but only two women . In Gascala 5000 men died by the sword In the city of Gadara there were slain 32200 , besides an infinite number of such as had drowned themselues . In Hierusalem it selfe there died 1100000 of them , partly by the sword , and partly by the famine , the worser enemy of the two ; there were found 2000 in priuies and sinkes ; and 97000 taken prisoners , insomuch that 30 Iewes were sold for a pennie . Now that Hierusalem was able to contain so huge a number of people is euident , in that when Cestius was Lieftenant of Iewry , the high Priest did at his request number the people which came thither to eat the Paschall Lambe , and found them to be two millions and 700000 liuing soules , all sound and purified . For to Leapers , or men hauing a flux of seed , or women in their monethly tearmes , or to strangers , it was not lawfull to eat it . And when Titus laid siege to the City , it was in the Feast of the Passeouer , when most of the people were there assembled , God ( as it were ) thus imprisoning them . All these massacres , besides diuers others which I haue omitted , and infinite numbers which were slain in the fields & villages , which drowned themselues , and which were priuatly made away , amounting in all to almost two millions of people , hapned in the compasse of foure yeares , beginning at the 12th of Nero , and ending at the second of Vespasian : Yet was not the whole Nation rooted out , till the yeare 136 ; for then this miserable people hauing stirred two notable rebellions ; the one vnder Traian , and the last vnder Adrian the Emperours , were generally banished their natiue country , and neuer again permitted to inhabite it , otherwise the● as strangers . After this desolation , the Iewes were dispersed all ouer the World , & especially in Spaine , where Adrian commanded many of them to dwell : yet they found euery-where so little fauour , that hauing diuers times bin put to grieuous mulcts and ransomes , they are at last euen quite thrust out of Europe also . They were banished out of England by Edward the first , Anno 1290 : Out of France by Philip the faire , 1307 ; Out of Spaine by Ferdinand the Catholique , 1492 : Out of Portugall by Emanuell 1497 : Out of Naples and Sicily by Charles the fift , 1539 : yet are they found in great numbers in the Romish parts of Germany and Poland ; in most Cities of Italy , especially Rome , where there are no lesse then 15000 or 20000 of them , and also in the Popes Country of Avignion . The reason why they are permitted to liue thus vnder our holy fa●hers nose , is forsooth an expectation of their conversion : Which is a meere pretence , the reason indeed being the benefit hence arising to his Holines coffers . But the hopes of their conversion is small , and the meanes lesse . For besides the scandall , datum & acceptum , by the Papists fond worshipping of images so peremptorily contrary to the first table of the Law ; they are not permitted to see any books of the Christian Religion , no not so much as the New Testament : and ( which worketh most vpon men of their mettall ) because at their conversion they must quit all their goods to the Church ; as being ill gotten , and so by consequence the workes of the diuell , which in their baptisme they promise to renounce . They haue also a Synagogue at Amsterdam , and are pretty thick spred ouer the Dominions of the Turkes ; who notwithstanding so hate them for crucifying of CHRIST , that they vse to say in detestation of a thing , I would I might dye a Iew : Neither will they permit a Iew to turn Turke vnlesse he be first baptized . What the revenues of this kingdome haue amounted to , since the diuision of it vnder Roboam , I know not . The Word of God specifieth the sum of them in the dayes of Solomon , 2 Chr. 9 , 13 : viz : 666 Talents of Gold ( besides his Custome-house ) which amounteth to two Millions & 997000 pounds a yeare , a huge summe for so small a kingdome . Ierusalem was reedified by Aelius Adrianus , and giuen to the Christians ; from whom it was taken by Cosroes & the Persians , Anno 615. from them it was forcibly wrested by Haumar and the Saracens , Anno 637. Next it fell into the power of Cutlu Moses and the Turkes , Anno 1009 : vnder whose oppression when it had long groaned , Peter the Hermite stirred vp the Westerne Princes to relieue the distressed Christians ; whose designes obtained their wished effect , vnder the banners of that victorious Prince Godfrey of Bullen , Anno 1099. This Godfrey for his merits , was to haue bin invested with the royall wreath of Maiesty ; which he denyed , thinking it vnmeet to weare a Crown of Gold , where his Sauiour had worne a crown of Thornes . The Christian Kings of Palestine . 1099 1 Godfrey of Bullen . 1100 2 Baldwin 18 1118 3 Baldwin II. de Bourg . 15 1133 4 Milliscent 9 1133 4 Fulke Earle of Aniou 9 1142 5 Baldwin III 21 1163 6 Almexie 10 1173 7 Baldwin IV. 12 1185 8 Baldwin V. 1185 9 Guie of Lysingham , the last king of Ierusalem ; during whose time Saladine the Sultan of Egypt won the kingdome , An o 1187 : which his successours defended against all invasions , till the yeare 1517 , in which Selimus the first , Emperour of the Turkes , added the Holy land , together with Egypt , to his Empire . When Ierusalem was taken by the Christians , the German Emperours name was Fridericus ; the Popes Vrbanus , the Hierosolymitan Patriarchs Heraclius , and so also were they called when the Christians again lost it . This is the conceit of Roger Houonden , in the life of Henry the second : but how it can agree with Chronology , I see not . After the taking of Hierusalem by Sultan Saladine , the Christians retired their forces into some of the other townes of the Holy land , which they made good against the Enemy ; and defended them vnder the gouernment of these three kings following , viz : 10 Conrade M. of Montferrat . 11 Henry E. of Champaigne . 12 Iohn di Brenn ; the last Christian king that euer had possessions in Syria , or Palestine . Yoland the daughter of this Iohn di Breenn , was wife to Fredericke King of Naples , who in her right entituled himself king of Hierusalem , and so now doe the Kings of Spaine ; as heires vnto , and possessers of the kingdome of Naples . Concerning this title , it would not be amisse to insert this story . When the late warres were hot betwen England and Spaine , there were Commissioners of both sides appointed to treat of peace . They met at a Town of the French kings , and first it was debated what tongue the negotiation should be handled in . A Spaniard thinking to giue the English Commissioners a shrewd gird , proposed the French tongue as most fit ; it being a language which the Spaniards were well skilled in ; and for these gentlemen of England , I suppose ( said he ) that they cannot be ignorant of the language of their fellow-subiects : Their Queene is Queene of France as well as England . Nay infaith my Masters , replyed Dr Dale , ( the master of the requests : ) the French tongue is too vulgar for a businesse of this secrecie and importance , especially in a French Town . We will rather treat in Hebrew , the language of Hierusalem , whereof your Master is king ; and I suppose we are therein as well skilled as you in the French. And thus much for this title . The Armes of the Christian kings in Ierusalem was Luna , a crosse crosset crossed , Sol , which was commonly called the crosse of Hierusalem . After the recouery of the Holy land from the Turke , these 3 orders of knighthood were instituted , viz : 1 Of the Sepulcher , instituted by Queen Helena , the Mother of Constantine the Great . They were bound to defend the blessed Sepulcher , to warre against the Infidels , and to defend Pilgrims . 2 Of St Iohn of Ierusalem begun by one Gerard , not long after Godfrey of Bullen , An o 1124 , and confirmed by Pope Gelasius the second . The roabe is a white Crosse of 8 points , their duty is to defend the Holy land , relieue Pilgrims , and succour Christian Princes against the Infidels , they were to be of noble extraction . They grew in time to be infinit rich , especially after the Templars were suppressed ; most of whose possessions were transferred vnto this order : insomuch that they had at one time in Christendome no fewer then 20000 Lordships ; and in England the Prior of their order was accounted the prime Baron of the Realme . But now their intrado is not a little diminished by the with-drawing of the Kings of England , and other Protestant Princes from the Church of Rome . We haue spoken of these Knights already , when we were in Malta : now I will only tell you , that their first Master was Foulke of Villaret ; the last that had his residence in Hierusalem , Peter of Aste , in whose time they being expell'd Palestine , seised on Rhodes , are now seated in Malta , the present Master being Aloph of Vignacourt . 3 Of the Templers , instituted by Hugh of Payennes , Aº 1113 , & confirmed by Pope Eugenius . Their ensigne was red crosse , in token that they should shed their blood to defend CHRISTS Temple . They were buried crosse-legged , and wore on their backs the figure of the Crosse ; for which they were by the common people called Crossebacke , or Crouch-back , and by corruption ▪ Crook-backe . Edmund Earle of Lancaster , second son to our Henry the third , being of this order , was vulgarly called Edmund Crookebacke ; which gaue Henry the 4th a foolish occasion to ●aigne , that this Edmund ( from whom he was descended ) was indeed the eldest son of King Henry : but for his crookednes and deformity , his yonger brother was preferred to the Crown before him . These Knights had in all Prouinces of Europe their subordinate gouernours , in which they did possesse no lesse then 16000 Lordships : the greatnes of which revenue was not the least cause of dissoluing the Order . For Philip the faire , King of France , had a plot to invest one of his sonnes with the title of King of Ierusalem , and did procure of the Pope the revenue of this Order : which he might the better doe , because Clement the 5th then Pope , for the loue he bare to France , had transferred his seat from Rome to Avignion . But heerein his hopes deceiued him ; for this Order being dissolued , the lands thereto belonging were giuen to the Knights Hospitalers , or of S. Iohn . The crimes prooued against this Order was 1 their revolt from their professed obedience vnto the Patriarch of Hierusalem who w●● their visitor . Secondly , their vnspeakable p●ide ; and thirdly their sinnes against nature . The house of our Law-students in London , called the Temple , was the chiefhouse of the Knights of this Order in England ; & was by the Knights of S. Iohn , whose principall mansion was in Smithfield , sold vnto the Students of the Lawes , for the yearely rent of 10l l ; about the middle of the reigne of Edward the third . These three orders M. Selden ( and deseruedly ) putteth not in his Titles of Honour , in that they were prohibited to kisse a woman ; honourarie knighthood , and the loue of Ladies , going together like vertue and reward . Thus much of Syria and Palestine . OF ARMENIA . ARMENIA hath on the East , Media and the Caspian sea ; on the West , Euphrates and the Euxine sea ; on the North , Tartary ; on the South , Mesopotamia . But before we descend to the particulars of this Country , it is necessary we should take a survay of those mountaines , which lying East of Euphrates , part this Country from Anatolia . These mountaines are reputed to be those parts of the hills Taurus , and Anti-taurus ; which are called Periadres , Scodrisci , and Amamus . The people here inhabiting , are more famous for nothing then their want of all things , stout , cruell , and warlike ; maintaining themselues by hunting and stealing : as men liuing in so barren a soyle , that husbandry were vain and fruitlesse . They haue among them many beggerly villages , and few townes , the chiefe whereof is Maras , once the seat of their Kings ; the people for the most part following the temperature of the Aire , and the fauourable aspect of the Sunne , in their remooues and dwellings . Their last king was Aladeules , whom the Turkish histories ( who make frequent mention of him ) call the mountaine king . He was a man who shrewdly molested Baiazet the second , in his conquest of Carmania ; and Selmus the first in his warres against Persia ; & hauing for many yeares molested , and impeached the victories of the one and the other ; he was by Selimus taken & slain : & his kingdome being made a Turkish Prouince , these mountaines & their passages became subiect , and open to that Nation , Anno 1515. The Armenians are generally good Archers , merry , carelesse of honour , desiring ease , great bodied , comely , & willing to be soothed . The women tall , but homely , kind to their children , poore and incontinent ; accounting it a great credit to them , if they can please and become acceptable to such guests , as their husbands bring into the house : and most of the Virgins becomming mothers at ten yeares old ; and bearing about in their armes , the witnesses of their abilities in that kind . Swearing is had in great respect with both , and such as cannot pick and steale , are deemed block-heads and sheep-biters . The whole Country is diuided into three Prouinces . 1 Colchis . 2. Georgia . 3 Turcomania . COLCHIS lyeth on the Euxine Sea , towards the North & East ; the people hereof receiued the Christian Faith by Matthias ; and now differ from other Christians their neighbours , in three circumstances only ; viz : 1 in not baptising their children till the eighth yeare : 2ly in not entring into the Churches til the 60th yeare ; but hearing diuine seruice , standing without the Temple : and 3ly in dedicating their youth to theft and rapine ; their old age to the difficult work of repentance ; They are vnder the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople . In this Country raigned Aetas , from whom Iason stole the Golden Fleece , by the aid and sorceries of Medea . This Country is now called Mengrelia : the chief townes whereof are 1 Aluati , and 2 Fassum on the banks of Phasis , 3 Dioscurias , where there were 300 seuerall languages spoken , because of the abundance of Marchants of all kingdomes : so that the Romans kept here continually 30 Interpreters , to mediat between the people and the Gouernour . 2 GEORGIA hath not its name from S. George , whom here they greatly reuerence ; but from the Georgi , who long before that time inhabited the adjacent Countries . It is bounded on the East with Media , on the West with Colchis ; on the North with Albania , or Swiria ; and on the South with the greater Armenia , or Turcomania : so that it lyeth just between the Euxine & the Caspian seas . The people are good souldiers , and receiued the Gospell in the time of Constantine the Great , on an occasion related by Socrates Scholasticus , indeed very miraculous , and ( I doubt ) vnworthy credit , and therefore I omit it . At this day they consent in most doctrinall points with the Grecians , only they acknowledge not the Patriarch of Constantinople , but haue a Patriarch of their own , who is for the most part resident in his house on Mount Sinay in Palestine , and hath vnder his iurisdiction 18 Bishops . This Prouince was formerly called Iberia ; the chiefe townes being 1 Lori , 2 Bascapan , 3 Testis , exceeding strongly fortified by the Turkes , to defend their new conquests from the Persians ; and 4 Tomanis . Out of this Region , the Egyptian Sultans vsed to chuse their Souldiers or Mamaluskes , who at last grew so powerfull , that they assumed to themselues the kingdome of Egypt ; which they long time valorously defended . TVRCOMANIA is seated in the midst between Colchis & Iberia . The chiefe Townes are Albanopolis , where S. Bartholomew was buried . 2 Van , which both by its naturall seat , and artificiall fortresses , is a strong bulwark against the Persian invasions . 3 Arminig the Metropolis of the Country at this time . 4 Trigranocerta , built by Tigranes , one of the most mighty Kings that euer ruled in this Country , as hauing added Media , Syria , and Parthia , to his own Dominions . This Prince married the daughter of Mithridates K. of Pontus , & aided him against the Romans : but with what successe , we haue already told you in Syria . As for his new city Tigrano certa , it was by Lucullus the Roman Generall , besieged & taken ; wherein besides other riches was found 3000 talents in ready mony . 5 Artaxata , once the chief city of Armenia , so called , either because it was seated on the riuer Araxis ; or from Artaxes a progenitour of Tigranes , who was the Founder of it . It is now called Coy , and was in the middle age named Esechia . Famous it is for two notable bat●ailes fought by it ; the first between Lucullus and his Romans on the one side ; against Mithridates and Tigranes on the othe● : wherein the Romans were victors : the second , between Selimus Emperour of the Turkes , and Hismael the Persian Sophie , wherein the Turkes were Conquerours , Anno 1514. A victory which he bought with the losse of 30000 of his best men , and such a terrour to the whole Army ; that the Turkes to this day call it , the only day of doome . The fields adioyning to the towne wherein this cruell battaile was fought , are called the Chaldean fields . 6 Sebastia , the residence of the Patriarch of the Armenians , who differ from their neighbour Christians , in receiuing infants to the Lords Table , immediatly after Baptisme : secondly , in abstaining from vnclean beasts : thirdly , in fasting on Christmasse day : and fourthly , in holding their children ouer the fire , as a necessary circumstance in Baptisme , because Iohn the Baptist told the people which followed him , that CHRIST should baptise them with the spirit , and with fire ; in which place he meaneth not materiall fire , but the liuely purgation of the Holy Ghost , according to the nature of fire . The Church of this sect is gouerned by two Patriarchs , whereof the one hath vnder his iurisdiction this Turcomania , comprehending 150000 Families , besides very many Monasteries : and the other hath vnder him the two Prouinces of Armenia the lesser , and Cilicia , comprehending 20000 Families or thereabouts . This Country being formerly , and properly called Armenia the greater , to distinguish it from a lesser of the same name in Anatolia , is now vulgarly called Turcomania ; which name it deriueth from the Turkes , who being a people of Scythia , & too populous to be sustained with sufficient food in so barren a Country ; broke through the Caspian streight , and seated themselues here in the yeare 844. Here they liued an obscure life , neither knowne nor regarded , till such time as Mahomet a Saracenicall Sultan of Persia , hauing imbarqued himselfe in a needlesse warre against the Caliph of Babylon , ( which warre he could neithet finish with sa●ety , nor remit without losse of reputation ) hired those Turkes to strengthen his part against the Caliph , by whose multitude and valour , he got a noble victory of his enemy . Perceiuing now how necessary it was to hinder their returne homeward , he stoppeth all the passages towards Armenia , intending to vse the Turkes ( as they doe now their Asaph ) to blunt the sword of the enemy . This treacherous dealing of Mahomet , could not but stirre vp a fury in the inraged multitude ; who presently arme themselues , and by the fortunate conduct of Tangrolipix , gaue the Persians such an ouerthrow ; that they lost , and the Turkes wonne , he Persian kingdome , Anno 1030. Thus was Tangrolipix inthronized in the Persian chaire of Estate , which he not long after left to his son Axan ; against whom Cutlu Moyses stirr'd vp some vnnaturall commotions : which seeming preiudicial to their new seated Monarchy , were strangled in their cradle , and Cutlu Moyses was sent with an army , to conquer what he could from the Christian Emperours ; the report of whose approach , made all Asia to tremble , and many of her Prouinces , to submit themselues to his vict●rious troopes . The Turkish Kings in Lesser Asia . 1 Cutlu Moyses , cousin to Tangrolipix , the first Turkish Sultan in Persia ; wonne Media , part of Armenia , Cappadocia , Pontus , Bythinia . 2 Solyman , against whom Godfrey of Bullen fi●st tryed his souldiers . 3 Mahomet . 4 Musat , Sultan of Iconium , subdued Mahomet the sonne of Solyman , and died possessed of all the Turkish Prouinces in Lesser Asia . 5 Calisastlan , wrested from his brother Iaqupasan , Amasia & Ancyra ; from Dodune , Sebastia and Cesarea . He ouerthrew Emmanuell Comnenus , and vnited Phrygia to his Dominions . 6 Rencratine dispossessed his brothers Masut Cappatine , and Cailhosroes of their inheritance : Towards the latter end of his raigne , the Tartarian Cham Heccata , had driuen the Turkes out of Persia , where there flourished two especiall Families : the Zelzuccian Tribe , from whence descended the Persian Sultans , as also the Aladine Kings in Asia : the Oguzian , of whom in their due place . The Aladine Kings in Lesser Asia . 1 Aladine descended in the first line from Cussanes the last Turkish Sultan of Persia , with many of his Nation , seated himselfe in Cilicia ; which he had taken from the Gre●ians : making first Sebastia , and after Iconium , the place of his residence . 2 Azaline . 3 Iathatine ▪ slain by Theodorus Lascaris . 4 Iathatine II , driuen out of his kingdome by the victorious Tartars , and died in exile . 5 Masut and Cricubades , were by the Tartarian Emperour placed in the Throne , as his tributary Princes . 6 Aladine was the last of the Zelzuccian Family in Asia ; after whose death , and the departure of the tyrannizing Tartars ; the more powerfull Captaines diuided the Lesser Asia between themselues . The Zelzuccian Family in Palestine . As Axan successor to Tangrolipix , furthered the conquest of Cutlu Moses against the Christians ; so he imployed Melech and Ducat , two of his kinsmen , against the Saracens ; from whom they quickly conquered Syria and the Holy land , not long after recouered by the Princes of the West ; against whom the Sultans of Damascus opposed themselues diuers times to their detriment . It fortuned at last that Almericus King of Ierusalem , made warre with the Caliph of Egypt , who vnable to resist him , implored aid of Noradin King of Damascus . He sent vnto his succour , Sarracon a fortunate Captaine ; who not only repell'd the force of the Christians , but subdued the kingdome to himselfe . His successor Saladine also recouered the Holy land : but after his death , Palestine was lost to the Tartars ; and Egypt to the Mamaluckes , who not long after regained Ierusalem . And thus ended the Zelzuccian Tribe in all the Turkish Dominions . The Oguzian Family , or line of Ottoman . Solyman the chief of the Oguzian Family , and Prince of Machan , flying the fury of the Tartars , was drowned in Euphrates ; leauing the guiding of his wandring subiects to his son Etrogul ; who obtained of the last Aladine , the village Sagutae in Bythinia , for himselfe and his handfull of subiects . To him succeeded his son Ottoman , Anno 1280 , who to reuenge some iniuries done to his people by the improuident Christians , took from them the City Nice ; and took vpon him the title of Sultan , after the death of Aladine , in the yeare 1300. To this time , and to these small beginnings must we reduce the Ottoman Empire . 1300 1 Ottoman the first Turkish Sultan of this Tribe , vnited to his Lordship of Saguta , Bythinia , Cappadocia , and part of Pontus . 28 1328 2 Orchanes took the Citty Prusa , and made it his residence ; and was the first that put footing in Europe . 22 1350 Amurath wonne the Thracian Chersonesiu , the strong City Adrianople , Servia , Bulgaria , and Misia , where he was slain by a common Souldier . 23 1373 4 Baiazet made himself master of a great part of Thrace , Macedon , and Phocis . He was taken by Tamberlaine , and brained himselfe in an iron cage , in which the insolent Conquerour vsed to carry him . 26 1399 5 Mahomet vnited the dismembred Empire of his father , and inlarged it with Dacia , part of Sclavonia , & the rest of Macedon . 17 1416 6 Amurath II , subdued from the Constantinopolitan Empire , all Achaia , Thessaly , Epirus , and died before the walls of Croia , 34 The Ottoman Emperours . 1450 7 Mahomet II , surnamed the Great , and first Emperour of the Turkes , ruined the two Empires of Constantinople and Trabezond , 12 kingdomes , and 200 Cities . 34 1481 8 Baiazet II , subdued the Caramanian kingdome , part of Armenia , and droue the Venetians from Moreah , and their part of Dalmatia , 31 1512 9 Selimus hauing poysoned his Father ; subverted the Mamaluckes of Egypt , bringing it together with Palestine , Syria , and Arabia , vnder his yoke . 7 1519 10 Solyman the magnificent , surprised Rhodes , Belgrad , Buda ; with a great part of Hungary , Babylon , Assyria , Mesopotomia . 48 1567 11 Selimus II , an idle and effeminate Emperour , by his Deputies took from the Venetians , the I le of Cyprus ; and from the Moores the kingdome of Tunis , and Algiers . 8 1575 12 Amurath III took from the disagreeing Persians , Armenia , Media , and the City Tau●is , and the Fort Guierino from the Hungarians 20 1595 13 Mahomet III took Agria in Hungary , which Kigdome had likely bin lost , if he had pursued his victory . 8 1603 14 Achmat , who the better to inioy his pleasures , made peace with the German Emperour , and added nothing to his Empire . 15 1618 15 Mustapha , brother to Achmet , succeeded ; a novelty neuer before heard of in this kingdome , it being the common policy to strangle all the yonger brothers ; howsoeuer this Mustapha was preserued , either because Achmet being once a yonger brother , took pitty on him : or because he had no issue of his body , and so was not permitted to kill him . 1618 16 Osman succeeded his Vnkle Mustapha ; but being by the Ianisaries slain in an vproare , Must●pha was again restored : yet long inioyed he not his Throne ; for the same hand that raised him , pluckt him down , & seated young Amurath in the place . 1623 17 Amurath IV , brother to Osman , now raigneth . By these Princes hath that Monarchy bin built , which in Europe containeth all Dacia , Graecia , all the Aegaean Iles , and the Taurica Chersonesus : in Asia , the Prouinces already described , Arabia , Assyria , Media , Mesopotamia , Rhodes , Cyprus , and other small Ilands` ; and in Africke , Egypt , and the kingdomes of Tunis and Algiers . Nor is this their title any thing short of so vast an Empire ; for this Solyman stileth himself in a letter to Villerius , great Master of the Rhodes ; at such time as he intended to invade that Iland . Solyman king of kings , Lord of Lords , most high Emperour of Constantinople and Trabezond , the most mighty King of Persia , Syria , Arabia , and the Holy land ; Lord of Europe , Asia , Africa , Prince of Mecha , & Aleppo , ruler of Ierusalem , and soueraigne Lord of the Vniuersall Sea , and all the Ilands therein , &c. The Turkes are generally well complexioned , of good stature , proportionably compacted , no idle talkers , no doers of things superfluous , hot & venerious , seruile to their Emperour , and zealous in religion . They nourish no haire on their head , & therefore keep on of all sides , counting it an opprobrious thing to see any vncouer their head , and vse to say when they dislike any thing which they haue seene or heard . I had as liefe th●u hadst shewne me thy bare skull . In their familiar salutations they lay their hands on their bosomes , and a little decline their bodies : but when they accost a person of ranke , they bow almost to the ground , and kisse the hem of his garment . Walking vp & downe they neuer vse , and much wonder at the often walking of Christians . Biddulph relateth , that being at his ambulatory exercise with his companions ; a Turke demanded them whether they were out of their way , or their witts ? If your way ( quoth the Turke ) lay toward the vpper end of the Cloister , why come you downwards : if to the neather end , why goe you backe againe . Shooting is their chiefe recreation , which they also follow with much lazinesse , sitting on carpets in the shaddow , & sending some of their slaues for their arrowes . They preferre , as they passe the streets , the left hand before the right ; as being thereby made master of his sword with whom they walke . As they shaue their heads , so they weare their beards long , a signe of freedome ; but the ●laues keep theirs shauen and close cut . The women are of small stature , for the most part ruddy , cleere , and smooth as the pollished Iuory ; as neuer ruffled with the weather , and often frequenting the Baths : of a very good complexion , seldome going abroad , & then masked : lasciuious within doores , pleasing in matters of incontinency , and they are accounted most beautifull , which haue the greatest eyes , and are of the blackest hue . Euery Turke is permitted to haue fou●e wiues , and as many slaues as he is able to keepe : yet are they to meddle with none but their owne ; the offending woman being drowned , and the man dismembred . These women liue in great awe and respect of their husband , neuer sitting with him at the table , but waiting till he hath done , and then withdrawing into some by-roome . If their husband haue bin abroad , at his comming in they all rise from the stooles whereon they sate , kisse his hand , make their obeisance , and stand as long as he is in presence . The children which they haue , they carry not in their armes as we doe , but astride on their shoulders . They liue immured from the sight of the world , and permit not any male children , no not their owne sonnes , to come amongst them after they are 12 yeares old . From their husbands they cannot be divorced but on speciall occasion : but their husbands may put away them , or giue them to their slaues , when , and as often as they list . Far better is it with the sisters , or the daughters of the Sultan , to whom , when her father or brother bestoweth her on any of the Bassa's , he giueth her a dagger , saying , I giue thee this man to be thy slaue and bedfellow , if he be not louing , obedient , and du●i●ull vnto thee , I giue thee here this Canzhare or dagger to cut off his head . When they are married , their husbands come not to bed vnto them vntill they are sent for , and then also they creepe in at the beds feet . That euer any of these Ladies made vse of their dagger I could neuer read : only I finde that Lutzis Bassa the chiefe man in the whole Empire next the Sultan himselfe , & of him very much beloued , hauing giuen his wife which was sister to Solyman the magnificent , a box on the eare ; was vpon complaint by her made , thrust from all his honours , banished into Macedon , and had doubtlesly beene slaine , if the Emperors loue , and his own merits had not pleaded for him . And this is all the prerogatiue of a Sultans daughter , her sonnes being accounted as meere and ordinary Turkes only , and neuer being preferred aboue the ranke of a common or inferiour Captaine . The better sort of the Turkes vse the Sclauonian tongue , the vulgar speake the Turkish language ; which being originally the Tartarian , borroweth from the Persian , their words of state ; from the Arabicke , their words of religion ; from the Grecians , their words and tearmes of warre ; and from the Italians , their tearmes of nauigation . They were formerly Idolatrous Pagans , and were first initiated in Mahumetanisme ▪ when they got the Soueraignty of the Persian Scepter . The degrees in their religion are 1 the Sassi or Nouices : 2 The Calsi or readers : 3 The Hogi or writers of books ; for printing they vse not : 4 The Na●pi or young Doctors : 5 the Caddi , whereof there is at least one in euery Citty to iudge of offences . 6 The Mudressi , who vse to ouersee the Caddis . 7 The Mulli , or principall Church gouernour vnder the Mufti . 8 The Cadulescais , whereof there are only three ; one for Greece , the other for Anatolia , the third for Egypt and Syria ; these sit with the Bassa's in the Diuano , to determine of temporal suits . 9 The Mufti , whose sentence in law and religion is vnaccountable ; he abaseth not himselfe to sit in the Diuano , nor affordeth more reuerence to the Emperour , then he to him . His forces are either for the Sea or the Land. His Sea forces are great in regard of his spacious sea coasts ; vast woods , and number of subiects : he neuer suffered aboue one defeat , & that at Lepanto ; yet the next yeare he shewed his Nauy whole and entire . Gallies are his only vessells , which being vnable to cope with ships of any bignesse , were not only the occasion of that ouerthrowe ; but also haue heartned the Florentine , only with 6 great ships of warre to swagger in the Seas ; so that for more safety , the tribute of Egypt is of late sent to Constantinople by land . The Captaine Bassa , or Admirall notwithstanding with a Nauy of 60 sayle , maketh a progresse about the Seas and Sea-Townes , to annoy the enimy , suppresse Pyrats , collect the tributes , and to redresse the abuses committed in the maritine Town●s belonging vnto the Admiralty : which annuall circuit is begunne in May and ended in October . Their land-forces are either horse or foot . They which serue on horseback , are the Spahi and Asapi : these latter seruing to weary the enimies , and dull their swords with their multitudes of whose bodies the Ianizaries vse to make mounts whereon to assault the walls of a besieged Towne ; and are by them so cōtemned , that a Ianizarie once sold two of them for a sheepes-head . As for the Spahi , they till they are inrolled into pay , are of the same originall and education with the Ianizaries ; & called by the same name Azamoglans . Their pay is 10 Aspers a day ▪ The Turke is able , and doth maintaine 150000 Horse at little or no cost ; which no other Prince can doe with 14 Millions of Gold : for wheresoeuer any parcell of land is conquered , it is diuided into diuers parts , and committed to the manuring of diuers men whom they call Timariots . These are to pay vnto the Emperour certaine rents , & at their own charges to send to his wars so many horse , excellently appointed for the field : and which is the chiefe point of their seruice , to keepe the subiects in all parts of his Empire in awe ; for being as they are dispersed in all quarters of his dominions , the people can no sooner stirre , but these will be assembled and be vpon them . These Timariots are in all accounted to amount to 719000 fighting men ; whereof 257000 haue their abode in Europe ; 462000 in Asia and Africa . Were it not for these Timariots , as the Turks saying is , no grasse would growe where the Grand Signeurs horse hath once set his hoofe : for if the care of manuring the ground were committed to the peasants , and not to militarie men ; the greatest part of the groūd in this Empire would grow wast and desolate . These Timariots were instituted by Othoman the first Turkish King of this family ; and a curse by him laid on them that should annihilate the institution . The name is deriued from the Turkish word Timar , signifying a stipend . But the nerues and sinewes of this warlike body are the Ianizaries , who by originall being Christians , are chosen by the Turkish officers euery fiue yeares , out of his Europaean dominions : and so distributed abroad to learne the language , customes & religion of the Turks : afterward according to their strength , will , or disposition , placed in diuers chambers . They of the first Chamber , are preferred some to bee Chiausies , such as goe on Embassies , and execute iudgements : others to be Sansiaks , or Gouernours of Citties , some to bee Bassa's , or commanders of Horsemen , and others to be Beglerbigs ( id●est , Lord of Lords ) to command the rest in generall . They of the other Chambers are the Ianizaries , or Praetorian Souldiers of his Guard , to whose faith and trust the care of the Emperours person is committed . ●he tithing of these young spring all 's is , as we haue said euery fift yeare , and oftner sometimes as his occasions serue . By which meanes he not only disarmeth his owne subiects , & keepeth them from attempting any stirre or innouation in his Empire : but spoileth also the Prouinces hee most feareth of the flower , sinewes , and strength of their people ; choice being made of the strongest youthes only , & fittest for warre . These , before they are inrolled in pay , are called Azamoglans , & behaue themselues with much submissenesse toward their Seniours and Governours : but when once they are honoured with the title of Ianizaries , they grow by degrees into an intollerable pride and haughtinesse , Till of late , they were not permitted to marry ; neither now can any of their sonnes be accounted any other thē a naturall Turke ( whom of all people they account the basest ) the eldest only excepted ; to whom this prerogatiue was granted by Amurath the 3d when he came to the Crowne . They are in number 40000 , of which 16000 are alwaies resident in Constantinople . In this Citty they are diuersly imployed , being as Constables to see the peace kept ; as Clarks of the market to see to the weights and measures ; as Officers to arrest common offenders ; as Warders to looke to the gates ; to guard the houses of Embassadours ; and to trauell with strangers for their more safety ; in which charge they are very faithfull . Their pay is but fiue Aspers a day , and two gownes yearely ; neither are their hopes great , the command of 10 , 20 , or 100 men being their greatest preferment : yet are they very obsequious to their captaine or Aga ; who is in autority inferiour to the meanest Bassa , though in power perhaps aboue the chiefest . For the crafty Turkes ioyne not power and authority together and if they obserue the Ianizaries to loue and respect their Aga too much , they quickly depriue him of life and office . The founder of this order was Amurath the first , Ano. 1365 ; their greatest establisher Amurath the 2d ; their name signifieth young Souldiers . Now concerning these Ianizaries , we will farther consider the sway they beare in designing the successour : 2ly their insolency toward their Emperours and his Officers . 3ly Their behauiour in the vacancy of the throne : and 4ly their punishments . 1 Concerning the first , I neuer find any particular sway the Iauizaries carried in the designation of their Emperour , till the death of Mahomet the great ; when the Bassa's hauing chosen Corcut the sonne of Baiazet , were ouerruled by the Aga and his Ianizaries , who more inclined to Baiazet his father , and son to Mahomet . Though I am not ignorant , that when this Mahomet succeeded in the Throne ; the ioyfull acclamations made by these Souldiers , were accounted the chiefest signe of his secure and perpetuated establishment . But the chiefe instance of their power herein , was the inthronizing of Selimus ; who being but the 7th sonne to this Baiazet , was not only preferred by thē before his brethren in his fathers life time ; but by their aids also he seuerally mastered them , and in the end poysoned his father . To omit other examples , euen the last yeare Anno 1622 , they slew the young Emperour Osmen , drew the now Sultan out of prison , and established him in the royaltie . 2 As for the next , the first example in which I find them peccant toward their Prince , was at the beginning of the raigne of the aboue mentioned Baiazet ; when hearing of the intended death of Achmetes Bassa whom they loued , they brake open the Court gates , and told the Emperour , they would teach him like a drunkard , a beast , and a rascall as he was ; to vse his great place and calling with more sobriety and discretion . Not long after conceauing farther displeasure against the said Baiazet , they shook their weapons against him , and refused to take him in the midst among them ; and were not , without great and vile submission on his part , appeased . Against Selimus the first they also mutined , when being resolued to winter in Armenia , for the better pursuit of his victories toward the Persian ; he was by them forced to returne home vnto Constantinople . Against Solyman they mutined so violently , that they compelled him to displace Rustan his chiefe Bassa and fauorite . Against Amurath the 3d , for placing ouer them a new Aga , they so strongly opposed themselues ; that first they set fire on Constantinople , and burnt therein , besides shops and warehouses , 25 great Innes , 7 Temples , & 15000 houses : and in the end constrained him to giue them money ; and to yeeld also into their hands two of his chiefe Counsellours , by them supposed to be their aduersaries ; whom they drew about the streets . Finally ( to omit the late tumult 1622 abouenamed ) in the yeare 1600 , they grew so disco●ented with Amurath the 3d , that they not only threatned to destroy the principall officers of the Court , and the banishment of the Sultanesse his mother , but the deposing of himselfe also . 3 Now for the third . I finde it to haue beene the custome of these Ianizaries , betweene the death of an old Emperour , & the beginning of the new ; to commit diuerse enormities : as the rifling of the houses of the Iewes , and Christians , among whom they dwelt ; the murdering of the Bassa's , and principall men about the Court , whom they suspected not to haue fauoured them ; and a number of the like outragious insolencies ; for of these we finde frequent mention : as after the death of Amurath the 2d , and Mahomet the great , this last time the Marchants of Constantinople being naturall Turkes , scaped not their rauenous hands , neither could Mahomet Bassa avoid the fury of their swords . This spoile they tooke for so certaine a due , that if they were disappointed of it , they would presently raise commotions both in Court , Field , and Citty ; vnlesse some present satisfaction were made them . To this end Achmat distributed among them 2 Millions & a halfe of Duckats : Selimus the first two Millions ; others made an increase of their daily pay . But Selimus the 2d distributing among them 100000 Sultanies only , was by them prohibited to enter into his Seraglio , till he had inlarged his bounty ; and the great Bassa's were wrapped about the pate with their Calliuers , for perswading them to quietnes . Now to preuent the dangerous and factious liberty , which in the vacancy of the Empire was vsually committed ; the death of the old Emperour was with all secrecy concealed , till the arrivall of the new . To omit others , I will instance in the deaths of Mahomet the first , and Solyman only . This Solyman died at the siege of Sigeth in Hungary , which was so cunningly concealed by Mahomet Bassa the space of 20 daies : that before the Ianizaries knewe of it , his sonne Selimus had possessed himselfe of Constantinople , & came also to their army then in retreit homeward . For this Mahomet priuatly strangled the Physitians and Apothecaries which knewe of his death ; commanded the Souldiers to goe on in their siege ; and diuerse times shewed them their Emperour sitting in his horse-litter , as ( being troubled with the Gout ) he vsed to doe ; and when the Citty was taken , marched homeward with his dead body sitting still in the same manner . So after the death of Mahomet , the Bassa's of the court called their Diuanos as formerly they vsed ; gaue order for the leuying of an Army , as if some war were intended : & the Kings Phisitians went vp and downe with their potions , as if they had him still in cure . But the Pensioners and Ianizaries misdoubting the matter , with all eagernesse desired to see him : which when the Bassa's durst not deny , they appointed the next day for their visitation . The next day the dead body was apparelled in royall large roabs , placed in a chaire at the end of a long Gallery , & a little boy cunningly placed behind him , to mooue the Kings hand to his head , as if he should stroke his beard , as his manner was : which signes of life and strength , the Souldiers seeing , held themselues contented , and so was his death concealed the space of 41 daies . 4 As for the last . These insolent & vnsufferable pranks committed so commonly by these masterfull slaues , so exceedingly stomached Baiazet the 2d , that he secretly purposed with himselfe , for curing so dangerous a disease , to vse , a desperate remedy : which was to kill and destroy suddenly all the Ianizaries . It is like that this Baiazet being a Scholler , had read how Constantine the great had ca●●ed the Praetorian Souldiers , & destroie their Campe , as men that were the causes of all the stirs in his Empire , and whose pride was come to an intollerable heighth : and hauing the same cause to destroy his Ianizaries , hoped to produce on them the same effect . But they hauing notice of the plot , for the time continued so vnited and linked together , that he durst not then attempt it ; and they afterward siding with his some Se●imus , cast him out of his throne into his graue . Since which time the Emperors neuer durst punish them openly , but when any of them proueth delinquent , hee is sent priuily in the night to Pera ; where by the way he is drowned , and a peece of Ordinance shot off , to signifie the performing of the Sultans command . Now for the Emperours themselues , we will consider them in matters of pleasure ; in matters of ceremony ; and in matters of state : these last being considerable in their three main points , which are the murdering of their bretheren ; the remoouing of their sonnes ; their reuenue : and therein a touch of their gouernment . To these we will adde what apparent symptomes may be obserued to prognosticate the standing , decreasing , or increasing of this puissant Monarchy . 1 For the first , he hath not so few as 500 ( sometimes 1000 ) choice Virgins , kept in a Seraglio by themselues ; all slaues , born of Christian parents , and indeed the rarest beauties of his Empire . When he is disposed to take his pleasure with any of them they are all ranked in a long Gallery , and she is by the Aga of the women prepared for his bed , to whom hee giueth his handkercher . She that beareth him the first sonne is honoured with the title of Sultanesse ( Queene mother we may call her ) neither can he make any of them free , vnlesse he marry them . When the Sultan dieth , all his women are carried into another Seraglio , where they are strictly looked to , and liberally prouided for , & not seldome times are bestowed by the succeeding Sultan on his great Bassa's , and such as hee chiefly fauoureth , which is a principall honour . They are attended on by women onely , and Eunuches , these being not gelded only , but depriued of all their genitalls , and supplying the vses of nature with a siluer quill ; which inhumane custome was brought in among them by Selimus the second , because he had seene a gelding couer a mare . 2 Their ceremonies are either performed by them , which is for the most part the building of a Mosche only to help to the saluation of their soules : or towards them by others , which are most apparant in the entertainment of Embassadours . For whē such come to his presence , they are led betweene two of his Courtiers , & comming before the throne on both sides whereof the Bassa's sit with admirable silence , resembling rather statua's then men ; they bow themselues to the ground with all humility , laying their hands on their breasts , but neuer vncouering their heads , which ( as wee before noted ) is an vndecency . When they are to depart they goe all backwards , it being accounted very irreuerent to turne their backe parts towards a Prince so glorious . The reason why they are thus brought in betweene two , is said to be for their great honour ; but is indeed a feare they haue , lest the grand Signeur vnder the pretence of a salutation , or the deliuery of an embassie , should be stabbed . This warines they haue vsed euer since Miles Cobelits a Seruian ; who scrambling from among the slaine at the battle of Cassoua , and being admitted to the speech of Amura●h the first , the author of that ouerthrowe ; stabbed him into the belly with his dagger . 3 Amongst all the iarres and discontents that be , none haue beene with more vnkindnesse begun , or more eagernesse prosecuted , then those of brothers ; not only in priuate families , but in the stemmes of Princes : the multitude of pretendants , being the originall of most ciuill warres . To preuent these publike emotions , the Emperours of Habassia vse to immure vp all their younger children in the hill Amara ; the Persians to put out the eyes of their yonger brothers ; and the Turkes to murther them : strange and horrid courses ; whereby to auoid the feare of a warre in the state , they stirre vp a warre in their owne bowels . The first that among the Turkes began this barbarous cruelty , was Baiazet the first , on his brother Iacup : whom immediatly after his fathers death , he strangled with a bow-string : this being the ordinary instrument of their fratricide , because thereby none of the blood-royall of Ottoman is spilt . After him Mahomet the great caused his young brother then at nurse , to die the death , and was not without much adoe , perswaded from being the executioner himselfe . Amurath the 3d caused his fiue brethren to be at once strangled before his face ; and Mahomet his sonne , no fewer then 19 in one day . By this course they imagine their owne estate to be infinitly secured , as knowing that Mustapha a younger sonne , stirred a rebellion against Amurath , aud Zemes against Baiazet , both the second of those names : that Solyman , Musa , and Isa , seuerally afflicted Mahomet ; and Corcut , Selimus ; the first of these names also . But yet they wil not knowe , that nothing sooner putteth their younger brothers into these acts of hostility , then an ineuitable certainty of a violent and vnnaturall death : whereas were they but secure of life , and a liberall and Princely maintenance , it is more then probable , they would rest content , as in other kingdomes the yonger Princes doe . And notwithstanding this barbarous pollicy , they are not quite free from feare ; as knowing that counterfeits haue heretofore much disturbed the qui●t of their predecessours : for thus we finde Amurath the 2d to haue beene vexed by one that tooke vpon him the name of Mustapha , elder brother to Mahomet , the●●ate deceased ; and much was he furthered and aided by th● ●●eek Princes This hath beene of the vulgar pollicies of Princes , to kindle flames of sedition in their neighbours Countries . In the infancy of the Roman Empire we finde a counterfeit Agrippa , after that a counterfeit Ne●o , and two counterfeit Alexanders in Syria . But neuer was realme so oft●n troubled with these mockings , ●s England ; a counterfeit Richard the 2d , being made in the time of Henry the 4th : a counterfeit Mortimer , in the time of Henry the 6th : a counterfeit D. of Yorke : a counterfeit Earle of Warwicke , vnder Henry the seaventh : and a counterfeit Edward the sixt vnder Q. Mary . To preuent walking spirits , Mahomet the third , laid out the dead bodies of his father and 19 bretheren , as a common spectacle for all that passed by , or would come to behold them . The present Grand Signeur Mustapha , miraculously scaped the bowe-string twice ; first when his brother Achmat , & secondly when Osmen his young cosen were made Sultans ; and is the first that in this Empire did euer succeed in the collaterall line . 4 The remouing of the young Princes is done for three reasons : 1 to weane them from the pleasures of the Court ; 2l● To traine them vp in armes , and inu●e them to hardnesse : and 3ly , and principally , to auoid the danger of a competitour , whereof old Princes are especially iealous . The common places destinat to this princely exile , are Amasia in Cappadocia , Magnesia in Caria , and such l●ke townes of Natolia . Neither doe the old Sultans by such a great distance think themselues secure altogether : but carry a vigilant eye ouer their sonnes actions , & haue intelligence of almost euery particular thought ; the least suspition being cause sufficient to destroy them . So we finde Mustapha sonne to Solyman , the hopefullest branch that euer sprang from the Ottoman tree , to haue beene shamefully strangled by the command of his father ; vpon a rumour only of a marriage , which hee was said to haue negotiated with the Persian Kings daughter . When these Princes are once setled in their gouernments , it is a crime meriting no lesse punishment then death , to depart thence and come vnto Constantinople , before their fathers death , or vnlesse they are by their fathers sent for . Of this we haue a tragicall example of Mahomet , a Prince of great hope sonne to Baiazet the 2d : who desiring to see the fashion of his fathers Court , left Magnesia where hee was by his father confined ; and attended by two or three Gentlemen came in the habit of a sea-faring man to Constantinople ; and hauing obtained his desire , he returned to his charge . This strange action being quickly divulged abroad , and by diuerse variously interpreted , stirred such iealousies in the suspitious head of his old father ; that he tooke order not long after to haue him secretly poysoned . 5 As for the ordinary reuenue , it consisteth either in mony receaued , or in mony saued . The mony saued is first by the Tartars , of whom he can continually command 60000 to attend him in his warres without any pay , but the spoile of the enimy . And 2ly by the Timariots , who nourish and bring into the field more horses then any Prince in Christendome can keepe ( as we haue already said ) for 14 millions of gold . The mony receaued is ( according to Boterus ) only 15 millions of Sultanies , which is nothing in respect of so great an Empire : the chiefe reasō where of is the tyrannicall gouernment of the Turke , which dehorteth men from tillage , marchandize , & other improuements of their estates ; as knowing all their gettings to lye in the Grand Signeurs mercy . His extraordinary reuenew is vncredible : for besides that no Embassadour commeth before him empty handed ; no man is master of his owne wealth farther then stands with the Emperours liking . So that his great Bassa's are but as spunges , to suck vp riches till their coffers swell , and then to be squeezed into his treasurie . These men as he aduances without enuy , so can he destroy without danger ; no man here hoping for partakers if he should resist , as not being ignorant that one mans fortune is built on the defined ouerthrow of another . Such riches as they gaine , if they hap to die naturally , returne to the Emperours coffers ; who giueth only what he pleaseth to the children of the deceased . These Bassa's haue in their particular Prouinces , their Divanos , or Law courts , where iustice hath formerly beene administred with great integrity , but now not a little corrupted : yet the comfort is , that such as miscarry in their right , shall without delaies knowe what to trust to ; & the Bassa's vpon complaint to the Emperour , are sure to die for it . Ouer these Bassa's ( the chiefe of whom is the Vic●er Bassa , or President of the Councell ) preside two Beglerbegs ; one for Greece the other for Natolia . 6 Concerning the present state of the Empire , many iudge it to be rather in the wane , then the increase ; which iudgement they ground vpon good reasons ; whereof these are the chiefe . First that the body is growne too monstrous for the head , the Sultans neuer since the death of Solyman accompanying their armies in person ; but rioting and wasting their bodies and treasures at home : that the Ianizaries who haue beene accounted the principall strength of this Empire , are growne more factious in the Court , then valiant in the camp ; corrupted with ease & liberty , drowned in prohibited wines , enseebled with the cōtinuall converse with women , and fallen from their former ancestry of discipline : that of late they haue giuen no increase to their dominions : and as in the paths of vertue , non progred●est regredi , so in Empires by violence gotten , when they cease to be augmented , they beginne to be diminished : that rebellions haue in these latter times beene in this Empire strangely raised , and mightily supported ; which commotions the former Sultans were neuer acquainted with : that the greatnesse of the Empire is such , that it laboureth with nothing more then the waightinesse of it selfe ; so that it must in a manner needs decline pondere pressa suo , ouerburdened by its own mightinesse : that as in a naturall body surfet killeth more then a fasting ; so in the body politike , too much extent sooner ruineth then too little or a mediocrity : that the sonnes of the Grand Signeur , whose brauenes of minde is by their father euer suspected ; are ( contrary sometimes to their owne nature and will ) nursed vp in all effeminacy which once rooted in their youth , doth alwaies after assubiect them to the basenesse and softnes●e of pleasures : that they haue lost much of that feare and terrour , which anciently their very name carried with it , insomuch that not the Venetians only by Sea haue often mated , and once ouerthrowne him ; the Hungarians , haue for 200 yeares withstood his greatest forces ; the Polonians forced him to a dishonourable retreat and composition ; but the poore Prince of Transilvania diuerse times did discomf●te him , the Florentine with 6 Ships only aweth him ; and the Emir of Sidon ceaseth not daily to affront him : that by the auarice and corruption in the Court now raigning , all peace and warre , all counsells and informations , all wrongs and fauours are made saleable : that is more then apparant that their Empire is at the height , Et quod naturaliter procedere non potest ( saith Velleius ) recedit ; Empires when they can ascend no higher , must by the ordinary course of nature haue a fall . All these are indeed more then probable prognostications of a dying Monarchy : but yet there is one greater , which is the present face of the state . The late Emperour Mustapha is yet childlesse , and as report giueth vs vtterly disabled for generation . The young brother of Osmen , is but a weake staffe for so huge an Empire to leane on , considering not only the infinite sicknesses● , and casualties of childhood ; but also the danger he may iustly expect from Mustapha his vnkle . For likely it is that he hauing at the death of Achmat , receaued the gouernment , and after by the faction of Osmen being deposed , restored and displaced againe , & his life continually indangered : will secure himselfe from the like afterclapps , which may happen vnto him , when this young boy shall be a little older ; by the taking of him away , if it bee ( as no question but it is ) possible . And so wee haue the end of the Ottoman race . Supposing then the O●toman line to faile ( as in all likelyhood it may ) what then becommeth of this vast Empire ? Three there are which will bid faire for it , viz : the Crim Tartar , the Bassa's , the Ianizaries . The Crim Tartar may plead a composition , which is , that he supplying the Turkes Armies with 60000 men without pay ; is for these succours to succeed in this Empire , whensoeuer the heires male doe sayle : & besides this , he may hope for no small succours from his confederate , & allye the great Cham , to recouer his pretended right ; & adde to the present glory of the Tartars , the renowne of getting so glorious a booty . The Bassa's may conceaue no small hope of dividing the whole Monarchie among themselues ; partly by the example of Alexand●rs Captains , who after their masters death there being yet some of the blood royall remaining , parted among themselues his dominions : partly by an example in their owne state , when after the death of Aladine 2d ; Caraman , Sarachan , Aidin , Carasus , and the rest of the more powerfull captaines , divided among them , the Turkish kingdome in lesser Asia , : and partly because being seated in most of the Prouinces as gouernours , and hauing diuerse bands of Souldiers at command ; they may easily make that their owne , in which they are so fairely estated already : for so we finde the Sultans , or prouinciall gouernours of the Caliphs , to haue vsurped those Countries as proprietaries , to which they came but as substitutes . The Ianizaries may also build their hopes on very faire foundations , as being the sword and buckler of the Ottoman Empire : by their valour it being not only gotten , but preserued . We see the Praetorian Souldiers ( or Ianizaries ) of the Empire of Rome , which was a body farre more politique and better compacted then this , to haue created out of the Souldiers their Emperours ; the Senate and Prouinces neuer daring not to confirme their election . But aboue all examples , that of the Mamaluckes of Aegypt is most pregnant , who were borne of Christian parents as these are ; appointed for the guard of the Sultans , as these are ; purposely hi●ed to take from the naturall subiect the vse of armes , as these are ; men of approued valor , & the greatest bulwarke of that Turkish kingdome ; against the Christians , as these are ; and why may not these be like vnto them also , in sitting in their masters seat . Add hereunto that they are already ( in a maner ) possessed of Constantinople , the head town , and heart of the Empire ; and their hopes are not vaine . For my part , I hold thē to be the men most likely , vnlesse the Princes of Christendome , laying aside priuat malice , ioyne all in armes to strip this proud Peacock of her feathers : and ( vpon so blessed an aduantage ) to breake in peeces with a rod of iron , this insolent and burdensome Monarchy . A thing rather to be desired thē expected . But this by way of supposition only , and as in a dreame . I awake . And thus much I thought conuenient to insert in this place , concerning the originall , proceeding , & continuance ; the naturall dispositions , pollicies , and forces of the Turkes . These three Prouinces of Armenia being iointly considered , haue suffered much viciscitude of Fortune . For after they had long breathed a free aire , they were all subdued , 1 to the Persian Monarchy by Darius . 2 To the Groeians by Alexander , after whose death the Country was gouerned by an interrupted succession of many tributary Kings . The last of these Tigranes , taking on him the protection of Syria , prouoked the Romans to send Pompey against him : by whom he was according to the chance of war●e taken prisoner , and sent captiue to Rome . 3 His kingdome was conuerted to a Prouince of the Roman Commonwealth . 4 In the diuision of the Empire betweene Theodosius his two sonnes ; this Country fell to the share of Arcadius . 5 In the raigne of Heraclius it gaue way to the vnresistable fury of the Saracens . 6 Anno 844 it became the habitation of the Turkes , a nation not so much as dreamt of . 7 The inundation of the Tartars , and their violent head-spring Zingis ouerwhelmed it . 8 The Egyptian Sultans , and the Mamalucks lorded ouer it . 9 The Persians , and 10 now the Turkes are masters of it . Thus much of Armenia . OF ARABIA . ARABIA is bounded on the East with the Persian Gulfe ▪ on the West with the Red Sea ; on the North with Mesopotamia , and Palestine ; on the South with the Ocean . The people hereof are extreamely addicted to theft , which is the better part of their maintenance : they hate all sciences , as well Mechanicall as Ciuill , yet boast they much of their Nobility : they are of meane statures , feminine voices , swift of foot , raw-boned , and tawny . They differ not much from the old Arabians , who were a vagabond and theeuish nation . The most ciuill of them were they of Arabia Faelix , who yet wanted not many barbarous customes ; one whereof was the community of one wife only , amongst a whole stocke or kindred : & for her to accompany another man , was the death of them both . A king of this Country had 15 sonnes and but one daughter , who according to the custome was when she came to age , the cōmon wife of all her brothers . The young Lady wearied with such a continued excesse of dalliance , vsed this deuice to prohibit their too frequent accesse to her . It was the fashion that euery one which vsed to one woman , had staffes of a like making ; and when any of them went in to their common wife , the setting of the staffe before her chamber dore , forbad entrance to the rest till it were remoued . This young Princesse secretly got a staffe like vnto these of her brothers , which when she was desirous of priuacy , she placed at her chamber dore , and so diuers times deceaued her brothers of their pleasures . It hapned that all the brothers being together , one of them departed towards his sisters lodging where finding a staffe before the dore , and knowing where he had left the rest of his brothers ; he accused her of adultery ; but the truth being knowne , the Lady was quitted , & her brothers visitations were afterwards limited . This Country is 4000 miles in compasse , and is vsually divided into Arabia Deserta , Petrosa , and Foelix . The people of al vse the Arabicke language , which not being confined within the narrow bounds of this one Prouince , extendeth it selfe through Palestine , Syria , Mesopotamia , Egypt , all Barbary , ( excepting Morocco ) and is the sacred language of the Mahometans . ARABIA DESERTA , is the place where the people of Israel wand●ed 40 yeares long , vnder the command of Moyses ; being fed with Manna from heauen , & waters out of the dryest rocks . The soile is neither fit for herbage nor tillage , being couered ouer with a dry and thick sand . These sandy desarts are Seas of Arabia ; their ships , the Camels ; being beasts content with little sustenance , vsually carrying 600 waight , and sometimes a thousand . The inhabitants of this region are few , so are their Citties , the chiefe whereof is Bassora . ARABIA PETROSA is so called , either because it is so rocky ; or from Petra the chief Town , now called Rathalalah : the second town of note , is Aresh , or Arissa , consisting of a few houses , and a royall Castle , garrison'd with a hundred souldiers . 3 Ezion Geber on the coast of the Red sea , where Solomon's Navy kept station , before they put saile towards Ophir ; and after they returned thence . The Country is barren and desolate , bearing neither grasse , nor trees ; the palme only excepted ; good store of dromedaries it hath , a beast of such swiftnes , that it will easily carry a man 100 miles a day . Here is also good store of Ostriches . But I returne to Petra , which I find to haue bin straightly besieged by Seuerus , and before him , by Traian but with like successe : The Romans in the skirmishes and assaults being alwayes put to the worst : nor did Traia●e escape so free , but he was compelled to cast away his Imperiall habite , and flye for his life ; the next man vnto him being slain with a dart . Nay ( if we may credit Dion , who is neuer sparing of the like prodigies ) the Heauens fought against the Romans , with thunders , lightnings , whirlewinds , tempests ; as often as they made any battery against the City . This Country containeth the regions Nabathaeae , and Agara , whereof the first is somtimes vsed for all Arabia , as in Ovid , Eurus ad Auroram Nabathaeaque regna recessit . Eurus vnto the East did flye , Where blest Arabia doth lye . The other was possessed by the Saracens or Hagarens , descended of Abraham and Hagar . Here also dwelt the Emmins and Zanzummims cast out by the Amorites and the Moabites : here also dwelt the Midianites , to whom Moses fled & kept sheep : here also is Mount Horeb. This part of Arabia was first subdued and made a Prouince of the Empire by Palma , Lieftenant of Syria , vnder the aboue-mentioned Traiane . ARABIA FOELIX containeth the Peninsula , girt almost round with the Persian Gulfe , the Red sea , and the Ocean . In this Country is the Phoenix , which growing old , burneth it selfe , and from the ashes a new Phoenix is ingendred . This is the most fruitfull and pleasant Country in Asia , abounding with Gold and Pearles , with Balsamum , Myrrhe , and Frankincense , especially about Saba the principall City , ( whence that of the Poët , Thure Sabaeo : ) the rest of note being 2 Medina , in or nigh vnto which , the Impostor Mahomet composed his Religion . This Town was the first that yeelded vnto Mahomet , after he began by force of Armes to establish his Religion , and begin his Empire . And questionlesse the taking hereof gaue great reputation to his enterprise ; for Medina being taken , what City durst make resistance ? 3 Zarvall the residence of the Caliphs , till the building of Bagdet by Bugiafer . 4 Mecha , wherein Christians are not permitted to enter , lest ( I suppose ) they should see the absurdities of the Mahumetans adoration of their great Prophets Sepulchre : whose body inclosed in an iron Coffer , was by an Adamant drawne vp to the roofe of the Temple , where it still hangeth . 5 Oran , the key of the South Ocean . 6 Danchali . 7 Elter , the only Town in Arabia , where the Christians are of the greater number . The first Roman that euer made expedition into this Country , was Largus , President of Aegypt vnder Augustus ; one Samos being then King hereof . The Romans at first entrance , found no resistance ; but when by the extraordinary heat of the aire , and drinking salt water , sicknes began to grow hot among them , the Arabians lustily falling vpon them , made them retire with more speed , & lesse honour , then they came thither . This Arabia is by Curtius called , Odorum fertilitate nobilis regio , for the Frankincense , wherwith ( as we now said ) it aboundeth : & is indeed so delicious a coūtry , that Danaeus , in his Commentary on Augustines Enchiridion ad Lawrentium , is perswaded , that it was the locall place of Paradise ; Dicitur ( saith he ) terrestris Paradisi regio & pars quaedam esse Arabia , quae nunc appellatur Foelix . This Country followed the fortune of the foure great Monarchies , and was long subiect to the Greeke Emperours , euen vntill the raigne of Heraclius : who imploying certain Arabians in an expedition against Persia : not only denied them wages , but told them , that that was not to be giuen to dogs , which was prouided for the Roman Souldiers . Hereupon the Arabians revolt , and chuse Mahomet for their ring-leader . This Mahomet was borne in Itrarip , a Village of Arabia , Anno 572 his father was a Pagan , full of Idolatry ; his mother a Iew blinded with superstition : from which worthy couple , could not but descend so godly an Imp as was Mahomet . At the Age of 16 yeares , he bound himself to a Marchant , whose affaires he managed with such care and discretion , that vpon the death of his Master , his Mistris took him for her husband ; he being then aged 25 yeares . With her he liued till the 38th yeare of his age ; but then God permitting , & the Diuell tempting him to it , he began to affect the name and estimation of a Prophet ; and so cunningly he demeaned himself , that a sudden opinion of his sanctity was quickly divulged . After this he exhorted the Arabians , to renounce their alleagiance to the Greeke Emperours . Thus he being now made Captain of a rebellious multitude , inducted among them a new Religion , consisting partly of Iewish ceremonies , which he learned of one Abdalla ; partly of Christian precepts , taught him by Sergius a Nestorian Monke ; and partly of other phantasticall fopperies , which his own inventions suggested vnto him . The book of this Religion is called the Alcoran . It was composed by Osmen the 4th Caliph ; who seeing the Saracens daily inclining to diuers Heresies , by reason of some false copies of Mahomets Lawes ; and that the Empire by the same meanes was likely to fall into ciuill dissentions : By the help of his wife , who was Mahomets daughter , he got a sight of all Mahomets papers , which he reduced into 4 Volumes , & diuided into 206 Chapters : commanding expressely vpon paine of death , that that book , and that only , should be receiued as Canonicall , throughout his Dominions . The whole body of it is but an exposition and glosse of these 8 Commandements . First , euery one ought to beleeue that God is a great God , and only God , and Mahomet is his Prophet . They hold Abraham to be the friend of God , Moyses the messenger of God , & Christ the breath of God ; whom they deny to be conceiued by the Holy Ghost ▪ but that Mary grew with Child of him by smelling to a Rose , and was deliuered of him at her brests . They deny the mystery of the Trinitie , and punish such as speake ●gainst CHRIST , whose Religion was not ( they say ) taken away , but mended by Mahomet . And he who in his Pilgrimage to Mecha , doth not comming or going , visit the Sepulchre of CHRIST ; is reputed not to haue merited , or bettered himselfe any thing by his iourney . 2 Euery man must marry to increase the Sectaries of Mahomet . Foure wiues he alloweth to euery man , and as many concubines as he will , between whom he setteth no difference either in affection , or in apparell , but that his wiues only can inioy his Sabbaoths benevolence . The women are not admitted to their Churches , nor after death to Paradise : and whereas in most or all other countries , fathers giue some portion with their daughters , the Saracens giue money for their wiues : which being once payed , the contract is registred in the Cadies booke , and this is all their formality of marriage . More of this theame we haue spoken in Turcomania . 3 Euery one must giue of his wealth to the poore . Hence you shall haue some buy slaues , & then manu-mit them : buy birds , and then let them flie . They vse commonly to free prisoners , release bond-slaues , build Can●s for the reliefe of Passengers , repaire bridges , and mend high wayes . But their most ordinary almes consist in Sacrifices of Sheep or Oxen , which when the solemnity is performed , they distribute among the poore : insomuch that you shall hardly find any beggers among them . 4 Euery one must make his prayers fiue times in a day . When they pray ▪ they turne their bodies towards Mecha , but their faces sometimes one way , sometimes another way , beleeuing that he shall come behind them , being at their devotions . The first time is an houre before Sun-rising ; the second at noone day ; the third at three of the clock afternoone , the fourth at Sun-setting ; the fift and last before they goe to sleep . At all these times the Cryers keep a bawling in the steeples ( for the Turkes and Saracens haue no bels ) for the people to come to Church . And such as cannot come , must when they heare the voyce of the Cryers , fall down in the place where they are , doe their deuotions , and kisse the ground thrice . 5 Euery one must keepe a Lent one moneth in the yeare . This Lent is called Ramazan , in which they suppose the Alcoran was giuen vnto Mahomet , by an Angell . This fast is only intended in the dayes , the Law giuing leaue to frolick it in the nights , as they best please . 6 Be obedient to thy parents ; which Law is the most neglected of any , neuer any Children being so vnnaturall as the Turkish . 7 Thou shalt not kill : which they keep vnviolated amongst themselues : but the poore Christians are sure to feele the smart of their fury . And as if by this Law the actual shedding of blood only were prohibited , they haue invented punishments for their offenders , worse then death it selfe ; as 1 the strappado , which is hanging of them by the Armes drawne backward : when they are so bound , they are drawne vp on high , and let downe again with a violent swing , which vnioynteth all their back & armes . Secondly , they vse to hoyse vp their heeles , and with a great cudgell to giue them 3 or 400 blowes on the soles of their feet . Thirdly , it is ordinary to draw them naked vp to the top of a gibbet , or towre , full of hookes ; and cutting the rope , to let them fall down again . But by the way they are caught by some of the hookes , where they commonly hang till they die for hunger . 8 Doe vnto others as thou wouldst be done vnto thy selfe . To those that keep these Lawes , he promiseth Paradise , spred here and there with silk carpets , adorned with flowry fields , watred with Crystalline riuers , beautified with trees of Gold , vnder whose coole shade they shall spend their times with amorous Virgins , whose mansion shall not be farre distant . The men shall neuer exceed the age of 30 , nor the women of fifteen ; and both shall haue their virginities renewed as fast as lost . Friday he ordained to be the Sabbaoth day , partly to distinguish his followers from the Iewes , and Christians , who solemnize the dayes ensuing ; but principally because he was on that day proclaimed Caliph , & solemnly so created . Wine , & swinesslesh are the principall things forbidden by the Alcoran , the last whereof they abstemiously refrain from ; but on the first they are so sotted ▪ that when they come at it , they seldome goe home again vnled ; insomuch , that all the Wines in Constantinople haue bin thrown about the streets , and death made the penalty for any that will presume to bring any more into the City . Mahomet taught them that euery one should be saued by his own Religion , him only excepted that revolteth from the Alcoran , vnto another Law ; and that at the end of the World ▪ all men that professed any Religion , should goe into Paradise ; the Iewes vnder the banner of Moses , the Christians vnder the banner of CHRIST , and the Sarracens vnder the banner of Mahomet . They compell no man therefore to abiure the faith in which he was borne , but commend & approue secretly such as they find zealous and constant in their own Religion : yet holding it an especiall honour to haue dayly new Proselites , they incite them by hope of freedome and preferment , which with many are motiues too much preuailing . Hence I haue heard many say , that it is better for a man that would inioy liberty of conscience , to liue in the Countries professing Mahumetanisme , then Papistry : for in the one he shall neuer be free from the bloody Inquisition ; in the other he is neuer molested if he meddle not with their Law , their Women , or their slaues . The opinions which they hold concerning the end of the World , are very ridiculous ; as that at the winding of a horne , not all flesh only , but the Angels themselues shall die ; that the Earth with an Earth-quake shall be kneaded together like a lump of dough ; that a second blast of the same horne shall after 40 daies restore all again ; that Cain shall be the Captaine or ring-leader of the damned , who shall haue the countenances of dogs and Swine ; that they shall passe ouer the bridge of iust●ce ▪ laden with their sinnes in satchels ; that the great sinners shall fall into hell , the lesser into Purgatory only , with a thousand of the like fopperies . This Religion thus compiled , was greedily receiued by the Sarracens , a people of Arabia Deserta ; so called ( not of Sara , but Sarra ) signifying a desert , and Saken , to inhabite ; or f●om Sarak , betokening theeues , a name fitly correspondent to their nat●●es . The causes of the deplorable increase and continuance of his irrel●gious Religion , are 6. 1 The greatnes of the victories of the Sarracens ; who easily compelled the conquered to embrace their superstitions . 2 A peremptory restraint of all disputation in any point of Religion whatsoeuer . 3 The suppression of Philosophy and humane Arts ; the light of which , could not but erect the grossen●sse of their tenents . 4 The sensuall liberty allowed of hauing variety of wiues . 5 The promise of 〈◊〉 after death ; with which a sense not inlightned with the spirit of God , cannot but be more affected , then with a meere speculatiue hope of spirituall delig●ts . And 6 the forbidding of Print●ng , and printed books ; by which the people might truly know the verity of Christian Religion , and the apparent falshood of their own Mahumetan . Mahomet was of low stature , schald-headed , euill proportioned , and as euill conditioned ; being naturally addicted to all villanies , infinitly theeuish , and insatiably leacherous . He was troubled almost continually with the Falling-sicknes ; to mask which infirmity , as repugnant to his pretended omnipotency ; he said it was only a diuine rapture , wherein he conversed with the Angel Gabriel . He was well seen in Magick , by whose aid and help of the Di●ell , he taught a white Pigeon to feed at his care , affirm●ng it to be the Holy Ghost , which informed him in diuine precepts . By these policies he strengthned himself with the discontented Arabians , who first freed themselues from the allegiance to the Grecian Empire ; but not without some resistance of the Philarchi , or Nobility of Mecha , who droue him forcibly from their territories , which not long after he subdued , casting thence the Greeke o●●icers . From this returne of his , after his flight from Mecha , the Sarracens began their computation of yeares ( as we from CHRISTS Natiuity ) which they call the Hegira ; which beginneth about the yeare of our redemption 617 : concerning which time , I cannot but obserue , that Mahomet compiled his diuelish doctrine , beginning his Empire ; and Boniface the third his Antichristian title , beginning his Empire , nigh about the same yeare . The Caliphs or Amira's of the Saracens . A.C. A.H.     623 6 1 Mahomet the broacher of this heathenish superstition . 9 632 15 2 Ebubezer subdued the City Haza . 2 634 17 3 Haumar a mighty Prince , conquered Syria , Palestine , Persia , Egypt , and Mesopotamia 12 647 30 4 Osmen subdued ▪ Carthage , and the greatest part of Barbary 10 657 40 5 Mnauias won Cyprus , Rhodes , and part of Lesser Asia 24 684 67 6 Gizid .     7 Habballa .     8 Maruan . 685 68 9 Abdimelech established the begun conquests of Armenia and Mesopotamia . 22 707 90 10 Vlidor Vbit sent the Saracens to Spaine , who there wrought great victories 9 716 99 11 Zulcimin , whose Captain Mulsamus bes●eged Constantinople , till his ships were burnt , & his men consumed with the plague . 3 719 102 12 Haumar II. 2 721 103 13 Gizid II. 4 725 107 14 Eu●lid conquered Cappadocia , 18 743 125 15 Gizid III. 744 126 16 Hyces , in whose time Charles Martell made hauock of the Saracens in France . 745 127 17 Maruan II , inuaded Cyprus , and took it . 6 752 133 18 Abuballas . 5 756 138 19 Habdallas .     20 Bugiafer Abugefer built the City Bagdet . 777 159 21 Mahadi 9 786 168 22 Musa or Moyses . 1 787 169 23 Arachid or Aron compell'd Irene Empresse of Greece , to pay him and his , tribute . 23 110 193 24 Mahamad or Mahomet II ▪ 5 815 198 25 Habdallas , who took and spoyled Creet , and ouerthrew the Greekes : he spoiled also Sicilia , Sardinia , and Corsica . 17 832 215 26 Mohamet III , wasted Italy , burnt the suburbs of Rome , & ruinated the forenamed Ilands . 40 Others reckon these Caliphs to haue succeeded Mahomet II. 815 198 25 Manion . 12 827 210 26 Mu●etzam . 8 835 218 27 Wacet 4 839 222 28 Methucall . 12 851 234 29 Montacer . 1 852 235 30 Abul Hamet . 6 858 241 31 Almatez 4 863 245 32 Motadi Bila . 10 ▪ after whose death the Egyptians with-drew themselues from their obedience due to the Babylonian Caliph , and chose one of their own , to whom all the Arabians , or those of the Mahometan Religion in Africa and Europe submitted themselues . Of the Aegyptian Caliphs , when we come into that Country ; take now with you the names only of the Syrian or Babylonian Caliphs ; for story of them I find litle or none . The Babylonian Caliphs after the diuision . A. C. A. H.     870 252 1 Mutemad 21 891 273 2 Mutezad . 8 899 281 3 Muchtaphi 8 907 289 4 Muchtedar 24 931 313 5 Elhaker 1 932 314 6 Ratze 7 939 321 7 Muctade 4 943 325 8 Musteraphe 2 945 327 9 Macia and Taia . 44 989 371 10 Kadar . 41 1030 412 11 Kaim . 5 1035 417 12 Muctadi . 60 1095 477 13 Mustetaher . 22 1117 499 14 Musteraschad 18 1135 517 15 Raschid . 25 1160 542 26 Musteneged . 9 1169 551 17 Mustazi . 10 1179 561 18 Narzay . 36 1225 597 19 Taher .     20 Mustenatzer 1255 638 21 Mustatzen the last Caliph or high-priest of the Sarracens , in Syria and Babylon . Yet haue they still remaining a carcasse of the old Body , one whom they cal Caliph , at whose hands the neighbour Princes vse to receiue their Diadems and Regalities : and so we find Solyman the magnificent , after his conquest of Chaldea , M●sopotamia ▪ and Assyria , to haue bin by one of these poore titulary Caliphs , created king of Babylon , Anno 1543. This vnweildie Body of the Sarracen Empire , hauing thus two heads , began apparantly to decline ; loosing to the kings of Leon and Oviedo , the greatest part of Spaine : to the Genois , Sardinia , and Corsica : to the Normans , Naples and Sicily : and finally most of their Empire , with their very names , to the Turks and Tartars ▪ For Allan a Tartarian Captain , starued Mustatzem a Babylonian Caliph , in his Towre of Bagde● , and rooted out all his posterity : and Sarracon the first Turkish king of Egypt , brained the last Egyptian Caliph with his horsemans Mace , leauing not one of his Issue or kindred surviuing . The office of the Caliphs is now executed in the Turkes Dominion by the Musti , or chief Priest of the Sarracens . As Mars shewed himselfe a coadiutor to these Moores in their stupendious triumphs , so also did Phoebus powre down no lesse celestiall influence , on such as addicted themselues to schollership . Bagdet in Chaldea , Cairoan , Fess , Morocco in Barbary , & Corduba in Spaine , were their Vniuersities : out of which came the Philosophers , Avicen , and Averroes : the Physicians Rhasis , and Mesue : The Geographers Leo and Abilfada ; & almost all the Textuaries and found Writers , as Hali , Algazel , Albumazar , &c. in Astrology ; from whom the greatest part of our Astronomicall and Astrologicall termes are borrowed . There is now no Kingdome , Iland , or Prouince , which acknowledgeth the Empire of the Saracens , but the Kingdome of Fesse , and Morocco in Barbary . And now it is time to returne again to Arabia , which followed ( as we told you ) the fortune of the foure great monarchies . In the conquest of it by the first three , there occurreth nothing of any note ; in the last , this is most remarkable . When Alexander was in his adolescencie or boyage , he on a time sacrificing to the gods , cast into the fire with both his hands , abundance of myrrhe and frankincense ; which Leonidas one of the Nobility marking , aduised him to be more sparing of that precicus and deare commodity ; til he was master of the Country where it grew . This admonition Alexander ( when he had conquered Arabia ) remembring , sent a ship laden with frankincense to Leonidas , bidding him hereafter serue the Gods more liberally , It was subdued vnto the Turks by Selimus the first , immediatly after his conquest of Egypt : yet are the people rather tributaries vnto , then prouincialls of the Turkish Empire . Two kings they haue of their own , whereof the one continually resideth in some good town of Arabia : the other haunteth about Syria , and the Holy land ; liuing in tents , & being followed by the wild and theeuish Arabs . Thus much of Arabia . OF ASSYRIA , MESOPOTAMIA , AND CHALDEA , ASSYRIA hath on the East Media , on the West Mesopotamia , on the North Armenia minor , and on the South Susiana , a Prouince of Persia. This Region took its name from Assur , second son to Sem , who with his Family retired himself hither , after the confusion of tongues . It is now ( as Maginus informeth vs ) called by Niger , Adrinsa ; by Mercator , Sarth ; by Pin●tus , Mosul ; by some , Azemia ; by others , Arzerum . It containeth the Provinces of old Adiabene , Arrapachite , and Sittacene . It is a custome , which hath from all antiquity bin vsed in this Country , that the maides which are marriageable , are yearely brought forth in publick , and set to sale to such as would marry them : and the mony which was giuen for the fairest , was by the Arithmeticall proportion of Iustice , giuen to the more deformed for their portions , to make them goe off the better and quicker . And hence perhaps the Fathers of our times vse to giue least mony with such of their daughters , whose beauty is a sufficient dowry : but to grease the fat sowes , with the addition of some hundreds of pounds ; which made the merry fellow say , that the mony was a good match , if the wench were absent . The chiefe Cities were and are Ninive , built by Ninus th● Assyrian Monarch ; a great City , of three dayes journey , and in circuit 66 miles . The walls hereof were in heigth 100 foot , in bredth able to contain 3 Carts a brest : Towres in the wall 1500 , euery one 200 foot high : In the Hebrew it is called Ruhaboth ; in Eusebius time Nisib ; now almost ruined to nothing . Sic patet exemplis oppida posse mori . Examples plainly doe affirme , Townes haue for life a settled tearme : Through this City ranne the faire and famous riuer Euphrates ; of which there was an old prophesie , that the town should neuer be forced , till the riuer prooued its enemy . This made Sardanapalus make it the seat of warre against Belochus and Arbaces ; who hauing for three whole yeares besieged it , the riuer ouer-flowed its bankes , and ouer-threw twenty furlong of the walls : Which accident compelled Sardanapalus to that desperat extremity , that he burned himself ; and the enemy entred the Town . To this City Ionah was sent to preach , here being 1200000 persons that knew not the right hand from the left . 2 Arzeri , whence the whole Region is called Arzeri . 3 Aruela , nigh vnto which , Alexander fought his third and last battle against Darius , & his Persians ; who being in number 800000 , went home fewer by farre then they came thither . Not long after this victory , Darius died , and Alexander was installed in the Persian Monarchy . 4 Serta . 5 Musall , the seat of the Nestorian Patriarch . MESOPOTAMIA hath on the East Tigris , on the West Euphrates , on the North the hill Caucasus , on the South Chaldea . This Country in holy Scriptures is called Padan Aram ; as also Mesopotamia , quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because it is invironed with the riuers Tigris and Euphrates , which ouerflow the Country , as Nilus doth Egypt , making it very fertile ; and now it is called Dierbecke . The soyle is exceeding fertile , yeelding in most places 200 , in some 300 increase . Here Abraham was borne : hither he sent his seruant to choose a wife for his son Isaack : hither Iacob fled from his brother Esau. And here Paradise is by men both skilled in Diuinity , and Geography , affirmed to haue stood . Yet amongst all sorts of Writers we find different opinions . Some make Paradise to signifie a place of pleasure , and the foure Riuers to be the foure Cardinall Vertues : but these allegories on the Scriptures are not warrantable . Others place it in the aire , vnder the circle of the Moon ; and tell vs that the 4 riuers in the Scriptures mentioned , fall down from thence , and runn●ng all vnder the Ocean , rise vp again in those places where they are now found : but this is so vain a foppery , that I will not honour it with a confutation . Such as make Paradise locall , are also diuided into 3 ranks , ( for I omit the rest ) whereof some place it vnder the Aequator ; but this agreeth not with the bounds prescribed by the Holy Ghost . Some conceiue the 4 riuers to be Tigris , Euphrates , Nilus , and Ganges ; and that Paradise was the whole World : but this cannot be , for then when Adam was driuen out of Paradise , it must also follow that he was driuen out of the World , which were absurd . Those of the soundest judgments place it here , in an Iland which is made by the Riuers Tigris and Euphrates , and some branches running from them : the vppermost of them they defend to be Pison ( falsely rendred Ganges ) which watereth the land of Havilah , now called Susiana ; and the lowermost to be Gihon ( improperly translated Nilu● ) as running through Aethiopia Asiatica , which we shall further explain when we come into Africke . The reasons are , because Nilus and Ganges are too farre distant , and different in their course to spring from one fountaine , and that this Country is situate East of Arabia , where Moses was when he wrote Genesis . The chief Cities are Rechiais , formerly Edessa , whereof Agbarus was gouernour , who writ an Epistle to our Sauiour CHRIST , and from him receiued an answer ; the Copies wherof Eusebius setteth down in the end of his first book . Neare vnto this town Antoninus Caracalla , son to Septimius Severus , Emperour of Rome , was slain by the appointment of Macrinus , Captain of the Guard , herein disappointing Caracalla , who intended to haue made Macrinus shorter by the head . For Caracalla , conscious of his own vnworthines to rule the Empire , and fearing reuenge for the many murders he had in Rome committed ; sent to Maternianus his friend , desiring him to enquire of the Magicians , who should be his successour : He returned answer , that Macrinus was the man. The packet of Letters among which this was , was brought to Caracalla , as he was riding in his Chariot , who therfore deliuered them to Macrinus , whose office ( besides the gouernment of the Praetorian gua●d ) was to read and answer Letters of ordinary import . The Letter concerning himself comming to his hand , he seeing his imminent perill , resolued to strike the first blow ; and to that end entrusted Martialis , one of his Centurions , who killed the vnfortunate Emperour , as he with-drew himself , levandae vesica gratia . It will not be any way amisse in this place to note ; that all , or most of the Emperours before Constantine ( who first receiued the faith ) died vnnaturall deaths : but such as succeded him , went to their graues in peace , and full of yeares : from Iulius Caesar vnto Constantine , are numbred 40 Emperours , of which , Iulius was openly murdred in the Senate-house : Augustus death was hastned by his wife Livia ; Tiberius by Macro , Caligula was slain by Cassius Chereas ; Claudius poysoned by Agrippina : Nero and Otho laid violent hands on themselues . Galba and Vitellius were massacred by the Souldiers ; Domitian by Stephanus ; Commodus by Letus and Electus ; Pertinax , and Iulianus by the tumultuous Guard ; Caracalla by the command of Macrinus ; Macrinus , Heliogabalus , Alexander Severus , Maximinus , Maximus , and Balbienus , successiuely by the men of warre ; Gordianus by Philip ; Philip by the Souldiers ; Hostilianus by Gallus & Aemilianus ; they by the Souldiers ; Valerianus died prisoner in Parthia ; Florianus and Diocl●sian were the Authors of their own ends . Aurelianus was murdred by his houshold seruants . Gallienus , Quintilius , Tacitus & Probus by the fury of the military men . I haue out of this bedroll , purposely omitted such Emperours as were made by the Armies , without the approbation of the Senate ; as also the Caesars , or designed successours of the Empire ; most of whom got nothing by their designation or adoption , but ut citius intersicerentur . Some of these were cut off for their misdemeanours : some for seeking to reviue again the ancient Discipline : and some that others might inioy their places . The chief cause of these continuall massacres , proceeded originally from the Senate and Emperours themselues . For when the Senatours had once permitted the Souldiers to elect Galba , and had confirmed that election , Evulgato ( saith Tacitus ) imperij arcano , principem alibi quam Romae fieri posse ; more Emperors were made abroad in the field by the Legions , then at home by them . Secondly , from the Emperours , who by an vnseasonable loue to their guard souldiers , so strengthened them by priuiledges , and nusled them in their licentious courses ; that on the smallest rebuke , they which were appointed for the safety of the Princes , prooued the Authors of their ruine ; so truly was it said by Augustus in Dion : Metuendum est esse sine custode , sed multò magis à custode metuendum est . The last cause ( be it causa per accidens , or per se ) was the largesse which the new Emperours vsed to giue vnto the men of seruice . This custome was begun by Claudius Caesar , and continued by all his successours ; insomuch that the Empire became saleable , and many times he which bade most , had it : As we see in Dion , when Sulpitianus offering twenty S●stertiums to each Souldier , was ( as if they had bin buying a stock at Gleeke ) out-bidden by Iulianus , who promised them 25 Sestertiums a man. So that Herodian ius●ly complaineth of this donatiue . Id initium causaque militibus fuit , ut etiam in posterum turpissimi contumacissimique evaderent ; sic ut avaritia indies , ac principum contemptus , etiam ad sanguinem usque proveherentur . But it is now high time to goe on in my journey to Carra , obseruing only by the way , that when the valorous Christians had recouered this Country , and the Holy land ; for the more facile administration of Iustice , they diuided the whole Conquest in 4 Tetrarchies ; namely 1 Hierusalem , 2 Antioch , 3 Tripolis , 4 This Edessa ; vnder euery one of which were many subordinate Lords , being all subiect to the Kings of Hierusalem . 2 Carra , called ( Genesis 12. ) by Moses , Haran ; where Abraham dwelt , hauing left Vr. In this town the Moon was worshipped in both sexes : some honouring it as a female ; then she was called Dea Luna ; others as a male , and then Deus Lunus was his name : but with this fortune , both : Qui Lunam faemineo nomine putabat nuncupandam , is mulieribus semper inserviat ; at verò qui marem Deum esse crediderit , is uxori dominetur . I dare presume there were but few men of the former Religion : So vnwilling are they to be vnder the command of their wiues ; neither will I herein blame them . Nigh vnto this town was Crassus the Romane Lieftenant , and one of the richest men that euer that Common-wealth knew ▪ ( for he was worth 7100 talents ; the tenth being deduced , which he offered to Hercules , and three moneth corne giuen to the poore ) vanquished by the Parthians , and their King Herodes . — Miserando funere Crassus Assyrias Latio maculavit sanguine Carras . Crassus by a defeat lamen●ed staine ; With Roman blood th' Assyrian Carras plaines . It is now called Carr Amida , or Caramit , and is the seat of a Turkish Bassa , who is of great command in those parts . 3 Madri● . CHALDEA is bounded on the East with Assyria , on the West with Syria , on the North with Armenia , and on the South with Arabia Deserta . The chief Citties were Vr , now Horrea , whence Abraham ▪ departed when he went to liue at Haran . 2 Erech . 3 Accad . 4 Carnell . and 5 Babel ( Gen. 10.10 . ) This Babel ( in the Hebrew it signifieth confusion ) is famous for the confusion of languages , which here hapned : for immediatly after the Vniuersall deluge , Nimrod the son of Chus , the son of Cham , perswaded the people to secure themselues from the like after-claps , by building some stupendious Edifice , which might resist the sury of a second deluge . This counsell was generally embraced , Heber only and his Family , contradicting such an vnlawfull attempt . The maior part preuailing , the Towre began to reare a head of Maiesty , 5164 paces frō the ground : hauing its basis & circumference equall to the height . The passage to goe vp , went winding about the out-side , and was of an exceeding great bredth , there being not only roome for horses , carts , & the like meanes of carriage , to meet and turne ; but lodgings also for man and beast , and ( as some report ) grasse and corne-fields for their nourishment . But God beholding from high this fond attempt , sent amongst them ( who before were one language ) a confusion of 72 tongues : which hindred the proceeding of this building , one not being able to vnderstand what his fellow called for . Bring me ( quoth one ) a trowell , quickly quicke ; One brings him vp a hammer : hew this bricke ( Another bids ) and then they cleaue a tree : Make fast this rope , and then they let it flee : One calls for planks , another morter lackes : They bring the first a stone ; the last an axe . Thus being compell'd to desist from so vnluckie an enterprise , they greedily sought out such as they could vnderstand , with whom consorting themselues , they forget their former acquaintances , and now are diuided into 72 different nations : comprehending about 24000 men , besides women and children . Of these 72 nations , 27 of seuerall language , being the posterity of Sem , dispersed themselues about Asia : 30 others , of the loines of Cham , peopled Africk : and 15 more , being the issue of Iaphet , withdrew themselues towards Europe , and Asia the lesse . The sonnes of this Iaphet were first Gomer , from whom are descended the Germans and Gauls , called of of old Gomeri , and Cimbri . 2 Magog , father to the Magogins , or Scythians . 3 Madus , the author of the Madians , or Medes . 4 Tubal , the progenitour of the Spaniards . 5 Iavan , the parent of the Greeks and Ionians . 6 Meschus , the founder of the Mescates●or ●or Cappadocians . 7 There● , whose of-spring is the Thracians . From out this Gomers loynes they say sprung all The warlike nations scattered ouer Gaul , And Germans too , yerst called Gomerites . From Tubal Spaniards , and from Magog Seytes . From Madai Medes , from Mesech Mazacons , From Iavan Greeks , from Thyras Thracians . Sem had fiue sonnes : from Elam descended the Elamites or Persians : from 2 Assur the Assyrians : from 3 Arphaxad the Arphaxadians , or Chaldes ( his sonne Heber was father to the Hebrews● ) from 4 Aram the Aramites , or Syrians : and from Lud , the peoply of Lydia . The Sceptred Elam chose the Persian hills Assur Assyria with his people fills : Lud Lydia ; Aram all Syria had , And Chaldey fell to learned Arphaxad . The sonnes of Ham were foure only : from Canaan descended the Cananites , being subdiuided into Hittites , Perezites , Amorites , Iebusites , &c. 2 from Cush , the father of the first Babylonian Monarch Nimrod , sprang the Cushians , or Aethiopians ▪ from 3 Phut , the Phutians , Lybians , and Mauritanians , among whom there is a riuer of this name . from 4 Misraim the Aegyptians . Phut peopled Lybia , Misraim Aegypt mann'd , The first borne Cush the Aethiopian strand : And Canaan doth nigh Iordans waters dwell , One day ordained to harbour Israel . These being thus dispersed , and afterward growing too populous for their first habitation ; continually went out to seeke new dwelling places ▪ So the Gauls filled Brittanie , the Brittaines Ireland ; the Irish Scotland , and the Iles ; so the Tyrian and Phoenicians planted their Colonies in diuers places , the Saca came into Saxonie , and the northerne regions continually vsed to send abroad the superfluity of their inhabitants . And thus much in this place concerning the confusion of tongues , & peopling of the world by diuers nations after the vniuersal deluge . Babylon , howsoeuer the towre was hindred , went forward & was finished by Semiramis , whose wals were in circuit 60 miles 200 foot high , and 50 Cubits broad . As Semiramis once was platting her haire , newes was brought her of the revolt of this Towne ; wherevpon leauing her head halfe vndrest , she went & besieged it ; neuer ordering the rest of her haire till she had againe recouered it . How it fell into the hands of Cyrus , we learn out of Xenophons Cyri paideia which was in this manner . The riuer Euphrates ranne quite through the towne , round about whose banks the politike Prince cut many and deep channells : into which , when the Babylonians were securely merry at a generall feast , he suddainly drained and emptied the riuer , conueying his whole forces into the Towne all along the dry & yeelding Channell , and in little time made himselfe master of it . From the Persians it revolted in the raigne of Darius Histaspis , and that sustenance might not be wanting to the men of warre they strangled the most part of the women ; being in actions of this quality , not so much as necessary euills . When they had for twenty months so defended the Towne , that the Persians had lesse hope then euer of preuailing ; Zopirus one of Darius Captaines , mangling his body and disfiguring his face by cutting oft his nose and eares ; fled to the Babylonians , complaining of the tyranny of his King. They crediting his words , and knowing his prowesse , committed the charge of the whole army vnto him ; as a man , to whom such barbarous vsage had made the King irreconcileable . But he taking his best opportunity , delivered both the Towne and Souldiers into the hands of his Soveraigne . Here died Alexander the Great , after whose death the Grecian Captaines regardfull rather of their owne ambitio●s , then the common loyalty ; diuided the Empire among thēselues ; leauing the body of the King 8 daies vnbutied . A wonderfull change of fortune : he who liuing thought the world too little for his valour , being dead found no place big enough for his body . Aristotle saith , that when Babylon was taken by the Greeke army , vnder the leading of this Macedonian Captaine ; it was 3 daies , before one part tooke notice of the conquest . Nabuchadnezar mightily increased this Citty ; which being almost ruined , was reedified by Bugiafar , Caliph of the Sarracens , at the expence of 18 millions of gold : and because of the many Gardens contained in it , hee caused it to bee called Bagadet or Bagdet , from Baga , in the Arabian tongue signifying a Garden . This is still a Towne of great traffiq●e , between which & Aleppo Carriers trauell very often with many hundred Camels laden with commodities . This Conuoy is called the Carauan . Between these two places they haue a custome of sending Post-pigeons , or sending by Pigeons letters of all occurences in hast ; which is done in this manner . When the hen-doue sitteth and hath young , they take the Cock Pigeon , & put him into a cage ; whom when he is by the Carauan carried a daies iourney off , they set at liberty , & he straight flyeth home to his make . When by degrees they are perfectly taught , the Carriers & Marchants on any accident , fasten a letter about one of their necks ; & they being freed , without any stay hast to the place from whence they were brought . And such as at home doe watch their returne , clime their hole , and taking a way the letter , are certified of the estate of the Carauan , or any other tidings whatsoeuer . The chiefe principall riuers of these Countries are 1 Euphrates beyond which the Romans could hardly extend their Empire : and 2 Tigris so named for its swiftnesse ; the word in the Medians language signifying an Arrow : this riuer ariseth about Libanus , and disburdeneth himselfe into the Persian Sea. The faith of Christ was first planted here by Iude the Apostle ; and now is almost worne out by the Mahumetan superstition . The language is diuers , some men speaking the Arabicke ; some the Persian , others the Turkish language . Out of Chaldea the 3 wise men of the East are thought to haue come , who worshipped Christ and presented guifts vnto him . Here florished many and the very first Astronomers , who had two great helps to perfect this science : first a plain country yeelding a faire sensible Horizon ( for the rationall is a like to hils and vallies ) and by consequence profitable to the obseruation of the Heliacal , Acronical , Matutine , and Vespertine rising & falling of euery starre : secondly a long life , fraught with sufficient experience , concerning the motion ( whether commning with the Primum Mobile , or proper to euery distinct Spheare ) of all the starres and Planets . The Assyrian or Chaldean Monarchs . 1798 1 Nimrod , called also Saturnus Babylonicus , the sonne of Chus , the sonne of Cham , was the first that euer bore title of King. 25. 1845 2 Belus or Iupiter Babylonicus , whose Image was worshipped by the Heathenish and Iewish Idolaters , vnder the name of Baal and Bel , 26. 1907 3 Ninus vnited to his Empire the kingdome of Armenia , Media , Arabia , Bactria , and Lybia 52. 1959 4 Semiramis the foundresse of Babylon , subdued the Aethiopians , the Indians , and their King Staurobates , 42. She was borne at Ascalon , a Towne in Syria , and exposed to the fury of wild beasts . But being borne not to dye so ingloriously , she was brought vp by Shepheards , and at full age presented to the Syrian Viceroy , who gaue her in marriage to his only sonne . Going with him to the wars she ●ell in acquaintance with Ninus , who liking her body and spirit tooke her to his bed . This bred in him a greater affection toward her , so that he granted her at her request , the command of the Empire for fiue daies ; making a decree that her will in all things should be punctually perform'd : which boone being gotten , she put on the royall robes , and commanded the King to bee slaine . Hauing thus gotten the Empire , she exceedingly enlarg'd it , leading with her an army consisting of 100000 Chariots of warre , three millions of foot , and halfe a million of horse . A woman in whom there was nothing to bee honoured and applauded , but her insatiable lusts . 2001 5 Ninus , or Aramphel , as the Scripture calls him , 38. 2039 6 Arias 30. 2069 7 Arabius 40. 2109 8 Belus 30. 2139 9 Amatrites 38. 2177 10 Belochus Prisc. 35 2212 11 Belochus Iun. 52. 2264 12 Altades 32. 2296 13 Mamitus 30. 2326 14 Mancaleus 30. 2356 15 Spherus 20. 2376 16 Mancaleus II , 30. 2406 17 Sparetus 40. 2446 18 Ascatades 40. 2486 19 Amintes 45. 2511 20 Beloehus Iun. 25. 2526 21 Bellopares 30. 2586 22 Lamprides 22. 2618 23 Sosares 20. 2638 24 Lampares 30. 2668 25 Panmas 45. 2713 26 Soramas 19. 2732 27 Mitreus 27. 2759 28 Tautanes 32. 2791 29 Tautes 40. 2831 30 Tineus 30. 2861 31 Dercillus 40. 2901 32 Eupales 38. 2939 33 Laostines 45. 2944 34 Pyrithiades 30. 3014 35 Ophrateus 20. 3034 36 Ophraganeus 50. 3084 37 Ascrasapes 24. 3126 38 Sardanapalus 20. Of these 38 Kings we finde scarce any thing remaining but the names , which are in this order registred by Berosus , or rather by Annius a Monke of Viterbum in Tuscanie , who hath thrust vpon the world the fancies of his owne braine , vnder the name of that ancient historian . The chiefe Kings of note after Semiramis were , 1 Ninus , Amraphell or Zameis her son , who sudued the Arians , Bactrians , & Caspians ; but was otherwise a man of effeminate and vnkingly carriage . 2 Belus extended the Assyrian Monarchy to Iudaea , subduing many nations : he was for his valour sirnamed by the after-writers Xerxes , i. e. the warriour , or the conquerour . 3 Mamitus reuiued againe the ancient discipline , corrupted by his predecessours ; he awed Syria , and Aegypt . 4 Ascatades perfected the conquest of Syria . 5 Belochus Priscus was the author of diuination , by the flying of Birds called Auspicium . Of soothsaying there were in all 4 Kings ; 1 this Auspicium , quasi auispicium , taken from the flight of Birds , either on the right or the left : and hence the proverb commeth ami sinistra , good lucke ; because in giuing the right hand is opposite to the receauers left : or from the number of the Birds , whence Romulus was promised the Empire before his brother , because he had seene the double number : or lastly , from the nature of them , whence the same Romulus seeing the vultures was , saith Florus , spei plenus vrbem bellatricem fore , ita illi sanguini & praedae assuetae aves pollicebantur . 2ly Aruspicium ab aras inspiciendo , in which the Soothsayers obserued whether the beast to be sacrificed , came to the Altar willingly or not ; whether the intrailes were of naturall colour , exulcerate , &c. or whether any part was wanting . All Histories and Poets afford variety of examples of this kinde ; I need giue no particular instance . This diuination was first practised by the Hetrurians , who receaued their knowledge from one Tages , who arising to certaine plowmen out of a furrow , taught them this skil and then vanished . 3ly Tripudium quasi ter●ipudium , or terripanium , was a coniecturing of future successes , by the rebounding of crummes cast into chickens . Wee haue an instance of this in the life of Tiberius Gracchus , who being busie about the Law Agraria ; was forewarned by the keeper of his Chickens to desist , because when he had cast the crummmes to the coop , one only of the Chickens came out , and the same without eating returned in againe : which was a signe of ill lucke , as the greedy devouring of them had beene of good . But Tiberius not regarding the omen , was that day slaine . It is said to haue beene invented by the Lycians . 4ly Angurium ab auium garritu , was a pr●diction from the chirping or chattering of Birds ; as also by the sounds and voices we heare we knowne not whence , from what cause . In this latter kinde , the death of Iulius Caesar was diuined , by the clattering of the armour in his house ; & the poisoning of Germanicus by the sounding of a Trumpet of it 's owne accord . In the former an Owle schreeching in the Senate house , was deemed ominous to Augustus : and a company of Crowes accompanying home Seianus , with great clamours and croakings ; was deemed fatall to that great fauorite : and so it prooued . 6 Sardanapalus being wondrous effeminate , and vnworthy to gouerne so potent a nation ; was deposed by Arbaces , Captaine of Media ; and Belochus , Leistenant of Babylon ; who compelled Sardanapalus to burne himselfe with all his riches for feare of more paine . The treasure which Sardanapalus burnt with him , was 100 millions of talents in gold ; and 1000 millions of talents in silver : which in our mony amounteth to 20 thousand and 500 millions of pounds . A masse of mony which surely had not seen the Sunne in many yeares , ( I had almost said ages ) & therefore growne rustie , desired a fire to purge it . This Sardanapalus afforded it ; it may be to end his life with that , in which he placed his Summum bonum : It may be in spight vnto his enimies : and it is possible it might be in policy ; that so great a treasure not fallen to the possession of his foes , might so much the more disable them from making resistance against , or detaining the Empire from his next successor . For it is of all things the most foolish both to loose our treasure , & with it to enrich our aduersaries . On which consideration the Spaniards fired their Indian fleet at Gades , & the Genoais theirs at Tripolis ; that their lading might not come into the possession of their enimies ; the English and Mahumetans . After the death of this Sardanapalus , Arbaces tooke Media and Persia with the confining Prouinces : Belochus strengthned himselfe with Assyria , Chaldaea & the adiacent regions ; his kingdome being called the new kingdome of Assyria . The new Kings of Assyriae , and Chaldea . 3146 1 Phul Belocus , the beginner of this new Monarchy . 3194 2 Phul Assur , destroyed Galile , 23. 3217 3 Salmanasar , who destroyed Samaria , ruined the kingdome of Israel , and carried the 10 Tribes to perpetuall captiuity , 10. This is the Nabonassar of the Chronologers . 3227 4 Sennacherib , whose blaspheamous hoast was vanquished by Angells from heauen , and he himselfe murthered by his two sonnes , 7. 3233 5 Aserrhaddon , who reuenging his fathers death on his brothers , was deposed by his deputy of Chaldea , and the seat royall transferred from Ninivie to Babylon , 10. 3243 6 Merodach Baladan , gouernour of Babylon 40. 3283 7 Ben Merodach 2. 3304 8 Nabocpullassar , wh●vanquished Pharaoh , Necho K. of Egypt , 25. 3339 9 Nabuchodonaser the great , commonly called the Hercules of the East . He conquer'd Egypt , repaired Babylon , subuerted Ninive : & in the 18 yeare of his raign he destroyed Hierusalem , & carried the people captiue vnto Babylon . The last 7 yeares of his raigne , hee was distract of his wits , and liued like the beasts of the field according to the word of God spoken by Daniel cap. 4. during which time his sonne Euilmerodach , Nicrocris his daughter , with her husband Niglissar , and their son Labosarodach ; successiuely gouerned the state , as protectours , and therefore are by some reckoned as kings . Finally Nabuchodonazar hauing recouered his senses , died when he had raigned 44 yeares . 3383 10 Evilmerodach , slaine by Astiages King of the Medes , 26. 3409 11 Balthassar , sonne to Evilmerod●ch , a Prince of dissolute and cruell nature , was assailed by Darius & Cyrus successours of Astiages , by whom his Empire was taken from him , and himselfe slaine 17. A.M. 3426. That this was the end of Balthassar , is the common opinion . But Ioseph Scaliger in his learned and industrious worke , de emendatione temporum , maketh him to bee slaine in a tumult by his owne people : who elected into the Empire a Noble man of the Medes , called in prophane stories , Nabonnedus ; in diuine Darius Medus ; who after a 17 yeares raigne , was slaine by Cyrus King of the Persians . By the leaue of so worthy a man , this cannot hold good . For the Lord by his Prophet Ieremie , had pronounced ( Chap. 27. ) That all nations should serue Nabucadnezzar , and his sonne , and his sonnes sonne : whereas Nabonnedus was a Prince of a strange bloud , and so the nation were not to serue him ; and in Balthassar , the sonnes sonne of Nabuchadnezzar , was this oracle finished . But let vs examine his arguments ; and withall the scoffes , which very prodigally he bestoweth on such as maintaine the contrary opinion . Natio Chronologorum , the whole rout of Chronologers : boni & diligentes viri , good simple meaning men : & addunt alia nihilo veriora , are his first complements . Vt igitur , quod chronologorum est , omnes resipiscant , &c. therefore that they may repent their euer being Chronologers , he bringeth in Berosus , cited by Iosephus , in his first booke against Appion . But Berosus there maketh Nabonnedus ( to whom he saith the kingdome of Balthassar was by the people deliuered ) to be a Babylonian ; and not as Scaliger would haue him say , a noble man of the Medes : neither can the authority of Berosus , countervaile that of Daniel , who in his 6 Chapter telleth Balthassar , that his kingdome should be divided among the Medes and Persians . His 2d argument is drawne from the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in the same Chapter ; and Darius the Mede tooke the Empire : by which word , tooke , is implied , not a forcible inuasion , but a willing acceptance of the Empire offered . To this we answere , that Darius indeed tooke the Empire quietly and willingly ▪ being offered vnto him by Cyrus , and his armie , consisting of Medes and ●ersians : who according to the word of God , had taken it from Baltassar , Darius being then absent . Quid si probauero ( saith he ) eum cognominatum fuisse Medum ? he hath yet one tricke more then all these : and Medus must not be the nationall name , but the surname of Darius ; which he proueth out of a fragment of Megasthenes , cited by Eusebius , in his worke de praeparatione Euangelica , where he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. an argument of all others the most slight and triuiall . For beside● that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may there as well be the name of his nation , as his family ; and besides that it thwarteth the places of Ieremie and Daniell already quoted : it is diametrally opposite to another place of the same Daniell , in his nineth Chapter , where he is called Darius of the seed of the Medes . Of this Darius more anon when we come into Media : As for Nabonnedus , questionlesse he was the same with Balthassar . For besides that Iosephus , and Berosus attribute to either of them the raigne of 17 yeares : the same Iosephus ( who might best knowe the truth in this case ) telleth vs , that Balthassar was by the Babylonians , called Naboandel ; a name not so great a stranger to Nabonnedus , as Scaligers Darius , or Herodotus his Labinitus . But in this , wee must pardon Ioseph : scorne and contradiction was a part of his essence . For had he not beene in some things singular ; in all , peremptory : he had neither beene a Scaliger , nor the sonne of Iulius . After the death of Balthassar , these Prouinces haue hitherto followed the fortune of the stronger potentate : as being subiect to 1 The Persians . 2 Graecians . 3 Romans . 4 Persians 5 Sarracens . 6 Persian Sophies ; from whom during the Persians civill warres , Amurath the 3 Emperour of the Turkes subdued them . OF MEDIA AND PERSIA . MEDIA is limited on the East with Parthia , on the West with Armenia , on the South with Persia , and on the North with the Caspian Sea. This Sea is so call'd from the Caspij , a people of Scythia , whose Southerne coast bordreth on this Sea. 2ly The Hircanian Sea , of Hircania , a neighbour Province of Persia : and now 3ly Mari d● Bacchu of the Citty Bacchu s●ated nigh vnto it . It is the biggest Sea absolu●ely of all them , which haue no commerce with the Ocean . This Country is generally barren , especially in the northern parts ; so that they make their bread for the most part of dried Almonds , their drinke of the roots of certaine hearbs , and feed ordinarily on Venison . Yet is it not defectiue in pasture groūds , here being some grassie plaines of that bignesse , that 50000 horses may pasture on them . Here was that liquor called Oleum Med●acum , with which they vsed to enuenome their arrows which being shot from a slacker bowe ( for a swift and strong motion tooke its vertue from it ) did burne the flesh whereinto it fastned with great violence ; and was of that nature , that nothing could mitigate the furie of it , but dust throwne into the wound ; water rather increasing then allaying the heat and torture . The chiefe Citties are Sultania , famous for the fairest Mosque of the East . 2 Symmachia , the strongest place of all Media , taken by the Turkes An. 1578 ; and made the seat of a Turkish Bashaw by Osman Beg , immediatly after the taking of Tauris 1585. 3 Nassivan called of old Nasuana . 4 Ere 's another strong peece . 5 Ardonille , the birth-place and seat of residence and dominion , to Bunie and Aider , the first authors of the Sophian sect and Empire in Persia : and the buriall place of Ismael the first Sophie or Emperour of Persia , of this line . 6 Tabris , or Tauris , in compasse 16 miles , containing in that space about 200000 inhabitants . The ayre hereof is very wholsome , but windie and cold ; the cause why the Persian kings made it their place of residence in the summer ; as they did Susis in the winter . This Tauris is by some supposed to bee the same with Ecbatana , and hath beene thrice taken by the Turkes ; namely , by Selimus the first ; 2 by Solyman the magnificent ; 3 by Osman , Generall to Amurath the 3d ; who hath fortified it with a Castle . 7 Seruan , whence the whole Prouince is called Sh●ruan . 8 Baccu . Whence the Caspian Sea is called Mari di Baccu . Nigh vnto Media is the Countrey Albania , now called Zuiria , a Cou●try little beholding to the labour or industry of the husbandman ; yet of its owne accord , yeelding for one sowing most times two , sometimes three reapings . As for the people , they greatly honour old age , but account it a soloecisme in manners , to make any mention of the dead : & of these it is that Plinie ( how truely I knowe not ) reporteth , that they are ho●●y haired from their youth and see by night as well as by day . The chiefe Towne is Caucasiae Portae , built hard vpon the hill Caucasus , one of the best fortefied townes of the East : it was said by Plinie to be ingens naturae miraculum , and is now called Derbent ; a strong Citty , enuironed with two walls , and fortefied with iron gates : taken neuerthelesse it was in the last warres against the Persian , and still remaineth vnder the Turkes . The chiefe riuers of this Prouince are Arasse , and Ciro . The ancient Citties of this Country were Laodicea . 2 Apamia . 3 Rhaga , &c PERSIA is bounded on the East with the riuer Indus , on the West with the Persian Gulfe , on the North with the Caspian Sea , and the riuer Oxus ; on the South with the maine Ocean . This Oxus is famous , first for being a bound fatall to monarchies , as we shall tell you when we come into Tartarie : and 2ly for the famous passage of Alexander ouer it . For hauing pursued Bessus , the murderer of Darius , vnto this riuer , & not knowing how to passe ouer it ; there being neither ships on it , nor any timber nigh at hand to build them : hee caused a great many bagges and bladders to be stuffed with strawe ; and so on them in six daies transported his whole armie . So that I may truely say with his owne historian , Vnum id consilium quod necessitas subiecerat , inijt , necessity is the best author of inuentions . The men are much addicted to hospitality , and poetrie ; Lordly in their complements , phantasticall in their apparell , magnificent in expences , louers of learning , maintainers of Nobility , & desirous of peace . The women are gorgeous in attire , delightsome in sequestration of pleasure , truly louing , neat & cleanly . Their religion is Mahumetanisme , in which they differ from the Turks about the successours of Mahomet ( as shall be shewed anon ) and some other circumstances ; hence the Turks reputing them schismaticall , continually persecute them with the fire and the sword . Their language is as much vsed in the East , as the Latine in the West . The Christian religion was planted here , as also in Media , Hircania , Carmania , &c , by S. Thomas ; and in other of the Provinces by S. Andrew . This Empire containeth these seuerall Prouinces . 1 PERSIS , now called Far , abounding in mettalls of Gold , Siluer , and pretious stones ; euery where is moistned with ample lakes , and pleasant springs : a Country fertile in all things , except fruit , which they most want ; as hauing no trees but Palme trees . The chiefe Citties are 1 Siras or Persepolis , built by Perses , sonne to Perseus sonne to Iupiter and Danae ; who also chang'd the name of Elamites into that of Persians . For so we are informed by Isidor Persae ( saith he ) populi sunt à Perseo rego vocati , qui à Graecia Asiam transiens , ibi barbaras gentes graui diuturnoque bello perdomuit , & victor nomē subiectae genti imposuit . This Persepolis was the seat royall of this Empire , for which cause Alexander at the request of the lewd Curtizan Lais , cōmanded it to be set on fire ; but afterward repenting so great a folly , he reedified it . 2 Casbin , the residence of the present Sophies brought hither from Tauris by Sophie Tamas . It is also called Hispaan , and is said to be a daies iourney about on horse backe . It is well walled , and fortefied with a strong for t ; and beautified with two Seraglioes , the walls whereof are made of red marble , and paued with Mosaique worke . The chiefe street hereof is called the Atmaidan , being in figure fouresquare ; euery side a quarter of a mile in length : round about which are scaffolds set , for the people to sit and behold the King and his Nobles , at their exercises of shooting , running , and the like : here also doth the Sophie sometimes administer iustice in person . 3 Sava . 4 Bescant . 5 Lara . 2 SVSIANA , or Cusestan is situate Eastward of Persis . It is so called quasi Chushiana from Chus , the sonne of H●m , the son of Noah ; who first peopled here , and afterward withdrew himselfe more Southwestward , where the three Arabians now are , calling them the land of Chus : which are that land of Chus ( our translatours read it the land of Aethiopia ) which the riuer Gihon is said to encompasse , Gen , 2.13 . this Gihon being indeed the more Westerly branch of the riuer Emphrates . Chus being thus departed this Country , left it to his son Hauilah ; from whence it is in the Scriptures called the land of Hauilah where there is Gold , and which the riuer Pison is said to compasse Gen. 2.11 . which Pison is the Southerne branch of the riuer Tigris or Hiddekel , called by Curtius , Pisotigris , and Pasitigris ; Peruenit ( saith he ) rex ad fluvium , Pasitigrin incolae vocant , which he presently affirmeth to fall into the Persian Sea , as Tigris and Euphrates also doe . Now that there was another land of Hauilah , beside that in India , which we shall in due time mention ; is euident out of the Scriptures : for whereas Saul smote the Amalechites from Sur to Hauilah , 1. Sam. 15.7 . certainely it must be vnderstood of this Hauilah or Susiana , being the Easterne bound of that nation ; and not of Hauilah in India ; it being no where found that Saul was so great a traueller . The chief Citties hereof are 1 Susa , where the ancient Persian Princes vsed to keep Court in time of winter , as being more Southerly then Ecbatana , 2 Saum . 3 Casa . 3 CARMANIA is situate on the East of Susiana . The chiefe Citties are 1 Gad●l . 2 Cobinum . 3 Caramania , ( now , as also the Prouince , called Chyrman ) famous for cloath of Gold , and the best Scimitars ; a weapon of such value amongst the Mahumetaus ; that at the ouerthrow of the Turkish Nauie at Lepanto , the Turkes which were taken prisoners , cast their Seimitars into the Sea , least the Christians should get into their power such excellent weapons . In this Country it was that Alexander being returned out of India , kept his Bacchanalia , in imitation of Bacchus , who had first conquer'd that nation , Night & day he was continually feasting with his friends , on a scaffold drawne with 8 horses ; his companions following in their chariots , some adorned with purple and silke , others with flowres & greene boughs , themselues wearing garlands on their heads , and carrying their carowsing cups in their hands . In this army there was neither helme , sword , arrow , or buckler seene● al their armour was cups , barrells , and flaggons ; their skirmishing , eating , drinking , laughing , and singing . Attended they were by minstrells , playing on their Flutes , by women dancing , boyes shooting , all playing the drunken fooles most naturally . Thus marched they through the Country of Carmania , in as great dissolutenesse , as if Bacchus himselfe indeed had beene there , & lead the mummery ; and for seauen whole daies this sottishnes continued . So that Curtius well obserueth : Si quid victis saltem aduersus comessantes animi fuisset , mille hercule viri , modo & sobrij , septem dierum crapula graues in suo triumpho capere potuerun● ; a thousand sober men of the Persians , had their hearts beene answerable to the occasion , might haue defeated this drunken armie , and recouered the libertie of their Country . 4 GEDROSIA confineth Eastward on Carmania , and extendeth to the riuer Indus . The chiefe Citty is Gedroson . In this Country it was that Alexander placed the monument of his Indian conquest . For intending to make his name immortall among that barbarous people , he made on the Westerne banke of Indus ( which is in Gedrosia the forme of a campe ; enlarged it with greater Cabbins then were sufficient for a man to lodge in ; and builded in it higher mangers then horses could feed in . He caused also armours to be made of bigger proportion then his Souldiers bodies ; & Bits for horses of extraordinary compasse and length ; all which hee scattered about his Campe for the sauage people in time to come to wonder at . All that he did in this was , the occasioning of a suspition in many vnderstāding men , that his actions were lesse then it is thought ; since hee laboured so earnestly to make them thought more then they were . 5 DRANGIANA lieth Northward to Gedrosia : the chiefe Citties are 1 Timocani , 2 Sishan ( formerly Prolasia ) ▪ 3 Sige , whence the whole Prouince is now named Sigeshan . 4 Mulebet where Aladine , a seditious Persian , made a terrestriall Paradice , which he promised to al his Partizans : but the company growing too great for the safety of the kingdome , they were al quickly dispersed ; and Aladine with his fooles Paradice both taken away together . Some attribute this fiction of Paradice to Aladeules the mountaine-King of Anti Taurus , vanquished by Sel●m the first . The whole story is thus : Aladine inhabited a vallie in this Country , the entrance into which he fortified with a strong Castle called Tigado . Hither hee brought all the lustie youths , and beautifull maidens of the adioyning Prouinces ▪ The women were confined to their chambers , the men to prison ; where hauing endured much sorrow , they were seuerally cast into dead sleepes , and conueyed to the women , where they were entertain'd with all the pleasures youth & lust could desire , or a sensuall minde affect . Hauing inioyed this happinesse a whole day , they were in a like sleepe convaied to their irons . Then would Aladine informe them how they had beene in Paradice , and that he could seat them there eternally , if they durst hazard their liues in his quarrells . This when they had sworne to doe , they were destinated to the massacre of such Princes , as were like to proue his bad neighbours ; and they accordingly did execution . These men the Italians call Assassines ( whence we vse the phrase to Assassinate ) the name importing as much as theeues or cut-throats : such a one was he who murdered the Count to Tripolis in the warres for the holy land ; and such a one was he who so desperately wounded our Edward the first , at the siege of Ptolemais or Acon . 6 ARIA is situate North on Drangiana , it is now called Sargulzar , the chiefe Citty being called Aria . The people of this Country hauing rebelled against Alexander , were by him vanquished ; and compelled to hide themselues in a Caue , situate on the top of an vnaccessible rocke ; and with small strength easily defended . But to Alexander nothing was impossible , for he piling vp a great masse of timber euen with the caues mouth when the winde conueniently serued , set it on fire . By this device the Caue was filled so full of heat and smoake , that most were stifled , some halfe burnt , and the rest contented to yeeld to the Victors mercy . In this Country also it was that Philotas his treason against Alexander was discouered , & himselfe accordingly rewarded . Finally , of this Country Satibarzanes was gouernour , who reuolting from Alexander , and ioyning battailes with him , boldly challenged any of Alexanders Captaines . This challenge was accepted by Eriguis , an aged , but spiritfull Souldier ; who speaking alowd , quales milites Alexander habeat ostendam , gaue the onset , and at the second venew slew him . After whose death the Arians returned to their obedience . 7 ARACHOSIA is Eastward on Drangiana . Hereabouts the mountain Taurus is called Caucasus , on which vinctum Promethea fuisse antiquitas tradit , saith the Historian . Prometheus is indeed by the Poets sained to haue stolne fire from heauen , and to haue made a man of clay : for which presumptuous fact , Iupiter bound himon the hill Caucasus ; where a vulture cōtinually fed on his Liuer . But according either to the truth of story , or their guesse at least , who make some story the ground of euery Fable ; Prometheus being a very wise man , instructed the dead and clayie carcasses of others with wisdome : and that being very desirous to learne the nature of the starres , ( which is the fire he stole from heauen ) he made the highest part of Mount Caucasus his studie : where the inward care he had to accomplish his desire , might iustly haue bin compared to a vulture gnawing on his entrailes ; and of this opinion is S. Augustine . The chiefe cities of this Countrie are 1 Sin , 2 Cabul , called anciently Alexandria , or ( for distinctions sake ) Alexandria Arachosiae . It was built by Alexander , at the foot of the hill Caucasus , and made a Macedonian Colonie ; here being 7000 old Macedonian souldiers left by him to people and inhabite it . The whole Country is called now by the new name of the towne Cabul . 8 PARAPOMISVS is North to Arachosia , it tooke its name from the mountaine Taurus , which extending it selfe through all Asia , is called according to the diuersity of places after diuers names ; and in these parts . Parapomisus . A mountainous and hillie Countrie it is , scarce knowne in the time of Alexander to its next borderers : at what time the people were so rude , that the barbarous Nations their neighbors held them not worthie their acquaintance . Agreste hominum genus , & inter Barbaros maximè inconditum , saith Curtius . The hills were high and barren , the valleyes indifferently fruitfull , but so shadowed with the mountaines , that their clearest day was but a twilight . Their buildings were base and low , their villages smal and beggerly : Their chiefe towne is now callrd Candatura , a well frequented market . 9 SACA lyeth yet more North on the borders of Scythia , the people hereof called the Sacae , were the progenitours of the Saxons ; who leauing their country , seated themselues in the North part of Germanie : where they increased both in multitude & valour , growing a terror to their neighbours . The people of this Country liue yet in a barbarous fashion , hauing neither towne , nor house ; but liuing in caues , and making theft their best calling . 10 HIRCANIA is situate somewhat Eastward from Sacae , and bordereth Northward on the Hircanian or Caspian Sea. The whole Prouince is nothing but a continued Forrest in a manner ; and so Alexander when he conquered this Countrie found it . For the Hircanians so tied the boughs and spriggs of the trees together , that it was impossible for Alexander to come at them , till with incredible paines to his souldiers , he had caused the wood to be cut downe : at sight of which , the people whose hope was , that the Kings more earnest affaires would not licence him to stay so long about the enterprise ; yeelded themselues . These Forrests giue lurking holes to infinit numbers of Tigers , celebrated in all Writers for their horrible fiercenesse ; whence it grew to a common adage concerning cruell men , that they had sucked a Hircanian Tiger . Hircanaeque admôrunt ubera Tigres . The chiefe cities hereof , are Telebrota , 2 Samariana , 3 Carta , and 4 No●barea , once honoured with an Oracle . The chiefe riuers in all these Prouinces are Bundimire and Ilment , 3 Sirto , and 4 Hidero ▪ with diuers others ; some of which haue so s●eep a fall into the sea , that vnder the waters the people resort to sacrifice or banquet ; the streame shooting violently ouer their heads without wetting of them . Particularly the riuer Zioberis in Hircania , is most famous ; which rising out of the hils of that Country , and hauing runne a long continued course , hideth his waters vnder the earth for the space of 38 miles , and riseth againe into the riuer Rodagho , an other riuer of that Country also . It is said that Alexander made tryall of the truth hereof , by casting into the water two oxen , whom the streame at its owne rising cast vp againe . The Medes so called of Madai the sonne of Iaphet , were subdued by Ninus , the 3d Monarch of the Assyrian● : vnder whose command they long continued faithfull , till the degenerate life of Sardanapalus , incited Belochus gouernour of Babylon , and Arbaces Lieftenant-generall in Media , and the adioyning Region , to lay a foundation of their own future greatnes . The disposer of kingdomes suted their thoughts with an end answerable to their desires . Belochus retained Assyria ; and Arbaces is inthronized in the maiesticall palace of the Medes . The Monarchs of the Medes . 3146 1 Arbaces , ( in whose time Phidon an Argiue , found out the vse of weights and measures ) was the founder of the Median Monarchie . 3174 2 Madanes . 50 3224 3 Sosarmus . 30 3254 4 Medsdus . 25 3279 5 Cardicceas . 13 3292 6 Deiocis , who founded Ecbatana . 17 3309 7 Pha●r●●s a man of great prowesse and fortune : he made all Asia stand in feare , and compelled the Persians to be his tributaries . 22 3331 8 Cya●xes vnited to his Empire the Saracens , and the Parthians . This King was so ouer-laid by the Scythians , who in the reigne of Phaortes had broke into Media , that he was litle better then their rent-gatherer . But hauing endured them for aboue two yeares , he plotted their final extirpation , & committed his designe to the nobles , who willingly gaue eare to it . One night they invited the chiefe of the Scythians to a banquet , where hauing well liquor'd them , and put them all to the sword ; the baser sort willingly returned homewards . 40 3371 9 Astiages , who hauing married his daughter Mandanes to Cambises King of Persia , dreamed that she had made so much water , as drowned all Asia : hereupon hee commanded Harpagus one of his Noblemen to see the Child killed ; but he loathing so cruell a fact , committed the charge of executing the Kings Commandement , to Mithridates the Kings heard-man . He preserued the life of the yong infant , whose fortune at last lifted him vp to the Persian Monarchie ; when abhorring his Grandfather for that intended cruelty , he both bereft him of his kingdome , and confined him to Hircania , when he had raigned 35 yeares , A.M. 3406. 3406 10 Cyaxares , sonne to Astiages , of the age of 52 yeares , succeeded his father . For Cyrus pretending no quarrell to his Vncle , who had neuer wronged him ; left vnto him the Kingdome of Media , and tooke vnto himselfe the soueraigntie of Persia , which before was tributary to the Medes . At this diuision of the Median Empire , as Torniellus in his Annals , ( and that not improbably ) is of opinion , it was also agreed on , that Cyrus should take the daughter and onely child of Cyaxares to wife ; that they should both ioyne together in subduing of their neighbours ; that whatsoeuer they wonne , should then belong to Cyaxares , ( who was euen then an olde Prince ) during his life ; and that Cyrus should bee his heire . In the twentieth yeare of their seuerall raignes , they tooke Babylon , slew Baltazar , and destroyed the Empire of the Chaldeans . This action , the Scriptures attribute wholly to Cyaxares ( who is by them called Darius Medus ) whereof S. Hierome alleageth three reasons , 1o ordo aetatis , 2o regni , 3o propinquitatis : 1 Darius was older , 2ly the Empire of the Medes was more famous then that of the Persians ; and 3ly the Vncle ought to bee preferred before the Nephew . We may adde to these three , the composition aboue-mentioned , made betweene these Princes , at the beginning of their diuided reignes . The Greeke Writers attribute the victory onely to Cyrus , and that on three reasons also . 1 the Persians desirous to magnifie Cyrus their owne Country-man , gaue him all the glory of the action ; and from the Persians the Greekes had it . Secondly , Cyrus only was imployed in the siege , ( Darius then being absent ) and by his valour and conduct , was the Empire of the Chaldaeans ruined : and thirdly Darius liued not fully two yeares after this great victorie , so that before remote Nations had taken notice of the conquest , Cyrus was in the Throne . Iosephus onely in the II Chapter of his 10 Booke , cutteth the thread euen betweene these two Princes , & telleth vs that Darius with his allie Cyrus , destroyed the estate of the Babylonians . That this Darius Medus of Daniel , is the Cyaxares of the Greekes , is more then manifest . For Iosephus in the place aboue-cited telleth vs , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; that he was Astiages sonne , and is otherwise called by the Greekes : now aske the Greekes what was the name of Astiages sonne ; and Xenophon will tell you , that it was Cyaxares . As for the name of Nabon●edus , which Ioseph Scaliger in spight of reason , and the whole world of Chronologers , would thrust vpon this Darius Medus : we haue already refelled it , though we are not ignorant , that Helvicus , and Calvisius , two worthy Writers , haue followed him as in all his Can●n , so also in this particular errour . Af●er the death of this Cyaxares , Cyrus succeeded in his Throne , and the Empire of the Medes was incorporate into that of the Persians . The Monarchy of the Persians . 3406 1 Cyrus hauing vanquished Astiages , vnited to his Empire of Persia , the Countries of Armenia , Phrygia , Cappadocia , Arabia , and also the Mona●chy of the Assyrians : af●er which victories he was slaine by Tomiris a Queene of Scythia . This Cyrus is magnified by Xenoph●n , as Aeneas by Virgil , Vlysses by Homer . ●9 3435 2 Cambises subdued Psamniticus the last King of Aegypt , which Countrey he vnited to his owne Empire . He hauing a minde to marry his owne sister , was told by the Wisemen , that they knew no law admitting such a coniunction , but that there was a law , that the Persian Kings might doe what they listed . This King was a very bloudy Tyran . The inter-regnum of the Magi. Cambises at his expedition into Aegypt , constituted Patizithes one of the Magi , Vice-Roy in his absen●e , He hearing of the kings death , conferr'd the Kingdome on his own son Smerdis , making the people belieue that he was the brother of Cambises : A matter of no difficultie , considering how retirement from the publique view , was a chie●e point of the Persian maiestie . But the Nobles either knowing the true Smerdis to bee slaine , or suspecting the ouer-much retirednes of the new king , began to search out the matter . Otanes had a daugther , which was one of the kings concubines ; her he commanded when the King took next his pleasure with her , she should feele whether he had any cares , for Cambises ( in I know not what humour ) had cut off the eares of this Magus . This commandement shee obeying , found out the falshood . The seuen Princes inform'd of this imposture , ioyne together , and slew this Pseudo-Smerdis in the 8 moneth of his reigne . This done , to auoide contention , they agreed among themselues , that the seuen Princes meeting in the palace greene , should acknowledge him for King , whose horse before the rising of the Sunne , first neighed . The euening before the day appointed , Darius horse-keeper brought his masters horse into the greene , together with a ma●e which the horse then couered . In the morning the Princes met , and Darius horse knowing the place , and missing his mare , neighed lustily ; and the Princes presently acknowledge Darius king . The restoring of the Kingdome . 3443 3 Darius Histaspis , one of the seuen Persi●n Princes or Gouernours , thus elected King , tooke Babylon ( which had revolted ) by the ingenious fetches of Zopirus , and ouercame all Asia , and Greece . He is called in the Bible Ahasuerus , and had for his second wi●e Hester 36 3479 4 Xerxes to reuenge the ouerthrow at Marathron , attempted to subdue the Greekes : by whom he was ouerthrowne in the navall battle of Salamis ; and that famous & honourable exploit of the Grecians at Thermopilae . 21. 3500 5 Artaxerxes Longinanus was he who sent Esdras to rebuild the Temple of the Lord ; and receiued Themistocles being banished from Athens 44 3544 6 Darius Nothus 19 , in whose time Aegypt revolted . 3563 7 Ar●axerxes Mnemon . 36 3599 8 Ochus surpassing Cambises in tyrauny , first slew his two brothers , then recouered Aegypt , subdued Cyrus , Iudaea , and Syria . 26 3625 9 Arsames slaine villainously by the Eunuch Bagoas ; lest he should reuenge the death of his Father , whom this Bagoas had also slaine 4 3629 10 Darius Gouernour of Armenia , was by the means of Bagoas made sole Monarch of Persia : he was ouerthrowne by Alexand●r the Great in three battles , viz : of Granucins , of Cilicia , and of Arvela : and so the Empire of the Medes and Persians was transferred to the Macedonians , A.M. 3625. The certaine revenues of this Monarchy seeme to haue been 1456 Talents ; for so much the last Darius yearely receiued . What the casuall revenues were , is doubtfull ; though manifest it is that they farre exceeded the certaine . For 1 the Persian Monarchs were Kings of 127 Prouinces : Secondly , Darius offered to Alexander for the ransome of his mother & two daughters , 30000 talents of gold ▪ Thirdly , Alexander found in the treasurie of Damascus 2600 talents ; in that of Susa 50000 talents of gold vncoyned , in that of Pasargadis , 6000 talents , in that of Echbatana 26000 talents ; in that of Persepolis 120000 talents ; in all 204600 talents , besides the infinite riches of the treasurie of Babylon , yeelded into his hands by Bag●phanes , and other places of note , not particularly specified , a h●ge and vnspekable summe . Fourthly , in that the gold and riches which Alexander , now a conquerour , sent from Persia to Macedon and Greece , ( besides that which euery Captaine and common Souldier had prouided and laid vp for his own maintenance ) loaded 10000 Mules , and 5000 Camels . After this ouerthrow of the Persian Monarchie , this nation lay obscure 535 yeares , viz : from the yeare 3635 yeare of the world , to the 228 yeare of Christ : of which time they were 83 yeares vnder the Syrian successours of Alexander ; and 452 yeares vnder the Arsacidan kings of Parthia ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. For after Darius had lost his kingdome to Alexander the Macedonian , and after the Victor himselfe was dead also , the more potent Captaines diuided Asia among them . But discords daylie arising , and the Macedonian puissance by these often broyles not smally broken ; Arsaces one of the Parthian nobility , perswaded the barbarous people of the East , and among them the Persians , to cast off the Greeke yoke , and stand for their libertie : he himselfe taking vpon him the title of King , & investing himselfe with a Diademe , A.M. 3718. The Persian● by this revolt , got litle or nothing , hauing indeed not changed the tyrannie , but the tyrant : yet vnder the Parthian gouernment they continued till A.C. 228 At that time the Parthians hauing beene barbarously by Caracalla massacred , and after , in a battle , which continued three dayes , shrewdly broken by Macrinus , ( as there we shall more fully informe you : ) Artaxerxes a generous minded Persian , his name ( no doubt ) suggesting high thoughts vnto him ; husbanded this oportunity so well , that he slew Artabanus the last king of Parthia , and once more brought the royall seate into Persia. Yet was not this so easily effected , the Parthians notwithstanding their ●ormer losses , maintaining a cruell fight for three dayes together : so difficult was it to vanquish that nation , when their forces were broken ; impossible , when they were whole . Artaxerxes , proud of this successe , sent a peremptory embassie vnto Alexander Severus , the then Roman Emperour , to haue all the Prouinces in Asia , which had formerly belonged to the Persian Monarchy , re-deliuered vnto him a matter not so easily granted as demanded . For Severus to suppresse so insolent an enemy , marched toward Persia with an Army Romanly appointed ; which , to finde his enemy more worke , h●e diuided into three parts : whereof the first was appoin●ed ●o march into M●diz ; the second into Parthia ; the third , himselfe led in the mid-way betweene both ; to succour both as occasion required . This deuice succeeded not happily ; for his two first Armies being by the Persians broken , he with much danger and haste , retired backe with the third . This was a good beginning for the Persian Empire , the establishment followed not long after ; Aurelianus the Emperour being vanquished and taken prisoner by Sapores the second King of this race ; so that now the name of the Persian grew so terrible to the Romans , that Constantine the Great transplanted all the Colonies and Garrisons of the North-west parts of the Empire , into the East ; to keepe the Persians from growing too farre vpon the Roman Prouinces : & remooued also the seate of the Empire nigher vnto them , from Rome to Constantinople . And thus hauing shewne you the beginning and establishment , the foundation and building of the new kingdome of the Persians ; take along with you the Catalogue of their Kings , vntill they once more lost the soueraignty of their own Nation , and became slaues againe . The second race of the Persian Kings . A.C. 228 1 Artaxerxes . 15 243 2 Sapores 31 274 3 Ormisdates . 1 275 4 Vararanes 3. 278 5 Vararanes II. 16 294 6 Vararanes , III. 294 7 Narses 7. 302 8 Misdates 70 310 9 Sapar 7 380 10 Artaxerxes II. 11 391 11 Sapores , II 5 396 12 Varanes 10 406 13 Isd gertes 21 427 14 Vararanes IV. 20 447 15 Vararanes V. 17 464 16 Perozes 20 484 17 Valens 4 488 18 Canades 11 499 19 Lambases . 4 503 20 Canades ( again ) 30 533 21 Cosroes 48 581 22 Hormisdas 8 589 23 Cosroes 39 628 24 Siroes 1 629 25 Adhesir . 26 Sarbatus . 27 Bornarim . 28 Hormisda : who being vanquished by Haumar and his Saracens , Anno 634 ; buried the glory of this renowned Nation , in the graue of obliuion and infamie . The Saracenicall Caliphs , hauing added this kingdome to their huge Empire , appointed here their Deputies , whom they honoured with the name of Sultan or Sold●ns ; which were for a long tract of time , true receiuers and repayers of the profites and intrado , due to their Emperours or Caliphs . At last Mahomet a Persian Sultan , intending to shake off the decaying cōmand of the Babylonian Caliph , and not being able to compasse so great a designe , without the assistance of a forraine power ; called the Turkes to his succour : by whose meanes he ouerthrew Pisafiris the Caliph ; and denying the Turkes leaue to returne home , compelled them to seeke their owne s●fety , in the ruine of him and his new kingdome ; into which succeeded Tangrolipix the Turkish Captaine , Anno 1030. The third race , or the Turkish Kings of Persia. 1030 1 Tangrolipix . 2 Axan , of whose successours I am so farre from finding register , that I neuer read but only of 1198 Cussanes ; who was vanquished by Zingis and his Tartars , Anno 1202 : and thus ended , and thus beganne the Turkish and Tartarian Kingdomes , or Dynasties in Persia. The fourth race , or Tartarian Kings of Persia. 1 Haalon appointed King by Zingis the great Cham. 2 Habkaikason . 3 Nicador Oglan . 4 Tangador . 5 Argonaan . 6 Geniotukon . 7 Baduham . 8 Gazim . 9 Abuzaid , after whose death , the more potent Princes seased on the chiefe parts of the Kingdome . In this confused Anarchie it remained , till the Tartarians burning in ciuill dissention ; gaue a kind opportunity to Gempsas a Parthi●n Sultan , to free his owne subiects and the Persians from the Tartarian bondage : who entred seuerally with an Army royall into the country , which he quickly made his owne ; the competitors in this common danger , neither , laying aside their priuate hatreds , nor so much as joyning together in counsell to gi●e him resistance ; but seuerally fighting , were all vanquished . This effected , he was with a generall consent both of the Commons and Nobility , chosen Sultan or King of Persia. The fift race , or Parthian Kings of Persia. 1450 1 Gemsas , Soldan of Parthia . His issue did not long enioy the Persian Monarchy : for Tamberlan like a violent whirlewinde , driuing all the East before him , dispossessed the Parthian race of Persia , leauing it to his sonne . But Philosophie teacheth vs , that no violent motion is of long continuance ; & policy may instruct vs , that a kingdome forced to bow vnder a populous army , is not so established to its ouer-runner ; but that the fury of the warre once past , it may and doth recouer its former liberty : like a reed or tender plant , which yeeldeth to a furious winde ; but the storme once ouer-blowne , it recouereth its former straightnesse . So fared it with the Tartarians , for not long after the death of Tamberlane , the Parthian race recouered this kingdome , the last of which line was 2 Malaoncres , ouercome in fight by 1453 3 Vssan Cussanes , a Prince of the Armenians . 4 Iacup . During the raigne of these two latter kings , hapned this memorable alteration of Religion and state in ●ersia . Mahomet the Law giuer of the Saracens , by his last Will and Testament , bequeathed to his cosen Hali , being the husband to his daughter Fatime , all his estate , with the title of Caliph : but Abubezer , Haumar , and Osmen , three powerfull men of Arabia , and great assistants to Mahomet , successiuely followed one another in the Caliphate . After their death , Hali hoped a more comfortable Sunne would shine vpon his sincere proceeding ; but Mnavias a valiant man of warre obtained that dignity ; and to hinder all future claimes , slew Hali with his sonne Ossan , and 11 of the sonnes of this Ossan , the twelfth escaping with life . From this twelfth sonne , by name Musa Ceresin , one Guine Sophie deriued his pedegree , Anno 1360 ; & considering that now there had no Caliph beene in long time , began to contriue the establishing of that honourable estate , in his owne family : but he leauing this life , left also the rude lump of his begunne proiects , to be licked ouer with the industrie of his sonne Aider Sophie : He being a man of great sanctity and much power , as fortified with the surest bulwarke , viz : the constant affection of the people ; was thought by Vssan Cussanes , a husband worthy of his daughter . But Iacup his sonne and successor , seeing the glory of this sunne , to obscure the lesser lamp of his reputation ; and fearing what he could doe , not what he would , cau●ed him to be slaine : and deliuered Ismael and Solyman his two sonnes to Amazar one of his Captaines , to cast them in prison . Amazar of a more ingenious disposition , afforded them not only liberty , but also good education : insomuch that Ismael Sophie , a towardly yong gentleman , vowed reuenge for the death of his father ; which vow he fulfilled , hauing ouercame and slaine King Iacup , and his sonne Elvan . After this victory , he being crowned King or Sophie , or Shangh of Persia , altered the forme of Religion , making Hali and himselfe the true successours of Mahomet : but condemning Ab●bezer , Haumar , and Osmen , with the Turkes , as rebels and Schisma●icks . Hence proceeded the diuers iarres , which to the Persians losse haue hapned betweene them and the Turkes ; the Persians burning whatsoeuer booke or monument they finde concerning those three ; and the Turkes holding it more meritorious to kill one Persian , then 70 Christians . Surius in his Commentaries , writing purposely the acts of this Ismael , saith ; that the Iewes on some fond conceit , were strongly perswaded that he was their Messias : but it proued quite contrary , there neuer being man that more vexed and grieued them , then he . The sixt race , or Sophies of Persi● . 1 Ismael Sophie . 2 Tamas . 1575 3 Ismael ● menses . 4 Aider Mirises 15 dayes . 1576 5 Mahomet Codobanda , seated in the throne by his sister Periancona , who slew her brother Ismael , and betrayed Aider : during these ciuill broyles , Amurath took from them Media , and all Armenia . 1585 6 Abas ( for ought I can learne ) now liuing . The compasse of this Sophian Empire , is , or was before the avulsion of the two Prouinces , 4560 miles ; being of equall length and breadth ; euery side of which quadrangle extended it selfe 1140 miles . The revenues in the dayes of Sophie Tamas , amounted to 4 or 5 millions of gold ; which hee , by doubling the value of his coyne , raised to 8 millions ; but now they are much diminished ; and the Turke hauing gotten from them so much ground , as is diuided into 40000 Timariots , & receiuing the yearly income of one million . Thus much of the Persian State. OF PARTHIA . PARTHIA is bounded on the East with Aria , on the West with Media , on the North with Hiroania , and on the South with Charmania . It is now called Erach . The chiefe cities are 1 Guerde , 2 Iesdi , 3 Hispaa , ( formerly Hircatompile ) of that bignesse , that the Persians call it hyperbolically , Halfe the world . 4 Tigranocerta , built by Tigranes King of Armenia . 5 Ctesiphon the royall seat of the Arsacides : a Town diuers times besieged by the Roman Emperours , but most commonly without successe . Vnder the walls of this Town died Iulian the Apostata , a bitter enemie to the Faith of Christ. For though he was no open persecutor , yet he forbade the Christians the vse of prophane learning : thinking the prohition of that , to bee the principall meanes to weaken the Faith of Christ ; the vse whereof our moderne Schismatickes thinke to bee the onely hinderance of the inlargement of the number of the faithfull . Not considering how that confutation is most powerfull , which is drawne from the doctrine and tenets of our aduersaries : nor calling to minde how S. Paul in his Epistles , citeth in the first of Titus , Epimenides ; in the 17th of the Acts , Aratus ; and in the first and 15th of the Corinths , the Poet Euripides . But see , the vngodly policie of this Emperour , hath drawne me out of my way . I returne . The Parthians are descended from the Scythians , ( whose language , though somewhat mixt with the Median tongue , they yet retaine ) who being banished their natiue soyle , peopled these parts , and were called Parthians , i. ● Exles . A rude people they were , and so base , that none of Alexanders Captaine ; would vouchsafe to be their king . At last they were brought to a ciuill conformity of manners , apparell , and warlike discipline , by their first King Arsaces ; in ●onour of whom all their Kings were called Arsacides , as the Roman Emperors Caesars ; the Aegyptian Kings Pharaohs , and Ptolomies . At the first rising of this A●saces , Seleuc●● Callenicus King of Syria , vnder whose Empire they were , made head against him● but Arsaces was victorious ; since which victory , the Parthians kept the day whereon it was wonne , as festiuall ; that being the first day of their liberty and reputation . This people were much addicted to shooting with bowes , and profited in this exercise so well , that they were accounted the most expert Archers in the World. Hence was it that M. Crassus in his expedition against them , being told by an Astrologer , that his iourney would proue disastrous , because the Sunne had some euill aspect in Scorpio : cryed , tush , tush , I feare not Scorpio , but Sagittarius . They vsed to fight most when they retired , making their retreat more dismall then the onset : Shooting sometimes from betweene their legges , sometimes backwards , Terga conversi metuenda Parthi , ( as Seneca saith . ) Certainely the Aire and Earth seeme to haue combined together to make them expert in archery and horsemanship . Caelum enim quod siccum est , nervos intentos facit , regio tota plana est , & ob eam rem equis accommodata : the aire being dry , seasoneth their strings ; and the Country plaine , exerciseth their horse . Next the Parthians , I am perswaded that the English haue bin reputed the best bow-men ; these hauing gotten as many noble victories ouer the French , as euer the other did ouer the Roman . At this time archery is euery-where neglected , the gunne silencing all former offensiue weapons , but how iustly I know not : it is a disputation aboue my moderating , Sir Iohn Smith , and Sir Roger Williams hauing defended their seuerall parts in it , and many good iudgements siding with the one and the other . I come now to the Kings . The Kings of Parthia . A.M. 3718 1 Arsaces 23 3741 2 Mi●hridates 20 3761 3 Pampatius 12 3773 4 Pharnaces 8 3781 5 Mithridates II subdued Media : 6 Phraortes . 3857 7 Artabanus 8 Mithridates III 3903 Herodes , who vanquished Crassus , & slew 20000 Romans , and because Crassus was so couetous , he caused molten gold to bee powred downe his throate . This disgrace was after reuenged by Ventidius , Marke Antonies Lieftenant , the first man that euer triumphed ouer the Parthians ; of whom he slew a great number , and amongst the rest Pacorus the Kings sonne . The day of the battail being the same in which Crassus had formerly bin discomfited . Ventidius after this victorie , was in faire possibility to haue ruined his kingdome , or at least shrewdly shaken it ; had not Antonie in an enuious humour , called him from that seruice . Finally Herodes was slaine by his sonne Phraortes . 10 Phraartes II a valiant Prince , but wicked and cruell , against him marched Marcus Antonius with a populous armie , which wa●ted little of an absolute ouerthrow : of 16 legions scarce sixe returned home in safety . This King submitted himselfe and Kingdome vnto Augustus , restoring the Roman ensignes , and freeing the Captiues taken at the defeat of Crassus . The only marke of the Parthians subiection , was their receiuing Kings at the appointment of the Senate and Emperours of Rome , which also lasted not long . Foure Kings of the Arsacidan stock succeeded , viz : 11 Phaartes , 12 Orodes , 13 Vonon , 14 Tiridite● ▪ who was dispossessed of his kingdome and life , by Artabanus a stranger to the blood . ● Artabanus the first King of the Parthians , not being of the Arsacidan line . 2 Bardanes , 3 Goterzes , 4 Vonones , 5 Vologeses , 6 Artabanus II , 7 Pacorus , 8 Cosroes , 9 Parnaspates , 10 Vologeses II , 11 Vologeses III. 12 Artabanus the last King of Parthia , whose ouer-throw by the valour of Artaxerxes , the first Persian king of the second race , was the period of this flourishing estate ; which in her chiefest glory was the sole Lady of 18 subordinate Kingdomes . This subuersion of the Parthian state , as it was primarily wrought by the vnresistible power of Heauen ; so may wee referre it , as to a second cause vnto the barbarous massacre of this people by Antoninus Caracalla , and a quarrell thence arising , Caracalla hauing negotiated a marriage with this Artabanus daughter , and going to solemnize the nuptials , was met by the old King ; accompanied with the flower of his soldiers , people , and nobles , in their triumphall ornaments . No sooner was this honourable retinue come nigh his Armie , but the watch word giuen , the Roman soldiers ( according to their Emperours directions ) put them all to the sword ; the King himselfe hardly escaping with life . Caracalla being dead , Macrinus his successor was assaulted by the reenforced Parthians , who after a three-dayes battaile , hearing how Caracalla had bin slaine by Macrinus , made peace with him , there hauing beene in these 3 dayes businesse , great losse on both sides : so that it was now no mastery for the Persians to surprise a kingdome thus weakned , and vnable to make resistance . Parthia thus conquered , Anno 228 , continued a member of the Persian Monarchie , till the ouer-throw of Ormusda the last of the second race : when this Country falling together with Persia into the hands of the Caliphs , had her proper Sultans . Aº 1350 , Gempsas a Soldan of this Countrie , recouered the reputation of the Parthians , by subduing the Persians , as we haue told you : and together with Persia , it is now subiect to the Sophios . Thus much of Parthia . OF TARTARIA . TARTARIA is bounded on the East with the Easterne Ocean , on the West with Muscouie , and Moldauia ; on the North with the Scythicke , or frozen Ocean ; & on the south with Mare Caspium , the hill Taurus , and the wall of China . This Country extendeth it selfe from East to West , 5400 miles ; and from North to South , 3600 miles . This Country was of old knowne by the name of Scythia ; whose inhabitants were the posterity of Magog , the son of Iaphet ; called first Magogins afterward Scythes from Scythus their first King. The seuerall inhabitants were first Essedones , men who reioyced most at their parents deaths ; of whose heads trimly wrought , and rounded with Gold , they vsed to make their carowsing cups . 2 Agathyrsi , who vsed to paint themselues ; euery one the more noble he was , the more deformed & stained : for which cause , some haue conceited our Pictes , to haue drawne their originall from hence . 3 Nomades , who having no houses , vsed there to abide longest , where the fodder for their cattle was best ; which being once consumed , they departed . 4 Axiacae , who were very valiant , but withall barbarous and inhumane ; vsing in their warres to drinke the blood of him whom they first slewe , euen as it distilled out of his wounds . 5 Geloni , who vsed to apparell themselues with the skinnes of their enimies heads ; and their horses with the skinne of their bodies . and 6 Neuri , of whom ( beleeue it who list ) it is reported , that they could turne themselues into Wolues , and anon againe resume their true being . The Country by reason of the many riuers running through and sometimes ouerflowing it ; was very abundant in grasse : but in fuell so deficient , that their fires were made of bones , insteed of wood . This name of Scythia extending it selfe into Europe , euen vnto all regions lying North from Danubius , called also Sarmatia , and Scythia Europaea : and so populous hath it alwaies beene ▪ that it is by diuerse authors stiled the mother of all inundations , vagina gentium , and officina genoris humani . From hence indeed Hunns , Herules , Franks , Bulgarians , Circassians , Sueues , Burgundians , Turkes , Tartarians , Dutch , Cimbers , Normans , Almaines , Ostrogothes , Tigurins , Lombards , Vandals , Visigothes : Haue swarmed like Locusts round about this ball , And spoyl'd the fairest Prouinces of all . As she was populous , so were the people also valourous . They thrice ouerranne all Asia , ouercame the Egyptians , Parthians , Medes , and Persians ; these last by the hands of a woman , viz : Tomyris : who to reuenge the death of her son Spargapises slaine by Cyrus , encountred him in open field , cut of 200000 of his men , & chopping off his head threw it into a cauldron of bloud saying , Satia te sanguine quem sitisti . Darius the successour of Cambises , either to reuenge this ouerthrowe , or to get reputation , or to requite a former incursion of this people into Asia , in the time of Cyarxes which we before haue mentioned ; entred with a huge armie : but with little honour and lesse safety , as we shall anon perceaue . These were the only armies that euer were brought into Scythia , no potentate after this daring to enter the Country in hostile manner . The Kings of Scythia . 1 Scytha . 2 Napis . 3 Phitro . 4 Sagillus . 5 Targitaus . 6 Plinos . 7 Scolopithus . 8 Panaxagora . 9 Tanais . 10 Indathirsus . 11 Saulius . 12 Spargapisis . 13 Tomyris . 14 Aripethes . 15 Sciles . 16 Octomasades . 17 Lanthinus , in whose time the Persian king Darius leading an Armie of 700000 men , was vanquished by the Amazons , Hircanians , and other nations of Scythia . The whole narration is thus . Darius on the causes lately mentioned , intended an expedition into Scythia : from which neither the example of Cyrus , nor any reason could disswade him . For his better iournying , he built a bridge ouer Thracius Bosphorus , and another ouer Ister ; about that place where it parteth Bulgaria from Moldauia . To the keepers of this last bridge hee left a cord hauing in it sixtie knots ; willing them every day to vntie one of them , and if he returned not till the knots were all vntied , he licenced them to depart . This done hee marcheth vp into the Country , the Scythians still flying before him , and leading him into the most desert and vnuitualed parts of the Countrey . When they had him at this pinch , they sent to him an Embassadour with a bird , a mouse , a frogge , and a handfull of arrows , b●dding the Persians , if they could , to read them that riddle ; and departed . Darius coniectured that the Scythians had submitted themselues , by deliuering into his hands their Earth , Ayre , Water , and Armes ; hieroglyphically specified in their present . But Gobrias one of the seauen Princes gaue this interpretation . O yee Persians , vnlesse yee can like a Bird fly through the ayre , like a Frog swim through the water , or like a Mouse make your way vnder the earth ; ye can by no meanes escape the Scythian Arrowes . Indeed this commentary agreed best with the text : for the Scythians following him , or rather driuing him before them , cut off many thousands of his Armie . There was a long controuersie betweene the Aegyptians & those people for antiquity ; which was at last pronounced to belong to the Scythian ▪ with this verdict , Scytharum gens semper antiquissima . Anacharsis the Philosopher was of this countrey . There were diuers other Kings of Scythia , whose names lye obscured for want of a Historiographer : And now the very name of Scythia is extinct . As for the Tartars , they are by some supposed to be the ofspring of the ten Tribes , whom Salmanassar led away captiue ; and that especially for two reasons . The first is , that the word Tatari ( by which name they rather ought to be called , then by that of Tartari ) signifieth in the Syriacke and Hebrew tongues , a remnant . To this we answere , that the name of this people is deriued from the riuer Tartar , as some ; or from the region called Tartar , where they first dwelt , as most thinke : and againe that though the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie a remnant , yet can it not be properly applyed to the Tartars , who so infinitely exceed the Iewes , that they cannot be thought to bee a remainder of them . 2ly They alleage for proofe , that this people vse circumcision , the character of the Iewish nation . To this wee reply that circumcision was common to many people besides the Iewes , as to the Aegyptians , Aethiopians , &c. and that rather as a nationall custome , then a religious ordinance : and againe that the Tartars cannot be proued to haue receaued circumcision , before they receaued Mahumetanisme . 3ly There is brought to confirme this opinion , a place of Esdras , chap. 13. lib. 2. where it is said , that the ten Tribes ( that they might the better keepe Gods statutes ) passed ouer the riuer Euphrates , and after a iourny of a yeare and a halfe , came into a country called Arsareth . This we refell by shewing the impossibilities ; for the Tartars ( when their name was first known ) were meere Idolaters , had no remembrance of the law , obserued not the Sabboth , nor any other points of the Iewish religion : and so the ten Tribes retired not hither to keepe Gods statutes . 2ly Euphrates lieth quite West from Assyria , & those places to which Salmanassar transplanted the Israelites ; and so it could not bee passed ouer in a iourney toward the North. And 3ly it is very improbable that the ten Tribes should either bee so simple , as to leaue Assyria where they were peaceably setled ; or so valiant , as to force a passage through those Countries of Scythia , which neither Persians , Greekes , or Romans were able to withstand . But of this people more anon . Tartaria is now vsually diuided into these parts , Precopensem . Asiaticam . Antiquam . Zagathai . Cathai . TARTARIA PRECOPENSIS containeth all Taurica Chersonesus , and the Asiatican banks of Tanais . The chiefe citties are 1 Precops , whence the whole nation is called Precopensis . 2 Crim , the ancient seat of the Tartarian rulers , whence named they were the Crim Tartars . 3 Oczackow , the residence of the present Princes . 4 Capha ( anciently Theodosia ) a towne of great trafficke , which Mahomet the Great took from the Genois . The Tartarians were first placed in this Country by Baido ( or Roido ) a braue Captaine , which subdued all Muscovia . Mahomet the great cōtracted with them a league ; that the Tartar should aid the Turke on all occasions with 60000 men , and those to demand no pay : to requite which , the Tartar is to succeed in the Turkish Empire , if at any time the issue male should happen to faile . After this couenant , the great Turke vsed ( as still hee doth ) to send the new elected Cham a banner , as a token of his approbation of their election . The men of this Country , as of the other 4 parts , are swarth , not so much by the heat of the sunne , as their own fluttishnesse ; illfauored , thick-lipp'd , flat-nosed , broad-shouldered , swift of foot , laborious , and vigilant ; barbarous euery where in behaviour , especially in Antiqua and Asiaticae . In religion they are some Pagans , some Mahumetans . The women are sutable to the men , wanting & scorning mony ; adorning themselues with gew-gawes of copper , feathers , and latton . TARTARIA ASIATICA , called also Muscovitica , and Deserta ( as anciently Sarmatia Asiatica ; ) is situate about the bankes of the riuer Volga . The people here for the most part , liue in Tents made of beasts skinnes , and account it a great misery to stay longer in a place , then the pastures afford meat for their Cattle . For this reason they sow no corne , making horse-flesh their chief food , either warmed a little at their saddle bow or schorched with the sunne ; and vse to drinke sowre Mares milke . They liue together in troopes , which they call Hordes , and in their iournies and remoues too and fro , they obserue the Pole-starre . Of these Herdes the more inclinable to ciuility are they of Astrachan and Casan ; who liue in houses , sowe Corne , and build defencible Townes : which good orders haue beene but of late vsed , viz : since they were made subiect to the Muscouite , by the valour of Basilius and his sonne Iohn Basiliades . Before they were subdued by the Muscouite , they were diuided states , and had two seuerall Kings or Rulers . Casaus last King by name Chelealcezks , submitted himselfe to the Emperour of Russia , and became his tributary : but againe reuolting , hee was vanquished in field , and his people eternally made subiect An o 1553. The Horde of Astrachan is situate Southeast of Casan , downe toward the Caspian Sea , and was conquered by Basilius Anno 1494. Next to these , the principall hords are Zavoll , and Noyhan . Zavoll called the great Hords , or the Hord of the Zavolhenses , lieth betweene the riuer Volga , and Iaich : and is as it were the mother of the rest . It had particular kings till the yeare 1506 , when the Cham of the Precopenses subdued them : but they discontentedly bearing the yoke , gaue vnto Basilius a faire opportunity , to bring them vnder the empire of Muscouy : which accordingly hee did . Noyhan called the Horde of the Noyacenses , is the most Northerne Horde of all , and hath the most warlike people . They were first gouerned without any King after the manner of Venice : but at last the Country was diuided betweene three of the most potent among them . Now they are againe vnited vnder one Prince or Duke , who is tributary to the Muscouite . The chiefe Citties are 1 Casan . 2 Noyhan . 3 Scarayckzicke . 4 Astrachan , nigh vnto which Selimus the second , receaued a memorable ouerthrowe by Basiliades . Betweene this Country Precopense , and Muscouia , liue the Mordwits : a Tartarian people , which participate of all religions ; being baptized like the Christians , circumcised as the Iewes , and Turkes , & worshipping Idols like Pagans . TARTARIA ANTIQVA , is the old habitation of the Tartars ; from whence they dispersed themselues like a violent whirle-winde ouer Europe and Asia . The people are iust of the same life and conditions with them of Asiatica . This Country lieth farthest North , as extending beyond the Polare circle , and butting on the frozen Ocean ; and though the vulgar lie either in skinne Tents , or vnder their Carts , yet haue they some ●ewe Citties ; as 1 Coras , famous for the sepulchre of the Tartarian Chams . 2 Caracora , where Cingis was first saluted Emperour . 3 Chinchitalas . 4 Campion : these Citties belong to the Kingdome of Tenduc . The people hereof account it a great honour , to haue their wiues & sisters , at the pleasure of such as they entertaine : and when vpon the command of Mango Chan , they had for three yeares abstained from this beastly practise ; they obtained a restitution of it againe , vpon a protestatiō , that they could neuer thriue since they left it . Here is in this Country a beast of exquisite shape , about the bignesse of a Goat ; which euery full Moone hath a swelling vnder the belly : which , the hunters ( at that time chasing the said beast ) hauing cut it off , and dried it against the Sunne ; proueth a most dainty pleasing perfume . In this Country is the Wildernesse or Desert called Lop : From whence came King Tabor , whom Charles the fift burned at Mantua 1540 ; for perswading the people to returne to Iudaisme : and in this Countrey groweth Rhubarbe , an herbe of that excellent nature , that the whole world is beholding to these Barbarians for it , as a soueraigne helpe for many diseases . ZAGATHAI , called of old Scythia intra montem Imaum , is situate about the Caspian Sea ; extending to the borders of the Sophian Empire . It comprehendeth the Prouinces of Bactria , Sogdiana , Margiana , Turchestan , and Zagataia . Margiana lieth South to Tartaria Antiqua , & East to Hircania : the chiefe Citties are 1 Indion , called once Alexandria Margianae ; a Towne which Antiochus Soter king of Syria fortified with a strong wall . 2 Maran , nigh vnto which Ismael Sophie ouerthrew the Cham of Tartarie . Sogdiana , lieth on the North of Bactria : The chiefe Citties are Oxiana , seated on the riuer Oxus . 2 Maruca . 3 Alexandria Sogdianae built by Alexander at his going toward India . Here also stood in the time of Alexander , the strong and famous City of Cyropolis , built by Cyrus , to fortifie his borders against the Scythians . It held out against that great Macedonian , a long time ; and he himselfe comming nigher to the walls , then discretion would permit an ordinarily Generall ; had such a blow on the necke with a stone , that he fel to the ground , his eyes swimming in his head , and his whole armie giuing him for slaine . But reuiuing , he tooke the towne by a mine , and leuel'd it with the ground . Bactria lieth East to Margiana , and South to Sogdiana ; this Country is now called Chorazzau , the two former Iess●●bas from their greene turbats . These Bactrians are by Curtius said to haue beene a people very cruell , alwaies in armes , resembling much the Scythians , whose neighbours they were ; and ( which was their greatest vertue ) multùm à Persarum luxu abhorrentes , nothing so effeminate as their Lords the Persians . Ouer these Bessus was Captaine , who so villanously betrayed Darius ; and was by Spitamenes serued with the same sawce ; who deliuered him into the power of Alexander , and hee into the ●ands of the hangman . The chiefe Citties are 1 Istigias , one of the most pleasant Citties of the East . 2 Chorazzan , whence commeth the name of the whole region . 3 Bud●san formerly Bactra . In the time of the Assyrian Monarch Ninus , here raigned the first king Zoroastes , who is said by some , first to haue inuented Astronomy : which assertion I dare not affirme , considering that the fathers before the flood were well seene in this science . Perhaps the inuention hereof is attributed to the king , either for that he first committed that to writing , which was taught by tradition : or else compiled the confused writings of others , into one methodicall body . Against him Ninus made warre , but was forced to fly with the losse of 10000 Assyrians ; and hauing againe repaired his armie , encountred Zoroastes , slew him , & vnited Bactria to his Monarchie . Afterward it was made subiect to the Persians , then to the Syrian successours of Alexander , til the yeare of the world , 3720 : in which time Theodates , one who was but gouernour of 1000 Citties & Townes ( by which we may guesse at the former populousnesse ) assumed to himselfe the title of King : which honour continued in his family , til the yeare 3786 ; when Enchrendes the last king , was slain by the Bogdians , and Drangians . Then returned it to the Syrians ; afterwards it was sub●ected to the Romans , vnder whom it receaued the Christian faith by the preaching of St Thomas , together with the other two Prouinces . The Persians , Sarracens , & now the Tartars haue beene successiuely their Lords . Turchestan , is the Country where the Turkes first inhabited , before their irruption into Armenia . The chief Cities are Calba , and Ocerra . That this people tooke the name of Turkes , either from the Teucri , the Troians , or from Turca a towne of Persia , is friuolous to affirme ; considering how long before the Turks had any commerce with the Persians , Pomponius Mela placeth the Turcae and Thyrsagetae together in this tract : and as for their descent from the Troians , I hold it so vaine , that it needeth no confutation . The first time that euer this people tooke on thē any military emploiment , was in the raigne of the Emperour Mauritius , about the yeare 600 : when they were discomfited by Chaganus , Captaine or Cham of the Avares , another Scythian nation , of whom wee haue before spoken in Hungarye . Their second expedition as it was more necessary , hunger enforcing them to it ; so was it also more prosperous : stating them in a great part of the greater Armenia , Anno 1844 ; and what they haue since done , we haue there told you . Zagataie , the name giuer at this day to all the Prouince ; tooke its name from Sachetaie a Noble man of the Tartars : to whose care this part of their new Empire was committed . To him succeeded Ogg , who was the father of Tamerlane ; who by marriage with the daughter and heire of Gino Chan , obtained the Tartarian Empire . Hee subdued the Aegyptians , Syrians , Persians , and Turkes ; against whose vnfortunate King Baiazet the first , he conducted an Army of 700000 fighting men , and wonne a famous victory of his enimy : hee terrefied the Muscovites , and frighted the puissant King of China : and dying diuided his Empire amongst his sons ; who lost it in as short space as their father had conquered it : nothing remaining not subdued , of which Tamerlane was not possessed , before his warre-like expeditions . The chiefe Citties are 1 Bochara , the seat of the Prouinciall Gouernour . 2 Sarmachand , which gaue both a Cradle and a Graue to mighty Tamerlane . This Citty hee enriched , with all the treasurie and spoiles of his manifold victories ; and in one instance to speake the rest , he sent hither from Damascus only , 8000 Camels laden with spoiles , & choicest moueable goods . From this Tamerlane the great Moguls are descended . This Towne was originally called Matacanda , and was by Spitamenes ( who hauing deliuered Bessus into the hands of Alexander , afterwards revolted from him ) made good against the Macedonians : Menedemus with 3800 men besieging it . But Spitamenes preuailed , slew Menedemus , and 2300 of his Souldiers ; & then fled to Bactria : where he was slaine by his wi●e , and his head presented to the Conquerour . At this Towne also was it that Alexander in a drunken fury , slew his friend Clytus ; who at the battaile by the riuer Granvicus , had saued his life , by receauing a blowe directed at him . CATHAIE is bounded on the East with the Orientall Ocean , on the West with the other Tartarian Prouinces , on the North with the Scythicke Sea , and on the South with China . This is thought to haue beene the ancient habitation of the Seres ; who being excellent in the weauing of silkes , which they made of a fine wooll growing on the leaues of trees , occasioned all silkes to be called Serica . It is said of this people , that they had neither theefe , nor whore among them . The soyle aboundeth with variety of fruits ; superfluously furnished with Rice , Graine , Wooll , Silke , Hemp , Rhewbarbe , Muske , and excellent fine Chamlets . So that it scorneth to giue precedency to any of the flourishing Prouinces in Europe . The people are very warlike , strong in matters of action , fearelesse of the greatest dangers , & patient of labour & want . They are of meane stature , little eyes , sharpe sight , and weare their beards thinne . They are of a very good wit , dresse them selues gorgeously , and fare on occasions sumptuously . Finally these and they of Zagataie are the most honourable people of the Tartars , indifferently ciuill , louers of arts both mechanicall and ciuill , and inhabiting diuerse faire Citties . The chiefe are 1 Caraian where the women vse to gild their teeth . 2 Tebeth , famous for her abundance in Corall . 3 Cambalu , seated on the riuer Polysanga , honoured with the great Chams residence , and enriched with a mighty confluence of Merchants of all sorts : besides other merchandises , there are euery yeare 1000 Carts loaded with silke , sent thither from China . This Citty is in compasse 28 miles besides the Suburbs ; in which besides other inhabitants of all sorts , are 50000 Astrologers , or rather fortune tellers . 4 Xaindu , the Pallace of the Emperor , is of a fouresquare figure , euery side extending 8 miles in length : within this quadrate is another , whose sides are 6 miles long , & within that another of foure miles square , which is the Pallace it selfe . Betweene these seuerall walls , are Walkes , Gardens , Orchards , Fish-ponds , places for all manner of exercise , & Parkes , Forrests , Chases for all manner of game . Cathaie was anciently called Scythia extra montem Imaum , and tooke , no doubt , this name from the Cathei , whom the textuarie Geographer Strabo , placeth in this tract . The people hereof were conuerted by S. Andrew , & long continued Christians though infected with the opinions of Nestorius , whose sect at this day is spread all ouer the East . They differ from the Church of Rome and Greece , saying that in Christ were two persons , as well as two natures . 2 , that the Virgin Mary ought not to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 Their Priests may marry when and as often as they will. The chiefe meanes by which this heresie is so propagated , was by the wickednesse of Cosrees , a king of Persia ; who vpon a meere hatred to Heraclius the Greeke Emperour , inforced all the Christians inhabiting his dominions , to become Nestorians , or abandon their country . Their Patriarke hath his residence at Musal in Mesopotamia ; which dignity is not electiue , but descendeth from the Father to the sonne . The solemnities of marriage because they are somewhat vsuall , I will now relate vnto you . Their wiues they see not till they are married , but hearing a good report of the young woman , sollicite her father for her . If he yeeld , then they meet at the Chancell of the Church , in which there is a partition : the man and his friends standing on the one side ; the womar and her friends on the other . When they are met , the Cassise , or Churchman , biddeth the yong man put his hand through a hole in the partition , and take his wife by the hand ; which he doth . Then commeth the mother of the young woman , & with a sharpe pointed instrument all to be pricketh the new married mans hand . If when he feeleth the smart , hee letteth his wiues hand goe ; they take it for a signe that he will not loue her : but if he hold her fast , and wring her by the hand till she cry ; then is he counted a louing man , and her friends are glad that they bestowed her on him . After the marriage consummate , if a male child be borne vnto them , the father looseth his owne name , & is called by that of his eldest sonne ; and if the fathers name bee Moses , and the sonnes name Ioseph ; the father is no more called Moses , but Aben Ioseph , that is the father of Ioseph : so highly doe they reuerence marriage , and the fruit thereof posterity . The people of this Country inioyed all the immunities of good subiects vnder the Nestorian kings of Tenduch ; to whom the name of Prester Iohn more ●ightly belongeth , then to the Emperour of Habassia , or Aethiopia interior . The last of these Kings of Tenduch was Vn-cham , who vsing indirect dealings towards the Tartars , a base and obscure people ; prouoked thē now ready to leaue his neighbourhood , and seeke new habitations , to turne their whole forces against him : whom they easily vanquished , & made Cingis their Captaine king of T●nduch . It is recorded that Cingis before he ioyned battaile with Vn-Cham , consulted with his diuiners and Astrologers of the successe . They taking a greenereed cleft it asunder , writ on the one the name of Cingis , and Vn-Cham on the other : and placed thē not farre asunder . Then fell they to reading their Charmes and coniurations , the two reeds fell a ●ighting in the sight of the whole army , and Cingis Reed ouercame the other : whereby they foretold the ioyful newes of victory to the Tartars , which accordingly hapned . And this was the first step by which this base and beggerly nation beganne to mount vnto the chaire of Empire and Soueraignty : whereas before they liued like beasts hauing neither letters nor faith , nor dwelling , nor reputation , nor valour , nor indeed any thing fitting a man. The great Chams of Tartary 1162 1 Cingis , Cinchius , Zingis , or Changius , was made king or Cham of the Tartars : hee subdued Tenduch and Cathaia ; Changing the name of Scythians and Scythia , to Tartarians and Tartaria , 6. 1168 2 I●cuchan Cham , or Hoccata succeeded . In his time the name of Tartar was first knowne in Europe ; Ao. 1212 in which yeare they droue the Polesockie from the banks of the Euxine Sea. By his Captaine Bathu or R●ido he subdued Muscovia , planted his Tartars in Taurica Chersonesus ▪ wasted Hungary , Bosnia , Seruia , Bulgaria ; and by his o●her Captaines tooke Persia from the Turkes . 3 Zaincham , Bathu , or Barcham , ruined the Tarkes kingdome of Damascus , and Asia the lesse . 4 Gino Cham , whose daughter conveighed the Empire vnto her husband Tamirlane or Tamberlan . 5 Tamir Cutlu , Tamir Cham , or Tamirlane , a great tyrant , but withall an excellent Souldier : that it is thought that he subdued more Prouinces in his life time , then all the Romans had done in 800 yeares , at what time their Monarchie was at the height . 6 Allan . 7 Mango , to whom Haiton an Armenian Prince , and chiefe compiler of the Tartarian history , went for aide against the Caliph of Babylon . 8 Cobilai . 9 Tamor . Thus farre Paulus Venetus , & Haiton Armenius haue spoken of the Tartarian proceedings : what Kings haue since raigned we cannot learne ; nor what memorable acts haue beene done among them . The great distance of Countries and difficulty of the iourney haue hindred further discoueries : For the great Cham , the Duke of Muscovie , & the king of China , will neither suffer any of their subiects to travel abroad ; nor permit any forrainers to view their dominions , or enter into them , vnlesse either Embassadours or Marchants . This gouernment is tyrannicall ; the great Cham is Lord of all ; and in his tongue , besides which they haue almost no laws consisteth the power of life or death : he is called by the simple vulgar , the shaddow of spirits , and sonne of the immortall God. At the death of the Cham , the 7 chiefe Princes assemble to crowne his sonne ; whom they place on a blacke course cloath , telling him if he raigne well , heauen shall be his reward : if ill , hee shall not haue so much as a corner of that black cloath to rest his body on : then they put the Crowne on his head , and kissing his feet , sweare vnto him fealty and homage . And at the funerall of these great Monarchs they vse to kill some of his guard souldiers , whereof hee hath 12000 in continuall pay : saying vnto them : Ite & domino nostro seruite in alia vita . Paulus Venetus reporteth , that at the obsequies of Mango Cham , no sewer then 10000 were slaine on this occasion . These Chams are for the most part seuere iusticers , & punish almost for euery small fault with sudden death ; but theft especially : insomuch that a man in Cambalu taking a paile of milke from a womans head , and beginning to drink thereof ; was vpon the womans outery apprehended , and presently cut in sunder with a sword ; so that the blood and the milke came out together . The next capitall crimes to these are lying & adultery ; which among the very first lawes of Cingis , were enacted to be punishable also by death . This Country is vnder the same clime with Muscovia . The chiefe riuer of the Precopenses , is Tanais : of Asiatica , Volga , ●nd Petzora : of Antiqua , Tartar , whence the nation tooke their name : of Cathay , Curata . 2 Poiysanga . 3 Zaiton . 4 Mecon , as also the Lakes of Guyan , 2 Dangu . 3 Dandu . 4 Catocara : and lastly of Zagataie , 1 Iaxartes . and 2 Oxus . This last is a fatall bound of Monarchies : the Persians neuer passed it to extend their dominions , but receaued some notable ouerthrowe , as that of Cyrus against the Scythians : and the Tartars fare in the same manner attempting the like matter , as when Saba the Cham of Zagataie , was ouerthrowne by Ismael Sophie of Persia . These two last arise from the branches of Mount Taurus , & exonerate their full stomackes into the Caspian or Hircanian Sea. Thus much of Tartaria . OF INDIA . INDIA is bounded on the East with China , on the West with the riuer Indus , from whence it taketh denomination ; on the North with Tartarie , on the South with the Ocean . This Country extendeth in length from China to Persia , 3600 miles ; and stretcheth from Taurus to the Ocean : this being the biggest country , comprehended vnder one name , of any in the world , excepting Tartaria and China . It is situate betweene the first and sixt Climats , the longest day being in the South parts of 12 houres only ; but in the North fifteen houres and a halfe . Concerning the monst●ous fables which fore-going times haue deliuered vnto vs , giue me leaue to say ; that as the Poets of old , vsed to fill vp the times of which they were ignorant , with strange fictions , & prodigious metamorphoses ; or as our moderne Geographers in their Maps of the world , fill vp those vnknowne parts thereof , of which they can giue vs no certaine description , with strange pictures , and vncouth shapes of beasts and trees : so also the writers in former ages , haue filled the more remote Countries of which they knowe little , with such impossible and incredible relations . Hence there haue beene attributed to this India , the tales of men with dogges heads ; of men with one legge only , yet of great swiftnesse ; of such as liue by sent ; of men that had but one eye , & that in their foreheads ; and of others whose eares did reach vnto the ground . It is reported also , that this people by eating a Dragons heart and liver , attain to the vnderstanding of the languages of beasts ; that they can make themselues , when they list , inuisible ; that they haue two tubbes , whereof the one opened yeelds winde , the other raine , and the like . But of these relations & the rest of this straine , I doubt not but the vnderstanding Reader knoweth how to iudge , and what to beleeue ; for my part I am of the same minde with Curtius , Plura equidem transcribe quàm credo ; nec enim affirmare ausus sum quae dubito , nec subducere sustineo quae accepi . The old inhabitants of this Country were the Daedalae , Mazaga , Abisarae , Sop●ites , Gangarides , Phartasii , Sobij , Malli , Sabracae , Musicani , Oxydracae , &c. all conquered by Alexander in his expedition into this Country . The Malli and Oxydracae are most famous , for a story attributed vnto thē , which is this . Alexander besieging the chiefe Citty of the Oxydracae , saith Curtius ( of the Malli , saith Plutarch ) was the first that scaled the walls , and the last that could doe so ; the ladder breaking as soone as he was at the top . Standing thus alone as a marke to all their darts , he was by his Souldiers desired to leap downe among them ; but he in a daring brauado leaped into the towne among his enimies : where it was not only his good hap to light vpon his feet , but to haue an old tree at his back to defend him behinde . In this posture he is said to haue maintained the fight a long time against all the townsmen ; killing two of them with his owne hands , and by that example teaching the rest to bee more mannerly : till being wearied and dangerously wounded , he was forced to leaue his feet , and commit the weight of his body to his knees . In this case Leonatus Peucestes , and some other of his Captaines came to assist him , who defended their dying master , till the whole Army entred the Towne , and put all the people to the sword ; in reuenge of their King , whose life they had little hope to enioy , though he with much danger did afterward recouer . For my part , I giue little or no credence to this story , ranging it in the same catalogue of truth with the aduentures of Donzel del Phoebo , Rosicleer , Beliauis , Amadis , and the rest of the rabble of Knights errant : neither is this the first time that Curtius hath disgraced the soundnesse of Alexanders iudgement , and the truth of his actions , with the like idle and impossible tales , though indeed in this particular he saith that it was multò magis ad temeritatis quàm ad gloriae famam . The principall riuers of this Country are , 1 Indus the boundary of the Persian and Indian Empires ; which hauing his head in the mountaine Caucasus , now called Naugrariot ; openet● himselfe with two mouthes into the Indian Ocean ; hauing first runne a course of 900 miles . 2 Ganges , of which more anon . 3 Hydaspes , on whose banks Alexander built Bucephalia in honour of his horse Bucephalus there dying . On the bankes of this riuer stood the Citty of Nysa also , the chiefe Citty of India in the time of Alexander . 4 Acesines . 5 Hirotis . and 6 Zaradus ; all three emptying themselues into the Indus . This Country , euen in ancient times hath beene noted for abundance of all things , either necessary for the maintenance of life , or pleasant to the relish of the palate : as also for abundance of Camels , Apes , Dragons , Serpents , Rhinocerots , & Elephants . These Elephants doe seeme to haue a smack of reason , and certainely partake more of humane ingenuitie , then any othe● brute creature whatsoeuer . The Elephant which King Porus rode on , seeing his master strong & lustie , rushed into the thickest of Alexanders Armie ; but when he perceaued Porus to grow faint , he withdrew himselfe , and kneeling down receaued all the arrowes shot against his master in his owne trunke . Bacchus was the first that entred and conquered this Country , as indeed what regions first or last hath not he brought vnder his winie Empire . Hence one thus descanteth , First Bacchus did this Country ouer-runne , And set vp trophies in the conquered East : Oh would he had gone on as he begunne , And neuer turned to subdue the West . Might Indus banks haue borne his branching vines , Nor Europes streames bin stain'd with sweeter wines . After Bacchus , Semiramis Q. of Assyria was the first that euer entred India in hostile manner ; part whereof she made tributary , and slew Staurobates the king thereof . Next vnto her , Alexander the great invaded it , at which time there were many kings and free Cities ▪ whom the Gymnosophists perswaded to defend their liberty . These Gymnosophists were to the Indians as the Druides to the Brittaines , and are called by the Indians , Brachmanni . These are had in great reuerence : and liue for the most part , a very austere and solitary life , in caues and desarts , seeding on herbes , and wearing poore thinne weedes : and for a certaine time abstaine from all kind of vice : But that time once past , they may ( as it were ) by priuiledge , defloure virgins , and commit what riots they list . Others of them liue together with the people , as being their ordinary Priests . Of these Alexander surprised 10 , one of which was Calanus , to whom hee propounded strange questions , and receiued strange answers . Hee first dealt with Taxiles a prudent Prince , whose kingdome was bigger then Aegypt ; who both ouercame and was ouercome by Alexander in curtesie . Next with King Porus in a more hostile manner ; for he discomfited his Army , and tooke Porus prisoner , who was foure cubits and a shafes length high . Afterward he sailed downe the Ganges , vnto the maine Ocean ; and was the first and last ( till of late ) that euer durst adventure such a navigation . After this expedition of Alexand●r , the Indians inioyed many yeares of peace . The successours of Alexander were for the most part on the loosing hand : the power of the Romans they rather knew by report , then triall : yet was it not amisse to enterta●ne a potent , though remote state , in termes of amitie . Therefore they sent Embassadours vnto Augustus , who presented him with a number of Tigers , ( which beasts till then , the Roman people had neuer seene ; ) and which was most pleasing , a litle boy borne without armes , who with his feet could bend a bow , shoot , and play on a winde instrument as exactly , as others with their hands . Traian the Emperour had a great desire to see this Countrie ; but after these times by litle & litle , histories haue bin in a manner silent concerning it . For notwithstanding that there was continuall trafficke from the Red sea hither : and betweene the Persian , Turkish , and Indian merchants for spices , and the other commodities of this Region : yet were not these merchants acquainted with the state of the country ; because they entred not into it , but were met by the Indian merchants at Sarmachand , being ( as it were ) the common Emporie . Neither did the Aegyptians at all enter into India , but were met by the Indians at Ormus , or some other Iland : ( euen as now the Chinoys make some of the Philippinae , the staple of their trade with the Spaniards ; whom they licence not to come into the Continent among them : ) but our moderne navigations haue with-drawne the Maske of obscurity , and shew vs her liuely portraiture in as liuely colours . It enioyeth two summers , an exact temperature of the aire , and double increase . Abound it doth in all manner of Mineralls , except Copper and Lead : stored with all sorts of Cattle , except horses : more particularly with Mines of gold , precious stones , spices of all sorts , and Ciuet : Wheat only and Vines are wanting , that so this Countrey might be beholding to others , as others to this . The people are indifferently ciuill and ingenious , both men and women imitate a maiestie in their train and apparell , which they sweeten with oyles and perfumes , adorning them with Iewels , Pearles , and other ornaments befitting . They are now a natioo composed of 5 seuerall people , 1 the Indians or natiues , which are in part Gentiles , in part Christians . Those which are Gentiles retaine among them many of their old customes , as not knowing their wiues after they haue borne them two children ; not accompanying them if after fiue yeares cohabitation they can raise no issue by them , but exchanging them for others ; as neuer being rewarded for any military exploit , vnlesse they bring with them an enemies head in their hand ; killing their friends before sicknesse withereth them , &c. As for the Christians ( to which Religion they were converted by S. Thomas ) they still retaine the name and profession , which they haue now reformed ( I should haue said deformed ) according to the Church of Rome ; which was effected in a Synode held for that purpose at Goa , Anno 1599 , at what time they deliuered vp all their bookes to the censure of the Roman-Spanish Archbishop of Goa , to be by him corrected ; and permitted their Liturgie also to be by him altered . Before this vnion , they vsed 1 to administer the Sacrament with bread seasoned with salt ; 2ly insteed of wine ( because India affordeth none ) to vse the iuyce of rasins , softned in water one night , & so pressed forth : 3ly not to baptize their children til 40 daies old , vnlesse in danger of death : 4ly to permit no images in their Churches but of the Crosse onely : 5ly to debarre their Priests from second marriages : and 6ly to paint GOD with 3 heads on one body , denotating thereby the Trinity . The second sort of people which inhabite this Country , are Mahumetan Persians and Tartars , especially since the Moguls great victories here . 3 Iewes , who liue straglingly dispersed in all quarters . 4 Arabians , or Moores , who 200 and odde yeares past , seazed on some hauen-townes , driuing rhe Natiues vp higher into the inland Countrie . And 5 the Portugals , who possessing some few Sea-townes , commodious for trafficke , bragge of the conquest of the whole Country , which they are in no more possibility to conquer , then the French was to subdue Spaine , when he was possessed of the fort of Perpignan , pawned to him by Iohn King of Arragon and Navarre . The riuer Ganges ariseth in the Scythian hils , and carrying with it an incredible breadth and depth , disburdeneth it selfe into the South Ocean . The breadth of it is in the narrowest place 8 , in the broadest 20 miles ; the depth of it is neuer lesse then 100 foot . That this riuer is not that which is called in the Scriptures Pison , which compasseth the land of Havilah , where there is gold ; we haue already proued in Mesopotamia : our reason being drawne from the ouer-large extent which must then be necessarily giuen to Paradise ; in which the riuer Pison is said to haue risen . And though indeed India is thought , & that truely , to be the land of Hauilah ; yet why should Ganges that diuideth India , be thought to be Pison , rather then Indus which boundeth it ; and which also lieth farre neerer to Tigris & Euphrates , then this Ganges ? But to make it more plaine : certaine it is that there were two lands of Hauilah ; the one so named from Hauilah , the sonne of Iocktan , ( who with his brothers Ophir and Iobab , dwelt toward the East , Gen. 10. ver . 29.30 , ) which is this India , or a part of it : and the other so named from Hauilah , the sonne of Chush , ( of whom mention is made in the 7 verse of the same Chapter , ) which is the land of Susiana , a butting North on Mesopotamia . This Ganges yet , though it be none of the riuers of Paradise , is as famous as those which are . For downe this riuer did Alexander with such danger saile to see the Ocean : To this riuer the superstitious Indians goe deuoutly on pilgrimage ; strongly beleeuing that they are secure of saluation , if at the time of their death they may drinke of this water . This riuer-flowing the Country , enricheth it , as Nilus doth Egypt : and finally it diuideth the whole Countrey into two parts , viz : India intra Gangem , and India extra Gangem . INDIA INTRA GANGEM . INDIA INTRA GANGEM , called also INDVSTAN , is diuided into 47 Prouinces or Kingdomes : whereof two haue yet their proprietary kings , namely Narfinga and Calecute : the rest are vnder the command of the great Mogor , Mogul , or Mongul . The chiefe of the 47 Prouinces are 1 NARSINGA , which hath a king acknowledging no superiour command . The people hereof vse to burne the wiues together with their husbands ; and she is thought to haue bin most louing during his life , which is now most willing to accompany him in his death : and offer her selfe to his Manes at the funerall pile , whereunto thus alludeth the Poet , Et certamen habent lethi , quae viua sequatur Coniugium ; pudor est non licuisse mori . Ardent victrices & praebent pectora flammae , Imponuntque suis ora perusta viris . T is not to die a shame , they therefo●e striue Who may be fam'd to follow him aliue : The victor burnes , yeeldes to the flame her brest , And her burnt face doth on her husband rest . This kingdome is confined with the mountaine Guate on the West ; and the Gulfe of Bengala on the East , with the mount Guadaverno on the North , and the Promontory Comari on the South : and is in compasse 3000 miles . The chiefe Cities are Maleaper or S. Thomas , where the body of the Apostle was burnt ; but Dorotheus saith , that he resteth at Calamina , where he was slaine with a Dart. 2 Narsinga . 3 Bisnagar , burnt by 4 Sarac●nicall confederates , Anno 1567. 4 Candragni . The revenues of this Prince are no lesse thē 12 millions of Duckats : his forces for warre are wonderfull ; he ledde an armie consisting of 31690 horse , 60000 foot , and 558 Elephants , against Idalcan a neighbour Prince , whom he discomfited . To this King also belongeth the city of Tarnassarie , which once had its peculiar kings , who were able to bring into the field 100 Elephants and 100000 horse and foot . 2 MALAVAR containe●h the Westerne part of that , which of old was called Aurea Chersonesus , viz : from the mountaine Guate on the East , to the Indian Ocean West ; from the Promontory Comari on the South , to the riuer Gangericor on the North ; the length whereof is 900 miles , the breadth nothing comparable . There are 7 Prouinces , viz : 1 Trauanear , 2 Colan , 3 Cochin , 4 Crangonar , 5 Tauo , 6 Cononor , 7 Calecute , all borrowing their names from their chiefe townes . These were all vnder one king , till about 80 yeares agoe , and somwhat more : at what time Sema Pereimal the last king , being a Mahumetan ; and intending to finish his dayes in Mecha ; diuided his kingdome into 6 parts , giuing them to sixe of his kinsmen . Fiue of these at this day are vnder the great Mogul , the other obeyeth the K. of Calecute , who is able to bring into the field 100000 fighting men ; of whose valour the Portugals haue had often experiment , but alwayes to the losse of the Indians . The chiefe of these townes are Cononor , pleasantly seated for trafficke , as hauing a harbour no lesse safe , then capacious : it is distant from Calecute 10 leagues . 2 Coccinum , or Cochin , distant from Calecute 30 leagues . The gouernour of this Town is the Pope or summus Pontifex of the Brachmans : and 3 Calecute , which for 3 miles together lyeth along the Sea shore It is a custome here for the King to giue to some of the Brachmanni , the hanselling of his nuptial bed . For which cause not the kings , but the kings sisters sonnes , succeed in the kingdome ; as being more certainly knowne to be of the true royall blood : and these sisters of his , choose what Gentleman they please , on whom to bestow their virginities ; & if they proue not in a certain time to be with child , they betake themselues to these Brachman stallions . Calecute is a famous mart town , & the staple of al the Indiā traffick . 3 BALASSIA , or the kingdome of Bocan , is famous for its inexhaustible Mines of Gold and Siluer ; the chiefe Cities are 1 Balassia , 2 Bocan , whence the duplicity of the kingdomes name : the first is seated on the riuer Gaibon ; the last was once the seat of her own Kings . 3 Senergian . 4 CAMBAIA called also Guzara , hath on the East Mandao , on the West Gedr●sia ; on the North Dulcinda ; on the South the Ocean . It is a Country very fruitfull , and exceedingly thick set with men and villages , of which last here is thought to bee no lesse then 600000. It was once the seat of the Rusbeti , who are the ancient nobility of this Countrie : whom the Saracens vnder the leading of one Machumat , subdued about 160 years since . To this Machumat succeeded his sonne Mamudius , to him Badurius ; who making an vniust warre against the King of Mandao , compelled him to call Miramudius a Mogul Tartarian of Zagatai to his aide : who crushed by force of Badurius , and subdued the great Kingdome of Cambaia to himselfe ; and yet the armie of the Cambaian consisted of 150000 horse , and 500000 foot , he had 1000 peeces of Ordinance , 500 Wagons laden with Gun-powder & Bullets , 200 Elephants , and 500 chests full of Gold and Siluer . In this kingdome are 60000 Villages , Townes , and Cities . The chiefe whereof are 1 Ardauat once the kings seat . 2 Campanael , 3 Citor , a City of 12 miles compasse , which the King of Cambaia tooke from the Queene of Crementina , Anno 1536. 4 Tanaa . 5 Cambaia a mighty City , and as populous , containing 800000 persons . 5 MANDAO is so called of Mando the chiefe City , which being 30 miles in compasse , held out a siege of 12 yeares against Miramudius , or Merhumed : after which time it was surrendred . 2 Moltan , where the women ride booted and spurted , a fashion lately imitated by some mimicke dames of England . 3 Scernus on the riuer so called : and 4 Polymbothea . This Mandao was a kingdome of power sufficient , till Badureus of Cambaia oppressed it ; after whose defeat , Marhumid the Mogul feazed also on this kingdome : shewing that the easiest way for a Prince to ruine his own estate , and endanger his neighbours , is to make a gap open for a forrain power , to compose a home-bred dissention . 6 BENGALA is famous for its multitude of Rhinocerots ; a kingdome once free , till Echebar the Mogul vnited it to his Empire . Tbe chief Cities are Catigan and Satagan on the banks of Ganges ( called also Chaberis and Guenga . ) 3 Bengala , nigh vnto Sinus Gangeticus , now called the Gulfe of Bengala . Nigh vnto this towne is the place called Gongasagie , that is the entrie into the sea ; in which are many fishes called Sea-dogges ; into which place they which are wearie of this world , and desire to haue a quick passage into Paradise , cast themselues to be devoured of these fishes : perswading themselues that the next & readiest way thither , is through their iawes . 4 Ouros , the seat of the Bengalan kings : and 5 Banneras , seated on the riuer Ganges . 7 ORISTAN or Orissa , is peopled for the most part with Christians of S. Thomas ; so called because he converted them . Many of the people haue their legges made after the manner of an Elephants legge , which punishment the rest thinke to be inflicted vpon them , because their Progenitours massacred the blessed Apostle . The chiefe Cities are 1 Orissa , once the Kings seat . 2 Ramana , 3 Vlna , where ( if I remember aright ) the women in a foolish pride , blacke their teeth , because dogges teeth ( forsooth ) are white . 8 CANORA , called also the kingdome of Decan , was the habitation of Venozarares ; whom Sanosaradine king of Delli either totally cast out , or subiected to his command : and as his deputie substituted one Abdessan , to whom in that regencie succeeded his sonne Mamudza In his time Sanosaradine dying , left his sonne to inherit his estate ; as able to rule so many different nations , as Phaëton to rule the Chariot of the Sun. This defect Mamudza perceiuing , made himselfe absolute King of Canora ; and diuiding the whole into 18 parts , he appointed as many Lieftenants Generall to gouerne them . These 18 Captaines combining together , stripped him of all his dominions ; and then falling at oddes about the extent of their kingdomes , were quickely brought vnder subiection by Adabar the Mogul . The chiefe cities are 1 Vltabat . 2 Danagar , 3 Lispor , famous for her quarries of Adamants . 4 Melind . 5 Barticala : and 6 Onor . 9 DELLIE , was the ancient seat of Belemi , whom the Saracens vanquished : from which Victors descended Sanosaradine , who Anno 1300 , subdued Canora : and from whose successours the Moguls taking it , haue euer since honoured Dellie , the chiefe City hereof , with their residence . The other being 2 Chesmnr , famous for the study of Magicke . 3 Tremel . 4 Fatabar . This mighty Empire now contracted almost into one body , and formerly diuided between 47 seuerall Princes , hath to be amazement both of Indians , and all people whatsoeuer , beene conquered in lesse then 90 yeares , by the great Moguls : so called ( I thinke ) for that they descended from the Mogul Tartars ; for before the Tartars freed themselues from Vncham King of Tenduc , they were diuided into Mercat , Metrit , Summongul , Iccomongul , and Mongul Tartars ; from which last the name of Mongul hath most probability to be diriued . The great Moguls , or Mogors . 1 Emanpaxda , who first shewed the Tartars the pleasure of India . 2 Marhumed , who Anno 1536 , subdued Cambaia , Mandao , Balassia , and other pettie kingdomes . 3 Adabar , the Conquerour of Malavar , Dellie , and Canora . 4 Mahomet Selabdin Echebar , who vnited Bengala and most of the rest of the inferiour kingdomes . 5 Marad now liuing . The revenues of this Empire cannot but be wonderfull , cōsidering that the King of Narsinga's amount to such a value : yet he cannot cofter vp much treasure , considering the men of warre which hee keepeth in continuall pay . Neither is his strength in field inferior either to the greatnesse of his Empire , or the largenesse of his intrado ; he being able to raise 300000 Horse . The subiects reuerence this Prince exceedingly , making it holyday when he cutteth his haire , or shaueth his beard ; and spreading the way by which hee is at any time to passe , with costly ornaments , and delicate perfumes . He is alwaies carried on mens shoulders in a pompous chaire , adorned with purple , gold , and precious stones of great value . There is no Prince either in Europe , Asia , or Africa , to whom the great Monguls shew such great respect and loue , as they haue done , and now doe , to our late Queene , and present King : They also esteeme our soldiers very much , especially since two or three of the Queenes ships , braued 18 of the Portugals , in the sight of many of his subiects : an adventure which could not but reioyce him ; considering the enmity betweene him & them . INDIA EXTRA GANGEM . INDIA EXTRA GANGEM hath on the East China , on the West the rest of India . This part of India , Maginus maketh to be the kingdome of China ; but vpon what ground , or by what reason perswaded , I know not : Sure I am that Ptolomie placeth the Sinae or Chinoys , East of India , and therefore cannot be part of it . As for his diuision of India intra Gangem , into the lower , containing the Countries already described ; and the higher , comprehending the Countries here vnder-named ; I will not stand to examine it : well knowing this diuision to haue bin for no other cause invented , but that China might with more facilitie be beleeued , to be this India extra Gangem . This India hath formerly bin diuided betwixt 12 Potentates , of no small riches & puissance : but now by the puissance and prosperous fortunes of the King of Barma , it is wholly subiect to their command : the most remarkeable of these 12 Kingdomes , are these seauen . 1 MACIN , famous for the wood called Aloes , by the Arabians called Calambuco , by Latine Writers Lignum vitae . This Wood for its sweet sauour , is valued at its waight in pure siluer : as being not onely seruiceable for the pompous funerals of great Princes ; but also for Bathes : and with the Indians is held an vnparallell'd medicine , for many grieuous and dangerous maladies . The chiefe City is Macin . 2 ARRACHAN is environed round with mountaines , and impenetrable Woods ; the Cities of most note are Arrachan , distant from the Sea 45 miles ; and 2 Ava , famous for her abundance of Gemmes . 3 CAMBOIA taketh its name from the chiefe city Camboia , situate on a riuer , which arising in China , so augmenteth his waters , that his own Channell being insufficient to receiue them , he renteth the Earth into 100 Ilands ; and at last he filleth a Lake with his streames of 60 miles long . This Towne is of great trafficke and commerce for its plenty of Gold , Siluer , and Aloes . 4 CAVCHINCHINA aboundeth with the like commodities . The people hereof in some few places are said to be Anthropophagi . The chiefe Cities are Cauchinchina , situate on the Sea , and much frequented by a continuall concourse of Marchants ; for Porceline , or China dishes here made . 2 Cacum . 5 BARMA called by some Brama , was before the comming of the Portugals into India , a kingdome of no estimation ; being subiect to the command of the Kings of Pegu , whose Lieftenants only they were , till about 60 yeares since : when one of the Barmian Princes , Gouernour of Tangu , seazed on the kingdomes of Meliotali , Calan , Micand● , and Aua. He assaulted Pegu , and wonne it : hee beleagured Odia with 1000000 Souldiers , and forced it : He entred the kingdome of Siam , and totally subdued it , making all the rest of his neighbours his homagers . 6 SIAM , or regnum Sornaum , was not long since the Queene and Lady of this part of India : but now is subiect to the King of Barma , who wonne it Anno 1565. The principall Cities are Malacca , in compasse 20 miles ; seated in an vnwholsome aire , yet a towne of great resort for the trafficke of spices . It is now subiect to the Portugals , who haue here an Archbishop and a Colledge of Iesuites . 2 Siam , the people whereof are very opiniatiue , that after 2000 yeares , the World shall bee consumed with fire ; and that vnder the ashes shall remaine two egges , whence shall come forth one man , and one woman , who shall repeople the World anew . It is situate on the banke of the riuer Menan , which euery yeare ouer-floweth the Country for the compasse of 120 miles : by which floud , the King of Pegu besieging this Towne , Anno 1567 , with an Army of 900000 men , was forced to raise his siege ; leauing behind him in the waters , all his souldiers , except 70000 onely . This is a most pleasing city , whose statelinesse giueth name to the whole kingdomes . Here are besides the Natiues , about 30000 housholders of Arabians . 2 Odia on the riuer Cuipumo , on which 200000 boats great and litle , are continually floating : This Towne containeth 400000 families , and is the residence of the Kings of Barma . 3 Tonazarin , where they vse to hang their dead bodies , supposing it to be more honourable to be eaten of birds , then wormes . 7 PEGV so called of the chiefe city Pegu , is blessed with a rich soyle . and a harborous sea-shore , extending 300 miles in length , in which the principall hauen is Martabane . As for the city of Pegu , it is the fairest and most elegant City of all India ; strengthned with large and defensiue walls , and adorned with neat and proportionable houses . It standeth on a riuer so named , and is distant from the sea 25 miles . The other townes of note are Tauay , and Losmin ; a Towne of great commerce . This Country about the yeare 1560 , acknowledged no king but her owne ; whom about that time one of the Gouernours of Tangu deposed ; possessed himselfe of the chiefe City Pegu ; & Anno 1567 , hauing discomfited the king of Siam , vnited these diuers members vnder one head : and dying , lest his new-rais'd Empire to his sonne , a Prince of a vicious and tyrannicall nature ; & not more cruell to his subiects , then they disobedient to him . Whereupon preparations are made on both sides , the people to defend their liberty , the king to preserue his royalty . During these ciuill discords , the titulary King of Siam , whose late ouerthrow was not yet fully digested ; came violently into the Country of Pegu : burning Corne , Grasse , and Fruits ; kil●ing man , woman , and childe ; and hauing satisfied his fury , returned to his home . This spoyle of the fruits of the earth , was but a prologue to an vnsupportable famine ; which consumed all the inhabitants of this flourishing Kingdome : except such whom the Granaries of the City Pegu preserued , Anno 1598. For here the fathers deuoured their children : the stronger preied vpon the weaker ; not onely deuouring their more fleshie parts , but their entrails also : nay they broke vp the skulls of such as they had slaine , and sucked out their braines . This calamity incited another tributary Prince of Tangu , to make his best advantage out of his neighbours affliction ; he therefore assaulted and entred Pegu , where he found as much treasure as 600 Elephants , and as many horses , could conveniently car●y away . This hauock being made , he villainously murdred the King , Queene , and their children , and departed ; leauing the gleaning of his spoyle to the King of Arrachan ; who , Anno 1600 , was expelled by the King of Siam , who inioyed it not long : for the King of Barma hauing with an Army of 100000 fighting men , and 40000 Elephants , subdued the kingdomes of Macin and Arrachan : followed the current of his victories ; conquered Siam , droue the King thereof from Pegu , where he hath built a most magnificent palace ; and is now the sole Monarch of the 12 kingdomes of this India . A more particular relation of this king , and his new-setled estate , we cannot yet vnderstand : what his revenues are , what his gouernment , what his forces . M●rchants whose inquisitiuenesse into the state-matters of other Princes is dangerous ; cannot giue vs any satisfaction : Schollers and experienced statists are not permitted to obserue : and such of the natiues as could giue most light to these obscurities , are not suffered to leaue the smoake of their own chimnies . Thus much of India . OF CHINA . CHINA hath on the East Mare del Zur ; on the West I●dia ; on the North a wall extending 1000 miles in length betweene the Chinoys and the Tartarians , built by Tzaintzon the 117 ●h King ; on the South the Ocean . The people are in the composition of their body , short-nosed , and black-eyed ; they weare long garments , and haue very thinne beards , consisting of not aboue 20 haires . And as it is said that the Negroes doe paint the diuell white , as being a colour contrary to their owne : so these Chinoys when they make the portraiture of a deformed man , they paint him in a short habite , a thicke beard , broad eyes , and a long nose . From the description of the body , to proceede to that of the minde : it is said that the Chinoys are ingenuous and politicke , much delighting in proficiencie in manuall arts : for the sonne is bound to follow the fathe●s occupation ; which law preuenting the roauing about of idle people , and exciting in euery brest an emulation of euery art ; maketh the inhabitants excellent artificers . In giuing almes they are bountifull to the maimed and the lame , but reiect the blinde , as being sufficiently able to get sustenance for themselues , by corporall labour , as grinding of Corne , &c. They haue long inioyed the benefit of Printing , before it w●s knowne in Europe . They print not as we vse , from the lef● hand to the right ; nor as the Iewes , from the right to the left : but from the top of the leafe , downward to the bottome . Gunnes also haue bin vsed among thē time out of minde : whence they are so well conceited of themselues , that they vse to say ; they themselues haue two eyes , the Europaeans one , and the rest of the people , not one . That gunnes were in vse among them euen when Bacchus made his expedition into India ( which was some three or foure yeares before or after the departure of Israel out of Egypt ) Sir Walter Raleigh seemeth to affirme : because Philostratus in the life of Apollonius Tyanaeus , telleth vs , how Bacchus was beaten from a city of the Oxydracae by thunder and lightning ; which he interpreteth to be the Cannon . Certainly himselfe in another place of his most excellent booke , acknowledgeth this Philostratus to haue written fabulously ; and therefore no fit foundation for a conceit so contrary to probability , and the opinion of all times . Besides , whereas Dion telleth vs , that by the benefit of Thunder and Lightning from Heauen , Severus discomfited Pesceninus Niger ; and by the same meanes was himselfe repulsed from the walls of Petra , in Arabia : we may ( if this interpretation hold good ) as easily maintaine , that Seuerus had great Ordinance in his campe , and the Arabians in their town . As for Printing , whether Iohn Gertrudenberg learned it of the Chinoys ; or whether good Inventions like good wits do sometimes jumpe , I dare not determine : sure I am that hee first taught it in Europe ; and as some say , in the yeare 1440. At Harlem it is said to be first practised , and at Mentz perfected . Now whereas it is by some doubted , whether the Art of Printing be auaileable to the proficiencie & aduancement of Learning , or no ; I must not herein be both iudge and party : but must leaue the decision hereof to such who are not all interessed in the cause . Only this I dare boldly say , that this most exquisite Invention is too much abused , and prostituted to the lust of euery foolish and idle paper-blurrer ; the Treasury of Learning being neuer so ouer-charged with the froath and scumme of foolish and vnnecessary discourses . And herein ( though all nations haue their share ) the Germans are most blame-worthy ; whose Treatises ( though neither worth the Printers hand , nor the Readers eye ) flye so thicke amongst vs , euery yeare twice : that we may iustly thinke them as ouer-wise in their owne , so somewhat short of a true proportion of discretion , in our conceits . And so I leaue the Chinoys and their inventions . The Aire is very temperate , the soyle pleasant and fertile , abounding with Barley , Rice , Wooll , Cotton , Oliues , Vines , Flaxe , Silke , all kinde of Mettals , Fruits , Cattle , Sugar , Hony , Rueba●be , Porceline dishes , Camphire , Ginger , all kindes of Spices , Wood , Muske , and Salt ; the custome of which Salt , in only one Town , viz : Canto , yearely amounteth to the value of 180000 Crownes . The Country is for the most part very plain , insomuch that they haue Coaches and Carts driuen ordinarily with sailes ; & the seas so calme , that the small barkes in which they saile , haue only an high bough standing in the midst of them , by the helpe whereof they saile swiftly along the coasts . These plaines are tilled and sowed with all manner of fruit , of more excellency & perfection then those of the Westerne parts ; as also are their pearles , and the Bezoar , better then those of America . It yeeldeth an hearbe out of the which they presse a delicate iuyce , which serueth them insteed of wine ; and also preserueth their health , and freeth them from those euils , which the immoderat vse of wine doth breed vnto vs. They haue two , and in some places three haruests in a yeare : few mountaines , but plaines of an hundred leagues compasse . They eate thrice in a day , but sparingly : their drinke they drinke hot , and eate their meate with two sticks of Ivory , Ebony , or the like ; not touching their meat with their hands , and therefore no great filers of linnen : The vse of siluer forkes in eating with vs , with our sprucer gallants , so much vsed of late , was no doubt an imitation of this . The riuers and waters of all sorts runne gallantly through these plaines , with an vnspeakable profit for navigation & tillage : neither doe the waters in abundance of fish , yeeld at all to the fertility of the soyle in fruits . The chiefe riuer is Polisango . China is of wonderfull bignes , well nigh equalizing all Europe ; for it is said to be 3000 leagues in compasse , and 1800 leagues in length . As for the name of China it is vsed only by vs of Europe , the inhabitants calling themselues Tamans , and Tabencos ; the Arabians , Tzinin ; Paulus Venetus ▪ Mangi ; & their neighbours , Sangley : China therefore is to be deriued from the Sinae , a people , whom Ptolomie the old Geographer , knowing the name of them , rather then the power ▪ placeth in those parts : which seemeth the more probable , because the Latine Writers doe yet call it Sinarum regio . And concerning the posi●ion of it in respect of the Heauens , it reacheth f●om the Tropick of Cancer , to the 53 degree of latitude ; and extendeth from the 130th to the 160 ●h degree of longitude . It is diuided into 15 Prouinces , to the least of which , our Europaean Countries cannot admit comparison : which together with their Townes and Cities thus follow . The Prouinces , Townes , and Cities of China . Pr. T. C. Canton . 190 37 Fegvien . 99 33 Olam . 130 90 Sisnam . 150 44 Tolench●a . 135 51 Cansaie . 122 24 Minchien . 29 25 Ochian . 74 19 Honan . 102 20 Pagnia . 150 47 Xaiton . 78 27 Quinchen . 113 45 Chegvean . 95 39 Susuam 105 41 Quinsay 114 38 Whos 's Metropolis is Suntien , vulgarly called Quinsay , containeth in circuit 100 miles , hauing in the midst of it a lake of 30 miles compasse , in which are 2 goodly Ilands , and in them 2 magnificent Palaces , adorned with all necessaries either for maiestie , or convenience : in which are celebrated the publicke feasts and marriages of the better sort . This lake is nourished with diuers riuers , the chiefe being Polysango , and Cacamacan , on which riuer 12000 bridges lift vp their stately heads , vnder whose immense Arches , great ships with sailes spread abroad , and top and top-gallant , may and doe vsually passe . This City partly by the fury of warres , partly by the violence of Earthquakes , hath now lost no small part of her ancient beauty and renowne . The other cities of China , are 1 Quinchar , 2 Vnguen , famous for the abundance of s●gar there made . 3 Nanquin , seated 9 leagues from the sea , on a faire and navigable riuer , wherein ride for the most part , no fewer then 10000 of the kings shippes , besides such as belong to priuate men . This Town is in compasse 30 miles , being girt with 3 faire bricke walls , hauing large and stately gates : the streets are in length two leagues , wide , and paued : the number of the houses is about 200000 ; so that it may equall 4 of the f●i●est Citties of Europe . 4 Paquin or Pagnia where the King continually resideth ; and that either because the ayre hereof is more healthfull and pleasant , then any of the other : or because it lieth neere vnto the Tartars , with whom the Chinoys are in perpetuall warre ▪ so that from hence the dangers which may by their inuasions happen vnto the Country , may with more conuenience be either preuented , or remedied . Of the Pallace more anon , only this of Paquin now ; which is , that whereas all the other P●ouinces of this great Empire are gouern'd by substitutes , this and that of Tolenchia , only are gouerned immediatly by the King in person . 5 Ceivan . 6 Cengivan . 7 Lochean , containing 70000 families . 8 Colius , famous for Porceline . 9 ●aiton , whose harbour is neuer without 500 ships . & 10 Suchean seated in the Marishes like Venice : a rich and goodly City , and very famous for trafficke . All these Citties notwithstāding the greatnesse and magnificence of their foundations , are defectiue in that point of elegancie which our stately Churches & more sumptuous buildings , for the dispatch of publike businesses abound within these parts : their houses also are very low , and destitute of porches , galleries , & windowes , the principall ornaments in Architecture . These Citties differ not one from the other in the fashiō of their building , but only in quantity ; much like the Citties of Vtopia mentioned by Sr Thomas Moore , Idem situs omnibus , eadem vbique , quatenus per locum licet , rerum facies : so that I may say with the Poet , vnam si noueris , omnes nosti ; knowe one , knowe all : and this is their manner of building . There are two great broad streets crossing one another in the very middest ; so straight that a man standing in the middle may discerne either end : & at the end foure gates stately built and strengthned with iron . These 15 Prouinces containe 70 kingdomes , 1593 walled townes , 4200 vnwalled Townes , 1154 Castles , 591 Citties ; besides such an in●inite number of Villages , that the whole Country seemeth but one Citty . Herein inhabite 70 millions of people , out of which the King ( whom they call the Lampe of the world , and sonne to the shining sunne ) in his warlike expeditions chuseth neuer lesse then 300000 foot , and 200000 horse ; without which compleat number hee daigneth not to march . From such a number of subiects , and superfluity of Marchandise ; he raiseth a reuenew of 120 millions of crownes yearely . We haue said that the number of inhabitants is no lesse then 70 millions , which if it seeme incredible , may bee made probable enough : if wee consider the spaciousnesse of the Country ; 2 the secret goodnesse of starres , and temperature of the ayre . 3 the abundance of all things necessary to life . 4 That it is not lawfull for the King to make any warre but meerely defensiue , and so they enioy perpetuall peace . 5 That it is not lawfull for any Chinois to goe out of the Country . And 6 , that here the sea is as well peopled as whole Prouinces elsewhere : for the ships doe resemble a Citty , in them they buy , sell , are borne , & dye . And on the riuer which watreth the walls of Nanquin vp to Paquin , which is no lesse then 300 leagues ; the shippes are so thicke ranged , that it seemeth to be a continuall street . The people hereof are Gentiles , and conceaue thus of the creation ; that there was one Taine , who created Panzon , & Panzona , whose posterity remained 90000 yeares : but they for their wickednesse being destroyed , Taine Created Lutitzam , who had two hornes ; from the right came men , from the le●t women . When any of them dieth they cloath him in his best apparell all perfumed , set him in his best chaire ; and there all his nerest kindred kneeling before him , take their leaue with teares . When he is coffined they place him in a roome richly furnished and set by him a table full of viands and good cheere , with candles continually burning on it . Not much vnlike to which ceremonies , we finde , how whilst the funerall was preparing for Francis the French Kiug ; his Statua apparelled in royal roabes , with the Crowne , Scepter , &c , was laid on his bedde : whether dinner and supper was duely serued in , with the like state and solemnity , as when he was liuing . But to returne againe to my dead Chinois ; when he hath layen , as is aboue said , 15 daies ; he is carried forth to his funerall , the place whereof is in the fields : for to be buried within the walls , were a thing of all others the most wretched : hither when they are in the manner of a procession , come ; they burne his body , and with it men , cattle , and other prouision , for his attendance and sustenance in the other world . The first King of China was named Vitei , who raigned 100 yeares : from whom to the present king , Boneg , are numbred 262 Kings ; which haue swaied the regall Scepter of these parts in a continuall succession , the space of 4000 yeares and more , if we will credit the relations wee haue from thence . And which addeth to the miracle , they haue alwaies liued vnconquered , vnlesse it were in the daies of Farfar , the 242 king . He was told by prophecy , that he should bee depriued of his kingdome , by one which had 100 eyes : which ●ell out accordingly , when Chisanbaan ( which name signifieth 100 eyes ) Lieftenant to Vzan a Tartarian Prince , subdued China : which when it had beene for the space of 93 yeares vnder 9 Tartar Gouernours ; was freed by the valour of one Gombu , chosen for this act by the people the 51 king of China . The greatest Courtiers belonging to this Prince are Eunuchs , whom their parents in their infancy geld to make them capeable of this preferment ; and of whom there are no fewer then 160000 , continually attending . His Pallace where hee is most resident is in Paquin , cōpassed with a triple wall ( the outwardmost of which would well environ a large town ) within which space , besides the many lodgings for the Eunuches ; are Groues , Hills , Fountaines , Riuers , and the like places of pleasure : yet is it not equall in workmanship to the Pallaces of the Princes of Europe . The Empire of China did once extends its power ouer all the Orientall Ilands , and , as some affirme , ouer no small part of America , and almost all Scythia . But as we finde in ancient historians , that the Romans hauing by the fury of two violent tempests , lost no fewer then 206 of their ships and gallies ; resolued to abandon ( and for a long time did forbeare ) the Seas , which had vsed them so vnkindly : So the Chinois hauing receaued a great ouerthrowe , & losse of 800 ships , nigh vnto Zeilan ; they freed all the Ilands from obedience vnto them , and contented themselues with the bounds which nature had bestowed on them . And of their moderation herein , we haue a late example . For when the people of Corea , a small Prouince abutting on the confines of China , were inuaded by the Iaponites ; they submitted themselues vnto the King of China : who hauing repulsed the enimy , and thereby cleared his own Country from danger ; presently redeliuers ouer vnto the Coreans , their Towne and libertie . Thus much of China . THE ORIENTALL ILANDS . THE Ilands of Asia are either in the Mediterranean Sea , as Rhodes , and Cyprus ; or in the Orientall Ocean , as 1 Iapan . 2 Zeilan . 3 Moluccae . 4 Iaua maior . 5 Summatra . 6 Borneo . 7 the Philippinae , &c. 1 IAPAN , situated ouer against Cantan in China on the East , and the straights of Anian South : is in length 600 miles , in breadth in some places 90 , in others 30 only . The soyle & the people participate much of the nature of China , but that the Iaponites are more superstitious , as washing their children as soone as borne , in riuers ; and putting off their shooes before they enter into the dining chamber . Perhaps these may bee the Ilanders , who in meere opposition to the Chinois , put off their shooes in salutation , because they of China put off their hats : To whom our factious Puritans are fitly compared ; who oppose themselues against the Papists in things decent and allowable , though this opposition be accompanied wi●h many grosse absurdities . The chiefe Citties of this Iland are 1 Ossacaia . 2 Bunguin . 3 Fianocanca . 4 Meacum . which once contained in circuit 21 miles , though now not halfe so big . 5 C●ia . 6 Bandum , which is said to be an Vniuersity bigger then Paris . Here are in this Iland 66 kings , some of which are so rich that their houses are couered with gold . The chiefest of these kingdomes is called the kingdome of Tenze , which of it selfe comprehendeth fiue of these petit Realmes , all lying about Meacum ; & doth now Lord it ouer 50 of these 66 kingdomes : so that the K. of Tenze writeth himselfe the Soueraigne Prince of Iapon . This augmentation of the Tenzean kingdome , came wholy by the valour of Faxiba , the father of Taicosama now liuing ; who the better to assure himselfe of his new conquests , transported the vanquished Kings from one Country to another : to the end that being remoued out of their commands , & placed among strange subiects , they should remaine weake , and without meanes to reuolt against him : a politicke and mercifull course . What the reuenewes of this King are , we cannot certainly tell , onely wee may guesse them to be very great , in that he hath two millions of gold , for the yearely rent of that Rice , which is gathered out of the possessions which he hath reserued for himselfe . This Iland was discouered by Antonio Mota , a Portugall , and his fellowes , An. 1542. It is much frequented by the Iesuites , of whom 200 are said to liue here ; Xavier one of Ignatius first companions leading the way . 2 ZEILAN or Sarrandill lieth in the Gulfe of Bengala . It is in length 250 , and in breadth 140 miles . So fruitfull that grasse groweth , and trees beare fruit all the yeare long without intermission . The chiefe Citties are Zeilan , and 2 Columbus . There are herein 6 Kings , all tributary to the great Mongull . This Iland in fashion resembleth an egge , and is by a narrow channell diuided from the cape Comari . The people are actiue , expert in iuggling , and excellent managers of a hobby-horse , by which seats of actiuitie they get mony all ouer India . 3 The MOLVCCOES are fiue in number , abounding with all sorts of spices . The principall of the fiue are Tidore , Gilolo , and Terenate ; all of them 18 miles in compasse : vnder the ki●g of Terenate 70 Ilands submit their delicious commodities . Ad vnto these Moluccoe● the Ilands of Banda or Bantan , both for the vicinity in situation , and qualities : as abounding more in N●●megs then any of the Ilands of India , and for that cau●e m●ch frequented . The chiefe Towne is Nera . In all these Ilands as well of Banda , as the Moluccoes , the faith of Christ b●gu●neth now to take deepe root ; though according to the 〈◊〉 of the Roman Church . It is reported that in this Iland there is a fruit , of which if a woman that is with child eat , her child will presently moue : that there is a riuer plentifully stored with fish whose water is yet so hot , that it doth immediatly scald off the skin of any beast that is cast into it : that some of the men haue tayles , and most of their swine haue hornes : that they haue oysters which they call Bras● , the shells whereof are of so large compasse , that they Christen children in them : that in the Sea there are stones which growe and increase like fish , of which the best lime is made : that there is a bird called Monicodiata , which hauing no feet , is in continuall motion ; and that there is a hole in the backe of the Cocke , in which the hen doth laye her eggs , and hatch her young ones . I binde no man to beleeue these relations : for my part I say with Horace , Quodcunque ostendis mihi sic , incredulus odi . What euer thus thou tell'st me , I Will alwaies hate it as a ly . 4 IAVA is either the greater or the lesser . The Greater is in compasse 3000 miles , and for its wonderfull fertilitie , is called the Epitome of the world . The inhabitants vse to eat the bodies of their dead friends , accounting no buriall so honourable , nor obsequie so applausiue . This is also a custome among many of the rest of the Indians , and so hath beene euer since the beginning of the Persian Monarchie . Herodotus reporteth how Darius Histaspis vnderstanding this custome ; and withall knowing how the Graecians vsed to burne their dead bodies : sent to the Greekes , that it was his pleasure they should eat the bodies of their dead : But they vsed all meanes of perswasion & entreatie , not to be inforced to so brutish and barbarous an obseruation . Then commanded he the Indians to conforme themselues to the fashion of the Graecians ; but they also more abhorred to burne their dead , then the Greekes did to eat them . So impossible is it for a custome either to be suddainly lest off , or to seem vndecent and inconvenient . The ch●efe Citties are , 1 Paliban . 2 Megapeger . 3 Agacin . and 4 Ballambua . The lesser Iava is 2000 miles in compasse , and diuided betweene 8 Kings : The people are good Sea-men and great Pirats . The chiefe Towns are 1 Basnia , and 2 Sam●ra Lambri . The Aequator goeth in the midst betweene these two Ilands . 5 BORNEO is equally diuided by the Aequinoctiall into 2 parts ; putting , as it were , bound between the dominions of the king of Borneo , on the North side ; & of Laus , on the South side . The Idolatrous people reuerence the Sunne and Moone , whō they deeme to be man and wife ; and thinke that the starres are their children . They salute the Sunne at his rising with great reverence , repeating certaine verses . Their publike affaires are handled in the night ; at which time the Counsellours of state meet and ascend some tree , viewing the heauens till the Moone rise , and then goe into the Senate house . 6 SVMMATRA was by Aristotle in his booke de Mundo , esteemed to be the biggest Iland of the world : but modern experience hath found it otherwise ; it being onely 700 miles long , and 200 broad . The Aequator cutteth through it , so that the Sunnes vicinity doth make it abundant in Pepper , Ginger , Aloes , Cassia , Silke , Gold , and Siluer . Here are 29 kings , the chiefe being of Pedir and Aceni ; whose subiects are the most louing men to their enimies that are , for otherwise they would neuer eat them . They vse the skulls of their eaten enimies insteed of mony , exchanging them for their necessaries ; and hee is accounted the richest man that hath most of these in his house . Here is a hill called Balalvanus which continually burneth : & here are reported to be two strange fountaines , whereof the one runneth pure Balsamum , and the other the best Oyle . The chief Citties are Daren . 2 Pazzen . and 3 Androgeda . 7 The PHILIPPINAE are so called of Philip the second of Spaine , in whose time they were discouered by Legaspi a Spaniard , Aº 1564. They are in number 11000 , of which 30 are vnder the King of Spaine ; and haue receaued Christianitie , the rest remaining in Idolatry . The Chinoys were heretofore Lords of these Ilands , till they did voluntarily abandon them , confining their Empire within the continent . Vpon this relinquishment the people fell into ciuill warres , euery man becomming a tyrant , and the stronger preying on the weaker : which diuisions and factions gaue , no doubt , great helpes to the Spaniards in their conquest of them . There is another great frie of Ilands ouer against China , which the Marriners affirme to be no lesse then 7448 ; and another skull of them about India , no fewer in number then 127000 , all which laid together would make a continent as large as three foure parts of Europe , and are still groaning vnder the burden of heathenisme . These Ilands stand so nigh the one vnto the other , that they seeme not only to such as are a far to bee all but one firme land : but whosoeuer also passeth between them , may with his hands touch the boughes of the trees on the one side , and on the other . Of these and the other Indian Ilands , trauellers relate many incredible fables ; as that here be hogges that haue two teeth growing out of their snowts , & as many behind their eares , of a spanne and a halfe long : a tree whose westerne part is ranke poison , and the Easterne part an excellent preseruatiue against it . They tell vs also of a fruit , that whosoeuer eateth shall for the space of 12 houres be out of his wits ; and of a stone , on which whosoeuer sitteth , shall suddenly haue a rupture in his body . Wee are told also that hereabouts are taken Tortoises of that bignesse , that ten men might sit and diue within one of the shells ; and that here is a tree which all the day time hath not a flowre on it , but within halfe an houre after sunne-set , is full of them . All huge and monstrous lies . It shall not be amisse before we leaue these Easterne Countries , to take a superficiall survey of such Castles , Townes , and Ilands , as are at this day in the possession of the Spaniards ; who by this meanes are a terrour to the neighbouring Princes . In the Persian Gulfe they possesse the I le of Ormus , which though it be barren , yet it standeth conueniently for the trafficque of Persia , Arabia , and India . The customes only of this little Iland , afford the King , which is a Mahumetan , 140000 Seraffs yearely . This kingdome is tributary to the Portugalls , who first fortified themselues here , Aº 1506. Of this Iland the Arabians vse to say , Si terrarum orbis , quaquà patet , annulus esset , Illius Ormusium gemma decusque foret . If all the world should be a ring , the stone And gemme thereof were Ormus I le alone . They haue in Cambaio , the Townes Tana , Basa , and Daman ; where 800 Portugalls scorned the whole fleet of the great Mogul : as also the Iland Diu , which was giuen them by Badurius the last king of Cambaia , for their aid against Marhamed the Moger or Mogul . 3 In Decan or Canora , they haue Chaul , which Misamalucco a potent Prince of these parts besieged , but could not force it , Aº 1573. They haue also Goa the Spanish Vice-Roys residence , who hath here his Councel , Chanceries , and officers . This town was beleagured by Idalcan another Prince , with 35000 horse , 6000 Elephants , and 250 peeces of Ordinance ; but in vaine . 4 In Malauar they haue Chalen and Colan . 5 In Zeilan they haue fortified Columbus , bragging of one of the fairest hauens in the world . 6 In Siam they are Lords of Malaca , and the adioyning Castle ; in which when they surprised it , they found 900 peeces of Ordinance . 7 In the Moluccoes they enioy Terenate . Yet for all these fortresses , the English and Hollanders will not be hindred from trafficke with these Indians ; by which commerce what benefit accreweth to our State , I meddle not . Thus much of the Orientall Ilands . OF CYPRVS . THe Ilands in the Mediterranean sea , are Cyprus & Rhodes . CYPRVS situate in the Syrian Sea , is in compasse 550 miles ; extending from East to West 200 miles , & is in breadth but 65 miles . It is situate vnder the fourth climate , the longest day being 14 houres and a halfe : and is 60 miles distant from the rockie shore of Cilicia , and a hundred from the maine land of Syria . The ayre is in summer time exceeding hot and sweltrie ; the soyle is moistned with some fewe brookes , meriting rather the name of torrents , then riuers ; which being generated for the most part by raine water , are not seldome exhausted by the heat of the Sunne : insomuch that in the raigne of Constantine the Great , this Iland was for 36 yeares together almost vtterly forsaken , no raine falling all that time . These inconueniences notwithstanding , it is stored with such plenty of all things , that without the helpe of any forraine nation , it is of it selfe able to bu●ld a tall ship from the keele to the topsayle , and so to put it to Sea furnished with all things needfull for a voyage , or a Sea-fight . It also aboundeth in Wine , Oyle , Corne , Sugar , Cotton , Hony , Wooll , Turpentine , and Allum , Verdegree●e , all sorts of mettals , store of Salt , Grograms , & other commodities ; wherevpon this Iland was once called Macaria ( i. e. happy ) 2ly Cerastis because it butted toward the East with one horne . 3ly Amathusia : and 4ly Cyprus from the abundance of Cypresse trees there growing . This Iland was consecrated to Venus , who is hence called Venus Cypria , and Dea Cypri , Sic te diua potens Cypri , in Horace : and in Ovid , Festa dies Veneris tota celeberrima Cypro Venerat ipsa suis aderat Venus aurea festis . Venus feasts hollowed through all Cyprus came , And Venus faire was present at the same . The people hereof are warlike , strong , and nimble ; of great civility , hospitality to their neighbours , & loue to strangers of al nations , Iewes only excepted . For in the Empire of Traiant , the Iewes inhabiting Aegypt , and the confining Countries , ioyned themselues together , and chose one Artemio their Captaine ; vnder whose conduct they entred into , and laid desolate this Iland killing in it 240000 liuing soules ; and not without much bloudshed were presently vanquished and slaine by Lucius the Emperours Lieftenant . Since which time the Cypriots permit no Iew to enter the Country ; but come he thither voluntarily , or be he beaten in by force of tempest , they lay hands on him & put him to execution . This Country is famous for the birth of 1 Aesclepiades , the author of the verses so named ; and 2 Xenophon , the historian . 3 Zeno. 4 Apollonius the Philosopher ; and 5 Solon , one of the wise men of Greece . The other six being , Periander of Corinth , 2 Bias of Priene : 3 Thales of Miletum . 4 Pittacus of Mitilene . 5 Cleobulus of Lindum . 6 Chilo of Sparta . Here also was borne the Christian Martyr S. Barnabie . The Iland is diuided into 11 Prouinces , in which the chiefe riuers are Pedeus and 2 Tenus . The chiefe Citties are 1 Paphos , built , as it is by most said , by Cineras ( the father of Myrrha , & father and grandfather to Adonis ) who so called it in memory of his father Paphus . It was of old famous for the Temple of Venus . 2 Famagusta on the South-Sea , built by Teucer , & called Salamine : at the besieging of which town the Turkes spent 118000 great bullets . 3 Nicosiae , almost in the midst of the Country . This Towne was anciently called Fremitus , & Leucetum . 4 Amathus where Venus also was worshipped , & from whence the whole Iland was called Amathusia . 5 Ceraunia , now called Cerines , built by Cyrus when he had vanquished the 9 Kings of this Iland . 6 Arsinoe now called Lescare renowned for the groues of Iupiter . Cyprus was first made a kingdome by Teucer , who after the Troian warre came hither : afterwards it was diuided betweene nine petty Princes , all of which were subdued by Cyrus the first Monarch of the Medes and Persians . His Empire being subuerted by Alexander , this Iland was giuen to the Ptolomies of Egypt : from whom M. Cato conquered it to the benefit of the Roman Empire . The treasure which Cato found here in ready mony and moueables , amounted vnto 7000 Talents : which he fearing to loose by Sea , diuided the summe into many small portions , which he put into seuerall boxes , viz : in euery box 2 Talents and 500 Drachmas . At the end of every box he fastned a long rope with a peece of corke at the end ; by which floating aboue the water , the money if by shipwrack it were lost might be espied again : which were not much vnlike the buoyes which Marriners fasten by long ropes to their anchors , that they may be the sooner found . The pretence of the Romans to this country was very weake , Avarius magis quam iustius sumus assecuti , are the words of Sextus Rufus . Cyprus being made a Romane Prouince , was in the diuision of the Empire assigned to the Constantinopolitan Emperour , and gouerned by a succession of Dukes , till the yeare 1184. At this time , Andronicus Comnenius vsurping the Greeke Empire , compell'd Isaacius Comnenius , one of the bloud royall to shift for himselfe ; who seasing on this Iland made himselfe king hereof , and ruled till the yeare 1191. In which Richard the first of England , being denied the common curtesie of taking in fresh water ; and seeing the Souldiers abused by the Cypriots , not only tooke the King prisoner , but subdued the whole Iland . And as Paterculus telleth vs , that when Marcus Antonius had captiued Artamasdes king of Armenia , Catenis , sed ne quid honori d●esse , aureis vinxit . So did our Richard keepe herein a decorum toward this prisoner , binding him not in bonds of iron , but siluer . King Richard hauing thus possessed himselfe of this Country , sold it for ready mony , ( which for the managing of his intended wars against the Turks he most needed ) vnto the Templers ; and taking it vpon I know not what discontent againe from them , he bestowed it on Guy of Lusignan , the titulary and miserable king of Hierusalem , receauing in way of exchange the title of that lost and shipwraced kingdome , with which title he and some of his successours were for a time honoured . In the posterity of this Guy , this Iland continued free and absolute till the yeare 14●3 , when Melechella ( or Melech●aset ) Sultan of Aegypt , inuaded this Country , took Iohn , king hereof prisoner , ransomed him for 150000 Sultanies , restored him to his kingdome , and imposed on him & his successours , the yearely tribute of 40000 crowns . This Iohn was father to another Iohn , whose two children were Carlotte a legitimate daughter , and Iames a bastard sonne . Iames after the death of his father , dispossessed his sister Carlotte of the Crowne , by the consent and helpe of the Sultan of Aegypt ; and the better to strengthen himselfe against all opposition , he took to wise Catharina Cornerie , daughter by adoption to the Venetian Senate . Her , he dying made his absolute heire ; and she seeing the factious nobility , too head-strong to bee bridled by a female autority , like a good child , resigned her Crowne and Scepter to the Venetian Senate , An. 1473. These defended it against all claimes ( paying only as tribute to the Egyptian , and after to the Turkish Sultans , the 40000 Crownes ) till the yeare 1570 ; when Mustapha generall of the Turkes wrested it from the Venetians to the vse of his master Selimus the second , who pretended title to it as Lord of Egypt . The gouernour of the Venetian forces at the time of this vnfortunate losse , was Signior Bragadino ; who as long as hope of succours , meanes of resistance , or possibility of preuailing continued : with incredible valour made good the towne of Famagusta , in whose defence consisted the welfare of the whole Iland . At last hee yeelded it on honourable conditions , had they beene as faithfully kept , as sincerely agreed on . For Mustapha the Turkish Generall inuiting to his Tent the principall men of worth in the Town , caused them all to be murdered : and as for Bragadino himselfe , he commanded his eares to be cut off , his body to be flead aliue , & his skinne stuffed with straw to be hanged at the maine yard of his galley . The chiefe of the prisoners and spoiles , were in two tall ships and one gallion sent vnto Selimus , but hee neuer saw them : for a noble Cyprian Lady destinated to the lust of the Grand Signieur ; fired certaine barrells of powder ; by the violence whereof both vessells and bootie were in part burned , in part drowned . A famous and heroicke act . The yeare after this losse , the Venetians wonne the battle of Lepanto ; which so fleshed them , that they said that their little losse in that fight was but as a bloodletting for the generall good : but a Turke ingeniously compared the losse of Cyprus to the losse of an arme , which could not without a miracle be recouered ; and the losse of Lepanto battle to the shauing of ones beard , whose haire groweth the thicker : For the next yeare the Turke shewed his Armada whole and entire , brauing with it the whole Christian forces . What the reuenue of this Iland is I cannot certainely determine . The profits of salts only and the custome house yeelded to the Signeur of Venice , when it was in their hands , a million of Crownes yearely . For these customes and profits were farmed for 500000 Crowns a yeare , which being turned into the chiefe Cypriot commodities , were at their vnlading in Venice counted double worth the mony . To this adde the lands belonging to the former kings , & now by deuolution to this state ; and the reuenue cannot but be much more . The Armes are quarterly first A , a crosse potent , betweene foure crossets , Or : 2ly Barr-wise of eight peeces A and B , supporting a Lyon passant B , crowned O : 3ly O a Lyon G : 4ly A a Lyon G. Cyprus containeth Archbishop , 1. Bishops 3. Thus much of Cyprus . OF RHODES . RHODOS , or RHODES , is situate in the Carpathian Sea , ouer against Caria a Prouince of lesser Asia . It is in circuit 120 miles , and taketh denomination from Rhodes the chief Citty , honoured with the mighty Colossus ; made by Chares of Liudum , in the space of 12 yeares . This Colossus was made in the image of a man , being 80 cubits high , and so bigge that the little finger of it was as bigge as an ordinary man : the brasse of this statua was so much , that when Mnaui generall of Caliph Osmen , vnited this Ile to the Mahumetan Empire ; it loaded 900 Camels . This image was made in honour of the Sunne , who once a day at least kisseth this Iland ; bee the ayre in all other places neuer so ouercast with clowdes : And it is by some said that from hence the people were called Colossians . Whether this be a truth or a coniecture I wot not , certainely they were not those Colossians , to whom S. Paul directed one of his Epistles , they being inhabiters of Anatolia , & there haue we made mention of them . The people of this I le were alwaies very expert in maritine affaires , and are called by Florus , Populus Nauticus . They aided the Romans against Philip king of Macedon ; and when all the other Ilands of the Mediterranean reuolted to Mithridates of Pontus , this only adhered to the Romans . And Pate●culus in expressing the hard tearmes of the Roman state in the warre against king Perseus ; bringeth it in for almost a miracle , that Rhodij ipsi fidelissimi antea Romanis , dubiaiam fide , proniores in Regis partes visi sunt . It fell in diuision of the Empire to the Graecians , from whom the Sarracens tooke it and held it , til that the knights of S. Iohn in Hierusalem , being vtterly driuen out of Asia by the Turkes , ceased on it ; 1308. These knights sorely infested the Turkes till the yeare 1522 , in which Solyman the Magnificent inuaded it ; and Lilladamus Villiers being great Master desended it as farre as humane puissance , or warlike pollicie could extend ; but multitude ouermastred valour , and on Christmas day , the Turk entred Rhodes as conquerour . Though he might say ( as Pyrrhus once said of his victory ouer the Romans ) that such another victory as that would haue vndone him ; he lost so many of his best Souldiers , and brauest commanders . The Towne Rhodes whereof the Iland taketh its name , and on whose strength both formerly & at this time dedendeth the welfare of the whole Iland ; is situate on the East part of the I le , on the bottome of a hill , and the brinke of the Sea : so that it enioyeth a faire and a safe hauen for commodity , and for strength hath two walls , 13 high Towres , 5 bulwarks , besides diuers sconces and outworks ; this towne and Famagusta being indeed the two most defensible holds in all the Turkish Empire . It is inhabited only by Turks and Iewes , the Christians hauing free commerce and traffice in it all the day time : but on paine of death leauing it at the night time . It was formerly a famous Vniuersitie , this Rhodes , Marseils , Alexandria , Athens , and Tarsus being the old Academies of the Romane Monarchie : and hither Tiberius withdrew himselfe , when Augustus had declared Caius and Lucius to be his heires ; pretending only a desire to study , whereas the true cause was his enuy of the young Princes preferments . West of Rhodes , betweene it and Crete , lieth Carpathos , an Iland of 70 miles circuit , now called Scarpanto : famous only in causing the adiacent waters to be called the Carpathian Sea. Rhodes containeth . Archbishop , 1. Bishop . 2. A TABLE OF THE LONGITVDE AND Latitude of the chiefe Asian Citties . A Lo.   La.   Antiochia 27 30 39   Aleppo 72 30 38   Arminig . 76   41   Ava 142 30 27 50 B         Babylon . 82 20 33   Bethlem 65 45 31 50 Baccu 88 50 42   Bulgar 88 30 54 30 Bengala . 125 10 21 20 C         Cale●ut . 112 40 10 30 Cabul . 112 20 31   Casan . 96 10 35 10 Capha . 68 50 48   Cambalu . 161 10 51 10 Cambaia 142 20 11 40 Cantan . 149   25   D         Damascus . 69   35   Decan . 113 20 14   Delle 114 19 5   E         Ephesus 57 40 37 40 F         Famagusta 69 20 30 30 Fassum 57 50 45 40 G         Goa . 112 20 14 40 Gaza . 70 50 33   I         Indian . 105 40 38   Ierusalem 66   31 40 Iericho . 73   33   L         Liamp● 160 20 34 40 M         Mandao 125 0 25   Malaca . 136 30   5 Mecha . 75 30 25   Medina 73   27 20 Meacum . 106 30 23 15 N         Ni●e 57   41 40 Niniue 82   36 40 Narfinga . 119   18   Nicomedia 63 30 44 20 Nicopolis 56 30 45   O         Ormus . 92 0 19 0 Odia 138 30 12   Oxiana . 107   41 20 P         Pacem 132   4   Persepolis 90 40 30 40 Ptolomais 66 40 29 40 Q         Quinsay 153   40   R         Rhodes 58   35   S         Smyrna 60 20 40 30 Susis 73 40 48   Sigestan . 105   31   Sarmacand 109   44   Samaria 72 20 33 40 T         Tarsus . 71 20 40   Tauris . 90 30 38 10 Tenduc 168 30 57 30 Tirus 72 10 36 30 Trebezond 740 30 44 40 Troas 31   48 10 Tripolis 72 20 37   Tidore . 160 40 0 40 X         Xaindu 168 40 55 40 Z         Zeilan 138   11 20 THE ENDE OF ASIA . OF AFRICA . AFRICA is a Peninsula , encompassed almost round ; with the Red Sea on the East , the Atlanticke Ocean on the West , the Southerne Ocean on the South , and the Mediterranean on the North. Where the Sea is defectiue , to make it a cōpleat Iland , there is a litle Isthmus which tieth it to Asia . This Isthmus is but 60 miles in length , so that diuers haue begun a Trench to let in the Mediterranean : as first Sesostris ; secondly Darius the King of Persia and Egypt ; thirdly one of the Ptolomies ; and fourthly a capricious Portugal ; that an easier way might be found toward India , and the Easterne Countries : but they all desisted on the same reason , viz : lest the Sea ( being obserued to be higher then Egypt ) should sometimes ouer-flow the Country , and spoile the waters of Egypt . A greater proiect then this we now recited , was by Cleopatra the last Queene of the Ptolomean line in Egypt , attempted on this Isthmus , which was this : When Marke Antonie was by Augustus encountred in the Navall battail at Actium , Cleopatra fearing the successe , fled out of the battail with the 60 ships appointed to her guard . Being come to the North part of this Isthmus , she gathered together all her portable riches , & intended to hoist her shipping out of the Mediterranean sea , and hale them ouer this Isthmus into the Red sea : whence shee had intended to take saile , and together with her Antonie , and some of her choyce fri●nds , to seek out some new habitation , far from the danger and bondage , which the present war threatned . But from this , Ant●ni● , ( who vainly hoped for a change of fortune ) disswade● her . The forme of Africke is like a Pyramis reversed , the Basis whereof is in breadth 1920 miles , the Conis very narrow ; but from the Pyris or Conis , to the Basis , it extendeth it selfe the space of 4155 miles , being much lesse then Asia , and farre bigger then Europe . The old Geographers knew very litle of this Country , supposing most or all beyond mount Atlas , not to be inhabited ; because it is situate vnder the Torrid Zone , and therefore tooke its name from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , without cold . Pomponius Mela guessed the more inward parts thereof to be inhabited with strange people , as 1 Augilae , whose wiues on the marriage night , vsed to prostitute themselues to all commers ; she being had in most honour , which had that night accompanied most men . But after that night , coniugall chastity was highly prized among them . 2 Gampsaphantes , a naked people , and ignorant of the vse of weapons . 3 Blem●●●● , who being without heads , had their eyes and mouth in their brests : and 4 Aegypani , who ( shape only excepted ) had no other humane quality to shew they were men . These people ( as he thought ) possessed some small part of the Country ; the rest he knew not , or with others deemed it inhabitable . But later discoueries haue seene the cōtrary , finding the Country to be frequently inhabited ; and the coolenes of the nights , by the Mists , Dewes , and gentle gales of wind , to parallell the heat of the Day . Quodque die Solis violento excanduit aestu , Humida nox reficit , paribusque refrigerat horis . What is by Day Sun-burnt , the Night renewes , And iust as much doth coole with pea●ly dewes . The Country howsoeuer is full of sandy desarts , and vncouth wildernesses , full of Lions , Leopards , Elephants , Crocodiles , Sea-horses , Hyaena's , and such like : which caused this old proverb , Africa semper aliquid apportat novi . How Africa distracted with seuerall Principates , came vnder the power of the Romans ; shal be specified in diuers places . The Romans continued Lords of it , vntill the yeare 428 , Theodosius the second then commanding the East , and Valentinian the West : for in that yeare the Vandals seazed on it . The Vandals , o● Vind●lici , were a people of Germany , and were possessours of that part which is now called Sueviae . They were called into Gallia by Stilico , whom Theodosius the Great had left as ouer-seer to his son Honorius . They accepted this invitation partly on hope of a more fruitfull soyle , partly to auoid the fury of the Hunnes and Gothes ; who yet tormented them , chasi●g them out of Gaul , into Spaine . With them entred the Suevi and the Alani : the Suevi had to king , Hermeric ; the Vandals , Gundericus ; and the Alani , Atace . The battle of Merida ruinated the power of those nations ; so that the Vandals could not but willingly accept the offer of Bonifacius , the Emperors Vicegerent in Africa ; who stomaching to see his office bestowed on Castinus , an vnworthy man , and his Enemy ; betrayed the Country to these Vandals , in the last yeare of the life & reigne of Gundericus . The Vandall Kings of Africa . 412 1 Gundericus 16 428 2 Gensericus , who at the request of Eudocia , the widow of Valentinian , invaded Italy , sacked the city of Rome , the spoyle whereof for 14 dayes he gaue to his souldiers ; but at the request of Eudocia , whom he afterward married , he did not burne it . This Eudocia was wife to the Westerne Emperour Valentinian ; who hauing a minde to a Lady of Rome , the wife of one Maximus ; he cunningly slipped Maximus Ring off his finger , and by that token sent for the Lady to come to Court , & when she was come , rauished her . To reuenge this disgrace , Maximus slew Valentinian , made himself Emperour , and forced Eudocia to be his wife . But she stomaching a match so vnequall to her high birth , and hauing some incling of the manner of her husbands death , sent for Gensericus into Italy . This Gensericus conquered Carthage , and Hippo , and reigned 40 yeares . 476 3 Honoricu● 7 484 4 Gundamundus . 12 499 5 Thr. ●imundus 24 523 6 Hildericus 7. 530 7 Gilmer . 5. This King was ouercome by Belisaruis a worthy and politick Leader , whom the Emperour Iustinian imployed in this seruice . And thus ended the Kingdome of the Vandals , hauing continued 146 yeares . Belisarius , after this good seruice , was imployed by Iustinian against the Gothes then raigning in Italy ; against whom he proceeded very fortunatly . But being on I know not what envy called to Constantinople , his eyes were put out , and he was faine to beg his bread , at the gate of the Temple of S. Sophia . A bad reward for so good a seruant . The Gothes of Spaine as litle loued the neighbour-hood of the Romans in Africa , as formerly of the Vandals ; whereupon King Theude , in the last yeare of his raigne , sent an army against them . Those Souldiers on a superstitious feare , would not fight on the Sunday : but the Romans hauing no such scruple , assaulted them , and put them all to the sword ; leauing not one to carry newes of this ouerthrow . I dare not so far put my sickle into this Haruest , as to limit out the extent of Sabboth-keeping ; which commanding vs to doe no worke , doth seeme to prohibit vs to work for our own safe-guard . Neither can I impute this abstinence from defence , to Religion , but superstition : for workes of necessity are allowed by the best Diuines , as consonant to Gods Word , to be done on that day . But on a meere fancy to destroy our selues , and bereaue God of that glory , which resistance might yeeld in such a case ; is not only not cōmanded , but forbidden by piety and Christian policy . So was it by our Sauiour , permitted to his Disciples , to pluck the eares of corne on the Sabbaoth day ; and the drawing of the Oxe and the Asse out of the ditch , is allowed by him which was Lord of the Sabbaoth . If then it be lawfull to take from Gods seruice some part of that day , for the safety of our cattell , and the necessary sustenance of our own liues : then much more doubtl●sse are we bound , on that day also to prouide for the defence of our Country , which ( as Tully saith ) Omnes omnium charitates complectitur . The ancient Iewes were in this kind so vainly scrupulous , that when Hi●rusalem was by Pompey besieged , they on that day omitted all kind of resistance , which the politique Captain obseruing , vsed no assault on the week dayes ; but Saturday being come , with all his forces he assaulted the Town , & in the end on that day , took it . Vpon the same aduantage , was it afterwards taken by Sosius and Herode ; and on the same , a third time , by Titus Vespasian : the Iewes being all this while so superstitiously sottish , that no example or danger would moue them to repulse the enemy . So truly was it said of Dion . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Etita ( Iudaei ) nihil quicquam perpugnantes , in potestatem hostium die Saturni venerunt More discreet , and in my iudgment , no lesse religious was the decree of Mattathias , the father of the Maccabees ; when he saw that 1000 of his Countrymen , had on the Sabboth bin slain by Antiochus Souldiers ; they not casting a stone at them : which was , that whosoeuer shall come to make battaile with vs on the Sabboth day , wee will fight against him , neither will we die all as our brethren did , that were murdered in the secret places . Now concerning the other workes allowed on this day , as those of charity and Religion , together with those of magnificence , ( as the adorning of our bodies with our better rayment , and the furnishing of our Tables with more hospitable prouision ) I will here say nothing , as not pertaining to my story of the Gothes discomfiture , whose superstition occasion'd me to digresse so farre . To conclude all , let me tell you how a Iew ( which people to this day doe very strictly and superstitiously obserue their Sabboth ) being at Alexandria , and refusing to take ship , when the wind serued very happily to saile into Palestine , because it was Saturday ; the better to cousen his conscience , hired a Ianizary to beat him aborde ; which taske the Ianizary partly in loue to knauery , and partly in hate to the Nation , performed not by halfes , and in jest ; but lashed him sorely , and to the purpose . After this ouerthrow of the Gothes , and the subuersion of this Vindelician kingdome ; Africa continued Roman , till their vtter expulsion by Hucba a famous Leader ; whom Osmen the third Caliph of the Saracens , destinated to the conquest of this Country . Of the translation of which Empire , thus Du Bartas . The Almane and North-Vandall , beaten both From Corduba and Sevill by the Goth Seaze Africke first , which afterward they lost To wise Iustinians valiant Roman host . And Romans since ioyn'd with the barbarous troope Of curled Moores vnto th' Arabian stoope . The vsuall diuision of it is into 1 Barbarie , 2 Numidia , 3 Lybia , 4 the Land of Negro's , 5 Aethiopia Interior , 6 Aethiopia Exterior , 7 Aegypt , and 8 the Ilands . OF BARBARIE . BARBARIE , so called by the Saracens from Barbar , signifying a murmuring sound , ( for so seemed the olde language to the new Conquerours ) hath on the East , Cyrenaica ; on the West , the Atlanticke Ocean ; on the North , the Mediterranean ; on the South , the hill Atlas . It comprehendeth the Countries anciently called Numidia antiqua , Africa propria , Mauritania Caesariensis , and Tingitana ; now it is vsually diuided into the kingdomes of 1 Tunis , 2 Algeirs , 3 Fesse , & 4 Morocco : all which are of like fertility , and peopled with the like inhabitants . The fertility consisteth in Fruits , Figges , Oliues , Dates , Sugar , and Horses of excellent beauty , strength , and seruice . The men are of a duskish colour , comely of body , stately of gate , implacable in hatred , constant in affection , laborious , and treacherous : The women sumptuous in iewels , beautifull in blacknes , hauing delicate soft skinnes . Heare ( if you list ) a further Character of this people out of Herodian . Mauri genus sunt hominum ( saith he ) suapte natura caedis avidissimum , nihilque non facile audens , & desperatis similes ; contemptu viz : mortis & periculorum . TVNIS hath on the East Cyrenaica , on the West Algiers . It is diuided into 5 Prouinces , bearing the names of the Metropolis : 1 Constantina , in which is Bona , where S. Augustine was borne ; and Hippo where he was Bishop . 2 Bugia , once a kingdome of its own iurisdiction . 3 Ezzab , wherein is the City Cairaon , built by Hucba , who being Captain-Generall to Osmen , the fourth Saracenicall Caliph , subdued all Barbary . His posterity gouerned it 170 yeares , when Escan , his last successor was slaine by Maladi one of his Captaines : from whom Ioseph King of Morocco , violently with-held it ; after which it followed the fortune of Tunis . 4 Trip●lis , so called because of the three prime Cities , Abroton , Taphia , and Leptis . This Tripolis , & its Prouince , was by the Genoys taken from the king of Tunis , and sold to him of Fesse : from whom , when they of Tunis had regained it , it fell into the hands of Ferdinando , king of Castile ; whose Nephew Charles the fift , gaue it to the kings of Malta ; and they not long after , were forced to leaue it , by the valour of Sinan Bassa , Lieftenant to Selim the second , Anno 1551. The fift Prouince is Tunis , whose chiefe Cities were 1 Vtica , where Cato kill'd himselfe , now called Biserta . 2 Madaura , where Apuleius was borne . 3 Thystrus , where Gordianus the elder was saluted Emperour , by the yong men of this Prouince : who hauing in a tumult murdred their Procurator , and well knowing the cruelty of Maximinus then Emperour ; saw no course so suiting with their desperate states , as to wipe out their present treason , with an attempt of higher nature ; and thereupon compell this Gordianus , Proconsul of Africke , to take vpon him the Empire . This act , as it was pleasing to the Nobles and commons of Rome ; so was it as distastfull to Maximinus , and his faction . Capellianus an other of his Procurators , with a sufficient army , set vpon and ouer-threw the vnexpert Africans : and slew in the battaile , the sonne of the new Emperour : who ●earing this lamentable report , and fearing the inexorable nature of his enemy , hanged himselfe . 4 Carthage . The Country was peopled by the Phoenicians , as fled from the victorious swords of Ioshua , and the Israelites . To these long after , Dido sister to Pigma●eon ioyned her Tyrian troopes , and built this City , A.M. 3078 ; before the building of Rome , 135 yeares ▪ This Town stood iust opposite to Rome , whose Rivall it was in wealth , valour , and desire of the vniuersall Empire . Vrbs antiqua fuit ( Tyrij tenuêre Colon● ) Carthago , Italiam contra , Tyberinaque longè Ostia , diues opum , studijsque asperrima belli . There wās an ancient City call'd as then Carthage , and built by banisht Tyrian men , Iust 'gainst old Tibers mouth , and Italy ; Great in wealth , skill'd in martiall chivalry . It contained 21 miles in circuit : the Citizens were called Poeni , and are still infamous for their periury , and false hearted dealing . That they were of the Canaanitish race , may be proued , 1 by the name Poeni , or Phoeni , litle differing from the Phoenices . 2ly we find in Herodotus , how Cambises hauing totally conquered Aegypt , intended a warre against the Carthaginians , who were then a state ( it seemeth ) of some power ; but the Phoenicians , being the only sea-faring men , Cambises then had absolutely denied to be agents in that seruice ; they being sprung from the same tree that the Carthaginians were . 3ly we read in Procopius , ( out of whom it is cited by Evagrius Scholasticus ) how on two marble pillars , situate nigh vnto Tingis , or Tanger , there was in the Phoenician language and character engraued , Nos fugimus à facie Iosuah praedonis , filij Nave . This last we before touched . The Common-wealth of Carthage was in these parts so potent , that they stroue with the Romans tooth and naile for the Empire of the World , but lost their owne liberty , being ouerthrowne in 3 seuerall warres by the Romans . The first was for the possession of Sicilie , Sardinia , and Corsica : The second was begun by Hannibal , who terrified the Romans with many fatall ouer-throwes ; but was at last ouercome by Scipio , hauing kept the Romans worke 18 yeares ; and then this great City submitted . But being vnwilling to endure such a mutation , from being Queene of Africa , to be a handmaid to Rome , she again revolted , and was vtterly razed to the ground . Caesar after rebuilt it , and planted therein a Colonie of the Roman people . It grew in small time to be frequently inhabited , and abounding in riches : yet so farre from her ancient reputation , that her chief glory was to be rather sought in her ancient , then present fortunes . Populi Romani colonia , olim imperij eius pertinax aemula ; & priorum excidio rerum , quam ope praesentium clarior : was her true character in the Geographer Mela's dayes . Long after this in the flourishing of Christianity in these parts , the Archbishop hereof had vnder his iurisdiction 120 Suffragan Bishops . Out of the ruines and cinders of Carthage , finally destroyed by the Vandals , and Saracens ; like the yong Phoenix out of her dams ashes , arose Tunis , a City of 9000 families , seated nigh vnto a most delicate safe harbour , which the Spaniard● strengthned with the fort of Goletta : which , after they had consumed 40 yeares in building , was by the continuall labour of the Turkes leuelled with the ground in 39 dayes . This Country was called Numidia , containing also Africa propria , and was the Kingdome of Masinissa , whom his sonne Micipsa succeeded ; after whose death , Iugurth hauing kill'd his brethren Adherbal , and Hiempsal , manfully withstood the Romans ; whose attempts sometimes by force , sometimes by subtilty but chiefly by money and bribes , he ouer-threw & made frustrate : & fuit in Iugurtha ( saith Florus ) quod post Annibalem timeretur . At last being broken by Metellus , vanquished by Marius , and by Boechus deliuered into the hands of Sylla : he was by Marius led in triumph vnto Rome . In this triumph was carried 3700 pound weight in golde ; in siluer wedges 5775 pound weight ; and in ready coyne , 28700 Crownes : it being the custome of the Romans in their triumphs , to haue carried before them all the riches and money , which they had brought out of conquered Countries , to put into the common Treasurie . Thus besides others did Paulus Aemylius , when triumphing for his victory ouer Perseus king of Macedon , he caused the ready money which he had brought out of Greece , to be carried in 750 vessels ; euery vessell ( as Plutarch relateth ) containing 3 talents : a masse of treasure so infinite , that the Roman people were for many yeares after , free from all kind of taxe & imposition . After the death of Iugurth , who at Rome was starued in prison ; Numidia was giuen to some of the confederate Kings of the Romans ; whose guise it was ( as Tacitus noteth ) habere servitulis instrumenta etiam reges . The first King was Hiempsal , who relieued Marius in exile : the second was Hiarba , an other of the Marian faction , vanquished by Sylla's Captaines . The third was a second Hiempsal , sonne ( if I e●re not ) to Bacchus King of Mauritania : to whō Sylla gaue this Prouince . The last was Iuba , sonne to this Hiempsal , of whom , more annon : who being slain , Numidia was made a Roman Prouince , Crispus Salustius being the first Lieftenant of it . The Romans lost it to the Saracens , after whose conquest this Prouince had many Kings , all forced to bow vnder the command of the Kings of Morocco : one of whose Deputies in these Countries , vsurped the soueraignty , and left it intire to his posterity : who peaceably enioyed it , till Muleasses the yongest son of Mahomet , hauing kill'd his eldest brother , and put out the eyes of 20 of the other , tooke on him the kingdome . Roseta the only one , which escaped this massacre , by the aide of Solyman the magnificent , regained , and was enforced to leaue it as a prey to Muleasses , by the valour of Charles the fift , and his Castilians , Anno 1535. After many troubles this tyrant had his eyes put out by his son Amida . He was dispossessed by his brother Mahomet : In whose life , the Turkes razed the Spanish fort of Goletta ; and after his death , succeded him in his kingdome of Tunis . ALGIRS , ARGEIRS , or TESESINE , was of old called Mauritania Caesariensis ; Mauritania , from the Mauri , who inhabited it , and the Westerne tract : & Caesariensis from the chief City Caesarea . This City was by a more ancient name called Iol , & was the seat of K. Bacchus ; who betrayed his friend Iugurth , to L. Sylla ; who in regard of this seruice , did afterward enrich Hiempsal , the son of this Bacchus , by giuing him the kingdome of Numidia also . His sonne Iuba●iding ●iding with Pompey ( the heire of Sylla's faction ) in the ciuill warres , gaue a great ouer-throw to Curio , Caesars Lieftenant in Africke , Curio himselfe being slain , his whole Army routed , and such as were taken prisoners murdered in cold bloud . He was after the ouerthrow & death of Pompey , encountred and discomfited by Caesar himselfe ; who presently made Numidia a Prouince of the Empire , giuing Mauritania to Bacchus and Bogud , two of his consederates . These continued not long friends : for during the succeeding Triumvirate , Bacchus dispossessed Bogud of his part , and was confirm'd in both by Augustus Caesar : but he suddenly after dying , the whole Country of Mauritania , as well this called Caesariensis , as that other called Tingitana , were Prouinces of the Roman Empire , and so it continued , till the Vandals , and after them the Saracens made hauocke of it . This kingdome , bounded on the East with Tunis , and on the West , with Fess and Morocco , contameth these fiue principall Cities ; 1 Hubeda . 2 Tegdenit . 3 Guagido . 4 Argeirs , a Towne not so large as strong ; and not so strong as famous . Famous for being the receptacle and retrait-place of the Turkish Pirats , who domineere so infinitely ouer the Mediterranean , to the great dammage of the Merchants of all Nations , that frequent those seas : As also for the shipwracke which Charles the fifth here suffred ; who besieging this Towne , lost in the Hauen of it at one tempest , besides an infinite number of karvels and small boats , diuerse strong Galleyes , 140 Ships , a great many excellent peeces of Ordinance , such a number of gallant horses , that in Spaine , the race of horses for seruice was like to haue beene lost for euer , and aboue halfe his men . It is situate in or nigh vnto the place of Iol , ot Caesarea ; and is esteemed to contain about 1000 families . The buildings are very sumptuous ; the innes , bathes , and temples very beautifull ; and euery occupation hath a seuerall place or street by it selfe . These long enioyed the benefite of proprietary Princes , till such times as Selimes , and Mahomet , falling out , made the first , & that an irreparable breach in the gouernment ; for Selimes to strengthen his side , implored the aide of Hairaccius Barbarossa , a noble Pirat ; who taking his best advantage , slew the dis●oincted brethren , and setled himselfe in the kingdome ; which he had scarce made warme , when he left it to Hairadine Barbarossa his brother , Aº 1514. This Hairadine droue the Spaniards out of Bugia , and was so renowned for martiall prowesse , that Solyman the Magnificent made him Lord high Admirall of his Fleet ; which office , when to the preiudice of Christendome , he had fortunatly & for long time vndergone ; he died lamented , and made the Turko his heire in the kingdome . The 5 City is Telesine , which grew from the ruines of Haresgol , to that greatnesse , that it contained 16000 families . In the distracted decay of the Saracenicall Empire , many petty Gouernours vsu●ped the Maiesty of a kingly title ; and amongst the rest , this City , with the confining territory , boasted in the presence of a peculiar Prince . But this cause of ioy endured not long For Abulthasen , king of Fesse , much impaired the Maiesty of the kingdome , by making it ●ubiect to his command : which when they discontentedly obeyed , they at last made a generall revolt , and assumed their liberty , vnder diuerse kings of their owne City : one of which was Abucbemen , who incurring a generall hatred , because by reason of his supine neglect , Ferdinando King of Castile had surprised and fortified Oram and Masalquiuer , two commodious Hauens ; made an easie passage for his brother Ahuzeiden , to the Diadem . This Ahuzeiden was vanquished by Hairadine Barbarossa , Anno 1515 : who was driuen back by the valour of Charles the fift ; and Abuchemen restored : his successor Abdalla , shaking off all allegiance to the Spaniard , submitted himselfe , and after his death , the kingdome of Tel●sine , to the tuition of Solyman the magnificent . This City Telesine , is adorned with many beautifull temples , though defiled with superstition , and hath fiue dainty colledges , curiously wrought with Mosaique worke . It seemeth to haue been strong , in that we find how it sustained a siege of 7 yeares , by Ioseph the puissant King of Fesse , and in the end forced him to raise it : neither was it taken by the aboue-named Abuthasen , vnder a siege of 30 moneths . The second Towne of note is Batha , now almost ruin'd by warre . 3 Cran , a Towne of 10000 families , taken by Peter of Navarre for the Spaniards , 1509 , and in vaine besieged by the Turke 1562. 5 Masalquivir or Masala●bir , a most famous Hauen-towne , taken also by the Spaniards , about the same time . The chiefe riuers of these two Countries are 1 Maior , parting Tunis from Algiers ; 2 Zan , and Malvi● , diuiding Algeirs from Fesse and Morocco . FESSE and MOROCCO were once comprehended vnder the generall name of Mauritania Tingitana , so called of Tingis ( now Tanger ) a principall Town in those dayes , & was that part of Mauritania , which Iulius Caesar hauing discomfited Iuba , gaue vnto Bogud one of his associats How this , & the other part of Mauritania , became one R●m●n P●ou●nce , wee haue already told you ; as for the diuision of it i●to the two Prouinces , this of Tingitana , and that other of Caesa●●nsis , it was made by Claudius , who hauing pacified some tu●ul●● in this Country , thus diuided it , and appointed the gouernment of it to two Roman Knights . These two Kingdomes haue on the East , Algeirs ; on the West , the Atlanticke Ocean ; and are parted one from the other , by the riuer Marbea , or Omirable . The other riuers of note are 2 Tensilt . 3 Sus. 4 Subu . 5 Lyssus . FESSE is diuided into 7 Prouinces , in which the chiefe Cities are 1 Fesse , ( so called from Fesse , i. Gold , abundance whereof was found in digging the foundation ) was built by Id●e a Mahumetan Prince . It is diuided by the riuer Sabu into 3 parts , all of which containe 82000 housholds , and 700 Moschees , or Saracenicall Temples : the chiefe of which is Carne , or Caraven , being a mile and a halfe in compasse . It hath 31 gates , great and high , the roofe is 150 yards long , and 80 broad ; round about are diuers porches , containing 40 yards in length , and 30 in bredth ; vnder which are the publick store-houses of the town . About the walls are pulpits of diuerse sorts , wherein the Masters of their Law read vnto the people such things as they thinke pertaine to their saluation . The revenue hereof is 200 duckats a day on the old rents , for so much it was , Anno 1526 when Leo Afer wrote . The Marchants haue there a Court or Exchange , inclosed with a strong wall , with 12 Gates , and 15 streets . There is also a Colledge called Amarodoc , a most curious and delicate building : It hath three Cloysters of admirable beauty , supported with 8 square pillars of diuers colours ; the roofe curiously carued , and the arches of Mosaique , of gold & azure . The gates are of brasse , fairely wrought ; and the doores of the priuate chambers , of inlayed worke . This Colledge did cost the Founder King Abuchenen , or Abu Henen , 480000 Crownes , 2 Ham Lisnan , a Town built in the more mountainous parts of the Country , by the old Africans , famous for the Te●ple of an Idol here worshipped ; to which at certain times men and women resorted in the night ; where , after their devotions ended , and the c●ndles put out , euery man lay with the woman he first touched : the exact platforme of th● Family of Loue 3 Septa , or S●nta , a town in the hands of Spaine . 4 Tanger , called of old Tingis , nigh vnto which , Hercules killed Anteus . 5 Mahenes . 6 Alcazer Guer , nigh vnto which the three Kings , Sebastian of Portugal , Mahomet , and Abdelmelech , competitors for this kingdome , were slain in one day . There was slain at the same time also , the great English rebell , Stuckley : who fled out of Ireland to Rome , Anno 1570 , where hee was by the then Pope , louingly welcom'd , as a dutifull sonne to the Church . He was by the Pope appointed for the Conquest of Ireland , & was for that end furnished with a troope of 800 souldiers , paied by the King of Spaine ; and was by his vnholy Holinesse , created Marquesse of Lemster , Earle of Wexford and Caterlogh , Vicount Murraugh , and Baron Rosse . Thus prepared , he began his voyage , Anno 1578 , toward Ireland : but hearing of the wars in this Country , and desirous to make a part in them , he lost here ( the Popes fatherly benediction notwithstanding ) not his souldiers only , but his own life . and 7 Aguer . MOROCCO is diuided into 7 Prouinces , the chiefe Cities of which are Morocco , built by Abderamen ; once the Metropolis of Barbary , as containing 100000 housholds : but now inferiour to Fesse for populousnesse , spaciousnesse , and beauty . The chiefe buildings hereof , are the Church and the Castle . The Church is bigger , though not so beautifull as that at Fesse ; and hath a Towre so high , that the hills of Azasi , being 130 miles distant , may be thence easily discerned . The Castle is very large , and on a Towre thereof stand 3 Globes , made of pure golde , weighing 130000 Barbary Duckats . Diuerse kings haue gone about to take them downe , and convert them into money : but haue all desisted , by reason of some strange misfortune that hath bin inflicted on them : so that the common people thinke they are kept by a guard of spirits . 2 Tangouista . 3 Fesodet . 4 Taradent . 5 Massa , abounding in Amber : and 6 Alarach . When the Saracens had ouer-runne Barbarie , there came into these parts two potent Families , viz : the Marine , and Lan●une Families : of the later was Abderamen , who hauing builded Morocco , surprised and tooke Fesse from the contentious sonnes of Idre . The two kingdomes were thus ioyntly gouerned , till the yeare 1212 ; in which , when Alphonso King of Castile had slaine King Mahomet Enaser ; and his sonnes were at oddes about the inheritance : one Habdulach , of the Marine Family , made himselfe King of Fesse ; and by the valour of his sonne Ioseph , made Morocco tributary . This Habdulach by cōputation of time , seemeth to be the Admiralius Murmelius , mentioned by Mathew Paris , to whom our King Iohn , Anno 1214 , sent such a base , degenerous , and vnchristian-like embassage . This strange name Admiralius Murmelius , was by that good Writer vnhappily stumbled on , insteed of Miramumalim ; which also is corrupted from Amir Elmumenin , that is , princeps fidelium ; an attribute which these Princes as yet retain . The story is this . King Iohn being ouer-laide in his Barons warres , sent certaine Embassadours to this great Monarch for aide ; offering to hold his kingdome of him , and to receiue the Law of Mahomet . The Moore maruailously offended with this offer , told the Embassadours , that he had lately read Paules Epistles , which he liked so well , that were he now to chuse a Religion , he would before any other embrace Christianity ; but euery one ought ( said he ) to die in his owne Religion , and for leauing the Faith wherein he was borne , was the onely thing which he disliked in that Apostle . This said , he called vnto him Robert of London , Clearke , one of that Embassie , of whom he demaunded the forme of our gouernment , the wealth and situation of the Country , the manners of the people , the life and person of the King ; in all which particulars being satisfied , he grew into such a dislike of our king , that euer after he abhorred the mention of him . In the posterity of this Habdulach , the two Kingdomes remained , till the yeare 1508 , when as Mahomet Ben Amet , called by his own command Xeriff , ( which is the name that the lineall successours , and kindred of Mahomet are called by ) being a poore Hermite , plotted to make his sonnes the chiefe Princes of Mauritania Tingitana . For this cause , he sent them in pilgrimage to Mecha , whence they returned with such an opinion of Sanctity , that the King of Fesse made Amet , one of them , Gouernour of the famous Colledge Amadorac ; & Mahomet , the other , Tutor to his children : the yonger , Abdel , staying at home with their father . In those dayes , the Portugals grieuously infested the tributary kingdome of Morocco ▪ to represse whose fury , Amet and Mahomet , asked and obtain●d Licence . They discomfite Lopes Barriga , and his Portugals ; they subdue Sus , Hean , and Dencalie , three great Prouinces ; they enter Morocco , poison the King , and salute Amet the Xeriff of Morocco . To further their future victories , the King of Fesse dieth , and Amet his successour confirmed this Amet in his new purchased royalty . The Xeriffs of Barbary . 1 Amet denied superiority , to Amet of Fess , whom he ouer-threw , and was slaine by his owne brother . 1540 2 Mahomet , who vnited the kingdome of Fess to Morocco . 1557 3 Abdela . 4 Abdela II , had 10 brothers , of which he slew 8. Amet was spared for his supposed simplicity ; and Abdelmelech escaped to the Turkes . 5 Mahomet , expell'd by Abdelmelech and the Turkes , ●led to Sebastian King of Portugal ; who , together with the two competitors , was slain in one day , nigh vnto Alcager Guer. 1578 Hamet ▪ who extended his Empire to Lybia and Numidia . 1603 The three sonnes of Hamet , viz : Muley-Shecke , Boferes , and Sidan , contended for the Kingdome . In these warres , Boferes , and Muley died ; but Abdela , sonne to Muley-Shecke , maintained the warres against Sidan . During these troubles , Sidan Hamet , Ben Abdelan , a Hermite of great prowesse , seized on the City of Morocco , from whence he was compell'd to retire , by the valour ▪ of Prince Sidan , and Side Hean , another Hermite , Anno 1616. And thus standeth the state of the Xeriffia●t● Sidan enioyeth the Citty Morocco ; Side Hean hath fortified himselfe in Tar●dant ; Abd●la liueth by robberies ; Fesse standeth on her guard ; and the other townes are gouerned by peculiar Magistrates : what the euent will be , is vncertaine . Th● reuen●es of the Xeriff● are very great , which they leuy out of the tenths of their subiects graine , besides a Duck at for euery Pole , male or female , aboue 15 yeares of age : in Marchandize he receaueth of a Cittizen , two in the hundred ; of 2 stranger , ten : Church and Colledge lands are escheated to him ; Iudges make him their heire , &c. What for●e they are able to drawe into the field , may euidently be seene in the siege of Magaza● , a towne of Fesse , but in possession of the Spaniards ▪ which he beleagured with 200000 men . Yet can hee not hold any warre aboue three months , because the Souldiers liue vpon his daily allowance , whose prouision not being able to be caried continually with them , make them many times to retire . Thus much of Barbarie . NVMIDIA AND LYBIA . BEfore we come to Numidia , wee must passe ouer Mount Atlas ( now called Anch●sae , or Montes Clari ) a hill of that height , that the toppe of it cannot be seene . It deriues its name , from Atlas king of Mauritania , who dwelt in the bottome of it : whom the Poets faine , to be by Perseus turned into this hill . The daughters of this Atlas , dwelt in the Ilands Hesperides , situate in the Atlanticke Ocean ; where they had a tree which bore a golden fruit , taken thence by Hercules , after he had killed the Dragon , their guardian . Then he captiuated king Atlas himselfe , who was a man of great stature , and was fained by the Poets to sustaine heauen 〈…〉 shoulders : and that , either because of his skill in Astronomi● ; or because the hill Atlas is of such heigth , that it seemes to touch the heauens . And so we e●ter into Numidia . NVMIDIA ha●h on the East , Egypt ; on the West , the Atlanticke Ocean ; on the North , Atlas ; on the South , Lybia : the Numidia so much spoken of in the Roman histories , is not this , but that which is now part of the kingdome of Tunis . This Country takes its name from the Numidae , which may perhaps be so called from their manner of life , which is after the custome of the Nomades , liuing without houses , vner their Wagons , and Carts , as Lucan testifieth of them . Nulla domus , plaustris habitant , migrare per arva Mos , atque errantes circumvectare Penates . They dwell in waines , not houses ; and doe stray Through fields , and with them lead their Gods each way . And worthily may they owe their names to them , from whom they borrow their nature : for the people to this day spend their liues in hunting , and stay but three or foure daies in a place , as long as the grasse will serue the Camells . This is the cause why this Country is so ill peopled , the Townes so small in themselues , and so remote from others . An example hereof is Te●set a great Citty in their esteeme , which yet containeth but 400 housholds , and hath no neighbours within 300 miles of it . The Country aboundeth with Dates , whence it is called Dactylorum regio , and in the Arabicke Biledulgerid , which signifieth also a Date region . These Date tree ▪ are some male , some female ; the first bringeth forth only flowres ; the other , fruit : yet herein is the male beneficiall to the increase of the Dates : for vnlesse a flowred bough of the male , be ingrafted into the female , the dates neuer proue good . This fruit is the chiefe diet of the people ; but this sweet meat hath sowre sawce ; for it commonly rotteth their teeth betimes : as for the stones of these Dates , they feed their Goats with them , whereby they growe fat , and yeeld store of milke . It is ill inhabited , by reason of the abundance of sands , so that in some places the towns are 300 miles distant . The ayre is of that nature , that if any one bee troubled with the French disease , he shall here finde present remedy . The inhabitants are base and vile people , theeues , murderers , & ignorant of all things : but the Arabians that are mingled with them , are ingenious , liberall , and ciuill . The chiefe Citties are 1 Stasilet , 2 Dausen . 3 Dara , where Mahomat Ben Amet , and his three sonnes , the founders of the Xer●ffian Empire , were borne ; 4 Lapsa , and 5 Teffet . LYBIA hath on the East Nilus , on the West the Atlanticke Ocean , on the North , Numidia ; and on the South the land of Neg●ce● . In this Country Arius the hereticke was borne , who being a Priest of Al●xandria , hatched that diuelish doctrine , against the pe●petuall diuinity of Christ : To beat downe which h●r●sie , the first Councell of Nice was called ; the Nicene Creed m●d● ▪ and the clause of one substance with the father , proued to be consentaneous to the word . To subscribe to the decrees of th● Councel , Arius was sent for by the Emperour Constan●ine . To Const●n●inople he went , hauing written his owne hereticall tenets , which he hid in his bosome ; and reading before the Emperour the decrees of the Councell , he writ a recantation of his heresy , swearing that he meant as he had written . Which words the Emperour referred to the recantation , but hee to the paper o● his owne tenets in his bosome . When he had taken this oath he went in triumph through the streets of the Citty ; till a necessity of nature enforcing him , he withdrew aside vnto a house of ease , where he voided out his guts , & sent his soule as a harbinger to the Diuell , to prouide roome for his body . In this Country liued the Garamantes , supposed to bee the vtmost people Southward ; & the Psylli , who were of a nature so venomous , that they could poyson a snake : Insomuch that when their wiues were deliuered , they would throw their children amongst a heard of Serpents ; supposing that child to bee borne of an adul●erat bed , the very smel of whose body would not driue away a whole brood of the like poisonoꝰ vermin . This people is famoused in Herodotus for an expedi●ion they made against the South winde . For when this wind , blowing abroad the hills and desarts of sand , had dried vp those small rilles and waters they had among them ; they to reuenge this iniury , by common cons●nt armed themselues , and went to fight against 〈◊〉 . But they tooke not the South winde v●prepared , for hee ●●steri●g vp his forces incountred them with such a braue vol●●● 〈◊〉 ●and , tha● he ouerwhelmed and slew them all . A better 〈◊〉 was the Northwinde to the Cittizens of Rhegium , in 〈◊〉 and better wa● he rewarded : for hauing scattered a mighty fleet , which Dionysius prepared against them , he was by the common counsell made free of their Citty . The name of Lybia is to be deduced either from Lybs a king of Mauritania , or Lybs the South winde , which gently breatheth from these places ; or from Lybia a Queene hereof . It is now called Sarra , which signifieth a desart : for the whole country is full of great sandy desarts , to which the violent heat of the Sunne addeth continuall nourishment . Hinc facta est Lybie raptis humoribus aest● Arida — as Ovid. Hence Lybia , all its moisture drawne on high By the attractiue Sunne , is made so dry . Those desarts are so tedious , that Marchants vse commonly to trauell eight daies , without sight of any riuer , lake , bush , or tree . The greatest are of Azacad , and Zanhaga . The people differ not much from the Numidians ; but if there be a worst , certainely it must fall to the Lybians share . They worship a God called Psaphon , who , when he liued , taught divers Birds which he caught , and then set at liberty , to say , that Psaphon was a great God : wherevpon the simple people , smitten with admiration , afforded him diuine worship . The chiefe Citties are 1 Huaden . 2 Guargata , and 3 Toherraum . The people in matters tending to religion , are heathens , for the most part ; but some there are of the naturalls , among whō the Saracens , comming out of Arabia and Barbarie ( Countries almost totally Mahumetan ) haue planted their superstition : & in matters of pollicy , both these nations follow one methode , hauing no king nor lawes ; but are gouerned by the chiefe man in euery Tribe . Thus much of Numidia and Lybia . TERRA NIGRITARVM . TERRA NIGRITARVM , or the land of Negroes , hath on the East Aethiopia superior , o● the West , the Atlantick Ocean ; on the North , Lybia ; on the Sou●● , the kingdome of Manicongo , in Aethiopia inferior . Of this , thus the Doue , The land of Negroes is not farre from thence , Neerer extended to th' Atlanticke maine ; Wherein the blacke Prince keepes his residence , Attended by his Ietty-coloured traine : Who in their natiue beauty most delight , And in contempt doe paint the Diuell white . The inhabitants doe almost want the vse of reason , most alienat from dexterity of wit , and all arts and sciences , prone to luxury & are for the greater part Idolaters , though not without some small admixture of Mahumetans , & Christians . When the Portugalls first sailed into these coasts the people hereof took their ships for great Birds with white wings : and after , vpon better acquaintance , they could not be brought to beleeue , but that the ey●s which were casually painted on the back● of the ships , were the eyes by which they saw how to direct themselues in their course . Gunnes seemed to them , for their hideous noise , to be the works of the Diuell : and for bag-pipes , they took them to be liuing creatures ; neither when they had beene permitted to f●ele them , would they be perswaded but that they were the worke of Gods owne hands . The very Nobles , ( if so noble a name may without offence be giuen to so blockish a people ) are so stupid , that when they are in presence of their king , they neuer looke him in the face , but sit flat on their buttocks , with their elbowes on their knees , and their hands on their faces : & for their greater gallantrie , they annoint their haire with the fat of fishes , which maketh them stinke abominably . The Country is abundantly stored with gold and siluer , very fine and pure : so that had not the Portugals affected the honor of discouering new worlds , as much as wealth ; they might haue made as rich a factory here , as at the Indies . It is so called , either because the people are of a blacke colour , or from the riuer Niger . This riuer from the fifteenth day of Iune , ouerfloweth al the adiacent fields , the space of 40 daies And in so many more recollecteth his waters , into their proper Channels : the whole country being indebted to these inundations , for its fertility , which otherwise could be but small ; since the drinesse of the soyle can afford no exhalations , whereby clowdes may be generated , and the earth refreshed with moysture . This riuer hideth his Channell vnder ground , the space of six miles . The second riuer of note is Senega , vpon whose Northerne Banke , the people are cole blacke ; but on the south only tawnie . The chiefe Prouinces , or kingdomes ( of which here are 25 ) are 1 GVALATA , where there is no administration of lawes . 2 GVINEA , where there is neither Towne , nor Castle , except it be that of Mina , built and fortified by the Portugalls for their better trading here . The people hereof account the principall part of beauty , to consist in a flat nose , and therefore they presse them downe in their infancy . 3 TOMBVTVM , Where the king causeth such as haue any commerce with the Iewes to be slaine ; and where the people spend their whole liues in dancing , and singing . The King of Tombutum , is the richest Prince in all this part of Africke , keepeth a royall pallace ; and hath to his guard 3000 horsemen ; & of footmen an infinite number . He hath some Scepters , which weigh 1300 pound waight a peece : and continually maintaineth a great number of learned men . 4 MELLI , a Coūtry of 300 miles in length , hath the richest , ciuillest , and most industrious inhabitants , of any among these Nigrites . 5 CANO , a Country abounding in Limmons , & Pomgranates . 6 GIALOFI , the people whereof are of that admirable nimblenesse , that they would leape vpon a horse when hee galloped ; stand vpright when he ran fastest ; turne themselues about and suddainely sit downe : and as often as they listed , dismount , and mount againe ●n a trice . 7 BENIN , the people whereof doe cut and rase their skinne with three lines drawne to their nauell ▪ esteeming it necessary to saluation . They vse all , both men and women to goe naked till they are married ; and then to bee ●l●ath● only from the wast to the knees : so that had our 5 Moore●iued ●iued ●n these parts , he had in some measure had 〈…〉 he among other strange plots in his Vtopian Commonwealth , telleth vs how there it is the custome , for some reuerend old sire , to bring in naked the young man ; and some hoarie old matrone to present naked the young woman , betweene whom a marriage is motion'd . For , saith he , in buying a horse , the chapman not only vieweth his naked carkcase , but taketh off also his trappings & s●ddle , lest vnder them some blame might lie hidden : and why the● in chusing of a wife , should we take one of whō we see no more then the face ( vniv pal●rae spatium ) & perhaps scarce that . But the conuenience of this libidinous plotte , I leaue to your censure . 8 NVBIA , which once wholy peopled by Christians , is now falne to its former Idolatry , for want of Ministers to instruct them : they sent once to the Emperour of Aethiopia for teachers , but were by him vnchristianly reiected . Here is a poison , wher●of the tenth part of a graine , will dispatch a man in a quarter of an houre● and is sold for 100 Duckats the ounce . 9 BORNVM , where the people haue neither children , wiues , nor names ; but are distinguished by some externall accident . 10 GOAGA , where the king hath no reuenewes , but what be forcibly taketh from his enimies . 11 GANAGA , where the king hath no estate , but what his Nobles please daily to allow him . The chiefe Townes of these Prouinces are 1 Tombutum . 2 Gen●i . 3 Agadez . 4 Guangara . 5 Songum . 6 Chouinum , the third Citty in estimation of all Africke . This Country altogether vnknowne , or very little discouered in times of old ; was first , if not found , yet plainely manifested by the Mahumetan Priest● : who out of a supersticious zeale to propagate their doctrine ; made a passage to these parts , Anno ●08 , at which time here was nei●her king , nor commonwealth . Ioseph king of Morocco ▪ fi●st subdued them : afterwards the Lybians became their Lord● whose last gouernour Soni Halin , was slaine by Ischia , Anno 1526 ; and the Negroes againe recouered their long lost libertie insti●uting diuers king● , & amongst others , Ischia was worthily mad● K●●g ●f Tombu●um . Af●er this aduancement , he quick●y vnited many of the weak kingdomes to his own ▪ which at this day is the greatest of the foure , in whose hands kingly authority remaineth . The other three are of 1 Bornum , which is somewhat lesse , 2 of Gualata , whose kingdome is confined within the limits of that one Prouince . & 3 of Goaga , who possesseth the remainder . Thus much of Terra Nigritarum . OF AETHIOPIA SVPERIOR . PRius diuidenda antequam definienda sunt aequivoca , is as vndoubted a truth in nature , as a true rule in Logicke : and therefore before I come to the particulars of Aethiopia , I will cleere my passage , in respect of some ambiguity of the na●●● . For , whereas the Interpreters of the Bible in all lang●ages , render the word Cush by Aethiopia , and the Cushites by Aethiopians : they therein giue occasion to many incongruities in sense , and reason . For should we suppose the riuer Gihon , mentioned in the second of Genesis , to compasse about this Aethiopia ; we should make Paradise to be of too large extent . 2ly , Whereas it is said in the second of Chron : cap. 14. that Zerah king of the Aethiopians , came against Asa , with an hoast of a million and 300 Chariots : this cannot properly be attributed to this Aethiopia , both , for that it is likely that the king of Egypt , would neuer suffer so huge an army to passe through his Country ; and for that we finde in the same chapter , how Asa , to reuenge this inrode , destroyed the Citties of Zerah , euen vnto Cera ; which is well knowne to stand in Arabia Petraea on the South border of Iudaea . 3ly , Whereas it is said in the 29 of Ezechiel , that the land of Egypt should be laid wast from the towne of Siene , to the borders of Aethiopia : if it bee meant of this place it cannot be good sense ; Siene being the very border towne , betwixt Egypt and Aethiopia ; and is as if one should say , the English conquered all France , between Callice and Douer . Aethiopia therefore mentioned in these and sundry other places , must bee conceaued to be the land of Chus , or the Cusi●es , which lay between Aegypt and Assyria , the Red sea , and Persian gulfe ; conta●ning Arabia Dese●ta , Petraea , and part of Felix . But not altogether to dislike all translations , one distinction will salue all ; which before I set downe I must tell you , ( referring the first peopling of this Country till anon ) that the Graecians gaue it the name of Aethiopia , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vro , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vultus : because the violent heat of the sunne schorched the faces of the inhabitants : Aethiopia is Africana Superior , of which now . Inferior , of which in the next Chapt. Asiatica , which extended from the red Sea vnto the Persian gulfe , and is that Aethiopia which is so often mentioned in the old Testament . Now that you may not suspect this distinction to be meerly fained , and gathered vpon no grounds ; see what I haue transcribed out of Herodotus , speaking of the expedition of Xerxes , against the Greekes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Arsames ( saith he ) was Captaine of the Arabians , and the Aethiopians , that are beyond Aegypt . The more Easterne Aethiopians , were ranked with the Indians , nothing differing from the other in the structure of their bodies , but in their haire and voice only : the Easterne Aethiopians wearing their haire smooth ; they of Lybia , curled . The Aethiops of Asia were armed like the Indians , &c. but the Aethiops of Africke ( the very words of my distinction ) were arayed with the skinnes of beasts , &c. So farre Herodotus . AETHIOPIA called SVPERIOR , because it is more north then the other : and also Interior , because it is encompassed about with the other ( vnlesse where it is bounded with Lybia , and the land of Negroes North ) is called also Abasine , either from Abas a prime riuer hereof , or from an Egyptian word signifying scattered nations . It comprehēdeth the regions , once called Aethiopia sub Aegypto , Trogloditica , and Cinnamomifera . Of the Troglodites , ●omponius Mela giueth vs this character , Nullarum opum domini sunt Trogloditae , strident magis quàm loquuntur . As for their houses they were ( saith he ) no better thē Caues , and their food no better then Serpents . Plinie reporteth two strange things of this Country ; 1 that the ayre & ground are so parching hot , that the people not only dare not goe out of dores without shooes ; but that they rost their meat also by setting it in the Sunne . 2ly That here is a lake , whose waters are thrice a day , and thrice a night , exceeding salt and vnpleasing , but at all other times most sweet and delicious to the pallat . Iosephus writeth that Moses hauing slaine the Egyptian , fled into this Country , and here married the daughter of Iethro Prince of it : but this is vtterly false , for Moses fled into the land of Madian , Ex. 2.15 . which is on the other side of the red Sea , in Arabia Petraea . This Country being as big as Germanie , France , and Italie , laid together , is but meanely populous , the d●stemperature of that climate , and the dry barrennesse of the ground , not admitting a multitude . For this cause Africke is by Strabo compared to a Leopards skinne , the distance of whose spots sheweth the dispersednesse of Townes , and habitations in these torrid countries . This region is scarse in wheat , but sufficiently plentifull in Rice , Barly , Beanes , Pease , & the like . They haue abundance of Sugars , Minerals of all sorts , & infinit heards of Oxen , sheep , Goats : Finally , there is no Country vnder heauen fitter for increase of plants , and liuing creatures ; if industry were not deficient . The people are much inclined to barbarisme , destitute of all learning , not to be credited vnlesse they sweare by the life of their Emperour . They hate a Smith equally with the Diuell . Their colour is generally oliue tawny , excepting onely their king himself , who is alwayes of a white complexion , a wonderfull prerogatiue , if true . This blacknes of th●ir bodies , is by the Poet attributed to the burning of the world , by Phaeton ; Sanguine tum , credunt , i● corpora summa vocato , Aethiopum populos nigrum ●raxisse colorem . Their bloud ( t is thought ) drawne to the outward part , The Aethiopians grew so black and swart . But the true cause of it and its speculation , I will deferre till I come to treat of America . The Christian faith was first preached here by the Eunuch of Q. Candace , who was baptized by Philip the Deacon ; but not totally propagated ouer the whole Empire , till the raign of Abraham , Anno 470 : who in his life , entituled himselfe Defender and propagator of the religion of Christ ; and was after his death , canonized for a Saint , The particularities of their opinions , wherewith they haue infected the true purity , I finde thus registred . 1. They vse to circumcise both males & females . 2 They baptize the males 40 , the females 80 daies , after their circumcision . 3 After the receit of the Sacrament they are not to spit tell Sunne-set . 4 They professe but one nature , and one will in Christ. 5 They accept only the three first generall Councells . 6 Their Priests liue by the labour of their hands , for they allow them nothing , and permit them not to begge . 7 They rebaptize themselues euery Epiphany day in lakes and ponds ; because that day they suppose Christ to haue beene baptized by Iohn , in Iordan . The chiefe riuers of this Country are 1 Abas ( formerly called Astabus ) springing from the lake of Barenna . 2 Toccas●i . once Astaborus . 3 Nilus , whose spring vnknowne to ancient writers , is by some supposed to arise out of the lake of Zemre : thence this famous riuer taketh his course towards Egypt , and diuers times meeting with lower vallies , falleth downe headlong with such a force & fury ; that the continuance of the noise deafeth all the neighbouring inhabitants . In this Countrey are many Sluces , Ditches , and by-channells , to curb the otherwise vncontroleable power of the riuer , which else would ouerflow all Egypt . In respect hereof the Sultans of Egypt , haue a long time paid vnto the Emperour of the Abassines , a great tribute : which when the great Turke , supposing it to be a needlesse custome , did deny ; this people , by the command of their Emperour , did breake downe their dammes , and open their sluces : whereby drowning Egypt , they inforced the Turke not only to continue his tribute , but to giue them also great summes of mony for the remaking of these dammes and sluces . The fourth river of note is Zairo , which arising in the more mountainous parts , endeth his long pilgrimage in the lake Zemre . Here are also some lakes reported to be of that poisonous nature , that whosoeuer drinketh of them , either falleth immediatly madde , or is for a long time trobled with a drowsines . Of which Ovid. Aethiopesque lacus : quos si quis faucibus hausit , Aut furit , aut patitur mirum grauitate soporem . Who doth not know the Aethiopian lake , Whose waters he that drinks his thirst to slake ; Either groweth mad , or doth his soule oppresse With an vnheard of heauy drowsinesse . This Country howsoeuer most replenished with Christians of any in Africke ; yet hath it on the East , many Mahumetans ; on the West , many Heathens , mingled with the Christians . These Christians shew a booke of eight volumes , written , as they beleeue , by the Apostles , assembled for that end at Hierusalem ; the contents whereof they obserue most solemnly . The chiefe Citties are first Saba , built by Queene Maqueda , or rather by her repaired , and beautified . It hath 4 gates made of Alablaster and Iaspis stone , wrought with antique workes , and the dores thereof curiously carued . It hath 5000 houses great and sumptuous , the streets spacious , and so shaded with pent-houses , that men may walke safe from the violence of the Sunne or raine . From the name of this Citty , it is thought that the Queene of Saba , which came to see Solomon , was Queene of this Country . 2 Aruma , built by king Aruc . 3 Cossomum . 4 Zameta the residence of Bernagassus . 5 Erocco , and Suachon , the only hauens of this Emp●re , being vnder the Turkes . 6 The K. Court which is as a wandring Citty : for which his Tents and Pauilions belonging to him , and his retinue ; hec couereth no lesse then 10 miles . 7 Tanapo , of old the residence of the Aethiopian Emperours , sacked and ruined by Petronius , President of Egypt . For when Candace ( the predecessour , I beleeue , of her , whose Eunuch was baptized by Philip ) had ransacked & wasted Egypt , with fire and sword : Petronius , Lieftenant to Augustus , draue them home ; harried the whole Country , put this Citty to the spoile , and to preuent the like inrodes , fortefied the frontiers of his Prouince . 8 Zembra , nigh vnto the lake so called , where in the yeare 1570 , certaine workmen purposely sent from Florence , by Duke Francis , built a royall pallace ; which is sometimes honoured with the presence of the Emperour . There are in this Empire 70 tributary kingdomes , the chiefe whereof are , 1 BERNAGASSVM , whose Pro-rex is known by the same name , lyeth toward the red Sea , & bordreth on the Turke , who receaueth hence the yearely tribute of 1000 Crownes , 2 TIGREMAON , famous for her mines of Gold. 3 ANGOTE , where the people vse Salt , Pepper , and iron insteed of mony : and seed on raw flesh . This custome of vsing Salt , Pepper , and the like , insteed of mony , was in former times among most people , the only bartery or way of excha●ge . So in Homer , Glaucus golden armour was valued at 100 kine ; and Diomedes armour , at ten only . Afterward in iustice commutatiue , it was deemed convenient to haue some common Iudge , or valuation of the equality or inequality of goods : the inuention of which , the Iewes attribute to Cain : the Grecians , to Hermodice , the wife of Midas : the Romans , to Ianus . It is called Nūmus , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; because it was ordained by law : Pecunia , either because in elder times , the chiefe of their wealth consisted in Cattle ( as now among the Irish ) or from a Cowe ( Pecus ) which was stamped on it : and Moneta à monendo , as Suidas saith ; because when the Romans stood in need of mony , Inno monebat , that they should vse iustice , and there should be no want of mony . To this Goddesse , Dea pecunia , the Romans erected a Temple , and worshipped it in the figure of a woman , holding a paire of scales in one hand ; and a coraucopia in the other . 4 AMARA , where there is a hill of the same name , being in circuit 90 miles ; and a daies iourny high ▪ on the toppe whereof are 34 pallaces , in which the younger sonnes of the Emperour are continually inclosed , to avoid sedition ; wherein they inioy whatsoeuer is fit for delight , or princely education ; and out of which one of them , who is most hopefull or best liked , is againe brought out , if the Emperour die sonne-lesse , to be made successour . This mountaine hath but one ascent vp , which is impregnably fortified , and was destinate to this vse Anno 470 , or thereabouts ; by the Emperonr Abraham Philip ; aduised herevnto , as he gaue out , by an heauenly vision . In one of these pallaces is a famous Librarie , wherein are many bookes , which with vs are either in part , or totally lost : as the Oracles of Enoch , with the misteries which escaped the floud being by him ingrauen on pillars ; the whole workes of Livie , and others . 5 GVAGERE , of old called Meroe , an Iland in the riuer Nilus , being 175 miles long , and 125 broad . The chiefe citty was Meroe , so named of Meroe , mother to Cambises ; to continue whose memory , her sonne built this Citty . 6 FATAGAR , 7 DANCALI . 8 GOYAMI , in which is the lake Zembre . 9 BAGAMEDRAN . 10 XOA . Chus was the first Prince of this Country , Regma the 2d , & Dodan the 3d. From these kings till the time of Aruc , the people liued in Caues , and rockie holes . He taught them to build houses ; and to lead the way , built Aruma . The fourth from Aruc , was Maqueda , called in holy writ the Q. of Saba , & of the South . She went to Hierusalem to heare the wisdom of Solomon , and see the order of his house : & as their stories relate , returned home great with child by Solomon . This child being borne was called by his mother , Melilech ; but by Solomon , Dauid : since which , the Kings were called Dauids ; till Indian the Eunuch of Q Candace returning home , baptized his young Prince , calling him Philip. Hitherto we haue spokē out of their owne Chronicles , but they we knowe are no Gospell . That Chus planted in Arabia , we haue already told you , as also what absurdities arise , from supposing the land of Chus to bee this Aethiopia : most probable therefore it is , that this country was in processe of time , peopled by the progeny of Ludim & Phu● ; who were seated on the Mediterranean shore of Africk . Now whereas Stephanus hath , in his opinion , decided the controuersie , making Sheba , the sonne of Chus , the father of the Arabians ; and Sheba , the sonne of Regma , the father of the Aethiopians , & for this cause hath found out a pretty criticisme that Sheba , when it was writtē with ● Samech , must be rendred Aethiopia ; & Arabia , when it is written with ● Shin ; this cōcei● , is in my opinion ( as the rest of that straine are ) more nice then wise ; it being euident , that both Sheba the son of Chus , & Sheba the son of Regma , peopled Arabia . As for Q. Maqueda , doubtlesse she was Queene of the Sabaeans , not the Aethiopians . For , besides the longsomnesse of the iourney , too much for a woman and a Queene to trauell ; it is very probable when Shisacke king of Egypt spoyled Hierusalē , in the raign of Rhehoboam ; that the King of Aethiopia , who , if this be true , was at that time the sonne of Maqueda ; would not haue suffered Egypt to haue laien quiet , whiles his brother Rhehoboams Country was a wasting , if there had beene any such tie betweene them . To leaue these fables then , the first story which we meet with concerning the Aethiopians , is in the time of Cambises , long after Solomon , who hauing vnited Egipt to Persia , intended also to haue vnited Aethiopia to Egypt . Vpon this motion , Embassadours were sent to trie the strength of the King , and search the passages of the Country : carrying with them as presents , a purple habit , some brace●ets , a box of sweet oyntments , and a tunne of wine . The Aethiopian receauing these tokens , accounted the vnguent and purple , slight and effeminate ; the bracelets he openly laught at , as being too weake to hold in a prisoner ( for he took them to be bonds : ) only the wine he was delighted with , and sorrowed that this country yeelded no such liquor . At the dismission of these Embassadours , they were amongst other guifts , presented with a bowe of wondrous strength ; the Aethiopian bidding thē tell their master , that vntill euery Persian could bend that bow , it would be no safe medling with his people : adding withall , that Cambises might thanke the Gods , for giuing the Aethiopians so contented mindes , that they thought not on conquering their neighbours kingdomes . To returne againe to our Aethiopian story , which now beginneth to be more credible . After the baptizing of the first Philip by the Eunuch , all the succeeding Emperours were called Philip ; till the religious raigne of Iohn , honoured with the title of Saint : since whose death till this present time , they are called Iohns , with the praenomen , as some will of Presbyter ; affirming that he executeth as well the ministeriall as the kingly office , Idem hominum Rex , divumque Sacerdos : But as others , and that more probably , of Pretiosus ; for the word Prete-gian , by which name his subiects vse to call him , importeth no lesse . They neuer had disastrous successe in any affaires , till the yeare 1558 , in which the Turks seazed on Barnagassum : and since , Anno 1603 , when the last Emperour was slaine by the King of Adel. The person of this Emperour is much honoured , nay adored by his subiects , to whom he sheweth himselfe but thrice in a yeare , viz : on Christmas , Easter , & Holyrood day : by which retirednesse he maketh his presence more acceptable , as holding nothing to be more derogatory from the Maiesty of a King , then to make himselfe too common an obiect , for the eye of the vulgar . The like kinde of state , was once kept by those kings of France , who withdrawing themselues from all publike affaires , vsed only to shew themselues ( as wee haue already said ) on May-day . A greater retirednesse then this , is that of which Velleda , Queene of the Tencteri , a people of the Rhene , is reported by Tacitu● to haue vsed . For when the rest of the Germans then in armes , sent Embassadours to her , to informe her of her victory against the Romans ; they were prohibited either to speake to her , or see her ; Arcebantur aspectu , quo venerationis plus inesset . Such a keeping of state , the politique Prince Tiberius vsed , when the German legions mutined ; for he daigned not to goe himselfe to see them pacified , but the reason was , quia maiestati maior è longinquo reuerentia . And no doubt the same keeping of distance , swaied much with him when hee forsooke Rome , and kept Court priuatly at Caprea ; though I deny not , but a propension to follow his vnnaturall pleasures , the more securely , together with the deformities on his face , had also their powers vpon his resolution . The title of this great and mighty Emperour , runneth thus . N.N. supreame of his kingdomes , and the beloued of God , the piller of faith , sprung from the stocke of Iudah , the son of David , the sonne of Solomon , the sonne of the columne of Sion , the sonne of the seed of Iacob , the sonne of the hand of Mary , the sonne of Nahu after the flesh , the sonne of St Peter and Paule after the spirit ; Emperour of the higher and lesser Aethiopia , & of ●he most mighty kingdomes , dominions , and Countries of Goa , Caffares , Fatigar , Angola , Barne , Balignazo , Adea , Vangne , Goyami where are the fountaines of Nile , Amara , Banguamedron , Ambea , Vangucum , Tigremaon , Sabaim , the birth●place of the Queene of Saba , Bernagassum ; and Lord of all the Regions vnto the consines of Egypt . It seemeth by this title , that these Aethiopian Emperours , howeuer the truth of story goeth conceiue themselues to be sprung from Solomon , and Maqueda ( or Nizaule as Ioseph nameth her ) the Queene of the South . For better confirmation whereof , it is by some reported , that the Armes of this kingdome , are the same with those of the Tribe of Iuda , which are a Lyon rampant in a field Or ; & that the motto of them is to this effect , viz ; The Lyon of the Tribe of Iudah shall ouercome . But Bara an expert Herald , giueth this Prince no such coat-armour : his Armes according to him being Luna , a crosse portate Mars , charged with a crucifixe Sol ; betweene two scourges of the second . His revenues cannot but be great , considering that his expences both of Court , and Army discharged ; he alwayes coffers vp 3 millions in a yeare ; Insomuch that he offered the Portugals , if they would warre against the Infidels , one million of Gold ; and another of men : which later was more ( sure ) then he could performe , seeing he could neuer leuie halfe the number in his owne greatest extremities . Thus much of Aethiopia Sup●rior . OF AETHIOPIA INFERIOR . AETHIOPIA INFERIOR , called also Exterior , hath on the East , the Red Sea ; on the West , the Aethiopian Ocean ; on the North , Terra Nigritarum , and Aethiopia Interior ; and on the South , the Southerne Ocean . It was said of this Country , that it was mountainous towards the West , sandie in the midst , and desart towards the East . The vsuall diuision of this Region is into 5 parts , 1 Aian , 2 Zangibar , 3 Monometapa , 4 Cafaria , 5 Monicongo . AIAN lieth betweene the mouth of the Red Sea , and the Riuer Calimanci : it comprehendeth the two potent kingdomes of Ab●x , and Adel. The king of this later by name Guad●ameth , or Grand Amida , had a great hand ouer the deceased Emperour of the Habassines : this Country aboundeth with Flesh , Hony , Waxe , Corne , Gold , Ivory , and great store of Sheepe , whose tailes are 25 pound waight , The prime Cities are , 1 Arar , 2 Zeil● , 3 Borbora , all situate without the streights of the Red Sea , and much frequented by merchants . Zeila was the chiefe of them , built nigh vnto the Bay which Ptolomie called Sin●s Avaliticus , from the Avalites , or Abalites , who are said to haue dwelt hereabout . It had in it some buildings that seemed to be very ancient : and was sacked and burned by the Portugals , Aº 1516. The kingdome of Abex , or Adea , is situate betweene Adel , and Habassia , to which last it is tributary . The chiefe Towns are 1 Brava , 2 Pate , & 3 Gogia : these two last belonging to the Portugals , who tooke them vnder the conduct of Tristran de Cugna . ZANZIBAR extendeth from the riuer Quilimanci , to M●●●motapa . The people as well of this Prouince , as of Aian , are on the shoare side descended of the Arabians , whose superstition they embrace . The more inland people are the true natiues , and still adhere to their Gentilisme . The chiefe Towns are 15 , and giue name to as many kingdomes . The first Corova , 2 Calen , 3 Anzuga , 4 Monculo , 5 Badin , 6 Melinda , 7 Momboza , 8 Quilao , whose King named Abraham , gaue the Portugals leaue to build fortresses in his Country , Anno 500 : but they fondly presuming on their own strength , deposed this Abraham , Anno 1509 ; for which fact , the Arabians demolished their Forts , and sent them to learne better moderation in their prosperous estates . The people of this Quiloa , haue among them a strange custome , which I will mention rather for the rarity , then decencie . They vse when they haue any female children borne vnto them , to sow vp the priuate passages of nature , leauing only a small passage for the vrine . Thus sowed , they keep them carefully at home , ill they come to a marriageable age ; then they giue thē to their neighbours for wiues . And she ( of what ranke or condition soeuer she be ) that is by her husband found to want this signe of her perpetuall virginity : is with all kinde of ignominie & disgrace sent home vnto her parents ; & by them as opprobriously receiued . The 9 Prouince is Mosambique , 10 M●mbara . 11 Monbizo . 12 Macaos . 13 Embroe . 14 Mordomugi . 15 Safila , which for its abundance of Gold and Ivory , is by some thought to be that land of Ophir , to which Solomon sent ; and of this opinion Mr Purchas seemeth to be . But this is not very probable ; for first , Ophir the sonne of Ioctan , of whom mention is made in the 10 of Gen. verse 29 : and from whom the land of Ophir , in all likelyhood tooke its name ; is in the next verse , said to haue planted in the East ; whereas this Safila is situate South-west from Chaldea , in which the confusion of tongues , and dispersing of the people , began . 2ly , It is impossible for the navie of Solomon , which lay at Ezion Geber , to haue spent 3 yeares in comming hither , & returning : which we find to haue bin the vsuall times of finishing the voyage to Ophir , 1 Kings . chap. 10. Ophir then is some part of India ; but whether it were the Iland of Sumatra , or one of the Molucco's , or the land of Malavar , called by the ancients , Aurea Chersonesus , I dare not determine : considering what worthy men maintaine these seuerall opinions . The principall riuers are 1 Coava , 2 Quama , 3 Magnice . MONOMOTAPA , Bonomotapa , or Bonemotaxa , is environ'd almost round with waters ; hauing on the West & South the riuer called Rio d' Infanto ; on the East , the Ocean ; and on the North , the riuer Quama . This Country is in compasse 450 miles , & aboundeth with such store of Elephants , that no lesse then 5000 are yearely kill'd , for their teeths sake . Here are said to be 3000 mines of Gold , the chiefe being Manica , Boro , and Quitiavi . The chiefe Prouinces are 1 Motana , 2 Tocoa , 3 Melcucba . 4 Quinibebe , 5 Berfaca , 6 Bavagal . The chiefe Cities are Monomotapa , Zimbas , and Tongum the Kings seat , where Anno 1560 , one of them was christned by Gonsaluo a Iesuite , whom not long after by the perswasion of some Arabians , he caused to bee slaine . The people hereof are Heathen for the most part , yet they worship not idols , but beleeue in one god , whō they call Mozimo , and in some places are very prone to receiue the Faith of CHRIST . They punish nothing more seuerely then witchcraft , theft , & adultery . In the punishment of Delinquents , they vse no prisons , but execute them assoone as they are apprehended ; which is the cause that the vulgar sort haue no doores to their houses , this being an honorable priuiledge belonging to Lords onely . The King of this Country is alwayes called by the name of Monomotapa : he is serued on the knee ; and when he drinketh , or cougheth , all that are about him , make such a shout , that all the Towre rings of it . All that come into his presence , must sitdown , for to stand is a signe of dignity , and the chiefe honour that can be afforded vnto any . He is said to haue for his guard 200 mastiues . The women are here much respected . The Monomotapa himselfe if he meet them in the street , giuing them the way . They are not to be married , till their menstrua , or naturall purgation , testifie their ability for conception ; and therefore they solemnize the first fluxe thereof , with a great feast . CAFRARIA hath on the East Rio d' Infanto , on the West and South , the Ocean ; and on the North , Lunae montes . It taketh its name from Cafars , which in the Arabicke signifieth Heretickes : which though common to all Heathens , is yet appropriated to this Region , as destitute of another name . This Country extendeth towards the South with a long Promontory , called Caput bonae spei , or C●p de bunna speranza : which was discouered , together with these Southerne parts of A●rick , by Vasco di Games , Anno 1497. The top of this Cape is a faire and pleasing plaine , adorned with great variety of flowers , and couered with a carpet of grasse ; it is called the table of the Cape , and yeeldeth a large prospect ouer the Sea on all sides . The Sea here is very rough & tempestuous , & hath to the Spaniards proued oftentimes very vnkind : whereupon a Spanish Captain being sorely vexed with a storme , expostulated with GOD , why he suffred so good Catholickes to endure such torments ; and permitted the English Heretickes & blasphemers to passe so easily . The people liue like beasts , are black as pitch , and therefore vse when they would represent any vgly thing , to make it white : they haue flat noses , and thick lippes . They haue some villages in which they liue together ; & in euery village a king or lord to whom they are subiect . MANICONGO hath on the East , Habassia ; on the West , the Aethiopique Ocean ; on the North , the land of Negroes ; on the South , the hills call'd Lunae montes . These Countries were discouered by Dego Can , a Portugal , Anno 1486. They are very populous , insomuch that they sell vnto the Portugals yearely , 28000 slaues , as it is supposed ; who are all carried to Brasil , there to worke in the mines . The principall Townes are 1 Benza , called by the Portugals , since they initiated this Nation in the Faith of Christ , S. Sauiours , or S. Salvedore , 2 S. Paul lying on the Sea shore , a Town built and fortified by the Portugalls , for the better assurance of their trade : and 3 Loanda , seated iust opposite to S. Paul , in an Iland of the same name ; caused ( as it is thought ) by the mud and dirt , which the riuer Coanzo brought thither . It is the principall hauen-towne of these parts . This Country is watered by the riuers Bengo . 2 Coanzo . 3 Dande . 4 Loz● . 5 Ambres . 6 Zai . The people hereof were by the Portugals instructed in the Faith of Christ : which againe they renounced , as being not able to conforme their liues vnto it . The Prouinces appeare in this swelling & voluminous title of the present King , Alvara king of Congo , Sango , Bambu , Sandi , Bango , Batta , Pempa , Abundi , Matama , Quizama , Angol● , Cacongo : Lord of the Congeries , Amolaze , Langelungi , Anziqui , Cucchi , and Laangi . Most of the latter nam'd nations are Anthropophagi , and haue shambles of mans flesh , as vsually as we of ordinary meats . The people doe alwayes kill their children so soone as they be borne , lest they should be a hinderance to them in their vagabond wandrings , and transmigrations . But to conserue the nation , they vse to buy or steale yong striplings , from the neighbouring Countries . Amongst the more ciuill Prouinces , Angola is of most esteeme , which not long since reuolted from their subiection and allegiance to the King of Congo : and is certainly a most populous Prouince . For in the battle betwixt the King of this Country , and Paulus Diazius a famous Leader of the Portugals , t●e King had in his Army , 1200000 souldiers ; yet a few of his enemi●s , wisely & p●li●iquely gouerned , gaue him a dismall , & fatall ouerthrow , 1582. Thus much of Aethiopia Inferior . OF EGYPT . EGYPT is bounded on the East with the Red Sea ; on the West , with Cyrene ; on the North , with the Mediterranean ; on the South , with Habassia . In the place where this Aegypt and Habassia meet , is the last cataract of Nolus ; which is a fall of the waters , after much struggling with the rocks for passage , an incredible way downe into the lower valleyes . The hideousnes of the noyse which it maketh , not onely deaueth all the by-dwellers , but the hills also are torne with the sound : For as Lucan : Cuncta tremunt undis , & multo murmure montis Spume●s invictis albescit fluctibus amnis . The noyse the mountaines shakes , who roare in spight To see th'vnvanquish'd waues cloath'd all in white . Yet you may diuerse times see the Countrey people , in a litle boat , able to containe but two onely , venture down these falls ; aed appearing after they are long lossed in the waters , a great distance off , as if they had beene shot out of an engine . This Country was first inhabited by Misraim , the sonne of Chus , the sonne of Cham , & was called in the Hebrew tongue Misreia : the footsteps of which name remaineth amongst the Arabians , who call it Misre . 2 It was named Oceana , from Oceanus a King hereof . 3 O●iriana , from Osiris . 4 Aegyptus , from Aegypt ; being the surname of Rameses , a Prince of great power . The Country is in length from Siene , to the Mediterranean Sea , 562 miles ; and in bredth , from Rosetta West , to Damiata East ; about 140 miles . But it continueth not alwayes in this bredth for lessening it selfe Southwards , like a Pyramis reversed , it is in some places but 37 miles broad , & at the very point or bottome , but foure . It is situate betweene the second and the fift Climates , so that the longest day is 13 houres , and a halfe . The inhabitants , though this Countrey lie in the same Climate with Barbary , are not black , but tawnie and brown . They were the inventers of the Mathematicall Sciences , and are still endued with a special dexterity of wit ; but are somwhat slothfull , and giuen to riot and luxury ; merry also and sociable companions . The old Egyptians are by Pomponius charactred , to haue vsed to weepe and mourne ouer their dead bodies , dawbed ouer with dung ; to haue held it almost a piacle to burne or bury them , but hauing embalmed them , to haue laid them in some inward roome of their houses . The men ( saith he ) keepe home , and spinne ; the women manage the greater businesses : the men carry burdens on their heads , the women on their backs . Not much vnlike to which last custome , they haue still one of a new stampe ; for here the women pisse standing , and the men couring on their knees . They worshipped in euery Town and its Territory , particular gods ; but the god by them most adored , was Apis ; an Oxe , blacke all ouer his body , hauing a white starre in his fore-head , the effigies of an Eagle on his backe , and two haires only in his taile . It seemeth his deity was not much respected by strangers ; for Cambises when hee conquered Egypt , ran him with his sword through the thigh , causing all his Priests to be scourged : and Augustus being here , would not vouchsafe to see him , saying ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dios se colere consuevisse , non boues , a speech worthy so braue a Prince . For its abundant fruitfulnesse this country was called Horreum populi Romani ; and in the time of Ioseph , supplied Iacob and his Family with corne . Now also is the goodnesse of the soyle such , as is contained in these two verses of Lucans . Terra suis contenta bonis , non indigna mercis , Aut Ievis ; in solo tantatest fiducia Nilo . The Earth content with its owne wealth , doth craue No forreine Marts , nor Ioue himselfe ; they haue Their hopes alone in Nilus fruitfull waue . This Nilus hath his head either in the mountains of the Moon , or the lake Zembre in Aethiopia interior : and running in one continuall Channell , till it washeth the midland of Egypt , is before its influx into the Sea , diuided into 7 other Channels , or mouthes ; namely 1 Heracleoticum , 2 Bolviticum , 3 Schaniticum , 4 Patinicum , 5 Mendesium , 6 Caniticum , 7 Pelusiacum . The first and last of these currents being sarre distant at the Sea ; and growing into one , at the first point of the riuers diuision ; make the part which is called Delta . because it ve●embleth the Greek letter Δ. The other part is called Thebais , from Thebes , the chiefe Town of it . This Nil●s , from the 15 day of Iune , swelleth aboue his banks the space of 40 dayes ; and in as many more gathereth his waters again to their proper bounds . If it flow not to the height of 15 Cubits , then the Earth is deficient in her abundance of increase , for want of moisture : and if the waters surmount the superficies of the Earth , more then 17 cubits ; then like a drunken man it cannot produce its naturall operations , as hauing its stomach ( as it were ) ouer-laid , and surcharged with too much liquor : but if the meane be granted , there is no Country can brag of such abundance , the corne being all inned before the end of May. During this inundation , the beasts and cattle liue on the hills , and in the Townes , to which they are before-hand driuen ; & there are , til the decrease of the waters , foddered . As for the Townes and villages , they stand all on the toppes of the hills , and at the time of the floud , appeare like so many Ilands . Commerce and entercourse is not a ●ot diminished ; for skiffes and the like boates , supply the places of horses and camels , transporting safely and speedily , the market-men and their commodities , from one Town to another . When the riuer doth not thus ouer-flow the Country , it is not onely the vsher to a following dearth ; but prognosticateth some ensuing mischiefe to the State and Princes thereof . And it is by Authors of good credit related , that in the 10th and 11th yeare of Cleopatra , the riuer increased not : which was obserued to be a fore-teller of the fall of two great Potentates , this Cleopatra , and her sweet-heart Antonie . A second commodity arising frō this inundation of the Nile , is the health it bringeth with it ; for the plague , which here often miserably ●ageth , vpō the first day of the floud doth instātly cease : insomuch that wheras 500 dye in Caire , the day before ; the day following there dieth not one . A third strangenesse in this riuer is , that keeping its waters together , it changeth the colour of the Sea farther into the Mediterranean , then the sea can thence be discerned . A fourth miracle is , that not in fruits onely , but in producing liue creatures also , it is euen to wonder fruitfull : as Ovid , Namque ubi deseruit madidos septemfluus agros Nilus , & antiquo sua flumina reddidit alveo ; Plurima cultores versis animalia glebis Inveniunt — For when the seauen-mouth'd Nile the fields forsakes , And to his ancient Channell him betakes ; The tillers of the ground liue creatures finde Of sundry shapes , i th' mud that 's left behinde . This riuer is in length almost 3000 miles , and being the onely riuer of Egypt , affordeth the onely drinke to the Egyptians , and is of such vertue , that when Pesceninus Niger saw his Soldiers grumble for wine ; what ( saith he ) doe you murmure for wine , hauing the waters of Nilus to drinke ? On the bankes of this riuer , down towards Alexandria , stood that famous Labyrinth , built by Psamniticus . It contained within the compasse of one continued wall , 1000 houses , and 12 royall palaces , built and couered with marble . It had onely one entrance , but innumerable wayes within , turning and returning , one sometimes ouer the other , and all in a manner invious to men not acquainted . So Mela describeth it . The building was more vnder the Earth , then aboue , the marble stones being laid with that art , that neither wood , nor cement , was imployed in any part of the fabricke . The chambers were so disposed , that the doores vpon their opening , did giue reports no lesse terrible then thunder : and the maine entrance all of white marble , adorned with stately columnes , and most curious workes of imagerie . On the bankes of this riuer also , grew those sedgie weedes called Papyri , of which Paper was in former times made . They diuided it into thinne flakes , whereinto it naturally parteth : then laying them on a table , and moistning them with the glutinous water of the riuer ; they pressed them together , and so dried them in the Sun. By meanes of this Invention , bookes being easier to be transcribed and reserued ; Ptolomaeus Philadelphus made his excellent Library at Alexandria ; and vnderstanding how Attalus king of Pergamum , by the benefit of this Aegyptian paper , striued to exceed him in that kind of magnificence , prohibited the carrying of it out of Aegypt . Hereupon Attalus invented parchment , called from the place of its invention , Pergamena ; from the materials thereof , being sheepe skinnes , Membrana : the conveniencie whereof was the cause , why in short time the Aegyptian paper was worne out ; in place whereof succeeded our paper made of ragges : the Author of which invention , our progenitours haue not committed to memorie . Before the vse of these papers and parchment was knowne , I obserue 3 kindes of writing : 1 on the inward side of the barke of a tree , which is in Latine called Liber , and whence we call our bookes Libri . 2ly on tables framed out of the maine body of a tree , which being called Caudex , gaue the Latines occasion to call a booke Codex , 3ly they vsed to couer their Tables ouer with waxe , and thereon to write what they listed , from whence tabellarius now signifieth a letter carrier . The instrument with which they wrote , was a sharpe-pointed iron , which they called Stylus , a word now signifying ( the originall hence taken ) the peculiar kind of phrase , which any man vseth ; as negligens stylus in Quintilian ; and exercitatus stylus in Cicero . I should haue told you how they vsed also to write in leaues , and how the Sybils Oracles being thereon written , and scattered abroad , were called Sybillae folia ; and from whence perhaps , we still vse to say , a leafe of paper : but of this enough . The people of this Country were instructed in the Gospell by Saint Marke , which they generally retained till the comming of the Saracens : at what time most of them embraced Mahumetanisme . The remainder of the Christians , being in a country so populous not aboue 50000 , are called Copties ; and that either from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scindo , because they vse Circumcision : or from Coptas , a town where the most of them reside : or from Aegophti , a name corrupted from Aegypti . They are in a manner all Iacobites , from whom notwithstanding , as from all other Churches , they differ in some things , viz : 1 They conferre all sacred orders , vnder the Priesthood , vpon Infants immediatly after Baptisme ; their parents till they come to 16 yeares of age , performing their office for them : secondly they allow marriage in the second degree of consanguinity , without any dispensation : thirdly , they obserue not the Lords day , nor any other festiuals , but onely in the cities ; and fourthly they embrace and ●ead in their Liturgies , a Gospell , written ( as they say ) by Nicodemus . In the time of Heathenisme , the Priests were held in equall honour with their kings ; who expressed their conceits , both belonging to Religion and worldly affaires , by the shapes of beasts , birds , trees , &c. which they called Hieroglyphickes , of which two or three examples out of Orus will not be impertinent . For aeternity , they painted the Sunne and the Moone , as things which they belieued had no beginning , nor would haue any end . For a yeare , they painted a snake , with his taile in his mouth ; to shew how one yeare succeeding another , kept the world still in an endlesse circle . For a moneth , they painted a palme tree ; because at euery new Moon it sendeth forth a new branch . For God , they painted a Falcon ; as well for that he soareth so high , as that he gouerneth the lesser birds for integrity of life , they painted fire & water , both because these Elements are in themselues most pure , and because all other things are purified by them . For any thing that was abominable to the gods , they painted a fish ; because in their sacrifices , the Priests neuer vsed them ; and the like . From this manner of expressing ones selfe , the invention of letters is thought to haue had its originall ; the history whereof , take briefly , & word for word , out of Tacitus : Primi per formas animalium Aegypti , &c. The Egyptians first of all expressed the conceptions of the minde , by the shapes of beasts ; and the most ancient monuments of mans memory , are seene grauen in stones , and they say , that they are the first inventers of letters . Then the Phoenicians , because they were strong at sea , brought them into Greece , and so they had the glory of that , which they receiued from others . For there goeth a report , that Cadmus sayling thither in a Phoenician ship , was the inventer of the art among the Greekes , when they were yet vnexpert and rude . Some record that Cecrops the Athenian , or Livius the Theban , and Palamedes the Grecian , did finde out 16 Characters , at the time of the Troian warre ; and that afterward Simonides added the rest . But in Italy the Etrurians learned them of Demaratus the Corinthian ; and the Aberigines of Evand●r the Arcadian . So far Tacitus . That the Phoenici●ns were the first inventers of Letters , I dare not affirme ; & as backward am I to referre the glory hereof to the Egyptians ; for certainly the Iewes were herein skilled before either : yet that the Phoenicians were herein Schoolmasters to the Greekes , I thinke I may with safety affirme , hauing Lucan in consent with Tacitus . Phoenices primi ( famae si creditur ) ausi Mansuram ●udi●us vocem signare figuris , Phoenicians first ( if fame may credit haue ) Dar'd in rude Characters our words t'engraue . As for these lesse vulgar Letters , which the Latines call Cip●rae , and whereof euery exercised statesman hath peculiar to himselfe ; they were first invented by Iulius Caesar , when he first began to thinke of the Roman Monarchie ; and were by him in his letters to his more priuate and tryed friends , vsed : that if by misfortune they should be intercepted , the Contents of them should not be vnderstood : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ne obvia literarum lectio c●ivis esset . Augustus one of the greatest politickes of the world , had an other kinde of obscure writing ; for in his letters of more secrecie and importance , hee alwayes vsed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to put the letter immediatly following in the order of the Alphabet , for that which in ordinary writing he should haue vsed . As for Brachygraphie , or the Art of writing by short Characters , so vsefull for the taking of a speech or sermon as it is spoken ; I cannot say either who was the Author , or whether the Invention be ancient , or more moderne ; onely I finde in Dion , that Maecoenas that great fauourite of Augustus Caesar , and fauourer of Learning , did first finde out certain notes and figures , ad cel●ritatem scribendi , for the speedier dispatch of writing : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( they are the very words of my Author ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But I now make haste to take a survey of the cities . Pomponius Mela saith , that there were in this Country , the number of 2000 Cities : and Herodotus affirmeth , that here were 1020 : Which lesser reckoning can not now be verified . The chiese of the present are 1 Alexandria , built by Alexander the Great , now called Scanderia , a Town of great Marchandize ; and which in the Nicene Councell , was ordained to bee one of the foure Patriarchall Cities : the other three being Antioch , Rome , and Constantinople . The inhabitants of this Towne , as they abound in all wealth and pleasure , so in all licentiousnes of life and speech ; not sparing their Gouernour , nor the Roman Emperours , Lords Paramount of their Country . Caracalla , sonne to Seuerus , euen when he came to honour their City with his presence , scaped not scot-free . But he of a hasty nature , and impatient of all personall and verball abuse ; calling an assemblie of all the youths of the City , as if out of them he would choose some to attend on his person ; suddenly commanded his souldiers to put them all to the sword . The slaughter was so great , and the waters of Nilus so discoloured with blood , that now the riuer might not improperly bin called the Red Sea. In this Town , Anno 180 , Gautenus read Diuinity & Philosophy ; from whom it is thought , that the orders of instituting Vniuersities first began in Christendome . 2 Pelusium , now called Damiata , besieged often by Christian Armies . The most famous of these sieges , was that of Iohn di Brenne , the titu'ary King of Hierusalem , & the confederate Princes of Europe , Anno 1220 , This siege continued 18 moneths , during which time , the plague and want of sustenance so raged together , that the Town was in a manner dispeopled . Of these extremities the besiegers knew nothing , till it fortuned that two ventrous soldiers , admiring the silence and solitude of the people , in a bravada scaled the walls , but saw no man to make resistance . This being certified to the Captaines , the next day the whole Army entred the Town , where they found in euery house , and euery corner of the streets , whole heapes of dead bodies , some slaine by famine ; others by the pestilence : a lamentable and ruthfull spectacle . 3 Bubastis , where Diana was worshipped . 4 Heliopolis , ( now called Betsamis ) ▪ whereof Potipharah , whose daughter Asineta , was by Pharaoh giuen in marriage to Ioseph , was Prince . These foure Ci●ies are in the 30 of Ezechiel , called No , Phisebeth , Shin , & Aven . 5 Siene , now Asna . 6 Thebes built by the Tyrant Busiris , conta●ng 17 miles in circuit , and opening 100 Gates 7 Nicopolis , now Munia . 8 Canopus , where Osiris had his chiefe Temple , 1 Arsi●●e , or the City of Crocodiles , to which beasts the Citizens attributed diuine honour . It is now called Sues , and is a Hauen Town standing at the very No●th end of the Red Sea : in the time of the Ptolomies a Town of great commerce , now almost abandoned , yet is it still a station of some of the Turkes galleyes , which being built at Caire , are taken againe in pieces , and brought hither on the backes of Camels . 10 Niloscopium , now called Elinichius . 11 Matared or Matarea , where the ground is so sertile , that the people are ●ain to couer it with sand , to moderate the strength of it . 12 Coptus , 13 Memphis , nigh vnto which were the Pyramides . 14 Rosetta . 15 Cairo , built nigh to the place where Memphis , or Babylon Aegyptiorum , was situated . It is in compasse but 8 miles , within which space are 18000 streets ; whereof euery one hath two Gates : which being locked , make euery street an impregnable Castle ; which Selimus the first found to be true , when he spent 3 dayes in passing through it with his victorious Army ▪ This City is so popul●us , that it is reputed in good health , if there dye but 1000 in a day , or 300000 in the whole yeare ; I meane when the plague , which euery seauenth yeare vseth to visit them , is rife amongst them . 15 Gleba rubra , which was burned by Phero , called also Amenophis , the fourth Lat●hu● ; on this occasion . This Phero being blind , was told , that is hee washed his eyes with the vrine of a woman , which being a wife , had knowne but one man , he should recouer his sight . After many vaine trials , be found one woman , whose vrine helped him ; her he married : and causing all the others whom he had tryed , to be gathered together in this Town ; he si●ed the Town and all the women assembled in it . Famous is this Country , 1 for that raine is seldome seene amongst them , whose absence is supplied by Nile ; and if a cloud happen to dissolue on them , it bringeth on their bodies innumerable sores , and diseases . 2ly for the Pyramides , built nigh vnto Memphis , whereof two are most famous . The first & greatest was built by Che●ps , who in this worke imployed 100000 men , the space of 20 yeares . The charges of Garlick , Roots , and Onions only , came to 1600 Talents of siluer . The basis of this Pyramis contained in circuit 60 Acres of ground ; and was in height 1000 ●oot , being made all of marble . Now when Cheops wanted mony , he prostituted his daughter to all commers , by which dishonest meanes , he finished his building : and she besides the mony due vnto her Sire ( for I cannot call him father ) desired for her selfe of euery man that had the vse of her body , one stone : of whom she got so many , that with them she made the 2d Pyramis , almost equall to the first , as Herodotus writeth . It is supposed by many good Diuines , and recorded by Iosephus , that the bricks which the children of Israel did burne , were partly imployed about such Pyramides . But now Barbara Pyramidum sileat miracula Memphis . Let barbarous Memphis cease to raise Her wond●ous Pyramids with such praise . On the East side of Egypt is the Red Sea , so called of the colour of the sands : as also Sinus Arabicus . It is in length 1600 miles . It is ●amous for the miraculous passage of the Israelits through it , & the drowning of Pharaoh Cenchres , & his people ; as also for that through it the spices of India & Arabia were brought to Alexandria ; and thence by the Venetians dispersed through all Europe , Africa , and Asia . I suppose I shall not doe amisse to set down Historically , a relation of the beginning , continuance , and period of the traffick through this Sea. Ptol. Philadelphus , 277 yeares before the Incarnation , was the first that set a foot this navigation ; Cosir ( of old called Myos-Horm●s ) on the Sea side , was the ordinary Hauen , out of which they hoysed ●aile for India ; and into which they returned full fraught with their commodities . From hence they were by land conveighed to Coptus , and so downe the Nile to Alexandria : by which trafficke , the City grew exceeding rich ; insomuch , that the custome-house there yeelded Ptol. Auletes , 7 millions and a halfe of gold , yearely . The Romans being Lords of Egypt , enhanced the customes to double that summe . They sent into India euery yeare ( as Pliny witnesseth ) 120 ships , whose lading was worth 1200000 Crownes ; and there was made in returne of euery Crowne , an hundred . When the Vandals , Lombards , Gothes , & Moores , had torne in pieces the Roman Empire , all commerce between Nations began to cease ; at last perceiuing the inconvenience , they began anew ; conveighing the Indian commodities , partly by land , partly by water , vnto Capha , in Taurica Chersonesus , belonging to the Genoys . Next , Trabezond was made the Mart-Towne ; then Sarmachand in Zagetace ; where the Indian , Turkish , and Persian merchants , met to barter wares : the Turks conveighing their merchandise to Damascus , Barutti , and Aleppo ; from whence the Venetians transported it to Venice , making that the common Emporium of Christendome . Once againe , viz : Anno 1300 , the Soldans of Aegypt restored the passage by the Red Sea : which hauing continued more then 200 yeares , is discontinued by the Portugals , Spaniards , English , and Dutch , which bring them to their seuerall homes by the backe side of Africke ; so that not only the traffick of Alexandria is almost decayed ; the riches of the Venetians much diminished ; but the drugs and spices haue lost much of their vertue , as impaired by too much moisture . This sea is also called Mare Erythraeum , on whose bankes dwelt that Sybill which was called Erythraea . These Sybillae seem to haue taken denomination from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1. Iovis consiliorum consciae . They were in number ten , viz : 1 Persica : 2 Lybica . 3 Delphica . 4 Cumaea . 5 Samia . 6 Hellespontiaca . 7 Tiburtina . 8 Albunea . 9 this Erythraea . 10 Cumana , which last is affirmed to haue writtē the 9 books of the Sybils . They were al presented by an old Woman to Tarquinius Superbus ; but he not willing to pay so great a summe of money as was demanded , denied them : whereupon the old woman burnt three of them , requiring as much money for the other sixe , as for all ; which being denied , she also burned the other three , asking as much for the three remaining , as for the rest : which Superbus , amazed , gaue , and the old trot vanished . These bookes contained manifest prophesies of the kingdome of Christ , his name , his birth , and death ; these were burned by the arch-traitour Stilico : So that those prophesies which are now extant , are onely such as are extracted out of others writings , wherein mention of them was made . All along the shores of this Sea , as also in the most desart places of the country , are abundance of palmes ; trees of very strange properties . They growe in couples male and female , both thrust forth cods full of seed ; but the female is only fruitfull , and that not except growing by the male , and hauing his seeds mixed with hers . The pith of these trees , is an excellent sallad , better then an hartichoke , which in tast it much resembleth . Of the branches they make bedsteeds , lattices , &c. Of the leaues , baskets , mats , fannes , &c. Of the outward huske of the Codde , cordage ; of the inward brushes . The fruit it beareth is like a figge , and finally it is said to yeeld whatsoeuer is necessary to the life of man. It is the nature of this tree , though neuer so huge or ponderous a waight were put vpon it , neuer to yeeld to the burden ; but still on resist the heauinesse thereof , and to indeauour to lift and raise it selfe the more vpward : for which cause it was giuen to conquerours in token of victory , it being the embleme or hierogliphicke of a souldiers life , and perseuerance . Hence figuratiuely it is vsed , sometimes for precedency , as huic equidem consilio palmam do , in Terence , sometime for the victory it selfe , as non auferent tamen hanc palmam , in Plinie ; & plurimarum palmarum homo , for a man that had wonne many prizes in the fence ▪ schoole , in Cicero pro Roscio : but for the signe of victory more naturally , as in that of Horace , — Palmaque nobilis Terrarum dominos evehit ad deos . The palme the signe of victory Doth equall men to Gods on high . Sithence that Cyrene , and the I le Pharos , are reckoned as part of Egypt ; we will describe them here , as members of the same body . CYRENE hath on the East Egipt ; on the West , the kingdome of Tunis ; on the North , the Mediterranean ; and on the South the hill Atlas . The most ancient name hath beene Pontapolitana , from the fiue Citties , Cyrene , Ptolomais , Arsinoe , Apollonia , and Berenice . The soyle is barren both of fruits , & waters , the people rude , and liuing by theft : yet hath it giuen ayre to the ingenious spirits , of Aristippus the Philosopher , Callimachus the Poet , Eratosthenes the Mathematician , and Simon of Cyrene , whom the Iewes compelled to carry our Sauiours Crosse. In the borders of this Country toward Barbary , stood the famous altars , called Arae Philenorum , erected on this occasion . There had beene many iarres and discontents , betweene the citizens of Carthage and Cyrene , for their bounds . At last it was agreed , that at a set time , two men should bee sent out of each Towne , toward the other ; and where they met , there should be erected a boundary of their seuerall dominions . These Phil●ni , being appointed for Carthage made such hast , that they got far into the Country of the Cyrenenses , before they we●e mette . Wherevpon the Cyrenenses being inraged , offered them a bad choice ; either to die in the place , or to goe backe out of their Country . The young men preferring common good before priuate safetie , accepted the first ; were murdered : and the Carthaginians in their honours founded these altars . In this Country stood the Oracle of Iupiter Hammon , whither when Alexander trauelled , hee saw for foure daies space , neither Man , Beast , Bird , Tree , nor Riuer : this Temple lying on the more Southerne part of the Country , which is sicke of the same disease with Numidia , and Lybia . For this Country is all ouer couered with a light sand , which the windes remooue continually vp and downe , turning valleyes into hills , and hills into valleies . Cambises that cruell and bloody king , as irreuerently esteeming the Gods , as hee bas●ly handled his subiects , sent his army hither to ouerthrow this Temple . But in the passage towards it , his whole forces were ouerwhelmed , and smothered with the sands , being to the number of 50000 fighting men . The chiefe Citties of Cyrene at this present , are Cyrene which of old had emulation with Carthage , for great●●s of the towne , and extent of the territory . 2 Fessan . 3 Barca , the name giuer to the whole Country . PHAROS is a little Iland ouer against Alexandria , in which for the commodity of Saylers , the king Ptolomeus Philadelphus built a watch towre , which was accounted one of the 7 wonders of the world : the other 6 being 1 the Pyramides . 2 Mausol●●um . 3 The Temple of Ephesus . 4 The walls of Babylon . 5 The Colossus of Rhodes . And 6 the statue of Iupiter Olympisus . This watch-towre , or Pharus , was of wonderfull height , ascended by degrees , and hauing many Lanternes at the toppe , wherein l●ghts burned nightly , as a direction to such as sayled by Sea. The materialls were white marble ; the chiefe Architect , Sostratus of Guid●s ; who ingraued on the worke this inscription , Sostratus of G●idos , the sonne of Dexiphanes , to the Gods protectors , for the safeguard of Saylers . This inscription hee couered with plaister , and theron ingraued the name and title of the king the founder ; that that soone wasting and washed away , his owne which was written in marble , might be eternized to posterity . Nigh vnto this Pharus , Caesar pursuing Pompey into Egypt , and hauing discontented the king thereof , by demanding pay for his Souldiers ; had his Nauie , which here lay at anchor , assaulted by Achilles , one of young Ptolomies seruants , Caesar himselfe being then in Alexandria . Hearing of the skirmish he hasted to Pharos , meaning to succour his navie in person : but the Egypti●ns making towards him on all sides , he was compelled to leap into the Sea , and swimme for his life ; and though to avoid their Darts he sometimes ducke● , ●et held he still his left hand aboue the water , and in it diuerse books , which he carried safe vnto his ships , and animating his men got the victory . It is said that Egypt hath onely two doores ; one by land , which is the strong Towne of P●lusium or Damiat●● the other by water , which is this Pharus . Tota Aegyptus maritimo accessi● , Pharo ; pedestri ve●o , 〈◊〉 , velut cla●●●tri● muruta existimatur . Here also was the artificiall Towre , built by Ptolomie , which being by reason of magicke ench●ntments impregnable , was by him laid leuell to the ground wi●h a handfull of beanes ; of which thus our Sp●●c●r discoursing of K. Ri●nce's g●asse , Who wonders not that reads so wondrous worke , But who doth wonder that hath read the Towre ; Wherein th' Aegyptian Phao long did lurke From all mens view , that none might her discou're ; Yet she might all men view out of her bowre . Great Ptolomie it for his Lemans sake Ybuilded all of glasse by Magick power ; And also it impregnable did make . But when his loue prou'd false , he with a Beane it brake . Mauethon in his history of Egipt maketh a Catalogue of 300 kings wanting eight , which raigned before Amasis , vnder 17 seuerall Dynasties , whose names it would be needlesse & tedious to recite : considering the fabulous reports , & vncertainties , which are related of them . Osiris only is worthy mention , in whose time it is thought Abraham went downe into Egipt . He , and his successours , were all called Pharaohs , whom we wil omit till we come to Amasis : who for his politick institutions , deserueth to stand in the forefront of the catalogue , as foūder of this kingdome . The Egyptian Pharaohs of the 18 Dynastie . 2242 1 Amasis in whose daies Iacob went into Egypt , 25. 2267 2 Chebron 13. 2280 3 Amenophis 21. 2301 4 Mephres 12. 2313 5 Mispharmutosis 26. 2339 6 Thuthemusis 9. 2348 7 Amenophis , II , who commanded the male children of Israel to be slaine , 31. 2379 8 Orus M. 38. 2417 9 Azengeres 12. 2429 10 Acherus 9. 2438 11 Cenchres , he was drowned in the Red Sea 16. 2454 12 Acheres 8. 2462 13 Cherres 15. 2477 14 Danaus , whose 50 daughters were married to the 50 sonnes of his brother Egyptus , and slew their husbands : for which fact Egyptus expelled Danaus , 5. ●482 15 Rameses Egyptu● , of whom the Country was called Egypt : he ruled 68 yeares . 2550 16 Menophis , or Miris ▪ 40 The 19 Dynastie of the Latti . 2590 17 Zetus 55. 2645 18 Ranses 66. 2711 19 Sesostris , or Vexoris 40. 2751 20 Amenophis III , 26. 2777 21 Thuoris 7. Of these fiue Latti , two only are of fame , viz : Amenophis , of whom we haue already related a pretty story : and Vexores , or Sesostris , who being a Prince of great wealth and puissance , had brought in subiection all his neighbouring kings ; whom hee compelled in turnes to drawe his Chariot . It hapned that one of these vnfortunate Princes , cast his eye many times on the coach wheeles ; and being by Sesostris demanded the cause of his so doing , he replied : that the falling of that spoke lowest , which but ●ust before was in the height of the wheele , put him in minde of the instabilitie of fortune . The king deeply waighing the parable , would neuer afterward be so drawne in his Chariot . He also was the first that encountred the Scythians in battle ; for hauing already in conceit conquered them , he led his army against them . The Scythians maruelled that a king of so great reuenewes would wage warre against a nation so poore , with whom the fight would be doubtfull , the victory vnprofitable , but to be vanquished a perpetuall infamie and disgrace . For their par●s they resolu'd to meet him as an enimy whose overthrowe would enrich them . When the armies came to ioine , the E●●ptians were discomfited , and pursued euen to their own dores by the enimie . But the Scythians could not enter the coūtry , because of the sens ; with whose passages they were vnacquainted ; and so they returned . The 20 Dynastie of the Princes Diapolitani , ruled Egypt 177 yeares , after which followed the 21 Dynastie of these K. 2961 22 Sm●ndes , called in the Bible , Sesac . 26. 2985 23 Psensenses 41. 3028 24 Nepher Cherres ▪ 4 3032 25 Amenophis , IV. 9. 3041 26 Ossocorus , 6. 3047 27 Spi●●tes , 9 3056 28 Pers●se●●es , ● , 3060 29 Cheops 50. 3110 30 Cephrenes 56. 3166 31 Micerinus , 6. 3172 32 Asycis 6. 3178 33 Sabacus 50. 3208 34 Sethon , 33. 3278 35 Psamniticus 54. 3333 36 Necho , who slew fias at the battle of Megiddo , 17. 3349 37 Psamnis 6. 3355 38 Apries , 35. 3390 39 Psamnenites , 6. In the daies of this King Cambyses , the second Persian Monarch , subdued Egypt , and made it a member of his Empire ; vnder which it continued subiect till the dayes of Darius Nothus , the sixt Persian king , from whom the Egyptians reuolted & chose for their K. 355● 1 Amartheus 6. 3558 2 Neph●rites 6. 3564 3 Achoris 12. 3576 4 Psamuthes 1. 3577 5 Nectanebos 18. 3595 6 Theo 2. 3597 7 Nectanebos , II. In the 18 yeare of the reign of this King , Egypt was againe recouered by the valour of Ochus , the eight Emperour of Persia. And when Alexander had ouerthrowne Darius , he came , and without blowes wonne this fertile kingdome , which yeelded him , during his life , the yearely value of 6000 talents . After his death , this kingdome fell to the share of Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagi , from whom all the subsequent Kings of Egypt were called Ptolomies . The Ptolemean Kings of Egypt , 3641 1 Ptolomaeus Lagi , called by Daniel , the King of the South , Chap. 11. 40. 3681 2 Ptol. Philadelphus , he filled the Library of Alexandria , with 700000 volumes ; and caused the 72 Interpreters to translate the Bible , 36. 3717 3 Ptol. Evergetes 26. 3743 4 Ptol. Philopator . 17 , 3760 5 Ptol. Epiphanes , 24. 3784 6 Ptol. Philometor , 35. 3819 7 Ptol. Euergetes , II , for his deformity called Phiscon , 29. 3848 8 Ptol. Lathurus , 27 , 3865 9 Ptol. Alexander . 10. 3875 10 Ptol. Lathurus , II , 8. 3883 11 Ptol. Auletes , 30. 3913 12 Cleopatra , a woman of most exquisite beauty : she killed her selfe that she might not be ledd in triumph through Rome . These Ptolomean Princes of Egypt , were for the most part in warres with the kings of Syria , in which they were by turnes victorious , and vanquished : neither Prince hauing cause to boast of his bargaine . After the death of Cleopatra , whose life and loue with Marcus Antonius , I will not now relate ; this Country fell to the share of the Roman Emperours , and was by them highly prized , & warily looked into . The Gouernour hereof , was at the best but a Gentleman of Rome ; no Senator being permitted to come into it : it being a maxime of state , not to suffer men of great houses , to come into that country , whose reuolt may indanger the whole Empire . Of this nature was Egypt , for besides the naturall situation of the place very defensible ; and besides the abundance of money with which it was stored ▪ this Country alone ●urnished the Citty of Rome with corne for foure months yearely : whence Vespasian being chosen Emperour by the Syrian legions , and hearing of the defeat of his concurrent Vitellius , hastned hither , to this end only , that detaining the ordinary prouision of victualls , hee might by famine compell the Citty of Rome , to stand at his deuotion , Vt vrbem quoque , externae opis indigam fame vrgeret . When the seat of the Empire was transferred , the Egyptians were vnder the Emperours of Constantinople ; w●ose burden being i●supportable they implored the aid of the Saracens : who driuing thence the Greekish garisons , made them tributary to Haumar , the 3d Caliph of Bagdet . Afterwards they chose a Caliph of their own nation , and revolted quite from the obedience of the old ranke of Caliphs ; so that hence forth yee haue two Caliphs or Saracenicall Popes , the one resident at Caire , to whom the Moores or Saracens of Africke & Europe submitted themselues : the other at Bagdet or Babylon , who Lorded it oue●●he rest . The Egyptian Calyphs . A. C. A. H.   870 247 1 Achmades 10. 880 257 2 Tolon 3. 883 260 3 Hamaria 20. 903 280 4 Aharun , 37. 940 317 5 Aschid 3 , 943 320 6 Abigud 27. 970 347 7 Meaz . 5. 975 352 8 Aziz 21. 996 373 9 Elhacom 23. 1019 396 10 Etaher 16. 1035 412 11 Mustenatzer 60. 1095 472 12 Musteale 5. 1100 477 13 Elamir 35. 1135 512 14 Elhaphit     15 Elphaiz , the last Egyptian Caliph . Yet I am not ignorant that Helvicus addeth seauen others , namely 1 Assareddin . 2 Zeliheddin . 3 Selaheddin . 4 Eladel . 5 Elchanel . 6 Essalach : and 7 Elmutam , after whose death , slaine , as he saith by one Azeddin Ibik , the Mamaluckes made themselues Masters of Egypt . But by the leaue of so worthy a man , this cannot hold good : or the Mamalucks , as we shall anon see , succeeded not the Caliphs in the gouernment of Egypt ; but the Turkish kings . As for the names recited , I suppose them only to be the names of the Turkish kings , corrupted , or altered , according to the diuersity of language ; for who seeth not Sarracon to bee meant by Assareddin , Salad●ne , by Zeliheddin and Selaheddin ; Meledine , in Eladel ; and Melechsala , in Essalach . But I see only with mine own eies , perhaps another wil not so discerne them . Elphaiz the last Caliph , being ouercharged with the forces of Almericus King of Hierusalem ; sent for succor to Noradine , a Turkish king of Damasco , who sent vnto his aid Sarracon , a valiant & circumspect warriour . He not only cleered the coast of Almericus forces , but made himselfe the absolute king of the whole Country : and the better to secure his estate , hee dashed out the braines of the Caliph with his horsemans mace , & then rooted out all his kindred , and issue . The Turkish Kings of Egypt . 1153 1 Sarracon , the first Turkish king of Egypt . 1156 2 Saladine , that glorious Conquerour of the East , who wanted no vertue to eternize him in succeeding ages , nor no gift to glorifie him in the kingdome of heaven , but the sauing knowledge of Christ 16. 1172 3 Saphradine , the only sonne of n●ne , which escaped the fury of his most execrable Vnkle . 4 Meledine , who ouercame the Christians without the losse of a man , at the siege of Caire ; by letting loose the sluces of Nilus : which drowning their Army , enforced them to couenant at his pleasure . 1249 5 Melechsela a worthy Prince , who ouercame S. Lewis the ninth , king of France ; and going with him towards Damiata , was villanously slaine by his Souldiers , called Mamaluckes . These Mamaluckes were the of-spring of Georgia , and Colchis , vulgarly called the Circassi : whom this Melechs●la bought either of their parents , or of the Tartars , then newly possessed of these Countries , to supply the defect of the effeminate Egyptians . These slaues now knowing their own abilities , slew their Lord and Master Melechsela ; and appointed one Turquimeneius , a man of great spirit and valour , for their king ; and loath to re-giue the supreame authority into the hands of the Egyptians , nor permitting their sonnes the name and prerogatiue of Mamaluckes ; they yeare by yeare chose some of their owne Country , whom they gaue to diuers countrymen to learne the languages and religion of Mahomet . This being effected , they allotted them to higher preferment , vsing such discipline with them , as the Turkes doe now with their Ianizaries : who perchance may make as great a mutation in the Turkish Empire , as the Mamaluck●s did in the Egyptian . So vnsafe it is for a Prince to commit the tuition of his person , or the defence of his Realm to such ; whom hope of profit , and not naturall allegiance maketh faithfull . Our Constance was murdered by his Guard of Picts . Most of the Roman Emperours by such Souldiers , whom hope of prey , not free seruice to the Prince , drew into the field . And I thinke no man is ignorant how often principalities , especially those of Italy , haue beene indangered by mercenary Martialists . Francisco Sforza fought vnder the banners of the Millanoys , and on hope of more allowance reuolted to the Florentines , the enimies of that Dutchie . Guiacopo Picinino with his dependants , followed the ensignes of Ferdinand of Naples ; left him to fight for his vowed enimy , Iohn of Aniou ; whom also he forsooke in his greatest need . I will not specifie , yet I will not exempt the Switzers , and their dealing in this kind towards the French : so that I may apply that which the Gospell speakes of the hireling Ministers , to the hireling Souldier , They will flie when the enimie commeth , and not lay downe their life for their flocke . Now as it is vnsafe for a Prince to commit the guard of his person to the faith of forrainers : so also is it dangerous for him , in the defence of his Realme or State , to rely on their fidelitie . A moderate supply of men , mony , or munition , from a confederate King , is , I confesse , in most cases conuenient , in some necessary : as well to saue the natiues from the sword ; as to trie a friend , and interest an allie in the same cause . But to inuite so great a number of succours , as from helpers may become Masters , and oppresse the people whom they came to defend : is that rocke on which many Realmes haue suffered shipwracke ; and which a good Pilot of the state , should with all care avoid . For as in the sicknesse of the body natural , it is hurtfull to a mans health and life , to take more physick then it may ( after the effect thereof be wrought ) either digest , or put out againe : so in the body politick , it is a perillous matter to receaue more succours , then what ( after they haue done the deed they were sent for ) we may either with conueniency reward and settle with vs ; or at liberty expell . Of all surfets , this of forraigne supplies is most vncurable ; and Ne quid nimis , if in nothing else true , is in this case , oracle . There is no kingdome ( I am verily perswaded ) vnder the Sun , which hath not beene by this means conquered ; no Commonwealth , which hath not beene by this meanes ruined . To relate all examples , were infinite and tedious : to inferre some , pleasing to the reader ; and to illustrate the point , not vnnecessary . To beginne with former times . Philip of Maced●n , called into Greece , to assist the Thebans against the Phocians , brought all that Countrey vnder his command . The Romans by ayding the Sicilians against the Carthaginians , possessed themselues of that flourishing Iland : by assisting the Hodui , against the Sequani , mastred France : by succouring Androgeus , against Cassibelan , seazed on Brittaine : by siding with the Aetolians , against Perseus , vnited to their Empire , all the Empire of Macedon ; and by the same course what not ? In after ages , the Brittaines called in the Saxons , & were by them thrust out of all : the Irish called in the English , by whom they were in processe of time totally subdued : and the Indians called in the Mongull Tartars , who now Lord it ouer them . These forraine supplies are inuited or let into a Country , commonly in three cases . First , when some one man vpon discontent , or desi●e of reuenge , openeth a way for them ; and so Count Iulian let the Sarracens into Spaine , to reuenge himselfe on Don Rodrigo , who had rauished his daughter . 2ly , When a weaker faction maketh way for them , to ouerthrowe or counterpoise the stronger : so the Burgundians oppressed by the faction of Orleans , made way for Henry the fift to passe into France : and so the English Barons likely to be vanquished by king Iohn , sent for Prince Lewis into England . And 3ly when a king ouerburdened by a forraine ●oe , whom he is neither able to repell or resist , maketh vse of a forraine friend ; which may chance to proue a physicke worse then the sicknesse , and in which cases plus à ●●dico est quàm à morbo mali : so the Neapolitans being ouerlaid by the French , implored the ayd of the Spaniards : & so the last Caliph of this Egypt , where we now are , being ouercharged by Almericus king of Hierusalem , receaued succours from the Turkes : by which meanes both these kingdomes became a prey to their friends , & auoiding Scylla , fel into Charybdis . Nay somtimes it so hapneth , that these forraine succours ioyne with those whom they came to expell , and hauing vanquished the natiues , diuided the Country betweene them : and so we finde the Burgundians , being by Stilico called into Gallia to expel the Franks then newly entred ; to haue ioyned forces with these Franks , and neuer to haue parted , till they had in a manner cast the deceaued Romans quite out of Gaule . Only among so many histories , we find the Low-countrymen to haue thriued by these courses , who by the assistance of forraine friends cleered themselues from the fangs of Spaine : which obiection I confesse to be true , and for the honour and integrity of the English nation , am aboue measure glad of it ; who saw no further then the defence of their neighbours , and aimed at no other end then the vertue it selfe .. But giue me the like instance and I will quit my cause ; for the same Low-countreymen , found the French & German Souldiers , vnder the Prince of Orange , to bee but turne-tailes ; and as for Francis Duke of Alanson , whom they had made Duke of Brabant , and their gouernour generall : his chief plot was to make himselfe an absolute tyrant ouer them . So that I thinke I may safely conclude , that forraine succours are of all remedies , the least to be trusted , and the last to be tried : but it is now more then time that I returned vnto the Mamaluckes . The Mamalucke Sultans of Aegypt . 1250 1 Turquimeneius , being promoted to this kingdome , released king Lewis taken prisoner ( as is aboue said ) by his predecessour Melechsela : but performed not halfe the conditions of the peace . 2 Clothes , or as others call him , Melech , taking aduātage of the miseries of the Turkes , in his time shrewdly shaken by the Tartars ; seazed on the greater part of Syria , and Palestine . 1260 3 Bandocader , perfected the begunne conquests of Melech . He tooke the strong Citty of Antioch , and the Country about it , from the Christians ; and entring into Armenia , did there great harme also . 4 Melechsait , or Melechsares , in part repaired the Mamalucks kingdome in Syria and Palestine , which had beene shrewdly shaken by Edw the first , then Prince of England ; and Henry Duke of Mecklebourge . 1289 5 Elpis or Alphix , established the conquests of his predecessour : he tooke the Citties of Tripolis , Beritus , Sidon , and Tyre : all which he razed , that they might not be seruiceable to the affaires of the Christians . 1291 6 Araphus , or Eustrephus , by birth a German , released Henry Duke of Mecklebourge , after hee had beene prisoner 26 yeares . He rooted the Christians out of Syria , took Ptolomais the last Towne they there held ; and so razed it that he made it fit to be ploughed . 7 Melechnesar , when he was Lieftenant to Araphus , was discomfited by Cassanes , a great Prince of the Tartars , with the losse of 40000 Egyptians : but Cassanes being departed , he recouered againe all Syria , and destroyed Hierusalem ; for which seruice hee was afterward made Sultan of Egypt . 8 Melechadel , whom I suppose to bee that Sultan that gouerned Egypt , when Tamerlane with vnresistable violence conquered it ; but of this I am no certaine : neither can I meet with so much as the names of any of his successours , till Caithbeius . 1465 9 Caithbeius much reformed the state of Egypt , and was a stout enimy of the Turkish Sultan Ba●azet the 2d. 1498 10 Mahomet , sonne to Caithbeius , was by the Mamaluckes deposed ; it being contrary to their custome , that the sonne should in the kingdome or name of Mamaluck succeed the father . He being deposed there arose diuerse factions in the Court ; insomuch that in three yeares , here were foure Sultans , viz : this Mahomet , 2 Campsous Chiarcesius , 3 Zanballat , 4 Ton●mbeius . 1501 11 Campson Gaurus , reformed the distracted and factious state of this Country , and for 16 yeares gouerned very prosperously : but siding at last with Hismael the Persian Sophie , against Selimus the first Emperour of the Turkes ; he drewe his kingdome into a warre , in which his armies were ouerthrowne , and himselfe slaine in the battaile . 1517 12 Tononibeius , succeeded Campson , as in his Empire , so in his misfortunes : for hee was ouercome by Selimus the first , 1517 ; and Egypt was made a Prouince of the Turkish Empire , and so continueth . The reuenewes of this kingdome , were in the time of the Ptolomies , no lesse then 12000 Talents . Nor were they much lesse if ought be at all , when the Mamalucks ruled in this country : For Campson Guarus at his Coronation , gaue no lesse then ten millions of Duckats at one clap amongst his Souldiers . But the Turkes at this day , partly through their tyrannicall gouernment ; and partly through the discontinuance of the vsuall traficke through the Red Sea ; receaue no more then three millions : one of which , is hoorded in his owne Coffers ; the second is appropriated vnto his Vicegerent Bashaw , for support of his charge ; the third is distributed amongst his Presid●arie Souldiers , and such of them , as by land , guard his own mi●●on to Constantinople ; for by Sea he dareth not venture it , for feare of the Florentines . Thus much of Aegypt . THE AFRICAN ILES . The AFRICAN Ilands are either in the Ethiopicke sea , as Magadascar . Zocotara . in the Atlāticke sea , as S. Thomas . The Princes Iland . The Gorgades . The Canaries . The Azores . The Hesperides . 1 MAGADASCAR , called also the Iland of S. Laurence , aboundeth with all manner of fruits ; as also Beasts wild & tame . The inhabitants are of a duskie colour , curled haire , and Idolaters . The chiefe Towne is Magadascar . This Iland is in length 1200 , in compasse 4000 miles ; and situate vnder the Southern Tropique . It was discouered by the Portugalls , Aº 1506 ; The people are trecherous and vnhospitable ; they vsed not to trade with others , neither suffered they others to trade with them : & though the Portugalls haue obtained a little trafficke with them , yet are they not permitted to come on land . The soyle yeeldeth cloues , Ginger , and Siluer ; it is enriched with safe harbours , faire riuers , and plentie of fruit , and cattle : a Countrey too good for so base a people . For besides their two good qualities aboue-mentioned , they are ignorant of prayer , and festivals : they haue no distinction of months or yeares , neither haue they any proper names for the daies of the weeke . The onely thing laudable in thē is the restraining themselues to one wife . 2 ZOCOTARA lieth iust at the mouth of the Red Sea , and is some 10 degrees North from the Aequator ; being in length 60 , in breadth 24 miles . This Iland is much troubled with windes , molested with drinesse , and wanteth most things convenient to vitall sustenance . The chiefe Citty is Zocotara , the place of the kings residence : whose subiects are of tall stature , ash●e colour , and before the arriuall of the Portugalls , a kind of Christians , in sect Iacobites . The Portugalls haue here taken & fortified two Townes , viz : Coro , and Benin . The Iland though deficient in necessaries to life , is yet well replenished with Apothecaries drugges , and in especiall it yeeldeth the Aloe Zocatrina , Nigh hereunto are two Ilands , the one inhabited by men only , the other only by women , who at certaine times doe meet but stay not long together : the ayre of the one ( as it is reported ) not being healthie to the others inhabitants . 3 St THOMAS is in compasse 180 miles : It is of a round figure , and lieth directly vnder the Equinoctiall line . It is so fruitfull of sugar , that 40 shippes are loden with it euery yeare : The prime Citty is Pavoasan . When it was first discouered , it was nothing but a wood ; but is now inhabited by Portugalls , and Negroes : the Negroes attaining diuerse times to 100 yeares of age ; the Portugalls neuer exceeding 50. Wheat here sowne never commeth to any good ; neither will it beare any fruit that hath a stone in it . 4 The I le Del Principe , or the PRINCES ILAND , is situate betweene the Aequator , & the Tropicke of Capricorne ; nigh vnto it is the I le of Helens : they are both vnder the command of the Spaniard . The last took name from the Saints day where on it was discouered ; and the first , because when the Portugalls had conquerd it , the reuenues hereof were allotted to the Portugall Prince . 5 The GORGADES , anciently called the Gorgons , where Medusa , and her two sister dwelt . This Medusa is said by the Poets , to haue beene a woman of great beauty ; who either for suffering her body to be abused by Neptune in one of the Temples of Pallas ; or for pre●erring her selfe before Pallas : had by the same Goddesse her haire turned into snakes , and t●is property annexed vnto thē , that whosoeuer looked on her , should ●e turned into stones ; which qualitie it retained after shee was slaine , and beheaded by Perseus . Thus , & farre more fabulously the Poets . The Historians ( for as some think omnis fabula fundatur in historia ) relate , how this Medusa was indeed a Lady of such exceeding beauty , that all men that saw her were amazed ; and of such wise and subtile brain , that for that cause only men attributed vnto her a Serpents head : She abounding in wealth , and by piracie molesting the Seas of Europe , was inuaded by an army of Grecians , vnder the leading of Perseus , who in a single combat slew her . Perseus when he plucked off her helmet , admiring that beauty which he had destroy●d , cut off her head & carried it vnto Greece : where the people beyond measure wondred at the rare compositure of her face , & the exceeding beauty of her haire ; & are therfore said to haue by her head bin metamorphosed into stones . So Pausanias in h●s Crrinthiacs . These Ilands are in number nine ; & because they are situate nigh to Cape Viride in the land of Negros , are called Insulae Capitis Viridis . They all doe abound with Goats . The chief is S. Iames ; whose prime towne is Ribiera , at this time fortified by the Spaniards . 6 The CANARIES are in number seauen . From these Ilands come our Canarie wines ; which ▪ fume into the head lesse , please the pallate more , and better helpe the naturall weaknesse of a cold stomach , then any other wines whatsoeuer . The Ilands abound in Canarie Birds , and sugar Canes , of which our best Marmolets are made . The Ilands were anciently for their fertility , and rare immunities , called the Fortunate Ilands ; but now Canaries , either from the abundance of Dogges , which the Spaniards found here ; or from the I le Canarie , which was then the chiefe . The second of much note is Palma , where shipps vse to touch going towards America . The third Ten●riffe , 90 miles round : the inhabitants of which neuer heard of a showre or river ; but receaue all their fresh water from a most high mountaine , wherein there is a tree couered continually with a moist cloud , which euery noone dissolueth into water , and is by cisternes conveyed into diuers parts of the Iland . The other foure are Gomera , 2 Hierro , 3 Lansarotte , and 4 Fuerte Ventura ; in a●l which it was accounted the basest office in the world to slay a beast , and therefore that charge belonged vnto their prisoners . Their flesh they did eate raw , for want of fire ; and tilled ( or rather turned vp ) the ground with oxe hornes . Wiues they had many , with whō they vsed for hospitalities sake , to lodge their friends ; and in like curtesie to accompany theirs : this being as familiar and ordinary a complement in some places , as kissing is with vs. 7 THE AZORES are in number 9 , viz : 1 S. Marie ; 2 S. Michael , 3 Gratiosa , 4. S. George , 5 Pico , 6 Faiall , 7 Flores , 8 Corvo , 9 Tercera , which being the principall , giueth now name to all the rest , being called at this day the Tercera's . They were first discouered by the Flemings , and called the Flemish Ilands . Tercera it selfe aboundeth in Oade , called by vs Iland Oade : It is in compasse 18 miles , and was the last place that held out for Don Antonio against the Castilians . The second Iland of note is S. Michaell , famous in that our moderne Geographers , haue from the Canaries , or Fortunate Ilands ( where the ancient Geographers placed it ) remooued hereunto the first Meridian , whose office is to d●uide the East part of the World , from the West : and secondly , because the Compasse when it commeth vnder the Meridian line , drawne through this I le , hath not ( as the Marriners obserue ) any variation at all , but pointeth directly to the North : whereas in other parts , or lesser Meridians East & W●st , it pointeth not directly North , but more or lesse to the North-east , or to the North-west ; and this is called the variation , or the North-westing , & the North easting of the compasse . The third Iland of note is F●iall , taken by Sir Walter Raleigh , Anno 1597 , maugre all opposition of the Spaniards . This Action was called the Iland voyage , and was vnder-taken aswell to diuert the warre , wh●ch the Spaniards threatned to bring to our own home ; as by seasing on some of these I●ands , to interrupt the Spanish Fleet in their returne , or hinder them in their setting out : by which meanes the Spaniards wanting their Indian●old ●old , might be brought to more conformity . And though the English kept not their winnings , yet so rich was the bootie purchased in this expedition , that it amounted to 400000 Crownes . All these Ilands were subdued by the Portugalls , vnder the conduct of Prince Henry , ( sonne to Alphonso the fift , and father to Iohn the second ) who first made the Portugals in love with the seas , Anno 1444. 8 The HESPERIDES , situate not farre from the Gorg●des , are often memorized by the Poets . For here dwelt the daughters of Atlas ; here grew the golden apples kept by a dragon , and taken hence by Hercules ; and here was the abode of blessed creatures , said to be called the Elysian fields . Of any Writer in my conceit , Plutarch best describeth them , and out of him I afford it vnto you ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. These two Ilands are parted by a litle streight of the sea , and are distant from the continent of Africk 10000 furlongs . They haue raine there very seldome , but a fine sweet dew , which maketh the earth very fertile , with litle or no paines to the husbandman . The weather is continually faire , the seasons all temperate , and the Aire neuer extreme . A blessed country , wherein Sertorius desirous now to liue quietly , hearing report of it , had an earnest desire to passe away the remnant of his dayes . So farre , and to this purpose Plutarch . Thus much of the African Iles. THE LONGITVDE AND LATITVDE of the chiefe African Cities . A Lo. La.   Al●xandria 66 30 30     Agadez 38 20 23 30   Agisi●ba 24   7     Algeirs 33   35 20   Amara 63 30 30   A Angola 45 10 7   A Asna 66 30 25     B           Bangamedrum 62 30 6     Bernagassum 70   13     Benomotapa 55   26   A Bona 37 10 35 40   Braua 74 30   30   Bugia 34 30 35 10   C           Caput bonae spei 50 30 35   A Caput Viride 9 50 40 10   Caire 67 30 30     Cyrene 53 30 32     D           Damiata 69   32 40   Danca●i 66 50 17 10   Dara 66 50 12     F           Fatigar 74   2 40 A Fesse 81 50 32 50   G           Gumea 18   9 10 A Guangala 37 30 25 50   Goaga 55   22     M           Magadascar 77   19   A Medera 8 10 31 30   Manicongo 47 10 7   A Morocco 30   30 30   Melinda 71 20 3 20 A Meroe 68 20 16 10   Membuza 72   4 50 A P           Palma 6 20 28     S           Saba 68 20 8 40   Septa 22   35 40   T           Tanger 30 50 35 20   Tombutum 20 50 15     Telesine 29   34     Tunis 30   36     Z           Zama 74 40 11 40 A Zocotara 88   12 50   Zanzibar 73 5 6 30 A Zeila 80   11 12   Zimbaos 9   25 20 A A is the note of a Southerne Latitude . THE END OF AFRICA . OF AMERICA . THis great tract of Land is most aptly called the NEW WORLD . New , for the late discouery ; and World , for the vast spaciousnesse of it . The most vsuall , and yet somwhat improper name , is AMERICA , because Americus Vespuccius discouered it : but sithence Columbus gaue vs the first light to discerne these Countries , both by example and directions ; and Sebastianus Cabot touched at many parts of the Continent which Americus neuer saw : why is it not aswell called Columbana , Sebastiana , or Cabotia ? The most improper name of all , yet most vsual among Marriners , is the WESTERNE INDIES : Westerne , because of the West situation ; and India , because by that one name they expresse all wealthie ( if remote ) countries . Many are of an opinion , and that rather grounded on coniecturall probabilities , then demonstratiue arguments ; that this America was knowne long before our late discoueries . Their first reason is drawne from the doctrine of the Antipodes , which being among the ancient Philosophers , cannot but inferre a knowledge of these parts : to which we answere , that there was indeed a knowledge of the Antipodes by demōstratiō only ; but not in fact : or if you will , we will say that it was known there were Antipodes ; but the Antipodes were not knowne . Secondly , they say that Hanno a Carthaginian Captaine , discouered a great Iland : but he ( saith Mela ) sailed not Westward , but Southward , and lighted on a great Iland , which whatsoeuer it was ( perhaps Magadascar ) sure I am it was not America , and returned home , wanting not ( as he told the Senate ) Sea-room , but victuals . Thirdly they produce these verses of Seneca , to inferre a knowledge of this great Country . — Venient annis Secula seris , quibus Oceanus Vincula rerum laxet , & ingens Pateat tellus , nec sit te●ris Vltima Thule . — In after-age the time shall come , In which the all-deuouring foame Shall loose its proper bounds , and shew Another Continent to view : Nor frozen Island shall we see The vtmost part of th' Earth to be . This argument ( I hope ) can bring no necessary or probable illation to apprehensiue eares ; for the Poet in this Chorus , sheweth aswell the continuall dangers , as possible effects of navigation ; that there might be , not that there were more nations discouered , then were knowne Fourthly , some affirme these Indies to be the land of Ophir , to which Solomon sent his Navy for Gold But Ezion-Geber , where this Navie lay at anker , till victuals and necessary tacklings were prouided ; was situate in the very mouth of the Red sea ; whereas if he had sent this way , his course had bin by the Mediterranean Seas , through the streights of Gibraltar , and so Westward through the vast Ocean . Fiftly , our more curious then profound Antiquaries obserue , the Brittish language to be here spoken in former times ; and to haue left some smatterings of it till this day , namely that a bird with a whitie head is called Pengwin ; and the like ▪ And therefore went about to intitle Q Elizabeth to the soueraignty of these Countries : but she wisely did reiect these counsels , & not louing to put her sithe into another mans haruest , knew that aswell Welch-men , as others , might by force of tempest bee driuen to these parts ; and hauing no possibility of returne , m●ght easily implant some part of their language in the memories of the people : So that yet we may conclude , that this country was vnknowne to former ages . Now , as Mela the Geographer saith of Brittaine , then newly conquered by the Romans : Britannia qualis sit , qualesque progeneret ; mox certiora , & magis explorata dicentur : quippe tam diù clausam apperit ecce principium maximus , ( he meaneth Claudius Caesar ) nec indomitarum modò , sed & incognitarum ●nte se gentium victor : so may I say of America . What kinde of Country America is , and what men it produceth , we shall continually hereafter know more certainly : s●nce those puiss●nt Princes of Spaine haue opened vnto vs the Countrie so long vndiscouered ; and inhabited not only by vnvanquisht , but vnknowne Nations . For God remembring the promise of his son , that his Gospell before the generall Iudgment , should be preached to the people of euery Nation : stirred vp Christ●pher Colon , or Columbus , borne at Nerui in the Country of Genoa , a man of an heroicke spirit , borne ( as it seemeth ) to attempt new matters . He considering the motion of the Sunne , could not perswade himselfe , but that there was another world , to which the Sunne imparted his light , after his departure from our Horizon . This world he hoped to discouer , and opening his intent to the Genowaies , Anno 1486 , was by them reiected . Hereupon he sent his brother Bartholomew Columbus , to motion the matter to Henry the 7th , then King of England : but he vnfortunatly hapned into the hands of Pirats , who after long imprisonmēt , enlarged him Assoone as he was at liberty , he came to the English Court , & sollicited his brothers cause : the King ioyfully entertained the action , and sent for Christopher Columbus to come vnto him . But God had otherwise disposed of this rich purchase ; for Columbus not knowing of his brothers imprisonment , nor hearing any thing of his hoped successe : thought his proffer to haue bin neglected or contemned ; and thereupon he made his desires knowne at the Court of Castile ; where after many delayes , he was furnished with two ships only ; & those not for the conquest , but discouery . With this small assistance , he sailed in the maine Ocean , more then 60 dayes , yet could not as yet descry any land ; so that the discontented Spaniards began a mutiny , & desirous to returne , would not goe a foot forward . At last the wary Italian , seeing the cloudes carry a clearer colour , then hitherto they had done ; & thinking that this clearenesse proceeded from some nigh habitable places ; restrained the time of their expectation within the compasse of three dayes : in that space , if no land offred it selfe to their view , ingaging himselfe to returne . At the end of these three dayes , one of the company descried fire , an euident argument of the adiacent Country : which presently after , they apparantly discerned , Anno 1492. This Region was an Iland , by the inhabitants called Hailie ; but by Columbus in honour of the Spaniards , Hispaniola Afterward he discouered Cuba , and with much treasure & greater content , he returned to Spain-ward : & after two great navigations ( besides this ) finished , he died , and lyeth buried at Seuill . The Spaniards notwithstanding the good seruice of this man , did not sticke after his death onely , to depriue him of the honour of these discoueries , attributing it to I know not what Spaniard , whose Cardes & descriptions this Columbus had met withall : but in his life also they would often say , that it was a matter of no such difficulty to haue found out these Countries ; and that if hee had not done it , some-bodie else might . At the first arriuall of the Spaniards into this Country , they found the people without all manner of apparell , nought skilled in Agriculture , making their bread of a kind of root , called Maiz , a root wherein is a venomous liquor , not inferiour to most deadly poysons ; but this iuyce they crush out , and after hauing dryed and prepared the root , make their bread of it . They worshipped diuelish spirits , whom they called Zemes ; in remembrance of whom they kept continually certaine images as it were , made of cotton wooll , like to our childrens babies . To these they did doe great reuerence , as supposing the spirit of their Zemes to be in them : & the diuel to blind them the more , would make th●s● puppets seeme to moue , & make a noyse . They stood also in great feare of them ; for if their wills were not fulfilled , the diuell straight executed vengeance on some of the children of this blinded & infatuated people . They thought the Christians to be immortall , wondring at the masts , sailes , and tacklings of their ships , ( themselues knowing no ships , but ●uge troughs made of some great-bodied trees ) but this opinion of the Christians immortality continued not long ; for hauing taken some of them , they held their heads vnder the water till they were choaked ; by which they knew them to bee mortall . They were quite destitute of all good learning , reckoning their times by a confused obseruation of the Moone ; and strangely admiring to see one Spaniard know the health and affaires of another , by a letter only . They were of a simple honest nature , without fraude , giuing entertainment after their kind , and grossely conceiued the immortality of the soule , supposing that beyond certain hills , they knew not where , those that died in defence of their country , should inioy eternall happinesse . They esteemed of Gold and Siluer , as of drosse , with which notwithstanding for the colour sake they adorned themselues , as also with Shells , Feathers , and the like , &c. The inhabitants ( though a great part of this Country lieth in the same parallell with Ethiopia , Lybia , and Numidia ) are of a reasonable faire complexion , and very litle ( if at all ) inclining to blacknesse . So that the extraordinary & continuall vicinity of the Sunne , is not ( as some imagine ) the operatiue cause of blacknesse : though it may much further such a colour ; as wee see in our Country lasses , whose faces alwayes are exposed to winde & weather . Others , more wise in their owne conceit , though this conceit know no confederate , plainly conclude the generatiue seed of the Africans to be blacke ; but of the Americans to be white : a foolish supposition , and convinced not only out of experience , but naturall Philosophie . As for that foolish tale of Cham's knowing his wife in the Arke , whereupon by diuine curse his sonne Chus with all his posterity , ( which they say are the Africans ) were all blacke : it is so vaine , that I will not endeauour to refell it . So that we must whol●y refer it to Gods peculiar will and ordinance . They are without question the progenie of the Tartars , which may bee proued by many arguments , some negatiue , some also affirmatiue . The negatiue arguments are , 1 they haue no relish nor resemblance at all , of the Arts , Learning , and ciuility of Europe . Secondly , their colour sheweth them not to haue descended from the Africans , here being no blacke men in all this Country , but some few which inhabite the sea-coasts ouer against Guinea in Africke : from whence they are supposed by some tempest to haue bin brought hither . Thirdly , they haue not the least token or shew , of the Arts or industry of China , India , or any ciuill Region on that side of Asia . The affirmatiue arguments proue first , that they came from Asia ; next in particular from Tartarie . That they came out of Asia , is more then manifest , in that the west side of the Country towards Asia , is farre more populous then the East towards Europe : of which there can be no other reason assigned , then that these parts were first inhabited ; and that from hence the rest was peopled . Next for the next , the idolatry of this people , and the particularities thereof ; their inciuility and barbarous properties , tell vs that they are most like the Tartars , of any . Secondly the west side of America , if it be nor Continent with Tartary , is yet disioyned by a very small straight , as may be perceiued in all our mappes , and Cardes ; as also in the descriptions of these Countries : So that there is into these Countries , a very quicke & easie passage . And thirdly the people of Quivira , which of all the Prouinces of America is the nearest vnto Tartary , are saide to follow in the whole course of their life , the seasons & best pasturing of their oxen ; iust like the Scythian Nomades , or Tartarian hords : an euident argument of their descent and originall . The Sp●●iards since their comming hither , haue behaued themselues most inhumanely towards the vnarmed Natiues ; killing them vp like sheepe for the slaughter ; and forcing them like beasts to labour in their mines , carry all burdens , and doe al drudgeries . Haythney , a Nobleman , being with many applausiue arguments perswaded to embrace the Christian Religion ; demanded first , what place was ordained for such as were baptized , answere was made , Heauen & its ioyes : Secondly , what place was bequeathed to them who would not bee baptized ; answere was made , Hell and its torments : Thirdly , which of these places was allotted to the Spaniards ; and when answere was made , that Heauen was : hee renounced his intended baptisme ; protesting , that he had rather goe to Hell with the vnbaptized , then to liue in heauen with so cruell a people . The rest were driuen to the Font , like so many horses to a watring-place ; & were receiued into the Church of Chr●st thick & threefold : Insomuch , that one old Frier , ( as himselfe confessed to Charles the fift ) sprinkled with the water of baptisme , 700000 : another 300000 of them : but neuer instructed them in the articles of faith , or points of Christian Religion . Yet here our holy father the Pope , hath raised vp a new Empire , insteed of that which lately fell from his iurisdiction in Europe . This Church he gouerneth by 4 Archbishops , of Mexico , Lima , S. Foy , and Dominico ; as also by 25 inferiour Bishops , all nusled vp in his superstition . The politique administration of Iustice is committed to the two Vice-Royes , residing at Lima and Mexico : who gather also the Kings revenues , which being the fift part of euery mans labour , amount to the yearely value of 3 millions of Crownes , and vpward . When this new world came first acquainted with the olde , Isabel Queene of Castile , would not permit any of her husband Ferdinando's subiects to adventure here , viz : Arragonians , or Valentians : but licenced the Castilians , Andalusians , Biscaines , and the rest of her owne people only ; enuying the wealth hereof to the rest . When she was dead , Fernando licenced generally all the Spaniards , excluding onely the Portugals . But so rich a prize could not so warily be fenced , but that Portugals , French , English , and now of late the Low-countrimen , haue layed in their owne barnes , part of the Spaniards haruest , who well hoped to haue had a monopolie o● so wealthie a Region : and to haue enioyed without any riuall or competitor , the possession , ( I cannot say the loue ) of a country abundantly fruitfull in Spices , Fruits , and such Creatures , which the old world neuer knew : burdened with such store of kine and buls , that the Spaniards killed thousands of them yearely , for their tallow and hides only : blest with such abundance of gold , that the Spaniards found in their mines more gold then earth ; a mettal which the Americans not regarding , greedily exchanged for hammers , kniues , axes , and the like tooles of iron : For before they were wont to make their Canes or boats plaine without , and hollow within by the force of fire . Other particularities shal be specified in the particular delineation of euery Countrey ; now let vs returne againe to our discoueries of this great part of the world . Columbus hauing thus fortunately begun this worthy enterprise was seconded by Americus Vespusius , a Florentine ; employed herein by Emanuell King of Portugall ; who finding out the Continent or maine Land of this Country , called it America . To him succeeded Iohn Cabot , a Venetian , the father of Sebastian Cabot , in the behalfe of Henry the 7th of England ▪ and after these , diuerse priuate vndertakers and adventurers , out of all nations of Europe , that border on the Ocean . Ferdinando Magellanus , was the first that compass●d the world , and found out the South passage called Fretum Magellanicum : him followed our Drake , and Candish ; Frobisher , and Dauies , attempted a discouerie of the North-west passage : Willoughby , and Burroughes of the North-east : So that ( according to that elegant sa●ing of Sir Francis Bacon in his Aduancement of Learning , ) This great building the world , had neuer through lights made in it , till those dayes : by which , and of all parts of Learning , this of Navigation , and by consequence of Cosmographie , hath in latter times obtained an incredible proficiencie . For proofe of which , I will draw down a small History of Navigation , from its infancie , till this perfect & complete growth . In the worlds beginning , men quietly liued at home , neither greedy of forrain commodities , nor inquisitiue after their liues or fortunes ; and as the Poët hath it Nondum caesa suis ( peregrinum ut viseret orbem ) Montibus , in liquidas pinus descenderat undas . The Pine left not the hils whereon it stood , To seeke strange lands , or roue vpon the flood . But when the prouidence of God had instructed Noah how to build an Arke , for the safety of him and his , from the vniuersall Deluge ; this Arke setling on the mountaines of Ararat , & there long time remaining ; gaue the Phoenicians , a sea-people , a patterne , whereby they might make the waters passable . The heathen writers which knew not Noah , attribute the invention of shipping to diuerse men : Strabo , to Minos King of Crete ; Diodorus Siculus , to Neptune ; who was therefore called the god of the Sea : and Tibullus , to the City of Tyre , a most potent and flourishing Common●weal●h among the Phoenicians , saying , Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyros . The Tyrians first did teach vs how , With a shippes keele the seas to plow. The Aegyptians receiued this invention from the Tyrians , and added much vnto it . For whereas first the vessels were either made of an hollow tree , of sundry bordes ioyned together , and couered with beasts skinnes , which kinde of vessels are still in vse in America : the Phoenicians brought them to strength & forme ; but the Aegyptians added deckes vnto them . This vse of shipping was taught the Greekes , by Danaus King of Egypt , when he fled from his brother Rameses , Nave prunus ab Aegypto Danaus advenit ( saith Pliny ) ante enim ratibus navigabatur : where we may see the difference betweene navis , a ship ; & ratis , a barge , or open vessell ; of which last sort were they , which waf●ed ouer the Grecians to the siege of Troy. Of all the Grecians , the Cretans were this way most industrious , which gaue both occasion to Aristotle to call Crete the Lady of the Sea ; and to the Prouerbe , Cretensis nescit pelagus ? The Carthaginians being a Colonie of Tyre , were perfect in this Art , and thereby much damaged the Romans : till it hapned that a tempest , separating a Quinqueremis , or Galley of fiue oares , from the Carthaginian Fleet , cast it on the shoare ; of Italy , whereby the Romans learning the Art of ship-wrights , quickly became masters of the Sea. This chanced about the beginning of the first Punicke warre . That France , and Spaine , learned this Art from the Phoenicians , is more then probable : Marseiles in the one , and Cadiz in the other , being both Tyrian Colonies . As for the Belgians , till the Romans taught it , there was no shipping , Caesar himselfe affirming , that Ad eos mercatores minimè cōmeant . And the seas twixt Brittaine , and France , were so ill furnished with vessels , that Caesars souldiers were compelled to make shippes , for the transportation of his Army ; singulari militum studio , ( they are his owne words ) circiter sexcentas & d●odetriginta naves invenit . Hauing thus brought Navigation to the height and extent it had in those dayes , I will looke back again on the inventours of particular vessels , and the tackling to them belonging . The Phoenicians ( as we haue before said ) invented open vessels ; the Aegyptians , shippes with deckes ; they also invented the Galley of two bankes on a side , which vessels by length of time grew so large , that Ptolomie Philopater made one , of no fewer then 50 bankes of oares on one side , Large ships of burden called Circera , we owe to the Cypriots ; cock-boats , or ski●fes , ( scaphas ) to the Illyrians ; brigantines , ( celoces ) to the Rhodians ; and frigats or swift barkes ( Lembos ) to the Cyrenians . As for the tacklings , the Boeotians invented the oare ; Daedalus , and his sonne Icarus , the masts & sailes ; which gaue the Poëts occasion to faigne , that those two made wings to their bodies , and fled out of Crete ; & that Icarus soaring too high , melted his wings , and was drowned : the trueth indeed being , that presuming too farre on his new invention ▪ he ranne against a rocke , and so perished : For hippagines , ferrieboats , or vessels for the transporting of horse , we are indebted to the Salaminians ; for grappling-hookes to Anach●rsis ; for Ancres , to the Tuscans ; and for the rudder , helme , sterne , or Art of steering , to Typhis ; who seeing that a Kite when shee flew , guided her whole body by her taile ; effected that in the deuices of Art , which he had obserued in the workes of nature . The greatest voyages which I haue met withall in old stories , are those of Iason , Vlysses , and Alexander , with the Fleetes of Solomon , and the Aegyptian Kings . Of these , Iason and his companions , sailed in the ship Argo , ( whereof Typhis aboue-mentioned was master ) through the Euxine sea , and part of the Mediterranean : Vlysses through the Mediterranean only , smal gullets if compared with the Ocean . Alexander's iourney so famoused , and accounted so hazardous , was but sayling down the riuer Ganges , and 400 furlongs into the Ocean : and for the Fleets of Solomon , and the Kings of Aegypt , it is very apparant that they went with great leisure , and crawled close by the shore side ; otherwise it had bin impossible to haue consumed 3 whole yeares , in going from Ezion Geber , into India , and returning againe , which was the vsuall time of these voyages , as appeareth in the 1 of Kings , chap. 10 , verse 22. After the fall of the Roman Monarchie , the most potent states by sea in the Mediterranean , were the Genowaies , and Venetians : in the Oce●n , the English , and the Hansetownes ; neither of which euer attempted any discoueries . About the yeare 1300 , one Flauio , of Melphi in the Realme of Naples , found out the Compasse , or Pixis Nautica , consisting of 8 windes onely , the foure principall , and foure collaterall ; and not long after , the people of Bruges and Antwerp● , perfected that excellent invention ; adding 24 other subordinate windes or points . By meanes of this excellent instrument , and withall by the good successe of Columbus : the Portugals , Eastward ; the Spaniards , Westward ; and the English , Northwards ; haue made many a glorious and fortunate expedition . And now I returne to my particular descriptions of America ; onely telling you by the way , that the chiefe writers in Pilotisme , or the Art of Navigation , are Petrus de Medina ; Peter Nonius in his Regulae artis navigandi ; and Iohannes Aurigarius in his Speculum Nauticum . OF MEXICANA . America is diuided into two parts Mexicana . Peruana . MEXICANA containeth the Northerne tract , and comprehendeth the distinct Prouinces of 1 Mexico , 2 Quivira , 3 Nicaragua , 4 Iucutan , 5 Florida , 6 Virginia , 7 Norumbega , 2 Nova Francia , 9 Corterialis , 10 Estotilandia . MEXICO , giuing name to hal●e America , is now called Nova Hispania ; whence the Kings of Spaine vse to stile themselues , Hispaniarum Reges . In this Country is that excellent tree , called Mete , which they plant and dresse , as we doe our Vines . It hath 40 kindes of leaues , which serue for many vses ; for when they be tender , they make of them conserues , paper , flaxe , mantles , mats , shooes , girdles , & cordage . On these leaues grow certain prickles , so strong and sharpe , that they vse them insteed of sawes . From the root of this tree commeth a iuyce like vnto sirrop , which if you seethe it will become hony ; if you purifie it , will become sugar : you may also make wine and vineger of it . The rinde rosted , healeth hurts and sores ; and from the top-boughes , issueth a gumme , which is an excellent antidote against poi●on . It aboundeth with golden-sanded riuers , in which are many Crocodiles , ( though not so bigge as the Crocodiles of Egypt ) which the people eate : it is very much furnished with Golde-mines . and glorieth in the mountaine Pr●pochampathe , which is of the same nature with Aetna , and Vesuvius . The limits of it are on the East , Incutan , and the gulfe of Mexico ; on the West , Calformio or Mar Vermiglio ; on the South , Peruana : the Northerne bounds are vnknowne : so that we cannot certainely avow this America to be Continent ; nor certainely affirme it to be an Iland , distinguished from the old world . It was very populous before the arriuall of the Spaniards , who in 17 yeares slew 6 millions of them ; rosting some , plucking out the eyes ; cutting off the armes of others ; and casting them liuing to bee deuoured of wild beasts . It is diuided into four parts , viz : Noua Gallicia , 2 Mechuachan , 3 Guastachan , 4 Tremistitan . 1 Gallicia Nova is watred with the riuers Piastla , and S. Sebastian . The principall Cities are 1 Xalisco , taken by Nonnio Gusmano , 1530 , 2 Guadalaiara . 3 Capal● , now New Mexico . 4 Coanum , where the men are content with one wife , which is here a miracle . 5 Compostella : and 6 S. Esprit : all which were built by Nugno Gusman , after by taking of Xalisco he had mastred all the Prouince . The people hereof , that liue vpon the shoare , seed most on fish : they of the inland parts , on flesh , which they take in hunting . They goe for the most part naked ; and before the comming of the Spaniards , acknowledged no lord , but liued in a common libertie . That Country which lieth betweene the two riuers of Piastle , and S. Sebastian aboue-mentioned , is by a peculiar name called Couliacan ; stonie it is , and rough , as the rest of Nova Gallicia ; yet yeelding mines of Gold in good plenty . The chiefe Towne is S. Michael , where is a Colonie of Spaniards . 2 Mechu●can containeth in circuit 80 leagues . It is one of the best countries of New Spaine , abounding in mulberry trees , silke , hony , waxe , black amber , and such store of fish , that from them it tooke its name ; Mechuoucan signifying a place of fishing . The men are tall , strong , and actiue ; and speake a most elegant and copious language , and seeme to be of a very good wit. The chiefe townes are 1 Sinsonse , the residence of the olde Kings of this Country . 2 Pascuar . 3 Colima . 4 Valadolit a Bishops See. The principall hauens are S. Anthonies , & S. Iames , or S. Iago . 3 Gnastacan , is most poore in the naturall commodities of the soyle : but rich in the more ciuill life of the inhabitants . The chiefe City is Tlascalan , the chiefe city of all these parts next vnto Mexico , vnto whom only it yeeldeth precedencie . It is seated in the pleasantest part of all the country ; rich it is , populous , and gouerned after the forme of a Common-wealth , vnder the protection of the King of Spaine . 2 Villeriche , a port-towne , very wealthie , because all the traffick , betwixt the olde and new Spaines , doth passe through it . The Spaniards haue in it two Colonies , viz : Pamico , and S. Iames in the valleyes . 4 Tremistatan or Mexico , is the greatest and noblest of these foure : in it are the cities 1 Villarucca , 2 Antichero , 3 Meccioca , 4 O●topan , 5 Mexico , the seat of an Archbishop , and of the Spanish Vice-Roy ; whose power is to make Lawes and Ordinances , to giue directions , and determine controuersies , vnlesse it be in such great causes , which are thought fit to be referred ●0 the Councell of Spaine . This City is situate on the Lakes & Ilands like Venice , euery-where interlaced with the pleasant currents of fresh , and sea waters ; and carrying a face of more ciuill gouernment then any of America ; though nothing , if compared with Europe . The plaine wherein the Town standeth , is said to be 70 leagues in compasse , environed with high hills , on the tops of which , snow lieth continually . The Lake on whose banke it standeth , is 50 miles in compasse ; all along whose bankes stand pleasant Townes , and diuerse houses ; on which Lake also , 50000 wherries are continually plying . Mexico is in compasse 6 miles , and containeth 6000 houses of Spaniards , and 60000 of Indians . It is a by-word , that at Mexico there are foure faire things , viz : the women , the apparell , the horse● , and the streets . Here is also a printing house , an Vniuersity , and a Mint . Nigh to this Citty is the gulfe of Mexico , whose current is so swift and heady , that shipps cannot passe directly to and fro , but are compell'd to beare either much North , or much South . It is 900 miles in compasse ; and hath two ports , one betweene the farthest part of Iucutan , and the I le of Cuba , at which the tide with a violent streame entreth : the other between the said Cuba , and the farthest point of Florida , at which the tide with like violence goeth forth . The Sea is very tempestuous , & hath only two safe portes , viz : Havana on the North side : and 2 St Iohn de Lua , strongly fortified by the Spaniards , on the South . The people of Mexico , or Tremistitan , are witty and industrious , full of courage and valour ; good handicraftsmen if they giue their mindes to it , and rich marchants , such as so apply themselues . In their warres they vsed slings and arrowes : and since the comming of the Spaniards among them , the harcubuise . Their kings succeeded not by right of bloud , but by election ; and were commonly actiue , lusty , and fit for war ; the people holding it lawfull to kill their kings , if they were reputed cowards . They had among them an order of Knights instituted by the last king , which were licensed to weare gold and siluer , to be cloathed in Cotton , & to weare breeches ; all which were prohibited the vulgar . This Country is inferiour to Peru in the plenty and puritie of gold and siluer , but farre exceeding it both in the mechanical and ingenious arts here professed ; & in the abundance of fruits and cattle : of which last here is such store , that many a priuate man hath 40000 kine and oxen to himselfe . Fish is here also in great plenty , that only which is drawne out of the lake whereon Mexico standeth , being reputed worth 20000 Crownes . The Mexicans first were the inhabitants of Nova Gallicia , whence they made a violent irruption , as is coniectured , Anno 720. They lingred in diuers places , till the yeare 902 , when vnder the leading of Mexi their Captaine , they built this Citty , and called it after the name of their Generall . They were in all , 7 Tribes ; which ruled long in an Aristocraticall state , till the most puissant of the Tribes called Nauatalcas , elected a king to whom they submitted themselues . The Kings of Mexico . 1 Vitzilovitli . 2 Acamopitzli . 3 Chimalpapoca . 4 Izchoalt . 5 Motecumo . 1 6 Acacis . 7 Axaica . 8 Antzlol . 9 Motecumo II. 10 Quabutimoc . The most fortunate of these Kings was Izchoalt , who by his Cosen Tlacaellec , subdued the other 6 Tribes , & brought them vnder the Mexican Kings . After the death of Izchoalt , Tlacaellec was by the Electours ( which are six in number ) chosen K. as a man of whose vertue they had formerly made triall . But he very nobly refused it , saying , that it was more conuenient for the commonwealth , that another should be king , and that hee should execute that which was for the necessity of the state , thē to lay the whole burden vpon his backe : and that without being king , he would not leaue to labour for the publike , as well as if he were . Vpon this generous refusall , they made choice of Motecumo the first . The most vnhappy , at whose birth could not but be some disastrous aspect of the Planets , were the two last : who were both vanquished by Fernando Cortez & Mexico was made subiect to Spaine , Anno. 1521. The army which Cortez led with him , to conquer this so puissant and florishing estate , consisted of 100000 Indians , or Americans , 900 Spaniards only , 80 horse , 17 peeces of small ordnance , 13 brig●ndines , and 6000 wherry-boats , which he imploied in infesting Mexico from the lake aboue mentioned . Most of these 100000 Indians were of the Citty and territory of Tlascalan , who never held good side with the Mexicans : for which cause that citty enioyeth many immunities to this day . QVIVIRA is seated on the most Westerne part of America , iust ouer against Tartary , from whence being not much distant , it is supposed that the inhabitants first came into this new world . It is full of herbage , and enioyeth a temperat ayre : the people are desirous of Glasse more then of Gold ; & in some places are Caniballs . The chiefe riches of this Country , are their kine , which are to this people , as wee say with vs of our Ale to drunkards ; meat , drinke , and cloath , and more too . For their hides yeeld them houses , or at least the couerings of them ; their bone , bodkinnes ; their haire , threed ; their sinewes , ropes ; their hornes , mawes , and bladders , vessells ; their dung , fire ; their Calues-skinnes , budgets to draw and keepe water ; their bloud drinke ; their flesh , meat . There is thought to be some trafficke from China or Cathay hither : For when Vasques di Coronado conquered it , he saw in the further sea certaine shippes , not of common making , which seemed to be well laden ; and bare in their prowes , Pellicans : which could not be cōiectured to come from any Country , but one of these two . Hauing now said thus much concerning Quiuira in generall , it is time we should proceed to her Prouinces , which are Cibola , and Noua Albion . Cibola , lieth on the East side , and taketh its name from the chiefe Citty : the next to which is Totontoa , situate on a riuer so called . 3 Tinguez burnt by the Spaniard , who vnder the conduct of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado , made this Prouince subiect to their King , Anno 1540. Noua Albion lieth on the West side , towards Tartary . It was discouered by that Noble Captaine , Sr Francis Drake , A. 1585 and by him called Noua Albion : because the King did willingly submit himselfe to our Queene . The Country is abundant in fruit , pleasing both the eye and the pallat ; the people are giuen to hospitality , but withall to witchcraft , & adoration of diuels . The chiefe Citty is called after the name of the Prouince . Here is a Hare resembling a Want in his feet , & a Cat in his taile ; vnder whose chinne nature hath fastned a little bagge , which she hath also taught him to vse as a storehouse ; for in this , hauing filled his belly , preserueth the remnant of his prouision . The bound betweene this Quivira , and Mexicana● , is Mar Vermiglio , or Califormio . NICARAGVA is Southeast from Mexico , with whom it agreeth in nature , both of soyle , and inhabitants . For the people are of good stature , and of colour indifferent white . They had before they receaued Christianity , a setled & politike form of gouernment : only as Solon appointed no law for a mans killing of his father , so had this people none for the killer of a king both of them conceiting , that men were not so vnnaturall as to commit such crimes . A theefe they iudged not to death , but adiudged him to be slaue to that man whom he had robbed , till by his seruice he had made satisfaction : a course more merciful , and not lesse iust , then the losse of life . The Country is so pleasing to the eye , and abounding in all things necessary , that the Spaniards call it Mahomets paradise ; and among other flourishing trees , here groweth one of that nature , that a man cannot touch any of their branches , but it withereth presently . It is as plentifull of Parrets , as England is of Crowes ; and hath a lake 300 miles in compasse , which hauing no entercourse with the Ocean , doth yet ebbe and flowe continually . The chiefe Citties are 1 New Granado . 2 Leo a Bishops See. IVCVTAN , was first manifested to the Europaeans , by Francisco Hernandes di Cordoua , Anno 1517. It was called Iucutan not as some conceit it , from Ioctan the son of Heber , who they thinke came out of the East , where the Scripture placeth him , ( Gen. 10.30 ) to inhabit here : but from Iucutan , which in the American tongue , is , what say you . For when the Spaniards at their first comming hither , asked the name of the place ; the Savages not vnderstanding what they meant , replied Iucutan , that is , what say you : wherevpon the Spaniards alwaies after called it by this name . The Country is 900 miles in circuit , and is a Peninsula . This Country is very fresh and plentifull , but especially about Guatimala . It is situate ouer against the I le Cuba , & is diuided into three parts : I , Iucutan , whose Citties of greatest worth , are Campechium , Sidalancum ; and one , which for its greatnesse and beauty , they call Caire . II , Guatimala , whose inhabitants haue lost halfe a million of their kinsmen and friends , by the vnmercifull dealing of the Spaniards : The chiefe Townes are Guatimala , Cassuca , and Giapa . III , Acasamill , an Iland ouer against Guatimala , vulgarly called Santa Cruza , or Insula S. Crncis . The chiefe towne is Santa Cruza . FLORIDA hath on the East Mare del Norte ; on the West , Mexico ; on the North , Noua Francia ; & on the south , Virginia . It was discouered by the English , vnder the guiding of Sebastian Cabot , Anno 1497. Afterward it was possessed by Iohn Ponce , a Spaniard , 1527 ; who called it Florida , because hee came first to it on Easter day , which the Spaniards call Pascha Florida ; or else quia Florida erat regio , because it was a flourishing Country . For indeed the Country aboundeth with goodly fruits , & hath good quantity of gold and siluer : Emeralds are also found here , and so are Turquosies and Pearles . The men of this country doe naturally loue warre and reuenge , insomuch that they are continually in warre with one or other . They are crafty also and very intelligent , as appeareth by the answere they gaue to Ferdinando Soto , a Spaniard , who was here among them Aº 1549. For when he went to perswade the people that hee was the sonne of God , and came to teach them the law : not so , replied a Floridan , for God neuer bad thee to kill and slaie thus , and worke all kinde of mischief amongst vs. The women when their husbands are dead , vse to cut off their haire close to their eares , and strew it on his sepulchre : and cannot marry againe , till their haire be grown long enough to couer their shoulders . Hermaphrodites are here also in great plenty , whom they vse as beasts to carry their luggage , and put them to all kinde of drudgery . They haue all a grosse beleefe of the soules immortality , but are otherwise idolaters . After the discouery of Ponce , this Country fell next into the possession of Iohn Ribaulte and the French , Anno 1562 : but the Spaniards vnwilling to let the French be eye-witnesses of their rich booty , waged warre with them so long ; that there was not a man left on either side to maintaine the quarrell : and Florida was againe abandoned , Aº 1567. The principall Citties are 1 Arx Carolina built by the French and ruined by the enimy : 2 S. Helens . 3 S. Mathewes , built by the Spaniard . Here are also three strong forts holden by the Spaniards , and well garrisond , viz. S. Iames , S. Philip , & S. Augustine ; which last was taken and burnt by Sr Fraenis Drake , Aº 1586 , and is againe repaired . These three forts are all which the King of Spaine hath in this Country , so that it seemeth he is not so desirous to plant it himselfe , as to hinder others from doing it . VIRGINIA called by the natiues Apalchen , hath on the East , Mare del Noort ; on the West , we yet knowe not what limit ; on the North Norumbega ; and on the South , Florida . It is so fruitfull , that two acres of land will returne 400 bushells of corne . There is said to be rich vaines of Allum , Pitch , Tar , Rozen , Turpentine , store of Cedar , Grapes , Oyle , plenty of sweet Gummes , dies , timber trees , mines of iron and copper ; and abundance of fruit , Fishes , Beasts , Fowle , and that hearb or grain which they call Maize . The people are of indifferent stature ; they vse to paint their bodies with the pictures of Serpents , and other vgly beasts ; & are cloathed in a loose mantle made of Deeres skinne , & weare an apron of the same before their nakednesse . They worship all things , and them only , which are able to hurt them , as fire , water , lightning , thunder , &c. There is but one entrance into this Country by Sea , which is at the mouth of a very goodly bay : the Capes on both sides , being called Cape Henry , and Cape Charles , are after in some sort fortefied . It is watred with the riuers Quibequesson , and Apanawapeske . The chiefe Towns are 1 Kequoughton , 2 Iames Towne . 3 Dalefeguift . It was discouered by the English at the directions and charges of Sr Walter Rawleigh , Anno 1584 , and in honour of our Virgin Queen , was called Virginia . The English haue diuerse times gone thither to inhabit ; some not liking the Country returned homewards , others abided there still , & were not long since in number about 800 men , women , and children : but now the number is much diminished , the barbarous people hauing in the yeare 1622 , slaine treacherously about 300 of them . The Northerne part of this Virginia , being better discouered then the other , is called NEW ENGLAND full of good new Townes and sorts , and is likely to proue an happy plantation . NORVMBEGA , hath on the North , Nova Francia ; on the South Virginia . The ayre is of a good temper ; the soyle fruitfull ; and the people indifferently ciuill : all of them , as well mē as women , painting their faces . The men are much affected to hunting , & therefore neuer giue their daughters to any , vnlesse he be well skill'd in that game also . The women are here very chast , and so well loue their husbands , that if at any time they chance to be slaine , the widowes will neither marry , nor eate flesh , till the death of their husbands be reuenged . They both dance much , and for more nimblenesse sometimes stark naked . The chiefe Towne is called Norumbega , and is possessed by the French. NOVA FRANCIA hath on the North , Terra Corterialis ; on the South , Norumbega . The earth is barren , the people barbarous . It was discouered by Iaques Cartier , of France , Anno 1534 : and is inhabited besides the natiues , with some few Frenchmen . The chiefe Townes are Canada . 2 Sanguinai , seated on riuers so called . And 3 Hochelaga , a towne round in shape , and compassed about with three course of timber rampires , one within the other , sharp at the top , & two rods high . It hath about 50 great houses , & but one gate , which is shut with piles and barres . The people beleeue that when they dye they goe vnto the Starres ; vnd that from thence they are conveied into certaine green fields , adorned with trees , flowres , &c. The common people which inhabit not the Townes abouenamed , dwell in their boats , which they turne vpside downe , and lye vnder them . TERRA CORTERIALIS , or Di Laboredora , hath on the North , Estotiland ; on the South , the riuer Canada . This great riuer ariseth out of the hill called Hombuedo , his whole course is 900 miles long , 800 mile nauigable : at his aestuarium 105 miles in breadth . It is called also the riuer of the three brothers , and by some the riuer of S. Laurence . It taketh name from Gaspar Corterialis , a Portugall , who first discouered it , Aº 1500. The men are barbarous , of colour brown , swift of foot , cloathed in beasts skinnes , and are very good archers . They liue in Caues , or base Cottages , adorne themselues with siluer and brasse bracelets , and generally feed on fish . The chiefe of their Villages are 1 Breste . 2 Cabo Marzo . and 3 Santa Maria. ESTOTILAND hath on the South Terra Corterialis ; and on the North , the Streights called Fretum Davisij , from Iohn Davis an Englishman : who endeauoured to finde out a more commodious and quicke passage to Cathaia and China , than was yet discouered , by the North of America : which designe of his he beganne luckily , but accomplished it not with the like prosperous euent . Yet was not he the first that euer attempted this passage , Sebastian Cabot giuing the first ouset , Anno 1497 ; and Sr Martin Frobisher seconding his beginnings , 1576. He made in all three seuerall voyages , brought with him some of the natiues , and a great deale of Ore , which being in England tried , did scarce quit the cost : a great promontory hereof hee called Queene Elizabeths foreland , and the Sea running by it Frobishers straights . On the other side of these straights , lieth Groenland ; and not farre distant Freizland : one of whose kings by name Zichmi , imployed Nicholas and Antonio Zeni , two brothers , to discouer the adiacent Countries . This they vndertook with a noble resolution , & performed with as much care ; discouering the shore of this Country , and then returned , Anno 1390. The soyle is sufficiently enriched with naturall endowments : the inhabitants also are indued with a greater readinesse of wit , and soundnesse of iudgement , that the other Americans . This Prouince is called by vs English , New found land ; and was rediscouered by some of our Captaines , 1527 ; who imposed most of their names , which are yet retained . The Seas about this Country abound with fish , insomuch that in 4 houres , 2 or 300 of them are commonly taken . They are hence conveyed into all parts of Europe , and vented by the name of New found land fish . The natiues vse also to fish , and venture on the great Ocean in little boats made of leather : which , when their fish is caught , they carry home vnder their armes . Thus much of Mexicana . OF PERVANA . PERVANA containeth the Southerne part of America , and is tied to Mexicana , by the Istmus or streight of Darien being no more then 17 miles broad ; others make it 12 only . Certaine it is , that many haue motioned to the Counsell of Spaine , the cutting of a nauigable channell through this small Istmus , so to shorten the common voyages to China and the Moluccoes . But the Kings of Spaine haue not hitherto attempted it , partly because if he should employ the Americans in the work , he should loose those few of them , which his people haue suffered to liue : partly because the slaues , which they yearely buy out of Africa , doe but suffice for the mines and sugar-houses : but principally , least the passage by the Cape of good hope , being left off ; those seas might become a receptacle of Pirats . I haue read of many the like attempts begunne , but neuer of any finished . Sesostris king of Egypt , Darius of Persia , one of the Ptolomies , and a late capricious Portugall , had the like plot , to make a passage from the red Sea , to the Mediterranean : so had Caesar , Caligula , and Nero , Emperours of Rome , vpon the Corinthian Istmus : another of the same nature had Charles the great , to let the Rhene into the Danowe : the like Lucius Verus , to ioyne the Rhene and the Rhone ; all which in their peculiar places we haue already touched . Nicanor also king of Syria , intended to haue made a channell , from the Caspian to the Euxine Sea ; an infinite proiect : but neither hee nor any of the rest could finish these workes ; God , it seemeth , being not pleased at such prowd and haughty enterprises ; and yet perhaps , the want of treasure hath not beene the least cause , why the like proiects haue not proceeded : besides the dreadfull noyses and apparitions , which ( as we haue already said ) continually affrighted the workemen . The compasse of this part of America , is 17000 , of the other , 13000 miles : It comprehendeth 1 Castella Aurea . 2 Guiana . 3 Peru. 4 Brasile , 5 Chile . CASTELLA AVREA , so called for the abundance of gold ; containeth the Northerne part of Peruana , and part of the Istmus . It is admirably stored with Siluer , Spices , Pearles , and medicinall hearbs : and is diuided into foure Prouinces , viz : 1 Castella del Or. o 2 Nona Andaluzia . 3 Noua Granata . 4 Cartagena . Castella del Oro situate in the very Istmus , is not very populous , by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the ayre , & noysome sauour of the standing pooles . The chiefe Citties are 1 Theonyma , or Nombre di dios , on the East ; & Panama , on the west side . They were both built by Didacus Niquesa ; and the first had this name , because Niquesa hauing beene crossed with many dismall chances , and misaduentures ; when he came hither , bad his men now goe on shore , en nombre di dios , in the name of god . The ayre in the place where he built them , being very vnhealththie ; the King of Spaine , Aº 1584 , commanded that they should be plucked , both of them , downe , and rebuilt in a more conuenient place : which was performed by Peter Aria . Through these two Townes , commeth all the trafficke that is betweene Spaine and Peru , for whatsoeuer commodity commeth out of Peru is vnladen at Panama , carried by land to Nombre di dios , and there shipped to Spaine : & vice versa . I should wrong my Countrey , in concealing the worth of her people , if I omitted the attempt of Iohn Oxenham , one of Sr Francis Drakes followers , on this place . This man arriuing with 70 companions , a little aboue these townes , drewe a land his ship , couered it with boughs , and marched ouer the land with his company guided by Negroes , vntill he came to a riuer where he cut downe wood , made him a pinnase , entred the South Sea , went to the I le of Pearles , lay there 10 daies , intercepted in two Spanish shippes , 60000 pound weight in gold , 100000 pound waight in barres of siluer , and returned safely againe to the maine land . And though through the mutinie of his company , he neither returned to his country , nor his hidden ship ; yet is it an aduenture not to be forgotten , in that neuer by any other attempted , and by the Spanish writers , with much admiration , recorded . Andaluzia Noua hath on the North , Castella del Oro ; on the South Peru. The best Citties are Tocoio , now S. Margarets , & 2 Santa Espritta . Noua Granada is situate on the south side of Carthagena : The chiefe Citties are Tungia , directly vnder the Aequator 2 Tochaimum . 3 Popaian , built by one Sebastian Belalzar , who first subdued this Country . 4 S. Foye an Archbishops seat , and a Court of Iustice. 5 Palma . and 6 Merida , called after this name from Merida in Spaine . This Country is very strong , by reason of its situation among stonie rockes which enuiron it & through which there are very narrow passages : yet is it full of pleasing valleyes which yeeld much fruit ; and hath in it some mines of gold and siluer . Cartagena hath a fruitfull soyle , in which groweth a tree , which if any one touch he will hardly scape a poisoning . The chiefe Citties are Cartagena ( called by the natiues Calamur ) which Sr Francis Drake surprized , 1585 ; and besides inestimable summes of wealth , tooke with him from hence 240 peeces of Ordnance . 2 Abuida . 3 S. Martha on the riuer d' Abuida ( called also S. Iohns , & Rio di Grand ) 4 Venezuela . 5 New Cales . These three last regions are called Terra Firma , and are the Basis of this reuersed Pyramis . GVIANA hath on the East , and South , the riuer Maragnon called also Amazone , and Orellana ; on the West , the mountains of Peru ; and on the North , the great riuer Orenoque , or Raliana . This riuer is nauigable with ships of burden 1000 miles , but with Boats and Pinnases almost 2000 miles ; and borroweth his latter name from S. Walter Raleigh , who first of all , to any purpose , made a plenary survey of this Country , her commodities , and situation , Anno 1595. The riuer Maragnon , called Amazone , from the Amazons , which are fabled to liue here ; and Crellana , from one so called , who first ( Anno 1543 ) sayled in it , is nauigable almost 6000 miles , and broad towards the Sea 200 miles . This country is directly situate vnder the Aequinoctiall line , and is the fruitfullest part of Peruana . The inhabitants in winter time dwell in trees for feare of inundations , making on them many artificiall Villages , and ranges of building . The like habitations they also haue in Brasil , & in Golden Castile : in which last Country , we finde Abibeiba the King hereof , to haue had his pallace on a tree ; from which Francisco Vasques , a Spanish Captaine , could by no Rhetorick intreat him to descend , till he began to cut downe the tree , and then the poore Prince came downe , and bought his life at the Spaniards price . The old Iucolae were the Caribes ; the present are the Samai , the Assawi , and the Wikeri , nations of Peru : which , when as Francisco Pizarro had subdued that Realme , fled hither ; and driuing out the Caribes , planted themselues here . When this Country was first opened , and the riches of it plainely manifested , suit was made that some English forces might be sent thither , and a Colonie erected . Which motion , on mature consultation , was at last concluded to be preiudicial to the state ; because of the distance of our body of warre . 2ly Because that the Spanish Armies and Colonies bordering euery way on it , might cast out our small strength● , and make the expedition dishonourable . The chiefe Townes are , Morequito , a safe harbour , 2 Winicapora , nigh vnto which , report tell●th vs of a Christal mountain . 3 Manao , called also El Dorodo , the greatest C●tty of America ; and as some relate , of the world too . For Deigo Ordas one of the companions of Cortez , is said to haue entred into this Citty at noone , and to haue trauelled all that day , and the next also , vntill night , through the streets hereof ▪ before hee came to the Kings Pallace . It is situate on a lake of salt water , 200 leagues in length ; and is by the Spaniards called El Dorada ( or the guilded Citty ) from the abundance of Gold both in Coine , Plate , Armour , and other furniture , which the said Deigo Ordas there saw . And 4 St Thome a Towne patched vp of stickes and durt , the bane of destruction to that vnfortunate Gentleman Sr Walter Rawleigh , Anno 1617 : of whom I will say with Mr Camden in his Annalls ; Vir erat , nunquam satis laudato studio , & regiones remotas detegendi , & naualem Angliae gloriam promouendi . PERV hath on the East , the Peruvian mountaines ; on the west Mare Pacificum , or Del Zur ; on the North , Castella Aurea , & the riuer Peru from which , the name of all the Country is to be deriued ; and on the South , Chile . The soyle is luxuriant in all manner of graine ; fortunate , in the ciuilitie of her inhabitants , frequency of Citties , and salubrity of ayre . Here is also great store of Tobacco , which though in some respect , being moderately taken , may be seruiceable for Physicke : yet ( besides the consumption of the purse , & impairing of our inward parts ) the immoderate , vaine , and phantasticall abuse of this hellish weed , corrupteth the naturall sweetnes of the breath , stupefieth the braine , and indeed is so preiudiciall to the generall esteeme of our Country men , that one saith of them , Anglorum corpora qui huic plantae tantopere indulgent , in Barbarorum naturam degenerasse videntur . The two chiefe vertues ascribed to it are , that it is good against Lues ven●rea , that loathsome disease , the pox ; and that it voideth rhewme . For the first , like enough it is that similes habent labra lactucas , so vncleane a disease may be fitted with so vnwholsome a medicine . For the second good quality attributed vnto it , I thinke it rather to consist in opinion then truth ; the rhewme which it voideth , being only that which it selfe ingendreth . We may as well conclude that bottle-ale breaketh wind , for that effect we finde to follow the drinking of it , though indeed it is onely the same winde which it selfe conue●ed into the stomacke . But Tobacco is by few taken now as medicinall : it is growne a good-fellow , and fallen from a Physicion to a complement . A folly which certainly had neuer spred so farre , if here had beene the same meanes of preuention vsed with vs , as lately was in Turkie , by Morat Bassa : who commanded a pipe to be thrust through the nose of a Turke , which was found taking Tobacco : and so in derision , to be led about Constantinople . This vnsauory drug was first brought hither , by the Marriners of Sr Francis Drake , An o 1585 ; It may be as an antidote for the immoderat vse of drinking , which our B●lgian Souldiers brought with them , 3 yeares before , from the Low countries : before which time , of all Northerne people , the English were deemed most free from that swinish vice ; wherein it is to be feared , they haue now out-gon their teachers , the Dutch. The people hold opinion , that men vse after their buriall , to ●at , drinke , and wantonnize with women : & therefore commōly at the death of any , they kill some of his seruants ( whom they bury with him ) to wait on him in the other world . They are ignorant of letters , yet are they of a good courage in the wars , feare not death , & know well how to mannage their weapons . When they haue conquer'd any Country , they vse to diuide it into three parts ; allotting the first , to the seruice of their Gods ; the second to the reuenue of their King ; and the third to the maintenance and reliefe of the poore : a very iust and equall diuision This Prouince aboue any other in America , is abundant in Gold and Siluer ; the mines wherof in diuers places , yeeld more of these mettles , then of earth : by which abundance , not Spaine only , but all Europe also , is more stored with pure & fine coine , then euer formerly it was . Our ancestors the Brittaines , vsed brasse rings , and iron rings , for their instruments of exchange , The most vsuall materiall of mony among the Roman Prouinces , was seldome gold or siluer , most times brasse , sometimes leather : Corium forma publica percussum , as Seneca hath it . This last kind of mony , was by Fredericke the second made currant when he besieged Millaine ; the like is said to haue beene vsed here in England , at the time of the Barrons warres : & why not ? Since no longer agoe , then in the yeare 1574 , the Hollanders then being in their extremities , made mony of past-board . But this hapneth only in cases of necessity ; the two mettals of gold and siluer , hauing for many hundred yeares , though not in such abundance , beene the principall instrument of exchange , & bartery ; & so questionlesse will continue to the end of the world . Sr Thomas Moore , in the second booke of his Vtopia , preferreth iron before these mettals , Vt sine quo , non magis quàm sine ●gne , atque aqua , vi●ere mortales queant . He giueth vs there also a plot to bring gold and siluer into contempt : telling vs , how the Vtopians imploy those mettals , in making of chamberpots , and vessells of more vncleane vse ; eating and drinking for the most part , in glasse or earth : how they make fette●s and chaines herewith to hold in their rebellious slaues and malefactours : how they punish infamous persons , by putting gold rings on their fingers , iewels in their eares , and chaines of gold about their necks : and how they adorne their infants & little children with iewels and pretious stones ; which gayeties , when they come to any age , and obserue how none but children vse them ; they cast away of their own accord , as with vs our elder ones leaue off without constraint their babies , cobnuts , and other crepundia ▪ He telleth vs further how the Embassadours of the Anemolij , a confederate state of the Vtopians , comming amongst them richly and gorgeously attired , were taken for slaues , by reason of their gold chaines ; and the basest of the traine , deemed to be the Embassadours : how the elder boyes derided the strangers for wearing iewels , as if they had beene children still : & how the people laught at their chaines of gold , as being too slight and slenders , to hold in , or shackle such big fellowes . Now saith he , the reason why they had any gold or siluer at al among them , was not for any esteeme they had of it , but to hire and wage forraine souldiers withall , when the necessities of their state required it . How this deuice would sort with the people , which Lucian fableth to be in the Moone . I knowe not , though perhaps it might fit them well enough . But I am sure in this s●blunary world , it is neuer like to take : And so I leaue it , telling you that it is by many thought that this extraordinary plenty of gold and siluer , since the discouery of these countries , is the cause of the dearth of al things in respect of former times : for where much is , much may be giuē : yet there want not some that adde also other causes , of the high prizes of our daies : viz : monopolies ; combinations of merchants and craftsmen ; transportation of graine ; pleasure of great personages ; the excesse of priuate men , and the like : but these last I rather take to be concauses , the first being indeed the principall . For , ( as that excellent Sr Henry Sauill , hath it in the end of his notes on Tacitus ) the excessiue abundance of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , things which consist meerely on the constitution of men ; draweth necessarily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ those things which nature requireth to an higher rate in the market ; Captà ab Augusto Alexandrià ( saith Orosius ) Roma in tantum ●pibus eius creuit , vt duplo maiora quam antebac , rerum venalium pr●tia statuerentur . As for that question , whether of the two kingdomes be happier , that which supplieth it selfe with mony , by trafficke and the workes of art ; or that which is supplied by mines in it growing , as the gift of nature : I finde it by this tale in part resolued . Two Marchants departing from Spaine to get gold , touched vpon part of Barbary ; where the one buyeth Moores to dig and delue with ; the other fraughteth his vessell with sheep : and being come to the Indies the one finding mines , set his slaues to worke ; & the other hapning on grassie grounds , put his sheep to grasing . The slaues grow cold and hungry , call for food and cloathing ; which the sheep-master by the increase of his cattle , had in abundance : so that what the one got in gold , with toyle , charges , and hazard ; he gladly gaue vnto the other for continuall supplies of victualls and rayments , for himselfe and his seruants . In the end , the mines being exhausted , and all the gold thence arising being exchanged with the sheepheards , for such necessaries as nature required : home returneth the Sheepheard in triumph , his companion hauing nothing to shew for the improuement of his stocke . But I dare not determine a question so weighty , only I will tell you that the Hollanders and English , by the benefit of trafficke and marchandize only , wearied the late king of Spain● and out-vied him as it were in strength and treasurie : notwithstanding his mines in Spaine , Italie , Barbary , India , Mexicana , & these of Peru ; which we now handle , and which gaue occasion to this discourse . The chiefe Citties of Peru , are 1 St Michaels , the first Colonie which the Spaniards placed in these parts . 2 Arequipa , seated on the riuer of Plata , and is the hauen Towne to Cusco . 3 Lima distant about two leagues from the Sea ; the port which serueth it , being called Collao . It is built with much art , for all the chiefe streets answere to the market place : & there is scarce any priuate house which hath not water conueyed to it from the riuer . It is an Archbishops See , and residence of the Peruvian Vice Roy. 4 Cusco the seat of the ancient Kings of this nation : Who the more to beautifie this Citty , commanded euery one of the Nobility , to build a pallace here , ●or his continual residence . It hath a ●aire market place , in the midst of which two high waies thwart one another , which are 2000 miles long ; straight and leuell , and which runne crosse the Country . 5 Gaiachu . 6 Portoueio , where in digging graues , the Sextons happen many times on the teeth of men , being 3 fingers broad . 7 Tomobamba glory●ng in her faire pall●ces . And 8 Caxamalca . The chiefe riuers are 1 Maragnon . 2 Guaiachil . 3 Rio di la Plate , being 150 miles broad at the mouth , and 2000 long , or there-abouts . Here is in this country a beast , which hath about hir neck a bagge of indifferent greatnesse ; into which she putteth her yonglings at the approach of any body , and scuddeth away . And here is also said to be a fig-tree , of the which the North part which looketh towards the mountaines , bringeth forth fruit in the Summer only : the South part which looketh toward the Sea , is fruitfull onely in the winter . The Peruvians haue thus much notice of the generall Deluge , that the Country was ouer-whelmed with waters , and all men perished except seauen ; who hid themselues in a hole , which they cell Paticambo : where hauing liued in safety till the fury of the waters were asswaged , they came out of their lu●king-place , and re-peopled the Country . The chiefe of these seauen was Mangocapa ; whose posterity possessing in this Country a plot of ground 20 miles in circuit , gouerned themselues in an Aristocraticall state : and at last chose them a King ; which mutation of their Common-wealth , was ( as by their computation is coniectured ) Anno 1280 , or somewhat nigh it . The Kings of Peru. 1 Ingarcia . 2 Vanguazagnaque . 3 Vixococa . 4 Pacachuti . 5 Guaimacapa . 8 Guascar , 8 Atabaliba . 7 Mangocapa 8 Amare . The most luckie Prince of these 8 , was Guaimacapa ; who extended his Empire to the largenesse it now hath . Since his death , fortune hath frowned on them all . For his two sonnes Guascar , and Atabalipa , immediatly after the solemnizing of his funerall , striued for the Empire , till Francisco Pizarro , a Spanish Captaine , ended the controuersie ; by seasing on the kingdome , to the vse of his master of Spaine . Guascar was slaine , and Atabalipa seeing the whole kingdome lay at stake , laid all his riches , life , and liberty against it ; and cast the Dice on a plaine , nigh to the City Caximalos , where the Dice running on the Sp●niards sides , gaue them the glory of the day , and haplesse Atabalipa remained a prisoner after an infinite slaughter of his subiects . He gaue vnto the Spaniards as a ransome for his life , & liberty ; a house piled vp on all sides , with refined Gold & siluer , being in estimation about 10 millions : which when they had receiued , they most perfidiously slew him . His two successours laboured the restoring of their ruinated inheritance , but preuailed nothing : For the wickednesse of the Peruvian was now full , and God sent these Spaniards amongst them , as executioners of his vengeance , Anno 1533. This Pizarro who subdued this most potent and flourishing kingdome , and made it a member of the Spanish Empire , was borne at Trusiglio , a village of Navarre , and by the poore whore his mother , laide in the Church porch , and so left to Gods prouidence : by whose direction , ( there being none found that would giue him the brest ) he was nourished for certaine dayes , by sucking a Sow . At last , one Gonsalles , a soldier , acknowledged him for his sonne , put him to nurse , and when he was somewhat growne , set him to keepe his swine : some of which being strayed , the boy durst not for feare returne home , but betooke himselfe to his heeles , ran vnto Sevill , and there shipped himselfe for America ; where he so prospered , that he was by the King of Spaine honoured for his good seruice , with the title of Marquesse Anatillo , Anno 1535. The strange fortunes of this man , call into my minde the like of Sinan , a great Bassa in the court of Selimus the first ; who being borne of base parentage , as he being a child was sleeping in the shade , had his genitals bitten off by a Sow . The Turkish Officers which vsually prouided yong boyes for the seruice of the Grand Signeur , being in Epyrus , ( for that was Sinans country ) and hearing of this so extraordinary an Eunuch , tooke him among others , along with them to the Court : where vnder Mahomet the great , Baiaz●t the second , and his sonne Selimus , he so exceedingly thriued ; that hee was made chiefe Bassa of the Court ; and so well deserued it , that he was accounted Selimus right hand , and was indeed the man , to whose valour especially , the Turkes owe the Kingdome of Aegypt . But this is perhaps impertinent . BRASILE hath on the North Guiana ; on the South , Rio de la Plate , & Chile ; on the East , the Ocean ; and on the West , the mountaines of Peru , called the Andes ; which diuide the Country of Peruana , as Taurus or Imaus doe Asia ; and mount Atlas , Africke . These hills are high , craggie , and very barren ; full of rauenous beasts , and poisonous serpents , which they say destroyed a whole Army of one of the Peruvian Kings , in their passages that way . Here also liue a mountaine people , farre more barbarous then the rest of the Americans , as being hairie all ouer their bodies , going altogether naked , and liuing without houses or bedding . And so I descend into the valleyes of this Country . The Aire here is of a healthfull temper , the Earth fat and alwaies flourishing . Great store of Sugars , and wonderfull rich mines , are the sinewes of this Region . Hence commeth our red wood , which we vse in dying of cloathes , called Brasile ; the trees of which are of that bignesse , that whole families liue in an arme of one of them , euery tree being as populous as many of our Villages For which cause the cities here are neither many , faire , nor populous . They which are , are called 1 S. Anna Equitum , 2 Ascensio , 3 Pernambuco , or Pernambucke , from whence I suppose that that Brasil wood is with vs called Fernanbucke , which they vse in dying and colouring cloathes red . The people here are endowed with a pretty vnderstanding , as may seeme by him , who tartly blamed the couetousnesse of the French ▪ for comming from the other end of the world to digge for gold : but in most places they are barbarous . Men and women goe starke naked , and on high festiual dayes , hang Iewels in their lips . These festiuall daies are , when a company of good neighbours come together to be merry , ouer the roasted body of a fat man , whom they cut in collops called Boucon , and eat with g●eat greedin●sse , and as much delectation . They haue two vile qualities , they are mindfull of iniuries , and forgetfull of benefits . The men cruell without measure , and the women infinitely lasciuious . They cannot pronounce the letters LFR : The reason of which one being demaunded , made answere , because they had amongst them neither Law , Faith , nor Rulers . They are rather swimmers , as well women as men , and wil stay vnder water an houre together . Women in trauell are here deliuered without any great paine , and presently goe about their businesse belonging to good house-wiues : The good-man ( according to the fashion of our kinder sort of husbands in England , who are said to breed their wiues children ) being sicke in their steed , and keeping their bed ; so farre that he hath brothes made him , is visited by his gossips or neighbours , & hath iunkets sent to comfort him . There is in this country a litle beast , which cannot goe in lesse then 15 dayes , as farre as a man can throw a stone ; and is therefore called by the Spaniards , Pigritia . Here is also an herbe called Sentida , or Viua ; which if one touch it , will shut its leaues and not open them , till the man which did displease it be gone out of sight : Here also flying fishes are said to be , but I binde you not to beleeue it . This Country was first discouered by Peter Alvari Caprali , at the expences of Emanuel K. of Portugal , Anno 1500 : more exactly surveyed by Americus Vespuccius , at the charges of the said Emmanuell : next by Iohn di Empoli , a Florentine , 1503 : afterward by Iohn Stadius , a German , Anno 1554. And by the Edict of Pope Alexander the sixt , was appropriated to the Portugall ; the rest of America being allotted to the Castilians . In the right of Portugall , the Castilians now possesse it ; though ( as ●eport goeth ) they are like to loose their footing . For it is said , that the West-Indian company of the vnited Prouinces , haue taken a Towne called Todos los Sanctos , standing on a capacious Bay , with the forts belonging to it ; and haue since marched higher into the Country to besiege Pernanbuco , the chief town of it . CHILE hath on the East , the Virginian Ocean ; on the West , Mare del Zur ; on the North , Peru ; on the South , the straights of Magellanus . It containeth two Prouince● , viz : Chica , and the Patagones . It taketh denomination from the vehemencie of the cold here , ( the name , it seemeth , importing as much ; ) which is said to be such , especially in our Summer Solstice , that horses and their riders are frozen to death , and hardened like a peece of marble . The Country toward the midland , is very mountainous and vnfruitfull ; toward the sea shore , leuell , fruitfull , and watred with diuerse riuers , flowing from the mountaines ; this being the chiefe benefit the Country reapeth from them . The Spaniards finde here good plenty of golde , abundance of hony , store of cattell , and of wine enough for their owne vse : the vines brought hither out of Spaine , exceedingly prospering , as also doe all their fruits , and plants , from thence transplanted hither . The people are very warlike , and of a gigantine stature ; as being 11 foot high . Here is a riuer which runneth in the day time with a most violent force ; and in the night hath in it no water at all : The reason is , that this riuer hath no constant spring , but is both begun and continued by snow falling from the mountaines ; which in the heat of the day melteth into waters , and are precipitately carried to the Sea : but in the chilly coldnesse of the night , are congealed ; and cannot minister new supplies to the empty Channell . This Country was discouered by Almagrus , one of Pizarroes colleagues : and subdued by one Baldiuia , who being vnfortunatly taken prisoner by the inraged Chilois , was choaked with melted gold . The chiefe Townes are 1 Arequipoum , much defaced by an Earthquake , 1582 : 2 S. Iames , built by the Spaniards , 3 Cocimbum , 4 Villadiues , 5 Baldiuia , which for spight to its founder , was pulled downe , Anno 1599 : and 6 The Imperiall , which is the best Colonie of this Country ; and was , before the taking of it by the Spaniards , so populous and rich , that in a war against the Araugues their neighbours , they put into the field 300000 fighting men . It was called by the Spaniards , Imperiall ; because at their first comming into this Prouince , they found Eagles with two heads , made of wood , set vpon the doores & houses of it , made perhappes by some Germans which had beene here shipwracked . The Pyris of this American Pyramis , is called Caput Victoriae , from the ships name , wherein some of Magellanus Souldiers , by this Cape did first compasse the world . This Ferdinando Magellanus a Spaniard , and expert in navigation ▪ was earnestly intreated by Charles the fift , to finde ( if possible it might be ) a shorter cut to the Moluccoes ; this request , he willing to performe , addressed himselfe to the voyage , Anno 1520 , and striking Southward , passed along by this Cape ; and so through the narrow Seas , since called Fretum Magellanicum , and being now arriued at the Moluccoes , was there killed in a battaile against the Ilanders ; but the ship called Victoria , returned to Spaine in safety . We vse to say that Sir Francis Drake was the first that sayled round about the world , which may bee true in a mitigated sense ; viz : that he was the first Captain or man of note that atchieued this enterprise ; ( Magellanus perishing in the midst of it : ) and therefore is reported to haue giuen for his deuice a Globe with this motto , Tu primus circumdedisti me . This navigation was begun Anno 1577 , and in two yeares and a halfe , with great vicissitude of fortune , finished : concerning which his famous voyage , a Poët then liuing directed to him this Epigramme : Drake , pererrati nouit quem terminus orbis , Quemque semel mundi vidit uterque polus : Si taceant homines facient te sydera notum ; Sol nescit comitis immemor esse sui . Drake whom th'encompass'd earth so fully knew , And whō at once both poles of heauen did view ; Should men forget , the Sun could not forbeare To chronicle his fellow-trauailer . This Fretum Magellanicum , these Magellan straights , are by M. Iohn Dauies , who professeth to know euery creeke in them , thus described . For 14 leagues within the Cape of S. Marie , lieth the first straight , where it ebbeth and floweth with a violent swiftnes : the straight not being fully halfe a mile broad , and the first fall into it very dangerous and doubtfull . Three leagues this straight continueth , when it openeth into a sea , 8 miles long , and as many broad ; beyond which lyeth the second straight , right West South-West from the first , a perillous and vnpleasing passage , 3 leagues long , and a mile in bredth . This straight openeth it selfe into another Sea , which is extended euen to the Cape of Victorie , where is the straight properly called the straight of Magellane : a place of that nature , that which way soeuer a man bend his course , he shall be sure to haue the winde against him . The length hereof is 40 leagues ; the bredth in some places 2 leagues , in others not halfe a mile ; the channell on the shore-side 200 faddome , and so no hope of ancorage ; the course of the water full of turnings and changings , and so violent , that when a ship is once entred , there is no returning . On both sides are the high mountaines , continually couered with snow , from whence proceede those dangerous counterwindes that beat on all sides of it : a place certainly vnpleasing to view , and hazardous to passe . So farre , and to this purpose , M. Dauies . Thus much of Peruana . THE AMERICAN ILANDS . The AMERICAN ILANDS are either In the Verginian Sea , or Mare del Noort . In the Pacifique Sea , or Mare del Zur . THe Ilands in the Pacifique Ocean , or Mare del Zur , are 1 INSVLAE SOLOMONIS , which are in number many : the chiefe of which are 18 , the rest not worth the looking after . Of these 18 , the three greatest are , Gaudalcanall , S. Thome , and S. Isabella . The Ilanders are of a yellowish colour , and goe naked . They were discouered by Lope Garcia di Castro , Anno 1567 : and called Insulae Solomonis , because he thought them to be the land of Ophir , to which Solomon sent for his gold . 2 INSVLAE LATRONVM , vsually called Ladrones , were discouered by Magellanus ; who gaue them that name , because the inhabitants stole away his cock boate . The Ilands of the Verginian Ocean , so called a vergendo , or Mare del Noorte , are 1 MARGARITA , and CVBAGNA , situate nigh vnto Castella Aurea . They are deficient in Corne , Grasse , Trees , and Water ; insomuch that sometimes the people gladly change for a tunne of Water , a tunne of wine . The abundance of precious stones , maketh some amends for these defects , from whence the name of Margarita is imposed on it : in especiall , it yeeldeth the gemmes which the Latine Writers call Vniones , because they alwaies grow in couples . Nulli duo reperiuntur indiscreti ( saith Pliny ) unde nomen Vnionum scilicet Romanae imposu●re deliciae . 3 TRINIDADO is not farre distant from the former . It was discouered by Columbus , in his last voyage , Anno sc : 1497 : and is well stored with Tobacco . 4 BACALAOS are certaine Iles iying against the influxe of Canada , nigh vnto Corterialis ; and owe their first discouery vnto Sebastian Cabot , Anno 1447. The people of these Ilands , in their most formall expression of reuerence to their King , vse to rubbe their noses , or stroake their for-heads : which if the king accepteth or obserueth , and meaneth to grace the party so adoring him , he turneth his head to his left shoulder ; which is a note of especiall fauour . 5 BORIQVEN is diuided into 2 parts , whereof the North part is most plentifull of gold ; the South part , of vitall prouision ; as birds , cattle , and corne . Some riuers here are , but of no greatnesse ; the principall being called Cairobonus . This Iland is ●ituate North of Guiana . It is in length 50 , in bredth 18 miles ; and is called also Insula S. Iohan. The first that set foot in it was Iohn Ponce a Spaniard , Anno 1527. The principall cities are S. Iohns , and 2 Port Rico ; ruin'd by Henry Earle of Cumberland , Anno 1597. 6 IAMAICA or Insula S. Iacobi , was once very populous , but now almost destitute of inhabitants ; the Spaniards hauing slaine in this and the former Iland , more then 60000 liuing soules : insomuch that women , as well here , as on the Continent , did kill their children before they had giuen them life ; that the issues of their bodies might not serue so cruell a nation . This Iland is in length 280 miles , in bredth 70 miles . It is well watred hath two townes of note ; Oristana , and Seuill ; & acknowledgeth Columbus for its first discouerer . 7 CVBA , called also Fernandina , is long 300 , and broad 70 miles . It is full of Forrests , Lakes , and mountaines : and was first made knowne to the Europaeans , by Columbus his second navigation . The people here are prohibited the eating of serpents , as a dainty reserued for the higher powers . The Ai●e is very temperate , the soyle very fertile , producing brasse of exact perfection , but gold somewhat drossie . It aboundeth also with ginger , cassia , masticke , aloes , cinamom , sugar , and hath of flesh , fish , and fowle , no scarcity . The people before the Spaniards arriuall here , were tenants in common , money not being knowne among them , nor the meaning of meum and tuum vnderstood by them . The chiefe Cities are S. Iago , a Bishops See : and Hauana a safe rode for shippes , and the staple of Merchandise . Here also rideth the King of Spaine's Navie , till the time of the yeare , and the conveniency of the winde , ioyne together to waste them homeward . It is seated on the Northerne shore , as also is S. Iago , this last being built by Iago , or Iames de Valasco , and of him so named . The other Towns of note are S. Christophero , and 4 S. Trinitie on the South . 8 The LVCAIE aboue 400 in number , g●ory in the matchlesse beauty of their women ; & mourne for the losse of a million of her inhabitants , murdred by the Spaniards . 9 BERMVDAE , are called also Summer Ilands , because Sir Thomas Summers gaue vs a more exact relation of them , then before had beene . They receiued their first name from one Iohn Barmudaz , who first gaue vs notice of them : they are in number no lesse then 400 : The biggest resembling a halfe Moone , hath in it a Colonie of English ; who affirme it to bee very fruitfull , and agreeable to an English nature . 10 HISPANIOLA , called by the natiues , Haitie ; now lamenteth the losse of 3 millions of her inhabitants , murdred by her new masters of Spaine . It is in compasse 1400 miles : inioyeth a temperate Aire , a fertile soyle , rich mines , Amber , & Sugar . In 16 dayes herbes will ripen , and roots also , and be fit to be eaten : a strong argument of the exact temperature of the Aire . It giueth place in no respect to Cuba , but excelleth it in diuerse , three especially : 1 the finenesse of the gold , which is here digged more pure and vnmixed : 2ly in the increase of the sugar ; one sugar-cane here filling 20 , and sometimes 30 measures : and 3ly in the goodnesse of their soyle for tillage , the corne here yeelding an hundred folde . This fertility is thought to be caused by foure great riuers , which water and enrich all the foure quarters of the Country , viz : 1 Iuna , the East ; 2 Attihinnacus , the West ; 3 Iacchus , the North ; and 4 Naihus , the South ▪ all foure springing from one mountaine , which standeth in the very midst and center of the Country . The chiefe Townes are S. Domingo , ransackt by Sir Francis Drake , Anno 1585 , 2 S. Isabella , 3 S. Thome , 4 S , Iohn , 5 Maragna , 6 ●ortoroy● . Hic status , haec rerum nunc est fortuna novarum . And this is at this present time The fortune of the new found clime . Thus much of the Ilands . THE LONGITVDE AND LATITVDE of the chiefe American Cities . A Lo.   La.   S. Anna Eq. 318 30 27 30 A Ascensio 363 20 19   A B           Boriquen 273 20 19 40 A C           Chile opp . 299 30 36   A Coanum 259 40 31     Canada 305 10 50 20   Cartagena 300   20 10   Cusco 297 20 13 30 A Caxamalca 298 30 11 30 A Cuba 296   31 40   G           Guatimala 303   24 20   Guaiachil 294 30 2 30 A H           Hauana 292 10 20     Hechelaga 300 50 44 10   I           Iamaica 298 30 17     S. Iago 298 10 32 10   Isabella   10 32 10   L           Lima 296 40 23 30 A Lucaeio 299   27 30   M           Maragna 281 30 19 30   Margarita 314 10 10 50   Martha 301 20 10 40   S. Michael 291 40 6 10 A S. Michael 327 10 47 20   Mexico 283   38 30   N           Nova Albion 235   50     Nova Calizia 298 15 2 40   Norumbega 315 40 43 40   Nombre di dios . 294 30 9 20   Navaca 300 20 17 10   P           Panama 294 10 8 10   Pap●ian 297 30 1 50   Q           Quito 293 10   10 A Qu●vira 233   41 40   S           Sanguinai 306 40 55     S. Spiritus 322 30 13 20   T           Totontoon . 248 20 36     S. Thome .           Tombez . 291 40 4 10 A A is the note of Southerne Latitude . THE END OF AMERICA . OF THE VNKNOWNE PARTS OF THE WORLD . THus much of the knowne parts of the World : the VNKNOWNE PARTS of the world ; or rather such , of which we haue but litle , and that no certaine relation ; are either NORTHERNE , or SOVTHERNE . — Atqui Quò properas mea Cymbae ? redi : satis ardua Ponti Navimus ; Ecce Auster pluvias iam cogere nubes Incipit : hic tutum non est ( mihi crede ) morari . Dum licet , in portum tondamus , nubila clarum Reddiderint ubi pulsadiem , revocabit ab alto Nos Triton scopulo , atque iterum tentabimus aequor . But whither goeth my barke ? returne ; for wee Haue slic'd the capring b●ine inough : See see The South winds ginne to gather clouds apace , 'T is no safe tarrying in so fierce a place . Whil'st thou hast time retire O wearied barke Into safe harbour : when the clouds which darke The worlds bright eye , shall be dispell'd away ; And Phoebus shining make a lightsome day . Tritons shrill trump shall once recall againe Thee from thy harbour to the foaming maine . And wee with all our power will surely try What of these VNKNOWNE LANDS we may discry . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . AMHN. Let my negligence in omitting the correction of this passage , be excused : and mended thus , in pag. 148. The Westerne Emperours . A.C. 399 1 Honorius 26. 425 2 Valentinianus , cōmonly called the 3d of that name : the other 2 ruling in the East 30 455 3 Maximus . 1. 456 4 Avitus . 1. 457 5 Maioranus . 4. 461 6 Severus 6. 467 7 Authemius 5. 472 8 Olybrius 1. 473 9 Glycerius 1. 474 10 Iulius Nepos , deposed by Orestes : who gaue the Empire to 475 11 Augustuius , &c. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A03149-e17960 K●●k●rm . L. Gui●ciar●●●● . Verstogan . Ovid. Met. K●●k●r●s . Dodon●us Ovid. Met. K●ckerm . Meta. lib. 1. Du. Bar● . Dodonaeus . En Praefat. ad Biblia . Bart. Col. Magirus . Notes for div A03149-e23080 Pezelius , Basilicon Doron . Freigij Synopsis . Bodinus meth . hist. Bodinus ib. Bodinus . Bodinus . Bodinus . Bodinus . Paterculu● Fr●igius . P●z●li●● . Notes for div A03149-e27800 Maginus . K●ck●rm . Br●erwood . Hist. of Sp. Grimston et Maginus . Hist. of Sp. Euphormionis Icon Anim . Aristotle . Hist. of Sp. Brerewood . Hist. of Sp. Hist. of Sp. Sands relations . Hist. of Sp. Brerewood . Hist. of Sp. Maginus . Brerewood Hist. of Sp. Florus . Hist. of Sp. Hist. of Sp. ● MS h●st . of the Sarr . Hist. of Sp. Hist. of Sp. Seldon in tit . of hon . Hist. of Sp. Camde●s R●m . Mercat●● Gui●ciard . Hist. of Sp. Guicciardin Bara . Grimston . Ortelius . Martial . Florus . Hist. of Sp. Lewk●or of cities . Hist. of Sp ▪ Quade . Maginus . Lewknor . Plutarch . Bara . Hist. of Sp. Hist. of Sp. Sauds rela● . of Relig. Lewknor . Hist. of Sp. Bara . Mercator . Brerewood . A good place for Puritan● to dweilin . Hist. of Sp. Lewknor . Hist. of Sp. Plutarch . Guillin● . Maginus . Hist. of Sp. Florus . Florus . Lewknor . Hist. of Sp. Boterus . Hist. of Sp. Grimston . Maginus . Ortelius . L●wknor . Mercator . Hist. of Sp. Pr●opius . Hist. of Sp. Grimston . Ortelius . Plutarch . Bara . Hist. of Sp. Hist. of Sp. Lucan . Stadius in Florum . Maginus . Plutarch . Archb. Turpine . Hist. of Sp. Bar● . Grimsten . Sands in the d●sc . of relig . Hist. of Sp. Boterns . Hist. of Sp. Maginus . Hist. of Sp. Machiauil . Hist. of Sp. Brerewood . Plutarch . Hist. of . Fr. Maginus . B●terus . View of Fr. View of Fr. Br●rewood , View of Fr. Munster . View of Fr. Hist. of Fr. View of Fr. Sleidan . Comment . View of Fr. Selden . Camden . C●mines . V●iw of Fr. Plutarch . B●rt●s . Hist. of Fr. Camden . Ortelius . Fr. Hist. View of Fr. French hist. View of Fr. Paradine . Ortelius . Camden . Martin . Ortelius . Ortelius . Gamdens Remaines Martin , & Speed. Lewknor . Paradin● . Camden . Du Bartas . Camden . Paradin . Hist. Fr. Hist. of Sp. Camden . Orteli●● . Hist. of Fr. Camden . P. Virgil. Camdeni Elizab. Camd. Brit. Pezelius in Sleidan . View of Fr. Sleidan Comment . Milles. Freigius . Hist. of Fr. Freigius . Martin . View of ●r . French hist. View of Fr. Paradin . Paradin . Camd●n . Paradine . Camden in Scotia . Paradin . Du Chos●e . Daniels hist Martin . Maginus . Co●tnes . Paradin . View of Fr. Hist. of Fr. Brerewood . Hist. of Fr. Ha●lla● , Hist. of Fr. Hist. of Sp Stephanu● Sands relat . Hist. of Fr. Ortelius . Re●sner . Bara . Plutarch . Guiceiardin Hist. of Fr. Paradin ▪ Haill●● . Selden . Sl●●d . com . Martin . Paradine . Hist. of Fr. Ortelius . Plutarch . Bara ▪ Hist. of Fr. Paradin . View of Fr. Paradin . Grimston . View of Fr. Seld●● . Ortelius . Ortelius . Sands r●l . Pezelius in Sleidann● . Munster . French hist. Munster Paradin . Daniell . Paradine . Ortelius . Grimstons estates . Grimston Hist. of Fr. Grimston . M. Hooker Sands rel . Grimston . Hist. of Fr. Grimston . Lewkno● . Paradine . Selden . Paradin● . Lewknor . Plutarch . Boterus rel . Merula . Maginus . Maginus . Brerewood . Pr●igij Sy● . Plutarch . Pluta●ch in public . Floru● . Tacitus . Dion . Ta●itus . Calvisius . Dion . Zosimus . Freigius . Munster . Hist. of Ital. Pezelius in Sleidan . Freigiu● . Mach. hist. of Flor. Boterus ▪ Maginus , Sands relat . B●din de rep Orteli ▪ Guice Plutarch . Adrianus . Floru● . Dion . Livy . Adrianus . Strabo . Strabo . Knolls . Plutarch . Guiceiard . Hist. of Ita. Munster . Hist. of Fr. Guicciard . Bara . Hist. of Ita. Ortelius . Maginus . Lewk●o● Florus . Hist. of Ita. Dion . Machiav . Freigiu● . Adrianus . Florus . Hist. of Ita. Adrianus . Guicciard . Plutarch . Plutarch . Plutarch . Florus . Ortelius . Brerewood . Dion . Hist. of Ital. Lewknor . Fox Mart. Machiav . Sleid. Cont. Guicciard . Du Pless . Sands relig . Boterus . Polyd. Virg. an● Groost ▪ Sleidan com . Polyd. Virg. and Grimst . Iesuites Catechisme . Hospinian . Maginus . Hist. of Ita. Hist. of Ven. Hist. of Ven. Contarenus . Hist. of Ven. Hist. of Ital , Hist. of Ven ▪ Hist. of It. Hist. of Ven Ortelius . Tacitus Mat. Paris . Capitol . Hist. of It. Boterus . Sleid. Com. Volaterr . Hist. of Ven. Selden . Hist. of I● . Bara . Freigius . Boterus . Mach. hist. of Flor. Gui●●iard . P. Iovius Stephanus Hist. of It. Mach. hist. of Flor. Selden ▪ Paradine . Maginns . Munster . Tacitus . Hist. of It. Munster . Hist. of It. Hist. of It. Maginus Dion . Hist. of Ita. Bergomensis Seld●n . Bara . Maginus . Grimston . Hist. of I● . P. Virg. Guicciard , Hist. of I● . Maginus . Hist. of It. Sleidan com . Hist. of Fr. Maginus . Hist. of Ven. Florus . Hist. of Ita. Guicciard . Hist. of Ita. Hist. of Ita. Maginus . Boterus . Florus . Lewknor . Maginus . Guicciard . Guicciard . Cam●en . Sr W. Ral. Hist. of Netherl . L. Guicciar . Earn . L. Guicci●r . Munster . Barae , L. Guicciar . Munster . Guicciard . Ortelius . Guicciard . Munster . Bara . L. Guicciar . Hist. of the N●therl . Guicciard . Munster . Paradine . Guicciard . Comines . Paradine . Maginus . Grimston . Bara . L. Guice . Munster . Bara , Hist. of Ne. Ortelius . Bara . Ortelius . Ortelius . L. Gui●ciar . Hist. of Net Bara . Gul●ciard . Munster . Ortelius . L. Guicciar . Aurie●us . Guicciard . Hist. of the Netherl . L. Guic● . Sr R. Wi● . Hist. of Ne● Arch. Ab. Hist. of Net. Guicciard . Maginus . Boter . relat . View of Fr. Morison . Munster . Guicciard . Camd. Re● . Turk . hist. Morison ▪ Sleid. Com. Munster . Freigius . Muster . Gelden Bul. Sleid. Com. Sleid. Com. Synops. hist. Sleid. Com. Bara . Reusner . Munster . Sleid , Com. Munster . Suetonius , Munster Bara . Tacitus . Munster . Munster . Fr. hist ▪ Maginus . Adrianus . Munster . Munster . Munster M●reat . Munster . Golden Bul. Grimston . Bara . Munster . Irenicus . Reusner . Munster . Munster . Sleid. Com. Munster . Sleid. Com. Morison . Sleid. Co● ▪ Guillim . Sleid. C●m . Sleid Com. Sleid. Com. Munster . Cominaus . Guicciard . Grimston . Boterus . Munster . Mnnster ▪ Sleid. Com. Munster . Sleid. Com. Hist. of the Coun. of Tr. Munster . Ortelius . Munster . Ortelius . Munster . Morison . Everewo●● . Morison . Munster . Ortelius . Bara . Ortelius . Ortelius . Mountaig . Munster . Camden . L●wknor . Munster . B●rtholdus . Berthold . & Dubrav . Bara . Ortelius . Xiphilinus . Reusner . Maginus . Munster . Ortelius . Magi●us . Munster . Reus●er . Bara . Ortelius . Munster . Sleid. Com. Boterus . Munste● . Ovid. Sands r●l . Senoc . Trag. Camden . Munster . Sleid , Com. Camden . Selden . Munster . Bara . Camd. R● . Morison . Re●sner . R●usuer . Sl●id . Com. R. Ascham . Paradin . Morison . Ortelius . Stephanus . Maginus . Ious . Boter : Munster . Plutarch . Camden . Munster . Fregei Syn. Boterus . Bara . Maginus . Munster . Mercat . Munster . Grimston . Munster Maginus . Boterus . Maginus , Munster . Zosimus . Socrat. Pezel . in Sl●id . Procopius . Munster . Bara . Maginus . Maginus . Archb. Ab. Archb. Ab. Maginus ▪ S.W. Ral. Maginus . Adrianus . Maginus . Boter . Maginus . Boterus . Io. Aubrie . Bara . Maginus . Boterus . Bot●rus . Munster Adrianus . Boterus . Maginus . Munster . Maginus . Ortelius . L. Guice . Munster . Boterus . Maginus . Bara . Ortelius . Munster . Munster . Guilliam . Maginus . Nicetas . Maginus . Ortelius . Sleid Com. Knolls hist. Camden . Knolles . Sleid. Com. Knolles . Camden . Kno●●es . Munster . Munster . Freigius . Pezelius in Sleidan . Munster . Freigi●s . Turk . hist. Grimston . Stephanus Dio● . Quade . Versteg●n . Knolls . Turk . hist , Maginus . Mereasor . Turk . hist. Guillim . Iustine . Adrianus . Turk . hist. Adrianus . Pezelius . Selden , Turk . hist. Brerewood . Quade . Florus . Grimst . ●o Ortelius . Turk . hist. Hist. of It. Guilliam . Maginus . Sands . Brerewo●d ▪ Maginus . Dio● . Stephanus . Adrianus . Pezelius in Sleidan . Ovid. de Fast. Pezel . in Sleidan . Maginus . Plutarch . Laertius . Plutarch . S● W.R. Turk . hist. Strabo . Velleius . Plutarch . Patercul . Freigi● Plutarch . Thucydides . Plutarch . Plutarch . Plutarch . Pezel . in Sleidan . Plutarch . Strabo . Ovid. Met. Stephanus . Pezel . in Sleidan . Plutarch . Pezel . in Sleid. Maginus . Ovid. Plutarch . Dion . Hist. of Ven. Knolls Turk . hist. Maginus . Maginus . Camden . Ovid. Plutarch . Freigius . Maginus . Biddulph . Maginus . Plutarch . Knoll . ● . Sands . Turk . hist. Boterus . Strabo . Herodotus . Strabo . Strabo . Pezel . in Sleidan . Sands . Biddulph . Strabo . Plutarch . M●ginus Strabo . Ovid. Stephanus . Strabo . Sands . Ov. de trist . Ortelius . Quade . Ortelius . Strabe . Stephanus . Strabe . Sands . Biddulph ▪ Ortelius . Biddulph . Sands . Strabo . Ovid. Met. Sandi . Strabo . Ovid. Met. Knolles . Sands . Strabo . Orteliu● . Sands . Plutarch . Florui . Iustine . Camden . Hist. of Fr. Bar● . Sands . Camden . Maginus . Mercator . Ortelius . Hist. of Sp. Ortelius . Bara . Munster . Quade . Hist. of Sp. Florus . Ortelius . Hist. of Sp. Canid. Rem . Camden . Camden . Morison . Martyn . Camden . Hist. of Fr. View of Fr. Pol. Virg. Camd. Rem . Rationale Diuinorum . Camden . Lambe●ts B. of dueties . Camden . Camden . Milles. Milles. Camden . Du Ch●sue . Milles. Maginus . Camden . Maginus . Camden . Guilliam . Camden . Camden . Quad● . Notes for div A03149-e280560 Maginus Mela. Maginus . Turk . hist. Pezel . in Sleid. Stephanus Diod●rus . Brerewood . Biddulph . Stephanus . Camden . Plutarch . Maginus . Iosephus . Sr W. Ral. & Adricom . Sands rel . Bara . Grimston . Stow in the surv . of London . Maginus . Knolles . Brerewood . Knolles . Maginus . Herodian . Sr. W. Ral. Adrianus . Plutarch . Plutarch . Ptolomie . Paul. Venet. Iustin. Herodotus . Freigius . Purchas . Freigius . Iustine . Dion . Freigius . Dio● . Heredotus . Maginus . Heredotus Consent of time . Breerwood Adrianus . Boter . Maginus . Purchas . Di●● . Purchas . Purchas . Maginus . Adrianus . Adrianus . Purchas . Boterus . Purchas . Purchas . Maginus . Purchas . Description of China . Boterus . Description of China . Grimston . Boterus . Purchas . Hist. of China . Boterus . Purchas . Adrianus . Purchas . Galuano . Purchas . Herodotus . Ortelius . Sands . Dion . Sands . Maginus . Turk . hist. Maginus . Bara . Notes for div A03149-e361720 Maginus . Plutarch . Boterus ▪ Hist. of Sp. Pur●ha● . B●terus . Herodotus . Boterus . Dion . Maginus . Dion . Camd. Eliz. Purchas . Purchas . Grimston . Stephanus . Herodotus . Boterus . Purchas . Maginus . Sands . Dion . Bot. of Cities Herodotus . Galvano . Knolles . Knolles . Notes for div A03149-e391590 Purcha● . Grimston . Camden Purcha● . 
A43528	----	Ecclesia restaurata, or, The history of the reformation of the Church of England containing the beginning, progress, and successes of it, the counsels by which it was conducted, the rules of piety and prudence upon which it was founded, the several steps by which it was promoted or retarded in the change of times, from the first preparations to it by King Henry the Eight untill the legal settling and establishment of it under Queen Elizabeth : together with the intermixture of such civil actions and affairs of state, as either were co-incident with it or related to it / by Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1660-1661 Approx. 1577 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 239 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43528 Wing H1701_ENTIRE Wing H1683_PARTIAL_CANCELLED ESTC R6263 12706619 ocm 12706619 66032 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43528) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 66032) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 357:4) Ecclesia restaurata, or, The history of the reformation of the Church of England containing the beginning, progress, and successes of it, the counsels by which it was conducted, the rules of piety and prudence upon which it was founded, the several steps by which it was promoted or retarded in the change of times, from the first preparations to it by King Henry the Eight untill the legal settling and establishment of it under Queen Elizabeth : together with the intermixture of such civil actions and affairs of state, as either were co-incident with it or related to it / by Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. Heylyn, Peter, 1599-1662. Affairs of church and state in England during the life and reign of Queen Mary. 2 pts. ([17], 168, [4], 196 p.) Printed for H. Twyford, T. Dring, J. Place, W. Palmer, ..., London : 1660-1661. Part 2 has special t.p. with title: Affairs of church and state in England during the life and reign of Queen Mary. "An appendix to the former book, touching the interposings made in behalf of the Lady Jane Gray" (p. [145]-168 in pt. 1) has special t.p. First ed. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library and Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Entry cancelled for H1683 in Wing (2nd ed.) Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Edward -- VI, -- King of England, 1537-1553. Elizabeth -- I, -- Queen of England, 1533-1603. Mary -- I, -- Queen of England, 1516-1558. Grey, Jane, -- Lady, 1537-1554. Church of England -- History. Church and state -- England. Reformation -- England. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2005-03 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AFFAIRS OF CHURCH and STATE IN ENGLAND , During the Life and Reign OF QUEEN MARY . Heb. 11. 35 , 36 , 37. 35. Some of them were tortured , not accepting deliverance ; that they might obtain a better Resurrection . 36. And others had triall of cruell mockings and scourgings ; yea moreover of bonds and imprisonment . 37. They were stoned , they were sawn asunder , were tempted , were slain with the sword ; they wandred about in Sheep-skins and Goat-skins , being destitute , afflicted , tormented , &c. Vell. Paterc . Lib. 2. Hujus temporis fortunam ne deflere quidem quispiam satis dignè potuit ; nemo exprimere verbis potest . Tantum Relligio potuit suadere malorum . LONDON , Printed for H. Twyford , T. Dring , J. Place , and W. Palmer . Anno 1660 : The Parentage , Birth , and first Fortunes of the Princesse MARY , The Eldest Daughter of K. Henry the Eighth , before her comming to the CROWN . With a brief Narrative of her Mother's Misfortunes , from the first Agitating of the Divorce , till the time of her Death ; and that which followed thereupon . MARY , the eldest Daughter of King Henry the Eighth , and of Katherine his first wife , daughter of Ferdinand and Issabella Kings of Spain , was born at Greenwich on the 18 th day of February , Anno 1516. Her Mother had before been married to Arthur Prince of Wales , the elder Brother of King Henry ; but whether bedded by him or not , ( more than as to some old Formalities of Court , on the like occasions ) was not commonly known : But he dying within few months after , King Henry the Seventh , the father of the deceased Prince , was secretly dealt with by the Agents of the said Ferdinand and ●ssabella , to proceed unto a second Marriage between Henry Duke of York , his now onely son , and their daughter Katherine . To which King Henry readily condescendeth , upon divers reasons ; partly to be assured of the assistance of the Kings of Spain , against all practises of the French ; and partly that so great a Treasure , as the Rents and Profits of the Princesse's Joynture might not be carried out of the Kingdom , as needs must be , if she should be married to a Prince of another Nation . This being agreed on by the Parents of either side , Pope Julius the 2 d. is sollicited for a Dispensation : to the Grant whereof he willingly yielded , knowing how necessary it was to the Peace of Christendom , that those Kings should be united in the strictest Leagues of Love and Amity . Which comming to the knowledge of the Princesse Katherine , who understood her own condition better than her father or mother , she caused those words , vel forsan co●nitam , to be inserted into the Bull or Dispensation ; and this she did for the preventing of all such disputes as might arise about the validity of the Marriage , in case the consummation of it should be openly known ; though afterwards those words were used as the shrewdest Argument for the invalidating of the Marriage , when it came in question . And some such thing was thought to have prevailed with King Henry the seventh , for deferring the advancement of Henry his second son to the Style , Title , and Dignity of Prince of Wales , that he might first be well assued , that no child was likely to be born of the former Marriage , to whom that Title might more properly and of right belong . The Dispensation being thus granted , Prince Henry , being then eleven years of age , or thereabouts , is solemnly contracted to the Princesse Katherine , who must needs have a very great stock , as well of Christian-Prudence , as of Virgin-Modesty , to wait the growing up of a Husband being then a child , and one of whose affection to her , when he should come to Man's estate , she had no assurance ; and so it proved in the event : For Henry had no sooner finished the fourteenth year of his age , when , either by the compunction of conscience , the perswasion of some that wish'd him well , or upon consideration of the disproportion of age which was then between them , ( the Princesse being eight years the elder ) he resolved upon the breaking and annulling of the said Contract , in which his Parents had engaged him . To which end , making his addresse to Doctor Richard Fox , then Bishop of Winchester , he openly renounceth the said Contract , not by word onely , but by the subscription of his name to a Legall Instrument , containing the effect of that Renunciation , his Resolution never to proceed any further in it , and his Reasons for it . Which Instrument he published in the presence of John Read , a publick Notary , ( the Bishop sitting then at Richmond , as in Court or Consistory ) and witnessed unto by Miles Da●ben●y , Lord Chamberlain to King Henry the seventh , and father of Henry Earl of Bridgwater ; Sir Charls Sommerset Banneret , created afterwards Earl of Worcester ; Dr. Nicolas West , after Bishop of El● ; Dr. Th●mas Rowthall , after Bishop of Durham ; and Sir Henry Maini● . The Instrument it self , extant in the History of John Speed , may be there consulted . And in pursuance of this Act , he waived the Consummation of the Marriage from one time to another , till the death of his father , which happened on the 22 of April , An. 1509. he being then within two months of the age of eighteen years . But being now come unto the Crown by the death of his father , Reason of State prevailed so far beyond that of Conscience , that he consented to the consummation of the Marriage , which before he had solemnly renounced , and did accordingly celebrate those unhappy Nuptialls ( the cause of so much trouble both to him and others ) on the second of June , and caused her to be Crown'd with him on the 24 th . of the same month . This Marriage was blest within the year by the birth of a son , whom the King caused to be Christned by the name of Henry ; and five years after with another , who lived not long enough to receive his Baptism . But Henry , the first-born , not living to be two months old , the King remained childlesse till the birth of this daughter Mary , the presumptive Heir of his Dominions ; committed in her Infancy to the care and charge of the Lady Margaret , daughter of George Duke of Clarence , and by the King ( in reference to her discent from the house of the Montacutes ) advanced unto the Style and Title of Countesse of Sarisbury , An ▪ 1513. And herein it was thought , that the Queen had a particular aim beyond that of the King , and that she rather chose to commit her daughter to the care of that Lady , than of any other in the Kingdom ; to the end , that some affection growing to her by any of the Countesse's sons , her daughter's Title to the Crown might be corroborated by the Interesse of the House of Clarence . And so far her design succeeded , that the Princesse Mary always carried such a dear affection to Reginald P●le , her second son , ( best known by the name of Cardinal Pole in the following times ) that when she came unto the Crown , she would have made choice of him for her husband before any other , if the necessity of her affairs , and some artifices used to illude that purpose , had not changed her mind . She had scarce liv'd to the third year of her age , when she was promised in marriage to the Daulphine of France , with a Portion of 333000 Crowns , to be paid by her Father , and as great a Joynture to be made by the French King Francis , as ever had been made by any King of that Country . And so far did the businesse seem to be acted in earnest , that it was publickly agreed upon in the treaty for the Town of Tournay , that the Espousals should be made within four months , by the said two Kings , in the name of their children ; in pursuance whereof , as the French King sent many rich gifts to some leading men of the Court of England , to gain their good liking to this League , so he sent many costly Presents to the Princesse Mary , the designed wife ( if Princes could be bound by such designations ) of the heir of France . But war beginning to break out between the French and the Spaniards , it was thought fit by Charles the fifth , being then Emperour of Germany , and King of Spain , to court the favour of the English ; for the obtaining whereof , his neernesse to Queen Katherine , being sister to the Queen , his Mother , gave him no small hopes . Upon this ground he makes a voyage into England , is royally feasted by the King ▪ installed solemnly Knight of the Order of the Garter , in the Castle of Windsor , and there capitulates with the King amongst other things , to take to wife his daughter Mary , as soon as she should come to the years of marriage ; it was also then and there agreed , that as soon as she was twelve years old , the Emperour should send a proxie to make good the contract & espouse her per verba de praesenti in the usual form ▪ that in the mean time the King of England should not give her in marriage unto any other , that a dispensation should be procured from the Pope , at the charge of both Princes , in regard that the parties were within the second degree of consanguinity ; that within four months after the contract , the Princesse should be sent to the Emperour's Court , whether it were in Spain or Flanders , at the sole charge of the King of England , and married within four dayes after her comming thither , in the face of the Church ; her portion limited to 400000 crowns , if the King should have no issue male , but to be inlarged to 600000 crowns more , if the King should have any such issue male to succeed in the Kingdom . A jointure of 50000 crowns per annum , to be made by the Emperour , the one part thereof to be laid in Flanders , and the other in Spain ; and finally , that if either of the said two Princes should break off this marriage , he should forfeit 400000 crowns to the party injured . And now who could have thought but that the Princesse Mary , must have been this Emperour's wife , or the wife rather of any Prince , then one that was to be begotten by this Emperour , on another woman , though in conclusion so it hapned . As long as Charles had any need of the assistance and friendship of England , so long he seemed to go on really in the promised marriage , and by all means must have the Princesse sent over presently to be declared Empresse , and made Regent of Flanders . But when he had taken the French King at the battel of Pavia , sackt Rome , and made the Pope his prisoner , he then conceived himselfe in a condition of seeking for a wife elsewhere , which might be presently ripe for marriage , without such a tedious expectation , as his tarrying for the Princesse Mary must needs have brought him . And thereupon he shuts up a marriage with the Lady Issabell , Infanta of P●lugull , and daughter to another of his Mother's ●isters . For which being questioned by the King , he layes the blame upon the importunity of his Council , who could not patiently permit him to remain unmarried , till the Princesse Mary came to age ; and who besides had caused a scruple to be started , touching her illegitimation , as being born by one that had been wife to his elder brother . King Henry thereupon proceeds to a new treaty with the French , to whom his friendship at the time of their King's captivity had been very useful ; which is by them as cheerfully excepted , as by him it had been franckly offered . She had before been promised to the Daulphin of Franc● , but now she is design'd for the second son , then Duke of Orleance , who afterwards , by the death of his elder brother , succeeded his father in the Crown . But whilst they were upon this treaty , the former question touching her legitimation , was again revived by the Bishop of Tarb●e , one of the Commissioners for the French , which though it seem'd not strong enough to dissolve the treaty which the French were willing to conclude ( as their affairs then stood ) upon any conditions ; yet it occasioned many troubles in the Court of Eng●and , and almost all Christendome besides . For now the doubt being started a second time , and started now by such , who could not well subsist without his friendship , began to make a deep impression in the mind of the King , and to call ba●k such passages to his remembrance , as otherwise would have been forgotten . He now bethinks himselfe of the Protestation which he had made in the presence of Bishop Fox before remembred , never to take the Lady Katherine for his wife ; looks on the death of his two sons , as a punishment on him for proceeding in the marriage ; and casts a fear of many inconveniences , or mischiefs rather , which must inevitably befall this Kingdome , if he should dye , and leave no lawful issue to enjoy the Crown . Hope of more children there was none , and little pleasure to be taken in a conversation ; which the disproportion of their years , and a greater inequality in their dispositions , must render lesse agreeable every day then other . In this perplexity of mind , he consults his Confessor , by whom he was advised to make known his griefs to Cardinal Wolsie , on whose judgement he relied in most other matters ; which hapned so directly to the Cardinal's mind , as if he had contrived the project . The Emperour had lately cross'd him in his suit for the Popedome , and since denied him the Archbish prick of T●ledo , with the promise whereof he had before bound him to his side . And now the Cardinal resolves to take the opportunity of the King's distractions , for perfecting his revenge against him . In order whereunto , as he had drawn the King to make peace with France , and to conclude a marriage for his daughter with the Duke of Orleance ; so now he hopes to separate him from the bed of Katherine , the Emperour's Aunt , and marry him to Madam Rhinee , the French Queens sister , who afterwards was wife to the Duke of Ferrara . About which time the picture of Madam Margaret , the sister of King Francis , first married to the Duke of Alanzon , was brought amongst others into Englan● , by Thomas Bol●n , Viscount Rochford , at his return from the Fren●h Court , where he had been Ambassador for the King of England : which fir●t occasioned areport in the common people , and afterwa●ds a mistake in our common Chronicles , touching this Ladie 's being designed by Wolsie for a wife to his Master ; whereas she was at that time actually married to the Count of A●bret , King of Navarre in title , and in title only . But Rochford brought with him out of France another Piece , which more excelled the picture of the Dutchesse of Alanz●n , then that Dutchesse did the ordinary beauties in the Court of France ; that is to say , his daughter Anne ; whom he had bred up for a time in the house of the Dutchesse , which render'd her an exact mistresse of the gaities and garb of the great French Ladies . Appearing in the Court of England , she shewed her selfe with so many advantages above all other Ladies about the Queen , that the King easily took notice of her . Whether more captivated by the Allurements of her beauty , or the facetiousnesse of her behaviour , it is hard to say ; certain it is , that he suffered himselfe to be so far transpo●ted in affection towards her , that he could think of nothing else , but what might tend to the accomplishment of his desires ; so that the separation from the bed of Katherine , which was but coldly followed upon case of Conscience , is now more hotly prosecuted in the heat of Concupisc●nce . In the mean time the King adviseth with the Cardinal , and the Cardinal with the most learned men in the Realm of England . By whom it was modestly resolved , that the King had a very just ground to consult the Pope , and to 〈…〉 lawful means for extricating himselfe out of those perplexities , in which this marriage had involved him . The Pope had been beholden to the King , for procuring his liberty , when the Imperialists held him prisoner in the Fort of St Angel● , and was in reason bound to gratifie him for so great a benefit . But then withall , he neither was to provoke the Emperour , nor hazard the Authority and Reputation of the See Apostolick , by running on the King's errand with more ha●te then speed . He therefore goes to work like a Pope of Rome , and entertains the King with hopes ; without giving the Emperour and his adherents , any cause of despair . A Commission is therefore granted to two Cardinals , that is to say , Cardinal Thomas Wolsi● , Archbishop of York , and Laurene Camp●gius , whom Henry some few years before , had made Bishop of Sa●isbury ; both beneficiaries to the King , and therefore like enough to consult more his interest , then the Queen's contentment . Of the erecting of a Court L●gant●ne in the Convent of the Black Friers in London , the citing of the King and Queen to appear before them , the Kings patheticall Oration in the bemoaning of his own misfortunes , and the Queen's Appeal from the two Cardinals to the Pope , I shall now say nothing ; leaving the Reader for those passages to our common Annals . Suffice in this place to note , that while the businesse went on favourable in the King's behalfe , Wolsie was given to understand of his desperate loves to Mistrisse Bollen , which represented to him two ensuing mischiefs , not to be otherwise avoided , then by slackning the course of these proceedings . For first , he saw that if the King should be divorc'd definitively from his present wife , he should not be able to draw him to accept of Madam Rhenee the French Queens sister , which was the mark he chiefly aimed at . And secondly , he feared that Mistrisse Anne had brought so much of the Lutheran with her , as might in time become destructive to the Church of Rome . Of this he certifies the Pope , the Pope recals Campegius , and revokes his Commission ; leaving the King to cast about to some new wayes to effect his purpose . And at this time it hapned , that Dr Thomas Cram●er ( who afterwards obtained to the See of Canterbury ) discoursing with some of the Kings Ministers , about the intrica●enesse and perplexity of this great affair ; declared , for his opinion in it , that it were better for the King to govern himselfe therein , by the judgement and determination of the Universities beyond the seas , then to depend upon the shifts and Artifices of the Court of Rome . Which being told unto the King , he dispatcheth Cramner unto Rome , in the company of Rochford , now made Earl of Wil●shire , to maintain the King's cause by disputation ; and at the same time employs his agents to the Universities of France and Italy , who being under the command of the French King , or the power of the Pope , gave sentence in behalfe of Henry , condemning his marriage with the Lady Katherine , the Relict of his brother , to be simply unlawful in it selfe , and therefore not to be made valid by a dispensation from the Popes of Rome . The putting the King upon this course , proved the fall of Wolsi● ; who growing every day lesse then other in the King's esteem , was brought within 〈◊〉 compasse of a Pramunire , and thereby stript of all his goods to an infinite value ; removed not long after unto York , and there arrested of High Treason by the Earl of Northumberland , and committed to the custody of Sir William Kingston , being then Lievtenant of the Tower. By whom conducted towards London , he departed this life in the Abby of Leicester : his great heart not being able to endure so many indignities , as had been lately put upon him , and having cause to fear much worse then his former sufferings . But the removing of this Rub , did not much smooth the way to the King's desires . The Queen's appeal unto the Pope , was the greatest difficulty , from which since she could not be removed , it must be made unprofitable and ineffectual , for the time to come . And thereupon a Proclamation is set forth on the 19 of September , 1530. in these following words , viz. The King's Highnesse streightly chargeth and commandeth , That no manner of person , of what estate , degree or condition , he or they be of , do purchase , or attempt to purchase , from the Court of Rome , or elsewhere , nor use , nor put in execution , divulge or publish , any thing heretofore within this year passed , purchased , or to be purchased hereafter ; containing matter prejudicial to the High Authority , Jurisdiction , and prerogative Royal of this his said Re●lm , or to the lett , hinderance , or impeachment , of his Grace's Noble , and Vertuous intended purposes in the premises ; upon pain of incurring his Highnesse's indignation , and imprisonment , and farther punishment of their bodies , for their so doing , at his Grace●s pleasure ; to the dreadful example of all others . This was the Prologue to the downfall of the Pope in England , seconded by the Kings taking to himselfe the Title ●upream Head of the Churches of England and Ireland , acknowledged in the Convocation , and confirmed in Parliament , and ending finally in an Act intituled , An Act for extinguishing the authority of the Bishops of Rome . And in all this the King did nothing but what he had example and Authority for , at that very time ; for in the year 1520 ( being but ten years before the setting forth of this Proclamation ) Monseiur a' Lautreth , Governour for the French King , in the Dukedome of Millain , taking a displeasure against Pope Leo the tenth , deprived him of all his jurisdiction within the Dukedom . And that being don● , he so disposed of all Ecclesiasticall affairs , that the Church there was supremely governed by the Bishop of Bigorre ( a Bishop of the Church of France ) , without the intermedling of the Pope at all . The like we find to have been done by the Emperour , Charles the fifth , who being no lesse displeased with Pope Clement the eighth , abolished the Papal power and jurisdiction , out of all the Churches of his Kingdome in Spain , which though it held but for a while ( till the breach was closed ) yet left he an example by it ( as my Author noteth ) that there was no necessity of any Pope or supreme Pastor in the Church of Christ. And before either of these Acts or Edicts came in point of practice , the learned Gerson , Chancellor of the University of Paris ( when the Popes power was greater far , then it was at the present ) had writ and published a discourse , entituled , De auferibilita●e Papae , touching the totall abrogating of the Papall Office. Which certainly he had never done , had the Papall Office been found essentiall , and of intrinsecall concernment to the Church of Christ. According unto which position of that learned man , the greatest Princes of those times did look upon the Pope , and the Papall power , as an Excrescence at the least in the body mysticall , subject and fit to be pared off , as occasion served . And if they did , or do permit him to retain any part of his former greatnesse , it is permitted rather upon selfe-ends , or Reasons of state , or otherwise to serve their turn by him as their 〈◊〉 requireth , then out of any opinion of his being so necessary , that the Church cannot be well governed , or subsist without him . But leaving these disputes to some other place , we must return unto the Queen . To whom some Lords are sent in the end of May , an . 1531. declaring to her the determinations of the Universities , concerning the pretended ●●rriage betwixt her and the King. And therewith they demanded of her ; whether , for quieting the King's conscience , and putting an end to that debate , she would be content to refer the matter to four Bishops , and four temporall Lords . But this she absolutely refused , saying , She was his lawful Wife , that she would stand to her Appeal , and condescend to nothing in that particular , but by the counsel of the Emperour , and the rest of her friends . This answer makes the King more resolute , more open in the demonstration of his affections to the Lady Anne Bollen , whom he makes Marchionesse of Pembrook , by his Letters Patents , bearing date the first of September , 1532. takes her along with him to Callis in October following , there to behold the glorious enterview betwixt him and the French King ; and finally , privately marrieth her within few dayes after his return , the divorce being yet unsentenced betwixt him and the Queen . Not long after which , it was thought necessary to the King , to call a Parliament , wherein he caused an Act to passe , that no person should appeal for any cause out of this Realm , to the Pope of Rome ; but that all Appeals should be made by the party grieved from the Commissary to the Bishop , from the Bishop to the Archbishop , and from the Archbishop , to the King , as had been anciently observed amongst the first Kings of the House of Normandy . It was also enacted in the same , that all causes Eccles●aticall Cognisances , in which the King himself was a Party , should be determined finally in the Upper-House of Convocation , without being bound to make recourse to the Court of Rome . During the sitting of which Parliament it is declared by Proclamation , that Queen Katherine should no longer be called Queen , but Princesse Dowager , as being the Widow of Prince Arthur , not the Wife of King Henry . Warham Archbishop of Canterbury , in the mean time dying , Cranmer is designed for his Successor in that eminent dignity ; which he unwillingly accepts of , partly in regard that he was married at that time , and partly in reference to an Oath which he was to take unto the Pope at his Consecration . But the King was willing , for his own ends , to wink at the one , and the Pope was not in a condition ( as the case then stood ) to be too peremptory in the other . So that a Protestation being admitted , of not being otherwise bound to the Pope , than should be found agreeable to the Word of God , and the Laws and Statu●es of the Realm , he takes his Oath , and receives the Episcopall Consecration , the 30th . of March , 1533. the Parliament still sitting which before we spake of . At his first entrance into the House of Convocation , he propounds two Questions to be considered and disputed by the Bishops and Clergy ; the first was , Whether the marrying of a Brother's wife , carnally known , though without any issue by him , be so prohibited by the Will and Word of God , as not to be dispenc'd withall by the Pope of Rome . The second was , Whether it did appear , upon the Evidence given in before the Cardinalls , that Katherine had been carnally known by Prince Arthur , or not . Both Questions being carried in the Affirmative , though not without some Opposition in either House , in the first especially ; it was concluded thereupon in the Convocation , and not long after in the Parliament also , That the King might lawfully proceed to another Marriage . These preparations being made , the Marriage precondemned by Convocation , and all Appeals to Rome made ineffectuall by Act of Parliament , the new Archbishop ( upon his own desire & motion , contain'd in his Letters of the 11th of April ) is authorised by the King , under his Signe Manuall , to proceed definitively in the Cause . Who thereupon , accompanied with the Bishops of London , Winchester , Wells , and Lincoln , and dive●s other persons to serve as Officers in that Court , repaired to Dunstable in the begining of May ; and having a convenient place prepared in the form of a Consistory , they sent a Citation to the Princesse Dowager , who was then at Amptill , ( a Mannor-house of the King 's about six miles off ) requiring her to appear before them at the day appointed ; which day being come , and no appearance by her made , either in Person , or by Proxie , ( as they knew there would not ) she is called peremptorily every day , fifteen days together ; and every day there was great poasting betwixt them and the Court , to certifie the King and Cromwell ( a principall stickler in this businesse ) how all matters went. In one of which , from the new Archbishop , extant in the Cottonian Library , a Resolution is signified to Cromwel● for comming to a finall Sentence on Friday the 18 th . of that Month , but with a vehement conjuration both to him and the King , not to div●lge so great a secret , for fear the Princesse Dowager on the hearing of it , either before , or on the day of passing Sentence , should make her appearance in the Court : For ( saith he ) if the noble Lady Katherine should , upon the bruit of this matter , either in the mouthes of the Inhabitants of the Country , or by her Friends , or Counsell , hearing of this bruite , be moved , stirred , counselled , or perswaded to appear before me , in the time , or afore the time of Sentence , I should be thereby greatly staid and let in the Processe , and the King's Grace's Councell here present shall be much uncertain what shall be then further done therein . For a great bruite and voice of the people in this behalf , might perchance move her to do the thing , which peradventure she would not if she hear little of it . And therefore I pray you to speak as little of this matter as you may , and to move the King's Highnesse so to do , for consideration above recited . But so it hapned to their wish , that the Queen , persisting constant in her Resolution of standing to the Judgment of no other Court than the Court of Rome , vouchsafed not to take any notice of their proceeding in the Cause . And thereupon , at the day and time before designed , she was pronounced to be Cont●max for defect of Appearance ; and by the generall consent of all the Learned men then present , the Sentence of the Divorce was passed , and her Marriage with the King declared void , and of none effect . Of all these doings , as the Divorced Queen would take no notice , so by her Officers and Attendants she was served as in her former capacity . Which comming to the King's knowledge , he sends the Duke of Suffolk and some others in the month of July , with certain Instructions given in Writing , to perswade her , to submit to the Determinations of the King and State , to lay aside the Title of Queen , to content her self with that of the Princesse Dowager ; and to remove her from the Bishop of Lincoln's house at Bayden , where she then remained , to a place called Some●sham , belonging to the Bishop and Church of Eli. To none of which when she would hearken , an Oath is tendred to her Officers and the rest of her Houshold ▪ to serve her onely in the capacity of Princesse Dowager , and not as formerly in the no●ion of a Queen of England . Which at the first was generally refused amongst them , upon a Resolution which had been made in the Case by Abel and Berker , her two Chaplains ; that is to say , That having already took an Oath to serve her as Queen , they could not with a good conscience take any other . But in the end , a fear of losing their said places , but more of falling into the King's displeasure , so prevailed upon them ▪ that the Oath was taken by most of them ; not suffered from thenceforth to come into the Queen's presence , ( who looked upon them as the betrayers of her Cause ) or to perform any service about her Person . Some Motives , to induce her to a better conformity , were ordered to be laid before her ; none like to be more prevalent , than that which might concern the Interest of her daughter Mary . And therefore it was offered to her consideration , That chiefly , and above all things , she should have regard to the Honourable , and her most dear Daughter , the Lady Princesse ; from whom , in case the King's Highnesse ( being thus enforced , exagitated , and moved by the unkindnesse of the Dowager ) might also withdraw his Princely estimation , goodnesse , zeal , and affection ; it would be to her no little regret , sorrow , and extream calamity . But the wise Queen knew well enough , that if she stood , her Daughter could not do amisse ▪ whereas there could be nothing gained by such submissions , but the dishonour of the one , the Bastardising of the other , and the ex●luding of them both from all possibility of being restored in time to come to their first condition . Finding small hopes of any justice to be done her in the Realm of England , and not well able to endure so many indignities as had been daily put upon her , she makes her complaint unto the Pope , whom she found willing to show his teeth , though he could not bite . For presently hereupon a Bull is issued , for accursing both the King and the Realm ; the Bea●er hereof not daring to proclaim the same in England , caused it to be set up in some publick places in the Town of Dunkirk ▪ ( one of the Haven Towns of Flanders ) that so the roaring of it might be heard on this side of the Sea ▪ to which it was not safe to bring it . But neither the Pope nor the Queen Dowager got any thing by this rash adventure , which onely served to exasperate the King against them , as also against all which adheared unto them . For in the following Parliament , which began on the 25 th . of January , and ended on the 30 th . of March , an Act was pass'd , inhibiting the payment of First-fruits to the Bishop of Rome , and for the Electing , Consecrating , and Confirming of the Archbishops and Bishops in the Realm of England , without recourse unto the Pope , cap. 20. Another Act for the Attaindure of Elizabeth Barton , commonly called the holy Maid of K●nt , with many other her adhearents , for stickling in the cause of the Princesse Dowager , cap. 12. and finally , of Establishing the Succession in the Crown Imperiall of this Realm , cap. 22. In which last Act , the Sentence of the Divorce was confirmed and ratified , the Princesse Mary de●lared to be illegitimate , the Succession of the Crown entailed on the King's Issue by Queen Anne Bollen , an Oath prescribed for all the Subjects in maintenance of the said Statute of Succession , and taken by the Lords and Commons at the end of that Parliament , as generally by all the Subjects of the Kingdom within few months after . For the refusall whereof , as also for denying the King's Supremacy , and some suspition of confederacy with Elizabeth Barton , Doctor John Fisher Bishop of Rochester , not many days before created Cardinall by Pope Paul the 3 d. was on the 22 of June beheaded publickly on the Tower-hill , and his head most disgracefully fixed upon a Pole , and set on the top of the Gate on London-Bridge . And on the 6 th . of July then next following , Sir Thomas Moor , who had succeeded Wolsie in the place of Lord Chancellor , was beheaded for the same cause also ▪ But I find him not accused , as I do the other , for having any hand in the Conspiracy of El●zabeth Barton . The Execution of which great persons , and of so many others who wish'd well unto her , added so much affliction to the desolate and disconsolate Queen , that not being able longer to bear the burden of so many miseries , she fell into a languishing sicknesse ; which more and more encreasing on her , and finding the near approach of death , ( the onely remedy now left for all her sorrows ) she dictated this ensuing Letter , which she caused to be delivered to the King by one of her Women , wherein she laid before him these her last requests , viz. My most dear Lord , King and Husband ( for so she called him . ) THe hour of my death now approaching , I cannot chuse but , out of the love I bear you , advise you of your souls health , which you ought to prefer before all considerations of the world , or flesh , whatsoever : For which yet you have cast me into many calamities , and your self into many troubl●s . But I for give you all , and pray God to do so likewise . For the rest , I commend unto you Mary our daugh●er , beseeching you to be a good Father unto her , as I have heretofore desired . I must en●reat you also to respect my Maids , and give them in Marriage , which is not much , they being but three . And to all my other Servants a yea●s pay , besides their due , lest otherwise they should be unprovided for . Lastly , I make this Vow , That mine Eyes have desired you above a●l things . Farewell . Within few days after the writing of which Letter , that is to say , on the 8 th . of January then next following , she yielded her pious Soul to God at the King's Mannor-house of Kimbolton , in the County of Hu●ting●on , and was solemnly interred not long after in the Abbey of Peterborough . The reading of her Letter drew some tears from the King , which could not but be much encreased by the news of her death . Moved by them both to such a measure of commiseration of her sad condition , that he caused the greatest part of her goods ( amounting to 5000 Marks ) to be expended on her Funerall , and in the recompencing of such of her servants as had best deserved it . Never so kind to her in the time of her life , as when he had rendred her incapable of receiving a kindnesse . The Princesse Mary is now left wholly to her self , declared illegitimate by her Father , deprived of the comfort of her Mother , and in a manner forsaken by all her friends , whom the severe proceedings against Moor and Fisher had so deterred , that few durst pay her any offices of Love or Duty . Of any proceedings in the Match with the Duke of Orleance , we hear no more news , all further prosecution of it being at a stand by the misfortunes of her Mother ; nor was she sought in Marriage by any other Prince in the life of her Father , bu● onely by James the 5 th . of Scotland ; but finding himself deluded in it by King Henry , he thought it best to strengthen himself by a Match with France , where he was first married to Madam Magdaleene , the first daughter of K. Francis , and afterwards to Mary daughter of Claude of Lorrain , Duke of Guise , by whom he had one onely daughter called Mary also . In which condition , the poor Princesse had no greater comfort than what she could gather from her Books , in which she had been carefully instructed by Doctor John Voisie , aliâs Harman , appointed her Tutor by the King ; and , for his good performance in that place of trust , advanced by him to the Sea of Exon , An. 1529. and afterwards made Lord President of Wales ; which sell out better for the Tutor , than it did for the Pupill ; Who being left destitute of the counsell of so grave a Man , began to give way more and more to her grief and passions , which brought her at the last to such an aversenesse from the King , and such a manifest disaffection to his Person and Government , that he was once upon the point of sending her prisoner to the Tower ; and had so done , if Cranmer had not interposed some powerfull reasons to disswade him from it . During which time of her aversenesse , the King sent certain of the Lords to remove her to Hatfield ; who having no authority to treat her by the name of Princesse , but onely to execute the King's commands , gave her occasion thus to signifie her discontentments , My Lords ( said she ) as touching my removing to Hatfield , I will obey his Grace , as my duty is , or to any other place that his Grace will appoint me . But I protest before you , and all other that be here present , that my conscience will in no wise suffer me to take any other than my self for Princesse , or for the King's Daughter , born in lawfull Matrimony ; and that I will never wittingly or willingly say or do , whereby any person might take occasion to think , that I agree to the contrary . Nor say I this out of any ambition or proud mind , as God is my Judge ; but that if I should do otherwise , I should in my conscience slander the Deed of our Mother , the holy Church , and the Pope , who is the Judge in this matter ▪ and none other ; and also should dishonour the King my Father , the Queen my Mother , and falsly confesse my self a Bastard , which God defend that I should do , since the Pope hath not so declared it by his Sentence definitive , to whose finall Judgment I submit my self . In pursuance of which claim to the Title of Princesse , together with the Priviledges and Preheminences thereunto belonging , she writes this following Letter to the King her Father , on a like occasion . IN most humble wise I beseech your Grace of your daily bl●ssing . Pleaseth it the same to be advertised , that this morning my Chamberlain came and shewed me , that he had received a Letter from Sir William Paulet , Controller of your House : the effect whereof was , that I should with all diligence remove unto the Castle of Hertford . Whereupon I desired him to see the same Letter , which he shewed me ; wherein was written , That the Lady Mary , the King's Daughter , should remove to the place before-said , leaving out in the same the name of Princesse , Which when I heard , I could not a little marvail , trusting verily , that your Grace was not privy to the same Letter , as concerning the leaving out of the name of Princesse ; for asmuch as I doubt not in your goodnesse , but that your Grace doth take me for your lawfull Daughter , born in true Matrimony . Wherefore if I should agree to the contrary , I should in my conscience run into the displeasure of God , which I hope assuredly , that your Grace would not that I so should . And in all other things , your Grace shall have me always as humble an obedient Daughter and Handmaid , as ever was child to th● father , which my du●y bi●doth 〈◊〉 to ; as knoweth ●ur Lord , Who have your Grace in his most holy tui●ion , with much honor and long life , to his pleasure . From your Mannor of 〈◊〉 , Octob. 2 ▪ By your most humble Daughter ▪ MARY Princess . And on these tearms she stood , from the Divorce of her Mother till the Attaindure of Queen Anne Bollen , against whom she thought it did concern her to bear up to the highest , as she did accordingly . But growing into better hopes by the death of the ●aid Queen Anne , the Annulling of the Marriage also , and the Bastardi●ing of the Princesse Elizabeth her onely daughter , she began to cast about again , writes her submissive Letters to the King her father , and humbly craves some testimonies of his love and goodnesse : Which so prevailed , that the Duke of Norfolk is sent to treat with her upon certain Instructions ; so ne●essary to the knowledge of her affairs , in this Conjuncture , that they deserve a place here , and are these that follow . Certain Articles and Injunctions , given by the King's Highness to his right Trusty and right entirely beloved Cousen and Counsellor , the Duke of Norfolk ; whom , with certain others in his company , His Majesty sendeth to the Lady Mary his Daughter , for the Purposes ensuing . FIrst , whereas the said Lady Mary hath sundry ways , with long continuance , shewed her self so obstinate towards the King's Maj●sty , her Soveraign Lord and Father , and so disobedient to his Laws , conceived and ●ade upon most just ▪ vertu●●s , and godly grounds , that as the wilfull disobedience thereof seemeth a monster in Nature ; so , unlesse the mercy of his Highnesse had been most abundantly extended unto h●r , by the course of his Grace's Laws , and the force of his Justice , sh● end●●g●red her self so far , that it was greatly t● his Highnesse's regret and hearty sorrow , to see and perceive how little 〈◊〉 este●meth the same ; extending to the losse of his favour , the losse of her honour , the losse of her life , and undoub●edly to the indignation of Almighty God. For that she neither obeyeth her Father and Soveraign , nor his just and vertuous Laws aforesaid . And that of late neverthelesse calling to remembrance her transgressions and offences in this p●rt towards God , her Father and Soveraign Lord the King's Highnesse ; she hath writt●n to the same three su●d●y Letters , containing a declaration of her repentance conceived for the Premises , with such an humble and simple submission , as she appeareth not onely to submit h●r s●lfwholly , and without exception , ( especially by the last Letter ) to the Laws , but also for her state and condition , to put her self onely to his Grace's mercy ; nothing desiring but mercy and forgivenesse for her offences ▪ with a reconciliation to his Grace's favour . Albeit his Majesty hath been so ingrately handled and used by her , as is afor● declared , that the like would enforce any private person t● ab●ndon for ever such an unkind and inobedient child from their grace and favour ; yet , such is his Majesties gracious and divine nature , such is his clemency and pitty , such his mercifull inclination and Princely heart , that , as he hath been ever ready to take pitty and comp●ssi●n of all offenders , repentantly calling and crying for the same ; So , in case he may throughly parceive the same to be in the said Lady Mary's heart , which she hath put in pen and writing , his Highnesse considering the imbecillity of her sex ▪ being the same is frail , inconstant , and easie to he perswaded by simple counsell , can be right well contented to remit unto her part of his said displeasure ▪ And therefore hath 〈◊〉 this time , for the certain knowledge of her heart and stomack , s●●t unto her his said Cousen , with others , to demand and enquire of her certain Questions . Her Answe●s whereunto his pleasure is they shall require , and note in writing , which s●all throughly decipher , whether she be indeed the person she pretendeth , or for any respect hath with generall words laboured to cloak the speciall matter , which is repugnant and contrary to that , which his Majesty hath gathered and conceived of the same . 1. And first , after their Accesse and Declaration of the Premises , they shall for their first Question demand of her , Whether she doth recognise and knowledge the King's Highnesse for her Soveraign Lord and King , in the Emperiall Crown of this Realm of England , and will and doth submit her self unto his Highnesse , and to all and singu●ar the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , as becommeth every true and faithfull Subject to do . 2. Also , whether she will with all her power and qualities , that God hath endu'd her withall , not on●ly obey , keep , and observe all and singular Laws and Statutes of this Realm ; but also set forth , advance , and maintain the same , to the utmost of her power , according to her bounden duty . 3. Also , whether she will recognise , accept , take , and repute the King's Highnesse to be supream Head in Earth , under Christ , of the Church of England , and utterly refuse the Bishop of Rome's pretended Power and Jurisdiction , heretofore usurped in this Realm , according to the Laws and Statutes of the same , made and ordained in the behalf of all the King 's true Subjects , humbly received , admitted , obeyed , kept , and observed : And also will and do renounce , and utterly forsake , all manner of Remedy , Interesse , and Advantage by the said Bishop of Rome's Laws , Processe , or Jurisdiction to her in any wise appertaining , or that hereafter may by any Title , Colour , or Mean , belong , grow , succeed or appertain , or in any case may follow or ensue . 4. And whether she will and doth , of her Duty and Obedience towards God , her Alleigance towards the King's Highnesse , and the Laws of this Realm , and also of the sincere love and zeal that she beareth towards the Truth , freely and franckly recognize and knowledge , without any other respect , both by Go●'s Law and Man's Law , the Marriage heretofore had between his Majesty and her Mother , to be unlawfull . 5. Also , Be she enquired or examined , For what cause , and by whose motion and means she hath continued and remained in her obstinacy so long ; and who did e●bold , or animate her thereto , with other circumstances thereof appertaining ? 6. Also , What is the cause , that she at this present time , rather then at any other heretofore , doth submit her selfe ? To these six Articles , she was required to give a plain and positive answer : Which plainly shews the doubtfulnesse and uncertainty of her present condition , in being either forced to confesse her selfe to be illegitimate , or running on the last hazzard of the Kings displeasure , if she should do otherwise . But wisely considering in her selfe , whom she had to deal with , she thought it safest to strike sale , and to submit her selfe to him , with whom it was not lawfull for her to dispute that point , if she had been able . She therefore makes a cleer acknowledgement of the four first Articles , by the subscribing of her name ; but craved leave to demur on the two last , because some persons were concern'd in them , whom she was not willing to discover . And by this means she gain'd so far upon the King , that from that time forwards , he held her in the same ranck with the rest of his children ; gave her her turn in the succession of the Kingdome ; assigned her portion of ten thousand pounds , to be paid at her marriage , and in the interim , three thousand pounds per annum , for her personal maintenance . And more then this he did not do for his daughter Elizabeth ; notwithstanding the esteem and affection which he bare to her mother ; for bring●●g whom into his bed , he had cancelled all the bonds of his former marriage . Little or nothing more occurreth of her in the time of King Henry , because there was little or nothing altered in the face of Religion , which might give her any cause of publick or personall dislike . But when the great alterations hapned in the time of King Edward , she then declared her selfe more openly ( as she might more safely ) in opposition to the same : concerning which she thus declared her selfe in a Letter to the Lord Protector , and the rest of the Council , dated at Kenninghall , June 22. An. 1549. My Lord , I Perceive by the Letters which I late receiv'd from you , and other of the Kings Majesties Councel , that you be all sorry to find so little conformity in me , touching the observation of his Majestie 's Laws ; who am well assured I have offended no law , unlesse it be a late law of your own making , which in my conscience is not worthy the name of Law , both for the King's honors sake , and the wealth of the Realm , and giving the occasion of an evil bruit throughout all Christendome , besides the partiality used in the same , and ( as my conscience is very well perswaded ) the offending God , which passeth all the rest . But I am well assured , that the King his Fathers Lawes , were all allowed and consented to , without compulsion , by the whole Realm , both spiritual and temporal , and all the Executors sworn upon a book to fulfil the same , so that it was an authorized Law. And that I have obeyed , and will do with the grace of God , till the King's Majesty my brother , shall have sufficient years to be a judge in this matter himself . Whereto ( my Lord ) I was plain with you at my last being in the Court , declaring unto you at that time , whereunto I would stand ; and now do assure you all , that the only occasion of my stay from a tering of mine opinion , is for two causes . One principally for my conscience ; the other , that the King my brother shall nor hereafter charge me to be one of those that were agreeable to such alterations in his tender years . And what fruits dayly grow by such changes , since the death of the King my Father , to every indifferent person , it well appeareth , both to the displeasure of God , and unquietnesse of the Realm . Notwithstanding , I assure you all , I would be as loath to see his Highnesse take hurt , or that any evil should come to this his Realm , as the bes● of you all ; and none of you have the like cause , considering how I am compelled by nature , being his Majesties poor and humble sister , most tenderly to love and pray for him , and unto this his Realm ( being born within the same ) with all wealth and prosperity to God's honour . And if any judge of me the contrary for mine opinions sake , as I trust none doth , I doubt not in the end , with Gods help , to prove my selfe as true a natural and humble Sister , as they of the contrary opinion with all their divices , and altering of lawes , shall prove themselves true Subjects ; I pray you my Lords , and the rest of the Councel , no more to unquiet and trouble me with matters touching my conscience , wherein I am at a full point with Gods help , whatsoever shall happen to me , intending with his grace , to trouble you little with any worldly suits , but to bestow the short time I think to live , in quietnesse ; and I pray for the King's Majesty , and all you , heartily wishing , that your proceedings may be to God's honour ▪ the safeguard of the King's person , and quietnesse of the whole Realm . And thus , my Lords ▪ I wish unto you , and all the rest , as well to do , as my selfe . Upon such passages of this Letter , which seemed most to pinch upon them , the Lords returned their Glosse or Comment , but such as had more in it of an Animadversion , then an Explication . They signified withall , how well they understood their own Authority ; how sensible they were of those inconveniences , which the example of her inconformity to the lawes established , was likely to produce amongst the rest of the subjects . No favour being otherwise to be hoped for from them , the Emperour is moved to intercede in her behalfe by his Ambassador , then residing about the Court ▪ Upon whose earnest solicitation , it was declared by the King , with the consent of his Councel ( as appeareth by their letters to her , of the 25th of December ) That for his sake , and her own also , it should be suffered and winked at , if she had the private Masse used in her own closet for a season , untill she might be better informed ▪ but so that none but some few of her own chamber should be present with her , and that to all the rest of her houshold , the Service of the Church should be only used ▪ For the abuse of which indulgence , in saying Masse promiscuously ( in her absence ) to her houshold servants , Mallet and Barkley two of her Chaplains , are seized on , and committed prisoners , which first occasioned an exchange of Letters betwixt her and the King , and afterwards more frequently between her and the Councel ; for which , consult the Acts and Mon. fol. 1213. 1214. A proposition had been made about the surrendry of B●l●oigne , for a marriage betwixt her and the Prince of Portugall ; and the like motion made in favour of the Duke of Brunswick , whilst the other treaty was depending . But neither of the two succeeding to the wish of the party , a plot was laid to passe her over into Flanders ▪ shipping provided to transport her , some of her servants sent before , and a commotion practised in the County of Essex ; that in the busle she might be conveyed away without any discovery . But this plot being happily prevented by the care and diligence of Sir John Gates , one of the Capta●ns of the Gents a'armes ( then lately ranged under the command of the Marquess of N●rthampton ) she was by him conducted much against her will , to the Lord Chancellors house at Leezdi , from thence to Hunsdon , and at last to Westminster . Much troubled at her comming thither ▪ upon the apprehension ▪ of Sir Robert Ruchest●r , Sir Walgrave , and Sir Francis Ingl●field , servants of special trust about her , and all suspected to be privy to the design , for conveying her over into Flanders . Much care was taken , and many endeavor used by the King and Councel , to win her to good conceit of the Reformation . But her interest was 〈◊〉 bound up with that of the Pope , that no perswasions could prevaile with her to desert that cause , on which her own legi●imation , and the validity of her mothers marriage , did so much depend . As much unprofitable pains was taken by the Emperours Agents , in labouring to procure for her , the exercise of her own Religion ; mingling some threats with their intreaties , in case so great a Prince should be refused in so small a suit . Which when it could not be obtained from the King , by the Lords of the Councel , nor by the mediation of the Archbishop of Canterbury , and the Bishop of London , ( whom the Lords imployed to move him in it ) ; the Emperour laid aside the prosecution of a cause , which he perceived he could not carry . And the King slackned by degrees , his accustomed diligence ▪ in labouring be perswasions to work on one ▪ who was resolved before hand not to be perswaded . So that being weary of the Court , and the court of her , she was permitted for a time to remain at Hun●sdon , in the County of Hartford . To which place ( being in the Diocesse of London ) Bishop Ridley had recourse unto her , and at first was kindly entertained . But having staid dinner at her request , he made an offer of his service , to preach before her on the Sunday following ; to which she answered , That the doors of the Parish Church adjoining , should be open for him , that h● might preach there if he li●ted ; but that neither she n●r any of her s●rvants , would b●●her● 〈◊〉 hear him . Madam , said he , I hope you will not refuse to hear Gods word . To which she answered , That she could not tell what they called Gods word ; that which was now called th●●●rd of God , 〈◊〉 having been accounted such in the ●●yes of her father . After which , falling into many different expressions against the Religion then established , she ●ismissed him thus . My Lord , said she ▪ For your gentlenesse to come and see me ▪ I thank you ; but for your offer to preach before me , I thank 〈◊〉 n●t . Which said , he was conducted by Sir Th●mas W●arton , one of her principall Officer● ▪ to the place where they dined , by whom he was presented with a cup of wine ; which having drank , and looking very sadly on it , Surely , said he , 〈…〉 Which words he spake with such a vehemency of spirit , a● made the hair of some of those which were present ▪ to stand an end , as themselves afterward● confessed . Of this behaviour of the Princesse , a● the Bishop much complained in other p●a●es , so most especially in a Sermon preached at St Paul's Crosse ▪ on the sixteenth of July ; in which he was appointed by the Lords of the Council , to set forth the title of Queen Jane , to whom the s●ccession of the Crown had been transferred by King Edward , at the solicitation and procurement of the Duke of N●rth●mbe●land ▪ who served himself of nothing more , than of her obstinate aversnesse from the reformed . Religion , then by law established . The cunning contrivance of which plot , and all that had been done in pursuance of it , hath been laid down at large in the Appendix to the former book ▪ Suffice in this place to know , that being secretly advertised of her brothers death , she dispatched her letters of the ninth of July , to the Lords of Council , requiring them not only to acknowledge her just title to the Crown of this Realm , but to cause pro●lamation of it to be made in the usual form ; which though it was denied by them , as the case then stood , yet she was gratified therein by the Mayor of Norwich , who firs● proclaimed her Queen , on the fourth day after ; as afterwards was done in some other places , by those who did prefer the interest of King Henry's children , before that of the Dud●y's . But hearing of the great preparations which were made against her , and finding her condition in a manner desperate , when she first put her self into Fram●ngham Castle , she faithfully assureu the Gentry , and other inhabitants of the County of Suffolk , that she would not alter the Religion which had been setled and confirmed in the Reign of her brother . On which assurance , there was such a confluence to her from those parts of the Kingdom , that in short space she had an army of fourteen thousand fighting men to maintain her quarrel . The newes whereof , together with the risings of the people in other places on the same account , wrought such an alteration in the Lords of the Council , whom she had before solicited in vain to allow her title , that on the nineteenth of July , she was solemnly proclaimed Queen at Cheapside Crosse ; not only by their general and joint consent , but by the joyful acclamations of all sorts of people . But as Mariners seldome pay those vows which they make in a tempest , when once they are delivered from the danger of it ; so Mary once established in the Royal Throne , forgot the services which she received from those of Suffolk , together with the promises which she made unto them in the case of Religion . Insomuch , that afterwards being petitioned by them in that behalf , it was answered with more churlishnesse than could be rationally expected in a green Estate , That members must obey their Head , and not look to rule it . And that she might no more be troubled with the like Petitions , she caused one Dobb . a Gentlemen on Windham side , who had presumed to put her in remembrance of her former promise , to be punished by standing in the Pillory three dayes together , to be a gazing stock to all men . But such is the condition of our humane nature , that we are far more ready to require a favour , when we stand in need of it , than willing to acknowledge or requite it , when our turn is served . Of which we cannot easily meet with a cleerer evidence , than the example of this Queen ; who was so far from gartifying those who had been most aiding to her in the time of her trouble , that she persecuted them , and all others of the same perswasions , with fire and faggot , as by the sequel of her story will at large appear . The Life and Reign of QUEEN MARY . An. Reg. Mar. 1. A. D. 1553. 1554. THe interposings in behalf of the Lady Jane being disrelished generally in most parts of the Kingdome , M●ry the eldest sister of King Edward the sixt is proclaimed Queen by the Lords of the Council , assi●●ed by the Lord Mayor of London , and such of the Nobility as were then resident about that City , on Wednesday the nineteenth day of July , Ann● 1553. The Proclamation published at the Crosse in Che●p , with all s●lemnities accustomed on the like occasions ; and entertained with joyfull acclamations by all sorts of people , who feared nothing more , than the pride and tyranny of the Duke of Northumberland . To carry which news to the Queen at Framingham , the Earl of Arundel , and the Lord Paget , are dispatched immediately by the rest of the Council , and Letters are speedily posted by some private friends to the Duke at Cambridg● . Who understanding how things went , without expecting any order from the Lords at London , dismist the remnant of his Army , and presently repairing into the Market place , proclaimed the Queen , crying , God save Queen Mary , as loud as any , and flinging up his cap for joy , as the others did . Which service he had scarce performed , when Rose a Pou●suivant of Arms comes to him with instructions from the Lords of the Council , subscribed by the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Lord Chancellor Goodrick , the Lord Treasurer Paulet , the Duke of Suffolk , the Earl of Bedford , Shrewsbury , and Pembrook , the Lord Darsie , Sir Robert Cotton , Sir William Peter , and Sir William Cecil , the two principall Secretaries , Sir John Cheeck , Tutor to the last King , Sir John Baker , Chancellor of the tenths and first fruits , Sir John Mason , Master of the Requests , R. Bowes , Master of the Rolls . Most of which had formerly subscribed the answer to a Letter which came to them from the Princesse Mary , on the ninth of July , and were all p●●doned for so doing , except Cranmer only . Now the Tenor of the said 〈◊〉 , was as followeth . In the name of our Soveraign Lady Mary the Queen , to be declared to the Duke of Northumberland , and all other his Band , of what degree soever they be . YOu shall command and charge in the Queens Highness name , the said Duke to disarm himselfe , and the cease all his men of war , and to suffer no part of his army to do any villany , nor any thing contrary to the peace : and himself to forbear his comming to this City , untill the Queens pleasure be expressedly declared unto him . And if he will shew himselfe like a good quiet subject , we will then continue as we have begun , as humble suitors to our Soveraign Lady the Queen's Highnesse , for him and his , and for our selves . And if he do not , we will not fail to spend our lives in subduing of him and his . Item , Ye shall declare the like matter to the Marquesse of Northampton , and all other Noble men , and Gentlemen , and to all men of war , being with any of them . Item , Ye shall in all places where ye come , notifie it : If the Duke of Northumberland do not submit himselfe to the Queens Highnesse , Queen Mary ; he shall be accepted as a Traytor . And all we of the Nobility , that were Counsellors to the late King , will to the utmost portion of our power , persecute him and his to their afterconfusion . The Pursuivant having communicate his Instructions , found none more ready to obey them , then the Duke himselfe , who had before dismist his forces , and now prepared for his departure from that place , though to what he knew not . But as he was pulling on his boots , he was first slaid by some of the Pensioners , who being drawn into the action against their wils , resolved to have him in a readinesse to bear witnesse to it ; and after taken into custody by Slegg , a Serjeant . The businesse being in dispute , another Packet comes from the Lords of the Council , by which all parties were required to depart to their severall dwellings ; the benefit whereof the Duke laid claim to for himself , and was accordingly left by them at his own disposal . And so he passed that night in some good assurance , that he should fare no worse than the rest of the Council , who had engaged him in the same cause , and by whose order he had undertaken the command of that Army . In the mean time , the Earl of Arundell had done his errand to the Queen , to so good a purpose , that he was presently dispatched with Order to seize upon him . Who coming to Cambridge the next morining , found him preparing for his journy , laid hold upon him , and committed him to the charge of some of the Guard. It is reported , that the Duke had no sooner seen the Earle of Arundell , but he fell down upon his knees , and besought him to be good unto him , humbling himselfe before him with more abjectednesse , than formerly he had insulted over him with pride and insolence . By safe , but easie journies , he is brought unto the Tower on the 25 day of July , together with the Earl of Warwick , the Earle of Huntington , the Lord Hastings ; the Lord Ambrose , and the Lord Henry Dudley , two of Northumberlands younger sons ; Sir Andrew Dudly , the Duke's brother , Sir John Gates , and Henry Gates his brother , Sir Thomas Palmer ( who formerly had served his turn in the destruction of the Duke of Sommerset ) , and Dr Sandys Vice Chancelor of the University of Cambridge , Followed the next day after by the Marquesse of Northampton , Dr Nicholas Ridley , Bishop of London , the Lord Robert Dudley , another of Northumberland's sons , and Sir Robert Corbet ; who having made their Applications to the Queen at Framingham , found there no better entertainment , than if they had been take in some act of Hostility . The 27 day brings in Sir Roger Chomley , Chief Justice of the Kings Bench , and Sir Edward Mountague , Chief Justice of the Common Pleas ; the Duke of Suffolk , and Sir John Cheek on the morrow after shutting up the Arrer . But the Duke of Suffolk stayed not long : for being considered in himself as an easie person , of whom they were to fear no danger , and otherwise no more in fault than the rest of the Council , he was released again within three dayes after , to the great comfort of his daughter , the late queen Jane , who would have died dayly for her Father , though but once for her self . But so it fared not with the Duke of Northumberland , a more dangerous person ; who , together with John Earl of Warwick , his eldest son , and William Marquesse of Northampton , was brought to their tryal on the eighth of August , before Thomas Duke of Norfolk , then sitting as Lord High Steward in Westminster Hall. The Duke being brought unto the bar , humbled himself with great reverence before his Peers , professing his faith and allegiance to the Queen ; against whom he confessed he had so grievously offended , that he intended not to speak any thing in his own defence . But having been trained up to the study of the Laws in his younger dayes , he desired the judgement of the Court in these two points . First , Whether any man doing any act by Authority of the Princes Councel , and by warrant of the Great Seal of England , and doing nothing w●th●●t the same , might be charged with treason , for any thing which he might do by warrant thereof . And secondly , ( which pinched then his Judges to some purpose ) Whe●her any such persons as were equally culpable in the crime , and those by whose Letters and Commandments he was directed in all his doings , might sit as Judges , and passe upon his trial as his Peers . Whereunto it was answered by the Court , with advice of the Judges . First , That the Great Seal which ●e pre●ended 〈◊〉 his warrant , was not the Seal of the lawful Queen of the Realm , but th● Se● of 〈◊〉 ●●surper , who had no authority , and theref●re could b● no warrant to him . And secondly , That if any were as deeply to be touched in the case as himself ; yet so long as n● attainder was upon Record against them , they were looked upon by the Law , as persons capable of passing upon any tryal , and not to b● challenged by any in that respect ▪ but only at the Prince's pleasure . Which being delivered by the Court in point of Law , the Duke conceived that it would be to no purpose for him to plead Not Guilty , and thereupon confessed the Indictment , as the other two prisoners also did ; they all received judgement in the usual form . On the pronouncing whereof , he besought the Lords to move the Queen , that she would be gratious to his sons , who might be able to do good service in the time to come ; considering that they went not with him of their own free will , but only in obedience to his commands , who was their Father ; in which as his desires were granted by the Lords , so the Lords were gratified in them by the Queen ; none of his sons being executed ( though all condemned ) except Guilford only , whose case was different from the others . The like judgement also pass'd on the morrow after , on Sir John Gates , Sit Henry Gates , Sir Andrew Dudley , and Sir Thomas Palmer , who confessing the Indictment also , submitted themselves to the Queens mercy , without further tryal . In that short interval , which past between the sentence , and the execution , the Duke was frequently visited by Dr Nicholas Heath , then newly restored unto the See of Worcester . It was another of the requests which he made to the Lords , that some godly and learned man , might be licenced by the Queen , to repair unto him , for the quiet and satisfaction of his conscience ; and the resolved to send him none ( as she did to others in like case ) but one of her own , under a pretence of doing good unto their so●ls , by gaining them to a right understanding of the faith in Christ. According to which purpose , He●●h bestirs himself with such dexterity , that the Duke , either out of weaknesse , or hope of life , or that it was indifferent to him in what Faith he died , who had shewn so little while he lived , retracted that Religion which he had adorned in the time of King Edward , and outwardly professed for some years in the Reign of King Henry . And hereof he gave publick notice when he was on the scaffold , on the 22 of that mon●h . In the way towards which , there passed some words betwixt him and Gates , each laying the blame of the late action on the other ; but afterwards mutually forgiving , and being forgiven , they died in good charity with one ano●her . Turning himself unto the people , he made a long Oration to them , touching the quality of his offence , and his fore-passed life , and then admonished the spectators , To stand to the Religion o● their Ancest●rs , rejecting that of l●●er date , which had occasioned all the 〈◊〉 of the foregoing thirty years ; and that for prevention for the future , if they desired 〈◊〉 present their souls unspotted in the ●ight of God , and were truly affected to their Country ▪ they should expel those trumpets of Sedition , the Preachers of the reformed Religion ; that for himself ▪ whatever had otherwise been pretended , he professed ●o other Religion than that of his Fathers , for testimony whereof , he appealed to his good friend , and gh●stly father , the Lord Bishop of Worcester ; and finally ▪ that being blinded with ambition , he had been conten●ed to make a rack of his conscience , by te●porising , for which he professed himself sincerely repentant , and so acknowledged the justice of his death . A declaration very unseasonable , whether true or false ; as that which render'd him less pitied by the one side , and more scorned by the other . With him died also Gates and P●l●●r , the rest of the condemned prisoners being first reprieved , and afterwards absolutely pardoned . Such was the end of this great person , the first Earl of Warwick , and the la●● Duke of Northumberland , of this Name and Family . By birth he was the eldest son of Sir Ed●ond Sutton , alias Dudley , who together with Sir Richard Empson , were the chief instruments and promoters under Henry the 7th . for putting the penal lawes in execution , to the great grievance and oppression of all sorts of subjects . For which , and other offences of a higher nature , they were both sacrificed to the fury of the common people , by King Henry the 8th . which possible might make him carry a vindicative mind towards that King's children , and prompt him to the dis-inheriting of all his Progeny . First trained up ( as his Father had also been before him ) in the study of the common Laws , which made him cunning enough to pick holes in any mans estate , and to find wayes by which to bring their lives in danger . But finding that the long sword was of more estimation than the long Robe , in the time of that King , he put himself forwards on all actions , wherein honour was to be acquired . In which he gave such testimony of his judgement and valour , that he gained much on the affections of his Prince . By whom he was created Viscount Lis●e , on the 15th . of March , An. 1541. installed Knight of the Garter , 1543. and made Lord Admiral of England . Imployed in many action against the Scots , he came off alwayes with successe and victory ; and having said this , we have said all , that was accounted good or commendable in the whole course of his life . Being advanced unto the Title of Earl of W●rwick , by King Edward the 6th , he thought himself in a capacity of making Queens , as well as Richard Nevil ( one of his Predecessors in that Title ) had been of setting up and deposing Kings ; and they both perished under the ambition of those proud attempts . Punished as Nevil also was , in having no iss●e male remaining to preserve his name . For though he had six sons , all of them living to be men , and all of them to be married men , yet they went all childlesse to the grave , I mean as to the having of lawful issue , as if the curse of Jeconi●ah had been laid upon them . With him died also the proud Title of Duke of N●rth●●berland , never aspired to by the Percies , though men of eminent Nobility , and ever since the time of King Henry the first , of the Race of Emperours : Which Family , as well in reference to the merit o● their Noble Ancestors , as the intercession of some powerful friends , were afterwards restored to all the Titles and Honours , which belonged to that House , in the persons of Thomas and Henry , Grand children to Henry the 5th . Earl thereof , An. 1557. The matters being thus laid together , we must look back upon the Queen . Who seeing all obstacles removed betwixt her and the Crown , dissolved her Camp at 〈◊〉 , consisting of fourteen thousand men ; and prepared for her journey towards London ▪ Met on the way by the Princesse Elizabeth her sister , attended with no fewer than 1000 horse , She made her entrance into London , on the third of August , no lesse magnificent for the Pomp and bravery of it , than that of any of her predecessors . Taking possession of the Tower , she was first welcomed thither by I 〈◊〉 , the old Duke of Norfolk , Ann● Dutchesse of Sommerset ▪ Edward Lord Co●●●ney , eldest son to the late Marquesse of Excester , and Dr Stephan Gardiner , Bishop of Winchester ; all which she lifted from the ground , called them her prisoners , graciously kissed them , and restored them shortly after to their former liberty ▪ Taking the Great Seal from Dr Goodrick , Bishop of Ely , within two dayes after , she gave it for the present , to the custody of Sir Nich●l●s Hare , whom she made Master of the Rolls ▪ and afterwards committed it , on the 23d . of the same month , together with the Title of Lord Chancellor , on the said Dr Gardi●er , then actually restored to the See of W●●chestor . Having performed the obsequies of her brother , on the 9th . and 10th . she removes her Court unto Whitehall , and there contin●es , till it was within two or three dayes of her Coronation . Which time now drawing neer at hand , she passed by water to the Tower , on the 27th . of September , accompanied by her Sister , the Princesse Elizabeth , and a great train of Noble Ladies ; made her return through the principal streets of the City , on the last of the same month , in most ●tately manner ▪ and the next day proceeded with the like magnificence , to the Abby Church ▪ where she was met by three ●●lver Crosses , and eighty singing men , all in ri●h and gorgeo●s Coaps , ( so sudden a recruit was made of these sac●ed Vestments ) ; amongst whom went the new Dean of Westminster , Dr. Westo● ▪ and divers Chaplains of her own , each of them ●earing in their hands some Ensign or other . After them marched ten Bishops ( which were as many as remained of her perswasion ) with their Mi●ers , rich Coaps , and Crosier staves . The Sermon was preached by Dr ●ay , whom she had restored to the See of Chichester , and the solemnity of the Coronation , celebrated by the new Lord Chancellor : Cra●ner , Archbishop of Canterbury , being then commited ▪ and otherwise conceived unworthy of so great an honour . Till this time , none more dear to her then her Sister Elizabeth , whom she alwayes took with her by the hand , wheresoever she went , and seldome dined or supped without her . But this solemnity being passed over ( as if she were now freed from all the fea●s of a competition ) she estranged her self from her in such a manner , as shewed that she had formerly desited her company for some by-respects , and not out of natural affection . More gratef●l unto other persons , who deserved well of her ; she preferred Henry Ratcliff , Earle of S●ssex , ( Commander Generall of her Army ) to the Society of the Gatter , which Honour she conferred on his son Thomas after his decease ▪ and to be covered in her Presence , at all times and places , tending to the custome of the Grandees in the Realm of Spain . Which priviledge not being very frequent in the Polit●ie of the Realm of England , I find to be recorded in these following words , viz. Mary by the Grace of God , Queen of England , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith ; and of the Church of England and Ireland , in earth the Supream Head ; o all , to whom this present writing shall come , sendeth Greeting in our Lord everlasting . Know ye , that We do give and pardon to Our wel-beloved and trusty Cosen , and one of Our Privy Council , Henry Earl of Sussex , and Viscount Fittzwater , Lord Egremond and Burnel , Liberty , Licence and Pardon , to wear his Cap , Coyfe , or Night-cap , or two of them at his pleasure , as well in Our presence , as in the presence of any other person , or persons within this Our Realm , or any other place of Our Dominions whatsoever , during his life ; and these Our Letters shall be his sufficient Warrant in this behalf . Given under Our Sign Manuall , at Our Pallace of Westminster , 2. Octob. 1 Regni . With the like Royal gratitute , she advance the Earl of Arundel , who had deserved as well of her in the Council , as the Earl of Sussex in the Camp , to the Place or Office of Lord Steward ; investing him with all those powers and priviledges , which had been form●rly exercised by the Lord Great Master ▪ whom he succeeded in Authority , though not in Title . Sir Edward Hastings , who came over to her with 4000 men , she first made Master of the Horse , and Knight of the Gar●er , and afterwards Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold , and Lord Hastings of Louthborough . Sir John Williams , who had done her very good service in Buckingham and Oxford●hires ●hires , she honoured with the Title of Lord Williams of Ja●e ; of which more hereafter . Sir H●nry Jernin●ham ▪ who first appeared in Norfo●k for her , she preferred to be Captain of her Guard , a●soon as she came unto the Crown ; and toward the latter end of her Reign , Sir Thomas Thre●●●m was created Lord Prior of the Order of St Johns of Jerusalem , and consequently according to the old pretension , the first Baron of England . And as for her domestique servants who had suffered with her , she thought it no unfit decorum , that they should in part Reign with her also . To which end she preferred Hop●on her old Chaplain , to the See of Norwich , R●chester to be Comp●roller of her Houshold , Ing●●field to● be Master of the Wards , and W●lgrave to be Master of the Wardrobe , which is suffici●nt ●o de●l●re , that she was willing to comply with all obligarion● , and not to b● too long in debt to her greatest subjects , but much lesse to her m●nial servants ▪ But in ●●gard that all these were considered for their per●onal merits , not in reference only to their zeal for the Catholick Cause , she was to shew some act of favour unto those of tha● party , which might create a confidence in them of her good affections . To which end she made choice of Sir John Gage ( a man most zealously addicted to the Church of Rome ) to be Lord Chamberlain of ●●r Houshold , when she came first to the Tower , to the great satisfaction of all those of that Religion . And that she might in some mea●ure also ob●●ge the rest of her su●jects , and make the ent●ance of her Reign the more plea●●ng to them , her Coronation was accompanied with a general pardon , at the least in shew . Out of which all prisoners in the Tower , such as remained in the Fleet , together with sixty other , being excepted , and the re●trictions and proviso's ( with which it was in all parts clogged ) being well observed , there were not many , especially of those whom it most concerned , that could create unto themselves any benefit by it . Thus was the Civil State established on a right foundation , and the succession setled most agreeably to the Laws of Nature , according to the last Will and Testament of King He●ry the 8th . and the Laws made in that behalfe . But we shall see the pillars of the Church removed , the very foundation of it shaken ▪ and the whole ●abrick of Religion so demolished , that scarce one stone thereof did seem to stand upon the other ; without reg●rd unto the Laws , and contrary to the will and purpose of King Edw●●d the 6th . At the Queens first entrance into London , on the thi●d of August , she disc●arged Gardin●r of the Tower , as she did B●●ner of the Marshelsey , and Bishop T●●stall from the Kings Bench within two dayes after . To make way to whose restitution to their former Sees , Bishop Ridley is removed from London , Bishop Poi●ct from Winchester , and an Act of Parli●ment p●oc●red for the restoring of the Church of Durham , to all its Lands ▪ Preheminences , and Juri●dictions ▪ of which it stood divested by the l●te Act of Dissolution , made in the last year of the King deceased . By the like power , was Coverdale displaced from the See of Exon , S●ory from that of Chichester ▪ and Hooper dispossessed of that Jurisdiction , whi●h he held as the Commendatory of the See of Worcester ; to which See , 〈◊〉 , Day , and Heath , were again restored . The like course also followed , for the depriving of all Dea●● , D●gn●●●●●●s , and Parochial Ministers , who had succeeded into any of those pre●erments , during the Reign of the two last Kings ▪ the old incumbe●ts whereof were then ●ound living , and able to supply their places . Which though it could not be objected against Dr Cox , either in r●ference to his De●nry of ●hrist Church , or that of 〈◊〉 ( both which he held at the same time ) yet being brought unto the Marshal●ey , on the 5th . of 〈◊〉 , he was unjustly spoi●ed of both , to make room for Dr Richard Marshall in the one , and Dt Hugh Weston in the other . And all this done without so much as any shew of legal processe , or the conventing of the persons whom it did concern or any satisfaction given unto the Laws , ( which in some cases favour possession more than right ) so strangely violated . But greater was the havock which was made amongst them , when there was any colour or pretence of Law , as in the case of having wives , or not conforming to the Queens pleasure in all points of Religion ; con●idering how forward and pragmatical too many were , to run before the Laws in the like particular . The Queen was zealous in her way , and by her interesse , strongly byassed to the Church of Rome . But it concerned her to be wary , and not to presse too much at once upon the people , which generally were well affected to the Reformation . Of this she had a stout experiment , within very few dayes after her first entrance into London . For so it hapned , that Dr Bourn , Arch-Deacon of London , and one of the Prebends of St Paul's , preaching a Sermon at the Crosse , on the 13th . of August , inveighed in favour of Bishop Bonner , who was present at it , against some proceedings in the time of the late King Edward . Which so incensed the people , that suddenly a great tumult arose upon it ; some pelting him with stones , others crying out aloud , pull him down , pull him down , and one ( who never could be known ) flinging a dagger at his head , which after was found sticking in a post of the Pulpit . And greater had the mischief been upon this occasion , if Mr Bradford and Mr Rogers , two eminent Preachers in the time of King Edward , and of great credit and esteem with the common people , had not endeavoured to appease the enraged multitude , and with great difficulty secured the Preacher in the School adjoining . By reason of which tumult , an Order was taken by the Lords of the Coun●il , with the mayor and Aldermen of London , that they calling the next day following a Common Council of the City , should thereby charge every housholder , to cause their children and Apprentices , to keep their own Parish Churches , upon the Holy dayes , and not to suffer them to attempt any thing to the violating of the common peace . Willing them also to signifie to the said Assembly , the Queens determination uttered to them by her Highnesse , the 12th . of August , in the Tower. Which was , that albeit her Grace's conscience was staid in matters of Religion ; yet she gratiously meant to compel or strain other mens , otherwise than God should ( as she trusted ) put into their hearts a perswasion of that truth which she was in , through the opening of his word unto them , by godly , vertuous , and learned Preachers ; that is to say , such Preachers only , as were to be hereafter licenced by the Queen's authority . But yet for fear that these instructions might not edifie with the common people , Order was taken for preventing the like tumult on the Sunday following . At what time the Sermon was preached by Dr Watson ( who afterwards was Bishop of Lincoln , but Chaplain only at that time to the Bishop of Winchester ) . For whose security , not only many of the Lords of the Council , that is to say , the Lord Treasurer , the Lord Privy Seal , the Earl of Bedford , the Earl of Pembrook , the Lords , Wentworth and Rich , were severally desired to be there present ; but Gerningham , Captain of the Guard , was appointed with two hundred of his stourest Yeomen , to stand round about him with their Halberts . The Mayor had also taken Order , that all the Companies in their Liveries should be present at it , which was well taken by the Queen . And because the comming of the Guard on the one side affrighted some , and the Order of the Lords above mentioned had restrained others from comming to those publick Sermons ; it was commanded by the Lord Mayor , that the Ancients of all Companies should give attendance at those Sermons for the time to come , lest otherwise the Preachers might be discouraged at the sight of so thin an Auditory . The safety of those publick Preachers being thus provided for by the Lords of the Council , there next care was , that nothing should be preached in private Churches , contrary to the Doctrine which was , and should be ●augh● at the Cross by them which were appointed to it . Whereupon it was further Ordered , that every Alderman in his Ward , should forthwith send for the Curates of every Church within their Liberties , and warn them not only to forbear preaching themselves ; but also not to suffer any other to preach , or make any open or solemn reading of Scripture in their Churches , unless the said Preachers were severally licensed by the Queen . To which purpose Letters were directed also to the Bishop of Norwich , and possibly to all other Bishops in their several Diocesses . But nothing more discovers the true state and temper of the present time , than a Proclamation published by the Queen , on the 18th . of August . The Tenor of which is as followeth . The Queen's Highnesse well remembring what great inconvenience and dangers , have grown to this her Rea●m in times● past , through the diversities of opinions in Questions of Religion ; and hearing also that now of late , sithence the beginning of her most gratious Reign , the same contentions be again much revived , through certain false and untrue reports , and rumo●rs spread by some evil-disposed persons , hath thought good to give to understand to all Her Highnesse's most loving subjects , her most grrtious pleasure in manner following . First , Her Majesty being presently by the only goodness of God , setled in her just possession of the Imperial Crown of this Realm , and other Dominions thereunto belonging , cannot now hide that Religion , which God and the world knoweth she hath ever pro●essed from her infancy hitherto . Which at her Majesty is minded to observe and maintain for her self by God's grace , during her time ; so doth her Highness much desire , and would be glad the some were of all her subjects quietly and charitably entertain'd . And yet she doth signifie unto all her Majestie 's loving subjects , that of Her most gratious disposition and clemency , Her Highness mindeth not to ●ompel any Her said subjects thereunto , until such time as further Order by common assent may be taken therein : Forbidding nevertheless all her subjects , of all degrees , at their perils , to move seditions , or stir unquietness in her people , by interpreting the Laws of this Realm , after their brains and fantasies , but quietly to continue for the time , till ( 〈◊〉 before is said ) further Order may be taken , and therefore willeth , and str●ightly chargeth and commondeth , all her good loving subjects , to live together in quiet sort , and Christian Charity , leaving those new found devilish terms , of Papist and Heretick , and such like ; and applying their whole care , study and travail , to live in the fear of God , exercising their conversations in such charitable and Godly doing , as their lives may indeed express the great hunger and thirst of God's glory ▪ which by rash talk and words , many have pretended : And in so doing , they shall best please God , and live without danger of the Laws , and maintain the tranquility of the Realm . Whereof as her highness shall be most glad , so if any man shall rashly presume to make any assemblies of people , or at any publick , assemblies , or otherwise , shall go about to stir the people to disorder or disquiet , she mandeth according to her duty , to see the same most severely reformed and punished , according to her Highnese's Lawes . And furthermore , for asmuch as it is well known , that sedition and false rumours have been nourished and maintained in this Real● , by the subtilty and malice of some evil-disposed persons , which take upon them without sufficient authority , to preach and to interpret the word of God , after their own brains , in Churches , and other places , both publick and private , and also by playing of Interludes , and Printing of false fond Books , and Ballads , Rimes , and other lewd Treatises in the English Tongue , conteining Doctrine in matter now in question , and controversies touching the high points and mysteries in Christian Religion ; which Books , Ballads , Rimes , and Treatises , are chiefly by the Printers and Stationers , set out to sale to her Graces subjects , of an evil zeal for lucre and covetousnesse of vile gain : Her Highnesse therefore streightly chargeth and commandeth all and every of her said subjects , of whatsoever state , condition , or degree they be , that none of them presume from henceforth , to preach , or by way of reading in Ch●rches , or other publick or pr●vate places , except in Schools of the University , to interpret or teach any Scriptures , or any manner of points of Doctrine concerning Religion . Neither also to Print any Bo●k , Mat●er , Ballad , Rime , Enterlude , Processe or Treatise , nor to play any Enterlude , except they have her Graces special Licence in writing for the same , upon pain to incur her Highnesse indignation and displeasure . It cannot be denied ▪ but that this Proclamation was very cautiously and cunningly penned ; giving encouragement enough to those which had a mind to outrun the Law , or otherwise to conform themselves to the Queen's Religion , to follow their own course therein , without dread or danger ; and yet commanding nothing contrary to the Lawes established , which might give trouble or offence to the other party . For hereupon many of the people shewed themselves so ready for receiving their old Religion , that in many places of the Realm , before any Law was made for the same , they erected again their Altars , and used the Masse , and Latin Service , in such sort as was wont to be in King Henry's time . Which was so well taken by the Queen , that all such as stood upon the Lawes which were made to the contrary before , had a m●●k of displeasure set upon them . Which being observed by some of the Clergy , they were as forward as the rest , in setting up the Pageants of St Catherine , and St Nicholas , formerly erected in the Chancels , and to set forth their Processions , ( which they celebrated in the Latin tounge ) with their old solemnities , contrary to the Lawes and Ordinances of King Edward's time . All which irregular activities in the Priest and People , were sheltred under the name of setting forward the Queens proceedings . And by that name the official of the Arch-Deacon of Ely , gave it in charge amongst the Articles of his visitation , that the Church Wardens should present all such as did disturb the Queen's proceedings , in letting the Latin Service , setting up of Altars , saying of Mass , &c. But more particularly at Cambridge , the Vicechancellor , challenged one Pierson , on the 3d. of October , for officiating the communion in his own Parish Church , in the English tounge ; and on the 26. displaced Dr Madew , Master of Clare Hall , for being maried , though they had both as much authority on their side , as the Lawes could give them . In like manner some of the Popish party in King's Colledge ( not tarrying the making of any Law ) on the 28th . of the same , officiated the Divine Service in the Latin tounge ; and on the 6th . of November then next following , a Sermon is preached openly at St Michaels , contrary to the Lawes in that behalf , not as then repealed . Not altogether so eager on the scent at Oxon , as they were at Cambridge , though with more difficulty brought at first to the Reformation . Only it pleased Dr Tresham , one of the Canons of Christ Church , of the last foundation , to cause the great bell there to be new cast , and christned by the name of Mary ; much comforting himself with the melodious found thereof , when it toll'd to Mass ; which Marshall the new Dean , by his help and counsel , had again restored . But these were only the Essays of those alterations , which generally were intended in all parts of the Church , assoon as the times were ripe for them , and the people fitted to receive them ; in order whereunto , it was not thought sufficient to displace the Bishop● , and silence the Old Protestant Preachers also unless they brought them under some exemplary punishment , that others might be terrified from the outward profession of that truth , out of which they could not be disputed . Of Ridley's being brought prisoner to the Tower , and of Coxe's committing to the Marshal●ey , we have spoke before . On the 22d . of August Letters are sent from the Lords of the Council , commanding Bishop Coverdale , and Bishop Hooper , to appear before them . By whom ( after two or three appearances ) committed to their several Prisons ; the one reserved for the stake , the other sent upon request to the King of Denmark . On the 5th . of September , the like Letters are dispatched to old Bishop Latimer , committed close prisoner to the Tower , on the 8th . day after ; followed the next morning by Archbishop ●ranme● , whose Story doth require a more particular account , of which more anon . Harley of Here●ord ( to which he had been con●ecrated in May foregoing ) and ●aylor of Lincoln , another of the l●●t of King Edward's Bishops , were present at the opening of the Parliament on the 10th of October . But no sooner was the Mass began ( though not then resto●ed by any Law ) than they left the Church . For which the Bishop of Lincoln being first examined , and making profession of his Faith , prevented the malice of his enemies by a timely death . And Harley upon information of his marriage , was presently ex●luded from the Parliament House , and not long after from his B●shop●ick also . Which being observed by Bishop Barlow of Wells , and Scory of Chi●h●ster , they withdrew themselves beyond the Seas ; followed not long after by Bishop Point of Winchester . But Barlow made not so mu●h haste , as not to be committed to the Fle●t , by the Lords of the Council , from whence upon some satisfaction given to the Lord Chancellor Gardiner , by his discreet and moderate Answers , he was not long after set at liberty , and so crossed the seas ; resolved to trust himself no more ●o a second hazard , having with so much difficulty escaped the first . How it succeeded with the rest , we shall see hereafter . Upon which smiting of the Shepherds , it is not to be wondred at , i● their flo●ks 〈◊〉 s●attered . Now as concerning the Archbishop , the substance of his story is briefly ●his . He had been a chief instrument in King Henry's time , of setting forward the divorce ; and in King Edward's , of advancing the Reformation The Queen conceived hereupon such a high displeasure ( It had been malice in another ) against the man , that nothing but his death could appease the same . His death is therefore fully resolved upon , by Gardiner , Banner , and the rest of the Popish Prelates . Of which the first had p●osecuted the Divorce as far as any ; and the second was as forward as the best in the Reformation , as long as Cromwel lived to perfer and countenance him . But their standings out , and sufferings for it in King Edward's time were thought sufficient explations for their former errors , when the good Offices which Cranmer had done for her in her Fathers ti●e , were worn out of memory . Die then he must ; but by what law he was to die , proved a knot more difficult , than could be speedily untied . It was advised to charge him with High Treason , as being privy to the plot of the Duke of Northumberland , for excluding the Queen from the succession . But against this it was objected , that he was the last of the Council who subseribed unto it ; and that the Council would be wary of making that a Capital offence in him , of which they were all equally guilty . In the next place it was propounded , to proceed against him in case of Heresie , that being the most likely way to content the P●pe , whose favour was to be procured by all means immaginable . But the worst was , that the Statutes made in the time of King Richard 2d . and King Henry 4th . for putting Hereticks to death , had been abrogated in the time of king Henry 8th . as that of the six Articles , more terrible than either of the other two had been , repealed by the late King Edward the 6th . No better course therefore , than to find some occasion for laying him up in some safe prison ; and when they had him there , to proceed against him as time and opportunity should administer some fit matter for it . About this time a bruit was raised , that Cranmer to ingratiate himself with the Queen , had promised to celebrate the Exequies of the deceased King , according to the Rom●sh manner . To clear himself of which reproach , he drew up a Manifest , declaring in the same , that he was ready to maintain the Articles of Religion , set forth by his procurement in the time of King Edward , to be consonant to the word of God , the Doctrine of the Apostles , and the practice of the best and p●rest times . These papers lying in the window in his private chamber , were seen and liked by Bishop Scory , by whom they were transcribed and communicated to many others . Coming at last unto the knowledge of the Council , the Archbishop is commanded to appear before them . Interrogated about the papers , and prompted by Bishop Heath , who was then amongst them , to let them know whether he were not sorry for it . To which the Archbishop made reply , that as he did not deny himself to be the author of those papers , so he must needs confesse himself to be sorry that they went from him in such sort as they did . For I had purposed , saith he , to set out the Manifest in a more large and ample manner ; and to have it set upon St Paul's door , and the doors of all the Churches in London , with my own Seal affixed unto it . Upon which stout and honest answer , they thought fit to dismiss him for the present : it being conceived by some of the more moderate spirits , that it would be punishment enough to deprive him only of his Bishoprick , and to assign him sufficient maintenance upon the exhibiting of a true Inventory of his whole estate , with a commandment to keep his house without medling in matters of Religion . But those who better understood the mind of the Queen , so ordered it , that on the 14th . of September , he was sent to the Tower , where he remained prisoner till the 3d. of November . At what time he was arraigned in the Guild Hall of London , together with the Lord Guilford Dadley , the late Queen Jane his wife , and others ; all of them being attainted and condemned of Treason , as before was said . And he lay under this attainture till the year next following , when the old Statutes for putting Hereticks to death , were revived in Parliament . Which having furnished his adversaries with a better ground to proceed upon , to the contentment of the Pope and the Queen together , they waved the prosecuting of the Attaindure , to an Execution , and wholly fixed themselves on the point of Heresie . At the hearing whereof , he was right well pleased , because the case was not now his own , but Christs ; not the Queens , but the Churches . The severity of this beginning against the Natives , gave a sufficient warning to all such strangers , who had tool sanctuary here in the time of King Edward , to provide betimes for their departure . Amongst whom , none more openly aimed at than Peter Mar●yr , because none of them had given wider wounds than he to the Catholick Cause . Tresham , a senior Canon of Christ Church , had held some points against him at his first coming thither ; and now he took the benefit of the times , in causing both that house , and many others in the University , to put some publick scorn upon him . Not finding any safety there , he retires to Lambeth , where he was sure of as much safety as that place could give him . A consultation had been held by some of the more fiery spirits , for his commitment unto prison . But he came hither ( as it was well known ) on the publick Faith , which was not to be violated for the satisfaction of some private persons . It was thought fit therefore to discharge him all further imployment , and to licence him to depart in peace , none being more forward to furnish him with all things necessary for his going hence , than the new Lord Chancellor ; whether in honour to his Learning , or out of a desire to send him packing , shall not now be questioned . But less humanity was shewed unto him in his wife , whose body having been buried in the Church of St Frideswide , was afterwards by publick order taken out of the grave , and buried in a common dunghil . About the same time also such strangers as were gathered together into the Church of John Alasco , not only were necessitated to forbear their meetings , but to dissolve their Congregation , and to quit the Countrey . Such a displeasure was conceived against them , by those which governed the affairs , that it was no small difficulty for them to get leave for their departure ; and glad they were to take the opportunity of two Danish ships , and to put themselves to sea in the beginning of winter , fearing more storms in England , than upon the Ocean . And so farwel to John Alasco . It was an ill wind which brought him hit her , and worse he could not have for his going back . The like haste made the French Protestants also . And that they might have no pretence for a long stay , command was sent unto the Mayor of Rie and D●ver , on the 16th . of September , to suffer all French Protestants to cross the seas , except such only , whose names should be signified unto them by the French Ambassadors . But notwithstanding these removes , many , both Dutch and French , remained still in the Kingdom , some of which being after found in Wiat's Army , occasioned the banishing of all the rest , except Denizens and Merchants only , by a publick Edict . At which time many of the English departed also , as well Students as others , to the number of 300. or thereabouts ; hoping to find that freedome and protection in a forein Country , which was denied them in their own . The principal of those which put themselves into this voluntary exile , were , Katherine , the last wife of Charls Brandon Duke of Suffo●k , Robert Bertye , Esquire , husband to the Dutchess ; the Bishops of Winchester and Wells , Sir Richard Morison , Sir Anthony Cook , and Sir John Cheek , Dr Cox , Dr Sanays , and Dr Grindall , and divers others , of whom we shall hear more hereafter on another occasion . Of all these things , they neither were , not could be ignorant in the Court of Rome , to which the death of Edward had been swiftly posted on the wings of fame . The newes of the succession of Queen Mary , staid not long behind , so much more welcome to Pope Julius 3d. who then held that See , because it gave him some assurance of his re-admission into the power and jurisdiction of his predecessors in the Realm of England . For what less was to be expected , considering that she was brought up in the Catholick Religion , interessed in the respects of her mother , and Cosen in the first degree unto Charles the Emperour ? In the pursuance of which hopes , it was resolved that Cardinal Pole should be sent Legate into England , who being of the Royal blood , a man of eminent learning , and exemplary life , was looked on as the fittest instrument to reduce that Kingdome . The Cardinal well knowing that he stood attainted by the Lawes of the Land , and that the name of Henry was still preserved in estimation amongst the people ; thought it not safe to venture thither , before he fully understood the state of things . He therefore secretly dispatcheth Commendonius , a right trusty Minister , by whom he writes a private Letter to the Queen . In which commending first her perseverance in Religion in the time of her troubles , he exhorteth her to a continuance in it in the days of her happiness . He recommended also to her , the salvation of the souls of her people , and the restitution of the true worship of God. Commendonius , having diligently inform'd himself of all particulars , found means of speaking with the Queen . By whom he understood not only her own good affections to the See Apostolick ; but that she was resolved to use her best endeavours for re-establishing the Religion of the Church of Rome in all her Kingdomes . Which being made known unto the Cardinal , he puts himself into the voyage . The newes whereof being brought to Charls ( who had his own design apart from that of the Pope ) he signified by Dandino , the Pope's Nuncio with him ; that an Apostolick Legate could not be sent into England as affairs then stood , either with safety to himself , or honour to the Church of Rome ; and therefore that he might do well to defer the journy , till the English might be brought to a better temper . But the Queen knowing nothing of this stop , and being full of expectation of the Cardinals coming , had called a Parliament to begin on the 10th . of October . In which she made it her first Act , to take away all Statutes passed by the two last Kings , wherein certain offences had been made High Treason , and others brought within the compass of a Premunire . And this she did , especially for Pole's security , that neither he by exercising his Authority , nor the Clergy by submitting to it , might be intangled in the like snares , in which Cardinal Wolsie , and the whole Clergy of his time had before been caught . It was designed also to rescind all former Statutes which had been made by the said two Kings against the jurisdiction of the Pope , the Doctrine and Religion of the Church of Rome , and to reduce all matters Ecclesiastical to the same estate , in which they stood in the beginning of the Reign of the King her Father . But this was looked upon by others as too great an enterprise to be attempted by a woman , especially in a green estate , and amongst people sensible of those many benefits , which they enjoyed by shaking off their former vassalage to a forein power . It was advised therefore to proceed no further at the present , than to repeal all Acts and Statutes which had been made in derogation to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome in the time of her brother ; which being passed in his minority , when all affairs were carried by faction and strong hand , contrary to the judgement of the best and soundest part of the Clergy and Laity , might give a just pretence for their abrogation , till all particulars might be considered and debated in a lawful Synod . According to which temperament , the point was carried , and the Act pass'd no higher than for Repea●ing certain Statutes of the time of King Edward ; by which one blow she felled down all which had been done in the Reformation in seven years before . For by this Act , they took away all former Statutes for Administring the Communion in both kinds ; for establishing the first and second Liturgie ; for confirming the new Ordinal , or form of consecrating Archbishops and Bishops , &c. for abrogating certain Fasts and Feastivals which had been formerly observed ; for authorizing the marriage of Priests , and Legitimation of their children ; not to say any thing of that Statute ( as not worth the naming ) for making Bishops by the King's Letters Patents , and exercising their Episcopal jurisdiction in the King's name only . So that upon the matter , not only all things were reduced to the same estate in which they stood at Edward's coming to the Crown , but all those Bishops and Priests which had maried by authority of the former Statutes ▪ were made uncanonical , and consequently obnoxious to a deprivation . So that for want of Canonical Ordination on the one side , and under colour of uncanonical Mariages on the other , we shall presently find such a general remove amongst the Bishops and Clergy , as is not any where to be parallel'd in so short a time . And because some affronts had been lately offered to such Priests as had been forward in setting up the Mass in their several Churches , and that no small danger was incurred by Dr Bourn above mentioned , for a Sermon preached at St Paul's Cross ; an Act was passed for the preventing of the like for the time to come , Entituled An Act against offenders of Preachers , and other Ministers , in the Church . Which two Acts were no sooner passed , but they were seconded by the Queen with two Proclamations on the 5th . of December . By one of which it was declared , That all Statutes made in the time of the late King Edward , which concerned Religion , were repealed by Parliament ; and therefore that the Mass should be said as formerly , to begin on the 20th of that month : And by the other it was commanded , that no manner of person from thenceforth , should dare to disturb the Priests in saying Mass , or executing any other divine Office , under the pains and penalties therein contained . According unto which appointment , the Mass was publickly officiated in all parts of the Kingdome , and so continued during the Reign of this Queen , without interruption . There also past another Act , wherein it was Enacted , That the mariage between King Henry the 8th . and Queen Katherine his first wife , should be definitively , cleerly , and absolutely declared , deemed , adjudged to be , and stand with God's Laws , and his most Holy word , and to be accepted , reputed and taken of good effect and validity to all intents and purposes whatsoever ; that the Decree or Sentence of Divorce heretofore passed between the said King Henry the 8th , and the said Queen , by Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury , should be deemed , taken , and reputed to be void and null ; with a repeal of all such Statutes or Acts of Parliament , in which the Queen had been declared to be illegitimate . The making of which Act , as it did much conduce to the establishment of the Queen's estate ; so did it tacitly and implicitly acknowlege the supremacy to be in the Pope of Rome , which could not be attained explicitly and in terms expresse , as affairs then stood . For since the mariage neither was nor could be reputed valid , but by the dispensation of Pope Julius the 2d . the declaration of the goodness and validity of it , did consequently infer the Popes authority ▪ from which that dispensation issued . And therefore it was well observed by the Author of the History of the Council of Trent , that it seemed ridiculous in the English Nobility , to oppose the restitution of the Popes supremacy , when it was propounded to them by the Queen in the following Session ; considering that the yielding to this demand was virtually contained in their assent to the Mariage . There also past another Act , in which there was a clause for the invalidating of all such Commissions , as had been granted in the time of the late Queen Jane ; and one in confirmation of the attainders of the late Duke of Northumberland , Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury , &c. Which shews , that there was somewhat in the said proceedings not so cleer in Law , but that there seem'd necessity of calling in the Legislative power to confirm the same , for the indempnity of those who had acted in them . Together with this Parliament , the Queen was pleased to summon a Convocation , to the end that all matters of Religion might be first debated and concluded in a Synodical way , before they were offered to the consideration of the other Assembly . In the writs of which summons , she retained the Title of Supream Head on earth of the Church of England , &c. the want whereof in those of the present Parliament , occasioned a dispute amongst some of the members , Whether they might lawfully proceed or not , in such publick businesses as were to be propounded to them in that Session . Archbishop Cranmer had been before imprisoned in the Tower of London , and was detained there all the time of this Convocation , so that he could not do that service to God and the Church , which his place required . This took for a sufficient ground to transfar the Presidentship of the Convocation upon Bonner of London , privileged in respect of his See , to preside in all such Provincial Synods , which were either held during the vacancy of the See of Canterbury , or in the necessary absence of the Metropolitan . The lower house of the Clergy also , was fitted with a Prolocutor , of the same affections , Dr Hugh Weston , then newly substituted Dean of Westminster in the place of Cox , being elected to that Office. On Wednesday the 18th . of October , it was signified by the Prolocutor , that it was the Queens pleasure , that they of the House should debate of matters of Religion , and proceed to the making of such constitutions as should be found necessary in that case . But there was no equality in number between the parties , and reason was of no authority where the major part had formerly resolved upon the points . So partially had the elections been returned from the several Diocesses , that we find none of King Edward's Clergy amongst the Clerks ; and such an alteration had been made in the Deans and Dignitaries , that we find but six of that ranck neither to have suffrage in it , that is to say , James Haddon Dean of Exeter , Walter Philips Dean of Rochester , John Philpot Arch Deacon of Winchester , John Elmer Arch Deacon of Stow , in the Diocess of Lincoln , Richard Cheny Arch Deacon of Hereford . One more I find , but without any name , in the Acts and Mon ▪ who joined himself to the other five in the disputation . Nor would the Prolocutor admit of more , though earnestly desired by Philpot , that some of the Divines which had the passing of the Book of Articles in King Edward's time , might be associated with them in the defence thereof . Which motion he the rather made , because one of the points proposed by the Prolocutor , related to a Catechism set forth in the said Kings time , intituled to the said Convocation in the year 1552. Of which it was to be enquired , whether or no it was the work of that Convocation . But that matter being passed lightly over , the main point in debate concerned the manner of Christs presence in the blessed Sacrament . It was not denied by Philpot , and the rest of the Protestant party , that Christ was present in his Sacrament , rightly ministred according to his institution , but only that he was not present after the gross and carnal manner , which they of the Popish party had before subscribed to . Six days the disputation lasted , but to little purpose ; for on the one side it was said by Weston and his associates , that their adversaries were sufficiently confuted , and all their Arguments fully answered . And on the other side it was affirmed by the Divines of King Edward's time , that neither any satisfaction had been given to their Arguments , nor that any right judgement could be made in the points disputed , where the adverse party late as Judges in their own concernments . Many checks had been given by Weston to the ●ix Divines , but especially to the Arch-Deacon of Winchester ; and there was much disorder otherwise in the disputation ( though certain great Lords were present at it ) which hindered it from producing any good effect . So that being weary at the last of their own confusions , it was thought fit to put an end to the dispute . Which Weston did accordingly in these following words . It is not ( saith he ) the Queens pleasure that we should spend any longer time in these debates , and ye are well enough already , For you ( saith he ) have the Word , and we have the Sword. So powerful is the truth , that may times it will find some means to vent it self , when we least intend it , and sometimes also when we most labour to suppress it . The Parliament and Convocation had thus concluded on the point , and little question would be made , but that such Bishops as disliked the alterations in the time of King Edward , will be sufficiently active in advancing the results of both . But Bonner will not stay so long ; he is resolved to go along with the Parliament , if not before it . For after the ending of the Even song on St. Katherine's day , before the consultations of the Parliament had been confirmed by the Royal assent , he caused the Quire of St. Paul's to go about the steeple , singing with lights after the old custome . And on St Andrew's day next following , he began the Procession in Latine , himself , with many Parsons and Curates , and the whole Quire , together with the Lord Mayor , and divers of the Aldermen , the Prebends of the Church attired in their old gray Amises ( as they used to call them ) in which manner they continued it for three dayes after . In setting up the Mass , with all the Pomps and Rites thereof at the time appointed , it is not to be thought that he could be backward , who shewed himself so forward in the rest of his actings . And therefore it can be no news to hear that on the 14th . of January , he restored the solemn Sundays Procession about the Church , with the Mayor and Aldermen in their Clokes ; the Preacher taking his benediction in the midst of the Church , according to the ancient custome ; or that he should send out his Mandates to all Parsons and Curates within his Diocess , for taking the names of all such as would not come the Lent following to Auricular confession , and receive at Easter ; or finally , that he should issue out the like commands to all Priests and Curates , which lived within the compass of his jurisdiction , for the abolishing of such Paintings and Sentences of holy Scripture , as had been pensiled on the Church walls , in King Edward's dayes . He knew full well , that as the actions of the Mother Church would easily become exemplary to the rest of the City , so the proceedings of that City , and the parts about it , would in time give the law to the rest of the Kingdom ; and that there was no speedier way to advance a general conformity over all the Kingdom , than to take beginning at the head , from whence both sence and motion is derived to the rest of the body . Which makes it seem the greater wonder , that he should be so backward in advancing Images ( if at the least his actings in that kind have not been misplaced ) as not to go about it till the year next following ; unless it were that he began to be so wise as to stay until the Queen's affairs were better setled . But no sooner was her marriage past , when we find him at it . For having by that time prepared a fair and large Image of our Saviour , which they called the Rood , he caused it to be laid along upon the pavement of St Paul's Quire , and all the doors of the Church to be kept close shut , whilst he together with the Prebends , sung and said divers prayers by it . Which done , they anointed it with oyl in divers places , and after the anointing of it , crept unto it , and kissed it , and after weighed it up , and set it in its accustomed place ; the whole quire in the mean time singing Te Deum , and the bels publishing their joy at the end of the Pageant . After which a command is given to Dr Story ( who was then Chancellor of his Diocess , and afterwards a most active instrument in all his butcheries ) to visit every Parish Church in London and Middlesex , to see their Rood lo●ts repaired , and the Images of the Crucifix with Mary and John to be placed on them . But it is time that we return to the former Parliament ; during the sitting whereof , the Queen had been desired to mary , and three husbands had been nominated of several qualities , that she might please her self in the choice of one . That is to say , Edward Lord Courtney , whom she had lately restored to the Title of Earl of Devon , Reginald Pole , a Cardinal of the Church of Rome , descended from George Duke of Clarence ; and Philip the eldest son of Charles the Emperour . It is affirmed , that she had carried some good affections to the Earl of Devonshire , ever since she first saw him in the Tower , as being of a lovely personage and Royal extraction , the Grandson of a Daughter of King Edward the 4th . But he being sounded afar off ▪ had declined the matter . Concerning which there goes a story , that the young Earl pe●itioning her for leave to travel , she advised him to mary and stay at home , assuring him that no Lady in the land how high soever , would refuse to accept him for an husband . By which words though she pointed out her self unto him , as plainly as might either stand with the Modesty or Majesty of a Maiden Queen ; Yet the young Gentleman not daring to look so high as a Crown , or being better affected to the person of the Princess Elizabeth , desired the Queen to give him leave to mary her sister . Which gave the Queen so much displeasure , that she looked with an evil eye upon them both for ever after ; upon the Earl for not accepting that love which she seemed to offer , and on her sister as her Rival in the Earls affections . It was supposed also , that she might have some inclinations to Cardinal Pole , as having been brought up with him in the house of his Mother , the late Countess of Salisbury . But against him it was objected , that he began to grow in years , and was so given unto his book , that he seemed fitter for a Coul than to wear a Crown ; that he had few dependances at home , and fewer alliances abroad ; and that the Queen's affairs did require a man both stout and active , well back'd with friends , and able at all points to carry on the great concernments of the Kingdom . And then what fitter husband ●ould be found out for her , than Philip Prince of Spain ? A Prince in the verdure of his years , and eldest son to the most Mighty Emperour , Charles the 5th . by whom the Netherlands being laid to England , and both secured by the assistance and power of Spain , this nation might be render'd more considerable both by sea and land , than any people in the world . To this last Match the Queen was carefully sollicited by the Bishop of Winchester , who neither loved the person of Pole , nor desired his company , for fear of growing less in power and reputation , by coming under the command of a Cardinal Legate . To which end he encouraged Charles the Emperour to go on with this mariage for his son ; not without some secret intimation on his Advice , for not suffering Pole to come into England ( if he were suffered to come at all ) till the Treaty were concluded , and the Match agreed on . According whereunto ▪ the Lord Lamoralle Earl of Edgmond , Charles Earl of Lalain , and John 〈◊〉 Mount Morency , Earl of Horn , arrived in England as Ambassadors from the Emperour . In the beginning of January they began to treat upon the mariage , which they found so well prepared before their coming , that in short time it was accorded upon these conditions . 1. That it should be lawful for Philip to assume the Title of all the Kingdoms and Provinces belonging to his wife , and should be joint Governour with her over those Kingdoms ; the Privileges and Customes thereof always preserved inviolate , and the full and free distribution of Bishopricks , Benefices , Favours and Offices , alwayes remaining intire in the Queen . 2. That the Queen should also carry the Titles of all those Realms , into which Philip either then was , or should be afterwards invested . 3. That if the Queen survived Philip , 60 thousand pounds per annum should be assigned to her for her joynture , as had been formerly assigned to the Lady Margaret , Sister to King Edward the 4th . and Wife to Charles Duke of Burgundy . 4. That the Issue begotten by this mariage , should succeed in all the Queens Dominions , as also in the Dukedom and County of Burgundy , and all those Provinces in the Neatherlands , of which the Emperour was possessed . 5. That if none but daughters should proceed from this mariage , the eldest should succeed in all the said Provinces of the Neatherlands , provided that by the Counsel and consent of Charles ( the son of Philip , by Mary of Portugal his first wife ) she should make choice of a husband out of England or the Neatherlands , or otherwise to be deprived of her right in the succession in the said estates , and Charles to be invested in them ; and in that cafe convenient portions to be made for her and the rest of the daughters . 6. And finally , That if the said Charles should depart this life without lawful issue , that then the Heir surviving of this mariage , though female only , should succeed in all the Kingdoms of Spain , together with all the Dominions and Estates of Italy thereunto belonging . Conditions fair and large enough , and more to the advantage of the Realm of England , than the Crown of Spain . But so it was not understood by the generality of the people of England , many of which out of a restless disposition , or otherwise desirous to restore the reformed Religion , had caused it to be noised abroad , that the Spaniards were by this accord , to become the absolute Lords of all the Kingdom ; that they were to have the managing of all affairs ; and that abolishing all the ancient Laws of the Realm , they would impose upon the land a most intolerable yoke of servitude , as a conquered Nation . Which either being certainly known , or probably suspected by the Queen and the Council , it was thought fit that the Lord Chancelor should make a true and perfect declaration of all the points of the Agreement , not only in the Presence Chamber to such Lords and Gentlemen as were at that time about the Court and the City of London ; but also to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , and certain of the chief Commoners of that City , purposely sent for to the Court upon the occasion : Which services he perform'd on the 14th ▪ and 15th . days of January . And having summarily reported all the Articles of the capitulation , he shewed unto them how much they were bound to thank God , That such a Noble , Worthy , and Famous Prince , would vonchsafe so to humble himself , as in this mariage to take upon him rather as a subject than otherwise . Considering that the Queen and her Council were to Rule and Govern all things as they did before ; and that none of the Spaniards or other strangers , were to be of the Council , nor to have the custody of any Castles , Forts , &c. nor to have any office in the Queen's house , or elsewhere throughout the Kingdom . In which respect it was the Queens request to the Lords and Gentlemen , That for her sake they would most lovingly receive the said Prince with ●oy and honour : and to the Lord Mayor and the Citizens , That they would behave themselves to be good subjects with all humility and rejoycing . Which declaration notwithstanding , the subjects were not easily satisfied in those fears and jealousies , which cunningly had been infused into them by some popular spirits , who greedily affected a change of Government ; and to that end sowed divers other discontents amongst the people . To some they secretly complained , That the Queen had broke her promise to the Suffolk men , in suppressing the Religion setled by King Edward the 6th . to others ▪ That the mariage with the Prince of Spain , was but the introduction to a second vassalage to the Popes of Rome ; sometimes they pitied the calamity of the Lady Jane , not only forcibly deposed , but barbarously condemned to a cruel death ; and sometimes magnified the eminent vertues of the Princess Elizabeth , as the only blessing of the Kingdom ; and by those Articles , prepared the people in most places for the act of Rebellion . And that it might succeed the better , nothing must be pretended but the preservation and defence of their Civil Liberties , which they knew was generally like to take both with Papists and Protestants ; but so that they had many engines to draw such others to the side , as either were considerable for power or quality . The Duke of Suffolk was hooked in , upon the promise of re-establishing his daughter in the Royal throne ; the Carews , and other Gentlemen of Devonshire , upon assurance of marying the Lord Courtney to the Princess Elizabeth , and setting the Crown upon their heads ; and all they that wished well to the Reformation , upon the like hopes of restoring that Religion which had been setled by the care and piety of the good King Edward , but now suppressed , contrary to all faith the promise , by the Quee● and her Ministers . By means of which suggestions and subtil practices , the contagion was so generally diffused over all the Kingdom , that if it had not accidently broke out before the time appointed by them , it was conceived by many wise and knowing men , that the danger might have proved far greater , the disease incurable . For so it hapned , that the Carews conceiving that the deferring of the execution of the plot thus laid , might prove destructive to that cause , or otherwise fatally thrust on by their own ill destiny , began to leavy men in Cornwal , which could not be so closely carried , but that their purpose was discovered , and the chief of them forced to flye the Kingdom . The news whereof gave such an allarum to the confederates , that they shewed themselves in several places before the people were prepared and made ready for them . Insomuch , that the Duke of Suffolk , together with the Lord Thomas Gray , and the Lord Leonard Gray , having made Proclamation in divers places on the 25th . of that month , against the Queens intended mariage with the Prince of Spain , and finding that the people came not in so fast unto them as they did expect , were forced to dismiss their slender company , and shift for themselves , upon the first news that the Earl of Huntington was coming toward them with 300 horse . An action very unfortunate to himself and to all his family . For first , The Queen finding that she was to expect no peace or quiet as long as the Lady Jane was suffered to remain alive , caused her and the Lord Guilford Dudley , to be openly executed on the 12th . of February then next following . His daughter Katherine●ormerly ●ormerly maried to Henry Lord Herbert , eldest son to the Earl of Pembrook , ( but the mariage by reason of her tender years , not coming unto a Consummation by carnal knowlege ) was by him repudiated and cast off , and a mariage presently made betwixt him and another Katherine , a daughter of George Earl of Shrewsbury . His brothers , John and Thomas , committed prisoners to the Tower ; of which two , Thomas suffered death about two months after . And for himself , being compelled to hide his head in the house of one Underwood , whom he had preferred unto the keeping of one of his Parks , he was by him most basely and treacherously betrayed to the said Earl of Huntington , on the 11th . of February . Arrained on the 17th . of the same month , and beheaded on the 23d . Nor fared it better with the rest , though they of Kent , conducted by Sir Thomas Wiat ( the chief contriver of the plot ) were suddenly grown considerable for their number , and quickly formidable for their power . The newes of whose rising being swiftly posted to the Court , the Duke of Norfolk was appointed to go against him , attended with few more than the Queen 's ordinary Guards , and followed by 500 Londoners newly raised , and sent by water to Graves End , under the charge of Captain Alexander Bret. With which few forces he intended to assault the Rebels , who had put themselves into Rochester Castle , and fortified the bridge with some pieces of Canon . But being ready to fall on , Bret with his Londoners fell off to Wiat , and so necessitated the old Duke to return to London in great haste , accompanied by the Earl of Arundel and Sir Henry Gerningham , with some few of their horse , leaving their foot , eight pieces of Canon , and all their ammunition belonging to them , in the power of the enemy . This brings the Queen to the Guild Hall in London , on the first of February , where she finds the Lord Mayor , the Aldermen , and many of the chief Citizens in their several Liveries . To whom she signified , That she never did intend to marry , but on such conditions , as in the judgement of her Council should be found honourable to the Realm , and profitable ble to her subjects ; that therefore they should give no credit to those many calumnies , which Wiat and his accomplices , who according to the guise of Rebels , had purposely dispersed to defame both her and her government ; but rather that they should contribute their best assistance for the suppressing of those , who contrary to their duty , were in arms against her . And though she had as good as she brought , that is to say , fair promises for her gracious words ; yet understanding that many in the City held intelligence with the Kentish Rebels , she appointed the Lord William Howard ( whom afterwards she created Lord Howard of Effingham ) to be Lieutenant of the City , and Pembrook General of the field . The event shewed that she followed that Counsel which proved best for her preservation . For had she trusted to the City , she had been betrayed . Incouraged with his success , and confident of a strong party amongst the Lond●ners , on the 3d. day of February , he entreth Southwark , where he and his were finely feasted by the people . But when he hoped to have found the way open to the rest of the City , he found the draw-Bridge to be cut down , the bridge-Gate to be shut , and the Ordinance of the Tower to be bent against him , by the appointment and direction of the Lord Lieutenant . Two dayes he trifled out in Southwark to no purpose at all , more than the sacking of Winchester House , and the defacing of the Bishops Library there , unless it were to leave a document to posterity , that God infatuates the Counsels of those wretched men , who traiterously take up arms against their Princes . And having liberally bestowed these two dayes upon the Queen , the better to enable her to provide for her safety , he wheels about on Sunday the 6th . of the same month to Kingston bridge . And though the bridge was broken down before his coming , and that the opposite shore was guarded by 200. men , yet did he use such diligence , that he removed away those forces , repaired the bridge , past over both his men and Canon , and might in probability have surprised both the Court and City in the dead of the night , if the same spirit of infatuation had not rested on him . For having marched beyond Brainford in the way towards London , without giving or taking the allarum ▪ it hapned that one of his great piecs was dismounted by the breach of its wheels . In the mending and mounting whereof , he obstinately wasted so much time , notwithstanding all the perswasions which his friends could make unto him , that many of his men slipped from him , and some gave notice to the Court , not only of his near approach , but also what his purpose was , and what had hindred him from putting it in execution . On this Advertisment the Earl of Pembrook arms , and draws out his men to attend the motion of the Rebels , who about 10 of the clock came to Chearing Cross , and without falling on the Court , ( which was then in a very great amazement ) turn up the S●rand to Temple Bar , and so toward Ludgate , the Earl of Pembrook following and cutting him off in the arreir upon every turn . Coming to London , ( when it was too late for his intendments ) he found the Gates fast shut against him , and the Lord William Howard in as great a readiness to oppose him there , as when he was before in Southwark . So that being hemmed in on both sides without hope of relief , he yields himself to Sir Morris Berkley , is carried prisoner to the Court , from thence committed to the Tower , arraigned at Westminster on the 15th . of March , and executed on the 11th . of April , having first heard , that no fewer than 50 of his accomplices were hanged in London , and Bret , with 22 more in several places of Kent . It can not be denied but that the restitution of the Reformed Religion , was the matter principally aimed at in this Rebellion , through nothing but the Match with Spain appeared on the outside of it . Which appears plainly by a Book writ by Christopher Goodman ( associated with John Knox , for setting up Presbytery and Rebellion in the Kirk of Scotland ) in which he takes upon him to shew How far Superio●r Magistrates ought ot be obeyed . For having filled almost every Chapter of it with railing speeches against the Queen , and stirring up the people to rebel against her , he falleth amongst he rest upon this expression , viz. Wyat did but his duty , and it was but the duty of all others that profess the Gospel , to have risen with him for maintenance of the same . His cause was just , and they were all Traytors that took not part with him . O Noble Wyat ▪ thou art now with God , and those worthy men that dyed in that happy enterprise . But this Book was written at Geneva , where Calvin reigned . To whom no pamphlet could be more agreeable , than such as did reproach this Queen ; whom in his Comment upon Amoz , he entituleth by the name of Porserpine , and saith , that she exceeded in her cruelties all the devils in hell . Much more it is to be admired , that Dr John Poynct , the late Bishop of Winchester , should be of Counsel in the plot , or put himself into their Camp , and attend them unto the place where the carriage brake . Where when he could not work on Wiat to desist from that unprofitable labour in remounting the Cannon , he counselled Vauham , Bret , and others , to shift for themselves , took leave of his more secret friends , told them that he would pray for their good success , and so departed and took ship for Germany , where he after died . The fortunate suppressing of these insurrections , secured the Queen from any fear of the like dangers for the present . And thereupon it was advised to make use of the opportunity for putting the Church into a posture , when the spirits of the opposite party were so crush'd and broken , that no resistance could be looked for . Articles therefore are sent into every Diocess , and letters writ unto the several and Respective Bishops , on the 3d. of March , to see them carefully and speedily put in execution . The Tenour of which Articles were as followeth . 1. That every Bishop and his Officers , with all other having Ecclesiastical jurisdiction , shall with all speed and dil●gence , and all manner of ways to them possible , put in execution all such Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws , heretofore in the time of King Henry the 8th . used within this Realm of England , and the Dominions of the same , not being directly and expresly contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm . 2. That no Bishop , or any his Officer , or other person , hereafter in any of their Ecclesiastical writings , in processe , or other extra-judicial acts , do use or put in this clause or Sentence , Regia Auhoritate fulcitus . 3. That no B●●●op , nor any his Officers , or other person , do hereafter exact or demand in the admessien of any person to any Ecclesiastical Promotion , Order or Office , any O●●h touching the primacy or succession , as of late few years past ha●h been acc●stomed and used . 4. That every Bishop and his Officers , with all other persons , have a vigilant eye , and use special diligence and foresight , that no person be admitted or received to any Ecclesiastical function , Benefice , or Office , being a Sacramentary , infected or defamed with any notable kind of Heresie , or other great crime ; and that the said Bishop do stay , and cause to be staid , as much as lyeth in him , that Benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions , do not notably decay or take hinderance , by passing or confirming of unreasonable Leases . 5. That every Bishop , and all other persons aforesaid , do diligently travail for the repr●ssing of Heresies and notable crimes , especially in t●e Clergy , duely correcting and punishing the same . 6. That every Bishop , and all other persons aforesaid , do likewise travail for the condemning and repressing of corrupt and naughty opinions , unlawful Books , Ballads , and other pernitious and hurtful devices , enge●dri●g hatred and discord amongst the people . And that Schoolmasters , Teachers , and Preachers , do exercise and use their offices and duties , without Teaching , Preaching , or setting forth any evil and corrupt doctrine , and that doing the contrary , they may be by the Bishop and his said Officers , punished and removed . 7. That every Bishop , and all other person aforesaid , proceeding summarily , and with all celerity and speed , may , and shall deprive , or declare deprived , and remove according to their learning and discretion , and such persons from their Benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions , who contrary to the state of their Order , and the laudable custome of the Church , have maried and used women as their wives , or otherwise notably and slanderously disordered or abused themselves , sequestring also , during the sayd processe , the fruits and profits of the said Benefices and Ecclesidstical promotions . 8. That the said Bishop and other persons aforesaid , do use more lenity and clemency with such as have maried , whose wives be dead , than with others whose women do yet remain al●ve . And likewise such Priests as with the consent of their wives or women , openly in the presence of the Bishop , do professe to abstain , to be used more favourable . In which case , after th Penance effectually done , the Bishop according to his discretion and wisdome , may upon just consideration , receive and admit them again to their former administrations , so it be not in the same place , appointing them such a portion to live upon , to be paid out of their Benefice , whereof they be deprived , by the discretion of the said Bishop or his Officer , as he shall think may be spared of the same Ben●fice . 9. That every Bishop and other person aforesaid , do foresee that they suffer not any ●●ligious man , having solemly professed chastity , to continue with his woman , or wife , but that all such persons after deprivation of their Benefice , or Ecclesiastical promotion , be also divorced every one from his said woman , and due punishment otherwise taken for the offence therein . 10. Item , That every Bishop and all other persons aforesaid , do take Order and direction with the ●arishioners of every Benefice where Priests do want , to repair to the next Parish for divine Service , or to appoint for a convenient time , till other better provision may be made , one Curate ●o serve alienis vicibus , in divers Parishes , and to allot the said Cura●e for his labour , some part of the Benefice which he so serveth . 11. That all , and all manner of Processions in the Church , be used frequently , and continued after the old Order of the Church , in the Latin tougue . 12. That all such holy-dayes and fasting-dayes be observed and kept , as were observed and kept in the latter time of King Henry the 8. h. 13. That the laudable and honest Ceremonies which were wont to be used , frequented and observed in the Church , be hereafter frequented , used and observed ; and that children be Christned by the Priest , and confirmed by the Bishop , as hereto●●●e hath been accusto●ed and used . 14. Touching such persons as were heretofore promoted to any Orders , after the new sort and 〈◊〉 of O●ders , considering they were not Ordered in very deed , the Bishop of the Diocesse finding otherwise sufficient ability in these men , may supply that thing which wanted in them before , then according to his discretion admit them to minister . 15. That by the Bishop of the Diocesse , an uniform doctrine be set forth by Hom●lies , or otherwise , for the good instruction and teaching of all people . And that the said Bishop , and other persons aforesaid , do compel the parishioners to come to their several Churches , and there devoutly to hear divine Service , as of reason they ought . 16. That they examine all Schoolmasters , and Teachers of children , and finding them suspect in any wise , to remove them , and place Catholick men in their rooms ▪ with a special commandment to instruct their children , so as they may be able to answer the Priest at the Masse , and so help the Priest at Masse , as hath been accustomed . 17. That the said Bishops , and all other the persons aforesaid , have such regard , respect , and consideration of and for the setting forth of the premises , with all kind of vertue , godly living , and good example , with repressing also , or keeping under of vic● and unthriftinesse , as they and every of them , may be seen to favour the restitution of 〈◊〉 Religion , and also to make and honest account and reckoning of their office and c●re , to the honour of God , Our good contentation , and profit of this Our Realm , and the Dominions of the same . The generality of the people not being well pleased before with the Queen's proceedings , were startled more than ever at the noise of these Articles ; none more exasperated than those whose either hands or hearts had been joyned with Wiat. But not being able to prevail by open army , a new device is found out to befool the people , and bring them to a misconceit of the present government . A young maid called Elizabeth Crofts , about the age of eighteen years , was tutored to counterfeit certain speeches in the wall of a house not far from Aldersgate , where she was heard of many , but seen of none , and that her voice might be conceived to have somewhat in it more than ordinary , a strange whistle was devised for her , out of which her words proceeded in such a tone , as seemed to have nothing mortal in it . And thereupon it was affirmed by some of the people ( great multitudes whereof resorted dayly to the place ) that it was an Angel , or at least a voice from Heaven , by others , that it could be nothing but the Holy Ghost ; but generally she pass'd by the name of the Spirit in the wall . For the interpreting of whose words , there wanted not some of the confederates , who mingled themselves by turns amongst the rest of the people , and taking on them to expound what the Spirit said ▪ delivered many dangerous and seditious words against the Queen , her mariage with the Prince of Spain , the Mass , Confession , and the like . The practice was first set on foot on the 14th . of March , which was within ten days after the publishing of the Articles , and for a while it went on fortunately enough , according to the purpose of the chief contrivers . But the abuse being searched into , and the plot discovered , the wench was ordered to stand upon a scaffold neer St Paul's Cross , on the 15th . of July , there to abide during the time of the Sermon , and that being done , to make a publick declaration of that lewd imposture . Let not the Papists be from henceforth charged with Elizabeth Barton whom they called the Holy made of Kent ; since now the Zuinglian Gospellers , ( for I cannot but consider this as a plot of theirs ) have raised up their Elizabeth Crofts , whom they called the Spirit in the wall , to draw aside the people from their due Allegiance . Wiat's Rebellion being quenched , and the Realm in a condition capable of holding a Parliament , the Queen Convenes her Lords and Commons on the 2d . of April , in which Session the Queens mariage with the Prince of Spain , being offered unto consideration , was finally concluded and agreed unto upon these conditions , that is to say , That Philip should not advance any to any publick office or dignity in England , but such as were Natives of the Realm , and the Queens subjects . That he should admit of a set number of English in his houshold , whom he should use respectively , and not suffer them to be injured by foreiners . That he should not transport the Queen out of England , but at her intreaty , nor any of the issue begotten by her , who should have their education in this Realm , and should not be suffered but upon necessity and good reasons , to go out of the same , not then neither but with the consent of the English. That the Queen deceasing without children , Philip should not make any claim to the Kingdom , but should leave it freely to him to whom of right it should belong . That he should not change any thing in the Lawes , either publick or private , nor the immunities and customes of the Realm , but should be bound by oath to confirm and keep them . That he should not transport any Jewels , nor any part of the Wardrobe , nor alienate any of the revenues of the Crown . That he should preserve our Shipping , Ordnance and Mu●ition , and keep the Castles , Forts , and Block Houses , in good repair , and well maned . Lastly , That this Match should not any way derogate from the League lately concluded between the Queen , and the King of France , but that the peace between the English and the French should remain firm and inviolate . For the clearer carrying on this great business , and to encourage them for the performance of such further services as her occasions might require ; the Queen was pleased to increase the number of her Barons . In pursuance whereof , she advanced the Lord William Howard , Cosen German to Thomas Duke of Norfolk , to the Title of Lord Howard of Essingham , on the 11th . of March , and elected him into the Order of the Garter within few months after ; whose son called Charls , being Lord Admiral of England , and of no small renown for his success at the Isle of Gades , was by Queen Elizabeth created Earl of Nottingham , Anno 1589. Next to him followed Sir John Williams , created Lord Williams of Tame on the 5th . of April ; who dying without Issue Male , left his Estate ( though not his Honors ) betwixt two daughters ; the eldest of whom , called Margaret , was married to Sir Henry Norris , whom Queen Elizabeth created Lord Norris of Ricot , in reference perhaps to his fathe●s suffering in the cause of her mother ; from whom descended Francis Lord Norris , advanced by King James to the Honors of Viscount Tame , and Earl of Berkshire , by Letters Patens bearing date in January , Anno 1620. After him on the 7th . of April , comes Sir Edward North , created Baron of Char●eleg , in the Country of Cambridge , who having been Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations in the time of King Henry , and raised himself a fair Estate by the fall of Abbyes , was by the King made one of his Executors , and nominated to be one of the great Councill of Estate in his Son's Minority . Sir John B●ugis brings up the rear , who being descended from Sir John Chandois , a right noble Banneret , and from the Bottelers Lords of Sudley , was made Lord Chandois of Sudley on the 8th . of April , whi●h goodly Mannor he had lately purchased of the Crown , to which it was Escheated on the death of Sir Thomas Seymour , Anno. 1549. the Title still enjoyed , though but little else , by the seventh Lord of this Name and Family ; most of the Lands being dismembred from the House by the unparallel'd Impudence ( to give it no worse name ) of his elder brother . Some Bishops I find consecrated about this time also , to make the stronger party for the Queen in the House of Peers ; no more Sees actually voided at that time to make Rome for others , though many in a fair way to it , of which more hereafter . Hooper of Glocester commanded to attend the Lords of the Council on the 22 of August , and committed prisoner not long after , was outed of his Bishoprick immediately on the ending of the Parliament , in which all Consecrations were declared to be void and null , which had been made according to the Ordinall of King Edward the 6 th . Into whose place succeeded James Brooks Doctor in Divinity , sometimes Fellow of Corpus Christi , and Master of B●liol Colledge in Oxon ; employed not long after as a Delegat from the Pope of Rome in the proceedings against the Archbishop of Canterbury , whom he condemned to the stake . To Jaylor ( of whose death we have spoken before ) succeeded Doctor John White in the See of Lincoln , first School-master , and after Warden of the Colledge near Winchester ; to the Episcopall See whereof we shall find him translated Anno 1556. The Church of Rochester , had been void ever since the removall of Doctor Story to the See of Chichester , not suffered to return to his former Bishoprick , though dispoiled of the later : But it was now thought good to fill it , and Maurice Griffin , who for some years had been the Archdeacon , is consecrated Bishop of it on the first of April . One suffrage more was gained by the repealing of an Act of Parliament , made in the last Session of King Edward , for dissolving the Bishoprick of Durham ; till which time , Doctor Cuthbert Tunstall , though restored to his Liberty , and possibly to a good part also of his Churches Partimony , had neither Suffrage as a Peer in the House of Parliament , not could act any thing as a Bishop in his own Jurisdiction . And with these Consecrations and Creations I conclude this year . An. Reg. Mar. 2º An. Dom. 1554 , 1555. THe next begins with the Arrivall of the Prince of Spain , wafted to England with a Fleet of one hundred and sixty sail of Ships , twenty of which were English , purposely sent to be his Convoy , in regard of the warrs , not then expired , betwixt the French and the Spaniards . Landing at Southampton on the 19 th . of July ( on which day of the month in the year foregoing the Queen had been solemnly proclaimed in London ) he went to Winchester with his whole Retinue on the 24 th . where he was received by the Queen with a gallant Train of Lords and Ladies ; solemnly married the next day , being the Festival of St. James , ( the supposed Tutelary Saint of the Spanish Nation ) by the Bishop of Winchester ; at what time the Queen had passed the eight and thirtieth year of her age , and the Prince was but newly entred on his twenty seventh . As soon as the Marriage-Rites were celebrated , Higueroa the Emperors Embassador , presented to the King a Donation of the Kingdoms of Naples and Cicily , which the Emperor his father had resigned unto him . Which presently was signified , and the Titles of the King and Queen Proclaimed by sound of Trumpet in this following Style . PHILIP and MARY , by the grace of the God , King and Queen of England , France , Naples , Jerusalem , Ireland , Defenders of the Faith ; Princes of Spain and Cicily , Arch-Dukes of Austria , Dukes of Millain , Burgundy , and Brabant , Counts of Ausperge , Flanders , and Tirroll , &c. At the proclaiming of which Style , ( which was performed in French , Latine , and English ) the King and Queen showed themselves hand in hand , with two Swords born before them , for the greater state , or in regard of their distinct Capacity in the publick Government . From VVinchester they removed to Basing , and so to VVindsor , where Philip on the 5 th . of August was Installed Knight of the Garter , into the fellowship whereof he had been chosen the year before . From thence the Court removed to Richmond by land , and so by water to Suffolk-place in the Burrough of Southwark , and on the 12 th . of the same month made a magnificent passage thorow the principal streets of the City of London , with all the Pomps accustomed at a Coronation . The Triumphs of which Entertainment had continued longer , if the Court had not put on mourning for the death of the old Duke of Norfolk , who left this life at Framingham Castle in the month of September , to the great sorrow of the Queen , who entirely loved him . Philip thus gloriously received , endeavoureth to sow his Grandure , to make the English sensible of the benefits which they were to partake of by this Marriage , and to engratiate himself with the Nobility and People in all generous ways . To which end , he caused great quantity of Bullion to be brought into England , loaded in twenty Carts , carrying amongst them twenty seven Chests , each Chest containing a Yard and some inches in length , conducted to the Tower on the second of October , by certain Spaniards and English-men of his Majesties Guard. And on the 29 th . of January then next following , ninety nine Horses and two Carts , laden with Treasures of Gold and Silver , brought out of Spain , was conveyed through the City of the Tower of London , under the conduct of Sir Thomas Grosham the Queens Merchant , and others . He prevailed also with the Queen for discharge of such Prisoners as stood committed in the Tower , either for matter of Religion , or on the account of Wya●'s Rebellion , or for engaging in the practice of the Duke of Northumberland . And being gratified therein according unto his desire , the Lord Chancellor , the Bishop of Ely , and certain others of the Councill , were sent unto the Tower on the 18 th . of January , to see the same put in execution ; which was accordingly performed , to the great joy of the Prisoners , amongst which were the Archbishops of York , ten Knights , and many other persons of name and quality . But nothing did him greater honour amongst the English , than the great pains he took for procuring the enlargment of the Earl of Devonshire , and the Princesse Elizabeth , committed formerly on a suspition of having had a hand in Wya●'s Rebellion , though Wyat h●●ettly disavowed it at the time of his death . It was about the Feast of Easter that the Earl was brought unto the Court , where having obtained the leave to travell , for which before he had petitioned in vain , he pass'd the Seas , cross'd France , and came into Italy ; but he found the air of Italy as much too hot for him , as that of England was too cold , dying at Padua in the year 1556. the eleventh and last Earl of Devonshire , of that noble Family . About ten days after his enlargement , followed that of the Princesse Elizabeth , whose comming to the Court , her entertainment with the Queen , and what else followed thereup on , we shall see hereafter . But we have run our selves too far upon these occasions , and therefore must look back again on that which followed more immediately on the Kings reception ; the celebrating of whose Marriage opened a fair way for the Cardinals comming , so long expected by the Queen , and delayed by the Emperour , by whom retarded for a while when he was in Italy , and openly detained at Dilling , a Town in Germany , as he was upon his way towards England . From thence he writes his Letters of Expostulation , representing to the Emperor the great scandal which must needs be given to the Churches enemies , in detaining a Cardinal-Legat , Commissioned by his Holinesse for the peace of Christendom , and the regaining of a Kingdom . Which notwithstanding , there he stayeth , till the Articles of the Marriage were agreed on by the Queen's Commissioners , and is then suffered to advance as far as Brussells , upon condition , that he should not passe over into England till the consummation of the Marriage . The Interim he spends in managing a Treaty of Peace betwixt the Emperour and the French ; which sorted to no other effect , but onely to the setting forth of his dexterity in all publick businesses . And now the Marriage being past , the Emperour is desired to give him leave to come for England ; and Pole is called upon by Letters from the King and Queen to make haste unto them , that they might have his presence and assistance in the following Parliament ; and in the mean time , that they might advise upon such particulars as were to be agreed on , for the honour and advantage of the See Apostolick . Upon the Emperor's dismission he repairs to Calais , but was detained by cross winds till the 24 th . of November ; at which time we shall find the Parliament sitting , and much of the businesse dispatched to his hand in which he was to have been advised with . The businesse then to be dispatched was of no small moment , no lesse than the restoring of the Popes to the Supremacy , of which they had been dispossessed in the time of King Henry For smoothing the way to which great work , it was thought necessary to fill up all Episcopall Sees , which either Death or Deprivation had of late made vacant . Holgate Archbishop of York had been committed to the Tower on the 4 th . of October , Anno 1553. from whence released upon Philips intercession on the 18 th . of January : Marriage and Heresie are his crimes , for which deprived during the time of his imprisonment . Doctor Nicolas Heath succeeded him in the See of York , and leaves the Bishoprick of VVorcester to Doctor Richard Pates , who had been nominated by King Henry the Eighth , Anno 1534. and having spent the intervening twenty years in the Court of Rome , returned a true servant to the Pope , every way fitted and instructed to advance that See. Goodrich of Elie left his life on the 10 th . of April , leaving that Bishoprick to Doctor Thomas Thurlby , Bishop of Norwich , ( one that knew how to stand his ground in the strongest tempest ) and Doctor John Hopton , heretofore Chaplain and Controuler of Queen Mary's Houshold , when but Princess onely , is made Bishop of Norwich . Barlow of VVells having abandoned that dignity which he could not hold , had for his Successor Doctor Gilbert Bourn Arch-Deacon of London , and Brother of Sir John Bourn , principal Secretary of Estate . Sufficiently recompenced by this preferment , for the great danger which he had incurred the year before , when the Dagger was thrown at him , as he preached in St. Paul's Church-yard . Harley of Hereford is succeeded by Purefew ( otherwise called Wharton ) of St. Asaph ; who had so miserably wasted the Patrimony of the Church in the time of King Edward , that it was hardly worth the keeping , For the same sins of Protestantism and Mariage , old Bujh of Bri●●ow , and Bira of Chester ( the two first Bishops of those Sees ) were deprived also ; the first succeeded to by Holiman , once a Monck of Reading ; the last by Coles , sometimes Fellow of Magdalen , and afterwards Master of Baliol College in Oxon. Finally , in the place of Doctor Richard Sampson Bishop of Coventry and Li●hfield , who lest this life on the 25th . of September , Doctor Radolph Bayne , who had been Heb●ew Reader in Paris in the time of King Francis , was consecrated Bishop of that Church ; a man of better parts , but of a more inflexible temper than his Predecessor . And now the Parliament begins , opened upon the 11 th . of November , and closed on the 16 th . of January then next following . It had been offered to consideration in the former Session , That all Acts made against the Pope in the Reign of King Henry might be declared null and void , for the better encouragement of the Cardinal to come amongst us . But the Queen had neither eloquence enough to perswade , nor power enough to awe the Parliament , to that Concession : Nothing more hindred the designe than general fear , that if the Popes were one restored to their former power , the Church might challenge restitution of her former possessions ; Do but secure them from that fear , then Pope and Cardinals might come and welcome . And to secure them from that fear , they had not onely the promise of the King and Queen , but some assurance underhand from the Cardinal-Legat , who knew right well , that the Church Lands had been so chopped and changed by the two last Kings , as not to be restored without the manifest ruine of many of the Nobility , and most of the Gentry , who were invested in the same . Secured on both sides , they proceed according to the King's desires , and passe a general Act for the repealing of all Statutes , which had been made against the Power and Jurisdiction of the Popes of Rome . But first they are to be intreated to it by the Legate himself ; for the opening a way to whose reception , they prepared a Bill , by which he was to be discharged of the Attainture which had passed upon him in the year 1539. restored in Blood , and rendred capable of enjoying all those Rights and Privileges , which formerly he stood possessed of in this Kingdom . For the passing of which Bill into Act , the King and Queen vouchsafed their presence , as soon as it was fitted and prepared for them , not staying till the end of the Session as at other times , because the businesse might not suffer such a long delay . It was upon the 24 th . of November that the Cardinal came first to London , and had his Lodgings in or near the Court , till Lambeth - house could be made ready to receive him . Having reposed himself for a day or two , the Lords and Commons are required to attend their Majesties at the Court , where the Cardinal , in a very grave and eloquent speech , first , gave them thanks for being restored unto his Country ; in recompence whereof he told them , that he was come to restore them to the Country and Court of Heaven , from which , by their departing from the Church , they had been estranged . He therefore earnestly exhorts them to acknowledge their errors , and cheerfully to receive that benefit which Christ was ready by his Vicar to extend unto them . His Speech is said to have been long and artificial , but it concluded to this purpose , That he had the Keys to open them a way into the Church , which they had shut against themselves , by making so many Laws , to the dishonour and reproach of the See Apostolick ; on the revoking of which Laws , they should ●ind him ready to make use of his Keys , in opening the doors of the Church unto them . It was concluded hereupon by both Houses of Parliament , that a Petition should be made in the name of the Kingdom , wherein should be declared how ●orry they were , that they had withdrawn their obedience from the Apostolick See , and consenting to the Statutes made against it ; promising to do their best endeavour hereafter , that the said Laws and Statutes should be repealed ; and beseeching the King and Queen to intercede for them with his Holiness , that they may be absolved from the Crimes and Censures , and be received as penitent children into the bosom of the Church . These things being thus resolved upon , both Houses are called again to the Court on St. Andrews day ; where being assembled in the presence of the King and Queen , they were asked by the Lord Chancellor Gardiner , whether they were pleased , that Pardon should be demanded of the Legat , and whether they would return to the Unity of the Church , and Obedience of the Pope , Supream Head thereof . To which , when some cryed Yea , and the rest said nothing , their silence was taken for consent ; and so the Petition was presented to their Majesties in the name of the Parliament . Which being publickly read , they arose , with a purpose to have moved the Cardinal in it ; who meeting their desires , declared his readinesse in giving them that satisfaction which they would have craved . And having caused the Authority given him by the Pope to be publickly read , he showed how acceptable the repentance of a s●nner was in the sight of God , and that the very Angels in Heaven rejoyced at the conversion of this Kingdom . Which said , they all kneeled upon their knees , and imploring the mercy of God , received absolution for themselves and the rest of the Kingdom ; which Absolution was pronounced in these following words : Our Lord Jesus Christ , which with his most precious blood hath redeemed and wash'd u● from all our sins and iniquities , that he might purchase unto himself a glorious Spouse , without spot or wrinckle ; and whom the Father hath appointed Head over all his Church , He by his mercy absolve you . And we by Apostolick Authority given unto us ( by the most holy Lord Pope Julius the 3 d his Vicegerent here on earth ) do absolve , and deliver you , and every of you , with the whole Realm and the Dominions thereof , from all Heresie and Schism , and from all and every Judgment , Censures and Pains , for that cause incurred . And also we do restore you again unto the unity of our Mother , the holy Church , as in our Letters more plainly it shall appear ; In the Name of the Father , the Son , and the Holy Ghost . Which words of his being seconded with a loud Amen by such as were present , he concluded the days work with a solemn Procession to the Chapel , for rendring Prayers and Thanks to Almighty God. And because this great work was wrought on St. Andrews day , the Cardinal procured a Decree or Canon to be made in the Convocation of the Bishops and Clergy , that from thenceforth the Feast of St. Andrew should be kept in the Church of England for a Majus Duplex , as the Rituals call it , and celebrated with as much solemnity as any other in the year . It was thought fit also , that the actions of the day should be communicated on the Sunday following , being the second of December , at St. Paul's Crosse , in the hearing of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and the rest of the City . According to which appointment , the Cardinal went from Lambeth by water , and landing at St. Paul's Wharf , from thence proceeded to the Church , with a Cross , two Pillars , and two Pole-axes of silver born before him . Received by the Lord Chancellor with a solemn Procession , they ●arried till the King came from Westminster ; Immediately upon whose comming , the Lord Chancellor went into the Pulpit , and preached upon on those words of St. Paul , Rom. 13. Fratres , scientes quia hora est jam nos de somno surger● , &c. In which Sermon he declared what had been done on the Friday before , in the submission which was made to the Pope by the Lords and Commons , in the name of themselves and the whole Kingdom ; and the Absolution granted to them by the Cardinal in the name of the Pope . Which done , and Praiers being made for the whole Estate of the Catholick Church , the company was for that time dismissed . And on the Thursday after , being the Feast of St. Nicholas day , the Bishops and Clergy then assembled in their Convocation , presented themselves before the Cardinal at Lamboth , and kneeling reverently on their knees , they obtained pardon for all their Perjuries , Schisms , and Heresies : From which a formal Absolution was pronounced also , that so all sorts of people might partake of the Pope's Benediction , and thereby testifie their obedience and submission to him . The news whereof being speedily posted over to the Pope , he caused not onely many solemn Processions to be made in Rome , and most parts of Italy , but proclaimed a Jubile to be held on the 24th . of December then next comming . For the anticipating of which solemnity , he alleged this reason , That it became him to imitate the father of the Prodigal child ; and having received his lost son , not onely to expresse a domestical joy , but to invite all others to partake thereof . During this Parliament was held a Convocation also , as before was intimated , Bonner continuing President of it , and Henry Cole , Archdeacon of Ely , admitted to the office of Prolocutor . They knew well how the Cards were plaid , and that the Cardinal was to be entreated not to insist on the restoring of Church Lands , rather to confirm the Lords and Gentry in their present possessions . And to that end , a Petition is prepared to be presented in the name of the Convocation , to both their Majesties , that they would please to intercede with the Cardinal in it . Which Petition being not easie to be met withall , and never printed heretofore , is here subjoyned , according to the tenour and effect thereof in the Latine Tougne . WE the Bishops and Clergy of the Province of Canterbury , assembled in Convocation during the sitting of this Parliament , according to the antient custom , with all due reverence and humility do make known to your Majesties , That though we are appointed to take upon us the care and charge of all those Churches , in which we are placed as Bishops , Deans , Archdeacons , Parsons , or Vicars ; as also of the Souls therein committed to us , together with all Goods , Rights and Privileges thereunto belonging , according to the true intent and meaning of the Canons made in that behalf ; and that in this respect we are bound to use all lawfull means for the recovery of those Goods , Rights , Privileges , and Jurisdictions , which have been lost in the late desperate and pernicious Schism , and to regain the same unto the Church , as in her first and right estate ; Yet notwithstanding , having took mature deliberation of the whole matter amongst our selves , we cannot but ingenuously confesse , that we know well how difficult a thing , if not impossible , it is , to recover the said Goods unto their Churches , in regard of the manifold unavoidable Contracts , Sales , and Alienations , which have been made about the same ; and that if any such thing should be attempted , it would not onely redound to the disturbance of the publick peace , but be a means , that the unity in the Catholick Church , which by the goodnesse of your Majesties had been so happily begun , could not obtain its desired effect , without very great difficulty . Wherefore preferring the publick good and quiet of the Kingdom , before our own private commodities , and the salvation of so many souls , redeemed with the precious blood of Christ , before any earthly things whatsoever , and not seeking our own , but the things of Jesus Christ , we do most earnestly and most humbly beseech your Majesties , that you would graciously vouchsafe to intercede in our behalf with the most reverend Father in God , the Lord Cardinal Pole , Legat à Latere , from his Holinesse , our most serene Lord , Pope Julius the third , as well to your most excellent Majesties , as to the whole Realm of England , that he would please to settle and confirm the said Goods of the Church , either in whole or in part , as he thinks most fit , on the present occupants thereof , according to the powers and faculties committed to him , by the said most serene Lord the Pope ; thereby preferring the publick good before the private , the peace and tranquillity of the Realm before sutes and troubles , and the salvation of Souls before earthly treasures . And for our parts , we do both now , and for all times comming , give consent to all and every thing , which by the said Lord Legate shall , in this case , be finally ordained and concluded on ; humbly beseeching your Majesties , that you would gratio●sly vouchsafe to perswade the said Lord Cardinal in our behalf , not to show himself in the Premises too strict and d●fficult . And we do further humbly beseech your Majesties , that you would please , according to your wonted goodnesse , to take such course , that our Ecclesiastical Rights , L●berties , and Jurisdictions , which have been taken from us , by the iniquity of the former times , and without which we are not able to discharge our common duties , either in the exercise of the pastoral Office , or the cure of souls committed to our trust and care , may be again restored unto u● , and be perpetually preserved inviolab●e both to us and our Churches ; and that all lawes which have been made to the prejudice of this our jurisdiction , and other Ecclesiastical liberties , or otherwise have proved to the hindrance of it , may be repeated , to the ●●nour of God , as also to the temporal and spiritual profit , not only of your said most excellent Majesty , but of all the Realm ; giving our selves assured hope , that your most excellent Majesties , according to your singular pie●y to almighty God , for so many and great benefits received from him , will not be wanting to the necessities of the Kingdom , and the occasions of the Churches , having cure of souls , but that you would consider and provide as need shall be , for the peace thereof . Which Petition being thus drawn up , was humbly offered to the Legate , in the name of the whole Convocation , by the Lord Chancellor , ( who was present at the making of it ) the Prolocutor and six others of the lower house . And it may very well be thought to be welcome to him , in regard it gave him some good colour for not touching on so harsh a st●ing , as the restoring of Church lands . Concerning which , he was not ignorant that a message had been sent to the Pope in the name of the Parliament , to desire a confirmation of the sale of the lands belonging to Abbies , Chanteries , &c. or otherwise to let him know that nothing could be granted in his behalf . And it is probable , that they received some fair promises to that effect , in regard that on the New years day then next following , the Act for restoring the Pope's supremacy , was passed in both houses of Parliament , and could not but be entertain'd for one of the most welcome New years Gifts which ever had been given to a Pope of Rome . What the Pope did in retribution ▪ we are told by Sleidan , in whom we find that he confirmed all those Bishops in their several Sees , which were of Catholick perswasions , and had been consecrated in the time of the Schism , as also that he established such new Bishopricks which were erected in the time of King Henry the 8th . and made good all such mariages , as otherwise might be subject unto dispute . He adds a confirmation also , ( which I somewhat doubt ) of the Abby lands , and telleth , that all this was ratified by the Bull of Pope Paul the 4th . He dispensed also by the hand of the Cardinal , with irregularity in several persons , confirmed the Ordination and Institution of Clergy men in their Callings and Benefices ; legitimated the children of forbidden mariages , and retified the processes and sentences in matters Ecclesiastical . Which general favours notwithstanding , every Bishop in particular , ( except only the Bishop of Landaff ) most humbly sought , and obtained pardon of the Pope for their former errour , not thinking themselves to be sufficiently secured by any general dispensation , how large soever . And so the whole matter being transacted to the content of all parties , ( the poor Protestants excepted only ) on Friday the 25th . of January , being the Feast of the Conversion of Saint Paul , there was a general and solemn Procession throughout London , to give God thanks for their conversion to the Catholick Church . Wherein ( to set out their glorious pomp ) were ninety Crosses , one hundred sixty Priests and Clarks , each of them attired in his Cope ; and after them eight Bishops in their Pontificalibus , followed by Bonner , carrying the Popish Pix under a Canopy , and attended by the Lord Mayor and Companies in their several Liveries . Which solemn Procession being ended , they all returned into the Church of St Paul , where the King and Cardinal , together with all the rest , heard Mass ▪ and the next day the Parliament and Convocation were dissolved . Nothing now rested , but the sending of a solemn Embassery in the name of the King and Kingdom , to the Court of Rome , for testifying their submission to his Holiness , and receiving his Apostolical benediction . To which employment were designed Sir Anthony Brown , who on the 2d . of September had been created Visco●nt Mountacute , in regard of his descent from Sir John Nevil , whom King Edward the 4th . advanced unto the Title of Marquisse Mountacute , as being the second son of Richard Nevil Earl of Sarisbury , and Al●ce his wife , daughter and heir of Thomas Mountacute , the last and most renowned Earl of Sarisbury , of that Name and Family . With whom was joined in Commission an another Ambassador extraordinary , Dr Thomas Thurlby , Bishop of Ely , together with Sir Edward Kar● , appointed to recide as Ordinary in the Papal Court. On the 18th day of February , they began their journy , but found so great an alteration when they came to Rome , that Pope Ju●●●us was not only dead , but that Marcellus , who succeeded him , was deceased also ; so that the honour and felicity of this address from the King of England , devolved on Cardinal Caraffa , ( no great friend of Poles ) who took unto himself the name of Paul the 4th . on the first day of whose Papacy , it chanced that the three Ambassadors came first to Rome . It was in the first Consistory also , after his inauguration , that the Ambassadors were brought before him : Where prostrating themselves at the Pope's feet , they in the name of the Kingdom , acknowledged the faults committed , relating them all in particular , ( for so the Pope was pleas'd to have it ) confessing that they had been ungrateful for so many benefits received from the Church , and humbly craving pardon for it . The pardon was not only granted , and the Ambassadors lovingly imbraced ; but as an overplus , the Pope was pleas'd to honour their Majesties with the Title of Kings of Ireland . Which Title he conferred upon them , by the authority which the Popes pretend to have from God , in erecting and subverting Kingdoms . He knew right well that Ireland had been erected into a Kingdom by King Henry the 8th . and that both Edward the 6th . and the Queen now reigning , had alwayes used the Title of Kings of Ireland in the style Imperial : But he conceived himself not bound to take notice of it , or to relinquish any privilege which had been exercised in that kind by his predecessors . And thereupon he found out this temperament , that is to say , to dissemble his knowlege of that which had been done by Henry , and of himself to erect the Island into a Kingdom ; that so the world might be induced to believe , that the Queen rather used that Title as indulged by the Pope , than as assumed by her Father . And this he did according to a secret mystery of Government in the Church of Rome , in giving that which they could not take from the possessor ; as on the other side some Kings to avoid contentions , have received of them their own proper goods , as gifts ; and others have dissembled the knowledge of the Gift , and the pretence of the Giver . These things being thus dispatched in publick , the Pope had many private , discourses with the Ambassadors , in which he found fault that the Church goods were not wholly restored ; saying , that by no means it was to be tolerated , and that it was necessary to render all , even to a farthing . He added , that the things which belong to God , could never be applied to humane uses , and that he who withholdeth the least part of them , was in continual state of damnation ; that if he had power to grant them , he would do it most readily , for the fartherly affection which he bare unto them , and for the experience which he had of their filial obedience ; but that his authority was not so large as to prophane things dedicated to Almighty God ; and therefore he would have the people of England be assured , that these Church lands would be an Anathema , or an accursed thing , which by the just revenge of God would keep the Kingdom in perpetual infelicity . And of this he charged the Ambassadors to write immediately , not speaking it once or twice only , but repeating it upon all occasions . He also told them that the Peter-Pence ought to be paid assoon as might be , and that according to the custome he would send a Collector for that purpose , letting them know , that himself had exercised that charge in England , for three years together ; and that he was much edified by seeing the forwardness of the people in that contribution . The discourse upon which particular he closed with this , that they could not hope that St Peter would open to them the gates of Heaven , as long as they usurped his goods on earth . To all which talk the Ambassadors could not chuse but give a hearing , and knew that they should get no more at their coming home . At their departure out of England , they left the Queen in an opinion of her being with child , and doubted not but that they should congratulate her safe delivery , when they came to render an account of their imployment ; but it proved the contrary . The Queen about three months after her mariage , began to find strong hopes , not only that she had conceived , but also that she was far gone with child . Notice whereof was sent by Letters to Bonner , from the Lords of the Council , by which he was required to cause Te Deum to be sung in all the Churches of his Diocess , with continual prayers to be made for the Queen 's safe delivery . And for example to the rest , these commands were executed first on the 28th . of November , Dr Chadsey one of the Prebends of Paul's preaching at the Cross , in the presence of the Bishop of London , and nine other Bishops , the Lord Mayor and Aldermen attending in their scarlet Robes , and many of the principal Citizens in their several Liveries . Which opinion gathering greater strength with the Queen , and belief with the people , it was Enacted by the Lords and Commons then sitting in Parliament , That if it should happen to the Queen otherwise than well in the time of her travel , that then the King should have the politick Government , Order and Administration of this Realm , during the tender years of her Majestie 's issue , together with the Rule , Order , Education and Government of the said issue . Which charge as he was pleased to undergo at their humble sute , so they were altogether as forward to confer it on him ; not doubting , but that during the time of such Government , he would by all wayes and means , study , travail , and imploy himself to advance the weal , both publick and private , of this Realm , and Dominions thereunto belonging , according to the trust reposed in him , with no less good will and affection , than if his Highness had been naturally born amongst us . Set Forms of Prayers were also made for her safe delivery , and one particularly by Weston , the Prolocutor of the first Convocation ; in which it was prayed , That she might in due season bring forth a child , in body beautiful and come●y , in mind noble and valiant . So that she forgetting the trouble , might with joy , laud and praise , &c. Great preparations were also made of all things necessary , against the time of her delivery , which was supposed would fall out about Whi●sun tide , in the month of June , even to the providing of Midwives , Nurses , Rockers and the Cradle too . And so far the hopes thereof were entertained , that on a sudden rumour of her being delivered , the bels were rung , and bonfires made in most parts of London . The like solemnities were used at Antwerp , by discharging all the Ordnance in the English ships ; for which the Mariners were gratified by the Queen Regent with 100 Pistolets . In which , as all of them seem'd to have a spice of madness in them , so none was altogether so wild as the Curate of St Anns neer Aldersgate , who took upon him after the end of the Procession , to describe the proportion of the child , how fair , how beautiful , and great at Prince it was , the like whereof had never been seen . But so it hapned , that notwithstanding all these triumphs , it proved in fine , that the Queen neither was with child at the present , nor had any hopes of being so for the time to come . By some it was conceived , that this report was raised upon policy only , to hold her up in the affection of her husband , and the love of her subjects , by others , that she had been troubled with a Timpany , which not only made her belly swell , but by the windiness of the disease , possess'd her with a fancy of her being quick . And some again have left in writing , that having had the misfortune of a false conception , which bred in her a fleshy and informed substance , by the Physicians called a Mo●a , the continual increase whereof , and the agitation it made in her , occa●ioned her to believe what she most desired , and to report what she believed . But this informed lump being taken from her with no small difficulty , did not onely turn her supposed joy to shame and sorrow , but made much game amongst some of the Zu●nglian Gospellers , ( for I cannot think , that any true English Protestant could make sport thereat ) who were so far from desiring that the Queen should have any Issue to succeed in the Throne , that they prayed God by shortning her days to deprive her of it . Insomuch that one R●se , the Minister to a private Congregation in Bow Church-yard , did use to pray , That God would either turn her heart from Idolatry , or else shorten her days . On which occasion , and some others of the like ill nature , an Act was made in the said Parliament , for punishing of traiterous words against the Queen ; in which it was enacted , That the said Praiers , and all others of the like mischievous quality , should be interpreted to be high treason against the Queen . The like exhorbitances I find too frequent in this Queens Reign , to which some men were so transported by a furious zeal , that a Gun was shot at one Doctor Pendleton , as he preached at St. Paul's Cross on Sunday the 10th . of June , Anno 1554. the Pellet whereof went very near him ; but the Gunner was not to be heard of . Which occasioned the Queen to publish a Proclamation within few days after , prohibiting the shooting in Hand-guns , and the bearing of weapons . Before which time , that is to say , on the 8th . of April , some of them had caused a Cat to be hanged upon a Gallows , near the Cross in Cheapside , with her head shorn , the likeness of a Vestment cast upon her , and her two fore-feet tied together , holding between them a piece of paper in the form of a Wafer ▪ Which tending so apparently to the disgrace of the Religion then by Law established , was showed the same day , being Sunday , at St. Paul's Crosse , by the said Doctor Pendleton ; which possibly might be the sole reason of the mischief so desperately intended to him . Such were the madnesses of those People ; but the Orthodox and sober Protestant shall be brought to a reckoning , and forced to pay dearly for the follies of those men , which it was not in their powers to hinder . The Governours of the Church exasperated by these provocations , and the Queen charging Wyat's Rebellion on the Protestant● party , she both agreed on the reviving of some antient Statutes made in the time of King Richard the 2d . King Henry the 4th . and King Henry the 5th . for the severe punishment of obstinate Hereticks , even to death it self . Which Act being passed ▪ the three great Bishops of the time were not alike minded for the putting it in execution . The Lord Cardinal was clearly of opinion , that they should rest themselves contented with the restitution of their own Religion ; that the said three Statu●es should be held forth for a terrour onely , but that no open persecution should be raised upon them ; following therein , as he affirmed , the counsell sent unto the Queen by Charls the Emperour , at her first comming to the Crown , by whom she was ●dvised to create no troubble unto any man for matter of conscience , but to be warned unto the contrary by his example , who by endeavouring to compell others to his own Religion , had tired and spent himself in vain , and purchased nothing by it but his own dishonour . But the Lord Chancellor Ga●din●r could not like of this , to whom it seemed to be all one , never to have revived the said three Statutes , as not to see them put in execution . That some blood should be drawn in case of refractorinesse , and an incorrigible non-conformity , he conceived most necessary . But he would have the Ax laid onely to the Root of the Tree ▪ the principal supporters of the Hereticks , to be taken away , whether they were of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy , or the Lay-Nobility ; and some of the more pragmatick preachers to be cut off also ; the rest of the people to be spared , as they who meerly did depend on the power of the other . Let but the Shepherds be once smitten , and the whole flock will presently be scattered , without further trouble . Well then , said Bonner to himself , I see the honour of this work is reserved for me , who neither fear the Emperor's frow●s , nor the peoples curses . Which having said , ( as if he had been pumping for a re●olution ) he took his times to make it known unto the other two , that he perceived they were as willing as himself , to have the Catholick Religion entertained in all parts of the Kingdom , though neither of them seemed desirous to act any thing in it , or take the envy on himself ; that he was well enough pleased with that reservednesse , hoping they did not mean it for a precedent unto him or others , who had a mind to shew their zeal and forwardness in the Catholick cause . Have I not seen ( saith he ) that the hereticks themselves have broke the Ice , in putting one of their own number ( I think they called him by the name of Servetus ) to a cruell death . Could it be thought no crime in them , to take that more severe course against one of their brethren , for holding any contrary doctrine , from that which they had publickly agreed amongst them ? And can they be so silly , or so partial rather , as to reckon it for a crime in us , if we proceed against them with the like severity , and punish them by the most extream rigour of their own example ? I plainly see , that neither you my Lord Cardinal , nor you my Lord Chancellor , have any Answer to return to my present Argument , which is sufficient to encourage me to proceed upon it . I cannot act Canonically against any of them , but such as live within the compasse of my jurisdiction , in which I shall desire no help nor countenance from either of you . But as for such as live in the Diocesse of Canterbury , or that of Winchester , or otherwise not within my reach in what place soever , let them be , sent for up by order from the Lords of the Council , committed to the Tower , the Fleet , or any other Prison within my Diocesse , And when I have them in my clutches , let God do so , and more to Bonner , if they scape his fingers . The Persecution thus resolved on , home goes the bloody Executioner , armed with as much power as the Law could give him , and backed by the Authority of so great a King , taking some other of the Bishops to him , convents before him certain of the Preachers of King Edwards time , who formerly had been committed to several prisons ; of whom it was demanded , Whether they would stand to their former doctrines , or accept the Queens Pardon and Recant ? To which it was generally and stoutly answered , That they would stand unto their doctrines . Hereupon followed that Inquisition for blood which raged in London , and more or less was exercised in most parts of the Kingdom . The first that led the way was Mr. John R●gers , a right learned man , and a great companion of that Tyndal , by whom the Bible was translated into English in the time of King Henry : After whose Martyrdom , not daring to return into his own country , he retired to Witt●berge in the Dukedom of Saxonie , where he remained till King Edward's comming to the Crown , and was by Bishop Ridley preferred to the Lecture of St. Pauls , and made one of the Prebends . Nothing the better liked of for his Patron 's sake , he was convented and condemned , and publickly burnt in Smithfield on the 4th . of February . On the 9th . day of which Month , another fire was kindled at Glocester for the burning of Mr. John Hooper , the late Bishop thereof , of whom , sufficient hath been spoke in another place ; condemned amongst the rest at London , but appointed to be burnt in Glocester , as the place in which he most had sinned , by sowing the seeds of false doctrine amongst the people . The news whereof being brought unto him , he rejoyced exceedingly , in regard of that excellent opportunity which was thereby offered , for giving testimony by his death to the truth of that Doctrine , which had so oft sounded in their ears , and now should be confirmed by the sight of their eyes . The W●rra●● for whose burning was in these words following , as I find it in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton . Whereas John Hooper , who of 〈◊〉 was called Bishop of Worcester and G●ocester , is by due order of the Laws Ecclesiastical condemned , and judged for a most ●bstinate , false , and detestable Heretick , and committed to our Secular Power , to be burned , according to the wholsome and good Laws of our Realm , in that case provided : Forasmuch as in those Oities and Di●cesses thereof , he hath in times past preached and taught most pestilent Heresies and Doctrine to our Subjects there , We have therefore given order , that the said Hooper , who yet persisteth obstinate , and refuseth mercy when it was graciously offered , shall be put to execution in the said City of Glocester , for the example and terrour of others , such a● he hath there seduced and mis-ta●get , and because he hath done most harm there . And will that you , calling to you some of reputation , dwelling in that Shire , such as you think best , shall repair unto your said City , and be at the said execution , assisting our Mayor and Sheriffs of the same City in this behalf . And for asmuch as the said Hooper is , as other Hereticks , a vain-glorious person , and delighted in his tongue , to persuade such as he hath seduced to persist in the miserable opinions that he ha●h sown amongst them , our pleasure is therefore , and we require you to take order , that the said Hooper be neither at the time of his execution , nor in going to the place there , suffered to speak at large , but thither to be led quietly , and in silence , for eschewing of further infection , and such inconveniences as may otherwise ens●e in this part . Whereof fail ye not , as ye tender our pleasure , & . The like course was also taken with Bishop Earrar , but that I do not find him restrained from speaking his mind unto the people , as the other was : A man of an implausible nature , which rendred him the less agreeable to either side ; cast into prison by the Protestant , and brought out to his death and martyrdom by the Popish party . Being found in prison at the death of King Edward , he might have fared as well as any of his ranck and order , who had no hand in the interposing for Queen Jane , if he had governed himself with that discretion , and given such fair and moderate Answers , as any man in his condition might have honestly done . But being called before Bishop Gardiner , he behaved himself so proudly , and gave such offence , that he was sent back again to prison , and after condemned for an obstinate Heretick . But for the sentence of his condemnation , he was sent into his own Diocess , there to receive it at the hand of Morgan , who had supplanted and succeeded him in the See of St. Davids . Which cruell wretch having already took possession , could conceive no way safer for his future establishment , than by imbruing his hands in the blood of this learned Prelate , and to make sure with him , for ever claiming a restitution , or comming in by a Remitter to his former estate ; in reference whereunto he past sentence on him , caused him to be delivered to the Civil Magistrate , not desisting till he had brought him to the Stake on the third of March , more glad to see him mounting unto Heaven in a fiery Chariot , than once Elisha was on the like translation of the Prophet Elijah . I shall say nothing in this place of the death and martyrdom of Dr. Rowland Tayl●r , Rector of Had●ey in the County of Hartford , and there also burned , Febr. 9. Or of John Cardmaker , Chancellor of the Church of Wells , who suffered the like death in London on the last of May ; Or of Laurence Sanders , an excellent Preacher , martyr'd at Coventry , where he had spent the greatest part of his Ministry , who suffered in the same month also , but three weeks sooner than the other ; Or of John Bradford , a right holy man , and a diligent Preacher , condemned by Bonner , and brought unto the Stake in S●ithfield on the first of July ; though he had deserved better of that bloody Butcher , ( but that no courtesie can oblige a cruel and ungrateful person ) in saving the life of Doctor Bour● his Chaplain , as before was showed : Or finally of any of the rest of the noble Army of Martyrs , who fought the Lords Battels in those times ; onely I shall insist on three of the principal Leaders , and take a short view of the rest in the general Muster . Anne Reg. Mar. 3. A. D. 1555 , 1556. BEing resolved to wave the writing of a Martyr●logy , which is done already to my hand in the Acts , and Monuments , I shall insi●t only upon three of most 〈◊〉 ranck , that is to say , Archbishop Cranmer , Bishop Latimer , and Bishop Ridley , men of renown , never to be forgotten in the Church of England . Of whom there hath so much been said in the course of this History , that nothing need be added more , than the course of their sufferings . Committed to the Tower by several Warrants , and at several times , they were at once discharged from the Tower of London on the 10th . of April , Anno 1554. Removed from thence to Windsor , and at last to Oxon. where they were to combare for their lives . A combat not unlike to that of St Paul at Eph●●us , where he is said to fight 〈◊〉 beasts after the manner of men ; the disputation being managed so tumultuously with shou●s and out-cries , and so disorderly without rule or modesty , as might make it no unproper parallel to St Pa●●'s encounter . The persons against whom they were to enter the lists , were ●ulled out of the ablest men of both Universities , commissionated to dispute , and authorized to sit as Judges . And then what was to be expected , by the three Respondents , but that their oppos●tes must have the better of the day , who could not be supposed to have so little care of their own reputation , as to pass sentence on themselves . Out of the University of Oxon were selected Dr Weston , Prosocutor of the Convocation then in being , Dr Tresham , Dr Cole , Dr Oylth●rp , Dr Pie , Mr 〈◊〉 , and Mr Feck●am ; with whom were joined by the Lord Chancellor Gardiner , ( who had the nomination of them ) Dr Young Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge , Dr G●yn , Dr Seaton , Dr Watson , Dr Sed●●wick , and Dr Aikinson , of the same University . The Questions upon which the Disputants were to try their fortune , related to the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist , and were these that follow . 1. Whether the na●ural body and blood of Christ be really in the Sacrament , after the words spoken by the Priest , or no ? 2. Whether in the Sacrament after the words of cons●cration , any other subst●●ce do remain , than the substance of the body and b●ood of Christ ? 3. Whether the Mass be a sacrifice propitiat●ry , for the sins of the quick and the dead ? Which having been propounded in the Convocation at Cambridge , and there concluded in such manner , as had been generally maintained in the Schools of Rome , the Vice Chancellor , and the rest of the Disputants which came from thence , could have no power to determine otherwise in the points , when they should come to sit as Judges . Nor is it to be thought , but that as well the Cambridge as the Oxon Disputants , came well prepared , studied and versed in those Arguments on which they intended to insist ▪ having withall the helps of books , and of personal conference , together with all other advantages which might flatter them with the hopes of an easie victory . But on the other side , the three Defendants had but two dayes of prepa●ation allotted to them , debarred of all access unto one another ; not suffered to enjoy the use of their own books and papers ; and kept in such uncomfortable places , as were but little different from the common d●ngeo●s . But out they must to try their fortune , there being no other choice left them , but to fight or yield ; and which made most to the advantage of the other side , they were to try their fortune single , each of them destinated to a several day , so that they could not contribute to the assistance of one another , if their occasions had required it . Cranmer begins on the 16th , of April , Ridley succeeds upon the next , and La●imer brings up the arreir on the morrow after ; each man an army in himself , and to encounter with an army , as the cause was managed . At the first meeting , when the questions were to be propounded and disputed op ▪ Weston , by reason of his place , enter●ains the Auditory with a short Oration , wherein he was to lay before them the cause of their assembling at that place and time . But such was his ill luck , as to stumble at that very threshold , and to conclude against himself in the very first opening of the disputation , which he is said to have begun in these following words , Conv●n●st● hodie ●●atres profliga●uri 〈…〉 Haeresin , de veritate corporis Christi●n Sacrament● , &c. That is to say , Ye are assembled hither brethren this day , to confound that detestable Heresie , of the ve●ity of the body of Christ in the Sacrament , &c. Which gross mistake , occas●oned no small shame in some , but more laughter in many . It was observed of him also , that during the whole time of the disputation , he had alwayes a cup of wine , o● some other strong liquor standing by him , and that having once the pot in his hand , when an argument was urged by one of the Disputants , which he very well liked of , he cried aloud to him , urge hoc , 〈◊〉 hoc , nam hoc ●acit pro nobis . Which being applied by some of the spectators to his pot of drink , occassoned more sport and ●e●iment than his first mistake . But let them laugh that win , as the Proverb hath it , and Weston is resolved to win the race , whosoever runs best . The tumult and disorder of this d●●putation hath been touched before , and may be seen at large , with all the Arguments and Answers of either side , in the Acts and Mo● . Suffi●e it in this place to know , that having severally made good their appointed dayes , they were all called together on F●iday the 20th . of that month , Weston then sitting with the ●e●t in the nature of Judges , by whom they were demanded , whether they would subscribe or not ? which when they had severally refused to do ▪ their sentence was pronounced by the Prolocutor in the name of the rest , in which they were deolared to be no members of the Chruch , and that therefore , they , their patrons and followers , were condemned as Hereticks . In the reading whereof , they were again severally asked whether they would turn or not ; to which they severally answered , read on in God's name , for they were resolved not to turn . And so the sentence being pronounced , they were returned again to their several prisons , there to expect what execution would ensue upon it . And execution there was none to ensue upon it , ●ill the end of the Session of Parliament then next following , because till then , there was no saw in force for putting Hereticks to death , as in former times . During which interval , they excrcited themselves in their private studies , or in some godly meditations , wr●●ing consolatory Letters unto such of their friends as were reduced by the iniquity of the times , to the like extremity ; amongst which , as they understood their dear brother Mr John Hooper , Bishop of Glocester , to have been marked out for the slaughter ; so that intelligence revived in Bishop R●dley's thoughts , the remembrance of that conterove●sie which had been between them ( concerning the Episcopal habit ) in the time of King Edward , There is no question to be made , but that they had forgotten and forgiven that quarrel long before ; yet Ridley did not think he had done enough , if he left , not to the world some testimony of their mutual charity , as well as their consent in doctrine , such as might witness to the world , that they maintained the spirit of unity in the bond of peace . Concerning which he writes to him in this manner following , viz. — But now dear Brother , forasmuch as I understand by your books which I have but superficially seen , that we throughly agree , and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our Religion , against the which the world so furiously rageth in these our dayes , however in times past in ce●ain by-matters and circumstances of Religion , your wisdom and my simplicity ( I must confesse ) have a little jarred , each of us following the aboundance of his own spirit . Now I say be assured , that even with my whole heart , God is my witnesse , in the bowels of Christ I love you in the truth , and for the truths sake which abideth in us , as I am perswaded , and by the Grace of God shall abide in us for ●ver more . And because the world , as I perceive , brother , ceaseth not to play his pageant , and busily conspireth against Christ our Saviour , with all possible force and power , Exalting high things against the knowlege of God : Let us join hands together in Christ , as if we cannot overthrow , yet to our power , and as much as in us lyeth , let us shake those high Altitudes , not with carnal , but with spiritual weapons ; and withall , brother , l●t us prepare our selves to the day of diss●l●tion , by that which after the short time of this bodily affliction , by the Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ , we shall triumph together with him , in eternal glory . Comforted with reciprocal letters of this holy nature , they both prepared themselves for death , in which Hooper had the honour to lead the way , as being more in B●nner's eye when the Act past for reviving the Statutes before mentioned in the case of Heresie . But Hooper having led the way , and many ●ther godly and religious men following the same tract which he had made , it came at last unto the turn of these reverend Prelates to pass through the same 〈◊〉 to the Land of Promise . In order whereunto , a Commission is directed from the Pope to Dr. James Bro●ks , Bishop of Glocester , by which he is authorized as Subdelegate to his Holiness , to proceed in the cause of ●homas Cranmer , Archbishop of Canterbury . The like Commission is directed to Dr Martin , and Dr Story , to attend the business , as delegated thereunto by the King and Queen , before whom convented in St Mary's Church on the 12th . of September he did his reverence to the two Doctors , as Commissioners for the King and Queen , but could not be perswaded to shew any respect to the Bishop of Gl●ceste● , because commissionared by the Pope . He had before abjur'd the Popes supremacy in the time of King Henry , and would not now submit unto it in the Reign of Queen Mary , desiring the Bishop not to interpret it an affront to his person , to whom otherwise he should gladly pay all due regards , had he appeared in any other capacity than the Popes Commissioner . Not being able to remove him from that resolution , they propounded to him certain Articles concerning his having been twice maried , his denyal of the Pope's supremacy , his judgement in the point of the blessed Sacrament , his having been declared an Heretick by the late Prolocutor , and the rest of the Commissioners there assembled . To all which Articles he so answered , as to deny nothing of the charge in matter of fact , but only to stand upon his justification in point of Doctrine . The whole proceeding being summed up , he is cited to appear before the Pope within 80 dayes . To which he said that he was most willing so to do , if the King and Queen would please to send him . And so he was returned to the prison from whence he came , and there kept safe enough from making any journy to Rome , remaining in safe ●●stody till he was brought out to suffer death , of which more hereafter . On the 28th . of the same month , comes out another Commission from the Cardinal Legate , directed to John White , Bishop of Lincoln , James Brooks , Bishop of Glocester , and John Holyman , Bishop of Bristow , or any two of them ; inabling them to proceed to the degradation of the other two Bishops , if they retracted not those doctrines , for holding which they had been formerly de●lared to be Hereticks . But they couragiously adhering to their first opinions , and otherwise expressing as little reverence to the Substitutes of the Cardinal Legate , as Cranmer had done to the Commissioners of the Pope , the sentence was pronounced upon them to this effect ; that is to say . That forasmuch as the said Nichosas Ridley , and Hugh Latimer , did affi●m , maintain , and stubbornly desend certain opinions and Heresies contrary to the Word of God , and the received faith of the Church ; as first , In denying the true and natural body of Christ , and his natural blood to be in the Sacrament of the Altar . 2. In affirming the substance of bread and wine to r●main after the words of the consecration . And 3. In denying the Masse to be a lively sacrifice of the Church for the quick and the dead , and by no means could be reduced from the same : that therefore they said John of Lincoln , James of Glocester , and John of Bristol , did adjudge and condemn them the said N. Ridl●y , and H. Latimer as Hereticks , both by word and deed , to be degraded from the degree of a Bishop , from Pries●hood , and all other Ecclesiastical Orders ; declaring them moreover to be no members of the Church , and therefore to be committed to the secular powers , to receive due punishment according to the Tenor of the temporal Laws . According to which Sentence , they were both degraded on the 15 th . of October , and brought unto the Stake in the Town-ditch over against Baliol College on the morrow after , where with great constancy and courage they endured that death , to which they had been pre-condemned before they were heard . Cranmer was prisoner at that time in the North-gate of the City , called Bocardo , from the top whereof he beheld that most dolefull spectacle ; and casting himself upon his knees , he humbly beseeched the Lord to endue them with a sufficient strength of Faith and Hope ; which he also desired for himself , whensoever he should act his part on that bloody Theater . But he must stay the Popes leisure before he was to be brought on the Stage again . The Queen had been acquainted with such discoutses , as had passed betwixt the Pope and her Ambassadors , when they were at Rome ; and she appeared desirous to have gratified him in his demands . But the Kings absence , who set sail for Calais on the fourth of September , and the next morning took his journey to the Emperor's Court , which was then at B●uxels , rendred the matter not so feasible as it might have been , if he had continued in the Kingdom . For having called a Parliament to begin on the 21 of October , she caused many of the Lords to be dealt withall touching the passing of an Act for the restoring of all such Lands as had belonged unto the Church , and were devolved upon the Crown , and from the Crown into the hands of privat persons , by the fall of Monasteries , and other Religious Houses , or by any other ways or means whatsoever . But such a general avers●ess was found amongst them , that she was advised to desist from that unprofitable undertaking . Certain it is , that many who were cordially affected to the Queens Religion , were very much startled at the noise of this Restitution , insomuch that some of them are said to have clapt their hands upon their swords , affirming , not without some Oaths , that they would never part with their Abbey-Lands as long as they were able to were a sword by their sides . Which being signified to the Queen , it seemed good to her to let fall that sute for the present , and to give them good example for the time to come , by passing an Act , for releasing the Clergy from the payment of first Fruits and Tenths , which had been formerly vested in the Crown in the Reign of her Father . Against which when it was objected by some of the Lords of the Council , that the state of her Kingdoms and Crown Emperial could not be so honourably maintained as in former times , if such a considerable part of the Revenue were dismembered from it ; she is said to have returned this answer , That she prefetted the salvation of her Soul before ten such Kingdoms . She procured another Act to be passed also , which very much redounded to the benefit of the two Universities , inhibiting all Purveyors from taking up any provisions for the use of the Court within five miles of Oxon or Cambridge ; by mean● whereof , those Markets were more plentifully served with all sorts of Provisions than in former times , and at more reasonable rates than otherwise they could have been , without that restraint . In her first Parliament , the better to indear her self to the common subject , she had released a Subsidie which was due unto her , by an Act of Parliament made in the time of King Edward the sixth . And now to make her some amends , they gave her a Subsidie of four shillings in the Pound for Lands , and two shillings eight-pence in the pound for Goods . In the drawing up of which Act , an Oath , which had been formerly prescribed to all manner of persons , for giving in a just account of their estates , was omitted wholly , which made the Subsidie sinck beneath expectation . But the Queen came unto the Crown by the love of the people , and was to do nothing to the hazard of their affections , which she held it by . At the same time was held a Convocation also , for summoning whereof , a Writ was issued in the name of the King and Queen , to the Dean and Chapter of the Metropolitical Church of Canterbury , the See being then vacant by the attaindure of Archbishop Cra●●er . Bonn●r presides in it as before , Boxhall then Warden of Winchester preacheth ( though not in the capacity ) at the opening of it , and Doctor John Christoperson , Dean of Norwich , is chosen Prolotor for the House of the Clergy . But the chief businesse done therein was the granting of a Subsidie of six shillings in the pound to be paid out of all their Ecclesiastical Promotions in three years then following . Nor was it without reason that they were enduced to so large a grant ; The Queen ●ad actually restored unto them their First-fruits and Tenths , though at that time the Crown was not in such a plentiful condition , as to part with such an annual income . And she had promised also , ( as appears by the Records of the Convocarion ) to render back unto the Church all such Impropriations , Tithes , and portion of Tithes , as were still remaining in the Crown . For the disposing of which Grant to the best advantage , the Cardinal-Legat , at the Queens desire , had conceived an Instrument , which was then offered to the consideration of the Prolocutor , and the rest of the Clergy ; it was proposed also by the Bishop of Elie , that some certa●n learned men might be chosen out of the House , to review all the antient Canons , to fit them to the present state of the Church ; and were they sound any thing defective in them , to s●pply that defect , by making such new C●nons and Constitutions , as being approved of by the Lords , should be made obligatory to the Clergy , and the rest of the Kingdom . This was well mov'd , and serv'd to entertain the time ; but I find nothing in pursuance of it . But on the other side , the Prolocutor bringing up the Bill of the Subsidies in the end of October , propounds three points unto their Lordships , which much conduced to the establishment and advantage of the prejudiced Clergy . The first was , That all such of the Clergy as building on the common report , that the Tenths and First fruits were to be released in the following Parliament , had made no composition for the same with her Majesties Officers , might be discharged from the penalty inflicted by the Laws in that behalf . The second , That their Lordships would be pleased to intercede with the Lord Cardinal-Legat , for setling and confirming them in their present Benefices by some special Bull. The third , That by their Lordships means , an Act may be obtained in the present Parliament , for the repealing of the Statute , by which the Citizens of London , which refused to make payment of their Tithes , were to be ordered at the discretion of the Lord Mayor of that City ; And that from thenceforth , all such censures as concerned Tithes might be heard and determined by the Ordinary , as in other places . To all which Propositions the Bishops cheerfully consented , and so adjurned the Convocation from St. Pauls to Westminster , that they might have the better opportunity of consulting the Lord-Cardinal in the businesse ; of whom it was no hard matter to obtain the second , and by his power to secure the Clergy in the first ; but as for the removall of the Cognisance of the London Tithes from the Lord Mayor unto the Bishops , there was nothing done , that Statute still remaining as before it did , to the continual impoverishing and vexation of the City Clergy . Nothing else memorable in this Convocation , but the comming in of the two new Bishops , which had never voted there before ; Purefew the Bishop of St. Asaph , being translated unto Hereford in the former year , had made such havock of the Patrimony of the Church of St. Asaph , that it lay void above a twelve month before any became Suter for it . But being a Bishoprick , though impoverished , and consequently a step to some richer preferment , it was desired and accepted by Mr. Thomas Goldnel , a right zealous Romanist , consecrated Bishop hereof in the beginning of October , Anno 1555. not many days before the opening of the Parliament and Convocation . And being Bishop here , he procured many Indulgences and other Graces from the Pope then being , for all such persons of each sex , as went on Pilgrimage , or for health , to St. Winifrids Well . The like havock had been made of the Lands and Patrimony of the Church of Bangor , by Buckley the present Bishop of it , preferred unto this See Anno 1541. and continuing on it till this year ; who not content to alienate the Lands , and weaken the Estate thereof , resolved to rob it of its Bells , for fear perhaps of having any Knell rung out at the Churches Funetal . And not content to sell the Bells , which were five in number ▪ he would needs satisfie himself with seeing them conveyed on shipboard , and had searce given himself that satisfaction , but he was p●esently struck blind , and so continued from that time to the day of his death . To whom succeeded Doctor William Glyn , a Cambridge man , but one of the Disputants at Oxford , who received his Episcopal Consecration ( if I guesse aright ) on the same day with Bishop Goldne● . And now it will be time to look back on Cranmer , whom we left under a Citation to the Court of Rome , without which , nothing could be done ; for by an antient privilege , no Judgment could be past upon the person of a Metropolitan , before the Pope have taken cognisance of the cause ; and eighty days had seemingly been given to Cr●nmer for making his appearance in the Court of Rome . And though the Pope knew well enough , as well the Archbishops readiness to appear before him , if he were at liberty , as the impossibility of making any such appearance as the case then stood ; yet at the end of the said eighty days , he is pronounced by the Pope to be contumacious , and for his contu●acy to be Degraded , Excommunicated , and finally delivered over to the Secular Magistrate . According unto which Decree , a second Commission is directed to Edmond Bonner Bishop of London , and Th●mas Thoriby Bishop of Ely , to proceed to the Degradation of the said Archbishop : In which Commission it was said with most horrible falshood , That all things had been so indifferently examined in the Court of Rome , that is to say , as well the Articles laid unto his charge , as the Answers which he made unto them , together with the Allegations , Witnesses , and Defences , made or produced by the Counsel on either side , so that nothing had been wanting which was necessary to his just defence . According to which supposition , the said two Bishops being commanded to proceed against him , caused him to be Degraded on the 14 th . of February , notwithstanding that he appealed from the Pope and them to a General Council , and caused the said Appeal to be drawn and offered in due form of Law. During the interval between his degradation and the time of his death , great pains was taken by some learned men in the University to perswade him to a Retractation of his former Opinions ; in which unhappy undertaking , no man prevailed so far as a Spanish Ftier , by whom it was suggested to him , How acceptable it would be to the King and Queen , how pleasing to the Lords , who most dearly loved him , and how gainfull to himself , in regard both of his soul and his temporal being ; assuring him ( or at least putting him in good hope ) that he should not onely have his life , but be restored again to his antient dignity , and that there should be nothing in the Realm which the Queen would not easily grant him , whether it pleased him to make choice of Riches and Honors , or otherwise should desire the sweet retirements of a private life , without the charge and trouble of a publick Ministery ; and all this to be compassed without putting himself to any more pains , than the subscribing of his name to a piece of paper , which was made ready for his hand . By these temptations , and many others of the like alluring and deceitfull nature , he suffered himself to be prevailed upon so far , as to sign the Writing , in which were briefly comprehended the chief points of Doctrine defended in the Church of Rome , and by him formerly condemned both in publick and private . The obtaining whereof occasioned great joy amongst the Papists , and no lesse sorrow and astonishment in the hearts of those , who cordially were affected to the Reformation . But all this could not save him from being made a sacrifice to revenge and avarice ; The Queen had still a vindicative ▪ spirit against him , for the injury which she conceived had been done to her mother ; and the Cardinal , who hitherto had enjoyed the profits of the See of Canterbury as an usu-fructuary , was altogether as solicitous for getting a right and title to them as the sole Proprietary ; No way to pacifie the one , and satisfie the desires of the other , but by bringing him ( when he least looked for it ) to the fatall Stake . And to the fatall Stake they brought him on the 21 of March , when he had for some time flattered himself in a conceit , like the King of Amaleck , that the bitternesse of dea●h was past . Finding the contrary , he first retracts his Retractarion , and after punisheth that hand which had subscribed it , by holding it forth into the flame , and suffering it to be consumed before the rest of his body had felt the fire . The residue of his body being burnt to ashes , his heart was found entire & untouched in the midst of the sinders ; Which possibly may serve as a witnesse for him , that his heart stood fast unto the Truth , though with his hand he had subscribed some Popish Errors : Which whether it were done out of human frailty on the hope of life , or out of a desire to gain the more time , for finishing his Book against Bishop Gardiner , whi●h he alledged for himself in a Letter to one of his friends ; Certain it is , that it had too much in it of a sinful compliance , so much as might have blasted both his fame and memory to all times succeeding , if he had not taken off the scandal , and expiated the offence in so brave a manner . And thus he dyed , leaving an excellent example to all posterity , as well of mans infirmity in so strange a fall , as of Gods infinite grace and mercy , by which he was enabled to recover his former standing . These goodly Cedars of the Forest being thus ●ut down , it was not to be hoped that any favour could be shown to the Shrubs and Underwoods , which were grubbed up and felled without any distinction , as well the yourg Sapling , as the decayed and withered Tree ; but more in some parts than in others , according to the sharpness of the Tools and the edge of the Woodman . The waste so great in no place as in Bonner's wa●k , who seemed to be resolved , that whatsoever could not serve for Timber ( toward the buil●ing or re-edifying of the Papal palace ) should be mark'd for Puel . No fewer than two hundred are reported to have been burnt within three years , by this cruel and unmerciful Tyrant , without discrimination of sex or age ; his fury reaching from John Fetty , a lad of eight years old , by him s●ourged to death , even to Hugh Lavecork , a cripple sixty eight years old , whom he caused to be burned . The most eminent of all which number was Mr. John Philpot , Archdeacon of Winchester , who though of Gardiners Diocesse , was condemned by B●nner , Gardiner being well enough contented to find out the Game , and leave it to be followed by that bloody Hunter : His rage not slackned by the interposings of Alphonso a Spanish Frier , inveighing sharply , in a Sermon before the King , against the savage and unprofitable cruelty of the English Bishops ; but as it seems , he measured all the rest by that London-Tyrant , though in most other places they were far more moderate : He that came nearest to him was Doctor John Christopherson , Bishop of Chichester , who is recorded to have burnt no lesse than ten in one fire at Lewis , and seventeen others at several times in sund●y places . But still the nearer London , the more the hea● ; insomuch that Harpsfield Archdeacon of Canterbury , and Thornton the Suffragan of Dover , are said to have poured out blood like water ; As was also done by Griffin of Rochester , and Downing Chancellor of Norwich , ( though somewhat further off from the scene of cruelty ) in their several Diocesses . Which character I find of Bishop Bain of Coventry and Lichfield ; the gentle birth and breeding of Mrs. Joyce Lewis not being too high for him to reach at , nor the poor condition of Joan Wast , a blind woman in Darby , too low for him to stoop too , whom he condemned unto the fire , as he did many faithfull Ministers , and others of the Masculine sex . But on the other side , in all the Province of York , I find none brought unto the Stake but George March of Chester , condemned thereto by Bishop Coles ; and not much more to have been done in the four Welch Diocesses ; in which , besides the burning of Bishop Farrar at Carmarthen by Bishop Morgen ; and of Rawlins and White at Cardiff by Bishop Kitching ; no extraordinary cruelty seems to have been acted . In the Diocesses of Exceter , Wells , Peterborough and 〈◊〉 ( though this last the greatest in the Kingdome ) I find mention but of one apiece ; of two in that of E●y , and of no mote than three apiece at Bristol and Sarisbury . In those of Oxon , Glocester , Worcester and Hereford , I find none at all , which made those Counties look like the land of Goshen , where there was nothing but fair weather , when there was so much thunder and lightning in the rest of Aegypt . Nor were these storms and tempests in other places , of a short continuance , but held on more or less till the death of the Queen , as appeareth by those five persons which were burnt at Canterbury on the 10th . of November 1558. being but one full week before the day of her own dissolution . The difference was , that these poor wretches were consumed by the rage of fire , whereas she was caried out of the world in a deluge of water ; falling into a Dropsie in the time of her supposed childing , of which she was never perfectly cured till she came to her grave . Nor were these all that suffered in the fury of this persecution . For besides those that suffered Martyrdome in the sight of the world , many are thought to have been made away in prison ; but many more , to the number of some scores or hundreds , supposed to have been killed by starving , stinks , and other barbarous usages in their several Jayls . To which if we should add a Catalogue of all those who fled the Kingdom , and put themselves into a voluntary exile , amounting to the number of 800. or thereabouts , I suppose it may be well concluded , that though many persecutions have lasted longer , yet none since Dioclesian's time ever raged so terribly . So terribly it raged in one particular , that no persecution of the ten can af●ord a parallel . Katherine Gouches , a poor widdow of St. Peter's Port in the Isle of Guerns●y , was noted to be much absent from the Church , and her two daughters guilty of the same neglect . Upon this they were presented before Jaques Amy , then Dean of the Island , who finding in them that they held opinions contrary to those then allowed , about the Sacrament of the Altar , pronounced them Hereticks , and condemned them to the fire . The poor women on the one side pleaded for themselves , that that doctrine had been taught them in the time of King Edward ; but if the Queen was otherwise disposed , they were content to be of her Religion . This was fair , but this would not serve ; for by the Dean they were delivered to Eli'er Gosling , the then Bayliff , and by him unto the fire , July the 8th . 1556. One of the daughters ( Perotine Massey she was called ) was at that time great with child ; her husband a Minister being in those dangerous times fled the Island ; In the middle of the flames and anguish of her torments , her belly brake in sunder , and her child , a goodly boy , fell down into the fire , but was presently snatched up by one W. House , one of the By standers . Upon the noise of this strange accident , the cruel Bayliff returned command , that the poor infant must be cast again into the flames ; which was accordingly performed ; and so that pretty babe was born a Martyr , and added to the number of the Holy innocents . A cruelty not parallel'd in any story , not heard of amongst the Nations . But such was the pleasure of the Magistrate , as once in the Massacre of the younger Maximinus , viz. * . that not any issue should be left of an Heretick Parent . But to go back again to Cranmer , it is to be observed , that as his death opened the way for Pole to the See of Canterbury , so it was respi●ed the longer out of a politick design to exclude him from it . That Gardiner loved him not , hath been said before , and he knew well that Cardinal Carraffa ( now Pope Paul the 4th . ) loved him less than he . This put him first upon an hope , that the Pope might be prevailed with to revoke the Cardinal ( who had before been under a suspicion in the Court of Rome , of having somewhat of the Lutheran in him ) and to bestow the Cardinal's Cap , together with the Legantine power , upon himself , who doubted not of sitting in the chair of Canterbury if he gained the rest . Upon which ground he is supposed to have hindered all proceedings against the three Oxon Martyrs , from the ending of the Parliament on the 26th . of January , till the 12th . of September then next following , the Pope not sending out any Commission in all that interval , without which Cranmer was not to be brought to a condemnation . But at the last , not knowing how much these procrastinations might offend the King , and perhaps prest unto it by Karn , the Queen's Ambassadour , he found himself under a necessity to dispatch Commission , though he proceeded not to the execution of any part of the sentence , till more than ten weeks after the 80 dayes , which had been given for his appearance in the Court of Rome . During which time , death puts an end to Gardiners projects , who left his life at Whitehal on the 12th . of November . From whence conveyed by water to his house in Southwark , his body was first lapt in lead , kept for a season in the Church of St Mary Over-Rhe , and afterwards solemnly interred under a fair and goodly Monument in his Cathedral . The custody of the Great Seal , together with the Title of Lord Chancellor , was upon New years day conferred on Dr Nicholas Heath , Archbishop of York , a man of great prudence and moderation ; but the revenues of the Bishoprick were appropriated to the use of the Cardinal Legate , who purposed to have held it in Commendam with the See of Canterbury , to which he received consecration on the very next Sunday after Cranmer's death . But Dr John White Bishop of Lincoln , having been born at Winchester , and educated in that School , of which he was afterwards chief Master , and finally Warden of that College , ambitiously affected a translation thither . And so far he prevailed by his friends at Court , that on the promise of an annual pension of 1000 l. to the use of the Cardinal , he was permitted to enjoy the Title with the rest of the profits . Which I have mentioned in this place , though this transaction was not made , nor his translation actually performed till the year next following . No other alteration made amongst the Bishops of this time , but that Voysie of Exon , dies in some part of the year , 1555. and Dr James Turbervile succeeds him in the beginning of the year 1556. A man well born , and well befriended , by means whereof he recovered some lands unto his See , which had been alienated from it by his predecessor ; and amongst others , the rich and goodly Mannors of Credinson , or Kirton , in the County of Devon , ( in former times the Episcopal seat of the Bishop of Exon ) though afterwards again dismembred from it in the time of Queen Elizabeth , by Bishop Cotton . It is now time to take into consideration the affairs of State , nothing the better cemented by the blood of so many Martyrs , or jointed any whit the stronger by the secret animosities and emulations between the Lord Chancellor and the Cardinal Legate . Though Wia●'s party was so far suppressed , as not to shew it self visibly in open action yet such as formerly had declared for it , or wish'd well unto it , had many secret writings against the Queen , every day growing more and more in dislike of her Government , by reason of so many butcheries as were continually committed under her authority . Upon which ground as they had formerly instructed Elizabeth Crofts to act the spirit in the wall ; so afterwards they trained up one William Cunstable , alias Featherstone , to take upon himself the name of King Edward , whom he was said to have resembled , both in age and personage . And this they did in imitation of the like practice used in the time of King Henry the 6th . by Richard Plantagenet , Duke of York , who when he had a mind to claim his Title to the Crown , in regard of his descent by the House of Mortimer , from Lionel of Antwerp Duke of Clarence , he caused one Jack Cade ( a fellow altogether as obscure as this ) to take upon himself the name of Mortimer , that the might see how well the people stood affected unto his pretensions , by the discovery which might be made thereof on this false allarum . And though this Featherstone had been taken and publickly whip'd for it in May last past , and thereupon banished into the North , where he had been born ; yet the confederats resolved to try their fortune with him in a second adventure . The design was to raise the people under colour of King Edward's being alive , and at the same time to rob the Exchequer , wherein they knew by some intelligence or other , that 50000. l. in good Spanish money had been lately lodged . Few persons of any quality appeared in it , not thinking fit to shew themselves in any new practice against the Queen , till made prosperous by some good success . The chief whom I find mentioned to be privy to it , were Henry Peckam , the son of that Sir Edmond Peckam , who had been caterer of the houshold to King Henry the 8th . one of the Throgmo●tons , and Sir Anthony Kingston . But the first part of the plot miscaried by the apprehending of Featherstone , who was arraigned and executed on the 13th . of March ; and the last part thereof discovered on the 28th . by one of the company . On which discovery Sir Anthony Kingston being sent for , died upon the way ; the said Throgmorton , with one Udall , were executed at ●yburn on the 28th . of April , one Stanton on the 29th . of May ; Rosededike and Bedell , on the 8th of June ; Peckam and Daniel at the Tower hill , on the 8th . of July . Andrew Duchesne makes the Lord Gray , and one of the Howards , to have a hand in this conspiracy ; and possibly enough it is , that some of greater eminence than any of those before remembred , might be of counsel in the practice , though they kept themselves out of sight as much as they could , till they found how it would succeed amongst the people . In this unquiet condition we must leave England for a time , and look on the estate of the English Churches on the other side of the sea , That many of the English Protestants had forsook the Kingdom , to the number of 800. as well Students as others , hath been said before ; who having put themselves into several Cities , partly in Germany , and partly among the Switzers , and their confederates , kept up the face and form of an English Chruch , in each of their several congregations . Their principal retiring places amongst the last , were Arrow , Zurick , and Geneva , and in the first , the Cities of Embden , Stralsburge , and Franckfort . In Franckfort they enjoyed the greatest privileges , and therefore resorted thither in the greatest numbers , which made them the more apt unto Schisms and factions . At their first coming to that place , which was on the 27th . of June , Anno 1554. by the power and favour of John Glauberge , one of the Senators of that City , they were permitted to have the use of one of their Churches , which had before been granted to such French exiles , as had repaired thither on the like occasion ; yet so , that the French were still to hold their right ; the English to have the use of it one day , and the French another , and on the Lords day so to divide the hours between them , that the one might be no hinderance unto the other . It hath been said also , that there was another condition imposed upon them , of being conform unto the French in Doctrine and Ceremonies . Which condition if it were imposed by the Magistrates , not sought by themselves , must needs be very agreeable to the temper and complexion of their principal Leaders ; who being for the most part of the Zuinglian-Gospellers , at their going hence , became the great promoters of the Puritan faction at their comming home . The names of Whittingham , Williams , Goodman , Wood and Sutton , who appeared in the head of this congregation , declare sufficiently of what Principles and strain they were , how willing they would be to lay aside the face of an English Church , and frame themselves to any Liturgie but their own . On July the 14th . they first obtained a grant of their Church , and on the 29th . took possession of it . The interval they spent in altering and disfiguring the English Lyturgie , of which they left nothing but the reading of the Psalms and Chapters . Those comfortable interlocutories between the Minister and the People , were no longer used , as savouring in their opinion , of some disorder in the course of the ministration ; the Letany and the Surplice they cast aside , as having too much in them of the Church of Rome ; the Confession they had altered so , as they conceived most agreeable to their present condition ; and for the Hymns which intervened between the Chapters and the Creed , they changed them for such Psalms in the English Meerer , as had been made by Sternhold and Hopkins in the time of King Edward . The Psalm being done , the Preacher goes into the Pulpit , in which the Minister prayed for the assistance of God's Spirit , and so proceeded to the Sermon . Which done , an other Prayer was made for all orders and estates of men , but more particularly for the welfare of the Church of England ; composed in imitation of the Prayer for the Church Militant here on earth , but ending ( as that did not ) with the Pater-noster . After which ( most extreamly out of order ) followed the rehearsal of the Articles of the Christian Faith , another Psalm , and finally the dismission of the people , with The Peace of God. This was the form devised for that Congregation , for the imposing whereof on all the rest of the English Churches , they did then use their best endeavours , and for obtruding which on the whole Church of England they raised such tumults and commotions in the following times . Growing in love with this fair Babe of their own begetting , they write their Letters of the second of August to such of the English as remained at Stralsburge and Zurick , inviting them to repair to Franckfort , and unite themselves unto that Church , which had been there erected with the leave of the Magistrate . But they had heard in both places of those Alterations which had been made at Franckfort , in the form of Gods publick Service , and thereupon refused to accept of the invitation , though it seemed to promise them some advantages by the commodious situation of that City in respect of England , the great resort of strangers thither at the yearly Marts , plenty of Books , and other helps in the way of study , which were not to be found in the other two Cities . From Stralsburge modestly , from Zurick resolutely , but from both it was plainly signified , that they resolved to maintain the Order of the Church of England . The like Letter had been writ to the English at Embden , of which Congregation Doctor Scory , the late Bishop of Chichester , was the Super-intendent ; and we may readily believe , that they received the like repulse from his Church at Embden , as they had from Gryndal , Sandys , and Haddon , or who had the constituting of the Church of Stralsburge ; or from Horn , Chambers , Parkhurst , and other of the Students which remained at Zurick . The noise of this new Church at Franckfort occasioned Knox , who after proved the great incendiary of the Realm and Church of Scotland , to leave his Sanctuary in Geneva , in hope to make a better market for himself in that Congregation . He had not long before published a seditious Pamphlet , entituled , The first blast of the Trumpet , in which he bitterly inveighed against the Government of Women , aiming there especially at the three Queen Maries , that is to say , Mary Queen of England , Mary Queen of Scots , and Mary of Lorrain Queen Regent of Scotland . By which seditious Pamphlet , he had made not onely his own Country too hot for him , but could assure himself of no safety in France or England . To Geneva therefore he retires , and from thence removes to Franckfort , as the ●itter Scene for his intendments , hoping to get as great a name in this new Plantation , as Calvin had gotten in the old . It was about the end of September that he came to Franckfort , where he took the charge of that Church upon him , Whittingham and the rest submitting unto his Apostleship . This gave a new dis-satisfaction to the English at Stralsburge and Zurick , who knew the spirit of the man , and feared the dangerous consequents and effects thereof . Nor was the condition of affairs much bettered by the coming of Whitehead , ( who afterwards refused the Archbishoprick of Canterbury ) though far the more moderate of the two . New Letters are reciprocated between Franckfort and Zurick ; from Franckfort on the 15th . of November , in open defiance as it were to the English Liturgy ; from Zurick on the 28th . in defence thereof , and of their constancy and resolution for adhering to it . The breach growing every day more wide than other , Gryndal and Chambers came from Stralsburge to attone the difference , by whom it was proposed unto them , That the substance of the English Liturgy being retained , there might be a forbearance of some ceremonies and offices in it . But Knox and Whittingham were as much bent against the substance of the Book , as against any of the circumstantials and extrinsicals which belonged unto it . So that no good effect following on this interposition , the Agents of the Church of Stralsburge return back to their brethren , who by their Letters of the 13th . of December expostulate in vain about it . In these distractions , some of the Franckfort Schismaticks desire , that all divine Offices might be executed according to the order of the Church of Geneva ; which Knox would by no means yield unto , thinking himself as able to make a Rule for his own Congregation , as any Calvin of them all . But that the mouths of those of Stralsburge and Zuri●k might be stopped for ever , he is content to make so much use of him , as by the authority of his judgment to disgrace that Liturgy , which those of Zurick did contend for . He knew well how he had bestirred himself in quarrelling the first Liturgy of King Edward the 6th . and nothing doubteth , but that the second ( though reviewed on his importunity ) would give him as little satisfaction as the other did . To this intent , the Order of the English Liturgy is drawn up in Latine , transmitted to him by Knox and Whittingham , by this infallible judgment to stand or fall . The Oracle returns this answer on the 31 of January , ( In Liturgia Angl●cana qualem mihi describitis multas vid●o tolerabiles ineptias ) That in the Book of England as by them described , he had observed many tolerable fooleries . Whi●h last words being somewhat ambiguous , as all Oracles are , he explicates himself by telling them , a That there wanted much of that purity which was to be desired in it ; b that it contained many relicks of the dregs of Popery ; that being there was no manifest impiety in it , it had been tolerated for a season , because at first it could not otherwise be admitted : But howsoever , though it was lawful to begin with such beggarly rudiments , yet it behoved the learned , grave , and godly Ministers of Christ to endeavour farther , and set forth something more refined from filth and rustinesse . This being sent for his determinate sentence unto Knox and Whittingham , was of such prevalency with all the rest of that party , that such who ●ormerly did approve , did afterwards as much dislike the English Liturgy ; and those who at the first had conceived onely a dislike , grew afterwards into an open detestation of it . Those who before had been desirous that the Order of Geneva should be entertained ; had now drawn Knox and Whittingham unto them , Mr. John Fox ( the Author of the Acts and Monuments ) contributing his approbation amongst the rest . But in the end , to give content to such as remained affected to the former Liturgy , it was agreed upon , That a mixt . Form , consisting partly of the Order of Geneva , and partly of the Book of England , should be digested and received till the first of April ; consideration in the mean time to be had of some other course which should be permanent , and obliging for the time to come . In this condition of affairs , Doctor Richard Cox , the late Dean of Christ-Church and Westminster , first Schoolmaster , and after Almoner to King Edward the sixth , putteth himself into Franckfort March 13. accompanied with many English Exiles , whom the cause of Religion had necessitated to forsake their Country : Being a man of great learning , of great authority in the Church , and one that had a principal hand in drawing up the Liturgy by Law established ; he could with no patience endure those innovations in it , or rather that rejection of it , which he found amongst them . He thereupon first begins to answer the Minister contrary to the Order there agreed on , and the next Sunday after causeth one of his company to go into the Pulpit and read the Letany . Against which doings of his , Knox in a Sermon the same day inveigheth most bitterly , affirming many things in the Book of England not onely to be imperfect , but superstitious , For the which he is not onely rebuked by Cox , but forbidden to preach . Wherewith Whittingham being much offended , deals with some of the Magistrates , from whom he procureth an Order of the 22 of March , requiring , That the English should conform themselves to the Rules of the French. Knox had not long before published a seditious Pamphlet , entituled , An Admonition to Christians , containing the substance of some Sermons by him preached in Eng●and , in one of which , he affirmed the Emperor to be no lesse an enemy to Christ that the ●yrant Nero. For this , and several other passages of the like dangerous nature , he is accused by Cox for Treason against the Emperor ; the Senate made acquainted with it , and Knox commanded thereupon to depart the City , who makes h●s Farewel-Sermon on the 25th . of March , and retires himself unto Geneva . Following his blow , Cox gets an order of the Senate , by the means of another of the Gla●berges , by which Whittingham and the rest of his faction were commanded to receive the Book of England . Against which order , Whi●tingham for a time opposeth , encouraged therein by Goodman , who for the love of Knox ( with whom afterwards he associated in all his practices ) had left the grave so●iety of those of Stralsb●rge , to joyn himself unto the Sectaries of 〈…〉 . But finding Cox to be too strong for them in the Senate , both they and all the rest who refused conformity , resolved to betake themselves to some other place , as they shortly did . Cox thus made Master of the field , begins to put the Congregation into such order , as might preserve the face and reputation of an English Church . He procures Whitehead to be chosen for the principal Pa●●or , appoints two Ministers for Elders , and four Deacons for a●●istants to him , recommends Mr. Robert Horn ( whom he had drawn from Zurick thither ) to be Hebrew-Reader , Mullings to read the Greek Lecture , Trahern the Lecture in Divinity , and Chambers to be Treasurer for the Contributions , which were sent in from time to time by many godly and well●affected persons , both Dutch and English , for the use of that Church . Having thus setled all things answerable to his own desires , he gives an account thereof to Calvin , subscribed by fourteen of the chief men in that Congregation , partly excusing themselves that they had proceeded so far without his consent , and partly rejoycing , that they had drawn the greatest part of that Church to their own opinions . Calvin returns his Answer on the last of May , which puts his party there on another project , that is to say , to have the whole business referred to some Arbitrators , equally chosen on both sides . But Cox was already in possession , great in esteem with the chief Magistrates of the City , and would by no means yield to refer that point , which had already been determined to his advantage . With these debates the time is taken up till the end of August , at what time Whi●tingham and the rest of the faction take their leave of Franckfort ; Fox with some few others go to Basil , but the main body to Geneva as their M●ther-City , where they make choice of Knox and Goodman for their constant Preachers ; under which Ministry they reject the whole frame and fabrick of the Reformation made in England , conformed themselves wholly to the fashions of the Church of Geneva , and therewith entertain also the Calvinian Doctrines , to the discredit of the state of the Church of England in King Edwards time , the great grief of the Martyrs and other godly men in the reign of Queen Mar● , and to the raising of most unquenchable combustions in all parts of the Church , under Queen Elizabeth . It was not long after the setling of the Liturgie , before Whitehead left the Ministry of the English Congregation , which Cox obtained for Mr. Horn , whom he knew to be a man both of courage & constancy . And that being done , he left the Congregation , and so withdraws himself to ●ralsburge , there to enjoy the company of Peter Martyr , with whom he was intimately acquainted while he lived in Christ-Church . By his departure , a new gap is opened to another dissention . Some words had passed at a supper , intended rather for increase of charity , than the breach of friendship , betwixt Horn and Ash●ey ; Horn the chief Pastor of the flock , and Ash●ey a Gentleman of good note in the Lay part of it . Some three dayes after being the 16th . of January , Ashley●is is cited to appear at the house of one of the Elders , to answer for some words which he had spoken in contempt of the Ministry . But from the Elders , he appeals to the Congregation , amongst whom he prevails so fat , that they send a message by two of their company to the Pastor and Elders , requiring them to proceed no further in the cause . Horn being backed by Chambers , the publick Treasurer , excepts against this message , as decreed at a private Conventicle , not by the general suffrages of the Congregation , and thereupon resolves to stand to that Authority which formerly had been conferred on him and the rest of the Elders , by the Rules of their Discipline . Ashley and his adh●rents on the other side , declare their former private meeting not to be a ●onventicle , protest against the Pastor and Elders , as an adverse party , and therefore not in a capacity to sit as Judges in the present case , and set themselves upon the making of a Book of Discipline , for the curbing the exorbitant power ( for such they thought it ) of the Pastor and Elders . The Pastor and Elders thereupon forsake their Offices , and on the 5th , of February , being the next day of publick meeting , take place amongst the rest as private persons ; The Congregation full , but the Pulpit empty , which put the rest upon a humour of electing others to take the publick charge upon them . The noise of these disorders awakes the Magistrates , who command Horn and Chambers to forbear the congregation , until further Order , and afterwards restoring them to their former authority by publick Edict , were contradicted in it by Ashley's party , who having got some power into their hands , were resolved to keep it . In the mean time , a Book of Discipline had been drawn and tendered to the Congregation , on the ●4th . of February . According to the Rules whereof , the supreme power in all Ecclesi astical causes was put into the hands of the Congregations , and the disposing of the publick monies committed to the trust of certain Officers , by the name of Deacons . This makes the breach wider than before , Horn and his party labouring to retain the old , the other to establish the new Discipline of their own devising . The Magistrates not able to agree the difference , dispatch their Letters unto S●ralsburge of the 3d. of April , desiring Dr Cox and Dr. Sandys , together with Robert Bertie , Esq to undertake the closing of the present rupture . To their arbitrement each party is content to submit the controversie , but differ in conclusion , in the terms of their Reference . Much talk , and no small scandal groweth upon these divisions , not made the less by the Pen-combats between Horn and Whitehead . In the end , a form of reconciliation is drawn up by some of the English , who more endeavoured the peace of the Church , than the interess of either party . But those who stood for the new Discipline being grown the stronger , refused to submit themselves to any establishment , by which the power of the diffusive body of the Congregation might be called in question . Whereupon Horn and Chamb●rs depart to Stralshurge , from whence Chambers writ his Letters to them of the 20th . of June , and after , of the 30th . of July , but to no effect . They had before proceeded to the election of some new Ministers , March the 22d . Against which , though Horn and his opposed , yet they concluded it for the present , on the 29th . and now they mean to stand unto the conclusion , let Horn and Chambers go or tarry , as best pleased themselves . Such were the troubles and disorders in the ▪ hurch of Franckfort , occasioned first by a dislike of the publick Liturgy , before which they preferred the nakedness and simplicity of the French and Genevian Churches , and afterwards continued , by the opposition made by the general body of the Congregation , against such as were appointed to be Pastors and Rulers over them . Hence the beginning of the Puritan faction , against the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church ; that of the Presbyterians against the Bishops , of Episcopal Government ; and finally that also of the Independents , against the superintendency of the Pastors and Elders . The terrible effects , whereof will appear hereafter , if God shall give me means and opportunity to carry on the History of those disturbances which have been raised by the P●ritans or Presbyterians , against the Orders of this Church , and the peace of Christendome . But sorrows seldome go alone , the abberrations from the Government , and Form , and Worship , established in the Church of England , drew on and alteration also in point of Doctrine . Such of the English as had retired into Geneva , imploy themselves in setting out a new Translation of the Bible in the English Tongue , which afterwards they published with certain marginal Notes upon it , most of them profitable for the understanding of the Text , but so that some were he●e●odox in point of Doctrine , some dangerous , and seditious , in reference to the Civil Magistrate , and some as scandalous in respect of Episcopal Government . From this time the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination began to be dispersed in English Pamphlets , as the only necessary , Orthodox , and saving truth . Knox publisheth a book Against an adversary of God's predestination , wherein it is declared , That whatsoever the Ethnicks and ignorant did attribute to Fortune , by Christians is to be ●ssigned to God's heavenly providence ; that we 〈◊〉 to judge nothing to come of Fortune , but that all cometh by the determinate counsel of God ; and finally , that it would be displeasing unto God , if we should esteem any thing to proceed from any other ; and that we do not only behold him as the principal cause of all things , but also the author , appointing all things to the one or the other by his only counsel . After comes out a Book first written in French , and afterwards by some of them translated into English , which they called A brief Declaration of the Table of predestination , in which it is put down for a principal Aphorism , that in like manner , as God hath appointed the end , it is necessary also , that God should appoint the causes leading to the same end ; but more particularly , that by vertue of God's will all things are done ; yea , even those things which are evil and execrable . In another book Entituled Against a privy Papist , it is maintained more agreeably to Calvin's Doctrine , That all evil springeth of Gods Ordinance , and that Go●s predestination was the cause of Adam's fall , and of all wickednesses . And in a fourth book published by Robert Crowley , who afterwards was Rector of the Church of St Giles's nere Cripple-gate , Entituled The confutation of 13 Articles , &c. it is said expresly , That Adam being so perfect a creature , that there was in him no lust to sin , and yet so weak , that of himself he was not able to withstand the assault of the subtil Serpent ; that therefore there can be no remedy , but that the only cause of his fall , must needs be the predestination of God. In which book it is also said , That the most wicked persons that have been , were of God appointed to be even as wicked as they were ; and finally , that if God do predestinate man to do things rashly , and without any deliberation , he shall not deliberate at all , but run headlong upon it , be it good or evil . By which defenders of the absolute decree of reprobation , as God is made to be the Author of sin , either in plain terms or undeniable consequence ; so from the same men , and the Genevian Pamphlets by them dispersed , our English Calvinists had borrowed all their grounds and principles on which they build the absolute and irrespective decree of Predestination , contrary to the Doctrine publickly maintained and taught in the time of King Edward . Anno Reg. Mar. 4. A. D. 1556 , 1557. IT is now time that we set sail again for England , which we left flaming with the fire of Persecutions , and the whole body of the State not a little inflamed with a spirit of treason and sedition ; the last ill spirit well allayed by the execution of the chief Conspirators , the other fire not quenched by the blood of the Martyrs , which rather served as oyle to nourish , than as water to extinguish the outragiousness of it . But the Queen hoped to salve the matter on her part by some works of piety , as the restoring of such Church Lands as were in the Crown , for the endowment of some new Convents of Moncks and Friers . But first she thought it necessary to communicate her purpose unto some of the Council , and therefore calling to her the Lord Treasurer Paulet , Inglefield Master of the Wards , Rochester Comptrouler of her Houshold , and Master Secretary Peter , who seemed to be most concerned in it , by their several places , she is said to have spoken to them in these following words : Y●u are here o● Our Counsel , and We have willed you to be be ca●led to Us , to the intent you might hear of me my conscience , and the resol●tion of my mind , concerning the Lanas and Possessions , as well of Monasteries , as of other Churches whatsoever , being now presently in my possession . First I do consider that the said Lands were taken away from the Churches aforesaid , in time of Schism , and that by unlawful means , such as are contrary both to the Law of God and of the Church ; For the which cause my conscience doth not suffer me to detain them . And therefore I here expresly refuse either to claim or retain the said Lands for mine , but with all my heart freely and willingly without all paction or condition , here and before God , I do surrender and relinquish the said lan●s and possessions , or inheritances whatsoever , and do renounce the same with this mind and purpose , that order and disposition thereof may be taken , as shall seem best liking to our most holy Lord the Pope , or else his Legate , the Lord Cardinal , to the honour of God , and wealth of this our Realm . And albeit you may ob●ect to me again , that con●idering the State of my Kingdom , the dignity thereof , and my Crown Imperial , cannot be honourably maintained and furnished without the possessions aforesaid ; yet notwithstanding ( and so she had affirmed before , when she was bent upon the restitution of the Tenths and first Fruits ) I set more by the salvation of my soul , than by ten such Kingdomes ; and therefore the said poss●ssi●ns I utterly refuse here to hold , after that sort and title , and give most hearty thanks to Alm●gh●y God , which hath given me an husband likewise minded , with no lesse good affection in this behalf , than I am my self . Wherefore I charge and command that my Chancellor ( with whom I have conferred my mind in this matter bef●re ) and you four to morrow do resort together to the most Reverend Lord Legate , and do signifie to him the premises in my Name ; and give your attendance upon him , for the more full declaration of the State of my Kingdom , and of the aforesaid possessions accordingly , as you your selves do understand the matter , and can inform him in the same . Upon this opening of her mind , the Lords perceived it would be to no purpose to perswade the contrary , and therefore thought it requisite to direct some course wherein she might satisfie her desires to her own great honour , and yet not alienate too much at once of the publick Patrimony . The Abby of Westminster had been founded in a Convent of Benedictines , or black Monks , by King Edward the Confessor ; valued at the suppression by King Henry the 8th . at the yearly sum of 3977. pounds , in good old rents , Anno 1539. At what time having taken to himself the best and greatest part of the Lands thereof , he founded with the rest a Collegiat Church , consisting of a Dean and secular Canons ; Benson the last Abbot , being made the first Dean of this new erection . To B●nson succeeded Dr Cox , and to him was substituted Dr Weston , in the first of this Queen . And being preferred unto the place by her special favour , 't was conceived to be no hard matter to perswade him to make a surrendry of his Church into the hands of the Queen , that so it might return to its former nature , and be erected into a Convent of Benedictines , without any charge unto the Crown . And this they thought would be the easier brought to pass , because by the preferment of Dr Owen Ogl●thorp to the See of Carlisle , the Dean●y of Windsor would be void , which was considered as a sufficient compensation , if bestowed on Weston , for his surrendry of the other . But they found a greater difficulty in it than was first imagin'd , Weston appearing very backward in conforming to the Queens desires , partly out of a dislike which he had of the project ( he being one that never liked the profession of Monkery ) and partly out of an affection which he had to the place seated so opportunely for the Court , and all publick businesses . But at the last he yielded to that opportunity which he was not able to resist , and thereby gained so much displeasure from the Cardinal Legate , that before the end of the next year , Anno 1557. he was outed of his Deanry of Windsor , and all his other Ecclesiastical promotions , upon an information of his being taken in the act of adultery , which otherwise perhaps might have been pardoned or connived at in him , as in many others . But willing or unwilling he had first surrender'd the Church of Westminster , which the Queen stocked with a new Convent of Ben●dictines , consisting of an Abbot and fourteen Monks , which with their officers , were as many as the Lands then left unto it could well maintain . And for the first Abbot , she made choice of Dr John Fecknam , a learned , grave , and moderate man , whom she had formerly made Dean of St Paul's , in the place of Dr William May , and now made choice of Dr Henry Cole , Arch-Deacon of Ely , and Prolocutor of the Convocation , Anno 1555. to succeed him in it . It was upon the 21 of November , that the new Abbot and his Monks entred on the possession of their ancient Convent , which they held not fully out three years , when it was once again dissolved by Act of Parliament , of which more hereafter . Which fate befel the rest of her foundations also , two of which cost her little more than this at Westminster . A Convent of Observants ( being a reformed Order of Franciscan Friers ) had been founded by King Henry the 7th . neer the Mannor of Greenwich , and was the first which felt the fury of King Henry the 8th . by reason of some open opposition made by some of the Friers in favour of Queen Katherine , the mother of the Queen now reigning . Which moved her in a pious gratitude , to re-edifie that ruined house , and to restore as many as could be found of that Order , to their old habitations ; making up their Corporation with some new Observants , to a competent number . She gathered together also a new Convent of Dominicans , or black Friers , for whom she provided an house in Smithfield , in the City of London , ●itting the same with all conveniences both for divine Offices , and other necessary uses . And having done this , she was at no more charges with either of them ; for both the Observants and Dominicans being begging Fryers , might be resembled not unfitly to a swarm of Bees , which being provided of an hive , are left to make their combs , and raise themselves a livelyhood by their natural industry . But so she went not off in her other foundations , which were to be provided of some proportionable endowment out of the revenues of the Crown , towards their support . A● Sion nere Brentford , in the Country of Middlesex , there had been anciently a house of religious women , Nuns of the Order of St Bridget , dissolv'd as were all teh rest , by King Henry the 8th . Most of the old ones dead , and the younger maried . Yet out of such of the old Nuns as remained alive , and the addition of some others , who were willing to embrace that course of life , a competent number was made up for a new Plantation ; but seated as before at Sion , which the Queen repaired , and laid unto it a sufficient estate in Lands for their future maintenance . Which house being afterwards dissolved also by Queen Elizabeth , came first to the possession of Sir Thomas Perrot , who gave it to his wife , the Lady Dorothy , one of the daughters of Walter Divereux , Earl of Essex ; by whom , being after married to Henry Lord Percy , Earl of Northumberland , it was left for a retiring house to that Noble Family , who do still enjoy it . At Sheen on the other side of the water , there had been anciently another religious house , not far from a mansion of the Kings , to which they much resorted till the building of Richmond . This house she stock'd with a new Convent of Carthusians ( corruptly called the Charter-ho●se-Moncks ) which she endowed with a revenue great enough to maintain that Order , which profest more abstemiousness in diet , and sparingness of expence in all other things , than any others which embraced a Monastical life . And the next year having closed up the West end of the Quire or Chancel of the Church of St Johns neer Smithfield ( which was all the Protector Sommerset had left standing of it ) she restored the same to the Hospitalry of Knights of St John , to whom it formerly belonged , assigning a liberal endowment to it for their more honourable subsistence . Over whom she placed Sir Thomas Tresha●● for the first Lord Prior , a Gentleman of an ancient Family , and one that had deserv'd exceeding well of her , in defence of her claim against Queen Jane , who on the 30th . of November , 1557. received the Order of the Crosse at Westminster , and took possession of his place ; which having scarce warmed , he was taken from it by the stroke of death , and left it by the Queen to be disposed of to Sir R●chard Shellie , the last great Master of that Order in the Realm of England . But this expiring with the rest , within two years after , there remained nothing of all Queen Mary's foundations , but her new Ho●pital in the Savoy . An Hospital had formerly been founded in tha● House by her Grandfather King Henry the seventh , for the relief of such pilgrims , as either went on their Devotions to the shrine of St. Thomas Becket of Canterbury , or any other eminent Shrine or Saint in those parts of the Kingdom . On a suggestion made to King Edward the sixth , that it served onely for a recepracle of vagrant persons , it was surrendred to him in the last year of his Reign by the Master and Brethren of the same ; out of the Lands whereof he assigned the yearly Rent of seven hundred Marks for the maintenance of his new working house of Bridewel , which he had given for ever to the Lord Mayor and City of London , as hath been signified before in the life of that King , ( together with all the beds , bedding , and other furniture , which were found in this Hospital . ) And though this Grant bare date on the 26 of June , in the last year of his Reign , Anno 1553. yet the Lord Mayor and Aldermen entred not on the possession of it till the month of February now last past , Anno 1555. But having took possession of it , and so much of the Lands of this Hospital being setled on it , the Hospital in the Savoy could not be restored to its first condition , but by a new Endowment , from such other Lands belonging to Religious Houses which were remaining in the Crown . But the Queen was so resolved upon it , that she might add some works of Charity unto those of Piety , or else in honour of her Grandfather , whose foundation she restored at Greenwich also , the Hospital was again refounded on the third of November , and a convenient yearly Rent allotted to the Master and Brethren for the entertainment of the Poor , according to the tenour and effect of the first Institution . Which Prince-like Act so wrought upon the Maids of Honor , and other Ladies of the Court , that for the better attaining of the Queens good grace , they furnished the same at their own costs with new beds , bedding , and other necessary furniture , in a very ample manner . In which condition it continueth to this very day , the Mastership of the Hospital being looked on as a good preferment for any well deserving man about the Court ; but for the most part given to some of their Majesties Chaplains for the encouragement of learning , and the reward of their service . How far the Queens example , seconded by the Ladies about the Court , countenanced by the King , and earnestly insisted on by the Pope then being , might have prevailed on the Nobility and Gentry for doing the like , either in restoring their Church Lands , or assigning some part of them to the like Foundations , it is hard to say ; most probable it is , that if the Queen had lived some few years longer , either for love to her , or for fear of gaining the Kings displeasure , ( who was now grown too great to be disputed with , if the point were questioned ) or otherwise out of an unwillingnesse to incur the Popes curse , and the Churches censures , there might have been very much done that way , though not all at once . For so it was , that Philip having past over to Calais in the month of September , Anno 1555. And the next day departing to the Emperors Court , which was then at Brussels , where he found his father in a resolution of resigning to him all his Dominions and Estates , except the Empire , ( or the bare title rather of it ) which was to be surrendred to his brother Ferdinand ; not that he had not a design to settle the Imperial Dignity on his Successors in the Realm of Spain , for the better attaining of the Universal Monarchy , which he was said to have aspired to , over all the West , but that he had been crossed in it by Maxi●ilian the eldest son of his brother Ferdinand , who succeeded to his father in it , and left the same hereditary in a manner to the Princes of the House of Austria of the German Rate . For Charls grown weary of the world , broken , with warrs , and desirous to apply himself to ●ivine meditations , resolved to discharge himself of all civil employments , and spend the remainder of his life in the Monastery of St. Justus , situate among the Mountains of Extremadura , a Province of the Realm of Castile . In pursuance whereof , having called before him the principal of the Nobility and great men of his several Kingdoms and Estates , he made a Resignation of all his hereditary Dominions to King Philip his son , on the 25th . of October , Anno 1555. having then scarce attained to the 55 year of his life , to the great admiration of all the world . After which act , he found himself so abandoned by all his followers , that sitting up la●e at night in conference with Seldiu● his brothers Embassador , he had not a servant within call to light the Gentleman down stairs . Which being observed by the Emperor , he took the candle into his hands , and would needs in his own person perform that offi●e ; and having brought him to the top of the stairs , he said unto him , Remember Seldius , that thou hast known the Emperour Charls , whom thou hast seen in the he●d of so many Armies , reduced to such a low estate , as to perform the office of an ordinary servant to his Brothers Minister . Such was the greatness to which Philip had attained at the present time , when the Queen was most intent on these new foundations . As for the Pope , he had published a Bull in print at the same time also , in which he threatned Excommunication to all manner of persons without exception , as kept any Church Lands unto themselves ; as also to all Princes , Noblemen , and Magistrates , as did not forthwith put the same in execution : Which though it did not much edifie at the present in the Realm of England , yet it found more obedience and conformity in that of Ireland , in which a Parliament being called toward the end of this year , ( that is to say , in the month of June , Anno 1557. ) there past a Statute for repealing all Acts , Articles , and Provisions made against the See Apostolick , since the 20th . year of King Henry the 8th . and for abolishing of several Eccelesiastical possessions conveyed to the Laity , as also for the extinguishment of First-fruits and Twentieth parts , ( no more than the yearly payment of the twentieth part having been laid by Act of Parliament on the Irish Clergy ) in the first and last clause whereof , as they followed the example of the Realm of England , so possibly they might have given a dangerous example to it in the other point , if by the Queens death following shortly after , as well K. Philip as the Pope had not lost all their power & influence on the English Nation ; by means whereof , there was no farther progresse in the restitution of the Abbey-Lands , no more re-edifying of the old Religious Houses , and no intention for the founding of any new . Such as most cordially were affected to the interest of the Pope of Rome , and otherwise were very perfect at their Ave Maria , might love their Pater n●ster well , but their Penny better . Thus have we seen how zealously the Queen proceeded in her way , towards the re-establishing of the Papal greatness . Let us next look on the proceedings of the Cardinal Legat , not as a Legat a latere from the Pope of Rome , but as Legatus natus , a Metropolitan , or Archbishop of the Church of England . As Cardinal-Legat he had been never forward in the shedding of blood , declaring many ways his aversnesse from that severity , which he saw divers of the English Bishops , but especially the Butcher of London , were so bent upon . And when he came to act as Metropolitan , he was very sparing in that kind , as far as his own person was concerned therein ; though not to be excused from suffering the under Officers of his Diocess to be too prodigal of the blood of their Christian brethren . He had been formerly suspected for a favourer of the Lutheran Doctrins , when he lived at Rome , and acted for the Pope as one of his Legats in the Council of ●rent . Gardiner and Bonner , and the rest of the sons of Thunder , who called for nothing less than fire , ( though not from heaven ) were willing to give out , that he brought the same affections into England also ; and therefore somewhat must be done to keep up his authority and reputation , both at home and abroad . To which end , he inserteth some particulars amongst the printed Articles of his Visitation , to witnesse for him to the world , that he had as great a care for suppressing the growth of Heresie , as any Prelate in the Kingdom , who would be thought more zealous because more tyrannical ; of which sort are the 14 , 15 , and 17th . Articles which concerned the Clergy , that is to say , Whether any of them do teach or preach erronious doctrine , contrary to the Catholick faith , and the Unity of the Church ; and whether any of them do say the divine Service , or d● minister the Sacraments in the English tongue , contrary to the usual order of the Church ? Of which sort also were the first of those touching the Laity , viz. Whether any manner of persons , of what estate , degree , or condition soever they be , do hold , maintain , and affirm any Heresies , Errors , and erronious Opinions , contrary to the Laws Ecclesiastical , and the unity of the Catholick Church ? Which general Article was after branched into such particulars , as concerned the Carnal presence of Christ in the Sacrament , the reverent esteem thereof , the despising of any of the Sacramentals , and the decrying of Auricular Confession by the word or practice . And somewhat also of this sort was the 17th . Article , by which it was enquired , Whether any of the Priests or Clergy , that having been married under the pre●ence of Lawful Matrimony , and since reconciled , do privily resort to their pretended wives , or that the said women do privily resort to them . Nothing material or considerable in all the rest , but what hath been in use and practice by all the Archbishops , Bishops , and other Ecclesiastical Judges in the Church of England , since the first and best times of Queen Elizabe●h ; all of them seeming to have took their pattern from this reverend Prelate , 's and to have precedented themselves by the Articles of his Visitation . In two points onely he appeared to be somewhat singular , and therefore found no followers in the times succeeding ; the first whereof was , The Registring of the names of the Godfathers and Godmothers , as well as of the child Baptized ; which why it should be laid aside I can see no reason , the Rubrick of the Church allowing none to perform that office , before they have received the holy Communion . The second was , an Enquiry , whether the Parsons , Vicars , and Curats were diligent in teaching the Midwifes how to Christen children in time of necessity , according to the Canons of the Church ; which seemed sufficiently necessary to be put in practice , as long as Baptism was permitted to Midwives or any other persons not in holy Orders . But though he seemed more favou●able than any of the rest of the Bishops , towards those which were living , he was content to exercise the utmost of his power upon those that were dead ; nor was he without hope , that by the punishment and disgrace of those which were not sensible of ei●her , he might be thought to manifest his greatest zeal towards the maintenance of the Doctrins of the Church of Rome , as if he had inflicted the like censures on them when they were alive . This prompts him to a Visitation of the University of Cambridge , partly to rectifie the Statutes of it , which in many points were thought to stand in need of a Reformation ; but principally to exercise some more than ordinary rigour on the dead bodies of Martin Bucer and Paulus Fagius : Of these , the first , having been the publick Reader in Divinity in the time of King Edward , was solemnly interred in the Church of St. Maries ; the other having been Hebrew-Reader at the same time also , was buried in the Church of St. Michael . In order to this Visitation , he Delegates one Ormanete an Italian , honored with the title of the Popes Da●ary , Doctor Cuthbert Scot , then newly consecrated Bishop of Chester , Doctor Watson Mr. of St. John's College , and Lord Elect of Lincoln , and Doctor Christopherson , Master of Trinity Colledge , and Dean of Norwich , Lord Elect of Chichester , and Doctor Henry Cole Provost of Eaton College , and Dean of St. Pauls . With these were joyned as Commissioners Doctor Andrew Pern , Master of Peterhouse , and Vice-chancellor , some Doctors of Divinity , Sir James D●er then the Recorder of the Town , and certain others , in the name of the King and Queen , It must be some great business doubtlesse , that must require so many hands , and exercise the wits of so many persons , Bishops , Deans , Doctors in Divinity , Canonists , common Lawyers , Knights , and Gentlemen . But what the business was , and how little it required such preparations , we are next to see . The Cardinals Commissioners came to Cambridge on the 9th . of January , where they found the rest ready to receive them , and the next day they interdicted the two Churches above mentioned , for daring to entertain the dead bodies of such desperate Hereticks . I pretermit the eloquent speech made by Stoaks the University-Orator , the Answer thereunto by S●ot , then Bishop of Chester , the Latine Sermon preached by Peacock against Sects and Hereticks , together with the Solemn Mass , with which this weighty businesse was to take beginning . Which preparations being past over , a Petition is presented to the Cardinals Delegates in the name of the Vice-chancellor , and Heads of the University , for taking up the bodies of the said Martin Bucer and Panlus Faglus , to the end that some legal proceedings might be had against them , to the terrour of others , in regard of those many dangerous and heretical Doctrines by them formerly taught . The Petition being granted , and the dead bodies condemned to be taken out of their graves , a publick Citation is set up at St. Mary's Church , the Market-place , and the common Schools , requiring the said Martin Bucer and Paulus Fagius , or any other in their names , or in their behalf , to appear before the Lords Commissioners on Monday the 18th . of that Month , to answer to such Articles as then and there should be objected against them . But the dead bones not being able to come unless they were carried , and no body daring to appear as their Proctor or Advocate , they might have been taken pro confessis , but that the Court was willing to proceed by Witnesses ; and to that end they took the Depositions of several persons , touching the Doctrine taught by the said two Hereticks ; and then upon mature deliberation they condemned them of Heresie , ordered them to be taken out of their graves , degraded from all holy Orders , and delivered to the secular Magistrate . Of all this , an account is given to the Cardinal-Legat , who is desired to take some course that the ordinary Writ ( de comburendo Haeretic● ) for the burning of Hereticks , might be taken out , and sent unto the Mayor of Cambridge , without which , nothing could be done , in order to the execution of the rest of the Sentence . The Writ accordingly comes down , and Saturday the sixth day of February is appointed for the burning of the two dead bodies ; which being taken out of their graves , and laid in their coffins on mens shoulders , are carried to the market● place with a guard of men , well arme● and weaponed , for fear of making an escape ; chained unto several posts , as if still alive , the wood and fire put to them , and their bodies burned , together with as many of their Books as could be gotten , which were cast into the same flames also . And because one University should not mock the other , the like cruelty was also exercised upon the dead body of Martyr's wi●e at Oxford , a godly , grave , and sober matron while she lived , and to the poor people there exceeding charitable . It was supposed , that Oxon stood as much in need of a Visitation as Cambrige did . A Commission is therefore granted by the Cardinal-Legat to Doctor James Brooks Bishop of Glocester , Ormanete the Popes Datary , Cole and Wright Doctors of the Civil Law , &c. to rectifie such things as they foundamiss in that University , or in any College of the same . It was given them also in charge amongst other things , that they should take the body of this good woman out of her grave , into which she had been laid Anno 1552. and to consume the same with fire , not doubting but she was of the same Religion which her husband had professed before . But when the Commissioners came to execute that part of their business , they could find no witnesse to depose any thing for certain touching her Religion , such as were brought before them agreeing generally in this answer , That they did not understand her Language , and therefore could not tell of what Religion she was . It was therefore signified to the Cardinal , that for want of legal evidence against her , they could not lawfully proceed in burning her body , as they had done the bodies of Bucer and Fagius , against whom there was evidence enough to be found in their writings , be●ides that which was given in from the mouthe● of Witnesses . The Cardinal thereupon gives order to Doctor Marshal Dean of Christ-Church , to take up her body ( which had been buried near to that of St. Frideswide ) and to lay it out of Christian burial ; who very readily obeyed , took up the bones of that vertuous woman ; and most prophanely buried them in a common dunghil . But long they lay not in that place , for Queen Elizabeth comming to the Crown within two years after ; gave order , that this body should be decently interred , as became the quality of her person , and the reverence due unto her husband ; as also that Bucer & ●agius should in the other University be publickly restor'd to their former honors . In obedience unto whose commands , the body of the one is taken out of the dunghil , and laid into the grave of St. Frideswide , their bones so intermingled with one another , that there could be no fear of offering the like inhumanity to them for the time to come . And that the like honour might be done to Bucer and ●agius , a solemn commemoration of them was held at Cambridge , the Sermon preached by Mr. James Pilkington , who not long after was preferred to the See of Durham ; the Panegyrick made by Ackworth Orator of that University , who spared no part of a good Orator , in setting forth their due praises , and deserved commendations . But we must now look back again on the Reign of Queen Mary , in which we find little more to do than the magnificent reception of Osep Napea , Embassador from the great Duke of Muscovy , upon this occasion : The English Merchants at the sollicitation of Sebastian Cabot , had furnished out some ships for the discovery of a North-East passage towards the rich Countries of Cathai and China ; in which they made so good a progress , that they attained as far as the Port of St. Nicholas , one of the principal Port-towns of the Empire of Russia , and laid the first foundation of a wealthy Trade with that mighty Empire . For their encouragement therein , the Privileges of the Easterlings , commonly called the Merchants of the Stilyard , ( who before had managed all the Trade of the North East parts ) were seized on by King Edward the 6th . and the way thereby laid open to the Merchant-Adventurers , to encrease their shipping with their wealth . For the continuance of which Trade betwixt the Nations , the Emperor John Basiliwits sends his Ambassador above named , imbarked in one of the English ships , under the conduct and government of Richard Chancellor , the most expert Pilot of that age . But so it hapned , that the rest of the ships being scattered by a strong tempest on the coast of Norway , the ship which carried the Ambassador was wreckt upon the coast of Scotland ▪ the lading for the most part lost , amounting to twenty thousand pounds and upwards , besides many rich presents sent from the Russian Emperor to the King and Queen . The Ambassador with much ado was preserv'd from drowning , but the Pilot lost , who by labouring to preserve the life of the other , neglected the best opportunity to save his own . The news wherof being brought to the Merchants of London , ( who by this time were grown into a Company of 140. ) they procured Letters from the King to the Regent of Scotland ; for the courteous entertainment of the said Ambassador , and the restoring of such goods as had escaped the wreck : and having furnished him with mony and all other necessaries , caused him to be conducted towards the Court. Taking his leave of Scotland on the 14th . of February , he is brought by easie journeys within twelve miles of London , honorably entertained in all places as he past along , and there received by four-score of the Russian Merchants in their chains of gold , Furnished with Gold , Velvet , Silk , and all other things , he is by the whole Company of the Russian Merchants magnificently brought into London on the last of that month ; met on the way by the Lord Viscount Montacute , attended with a gallant train of three hundred Horse , at the Queens command , and received at Smithfield-bars by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in their scarlet Robes . Conducted to his lodgings in F●●-Church street , he was there presented in the Queens na●e , with a piece of clo●th of Tissue , two pieces of cloth of gold , one whereof was raised with Crimson Velvet , with many other pieces of the like rich making , which very thankfully he received . Abiding at his lodging till the Kings coming back from Flander● , which was not till the 21 of March , he was brought upon out Lady day by water to the Court at Westminster ; received at his landing by six Lords , he was by them brought into a chamber , where he found the Lords Chancellor , Treasurer , Privy Seal , Admiral , Bishop of Ely , and other Counsellors . Who having exchanged salutations with him attended him to the King and Queen , sitting under a rich Canopy or cloath of State in the great Hall there . Having presented his Letters of Credence , exprest himself unto their Majesties in a short Oration , which was interpreted to them both in English and Spanish , and presented them with two timber of Sables , which with much diligence had been recovered out of the wreck , he was by them remitted to his lodging with the like solemnity . Attended shortly after by the Bishop of Ely , and Mr Secretary Peter ; who after much Communication , and several Treaties , setled at last a friendly entercourse and commerce betwixt the Nations ; the Articles whereof engrossed in parchment , were afterwards presented to him , ra●ified and confirmed by the Great Seal of England . On the 23d . of April he was brought again into the Court , where having seen the Pomps and Orders of St George's Feast , the Service of the Royal Chapel , and the magnificent Procession of the Knights of the Garter , he takes his leave of the King and Queen , is re-conveyed unto his lodging , and on the 3d. of May embarks for Russi● , accompanied with four good ships well frought with Merchandise most proper for the trade of that Country to which they were bound . The costly presents sent by him from the King and Queen to the Russian Emperour , and those bestowed upon himself , I leave to be reported by him at his coming home , and the relation of John Stow in his Annals of England , fol. 630 ▪ Nor had I dwelt so long upon these particulars , but to set forth the ancient splendor and magnificence of the State of England , from which we have so miserably departed in these latter times . Worse entertainment found an agent from the French King at his coming hither , because he came on a worse errand . Stafford an English Gentleman of a Noble Family , having engaged himself in some of the former enterprises against this Queen , and finding no good fortune in them , retired with divers others to the Court of France ; from whence they endeavoured many times , to create some dangers to this Realm , by scattering and dispersing divers scandalous Pamphlets , and seditious papers , tending to the apparent defamation of the King and Queen . And having got some credit by these practices amongst the Ministers of that King ▪ he undertakes to seize upon some Fortress or Port Town of England , and put the same into the hands of the French. In prosecution of which plot , accompanied with some English Rebels , and divers French Adventurers intermingled with them , he seizeth on the strong Castle of Scurborough , in the Co●nty of York . From thence he published ● most traiterous and seditious Manifest , in which he trayterously affirmed the Queen , neither to be the Rightful Queen of this Realm , nor to be worthy of the Title , affirming that the King had brought into this Realm the number of twelve thousand Spaniards , who had possess'd themselves of twelve of the best Holds in all the Kingdome ; upbraiding the Queen with her misgovernment , and taking to himself the Title of Protector of the Realm , of England . But the Queen being secretly advertised of the whole design , by the diligence of Dr Nicholas Wotton , Dean of Canterbury , who was then Ambassador in that Court , Order was taken with the Earl of Westmorland , and other Noble men of those parts , to watch the Coasts , and have a care unto the safety of those Northern Provinces , By whom he was so closely watch'd , and so well attended , that having put himself into that Castle on the 24th , he was pulled out of it again on the last of April ; from thence brought prisoner unto London , condemned of Treason , executed on the Tower Hill , May 28. and on the morrow after three of his accomplices were hanged at Tyburn , cut down and quartered . But as it was an ill wind which blowes no body good , so this French Treason , so destructive to the chief conspiratours , redounded to the great benefit and advantage of Philip. He had for three years borne the Title of King of England , without reaping any profit and commodity by it . But being now engaged in war with King Henry the 3d. though in pursute rather of his fathers quarrels , than any new ones of his own , he takes this opportunity to move the Queen to declare her self against the French , & to assist him in his war against that King , for the good of her Kingdoms . It was not possible for the Queen to separate her interest from that of her husband , without hazarding some great unkindness , if not a manifest breach between them . She therefore yields to his desire , and by her Proclamation of the 7th . of June , chargeth that King in having an hand not only in the secret practices of the Duke of Northumberland , but also in the open rebellion of W●at , and his confederates . She also laid unto his charge , that Dudley Ashton , and some other male contents of England , were entertained in the house of his Ambassadors , where they cotrived many treasons and conspira●ies against her and her Kingdom ; that flying into France , they were not only entertained in the Court of that King , but relieved with pensions . Finally , that he had aided and encouraged Stafford with shipping , men , mony , and munition , to invade her Realm , thereby if it were possible , to dispossess her of her Crown . She therefore gives notice to her subjects , that they should forbear all traffick and commerce with the Realm of France : from which she had received so many injuries , as could admit no reparation but by open war. And that she might not seem to threaten what she never intended , she causeth an army to be raised consisting of one thousand horse , four thousand foot , and two thousand pioners , which she puts under the command of the Earl of Pembrook , and so dispatcheth them for Flanders , to which they came about the middle of July . King Philip had gone before on the 6th . of that month , and all things here were followed with such care and diligence , that the army staid not long behind ; but what they did , falls not within the compass of this present year . All which remains to be remembred in this present year , relates unto such changes and alterations , as were made amongst the Governors of the Church , and the Peers of the Realm . It hath been signified before , that White of Lincoln had prevailed by his friends in Court , to be translated unto Winchester , as the place of his Nativity and Education . To whom succeeded Dr Thomas Watson , Master of St John's College in Cambridge , and Dean of Durham , elected to the See of Lincoln , before Christmass last , and acting by that name , and in that capacity , against the dead body of Martin Bucer . To Day of Chichester , who deceased on the 2d . of Aug. in the beginning of his year , succeeded Dr John Christopherson , a right learned man , Mr of Trinity College in Cambridge , and Dean of Norwich , elected about the same time when the other was , and acting as he did against Bucer and Fagius , as also did Dr Cuthbert Scot , who at that time was actually invested in the See of Chester , upon the death of Dr ●oats , the preceding Bishop . And finally , in the place of Aldrick Bishop of Carlisle , who died on the 5th . of March , 1555. Dr Owen Oglethorp , President of Magdalen College in Oxon , and Dean of Windsor , receives Consecration to that See , in that first part of this year ; but the particular day and time thereof I have no where found . Within the compass of this year ( that is to say the 4th . year of the Reign of this Queen ) died two other Bishops , Salcot or Capon Bishop of Salisbury , and Chambers the first Bishop of Peterborough ; to the first of which there was no successor actually consecrated or confirmed , for the reasons to be shewed anon in the Reign of this Queen . But to the other , succeeded Dr David Pool , Dr of both laws , Dean of the Arches , Chancellor to the Bishop of Lichfield , and Arch-Deacon of Derby , elected before the end of this year , but not consecrated till the 15th of August , in the beginning of the next . Some alterations hapned also amongst the Peers of the Realm , in the creation of one , and the destruction of another . A Rebellion had been raised in the Nor●h upon the first suppression of Religious Houses , Anno 1536. in which Sir ● homas Percy second so● to Henry the fifth Earl of Northumberland of that name and family , was thought to be a principal stickler , and for the same was publickly arraigned , condemned , and executed . By Eleanar his wife , one of the daughters and heirs of Sir G●iscard Har●●o●tle , he was the father of Tho●as and Henry , who hitherto had suffered under his Attaindure : But now it pleased Queen Mary to reflect on their Fathers sufferings , and the cause thereof , which moved her not onely to restore them to their blood and honors , but also to so much of the Lands of the Percies as were remaining in the Crown . In pursuance whereof , she advanced Thomas the elder brother , on the last of April , to the Style , Title , and Degree of Earl of No●thumberland , the remainder to his brother Henry , in case the said Thomas should depart this life without Issue male . By vertue of which Entail , the said Henry afterwards succeeded him in his Lands and Honors , notwithstanding that he was attainted , condemned , and executed for high Treason in the time of Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1572. Not many weeks before the restitution of which noble Family , that of the Lord Sturton was in no small danger of a final destruction , a Family first advanced to the state of a Baron in the person of Sir John Sturton , created Lord Sturton in the 26th . of King Henry the 6th . and now upon the point of expiring in the person of Charls Lord Sturton , condemned and executed with four of his servants on the 6th . of March , for the murder of one Argal and his son , with whom he had been long at variance . It was his first hope that the murther might not be discovered , and for that cause had buried the dead bodies fifteen foot under ground ; his second , that by reason of his zeal to the Popish Religion it might be no hard matter to procure a pardon . But the Murder was too foul to be capable of any such favour , so that he was not onely adjudged to die , but condemned to be hanged . It is reported of Marcus Antonius , that having vanquished Artanasdes King of Armenia , he led him bound in chains to Rome ; but for his greater honor , and to distinguish him from the rest of the prisoners , in chains of gold : And such an honour was vouchsafed to this noble Murderer , in not being hanged as his servants and accomplices were , in a halter of hemp but in one of silk . And with this fact the Family might have expired , if the Queen , having satisfied Justice by his execution , had not consulted with her mercy for the restoring of his next Heir both in blood and honor . An. Reg. Mar. 5º An. Dom. 1557 , 1558. WE must begin this year with the success of those forces which were sent under the command of the Earl of Pembrock , to the aid of Philip ; who having made up an Army of 35 thousand Foot , and 12 thousand Horse , besides the Forces out of England , sate down before St. Quintin the chief Town of Piccardy , called by the Romans , Augusta Veromandnorum , and took this new name from St. Quintin the supposed tutelaty Saint and Patron of it ; a Town of principal importance to his future aims , as being one of the Keys of France on that side of the Kingdom , and opening a fair way even to Paris it self . For the raising of which Siege , the French King sends a puissant Army under the command of the Duke of Montmorancy , then Lord High Constable of France , accompanied with the Flower of the French Nobility . On the 10th . day of August the Battels joy● , in which the French were vanquished , and their Army routed ; the Constable himself , the Prince of Mantua , the Dukes of Montpensier and Long●aville , with fix others of the prime Nobility , and many others of less note , being taken prisoners : The Duke of 〈◊〉 , the Viscount Turin , four persons of honorable ranck , most of the Foor Captains , and of the common Soldiers to the number of 2500 slain upon the place . The news whereof struck such a terrour in King Henry the 2d . that he was upon the point of for saking Paru , and retiring into Lang●edock , or some other remote part of his Dominions ; In the suddenness of which surprise , he dispatcht his Curriers for recalling the Duke of Guise out of I●aly , whom he had sent thither at the Popes in●●igation with a right puissant Army for the Conquest of Naples . But Philip knowing better how to enjoy than to use his victory , continued his Siege before St. Quintin , which he stormed on the 18th . of that month , the Lord Henry Dudley one of the younger sons of the Duke of Northu●b●r land ( who lost his life in the Assault ) together with Sir Edward Windsor , being the first that scaled the walls , and advanced their victorious Colours on the top thereof . After which gallant piece of service , the English finding some neglect at the hands of Philip , humbly desire to be dismist into their Country , which for fear of some fu●●her inconvenience was indulged unto them . By which dismission of the English ( as Thuan●s and others have observed ) King Philip was not able with all his Spaniards to perform any action of importance in the rest of the War. But the English shall pay dearly for this Victory , which the Spaniard bought with no greater loss than the lives of 50 of his men . The English at that time were possessed of the Town of Calais , with many other pieces and ●orts about , as Guisuesse , Fanim , Ardres , &c. together with the whole Territory called the County Oye , the Town by Caesar called Portus Iccius , situate on the mouth or entrance of the English Chanel , opposite to Dover , one of the five principal Havens in those parts of England , from which distant not above twenty five miles , a Town much aimed at for that reason by King Edward this 3d. who after a Siege of somewhat more than eleven months , became Master of it , Anno 1347. by whom first made a Colonie of the English Nation , and after one of the Staple Towns for the sale of Wool. Kept with great care by his Successors , who as long as they had it in their possession , were said to ca●ry the Keys of France at their girdle ; esteemed by Philip de Comin●● for the goodliest Captainship in the world , and therefore trusted unto none but persons of most eminent ranck both for courage and honour . A Town which for more than 200 years had been such an eye-sore to the French , and such a thorn in their sides , that Monsieur de Cordes , a Nobleman who lived in the Reign of King Lewis the 11th . was wont to say , that he could be content to lie seven years in hell , upon condition that this Town were regained from the English . But the French shall have it now at an easier rate ; The Queen had broke the Peace with France , and sent a considerable Body of Forces to the aid of Philip , but took no care to fortifie and make good this place , as if the same Garrison which had kept it in a time of peace , had been sufficient to maintain it also in a time of war. For so it hapned , that Francis of Lorain Duke of Guise , one of the best Soldiers of that age , being called back with all his forces from the war of I●aly , and not well pleased with the loss of that opportunity which seemed to have been offered to him for the conquest of Naples , resolved of doing somewhat answerable unto expectation , as well for his own honor as the good of his Country . He had long fixed his eyes on Calais , and was informed by Senarpont Governor of Bolloigne , and by consequence a near neighbour to it , that the Town was neither so well fortified , nor so strongly garrisoned , but that it might be taken without any great difficulty . For confirmation whereof , Monsieur , a' Strozzie one of the Marshals of France , under the favour of a disguise , takes a view of the place , and heartneth on the Duke with the feasibility of the undertaking . Philip , who either had intelligence of the French designes , or otherwise rationally supposing what was like to follow in the course of War , had often advised the Queen to have a care of that Piece , and freely offered his assistance for de●ence thereof . But the English over wisely jealous left Philip had a practice on 〈◊〉 it lying commodiously for his adjoyning Neatherlands , neglected both 〈◊〉 advice and proffer . Nay , so extreamly careless were the Council of England in looking to the preservation and defence of this place , that when the Duke sate down before it , there was not above 500 Soldiers , and but two hundred fighting men amongst the Townsmen , although the whole number of Inhabitants amounted to 4200 persons . On New years day the Duke of Guise sate down before it , and on Twelfth-day , had it surrendred up unto him by the Lord Deputy Wentworth , who had the chief command and government of it . The noise of the thundring Canon heard as far as Antwerp , could not but rouse the drousie English to bethink themselves of some relief to be sent to Calais , and they accordingly provided both ships and men to perform that service . But the winds were all the while so strong and so cross against them , that before the English ships could get out of their Havens , the French were Masters of the Town . Some greater difficulty found the Duke in the taking of the Castle of Guisnesse , where the Lord Gray , a valiant and expert Soldier , had the chief command . But at length the Accessories followed the same fortune with the Principal , both Guisnesse and Hanine , and all the other Pieces in the County of Oye , being reduced under the power of the French within few days after . There now remained nothing to the Crown of England of all its antient Rights in France , but the Islands of Gernsey , Jersey , Sark , and Aldernay , all lying on the coast of Normandy , of which Dukedome heretofore accounted members . Held by the English ever since the time of the Norman Conquest , they have been many times attempted by the French , but without successe ; never so much in danger of being lost as they were at this present . Some of the French had well observed , that the Island of Sark ( an Island of six miles in compass ) enjoyned the benefit of a safe and commodious Haven , but without any to defend it but a few poor Hermites , whom the privacy and solitariness of the place had invited thither . The Island round begirt with Rocks , lying aloft above the Sea , and having onely one streight passage or ascent unto it , scarce capable of two abreast . Of this Island the French easily possest themsevles , dislodged the Hermites , fortifie the upper part of the Ascent with some pieces of Ordnance , and settle a small Garrison in it to defend the Haven . But long they had not nested there , when by a Gentleman of the Neatherlands , one of the subjects of King Philip , it was thus regained : The Flemmish Gentleman with a small Bark came to Anchor in the Road , and pretending the death of his Merchant , besought the French that they might bury him in the Chapel of that Island , offering a present to them of such Commodities as they had aboard . To this request the French were easily entreated , upon condition , that they should not come to shore with any weapen , no not so much as a Pen-knife . This leave obtained , the Flemming row'd unto the shoar with a Coffin in their skiff for that us purposely provided , and manned with Swords & Arcubusses . Upon their landing , and a search so strict and narrow , that it was impossible to hide a Pen-kife , they were permitted to draw their Coffin up the Rocks , some of the French rowing back unto the ship to fetch the Present , where they were soon made fast enough and laid in hold . The Flemmings in the mean time which were on the land had carried their Coffin into the Chapel , and having taken thence their weapons gave an Alarum unto the French , who taken thus upon the suddain , and seeing no hopes of succour from their fellows , yielded themselves , and abandoned the possession of that place . A Stratagem to be equalled , if not preferred , unto any of the Antients , either Greeks or Romans , did not that fatal folly , reprehended once by Tacitus , still reign amongst us , that we extol the former days , and contemn the present . The losse of this Island gave a new Alarum to the Council of England , who thereupon resolved to set out a right puissant Navy , as well for the securing of the rest of the Islands , as to make some impression on the Main of France . It was not till the month of April that they entred into consultation about this business , and so exceeding tedious were they in their preparations , that the month of July was well spent before they were ready to weigh Anthor . During which time the French h●d notice of their purpose , and understanding that they had an aim on Brest in Bre●agn , they took more care in fortifying it against the English , than the English did for Calais against the French. It was about the middle of July that the Lord Admiral Clynton set sail for France , with a Fleet of one hundred and forty ships , whereof thirty 〈◊〉 . Finding no hopes of doing any good on Brest , bends his course for Conqu●● , an open Sea-town of that Province ; at this place he lands his men , takes and sacks the Town , burns it together with the Abbey , and having wasted all the Country round about , returned with safety to his ships . But the Flemish somewhat more greedy on the spoil , and negligent in observing Martial Discipline , are valiantly encountred by a Nobleman of that Country , and sent back fewer by five hundred than they came on shoar . This was the sum of what the English did this year , in order to the recovery of the honour which they lost at Calais ; and possibly they might think they had done enough in the spoil of Bre●agn , to satisfie for the loss of a Town in Piccardy ; whereas in truth , the waste which they had made in Bre●agn might be compared to the cutting off a mans hair , which will grow again ; the loss of Calais to the dismembring of an arm or leg , never to be again united to the rest of the body . Either by reason of these wars , or that men were not then so prompt to Sutes in Law , the Lawyers found but little work in Westminster-hall , insomuch that at the King's Bench 〈◊〉 there attended but one man of Law called Foster , and but one Serjeant onely called Bouloise of the Common-Pleas , both having little more to do than to look about them , and the Judges not much more to do than the Lawyers had ; but certainly , that great leisure which the Lawyers found for doing nothing , proceeded rather from the noise of the wars , in which the voice of the Law cannot easily be heard , than from the quietness & disposition of the times , in which the number both of Sutes and Pleaders had been much encreased , as may be gathered from the words of Heiwood the old Epigrammatist , and one much made of by the Queen , who being told of the great number of Lawyers , and that the number of them would impoverish the whole Profession , made answer , No , for that always the more Spaniels there were in the field , the more was the game . Not so much elbow-room in the Hall , though possibly not much more business for them in the Term next following , by reason of the Parliament which began on the 20th . of January , and held on till the seventh of March , in which I find no Act which concerned Religion , no● any thing which had relation to the Clergy ; more than the confirmation of their Grant of Subsidies . It was a military time , and the Acts had something in them of that temper also , that is to say , an Act , proportioning what number of Horse , Arms , and Weapons every man should be charged withall in his several station , cap. 2. an Act for the due taking and observing of Musters , cap. 3. that Accessaries in Murder , and such as were found guilty of divers Felonies , should not have their Clergy , cap. 4. for the quiet behaviour of such French-men as had purchased the privilege of being Denizens , cap. 6. and finally , for granting a Subsidy and Fifteen by the Temporality towards the defence of the Realm , and carrying on the War against those of France , Nothing else memorable in this Session , but that Fecknam the new Abbot of Westminster , and Tresham the new Prior of St. Johns of Jerusalem , took place amongst the Lords in the House of Peers . At the Convocation then holden for the Province of Canterbury , Harpsfield Arch-Deacon of London , is chosen and admitted Prolocutor for the House of the Clergy . Which done , the Cardinal-Archbishop offers it to the confideration of the Bishops and Clergy , that some course might be thought upon for the recovery of Calais , then lately taken by the French. Which whether it were done to spur on the Parliament , or to shew their good affections to the publick service , is not much material , considering that I find nothing acted in pursuance of it . As little was there done in order to another of his propositions , touching the revieuing and accommodating of the Statutes of the new foundations , though a reference thereof was made to the Bishops of Lincoln , Chester , and Peterborough , together with the Deans of Can●erbury , Worcester , and Winchester . Some desires also were agreed on to be presented to the Prelate Cardinal , in the name of the Clergy , as namely ▪ 1. That request may be made to the Queens Majesty , That no Parson , Vicar or Curate , be pressed by any Captain to go to the wars . 2. That where two Benefices being contiguous , are so small that they are not able to find a Priest , the Bishop of the Diocess may give them in commendam to some one man to serve them altern●s vicibus . 3. That the Pa●ishioners which have Chapels of ease , and yet want Priests to serve the Cure , may be compelled to come to the Parish Churches , until some Curate may be gotten to serve the same . And 4. That every Bishop may be authorised by the Pope to give Orders extra tempora praescripta , that is to say , as well at any other times , as on the Sundayes after the four Ember weeks . And finally taking into consideration the great necessities of the State , and preparation of the enemies , they granted first unto the Queen , a Subsidy of eight shillings in the pound , to be paid in four years , beginning after the last payment of the former grant ; and because the Laity at that time had charged themselves with horse and armour for defence of the Realm ; the Clergy also did the like according to their several Orders and abilities . For the imposing whereof upon the rest of the Clergy , they had no recourse at all unto the Midwifry of an Act of Parliament , but acted the whole business in their own Synodical way , without contradiction . But the main business of this year , in reference to the concernments of holy Church related to the Ca●dinal Legate ; against whom the Pope had borne an inveterate grudge , sharpned by the suggestions of Bishop Gardiner , as before was signified . Being of himself a rigorous man , and one that was extreamly wedded to his own opinion , he had so passionately espoused the quarrel of the French against the Spaniard , that he intended to divest Philip of the Realm of Naples , and to confer it on the French. For this cause Francis Duke of Guise with a puissant army is drawn into Italy for the subduing of that Kingdom , but suddenly recalled again , upon the routing of the French before St Quintin , wherein the English forces had appeared so serviceable . Which gave the Pope so much displeasure , that he resolved to let his greatest enemies feel the dint of his spirit . But not daring upon second thoughts to fall foul with the Queen , he turned his fury against Pole , by whose perswasion it was thought that the Queen had broke her league with France to take part with her husband . In which humour he deprives him of the Legantin● power , confers the same on Frier Peitow an English man by birth , but of good descent , whom he designs also to the See of Salisbury , then vacant by the death of Capo● . Karn the Queens Agent with the Pope , advertiseth her Majesty of these secret practices , which the Queen concealing from the Cardinal , endeavoureth by all fair and gentle means to mitigate the Pope's displeasure , and confirm the Cardinal in the place and power which he then enjoyed . But the Pope not a man to be easily altered , Pole in the mean time understanding how things went at Rome , laid by the Cross of his Legation , and prudently abstaineth from the exercise of his Bulls and Faculties . Peitow the new Cardinal Legate , puts himself on the way to England , when the Queen taking to her self some part of her fathers spirit , commands him at his utmost peril , not to adventure to set foot upon English ground ; to which he readily inclined , as being more affected unto Cardinal Pole , than desirous to shew himself the servant of another mans passion . In the end , partly by the Queens mediation , the intercession of Ormaenete , the good successes of the French in the taking of Calais , but principally by the death of Peitow in the April following , the rupture was made up again , and Pole confirmed in the possession of his former powers . The fear of running the like hazard for the time to come , made him appear more willing to connive at his under Officers , in shedding the blood of many godly and religious persons , than otherwise he would have been . Whereupon followed the burning of ten men in the Diocess of Canterbury , on the 15th of January , whereof two suffered at Ashford , two at Ri● , and the other six in his own Metropolitan City ; and possibly the better to prepare the Pope towards this Attonement , the Queen was moved to issue her Commission of the month of February , directed to the Bishop of Ely , the Lords , Windsor , North , and seventeen others , by which the said Commissioners , or any th●e● , or more of them , were impowred to enquire of all and singular Heretical opinions , Lollardies , Heretical and seditious books , conceal●ents , contempts , conspiracies , and all false tales , rumours , seditious or slanderous words , &c. As also seize into their hands all manner of Heretical and seditious Books , Letters and Writings , wheresoever they , or any of them should be found , as well in Printers houses , and shops , as elsewhere , willing them , and every of them , to search for the same in all places according to their discretions . And finally to enquire after ●ll such persons as obstinately do refuse to receive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar , to hear Mass , or co●e to their Parish Churches , and all such as refuse to go on Procession , to take holy bread , or holy water , or otherwise misuse themselves in any Church or hallowed place , &c. The party so offending to be proceeded against according to the Ecclesiastical Lawes , or otherwise by fine or imprisonment , as to them seemed best . But the Commissioners being many in number , persons of honour and imployment for the most part of them , there was little or nothing done in pursuance of it , especially as to the searching after prohibited books ; the number whereof increasing every day more and more , a Proclamation was set forth on the 6th . of June , to hinder the continual spreading of so great a mischief . Which Proclamation was as followeth , viz. Whereas divers books filled with Hersie , Sedition , and Treason , have of late been dayly brought into this Realm out of forein Countries and places beyond the seas , and some covertly printed within this Realm , and cast abroad in sundry parts thereof ; whereby not only god is dishonoured , but also incouragement given to disobey lawful Princes and Governours ; the King and Queens Majesties for redress hereof , do by their present Proclamation , declare and publish to all their subjects , that whosoever shall after the Proclamation hereof , be found to have any of the said wicked and seditious books , or finding them , do not forthwith burn the same , without shewing or reading the same to any other persons , shall in that case be reputed and taken for a rebel , and shall without further delay be executed for that offence , according to the order of Martial Law. Which Proclamation though it were very smart and quick , yet there was somewhat of more mercy in it , than in another which came out in the very same month , at the burning of seven persons in Smithfield , published both at Newgate , where they were imprisoned , and at the stake where they were to suffer ; whereby it was straightly charged and commanded , That no man should either pray for , or speak to them , or once say God help them . A cruelty more odious than that of Domitian , or any of the greatest Tyrants of the elder times , in hindering all entercourse of speech , upon some jealousie and distrusts of State between man and man. Which Proclamation notwithstanding , Bentham the Minister of one of the London Congregations , seeing the fire set to them , turning his eyes unto the people , cried and said , We know they are the people of God , and therefore we cannot chuse but wish well to them , and say God strengthen them ; and so boldly he said , Almighty God for Christs sake strengthen them . With that all the people with one consent cryed Amen , Amen , the noise whereof was so great , and the cryers so many , that the Officers knew not whom to seize o● , or with whom they were to begin their accusation . And though peradv●nture it may seem to have somewhat of a miracle in it , that the Protestants should have a Congregation under Bonner's nose ; yet so it was , that the godly people of that time were so little terrified with the continual thoughts of that bloody Butcher , that they maintained their constant meetings for religious offices , even in London it self ; in one of which Congregations , that namely whereof Bentham was at this time Minister , there assembled seldome under 40. many times 100. and sometimes 200. but more or less as it stood most with their conveniency and safety . The Ministers of which successively were Mr Edward Scambler , after Bishop of Peterborough , Mr Thomas Foule , of whom I find nothing but the name , Mr John Rough , a Scot by Nation , convented and condemned by Bonner , and suffering for the testimony of a good conscience , December 20. After whom followed Mr Augustine Bernher , a moderate and learned man ; And finally , Mr Thomas Bentham before mentioned , who continued in that charge till the death of Queen Mary , and was by Queen Elizabeth preferred to the See of Lichfield , Anno 1589. By the encouragement and constant preaching of which pious men , the Protestant party did not only stand to their former principle , but were resolved to suffer whatsoever could be laid upon them , rather than forfeit a good conscience , or betray the cause . They had not all the opportunity of such holy meetings , but they me● frequently enough in smaller companies , to animate and comfort one another in those great extremities . Nor sped the Queen much better in her Proclamation of the sixth of June , concerning the suppression of prohibited Books ; but notwithstanding all the care of her Inquisitors , many good Books of true Christian Consolation and good Protestant Doctrine , did either find some Press in London , or were sent over to their brethren by such learned men as had retired themselves to their several Sanctuaries , their places of Retreat , which not improperly may be called their Cities of Refuge , which we have seen already ; amongst which , I find none but Embden in the Lutheran Countries , the rigid Professors of which Churches abominated nothing more than an English Protestant , because they concurred not with them in the monstrous Doctrine of Ubiquity , and their device of Consubstantiation . Insomuch that a Peter Martyr telleth us of a friend of his in the Dukedom of Saxony , that he was generally hated by the rest of Country-men , for being hospitable to some few of the English Nation , who had been forced to abandon their native soil . And it is further signified by b Ph. Melancthon with no small dislike , in an Epistle of this year , that many of those rigid Luthe●ans could find no other name but the Devils Martyrs , for such as suffered death in England in defence of Religion ; so that they seemed to act the part of Diotrephes in St John , not only prating against us with malicious words , and refusing to receive the brethren in the day of their trouble , but forbidding and condemning them that would . But John Alasco and his company had been lately there , where they spoke so reprochfully of Luther , the Augustan Confession , the Rites and Ceremonies of their Churches , as rendred them uncapable of any better entertainment than they found amongst them . And by the behaviour of these men coming then from England , the rigid Lutherans passed their judgement on the Church it self , and consequently on all those who suffered in defence thereof . For stopping the course of which uncharitable censures , it was thought fit by some of the Divines in Embden , that Archbishop Cranmers book about the Sacrament ▪ should be translated into Latin , and forthwith published in Print , which was done accordingly . Some of the Lutherans had given out on the former ground , that the English had deservedly suffered the greatest hardships both at home and abroad , because they writ and spake less reverently of the blessed Sacrament ; and it was hoped that by the publishing of this book , they would find the contrary . The like course taken also at Geneva by the English exiles , by publishing in the Latin tongue , a discourse writ by Bishop Ridley on the self same Argument , to the end it might appear unto all the world how much their brethren had been wronged in these odious calumnies . An. Reg. Mar. 6º An. Dom. 1558 , 1559. BUt in the middest of all these sorrowes , I see some hope of comfort coming by the death of Queen Mary , whose Reign polluted with the blood of so many Martyrs , unfortunate by the frequent insurrections , and made inglorious by the loss of the Town of Calais , was only commendable in the brevity or shortnesse of it . For now to bring it to an end , a dangerous and contagious Feaver began to rage in most parts of the land , insomuch that if the whole Realm had been divided into four parts , three parts of the four would have been found infected with it , so furiously it raged in the month of August , that no former plague or pestilence was thought to have destroyed a greater number , so that divers places were left void of Justices and men of worth to govern the Kingdom . At which time died also so many Priests , that a great number of Parish Churches in divers places were unserved , and no ●urats could be gotten for mony : Much corn was also lost in the field for want of labourers and workmen to get it in ; both which together seemed to threaten not onely a spiritual but a temporal famine ; though God so ordered it , that by the death of so many of the present Clergy , a door was opened for the preaching of sounder Doctrine , with far less envy and displeasure from all sorts of people than it had been otherwise : Nor were the heats of the disease abated by the coldness of the winter , or the malignity of it mitigated by medicinal courses . It took away the Physicians as well as the Patients , two of the Queens Doctors dying of it not long before her , and spared not more the Prelate than it did the Priest , insomuch that within less than the space of a twelvemonth , almost the one half of the English Bishops had made void their Sees ; which with the death of so many of the Priests in several places , did much facilitate the way to that Reformation , which soon after followed . This terrible disease , together with the said effects which followed on it ▪ and the Queens death which came along with it , though not caused by it , may seem to have been prognosticated or foretold by a dreadful tempest of thunder , hapning on the 11th . of July near the Town of Nottingham , which Tempest as it came through two Towns , beat down all the Houses and Churches , the Bells were cast to the outside of the Church-yard , and some sheets of Lead four hundred foot into the field , wri●hen like a pair of gloves . The River of Trent running between which two Towns , the water with the mud in the bottom was carried a quarter of a mile and cast against the trees , the trees plucked up by the roots , and from thence cast twelve-score paces ; also a child was was taken forth of a mans hand , and by the fury of it carried an hundred foot , two spears length from the ground , and so fell down , broke its arm , and dyed . Five or six men thereabouts were slain , and neither flesh nor skin perished ; at what time also there fell some Hailstones that were fifteen inches about , &c. But neither that terrible disease , nor this terrible tempest , nor any other publick signe of God's displeasure , abated any thing of the fury of the Persecution , till he was pleased to put an end unto it by the death of the Queen . It was upon the tenth day of November that no fewer than five at once were burned at Canterbury . The Cardinal and the Queen both lying on the bed of sickness , and both dying within seven days after . It had been prayed or prophesied by those five Martyrs when they were at the stake , that they might be the last who should suffer death in that manner , or on that occasion ; and by Gods mercy so it proved , they being the last which suffered death under the severity of this persecution . Which Persecution , and the carriage of the Papists in it , is thus described by Bishop Jewel , You have ( saith he ) imprisoned your brethren , you have stript them naked , you have scourged them with rods , you have burnt their hands and arms with flaming torches , you have famished them , you have drowned them , you have summoned them being dead to appear before you out of their graves , you have ripped up their buried carcases , burnt them , and thrown them out upon the Du●ghil , you took a poor Babe falling from its mothers womb , and in most cruel and barbarous manner threw it in●o the fire . By all which several ways and means , the Martyrs in all parts of the Kingdom amounted to the number of two hundred seventy seven persons of all sorts and sexes ; But more particularly there are said to have perished in these flames five Bishops , twenty one Divines , eight Gentlemen , eighty four Artificers , one hundred Husbandmen Servants and Labourers , twenty six Wives , twenty Widows , nine Virgins , two Boys , and two Infants ; the one springing out of his mothers womb as she was at the stake , and most unmercifully flung into the fire in the very birth . Sixty four more in those furious times were presented for their faith , whereof seven were whipped , sixteen perished in prison , twelve buried in Dunghills , and many more lay in captivity condemned , which were delivered by the opportune death of Queen Mary , and the most auspicious entrance of Queen Elizabeth , whose gracious government blotted out the remembrance of all former sufferings ; the different conditions of whose Reigns , with the former two , may seem to have somewhat in them of those appearances which were presented to Elijah in the Book of Kings , in the first B●ok and ninteenth Chapter , wherein we find it written , That a great and strong wind rent the mountains , and brake in pieces the rocks before the Lord , but the Lord was not in the wind ; and after the wind an earthquake , but the Lord was not in the earthquake ; and after the earthquake a fire , but the Lord was not in the fire ; and finally after the fire a still small voice , in which the Lord spake unto his Prophet : So in like manner it may be feared , that God was neither in that great and terrible wind , which threw down so many Monasteries and Religious houses in the Reign of King Henry ; nor in that Earthquake , which did so often shake the very foundations of the State in the time of King Edward ; nor in the Fire , in which so many godly and religious persons were consumed to ashes in the days of Queen Mary ; but that he shewed himself in that still small Voice , which breathed so much comfort to the souls of his people , in the most gracious and fortunate Government of a Virgin-Queen . For now it pleased God to hearken to the cry of those his Saints which lay under the Altar , and called upon him for an end of those calamities , to which their dear brethren were exposed . The Queen had inclined unto a D●opsie ever since the time of her supposed being with child ; which inclination appeared in her more and more , when her swelling fell from the right place to her lower parts , increasing irrecoverably in despight of Physick , till at last it brought her to her death . But there are divers other causes which are supposed to have contributed their concurrence in it ; Philip , upon the resignation of his fathers Kingdoms and Estates , had many necessary occasions to be out of the Kingdom , and yet she thought , that he made more occasions than he needed , to be absent from her ; This brought her first into a fancy that he cared not for her , which drew her by degrees into a fixed and setled melancholly , confirmed , if not encreased , by a secret whisper , that Philip entertained some wandring Loves when he was in Flanders . Her Glasses could not so much flatter as not to tell her , that she had her fathers feitures with her mothers complexion ; and she was well enough able to inform her self , that the ●everity of her humour had no great charms in it , so that on the point she wanted many of those natural and acquired attractions , which might have served to invite or reward affection ▪ Fixed on this melancholy pin , the death of Charls the Emperour , which hapned on the 2● of September , comes to help it forward ; a Prince , upon whose countenance and support she had much depended , both when she was in disgrace with her father , and out of favour with her brother . But that which came nearest to her heart was the loss of Calais , first lost for want of giving credit to the intelligence which had been sent her by her Husband ; and secondly by the loss of that opportunity which might have been taken to regain it . Monsieur ● ' Termes who was made Governour of the Town , had drained it of the greatest part of the Garison to joyn with some other forces , for the taking of some Towns in Flander● ; But in a Battel fought near Graveling on the 13th . of July , he lost not onely his own liberty , but more then five thousand of his men ; the fortune of the day falling so heavily on the Soldiers of Calais , that few of them escaped with life ▪ So that if the Queens Navy , which had done great service in the fight , had showed it self before the Town , and Count Egmond who commanded the Flemmings had sate down with his victorious Army to the Landward of it , it might have been recovered in as few days as it had been lost . This opportunity being neglected , she gave her self some hopes of a restitution upon an agreement then in treaty between France and Spain . But when all other matters were accorded between those Crowns , and that nothing else was wanting to compose all differences but the restoring of this Town , the French were absolutely resolved to hold it , and the Spaniards could in honor make no Peace without it . So the whole Treaty , and the deceiptful hopes which she built upon it , came at last to nothing . And though she had somewhat eased her self not long before , by attainting the Lord W●ntworth and certain others , for their cowardly quitting of the place , which they could not hold ; yet that served onely like a cup of Strong-waters for the present qualm , without removing the just cause of the present distemper . And it encreased so plainly in her , that when some of her Visitants , not knowing the cause of her discomforts , applyed their several cordials to revive her spirits , she told them in plain tearms , that they were mistaken in the nature of her disease ; and that if she were to be dissected after her death , they would find Calais next her heart . Thus between jealousie , shame , and sorrow , taking the growth of her infirmity amongst the rest , she became past the help of Physick . In which extremity she began to entertain some thoughts of putting here sister Elizabeth beside the Crown , and setling the Succession of it on her cousen the Queen of Scots ; and she had done it , ( at the least as much as in her was ) if some of the Council had not told her , That neither the Act of the Succession , nor the Last Will and Testament of King Henry the Eighth which was built upon it , could otherwise be repealed , than by the general consent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . So that being altogether out of hope of having her will upon her sister , of recovering Calais , of enjoying the company of her husband , and reigning in the good affection of her injured subjects ; she gave her self over to those sorrows which put an end to her life on the 17th . of November , some few hours before day , when she had reigned five years and four months wanting two days onely . Her death accompanied within few howers after by that of the Lord Cardinal-Legat , ushered in by the decease of Purefew , alias Wharton , Bishop of Hereford , and Holyman the new Bishop of Bristow , and Glyn of Bangor , and followed within two or three months after by Hopton Bishop of Norwich , and Brooks of Glocester : As if it had been necessary in point of State , that so great a Princess should not die without some of her Bishops going before , and some comming after . Her funeral solemnized at Westminster with a Mass of Req●iem , in the wonted form , on the 13th . of December then next following , and her body interred on the North side of the Chapel of King Henry the seventh , her beloved Grandfather . I shall not trouble my self with giving any other character of this Queen , than what may be gathered from her story , much less in descanting on that which is made by others , who have heaped upon her many gracious praise-worthy qualities of which , whether she were Mistress or not , I dispute not now . She was indeed a great Benefactresse to the Clergy , in releasing them of their Tenths and First-fruits ; but she lost nothing by the bargain , the Clergy paid her back again in their Bills of Subsidies , which growing into an annual payment for seven years together , and every Subsidy amounting to a double Tenth , conduced as visibly to the constant fill●ng of the Exchequer , as the payment of the Tenths and First-fruits had done before . That which went clearly out of her purse without retribution , was the re-edifying and endowment of some few Religious Houses , mentioned in their proper place ; she also built the publick Schools in the University of Oxon , for which commemorated in the list of their Benefactors ; which being decayed in tract of time , and of no beautiful structure when they were at the best , were taken down about the year 1612. in place whereof , but on a larger extent of ground , was raised that goodly and magnificent Fabrick which we now behold . And though she had no followers in her first foundations , yet by the last she gave encouragement to two worthy Gentlement to add two new Colleges in Oxon to the former number . Sir ●homas Pope , one of the Visitors of Abeys and other Religious Houses in the time of King Henry , had got into his hands a small College in Oxon , long before founded by the Bishop and Prior of Durham , to serve for a Nursery of Novices to that greater Monastery ; with some of the Lands thereunto belonging , and some others of his own , he erected it into a new Foundation , consisting of a President , twelve Fellows , and as many Scholars , and called it by the name of Trinity College ; A College sufficiently famous for the education of the learned and renowned Selden , who needs no other T●tles of honor than what may be gathered from his Books , and the giving of eight thousand Volumes of all sorts to the Oxford Library . Greater , as to the number of Fellows and Scholars , was the Foundation of Sir Thomas White , Lord Mayor of London , in the year 1553. being the first year of the Queen ; who in the place where formerly stood an old House or Hostel , commonly called Barnards Inne , erected a new College by the name of St. John Baptists College , consisting of a President , fifty Fellows and Scholars , besides some Officers and Servants which belonged to the Chapel , the vacant places to be filled for the most part out of the Merchant Taylors School in London , of which Company he had been free before his Mayoralty . A College founded as it seems in a lucky hour , affording to the Church in less than the space of eighty years no fewer than two Archbishops and four Bishops , that is to say , Doctor William Laud the most renowned Archbishop of Canterbury , of whom more else-where , Doctor Tobi● Matthews the most reverend Archbishop of York , Doctor William Juxon Bishop of London and Lord Treasurer , Doctor John Bucheridge Bishop of Elie , Doctor Row●and Serchfield Bishop of Bristol , Doctor Boyl Bishop of Cork in the Realm of Ireland . Had it not been for these Foundations , there had been nothing in this Reign to have made it memorable , but onely the calamities and misfortunes of it . ECCLESIA RESTAVRATA ▪ OR , THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION of the CHURCH OF ENGLAND : CONTAINING The Beginning , Progress , and Successes of it ; the Counsels , by which it was conducted ; the Rules of Piety , and Prudence , upon which it was Founded ; the several Steps , by which it was promoted , or retarded , in the Change of Times : FROM The first Preparations to it by King HENRY the Eight , untill the Legal Settling , and Establishment of it under Queen ELIZABETH : TOGETHER With the Intermixture of such Civil Actions , and Affairs of State , as either were Co-incident with it , or related to it . BY PETER HEYLYN . LONDON , Printed for H. Twyford , T. Dring , J. Place , W. Palmer ; to be sold in Vine-Court , Middle-Temple , the George in Fleet-street , Furnival 's Inne-Gate in Holborn , and the Palm-Tree in Fleet-street , MDCLXI . To the Most Sacred MAJESTY OF KING CHARLES THE SECOND . Most Gracious Sovereign , IT was an usual Saying of King JAMES ( Your Majestie 's most Learned Grand-Father ) of Blessed Memory , that , Of all the Churches in the World , He knew not any which came nearer to the Primitive Pattern , for Doctrine , Government , and Worship , then the Reformed Church of England . A Saying , which He built not upon Fancy , and Affection onely ; but on such Just , and Solid Reasons , as might sufficiently endear it to all Knowing Men. The Truth , and Certainty whereof , will be made apparent by the following History , which here , in all Humility , is offered to Your Majestie 's View . It is ( Dread Sir ) an History of the Reformation of the Church of ENGLAND , with all the Various Fortunes , and Successes of it , from the first Agitations in Religion under HENRY the Eight ( which served for a Preamble thereunto ) until the Legal Settling , and Establishment of it by the great Queen ELIZABETH , of Happy Memory . A Piece not to be Dedicated to any other , then Your Sacred Majesty ; who , being rais'd by God , to be a Nursing-Father to this part of His Church , may possibly discharge that Duty with the Greater Tenderness , when You shall finde upon what Rules of Piety , and Christian Prudence , the Work was carryed on by the first Reformers . Which being once found , it will be no hard matter to determine of such Means , and Counsels , whereby the Church may be restored to her Peace , and Purity ; from which She is most miserably fallen by our late Distractions . It cannot be denyed , but that some Tares grew up almost immediatly with the Wheat it self ; and seem'd so specious to the Eye , in the Blade , or Stalk , that they were taken by some Credulous , and Confiding Men , for the better Grain . But still they were no more then Tares , distinguished easily in the Fruits ( the Fruits of Errour , and False Doctrine ; of Faction , Schism , Disorder , and perhaps Sedition ) from the LORD' 's good Seed . And , being of an a●ter sowing ( a Supersemination , as the Vulgar reads it ) and sown on purpose by a Cunning , and Industrious Enemy , to raise an Harvest to himself , they neither can pretend to the same Antiquity , and much less to the Purity of that Sacred Seed , with which the Field was sown , at first , by the Heavenly Husband-man . I leave the Application of this Parable to the following History , and shall conclude with this Address to Almighty God ; That , as He hath restored Your Majesty to the Throne of Your Father , and done it in so strange a manner , as makes it seem a Miracle in the Eyes of Christendom ; so He would settle You in the same , on so sure a Bottom , that no Design of Mischievous , and Unquiet Men may disturb Your Peace , or detract any thing from those Felicities , which You have acquired . So prayeth , Dread Sovereign , Your Majestie 's most obedient Servant , and most Loyal Subject , PETER HEYLYN . To the Reader . READER , I Here present thee with a Piece of as great variety , as can be easily comprehended in so narrow a compass ; the History of an Affair of such Weight , and Consequence , as had a powerful Influence on the rest of Christendome : It is an History of the Reformation of the Church of England , from the first Agitations in Religion under HENRY the Eight , untill the final settling , and establishing of it ( in Doctrine , Government , and Worship ) under the Fortunate , and most Glorious Reign of Queen ELIZABETH . Nor hast thou here a bare Relation onely of such Passages , as those Times afforded , but a discovery of those Counsels , by which the Action was conducted ; the Rules of Piety and Prudence , upon which it was carryed ; the several steps , by which it was promoted , or retarded in the Change of Times ; together with the Intercurrence of such civil Concernments , both at home , and abroad , as either were co-incident with it , or related to it . So that We may affirm of this present History , as Florus doth of his Compendium of the Roman Stories , Ut non tam populi unius , quam totius generis humani ; that is to say , That it contains not onely the Affairs of one State , or Nation , but , in a manner , of the greatest part of all Civil Governments . The Work first hinted by a Prince of an undanted Spirit , the Master of as great a Courage , as the World had any ; and , to say truth , the Work required it : He durst not else have grapled with that mighty Adversary , who , claiming to be Successour to St. Peter in the See of Rome , and Vicar-General to Christ over all the Church , had gained unto himself an absolute Sovereignty over all Christian Kings and Princes in the Western Empire : But this King being violently hurried with the transport of some private Affections , and finding that the Pope appeared the greatest Obstacle to his desires , he first divested him by degrees of that Supremacy , which had been challenged , and enjoyed by his Predecessours for some Ages past ; and finally , extinguished His Authority in the Realm of England , without noise , or trouble ; to the great admiration and astonishment of the rest of the Christian World This opened the first way to the Reformation , and gave encouragement to those , who enclined unto it : To which the King afforded no small Countenance , out of Politick Ends , by suffering them to have the Bible in the English●ongue ●ongue , and to enjoy the benefit of such Godly Tractates , as openly discovered the Corruptions of the Church of Rome . But , for his own part , he adhered to his old Religion , severely persecuted those , who dissented from it , and dyed ( though Excommunicated ) in that Faith , and Doctrine ▪ which he had sucked in , as it were , with his Mother's Milk ; and of the w●ich he shew●d himself so stout a Champion against Martin Luther , in his first Quarrels with the Pope . Next comes a Minor on the Stage , just , mild and gracious ; whose Name was made a Property to serve turns withall , and his Authority abused ( as commonly it happeneth on the like occ●sions ) to his own undoing . In his first year , the Reformation was resolved on , but on different ends ; endeavoured by some Godly B●shops , and other Learned and Religious Men of the lower Clergy , out of Judgment & Conscience ; who managed the Affair according to the Word of God , the Practice of the Primitive Times , the general current and consent of the old Catholick Doctours ; but not without an Eye to such Foreign Churches , as seemed to have most consonancy to the antient Forms : Promoted with like Zeal , and Industry , but not with like Integrity , and Christian Candour , by some great men about the Court ; who , under colour of removing such Corruptions , as remained in the Church , had cast their ●yes upon the spoil of Shrines , and Images ( though still preserved in the greatest part of the Lutheran Churches ) and the improving of their own Fortunes by the ●hantery-Lands : All which , most sacrilegiously they divided amongst themselves , without admitting the poor King to his share therein ; though nothing but the filling of his Coffers , by the spoil of the one , and the encrease of his Revenue , by the fall of the other , was openly pretended in the Conduct of it . But separating this ●bliquity from the main Intendment , the Work was vigorously carryed on by the King , and his Councellours ; as appears clearly by the Doctrinals in the Book of Homilies and by the Practical part of Christian P●ety , in the first Publick Liturgie confirmed by Act of Parliament , in the second and third year of this King ; and in that Act ( and , which is more , by Fox himself ) affirmed to have been done by the especial aid of the Holy Ghost . And here the business might have rested , if Catvin's Pragmatical Spirit had not interposed : He first began to quarrel at some passages in this Sacred Liturg●e ▪ and afterwards never left solliciting the Lord Protectour , and practising by his Agents on the Court , the Countrey , and the Universities , till he had laid the first Foundation of the Zuinglian Faction , who laboured nothing more , then Innovation both in Doctrine , and Discipline . To which they were encouraged by nothing more , then some improvident Indulgence granted unto John A-Lasco ; Who bringing with him a mixt multitude of Poles , and Germans , obtained the Privilege of a Church for himself and his distinct in Government , and Forms of Worship , from the Church of England . This gave a powerful animation to the Zuinglian Gospellers ( as they are called by Bishop Hooper , and some other Writers ) to practise first upon the Church ; who being countenanced , if not headed by the Earl of Warwick ( who then began to undermine the Lord Protectour ) first quarrelled the Episcopal Habit , and afterwards inveighed against Caps , and Surplices , against Gowns , and Tippets ; but fell at last upon the Altars , which were left standing in all Churches by the Rules of the Liturgie . The touching on this String made excellent Musick to most of the Grandees of the Court , who had before cast many an envious Eye on those costly Hangings th●t Massie Plate , and other rich and pre●ious Utensils , which adorned those Altars . And What need all this waste ? said Judas ; when one poor Chalice onely , and perhaps not that , might have served the turn . Besides , there was no small spoil to be made of Copes , in which the Priest officiated at the Holy Sacrament ; some of them being made of Cloth of Tyssue , of Cloth of Gold and Silver , or embroidered Velvet ; the meanest being made of Silk , or Sattin , with some decent Trimming . And might not these be handsomly converted unto private uses , to serve as Carpets for their Tables , Coverlids to their Beds , or Cushions to ●heir Chairs , or Windows . Hereupon some rude People are encouraged under-hand to beat down some Altars , which makes way for an Order of the Counci●-Table , to take down the rest , and set up Tables in their places ; Followed by a Commission , to be executed in all parts of the Kingdom , for seising on the Premises to the use of the King. But as the Grandees of the Court intended to defraud the King of so great a Booty and the Commissioners to put a Cheat upon the Court-Lords , who employed them in it : So they were both prevented in some places by the ●o●ds , and Gentry of the Countrey ▪ who thought the Altar-Cloths , together with the Copes ▪ and ●late of their several Churches , to be as necessary for themselves , as for any others . ●his Change drew on the Alteration of the former Liturg● , reviewed by certain Godly Prelates , reduced almost into the same Form , in which now it stands , and confirmed by Parliament in the 5th and 6th years of this King ; but almost as unpleasing to the Zuinglian Faction , as the former was . In which Conjuncture of Affairs dyed King Edward the Sixth . From the beginning of whose Reign , the Church accounts the ●poche of a Reformation . All , that was done in o●der to it , under Henr● the Eight ▪ seemed to be accidental onely ▪ and by the by rather designed on private Ends , then out of any setled purpose to ●eform the Church , and therefore intermitted , and resumed again , as those Ends had variance . But now the Work was carried on wi●h a constant Hand , the Prelates of the Church co-operating with the King and his Council , and each contriving with the other ▪ for the Honour of it . Scarce had they brought it to this pass , when King Edwa●d dyed , whose Death I cannot reckon for an Infelicity to the Church of England : For being ill-principled in himself , and easily inclined to embrace such Counsels as were offered to Him ; it is not to be thought , but that the rest of the Bishopricks ( before sufficiently empoverished ) mu●t have followed Durham , and the poor Church be left as destitute of Lands , and Ornaments , as when she came into the World in Her Natural Nakedness . Nor was it like to happen otherwise in the following Reign , if it had lasted longer then a Nine Day 's Wonder . For Dudley of Northumberland , who then ruled the Roast , and had before dissolved , and in hope devoured ▪ the Wealthy Bish●prick of Durham , might easily have possessed himself of the greatest part of the Revenues of York , and Carlisle . By means whereof , He would have made himself more absolute on the North-side of the Trent , then the poor Titular Queen ( a most virtuous Lady ) could have been suffered to continue on the South side of it . To carry on whose Interess , and maintain Her Title , the poor remainder of the Church's Patrimony was , in all probability , to have been shared amongst those of that Party , to make them sure unto the side . But the Wisdom of this great Achitophel ▪ being turned to foolishness , He fell into the Hands of the Publick Hang-man , and thereby saved himself the labour of becoming his own Executioner . Now MARY comes to Act Her Part , and She drives on furiously : Her Personal Interess had strongly byassed Her to the Church of Rome ; On which depended the Validity of Her Mother's Marriage , and consequently Her own Legitimation , and Succession , to the Crown of this Realm . And it was no hard matter for Her , in a time unsettled , to Repeal all the Acts of Her Brother's Reign , and after to restore the Pope unto that Supremacy , of which Her Father had deprived Him ▪ A Reign Calamitous , and unfortunate to Her Self , and Her Subjects ; Unfortunate to Her Self in the loss of Calais ; Calamitous to Her Subjects , by many Insurrections , and Executions ; but more by the effusion of the Bloud of so many Marty●s . For though she gave a Check to the Rapacity of the former Times ; yet the Professours of the Reformation paid dearly for it , whose Bloud she caused to be poured forth , like Water , in most parts of the Kingdom ; but no where more abundantly , then in Bonner's Slaughter-House : Which being within the view of the Court , and under Her own Nose ( as the Saying is ) must needs entitle Her to a great part of those Horrid Cruelties , which almost every day were acted by that bloudy Butcher . The Schism at Frank●o●t took beginning in the same time also , occasioned by some Zealots of the Zuinglian Faction ; who needs must lay aside the use of the Publick Liturgie ( retained by all the rest of the English Exiles ) the better to make way for such Forms of Worship , as seemed more consonant to Calvin's Platform , and the Rules of Geneva : Which woful Schism , so wretchedly begun in a Foreign Nation , they laboured to promote by all sinister Practises in the Church of England , when they returned from Exile in the following Reign . The miserable Effects whereof we feel too sensibly and smartly , to this very day . But the great Business of this Reign related to the restitution of the Abbey-Lands ▪ end eavoured earnestly by the Queen , and no less strenuously opposed by the then present Owners , who had all the reason in the World to maintain that Right , which by the known Laws of the Land , had been vested in them ▪ For when the Monasteries , and Religious Houses , had been dissolved by several Acts of Parliament , in the time of King Henry ; the Lands belonging to those Houses were by those Acts , conferr'd upon the King and His Successours , Kings , and Queens of England . Most of which Lands were either exchanged for others with the Lords , and Gentry , or sold , for valuable Consideration , to the rest of the Subjects . All which Exchanges , Grants , and Sales , were passed , and Confirmed by the King's Letters Patents , under the Great Seal of England , in due Form of Law ; Which gave unto the Patentees as good a Title , as the Law could make them . This was well known unto the Pope , and He knew well upon what ticklish Terms He stood with the Lords , and ●ommons , then Assembled in Parliament ; whom i● He did not gratifie with some Signal Favour , He could not hope to be restored by them to His former Power : for , being deprived of His Sup●emacy by Act of Parliament in the Time of King HENRY , He could not be restored unto it , but by Act of Parliam●nt in the time of Queen MARY ; and no such Ast could be obtained , or compassed for Him , without a Confirmation of Church-●ands to the present Owners . To which Necessity Pope Julius being forced to submit Himself , He issueth a Decree , accompanied with some Reasons , which might seem to induce Him to it , for confirming all such Lands on the present Occupants , of which they stood possessed ( justo Titulo ) by a Lawful Title . And this was onely reckoned by him for a Lawful Title ; First , that they were possessed of the said Lands ( juxta Leges hujus Regni pro tempore existentes ) according to the Laws of the Land which were th●n in force ; whether by Purchase , or by Gift , or in the way of Exchange : which are the words of the Decree . And secondly , If the said Lands were warranted , and confirmed unto them , by Letters Patents from the two last Kings ; ( qui per literas Patentes easdem Terras War●antiz●runt ) as is declared in the Second of the following Reasons . For which Consult the Book , Entituled , No Sacrilege , nor Sin , to purchase Cathedr●l-Lands , &c. page 52. Where still observe , that nothing made a Lawful Title in the Pope's Opinion , but the King's Letters Patents , grounded on the Laws of the Land , as is expressed more clearly in the former Passages . But this can no way serve the Turn of some present Purchasers , though much insisted on by one of that number , to justifie his defacing of an Episcopal Palace , and his pretensions to the Wealthy Borough , which depended on it ; For , certainly , there must needs be a vast disproportion between such Contracts ▪ as were founded upon Acts of Parliament , Legally passed by the King's Authority , with the Consent , and Approbation of the Three Estates , and those , which have no other Ground , but the bare Votes , and Orders , of both Houses onely , and perhaps not that . And by this Logick , he may as well justifie the late horrid Murther committed on the most incomparable Majesty of King CHARLES the First , as stand upon the making good of such Grants , and Sates , as were Contracted for , with some of those very Men , who Voted to the setting up of the High Court of Justice , as most ridiculously , they were pleased to call it : When I shall see him do the one , I must bethink my self of some further Arguments to refute the other . And so Queen MARY makes Her Exit , and leaves the Stage to Queen ELIZABETH , Her younger Sister ; A Princess , which had long been trained up in the Schole of Experience , and knew the Temper of the People , whom She was to Govern ; who , having generally embraced the Reformed Religion , in the Time of Her Brother , most passionately desired the Enjoyment of it under Her Protection ; And She accordingly resolved to satisfie the Piety of their Desire , as soon as She had Power , and Opportunity , to go thorough with it . In Prosecution of which Work , She raised Her whole Fabrick on the same Foundation , which had been lay'd by the Reformers in the Reign of King EDWARD ; that is to say , the Word of God , the Practise of the Primitive Times , the General Current of the Fathers ▪ and the Example of such Churches , as seemed to retain most in them of the Antient Forms . But then She added thereunto such an equal mixture , both of Streng●h , and Beauty , as gave great Lustre to the Church , and drew along with it many rare Felicities on the Civil State , both Extraordinary in themselves , and of long Continuance , as the most Excellent King IAMES * hath right-well observed : So that We may affirm of the Reformation of the Church of England , as the Historian * doth of the Power and Greatness of the Realm of Macedon ; that is to say , that The same Arts , by which the first Foundations of it were laid by PHILIP , were practised in the Consummation , and Accomplishment of it , by the Care of ALEXANDER . For , in the first Year of Her Reign , the Liturgie , being first Reviewed , and qualified in some Particulars , was confirmed by PARLIAMENT ; in Her first Year , the Articles of Religion were agreed upon the Convocation ; and in the Eight , the Government of the Church , by Arch-Bishops , and Bishops , received as strong a Confirmation , as the Laws could give it . And , for this last , We are beholden unto BONNER , the late Bishop of LONDON , who being called upon , to take the OATH of Supremacie , by HORN of Winton , refused to take the OATH , upon this Account , because HORNs Consecration was not good , and valid , by the Laws of the Land : Which he insisted on , because the Ordinal , Established in the Reign of King EDWARD , ( by which both HORN , and all the rest of Queen ELIZABETH's Bishops received Consecration● ) had been discharged by Queen MARY ; and not restored by any Act of Parliament in the present Reign . Which being first declared by PARLIAMENT , in the Eighth of this Queen , to be Casus omissus , or rather , that the Ordinal was looked upon , as a part of the Liturgie , which had been solemnly confirmed in the first of this Queen's Reign , they next Enacted , and Ordained , That all such Bishops , as were Consecrated by that Ordinal , in the Times precedent , or should be Consecrated by it , in the time to come ▪ should be reputed , to be lawfully Ordained , and Consecrated , to all Intents , and Purposes , in the Law , whatever . Which added as much Strength to the Episcopal Government , as the Authority of Man , and an Act of Parliament , could possibly Conferr upon it . This made the Queen more constant to Her former Principles , of keeping up the Church in its Power , and Purity , without subjecting it ▪ to any , but Her Self alone : She looked upon Her Self , as the Sole Fountain of both Jurisdictions , which She resolved to keep in their proper Chanels ; neither permitting them to mingle Waters upon any occasion , nor suffering either of them to invade , and destroy the other . And to this Rule She was so constant , that when one Morrice , being then Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster , had offered a Bill , ready drawn , to the House of Commons , in the Thirty Fifth of Her Reign , for the Retrenching of the Ecclesiastical Courts , in much Narrower Bounds ; She first commanded Coke , then Speaker , ( and afterwards successively Chief Justice of either Bench ) not to admit of any such Seditious Bills , for the time to come . And , that being done , She caused the person of the said Attorney to be seized upon , deprived him of his Place in the Dutchy-Court , disabled him from Practising as a Common-Lawyer ; and , finally , shut him up in Tutbury-Castle , where he continued till his Death . By which Severity , and keeping the like Constant Hand in the Course of Her Government , She held so great a Curb on the Puritan Faction , that neither Her Parliaments , nor Her Courts of Justice , were from thenceforth much troubled with them , in the rest of Her Reign . This is the Sum , and Method , of the following History ; in the Particulars whereof thou wilt finde more to satisfie thy Curiosity , and inform thy Judgment , then can be possibly drawn up in this General View . As for my Self , and my performance in this Work : in the first place , I am to tell thee , that , towards the raising of this Fabrick , I have not borrowed my Materials onely out of Vulgar Authors , but searched into the Registers of the Convocation ; consulted all such Acts of Parliament , as concerned my Purpose , advised with many Foreign Writers , of great Name , and Credit , exemplified some Records , and Charters , of no common Quality , many rare Pieces in the famous Cottonian Library , and not a few Debates , and Orders , of the Council-●able , which I have lai'd together in as good a Form , and beautified it with a Trimming as agreeable , as my hands could give it . And , next , I am to let thee know , that , in the whole Carriage of this Work , I have assumed unto my Self the Freedom of a Just Historian ; concealing nothing out of Fear , nor speaking any thing for Favour : delivering nothing for a Truth without good Authority ; but so delivering that Truth , as to witness for me , that I am neither byassed by Love , or Hatred , * nor over-swayed by Partiality , and corrupt Affections : If I seem ●art at any time , as sometimes I may , it is but in such Cases onely , and on such occasions , in which there is no good to be done by Lenitives , and where the Tumour is so putrified , as to need a Lancing . For , in this Case , a true Historian must have somewhat in him of the good Samaritan , in using Wine , or Vineger , to cleanse the Wound , as well as Oyl to qualifie the Grief of the Inflammation . I know it is impossible ( even in a Work of this Nature ) to please all Parties , though I have made it my Endeavour to dissatisfie none , but those , that hate to be reformed , in the Psalmist's Language ; or otherwise are so tenaciously wedded to their own Opinions , that neither Reason , nor Authority , can divorce them from it . And thus ( good Reader ) I commend thee to the Blessings of God , whom I beseech to guide thee in the way to Eternal Life , amongst those intricate Windings , and uncertain Turnings , those Crooked Lanes , and Dangerous Precipices , which are round about thee . And so fare thee well . From Westminster , October the 20th . 1660. An Advertisement to the Reader . THe Reader is to be informed of a mistake occuring in the first part of this History , folio 126 , where it is said that no care had been taken for translating the English Liturgy into the Irish tongue for the use of that Church from that day to this . Whereas it hath been since translated into that language , and recommended to the people for Gods publique service , though not so generally made use of as it ought to be ; Neither the Bible , nor the book of Homilies being yet translated , which makes the Liturgy imperfect , and the whole service of the Church defective in the maine parts of it . The Reader also is to know , that since these sheets were upon the Presse the Lord Marquesse of Hartford mentioned part 1 folio 5. was made Duke of Somerset , and Doctor William Juxon Bishop of London mentioned part 2 folio 84 is preferred to Canterbury . Such other things as stand in neede of any correction are summed up in the following Errataes . The Errata of the Preface . Folio 1 line 1 for variel , reade variety . p. 4. l. 13. f. reduced r. and reduced . p. 4. l. 24. f. contriving , r. contending . l. 20. f. by the by , r , on the By. p. 6. l. 2. f. first , r. fift . The Errata of the first part . P. 3. l. 29. f. Baron , r. Baronet . p. 10. l. 13. f. mary wife , r. ma●quise . p. 17. l. 13. f. imposed , r. debased . p. 54. l. 40. f. advancing , r. abandoning . p. 61. l. 14. f. Duke all , r. Dukes fall . p. 119. l. 24. Goodwine , r. Goodrith . p. 130. l. 30. f. Campden , r. Camden . p. 131. for keeping him both beforehand , &c. r. for keeping him from being both beforehand , &c. p. 134. l. 28. f. allwaise , r. all or . p. 135. l. 48. f. Lorain , r. Lovain . p. 137. l. 21. f. Cabol . r. Cabot . ibidem l. 23. Darralaos . r. Daccalaos , and f. Caenada , r. Canada . p. 138. l. 39. f. Epy , r. Spie . p. 140. l. 39. for on the Church , r. in the Church . p. 141. l. 44. f. redemption , r. exception . p. 150. l. 34. f. venturer . , r. ventes , p. 151. l. 6. for vertues , r. his vertues . p. 152. l. 31. for thus , r. these . p. 152 l. 43. for Gale , r. Gates . p. 154. l. 4. for pay , r. play . p. 155. l. 32. for hands , r. Bands . p. 158. l. 35. for rules , r. Rule . p. 160. l. 6. for letters , r. fetters . l. 28. for the heires , r. by the heires . l. 41. for Jenningham , r. Jerningham . p. 165. l. 23. de●e possibly . p. 168. l. 46. for blowes in the second place , r. blood . Errata on the second part . P. 8. l. 15. for bayden , r. bugden . p. 20. l. 39. for lending , r , according . p. 20. l. 40. for poyner , r. poynet . p. 25. l. 12. for Poyner , r. Poynet . p. 27. l. 4. for 300. r. 800. p. 36. l. 24. for alienis r. alternis . p. 38. l. 24. for impudence , r. imprudence . p. 49. l. 15. for there , r. thereof . p. 54. l. 23. for prejudiced , r. premised . p. 74. l. 32. for Artanasdes , r. Artavasdes . p. 79. l. 25. for Fanim , r. hames . p. 81. l. 1. de 1559. p. 82. l. 13. for presented , r. persecuted . p. 83. l. 40. for purefew , r. parfew . p. 103. l. 39. for petite , r. petie . p. 109. l. 7. for a pover , r. that is to say a pover . p. 121. l. 44. for Dale r. vale . p. 121. l. 30. for any of , r. any two of . p. 122. l. 2. for zeal r. weale . p. 124. l. 13. for . Oxon , r. Exon. p. 126. l. 15. for with Knox. p. 173. l. 16. for fail r. failer . 156. l. 46. for Bishop , r. Bishop of Bristow . p. 165. l. 13. d. as they all did . p. 179. col . 1. for one substance , r. of one substance . p. 181. col . 1. art 8. for fur from God. ● . fargon . THE PARENTAGE , BIRTH , and FIRST FORTUNES of PRINCE EDWARD , The onely surviving Son of King HENRY the Eighth , before his coming to the CROWN . VVith the Condition of Affaires both in Church and State , at his first Coming to the same . PRINCE Edward , the onely surviving son of King Henry the Eighth , was born at the Royall Palace of Hampton Court ▪ on the twelfth day of October , Anno 1537. Descended from his Father , by the united Families of York and Lancaster ; by his Grandfather King Henry the seventh , from the old Royall Line of the Kings of Wales ; by his Grand-Mother Queen Elizabeth , the eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth , from a long continued Race of Kings , descending from the Loynes of the Norman Conqueror ; and finally by Maud , the wife of King Henry the first , from Edmond , sirnamed Iron-side , the last unquestionable King ( as to the Right of his Succession ) of the Saxon Race ; so that all Titles seemed to be Concentred in the Person of this Infant Prince , which Might assure the Subjects of a Peaceable , and un-troubled Reigne , so much the more , because his Mothers Marriage was not subject unto any Dispute ( as were those of the two former Queens ) whereby the Legitimation of her Issue might be called in question : An happinesse , which recompensed all defects that might be otherwise pretended against her Birth , not answerable unto that of so Great a Monarch , and short in some respects of that of her Predecessor , in the Kings affections ; though of a Family truely Noble , and of great Antiquity . Concerning which , it will be necessary to Premise somewhat in this place , not only for the setting forth of this Queens Progenitours , but that we may the better understand the State of that Family , which was to Act so great a part on the Stage of England . Know then , that Queen Jane Seimour , was Daughter of S. John Seimour , of Wolf-Hall , in the County of Wilts . Descended from that William de S. Mauro ( contractedly afterwards called Seimour ) who by the Aide of Gilbert Lord Mareshall , Earle of Pembrooke , recovered Wendy , aud Penhow , ( now parts of Monmouth shire ) from the hands of the Welsh , Anno. 1240. being the two and twentieth yeare of King Henry the thirds Reign ; which William , as he descended lineally from the 〈…〉 d' Sancto Mauro , whose name we find in the Roll of Battle Abbey , amongst those Noble Families which came in with the Conquerour ; so was he one of the Progenitours of that S. Roger , S. Maur , or Seimour , Knight , who marryed one of the daughters , and Heires of John Beauchamp of Hach , a right Noble Baron , who brought his Pedigree from Sybill , one of the five daughters , and Heires of William Mareshall , the famous , and most puissant Earle of Pembrooke , married to William de Herrares , Earle of Herrars and Darby , as also from Hugh d' Vivon , and William Mallet , men in times past most Renowned , for Estate and Chivalry ; which goodly Patrimony was afterwards very much augmented , by the mariage of one of this Noble Family , with the Daughter , and Heire of the Esturmies , Lords of Wolf-Hall , not far from Marleborough , in the County of Wilts , who bare for Armes , Argent , 3. D●mie Lions , Gules ; And from the time of King Henry the second , were by right of inheritance , the Bayliffes and Guardians of the Forrest of Sarerna●k , lying hard by ; which is of great note for plenty of Good Game , and for a kind of Ferne there , that yieldeth a most pleasant savour : In remembrance whereof , their Hunters Horne , of a mighty bigness , and tipt with silver , is kept by the Earles of Hartford unto this day , as a Monument of their Descent from such Noble Ancestors . Out of which house came Sir John Seimour , of Wolfe-Hall , the Father of this Excellent Queen ; as also of three sons , Edward , Henry , and Thomas ; of which we shall speak somewhat severally in the way of Preamble , the first and last being Principal Actors on the Publique Theatre of King Edwards Reigne . And first , Sir Edward Seymour , the Eldest son , received the Order of Knighthood at the hands of Charles Brandon , Duke of Suffolk , and brother in law to King Henry the Eighth . In the fifteenth yeare of whose Reign , he Commanded a Right puissant Army in a War with France , where he took the Town of Mont Dedier , and other pieces of Importance . On this foundation he began the rise of his following Fortunes , exceedingly improved by the Mariage of the King with his only sister , from whom , on Tuesday in Whitson week , Anno 1536. he received the Title of Viscount Beauchamp , with reference to his Descent , from the Lord John Beauchamp , above mentioned , and on the eighteenth of October , in the yeare next following he was created Earle of Hartford . A man obierved by Sir John Haywood , in his History of K. Edward the sixth , to be of little esteem for Wisdom , Personage , or Courage in Armes ; but found withall , not onely to be very faithfull ▪ but exceeding fortunate , as long as he served under the more Powerfull Plannet of King Henry the eighth . About five yeares before the end of whose Reign , ( He being then Warden of the Marches against Scotland ) the invasion of K. James , the fifth , was by his direction encountred , and broken at Sol●me Mosse , where divers of the Scottish Nobility were taken Prisoners . In the next yeare after , accompanied with Sir John Dudly , Viscount Lisle ( Created afterwards Earle of Warwick , and Duke of Northumberland , by king Edward the sixth , with a handfull of men he fired Lieth , and Edinborough , and returned by a leisurely March , 44. miles thorough the body of Scotlan● . And in the year following he invaded the Scottish Borders . wasted Tive dale , and the Marches , defacing all those Parts with spoyle and ruine : As fortunate in his undertakings against the French , as against the Sco●s , for , being appointed by the King to view the Fortifications upon the Marches of Callice , he did not onely perform that service to the Kings contentment , but with the hardy approach of 7000. English men , raised an Army of 21000. French , Encamped over the River , before Bolloine , won their Ordinance , Carriage , Treasure , a●d Tents , with the loss only of one man ; winning in his return from thence , the Ca●tle of Ouling , commonly called the Red Pile , within shot and rescue of the Town of Ardes . And finally , in the yeare ensuing , ( being the last of that Kings Reign ) he began the Fortresses of New Haven , Blackness , and Bullingberg ; in which he plyed his worke so well , that before his departure from those places , he had made them tenable . Such were h●s Actings in the time of King Henry the Eighth , against whose Powerfull Genius , there was no withstanding . In all whose time , he never rose to any haughtiness in himselfe , or contempt of others , but still remained curteous , and affable towards all ; choosing a course ( least subject to envy ) between st●ffe stubbornness , and servile flattery ; without aspiring any further , then to hold a second place in the Kings good Grace . But , being left unto himself , and either overwhelmed by the Greatness of that Authority which was cast upon him , in the Minority of King Edward , or undermined by the practises of his cunning and malicious Enemies , he suddenly became ( according to the usuall Disports of Fortune ) a calamitous ruine ; as being in himselfe of an easie nature , apt to be wrought upon by more subtle heads , and wholly Governed by his last wife , of which more hereafter . In the mean time we are to know , that having married one of the daughters , and Co-heires of William Hilol , of Woodlands , in the County of Dorset , he had by her , amongst other children , a son called Edward , from whom descends Sir Edward Seim●ure of Berrie Pomerie , in the County of Devon , Knight , and Barron . After whose death he married Ann , the daughter of Sir Edward Stanhop , by whom he had a so● ▪ called Edward also , on whom he was prevailed with , to entaile both his Lands and Honours ; the children of the former bed being pretermitted . Concerning which there goes a sto●y , that the Earle having been formerly ●mployed in France did there acquaint himselfe with a Learned man , supposed to have great skill in Magick : of whom he obtained , by great rewards ▪ and importunities , to let him see , by the help of some Magicall perspective ▪ in what Estate all his Relations stood at home . In which impertinent curiosity , he was so ●arr satisfied , as to behold a Gentleman of his acquaintance , in a more familiar posture with his wife , then was agreeable to the Honour of either Party . To which Diabollicall Illusion ▪ he is said to have given so much credit , that he did not only estrange himselfe from her society at his coming home , but furnished his next wife with an excellent opportunity for , pressing him to the disinheriting of his fo●mer children . But whether this were so or not , certain it is that his last wife , being a proud imperious woman , and one that was resolved to gain her own ends upon him , never le●t plying him , with one suspition after ano●her , till in the end she had prev●iled to have the greatest part of his lands , and all his Honourable Titles setled on her eldest son . And that she might make sure work of it , she caused him to obtaine a private Act of Parliament , in the 32. yeare of Henry the Eighth . Anno 1540. for entailing the same on this last Edward , and the Heires male of his body . So easie was he to be wrought on , by those that knew on which side he did lie most open to assaults and batteries . Of a farr different temper was his brother Thomas , the youngest sonne of Sir John Seimour , of a daring and enterprising nature , arrogant in himselfe , a dispiser of others , and a Contemner of all Counsells , which were not first forged in his own brain . Following his sister to the Court , he received the Order of Knighthood from the hands of the King , at such time as his brother was made Earle of Hartford , and on May day ; in the thirtieth yeare of the Kings Reign ; he was one of the Challengers at the Magnificent Justs , maintained by him , and others , against all comers in the Pallace of Westminster ; in which , together with the rest , he behaved himselfe so highly to the Kings contentment , and their own great Hono●r , that they were all severally rewarded with the Grant of 100. Marks of yearely rent , and a convenient house for habitation thereunto belonging , out of the late dissolved order of Saint John o● I●rusalem Which being the first foundation of his following greatness , proved not sufficient to support the building which was raised upon it ; the Gentleman , and almost all the rest of the challengers , coming within few yeares after to unfortunate ends . For , being made Lord Seimour of Sudley , and Lord High Admirall of England , by King Edward the sixth , he would not satisfie his ambition with a lower marriage then the widow of his deceased Soveraign , aspiring after her death to the bed of the Princes of Elizabeth , the second daughter of the King. Which wrought such Jealousies , and distrusts in the Head of his brother , then being Lord Protector of the King , and Kingdom , that he was thereupon , Arraigned , Condemned , and Executed ( of which more anon ) to the great joy of such as practised to ●ubvert them both . As for the Barrony of Sudley , denominated from a goodly Mannor , in the County of Gl●c●ster , it was● anc●ently the Patrimony of Harrold , the eldest Son of Ralph d' Mont. the son of 〈◊〉 . ( Medantinu● , or d' Mount , and of Goda his wife , one of the daughters of Ethilred , and sister of Edmond , sirnamed ●ro●side , Kings of England : whose Posterity taking to themselves the name of Sudley , continued in possession of it till the time of John , the last Baron of this name and Fami●y . VVhose daug●ter Joane conveyed the whole estate in marriage to Sir William Botteler , of the Family of Wemm , in Shropshire . From whom de●cended Ralph , Lord Bottele● , of Sudley Castle , Chamberlain of the Houshold to King Henry the sixth , by whom he was created Knight of the Garter , and Lord High Treasurer of England . And though the greatest part of this Inheritance being devided between the sisters and co-heires , came to other Families , yet the Castle and Barony of Sudley remained unto a male of this house ▪ untill the latter end of the Reign ●f King Henry the eighth , to whom it was escheated , by the Attainder of the last Lord Botteller , whose greatest Crime was thought to be this goodly Mannor , which some greedy Courtiers had an eye on . And being fallen unto the Crown , it was no hard matter for the Lord Protector to estate the same upon his brother ; who was scarce warmed in his new Honour , when it fell into the Crown again . Where it continued all the rest of King Edwards Reign , and by Queen Mary was conferred on Sir John Bruges , ( who derived his Pedigree from one of the said sisters , and co-heires of Ralph , Lord Botteler ) whom she ennobled , by the Title of Lord Chaundos of Sudley . As for Sir Henry Seimour , the second son of Sir John Seimour , he was not found to be of so fine a metall as to make a Courtier , and was therefore left unto the life of a Country Gentleman ; Advanced by the Power and favour of his elder Brother , to the o●der of Knighthood ; and afterwards Estated in the Mannours of Marvell , and Twyford , in the County of Southhampton , dismembred in those broken times from the see of Winchester . To each of these belonged a Park , that of the first containing no less then foure miles , that of the last but two in compass ; the first being also Honoured with a goodly Mancion house , belonging anciently to those Bishops , and little inferiour to the best of the Wealthy Bishopricks . There goes a story , that the Priest Officiating at the Altar , in the Church of Ouslebury ( of which Parish Marvell was a part ) after the Mass had been abolished by the Kings Authority , was violently dragged thence by this Sir Henry , beaten , and most reproachfully handled by him , his servants universally refusing to serve him , as the instruments of his Rage and Fury ; and that the poore Priest having after an opportunity to get into the Church , did openly curse the said Sir Henry , and his posterity , with Bell , Book , and Candle , according to the use observed in the Church of Rome . Which , whether it were so or not , or that the maine foundation of this Estate being laid on Sacrilidge , could promise no long blessing to it ; Certain it is , that his posterity are brought beneath the degree of poverty . For , having three Nephewes , by Sir John Se●mour , his only Son ; that is to say , Edward , the eldest , Henry and Thomas , younger sons , besides severall daughters , there remaines not to any of them one foot of Land , or so much as a penny of money to supply their necessities , but what they have from the Munificence of the Marquesse of Hartford , or the charity of other well disposed people , which have affection , or Relation to them . But , the great ornament of this● house , was their sister Jane , the only daughter of her father , by whose care she was preferred to the Court , and service of Queen Ann Bollen , where she out●shined all the other Ladies , and in short time had gained exceeding much on the King , a great admirer of Fresh Beauties , and such as could pretend unto no command on his own affections . Some Ladies who had seen the pictures of both Queenes at White Hall Gallery , have entertained no small dispute ▪ to which of the two they were to give Preheminence in point of beauty ; each of them having such a plentifull measure of Perfections , as to Entitle either of them to a Superiority . If Queen Ann seemed to have the more lively countenance , Queen Jane was thought to carry it in the exact symitry , which showed it selfe in all her features ; and what she carried on that side , by that advantage , was over-ballanced on the other by a pleasing sprightfulnesse , which gained as much upon the hearts of all beholders . It was conceived by those Great Critticks in the schooles of Beauty , that love which seemed to threaten in the eyes of Queen Jane , did only seem to sport it selfe in the eyes of Queen Ann , that there was more Majesty in the Ga●b of Queen Jane Seimour , and more lovelinesse in that of Queen Ann Bollen ; yet so , that the Majesty of the one did excell in Lovelyness , and that the Lovelinesse of the other did exceed In majesty . Sir John Russell , afterwards Earle of Bedford , who had beheld both Queens in their greatest Glories , did use to say that the richer Queen Jane was in clothes , the fairer she appeared ; but that the other , the richer she was apparrelled , the worse she looked : which showes , that Queen Ann only trusted to the Beauties of Nature , and that Queen Jane did sometimes help her selfe by externall Ornaments . In a word , she had in her all the Graces of Queen Ann , but Governed ( if my conjecture doth not faile me ) with an evener , and more constant temper , or if you will , she may be said to be equally made up of the two last Queens , as having in her all the Attractions of Queen Ann , but Regulated by the reservednesse of Queen Katharine also . It is not to be thought , that so many rare per●ections , should be long concealed from the eye of the King : or , that love should not worke in him it's accustomed effects of desire and hope . In the prosecution whereof , he lay so open to discovery , that the Queen cou●d not chuse but take notice of it , and intimated her suspitio●s to him , as appeares by a letter of hers in the Scrinia Sacra . I● which she signifies unto him , that by hastning her intended death , he would be left at liberty , both before God and man , to follow his affection , already setled on the Party , for whose sake she was reduced unto that condition ; and whose name she could some while since have pointed to , his Grace not being ignorant of her suspicions . And it appeared by the event , that she was not much mistaken in the Mark she aimed at . For , scarce had her lementable death , which happened on the nineteenth of May , prepared the way for the Legitimating of this new affection , but on the morrow after the King was secretly married to Mistress Seimour , and openly showed her as his Queen in the Whitsontide following . A Marriage , which made some alteration in the face of the Court , in the advancing of her kindred , and discountenancing the Dependants of the former Queen ; but otherwise produced no change in Affaires of State. The King proceeded as before ▪ in suppressing Monasteries , extinguishing the Popes Authority , and ●ltering divers things in the face of the C●u●ch which tended to that Reformation , which after followed . For , on the eighth of June began the Parliament , in which here past an Act for t●e finall extinguishing of the Power of the Popes of Rome , Cap. 10. And the next day a Convocation of the Bishops and Clergy , managed by Sir Thomas Cromwell , advanced about that time unto the Title of Lord Cromwell of Wimbledon ; and made his Majesties Viccar Generall , of all Ecclesiast ●all Mat●ers in the Realme of England . By whose Authority ▪ a book was published , after Mature debate and Deliberation , under the name of Articles , Devised by the Kings Highness , in which mentioned ●ut three , Sacraments , that is to ●ay . Baptisme , Pen●ance ▪ and the Lords Supper . Besides which book , there were some Acts agreed upon in the Convocation , for diminishing the superfl●ous number of Holy dayes , especially of such as happened in the time of Harvest . S●gnified afterwards to the people in certain Injunctions , published in the Kings name , by the new Viccar Generall , as the first fruits of his Authority . In which it was ordained amongst other things , that the Curates in every Parish Church should teach the People to say the Lords Prayer , the Creed , the Ave-Mary , and the Ten Commandments in the English Tongue . But , that which seemed to make most for the Advantage of the new Queen , and her Posterity ( if it please God to give her any ) was the unexpected death of the Duke of Richmond , the Kings naturall Son , begotten on the body of the Lady Talboi● : So dearly cherished by his Father ( having then no lawful Issu●-male ) that in the sixth yeare of his Age , An. 1525. he created him Earl of Nottingham , and not long after Duke of Richmond and Sommerset , preferred him to the Honourable office of Earle Marshall , elected him into the Order of the Garter , made him Lord Admirall of the Royall Navy , in an expedition against France , and finally Affianced him to Mary , the daughter of Thomas Howard , Duke of Nor●olk , the most ●owerfull Subject in the Kingdom . Now were these all the favours intended to him , The Crown it selfe being designed him by the King ▪ in default of Lawfull Issue ▪ to be procreated , and begotten of his Royall Body . For , in the Act of the Succession , which past in the Parliament of this year , the Crown being first setled upon the Issue of this Queen , with the remainder to the Kings issue , lawfully begotten on any following wife whatsoever ; there past this clause in favour of the Duke of Richmond ( as it was then generally conceived ) that is to say , That for lack of lawfull heires of the Kings body , to be procreated , or begotten , as is afore limitted by this Act , it should , and might be lawfull for him to confer the same on any such Person , or Persons , in Possession , and Remainder , as should please his Highnesse , and according to such Estate , and after such manner , ●orme , fashion , order , and condition , as should be expressed , declared , named , and l●mitted , in his said Letters Patents or by his last Will : the Crown to be enjoyed by such person , or persons , so to be nominated and appointed , in as large and ample manner , as if such Person or Persons , had been his Highnesse Lawfull Heires to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm . And though it might please God , as it after did , to give the King some Lawfull Issue by this Queen , yet took he so much care for this naturall son , as to enable himselfe by another Clause in the said Act , to advance any person , or persons of his most Royall Blood , by Letters Patents , under the Great Seale , to any Title , Stile , or Name , of any Estate , Dignity , or Honour , whatsoever it be , and to give to them , or any of them , any Castles , Honours , Mannours , Lands , Tenements , Liberties , Franchiefes , or other Hereditaments in ●ee simple , or Fee ●tail , or for terme of their lives , or the life of any of them . But all these expectations and Provisions were to no effect , the Duke departing this life at the age of 17 yeares , or thereabouts , within few dayes after the ending of this Session , that is to say , on the 22th . day of July , Anno 1536. to the extreame griefe of the King , and the generall sorrow of the Court , who had him in a High degree of veneration , for his birth , and Galantry . It appeares also by a passage in this Act of Parliament , above mentioned , that the King was not only hurried to this Marriage by his own affections , but by the humble petition , and intercession of m●st of the Nobles of his Realm ; moved thereunto , as well by the conve●ien●y of her yeares , as in respect that by her excellent beauty , and purenesse of flesh and blood ( I speak the very words of the Act it selfe ) she was apt ( God willing ) to concieve issue . And so accordingly it proved . For , on the 12th . of October ▪ 1537. about two of the clock in the morning she was delivered of a young Prince ( Christened not long after by the name of Edward ) but it cost her deare , she dying within two dayes after , and leaving this Character behind her , of being the Discreetest , Humblest , and Fairest of all the Kings Wives . It hath been commonly reported , and no lesse generally believed , that that childe being come unto the birth , and there wanting naturall strength to be delivered , his Mothers body was ripped open to give him a passage into the World , and that she died of the Incision in a short time after . The thing not only so related in our common Heralds , but taken up for a constant and undo●bted truth , by Sir John Haywood , in his History of the Life and Reign of King Edward the sixth , which , notwithstanding there are many reasons to evince the contrary . For , first it is observed by the said Sir John Haywood , that children , so brought forth , were by the ancient Romans esteemed fortunate , and commonly proved great enterprisers , with happy successe . And so it is affirmed by Pliny , viz. Auspicatius Enecta Matre Nascuntur , &c. called first Caesones , and afterwards more commonly Caesares ▪ as learned Writers do averr , quia caeso matris utero in Lucem prodiissent , because their Mothers bodies had been opened , to make passage for them . Amongst whom they reckon Caeso , and Fabius , who was three times Consull ; Scipio , sirnamed Affricanus , Renowned for his Victories in Spain , his vanquishing of Haniball , and humbling the proud Cities of Carthage . And besides others , Julius Caesar , who brought the whole Roman Empire under his Command , whereas the life of this Prince was short , his Reigne full of troubles , and his end generally supposed to be traiterously contrived , without performing any memorable Action , either at home , or abroad , which might make him pass in the account of a fortunate Prince , or any way successefull in the enterprising of Heroick Actions . Besides , it may appeare by two severall Letters , the one written by the appointment of the Queen her selfe , immediately after her delivery , the other by one of her Physitians , on the morrow after , that she was not under any such extream necessity ( though questionlesse she had a hard labour of it ) as report hath made her . For first , the Queen immediately upon the birth of the Prince , caused this ensuing Letter , signed with her own signet , to be sent unto the Lord● of the Privy Counsell , that is to say . RIght trusty , and well Beloved , we greet you well . And forasmuch as by the inestimable goodnesse , and Grace of Almighty God , we be delivered , and brought in Childe●●ed of a PRINCE , concieved in most Lawfull Matrimony between my Lord the Kings Majesty , and us . Doubting not , but that for the Love and affection you beare unto us , and to the Common-Wealth of this Realme , this knowledge shall be joyous , and Glad Tidings unto you : We have thought good to certifie you of this same : To the intent ye might not only render unto God Condigne thanks , and praise for so great a benefit , but also continually pray for the long Continuance , and preservation of the same , here in this life to the Honour of God , joy and pleasure of my Lord the KING , and us , and the Vniversall Weale , quiet , and tranquillity of this whole Realme . Given under our signet , at my Lords Mannor of Hampton●Court , the twel●th day of October . But , having a hard labour of it , as before was said , it brought her first into a very high distemper , and after into a very great looseness , which so accelerated the approach of death , that she prepared her selfe for God , according to the Rites of the Church then being . And this app●ares by a letter of the Queenes Physitians , directed in these words to the Lords of the Counsell , viz. THese shall be to advise your Lordships of the Queenes Estate : Yesterday afternoon she had a naturall lax , by reason whereof she began to lighten , and ( as it appeared ) to amend ▪ and so continued till towards night . All this night she hath been very sick , and doth rather appare , then amend . her Confessor hath been with her Grace this morning , and hath done that to his office appertaineth , and is even now preparing to Administer to her Grace the Sacrament of Vnction . Subscribed at Hampton Court on Wednesday morning at eight of the clock , by Thomas Cutland , Robert Karhold , Edward Bayntam , John Chambers Priest , William Butts , George Owen . So died this Noble , Beautifull , and Vertuous Queen , to the Generall lamentation of all good Subjects , and on the twelfth of November following , with great Solemnity was conveyed to Windsor , and there Magnificently interred in the midst of the quire . In memory of whom , I find this Epitaph , not unworthy the greatest wits of the present times , to have then been made , viz. Phoenix Jana Jacet n●to Phaenice Dolendum est , Saecula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas . That is to say , Here Jane , a Phenix lies , whose death , Gave to another Phenix breath . Sad case the while , that no age ever , Could show two Phaenixes together . But , to return unto the Prince , It is affirmed with like confidence , and as little truth , that on the 13th . day of October , then next following ( that being but the sixth day after his birth ) he was created Prince of Wales , Duke of Cornwall , Earle of Chester , &c. In which , though I may easily excuse John Stow , and Bishop Goodwine , who report the same ; yet I shall never pardon the late Lord Herbert for his incuriosity , as one that had fit opportunities to know the contrary . For first , Prince Edward was never created Duke of Cornwall , and there was no reason why he should ; he being actually Duke of Cornwall at the houre of his birth , according to the Entaile ▪ which was made of that Dukedome to the Crown , by King Edward the third . And secondly , he was never created Prince of Wales , nor then , nor any time then after following , his Father dying in the midst of the preparations which were intended for the Pomp and Ceremony of that Creation . This truth confessed by Sir John Haywood , in his History of the Life and Reig● of this King ; and generally avowed by all our Heralds , who reckon none of the children of King Henry the Eighth , amongst the Princes of Wales , although all of them successively by vulgar Appellation had been so entituled . Which appeares more plainly by a particular of the Robes and Ornaments , which were preparing for the day of this Solemnity , as they are entred on Record in the book called The Catalogue of Honour , published by Thomas Mills of Canterbury , where it appeares also , that they were prepared only , but never used , by reason of the Kings death , which prevented the Sollemnities of it . The ground of this Error , I conceive first to be taken from John Stow , who finding a creation of some Noble men , and the making of many Knights , to relate to the 18 day of October , supposed it to have been done with reference to the Creation of a Prince of Wales , whereas , if I might take the liberty of putting in my own conjecture , I should conceive rather that it was done with Reference to the Princes Christning , as in like manner we find a creation of three Earles , and five to inferiour Titles , at the Christning of the Princesse Mary , born to King James , after his coming into England , and Christened upon Sunday , the fifth of May. 1604. And I conceive withall , that Sir Edward Seimour , Vicount Beauchamp , the Queenes elder brother , was then created Earle of Hartford , to make him more capable of being one of the Godfathers ; or a Deputy-Godfather at the least , to the Royall Infant , the Court not being then in a condition , by reason of the mournfull accident of the late Queenes death , to show it selfe in any extraordinary splendour , as the occasion had required at another time . Among which persons so advanced to the Dignity and degree of Knighthood , I find Mr. Thomas Seimour , the Queenes youngest brother , to be one of the number , of whom we shall have frequent occasion to speak more fully and particularly in the course of this History . No other alteration made in the face of the Court , but that Sir William Pawlet was made Treasurer , and Sir John Russell Comptroller of his Majesties Houshold , on the said 18th . day of October ( which I conceive to be the day of the Princes Christning ( both of them being principall Actors in the Af●aires , and troubles of the following times . But , in the face of the Church , there appeared some lines , which looked directly towards a Reformation . For , besides the surrendring of divers Monasteries , and the executing of some Abbots , and other Religious Persons for their stiffenesse ( if I may not call it a perversenesse ) in opposing the Kings desires ; there are two things of speciall note , which concurred this year , as the Prognosticks , or ●ore-runners of those great events , which after followed in his Reign . For it appeares by a Memoriall of the Famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton , that Grafton now made known to Cromwell , the finishing of the English Bible , of which he had printed 1500. at his own proper charges , amounting in the totall to 500. p. desiring stoppage of a surreptitions Edition in a lesse Letter , which else would tend to his undoing ; the suit endeared by Cranmer , Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , at whose request Cromwell presents one of the Bibles to the King , and procures the same to be allowed by his Authority to be read publiquely , without comptrole , in all his Dominions , and for so doing , he receives a letter of thanks from the said Arch-Bishop , dated August the 13th . of this present year . Nor were the Bishops and Clergy wanting to advance the work , by publishing a certain book in the English Tongue , which they entituled The Institution of a Christian Man ; in which the Doctrine of the Sacraments , the Creed , the Lords Prayer , and the Commandments , were opened and expounded more perspicuously , and lesse abhorrent from the truth then in former times . By which clear light of Holy Scripture , and the principall duties of Religion so laid op●n to them , the people were the better able to discerne the errors and corruption● of the Church of Rome , From which by the piety of this Prince they were fully Freed . And for a preamble thereunto the Rood of Boxley , commonly called the Rood of Grace , so Artificially contrived ( by reason of some secret wires in the body , or concavities of it ) that it could move the eyes the lips , &c. to the great wonder and astonishment of the common people ; was openly discovered for a lewd imposture , and broke in pieces at St. Pauls Cross , on Sunday the 24. of February ; the Rood of Bermondsey Abby in South-work following the same fortune also within six dayes . The next year brings an end to almost all the Monasteries , and Religious houses in the Realme of England , surrendered into the Kings hands , by publ●que instruments , under the seales of all the severall and respective Convents , and those surrenderies , ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament . And this occasionally conduced to the future peace and quiet of this young Prince , by removing out of the way some Great Pretenders , who otherwise might have created to him no small disturbance . For so it happened , that Henry ▪ Earle of Dev●nshire , and Mary , wife of Exceter , descended from a daughter of King Edward the f●urth , and Henry Pole , Lord Mountacute , descended from a daughter of George , Duke of Clarence , the second brother of that Edward , under colour of preventing , or revenging the Dissolution of so many famous Abbyes , and religious houses , associated themselves with Sir Edward N●vill , and Sir Nicholas Carew , in a dangerous practise against the person of the King , and the Peace of the Kingdom . By whose endictment it appeares , that it was their purpose and designe to destroy the King , and advance Reginald Pole , one of the younger brothers of the said Lord Mountacute ( of whom we shall hear more in the course of this History ) to the Regal● Throne . Which , how it could consist with the Pretensions of the Marquisse of Exceter , or the Ambition of the Lord Mountacute , the elder brother of this Reginald , it is hard to say . But , having the Chronicle of John Speed to justifie me in the truth hereof in this particular , I shall not take upon me to dispute the point . The dangerous practise of which Persons , did not so much retard the worke of Reformation as their execution did advance it ; to this year also appertaineth the suppressing of Pilgrimages , the defacing of the costly and magn●ficent shrines of our Lady of Walsingham , Ipswich , Worcester , &c , and more particularly of Thomas Becket , once Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . This last , so rich in Jewells of most inestimable value , that two great chests were filled with the spoyles thereo● ; so heavy and capacious , as is affirmed by Bishop ●oodwin , that each of them required no fewer then eight men to carry them out of the Church , nothing inferiour unto Gold , being charged within them . More modestly in this then Sanders , that malitious Sycophant , who will have no lesse then twenty six waine load of silver , Gold , and precious stones , to be seised into the Kings hands , by the spoyle of that Monument . Which proceedings so exasperated the Pope then being , that without more delay , by his Bull of January 1. he deprived the King of his Dominions , and caused the sentence of his Deprivation to be posted up at the Townes of Bruges , Taurney , and Dunki●ke in Flanders , at Bolloigne , and Diepe in France , and St. Andrewes in Scotland ; eff●cting nothing by the unadvi●edness of that desperate Counsell , but that the King became more fixed in his Resolutions , and more averse from all the thoughts of Reconciliation with the See of Rome . The surrenderies of the former year , cofirmed by Act of Parliament , in the beginning of this , drew after it the finall dissolution of all the rest ; none daring to oppose that violent Torrent , which seemed to carry all before it ; but the Abbots of Colchester , Reading , and Glastenbury quarrelled , for which they were severally condemned , and executed , under colour of denying the Kings Supremacy ; and their rich Abbeys seized upon , as confiscations to the use of the King , which brought him into such a suspition of separating from the Communion of the Church of Rome , that for the better vindicating of his integrity , as to the particulars , he passed in the same Parliament the terrible Statute of the six Articles , which drew so much good blood from his Protestant Subjects . And being further doubtfull in himselfe what course to steere , he marries at the same time with the Lady Ann , sister unto the Duke of Cleve , whom not long after he divorseth ; Advanceth his Great Minister ▪ Cromwell ( by whom he had made so much havock of Religious hou●es , in all parts of the Realm ) to the Earldome of Essex , and sends him headlesse to his Grave within three moneths after ; takes to his bed the Lady Katharine Howard , a Neece of Thomas Duke of Norfolk , and in short time found cause enough to cut off her head ; not being either the richer in children , by so many wives , nor much improved in his Revenue by such horrible Rapines . In the middest of which confusions he sets the wheele of Reformation once more going , by moderating the extreme severity of the said Statute , touching the six Articles , abolishing the Superstitious usages , accustomedly observed on St. Nicholas day ; and causing the English Bible , of the Larger vollumne , to be set up , in all , and every Parish Church , within the Kingdome ▪ for such as were Religiously minded to Resort unto it . The Prince had now but newly finished the first yeare of his age , when a fit wife was thought of for him upon this occasion . The Pope incensed against King Henry , had not long since sententially deprived him of his Kingdom , as before was said . And having so done , he made an offer of it to King James the fifth , then King of the Scots , the only Son of Margaret , his eldest sister , wife of James the fourth . To whom he sent a Breve to this effect : viz. That he would assist him against King Henry , whom in his Consistory , he had pronounced to be an Heretick , a Scismatick , a manifest Adulterer , a publique Murtherer , a committer of Sacriledge , a Rebell , and convict of Lesae Majestatis , for that he had risen against his Lord , and therefore that he had justly deprived him of his Kingdom , and would dispose the same to him , and other Princes , so as they would assist him in the recovery of it . This could not be so closely carried , but that the King had notice of it , who from thenceforth began to have a watchfull eye upon the Actions of his Nephew ; sometimes alluring him unto his party , by offering him great hopes and favours , and practising at other times to weaken , and distract him , by animating , and maintaining his owne Subjects against him . At last , to set all right between them , an enterview was appointed to be held at York , proposed by Henry , and condescended to by James . But , when the day appointed came , the Scots King failed , being deterred from making his appeareance there , by some Popish Prelates , who put into his head , a fear of being detained a Prisoner , as James the first had been by King Henry the fourth . Upon this breach the King makes ready for a Warr , sets out a manifest of the Reasons which induced him to it , amongst which he insists especially on the neglect of performing that Homage , which anciently had been done ( and still of Right ought to be done ) to the Kings of England . In prosecuting of which Warr ▪ the Duke of Norfolk entred Scotland with an Army , October 21. Anno 1542. wa●ts and spoyles all the Country ; followed not long after by an Army of Scots , consisting of 15000. men , which in like manner entred England , but were discomfited by the valour and good fortune of Sir Thomas Wharton , and Sir William M●sgrave , with the help of some few Borderers only , the Scots upon some discontent , making little resistance . In which fight , besides many of the Scottish Nobility , were taken eight hundred Prisoners of inferiour note : twenty foure peeces of Ordinance , some cart load● of Armes , and other booty . On the 19 of December the Scottish Lords , and other of the Principall Prisoners , to the number of 20. or thereabouts , were brought into London ; followed on the third day after with the newes of the death of King James , and the birth of the young Queen his daughter . This put King Henry on some thoughts of uniting the two Crowns in a firme and everlasting League , by the Marriage of this infant Queen , with his Son Prince Edward : In pursuance whereof he sent for the inprisoned Lords , feasted them royally at White Hall , and dealt so effectually with them by himselfe and his Ministers , that they all severally and joyntly engaged themselves to promote this Match . Dismist into their own Country , upon these promises , and the leaving of Hostages , they followed the Negotation with such care and diligence , that on the 29th . of June , in the yeare ensuing ( notwithstanding the great opposition made against them by the Queen Dowager , Card●nall Beton , and divers others who adhered to the Faction of France ) they brought the businesse at the last to this Conclusion , viz. 1. That the Lords of Scotland shall have the Education of the Princess for a time , yet so , as it might be Lawfull for our King to send thit●er a Noble man , and his wife , with a Family under twenty Persons , to wa●te on her . 2. That at ten yeares of Age she should be brought into England , the contract being first finished by a Proxie in Scotland . 3. That within two moneths after the date he●eof , six Noble Sc●ts should be given as Hostages for the performance of the Conditions on their Part : And that if any of them dyed , their number should be sup●lyed . 4. And furthermore it was agreed upon , that the Realme of Scotland ( by that name ) should preserve it's Lawes and Rights ; and that Peace should be made for as long time as was desired , the French being excluded . But , though these Capitulations thus agreed on , were sent into ●ngland , signed , and ●ealed in the August following ; yet the Cardinall and his Party grew so strong , that the wh●le Treaty c●me to nothing ; the Noble Men who had been Pr●soners , falsifying their Faith , and chusing rather the Lord Kenneth Earle of Cassiles excepted ) to leave their Hostages to King Henries mercy , then to put themselves into his Power . Provoked therewith , the King denounceth Warr against them , and knowing that they depended chiefly upon the strength of France , he peeceth with the Emperour Charles the fifth , and Proclaimeth Warr against the French , Following the Warr against both Kingdomes , he causeth many in-roades to be made into Scotland wasting and harrasing that poor Country ; and with a Royall Army passeth over into France ▪ where he made himselfe Master of the strong Town of Bolloigne ; with the Forts about it , into which he made his Royall entry , Sep. 25. 1544. The rest of the Kings life spent in continuall Action against both Nations , in which the Enemies had the worst , though not without some losse to the English also ; the poore Scots paying so dearely for their breach of Faith , that no yeare passed , in which their Countrey was not wasted , and their ships destroyed . Toward the charges of which VVarres , the King obtained a Grant in Parliament of all Chanteries , Colledges , Hospitalls , and free Chappell 's , with the Lands thereunto belonging , to be united to the Crown . But , dying before he had took the benefit of it , he lef● that part of the spoyle to such of his Ministers , who had the Managing of Affaires in his Sons Minority . In the mean t●me the Prince having attai●ed unto the Age of six yeares , was taken out of the hands o● his women , and committed to the tuition of Mr. John Cheeke , whom he afterwards Knighted , and advanced him to the Provo●●ship of Kings Colledge in Cambridge , and Doctor Richard Cox , whom afterwards he preferred to the Deanry of Westminster , and made ch●efe Almoner . These two being equall in Authority , employed themselves to his advantage in their severall kindes , Doctor Cox for knowledge of Divinity , Philosophy , and Gravity of Manners ; Mr. Cheeke for eloquence in the Greek and Latine Tongues . Besides which two he had some others to instruct him in the Modern Languages , and thrived so well amongst them all , that in short time he perfectly spake the French tongue , and was able to express himselfe significantly enough in the Italian , Greek and Spanish . And as for Latine , he was such an early proficient in it , that before he was eight yeares old , he is said to have written the ensuing Letter to the King his Father ; seconding the same with another to the Earle of Hartford , as he did that also with a third to the Queen Katharine Parre , whom his Father had taken to wife , July the 12th . 1543. And though these Letters may be used as good evidences of his great proficiency , with reference to the times in which he lived ; yet in our dayes in which either the wits of men are sooner ripe , or the method of teaching more exact , and facile , they would be found to contain nothing which is more then ordinary . Now his Letter to the King ( referring the Reader for the other two , unto Fox , and Fuller ) it beares date , on the 27th . day of September , when he wanted just a fortnight of eight yeares old , and is this that followeth . PRINCE Edwards Epistle to the King , September 27. 1545. LIterae Meae semper habe●t unum Argumentum , Rex Nobilissime , atque pater ●●●●strissime , id est , in omnibus Epistolis ago tibi Gratias pro beneficentia tua Erga me Maxima ; si enim s●pius multo , ad te literas Exararem , nullo tamen quidem modo potui pervenire officio Literarum ad magnitudinem benignitatis tuae erga me . Quis enim potuit compensare beneficia tua erga me ? Nimirum nullus qui non est tam magnus Rex , ac Nobilis Princeps , ac tu es , cujusmodi ego non sum . Quamobrem Pietas tua in me , multo gratior est mihi , quod facis mihi , quae nullo modo compensare Possum ; sed tamen Adnitar , & Faciam quod in me est , ut placeam Majestati , atque Precabor Deum , ut diu te servet in columem . Vale Rex Nobilissime , Majestati tu● Observantissimus Filius Halfeldiae Vicesimo Septimo . Septemb. EDVARDUS PRINCEPS . For a companion at his book , or rather for a Proxie to bear the punishment of such errours as either through negligence , or inadvertency were committed by him , he had one Barnaby Fits Patrick , the son ( if I conjecture aright ) of that Patrick , whom I finde amongst the witnesses to King Henries last Will and Test●ment , as also amongst those Legatees which are therein mentioned , the King bequeathing him the Legacy of one hundred markes . But , whether I hit right or not , most probable it is , that he had a very easie substitution of it ; the harmlessenesse of the Princes nature , the ingenuity of his disposition , and his assiduity at his book , freeing him for the most part from such corrections , to which other children at the schoole are most commonly subject . Yet , if it sometimes happened , as it seldome did , that the servant suffered punishment for his Masters errors . It is not easie to affirm , whether Fits Patrick smarted more for the fault of the Prince , or the Prince conceived more griefe for the smart of Fits Patrick . Once I am certain that the Prince entertained such a reall Estimation of him , that when he came unto the Crown , he acquainted him by letter with the sufferings of the Duke of Sommerset , instructed and maintained him for his travels in France , endowed him with faire lands in Ireland ( his native Country ) and finally made him Baron of upper Ossery , which Honourable Title he enjoyed till the time of his death , in the latter end of Queen Elizabeths Reign , at what time he dyed a zealous and Religious Protestant . One thing I must not pretermit to shew the extraordinary piety of this hopefull Prince in the dayes of his childhood , when , being about to take down something , which seemed to be above his Reach , one of his fellowes proffe●ed him a Bossed-Plated Bible , to stand upon , and heighten him for taking that which he desired . Which , when he perceived to be a Bible , with Holy indignation he re●u●ed it , and sharply reprehended h●m that made the offer . A st●ong assurance of that deare esteem and veneration , in which he held that Sacred Book in his riper yeares . Having attained the age of nine , there were great prepa●ati●ns made for his sollemne investiture in the Principality of Wales , together with the Earledomes of Chester and Flint , as dependants on it . Toward which Pomp , I find a provision to be made of these Ornaments and Habiliments following ▪ tha● is to say , first an Honourable Habit , viz. A Robe of Purple Velvet , having in it about eigh●een ells , more or lesse , Gar●i●●ed about with a ●ringe of Gold , and lined with Ermins , A S●rcot , or inner Gown , having in it about fourteen ells of Velvet , of like colour , Fringe , and Furr , Laces , Buttons , and Tassells ( as they call them , O●naments made of Purple , Silk , and Gold ; A G●rdle of si●k , to g●rd his inne Gowne ; A sword with a scabbard made 〈◊〉 Purple , silke , and Gold , garnished with the like girdle he is girt withall , thereby showing him to be Duke of Cornwall by birth , and not by Creation . A cap of the same velvet tha●●is 〈◊〉 is of , furred with ●●mines , with Laces ▪ and a button , and Tassells on the Crown thereof , made of Venice Gold ▪ A Garland , or a little Coronet of Gold , to be put on his head , together with his Cap. A long golden verge , or Rod , be●okening his Government . A ring of Gold also , to be put on the third finger of his left hand , whereby he was ●o declare his Marriage , made with equity and Justice . But scarce were these prov●sions ready , but the Kings sicknesse brought a stop , and his death shortly af●er put an end to those preparations ; the expectation of a Principality , being ther●by changed to the pos●ession o● a Crown . For , the King having long lived a voluptuous life , and indulgent too much unto his Pallate , was g●owne so corpulent , or rather so over●grown● with in unweildly bur●hen of flesh , that he was not able to go up staires ▪ from one roome to another , but as h● was hoised up by an Engine : Wh●ch , filling his body with ●oule and foggy humours , and those humours falling into his leg , in which 〈…〉 ancient and uncured ●ore , they there began to settle to an inflamation 〈…〉 both waste his Spirits , and increase his passions . In th● m●ddest of 〈…〉 , it was not his least care to provide for the safet● of his S●n , and preserve the succession of the Crown to his own Posterity . At such time as he had married Queen Ann Bollen , he procured h●s daughter Mary to be declared 〈◊〉 by Act of Parliament ; the like he also did by his daughter Elizabeth , when he ha● married Queen Jane S●imour , setling the Crown upon his issue by the said Queen Jane . But , having no other issue by her but Prince Edward only ▪ and none at all by any of his following wives ; he thought it a high point of Pr●dence ( as indeed it was ) to establish the Succession with more stayes then one , and not to let it rest on so weak a staffe , as a childe of little more then nine yeares of age , For which cause he procured an Act of Parliament , in the 35th . yeare of his Reign , in which it is declared , that in default of issue of the said Prince Edward , the Crowne should be entailed to the Kings daughter , the Lady Mary , and the Heires of her body , and for default thereof to the Kings daughter , the Lady Elizabeth , and the heires of her body , and for lack of such issue , to such as the King by his Letters Patents , or his Last Will in Writing should Limit . So that he had three children by three severall wives , two of them borne of questionable Marriages , yet all made capable by this Act , of having their severall turnes in the succession , as it after proved . And though a threefold cord be not easily broken , yet he obtained further power for disposing the Crown , if their issue failed ; whereof , being now sick , and fearing his approaching end , he resolved to make such use in laying down the State of the succession to the Crown Imperiall , as was more agreeable to his private passions , then the Rules of Justice ; which appeared plainly by his excluding of the whole Scottish Line , descended from the Lady Margaret , his eldest sister , from all hopes thereof ; unlesse perhaps it may be said , that the Scottish Line might be sufficiently provided for , by the Marriage of the young Queen with the Prince his Son , and that it was the Scot● own fault , if the match should faile . This care being over , and the Succession setled by his Last Will and Testament , bearing date , the 28th . of December , being a full moneth before his death , he began to entertaine some feares and Jealousies , touching the safety of the Prince , whom he should leave unto a factious and divided Court , who were more like to serve their own turns by him , then advance his interest His brother-in-Law , the Duke of Suffolk ( in whom he most confided ) died not long before ; the kindred of Queen Jane were but new in Court , of no Authority in themselves , and such as had subsisted chiefly by the countenance , which she had from him . As they could contribute little to the defence of the Princes person , and the preservation of his Right● ; So there were some who had the Power , ( and who could tell but that they also had the will ? ) to change the whole frame of his design , and take the Government to themselves . Amongst which there was none more feared then the Noble Lord Henry , Earle of Surrey , the eldest son of Tho●as Howard , Duke of Norfolk , strong in Alliance and Dependance , of a Revenue not inferiour to some forreign Kings , and that did derive his Pedigree from King Edward the first . The Earle himselfe , beheld in generall by the English as the chiefe Ornament of the Nation ; Highly esteemed for his Chivalry , his Affability , his learning , and whatsoever other Graces might either make him amiable in the eyes of the people , or formidable in the sight of a jealous , impotent , and way-ward Prince . Against him therefore , and his Father , there were Crimes devised , their persons put under an Arrest , their Arraignment prosecuted at the Guild Hall in London , where they both received the sentence of death ; which the Earle suffered on the Tower Hill , on the 19. of January , the old Duke being reserved by the Kings death , ( which followed within nine dayes after ) for more happy times . Which brings into my minde a sharp , but shrewd Character of this King , occurring in the writings of some , but more common in the mouthes of many ▪ that is to say , that be never spared woman in his lust , nor man in his anger . For proofe of which last , it is observed , that he brought unto the block two Queens , two Noble Ladies , one Cardinall declared , of Dukes , Marquisses , Earles , and the sons of Earles , no fewer then twelve : Lords and Knights ▪ eighteen ; of Abbots and Priors thirteen ; Monks , and Religious Persons , about seventy seven ; and many more of both Religions , to a very great number . So as it cannot be denied , that he had too much ( as all great Monarchs must have somewhat ) of the Tyrant in him . And yet I dare not say with Sir Walter Rawleigh , That if all the patterns of a mercilesse Prince had been lost in the World , they might have been found in this one King ; some of his Executions being justifiable by the very nature of their Crimes , others to be imputed to the infelicity of the times in which he lived , and may be ascribed unto Reasons of State , the Exigences whereof are seldom squared by the Rule of Justice . His Infirmity , and the weaknesse which it brought upon him , having confined him to his bed , he had a great desire to receive the Sacrament ; and being perswaded to receive it in the easiest posture , sitting , or raised up in his bed , he would by no meanes yield unto it ; but caused himselfe to be taken up , placed in his chaire , in which he heard the greatest part of the Office , till the Consecration , and then Received the Blessed Sacrament on his knees , as at other times , saying withall , as Sanders doth Relate the story , That if he did not only cast himselfe upon the ground , but even under it also , he could not give unto the Sacrament the Honour which was due unto it . The instant of his death approaching , none of his Servants , though thereunto desired by his Physitians , durst acquaint him with it . Till at last Sir Anthony Denny undertook that ungratefull office , which the King entertaining with lesse impatience then was looked for from him , gave order that Arch-Bishop Cramner should be presently sent for . But , the Arch-Bishop being then at his house in Croyden , seven miles from Lambeth , it was so long before he came , that he found him speechlesse . Howsoever , applying himselfe to the Kings present condition , and discoursing to him on this Point , that Salvation was to be obtained only by Faith in Christ , he desired the King , that if he understood the effect of his words , and believed the same , he would signifie as much by some signe or other , which the King did by ringing him gently by the hand , and within short time after he gave up the Ghost , when he had lived fifty five yeares , seven moneths , and six dayes over , of which he had Reigned thirty seven yeares , nine moneths , and six dayes also . Having brought King Henry to his death , we must next see in what estate he left the Kingdome to his Son ▪ with reference to the condition of Affa●res both at home and abroad . Abroad he left the Pope his most bitter enemy , intent on all advantages for the recovery of the Power and Jurisdiction , which had been exercised in England by his Predecessors ; and all the Princes of his Party , in Germany , Italy , and elsewhere , either in Action , or Design , concurring with him . The Protestant Kings and Princes he had disobliged , by repudiating the Lady Ann of Cleve , and the precipitated death of Cromwell , upon whose Power and favour with him they did most rely : But , nothing did mo●e alienate their affections from him , then the persecution raised at home , upon the terrible Statute of the six Articles , before remembered ; by which they saw themselves condemned , and executed in the persons of those , who suffered for the same Religion , which themselves professed . And , as for the two great Kings of France and Spaine , he had so carried himselfe between them , that he was rather feared of both , then beloved by either of them . The Realms and Signeuries of Spaine ( exc●pt Portugall only ) together with the Kingdomes of Naples , Scicilie , and Sard●nia , and the Estates belonging to the House of Burgundy , in the Belgick Provinces , were all united in the Person of Cha●les the fifth , to which he a●ded by his own proper Power and Valour , the Dukedomes of Millain , and Gulldress , the Earldome of Z●tphen , with the Estates of Gr●ini●gen , Vtrecht , and Over-yss●ll . And on the other side the French Kings were not only in the quiet possession of those goodly Territories , ( Normandy , Guienne , and the rest ) which anci●ntly belonged to the Kings of England ; but lately had inpa●ronised themselves of the Dukedomes of Burgoine , and Bretagne , and the Earledome of Provence , all meeting in the Person of King Francis the first . Of which two great and puissant Princes , the first being resolved to admit no equall , and the second to acknowledge no superiour , they endeavoured by all wayes and meanes immaginable to subdue each other , whereby the Conqueror might attaine in time to the Empire of Europe . It was therefore K●ng Henries chiefest care , as it was his interess to keep the scales to even between them , that neither of them should preponderate , or weigh down the other , to the endangering of the rest of the Princes of Christendome : Which he performed with so great constancy and courage , as made him in effect the Arbitrer at all times between them . So as it may be truely affirmed of him , that he sate at the Helmne , and Steered the great Affaires of Christendome , to what point he pleased . But then withall as his constant and continuall standing to th●s Maxime of State , made him friend to neither , so he was suspected of them both ; both having also their particular Animosities against his person and proceedings . The Emperour irreconciliably incenst against him for the injury done unto his Aunt , from whom he had caused himselfe to be divorced ; the French King no less highly enraged by the taking of B●iloigne , for which , though the King had shuffled up a peace with France , Prince Edward shall be called to a sober Reckoning , when he least lookes for it . To look to matters near at home , we finde the Scots exasperated by his Annuall inrodes , but more by his demanding the long neglected duty of Homage to be performed from that Kingdom to the Crown of England : The Irish on the other side of the sea , being kept under by strong hand , but standing upon no good termes of affection with him ; the executing of the young Earle of Kildare , and five of his Unckles at one time , being fresh in memory , and neither forgotten , nor forgiven by the rest of the Clanns . And , as for England it self , the People were generally divided into Schismes and Factions ; some being two stiff in their old Mumpsimus , as others no lesse busie in their new Sumpsimus , as he used to phrase it . The Treasures of the Crown exhausted by prodigall gifts , and his late chargeable Expedition against the French ; the Lands thereof charged with Rents , and Pensions granted to Abbots , Priors , and all sorts of Religious Persons ; some of which remained payable , and were paid accordingly , till the time of King James ; and , which was worst of all , the Mony of the Realm so imposed and mixed , that it could not pass for currant amongst Forreign Nations , to the great dishonour of the Kingdome , and the losse of the Merchant . For , though an infinite Masse of Jewels , treasure in Plate , and ready Mony , and an incredible improvement of Revenue had acrued unto him by such an universell spoyle , and dissolution of Religious Houses , yet was he little or nothing the richer for it . In so much , that in the yeare 1543. being within lesse then seven yeares after the Generall suppression of Religious Houses , he was faign to have recourse for moneyes to his Houses of Parliament , by which he was supplied after an extraordinary manner ; the Clergy at the same time giving him a subsidy of 6. s. in the pound , to be paid out of all their Spirituall Promotions , poore stipendary Priests paying each 6. s. 8. d. to encrease the summe . Which also was so soon consumed , that the next yeare he prest his Subjects to a Benevolence , for carrying on his Warr with France and Scotland ; and in the next obtained the Grant for all Chanteries , Hospitalls , Colledges , and Free-Chappells , within the Realm , though he lived not to enjoy the benefit of it , as before was said . Most true it is , that it was somewhat of the latest before he cast his eye on the Lands of Bishoppricks , though there were some who thought the time long till they fell upon them . Concerning which there goes a story , that after the Court-Harpies had devoured the greatest part of the spoyle , which came by the suppression of Abbyes , they began to seek some other way , to satiate that greedy Appetite , which the division of the former booty had left unsatisfied ; and for the satisfying whereof , they found not any thing so necessary as the Bishops Lands . This to effect , Sir Thomas Seimour is imployed as the fittest man , as being in favour with the King , as brother to Queen Jane , his most , and best beloved wife ; and having the opportunity of accesse unto him , as being one of the Gentlemen of his Privy Chamber . And he not having any good affection to Arch-Bishop Cranmer , desired that the experiment should be tryed on him , and therefore took his time to informe the King , that my Lord of Canterbury did nothing but fell his woods , letting long leases for great fines , and making havock of the Royalties of his Arch-Bishopprick , to raise thereby a fortune to his wife and children ; withall , he did acquaint the King , that the Arch-Bishop kept no hospitality , in respect of such a large Revenue ; and that in the opinion of many wise men it was more meet for the Bishops to have a sufficient yearely Stipend out of the Exchequer , then to be so encumbred with temporall Royalties , being so great a hindrance to their Studies , and Pastorall Charge , and that the said Lands and Royalists being taken to his Majesties use , would afford him ( besides the said Annuall Stipends ) a great yearly Revenue . The King soon smelt out the Device , and shortly after sent him on an Errand to Lambeth , about dinner time , where he found all the tables in the great Hall to be very bountifully furnished , the Arch-Bishop himselfe accompanied at dinner , with divers persons of Quality , his Table exceeding plentifully served , and all things answerable to the Port of so great a Prelate : Wherewith the King being made acquainted at his coming back , he gave him such a Ratle for his false information , and the design which visibly depended on it , that neither he , nor any other of the Courtiers , durst stir any further in the suite , whilest King Henry lived . But the King , considering further of it , could not think fit that such a plausible Proposition , as taking to himselfe the Lands of the Bishops , should be made in vaine . Only he was resolved to prey further off : and not to fall upon the spoyle two neere the Court , for feare of having more partakers in the Booty , then might stand with his profit . And to this end the deales with H●lgate , preferred not long before from Land●ff to the See of Yorke ; from whom he takes at one time no fewer then seventy Mannors , and Town-ships , of good old Rents , given him in exchange , to the like yearly value , certain Impropriations , Pensions , Tithes , and Portions of Tithes , ( but all of an extended Rent , ) which had accrued unto the Crown by the fall of Abbyes . Which Lands he ●aid by Act of Parliament , to the Dutchy of Lancaster . For which , see 37 ▪ Hen. 8. C●p 16. He dismembred also by these Acts certain Mannors from the See of Lo●don , in fav●ur of Sir William Petie ; and others in the like manner from the See of Canterbury , but not without some reasonable compensation , or allowance for them . And though by reason of his death , which fol●owed within short time after ; there was no further alienation made in his time , of the Churches Patrimoney ; yet having opened such a Gap , and discovered this secret , that the sacred Patrimony might be alienated with so little trouble ; the Courtie●s of King Edwards time , would not be kept from breaking violently into it , and making up their own fortune in the spoyle of the Bi●hopricks . Of which we may ●peak more hereafter in it's proper place . So impossible a thing it is for the i●l example of Great Princes , not to finde followers in all ages , especially where profit , or preferment may be furthered by it . But then it cannot be de●ied , but that King Henry left the Church in many Respects , in a better condition then he found it ; not only in order to the Reformation of Religion , which none but such a Masculine Prince durst have undertaken , but also in the Polity and endowments of it . The M●n●steries and Religious Houses , might possibly be looked upon no otherwise , then as so many excrescences upon the body of the Church ; exempt for the most part from the Episcopall Jurisdiction , wholly depending on the Pope ▪ and such as might be taken away , without any derogation to the Church , in Power or Patrimony . But , Bishopricks being more essentiall to the constitution of the same , he did not only preserve , as before he found them , but increased their number . Such of the old Cathedralls as were founded on a Prior and Covent , he changed into a Corporation of secular Priests , consisting of a Deane , and Prebendarles , according to the proportion of their yearely rents ▪ of which sort were the Churches of Canterbury , Winton , Durham , Elie , Rochester , Norwich and Carlile . Six of the wealthier Monasteries he turned into Episcopall Sees , that is to say , the Abbyes of Westminster , Peter Borough , Bristoll ▪ Glocester , and Chester , with that of O●sney for the See of the Bishop of Oxon ; assigning to every new Episcopall See its Deane and Chapter , and unto every such Cathedrall , a competent number of Quiremen , and other Officers , all of them liberally endowed and provided for . And that the Church might be continually furnished with sufficient Seminaries , he sounded a Grammer Schoole in every one of his Cathedralls , either old or new , with Annuall pensions to the Master ▪ and some allowance to be made to the children yearely ; and ordained also , that in each of the two Universities there should be publick Readers , in the faculties of Divinity , Law and Physick , and in the Greek and Hebrew Tongues ; all which he pensioned , and endowed with l●berall Sa●aries , as the times then were . Besides which publique benefactions he confirmed Cardinall Wolsies Colledge in Oxon by the name of Kings Colledge first , and of Christ church afterwards ; and erected that most beautifull pi●e of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge ; those being the two fa●rest , and most magnificent foundations in the Christian World. As for the Polity of the Church , he setled it in such a manner , that Arch-bishops and Bishops might be chosen , confirmed , and consecrated , and all the Subjects be relieved in their suits and Grievances , without having such Recourse to the Court of Rome , as formerly had drained the Realm of so much Treasure . For ▪ having by his Proclamation , of the 19th . of September , Anno 1530. prohibited all addresses and Appeales to the Popes of Rome , he prevailed so farr upon his Bishops and Clergy ; intangled by the Cardinalls fall in a Premunire , that they acknowledged him in their Convocation , to be the Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England , and signified as much in a Publick Instrument , bearing date , the 22th day of March , next following . Upon this ground were bu●lt the Statutes , prohibiting all Appeales to Rome , and for determining all Ecclesiasticall suites and controversies within the Kingdom . 24. Hen. 8. cap. 1● . That for the manner of declaring , and consecrating of Arch-Bishops , and Bishops ▪ 25. Hen. 8. Cap. 20. and the prohibiting the payment of all impositions to the Court of Rome ; and for obtaining all such dispensations from the see of Canterbury , which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome , 25. Hen. 8. Cap. 21. and finally , that for declaring the King to be the Supreme Head of the Church of England , and to have all Honours and Preheminences ; and amongst others , the first-fruits and tenths of all Ecclesiasticall promotions within the Realm which were annexed unto that Title . In the forme of consecrating Arch-Bishops , and Bishops , and the rule by which they excercised their Jurisdiction , there was no change made , but what the transposition of the Supreme Power , from the Pope to the King , must of necessity infer . For , whereas the Bishops and Clergy in the Convocation An. 1532. had bound themselves neither to make , nor execute any Canons , or Constitutions Ecclesiasticall , but as they were thereto enabled by the Kings Authority ; it was by them desired , assented to by him , and confirmed in Parliament , that all such Canons , and Constitutions , Synodall and Provinciall , as were before in use , and neither Repugnant to the Word of God , the kings Prerogative Royall , or the known Lawes of the Land , should remaine in force , till a review thereof were made by thirty two Persons of the Kings appointment . Which review , not having been made from that time to this , all the said old Canons , and Constitutions so restrained and qualified , do still remaine in force , as before they did . For this Consult the Act of Parliament 25. Hen. 8. Cap. 1. And this , and all the rest being setled , then followed finally the Act for extinguishing the Power of the Pope of Rome . 28. Hen. 8 Cap. 10. which before we mentioned . In order to a Reformation in points of Doctrine , he first directed his Bishops and Clergy in their Convocation , A●no 1537. to compile a Book , containing The Exposition of the Creed , the Lords Prayer , the Avemary , and the Ten Commandements , together with an Explication of the use and nature of the seven Sacraments . More cleerely in it self , and more agreeable to the Truth of Holy Scripture , then in former times ; which book being called The Institution of a Christian Ma● , was by them presented to the King , who liked thereof so well , that he sent it by Doctor Barlow , Bishop of St. Davids , to King James the fifth , hoping thereby , to induce him to make the like Reformation in the Realm of Scotland , as was made in England , though therein he was deceived of his expectation . But , this Book having lien dormant for a certain time , that is to say , as long as the six Articles were in force , was afterwards corrected , and explained by the Kings own hand ; and being by him so corrected , was sent to be reviewed by Arch●Bishop Cranmer , by him referred ( with his own emendations on it ) to the Bishop● and Clergy , then Assembled in their Convocation , Anno 1543. and by them Approved . VVhich care that Godly Prelate took , as himselfe confesseth in a Letter to a friend of his , bearing date , January 25. because the book being to come out by the Kings Censure and Judgement , he would have nothing in the same , which Momus himselfe could Reprehend . VVhich being done , it was published shortly after , by the name of a Necessary Doctrine and Erudition , for any Christian man , with an Epistle of the Kings Prefixt before it , in which it was commended to the Perusall of all his subjects , that were Religiously disposed . Now , as the first book was ushered in by an injunction , published in S●ptember , An. 1536. by which all Curates were required to Teach the people to say the Lords Prayer , the Creed , the Ave●ary , and the Ten Commandements , in the English Tongue ; ●o was the second countenanced by a Proclamation which made way unto it , bearing date , May the sixth . 1541 , whereby it was commanded , that the English Bible , of the Larger Vollumne , should publiquely be placed in every Parish-Church of the Kings Dominions ▪ And here we are to understand , that the Bible having been Translated into the English Tongue , by the great paines of William Tyndall ( who after suffered for Religion , in the Reigne of this King ) was by the Kings Command supprest , and the reading of it interdicted by Proclamation ; the Bishops , and other Learned men , advising the re●traint thereof , as the times then stood . But afterward , the times being changed , and the People better fitted for so great a benefit , the Bishops and Clergy Assembled in their Convocation , Anno 1536. humbly petitioned to the King , that the Bible being faithfully Translated , and purged of such Prologues , and Marginall Notes , as formerly had given offence , might be permitted from thenceforth to the use of the people . According to which Godly motion , his Majesty did not only give Order for a new Translation , but in the Interim he permitted Cromwell , his Viccar Generall , to set out an Injunction , for providing the whole Bible , both in Latine and English , after the Translation then in use ; ) which was called commonly by the name of Matthews Bible , but was no other then that of Tyndall , somewhat altered ) to be kept in every ●arish Church throughout the Kingdome . And so it stood ( but not with such a Generall observation , as the case required , till the finishing of the new Translation , Printed by Grafton , countenanced by a learned Preface of Arch-Bishop Cranmer , and Authorised by the Kings Proclamation of the sixth of May , as before was said . Finally , that the people might be better made acquainted with the Prayers of the Church , it was appointed , a little before the Kings going to Bolloigne , Anno 1545. that the L●tany ( being put into the same forme almost in which now it stands ) should , from thenceforth be said in the English Tongue . So farr this King had gone , in order to a Reformation , that it was no hard matter for his Son ( or for those rather , who had the Managing of Affaires , during his Minority ) to go thorough with it . In Reference to the Regall State , he added to the Royal Stile , these three Glorious Attributes , that is to say . Defender of the Faith , The Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England , and King of Ireland . In what manner he obtained the Title of Supreme Head , conferred upon him by the Convocation , in the year 1530. and confirmed by Act of Parliament , in the 26 yeare of his Reign , hath been showne before . That of Defender of the Faith , was first bestowed upon him by Pope Leo the tenth , upon the publishing of a Book against Martin Luther ; which Book being presented unto the Pope , by the hands of Doctor Clark , afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells , hath been preserved ever since amongst the choisest Rarities of the Vatican Library . Certain it is , that the Pope was so well pleased with the present , as to receive the same in a Sollemn Assembly of the Cardinalls , and Court of Rome , expressing the contentment which he took therein , by a fluent Oration , the Copy whereof we have in Speed , Fol. 991. And whereas , in former times , the French were Honoured with the Title of Most Christian ; and the Spaniard lately with the Title of The Catholick King , This Pope , in due acknowledgement of so great a Merit , bestowes on Henry the more Glorious Attribute of , The Defender of the Faith. Which Bull being dated on the tenth of Octob. Anno 1521. is to be found exemplified in The Titles of Honour , and thither I referr the Reader for his satisfaction . Twenty three yeares the King enjoyed this Title , by no other Grant , then the Donation of Pope Leo. But , then considering with himselfe , that it was first Granted by that Pope , as a Personall favour , and not intended to descend upon his Posterity , as also , that the Popes , by the reason of such differences as were between them , might possibly take a time to deprive him of it , he resolved to stand no longer on a ground of no greater certainty . And therefore , having summoned his High Court of Parliament , to Assemble on the 29th . of March , Anno 1544. he procured this Title to be assured unto his Person , and to be made perpetuall to his Heires and Successors , for all times succeeding . For which Consult , the Statute 35. Hen. 8. Cap. 3. And by the Act it was ordained , that whosoever should malitiously diminish any of his Majesties Royall Titles , or seek to deprive him of the same , should suffer death , as in case of Treason ; and that from thenceforth the Stile Imperiall should no otherwise be exprest , then in this forme following , that is to say , N. N. by the Grace of God , King of England , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , and on Earth of the Churches of England , and Ireland , the Supreme Head. By vertue of which Act Queen Mary still retained this Title , though she disclaimed the other of Supreme Head , by Act of Parliament , in the first yeare of her Reign , as being incompetible with her submission , and Relations to the See of Rome . As for the Title of King of Ireland , it was first given unto this King , by a Parliament , there holden in the Month of June , 1541. under Sir Anthony Saint-Leiger being then Lord Deputy . The Acts whereof being transmitted to the King , and by him confirmed , he caused himselfe to be first Proclaimed King of Ireland , on the 23th . of January , then next following . Which , though it added somewhat to him in point of Title , yet it afforded him no advantage in point of Power ; but that the name of King was thought to carry more respect and awe with it amongst the Irish , then the Title of Lord , which only till that time had been assumed by the Kings of England . For , otherwise the Kings of England , from the first Conq●est of the Country by King Henry the second , enjoyed and exercised all manner of Royalties , and Preheminences , which do , or can belong to the greatest Kings ; Governing the same by their Vice-Ger●nts , to whom sometimes they gave the Title of Lord Lieutenants , sometimes Lord Deputies of Ireland , then whom no Vice-Roy in the VVorld comes nearer to the Pomp and splendor of a Soveraign Prince . And though they took no other Title to themselves , then Lords of Ireland , yet they gave higher Titles to their Subjects there , many of which they advanced to the Honour , and Degree of Earles . And at the same time , when King Richard the second contented himselfe with no Higher Stile then Lord of Ireland , he exalted his great Favourite Robert d' Vere , the tenth Earle of Oxon , of that Family , first , to the Dignity and Stile of Marquesse of Dublin , and after to the invidious Appellation of Duke of Ireland , which he enjoyed unto his death . The Countrey at the same time changed it's Title also , being formerly no otherwise called in our Records , then Terra Hiberniea , or the Land of Ireland , but , from henceforth to be called upon all occasions , in Acts of Parliament , Proclamations , and Letters Patents , by the name of Regnum Hiberniae , or the Realm of Ireland . At the assuming of which new Title , by this King , the Scots were somewhat troubled , but the Pope much more ; The Scots had then some footing in the North parts of that Iland , and thought , the taking of that Title by the Kings of England , to tend to the endangering of their possession , or at least to bring them under a Subjection of a Foreign Prince . And on the other side , it was complained of in the Court of Rome , as a great and visible encroachment on the P●pall Power , to which it only appertained , to erect new Kingdomes ; and that the injury was the greater in the present case , because the King holding that Iland by no other Title , ( as it was then , and there pretended ) then by the Donation of Pope Adrian to King Henry the second , was not with●ut the Popes consent to assume that Title . But , the King cared as little for the Pope , as he did for the Scots , knowing how able he was to make good all his Actings against them both ; and not only for enjoying this Title for the rest of his life , but for the leaving of it to his Heires and Successors ▪ though afterward Queen Mary accepted a new Grant of it from the Pope then being . Having thus setled and confirmed the Regall Style , his next care was for setling , and preventing all disputes and quarrells , which might be raised about the Succession of the Crown , if the Prince , his son , should chance to dye without lawfull issue , as he after did . In which , as he discharged the trust reposed in him , so he waved nothing of the Power which he had took unto himself by Act of Parliament , made in that behalfe , in the 35 year of his Reign , as before wasnoted . In pursuance whereof , finding himself sensibly to decay , but having his wits and understanding still about him , he framed his last Wil and Testament , which he caused to be signed and attested on the 30 of December , Anno 1546 , being a full Month before his death . First published by Mr. Fuller , in his Church History of Brittain , Lib. 5. Fol. 243 , 244. And out of him I shall crave leave to transcribe so much thereof , as may suffice to show unto posterity the sence he had of his own condition , the vile esteem he had of his sinfull body , what pious , but unprofitable care he took , for the Decent Interment of the same ; in what it was wherein he placed the hopes of Eternall life ; and finally , what course he was pleased to take in the intailing of the Crown after his decease , by passing over the line of Scotland , and setling the Reversion in the House of Suffolk , if his own children should depart without lawfull Issue , as in fine they did . In which , and in some other points , not here summed up , the Reader may best satisfie himselfe by the words and tenour of the VVill , which are these that follow . IN the name of God , and of the Glorious and blessed Virgin , our Lady St. Mary , and of all the Holy Company of Heaven : We Henry , by the Grace of God King of England , France , and Ireland ; Defender of the Faith , and in Earth immediately under God , the Sùpreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland , of that name the eighth ; Calling to our remembrance the great gifts and benefits of Almighty God , given unto us in this Transitory life , give unto him our most lowly and humble thanks , acknowledging our selves insufficient in any part to deserve , or recompence the same . But feare that we have not worthily received the same ; and considering further also , that we be , ( as all mankinde are ) mortall , and borne in sin , believing neverthelesse , and hoping that every Christian creature living here in this Transitotory and Wretched World , under God , dying in stedfast and perfect Faith , endeavouring , and exercising himselfe to execute in this life time , if he have leisure , such good deeds , and charitable workes , as Scripture commandeth , and as may be to the Honour and pleasure of God , is Ordained by Christ's Passion to be sacred , and attain eternall Life ; of which number we verily trust by his Grace to be one . And that every creature ▪ the more high that he is in Estate , Honour , and Authority in this World , the more he is bound to love , serve , and thank God , and the more diligently to endeavour himselfe to do good and charitable works , to the Laud , Honour , and Praise of Almighty God , and the Profit of his soul ; We also calling to remembrance the dignity , Estate . Honour , Rule and Governance that Almighty God hath called us to in this World ; and that neither we , nor any other creature mortall knoweth , the place , time , when , nor where it shall please Almighty God to call him out of this Transitory World ; Willing therefore , and minding with Gods grace , before our passage out of the same , to dispose and order our latter Mind , Will , and T●stament , in that sort , as we trust it shall be acceptable to Almighty God , our only Saviour Jesus Christ , and all the Holy Company of Heaven , and the due satisfaction of all Godly brethren in Earth , Have now , being of whole and perfect mind , adhering wholly to the right Faith of Christ , and his Doctrine , repenting also our old and detestable life , and being in perfect will and mind , by his Grace , never to returne to the same , and such like . And minding , by Gods Grace , never to vary therefrom as long as any remembrance , truth , or inward knowledge doth , or may , remaine within this mortall body ; most humbly and heartily do commend , and bequeath our soul to Almighty God , who in person of the Son redeemed the same , with his most pretious body and blood ▪ in time of his Passion : And for our better remembrance thereof , hath left here with us in his Church Militant , the Consecration and Administration of his most pretious Body and Blood , to our no little Consolation and Comfort , if we as thankfully accept the same , as he lovingly and undeservedly on mans behalfe , hath ordained it for our only benefit , and not his . Also , we do instantly require , and desire the blessed Virgin Mary , his Mother , with all the Holy Company of Heaven , continually to pray for us ; whilest we live in this World , and in the time of passing out of the same , that we may the sooner attain everlasting life , after our departure out of this transitory life , which we do both hope and claime by Christs Passion ; And for my body , when the soul is departed , shall then remaine but as a Cadaver , and so returne to the vile matter it was made of ; were it not for the Crown and Dignity which God hath called us unto , and that we would not be counted an inf●inger of honest Wo●ldly Policies , and Customes , when they be not contrary to Gods Lawes , we would be content to have it buried in any place , accustomed for Christian ●olkes , were it never so vile , for it is but ashes , and to ashes it shall returne . Neverthelesse , because we would be loath , in the Reputation of the people , to do injury to the Dignity , which we are unworthily called unto , we are content , and also by these presents , Our Last Will and Testament is , to will and order , that our body be buried and interred in the Quire of our Colledge of Windsor , middle way , between the stalls and the High Altar , and there to be made and set , as soon as conveniently may be done after our decease , by our Executors , at our costs and charges ; if it be not done by us in our life-time , an Honourable Tomb , for our bones to rest in , which is well onward , and almost made therefore already with a faire Grate about it ; in which we will also , that the bones of our true and loving wife Queene Jane , be put also : And that there be provided , ordained and set , at the cost and charge of us , or of our Executors , if it be not done in our life time , a convenient Altar , Honourably prepared , and apparrelled with all manner of things requisite , and necessary for dayly Masse , there to be said perpetually , while the World shall endure : Also we Will , that the Tombs , and Altars of King Henry the sixt , and also of King Edward the fourth , our great Vncle and Grandfather , be made more Princely , in the same place where they now be , at our charge . Which care being taken for his Tomb , he gives order that all Divine Offices , accustomed for the dead , should be duly Celebrated for him ; that at the removall of his body to Windsor , 1000. Marks should be distributed amongst the poore , to the end that they might pray for the remission of his sins , and the Wealth of his soule ; that a Revenue of 600 pound per Annum , be setled on the Deane and Chapter of Windsor , for performance of the uses in the Will. expressed , and more particularly for the maintainance of thirteen poore Gentlemen , ( to be called the Poore Knights of Windsor ) at the rate of twelve pence by the day to each of them , with a see of 3 l. 6 s. 8 d. yearly to be superadded unto him ; which should be chosen the Head and Gover●our over all the rest . And that being done , he proceeds to the entailing of the Crown , in this manner following . And as concerning the Order and disposition of the Imperiall Crown of this Realm of England , and Ireland , with our Title of France , and all Dignities , Honours , and Preheminences , Prerogatives , Authorities and Jurisdictions to the same annexed , or belonging , and for the s●re Establishment of the Succession of the same . And also for a full and plaine gift , Disposition , Assignement , Declaration , Limitation , and appointment , with what Conditions our Daughters , Mary and Elizabeth , shall severally have , hold , and enjoy the said imperiall Crowne , and other the like Premises after our Decease ; and for default of issue , and Heires of the severall bodyes of us , and of our Son Prince Edward , lawfully begotten , And also for a full Gift , Disposition , Assignement , Declaration , Limitations , and appointment to whom , and of what Estate , and of what Manner , Fortune , and Condition , the said Imperiall Crowne , and other the Premises shall remaine , and come after our Decease ; And for default of Issue , and Heires of the severall bodies of us , of our said Son Prince Edward , of our said Daughters , Mary and Elizabeth , lawfully begotten , We by these Presents do make , and declare our last Will and Testament , conveying the said Imperiall Crowne , and all other the Premises in manner and Forme following . That is to say , We will by these Presents , that Immediately after our departure ●ut of this present life , our said Son Prince Edward shall have and enjoy the said Imperiall Crowne , and Realme of England , our Title of France , with all Dignities , Honours , Preheminences , Prerogatives , Authorities , and I●risdictions , Lands and Possessions to the same annexed , or belonging unto him , or to the Heires of his body Lawfully begotten ; And for default of such Issue of our said Son Prince Edward's Body , lawfully begotten , We will the same Imperiall Crown , and other the Premises after our Deceases , shall wholly remaine , and come to the Heires of our Body , lawfully begotten upon the body of our entirely beloved wife , Queene Katharine , that now is , or of any other our lawfull wife that we shall hereafter marry . And for lack of such issue and Heires , we will also that after our decease , and for default of Heires of the severall bodies of us , and of our said Son Prince Edward's , lawfully begotten , the said Imperiall Crowne , and all other the Premises shall wholly remaine , and come to our said Daughter Mary , and the Heires of her body , lawfully begotten , upon condition , that our said daughter Mary , after our decease , shall not marry , nor take any Person to her Husband , without the Assent , and Consent of the Privy Counsellours , and others , appointed by us to our dearest Son , Prince Edward aforesaid , to be of Counsell , or of the most part of them , or the most of such as shall then be alive thereunto , before the said Marriage , had in writing , sealed with their seales . All which conditions ●s Declare , Limit , Appoint , and Will by these Presents , shall be knit and invested to the said Estate of our daughter Mary , in the said Imperiall Crowne , and other the Premises . And if it fortune our said Daughter Mary to die , without Issue of her body lawfully begotten , We will , that after our decease , and for default of Issue of the severall bodies of us , and of our said Son Prince Edward , lawfully begotten , and of our daughter Mary , the said imperiall Crown , and other the Premises shall wholly remain to come to our said daughter Elizabeth , and to the Heires of her body , lawfully begotten , upon condition , that our said daughter Elizabeth , after our decease , shall not marry , or take any Person to her Husband , without the Assent , and Consent of the Privy Counsellors , and others appointed by us , to be of Counsell with our said dearest Son Prince Edward , or the most part of them , or the most part of such of them as shall be then alive , thereunto , before the Marriage , had in writing , sealed with their seales , which Condition we Declare , Limit , and appoint , and Will by these presents , shall be to the said Estate of Our said Daughter Elizabeth knit , and invested . And , if it shall fortune Our said Daughter Elizabeth to die without Issue of Her Body lawfully begotten , We will , that after our Decease , and for default of Issue of the several Bodies of V● , and of Our said Son Prince Edward , and of Our said Daughters Mary and Elizabeth , the said Imperial Crown , and other the Premisses , after Our Decease , shall wholly remain , and come to the Heirs of the Body of the Lady Frances our Neece , eldest Daughter to Our late Sister the French Queen , lawfully begotten . And , for default of such Issue of the Body of the said Lady Frances , We will , that the said Imperial Crown , and other the Premisses , after Our Decease , and for default of Issue of the several Bodies of V● , and of Our Son Prince Edward , and of Our Daughters Mary and Elizabeth , and of the Lady Frances lawfully begotten , shall wholly remain , and come to the Heirs of the Body of the Lady Elanor Our Neece , second Daughter to Our said Sister the French Queen , lawfully begotten . And if it happen the said Lady Elanor to die without Issue of Her Body lawfully begotten , We will , that after Our Decease , and for default of Issue of the several Bodies of Vs , and of Our said Son Prince Edward , and of Our said Daughters Mary and Elizabeth , and of the said Lady Frances , and of the said Lady Elanor , lawfully begotten , the said Imperial Crown , and other the Premisses , shall wholly remain , and come to the next Rightfull Heirs . And We will , that if Our said Daughter Mary do marry without the assent and consent of the Privy Councellours , and others appointed by Vs to be of Council to Our said Son Prince Edward , or the most part of them that shall then be alive , thereunto , before the said Marriage , had in writing , sealed with their Seals , as is afore-said ; That then , and from thenceforth , for lack of Heirs of the several Bodies of Vs , and of Our said Son Prince Edward , lawfully begotten , the said imperial Crown shall wholly remain be , and come , to Our said Daughter Elizabeth , and to the Heirs of Her Body lawfully begotten , in such manner and form , as though Our said Daughter Mary were then dead , without any Issue of the Body of Our said Daughter Mary lawfully begotten ; Any thing contained in this Our Will , or any Act of Parliament , or Statute , to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . And in case Our said Daughter , the Lady Mary , do keep , and perform the said condition , expressed , declared , and limited to her Estate in the said Imperial Crown , and other the Premisses in this Our last Will declared ; And that Our said Daughter Elizabeth do not keep , and perform , for her part , the said condition declared , and limited by this Our last ●ill to the Estate of the said Lad● El●zabeth in the said Imperial Crown in this Realm of England , and Ireland , and other the Premisses : We will , that then , and from thence-forth , after Our Decease , and for lack of Heirs of the several Bodies of Vs , and of Our said Son Prince Edward , and of Our Daughter Mary , lawfully begotten ; the said Imperial Crown , and other the Premisses shall wholly remain , and come to the next Heirs lawfully begotten of the said Lady Frances , in such manner and form , as though the said Lady Elizabeth were dead without any Heir of Her Body lawfully begotten , Any thing contained in this Will , or in any Act , or Statute to the contrary notwithstanding . The remainder over , for lack of Issue of the said Lady Frances lawfully begotten , to be , and continue , to such Persons , like Remainders , and ●states , as is before limited , and declared . And We , being now at this time ( thanks to Almighty God ) of perfect Memory , do Constitute , and Ordain these Personages following Our Executours , and Performers of Our last Will and Testament ; Willing , Commanding , and Praying them to take upon them the occupation and performances of the same , as Executours : that is to say ; The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ; the Lord Wriothesly , Chancellour of England ; the Lord St ▪ John , Great Master of Oar House ; the Earl of Hartford , Great Chamberlain ; the Lord Russel , Lord Privy Seal ; the Viscount L'isle , Lord High Admiral of England ; the Bishop Tonstal of Duresme ; Sir Anthony Brown Knight , Master of Our Horses ; Sir Edward Mountague Knight , chief Judge of the Common Pleas ; Justice Bromly ; Sir Edward North Knight , Chancellour of the Augmentations ; Sir William Paget Kni●ht Our chief Secretary ; Sir Anthony Denny , Sir William Herbert Knight , chief Gentlemen of Our Privy Chamber ; Sir Edward Wotton , Knight , and Mr. Dr. Wotten , his Brother . And all these We will to be Our Executours , and Councellours of the Privy Council with Our said Son , Prince Edward , in all matters both concerning His Private affairs , and the Publick affairs of the Realm ; Willing and charging them , and every of them , as they must , and shall , answer at the day of Judgement , wholly , and fully , to see this My last Will and Testament performed in all things , with as much speed and diligence as may be ; and that none of them presume to med●le with any of Our Treasure , or to do any thing appointed by Our said Will , alone , unless the most part of the whole number of the Co-Executours do consent , and by writing agree to the same ; And w●ll that Our said Executours , or the most part of them , may lawfully do what they shall think most convenient for the execution of this Our Will , without being troubled by Our said Son , or any other for the same . — After which , having taken Order about the payment of His Debts , He proceeds as followeth . Further , according to the Laws of Almighty God , and for the Fatherly Love , which We bear to Our Son , Prince Edward , and this Our Realm , We declare Him ; according to Justice , Equity , and Conscience , to be Our lawfull Heir ; and do give , and bequeath unto Him the Succession of Our Realms of England and Ireland , with Our Title of France , and all Our Dominions , both on this side the Seas , and beyond : A convenient portion for Our will and Testament to be reserved . Also we give unto Him all Our Plate , Stuff of Houshold , Artillery , Ordnance , Ammunition , Ships , Cables , and all other things , and implements to them belonging , and Money also , and Jewels ; saving such portions , as shall satisfie this Our Last Will and Testament : Charging , and commanding Him on pain of Our curse , ( seeing He hath so Loving a Father of Vs , and that Our chief Labour , and Study in this world , is to establish him in the Crown Imperial of this Realm , after Our ●●cease , in such sort as may be pleasing to God , and to the health of this Realm , ) that He be Ordered and Ruled both in His Marriage , and also in ordering the Affairs of the Realm , as well outward as inward ; and also in all His own private Affairs , and in giving of Offices of Charge , by the Advice and Counsel of Our Right-entirely beloved Councellours , the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , the Lord Wriothesly Chancellour of England , the Lord St. John Master of Our Horse , the Lord Russel Lord Privy Seal , the Earl of Hartford Great Chamberlain of England , the Viscount L'isle High Admiral of England , the Bishop Tonstal of Dure●me , Sir Anthony Brown Knight Master of Our Horses , Sir William Paget Our chief Secretary ▪ Sir Anthony Denny , Sir William Herbert , Justice Mountague and Bromely , Sir Edward Wotton , Mr. ●octour Wotton , and Sir Edward North : Whom we Ordain , name and appoint , and by these Presents Signed with Our hand , do make , and constitute Our Privy Council , with Our said Son ; and will that they have the Governance of Our most dear Son , Prince Edward , and of all Our Realms , Dominions , and Subjects , and of all the Affairs , publick and private , untill He shall have fully compleated the eighteenth year of His Age. And for because the variety , and number of things , affairs , and matters , are , and may be , such , as We , not knowing the certainty of them before , cannot conveniently prescribe a certain ●rder , or Rule , unto Our said Councellours , for their behaviours , and proceedings , in this charge which we have now , and do appoint unto them about Our said Son , during the time of His minority aforesaid : We therefore , for the special Trust and Confidence , which We have in them , will , and by these Presents , do give , and grant full Power , and Authority , unto Our said Councelours ; that they all , or the most part of them , being assembled together in Council , or , if any of them fortune to dye , the more part of them , which shall be for the time living , being assembled in Council together , shall , and may make , devise , and ordain , whatsoever things they , or the more part of them , as afore-said , shall , during the Minority of Our said Son , think meet , necessary , and convenient , for the Benefit , Honour , and Surety of the Weal , Profit , and Commodity of Our said Son , His Realms , Dominions , or Subjects , or the Discharge of Our Conscience . And the same things made , ordained , and devised by them , or the more part of them , as afore-said , shall , and may , lawfully do , execute , and accomplish , or cause to be done , executed , or accomplished , by their Discretions , or the Discretions of the more part of them , as afore-said , in as large and ample manner , as if We had , or did express unto them , by a more special Commission under Our Great Seal of England every particular cause , that may chance , or occurr , during the time of Our said Son's Minority , and the self-same manner of Proceeding , which they shall from time to time think meet to use , and follow : Willing , and charging Our said Son , and all others , which shall hereafter be Councellours to Our said Son ; that they never charge , molest , trouble , or disquiet Our afore-said Councellours , nor any of them , for the devising , or doing , nor any other person , or persons , for doing that they shall devise , or the more part of them devise , or do , assembled as is afore-said . And We do charge expresly the same Our entirely-beloved Councellours , and Executours , that they shall take upon them the Rule and Charge of Our said Son and Heir , in all His Causes and Affairs , and of the whole Realm ; doing nevertheless all things , as under Him , and in His name , untill Our said Son , and Heir , shall be bestowed , and married by their advice , and that the eighteenth year be expired . Willing , & d●siring furthermore , Our said Trusty Councellours , and then all Our Trusty and Assured Servants ; and Thirdly , all other Our Loving Subjects ▪ to aid and assist Our fore-named Councellours in the Execution of the Premisses , during the afore-said time ; not doubting , but that they will in all things deal so truly and uprightly , as they shall have cause to think them well chosen for the Charge committed unto them : Streightly charging our said Councellours , and Executours , and in God's Name exhorting them , for the singular Trust , and special Co●fidence , which we have , and ever had in them , to have a due and diligent Eye , perfect Zeal , Love , and Affection , to the Honour , Surety , Estate , and Dignity , of Our said Son , and the Good State and Prosperity of this Our Realm ; And , that all delays set apart , they well aid , and assist Our said Councellours and Executours , to the performance of this Our present Testament , and last Will in every part , as they will answer before God at the day of Judgement , Cum venerit judicate vivos & mortuos . And furthermore , for the special Trust and Confidence , which We have in the Earls of Arundel , and Essex , that now be ; Sir Thomas Cheney Knight , Treasurer of Our Houshould ; Sir John Gage Knight , Comptroller of Our Houshold ; Sir Anthony Wingfield Knight , Our Vice-Chamberlain ; Sir William Peter Knight , one of Our two principal Secretaries ; Sir Richard Rich Knight , Sir John Baker Knight , Sir Ralph Sadler Knight , Sir Thomas Seimour Knight , Sir Richard Sou●hwel , and Sir Edmond Peckham , Knights : they , and every of them , shall be of Council , for the aiding and assisting of the fore-named Councellours , and Our Executours , when they , or any of them , shall be called by Our said Executours , or the more part of the same . Item , We bequeath to Our Daughters , Mary and Elizabeth's Marriage , they being married to any outward Potentate by the Advice of the afore●said Councellours ( if We bestow them not in Our Life-time ) ten thousand pounds in Money , Plate , Jewels , and Houshold-stuff , for each of them ; or a larger sum , as to the discretion of Our Executours , or the more part of them , shall be thought convenient ; Willing them on My Blessing to be ordered , as well in Marriage , as in all other lawfull things , by the Advice of Our fore●named Councellours : And , in case they will not , then the sum to be minished at the Councellours Discretions . And Our further Will is , That from the first Hour of Our Death , untill such time , as the said Councellours can provide either of them , or both , some Honourable Marriages . They shall have , each of them , M. M. M. lb. ultra reprisas , to live upon ; Willing , and charging the afore-said Councellours to limit , and appoint to either of them ▪ such said Officers , and Ministers , for Orderance thereof , as may be imployed both to Our Honour , and Theirs . And , for the great Love , Obedience , and Chastness of Life , and Wisdom , being in Our fore-named Wife and Queen ; We bequeath unto Her , for Her proper Vse , and as it shall please Her to Order it , M. M. M. lb. in Plate , Jewels , and Stuff of Houshold , besides such Apparell , as it shall please Her to take , as She hath already : And further We give unto Her M. lb. in Money , with the enjoying of Her Dowry and Joynture , according to Our Grant by Act of Parliament . Which said , He bequeathed , in other Legacies , amongst the Lords of His Council , and other of His Principal Officers , whom He had declared for His Executours , the sum of 6433. lb. 6. s. 8. d. And amongst other Knights , and Gentlemen , His Domestick Servants , and such as were in Ordinary Attendance about the Court , ( under which stile I find that Patrick before-remembred ) the Sum of 5●83 . lb. 6. s. 8. d. Both Sums amounting in the total to 11516. lb. 13. s. 4. d. And so concludeth with a Revocation of all other Wills , and Testaments , by Him formerly made ; that onely this might stand in Force , and be effectual ▪ to all Intents and Purposes in the Law whatsoever . Dated 30. December , Signed with His own hand , and Witnessed by eleven of such of His Physicians , and Attendants , as were then about Him. Such was the Last Will , and Testament , of this Puissant Prince . Of which how little was performed , and how much less should have been performed , if some Great Persons ( whom He had nominated for His Executours ) might have had their Wills ; we shall hereafter show , in fit time , and place . In the mean season we will see Him laid into His Grave : which was done with as much convenient speed , as the necessary Preparations for a Royal Funeral could of right admit . For , on the fourteenth day of February then next following , His Body , being removed in a Solemn and Magnificent manner to Shene , near Richmond , was the next day with like Solemnity attended to His Castle of Windsore ( one of the Goodlie●t , and most Gallant Seats of the Christian World ) and there Interred in a Vault , prepared for Himself , and His Dear Wife , Queen Jane ; as in His Last Will He had desired . For , though a most Magnificent , and Costly Tomb , had been begun for Him , by Cardinal Wol●●e , in a by-Chapel of that Church , ( commonly called , The Chapel of King Henry the Eighth ; ) yet being an unfinished piece , and the King having otherways disposed of His own Interment , a Vault was opened for Him in the middest of the Quire. Into which the Body of the King was no sooner laid , but all His Officers brake their Staves , and threw them in the Grave , ( according to the usual Ceremonies on the like Occasions ) receiving new ones the next day at the hands of His Son. Nor were the Funeral Rites performed by His own Subjects onely : but a Solemn Obsequie was kept for Him , in the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris , by King Francis the First ; notwithstanding , that He had been Excommunicated by the Popes of Rome . So much that Generous Prince preferred His old affections to this King for former Favours : not onely above the late displeasures conceived against Him , for the taking of Bulloign ; but even above the Pope's Curse , and all the Fulminations of the Court of Rome , which might follow on it . But long it will not be , before we shall discharg this debt , in paying the like Duty to the Honour of Francis ; who , dying on the two and twentieth day of March next following , had here an Obsequie , as Solemn as the Times could give Him. Of which more hereafter . THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH . Anno Reg. 1. Anno Dom. 1546 , 1547. HENRY being dead , EDWARD , His onely surviving Son , at the age of nine years ▪ three moneths , and sixteen days , by the name of King EDWARD the Sixth , succeeds His Father in the Throne : Charles the Fifth being then Emperour of Germany , and King of Spain ; Francis of Ang●lesme ( the last Branch of the Royal Line of Valoys ) King of the French ; and Paul the Third ( of the Noble House of the Farnezi ) presiding in the Church of Rome . No sooner was His Father dead ; but Edward Earl of Hartford , and Sir Anthony Brown , Master of the Horse , were by the Rest of the Council dispatched in hast to Hartford-Castle ; where , at that time , He kept His Court , accompanied with His Sister , the Princess Elizabeth , about four years elder then Himself . Both whom they brought the next day as far as Enfield , where they imparted to Them the sad News of the King's Decease ; received by both with such a measure of true Sorrow , that it was very hard to say , whither Their Tears did more obscure , or set forth Their Beauties . The next day , advancing towards London , where he was Proclaimed King with all due Solemnities , He made his Royal Entry into the Tower , on the last of January . Into which He was conducted by Sir John Gage , as the Constable of it , and there received by all the Lords of the Council ; who , with great Duty and Affection , did attend His comings , and waiting on Him into the Chamber of Presence , did very chearfully swear Allegiance to him . The next day , by the general consent of all the Council , the Earl of Hartford , the King's Uncle , was chosen Governour of His Person ; and Protectour of His Kingdomes , till He should come unto the Age of eighteen years and was Proclaimed for such in all parts of London : Esteemed most fit for this high Office , in regard , that he was the King's Uncle by the Mothers side ; very near unto Him in Blood , but yet of no capacity to succeed in the Crown : by reason whereof , his Natural Aff●ction , and Duty , was less easie to be over-carried by Ambition . Upon which G●ound of civil Prudence , it was both piously , and prudently , Ordained by Solon , in the State of Athens , ( * ) That no man should be made the Guardian unto any Orphan , to whom the Inheritance might fall by the Death of his Ward . For the first Handselling of his Office , he Knighted the young King , on the sixth of February : Who , being now in a capacity of conferring that Order , bestowed it first on Henry Hoble-Thorn , Lord Mayor of London , and presently after on Mr. William Portman , one of the Justices of the Bench ; being both dubbed with the same Sword , with which He had received the Order of Knighthood , at the hands of His Vncle. These first Solemnities being thus passed over , the next care was for the Interment of the Old King and the Coronation of the New. In order to which last , it was thought expedient , to advance some Confidents , and Principal Ministers of State , to higher Dignities and Titles , then before they had ; the better to oblige them to a care of the State , the safety of the King's Person , and the preservation of the Power of the Lord Protectour , who chiefly moved in the Design . Yet so far did self-Interest prevail , above all other Obligations , and tyes of State ▪ that some of these men thus advanced proved his greatest Enemies : the rest forsaking him , when he had most need to make use of their Friendship . In the first place , having resigned the Office of Lord High Chamberlain , he caused himself to be created Lord Seimour , and Duke of Somerset . Which last Title , ( ●pp●rtaining to the King's Progenitours of the House of Lancaster ; and , since the expiring of the Beauforts , conferred on none , but Henry , the Natural Son of the King decealed : ) was afterwards charged upon him , as an Argument of his aspiring to the Crown ; which past all doubt he never aimed at . His own turn being thus unhappily served , the Lord William Parr , Brother of Queen Katherin● Parr , the Relict of the King deceased , ( who formerly in the thirty fifth of the said King's Reign , had been created Earl of Essex , with reference to Ann his Wife , Daughter and Heir of Henry B●urchier , the last Earl of Essex of that House ; ) was now made Marquess of Northampton , in reference to her Extraction from the Bohunes , once the Earls thereof . John Dudly Viscount L'isle , and Knight of the Garter , having resigned his Office of Lord Admiral , to g●●tifie the Lord Protectour , ( who desired to confer that place of Power and Trust on his younger Brother , ) was , in Exchange , created Lord High Chamberlain of England , and Earl of Warwick . Which Title he affected in regard of his Discent from the Beauchamps , who for long time had worn that Honour : from whom he also did derive the Title of Viscount L'isle , as being the Son of Edmond Sutton , alias Dudley , and of Elizabeth his Wife , Sister and Heir of John Gray Viscount L'isle , discended , by the Lord John Talbot Viscount L'isle , from Richard Beauchamp , Earl of Warwick , and Dame Elizabeth his● Wife , the direct Heir of Waren Lord L'isle , the last of the Male Issue of that Noble Family . In the next place comes Sir Thomas Wriothsley , a man of a very new Nobility ; as being Son of William Wriothsley , and Grand-Child of John Wriothsley : both of them , in their Times , advanced no higher , then to the Office of an Herald ; the Father by the Title of York , the Grand-father by that of Garter , King at Arms. But this man , being planted in a warmer Sun , grew up so fast in the esteem of King Henry the Eight , that he was first made Principal Secretary , afterwards created Baron of Tichfield ; advanced not long after to the Office of Lord Chancellour : And finally , by the said King , installed Knight of the Garter , An. 1545. For an addition to which Honours , he was now dignified with the Title of the Earl of South-hampton , enjoyed to this day by his Posterity . These men being thus advanced to the highest Titles ; Sir Thomas Seimour , the new Lord Admiral , is Honoured with the Stile of Lord Seimour of Sudeley , and in the beginning of the next year made Knight of the Garter ; prepared by this accumulation of Honours for his following Marriage , which he had now projected , and soon after compassed . With no less Ceremony , though not upon such lofty Aims , Sir Richard Rich ( another of the twelve , which were appointed for Subsidiaries , to the great Council of Estate , by the King deceased , was prefered unto the Dignity of Lord Rich of Leez in Essex , the Grand-father of that Robert Lord Rich , who by King James was dignified with the Title of Earl of Warwick , Anno 1618. In the third place came Sir William Willoughby , discended from a younger Branch of the House of Eresby , created Lord Willoughby of Parham in the County of Sussex . And in the Rear , Sir Edmond Sheffield , advanced unto the Title of Lord Sheffield of Butterwick in the County of Lincoln ; from whom the Earls of Moulgrave do derive themselves . All which Creations were performed with the accustomed Solemnities on the seventeenth of February : and all given out to be designed by King Henry before his death , the better to take off the Envy from the Lord Protectour ; whom otherwise all understanding people must needs have thought to be too prodigal of those Honours , of which the greatest Kings of England had been so sparing . For when great Honours are conferred on persons of no great Estates , it raiseth commonly a suspicion amongst the people : That , either some proportionable Revenue must be given them also , to the impoverishing of the King ; or else some way left open for them , to enrich themselves out of the purses of the Subject . These Preparations being dispatched , they next proceed unto the Coronation of the King , performed with the accustomed Rites on the twentieth of the same Moneth by Arch-Bishop Cranmer . The Form whereof we finde exemplified in a Book , called The Catalogue of Honour , published by Thomas Mills of Canterbury , in the year 1610. In which there is nothing more observable , then this following Passage . The King , ( saith he ) being brought unto the Church of Saint Peter in Westminster , was placed in the Chair of Saint Edward the Confessour , in the middest of a Throne seven steps high . This Throne was erected near unto the Altar , upon a Stage arising with steps on both sides , covered with Carpets and Hangings of Arras . Where , after the King had rested a little , being by certain noble Courtiers carried in another Chair , unto the four sides of the Stage ; He was by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury declared unto the People ( standing round about ) both by God's and Man's Laws to be the Right and Lawfull King of England , France , and Ireland ; and Proclaimed that day to be Crowned , Consecrated , and Anointed Unto whom He demanded whether they would obey and serve , or Not ? By whom it was again , with a loud cry , answered ; God save the King : and , Ever live his Majesty . Which Passage I the rather note ; because it is observed , that , at the Coronation of some former Kings , The Arch-Bishop went to the four squares of the Scaffold , and with a loud voice asked the Consent of the People . But this was at such Times and in such Cases only , when the Kings came unto the Crown by Disputed Titles ; for maintainance whereof the Favour and Consent of the people seemed a matter necessary : ( as at the Coronations of King Henry the Fourth , or King Richard the Third ) and not when it devolved upon them , as it did upon this King , by a Right unquestioned . The Coronation was accompanied , as the Custome is , with a general Pardon . But as there never was a Feast so great , from which some men departed not with empty bellies ; so , either out of Envy , or some former Grudge , or for some other cause unknown , six Persons were excluded from the taste of this gracious Banquet : that is to say , the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of N●rfolk , a condemned Prisoner in the Tower ; Edward Lord Courtney , eldest Son to the late Marquess of Exeter beheaded in the last times of King Henry the Eight ; Cardinal P●le , one of the Sons of Margaret Countess of Salisbury , proscribed by the same King also ; Doctour Richard Pate , declared Bishop of Worcester , in the place of Hierome de Nugaticis , in the year 1534. and by that Name subscribing to some of the first Acts of the Councel of Trent : who , being sent to Rome on some Publick Imployment , chose rather to remain there in perpetual Exile , then to take the Oath of Supremacy at his coming home ; as by the Laws he must have done , or otherwise have fared no better ▪ then the Bishop of Rochester , who lost his head on the refusal . Of the two others , Fortescue and Throgmorton , I have found nothing , but the Names : and therefore can but name them onely . But they all lived to better times : the Duke of Norfolk being restored by Queen Mary to his Lands , Liberty , and Honours ; as the Lord Courtney was to the Earldom of Devonshire , enjoyed by many of his Noble Progenitours ; Cardinal Pole admitted first into the Kingdom , in the capacity of a Legate from the Pope of Rome , and after Cranmer's death advanced to the See of Canterbury ; and Doctour Pate preferred unto the actual Possession of the See of Worcester , of which he formerly had enjoyed no more but the empty Title . These Great Solemnities being thus passed over , the Grandees of the Court began to entertain some thoughts of a Reformation . In which they found Arch-Bishop Cranmer , and some other Bishops , to be as foreward as themselves ; but on different ends : endeavoured by the Bishops , in a pious Zeal for rectifying such thing ; as were amiss in God's publick Worship ; but by the Courtiers , on an Hope to enrich themselves by the spoil of the Bishopricks . To the Advancement of which work the Conjuncture seemed as proper , as they could desire . For First the King , being of such tender age , and wholly Governed by the Will of the Lord Protectour , who had declared himself a friend to the Lutheran Party in the time of King Henry , was easie to be moulded into any form , which the authority of Power and Reason could imprint upon Him. The Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk , and Doctour Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester , ( who formerly ) had been the greatest Sticklers at the Co●ncil-Table in Maintainance of the Religion of the Church of Rome ) were not long able to support it : the one of them being a condemned Prisoner in the Tower , as before was said ; and the other , upon some just displeasure , not named by King Henry amongst the Councellours of State , who were to have the managing of Affairs in His Son's Mino●●ty . Bonner , then Bishop of London , was absent at that time in the Court of the Emperour ; to whom he had been sent Embassadour by the former King. And no professed Champion for the Papacy remained amongst them , of whom they had cause to stand in doubt : but the new Earl of South-hampton ▪ Whom when they were not able to remove from his old Opinions , it was resolved to make him less both in Power and Credit ; so , that he should not be able to hinder the pursuit of those Counsels , which he was not willing to promote . And therefore on the sixth of March , the Great Seal was taken from him by the King's Command , and for a while committed to the custody of Sir William Pawlet , Created Lord St ▪ John of Basing , and made Great Master of the Houshold by King Henry the Eighth . And on the other side it was thought expedient , for the better carrying on of the Design , not onely to release all such as had been committed unto Prison ; but also to recall all such as had been forced to abandon the Kingdom , for not submitting to the Superstitions and Corruptions of the Church of Rome . Great were the Numbers of the first , who had their Fetters strucken off by this mercifull Prince , and were permitted to enjoy that Liberty of Conscience ; for which they had suffered all Extremities in His Father's time . Onely it is observed of one Thomas Dobbs , once Fellow of Saint John's-College in Cambridg , condemned for speaking against the Mass , and thereupon committed to the Counter in Bread-street ; that he alone did take a view of this Land of Canaan , into which he was not suffered to enter . It being so ordered by the Divine Providence , that he died in Prison , before his Pardon could be signed by the Lord Protectour . Amongst the rest , which were in number very many , those of chief note were , Doctour Miles Coverdale , after Bishop of Exeter ; Mr. John Hooper after Bishop of Glocester ; Mr. John Philpot , after Arch-Deacon of Winchester ; Mr. John Rogers , after one of the Prebends of Saint Paul's ; and many others , eminent for their Zeal and P●ety : which they declared by preferring a good Conscience before their Lives , in the time of Queen Mary . But the bus●n●ss was of greater Moment , then to expect the coming back of the Learned men : who though they came not time enough to begin the work ; yet did they prove exceeding serviceable in the furtherance of it . And therefore , neither to lose time , nor to press too much at once upon the People , it was thought sit to smooth the way to the intended Reformation , by setting out some Preparatory Injunctions ; such as the King might publish by his own Authority , according to the example of His Royal Father in the year 1536. and at some times after . This to be done by sending out Commissioners into all parts of the Kingdom , armed with Instructions to enquire into all Ecclesiastical Concernments , in the manner of a Visitation ; directed by the King , as Supreme Head on earth of the Church of England . Which Commissioners , being distributed into several Circuits , were accompanied with certain Learned , and Godly Preachers , appointed to instruct the People , and to facilitate the work of the Commissioners , in all Towns , and Places , where they fate . And , that the People might not cool , or fall off again , in , and from that , which had been taught them by the Learned Preachers ; they were to leave some Homilies to the same effect with the Parish-Priest : which the Arch-Bishop had composed ; not onely for the help of unpreaching Ministers , but for the regulating , and instructing even of Learned Preachers . Which Injunctions being agreed upon by such of the Great Council , as favoured the Design of the Reformation ; and the Commissions drawn in due form of Law by the Counsel learned : they were all tendered to the Lord Chancellour Wriothsley ; that the Authority of the Great Seal might be added to them . Which he , who was not to be told what these matters aimed at , refused to give consent unto : and so lost the Seal , committed ( as before is said ) to the Custody of the Lord Great Master , by whom the said Commissions were dispatched , and the Visitours thereby Authorised in due form of Law And here it is to be observed , that , besides the Points contained in the said Injunctions , the Preachers above-mentioned were more particularly instructed to perswade the People from Praying to the Saints , from making Prayers for the dead , from Adoring of Images , from the use of Beads , Ashes , and Processions , from Mass , Diriges , Praying in unknown Languages , and from some other such like things ; whereunto long Custome had brought a Religious Observation . All which was done to this intent ; That the People in all places , being prepared by little and little , might with more ease , and less opposition , admit the total Alteration in the face of the Church , which was intended in due time to be introduced . Now , as for the Injuctions above-mentioned , although I might exemplifie them , as they stand at large in the First Edition of the Acts and Monuments , ( fol. 684. ) yet I shall choose rather to present them in a smoother Abstract ; as it is done unto my hand by the Church-Historian : the Method of them onely altered in this manner following . That all Ecclesiastical Persons observe , and cause to be observed , the Laws for the abolishing the pretended and usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome , and Confirmation of the King's Authority and Supremacy : and four times in the year , at the least , that they teach the People , That the one was now justly taken away , ( according to the word of God ) and that the other was , of most Legal Duty , onely to be obeyed by all the Subjects . That , once a Quarter , at the least , they sincerely declare the Word of God , disswading the People from Superstitious Fancies of Pilgrimages , Praying to Images , &c. exhorting them to the Works of Faith , Mercy , and Charity : 3. And that Images , abused with Pilgrimages , and Offerings thereunto , be forthwith taken down , and destroyed , and that no more Wax-Candles , or Tapers , be burnt before any Image ; but onely two lights upon the High Altar , before the Sacrament , shall remain still , to signifie , That Christ is the very Light of the World. That every Holy-Day , when they have no Sermon , the Pater-Noster , Credo , and Ten Commandments , shall be plainly recited in the Pulpit to the Parishioners . 5. And that Parents , and Masters , bestow their Children , and Servants , either to Learning , or some honest Occupation . That , within three Moneths after this Visitation , the Bible , of the Larger Volume , in English ; and within twelve Moneths Erasmus his Paraphrases on the Gospels , be provided , and conveniently placed in the Church , for the People to read therein . 20. And that every Ecclesiastical Person , under the Degree of a Batchelour of Divinity , shall within three Moneths after this Visitation , provide of his own The New Testament in Latine and English , with Erasmus his Paraphrases thereon . And that Bishops , by themselves , and their Officers , shall Examine them , how much they have profited in the study of Holy Scripture . That such , who in Cases express'd in the Statute are absent from their Benefices , leave Learned , and expert Curates , to supply their places . 14. That all such Ecclesiastical Persons , not resident upon their Benefices , and able to dispend yearly xx . pounds , and above , shall in the presence of the Church-Wardens , or some other honest men , distribute the fourtieth part of their Revenues amongst the poor of the Parish . 15. And that every Ecclesiastical Person shal give competent Exhibition to so many Scholars in one of the Universities , as they have hundred pounds a year in Church-Promotions . That a fifth part of their Benefices be bestowed on their Mansion-Houses , or Chancels , till they be fully repaired . 8. And that no Ecclesiastical Persons haunt Ale-houses , or Taverns , or any place of unlawfull Gaming . That they Examine such as come to Confession in Lent , whether they can recite their Credo , Pater-Noster , and Ten Commandments , in English , before they receive the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar ; or else they ought not to presume to come to God's Board . That none be admitted to Preach , except sufficiently Licenced . 11. That , if they have heretofore extolled Pilgrimages , Reliques , Worshipping of Images , &c. they now openly recant , and reprove the same , as a Common Errour , groundless in Scripture : 12. That they detect , and present such , who are Lettours of the Word of God in English , and Fautours of the Bishop of Rome his pretended Power . That no Person from henceforth , shal alter any Fasting-day , or manner of Common-Prayer , or Divine Service , ( otherwise then is specified in these Inju●ctions ) untill otherwise Ordered by the King's Authority . 21. And , that , in time of High Mass , he , that sayeth , or singeth a Psalm , shall read the Epistle and Gospel in English , and one Chapter in the New Testament at Mattens , & another at Even-song ; And that , when nine Lessons are to be read in the Church , three of them shal be omitted with Responds : And at the Even-song , the Responds , with all the Memories . By which last word I understand the Anniversary Commemoration of deceased Persons on the day of their deaths , which frequently were expressed by the name Obits . That every Dean , Arch-Deacon , &c. being a Priest , Preach by himself , personally , every year at least . 27. That they Instruct their People not obstinately to violate the Ceremonies of the Church , by the King Commanded to be observed , and not as yet abrogated . And on the other side , that whosoever doth Superstitiously abuse them , doth the same to the great Perill of his Souls health : 25. And that no Curate admit to the Communion such , who are in Ranchor , and Malice with their Neighbours , till such controversies be reconciled . That , to avoid Contentions , and strife , which heretofore have risen amongst the King's Subjects , by challenging of places in Procession ; no Procession hereafter be used about the Church , or Church-yard : but , immediately before High-Mass , the Letany shall be distinctly said , or sung in English ; none departing the Church without just cause , and all ringing of Bells ( save one ) utterly forborn . That they take away , and destroy all Shrines , Covering of Shrines , Tables , Candlesticks , Trindils , and Rolls of Wax , Pictures , Paintings , and other Monuments of feigned Miracles ; so that no Memory of them remain in Walls , or Windows : exhotting their Parishioners to do the like in their several houses . That the Holy-day , at the first beginning Godly-Instituted and ordained , be wholly given to God , in hearing the Word of God read and taught , in private and publique Prayers , in acknowledging their Offences to God , and amendment , in reconciling themselves to their Neighbours , receiving the Communion , Visiting the sick , &c. Onely it shall be lawfull for them , in time of Harvest , to labour upon Holy and Festival days , and save that thing which God hath sent ; and that scrupulosity , to abstain from working upon those days , doth grievously offend God. That a Register Book be carefully kept in every Parish for Weddings , Christenings , and Burials : 29. That a strong Chest , with an hole in the upper part thereof ( with three keys thereunto belonging ) be provided to receive the Charity of the People to the Poor ; and the same , at convenient times , be distributed unto them in the presence of the Parish . And that a comely Palpit be provided , in a convenient place . That , because of the lack of Preachers , Curates shall read Homilies , which are , or shall be set forth by the King's Authority . 36. That , when any such Sermon , or Homily shall be had , the Primes and Hours shall be omitted . That none , bound to pay Tithes , detain them , by colour of Duty omitted by their Curates , and so redoub one wrong with another . 33. And whereas many indiscrete persons do incharitably condemn , and abuse Priests having small Learning ; His Majesty chargeth His Subjects , That from henceforth they be reverently used , for their Office and Ministration sake : 31. And , that , to avoid the detestable sin of Simonie , the Seller shall lose his right of Patronage for that time , and the Buyer to be deprived , and made unable to receive Spiritual Promotion . That , to prevent sick persons in the damnable vice of Despair , They shall learn , and have always in readiness , such comfortable places , and Sentences of Scripture ; as do set forth the Mercies , Benefits , and Goodness of God Almighty towards all penitent , and believing persons : 30. But that Priests be not bound to go visit women in Child-bed ; except in times of dangerous sickness : and not to fetch any Coars , except it be brought to the Church yard . 34. That all persons , not understanding Latine , shall pray on no other Primer , but what lately was set forth in English by King Henry the Eighth ; and that such , who have knowledge in the Latine , use no other also : that all Graces before , and after Meat , be said in English ; and no Grammar taught in Scholes ▪ but that which is set forth by Authority . 39. That Chantry-Priests teach Youth to read , and write . And finally , That these Injunctions be read once a Quarter . Besides these general Injunctions for the whole Estate of the Realm , there were also certain others , particularly appointed for the Bishops onely ; which , being delivered unto the Commissioners , were likewise by them in their Visitations committed unto the said Bishops , with charge to be inviolably observed and kept , upon pain of the King's Majesties displeasure : the effect whereof is , as in manner followeth . 1. That they should , to the utmost of their power , wit , and understanding , s●e , and cause all , and singular , the King's Injunctions heretofore given , or after to be given , from time to time , in , and through their Diocess , duly , faithfully , and truly to be kept ▪ observed , and accomplished . And , that they should Personally Preach within their Diocess , every Quarter of a year , once at the least : that is to say , once in their Cathedral Churches , and thrice in other several places of their Diocesses , whereas they should see it most convenient and necessary ; except they had a reasonable excuse to the contrary . Likewise , that they should not retain into their Service , or Houshold , any Chaplain , but such as were Learned , and able to Preach the Word of God , and those they should also cause to Exercise the same . 2. And Secondly , That they should not give Orders to any Person ; but such as were Learned in Holy Scripture : neither should deny them to such , as were Learned in the same , being of honest conversation , or living . And Lastly , That they should not at any time , or place , Preach , or set forth unto the People , any Doctrine contrary , or repugnant to the eff●ct , and intent , contained , or set forth in the King's Highnesse's Homilies : neither yet should admit , or give Licence to Preach to any , within their Diocess , but to such as they should know ( or at least assuredly trust ▪ ) would do the same : And , if at any time , by hearing , or by report proved , they should perceive the contrary ; they should then incontinent not only inhibit that Person so offending , but also punish him , and revoke their Licence . There was also a Form of Bidding Prayer prescribed by the Visitours , to be used by all Preachers in the Realm ; ei●her before , or in their Sermons , as to them seemed best . Which Form of Bidding Prayer ( or Bidding of the Beads , as it was then commonly called ) was this , that followeth . You shall Pray for the whole Congregation of Christ's Church and specially for this Church of England and Ireland : wherein first I commend to your devout Prayers the King 's most Excellent Majesty , Supreme Head immediately under God of the Spirituality and Temporality of the same Church : And for Queen Katharine Dowager , and also for my Lady Mary , and my Lady Elizabeth , the King's Sisters . Secondly , You shall Pray for my Lord Protectour's Grace ▪ with all the rest of the King's Majesty His Council ; for all the Lords of His Realm , and for the Clergy , and the Commons of the same : beseeching God Almighty , to give ●very of them , in his degree , grace to use themselves in such wise , as may be to God's Glory , the King's Honour , and the VVeal of this Realm . Thirdly , You shall Pray for all them , that be departed out of this VVorld in the Faith of Christ ; that they with us , and we with them , at the day of Judgement , may rest , both body and soul , with Abraham , Isaac , and Jacob , in the Kingdom of Heaven . Such were the Orders , and Injunctions , wherewith the King's Commissioners were furnished for their Visitation . Most of them such , as had been formerly given out by Cromwell , or otherwise published and pursued ( but not without some intermissions ) by the King deceased , and therefore to be put in Execution with the greater safety . For though the young King , by Reason of his tender Age , could not but want a great proportion of His Father's Spirit for carrying on a work of such weight and moment ; yet he wanted nothing of that power in Church-concernment , which either Naturally was inherent in the Crown Imperial , or had been Legally vested in it by Acts of Parliament . Neither could His Being in Minority , nor the Writings in His Name by the Lord Protectour , and the Rest of the Council , make any such difference in the Case ; as to invalidate the Proceedings , or any of the Rest which followed in the Reformation . For , if they did , the Objection would be altogether as strong against the Reformation , made in the Minority of King Josias ; as against this , in the Minority of the present King. That of Josias being made ( as Josephus ( * ) telleth us ) by the Advice of the Elders : as this of King EDVVARD the Sixth by the Advice of the Council . And yet it cannot be denyed , but that the Reformation made under King I●sias , by Advice of His Council , was no less pleasing unto God , nor less valid in the Eys of all His Subjects : then those of Jeboshaphat , and Hezekiah , in their Riper years ; who perhaps acted singly on the strength of their Own Judgements onely , without any Advice . Now of Josias we are told by the said Historian ; That ▪ When He grew to be twelve years old , He gave manifest Approbation of His Piety , and Justice . For He drew the People to a conformable Course of Life , and to the Detestation and Abolishing of Idols , that were no Gods , and to the Service of the Onely True God of their Fore-Fathers . And , considering the Actions of His Predecessours , He began to Rectifie them in that , wherein they were deficient , with no less Circumspection , then if He had been an Old Man ; And that , which He found to be Correspondent , and Advisedly done by them , that did He both maintain and imitate . All which things He did , both by Reason of His Innated Wisdom , as also by the A●mo●shment and Council of His Elders : in following orderly the Laws ▪ not onely in matters of Religion , but of Civil Politie . Which puts the Parallel betwixt the two young Kings , in the Case before us , above all Exception ; and the Proceedings of King Edward , or His Council rather , beyond all Dispute . Now , whereas Question hath been made , whether the twenty fourth Injunction , for Labouring on the Holy Day in time of Harvest , extend as well to the Lord's Day , as the Annual Festivals : The matter seems , to any well-discerning eye , to be out of Question . For in the third Chapter of the Statute made in the fifth and sixth years of King Edward the Sixth , ( when the Reformation was much more advanced then it was at the present ) the Names and Number of such Holy Days , as were to be observed in this Church , are thus layed down ; That is to say , All Sundaies in the year , the Feasts of the Circumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ , of the Epiphany , &c. with all the Rest , still kept , and there named particularly . And then it followeth in the Act , That it shall , and may , be lawfull for every Husband-man , Labourer , Fisher-man , and to all , and every other person or persons , of what Estate , Degree , or Condition , he , or they , be , upon the Holy-Days afore-said , in Harvest , or at any other times in the year , when necessity shall so require , to Labour , Ride , Fish , or Work any kind of work , at their free-will and Pleasure ; any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding . The Law being such , there is no question to be made in point of practice , nor consequently of the meaning of the King's Injunction . For further opening of which Truth , we finde , that not the Country onely , but the Court were indulged the Liberty of attending business on that day ; it being Ordered by the King , amongst other things , That the Lords of the Council should upon Sundays attend the publique Affairs of this Realm , dispatch Answers to Letters for good order of State , and make full dispatches of all things concluded the Week before : Provided alwaies , That they be present at Common Prayer , and that on every Sunday-Night the King's Secretary should deliver him a Memorial of such things , as are to be debated by the Privy Council in the week ensuing . Which Order , being compared with the words of the Statute , may serve sufficiently to satisfie all doubts , and scruples , touching the true intent and meaning of the said Injunction . But , as this Question was not startled till the Later Times , when the Lord's Day began to be advanced into the Reputation of the Jewish Sabbath ; so was there nothing in the rest of the said Injunctions , which required a Commentary . Some words , and Passages therein , which seem absurd to us of this present Age , being then clearly understood by all , and every one , whom they did concern ; Published , and given in charge , by the Commissioners in their several Circuits , with great Zeal and Chearfullness ; and no less readily Obeyed in most parts of the Realms , both by Priests and People : who observed nothing in them , either new , or strange , to which they had not been prepared in the Reign of the King deceased . None forwarder in this Compliance , then some Learned men , in , and about the City of London ; who not long since had shewed themselves of a contrary Judgement : Some of them running before Authority , and others keeping even pase with it ; but few so confident of themselves as to lagg behind . It was Ordered in the twenty first ; That , at the time of High Mass , the Epistle , and Gospel should be read in the English Tongue : and , That both at the Mattens , and Even-Song , a Chapter out of the New Testament should be also read . And , for Example to the rest of the Land , the Complime , being a part of the Evening Service , was sung in the King 's Chapel on M●nday in the Easter-week , ( then falling on the eleventh of April ) in the English Tongue . Doctour Smith , Master of Whittington-College in London , and Reader in Divinity at the King's-College at Oxford , ( afterwards better known by the name of Christ-Church ) had before published two Books : One of them written , In Defence of the Mass ; The other endeavouring to prove , That unwritten Verities ought to be believed , under pain of Damnation . But , finding that these Doctrines did not now beat according to the Pulse of the Times , he did voluntarily retract , the said Opinions ; declaring in a Sermon at Saint Paul's Cross , on Sunday the fifteenth of May , that his said former Books , and Teachings , were not only erroneous , but Heretical . The like was done in the Moneth next following by Doctour Pern , afterwards Master of Peter-House in Cambridge ; who , having on Saint George's day delivered , in the Parish-Church of Saint Andrew Vndershaft , for sound Catholick Doctrine , That the Pictures of Christ , and of the Saints were to be adored ; upon the seventeenth day of June , declared himself in the said Church to have been deceived in that , what he before had taught them , and to be sorry for delivering such Doctrine to them . But these men might pretend some Warrant from the King's Injunctions , which they might conceive it neither fit , nor safe to oppose : and therefore , that it was the wisest way , to strike Sail betimes , upon the shooting of the first Warning-Piece to bring them in . But no man was so much before hand with Authority , as one Doctour Glasier ; who , as soon as the Fast of Lent was over , ( and it was well he had the Pat●ence to stay so long ) affirmed publickly in a Sermon at Saint Paul's Cross ; That , The Lent was not ordained of God to be Fasted , neither the Eating of Flesh to be forborn ; but that the same was a Politick Ordinance of men , and might therefore be broken by men at their pleasures . For which Doctrine as the Preacher was never questioned , the Temper of the Times giving Incouragement enough to such Extravagancies ; so did it open such a Gap to Carnal Liberty , that the King found it necessary to shut it up again by a Proclamation on the sixteenth of January , commanding Abstinence from all Flesh , for the Lent then following . But there was something more , then the Authority of a Minour King , which drew on such a General Conformity to these Injunctions : and thereby smoothed the way to those Alterations , both in Doctrine and Worship ; which the Grandees of the Court , and Church , had began to fashion . The Lord Protectour , and his Party were more experienced in Affairs of State ; then to be told , That , All great Counsels ▪ tending to Innovation in the Publick Government , ( especially where Religion is concerned therein ) are either to be back'd by ▪ Arms , or otherwise prove destructive to the Undertakers . For this cause , he resolves to put himself into the Head of an Army : as well for the security of His Person , and the Preservation of his Party ; as for the carrying on of the Design against all Opponents . And , for the Raising of an Army , there could not be a fairer Colour , nor a more popular Pretence , then a War in Scotland : not to be made on any new emergent Quarrel , which might be apt to breed suspicion in the Heads of the People ; but in Pursuit of the great Project of the King deceased , for Uniting that Realm ( by the Marriage of their young Queen to His onely Son ) to the Crown of England . On this pretense Levies are made in all parts of the Kingdom , great store of Arms and Ammunition drawn together to advance the service , considerable Numbers of Old Souldiers brought over from Bulloign , and the Peeces which depended on it , and good Provision made of Shipping , to attend the Motions of the Army upon all occasions . He entertained also certain Regiments of Walloons , and Germanes : not out of any great Opinion , which he had of their Valour ; ( though otherwise of good Experience in the Wars ) but because they were conceived more likely to enforce Obedience , ( if his Designs should meet with any Opposition ) then the Natural English. But in the first place Care was taken , that none of the neighbouring Princes should either hinder his Proceedings , or assist the Enemy . To which end Doctour Wotton , the first Dean of Canterbury , then Resident with the Queen Dowager of Hungary , ( who at that time was Regent of the Estates of Flanders for Charls the Fifth ) was dispatched unto the Emperour's Court : there to succeed in the place of Doctour Bonner , Bishop of London ; who , together with Sir Francis Bryan ▪ had formerly been ●ent Embassadours th●ther from King Henry the Eighth . The Principal part of his Employment , besides such matters as are incident to all Ambassadours , was to divert the Emperour from concluding any League with France , contrary to the Capitulations made between the Emperour and the King deceased ; but to deal with him , above all things , for declaring himself an Enemy to all of the Scotish Nation , but such as should be Friends to the King of England . And , because some Remainders of Hostility did still remain between the English and the French , ( notwithstanding the late peace made between the Crowns ) it was thought fit to sweeten , and oblige that People , by all the acts of Correspondence , and friendly Neighbourhood . In Order whereunto it was commanded by the King's Proclamation , That Restitution should be made of such Ships and Goods , which had been taken from the French since the Death of King Henry . Which being done also by the French , though far short in the value of such Reprisals , as had been taken by the English : there was good hope of coming to a better understanding of one another : and that , by this Cessation of Arms , both Kings might come in short time to a further Agreement . But that which seemed to give most satisfaction to the Court of France ▪ was the performance of a solemn Obsequie for King Francis the First ; who left this Life on the twenty second day of March , and was Magnificently Interred amongst His Predecessours , in the Monastery of Saint Dennis , not far from Paris . Whose Funerals were no sooner Solemnized in France : but Order was given for a Dirige to be sung in all the Churches in London , on the nineteenth of June , as also in the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul ; in the Quire whereof , being hung with black , a sumptuous Herse had been set up for the present Ceremony . For the next day the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , assisted with Eight other of the Bishops , all in their Rich Mitres , and other their Pontificals , did sing a Mass of Requiem ; the Funeral Sermon being preached by Doctour Ridley , Lord Elect of Rochester : who , if he did his part therein , as no doubt he did , could not but magnifie the Prince for His Love to Learning . Which was so great , and eminent in Him ▪ that He was called by the French , L' pere des Arts & des Sciences , and The Father of the Muses by some Writers of other Nations . Which Attributes as He well deserved , so did He Sympathize in that Affection , ( as he did in many other things ) with King Henry the Eighth : of whose Munificence for the Encouragements of Learning we have spoke before . This great Solemnity being thus Honourably performed , the Commissioners for the Visitation were dispatched to their several Circuits ; and the Army drawn from all parts to their Rendez-vous , for the War with Scotland . Of which two Actions , that of the Visitation , as the easiest , and meeting with a People , which had been long trained up in the Schole of Obedience , was carried on , without any shew of Opposition ; submitted to upon a very small Dispute , even by some of those Bishops , who were conceived most likely to have disturbed the business . The first , who declared his aversness to the King's Proceedings , was Dr. Stephen Gardiner , Bishop of Winchester : who , stomaching his being left out of the Lift of the Council , appeared more cross to all their doings , then other of his Order . For which being brought before their Lordships , and not giving them such satisfaction , as they looked for from him , they sent him Prisoner to the Fleet ; where he remained from the twenty fifth of September , till the seventh of January : the King's Commissioners proceeding in the mean time without any disturbance . With less aversness , but with success not much unlike , was the business entertained by Dr. Edmond Bonner , then Bishop of London : whom the Commissioners found far more tractable , then could have been expected from a man of so rough a Nature , and one so cordially affected to the Church of Rome . The Commissioners Authorised for this Imployment were , Sir Anthony Cook , and Sir John Godsal , Knights ; John Godsal , & Christopher Nevinson , Doctours of the Laws ; and John Madew , Doctour in Divinity : who , sitting in St. Paul's Church on the first day of September , called before them the said Bishop Bonner , John Royston , the renowned Polydore Virgil , and many other of the Dignitaries of the said Cathedral : to whom , the Sermon being done , and their Commission openly read , they ministred the Oath of the King's Supremacy , according to the Statute of the thirty first of King Henry the Eighth ; requiring them withall to present such things , as stood in need to be Reformed . Which done , they delivered to him a Copy of the said Injunctions , together with the Homilies set forth by the King's Authority ; received by him with Protestation , that he would observe them , if they were not contrary to the Law of God , and the Statutes and Ordinances of the Church . Which Protestation he desired might be enrolled amongst the Acts of the Court. But afterwards , considering better with himself , as well of his own Danger , as of the Scandal and ill Consequents , which might thence arise , he addressed himself unto the King ; revoking his said Protestation , and humbly submitting himself to His Majestie 's Pleasure , in this manner following . Whereas I , Edmond Bishop of London , at such time , as I received the King's Majestie 's Injunctions , and Homilies of my most Dread and Sovereign Lord , at the Hands of His Highness Visitours , did unadvisedly make such Protestation ; as now , upon better consideration of my Duty of Obedience , and of the evil Example , that might ensue unto others thereof , appeareth to me neither Reasonable , nor such as might well stand with the Duty of a most humble Subject : for so much , as the same Protestation , at my Request , was then by the Register of the Visitation Enacted , and put in Record : I have thought it my Duty , not onely to declare before your Lordships , that I do now , upon better consideration of my Duty , renounce , and revoke my said Protestation ; but also most humbly beseech your Lordships , that this my Revocation of the same may be in like wise put in the same Records , for a perpetual Memory of the Truth : most humbly beseeching your Good Lordships , both to take order , that it may take effect ; and also , that my former unadvised doings may be by your good Mediations pardoned of the King's Majesty . Edmond London . This humble carriage of the Bishop so wrought upon the King , and the Lords of the Council , that the edg of their displeasure was taken off ; though , for a terrour unto others , and for the preservation of their own Authority , he was by them committed Prisoner to the Fleet. During the short time of whose Restraint , ( that is to say , on the Eighteenth day of the same Moneth of September ) the Letany was sung in the English Tongue , in Saint Paul's Church , between the Quire and the High Altar ; the Singers kneeling , half on the one side , and half on the other . And the same day the Epistle and Gospel was also read at the High Mass in the English Tongue . And , about two Moneths after , ( that is to say , on the seventeenth day of November , next following ) Bishop Bonner , being then restored to his former Liberty , the Image of Christ , best known in those Times by the name of the Rood , together with the Images of Mary , and John , and all other Images in that Church , as also in all the other Churches of London were taken down ; as was commanded by the said Injunctions . Concerning which we are to note , That , though the Parliament was then sitting , ( whereof more anon ) yet the Commissioners proceeded onely by the King's Authority , without relating any thing to that High Court in this weighty Business . And in the speeding of this Work , as Bishop Bonner , together with the Dean and Chapter ▪ did perform their parts in the Cathedral of Saint Paul : so Bellassere , Arch-Deacon of Colchester , and Doctour Gilbert Bourn , ( being at that time Arch-Deacon both of London and Essex ; but afterwards preferred by Queen Mary to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells ) were no less Diligent and Officious in doing the like in all the Churches of their Respective Jurisdictions , according to the Charge imposed upon them by his Majestie 's Visitours . In the mean time , whilst matters were thus calmly Acted on the Stage of England ; all things went no less fortunately forward with the Lord Protectour in his War with Scotland : in which he carried himself with no less Courage , and Success , when it came to blows ; then he had done with Christian Prudence , before he put himself on the Expedition . For , having taken Order for his Forces to be drawn together , he thought it most expedient to his Affairs , to gain the start in point of Reputation with his very Enemies , by not ingaging in a War , untill they had refused all Terms of Peace . And to this end a Manifest is dispatched unto them , declaring the Motives , which induced him to put this Kingdom into a posture of Arms. In which he remembred them of the Promises , Seals , and Oaths , which by publick Authority had passed for concluding this Marriage ; That , These , being Religious Bonds betwixt God and their Souls , could not by any Politick Act of State be dissolved , untill their Queen should attain unto years of Dissent : Adding that , The Providence of God did therein manifestly declare it self , in that , the Male-Princes of Scotland failing , the Kingdom was left unto a Daughter ; and in that King Henry left onely one Son to succeed ; That , These two Princes were agreeable , both for Years , and Princely Qualities , to be joyned in Marriage , and thereby to knit both Realms into One ; That , This Vnion , as it was like to be both easily done , and of firm continuance : so would it be both profitable , and Honourable to both the Realms ; That , Both the Easiness and Firmness might be conjectured : for that both People are of the same Language , of like Habit and Fashion , of like Quality and Condition of Life , of one Climate ; not onely annexed entirely together but severed from all the World besides ; That , as these are sure Arguments that both discended from one Original , so ( by Reason , that Likeness is a great Cause of Liking and of Love ) they would be most forcible Means , both to joyn and hold them in one Body again ; That , Profit would rise by extinguishing Wars between the two Nations : by Reason whereof , in former times , Victories abroad have been impeached , Invasions and Seditions occasioned , the Confines of both Realms lay'd wast , or else made a Nursery of Rapines , Robberies , and Murthers ; the Inner Parts often deeply pierced , and made a wretched Spectacle to all Eys of Humanity and Pity ; That , The Honour of both Realms w●uld Increase : as well in regard of the Countries , sufficient not onely to furnish the Necessities , but the moderate Pleasures of this Life ; as also of the People , great in Multitude , in Body able , assured in Mind : not onely for the Safety , but the Glory of the Common State : That , Hereby would follow Assurance of Defence , Strength to Enterprise , Ease in sustaining publick Burthens , and Charges ; That , Herein the English d●sired no Pre-eminence , but offered Equality , both in Liberty and Privile●ge , and in capacity of Offices and Imployments ; and , to that end , the Name of Britain should be assumed , indifferent to both Nations : That , This would be the Complishment of their common Felicity ; in case , ( by their Evil , either Destiny , or Advice ) they suffered not the Occasion to be l●st . It was no hard matter to fore-see , that , either the Scots would return no Answer to this Declaration , or such an Answer at the best , as should signifie nothing . So that the War began to open , and some Hostilities to be exercised on either side ; before the English Forces could be drawn together . For so it happened , that a small Ship of the Kings , called The Pensie , hovering at Sea , was assailed by The Lyon , a principal Ship of Scotland . The fight began a far off , and slow ; but when they approached , it grew very furious : wherein the Pensie so applyed her Shot , that therewith the Lyon's Ore-Loope was broken , her Sails , and Tacklings torn , and lastly she was boarded , and taken . But , as she was brought for England , she was cast away by Negligence , and Tempest , near Hare-wich-Haven , and most of her men perished with her . Which small Adventure ( as Sir John Hayward well observes ) seemed to Prognosticate the Success of the War : in which the English , with a small Army , gained a glorious Victory ; but were deprived of the Fruit , and Benefits of it , by the Storms at home . All thoughts of Peace being lay'd aside , the Army draws together at New-Castle , about the middle of August , consisting of twelve or thirteen thousand Foot , thirteen hundred Men at Arms , and two thousand Eight hundred light Horse : Both Men and Horse so well appointed that a like Army never shewed it self , before that time , on the Borders of Scotland . Over which Army , so appointed , the Lord Protectour held the Office of General ; the Earl of Warwick that of Liev-tenant General ; the Lord Gray , General of the Horse , and Marshal also of the Field ; Sir Ralph Vane , Liev-tenant of all the Men at Arms ▪ and Demi-lances ; and Sir Ralph Sadlier , Treasurer General for the Wars : infeririour Offices being distributed amongst other Gentlemen of Name and Quality , according to their well-deservings . At New●Castle they remained till the Fleet arrived , consisting of sixty five Bottoms : whereof one Gally and thirty four tall Ships were well-appointed for Fight ; the Residue served for carriage of Munition , and Victuals . The Admiral of this Fleet being Edward Lord Clynton , created afterwards Earl of Lincoln , on the fourth of May 1572. in the fourteenth year of Queen Elizabeth . Making some little stay at Berwick , they entred not on Scotish Ground ▪ till the third of September ; keeping their March along the Shore within Sight of the Fleet , that they might be both Aided ▪ and Releived by it , as Occasion served : and making all along the Shore , they fell , at the end of two days , into a Valley called The Peuthes ▪ containing six Miles in length , in breadth about four hundred Pases toward the Sea , and but one hundred toward the Land , where it was shut up by a River . The Issues out of it made into several paths , which the Scots had caused to be cut in divers places with Traverse Trenches : and thereby so incumbred the Army in their marching forwards ; ( till the Pioneers had smoothed the way ) that a small Power of the Enemy ( if their Fortune had been anwerable to the Opportunity ) might have given a very good Account of them to the rest of their Nation . Which D●fficulty being over-come , and a Passage thereby given them unto places of more Advantage , they made themselves Masters of the three next Castles , for making good of their Retreat , if the worst should happen . Upon the first News of these Approaches , enlarged ( as the Custome is ) by the Voice of Fame , the Earl of Arran , being then Lord Governour of Scotland , was not meanly startled ; as being neither furnished with Foreign Aid ▪ nor much relying on the Forces , which He had at Home . Yet resuming his accustomed Courage , and well-acquainted with both Fortunes , He sent His Heralds through all parts of the Realm , commanded the Fire-Cross ( that is to say , two Fire-brands , set in fashion of a Cross , and pitched upon the point of a Spear ) to be advanced in the Field , ( according to the Ancient Custome of that Country in Important Cases ) and therewithall caused Proclamation to be made , That All Persons , from sixteen years of Age to sixty , should repair to Muscle-borough , and bring their Ordinary Provision of Victuals with them . Which Proclamation being made , and the Danger in which the Kingdom stoodrepresented to them , the People flocked in such Multitudes to their Rendez●v●us ; that it was thought fit to make choice of such as were most serviceable , and dismiss the Rest. Out of which they compounded an Army ( the Nobility , and Gentry , with their Followers being Reckoned in ) consisting of thirty thousand Foot , and two thousand Horse : but poorly Armed , fitter to make Excursions , or to execute some suddain Inroad , then to entertain any strong Charge from so brave an Army . The Armies drawing near together , the General , and the Earl of Warwick , rode towards the place , where the Scotish Army lay , to view the manner of their incamping . As they were returning , an Herald , and a Trumpeter , from the Scots overtook them ; and , having obtained Audience , thus the Herald began ; That , He was sent from the Lord Governour of Scotland , partly ; to enquire of Prisoners ; but chiefly to make offer , that because he was desirous , not onely to avoid profusion , but the least effusion of Christian blood ; and for that the English had not done any unmanlike Outrage , or Spoyle , he was content they might return , and should have his Safe-conduct for their peaceable passage . Which said , the Trumpeter spake , as followeth ; That , The Lord Huntly , His Master , sent Message by him ; that , as well for brief Expedition , as to spare expence of Christian blood , He would fight upon the whole Quarrel , either with twenty against twenty , or with ten against ten ; or , more particularly , by single Combate between the Lord General and himself . Which , in regard the Scots had advantage , both for Number , and Freshness of men ; in regard also , that , for Supply , both for Provision , and Succours , they were at home , be esteemed an Honourable and charitable Offer . To the Herald the Lord General returned this Answer ; That , As his coming was not with purpose , or desire to endamage their Realm : as he was there , he would neither intreat , nor accept of him leave to depart ; but would measure his Marches in Advancing or Retiring , as his own Judgment , guided by Advice of his Council , should deem expedient . To the Trumpeter he returned this Answer ; That , The Lord Huntly , His Master , was a young Gentleman , full of Free Courage but more desirous of Glory , then Judicious ( as it seemed ) how to win it ; That , For number of Combatants , it was not in his power to conclude a bargain ; but he was to employ all the Forces , put under his Charge , to the best advantage that he could ; That , In case this were a particular Quarrel between the Governour and Him , he would not refuse a particular Combate ; but , being a difference between the two Kingdoms , it was neither fit , nor in his Power , either to undertake the Adventure upon his own Fortune , or bearing a Publique Charge , to hazard himself against a man of Private condition . Which said , and the Earl of Warwick offering to take upon himself the Answer to Huntly's Challenge : the Lord Protectour interposed , and turning again unto the Herald ; Herald ( saith he ) tell the Lord Governour , and the Lord Huntly , that we have entred your Country with a sober Company : ( which ▪ in the Language of the Scots , is poor and mean ) your Army is both Great and Fresh ; but let them appear upon indifferent Ground , and assuredly they shall have fighting enough . And bring me word , that they will so do , and I will reward thee with a thousand Crowns . These Braveries thus passed over on either side , the Lord Protectour wisely considering with himself the uncertain Issue of pitched Fields , and minding to preserve his Army for some other purposes , thought fit to tempt the Scots , by another Missive , to yield unto his just Demands . In which , he wished them to consider ; That , This War was waged amongst Christians : And that , Our Ends were no other , then a just Peace , whereto the endeavours of all Good men should tend ; That , An Occasion , not onely of a League , but of a Perpetual Peace was now happily offered , if they would suffer the two differing , and Emulous Nations , by uniting the Head , to grow together ; That , As this had formerly been sought by us , so had it been generally Assented to by the Estates of Scotland ; That , Therefore he could not but wonder , why they should rather Treacherously recurr to Arms ( The events of War being usually , even to the Victour , sufficiently unfortunate ) then to maintain , inviolate , their Troth plighted to the Good of both Nations ; That , They could not in reason expect , that their Queen should perpetually live a Virgin-life ; That , If she Married , where could She bestow her self better , then on a Puissant Monarch , inhabiting the same Island , and speaking the same Language ? That , They could not choose , but see , what Inconveniences were the consequents of Foreign Matches . Whereof they should rather make Tryal by the Examples of Others , then at their Own Perill ; That , Though he demanded nothing but Equity , yet be so far abhorred the Effusion of Christian blood , that , if he found the Scots not utterly averse from an accord , he would endeavour , that some of the Contentions should be remitted ; That , He would also consent , that the Queen should abide , and be brought up amongst them , untill Her Age made Her Marriageable : at what time She should , by the Consent of the Estates , Her self make choice of an Husband ; That , In the mean time , there should be a Cessation of Arms : neither should the Queen be transported out of Her Realm , nor entertain Treaty of Marriage with the French , or any other Foreigner ; That , if this they would Faithfully Promise , he would forthwith peaceably depart out of Scotland ; And that , Whatsoever Dammages the Country had suffered by this Invasion , he would , according to the esteem of indifferent Arbitratours , make Ample Satisfaction . What Effect this Letter might have produced , if the Contents thereof had been communicated to the Generality of the Scotish Army , it is hard to say . Certain it is , that those , who had the Conduct of the Scot's Affairs , ( as if they had been totally carried on to their own Destruction , ) resolved not to put it to the venture : but , on the contrary , caused it to be noised abroad ; That , Nothing would content the English , but to have the young Queen at their disposal : and , under colour of a Marriage , to subdue the Kingdom ; which was to be reduced for ever to the form of a Province . This false Report did so exasperate all sorts of people ; that they were instant for the Fight . Which was as chearfully accepted by the Chief Commanders of the English Army ; in regard of some Intelligence , which was brought unto them , that the French were coming with twelve Galleys , and fifty Ships , to fall upon them in the Rear . So as both Parties being resolved to try their Fortune , they ranged their Armies in this manner . The English , having gained an Hill , which was near their Shipping , disposed their Army in this Order . The Avant-Guard , consisting of between three and four thousand Foot , one hundred Men at Arms , and six hundred light Horse-men , was Conducted by the Earl of Warwick . After which followed the Main-Battail , consisting of about six thousand Foot , six hundred Men at Arms , and about one thousand light Horse-men ; Commanded by the Lord Protectour himself . And , finally , the Arrear , consisting of between three and four thousand Foot , one hundred Men at Arms , and six hundred Light-Horse , was led by the Lord Dacres ; an Active , though an Aged Gentleman . The rest of the Horses was either cast into the Wings , or kept for a Reserve against all Events . And so the Batt●il being d●sposed , the Lord General , in few words , but with no small Gravity , ( which to a Souldier serves in stead of Eloquence ) puts them in mind of the Honour , which their Ancestours had acquired in that Kingdom , of their own extream Disgrace , and Danger , if they fought not well : That , The Justness of their Quarrel should not so much encourage , as enrage them ; being to revenge the Dishonour done to their King , and to chastise the deceitfull dealings of their ●nemies : That , The multitude of their Enemies should nothing dismay them ; because they , who come to maintain their own Breach of Faith , ( besides that the Check of their Consciences much breaketh their spirit ) have the Omnipotent Arm of God m●st furious against them . The Scots at the same time , having improvidently crossed the Esk , to find their Graves on this side of the water , disposed their Army in this manner . In the Avant-guard were placed about fifteen thousand , Commanded by the Earl of Angus ; about ten thou●and in the Main-battail , of whom the Lord Governour to●k the Conduct ; and so many more in the Arrear , Led by the Valiant Gourdon , Ea●l of Huntly . And being ready to fall on ( on a false hope that the English were upon the flight ) the Lord Governour put them in remembrance , how They could never yet be brought under by the English but were always able either to beat them back , or to weary them out ; bid●●ng them look upon themselves , and upon their enemies ▪ themselves dreadful ; their enemies gorgeous , and brave : on their side men , on the other spoyle , in case either through flowness , or cowardise , they did not permit them to escape , who ( ●o , now ) already had began their flight . And to say truth , the English having changed their Ground , to gain the Hill which ●●y near their Shipping and which also gave them the advantage both of Sun and Wind , wrought an opinion in the Scots ; that they dislodged to no ●ther end then to recover their Ships that they might save themselves , though they lost their Carriages . In confidence whereof , they quitted a place of great strength , where they were incamped , and from which the whole Army of England was not able to force them . But the old English Proverb telleth us , that , They that reckon without their Host , are to reckon twice ; and so it fared with this infatuated People . For on the tenth of September , the Battails being ready to joyn , a Peece of Ordnance , discharged from the Galley of England , took off five and twenty of their men ; amongst whom the eldest Son of the Lord Graham was one . Whereupon four thousand Archers , terrified with so unexpected a slaughter , made a stand , and could never after be brought on : so , that they stood like men amaz●d ; as neither having Hearts to Fight , nor Opportunity to Fly. Which consternation notwithstanding , the Lord Gray , being sent with a strong Party of Horse to give the Onset , found the Main Body so well Embattailed , and such a Valiant Opposition made by a stand of Pikes ; that they were almost as impenetrable as a Rock of Adamants : till being terrified by the English Ordnance , which came thundering on them from the top of the Hill , and galled by the Great-Shot from the Ships , they began to brangle . Which , being perceived by the English , they gave a loud Shout , crying ; They Fly , They Fly ▪ and thereby so astonished the affrighted Enemy ; that they began to fly indeed , and presently throwing down their Arms , betook themselves unto their Heels . Many were slain upon the Place ▪ more executed in the Chase , and not a few in the Esk ; which so improvidently they had passed the day before : so , that the number of the slain was thought to have amounted to fourteen thousand . About fifteen hundred of both sorts were taken Prisoners , amongst which the daring Earl of Huntly was one of the Chief ; who , being after asked , How he liked the Marriage , is said to have returned this Answer , That , He could well enough brook the Wedding , but that he did not like that kind of Woing . Amongst the number of the slain were found good store of Monks and Friers : some thousands of which had put themselves into the Army ; which had been raised especially by their Power and Practices . The Greatness of the Booty in Arms , and Baggage , was not the least cause , that the English reaped no better Fruit from so great a Victory , and did not prosecute the War to an absolute Conquest . For , being intent in pillaging the dead , and gathering up the Spoils of the field , and solacing themselves in Leith , for five dayes together ; they gave the Scots time to make Head again , to fortifie some Strong places on the other side of the Fryth , and to remove the Queen to Dun-britton-Castle : from whence they conveyed her into France in the year next following . And , though the loss , rather then neglect , of this opportunity is to be attributed in the first place to God's secret pleasure ; who had reserved the Union of the Kingdoms till an happier time : yet were there many Second Causes and subordinate Motives , which might prevail upon the Lord Protectour to return for England , without advancing any further . For either he might be taken off by the Earl of Warwick , who then began to cast an Envious eye on his Power and Greatness . Or , might be otherwise unwilling , of his own accord , to tempt his Fortune any further ; by hazarding that Honour in a second Battail , which he had acquired in the first . Or , he might think it more conducible to his Affairs , to be present at the following Parliament ; in which he had some work to do , which seemed more needfull to him , then the War with Scotland . The good Success whereof would be ascribed to his Officers and Commanders ; but the Misfortunes wholly reckoned upon His account . Or finally , ( which I rather think ) he might conceive it necessary to preserve his Army , and Quarter it in the most convenient places near the English Borders : that it might be ready at Command upon all occasions ; if his Designs should meet with any opposition , as before was said . And this may be believed the rather ; because that , having fortified some Islands in the Mouth of the Fryth , he Garisoned the greatest part of his Army in Hume-Castle , and other Peeces of importance ; most of them lying near together , and the furthest not above a days March from Berwick . Now as concerning the Day , in which this Victory was obtained , I finde two notable Mistakes . The one committed by the Right Reverend Bishop Godwin : and the other by the no less Learned Sir John Hayward . By Bishop Godwin it is placed , exceeding rightly , on the tenth of September ; but then he doth observe it , as a thing remarkable ; That this memorable Victory was obtained on the very same day , in which the Images , which had been taken out of the several Churches , were burned in London . Whereas we are informed by John Stow ▪ a diligent Observer of Days , and Times ; That the Images in the Churches of London were not taken down before the seventeenth of November . And we are told by Sir John Hayward , that the day of this Fight was the tenth of December , which must be either a mistake of the Press , or a slip of the Pen ; it being noted in the words next following , That on the same day , thirty four years afore , the Scots had been defeated by the English at Flodden-field . Which though it pointeth us back to the Moneth of September ; yet the mistake remaineth as unto the Day : that Battail being fought , not on the tenth , but the ninth of September ; as all our Writers do agree . But , leaving these Mistakes behind us , let us attend the Lord Protectour to the Court of England . Towards which he hastened with such speed ; that he stayed but twenty five days upon Scotish Ground from his first Entrance to his Exit . And being come unto the Court , he was not onely welcomed by the King for so great a Service , with a Present of 500l . per Ann. to him , and to his Heirs for ever ; but highly Honoured by all sorts of people : the rather , in regard , that he had bought so great a Victory at so cheap a Rate ; as the loss of sixty Horse onely , and but one of his Foot. And now 't is high time to attend the Parliament , which took beginning on the fourth of November ; and was Prorogued on the twenty fourth of December following . In which the Cards were so well packed by Sir Ralph Sadlier ; that there was no need of any other shuffling till the end of the Game : this very Parliament , without any sensible alteration of the Members of it , being continued by Protogation , from Session to Session ; untill at last it ended by the Death of the King. For a Preparatory whereunto , Richard Lord Rich was made Lord Chancellour , on the twenty fourth of October ; and Sir John Baker , Chancellour of the Court of First-Fruits and Tenths , was nominated Speaker for the House of Commons . And , that all things might be carried with as little opposition and noise as might be , it was thought fit , that Bishop Gardiner should be kept in Prison , till the end of the Session : and that Bishop Tonstal of Du●ham ( a man of a most even , and moderate Spirit ) should be made less in Reputation , by being deprived of his Place at the Council-Table . And though the Parliament consisted of such Members , as disagreed amongst themselves , in respect of Religion : yet they agreed well enough together in one Common Principle ; which was , to serve the present Time , and preserve themselves . For , though a great part of the Nobility , and not a few of the Chief Gentry in the House of Commons , were cordially affected to the Church of Rome : yet were they willing to give way to all such Acts and Statutes , as were made against it , out of a fear of losing such Church-Lands , as they were possessed of , if that Religion should prevail , and get up again . And for the rest , who either were to make , or improve their Fortunes ; there is no question to be made , but that they came resolved to further such a Reformation , as should most visibly conduce to the Advancement of their several Ends. Which appears plainly by the strange mixture of the Acts and Results thereof : some tending simply to God's Glory , and the Good of the Church ; some to the present Benefit , and enriching of particular Persons ; and some again being devised of purpose to prepare a way for exposing the Revenues of the Church unto Spoil and Rapine . Not to say any thing of those Acts , which were merely Civil , and tended to the Profit and Emolument of the Common-Wealth . Of the first Sort was The Act for repealing several Statutes concerning Treason . Under which head , besides those many bloody Laws , which concerned the Life of the Subject in Civil Matters , and had been made in the distracted Times of the late King Henry , there was a Repeal also of all such Statutes , as seemed to touch the Subject in Life , or Liberty , for matter of Conscience : some whereof had been made , in the Times of King Richard the Second , and Henry the Fourth , against such , as , dissenting in Opinion from the Church of Rome , were then called Lollards . Of which Sort also was another , made in the twenty fifth of the King Deceased , together with that terrible Statute of the Six Articles ( commonly called The whip with six strings , ) made in the thirty first year of the said King Henry . Others were of a milder Nature , ( but such as were thought inconsistent with that Freedom of Conscience , which most men coveted to enjoy ; ) that is to say , The Act for Qualification of the said Six Articles ; 35. H. 8. cap 9. The Act inhibiting the Reading of the Old and New Testament in the English Tongue , and the Printing , Selling , Giving , or Delivering of any such other Books or Writings , as are there in mentioned , and condemned ; 34. H. 3. cap. 1. But these were also Abrogated as the others were , together with all , and every Act , or Acts of Parliament , concerning Doctrine and Matters of Religion ; and all ▪ and every Article , Branch , Sentence , and Matter , Pains , and Forfeitures in the same contained . By which Repeal all men may seem to have been put into a Liberty of Reading Scripture , and being in a manner their own Expositours ; of entertaining what Opinions in Religion best pleased their Fancies ; and promulgating those Opinions , which they entertained . So that the English for a time enjoyed that Liberty , which the Romanes are affirmed by Tacitus ( * ) to have enjoyed without comptrol in the Times of Nerva ; that is to say , A liberty of Opining whatsoever they pleased , and speaking freely their Opinions wheresoever they listed . Which whether it were such a great Felicity , as that Authour makes it , may be more then questioned . Of this Sort al●o was the Act. entituled An Act against such , as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar ; and for the receipt thereof in both kinds : cap. 1. In the first part whereof it is Provided with great Care and Piety ; That , ( * ) Whatsoever person , or persons , from , and after the first day of May next coming , shall deprave , despise , or contemn the most Blessed Sacrament , by any contemptuous words , or by any words of depraving , despising , or reviling , &c. that then he , or they , shall suffer Imprisonment , and make Fine and Ransome , at the King's pleasure . And , to say Truth , it was but time , that some provision should be made to suppress that Irreverence and Profaness , with which this Blessed Sacrament was at that time handled by too many of those , who seemed most ignorantly Zealous of a Reformation . For , whereas the Sacrament was in those Times delivered unto each Communicant in a small round Wafer , called commonly by the name of Sacramentum Altaris , or The blessed Sacrament of the Altar ; and that such parts thereof , as were reserved from time to time , were hanged up over the Altar in a Pix , or Box : those zealous ones , in hatred to the Church of Rome , reproached it by the odious Names of Jack-in-a-box , Round-Robin , Sacrament of the Halter , and other Names , so unbecoming the Mouths of Christians ; that they were never taken up by the Turks , and Infidels . And though Bishop Ridley , a right Learned , and Religious Prelate , frequently in his Sermons had rebuked the irreverent behaviour of such light and ill-disposed Persons ; yet neither he , nor any other of the Bishops were able to Reform the Abuse : ( the Quality , and Temper of the Times considered ) which therefore was thought fit to be committed to the power of the Civil Magistrate ; the Bishop being called in , to assist at the Sentence . In the last branch of the Act , it is First declared , According to the Truth of Scripture , and the Tenour of approved Antiquity ; That it is most agreeable both to the Institution of the said Sacrament , and more conformable to the common Vse , and Practice , both of the Apostles , and of the Primitive Church , by the space of five hundred years after Christ's Ascension ; that the said Blessed Sacrament should rather be ministred unto all Christian people under both the Kinds of Bread and Wine ; then under the form of Bread onely . And thereupon it was Enacted , That , The said most Blessed Sacrament should be hereafter commonly delivered , and ministred unto the People , within the Church of England , and Ireland , and other the King's Dominions , under both the Kinds ; that is to say , of Bread and Wine . With these Provisoes notwithstanding , If necessity did not otherwise require : as in the Case of suddain Sickness ; and other such like Extremities , in which it was not possible , that Wine could be provided for the Use of the Sacrament , nor the Sick-man depart this life in peace without it . And Secondly , That the permitting of this Liberty to the People of England , and the Dominions of the same , should not be construed to the condemning of any other Church , or Churches , or the Vsages of them , in which the contrary was observed . So far the Parliament Enacted , in relation to the thing it self to the subject Matter ; that the Communion should be delivered in both Kinds to all the good People of the Kingdoms . But for the Form , in which it was to be administred , that was left wholly to the King , and by the King committed to the Care of the Bishops : ( of which more hereafter ) the Parliament declaring onely , That a Godly ●xhortation should be made by the Ministers , therein expressing the great Benefit and Comfort promised to them . Which worthily receive the same ; and the great Danger threatned by God to all such persons , as should unworthily receive it . Now , That there is not any thing , either in the Declaration of this Parliament , or the Words by which it was Enacted , which doth not every way agree with Christ 's Institution : appears most plainly by this Passage of Bishop Jewel . I would demand ( saith he ) of Master Harding , what things he would require to Christ's Institution , of Words , Christs Words be plain ; If Example , Christ Himself Ministred in both Kinds ; If Authority , Christ commanded His Disciples , and in them all other Ministers of His Church to do the like ; If Certainty of His Meaning , the Apostles , endued with the Holy Ghost , so practised the same , and understood He meant so ; If Continuance of Time. He ●ad the same to be continued , till His Coming again . Jewel against H●rding , Art. 2. Sect. 4. Which said , he thus proceedeth in the eight Sect. ( that is to say ) Some say , that the Priests in Russia , for lack of Wine , used to Consecrate in Metheglin . Others , That Innocent the Eight , for the like want , dispensed with the Priests of Norway , to Consecrate without Wine . It were no Reason to binde the Church to the Necessity , or Imbecillity of a few . For , otherwise the same Want , and Imbecillity , which Master Harding hath here found for the one part of the Sacrament , may be found for the other . For Arrianus , De Rebus Indicis , and Strabo , in his Geography , have written , That , There be whole Nations and Countries , that have no Bread. Therefore it should seem necessary by this Conclusion , that , in Consideration of them , the whole Church should abstain from the other Portion of the Sacrament also , and so have no Sacrament at all . But , because he may be suspected to be over-partial , in favour of the Church of England , let us see next what is confessed by Doctour Harding , the first who took up Arms against it in Queen Elizabeth 's Time : who doth acknowledge in plain Terms ; That , The Communion was delivered in both kinds at Corinth , as appeareth by Saint Paul ; and in many other places also , as may mo●t evidently be found in the Writings of many Antient Fathers : And finally , that it was so used for the space of six Hundred years , and after . Art. 2. Sect. 8 ▪ 28. But , because Harding leaves the point at 600 , and after , I doubt not , but we may be able , on an easie search , to draw the Practice down to six hundred more , and possibly somewhat after also . For Haymo of Halbe●stadt , who flourished in the year 850. informs us , that , ( * ) The Cup is called the Cup of the Communion of the Blood of Christ because all Communicate thereof . And we are certified in the History of A●toni●us , Arch-Bishop of Florence ; that William Duke of Normandy , immediately before the Battail near Hastings , Anno 966 ; caused His whole Army to communicate in both Kinds ; as the use then was . And finally , It is observed by Thomas Aquinas , who lived in , and after the year 1260. That , In some Churches of his Time the Cup was not given unto the People . Which though he reckoneth f●r a ( * ) Provident and Prudent Vsage : yet , by restraining it onely to some few Churches , he shews the General Usage of the Church to have been otherwise at that time , as indeed it was . So that the Parliament in this Case appointed nothing , but what was consonant to the Institution of our Lord and Saviour , and to the Practice of the Church for 1260 years , and upwards : which is sufficient to discharge it from the Scandal of an Innovation . Nor probably had the Parliament appointed this ▪ but that it was advised by such Godly Bishops , as were desirous to Reduce the Ministration of that most Blessed Sacrament to the first Institution of it , and the Primitive Practice : the Convocation of that year not being enpowered to act in any Publick business ; for ought appearing on Record . The next great Business was the Retriving of a Statute made in the 27th . year of King Henry the Eight : by which all Chanteries , Colleges , Free-Chapels , and Hospitals , were permitted to the Disposing of the King for Term of His Life . But the King dying , before He had taken many of the said Colleges , Hospitals , Chant●ries , and Free-Chapels , into His Possession , and the Great Ones of the Court not being willing to lose so Rich a Booty ; it was set on Foot again , and carried in this present Parliament . In , and by , which it was Enacted . That , All such Colleges , Free-Chapels , and Chanteries , as were in Being within five years of the present Session , which were not in the Actual Possession of the said late King , &c. other then such , as by the King's Commissions should be altered , transported , and changed ; together , with a●●●an●●●s , Laxds , Tenements , Rents , Tithes , Pensions , Portions , and other Hereditaments , to the s●me belonging : after the Feast of Easter then next coming should be adjudged , and deemed , and also be , in the Actual and Real Poss●ssion , an● S●isin of the King , His Heirs , and Succ●ssours for ever . And though the Hospitals , being at that time an hundred and ten were not included in this Grant , as they had been in that to the King decealed : yet the Revenue , which by this Act was designed to the King , His Heirs , and Successours , must needs have been a great Improvement to the Crown ; if it had been carefully kept together , as it was first pretended : there being accounted 90. Colleges within the Compass of that Grant , ( those in the Universities not being reckoned in that Number ) and no fewer then 2374. Free-Chapels and Chanteries : the Lands whereof were thus conferred upon the King by Name , but not intended to be kept together for His Benefit onely . In which Respect it was very stoutly insisted on by Arch-Bishop Cranmer , that the dissolving of these Colleges , Free-Chapels , and Chanteries , should be deferred untill the King should be of Age ; to the intent that they might serve the better to furnish and maintain His Royal Estate , then that so great a Treasure should be consumed in His Nonage , as it after was . Of this we shall speak more in the following year , when the Grant of the said Chanteries , Free-Chapels , &c. came to take Effect . In the mean time , It will not be amiss to shew , that these Chanteries consisted of Salaries , allowed to one or more Priests to say daily Mass , for the Souls of their deceased Founders , and their Friends . Which , not subsisting on themselves , were generally Incorporated , and United to some Parochial , Collegiate , or Cathedral Church . No fewer then 47. in Number , being found , and Founded , in Saint Paul's . Free-Chapels , though Ordained for the same Intent , were Independent of themselves , of stronger Constitution , and Richer Endowment , then the Chanteries severally were ; though therein they fell also short of the Colleges , which far exceeded them , both in the Beauty of their Building , the number of Priests ▪ maintained in them and the Proportion of Revenue allotted to them . All which Foundations , having in them an Admixture of Superstition , ( as Pre-supposing Purgatory , and Prayers to be made for Deliverance of the Soul from thence ) were therefore now suppressed upon that Account , and had been granted to the late King upon other Pretences . At what time it was Preached at Mercers-Chapel , in London , by one Doctour Cromer , ( a Man that wished exceeding well to the Reformation ) That , If Trentals , and Chantery-Masses , could avail the Souls in Purgatory , then did the Parliament not well , in giving away Colleges , and Chanteries ; which served principally for that purpose . But if the Parliament did well in dissolving and bestowing them upon the King : ( which he thought that no man could deny ) then was it a plain Case , that such Chanteries , and private Masses did confer no Relief on the Souls in Purgatory . Which Dilemma , though it were unanswerable : yet was the matter so handled by the Bishops , seeing how much the Doctrine of the Church was concerned therein , that they brought him to a Recantation at Saint Paul's Cross , in the June next following : ( this Sermon being Preached in Lent ) where he confessed himself to have been seduced by naughty books , contrary to the Doctrine then received in the Church . But the Current of these Times went the other way , and Cromer might now have Preached that safely , for which before he had been brought into so much trouble . But that , which made the greatest Alteration , and threatened most danger to the State Ecclesiastical , was the Act , entituled An Act for Election of Bishops , and what Seals , and Styles , shall be used by Spiritual Persons . &c. In which it was Ordained , ( for I shall onely repeat the Sum thereof ) That , Bishops should be made by the King's Letters Patents , and not by the Election of the Deans and Chapters : That all their Processes , and Writings , should be made in the King's Name onely , with the Bishop's Teste added to it : and sealed with no other Seal , but the King 's , or such , as should be Authorised and Appointed by Him. In the Compounding of which Act there was more Danger couched , then at first appeared . By the last Branch thereof it was plain and evident , that the Intent of the Contrivers was , by degrees to weaken the Authority of the Episcopal Order , by forcing them from their Strong-hold of Divine Institution , and making them no other , then the King's Ministers onely , His Ecclesiastical Sheriffs ( as a man might say ) to execute His Will , and disperse His Mandates . And of this Act such use was made , ( though possibly beyond the true intention of it ) that the Bishops of those Times were not in a Capacity of conferring Orders : but as they were thereunto enpowered by especial Licence . The Tenour whereof ( if Sanders be to be believed ) was in these words following : viz. The King to such a Bishop Greeting . Whereas all , and all manner of Jurisdiction , as well Ecclesiastical , as Civil , flows from the King , as from the Supreme Head of all the Body , &c. We therefore give , and grant to thee full Power , and Lice●ce , to continue during Our Good Pleasure , for holding Ordination within thy Diocess of N. and for promoting fit Persons unto Holy Orders , even to that of the Priest-hood . Which being looked on by Queen Mary , not onely as a dangerous Diminution of the Episcopal Power ; but as an Odious Innovation in the Church of Christ ● She caused this Act to be repealed in the first Year of Her Reign ; leaving the Bishops to depend on their former claim , and to act all things , which belonged to their Jurisdiction , in their own Names , and under their own Seals , as in former Times . In which Estate they have continued , without any Legal Interruption , from that time to this . But in the first Branch there was somewhat more , then what appeared at the first sigh● . For , though it seemed to aim at nothing ; but that the Bishops should depend wholly on the King , for their preferment to those great and eminent Places : yet the true Drift of the Design was to make Deans and Chapters useless , for the time to come , and thereby to prepare them for a Dissolution . For , had nothing else been intended in it , but that the King should have the sole Nomination of all the Bishops in His Kingdoms , it had been onely a Reviver of an Antient Power : which had been formerly Invested in His Predecessour's , and in all other Christian Princes . Consult the Stories , and Records , of the E●der Times ▪ and it will readily appear , not onely that the Romane Emperours of the House of France , did nominate the Popes themselves : but that , after they had lost that Power , they retained the Nomination of the Bishops in their own Dominions . The like done also by the German Emperours , by the Kings of England , and by the Antient Kings of Spain : the Investiture being then performed Per Annulum & Baculum , as they used to Phrase it ; that is to say , by delivering of a Ring , together with a Crosier , or Pastoral Staff , to the Party nominated . Examples of which Practice are exceeding obvious in all the Stories of those Times . But the Popes ▪ finding at the last , how necessary it was in order to that absolute Power , which they ambitiously affected over all Christian Kings , and Princes , that the Bishops should depend on none but them , challenged this power unto themselves : declaring it in several Petit Councels for no less then Simony , if any man should receive a Bishoprick from the Hands of his own Natural Prince . From hence those long and deadly Quarrels begun between Pope Hildebrand and the Emperour Henry the Fourth , and continued by their Successours for many years after . From hence the like Disputes in England , between Pope Vrban the Second and King William Rufus ; between Pope Innocent and King I●hn : till in the end the Popes prevailed both here and elsewhere , and gained the point unto themselves . But so : that , to disguise the matter , the Election of the future Bishop was committed to the Prior and Convent , or to the Dean and Chapter of that Cathedral , wherein he was to be Installed . Which , passing by the Name of Free Elections , were wholly , in a manner , at the Pope's Disposing . The Point thus gained , it had been little to their Profit , if they had not put the same in Execution Which being done by Pope Innocent the Fourth , in Consecrating certain English Bishops at Lyons in France , without the King's Knowledge & Consent : it was observed by Matthew Paris ( * ) to be dishourable to the King and of great Dammage to the Kingdom ▪ So much the more , by how much the Mischief grew more common , and the Design , concealed under that Disguise , became more apparent : which plainly was ▪ ( * ) that being bound unto the Pope in the stricter Bonds , and growing into a Contempt of their Natural King , they might the more readily be inclined to worke any Mischief in the Kingdom . The Danger whereof being considered by King Edward the First , He came at last to this Conclusion with the Popes then being ; that is to say , That the said Priors and Convents , or the said Deans and Chapters , as the Case might vary , before they proceeded to any Election , should demand the King 's Writ of Cong●● D'●esliere : and , after the Election made , to crave his Royal Assent unto it , for Confirmation of the same . And so much was avowed by the Letters of King Edward the Third to Pope Clement the Fifth . In which it was declared ; That all the Cathedral Churches in England were Founded , and Endowed by His Progenitours ; ( * ) and that therefore , as often as those Churches became void of a Bishop , they were filled again with fit Persons by His said Progenitours , as in their own Natural and proper Right . The like done by the French Kings to this very day , partly by virtue of the Pragmatical Sanction , established at the Councel of Basil , and partly by the Concordate between King Francis the First , and Pope Leo the Tenth . And the like also challenged by the State of Venice , within the Verge , and Territories of that Republick . For which consult the English History of that State , Decad. 5. lib. 9. fol. 229. So that , upon the whole matter , there was no Innovation made , as to this particular : but a Restoring to the Crown an antient Power , which had been Naturally and Originally in the Crown before . But howsoever , having the appearance of an Alteration from the received manner of Electings in the Church of Rome ; and that , which was Established by the late King for the Realm of England : it was repealed by Queen Mary , and put into the former Chanel by Queen Elizabeth . But from this Alteration , which was made in Parliament , in reference to the manner of Making Bishops , and the way of Exercising their Authority , when they were so made , let us proceed unto such Changes , as we finde made amongst the Bishops themselves . The first whereof was the Election of Doctor Nicholas Ridley to the See of Rochester : to which he had been nominated by King Henry the Eighth , when Holbeck , who preceded him , was designed for Lincoln . But , the King dying shortly after , the Translation of Holbeck was deferred till the Time of King Edward : which was no sooner done , but Ridley was chosen to succeed him ; although not actually Consecrated till the fifth of September . A man of great Learning , as the Times then were , and for his excellent way of Preaching highly esteemed by the late King ; whose Chaplain he had been for many years before His death : and upon that onely designed to this Preferment , as the reward of his Service . Being well studyed in the Fathers , it was no hard matter for him to observe ; That , as the Church of Rome had erred in the Point of the Sacrament : so , as well the Lutheran , as the Zuinglian Churches , had run themselves into some errour , by opposing the Papists : the one being forced upon the Figment of Consubstantiation ; the other to fly to Signs and Figures , as if there had been nothing else in the blessed Eucharist . Which being observed , he thought it most agreeable to the Rules of Piety , to frame his Judgement to the Dictates of the Antient Fathers : and so to hold a Real Presence of Christ's Body and Blood in the Holy Sacrament ; as to exclude that Corporal Eating of the same , which made the Christian Faith a scorn both to the Turks and Moors . Which Doctrine as he stoutly stood to in all his Examinations at Oxford , when he was preparing for the Stake , so he maintained it constantly in his Sermons also : in which it was affirmed ; That , In the Sacrament were truly and verily the Body and Blood of Christ , made forth effectually by Grace , and Spirit . And , being so perswaded in his own Opinion he so prevailed by Discourse and Argument with Arch-Bishop Cranmer , as to bring him also to the same ; ( for which consult the Acts and M●n . fol. ) a man of a most even and constant spirit , as he declared in all his Actions : but in none more , then in the opposition , which he made against Bishop Hooper in Maintainance of the Rites , and Ceremonies , then by Law Established : of which we shall have opportunity to speak more hereafter . In the next place , we are to look upon the Preferment of Doctor Barlow , to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells ; succeeding in the place of Knight , who dyed on the twenty ninth of the same September . He had been once Prior of the Monastery of Bisham , in the County of Berks : from whence preferred to the See of Asaph , in the end of February , An. 1535. And , in the April following , Translated to the Church of St. David's . During his sitting in which See , he fell upon an honest and convenient Project , for removing the Episcopal See from the decayed City of St. David's , most incommodiously Scituate in the remotest Angle of all the Diocess , to the rich Borough of Caer-marthen , in the midst thereof ; in the Chief Church whereof , being a Monastery of Grey-Friars , the body of Edmond Earl of Richmond , the Father of K. Henry the Seventh received Interment . Which Project he presented to Cromwel , being then Vicar General , endearing it by these Motives and Propositions ; that is to say , That , being scituate in the midst of the Diocess , it was very opportune for the profiting of the King's Subjects , for the Preferment of God's Word , for abolishing all Antichristian Superstition , and settling in the Diocess the King's Supremacy ; That it was furnished with all things necessary for the conveniency of the Canons , and might be done without any prejudice to the Friars : for every one of which he offered to provide a sufficient , Maintainance . And , to advance the work the more , he offered to remove his Consistory thither , to found therein a Grammar-Schole , and settle a daily Lecture in Divinity there , for the reducing of the Welsh from their ancient Rudeness to the Civility of the Time. All which I finde in the Memorials of Sir Robert Cotton . And unto these he might have added , That he had a fair Episcopal House at Abberguilly , very near that Town : in which the Bishops of that Diocess have for the most part made their Dwelling . So that all Parties seemed to have been provided for in the Proposition : and therefore the more to be admired ; That , in a Time so much addicted unto Alterations , it should speed no better . For , notwithstanding all these Motives , the See remained where it was , and the Bishop continued in that See till this present year ; in which he was made use of , amongst many others , by the Lord Protectour , for Preaching up the War against Scotland . For which and many other good Services already passed , but more to be performed hereafter , he was Translated to this See on the death of Knight : but the precise Day , and Time thereof , I have no where found . But I have found , that , being Translated to this See , he gratified the Lord Protectour with a Present of eighteen or nineteen Manours , which antiently belonged unto it ; and lying , all , or most part of them , in the County of Sommerset , seemed very conveniently disposed of , for the better Maintainance of the Dukedom , or rather of the Title of the Duke of Sommerset ; which he had took unto himself . More of which strange Donations we shall finde in others : the more to be excused , because there was no other means ( as the Times then were ) to preserve the whole ; but by advancing some part thereof to the Spoil of others . Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 2o. An. Dom. 1547 , 1548. THe Parliament ending on the twenty fourth day of December ( as before was said , ) seems to have put a stop to all Publique Businesses ; as if it had been done of purpose to give the great Ministers of State a time of breathing . But no sooner was the year begun , ( I mean the second year of the King ) but that a Letter is sent from the Arch-Bishop to Doctour Bonn●r , Bishop of London ; requiring him in the name of his Majesty , and the Lords of his Council , to proceed unto the Reformation of such Abuses , as were therein mentioned , and to give Order for the like to the rest of the Suffragans . By antient Right , the Bishops of London are accounted Deans of the Episcopal College ; and , being such , were by their place to signifie the pleasure of their Metropolitane to all the Bishops of the Province , to execute his Mandates , and disperse his Missives , on all Emergency of Affairs : as also to preside in Convocations , or Provincial Synods ; during the vacancy of the See , or in the necessary absence of the Metropolitane . In which Capacity , and not out of any Zeal he had to the Reformation , Bishop Bonner , having received the Arch-Bishop's Letters , communicateth the Contents thereof to the rest of the Suffragan-Bishops , and amongst others to Doctour Thomas Thirlby , then Bishop of Westminster , in these following words . My very Good Lord , AFter my most hearty Commendations , These are to Advertise your Good Lordship , that my Lord of Canterbury's Grace , this present 28th . of January , sent unto me his Letters Missive , containing this in Effect ; That my Lord Protectour's Grace , with advice of other the King's Majestie 's Honourable Privy Council ( for certain Considerations them moving ) are fully resolved , that no Candles shall be borne upon Candlemass● day ; nor also , from henceforth , Ashes , or Palms , used any longer ; requiring Me thereupon by his said Letters , to cause Admonition , and Knowledg thereof , to be given unto your Lordship , and other Bishops , with celerity accordingly . In consideration whereof , I do send at this present these said Letters to your Good Lordship , that you thereupon may give Knowledge , and Advertisement thereof , within your Diocess , as appertaineth . Thus committing your Good Lordship to Almighty God , as well to fare , as your Good heart can best desire . Written in haste at my House in London , the said 28th . of January , 1547 / 8. Such was the Tenour of this Letter : the Date whereof doth very visibly declare , that the Counsel was as suddain , as the Warning short . For , being Dated on the 28th ▪ of January , it was not possible , that any Reformation should be made in the first particular ; but onely in the Cities of London , and Westminster , and the parts adjoyning : the Feast of Purification following within five days after . But yet the Lords drove on so fast ; that , before this Order could be published , in the remote parts of the Kingdom , they followed it with another , ( as little pleasing to the main body of the People ) concerning Images ; which in some places of the Realm were either not taken down at all , as was required the year before by the King's Injunctions , or had been re-advanced again assoon as the first Heats of the Visitation had began to cool . Which , because it cannot be expressed more clearly , then in the Letters of the Council to the Lord Arch-Bishop , and that the Reader be not troubled with any Repetitions ; I shall commit the Narrative thereof to the Letters themselves : which are these that follow . AFter Our Right Hearty Commendations to Your Good Lordship , where now of late , in the King's Majestie 's Visitations , amongst other Godly Injunctions , Commanded generally to be observed through all parts of this His Highness Realm , One was set forth for the taking down of such Images , as had at any time been abused with Pilgrimages , Offerings , or Censes ; albeit that this said Injunction hath in many parts of the Realm been quietly obeyed , and executed ; yet , in many other places , much strife and contention hath risen , and dayly riseth , and more and more increaseth , about the execution of the same . Some men being so Superstitious , or rather Willfull ; as they would , by their good Wills , retain all such Images still , though they have been most manifestly abused . And almost in every place is Contention for Images , Whether they have been abused , or not . And whilst these men go on on bothsides contentiously to obtain their minds , contending whether this Image , or that I●age hath been Offered unto , Kissed , Censed , and otherwise abused ; Paris have in some places been taken in such sort , as further Inconveniences be like to ensue , if remedy be not found in time . Considering therefore , that almost in no place of this Realm is any sure quietness ; but where all Image ; be clean taken away , and pulled down already : to the intent , that all Contention , in every part of this Realm , for this matter , may be clearly taken away ; and the lively Image of Christ should not contend for the dead Ima●es , which be things not necessary ; and without the which the Churches of Christ continued most Godly many years : We have thought good to signifie unto you , that his Highness Pleasure , with the Advice , and Consent of Vs , the Lord Protectour , and the rest of the Council , is , That immediately , upon sight hereof , with as convenient diligence as you may , you shall not onely give Order , that all the Images , remaining in any Church , or Chapel , within your Diocess , be removed , and taken away ; but also , by your Letters , signifie unto the rest of the Bishops , within your Province , this his Highness pleasure , for the like Order to be given by them , and every of them , within their several Diocesses . And in the Execution hereof We require both you , and the rest of the said Bishops , to use ●uch for●-sight , as the same may be quietly done , with as Good satisfaction of the People , as may be . From Sommerset - Place , the 11th . of Febr. 1547. Your Lordship 's assured Loving Friends , Edw. Sommerset , Hen. Arundel , Anth. Wingfield , John Russell , Thomas Seimour , William Paget . These quick Proceedings could not but startle those of the Romish Party , though none so much , as Bishop Bonner ▪ who , by his place , was to disperse those unwelcome Mandates in the Province of Canterbury . And though he did perform the service with no small Reluctancy , yet he performed it at the last ; his Letter to the Bishop of Westminster ( his next neighbouring Bishop ) not bearing Date untill the twentieth of that Moneth . Nor was Bishop Gardiner better pleased , when he heard the News : who thereupon signified , in his Letter to one Mr. Vaughan , his great dislike of some Proceedings had at Portsmouth , in taking down the Images of Christ , and his Saints ; certifying him withall , not onely , that with his own eyes he had seen the Images standing in all Churches , where Luther was had in Estimation ; but that Luther himself had purposely written a Book against some men , which had defaced them . And therefore it may well be thought , that Covetousness spurred on this business , more then Zeal ▪ there being none of the Images so poor and mean , the Spoyl whereof would not afford some Gold and Silver , ( if not Jewels also ) besides Censers , Candlesticks , and many other rich Utensils appertaining to them . In which Respect , the Commissioners hereto Authorised were entertained in many places with scorn , and railing : and the further they went from London , the worse they were handled . Insomuch , that one of them , called Body ▪ as he was pulling down Images in Cornwal , was stabbed into the body by a Priest. And though the Principal Offender was ●anged in Smithfield ▪ and many of his Chief Accomplices in other Parts of the Realm , which quieted all Matters for a time ; yet , the next year the storm broke out more violently then before it did : not onely to the endangering of the Peace of those Western Counties , but in a manner of all the Kingdom . Which great Commotions the Council could not but fore-see , as the most probable Consequents of such Alterations : especially when they are suddain , and pressed too fast . There being nothing , of which People commonly are so tender , as they are of Religion : on which their Happiness dependeth , not onely for this World , but the World to come . And therefore it concerned them , in point of Prudence , to let ▪ the People see , that there was no intention to abolish all their antient Ceremonies ; which either might consist with Piety , or the Profit of the Common-Wealth . And , in particular , it was held expedient to give the generality of the Subject some contentment , in a Proclamation for the strict keeping of Lent , and the Example of the Court in pursuance of it . For Doctour Glas●er having broke the Ice , ( as before was said ) there was no scarcity of those , that cryed down all the Observations of Days , and Times ; even to the Libelling against that antient and Religious Fast , in most scandalous Rhythms . Complaint whereof being made by Bishop Gardiner , in a Letter to the Lord Protectour ; a Proclamation was set out , bearing Date in January , by which all People were Commanded to abstain from Flesh in the time of Lent ; and the King's Lenten-Dyet was set out , and served , as in former Times . And now comes Bishop Latimer on the Stage again : being a man of Parts and Learning , and one that seemed inclinable enough to a Reformation . He grew into esteem with Cromwel : by whose Power and Favour with the King , he was made Bishop of Worcester ▪ An. 1535. continuing in that See , till on the first of Ju●ly , 1539. he chose rather willingly to Resign the same , then to have any hand in Passing the Six Articles , then Agitated in the Convocation , and Confirmed by Parliament . After which time , either upon Command , or of his own accord , he forbore the Pulpit for the space of eight whole years , and upwards ; betaking himself to the retiredness of a private life : but welcome at all times to Arch-Bishop Cranmer ; to whom the Piety , and Plainness of the Man was exceeding acceptable . And possible enough it is , that being Sequestred from Preaching , and all other Publick Acts of the Ministration , he might be usefull to him in Composing the Homilies ; having much in them of that plain and familiar Style , which doth so visibly shew it self in all his Writings . On New-Years ▪ Day last past , being Sunday , he Preached his first Sermon at St. Paul'●-Cr●ss : ( the first , I mean , after his re-Admission to his former Ministry ) and , at the same place again , on that Day seven-night , and on the Sunday after also ; and , finally , on the day of St. Paul's Conversion , the twenty fifth of that Moneth . By means whereof he became so Famous , and drew such multitudes of People after him to hear his Sermons ; that , being to Preach before the King on the first Friday in Lent , it was thought necessary , that the Pulpit should be placed in the King's Priv●-Garden ; where he might be heard of more , then four times as many Auditours , as could have thronged into the Chapel . Which , as it was the first Sermon , which was Preached in that place ; so , afterward , a fixed , and standing Pulpit was erected for the like Occasions : especially for Lent-Sermons on Sundays in the after-noon ; and hath so continued ever since , till these later Times . Now , whilst Affairs proceeded thus in the Court and City , some Godly B●shops , and other Learned and Religious Men , were no less busily imployed in the Castle of Windsor ; appointed by the King's Command to Consult together about one Vniform Order for Administring the Holy Communion in the English Tongue , under both Kinds of Bread and Wine , according to the Act of Parliament made in that behalf . Which Persons so convened together ( if at the least they were the same , which made the first Liturgie of this King's time , as I think they were ) were these , who follow : that is to say , Thomas Cranmer , Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ; Thomas Goodrick , Bishop of Ely , and afterwards Lord Chancellour ; Henry Holbeck , Bishop of Lincoln ; George Day , Bishop of Chichester ; John Skip , Bishop of Hereford ; Thomas Thirlby , Bishop of Westminster ; Nicholas Ridley , Bishop of Rochester ; Richard Cox , Almoner to the King , and Dean of Christ-Church ; Doctour May , Dean of St. Paul's ; Doctour Taylor , then Dean ( after Bishop ) of Lincoln ; Doctour Heyns , Dean of Exeter ; Doctour Robertson , afterwards Dean of Durham ; Doctour Ridley , Master of Trinity-College in Cambridge . Who , being thus Convened together , and taking into Consideration as well the right Rule of the Scripture , as the Usage of the Primitive Church , agreed on such a Form , and Order ; as might comply with the Intention of the King , and the Act of Parliament , without giving any just Offence to the Romish Party . For they so Ordered it ; that the whole Office of the Mass should proceed , as formerly , in the Latine Tongue ; even to the very end of the Canon , and the receiving of the Sacrament by the Priest himself . Which being passed over , they began with an Exhortation in the English Tongue , directed to all those , which did intend to be part●kers of the Holy Communion . Which Exhortation , beginning with these Words , Dearly-beloved in the Lord , ●ye coming to this Holy Communion , &c. is in effect the last of those , which afterwards remained in the Publick Liturgie . Then followed the Invitation thus ; You , that do truly , and earnestly repent you of your sins , &c. proceeding to the General Confession , the Absolution , the Comfortable Sentences out of Holy Scripture ; and so unto the Prayer of Humble Address ; We do not presume to come to this Table , &c. the Distribution of the Sacrament to the People present , continuing still upon their knees , and finally dismissing them , In the Peace of God. Which Godly Form , being presented to the King , and the Lords of the Council , and by them exceeding well approved ; was Published on the eighth of March , together with his Majestie 's Proclamation , Authorising the same , and Commanding all His Loving Subjects to conform unto it , in this Manner following . By the King. EDWARD , by the Grace of God , King of England ▪ France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith ; and of the Church of England , and Ireland , in Earth the Supreme Head : To All , and Singular , Our Loving Subjects , Greeting . For so much , as in Our High Court of Parliament , lately holden at Westminster , it was by Vs , with the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the Commons there Assembled ▪ most Godly , and agreeable to Christ's Holy Institution , Enacted ; That the most Blessed Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ should from henceforth be commonly Delivered , and Ministred unto all Persons , within Our Realm of England , and Ireland , and other Our Dominions , under both Kinds , that is to say , of Bread and Wine ; ( except necessity otherwise require ) lest , every man fantasying and devising a sundry way by himself in the Vse of this most Blessed Sacrament of Vnity , there might thereby arise any unseemly , or ungodly Diversity : Our pleasure is , by the Advice of Our most Dear Vncle the Duke of Sommerset , Governour of Our Person , and Protectour of Our Realms , Dominions , and Subjects , and other Our Privy Council ; that the said Blessed Sacrament be Ministred unto Our People , ●nely after such Form , and Manner , as hereafter by Our Authority , with the Advice before-mentioned , is set out , or declared ; Willing every man with due Reverence , and Christian Behaviour , to come to this Holy Sacrament , and most Blessed Communion ; lest that , by the unworthy receiving of such high Mysteries , they become guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord , and so eat and drink their own Damnation : but rather diligently trying themselves , that they so come to this Holy Table of Christ , and so be partakers of this Holy Communion ; that they may dwell in Christ , and have Christ dwelling in them : And also with such Obedience and Conformity , to receive this Our Ordinance , and most Godly Direction ; that we may be incouraged from Time to Time further to travail for the R●formation , and setting forth of such Godly Orders , as may be most to God's Glory , the Edifying of Our Subjects , and for the Advancement of true Religion ; which is thething We ( by the help of God ) most earnestly endeavoured to bring to effect : Willing all Our Loving Subjects in the mean time to stay , and quiet themselves , with this Our Direction ; as men content to follow Authority ( according to the bounden Duty of Subjects ) and not enterprising to run before : and so by their Rashness become the greatest Hinderers of such things , as they , more arrogantly then Godly , would seem ( by their own Private Authority ) most hotly to set forward . We would not have Our Subjects so much to mistake Our Judgement , so much to mistrust Our Zeal ; as though we either would not discern what were to be done , or would not do all things in due time : God be praised , We know both what by his Word is meet to be redressed , and have an earnest mind by the Advice of Our most Dear Vncle , and other of Our Privy Council , with all diligence and convenient speed , so to set forth the same , as it may most stand with God's Glory , and edifying and quietness of Our People ▪ Which We doubt not , but all Our Obedient and Loving Subjects will quietly and reverendly tarry for . The next Care was , to see the said Order put in execution : of which the Lords of the Council discharged the King , and took the whole Burthen on themselves . For , causing a sufficient Number of the Printed Copies to be sent to each Bishop in the Realm , they there withall directed Letters to them ; Requiring , and in Hi● Majestie 's Name Commanding them , and every of them , to have an earnest Diligence , and carefull Respect , both in their own Persons , and all their Officers , and Ministers , for causing the said Books to be so delivered to every Parson , Vicar , and Curate in their several Diocesses ; that they may have sufficient time well to instruct and advise themselves for the Distribution of the most Holy Communion , according to the Order of the said Book , before Easter following : and that ▪ by the good Means of them , ( the said Bishops ) they may be well directed to use such Good , Gentle , and Charitable Instructions , to their simple and unlearned Parishioners ; as may be to their good Satisfaction : Letting them further know , that , as the said Order was set forth , to the intent there should be in all parts of this Realm , and among all men , one Vniform manner quietly used ; so that the Execution thereof did very much stand in the Diligence of them , and others of their Vocation , who therefore were again required to have a diligent respect unto it : as they tendred the King's pleasure , and would answer the contrary . Which Letter , bearing Da●e on the thirteenth of March , was subscribed by the Arch-Bishop Cranmer , the Lord Chancellour Rich , the Earl of Arundel , the Lords St. John and Russel , Mr. Secretary Petre , Sir Anthony Wingfield , Sir Edward North , and Sir Edward ●otton . In Obedience unto whose Commands , as all the Bishops did not perform their parts alike : ( Gardiner of Winchester , Bonner of London , Voysie of Exeter , and Sampson of Coventry and Lich-field , being more backward then the rest ) so many Parish-Priests , not being willing to Advance so good a Work , laboured to disaffect the People to the present Government . And to that end it was endeavoured in their Sermons , to possess their Auditours with an ill opinion of the King ; as if he did intend to lay strange Exactions on the Subject , by forcing them to pay half a Crown a piece for every one , who should be Married , Christened , or Buried . For Remedy whereof it was Ordered by Proclamation , bearing Date the twenty fourth of April ; That none should be permitted to Preach : but such as were Licenced under the Seals of the Lord Protectour , or the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . In the next place we must attend the King's Commissioners , dispatched in the beginning of March , into every Shire throughout the Realm , to take a Survey of all Colleges , Free-Chapels , Chanteries , and Brother-Hoods , within the compass of the Statute , or Act of Parliament . According to the Return of whose Commissions , it would be found no difficult matter to put a just estimate and value on so great a Gift , or to know how to parcell out , proportion , and divide the Spoil betwixt all such , who had before in hope devoured it . In the first place , as lying nearest , came in the Free-Chapel of Saint Stephen , Originally Founded in the Palace at Westminster , and reckoned for the Chapel-Royal of the Court of England . The whole Foundation consisted of no fewer ▪ then thirty eight Persons : viz. one Dean , twelve Canons , thirteen Vicars , four Clerks , six Choristers ; besides a Verger , and one that had the Charge of the Chapel . In place of whom a certain Number were appointed for Officiating the daily Service in the Royal-Chapels : ( Gentlemen of the Chapel they are commonly called ) whose Sa●aries , together with that of the Choristers , and other Servants of the same , amounts to a round yearly Sum : and yet the King , if the Lands belonging to that Chapel had been kept together , and honestly ●aid unto the Crown , had been a very rich Gainer by it ▪ the yearly Rents thereof being valued at 1085 l. 10 s. 5 d. As for the Chapel it self , together with a Clolyster of curious Workmanship , built by John Chambers , one of the King's Physicians , and the last Master of the same ; they are still standing as they were : the Chapel having been since fitted , and imployed for an House of Commons , in all times of Parliament . At the same time also fell the College of St. Martin's , commonly called St. Martin's le Grand , scituate in the City of London , not far from Aldersgate : first founded for a Dean , and Secular Canons , in the time of the Conquerour , and afterwards , privileged for a Sanctuary ; the Rights whereof it constantly enjoyed without interruption , till all privilege of Sanctuary was suppressed in this Realm by King Henry the Eighth . But the Foundation it self being now found to be Superstitious , it was surrrendred into the hands of King Edward the Sixth : who after gave the same , together with the remaining Liberties , and Precincts thereof , to the Church of Westminster : and they , to make the best of the King's Donation , appointed , by a Chapter held the seventh of July , that the Body of the Church , with the Quire and Iles , should be Leased out for fifty years , at the Rent of five Marks per Annum to one H. Keeble of London ; excepting out of the said Grant , the Bells ▪ Lead , Stone , Timber , Glass and Iron , to be sold and disposed of , for the sole Use and Benefit of the said Dean and Chapter . Which foul Transaction being made , the Church was totally pulled down ; a Tavern built in the East part of it : the rest of the site of the said Church and College , together with the whole Precinct thereof , being built upon with several Tenements , and let out to Strangers ; who very industriously affected to dwell therein ( as the natural English since have done ) in regard of the Privileges of the place , exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Lord Mayor , and Sheriffs of London ; and governed by such Officers amongst themselves , as are appointed thereunto by the Chapter of Westminster . But for this Sacrilege the Church of Westminster was called immediately in a manner to a ●ober Reckoning . For the Lord P●otectour , thinking it altogether unnecessary , that two Cathedrals should be Founded so near one another , and thinking , that the Church of Westminster , ( as being of a late Foundation ) might best be spared , had cast a longing eye upon the goodly Patrimony , which remained unto it . And being then unfurnished of an House , or Palace , proportionable unto his Greatness , he doubted not to finde room enough ; upon the Dissolution and Destruction of so large a Fabrick , to raise a Palace , equal to his vast Designs . Which coming to the ears of Benson , the last Abbot , and first Dean of the Church , he could be●hink himself of no other means to preserve the whole ▪ but by parting for the present with more then half the Estate , which belonged unto it . And thereupon a Lease is made of seventeen Manours , and good Farms , lying almost together in the County of Glocester , for the Term of ninety nine years ; which they presented to the Lord Thomas Seimour , to serve as an Addition to his Manour of Sudeley : humbly beseeching him to stand their Good Lord and Patron , and to preserv them in a fair Esteem , with the Lord Protectour . Another Present of almost as many Manours , and Farms , lying in the Counties of Gloc●●ster , Worcester , and Hereford , was made for the like Term to Sir John Mason , a special Confident of the Duke's : not for his own , but for the use of his Great Master ; which , after the Duke , all came to Sir John Bourn , principal Secretary of Estate in the time of Queen Mary . And yet this would not serve the Turn , till they had put into the Scale their Manour of Islip , conferred upon that Church by King Edward the Confessour ; to which no fewer then two hundred Customary Tenants owed their Soil and Service : and , being one of the best wooded things in those parts of the Realm , was to be granted also without Impeachment of Wast , as it was accordingly . By means whereof the Deantry was preserved for the later Times ; how it succeeded with the Bishoprick , we shall see hereafter . Thus Benson saved the Deanery ; but he lost himself : ●or , calling to remembrance , that formerly he had been a means to surrender the Abby , and was now forced on the 〈◊〉 . Dilapidating the Estate of the Deanery , he fell into a great disquiet o●●●nd , which brought him to his death within few Moneths after . To whom succeeded Doctour Cox , being then Almoner to the King , Chancellour of the University of Oxford , and Dean of Christ-Church : and afterwards preferred by Queen Elizabeth to the See of Ely. I had not singled these two ( I mean St. Martin's , and St. Stephen's ) out of all the rest : but that they were the best , and richest in their several kinds ; and that there was more depending on the Story of them , then on any others . But Bad Examples seldome end where they first began . For the Nobility , and inferiour Gentry , possessed of Patronages , considering how much the Lords , and Great men of the Court had improved their Fortunes , by the suppression of those Chanteries , and other Foundations , which had been granted to the King ; conceived themselves in a capacity of doing the like , by taking into their hands the yearly Profits of those Benefices , of which by Law they onely were entrusted with the Presentations . Of which abuse Complaint is made by Bishop Latimer , in his Printed Sermons . In which we finde , That the Gentry of that Time invaded the Profits of the Church ; leaving the Title onely to the Incumbent : and That Chantery-Priests were put by them into several Cures ▪ to save their P●nsions ; p●g . 38. that many Benefices were let out in Fee-Farms , ( pag. 71 ) or given unto Servants for keeping of Hounds , Hawks , and Horses , and for making of Gardens ; pag. 91 , 114. And finally , That the Poor Clergy , being kept to some sorry Pittances , were forced to put themselves into Gentlemens Houses , and there to serve as Clerk● of the Kitching , Surveyour● , Receivers , &c. pag. 241. All which Enormities ( though tending so apparently to the D●shonour of God , the Disservice of the Church , and the Disgrace of Religion ) were generally connived at by the Lords , and others ; who onely had the power to Reform the same : because they could not question those , who had so miserably invaded the Churches Patrimony , without condemning of themselves . Thus leaving England for a while , we are to take a short Survey of Affairs in Scotland , into which the French had put ten thousand Souldiers ; three thousand of them being Almains , under the Command of Mounsieur D' Essie ; who , joyning with the Scots ▪ laid Siege before the Town of Haddington , on Peter's-Eve . For the Relief whereof a strength of one thousand three hundred Horse was sent from Berwick , under the Conduct of Sir Robert Bowes , and Sir Thomas Palmer ; who , falling very unfortunately into the Hands of the Enemy , were for the most part slain or taken . The English notwithstanding made good the Town ▪ and held it out so long ; that in the end the Earl of Shrewsbury , with a Power of sixteen thousand men , ( of which there were four thousand Lansquenets , or Germane Souldiers ) appeared in fight . On whose approach , the Enemy withdrew themselves , and raised their Siege on or about the twentieth day of August ; giving great commendation to the English Garison , for the notable service they had done in defence of the Town . The Siege being raised , the Earl of Shrewbury with his Forces returned for England ; leaving the Town well stored with Victuals , and plentifully furnished with all manner of Ammunition ▪ which put the Souldiers of the Garison into so good heart ; that they made many Sallies out , and frequently Skirmished with the French , and Scots , whom they found Quartered in the Villages and Towns adjoyning . But , the matter being taken into Debate by the Council of England , it was Resolved , especially by those , who secretly envied at the Power and Greatness of the Lord Protectour ; That the keeping of the Town would not quit the Cost ; as being farthest from the Borders , and not to be Relieved , if it were distressed , without the raising and imploying of a Royal Army . And thereupon the Earl of Rutland was sent thither with three thousand of the Lansquenets , and as many Borderers : who , coming to the Town on the twentieth of September , sleighted the Works ; and , having destroyed the Houses , caused all the Ordnance , and Carriages , to be sent to Berwick , and returned without Battail . The voluntary quitting of which Town drew after it the loss of all the Peeces , which we held in Scotland . The English Forces being removed from the Town of Haddington , the French immediately prepared for their going home-wards : carrying a richer Lading with them ; then all the Arms , and Ammunition , which they brought at their coming . For , while the Army lay at the Siege at Haddington , the Ministers of the French King were busied in Treaty with the Scots , for putting the Young Queen into their Power , transporting her into France , and Marrying her unto the Daulphin . But in this point they found the Council much divided . Some thought , That the Conditions , offered by the Lord Protectour , ( not till then generally known ) were to be embraced ; in regard it gave them an assurance of ten years Peace at the least ; and that , if either of the Princes died within that time , they should be left at Liberty , to Order the Affairs of that Kingdom to the most Advantage . But against this it was alledged by those of the opposite Party ; ( whom the French King had bought with ready Money , and Anual Pensions . ) That , as long as the Queen remained amongst them , they should never be Free from the Pretensions of the English. From which , there was no question , but they would desist ; when they saw the Ground thereof to be taken away by the Queens Removal . Of which Party , ( besides those , which were corrupted by the Gold of France ) were the Bishops and Clergy ; who , being Zealous for the preservation of their Old Religion , abominated nothing more , then the Alliance with England . And so the matter being carried in behalf of the French , and there being now no further need of them for defence of the Countrey , they gave Order to make ready their Shipping , and nominated a set day for their Departure . Which day being come , they Coasted about Scotland , by the Isles of Orkney , took in the young Queen at Dun●britton-Castle , and passing through St. George's Chanel arrived in Bretaigne ; whilest a strong Squadron of the English attended for their coming in the Narrow-Seas . But this Departure of the French , though it much weakened , did not disanimate the Scots , for making trial of their Fortune against the Hume-Castle , and Fast-Castle , remained ( amongst some others ) as Thorns in their Sides : but they regained them both this year . Hume-Castle they surprised by means of some of their own Nation ; who , being reputed Friends , and suffered to have free and frequent Access unto it , had Opportunity , both to discover the Weaknesses of it , and by what Ways it might most easily be taken . And , being more cordially affected to their Old Country-men , then their New Acquaintance , they directed a select number of Souldiers to some secret Pa●sages ; by which , having fi●st climbed up a very steep Rock , they found an Entrance into the Castle , put the secure Garison to the Sword , and possessed the Place , leaving a fair warning unto all others ; Fast-Castle they surprised by a Warlike Stratageme . For the Governour having Commanded the neighbouring Villages , at a prefixed day , to bring in their Contribution of Corn , and other necessary Provision ; the Enemy makes Use of this Opportunity . Souldiers , habited like Peasants , came at the day , fraught with their Burthens ; whereof having eased their Horses , they carry them on their shoulders over the Bridg , ( which joyned two Rocks together ) and so gained Entrance : the Watch-word being given , they cast down their Burthens , till the Sentinels open the Gates to their Fellows ; and become Masters of the Place . The News of which Surprisals , together with that of the Queens Removal , being brought into the Court of England , which then began to be divided into Sides and Factions ; there was no further Care taken for the Prosecution of the Scotish War : which for the p●esent much refreshed that impove●ished K●ngdom . Now while these Traverses of War were made in Scotland , there was no solid Peace , though no open Discord in the Church of England . It hath been shewed ; that Bishop Gardiner , having long lain Prisoner in the Fleet , was , on the Morrow after Twel●th-Day last , restored to Liberty ; and permitted to return unto his Diocess . Where , contrary to the Promise made at his Enlargment , he began to shew himself displeased with the King's Proceedings in the case of Images . Concerning which he wrote a long Letter to the Lord Protectour , on the twenty first of May , and backed it with another of the sixth of June : and otherwise appeared so cross to the King's Designs ; that he was sent for to the Co●rt , and after some Reproofs dismissed unto his house in South-Wark , where he was commanded to remain untill further Order . But there also he behaved himself with much unquietness , medling in many matters , which concerned the King ; for which he had neither Warrant , nor Commission : whereof being once again admonished by their Lordships , he did not onely promise to conform himself like a good Subject ; but to declare his Conformity to the World , in an open Sermon , in sundry Articles agreed upon ; that such , as were offended , might be satisfied in him . St. Peter's-Day , then near at hand , was given him for the Day , whereon he was to Preach this Sermon . In which though he allowed the Sacrament to be Administred in both Kinds , and shewed his Approbation of the King's Proceedings in some other Points : yet in the rest he gave such little satisfaction to the King and Council ; that the next day he was sent Prisoner to the Tower , where he remained till his Enlargment by Queen Mary . The Punishment of this great Prelat● did not so much discourage those of the Romish Party : as his Example animated , and emboldened them to such I●conformity ; as gave no small Disturbance to the King's Proceedings . For notwithstanding His great Care to set forth one Vniform Order of Administring the Holy Communion in both Kinds ; yet so it happened , that , ( through the perverse Obstinacy , and froward Dissembling of many of the inferiour Priests , and Ministers , of Cathedral , and other Churches of this Realm ) there did arise a marvailous Schisme , and Variety of Factions , in celebrating the Communion-Service , and Administration of the Sacraments , and other Rites , and Ceremonies of the Church . For some , zealously allowing the King's Proceedings , did gladly follow the Order thereof ; and others ▪ though not so willingly admitting them , did yet dissemblingly and patchingly use some part of them : but many , causlesly contemning them all , would still continue in their former Popery . Besides , it is Observed in the Register-Book of the Parish of Petworth ; That many at this time affirmed the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar to be of little regard ; that in many places it was irreverently used , and cast out of the Church , and many other great Enormities committed : which they seconded by oppugning the established Ceremonies ; as Holy Water , Holy Bread , and divers other Usages of the seven Sacraments . And yet these were not all the Mischiefs , which the Time produced . For , in Pursuance of this Schism , and to confirm the People in their former ways , many of those , which had been Licenced in Form , and Manner prescribed by the Proclamation of the twenty fourth of April ▪ appeared as Active in Preaching against the King's Proceedings ; as any of the Unlicenced Preachers had been found to be . Which being made known unto the King , and the Lords of the Council , it was advised ; That a Publick Liturgie should be drawn , and confirmed by Parliament ▪ with several Penalties to be inflicted on all those , who should not readily con●orm to the Rules , and Appointments of it For though some ill-affected men m●ght look upon the late Order for Administring the Holy Sacram●nt in the English Tongue , as the Act of some few Persons about the King ; and not proceeding reall● from the King Himself : yet , when the King's Pleasure came to be dec●ared by Act of Pa●li●ment , it was to be presumed ; that ( all such , Subterfuges and Ev●sio●s being t●ken away ) the Subjects would conform unto it without fu●ther trouble . Which being thus resolved upon , He caused those Godly Bishops , and other Learned Divi●es , whom He had formerly imployed in drawing up the Order for the Holy Communion , to attend His pleasure on the first day of September then next following . Attending at the day appointed , it pleased His Majesty to commend unto them the framing of a Publick Liturgie , which should contain the Order of Morning and Evening Prayer , together with a Form of Ministring the Sacraments and Sacramentals , and for the Celebrating of all other Publick Offices ; which were required by the Church , of good Christian People . Which as His Majesty commanded out of a most Religious Zeal to the Honour of God , the Edification of His Subjects , and to the Peace and Happiness of His Dominions ; so they ( who knew no better Sacrifice , then Obedience ) did chearfully apply themselves to the Undertaking . And , that they might proceed therein , not onely with the less Disquiets , but with the greater Hope of gaining their desired End ; it pleased His Majesty to declare by His Proclamation , bearing Date the twenty third day of the said Moneth of September , into what course he had put this Business : letting them know ; That , for the settling of an Vniformity and Order th●oughout his Realm , and for putting an End to all Controversies in Religion , He had caused certain Godly Bishops , and other notable Learned men to be Congregated , or called together . And thereupon doth inferr , That , notwithstanding many of the Preachers , formerly Licenced , had behaved themselves very discreetly , and wisely ; to the Honour of God , and the Contentation of His Highness : yet till such time , as the said Order should be generally set forth throughout the Realm , His Majesty did thereby inhibit all manner of Persons , whatsoever they be , to Preach in open Audience , in the Pulpit , or otherwise , by any sought colour , or fraud , to the disobeying of His Commandment . And this he did to this intent ; That the whole Clergy in the mean space m●ght apply themselves , to Prayer to Almighty God , for the better atchieving of this same Godly Intent and Purp●se ; not doubting , but that all His Loving Subjects in the mean time would occupie themselves to God's Honour , with due Prayer in the Church , and patient Hearing of the Godly Homili●s , heretofore set forth by His Highness Injunctions : and so endeavour themselves , that they may be t●e more rea●y , with thankfull Obedience to receive a most quiet , Godly and Vniform Order , through all His said Realms , and Dominions . And to the end , that His Majestie 's Pleasure in the Premisses should be the more punctually obeyed , He wil●●th and r●quireth all His Loving Officers and Ministers , as well Justices of the Peace ; as Maors Sheriffs , Bailiffs , Constables , or any other His Officers , of what State , Degree , and Condition soever they be , to be attendant upon this Proclamation , and Commandment : and to see the Infringers , and Breakers thereof , to be Imprisoned , and His Highness , or the Lord Protectour's Grace , or His Majestie 's Council , to be certified thereof immediately , as they tendered His Majestie 's Pleasure , and would answer to the contrary at their Perils . And here it is to be Observed ; That those , who had the chief directing of this weighty Business , were before-hand resolved , that none but English Heads , or Hands , should be used therein : left otherwise it might be thought , and perhaps Objected ; that they rather followed the Example of some other Churches , or were swayed by the Authority of those Foreign Assistants ; then by the Word of God , and the most uncorrupted Practice of the Primitive Times . Certain it is , that , upon the very first Reports of a Reformation here intended , Calvin had offered his Assistance to Arch-Bishop Craenmer ; as himself confesseth . But the Arch-Bishop knew the Man , and refused the Offer . And it appears in one of Bishop Latimer's Sermons , that there was report , about this time , of Melancthon's coming ; but it proved onely a Report . And , though it was thought necessary , for the better seasoning of the Vniversities in the Protestant Reformed Religion ; that Martin Bucer , and Peter Martyr , two eminent Divines of the Foreign Churches , should be invited to come over : yet the Arch-Bishop's Letter of Invitation , sent to Martin Bucer , was not written till the twelfth day of October . At what time the Liturgie then in hand , being the chief Key to the whole Work of Reformation , was in very good forwardness : and must needs be compleatly finished , before he could so settle , and dispose his Affairs in Germany ; as to come for England . And though Peter Martyr , being either more at Leasure , or less engaged , or otherwise more willing to accept of the Invitation , came many Moneths before the other : yet neither do we finde him here , till the end of November ▪ when the Liturgie had been approved of by the King and Council , if it had not also passed the Approbation of both Houses of Parliament . Nor was it likely , that they should make use of such a Man in composing a Liturgie ; wherein they were resolved to retain a great part of the Antient Ceremonies : who , being made Canon of Christ-Church in Oxford , and frequently present at Divine Service in that Church , could never be prevailed with , to put on the Surplice . Being left therefore to themselves , they were at the more liberty for following the King 's most Godly , and most Wise Directions : having in the first place an eye , and respect , to the most sincere , and Pure Religion , taught by the Scripture ; and , in the second , to the Vsages of the Primitive Church : and making , out of both , one convenient and meet Order , Rite , and Fashion of Common Prayer , and Administration of the Sacraments ▪ to be had , and used in the Realm of Engl●nd , and the Principality of Wales . Which being finished , they all subscribed their Names unto it ; but ( * ) Day of Chichester : who would by no means have his Hand in the Subscription ; as is related in the Register-Book of the Parish of Petwo●th . But ▪ being subscribed by all the rest , it was by them , with all due Reverence , humbly presented to the King : by whom it was received to His great Comfort , and Quietness of mind ; as the Statute ( * ) telleth us . And being by him commended to the Lords , and Commons , then Assembled in Parliament ; ( which Parliament took beginning on the fourth day of November ) they , did not on●ly give His Highness most hearty and lowly thanks , for his Care therein : but , on peru●a● of the Book , declared it to be done by the aid of the Holy Ghost . And ther●upo● , considering the Godly Prayers , Orders , Rites , and Ceremonies , in the said Book mentioned ; and also the reasons of Altering of those things , which be altered , and the retaining those things , which be retained ; together with the Ho●our of God , and the great Quiet●ess , which by the Grace of God , was likely to ens●e on su●h an U●iform Order , in Common Prayer , Rites , and External Ceremonies to be used in all England , and Wales , in Calice , and the Marches of the ●ame : it was E●ac●ed ; That all , and singular , Ministers , in any Cathedral , or 〈◊〉 - Church , or other Place , within this Realm of England , Wales , Calce ▪ and the Marches of the same , or other the King's Dominions , should from , and after the Feast of Pentecost , next coming , ( that Interval being given for the Printing of it ) be bounden to say , and use the Mattens , Even-song , Celebration of the Lord's Supper , ●●mmonly ca●●ed The Mass , and Administration of each of the Sacraments , and all their Common and Open Prayer ▪ in such Order , and Form , as is mentioned in the same Book , and no otherwise : with several Penalties therein mentioned , to be imposed on all such in their several places , as either should willfully refuse to Officiate by it ; or hinder the Lawfull Ex●cution o● it ; or speak any thing in Derogation of the said Book , or any thing therein contained . The passing of this Act gave great Offence to those of the Romish Pa●ty : not , that they could except against it , in regard either of the Manner , or Matter of it ; ( which they acknowledged to be Consonant to the Antient Forms ) but b●cause it was communicated to the People in the Vulgar Tongue . And this they charged , as a g●eat E●rour in those Men ; who had the chief Hand in the Conduct of that Aff●i● : beca●se that , by the Rules thereof , the Scriptures were to be read publ●ckly in the 〈◊〉 Tongue . Which , what else was it , ( as they said ) but the committing so much Heavenly Treasure unto R●tten Vessels ? the trusting so much Excellent 〈◊〉 to such Musty B●ttles ? And , being that there are many things in he Divine Offices of the Church , quae secreta esse debent , as the Cardinal telleth us , which ought to have been kept as Secrets from all Vulgar knowledg ▪ it must needs be of very ill Con●equence , to communicate them to all sor●s of People . But certainly the Holy Ghost was able to direct the Church in ● bet●er way ; then such , as should be subject unto Man's Exceptions . And he directs the Service of the Church to be Officiated in such a Language , to which the ignorant , and unlearned may say Amen ; 1 Cor. xiv . 9 , 16. Upon which Words it is observed by Lyra , and Aquinas ; two as great Clerks as any in the Church of Rome : That , The Publick Service of the Church , in the Primitive Times , was in the Common Vulgar Language . The like affirmed by Doctour Ha●aing , as great a Stickler for that Church , and the Doctrines of it , as any other of his Time : adding withall ; That it was necessary in the Primitive Times , that it should be so : and granting also ▪ That it were still better , that the People had their Service in their own Vulgar Tongue , for their better understanding of it . So he , in Answer to the Challenge made by Bishop Jewel , Art. 3. Sect. 28 , and 33. And the●efore having the confession , and acknowledgment of the very Adve●sa●y ; not onely as to the Antiquity , but the Fitness also of Celebrating Divine Offices in the Vulgar Language : it may be thought a loss both of Time and Travail ▪ to press the Argument any further . Which n●twithstanding , for the more perfect clearing of the Point in question , it w●ll be found upon a very easie seach ; that the Jews did Celebrate their Divine Offi●es , Tractatus , and Oblationes ( as the Father hath it ) most commonly in the Syriack , and sometimes in the Hebrew Tongue , the natural Languages of that People ; as is affirmed by St. Ambrose , upon 1 Cor. cap. 14. and out of him by Durand , in his Rationale . Eckius , a great Servant of the Popes , affirmeth in his Common Places ; That the Indians have their Service in the Indian Tongue ; and that St. Hierom ▪ having Translated the whole Bible into the Dalmatick , procured that the Service should be celebrated in that Language also . The like St. Hierom himself , in his Epistle to Heliodorus , hath told us of the Bessi , a Sarmatian People . The like St. Basil , in his Epistle to the Neo-Caesarians , assures us for the Egyptians , Lib●ans , Palestinians , Phoenicians , Arabians , Syrians , and such as dwell about the Bank of the River Euphrates . The Aethiopians had their M●ssal , the Chaldeans theirs , each in the Lan●uage of their Countries ; which they still retain : so had the Moscovites of old , and all the scattered Chu●ches of t●e Eastern Parts ; which they conti●●e to this day . Nay , rather then the People sh●uld be kept in Ignorance of the Word of God , and the Divine Offices of the Church , a signal Miracle should be wrought to command the contrary . For we are told of the Sclavonians , by Aeneas Sylvius , ( who being afterwards Pope , was called Pius the Second , ) that being converted unto the Faith , they made suit unto the Pope , then being , to have their Publick Service in their Natural Tongue : but some delay being made therein by the Pope and Cardinals , a voice was heard , seeming to have come from Heaven , saying in the Latine Tongue ; Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum , & omnis lingua confiteatur Ei : that is to ●ay , Let every Soul praise the Name of God , and every Tongue or Language make Profession of it ; whereupon their Desires were granted without more delay . Which probably might be a chief Inducement to Innocent the Third , to set out a Decree in the Lateran Councel , importing . That in all such Cities , in which there was a Concourse of divers Nations , and consequently of Different Languages ( as in most Towns of Trade there doth use to be ) the Service should be said , and Sacraments administred , Secundum diversitates Nationum , & Linguarum ; that is , According to the Difference of their Tongues and Nations . So that , if we consider the Direction of the Holy Ghost ▪ the Practice of the Primitive Times , the General Vsage of all Nations not inthralled to the Popes of Rome , the Confession of the very Adversary , the Act and Approbation of the Pope himself , and finally , the Declaration of God's P●easure by so great a Miracle : The Church did nothing in this Case , but what was justifiable in the sight , both of God , and Man. But then again it is Objected on the other side , That neither the undertaking was advised , nor the Book it self approved , in a Synodical Way , by the Bishops and Clergy : but that it was the Act onely of some few of the Prelates , imployed therein by the King , or the Lord Protectour , without the Privity , and Approbation of the rest . The Consideration whereof shall be referred to another place : when we shall come to speake of the King's Authority for the composing , and imposing of the * Scotish Liturgy . In the mean time , we must take notice of another Act , of as great importance for the Peace , and Honour of the Church , and the Advancing of the Work of Reformation : which took away those positive Laws ▪ by which all men in Holy Orders were restrained from Marriage . In which 〈◊〉 it is first declared , That ; It were much to be desired , that Priests , and all others in Holy Orders , might abstain from Marriage , that , thereby being freed from the Cares of Wed-lock , and abstracted from the Troubles of Domestical Business , they might more diligently attend the Ministery , and apply themselves unto their Studie● . But , then withall it is considered , That as all men have not the Gift of Continence , so many great Scandals , and other notable Inconveniencies , have been occasioned in the Church by the enforced Necessity of a single Life , in those admitted unto Orders . Which seeing it was no more imposed on them , then on any other , by the Word of God , but onely such positive Laws and Constitutions , as had been made to that Effect by the Church of Rome : It was therefore Enacted by the Authority of the present Parliament ; That , All such Positive Laws , and Ordinances , as prohibited the Marriages of Priests , or any other in Holy Orders , and Pains and Forfeitures therein contained , should be utterly void . Which Act , permitting them to marry , but looked on as a matter of Permission onely , made no small Pastime amongst those of the Romish Party : reproaching both the Priests , and much more their Wives , as not lawfully married ; but onely suffered to enjoy the Company of one another , without Fear of Punishment . And thereupon it was Enacted in the Parliament of the fifth and sixth of Edw. 6. cap. 12. that , The Marriages of the Priests should be reputed lawfull , th●mselves being made Capable of being Tenants by Courtesie , their Wives to be endowed , as others , at the Common Law , a●d their Child●en Heritable to the Lands of their Fathers , or M●thers . Which Privileges , or Capacities rather , ( notwithstanding the Repeal of this Statute in the Time of Queen Mary ) they , and their Wives , and Children , still enjoyed without D●sturbance , or Dispute . And to say truth , it was an Act , not onely of much Ch●istian Piety ; but more Civil Prudence : the Clergy by this means being taken off from all Dependance on the Popes of Rome , and rivited in their Dependance on their Natural Princes , to whom their Wives and Children serve for so many Hostages . The Consequents whereof was so well known to those of Rome : that when it was desired by the Ambassadours of the Emperour , and the Duke of Bavaria , in the Councel of Trent , That Marriage might be permitted to the Priests in their several Territories , it would by no means be admitted . The Reason was ; Because that having Houses , Wives and Children , they would depend no longer upon the Pope , but onely on their several Princes : that the Love to their Children would make them yield to many things , which were prejudicial to the Church , and in short time confine the Pope's Authority to the City of Rome ▪ For otherwise if the Pope● were not rather governed in this business by Reason of State , then either by the Word of God , or the Rules of Piety , they had not stood so stiffly on an Inhibition , accompanied with so much Scandal , and known to be the onely Cause of too much Lewdness and Impu●ity in the R●mane Clergy . If they had looked upon the Scriptures , they would have found , that Marriage was a Remedy ordained by God , for the preventing of Incontinencies , and wandring Lusts , extending generally to all , as much to those in Holy Orders , as to any others ; as being subject all al●ke to Humane Infirmities . If they had ruled the Case by the Proceedings o● the Councel of Nice , or the Examples of many Good , and Godly men in the Primitive Times ; they would have found , that , when the single Life of Pri●sts was moved at that great Councel , it was rejected by the general Consent of all the Fathers there assembled , as a Yoke intolerable : that Eupsychius , a Cappad●cian Prelate , was married after he had taken the Degree of a Bishop : the like observed of one Phileus , an Egyptian Prelate : and that it is affirmed by Hierom , That many Priests in h●s Time had their proper Wives . Had they consulted with the Stories of the middle Times , when Priests were forced to put away their Wives , by the Pope's Commandment , or else to lose the Benefices , which they were possessed of ; they would have found what horrible Confusions did ensue upon it in all the Kingdoms of the West , what Tragical Exclamations were made against the Popes , for so great a Tyranny . Or finally , If they had looked upon the scandalous Effects , which this forced Coelibate produced , they could not but have heard some News of Gregory's Fish Pond : and must have been informed in their own Panormitan , that the greatest part of the Clergy were given over to prohibited Lusts ; and by others of their Canonists , that Clerks were not to be deprived for their Incontinency : considering , how few there were to be found without it ; so universal was the Mischief , that it was thought uncapable of any Remedy . If we desire to be further informed in it , as a matter Doctrinal , we shall finde many eminent men in the Church of Rome , to state the point in favour of a married Clergy . By Gratian it is said , That the Marriage of Priests is neither prohibited by the Law , or any precept in the Gospel , or any Canon of the Apostles . By Cardinal Cajetan , That it can neither be proved by Reason , nor good A●thority , that a Priest committeth any sin by being married . By the same Cajetan , That Orders neither in themselves , nor as they are accompanied by the Title of Holy , are any Hinderances , or Obstructions in the Way of Marriage . By Panormitan , The Coelibate , or the single Life of Priests , is neither of the Essence of Holy Orders , nor required by the Law of God. By Antoninus , That there is nothing in the Episcopal Function , which can disable the Bishop from the married life . By the Authour of the Gloss upon the Decrees , That the Greek Priests neither explicitely , nor implicitely , do bind themselves to Chastity or a single life . By Pope Pius himself in the Councel of Basil , That many might be saved in a married Priesthood , which are in danger to be damned by living unmarried . By Durand , That it would be profitable to the Church , if Marriage were allowed to Priests , from whom it hath been found a very vain thing to look for chastity . And finally by Martinus , * That it seemed fi● to many good , and Godly men , that all Laws for compell●ng a single life should be wholly abrogated for the avoiding of those Scandals , which ensued upon it . For 〈◊〉 which Passages ▪ together with the words of the several Authours in the Latine Tongue , I shall refer the Reader to the Learned and Laborious Works of Bishop Jewel , in the Defence of his Challenge against Doctour Harding , cap. 8. 1. 3. And so I shut up this Discourse , and therewith the Defence of this Act of Parliament , with the most memorable Apophthegm of the said Pope Pius , viz. That the Law had taken away Priests Wives , and the Devil had given them Concubines to supply their places . Two other Acts were passed in this present Parliament , exceeding necessary for the Preservation of the Churches Patrimony , and the Retaining of good Order . The fi●st was made for the Encouragement and Support of the Parochial Clergy , in the true Payment of their Tithes , lately invaded by their Patrons , and otherwise in danger to be lost for ever , by the avaritiousness of the Parishioners , as before was said . For Remedy whereof , it was Enacted , That no Person , or Persons , should from thenceforth take , or carry away , any Tithe , or Tithes , which had been received , or paid , within the space of fourty years next before the Date thereof , or of Right ought to have been paid , in the place , or places , tithable in the same , before he hath justly divided , or set forth for the Tithe thereof , the tenth part of the same , or otherwise agree , for the same Tithes , with the Parson , Vicar , or other Owner , Proprietary , or Farmer of the same , under the Pain or Forfeiture of the treble Value of the Tithes , so taken , or carried away . To which a Clause was also added , enabling the said Parsons , Vicars , &c. to enter upon any man's Land , for the due setting out of his Tithes , and carrying away the same without Molestation ; with other Clauses no less beneficial to the injured Clergy . And because the Revenue of the Clergy had been much diminished by the Loss of such Offerings , and Oblations , as had been accustomably made at the Shrines of Certain Images , now either defaced , or removed ; it was thought meet , to make them some amends in another way . And thereupon it was Enacted , That every Person exercising Merchandises , Bargaining , and Selling , Cloathing , Handy-Craft , and other Art , and Faculty , being such kind of Persons , and in such Places , as heretofore , within the space of fourty years then before passed , have accustomably used to pay such Personal Tithes , or of right ought to pay , ( other then such as the Common Day-Labourers shall yearly , at , or before the Feast of Easter , ) shall pay for his Personal Tithes , the tenth part of his clear Gains ; his Charges , and Expences , according to his Estate , and Condition , or Degree , to be there a●owed , abated and deducted ; with a Proviso for some Remedy to be had therein before the Ordinary , in the case of Tergiversation , or Refusal . But the Power of the Bishops , and other Ordinaries , growing less and less ; and little , or no execution , following in that behalf , this last Clause proved of little Benefit to those , whom it most concerned : who , living for the most part in Market-Towns , and having no Predial Tithes to trust to , are thereby in a far worse Condition , then the Rural Clergy . There also passed another Act , for Abstinence from Flesh upon all such Days , as had been formerly taken , and reputed for Fasting●days . By which it was enjoyned ; That for the better subduing of the Body to the Soul , and the Flesh to the Spirit , as also for the Preservation of the breed of Cattle , the Encouragement of Mariners , and increase of Shipping ; all manner of Persons should abstain from eating Flesh , upon the days there named ; that is to say , all Frydays and Saturdays in the year , the Time of Lent , the Ember-Days , the Eves , or Vigils , of such Saints , as had been antiently used for Fasts by the Rules of the Church . An Act , or Ordinance , very seasonable , as the case then stood , the better to beat down the Neglect of all Days and Times of publick Fastings : which Doctour Glasier had cryed up , and his Followers had pursued in contempt of Law. And here I should have closed this year , but that I am to remove some Errours about the Time of Doctour Farra'rs Consecration to the See of Saint David's ; put off by ●ishop Godwin to the following year 1549. and ante-Dated by the Acts and Monuments to the fifth day of December , in the year fore-going , An. 1547. But by neither rightly . For first , I finde on good Record , that Knight departed not this life till Michaelmass-Day , An. 1547. At what time , and for some time after , Doctour Barlow , who succeeded Knight , was actually Bishop of St. Davia's ; and therefore Farrars could not be Consecrated to that See some weeks before . I finde again in a very good Authour , that Doctour Farrar was the first Bishop made by Letters Patents , without Capitular Election : which could not be till after the end of the last years Parliament ; because till then the King pretended not to any such Power of making Bishops . And Thirdly , if Bishop Barlow had not been Translated to the See of Wells , till the year 1549. as Bishop Godwin saith he was not ; it must be Barlow , and not Farrars , who first enjoyed the benefit of such Letters Patents : because Barlow must first be removed to Wells , before the Church of St. Davia's was made void for Farrars . So that the Consecration of Farrars , to the See of St. David's , being placed by the Canons of that Church , ( in an Information made against him ) on the fifth of September ; it must be on the fifth day of September , in this present year : and neither in the year 1547. as the Acts and Monuments make it ; nor in the year 1549. as in Bishop Godwin . Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 3 o. An. Dom. 1548 , 1549. THere remains yet one Act of this Parliament , which we have not spoke of ; but of a different nature from all the rest : I mean the Act for the Attainder of the Lord Thomas Seimour ; whose Tragedy came on but now , though the Ground thereof was laid in the former year . The occasion , much like that of the two great Ladies in the Roman Story . Concerning whom it is related by Herodian : that , when the Emperour Commodus was unmarried , he permitted his Sister Lucilla , whom he had bestowed on Pompeianus , a Right Noble Senatour , to have a Throne erected for Her on the Publick Theatre ; Fire to be borne before H●r when she walked abroad ; and to enjoy all other Privileges of a Princ●'s Wife . But , when Commodus had Married Crispina , a Lady of as great a Spirit , though of lower Birth ; Lucilla was to lose her place , and to grow less in Reputation , then before she was . This so tormented her proud heart , when she perceived that nothing could be gained by disputing the Point : that she never lest practicing one mischief on the neck of another , till she had endangered the young Emperour's life ; but utterly destroyed her self , and all those friends , whom she had raised to advance her Interess . VVhich Tragedy ( the Names of the Actours being onely changed ) was now again played over in the Court of England . Thomas Lord Seimour , being a man of lofty Aims , and aspiring Thoughts , had Married Queen Katharine Parr , the Relict of the King deceased ; who looking on him as the Brother of the Lord Protectour , and being looked on as Queen Dowager in the eye of the Court , did not conceive , that any Lady could be so forgetfull of her former Dignity , as to contend about the place . But therein she found her self deceived : for the Protectour's Wife , a Woman of most infinite Pride , and of a Nature so imperious , as to know no rule but her own Will ; would needs conceive her self to be the better Woman of the two . For , if the one were widow to the King deceased ; the other thought her self to st●nd on the Higher ground , in having all advantages of Power above her . For what said She within Her self ; Am not I wife to the Protectour , who is King in Power ▪ though not in Title ; a Duke in Order and Degree ; Lord Treasurer , and Earl Marshal , and what else he pleaseth ; and one , who hath En●obled His highest Honours by his late great Victory ? And did not Henry Marry Katharine Parr in His doting Days : when he had brought himself to such a Condition by His Lusts , and Cruelty ; that no Lady , who stood upon Her Honour , would adventure on Him ? Do not all Knees bow before Me , and all Tongues celebrate My Praises , and all Hands pay the Tribute of Obedience to Me , and all Eys look upon Me , as the first in State ; through whose Hands the Principal Offices in the Court , and chief Preferments in the Church , are observed to pass ? Have I so long Commanded him , who Commands two Kingdoms ? And shall I now give place to Her ; who , in her former best Estate , was but Latimer's Widow , and is now fain to cast Her self , for Support and Countenance , into the despised Bed of a younger Brother ? If Mr. Admiral teach his Wife no better Manners ; I am She , that will : and will choose rather to remove them both , ( whether out of the Court , or out of the World ; shall be no great m●tter ) then be out-shined in My own Sphere , and trampled on within the Verge of my Jurisdiction . In this Impatiency of Spirit , she rubs into the Head of the Duke her Husband ( over whom she had obtained an absolute Mastery ) How much he was despised by the Lord Admiral for his Mildness and Lenity : What secret Practices were on foot , in the Court , and Kingdom , to bring him out of Credit with all sorts of People . What ●tore of Emissaries were imployed to cry up the Lord Admiral , as the Abler man : And finally , that , if he did not look betimes about him , he would he forthwith dispossessed of his Place and Power ; and see the same conferred on one of his own preferring . This first begat a Diffidence in the Duke of his Brother's Purposes ; which afterwards improved it self to an estranging of Affection , and at last into an open Breach . But before Matters could proceed to the last Extremity , the Queen died in Child-birth , ( which happened September last , 1648 ) being delivered of a Daughter ; who afterwards was Christened by the name of Mary . A Lady of a mild and obliging Nature , honoured by all the Court for her even Behaviour , and one , who in this Quarrel had been meerly passive ; rather maintaining what she had , then seeking to invade the place , which belonged not to her . And here the Breach might have been closed , if the Admiral had not ran himself into further Dangers , by practicing to gain the good Affections of the Princess Elizabeth . He was ( it seems ) a man of a strange Ambition in the choice of his Wives , and could not level his Affections lower , then the Bed of a Princess . For an Essay whereof he first addressed himself to the Lady Mary , Duchess of ●ichmond and Sommerset , Daughter of Thomas Duke of Norfolk , and Widow of Duke Henry before mentioned , the King 's Natural Brother . But , she being of too high a Spirit to descend so low , he next applied himself to the W●dow-Queen : whom he beheld , as double Jointured , one , who ha● filled her Coffers in the late King's Time ; and had been gratified with a Legacy of four thousand pounds in Plate , Jewels , and Mony : which he had Means enough to compass ; though all other Debts and Legacies should remain unpaid . And on the other side She looked on him , as one of the Peers of the Realm , Lord Admiral by Office , Uncle to the King , and Brother to the Lord Protectour , with whom she might enjoy all Content and Happiness , which a vertuous Lady could desire . And that they might appear in the greater Splendour , he took into his hands the Episcopal House , belonging to the Bishop of Bath and Wells : which , being by him much Enlarged , and Beautified , came afterwards to the Possession of the Earls of Arundel , best known of late Times , by the name of Arundel-House . And so far all things went on smoothly betwixt him and his B●other ; though afterwards there were some distrust between them : but this last Practice gave such an hot Alarum to the Duchess of Sommerset ; that noth●ng could content her , but his absolute Ruin . For what hope could she have of Disputing the Precedence with any of King Hen●●e's Daughters : who , if they were not married out of the Realm , might Create many Troubles , and Disturbances in it ? Nor was the Lord Pr●tect●ur so insensible of his own Condition , as not to fear the utmost Danger ; which the Effecting of so great an Enterprise might bring upon him : so that the Rupture , which before had began to close , became more open then before , made wid●r by the Artifices of the Earl of Warwick ; who , secretly playing with both hands , exasperated each of them against the other , that so he might be able to destroy them both . The Plot being so far carried on , the Admiral was committed to the Tower , on the sixteenth of January , but never called unto his Answer , it being thought safer to Attaint him by Act of Parliament , where Power and Faction might prevail , then put him over to his Peers in a Legal way . And , if he were guilty of the Crimes , which I finde charged upon him in the Bill of Attainder , he could not , but deserve as great a Punishment , as was laid upon him . For , in that Act , he stands condemned , for Attempting to get into his Custody the Person of the King , and the Government of the Realm : for obtaining many Offices , retaining many Men into his Service , for making great Provision for Money , and Victuals : for endeavouring to marry the Lady Elizabeth the King's Sister , and for perswading the King , in His Tender Age , to take upon Him the Rule , and Order , of Himself . But Parliaments being Governed by a ●allible Spirit , the Business still remaineth under such a Cloud : that he may seem rather to have fallen a Sacrifice to the Private Malice of a Woman ; then the Publick Justice of the State. For , the Bill of Attainder passing at the End of the Parliament , which was on the fourteenth day of March , he was beheaded at Tower-Hill , on the sixth day after , ( the Warrant for his Execution coming under the hand o● his own Brother , ) at what time he took it on his Death : That , he had never committed , or meant any Treason against King , or Kingdom . Thus , as it is aff●●med of the Emperour Valentinian ; that , by causing the right Noble Aetius to be put to Death , he had cut off his Right Hand with his Left : so might it be affirmed of the Lord Protectour ; that , when he signed that unhappy Warrant , he had with his Right Hand robbed himself of his greatest Strength . For as long as the two Brothers stood together , they were good support unto one another : but now , the one being taken away , the other proved not Sub●tantive enough to stand by himself , but fell into his Enemies hands within few Moneths after . Comparing them together , we may finde the Admiral to be Fierce in Courage , Courtly in Fashion , in Personage Stately , in Voice Magnificent ; the Duke to be Mild , Affable , Free , and Open , more easie to be wrought upon , and no way Malicious : the Admiral generally more esteemed amongst the Nobles ; the Duke Honoured by the Common People : the Lord Protectour , to be more desired for a Friend ; the Lord Admiral , to be more feared for an Enemy . Betwixt them both , they might have made one excellent man ; if , the Defects of each being taken away , the Virtues onely had remained . The Protectour , having thus thrown away the chief Prop of his House , hopes to repair that Ruin , by erecting a Magnificent Palace . He had been bought out of his purpose for building on the Deanery and Close of Westminster , and casts his Eye upon a piece of Ground in the Strand ; on which stood three Episcopal Houses , and one Parish-Church : the Parish-Church Dedicated to the Virgin Mary ; the Houses belonging to the Bishops of Worcester , Lichfield , and Landaff . All these he takes into his Hands ; the Owners not daring to oppose , and therefore willingly consenting to it . Having cleared the place , and projected the intended Fabrick , the Workmen found , that more Materials would be wanting to go thorough with it , then the Demolished Church and Houses could afford unto them . He thereupon resolves for taking down the Parish-Church of Saint Mar●arets in Westminster , and turning the Parishioners , for the celebrating of all Divine Offices , into some part of the Nave , or main Body , of the Abby-Church , which should be marked out for that purpose . But the Workmen had no sooner advanced their Scaf●olds ; when the Parishioners gathered together in great Multitudes , with Bows , and Arrows , Sta●es , and Clubs , and other such offensive Weapons ; which so terrified the Workmen , that they ran away in great Amazement , and never could be brought again upon that Imployment . In the next place , he is informed of some superfluous , or rather Superstitious Buildings on the North-side of Saint Paul's , that is to say , a goodly Cloyster , environing a goodly piece of Ground , called Pardon-Church-Yard , with a Chapel in the midst thereof , and beautified with a piece of most curious Workmanship , called the Dance of Death , together with a fair Charnel-House , on the South-side of the Church , and a Chapel thereunto belonging . This was conceived to be the safer undertaking , the Bishop then standing on his good Behaviour , and the Dean and Chapter of that Church , ( as of all the rest ) being no better in a manner by reason of the late Act of Parliament ) then Tenant at Will of their great Landlords . And upon this he sets his Workmen , on the tenth of April : takes it all down , converts the Stone , Timber , Lead , and Iron , to the use of his intended Palace , and leaves the Bones of the dead Bodies to be buried in the Fields in unhallowed Ground . But , all this not sufficing to compleat the Work , the Steeple , and most parts of the Church of Saint John's of Jerusalem , not far from Smithfield , most beautifully built not long before by Dockwray , a late Priour thereof , was blown up with Gunpowder ; and all the Stone thereof imployed , to that purpose also . Such was the Ground , and such were the Materials of the Duke 's New Palace , called Sommerset-House : which either he lived not to finish , or else it must be very strange ; that having pulled down two Churches , two Chapels , and three Episcopal Houses , ( each of which may be probably supposed , to have had their Oratories ) to finde Materials for this Fabrick , there should be no room purposely erected for Religious Offices . According unto this Beginning , all the year proceeds ; in which there was nothing to be found ; but Troubles , and Commotions , and Disquiets , both in Church and State. For about this Time there started up a sort of men , who either gave themselves , or had given by others , the Name of Gospellers : of whom Bishop Hooper tells us , in the Preface to his Exposition on the Ten Commandments ; That , They be better Learned then the Holy Ghost : for they wickedly attribute the Cause of Punishment , and Adversity to God's Providence , which is the Cause of no Ill , as he himself can do no ill ; and of every Mischief that is done , they say it is God's Will. And at the same time , the Anabaptists , who had kept themselves unto themselves in the late King's Time , began to look abroad , and disperse their Dotages . For the preventing of which Mischief , before it grew unto a Head , some of the Chiefs of them were convented , on the second of April , in the Church of Saint Paul , before the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and the Bishop of Westminster , Doctour Cox , Almoner to the King , Doctour May , Dean of that Church , Doctour Cole , Dean of the Arches , and one Doctour Smith , afterwards better known by the Name of Sir Thomas Smith . And , being convicted of their Errours , some of them were dismissed onely with an Admonition , some sentenced to a Recantation , and others condemned to bear their Faggots at Saint Paul's Cross. Amongst which last , I finde one Campneys : who , being suspected to incline too much to their Opinions , was condemned to the bearing of a Faggot , on the Sunday following , ( being the next Sunday after Easter , ) Doctour Miles Coverdale , who afterwards was made Bishop of Ex●ter , then preaching the Rehearsal Sermon ; which Punishment so wrought upon him , that he relinquished all his former Errours , and entred into Holy Orders , flying the Kingdom for the better keeping of a good Conscience in the Time of Queen Mary , and coming back again with the other Exiles , after Her Decease . At what time he published a Discourse , in the way of a Letter , against the Gospellers above-mentioned . In which he proves them to have laid the blame of all sins , and wickedness , upon God's Divine Decree of Predestination , by which men were compelled unto it . His Discourse answered not long after by John Veron , one of the Pre●ends of Saint Paul's , and Robert Crowley , Parsons of Saint Giles's near Cripplegate ; but answered with Scurrility and Reproach enough , according to the Humour of the Predestinarians . And now the Time draws on for putting the New Liturgie in Execution , framed with such Judgment out of the Common Principles of Religion , wher●in all Parties do agree , that even the Catholicks might have resorted to the same without Scruple , or Scandal ; if Faction more then Reason did not sway amongst them . At Easter , some began to officiate by it , followed by others as soon as Books c●●ld be provided . But on Whitsunday , being the day appointed by Act of Parliament , it was solemnly Executed in the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul , by the Command of Doctour May , for an example unto all the rest of the Churches in London : and consequently of all the Kingdom . In most parts whereof , there was at the first a greater forwardness then could be rationally expected , the 〈◊〉 men amongst the Papists conforming to it , because they 〈…〉 in the maine ( no not so much as in the Canon of the 〈…〉 Latine Se●vice . And the unlearned had good reason to be pleased 〈…〉 , in regard that all Divine Offices were Celebrated in a Tongue whic● 〈◊〉 understood , whereby they had means and opportunity to become acq●aint●● with the ch●e● Mysteries of their Religion , which had been before 〈◊〉 s●cret fr●m ●hem . But then withall , many of those , both Priests and B●shops , who ●pe●●y had Officiated by it , to avoid the Penalty of the Law , did Celebrate their private Masses in such secret places , wherein it was not easie to discover their doings . More confidently ca●ried in the Church of St. Paul : in many Chapels whereof , by the Bishop's sufferance , the former Masses were kept up ; that is to say Our Ladies Mass , the Apostles Mass , &c. performed in Latine , but Disguised by the English names of the Apostles Communion , and Our Ladies Communion . Which coming to the knowledg of the Lords of the Council , they add●●ssed their Letters unto Bonner : Dated the twen●y fourth of June ; and Subscribed by the Lord Protectour , the Lord Chancellour Rich , the Earl of Shrewsbury , the Lord St. John , Chief Justice Mountague , and Mr. Cecil , made not long after one of the Secretaries of State. Now the Tenour of the said Letters was as followeth . AFter Hearty Commendations ; having very credible notice , that within that your Cathedral Church , there be as yet the Apostles Mass , and Our Ladies Mass , and other Masses of such peculiar name , under the defence and nomination of Our Ladies Communion , and the Apostles Communion , used in private Chapels , and other remote places of the same , and not in the Chancel , contrary to the King's Majesties Proceedings : the same being for that misuse displeasing unto God ; for the place , Pauls , in example not tolerable ; for the fondness of the name , a scorn to the Reverence of the Communion of Christ's Body and Blood : We , for the Augmentation of God's Glory , and Honour , and the Consonance of His Majestie 's Lawes , and the avoiding of Murmur , have thought good , to will and Command you , that from henceforth no such Masses in this manner be in your Church any longer used ; but that the Holy Blessed Communion , according to the Act of Parliament , be Administred at the High Altar of the Church , and in no other places of the same ; and onel● at such time as your High Masses were wont to be used : except some number of People desire ( for their necessary business ) to have a Communion in the Morning , and yet the same to be executed at the Chancel on the High Altar ; as it is appointed in the Book of the Publick Servic● ; without Cautele , or Digression from the Common Order . And herein you shall not onely satisfie Our Expectation of your Conformity in all Lawfull things ; but also avoid the murmur of sundry , that be therewith justly offended . And so We bid your Lordship farewell , &c. These Commands being brought to Bon●er , he commits the Execution of them to the Dean and Chapter ; not willing to engage himself too far upon either side , till he had seen the Issue of such Commotions , as were then raised in many Parts of the Kingdom on another occasion . Some Lords and Gentlemen , who were possessed of Abbey-Lands , had caused many inclosures to be made of the waste Grounds in their several Mannours ; which they conceived to be ( as indeed it was ) a great advantage to themselves , and no less profitable to the Kingdom . Onely some poor and indigent people were offended at it , in being thereby abridged of some liberty , which before they had in raising to themselves some inconsiderable profit from the Grounds enclosed . The Lord Protectour had then lost himself in the love of the Vulgar , by his severe , if not unnatural proceedings against his Brother ; and somewhat must be done for his restoring to their good opinions , though to the prejudice of the Publick . Upon this ground he caused a Proclamation to be Published in the beginning of May ; Commanding , that they who had inclosed any Lands , accustomed to be common , should upon a certain pain , before a day signed , lay them open again . Which so encouraged the rude Commons , in many Parts of the Realm , that without Expecting the time limitted by the Proclamation , they gathered together in a riotous , and tumultuous manner ; pulled up the Pales , flung down the Banks , and filled the Ditches , laying all open as before . For which , some of them had been set upon , and sl●in in Wiltshire , by Sir William Herbert ; others suppressed by force of Armes , conducted by the Lord Gray of Wilton , as were those in Oxfordshire ; and some again reduced to more moderate , and sober courses , by the perswasion of the Lords and Gentlemen ; as in Kent , and Sussex . But the most dangerous commotions , which held so long , as to Entitle them to the name of Rebellions , were those of Devonshire , and Norfolk ; places remote from one another , but such as seemed to have communicated Counsels , for carrying on of the design . The first of these in Course of time , was that of Devonshire , began ( as those in other places ) under pretence of throwing open the enclosures , but shortly found to have been chiefly raised , in maintainance of their old Religion . On Whitson-Munday , June the tenth , being next day after the first exercising of the Publick Liturgi● . Some few of the Parishioners of Samford Courtney , compelled their Parish-Priest , who is supposed to have invited them to that compassion , to let them have the Latine Mass , as in former times . These being seconded by some others , and finding that many of the better sort were more like to engage in this quarrel , then in the other ; prevailed with those which before had Declared onely against Inclosures , to pretend Religion for the cause of their coming together . And that being done , they were first Headed by Humphry Arundel Esquire , Commander of St. Michaels Mount , and some other Gentlemen , which so increased the Reputation of the Cause , that in short time they had made up a Body of ten thousand men . Of this Commotion , there was but little notice taken at the first beginning , when it might easily have been crushed ; the Lord Protectour not being very forward to suppress those Risings , which seemed to have been made by some incouragement from his Proclamations . In which Respect , and that his good fortune now began to fail him , when the mischief did appear with a face danger , and could not otherwise be redressed but by force of Arms ; in stead of putting himself into the Head of an Army , the Lord Russel is sent down with some slender Forces , to give a stop to their Proceedings . But whether it were , that he had any secret instructions to drill on the time , or that he had more of the States-Man , then the Souldier in him ; or that he had not strength enough to encounter the Enemy , he kept himself aloofe , as if he had been sent to look on , at a distance , without approaching near the danger . The Rebels in the mean time increasing as much in confidence , as they did in numbers ; sent their Demands unto the King. Amongst which , one more specially concerned the Liturgie , which therefore I have singled out of all the rest , with the King's Answer thereunto , in the words that follow . It was demanded by the Rebels ; That , for as much as we constantly believe , that after the Priest hath spoken the words of Consecration , being at Mass there Celebrating , and Consecrating the same ; there is very really the Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ , God and Man ; and that no substance of Bread and Wine remaineth after , but the very self-same Body , that was born of the Virgin Mary , and was given upon the Cross for our Redemption : therefore we will have Mass Celebrated as it was in Times past , without any man communicating with the Priests ; for as much as many , presuming unworthily to receive the same , put no difference between the Lord's Body , and other kind of meat ; some saying , that it is Bread both before and after ; some saying , that it is profitable to no man , except he receive it , with many other abused Terms . To which Demand of theirs the King thus Answered ; viz. That for the Mass , I assure you , no small study , nor travail hath been spent , by all the Learned Clergy therein , and , to avoid all contention , it is brought even to the very use as Christ left it , as the Apostles used it , as the holy Fathers delivered it ; indeed somewhat altered from that , to which the Popes of Rome , for their Lucre , had brought it . And , although ( saith He ) ye may hear the contrary from some Popish evil men , yet . Our Majesty , which for Our Honour may not be blemished and stained , assureth you , that they deceive , abuse you , and blow these Opinions into your heads , to finish their own purposes . But this Answer giving no content , they Marched with all their Forces to the Siege of Exeter ; carrying before them in their March ( as the Jews did the Ark of God , in the Times of old ) the Pix , or Consecrated Host , borne under a Canopie , with Crosses , Banners , Candlesticks , Holy-Bread , and Holy-Water , &c. But the Walls of Exeter fell not down before this False Ark ; as Dagon did before the True. For the Citizens were no less gallantly resolved to make good the Town ; then the Rebels were desperately bent to force it . To which Resolution of the Citizens , the natural Defences of the City , ( being round in Form , scituate on a rising Hill , and environed with a good Old Wall , ) gave not more Encouragement : then some insolent speeches of the Rebels ; boasting , that they would shortly measure the Silks , and Sattens therein , by the length of their Bows . For fourty days the Siege continued , and was then seasonably raised ; the Rebels not being able to take it sooner , for want of Ordnance : and the Citizens not able to have held it longer , for want of Victuals ; if they had not been Succoured , when they were . One fortunate Skirmish the Lord Russel had with the daring Rebels about the passing of a Bridg , at which he slew six hundred of them : which gave the Citizens the more Courage to hold it out . But the coming of the Lord Gray , with some Companies of Almain-Horse , seconded by three hundred Italian-Shot under the Command of Baptista Spinoli , put an end to the Business . For , joyning with the Lord Russel's Forces , they gave such a strong Charge upon the Enemy : that they first beat them out of their Works ; and then compelled them , with great Slaughter , to raise their Siege . Blessed with the like Success in some following Fights , the Lord Russel entereth the City on the sixth of August ; where he was joyfully received by the half-starved Citizens : whose Loyalty the King rewarded with an encrease of their Privileges ; and giving to their Corporation the Manour of Eviland . The sixth of August , since that Time , is observed amongst them for an Annual Feast , in perpetual Gratitude to Almighty God , for their Deliverance from the Rebels ; with far more Reason , then many such Annual Feasts have been lately Instituted in some Towns , and Cities , for not being gained unto their King. But , though the Sword of War was Sheathed , there remained work enough for the Sword of Justice ; in Executing many of the Rebels , for a Terrour to others . Arundel , and the rest of the Chiefs , were sent to London , there to receive the recompense of their Deserts ; most of the Raskal Rabble Executed by Martial Law ; and the Vicar of St. Thomas , one of the Principal Incendiaries , hanged on the Top of his own Tower , apparailed in his Popish Weeds , with his B●ads at his Girdle . The Norfolk Rebels brake not out , till the twentieth of June ; beginning first at a place called Ail-borough : but not considerable , either for Strength , or Number , till the sixth of July ; when mightily encreased by Ket , a Tanner of Windham : who took unto himself the conducting of them . These men pretended onely against Enclosures : and , if Religion was at all regarded by them , it was rather kept for a Reserve ; then suffered to appear in the Front of the Battail . But , when their Numbers were so vastly multiplyed , as to amount to twenty thousand ; nothing would serve them , but the suppression of the Gentry , the placing of New Councellours about the King , and somewhat also to be done in favour of the Old Religion . Concerning which they thus Remonstrate to the King , or the People rather ; viz : First , That the Free-born Commonalty was oppressed by a small Number of Gentry : who glutted themselves with Pleasure ; whilest the poor Commons , wasted with dayly Labour , did , like Pack-Horses , live in extreme Slavery . Secondly , That Holy Rites , Established by Antiquity , were abolished , New ones Authorised , and a New Form of Religion obtruded ; to the subjecting of their Souls to those Horrid Pains , which no Death could terminate . And therefore , Thirdly , That it was necessary for them , to go , in person , to the King , to place New Councellours about him , during his Minority ; removing those , who , ruling as they list , confounded things Sacred and Profane , and regarded nothing but the enriching of themselves with the Publick Treasure , that they might Riot it amidst these Publick Calamities . Finding no satisfactory Answer to these proud Demands , they March directly towards Norwich ; and possess themselves of Moushold-Hill : which gave them not onely a large Prospect over ; but a full Command upon that City : which they entered , and re-entered as they pleased . For what could a Weak City do in Opposition to so Great a Multitude : being neither strong by Art , nor Nature ; and therefore not in a capacity to make any Resistance . Under a large Oak , on the top of this Hill , ( since called The Oak of Reformation ) Ket keeps his Courts , of Chancery , King's Bench , &c. forcing the neighbouring Gentry to submit to his lawless Ordinances ; and committing many huge Enormities , under pretense of rectifying some Abuses . The King sends out his Gracious Pardon ; which the proud Rebels entertain with Contempt , and Scorn . Whereupon it was resolved ; that the Marquess of North-hampton should be sent against them , accompanied with the Lords Sheffield , and Wentworth , and divers Gentlemen of Note , assisted by a Band of Italians ( under the Command of Mala-testa , an Experienced Souldier . ) The Marquess was an excellent Courtier ; but one more skilled in Leading a Measure , then a March : so that being beaten out of Norwich , ( into which he had peaceably been admitted ) with loss of some Persons of Principal Quality , and the firing of a great part of the City , he returns ingloriously to London . Yet all this while , the Lord Protectour was so far from putting himself upon the Action , that he suffered his most dangerous Enemy , the Earl of Warwick , to go against them , with such Forces , as had been purposely provided for the War of Scotland . Who , finding the City open for him , entertained the Rebels with divers Skirmishes ; in most of which he had the better : which put them to a Resolution of forsaking the Hill , and trying their Fortune in a Battail , in a place called Dussing-dale , where they maintained a bloody Fight . But , at the last , were broken by the Earl's good Conduct , and the valiant Loyalty of his Forces . Two thousand of the Rebels are reported to have been slain in the Fight and Chase , the residue of them scattered over all the Country , the Principals of them taken , and deservedly Executed : Robert Ket hanged on Norwich-Castle ; William , his Brother , on the top of Windham-Steeple ; nine of his chief Followers on as many Boughs of the Oak , where Ket held his Courts . Which great Deliverance was celebrated in that City by a Publick Thanks giving on the twenty seventh of August : and hath been since perpetuated Annually on that day , to these present Times . The like Rising happened about this time in York-shire , began by Dale , and Ombler two seditious persons , and with them it ended , for being taken in a Skirmish , before their number had amounted to three thousand men , they were brought to York , where they were executed , with some others , on the twenty first of September ▪ then next following . The breaking out of these Rebellions , but most especially that of Devonshire , quickned the Lords of the Council to a sharper course , against all those whom they suspected not to favour the King's Proceedings , nor to advance the Execution of the Publick Liturgie , amongst whom , none was more distrusted then Bonner of London , concerning whom it was informed , that by his negligence , not onely many People within his Diocess , were very forgetfull of their Duty to God , in frequenting the Divine Service , then by Law established , but divers others utterly despising the same , did in secret places often frequent the Popish Mass. For this he is Commanded to attend the Lords of the Council on the eleventh of August , by whom he was informed of such Complaints as were made against him , and so dismissed with certain private Injunctions to be observed by him for the time to come . And for a further Trial to be made of his Zeal and Loyalty ( if it were not rather for a Snare to entrap him in ) he was Commanded to Preach against the Rebels , at Saint Paul's Cross , on the first of September , and there to shew the unlawfullness of taking Arms on Pretence of Religion . But on the contrary , he not onely touched● not upon any thing which was enjoyned him by the Council , but spent the most part of his Sermon in maintenance of the Gross , Carnal , and Papistical presence of Christs Body and Blood , in the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar . Complaints whereof , being made by William Latimer , Parson of St. Laurence Poult●ey , and John Hooper , sometimes a Cister'ian Monk ; a Commission is issued out to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , the Bishops of Rochester and Peterborough , Sir Thomas Smith , and Doctour May , before whom he was convented at Lambeth , on the tenth of the Moneth , where after many Shifts on his part , and much patience on theirs , he is taken pro confesso , on the twenty third , and in the beginning of October deprived of his Bishoprick . To whom succeded Doctour Nicholas Ridley , Bishop of Rochester , a Learned , Stout , and Resolute Prelate , as by the Sequel will appear : not actually translated till the twel●th of April , in the year next following , and added not long after to the Lords of the Council . The necessary Execution of so many Rebels , and this seasonable Severity against Bishop Bonner , did much facilitate the King's Proceedings in the Reformation . As certainly the Opposition to A●thority when it is suppressed , both makes the Subject , and the Prince more absolute . Howsoever to make sure Work of it , there passed an act of Parliament in the following Session , ( which also took beginning on the fourth of November ) for taking down such Images , as were still remaining in the Churches ; as also for the bringing in of all Antiphonaries , Missalls , Breviaries , Offices , Horaries , Primers , and Processionals , with other Books of False and Superstitious Worship . The Tenour of which Act was signified to the Subject by the King's Proclamations , and seconded by the Missives of Arch-Bishop Cranmer , to the Suffragan Bishops , requiring them to see it put in execution with all Care and Diligence . Which so secured the Church on that side , that there was no further Opposition against the Liturgie by the Romish Party , during the rest of this King's Reign . For what can any workman do when he wants his Tools , or how could they Advance the Service of the Church of Rome , when the Books by which they should officiate it , were thus taken from them . But then there started up another Faction , as dangerous to the Church , as opposite to the Publick Liturgie , and as destructive of the Rules of the Reformation , then by Law established , as were those of Rome . The Arch-Bishop and the rest of the Prelates , which co-operated with him in the Work , having so far proceeded in abolishing many Superstitions , which before were used , resolved in the next place to go forwards with a Reformation in a Point of Doctrine . In Order whereunto Melancthon's coming was expected the year before , but he came not then . And therefore Letters were directed by the Arch●Bishop of Canterbury to Martin Bucer , and Peter Martyr , two Great and Eminent Divines , but more addicted to the Zuinglian , then the Lutheran Doctrines , in the point of the Sacrament . Martyr accordingly came over in the end of November , and , having spent some timewith the Arch-Bishop in his House at Lambeth , was dispatched to Oxford , where he was made the King's Professour for Divinity , and about two years after made Canon of Christ-Church . In his first Lectures he is said by Sanders ( if he may be credited ) to have declared himself so much a Zuinglian in that point , as to give great offence to Cranmer , and the rest of the Bishops ; but afterwards , upon notice of it , to have been more moderate , and to conform his Judgment to the Sense of those Learned Prelates : Which whether it be true or not , certain it is , that his Readings were so much disliked by some of that University ; that a publick Disputation was shortly had , betwixt him , and some of those who disliked his Doings : in which he publickly maintained these two Propositions : 1. That the Substance of the Bread and Wine was not changed ; and 2. That the Body and Blood of Christ was not Carnally and Bodily in the Bread and Wine ; but united to the same Sacramentally . And for the better Governing of the Disputation , it was appointed by the King , that Doctour Cox , Chancellour of that University , assisted by one Mr. Morrison , a right Learned man , should preside as Judges , or Moderatours , as we call them ; by whom it was decl●red in the open Scholes , that Martyr had the upper hand , and had sufficiently answered all Arguments , which were brought against him . But Chadsey the chief of the Opponents , and the rest of those who disputed with him , acknowledged no such Satisfaction to be given unto them ; their party noising it abroad ( according to the Fate of such Dispu●ations ) that they had the Victory . But Bucer not coming over at the same time also , he was more earnestly invited by Pet. Alexander , the Arch-Bishop's Secretary . whose Letters bear Date March 24. which so prevailed with him at the last , that in June we finde him here at Canterbury , from whence he writes to Peter Martyr , who was then at Oxford . And being here , he receives Letters from Calvin , by which he was advised to take heed of his old fault ( for a fault he thought it ) which was to run a * moderate course in his Reformations . The first thing that he did at his coming hither ( as he saith himself ) was to make himself acquainted with the English Liturgie ; translated for him into Latine , by Alexander Alesius , a Learned Scot , and generally well approved of by him , as to the main Frame , and Body of it , though not well satisfied perhaps in some of the particular Branches . Of this he gives account to Calvin , and desires some Letters from him to the Lord Protectour ( with whom C●lvin had already began to tamper ) that he might finde the greater favour , when he came before him , which was not till the Tumults of the time were composed and quieted . Having received a courteous entertainment from the Lord Protectour , and being right heartily welcomed by Arch-Bishop Cranmer , he is sent to take the Chair at Cambridg . Where his first Readings gave no such distast to the Learned Academicks , as to put him to the necessity of challenging the Dissentients to a Disputation : though in the Ordinary Form , a Disputation was there held at his first●coming thither , concerning the Sufficiency of Holy Scripture , the Fallibility of the Church , and the true Nature of Justification . But long he had not held the place , when he left this life , deceasing on the nineteenth of January , 1550. according to the computation of the Church of England , to the great loss and grief of that University . By the chiefest Heads whereof , and most of the Members of that Body , he was attended to his Grave with all due Solemnity : of which more hereafter . But so it was , that the Account which he had given to Calvin of the English Liturgie , and his desiring of a Letter from him to the Lord Protectour , proved the occasions of much trouble to the Church , and the Orders of it . For Calvin , not forgetting the Repulse he found at the hands of Cranmer , when he first offered his Assistance , had screwed himself into the Favour of the Lord Protectour . And thinking nothing to be well done , which either was not done by him , or by his Direction ( as appears by his Letters to all Princes , which did but cast an eye towards a Reformation ) must needs be meddling in such Matters , as belonged not to him . He therefore writes a very long Letter to the Lord Protectour ; in which , approving well enough of set Forms of Prayer , he descends ▪ more particularly to the English Liturgy , in canvasing whereof , he there excepteth against Commemoration of the Dead ( which he acknowledgeth however to be very Antient , ) as also against Chrism , and Extreme Vnction ; the last of which being rather allowed of , then required by the Rules of that Book : which said , he maketh it his Advice , that all these Ceremonies should be abrogated , and that withall he should go forwards to Reform the Church without fear or wit , without regard of Peace at home , or Correspondency abroad : such Considerations being onely to be had in Civil Matters : but not in Matters of the Church ; * wherein not any thing is to be Exacted , which is not warranted by the Word , and in the managing whereof , there is not any thing more distastfull in the ey● of God , then Worldly Wisdom , * either in moderating , cutting off , or going backwards , but meerly as we are directed by his Will revealed . In the next place , he gives a touch on the Book of Homilies , which Bucer , ( as it appears by his Epistle to the Church of England ) had right-well approved of . These very faintly he permits for a season onely ; but by no means allows of them for a long continuance , or to be looked on as a Rule of the Church , or constantly to serve for the instruction of the People : and thereby gave the hint to the Zuinglian Gospellers , who ever since almost have declaimed against them . And whereas some Disputes had grown by his setting on , or the Pragmatick Humour of some Agents , which he had amongst us , about the Ceremonies of the Church , then by Law established , he must needs trouble the Protectour in that business also . ( * ) To whom he writes to this effect , That the Papists would grow insolenter every day then other , unless the differences were composed about the Ceremonies . But how ? not by reducing the Opponents to Conformity , but by encouraging them rather in their Opposition : which cannot but appear most plainly to be all he aimed at , by soliciting the Duke of Sommerset , in behalf of Hooper , who was then fallen into some troubles upon that ; of which more hereafter . Now in the Heat of these Imployments , both in Church and State , the French and Scots lay hold on the Opportunity , for the Recovering of some Forts , and Peeces of Consequence , which had been taken from them by the English in the former War. The last year Bulloign-Siege was attempted by some of the French , in hope to take it by Surprize , and were couragiously repulsed by the English Garison . But now they are resolved to go more openly to work , and therefore send an Herald to defy the King , according to the Noble manner of those Times , in proclaiming War , before they entred into Action against one another . The Herald did his Office on the eighth of August , and pre●ently the French , with a considerable Army , invade the Territory of Bulloign . In less then three weeks , they possess themselves of Blackness , Hamiltue , and New-Haven , with all the Ordnance , Ammunition , and Victuals in them . Few of the Souldiers escaped with Life : but onely the Governour of New-Haven , ( a Bastard Son of the Lord Sturton's , ) who was believed to have betrayed that Fort unto them , because he did put himself immediatly into the Service of the French. But they sped worse in their Designs by Sea , then they did by Land : for giving themselves no small Hopes in those broken Times , for taking in the Islands of Guer●sey and Jersey , they made toward them with a great number of Gallies : but they were so manfully encountred with the King's Navy , which lay then hovering on those Coasts ; that , with the loss of a Thousand men , and great spoil of their Gallies , they were forced to retire into France , and desist from their purpose . Nor were the Scot● , in the mean time , negligent in preparing for their own Defence ; against whom some considerable Forces had been prepared in the Beginning of this Summer , but most unhappily diverted : though very fortunately imployed for the Relief of Exeter , and the taking of Norwich . So that , no Succours being sent for the Relief of those Garisons , which then remained unto the English ; the Scots , about the middle of November following ▪ couragiously assault the strong Fort of Bouticrage , take it by Storm , put all the Souldiers to the Sword ; except the Captain : and him they spared , not out of any Pity , or Humane Compassion , but because they would not lose the Hope of so great a Benefit , as they expected for his Ransom . Nothing now left unto the English , of all their late Purchases , and Acquists in Scotland : but the strong Fort of Aymouth , and the Town of Rox-borough . The loss of so many Peeces in France , one after another , was very sad News to all the Court ; but the Earl of Warwick . Who purposely had delayed the sending of such Forces , as were prepared against the French , that the Forts above-mentioned might be lost : that , upon the loss thereof , he might project the Ruin of the Lord Protectour . He had long cast an envious Eye at his Power and Greatness , and looked upon himself , as a man of other parts , both for Camp and Counsel ; fitter in all Respects to Protect the Kingdom , then he that did enjoy the Title . He looked upon him also , as a man exposed to the Blows of Fortune , in being so fatally deprived of his greatest strength , by the Death of his Brother : after which he had little left unto him , but the worst half of himself ; feared by the Lords , and not so well beloved by the Common People , as he had been formerly . There goes a Story , that Earl Godwine , having treacherously slain Prince Alfred , the Brother of Edward the Confessour , was afterwards present with the King , when his Cup-bearer , stumbling with one foot , recovered himself by the Help of the other . One Brother helps another , said Earl Godwine merrily : And so , replyed the King as tartly , My Brother might have been useful unto me ; if you had pleased to spare his Life , for my present Comfort . The like might have been said to Earl Dudly of Warwick : That , if he had not lent an helping hand to the Death of the Admiral , he could not so easily have tripp'd up the Heels of the Lord Protectour . Having before so luckily taken in the Out-Works , he now resolves to plant his Battery for the Fort it self . To which end he begins to muster up his Strengths , and make ready his Forces , knowing which way to work upon the Lords of the Court : many of which began to stagger in their good Affections , and some openly to declare themselves the Protectour's Enemies . And he so well applyed himself to their several Humours , that in short time his Return from Norfolk ▪ with Success and Honour , he had drawn unto his side the Lord Chancellour Rich ; the Lord Saint-John , Lord Great Master : the Marquess of North-hampton ; the Earl of Arundel , Lord Chamberlain ; the Earl of South-hampton ; Sir Thomas Cheny , Treasurer of the Houshould ; Sir John Gage , Constable of the Tower ; Sir William Peter , Secretary ; Sir Edward Mountague , Chief Justice of the Common Pleas ; Sir Edward North , Sir Ralph Sadlier , Sir John Baker , Sir Edward Wotton , Doctour Wotton , and Sir Richard Southwell . Of which some shewed themselves against him upon former Grudges , as the Earl of South-hampton ; some out of hope to share those Offices amongst them , which he had ingrossed unto himself ; many , because they loved to follow the strongest side ; few in regard of any Benefit , which was like to Redound by it to the Common-Wealth ; the greatest part complaining ▪ that they had not their equal Dividend , when the Lands of Chanteries , Free-Chapels , &c. were given up for a Prey to the greater Courtiers ; but all of them disguising their private Ends , under pretense of doing service to the Publick . The Combination being thus made , and the Lords of the Defection convented together , at Ely-House in Holborn , where the Earl then dwelt : they sent for the Lord Mayour , and Aldermen , to come before them . To whom it is declared by the Lord Chancellour Rich ( a man of Sommerset's own preferring ) in a long Oration , in what dangers the Kingdom was involved by the mis-Government , and Practices of the Lord Protectour : against whom he objected also many Misdemeanours : some frivolous , some false , and many of them of such a Nature , as either were to be condemned in themselves , or forgiven in him . For in that Speech he charged him , amongst other things , with the loss of the King's Peeces in France , and Scotland , the sowing of Dissension betwixt the Nobility and the Commons , Embezelling the Treasures of the King , and inverting the Publick stock of the Kingdom to his private use . It was Objected also ; That he was wholly acted by the Will of his Wife , and therefore no fit man to command a Kingdom : That he had interrupted the ordinary Course of Justice , by keeping a Court of Requests in his own House , in which he many times determined of mens Free-holds : That he had demolished many Consecrated Places , and Episcopal Houses , to Erect a Palace for himself , spending one hundred pounds per diem , in superflous Buildings : That by taking to himself the Title of Duke of Sommerset , he declared plainly his aspiring to the Crown of this Realm : and finally , having so unnaturally laboured the Death of his Brother , he was no longer to be trusted with the Life of the King. And thereupon he desires , or conjures them rather , to joyn themselves unto the Lords , who aimed at nothing in their Counsels ; but the Safety of the King , the Honour of the Kingdom , and the Preservation of the People in Peace and Happiness . But these Designs could not so closely be contrived , as not to come unto the Knowledg of the Lord Protectour , who then remained at Hampton-Court , with the rest of the Lords , who seemed to continue firm unto him . And , on the same day , on which this meeting was at London , ( being the sixth day of October ) he causeth Proclamation to be made at the Court-Gates , and afterwards in other places near adjoyning ; requiring all sorts of persons to come in , for the defence of the King's Person : whom he conveyed the same night unto Windsore-Castle , with a strength of five hundred men , or thereabouts ; too many for a Guard , and too few for an Army . From thence he writes his Letters to the Earl of Warwick , to the rest of the Lords , as also to the Lord Mayour , and City of London , of whom he demanded a supply of a thousand men for the present service of the King. But that Proud City , seldom true to the Royal Interess , and secretly obsequious to every popular Pretender , seemed more inclinable to gratifie the Lords in the like Demands , then to comply with his Desires . The News hereof being brought unto him , and finding that Master Secretary Peter , whom he had sent with a secret Message to the Lords in London , returned not back unto the Court , be presently flung up the Cards : either for want of Courage to play out the Game ; or rather choosing willingly to lose the Set , then venture the whole Stock of the Kingdom on it . So that , upon the first coming of some of the opposite Lords to Windsore , he puts himself into their hands : by whom , on the fourteenth day of the same Moneth , he is brought to London , and committed Prisoner to the Tower ; pitied the less , even by those that loved him , because he had so tamely betrayed himself . The Duke of Sommerset ▪ no longer to be called Protectour , being thus laid up ; a Parliament beginneth ( as the other two had done before ) on the fourth of November . In which there passed two Acts of especial consequence , ( besides the Act for removing all Images out of the Church , and calling in all Books of false and superstitious Worship , before-remembred , ) to the concernments of Religion . The first declared to this Effect ; That Such form , and manner of making , and Consecrating Arch-Bishops , and Bishopt , Priests , Deacons , and other Ministers of the Church , as by six Prelates , and six other Learned Men of this Realm , learned in God's Law , by the King to be appointed and assigned , or by the most number of th●m , shall be devised for that purpose , and set forth under the Great Seal , before the First of April next coming , shall be lawfully exercised , and used , and no other . The number of the Bishops , and the Learned Men , which are appointed by this Act , assure me , that the King made choice of the very same ; whom he had formerly imployed in composing the Liturgie ; the Bishop of Chichester being left out , by reason of his Refractoriness in not subscribing to the same . And they accordingly applyed themselves unto the Work , following therein the Rules of the Primitive Church , as they are rather recapitulated ▪ then ordained , in the fourth Councel of Carthage , Anno 401. Which , though but National in it self , was generally both approved , and received ( as to the Form of Consecrating Bishops , and inferiour Ministers ) in all the Churches of the West . Which Book , being finished , was made use of , without further Authority , till the year 1552. At what time , being added to the second Liturgie , it was approved of , and confirmed , as a part thereof , by Act of Parliament , An. 5. Edw. 6. cap. 1. And of this Book it is , we finde mention in the 36th . Article of Queen Elizabeth's Time. In which it is Declared ; That , Whosoever w●re Consecrated , and Ordered , according to the Rites thereof , should be reputed , and adjudged to be lawfully Consecrated , and rightly Ordered . Which Declaration of the Church was afterwards made good by Act of Parliament , in the eighth year of that Queen : in which the said Ordinal , of the third of King EDVVARD the Sixth , is confirmed , and ratified . The other of the said two Acts was , For enabling the King to nominate Eight ( Bishops , as many Temporal Lords , and sixteen Members of the Lower House of Parliament : for reviewing all such Canons , and Constitutions , as remained in force , by Virtue of the Statute made in the 25th . year of the late King HENRY ; and fitting them for the Vse of the Church , in all Times succeeding . According to which Act , the King directed a Commission to Arch-Bishop Cranmer , and the rest of the Persons , whom he thought fit to nominate to that imployment . And afterwards appointed a Sub-Committee of eight Persons , to prepare the Work , & make it ready for the rest ; that it might be dispatched with the more expedition : which said eight persons were , the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ▪ Doctour Thomas Goodrick , Bishop of El● ; Doctour Richard Cox , the King's Almoner ; and Peter Martyr , Doctour in Divinity ; William May , and Rowland Taylour , Doctours of the Laws ; John Lucas , and Richard Goodrick , Esquires . By whom the Work was undertaken , and digested , fashioned according to the Method of the Romane Decretals ; and called by the Name of Reformati● Legum Ecclesiasticarum , &c. But not being Commissionated hereunto , till the eleventh of November in the year 1551 , they either wanted time to communicate it to the chief Commissioners , by whom it was to be presented to the K●ng : or found the King encumbred with more weighty matters ; then to attend the pe●●sal of it . And so the King dying ( as he did ) before he had given life unto it by his Royal Signature , the Design miscarried : never thought fit to be resumed in the following Times , by any of those ; who had the Government of the Chu●ch , or were concerned in the Honour , and Safety of it . There also passed another Act , in Order to the Peace of the Common-Wealth , but especially procu●ed by the Agents of the Duke of Sommerset ; the better to secure him from all Attempts , and Practices , for the Times ensuing ; by which his Life might be illegally endangered . The purport of which Act was , to make it High Treason , for any twelve Persons , or above , assembled together , to kill , or imprison any of the King's Council ; or alter any Laws ; or continue together the space of an hour , being Commanded to return by any Justice of the Peace , Mayour , Sheriff , &c. Which Act , intended by his Friends for his Preservation , was afterwards made use of by his Enemies , for the onely means of his Destruction ; deferred a while , but still resolved upon , when occasion served . It w●s not long before Earl Dudly might perceive ; that he had served other mens Tur●s against the Duke , as well as his own : and that , having served their Turns therein , he ●ound no such forwardness in them , for raising him unto the Place . They were all willing enough to unhorse the Duke ; but had no mind , that such a rank Rider ▪ as the Earl , should get into the Saddle . Besides , he was not ●o be told ; that there was nothing to be charged against the Duke , which could touch his life ; that so many men , of d●fferent Humours , were not like to hold ●ong in a Plot together , now their Turns were served ; that the Duk●'s Friends could not be so dull , as not to see the emptiness of the Practice ▪ which was forged against him ; nor the King so forgetfull of his Uncle , when the Truth was known , as not to raise him up again to his former height : it therefore would be fittest for his ends , and purposes , to close up the Breach , to set the Du●e at Liberty , from his Imprisonment ; but so to order the Affair , that the Benefit should be acknowledged to proceed from himself alone . But first , the Duke must so acknowlege his Offences ; that his Adversaries might come off with Honour . In Order whereunto , he is first Articled against , for many Crimes and Misdemeanours , rather imputed to him , then proved against him . And unto all these he must be laboured to subscribe , acknowledging the Offences contained in them ; to beg the Favour of the Lords , and cast himself upon his Knees , for his Majestie 's Mercy . All which he very poorly did , subscribing his Confession on the twenty third of December . Which he subjoyned unto the Articles , and so returned it to the Lords . Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 4 o. An. Dom. 1549 , 1550. THe Lords , thus furnished with sufficient matter for a Legal Proceeding ▪ condemned him , by a Sentence passed in the House of Peers , unto the Loss of all his Offices ; of Earl Marshal , Lord Treasurer , and Lord Protectour : as also to ●he Forfeiture of all his Goods , and near two thousand pounds of good yearly Rents . Which being signified unto him , he acknowledged himself , in his Letter of the second of February , to be highly ●avoured by their Lordships ; in that they brought his Cause to be Finable . Which Fine , though it was to him almost unsupportable , yet he did never purpose to contend with them , nor once to justifie himself in any Action . He confess'd , That , being none of the wisest , he might easily err : that it was hardly possible for any man , in Eminent place , so to carry himself ; that all his Actings should be blameless in the eye of Justice . He therefore submitted himself wholly to the King's Mercy ; and to their Discretions , for some Moderation : desiring them , to conceive of what he did amiss ; as rather done through Rudeness , and want of Judgment ▪ then through any malicious Meaning : and , that he was ready both to do , and suffer , what they should appoint . And finally , he did again , most humbly , upon his Knees , intreat Pardon , and Favour ; and they should ever finde him so lowly to their Honours , and Obedient to their Orders , as he would thereby make Amends for his former Follies . By which Submission ( it may be called an Abjectedness rather ) as he gave much secret Pleasure to the most of his Adversaries : so he gained so far upon the King ; that he was released of his Imprisonment on the fourth day after . And by his Majestie 's Grace , and Favour , he was discharged of his Fine : his Goods , and Lands , being again restored unto him ; except such , as had been given away : either the malice of his Enemies being somewhat appeased , or wanting power , and credit , to make Resistance . This great Oak being thus shrewdly shaken , there is no doubt , but there will be some gathering up of the Sticks , which were broken from him , and somewhat must be done , as well to gratifie those men , which had served the Turn , as to inclin● others to the like Propensions . And therefore upon Candlemas●-Day , being the d●y , on which he had made his humble Submission before-mentioned , William Lord St. John , Lord Great Master , and President of the Council , is made Lord Treasurer ; John Dudley , Earl of Warwick , Lord High Chamberlain , is preferred to the Office of Lord Great Master ; the Marquess of North-hampton created Lord High Chamberlain ; Sir Anthony Wingfield , Captain of the Guard , is made Comptroller of the King's House , in the place of Sir William Paget ▪ ( of whom more anon ) and Sir Thomas Darcie advanced to the Office of Vice-Chamberlain , and Captain of his Majestie 's Guard. And , though the Earls of Arundel , and Sou●●-hampton , had been as forward as any of the rest , in the Duke's destruction ; yet now , upon some Court-displeasures , they were commanded to their Houses , and dismissed from their Attendance at the Council-Table : the Office of Lord Chamberlain of his Majestie 's Houshold being taken from the Earl of Arundel , and bestowed on Wentworth , ennobled by the Title of Lord Wentworth , in the first year of the King. Some Honours had been given before , between the time of the Duke's Acknowledgment , and the Sentence passed on him by the Lords ; and so disposed ▪ that none of the Factions might have any ground for a Complaint . One of each side being taken out for these Advancements . For , on the nineteenth day of January , William Lord St. John , a most affectionate Servant to the Earl of Warwick , was preferred unto the Title of Earl of Wiltshire ; the Lord Russell , who had made himself the Head of those ; which were engaged on neither side , was made Earl of Bedford ; and Sir William Paget , Comptroller of his Majestie 's Houshold , who had persisted faithfull to the Lord Protectour , advanced to the Dignity of a Baron , and not long after to the Chancellour-ship of the Dutchy of Lancaster . Furnished with Offices , and Honours , it is to be presumed , that they would finde some way to provide themselves of sufficient Means , to maintain their Dignities . The Lord Wentworth , being a younger Branch of the Wentworths of Yorkshire , had brought some Estate with him to the Court ; though not enough , to keep him up in Equipage , with so great a Title . The want whereof was supplied in part , by the Office of Lord Chamberlain , now conferred upon him ; but more by the goodly Manours of Stebun●th ( commonly called Stepney ) and Hackney , bestowed upon him by the King , in consideration of the Good and Faithfull Services before performed . For so it happened , that the D●an and Chapter of St. Paul's , lying at the Mercy of the Times , as before was said , conveyed over to the King the said two Manours , on the twelfth day after Christm●ss , now last past , with all the Members and Appertenances thereunto belonging . Of which , the last named was valued at the yearly rent of 41. pounds , 9. ● ▪ 4 ▪ d. The other at 140. pounds , 8 ▪ ● . 11. ● . ob . And , being thus vested in the King they were by Letters Patents , bearing Date the sixteenth of April , then next following , transferred upon the said Lord VV●ntworth . By means whereof , he was possessed of a goodly Territory , extending on the Thames , from St. Katharine's near the Tower of London , to the Borders of Essex , near Black-wall ; from thence along the River Le● to Stratford le Bow : and , fetching a great compass on that side of the City , contains in all no fewer , then six and twenty Town-ships , Streets , and Hamlets ; besides such Rows of Building , as have since been added in these later Times . The like provision was made by the new Lord P●get , a Londoner by Birth , but by good Fortune , mixed with Merit ▪ preferred by degrees , to be one of the Principal Secretaries to the late King Henry : by whom he was employed in many Embassies , and Negotiations . Being thus raised , and able to set up for himself , he had his share in the division of the Lands of Chantery , Free-Chapels , &c. and got into his hands the Episcopal House , belonging to the Bishop of Exeter , by him enlarged , and beautified , and called Paget-House ▪ sold afterwards to Robert , Earl of Leicester : from whom it came to the late Earls of Essex , and from them took the name of Essex-House , by which it is now best known . But being a great House is no● able to keep it self ▪ he played his Game so well ; that he got into his possession the Manour of Beau-desart ( of which he was created Baron ) and many other fair Estates ▪ in the County of Stafford ; belonging partly to the Bishop , and partly to the Dean and Cha●ter of Lichfield : neither of which was able to contend with so great a Courtier , who held the See , and had the Ear of the Protectour , and the King 's to boot . What other Course he to●k to improve his Fortunes , we shall see hereafter ; when we come to the last part of the Tragedy of the Duke of Sommerset . For Sommerset , having gained his Liberty , and thereby being put into a Capacity of making use of his Friends , found Means to be admitted to the King's Presence : by whom he was not onely welcomed with all the kind Expressions of a Gracious Prince , and made to sit down at his own Table ; but the same day ( the eighth of April ) he was again sworn one of the Lords of the Privy Council . This was enough to make Earl Dudly look about him , and to pretend a Reconciliation with him for the present ; whom he meant first to make secure , and afterwards strike the last blow at him , when he least look'd for it . And , that the knot of Amity might be tyed the faster , and last the longer , ( a True-Loves-Knot it must be thought or else nothing worth ) a Marriage was n●gotiated between John Lord Viscount L'isle , the Earl's Eldest Son , and the Lady Ann Seimour , one of the Daughters of the Duke ; which Marriage was joyfully solemnized on the third of June , at the King's Mannour-House of Sh●●e ; the King himself gracing the Nuptials with his Presence . And now , who could imagine , but that , upon the giving of such Hostages unto one another , a most inviolable League of Friendship had been made between them ; and that , all Animosities and Displeasures being quite forgotten , they would more powerfully Co-operate to the publick Good ? But , leaving them , and their Ad●erents , to the dark Contrivances of the Court , we must leave England for a time , and see how our Affairs succeeded on the other side of the Sea. Where , in the middle of the former Dissensions , the French had put us to the Worst in the way of Arms , and after got the Better in a Treaty of Peace . They had , the last year , taken in all the Out-works , which seemed the strongest Rampar●s , of the Town of Bulloign ; but had not strength enough to venture on the Town it self ; provided plentifully of all necessaries to endure a Siege , and bravely Garisoned by men of too much Courage , and Resolution , to give it up upon a Summons . Besides , they came to understand , that the English were then Practicing with Charles the Emperour , to associate with them in the War , according to some former Capitulations made between those Crowns . And , if they found such D●ffi●ulties , in maintaining the War against either of them , when they fought singly by themselves , there was no hope of any good Success against them , should they unite , and poure their Forces into France . Most true it is ; that , after such time , as the French had bid Defiance to the King ; and that the King , by reason of the Troubles and Embroilments at home , was not in a Condition to attend the Affairs of France , Sir William Paget was sent Ambassadour to Charles the Fifth to desire Succour of Him , and to lay before Him the Infancy , and several Necessities of the young King , being then in the twelfth year of His Age. This desire when the Emperour had refused to hearken to , they besought Him ; that he would , at the least , be pleased to take into His Hands , the keeping of the Town of Bulloign : and that , for no longer time , then untill King EDVVARD could make an End of the Troubles of His Subjects at home ▪ and compose the Discords of the Court , which threatned more Danger then the other . To which Request He did not onely refuse to hearken ; except the King would promise to restore the Catholick Religion as He called it , in all His Dominions ; but expresly commanded , that , neither His Men , no● Ammunition , should go to the Assistance of the English. An Ingratitude not easie to be marked with a fitting Epithete : considering what fast Friends the Kings of England had alwaies been to the House of Burgundy , the Rights whereof remained in the person of Charles ; with what sums of Money they had helped them ; and what sundry Way● they had made for them , both in the Nether-Lands to maintain their Authority , and in the Realm of France it self , to increase their Power . For , from the Marriage of Maximilian , of the Family of Austri● , with the Lady Mary of Burgundy , ( which happened in the year 1478. ) unto the Death of Henry the Eight , ( which fell in the year 1546 ) are just threescore and eight years . In which time onely , it was found , on a just account , that it had cost the Kings of England , at the least , six Millions of Pounds , in the meer Quarrels of that House . But the French , being more assured , that the English held some secret Practice with the Emperour , then certain what the Issue thereof might be , resolved upon a Peace with EDVVARD : in hope of getting more by Treaty , then he could by Force . To this end one Guidolti , a Florentine , is sent for England : by whom many Overtures were made to the Lords of the Council ; not as from the King , but from the Constable of France . And spying with a nimble Eye , that all Affairs were governed by the Earl of Warwick , he resolved to buy him to the French , at what price soever : and so well did he ply the Business ; that , at the last , it was agreed , that four Ambassadours should be sent to France from the King of England ; to treat with so many others of that Kingdom , about a Peace between the Crowns : but that the Treaty it self should be held in Guisnes , a Town belonging to the English , in the Marches of Calice . In pursuance whereof , the Earl of Bedford , the new Lord Paget , Sir William Peter , Principal Secretary of Estate , and Sir John Mason , Clerk of the Council , were , on the twenty first of January , dispatched for France . But no sooner were they come to Calice , when Guidol●i brings a Letter to them from Mounsieur d' Rochpot , one of the four , which were appointed for that Treaty , in behalf of the French. In which , it was desired , that the English Ambassadours would repair to the Town of Bulloign , without putting the French to the Charge , and Trouble , of so long a Journey , as to come to Guisnes . Which being demurred on by the English , and a Post sent unto the Court , to know the pleasure of the Council in that particular : they received word , ( for so the Oracle had directed ) that they should not stand upon Punctilioes , so they gained the point ; nor hazard the Substance of the Work , to preserve the Circumstances . According whereunto , the Ambassadours removed to Bulloign , and pitch'd their Tents without the Town , as had been desired , for the Reception of the French : that so they might enter on the Treaty , for which they came . But then a new D●fficulty appeared : for the French would not cross the Water , and put themselves under the Command of Bulloign ; but desired rather , that the English would come over to them , and fall upon the Treaty in an House , which they were then preparing for their Entertainment . Which being also yielded to , after some Disputes : the French grew confident , that , after so many Condescensions on the part of the English , they might obtain from them what they li●ted , in the main of the Business . For , though it cannot otherwise be , but that in all Treaties of this Nature , there must be some Condescendings made by the one , or the other : yet he , that yields the first inch of Ground , gives the other Party a strong Hope of obtaining the rest . These Preparations being made , the Commissioners , on both sides , begin the Treaty : where , after some Expostulations , touching the Justice , or Injustice of the War , on either side , they came to particular Demands . The English required the payment of all Debts , and Pensions , concluded on between the two Kings deceased : and , that the Queen of Scots should either be delivered to their Hands , or sent back to Her Kingdom . But unto this the French replyed ; That the Queen of Scots was designed in Marriage to the Daulphin of France : and , that She looked upon it , as an high Dishonour , that their King should be esteemed a Pensioner , or Tributary to the Crown of England . The French , on the other side , propounded : That , all Arrears of Debts , and Pensions , being thrown aside , as not likely to be ever paid , they should either put the higher Price on the Town of Bulloign ; or else prepare themselves to keep it , as well as they could . From which Proposals when the French could not be removed , the Oracle was again consulted : by whose Direction , it was ordered in the Council of England ▪ That the Commissioners should conclude the Peace , upon such Articles , and Instructions , as were sent unto them : Most of them ordinary , and accustomed , at the winding up of all such Treaties . But that of most Concernment was ; That , all Titles , and Claims on the one side , and Defences on the other , remaining to either Party , as they were before , the Town of Bulloign , with all the Ordnance found there at the taking of it , should be delivered to the French , for the Sum of four hundred thousand Crowns of the Sun. Of which four hundred thousand Crowns , ( each Crown being valued at the Price of six Shillings , and six Pence , ) one Moity was to be paid , within three days after the Town should be delivered , and the other at the end of six Moneths after ; Hostages to be given in the mean time for the payment of it . It was agreed also , in relation to the Realm of Scotland ; That , if the Scots razed Lowder , and Dowglass , the English should raze Rox-borough , and Aymouth ; and no Fortification in any of those places to be afterwards made . Which Agreement being signed by the Commissioners of each side , and Hostages mutually delivered for performance of Covenants , Peace was Proclaimed between the Kings on the last of March : and the Town of Bulloign , with all the Forts depending on it , delivered into the power of the French , on the twenty fifth day of April , then next following . But they must thank the Earl of Warwick , for letting them go away with that commodity at so cheap a Rate : for which the two last Kings had bargained for no less , then two Millions of the same Crowns , to be paid unto the King of England , at the end of eight years ; the Towns , and Territory , in the mean time to remain with the English. Nor was young Edward backward in rewarding his Care , and Diligence , in expenditing the Affair . Which was so represented to him , and the extraordinary Merit of the Service so highly magnified ; that he was made General Warden of the North , gratified with a thousand Marks of good Rent in Land , and the Command of an hundred Hors-men at the King's Charge . Such is the Fortune of some Princes , to be most Bountifull to those , who are falsest to them . Guidolti also was rewarded with Knighthood , a Present of a thousand Crowns , and an Annual Pension of as much , to maintain his Honour ; besides a Pension of two hundred and fifty Crowns per annum , which was given to his Son. What R●compense he had of the Crown of France I have no where found ; but have good Reason to believe , that he did not serve their Turn for nothing . Great Care was also taken , for the preventing of such Disorders , as the dissolving of great Garisons , and the disbanding of Armies , do for the most part carry with them . And to this end the Lord Clinton , Governour of the Town , and Territo●y of Bulloign , was created Lord Admiral ; the Officers , and Captains , rewarded with Lands , Leases , Offices , and Annual Pensions ; all foreign Forces satisfied , and sent out of the Kingdom ; the Common Souldiers , having all their Pay , and a Moneths-Pay over , dismissed into their several Countries , and great Charge given , that they should be very well observed , till they were quietly settled at home ▪ the Light-Hors-men , and Men-at-Arms , put under the Command of the Marquess of North hampton , then being Captain of the Band of Pensioners ; and finally some of the Chief Captains , with six hundred Ordinaries , disposed of on the Frontiers of Scotland . All Things thus quieted at Home , and composed Abroad , in reference to the Civil State ; we must next see how Matters went , which concerned Religion : all Parties making use of the Publick Peace for the advancing of their Private , and particular Ends. And the first Matter of Remark , which occurs this year , is the Burning of John Butcher , ( by others called John Knell , but generally best known by the Name of Joan of Kent ) condemned for Heresie in the year last past , about the time , that so many Anabaptists were convented in the Church of Saint Paul , before Arch-Bishop Cranmer , and his Assistants : whereof mention hath been made already . Her Crime was , That she denied Christ to have tak●n Fl●sh from the Virgin Mary ; affirming ( as the Valentinians did of old ) that he onely passed through her Body , as Water through the Pipe of a Conduit , without participating any thing of that Body , through which He passed . Great Care was taken , and much Time spent , by the Arch-Bishop to perswade her to a better sence : but , when all failed , and that he was upon the Point of passing Sentence upon her , for persisting obstinate in so gross an Heresie , she most maliciously reproached him , for passing the like Sentence of Condemnation on another Woman , called Ann A●kew , for denying the Carnal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament ▪ telling him , That he had condemned the said Ann A●kew not long before for a piece of Bread , and was then ready to condemn her for a piece of Flesh. But being convicted , and delivered over to the Secular Judges , she was by them condemned to be burnt ; but no Execution done upon it , till this present year . The Interval was spent in using all Means for her Conversion , and amendment ; which as it onely seemed to confirm her in her former Obstinacy : so it was found to have given no small encouragement to others , for entertaining the like dangerous , and un-Christian Errours . His Majesty was therefore moved to sign the Warrant for her Death . To which when the Lords of the Council could by no means win Him : the Arch-Bishop is desired to per●wade Him to it . The King continued both in Reason , and Resolution , as before He did , notwithstanding all the Arch-Bishop's Arguments to perswade the contrary : the King affirming , that He would not drive her headlong to the Devil , and thinking it better to cha●tise her with some corporal Punishment . But , when the Gravity , and Importunity of the Man had prevailed at last , the King told him , as He signed the Warrant , that upon him He would lay all the Charge thereof , before God. Which Words of His declare sufficiently His Aversness from having any hand in shedding of that Womans Blood , how justly soever she deserved it . But that the Arch-Bishop's Earnestness , in bringing her to exemplary Punishment , should contract any such guilt in the sight of God , as to subject him to the like cruel Death , within few years after ( as some would bear the World in hand ) is a Surmise , not to be warranted by any Principle of Piety , or Rule of Charity . The Warrant being signed , and the Writ for Execution Sealed ; she was kept a whole Week before her Death , at the Lord Chancellour's House , daily resorted to , both by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and the Bishop of London ; who spared no pains to bring her to a ●ight belief in that Particular . But the same Spirit of Obstinacy still continued with her , and held her to the very last . For , being brought to the Stake in Smithfield , on the second of May , Dr. Sco●y ( not long after made Bishop of Rechester ) was desired to Preach unto the People ; who insisting on the proof of that Point , for denyal whereof the obstinate Wretch had been condemned , she interrupted him , and told him with a very loud Voice ; that , He lied like &c. And so , the Sermon being ended , the Executioner was commanded to do his Office , which he did accordingly . And yet this terrible Execution did not so prevail , as to extirpate , and exterminate the like impiou● Do●ages ; though it suppressed them for a time . For , on the twenty ●ourth of April , in the year next foll●wing ▪ I finde one George Paris , a Dutch man , to have been burnt for Arianism in the very same place . Better Success had John à Lasco , a Polonian born , with his Congregation of Germans , and other Strangers , who took Sanctuary this year in England ; hoping , that here they might enjoy that Liberty of Conscience , and Safety for their Goods , and Persons , which their own Countrey had denyed them . Nor did they fall short in any thing , which their Hopes had promised them . For the Lords of the Council looking on them , as affl●cted Strangers , and persecuted for the same Religion , which was here professed , interceded for them with the King. And He as Gracio●sly vouchsafed to give them , both Entertainment , and Protection ; assigned them the West-part of the Church , belonging to the late dissolved House of Augustine● Friers , for the Exercise of Religious Duties : made th●m a Corporation , consisting of a Super-intendent , and four other Ministers ; with power , to fill the vacant Places by a new Succession , whensoever any of them should be void by Death , or otherwise the Parties by them chosen to be approved by the King , and Council . And this he did , with a Command to the Lord M●your of London , the Alderme● , and Sheriffs thereof ; as also to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and all other Bishops of this Realm not to disturb them , either in the Free Exercise of their Religion , and Ecclesi●stical Government ; notwithstanding , that they differed from the Government , and Forms of Worship , Established in the Church of England . All which , and more , He grants by His Letters Patents , bearing Date at L●ez ( the Lord Chancellour's House ) on the twenty fourth of July , and the fourth year of His Re●gn . Which Grant , though in it self an Act of most 〈◊〉 Compassion , in respect of those Strangers , yet proved the occasion of no small disturbance to the Proceedings of the Church , and the quiet ordering o● the State ; for , by suffering these men , to live under another kind of Government , and to Worship God after other Forms , then those allowed of by the Laws , proved in effect the 〈◊〉 up of one Altar against another in the midst of the Church , and the erecting ●f a Common-Wealth in the midst of the Kingdom . So much the more unfortunately pe●●itted in this present Conjuncture , when such a Rep●ure began to appear amongst our selves , as was made wider by the coming in of these Dutch Reformer● , and the Indulgence granted to them : as will appear by the foll●wing Story of John Hooper , designed to the Bishoprick of Glocester ; which in br●ef was this . John Hooper ▪ the designed Bishop of Glocester , being bred in Oxford , studious in the Holy Scriptures , and well-affected unto those Beginnings of the Reformation , whi●h had been countenanced by King Henry , about the time of the Six Articles , found himself so much in danger , as put upon him the necessity of forsaking the Kingdom . Settling himself at Zurich , a Town of Switzerland , he acquaints himself with Bulli●ger , a Scholar , in those Times , of great Name ▪ and Note : and , having stai●d there , till the Death of King Henry , he returned into England ; bringing with him some very strong Affections to the Nakendness of the Zuinglian , or Helvetian Churches : though differing in Opinion from them in some Points of Doctrine ; and more especially in that of Predestination . In England , by his constant Preaching , and learned Writings , he grew into great Favour , and Esteem , with the Earl of Warwick ; by whose procurement , the King most Graciously bestowed upon him , without any seeking of his own , the Bishoprick of Glocester ; which was then newly void , by the Death of Wakeman , the last Abbot of 〈◊〉 , and the first Bishop of that See. Having received the King's Letters Patents for his Preferment to that Place , he applies himself to the Arch-Bishop for his Consecration : concerning which there grew a difference between them . For the Arch-Bishop would not Consecrate him ▪ but in such an Habit , which Bishops were required to wear by the Rules of the Church : and Hooper would not take it , upon such Conditions . Repairing to his Patron , the Earl of Warwick , he obtains from him a Letter to the Arch-Bishop ; desiring a forbearance of those things , in which the Lord Elect of Glocester did crave to be forborne at his hands ; implying also , that it was the King's desire , as well as his , that such forbearance should be used . It was desired also , that he would not charge him with any Oath , which seemed to be burthenous to his Conscience . For the El●ct Bishop , as it seems , had boggled also at the Oath of paying Can●nical Obedience to his Metropolitan ; which by the Laws , then , and still in force , he was bound to take . But the Arch-Bishop still persisting in the Denyal , and being well seconded by Bishop Ridley of London , ( who would by no meanes yield unto it ) the King himself was put upon the business by the Earl of VVarwick ; who thereupon wrote to the Arch-Bishop this ensuing Letter . RIght-Reverend Father , and Right-Trusty , and VVell-Beloved , VVe Greet you well . VVhereas VVe , by the Advice of Our Council , have Calaen , and Chosen Our Right-VVell-Beloved , and VVell-VVorthy , Mr. John Hooper , Professour of Divinity , to be Our Bishop of Glocester : as well for his Great Learning , Deep Judgment , and Long Study , both in the Scriptures , and other Profound Learning ; as also for his Good Discretion , Ready Vtterance , and Honest Life for that kind of Vocation ; &c. From Consecrating of whom VVe understand you do stay , because he would have you omit , and let pass certain Rights , and Ceremonies , offensive to his Conscience ▪ whereby you think you should fall in Praemunire of Our Laws : VVe have thought Good , by Advice afore-said , to dispence , and discharge you of all manner of Dangers , Penalties , and Forfeitures , you should run into , and be in , in any manner of way , by omitting any of the same . And this Our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant , and Discharge therefore . Given under Our Signet , at Our Castle of Windsore , the fifth day of August , in the fourth year of Our Reign . This Gracious Letter notwithstanding , the two Bishops , wisely taking into consideration , of what Danger , and Ill Consequence , the Example was , humbly craved leave , not to obey the King against his Laws : and the Earl , finding little hope of prevailing in that suit , which would not be granted to the King , leaves the new Bishop to himself ; who , still persisting in his Obstinacy , and wilfull Humour , was finally for his Disobedience , and Contempt , committed Prisoner ; and , from the Prison , writes his Letters to Martin Bucer , and Peter Martyr , for their Opinion in the Case . From the last of which , who had declared himself no friend to the English Ceremonies , he might presume of some Encouragement ; but , that he had any from the first , I have no where found . The contrary whereunto will appear by his Answer unto John à Lasco ▪ in the present Case ; whereof more anon . In which condition of Affairs , Calvin addresseth his Letters to the Lord Protect●ur , whom he desireth to lend the man an * helping hand , and extricate him out of those Perplexities , into which he was cast . So that , at last , the Differences were thus compromised ; that is to say , That Hooper should receive his Consecration , attired in his Episcopal Robes ; that he should be dispensed withall ▪ from wearing it at ordinary times , as his dayly Habit : but that he should be bound to use it , when soever he Preached before the King , in his own Cathedral , or any other place of like Publick Nature . According to which Agreement , being appointed to Preach before the King , he shewed himself apparelled in his Bishop's Robes : namely , a long Scarlet Chimere , reaching down to the ground , for his upper Garment , ( changed in Queen Elizabeth's Time , to one of Black Satten ) and under that a white Linen Rochet , with a Square Cap upon his head ; which Fox reproacheth by the name of a Popish Attire , and makes to be a great cause of Shame , and Contumeli● , to that Godly man. And possibly it might be thought so , at that time , by Hooper himself ; who from thenceforth carried a strong Grudg against Bishop Ridley , the principal man , as he conceived , ( and that not untruly ) who had held him up so closely to such hard Conditions : not fully reconciled unto him , till they were both ready for the Stake ; and then it was high time to lay aside those Animosities , which they had hereupon conceived on against another . But these thing● happened not , ( I mean his Consecration , and his Preaching before the King ) till March next following ; and then we may hear further of him . And thus we have the first beginning of that Opposition , which hath continued ever since against the Liturgie it self , the Cap , and Surplice , and other Rites , and Vsages of the Anglican Church . Which Differences , being thus begun , were both fomented , and increased , by the Pragmaticalness of John à Lasco , Opposite , both in Government , and Forms of Worship , ( if not perhaps in Doctrine also ) to the Church of England . For John à Lasco not content to enjoy those Privileges , which were intended for the use of those Strangers onely , so far abused His Majestie 's goodness , as to appear in favour of the Zuinglian , or Calvinian Faction , which then began more openly to shew it self , against the Orders of the Church . For , first ▪ he publisheth a Book , entituled , Forma , & ratio totius Ecclesiastici Ministerii : Wherein he maintains the Use of Sitting at the Holy Communion ; contrary to the Laudable Custome of the Church of England , but much to the Encouragement of all those , who impugned her Orders . A Controversie , unhappily moved by Bishop Hooper , concerning the Episcopal Habit , was presently propagated amongst the rest of the Clergy , touching Caps , and Surplices . And in this 〈◊〉 John à La●co must needs be one : not onely countenancing those , who refused to wear them ; but writing unto Martin Bucer , to declare against them For which severely reprehended by that Moderate and Learned Man ▪ and all his Cavils , and Objections very solidly Answered ; which being sent to him , in the way of Letter , was afterwards Printed , and dispersed , for keeping down that Opposite Humour , which began then to overswell the Banks , and threatned to bear all before it . And by this Passage we may rectifie a Mistake , or a Calumny rather , in the Altare Damascenum . The Authour whereof makes Martin Bucer Peremptory , in refusing to wear the Square Cap , when he lived in Cambridg ; and to give this simple Reason for it ; That he could not wear a Square Cap , since his Head was Round . But I note this onely by the way , to shew the Honesty of those men , which erected that Altar : and return again to John à Lasco ; who , being born in Poland ▪ where Sitting at the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper had been used by the Arians ; ( who looking no otherwise on Christ , then their Elder Brother , might think it was no Robbery at all to be equal with Him , and sit down with Him at His Table ) what he learned there , he desired might be Practiced here , the better to conform this Church to the Polish Conventicles . As for the other Controversie about Caps , and Surplices ; though it found no Encouragement from Martin Bucer ; yet it received no small countenance from Peter Martyr . For in a Letter of his , of the first of July , inscribed Vnto a nameless Friend , who had desired his Judgement in it , he first declares , according to the very Truth ; That , being indifferent in themselves , they could make no man , of themselves , to be either Godly ▪ or Vngodly , by the use , or forbearance of them : but then he addeth , That , ( * ) He thinks it most Expedient to the Good of the Church ; that they , and all others of that kind , should be taken away , when the next convenient Opportunity should present it self . And then he gives this Reason for it : That , Where such Ceremonies were so stifly contended for , which were not warranted , and supported , by the Word of God ; there commonly men were less sollicitous of the Substance of Religion , then they were of the Circumstances of it . But he might well have spared his Judgement , which had so visibly appeared in his dayly Practice . For he hath told us of himself , ( in one of his Epistles , bearing Date at Zurick , the fourth of November , 1559. being more then five years , after he had left this Kingdom ; ) That , ( * ) He had never used the Surplice , when he lived in Oxford , though he were then a Canon of Christ-Church , and frequently present in the Quire. So that , between the Authority of Peter Martyr on the one side , and the Pragmaticalness of John à Lasco on the other , many were drawn from their Obedience to the Rules of the Church , for the time then present , and a ground laid for more Confusions , and Disturbances in the time to come . The Regular Clergy , in those days , appeared not , commonly , out of their own Houses ; but in their Priests Coats , with the Square Cap upon their Heads ; and , if they were of Note , and Eminency , in their Gowns , and Tippets . This Habit also is decryed for Superstitious ; affirmed to be a Popish Attire , and altogether as unfit for Ministers of the Holy Gospel , as the Chimere , and Rochet ▪ were for those ; who claimed to be the Successours of the Lord's Apostles , So Tyms replyed unto Bishop Gardiner , when , being asked , Whether a Coat , with Stockings of divers Colours , the upper part White , and the nether-stock Russet , ( in which Habit he appeared before him ) were a fit Apparel for a Deacon : ( which Office he had exercised in this Church ) he sawcily made Answer , That his Vesture did not so much vary from a Deacon's , as his Lordships did from that of an Apostle . The less to be admired in Tyms , in that I finde the like aversness from that Grave , and Decent Habit , in some other men : who were in Parts and Place above him ▪ For , while this Controversie was on Foot , between the Bishops and Clergy , about wearing Priests-Caps , and other Attire , belonging to their Holy Order , Mr. John Rogers , one of the Prebends of Saint Paul's , and Divinity-Reader of that Church , then newly returned from beyond the Seas , could never be perswaded to wear any other , then the Round Cap , when he went abroad . And , being further pressed unto it , he declared himself thus , That he would never agree to the point of Conformity : but on this Condition , that , if the Bishops did require the Cap , and Tipper , &c. then it should also be decreed , that all Popish Priests ( for a Distinction between them ▪ and others ) should be constrained to wear upon their Sleeves a Chalice , with an Host upon it . The like aversness is by some ascribed also to Mr. John Philpot , Arch-Deacon of Winchester , not long before returned from beyond the Seas ▪ as the other was , and s●ffering for Religion in Queen Marie's Days , as the other did . Who , being by his place a Member of the Convocation , in the first of Queen Mary , and required by the Prol●cutour to come apparelled , like the rest , in his Gown and Tippet , or otherwise to forbear the House , chose rather to accept of the last Condition , then to submit unto the former . But there was some thing else in the first Condition , which made him unwilling to accept it , and that was , That He must not speak , but when he was commanded by the Prolocutour . Which being so directly against the Customes of the House , and the Privileges of each Member of it ▪ he had good reason , rather to forbear his Presence ; then to submit himself , and consequently all the rest of the Members , to so great a Servitude . Such were the Effects of Calvin's Interposings in behalf of Hooper ; and such the Effects of his Exceptions against some Antient Usages in the Publick Liturgie ; and such the Consequents of the Indulgence granted to John a Lasco , and his Church of Strangers , opposite , both in Practice , and point of Judgment , to the established Rules , and Orders of the Church of England . For what did follow hereupon , but a continual multiplying of Disorders in all Parts of this Church ? What from the Sitting at the Sacrament , used , and maintained by John a Lasco : but first Irreverence in receiving , and afterwards a Contempt and dep●aving of it ? What from the crying down of the Sacred Vestments , and the Grave Habit of the Clergy : but first a Disesteem of the men themselves , and by Degrees a Vilifying and Contempt of their Holy Ministery ? Nay , such a p●ccancy of Humour began then manifestly to break out ; that it was Preached at Paul's Cross by one Sir Steven , ( for so they commonly called such of the Clergy , as were under the Degree of Doctour ) the Curate of Saint Katharine-Christ Church , That , it was fit the Names of Churches should be altered , and the Names of the Days in the Week changed ; That F●sh-days should be kept on any other days , then on Fridays , and Saturdays , and the Lent at any other time , except onely between Shrove●tide , and Easter . We are told also by John Stow , that he had seen the said Sir Steven to leave the Pulpit , and Preach to the People out of an high Elm , which stood in the middest of the Church-Yard ; and , that being done , to return into the Church again ; and leaving the High Altar , to sing the C●mmunion-Service upon a Tomb of the Dead , with ●is Face toward the North. Which is to be Observed the rather ; because Sir Steph●n hath found so many Followers in these later Times . For , as some of the 〈◊〉 sort have left the Church , to Preach in Woods , and Barns , &c. and , instead of the Names of the Old Days , and Moneths , can finde no other s●itle for them , then the First , Second , or Third Moneth of the Year , and the First , Second , or Third Day of the Week , &c. so was it propounded , not long since , by some State-Reform●rs : That the Lenten●Fast should be kept no longer , between Shrovetide and Ealster ; but rather ( by some Act or Ordinance , to be made for that purpose ) b●●wixt Easter and ▪ Whitsuntide . To such wild Fancies do men grow , when once they break those Bonds , and neglect those Rules , which wise Antiquity ordain●d , for the preservation of Peace , and Order . If it be asked , What , in the mean time , was become of the Bishops , and , Why no Care w●s t●ken for the purging of these Peccant Humours : It may be Answered ; That the Wings of their Authority had b●en so clipped that it was scarce able to fly ab●oad : the Se●t●nce of Excommunication ▪ wherewith they formerly kept in Aw both Priest , and People no● having been in Use , and Practice , since the first of this King. Whether it were , that any Command was lay'd upon the Bishops ; by which they were restrained from the Exercise of it : Or , that some other Course was in Agitation for drawing the Cognizance of all Ecclesiastical Causes to the Courts at Westminster : Or , that it was thought inconsistent with that Dreadful S●ntence , to be issued in the King's Name : ( as it had lately been appointed by Act of Parliament , ) it is not easie to determine . Certain it is , that , at this Time , it was in an Abeya●ce , ( as our Lawyers Phrase it ) either Abolish●d for the present , or of none Effect : not onely to the cherishing of these Disorders , amongst the Ministers of the Church ; but to the great encrease of Vic●ousness in all sorts of Men. So that it was not without cause ▪ that it was called for so earnestly by Bishop Latimer , in a Sermon Preached before the King , where he thus presseth for the Restitution of the Antient Discipline ; Lechery ( saith he ) is used in England , and such Lechery , as is used in no other Part of the World. And yet it is made a matter of Sport , a matter of Nothing , a Laughing matter , a Trifle , not to be Passed-on ▪ nor Reformed . Well , I trust it will be amended one day , and I hope to see it mended , as old as I am . Ana here I will make a Suit to your Highness , to restore unto the Church the D●scipline of Christ , in Excommunicating such , as be notable Offenders . Nor , never devise any other Way : for no man is able to devise any better , then that God hath done , with Excommunication to put them from the Congregation , till they be con●ounded . Therefore Restore Christ's Discipline , for Excommunication : and that shall be a mean , both to pacifie Go●'s Wrath , and Indignation ; and also , that less Abomination shall be used , then in Times past hath been , or is at this day . I speak this of a Conscience , and I mean to move it , of a Will , to Your Grace , and Your Realm . Bring into the Church of England , the Open Discipline of Excommunication ; that open Sinners may be striken with all . No● were these all the Mischiefs , which the Church suffered at this Time. Many of 〈◊〉 Nobility , and Gentry , wh●ch held Abbey-Lands , and were charged with Pensions to the Monks , out of a covetous Design to be freed of those Pensions , o● to discharge their Lands from those Incumbrances , which by that means were la●'d upon them , had placed them in such Benefices , as were in their Gifts . This fi●led the Church with ignorant and illiterate Priest● : few of the Monks being Learned beyond their Mass-Book , utterly unacquainted with the Art of Preaching , and otherwise not well-affected to the Reformation . Of which Abuse , Complaint is made by Calvin to Arch-Bishop Cranmer : and P●ter Martyr ( * ) much bemoaneth the miserable Condition of the Church , for want of Preachers ; though he touch not at the Reasons , and Causes of it . For the rem●dy whereof ( as Time , and Leasure would permit ) it was Ordained , by the Advice of the Lo●ds of the Council ; That , of the King's 〈◊〉 , Cha●lains , which attended in Ordinary , two of them sh●uld be always abo●t the Court , and the other four should Travail in Preaching abroad . The first year , two in Wales , and two in Lincolnshire ; the second year , two in the Marches of Scotland , and two in Yorkshire ; the third year , two in Devonshire , and two in Hampshire ; the fourth year , two in Norfolk , and two in Essex ; the fi●th year , two in Kent and two in Sussex : and so throughout all the Shires in England . By which means it was hoped , that the People might , in time , be well instructed in their Duty to God , and their Obedience to the Laws : in which they had not shewed themselves so forward ; as , of right , they ought . But this Course being like to be long in running , and subject to more Heats and Co●ds , then the nature of the Business could well comport with ; the next ca●e was , to fi●l the Church with Abler , and more Orthodox Clarks , as the Cures fell void . And , for an Example to the rest , it was Ordered ; That none should be presented unto any Benefice in the King's Donation ; either as in the Right of His Crown or by Promotion . Wardship , Lapse , &c. till he had Preached before the King ; and thereby passed H●s Judgment , and Approbation . And it was much about this time , that Sermons at the Court were increased also . For whereas formerly there were no Sermons at the Court , but in time of Lent ; and possibly on some ●ew of the greater Festivals ; in which re●pect six Chaplains were sufficient to attend in Ordinary : it was now Ordered ; That , from thenceforth , there should be Sermons every Sunday , for all such as were so disposed , to resort unto . But the Great business of this Year was the taking down of Altars , in many places , by the Publick Author●ty ; which in some few had formerly been pulled down , by the irregular forwardness of the Common People . The Principal Motive whereunto was , in the first place , the Opinion of some d●slikes , which had been taken by Calvin , against the Liturgie ; and the desire of those of the Zuinglian Faction , to reduce this Church unto the Nakedness and Simplicity , of those Transmarine Chu●ches , which followed the H●lve●ian , or Calvinian Forms . For the Advancement of which Work , it had been Preached by Hooper , above-mentioned , before the King , about the b●ginning of this year ; That , It would be very well , that it might please the Magistrate , to tu●n the Altars into Tables : according to the first Institution of Christ ; and thereby to take away the fal●e persw●sion of the People , which they have of Sacrifices to be done upon the Altars . Because ( said he ) as long as Altars remain , both the ignorant People , and the ignorant , and evill-perswaded Pri●st , will dream always of Sacrifice . This was ●nough ▪ to put the thoughts of the Alteration into the Head of some Great Men about the Court , who thereby promised themselves no small Hopes of Profit , by the disfurnishing of the Altars of the Hangings , Palls , Plate , and other Rich Vtensils ; which every Parish , more , or less , had provided for them . And that this Consideration might prevail upon th●m , as much , as any other , ( if perhaps not more ) may be collected from an E●quiry ▪ made about two years after . In which , it was to be interrogated ; What Jewels of Gold , and Silver , or Silver Crosses , Candl●sticks , Censers , Chalices , C●pes , and other V●stments , were then remaining , in any of the Cathedral , or Parochial Churches ; or otherwise had been embezelled , or taken away : the leaving ●f one Chalice to every Church , with a Cloath , or Covering , for the C●mmunion-Table , being thought sufficient . The matter being thus resolved on , a Letter comes to Bishop Ridley , in the name of the King , Signed with His Royal Signet , but Subscribed by Sommerset , and other of the Lords of the Council , concerning the taking down of Altars , and setting up Tables in the stead thereof . Which Letter , because it relates to somewhat , which was done before , in some of the Churches , and seems on●ly to pretend to an Vniformity in all the rest , I shall here subjoyn ; that b●ing the Chief Ground , on which so great an Alteration must be supposed to have been raised . Now the Tenour of the said Letter is , as followeth . RIght-Reverend Father in God , Right-Trusty , and Well-Beloved ; We Greet You well : Whereas it is c●me to ●ur Kn●wl●dge ; that being the Altars within the more part of the Churches of the Realm , upon Good and Godly Considerations , are tak●n down , there doth yet remain Altars , standing in divers other Churches ; by occasion whe●eof ●uch Vari●nce , and Contention , ariseth amongst sundry of Our Subjects ; which , if good Fo●e-sight were not had , might perhaps engen●er great Hurt , and Inconvenience : We let you wit ; that , minding to have all ●ccasions of 〈◊〉 taken away , which many times groweth by th●se , and s●ch l●ke Diversities and considering , that , amongst other thi●gs , belongi●g to Our 〈…〉 , an● Care , We do account the greatest to be , to m●intain the c●mmon Quiet of Our Re●lm ; We have thought Good , by the Advice of Ou● C●urcil , to req●ire You , and nevertheless especially to Charge , a●d C●mm●nd You , for the avoidi●g of all m●tters of further 〈…〉 about the standing , or ta●ing away of the said 〈◊〉 , to give 〈◊〉 Order th●●ughout all Your Diocess ; that , with al● Dil●gence , all the Altars , in every Church , or Chapel : as well in places Exempted ▪ as not Exempted , within Your said Dioce●s , be taken ●own ; and in stead of them , a Table to be set up , in some conven●ent part of the Chancel ▪ within every such Church , or Ch●p●l , to serve for the Ministration ●f the Bl●sted Communion . And , to the intent , the same may be done , without the Offence of such Our Loving Subjects , as be not , yet , so well perswaded in that behalf , as We ●ould wish , We send unto You herewith certain Considerations , Gathered , and Collected , that mak● for the purpose . The which , and such others , as You shall think meet , to be set forth to perswade the weak , to embrace Our Proc●edings in this pa●t , We pray You cause to be declared to the People by some discreet Preachers , in such places , as You shall thi●k ●eet , before the taking down of the said Altars : so , as both the weak Consciences of others m●y be instructed , and satisfied , as much as m●y be ▪ and this Our Pleasure the more quietly Executed . For the better doing whereof , We require You to open the fore●said Considerations , in that Our Cathedral Church in Your own Person if You conveniently may ; or , otherw●●e by Your Chancellour or other Grave Preacher , both there , and in such other Mark●t-Towns , and most Notable Places , of Your Diocess , as You may think most requisite . Which Letter , bearing Date on the twenty fourth of November , in the fourth year of the King , was Subscribed by t●e Duke of Sommerset , the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , the Lord Admiral Clinton , the Earls of Warwick , Bedford , and Wiltshire ; the Bishop of Ely , the Lords Wentworth , and North. Now t●e Effect of the said Reasons , mentioned in the last part of this Letter , were ; First , ●o move the People , from the Superstitio●s Opinions of the Popish Mass , unto the right Use of the Lora's Supper . The Use of an Altar being , to Sacrifice up●n ; and the Use of a Table , to Eat upon : and therefore a Table to be f●r more 〈◊〉 for Our feeding on Him ▪ who was once onely Crucified , and Offered for us . Secondly , That , in the Book of Common-Prayer , the name of Alta● , the Lord's Board , and Table , are used indifferently , without presc●ibing any thing in the Form thereof . For as it is called a Table , and the Lord's Board , in reference to the Lord's Supper , which is there Administred , so it is called an Altar also , in reference to the Sacrifice of Praise and Thanks-giving , which is there ●ffer●d unto God. And so the changing the Altars into Tables n●t to be any way repugnant to the Rules of the Liturgie . The third Reason seems to be no other then an Illustration of the First , for taking away the superstitious Opinion out of the Minds of the People , touching the Sacrifice of the Mass , which was not to be Celebrated , but upon an Altar . The Fourth , That the Altars were Erected for the Sacrifices of the Law ; which being now ceased , the Form of the Altar was to cease together with them . The Fifth , That , as Christ did Institute the Sacrament of his Body and Blood , at a Table , and not at an Altar , ( as appeareth by the three Evangelists ) so it is not to be found , that any of the Apostles did ever use an Altar in the Ministration . And finally , That , it is declared in the Preface to the Book of Common-Prayer , That , If any Doubt arise in the Use , and Practising , of the said Book , that then , to appease all such Diversity , the Matter shall be referred unto the Bishop of the Diocess ; who , by his Discretion , shall take Order for the quieting of it . The Letter with these Reasons being brought to Ridley , there was no time for him to dispute the Commands of the one , or to examine the Validity , and Strength of the other . And thereupon , proceeding shortly after to his first Visitation , he gave out one Injunction , amongst others , to this Effect , That Those Churches in his Diocess , where the Altars do remain , should conform themselves unto those other Churches , which had taken them down ; and that , instead of the multitude of their Altars , they should set up one decent Table in every Church . But this being done , a question afterwards did arise , about the Form of the Lords Board ; some using it in the Form of a Table , and others in the Form of an Altar . Which being referred unto the Determination of the Bishop , he declared himself in favour of that Posture , or Position of it ; which he conceived most likely to procure an Vniformity in all his Diocess , and to be more agreeable to the King 's Godly Proceedings , in abolishing divers vain , and superstitious Opinions , about the Mass , out of the Hearts of the People . Upon which Declaration , or Determination , he appointed the Form of a Right Table , to be used in his Diocess ; and caused the Wall standing on the back side of the Altar , in the Church of Saint Paul's , to be broken down , for an Example to the rest . And being thus a leading Case to all the rest of the Kingdom , it was followed , either with a swifter , or a slower Pase ; according as the Bishops in their several Diocesses , or the Clergie in their several Parishes , stood affected to it . No Universal Change of Altars into Tables , in all parts of the Realm , till the Repealing of the First Liturgie , in which the Priest is appointed , To stand before the middest of the Altar , in the Celebration ; and the establishing of the Second , in which it is required , That The Priest shall stand on the North - side of the Table , had put an end to the Dispute . Nor , indeed , can it be supposed , that all , which is before affirmed of Bishop Ridley , could be done at once , or acted in so short a Space , as the rest of this year : which could not give him time enough , to Warn , Commence , and carry on a Visitation ; admitting , that the Inconveniency of the Season might have been dispensed with . And therefore I should rather think , that the Bishop , having received His Majestie 's Order in the end of November , might cause it to be put in Execution in the Churches of London , and Issue out his Mandates to the rest of the Bishops , and the Arch-Deacons of his own Diocess , for doing the like i● other Places within the compass of their several and Respective Jurisdictions . Which being done , as in the way of Preparation , his Visitation might proceed in the Spring next following ; and the whole Business be transacted , in Form , and M●nner , as before laid down . And this may be beleived the rather ; because the changing of Altars into Tables is made by Holinshead , ( * ) ( a Diligent and Painfull Writer ) to be the Work of the next year : as , questionless it needs must be , in all Parts of the Realm ; except London , and Westminster , and some of the Towns , and Villages , adjoyning to them . But , much less can I think , that the Altar-wall , in Saint Paul's Church , was taken down by the Command of Bishop Ridley , in the Evening of Saint Barnaby's - Day this present year ; as is affirmed by ( * ) John Stow. For then it must be done five Moneths , before the coming out of the Order from the Lords of the Council . Assuredly , Bishop Ridley was the Master of too great a Judgment , to run before Authority , in a Business of such Weight , and Moment . And he had also a more high Esteem of the Blessed Sacrament ; then , by any such unadvised , and precipitate Action , to render it less Venerable in the Eyes of the Common People . Besides , whereas the taking down of the said Altar Wall is said to have been done ●n the first Saint Barn●●y's - Day ▪ which was kept Holy with the Church : that Circumstance is alone sufficient , to give some Light to the Mistake . The Liturgie , wh●ch appointed Saint Barnaby's - Day to be kept for an Holy-Day , was to be put in Execution in all parts of the Realm , at the Feast of Whitsun-tide , 1549 ▪ and had actually been Officiated in some Churches , for some Weeks before . So , that the first Saint Barnaby's Day , which was to be kept Holy by the Rules of that Liturgie , must have been kept in that year also ; and consequently the taking down o● the said Altar-Wall , being done ●n the Evening of that day , must be supposed to have been done above ten Moneths , before Bishop Ridley was Transl●ted to the See of London . Let therefore the keeping Holy of the first Saint Barnaby's - Day be placed in the year 1549 , the Issuing of the Order from the Lords of the Council in the year 1550 , and the taking down of the Altar-Wall , on the Evening of Saint Barnaby's - Day , in the year 1551. And then all Inconveniences , and Contradictions , will be taken away , which otherwise cannot be avoided . No change this year amongst the Peers of the Realm , or Principal Officers of the Court : but in the Death of Thomas Lord Wriothesly , the first Earl of South-hampton ▪ of that Name ▪ a●d Family ; who died at Lincoln-Place , in Hol●born , on the thirtieth day of July : leaving his Son Henry , to succeed him in his Lands , and Honours . A Man Unfortunate in his Relations to the two Great Persons of that Time ; deprived of the Great Seal by the Duke of Sommerset ; and remov●d from his Place at the Council-Table by the Earl of Warwick : having first served the Turns of the one , in lifting him into the Saddle ; and of the other , in dismounting him from that High Estate . Nor finde I any great Change thi● year amongst the Bishops : but that Doctour Nicholas Ridley , Bishop of Rechester , was Transloted to the See of London , on the twelfth of April ; and Docto●r John P●ynet , Cons●crated Bishop of Rochester , on the twenty sixth of June . By which Account he must needs be the first Bishop ▪ which received Episcopal Consecration according to the Fo●m of the English Ordinal : as Farrars was the fi●st , who was advanced , unto that Honour , by the King's Letters Paten●s . As for Ridley , we have spoke before ; and as for Poynet , he is affirmed to have been a Man of ver● good Learning , with Reference to his Age , and the Time he lived in : well studied in the Greek Tongue , and of no small Eminence in the Arts , and Mathematical Sciences . A Change was also made in Cambridg by the Death of Bucer : which I finde placed , by F●x , on the twenty third of December ; by others , with more Truth , on the nineteenth of January ( both in the Compass of this year ) and by some others , with less Rea●●n , on the tenth of March. But , at wh●t time sover he died , certain it is , that he was most Solemnly Interred in Saint Marie's - Church attended to Fu - his ●rave by all the Heads , and most of the Graduates in that Vniversity : his ne●al Sermon Preached by D●ct●ur Par●er , ●he first Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in Queen Eliz●beth'● Time : the Panegyrick made by one of the Haddons ▪ a Man of a mo●● Fluen● , and Rhetorical S●yle : all that pretended to the Muses , in both Vniver●ities , setting forth his great Worth , and their own Loss in him , with the best of their Poetry . Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 5 o. An. Dom. 1550 , 1551. WE must begin this year with the Deprivation of Bishop Gardiner , whom we left committed to the Tower the last of June in the year 1548. There he remained almost two years , without being pressed to any particular Point : the yielding unto which might procure his Liberty : or the Refusal justifie such a long Imprisonment . On the tenth of June , this year the Publick Liturgie , now being generally executed in all Parts of the Kingdom , was offered to his Consideration ; that some Experiment might be made , whether he would put his Hand unto it , and promise to advance the Service . Upon the fourth day after , the Duke of Sommerset , with five other of the Lords of the Council , was sent unto the Tower to receive his Answer . Which he returned to this effect ; That he had deliberately considered of all the Offices contained in the Common-Prayer-Book , and all the several Branches of it : That , Though he could not have made it , in that Manner , had the Matter been referred unto him ; yet , that he found such things therein , as did very well satisfie his Conscience : and therefore that he would , not onely execute it in his own Person ; but cause the same to be Officiated by all those of his Diocess . But this was not the Answer which the Courtiers looked for . It was their Hope , they should have found him more averse from the King's Proceedings ; that , making a Report of his Perversness , he might be lifted out of that Wealthy Bishoprick : which , if it either were kept Vacant , or filled with a more Tractable Person , might give them opportunity to enrich themselves by the Spoil thereof . Therefore to put him further to it , the Lord Treasurer , the Earl of Warwick ; Sir William Herbert , Master of the Horse ; and Mr. Secretary Petre , are sent upon the ninth of July , with certain Articles : which , for that end , were Signed by the King , and the Lords of the Council . According to the Tenour hereof , he was not onely to testifie his Consent to the Establishing of the Holy-Days , and Fasting-Days , by the King's Authority , the Allowance of the Publick Liturgie , and the Abrogating of the Statute for the Six Articles , &c. but to Subscribe to the Confession of his Fault in his former Obstinacy , after such Form and Manner , as was there required . To which Articles he Subscribed without any great Hesitancy : but refused to put his Hand to the said Confession ; There being no reason , ( as he thought ; and so he answered those , which came unto him from the Court on the Morrow after ) that he should yield to the Conf●ssion of a Guilt , when he knew himself Innocent . He is now faln into the Toil , out of which he finds but Little Hope of being set free . For presently , on the neck of this , a Book of Articles is drawn up , containing all the Alteration made by the King , and His Father , as well by Acts of Parliament , as their own Injunctions , from the first Suppression of the Monasteries , to the coming out of the late Form for the Consecration of Arch-Bishops , Bishops ▪ &c. Of all which Doings he is required to signifie his Approbation , to make Confession of his Fault , with an Acknowledgment , that he had deserved the Punishment , which was aid upon him . Which Articles ( being tendered to him by the Bishop of London , the Master of the Horse , Mr. Secretary Petre , and Goodrick ▪ a Counsellour at Law ) appeared to him , to be of such an hard Digestion : that he desir'd first to be set at Liberty , before he should be pressed to make a particular Answer . This being taken for a Refusal , and that Refusal taken for a Contempt : the Profits of his Bishoprick are Sequestered from him , for three Moneths , by an Order of the Council-Table , bearing date the nineteenth of the Moneth , the said Profits , in the mean time , to be collected , or received , by such Person , or Persons , as the King should thereunto appoint : with this Intimation in the Close ; that if he did not tender his Submission , at the end of that Term , he should be taken for an Incorrigible Person , and unmeet Minister of this Church , and , Finally to be procceeded against to a Deprivation . The Term expired , and no such humble Submission , or Acknowledgment , made , as had been required at his Hands ; a Commission is directed to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , the Bishops of London , Ely , and Lincoln , Sir William Peter , &c. authorised thereby to proceed against him , upon certain Articles in the same contained . Convented before whom at Lambeth , on the fifteenth of December , he received his Charge . Which being received , he used so many Shifts , and found so many Evasions to elude the Business ; that , having appeared six Days before them , without coming to a plain and Positive Answer , he was , upon the fourteenth of February , Sentenced to a Deprivation , and so remitted to the Tower. But Gardiner did not mean to die so tamely , and therefore had no sooner heard the Definitive Sentence ; but presently he Protesteth against the same , makes his Appeal unto the King ; and causeth both his said Appeal , and Protestation , to be Registred in the Acts of that Court. Of all which he will finde a time to serve himself , in the Al●eration of Affairs . It was presumed , that the Report of this Severity against a Man , so eminent for his Parts and Place , would either bring such other Bishops , as had yet stood out , to a fit Conformity ; or otherwise expose both them , and their Estates , to the like Condemnation . But some there were , so stiff in their old Opinions : that neither Terrour , nor Perswasion , could prevail upon them ; either to give their Approbation of the King's Proceedings ; or otherwise to advance the Service . And some there were ; who , though they outwardly complyed with the King's Commands , yet was it done so coldly , and with such Reluctancy , as la●'d them open to the Spoil , though not to the Loss , of their Bishopricks . Of which last Sort were ; Kitching Bishop of Landaff , Salcot ( otherwise called Capon ) Bishop of Salisbury , and Sampson of Coventry and Lichfield . Of which , the last , to keep his ground , was willing to fling up a great part of his Lands ; and , out of those , which either belonged unto his See , or the Dean and Chapter , to raise a Baron's Estate ( and the Title of the Baronie too ) for Sir William Paget , not born to any such fair Fortunes , as he thus acquired . Salcot of Salisbury , knowing himself obnoxious to some Court-Displeasures , redeems his Peace , and keeps himself out of such Danger , by making long Leases of the best of his Farms and Manours ; known afterwards most commonly by the Name of Capons-Feathers . But none of them more miserably Dilapidated the Patr●mony of his See , then Bishop Kitching of Landaff . A Church so liberally endowed by the Munificence , and Piety , of some Great Persons in those Times ; that if it were possessed but of a tenth Part of what once it had , it might be reckoned ( as is affirmed by Bishop Godwine , one of Kitching's Successours ) amongst the Richest Churches in these Parts of Christendom . But whatsoever Kitching found it , it was made poor enough , before he left it : so poor , that it is hardly able to keep the Pot boiling for a Parson's Dinner . Of the first Rank , I reckon Voysie of Exeter , Heath of Worcester , and Day of Chichester ; for the Province of Canterbury : together with Bishop Tonstal 〈◊〉 Durham , in the Province of York . The first , once Governour to the Princess Mary , Preferred afterwards , by King Henry , to the Lord-President-ship of Wales , and the See of Exeter . Which See he found possessed , at his coming to it , of twenty two goodly Manours , and fourteen Mansion-Houses , Richly furnished . But the Man neither could approve the Proceedings of the King in the Reformation ; nor cared , in that respect , to Preserve the Patrimony of the Church , for those , who might differ in Opinion from him . And being set upon the Pin , he made such Havock of his Lands , before he was brought under a Deprivation : that he left , but seven or eight of the worst Manours , and those let out into long Leases , and charged with Pensions ; and not above two Houses , both bare and naked . Having lost so much Footing within his Diocess , it is no marvail , if he could no longer keep his Standing . For , being found an open Hinderer of the Work in hand , and secretly to have fomented the Rebellion of the Devonshire-Men , in the year 1549 ▪ he either was deprived of , or ( as some say ) resigned his Bishoprick , within few Moneths after the Sentence passed on Gardiner : but lived to be restored again , ( as Gardiner also was ) in the Time of Queen Mary . Of Day , and Heath , I have nothing to remember more particularly ; but , that they were both Deprived on the tenth of October , and lived both to a Restitution in Queen Marie's Reign : Heath , in the mean time , being Liberally , and Lovingly entertained by the Bishop of London , and afterwards Preferred to the Arch-Bishoprick of York , and made Lord Chancellour of England . Nor shall I now say more of Tonstal ; but , that , being cast into the Tower on the twentieth day of December , he was there kept , untill the Dissolution of his Bishoprick by Act of Parliament : of which we shall speak more at large , in its proper place . We must not leave these Churches vacant ; considering , that it was not long , before they were supplyed with new Incumbents . To Gardiner , in the See of Winton succeeded Doctour John Poynet , Bishop of Rochester : a better Scholar then a Bishop ; and purposely Preferred to that Wealthy Bishoprick , to serve other Mens Turns . For , before he was well warm in his See , he dismembred from it the Goodly Palace of Marwel , with the Manours and Parks , of Marwel and Twiford , which had before been seised upon by the Lord Protectour , to make a Knight's Estate for Sir Henry Seimour , as before was signified . The Palace of Waltham , with the Park and Manour belonging to it , and some good Farms depending on it , were seised into the hands of the Lord Treasurer Pawlet , Earl of Wiltshire : who , having got into possession so much Lands of the Bishoprick ▪ conceived himself in a fit Capacity to affect ( as shortly after he obtained ) the Title of Lord Marquess of Winchester . But this , with many of the rest of Poynet's Grants , Leases , and Alienations , were again recovered to the Church , by the Power of Gardiner ; when , being restored unto his See , he was by Queen Mary made Lord Chancellour . To Voysie , in the See of Exeter , succeeded Doctour Miles Coverdale : one , who had formerly assisted Tyndal , in Translating the Bible into English , and for the most part , lived at Tubing , an Vniversity belonging to the Duke of Saxonie ; where he received the Degree of Doctour . Returning into England , in the first year of King Edward , and growing into great Esteem , for Piety , and Diligent Preaching , he was Consecrated Bishop of this Church , the thirtieth of August : the Bones whereof were so clean picked , that he could not easily leave them with less Flesh , then he found upon them . Nor have we more to say of Scory , who succeeded Day : but , that being Consecrated Bishop of Rochester , in the place of Poynet , on the thirtieth of August also , he succeeded Day , at Chichester , in the year next following . Of which Bishoprick he was deprived of , in the Time of Queen Mary ; and afterwards preferred by Queen Elizabeth to the See of H●reford , in which place he dyed . To Heath , at Worcester , no Successour was at all appointed : that Bishoprick being given in Commendam to Bishop Hooper ; who , having been Consecrated Bishop o● Glocester on the eighth of March , was made the Commendatory of this See : to which he could not legally be Translat●d ( as the Case then stood ) both Latimer , and Heath being st●ll alive , and both reputed Bishops of it , by their several Parties . And here we have a strange Conversion of Affairs : for whereas heretofore , the County of Glocester was a part of the Diocess of Worcester , out of which it was taken by King Henry , when first made a Bishoprick ; the Diocess of Worcester was now lay'd to the See of Glocester Not , that I think , that Hooper was suffered to enjoy the Temporal Patrimony of that Wealthy Bishoprick : but that he was to exercise the Jurisdiction , and Episcopality , with some short Allowance for his Pains . The Pyrates of the Court were too intent on all Advantages , to let such a Vessel pass untouched ; in which they might both finde enough to enrich themselves , and yet leave that , which was sufficient to content the Merchant . An● this perhaps may be one Reason , why Latimer was not restored unto his Bishoprick , upon this Avoydance : not in regard of any sensible Dislike , which was taken at him by the Court , for his down-right Preaching , or that the Bishops feared from him the like Disturbances , which they had met withall in Hooper . But , I conceive , the Principal Reason of it might proceed from his own Unwillingness , to cumber his old Age with the Trouble of Business , and to take that Burthen on his Shoulders ; which he had , long before , thrown off , with such great Alacrity And possible enough it is : that , finding his Abilities more proper for the Pulpit , then they were for the Consistory ; he might desire to exercise himself in that Imployment , in which he might appear most serviceable , both to God , and his Church . For , both before , and after this , we finde him frequent in the Pulpit before the King , and have been told of his Diligent and Constant Preaching in other places . His Sermons , for the most part ( as the use then was ) upon the Gospels of the Day : by which he had the Opportunity of Opening , and Expounding a greater Portion of the Word of God ; then if he had confined his Meditations to a single Text. His Entertainment generally with Arch-Bishop Cranmer ; where he found all necessary Accommodation : and so extreamly honoured by all sorts of People , that he never lost the Name of Lord ; and was still looked on , as a Bishop , though without a Bishoptick . But , notwithstanding the Remove of so many Bishops , there still remained one Rub in the Way ; which did as much retard the Progress of the Reformation , as any of the rest , if not altogether . The Princess Mary , having been bred up , from Her Infancy , in the Romish Religion ▪ could not be won , by any Arguments , and perswasions , to change Her Minde , or permit that any Alteration should be made in those Publick Offices ; to which She had so long been used . The King had writ many Letters to Her , in hope to take Her off from those Affections , which She carried to the Church of Rome . The like done also by the Lords of the Council , and with like Success . For , besides that She conceived Her Judgment built on so good a Foundation , as could not easily be subverted ; there were some Politick Considerations : which possibly might prevail more with Her ▪ then all other Arguments . She was not to be told , That , by the Religion of the Protestants , Her Mother's Marriage was Condemned ; That by the same She was declared to be Illigitimate ; and Consequently , made uncapable to succeed in the Crown , in Case She should survive Her Brother . All which She must acknowledge , to be legally and justly determined . Upon these Grounds , She holds Her self to Her first Resolution , keeps up the Mass , with all the Rites , and Ceremonies belonging to it , and suffers divers Persons , besides her own Domestick Servants , to be present at it . The Emperour had so far mediated in Her behalf , that Her Chaplains were permitted to Celebrate the Mass in Her Presence : but with this Cautio● and Restriction ; That , they should Celebrate the same in Her Presence onely . For the transgressing of which Bounds , Mallet , and Barkley , Her two Chaplains were Committed Prisoners in December last : of which She makes Complaint to the Lords of the Council ; but finds as cold Return from Them , as they did from Her. A Plot is thereupon contrived : for conveying Her out of the Realm by Stealth , to transport Her from Essex , where She then lay , to the Court of the Queen Regent in Flanders ; some of Her Servants sent before , Flemish Ships ready to receive Her , and a Commotion to be raised in that County ; that in the Heat , and Tumult of it She might make Her Escape . The King is secretly advertised of this Design , and presently dispatcheth certain Forces under Sir John Gates , then newly made Lievtenant of the Band of Pensioners , to prevent the Practice , secures His Coasts , orders His Ships to be in Readiness , and speeds away the Lord Chancellour Rich , with Sir William Peter ▪ to bring the Princess to the Court. Which being effected at the last , though not without extream Unwillingness on Her part to begin the Journey ; Inglesfield , Walgrave , and Rochester , being all of Principall place about Her , on the thirtieth of October ▪ were commi●ted to Custody ; which adds a new Affliction to Her , but there was no Remedy . The Lords of the Council being commanded by the King to attend upon Her , declared in the name of His Highness , how long He had permitted Her the Mass ; that , finding how unmoveable She was from Her former Courses , He resolved not to endure it longer , unless He might perceive some hope of Her Conformity , within short time after . To which the Princess Answered ; That Her Soul was Goa's ; and for Her Faith , that as She could not change , so She would not d●ssemble it . The Council thereunto rejoyn ; That the King intended not to Constrain Her Faith ▪ but to restrain Her in the outward Profession of it : in regard of those many dangers , and inconveniences , which might ensue on the Example . Which enterchange of words being passed , She is appointed , for the present , to remain with the King : but neither Mall●t , nor any other of Her Chaplains , permitted to have speech with Her , or access unto Her. The Emperour , being certified how all things passed , sends an Ambassadour to the King , with a Threatning Message : even to the Denouncing of a W●r ; in case his Cousin , the Princess Mary , were not permitted to enjoy the exercise of Her own Religion . To Gratifie whom in His desires , the Lords of the Council generally seemed to be very inclinable ; they well considered of the Prejudice , wh●ch must fall upon the English Merchants , if they should lose their Trade in Fl●●ders ; where they had a whole year's cloth , beside other Goods . And they knew well , what inconvenience must befall the King , who had there 500. Quintals of Powder , and good store of Armour ; which would be seised into the Emperour's hands , and imployed against Him , if any Breach should grow between them . The King is therefore moved , with the joynt Consent of ●he whole Board , to grant the Emperour's Request : and to dispence with the utmost Rigour of the Law , in that particular ; for fear of drawing upon Himself a greater mischief . But they found Him so well Studied in the Grounds and Principles of His Religion ; that no Consideration , drawn from any Reason of State , could induce Him to it . It was thereupon thought fit , to send the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and the Bishop of London , being both Members of that Body , to try what they could do upon Him , in the way of Argument . By them , the Point being brought unto such an Issue ▪ as might give them some hopes of being admited , it was Propounded to Him , as their Opinion , ( after some Progress made in the Disputation , ) that , Though it were a sin , to give Licence to sin ; yet a connivance of it might be allowed : in case it neither were too long , nor without some probable hope of a Reformation . With which Nicety the young King was so unsatisfied , that he declared a Resolution , rather to venture Life , and all things else , which were dear unto Him : then to give way to any thing ; which He knew to be against the Truth . Upon which words , the King expressed His inward Trouble by a flood of Tears ; and the Bishops , on the sight thereof , wept as fast as He : the King conceiving Himself wronged , in being so unreasonably pres●'d ; and the Bishops thinking themselves neglected , because unseasonably denied . Thus stood they si●ent for a time : each Party looking sadly on the apprehension of those Extremities , which this Dispute had brought upon them : as certainly , the Picture of Unkindness is never represented in more lively Colours ; then when it breaks out betwixt those , who are most tenderly affected unto one another . The Bishops thereupon withdrew , admiring at such great Abilities in so young a King ; and magnified the Name of God , for giving them a Prince of such Eminent Piety . This being made known unto the Council , it was thought necessary to dismiss the Emperour's Embassadour with such an Answer ; as should both give the English time to fetch off their Goods , and let his Master have the ●●st of the Winter to allay his Heats . It was therefore signified unto him ; That , The King would shortly send an Age●t to reside with the Emperour , Authourised , and ●●str●cted in all particulars , which might beget a right Vnderstanding between both Princes . Thus answered , he returns to the Emperour's Court : whom Wotton shortly after followeth , ●ufficiently Instructed ; To desire the Emperour to be less violent in his requests ; and to Advertise him , That , The Lady Mary , as She was His Cou●sin , so She was the King's Sister , and , which is more , His Subject ● That seeing the King was a Sovereign Prince , without dependency upon any but God , it was not reason , that the Emperour should intermeddle , either with Ordering His Subjects , or directing the Affairs of His Realm . But so far he was Authourised to offer ; That whatsoever favour the King's Subjects had in the Emperour 's Dominions , for their Religion , the same should the Emperour 's Subjects receive in England . Further then this , as the King , his Master , would not go , so it would be a l●st labour to desire it of him . This was enough to let the Emperour see , how little his Threats were feared , which made him the less forward in sending more . Which Passages , relating to the Princess Mary , I have lai'd together , for the better understanding , how all matters stood about this time , betwixt Her , and the King ; though possibly the sending of Wotton to the Emperour might be the Work of the next year , when the King's Affairs were better setled , then they were at the present . For the King , finding the extraordinary Coldness of the Emperour , when his assistance was required , for Defence of Bulloign , and the hot Pursuit of his Demands of a Toleration , for the Family of the Lady Mary , conceived it most expedient , for His Affairs , to unite Himself more strongly , and entirely , in a League with France . For entrance whereunto , an Hint was taken from some Words , which fell from Guidolti at the Treaty of Bulloign : when he propounded ; That , in stead of the Queen of Scots , whom the English Commissioners demanded for a Wife to their King , a Daughter of the French King might be joyned in Mariage with Him : affirming merrily . That , If it were a dry Peace , it would hardly be durable . These Words , which then were taken onely for a Slight , or Diversion , are now more seriously considered : as Many times the smallest Overtures produce Conclusions of the greatest Consequence . A Solemn Embassie is thereupon directed to the Court of France : the Marquess of Northhampton nominated for the Chief Embassadour , associated with the Bishop of Ely ; Sir Philip Hobby , Gentleman-Usher of the Order ; Sir William Pickering ; Sir Thomas Smith , Principal Secretary of State , and Sir John Mason , Clerk of the Council ; as Commissioners with him . And , that they might appear in the Court of France with the greater Splendour , they were accompanied with the Earls of Arundel , Rutland , and Ormond ; and the Lords , L'isle , Fitz-water , Abergavenny , Bray ▪ and Evers , with Knights , and Gentlemen of Note , to the number of six and twenty , or thereabouts . Their Train so limited ▪ for avoiding of contention amongst themselves , that no Earl should have above four Attendants , no Baron above three ; nor any Knight , or Gentleman , above two a piece ; the Commissioners not being limited to any number , as the others were . Setting forwards in the Moneth of June , they were met by the Lord Constable Chastition , and by him Conducted to the Court , lying at Chasteau Bryan : the nearer to which as they approached , thē greater was the concourse of the French Nobility , to attend upon them . Being brought unto the King , then being in his Bed-chamber , the Marquess first presented him , in the name of his King , with the Order of Saint George , called The Garter : wherewith he was presently Invested by Sir Philip Hobby ; who , being an Officer of the Order , was made Commissioner ( as it seemed ) for that purpose chiefly ; rewarded for it by that King with a Chain of Gold , valued at two hundred pounds ▪ and a Gown , richly trimmed with Ayglets , which he had then upon his back . This Ceremony being thus performed ; the Bishop of Ely , in a short Speech Declared , How desirous his Master was , not onely to continue , but to encrease Amity with the French King ; that for this end He had sent the Order of The Garter , to be both a Testimony , and Tye of Love between them ; to which purpose principally , those Societies of Honour were first devised : Declaring , that they had Commission to make Overtures of some other matters , which was like to make the Concord betwixt the Kings , and their Realms , not onely more durable , but in all expectation perpetual ; and thereupon desired the King to appoint some persons , enabled with Authourity , to Treat with them . To which it was Answered , by the Cardinal of Lorrain , in the name of that King ; That his Master was ready to apprehend and embrace all Offers , tending to encrease of Amity ; and the rather , for that long Hostility had made their new Friendship both more weak in it self ▪ and more obnoxious unto Jealousies , and Distrusts : and therefore promised on the King's behalf , that Commissioners should be appointed to Treat with them about any matters , which they had in Charge . In pursuance whereof , the said Cardinal , the Constable Chastilion , the Duke of Guise , and others of like Eminent note , being appointed for the Treaty ; the English Commissioners first prosecute their Old Demand for the Queen of Scots . To which it was Answered by the French , That they had parted with too much Treasure , and spent too many Lives , upon any Conditions , to let Her go : and that Conclusion had been made , long before , for her Marriage with the Daulphin of France . The English , upon this , proposed a Marriage between their King , and the Lady Elizabeth , the Eldest Daughter of France ( who after was Married to Philip the Second ) to which the French Commissioners seemed very inclinable ; with this Proviso notwithstanding , That neither Party should be bound , either in Conscience , or Honour , untill the Lady should accomplish twelve years of Age. And so far Matters went on smoothly : but , when they came to talk of Portion , there appeared a vast difference between them . The English Commissioners ask no more , then fifteen hundred thousand Crowns ; but fell , by one hundred thousand after another , till they sunk to eight . The French on the other side began as low , at one hundred thousand ; but would be drawn no higher , then to Promise two : that being ( as they affirmed ) the greatest Portion , which ever any of the French Kings had given with a Daughter . But , at the last , it was accorded , that the Lady should be sent into England at the French King's Charges , when She was come within three Moneths of the Age of Marriage ; sufficiently appointed with Jewels , Apparel , and convenient Furniture for Her House ; That , at the same time , Bonds should be delivered for Performance of Covenants , at Paris by the French , and at London by the King of England ; and That , in case the Lady should not consent , after She should be of Age for Marriage , the Penalty should be one hundred and fifty thousand Crowns . The perfecting of the Negotiation , and the settling of the Ladie 's Joynture referred to such Ambassadours , as the French King should send to the Court of England . Appointed whereunto were the Lord Marshal of France , the Duke of Guise , the President Mortuillier , the Principal Secretary of that King , and the Bishop of Perigeux ; who , being attended by a Train of 400. men , were conducted from Graves-end by the Lord Admiral Clinton , welcomed with Great Shot from all the Ships , which lay on the Thames , and a Vollie of Ordnance from the Tower , and lodged in Suffolk-Place in South-wark . From whence attended the next day to the King's House at Richmond : His Majesty then remaining at Hampton-Court , by reason of the Sweating Sickness ( of which more anon ) which at that time was at the Highest . Having refreshed themselves that night , they were brought the next day before the King , to whom the Marshal presented , in the name of his Master , the Collar , and Habit of St. Michael , being at that time the Principal Order of that Realm : in testimony of that dear Affection , which he did bear unto him ; greater then which ( as he desired him to believe ) a Father could not bear unto his Natural son . And then , Addressing himself in a short Speech unto His Highness , he desired him , amongst other things , not to give entertainment to Vulgar Rumours , which might breed Jealousies , and Distrusts , between the Crowns ; and , that if any difference did arise between the Subjects of both Kingdoms , they might be ended by Commissioners , without engaging either Nation in the Acts of Hostility . To which the King returned a very favourable Answer , and so dismissed them for the present . Two , or three days being spent in Feasting , the Commissioners on both sides settled themselves upon the matter of the Treaty ; confirming what had passed before , and adding thereunto the Proportioning of the Ladie 's Jointure . Which was accorded at the last , to the yearly value of ten thousand Marks English ; with this Condition interposed , that , if the King died before the Marriage , all her Pretensions to that Jointure should be buried with him . All Matters being thus brought unto an happy Conclusion , the French prepared for their Departure : at which Time the Marshal presented Monsieur Boys , to remain as Legier with the King , and the Ma●quess presented Mr. Pickering , to be his Majestie 's Resident in the Court of France . And so the French take leave of England , rewarded by the King in such a Royal and Munificent Manner , as shewed , he very well understood what belonged to a Royal Suitour : those , which the French King had designed ●or the English Ambassadours , ( not actually bestowed , till all things had been fully settled , and dispatched in England ) hardly amounting to a fourth part of that Munificence , which the King had shewed unto the French. Grown confident of his own Security , by this new Alliance , the King not onely made less Reckoning of the Emperour 's Interposings in the Case of Religion ; but proceeded more vigorously , then before , in the Reformation : the Building up of which upon a surer , and more durable Bottom , was contrived this year , though not established till the next . Nothing as yet had been concluded positively , and Dogmatically , in Points of Doctrine , but as they were to be collected from the Homilies , and the Publick Liturgie ; and those but few , in Reference to the many Controversies , which were to be maintained against the Papists , Anabaptists , and other Sectaries of that Age. Many Disorders had grown up in this little time ; in the Officiating the Liturgie , the Vestures of the Church , and the Habit of Church-Men , began by Calvin , prosecuted by Hooper , and countenanced by the large Immunities , which had been given to John a Lasco , and his Church of Strangers . And unto these , the change of Altars into Tables gave no small Encrease : as well by reason of some Differences , which grew amongst the Ministers themselves upon that Occasion ; as in regard of of that Irreverence , which it ●bred in the People , to whom it made the Sacrament to appear less Venerable , then before it did . The People had been so long accustomed to receive that Sacrament upon their Knees ; that no Rule , or Canon , was thought necessary to keep them to it : which thereupon was not imprudently omitted in the Publick Rubricks . The Change of Altars into Tables , the Practise of the Church of Strangers , and Lasco's Book in Maintainance of sitting at the Holy Table , made ma●y think that Posture best , which was so much countenanced . And , what was like to follow upon such a Liberty , the Proneness of those Times to Heterodoxies , and Prophaness , gave just cause to fear . Somewhat was therefore to be done to prevent the Mischief : and nothing could prevent it better , then to reduce the People to their Antient Custome by some Rule , or Rubrick , by which they should be bound to receive it kneeling . So for the Ministers themselves , they seemed to be as much at a Loss in their Officiating at the Table , as the People were in their Irreverences to the Blessed Sacrament . Which cannot better be expressed , then in the words of some Popish Prelats , by whom it was objected unto some of our chief Reformers . Thus White of Lincoln chargeth it upon Bishop Ridley ( to omit his prophane calling of the Lord's Table , in what Posture soever scituated , by the Name of an Oyster-Board ) * That , when their Table was Constituted , they could never be content i●placing the same ; now East , now North , now one way , now another : untill it pleased God , of his Goodness , to place it quite out of the Church . The like did Weston ( the Prolocutour of the Convocation , in the first of Queen Mary ) in a Disputation held with Latimer ; telling him with Reproach , and Contempt enough , that the Protestants , having tur●ed their Table , were like a Company of Apes , that knew not which way to turn their Tails ▪ looking one day East , and another West ; one this way , and another that way , as their Fancies lead them . Thus finally , one Miles Hubbard , in a Book , called The Display of Protestants * doth report the Business , How long ( say they ) were they learning to set their Tables to minister the Communion upon ? First they placed it aloft , where the High Altar stood , then must it be removed from the Wall , that one might go between : the Ministers being in Contention on whether part to turn their faces , either toward the West , the North , or South ; some would stand Westward , some Northward , some Southward . It was not to be thought , but that the Papists would much please themselves in these Disorders ; and that this Difference , and Diversity , though in Circumstance onely , might draw contempt upon the Sacrament it self , and give great Scandal unto many Moderate , and well meaning Men. A Rubrick therefore is resolved on , by which the Minister , which officiates , should be pointed to a certain Place ; and , by the Rubrick then devised , the North-side was thought fitter , then any other . But the main Matters , which were now brought under Consideration , were the reviewing of the Liturgie , and the Composing of a Book of Articles : this last for the avoiding diversities of Opinions , and for the stablishing of Consent touching true Religion ; the other for removing of such Offences , as had been taken by Calvin , and his Followers , at some parts thereof . For Calvin , having broke the Ice , resolved to make his way through it to the Mark he aimed at , which was to have this Church depend upon his Direction , and not to be less estimable here , then in other places . To which end , as he formerly had applyed himself to the Lord Protectour , as appears by his Letter of the year An. 1549. So now he sets upon the King , the Council , and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , in hope to bring them to his Bent. In his Letters to the King , and Council , ( as himself signified to Bullinger , on the 29th . of August ) he exciteth them to proceed to a Reformation ; that is to say , to such a Reformation * as he had projected , and without which his Followers would not be contented . In his Letters to the King alone , he lets him know * that many things were still amiss in the State of the Kingdom , which stood in need of Reformation . And finally in those to Cranmer , he certifies him , that in the Service of this Church , as then it stood , there remained a whole Mass of Popery , which did not onely * darken , but destory God's Holy Worsh●p . But fearing he might not edifie with so wise a Prince , assisted by such a Prudent Council , and such Learned Prelats , he hath his Agents in the Court , the Country , and the Universities , by whom he drives on his Design , in all parts at once . And so far he prevailed in the first two years , that in the Convocation , which began in the former year , An. 1550 , the first Debate amongst the Prelats was of such Doubts , as had arisen about some things contained in the Common-Prayer-Book and more particularly touching such Feasts , as were retained , and such , as had been abrogated by the Rules thereof ; the Form of Words used at the giving of the Bread , and the different Manner of Administring the Holy Sacrament . Which being signified unto the Prolocutour , and the rest of the Clergy , who had received somewhat in Charge about it the day before ; Answer was made , that they had not yet sufficiently considered of the Points proposed , but that they would give their Lordships some account thereof in the following Session . But what account was given , appears not in the Acts of that Convocation ; of which there is nothing left upon Record , but this very Passage . For the avoiding of these Doubts , the satisfying of the Importunities of some , and rectifying the Disorders of Others , rather then in regard of any Impiety , or Impertinency in the Book it self , it was brought under a Review ; and being so reviewed was ratified , and confirmed by Act of Parliament , in the following year . By the Tenour of which Act it may appear , First , That there was nothing contained in the said First Book , but what was agreeable to the Word of God , and the Primitive Church , very comfortable to all good People , desiring to live in Christian Conversation , and most profitable to the Estate of this Realm . Secondly , That such Doubts , as had been raised in the use and exercise thereof , proceeded rather from the Curiosity of the Minister , and Mistakers , then of any other Worthy Cause . And therefore Thirdly , That● it was found expedient , that the said Bo●k should be faithfully perused , explained , and made fully perfect in all such places , in which it was necessary to be made more earnest , and fit for the stirring up of all Christian people , to the true honouring of Almighty God. So far we are directed by the Light of this Act of Parliament , 5. 6. Edw. 6. cap. 1. But , if we would desire to know the Names of those good and Godly Men , by whom it was so explained , and altered , in that it leaves us in the dark : none of them being named , nor any way la●d open for the finding of them . So that the most , that can be done ▪ is to go by Conjecture , and to ascribe it to those Men ; who had first composed it , and who were afterwards Authorised , for drawing up the Form of Consecration , &c. annexed to this new Book , as a part thereof , and so adjudged to be by two Acts of Parliament . For the avoyding of Diversities of Opinions , and for stablishing Consent , touching true Religion , it was thought necessary to compose a Book of Articles : in which should be contained the Common Principles of the Christian Faith , in which all Parties did agree ; together with the most material Points , in which they differed . For the better performing of which Work , Melancthon's Company , and Assistance , had been long desired . That he held Correspondence once with the King , and Arch-Bishop Cranmer , appears by his Epistles of the year 1549 , 1550 , and 1551. but that he came not over , as had been expected , must be imputed , either to our home-bred Troubles , or the great Sickness of this year , or the deplorable Death of the Duke of Sommerset , on whose Integrity , and Candour , he did most rely . Yet the best was , that , though Erasmus was dead , and Melancthon absent , yet were they to be found both alive , and present in their learned Writing● . By which , together with the Augustan Confession , the Composers of those Articles were much directed ; not , that they looked upon them as the Rule , or Canon , but onely as subservient helps to promote the Service . But , who they were , that laboured in this weighty Work , and made it ready for Debate , and Conference , in the next Convocation ; as I have no where found , so I cannot conjecture : unless perhaps , we may attribute the Honour of it to those Bishops , and the other Learned Men ; before remembred , whose Hands and Heads had before been exercised in the publick Formulas . That Cranmer had a great hand in them , is a ●hing past question ; who therefore takes upon himself , as the Authour of them : for which Consult the Acts and Mon. fol. 1704. In which , we are to understand him , as the principal Architect , who contrived the Building , and gave the inferiour Workmen their several parts , and Offices , in that great Imployment ; and not , that it was the sole work of his Hands , or had been agitated and debated in no Head , but his . So did the Emperour Justinian , in the Book of Institutes , and Theodosins in the Code , Bo●iface in the Decretals , and John the 22th . in that part of the Canon Law , which they call the Extravagants : the honour of which Works was severally arrogated by them ; because performed by their Encouragement , and at their Appointment . But whosoever laboured in the Preparation of these Articles , certain it is , that they were onely a Rude Draught , and of no signification ▪ till they had passed the V●te of the Convocation ; and there we shall hear further of them . In Reference to the Polity , and good Order of the Common-Wealth , there were two things done of great Importance : the one redounding to the Present , the other to the Future Benefit of the English Nation . Of which last sort , was the suppressi●g of the Corporation of Merchant-Strangers , the Merchants of the Steel-Yard , as they commonly called them . Concerning which we are to know , that the English , in the Times foregoing , being neither strong in Shipping , nor much accustomed to the Seas , received all such Commodities , as were not of the growth of their own Country , from the hands of Strangers , resorting hither , from all Parts , to upbraid our Laziness . Amongst which , the Merchants of the East-Land ●arts of Almain , or High Germany , ( well known in former Stories by the Name of Easterlings , ) used to bring hither , yearly , great quantities of Wheat , Rye , and other Grain , as also Cables , Ropes , Masts , Pitch , Tar , Flax , Hemp , Linen Cloth , Wain●coats , Wax , Steel , and other profitable Merchandises , for the use of this Kingdom . For their Encouragement wherein they were amply Privileged , exempt from many Impositions , which Merchant-Strangers use to pay in all other Countries , erected into a Corporation by King Henry the Third , commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum ; permitted first to carry out Wools unwrought , and afterwards a certain number of Cloaths , when the English were grown skilfull in that Manufacture . Their Court kept in a fair large House built near the Thames , which from an open place , wherein Steel had formerly been sold , took the Name of the Steel-Yard . Grown Rich , and driving a great Trade , they drew upon themselves the Envy ( as all other Merchant-Strangers did ) of the Londoners chiefly , but generally of all the Port Towns of England , who began now to think the Seas as open to them , as to any others . It was considered also , by the Lords of the Council , that by suffering all Commodities of a Foreign growth , and a great part of the Commodities of the growth of England , to be imported , and exported in Out-landish Bottoms , the English Merchants were discouraged from Navigation , whereby the Shipping of the Realm was kept low , and despicable . It was therefore thought expedient , in Reason of State , to make void their Privileges , and put the Trade into the hands of the English Merchant . For the doing whereof , the Easterlings , or Merchants of the Steel-Yard , had given cause enough . For , whereas they had antiently been permitted to ship away but eighty Cloaths , afterwards one hundred , and at last one thousand ; it was found , that , at this time , they had transported , in their own Bottoms , 44000 English Cloat●● , there being but 1100 ship'd away , by all Strangers else . It was also found , that , besides the Native Commodities of their own growth , they had brought in much Strangers goods , of other Count●ies , contrary to their agreement , made with King Edward the F●urt● ; and that , upon a further search , their Corporation was found imperfect , their Numbers , Names , and Nations not sufficiently known . This gave the Council ground enough for seising all their Liberties into the hands of the King , and never after to restore them ; notwithstanding the great Embassies and Solicitations of the Cities of Hamborough , and Lubeck , and many other of the Hans-Towns in Germany , who had seen their Factories , and Factours . And hereunto the seasonable coming of Sebastian Cabot ( of which more anon ) gave no small Advantage : by whose Encouragement , and Example , the English Nation began to fall in Love with the Seas , to try their Fortunes in the Discovery of unknown Regions , and consequently to encrease their Shipping ; till by degrees , they came to drive a wealthy Trade in most parts of the World , and to be more considerable for their Naval Power , then all their Neighbours . But because all things could not be so well settled at the first , as not to need the Help , and Correspondencies of some foreign Nations , it was thought fit to ●earken to an Entercourse with the Crown of Sweden ; which was then Opportunely offered by Gustavus Ericus , the first of the Family now reigning . By which it was agreed , First , That , if the King of Sweden sent Bullion into England , He might carry away English Commodities without Custom . Secondly , That He should carry Bullion to no other Prince . Thirdly , That , if He sent Ozimus , Steel , Copper , &c. He should pay Custom for English Commodities , as an English-man . Fourthly ▪ That , if He sent other Merchandise , He should have free Intercourse ; paying Custom , as a Stranger . Wh●reupon the Mint was set on work , which brought the King , for the first year , the sum of twenty four thousand Pounds ; of which the sum of fourteen thou●and pounds was designed for Ireland , and the rest lay'd up in the Exchequer : some other waies were devised also , that the Mint might be kept going , and some agreement made with the Mint-Masters , in the Point of Coynage : which proved more to the Advantage of the King , then the present profit of the Subject . For , hereupon , on the ninth of July , the base Money , Coyned in the time of the King deceased , was publickly decryed by Proclamation ▪ the Shilling to go for Nine Pence onely , and the Groat for Three Pence . And , on the seventeenth of August then next following , the Nine-Peny-piece was decryed to Six Pence , the Groat to Two Pence , the Half-Groat to a Peny . By means whereof , he , that was worth one thousand pound on the eighth of July , without any ill-husbandry in himself , or diminution of his stock , was found , before the eighteenth day of August , to be worth no more then half that Sum ; and so proportionably in all other Sums , both above , and under ▪ Which , though it caused many an heavy heart , and much repining at the present , amongst all those , whose Wealth lay most especially in Trade , and Money ; yet proved it by degrees a chief Expedient , for reducing the Coyn of England to it's antient Valew . For , on the thirtieth of October , the Subjects had the taft of the future benefit , which was to be expected from it ; there being then some Coyns Proclaimed , both in Gold , and Silver : Pieces of thirty shillings , ten shillings , and five shillings , of the finest Gold ; pieces of five shillings , two shillings six pence , one shilling six pence , &c. of the pure●t Silver . Which put the Merchant in good hope , that he should drive as rich a Trade under this young King , as in the happiest dayes of his Predecessours , before the Mony was debased . And now we come to the great Troubles in the Court , began in the Destruction of the Duke of Sommerset : but ending in the untimely death of this Hopeful King ; so signified ( as it was thought , upon the Post-Fact ) by two strange Presages within the compass of this year , and one , which followed in the next . The first , of this year , was a great and terrible Earthquake , which happened on the twenty fifth of May , at Croydon , and some other Villages thereabouts , in the County of Surrey . This was conceived to have Prognosticated those Concussions , which afterwards happened ●n the Court , to the fall of the Great Duke of Sommerset , and divers Gentlemen of Note , and Quality , who perished in the same ruin with him . The last was of six Dolphins , taken up in the Thames , three of them at Queen Borough , and three near Grenwich ; the least as big as any Horse . The Rarity whereof occasioned some Grave men to dispence with their Prudence , and some Great Persons also to put off their State , that they might behold a Spectacle , so unusual to them . Their coming up so far , beheld by Mariners , as a Presage of foul weather at Sea ; but afterwards by States-Men , of those Storms , and Tempests , which afterwards befell this Nation , in the Death of King Edward , and the Tempestuous Times of Queen Marie's Reign . But the most sad Presage of all was the Breaking out of a Disease , called the Sweating Sickness ; appearing first at Shrewsbury , on the fifteenth of April , and after spreading by degrees over all the Kingdom ; ending its Progress in the North , about the beginning of October . Described by a very Learned Man , to be a new , strange , and violent Disease : wherewith if any man were attached , he dyed , or escaped within nine hours , of ten at most ; if he slept , ( as most men desired to do ) he dyed within six hours , if he took cold , he dyed in three . It was observed to Rage chiefly amongst men of strongest Constitution , and years : few aged Men , or Women , or young Children , being either subject to it , or dying of it . Of which last sort , those of most Eminent Rank , were two of the Sons of Cha●ls Brandon : both dying at Cambridg , both Dukes of Suffolk ( as their Father had been before ; ) but the youngest following his dead Brother so close at the Heels , that he onely out-lived him long enough to enjoy that Title . And , that , which was yet most strange of all , no Foreigner , which was then in England ( four hundred French attending here , in the Hottest of it , on that King's Ambassadours ) did perish by it . The English being singled out , tainted , and dying of it in all other Countries , without any danger to the Natives ; called therefore , in most Latine Writers , by the name of Sudor Anglicus , or The English Sweat. First known amongst us , in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh ; and then beheld , as a Presage of that troublesom , and Laborious Reign , which after followed : the King being for the most part in continual Action ; and the Subjects , either sweating out their Blood , or Treasure . Not then so violent , and extreme , as it was at the present ; such infinite Multitudes being at this time swept away by it , that there died eight hundred in one week in London onely . These being looked on as Presages , we will next take a view of those sad Events , which were supposed to be prognosticated by them ; beginning first with the Concussions of the Court by open Factions , and ending in a Sweating Sickness ; which drew out some of the best Blood , and most Vital Spirits of the Kingdom . The Factions Headed by the Duke of Sommerset , and the Earl of Warwick : whose reconciliation , on the Earl's part , was but feigned , and counterfeit ; though he had both given , and taken Pledges for a faster Friendship . The good success he found in his first attempt against the Duke , when he degraded him from the Office of Lord Protectour , emboldened him to make some further trial of his Fortune ; to which there could not be a stronger Temptation , then the Servility of some Great Men about the Court , in prostituting their affection to his Pride , and Tyranny . Grown absolute in the Court ( but more by the weakness of others , then any virtue of his own he thought it no impossible matter , to make that Weakness an improvement of his strength , and Power . And , passing from one Imagination to another , he fixed at last upon a Fancy of transferring the Imperial Crown of this Realm , from the Royal Family of the Tudors , unto that of the Dudlies . This to be done , by Marrying one of his Sons to the Lady Jane , the eldest Daughter of Henry , Lord Marquess Dorset , and of the Lady Francis his Wife , one of the Daughters , and co-Heirs of Charls Brandon , the late Duke of Suffolk , by Mary , Dowager of France , and the be●t-beloved Sister of King Henry the Eighth . In order whereunto , he must first oblige the Marquess by some signal favour ; advance himself to such a Greatness , as might render any of his Sons an agreeable match for either of the Marquess's Daughters ; and finally devise some means , by which the Duke of Sommerset might be took out of the way : whose life he looked on , as the principal Obstacle to his great Aspirings . By this Design , he should not onely satisfie his Ambition , but also sacrifice to Revenge . The Execution of his Father , in the first year of the Reign of the late King Henry , would not out of his mind ; and by this means he might have opportunity to execute his just vengeance on the King's Posterity , for the unjust Murther ( as he esteem'd it ) of his innocent Father . Confirmed in these Resolves by Sir John Gates , Lieutenant of the Band of Pensioners ; who was reported afterwards to have put this Plot into his Head at the first , as he stood to him in the prosecution of it to the very last . The Privy Council of his own thoughts having thus advised , the Privy Council of the King was in the next place to be made sure to him ; either obliged by Favours , or gained by Flatteries : those of most Power to be most Courted , through a smooth Countenance , fair Language , and other thriving Acts of insinuation , to be made to all . Of the Lord Treasurer Paulet he was sure enough : whom he had found to have so much of the Willow in him , that he could bend him how he pleased . And being sure of him , he thought himself as sure of the Publick Treasure , as if it were in his own Pockets . The Marquess of North-hampton was Captain of the Band of Pensioners , encreased in Power , though not in Place ; by ranging under his Command , as well the Light-Horse , as the Men at Arms , which had served at Bulloign . With him the Earl had peeced before , drew him into his first Design , for bringing down the Lord Protectour to a lower Level : but made him faster then before , by doing so many good Offices to Sir William Herbert , who had Married his Sister . Which Herbert , being son of Richard Herbert of Ewias , one of the Bastards of William Lord Herbert of Ragland , the first Earl of Pembroke of that House , was , of himself , a Man of a daring Nature , Boisterously bold , and , upon that account , much favoured by King ●enry the Eighth growing into ●ore Credit with the King , in regard of the Lady Ann his Wife , the Sister of Queen Kat●●in Par , and having mightily raised h●ms●lf in the fall of Abbies , he was made chief Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber , and by that Title ra●ked amongst the Executours of the King 's last Will , and then appointed to be one of the Council to the King now Reigning . Being found by Dudly , a fit man to advance his ends , he is by his Procurement grat●fi●d ( for I know not what Service , unless it were for furthering the Sale of Bulloign ) with some of the King's Lands , amounting to five hundred pounds in yearly Rents , and made Lord Pr●sident of Wales , promoted afterwards to the place of Master of the Horse , that he might be as considerab●e in the Court , as he was in the Country . It was to be presumed , that he would not be wanting unto him , who had so preferred him . By these three all Affairs of Court were carried : plot●ed by Dudley , smoothed by the Courtship of the Marquess , and executed by the bold hand of the new Lord President . Being thus fortified , he revives his former Quarrel with the Duke of Sommerset ; not that he had any just ground for it , but that he looked upon him as the onely Block , which lay in the way of his Aspirings , and ●herefore was to be removed by what means soever . Plots are lai'd therefore to entrap him , Snares to catch him , Reports raised him , as a Proud , and Ambitious Person , of whose Aspirings there would be no other end , then the Crown it self , and common Rumours spread abroad , that some of his Followers had Proclaimed him King in several places , onely to finde how well the People stood affected to it . His Doors are watched , and Notice took of all , that went in and out , his Words observed , made much worse by telling , and aggravated with all odious Circumstances to his Disadvantage . No way untravailed in the Arts of Treachery , and Fraud , wh●ch might bring him into Suspicion with the King , and Obloquie with the common People . The Duke's Friends were not ignorant of all these Practises , and could not but perceive , but that his Ruin , and their own , was projected by them . The Law of Nature bound them to preserve themselves : but their Adversaries , were too cunning for them at the Weapon of Wit , and had too much Strength in their own Hands , to be easily overmastered in the way of Power . Some dangerous Counsels were thereupon infused into him , ( more likely by his Wife , then by any other ) to invite these Lords unto a Banquet , and either to kill them as they sate , or violently to drag them from the Table , and cut of their Heads ; the Banquet to be made at the Lord Page●'s Ho●se , near Saint Clement's Church , and one hundred stout Men to be lodged in Sommerset-Place , not far off , for the Execution of that M●rther . This Plot confessed ( if any Credit may be given to such Confessions ) by one Crane , and his Wife , both great in the Favour of the Duchess , and with her committed . And after just●fied by Sir Thomas Palmer , who was committed with the Duke , in his Examination taken by the Lords of the Council . There were said to be some Consultations also , for raising the Forces in the North , for setting upon the Gens'd arms , which served in the Nature of a Life-Guard ( as before was said ) upon some day of General-Muster : two thousand Foot , and one hundred Horse of the Duke's being designed unto that Service ; and that , being done , to raise the City , by Proclaiming Liberty . To which it was added by Hammond , one of the Duke 's false Servants , That his Chamber at Greenwich had been strongly guarded by Night , to prevent the Surprisal of his Person . How much of this is true , or whether any of it be true or not , it is not easie to determ●ne , though possibly enough it is , that all this Smoak could not be without some Fire : which whosoever kindled first , there is no doubt , but that Earl Dudly blew the Coals , and made it seem greater then it was . Of all these Practises , and Designs ( if such they were ) the Earl is con●tantly advertised by his Espials , whom he had among●● them ; and gave them as much Lin● , and Leisure , as they could desire , till he had made all things ready for the Executing of his own Projectments . But first there must be a great day of bestowing Honours : as well for gaining the more Credit unto him , and his Followers ; as , by the jollity of the Time , to take away all Fear of Danger from the Opposite Party . In Pursuit whereof , Henry Lord Gray , Marquess of Dorset , descended from Elizabeth , Wife of King Edward the Fourth , by Her former Husband , is made Duke of Suffolk : to which he might pretend some Claim ▪ in Right of the Lady Frances , his Wife ▪ the eldest Daughter of Charls Brandon , Duke of Suffolk , and Sister of Henry an● Charls , the two late Dukes thereof , who dyed a few Moneths since , at Cambridg , of the Sweating Sickness . The Earl himself , for some Reasons very well known to himself , and not unknown to many others , is made Duke of Northumberland : which Title had lain Dormant , ever since the Death of Henry Lord Percy , the sixth Earl of that Family , who dyed in the year 1537. or thereabouts : of whom more anon . The Lord Treasurer Pawlet , being then Earl of Wiltshire , is made Marquess of Winchester : Sir William Herbert created at the same time Lord Herbert of Cardiff , and E●rl of Pembroke . Some make Sir Thomas Darcie , Captain of the Guard , to be advanced unto the Title of Lord Darcy of Chich on the same day also : which others place , perhaps more rightly , on the fifth of April . The Solemnity of which Creations being passed over , the Order of Knighthood is conferred on William Cecil Esquire , one of the Secretaries of Estate ; John Cheek , Tutour , or Schole-Master to the King ; Henry Dudley , and Henry Nevil , Gentlemen of the Privy-Chamber . At , or about which time , Sir Robert Dudley , the third Son of the new Duke of N●rthumberland , ( but one , which had more of the Father in h●m , then all the rest ) is sworn of the Bed●Chamber to the King ; which was a place of greatest Trust , and Nearness to His Majestie 's Person . The Triumphs of this Day , being the eleventh day of October , were but a Porlogue to the Tragedy , which began on the fifth day after . At what time the Duke of Sommerset , the Lord Gray , Sir Thomas Palmer , Sir Ralph Vane , Sir Thomas Arundel , together with Hammond , Newdigate , and two of the Seimours , were seised on , and committed to Custody ; all of them , except Palmer , Vane , and Arundel , being sent to the Tower. And these three kept in several Chambers , to attend the pleasure of the Council , for their Examinations . The Duchess of Sommerset , Crane , and his Wife , above-mentioned , and one of the Gentlewomen of her Chamber , were sent unto the Tower on the morrow next ; followed not long after by Sir Thomas Holdcroft , Sir Miles Partridg , Sir Michael Stanhop , Wingfield , Banister , and Vaughan , with certain others : for whose Commitment there was neither cause known , nor afterwards discovered . Onely the greater Number raised the greater Noise , increas'd the Apprehension of the present Danger , and served to make the Duke more Criminal in the Eyes of the People , for drawing so many of all sorts into the Conspiracy . Much time was spent in the Examination of such of the Prisoners , as either had before discovered the Practice ( if any such Practice were intended ) or were now fitted , and instructed , to betray the Duke into the Power , and Malice of his Enemies . The Confessions which seemed of most importance , were those of Palmer , Crane , and Hammond ; though the Truth , and Reality , of the Depositions may be justly questioned . For , neither were they brought , face to face , before the Duke , at the time of his Trial ; as in ordinary course they should have been : nor suffered loss of Life , or Goods , as some others did , who were no more guilty then themselves . And yet the Business stai ▪ d not here ; the Earl of Arundel , and the Lord Paget , and two of the Earl of Arundel's Servants , being sent Prisoners after the rest , upon Crane's detection . It was further added by Palmer , that , on the last St. George's-Day , the Duke of Sommerset , being upon a journey into the North , would have raised the People ; if he had not been assured by Sir William Herbert , that no Danger was intended to him . Six Weeks there passed between the Commitment of the Prisoners , and the Duke's Arraignment : which might have given the King more , then leisure enough to finde the depth of the Design ; if either he had not been directed by such , as the new Duke of Northumberland had placed about him , or taken by a Solemnity , which served fi●ly for it . For so it happened , that the Queen Regent of Scotland , having been in France to see Her Daughter , and being unwilling to return by Sea , in that cold time of the year , obtained leave of the King ( by the mediation of the French Ambassadour ) to take Her journey through England . Which leave being granted , She put Her self into the Bay of Portsmouth , where She was Honourably received , and conveyed towards London . From Hampton-Court She passed by Water , on the second day of November , to St. Paul's - Wharf . From whence She rode , accompanied with divers Noble Men , and Ladies of England , besides Her own Train of Scotland , to the Bishop's-Palace . Presented at Her first coming thither , in the name of the City , with Muttons , Beefs , Veals , Poultry , Wine , and all other sorts of Provisions , necessary for Her Entertainment , even to Bread , and Fewel . Having reposed Her self two days , She was conveyed in a Chariot to the Court at White-Hall , accompanied with the Lady Margaret Douglass , Daughter of Margaret , Queen of Scots , by Her second Husband ; together with the Duchesses of Richmond , Suffolk , and Northumberland ; besides many other Ladies of both Kingdoms , which followed after in the Train . At the Court-Gate She was received by the Dukes of Suffolk , and Northumberland , and the Lord High-Treasurer , the Guard standing on both sides , as She went along ; and being brought unto the King , whom She found standing at the end of the Great Hall , She cast Her self upon Her knees , but was presently taken up , and Saluted by Him , according to the Free Custom of the English Nation . Leading Her by the Hand to the Queen's Chamber of Presence : He Saluted in like manner all the Ladies of Scotland , and so departed for a while . Dinner being ready , the King conducted Her to the Table prepared for them , where they dined together , but had their Services apart . The Ladies of both Kingdomes were fea●ted in the Queen 's Great Chamber , where they were most Sumptuously Served . Dinner being done , that Her Attendants might have time to partake of the Entertainment , the King shewed Her His Gardens , Galleries , &c. and , about four of the clock , He brought Her down by the Hand into the Hall , where He Saluted Her , and so She departed to the Bishop's-Pa●ace , as before . Departing towards Scotland , on the sixth of that Moneth , She rode through all the Principal Streets of London ; betwixt the Bishop's House , and the Church in Shore-ditch , attended by divers Noble Men , and Women , all the way She went. But more particularly the Duke of Northumberland shewed himself with one hundred Horse , each having his Javelin in his hand ; and fourty of them apparelled in Black Velvet , Guarded with White and Velvet Caps , and White Feathers , and Chains of Gold about their Necks . Next to these stood one hundred and twenty Horsemen , of the Earl of Pembroke's , with black Javelins , Hats , and Feathers . Next to them one hundred of the Treasurer's Gentlemen , and Yeomen , with Javelins . These ranks of Horsemen reaching , from the Cross in Cheap-side , to the end of Birching-Lane in Cornhill . Brought as far as Shoreditch-Church , She was committed to the care of the Sheriffs of London , by whom She was attended as far as Wal●ham . Conducted in like manner by the Sheriffs of all the Counties , through which She passed , till She came unto the Borders of Scotland : Her Entertainment being provided by the King's appointment , at the Charge of the Counties . Which Passages , not being otherwise Material in the Course of this History , I have adventured to lay down ; the better to express the Gallantry , and Glory of the English Nation , before Puritanism , and the Humour of Parity , occasioned the neglect of all the laudable Solemnities , which antiently had been observed , both in Church , and State. The Discourse , raised on this Magnificent Reception of the Scotish Queen , so filled all Mouths , and entertained so many Pens , that the Danger of the Duke of Sommerset seemed for a time to be forgotten ; but it was onely for a time . For , on the first of December , the Duke being brought by water to Westminster-Hall , found all things there prepared for his Arraignment . The Lord High-Steward , for the time , was the Marquess of Winchester , who took his place under a Cloath of Estate , raised three steps higher , then the rest of the Scaffold . The Peers , to the number of twenty seven , sitting one step lower . Amongst these were the Duke of Northumberland , the Marquess of North-hampton , and the Earl of Pembroke : who , being Parties to the Charge , ought , in all Honesty , and Honour , to have excused themselves , from sitting in Judgment on him , at the time of his Trial. But no Challenge , or Objection , being made , or allowed against them , they took place with the rest . The Court being sate , and the Prisoner brought unto the Bar , the Charge against him was divided into five Particulars : viz. Fir●● , His design of Raising men in the North - Parts of the Realm , and of assembling men at his House , to kill the Duke of Northumberland . 2. A resolution to assist his Attachment . 3. The Plot for killing the Gens d' Arms. 4. His intent for raising London . 5. His purpose of assaulting the Lords , and devising their Deaths . The whole Impeachment managed in the name of Treason , and Felony : because in all Treasons the intent , and purpose is as Capital , as the Act it self , if once discovered , either by word , or deed , or any other material Circumstance , though it go no further . But , though Treason made the loudest noise , it was the Felony , which was especially relied upon , for his Condemnation . Two Statutes were pretended for the Ground of the whole Proceedings . The first made in the time of King Henry the Seventh , by which it was Enacted , to be Felony , for any inferiour Person , to contrive the death of a Lord of the Council . The second , that of the last Session of Parliament , By which it was Declared , to be Treason , for any Twelve Persons , or more , to Assemble together , with an intent to murther any of the Lords of the Council : if , after Proclamation made , they dissolved not themselves , within the space of an hour . The Indictment being Read , and the Confessions of Palmer , and the rest , being produced , and urged by the King's Council , ( who spared not to press them , as is accustomed in such Cases ) to the best advantage . The Duke , though much dismayed , returned this Answer to the Branches of his Accusation : viz. That He never intended to raise the North - Parts of this Realm ; but that , upon some bruits , he apprehended a Fear , which made him send to Sir William Herbert , to remain his Friend ; That He determined not to kill the Duke of Northumberland , nor any other Lord : but spake of it onely , and determined the contrary ; That It had been a mad enterprise , with his hundred men , to assail the Gens d' Arms , consisting of nine hundred : which , in case he had prevailed , would nothing have advanced the pretended purpose ; That Therefore this b●ing senseless , and absurd , must needs discredit other matters : which otherwise might have been believed ; That At London he never projected any stir : but ever held it a good place for his security ; That , For having men in his Chamber at Greenwich , it was manifest , that he meant no harm : because , when he might have done it , he did not . And further , against the persons of them , whose Examinations had been read , he objected many things ; desiring , that They might be brought to his face : which , in regard of his Dignity , and Estate , he conceived to be reasonable . And so it happened unto him , as with many others ; that , hoping to make his fault seem less , by a fair Confession , he made it great enough to serve for his Condemnation . For , presently upon these words , the Council , thinking they had matter enough , from his own Confession , to convict him of Felony , insisted chiefly on that Point , and flourished out their Proofs upon it , to their best Advantage . But so , that they neglected not to aggravate his Offence in the Treason also : that his Peers might be under some necessity of finding him guilty in the one ; if they should finde themselves unsatisfied , for passing their Verdict in the other . And though neither the one , nor the other , were so clear in Law , as to make him liable to a Sentence of Condemnation : if either the Statute in the Contents had been rightly opened , or the Opinion of the Judges demanded in them ; yet what cannot the Great Wit of some Advocates do , when they have a mind to serve their Turn upon a Stat●te , contrary to the Mind and Meaning of them that made it . The Duke of Northumberland , thereupon , with a Counterfeit Modesty ( conceiving that he had him fast enough , in Respect of the Felony ) desired their Lordships , that no Act against his life might be brought within the Compass of Treason ; and they who understood his meaning at half a Word , after a full hearing of the Evidence , withdrew themselves into a Room appointed for them : and after some Conference amongst themselves , acquitting him of Tre●son , they pronounced him guilty of the Felony onely ; which being returned for their Verdict , by all the Lords one after another , in their Rank and Order , and nothing objected by the Duke , that Judgement should not pass upon him , the Lord High Steward , with a seeming Sorrow , gave Sentence , That he should be had to the Place from whence he came , from thence to the Place of Execution , and there to hang while he was dead ; which is the Ordinary Form of condemning Felons . A Matter not sufficiently to be admired , that the Duke should either be so ignorant , or ill advised , so destitute of present Courage , or so defective in the Use of his Wit , and Judgment , as not to crave the common Benefit of his Clergy ; which had he done , it must have been allowed him by the Rules of the Court : whether it were , that of his own Misfortunes might render him uncapable of laying hold on such Advantages , as the Laws admitted ; or that he thought it better to die once for all , then living in a perpetual Fear of dying daily by the malicious Practises and Devises of his powerfull Adversaries ; or that he might presume of a Pardon of Course , in regard of the nature of the Offence , in which neither the King , nor the Safety of the Kingdom was concerned , and that the Law , by which it was found guilty of Felony , had never been put in Execution upon a man of his Quality , if perhaps at all ; or finally , whether it were some secret Judgment on him from above ( as some men conceived ) that he who had destroyed so many Churches , invaded the Estate of so many Cathedrals , deprived so many Learned Men of their Means , and Livelyhood , should want , ( or rather not desire ) the Benefit of the Clergy , in his greatest extremity . In stead whereof he suffered Judgment of death to pass upon him , gave thanks unto the Lords for his gentle Tryall ▪ craved Pardon of the Duke of Northumberland , the Marquess of North-hampton , and the Earl of Pembroke , for his ill Meaning towards them ; concluding with an humble Suit for his Life , and Pity to be shewed to his Wife and Children . It is an antient Custome in the Triall of all great Persons accused of Treason , that the Ax of the Tower is carried before them to the Bar , a●d afterwards at their Return from thence , on the Pronouncing of the Sentence of Condemnation . Which Ceremony not being performed at his going thence , in regard he was condemned of the Felony onely , gave an occasion unto such as had thronged into the Hall , and knew not otherwise how things passed , to conceive that he had been acquitted absolutely of the whole Indictment . And thereupon so loud a Shout was made in the lower end of the Hall , that the noise thereof was heard beyond Charing-Cross , to the great Terrour and Amazement of his guilty Adversaries . But little pleasure found the Prisoner in these Acclamations , and less , the People , when they understood of his Condemnation : so that departing thence with grief , they left the way open for the Prisoner to be carried by water , to the Cranes in the Vi●etry , and from thence peaceably conveyed to the Tower again . Not long after followed the Arraignment of Sir Michael Stanhop , Sir Thomas Arundel , Sir Ralph Vane , and Sir Miles Partridge , on whom also passed the Sentence of Death ; but the certain Day and Time of their Triall . I have no where found . Most probable it is , that they were not brought to their Triall , till after the Ax had done its part on the Duke of Sommerset , which was on the twenty third of January , because I finde they were not brought to their Execution till the twenty sixth of February then next following , the two first being then beheaded , and the two last hanged , at what time they severally Protested , ( taking God to witness ) that they never practised Treason against the King , or against the Lives of any of the Lords of his Council ; Vane adding after all the rest , that his Blood would make Northumberland's Pillow uneasie to him . None of them less lamented by the Common People , then Sir Miles Partridge , against whom they had an old Grudge , for depriving them of the best Ring of Bells , which they had at that time , called Jesus-Bells ; which winning of King Henry at a Cast of Dice , he caused to be taken down , and sold , or melted for his own Advantage . If any Bell tolled for him when he went to his Death , or that the sight of an Halter made him think of a Bell-Rope , it could not but remember him of his Fault in that Particular , and mind him of calling upon Christ Jesus , for his Grace and Mercy . But in the mean time , Care is taken , that the King should not be too apprehensive of these Misfortunes into which his Uncle had been cast ; or enter into any Enquiries , whether he had been cast into them by his own Fault , or the Practises of others . It was therefore thought fit to Entertain him frequently with Masks , and Dancings , brave Challenges at Tilts , and Barriers , and whatsoever Sports and Exercises , which they conceived most pleasing to him . But nothing seemed more delightfull to him , then the appearing of His Lords , and others in a General Muster , performed on the twenty third of December , in Saint James his Fields . At what time sitting on Horse-back with the Lords of His Council , the Band of Pensioners in compleat Arms , with four Trumpeters , and the King's Standard going before them , first appeared in sight : each Pensioner having two Servants waiting on him with their several Spears . Next followed , in distinct Companies of one hundred apiece , the Troops of the Lord Treasurer Paulet , the Duke of Northumberland , the Lord Privy Seal , the Marquess of North-hampton , the Earl of Pembroke , and the Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports : a Trumpet and a Standard carried before each Troop ; fourty of the Duke of Northumbeland's Men , and as many of the Earl of Pembroke's , having Velvet Goats upon their Harness ; with these were mingled in like Equipage , ( as to the Trumpets , and the Standards ) the distinct Troops of the Earls of Rutland , and H●ntington , and the new Lord Darcy , consisting each of fifty Horse , and Rancked according to the Order , and Precedency of their several Lords . All which rode twice before the King , by five in a Ranck , all excellently well Armed , and bravely Mounted , to the great Contentment of the King , the Delight of the People , and as much to the Honour of the Nation , in the Eye of all such Strangers , as were present at it . But then the Lords of England , were Lords indeed , and thought it not consistent with a Title of Honour , to walk the Streets , attended by a Lacquie onely , and perhaps not that , The Particulars of which Glorious Muster had not been specified , but for supplying the Place of Musick , ( as the Solemn Reception of the Queen Regent did before ) betwixt the two last Acts of this Tragedy , to the last whereof we shall now come , and so end this year . Two Moneths had passed since the Pronouncing of the Fatal Sentence of Condemnation , before the Prisoner was brought out to his Execution . In all which time it may be thought , that he might easily have obtained his Pardon of the King , who had passed the first years of His Reign under his Protection , and could not but behold him with the Eye of Respect , as his●nearest Kinsman by the Mother , But first his Adversaries , had so possessed the King with an Opinion of his Crimes , and Misdemeanours , that he believed him to be guilty of them : as appears by his Letter to Fitz-Patrick , ( for which Consult the Church Historian . Lib. 7. fol. 409 , 410. ) wherein he Summarily repeateth the Substance of the Charge , the Proofs against him , the Proceedings of the Lords in the Arraignment , and his Submiss Carriage , both before , and after the Sentence . They also filled his Ears with the Continual Noise of the Unnatural Prosecuting of the late Lord Admiral ; inculcating , how unsafe it was to trust to the Fidelity of such a Man , who had so lately washed his Hands in the Blood of his Brother . And , that the King might rest himself upon these Perswasions , all ways were stopped , and all the Avenues blocked up , by which it might be possible for any of the Duke's Friends to finde access , either for rectifying the King's Opinion , or obtaining his Pardon . So that at last , upon the twenty second of January before-remembred ( the King not being sufficiently possessed before of his Crimes , and Cruelties ) he was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill . Where he avouched to the People : That , His In●tentions had been not onely harmless , in regard of particular Persons , but driving to the Common Benefit , both of the King , and of the Realm . Interrupted in the rest of his Speech , upon the suddain ●ear of a Rescue , by the coming in of the Hamlets on the one side , a●d the Hopes of a Pardon , which the People conceived to have been brought him by Sir Anthony Brown , who came speedily galloping on the other , he composed himself at last to make a Confession of his Faith , heartily praying for the King , exhorting the People to Obedience , and humbly craving Pardon both of God , and Man. Which said , he chearfully submitted his Head to the stroke of the Ax , by which it was taken off at a Blow ; putting an end thereby to his Cares and Sorrows . Such was the End of this Great Person , whose Power and Greatness may be best discerned by this following Style , used by him in the Height of his former Glories : that is to say , Edward , by the Grace of God , Duke of Sommerset , Earl of Hertford , Viscount Beauchamp , Baron Seimour , Uncle to the King's Highness of England , Governour to the King's Highness Person , Protectour of all his Realms , Dominions , and Subjects , Lieutenant General of His Majestie 's Armies , both by Sea , and Land , Lord High Treasurer , and Earl Marshal of England , Captain of Isles the of Garnsey , and Jarsey , and Knight of the most Honourable Order of the Garter . As to his Parts , Person , and Abilitie , there needs no other Character of him , then what was given in the beginning , and may be gathered from the Course of this present History . More Moderate in carrying on the Work of Reformation , then those , who after had the Manageing , and Conduct of it , as one , that , in himself , was more inclinable to the Lutheran ( but where his profit was concerned in the spoil of Images ) then th●● Zuinglian Doctrines : so well beloved in general by the Common People , that divers dipt their Handkerchiefs in his Blood , to keep them in perpetual Remembrance of him . One of which , being a sprightly Dame , about two years after , when the Duke of Northumberland was led through the City , for his opposing the Title of Queen Mary , ran to him in the Streets , and , shaking out her bloody Handkerchief before him , Behold ( said she ) the Blood of that worthy man , that good Vncle of that Excellent King , which shed by thy malicious Practice , doth now begin apparently to revenge it self on thee . The like Opinion also was conceived of the business by the most understanding men in the Court , and Kingdom ; though the King seemed for the present to be satisfied in it . In which opinion they were exceedingly confirmed by the Enlargment of the Earl of Arundel , and restoring of Crane , and his Wife , to their former Liberty ; but most especially by the great Endearments , which afterwards appeared between the Duke of Northumberland and Sir Thomas Palmer , and the great confidence , which the Duke placed in him for the Advancement of his Projects , in behalf of the Duke of Suffolk : of which more hereafter . But the Malice of his Enemies stayed not here , extending also to his Friends , and Children , after his Decease : but chiefly to the eldest Son by the second Wife ; in favour of whom , an Act of Parliament had been passed in the thirty second year of the late King Henry , for the entailing on his Person all such Lands , Estates , and Honours , as had been , or should be purchas●d by his Father , from the twenty fifth day of May , then next foregoing . Which Act they caused to be repealed , at the end of the next Session of Parliament ( which began on the morrow after the Death of the Duke ) whereby they strip'd the young Gentleman , being then about thirteen years of Age , of his Lands , and Titles ; to which he was in part restored by Queen Elizabeth : who , in pity of his Father's Suff●rings , and his own Misfortunes , created him ●arl of Hertford , Viscount Beauchamp , &c. Nor did the Duke's Fall end it self in no other ruin , then that of his own house , and the Death of the four Knights , which suffered on the same account ; but drew along with it the ●emoval of the Lord Rich , from the Place , and Office , of Lord Chancellour . For so it happened , that the Lord Chancellour , commiserating the Condition of the Duke of Sommerset , though formerly he had shewed himself against him , dispatched a Letter to him , concerning some Proceedings of the Lords of the Council , which he thought fit for him to know . Which Letter being hastily superscribed , To the Duke , with no other Title , he gave to one of his Servants , to be carried to him . By whom , for want of a more particular direction , it was delivered to the hands of the Duke of Norfolk . But , the Mistake being presently found , the Lord Chancellour knowing into what hands he was like to fall , makes his Address unto the King , the next morning betimes ; and humbly prays , that , in regard of his great Age , he might be discharged of the Great Seal , and Office of Chancellour . Which being granted by the King , though with no small difficulty ; the Duke of Northumberland , and the Earl of Pembroke , ( forward enough to go upon such an Errand ) are sent , on the twenty first of December , to receive the Seal ; committed on the morrow after to Doctour Thomas Goodwin , Bishop of Ely , and one of the Lords of the Privy Council . Who afterwards , that is to say , on the two and twentieth of January , was sworn Lord Chancellour ; the Lord Treasurer Paulet giving him the Oath , in the Court of Chancery . Next followed the Losses , and Disgraces , suffered by the Lord Paget , on the Duke's account . To whom he had continued faithfull in all his Troubles ; when Sir William Cecil , who had received greater Benefits from him , and most of the Dependants on him , had either deserted , or betrayed him . His House designed to be the place , in which the Duke of Northumberland , and the rest of the Lords were to be murthered at a Banquet : if any credit may be given to the Informations ; for which Committed to the Tower , as before is said . But having no sufficient Proof , to warrant any further Proceeding to his Condemnation , an Enquiry is made not long after into all his Actions . In the return whereof , it was suggested ; That he had sold the King's Lands , and Woods , without Commission ; That he had taken great Fines for the King's Lands , and applyed them to his proper use ; and That he had made Leases in Reversion , for more then one and twenty years . Which Spoyl is to be understood of the Lands and Woods of the Dutchy of Lancaster , of the which he was Chancellour ; and for committing whereof , he was not onely forced to resign that Office , but condemned in a fine of six thousand pounds ; not otherwise to be excused , but by paying of four thousand pounds within the year . This Punishment , was accompanied with a Disgrace , no less grievous to him , then the loss both of his Place , and Money . He had been chosen into the Society of the Garter , An. 1548. when the Duke of Sommerset was in Power , and so continued , till the fifteenth of April , in the year next following , Anno 1552. At what time Garter , King of A●ms , was sent to his Lodging in the Tower , to take from him the Garter , and the George , belonging to him , as a Knight of that most Noble Order . Which he suffered willingly to be done , because it was His Majestie 's Pleasure , that it should so be . More sensible of the Affront , without all question , then otherwise he would have been , because the said George , and Garter , were presently af●er sent , by the King to John , Earl of Warwick , the Duke of Northumberland's eldest Son , Admitted thereupon into that Society . So prevalent are the Passions of some Great Persons ; that they can neither put a measure upon their Hatred , nor an end to their Malice . Which two last Passages , though more properly belonging to the following year , I have thought fit to place in this ; because of that dependance , which they have on the Fall of Sommerset . The like Ill-Fortune happened , at the same time also ▪ to Doctour Robert Farrar , Bishop of St. David's ; who , as he had his Preferments by him , so he suffered also in his Fall : not because Guilty of the Practice , or Conspiracy with him , as the Lord Paget , and the rest , were given out to be ; but because he wanted his Support , and Countenance , against his Adversaries . A Man he was of an unsociable disposition , rigidly self-willed : and one , who looked for more Observance , then his place required ; which drew him into a great disl●ke with most of his Clergy , with none more , then the Canons of his own Cathedral . The Faction headed , amongst others , by Doctour Thomas Young , then being the Chantour of that Church , and afterwards advanced by Queen Elizabeth to the See of York ; as also Doctour Rowland Merick , preferred by the same Queen to the See of Bangor : though they appeared not visibly in the Information , which was made against him . In which I finde him charged amongst other things , for Celebrating a Marriage , without requiring the Married Persons to receive the Communion , contrary to the Rubrick in the Common-Prayer-Book ; for going ordinarily abroad in a Gown , and Hat , and not in a Square Cap , as did the rest of the Clergy ; for causing a Communion-Table , which had been placed , by the Official of Caer-marthen , in the middle of the Church , ( the High Alltar being then demolished ) to be carried back into the Chancel , and there to be disposed of , in , or near the place , where the Altar stood ; for suffering many Superstitious U●ages to be retained amongst the people , contrary to the Laws in that behalf : But chiefly for exercising some Acts of Episcopal Jurisdiction , in his own name , in derogation of the King's Supremacy ; and grounding his Commissions , for the exercise thereof , upon foreign , and usurped Authority . The Articles , fifty six in number ; but this last , as the first in Rank , so of more Danger to him , then all the re●t , preferred against him , but not prosecuted , as long as his great Patron , the Duke of Sommerset , was in place , and Power . But , he being on the sinking hand , and the Bishop too stiff to come to a Compliance with those , whom he esteemed beneath him ; the Suit is followed with more noise , and violence , then was consistent with the credit of either Party . The Duke being dead , the four Knights Executed , and all his Party in Disgrace , a Commission is Issued , bearing Date the ninth of March , to enquire into the Merit of the Articles , which were charged against him . On the return whereof , he is Indicted of a Pr●●munire , at the Assizes held in Caer-marthen , in the July following ; committed thereupon to Prison , where he remained all the rest of King Edward's time ; never restored to Liberty , till he came to the Stake ▪ when all his Sufferings , and Sorrows , had an end together . But this Business hath carried us too far into the next year of this King : to the beginning whereof we must now return . Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 6o. An. Dom. 1551 , 1552. WE must begin the sixth year of the King with the fourth Session of Parliament , though the beginning of the fourth Session was some days before ; that is to say , on the twenty third day of January , being the next day after the Death of that Great Person . His Adversaries possibly could not do it sooner , and found it very unsafe to defer it longer , for fear of being over-ruled in a Parliamentary way , by the Lords , and Commons . There was Summoned also a Convocation of the Bishops , and Clergy of the Province of Canterbury , to begin upon the next day after the Parliament . Much business done in each , as may appear by the Table of the Statutes made in the one , and the passing of the Book of Articles as the Work of the other . But the Acts of this Convocation were so ill kept , that there remains nothing on Record , touching their Proceedings , except it be the names of such of the Bishops , as came thither to Adjourn the House . Onely I finde a Memorandum , that , on the twenty ninth of this present January , the Bishoprick of Westminster was dissolved , by the King's Letters Patents ; by which the County of Middlesex , which had before been laid unto it , was restored unto the See of London : made greater then in former times , by the Addition of the Arch-Deaconry of St. Alban's ; which , at the dissolution of that Monastery , had been laid to Lincoln . The Lands of Westminster so dilapidated by Bishop Thirlby , that there was almost nothing left to support the Dignity ; for which good service , he had been preferred to the See of Nor●ich , in the year foregoing . Most of the Lands invaded by the Great men of the Court , the rest laid out for Reparation to the Church of St. Paul ; pared almost to the very quick , in those days of Rapine . From hence first came that significant By-word ( as is said by some ) of Robbing Peter , to pay Paul. But this was no Business of that Convocation , though remembred in it . That which most specially doth concern us in this Convocation , is the settling , and confirming of the Book of Articles , prepared by Arch-Bishop Cranmer , with the assistance of such Learned men , as he thought fit to call unto him , in the year last past ; and now presented to the consideration of the rest of the Clergy . For , that they were debated , and agreed upon in that Convocation , appears by the Title of the Book , where they are called , A●ticuli , de quibus in Synodo Londinensi , An. Dom. 1552 , &c. that is to say , Articles , Agreed upon in the Synod of London , An. 1552. And it may be concluded from that Title also , that the Convocation had devolved their Power on some Grand Committee , sufficiently Authourised to Debate , Conclude , and Publish what they had Concluded in the name of the rest . For there it is not said , as in the Articles Published in Queen Elizabeth's time , An. 1562. That they were agreed upon by the Arch-Bishops , and Bishops of both Provinces , and the whole-Clergy , in the Convocation holden at London ; but that they were agreed upon , in the Synod of London ▪ by the Bishops , and certain other Learned Men ; inter Episcopos , & ●lios Eruditos viros , as the Latin hath it . Which seems to make it plain enough , that the debating , and concluding of the Articles , contained in the said Book , was the Work onely of some B●shops , and certain other Learned men : sufficiently empowered for that end , and purpose . And being so empowered to that end and purpose , the Articles , by them concluded , and agreed upon , may warrantably be affirmed , to be the Acts , and Products of that Convocation ; Confirmed , and Published for such by the King's Authority ( as appears further by the Title * in due form of Law. And so it is resolved by Philpot , Arch-Deacon of Winchester , in behalf of the Catechism , which came ●ut An. 1553. with the Approbation of the said Bishops , and Learned men . Against which , when it was objected by Doctour Weston , Prolocutour of the Convocation , in the first of Queen Mary ; that the said Catechism was not set forth by the Agreement of that House ; it was Answered by that Reverend , and Learned man ; That The said House had gran●ed the Authority , to make Ecclesiastical Laws , unto certain Persons , to be appointed by the King's Majesty ; and therefore , whatsoever Ecclesiastical Laws ▪ they , or the most part of them did set forth , ( according to the Statute in that behalf provided ) might be well said to be done in the Synod of London . And this may also be the Case of the Book of Articles , which may be truly , and justly said to be the Work of that Convocation : though many Members of it never saw the same , till the Book was published ; in regard ( I still use Philpot's words in the Acts and Mon. Fol. 1282. ) that they had a Synodal Authority unto them committed , to make such Spiritual Laws , as to them seemed to be n●c●ssary , or convenient for the use of the Church . Had it been otherwise , King Edward , a most Pious , and Religious Prince must needs be looked on , as a Wicked and most Lewd Impostour , in putting such an horrible Cheat upon all His Subjects , by Fathering these Articles on the Convocation , which begat them not , nor ever gave consent unto them . And yet it is not altogether improbable , but that these Articles being debated , and agreed upon , by the said Commitee , might also pass the Vote of the whole Convocation , though we finde nothing to that purpose in the Acts thereof , which either have been lost , or were never Registred . Besides , it is to be observed that the Church of England , for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth , retained these Articles , and no other , as the publick Tenents of the Church in point of Doctrine ; which certainly She had not done , had they been commended to Her by a less Authority , then a Convocation . Such hand the Convocation had in canvasing the Articles , prepared for them , and in concluding , and agreeing to so much , or so many of them , as afterwards were published by the King's Authority in the name thereof . But whether they had any such hand in Reviewing the Liturgie , and passing their Consent to such Alterations , as were made therein , is another Question . That some necessity appeared both for the Reveiwing of the whole , and the altering of some Parts thereof hath been shew'd before : And it was shewed before by whose Procurement , and Sollicitation , the Church was brought to that necessity of doing somewhat to that Purpose . But being not sufficiently Authorised to proceed upon it , because the King 's sole Authority did not seem sufficient , they were to stay the Leasure , and Consent of the present Parliament . For being the Liturgie then in force had been confirmed and imposed by the King in Parliament , with the Consent , and Assent of the Lords and Commons , it stood with Reason , that they should not venture actually on the Alteration , but by their permission first declared . And therefore it is said expresly in the Act of Parliament made this present year , That The said Order of Common Service , Entituled The Book of Common-Prayer , had been Perused , Explained , and made fully perfect : not single by the King's Authority , but by the King , with the Assent of the Lords and Commons . More then the giving of their Assent , was neither required by the King , nor desired by the Prelats ; and less then this could not be fought , as the Case then stood . The signifying of which Assent enabled the Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy , whom they had taken for their Assistants , to proceed to the Digesting of such Alterations , as were before considered , and resolved on , amongst themselves ; and possibly might receive the like Authority from the Convocation , as the Articles had , though no such thing remaining upon Record in the Registers of it . But whether it were so , or not , certain it is , that it received as much Authority , and Countenance ▪ as could be given unto it by an Act of Parliament ; by which imposed upon the Subject under certain Penalties ( Imprisonments , Pecuniarie Mulcts , &c. ) which could not be inflicted on them by Synodical Acts. The Liturgie being thus Settled , and Confirmed in Parliament , was by the King's Command translated into French , for the Use of the Isles of Guernsey , and Jersey , and such as lived within the Marches , and Command of Calais . But no such Care was taken for Wales , till the fifth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth : nor of the Realm of Ireland , from that time to this . King Henry had so far prepared the Way to a Reformation , as His own Power , and Profit was concerned in it ; to which Ends he excluded the Pope's Authority , and caused Himself to be declared Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of Ireland , by Act of Parliament . And by like Acts he had annexed to the Crown the Lands of all Monasteries , and Religious Orders : together with thetwentieth Part of all the Ecclesiastical Promotions within that Kingdom ; and caused the like Course to be settled for the Electing , and Consecrating of Arch-Bishops , and Bishops , as had been done before in England . Beyond which , as he did not go ; so , as it seems , King Edward's Council thought not fit to adventure further . They held it not agreeable to the Rules of Prudence , to have too many Irons in the Fire at once : nor safe , in Point of Policy , to try Conclusions on a People in the King's Minority , which were so far tenacionsly addicted to the Superstitions of the Church of Rome , and of a Nature not so tractable , as the English were . And yet that Realm was quiet , even to Admiration , notwithstanding the frequent Embroilments , and Commotions , which so miserably disturbed the Peace of England : which may be reckoned for one of the greatest Felicities of this King's Reign , and a strong Argument of the Care , and Vigilancy of such of His Ministers , as had the chief Direction of the Irish Affairs . At the first Payment of the Money for the Sale ( rather then the Surrendry ) of Bulloign : eight thousand pounds was set apart for the Service of Ireland ; and shortly after out of the Profits , which were raised from the Mint , four hundred men were Levied , and sent over thither also ; with a Charge given to the Governours , that the Laws of England should be Carefully , and Duly administred , and all such as did oppose , suppressed : by Means whereof great Countenance was given to those , who embraced the Reformed Religion there : especially within those Counties , which are called commonly by the name of the English Pale . The Common-Prayer-Book of England , being brought over thither , and used in most of the Churches of the English Plantation , without any Law in their own Parliaments to impose it on them . But nothing more conduced to the Peace of that Kingdom , then that the Governours for the most part were men of such Choice ; that neither the Nobility disdained to endure their Commands , nor the inferiour sort were oppressed , to supply their Wants . Besides which , as the King drew many men from thence to serve him in his Wars against France , and Scotland , which otherwise might have disturbed the common Peace ; so , upon notice of some great Preparations , which were made in France for the Assistance of the Scots , he sent over to guard the Coast of Ireland , four Ships , four Barks , four Pinnaces , and twelve Victuallers . By the Advantage of which Strength , He made good three Havens , two on the South-side toward France , and one toward Scotland ; which afterwards made themselves good Booties out of such of the French , as were either cast away on the Coast of Ireland , or forced to save themselves in the Havens of it . For the French making choice rather of their Passage by Saint George's Chanel , then by the ordinary Course of Navigation , from France , to Edenborough , fell from one Danger to another ; and , for fear of being intercepted , or molested by the Ships of England , were Shipwracked , as before was said , on the Coast of Ireland . Nothing else Memorable in this King's Reign , which concerned that Kingdom ; and therefore I have lai'd it altogether in this Place , and on this Occasion . But we return again to England , where we have seen a Reformation made in Point of Doctrine , and settled in the Forms of Worship ; the Superstitions and corruptions of the Church of Rome entirely abrogated , and all things rectified , according to the Word of God , and the Primitive Practice : nothing defective in the Managing of so great a Work , which could have been required by equal , and impartial Men , but that it was not done , as they conceived it ought to have been done , in a General Council . But first we finde not any such Necessity of a General Council , but that many Heresies had been suppressed , and many Corruptions removed out of the Church , without any such Trouble . Saint Augustine * in his fourth Book against the two Epistles of the Pelagians , cap. 12. speaks very plainly to this Purpose , and yet the Learned Cardinal , though a great Stickler in behalf of General Councils , speaks more plain then he . By whom it is affirrmed , that for seven Heresies condemned in seven General Councils ( though by his leave the seventh did not so much suppress , as advance an Heresie ) an huudred had been quashed in National and Provincial Councils . The Practice of the Church in the several Councils of Aquilia , Carthage , Gangra , Milevis , &c. make this plain enough ; all of them being Provincial , or at least but National , and doing their own Work without Help from others . The Church had been in an ill Condition , had it been otherwise ; especially under the Power of the Heathen Emperours ; when such a Confluence of the Prelats , from all Parts of the World , would have been construed a Conspiracy against the State , and drawn Destruction on the Church , and the Persons both . Or granting , that they might assemble without any such Danger , yet being great Bodies , moving slowly , and not without long time , and many Difficulties , and Disputes to be rightly Constituted : the Church would suffer more under such Delay , by the spreading of Heresie , then receive Benefit by this Care to suppress the same . So that there neither is , or can be , any such Necessity , either in Order to the Reformation of a National Church , or the Suppressing of particular Heresies , as by the Objectours is supposed . Howsoever taking it for granted , that a General Council is the best and safest Physick , that the Church can take , on all Occasions of Epidemical Distempers ; yet must it be granted at such times , and in such Cases onely , when it may conveniently be had . For where it is not to be had , or not had conveniently , it will either prove to be no Physick , or not worth the taking . But so it was , at the time of the Reformation , that a General Council could not conveniently be assembled , and more then so , it was impossible , that any such Council should assemble : I mean , a General Council rightly called , and constituted , according to the Rules lai'd down by our Controversers . For first they say , It must be called by such as have Power to do it . Secondly , That it must be intimated to all Christian Churches , that so no Church , nor People may plead Ignorance of it . Thirdly , That the Pope , and the four chief Patriarchs , must be present at it , either in person , or by Proxie . And lastly , That no Bishop be excluded , if he be known to be a Bishop , and not E●xcommunicated . According to which Rules , it was impossible , I say , that any General Council should be assembled at the time of the Reformation o● the Church of England . It was not then , as when the chief four Patriarchs , together with their Metropolitan and Suffragan Bishops , were under the Protection of the Christian Emperours , and might without Danger to themselves , or to their Churches , obey the Intimation , and attend the Service , the Patriarchs , with their Metropolitans and Suffragans , both then and now languishing under the Power and Tyranny of the Turk : to whom so general a Confluence of Christian Bishops must needs give matter of Suspicion of just Fears and Jealousies , and therefore not to be permitted ( as far as he can possibly hinder it ) on good Reason of State. And then besides , it would be known by whom such a General Council was to be assembled : if by the Pope , as generally the Papists say , He , and his Court were looked on , as the greatest Grievance of the Christian Church , and it was not probable , that he should call a Council against himself , unless he might have leave to pack it , to govern it by His own Legats , fill it with Titular Bishops of His own creating , or send the Holy Ghost to them in Cloak-Bag , as he did to Trent . If joyntly , by all Christian Princes which is the Common Tenent of the Protestant ; Scholes : what Hopes could any man conceive ( as the Times then were ) that they should lay aside their particular Interesses , to enter all together upon one design ? Or , if they had agreed about it , what Power had they to call the Prelats of the East , to attend the Business , and to protect them for so doing at their going home ? So that I look upon the hopes of a General Council . I mean a General Council rightly called , and constituted , as an empty Dream . The most , that was to be expected , was but a meeting of some Bishops of the West of Europe , and those but of one Party onely : as such were excommunicated , ( and that might be as many as the Pope should please ) being to be excluded by the Cardinal's Rule . Which how it may be called an Oecumenical , or General Council , unless it be a Topical-Oec●menical , a Particular-General ( as great an Absurdity in Grammar , as a Romaeu-Catholick ) I can hardly see : Which being so , and so no question , but it was , either the Church must have contin●ed without Reformation , or else it must be lawfull for National particular Churches to Reform themselves . And in that case the Church may be Reformed per partes , part after part ; Province after Province , as is said by Gerson . Further then which , I shall not enter into this Dispute , this being enough to Justifie the Church of England from doing any thing Unadvisedly , Unwarrantably , or without Example . That which remains , in Reference to the Progress of the Reformation , concerns as well the Nature as the Number of such Feasts and Fast● , as were thought fit to be retained , Determined and Concluded on , by an Act of Parliament ; to which the Bishops gave their Vote : but whether Predetermined in the Convocation , must be left as doubtfull . In the Preamble to which Act , it is Declared ; That , At all times men are not so mindfull of performing those Publick Christian Duties , which the true Religion doth require , as they ought to be ; and therefore it hath been wholesomly provided , that , for calling them to their Duties and for helping their Infirmities , that some certain Times , and Days should be appointed , wherein Christians should cease from all other kinde of Labours , and apply themselves onely , and wholely unto such Holy Works , as properly pertain to True Religion ; that the said Holy Works , to be performed upon those Days , are more particularly to hear , to learn , and to remember Almighty God's great Benefits , his manifold Mercies , his inestimable Gracious Goodness , so plentifully poured upon all his Creatures ; rendring unto him for the same our most hearty thanks ; That the said Days , and Times , are neither to be called , or accounted Holy : neither in the Nature of the time , or day , nor for any of the Saints sakes , whose Memories are preserved by them ; but for the Nature , and Condition , of those Godly , and Holy Works , with which onely God is to be Honoured , and the Congregation to be Edified ; That the Sanctifying of the said Days consisteth in separating them apart from all prophane uses , and Dedicated not to any Saint , or Creature , but onely to the Worship of God ; That there is no certain time , nor definite number of days appointed by Holy Scripture : but , that the appointment of the time , as also of the days , is left to the Liberty of Christ His Church by the Word of God ; That the days , which from thenceforth were to be kept as Holy days in the Church of England , should be all Sundays in the Year ; the Feast of the Circumcision , the Epiphany , the Purification of the Blessed Virgin , &c. with all the rest , recited at the end of the Calender , in the publick Liturgy ; That the Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. shall have Authority to punish the Offenders , in all , or any of the Premisses , by the usual censures of the Church , and to impose such penance on them , as to them , or any of them shall seem expedient ; and finally , that , notwithstanding any thing before declared , it shall , and may be lawfull , for any Husbandman , Labourer , Fisherman , &c. to labour , ride , fish , or work any kind of work , on the foresaid Holy days , not onely in the time of Harvest , but at any other time of the year , when need shall require ; with a Proviso for the Celebrating of St. Georg's Feast , on the two and twenty , three and twenty , and four and twentieth Days of April yearly , by the Knights of the Right Honourable Order of the Garter , or by any of them . Which Declaration , as it is agreeable in all points to the Tenour of approved Antiquity ; so can there nothing be more contrary to the Doctrine of the Sabbatarians , Which of late time hath been Obtruded on the Church . Then for the number of the Fasts , It is Declared , that from that time forwards , every Even , or Day , going before any of the aforesaid Days of the Feasts of the Nativity of Our Lord , of Easter , of the Ascension of our Lord , Pentecost . of the Purification , and the Annunciation of the aforesaid Blessed Virgin ; of All-Saints , of all the said Feasts of the Apostles , ( other then of St. John the Evangelist , and of St. Philip and Jacob ) shall be fasted , and Commanded to be kept , and observed , and that none other Even , or Day , shall be Commanded to be Fasted . For Explication of which last Clause , it is after added , that the said Act , or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to abrogate , or take away the Abstinence from Flesh in Lent , or on Fridays , and Saturdays : or any other appointed pointed to be kept for a Fasting-Day , but onely on the Evens of such other Days , as formerly had been kept , and observed for Holy , and were now abrogated by this Act. And for the better suppressing , or preventing of any such Fasts , as might be kept upon the Sunday , it was Enacted in the same ( according to the Practice of the Elder Times ) that , when it shall chance any the said Feasts , ( the Eves whereof are by this Statute to be kept for Fasting-Days ) to fall upon the Munday ; that then the Saturday next before shall be Fasted , as the Eve thereof , and not the Sunday . Which Statute , though repealed in the first of Queen Mary , and not revived till the first year of the Reign of King James : yet in Effect it stood in Force , and was more punctually observed in the whole time of Queen Elizabeth 's Reign , then after the Reviver of it . Such course being taken for the due observing of Days , and Times ; the next care was , that Consecrated Places should not be Prophaned by Fighting , and Quarrelling , as they had been lately , since the Episcopal Jurisdiction , and the Ancient Censures of the Church were lessened in Authority , and Reputation . And to that end it was Enacted in this present Parliament , that if any Persons whatsoever , after the first day of May then next following , should quarrel , chide , or brawl , in any Church , or Church-yard , he should be suspended ab ingressu Ecclesiae , if he were a Lay-man ; and from his Ministration , if he were a Priest ; that if any Person after the said time should smite , or lay violent hands upon another , he should be deemed to be Excommunicate , ipso facto , and be excluded from the Fellowship , and Company of Christ's Congregation ; and finally , that if any Person should strike another with any weapon , in the Church , or Church-yard , or draw his sword , with an intent to strike another with the same , and thereof be lawfull convicted , he should be punished with the loss of one of his Ears , &c. A seasonable severity , and much conducing to the Honour both of Church , and State. There were some Statutes also made for taking away the benefit of Clergy in some certain Cases ; for making such , as formerly had been of any Religious Order , to be Heritable to the Lands of their Ancestours , or next of Kindred , to whom they were to have been Heirs by the Common Law ; for Confirming the Marriages of Priests , and giving them , their ●ives , and Children , the like Capacities , as other Subjects did enjoy , whereof we have already spoke in another place . There also passed another Act , that no Person , by any means , should lend , or forbear any Sum of Mony , for any manner of Vsury , or encrease to be received , or hoped for , above the sum lent , upon pain to for●eit the sum so lent , and the encrease , and to suffer imprisonment , and make fine at the King's pleasure . But this Act being found to be prejudicial to the ●rade of the Kingdom , first discontinued of it self , and was afterwards repealed in the thirteenth year of Queen Elizabeth . This Parliament ending on the fifteenth of April gave time enough for Printing , and Publishing the Book of Common-Prayer , which had been therein Authorised ; the time for the Officiating of it , being fixed on the Feast of All-Saints , then next ensuing . Which time being come , there appeared no small Alteration in the outward Solemnities of Divine Service , to which the people had been formerly so long accustomed . For , by the R●brick of that Book , no Copes , or other Vestures were required , but the Surplice onely ; whereby the Bishops were necessitated to forbear their Crosses , and the Prebends of St. Paul's , and other Churches , occasioned to leave off their Hoods . To give a beginning hereunto , Bishop Ridley , then Bishop of London ( obediently conforming unto that , which he could not hinder ) did the same day Officiate the Divine Service of the Morning in his Rochet onely , without Cope , or Vestment ; he Preached also at St. Paul's Cross in the afternoon , the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Companies , in their best Liveries , being present at it ; the Sermon tending for the most part to the setting forth of the said Book of Common-Prayer , and to acquaint them with the Reason of such Alterations , as were made therein . On the same day the New Liturgie was executed also in all the Churches of London . And not long after ( I know not by what strange forwardness in them that did it ) the Upper Quire in St. Paul's Church , where the High-Altar stood , was broken down , and all the Qui●e thereabout ; and the Communion-Table was placed in the Lower Part of the Qui●e , where the Priest sang the Dayly Service . What hereupon ensued of the Rich Ornaments , and Plate , wherewith every Church was furnished after its proportion ; we shall see shortly , when the King's Commissioners shall be sent abroad to seise upon them in His Name , for their own Commodity . About this time the Psalms of David did first begin to be Composed in English Meeter , by one Thomas Sternhold , one of the Grooms of the Privy-Chamber ; who , Translating no more then thirty seven , left both Example , and Encouragement to John Hopkins , and others , to dispatch the rest . A Device first taken up in France , by one Clement Marot , one of the Grooms of the Bed-Chamber to King Francis the First : who , being much addicted to Poetry , and having some acquaintance with those , which were thought to have enclined to the Reformation , was perswaded by the Learned Vatablus ( Professour of the Hebrew Tongue in the University of Paris ) to exercise his Poetical Fancies , in Translating some of David's Psalms . For whose satisfaction , and his own , he Translated the first fifty of them : and after , flying to Geneva , grew acquainted with Beza who , in some tract of time , Translated the other hundred also ; and caused them to be fitted unto several Tunes ; which ● hereupon began to be Sung in private houses , and by degrees to be taken up in all the Churches of the French , and other Nations , which followed the Genevian Plat-form . Marot's Translation said by Strada , to have been ignorantly , and perversely done : as being but the Work of a man , altogether unlearned ; but not to be compared with that Barbarity , and Botching , which every where occurreth in the Translation of Sternhold , and Hopkins . Which notwithstanding being first allowed for private Devotion , they were by little , and little , brought into the use of the Church : Permitted rather , then Allowed to be Sung before , and after Sermons ; afterwards Printed , and bound up with the Common-Prayer-Book , and at last added by the Stationers at the end of the Bible . For , though it be expressed in the Title of those Singing Psalms , that they were set forth , and allowed to be Sung in all Churches ; before , and after Morning , and Evening Prayer : and also before , and after Sermons ; yet , this Allowance seems rather to have been a Connivance , then an Approbation : No such Allowance being any where found , by such as have been most Industrious , and concerned in the search thereof . At first it was , pretended onely that the said Psalms should be Sung before , and after Morning , and Evening Prayer , and also before , and after Sermons : which shews , they were not to be intermingled in the Publick Liturgie . But , in some tract of time , as the Puritan Faction grew in strength , and confidence , they prevailed so far in most places , to thrust the Te Deum , the Benedictus , the Magnificat , and the Nunc Dimittis , quite out of the Church . But of this more perhaps hereafter , when we shall come to the Discovery of the Puritan Practices , in the Times succeeding . Next to the business of Religion , that which took up a great part of the Publick Care , was the Founding , and Establishing of the new Hospital in the late dissolved House of Grey-Friers , near New-gate , in the City of London ; and that of St. Thomas in the Borough of So●thwark . Concerning which we are to know , that the Church , belonging to the said House , together with the Cloysters , and almost all the Publick Building , which stood within the Liberties , and Precincts thereof , had the good Fortune to escape that Ruin , which Generally befell all other Houses of that Nature . And standing undemolished , till the last Times of King Henry , it was given by him , not many days before His Death , to the City of London : together with the late dissolved Priory , called Little St. Bartholomew's ; which , at the Suppression thereof , was valued at 305. pounds , 6. s. 7. d. In which Donation , there was Reference had to a Double End. The one for the Relieving of the Poor , out of the Rents of such Messuages , and Tenements , as in the Grant thereof are contained , and specified . The other for Constituting a Parish-Church , in the Church of the said dissolved Grey-Friers : not onely for the use of such , as lived within the Precincts of the said two Houses ; but for the Inhabitants of the Parishes of Saint Nicholas in the Shambles , and of Saint Ewines , scituate in Warwick-Lane-end , near New-gate Market . Which Churches , with all the Rents , and Profits , belonging to them , were given to the City at the same time also , and for advancing the same ends , together with five hundred Marks by the year for ever ; the Church of the Grey-Friers to be from thenceforth called Christ-Church , Founded by King Henry the Eighth . All which was signified to the City in a Sermon Preached at Saint Paul's - Cross , by the Bishop of Rochester , on the thirteenth of January ; being no more then a Fortnight before the death of the King : so that He wanted not the Prayers of the Poor , at the Time of His Death , to serve as a Counter-Ballance for those many Curses , which the poor Monks , and Friers had bestowed upon Him in the Time of His Life . In pursuance of this double Design , the Church of the said Friers ( which had before served as a Magazine , or Store-house for such French-Wines , as had been taken by Reprise ) was cleansed , and made fit for Holy uses , and Mass again sang in it on the thirteenth day of January before remembred , resorted to by such Parishioners as were appointed to it by the King's Donation . After which followed ( in the first years of King Edward the Sixth ) the taking down of the said two Churches , and building several Tenements , on the Ground of the Churches , and Church-Yards , the Rents thereof to be imployed for the further maintenance , and Relief of the poor , living and loytering in , and about the City , to the great Dishonour of the same . But neither the first Grant of the King , nor these new Additions , being able to carry on the work to the end desired , it happened , that Bishop Ridley , preaching before the King , did much insist upon the settling of of some constant course for Relief of the Poor . Which Sermon wrought so far upon Him , that He caused the Bishop to be sent for , gave him great Thanks for his good Exhortation ; and thereupon entred into Communication with him , about the devising of some Co●rse , by which so great , and good a Work should be brought to pass . His Advice was , That Letters should be written to the Lord Mayour , and Aldermen , for taking the Business into Consideration , in Reference to such Poor , as swarmed in great numbers about the City . To which the King so readily hearkened , that the Letters were dispatched , and Signed , before He would permit the Bishop to go out of His Presence . Furnished with these Letters , and Instructions , the Bishop calls before him Sir Richard Dobbs , then Lord Mayour of London , with so many Aldermen , as were thought fit to be advised with in the present Business . By whom it was agreed upon , That a General Contribution should be made by all wealthy , and well-affected Citizens , towards the Advancement of a work so necessary for the publick good . For the effecting whereof , they were all called to their Parish-Churches , where by the said Lord Mayour , their several Aldermen , and other grave Citizens , they were by Eloquent Orations , perswaded , how great ▪ and how many Commodities , would ensue unto them , and their City ; if the Poor of divers sorts were taken from out their Streets , Lanes , and Allyes , and were bestowed , and provided for in several Hospitals . It was therefore moved , that every man would signifie what they would grant , towards the preparing , and furnishing of such Hospitals , as also , what they would contribute weekly towards their Maintenance untill they were furnished with a more Liberal Endowment . Which Course prevailed so far upon them , that every man subscribed , according to his Ability , and Books were drawn in every Ward of the City , containing the Sum of that Relief : which they had contributed . Which being delivered unto the Mayour , were by Him humbly tendred to the King's Commissioners on the seventeenth of February . This good Foundation being lai'd , a Beginning was put to the Reparation of the decayed Buildings , in the Gray-Friers , on the twenty sixth of July , for the Reception of such poor , fatherless Children , as were then to be provided for at the publick Charge . The like Reparation also made of the Ruinous Buildings belonging to the late dissolved Priory of Saint Thomas in the Burough of Southwark ; which the Citizens had then newly bought of the King , to serve for an Hospital of such Wounded , Sick , and Impotent Persons , as were not fit to be intermingled with the Sound . The Work so diligently followed in both places at once , that on the twenty third of November , the sick and maimed People were taken into the Hospital of Saint Thomas , and into Christ-Hospital to the number of four hundred Children ; all of them to have Meat , Drink , Lodging , and Cloths , at the Charge of the City , till other means could be provided for their future Maintainance . And long it was not , before such further Means was provided for them , by the Bounty , and Piety of the King ; then drawing as near unto his End , as his Father was , when he lai'd the first Foundation of that Pious Work. For ●earing with what chearfulness the Lord Major , and Aldermen , had conformed themselves to the effect of His former Letters , and what a great advance they had made in the Work , commanded them to attend Him on the tenth of April , gave them great thanks for their Zeal , and forwardness , and gave for ever to the City his Palace of Bridewel ( erected by King Henry the Eight ) to be employed as a relieving house for such Vagabounds , and thriftless Poor , as should be sent thither to receive Chastisement , and be forced to labour . For the better maintainance whereof , and the more liberal Endowment of the other Hospitals before remembred , it was suggested to him ; that the Hospital founded in the Savoy by King Henry the seventh , for the Relief of Pilgrims , and Travellers , was lately made the Harbour , or relieving Place for Loytere●s , Vagabonds , and Strumpets , who sunned themselves in the Fields all Day , and at Night found entertainment there . The Master and Brethren of the House are thereupon sent for to the King , who dealt so powerfully and effectually with them , that they resigned the same into His Hands , with all the Lands , and Goods thereunto belonging . Out of which He presently bestowed the Yearly Rent of Seven Hundred Marks , with all the Beds , Bedding , and other Furniture , which he found therein , towards the maintainance of the said Work-House , and the Hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark . The Grant whereof He confirmed by His Letters Patents , bearing Date the 26th of June ; adding thereunto a Mort-Main for enabling the City to purchase Lands , to the value of four thousand Marks per annum , for the better maintainance of those , and the other Hospitals . So that by the Donation of Bridewel , which He never built , and the suppression of the Hospital in the Savoy , which He never endowed , He was entituled to the Foundation of Bridewel , St. Bartholomew's , and St. Thomas , without any charge unto himself . But these last Passages concerning the Donation of Bridewel , the suppression of the Hospital in the Savoy , and the Endowment of the said three Houses with the Lands thereof , hapned not till the year ensuing , Anno 1553. though lai'd unto the rest in the present Narrative , in regard of the Dependence , which it hath on the former Story . Nothing else memorable in the course of this present Year , but the coming of Cardanus , the death of Leland , and the preferment of Doctor John Taylor to the See of Lincoln . The See made void by the death of Doctor Henry Holbeach , about the beginning of August , in the former year , and kept void , by some powerful men about the King , till the 26th of June , in the year now present . At what time , the said Doctour Taylor , who before had been Dean of that Church , was Consecrated Bishop of it . During which interval , the Patrimony of that great and wealthy Bishoprick ( one of the richest in the Kingdom ) was so dismembred in it self , so parcelled , and marked out for a Prey to others , that when the New Bishop was to be restored unto his Temporals , under the Great Seal of England , ( as the Custom is ) there was none of all his Maours reserved for him , marg but his Manour of Bugden , together with some Farms and Impropriations , toward the support of his Estate : The rest was to be raised out of the profits , perquisits , and emoluments of his Jurisdict ● on ; yet so , that nothing was to be abated in his Tenths , and first-fruits , which were kept up according to the former value . As for John Leland ; for whose death I finde this year assigned : he had his Education in Christ's Colledg in Cambridg . Being a man of great parts , and indefatigable industry , he was imployed by King Henry the Eight to search into the Libraries , and Collect the Antiquities of Religious Houses , at such time , as they lay under the fear of suppression . Which work as he performed with more then Ordinary Diligence , so was he encour●ged thereunto by a very Liberal Exhibition , which he received annually from the late King Henry . But the King being dead , his Exhibition , and encouragments , dyed also with him . So that the Lamp of his life being destitute of the Oyl , which fed it , after it had been in a lang●ishing condition all the rest of h●s King's Reign was this year unfortunately Extingu●shed : unfortunately , in regard that he dyed distr●cted to the great Greif of all that knew him , and the no small sorrow of ma●y , who never saw him , but onely in his painful , and labo●ious Writings . W●ich Writ●ngs , being by him Presented to the hands of King Henry , came a●terwards into ●he power of Sr. John Che●k , Schole-master , and Secretary for the L●tine tongue to the King now Reigning . And though coll●cted Principally for the u●e of the Crown , yet , on the death of the young King , his Tu●our kept th●m to himself as long as he lived , and left them at his death to Henry his Eldest Son , Secretary to the Councel Established at Yo●k for the N●r●hern parts . From Che●k , but not without some intermediate conveyances , four of them came into the possession of William 〈◊〉 of Leic●s●e shi●e ; who having served his turn of them as well as he could , in his d●scription of that County , bestowed them , as a most choise Rarity upon Oxford Library , where the O●●ginals ●t●ll ●emain . Out of this Treasury , whilest it remained entire in the hands of Cheek , the learned Campden was supplyed with much Excellent matter toward the making up of his description of the ●sles of Britain ; but not without all due acknowledgment to his Benefactour , whom he both frequent cite●h , and very highly commendeth for his pains ▪ and industry . In the last place comes in Cardanus , an eminent Philosopher , born in Italy , and one not easily over matched by the then supposed Matchless Sc●liger , having composed a Book , Entituled ● De varietate Rerum ▪ with an Epistl● Dedicatory to King Edward the Sixth he came over this year into England to present it to him ; which gave him the Occasion of much conference with ●●m . In which he found ●uch dexterity in Him for Encountring many of his Paradoxes in natural Philosophy ▪ that he seemed to be astonished between Admiration , and Delight , and divulged his Abilities to be miracul●u● . Some Passages of which discourse Cardanus hath left upon Record in these words ensu●ng . Decim●●m quintum , adhuc ag●bat Annum , cum interrogobat Latine &c. Being yet ( saith he ) but of the age of fifteen years he asked me in Latine ( in which tongue he utterred his mind no less eloquently , and readily , then I could do my self ) what my Book● which I had dedicated unto him . De varietate Rerum , did contain ? I answered ▪ that in the first Chapter was shewed the cause of Com●ts , or blazing-stars ▪ which hath been long sought for ▪ and hitherto scarce fully found . What cause ( sayd he ) is that ? The concour●e or meeting of the light of the wandring Planets , or stars . To this th● King thus replyed again . For as much ( said he ) as the motion of the stars keepeth not one course , but is diverse and variable by continual Alteration , how is it then that the cause of these Comets doth not quickly v●de ▪ or vanish , or that the Comet doth not keep one certain and uniform course , and motion , with the said stars , and Planets ? Whereunto I an●wered , that it ●oved indeed , but with a far swifter motion then the Planets , by rea●on of the diversity of Aspects , as we see in Christal , and the Sun , when a Rainbow rebounds on a Wall , for a little change makes a great difference of the place . The King rejoyned , How can that be done without a subject ? as the Wall is the Subject to the Rainbow . To which I answered , That as in the Galaxia , or Via lactea , and in the Reflection of Lights , when many are set near one another , they do produce a certain Lucid and bright Mean. Which Conference is thus shut up by that Learned Men , That he began to favour Learning , before he could know it ; and knew it , before he could tell what use he had of it : And then bemoans his short life , in these words of the Poet , Immodic●s brevis est Aetas , & rara Senectus . Anno Reg. Edw. Sexti 7º Anno Dom. 1552 , 1553. SUch being the excellent Abilities of this hopeful Prince in Matters of Abstruser Learning , there is no question to be made , but that he was the Master of so much Perspicacity in his own Affairs , ( as indeed he was , which might produce both Love , and Admiration in the Neighbouring Princes : Yet such was the Rapacity of the Times and the Unfortunateness of his Condition , that his Minority was abused to many Acts of Spoil , and Rapine ( even to an high degree of Sacrilege ) to the raising of some , and the enriching of others , without any manner of improvement to his own Estate . For , notwithstanding the great and most inestimable , Treasures which must needs come in , by the spoil of so many Shrines , and Images , the sale of all the Lands belonging to Chanteries , Colleges , Free Chapels , &c. And the Dilapidating of the Patrimony of so many Bishopricks , and Cathedral Churches ; he was not onely plunged in Debt , but the Crown-Lands were much diminished , and impaired , since his coming to it . Besides which spoils , there were many other helps , and some great ones too , of keeping him both before●hand , and full of Money , had they been used to his Advantage . The Lands of divers of the Halls , and Companies in London , were charged with Annual Pensions , for the finding of such Lights , Obits , and Chantry-Priests , as were founded by the Donours of them . For the redeeming whereof , they were constrained to pay the sum of Twenty Thousand Pounds to the use of the King , by an Order from the Council-Table ; not long before the payment of the first Money for the sale of Boloign Anno 1550. And somewhat was also paid by the City , to the King , for the Purchase of the Borough of Southwark , which they bought of him the next year . But the main glut of Treasure was that of the four hundred thousand Crowns , amounting in our Money to 133333 l. 13 s. 4 d. paid by the French King , on the s●rrendry of the Town , and Territory of 〈◊〉 , before remembred Of which vast sum , ( but small , in reference to the loss of so great a strength ) no less then fourscore thousand pounds was laid up in the Tower ; the rest assigned , to publick uses , for the peace and safety of the Kingdom . Not to say any thing of that great Yearly Profit , which came in from the Mint , after the entercourse settled betwixt Him and the King of Sweden , and the decrying so much Base Money , had begun to set the same on work . Which great Advantages notwithstanding , He is now found to be in Debt to the Bankers of An●we●p & elsewhere , no less then 251000 l , of English money . Towards which , the sending of his own Ambassadours into France , and the entertainment of the French , when they were in England , ( the onely two great Charges , which we finde Him at in the whole course of His Reign ) must be inconsiderable . It was to no purpose for Him to look too much backward , or to trouble Himself with enquiring after the ways , and means , by which He came to be involved in so great a Debt . It must be now his own care , and the endeavours of those , who plunged Him in it , to finde the speediest way for His getting out . And first they fall upon a course to l●ssen the Expenses of His Court a●d Family , by suppressing the Tables formerly appointed for young Lords , the Masters of the Requests , Serjeant at Arms , &c. which thought it saved some money , yet it brought in none . In the next place , it was resolved , to call such Officers to a present and publick Reckoning , who either had embezelled any of the Crown Lands , or inverted any of the King's Money to their private use . On which course they were the more intent , because they did both serve the King ▪ and content the People : but might be used by them as a Scourge , for the whipping of those , against whom they had any cause of quarrel . Amongst which I finde the new Lord Paget to have been fined six thousand pound ( as before was said ) for divers Offences of that nature , which were charged upon him B●aumont , then Master of the Rolls , had purchased Lands with the King's Money , made longer Leases of some other Crown Lands , then he was authorized to do by his Commission , and was otherwise gu●lty of much corrupt and fraudulent dealing . For expiating of which Crimes , he surrendred all his Lands and Goods to the King , and seems to have been well befriended , that he sped no worse . The like Offences proved against one Whaley , one of the King's Receivers for the County of York ; for which he was punished with the loss of his Offices , and adjudged to ●tand to any such Fine , as by his Majesty ▪ and the Lords of h●s Council shou●d be set upon him . Which manner of proceeding , though it be for the most part pleasing to the Common People , and profitable to the Common-Wealth ; yet were it more unto the honour of a P●ince , to make choice of such Officers , whom He thinks not likely to offend , then to sacrifice them to the People , and His own Displeasures having thus offended . But the main Engine at this time for advancing Money , was the speeding of a Commission into all parts of the Realm under pretence of selling such of the Lands & Goods of Chanterys , &c as remained unsold ; but , in plain truth , to seize upon all Hangings ▪ Altar-Cloths , Fronts , Parafronts , Copes of all sorts , with all manner of Plate , which was to be found in any Cathedral , or Parochial Church . To which Rapacity the demolishing of the fo●mer Altars , and placing the Communion Table in the middle of the Quires , or Chancels of every Church , ( as was then most used ) gave a very good h●●t , by rendring all such Furnitures , rich Plate , and other costly Utensils , in a manner useless . And that the business might be carryed with as much advantage to the King as might be , He gave out certain Inst●uct●ons under his Hand , by which the Commissioners were to regulate themselves in their Proceedings , to the advancement of the service . Amongst which pretermitting those , which seem to be Preparatori●s onely unto all the rest , I shall put down as many ▪ as I think material : And that being done , it shall be left to the Reader 's Judgment , whether the King , being now in the sixteenth year of his Age , were either better studied in his own Concernments or seemed to be worse principled in Ma●ters , which concerned the Church . Now the most Material of the said Instructions were these , that follow . 1. The said Commissioners shall , upon their view and survey taken , cause due Inventories to be made by Bills or Book● indented , of all manner of Goods , Plates , Jewels , Bells , and Ornaments , as yet remaining , or any wise forthcoming , and belonging to any Churches , Chapels , Fraternities , or Gilds ; and one part of the said Inventories to send and return to 〈◊〉 Privy Council , and the other to deliver to them , in whose hands the said Goods , Plate , Jewels , Bells , and Ornaments , shall remain , to be kept ▪ and preserved . And th●y shall also give good Charge and Order , that the same Goods , and every part thereof , be at all times forthcoming to be answered ; leaving nevertheless in every Parish-Church or Chapel , of common resort , one , two , or more Chalices , or Cups , according to the multitude of People , in every such Church , or Chapel ; and also such other Orname●ts as by their discretion shall seem requisite for the Divine Service ▪ in every such place for the time . 2. That because Information hath been made , that in many Places great quantities of the said Plate , Bells , Jewels , Ornaments , hath been embezelled by certain private men , contrary to his Majestie 's express Commandment in that behalf , the said Commissioners shall substantially , and justly enquire , and attain the knowledge thereof : by whose default the same is , or hath been , or in whose hands any part of the same is come . And in that point , the said Commissioners shall have good regard that they attain to certain Names , and dwelling Places of every person , or persons , that hath sold , alienated , embezelled , taken , or carryed away ; or of such also , as have counselled , advised , and commanded any part of the said Goods , Plate , Jewels , Bells , Vestments , and Ornaments , to be taken , or carryed away ▪ or otherwise embezelled . And these things they shall as certainly , and duly , as they can , cause to be searched , and understood . 3. That up●n full search and enquiry thereof , the said Commissioners , four , or three of them , shall cause to be called before them all such persons , by whom any of the said Goods , Plate Jewels , Bells , Ornaments , or any other the Premises , have been alienated , embezelled , and taken away ; or by whose means , and procurement , the same , or any part thereof hath been attempted , or to whose hands , or use , any of the same , or any profit for the same hath grown . And by such means , as to their discretions shall seem best , cause them to bring into these the said Commissioners hands , to Our use , the said Plate , Jewels , Bells , and other the Premises so alienated , for the true and full value thereof : certifying unto Our Privy Council the Names of all such as refuse to stand to , or obey their Order touching their delivery , or restitution of the same , or the just value thereof . To the intent , that , as cause and reason shall require , every man may answer to his doings in this behalf . 4. To these another Clause was added , touching the moderation , which they were to use in their Proceedings ; to the end , that the effect of their Commission might go forward with as much quiet , and as little occasion of trouble , or disquiet to the Multitude , as might be ; using therein such wise perswasions , as in respect of the place , and disposition of the People , may seem to their Wisdoms most expedient : yet so , that they take care for giving good and substantial Order to stay the inordinate and greedy Covetousness of such disordered People , as should go about to alienate any of the Premises ; or otherwise to let them know , that according to Reason , and Order , such as have , or should contemptuously offend in that behalf , should receive such punishment , as to the quality of their doing should be thought most requisite . Such were the Faculties , and Instructions , wherewith the Kings Commissioners were impowered and furnished . And doubt we not , but that they were as punctual and exact in the execution : which cannot better be discerned , then by that , which is reported of their doings generally in all parts of the Realm , and more particularly in the Church of St. Peter in Westminster , more richly furnished , by reason of the Pomps of Coronations , Funerals , and such like Solemnities , then any other in the Kingdome . Concerning which I find , in an old Chapter-Book belonging to it , that on May the 9. 1553. Sir Roger Cholmley Knight , Lord Chief Justice , and Sir Robert Bowes Knight , Master of the Rolls , the King's Commissioners , for gathering Ecclesiastical Goods , held their Session at Westminster , and called before them the Dean of that Cathedral , and certain others of the same House , and commanded them , by virtue of their Commission , to bring to them a true Inventory of all the Plate , Cups , Vestiments , and other Ecclesiastical Good● , which belonged to their Church . Which done , the Twelfth Day of the same Moneth , they sent John Hodges , Robert Smalwood , and Edmund Best , of the City of Westminster , ( whom the said Commissioners had made their Collectours ) with a Commandment to the Dean and Chapter , for the delivery of the said Goods ; which were by Robert Crome Clerk , Sexton of the said Church , delivered to the said Collectors , who left no more unto the Church , then two Cups , with the Covers all gilt ; One white Silver Pot , Three Herse-Cloths , Twelve Cushions , One Carpet for the Table , Eight Stall-Cloths for the Quite , Three Pulpit-Cloths , Nine little Carpets for the Dean's Stall , Two Table-Cloths : the rest of all the rich Furniture , massie Plate , and whatsoever else was of any value , ( which questionless must needs amount to a very great Sum ) was seized on by the said Collect●urs , and clearly carryed away by Order , from the said Commissioners . The l●ke done generally in all the other parts of the Realm , into which the Commissioners began their Circuits in the Moneth of April , as soon as the ways were open , and fit for Travail . Their business was to seize upon all the Goods remaining in any Cathedral , or Parish-Churches , all Jewels of Gold , and Silver , Crosses , Candlesticks , Censers , Chalices , and such like ; with their ready Money : As also , all Copes ▪ and Vestments of Cloth of Gold , Tyssue , and Silver ; together with all other Copes , Vestments , and Ornaments , to the same belonging . Which general seizure being made , they were to leave one Chalice , with certain Table-Cloths , for the use of the Communion-Board , as the said Commissioners should think fi● : the Jewels Piate , and ready Money , to be delivered to the Master of the King's Jewels in the Tower of London ; the Cope of Cloth of Gold , and Tyssue , to be brought into the King's Wardrobe ; the rest to be turned into ready Money , and tha● Money to be paid to Sir Edmond Peckam , the King's Cofferer , for the defraying of the Charges of H●s Majestie 's Houshold . But notwithstanding this great Care of the King on the one side , and the double-diligence of his Commissioners on the other , the Booty did not prove so great , as the Expectation . In all great Fairs , and Markets , there are some Forestallers , who get the b●st Peny-worths to themselves , and suffer not the Richest and most gainful Commodities to be openly sold. And so it fared also in the present Business , there being some , who were as much before-hand with the King's Commissioners in embezelling the said Plate ▪ Jewels , and other Furnitures , as the Commissioners did intend to be with the King , in keeping always most part unto themselves . For when the Commissioners came to execute their Powers in their several Circuits , they neither could discover all , or recover much of that , which had been pur●oined ; some things being utterly embezelled by Persons not responsible ; in which Case , the King , as well as the Commiss●oners , was to lose his Right : but more concealed by Persons not detectable ; who had so cunningly carryed the stealth , that there was no tracing of their ●oot-step● . And some there were , who , being known to have such Goods in the●r possession , conceived themselves too Great to be called in question ; connived at will●ngly by these , who were but their Equals , and either were , or meant to b● Offend●urs in the very same kind . So that although some Profit was hereby raised to the King's Exchequer ; yet the far greatest part of the Prey came to other hands : Insomuch , that many private men's Parlours were hung with Altar-Cloths , their Tables , and Beds covered with Copes , instead of Carpets , and Cove●lids ; and many made Carousing Cups of the Sacred Chalices , as once ●elsh●zzar celebrated his Drunken Feast in the Sanctified Vessels of the Temple . It was a sorry House , and not worth the naming , which had not somewhat of this Furniture in it , though it were onely a fair large Cushion made of a Cope , or Altar-Cloth , to adorn their Windows , or make their Chairs appear to have somewhat in them of a Chair of State. Yet how contemptible were these Trappings , in comparison of those vast su●s of Money , which were made of Jewels , P●ate , and Cloth of Tyssue , either conveyed beyond the Seas , or sold at home , and good Lands purchased with the Money ; nothing the more blessed to the Poster●ty o● them , that b●ught them , for being purchased with the Consecrated Treasures of so many Temples . But as the King was plunged in Debt , without being put to any extraordinary Charges in it , so was He decayed in his Revenue , without selling any part of His Crown Lands towards the payment of His Debts . By the suppressing of some , and the surrendring of other Religious Houses , the Royal Intrado was so much increased in the late King's time ; that , for the better managing of it , the King erected first the Court of Augmentation , and afterwards the Court of Surveyours . But in short time , by His own Profuseness , and the Avaritiousness of this King's Ministers , it was so retrenched , that it was scarce able to finde Work enough for the Court of Exchequer . Hereupon followed the dissolving of the said two Courts in the last Parliament of this King , beginning on the first , and ending on the last day of March. Which , as it made a loud noise in the Ears of the People , so did it put this Jealousie into their Minds . That , if the King's Lands should be thus daily wasted without any recruit , He must at last prove burthensom to the common Subject . Some course is therefore to be thought on , which might pretend to an increase of the King's Revenue , and none more easie to be compassed , then to begin with the suppression of such Bishopricks , and Collegiate Churches , as either lay ●urthest off , or might best be spared . In reference whereunto , it was concluded , in a Chapter held at Westminster , by the Knights of the Garter , That from thenceforth the said most noble Order of the Garter should be no longer ent●tuled by the Name of St. George , but that it should be called the O●der of the Garter onely ; and that the Feast of the said Order should be celebrated upon Whitson-Eve , Whitson-day , and Whitson-Monday , and not on St. George's day , as before it was . And to what end was this concluded ; and what else was to follow upon this Conclusion , but the dissolving of the Free-Chapel of St. George in the Castle of Windsor , and the transferring of the Order to the Chapel of King HENRY the Seventh , in the Abbey of Westminster ? Which had undoubtedly been done , and all the Lands thereof converted to some powerful Courtiers , under pretence of laying them to the Crown , if the King's Death , which happened within four Moneths after , had not prevented the Design , and thereby respited that Ruin , which was then intended . The like preservation happened , at the same time also , in the Church of Durham , as liberally endowed as the most , and more amply priviledged , then the best in the King's Dominions . The Bishops hereof by Charter , and long Prescription , enjoyed and exercised all the Rights of a County Palatine in that large Tract of Ground , which lyes between the Tees , and the Tine , best known in those Parts by the Name of the Bishoprick ; the Diocess containing also all Northumberland , of which the Bishops , and the Percies , had the greatest shares . No sooner was Bishop Tonstal committed to the Tower , which was on the Twentieth of December , 1551. but presently an Eye was cast upon his Possessions . Which , questionless , had followed the same fortune with the rest of the Bishopricks , if one , more powerful then the rest , had not preserved it from being parcelled out as the others were , on a ●●rong Confidence of getting it all unto himself . The Family of the Percies was then reduced to such a point , that it seemed to have been quite expired ; a Family which first came in with the Norman Conquerour , by whom enriched with most of the forfeited Estates of Morchar , Gospatrick , and Waltheof , the three last Earls of Northumberland , of the Saxon Race . But , this Line ending in the latter times of King HENRY the First , Josseline of Lorain , descended from the Emperour CHARLES the Great , and one of the younger Brothers of Adeliza , the last Wife of the King , enrich'd himself by Marriage with the Heir-General of this House , upon condition , that keeping to himself the Arms of his own Family , he should assume the Name of Percy , to remain always afterward unto his Posterity . Advanced in that respect , by the Power and Favour of John of Gaunt , to the Rank and Title of the Earls of Northumberland , at the Coronation of King Richard the Second . They held the same with great Power , and Honour , ( the short interposing of the Marquess Mountacute excepted onely ) till toward the latter end of King Henry the Eighth . At what time it happened ▪ that Henry Lord Peircy , the sixth Earl of this House , had incurred the heavy displeasure of that King : First , for an old affection to the Lady Ann Bollein ▪ when the King began first to be enamoured of her excellent Beauties ; and afterwards for denying to confess a Precontract to have been formerly made between them ; when the King ( now as weary of her , as before he was fond ) was seeking some fair Pretences to divorce himself from her , before she was to lose her Head. He had no Children of his own ; and Th●mas his Brother , and next Heir , was , to his greater grief , attainted of Treason , for being thought to have a chief hand i● the Northern Rebellion , Anno 1536. In both respects , he found himself at such a loss , and the whole Family without hope of a Restitution to its antient splendour ; that , to preserve himself from running into further danger , he gave unto the King the greatest part of that fair Inheritance ; and , dying not long after , left his Titles also to the King 's disposing . The Lands , and Titles , being thus fallen into the Crown , continued undisposed of , till the falling of the Duke of Somerset ; when Dudley , Earl of Warwick , having some projections in his Head beyond the greatness of a Subject ▪ advanced himself unto the Title of Duke of Northumberland ; not doubting , but he should be able to possess himself in short time also of all the Land● of that Family , which were then remaining in the Crown . To which Estate , the Bishoprick of Du●ham , and all the Lands belonging to it , could not but be beheld as a fair Addition , if at the least it might be called an addition , which was of more value , then the Patrimony , to which it was to have been added . He had long Reigned without a Crown , suffering the King for some years to enjoy that Title , which was to be transferred ( if all Contrivances had held good ) upon one of his Sons , whom He designed in Marriage to the eldest Daughter of the House of Suffolk . And then how easie was it for him , having a King of his own begetting , a Queen of his own making , the Lords of the Council at his beck , and a Parliament to serve his turn for all occasions , to incorporate both the Lands of the Peircies , and the Patrimony of that Church , into one Estate , with all the Rights , and Privileges of a County Palatine . Count Palatine of Durham , Prince Palatine of Northumberland , or what else he pleased , must be the least he could have aimed at , in that happy Conjuncture ; happy to him , had the Even been answerable unto his Projections ; but miserable enough to all the rest of the Kingdom , who should not servilely submit to this Glorious Upstart . Upon which Grounds , as the Bishoprick of Durham was dissolved by Act of Parliament , under pretence of patching up the King's Revenue ; so the greatest part of the Lands thereof had been kept together , that they might serve for a Revenue to the future Palatine . But all these Projects failing in the death of the King , and his own Attaindure , not long after the Peircies were restored by Queen Mary to their Lands , and Honours , as the Bishop was unto his Liberty , and to most of his Lands ; it being almost impossible , that such a fair Estate should fall into the hands of the Courtiers , and no part of it be left sticking in those Glutinous Fingers . For to begin the Year withall , the King was taken with a very strong Cough in the Moneth of January , which at last ended in a Consumption of the Lungs ; the Seeds of which Malignity were generally supposed to have been sown in the last Summer's Progress , by some over-heatings of himself in his Sports , and Exercises . But they , that looked more narrowly into the matter , observed some kind of decayings in him from the time that Sir Robert Dudley ▪ the third Son of Northumberland , was admitted into a place of ordinary attendance about his Person , which was on the same Day , when his Father was created Duke ▪ For whereas most men gave themselves no improbable hopes , that betwixt the Spring time of his life , the Growing season of the year , and such Medicinal applications as were made unto him , the disease would wear it self away , by little and little , yet they found the contrary . It rather grew so fast upon him , that when the Parliament was to begin on the first of March , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , were Commanded to attend him at White-Hall , instead of waiting on him from thence to Westminster , in the usual manner . Where being come , they found a Sermon ready for them ( the Preacher being the Bishop of London ) which otherwise was to have been Preached in the Abby-Church ; and the Great Chamber of the Court accomodated for an House of Peers to begin the Session . For the opening whereof , the King then sitting under the Cloth of State , and all the Lords , according to their Ranks , and Orders , he declared by the Lord Chancellor Goodrick ▪ the causes of his calling them to the present Parliament , and so dismist them for that time . A Parliament which began , and ended in the Month of March , that the Commissions might the sooner be dispatched to their several Circuits , for the speedier gathering up of such of the Plate , Copes , Vestments , and other Furnitures , of which the Church was to be spoyled , in the time of his sickness , Yet in the midst of these disorders there was some care taken for advancing both the honour and the interest of the English-Nation , by furnishing Sebastian Cabol for some new discoveries . Which Sebastian , the Son of John Cabol a Venetian born , attended on his first imployment under Henry the seventh , Anno 1497. At what time they discovered the Barralaos , and the Coasts of Caenada : now called New-France , even to the 67½ . degree of Northern Latitude . Bending his Course more toward the South , and discovering a great part of the shoars of Florida , he returned for England ; bringing with him three of the Natives of that Country , to which the name of New-Found-Land hath been since appropriated . But finding the KING unhappily Embroyled in a War with Scotland , and no present Encouragements to be given for a further Voiage , he betook himself into the service of the KING of SPAIN , and after fourty years and more , upon some distast , abandoned SPAIN , and offered his service to this KING . By whom , being made Grand Pilot of England , in the year 1549. he animated the English-Merchants , to the finding out of a passage by the North-East Seas to Cathay , and China ; first enterprised under the Conduct of Sr. Hugh Willoughby , who unfortunately Perished in the Action ; himself , and all his Company , being Frozen to Death ( all the particulars of his Voiage being since committed to Writing ) as was certified by the Adventures in the year next following . It was upon the twentith of May in this present year that this Voiage was first undertaken , three great Ships being well manned , and fitted for the Expedition ; which afterwards was followed by Chancelour , Burrought , Jackman , Jenkinson , and other noble Adventurers , in the times Succeding . Who though they failed of their Attempt in finding out a shorter way to Cathay , and China ; yet did they open a fair Passage to the Bay of S. Nicholas , and thereby layd the first foundation of a Wealthy Trade betwixt us , and the Muscovites . But the KING'S Sickness still encreasing , who was to live no longer then might well stand with the designs of the DVKE of Northumber-land ; some Marriages are resolved on , for the Daughters of the DVKE of Suffolk , in which the KING appeared as forward , as if he had been one of the Principalls in the Plot against him . And so the matter was Contrived , that the Lady IANE the eldest Daughter to that DVKE , should be Married to the Lord Guilford Dudly , the fourth Son ( then living ) of Northumberland , all the three Elder Sons having Wives before , that Katherine the second Daughter of Suffolk , should be Married to the Lord Henry Herbert , the Eldest Son of the Earl of Pembrock , whom Dudly had made privy to all his Counsels ; and the third Daughter , named Mary , being Crook-Backed , and otherwise not very taking , affianced to Martin Keys , the KING'S Gentleman-Porter . Which Marriages together with that of the Lady Katherine , one of the Daughters of Duke Dudly , to Henry Lord Hastings , Eldest Son of the Earl of Huntington , were celebrated in the end of May , or the beginning of June ( for I finde our Writers differing in the time thereof ) with as much Splendour and solemnity , as the KING' 's weak Estate , and the sad Condition of the Court could be thought to bear . These Marriages all solemnized at D●rham . House in the Strand , of which Northumberland had then took possession in the name of the Rest , upon a Confidence of being Master very shortly of the whole Estate . The noise of these Marriages bred such Amazement in the Hearts of the common People , apt enough in themselves to speak the worst of Northumberland's Actions ; That there was nothing left unsaid , which might serve to shew their hatred against him , or express their Pity toward the KING . But the DVKE was so little troubled at it , that on the contrary he resolved to Dissemble no longer , but openly to play his Game , according to the Plot and Project ; which he had been Hammering ever ●ince the Fall of the DVKE of Somerset , whose Death he had Contrived on no other Ground , but for laying the way more plain , and open to these vast ambitions . The KING was now grown weak in Body , and his Spirits much decaied by a languishing Sickness ; which Rendred him more apprehensive of such fears and Dangers , as were to be presented to him , then otherwise he could have been in a time of strength . In which Estate , Duke Dudly so prevailed upon him , that he con●ented at the last to a transposition of the Crown from his natural sisters , to the Children of the Dutchess of Suffolk ; Confirming it by Letters Patents , to the Heirs Males of the Body of the said Dutchess . And for want of such Heirs Males to be Born in the lifetime of the KING , the Crown immediately to descend on the Lady IANE ( the eldest Daughter of that House ) and the Heirs of her Body , and so with several Remainders , to the rest of that Family . The carriage of which Business , and the Rubs it met with in the way , shall be reserved to the particular story of the Lady IANE when she is brought unwilling upon the Stage , there on to Act the part of a Queen of England . It sufficeth in this place to note , that the KING had no sooner caused these Leters Patents to passe the Seal , but his Weakeness more visibly encreased , then it did before . And as the KING'S Weakeness did encrease , so did the Northumberland's Diligence about him ; for he was little absent from him , and had alwaies some well-assured , to Epy how the State of his Health changed every Hour ; And the more joyful he was at the Heart , the more Sorrowful appearance did he outwardly Make. Whither any tokens of Poyson did Appear , reports are various . Certainly his Physicians discerned an invincible Malignity , in his disease ; and the Suspicion did the more encrease , for that the Complaint proceded chiefly from the Lights ; a part , as of no quickness , so no seat for any sharp Disease . The Bruit whereof being got amongst the People , they break out into immoderate Passions ; Complaining that , for this cause , his two Uncles had been taken away ; that for this cause the most Faithful of his Nobility , and of his Council were disgraced , and removed from Court ; that this was the reason why such were placed next his Person , who were most assuredly disposed , either to commit , . or permit , any Mischeif ; that now it did appear , that it was not vainly conjectured some years before , by Men of Judgment and Foresight , that after Sommerset's Death the King should not long Enjoy his Life . But the DVKE regarded not much the muttering Multitude , knowing full well , that Rumours grow Stale , and Vanish with Time ; and yet , somewhat to abate , or Delay them for the present , He caused speeches ●o be spread abroad that the KING began to be in a Recovery of his Health , which was the more readily Beleived , because most desired it to be true . To which Report the General Jugdment of his Physicians gave no little Countenance , by whom it was affirmed , that they saw some hopes of his Recovery , if he might be removed to a Better , and more Healthful Air. But this , DVKE Dudly did not like of , and therefore he so dealt with the LORDS of the Council , that they would by no means yield unto it , upon pretense of his Inability to endure any such Remove . And now , the time being near at hand , for the last Act of this Tragedy , a certain Gentlewoman , accounted a fit Instrument for the purpose , offered her Service for the Cure ; giving no small assurance of it , if He might be committed wholy to her disposing . But from this Proposition the KING'S Physicians shewed themselves to be very averse , in regard , that as she could give no reason , either of the nature of the Disease , or of the part afflicted ; so she would not declare the means , whereby she intended to work the Cure. Whose Opposition notwithstanding , it was in time resolved by the Lords of the Council , that the Physicians should be discharged , and the Ordering of the King's Person committed unto her alone . But she had not kept Him long in hand , when He was found to have fallen into such Desperate Extremity , as manifestly might Declare , that His Death was hastened , under pretense of finding out a more quick way for restoring of His Health . For now it visibly appeared , that His Vital Parts were mortally stuffed . Which brought Him to a difficulty of speech , and breathing ; that His Legs ▪ swelled , his Pulse failed , and his Skin changed colour ; with many other horrid Symptoms of approching Death . Which being observed , the Physicians were again sent for , when it was too late ; and sent for ( as they gave it out ) but for Fashion onely ; because it was not thought fit in Reason of State , that a King should by , without having some Physicians in attendance of him , by some of which it was secretly whispered . That neither their Advice nor Applications , had been at all regarded in the course of his Sickness , That the King had been ill dealt with , more then once , or twice ; and that , when by the Benefit , both of his Youth , and of careful Means , there were some fair hopes of his Recovery , He was again more strongly Over-laied then ever . And for a farther proof , that some undue Practises had been used upon him , it is Affirmed by a Writer of the Popish Party , who could have no great cause to pity such a Calamitous End , not onely that the Apothecary , who poysoned him , as well for the Horrour of the Offence , as the Disquietness of his Conscience , did not long after drown himself ; but that the Landress , who washed his Shirts , lo●t the Skin of her fingers . Again●t which general apprehensions of some ill Dealing toward this unfortunate Prince , it can be no sufficient Argument ( if any Argument at all ) that Queen Mary caused no Enquiry to be made about it , as some supposed She would have done , if the suspicion had been raised upon any good Grounds , For it may easily be Believed , that She who afterwards admitted of a Consultation for Burning the Body of Her Father , and cutting off the Head of Her Si●ter , would not be over-Careful in the search , and pun●shment of those , who had precipitated the Death of her Brother . The differences which were between them in the point of Religion , and the King's forwardness in the Cause of the Lady Jane ; His rendring Her uncapaable , as much as in Him was , to succeed in the Crown ; and leaving Her in the Estate of Illegitimation , were thought to have enough in them of a Supersedeas unto all Good Nature . So that the King might dye by such sinister Practises , without putting Queen MARY to the trouble of enquiring after them ; who thought Her Self to have no Reason of being too sollicitous in searching out the secret Causes of His Death , who had been so injurious to Her in the time of His Life . A Life , which lasted little , and was full of trouble ; so that Death could not be unwelcome to Him , when the hopes of His Recovery began to fail Him. Of which if He desired a Restitution , it was rather for ▪ the Church's sake , then for His own . His dying Prayers not so much aiming at the prolonging of His Life , as the Continuance of Religion : Not so much at the freeing of Himself from His Disease , as the preserving of the Church from the danger of Popery . Which dying Prayer , as it was taken from His Mouth , was in these words following : Lord God , deliver me out of this miserable , and wretched life , and take me among thy Chosen . Howbeit , not my Will , but Thine be done . Lord , I commit my Spirit to Thee . O Lord , Thou knowest , how happy it were for Me , to be with Thee : Yet , for thy Chosen's sake , send me Life , and Health , that I may truly se ve Thee . Oh my Lord God! bless my People , and save Thine Inheritance . O Lord God , save thy Chosen People of England . Oh Lord God! defend this Realm from Papistry , and maintain thy true Religion , that I , and my People , may praise thy Holy Name , for Jesus Christ his sake . With this Prayer , and other Holy Meditations , He prepared that Pious Soul for God ; which He surrendred into the Hands of His Creatout , on the sixth of July , toward Night , when He had lived fifteen Years , eight Moneths , and four and twenty Days : Of which , He had Reigned six Years , five Moneths , and eight Days over . His Body , kept a while at Greenwich , was , on the eight of August , removed to Westminster , and , on the morrow after , solemnly Interred amo●gst His Ancestours , in the Abbey Church . In the performance whereof , the Lord Treasure Paulet , with the Earls of Shrewsbury and Pembroke , served as principal Mourners ; the Funeral Sermo● Preached by Doctour Day ▪ then shortly to be re-established in the See of Chichester . And , if the Dead ●e capable of any Felicity in this present Woald , He might be said , to have had a special part thereof , in this particular . viz. That , as He had caused all Divine Offices to be Celebrated in the English Tongue , according to the Reformation , which was made in the time of His Life ; so the whole Service of the Day , together with the Form of Burial , and the Communion following on it . were Officiated in the English Tongue , ( according to the same Model ) on the Day of his Obsequies . But whilest these things were Acting on the C●urch of Westminster , Queen Mary held a more beneficial Obsequie for Him , ( as She then imagined ) in the Tower of London , where She caused a Solemn Dirige , in the Latine Tongue , to be Chanted in the Afternoon ; and , the next Day , a Mass of Requiem , to be sung for the good of His Sonl : At which , both She , and many of Her Ladies , made their accustomed Offerings , according to the Form , and Manner of the Church of Kome . Such was the Life , and such the Death of this Excellent Prince , whose Character I shall not borrow from any of our own English Writers , who may be thought to have been byassed by their own Affections , in speaking more , or less , of Him , then He had deserved . But I shall speak Him in the words of that Great Philosopher Hierome Cardanus , an Italian born ; and , who professing the Religion of the Church of Rome , cannot be rationally accused of Partiality in his Character of Him. There was in Him ( saith he ) a towardly Disposition , and pregnancie , apt to all Humane Literature : as who , being yet a Childe , had the knowledg of divers Tongues : First , of the English , His own Natural Tongue ; of the Latine also , and of the French : Neither was He ignorant ( as I hear ) of the Greek , Italian , and Spanish Tongues , and of other Languages , peradventure , more . In His own , in the French , and in the Latine Tongue , singularly perfect ; and , with the like facility , apt to receive all other . Neither was He ignorant in Logick , in the Principles of Natural Philosophie , or in Musick . There was in Him , lacking neither Humanity , a Princely Gravity , and Majesty , for any kind of towardliness , beseeming a Noble King. Briefly , it might seem A Miracle of Nature , to behold the Excellent Wit , and Forwardness , that appeared in Him , being yet but a Childe . And this ( saith he ) I speak not Rhetorically , to amplifie things , or to make them more , then Truth is ; nay , the Truth is more , then I do utter . So He , in reference to His Per●onal Ab●lities and Qualifications : And for the rest , that is to say , His Piety to Almighty God , His Zeal to the Reformation of Religion , His Care for the well-ordering of the Common-Wealth , and other Qualities belonging to a Christian King , ( so far as they could be found in such tender years , ) I leave them to be gathered from the Passages of His Life , as before lai'd down : Remembring well , that I am to play the Part of an Historian , and not of a Panegyrist , or Rhetorician . As for the manner of His Death , the same Philosopher leaves it under a suspicion , of being like to fall upon Him , by some dangerous Practise . For , whether He divined it by his ART in Astrologie ( having Calculated the Scheme of His Nativity ) or apprehended it by the Course , and Carriage of Business , he made a dangerous Prediction ; when he fore-saw , that the KING should shortly dye a violent Death ; and ( as he reporteth ) fled out of the Kingdom , for fear of further danger , which might follow on it . Of any Publick Works of Piety , in the Reign of this KING , more then the Founding and Endowing of the Hospitals before-remembred , I finde no mention in our Authours ; which cannot be affirmed of the Reign of any of His Predecessours , since their first receiving of the Gospel . But their Times were for building up , and His unfortunate Reign was for pulling down . Howsoever , I finde His Name remembred amongst the Benefactours to the University of Oxford , and , by that Name , required to be commemorated in all the Prayers before such Sermons ; as were Preached ordinarily by any of that Body , in Saint Marie's Church , or at Saint Paul's Cross , or finally in the Spittle without Bishops-Gate , on some solemn Festivals . But , possibly it is , that his Beneficence did extend no further , then either to the Confirmation of such Endowments , as had been made unto that University by King Henry the Eight , or , to the excepting of all Colleges in that , and the other University , out of the Statute , or Act of Parliament , by which all Chantries , Colleges , and Free-Chapels , were conferred upon Him. The want of which Redemption , in the Grant of the said Chantries , Colleges , Free-Chapels to King Henry the Eight , strook such a Terrour unto the Students of both Universities , that they could never think themselves secure , till the Expiring of that Statute by the Death of the King ; notwithstanding a very Pious and Judicious Letter , which had been written to the King in that behalf , by Doctour Richard Cox , then Dean of Christ-Church , and T●●our to His Son , Prince Edward . But , not to leave this Reign , without the Testimony of some Work of Piety , I cannot but remember the Foundation of the Hospital of Christ in Abindon , as a Work , not onely of this Time , but the King 's own Act. A Guild , or Brother-hood , had been there founded in the Parish-Church of Saint Hellens , during the Reign of King Henry the Sixth , by the procurement of one Sir John Gollafrie ( a near Neighbouring Gentleman ) for Building , and Repairing certain Bridges , and High-waies , about the Town ; as also , for the Sustenance , and Relief of thirteen poor People , with two , or more Priests , for performing all Divine Offices , unto those of the Brother-hood . Which being brought within the Compass of the Act of Parliament , by which all Chantries , Colleges , and Free-Chappels , were conferred on the Crown : the Lands hereof were seized on , to the use of the King ; the Repairing of the Waies , and Bridges , turned upon the Town , and the Poor left Destitute ▪ in a manner , of all Relief . In which Condition it remained , till the last Year of the King , when it was moved by Sir John Mason , one of the Masters of Requests ( a Town-born Childe , and one of the poorest mens Children in it ) to erect an Hospital in the same , and to Endow it with such of the Lands , belonging to the former Brother-hood , as remained in the Crown , and to charge it with the Services , and Pious Uses , which were before incumbent on the old Fraternity . The Suitour was too powerfull to be denyed , and the Work too Charitable in it self to be long demurr'd on , so that he was easily made Master also of this Request . Having obtained the King's Consent , he caused a handsome Pile of Building to be Erected near the Church , distributed into several Lodgings , for the Use of the Poor , and one convenient Common-Hall , for dispatch of Business : to which he lai'd such Farms , and Tenements in the Town , and elsewhere , as had been vested in the Brother-hood of the Holy-Cross , before remembred ; and committed the Care , and Governance of the whole Revenue , to a Corporation of twelve Persons , by the Name of the Master , and Governours of the Hospital of Christ in Abindon . All which he fortified , and assured to the Town for ever , by Virtue of this His Majestie 's Letters Patents , ●earing Date the nineteenth of May , in the seventh and last Year of His Reigne , Anno 1553. And so I conclude the Reign of King Edward the Sixth , sufficiently remarkable for the Progress of the Reformation ; but otherwise tumultuous in it self , and defamed by Sacrilege , and so distracted into Sides , and Factions ; that , in the end , the King Himself became a Prey to the strongest Party : which could not otherwise be safe , but in His Destruction , contrived on Purpose , as it was generally supposed ) to smooth the Way to the Advancement of the Lady Jane Grey to the Royal Throne . Of whose short Reign , Religious Disposition , and Calamitous Death , We are next to speak . AN APPENDIX TO THE FORMER BOOK , Touching the Interposings made in Behalf of the Lady JANE GRAY , Publickly Proclaimed QUEEN of ENGLAND . Together with the History of Her Admirable Life , Short Reign , and most Deplorable Death . Prov. xxxi . 29. Many Daughters have done vertuously ; but thou excellest them all . Vell. Paterc . lib. 2. Genere , Probitate , Formâ , Romanorum Eminentissima , & , per omnia , Deis , quám hominibus , similior Foemina . Cambd. in Reliquiis . Miraris Janam Graio Sermone loquutam ? Quo primùm nata est tempore , Graia fuit . LONDON , Printed , Anno Dom. 1660. THE LIFE and REIGN OF QUEEN JANE . Anno Domini 1553. THE Lady IANE GRAY , whom King EDWARD had Declared for His next Successour , was Eldest Daughter of HENRY Lord GRAY , Duke of Suffolk , and Marquess Dorset , descended from THOMAS Lord GRAY , Marquess Dorset , the Eldest Son of Queen ELIZABETH , the onely Wife of EDWARD the Fourth , by Sir IOHN GRAY , Her former Husband . Her Mother was the Lady Frances's Daughter ; and in fine , one of the Co-Heirs of Charls Brandon , the late Duke of Suffolk , by Mary ▪ His Wife , Queen Dowager to Lewis the Twelfth of France , and youngest Daughter of King HENRY the Seventh , Grandfather to King EDWARD now Deceased . Her High Descent , and the great Care of King HENRY the Eighth , to see Her happily , and well bestowed in Marriage , Commended Her unto the Bed of Henry , Lord Marquess Dorset , before-remembred ; A man of known Nobility , and of Large Revenues ; possess'd not onely of the Patrimony of the Grays of Groby , but of the whole Estate of the Lord Harrington , and Bonvile : which descended on him in the Right of his Grand-Mother , the Wife of the first Marquess of Dorset , of this Name , and Family . And it is little to be doubted , but that the Fortunes of the House had been much increased , by the especial Providence , and Bounty of the said Queen Elizabeth ; who cannot be supposed to have neglected any Advantage , in the Times of Her Glory , and Prosperity , for the Advancement of Her Children by Her former Husband . In these Respects , more then for any Personal Abilities , which he had in himself , he held a very fair Esteem amongst the Peers of the Realm : rather Beloved , then Reverenced by the Common People . For , as he had few Commendable Qualities , which might produce any High Opinion of his Parts , and Merit : so was he guilty of no Vices , which might blunt the Edg of that Affection in the Vulgar sort ; which commonly is born to Persons of that Eminent Rank . His W●fe , as of an Higher Birth , was of greater Spirit : but one , that could accommodate it to the will of Her Husband . Pretermitted in the Succession to the Crown , by the last Will , and Testament of King Henry the Eighth : not out of any Disrespect , which that King had of Her ; but , because he was not willing to think it probable , that either She , or the Lady Ellanor , Her younger Sister , ( whom he had pretermitted also in that Designation ) could live so long ▪ as to Survive His own three Children , and such , as , in the course of Nature , should be issued from them . Of this Marriage there were born three Daughters , that is to say , Jane , Katharine , and Mary . Of which , the Eldest , being but some Moneths older then the late King Edward , may be presumed to have took the name of Jane , from the Queen Jane Seimour ; as Katharine , from Queen Katharine Howard , or Queen Katharine Parr ; and Mary , from the Princess Mary , the eldest Daughter of King Henry , or in Relation to Her Grand-Mother , His youngest Sister . But the great Glory of this Family was the Lady Jane , who seemed to have been born with those Attractions , which seat a Sovereignty in the face of most beautifull Persons ; yet was Her mind endued with more Excellent Charms , then the Attractions of Her face : Modest , and Mild of Disposition , Courteous of Carriage , and of such Affable Deportment , as might Entitle Her to the Name of Queen of Hearts , before She was Designed for Queen over any Subjects . Which Native , and Obliging Graces , were accompanied with some more profitable ones , of Her own Acquiring ; which set an higher Valew on them , and much encreased the same , both in Worth , and Lustre . Having attained unto that Age , in which other young Ladies used to apply themselves , to the Sports , and Exercises of their Sex : She wholly gave Her mind to good Arts , and Sciences ; much furthered in that pursuit , by the care , and diligence of one Mr. Elmer , who was appointed for Her Tutour ; the same ( if my Conjecture deceive me not ) who afterwards was deservedly Advanced , by Queen Elizabeth , to the See of London . Under his charge She came to such a large Proficiency , that She spake the Latine , and Greek Tongues , with as sweet a fluency , as if they had been Natural , and Native to Her ; Exactly skilled in the Liberal Sciences , and perfectly well Studied in both kinds of Philosophy . For Proof whereof , there goes a Story , that Mr. R●ger Ascham ( being then Tutour to the Princess Elizabeth ) came to attend 〈◊〉 once at Broadgates , a House of Her Father's , neighbouring to the Town of Leicester : where he found Her in Her Chamber , reading Phaedon Platonis in Greek , with as much delight , as some Gentlemen would have read a Merry Tale in Geoffery Cha●cer . The Duke , Her Father , the Duchess , and all the rest of the Houshould , were at that time hunting in the Park : which moved him to put this Question to Her , How She could find in Her Heart to loose such Excellent Pastimes ? To which She very chearfully returned this Answer , That all the Pastimes in the Park were a Shadow onely of the Pleasure , and Contentment , which She found in that Book ; adding moreover , That one of the greatest blessings God ever gave Her , was in sending Her sharp Parents , and a gentle Schole-Master , which made Her take delight in nothing so much , as in Her Study . By which agreeableness of Disposition , and eminent Proficiency in all parts of Learning , she became very dear to the young King Edward ; to whom Fox not onely makes Her equal , but doth acknowledge her also to be His Superiour in those Noble Studies . And for an Ornament superadded to Her other Perfections , she was most zealously affected to the true Protestant Religion , then by Law established ; which She embraced , not out of any outward compliance with the present current of the Times ; but because Her own most Excellent Judgment had been fully satisfied in the Truth , and Purity thereof . All which together did so endear her to the King , that he took great Delight in Her Conversation , and made it the first step to that Royal Throne , to which He afterwards designed Her in the Time of His Sickness . Thus lived she in these sweet Contentments , till she came unto the years of Marriage , when she , that never found in Her self the least Spark of Ambition , was made the most unhappy Instrument of another man's . Dudly of Warwick , a Person of a proud , deceitfull , and aspiring Nature , began to entertain some Ambitious thoughts , when Edward first began to Reign : but kept them down , as long as his two Uncles lived together , in Peace , and Concord . But , having found a means to dissolve that knot , occasioned by the Pride , and Insolency of the Duchess of Sommerset , one as ill-Natured as himself , he first made use of the Protectour to destroy the Admiral , and after served himself by some Lords of the Court , for humbling the Lord Protectour to an equal Level with the rest of the Council . Finding by this Experiment , how easie a thing it was to serve his Turn by them on all other Occasions , he drew unto himself the managing of all Affairs ; none being so hardy , as to question any of his Actions , and much less to cross them . But not content with being looked on as the Chief in Power , he is resolved to make himself the first in Place ; thinking no private Greatness to be answerable to so great a Merit , as he had fancied in himself . Thus busying his unquiet thoughts upon new Designs , and passing from one imagination to another , he fixed at last upon a purpose of Husbanding the Opportunities to his best Advantage ; in transferring the Crown into his own Family , which he thought Capable enough of the highest Honours . For why ( said he ) within himself , should not the Son of a Dudly , being the more Noble House of the two , be thought as Capable of the Imperial Crown of this Realm , as the Son , or Grand-Childe of a Seimour . Though I pretend not to be born of the Race of Kings ; yet I may give a King to England of my Race and Progeny , on as good ground , as any , which derive themselves from Owen Tudor , the Ancestour of the Boy now reigning . That Family pretended onely from a Daughter to the House of Sommerset , and there are now some Daughters of the House of Suffolk , which may pretend as much as she . If by a Match into that House , I can finde a way to bring the Crown into mine own ; I shall want no Presidents at home , and finde many abroad . Some Dangers may present themselves in the Pursuit of this Enterprise : but Dangers are to be despised , as in all great Actions ; so chiefly , when a Crown is aimed at . It is resolved , that I will try my Fortune in it : which if it prosper to my wish , I shall live Triumphantly ; if I sink under the Attempt , I shall perish Nobly . Which being concluded ▪ and resolved on , he first insinuates himself into the good affections of the Marquess of Dorset ; whom he assisteth in his Suit for the Title of Suff●lk , which without him was not to be gained : exalts himself to the like Glorious Title of Duke of Northumberland , that he might stand on equal ●round with the proudest of them : and in a word so cunningly prepareth his Toils for the Duke of Sommerset , that at the last he fell into them , never to be set free again , untill Death released him ; all which Particulars have been at large laid down in the former History . And this being done , he suffered the young King to wear out all the following year , the better to avoid all Popular suspition , that His Uncle's Death was onely hastened to make way for His. And possible it is , that he might have tired it out a little longer ; but for a smart Jest , which He put upon this Ambi●ious Minister . The King took great delight in his Bow , and , Arrows : and shooting one day at the Butt ( as He used to do ) hit the very White . Well aimed , my Liege , said Merrily the Mighty Duke : But you aimed better , said the King , when you shot off the head of My Vncle Sommerset : which words so stang the Conscience of the guilty man , that he could not think himself secure , but by accelerating his Design , for settling the Crown upon the Head of one of his Children , according to the Plot , which he had hammered in the Forge of his Wretched Brain . For now , the King beginning sensibly to decay , he takes his time ▪ to enter into Communication with the Duke of Suffolk , about a Marriage to be made betwixt the Lord Guilford Dudly , his fourth Son , and the Lady Jane Gray , the Duke's eldest Daughter : which , with the rest of the Marriages before-mentioned , being propounded and concluded , ( for he was grown too great , and known to be too dangerous to be denied in any reasonable Suit ) a day was set , in which this Excellent Lady was to be transplanted into the Family of the Dudlies . A day , which she expected with a Virgin Modesty , and , after the Solemnity of the Nuptial Rites , delivers Her pure Body to the chast Embraces of a Vertuous Con●ort ; who , of all Dudlie's Brood , had nothing of the Father in him . All which succeeding to his wish , he sets himself to the accomplishing of that Project , which he had long before designed . The King was now grown weak in Body , and decayed in Spirits , and in that weak Estate he takes his Opportunities to inculcate to Him , what infinite Blessings had been derived from Him on this Church , and Nation , by the Blessed Reformation of Religion , so happily began , and brought to such Perfection by Him : That it must therefore be His Care so to provide for the Continuance of those infinite Blessings , that Posterity might enjoy the Benefit , and Comfort of it , which would gain Him a more pretious Memory amongst His Subjects , then all His other Princely Virtues ; That nothing was more feared by all Sorts of People , then that the Crown Imperial ( if it should please Almighty God to call Him to a Crown of Gl●ry ) would fall upon the Head of the Lady Mary , a Princess passionately affected to the Interess of the Church of Rome , and one , who by Her Marriage with some Potent Prince of that Religion , might Captivate the Free-Born English Nation to a Foreign Servitude ; That both His Sisters , being born of disputed Marriages , and howsoever being but his half Sisters onely , and by several Ventures ▪ could neither be Heirs to Him , nor to one another , by the known Laws of the Land : which neither Acts of Parliament , nor the last Will , and Testament of the King Deceased , were of power to alter ; That the young Queen of Scots was an Alien born , by Consequence uncapable of any Inheritance in the Realm of England , and had besides preferred the Alliance of the French before that of His Majesty , which rendered Her as unworthy , as she was uncapable ; That , for the better carrying on of that Blessed Work of Reformation , the Peace , and Happiness of His People , the preventing of all Emergent Mischiefs , and His own everlasting Fame , it was not possible to make a more happy Provision , then by transferring the Crown to the Lady Jane , a Lady of such Excellent Virtues , as were sufficient to adorn the Richest Diadem ; That there was no Question to be made , but that His Majesty knew , as well as any , the admirable qualities of that Matchless Lady , Her Zeal to the Religion , here by Him established , the agreeableness of Her Conversation with His own Affections , and could not but conceive that Nation to be infinitely happier then all others , which might fall under the Command of so mild a Government ; And finally , That he was bound by His Duty to God , the Light of His own Conscience , and the Love He had to all His Subjects , to lay aside all Natural Affections to His Father's House , in respect of that great Obligation , which He had to God's Glory and the true Religion ; following therein the Example of our Lord , and Saviour , who looked both for his Brothers , and Sisters , amongst his Disciples , without relating to his nearest Kindred by Joseph , or Mary . By these Suggestions , and Inducements , he much enclined the King to hearken to his Propositions . For furtherance whereof he caused such , as were about Him , to entertain Him with continual Discourses of the Divine Perfections , and most Heavenly Graces of the Lady Jane ; the high Esteem , in which She was with all the Subjects , for Her Zeal , and Piety ; the everlasting Fame , which would wait upon Him , by providing such a Successour to enjoy the Crown , in whom Virtues would survive to succeeding Ages . Then which , no Musick could sound sweeter in the Ears of the King , whom he knew to have an affectionate Sympathy with that Excellent Lady ; as being much of the same Age , brought up in the same Studies ; as near to Him in the sweetness of Her Disposition , as She was in Blood ; and of a Conversation so agreeable to Him , as if They had been but the same Person in divers Habits . And they all plied their Game so cunningly , that the weak King , not being able to withstand so many Assaults , did at last condescend to that , which he found not onely most conformable to their Importunities , but to His own Affections also . Order was taken thereupon , that an Instrument should be drawn in due Form of Law , for the transposing of the Crown to the Children of the Lady Frances , Duchess of Suffolk , and Daughter to Mary , the French Queen , one of the Sisters of King Henry , His Maje●tie's ●●ther . In which Instrument , nothing was to be defective , which either could be drawn from the Grounds of Law , or the Rules of Polity , to justifie , and endear the Action . In drawing up whereof , there was none thought fitter to be used , then Sir William Cecil , one of the Chief Secretaries of Estate , who having before served Dudlie's Turn against his old Master , the Duke of Sommerset , was looked on , as the Readiest Man for the present Service . The Pretensions , taken from the Law , for excluding the King's two Sisters from the Right of Succession , were grounded ; First , Upon the Invalidity of their Mother's Marriage : both being made void by Legal Sentences of Divorce , and those Divorces ratified by Acts of Parliament . In which the said two Sisters were declared to be illegitimate , and consequently uncapable of any of those Favours , which were intended to them by the Act of Succession , made in the thirty fifth year of the late King Henry , or by the last Will , and Testament , of that King , which was built upon it . In the next Place it was pretended , that the said two Sisters , Mary , and Elizabeth , being but of half Blood to the King now Reigning ( admitting them to have been born in lawfull Wedlock ) were not in any Capacity by the Common-Law , ( the old good Law of England ) to be Heirs unto Him , or to Succeed in any Part of that Inheritance , which came unto Him by His Father . It was considered also , that by the known Rules , and Principles of the Common-Law , no manner of Person was Inheritable to any Estate of Lands , or Tenements , in the Realm of England , who was not born under the King's Allegiance , as King of England , but in the case of Naturalization by Act of Parliament . Which seemed to be a sufficient Bar against all Titles , and Demands , for the Line of Scotland , although derived from Margaret , the Eldest Daughter of King Henry the Seventh . And whereas the Lady Frances , Duchess of Suffolk , might seem both by the Law of Nature , and the Right of Succession , to have precedency in Title before her Daughter ; yet was no Injury offered to her : in regard , that she was willing to pass by all her Personal Claims , for the Preferment of her Children . Which Pretermissions of the Mother were neither new , nor strange in the Succession to the Crown of this Kingdom . Not new ; because the like was done by Maud the Emperess , for the Advancement of her Son King Henry the Second : nor strange ; because it h●d been lately practised in the Person of the Lady Margaret , Countess of Richmond , in giving Way to the Preferment of King Henry the Seventh , the first King of the House now Regnant . The Reasons , or Pretexts , which seemed to be built on Polity , and Point of State , were : first , the unavoydable Danger of Reducing this Free , and Noble Realm , under the Vassalage , and Servitude , of the Bishop of Rome ; if either of the King 's two Sisters , in their several Turns , should marry with a Foreign Prince of that Religion ; or otherwise , by the Transport of their own Affections , submit their Scepters to the Pope . It was considered also , That , by such Marriages , not onely many Foreign Customs , and Laws , would be introduced : but that there might follow an Abolishment of those Antient Laws , upon which the Native Rights , of all the Subjects , seemed to have dependance . Besides , that possibly the Realm might hereby be annexed to some greater Kingdom : of which , in time , it would be reckoned for a Member , and consequently be reduced unto the Form of a Province , to the utter Subversion of the Antient Dignity , and Estate thereof . Which whensoever it should happen ▪ it was neither impossible , nor improbable , that the People , upon a just Sence of the Indignities , & Pressures might elect some popular and seditious man to be their King , who , to countenance his own unworthiness , & obscurity , would little regard , what Contumelie he cast upon the falling Family of the Kings before him . To which , perchance some further Countenance might be added from the Holy Scripture : where Solomon is found to be preferred unto the Throne by David , before Adonijah ; the youngest Son , before the eldest ; a Childe , before a Man experienced , and well grown in years . And some Examples also might be had of the like Transpositions , in the Realm of Scotland , in Hungary , Naples , and else where : enough to shew , that nothing had been done in this great Transaction , which was not to be presidented in other Places . Upon all which Considerations , it was thought most agreeable to the Rules of Polity , that the King by Letters Patents , under the Great Seal of England , should so dispose of the Possession of the Crown , ( with such Remainders , and Reversions , as to him seemed best ) as might prevent such Inconveniencies , and Emergent Mischiefs , as might otherwise happen : which could not better be effected , then by setting the Crown on the Head of the Lady Jane ; a Lady of a Royal Blood , born in the Realm , brought up in the Religion now by Law established ; Married already to a Person of Desert , and Honour ; and such an one , in whom all those Graces were concentred , which were sufficient to adorn all the rest of Her Sex. Thus Reason being thus prepared , the next Care was , to have the Instrument so contrived in due form of Law , that nothing might be wanting in the Stile and Legalities of it , which might make it any way obnoxious to Disputes , and Questions . For the doing whereof , it was thought necessary to call in the Assistance of some of the Judges , and others of His Majesties Council learned in the Laws of this Realm ; by whose Authority it might be thought more passable amongst the People . Of all which Rank , none was thought fitter to be taken into the Consultation , then Sir Edward Montague ; not onely as Chief Justice of the Common Pleas , and very well experienced in His own Profession : But because , he being one of the Executours of the King deceased , his concurrence with the rest of the Council , seemed the more considerable . A Letter is therefore sent unto him on the eleventh of June , subscribed by the Lord Treasurer , the Duke of Northumberland , the Earls of Shrewsbury , Bedford , and Pembroke , the Lord Admiral Clinton , the Lord Darcie , Sir John Gale , Sir William Peter , Sir William Cecil , and Sir John Cheek . By the Tenour whereof , he was commanded to attend upon their Lordships the next day , in the Afternoon , and to bring with him , Sir John Baker , Chancellour of the first-Fruits and Tenths , Master Justice Bromeley , together with the Attorney , and Sollicitour General . Being brought into the King's Presence , at the time appointed ▪ whom they found attended by the Lord Treasurer , and some others of those , who had subscribed the former Letter : the King declared Himself with a weak Voice to this Effect ; viz. That He had considered , in His Sickness , of the Estate of His Realm ; which , if it should descend on the Lady Mary , who was then unmarried , it might so happen , that She might marry a Stranger born , whereby not onely the Laws of the Realm might be changed and altered ; but all His own Proceedings in Religion , might be also reversed ; That it was His Pleasure therefore , that the Crown should Descend , after His Decease , unto such Persons , a●d in such Form , as was contained in certain Articles , then ready to be shewed unto them , to be by them digested , and disposed of , in due Form of Law. These Articles , when they had Perused , and Considered of , they signified unto the King , that they conce●ved them to be contrary to the Act of Succession ; which , being made in Parliament , could not be Frustrated , or made Ineffectual but by Parliaments onely . Which Answer notwithstanding , the King ▪ without allowing further time , or deliberation , commanded them to take the Articles along with them , and give the Business a Dispatch , with all speed as might be . But finding greater Difficulties in it , then had appeared unto their Lordships , they made a Report unto them at their next Attendance , that they had Considered of the King's Articles , and the Act of Succession ; whereby it appeared man●festly , that , if they should make any Book concerning the King's Commandment they should not onely be in danger of Treason , but their Lordships also . The sum of which Report being cer●ifi●d to the Duke of Northumberland , ( who , though absent , was not out of Call ) he came in great Rage , and Fury , to the Council-Chamber , called the Chief Justice Traitour ; affirmed , that he would fight in his Shirt , in that Quarrel , against any man living ; and behaved himself in such an outragious manner , as put both Mountague , and Justice Bromely , in a very great fear , that he would have struck them . Cal●ed to the Court again by a Letter of the fourteenth of the same Moneth , they found the King more earnest in it , then He was before ; requiring them , with a sharp Voice , and a displeased Countenance , to dispatch the Book , according to the Articles delivered to them ; and telling them , that He would have a Parliament shortly to Confirm the same . When nothing else would serve the turn , Answer was made , That His C●mmandment should be obeyed ; upon Condition , that they might be Commissionated so to do by His Majestie 's Warrant , under the Great Seal of England , and have a General Pardon for it , when the Deed was done . Not daring longer to resist , and having made as good Provision , as they could , for their own Indemn●ty , they betook themselves unto the Work , digested it in form o● Law , caused ●t to be Engrossed in Parchment , and so dispatched it for the Seal , to the Lord Chancellour Goodrick , sufficiently prepared before-hand not to stick upon it . B●t then appeared another Difficulty amongst the Lords of the Council : some of wh●ch not well satisfied with these Proceedings , appeared as backward in Subscribing to the Instrument , before it went unto the Seal ; as the Great Lawyers had done at the first , in being brought to the Employment . But such was the Authority , which Dudley , and his Party , had gained amongst them , that some for fear , and some for favour , did Subscribe at last : a Zeal to the Reformed Religion prevailing in it upon some ; a doubt of loosing their Church-Lands more powerfully over-swaying others ; and all in fear of getting the displeasure of that Mighty Tyrant , who , by his Power , and Practices , carried all before him . The last , that stood it out , was Arch-Bishop Cranmer . Who , being sent for to the Court , when all the Lords of the Council , and most of the Judges of the Realm had subscribed the Instrument , refused to put his hand unto it , or to consent to the Disherison of the late King's Daughters . After much Reasoning of the Case , he requires a longer time of deliberation ; consults about it with some of the most Learned Lawyers , and is finally sent for by the King : who , having fully set his heart upon the Business , did use so many Reasons to him , in behalf of Religion , and plyed him with such strong Perswasions in pursuance of them ; that at the last he suffered himself to be overcome by His Importunities , and so Subscribed it with the rest . Onely Sir James Hales , one of the Justices of the Common-Pleas , carried the Honour of a Resolute , and Constant Man : not onely from those of his own Rank , but even from all the Lords of the Council , and almost all the Peers of the Realm to boot ; who , being a man observed to be both Religious , and upright , did very worthily refuse to Subscribe , and was afterwards as unworthily requited by Queen Mary for it . Yet , notwithstanding all these Rubs , the Project was driven on so f●st by the ha●ty Duke , that , by the one and twentieth of June , the Letters Patents were made ready to pass the Seal : which was about a fortnight before the Death of the King. During which Interval , he had another Game to Pay : which was the getting into his Power the Princess Mary , whom , of all others , he most feared , as the most likely Person to destroy his whole Contrivance . For well he knew , that , if She stood upon Her Right , as no doubt She would , She was not onely sure of a strong Party in the Realm , who still remained in good Affections to the Church of Rome ; but , that Her Party he●e would be Backed , and Countenanced by Her Alliances ab●●ad w●o c●●ld ●ot but Prefer , and Support Her Interess against all Pretenders . 〈◊〉 ●ust make sure of Her , or else account all Void , and Fr●stiate , which was done already . A●d ▪ that he might make sure of Her , he so prevailed , that Letters were directed to ●er , in the King's Name , from the Lords of the Cou●cil : Willing Her fo●l w●●h to resort to the K●ng ; as well to be a comfort to Him in His 〈◊〉 , as to see all Matters well Ordered about Him. The Lady , suspecting to 〈◊〉 Mischief , addressed Her Self with all spe●d to the 〈…〉 g●ea● Joy , that either Her Company , or Her Service ▪ sh●uld be esteem'd Needfull to the King. But , as She was upon the way ; and 〈…〉 half a Da●'s Journey of the Court , She received Advice , both of the King 's desperate Estate , and of the Duke's Designs against Her : whereupon She 〈◊〉 in ha●t to Her House at Hoveden ; where , in a very short time , She h●ard the Sad N●ws of Her Brother's Death : who dyed upon the sixth of July ▪ as before was sa●d . Which being the same day of the Moneth , on which King Henry●ad ●ad taken off the Head of Sir Thomas More , for his Adhesion to the Pope , the Interess of Queen Katharine Dowager , and the Princess Mary , gave an occasion unto ●hose of the R●mish Party , to look upon it , as a Piece of Divine Retr●bution , in taking away the 〈◊〉 of His onely Son , on the same day also . Two days the Death of the King was by Special Order kept so secret , that it was known to very f●w about the Court. And it concerned them so to do ; partly in expectation of the coming of the Princess Mary wh●m th●y kn●w to be upon the way : and partly to make sure of the City of London ; the Favour , and Fidelity whereof , was of great Importance for the carrying on of the Design . But , understanding by their Espi●ls , that the Princess Mary was retired ; a Message was sent on Saturday , the eighth of July , to Sir George Barns , the Lord Mayour of London ; requiring him , in the Name of the Lords of the Council , to give his Attendance at the Court , and bring with him six of the Principal Aldermen , six Merchants of the Staple , and as many of the Company of Merchant-Adventurers . No haste was wanting on their parts . And coming at the time appointed , they were privily informed by some of the Council ( but in the Name of all the rest ) that the King was dead , and that He had Declared by His Letters Patents , under the Great Seal of England , subscribed by all the Lords of the Council , and almost all the Peers of the Realm , that His Cousin , the Lady Jane Gray , was to Succeed Him in the Crowns of England , and Ireland ; as the most True , Certain , and Undoubted Heir of all His Dominions . Which being signified unto them , it was no hard matter to obtain their Consent to that , which they were not able to deny . And so , upon a Promise of their best Assistance to Promote the Cause , and to keep secret the King's Death , untill further Order , they were dismissed unto their Houses . It is an Antient Custom of the Kings of England , immediately on the Death of their Predecessours , to provide their Lodgings in the Tower. Taking possession , as it were , by that Royal Fortress , of the rest of the Kingdom ; and from thence passing , in a Solemn , and Magnificent manner , through the Principal Streets of London , to their Coronation . According to which Antient Custom , the Lodgings in the Tower being fitted , and prepared , for the Queen's Reception : the Lords of the Council passed over from Greenwich on Munday , the tenth of the same Moneth . A Letter had been brought the night before from the Princess Mary , who had received Advertisement of Her Brother's Death : notwithstanding all their Care , and Diligence , in labouring to conceal it from His nearest Servants ; which made them meet the earlier , and in greater numbers , to return an Answer thereunto . The Princess knew Her own Right , and the Wrong , which was intended to Her : both which She signified unto Them , in these following words . My LORDS , WE Greet You well ; and have received sure Advertisement , that Our Dearest Brother , the King , Our late Sovereign Lord , is departed to God's Mercy . Which News how wofull they be unto Our Heart , He onely knoweth , to whose Will , and Pleasure , We must , and do humbly submit Vs , and Our Wills. But , in this so lamentable a Case , that is , to wit , after His Majestie 's Departure , and Death , concerning the Crown , and Governance of this Realm of England , with the Title of France , and all things thereto belonging ; what hath been provided by Act of Parliament , and the Testament , and Last Will of Our Dearest Father ; besides other Circumstances Advancing Our Right ; You know , the Realm , and the whole World knoweth : the Rolls , and Records appear , by the Authority of the King , Our said Father , and the King , Our said Brother , and the Subjects of this Realm . So that We verily trust , that there is no good true Subject , that is , can , or would pretend to be ignorant thereof : And of Our part , We have of Our Selves caused , and as God shall aid , and strengthen Vs , shall cause , Our Right , and Title in this behalf , to be Published , and Proclaimed accordingly . And albeit this so Weighty a Matter seemeth strange , that the Dying of Our said Brother , upon Thursday at night , last past , We hitherto had no knowledge from You thereof ; yet We consider Your Wisdom , and Prudence to be such , that having eftsoons amongst You Debated , Pondred , and well Weighed this present Case , with Our Estate , Your Own Estate , the Common-Wealth , and all Our Honours ; We shall , and may conceive Great Hope , and Trust , with much assurance in Your Loyalty , and Service ; and therefore for the time interpret , and take things , not to the worst , that Ye yet will , like Noble Men , Work the best . Nevertheless We are not ignorant of Your Consultations , to Vndo the Provisions made for Our Preferment ; nor of the Great Hands , and Provisions forcible , wherewith You be Assembled , and Prepared : by whom , and to what end , God , and You know ; and Nature cannot , but fear some Evil. But be it , that some Consideration Politick , or whatsoever thing else , hath moved You thereto ; yet , doubt ye not , My Lords , but We can take all these Your doings , in Gratious Part ; being also Right-Ready to remit , and fully Pardon the same ; and that to Eschew Bloodshed , and Vengeance , against all those , that can , or will intend the same ; trusting also assuredly , that Ye will take , and accept this Grace , and Vertue , in Good Part , as appertaineth ; and that We shall not be Enforced to use the Service of other Our True Subjects , and Friends : which , in this Our Just , and Right Cause , Go● , in whom all Our affiance is shall send Vs. Wherefore , My Lords , We require You , and charge you , and every of You , of Your Allegiance , which You ow to God , and Vs , and to none other : for Our Honour , and the Surety of Our Person , onely imploy Your Selves ; and forthwith , upon receipt hereof , cause Our Right , and Title to the Crown , and Governance of this Realm , to be Proclaimed in Our City of London , and other places , as to your Wisdoms shall seem Good , and as to this Case appertaineth ; not failing hereof , as Our very Trust is in You. And this Our Letter , Signed with Our Hand , shall be your sufficient Warrant in that behalf . Given under Our Signet , at Our Mannour of Kenning-Hall , the ninth of July , 1553. This Letter seemed to give their Lordships no other trouble , then the returning of an Answer . For well they knew , that She could do no less , then put up Her Claim ; and they conceived that She was not in a condition for doing more . Onely it was thought fit to let Her know , what She was to trust to : the better to prevent such Inconveniencies , as might otherwise happen . And to that end an Answer was presently dispatched , under the Hands of the Arch●Bishop of Canterbury , the Lord Chancellour Goodrich , Bishop of Ely , the Dukes of Northhumberland , and Suff●lk ; the Marquesses of Winchester , and North-hampton ; the Earls of Arundel , Shrewsbury , Huntington , Bedford , and Pembroke ; the Lords Cobham , and Darcie ; Sir Thomas Cheny , Sir Robert Cotton , Sir William Peter , Sir William Cecil , Sir John Cheek , Sir John Mason , Sir Edward North , Sir Robert Bows . The Tenour whereof was as followeth . MADAM , WE have received Your Letters the ninth of this Instant , Declaring Your Supposed Title , which You Judg Your Self to have to the Imperial Crown of this Realm , and all the D●minions thereunto belonging . For Answer whereof this is to Advertise You , that for as much as Our Sovereign Lady Queen Jane is , after the Death of Our Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth ( a Prince of most Noble Memory ) Invested , and Possessed with the just , and Right Title , in the Imperial Crown of this Realm ; not onely by Good Order of Old Antient Laws of this Realm ; but also by Our late Sovereign Lord's Letters Patents , Signed with His Own Hand , and Sealed with the Great Seal of England , in presence of most part of the Nobles , Counsellours , Judges , with divers others Grave , and Sage Personages , Assenting , and Subscribing the same : We must therefore , as of most Bound Duty , and Allegiance , and Assent unto Her said Grace , and to none other : except we should ( which Faithfull Subjects cannot ) fall into grievous , and unspeakable Enormities . Wherefore We can no less do , both for the quiet of the Realm , and You also ; to advertise you , that for as much as the Divorce , made between the King of Famous Memory , King Henry the Eighth , and the Lady Katharine Your Mother , was necessary to be had , both by the Everlasting Laws of God , and also by the Ecclesiastical Laws , and the most part of the Noble , and Learned Vniversities in Christena●m , and Confirmed also by the sundry Acts of Parliaments , remaining yet in Force , and thereby You justly made Illegitimate , and Vn-heritable to the Crown Imperial of this Realm , and the Rules , and Dominions , and Possessions of the same ; You will upon just consideration hereof , and of divers other Causes , Lawfull to be Alledged for the same , and for the just Inheritance of the Right Line , and Godly Order , taken by the late King , Our Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth , and agreed upon by the Nobles , and Greatest Personages aforesaid ; Surcease by any pretents , to vex , or molest , any of Our Sovereign Lady Queen Jane Her Subjects , from their True Faith , and Allegiance , due unto Her Grace ; assuring You , that if you will , for Respect , shew Your Self Quiet , and Obedient ( as You ought ) You shall find Vs all , and several , ready to do You any Service , that We with Duty may ; and be glad with Your quietness to preserve the Common State of this Realm , wherein You may be otherwise grievous Vs , to Your Self , and to them . And thus We bid You most Heartily well to fare , &c. These Letters being thus dispatched , and no further danger seeming to be feared on that side , all things are put in Readiness against the coming of the Queen ; who the same day , about three of the Clock in the Afternoon , was brought by water to the Tower ; attended by a Noble Train , of both Sexes , from Durham House in the Strand , where She had been entertained , as a part of Dudley's Family , ever since Her Marriage . She could not be ignorant of that , which had been done in Order unto Her Advancement to the Royal Throne ; and could not but conceive , that Her being Conducted to the Tower , in that Solemn manner , did portend somewhat , which looked toward a Coronation . But still She hoped , that either She should hear some Good News of the King's Recovery , or of the Altering of His Purpose ; and that She might be suffered to enjoy those Divine Contentments , which she had found in the Repose of a Studious Life . But when She came into the presence of the two Dukes , Her Father , and Her Father-in-Law : She observed their Behaviour towards Her , to be very different from that , which they had used before . To put Her out of which Amazement , it was signified to Her by the Duke of Northumberland ; That The King was Dead , and that He had Declared Her for His next Successour in the Crown Imperial ; That This Declaration was Approved by all the Lords of the Council , most of the Peers , and all the Judges of the Land , which they had Testified by the Subscription of their Names , and all this Ratified , and Confirmed by Letters Patents , under the Great Seal of England ; That The Lord Mayour , the Aldermen , and some of the Principal Citizens had been spoke withall , by whom they were assured of the Fidelity of the rest of the City ; That There was nothing wanting , but Her Gratefull Acceptance of the High Estate , which God Almighty , the Sovereign Disposer of all Crowns , and Scepters , ( never sufficiently to be thanked by Her , for so great a Mercy ) had advanced Her to ; That Therefore She should chearfully take upon Her , the Name , Title , and Estate of Queen of England , France , and Ireland , with all the Royalties , and Preheminencies to the same belonging ; Receiving at their hands the First-Fruits of the Humble Duty ( now tendred by them on their Knees ) which shortly was to be payed to Her , by the rest of the Kingdom . This Speech being ended , the poor Lady found Her Self in a great Perplexity , not knowing whether she Should more lament the Death of the King , or Her Adoption to the Kingdom : the first Loss not to be repaired , the next Care possible to be avoided . She looked upon the Crown , as a great Temptation ; to resist which , She stood in need of all the Helps , which both Philosophy , and Divinity , could suggest unto Her. And She knew also , that such Fortunes , seldom knocked twice for entrance at the same Man's Gate : but that , if once refused , they are gone for ever . Taking some time therefore of Deliberation , She summoned a Council of Her purest Thoughts ; by whose Advice , half drownned in Tears , ( either as sorrowing for the King's Death , or fore-seeing Her own ) She returned an Answer in these Words , or to this Effect ; That The Laws of the Kingdom , and Natural Right , standing for the King's Sister , She would beware of burthening Her weak Conscience with a Yoke , which did belong to them ; That She understood the Infamy of those , who had permitted the violation of Right to gain a Scepter ; That it were to mock God , and deride Justice , to scruple at the stealing of a Shilling , and not at the Vsurpation of a Crown . Besides ( said She ) I am not so young , nor so little read in the Guils of Fortune , to suffer my self to be taken by them . If she inrich any , it is but to make them the Subject of her Spoil ; If she raise others , it is but to pleasure her Self with their Ruins . What sh● adored but yesterday , is to day her Pastime . And , if I now permit her to adorn , and Crown me , I must to Morrow suffer her to crush , and tear me in pieces . Nay with what Crown doth she Present me . A Crown , which hath been Violently and Shamefully wrested from Katharine of Arragon ; made more unfortunate by the Punishment of Ann Bulloign , and others , that wore it after Her. And why then would you have me add my Blood to theirs , and to be the third Victime , from whom this Fatal Crown may be ravished with the Head that wears it ? But in Case it should not prove Fatal unto me , and that all its Venom were consumed ; if Fortune should give me Warranties of her Constancy ; Should I be well advised to take upon me these Thorns , which would dilacerate , though not kill me outright ; to burthen my self with a Yoke , which would not fail to torment me , though I were assured not to be strangled with it ? My Liberty is better , then the Chain you proffer me , with what pretious stones soever it be adorned , or of what Gold soever framed . I will not exchange my Peace for Honourable and pretious Jealousies , for Magnificent , and Glorious Letters . And , if you love me sincerely , and in good earnest , you will rather wish me a secure , and quiet Fortune , though mean , then an exalted Condition exposed to the Wind , and followed by some dismal Fall. It had been happy for Her self , Her Fathers , and their several Families , if they had suffered themselves to be overcome by such powerfull Arguments : which were not onely persuasive , but might seem convincing ; had they not all been fatally hurried unto their own Destruction . But the Ambition of the two Dukes was too Strong , and Violent , to be kept down by any such prudent Considerations . So that being wearied at the last with their Importunities , and overcome by the entreaties of Her Husband , whom She dearly loved , She submitted unto that necessity , which She could not vanquish ; yielding her Head with more unwillingness to the Ravishing Glories of a Crown , then afterwards She did to the Stroak of the Ax. The Point being thus concluded on , the two Dukes , with all the rest of the Lords of the Council , swore Allegeance to her . And on the same day , about five of the Clock in the afternoon , they caused Her Solemnly to be Proclaimed Queen of England , France , and Ireland , &c. in many of the principal Streets in London ; and after by Degrees , in most of the Chief Cities , Towns , and Places of greatest Concourse , and Resort of People . In which Proclamation it was signified , That , by the Letters Patents of the late King Edward , bearing Date the twenty first of June last past , the Lady Jane Gray , Eldest Daughter to the Duchess of Suffolk , had been declared His true and lawfull Successour to the Crown of England , the same to be enjoyed after Her Decease , the Heirs of Her Body , &c. as in the said Letters Patents , more especially did at large appear . Which Proclamation , though it was published in the City with all due Solemnities , and that the Concourse of People was exceeding great , yet their Acclamations were but few ; which served as a sufficient Argument to the Friends and Followers of the Princess Mary , that they were rather drawn together out of Curiosity to behold some unusual Spectacle ; then out of any purpose to congratulate at the Queen's Advancement . And so far some of of them declared their dislike thereof ; that , the next Day , one Gilbert Pot was set on the P●llory in Che●pside , his Ears first nailed , and afterwards cut off , for certain words , which he had spoken at the Publishing of the Proclamation ; a Trumpet sounding at the Time of the Execution , and an Herald in his Coat of Arms publickly noting his Offence in a Form prescribed . A Severity neither safe , nor necessary ( the party being of no better Condition , then a Vintner's Boy ) as the Case then stood . For the next day the Lords received Advertisement from divers hands , that many persons of Quality were drawn together at Kenning-Hall●Castle in Norfolk to offer their Service and assistance , to the Princess Mary ; who finding , by the Answer which She had received from the Lords of the Council , that no good was otherwise to be be done , resolved not to be wanting to Her own Pretensions , and to that end gave chearfull Entertainment to all comers , which either favoured Her Title , or embraced Her Religion . Amongst such Gentlemen , as were certified to the Lords of the Council ; I finde the names of the Earl of Bath Sir Thomas Wharton , son to the Lord Wharton , Sir John Mordant , Son to the Lord Mordant , Sir William Drury , Sir John Shelton , Sir Henry Bedingfield , Mr. Henry Jenningham , Mr. John Sulierd , Mr. Richard Higham of Lincoln's-Inn . It was advertised also , that the Earl of Sussex , and Mr. Henry Ratcliff his Son , were coming towards Her with their Forces : which last Advertisement gave the Business some appearance of Danger ; for what else was to be expected , but that the Countenance and Encouragement of so great a Person might draw many more unto the side ; who otherwise would have been content to be lookers on , in case they had not moved against Her. Prevention , in such Cases , was the wholesomest Physick : which therefore was to be administred , with all speed that might be , before those Companies encreased , and were united under some Commander , which might gain them the Reputation of a little Army little at first , but like enough to become so midable to their Enemies , if not broken in time . Some Forces therefore to be sent under the Conduct , and Command , of some Person who was well affected to the Cause , to scatter those small Companies , before they grew unto an Head , to seise upon the Lady Mary , and bring Her with him to the Court , where they knew well enough how to make sure of her . For which Employment none more fit , then the Duke of Suffolk , who had the greatest Stock going in the present Adventure , and whose affection to the Queen , being raised out of the Bowels of Nature , would prompt him to dispatch the Service , with his utmost Diligence . And because possibly the Lady Mary , hearing of these Preparations , might fly for safety into Flanders , and create more Trouble to them there , then She could at home ; it was thought necessary , that such Ships , as lay upon the Downs , should be Commanded to attend on the Coast of Norfolk , to intercept Her on the Way ; if peradventure she should think of flying to the Emperour's Court. So was it Counselled , and Concluded . But the matter could not be carried so close , as not to come to the Queen's Knowledg ; to whom the least Drop of Her Father's Blood was far more pretious , then all the Kingdoms in the World : so that , with Tears in Her Eys , and Voice as mournfull as Her Face , She besought such of the Lords , as She conceived to be most tenderly affected towards Her , to be Her Mediatours to the rest of the Council , that Her Father might be suffered to remain with Her ; and that some other Man , more exercised in Deeds of Arms , might be sent out on that Employment . Nor was the Motion made in vain . For some there were , who secretly had as great a Mind to put Northumberland upon the Service ; as She could be to have Her Father excused from it . They saw how things were like to go , and how generally the People were enclined to King Henrie's Children , and could not promise to themselves any long Securi●y under that Power , which they had put into the hands of a weak young Lady , who must be altogether Governed by Duke Dudlie's Coun●els . Of whom they stood in so great Fear , that none of them durst oppose his Doings , or stear their Course unto that Point , which most they aimed at , and which they doubted not to gain , if they could finde a Way to send him from the Council-Table . No way more probable , then this , and this they meant to husband to the best advantage , using their best Endeavours to perswade him to the Understanding of the present Service ; For who , said they , can be so proper , as Tour Grace , to undertake this Expedition into Norfolk , where Your late Victories hath made Your Name so Terrible to all Sorts of People , is may disperse them without Battail . For should the Matter come to Blows , ( which God prohibit ) what man so able as Your Self in the Art of War , the Order of Encamping , the putting of Your Men into such a Figure , as may best suit with the Advantages , which are offered to You ; and animating the m●st Cowardly So●ldiers , not onely by Your own Exemplary Valour , but by strong Perswasions ? Whom have we in the Realm so dexterous in Point of Treaty , so able to perswade the ●nemy to lay down Arms ( which is the Noblest Way of conquering the t●ue-born English ) if once it came unto Parle , as they hoped it would . Besides the Queen had made it Her most earnest Suit , that Her Father might be spared to stay w●th Her , till those Terours , and Affrights , were over ; and had moreover pointed out His Grace , as the abler Man , and more fit for Action ; then which what can be further said , to prompt Your Grace to lay fa●● hold upon all opportunities , for obliging Her , who may hereafter finde so many Ways for obliging You. Swelled with vain Glory , and tickled with the frequent mention of his dear Abilities , he suffered Himself to be entreated to an Action of such Fame , and Merit , as that , which they presented to ●im . And signifying his Assent , with a feigned Unwillingness , he told them ; That He woul● make Ready his own Power on the morrow after , not doubting , but They would send Theirs with him , or speed them after him ; That He must recommend the Queen unto Their Fidelity : of whose Sacred Person he desired Them to be very tender . All which they Promised him to do . And , having thus settled the Affairs , they made the Queen acquainted , in Northumberland's Presence , with how great readiness he had took the danger of that Action upon himself , to give Her the Contentment of e●joying Her Father's company , till the present storm was over-blown ; who humbly thanked the Duke for so great a favour , and chearfully desired him not to be wanting to the Publick and his personal safety . That evening , and the greatest part of the next day , being spent in Raising men , and making other neces●ary preparations for the Expedition ; he repairs again to the Court , and once more putting them in mind of hasting their Forces ; and , appointing New-Market for the place of their Rendez-vous , he took his Leave of them , in these Words , or to this Effect . My Lords ( said he ) I , and these other Noble Personages , with the whole Army , that now goes forth ▪ as well for the behalf of You , and Yours , as for the Establishing of the Queen's Highness , shall not onely a●venture our Bodies , and Lives , amongst the Bloody Strokes , and Cruel Assaults , of our Adversaries in the open Fields : but also we do leave the Conservation o● our Selves ▪ Children , and Families , at home here with You , as altogether committed to your Trust , and Fidelity . Wh●m , if we thought You would , through Ma●ice , Conspiracy , or Dissension , leave us , Your Fri●nds , in the Briars , and betray us ; we could as well sundry ways fore see , and provide for our own safe-guards ▪ as any of You , by betraying us , can do for Yours . But now , upon the onely Trust , and Faithfulness of Your Honours , whereof we think our selves most assured ▪ we do hazard our ●ives : which Trust , and Promise , if You shall Violate , hoping thereby of Life , and Promotion ; yet shall not God count You inn●cent of our Bloods , neither acquit You of the Sacred Holy Oath of Allegiance , made freely by You to this Virtuo●s Lady , the Queen's Highness : Who , by Your , and Our Enticement , is rather of force placed therein , then by Her own seeking , and Request . Consider also , that God's Cause , which is the Prefe●ment of His Word , and the fear of the return of Popery , hath been ( as Ye have heretofore always said ) the Original cause , whereupon Ye ( even at the first motion ) granted Your good Wills , and Consents thereunto , as by Your Hand-Writing appeareth . And think not otherwise , but that , if You mean deceit , though not forthwith , yet hereafter ▪ God will revenge the same . I can say no more , but in this troublesom time with You to use constant hearts ; abandoning all Malice , Envy , and private Affections . Which said , and having paused a little , he shut up his Address in these following Words . I have not spoken to You , my Lords , in this sort , upon any mistrust I have of Your Fidelities ; of which , always , I have ever hitherto , conceived a trusty Confidence : but I have onely put You in Remembrance thereof , what chance of Variance soever might grow amongst You in my absence . And this I pray You , that You would not wish me less good speed in this Journey , then You would have to Your selves . To which last words , one of them is reported to have thus replyed . My Lord , If You mistrust any of Vs in this matter , Your Grace is much mistaken in us . For which of Vs can wash his hands clean of the present Business ; for , if we should shrink from You , as one that is culpable , which of Vs can excuse himself , as being guiltless ? Little the more assured by this quick return , he went to take his Leave of the Queen , where he found his Commission ready Sealed , together with certain Instructions , subscribed by all the Lords of the Council , in which his Marches were lai'd out , and Limited from one day to another . Conditions not to be imposed on any , who Commands in Chief ; nor to have been accepted by him : but that it was a matter of his own desiring . And he desired it for these Reasons , ( so strongly was he caught in a Snare of his own devising ) partly because he would be thought to have Acted nothing , but by Authority of the Council , which he supposed might serve for his Indemnity , if the Tide should turn ; and partly ▪ that the blame of all M●sca●riages might be laid on them , if he were foiled in the Adventure . But so instructed , he takes Leave , embraced by all the Lords , with great demonstrations of Affection , according to the wonted dissimulation in Princes Courts ; by none more passionately ▪ then by those , who most abhorred his pride , and falshood . Amongst which it is said of the Earl of Arundel , ( upon whom he had put more Disgraces , and Affronts , then on all the rest ) that he ●eemed to express much sorrow at the Duke's departure ; in regard he was not Ordered to be one of his Company , in whose presence he could finde in his heart to spend his blood , and to lay his life down at his feet . Accompanied with the Marquess of North-hampton , the Lord Gray , and others , he passeth by water in his Barge to Durham-Place , and from thence to White-Hall , where they Mustered their men . And the next morning being Friday , the fourteenth of the Moneth , he sets f●●ward with a Body of six hundred Horse , their Arms , and Ammunition being sent befo●● ; and Sir John Gates ( of whose Fidelity , and Adhesion , he was well assured ) following not far behind with the rest of his Company . Passing through Shore-ditch , he found the Streets to be thronged with People , but could hear nothing of their Prayers for his Prosperous Journey . Insomuch , that , turning to the Lord Gray , he could not choose , but say unto him ; The People press to see us : but not one bids , God speed us . On Saturday-night he comes to Cambridg , where he assured himself of all Obedience , and Conformity , which e●ther the University , or that Town could give him : as being Chancellour of the one , and Seneschal , or High-Steward of the other ; two Offices incompatible in themselves , and never United in one person before , or since . At night he sends for Doctour Edwin Sandys , Master of Katharine-Hall , and Vice-Chancellour of the University , to Supper with him : whom he enjoyns to Preach before him the next day . A service not to be performed , and much less declined , without manifest danger . But the Good Man , submitting to the present necessity , betakes himself unto his Study , and his Prayers , falls on a Text exceeding proper to the present Exigent ( being th●t of Joshua● , chap. 1. v. 16. ) but handled it so Warily ▪ and with such Discretion , that he much satisfied the one , without giving any just advantage against him to the other Party . On Munday Moring , the Duke , with his whole Power , goes forward to St. Edmond's-Bury , where he l●dged that night , But , in stead of hearing News of those Supplies , which were to attend him at New-Market , he receives Letters from some Lords of the Council , so full of Trouble , and D●scomfort , that he Marched back again to Cambridg , on the morrow after . And there we will leave him for a time , betwixt Hope , and Fear , less Confident , and worse Attended , then he was , at his first coming thither ; as being not onely deserted by a great part of his company , but in a manner by himself . In the mean time the Prince●s Mary was not idle ▪ but served Her Self of all Advantages , which were offered to Her. Comforted , and encouraged by so many persons of Quality , as She had about Her. She sends unto the Mayour of Norwi●h on the Twe●fth of July , requiring him , and the rest of the Magistrates of that City , to Proclaim Her Queen . Which though they at that time refused to do , because they had no certain knowledg of the Death of the King ; yet , on the nex● d●y , h●ving received good assurance of it , they did not onely Proclaim Her Queen , ( as She had desired ) but sent Her Men , and Ammunition to a●v●nce the Service . Not fi●ding Norfolk Men so fo●ward as She had expected ▪ S●e remo●●●●ith Her small Party into Suffolk , and puts Her Self into Fra●lingham-C●stle , a Castle Scituate ●ear the Sea , from whence She might conveniently es●●pe into Flanders , if Her Affairs succeeded not to Her Hopes , and Prayers . He●e She fi●st takes upon Her the Name of Queen , and by that Name dispatcheth Letters to the Peers of the Realm ; requiring Them , and all other Her faithful Subjects , to repair unto Her Succour . And , for the first hand●el of good Fortune , it happened , that the six ships , which were appointed to hover on the Coast of Norfolk , were driven by ●oul weather into the Haven of Yarmouth , where Jerningham , above-mentioned , was busie in Raising men , to Maintain Her Quarrel . By whom the Captains , and the Mariners , were so cunningly dealt with , that they put themselves under his Command , drew all their Ordnance on shore , and left their Ships to be disposed of at his pleasure . About which time Sir Edward Hastings , the brother of Francis Earl of Huntington , being Commissionated by the Duke of Northumberland to Raise four thousand men for the present Service , pass'd over with his men to the other side , and joyned himself to Her Party also . The News whereof being brought unto the Lords , which remained in London , ha●tened the Execution of that Design , which had been formerly contrived by some amongst them . For no sooner had the Great Duke put himself on his March toward Ca●bridg ▪ but some began to shew themselves in favour of the Princess Mary , and to de●se how they might extricate themselves out of those perplexities , into which they had been brought by his Ambition . Amongst which none more forward , then the Earl of Pembroke , in whom he had placed more Confidence , then in all the others . Who , together with Sir Thomas Cheyny ▪ Lord Warden of the ●inque-Ports ; with divers others , endeavoured to get out of the Tower , that they might hold some secret Consultation with their Friends in London : but were so narrowly watched , that they could not do it . On Sunday , the sixteenth of the Moneth , Doctour Nicholas Ridley , Bishop of London , is ordered by the Lords of the Council , to Preach at St. Paul's-Cross , and in his Sermon to Advance the Title of Queen Jane , and shew the invalidity of the Claim of the Lady Mary . Which he performed according to such Grounds of Law , and Polity , as had been lai'd together in the Letters Patents of King Edward , by the Authority ▪ and Consent of all the Lords of the Council , the greatest Judges in the Land , and almost all the Peers of the Kingdom . But then , withall , he press'd the Incommodities , and Inconveniencies , which might arise , by receiving Mary for their Queen ; prophecying that , which after came to pass : Namely , that She would bring in a Foreign Power to Reign over this Nation ; and that She would subvert the True Religion , then Established by the Laws of this Rea●m ▪ He also shewed , that , at such time as She lived in his Diocess , he had Travailed much with Her , to reduce Her to the True Religion ; but that ( though otherwise She used him with great Civility ) She shewed Her self so stiff , and obstinate , that there was no hope to be conceived , but that She would disturb , and destroy all that , which with such great Labour had been settled in the Reign of Her Brother . For which Sermon he incurred so much displeasure , that it could never be forgiven him , when the rest were Pardoned : by whose Encouragement , and Command , he had undertook it . But this Sermon did not work so much on the People , as the ill News , which came continually to the Tower , had prevailed on many of the Lords . For presently , upon that of the six Ships , which were Revolted from the Queen , Advertisement is given , that the Princess Mary was Proclaimed Queen in Oxford●Shir● ●Shir● by Sir John Williams , and others ; in Buckingham-Shire by the Lord Windsore , Sir Edward Hastings , &c. and in North-hampton-Shire by Sir Thomas Tresham . And , which was worse then all the other , that the Noble-Mens Tenants refused to serve their Lords against Her. Upon the first bruit of which Disasters , the Lord Treasurer Pawlet gets out of the Tower , and goes unto his House in Bro●d-street ; which made s●ch a powerfull apprehension of s●me dangerous practises to be suddenly put in Execution , that the Gates of the Tower were locked about seven of the Clock , and the Keys carried to the Queen . And though the Lord Treasurer was brought back about twelve at night , yet now the knot of the Confederacy began apparently to break . For , finding by intelligence from so many Parts of the Realm , but chiefly by the Lord Treasurer's return , that generally the People were affected to the Title of the Princess Mary , they thought it most expedient for them , to Declare themselves in Her Favour also , and not to run themselves , their Friends , and Families , on a certain Ruin. But all the Difficulty was , in finding out a way , to get out of the Tower : the Gates whereof were so narrowly watched : that no man could be suffered to go in , and out ; but by the Knowledg , and Permission of the Duke of Suffolk . But that , which their own Wisdom could not , the Duke of Northumberland's Importunity effected for them ; who , failing of the Supplies , which the Lords had promised to send after him , as before is said , had pressed them earnestly , by his Letters , not to be wanting to their own Honour , and the Publick Service . This gave them a fair Colour to procure their Liberty from that Restraint , by representing to the Queen , and the Duke Her Father , that the Supplies expected , and all things necessary to the same , could not be raised , unless they were permitted personally to attend the Business ; both for the Pressing of the Men , providing them of all things needfull , and choosing fit Commanders , to Conduct them in good Order to the Duke of Northhumberland . Which seemed so reasonable to the Duke of Suffolk , a Man of no great Depth himself , and so not like to penetrate into the bottom of a deep Design ; that he gave way to their Departure for the present : little conceiving , that they never meant to come back again , till the State was altered . Being thus at their desired Liberty , the Earls of Shrewsbury , and Pembroke , together with Sir Thomas Cheyny , and Sir John Mason , betake themselves immediately to Baynard's - Castle : an House belonging then ( as now ) to the Earls of Pembroke ▪ To which Place they were followed , not long after , by almost all the rest of the Lords of the Council ; bringing with them as many of the Nobility , then about the Town , as they conceived to ●tand fair for the Princess Mary . And , that the Meeting might be held with the less Suspicion , it was given out to be upon a Conference with Laval , the French Ambassadour , about Affairs of great Importance for the Weal of both Kingdoms . No sooner had they took their Places : but the Earl of Arundel , who had held Intelligence with the Princess , ever since the first Extremities of Her Brother's Sickness , inveighed most bitterly against the Duke of Northumberland . And , after he had ripped up the Acts of his former Life , and burthened him with all , that had been done unjustly , cruelly , or amiss , in King Edward's Time ; he at last descends to the Treacherous Act of the Disherison of the Children of the late King Henry ; professing , that he wondred , how he had so enthralled such persons , as the Lords there present , as to make them Instruments of his Wickedness . For was it not , saith he , by Our Consent , and Suffrages ; that the Duke of Suffolk 's Daughter , the same Northumberland 's Daughter-in-Law , hath took upon Her the Name , and Title , of Queen of England : though it be nothing , but the Title ; the Sovereign Power remaining wholly in the Hands of Dudly , who contrived the Plot ▪ that ●e might freely exercise his Tyranny on our Lives , and Fortunes . Religion is indeed the thing pretended . But suppose we have no regard to these Apostolical Rules ; Evil must not be done , that Good may come thereof ; and , We must obey even evil Princes ; not for Fear , but for Conscience-sake : Yet , how doth it appear , that the Princess Mary intends any Alteration in Religion ? Certainly , having been lately Petitioned to in this Point by the Suffolk - men , She gave them a very hopefull Answer . And what a mad Blindness is it , for the avoidance of an uncertain Danger , to precipitate Our selves into a most certain Destruction ? I would we had not erred in this kind . But Errours past cannot be recalled : some may peradventure be amended ; wherein speedy Execution ●ft-times happily supplyeth former Defects . Rec●llect Your selves then , and so make use of Your Authority , that the Princess Mary , the undoubtedly Lawfully Heir , may publickly be Proclaimed Queen of England , &c. No other way , but this , as the Case now stands , to recover our lost Honours , and preserve the State. The Earl of Pembroke was a man altogether unlettered , but so well skilled in humouring King Henry the Eighth , that he had raised Himself to a great Estate ; for wh●ch he could not but express some sense of Gratitude , in doing good Offices for his Children . And having formerly been suspected to have had too great a part in Northumberland's Counsels , he conce●ved himself obliged to wipe off that Stain , by declaring his Zeal , and Resolution in the Cause of the Princess . And , therefore , assoon as the Earl of Arundel had concluded his Speech , he very chearfully professed , that he approved , and would subscribe the Proposition , and therewithall laying his Hand upon his Sword , he signifi●d his Readiness ▪ and Resolution to defend the Lady Marie's Cause against all Opponents . The rest of the Lords , encouraged by these good Examples , and seeing nothing , but apparent Danger on all sides , if they did the contrary , came to a speedy Conclusion with them , and bound themselves to stand together , in Defence of the late King's Sisters , against all their Enemies . Which being thus so generously and unanimously agreed upon , a Messenger is presently dispatched to the Lord Mayour , requiring him to repair to Baynara'●-Castle within an hour : and to bring with him the Recorder , and such of the Aldermen of the City , as to him seemed best . Who being come accordingly at the time appointed ; their Lordships told them , in few words , as well their Resolution , as their Reason of it : and so desired their Company to Cheap-side-Cross to Proclaim Queen Mary . Which said , without any further Dispute about the Title , they rode all together in good order ▪ through Saint Paul's-Church-Yard ; till they came to the Gate , which openeth into the Street : where they found such Multitudes , and Throngs of People ; whom the Noise of such a Confluence at Baynard's-Castle , and the going down of the Lord Mayour , and Aldermen , had drawn together ; that they could hardly force a Way through them to come to the Cross. But being come thither at the last , though with much ado , Sir Christopher Barker , Knight of the Bath , and Principal King at Arms , Proclaimed , by the Sound of Trumpet , the Princess Mary , Daughter of King Henry the Eighth , and Queen Kaharine , His Wife , to be the Lawfull , and Undoubted Queen of England , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , adding thereto that Sacred Title of Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England : which She retained till the beginning of the following Parliament , and then rescinded all those Acts , by which it had been formerly united to the Crown of this Realm . The Proclamation being ended , they went together in a Solemn Pr●cession , to Saint Pau●'s Church , where they caused the Te Deum to be sung , with the Rights accustomed , and so dismissed the Assembly to their several dwellings . Being returned to Baynard's-Castle , the Earl of Arundel , and the Lord Paget , are presently dispatched to Framlingham , with thirty Horse , to give the Queen a Narrative of their whole Proceedings . Some Companies are also sent to assure the Tower , and to Command the Duke of Suffolk , to discharge the Family , and Attendants , of the Lady Jane ; to signifie unto Her , that She must lay aside the Name , and Title of Queen , and suffer Her Self to be reduced to the Rank of a private Person . All which , he readily obeyed ( as easily subject to Despair , as before he had been swelled with Ambitious Hopes ) and the next day adjoyns himself to the rest of the Coun●il , subscribing amongst others to such Instructions , as were to be dispatched to the Duke of Northumberland , for the disbanding of his Forces ; and car●ying himself like an obedient , and dutifull Subject , as he ought to do . But there was little need of this last Message , and none at all of the other . Fo● the noise of these loud Acclam●●ions , which were made at the Proclaiming of the new Queen , passing from one Street to another , came at last to the Tower , ●efore the Message had been sent to the Duke of Suffolk , where they were heard by the ●ady Jane ( now no longer Queen ) with such Tranquility of M●nd , and Composedness of Countenance ; as if she had not been concerned in the Alteration . She had before received the offer of the Crown , with as even a Temper , as if it had been nothing , but a ●arland of Flowers : and now She lays aside the thought thereof with as much contentedness , as She could have thrown away that Garland , when the sent was gone . The time of her Glories was so short , but a nine Days wonder ; that it seem●d nothing but a Dream , out of which She was not sorry to be awakened . The Tower had been to Her a Prison , rather then a Court , and interrupted the Delights of Her former Life by so many Terrours ; that no day passed without some new Alarms to disturb Her Quiet . She doth now know the worst , that Fortune can do unto Her. And having always feared , that there stood a Scaffold secretly behind the Throne , She was as readily prepared to act her Part upon the one , as upon the other . If Sorrow , and Affliction did at any time invade Her Thoughts , it was rather in reference to Her Friends , but most of all unto Her Husband , who were to be involved in the Calamity of Her Misfortunes ; then upon any Apprehensions , which She had for Her Self . And hereunto the bringing in of so many Prisoners , one day after another , gave no small Encrease : brought hither for no other Reason , but because they had seemed forward in contributing towards Her Advancement . In the middest of which Disconsolations , the restoring of the Duke , Her Father , to his former Liberty gave some Repose unto Her Mind ; whose Sufferings were more grievous to Her , then Her own Imprisonment . And then to what a miserable Extremity must his Death have brought Her ? And though the Attainder , and Death , of the Duke of Northumberland , ●hich followed very shortly after , might tell Her in Effect , what She was to trust to ; yet She was willing to distinguish betwixt his Case , and Her own ; betwixt the Principal , and the Accessaries , in the Late Design . In which Respect She gave Her self no improbable Hope● ; th●● possibly the like Mercies , which was shewed to Her Father , might possibly be extended unto others , and amongst others to Her Husband , as innocent as Her self , from any open Practice against the Queen . And who could tell , but that it might descend on Her self at last ? whom no Ambition of Her own had tempted to the acceptation of that Dangerous Offer , which She beheld as the greatest Errour of Her Life , and the onely Stain of all ●er Actions . But neither the Queen's Fears , nor the publick Justice of the Land , could so be satisfied . It was held Treason to accept of a Kingdom offered : to which She could pretend no Right ; whilest the Queen was living . And , if Examples of that Nature should pass unpunished , no Prince could possibly be safe , nor Ti●les valid , as long , as any Popular Spirit could pretend a Colour to advance some other to the Throne . Upon which Reason of State She was brought to Her Trial at the Guild-Hall in London , on the third of November , accompanied with Her Husband , the Lord Guilford Dudly ( his Company never , till that Hour , unwelcome to Her ) together with Arch-Bishop Cranmer , the Lord Ambrose Dudly , the second Son , then living , to the Duke of Northumberland . Sentence of Death passed upon them all : though at that time not executed upon any of them . The Lord Ambrose was reserved unto better Fortunes : as the Arch-Bishop was to a more miserable , but more Glorious Death . And for Her self , and Her dear Husband , it was conceived ; that , now the Law had done its part in their Condemnation , the Queen in pitty of their Youth , and Innocence , would have gone no further . But , as they were first brought under this Affliction , by the inordinate Ambition of the Duke of Northumberland ; so shall they shortly finde an end of all their Troubles , by the rash and unadvised Attempts of the Duke of Suffolk . For upon Wya●'s breaking out in Kent , and the Earl of Devon-Shire in the West , the Duke had been prevailed with , amongst many others , to ap●ear in the Action . To which he unadvisedly yielded , caused Proclamation to be made in some Towns of Leicester-Shire , against the Queen's intended Marriage with the Prince of Spain , and drew together many of his Friends , and followers , to oppose that Match . And though he was discomfited , within few days after : yet the Queen saw , that she could promise Her self neither Peace , nor Safety ; as long as the Lady Jane was preserved alive . Whose Restitution to the Throne must be the matter chieflly aimed at , in these Insurrections ; though other Colours were devised , to disguise the Business . Her Death is now resolved upon ; but first She must be practised with to change Her Religion ; as the Great Duke of Northumberland had done before . To which end Fecknam is employed : not long before made Dean of Saint Paul's , and not long after Abbot of Westminster ; a Man , whose great Parts promised him an easie Victory over a poor Lady of a broken , and dejected Spirit : but it proved the contrary . For so well had She studied the Concernments of Her own Religion , and managed the Conference with him , with such a readiness of Wit , such constancy of Resolution , and a Judgment so well-grounded in all helps of Learning : that She was able to make Answer to his strongest Arguments ; as well to Her great Honour , as his Admiration . ( The Substance of which Conference he , that ●●sts to see , may finde it in the Acts , and Monuments , fol. 1290. ) So that , not able to prevail with Her in the Change of Religion , he made offer of his Service to prepare Her for Death : which though She thankfully accepted of , as finding it to proceed from a good Affection ; yet soon he found , that She was also before hand with him in those Preparations , which are fit , and necessary for a dying Christian. Friday , the ninth of February was first designed for the Day of Her Execution ; but the Desire of gaining Her to the Church of Rome procured Her the short Respite of three Days more . On Sunday●night ●night , being the Eve unto the 〈◊〉 of Her Translation , She wrote a Letter in the Greek Tongue , at the end of the Testament , which She bequeathed as a Legacy to Her Sister the Lady Katharine ; which being such a lively Picture of the Excellent Lady , may well deserve to be continually kept in Remembrance of Her , and is this , that followeth . I have here sent you ( Good Sister Katharine ) a Book , which although it be not outwardly trimmed with Gold , yet inwardly it is more worth , then pretious Stones . It is the Book ( Dear Sister ) of the Law of the Lord. It is his Testament , and last Will , which he bequeathed unto us , Wretches ; which shall lead you to the path of eternal Joy , and , if you with a good mind read it , and with an earnest mind do purpose to follow it , it shall bring you to an immortal , and everlasting Life . It shall teach you to live , and learn you to die . It shall win you more , then you should have gained by the possession of your wofull Father's Lands . For as , if God had prospered him , you should have inherited his Lands : so , if you apply diligently this Book , seeking to direct your Life after it , you shall be an inheritour of such Riches ; as neither the Covetous shall withdraw fr●m you , neither Thief shall steal , neither yet the Moths corrupt . Desire with David ( Good Sister ) to understand the Law of the Lord God. Live still to die , that you ( by Death ) may purchase eternal Life ; and trust not , that the tenderness of your Age shall lengthen your Life : for as soon , if God calls , goeth the young , as the old , and labour always to learn to die . Defie the World : Deny the Divel : and Despise the Flesh ; and Delight your self onely in the Lord. Be penitent for your Sins , and yet Despair not . Be strong in Faith , and yet presume not , and desire , with Saint Paul , to be dissolved , and to be with Christ , with whom , ●ven in Death , there is Life . Be like the good Servant , and even at Midnight be waking ; lest , when Death cometh , and stealeth upon you , like a Thief in the night , you be with the evil Servant ●ound sleeping ; and lest for lack of Oyl , you be found like the five foolish Women , and like him , that had not on the Wedding-Garment ; and then ye be cast out from the Marriage Rejoyce in Christ , as I do . Follow the Steps of your Master Christ , and take upon you your Cross. Lay your Sins on his Back ▪ and always embrace him . And , as touching my Death , rejoyce , as I do ( good Sister ) that I shall be delivered of this Corruption , and put on Incorruption . For I am assured , that I shall , for losing of a mortal Life , win an immortal one . The which I pray God to grant you , and send you of his Grace , to live in his Fear ▪ and to die in the true Christian Faith : from the which in God's Name , I exhort you , that you never swerve , neither for Hope of Life , nor for Fear of Death . For , if you will deny his Truth , to lengthen your Life , God will deny you , and yet shorten your Days : and if you will ●leave unto him , he will prolong your Days to your Comfort , and to his Glory . To the which Glory God bring me now , and you hereafter , when it pleaseth him to call you . Fare you well ( Good Sister ) and put your onely trust in God , who onely must help you . The Fatal Morning being come , the Lord Guilford earnestly desired the Officers , that He might take His Farewell of Her. Which though they willingly permitted ; yet , upon notice of it , She Advised the contrary ; assuring Him , That such a meeting would rather add to His Afflictions , then encrease that Quiet , wherewith they had possessed their souls for the stroke of Death , that He demanded a Lenitive , which would put fire into the Wound ; and that it was to be feared Her Presence would rather weaken , then strengthen Him that He ought to take courage from his Reason , and derive constancy from his own heart ; that if his soul were not firm , and setled , She could not settle it by Her eyes , nor confirm it by Her words ; that He should do well to remit this Interview to the other World , that there indeed Friendships were happy , and Unions undesolvable ; and that theirs would be Eternal , if their souls carried nothing with them of Terrestrial , which might hinder them from rejoycing . All She could do was to give Him a Farewell out of a Window , as He passed toward the place of His dissolution : which He suffered on the Scaffold on Tower-Hill with much Christian meekness . His Dead body being lai'd in a Car , and His Head wrapped up in a Linen-cloth , were carried to the Chapel within the Tower ; in the way to which , they were to pass under the Window of the Lady Jane , where She had given Him His Fare-well . A Spectacle sufficient to disanimate a couragious Heart , not armed with the Constancy , and Resolution of so brave a Vertue . The Spectacle endured by Her with the less Astonishment , because She knew , She was upon the point of meeting with Him in a better Conjuncture ; where they should never finde the like Intermission of their Joys , and Happinesses . It was once resolved on by the Court , that She should dy on the same Scaffold with Her Husband : but it was feared , that , being both pittied , and beloved by the common People , some suddain Commotion might be raised ; if She were publickly brought forth to Her Execution . It was therefore held the safer course , that a Scaffold should be erected for Her within the Verge of the Tower : on which She might satisfie the greatest severity of the Law without any danger to the State. Towards which being to be led by Sir John Gage ( who was then Constable of the Tower ) he desired Her to bestow some small Gift upon him , to be kept as a Memorial of Her. To gratifie which desire She gave him Her Table-Book : in which She had written three Sentences in Greek , Latine , and English , as She saw Her Husband's Body brought unto the Chapel ; which She besought him to accept as Her last Bequest . The Greek to this effect : That , If His Executed Body should give Testimony against Her before men ; His most blessed Soul should give an eternal Proof of Her Innocence in the presence of God : the Latine added ; that Humane Justice was against His Body ; but the Divine Mercy would be for His Soul : and then concluded thus in English , that , If Her fault deserved Punishment , Her Youth , at least , and Her Imprudence , were worthy of Excuse ; and that God , and Posterity , would shew Her Favour . Conducted by Feckman to the Scaffold , She gave not much heed unto his Discourses ; but kept Her Eyes upon a Prayer-Book of Her own . And , being mounted on the Throne , from which She was to receive a more excellent Crown , then any , which this vile Earth could give Her , She addressed Her self in some few words to the standers by ; letting them know , that Her Offence was not for having lay'd Her Hand upon the Crown ; but for not rejecting it with sufficient Constancy ; That She had less erred through Ambition , then out of Respect , and Reverence to Her Parents ; acknowledging nevertheless , that Her Respect was to be accounted as a Crime , and such Reverence , to deserve a Punishment ; That She would willingly admit of Death ; so to give satisfaction to the injured State ; that , by Obedience to the Laws , She might voluntarily take off the Scandal , which She had given by Her constrained Obedience to Her Friends ▪ and Kindred ; concluding finally , that She had justly deserved this Punishment , for being made the instrument ( thugh the unw●lli●g Instrument ) of another's Ambition ; and should leave behind Her an Exampl● that Inn●●ence excuseth not great M●sdeeds ; if they any way ten● to the Destruction of the Common●Wealth . Which said , and desiring the people to recommend Her , in their Prayers , to the mercies of God , She caused Her self to be disrobed by some of Her Women , who with w●● Eyes , and heavy Hearts , performed that Office , which was to Her no more unwelcome , then if it had been nothing , but the preparation to the Death of Sleep , and not unto the Sleep of Death . And being now ●eady for the Bl●ck , with the same clear , and untroubled Countenance , wherewith She had acted all the rest of Her Tragedy , She said aloud the Psalm of Mise●ere mei , ●eus , in the English Tongue : and so submitted Her pure Neck to the Ex●cutioner . Touching the Bonds , Recogn●scances , Grants , Conveyances , and other L●gal Instruments , which ●ad been made in the short Reign of this Queen , a doubt was ra●sed among●● our Lawyers , whither they were good , and valid in the Law , or not . The Reason of which Scruple was , because that Interval of time , which passed between the Death of King Edward , on the sixth of July , and the Proclaiming of Queen Mary in all Parts of th● Realm , was in the Law to be esteemed ▪ as a part of Her Reign , without any notice to be taken of the interposing of the Lady Jane : in the fi●st year of whose Reign , the said Bonds , Recogniscances ▪ Grants , &c. had their several Dates . And thereupon it was Enacted in the following Parliament ▪ That all Statutes , Recogniscances ▪ and other Writings whatsoever , knoledged , or made , by , or to any Person , or Persons , Bodies Politick , or Corporate , being the Queen's Subjects , since the sixth day of July last past , untill the fi●st day of August then next following , under the Name of the Reign of any other Person , then under the Nam● of the said ●ueen's Majesty ▪ with the Stile appropriated , or united to Her Majestie 's Imperial Crown , shall be as good , and ●ffectual in the Law ▪ to all intents , purposes ▪ co●structions , and meanings ; as , if upon the m●king thereof ▪ the Name of the said Queen Mary , with Her Stile●approp●●ated , had been fully , and plainly expressed in the same ▪ W●●h a Proviso notwithstanding , that all Grants , Letters Patents , and Commissions , made by the said Lady Jane to any Person , or Persons whatsoever , should be reputed void , and of none ●ff●ct . Wh●ch Proviso seems to have been added , not on●ly for the making void of all such Grants of the Crown-Lands , as had passed in the Name of the said Queen Jane ( if any such Grants were ever made ) but for invalidating the Commi●●●on granted to the Duke of Northumberland for raising Arms in Her behalf . The pleading whereof , though it could not be allowed for his Ind●mnity , when he stood at the Bar , might possibly have raised some Reproach , or Trouble , to his Peers , and Judges , if the Integrity of their Proceedings had been called in Question . Such was the end of the short Life , but far shorter Reign , of the Lady Jane . Her Reign but of nine Days , and no more : Her Life not twice so many years , as She Reigned days . Such was the end of all the Projects of the two great Dukes , for Her Advancement to the Crown , and their own in Hers. To which as She was raised without any Blows ; so She might have been deposed without any Blows : if the Ax had not been more cruel on the Scaffold , then the Sword in the Field . The Sword had never been unsheathed : but when the Scaffold was once Erected , and the Ax once sharpened , there followed so many Executions after one another , till the Death of that Queen ; that , as Her Reign began in the Blood of those , who took upon them the Pu●suit of this Lady's Title ; so was it stained more fouly in the Blood of 〈◊〉 ▪ as were Ma●tyred in all parts for Her Religion . To the Relation of which 〈◊〉 , Deaths , and Martyrdoms , and other the Calamities of that Tragical , and unp●●●perous Reign , we must next proceed . The Parentage , Birth , and first Fortunes of the Princesse ELIZABETH , The second Daughter of King Henry the Eighth , before her coming to the CROWN . With a true Narrative of the first Loves of King Henry the Eighth , to Queen Anne Bollen . The Reasons of his alienating of his first affections , and the true causes of her woful and calamitous death . ELIZABETH the youngest daughter of King Henry the 8th . was born at Greenwich on the 7th . of September ( being the Eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary ) 1533. begotten on the body of Queen Anne Bollen , the eldest daughter of Thomas Bollen Earl of Wiltshire , and of El●zabeth his wife , one of the daughters of Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk , and Earl Marshal of England . The Family of the Bollens before this time neither great nor antient , but highly raised in reputation by the marriage of the Lady Anne , and the subsequent birth of Queen Elizabeth ; the first rise thereof comming out of the City in the person of Sir Geofrey Bollen Lord Mayor of London , Anno 1457. which Geofrey being son of one Geofrey Bollen of Sulle in Norfolk , was father of Sir William Bollen of Blickling in the said County , who took to wife the Lady Margaret , daughter and one of the heirs of Thomas Butler Earl of Ormond , brother and heir of James Butler Earl of Wiltshire . Of this marriage came Sir Thomas Bollen above mentioned , imployed in several Embassies by King Henry the Eighth , to whom he was Treasurer of the Houshold , and by that name enrolled amongst the Knights of the Garter , Anno 1523. advanced about two years after ( being the seventeenth of that King ) to the style and title of Viscount Rochfort , and finally in reference to his mothers extraction created Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond , 1529. But dying without issue male surviving , the title of Ormond was restored to the next heir male of the Butlers in Ireland , and that of Wiltshire given by King Edward the 6th . to Sir William Paules , being then great Master of the Houshold . And as for that of Viscount Rochfort it lay dormant after his decease , till the 6th . of July , Anno 1621. when conferred by King James on Henry Cary , Lord Huns●on , the son of John , and Grandchild of Henry Cary , whom Queen Elizabeth in the first year of her Reign , made Lord Cary of Hunsdon , he being the son and heir of Sir William Cary , one of the Esquires of the body to King Henry the 8th . by the Lady Mary B●llen his wife , the youngest daughter , and one of the Coheirs of the said Thomas Bollen , Viscount Rochfort , and Earl of Wiltshire . Such being the estate of that Family , which became afterwards so fortunate in the production of this Princess to the Realm of England , we must in the next place enquire more particularly into the life and story of Queen Anne her Mother . Who in her tender years attending on Mary the French Queen to the Court of France , was by her Father , after the return of the said Queen , placed in the retinue of the Dutchess of Alanzone , the beloved sister of King Francis , where she not only learnt the language , but made her self an exact Mistriss both of the Gaities and Garb of the great French Ladies . She carried such a stock of natural graces , as render'd her superlatively the most admired beauty in the Court of France ; and returned thence with all those advantages which the civilities of France could add to an English beauty . For so it hapned , that her Father being sent with Sir Anthony Brown , Anno 1527. to take the oath of the French King to a solemn league not long before concluded betwixt the Crowns , resolved to bring back his daughter with him , to see what fortunes God would send her in the Court of England . Where being Treasurer of the houshold , it was no hard matter for him to prefer her to Queen Katherines service , on whom she waited in the nature of a Maid of Honour ; which gave the King the opportunity of taking more than ordinary notice of her parts and person . Nor was it long before the excellency of her beauty , adorned with such a gracefulness of behaviour , appeared before his eyes with so many charms , that not able to resist the assaults of Love , he gave himself over to be governed by those affections which he found himself unable to Master . But he found no such easie task of it as he had done before in bringing Mrs Elizabeth Blunt , and others , to be the subjects of his lusts ; all his temptations being repelled by this vertuous Lady , like arrows shot in vain at a rock of Adamants . She was not to be told of the Kings loose love to several Ladies , and knew that nothing could be gained by yielding unto such desires but contempt and infamy , though for a while disguised and palliated by the plausible name and Courtly Title of a Princes Mistriss . The humble and modest opposition of the Lady Gray , to the inordinate affections of King Edward the 4th . advanced her to his bed as a lawful wife , which otherwise she had been possessed of by no better title than that of Jane Shore , and his other Concubines . By whose example Mistriss Boll●n is resolved to steer her courses , and not to yield him any further favours , than what the honour of a Lady , and the modesty of a virgin , might inoffensively permit to so great a King. But so it chanced , that before her coming back from the Court of France , the King began to be touched in conscience about his marriage with the Queen , upon occasion of some doubts which had been cast in the way both by the Ministers of the Emperour , and the French King , as touching the legitimation of his daughter Mary . Which doubts being started at a time when he stood on no good terms with the Emperour , and was upon the point of breaking with him , was secretly fomented by such of the Court as had advanced the party of Francis , and sought alwaies to alienate him from the friendship of Charles . Amongst which none more forward than Cardinal Wolsie , who for almost twenty years together , had governed his affairs with such power and prudence . The Emperor had disgusted the ambitious Prelate , not only by crossing him in his sute for the Popedome ▪ but by denying him the Archbishoprick of Toledo , of which he had once given him no small hopes . And now the Cardinal is resolved to cry quits for both , thinking himself as much affronted in the sailer of his expectations , as if he had been disgracefully deprived of some present possession . No way more open to his ends , than by working on that scruple of Conscience which had been raised unto his hand ; to the advance whereof , the reservedness of the Queens behaviour , and the inequality of her years , which render'd her the less agreeable to his conversation , gave no small advantage . In which conjuncture it was no hard matter to perswade him unto any way which might give satisfaction to his conscience , or content to his fancy , especially i● it came accompanied with such a change as promised him the hopes of a son and heir , or at the least of a more lawful and unquestioned issue . And then what fitter wife could be found out for him than Madam Rheene , one of the daughters of King Lewis the 12th . and sister to the wife of the King then Reigning . By which alliance he might be able to justifie his separation from the bed of Katherine , not only against Charls her Nephew , but against all Kings and Emperors in the Christian world , taking the Pope into the reckoning . A proposition so agreeable to the Kings own thoughts ( who began to grow weary of his Queen ) that he resolved to buy the amity of Francis at any rate ; to which end he not only made a league with him against the Emperour , when the condition of the French was almost desperate , but remitted unto Francis a very vast debt , to the value of 500000 Crowns , partly accruing unto him by some former contracts , and par●ly for the payment of forfeiture incurred by Charles , with which the French had charged himself by the capitulations . And so far matters went on smoothly to the Cardinals wish , and possibly might have succeeded in all particulars , had not the plot miscaried by the return of Viscount Rochfort , and the planting of Anne Bollen in the Court. The admirable attractions of which young Lady , had drawn the King so fast unto her , that in short time he gave her an absolute soverainty over all his thoughts . But so long he concealed his affections from her ▪ that a great league and entercourse was contracted betwixt her and the young Lord Percy , the eldest son of Henry Lord Percy , the 5th . Earl of Northumberland of that Name and Family ; who being brought up in the Cardinals service , had many opportunities of confirming an acquaintance with her ▪ when either his own pleasure or his Lords affairs , occasioned his waiting at the Court. But these compliances on both sides , neither were , nor probably could be so closely caried as not to come unto the knowledge of the jealous King , impatient of a Rival in his new affections , and yet resolved to carry the business in such a manner , as to give no distaste to her whom he so much loved . The Cardinal is therefore dealt with to remove that obstacle , to which he readily condescended , not looking further at the present into the design , but that the King intended to appropriate the young Lady to his private pleasures , as he had done many others in the times foregoing . A messenger is thereupon dispatched to the Earl of Northumberland , who at his coming to the Court , is informed by the Cardinal , how unadvisedly the Lord Percy had entred himself into the affections of Mrs Bollen , one of the daughters of Viscount Rochfort , not only without his fathers privity , but against the express will of the King , who was resolved to dispose otherwise of her . And this he urged upon the strength of an old prerogative , both then and after exercised by the Kings of England , in not permitting any of the Nobility to contract mariages , and make alliances with one another , but by their consents . The old Earl startled at the newes , and fearing nothing more than the Kings displeasure , calls for his son , and presen●ly schools him in this manner . Son , ( quoth he ) even as thou art , and ever haste been , a proud , disdainful , and very unthtifty Master , so haste thou now declared thy self : Wherefore what joy , what pleasure , what comfort , or what solace can I conceive in thee ? that thus without discretion hast abused thy self , having neither regard to me thy natural father , nor to thy natural Soverain Lord the King , to whom all honest and loyal subjects bear faithful obedience , nor yet to the prosperity of thy own estate , but hast so unadvisedly ens●ared thy self to her , for whom thou hast purchased the Kings high displeasure , intolerable for any subject to sustain . And but that the King doth consider the lightness of thy head , and wilful quality of thy person , his displeasure and indignation were sufficient to cast me and all my posterity into utter ruine and destruction . But he being my singular good Lord , and favourable Prince , and my Lord Cardinal my very good friend , hath and doth clearly excuse me in thy lewdness , and doth rather lament thy folly than malign thee , and hath advised an order to be taken for thee , to whom both I and you are more bound than we conceive of . I pray to God that this may be sufficient admonition to thee , to use thy self more wisely hereafter . For assure thy self , if thou dost not amend thy prodigality , thou wilt be the last Earl of our house . For thy natural inclination , thou art masterful and prodigal to consume all that thy progenitors have with so great travail gathered and kept together with honour . But having the Kings Majesty my singular good Lord , I trust ( I assure thee ) so to order my succession , that thou shalt consume thereof but a little . For I do not intend ( I tell thee truly ) to make thee heir , for ( thanks be to God ) I have more boys that I trust will use themselves much better , and prove more like to be wise and honest men , of whom I will chuse the most likely to succeed me . So said the much offended father , and yet not thinking he had done enough for his own security , a marriage is presently concluded for him to the Kings good liking , with the Lady Mary , one of the daughters of George Lord 〈◊〉 , Earl of Shrewsbury . Mrs Anne Bollen in the mean time is removed by her father from the Court , to her no small trouble ; who knowing nothing of the Kings , had willingly admitted the Lord Percy into her affections . And understanding by him what had past betwixt him and his father , she conceived such a mortal grudge against the Cardinal , ( whom she looked on as the only cause of this separation ) that she contributed her best assistance to his final ruine . It was about the time when the Kings cause was to be agitated in the Legan●ine Court , that he caused her to be sent for out of the Country , to give her attendance on the Queen as in former times ▪ impatient of a longer absence , and fearful of a second Rival , if he should any longer conceal his purpose . Which having taken some fit time to disclose unto her , he found in her a vertue of such strength against all temptations , that he resolves upon the sentencing of the divorce , which he little doubted , to take her to him as the last sole object of his wandring loves . A matter not to be concealed from so many espials as Wolsie had about the King. Who thereupon slackneth his former pace in the Kings affairs , and secretly practiseth with the Pope to recall the Commission , whereby he was impowred together with Campegius , to determine in it ▪ Anne Bollen formerly offended at his two great haste in breaking the compliance betwixt her and Percy , is now as much displeased with him for his being too slow in sentencing the Kings Divorse . On which as she had built the hopes of her future greatness , so she wanted neither will nor opportunity to do him ill offices with the King , whom she exasperates against him upon all occasions . The King growes every day more open in his cariage towards her , takes her along with him in his progress , di●es with her privately in her chamber , and causeth almost all adresses to be made by her in matters of the greatest moment . Resolved to break through all impediments which stood betwixt him and the accomplishment of his desires , he first sends back Campegius an alien born , presently caused Wolsie to be indicted and attainted in a premunire , and not long after by the counsel of Thomas Cromwel ( who formerly had been the Cardinals Solicitor in his Legantine Court ) involves the whole body of the Clergy in the same crime with him . By the perswasions of this man , he requires the Clergy to acknowledge him for supreme head on earth of the Church of England , to make no new Canons and Constitutions , nor to execute any such when made , but by his consent . And having thus brought his own Clergy under his command , he was the less solicitous how his matters went in the Court of Rome ; to which the Pope recalled his cause , which he either quickned or retarded , as rather stood with his own interess , than the Kings concernments . The King being grown more confident in the equity and justice of his cause , by the determinations of many of the Universities in France and Italy , better assured than formerly of his own Clergy at home , and wanting no encouragement from the French King to speed the business , advanced the Lady Anne Bollen ( for by this time her father for her sake was made Earl of W●ltshire ) to the Title , Stile , and Dignity of March●oness of P●mbrook , on the first of September , 1532. assigning her a pension of a thousand pounds per annum out of the Bishop●ick of Durham . And now the time of the intended interview betwixt him and the French King drawing on a pace , he takes her along with him unto Calais , where she entertained both Kings at a curious Mask . At what time having some communication about the Kings intended mariage , the French encouraged him to proceed , assuring him that if the matter should be questioned by the Pope or Emperour , ( against whom this must make him sure to the party of France ) to assist him with his utmost power , what fortune soever should be●ide him in it . On which assurance from the French , the mariage is privately made up on the 14th . of November then next following , the sacred Rites performed by Dr Rowland Lee , whom afterwards he preferred to the See of Lichfield , and made Lord President of Wales . None present at the Nuptials but Archbishop Cranmer , the Duke of Norfolk , the Father , Mother , and Brother of the new Queen , and possibly some other of the Confidents of either side , whom it concerned to keep it secret at their utmost peril . But long it could not be concealed . For finding her self to be with child , she acquaints the King with it , who presently dispatcheth George Lord Rochfort her only brother , to the Court of France , as well to give the King advertisement of his secret mariage , as to desire him not to fail of performing his promises if occasion were , and therewithall to crave his counsel and advice how it was to be published , since it could not long be kept unknown . It is not to be doubted , but that the French King was well pleased with the news of a mariage , which must needs fasten England to the party of France , and that he would be forward enough to perform those promises which seemed so visible to conduce to his own preservation . And as for matter of advice , it appeared unnecessary , because the mariage would discover it self by the Queens being with child , which could no longer be concealed . And being to be concealed no longer , on Easter Eve the twelfth of April , she shewed her self openly as Queen , all necessary officers and attendants are appointed for her ; an Order issueth from the Parliament at that time sitting , that Katherine should no longer be called Queen , but Princesse Dowager . Cranmer the new Archbishop repairs to Dunstable , erects his Consistory in the Priory there , cites Katherine fifteen dayes together to appear before him , and in default of her appearance proceedeth judicially to the sentence , which he reduceth into writing in due form of Law , and caused it to be openly publish'd ( with the consent of his Colleagues ) on Friday the 23d . of May. And on the Sunday sevennight being then Whitsunday , the new Queen was solemnly crowned by the said Archbishop ; conducted by water from Greenwich to the Tower of London , May 29. from thence through the chief streets of the City unto Westminster Hall , May 31. and the next day from Westminster Hall to the Abby Church to receive the Crown , a solemn tilting before the Court gate on the morrow after . All which was done with more magnificence and pomp , than ever had been seen before on the like occasion ; the particulars whereof , he that lists to see , may find them punctually set down in the Annals of John Stow , fol. 563 , 564 , &c. And he may find there also the solemnities used at the Christning of the Princess Elizabeth , born upon Sunday the 7th . day of September , and Christned on the Wednesday following , with a pomp not much inferiour to the Coronation ; her Godfather being the Archbishop of Canterbury , her Godmothers the old Dutchess of Norfolk , and the old Marchioness of Dorset , by whom sh● was named Elizabeth , ac●ording to the name of the Grandmothers on eithe● side . Not long after Christmass then next following began the Parliament in which the Kings mariage with the Lady Katherine was declared unlawful her daughter the Lady M●ry to be illegitimate , the Crown to be entailed on the Kings heirs males , to be begotten on the body of the present Queen , and for default of such issue on the Princess Elizabeth ; an oath devised in maintenance of the said succession , and not long after , Moor and Fisher executed ( as before was said ) for the refusal of that oath . The Kings cause all this while depended in the Court of Rome , not like to be determined for him , and yet the Pope not willing to declare against him , till by the solicitation of the Emperour , and for the vindication of the honour of the See Apostolick , he seemed to be necessitated to some acts of rigour , which at last proved the total ruine of his power and party in the Realm of England . For the new Queen considering that the Pope and she had such different interesses , that they could not both subsist together , resolved upon that course which Nature and self-preservation seem'd to dictate to her . But finding that the Popes was too well intrenched to be dislodged upon a sudden , it was advised by Cromwel ( made Mr of the Rols on her commendation ) to begin with taking in the out-works first ; which being gained , it would be no hard matter to beat him out of his trenches . In order whereunto a visitation is begun in the month of October , 1535. in which a diligent enquiry was to be made into all Abbies , Priories , and Nunneries within the Kingdome ; Cromwel himself , Dr Lee , and others , being named for Visitors . Who governing themselves according to certain instructions of their own devising , dismist all such religious persons as were under the age of ●4 . or otherwise were willing to relinquish their several houses , shutting up such from going out , as were not willing to accept the benefit of that permission ; all such religious persons as departed thence , to be gratified by the Abbot or Prior with a Priests Gown , and forty shillings in mony ; and all Nuns to be put into a secular habit , and suffered to go where they would . They took order also , that no men should go into the houses of women , nor women into the houses of men , but only for the hearing of Divine Service ; making thereby that course of life less pleasing unto either Sex , than it had been formerly . They also inventaried , or else directly ●ook away the Relicts and chief Jewels out of most of the said Monasteries or Religious houses , pretending that they took them for the Kings use , but possibly keeping them for their own . And having made a strict and odious inquisition into the lives of all the Votaries of both Sexes , they return'd many of them guilty of exorbitant lu●ts , and much carnal uncleanness ; representing their offences in such multiplying glasses , as made them seem both greater in number , and more horrid in nature , than indeed they were . And in the February following was held a Parliament , in which all Monasteries , Priories , and other Religious houses under the yearly value of 200l . were granted unto the King and his heirs for ever . The number of the Houses then suppressed were said to be 376 , their yearly Rents then valued at the sum of thirty two thousand pounds and upwards , their movable goods , as they were sold at Hood's penny-worths , amounting to one hundred thousand pounds and more . The Religious persons thus despoiled of their Estates , either betook themselves to some of the greater Houses of their several Orders , or went again into the world , and followed such secular businesses as were offered to them towards the getting of their livings . Much lamentation made in all parts of the Country , for want of that relief and sustenance which the poor of all sorts received daily from their hospitality , and for the want of that employment which they found continually in and about those Houses , in their several Trades ; insomuch that it was commonly thought , that more than ten thousand persons , as well Masters as Servants , had lost their livelyhoods by that act of suppression . To the passing whereof , the Bishops and the Mitred Abots , which made the prevalent part of the House of Peers , contributed their Votes and Suffrages as the other did ; whether it were out of pusillanimity , as not daring to appear in behalf of their brethren , or out of a weak hope , that the Rapacity of the Queen and her Ministers would proceed no farther , it is hard to say . Certain it is , that by their improvident assenting to the present Grant , they made a rod for their own backs , ( as the saying is ) with which they were sufficiently scourged within few years after , till they were all finally whipt out of the Kingdom , though the new Queen , for whose sake Cromwel had contrived the plot , did not live to see it . For such is the uncertainty of human affairs , that when she thought her self most safe and free from danger , she became most obnoxious to the ruine prepared for her . It had pleased God on the eighth of January to put an end unto the calamities of the vertuous but unfortunate Queen , into whose Bed she had succeeded ; the news whereof she entertained with such contentment , that she caused her self to be apparalled in lighter colours than was agreeable to the season , or the sad occasion ; Whereas if she had rightly understood her own condition , she could not but have known , that the long life of Katherine was to be her best preservative against all changes , which the Kings loose affections , or any other alterations in affairs of State , were otherwise like to draw upon her . But this contentment held not long , for within three weeks after she fell in travail , in which she miscarried of a Son , to the extream grief of the Mother , and discontent of the Father , who looked upon it as an argument of Gods displeasure , as being as much offended at this second Marriage as he was at the first . He then began to think of his ill for●une with both his Wives , both Mariages subject to dispute ▪ and the Legitimation of his daughter Elizabeth as likely to be called in question in the time succeeding , as that of Mary in the former . He much therefore cast about for another wife , of whose marriage and his issue by her there could arise no con●roversie , or else must die without an heir of his own body , or leave the Crown to be contended for by those , who though they were of his own body , could not be his heirs . His eye had carried him to a Gentlewoman in the Queens attendance , of extraordinary beauty , and superlative modesty ; on the enjoying of whom he so fixed his thoughts , that he had quite obliterated all remembrance of his former loves . As resolute , but more private in this pursute than he was in the former ; yet not so private , but that the Queen ( so piercing are the eyes of Love and Jealousie ) had took notice of it , and signified her suspitions to him , of which , more anon . In the mean time she was not wanting in all those honest arts of Love , Obsequiousness , and Entertainment , which might endear her to the King , who now began to be as weary of her gaities and jocular humor , as formerly of the gravity and reservedness of Katherine . And causing many eyes to observe her actions , they brought him a return of some particulars , which he conceived might give him a sufficient ground to proceed upon . The Lord Rochfort , her own brother , having some sute to obtain by her of the King , was found whispering to her on her bed when she was in it ; which was interpreted for an act of some great dishonor done or intended to the King , as if she had permitted him some farther liberties than were consistent with the innocent familiarity between brothers and sisters : In the aggravating whereof with all odious circumstances , none was more forward than the Lady Rochfort her self , whether out of any jealousie which she had of her husband , or whether out of some inveterate hatred which she had to the Queen , ( according to the peccant humor of most sisters in law ) is not clearly known . It was observed also , that Sir Henry Norris , Groom of the Stool unto the King , had entertained a very dear affection for her , not without giving himself some hopes of succeeding in the King's bed , ( as Sir Thomas Seimer after did ) if she chanced to survive him . And it appears that she had given him opportunity to make known his affection , and to acquaint her with his hopes , which she expressed , by twitting him in a frolick humor with ●ooking after dead mens shoos . Weston and B●eerton , both Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber , were observed also to be very diligent in their services and addresses to her , which were construed rather to proceed from love than duty , though no reciprocation could be found to proceed from her , but what was agreeable to that affability and general debonairness which she shewed to all men . Out of these premises , weak and imperfect though they were , the King resolves to come to a conclusion of his aims and wishes . A solemn Tilting was maintained at Greenwich on the first of May , at which the King and Queen were present , the Lord Rochfort and Sir Henry Norris being principal Challengers . The Queen by chance let fall her handkerchief , which was taken up by one of her supposed favourits who stood under the window , whom the King perceived to wipe his face with it . This taken by the King to be done of purpose , and thereupon he leaves the Queen and all the rest to behold the Sports , and goe●h immediately in great haste to Westm●●ster , to the no small amazement of all the company , but the Queen especially . Rochfort and Norris are committed to the Tower on the morrow after , to which unfortunate place the Queen her self , on the same day , was conducted by Sir Thomas Audeley Lord Chancellor , the Duke of Norfolk , Cromwel then Master of the Rolls and principal Secretary , and Kingston Lieutenant of the Tower. Informed by them upon the way of the Kings suspitions , she is said to have fallen upon her knees , and with dire imprecations to have disavowed the crime ( whatsoever it were ) wherewith she was charged ; beseeching God so to regard her as the justness of her cause required . After which , William Breerton Esquire , and Sir Francis West●n of the King 's Privy Chamber , together with Mark Smeton one of the King's Musicians , were committed on the same occasion . These persons being thus committed , and the cause made known , the next care was to find sufficient Evidence for their condemnation . It was objected , that th● Queen growing out of hope of having any issue male by the King , had used the company of the Lord R●chfort , Norris , B●eerton , and Weston , and possibly of Smeton also ; involving her at on●e in no smaller crimes than those of Adultery and Incest . For proof whereof , there was no wa●t of any artifices , in sifting , canvasing , and intangling , not onely the Prisoners themselves , but all such Wi●nesses of either sex , as were thought fit to be examined by the King● Commissioners ; from none of which they were able to get any thing by all their Arts , which might give any ground for her conviction ; but that Ma●k Smeton had been wrought on to make some confession of himself to her dishonor , out of a vain hope to save his own life by the loss of hers . Concerning which , Cromwel thus writes unto the King , after the Prisoners had been throughly examined in the Tower by the Lords of the Council , Many things ( saith h● ) have been objected , but nothing confessed ; onely some circumstances have been a knowledged by Mark. To which effect , and other the particulars before remembred , take here a Letter written by Sir E●ward Bayn●on to Sir William Fitswil●iams , being then Treasurer of the Household , and not long after raised unto the style and Title of Earl of Southamp●on . Mr. Treasurer , THis shall be to advertise you , that here is much communication , that no man will confess any thing against her at all , but onely Mark , of any actual thing . Wherefore in my foolish conceit it should much touch the Kings honor if it should no further appear . And I cannot believe , but that the other two be as far culpable as ever was he ; and I think assuredly the one keepeth the others counsel , as many con●ectures in my mind causeth me to think , and especially of the communication that was last between the Queen , Mr. Norres , Mr. Amner , and me ; as I would , if I might speak with Mr. Secretary and you together , more plainly expresse my mind . If the case be , that they have confessed ( like witnesses ) a●l things as they ●●ould do , then the matter is at a point . I have mused much at the manner of Mistresse Margery , which hath used her self so strangely towards me of late , being her friend so much as I have been . But no doubt it cannot be chosen but she must be of counsell therewith ; for there hath been great friendship between the Queen and her of ●a●e . I hear further , that the Queen standeth stifly in her opinion , that she will die in it , which I think is in the trust that she hath of the other two . But if your businesse be such as you cannot come , I would gladly come and wait on you , if you think it requisite . In appears also by a Letter of Sir William Kingstons , that he had much communication with her when she was his prisoner , in which her language seemed to be broken and distressed betwixt tears and laughter , out of which nothing could be gathered , but that she exclaimed against Norris , as if he had accused her . It was further signified in that Letter , that she named some others , who had obsequiously applied themselves to her love and service , acknowledging such passages , though not sufficient to condemn her , as shewed , she had made use of the utmost liberty which could be honestly allowed her . Most true it is , ( as far as any truth can be collected from common and credible reports ) that Norris being much favoured by the King , was offered pardon for his life , if he would confess the crimes which he was accused of . To which he made this generous answer , That in his conscience he thought her guiltlesse of the crimes objected , but whether she were or no , he could not accuse her of any thing ; and that he had rather undergo a thousand deaths than betray the innocent . So that upon the point there was no evidence against her , but the confession of Smeton , and the calumnies of the Lady Rochfort , of which , the one was fooled into that confession by the hope of life , which notwithstanding was not pardoned ; and the other most deservedly lost her head within few years after , for being accessary to the Adulteries of Queen Katherine Howard . And yet upon this Evidence she was arraigned in the great Hall of the Tower of London on the 15th . of May , and pronounced guilty by her Peers , of which her own father ( which I cannot but behold as an act of the highest tyranny ) was compelled to be one . The Lord Rochfort and the rest of the prisoners were found guilty also , and suffered death on the 17th . day of the same month , all of them standing stoutly to the Queens and their own integrity ; as it was thought that Smeton also would have done , but that he still flattered himself with the hopes of life , till the loss of his head disabled him from making the retractation . The like death suffered by the Queen on the second day after , some few permitted to be present , rather as witnesses than spectators of her final end . And it was so ordered by the advice of Sir William Kingston , who signified in his Letters to one of the Council , that he conceived it best , that a reasonable number onely should be present at the Execution , because he found by some discourse which he had had with her , that she would declare her self to be a good woman , for all men , but for the King , at the hour of death . Which declaration she made good , going with great cheerfulness to the Scaffold , praying most heartily for the King , and standing constantly on her innocence to the very last . So dyed this great and gallant Lady , one of the most remarkable mockeries and disports of fortune which these last ages have produced , raised from the quality of a privat Lady to the bed of a King , crowned on the Throne , and executed on the Scaffold ; the fabrick of her power and glories being six years at the least in building , but cast down in an instant ; the splendor and magnificence of her Coronation seeming to have no other end , but to make her the more glorious Sacrifice at the next alteration of the Kings affections . But her death was not the onely mark which the King did aim at ; If she had onely lost her head , though with the loss of her honor , it would have been no bar to her daughter Elizabeth from succeeding her father in the Throne , and he must have his bed left free from all such pretensions , the better to draw on the following mariage . It was thought necessary therefore , that she should be separated from his bed by some other means than the Axe or Sword , and to be legally divorced from her in a Court of Judicature , when the sentence of death might seem to have deprived her of all means , as well as of all manner of desire to dispute the point . Upon which ground Norris is practised with to confess the Adultery , and the Lord Percy ( now Earl of Northumberland ) who was known to have made love unto her in her former times , to acknowledge a Contract . But as Norris gallantly denyed the one , so the Lord Percy could not be induced ( though much laboured to it ) to confess the other . For proof whereof we have this Letter of his own hand writing , directed to Secretary Cromwel in these following words . Mr Secretary , THis shall be to signifie unto you , that I perceive by Sir Raynald Carnaby , that there is supposed to be a pre-contract between the Queen and me . Whereupon I was not only examined upon my oath before the Archbishops of Canterbury and York , but also received the blessed Sacrament upon the same before the Duke of Norfolk , and others of the Kings Highnesse Council , learned in the spiritual Law ; assuring You Mr Secretary by the said oath and blessed body which afore I received , and hereafter mean to receive , that the same may be to my damnation , if ever there were any contract or promise of mariage betwixt her and me . At Newington Green the 13th . of May , in the 28th year of the reign of Our Soverain Lord King Henry the 8th . Yours assured , H. Northumberland . But notwithstanding these denyals , and that neither the Adultery was confessed , not the Contract proved , some other ground was found out to dissolve the mariage ; though what it was doth not appear upon Record . All which occurs in reference to it is a solemn instrument under the seal of Archbishop Cranmer , by which the mariage is declared ( on good and valuable reasons ) to be null and void , no reason being exprest particularly for the ground thereof . Which sentence was pronounced at Lambeth on the 17th . of May , in the presence of Sir Thomas Hadly , Lord Chancellor , Charles Duke of Suffolk , John Earl of Oxon , Robert Earl of Sussex , William Lord Sandys ▪ Lord Chancellor of his Majesties houshold , Thomas Cromwel , Master of the Rolls and principal Secretary , then newly put into the office of Vicar General , Sir William Fitzwilliams , Treasurer , and Sir William Paulet Controller of the Kings houshold , Thomas Bedil , Arch-Deacon of Cornwal , and John Trigunwel , Dr of the Lawes , all being of the Privy Council . Besides which , there were present also John Oliver , Dean of Kings College in Oxon , Richard Guent , Arch-Deacon of London , and Dean of the A●ches , Edmund Bonner , Arch-Deacon of Leicester , Richard Leighton , Arch Deacon of Buckingham , and Thomas Lee , Doctor of the Lawes ; as also Dr Richard Sampson , Dean of the Chapel Royal , who appeared as Proctor for the King , together with Doctor Nicholas Wotton , and Doctor John Barbour , appointed Proctors for the Queen . By the authority of which great appearance , more than for any thing contain'd particularly in the act or instrument , the said sentence of Divorce was approved by the Prelates and Clergy assembled in their Convocation on the ninth of June , and being so confirmed by them , it received the like approbation by Act of Parliament within few dayes after ; in which Act there also passed a clause , which declared the Lady Elizabeth ( the only issue of this mariage ) to be illegitimate . What else concerns this unfortunate Lady , together with some proof of divers things before delivered , cannot be more pathetically expressed , than by her self , bemoaning her misfortunes to the King , in this following Letter . Sir , YOur Graces displeasure , and my imprisonment , are things so strange unto me , as what to write , or what to excuse , I am altogether ignorant . Whereas you send unto me ( willing me to confesse a truth , and so obtain your favour ) by such a one whom you know to be my ant●ent professed enemy , I no sooner received this message , than I rightly conceived your meaning : And if ( as you say ) confessing a truth indeed may procure my safety , I shall with all willingness and duty perform your commands ; but let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor wife will ever be brought to acknowledge a fau●t , where not so much as a thought ever proceeded : And to speak a truth , never Prince had never wife more loyal in all duty , or in all true affection , than you have ever found in Anne Bollen . With which name and place I could willingly have contented my self , if God , and your Graces pleasure had so been pleased . Neither did I at any time forget my self in my exaltation or received Queenship , but that I ●●oked alwaies for such an alteration as now I find ; the ground of my preferment being on no surer foundation than your Graces fancy , the least alteration whereof , I knew was fit and sufficient to draw that fancy to some other subject . You have chosen me from a low estate to be your Queen and companion , far beyond my desert or desire . If then you find me worthy of such honour , Good your Grace let not any light fancy or bad counsel of my enemies , withdraw your Princely favour from me ; neither let that stain , that unworthy stain of a disloyal heart towards your Good Grace , ever cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful wife , and the infant Princesse , your daughter . Try me good King , but let me have a lawful trial , and let not my sw●rn enemies sit as my accusers and judges ; Yea let me receive an open tryal , for my t●uths shall fear no open shames ; then shall you see either my innocence cleared , your suspicion and conscience satisfied , the ignominy and slander of the world stopped , or my guilt openly declared . So that whatsoever God or you may determine of 〈◊〉 , your Grace may be freed from an open censure ; and my offence being so lawful●y proved , your Grace is at liberty both before God and man , not only to execute worthy punishment on me as an unfaithful wife , but to follow your affection already setled on that party , for whose sake I am now as I am ; whose name I could somewhile since have pointed to , your Grace being not ignorant of my suspicion therein . But if you have already determined of me , and that not only my death , but an infamous slander might bring you the enjoying of a desired happinesse , then I desire of Go● that he wi●l pardon your great sin herein , and likewise my enemies , the instruments thereof ; and that he will not call you to a strict account for your unprincely and cruel usage of me , at his general judgement seat , where both you and my self must shortly appear , and in whose judgement I doubt not , whatsoever the world may think of me , my innocency shall be openly known , and sufficiently cleared . My last and only request shall be , that my self may bear the burthen of your Graces displeasure , and that it may not touch the innocent souls of those poor Gentlemen , who as I understand are in streight imprisonment for my sake . If ever I have found favour in your sight , if ever the name of Anne Bollen hath been pleasing in your ears , let me obtain this last request , and I will so leave to trouble your Grace any further , with my earnest prayers to the Trinity , to have you in his good keeping , and to direct you in all your actions . Your most loyal and faithful Wife , Anne Bollen . From my dolefull prison in the Tower , May the 6th . 1536. I had not dwelt so long upon the story of this Queen , but that there is so much which depends upon it in reference to the Honour , Birth and Title of the Princess Elizabeth ; whose Reign of 44 years , accompanied with so many signal blessings both at home and abroad , is used by some for a strong Argument of her mothers innocence . For further proof whereof , they behold the Kings precipitate and hasty mariage , casting himself into the bed of a third , before the sword was dried from the blood of his second wife . But of these miseries and calamit●es which befel her mother , the Princess was too young ( as not being fully three years old ) to take any notice . And when she came unto the years of understanding , she had been much sweetned and repaired by her fathers goodness , By whose last will she was assured of her turn in the succession to the Crown , if her brother and sister died without lawful issue ; allowed the same yearly maintenance , and allotted the same portion in mariage , with the Princess Mary . But nothing more declares his good affection to her , than the great care he took of her education ; committed to the government and tuition of Roger Ascam , a right learned man , she attained unto the knowledge of the Greek and Latine ; and by the help of other School-masters , of the Modern Languages . Insomuch that she very well understood the Greek , and was able readily to express her self in the Latine tongue ; as appears by an Oration which she made at her entertainment in Cambridge , and the smart answer which she gave ex tempore to a Polish Ambassador , of which we may hear more in their proper place . And as for the Italian and the French , she spake them with as much facility and elegance , as if they had been natural to her . And if some times she made use of Interpreters when she conversed with the Ambassadors of forein Princes , it rather was to keep her State , than that she could not entertain discourse with them in their proper languages . Her person may be best known by her pictures , and the perfections of her mind by her following government . Suffice it in this place to know , that she seemed to be made up of Modesty and Majesty in an equal mixture ; and was so moderate in the course and ca●iage of her desires , that King Edward ( who took much delight in her conversation ) used commonly to call her his Sister Temperance . Yet notwithstanding all these personal Graces , I do not find that she was sought in mariage in the time of King Henry ; the blots of infamy which had been laid upon her Mother , serving as a bar to her preferment amongst forein Princes . In the beginning of King Edward's , she was aimed at by Sr Thomas Seymour , a brother of the Lord Protector Sommersets , for the advancing of his lofty and ambitious projects . And in the latter end thereof , propounded to the eldest son of the King of Denmark . But it was propounded only and not persued , whether neglected by that King for the former reason , or intermitted by her own aversness from mariage , we are yet to seek . But in the first year of Queen Mary , she was desired by Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire , the eldest son of Henry Marquiss of Exeter , descended from a daughter of King Edward the 4th . which proved so much to the displeasure of the Queen , that it became dangerous to both of them , as was shewed before . For notice of the Queens displeasure having been took by some of great place about her , they were both d●awn into suspicion of being privy at the least unto Wiat's rebellion , ( raised on the noise of the Queens mariage with the Prince of Spain ) both of them clapt in prison upon that account , and so detained for a long time , though both acquitted publickly by Wiat at the time of his death . But nothing so much alienated the Queens affection from her , as the difference which was between them in the cause of Religion , occasioned and continued by their several interests . For it concerned Queen Mary to maintain the Pope and his Religion , her mothers marriage not being otherwise to be defended as good and lawful but by his authority , which marriage , if by his authority made good and lawfull , then must the marriage of Anne Bollen be made unlawful , and consequently the Princess Elizabeth must actually be made illegitimate by the same authority . Upon which point , as the Queen laboured nothing more than the restoring of the Pope to that Supremacy of which he had been deprived by the two last Kings ; so kept she a hard hand upon her sister , as of a different Religion from her , the visible Head of the Protestant party in the Kingdom , and one whom she suspected to have more hearts amongst the Subjects than she had her self . Upon the first surmise of her being privy to Wyat's conspiracy , Sir Edward Hastings and some others were sent to bring her to the Court from her house at Ashrsdge , where though they found her extream sick , and unfit for travel , yet they compelled her to go with them on the morrow after . Being come unto the Court , she was first kept prisoner in her chamber for the space of a fortnight , neither permitted to come to the Queens presence , nor suffered without much difficulty to write unto her . Charged by the Bishop of Winchester and some other Lords with Wyat's practices , she stoutly stood on the denyall , professing her fidelity and loyalty to the Queen her sister . Which notwithstanding she was conveied by water , on the Sunday commonly called Palm-Sunday , to the Tower of London , the people being commanded to keep their Churches , for fear she might be rescued and took from them who were to have the conduct of her ; by whom compelled to land at the private Stairs , generally called The Traitors Stairs , she openly affirmed , That there landed as true a Subject , being a Prisoner , as ever landed in that place ; and so was brought unto the Lodgings appointed for her , all doors being locked and bolted on her , to her great amazement . Gage Constable of the Tower , and at that time Lord Chamberlain also , was her bitter enemy , but more for love to the Pope than for hate to her person , and did not on●ly place a strong Guard about her , but suffered none but those of that ragged Regiment to carry up her dyet to her . Of which , complaint being made to him by some of her servants , he threatned to lay them in such a place where they should neither see the Sun nor Moon , if they troubled him any more about it ; though afterwards it was otherwise ordered by the Lords of the Council . Wearied with the closeness of her imprisonment , she moved the Lord Cha●dois and the Lord Chamberlain , the one of which was Constable , and the other Lieutenant of the Tower , that she might have the liberty of walking in the private Garden , or at the least in the Queens Lodgings , for her better health . In which , not able to gratifie her by their own authority , the Lord Chandois obtained leave of the Lords of the Council that she might walk in the Queens Lodgings , himself , the Lord Chamberlain , and three of the Queens Gentlewomen being still in her company ; permitted afterwards to enjoy the benefit of the private Garden , the doors were always shut upon her , and order given , that no Prisoners should be suffered by their Keepers to look out of the windows so long as she was walking in it . Such care there was to hinder all access unto her , and opportunity of conference with her , that a little Boy of four years old was threatned to be whipt for presenting her with flowers and nosegays , and a command given by Gage that the Boy 's father should keep him at home , and not suffer him to come thither any more . But the Tower being thought to be no safe prison for a person of such eminent quality , by reason of its nearness to the capital City , and the great number of prisoners which were kept therein , she was committed to the custody of Sir Henry Bedingfield , a man of an untractable and rugged nature , by whom she was conducted with a guard of soldiers to the Mannor of Woodstock , which journey she began on the 19th . of May being Trinity Sunday , and ended by short and easie stages on the Thursday after ; her own servants sometimes sequestred from her by command of her Jaylor , ( as she commonly called him ) the people sometimes rated and reviled by him for flocking to see her as she passed , and the Lord Williams , though associated in Commission with him , openly quarrelled and reproached for giving her a noble Entertainment at his house of Ricolt . Being brought to Woodstock , she was kept under many locks and bolts , a guard of Russians continually attending before her dores , and the keys every night brought up to Reding field , who suffered no access unto her upon any occasion ; Which being made known to the Lord Williams , he sollicited the Queen that she might be prisoner in his house , and offered to be surety for her , and was in such a fair way of obtaining his sute , that he caused preparations to be made for her reception ; but either by the interposition of the Bishop of Winchester , her most mortal enemy , or the sollicitation of Bedingfield , who possibly might have some other end to work upon her , no effect followed answerably to that expectation . About this time she was advised by some of her friends to submit her self unto the Queen , which they conceived would be very well taken , and redound mu●h bo●h to her benefit and contentment . To which she answered , That she would never make any submission to them against whom she never had offended in word or deed ; adding withall , that if she were guilty of any such offence , she would crave no mercy but the Law , which she was sure she should have had before that time , if any thing could have been proved against he● by her greatest enemies ; onely she was perswaded to make a sute to the Lords of the Council that she might be suffered to write a Letter to the Queen ▪ not g●atified without mu●h difficulty in that easie sure , nor otherwise gra●ified at all , but that Bed●ngfiel● was to stand by her all the time she 〈◊〉 , and have the keeping of her papers till she came to an end , and to be made privy to the conveyan●e of those Letters when they once were written . At her first comming to the Tower , she had a Priest appointed to say Mass in her chamber ; but whether the same Priest or any other was appointed for the like office at her being at Woodstoc● , I find not in the story of her life and troubles . Certain it is , that she resorted to the Mass both before and after , and seemed not a little discontented that she could not gain so much upon the Queen by her outward conformity , as to believe that she was catholickly affected . But the Queen was not the onely one who believed so of her , though she behaved her self so warily as not to come within the danger of the Laws , for acting any thing in opposition unto that Religion which was then established . Concerning which there goes a story , that when a Popish Priest had urged her very earnestly to declare her judgment touching the Presence of Christ in the blessed Sacrament ; she very cautelously resolved the point in these following Verses : 'T was God the word that spake it , He took the bread and b●ake it , And what the Word did make it , That I believe and take it . But all this caution notwithstanding , her aversness from the Church of Rome was known sufficiently , not to be altered while she lived , and therefore she to live no longer to be the occasion of continual fears and jealousies to the Catholick party . The times were then both sharp and bloody , and a great persecution was designed against the Protestants in all parts of the Kingdom ; At what time Bishop Gardiner was heard to say , That it was to no purpose to cut off the boughs and branches , if they did not also lay the Ax to the root of the Tree . More plainly the Lord Paget in the hearing of some of the Spania●ds , That the King should never have a quiet Government in England , if her ●●ad were not stricken off from her shoulders . With which the King being made acquainted , he resolved to use his best endeavour , not onely to preserve her life , but obtain her liberty ; For he considered with himself , that if the Princess should be taken away , the right of the Succession would remain in the Queen of Scots , who being married to the Daulphin of Fr●●ce , would be a means of joyning this Kingdom unto that , and thereby gain unto the French the Soveraignty or supream command above all other Kings in Europe . He considered also with himself , that the Queen was no● very healthy , supposed at that ●ime to be with child , but thought by others of more judgment not to be like to bring him any children to succeed in the Crown , and hoped by such a signall favour to oblige the Princess to accept him for her husband , on the Queens decease , by means whereof , he might still continue Master of the treasures and strength of England , in all his wars against the French , or any other Nation which maligned the greatness of the Austrian Family . Upon which grounds he dealt so effectually with the Queen , that order was given about a fortnight after Easter to the Lord Williams and Sir Henry Bedingfield to bring their prisoner to the Court ; which command was not more cheerfully executed by the one , than stomach'd and repin'd at by the other . Being brought to Hampton Court , where the Queen then lay , she was conducted by a back way to the Prince's Lodgings , where she continued a fortnight and more without being seen or sent to by any body , Bedingfield and his guards being still about her ; so that she seemed to have changed the place , but not the Prison , and to be so much nearer danger , by how much she was nearer unto those who had power to work it . At last , a visit was bestowed upon her , but not without her earnest sute in that behalf , by the Bishop of Winchester Lord Chancellor , the Earls of Arundel and Shrewsbery , and Sir William Peter , whom she right joyfully received , desiring them to be a means unto the Queen that she might be freed from that restraint , under which she had been kept so long together . Which being said , the Bishop of Winchester kneeling down , besought her to submit her self to the Queen , that being , as he said , the onely probable expedient to effect her liberty . To whom she answered as before , that rather than she would betray her innocence by such submission , she would be content to lie in prison all the days of her life . For by so doing , ( said she ) I must confess my self to be an offender , which I never was against her Majesty , in thought , word , or deed ; and where no just offence is given , there needs no submission . Some other Overtures being made to the same effect , but all unto as little purpose , she is at last brought before the Queen ( whom she had not seen in more than one year before ) about ten of the clock at night ; before whom falling on her knees , she desired God to preserve her Malesty , not doubting , as she said , but that she should prove her self to be as good a Subject to her Majesty , as any other whosoever . Being first dealt with by the Queen to confess some offence against her self , and afterwards to acknowledge her imprisonment not to be unjust , she absolutely refused the one , and very handsomely declined the other . So that no good being to be gotten on her on either hand , she was dismissed with some uncomfortable words from the present Enterview , and about a week after was discharged of Bedingfield and his guard of soldiers . It was reported , that King Philip stood behind the Hangings , and hearkned unto every word which passed between them , to the end , that if the Queen should grow into any extremity , he might come in to pacifie her displeasures , and calm her passions . He knew full well , how passionately this Princess was beloved by the English Nation , and that he could not at the present more endear himself to the whole body of the people , than by effecting her enlargment ; which shortly after being obtained , she was permitted to retire to her own houses in the Country , remaining sometimes in one , and sometimes in another , but never without fear of being remanded unto prison , till the death of Gardiner , which hapned on the 12th . of November then next following . Some speech there was , and it was earnestly endeavoured by the Popish Party , of marrying her to Emanuel Philebert Duke of Savoy , as being a Prince that lived far off , and where she could give no encouragement to any male-contented party in the Realm of England ; Against which , none so much opposed as the King , who had a designe on her for himself , as before is said ; and rather for himself than for Charls his son ( though it be so affirmed by Cambden ) the Princess being then in the twenty second year of her age , whereas the young Prince was not above seven or eight . So that a resolution being finally fixed of keeping her within the Kingdom , she lived afterwards for the most part with less vexations , but not without many watchfull eyes upon all her actions , till it pleased God to call her to the Crown of England . She had much profited by the Pedagogie of Ascham , and the rest of her Schoolmasters , but never improved her self so much as in the School of Affliction , by which she learned the miseries incident to Subjects , when they groan under the displeasure of offended Princes ; that the displeasures of some Princes are both made and cherished by the art of their Ministers , to the undoing of too many innocent persons who do less deserve it ; that it is therefore necessary , that the ears of Princes should be open unto all complaints , and their hands ready to receive Petitions from all sorts of people , to the end that knowing their grievances and distresses , they may commiserate them in the one , and afford them remedy in the other ; that a good Prince must have somewhat in him of the Priest , who if he be not sensible of the infirmities of his brethren , cannot be thought to intercede so powerfully in their behalf , as when he hath been touched with the true sense and feeling of their extremities ; and finally , that the School is never better governed , than by one who hath past through all the forms and degrees thereof , and having been perfectly trained up in the ways of obedience , must know the better how to use both the Rod and Ferula when he comes to be Master of the rest . The first eight years of the Reign of QUEEN ELIZABETH . An. Reg. Eliz. 1. An. Dom. 1558 , 1559. ELizabeth the only child then living of King Henry the 8th . succeeded her Sister in the Throne , on the 17th . of November , Anno 1558. Ferdinand of Austria being then Emperour , Henry the 2d . King of the French , Philip the second King of Spain , and Paul the 4th . commanding in the Church of Rome . Queen Mary not long before her death had called a Parliament , which was then sitting when the news thereof was brought unto the Lords in the House of Peers . The newes by reason of the Queens long sickness , not so strange unto them , as to take them either unresolved or unprovided for the declaring of their duty to the next successor ; though some of them perhaps had some secret wishes that the Crown might have fallen rather upon any o●her , than upon her to whom it did of right belong ; so that upon a short debate amongst themselves , a message is sent to the Speaker of the House of Commons , desiring him , and all the Members of that House , to come presently to them , upon a business of no small importance , to the good of the Kingdom . Who being come , the Lord Chancellor Heath , with a composed and setled countenance , not without sorrow enough for the death of the one , or any discontent for the succession of the other , declared unto them in the name of the rest of the Lords , that God had taken to his mercy the late Queen Mary , and that the succession to the Crown did belong of right to the Princess Elizabeth , whose Title they conceived to be free from all legal questions ; that in such cases nothing was more necessary than expedition , for the preventing of all such plots and practices of any discontented or ambitious persons , as might be set on foot to the disturbance of the common quiet ; and therefore that there concurrence was desired in proclaiming the new Queen with all speed that might be , they being then so opportunely convened together as the Representees of the whole body of the Commons of the Realm of England ; Which being said , the Knights and Burgestes gave a ready consent to that which they had no reason to deny ; and they which gave themselves some thoughts of inclining otherwise , conceived their opposition to the general Vote , neither safe nor seasonable . So that immediately the Princess Elizabeth was proclaimed by the King at Arms , first before Westminster Hall door in the Palace Yard , in the presence of the Lords and Commons , and not long after at the Cross in Cheapside , and other places in the City , in the presence of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and principal Citizens , to the great joy of all peaceable and well-affected people . It was not long before the Princess had advertisement of the death of her sister , together with the general acknowledgement of her just and lawful . Title to the Crown Imperial . The newes whereof being brought unto her by some of the Lords , she prepared for her removal from Hatfield on the Saturday after , ( being the 19th . of that month ) and with a great and Royal train set forwards to London . At Higate four miles from the City , she was met by all the Bishops then living , who presented themselves before her upon their knees , in testimony of their loyalty and affection to her . In which address as she seemed to express no small contentment , so she gave to each of them particularly her hand to kiss , except only unto Bonner of London , whose bloody butcheries had render'd him uncapable in her opinion of so great a favour . At her first coming to the City she took her lodging in the Charterhouse , where she staid some days , till all things in the Tower might be fitted and prepared for her reception . Attended by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen , with a stately strain of Lords and Ladies , and their several followers , She entreth by Cripple gate into the City , passeth along the wall till she came to Bishops gate , where all the Companies of the City in their several Liveries waited her coming in their proper and distinct rancks , reaching from thence until the further end of Mark Lane , where she was entertained with a peal of great Ordnance from the Tower. At her entrance into which place , she render'd her most humble thanks to Almighty God for the great and wondrous change of her condition , in bringing her from being a prisoner in that place , to be the Prince of her people , and now to take possession of it as a Royal Palace , in which before she had received so much discomfort . Here she remained till the 5th . day of December then next following , and from thence removed by water unto Sommerset House . In each remove she found such infinite throngs of people , who flocked from all parts to behold her , both by land and water , and testified their publick joy by such loud acclamations , as much rejoyced her heart to hear , and could not but express it in her words and countenance , by which she doubled their affections , and made her self the absolute Mistriss at all times of their hands and purses . She had been forged upon the anvil of adversity , which made her of so fine a temper , that none knew better than her self how to keep her State , and yet descend unto the meanest of her subjects in a popular Courtship . In the mean time the Lords of the Council had given Order for the stopping of all Ports and Havens , that no intelligence of the Queens death might be caried out of the Realm , by which any disturbance might be plotted or contrived against it , till all things were setled here at home . But finding such a general concurrence in all sorts of people , in acknowledging her just and lawful Title , testified by so many outward signs of a publick joy , that there was no fear of any danger from abroad , that bar was speedily removed , and the Ports opened as before to all sorts of passengers . And in the next place care was taken for sending new Commissions unto such Embassadors as resided in the Courts of several Princes , both to acquaint them with the change , and to assure those Princes of the Queens desire to maintain all former leagues between them and the Crown of England ; but more particular instructions were directed to her Agent in the Court of Spain ; to whom it was given in charge to represent unto the King , the dear remembrance which she kept of those many humanities received from him in the time of her troubles . Instructions are sent also to Sir Edward Karn , the late Queens Agent with the Pope , and now confirmed by her in the same imployment , to make his Holiness acquainted with the death of Queen Mary , and her succession to the Crown , not without out some desire that all good offices might be reciprocally exchanged between them . But the Pope answered hereunto ( according to his accustomed rigour ) That the Kingdom of England was held in Fee of the Apostolick See ; that she could not succeed being illegitimate ; that he could not contradict the declarations of Clement the 7th and Paul the 3d. that it was a great boldness to assume the name and government of it without him ; yet being desirous to shew a fatherly affection , if she will renounce her pretensions , and refer her self wholly to his free disposition , he will do whatsoever may be done with the honour of the Apostolick See. To the making of which sudden answer , though there needed no other instigation of his own rough nature , yet many thought that he was put upon it by some Ministers of the Court of France , who fearing nothing more than that Philip will endeavour by a second mariage , to assure himself of the possession of the Realm of England , and to that end sollicit for a dispensation to make way unto it , thought it expedient to prevent those practices in the first beginning , by putting the Pope upon such counsels , as would be sure to dash all his hopes that way . But the new Queen having perform'd this office of civility to him , as she did to others , expected not the coming back of any answer , not took much thought of it when she heard it . She knew full well , that her legitimation and the Popes supremacy could not stand together , and that she could not possibly maintain the one , without a discarding of the other . But in this case it concerned her to walk very warily , and not to unmask her self too much at once , for fear of giving an alarum to the Papal party , before she had put her self into a posture of ability to make good her actions . Many who were imprisoned for the cause of Religion , she restored to liberty at her first coming to the Crown . Which occasioned Rainsford , a Buffonly Gentleman of the Court , to make a sute to her in the behalf of Mathew , Mark , Luke , and John , who had been long imprisoned in a Latine Translation , that they also might be restored to liberty , and walk abroad as formerly in the English Toung . To whom she presently made answer ▪ That he should first endeavour to know the minds of the Prisoners , who perhaps desired no such liberty as was demanded . Which notwithstanding , upon a serious debate of all particulars , she was resolved to proceed to a reformation , as the times should serve . In order whereunto , she constitutes her Privy Council , which she compounds of such ingredients , as might neither give encouragement to any of those who wish'd well to the Church of Rome , or alienate their affections from her , whose hearts were more inclined to the Reformation . Of such as had been of the Co●ncil to the Quen her sister , she retained the Lord Archbishop of York , the Lord Marquess of Winchester , the Earls of Arundel , Shrewsbury , Darby , and Pembrock , the Lords Clynton and Effingham , Sir Thomas Cheiney , Sir William Petice , Sir John Mason , Sir Richard Sackvile , and Doctor Wotton ; To whom she added of her own , the Marquess of Northampton , the Earl of Bedford , Sir Thomas Parre , Sir Edward Ro●ers , Sir Ambrose Care , Sir William Cecil , and Sir Nicholas B●c●n . To which last , being then Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster , and one that had been much employed by her in some former services which had relation to the Law , she committed the custody of the Great Seal on the 22 of December , the Title of Lord Chancellor remaining to Archbishop Heath as before it did , and that of the Lord keeper being given to Bacon : Which being a new Title , and consequently subject unto some disputes , an Act was passed in the second Parliament of her Reign for investing the said new Lord Keeper , and all that should from thenceforth enjoy that Office , with all the Powers , Privileges , and Preheminences which antiently had been exercised and enjoyed by the Lord Chancellor of England , and for confirming of all sentences and decrees in Chancery , which had or should be made by the said Lord Keepers in all times to come . The like mixture she also caused to be made amongst other her subordinate Ministers , in adding such new Commissioners for the Peace in every County , as either were known to be of the Reformed Religion , or to wish well to it . The preferring of so many of the Protestant party , as well to places of employment in their several Countries , as to the ranck and dignity of Privy Counsellors , and the refusal of her hand to Bishop Bonner at her very first comming to the Crown , were taken to be strong presumptions ( as indeed they were ) that she intended to restore the Reformed Religion . And as the Papists , in the first beginning of the Reign of Queen Mary , hoping thereby the better to obtain her favour , began to build new Altars , and set up the Mass , before they were required so to do by any publick Authority ; so fared it now with many unadvised Zelots amongst the Protestants , who measuring the Queens affections by their own , or else presuming that their errors would be taken for an honest zeal , employed themselves as busily in the demolishing of Altars , and defacing of Images , as if they had been licenced and commanded to it by some legal warrant . It hapned also , that some of the Ministers which remained at home , and others which returned in great numbers from beyond the Seas , had put themselves into the Pulpits , and bitterly inveighed against the superstitions and corruptions of the Church of Rome . The Popish Preachers did the like , and were not sparing of invectives against the others , whom they accused of Heresies , Schisms , and Innovation in the Worship of God. For the suppressing of which disorders on the one side , and those common disturbances on the other , the Queen set out two Proclamations much about one time , by one of which it was commanded , that no man , of what perswasion soever he was in the points of Religion , should be suffered from thenceforth to preach in publick , but onely such as should be licensed by her authority ; and that all such as were so licensed or appointed , should forbear preaching upon any point which was matter of Controversie , and might conduce rather to exasperate than to calm mens passions . Which Proclamation was observed with such care and strictness , that no Sermon was preached at St. Paul's Cross or any publick place in London , till the Easter following : At what time the Sermons which were to be preached in the Spittle ( according to the antient custom ) were performed by Doctor Bill the Almoner to the Queen , and afterwards the first Dean of Westminster of the Queens foundation ; Doctor Richard Cox formerly Dean of Westminster , preferred in short time after to the See of Ely , and Mr. Robert Horn ( of whom mention hath been made before at the troubles of Franckfort ) advanced not long after to the See of Winchester . The Rehearsal Sermon , accustomably preached at St. Pauls Crosse on the Sunday following , was undertook by Doctor Thomas Sampson then newly returned from beyond the Seas , and after most unhappily made Dean of Christ-church . But so it chanced , that when he was to go into the Pulpit , the dore was locked , and the key thereof not to be found , so that a Smith was sent for to break open the dore ; and that being done , the like necessity was found of cleansing and making sweet the place , which by a long disuse had contracted so much filth and nastiness , as rendred it unfit for another Preacher . By the other Proclamation which was published on the 30th . of December , ●t was enjoyned , That no man of what quality or degree soever , should presume to alter any thing in the state of Religion , or innovate in any of the rites and ceremonies thereunto belonging , but that all such rites and ceremonies should be observed in all Parish Churches of the Kingdom , as were then used and retained in her Majesties Chapel , until some further order should be taken in it . Onely it was permitted , and withall required , that the Letany , the Lords Prayer , the Creed , and the Ten Commandments , should be said in the English tongue , and that the Epistle and the Gospel , at the time of the High Mass , should be read in English , which was accordingly done in all the Churches of London on the next Sunday after , being New-years day , and by degrees in all the other Churches of the Kingdom also . Further than this , she thought it not convenient to proceed at the present , but that she had commanded the Priest or Bishop ( for some say it was the one , and some the other ) who officiated at the Altar in the Chapel-Royal , not to make any Elevation of the Sacrament , the better to prevent that adoration which was given unto it , and which she could not suffer to be done in her sight without a most apparent wrong to her judgment and conscience ; Which being made known in other places , and all other Churches being commanded to conform themselves to the example of the Chapel , the elevation was forborn also in most other places , to the great discontent and trouble of the Popish party . And though there was no further progress toward a Reformation by any publick Act or Edict , yet secretly a Reformation in the form of Worship , and consequently in point of Doctrine , was both intended and projected . For making none acquainted with her secret purposes but the Lord Marquis of Northampton , Francis Earl of Bedford , Sir John Gray of Pergo , ( one of the late Duke of Suffolk's brothers ) and Sir William Cecil ; she committed the reviewing of the former Litutgy to the care of Doctor Parker , Doctor Gryndal , Doctor Cox , Doctor Pilkington , Doctor Bill , Doctor May , and Mr. Whitehead , together with Sir Thomas Smith Doctor of the Laws , a very learned , moderate , and judicious Gentleman . But what they did , and what preferments they attained to on the doing of it , we shall see anon , wheu we shall find the Book reviewed , confirmed by Act of Parliament , and executed in all parts of the Kingdom , as that Act required . But first , some publick Acts of State , and great Solemnities of Court are to be performed . The Funeral of the Queen deceased solemnised on the 13th . of December at the Abbey of Westminster , and the Sermon preached by Doctor White then Bishop of Winchester , seemed onely as a preamble to the like Solemnity performed at the said place about ten days after , in the Obsequies of Charls the 5th . which mighty Emperor having first left the world by resigning his Kingdoms , and retiring himself into a Monastery , as before was said , did after leave his life also in September last ; and now upon the 24th . of this present December a solemn Obsequie was kept for him in the wonted form , a rich Hearse being set up for him in the Church of Westminster , magnificently covered with a Pall of gold , his own Embassador serving as the principal Mourner , and all the great Lords and Officers about the Court attending on the same in their rancks and orders . And yet both these , though stately and majestical in their several kinds , came infinitely short of those Pomps and Triumphs which were prepared and reserved for the Coronation . As a Preparation whereunto , she passed from Westminster to the Tower on the 12th . of January , attended by the Lord Mayor , the Aldermen , and other Citizens , in their Barges , with the Banners and Escutcheons of their several Companies , loud Musick sounding all the way ; and the next day she restored some unto their old , and advanced others to new honors , according to her own fancy and their deservings . The Marquis of Northampton , who had lain under an Attaindure ever since the first beginning of the Reign of Queen Mary , she restored in blood , with all his Titles and Estates . The Lord Edward Seimer , eldest son to the late Duke of Somerset , was by her reconfirmed in the Titles of Viscount Bea●ch●mp and Earl of Hertford , which had been formerly entayled upon him by Act of Parliament . The Lord Thomas Howard , second son of Thomas the late Duke of Norfolk , and brother to Henry Earl of Surrey , ( beheaded in the last days of King Henry the Eighth ) she advanced to the Title of Viscount Howard of Bind●n . She also preferred Sir Oliver St. Johns , who derived himself from the Lady Ma●garet daughter of John Duke of Somerset , from whom the Queen her self descended , to the dignity of Lord St. John of Bletso ; and Sir Henry Carte , son of Sir William Carie Knight , and of Mary Bollen his wife , the onely sister of Queen Anne Bollen , she promoted to the honor and degree of Lord Carie of Hansdon . The ordinary acts of grace and favour being thus dispatched , she prepares the next morning for a triumphant passage through London to her Palace at Westminster . But first before she takes her Chariot , she is said to have lifted up her eyes to heaven , and to have used some words to this or the like effect . O Lord Almig●●y and ever●iving 〈◊〉 , I give thee most hearty thanks that thou hast been so mercifu . unto me , as to spare me to see this joyful day . And I acknowledge that thou hast dealt as wonderfully and a● mercifully with me , as thou didst with thy true and faithful servant Daniel thy Prophet , whom thou deliveredst out of the den , from the cruelty of the raging greedy Lyons ; even so was I overwhelmed , and only by thee delivere● ; to thee only be thanks , honour , and pra●se for ever . Amen . Which said , she mounted into her Chariot with so cleer a spirit , as if she had been made for that dayes solemnity . Entertained all the way she went with the joyful shouts and acclamations of God save the Queen , which she repaid with such a modest affability , and so good a grace , that it drew tears of joy from the eyes of some , with infinite prayers and thanksgiving from the hearts of all ; but nothing more indeared her to them , than the accepting of an English Bible richly gilt , which was let down unto her from one of the Pageants , by a child representing Truth . At the sight whereof she first kissed both her hands , with both her hands she received the book , which first she kiss'd and after laid unto her bosome , ( as the nearest place unto her heart ) giving the City greater thanks for that excellent Gift , than for all the rest , which plentifully had been that day bestowed upon her , and promised to be diligent in the reading of it . By which , and many other acts of a popular piety , with which she passed away that day , she did not only gain the hearts of all them that saw her , but they that saw her did so magnifie her most eminent Graces , that they procured the like affections in the hearts of all others also . On the next morning with like magnificence and splendor , she is attended to the Church of St Peter in Westminster , where she was crowned according to the Order of the Roman Pontifical , by Dr Owen Oglethorp , Bishop of Carlisle , the only man among all the Bishops , who could be wrought on by her to perform that office . Whether it were that they saw some alteration coming , to which they were resolved not to yield conformity , so that they could not be in a worse case upon this refusal , than they should be otherwise ; or that they feared the Popes displeasure , if they should do an act so contrary unto his pretensions , without leave first granted ; or that they had their own particular animosities and spleens against her , ( as the Archbishop of York particularly for his being deprived of the seal ) is not certainly known . None more condemned for the refusal , than the Bishop of Ely , as one that had received his first preferments from the King her father , and who complyed so far in the time of King Edward , as to assist in the composing of the publick Liturgy , and otherwise appeared as forward in the reformation , as any other of that Order . So that no reason can be given either for his denial now to perform that service , or afterwards for his not complying with the Queens proceedings , but that he had been one of those which were sent to Rome to tender the submission of the Kingdom to the Pope still living , and could not now appear with honour in any such action , as seemed to carry with it a repugnancy ( if not a manifest inconsistency ) with the said ingagement . It cannot be denyed but that there were three Bishops living of King Edward's making , all of them zealously affected to the reformation . And possibly it may seem strange that the Queen received not the Crown rather from one of their hands , than to put her self unto the hazard of so many denyals as had been given her by the others . But unto this it may be answered , that the said Bishops at that time were deprived of their Sees , ( but whether justly or unjustly , could not then be questioned ) and therefore not in a capacity to perform that service . Besides , there being at that time no other form established for a Coronation , than that which had much in it of the Ceremonies and superstitions of the Church of Rome , she was not sure that any of the said three Bishops would have acted in it , without such alterations and omissions in the whole course of that Order , as might have render'd the whole action questionable amongst captious men , and therefore finally she thought it more conducible to her reputation amongst forein Princes , to be Crowned by the hands of a Catholick Bishop ( or one at least which was accounted to be such ) than if it had been done by any of the other Religion . And now the Parliament draws on , summoned to begin on the 25th . of that month , being the Anniversary day of St Paul's conversion ; a day which seemed to carry some good Omen in it , in reference to that great work of the Reformation which was therein to be established . The Parliament opened with an eloquent and learned Sermon preached by Dr Cox , a man of good credit with the Queen , and of no less esteem with the Lords and Commons , who caried any good affection to the memory of King Edward the 6th . The chusing of which man to perform that service , was able of it self to give some intimation of the Queens design to most of the Auditors ; though to say truth , the Bishops refusing to perform the Ceremony of the Coronation , had made themselves uncapable of a further trust . Nor could the Queens design be so closely caried , but that such Lords and Gentlemen as had the managing of elections in their several Countries , retained such men for Members of the House of Commons , as they conceived most likely to comply with their intentions for a Reformation . Amongst which none appeared more active than Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk , whom the Queen had taken into her Council ; Henry Fitz-allen Earl of Arundel , whom she continued in the Office of Lord Steward , and Sir William Coecil , whom she had restored to the place of Secretary , to which he had been raised by King Edward the 6th . Besides , the Queen was young , unmaried , and like enough to entertain some thoughts of an husband ; so that it can be no great marvel , not only if many of the Nobility , but some even of the Gentry also , flattered themselves with possibilities of being the man whom she might chuse to be her partner in the Regal Diadem . Which hopes much smoothed the way to the accomplishment of her desires , which otherwise might have proved more rugged and unpassable than it did at the present . Yet notwithstanding all their care , there wanted not some rough and furious spirits in the House of Commons , who eagerly opposed all propositions which seemed to tend unto the prejudice of the Church of Rome . Of which number none so violent as Story Dr. of the Lawes , and a great instrument of Bonner's butcheries in the former Reign . Who being questioned for the cruelty of his executions , appeared so far from being sensible of any errour which he then committed , as to declare himself to be sorry for nothing more , than that instead of lopping off some few boughs and branches , he did not lay his axe to the root of the tree ; and though it was not hard to guess at how high a mark the wretches malice seemed to aim , and what he meant by laying his axe to the root of the tree ; yet passed he unpunished for the present , though divine vengeance brought him in conclusion to his just reward . Others there were , and doubt less many others also in the House of Commons , who had as great zeal as he to the Papal interess , but either had more modesty in the conduct of it , or preferred their duty and allegiance to their natural Prince , before their zeal to the concernments of the Church of Rome . In this Parliament there passed an act for recognizing the Queens just Title to the Crown ; but without any Act for the validity of her mothers mariage , on which her Title most depended . For which neglect most men condemned the new Lord Keeper , on whose judgement she relied especially in point of Law ; in whom it could not but be looked on as a great incogitancy , to be less careful of her own and her mothes honour , than the Ministers of the late Queen Mary had been of hers . But Bacon was not to be told of an old Law-Maxim , That the Crown takes away all defects and stops in blood , and that from the time that the Queen did assume the Crown , the fountain was cleared , and all attainders and corruption of blood discharged . Which Maxim how unsafe soever it may seem to others , yet since it goes for a known rule amongst our Lawyers , could not be questioned at that present . And possible it is that he conceived it better for the mariage of the Queens mother to pass unquestioned , as a matter justly subject unto no dispute , than to build the validity of it on no better ground than an Act of Parliament , which might be as easily reversed as it was agreed to . There pa●t an Act also for restoring to the Crown the tenths and first fruits , first serled thereon in the time of King Henry the 8th . and afterwards given back by Queen Mary as before was said . For the better drawing on of which concession , it was pretended , that the Patrimony of the Crown had been much dilapidated , and that it could not be supported with such honour as it ought to be , if restitution were not made of such rents and profits , as were of late dismembred from it . Upon which ground they also passed an act for the dissolution of all such Monasteries , Convents , and Religious Orders , as h●d been founded and established by the Queen deceased . By vertue of which Act the Queen was repossessed again of all those lands which had been granted by her sister to the Monks of Westminster and Sheene , the Knights Hospitalers , the Nuns of S●on , together with the Mansion Houses re-edified for the Observants at Greenwich , and the Black Friers in Smithfield . Which last being planted in a house neer the dissolved Priory of Great St Bartholomews , had again fitted and prepared the Church belonging thereunto for religious offices ; but had scarce fitted and prepared it , when dissolved again , and the Church afterwards made a Parochial Church , for the use of the Close , and such as lived within the verge and precincts thereof . How she disposed of Sion House , hath been shewn already ; and what she did with the rich Abby of Westminster , we shall see hereafter . In the passing of these Acts there was little trouble , in the next there was . For when the Act of the Supremacy came to be debated , it seemed to be a thing abhorrent even in Nature and Polity , that a woman should be declared to be the supream Head on Earth of the Church of England . But those of the reformed party meant nothing less than to contend about words and phrases , so they might gain the point they aimed at , which was the stripping of the Pope of all authority within these Dominions , and fixing the supream power over all persons and estates of what ranck soever in the Crown Imperial , not by the name of Supream Head , which they perceived might be made lyable to some just exceptions ; but which comes all to one , of the Supream Governesse . Which when it gave occasion of discourse and descant amongst many of the captious Papists , Queen Mary helped her sister unto one good Argument for her justification , and the Queen helped her self to another , which took off the cavil . In the third Session of Parliament in Queen Mary's time , there pass'd an Act , declaring , That the Regal power was in the Queens Majesty , as fully as it had been in any of her predecessors . In the body whereof it is expressed and declared , That the Law of the Realm is , and ever hath been , and ought to be understood , that the Kingly or Regal Office of the Realm , and all Dignities , Prerogatives Royal , Power , Preheminences , Privileges , Authorities and Jurisdictions thereunto annexed , united , or belonging , being invested either in Male or Female , are , be , and ought to be , as fully , wholly , absolutely and intirely , deemed , adjudged , accepted , invested , and taken , in the one or in the other . So that whatsoever Statute or Law doth limit or appoint that the King of this Realm may , or shall have , execute and do , any thing as King , &c. the same the Queen , ( being Supream Governesse , possessor and inheritor to ●he Imperial Crown of this Realm ) may by the same power have and execute , to all intents , constructions and purposes , without doubt , ambiguity , scruple or question , any custome , use , or any other thing to the con trary notwithstanding . By the very tenor of which Act , Queen Mary grants unto her sister as much authority in all Church concernments , as had been exercised and enjoyed by her Father and Brother , according to any Act or Acts of Parliament in their several times . Which Acts of Parliament as our learned Lawyers have declared upon these occasions , were not to be consider'd as Introductory of a new power which was not in the Crown before , but only Declaratory of an old , which naturally belonged to all Christian Princes , and amongst others to the Kings and Queens of the Realm of England . And to this purpose it is pleaded by the Queen in her own behalf . Some busie and sed●tious persons had dispersed a rumour , that by the Act for recognizing of the Queens Supremacy , there was something further ascribed unto the Queen , her heirs and successors , a power of administring Divine Service in the Church , which neither by any equity or true sence of the words , could from thence be gathered ; And thereupon she makes this Declaration unto all her subjects , That nothing was or could be meant or intended by the said Act , than was acknowledged to be due to the most Noble King of famous memory , King Henry the 8th . her Majesties Father , or King Edward the 6th . her Majesties Brother . And further she declareth , That she neither doth , not will challenge any other authority by the same , than was challenged and lately used by the said two Kings , and was of ancient time due unto the Imperial Crown of this Realm , that is , under God to have the Soverainty and Rule over all persons born within her Realms or Dominions , of what estate ( either Ecclesiastical or Temporal ) soever they be , so as no other forein power shall or ought to have any superiority over them . Which explication published in the Queens Injunctions , Anno 1559. Not giving such a general satisfaction to that groundless cavil as was expected and intended , the Bishops and Clergy in their Convocation of the year 1562. by the Queens authority and consent , declared more plainly , that is to say , That they gave not to their Princess by vertue of the said Act or otherwise , either the ministring of Gods word or Sacraments , but that only Prerog●tive which they saw to have been given alwaies to all godly Princes in holy Scripture by God himself , that is to say , that they should 〈◊〉 all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God , whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal , and restrain with the Civil Sword , the stubborne and evil doers . By all which , if the cavils of the Adversary be not fully answered , it would be known upon what reason they should question that in a soverain Queen , which they allow in many cases to a Lady Abbess . For that an Abbess may be capable of all and all manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , even to the d●nouncing of that dreadful sentence of Excommunication ; and that th●y may lawfully exercise the same upon all such as live within the verge of their authority , is commonly acknowledged by their greatest Canonists . First for suspension , it is affirmed by their Glosse , that an Abbess may suspend such Clerks as are subject to her , both from their Benefice and Office. And questionless either to suspend a Clerk , or to bring his Church under the sentence of an Interdict , is one of the chief parts of Ecclesiastical or spiritual Censures . Nor have they this authority only by way of delegation from the Pope in some certain cases , as is affirmed by Aquinas , Durandus ' , Sylv●ster , Dominicus Soto , and many other of their Schoolmen , but in an ordinary way , as properly and personally invested them , which is the general opinion of their greatest Canonists . Next for the Sacraments , it is sufficiently known that the ministration of Baptism is performed by Midwives , and many other women as of common course ; not only as a thing connived at in extreme necessity , but as a necessary duty , in which they are to be instructed against all emergencies by their Parish Priests ; for which we have the testimony of the late Lord Legate , in the Articles published by him for his visitation . And finally for excommunication , it is affirmed by Palladanus and Navarre ( none of the meanest in the Pack ) that the Pope may grant that power to a woman also ; higher than which there can be none exercised in the Church by the sons of men . And if a Pope may grant these powers unto a woman , as to a Prioress or Abbess , or to any other ; there can be then no incapacity in the Sex , for exersing any part of that jurisdiction which was restored unto the Crown by this Act of Parliament . And if perhaps it be objected , that a Lady Abbess is an Ecclesiastical or spiritual person in regard of her office , which cannot be affirmed of Queens , Pope Gregory himself will come in to help us , by whom it was not thought unfit to commit the cognisance of a cause concerning the purgation of a Bishop , who stood charged with some grievous crime , to Brunichildis or Brunholi Queen of France ; of which , although the Gloss upon the Decretals be pleased to say , * That the Pope stretched his power too far in this particular , yet Gregory did no more therein but what the Popes may do , and have done of late times by their own confession ; so little ground there is for so great a clamour as hath been made by Bellarmine and other of the Popish Jesuites upon this occasion . Now for the better exercising and enjoying of the jurisdiction thus recognised unto the Crown , there are two Clauses in the Act of great importance ; the first whereof contains an Oath for the acknowledgment and defence of this Supremacy , not onely in the Queen , but her heirs and successors ; the said Oath to be taken by all Archbishops , Bishops , and all other Ecclesiastical persons , and also by all temporal Judges , Justiciaries , Mayors , or any other temporal Officers , &c. For the refusal whereof when lawfully tendred to them by such as were thereto commissionated under the great Seal of England , every such person so refusing , was actually to stand deprived of his or their E●clesiastical Preferments , or other temporal office of what sort soever ; onely it was provided , that the Oath should not be imposed on any of the temporal Peers , of whose fidelity the Queen seemed willing to assure her self without any such tye ; though this exemption was esteemed by others but a piece of cunning , the better to facilitate the passing of that Act amongst them , which otherwise they might have hindred . But this provision was not made till the following Parliament , though for the reason before mentioned it was promised now . By the last Clause it was enacted , That it should and might be lawful to the Queen , her heirs and Successors , by Letters Patents under the great Seal of England , to assigne , name , and authorise , when and as often as her Highness , her Heirs or Successors , should think convenient , such persons being natural born Subjects to them , to exercise , use , and occupie under her Highness , her Heirs and Successors , all manner of Jurisdictions , Privileges , and Preheminences , in any wise touching or concerning any Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , within the Realms of England and Ireland , or any other her Highness Dominions or Countries , and to visit , reform , repress , order , correct , and amend all such errors , heresies , schisms , abuses , offences , contempts and enormities whatsoever , which by any manner of Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power , Authority , or Jurisdiction , or can or may lawfully be reformed , ordered , redressed , corrected , restrained or amended , to the pleasure of Almighty God , the increase of vertue , and conservation of the peace and unity of this Realm . With a Proviso notwithstanding , that nothing should from thenceforth be accounted for Heresie , but what was so adjudged in the holy Scripture , or in one of the four first General Councils , or in any other National or Provincial Council , determining according to the word of God ; or finally which should be so adjudged in the time to come by the Court of Parliament , first having the assent of the Bishops and Clergy in their Convocation . This was the first foundation of that famous Court of High Commission , the principal Bulwark and Preservative of the Church of England , against the practices and assaults of all her Adversaries , whether Popish or Puritan . And from hence issued that Commission , by which the Queens Ministers proceeded in their Visitation in the first year of her Reign , for rectifying all such things as they found amiss , and could not be redressed by any ordinary Episcopal power , without the spending of more time than the exigencies of the Church could then admit of . There also past another Act for recommending and imposing the Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments , according to such alterations and corrections as were made therein by those who were appointed to revise it , as before is said . In the performance of which service , there was great care taken for expunging all such passages in it , as might give any scandal or offence to the Popish party , or be urged by them in excuse for their not comming to Church , and joyning with the rest of the Congregation in Gods publick Worship . In the Letany first made and published by King Henry the 8th . and afterwards continued in the two Litu●gies of King Edward the 6th . there was a Prayer to be delivered from the tyranny and all the detestable enormities of the B●shop of Rome ; which was thought fit to be expunged , as giving matter of scandal and dis-affection to all that party , or otherwise wisht well to that Religion . In the first Liturgie of King Edward , the Sacrament of the Lords Body was delivered with this Benediction , that is to say , The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for the preservation of thy body and s●ul to life everlasting ; The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ , &c. Which being thought by Calvin and his Disciples to give some countenance to the grosse and carnal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament , which passeth by the name of Trans●bstantiation in the Schools of Rome , was altered into this form in the second Liturgy , that is to say , Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee , and ●eed on him in thy heart by faith with thanksgiving . Take and drink this , &c. But the Revisors of the Book joyned both Forms together , lest under colour of rejecting a Carnal , they might be thought also to deny such a Real Presence as was defended in the Writings of the Antient Fathers . Upon which ground they expunged also a whole Rubrick at the end of the Communion-service , by which it was declared , that kneeling at the participation of the Sacrament was required for no other reason , than for a signification of the humble and grateful acknowledging of the benefits of Christ , given therein unto the worthy Receiver , and to avoid that prophanation and disorder which otherwise might have ensued , and not for giving any adoration to the Sacramental Bread and Wine there bodily received , or in regard of any real and essential presence of Christs body and blood . And to come up the closer to those of the Church of Rome , it was ordered by the Queens Injunctions , that the Sacramental Bread ( which the Book required onely to be made of the finest flower ) should be made round in fashion of the Wafers used in the time of Queen Mary . She also ordered , that the Lords Table should be placed where the Altar stood , that the accustomed reverence should be made at the name of Jesus , Musick retained in the Church , and all the old Festivals observed with their several Eves . By which compliances , and the expunging of the passages before remembred , the Book was made so passable amongst the Papi●ts , that for ten years they generally repaired to their Parish Churches , without doubt or scruple , as is affirmed not onely by Sir Edward Coke , in his speech again●t G●●net , and his Charge given at the Assizes held at Norwich , but also by the Queen her self in a Letter to Sir Francis Walsingham , then being her Resident or Leiger-Ambassador in the Court of France ; the same confessed by Sanders also in his Book de Schismate . And that the Book might passe the better in both Houses when it came to the Vote , it was thought requisite that a Disputation should be held about some points , which were most likely to be checked at ; the Disputants to be five Bishops and four other learned men of the one side , and nine of the most lear●ed men , graduated in the Schools , on the other side ; the Disputation to begin on the 30th . of March , and to be holden in the Church of Westminster , in the presence of as many of the Lords of the Council , and of the Members of both Houses , as were desirous to inform themselves in the state of the Questions . The Disputation for that reason to be held in the English Tongue , and to be managed ( for the better avoiding of confusion ) by a mutual interchange of writings upon every point , those writings which were mutually given in upon one day , to be reciprocally answer'd on another , & so from day to day till the whole were ended . To all which points the Bishops gave consent for themselves , and the rest of their party , though they refused to stand unto them when it came to the tryal . The points to be disputed on were three in number , that is to say , That it is against the word of God , and the custom of the antient Church , to use a Tongue unknown to the people in Common-Praier , and in the administration of the Sac●aments . 2. That every Church hath authority to appoint , take away , and change Ceremonies and Ecclesiastical Rites , so the same be to edification . 3. That it cannot be proved by the word of God , that there is in the Masse offered up a sacrifice propitiatory for the living and the dead . And for the Disputants of each side , they were these that follow , that is to say , first , for the Popish party , Dr. White Bishop of Winchester , Dr. Bayn Bishop of Lichfield , Dr. Scot Bishop of Chester , and Dr. Watson Bishop of Linc●ln , Dr. Fecknam Abbot of Westminster , Dr. Henry Cole Dean of St. Pauls , Dr. Harp●field Archdeacon of Canterbury , Dr. Chadsey Prebend of St. Pa●ls , and Dr. Langdale Archdeacon of Lewis in Sussex . For those of the Protestant perswasion appeared Dr. Scory the late Bishop of Chichester , Dr. Cox the late Dean of Westminster , Dr. Sandys late Master of Katherine Hal. , Mr. Horn the late Dean of Durham , Mr. Elmar late Archdeacon of Stow , Mr. Wh●tehead , Mr. Gryndal , Mr. G●est , and Mr. Jewel ; all of which , except onely Whi●ehead , attained afterwards to some eminent place in the sacred Hiera●chy . The day being come , and the place fitted and accommodated for so great an audience , the Lord Keeper Bacon takes the Chair as Moderator , not for determining any thing in the points disputed , but for seeing good order to be kept , and that the Disputation might be managed in the form agreed on . When contrary to expectation , the Bishops and their party brought nothing in writing to be read publickly in the hearing of all the Auditors , but came resolved to try it out by word of mouth , and to that end appointed Cole to be their Spokesman . For which neglect , being reproved by the Lord Keeper , they promised a conformity on the Monday following , being the second day of April ; but would not stand unto it them , because they would not give their Adversaries so much leisure as a whole nights deliberation to return an answer . Desired and pressed by the Lord Keeper to proceed according to the form agreed on , for the better satisfaction and contentment of so great an Audience , it was most obstinately denyed . W●tson and White behaving themselves with so little reverence ( or so much insolency rather ) as to threaten the Queen with Excommunication in that publick Audience , for which they were committed to the Tower on the fifth of April . The rest of the Bishops were commanded to abide in London , and to give bond for their appearance at the Council-Table whensoever they should be r●quired . And so the whole Assembly was dismist , and the conference ended before it had been well begun , the Lord Keeper giving to the Bishops this sharp remembrance , Sinc● ( said he ) you are not w●lling that we should hear you , you shall very shortly hear from us . Which notwithstanding produced this good effect in the Lords and Commons , that they conceived the Bishops were not able to defend their Doctrin in the points disputed ; which made the way more easie for the passing of the publick Liturgy , when it was brought unto the Vote . Two Speeches there were made against it in the House of Peers , by Scot and Fecknam , and one against the Queens Supremacy by the Archbishop of York ; but they prevailed as little in both points by the power of their Eloquence , as they had done in the first by their want of Arguments . It gave much matter of discourse to most knowing men , that the Bishops should so wilfully fall from an appointment to which they had before agreed , and thereby forfeit their whole Cause to a Condemnation . But they pretended for themselves , that they were so straightned in point of time , that they could not possibly digest their Arguments into form and order ; that they looked upon it as a thing too much below them to humble themselves to such a Conference or Disputation , in which Bacon , a meer lay-man , and of no great learning , was to sit as Judge ; and finally , that the points had been determined already by the Catholick Church , and therefore were not to be called in question without leave from the Pope . Which last pretence , if it were of any weight and moment , it must be utterly impossible to proceed to any Reformation in the state of the Church , by which the power and pride of the Popes of Rome may be any thing lessened , or that the corruptions of the Church should be redressed , i● it consist not with their profit . For want of time they were no more straightned than the opposite party , none of them knowing with what arguments the other side would fortifie and confirm their cause , nor in what forms they would propose them , before they had perused ●heir reciprocal Papers . But nothing was more weakly urged , than their exception against the Presidency of Sir Nicholas Bacon , which could not be considered as a matter either new or strange ; not strange , because the like Presidency had been given frequently to Cromwel , in the late Reign of King Henry the 8th . and that not only in such general Conferences , but in several Convocations and Synodical meetings . Not new , because the like had been frequently practised by the most godly Kings and Emperors of the Pri●●itive times ; for in the Council of Chalce●on the Emperor appointed certain Noblemen to sit as Judges , whose names occur in the first Action of that Coun●il . The like we find exemplified in the Ephesine Council , in which , by the appointment of Theodosius and Vulentinian , then Roman Emperors , Candidianus , a Count Imperial , sate as Judge or President , who in the managing of that trust over-acted any thing which was done by Cromwel as Vicar-General to that King , or Bacon was impowered to do as the Queens Commissioner . No such unreasonable condescention to be found in this , as was pretended by the Bishops and the rest of that party , to save themselves from the guilt and censure of a Tergiversation ; for which , and other their contempts , we shall find them called to a reckoning within few months after . In the Convocation which accompanied the present Parliament , there was little done , and that little which they did was to little purpose . Held under Bonner , in regard of the Vacancy of the See of Canterb●ry , it began without the ordinary preamble of a Latine Sermon , all preaching being then prohibited by the Queens command . The Clergy for their Prolocutor made choice of Doctor Nicholas Har●s●ield Archdeacon of Canterb●ry , a man of more ability ( as his works de●lare ) than he had any opportunity to make use of in the present service . The A●t of the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8th . and his Successors Kings of England , had been repealed in the first year of Queen Mary , so that the Clergy might have acted of their own authority , without any license from the Queen ; and it is much to be admired that Bonner , White , or Watson did not put them to it ; but such was either their fea● , or modesty , or a despair of doing any good to themselves and the cause , that there was nothing done by the Bishops at all , and not much more by the lower Clergy , than a declaration of their judgment in some certain points , which at that time were conceived fit to be commended to the sight of the Parliament , that is to say , 1. That in the Sacrament of the Altar , by vertue of Christs assisting , after the word is duly pronounced by the Priest , the natural body of Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary is really present under the species of Bread and Wine , as also his natural Blood , 2. That after the C●nsecration there remains not the substance of Bread and Wine , not any substance , save the substance of God and Man. 3. That the true body of Christ and his Blood is offered for a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead . 4. That the supream power of feeding and governing the militant Church of Christ , and of confirming their brethren , is given to Peter the Apostle , and to his lawful Successors in the See Apostolick , as unto the Vicars of Christ. 5. That the authority to handle and define such things which belong to Faith , the Sacraments , and Discipline Ecclesiastical , hath hitherto ever belonged , and onely ought to belong unto the Pastors of the Church , whom the holy Spirit hath placed in the Church , and not unto Lay-men . These Articles , they caused to be engrossed , & so commended them to the care and consideration of the Higher House . By Bonner afterwards , that is to say on the 3d. of March , presented to the hands of the Lord Keeper Bacon , by whom they were candidly received . But they prevailed no further with the Queen or the House of Peers , when imparted to them , but that possibly they might help forwards the disputation , which not long after was appointed to be held at Westminster , as before was said . It was upon the 8th . of May that the Parliament ended , and on the 24th . of June , that the publick Liturgy was to be officiated in all the Churches of the Kingdom . In the performan●e of which service , the Bishops giving no encouragement , and many of the Clergy being backward in it , it was thought fit to put them to the final test , and either to bring them to conformity , or to bestow their places and preferments on more tractable persons . The Bishops at that time had been reduced into a narrower number than at any other time before . The Sees of Salisb●ry and Oxon had been made vacant in the year 1557. by the death of Cap●n in the one , and of King in the other , neither of which Churches had since been filled , and that of Oxon not in ten years after . Pacefew of Hereford , Holyman of B●istow , and Glyn of Bangor , died some few weeks before the Queen , Cardinal Po●e of Canterbury on the same day with her . Hopton of Norwich , and Bro●ks of Gl●cester , within few weeks after . Gryssin of Rochester departed this life about the beginning of the Parliament , about which time also Pa●es of Worcester forsook the Kingdom , and was followed by Goldwel of St Asaph in the end of May ; so that there were no more than fifteen living of that sacred Order . And they being called in the beginning of July by certain of the Lords of the Council , commissionated thereunto in due form of Law , were then and there required to take the oath of Supremacy , according to the law made in that behalf . Kitchin of Landaff only takes it , who having formerly submitted unto every change , resolved to shew himself no Changling in not conforming to the pleasure of the Higher Powers . By all the rest it was refused , that is to say , by Dr Heath Archbishop of York , Bonner of London , Tonstall of Du●ham , White of Winchester , Thirlby of Ely , Watson of Lincoln , Pool of Pete●borough , Christopherson of Chichester , Bourn of Wels , Turbervile of Exeter , Morgan of St Davids , Bain of Lichfield , Scot of Chester , and Oglethorp Bishop of Carlisle . And yet these men ( which makes it seem the greater wonder ) had either taken the like oath as Priests or Bishops in some part or other of the Reign of the two last Kings . But now they had hardened one another to a resolution of standing out unto the last , and were thereupon deprived of their several Bishopricks , as the Law required . A punishment whi●h came not on them all at once , some of them being borne withall ( in hope of their conformity and submission ) till the end of September . And when it came , it came accompanied with so much mercy , that they had no reason to complain of the like extremity as they had put upon their brethren in the late Queens time . So well were they disposed of and accommodated with all things necessary , that they lived more at ease , and in as prosperous a condition , as when they were possessed of their former dignities . Archbishop He●th was suffered to abide in one of his own purchased houses , never restrained to any place , and died in great favour with the Queen , who bestowed many gratious visits on him during this retirement . Tonstall of Durham spent the remainder of his t●●e with Archbishop Parker , by whom he was kindly entertained , and honourably buried . The like civility afforded also in the same house to ●hirlby of Ely , and unto Bourn of W●lls by the Dean of Exon , in which two houses they both dyed about ten years after . White though at first imprisoned for his hauts and insolencies , after some cooling of himself in the Tower of London , was suffered to enjoy his liberty , and to retire himself to what friend he pleased . Which favour was vouchsafed unto Tu●bervile also , who being by birth a Gentleman of an ancient Family , could not want friends to give him honest entertainment . W●tson of Lincoln having endured a short restraint , spent the remainder of his time with the Bishops of Rochester and Ely , till being found practising against the State , he was finally shut up in Wisbich Castle , where at last he died . Oglethorp died soon after his deprivation , of an Apoplexy , Bayne of the Stone , and Morgan of some other disease in December following ; but all of them in their beds , and in perfect liberty . Poole by the clemency of the Queen , injoyed the like freedom , courteously treated by all persons amongst whom he lived , and at last died upon one of his own Farms in a good old age . And as for Christopherson , he had been in his time so good a Benefactor to Trinity College in Cambridge , whereof he had been sometimes Master , that he could not want some honest and ingenuous retribution , if the necessity of his estate had required the same . Bonner alone was doomed to a constant imprisonment , which was done rather out of care for his preservation , than as a punishment of his crimes ; the prison proving to that wretch his safest sanctuary , whose horrid tyrannies had otherwise exposed him to the popular fury . So loud a lie is that of Genebrard , ( though a good Chronologer ) that the Bishops were not only punished with imprisonment and the loss of their livelihoods , but that many of them were destroyed by poyson , famine , and many other kinds of death . The Bishops being thus put to it , the Oath is tendered next to the Deans and Dignitaries , and by degrees also to the Rural Clergy ; refused by some , and took by others , as it seemed most agreeable to their consciences , or particular ends . For the refusal whereof , or otherwise for not conforming to the publick Liturgy , I find no more to have been deprived of their preferments , than fourteen Bishops , six Abbots Priors , and Governours of Religious Orders , twelve Deans , and as many Arch-Deacons , fifteen Presidents or Masters of Colleges , fifty Prebendaries of Cathedral Churches , and about eighty Parsons of Vicars . The whole number not amounting to 200 men , which in a Realm consisting of nine thousand Parishes , and 26 Cathedral Churches , could be no great matter . But then we are to know withall , that many who were cordially affected to the interess of the Church of Rome , dispensed with themselves in these outward conformities , which some of them are said to do upon a hope of seeing the like revolution by the death of the Queen , as had before hapned by the death of King Edward ; and otherwise that they might be able to relieve their brethren , who could not so readily frame themselves to a present compliance . Which notwithstanding so it was , that partly by the deprivation of these few persons , but principally by the death of so many in the last years sickness , there was not a sufficient number of learned men to supply the cures , which filled the Church with an ignorant and illiterate Clergy , whose learning went no further than the Liturgy ▪ or the Book of Homilies , but otherwise conformable ( which was no small felicity ) to the Rules of the Church . And on the other side , many were raised to great preferments , who , having spent there time of exile in such forein Churches as followed the platform of Geneva , returned so disaffected to Episcopal Government , unto the Rites and Ceremonies here by law established , as not long after filled the Church with most sad disorders ; not only to the breaking of the bond of peace , but to the grieving and extinguishing of the spirit of Unity . Private opinions not regarded , nothing was more considered in them , than their zeal against Popery , and their abilities in learning to confirm that zeal . On which account we find the Queens Professor in Oxford to pass amongst the Non-Conformists , though somewhat more moderate than the rest ; and Cartwright the Lady Margarets in Cambridge , to prove an unextinguished firebrand to the Church of England ; Whittington the chief Ringleader of the Franckfort Schismaticks , preferred unto the Deanry of Durham , from thence encouraging Knox and Goodman , in setting up Presbytery and Sedition in the Kirk of Scotland ; Sampson advanced unto the Deanry of Christ-Church , and within few years after , turned out again for an incorrigible Non-Conformist ; Hardiman one of the first twelve Prebends of the Church of Westminster , deprived soon after for throwing down the Altar , and defacing the vestments of the Church . Which things I only touch at now , leaving the further prosecution of them to another place . Of all these traverses , the Pope received advertisement from the first to the last . But being of a rugged humou● , he fell most infinitely short of that dexterity which the case required , for finding out a fit expedient to prevent the rupture . When his first sullen fits had left him , he began to treat more seriously with the English Agent ; not that the Queen should sue unto him for the Crown , which she was possessed of , but that no alteration of Religion might be driven at by her . To whi●h Karn answered according to such instructions as he had received , That he could give him no assurance in that point , unless the Pope would first declare , that the mariage of King Henry with Queen Anne Bollen , had been good and lawful . Which cross request so stumbled both the Pope and the Conclave , that they made choise rather of doing nothing , than to do that , of which they could not promise to themselves any fortunate issue . Roused at the last by the continual alarums which came from England , he entertains some secret practices with the French , and on the sudden signifies his commands to Karn , that he should not depart out of R●me without his leave , and that in the mean time he should take upon him the government of the English Hospital in the City . In which command each of them is affirmed to have had his own proper ends : For Karn affected that restraint , which he was thought to have procured under hand , because he had no mind to return into England , where he w●s like to find a different Religion from that which he embraced in his own particular . And the Pope had his own ends also , in hindering as he thought ●he discovering of that secret intelligence which he maintained with the French King , to the Queens destruction , if his designs had took effect . But his design was carried with so little cunning , that presently it discovered it self , without the help of a revelation from the English Agent . For whether it were by his instigation , or by the solicitation of the French King , or the ambition of the Daulphin , who had then maried the Queen of Scots , ( as before was said ) the Queen of Scots assumes unto her self the stile and title of Queen of England , quartereth the Arms thereof upon all her Plate , and in all Armories and Escoutcheons , as she had occasion . And this she did as Cosen and next heir to the Queen deceased ; which could not be without imputing bastardy to the Queen then living . A folly which occasioned such displeasure in the heart of Elizabeth , that it could neither be forgotten , nor so much as forgiven , till that unfortunate Lady was driven out of her Kingdom , hunted into a close imprisonment , and finally brought out to the fatal block . This as it somewhat startled the new Queen of England , so it engaged her the more resolutely in that Reformation which was so happily begun . And to that end she sets out by Advice of her Council , a certain Body of Injunctions , the same in purpose and effect , with those which had been published in the first of King Edward , but more accommodated to the temper of the present time . Nothing more singular in the same , than the severe course taken about Ministers Mariages , the use of singing , and the Reverences in Divine Worship to be kept in Church , the posture of the Communion Table , and the form of bidding Prayers in the Congregation . This last almost the same verba●im with that which is prescribed Can. 55. Anno 1603. and therefore not so necessary to be here repeated . The first worne long since out ●f use , and not much observed neither when it first came out , as if it had been published in the way of caution , to make the Clergy men more wary in the choice of their wives , than with a purpose of persuing it to an execution . But as for that concerning the use of singing , and the accustomed Reverences to be kept in Churches , they are these that follow . Touching the last it is enjoyed , That whensoever the name of Jesus should be in any Lesson , Sermon , or otherwise in the Church pronounced , that due reverence be made of all persons , young and old , with lowliness of courtesie , and uncovering of the heads of the men kind , as thereunto did necessarily belong , and heretofore hath been accustomed . For the encouragement of the Art , and the continuance of the use of Singing in the Church of Eng●and , it was thus enjoyned , that is to say , That because in divers Collegiat , as also in some Parish C●urches , heretofore , there hath been Livings appointed for the maintenance of men and children for singing in the Church , by means whereof , the laudable exercise of Musick hath been had in estimation , and preserved in knowledge ; The Queens Majesty neither meaning in any wi●e the decay of any thing , that might conveniently tend to the use and continuance of the said Science , neither to have the same so abused in any part of the Church , that thereby the Common-Prayer should be the worse understood by the Hearers , willeth and commandeth , that first no alterations be made of such assignments of Living as heretofore hath been appointed to the use of Singing or Musick in the Church , but that the same so remain . And that there be a modest and distinct Song so used in all parts of the Common-Prayers in the Church , that the same may be as plainly understood as if it were read without singing ; And yet nevertheless , for the comforting of such as delight in Musick , it may be permitted , that in the beginning or in the end of common-Prayer , either at morning or evening , there may be sung an Hymn or such like Song to the praise of Almighty God , in the best Melody and Musick that may be conveniently devised , having respect that the sentence of the Hymn may be understood and perceived . According to which order , as Plain-song was retained in most Parish-Churches for the daily Psalms , so in her own Chapels , and in the Quire of all Cathedrals , and some Colleges , the Hymns were sung after a more melodious manner , with Organs commonly , and sometimes with other musical Instruments , as the solemnity required . No mention here of singing David's Psalms in Meeter , though afterwards they first thrust out the Hymns which are herein mentioned , and by degrees also did they the Te Deum , the Magnificat , and the Nunc dimittis . Concerning the Position of the holy Table it was ordered thus , viz. That no Altar should be taken down , but by oversight of the Curat of the Church , or the Church-wardens , or one of them at the least , wherein no riotous or diso●dered manner was to be used ; and that the holy Table in every Church be decently made , and set in the place where the Altar stood , and there commonly covered as thereto belongeth , and as should be appointed by the Visitors , and so to stand , saving when the ●ommunion of the Sacrament is to be administred ; at which time the same shall be so placed in good sort within the Quire or Chancel , as whereby the Minister may be more conveniently heard of the Communicants in his Prayer and Ministration , and the Communicants also more conveniently and in more number communicate with the said Minister . And after the Communion done , from time to time the said holy Table to be placed where it stood before . Which permission of removing the Table at Communion-times is not so to be understood , ( as the most excellent King Charls declared in the case of St. Gregories ) as if it were ever left to the discretion of the Parish , much less to the particular fancy of any humorous person ; but to the judgment of the Ordinary , to whose place and function it doth properly belong to give direction in that point , both for the thing it self , or for the time , when , and how long , as he may find cause . By these Injunctions she made way to her Visitation , executed by Commissioners in their several Circuits , and regulated by a Book of Articles printed and published for that purpose . Proceeding by which Articles , the Commissioners removed all carved Images out of the Church ▪ which had been formerly abused to superstition , defacing also all such Pictures , Paintings , and other monuments , as served for the setting forth of feigned Miracles ; and this they did without any tumult and disorder , and without laying any sacrilegious and ravenous hands on any of the Churches Plate , or other Utensils which had been repaired and re-provided in the late Queens time . They enquired also into the life and doctrine of Ministers , their diligence in attending their several Cures , the decency of their apparel , the respect of the Parishioners towards them , the reverent behaviour of all manner of persons in Gods publi●k worship . Inquiry was also made into all sorts of crimes , haunting of Taverns by the Clergy ; Adultery , Fornication , Drunkenness , amongst those of the Laity , with many other things since practised in the Visitations of particular B●shops ; by means whereof , the Church was setled and confirmed in so good an order , that the work was made more easie to the Bishops when they came to govern , than otherwise it could have been . But more particularly in Lond●● ( which for the most part gives example to the rest of the Kingdom ) the Visitors were Sir Richard Sackvile , ( father to ●homas Earl of Dorset ) Mr. Robert Hern after Bishop of Winchester , Dr. H●ick a Civilian , and one Salvage possibly a Common Lawyer ; who calling before them divers persons of every Parish , gave them an Oath to enquire and present upon such Articles and 〈◊〉 as were given unto them . In persuance whereof , both the Commission●rs and the People shewed so much forwardness , that on St. Bartholomews day and the morrow after , they burned in St. Paul's Church-yard , Cheap-side , and other places of the City , all the Roods and other Images which had been taken out of the Churches . And as it is many times supposed that a thing is never well done if not over-done , so hapned it in this case also , zeal against superstition had prevailed so far with some ignorant men , that in some places the Coaps , Vestments , Altar-cloaths , Books , Banners , Sepulchres , and Rood-lofts , were burned altogether . All matters of the Church being thus disposed of , it will be time to cast our eyes on the concernments of the civil State which occurred this year , in which I find nothing more considerable than the overtures of some Marriages which had been made unto the Queen . Philip of Spain had made an offer of himself by the Count of Feria his Ambassadour ; but the Queen had heard so much of the disturbances which befell King Henry , by marrying with his brothers wife , that she had no desire to run into the like perplexities by marrying with her sisters husband ; and how he was discouraged from proceeding in it , hath been shewed already . Towards the end of the Parliament the Lords and Commons made an humble Addresse unto her , in which they most earnestly besought her , That for securing the peace of the Kingdom , and the contentation of all her good and loving subjects , she would think of marrying ; not pointing her particularly unto any one man , but leaving her to please her self in the choice of the person . To which she answered , That she thanked them for their good affections , and took their application to her to be well intended , the rather , because it contained no limitation of place or person ; which had they done , she must have disliked it very much , and thought it to have been a great presumption . But for the matter of their sure , she lets them know , That she had long since made choice of that state of life in which now she lived , and hoped that God would give her strength and constancy to go throw with it ; that if she had been minded to have changed that course , she neither wanted many invitations to it in the reign of her brother , not many strong impulsions in the time of her sister . That as she had hitherto remained , so she intended to continue by the grace of God , though her Words , compared with her Youth , might be thought by some to be far different from her meaning . And so having thanked them over again , she licensed them to depart to their several businesses . And it appeared soon after that she was in earnest , by her rejecting of a motion made by Gustavus King of Sweden for the Prince Ericus ; for the solliciting whereof , his second son John Duke of Finland ( who succeeded his Brother in that Kingdom ) is sent Ambassador into England about the end of September ; Received at Harwich in Essex by the Earl of Oxford and the Lord Robert Dudley , with a goodly train of Gentlemen and Yeoman , he was by them conducted honourably towards London , where he was met by the Lords and Gentlemen of the Court , attended through the City on the 5th . of Octob●r to the Bishop of Winchesters house in Sou●hwark ; there he remained with his Train , consisting of about fifty persons , till the Easter following ; magnificently feasted by the Queen , but otherwise no farther gratified in the bu●●ness which he came about than all the rest , who both before and after tried their fortunes in it . The next great business of this year was a renewing of the Peace with the crown of France , agreed on at the Treaty near the City of Cambray ; in which all differences were concluded also between France and Spain , all other Articles being accorded , the restitution of Calais to the Queen of England seemed the onely obstacle , by which the general peace of Christendom was at the point to have been hindred . But the Queen , either preferring the publick good before private interest , or fearing to be left alone if she should stand too obstinately upon that particular , came at the last to this agreement , viz. That Calais should remain for the tearm of eight years then next following in the hands of the French , that at the end of the said tearm it should be delive●ed unto the English , or otherwise the French King should pay unto the Queen the sum of 500000 Crowns . According unto which Agreement , Peace was proclaimed in London on the 7th . of April between the Queens Majesty on the one part , and the French King on the other ; as also between her and the King Dolphin , with his wife the Queen of Scots , and all the Subjects and Dominions of the said four Princes ; The Proclamation published by Garter and Norrey Kings at Arms , accompanied with three other Heralds and five Trumpeters , the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in their Scarlet Gowns being present on horseback . But long the French King lived not to enjoy the benefit of this general Peace , unfortunately wounded in Paris at a Tilt or Tournament by Count Mon●gomery , of which wound he shortly after died on the 10th . of July , leaving be hind him four sons , Francis , Charls , Henry , and another Francis , of which , the three first , according to their seniority , enjoyed that Kingdom . And though she had just cause to be offended with the young King Francis , for causing the Queen of Scots his wife to take upon her self the Title and Arms of England , yet she resolved to bestow a royal Obsequy on the King deceased , which was performed in St. Paul's Church on the 8th . and 9th . of September in most solemn manner , with a rich Hearse made like an Imperial Crown , sustained with eight pillars , and covered with black Velvet , with a Valence fringed with gold , and richly hanged with Sc●tcheous , Pennons , and Banners of the French Kings Arms ; the principal mourner for the first day was the Lord Treasurer Paulet , Marquis of Winchester , assisted with ten other Lords Mourners , with all the Heralds in black , and their Coat-Armours uppermost . The divine Offices performed by Doctor Matthew Parker Lord elect of Canterbury , Doctor William Barlow Lord elect of Chichester , and Doctor I●hn Scory Lord elect of Hereford , all sitting in the Throne of the Bishop of London , no otherwise at that time than in hoods and Surplices ; by whom the Derige was executed at that time in the English toung : The Funeral Sermon preached the next morning by the Lord of Hereford , and a Communion celebrated by the Bishops then attired in Copes upon their Surplices . At which time six of the chief mourners received the Sacrament , and so departed with the rest to the Bishops Palace , where a very liberal Entertainment was provided for them . By which magnificency and the like , this prudent Queen not onely kept ●er own reputation at the highest amongst forein Princes , but caused the greater estimation to be had by the Catholick party of the Religion here established . Anno Reg. Eliz. 2. A. D. 1559 , 1560. WE must begin this year with the Consecration of such new Bishops , as were elected to succeed in the place of those which had been deprived , the first of which was that of the most reverend Doctor Matthew Parker elected to the See of Canterbury on the first of August , but not consecrated till the 17th . of December following . That Dignity had first been offered , as is said by some , to Doctor Nicholas Wotton Dean of Canterbury and York , who grown in years , and still a well-willer to the Pope , desired to be excused from undertaking of a charge so weighty . And some say it was offered unto Whitehead also , who had been Chaplain to Anne Bollen the Queen's mother ; but he returned the like refusal , though on other grounds , as more inclined ( by reason of his long abode in Calvin's Churches ) to the Presbyterians than the Episcopal form of Government ; and it was happy , for the Church might have been betrayed by his dissaffection , that he did refuse it . The Chair being better filled by Parker another of Queen Bollen's Chaplains , but better principled , and of a far more solid judgment in affairs of moment . The Conge●d ' sleiur , which opened him the way to this eminent Dignity , bears date on the 18th . day of July , within few days after the deprivation of the former Bishops , to satisfie the world in the Queens intention of preserving the Episcopal Government . And therefore why the consecration was deferred so long maybe made a question ; some think it was , that she might satisfie her self , by putting the Church into a posture by her Visitation , before she passed it over to the care of the Bishops ; others conceive , that she was so enamoured with the power and title of Supream Governess , that she could not deny her self that contentment in the exercise of it which the present Interval afforded ; For what are Titles without Power ? and what pleasure can be took in Power if no use be made of it ? And it is possible enough that both or either of these considerations might have some influence upon her . But the main cause for keeping the Episcopal Sees in so long a vacancy must be found else-where . An Act had passed in the late Parliament , which never had the confidence to appear in print , in the Preamble whereof it was declared , That by dissolution of Religious Houses in the time of the late King her Majesties father , many Impropriations , Tithes , and portions of Tithes had been invested in the Crown , which the Queen , being a Lady of a tender conscience , thought not fit to hold , nor could conveniently dismember from it without compensation , in regard of the present low condition in which she found the Crown at her comming to it ; And thereupon it was enacted , that in the vacancy of any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick , it should be lawful for the Queen to issue out a Commission under the Great Seal , for taking a survey of all Castles , Mannors , Lands , Tenements , and all other Hereditaments to the said Episcopal Sees belonging or appertaining ▪ and on the return of such surveys , to take into her hands any of the said Castles , Mannors , Lands , Tenements , &c. as to her seemed good ; giving to the said Archbishops or Bishops as much annual Rents , to be raised upon Impropriations , Tithes , and portions of Tithes , as the said Castles , Mannors , Lands , &c. did amount unto . The Church Lands certified according to the antient Rents , without consideration of the Casualties and other Perq●isites of Court which belonged unto them ; the Retribution made in Pensions , Tithes , and portions of Tithes , extended at the utmost value , from which no other profit was to be expected than the Rent it self . Which Act not being to take effect till the end of that Parliament , the interval between the end of the Parliament , the deprivation of the old Bishops , and the consecration of the new , was to be taken up in the executing of such surveys , and making such advantages of them , as most redo●nded to the profit of the Queen and her Courtiers . Upon whi●h ground , as all the Bishops Sees were so long kept vacant before any one of them was filled , so in the following times they were kept void one after another as occasion served , till the best Flowers in the whole Garden of the Church had been c●lled out of it . There was another Clause in the said Statutes , by which the patrimony of the Church was as much dilapida●ed , sede plena , as it was pulled by this in the times of vacancy ; for by that Clause , all Bishops were restrained from making any Grants of their Farms and Mannors for more than twenty one years , or three lives at the most , except it were unto the Queen , her Heirs and Successors . But either to the Queen , or to any of her Heirs and Successors ( and under that pretence to any her hungry Courtiers ) they might be granted in Fee farm , or for a Lease of fourscore and nineteen years , as it pleased the Parties . By which means , Credinton was dismembered from the See of Exon , the goodly mannor of Sherborn from that of Sal●sbury , many fair mannors alienated for ever from the rich Sees of Winchester , Elie , and indeed what not ? But to proceed unto the Consecration of the new Archbishop , the first thing to be done after the passing of the Royal Assent for ratifying of the election of the Dean and Chapter , ( was the confirming of it ) in the Court of the Arches , according to the usual form in that behalf ; Which being accordingly performed , the Vicar General , the Dean of the Arches , the Proctors and Officers of the Court , whose presence was required at this Solemnity , were ente●tained at a dinner provided for them at the Nags head Tavern in Cheapside ; for which , though Parker paid the shot , yet shall the Church be called to an after re●koning . Nothing remains to expedite the Consecration but the Royal Mandat , which I find dated on the sixth of December , directed to Anthony Kt●ching Bishop of Landaff , William Barlow late Bishop of Bath and Wells , Lord Elect of Chichester ; John Scory late Bishop of Chichester , Lord Elect of Hereford ; Miles Coverdale late Bishop of Exeter , John Hodgskins Suffragan of Bedford , John Suffragan of Thetford , and John Bale Bishop of Osser●● in the Realm of Ireland ; requiring them , or any of them at the least , to proceed unto the consecration of the right reverend Matthew Parker lately elected to the Metropolitical See of Canterbury . The first , and the two last , either hindred by sickness , or by some other lawfull impediment , were not in a condition to attend the service ; whi●h notwithstanding was performed by the other four on Sunday the seventeenth of that Month , according to the Ordinal of King Edward the sixth , then newly printed for that purpose ; the Ceremony performed in the Chapel at Lambeth house , the East end whereof was hanged with rich Tapestry , and the floor covered with red cloth ; the Morning Service read by Pearson the Archbishops Chaplain , the Sermon preached by Doctor Sc●●y Lord Elect of Hereford , on those words of St. Peter , The Elders which are among you ● exhort , &c. 1 Pet. 5. 1. The Letters Parents for proceeding to the Consecration publickly read by Doctor Dale , the Act of Consecration legally performed by the imposition of the hands of the said four Bishops , according to the antient Canons and King Edward's Ordinal ; and after all , a plentiful dinner for the entertainment of the company which resorted thither , amongst whom , Charls Howard , eldest son of William Lord Effingham , created afterwards Lord Admiral and Earl of Notingham , hapned to be one , and after testified to the truth of all these particulars , when the reality and form of this Consecration was called in question by some captious sticklers for the Church of Rome . For so it was , that some sticklers for the Church of Rome having been told of the dinner which was made at the Nags head Tavern at such time as the election of the new Archbishop was confirmed in the Arches , raised a report , that the Nags head Tavern was the place of the Consecration . And this report was countenanced by another slander , causing it to be noised abroad , and published in some seditious Pamphlets , that the persons designed by the Queen for the several Bishopricks , being met at a Tavern , did then and there lay hands upon one another , without Form or Order . The first calumny fathered on one Keale , once Hebrew Reader in the University of Oxford , and Chaplain unto Bishop Bonner ; which last relation were sufficient to discredit the whole tale , if there were no other evidence to disprove the same . And yet the silence of all Popish Writers concerning this Nags head-Consecration , during the whole Reign of Queen Elizabeth , when it had been most material for them to insist upon it , as much discrediteth the whole figment , as the Author of it . The other published by Dr. Nicholas Sanders , ( never more truly Dr. S●anders than in that particular ) in his pestilent and seditious Book , Entituled De Schismate Anglicano ; whose frequent falshoods make him no fit Author to be built upon in any matter of importance . Yet on the credit of these two , but on the first especially , th● Tale of the Nags-head-Consecration being once taken up , was generally exposed to sale , as one of the most vendible commodities in the writings of some Romish P●iests and Jesuits ; as Champney's ▪ Fitzsimons , Parson , Kellison , &c. They knew right well , that nothing did more justifie the Church of England in the eye of the world , than that it did preserve a succession of Bishops , and consequently of all other sacred Orders , in the ministration . Without which , as they would not grant it to be a Church , so could they prove it to be none by no stronger Argument than that the Bishops ( or the pretended Bishops rather in their opinion ) were either not consecrate at all , or not canonically consecrated as they ought to be . And for the gaining of this point , they stood most pertina●iously on the fiction of the Nags-head Tavern , which if it could be proved , or at least believed , there was an end of the Episcopal succession in the Church of England , and consequently also of the Church it self . For the decrying of this clamour , and satisfying all opponents in the truth of the matter , it was thought fit by Dr. George Abbot then Archbishop of Canterbury , to call before him some of the Priests and Jesuits , that is to say , Fairecloth , Leake , Laithwaite and Collins , being then prisoners in the Clinck . Who being brought to Lambeth on the 12th ▪ of May 1613. were suffered in the presence of divers Bishops , to peruse the publick Registers , and thereby to satisfie themselves in all particulars concerning the Confirmation and Consecration of Archbishop Parker , according to the circumstances and Punctillioes before laid down . This stilled the clamour for the present , though it brake out again forty years after , and was again stilled by the care and industry of the right Reverend Dr. B●amhall , Lord Bishop of Derry , in a Book Entituled , The Church of England defended against some scandalous and fabulous ●●p●tations cast upon her , &c. Which cavil ( for it is no better ) being thus refelled , the other objections of the Adversaries will be easily answered ; though Barlow and Scory were deprived of their Episcopal Sees , yet first the justice and legality of their deprivation was not clear in Law ; and secondly they neither were nor could be deprived of their Episcopal character which remained in them undefaced , as before it was . And whilst the character remained , they were in a capacity of performing all Episcopal Offices to which they should be called by their Metropolitan , or any higher Power directing and commanding in all such matters as concerned the Church . And as for Suffragans , by which title Hodgskins is Commissionated for the Consecration , they were no other than the Chore-Ep●scopi of the Primitive times , Subsidiary Bishops , ordained for easing the Diocesan of some part of his burthen . By means whereof , they were enabled to perform such offices belonging to that sacred function , not limited to time and place by the ancient Canons , by which a Bishop , was restrained in some certain acts of Jurisdiction to his proper Diocess . Of this sort there were twenty six in the Realm of England , distinguished by the names of such principal Towns as were appointed for their title and denomination . The names and number whereof , together with the jurisdiction and preheminences proportioned to them , the Reader may peruse in the Act of Parliament made in the ●6th . year of King Henry the 8th . No sooner was this solemnity ended , but a new mandate comes for the Confirmation of Dr. Barlow in the See of Chichester , and Dr Scory to the See of Hereford , to which they had been severally elected in August last . And though the not restoring of them to their former Sees , might seem to ju●●ifie the late Queen Mary in their deprivation , yet the Queen wanted not good reasons for their present removal ; not that she did consult therein her own power and profit , ( as is thought by some ) but studied rather their content and satisfaction , than her own concernments . For Ba●low having wasted the revenue of the Church of Wells , could not with any comfort behold a place which he had so spoiled ; and Scory having been deprived of the See of Chichester , under pretence of wanting a just title to it , desired not to be put upon the hazard of a second ejction . But as for Coverdale , he did not only wave the acceptation of Oxon , but of any other Church then vacant . He was now 72 years old , and desired rather to enjoy the pleasure of a private life , than be disquieted in his old age with the cares of Government . And somewhat might be also in it of a disaffection , not to the Calling but the Habit , which is to be believed the rather , because he attended not at the Consecration in his Cope and Rocher , as the others did , but in a plain black Coat reaching down to his Ankles . And now the rest of the Episcopal Sees begin to fill ; for on the 21 of the same December , D● . Edmond G●indall was consecrated to the See of London , Dr. R●chard Cox to that of Ely , Dr. Edwin Sandys to the Church of Worcester , Dr. Rowland Merick unto that of Bangor . On the 21 of January then next following , Dr. Nicholas Bullingham was by the like consecration made Bishop of Lincoln , the right learned Mr. John Jewel ( who afterwards accepted the degree of Doctor ) Bishop of Sarisbury , Dr. Thomas Young Bishop of St. Davids , and Mr. R●chard Davis Bishop of St. Asaph . The 24th . of March was honoured with the Consecration of three other Bishops , that is to say , of Mr. Thomas Bentham to the See of Coventry and Lichfield , of Mr. Gilbert Barclay to the See of W●lls , and of Dr. Edmund Guest to that of Rochester . On the 14th . of July comes the consecration of Dr. William Alley to the Church of Exon , and that of Mr John Parkhurst to the Church of Norwich , on the first of September . By which account we find no ●ewer than sixteen Sees to be filled with new Bishops , within the compass of the year , men of ability in matter of learning , and su●h as had a good report for the integrity of their lives and conversations . Nor was it long before the rest of the Episcopal Sees were supplied with new Pastors , as shall be shewn hereafter in due time and place . The Queens commission of sarvey had not crossed the Trent , which possibly may be the reason why we find no new Bishops in the Province of York , and W●nch●ster must afford one Michaelmas rent more to the Queens Exchequer , before the Lord Treasurer could give way to a new incumbent . And now we may behold the face of the Church of England , as it was first setled and established under Queen Elizabeth . The Government of the Church by Archbishops and Bishops , according to the practice of the best and happiest times of Christianity . These Bishops nominated and elected according to the Statute in the 26th . of King Henry the 8th . and consecrated by the Ordinal , confirmed by Parliament , in the 5th . and 6th . years of King Edward the 6th . never appearing publickly but in their Rochets , nor officiating otherwise than in Copes at the Holy Altar . The Priests not stirring out of doors but in their square Caps , Gowns , or Canonical Coats , nor executing any divine Office but in their Surplice , avestment set apart for Religious services in the Primitive times , as may be gathered from St Chrysostome for the Eastern Churches , and from St Hierom for the Western . The Doctrine of the Church reduced unto its ancient purity , according to the Articles agreed upon in Convocation Anno 1552. The Liturgy conform to the Primitive patterns , and all the Rites and Ceremonies therein prescribed , accommodated to the honour of God and increase of piety . The Festivals preserved in their former dignity , observed with their distinct Offices peculiar to them , and celebrated with a Religious cou●cu●●● of all sorts of people ; the weekly Fasts , the holy time of Lent , the Embr●●● 〈◊〉 together with the Fast of the Rogation , severely kept by a forbearance of all ●ind of flesh , not now by vertue of the Statute , as in the time o● King Edward , but as appointed by the Church in her publick Calender before the Book of Common Prayer . The Sacrament of the Lords Supper celebrated in most reverend manner , the Holy Table seated in the place of the Altar , the people making their due reverence at their first entrance into the Church , kneeling at the Communion , the Confession , and the publick Prayers , standing up at the Creed , the Gospels , and the Gloria Patri , and using the accustomed reverence at the name of Jesus . Musick retained in all such Churches in which provision had been made for the maintenance of it , or where the people could be trained up at the least to plain-song : All which particulars were either established by the Lawes , or commanded by the Queens Injunctions , or otherwise retained by vertue of some an●ient usages not by Law prohibited . Nor is it much to be admired , that such a general conformity to those antient usages was constantly observed in all Cathedral , and the most part of the Parish Chur●hes , considering how well they were presidented by the Court it self , in which the Liturgy was officiated every day both morning and evening , not only in the publick Chapel , but the private Closet ▪ celebrated in the Chapel with Organs , and other musical inst●uments , and the most excellent voices both of men and children , that could be got in all the Kingdom . The Gentlemen and children in their Surplices , and the Priests in Copes as o●t as they attended the Divine Service at the Holy Altar . The Altar furnished with rich Plate , two fair gilt Candlesticks with Tapers in them , and a massie Crucifix of silver in the midst thereof . Which last remained there for some years , till it was broke in pieces by Pach the Fool ( no wiser man daring to undertake such a desperate service ) at the solicitation of Sir Francis Knolles , the Queens neer Kinsman by the Caries , and one who openly appeared in favour of the Schism at Franckfort . The antient Ceremonies accustomably observed by the Knights of the Garter in their adoration toward the Altar , abolished by King Edward the 6th . and revived by Queen Mary , were by this Queen retained as formerly in her Fathers time , which made that Order , so esteemed amongst forein Princes , that the Emperors , Maximilian and Rodolphus , the French Kings , Charls the 9th . and Henry the 3d. together with Francis Duke of Mont Morency , though of a contrary Religion to her , ( not to say any any thing of divers Lutheran Kings and P●inces ) did thankfully accept of their elections into that society . The solemn Sermons upon each Wednesday , Friday , and Sunday in the time of Lent , preached by the choicest of the Clergy , she devoutly heard , attired in black , according to the commendable custome of her Predecessors , in which if any thing escaped them contrary to the Doctrine and approved Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England . they were sure to hear of it ; for which she received both thanks and honour from her very enemies , as appears by Dr. Harding's Epistle Dedicatory before his Answer to the Apology writ by Bishop Jewel . Particularly when one of her Chaplains ( Mr. Alexander Nowel Dean of St. Pauls ) had spoke less reverently in a Sermon preached before her of the sign of the Cross , she called aloud to him from her closet window , commanding him to retire from that ungodly digression , and to return unto his Text. And on the other side , when one of her Divines had preached a Sermon in defence of the Real Presence , on the day commonly called Good Friday , Anno 1565. she openly gave him thanks for his pains and piety . The Bishops and the Clergy had been but ill proficients in the school of conformity under so excellent a Mistriss , if they had not kept the Church in the highest splendor , to which they were invited by that great example . And in this glorious posture still had lasted longer ▪ had not her Order been confounded , and her Peace disturbed by some factious spirits ; who having had their wils at Franckfort , or otherwise ruling the Pre●by●ery when they were at Geneva , thought to have carried all before them with the like facility when they were in England . But leaving them and their designes to some other time , we must next look upon the aid which the Queen sent to those of the reformed Religion in the Realm of Scotland , but carried under the pretence of dislodging such French Forces as were Garrisoned there , and might have proved bad neighbours to the Kingdom of England . Such of the Scots as desired a Reformation of Religion , taking advantage by the Queens absence , the easiness of the Earl of Arran , and want of power in the Queen Regent to suppress their practices , had put themselves into a Body ; Headed by some of the Nobility , they take unto themselves the name of the Congregation , managing their own affairs apart from the rest of the Kingdom , and in assurance of their own strength , petition to the Queen Regent and the Lords of the Council , that the Sacrament of the Lords Supper might be administred in both kinds , that Divine Offices might be celebrated in the Vulgar tongue , and that they might have the choice of their own Ministers according to the practice ( as it was pretended ) of the Primitive times . The Answer hereunto was fair and gratious , but rather for the gaining of time , than with a purpose to grant any of the points demanded . The principal Leaders of the party , well followed by the common people , put themselves into Perth , and there begin to stand on higher terms than before they did . The news whereof occasioneth Knox to leave his Sanctuary in Geneva , and joyn himself unto the Lords of the Congregation ; At Perth he goes into the Pulpit , and falls so bitterly on Images , Idolatry , and other superstitions of the Church of Rome , that the people in a popular fury deface all the Images in that Church , and presently demolish all Religious Houses within that City ; This hapned about the end of May , Anno 1559. and gave a dangerous example to them of Couper , who forthwith on the hearing of it destroyed all the Images , and pulled down the Altars in that Church also . Preaching at Craile he inveighed sharply against the Queen Regent , and vehemently stirred up the people to joyn together for the expulsion of the French , which drew after it the like destruction of all Altars and Images as was made before at Perth and Couper . The like followed on his preaching at St. Andrews also , the Religious Houses being pulled down as well as the Images , and laid so flat , that there was nothing left in the form of a building . Inflamed by the same firebrand , they burned down the rich Monastery of Scone , and ruined that of Camb●skenneth , demolished all the Altars , Images , and Covents of Religious persons in Sterling , Lithgo● , Glascough , Edenburgh , make themselves Masters of the last , and put up their own Preachers into all the Pulpits of that City , not suffering the Queen Regent to have the use of one Church onely for her own devotions . Nor staid they there , but being carried on by the same ill spirit , they pass an Act among themselves for depriving the Queen Regent of all place and power in the publick Government ; concerning which , the Oracle being first consulted , returned this Answer , sufficiently ambiguous , as all Oracles are , that is to say , That the iniquity of the Queen Regent ought not to withdraw their hearts from the obedience due to their Soveraigns , nor did he wish any such sentence to be pronounced against her , but when she should change her course , and submit her self to good counsel , there should be place left unto her of regresse to the same honors , from which , for good causes , she ought to be deprived . This Act is intimated to the Queen Regent , who now begins as seriously to provide for her own preservation , as she had done before in maintenance of the Queens Authority . Some Forces had been sent from France , together with many Arms and Ammunition in proportion to them ; but these not being great enough to suppress those insolencies , she is supplied at times with 3000 Foot , beside Octavian's Regiment sent over to make way for the rest . Some Horse were also shipt from France , but so scattered and dispersed by tempest , that few of them came safely thither . Yet by the terrour of their comming , and the noise of more , she recovereth Edenborough , compelleth the confederate Scots to go further North , fortifies Lieth the Port-Town to Edenborough , and the chief Key of all that Kingdom , Garrisoned forthwith by the French , not onely to make good their Entrance , but second their Exit . On these discouragements , many of the Scots soldiers drop away , and the rest refuse to stand unto their Arms , without present pay . Had the French gone to work like soldiers , and poured such forces into that Kingdom as the condition of affairs did require at their hands , they might easily have suppressed that scattered Faction , before they were united under the protection of a forein Power ; but this doing of their work by halves proved the undoing of the whole , and onely served to give the Scots sufficient time to renew their forces , and call the English to their aid . They had all along maintained a correspondence with some in England , but more particularly with Crofts Governor of the Town of Barwick ; To him they send for a supply in this great necessity , by whom their Agents are dispatched with four thousand Crowns ; but the Queen Regent was so seasonably advertised of it , that she intercepted on the way both the men and the mony . In this extremity they take counsel of despair , with Knox , by whom they are advised to cast themselves into the arms of the Queen of England , the onely visible means then left to support the cause ; to whom the neighbourhood of the French , upon just jealousies and reasons of State , was not very acceptable . No better counsel being offered ( as indeed none could ) Maitland and Melvin are dispatched ●o the Court of England , by whom the Queen is made acquainted with the state of that Kingdom , the difficulty under which it strugled , the danger like to fall on her own Dominions if the French should grow too strong in Scotland ; and thereupon entreat her succours and assistance for the expulsion of that People , who otherwise might to both Realms prove alike destructive . The business being taken into consideration , it was conceived by some of the Council , that the Queen ought not to give ear unto their desires ; that it was a matter of dangerous consequence , and of ill example , to assist the Subjects of that or any other Kingdom against their own natural and lawful Princes , and that she did not know how soon it might be her own case , to have the like troubles and commotions raised against her by those who liked not her proceedings in the change of Religion . By others it was thought a matter of no small impiety not to assist their brethren of the same profession ▪ imploring their assistance in the present exigency ; that it was a work of charity to defend their neighbours from the oppression of strangers ; that the French were always enemies to the Crown of England , and therefore that it could not be consistent with the rules of prudence to suffer them to grow too strong upon their borders ; that the French King had already assumed the Title of England , and it concerned them to take care that they gave him not by their improvidence the possession also . These reasons carried it for the Scots , And so they are dismist with promise of such present aid , and on such conditions as should be agreed on by Commissioners on both sides in the Town of Barwick . About the middle of February the Commissioners meet , the Duke of Norfolk for the Queen , the Lord James Stewart ( one of the bastard brothers of the Queen of Scots ) the Lord Ruthwen , and some other principal men of the Congregation in the name of the rest : By whom it was concluded on the 27th . of that month , That the Queen should send sufficient forces into Scotland both by Sea and Land , furnished with Mony , Arms , and Ammunition ; that she should not recall her forces till that Kingdom was cleared of all the French ; that provision of Victuals for the Army should be made by the Scots , & that the Scots should shew themselves enemies to all such as were enemies to the Crown of England , whether Scots or French ; But by all means , that nothing should be done by vertue of this Agreement , which might import the least withdrawing of the Scots from that loyalty , duty , and obedience which was due unto their natural Queen , or the King her husband . By which Agreement with the Scots the Queen abundantly provided for her own security from all Invasions on that side ; and by affording them such succours as their wants required , but chiefly by conferring some small annual pensions on the Chiefs amongst them , she made her self more abso●ute on that side of the Tweed , than either the Queen of Sco●s her self , or King James her son , or any of their Predecessors in all times before . According to these Capitulations , an Army gallantly appointed is sent into Scotland , consisting of 6000 Foot and 2000 Horse , and commanded by the Lord Gray a right expert Soldier , accompanied by some Lords and Gentlemen of eminent quality ; some ships were also sent to block up the Haven , and hinder all relief which might come by Sea to the Town of Lieth , on the defence whereof depended the whole hopes of the French , together with the interest of that Crown in the Realm of Scotland . It was about the beginning of April that the English Army came before it ▪ recruited afterwards by the comming of 2000 more ; which fresh supply , together with some ill success which they found in the action , did so disanimate the besieged , that they conceived no possibility of a long resistance ; Ambassadors are therefore sent from France to Edenborough , there to confer with such of the same quality as should also come thither , authorised by the Queen of England , by whom it was in fine concluded , That all the French Forces should forthwith depart out of Scotland , except 60 onely to be left in Dunbar , and as many in the Fort of Nachkeeth ; that they should be transported for their greater safety in English Bottoms ; that all matters of Religion should be referred to the following Parliament ; that an act of Oblivion should be passed for the indemnity of all who had born Arms on either side ; that a general Bond of Love and Amity should be made betwixt the Lords and their Adherents of both Religions ; and finally , amongst many other particulars , that neither the Queen of Scots nor the French King should from thenceforth assume the Titles and Arms of England . Which Articles being signed and confirmed for both Kingdoms , the French about the middle of July take their leave of Scotland , and the English Army at the same time set forward for Barwick , being there disbanded and dismissed to their several dwellings . Followed not long after by the Earls of Morton and Glencarn , in the name of the rest of the Congregation , sent purposely to render to the Queen their most humble thanks for her speedy & prosperous assistance , and to desire the continuance of her Majesties favours , if the French should any more attempt to invade their Country . Assured whereof , and being liberally rewarded with gifts and presents , they returned with joy and glad tydings to the Congregation , whom as the Queen had put upon a present confidence of going vigorously on in their Reformation , so it concerned them to proceed so carefully in pursuance of it , as might comply with the dependence which they had upon her . First therefore , that she might more cordially espo●se their quarrel , they bound themselves by their subscription to embrace the Liturgy , with all the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England , which for a time remained the onely form of Worship for the Kirk of Scotland ; when , and by whose means they receded from it , may be shown hereafter . In the next place they cause a Parliament to be called in the month of August , according to the Articles of the Pacification , from which no person was excluded , who either had the right of Suffrage in his own capacity , or in relation to their Churches , or as returned from their Shrevalties or particular Burroughs ; of which last , there appeared the accustomed number , but of the Lords Spiritual , no more than six Bishops of thirteen , with thirteen Abbots and Priors or thereabouts ; and of the Temporal Lords to the number of ten Earls and as many Barons : By whose Authority and consent they passed three Acts , conducing wholly to the advantage of the Reformation ; the first whereof was for abolishing the Popes Jurisdiction and Authority within the Realm ; the second , for annulling all Statutes made in former times for maintenance of Idolatry and Superstition ; and the third , for the punishment of the Sayers and Hearers of the Masse . To this Parliament also some of the Ministers presented A Confession of the Faith and Doctrine to be believed and professed by the Protestants of the Kirk of Scotland ; modelled in many places by the Principles of Calvin's Doctrine , which Knox had brought with him from Geneva ; but being put unto the Vote , it was opposed by no more than three of the Temporal Lords , that is to say , the Earl of Atholl , and the Lords Somervil and Borthwick , who gave no other reason for it , but that they would believe as their fathers did . The Popish Prelates were silent in it , neither assenting nor opposing : Which being observed by the Earl-Marshal , he is said to have broke out into these words following ; Seeing ( saith he ) that my Lords the Bishops ( who by their learning can , and for the zeal they should have to the truth , ought as I suppose to gainsay any thing repugnant to it ) say nothing against the Confession we have heard ; I cannot think but that it is the very truth of God , and that the contrary of it false and deceivable Doctrine . Let us now cross over into Ireland , where we shall find the Queen as active in advancing the reformed Religion , as she had been in either of the other Kingdoms . King Henry had first broke the ice , by taking to himself the Title of Supream Head on earth of the Church of Ireland , exterminating the Popes authority , and suppressing all the Monasteries and Religious Houses . In matters doctrinal , and forms of Worship , as there was nothing done by him , so neither was there much endeavoured in the time of King Edward , it being thought perhaps unsafe to provoke that people in the Kings minority , considering with how many troubles he was elsewhere exercised . If any thing were done therein , it was rather done by tolleration than command . And whatsoever was so done , was presently undone again in the Reign of Queen Mary . But Queen Elizabeth having setled her affairs in England , and undertaken the protection of the Scots , conceived her self obliged in point of piety , that Ireland also should be made partaker of so great a benefit . A Parliament is therefore held on the 12th . of January , where past an Act , restoring to the Crown the antient jurisdiction over all Ecclesiastical and Spiritual persons . By which Statute were established both the Oath of Supremacy and the High Commission , as before in England . There also past an Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer , &c. with a permission for saying the same in Latine , in such Church or place , where the Minister had not the knowledge of the English Tongue . But for translating it into Irish ( as afterwards into Welsh in the 5th . year of this Queen ) there was no care taken , either in this Parliament , or in any following . For want whereof , as also by not having the Scriptures in their native language , most of the natural Irish have retained hitherto there old barbarous customes , or pertinaciously adhere to the corruptions of the Church of Rome . The people by that Statute are required under several penalties , to frequent their Churches , and to be frequent at the reading of the English Liturgy , which they understand no more than they do the Mass. By which means the I●ish was not only kept in continual ignorance as to the Doctrines and Devotions of the Church of England , but we have furnished the Papists with an excellent Argument against our selves , for having the Divine Service celebrated in such a language as the people do not understand . There also past another Statute for restoring to the Crown the first fruits , and twenty parts of all Ecclesiastical promotions within that Kingdom ; as also of all impropriat Parsonages , which there are more in number than those Rectories which have cure of souls . King Henry had before united the first fruits , &c. to the Crown Imperial , but Queen Mary out of her affection to the Church of Rome , had given them back unto the Clergy , as before was said . The like Act passed for the restitution of all such lands belonging to the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem , as by that Queen had been regranted to the Order ; with the avoidance of all Leases and other grants , which had been made by Sir Oswald Massingberd , the l●te Lord Prior of the same . Who fearing what was like to follow , had voluntarily forsook the Kingdome in the August foregoing , and thereby saved the Queen the charge of an yearly pension , which otherwise he might have had as his Predecessors had before him in the time of King Henry . During the Reign of which King , a Statute had been made in Ireland ( as in England also ) for the electing and consecrating of Archbishops and Bishops , repealed in the year first of Queen Mary , and now revived by her sister , in which there is nothing more memorable , than that amongst many other Ceremonies therein directed , there is mention of giving the Pall to a new Archbishop , that being an Ornament or Habit peculiar only unto those of the highest ranck in the holy Hierarchy . And that she might not only take care for the good of the Church , without consulting her own safety , she caused an Act to pass for the recognition of her own just title to the Crown , as before in England . All which being done , she left the prosecution of the work to her Bishops and Clergy , not so well countenanced by power as they were by Law ; and yet more countenanced by Law than they made good use of . For many of them finding how things went in England ▪ and knowing that the like alterations would ensue amongst themselves , resolved to make such use of the present times , as to inrich their friends and kindred by the spoil of their Churches . To which end they so dissipated the revenues of their several Bishopricks , by long Leases , see Farms , and plain alienations , that to some of their Sees they left no more than a Rent of five Marks per annum , to others a bare yearly Rent of 40 shillings , to the high displeasure of Almighty God , the reproach of Religion , the great disservice of the Church , and the perpetual ignominy of themselves for that horrible sacrilege . It is now time that we hoise sail again for England , where we shall find an entertainment made ready for us in a Sermon preached by Reverend Jewel , then newly Consecrated Bishop of the Church of Sarisbury . The Sermon preached at St. Paul's Cross on the 30th . of March , being Passion-Sunday , or the Sunday fortnight before Easter , the Text or Theam of his discourse being taken out of St Paul's 1 Epistle to the Corinthians , Chap. 11. Ver 23. That which I delivered to you ● received of the Lord , &c. Which Text being opened , and accommodated to the present times , he published that memorable Challenge , which so much exercised the pens and studies of the Romish Clergy . By whom the Church had been injuriously upbraided with the imputation of novelty , and charged with teaching such opinions as were not to be found in any of the ancient Fathers , or approved Councils , or any other Monument of true Antiquity , before Luther's time . For the stopping of whose mo●ths for ever , this learned Prelate made this stout and gallant challenge in these following words . Bishop Jewel's Challenge . If any Learned man of our Adversaries , or all the Learned men that be alive be able to bring any one sufficient sentence out of any old Catholick Doctor or Father , or General Council , or Holy Scripture , or any one example in the Primitive Church , whereby it may clearly and plainly be proved , during the first six hundred years . 1. That there was at that time any private Masse in the world . 2. Or that there was then any communion ministred unto the people under one kind . 3. Or that the people had their Common Prayer in a strange tongue that the people understood not . 4. Or that the Bishop of Rome was then called an universal Bishop , or the head of the universal Church . 5. Or that the people were then taught to beleeve that Christs body is really , substantially , corporally , carnally , or naturally in the Sacrament . 6. Or that his body is or may be in a thousand places or more at one time . 7. Or that the Priest did then hold up the Sacrament over his head . 8. Or that the people did then fall down and worship it with godly honour . 9. Or that the Sacrament was then or now ought to be hanged up under a Canopy . 10. Or that in the Sacrament after the words of Consecration , there remain only the accidents and shewes , without the substance of Bread and Wine . 11. Or that then the Pri●sts divided the Sacrament into three parts , and afterwards received himself all alone . 12. Or that whosoever had said the Sacrament is a figure , a pledge , a token or a remembrance of Christs body , had therefore been iudg'd for an Heretick . 13. Or that it was lawful then to have thirty , twenty , fifteen , ten , or five Masses said in one day . 14. Or that images were then set up in the Churches , to the intent the people might worship them . 15. Or that the lay people were then forbidden to read the word of God in their own tongue . 16. Or that it was then lawful for the Priest to pronounce the words of Consecration closely , or in private to himself . 17. Or that the Priest had then authority to offer up Christ unto his Father . 18. Or to communicate and receive the Sacrament for another , as they do . 19. Or to apply the vertue of Christs death and passion to any man by the means of the Masse . 20. Or that it was then thought a sound doctrine to teach the people , that Mass ex opere operato , that is , even for that it is said and done , is able to remove any part of our sin . 21. Or that any Christian man called the Sacrament the Lord his God. 22. Or that the people were then taught to believe that the body of Christ remaineth in the Sacrament , as long as the accidents of Bread and Wine remain there without corruption . 23. Or that a mouse , or any other worm or beast , may eat the body of Christ , ( for so some of our Adversaries have said and taught . ) 24. Or that when Christ said hoc est corpus meum , the word hoc pointed not the Bread , but individuum vagum , as some of them say . 25. Or that the Accidents , or Forms , or Shews of Bread and Wine , be the Sacraments of Christs body and blood , and not rather the very Bread and Wine it self . 26. Or that the Sacrament is a sign or token of the body of Christ that lyeth hidden underneath it . 27. Or that ignorance is the mother and cause of true Devotion ; the conclusion is , that I shall be then content to yield and subscribe . This Challenge being thus published in so great an auditory , startled the English Papists both at home and abroad , none more than such of the fugitives , as had retired to Lovain , Doway , or St Odomars in the Low Country Provinces belonging to the King of Spain . The business first agitated by the exchange of friendly Letters , betwixt the said Reverend Prelate , and Dr Henry Cole the late Dean of St Pauls ; more violently followed in a book of Rastal's who first appeared in the lists against the Challenger . Followed therein by Dorman and Marshal , who severally took up the cudgels to as little purpose ; the first being well beaten by Nowel , and the last by Calfhil , in their discourses writ against them . But they were only velilations , or preparatory skirmishes in reference to the main encounter , which was reserved for the Reverend Challenger himself , and Dr. John Harding , one of the Divines of Lovain , and the most learned of the College . The Combatants were born in the same County , bred up in the same Grammar School , and studied in the same University also : So that it may be said of them , as the Historian hath of Jugurth and Sylla under Caius Marius , that is to say , that they both learned those feats of Arms in the same Camp , and under the same Commander , which afterwards they were to exercise against one another . Both zealous Protestants also in the time of King Edward , and both relapsed to Popery in the time of Queen Mary ; Jewel for fear , and Harding upon hope of favour and preferment by it . But Jewel's fall may be compared to that of St Peter , which was short and sudden , rising again by his repentance , and fortified more strongly in his faith than before he was : But Harding's like to that of the other Simon , premeditated and resolved on , never to be restored again ( so much was there within him of the gaul of bitternesse ) to his former standing . But some former differences had been between them in the Church of Sarisbury , whereof the one was Prebendary , and the other Bishop , occasioned by the Bishops visitation of that Cathedral , in which as Harding had the worst , so was it a presage of a second foil which he was to have in this encounter . Who had the better of the day , will easily appear to any that consults the writings . By which it will appear how much the Bishop was too hard for him at all manner of weapons . Whose learned answers as well in maintainance of his Challenge , as in defence of his Apology , ( whereof more hereafter ) contain in them such a magazin of all sorts of learning , that all our controversors since that time , have furnished themselves with Arguments and Authority from it . But these discourses came not out until some years after , though the occasion was given now by this famous Challenge ; the interval being spent in preparations by the Romish party , before they shewed themselves in publick . In the mean time , the Papists mad enough before , seemed to grow more outragious upon this occasion , though they were willing to impute it to some other cause . Philip of Spain shewed himself much incensed against her , as well for altering the Religion here by him established , as for refusing him in mariage when the offer had been made unto her by the Count of Feria ; Nor was the Count less troubled at it than the King. And in this melancholy humour he imploys all his interess with the Pope then being , for subjecting her unto a sentence of Excommunication . Which motion if it had been press'd on Pope Paul the 4th . who seemed very much displeased at her for accepting the Crown without his consent , there is no question to be made but that it had been hearkned to with a listning ear , and executed with a rash and ungoverned hand . But Paul the 4th . deceased about the middle of August , in the year last past , and John Angelo Cardinal of Medices , succeeded him by the name of Pope Pius the 4th . in December following . Who being a more moderate man , did not think fit to proceed to such extremities . For seeing that his power was a thing rather consisting in the conceits of men , than in truth and substance , if it should once appear that this thunderbolt of Excommunication ( whereby the world is so much terrified ) should prove ineffectual and without all power , then might this great authority fall into contempt , and become ridiculous . Upon which ground he goes another way to work , and is resolved to try all fair and plausible means , for gaining her to the obedience of the See Apostolick . To which end he directs unto her an affectionate Letter , in which he calls her his dearest daughter , and seems exceeding careful of her salvation , and the prosperity of her people ; not to be found by wandring out of the Communion of the Catholick Church , to which she is again invited with much Christian meekness . Which Letter he dispatcheth by the hands of Vincentius Parpalia , a right trusty Minister , and one ( by reason of some former imployments hither in the time of Queen Mary ) not unknown to her . Whom he had furnished also with some secret instructions to be communicated to her at his being in England . Concerning which ( for with that intimation he concludes his Letter ) the same Vincentius was to deal more largely with her , and declare his fatherly affection towards her ; She being in like sort desired to receive him lovingly , hear to him diligently , and to give the same credit to his speeches , as she would to the Pope himself . This letter of the Popes bears date on the 5th . of May , Anno 1560. before which time the Queen had caused the English Liturgy to be translated into Latine , using therein the pen and diligence of Walter Haddon , ( as some suppose ) who afterwards appeared against Ossorius upon several Arguments . And being translated into Latine , it was commended by her Letters Parents of the first of April , not only to all Colleges and Hall● in both Universities , but also to the Colleges of Eaton and Winchester , to be used by them in their several and respective Chapels . And she caused further , some selected Hymns to be added to it for some particular occasions , but most especially to be sung in funerals and solemn obsequies ; which not being warranted by the Statute of the year preceding , were therefore authorized with a non obstante . All which as she was thought to do , to satisfie and instruct all forein Princes in the form and fashion of our Devotions ; So did she so far satisfie the Pope then being , that he shewed himself willing to confirm it by his Papal power . The learned Ca●●●den , who received all his choice intelligence from Sir William Caec●l , ( but better known in his last times by the name of Lord Rurleigh ) gives us to understand , that this Parpalio was instructed to offer in the name of his Holiness , that the English Liturgy should be confirmed ; the use of the Communion in both kinds allowed of . And that all Sentences which had passed in the Court of Rome against the marriage of her Mother , should be rescinded and made void , conditioned onely , that she would re-unite her self to the Roman Church , and acknowledge the Primacy of that See. For the carrying on of which accord , the Abbot was commissionated to distribute some thousands of Crowns amongst such men , as should be found most forward to effect the same . Sanders makes this to be another of his secret mandates , that if she had any diffidence in her Title to the Crown of England , either in regard of the doubtfulness of her Legitimation , or any thing which had been done by the authority of the Pope and Church of Rome , all matters should be cleared and sweetned to her best advantage , by the benignity and favour of the See Apostolick . But for all this , the Abbot came no nearer than B●ussels with his Bulls and Faculties , not being suffered to set foot upon English ground , whether it were upon a probable suspition , that under colour of such plausible and specious overtures , he was designed to encourage a Rebellion amongst the Papists , as was thought by some ; or rather , that the Queen was grown so confident of her own just Title , and the affections of her people , as not to be beholden to the Pope for a confirmation , remains a matter undetermined by our best Historians . How it succeeded with this Pope in another project for the reducing of this Kingdom under his command , we shall see hereafter . But all this while there was no care taken to suppress the practice of another Faction , who secretly did as much endeavour the subver●ion of the English Litu●gy ▪ as the Pope seemed willing to confirm it ; For whilst the Prelates o● the Church , and the other learned men before remembred , bent all their forces toward the confuting of some Popish Errors , another enemy appeared , wh●ch seemed not openly to aim at the Church's Doctrines , but quarrelled rather at some Rites and Extrinsecalls of it . Their purpose was to shew themselves so expert in the Art of War , as to take in the Out-works of Religion first , before they levelled there Artillery at the Fort it self . The Schismaticks at Franckfort had no sooner heard of Queen Mary's death , but they made what haste they could for England , in hope of fishing better for themselves in a troubled water than a composed and quiet Current ; Followed not long after by the brethren of the Separation , which retired from thence unto Geneva , who having left some few behind to compleat their Notes upon the Bible , and make up so many of the Psalms in English Meeter as had been left unfinished by S●ernhold and Hopkins , hastned as fast homewards as the others . But notwithstanding all their haste , they came not time enough to effect their purposes , either in reference to the Liturgy or Episcopal Government , on which the Queen had so resolved according to her own most excellent judgment , that they were not able to prevail in either project . It grieved them at the heart that their own Prayers might not be made the rule of Worship in their Congregations , and that they might not Lord it here in their several Parishe , as Calvin did in the Presbytery of the Church of Geneva . Some friends they had abou● the Queen , and Calvin was resolved to make use of all his power and credit both with her and Cecil ( as appears by his Letters unto both ) to advance their ends ; and he was seconded therein by Peter Martyr , who thought his interest in England to be greater than Calvin's , though his name was not so eminent in other places . But the Queen had fixed her self on her resolution of keeping up the Church in such outward splendor , as might make it every way considerable in the eye of the world ; so that they must have faith enough to remove a mountain , before they could have hope enough to draw her to them . When therefore they saw the Liturgy imposed by Act of Parliament , and so many Episcopal Sees supplyed with able Pastors , nothing seemed more expedie●t to them than to revive the quarrels raised in King Edward's time against Capps and Surplices , and such particulars as had then been questioned in the publick Liturgy ; And herein they were seconded ( as before in King Edward's time ) by the same Peter Martyr , as appears by his Letters to a nameless friend , bearing date at Zarick on the 4th . of November 1560. to which he added his dislike in another of his Letters to the same friend also , touching the same and other points proposed unto him , that is to say , the Cap , the Episcopal Habit , the Patrimony of the Church , the manner of proceeding to be held against Papists , the Perambulation used in the Rogation weeks , with many other points of the like condition , in which his judgment was desired . But these helps being too far off , and not to be consulted with upon all inconveniencies , without a greater loss of time than could consist with the impatiency of their desires , they fell upon another project , which promised them more hopes of setting up their Discipline , and decrying the Liturgy , their quarrells about Caps and Vestments . Some friends they had about the Court , as before was said , and Gry●dal the new Bishop of London was known to have a great respect to the name of Calvin , the business therefore is so ordered , that by Calvin's Letters unto Gryndal , and the friends they had about the Queen , way should be given to such of the French Nation , as had repaired hit● her to enjoy the freedom of their own Religion , to have a Church unto themselves , and in that Church not onely to erect the Genevian discipline , but to set up a form of Prayer , which should hold no conformity with the English Liturgy . They could not but remember those many advantages which John Alasco and his Church of Strangers afforded to the Zuingiian Gospellers in the Reign of King Edward , and they despaired not of the like , nor of greater neither , if a French Church were setled upon Ca●vin's Principles in some part of London . A Synagogue had been built for the use of the Jews Anno 1231. not far from the place in which now stands the Hall of the Merchant - Taylors near the Royal Exchange : But the Jews having removed themselves to some other place , the Christians obtained that it should be dedicated to the blessed Virgin , and by that name was given unto the Brotherhood of St. Anthony of Vienna by King Henry the 3d. After which time , an Hospital was there founded by the name of St. Anthony , consisting of a Master , two Priests , one School-master , and twelve poor men ; Inlarged in the succeeding times by the addition of a fair Grammar-School , and other publick Buildings for the use of the Brethren . It was privileged by King Edward the 4th . to have Priests , Clerks , Scholars , poor men , and Brethren of the same , or Lay-men , Quiristers , Proctors , Messengers , Servants in houshold , and other things whatsoever , like unto the Prior and Covent of St. Anthonie of V●enna , &c. and being so privileged , it was annexed to the Collegiat Chapel of St. George in Windsor , under whose Patronage it remained , but mu●h impoverished by the fraud and folly of one of its School-masters , till the final dissolution of it , amongst other Hospitals and Brotherhoods , by King Edward the sixth ; so that being vested in the Crown , and of no present use to the City , it was no hard matter to obtain it for the use of the French , as it still continueth . And now again we have another Church in London , as different from the Church of England in Government and forms of Worship , and some Doctrinals also , as that of John Alasco was in the Augustine Friers . Not must we marvail if we find the like dangerous consequents to ensue upon it : for what else is the setting up of a Presbytery in a Church , founded and established by the Rules of Episcopacy , than the erecting of a Commonwealth or popular Estate in the midst of a Monarchy ? Which Calvin well enough perceived , and thereupon gave Gryndal thanks for his favour in it , of whom they after served themselves upon all occasions . Upon the news of which success , divers both French and Dutch repaired into England , planting themselves in the Sea-towns , and openly professing the Reformed Religion , under which covert , they disguised their several Heterodoxies and blasphemous Dotages , some of them proving to be Anabaptists , others infected with unfound opinions of as ill a nature , but all endeavouring to disperse their Heretical Doctrines , and by invenoming the good people amongst whom they lived , to encrease their Sects . Which being made known unto the Queen , she presently commands them all by her Proclamation to depart the Kingdom , whether they were Aliens or natural born English , and not to stay above the tearm of twenty days , upon pain of imprisonment , and forfeiture or loss of all their goods : Which Proclamation notwithstanding , too many of them lurked in Eng●and without fear of discovery , especially after the erecting of so may French and Dutch Churches in the Maritime parts , as at this time they did in London , infecting the French and Dutch Churches there with some of their frenzies , and occasione● such disputes amongst them upon that account , that Pe●er Mar●yr found it necessary to interpose his authority with them , to the composing of those Heats and differences which had grown amongst them ; for which consult his Letter bearing date at Zurick on the 15th . of February , next following after the date of the said Proclamation , and superscribed , Unto the Church of S●rangers in the City of London . Now for the date of the said Proclamation , it seemeth to have been about the 19th . of September , at which time it pleased the Queen to set forth another , no less conducing to the honour , than did the other to the preservation of the Churches purity . She had given command by her Injunctions in the year foregoing , for destroying and taking away all Shrines , and coverings of Shrines , all Tables , Candlesticks , Trindals , and Rolls of Wax , together with all Pictures , Paintings , and other monuments of ●eigned Miracles , Pilgrimages , Idolatry and Superstition , so that there remain no memory of the same in walls , glass-windows , or else-where , whether it were in Churches or mens private houses . But some perverting rather than mistaking her intention in it , guided by covetousness , or over-ruled by some new fangle in Religion , under colour of conforming to this command , defaced all such Images of Christ and his Apostles , all Paintings which presented any History of the holy Bible , as they found in any windows of their Churches or Chapels . They proceeded also to the breaking down of all Coats of Arms , to the tearing off of all the Brasses on the Tombs and Monuments of the dead , in which the figures of themselves , their wives or children , their Ancestors , or their Arms , had been reserved to posterity . And being given to understand , that Bells had been bap●ized in the times of Popery , and that even the Churches themselves had been abused to Superstition and Idolatry , their zeal transported them in fine to sell their Bells , to turn the Steeples into Dove-coats , and to rob the Churches of those sheets of Lead with which they were covered . For the restraining of which Sacrilege and prophane abuses , she gave command in her said Proclamation of the 19th . of September , That all manner of men should from thenceforth forbear the breaking or defacing of any parcel of any Monument , or Tomb , or Grave , or other Inscription and Memory of any person deceased , being in any manner of place ; Or to break any Image of Kings , Princes , or Nobles , Estates of this Realm , or of any other that have been in times past erected and set up for the onely memory of them to their posterity , in common Churches , and not for any Religious honor ; Or to break down or deface any Image in glass-windows in any Church , without the consent of the Ordinary , upon pain of being committed to the next Gaol without Bail or Mainprize , and there to remain till the next comming of the Justices for Gaol-delivery , and then to be further punished by Fine or Imprisonment ( besides the restitution or re-edification of the thing broken ) as to the said Justices shall seem meet , and if need shall be , to use the advice of her Majesties Council in her Star-chamber . It was also signified in the said Proclamation , That some Patrons of Churches and others , who were possessed of Impropriations , had prevailed with the Parson and Parishioners , to take or throw down the Bells of Churches or Chapels , and the Lead of the same , and to convert the same to their private gain , by which ensued not onely the spoil of the said Churches , but even a slanderous desolation of the places of Prayer . And thereupon it was commanded , that no manner of person should from thenceforth take away any Bells or Lead off any Church or Chapel , under pain of Imprisonment during her Majesties pleasure , and such further Fine for the contempt as shall be thought meet ; With a charge given to all Bishops and other Ordinaries , to enquire of all such contempts done from the beginning of her Majesties Reign , and to enjoyn the persons offending to repair the same within a convenient time , and of their doing therein to certifie the Privy Council , or the Council in the Star-chamber , that order may be taken therein . And in persute of this most seasonable and religions Act , she did not onely signe the said Proclamation , one for all , to authorise it for the Press , as the custom is , but signed them every one apart ( amounting to a very great number ) with her own Royal Hand , that so it might be known rather for her own proper act than an act of the council . With like care also she provided for the honor and prosperity of her estate , in affairs Politick and Civil . The monies of the Realm had been much debased by King Henry the 8th . to the great disprofit of the Merchant , and reproach of the Kingdom , for which , no remedy had been taken by her Brother or Sister , though they had better opportunities , and more advantages to go thorow with it . But this brave Queen , endeavouring nothing more , than the restoring of her Kingdom to its antient splendor , first caused all such base monies as were coined by any of her Predecessors , to be decryed to a less value , according to the fineness or alloy thereof ; and that being done , by vertue of her Proclamation bearing date the 28th . of September , she caused all the said base monies , so reduced to a lower value , to be brought in to her Majesties Mint , for which she gave them mony of the purest silver , ( such as passed commonly by the name of Easterling or Sterling mony ) since which time , no base mony hath been coyned in England , but onely of pure Gold and Silver , to pass for current in the same ; save that of late times , in relation to the necessity of poor people , a permission hath been given to the coyning of Farthings , which no man can be forced to accept in satisfaction of a Rent or Debt ; which as it could not be affirmed of England in the times preceding , so neither can it now be said of any State or Nation in the Christian world , in all which , there are several sorts of copper mony , as current with them for publick uses , as the purest metal . She provided also in like manner for her peoples safety , and the encrease of Trade and Merchandise in English Bottoms ; For towards the end of this second year , she made great preparation of Ordinance , Arms , Munition , and Powder of her own materials , to be in a readiness to defend her Realm in all emergencies of danger ; For the advancing of which service it so pleased the divine Providence which watched over her actions , that a rich Mine of Brass was found near Keswick in Cumberland , such as sufficed not onely for furnishing her own Forts and Ships with all manner of Ordinance , but for supplying other Countries as their wants required . And to compleat so great a mercy in her preservation , the Stone called Lapis Calaminaris , exceeding necessary for all Brass-works , was at the same time also found in England in most plentiful manner . And whereas complaint was made unto her by the Merchants of the Hans-towns , or Merchants of the Stilyard as then commonly called , that King Edward had first ceized their Liberties , and that afterwards Queen Mary had raised their Customs upon all sorts of Merchandises from one to twenty in the Hundred , her Answer was , That as she was resolved not to Innovate any thing , so she could grant no other privileges and immunities to them than those in which she found them when she came to the Crown . Their Trading hereupon being intermitted , the English Merchants took the managing of it upon themselves , and thrived therein so well after some adventures , that Cloth , and other Manufactures , heretofore transported in the ships of those Merchants , were from henceforth fraughted and dispersed in English Vessels ; By means whereof , the English in a very short time attained unto the reputation of being the wealthiest Merchants , the most expert Mariners , and the ablest Commanders for Sea-fights of any Nation in the world . I shall conclude this year with a work of piety in the foundation of the Collegiat Church of St. Peter in Westminster , which in the space of twenty years had been changed from an Abbey to a Deanry , from a Deanry to a See Episcopal , reduced unto a Deanry again , and finally restored to the state of an Abbey . But the Abbey being dissolved in the foregoing Parliament , an offer was made to Fecknam and the rest of the Convent ( if Sanders be to be believed in this particular ) for continuing in their places and possessions as before they did , clogged with no other conditions than the taking of the Oath of Supremacy , and officiating all divine Offices by the English Liturgy . But this offer being by them rejected , the Act of dissolution passed in both Houses of Parliament ; Concerning which there goes a story , that the Lord Abbot being then busied in planting some young Elms in the Deans yard there , one that came by advised him to desist from his purpose , telling him , That the Bill was just then passed for dissolving his Monastery . To which the good old man replied , That he resolved howsoever to go on with his work , being well assured , that that Church would be always kept for an encouragement and seat of Learning . And so it proved in the event ; for the Queen having pleased her self in the choice of some of the best Lands which remained unto it , confirmed the rest upon that Church , which she caused to be called the Collegiat Church of St. Peter in Westminster , as appears by her Letters Parens bearing date in the second year of her most gracious and most prosperous Reign . A foundation of a large capacity , and as amply privileged , consisting of a Dean , and twelve secular Canons , two School masters , and forty Scholars , petit Canons and others of the Quire to the number of thirty , ten Officers belonging to the Church , and as many servants appertaining to the College diet , and twelve Alms-men , besides many Officers , Stewards , Receivers , and Collectors , for keeping Courts , and bringing in of their Revenue ; the principal of which , called the High Steward of Westminster , hath ever since been one of the prime Nobility , and in great favour at the Court. The Dean entrusted with keeping the Regalia , honored with a place of necessary service at all Coronations , and a Commissioner for the Peace within the City of Westminster and the Liberties of it by Act of Parliament . The Dean and Chapter vested with all manner of jurisdiction both Ecclesiastical and Civil , not onely within the City and liberties of Westminster , but within the precinct of St. Martins le grand , and some Towns of Essex , exempted in the one from the Bishop of London , and in the other from the power of the Archbishop of Canterbury . The Scholars annually preferred by election , either to Christ-Church in Oxon , or Trinity College in Cambrige , each College being bound by an Indenture made with Queen Elizabeth , to take off yearly two or three at the least ( though since , that number is extended to four or five ) to be preferred to Scholarships & Fellowships in their several Houses . A College founded as it proved in such a happy conjuncture , that since this new foundation of it , it hat given breeding and preferment to four Archbishops , two Lord Chancellors , or Lord Keepers of the Great Seal of England , twenty two Bishops , and thirteen Deans of cathedral Churches , besides Archdeacons and Prebendaries , and other dignitaries in the Church to a proportionable number ; which is more than can be said of either of the two famous Colleges of Aeton and Winchester , or of both together , though the one was founded 168 , and the other 114 years before it . Anno Reg. Eliz. 3. A. D. 1560 , 1561. WE shall begin this third year of the Queen with the death of Francis the second , King of the French , who deceased on the 5th . day of December , when he had scarce lived to the end of his 17th . year , and had Reigned but one year and five months , or thereabouts . His death much altered both the counsels and affairs of Christendom , distracting the French Nation into schisms and ●actions , incouraging the S●ots to proceed with confidence in their Reformation , and promising no small security to Queen Elizabeth , in regard of the pretensions of the Queen of Scots . But so little was her condition bettered by it , that she seemed to be in more danger by the acts of her enemies after his decease , than formerly in the time of his life and government . Francis of G●ise , a man of great abilities for Camp and Counsel , had made himself a very strong party in the Court of France , which he intended to make use of for the Queen of Scots , whose Mother , the late Queen Regent of Scotland , was his only sister . And this he might the better do by reason of a division in the Court of France about the government of the Kingdom , during the minority of Charls the 9th . the second brother , and next heir to the King deceased . Katherine de Medices the Relict of Henry the 2d . and the Mother of Charls , layes claim to the Regency ; for who could have a greater care either of the young Kings person or estate , than his natural Mother ? But against her , a● being a meer stranger to the Nation and affairs of France , Anthony of Burbo● , Duke of Vendosme by descent , and King of Navarr , at the least in Title , in the Right of Joan d' Albret his wife , the sole Heir of that Crown , layes his claim unto it , as being the first Prince of the blood , and therefore fitter to be trusted with the Regency by the rules of that government . The Guisian faction joyn themselves to that of the Queen , of whom they better knew how to make advantage than they could of the other , and to that end endeavour by all subtil artifices , to invest her in it . To this end they insinuate themselves into the Duke , perswade him either to relinquish his demands of the Regency , or to associate himself with the Queen-Mother in the publick government ; and to joyn counsels with the Catholick party for suppressing the H●gonots . Which that they might allure him to , or at least take him off from his first persute , they offered to procure a Divorce from his present wife , and that instead of holding the Kingdom of Navarr in Right of his wife , he should hold it in his own personal capacity by a grant from the Pope , his wife being first deprived of it by his Holiness , as suspected of Lutheranism ; that being divorced from his wife , he should marry Mary Queen of the Scots , with whom he should not only have the Kingdom of Scotland , but of England also , of which Elizabeth was to be deprived on the same account ; that for the recovery of that Kingdom , he should not only have the Popes authority , and the power of France , but also the forces of the King of Spain ; and finally , that the Catholick King did so much study his contentment , that if he would relinquish his pretensions to the Crown of Navarr , he should be gratified by him with the soverainty and actual possession of the Isle of Sardinia , of which he should receive the Crown with all due solemnities . By which temptations when they had render'd him suspected to the Protestant party , and thereby setled the Queen-Mother in that place and power , which so industriously she aspired to , they laid him by as to the Title , permitting him to live by the air of hope for the short time of his life , which ended on the 17th . of November , Anno 1562. And so much of the game was plaid in earnest , that the D●ke of Guise did mainly labour with the Pope , to fulminate his Excommunications against Elizabeth , as one that had renounced his authority , apostated from the Catholick Religion , and utterly exterminated the profession of it out of her Dominions . But the Duke sped no better in this negotiation , than the Count of Feria did before . The Pope had still retained some hope of regaining England , and meant to leave no way unpractised by which he might obtain the point he aimed at . When first the See was vacant by the death of Pope Paul the 4th . the Cardinals assembled in the Conclave bound themselves by oath , that for the better setling of the broken and distracted estate of Christendome , the Council formerly held at Trent , should be resumed withall convenient speed that might be . Which being too fresh in memory to be forgotten , and of too great importance to be laid aside , the new Pope had no sooner setled his affairs in Rome , which had been much disordered by the harshness and temerity of his predecessor , but he resolved to put the same in execution . For this cause he consults with some of the more moderate and judicious Cardinals , and by his resolution and dexterity , surmounts all difficulties which shewed themselves in the design ; and he resolved not only to call the Council , but that it should be held in 〈◊〉 , to which it had been formerly called by Pope Paul the 3d. 1545. that it should rather be a continuance of the former Council which had been interrupted by the prosecution of the wars in Germany , than the beginning of a new ; and that he would invite unto it all Christian Princes , his dear daughter Queen Elizabeth of England amongst the rest . And on these terms he stood when he was importuned by the Ministers of the Duke of Gvise , to proceed against her to a sentence of Excommunication , and thereby to expose her Kingdoms to the next Invader . But the Pope was constantly resolved on his first intention of treating with her after a fair and amicable manner , professing a readiness to comply with her in all reciprocal offices of respect and friendship , and consequently inviting her amongst other Princes to the following Council ; to which if she should please to send her Bishops , or be present in the same by her Ambassadors , he doubted not of giving them such satisfaction , as might set him in a fair way to obtain his ends . Leaving the Pope in this good humour , we shall go for England , where we shall find the Prelates at the same imployment in which we left them the last year , that is to say , with setting forth the Consecrations of such new Bishops as served to fill up all the rest of the vacant Sees . The first of which was Robert Horn , Dr. in Divinity , once Dean of Durham , but better known by holding up the English Liturgy , and such a form of Discipline as the times would bear , against the schismaticks of Franckfort , preferred unto the See of Winchester , and consecrated Bishop in due form of Law , on the 16th . of February . Of which we shall speak more hereafter on another occasion . On which day also Mr. Edmond Scambler , Batchelor of Divinity , and one of the Prebendaries of the new Collegiat Church of St. Peter in Westminster , was consecrated Bishop of the Church of Peterborough . During the vacancy whereof , and in the time of his incumbency , Sir William Caecil principal Secretary of Estate , possess'd himself of the best Mannors in the Soake which belonged unto it ; and for his readiness to confirm the same Mannors to him , preferred him to the See of Norwich , Anno 1584. Next followes the translation of Dr. Thomas Young Bishop of St. Davids , to the See of York , which was done upon the 25th . of February in an unlucky hour to that City , as it also proved : For scarce was he setled in that See , when he pulled down the goodly Hall , and the greatest part of the Episcopal Palace in the City of York , which had been built with so much care and cost , by Thomas the elder , one of his predecessors there , in the year of our Lord 1090. Whether it were for covetousness to make money of the materials of it , or out of fordidness to avoid the charge of Hospitality in that populous City , let them guess that will. Succeeded in the See of St. David's , by Davis Bishop of St. Asaph , translated thither the 21 of May , 1561. as he was by another of the same name , Dr. Thomas Davis , within few months after . The Province of York being thus fitted with a new Archbishop , it was not long before the consecration of Dr. James Pilkinton to the See of Durham , which was performed by the hands of his own Metropolitan on the second of March , at whose first coming to tha● See , he found it clogged with an annual pension of 1000. l. to be paid into her Majesties Exchequer yearly , towa●d the maintenance of the Garison in the Town of Barw●ck , first laid upon this Bishoprick , when that Town seemed to be in danger of such French forces as had been brought into that Kingdom , or otherwise might fear some practice of the popish party , for the advancing of the interess of the Queen of Scots . The Bishops Tenants were protected in their corn and cattel by the power of this Garison , and consequently the more inabled to make just payment of their rents ; and it was thought to be no reason that the Queen should be at the sole charge of protecting his Tenants , and he enjoy the whole benefit of it without any disbursement . But this was only a pretence for raising some revenue to the Crown out of that rich patrimony ; the pension being still ch●rged upon it , though the Garison was removed in the first of King James . On the same day , that is to say the second of March , Dr. John Best was consecrated Bishop of Carlisle , after the See had been refused by Bernard G● . phin , Parson of Houghton in the Spring , betwixt D●rham and Newcastle . The offer made him with relation to his brother George , a man much used in many imployments for the State ; but on what ground declined by him , is not well assured . Whether it were that he was more in love with the retirements of a private life , or that he could not have the bird , without he yielded to the stripping of it of the most part of its feathers ( as it came to Best ) may be sooner questioned than resolved . And finally on the 4th of May comes in the consecration of Mr William D●wnham ( the Queens Chaplain , when she was but Princess , and afterwards made one of the Prebendaries of St Peter's in Westminster ) to the See of Chester , by this preferment recompensed for his former services . By which last care the vacant Sees were all supplyed with learned Pastors , except Oxon , Glocester and Bristol . Of which we shall speak more in the following year . But neither this diligence and care in filling all the vacant Sees with learned Pastors , nor the Queens Proclamation for banishing all Anabaptists and other Sectaries which had resorted hither out of other Countries , could either free the land from those dangerous inmates , or preserve the Church from the con●agion of their poysonous doctrines . Too many of those Fanatical spirits still remained behind , scattering their tares , and dispersing their blasphemous follies amongst simple people . In which number they prevailed so far upon More and Geofrys , that the first profess'd himself to be Christ , the last believed him to be such , and did so report him . Continuing obstinate in this frenzy , Geofrys was committed prisoner to the Marsha●sea in the Burrough of Sou●hwark , and More to the house of mad men ( commonly called Bethlem ) without Bishops Gate , in the City of London . Where having remained above a year , without shewing any sign of their repentance , Geofrys was whipt on the ●0th . of April from the said Marsha● sea to Bethlem , with a paper bound about his head , which signified that this was William Geofrys , a most blasphemous Heretick , who denyed Christ to be in Heaven . At Bethlem he was whipt again in the presence of More , till the lash had extorted a confession of his damnable error . After which More was stript and whipt in the open streets till he had made the like acknowledgement , confessing Christ to be in Heaven , and himself to be a vile , miserable , and sinful man. Which being done , they were again remitted to their several prisons for their further cure . At which the Papists made good game , and charged it on the score of the Reformation , as if the Principles thereof did naturally lead men to those dreams and dotages . Whereas they could not chuse but know , that Christ our Saviour prophesied of the following times , that some should say l●e here is Christ , and others would say loe there is Christ ; that Simon Magus even in the dayes of the Apostles , assumed unto himself the glorious Title of the great power of God ; that Menander in the age next following , did boldly a●rogate to himself the name of Christ ; and finally that Montanus , when the Church was stored with Learned and Religious Prelates , would needs be taken and accounted for the holy Ghost . Or if they think the Reformation might pretend unto more perfection than the Primitive times , they should have looked no farther back than to King Henry the 3d. in whose Reign the Popes authority in England was at the highest ; and yet neither the Pope by his authority , nor by the diligence of his Preachers and other Ministers , could so secure the Church from Mores and Geoffrys , but that two men rose up at that very time , both which affirmed themselves to be Jesus Christ , and were both hanged for it . And as Montanus could not go abroad without his Maximi●●a and Priscilla to disperse his dotages , so these impostors also had their female followers , of which the one affirmed her self to be Mary Magdalen , and the other that she was the Virgin Mary . So that the Reformation is to be excused from being accessary in the least degree to these mens heresies , or else the Apostolical Age , and the Primitive times , yea and the Church of Rome it self ( which they prize much more ) must needs come under the necessity of the like condemnation . Nor did the Zuinglian Gospellers , or those of the Genevian party , rejoyce much less at a most lamentable accident which hapned to the cathedral Church of St. Paul on the fourth of June , on which day , about four or five of the clock in the afternoon , a fearful fire first shewed it self near the top of the Steeple , and from thence burnt down the Spire to the stone-work , and Bells , and raged so terribly , that within the space of four hours the Timber and Lead of the whole Church , and whatsoever else was combustible in it , was miserably consumed and burnt , to the great terror and amazement of all beholders ; Which Church , the largest in the Christian world for all dimensions , contains in length 720 foot , or 240 Taylors yards , in breadth 130 foot , and in heighth from the pavement to the top of the roof 150 foot . The Steeple from the ground to the cross or Weather-cock contained in height 520 foo● , of which the square Tower onely amounted to 260. the Pyramid or Spire to as many more . Which Spire being raised of ma●●ie Timber , and covered over with sheets of Lead , as it was the more apt to be inflamed , so was the mischief more incapable of a present remedy . The terror being over , most men began to cast about for the first occasion of such a miserable misfortune ; the generality of the Zuinglian or Genevian party affirmed it for a just judgment of God upon an old idolatrous Fabrick , not throughly reformed and purged from its Superstitions , and would have been content that all other Cathedrals in the Kingdom had been so destroyed . The Papists on the other side ascribe it to some practice of the Zuinglian faction , out of their hatred unto all solemnity and decency in the service of God , performed more punctually in that Church , for examples sake , than in any other of the Kingdom . But generally it was ascribed by the common people to a flash of lightning , or some such suddain fire from heaven , though neither any lightning had been seen , or any clap of thunder had been heard that day . Which fiction notwithstanding got such credit amongst the vulgar , and amongst wiser persons too , that the burning of St. Paul's Steeple by lightning was reckoned amongst the ordinary Epoches or accounts of time in our common Almanacks ; and so it stood till within these thirty years now last past , when an old Plumber at his death confessed that wofull accident to have hapned through his negligence onely , in leaving carelesly a pan of coals and other fewel in the Steeple when he went to dinner , which catching hold of the dry timber in the Spire before his return , was grown so dangerous , that it was not possible to be quenched , and therefore to no purpose ( as he conceived ) to make any words of it . Since which discovery , that ridiculous Epoche hath no more been heard of . But the Queen quickly hearing what a great misfortune had befallen the City , regarded not the various reports of either party , but bent her thoughts upon the speedy reparation of those fearful ruines ; And knowing right well ( without the help of an Informer ) that the Patrimony of that Church had been so wasted in these latter times , that neither the Bishop , nor the Dean and Chapter were able to contribute any thing proportionable to so vast a charge ; She directed her Letters to the Lord Mayor and city of London to take care therein , as most concerned in the preservation of their Mother-Church , and in the honor of their City . In obedience to whose Royal pleasure , the citizens granted a Benevolence and three Fifteens to be speedily paid , besides the extraordinary bounty of particular persons , or was to be issued from the chamber . And that they might proceed therein with the greater zeal , the Queen sent in a thousand Marks in ready money , and warrants for one thousand load of timber to be served out of her Majesties woods . Incouraged by which brave example , the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury contributed towards the furtherance of the work , the fortieth part of their Benefices which stood charged with first fruits , and the thirtieth part of those which had paid the same . The Clergy of the Diocess of London bestowing the thirtieth part of such of their Livings as were under the burthen of that payment , and the twentieth part of those which were not . To which the Bishop added at several times the sum of 900 l 1 s. 11 d. the Dean and Chapter 136 l. 13 s. 4 d. By which and some other little helps ( the benevolence , the three fifteens , and the contributions of the Bishop and Clergy , with the aid aforesaid , amounting to no more than 6702 l. 13 s. 4 d. ) the work was carried on so fast , that before the end of April 1566. the timber work of the roof was not only fitted , but compleatly covered . The raising of a new spire was taken also into consideration , but conceived unnecessary ; but whether because it was too chargeable , or that some feared it might prove a temptation , is not yet determined . And now the season of the year invites the Popes Nuncio into England , advanced already in his way as far as Flanders , and there expecting the Queens pleasure touching his admittance ; For the Pope always constant to his resolutions , could not be taken off from sending his Nuncio to the Queen , with whom he conceived himself to stand upon tearms of amity . It had been much laboured by the Guisiards and Spanish faction to divert him from it , by telling him that it would be an undervaluing of his power and person , to send a Nunc●o into England , or to any other Princes of the same perswasions , who openly professed a separation from the See of Rome . To which he made this prudent and pious answer , that he would humble himself even to Heresie it self ; in regard that whatsoever was done to gain souls to Christ , did beseem that See. And to this resolution he adher'd the rather , because he had been told and assured by Karn the old English Agent , that his Nuncio would be received by one half of the Kingdom with the Queens consent . But as it proved , they reckoned both without their Host and Hostess too , who desired not to give entertainment unto any such guests . For having designed the Abbot Martiningo to this imployment , and the Abbot being advanced as far as Flanders , as before was said , he there received the Queens command not to cross the seas . Upon advertisement whereof , as well the King of Spain himself , as Ferdinand of Toledo Duke of Alva , ( the most powerful Minister of that King ) did earnestly intreat that he might be heard ; commending the cause of his Legation , as visibly conducing to the union of all the Christian Church in a general Council . But the Queen persevered in her first intent , affirming she could not treat with the Bishop of Rome , whose authority was excluded out of England by consent of Parliament . Nor had the Popes Nuncio in France any better fortune in treating with Throgmorton the English Agent in that Court , to advance the business ; who though he did solicit by his Letters both the Queen and the Council , to give some satisfaction in that point to the French and Spaniards , ( though not unto the Pope himself ) could get no other answer from them , but the same denyal . For so it was , that on the first noise of the Nuncio's coming , the business had been taken into consideration at the Council Table , and strongly pleaded on both sides , as mens judgements varied . By some it was alleged in favour of the Nuncio's coming , that Pope Pius was nothing of so rugged a nature , as his Predessor ; that he had made a fair address unto the Queen by his last years Letters ; that his designs did most apparently tend to the peace of Christendome ; that the admitting of the Nuncio was a matter which 〈◊〉 nothing , it being ●●ill left in her Majesties power , whether she would embrace or reject his Overtures ; but that the refusing to admit him to a publick audience , was the most ready way to disoblige all Catholick Princes , with whom she stood at that time in terms of amity . On the other side it was alleged , that King Henry , a most prudent Prince , had formerly protested against the calling of this Council by Pope Paul the 3d. who did as much pretend to the peace of Christendome , as the Pope now being ; that to admit a Minister of the Pope , in the quality or capacity of a Nuncio , inferred a ●acit acknowledgement of that sup●emacy , whereof he had been deprived by Act of Parliament ; that the Popes of Rome have alwaies raised great advantages by the smallest concessions , and therefore that it was most expedient for the good of the Kingdom , to keep him alwaies at a distance ; that Queen Mary in favour only unto P●l● , refused to give admittance to Cardinal Peitow , though coming from the Pope in quality of a Legate a Late●●e ; that a great part of the people were in discontentment with the change of Religion , and wanted nothing but such an opportunity to break out into action , as the Nuncio's presence might afford them ; and therefore that it concerned the Queen to be as zealous for Religion and the weal of her people , as her sister the late Queen Mary was in maintenance of Cardinal Pole and his private authority . And to say truth , the greatest obstacle in the way of the Nuncio's coming , was partly laid in it by the indiscretion of some Papists in England , and partly by the precipitancy of the Popes Ministers in Ireland . For so it was , that the only noise of the coming of a Nuncio from the Pope , had wrought in sundry evil-disposed persons such a courage and boldness , that they did not only break the Laws made against the Pope and his authority , with great audacity , but spread abroad false and slanderous reports , that the Queen was at the point to change her Religion , and alter the government of the Realm . Some also had adventured further , even to a practising with the Devil by conjurations , charms , and casting of Figures , to be informed in the length and continuance of her majesties Reign . And on the other side , the Popes Legate being at the same time in Ireland , not only joyned himself to some desperate Traytors , who busied themselves in stirring up rebellion there , but for as much as in him was , had deprived her Majesty of all Right and Title to that Kingdom . Upon which grounds it was carried clearly by the Board against the Nuncio . Nor would they vary from the Vote upon the intercession of the French , the Spaniard , or ( whose displeasure was more dangerous ) of the Duke of Alva . Nothing discouraged with the repulse which had been given to the French and Spaniard , the Emperour Ferdinand must make tryal of his fortune also , not as they did , in favour of the Nuncio's coming , but in perswading her to return to the old Religion . To this end he exhorts her by his Letters in a friendly way , not to relinquish the Communion of so many Catholick Kings and Princes , and her own Ancestors into the bargain ; nor to prefer her single judgement , and the judgement of a few private persons , and those not the most learned neither , before the judgement and determination of the Church of Christ. That if she were resolved to persist in her own opinion , she should deal favourably with so many reverend and Religious Prelates as she kept in prison , and which she kept in prison for no other reason but for adhering unto that Religion which himself professed ; and , finally he intreats most earnestly , that she would set apart some Churches to the use of the Catholicks , in which they might with freedome exercise their own Religion , according to the Rites and Doctrines of the Church of Rome . To which desires she made a full and sufficient answer , by satisfying him touching her merciful dealing with those Bishops , whom for their obstinacy and many other weighty reasons , she had deprived of their preferments in the Church . And to the rest she answered , That she had setled her Religion on so sure a bottome , that she could not easily be changed ; that she doubted not but that she had many learned men in her Dominions , which were able to defend the doctrine by them taught , against all Opponents ; and that for granting any Churches to the use of the Papists , it was a point so contrary to the polity and good Lawes of the Land , that she desired to be excused for not yielding to it . In which last she seemed to have an eye upon the Edict of the Emperour Constantine , touching the meetings of the Marcionites , Novatians , Valentinians , and other Hereticks of that age ; In which it was enjoined , that none of them should from thenceforth hold any assemblys , and that for the more certain conforming unto his Decree , those Churches or other houses whatsoever they were , in which they used to hold their Meetings , should be demolished to the ground , to the end that there might be no place in which such men as were devoted to their superstitious faction , might have the opportunity of assembling together . For which the Reader may consult Eusebius in the life of Constantine , l. b. 3. cap. 63. But that it might appear both to him and others , that she was ready to shew all just favours , she laid a most severe command upon all her Officers , for the full payment of all such pensions , as had been granted unto all such Abbots , Monks and Friers , in the time of her father , as were not since preferred in the Church to cures or dignities . And this to be performed to the utmost farthing , on pain of her most high displeasure in neglect thereof . It could not be but that the governing of her affairs with such an even and steady hand , though it occasioned admiration in some , must needs create both envy and displeasure in the hearts of other Christian Princes , from none of which she had a juster cause to fear some practice , than the King of Spain , or rather from the fierce and intemperate Spirit of the Duke of Alva , as appeared afterwards when he was made Lord Deputy , or Vice-Gerent of the Belgick Provinces . They had both shewed themselves offended , because their intercession in behalf of the Nuncio had found no better entertainment ; and when great persons are displeased , it is no hard matter for them to revenge themselves , if they find their adversaries either weak or not well provided . But the Queen looked so well about her , as not to be taken tardy in either kind . For which end she augments her store of Arms and Ammunition , and all things necessary for the defence of her Kingdom ; which course she had happily begun in the year foregoing . But holding it a safer maxim in the Schools of Polity , not to admit , than to endeavour by strong hand to expel an enemy , She entertains some fortunate thoughts of walling her Kingdom round about with a puissant Navy , for Merchants had already increased their shipping , by managing some part of that wealthy trade which formerly had been monopolized by the Ha●se or Easterlings . And she resolves not to be wanting to her self in building ships of such a burthen , and so fit for service , as might inable her in short time , not only to protect her Merchants , but command the Ocean . Of which the Spaniard found good proof to his great loss , and almost to his total ruine , in the last 20 years of her glorious government . And knowing right well that mony was the ●inew of war , she fell upon a prudent and present course to fill her coffers . Most of the monies in the Kingdom were of forein coynage , brought hither for the most part by the Easterling and Flemish Merchants . These she called in by Proclamation , ●●ted the 15th . of November ( being but two dayes before the end of this 3d. year ) commanding them to be brought to her Majesties Mint , there to be coyned , and take the stamp of her Royal authority , or otherwise not to pass for current within this Realm , which counsel took such good effect , that monies came flowing into the Mint , insomuch that there was weekly brought into the Tower of London , for the space of half a year together , 8000. 10000. 12000. 16000. 20000. 22000 l. of silver plate , and as much more in Pistols , and other gold of Spanish coins , which were great sums according to the standard of those early dayes , and therefore no small profit to be growing to her by the coynage of them . The Genevians slept not all this while , but were as busily imployed in practising upon the Church , as were the Romanists in plotting against the Queen . Nothing would satisfie them , but the nakedness and simplicity of the Zuinglian Churches , the new fashions taken up at Franckfort , and the Presbyteries of Geneva . According to the pattern which they saw in those mounts , the Church of England is to be modell'd ; nor would the Temple of Jerusalem have served their turn , if a new Altar fashioned by that which they found at Damascus , might not have been erected in it . And they drove on so fast upon it , that in some places they had taken down the steps where the A●tar stood , and brought the Holy Table into the midst of the Church ; in others they had laid aside the antient use of Godfathers and Godmothers in the administration of Baptism , and left the answering for the child to the charge of the father . The weekly Fasts , the time of Lent , and all other dayes of abstinence by the Church commanded , were looked upon as superstitious observations . No fast by them allowed of but occasional only , and then too of their own appointing . And the like course they took with the Festivals also , neglecting those which had been instituted by the Church , as humane inventions , not fit to be retained in a Church reformed . And finally , that they might wind in there outlandish Doctrines with such forein usages , they had procured some of the inferiour Ordinaries to impose upon their several Parishes , certain new books of Sermons and Expositions of the holy Scripture , which neither were required by the Queens Injunctions , nor by Act of Parliament . Some abuses also were discovered in the Regular Clergy , who served in Churches of peculiar or exempt jurisdiction . Amongst whom it began to grow too ordinary , to marry all such as came unto them , without Bains or Licence , and many times not only without the privity , but against the express pleasure and command of their Parents . For which those Churches past by the name of Lawlesse Churches in the voice of the people . For remedy whereof it was found necessary by the Archbishop of Canterbury , to have recourse unto the power which was given unto him by the Queens Commission , and by a clause or passage of the Act of Parliament for the Uniformity of Common Prayer and Service in the Church , &c. As one of the Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical , he was authorized with the rest of his associates , according to the Statute made in that behalf , To reform , redresse , order , correct and amend all such Errours , Heresies , Schisms , abuses , offences , con●empts and enormities whatsoever , as might from time to time arise in the Church of England , and did require to be redressed and reformed to the pleasure of Almighty God , the increase of vertue , and conservation of the peace and unity of the Kingdom . And in the passage of the Act before remembred , it was especially provided , That all such Ornaments of the Church , and of the Ministers thereof , should be retained and be in use , as were in the Church of England by authority of Parliament , in the second year of the Reign of King Edward the 6th . until further Order should be therein taken by authority of the Queens Majesty , with the advice of her Commissioners Appointed & Ordered under the Great Seal of England for Causes Ecclesiastical , or of the Metropolitan of this Realm . And also if there shall happen any contempt or irreverence to be used in the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church , by the misusing of the Orders of the said Book of Common Prayer ; the Queens Majesty might by the like advice of the said Commissioners or Metropolitan , Ordain or publish such further Ceremonies or Rites , as should be most for the advance of Gods glory , the edifying of his Church , and the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sacraments . Fortified and assured by which double power , the Archbishop by the Queens consent , and the advice of some of the Bishops , Commissionated and instructed to the same intent , sets forth a certain book of Orders to be diligently observed and executed by all and singular persons whom it might concern . In which it was provided , That no Parson , Vicar or Curate of any exempt Church , ( commonly called Lawless Churches ) should from thenceforth attempt to conjoin , by solemnization of Matrimony , any not being of his or their Parish Church , without sufficient testimony of the Bains being ask'd in the several Churches where they dwel , or otherwise were sufficiently licenced . That there should be no other dayes observed for Holy days or Fasting dayes , as of duty and commandment , but only such Holy dayes as be expressed for Holy dayes in the Calendar lately set forth by the Queens authority ; and none other Fasting dayes to be so commanded , but as the Lawes and Proclamations of the Queens Majesty should appoint ; that it should not be lawful to any Ordinary , to assign or enjoyn the Parishes to buy any Books of Sermons or Expositions in any sort , than is already , or shall be hereafter appointed by publick Authority ; that neither the Curates , or Parents of the children which are brought to Baptism , should answer for them at the Font , but that the antient use of Godfathers and Godmothers should be still retained ; and finally , that in all such Churches in which the steps to the Altar were not taken down , the said steps should remain as before they did ; that the Communion Table should be set in the said place where the steps then were , or had formerly stood ; and that the Table of Gods Precepts should be fixed upon the wall over the said Communion Board . Which passage compared with that in the Advertisements , published in the year 1565. ( of which more hereafter ) make up this construction , that the Communion Table was to stand above the steps , and under the Commandments ; and therefore all along the wall , on which the ten Commandments were appointed to be placed , which was directly where the Altar had stood before . Some other Innovations and disorders had been obtruded on the Church at the same time also by those of the Genevian faction ; for the suppressing whereof , before they should prescribe to any Antiquity , the like course was taken . But what those Innovations and disorders were , will easily be seen by the perusal of the Orders themselves , which were then published in Print by the Queens command ; as a judicious Apothecary is able to conjecture by the Doctors Recipe at the distemper of the Patient , and the true quality of the disease . Nothing else memorable in this year of a publick nature , but the foundation of the Merchant-Taylors School in London , first founded by the Master , Warden and Assistants of the Company of Merchant-Taylors , whence it had the name , and by them founded for a seminary to St John's in Oxon , built and endowed at the sole costs and charges of one of their Livery . The School kept in a fair large house in the Parish of St Laurence Poutney , heretofore called the Mannor of Roose , belonging to the Dukes of Ruckingham ; towards the purchase and accommodating whereof to the present use , five hundred pounds was given by one Richard Hills , who had been once Master of the Company , and still lives in the charity of so good a work . The day of the foundation is affirmed by Stow to have been the 21 of March , and so may either fall in the year 1560. or 1561. according to the several computations which are now in use ; but howsoever within the compass of this third year of the Queen . And it is probable , that it may be fixed by him upon that day , either because the purchase of the House doth bear date upon it , or because it was then first opened for a Grammar School . And of this kind , but of a far more private nature , was the foundation of another Grammar School in the Town of Sandwich , built at the charge of Sir Roger Manwood , and indowed with 40 l. per annum , which was a very large allowance as the times then were . Anno Reg. Eliz. 4. A. D. 1561 , 1562. GReat preparations had been made in the former year in order to the holding and continuance of the Council of Trent , many Italian Bishops ( which were to be maintained at the Popes charge ) being sent before , and the Popes Legats hastning after , to be there in readiness when the Ambassadors and Prelates of forein Nations should give attendance on the same ; After long expectation it begins at the last on the 18th . of January , the Legats having first obtained in a privat Session , that nothing should be discussed in the Council but what should be first proposed by them ; which in effect was to subvert the whole hopes of that Reformation , which was desired by many pious men amongst them . Which day being come , a Pro●ession was made of the whole Clergy of the city , of the Divines & Prelates , ( who besides the Caroinals were 112 that did wear Miters ) accompanied by their families , and by many country people armed , going from St. Peters Church to the Cathedral , where the Cardinal of Mantua sung the Mass of the holy Ghost , and Gasparo del Fosso Archbishop of Rheggio made the Sermon ; his subject was the Authority of the Church , Primacy of the Pope , and Power of Councils ; He said , That the Church had as much authority as the Word of God , that the Church hath changed the Sabbath ordained by God , into Sunday , and taken away Circumcision , formerly commanded by Divine Majesty , and that these precepts are changed , not by the preaching of Christ , but by the authority of the Church . Turning himself unto the Fathers , he exhorted them to labour constantly against the Protestants , being assured , that as the Holy Ghost could not erre , so neither could they be deceived . And having sung the Hymn of Come holy Ghost , the Secretary , who was Bishop of Tilesie , read the Bull of the Convocation , and the foresaid Archbishop propounded the Decree for opening the Council , saying , Fathers , doth it please you that the General Council of Trent should be celebrated from this day , all suspension whatsoever being removed , to handle with due order that which shall seem fit to the Synod , the Legats and Presidents prop●sing , to remove the controversies of Religion , correct Manners , and reconcile the Peace of the Church ? To which they answered Placet with so full a vote , that there were found no more than four Bishops , and those four all Spaniards , who stumbled at the clause about discussing nothing in the time of that Council , but what the Legats should propose ; so servile were the rest , in prostituting the Authority of the Council to the lust of the Pope . In the first opening of the Council it was propounded by the Legates amongst other things , Whether a safe conduct should be given unto those who were fallen into heresie , with a large promise of great and singular clemency , so that they would repent , and acknowledge the power of the Catholick Church . In the discussing of which point , the Cardinal of Man●ua was for the affirmative , seeing that it was a remedy used by all Princes , in Seditions or Rebellions , to pardon those whom they could not overcome , because by that means , those which were least faulty did retire , and the other did remain more weak . But as for the safe conduct , after it had been considered of and resolved at Rome , it was again disputed in the Council on the third of March , whether it was to be given by name to the French , English , and Scots , and some spake of the Greeks and other Nations of the East . It was presently seen , that these poor men , afflicted in servitude , could not without danger and assistance of mony think of counsels ; And some said ▪ that there being a division of the Protestants , it was good to let them alone , and not to name them , alleging the danger of moving ill humors in a body which was then quiet . To give a safe conduct to the English-men , which neither they nor any of them did require , would be a great indignity ; they were content it should be given to the Scots , because their Queen would demand it , but so , as that the demand should first be made . For France there was a doubt made , whether the Kings Council would take it ill or not , because it would be thought to be a declaration that that King had Rebels . Of Germany none would doubt , because it had been formerly granted unto them ; and if it were granted to that Nation alone , it would seem that the others were abandoned . But at the last , all difficulties were resolved into this conclusion , that the safe conduct should be given unto those of Germany in the same words wherein it formerly had passed , An. 1552. & that the like conduct in the self-same words wherin it was given to the Germans , should be given to all of every Nation , Province , City and Place , where any thing was preached , taught , & believed , contrary to that which was believed in the Church of Rome . But the Legats might have spared themselves the trouble of these considerations , the Protestant Bishops of England not being so forward to venture themselves into that Council on such weak assurance , considering how ill the safe conduct had been formerly kept to John Hus and Jerom of Prague at the Council of Constance : And as for those of the Papal party , though they might have a good will to be gadding thither , yet the Queen kept them safe enough from going abroad . So that there was no hopes for any English Bishops of either party to attend that service ; The Queen had absolutely refused to admit the Nunci● , when he was sent on purpose to invite them to it . And some of the most learned of that sacred Order had shown sufficient reasons in their printed Manifest , why no such service or attendance could be looked for from them . One Scipio , a Gentleman of Venice , who formerly had some acquaintance with Bishop Jewel when he was a student in Padua , had heard of Martiningo's ill success in his Negotiation , which notwithstanding , he resolved to spend some eloquence in labouring to obtain that point by his private Letters , which the Nuncio could not gain as a public Minister ; And to this end he writes his Letters of expostulation to his old friend Mr. Jewel , preferred not long before to the See of Salisbury , in which he seemed to admire exceedingly that England should send no Ambassador , nor Message , or Letter , to excuse their Nations absence from the general Appearance of Christianity in that Sacred Council , In the next place , he highly extolled the antiquity and use of General Councils , as the onely means to decide controversies in Religion , and compose the distractions in the Church , concluding it a superlative sin for any to decline the authority of it . But this Letter did not long remain unanswered , that learned Prelate was not so unstudied in the nature of ●ouncils , as not to know how little of a General Council could be found at Trent ; And therefore he returns an Answer to the Proposition , so eloquently penned , and so elaborately digested ▪ that neither Scipio himself , nor any other of that party , durst reply upon him ; the Answer to be found at large in the end of the history of this Council , translated into English by Sir Nathaniel Brent , late Warden of Merton College in Oxon , &c. which though it were no other than the Answer of one single Prelate , and writ on a particular occasion to ● private friend , yet since it speaks the sense of all the rest of the 〈◊〉 , ●nd to justifie the result of the Council-Table on the debate about 〈◊〉 or refusing the Popes invitation , it will not be amiss to present the sum and substance of it in a short Epitome . In the first place he signifies to the said Scip●o , that a great part of the world professing the name of Christ ( as Greeks , Armenians , Ab●ssines , &c. with all the Eastern Church ) were neither sent ●o nor summoned to this Council . Secondly , That England's absence was not so great a wonder , seeing many other Kingdoms and Free states ( as Denmark , Sweden , Scotland , Princes of Germany , and Hanse-towns ) were not represented in this Council by any of their Ambassadors . Thirdly ▪ That this pretended Council was not called according to the antient custom of the Church , by the Imperial Authority , but by the Papal Usurpation . Fourthly , That Trent was a petty place , not of sufficient receit for such multitudes as necessarily should repair to a General Council . Fifthly , That Pope Pius the 4th . by whose command the Council was re-assembled , purcha●●d his place by the unjust practices of Simonie and Briberie , and managed it with murder and cruelty . Sixthly , That repairing to Councils was a free act , and none ought to be condemned of Contumacy , if it stood more with their conveniency to stay at home . Seventhly , That antiently it was accepted as a reasonable excuse of holy Pis●ops , absenting or withdrawing themselves from any Council , if they vehemently suspected ought would be acted therein prejudicial to the truth , lest their ( though not actual ) included concurrence might be interpreted a countenancing thereof . Eighthly , That our Bishops were employed in feeding their Flocks , and governing their Churches , and could not be spared from their charge without prejudice to their consciences . Ninthly , That the Members of that Council of Trent , both Bishops and Abbots , were by Oath pregaged to the Pope , To defend and maintain his authority against all the world . And lastly , He desired to know in what capacity the English Clergy should appear in this Council , not as free persons to debate matters therein , in regard they had been pre-condemned as Hereticks by Pope Julius the 3d. nor as offenders to receive the sentence of condemnation , to which they had no reason to submit themselves . Of these refusals and the reasons of them , neither the Pope at Rome , nor the Cardinal Leg●ts in the Council could pretend to be ignorant , yet still the expectation of the comming of some English Bishops must be kept on foot , partly for the encouragement of such as were there already , and partly for the drawing on of others who came slowly forwards , and sometimes also it was used for an artifice to divert the Prelates when any business was in agitation which seemed dangerous to them . For so it hapned , that some of the Prelates being earnest in the point of Residence , none of the Legats could devise a better expedient to put off that Question , than to propose that some means should be used to set at liberty the English Bishops which were imprisoned by their Queen , that comming to the Council it might be said , that that noble Nation was present also , and not wholly alienated from the Church . This pleased all , but the common opinion was , that it might sooner be desired than hoped for : They concluded , that the Queen having refused to receive a Nuncio expresly sent from the Pope , it could not be hoped that she would hearken to the Council ; therefore all they could do was , to perswade the Catholick Princes to mediate for them : And mediate though they did , as before was said , both for the admitting of the Nuncio , and the restoring of those Bishops to their former liberty , they were not able to prevail , especially as to the licensing of any of them to attend the Council ; which if the Queen had yielded to , she must have armed so many of her enemies to disturb her peace , who questionless would have practised with the Ambassadors of all Princes , and with the Prelates of all Nations whom they found there present , to work some notable alteration in the Government and affairs of England . Of all the Bishops which were left in England at the end of the Parliament , I find none but Pates of Worcester and Goldnel of St. Asaph who forsook the Kingdom , though possibly many of the rest might have done so also , if they had not either been well watched , or trusted upon their Parol to be forth-comming ( as the phrase is ) upon all occasions . And though I find the name of Pates subscribed to some of the former Sessions , yet it is not to be found to this , the man being of a moderate and gentle spirit , and possibly not willing to engage himself in any Counsels which might prove detrimental to his native country ; And as for Goldnel , though his zeal to Popery was strong enough to carry him beyond the Seas , yet it did not carry him so far as Trent , there being so many retireing places nearer home in which he might repose himself with more contentment . But leaving the Fathers in Trent to expect the comming of the holy Ghost in a cloak-bag from Rome , according to the common scorn which was put upon them , we must prepare our selves for England , first taking in our way the affairs of France , which now began to take up a great part of the thoughts of the Queen and her Council . The Reformed Religion had made some entrance in that kingdome during the Reign of king ●rancis the first , exceedingly dispersed and propagated in most parts thereof , notwithstanding the frequent Martyrdoms of particular persons , the great and terrible Massacres of whole Townships , Commonalties , and Churches , even by hundreds and thousands in divers places of the Realm . To which encrease , the fickle nature of the French , the diligence of their Preachers , and the near neighbourhood of Genev● , were of great advantage ; all which advantages were much improved by the authority and reputation which Calvin carried in those Churches , and the contentment which the people took in a form of Government , wherein they were to have a share by the rules of their Discipline , and thereby draw the managery of affairs unto themselves . Being grown numerous in the City of Tours , and not permitted to enjoy the liberty of assembling within the walls , they held their meetings , at a village not far off , for their publick Devotions ; the way to which leading through the gate of St. Hugo is thought to have occasioned the name of Hugonots , which others think to have been given them by reason of their frequent nightly meetings , resembled by the French to the walking of a Night-spirit which they called St. Hugh ; but from what ground soever it came , it grew in short time to be generally given as a by-name to those which professed the Reformed Religion , ( whether in France or else-where ) after Calvin's platform . Their numbers not diminished by so many butcheries , gave them the reputation of a party both stout and active , which rendred them the subject of some jealousie to the Roman Catholicks , and specially to those of the House of Guise , who laboured nothing more than their extirpation . But this severity sorted to no other effect than to confirm them in their Doctrines , and attract many others to them , who disdained to see poor people drawn every day to the Stake to be burned , guilty of nothing but of zeal to worship God , and to save their own souls : To whom were joyned many others , who thinking the Guisiards to be the cause of all the disorders in the Kingdom , judged it an Heroick Act to deliver it from oppression , by taking the publick Administration out of their hands . But nothing more encreased their party than the accession of alm●st all the Princes of the Blood of the House of Burbon , the Chiefs whereof were the Duke of Vendosm , ( who called himself King of Navarr in right of his Wife ) the Princes of Conde , the Duke of Montpensier , who finding themselves neglected by the Queen-Mother , and oppressed by the Guisiards , retired in no small discontments from the Court , and being otherwise unable to make good their quarrels , offered themselves as Leaders of the H●gonot-faction , who very cheerfully submitted to their rule and conduct . The better to confirm their minds , they caused the principal Lawyers of Germany and France , and the most famous Protestant Divines , to publish in writing , that without violating the Majesty of the King , and the dignity of the lawful Magistrate , they might oppose with Arms the violent Domination of the House of Guise , who did not onely labour to suppress the true Religion , and obstruct the free passage of Justice , but seemed to keep the King in prison . Having thus formed their Party in the minority of King ●rancis the second , their first design was , that a great multitude should appear before the King without Arms , to demand , that the severity of the judgments might be mitigated , and liberty of conscience granted ; intending that they should be followed by Gentlemen , who should make supplication against the Government of the Guisiards . But the purpose being made known to the Court , the King was removed from Blo●s●n ●n open Town , to the strong Castle of Amboise , as if he could not otherwise be safe from some present Treason : After which followed a strict inquiry after all those who had a hand in the design , the punishment of some , and the flight of others , with the conclusion taken up by the Guisian faction , to settle the Spanish Inquisition in the Realm of France . To pacifie the present troubles , an Edict is published by the King on the 18th . of March 1560 , ( in the French account ) for the pardoning of all , who simply moved with the zeal of Religion , had ingaged in the supposed conspiracy , upon condition that they disarmed within 24 hours ; and after that another Edict , by which a general pardon was indulged to all Reformati●●● , but so , that all assemblies under the colour of Religion were prohibited by it , and a charge laid upon the Bishops to take unto themselves the cognisance of all causes of Heresie in their several Diocesses . But this so little edified with those of that party , that greater tumults were occasioned by it , in Provence , Languedock , and Poicto● . To which places the Ministers of Geneva were called , who most willingly came . By whose Sermons the number of Protestants so increased in those Provinces , and by their Agents in most others , that in this year 1562. they were distributed into two thousand one hundred and fifty Churches , as appeared upon a just computation of them . But in the midst of these improvements , the power and reputation of the side was shrewdly weakned by the falling off of Anthony Duke of Vendosme , and King of 〈◊〉 , who did not only openly forsake the party , but afterwards joined himself in counsel and design against it with the Duke of Guise . The found●ing of so great a pillar , threatned a quick ruine to the fabrick , if some other butteress were not found to support the same . The war was carried on from one place to another , but seemed to aim most at the reduction of Normand● , where the Hugono●s had possessed themselves of some Towns and Cas●les , by which they might be able to distress the City of Paris , and thereby make a great impression on the rest of the Kingdom . It was thereupon advised by Lewis Prince of Co●de , the Cardinal Chastilion , and other of the principal Leaders . that they should put themselves under the protection of the Queen of England , wh● had not long before so seasonably relieved the Scots in the like distress . No better counsel being offered , nor any hope of succour to be had elsewhere , the Vidame of Chartresse , Governour at that time of the Port of Newhaven , together with the Bayli●● of Rowen , the Seneshal of Diep , and others , made their address unto the Queen in the name of the Prince of Conde , and of all the rest of the Confederates , who professed the Gospel in that Kingdom ; they profered to her the said Towns whereof they had charge , if it would please her Majesty to further their proceedings in defence of the Gospel ( as they called it . ) And seemed to justifie their offer by a publick acknowledgement , that her Majesty was not only true inheritour to those Towns , but also to the whole Kingdom of France . But neither their coming , not their message was unknown unto her , who had been secretly advertised of all passages there by Sir Nicholas Throgmorton , a vigilant and dexterous man , who being her Majesties Resident in that Kingdom , had driven the bargain before hand , and made all things in readiness against their coming . Nor was the Queen hard to be intreated to appear in that cause which seemed so much to her advantage . She was not ignorant of the pretensions of the Queen of Scots , and the practices of her Uncles of the House of Gu●se to advance her interess . Who if they should possess themselves of all the strengths in the Dukedom of Normandy , might from thence find an easie passage into England , when she least looked for them . On these and other considerations of the like importance , it was agreed upon between them , that the Queen should supply the Prince of Conde and his associates , with a sufficient quantity of money , corn , and ammunition , for the service of the French King , against the plots and practices of the House of Guise ; that she should aid them with her forces both by land and sea , for the taking in of such Castles , Towns , and Ports , as were possessed by the faction of the said Duke ; that the said Prince of Conde and his associates should not come to any terms of peace with the opposite party , without the privity and approbation of the Queen ; and that as well for securing the payment of all such monies , as for the safe going in and out of all such forces as her Majesty should supply them with , the Town and Port of Newhaven should be put unto her Majesties hands , to be garrison'd by English souldiers , and commanded by any person of quality , whom her Majesty should authorise to keep and defend the same . Immediately on which accord , a Manifest was published in the name of the Queen ; in which it was declared , how much she had preferred the peace of Christendom before her own particular intere●s ; that in persuance of that general affection to the publick peace , she had relinquished her claim to the Town of Calais for the term of eight years , when as all other Princes were restored by that Treaty to their lost estates ; that for the same reasons she had undertaken to preserve the Scots from being made vassals to the French , without retaining any part of that Kingdom in her own possession after the service was performed ; that with the like bowels of commiseration , she had observed how much the Queen-Mother of France was awed , and the young King himself inthralled by the Guisian faction , who in their names , and under pretence of their authority , endeavoured to root out the professors of the Reformed Religion ; that in persuance of that purpose , they had caused such terrible massacres to be made at Vassey , Paris , Sene , Tholouse , ●loys , Towers , Angier● , and other places , that there were thought to be butchered no fewer than one hundred thousand of the naturall French , between the first of March and the 20th . of August then last past ; that with like violence and injustice , they had treated such of her Majesties subjects as traded in the Ports of Bretagne , whom they caused to be apprehended , spoiled , and miserably imprisoned , such as endeavoured to preserve themselves to be cruelly killed , their goods and merchandise to be seized , without charging any other crime upon them , but that they were H●gono●s ; and finally , that in consideration of the Premises , her Majesty could do no less than use her best endeavors for rescuing the French King and his Mother , out of the power of that dangerous faction , for aiding such of the French subjects as preferred the service of their King , and the good of their Country , before all other respects whatsoever , for preserving the Reformed Religion from an universal destruction , and the maintaining of her own subjects and Dominions in peace and safety . Nor did she only publish the afo●esaid Manifest , the better to satisfie all those whom it might concern in the reasons of her taking arms upon this occasion , but she gives a more particul●● account of it to the King of Spain , whom she considered as the chief Patron of the Guisian League . And knowing how unsafe it was for her to appear alone in a cause of that nature and importance , she deals by Knollis and other of her Agents , with the Princes of Germany , to give their timely assistan●e to the Prince of Conde , in maintenance of that Religion which themselves professed . But howsoever , not expecting the success of those counsels , she proceeds to the supplying of the said Prince and his party , with all things necessary for the war , and sends over a sufficient strength of ships , arms , and men , as well to scour the seas , as secure the land . The men amounting to 6000 , were divided into two equal parts , of which the one was destined to the defence of Rowen and Diepe , then being in the hands of the Confederates ; the other to take possession of the Town of Newhaven , which by the Townsmen and Inhabitants was joyfully surrender'd into the hands of the English. The Town commodiously seated at the mouth of the Seine , and having the command of a spacious Bay , in former times not much observed or esteemed . But being more carefully considered of by King Francis the first , he ca●sed the Bay to be inlarged , the passages into i● cleared , and the entrances of it to be strongly fortified ; which falling into the hands of any enemy , might have destroyed the trade of Rowen and Paris , being both built upon the River . Called for this reason Franciscopolis , by our Latine Writers , Newhaven by the English Merchant , and Haver d' Grace ( by reason of the beauty of it ) amongst the French , it hath been looked on ever since as a place of consequence . For her Commander in Chief , she sends over the Lord Ambrose Dudley , the eldest son then living of the late Duke of Northumberland , whom on the 26th . of December , she had created Lord Lisl● , and Earl of Warwick . And he accordingly preparing for his passage over , took shipping at Portsmouth on the 17th . of October , but was so hindered by cross winds , that he could not reach the Town till the 29th . where he was solemnly received with a peal of Ordnance . On the morrow after he received into the Town a Troop of Light-horse-men , all Scots , and of the Regiment of Count Montgomery , which were sent to him from the Port of Diep ; and the next day he took the Oath of his principal Officers , on whose fidelity and courage the saf●ty of the place seemed most to depend . On the 4th . of November , a Bark belonging to the Town , brought in four Merchants Ships of Bretagne , fraughted for the most part with Gascoin Wines ; as afterwards two more with the like commodity , which proved a great refreshment to the souldiers in it . And on the 6th . the Reingrave shewed himself upon the top of the hills with two thousand foot ; betwixt whom and the garison souldiers of Hareflew on the one side , and those of Newhaven on the other , the remainder of the year was taken up in continual skirmishes . Cross we next over into Scotland , that we may see in what condition our affairs stood there . The death of the late French King had made that Kingdom so uncomfortable to the Queen of Scots , that she desired to hasten back into her own . And thereunto she was much animated by the Heads of either faction , but on different ends . Her presence earnestly solicited by the Popish party , in hope by her authority to suppress their opposites , and by the Protestants , on some strong presumptions , that they could deal better with her when they had her there , than when she was protected by the power of France , and governed by the counsels of the Guisian faction . Before her leaving of that Kingdom , she had been pressed by Throgmorton the English Resident , to ratifie the Pacification m●de at Edenborough , to which she would by no means yield , till she had advised with the nobility , and other of her subjects of the Realm of Scotland . This makes the Queen of England doubtful that she should be deserted by the Scots of the Congregation , to whom she had done so many good offices in the time of their troubles . But having dealt with some of the chief amongst them , she found a resolution in them , for adhering to her , which so assured her on that side , that she feared but little danger from the Queen and her party , whensoever she came . Which notwithstanding , it was held to be the safer course to intercept her if they could in her passage thither . And to that end a squadron of ships was sent to sea , but under colour of suppressing some Pirates , by whom the trade of merchandise was given out to be hindered . But the taking of one of the Scotish ships , with the Earl of Eglington , and other passengers of that Nation were making homewards , declared sufficiently that they looked for a far richer prize . But for the Queen of Scots her self , by reason of a thick fog which hung over the seas , she past by the English unperceived , and landed at the Port of Leeth on the 20th . of August , Anno 1561. From thence she sends Lethington the younger , with Letters to the Queen of England , tending especially to express that great love and kindness which she bare to her , as to her dearest friend and Sister , and the desire she had to continue in true and sincere friendship with her . At what time she received letters also to the same effect from some of the Nobility of that Kingdom . In which they signified withall , That the surest way to continue amity and friendship betwixt them two , were to declare the Queen of Scots to be her next and lawful heir to the Kingdom of England . But this demand , as it was unlooked for , so was it of too high a nature to be hastily answered . So that the Laird of Lethington could prevail no further at that time , than to gain a promise from the Queen , that she would do nothing to the prejudice of the Title of her Cosen of Scotland . The rest was left to be considered of in a personal conference , appointed to be held at York in the end of June . Which motion first proceeded from the Queen of Scots , who was thought to have been earnest and real in it , partly for making a firm peace with her 〈◊〉 of England , and partly to make her self known to the principal subjects of that Country . Neither was the meeting disliked of the better sort , as thinking it would serve , besides the preservation of the common peace , to bring her to a liking of the Reformed Religion . But they who were popishly set , fearing greatly the conference , spake openly against it , saying , that of such interviews , there was never seen any good effect ; and that it would not be safe for the Queen of Scots to put he● self into the power of her , to whose Kingdom she had made a claim . But notwithstanding these unprofitable deliberations , the interview was agreed upon , and the numbers on either side determined , and all things provided for the journey , when suddenly the Queen of England by her Letters excused her self , desiring that it might be respited till the year next following . Which the Scots Queen was not sorry to hear upon further thoughts , considering how much the French King and her Uncles of the House of Guise , might have been dissatisfied on the newes of that Inter-Parleance . Neither did Queen Elizabeth want her reasons to decline the meeting , which some believe was never really intended by her ; but that she hoped the fail would have been on 〈◊〉 other side , which would have given her the same cause of quarrel against the daughter , which King Henry took against the father , on the like disappointment . Others conceived , that she might fear a growing less by it in the eyes of her people , the Queen of Scots having so many advantages above her both in youth and beauty . But it was generally concluded to be against all reason of State , to give her Rival opportunity of growing gracious with the Nobility and Gentry of England , and laying the foundation of a faction in the Court it self . But the Queen had deeper matters to take up her thoughts than any such feminine jealousies and emulations , though these perhaps might also have their place amongst them . A spirit of sedition had begun to shew it self in the year last past , upon the bare noise of the coming of the Nuncio hither . Not much diminished ( if it were not much increased ) by the sitting of the Council of Trent , in which it was believed that some proceedings would be had against her . Which seeds being sowen , began first to shew themselves in a petit rebellion , in Merton College in Oxon ; sufficiently discovered by those small beginnings , that some design of greater consequence was in agitation . The Wardenship of that house being void by the death of Gervase , one Man is chosen to the place . But his election being questioned , and his admission thereupon opposed by a contrary faction , the gover●ment of the College devolved of course upon one Hall a Senior Fellow , sufficiently known to be of Popish inclinations , though for the saving of his place he had conformed as others did , to the present time . No sooner was he in this power , but he retrives some old superstitious hymns , which formerly had been sung on several Festivals in the times of Popery , prohibiting the use of such as had been introduced by Gervase the late Warden there . This gave incouragement and opportunity to the Popish party , to insult over the rest , especially over all those of the younger sort , who had not been trained up in their Popish principles ; so that it seemed a penal matter to be thought a Protestant . Notice whereof being given to Archbishop Parker , ( the Ordinary Visitour of that College in the Right of his See ) he summoneth Hall on the 20th . of May to appear before him , and caused the Citation to be fastned to the Gate of the College . But his authority in that case was so little regarded , that the seal of the Citation was torn off by some of that party . Hereupon followed a solemn visitation of the College by the said Archbishop . The result whereof was briefly this , that all were generally examined ; Man confirmed Warden , Hall justly expelled , his party publickly admonished ; the young scholars relieved , the Papists curbed and suppressed , and Protestants countenanced and incouraged in the whole University . But this was only the Essay of those greater commotions which were to have insued upon it ; though withall it proved a prognostick of their ill success , which constantly attended the designs of the Romish faction . For presently on the neck of this a far more dangerous conspiracy declared it self in some chief Leaders of that party ; The present sitting of the Council , the practices of some forein Ministers , and the Queens countenancing the French Hugo●ots , then being in Arms against their King , might serve both as encouragements and exasperations to put that party upon dangerous and destructive projects : And it is possible enough that somewhat might be aimed at by them , in favour of the Title of the Queen of Scots , or of some other of the Race of King Henry the 7th . by Margaret his eldest daughter , married to James the 4th . of Scotland ; which may the rather be supposed , because I find the Lady Margaret Countess of Lenox , daughter of the said Queen Margaret by her second husband , and mother of Henry Lord D●rnley ( who was after married to Queen Mary of Scotland ) to have been confined unto her House with the Earl her husband , upon suspition of some practice against the Queen . Certain it is , that many strange whispers were abroad , and no small hopes conceived by those of the Popish faction for suppressing the Protestants in all parts of the Kingdom , and setting up their own Religion as in former times ; a matter neither to be entertained without strong temptations , nor compassed without stronger forces , than they could raise amongst themselves , but by intelligence & supply from some forein Princes . On which account , amongst some others which were found to be of the Plot , Arthur Pole , granchild of Margaret Countess of Salisbury by Geofry her third son , the younger brother unto Re●gnald Pole the late Cardinal Legat , was apprehended and arraigned , together with his brother Geofry , Fortescue who had married his sister , & divers others : The substance of their Cha●ge ( as it is generally in all Treasons ) was , a design of levying war against the Queen , and otherwise entertaining many dangerous counsels against the peace and safety of her Dominions , with a particular intention of advancing the Queen of Scots to the Crown of England , and Pol● himself unto the Title of Duke of Clarence . All which they confessed upon the Indictment , and did all receive the sentence of death ; but were all afterwards pardoned by the Queens great clemency , out of that great respect which she carried to their Royal extraction . And yet it may be possible that there was something in it of State-craft as well as clemency , which might induce the Queen to spare them from the stroke of the Ax , which was , to keep them for a ballance to the House of Suffolk , of whom she now began to conceive some jealousies . The Lady Katharine Gray one of the younger daughters of Henry Duke of Suffolk , and sister to the late Queen Jane , had been marryed to the Lord Henry Herbert son and heir to the Earl of Pembrock , at such time as the said Queen Jane was married to the Lord Guilford Dudley at Durham-House . But the old Earl seasonably apprehending how unsafe it was to marry into that Family which had given so much trouble to the Queen , took the advantage of the time , and found some means to procure a sentence of Divorce , almost upon the very ins●ant of the Consummation . And knowing how well Queen Ma●y●●ood ●●ood affected to the Earl of Shrewsbury , he presently clapt up a marriage for his son with another Katherine , one of the daughters of that Earl , who dying about the begining of the Reign of this Queen , he married him as ●peedily to Mary S●d●ey the daughter of Sir Henry Sidney , and of Mary his wife , one of the daughters of John Dudley the late Duke of Northumberland ; in which last marriage he as much endeavoured to ingratiate himself with Sir Robert D●dle● , who at that time began to grow Lord Paramount in all Court-favours , as by the first Match to insinuate into old Duke Dudley , who did then predominate . In the mean time the Lady Katherine Gray languisheth long under the disgrace of this rejection , none daring to make any particular addresses to her , for fear of being involved in the like calamities as had befallen her father and the rest of that Family . But at the last the young Earl of Hertford contracts himself privately unto her , and having consummated the marriage with her , gets leave to travail into France ; But long he had not left the Kingdom when the Lady was found to be with child , & being imprisoned in the Tower she makes known her marriage , till then kept secret by agreement ; the Earl is thereupon called home , and standing honestly to the Marriage , for which he could produce no sufficient witnesse , is committed prisoner also . The Queen exceeding jealous of all Competitors , refers the cognisance of the cause to the Archbishop of Canterbury , and some other Delegates , by whom a certain time is set for the bringing in of Witnesses to prove the Marriage , and on default thereof , a sentence of unlawful copulation is pronounced against them ; during which troubles and disquiets , the Lady is delivered of the Lord Edward Se●mer her eldest son in the Tower of London , and conceived after of another by some s●oln meetings which she had with the Earl her husband , their Keepers on both sides being corrupted to give way unto it . Which practice so incensed the Queen , that hurried on with jealousie , and transported with passion , she caused a fine of five thousand pounds to be set upon him in the Star-chamber , and kept him close prisoner for the space of nine years , at the end whereof he was restored to liberty by the death of the Lady , who died a prisoner in the Tower. And though the Lady Francis Dutchess of Suffolk might hope to have preserved her self from the like Court-thunder-claps by her obscure marriage with Adrian Stokes , who had bin Gentleman of the Horse to the Duke her husband , yet neither could that save her from abiding a great part of the tempest , which fell so heavily upon her and all that family , that William the nephew of this Earl by Edward Viscount Beauchamp his eldest son , was prudently advised by some of his friends , to procure a confirmation of his grand-fathers honors from the hand of King James , which without much difficulty was obtained and granted by his Majesties Letters Patents , bearing date the 14th . of May in the 6th . year of his Reign . But such was the fortune of this House , that as this Earl , being newly restored unto the Title of Hertford , by the great goodness of the Queen , incurred her high displeasure , and was thereupon committed prisoner for his marriage with the Lady Katherine Gray , the onely heir then living of Mary the youngest daughter of King Henry the 7th . so William above mentioned being confirmed in the expectancy of his grand-fathers honors by the like goodness of King James , was committed prisoner by that King for marrying with the Lady Arabella , daughter and heir of Charls Earl of Lennox , descended from the eldest daughter of the said King Henry . Such were the principal occurrences of this present year , relating to the joynt concernments of Church and State ; In reference to the Church alone , nothing appears more memorable than the publishing of an elegant and acute Discourse , entituled , The Apology of the Church of England , first wait in Latin by the right reverend Bishop Jewel , translated presently into English , French , Italian , Dutch , and at last also into Greek , highly approved of by all pious and judicious men , stomached by none excepting our own English fugitives , and yet not undertook by any of them but by Harding only , who had his hands full enough before in beating out an answer to the Bishop● challenge : By him we are informed ( if we may believe him ) that two Tractats or Discourses had been writ against it , the one by an Italian in the Tongue of that Country , the other in Latine by a Spanish Bishop of the Realm of Naples ; both finished , and both stopped as they went to the Press , out of a due regard , ●orsooth , to the Church of England , whose honour had been deeply touched , by being thought to have approved such a lying , unreasonable , slanderous , and ungodly Pamphlet ; which were it true , the Church was more beholden to the modesty of those Spaniards and Italians , than to our own natural English. But whether it were true or not , or rather how untrue it is in all particulars , the exchange of writings on both sides doth most plainly manifest . In general it was objected , That the Apology was published in the name of the Church of England , before any mean part of the Church were privy to it , as if the Author either were ashamed of it , or afraid to stand to it ; that the Inscription of it neither was directed to Pope nor Emperor , nor to any Prince , not to the Church , nor to the General Council then in being , as it should have been ; that there was no mans name se● to it ; that it was printed without the privilege of the Prince , contrary to the Law in that behalf ; that it was allowed neither by Parliament nor Pro●lamation , nor agreed upon by the Clergy in a publick and lawful Synod and therefore that the Book was to be accounted a famous Libel , and a scandal●us Writing . To which it was answered in like Generals by that learned Prelate , That the profession of the Doctrine contained in it was offered unto the whole Church of God , and so unto the Pope and the Council too , if they were any part or member of the Church ; that if names be so necessary , he had the names of the whole Clergy of England to confirm that Doctrine , and Harding's too amongst the rest in the time of King Edward ; that for not having the Princes privilege , it might easily be disproved by the Printer ; that it was not conceived in such a dark corner as was objected , being afterwards imprinted at Paris in Latine , and having since been translated into the French , Italian , Dutch , and Spanish Toungs ; that being sent afterwards into France , Flanders , Germany , Spain , Poland , Hungary , Denmark , Sweden , Scotland , Italy , Naples , and Rome it self , it was tendred to the judgment of the whole Church of God ; that it was read and seriously considered of in the convent of Trent , and great threats made that it should be answered , and the matter taken in hand by two notable learned Bishops , the one a Spaniard , and the other an Italian , though in fine neither of them did any thing in it ; and finally , that certain of the English Papists had been nibling at it , but such as cared neither what they writ , nor was cared by others . And so much may suffice in general for this excellent Piece , to the publishing whereof , that learned Prelate was most encouraged by Peter Martyr , ( as appears by Martyr's Letter of the 24th . of August ) with whom he had spent the greatest part of his time when he lived in Exile : And happy had it been for the Church of England if he had never done worse offices to it , than by dealing with that reverend Bishop to so good a purpose . But Martyr onely lived to see the Book which he so much longed for , dying at Zurick on the 12th . day of November following , and laid into his grave by the Magistrates and People of that Town with a solemn Funeral . Nothing remains for the concluding of this year , but to declare how the three vacant Bishopricks were disposed of , if those may say to be disposed of which were still kept vacant ; Glocester was onely filled this year by the preferment of Mr. R●cha●d Cheny Archdeacon of Hereford , and one of the Prebendaries of the Coll●giat Church of St. Peter in Westminster , who received h●s Episcopal consecration on the 19th . of April . Together with the See of Glocester , he held that of Bristol in commendam , as did also Bullingham his Successor , that is to say , the Jurisdiction , with the Profits and Fees thereof , to be exercised and enjoyed by them , but the temporal Revenue of it to continue in the hands of some hungry Courtiers , who gnawed it to the very bone ; in which condition it remained under the two Bishops , till the year 1589. when the Queen was pleased to bestow the remainders of it , together with the title of Bishop , on Doctor Richard Flesher Dean of Peterborough , whom afterwards she preferred to the See of London . And as for Oxon , it was kept vacant from the death of King , the first Bishop of it , who died on the 4th . of December 1557. till the 14th . of October 1567. at which time it was conferred on Dr. Hugh Curwyn Archbishop of Dublin , and Chancellor of the Realm of Ireland , who having held it but a year , it was again kept vacant twenty years together , and then bestowed on Dr. John Underhil , who was consecrated Bishop thereof in D●cember 1589. but he dying also shortly after , viz. Anno 1592. it was once more kept void till the year 1603. and then took up by Dr. John Bridges Dean of Salisbury , rather to satisfie the desires of others than his own ambition . So that upon the point , this Church was filled but little more than three years in forty s●x , the Jurisdiction of it was in the mean time managed by some Officers thereunto authorised by the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Patrimony and Revenues of it remaining in the hands of the Earl of Leicester , and after his decease of the Earl of E●●ex , by whom the Lands thereof were so spoiled and wasted , that they left nothing to the last Bishops but Impropriations ; by means of which havock and destruction , all the five Bishopricks erected by King Henry the 8th . were so impoverished and destroyed , that the new Bishops were necessitated to require the benevolence of their Clergy at their first comming to them , to furnish their Episcopal Houses , and to enable them to maintain some tolerable degree of Hospitality in their several Diocesses , of which we shall hear more hereafter from the pen of an Adversay . An. Reg. Eliz. 5. An. Dom. 1562 , 1563. THe last years practices of the Papists , and the dangers thereby threatning both the Queen and State , occasioned her to call a Parliament on the 12th . of January , in which first passed an Act , For assurance of the Queens Royal power over all Estates and Subjects within her Dominions . In the body whereof it was provided , That no man living or residing in the Queens Dominions , under the pains and penalties therein appointed , should from thenceforth , either by word or writing , or any other open deed , willingly and advisedly endeavour to maintain the Power and Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome , heretofore claimed and usurped within this Realm . And for the better discovery of all such persons as might be popishly affected , it was enacted , That none should be admitted unto holy Orders , or to any Degree in either of the Universities , or to be Barrester or Bencher in any of the Inns of Court , &c. or to practise as an Atturney , or otherwise to bear any Office in any of the Courts at Westminster Hall , or any other Court whatsoever , till he or they should first take the Oath of Supremacy on the holy Evangelists ; With a Power given to every Archbishop and Bishop within this Realm and the Dominions of the same , to tender or minister the Oath aforesaid , to all and every spiritual person in their proper Diocesses , as well in places exempt as else-where . Of which last clause the Reader is to take especial notice , because of the great controversie which ensued upon it , of which , more hereafter . And because many of the Popish party had lately busied themselves by Conjurations , and other Diabolical Arts , to enquire into the length or shortness of her Majesties life , and thereupon had caused some dark and doubtful prophecies to be spread abroad ; There passed two other Statutes for suppressing the like dangerous practices , by which her Majesties person might be endangered , the people stirred to rebellion , or the peace otherwise disturbed . For which consult the Acts of Parliament , 5 Eliz. c 15 , 16. By which three Acts , and one more for the better executing of the Writ de Excommunicato capiendo , the Queen provided very well for her own security , but more provoked the Pope & his adherents to conspire against her in the time to come ; against whose machinations , back'd by the power and counsels of forein Princes , nothing was more conducible than her strength at Sea , for the encrease whereof , and the continual breeding of a Seminary of expert Mariners , an Act was made for adding Wednesday to the number of the weekly Fas●s , which from thenceforth was called Jejunium Cecilianum , as being one of the devices of Sir William Cecil . In reference to Religion , and the advancement of the service and worship of God , it had been declared by the Bishops and Clergy assembled at the same time in their Convocation , To be a thing plainly repugnant to the Word of God , and the custom of the Primitive Church , to have publick prayer in the Church , or to minister the Sacraments in a Toung not understood by the people . To comply with which pious Declaration , and take off all retortion which possibly might be made by those of Rome , when they were charged with the administration of the Service and Sacraments in an unknown Toung , it was enacted , That the Bishops of Hereford , St. Davids , Bangor , Landaff , and St. Asaph , should take care amongst them for translating the whole Bible with the Common-Prayer Book into the We●ch or British Toung , on pain of forfeiting 40 l. a piece in default thereof . And to encourage them thereunto it was ordered , That one Book of either sort being so translated and imprinted , should be provided and bought of every Cathedral , or Parish Church , as also for all Parish Churches & Chapels of Ease where the said Toung is commonly used ; the Ministers to pay one half of the price , and the Parishioners the other . The like care was also taken for translating the Books of Homilies ; but whether it were done by any new order from the Queen , or the piety of the four Welch Bishops , or that they were considered as a necessary part of the publick Litu●gy , by reason of the Rubrick at the end of the Nicene Creed , I have no wh●●e found . As for the Convocation which accompanied the present Parliament , it began on the 13●h . day of Ja●uary in the Cathedral of St. Pa●l , the Latine Sermon 〈◊〉 by Mr. William Day , then Provost of Eaton College , afterwards 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 also , and Bishop of Winchester ; which being finished , the Bishop of L●nd●● presents a list of the several Bishops , Deans , and Chapters , which had been cited to appear ; the catalogue of the Bishops ending with Gabriel Goodman Dean of Westminster , that of the Deans beginning on another file with Alexander Novel Dean of St. Pauls , elected by the Clergy for their Prolocutor . The Convocation after this is adjourned to Westminster for the conveniency of the Prelates , by reason of their attendance on affairs of Parliament . Goodman the Dean of Westminster had made his Protestation in the Church of St. Paul , that by appearing as a Member of the Convocation by ve●tue of the Arch-bishops Mandat , he subjected not himself nor the Church of Westminster to the authority or jurisdiction of the See of Canterbury . And now on the Archbishops personal comming to the Church of Westminster , he delivers the like Protestation in writing for preserving the Liberties of the Church , in which it was declared , according to the privilege & just rights therof , that no Archbishop or Bishop could exercise any Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in it , without leave of the Dean for the time then being ; and therefore that he could not consent to the holding of a Convocation in that place , without some Decla●ation to be made by the Archbishops & Bishops , that their holding the Convocation in the same should not be taken or intended for any violation of the rights & privileges that belong'd unto it , which was accordingly perform'd . It was ●n the 19th . day of January that these formalities were transacted , at wh●t time the Archbishops and Bishops having first had some secret communication amongst themselves about the Articles of Religion established in King 〈◊〉 time , r●quired the Prolocutor and six others of the Lower H●use of Convocation , to repair unto them ; By whom it was signified unto their Lordships , that some of the Clergy had prepared certain Bills , containing a specification of such matters as were conceived to be amiss in the state of the Church , and that the Articles of Religion agreed upon in the Reign of King Edward the 6th . had been delivered unto others to be considered of , corrected , and accommodated as they found it necessary . Being encouraged in the last , and furthered by the diligence of some of the Bishops who were employed in the same work , the Articles were agreed upon , publickly read before the Bishops in the Chapter-house of St. Paul , on the 29th . of the same month , and by all of them subscribed with great unanimity . The Prelates had observed some deviation from the Doctrine of King Edward's Reign , which had been made by the Calvini●n on Zuinglian Gospellers , in the Articles of Predestination , Grace , Free-will , and final perseverance : Nor could they but take notice with how little reverence the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was administred , and the Authority of the Church despised by too many of the same party also ; which they were willing to impute to the want of some known rule amongst them , by which they were to regulate their judgments , and conform their actions : To which end it was thought expedient , that the Book of Articles agreed upon in Convocation , Anno 1552. should be revised and accommodated to the use of the Church , the Queens leave being first obtained for their warrant in it . In the managing of which great business , I know not whether I should more admire their moderation , or their wisdome . Their wisdome eminent , in not suffering any Outlandish Divine who might drive on a different interess from that of the Church , either to vote amongst them , or carry any stroke in their consultations . Their moderation no less visible , in declining all unnecessary determinations , which rather tended to the multiplying of controversies , and ingendring strifes , than either unto edification or increase of piety . So that they seemed to have proceeded by those very Rules which King James so much approved of in the conference at Hampton Court , First in not separating further from the Church of Rome in points of Discipline or Doctrine , than that Church had separated from what she was in her purest times ; Secondly , in not stuffing the Book of Articles with all Conclusions Theological , in which a latitude of judgement was to be allowed , as far as it might be consistent with peace and charity ; and Thirdly , in not thrusting into it every opinion or Position negative , which might have made it somewhat like Mr. Craiges Confession in the Kirk of Scotland , who with his I renounce , and I abhor , his detestations and abrenunciations , did so amaze the simple people ( as the King observeth ) that not being able to conceive or understand all those points , utterly gave over all , and fell back to Popery , or else remained in their former ignorance . Upon which grounds , as they omitted many whole Articles , and qualified the expressions of some others in King Edward's book ; so were they generally very sparing in defining any thing which was meerly matter of moduli●y , or de modo only : As namely , touching the manner of Christs presence in the Holy Eucharist , the manner of effecting grace by the blessed Sacraments , or of the operation of Gods grace in a mans conversion . Which rules being carefully observed by all the Bishops , on whose authority and consent , the greatest part of the whole Work did seem to rest , and all particulars agreed upon amongst themselves , it was no wonder if they passed their Votes without contradiction . But in taking the subscriptions of the lower house , there appeared more difficulty . For though they all testified their consent unto them , on the said 29th . of January , either by words express , or by saying nothing to the contrary , which came all to o●e ; yet when subscription was required , many of the Calvinians , or Zuinglian-Gospellers , possibly some also which enclined rather to their old Religion , and who found themselves unsatisfied in some particulars , had demurred upon it . With this demur their Lordships are acquainted by the Prolocutor , on the 5th . of February . By whom their Lordships were desired in the name of that House , that such who had not hitherto subscribed the Articles , might be ordered to subscribe in their own proper house , or in the presence of their Lordships . Which request being easily granted , drew on the subscription of some others , but so , that many still remained in their first unwillingness . An Order thereupon is made by their Lordships , on the ●oth . then following , that the Prolocutor should return the names of all such persons who refused subscription , to the end that such further course might be taken with them , as to their Lordships should seem most fit . After which we hear no news of the like complaints and informations ; which makes it probable ( if not concluded ) that they all subscribed . And being thus subscribed by all , they were soon after published both in English and Latine , with this following Title , that is to say , Articles agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces , and the whole Clergy , in the Convocation holden at London in the year 1562. for the avoiding of diversities of opinions , and establishing consent touching true Religion . But what they were , and wherein they agreed or differed with or from those established by King Edward the 6th . shall be referred ( for the avoiding of all interruptions in the course of this History ) to a place more proper . Nothing else brought to a conclusion by them , but the Bill of Subsidy , which having past that House , was confirmed in Parliament . Nothing else brought into conclusion , though many things were had in deliberation . On Friday the 5th . of February , the Bishops of Salisbury , Exon , St David's and Lichfield , were appointed by the rest of the Prelates , to examine a Catechism which it seems was presented to them . But being by them remitted to the consideration of the lower house , they were advertised by Day and Sampson on the 3d. of March , that the said house unanimously had approved thereof . And there it rested for that time , and for ever after , nothing being done in confirmation of it , as a publick Doctrine , ( by whomsoever it was written ) nor any further speech made of it in the time succeeding . Which fortune also hapned to a Book of Discipline projected amongst some of the Clergy , and render'd to the Bishops by the Prolocutor , and ten others of that House , on the 26th . of February . To which some additionals being made by the first contrivers , it was a second time tender'd to them by the Prolocutor , in the name of the lower House of Convocation , by whom it had been generally and unanimously recommended to them . But the Bishops let this sleep also as they did the other . More was it to the profit of the Clergy generally , to make inquiry into certain Articles , which by the Archbishop , with the consent of all the rest of the Prelates , were delivered in writing . The Tenour of which Articles was , 1. Whether if the Writ of Melius inquirendum be sent forth , there be any likelyhood that it will return to the Queens profit ? 2. Whether some Benefices ratably be not less than they be already valued ? 3. That they enquire of the manner of dilapidations , and other spoliations that they can remember to have passed upon their Livings , and by whom . 4. To signifie how they have been used for the levying of the arrerages of tenths and Subsidies , and for how many years past . 5. As also how many Benefices they find that are charged with pensions newly imposed to discharge the pensions of Religious persons . 6. And lastly , to certifie how many Benefices are vacant in every Diocess . But what return was made upon these enquiries , I find as little in the Acts of this Convocation , as either in allowance of the Catechism , or the Book of Discipline . Religion and the State being thus fortified and secured in England , it will not be amiss to see what they do in Scotland ; where the young Queen was graciously enclined to forget all injuries , and grant more liberty to her subjects , in the free exercising and enjoying of their own perswasions , than she could gain unto her self . For in a Parliament held in May , within few months after the end of that in England , the Act for oblivion , formerly condescended to in the Treaty at Edenborough , was confirmed and ratified ; but without reference to that Treaty , the results whereof , the Queen by no means would acknowledge to be good and valid . And thereupon it was advised that the Lords should supplicate on their knees in the House of Parliament for the passing of it , which was accordingly performed by them , and vouchsafed by her . There also past some other Acts of great advantage to the Church , as affairs then stood ; that is to say , one Act for the repairing and upholding of Parish Churches , and the Church-yards of the same , for burial of the dead . Another against letting Parsonages , Glebes , or Houses , into long Leases or Fee. But this came somewhat of the latest , a great part of the Tythes , Houses , and possessions which belonged to the Church , having been formerly aliened or demised for a very long term by the Popish Clergy , when they perceived they were not likely to enjoy them longer for themselves . But on the other side , no safety or protection could be found for her own Religion ; no , not so much as in the Chapel-Royal , or the Regal City . In contempt whereof , a force was violently committed in the month of August , in the Chapel of the Palace of Holy Rood House , ( the Whitehall of Edenborough ) where certain of the Queens servants were assembled for their own devotions , the dores broke open , some of the company haled to the next prison , and the rest dispersed , the Priest escaping with much difficulty by a private passage . The Queen was then absent in the North , but questioned Knox at her return , as the cause of the uproar . By which expostulation she got nothing from that fiery spirit , but neglect and scorn . Return we back again to France , where we find some alternations of affairs between the French King and the Reingrave on the one side , the English and confederate Princes on the other , but so , that fortune seemed most favourable to the English party . The Church of Hattivil ( a neighbouring Village to Newhaven ) taken and garrison'd by the Reingrave , but presently abandoned and repossessed by the English. The Castle of Tankervile cunningly taken by the English , and soon after regained by the Reingrave . The City and Castle of Cane held with a strong Garison by the Marquiss d' Elbeuffe , and besi● ged by the confederate forces , both French and English , and finally , surrender'd to the Admiral Chastilion to the use of the Princes , March the 2d . After which followed the surrendry of Bayeulx , Faleise , St. Lods , and divers other Towns and Castles . The Town of Hareflew on the Seine gallantly taken by the help of the English of Newhaven , on the 10th . and garrison'd by such souldiers and inhabitants as was sent from thence . Which fortunate successes so amazed the heads of the Guisian faction , that they agreed unto an Edict of pacification , by which the French Princes were restored to the Kings favor , the Hugonots to the free exercise of their own Religion , and all things setled for the present to their full contentment . But they must buy this happiness by betraying the English whom they had brought into the Country , and join their forces with the rest , to drive them out of Newhaven , if they would not yield it on demand . Of this the Queen had secret notice , and offereth by Throgmorton , to deliver up Newhaven in exchange for Callis . The French resolve to hold the one , and recover the other ; so that new forces are sent over to make good the Town . The French draw toward it in great numbers , under the conduct of the Marshals of Brissack and Mont Morency ; followed not long after by the Constable himself , with many other French Lords of the highest quality . The siege growes close , and the service very hot on both sides ; but the English had a fiercer enemy within the Town , than any whom they found without . The pes●ilence had got in amongst them , and raged so terribly for the time , that the living were scarce able to bury the dead . And to compleat the miseries of the besieged , the Prince of Conde , and the Duke of Montpensier , shewed themselves openly amongst the rest in the Camp of the enemies , that the last act of the Tragedy might be plaid in their presence . All things conspiring thus against them , the English are necessitated to a capitulation , by which they left the Town behind them on the 29th . of July , but carried the plague with them into England . Which might by some be looked on as an argument of Gods displeasure on this Nation , for giving aid unto the Rebels of a Christian Prince , though masked with the vizard of Religion . Passe we on further toward Trent , where we find the Fathers in high displeasure against Queen Elizabeth , exasperated by her aiding the French Hugonots against their King. But more for passing the Statute above mentioned , for punishing all those which countenanced and maintained the Popes authority within her dominions . The Pope hereby so much incensed , that he dispatched a Commission to the Fathers of Trent , to proceed to an excommunication of the Queen of England . The Emperour had his aims upon her , being at that time solicitous for effecting a mariage betwixt her and Charles of Inspruch , his second son ; of which his Ministers entertained him with no doubtful hopes . In contemplation of which mariage , on the first notice which was given him of this secret purpose , he writ Letters both to the Pope and to the Legates , in which he signified unto them , that if the Council would not yield that fruit which was desired , that they might see an union of all Catholicks to reform the Church ; at least they should not give occasion to the Hereticks to unite themselves more , which certainly they would do , in case they proceeded so against the Queen of England ; by means whereof they would undoubtedly make a league against the Catholicks , which must needs bring forth many great inconveniences . Nor did this Admonition coming from a person of so great authority , and built on such prudential reasons , want its good effect : Insomuch that both the Pope desisted at Rome , and revoked the Commission sent before to the Legates in Trent . But the Ministers of the King of Spain would not so give over , the Archbishop of Otranto in the Realm of Naples , keeping the game on foot when the rest had left it . And because he thought the proposition would not take , if it were made only in relation to the Queen of England , he proposed a general ana●he●atizing of the Hereticks , as well dead as living , Luther and Zuinglius , and the rest ; which he affirmed to be the practice of all Councils , in the Primitive times , and that otherwise it might be said that the Council had laboured all this while in vain . To which it was replyed by one of the Legates , that dive●s times required different Counsels ; that the differences about religion in those elder times , were between the Bishops and the Priests ; that the people were but as an accessory ; that the Grandees either did not meddle , or if they did adhere to any Heresie , they did not make themselves Heads and Leaders . But now all was quite contrary , for now the Hereticks Ministers and Preachers could not be said to be heads of the Sects , but the Princes rather , to whose interess their Ministers and Preachers did accommodate themselves ; that he that would name the true Heads of Hereticks , must name the Queens of England and Navarr , the Prince of Conde , the Elector Palatine of the Reine , the Elector of Saxonie , and many other Dukes and Princes of Germany ; that this would make them unite , and shew they were sensible of it ; and that the condemnation of Luther and Zuinglius only , would so provoke them , that some great confusion would certainly arise ; and therefore they must not do what they would , but what they could , seeing that the more moderate resolution was the better . After which grave and prudent Answer , it was not long before the conclusion of the Council ( which ended on the 3d. of December ) had put an end to all those practices or designs , which otherwise might have much distracted the peace of Christendom , and more particularly the tranquillity of the Realm of England . And so I take my leave of the Council of Trent , without making any other character or censure of it , than that which is given by the Historian , that is to say , That being desired and procured by godly men to reunite the Church which then began to be divided , it so established the schism , and made the party so obstinate , that the discords are become irreconcilable ; that being managed by Princes for the Reformation of Ecclesiastical Discipline , it caused the greatest deformation that ever was since Christianity began ; that being hoped for by the Bishops to regain the Episcopal authority , usurped for the most part by the Pope , it made them lose it altogether , and brought them into a greater servitude ; and on the contrary , that being feared and avoided by the See of Rome , as a ●otent means to moderate the exorbitant power of the Pope , mounted from small beginnings , by divers degrees unto an unlimited excess , it hath so established and confirmed the same over that part which remaineth subject to it , that it never was so great , nor so soundly rooted . Anno Reg. Eliz. 6. A. D. 1563 , 1564. HAving dispatched our businesse in France and Trent , we shall confine our selves for so much of our Story as is to come to the Isles of Brit●ain . In the fouth part thereof , the plague brought out of France by the Garison souldiers of Newhaven , had so dispersed it self , and made such desolation in many parts of the Realm , that it swept away above 20000 in the City of London . Which though it seemed lesse than some great plagues which have hapned since , yet was it the greatest at that time , which any man living could remember . In which regard as Michaelmas Term was not kept at all , so Can●lemas Term then following was kept at Hartford , the houses in London being not well cleansed , nor the air sufficiently corrected for so great a concourse . Under pretence whereof , the Council of the King of Spain residing in Brussels , commanded Proclamation to be made in Antwerp and other places , that no English ship with cloths , should come into any parts of the Low Countries . Besides which , they alleged some other causes , as namely , the raising of Impost upon goods , as well inwards as outwards , as well upon English men as upon strangers , &c. But the true reason of it was , because a Statute had been passed in the first year of the Queen , by which divers Wares and Commodities were forbidden to be brought into this Realm out of Flanders , and other places , ( being the Manufactures of those Countries ) to the end that our own people might be set on work ; as also that no English or stranger might ship out any white cloths undrest , being of price above 4 l. without special licence . But at the earnest sute of the Merchant Adventurers , the Queen prohibited the transporting of Wool unwrought , and the Cloth-Fleet was sent to Embden , the principal City in East Fruzland , about Easter following , where it was joyfully received , and where the English kept their Factory for some years after . And though the Hanse Towns made such friends in the Court of the Emperour , that the English trade was interdicted under the pretence of being a Monopoly , yet by the constancy of the Queen , the courage of the Merchants , and the dexterity of their Agents , they prevailed at last , and caried on the trade themselves , without any Competitours . The apprehension of this dealing from the Council of Spain , induced the Queen to hearken the more willingly to a peace with France . Which she concluded upon terms of as good advantage as the times would bear , the demand for Calais being waved till the eight years end , at which it was to be restored unto her by the Treaty of Cambray . Which peace was first Proclaimed before her Majesty in the Castle of Windsor , the French Ambassador being present ; and afterwards at London on the 13th . of April . And for creating the greater confidence and amity between both Princes , it was not long before she sent the Lord Henry Huns●on , accompanied with the Lord Strange , and divers Knights and Gentlemen , to the Court of France , to present that King with the Collar and Habit of the Garter , into which Noble Order he had been elected at a General Chapter . Garter the King at Arms was also sent along with them to invest him in it , with all the Ceremonies and Solemnities thereunto belonging , to make it the more acceptable in the sight of that people . But notwithstanding these courses on the one side , and the indignities put upon her by the Hugonot Princes on the other , Reason of State prevailed with her not to lay aside the care of their safety and affairs . For wel she knew , that if the Hugonots were not incouraged under hand , and the Guisian faction kept in breath by their frequent stirrings , they would be either hammering some design against her in her own Dominions , or animate the Queen of Scots to stand to her Title and pretensions for the Crown of England . Upon which general ground of self-preservation , as she first aided those of Scotland for the expelling of the French , and the French Protestants from being ruined and oppressed by the House of Guise , so on the same , she afterwards undertook the Patronage of the Belgick Neatherlands , against the tyranny and ambition of the Duke of Alva , who otherwise might have brought the war to her own dores , and hazarded the peace and safety of her whole Estate . Having secured her self by this peace with France , and being at no open enmity with the King of Spain , she resolves to give her self some pleasure , and thereupon prepareth for her Summers progress . In the course whereof she bestowed a visit upon Cambridge on the 5th . of August , where she was honorably received by Mr. Secretary Cecil , being then Chancellor of that University ; together with all the Heads of Houses , and other Students attired in their Academical Habits , according to their several and distinct degrees . Her lodging was provided in Kings College , the dayes of her abode there , spent in Scholastical exercises of Philosophy , Physick , and Divinity ; the nights in Comedies and Tragedies , and other pleasing entertainments . On Wednesday the 7th . of the same month , she rode through the Town , and took a view of all the Colleges and Halls ; the goodly Monuments of the piety of her predecessors , and of so many men and women famous in their generations . Which done , she took her leave of Cambridge in a Latine Oration , in which she gave them great encouragement to persue their studies , not without giving them somes hopes , that if God spared her life and opportunity , she would erect some Monument amongst them of her love to Learning , which should not be inferiour unto any of her Royal Ancestors . In which diversion she received such high contentment , that nothing could have seemed to be equal to it but the like at Oxon , where she was entertained about two years after for seven days together , with the same variety of Speeches , Ente●ludes , Disputations , and other Academical expressions of a publick joy . In one point , that of Oxford seemed to have the preheminence , all things being there both given and taken with so even an hand , that there could be no ground for any emulation , strife , or discord to ensue upon it . But in the midst of those contentments which she had at Cambridge , were sown the seeds of those divisions and combustions , with which the Church hath been continually distracted to this very day : For so it hapned , that Mr. Thomas Preston of Kings College , and Mr. Thomas Cartwright of Trinity College , were appointed for two of the Opponents in a Disputation ; In which the first , by reason of his comely gesture , pleasing pronunciation , and graceful personage , was both liked and rewarded by her , the other receiving neither reward or commendation ; Which so incensed the proud man , too much opinionated of himself and his own abilities , that he retired unto Geneva , where having throughly informed himself in all particulars , both of Doctrine and Discipline , wherein the Churches of that platform differed from the Church of England , he returned home with an intent to repair his credit , or rather to get himself a name , ( as did Erastrotus in the burning of Diana's Temple ) by raising such a fire , such combustions in her , as never were to be extinguished ( like the fire of Taberah ) but by the immediate hand of Heaven . The Genevians had already began to blow the coals , and brought fewel to them , but it was onely for the burning of Caps and Rochets . The Common-Prayer book was so fortified by Act of Parliament , that there was no assaulting of it without greater danger than they durst draw upon themselves . And as for the Episcopal Government , it was so interwoven and incorporated with the Laws of the land , so twisted in with the Pre●ogative of the Crown and the Regal Interess , that they must first be in a capacity of trampling on the Laws and the Crown together , before they could attempt the destruction of it . But Caps and Typpets , Rochets and Lawn sleeves , and Canonical Coats , seemed to be built upon no better foundation than superstitious custom , some old Popish Canon , or at the best some temporary Injunction of the Queens devising , which could not have the power and effect of Law. This Game they had in chase in King Edward's time , which now they are resolved to follow both with horn and hound , and hunt it to the very last : But as good Huntsmen as they were , they came off with loss , they that sped best in it , being torn by the briers and bushes , through which the fury of their passion carried them in pursute of the sport : Amongst which , none sped worse than Sampson , because none had so much to lose in the prosecution ; for resting obstinate in refusing to wear that habit which of right belonged unto his place , he was deprived of that place by the High Commissioners , to which the habit did belong . So eminent a Preferment as the Deanry of Christ-church deserved a man of a better temper , and of a more exemplary conformity to the rules of the Church ; Both which were found in Dr. Thomas Godwin , Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen , advanced unto this Deanry first , and after to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells ; more fortunate in being father to Dr. Francis Godwin a late Bishop of Hereford , never to be forgotten for his Commentaries of the English Bishops , digested with such infinite pains , and no less ingenuity . The obstinacy of these men in matter of Ceremony , prompted the Bishops to make trial of their Orthodoxie in points of Doctrine . The Articles of Religion lately agreed upon in Convocation , had been subscribed by all the Clergy , who had voted to them , subscribed not onely for themselves , but in the name of all those in the several Diocesses and Cathedral Churches , whom they represented . But the Bishops not thinking that sufficient to secure the Church , required subscription of the rest in their several places , threatning no less than deprivation to such as wilfully refused , and obstinately persisted in that refusal . Many there were who● bogled at it , as they all did , but did it not so perversely , nor in such great numbers as when their faction was grown strong and improved to multitudes . Some stumbled at it in regard of the first clause added to the 20th Article , about the Authority of the Church , others in reference to the 36th . touching the Consecration of Archbishops and Bishops ; some thought they attributed more authority to the Supream Magistrate , over all persons and causes both Ecclesiastical and Civil , than could consist with that Autocratie and Independency which Calvin arrogated unto his Presbyteries and other Churches of that platform : And others looked upon the Homil es as beggarly rudiments , scarce milk for Babes , but by no means to be served in for a stronger stomach . In general , thought by the Genevians and Zuinglian Gospellers to have too much in them of the Pope , or too little of Calvin , and therefore not to be subscribed by any who desired the reputation of keeping a good conscience with faith unfeigned . Of which number none so much remarkable as father John Fox the Mar●yrologist , who had before appeared in the Schism at Franckfort , and left that Church ( when Cox had got the better in it ) to retire to Geneva ; being now called on to subscribe , that the opinion which was had of his parts and piety might advance the service , he is said to have appeared before the Bishop ( but whether before the Archbishop or his own Diocesan is not much material ) with the New-Testament in Greek , To this ( said he ) I will subscribe , and it this will not serve , take my Prebend of Salisbury , the onely preferment which I hold in the Church of England , and much good may it do you . This refractory answer ( for it was no better ) might well have moved the Bishop to proceed against him , as he did against some others who had stood on the same refusal ; but kissing goes by kindness , as the saying is , and so much kindness was shewed to him , that he both kept his resolution and his place together ; which whether it might not do more hurt to the Church , than that preferment in the Church did advantage him , I think no wise man will make a question ; for commonly the exemption or indemnity of some few particulars , confirms the obstinacy of the rest , in hope of being privileged with the like indemnity . And therefore it was well observed by Bishop Bancroft , when King James proposed the writing of a Letter to the Bishop of Chester , for respiting some Ministers of his Diocess from a present conformity , That if this purpose should proceed , the copy of those Letters would fly over the Kingdom , and then others would make the same request for some friends of theirs , and so no fruit would follow of the present Conference , but that all things would be worse than before they were . But Queen Elizabeth was not drawn so easily to the like indulgencies , for which she received her own just praises from the Pen of an Adversary , Harding by name , in his Epistle Dedicatory prefixed before his Answer to the Bishops Apology , commends her earnest zeal and travail , in bringing those disordered Ministers into some order of decent apparel , which yet some of them wanted reason to apply themselves to . And Sanders ( who seldom speaks well of her ) first informs his Reader , What bickerings there were in England about the Rochet , and other Vestments of the Clergy ; that many of the opposite party regarded not the Queens judgment in it , but sent for counsel and advice to Germany , France , Savoy , and Switzerland , but specially to Theodore Beza and Peter Martyr ; but finally that notwithstanding the advice of the one , and the addresses of the other , the Queen proceeded vigorously to the deprivation of all such persons as wilfully opposed her order made in that behalf . It seems by this that our Genevians , for the greater countenancing of their inconformity , had stirred up the most eminent Divines of the Gallick and Helvetian Churches to declare in favour of their doings ; And it appears also , by remembrances in some Authors , that Calvin apprehending some neglect from Mr. Secretary Cecil , in making either no return , or a return which signified nothing , to his first addresses , had laid aside his care of the Church of England , for which he could expect no thanks from the Bishops , or had received so little from the grea● men of the Court. But Peter Martyr while he lived , conceived himself to have some interess in this Church , in which he had enjoyed such a good preferment , but more in some particular persons and members of it , who seemed to depend upon his judgment , and to ask counsel of him as their surest Oracle : In which , how much he countenanced that faction in King Edward's time , both by his practice and his pen , and what encouragement he gave them in this present Reign , hath been shewn before ; how much out-gone by Theodore Beza , who next usurped a super-intendency over all the Churches of this Island , may be seen hereafter : All that shall now be said of either of them , or of all together , shall be briefly this , that this poor Church might better have counted their best helps in points of Doctrine , than have been troubled with their intermedlings in matter of Discipline . More modestly then so dealt Bullinger and Gualter , two Divines of Suitzerland , as eminent in all points of learning as the best amongst them ; who being sollicited by some some zealous brethren to signifie their judgment in the present controversie , about the Aparel of the Clergy , return an approbation of it , but send the same inclosed in several Letters to Sandys , Horn , and Gryndal , that they might see that neither of them would engage in the affairs of this Church , without the privity of the Governors and Rulers of it . To bring this quarel to an end , or otherwise to render all opponents the more inexcusable , the Queen thought fit to make a further signification of her Royall pleasure , not grounded onely on the Soveraign Power and Prerogative Royal , by which she published her Injunctions in the first year of her Reign , but legally declared by her Commissioners for causes Ecclesiastical , according to the Acts and Statutes made in that behalf ; for then it was to be presumed , that such as had denyed obedience to her sole commands , would at least give it to the Laws . The Archbishop is thereupon required to consult together with such Bishops and Commissioners as were next at hand , upon the making of such Rules and Orders as they thought necessary for the peace of the Church , with reference to the present condition and estate thereof : Which being accordingly performed , presented to the Queen , and by her approved , the said Rules and Orders were set forth and published in a certain book , entituled , Advertisements , partly for due order in the publick Administration of the Common-Prayers , and using the holy Sacraments ; and partly for the Apparel of all persons Ecclesiastical , by vertue of the Queens Majesties Letters commanding the same , the 15th . day of January , &c. And that they might be known to have the stamp of Royal Authority , a Preface was prefixed before them , in which it was expressed , That the Queen had called to her remembrance how necessary it was for the advancement of God's glory , &c. for all her loving subjects of the state Ecclesiastical , not onely to be knit together in the bonds of Uniformity touching the ministration of Gods Word and Sacraments , but also to be of one decent behaviour of outward aparel , that by their distinct habits they might be known to be of that holy vocation , whereby the greater reverence might be● given unto them in their several Offices , that thereupon she had required the Metropolitan , by her special Letters , that upon conference had with such other Bishops as were authorised by her Commission for causes Ecclesiastical , some order might be took , whereby all diversities and varieties in the premises might be taken away ; And finally , that in obedience unto her commands , the said Metropolitan and the rest there named had agreed upon the Rules and Orders ensuing , which were by her thought meet to be used and followed . Now in these Articles or Advertisements , it was particularly enjoyned amongst other things , That all Archbishops and Bishops should continue their accustomed Aparel ; that all Deans of Cathedral Churches , Masters of Colleges , all Archdeacons , and other dignitaries in Cathedral Churches , Doctors , Batchelors of Divinity , and Law , having any Ecclesiastical Living , should wear in their common apparel abroad a side Gown with sleeves streight at the hand , without any cuts in the same , and that also without any falling cape , and to wear tippets of ●arsnet , as was lawful for them by Act of Parliament , 24 Hen. 8. That all Doctors of Physick or any other faculty , having any Living Ecclesiastical , or any other that may dispend by the Church 100 Marks , he to be esteemed by the fruits or tenths of their Promotions ; or all Prebendaries , whose promotions are vallued at 20 l. and upward , to wear the like habit ; that they , or all Ecclesiastical persons , or other having any Ecclesiastical Living , do wear the cap appointed by the Injunctions , and no hats , but in their journeyings ; that they in their journeys do wear the cloaks with sleeves put on , and like in fashion to their Gowns , without gards , welts , or cuts ; that in their private houses or studies they use their own liberty of comely apparel ; that all inferiour Ecclesiastical persons shall wear long gowns of the fashion aforesaid , and caps as before is described ; that all poor Parsons , Vicars , and Cura●s , do endeavour themselves to conform their aparel in like sort , so soon and as conveniently as their abilities will serve for the same ; provided , that their ability be judged by the Bishop of the Diocess ; and if their ability will not suffer them to buy them long gowns , of the form aforesaid prescribed , that then they shall wear their short gowns , as before expressed ; that all such pe●●ons as have been , or be Ecclesiastical , and serve not the Ministry , or have not accepted , or shall refuse to accept , the Oath of obedience to the Queens Majesty , do from henceforth wear none of the said aparel , but to go as meer lay-men , till they be reconciled to obedience ; and who shall obstinately refuse to do the same , be presented by the Ordinary to the Commissioners for causes Ecclesiastical , and by them to be reformed accordingly . But this belongs more properly to the year next following . To return therefore where we left , the next considerable action which followed on the Queens reception at Cambridge , but more considerable in the consequents than in the act it self , was the preferring of Sir Robert Dudley , the second son then living to the Duke of Northumberland , to the Titles of Lord Denbigh and Earl of Leicester , which honour she conferred on him on Michaelmas day , with all the Pomps and ceremonies thereunto accustomed ; She had before elected him into the Order of the Garter , made him the Master of her Horse , and Chancellor of the University of Oxon , suffered him to carry a great sway in all affairs both of Court and Council , and given unto him the fair Mannor of Denbigh , being conceived to be one of the goodliest Territories in England , as having more Gentlemen of quality which owes sure and service thereunto , than any other whatsoever in the hands of a subject : And now she adds unto these honors the goodly Castle and Mannor of Kenelworth , part of the patrimony and possession of the Dutchy of Lancaster . Advanced unto which heighth , he ingrossed unto himself the disposings of all Offices in Court and State , and of all preferments in the Church , proving in fine so unappeasable in his malice , and unsatiable in his lusts , so sacrilegious in his rapines , so false in promises , and treche●ous in point of trust , and finally so destructive of the rights and properties of particular persons , that his little finger lay far heavier on the English subjects , than the loins of all the Favorites of the two last Kings . And that his monstrous vices ( most insupportable in any other than himself ) might either be connived at , or not complained of , he cloaks them with a seeming zeal to the true Religion , and made himself the head of the P●ritan faction , who spared no pains in setting forth his praises upon all occasions , making themselves the Tromparts to this Bragadocio ; Nor was he wanting to caresse them after such a manner , as he found most agreeable to those holy hypocrites , using no other language in his speech and letters than pure-scripture phrase , in which he was become as dextrous , as if he had received the same inspirations with the sacred Pen-men . Of whom I had not spoke so much , but that he seemed to have been born for the destruction of the Church of England , as may appear further in the prosecution of the Presbyterian or Puritan History , whensoever any able Pen shall be exercised in it . But leaving this Court-Meteor to be gazed on by unknowing men , let us a●tend the Obsequies of the Emperor Ferdinand , who died on the 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 in the year now being , leaving the Empire and the rest of his Dominions to M●x●milian his eldest son , whom he had before made King of the R●mans . A P●ince he was who had deserved exceeding well of the Queen of England , and she resolved not to be wanting to the due acknowledgment of so great a merit ; the after-noon of the second day of October , and the fore-noon of the third , are set apart by her command , for this great solemnity , for which there was erected in the upper part of the Quire of the said Church a goodly He●se , richly garnished and set forth , all the Quire being hanged with black cloth , adorned with rich Scutcheons of his Arms of sundry sorts : At the solemnization of which Funeral there were twelve Mourners , and one that presented the Queens person , which was the Marquis of Winchester Lord Treasurer of England , the other twelve being two Earls , six Lords , and four Knights ; the sacred part thereof performed by the Archbishop of Canterbury , assisted by the Bishops of London and Rochester , the funeral Sermon being p●eached by the Bishop of London , which tended much unto the praise and commendation of that famous Emperor . By which solemnity , as she did no small honor to the dead , so she gave great contentment to the living also , the people being generally much delighted with such glorious pomps , and the Church of England thereby held in estimation with all forein Princes . Nothing else memorable in this year but the comming out of certain books , and the death of Ca●vin . Dorman , an English fugitive , first publisheth a book for proof of certain of the Articles denyed in Bishop Jewel's challenge ; encountred first by Alexander Nowel Dean of the Cathedral Church of St. Paul , who first appeared in print against those of Lovain , and is replyed upon by Dorman , in a book , entituled , A Discovery of Mr. Nowel's untruths , not published till the year next following . But of more consequence to this Church was the death of Calvin , by whose authority so much disorder and confusion was to be brought upon it in the times succeeding ; a name much reverenced , not onely by those of his own party and perswasions , but by many grave and moderate men , who did not look at first into the dangers which ensued upon it . His platform at Geneva made the onely pattern , by which all reformed Churches were to frame their Government ; his Writings made the onely rule , by which all Students in Divinity were to square their Judgments . What Peter Lombart was esteemed to be in the Schools of Rome , the same was Calvin reckoned in all those Churches , which were reformed according to the Zuinglian doctrine in the point of the Sacrament . But , Hic Magister non tenetur , as the saying was , he was not so esteemed in England , nor was there any reason why it should be so ; for though some zealous brethren of the Presbyteterian or Puritan faction appeared exceeding ambitious to wear his Livery , and thought no name so honorable as that of Calvinist , yet the sounder members of the Church , the Royal and Prelatical Divines , as the others called them , conceived otherwise of him : And the right learned Adrian Sararia , though by birth a Dutch-man , yet being once preferred in the Church of England , he stomached nothing more than to be called Calvinian . Anno Reg. Eliz. 7. A. D. 1564 , 1565. WE shall begin this year with the concernments of the Kirk of Scotland , where Queen E●izabeth kept a Stock still going , the Returns whereof redounded more to her own security , than to the profit and advantage of the Church of England . The Queen of Scots was young , poffessed of that Kingdom , and next Heir to this ; first married to the Daulphin of France , and sued to after his decease in behalf of Charls , the younger son of the Emperor Maximilian , as also of the Prince of Conde , and the Duke of Bavaria ; But Queen Elizabeth had found so much trouble and danger from her first alliance with the French , that she was against all Marriages which might breed the like , or any way advance the power of that Competitor : But on the contrary , she commended to her the Earl of Leicester , whom she pretended to have raised to those eminent honors , to make him in some fort capable of a Queens affection . Which proposition proved agreeable to neither party , the Queen of Scots disdaining that unequal offer , and Leicester dealing underhand with Randolph the English Resident , to keep her still in that averseness . He had foolishly given himself some hopes of marrying with Elizabeth his own dread Mistress , interpreting all her favours to him to proceed from affection , and was not willing that any Proposition for that purpose with the Queen of Scots should be entertained . During these various thoughts on both sides , the English began to be divided in opinion concerning the next heir to the Crown Imperial of this Realm ; One Hales had writ a discourse in favour of the House of Suffolk , but more particularly in defence of the late marriage between the Earl of Hertford and the Lady Katherine , for which he was apprehended and committed prisoner . The Romish party were at the same time sub-divided , some standing for the Queen of Scots as the next heir apparent , though an alien born ; others for Henry Lord Darnlie , eldest son to the Earl of Lenox , born in the Realm , and lineally descended from the eldest daughter of King Henry the 7th . from whom the Queen of Scots also did derive her claim . The Queen of Scots also at the same time , grown jealous of the practices of the Lord James her bastard-brother , whom she had not long before made Earl of Murrey ; and being over-powered by those of the Congregation , was at some loss within her self for finding a fit person , upon whose integrity she might depend in point of counsel , and on whose power she might rely in point of safety : After a long deliberation , nothing seemed more conducible to her ends and purposes than the recalling of Matthew Earl of Lenox to his native Country , from whence he had been forced by the Hamiltonians in the time of King Henry . Being of great power in the West of Scotland , from the Kings whereof he was extracted , Henry conceived that some good use might be made of him for advancing the so much desired marriage between his onely son Prince Edward and the Infant-Queen : The more to gain him to his side , he bestowes upon him in marriage the Lady Margaret Dowglas , daughter of Queen Margaret his eldest sister , by Archibald Dowglas Earl of Angus her second husband ; of which marriage were born Henry Lord Darnly ( of whom more anone ) and Charls the second son ( whom King James created Earl of Lenox ) father of Arabella , before remembred . And that they might support themselves in the nobler equipage , he bestowes upon him also the Mannor of Setrington , with other good Lands adjoyning , in the County of Yo●k , passing since by the name of Lenox his Lands in the style of the people . In England he remained above twenty years , but kept● himself constant in all changes to the Church of Rome , which made him the more estimable both with his own Queen , and the English Papists . Being returned into his Country , he found that Queen so gracious to him , and such a handsome correspondence with the chief Nobility , that he sends for his two sons to come thither to him , but leaves his wife behind in the Court of England , lest otherwise Queen Elizabeth might take some umbrage or displeasure at it , if they should all remove at once . It was about the middle of February that the Lord Darnly came to the Court of Scotland . Who being not full twenty years old , of lovely person , sweet behaviour , and a most ingenuous disposition , exceedingly prevailed in short time on the Queens affection . She had now met with such a man as might please her fancy , and more secure her title to the Crown of England , than any of the great Kings in Europe . What then should hinder her from making up a mariage so agreeable to her , so acceptable to the Catholick party in both Kingdoms ; and which she thought withall of so safe a condition , as could create no new jealousies in the brest of Elizabeth ? But those of the Leicestrian faction conceived otherwise of it , and had drawn most of the Court and Council to conceive so to . For what could more secure the interess of the Queen of Scots , than to corroborate her own Title with that of Darnly ? from which two , what children soever should proceed , they would draw to them many hearts in the Realm of England , who now stood fair and faithful to their natural Queen . In this great fear ( but made much greater of set purpose to create some trouble ) it was advised that the Queen should earnestly be intreated to think of mariage , to the end , that the succession might be setled in her own posterity ; that all Popish Justices ( whereof there were many at that time ) might be put out of Commission , and none admitted to that office , but such as were sincerely affected to the Reformed Religion ; that the old deprived Bishops , which for the most part lived at liberty , might be brought to a more close restraint , for fear of hardning some in their errours , and corrupting others with whom they had the freedom of conversation ; that a greater power might be conferred upon the English Bishops , in the free exercise of their jurisdiction , for suppressing all such Popish Books as were sent into England , depriving the English Fugitives of all those Benefices in this Kingdom , which hitherto they had retained ; and all this to be done without incurring the danger of a Premunire , with which they were so often threatned by the common Lawyers . It was advised also , that for a counterpoise unto the Title of the Queen of Scots , some countenance should be given to the House of Suffolk , by shewing favour to the Earl of Hartford and the Lady Katherine ; and that to keep the ballance even with the Romish Catholicks , some moderation should be used to such Protestant Ministers , ( you may be sure the Earl of Leicester had a hand in this ) as hitherto had been opposi●e in external matters , to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church , here by Law established . Nor was this mariage very pleasing to the Scots themselves ; the chief Lords of the Romish party , who faithfully had adher'd to their natural Queen in all her former troubles , conceived that some of them might be as capable of the Queens affections , as a young Gentleman born in England , and one that never had done any service which might enoble and prefer him before all the rest . The Ministers exclaimed against it in their common preachings , as if it were designed of purpose to destroy Religion , and bring them under their old vassalage to the Church of Rome . The Noble men and others of the Congregation , who had sold themselves to Queen Elizabeth , were governed wholly by her Counsels , and put themselves into a posture of Arms to disturb the Ma●ch , the Edenburgers do the like , but are quickly scatter'd , and forc'd to submit themselves to their Queens good pleasure , who was so bent upon her mariage with this young Nobleman , that neither threatnings nor perswasions could divert her from it . And tha● he might appear in some capacity fit for the mariage of a Queen , she first confers upon him the Order of Knighthood , and afterwards creats him Baron of Ardamanack , Earl of Rosse , and Duke of Rothsay , which are the ordinary Titles of the eldest and second sons of Scotland . In May she had convented the Estates of Scotland , to whom she communicated her intention , with the reasons of it . Which by the greatest part of the Assembly seemed to be allowed of , none but the Lord Ochiltrie opposing what the rest approved . About the middle of July , the mariage Rites were celebrated in the Royal Chapel by the Dean of Restairig , and the next day the new Duke was proclaimed King by sound of Trumpet , and declared to be associated with the Queen in the publick government . The newes whereof being brought unto Queen Elizabeth , she seemed more offended than indeed she was . For well she knew , that both the new King , and the Earl his Father , were men of plain and open natures , not apt to entertain any dangerous counsels to the disturbance of her quiet ; that as long as she retained the Countesse with her ( who was the Mother of the one , and the Wife of the other ) they seemed to stand bound to their good behaviour , and durst act nothing to the prejudice of so dear a pledge ; but by the precipitation of this mariage , the Queen of Scots had neither fortified her self in the love of her people , nor in alliances abroad ; and that it could not otherwise be , but some new troubles must break out in Scotland upon this occasion , by which it would be made uncomfortable and inglorious to her . And so it proved in the event , for never was mariage more calamitous to the parties themselves , or more dishonourable to that Nation , or finally more scandalous to both Religions ; in nothing fortunate but in the birth of James the 6th . born in the Palace of Edenborough on the 19th . of July , Anno 1566. solemnly Crowned King of the Scots on the same day of the Month , Anno 1567. and joyfully received to the Crown of England , on the 14th . of March , Anno 1602. In greater glory and felicity reigned the Queen of England . Whose praise resounding in all Kingdoms of the North and West , invited Caecille , sister to the King of Sweden , and wife of Christopher , Marquisse of Baden , to undertake a tedious journey both by land and sea , from the furthest places of the North , to see the splendor of her Court , and observe the prudence of her Government . Landing at Dover in the beginning of September , they were there received by the Lord Cobham , with a goodly train of Knights and Gentlemen ; at Canterbury by the Lady Cobham , with the like honourable train of Ladies and Gentlewomen ; at Gravesend by the Lord Hunsdon , with the band of Pensioners ; at London on the 11th . of September by the Earl of Sussex and his Countesse , who waited on them to the Lodging appointed for them . Sca●●e had she rested there four dayes , when she fell into a new travel , of which she was happily delivered by the birth of a son ; whom the Queen Christned in her own person , by the name of Edwardus Fortunatus , the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Norfolk being Sureties with her at the Font. She called him Edward , with relation to the King her brother , whose memory she dearly loved ; and Fortunatus in regard that he came so luckily into the world , when his Mother after a most painful pilgrimage , was safely come to pay her Devotions at that Shrine which she so much honoured . Having remained here till the April following , they were dismist with many rich Presents , and an annual pension from the Queen ; conducted honourably by the Lord Aburgavenny to the Port of Dover , and there shipped for Calais ; filling all places in the way betwixt that and Baden , with the report of the magnificence of their entertainment in the Court of England . And that the Glories of their entertainment might appear the greater , it hapned that Rambouillet a French Ambassador came hither at that time upon two solemnities ; that is to say , to be installed Knight of the Garter in the place and person of that King , and to present the Order of St Michael , ( the principal Order of that Kingdom ) to Thomas Duke of Norfolk , and the Earl of Leicester . The one performed with the accustomed Pomps and Ceremonies in the Chapel of St George at Windsor , the other with like State and splendour , in the Royal Chapel at Whitehall . Such a well tempered piety did at that time appear in the Devotions of the Church of England , that generally the English Papists , and the Ambassadors of forein Princes still resorted to them . But true it is , that at that time some zealots of the Church of Rome had begun to slacken their attendance , not out of any new dislike which they took at the service , but in regard of a Decree set forth in the Council of ●rent , prohibiting all resort to the Churches of Hereticks . Which notwithstanding the far greater part continued in their first obedience , till the coming over of that Roaring Bull from Pope Pius the 5th . by which the Queen was excommunicated , the subjects discharged from their obedience to the Laws , and the going or not going to the Church , made a sign distinctive to difference a Roman Catholick from an English Protestant . And it is possible enough that they might have stood much longer to their first conformity , if the discords brought into the Church by the Zuinglian faction , together with their many innovations both in Doctrine and Discipline , had not afforded them some further ground for the desertion . For in this year it was that the Zuinglian or Calvinian faction began to be first known by the name of Puritans , if Genebrard , Gualier , and Spondanus ( being all of them right good Chronologers ) be not mistaken in the time . Which name hath ever since been appropriate to them , because of their pretending to a greater Purity in the service of God , than was held forth unto them ( as they gave it out ) in the Common Prayer Book ; and to a greater opposition to the Rites and Usages of the Church of Rome , than was agreeable to the constitution of the Church of England . But this Purity was accompanied with such irreverence , this opposition drew along with it so much licenciousnesse , as gave great scandal and offence to all sober men ; so that it was high time for those which had the care of the Church , to look narrowly unto them , to give a check to those disorders and confusions , which by their practices and their preachings they had brought into it , and thereby laid the ground of that woful schism which soon after followed . And for a check to those disorders , they published the Advertisement before remembred , subscribed by the Archbishop of Can●erbury , the Bishops of London , Winchester , Ely , Lincoln , Rochester , and other of her Majesties Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical , according to the Statute made in that behalf . This was the only present remedy which could then be thought of . And to prevent the like confusions for the time to come , a Protestation was devised to be taken by all Parsons , Vicars and Curates in their several stations , by which they were required to declare and promise , That they would not preach , not publickly interpret , but only read that which is appointed by publick authority , without special Licence of the Bishop under his Seal ; that they would read the Service plainly , distinctly , and audibly , that all the people might hear and understand ; that they would keep the Register book according to the Queens Majesties Injunctions ; that they would use sobriety in apparel , and especially in the Church at Common Prayers , according to Order appointed ; that they would move the Parishioners to quiet and concord , and not give them cause of offence , and help to reconcile them that be at variance , to their utmost power ; that they would read dayly at the least one Chapter of the Old Testament , and another of the New , with good advisement , to the increase of their knowledge ; that they would in their own persons , use and exercise their Office and Place , to the honour of God , and the quiet of the Queens subjects within their charge , in truth , concord and unity ; as also observe , keep and maintain such Order and Uniformity in all external Policy , Rites and Ceremonies of the Church , as by the Lawes , good usages and Orders , are already well provided and established ; and finally , that they would not openly meddle with any Artificers occupations , as covetously to seek a gain thereby , having in Ecclesiastical Livings , twenty Nobles or above by the year . Which protestation , if it either had been generally pressed upon all the Clergy ( as perhaps it was not ) or better kept by them that took it , the Church might questionlesse have been saved from those distractions , which by the Puritan Innovators were occasioned in it . Anno Reg. Eliz. 8. A. D. 1565 , 1566. THus have we seen the publick Liturgy confirmed in Parliament , with divers penalties on all those who either did reproach it , or neglect to use it , or wilfully withdrew their attendance from it ; the Doctrine of the Church declared in the Book of Articles , agreed upon in Convocation ▪ and ratified , in due form of Law , by the Queens authority ; external matters in officiating Gods publick service , and the apparel of the Clergy , regulated and reduced to their first condition , by the Books of Orders and Advertisements . Nothing remaineth , but that we settle the Episcopal Government , and then it will be time to conclude this History . And for the setling of this Government by as good authority as could be given unto it by the Lawes of the Land , we a●e beholden to the obstinacy of Dr Edmond Bonner , the late great slaughter-man of London . By a Statute made in the last Parliament , for keeping her Majesties Subjects in their due obedience , a power was given unto the Bishops to tender and receive the oath of Supremacy , of all manner of persons , dwelling and residing in their several Diocesses . Bonner ▪ was then prisoner in the Clink or Marshalsea , which being in the Burrough of Southwark , brought him within the Jurisdiction of Horn Bishop of Winchester , by whose Chancellor the Oath was tender'd to him . On the refusal of which Oath , he is endicted at the Kings Bench upon the Statute , to which he appeared in some Term of the year foregoing , and desires that counsel be assigned to plead his cause , according to the course of the Court. The Court assigns him no worse men than Christopher W●ay , afterwards chief Justice of the Common Pleas , that famous Lawyer Edmond Ploydon , whose learned Commentaries do sufficiently set forth his great abilities in that Profession ; and one Mr. Lovelace , of whom we find nothing but the name . By them and their Advice , the whole pleading chiefly is reduced to these two heads , ( to omit the nicities and punctilioes of lesser moment ) the first whereof was this , That Bonner was not at all named in the indictment , by the stile and title of Bishop of London , but only by the name Dr. Edmond Bonner , Clerk , Dr. of the Lawes , whereas at that time he was legally and actually Bishop of London , and therefore the Writ to be abated , ( as our Lawyers phrase it ) and the cause to be dismissed our of the Court. But Ploydon found here that the Case was altered , and that this Plea could neither be allowed by Catiline , who was then Chief Justice , nor by any other of the Bench , and therefore it is noted by Chief Justice Dyer who reports the Case , with a Non allocatur . The second principle Plea was this , That Horn at the time when the Oath was tender'd , was not Bishop of Winchester , and therefore not impowred by the said Statute , to make tender of it by himself or his Chancellor . And for the proof of this , that he was no Bishop , it was alleged that the form of Consecration of Archbishops and Bishops , which had been ratified by Parliament in the time of King Edward , had been repealed in the first year of Queen Mary , and so remained at Horn's pretended consecration . The Cause being put off from Term to Term , comes at the last to be debated amongst the Judges at Serjeants Inne . By whom the cause was finally put upon the issue , and the tryal of that issue Ordered to be committed to a Jury of the County of Surry . But then withall it was advised , that the decision of the Point should rather be referred to the following Parliament , for fear that such a weighty matter might miscarry by a contrary Jury , of whose either partiality , insufficiency , there had been some proof made before , touching the grants made by King Edward's Bishops ; of which a great many were made under this pretence , that the Granters were not actually Bishops , nor legally possessed of their several Sees . According to this sound advice , the business comes under consideration in the following Parliament , which began on the 30th . of September , where all particulars being fully and considerately discoursed upon , it was first declared , That their not restoring of that Book to the former power in terms significant and express , was but Casus omissus ; and Secondly , That by the Statute 5th . and 6th . Edw. 6th . it had been added to the Book of Common Prayer and administration of the Sacraments , as a member of it , or at least an appendant to it ; and therefore by 1. Eliz. was restored again , together with the said Book of Common Prayer , intentionally at the least , if not in terminis . But being the words in the said Statute were not cleer enough to remove all doubts , they did therefore revive it now ; and did accordingly Enact , that all persons that had been , or should be made , Ordered , or Consecrate Archbishops , Bishops , Priests , Ministers of Gods Holy Word and Sacraments , or Deacons after the form and order prescribed in the said Book , be in very deed , and also by authority hereof , declared and enacted to be , and shall be , Archbishops , Bishops , Priests , Ministers and Deacons , rightly made , Consecrate , and Ordered , Any Statute , Law , Canon , or any thing to the contrary notwithstanding . Nothing else done in this Parliament which concerned the Church , not any thing at all in the Convocation , by which it was of course accompanied , more than the granting of a Subsidy of six shillings in the pound out of all their Benefices and promotions . And as for Bonner , who was the other party to the cause in question , it was determined , that neither he , nor any other person or persons , should be impeached or molested in regard of any refusal of the said Oath heretofore made , and hereafter to be made before the end of that Parliament . Which favour was indulged unto them of the Laity , in hope of gaining them by fair means to a sence of their duty ; to Bonner and the rest of the Bishops , as men that had sufficiently suffered upon that account , by the loss of their Bishopricks . By this last Act the Church is strongly setled on her natural pillars of Doctrine , Government and Worship , not otherwise to have been shaken , than by the blind zeal of all such furio●s Sampsons as were resolved to pull it on their own heads , rather than suffer it to stand in so much glory . And here it will be time to conclude this History , having taken a brief view of the State of the Church , with all the abberrations from its first constitution as it stood at this time , when the Puritan faction had began to disturb her Order , and that it may be done with a greater certainty , I shall speak it in the words of one , who lived , and writ his knowledge of it at this time , I mean John Rastel , in his answer to the Bishops challenge . Who though he were a Papist , and a fugitive Priest , yet I conceive that he hath faithfully delivered to many sad truths in these particulars . Three books he writ within the compass of three years now last past against Bishop Jewel , in one of which he makes this address unto him , viz. And though you Mr. Jewel ( as I have heard say ) do take the bread into your hands when you celebrate solemnly , yet thousands there are of your inferiour Ministers , whose death it is to be bound to any such external fashion , and your Order of celebrating the Communion is so unadvisedly conceived , that every man is left unto his private Rule or Canon , whether he will take the bread into his hands , or let it stand at the end of the table , the Bread and Wine being laid upon the table , where it pleases the Sexton or Parish-Clerk to set them . p. 28. In the Primitive Church Altars were allowed amongst Christians , upon which they offered the unbloody sacrifice of Christs body ; yet your company , to declare what followers they are of antiquity , do account it , even among one of the kinds of Idola●ry , if one keep an Altar standing . And indeed you follow a certain Antiquity , not of the Catholicks , but of desperate Hereticks . Optatus writing of the Donatists , that they did break , raze , and remove the Altars of God upon which they offered . p. 34. and 165. Where singing is used , what shall we say to the case of the people , that kneel in the body of the Church ? yea , let them hearken at the Chancel dore it self , they shall not be much wiser . Besides , how will you provide for great Parishes where a thousand people are , & c ? p. 50. Then to come to the Apostles , where did you ever read that in their external behaviour , they did wear Frocks or Gowns , or four-cornered Caps ? or that a company of Lay-men-servants did follow them all in one Livery ? or that at their Prayers they sa●e in sides , or lay on the ground , or fell prostrate , or sung Te Deum , or looked toward the South ? or did wear Copes of Tiss●e or Velvet ? with a thousand more such questions . p. 446. Whereas the Church of God so well ordered with excellent men of learning and godlinesse , is constrained to suffer Coblers , Weavers , Tinkers , Tanners , Cardmakers , ●apsters , Fidlers , Gaolers , and other of like profession , not only to enter into disputing with her , but also to climb up into Pulpits , and to keep the place of Priests and Ministers , &c. p. 2. Or that any Bagpipers , Horse coursers , Jaylers , or Ale basters , were admitted then into the Clergy , without good and long tryal of their conversation ? p. 162. Or that any Bishop then did swear by his honour , when in his visitation abroad in the Country , he would warrant his promise to some poor prisoner Priest under him ; or not satisfied with the prisoning of his adversary , did cry out , and call upon the Prince , not disposed that way , to put them to most cruel deaths ; or refused to wear a white Rochet , or to be distinguished from the Laity by some honest Priests apparel , p. 162. or gathered a Benevolence of his Clergy to set him up in his houshold ? p. 163. Or that the Communion Table ( if any then were ) was removable up and down , hither and thither , and brought at any time to the lower parts of the Church , there to execute the Lords Supper — or that any Communion was said on Good Friday , or that the Sacrament was ministred then , sometimes in loaf Bread , sometimes in Wafers , and those rather without the name of Jesus or the sign of the Crosse , than with it ; or that at the Communion time the Minister should wear a Cope , and at all other Service a Surplice only ; or as at some places it is used , nothing at all besides his common apparel , or that they used a common and prophane cup at the Communion , and not a consecrated and hallowed vessel ? p. 162 , 163. Or that a solemn curse should be used on A●h Wednesday ; or that a Procession about the fields was used in the Rogation week , rather thereby to know the bounds and borders of every Parish , than to move God to mercy , and shew mens hearts to devotion ; or that the man should put the Wedding ring upon the fourth finger of the left hand of the Women , and not on the right , as hath been many hundred years continued ? p. 163. Or that the resi●ue of the Sacrament unreceived , was taken of the Priest , or of the Parish Clerk , to spread their young childrens butter thereupon , or to serve their own tooth with it at their homely table ; or that it was lawful then to have but one Communion in one Church in one day , p. 164. or that the Lent or Friday was to be fasted for civil policy , not for any devotion , p. 165. or that the Lay people communicating , did take the cup at one another hands , and not at the Priests ? p. 166. Or that any Bishop then , threw down the Images of Christ and his Saints , and set up their own , their wives , and their childrens pictures in their Chambers and Parlours , p. 164. or that being a virgin at the taking of his Office , did afterwards , yet commendably , take a wife unto him , p. 165. or that was married on Ash Wednesday ; or that preached it to be all one to pray on a dunghil and in a Church ; or that any Fryer of 60 years , obteining afterwards the room of a Bishop , married a young woman of nineteen years , & c ? p. 166. Thus have we seen the Church established on a sure foundation the Doctrine built upon the Prophers and Apostles , according to the explication of the ancient Fathers ; the Government truly Apostolical , and ( in all essential parts thereof ) of Divine institution ; the Liturgy an extract of the Primitive forms ; the Ceremonies few , but necessary , and such as tended only to the preservation of decency , and increase of piety . And we have seen the first Essays of the Puritan faction , beginning low at Caps and Surplices , and Episcopal habits ; but aiming at the highest points ; the alteration of the Government both in Church and State , the adulterating of the Doctrine , and the subversion of the Liturgy and form of worship here by Law established . But the discovery of those dangerous Doctrines , and those secret Plots , and open practises , by which they did not onely break down the roofe and walls of this goodly building , but digged up the foundation of it , will better fall within the compasse of a Presbyterian , or Acrian History , for carring on of whose designes since the dayes of Calvin , they have most miserably imbroyled all the Estates and Kingdomes of these parts of Christendome ; the Realmes and Churches of Great Brittaine more than all the rest . Let it suffice me for the present if I have set the Church on its proper bottom , and shewed her to the world in her Primative lustre , that we may see how strangely she hath been unsetled , how monstruously disfigured by unquiet men , whose interess is as incompatible with the rights of Monarchy , as with distinction of apparrell , the Government of Bishops , all set formes of Prayer , and whatsoever also they contend against . And therefore heare I will conclude my History of the Reformation , as not being willing to look further into those disturbances , the lamentable effects whereof wee feele to this very day . AN APPENDIX To the former BOOK : CONTAINING , 1. The Articles of Religion agreed upon in Convocation Anno 1562. compared with those which had been made and published in the Reign of King Edward the 6 th Anno 1552. 2. Notes on the former Articles , concerning the Particulars in which they differed , and the reasons of it . A PREFACE to the following ARTICLES . THe Lutherans having published that famous Confession of their faith , which takes name from Ausb●rge , at which City it was tendered to the consideration of Charls the 5th . and the Estates of the Empire there assembled , Anno 1530. In tract of time , all other Protestant and Reformed Churches followed that example ; And this they did , partly to have a constant Rule a mongst themselves , by which all private persons were to frame their judgments , and p●rtly to declare that consent and harmony which was betwixt them and the rest of those National Churches , which had made an open separation from the Popes of Rome . Upon which grounds , the Prelates of the Church of England having concurred with the godly desires of King Edward the sixth , for framing one uniform Order to be used in God's publick Worship ; and publish ing certain pious and profitable Sermons in the English Toung for the instruction of the people , found a necessity of holding forth some publick Rule , to testifie as well their Orthodoxie in some points of Doctrine , as their abhorrency from the corruptions of the Church of Rome , and the extravagancies of the Anabaptists and other Sectaries . This gave the first occasion to the Articles of Religion published in the Reign of King Edward the sixth , Anno 1552. as also of the Review thereof by the Bishops and Clergy assembled in their Convocation under Queen Elizabeth , Anno 1562. which being compared with one another will appear most plainly , neither to be altogether the same , nor yet much different , the later being rather an explication of the former , where the former seemed to be obscure , or not expressed in such full and significant tearms as they after were , than differing from them in such points , wherein they dissented from the Romanists and some modern Hereticks : But what these differences were , both for weight and number , the Reader may observe by seeing the Articles laid before him in their several Columns ( as hereafter followeth ) wherein the variations are presented in a different character , or otherwise marked out by their several figures in the line and margin : Which was first done with reference to some Annotations intended once upon the same , for shewing the reason of those Additions , Substractions , and other alterations which were thought necessary to be made to , and in , King Edward's Book , by the Bishops and Clergy in their Convocation , Anno 1562. But that design being laid aside , as not so compatible with the nature of our present History , the Articles shall be laid down plainly as they are in themselves , leaving the further consideration of the differences which occur between them to the Reader 's care . Articles agreed upon by the Bishops and other learned men ( 1 ) in the Convocation held at London , in the year 1552. for the avoiding of Diversitities of Opinions , and stablishing consent touching true Religion : Published by the Kings Authority . Articles agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces , and the whole Clergy , in the Convocation holden at London , in the year 1562. for the avoiding of Diversities of Opinions , and stablishing consent tonching true Religion : Publish'd by the Queens Authority . I. Of Faith in the holy Trinity . THere is but one living and true God , everlasting , without body , parts , or passions ; of infinite power , wisdom and goodness ; the Maker and Preserver of all things both visible and invisible . And in Unity of this Godhead there are three Persons , one Substance , Power , and Eternity , the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost . I. Of Faith in the holy Trinity . THere is but one living and true God , Everlasting , without body , parts , or passions ; of infinite power , wisdom , and goodness ▪ the Maker and Preserver of all things both visible and invisible . And in Unity of this Godhead there be three Persons , of one Substance , Power , and Eternity , the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost . II. The Word of God made very Man. The Son , which is the Word of the Father , took mans nature in the womb of the blessed Virgin , of her substance : So that two whole and perfect Natures , that is to say , the ( 2 ) Godhead & Manhood , were joyn'd together in one Person , never to be divided , whereof is one Christ , very God and very Man , who truly suffered , was crucified , dead , and buried , to reconcile his Father to us , and to be a sacrifice not onely for original guilt , but also for actual sins of men . II. Of the Word or Son of God which was made very Man. The Son , which is the Word of the Father , begotten from everlasting of the Father , the very and eternal God , of one Substance with the Father : ( 2 ) took Man's nature in the womb of the blessed Virgin , &c. III. Of the going down of Christ into Hell. As Christ dyed for us , and was buried , so also is it to be believed that he went down into Hell : ( 3 ) For his Body lay in the Grave till his Resurrection , but his Soul being separate from his Body , remained with the Spirits which were detained in prison , that is to say , in Hell , and there preached unto them , as witnesseth that place of Peter . III. Of the going down of Christ into Hell. As Christ dyed for us , and was buried , so also it is to be believed that he went down into Hell. IV. The Resurrection of Christ. Christ did truly rise again from death , and took again his Body , with flesh , bones , and all things appertaining to the perfection of man's nature , wherewith he ascended into heaven , and there fitte●h till he return to judg all men at the last day . IV. Of the Resurrection of Christ. Christ did truly rise again from death , and took again his Body , with flesh , bones , &c. ( 5 ) V. Of the holy Ghost . The holy Ghost proceeding from the Father and the Son , is of one Substance , Majesty and Glory with the Father and the Son , very and eternal God. V. The Doctrine of the holy Scripture is sufficient to salvation . Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation , so that whatsoever is not read therein , nor may be proved thereby , although sometimes it may be admitted ( 6 ) by Gods faithful people as pious , and conducing unto order and decency , yet is not to be required of any man that it should be ( 7 ) believed as an Article of the faith , or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation . VI. Of the sufficiency of the holy Scriptures for salvation . Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation , so that whatsoever is not read therein , nor may be proved thereby , is not to be required of any man that it should be believed as an Article of the Faith , or be thought necessary or requisite to salvation . In the name of the holy Scripture ( 7 ) we do understand those Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament , of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church ; that is to say , Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Ruth 1st . of Samuel 2d . of Samuel &c. And the other Books ( as Hierom saith ) the Church doth read for example of life , and instruction of manners , but yet doth it not apply them to establish any Doctrine ; such are these following , The 3d. of Esdras The 4th . of Esdras The Book of Tobias The Book of Judeth The rest of the Book of Hester The Book of Wisdom , &c. All the Books of the New Testament , as they are commonly received , we do receive and account them Canonical . VI. The Old Testament is not to be rejected . The Old Testament is not to be rejected , as if it were contrary to the New , but to be retained . Forasmuch as in the Old Testament as in the New , everlasting life is offered to Mankind by Christ , who is the onely Mediatior betwixt God and Man , being both God and Man. Wherefore they are not to be heard , who feign , that the old Fathers did look onely ●or transitory Promises . VII . Of the Old Testament . The Old Testament is not contra●y to the New , for both in the O●d and the New Testament Everlasting life is offered Mankind by Christ , &c. ( 8 ) Although the Law given from G●d by Moses , as touching Ceremonies and Rites , do not bind Christian men , nor the Civil Precepts the●eof ought of nec●ssi●y to be received in any Commonwealth ; yet notwithstanding no Christian man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments , which are called Moral . VII . The three Creeds . The three Creeds , Nice Creed , A han●●●sius Creed , and that which is commonly called the Apostles Creed , ought thoroughly to be received ; for they may be p●oved by most certain warrants of the holy Scripture . VIII . Of the three Creeds . The three Creeds , N●ce Creed , Athanasius Creed , and that which is commonly called the Apostles Creed , ought thoroughly to be ●eceived and bel●●v●d for they m●y be proved by most certain warrants of holy Scripture . VIII . Original Sin. Original sin standeth not in the following of Adam , ( as the Pelag●●an● do vainly talk , and at this day is assi●●med by the Anabaptists ) ( 9 ) but it is the fault and corruption of every man , that naturally is ingendred of the off-spring of Adam , whereby Man is very far from God , from Original Righteousness , and is of his own nature inclined to evil , so that the flesh luste●h always contrary to the spi●it , and therefore in every person born into this wo●ld it deserveth Gods wrath and damnation . And this infection of nature doth remain , yea in them that are regenerated , whereby the lust of the flesh , called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some do expound the wisdom , some sensuality , some the affection , some the desire of the flesh , is not subject to the Law of God. And although there is no condemnation for them that believe and are baptized , yet the Apostle doth confess , that con●●piscence and lust hath of it self the nature of sin . IX . Of Original or Birth sin . Original sin standeth not in the following of Adam ( as the Pelagians do vainly talk ) but is the fault and the corruption of the nature of every man , &c. IX . Of Free-will . We have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God , without the grace of God by Christ preventing us , that we may have a good will and working with us , when we have that good will. X. Of Free-will . The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such , ( 10 ) that he cannot turn and prepare himself , by his own natural strength and good works , to faith and calling upon God. Wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable unto God , &c. X. Of Grace . The Grace of Christ , or the holy Ghost which is given by him , ( 11 ) doth take from man the heart of Stone , and giveth him a heart of flesh . And though it rendreth us willing to do those good works which before we were unwilling to do , and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did , yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man ; so that no man when he hath sinned can excuse himsel , as if he had sinned against his will , or upon constraint , and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account . _____ IX . Of the Justification of Man. ( 12 ) Justification by faith onely in Jesus Christ , in that sense wherein it is set forth in the Homily of Justification , is the most certain and most wholesome doctrine for a Christian man. XI . Of the Justification of Man. We are accounted Righteous before God onely for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ by faith , and not for our own works or deservings . Wherefore that we are justified by faith is a most wholsome Doctrine , and very full of comfort , as more largely is expressed in the Homily of Justification . _____ XII . Of good Works . Albeit the good works which are the fruits of faith , ( 13 ) and follow after Justification , cannot put away our sins , and endure the severity of Gods judgment , yet are they pleasing and acceptable unto God in Christ , and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively faith , insomuch that by them a lively faith may be as evidently known , as a tree discerned by the fruit . XII . Works before Justification . Works done before the grace of Christ , and the inspiration of his Spirit , are not pleasant to God , forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ ; neither do they make men meet to receive Grace , or ( as the School-Authors say ) deserve Grace of Congruity ; yea rather for that they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done , we doubt not but they have the nature of sin . XIII . Of Works before Justification . Works done before the Grace of Christ , and the inspiration of his Spirit , are not pleasant to God , &c. XIII . Works of Supererogation . Voluntary works besides , over and above Gods Commandements , which they call works of Supererogation , cannot be taught without arrogancy and impiety ; for by them men do declare , that they do not onely render unto God as much as they are bound to doe , but that they do more for his sake , than of bounden duty is required ; Whereas Christ saith plainly , When you have done all that are commanded to you , say , We are unprofitable servants . XIV . Of Works of Supererogation . Voluntary works besides , over and above Gods commandments , which they call works of Supererogation , &c. XIV . None but Christ without sin . Christ in the truth of our nature , was made like unto us in all things ( sin onely except ) from which he was clearly void both in his flesh and in his spirit : He came to be a Lamb without spot , who by sacrifice of himself once made , should take away the sins of the world ; and sin ( as St. John saith ) was not in him : But all we the rest ( although baptized and born in Christ ) yet offend iu many things , and if we say we have no sin we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us . XV. Of Christ alone without sin . Christ in the truth of our nature , was made like unto us in all things , ( sin onely except ) &c. XV. Of the sin against the holy Ghost . Not every deadly sin , willingly committed after Baptism , is sin against the holy Ghost , and unpardonable . Wherefore the grant of Repentance is not to be denyed to such as fall into sin after Baptism . After we have received the holy Ghost , we may depart from Grace given , and fall into sin , and by the Grace of God ( we may ) arise again and amend our lives . And therefore they are to be condemned which say , They can no more sin as long as they live here , or deny the place of Penance ( 14 ) to such as truly repent . XVI . Of sin after Baptism . Not every deadly sin , willingly committed after Baptism , is sin against the holy Ghost , and unpardonable , &c. And therefore they are to be condemned which say , They can no more sin as long as they live here , or deny the place of Forgivenesse to such as truly repent . XVI . The Blasphemy against the holy Ghost . The blasphemy against the holy Ghost is then committed , ( 15 ) when any man , out of malice and hardness of heart , doth wilfully reproach , and persecute in an hostile manner , the truth of Gods Word , manifestly made known unto him . Which sort of men , being made obnoxious to the curse , subject themselves to the most grievous of all wickednesses ; from whence this kind of sin is called unpardonable , and so affirmed to be by our Lord and Saviour . _____ XVII . Of Predestination and Election . Predestination unto life is the everlasting purpose of God , whereby ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constantly decreed by his counsel , secret ●nto us , to deliver from curse and damnation those whom he hath chosen out of Mankind , and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation , as vessels made to honor . Wherefore they which be endued with so excellent a benefit of God , be called according to Gods purpose , by his Spirit working in due season ; they through grace obey the calling , they be justified freely , they are made sons by Adoption , they are made like the image of the onely begotten Jesus Christ , they walk religiously in good works , and at length by Gods mercy they attain to everlasting felicity . As the godly consideration of Predestination and Election in Christ , is full of sweet , pleasant , and unspeakable comfort to godly persons , and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ , mortifying the works of the flesh , and their earthly members , and drawing up their mind to high and heavenly things , as well because it doth greatly establish and confirm their faith of eternal salvation , to be enjoyed through Christ , as because it doth fervently kindle their love towards God : So for curious and carnal persons , lacking the Spirit of Christ , to have continually before their eyes the sentence of Gods Predestination , is a most dangerous downfall , whereby the devil doth thrust them either into desperation , or into wretchlesness of most unclean living● , no lesse perilous than desperation . Furthermore , though the Decrees of Predestination be unknown to us , ( 17 ) yet must we receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture ; and in our doings that will of God is to be followed , which we have expresly declared unto us in the Word of God. XVII . Of Predestination and Election . Predestination unto life is the everlasting purpose of God , whereby ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constantly decreed by his counsel , secret unto us , to deliver from curse and damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ , ( 16 ) out of Mankind , and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation . — they are made the sons of God by Adoption , they be made like the Image of His onely begotten Son Jesus Christ , &c. Furthermore , we must receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us , &c. XVIII . Everlasting Salvation to be obtained onely in the Name of Christ. They also are to be had accursed , that presume to say , That every man shall be saved by the Law or Sect which he professeth , so that he be diligent to frame his life according to that Law , and the light of Nature : For holy Scripture doth set out unto us onely the Name of Jesus Christ , whereby men must be saved . XVIII . Of obtaining Eternal Salvation by the Name of Christ. They also are to be had accursed , that presume to say , That every man shall be saved by the Law or Sect which he professeth , &c. XIX . All men are bound to keep the Precepts of the Moral Law. ( 18 ) Although the Law given from God by Moses as touching Ceremonies and Rites , do not bind Christian men , nor the Civil Precepts thereof ought of necessity to be received in any Common-wealth ; yet notwithstanding no Christian man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments which are called Moral . Wherefore they are not to be heard ( 19 ) which teach , that the holy Scriptures were given to none but to the Weak , and brag continually of the Spirit , by which they do pretend , that all whatsoever they preach is suggested to them , though manifestly contrary to the holy Scripture . _____ XX. Of the Church . The visible Church of Christ is a Congregation of faithful men , in which the pure Word of God is preached , and the Sacraments be duly ministred , according to Christs Ordinance , in all those things , that of necessity are requisite to the same . As the Church of Jerusalem , Alexandria , and Antioch have erred , so also the Church of Rome hath erred , not onely in their Livings , and manner of Ceremonies , but also in matters of Faith. XIX . Of the Church . The visible Church of Christ is a Congregation of faithful men , in which the pure Word of God is preached , &c. XXI . Of the Authority of the Church . It is not lawful for the Church to ordain any thing that is contrary to Gods Word written , neither may it so expound one place of Scripture , that it be repugnant to a●other ; Where●ore although the Church be a witnesse and keeper of holy Writ , yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same , so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be believed , for necessity of Salvation . XX. Of the Authority of the Church . The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies , and Authority in Controversies of Faith. ( 20 ) It is not lawful for the Church , &c. XXII . Of the Authority of General Councils . General Councils may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of Princes . And when they be gathered together , ( forasmuch as they be an Assembly of men , whereof all be not governed with the Spirit and word of God ) they may erre , and sometimes have erred , even in things pertaining unto God. Wherefore things ordained by them as necessary to Salvation , have neither strength nor authority , unless it may be declared , that they be taken out of holy Scripture . XXI . Of the Authority of General Councils . General Councils may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of Princes , &c. XXIII . Of Purgatory . The Doctrine of the School-men concerning Purgatory , Pardons , Worshipping , and Ado●ation , as well of Images as of Relicts , and also invocation of Saints , is a fond thing vainly invented , and grounded upon no warranty of Scripture , but rather perniciously repugnant to the Word of God. XXII . Of Purgatory . The Doctrine of the School-men concerning Purgatory , &c. XXIV . No man to minister in the Church except he be called . It is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publick Preaching , or ministring the Sacraments in the Congregation , before he be lawfully called and sent to execute the same . And those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent , which be ●hosen and called to this work by men , who have publi●k Authority , given unto them in the Cong●egation , to call and send Ministers into the Lords Vineyard . XXIII . Of ministring in the Congregation . It is not lawful for any man to take upon him the office of publick Preaching , &c. XXV . All things to be done in the Congregation in such a Toung as is understood by the People . It is most fit , and most agreeable to to the Word of God , ( 21 ) that nothing be read or rehearsed in the Congregation , in a Tongue not known unto the People ; which Paul hath forbidden to be done , unless some be present to interpret . XXIV . Of speaking in the Congregation in such a Toung , as the people understandeth . It is a thing plainly repugnant to the VVord of God , and the custom of the primitive Church , to have publick prayer in the Church or to minister the Sacraments in a Tongue not understanded by the people . XXVI . Of the Sacraments . Our Lord Jesus Christ gathered his people into a Society ( 22 ) by Sacraments very few in number , most easie to be kept , and of most excellent signification , that is to say , Baptism , and the Supper of the Lord. The Sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be gazed upon or to be carried about , but that we should duly use them . And in such onely as worthily receive the same they have a wholesome effect or operation , not as some say , Ex opere operato . ( 24 ) Which terms as they are strange and utterly unknown to the Holy Scripture , so do they yield a sense which savoureth of little piety , but of much superstition : but they that receive them unworthily receive to themselves damnation . The Sacraments ordained by the Word of God , be not onely badges or tokens of Christian mens profession ; but rather they be certain sure witnesses , effectual signs of grace , and Gods Good will toward us , by the which he doth work invisibly in us , and doth not onely quicken , but also strengthen and confirm our faith in him . XXV . Of the Sacraments . Sacraments ordained of Christ ( 23 ) be not onely badges and tokens of Christian mens profession , but rather they be certain sure witnesses , and effectual signes of Grace , and Gods good-will towards us , by the which he doth work invisibly in us , and doth not onely quicken , but also strengthen and confirm our faith in him . There are two Sacraments ordained of Christ our Lo●d in the Gospel , that is to say , Baptism and the ●upper of the Lord. Those five commonly called Sacraments ( 25 ) , that is to say Confirmation , Penance , Orders , Matrimony , and Extream Unction , are not to be counted for Sacraments of the Gospel , being such as have grown , partly of the corrupt following of the Apostles , partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures , but yet have not like nature of Sacraments , with Baptism and the Lords Supper , for that they have not any visible Sign or Ceremony ordained of God. The Sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be gazed on or to be carried about , but that we should duly use them . And in such onely as worthily receive the same , they have a wholsome effect or operation ; But they that receive them unworthily purchase to themselves Damnation , as St. Paul saith . XXVII . The wickedness of the Ministers takes not away the Efficacy of Divine Institutions . Although in the visible Church , the Evil be ever mingled with the Good , and sometimes the Evil have chief Authority in the Ministration of the Word and Sacraments ; yet forasmuch as they do not the same in their own name , but in Christs , and do minister by his Commission and Authority , we may use their Ministry both in hearing the Word of God , and in receiving of the Sacraments ; Neither is the effect of Christs Ordinance taken away by their wickednesse , nor the Grace of Gods of Gifts diminished from such as by faith and rightly do receive the Sacraments , ministred unto them which be effectual , because of Christs Institution and promise , although they be ministred by evill men . Neverthelesse it appertaineth to the Discipline of the Church , that inquiry be made after them , and that they be accused by those , that have knowledge of their offences ; and finally being found guilty by just judgment be deposed . XXVI . Of the unworthiness of the Ministers , which hinder not the Effect of the Sacraments . Although in the visible Church , the Evill be ever mingled , &c. — that inquiry be made after evill Ministers , &c. XXVIII . Of Baptism . Baptism is not onely a sign of Profession , and mark of Difference , whereby Christian men are discerned from others , that be not Christned ; but it is also a sign of Regeneration , or new birth , whereby , as by an Instrument , they that receive Baptism Rightly , are grafted into the Church ; the promises of forgivnesse of sin , and of our Adoption to be the sons of God , by the holy Ghost are visibly signed and sealed ; Faith is confirmed , and Grace increased by vertue of Prayer unto God. The custom of the Church ( 26 ) for Baptising young Children is both to be commended , and by all means to be retained in the Church . XXVII . Of Baptism . Baptism is not onely a sign of Profession , and mark of Difference , &c. — The Baptism of young children is in any wise to be retained in the Church , as most agreeable to the Institution of Christ. ( 27 ) XXIX . Of the Lords Supper . The Supper of the Lord is not onely a sign of the Love that Christians ought to have amongst themselves , one to another ; but rather it is a Sacrament of our Redemption by Christs death . Insomuch , that to such as Rightly , Worthily , and with Faith receive the same , the Bread which we break is a partaking of the Body of Christ , and likewise the Cup of Blessing is a partaking of the Blood of Christ. Transubstantiation ( or the change of the substance of Bread and Wine ) in the Supper of the Lord cannot be proved by Holy Writ ; but it is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture , and hath given occasion to many Superstitions . Since the very beeing of human nature doth require , ( 29 ) that the body of one and the same man cannot be at one and the same time in many places , but of necessity must be in some certain and determinate place ; therefore the Body of Christ cannot be present in many different places at the same time . And since , as the holy Scriptures testifie , Christ hath been taken up into Heaven , and there is to abide till the end of the world ; it becommeth not any of the faithful to believe or professe , that there is a Real or Corporal presence ( as they phrase it ) of the Body and Blood of Christ in the holy Eucharist . The Sacrament of the Lords Supper , was not by Christs Ordinance , reserved , carried about , lifted up , or worshiped . XXVIII . Of the Lords Supper . The Supper of the Lord is not onely a sign of the Love , &c. — but is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture , overthroweth the nature of a Sacrament ( 28 ) , and hath given occasion to many Superstitions . The Body of Christ is given , taken , and eaten in the Supper , onely after an heavenly and spiritual manner ( 30 ) ; And the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper is Faith. The Sacrament of the Lords Supper was not by Christs Ordinance , &c. _____ XXIX . Of the Wicked which eat not the Body of Christ in the Lord's Supper . ( 31 ) The wicked and such as be void of a lively faith , although they do carnally and visibly presse with their teeth ( as St. Augustine saith ) the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ ; yet in no wise are they partakers of Christ , but rather to their condemnation , do eat and drink the Sign or Sacrament of so great a thing . XXX . Of Both Kinds . ( 32 ) The Cup of the Lord is not to be denyed to the Lay People ; For both the parts of the Lords Sacrament , by Christs Ordinance and Commandment , ought to be ministred to all Christian People alike . _____ XXX . Of the one Oblation of Christ finished upon the Crosse. The Offering of Christ once made , is the perfect Redemption , Propitiation , and Satisfaction for all the sins of the whole World , both Original and Actual , and there is none other Satisfaction for sin but that alone ; Wherefore the Sacrifices of Masses , in which it was commonly said , that the Priests did offer Christ for the quick and the dead , to have remission of pain or guilt , were fables and dangerous deceits . XXXI . Of the one Oblation of Christ finished upon the Crosse. The offering of Christ once made is the perfect Redemption , &c. — were blasphemous fables and ( 33 ) dangerous deceits . XXXI . A single Life is imposed on none by the Word of God. Bishops , Priests , and Deacons are not commanded by God's Law , either to vow the estate of a single life , or to abstain from Marriage . XXXII . Of the Marriage of Priests . Bishops , Priests , and Deacons are not commanded by Gods Law , &c. Therefore it is lawful also for them , ( 34 ) as for all other Christian men , to marry at their own discretion , as they shall judge the same to serve better to godlinesse . XXXII . Excommunicated Persons are to be avoided . That person which by open Denunciation of the Church , is rightly cut off from the unity of the Church , and Excommunicated , ought to be taken of the whole multitude of the faithful as an Heathen , and Publican , untill he be openly reconciled by Penance , and received into the Church by a Judge which hath authority thereunto . XXXIII . Of Excommunicated Persons , how they are to be avoided . That person which by open Denunciation of the Church , &c. XXXIII . Of the Traditions of the Church . It is not necessary that Traditions and Ceremonies be in all places one , and utterly like ; for at all times they have been divers , and may be changed according to the diversities of Countries , Times , and mens Manners , so that nothing be ordained against Gods Word . Whosoever through his private judgment willingly and purposely doth openly break the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church , which be not repugnant to the Word of God , and be ordained and approved by common Authority , ought to be rebuked openly , ( that others may fear to do the like ) as he that offendeth against the common Order of the Church , and hurteth the Authority of the Magistrate , and woundeth the Consciences of the weak Brethren . XXXIV . Of the Traditions of the Church . It is not necessary that Traditions and Ceremonies , &c. Every particular or National Church ( 35 ) hath Authority to ordain , change or abo●ish Ceremonies or Rites of the Church , ordained onely by Man's Authority , so that all things be done to edifying . XXXIV . Of the Homilies . The Homilies lately delivered ( 36 ) and commended to the Church of England by the Kings Injunction● , do contain a godly and wholsome Doctrine , and fit to be embraced by all men ; and for that cause they are diligently , plainly , and distinctly to be read to the People . XXXV . Of Homilies . The second Book of Homilies , the several Titles whereof we have joyned under this Article , doth contain a godly and wholsome Doctrin , and necessary for the times ; as doth the former Book of Homilies , which were set forth in the time of Edward the sixth : and therefore we judge them to be read in Churches , by the Ministers diligently and distinctly , that they may be understood of the People . The names of the Homilies . Of the Right use of the Church . Of Repairing Churches . Against the Peril of Idolatry . Of Good Works , &c. XXXV . Of the Book of Common Prayer , and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England . The Book lately delivered to the Church of England , by the Authority of the King and Parliament ( 37 ) , containing the manner and form of publick Prayer , and the ministration of the Sacraments , in the said Church of England ; as also the Book published by the same Authority for Ordering Ministers in the Church , are both of them very pious , as to ●uth of Doctrine , in nothing contrary , but agreeable to the wholsome Doctrine of the Gospel , which they do very much promote and illustrate . And for that cause they are by all faithful Members of the Church of England , but chiefly of the Ministers of the Word , with all thankfulness and readiness of mind , to be received , approved , and commended to the People of God. XXXVI . Of Consecration of Bishops and Ministers . The Book of Consecration of ( 38 ) Archbishops and Bishops , and ordering of Priests and Deacons , lately set forth in the time of King Edward the sixth , and confirmed at the same time by Authority of Parliament , doth contain all things necessary to such Consecration and Ordering . Neither hath it any thing that of it self is superstitious and ungodly ; And therfore whosoever are Consecrated or ordered according to the Rites of that Book , since the second year of the afore-named King Edward , unto this time , or hereafter shall be Consecrated or ordered , according to the same Rites , we decree all such to be rightly , orderly , and lawfully Consecrated and Ordered . XXXVI . Of the Civil Magistrates . The King of England is after Christ ( 39 ) the Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England and Ireland . The Bishop of Rome hath no Jurisdiction in this Realm of England . The Civil Magistrate is ordained and approved by God , and therefore are to be obeyed , not onely for fear of wrath , but for conscience sake . C●vil or temporal Laws may punish Christian men with death , for heinous and grievous offences . It is lawful for Christian men , at the commandment of the Magistrate , to wear Weapons , and serve in the Wars . XXXVII . Of the Civil Magistrates . The Queens Majesty hath the chief Power in this Realm of England , and other her Dominions , unto whom the chief Government of all Estates of this Realm , whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil , in all cases doth appertain , and is not , nor ought to be subject to any Forein Jurisdiction . Where we attribute to the Queens Majesty the chief Government ( 40 ) , by which Titles we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended : We give not to our Princess the Ministry , either of Gods Word , or of the Sacraments , the which thing the Injunctions lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen , do most plainly testifie : but that onely Prerogative , which we see to have been given always to all godly Princes , in holy Scriptutes by God himself , that is , that they should rule all Estates committed to their charge by God , whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal , and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil doers . The Bishop of Rome hath no Jurisdiction in this Realm of England . The Laws of this Realm may punish Christian men with death , &c. XXXVII . The goods of Christians are not common . The Riches and Goods of Christians are not common , as touching the right title and possession of the same , as certain Anabaptists do falsly boast . Notwithstanding every man ought , of such things as he possesseth , liberally to give alms to the poor , according to his ability . XXXVIII . Of Christian mens Goods which are not common . The Riches and Goods of Christian men are not common , &c. XXXVIII . It is lawful for a Christian to take an Oath . As we confesse that vain and rash swearing is forbidden Christian men , by our Lord Jesus Christ , and James his Apostle ; so we judge that Christian Religion doth not prohibit , but that a man may swear when the Magistrate requireth , in a cause of Faith and Charity , so it be done according to the Prophets teaching , in Justice , Judgment , and Truth . XXXIX . Of a Christian man's Oath . As we confesse that vain and rash swearing is forbidden Christian men , &c. XXXIX . The Resurrection of the Dead is not past already . ( 41 ) The Resurrection of the dead is not past already , as if it belonged onely to the Soul , which by the grace of Christ is raised from the death of sin , but is to be expected by all men in the last Day : for at that time , as the Scripture doth most apparently testifie , the dead shall be restored to their own bodies , flesh and bones , to the end that the wicked man , according as either righteously or wickedly he hath passed this life , may , according to his works , receive rewards or punishments . XL. The Souls of men deceased do neither perish with their Bodies . ( 42 ) They who maintain , that the Souls of men deceased do either sleep without any manner ▪ of sense to the day of Judgment ; or affirm that they dye together with the Body , and shall be raised therewith at the last Day , do wholly differ from the Right ▪ Faith and Orthodox Belief , which is delivered to us in the Holy Scriptures . XLI . Of the Millenarians . ( 43 ) They who endeavour to revive the Fable of the Millenarians , are therein contrary to the holy Scriptures , and cast themselves down headlong into Jewish Dotages . XLII . All men not to be saved at last . ( 44 ) They also deserve to be condemned , who endeavor to restore that pernicious Opinion , that all men , though never so ungodly , shall at last be saved ; when for a certain time , appointed by the Divine Justice , they have endured punishment for their sins committed . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43528-e190 An. 1516. 1519. 1519. 1522. 1525. 1526. 1527. 1528. 1529. 1530. Vt praefecto sacris Bigoranno Episcopo , omnia sine Romani Pōtificis authoritate administrarentur . Thuan. Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis authoritatem posse consecrari . 1531. 1532. 1550. 1552. 1553. An. Reg. Mar. 1. 1553. Notes for div A43528-e4750 1553 / 4 ; . An. Reg. Mar. 1. 1553 / 4 ; . An. Reg. Mar. 1. 1554. 1554. An. Reg. Mar. 2. 1554. An. Reg. Mar. 1. 1553 / 4. 1554 / 5. An. Reg. Mar. 2. 1554 / 5. An. Reg. Mar. 2. 1555. An. Reg. Mar. 3. 1555. * Canis pessimine catulum relinquendum An. Reg. Mar. 3. 1555 / 6. 1555 / 6. 1554 / 5 ; a Non est ea pur●tas quae opta●da ●oret . b Faecis Palpisticae reliqu●as . 1555. 1555 / 6. 1556. An. Reg. Mar. 4. 1556 / 7. An. Reg. Mar. 4. 1556. An. Reg. Mar. 4. 1556 / 7. 1557. An. Reg. Mar. 5. 1557. A●●anasdem Arm●niae Regem , fraude deceptum , Catenis , sed ne quid honori d●●ss●t , auraeis vicit Anto●ius . Vell. Paterc . 1557 / 8 Quod vetera extollimus , venientium incuriosi . 1558. An. Reg. Mar. 5. 155. a In summo cum ess● o●io , quod Anglos pro●●●● hospitio susc●●●rat , &c. P. Mart. Epist. Ubi vocif●ra●tur quidam , Martyres Anglicos , esse Martyres Diab●●● , In epist. octob . 8. An. Reg. Mar. 6. 1558. Notes for div A43528-e30450 * In His Proclamation of March 5th 1603. * Quibus artibus Imperii fundamenta locavit Pater ▪ iisdem operis t●tius gloriam consummavit Filius . Just. lib. 6. * Nec ●di● , nec amore , dicturus aliquid , &c. Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. Notes for div A43528-e33880 An. 1536 Lord Herb. Hist. fol. 387. 1536. An 28. Hen. 8. Cap. VII . An. 1537. Anno. 15● Plin. Lib. 7. Cap. 9. Church . Hist. 7. Fol. 422. Id. Ibid. S●ow Chron p. 575. Godw. Ann. Hen. 8. p. 117. Lord Herb. Hist. fol. 430. Stow Chron. fol. 863. Cot. M. S. p. 325. An. 1538. Anno 1538. Anno 1539. Anno 1540. An. 1542. Anno 1541. Anno 1542. Speed ex John Leshly . Fol. 1014. Anno 1543 Anno. 1544. Anno. 1545. An. 1545. An. 1546. Anno 1546. Act of An. 35. Henry the 8th . Cap. ● . Sand. de Scis . Angl. p. 214. Ibid. p. 211. M. S. de Eccles . in Bishop Cot. p. 5. Notes for div A43528-e44010 An. 1546 / 7 * Nè quis f●eree Curator , ad quem post Pupillorum obi●um spectaret 〈◊〉 . Diog. Laert. i● Vua Solonis , pag. 38. Acts , & Mon. fol. 11●● . * Antiqu. Jud. lib. 10. cap. 4. An. 1547. * ubi & sentire quae velis , & quae velis loqui liceat . Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. * 1. Edw. 6. cap. 1. * Appellatur Calix 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Haymo in 1. ad Cor. cap. 11. * In quibusdam Eccle●iis provide objervat●r ; u● po●ulo Sanguis non de●●r Sect. 3. qu. 80. Art. 11. * Matt. Paris . in H●n . 3. An 1245. * 〈…〉 * Quas Ecclesias dicti Progenitores nostr● dudum , singulis vacationibus earundem , per● sonis ●doneis , jure suo Regio , libere conferebant . Apud Mason . De Minist . Anglic. lib. 4. cap. 13 : pag. 497. An. 7 / 8 An. Reg. 2º 1547 / 8. An. Reg. 2º 1548. An. Reg. 2. o 1548. * Sed Richardus Ciscestriensis ( ut ipse mihi dixit ) non sub●cripsit . Lib. Pe●w . * Act. 2. Edw. 6. 1. * See the Book called Cyprianus Anglicus : lib. 4. An. 1637. * Multis piis vi●um est , ut leges de Coelibatu ●●llerentur propter Scandalum . An. Reg. 3º 1548 / 9. An. Reg. 2. 1548 / 9 An. Reg. 3º 1549. An. Reg. 3 o 1546. An. Reg. 3º 1549. * Mediis consiliis vel Authorem esse , vel approbatorem . Calv. Epist. ad Bucer . * In quo nihil non ad Dei Verbum exigi fas est . Epist. ad Prot. * Ut vel moderemur ▪ vel rescindamus , &c. ibid. * Nisi maturè compositum esset Dissidium de Ceremoniis . p. 98. An. Reg. 4º 1549 / 50. An. Reg. 4º 1550. * Hominem hortatus sum ; ut Hoppero Manum Porrigeret . * Magis exped●re judico ; ut e●vestis , & alia , id genus , plura , cum fieri commode posuit , auferantur , &c. * Ego , com essem Oxonii , vestibus illis albis , in Choro , nunanam nil volti ; quam●●● e●sem Canonicus . * 〈…〉 * Fol. 1062. * Fol. ● 604. An. Reg. 5o. 1551. An. Reg. 5. o 1550 / 51 * Acts and Mon. * Printed 1556. pag. 81. * Vt eos incitaremus ad pergendum . &c. pag. 98. * In statu Regni multa adhuc desiderantur . pag. 384. * Quae non obseuret modo , &c. An. Reg. 6o. 1552. * Regia Authoritate in lucem Ed●ti . * Paucas fuisse Haereses , ad qu●s superandas necessarium fuerit Consilinm plenarium Occidentis , & Orientis , lib. 4 cap. 12. marg An. Reg 7. 1553. Notes for div A43528-e93990 An. 1553. ☞ Notes for div A43528-e102590 1532. 1555. 1536. 1550. 1552. March 18. 1553. 1554. 1555. Notes for div A43528-e106950 An. Reg. Eliz. 1. 1558. An. Reg. Eliz. 1. 1558 / 9. * Fuit hic nimium popularit●r dispeasatum An. Reg. Eliz 1. 1559. An. Reg. Eliz. 2. 1559. 1559 / 60. 1560. An. Reg. Eliz. 2. 1560. An. Reg. Eliz. 3. 1560. 1561. An. Reg. Eliz. 3. 1561. An. Reg. Eliz. 4. 1561. 1561 / 2. An. Reg. Eliz. 4. 1560. An. Reg. Eliz. 4. 1562. An. Reg. Eliz. 5. 1562 / 3 ; . An. Reg. Eliz. 5. 1563. An. Reg. Eliz. 6. 1563. An. Reg. Eliz. 6. 1564. An. Reg. Eliz. 7. 1564. 1564 / 5 ; . An. Reg. Eliz. 7. 1565. An. Reg. Eliz. 8. 1565 / 6. An. Reg. Eliz. 8. 1566. 
A43554	----	Theologia veterum, or, The summe of Christian theologie, positive, polemical, and philological, contained in the Apostles creed, or reducible to it according to the tendries of the antients both Greeks and Latines : in three books / by Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1654 Approx. 2644 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 271 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43554 Wing H1738 ESTC R2191 12307181 ocm 12307181 59300 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43554) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59300) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 634:2) Theologia veterum, or, The summe of Christian theologie, positive, polemical, and philological, contained in the Apostles creed, or reducible to it according to the tendries of the antients both Greeks and Latines : in three books / by Peter Heylyn. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. [36], 331, [353]-496, [20] p. Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile ..., London : 1654. Includes bibliographical references. Errata: prelim. p. [36]. Imperfect: 20 p. at end lacking in filmed copy. Added t.p. on p. [1] following prelim. p. [36]: The summe of Christian theologie. Each book has special t.p.; books 2 and 3 have title: The summe of Christian theologie. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Apostles' Creed. 2002-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THEOLOGIA VETERVM : OR THE SUMME OF Christian Theologie , Positive , Polemical , and Philological , CONTAINED IN THE Apostles CREED , Or reducible to it : According to the tendries of the Antients both GREEKS and LATINES . IN THREE BOOKS . By PETER HEYLYN , D. in D. JER . 6.16 . Stand in the ways and see , and aske for the OLD PATHES , where is the good way , and walk therein , and you shall finde rest for your souls . VINCENT . LIRIN . Cap. 3. In ipsa item Catholica Ecclesia magnopere curandum est , ut id teneamus , quod UBIQUE , quod SEMPER , quod AB OMNIBUS creditum est . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile , over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet , M. DC . LIV. To the Right Honourable the LORD MARQUESSE of HARTFORD . IT may seem strange unto your Lordship to see a name subscribed to this Dedication , which neither hath an Interesse in your Noble and illustrious Family , nor any relations to your Person . But when I have acquainted you with the reasons of it , I hope those reasons will not only justifie , but indear my Confidence . My large Cosmography having been Dedicated in the first Delineations and Essay thereof , to one of the greatest Princes in the Christian world ; could not descend , with any Fitnesse , to a lower Patronage , after so many Additions , and so great Improvements . And for such other Books of mine as have seen the light , they were in justice and congruity , to be Inscribed to him alone , or to some of His , by whose Appointment they were written , and from whose service I was fain to borrow the greatest part of the time which I spent about them . But being now ( unhappily ) at my own disposing , and left unto the liberty of presenting the ensuing work , as my own Genius should direct me ; I look upon your Lordship as a Person fitted with the best Capacities to receive this Present at my hands . The Eminent zeal wherewith your Lordship stood so firmely , for the established Doctrines and Devotions of the Church of England , when there appeared so great a readinesse in too-many others to give them up as an Oblation or Peace-offering for their own security ; in the first place , Entituleth you to the best performances in which the Orthodoxies of that Church and the Conformity thereof , to the antient patterns , are declared and vindicated . To this as Seconds , may come in , your Lordships Interesse in that Vniversity where I had my breeding , and more particularly in that Colledge , whereof I had the happinesse to be once a Member ; your studiousnesse in the wayes of learning ; the faire esteem you hold of those which pretend unto it ; and the Incouragements you have given to the advancement of good letters , in forwarding with a bountifull and liberall hand the new Impression of the holy Bible in so many Languages ; A work of such transcendent profit , and so many advantages above all others of that kind , as will not only redound to the honour of the Vndertakers , but to the glory of the Furtherers and Promoters of it . These are the motives which on your Lordships part have prompted me to this Dedication ; and there are reasons for it on my own part also . Your Lordship cannot but remember what great cries were made At , and before the beginning of the late long Parliament , concerning a designe to bring in Popery ; the Bishops generally defamed as the chief Contrivers ; the regular and established Clergy ( my self as much if not more , then any of my rank and quality ) traduced in publick Pamphlets as subsurvient Instruments . And this was unicum eorum crimen qui crimine vacabant , in the words of Tacitus ; the only Crimination laid upon those men , who hitherto have been convicted of no crime at all How wrongfully accused even in that particular , time which brings all things unto light , hath now clearly evidenced . For which is there of all the Bishops , how few of all the Sequestred and exauctorated Clergy , who notwithstanding all the provocations of want and scorn ( greater then which were never laid on generous and ingenuous Spirits ) have fallen off to Popery ? So few in all ( to the Eternall honour of both Orders be it spoken here ) that were the rekoning or account to be made in Greek , it hardly would amount to a plurall number . And for my self , how free I am , and have been alwayes , from any Inclinations of that kind ; in my Epistle to the Reader I have shewn at large , and manifested more particularly in this present work . It had been else too great a folly ( or a frensie rather ) to present any thing of mine to your Lordships sight , of whose sincerity in the true Protestant Religion here by Law established , neither the jealousie nor malice of these last and worst times , hath raised any suspicion . And this I hope will be a full acquitment to me from all future clamours ; for where a Person of such eminent and known Integrity makes good the Entrance , who dares suspect that any thing Popish or Profane , is either harborred in the work , or the Author of it ? And if I gain this point , I have gained my purpose . These are ( my Lord ) the principall Impulsions which have put me upon this Adventure . And these I hope will be of so great prevalency with your Lordship also , as to procure a favourable Entertainment to the following work ; that others may afford it the like fair Reception , when they shall find it Owned and Countenanced by your Lordships name . Which honour if your Lordship shall vouchsafe unto It , the work shall have a sublunary Immortality beyond the Author ; who whatsoever he is now , or shall be hereafter , is and shall be at all times , and on all occasions , redeuable to your Lordship for so great a favour , as best becomes My LORD Your Lordships most devoted And Most humble Servant Peter Heylyn . Lacies Court in Abingdon ; Iune● . 1654. TO THE READER . AND now Reader I am come to thee , who mayest perhaps wonder ( and I cannot blame thee ) to see me so soon again in Print , and that too in a Volume of so large a bulke . 'T is like enough thou mayest conceive me guilty of that vanity , which a devout Author finds in some sort of men who desire knowledge only that they may be known ; possibly of that vanity of vanities which the Wiseman speaks of , consisting in the writing of many books , of which there was no end to be expected as he there informes us . And if this vanity were so strong in the time of Solomon , when the art of Writing was not vulgar , the art of Printing not invented , and that there wanted many helps which we now enjoy ; it cannot be but that the humour must be more predominant in these latter dayes , wherein there are so many advantages for publishing our own conceptions to the view of others , as were not granted unto those of the elder ages . And we may say more truly then the Poet did , ( by how much more we have those helps and opportunities which they had not then ) Scriptorum plus est hodie quam muscarum olim cum caletur maxime , that greater are the swarmes of writers then of flies in Summer : And here I look it should be said that in those things wherein I thus judge others , I condemn my self in doing the same things which I judge them for ; and so am rendred inexcusable for so great a folly . And though it cannot be denyed , but that I have been as great a Scribler , as almost any other of my age and time : yet thus much I must say in my own defence , that except the first Essay and draught of my Geography , digested for my private pleasure , and Printed probably out of ambition and vain glory ; I never published any thing with or without my mane subscribed unto it , but what was either by the strong hand of importunity extorted from me ; or else imposed by the appointment and command of the noblest power under which I lived . Had I been troubled as some are , with an itch of Printing , or carryed on by a desire of being in action ; I could have offered to thy view some Pieces long before this time ( and those , it may be , not unworthy of thy consideration ) which hitherto I have kept by me , and possibly shall do so still , untill they may be found subsequent to the publick peace . For that there is a time to keep silence , as well as times for men to speak , is as Canonical a line for a man to walke by ( in my poor opinion ) as to be instant in season , and out of season , is esteemed by others . But the truth is , I never voluntarily ingaged my self in any of those publick quarrels , by which the unity and order of the Church of England hath been so miserably distracted in these latter times . Nor have I ever loved to run before , or against Authority ; but always took the just counsels and commands thereof for my ground and warrant : which when I had received , I could not think that there was any thing left on my part but obsequii gloria , the honour of a cheerful and free obedience . And in this part of my obedience it was my lot to be most commonly imployed in the Puritane controversies : in managing whereof although I used all Equanimity and temper which reasonably could be expected ( the argument and persons against whom I writ being well considered ) ; yet I did thereby so exasperate that prevailing party , that I became the greatest object of their spleen and fury . Hardly a libell in those times , which exercised the patience of the State for so long together , in which my reputation was not blasted , my good name traduced , my Religion questioned ; and whether I would or not I must be a Papist , or at the least an Under-factor for the Church of Rome . But the best was , I had the honour of good Company , which made the burden pleasing to me : not only the Bishops generally , but some Particulars amongst them of most eminent note , being traduced in the same Pasquils for carrying on a designe to bring in Popery ; the King himself given out ( witnesse the Popish royall Favorite , amongst other Pamplets ) to be that way biassed . And if they call the Master of the house by the name of Belzebub , the servants must not look to finde better language . And though I took all honest and ingenuous courses to wipe off this stain , yet when the calumny once was up , necesse est ut aliquid haereat , it was impossible for me ( in a manner ) so to purge my self , as not to suffer under the injustice of the imputation . Concerning which I shall make bold to tell thee a remarkable passage , which is briefly this : It was about the time that my Lord of Canterbury had published his learned and laborious work against Fisher the Iesuite , when I had preached some Sermons before the King upon the Parable of the Tares ( which Parable I had chosen for the constant argument of my Sermons intended for the Court ) : of which some moderate and judicious men were pleased to say , that in those Sermons I had pulled up Popery by the very roots , and subverted the foundations of it : to which it was replyed by some of those bitter spirits ( whether with more uncharitablenesse or imprudent zeal , it is hard to say ) that the Arch-bishop might Print , and Dr. Heylyn might Preach what they would against Popery , but they should never believe them to be any thing the l●sse Papists for all that . A censure of a very strange nature , and so little savoring of Christianity , that I believe it is not easie to be parrallel'd in the worst of times . But from the envie , hatred , malice , and uncharitablenesse of such kind of men , no lesse then from plague , pestilence , and famine , good Lord deliver us . I could add much more not much short of this , did I love to rub up these old sores , as indeed I do not : the clamour not being made lesse , if it went not higher in the sitting of the late long Parliament ; though no complaint or information was made against me ; or if it were , was thought considerable enough to be enquired into , or took notice of . Nor indeed had I said thus much but in compliance to the grave counsell of St. Hierome , whose saying it was , In suspicione hareseos se nolle quenquam fore patientem ; that for a man to keep silence when accused of Heresie , was a selfe-conviction . And yet I cannot choose but note the great and unprofitable paines , which hath been taken by the Author of that Voluminous nothing , entituled Canterburies Doom , to finde me guilty of some points of supposed Popery : only because in some particulars not determined by the Church of England , I had adhered unto the words and tendries of the Antient Fathers ; or bound my self in matters publickly resolved on , to vindicate this Church to her genuine tenents . And to say truth , the least endevour of this kinde was cause enough for any clamor or reproches which the tongues and pens of those bitter men could impose on them who did not stand as strongly in defence of Out-landish fancies , as of the true and natural doctrines of the Church their mother . Witnesse the fearfull outcry made against B. Bilson for preaching otherwise of Christs descending into hell ; and the great hubbub raised against Peter Baro for writing otherwise in the points of Predestination , then had been taught by some of the Genevian Doctors ; though neither the one had Preached , nor the other Printed , but what was consonant to the Doctrine of approved Antiquity , and to the true intent and meaning of the book of Articles here by Law established . Private opinions , especially if countenanced by some eminent name , were looked on as the publick Resolutions of the Anglican Church , and the poor Church condemned for teaching those opinions , which by the artifice of some men had been fastened on her . So that it was not without some ground that the Archbishop of Spalato being gone from hence , did upbraid this Church in his Consilium redeundi , for taking into her confession ( which he acknowledges of its self to be sound and profitable ) multa Calvini & Lutheri dogmata , many strange Doctrines broached by Luther , and held forth by Calvin . To which when Dr. Crackanthorp was commanded to make an Answer , he thought it neither safe nor seasonable to deny the charge , or plead not guilty to the bill : and therefore though he called his book Defensio Ecclesiae Anglicanae , yet he chose rather to defend those Dogmata which had been charged upon this Church in the Bishops Pamphlet ; then to assert this Church to her genuine Doctrines . They that went otherwise to work were like to speed no better in it , or otherwise requited for their honest zeal , then to be presently exposed to the publick envie , and made the common subject of reproach and danger . So that I must needs look upon it as a bold attempt ( though a most necessary piece of service ) as the times then were , in B. Montague of Norwich in his answer to the Popish Gagger and the two Appellants to lay the saddle on the right horse , as the saying is , I mean to sever or discriminate the opinions of particular men from the received and authorized Doctrines of the Church of England ; to leave the one to be maintained by their private fautors , and only to defend and maintain the other . And certainly had he not been a man of a mighty spirit , and one that easily could contemne the cries and clamors which were raised against him for so doing , he could not but have sunk remedilesly under the burden of disgrace , and the feares of ruin , which that performance drew upon him . To such an absolute authority were the names and writings of some men advanced by their diligent followers , that not to yeeld obedience to their Ipse dixits , was a crime unpardonable . It is true , King Iames observed the inconvenience , and prescribed a remedy , sending instructions to the Universities bearing date Ian. 18. Ann. 1616. ( which was eight years or thereabout , before the coming out of the Bishops Gag ) wherein it was directed amongst other things , that young students in Divinity should be excited to study such books as were most agreable in doctrine and discipline too the Church of England , and to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councels , Schoolmen , Histories and Controversies , and not to insist to long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators , making them the grounds of their study . And I conceive that from that time forwards the names and reputations of some leading men of the forain Churches , which till then carryed all before them , did begin to lessen : Divines growing every day more willing to free themselves from that servitude and Vassalage , to which the authority of those names had inslaved their judgements : But so , that no man had the courage to make such a general assault against the late received opinions as the Bishop did ; though many when the ice was broken , followed gladly after him . About those times it was , that I began my studies in Divinity , and thought no course so proper and expedient for me , as the way commended by King Iames , and opened at the charges of B. Montague , though not then a Bishop . For though I had a good respect both to the memory of Luther , and the name of Calvin ; as those whose writings had awakened all these parts of Europe out of the ignorance and superstition under which they suffered ; yet I alwayes took them to be men : Men as obnoxious unto error , as subject unto humane frailty , and as indulgent too to their own opinions , as any others whatsoever . The little knowledge I had gained in the course of Stories , had preacquainted me with the fiery spirit of the one , and the busie humour of the other : thought thereupon unfit by Archbishop Cranmer , and others the chief agents in the reformation of this Church , to be employed as instruments in that weighty businesse . Nor was I ignorant how much they differed from us in their Doctrinals and formes of Government . And I was apt enough to thinke , that they were no fit guides to direct my judgement , in order to the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England ; to the establishing whereof they were held unusefull : and who both by their practises , and positions had declared themselves to be friends to neither . Yet give me leave to say withall , that I was never master of so little manners , as to speak reproachfully of either ; or to detract from those just honours which they had acquired : though it hath pleased the namelesse Author of the reply to my Lord of Canterburies ▪ Book against Fisher the Iesuit , to tax me for giving unto Calvin in a book licenced by authority the opprobrious name of schismaticall Heretick . Had he told either the parties name by whom it was licenced , or named the Book it self in which those ill words escaped me ; I must have been necessitated to disprove , or confesse the action . But being as it is , a bare denyall is enough for a groundlesse slander . And so I leave my namelesse Author ( a Scot as I have been informed ) with these words of Cicero , Quid minus est non dico Oratoris sed hominis , quam id objicere Adversario , quod si ille verbo negabit , longius progredi non possis . Pardon me Reader I beseech thee , for laying my naked soul before thee , for taking this present opportunity to acquit my self from those imputations which the uncharitablenesse of some men had aspersed me with . I have long suffered under the reproaches of the publick Pamphleters ; not only charged with Popery and Heterodoxies in the point of faith , but also ( as thou seest ) with incivilities in point of manners ; and I was much disquieted and perplexed in minde till I had given the world in thee , a verball satisfaction at the least to these verball Calumnies . How far I am really free from these criminations , I hope this following work will shew thee . So will the Sermons on the Tears , preached in a time when the inclinations unto Popery were thought ( but falsely thought ) to be most predominant both in Court and Clergy ; if ever I shall be perswaded to present them to the open view . In the mean time take here such testimonies both of my Orthodoxie and Candour , as this work affords thee . In which I have willingly pretermitted no just occasion of vindicating the Antient and Apostolical Religion , established and maintained in the Church of England , against Opponents of all sorts ; without respect to private persons , or particular Churches . And as old Pacian used to say , Christianus mihi nomen est , Catholicus cognomen ; so I desire it may be also said of me , that Christian is my name , and Catholick my surname . A Catholick in that sense I am , and shall desire by Gods grace to be alwayes such a true English Catholick . And English Catholick I am sure is as good in Grammar , and far more proper in the right meaning of the word , then that of Roman Catholick is , or can be possibly , in any of the Popish party . And as an English Catholick I have kept my selfe unto the Doctrines , Rites , and formes of Government established in the Church of England , as it was constituted and confirmed by the best Authority which the Laws could give it , when I began to set my self to this imployment , and had brought it in ● manner to a full conclusion . And though some alterations have since happened in the face of this Church , and those so great , as make no small matter of astonishment to the Christian world , yet being there is no establishment of any other Doctrine , Discipline , or new forme of Government , and that God knows how soon the prudence of this State may think it fitting ( if not necessary ) to revive the old ; I look upon it now as in the same condition and constitution in which it shined and flourished with the greatest beauty , that any National Church in Christendome could justly boast of . In all such points ( which come within the compasse of this discourse ) wherein the Church hath positively declared her judgement , I keep my self to her determinations and decisions , according to the literal sense and Grammatical meaning of the words ( as was required in the Declaration to the book of Articles ) not putting my own sense upon them , nor drawing them aside to propagate and defend any foraine Doctrines , by what great name soever proposed and countenanced . But in such points as come before me , in which I finde that the Church hath not publickly determined , I shall conceive my self to be left at liberty to follow the dictamen of my own genius , but so that I shall regulate that liberty by the Traditions of the Church , and the unanimous consent of the Antient Fathers ; though in so doing I shall differ from many of the common and received opinions , which are now on foot . For why should I deny my self that liberty which the times allow me , in which not only Libertas opinandi , but Libertas prophetandi , ( the liberty of Prophecying t is I mean ) hath found so many advocates and so much indulgence ? Common opinions many times are but common errors , and we may truely say of them as Calderinas did ( in Ludovicus Vives ) when he went to Masse , Eamus ergo quia sic placet in communes errores . And as I shall make bold to use this liberty in representing to thy view my own opinions , so I shall leave thee to the like liberty also of liking or rejecting such of my opinions as are here presented , ( Hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim ) : and good reason too , for my opinions as they are but opinions , so they are but mine . As opinions ; I am not bound to stand to them my self ; as mine , I have no reason to obtrude them on another man. I may perhaps delight my self in some of my own fancies , and possibly may think my self not unfortunate in them : but I shall never be so wedded to my own opinions but that a clearer Judgement shall at any time divorce me from them . As for the book which is now before thee , I must confesse that there was nothing lesse in my first intention then to write a Comment on the Creed : my purpose being only to informe my self in that part thereof which concernes Christs sufferings , especially his descending into hell : a question at that time very hotly agitated . For having gotten the late Kings leave to retire to Winchester about the beginning of May , An. 1645. I met there with the learned and laborious work of B. Bilsons , entituled , A Survey of Christs suffering for mans redemption , &c. which finding very copious and intermixed with many things not pertinent to the present subject ( though otherwise of great use and judgement ) I was resolved to extract out of it all such proofs and arguments as concerned the locall descent of Christ into hell , ●o reduce them to a clearer Method , and to add to them such conceptions and considerations which my own reading with the help of some other books could supply me with . Which having finished , and finding many things interspersed in the Bishops book touching the sufferings of Christ ; I thought it not amisse to collect out of him whatsoever did concerne that argument , in the same manner as before : and then to add to it such considerations and discourses upon the crucifixion , death and burial of our Saviour Christ , as might make the story of his Passion from the beginning of his sufferings under Pontius Pilate to his victorious triumph over Hell and Satan compleate and perfect . And then considering with my self , that not that Article alone of Christs descending into hell , but the authority of the whole Creed had been lately quarrelled ; ( the opinion that it was not written by the holy Apostles being more openly maintained and more indulgently approved of , then I could imagine ) I thought it of as great importance to vindicate the whole Creed , as assert one part ; and then , and not till then did I first entertain the thoughts of bringing the whole worke to that forme and order , in which now thou feest it . For though I knew it was an Argument much vexed , and that many Commentaries and Expositions had been writ upon it ; yet I conceived , that I was able , by interweaving some Polemical Disputes , and Philological Discourses , to give it somewhat more then a new dresse only ; and that what other censure soever might be laid upon it , that of Nil dictum est quod non dictum fuit prius , should finde no place here . But I had scarce gone through with the general Preface , when the surrounding of Winchester by the forces of the Lords and Commons , made me leave that City ; and with that City , the thoughts and opportunities of proceeding forwards ; save that I made some entry on the first Article , at a private friends house in a Parish of Wiltshire , where I found some few tooles to begin the work with . The miserable condition of the King my most gracious Master , the impendent ruine of the Church my most pretious Mother , the unsetledness of my own affaires , and the dangers which every way did seem to threaten me , were a sufficient Supersedeas to all matter of study ; even in the University it self ( to which I was again returned not without some difficulties ) : where the war began to look more terrible , then it had done formerly . And I might say of writing books ( as the world then went ) as the Poet once did of making verses , Carmina proveniunt animo deducta sereno , Me mare , me tellus , me fera jactat hyems . Carminibus metus omnis abest , ego perditus ensem Haesurum jugulo jam puto jamque meo . That is to say , Verses proceed from minds compos'd and free , Sea , earth , and tempests joyn to ruine me . Poets must write secure from fears , not feel , As I do at my throat , the threatning steel . Yet so intent I was upon my designe , that as soon as I had waded through my Composition , and fixed my self on a certain dwelling near the place of my birth ( which was about the middle of April , in the year 1647. ) I resumed the worke ; and there , by Gods assistance , as the necessity of my affaires gave me time and leasure , put an end unto it . So wandring and uncertain hath the latter part of my Pilgrimage been , that I began this work in Winchester the prime City of Hamshire , continued it in a Parish of Wiltshire , finished it at my house in Oxfordshire , and am now come to publish it ( Quem das finem Rex magne laborum ? ) from Abington the chief Town of Barkshire . For I had but finished it , if that , and not bestowed my last hand upon it , when by the importunity of some speciall friends I was prevailed with to the writing of my large Cosmography . Which being published and received with some approbation , I began to fear I might goe lesse in the esteem which I had gotten , If I should venture this piece to the publick view . Jealous I was of being thought a better Geographer then Divine ; or that it should be said of me ( as it had been in some cases of some other men ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , that I had spent more of my stock upon the Accessorie then upon the Principal ; more on Geography , which was a thing ad extra to me , then I had done upon Divinity my own proper element . Considering therefore to whose hands I might commend the perusall of it , I pitched at last on the right reverend Father in God , and my very good Lord , the Lord B. of Rochester ; of whose severity in judging without partiality , and friendly counsell in advising without by-respects I was very confident . And he accordingly having bestowed some time upon it , returned me the incouragement and approbation of this following Letter , which ( not without some hope of his Lordships pardon ) I shall here subjoyne , as that which was the speciall motive to this publication . SIR , I Have as you desired , read your soul on the Apostles Symbol , and although I have not done it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet I have read it so , as I dare say when you shall have reviewed it , perfected the quotations , and added the last hand thereto , it shall not only redound to your deserved honour , but much , very much to the benefit of any candid and learned Reader . And in this Approbation , I have the concurrent judgement of a Scholar , and sound Divine , who read the book with me . There remaines nothing more on my part , then to receive your directions where , and to whom the book shall be commended by Your reall friend and humble servant IOHN ROFFENS . October , 14. 1651. I am now drawing towards an end ( good Reader ) and shall only tell thee , that I had entertained a Project of an higher nature , such as hath not been ventured on ( for ought I can learne ) by any other whosoever : which if God had pleased to continue me in those abilities of minde and body , which he hath formerly vouchsafed me , would more conduce to the advancement of good letters , then any or all the rest of my undertakings . But I have found of late ( God helpe me ) such great and sensible decay of sight , that I may say too truely in the wisemans words , Tenebrescunt videntes per foramina , & claudunt ostia in platea ; that is to say , those that look out of the window be darkned , and the doors are shut in the streets , as our English reads it . And for my part , I never had the facultie ( as some men have ) of studying by another mans eyes , or turning over my books by anothers hand ; but have been fain to work out my performances by my proper strength without the least help or co-operation to assist me in them . If by thy prayers for good successe on such Physical means , as I submit my self unto , it shall please God to make my sight so usefull to me as to inable me to goe through with the undertakings , I shall with joy and cheerfulnesse imploy the remainder of my time to compleat that work , which I have digested in my thoughts : but so that it lies still within me , like an unpolished and unperfect Embryo in the Mothers womb : the children being come to the birth but wanting strength to be delivered . In the mean time , I render all humble and hearty thankes to the Lord my God , for giving me such a measure of his holy assistance , as to bring this work to a conclusion : which if it may redound to his glory , the benefit of this Church , and thy particular contentation , it is all I aime at : And that thou mayest receive herein the more full contentment , I have drawn up the heads and summe of all the Chapters , which I refer to thy perusall ; and gathered an Errata or Correction of the faults , which I desire thee to amend accordingly as thou goest along : Thou wilt by that means be somewhat better able to judge whether Geography be better then Divinity , ( Remember the now well known scoffe which was put upon me ) . And so I leave thee to Gods grace and the Churches blessing . Lacies Court in Abingdon , Iune 6. 1654. POSTSCRIPT . READER , I Am to give thee notice , that in the seventh Chapter of the third Book there is a whole Section or Paragraph misplaced , that being subjoyned to the end , which should have found its proper place in the beginning of that Chapter . And therefore I desire that after these words , viz. that he made Israel to sin , which thou shall finde fol. 464. lin . 23. thou wouldest turne over to fol. 479. lin . 17. beginning with these words viz. I know it doth much trouble , &c. which having read to the end of that Section ; thou mayest return to the place where thou wert before , viz. Now to these positive texts , &c. and so proceed unto the end without interruption . The rest of the Errata thou shalt finde summed up after the generall Contents , which I desire thee to correct , ( as before was intimated ) before thou settle to the work ; and so fare thee well . SYLLABVS CAPITVM , OR The Contents of the Chapters . The PREFACE . Of the Authority and Antiquity of the Creed commonly called the Apostles Creed , with answer to the chief Objections which were made against it . ALl things made One by God from the first beginning . One Faith essential to the Church , and upon what reasons . What moved the Apostles to comprehend the chief heads of Faith in so short a Summary . Whether the Creed of the Apostles were not that form of sound Doctrine , which the Apostle recommends to Timothy . Proofs for the Antiquity of the Creed from Irenaeus and Tertullian ; not the Creeds only , but the authority of the Fathers , disputed and disproved in these later times ; and by whom ; especially some reasons warranting the Creed to have been framed by the Apostles . The story how the Creed was made at large related by Ruffinus . The story of Ruffinus justified by the Antient Writers . Traditions how far entertained in the Protestant Churches . An Apostolical Tradition by what marks discerned ; and those marks found in the Tradition which transmits the Creed . The reverend esteem held by the Antients of the Creed in Commenting upon the same , and keeping it unaltered in the words and syllables . The Creed to be first learned by all that required Baptism ▪ When first made part of the publick Liturgy , and rehearsed by the people standing ; in what particulars discriminated from other Formula's . The first objection , that the Creed is no Canonical Scripture , produced and answered . An answer to the second objection about the variation of the words in which the Creed was represented . Several significations of the Greek word Catholick , and that it was a word in use , in and before the time of the Apostles , contrary to the third objection . The last objection from the words of Ruffinus answered . The scope and Project of this work . The Authors appeal unto antiquity . The testimony given unto antiquity by the Antient Writers ; and also by the Church of England . Calvins Authority produced for the asserting of this Creed to the twelve Apostles , closeth up the Preface . PART . I. CHAP. I. Of the name and definition of faith ; the meaning of the phrase , in Deum ▪ credere : The Exposition of it vindicated against all exceptions . THe Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies , and from whence it comes . The proper Etymologie of the Latine fides . Faith how defined , and how it differeth from experience , knowledge , and opinion . The grounds of faith less falli●le , th●n that of any Art or Science . Why faith is called by St. Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , the substance of things not seen , &c. The usual distinction between credere Deum , credere Deo , and credere in Deum , proposed and explicated , according to the general tendries of the Schools : neither the phrase in Deum or in Christum credere and the distinction thereon founded , so generally true as it is pretended . Credere with the proposition in , not so peculiar unto God , as by some conceived . No difference in holy Scripture between Deo and in Deum credere ; nor in the meaning of the Creed . Of the faith of Reprobates ; and why faith hath the name of fides electorum , in the Book of God. The faith of Devils , what it is ; and why it rather makes them tremble , then serves to nourish them in the hope of grace and pardon . The Vulgar distinction of faith into Salvifical , Historical , Temporary , and the faith of Miracles , proposed , examined , and rejected . CHAP. II. That there is a God , and but one God only ; and that this one God is a pure and Immortal Spirit , and the sole Governour of the world ; proved by the light of reason , and the testimony of the antient Gentiles . THe notion of a Deity ingraffed naturally in the soul of man. Pretagoras , Diagoras , and Euhemerus , why counted Atheists in old times . Fortune and Fate why reckoned of as gods , by some old Philosophers . Natural proofs for this truth , that there is but one God , summed up together and produced by Minutius Felix ; and seconded by the testimonies of Mercurius Trismegistus , the Sibyls , and Apollo himself ; confirmed by the suffrages of Orpheus , and the old Greek Poets . The beeing of one God alone strongly maintained by Socrates , affirmed by Plato and his followers ; countenanced by Aristotle , and the Peripateticks ; verified also by the Academicks , the most rigid Stoicks , and by the general acknowledgment of all sorts of people . The judgement of the learned Gentiles touching the Essence and Attributes of God , conformable to that of the Orthodox Christians . The Heresies of the Manichees , and the Anthropomorphites , confuted by the writings of the old Philosophers . A parallel between the Tutelary gods of the old Idolaters , and the Topical or local Saints of the Pontificians . CHAP. III. Of the Essence and Attributes of God , according to the holy Scripture ; the name of Father , how applyed to God. Of his Mercy , Justice , and Omnipotency . THe diligence of Iustin Martyr , when an Heathen , in the search of God. The name IEHOVAH when , and for what occasion first given to God in holy Scripture . The superstition of the later Iews in the use thereof . The Hebrew Elohim sometimes communicated to the creature . The several Etymologies of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The names of El , Elion , and Adonai , what they do import . Of the Simplicity , Eternity and Omnipresence of God. Of his Knowledge , Wisdome , and Omnipotency . The name of Father Almighty given to God by the learned Gentiles . God , in what sense , the Father of our Lord IESVS CHRIST ; and of none but him . The preheminence due in that respect to God the Father , the name of Father how communicable to the whole Godhead . God proved to be the Father of all mankinde ; in the right of Creation ; and of his faithful people by the laws of Adoption : Many resemblances between adoptions among men , and mans adoption to the sonship of Almighty God. The love , care , and authority of our Heavenly Father , compared with that of our earthly parents . The care of God in educating all his children in the knowledge of his will , how far extended unto the Infidels and Pagans , and how far beneficial to them . The title of Almighty given to God the Father , what it importeth in it self ; and what in reference to the creature , to his Church especially . CHAP. IV. Of the Creation of the World and the parts thereof , that it was made at first by Gods Almighty power , and since continually preserved by his infinite Providence . GEneral inducements moving God to create the world . An answer to that idle question , what God did before the creating of the world . The error of Lactantius in it . God differenced by this great work , from the gods of the Gentiles , and that in the opinion of the Gentiles themselves . The work of the Creation ascribed to the whole Godhead jointly in the holy Scripture . Of the first matter out of which , and the time when it was created . The opinion of the worlds eternity , refelled by Cicero : why supposed by Aristotle . The worlds creation by the power of Almighty God , proved by the testimonies of Trismegistus , of Plato , Aristotle , and others of the learned Greeks : As also by the suffrages of Varro , Tully , Seneca , and others of the principal wits amongst the Latines . Why God did pass no approbation on the works of the second day , and doubled it upon the third . Probable proofs , that by the waters above the Firmament , mentioned in the first of Genesis , Moses intended not the clowds and rain , but some great body of waters above the Spheres . The praise and honour due to God for the worlds creation . The general Providence of God in ordering the affairs thereof , asserted both against the Stoicks and the Epicureans . Gods goodness towards all mankinde , especially to his chosen people . And of his Iustice , or veracity in performing the promises made unto them . Gods justice in retaliating to the sons of men , and meting to them , with that measure which they mete to other . Vngodly men how used as executioners of divine vengeance . That neither the impunity nor prosperous successes of the wicked , in this present world , are inconsistent with the justice of Almighty God. CHAP. V. Of the creation of Angels . The Ministry and office of the good . The fall and punishment of the evil Angels , and also of the creation and fall of man. OF the name and nature of the Angels . Why the creatioon of the Angels not expressed in Scripture . Probable conjectures that the Angels were created before the beginning of the world , and those conjectures backed by authority of the Antients both Greeks and Latines . The several orders and degrees of the holy Angels . The Angels , ministring to Almighty God , not only in inflicting punishments upon the wicked , but in protection of the godly . Many things said in Scripture to be done by God , which were effected by the Ministry of the blessed Angels . That every one of Gods people , and they alone , hath his Angel-guardian , proved not only by the authority of the Antients , but by the testimony of the Scripture . Of the Daemons of the antient Gentiles . That the worshipping of Angels mentioned in Coloss. 2. did arise from thence . Angel worship not alone forbidden by Scriptures , and Fathers , but by the very Angels themselves . The evil Angels first created in a state of integrity . Of their confederacy and fall . That the sin of ambition was the cause of the fall , proved by the Scriptures , and the Fathers ; and by several reasons . Several differences between the sin and fall of man , and the sin and fall of the evil Angels . The reason why CHRIST took not on himself the Angelical nature . The Devils diligence and design in seducing mankinde . The Devil why , and how , called the Tempter . Of the Mali Genii . Of the Gentiles and that the Daemonium Socratis so often mentioned by the Antients , was not of that nature . Several Artifices of the Daemons in gaining Divine honours to themselves . The Devil not without much difficulty , dispossessed of the Soveraignty he had gotten in the souls of men . The goodly structure of mans body , and some contemplations thence arising . That the soul of man is not ex traduce , proved by the Scriptures , and the Fathers . The Image of God imprinted on mankinde , in what it doth consist especially ; and of the several degrees and perfections of it . The voluntary fall of man , and how it came to be imputed to his whole posterity : the remedy of God provided to restore lost man. The fall of Adam not decreed , and in what sense permitted by Almighty God. CHAP. VI. What Faith it was which was required for Justification , before and under the Law of Moses . Of the knowledge which the Patriarchs and Prophets had , touching Christ to come . Touching the Sacrifices of the Jews ; the salvation of the Gentiles ; and the justifying power of Faith. THe general project of this Chapter . No faith in Christ required of Adam , till his fall ; nor after that explicitely affirmed of our Father Abraham . The error and mistake of Eve , touching the Messias . Whether the Prophets fully understood their own predictions touching Christ to come . In what Gods Prophets differed from the Heathen Soothsayers . The Heathen Soothsayers why called extatici , and arreptitii , and furiosi . No explicite faith in Christ required of the Patriarchs before the law , nor of the people of the Iews , who lived under the Law. What faith it was which was imputed for righteousness to our Father Abraham . The Sacrifices of the Iews not counted expiatory in reference unto Christ to come : but by the Ordinance and Institution of Almighty God. Why CHRIST is said in Scripture to be the end of the Law. Or the advantages which the Iews had above other Nations . The Gentiles not left destitute of means , and helps , to bring them to the knowledge and Worship of God. No point of Reverence performed by Gods people antiently in the act of Worship , which was not practised by the Gentiles . The Sacrifices of the Gentiles what they aimed at chiefly , before perverted by the Devil . The Sacrificing of men and women among the Gentiles , by whom first introduced ; and upon what grounds . The eminence of some Gentiles in all moral vertues . The union of mans soul with Almighty God , proposed as the chiefend of li●e by the old Philosophers . The salvation of the nobler souls amongst the Gentiles , defended by some late Divines ; denyed by St. Augustine formerly , and upon what grounds : the grounds on which he built examined . The vertues of the Gentiles not to be counted sins or vices for any circumstantial imperfections which are noted in them . The special help wherewith God might supply amongst the Gentiles , the want of Scripture . The charitable opinion of Franciscus Iunius , touching the Infants of the Gentiles . The case of the Gentiles altered since our Saviours passion ; and so St. Peter , Act. 2. and the 17. Article of the Church of England , to be understood . What it is , that makes Faith instrumental unto Iustification . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 credere , or the act of faith , imputed to a man for righteousness , proved by the testimony of the Scriptures , and the Antient Writers . The Homilies of the Church explicated , and applyed to the present point . LIBER II. CHAP. I. Nothing revealed to the Gentiles , touching Christ to come . The Name of JESUS what it signifies , and of bowing at it . Of the name CHRIST , and the Offices therein included . The name of Christians how given unto his Disciples . SAlvation of the world by Christ , kept as a Mysterie from the Gentiles generally before the Preaching of the Gospel . The Sib●lline Oracles what they say of Christ ; not to be counted pie fraudes , and with what care preserved from the common view . The tearm or ●●tion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the WORD , frequently found in Plato , and his followers . The summe of our belief touching Christ our Saviour . The name of IESVS whence derived , and what it signifieth . A parallel between IESVS the Son of God , and Ioshua or Iesus the son of Nun. The Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rendred Salvator , by the Writers in the Christian Church , till the alteration made by Beza , and of the full meaning of those words . The dignity of the name of Iesus . That bowing at the Name of IESVS , was antiently used in the Church of Christ , and from the first beginning of the Reformation in the Church of England . The name CHRIST , whence derived , and what it signifieth ; and of the several Offices it relates unto . That the name of Christian was not given unto the followers of Christs Doctrine , without some solemnities . Chrestos and Chrectiani , mistakingly used for Christus , and Christiani , by some Heathen Writers . CHAP. II. That JESUS CHRIST is the Son of God : Why called his only , or his only begotten Son. Proofs for the Godhead of our Saviour . Of the title of LORD . THe name of the Son or Sons of God , ascribed in several respects , to men and Angels , and also to the Saints departed ; given in a more peculiar manner to Kings and Prophets , then unto any other of the sons of men : in all of these respects communicable unto CHRIST our Saviour ; but after a more excellent manner then to all the rest . CHRIST not the Son of God only , but his only Son ; properly to be called the natural and begotten Son of Almighty God , in reference to his birth from the Virgin Mary . The only Son , and the best beloved Son equivalent in holy Scripture . Christ why entituled the first born of every creature . The rights of Primogeniture what they were , and how vested in him . CHRIST so to be accounted the Son of God , as to be also God the Son. That the Messiah was to come in the form of man. The testimony given by Christ to his own Divinity cleared from all exceptions . The story of Theodosius the Iew in Suidas touching Christ our Saviour , justified . The testimony given to Christs Divinity by the Heathen Oracles , The falling of the Egyptian Idols , the Poet Virgil , and the Roman Centurion . The Heresies of Ebion , Artemon and Samosatenus , in making Christ our Saviour a meer natural man ; briefly recited , and condemned . The perplexed niceties of the School , avoided purposely by the Author . The name of LORD appropriated in the Old Testament unto God the Father , but more peculiar since the time of the Gospel , to God the Son. The title of LORD disclaimed by the first Roman Emperours ; and upon what reasons . CHRIST made our LORD not only in the right of purchase , but also by the law of Arms. CHAP. III. Of Gods free mercy in the Redemption of man ; the WORD why fitted to effect it . The Incarnation of the Word why attributed to the holy Ghost ; the Miracle thereof made credible both to Jews and Gentiles . THe controversie between Mercy , Peace , Truth , and Iustice , on the fall of man ; made up and reconciled by the oblation of Christ , then designed and promised . That God could have saved mankinde by some other means , then by the Incarnation and death of Christ , had he been so minded . The Oblation of Christ rather a voluntary act of his own meer goodness then necessitated by imposition or decree . Some reasons why the work of the Incarnation , was to be acted chiefly by the holy Ghost . The manner of the Incarnation with a more genuine explication of the Virgins answer . The miraculous obumbration of the holy Ghost , made more intelligible by two parallel cases . The impure fancies of some Romish Votaries touching this Obumbration , and the blessed Virgin. The large faculties of Frier Tekell . Sleidan corrupted by the Papists . The strange conceit of Estius , in making Christ the principal , if not only Agent , in the Incarnation . The miracle of the Incarnation made perceptible to the natural man , to the Iews and Gentiles . The Virgins Faith a great facilitating to the Incarnation . The Antiquity of the feasts of Annuntiation . Christ why not called the Son of the holy Ghost . The body of Christ not formed all at once , as some Popishs writers doe affirm , and the reasons why . CHAP. IV. Of the birth of CHRIST ; the Feast of his Nativity . Why born of a Virgin. The Prophesie of Esaiah , the Parentage and priviledges of the blessed Virgin. NO cause for the WORD to be made flesh but mans Redemption . Our Saviour Christ not only born , but made of the Virgin Mary , and the manner how . That several Heresies in the Primitive times touching this particular . The time and place made happy by our Saviours birth . That Christ was born upon the five and twentyeth day of December , proved by the general consent of all Christian Churches . The high opinion of that day in the Primitive times . The miracle of Christ being born of a Virgin Mother made perceptible by some like cases in the Book of God. A parallel between Eve and the Virgin Mary . The promise made by God to Eve. The clearest Prophesie in Scripture , that Christ our Saviour should be born of a Virgin-Mother . That so much celebrated Prophesie , Behold a Virgin shall conceive , &c. not meant originally and literally of the birth of Christ. The genuine meaning of the Text , and how it was fulfilled in our Saviours birth . Whether Christ were the direct heir of the house of David . The Genealogie of Christ why laid down in such different wayes , by the two Evangelists . The perpetual Virginity of Christs Mother asserted against the Hereticks of former times , defended on wrong grounds by the Pontificians . The Virgin freed from Original sin by some zealous Papists ; and of the controversie raised about it in the Church of Rome . What may be warrantably thought touching that particular . The extreme errours of Helvidius and the Antidicomaritani in giving too little , and of the Collyridians and the Papists on the other side , in giving too great honour to the blessed Virgin. Some strange extra●vigancies of the learned and vulgar Papists . The moderation in that kinde of the Church of England . The body of Christ a real , not an imaginary substance ; and subject to the passions and infirmities of a natural body . CHAP. V. Of the sufferings of our Saviour under Pontius Pilate , and first of those temptations which he suffered at the hands of the Devil . ANnas and Caiaphas why said to be High Priests at the self same time . Of Pontius Pilate his barbarous and rigid nature ; and of the slaughter which he made of the Galileans . By what SPIRIT , for what reasons , and into what part of the Wilderness Christ was led to be tempted . A parallel between Christ and the Scape-goat . Reasons for our Redeemers fast ; why neither more nor less , then just forty days . Of the Ember weeks . The institution and antiquity of the Lenten fast ; and why first ordained . St. Luke and St. Matthew reconciled . A short view of the three temptations ; with a removal of some difficulties , which concern the same . How Satan could shew Christ our Saviour from the top of a mountain , and in so short a space of time , the Kingdomes of the earth , and the glories of them . In what respects it is said of Christ , that he was , or could be tempted of the Devil . CHAP. VI. Of the afflictions which our Saviour suffered both in his soul and body , under Pontius Pilate ; in the great work of MANS REDEMPTION . THe heaviness which fel on Christ not so great and terrible as to deprive him of his senses . In what respect it is said of Christ in his holy Gospel , that his soul was sorrowful to the death . The Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifieth in the holy Penmen . The meaning of our Saviours words , Ioh. 12.27 . No contrariety in Christs Prayer to the will of God. Why death appeared so terrible in our Saviours eye . The judgement of the Antients on that Prayer of Christ. The doctrine of the Schools touching the natural fear of death . Why Christ desired not to receive that Cup from the hands of the Iews . Of the comfort which the Angel brought unto our Saviour in the time of his heaviness . A passage of St. Paul expounded , Heb. 57. The meaning of the word Agony in the best Greek Writers , and in the usual style of Scripture . Christs Agony and bloudy sweat , rather to be imputed unto a fervency of zeal , then an extremity of pain . The sentence put upon our Saviour in the High Priests Hall , and at the Iudgement Seat of Pilate . A brief survey of Christs sufferings both in soul and body . CHAP. VII . Of the crucifying , death , and burial of the Lord JESUS CHRIST ; with the diquisition of all particulars incident thereunto . THe death of Christ prefigured both in that of Abel , and of Abels lamb . The definition of a Sacrifice how abused by Bellarmine , and on what design . The Sacrifices of the Law how accounted expiatory . Several resemblances between the Sacrifices of Christ and the legal sacrifices . A parallel beawixt Christ and Isaac , and betwixt Christ and the Brazen Serpent . Calvins interpretation , and the practise of the Papists much alike unsound . How Christ is said to be made a curse . The cruel intention of the Iews , to prolong Christs miseries under the false disguise of pity . Several sorts of Dereliction , and in what sort our Saviour Christ complained that he was forsaken . Whether Christ spake those words in his own Person , or in the person of his members : the Schoolmen in this point very sound and solid . Why vinegar was given to Christ , at the time of his passion . The meaning of those words , Consummatum est . That the death of Christ is rather to be counted voluntary , then either violent or natural ; and upon what reasons . The death of Christ upon the Cross a full Propitiation for the sins of man , both in the judgement of Scriptures and the Antient Fathers . That Christ suffered not the death of the soul , as impiously is affirmed by some . The Eucharist ordained for a Sacrifice by our Lord and Saviour . The Sacrifice or Oblation of Bread and Wine , used antiently ( by that very name ) in the Church of Christ ; why called Commemorative , and why an Eucharistical sacrifice , and why the Sacrament of the Altar . The Sacrifice asserted by the Antient Writers , corrupted by the Church of Rome , and piously restored by the Church of England . St. Cyprian wrested by the Papists to defend their Mass. A parallel between the Peace-offerings and the blessed Eucharist . The renting of the Vail at our Saviours passion , what it might portend . The Earthquake and Eclipse then happening , testified out of Heathen writers . The reconciliation of St. Mark and St. Iohn about the time and hour of our Saviours suffering . Various opinions in that point , and which most improbable . Vniversality of redemption defended by the Church of England . Both Sacraments how said to issue from our Saviours side . The breaking of our Saviours body in the holy Eucharist , how it agreeth with the not breaking of his bones . The true and proper meaning of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Certain considerations on our Saviours buriall ; and of the weekly fasting dayes thereupon occasioned . That Iudas hanged himself , made good from the antient Fathers ; against the new devise of Daniel Heinsius . The fearfull and calamitous ends of Pontius Pilate , Annas , Cajaphas , and the whole nation of the Iews . CHAP. VIII . Of the locall descent of Christ into hell . Hades and inferi what they signifie in the best Greek and Latine authors , and in the text of holy Scripture ; an examination , and confutation of the contrary opinions . CHrists descent into hell the first degree of his Exaltation ; and so esteemed by many of the antient Fathers . The drift and project of this Chapter . Severall Etymologies of the Greek word HADES . The Greek word HADES , used most commonly by the old Greek writers to signifie hell , the place of torments ; sometimes to signifie Pluto , the King of hell : the word so used also by the sacred Penmen of the new Testament . The faultinesse of our last translators in rendring the Greek HADES by the English grave , 1 Cor. 15.55 , &c. contrary to the exposition of the best interpreters . By HADES in the Ecclesiasticall notion of it is meant only hell in the opinion of all Greek writers of the elder and middle times . The Latine word inferi whence derived , and what it signifyeth . Inferi generally used by the Antient writers for the place of torments ; not for the receptacles or repositories of the righteous souls . The Greek word Hades generally rendered in the new Testament , by the Latine inferi . The meaning of these words , viz. He descended into hell , Grammatically gathered from the Premises . Arguments for the locall descent of Christ into hell from St. Pauls words , Rom. 10.6 , 7. and Ephes. 4.8 , 9 , &c. with the explication of both places . The leading of captivity captive , Ephes. 4. and the spoiling of principalities and powers , Col. 2.15 . used by the antients as arguments for Christs descent into hell : the like proved by St Peters argument , Act. 2.27 , &c. the pains of death mentioned vers . 2.24 . in the latter editions of that book , the very same with the pains of hell in some antient copies . The Locall descent of Christ into hell , proved by the constant and successive testimonies of the old Greek Fathers ; and by the general current of the Latine writers : together with the reasons which induced him to it . Considerations on this point , viz. whether Christ by his descent into hell , delivered thence the souls of such holy men , as either dyed under or before the Law. Bullengers moderation in it . CHAP. IX . The Doctrine of the Church of England touching Christs descent into Hell , asserted from all contrary opinions , which are here examined and disproved . THe Doctrine of the Church of England touching the local descent of Christ into Hell , delivered in the book of Articles , in the book of Homilies , and Catechismes publickly allowed . The errour of Mr. Rogers in that point , charged upon the Church . The Doctrine of a locall descent , defended by the most eminent writers in the Protestant Churches ; and of some of the Reformed also . The first objection against the locall descent , viz. that there was no such clause in the old Creed or Symbol of the Church of Rome . The second objection , that our Saviour went on the day of his passion with the Theef to Paradise . The third objection , that Christ at the instant of his death commended his soul into the hands of God the Father . The pertinency and profitablenesse of the locall descent , declared and stated ; and freed from all the Cavils which are made against it . The false construction of this Article by our Masters in the Church of Rome . Brentius and Calvin falsly charged by Bellarmine . The Article of Christs descent , by whom first made the same with his burial ; the inconvenience of that sense , and the absurdities of Beza in indevoring to make it good . The new devise , which makes the descent into hell to be nothing else , but a continuance for three days in the state of death ; proposed , and answered . A Theologicall Dictionary necessary for young Divines . The Author and progresse of the new opinion , touching the suffering of hell paines in our Saviours soul. A particular of the torments in hell ; that is to say , remorse of conscience , 2. rejection from the favour of God , 3. despaire of Gods mercy , 4. the fiery flames there being . That none of all these could finde place in our Saviours soul. The blasphemy of some who teach that Christ descended into hell , to suffer there the torments of the damned souls . Severall sorts of punishment agreed on by the Schoolmen ; and how far Christ was liable to any of them . Eternity of punishments how proportioned to the sin of Man. Two objections answered . The Doctrine of the Church of England still the same it was . CHAP. X. Of the Resurrection of our Lord and Saviour ; with a consideration of the circumstances , and other points incident to that Article . THe Article of Christs resurrection . Most proper for St. Thomas , and upon what reasons . The credibility of the resurrection proposed and proved , by the types of Isaac , and of Ioseph . Ioseph why called Zaphnath-paaneah . The types of Daniel , and of Ionah : and how applyable , especially the last , to the story of Christ. Examples of a resurrection no strange thing to the Iews themselves . The Resurrection of Christ foretold by the holy Prophets ; the time and place thereof , sufficient to convince the Iews of their incredulity . The allegation of the Souldiers touching the stealing of Christs body , examined and derided . The Doctrine of the Resurrection of how swift a growth . Arguments for the resurrection to convince the Gentiles . How Christ may be said to lie in the grave three dayes and three nights . Severall ways to salve the doubt , and which most probable . The strange conceits of Gregory Nyssen , and of Dr. Alabaster ; with the learned and judicious Solution , made in the case by Paulus Semproniensis an Italian Bishop . An accord made between the four Evangelists about the time and hour of the resurrection . The first day of the week why chosen for the day of the resurrection ? why , and by whom celebrated as a weekly Festivall ? why Christ was raised from the dead in a terrible earthquake ? why he appeared first to women ? and why first of all to Mary Magdalen ? How Christ is said to be the first fruits of the dead . The resurrection of Christs body a sure pledge of ours . Some reasons for the resurrection in respect of Christ , and the necessity thereof in respect of man. The Institution and antiquity of the feast of Easter ; the high esteem it had in the Primitive times , and antiently in the Isle of Britain ; the extreme follies of some men , on the other side . CHAP. XI . Of the Ascension of our Saviour ; with a discussion of the points and other circumstances , which are most considerable in the same . THe connexion between the Ascension of Christ , and the coming down of the holy Ghost foresignifyed by the Prophet David . The antiquity of the feast of holy Thursday . Some doubts resolved about the time and place of the Ascension ; the Creed reconciled with the Gospell . Enoch and Elijah types of Christs Ascension ; and in what particulars . The Prophecies in holy Scripture touching Christs ascension , as also touching the time , place and manner of it ; with observations upon each . A parallel between the old Roman triumphs and the Lords ascension . Probable conjectures of the disposing of those bodies , which were raised with Christ. The Captives what they were , which Christ led in triumph . The benefits redounding unto mankind by Christs ascension . A dissertation of the probleme , whether Christ merited for himself , or ●or mankinde only . The inconsequence of Maldonates illation , touching the worshipping of Christ after his ascension . That the body of Christ after his Ascension , doth still remain a natural body , proved by the Scriptures and the Fathers . The Doctrine of Transubstantiation destructive of Christs natural body ; and of the monstrous Paradoxes which do thence arise . CHAP. XII . Of sitting at the right hand of God ; the proper meaning of the Phrase ; and of the Priviledges which accrew thereby to our Lord and Saviour . THe meaning of the phrase sedere ad dextram Dei. Sitting at the right hand of Kings and Princes , accounted for the greatest honour that could be done unto a subject ; not alwayes so , though so in ordinary use , amongst common persons . The middle , the most honourable place , amongst the Romans and Numidians . The right hand of God what it signifyed in holy Scripture . The right hand , a hand of power , and love ; as also of friendship and fidelity . What the word sitting meaneth in the present Article . Sitting and standing words of repose and ease ; and how both Postures do agree with Christ in his severall offices . The ill construction made by Maldonate , touching Christs sitting at the right hand of God the Father ; the faultinesse of his Rule , and instance upon that occasion ; his aime therein discovered , canvassed and confuted . That Christ by sitting at the right hand of God , obtaineth not an equality with God the Father , contrary to the common opinion of the Protestant Schools . Severall Preheminences given to Christ by sitting at the right hand of God above all the Angels . That sitting at the right hand of God , may piously be taken in a literall and Grammaticall sense . Considerations to that purpose , to make it percepitble and intelligible to a rationall man. Moderation in matters of opinion practised by the Antients , and approved by the Authour . CHAP. XIII . Of the Priesthood of our Lord and Saviour which he executeth sitting at the right hand of God , wherein it was foresignifyed by that of Melchisedech ; in what particulars it consisteth ; and of Melchisedech himself . THe Regall and Sacerdotal offices exercised by Christ as he sitteth at the right hand of God. The difference between the calling of Christ and that of Aaron ; the Parallel and differences between the consecration of Christ , and the consecration of Aaron ; seven dayes designed unto the consecration of Christ , how employed and spent ; the Priesthood of Christ when it took beginning . Melchisedech what he was , and from whom descended . In what the Priesthood of Melchisedech did consist especially , with the errour of the Papists in that particular . Resemblances between Melchisedech and Christ in their name and titles ; and in performance of the office of the holy Priesthood . Christ made the Mediator between God and man , and upon what reasons the Mediator not of redemption only , as the Papists say , but of intercession . A story of Themistocles how applyed to Christ. How necessary it was , in reference to the Priestly office , that Christ should have humane infirmities about him . The ingenious conceit of Mat. Corvinus K. of Hungary . No sacrifice for sin , but that of Christ upon the crosse . The Heterodoxies of the Church of Rome , and Orthodoxie of the Church of England , in that particular . The smart but true censure of Averroes the Moore upon the Christians of his time . The sacrifice of Christ though not to be reiterated by man , yet dayly to be represented by Christ himself unto God the Father . The manner how Christ made his entrance into the sanctum Sanctorum , compared with that of the high Priest in the Iewish Church A right of titles inherent in the Priesthood of our Lord and Saviour , and consequently in the Ministers of the Gospell also . CHAP. XIV . Of the Regall or Kingly office of our Lord as far as it is executed before his coming unto judgement . Of his Vicegerents on the earth , and of the severall Viceroyes put upon him by the Papists and the Presbyterians . THe title of King designed to Christ long before his birth , given to him by the Souldiers and confirmed by Pilate . The generall opinion of the Iews and of the Apostles and Disciples for a temporal Kingdome to be set up by their Messiah ; the like amongst the Gentiles also . Christ called the head of the Church , and upon what reasons . The actuall possession of the Kingdome not conferred on Christ till his resurrection . Severall texts of Scripture explained and applyed for the proof thereof . Christ by his regall power defends his Church against all her enemies ; and what those enemies are against which he chiefly doth defend it . Of the Legislative power of Christ , of obedience to his lawes and the rewards and punishments appendent on them . No Viceroy necessary on the earth to supply Christs absence . The Monarchy of the Pope ill grounded under that pretence . The many Viceroyes thrust upon the Church , by the Presbyterians ; with the great prerogatives given unto them . Bishops the Vicars of Christ in spirituall matters ; and Kings , in the externall regiment of the holy Church . That Kings are Deputies unto Christ , not only unto God the Father , proved both by Scriptures and by Fathers . The Crosse why placed upon the top of the regall Crown . How , and in what respects , Christs Kingdome is said to have an end . Charity , for what reasons greater then faith , and hope . The proper meaning of those words , viz. Then shall he deliver up the Kingdome unto God the Father ; disputed , canvassed , and determined . CHAP. XV. Touching the coming of our Saviour to judgement both of quick and dead ; the souls of just men not in the highest state of blisse till the day of judgement ; and of the time and place and other circumstances of that action . THe severall degrees of CHRISTS exaltation . A day of judgement granted by the sober Gentiles . Considerations to induce a natural man to that perswasion , and to inforce a Christian to it . That Christ should execute his judgement , kept as a mysterie from the Gentiles . Reasons for which the act of judging both the quick and the dead , should be conferred by God , on his Son CHRIST IESVS . That the souls of righteous men attain not to the highest degree of happinesse till the day of judgement , proved by authority of Scriptures ; by the Greek Fathers , and the Latine ; by Calvin and some leading men of the reformation . The alteration of this Doctrine in the Church of Rome , and the reason of it . The torments of the wicked aggravated in the day of judgement . The terrors of that day described , with the manner of it . The errour of Lactantius in the last particular . How CHRIST is said to be ignorant of the time and hour of the day of judgement . The grosse absurdity of Estius in his solution of the doubt , and his aime therein . The audaciousnesse of some late adventurers , in pointing out the year and day of the finall judgement . The valley of Iehosophat designed to the place of the generall judgement . The Easterne part of heaven most honoured with our Saviours presence . The use of praying towards the East , of how great antiquity . That by the signe of the Son of man , Mat. 24.30 . we are to understand the signe of the crosse , proved by the Western Fathers , and the Southerne Churches . The sounding of the trumpet in the day of judgement , whether Literally or Metaphorically to be understood . The severall offices of the Angels in the day of judgement . The Saints how said to judge the world ▪ The Method used by Christ in the act of judging . The consideration of that day , of what use and efficacy in the wayes of life . LIBER III. CHAP. I. Touching the holy Ghost , his divine nature , power , and office . The controversie of his Procession laid down historically . Of receiving the holy Ghost , and of the severall Ministrations in the Church appointed by him . SEverall significations of these words , the holy Ghost , in the new Testament . The meaning of the Article according to the Doctrine of the Church of England . The derivation of the name , and the meaning of it in Greek , Latine , and English. The generall extent of the word Spirit more appositely fitted to the holy Ghost . The divinity of the holy Ghost clearly asserted from the constant current of the book of God. The grosse absurdity of Harding in making the divinity of the holy Ghost to depend meerly upon tradition and humane authority . The many differences among the writers of all ages , and between St. Augustine with himself , touching the sin or blasphemy against the holy Ghost . The stating of the controversie by the learned Knight Sir R. F. That the differences between the Greek and Latine Churches concerning the procession of the holy Ghost , are rather verball then material ; and so affirmed to be by most moderate men amongst the Papists . The judgement of antiquity in the present controversie . The clause a Filioque first added to the antient Creeds by some Spanish Prelates , and after countenanced and confirby the Popes of Rome . The great uncharitablenesse of the Romanists against the Grecians for not admitting of that clause . The graces of the holy Ghost distributed into Gratis data , and Gratum facientia , with the use of either . Why Simon Magus did assert the title of the great power of God. Sanctification the peculiar work of the holy Ghost , and where most descernible . Christ the chief Pastor of the Church , discharged not the Prophetical office , untill he had received the unction of the holy Spirit . The Ministration of holy things conferred by Christ on his Apostles , actuated and inlarged by the holy Ghost . The feast of Pentecost an holy Anniversary in the Church , and of what antiquity . The name and function of a Bishop , in St. Pauls distribution of Ecclesiasticall offices , included under that of Pastor . None to officiate in the Church but those that have both mission and commission too . The meaning and effect of those solemne words , viz. receive the holy Ghost used in Ordination . The use thereof asserted against factious Novelty . The holy Ghost the primary Author of the whole Canon of the Scripture . The Canon of the Evangelical and Prophetical writings closed and concluded by St. Iohn . The dignity and sufficiency of the written word asserted both against some Prelates in the Church of Rome , and our great Innovators in the Church of England . CHAP. II. Of the name and definition of the Church . Of the title of Catholick . The Church in what respects called holy . Touching the head and members of it . The government thereof Aristocraticall . THe name Church no where to be found in the old Testament . The derivation of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and what it signifyeth in old Authors . The Christian Church called not improperly , by the name of a Congregation . The officiation of that word in our old Translators , and the unsound construction of it by the Church of Rome . Whence the word CHVRCH in English hath its derivation . The word promiscuously used in the elder times , to signifie the place of meeting , and the people which did therein meet . That by these words Ecclesia quae est domi ejus , St. Paul meaneth not a private family , but a Congregation . Severall significations of the word in the Ecclesiasticall notion of it . The Clergy sometimes called the Church . The Church called Catholick in respect of time , place , and persons . Catholick antiently used for sound and Orthodox ; appropriated to themselves by the Pontificians , and unadvisedly yeelded to them by the common Protestants . Those of Rome more delighted with the name of Papists then with that of Christian. The Church to be accounted holy notwithstanding the unholinesse of particular persons . The errour of the old and new Novatians touching that particular , confuted by the constant current of the book of God. Neither the Schismatick , nor the Heretick , excluded from being Members of the Catholick Church . The Catholick Church consists not only of Elect or Predestinate persons . The Popes supremacy made by those of Rome the principall Article of their faith . Of the strange powers ascribed unto the Pope by some flattering Sycophants ; as well in temporal mattters , as in things Spiritual . The Pope and Church made termes convertible in the Schools of Rome . The contrary errour of the Presbyterians and Independents in making the Church to be all body . St. Hieroms old complaint revived in these present times . The old Acephory what they were , and in whom revived . The Apostles all of equall power , amongst themselves , and so the Bishops too in the Primitive times , as successors to the Apostles in the publick government . Literae Formulae what they were in the elder ages . Of the supremacy in sacred matters exercised by the Kings of Iudah : and of that given by Law and Canon to the Kings of England . CHAP. III. Of the visibility and infallibility of the Church of Christ ; and of the Churches power in expounding Scripture , determining controversies of the faith , and ordaining ceremonies . WHat we are bound to believe and practise touching the holy Catholick Church , in the present Article . The Church at all times visible , and in what respects . The Church of God not altogether , or at all invisible in the time of Ahab and Elijah ; nor in that of Antiochus , and the Maccabees . Arianisme not so universal when at the greatest , as to make the Church to be invisible . The visibilitie of the Church in the greatest prevalency of the Popedom ; not to be looked for in the congregations of the Albigenses . Husse or Wicliffes answer to the question , Where our Church was before Luthers time ; the Church of Rome a true Church , though both erroneous in Doctrine and corrupt in manners . The Vniversal Church of Christ not subject unto errour in points of Faith. The promises of Christ made good unto the Vniversal , though not to all particular Churches . The opposition made to Arianism in the Western Churches : and in the Churches East and West , to the Popes Supremacy , to the forced Celibat of Priests , to Transubstantiation , to the half Communion , to Purgatory , Worshipping of Images , and to Auricular confession . General Councels why ordained ; how far they are priviledged from errour , and of what authority . The Article of the Church of ENGLAND touching General Councels abused and falsified . The power of National and Provincial Councels in the points of faith , not only manifested and asserted in the elder times , but strenuously maintained by the Synod of Dort. Four Offices of the Church about the Scripture . The practises of the Iews and Arians to corrupt the Text. The Churches power to interpret Scripture asserted both by Antient and Modern Writers . The Ordinances of the Church , of how great authority : and that authority made good by some later Writers . The judgement and practice of the Augustane , Bohemian and Helvetian Churches in the present point . Two rules for the directing of the Churches power in ordaining Ceremonies . How far the Ordinances of the Church do binde the Conscience . CHAP. IV. Of the Communion which the Saints have with one another , and with CHRIST their Head. Communion of affections inferreth not a community of goods and fortunes . Prayers to the Saints and adoration of their Images an ill result of this communion . THe nature and meaning of the word Communio in the Ecclesiastical notions of it . The word Saints variously taken in holy Scripture . In what particulars the Communion of the Saints doth consist especially . The Vnion or Communion which the Saints have with CHRIST their Head as Members of his Mystical body , proved by the Scriptures and the Fathers . The Communion which the Saints have with one another evidenced and expressed in the blessed Eucharist . Of the Eulogia or Panes Benedicti sent from one Bishop to another in elder times to testifie their unity in the faith of Christ. The salutation of the holy kiss how long it lasted in the Church , and for what cause abrogated . The name of Brothers and Sisters why used promiscuously among the Christians of the Primitive times . Of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Love Feasts in the elder ages . The readiness of the Christians in those blessed times not only to venture , but to lay down their lives for one another . Pleas for the community of the Estates studied by the Anabaptists , and refelled by the Orthodox . The natural community of mankinde in the use of the creatures contrary unto Law and Reason , and to the pretentions also of the Anabaptists themselves . The Orthodoxie in this point of the Church of England . A general view of the communion which is between the Saints departed , and those here on earth . The Offices performed by godly men upon the earth to the Saints in Heaven . That the Saints above pray not alone for the Church in general , but for the particular members of it . The Invocation of the Saints how at first introduced . Prayers to the Saints not warranted by the Word of God , nor by the writings of the Fathers , nor by any good reason . Immediate address to Kings more difficult then it is to God. The Saints above not made acquainted in any ordinary way , with the wants of men : Arguments to the contrary from the Old Testament , answered and laid by . An answer to the chief argument from the 15. chapter of St. Luke . Several ways excogitated by the Schoolmen , to make the Saints acquainted with the wants of men ; and how unuseful to the Papists in the present point . The danger and doubtfulnesse of those ways , opened and discovered by the best learned men amongst the Papists themselves . Invocation of the Saints , and worshipping of their Images a fruit of Gentilisme . The vain distinctions of the Papists to salve the worshipping of Images in the Church of Rome . Purgatory how ill grounded on the use of Prayers for the dead . Prayers for the dead allowed of in the primitive times , and upon what reason . The antient Diptychs what they were . The heresie of Aerius , and the Doctrine of the Church of England , concerning Prayer for the dead . Purgatory not rejected only by the Church of England , but by the whole Churches of the Greeks , and the antient Fathers . The ireconcileable differences amongst the Papists , and the fluctuation of St. Augustine in the point of Purgatory . CHAP. V. Of the first Introduction of sin : God not the Author of it . Of the nature and contagion of Original sin . No actual sin so great , but it is capable of forgivenesse . In what respect some sins may be accounted venial , and others mortall . FOrgivenesse of sins the first great benefit redounding unto mankind by our Saviours passion . Man first made righteous in himself , but left at liberty to follow , or not to follow the ways of life . Adam , not God , the author of the first transgression ; proved by the Scriptures and the Fathers . The heresie of the Cataphrygians , and of Florinus in making God the Author of sin ; as also of Bardesenus and Priscilian , imputing sin to fate and the stars of Heaven . The impious heresie of Florinus revived by the Libertines . The Founder of the Libertines a member of the Church of Rome , not of Calvins Schoole . Calvin and his Disciples , not altogether free from the same strange tenets . The sin of Adam propagated to his whole posterity . Original sin defined by the Church of England , and in what it specially consisteth . That there is such a sin as original sin , proved by the testimony of the Scriptures ; by the light of reason ; and by the Practise of the Church . Private Baptisme why first used , and the use thereof maintained in the Church of England . Not the day of their birth , but of the death of the Saints , observed as Festivals by the Church , and upon what reasons . The word natalis what it signifyeth in the Martyrologies . Original sin how propagated from one man to another ; and how to children borne of regenerate Parents . The sin of Adam not made ours by imitation only , but by propagation . Of the distinction of sins in venial and mortal , and how far abominable . Equality of sins a Paradox in the Schoole of Christ. No sin considered in its self to be counted veniall ; but only by the grace and goodnesse of Almighty God. No sin so great but what is capable of Pardon , if repented of ; no not the murdering of Christ , nor the sin against the holy Ghost . Arguments from the holy Scriptures , as Heb 6.4 , 6. and Heb. 10.26 , 27. and 1 Ioh. 5.16 . to prove some sins to be uncapable of pardon produced and answered . The proper application of the severall places ; with the error of our last Translators in the second Text. CHAP. VI. Of the remission of sins by the bloud of Christ , and of the Abolition of the body of sin by Baptisme and Repentance . Of confession made unto the Priest , and the authority Sacerdotal . GOD the sole Author , Christ the impulsive meritorious cause of the forgivenesse of sins . Remission of sins how and in what respects ascribed to the bloud of Christ. Power to forgive sins conferred upon , and exercised by the Apostles . The doctrine of the Church of England , touching the efficacy of Baptisme in the washing away of sin , confirmed by the Scriptures and the Fathers , and many eminent Divines of the reformed Churches . Baptismal washings frequently used of old , both by Iews and Gentiles ; as well to expiate their sins , as to manifest and declare their innocence . The waters of Baptisme in what respect made efficacious unto the washing away of the guilt of sin . What it is which makes Baptisme to be efficacious unto the washing away of sin . The rigor of the Primitive Church towards such as sinned after Baptisme . The Clinici what they were , and how then esteemed of . The institution and antiquity of Infant Baptisme . The old rule for determining in doubtfull cases , how applyed to this . Proofs for the Baptisme of Infants , from St. Augustine up to Irenaeus , inclusively . What faith it is by which Infants are Baptized and justifyed . Of the necessity of Baptisme , the want thereof how supplyed , or excused in the Primitive times ; and of the state of Infants dying unbaptized . Repentance necessary and effectuall in men of riper years , for remission of sins . Confession in the first place to be made to God ; satisfaction for the wrong done to be given to man. Satisfaction for sin , in what sense to be given to God , by the Penitent sinner . Private confession to a Priest allowed of and required by the Church of England . The Churches care in preserving the seal of confession , from all violation . Confession to a Priest defended by the best Divines of the Anglical Church , approved by the Lutheran● , not condemned by Calvin . The disagreement of the Papists in the proofs of their auricular confession from the Texts of Scripture . The severity of exacting all particular circumstances , in confession , with the inconveniences thereof . That the power of sacerdotall Absolution in the opinion of the Fathers , is not declarative only , but judicial : and that it is so also both in the Doctrine and the practise of the Church of England . CHAP. VII . Of the Resurrection of the body , and the proofs thereof . The objections against it answered . Touching the circumstances and manner of it . The History and grounds of the Millenarians . THe resurrection of the body derided and contemned by the Antient Gentiles . Proofs for the resurrection from the words of Iob , from the Psalmes , and Prophets ; and from the Argument of our Saviour in the holy Gospels . Our Saviours Argument for the resurrection , against the cavils of the Sadduces , declared , expounded , and applyed to the present purpose . Several Arguments to the same purpose and effect , alledged by St. Paul in his Epistles ; and that too of the same numerical not another body . Baptizing of or for the dead , a pregnant proof or argument for the resurrection ; severall expositions of the place produced , and which most probable . Baptizing or washing of the dead , antiently in use amongst the Iews , the Gentiles , and the Primitive Christians ; with the reasons of it . Practical and natural truths for a resurrection . The resurrection of the same b●dy denyed by Hereticks ; and justifyed with strong reasons by the Orthodox Christians . Two strong and powerfull arguments for the resurrection , produced from the Adamant , and the art of Chymistry . That the dead bodies shall be raised in a perfect stature , and without those deformities which here they had ; and in their several sexes also , contrary to the fancies of some vain disputers . Considerations raised on the Doctrine of the resurrection , with reference unto others and unto our selves . The Doctrine of the Millenarians originally founded on some Iewish dotages ; by whom first set on foot in the Church of Christ , how refined , and propagated . The Millenarian Kingdome described by Lactantius , and countenanced by many of the antient writers , till cryed down by Hierome . The texts of Scripture on which the Millenarians found their fancies produced , examined , and l●yed by as unusefull for them . The disagreement of the old Millenarians , in the true stating of their Kingdome . CHAP. VIII . Of the immortality of the soul , and the glories of Eternal life prepared for it ; as also of the place and torment of hell . Hell fire not Metaphorical but reall . The Conclusion of all . THe immortality of the soul asserted by the holy Scriptures ; denyed by some Heretical Christians , abetted and defended generally by the learned Gentiles . That the world shall have an end , and that it shall have an end by fire , proved by the old Poets and Philosophers . A place of everlasting rest and happinesse designed by the learned both Greeks and Romans , for the souls of just and vertuous men to inhabit in ; with a description of the place so by them designed . That the Patriarchs , and other holy men of God were nourished in the hopes of eternal life , maintained by the Church of England and by the plain Texts of holy Scripture ; denyed by Servetus the whole Sect of the Anabaptists , and by some of our great Masters in the Church of Rome . Eternal life frequently promised in the new Testament , to the true believer ; the severall names by which it is presented to us , and the glories of it . That the Saints shall have a full knowledge of one another , in the state of glory , proved by clear evidence of Scripture . Severall estates of glory and degrees of happinesse amongst the Saints ; proved by the Scriptures and the Fathers . The consideration of those glories of what great power and efficacy on a pious soul. Hell paines designed for the ungodly . Of Hades , Abyssus , Tartarus , and Gehenna ( by which names both the place and names of Hell are represented in the new Testament ) : and what they do amount to being laid together . That the Scriptures mentioning hell fire , are literally not Metaphorically to be understood , proved by the word it self , by the authority of the Fathers , and the light of Reason . Arguments from the same topicks , to prove the pains of hell to be everlasting ; contrary to the fancies of latter Hereticks . The end of all . FINIS . Addend . Fol. 453 : lin . 37. — May believe in others . Nor doth it any way disagree with the Analogy of Faith , or the proceedings in like cases , that it should be so ; that the confession of the Faith made by the sureties or sponsores ( the Godfathers and Godmothers as we call them now ) in the Infants name , should be accepted by the Lord to the best advantage of the Infant , for whom they stipulate . Not to the Analogie of the faith ; for finde we not in the 7. Chapter of St. Luke that the Centurions sick Servant was healed by Christ of his bodily diseases , upon the faith of his Master only ? And is it not expresly said , Mat. 9.2 . that Christ pronounced the forgivenesse of sins to the sick of the Palsie , upon the faith of them that brought him ? which story we finde more at large Marke 2.3 . Luke 5.18 . but all concentring on this truth , that it was not the faith of the sickman , but of them that brought him , which did procure the sentence of Absolution , or Remission of sins , from the hands of Christ. Not with proceedings in like cases ; for by the Laws , the Stipulation made by Sureties , or such as have the charge of Guardianship of Infants , made in their name and to their advantage , in the improvement or establishment of their Estates , is taken for as good and valid , as if it had been made by himself in his riper years . And of this we have a fair example in King Iames the sixt of Scotland , and the first Monarch of Great Britain , who was crowned King of the Scots , and received for such , upon the Oath of some Noble men , swearing and promising in his Name that he should govern that Realm and People according to the Laws established : which I finde urged by that King in the conference at Hampton Court , in justification of the Interrogatories proposed to Infants in their Baptism , and of the Answers made thereto by the mouth of their Sureties . And to say truth , there is the same reason for them both ; the Infant in the one case ( which is that of Baptism , ) being bound in conscience to perform that , when he comes unto riper years , which his God-fathers and God-mothers did vow and promise in his Name . And in the other case ( which is that of civill contract or stipulation ) he is bound by law to make that good , which in his name and for his benefit and advantage his Guardians or Curators had so undertaken . ERRATA . In the Epistle Dedicatory for already read clearly . In that to the Reader fol. 2. f. subsequent r. subservient . In the Preface●ol ●ol . 11. f. calling in r. casting in . f. creating r. preaching . f. decurrisse r. decursu . f. 21. f. mo●e r. promote . ● . new opinions r. no opinions . f. 21. f. consent r. consult . In the Book it self f. 2. f. traditio r. tradito . f. Evang r. ●xani . f. 17. f. Eubemerus r. Eubemerus . f. 20. f. fellows r. followers . f. 27. f. Numens r. Nations . f. 31. f. ne se r. ne sic . f. 34. f. his land r. his hand . f. 37. f. the name r. the means . f. 39. f. godly r. goodly . f. 41. f. compassion are r. compassionate . f. 42. f. in time r. in fine . f. 50. l. 52. f. powerful world r. powerful word . f. 52. f. materials r. immaterials . f. 73. f. Panaon r. Panarion . f. 76. f. Gigamire r. Gigantine . f , 81. f. repertimes r. reperiemus . f. 91. f. divinam r. divinatio . f. not to make r● not only to make . f. 93. f. may acts r. many acts . f. 95. f. justification r. institution . f. 96. f. been r. had been . f. 101. f. valendinem r. valeludinem . f. 104. f Galcalus Martius r. Galeatius Martius . f. 107. f. kindred r. children . f. 122. f. internal r. infernal . f. 139. f. suffered him r. suffered himself . f. these lazie lives r. the lazie lives . f. 152. f. doties r. does . f. 157. f. his r. this . f. 170. f. imuition r. intuition . f. 180. f. blinde him . r. blinde him . f. 197. for which the speaks of r. for which the Gospel speaks of . f. 200. f. skin r. shin . f. 202. f. Arius r. Aerius . f. 231. f. meuth . r. meath . f. 233. f. being then found out r. being not then found out . f. 234. f. I must confess r. to which I must confess . f. 240. f. by beleeving only r. by feeling only . f. 241. f. moral r. mortal . f. 246. f. descent r. desert . f. 251. f. Kalender r. Kalends . f. 269. f. how all this doctrine r. how ill this doctrine . f. 275. f. more then in there vertues read more in their vertues . f. 280. f. strongest r. strong . f. 282. f. happiness r. holiness . f. 294. f. the Priesthood r. the Priest stood . f. 305. f. transubstiated r. transubstantiated . f. on the r. in the. f. 308. f. certainly r. as certainly . f. 310. f. nor new . r. or new . f. 314. f. gravora r. graviora . f. to great r. to so great . f. 315. f. any other sight r. any other light . f. 315. f. day of days r. the days . f. 322. f. Loyal r. Loyola . f. 328. f. utraque r. utroque . f. 374. f. now give r. not give . del . application . f. 379. f. the same r. the name . f. 387. for consorti r. consortio . f. 401. f. in their baptism . r. in their infancy before baptism . f. 414. f. most high Ghost r. most high God. f. 391. f. Syrius r. Syria . f. 396. f. a siquidem r. siquidem . f. 397. f. Arminians r. Armenians . f. 398 f. convenientem r. convenientium . f. 416. f dum quo r. cum quo . f. suppetas r. suppetias . f. 456. f. declanative r. declarative . f. 453. f , an evitable r. unevitable . f. 471. f. inventute r. injuventute . f. 495. f. which continual r. with continual . THE SUMME OF Christian Theologie , Positive , Philological , and Polemical ; CONTAINED IN THE Apostles CREED , Or reducible to it . IN THREE BOOKS . By PETER HEYLYN . 1 Joh. 5.7 . There are three that bear record in Heaven , the Father , the Word , and the holy Ghost ; and these three are one . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile , over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleet-street , 1654. A PREFACE To the following Work , CONCERNING The ANTIQVITY & AVTHORITY OF THE CREED CALLED THE Apostles CREED : With Answer to the chief Objections which are made against it . The Drift and Project of the WORK . IT was a saying of St. Ambrose , Unus unum fecit qui unitatis ejus haberet imaginem ; that God made only one in the first beginning , after the likenesse or similitude of his own unity . The creation of the World was the pattern of Man , Man of the Church , the Almighty of all . Being one himself , or rather being unity , he bestowed upon the World not a being only , but his blessing with it , that being it should be but one . One in the generall comprehension of parts , and therefore by the Grecians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Latines call it universum , a name of multitude indeed , but of a multitude united . Universi qui in uno loco versi , say the old Grammarians . One also in opposition unto numbers , and so maintained by Aristotle in his first De Coelo , against the errors of Empedocles and Democritus , two old Philosophers . Now as he made the world but one , after the similitude of himself , so out of the world , and according to that pattern , created he man. Made by the Lord , according to his own image ; and made but one , because the Lord was so that made him , because the world was so out of which he was taken . The severall parts and members in him , do but commend the unity of the whole Compositum ; for though they are many members , yet but one body , saith St. Paul. Which mutuall resemblance and agreement , as it occasioned many of the old Philosophers to call man an Abridgement of the world ; so might it no lesse justly have occasioned others to style the world an inlargement of man. Nay more then this , seeing that only man was without an helper , the Lord resolved to make one for him ; and to make her out of his own body only , that so he might preserve still the former unity . Nor stayed he here , but he did give her unto man to be one flesh with him , that to the unity of Original , he might add the union of affections . Magnum mysterium , saith the Apostle , but I Speak only as he did , touching Christ and the Church . For this Creation of the woman , as St. Augustine tells us , was a most perfect type of the birth and being of the Church of Christ , Christum enim et Ecclesiam tali facto jam tunc prophetari oportebat . The woman was created out of the side of man , at such time as the Lord had caused a deep sleep to fall upon him : the Church was also taken out of the wounded side of Christ , being cast into a deeper sleep then that of Adam . And as the woman was one body , both in the composition of her parts , and one with Adam both in the union of love , and unity of being ; so is it also with the Church . She is at perfect union with him in the union of her affections , being marryed unto him for ever ; one with him in the unity of her original , for we are members of his body , and of his flesh , and of his bone : and lastly one in the consent and harmony of all her parts , acknowledging one Lord , one Faith , one Baptisme . For though the Church consisted in those early days both of Iews and Gentiles , Greeks and Barbarians , bond and free , men not alone of different countries , but of different natures , yet being all incorporated into that society of men which we call the Church , they make but one body only , as St. Paul hath testifyed . And whence proceeds that unity of this visible body , but in that uniformity which all those severall persons have which belong unto it , by reason of that one Lord , whose servants they do all professe themselves to be ; that one Faith , of which they do all make confession ; and that one Baptisme , wherewith they are initiated into that society ? the outward and uniforme profession of these three things , which appertain to the very essence of Christianity , being necessarily required of each Christian man. Christians they neither are nor can be who call not Christ their Lord and Master . From hence it came that first in Antioch , and afterwards throughout all the world , all who were of the visible Church were called Christians . Autor nominis ejus Christus , saith Cornelius Tacitus . But the bare calling of CHRIST IESVS our Lord and Master is not enough to prove us to be Christians , unlesse that we do also embrace that Faith which he delivered to his Apostles , and was by them delivered unto all the world . And though we are not reckoned members of this visible Church , till we receive admittance by the door of Baptisme : yet is the door of Baptisme opened unto none , untill they make profession of their faith in Christ. It is not honestie of life , nor morall righteousnesse which gives denomination to a Christian ( although the want thereof doth exclude from heaven ) because they are not proper unto Christian men , as they are Christians ; but do concern them , as they are men . The moral Law was given to mankinde in the state of nature ; and after promulgated to the Iews in more solemn manner . Hence was it that so many of the antient Gentiles ( not to say any thing of the Iews ) before the coming of our Saviour were eminent in so many parts of moral vertue . But for the acts of Faith whereby we do confesse that IESVS CHRIST is Lord of all things , and willingly believe all those sacred truths which he came to publish to the world ; and by confession of the which , we carry as it were a key to the door of Baptisme : that is the proper badge and cognizance of a Christian man , by which it is made known unto all the world , both to what Lord he appertaineth , and by what means he was admitted for a member of his house and family . Which faith , or rather the doctrines of which faith , being first delivered by our Saviour , with this comfort and reward annexed , that whosoever believed in him should not perish but have life everlasting ; and after preached by the Apostles both to Iew and Gentile : was finally committed unto writing to this end and purpose , that by reading it , or hearing it read and declared by others we may believe that IESVS is the CHRIST the Son of God , and that believing we may have life through his name , as St. Iohn assures us . And though this be affirmed by him of his Gospel only ( I mean that written by himself ) yet we may safely say the same of all the rest of the Apostolical and Evangelical writings , as being dictated by the same Spirit , writ by men equally inspired , and all conducing to this end , to teach us to know IESVS CHRIST , and him crucifyed , and to enable us to give a reason to all that aske of the faith that is in us . But being the writings of the Evangelists and Apostles were of too great a bulk to be committed unto memory , and that there were some things in them so obscure and difficult , that many ignorant and unstable ( but well meaning ) men both might and did wrest them to their own destruction ; other things which related rather unto moral duties , then to points faith : it was thought fit by the Apostles to draw the points of saving faith , such as were necessarily to be believed of all Christian people , into a briefe and narrower compasse . It was not for the ordinary sort of men to trouble themselves with doubtful disputations as St. Paul calleth them , whereof many do occurre in his Epistles ; disputes of too great difficulty and sublime a nature , for every man , especially the weak in faith , either to understand or conceive aright . Nor was it possible that men of mean parts and laborious callings , of which the Church consisted for the most part in the first beginning , should either have so much leasure as to read over their writings , or so much judgment as to gather and collect from thence what of necessity was to be believed that they might be saved , what not ; or so much memory as to treasure up and repeat by heart , the infinite treasures of divine knowledge , which are comprehended in the same . And if it were so ( as no doubt it was ) when the Apostles and Evangelists had left those excellent Monuments of themselves in writing , which the Church hath ever since enjoyed ; to which men might resort , as occasion was , for their information and instruction : how necessary then must we think it was , for some such Summarie and Abstract of the Christian faith to be resolved upon amongst them ; which men of weak memories might repeat by heart , and men of shallow comprehensions righly understand . Those blessed souls knew well , none better , how to apply themselves to the capacities of the weakest men ; that there were many Babes in Christ , who were to be fed with milk and not with meats ; and that if they became not all things unto all men , they must resolve amongst themselves to save but few . Upon this ground ( then which what juster could there be to induce them to it ? ) it is conceived they drew up that brief abstract of the Christian faith , which we call the CREED ; and couched therein whatever point was necessary for all sorts of men , in all times , and all places of the world , both to believe in their hearts , as also to professe and confesse upon all occasions , though to the apparent hazard of their lives and fortunes . And why this might not be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that form of sound words , whereof St. Paul saith to Timothy , Hold fast that form of sound words thou hast heard of me , I must confesse that I could never yet see a convincing reason . Certain I am , that Irenaeus who lived very near the Apostles times , hath said of this confession of the faith , this Creed , which hath so generally and unanimously been received over all the world : Ecclesia per universum orbem usque ad fines terrae , &c. The Church ( saith he ) throughout the world , even to the ends of the earth , received from the Apostles and their Disciples that faith which believeth in one God the Father Almighty , maker of heaven and earth , &c. and in IESVS CHRIST the Son of God incarnate for our salvation ; and in the holy Spirit , which preached by the Prophets the dispensation and coming of God ; and the birth of CHRIST our Lord by the Virgin , his passion , resurrection and ascension with his flesh into heaven ; and his coming from heaven in the glory of his Father , to raise up all flesh , and to give just judgement unto all . Which words lest possibly we might interpret of the doctrine of faith , which questionlesse was alwayes one and the same over all the world , and not of any summary or abstract which they had digested for the use and benefit of Gods people ; or think that they relate rather to the substance of faith , then to any set and determinate form of words in which that substance was delivered : let us behold what the same Father hath delivered in another place . This faith ( saith he ) which the Church though dispersed through the world received from the Apostles and their Disciples , yet notwithstanding doth it keep it as safe as if it dwelt within the wals of one house , and as uniformly hold ( N. B. ) as if it had but one only heart and soul ; and this as consonantly it preacheth , teacheth and delivereth , as if but one tongue did speak for all . He addes , which makes the point more plain , that though there be different languages in the world , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet the effect and summe of the tradition , ( i. e. the faith delivered in that forme ) is one and the same : and I presume , he means not by tradition those doctrines of faith , which are delivered in the books and writings of the Evangelists and Apostles . Finally he concludes with this expression ( and it is worthily worth our marking in the present case ) that he amongst the Governours of the Church who is best able to speak , saith no more then this ; and no lesse then this , the simplest and the most ignorant person : which certainly he had not said , but that there was one uniforme and determinate order of words , which every one was bound to learn and adhere unto ▪ Tertullian he speaks plainer yet , and affirmes expresly , regulam fidei unam omnino esse , solam , immobilem , et irreformabilem , that there is but one rule of faith at all , and that unmoveable and unalterable . How could he say that there was but one rule of faith in the Church , if every several Church had a several rule ; or that it was unmoveable and unalterable , ( as he saith it was ) if there were no certain form of words prescribed which men were to keep to , but every one might change and alter as he saw occasion ? So that I take it for a truth unquestionable , that in the first ages , nay the first beginnings of the Church of CHRIST , there was a certain form of words prescribed for the ease and benefit of the Church , a summarie or abstract of the Articles of the Christian faith , drawn up as briefly and as plainly , but yet withall as fully as might stand with brevity ; a constant rule or standard ( Regula fidei , as Tertullian cals it ) which both the people were to learn , and the Priests or Ministers to teach . And to this purpose it is said by Austin of the Creed or Symbolum , that it was simplex , breve , plenum , plain , short , and perfect , simplicitas ut consulat rusticitati audientium , brevitas memoriae , plenitudo doctrinae ; that so the plainnesse of it might comply with the capacities of the hearers , the shortnesse with their want of memory , the perfection or the fulnesse of it with their edification . Had any one of these been wanting , had it been plain enough to be understood , but too long and copious to be born in memory ; or short enough to be remembred , but obscure and difficult , above the reach of ordinary apprehensions ; or plain and short enough , but imperfect , maimed , and wanting in some points of principal moment ; it had been no fit rule for the Church of CHRIST , produced no benefit at all , at least not worthy the divine Apostolical spirit , for the use of Christians . I know the age we live in hath produced some men ( and those of special eminence in the wayes of learning ) who seem to bid defiance unto all antiquity ; and will have neither Creeds nor Fathers , no nor antient Councels , to bear a stroke in any thing which concerns Religion . It is not long since that the Apostles Creed hath been out of credit , as neither theirs , nor antiently received by the Christian Church in that forme we have it : but none have taken more unhappy pains in this fruitlesse quarrel , then one Downe of Devonshire . Vossius hath lately writ a book De Tribus Symbolis , wherein he hath not only derogated from this of the Apostles , which others had quarrelled to his hand ; but very unfortunately endevours to prove , that that ascribed to Athanasius , and so long taken to be his by the chief lights for piety and learning in the Church of Christ , was not writ by him . Nor is he pleased with that form set forth and recommended to the Churches by the Councell of Nice ; for fear there should be any obligation laid upon mens consciences to believe otherwise then they list . And whereas it was thought till these subtiller times , that the most certain way to interpret Scripture , was by the Catholick consent and commentaries of the antient Fathers , so much renowned both in their own times and all ages since : they are now made so inconsiderable , such poor-spirited men ; that truth will shortly fare the worse , because they delivered it . Our Downe , and after him one Dalie a French-man , had not else beat their brains , and consumed their time , and stretched their wits unto the utmost , to make them of no use or credit , either in points of faith or controversie , as they both have done . The next thing that we have to do , is to cry down the Canon of the Scripture also : and as we have vilifyed the Creeds , Councels , and Fathers , to make the fairer room for our own right reason , which is both Fathers , Creeds , and Councels to our now great wits ; so to reject the Scriptures also ( as some do already ) to make the clearer way for new revelations , which is the Paraclet , or the holy Ghost , of our present Montanists . To meet with this strange pride and predominant humour , I have most principally applyed my self at this time of leasure ; wherein ( God help ) it is not lawfull for me to attend that charge in which God had placed me , to restore this antient and Apostolick Creed to its former credit ; and to expound the same , as it stands in terminis , according to the sense and meaning of those Orthodox and Catholick writers , which have successively flowrished in the Christian world , and were the greatest ornaments of the age they lived in . For being free from prejudice and prepossessions , which do too often blind the eyes of the wisest men ; and no way interessed in the quarrels which are now on foot , to the great disturbance of the Church and peace of Christendome : what men more fit then they to decide those Controversies which have been raised about the meaning of those Articles of the Christian faith , which are comprised in it , or deduced from it ? So doing , I shall satisfie my self , though I please not others : and have good cause to thanke this retreat from businesse , for giving me such opportunities to consult Antiquity , and thereby to informe my own understanding . For my part I have always been one of those qui docendo discunt , who never more benefit my self then by teaching others . And therefore though these Papers never see the light , or perhaps they may not , I shall not think I could have spent my time more profitably , then in this employment . So God speed me in it . To goe back therefore where we left , exceeding necessary it was ( as before was said ) for some short summarie or compendium of the Christian faith , to be agreed on and drawn up for the use of Gods people ; and that for these 3. reasons chiefly . First , to consult the wants and weaknesses of poor ignorant persons , such as were Novices in the faith , and but Babes in CHRIST ; ut incipientibus et lactantibus quid credendum sit constitueretur , as St. Augustine hath it . Secondly , that there might be some standing rule , by which an Orthodox Teacher might be known from a wicked heretick , a Christian from an unbeliever ; and to this end the Creed or Symbolum served exceeding fitly : Of which St. Austin gives this note , His qui contradicit aut a CRISTI fide alienus est , aut est haereticus , that whosoever contradicts it , is either an Heretick or an Infidel . Thirdly , that people of all nations finding so punctual and exact an harmonie in points of doctrine to be delivered by the Apostles , wheresoeoer they came , might be the sooner won to embrace that faith in which they found so universal and divine a consonancie ; and be united with and amongst themselves in the bonds of peace , which is not to be found but where there is the spirit of unity . And who were able think you to prescribe a rule so universally to be received over all the world , so suddenly to be obeyed by all Christian people ; but the Lords Apostles ? Who else but they were of authority to impose a form on the Church of CHRIST , to be so uniformly held , so consonantly taught in all tongues and languages , as we finde this was by Irenaeus ; to be esteemed so unalterable and unmoveable , as this was counted by Tertullian ; to be illustrated by the notes and Commentaries of the most glorious lights of the Christian firmament , St. Cyril , Chrysostom , Austin , and indeed who not ? ●and finally to continue for so long a time as for 1600. years together , not only without such opposition as other Creeds have met with in particular Churches , but without any sensible alteration in the words and syllables ? Assuredly such respects and honour had not been given to any humane rule or form , in the primitive times , not coming from the Lords Apostles ; nor had it been a plant of so long continuance , had it not been both sowen and watered by those heavenly hands , God himself giving the encrease . But being reasons of this nature are not so prevalent with some men , as those which are derived from testimony , and the consent and general agreement of the antient writers , who may best be credited in matters done so long agoe : we will now shew what was conceived in the best and purest times of Christianity , touching the Authors and occasion of this Creed or Symbol . The story whereof is thus delivered by Ruffinus , according unto that tradition which was then generally received in the Christian Church . Tradunt Majores nostri , &c. Our Ancestors ( saith he ) have delivered to us by tradition , that when fiery tongues had fallen upon all the Apostles after CHRISTS Ascension , by the coming of the holy Ghost , so that they could speak in several languages , and that there was no tongue so barbarous , which they understood not , they received commandement from above to travell every one into severall nations , for the preaching and promulgating of the Gospell . Being therefore forthwith to depart from one another , they did agree upon a certain form of words , to be the rule and square of their future preachings , lest being separated far asunder , any the the least difference should appear amongst them in those things , which were to be communicated unto them whom they invited to the knowledge of eternal life . Omnes igitur in uno positi , & sancto Spiritu repleti , &c. To this end being all together with one accord , and all filled with the holy Spirit , they drew up a short Rule or form , whereby to regulate their doctrine ( as before was said ) which they composed by casting in every one his part , ( as in a common shot or reckoning ) and so agreed to give it for a rule unto all beleevers . And this ( saith he ) they called by the name of Symbolum , not without good reason . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek doth signifie both a sign or cognizance , and a contributing or conferring of many things together , to make up one . And they had framed this Abstract of the Faith to this end and purpose , that it might serve both for a character or mark , whereby the people might distinguish those false Apostles , which then began to scatter their pernicious doctrines in the Church of Christ , from such as preached the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour with an upright heart ; as also for a sign or watch-word to be kept amongst them , such as they had observed that Officers and Commanders in the wars did give unto their souldiers under their command , that being asked the word they might know the better whether the man they met with were a friend or enemy . And to the same intent and purpose they thought it best not to commit the same to writing , but only to imprint it in the hearts of the true beleevers ; ( lest otherwise it might haply fall into the hands of unbeleevers ) that no man might pretend to have learned it otherwise , but only ex traditione Apostolorum , from the Tradition of the Apostles . Thus , or to this effect Ruffinus . And to this relation we might adde St. Austins , who doth not only say as Ruffinus doth , that the Creed was made by the Apostles , every one casting in his shot , or Symbolum , whence it had that name ; but doth assign to every one his several Article ; according to that form and order which we have presented in the beginning of this Tractate , and therefore for avoiding needless repetitions shall omit it here . And though perhaps that Sermon may be none of Augustines , as indeed many of those de Tempore , have been suspected to belong to some other Author : yet the Author whosoever he was , was of good Antiquity , and saith no more then what agreeth to that Tradition which hath been generally received in these Western Churches . And now I would fain know what one thing there is in this Narration of Ruffinus , to which the Writers of most fame and credit in the Primitive times do not give countenance . Is it , that the Creed was made by all the twelve Apostles , as he saith it was ? S. Ambrose saith the same expresly , Duodecem Apostolorum Symbolo fides sancta concepta est ; the holy Faith , saith he , is conceived ( or comprehended ) in the Symbol of the twelve Apostles . St. Hierome though a bitter enemy to Ruffinus , and a man too indulgent to his own affections , yet notwithstanding that doth affirm the Creed to have been made by the Apostles ; and cals it , Symbolum fidei ab Apostolis traditum , in which after the confession of the holy Trinity , and unity of the Catholick Church all the mysteries of Religion are closed up with the Resurrection of the flesh ( to eternal life ) . Pope Leo , ( no worse man because Pope of Rome ) comes more home to Ruffin ; Catholici Symboli brevis & perfecta Confessio duodecem Apostolorum totidem est signata sententiis , that is to say , the short but full confession of the Catholick Creed , was made up of twelve sentences of the twelve Apostles . Is it that the Creed was not made upon that occasion of the Apostles being to depart from one another , as he saith it was , but rather in some time ensuing ? St. Isidore of Sivil saith as much as he , Discessuri ab invicem , normam prius sibi futurae praedicationis in commune constituunt ; that being ready to depart from one another , they agreed first together on a certain form to be observed in that which they should after preach in all parts of the world ; to the end that nothing should be preached or proposed to those whom they brought unto the Faith of CHRIST , wherein was any difference to be found at all , so much as in appearance only . Rabanus Maurus , a man of good esteem for the times he lived in , in his second Book de institutione Clericorum , doth affirm the same . Or is it , that it had the name of Symbolum , from such a casting in of their several parts , as Ruffinus intimates ? The word imports no less both in Greek and Latine ; and every School-boy can inform us , that Symbolum dare in the Comedie , is to pay ones shot , as at an Ordinary or other meeting of good fellowship . And so the Author of 115. Sermon de Tempore , inscribed to St. Augustine , ( if it be not his , as for ought I can see , it may be ) Quod Graece Symbolum , Latine Collatio nominatur . That , saith he , which is called Symbolum in Greek , is called Collatio in the Latine , that is to say , a contribution or casting in of many things together to make up one , by reason that the sum and substance of the whole Catholick Faith is contained therein ; every Apostle casting in his Article in this manner following . Or is it , that it was intended for a mark or character by which to know an Heretick from a true Believer ? Remember what was said out of Austin formerly , that whosoever contradicted that which was there delivered , Aut haereticus , aut a Christi fide alienus , was either an Heretick or an Infidel . If none of these particulars may be justly quarrelled , it must be then that the Apostles thought not fit to commit it to writing , but left it to depend on tradition only . And yet St. Augustine saith the same . Catholica fides in Symbolo nota fidelibus , memoriaeque mandata , &c. The Catholick faith contained in the Creed ( saith he ) so well known to all faithful people , and by them committed unto memory , is comprehended in as narrow a compass as the nature of it will bear . St. Hierome no great friend of Ruffines , as I said before , is more plain then he ; who tels us that the Symbolum of our faith and hope delivered by Tradition from the Apostles ▪ Non scribitur in charta & atramento , sed in tabulis cordis , was not committed ( in those times ) to ink and paper , but writ in the tables of mens hearts . Irenaeus cals it in plain tearms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is the Greek word for Tradition ; and Tertullian fetcheth it as high as from the first creating of the Gospel . Hanc regulam ab initio Evangelii decurrisse , as expressely he . Compare these passages of Irenaeus and Tertullian , whereof the first conversed with Polycarpus the Apostles Scholar , with that which is told us by Ruffinus of Majores nostri , that the relation which he makes came from the Tradition of their forefathers : and we shall finde as strong , as constant , and as universal a Tradition for the antiquity and authority of the Creed in question ; as for the keeping of the Lords-Day , or the baptizing of Infants , and it may be also for the names and number of the Books of Canonical Scripture . And yet behold two witnesses of more antiquity then Irenaeus and Tertullian . The first Ignatius , one of the Apostles scholars , and successour unto St. Peter in the See of Antioch ; who summeth up those Articles which concern the knowledge of CHRIST IESVS in his incarnation , birth , and sufferings under Pontius Pilate , his death and descending into Hell , his rising on the third day , &c. as they stand in order in the Creed . The second is Thaddeus whom St. Thomas the Apostle sent to Abgarus the King or Toparch of Edessa , within few years after the death of our Redeemer ; who being to instruct that people in the Christian faith , gives them the sum and abstract of it in the same words and method as concerning CHRIST , in which we finde them in the Creed at this very day . Nor shall I fear to fare the worse amongst knowing men for relying so far upon Traditions , as if a gap were hereby opened for increase of Popery . For there are many sorts of Traditions allowed of and received by the Protestant Doctors , such as have laboured learnedly for the beating down of Popery and all Popish superstitions of what kinde soever . Chemnitius that learned and laborious Canvasser of the Councel of Trent , alloweth of six kindes of Tradition to be held in the Church : with whom agreeth our learned Field in his fourth book of the Church , and 20. chapter . Of these he maketh the first kinde to be the Gospel it self , delivered first by the Apostles viva voce , by preaching , conference and such ways of lively expressions ; Et postea literis consignata , and after committed unto writing , as they saw occasion . The second is of such things , as at first depend on the authority and approbation of the Church , but after win credit of themselves , and yeild sufficient satisfaction unto all men of their divine infallible truths contained in them : and of this kinde is that Tradition which hath transmitted to us from time to time , the names and number of the Books of Canonical Scripture . The third is that which Irenaeus and Tertullian speak of , and that saith he , is the transmission of those Articles of the Christian faith , quos Symbolum Apostolicum complectitur , which are contained in the Apostles Creed , or Symbol . The fourth touching the Catholick sense and interpretation of the Word of God , derived to us by the works and studies of the FATHERS , by them received from the Apostles , and recommended to posterity . The fifth kinde is of such things as have been in continual practise , whereof there is neither precept nor example in the holy Scripture , though the grounds , reasons , and causes of such practise be therein contained , of which sort is the Baptism of Infants , and the keeping of the Lords-Day or first day of the week , for which there is no manifest command in the Book of God ; but by way of probable deduction only . The sixt and last sort is de quibusdam vetustis ritibus , of many antient rites and customs , which in regard of their Antiquity are usually referred unto the Apostles : of which kind there were many in the Primitive times , but alterable and dispensable , according to the circumstances of times and persons . And of this kinde are those Traditions spoken of in our Book of Articles , where it is said , that it is not necessary that Traditions and Ceremonies be in all places one , or utterly like , in that at all times they have been divers , and may be changed according to the diversity of countreys , times , and mens manners , so that nothing be ordained against Gods Word . So that the question between us and the Church of Rome , is not in this , as many ignorant men are made believe , whe●her there be or not any such Traditions as justly can derive themselves from the Apostles , or whether such Traditions be to be admitted in a Church well constituted . I know no moderate understanding Protestant , who makes doubt of either . The question briefly stated is no more but this , that is to say , whether the Traditions which the Church of Rome doth pretend unto , be Apostolical or not . Now for the finding out of such Traditions as are truly and undoubtedly Apostolical , there are but these two rules to be considered : the first , St. Austins , and is this , Quod universa tenet Ecclesia , that whatsoever the Church holdeth , and hath alwayes held from time to time , not being decreed in any Councel , may justly be believed to proceed from no other ground then Apostolical authority . The second rule is this , and that 's a late learned Protestants , that whatsoever all , or the most famous and renowned in all Ages , or at the least in divers ages , have constantly delivered as from them that went before them , no man gainsaying or doubting of it without check or censure , that also is to be believed to be an Apostolical Tradition . By which two rules if we do measure the Traditions of the Church of Rome , such as they did ordain in the Councel of Trent , to be imbraced and entertained pari pietatis affectu , with the like ardor of affection as the written Word ; What will become of prayer for the dead , and Purgatory , the Invocation of the Saints departed , the worshipping of Images , adoration of Reliques , single life of Priests , and the like to these ? Assuredly they are all so far from having the general consent of all times , that generally they have had the consent of none : no not so much as in the Church of Rome it self , till the candle of all good literature was put out by the night of ignorance . But for the Creed of the Apostles trie it according to these rules , by both , or either , and it will evidently appear not only that it hath been universally and continually received in the Church for theirs ; but that the most famous and renowned men of all times and ages have so received it from their Fathers , and recommended it for such to the times ensuing ; no man gainsaying or opposing till these later times , in which the blessed Word of God cannot scape unquestioned . So that we have as much authority as the Tradition of the Church , the consent of Fathers , and the succession of all times can give us , to prove this Creed to have been writ by the Apostles , by them commended to the Churches of their several plantations , and so transmitted to our selves without interruption . And no authority but divine , immediately declared from the God of heaven , is to be ballanced with this proof , or heard against it . Thus having proved that the Creed was writ by the Apostles , and proved it by as great authority as any can be given by the Church of CHRIST , and the consent of the most renowned Writers of the Primitive times : Let us next see what reputation and esteem it carryed in all parts of Christendome ; and draw from thence such further arguments , as the nature of that search will bea● . And first , it is a manifest and undoubted truth , that as this Creed was universally received over all the world , ab ipsis Apostolorum temporibus , from the very times of the Apostles , as Vigilius hath it , without the least contradiction or opposition : so hath it passed from hand to hand for above these 1600 years , without alteration or addition . This we did touch upon before , but now press it further , and use it for another argument , that none but the Apostles , were or could be the Authors of it : and that if it had otherwise been esteemed of in the former times , it would have been obnoxious unto alterations , yea and to contradiction also , as others the most celebrated Creeds in the Christian world . It was the saying of Pope Gregory the Great , that he esteemed of the four first General Councels , no otherwise then of the four Evangelists . And who is there , to whom the name of Athanasius and the Nicene Councel , and the first general Councel holden in Constantinople , is not most venerably precious ? And yet the Creed of Athanasius hath found such sory welcome in some parts of the world , as to be called either in dislike or scorn the Creed of Sathanasius : and he himself condemned of extreme arrogance , if not somewhat worse , for imposing it upon the consciences of all Christian men , as necessary to their salvation . Non potuit Satan altius evehere humanam formulam ; as the Remonstrants please to phrase it . The Nicene Creed was of no long continuance in the Church of Christ , before these words secundum Scripturas , according to the Scriptures , were added to the Article of the Resurrection . And to the Constantinopolitan the Churches of the West have added , Filioque , in another Article , and no mean one neither , that namely of the proceeding of the holy Ghost ; without the leave and liking of the Eastern Prelates . The reason of which boldness is , because they are and were conceived to be humane formula's of Ecclesiastical constitution only , no divine authority ; and therefore might be altered and explained , and fitted to the best edification of the Church . Whereas the Creed of the Apostles is come unto our hands without alteration , in the same words and syllables , as it came from them : none ever daring in the space of so many years to alter any thing therein , though many have applyed their studies to explain the same . And this I make a second argument evincing the Authority and Antiquity of the sacred Symbolum , that men of most renown and credit for the times they lived in , did purposely apply their studies to expound this Creed , with as much diligence and care as any part , or most parts at least of the holy Scriptures . Witness the fourth Catechism of St. Cyril Bishop of Hierusalem , two of the Homilies of St. Chrysostom , some of St. Augustines Sermons de Tempore , his two whole Tracts de fide & Symbolo , & de Symbolo ad Catechumenos : all principally made for explanation of this Creed : together with the Commentaries of Ruffinus , Maximus Taurinensis , Venantius , Fortunatus B. of Poyctiers , antient writers all , and all composed upon no other text or argument but this Creed alone . Not to say any thing at all of the learned works of many eminent men in the ages following and of the present times we live in , though otherwise of different perswasions in Religion . A thing which cannot be affirmed of the Nicene Creed , or any other Creed whatever : none of which have been commented , or scholied on , by any of the antient Doctors of the Catholick Church , or of the disagreeing parties in the present times . And to say truth , there was good reason why this Creed should be thus explained , why such great pains should be bestowed to expound the same : it being a very antient custome in the Church of CHRIST , not to admit any to the sacred Font , but such as made a publick profession of their faith according to the words of this Creed , and understandingly recited it in the Congregation . Mos ibi servatur Antiquus apud eos qui gratiam baptismi suscepturi sunt , publice , i. e. fidelium populo audiente , Symbolum reddere , so saith Ruffinus for his time of the Church of Rome ; we may affirme the like for those of Antioch , Hierusalem , Africa , upon the credit of St. Chrysostome , Cyril , Augustine , in their works now mentioned . Nor was it long before it was ordained in the Councell of Agde , Ann. 506. that in regard of the great confluence of all persons to the Church to receive the Sacrament of Baptisme upon Easter day , the Creed should be expounded every day in the way of Sermons to the people , from the Sunday we call Palme Sunday to the Feast it self Symbolum ab omnibus Ecclesiis ante octo dies Dominicae resurrectionis publice in Ecclesia competentibus praedicari , as the Synod hath it . Nay they conceived the learning of this Creed by heart so necessary in the former times ; that it was first desired , and afterwards enjoyned that all should learn it and retain it in their hearts and memories : who either were desirous to be counted good Catholick Christians , or to partake of any of the solemne offices in the Christian Church . St. Augustine commended it unto his Auditors , that for the better keeping it in memory , they should repeat it to themselves , Quando surgitis , quando vos collocatis ad somnum , both when they rose , when they betook themselves to sleep , or put on their cloaths : and diligently learning and retaining of it , being commended also to all sorts of people , omnis aetatis , omnis sexus , omnisque conditionis , by the Councell holden in Friuli , Ann. 791. And by a Canon superadded unto those of the last of the three Oecumenical Councels holden in Constantinople , it was expresly ordered by the Fathers there , not only that no person should be admitted unto Baptisme or to Confirmation , or to stand Godfather for any in those sacred Acts , ( except infants only ) who could not say the Creed and Lords prayer without book : but also Catholicum esse non posse , that he who was so negligent in the things which did so nearly concern him in the way of his salvation , could not be a Catholick . And yet this was not all the honour , nor were these all the markes of difference which were put upon it , to set it high in estimation above other Creeds . For whereas that of Nice , and Athanasius , were ordered to be said or sung but at speciall times , according to the usages of particular churches : it was decreed by Damasus who sat Pope at Rome , A. 370. or thereabouts , that the Apostles Creed should be repeated every day in the publick Liturgies , on the Canonicall houres of prayer . And whereas it was ordered by Pope Anastasius , that at the reading of the Gospell , not the Priests only and the Ministers but all people present , venerabiliter curvi in conspectu Evangelii starent , should stand upon their feet , and bow down their bodies , as in the way of veneration : it was not long before the same gesture had been taken up ( for I finde not that it was imposed by publick Sanction ) at the reading also of the Creed , as being the summe and substance of the holy Gospels . Et cum Symbolum est verbum Evangelicum quoad sensum , ergo illud stando sicut Evangelium dicitur , as Durandus hath it . The like authority it had in all generall councels , in which it is usuall to be recited ( as Baronius very well observeth ) quasi Basis et fundamentum totius Ecclesiae structurae , as the foundation and ground-work of the whole Ecclesiasticall edifice : and this he proves out of the acts of the Councels of Chalcedon , Ephesus , and Constantinople , whither I refer you . Finally , as this Creed is sometimes called the Creed without any addition , the Creed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or by way of eminence , all other being called for distinction sake , the Constantinopolitan , the Nicene , the Creed of Athanasius , or the Creed of Damasus : so was this antiently esteemed the one and only Creed devised for the generall use of all the Church , the rest being only made as Expositions or as Comments on it , upon occasion of particular and emergent heresies . And so much Perkins doth confesse , though he be otherwise perswaded of the Authors of it , then had been taught him by the greatest and most eminent Writers of the Primitive times . For against this that hath been said many Objections have been studied both by him and others , to make the Creed of latter standing , and of lesse authority . And first they say , that if the Creed were indeed framed by the Apostles in that form of words , in which it is come unto our hands , it must be then a part of the Canonicall Scriptures , as the residue of their writings are : which also I finde granted , and I wonder at it , in our learned Bilson . The Creed ( saith he ) we do not urge as undoubtedly written by all the Apostles , for then it must needs be Canonicall Scripture . Which being said , he answereth himself in the words next following , where he affirmeth that it is the best and perfectest forme of faith , delivered to the Christians at the first planting of the Gospel by the direction of the Apostles and by their Agreement . If so , if it was framed by their direction and agreement , it is as much to my intent , as if it had been written by them all together , it being not their pen , but their authority and consent which makes it be entituled to them , and called Apostolicall . St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans were not else Canonical , because written by the hand of Tertius as it is said , Rom. 16.22 . And as to the conclusion which is thence inferred , I answer that not every thing which was writ by the Apostles , or by any of them , was ipso facto to be called canonical Scripture , because writ by them : but only that which they committed unto writing , by the dictamen and direction of the holy Ghost , with an intent that it should be Canonical , and for such received . For otherwise the Epistles of St. Paul to Seneca ( supposing them for his , which I here dispute not ) and all the letters of intercourse betwixt them and their private friends , of which no question need be made but they writ many in their time as occasion was , ( had we the copies of them extant ) must have been Canonical , as well as those upon record in the book of God. And this is that which we finde written by St. Austin , Quicquid ille de suis dictis factisve nos scire voluit , hoc illis scribendum tanquam suis manibus reposuit : and in another place to the same effect , Deus quantum satis esse judicavit locutus , scripturam condidit . His meaning in both places doth amount to this , that whatsoever God conceived to be fit and necessary for the edification of his Church , he did impart to the Apostles ; and when he had communicated so much as was fit and necessary , he closeth the Canon of the Scripture : not giving way that any thing should be added to it as the word of God , but that which he did so communicate and impart unto them . It is objected secondly , that in the Primitive times it had not any exact forme at all , but that the Fathers varied in the repetition of the heads thereof : and to this end , Ignatius , Irenaeus , Tertullian , Origen , and others of the antients are brought in as witnesses ; but prove no such thing . All that can be collected from those antient writers , is no more then this , that many times , the Fathers as learned men and great discoursers use to do , inlarge the words and syllables of the Creed , as they saw occasion , the better to deliver the true meaning of it : and sometimes they contract into fewer words the whole summe thereof , as thinking it not pertinent to the present purpose , to tie themselves unto the words . Which appears plainly by Tertullian , who doth acknowledge that there was but one only Creed , or set rule of faith , affirmed by him to be unalterable and unchangeable : yet having three occasions to repeat the heads thereof , doth vary every time in the words and phrases . And yet it cannot be inferred upon these variations , that at the first , or rather in the Primitive times , the Creed had no exrct forme at all , or not the same in which it is retained now in the Christian Church : no more then any man can say , that there was never any exact forme of the Nicene Creed , commended by that Councell to the use of the Church ; because that in the Councell of Chalcedon , and in the works of Athanasius and St. Basil , it is presented to us with some difference of the words and phrases . Of which the most that can be said must be that of Binius , idem est plane sensus , sed sermo discrepans , i. e. that the sense is every where the same , though the words do differ . In the third place it is objected , that the Creed could not be written by the Apostles , because there are therein certain words and phrases , which were not used in their times : and for the proof of this they instance in these two particulars , first in our Saviours descent into hell , which words they say are not to be found in all the Apostolical Scriptures ; and secondly in that of the Catholick Church , which was a word or phrase not used , till the Apostles had dispersed the Gospell over all the world . And first in answer to the first we need say but this , that though these words of Christ descended into hell , be not in terminis in the Scriptures , yet the Doctrine is : which we shall very evidently evince and prove , when we are come unto the handling of that Article . And if we finde the doctrine in the book of God , I hope it will conclude no more against the authority and antiquity of the Creed we speak of , then that the word Homousion in the Nicene Creed , did or might do against the authority of that Creed or Symbole , because that word could not be found in all the Scriptures , as was objected by the Arians in the former times . And for the second instance in the word Catholica , there is less ground of truth therein , then in that before . But yet because it hath a little shew of learning , and doth pretend unto antiquity , we will take some more pains then needed , to manifest and discover the condition of it . Know then that the Apostles might bestow upon the Church the adjunct of Catholick , before they went abroad into several Countries to preach the Gospel ; not in regard that it was actually diffused over all the world , according as it hath bin since in these later Ages : but in regard that so it was potentially , according to the will and pleasure of their Lord and Saviour , by whom the bar was broken down which formerly had made a separation between Iew and Gentile , and the Commission given of Ite & praedicate , to go and preach the Gospel unto every creature . Catholick is no more then universal . The smallest smatterer in the Greek can assure us that . And universal questionless the Church was then , at least intentionaliter , & potentialiter , when the Apostles knew from the Lords own mouth , that it should no longer be imprisoned within the narrow limits of the land of Iewry , but that the Gentiles should be called to eternal life . Without this limitation of the word I can hardly see how the Church should be called Catholick in her largest circuit : there being many Nations , and large Dominions , which are not actually comprehended within the Pale of the Church , to this very day . I hope their meaning is not this , that there was no such word as Catholick , when the Apostles lived and composed the body of the New Testament . If so they mean , although they put us for the present to a needless search , yet they betray therein a gross peece of ignorance . For the discovery whereof we may please to know that the word Catholick is derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth in universum ( as that from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is totum , all ) as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. that I may sum up all in brief . And so the word is used by Isocrates , that famous Oratour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is to say , generally , or in a word I shall endeavour to declare what studies it were fittest for you to incline unto . But the proper signification of it is in that of Aristotle , where he opposeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a general , or universal demonstration , to that which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that which is partial only , or particular . Hence comes the adjective , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. universal , and so the word is taken by Quintilian , saying , Propter quae mihi semper moris fuit quam minimum me alligare ad praecepta quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocant , i. e. ( ut dicamus quomodo possumus ) universalia vel perpetualia . Thus read we in Hermogenes an old Rhetorician , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of usual and general forms of speech , and thus in Philo speaking of the laws of Moses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he ordained a general & perpetual law for succession into mens inheritances . Take which of these three senses they best like themselves , and they will finde at last it comes all to one . If the word Catholick do signifie the same with universal , it also signified the same in and before the times the Apostles lived in : and how the Church might then be called universal , we have shewn already . If they desire rather to translate it general , Pope Iulius will tell us how the Church might be called General , in the first days and hours thereof : Quia sc. generalis est in eadem doctrina ad instructionem , because it generally proposeth the same doctrine for edification : or if by that of perpetual rather , there is no question to be made but that our Saviours promise to be with them to the end of the world , did most sufficiently declare unto them that the Church which they were to plant was to be perpetual . There is another meaning of the word Catholicus , as it denotes an Orthodox and right believer ; which whether it were used in the Apostles times may be doubted of : it being half granted by Pacianus an antient writer , sub Apostolis CHRISTIANOS non vocari Catholicos , that Christians were not then called Catholicks . But this at best , being not the natural , but an adventitious meaning of the word , according to a borrowed metaphorical sense ; it neither helps nor hinders in the present business , and in this sense we shall speak more of it hereafter , when we are come unto the Article of the Catholick Church . One more objection there remains ( and but one more which is worth the answering ) and is that which is much pressed by Downes : namely that to affirm , as Ruffinus doth , that the Apostles did compose the Creed to be the rule or square of their true preaching , lest being separated from one another there should be any difference amongst them in matters which pertain to eternal life ; were to suppose them to be guided by a fallible spirit , and consequently subject unto Errour . For answer whereunto , we need say but this , that the difference which Ruffinns speaks of , and which he saith the Apostles laboured to avoid by their agreement on this sum or abstract of the Christian Faith ; related not to points of doctrine , which could not but be every where , at all times , the same , because all guided by the same infallible spirit ; but only to the form of words wherewith they were to clothe and express those doctrines , which if not in all points the same might amongst many simple and illiterate people be taken for an argument of a different faith . Whereas the consonancie which all Churches held with one another , not only in the Unity which they maintained amongst themselves in point of judgement , but also in that uniformity wherewith they did express that consent in judgement : was a strong evidence no doubt to the weak and ignorant , who are governed more by words then matters that the Faith wheresoever they travelled was in all parts the same , because they found it every where expressed in the self same words . So that for ought appeareth by these shifts and cavils , the CREED may still retain the honour which of old was given it ; and be as it is commonly called , The Apostles Creed . The next thing that I have to do is to resolve upon the course and order which I mean to follow , in the performance of the work I have undertaken . And here I shall declare in the first place of all , that as the main of my design is to illustrate and expound the Apostles Creed ; so I shall keep my self to that Creed alone , and not step out into those intricate points of controversie , which principally occasioned both the Athanasian and the Nicene Creeds . For though I thank God I can say it with a very good conscience , that I believe the doctrine of the holy Trinity , according to the Catholick Tradition of the Church of CHRIST : yet I confess with all , ( such is the want and weakness of my understanding ) that I am utterly unable , ( as indeed who is not ? ) to look into the depths of so great a mystery ; and cannot but cry out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as the Apostle did in another case ) Oh the unsearchableness , the depth of this heavenly Oeconomie ! What then I am not able to inform my self in , those things wherein I am not able to content and satisfie my own poor , shallow understanding ; how can I hope so to express in words or writing , as to give satisfaction and content to a minde more curious ? Id fides credat , intelligentia non requirat , was antiently the Fathers rule , and shall now be mine . In matters of so high a nature , I believe more , then I am able to comprehend ( the gift of faith supplying the defect of mine understanding ) and yet can comprehend more by the light of faith , then I am able to express . So that I shall not meddle in this following Tractate ; with the eternal generation of the Son of God , or any of those difficult but divine sublimities , which are contained in the Creed of the Nicene Councel : nor with the manner of the holy Ghosts procession , whether from the Father only , or from the Father and the Son ; nor how God can be one in three , and three in one . Such lofty speculations and sublimities of so high a nature , I leave to be discussed and agitated by men of larger comprehensions and more piercing judgements then I dare challenge to my self : resting contented with those mediocrities , which God who gives to every one his several Talent , hath graciously vouchsafed to bestow upon me . In other points I shall make use sometimes of such explications , as the Athanasian or the Nicene Creeds do present unto me : which I shall handle rather in a Scholastical , and if occasion be presented in a Philological way also , then a way meerly Catechetical , or directly practical , wherein I see so many have took pains already : taking along the stating and debating of such points of Controversies , as either naturally do arise from the words themselves , or may be very easily deduced from thence , on good and logical deductions . And in such points of Controversie as shall here be handled , as also in such Observations as shall be here amassed together ; I chiefly shall rely on the Antient Fathers , whose reputation and authority is most precious with me : but so that I shall now and then make bold , as I see occasion , to spoyl the Egyptians also of their choicest Iewels , for the adorning of this body of Divinity , which I had brought into the forge since my first retreat , and is now ready for the Anvil . St. Paul esteemed it no disparagement to his holy doctrine , to strengthen it with reasons drawn from the best Philosophie , to prove and press it home in a Logical way ; and to adorn it with the dictates of three old Greek Poets , Menander , Aratus , and Epimenides , whose testimonies he makes use of in three several places . As long as Hagar doth submit herself to her mistress Sarah , and not contend for the precedency with her ; so long she is and may be serviceable in the house of Abraham . And humane literature , especially in relation unto Paganish errours , is of as necessary use as she , in the Church of God , if it conform unto the Scripture , and be guided by it ; and do not bear it self too high on the conceit and reputation of its own great excellencies . But for the main of this discourse , I shall especially repose my determination , on the authority and general consent of the Fathers , as before I said ▪ not medling with the Protestant Writers of the forein Churches , but when a doubt is to be cleared which concerns themselves ; nor often with the Writers of this Church of England , but when I have occasion to enquire into such particulars , as must be proved to be the true intent and doctrine of this CHVRCH by law established . The holy Scriptures are the main foundation which I am to build on , according to that sense and interpretation which have been given us of them by the holy Fathers , and other Catholick Doctors of the Church of Christ , who lived before the truth degenerated into Popish dotages ; and whose authorities and judgements I conceive most fit for the determining of such Controversies which are now on foot , as being like to prove most indifferent Umpires , because not any way ingaged in our present quarrels . I know that Downe , Dalie , and others of great parts and wit have laboured to disclaim them as incompetent Judges , not to be trusted in a business of such main concernment , as the determination of the controversies in the Church of Christ ; out of an high conceit of their own great worth , which is not willing to acknowledge a superiour eminence . And I know well that many , if not most of our Innovators , whether it be in point of Discipline or Doctrine , decline all trial by the Fathers , Councels , and other the records and monuments of the Catholick Church ; because directly contrary to their new devices . But all this moves not me a jot , nor makes me yeild the less authority to their words and writings . The Church of England waves not their authority , though some of her conceited children , and others of her factious ones have b●en pleased to do it . Witness that famous challenge made by Bishop Iewel , by which the several points in issue between the Church of England and the Church of Rome , were generally referred to the decision of the Antient Fathers ; with great both honour and success . Witness these words of Peter Martyr , a man of great imployment in the REFORMATION of the Church , and sent for hither by Archbishop Cranmer to mote it here . In judging things obscure ( saith he ) the Spirit , there are two ways or means for our direction ; whereof the one is inward , which is the Spirit , the other outward or external , the Word of God : to which ( saith he ) Si Patrum etiam autoritas accesserit , valebit plurimum , If the authority of the Fathers do come in for seconds , it will exceedingly avail . And unto this agrees Chemnitius also , though of a different judgement from him in some points of doctrine ; who having told us of the Fathers , that we may best learn from their own words and sayings , what we may warrantably conceive of their authority ; gives in the close thereof this note , and a sound one 't is , Nullum dogma in Ecclesia novum , & cum tota antiquitate pugnans recipiendum , that is to say , that new opinion which seems new , and is repugnant to the general cu●rent of Antiquity , is to be entertained in the Church of God. What is decreed herein by the Church of England , assembled representatively in her Convocations ; what by the King and three Estates convened in Parliament ; we shall see anon . In the mean time take here the judgment of the Antients in this very case . 'T is true indeed the Fathers many times and in sundry places humbly and piously have confessed the eminency of Canonical Scriptures above all the writings of men whatsoever they be ; for which consent St. Augustine contr . Faust. Manic . l. 11. c. 5. de Baptismat . contr . Donatist . l. 1. c. 3. & Epist. 19. & in Proem . lib. de Trinitate : desiring liberty of dissent from one another when they saw occasion , and binding no man to adhere unto their opinions , further then they agreed with the Word of God delivered by the holy Prophets and Apostles , which have been since the world began , De quorum Scriptis , quod omni errore careant dubitare nefarium est , and of whose writings to make question whether or not they were free from error , were a great impiety . And this is that whereof St. Hierome speaks in an Epistle to Pope Damasus , Ut mihi Epistolis tuis sive tacendarum sive dicendarum Hypostase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n detur autoritas , that he might be left to his own liberty either in using or refusiug the word Hypostasis . But then it is as true withall , that Vincentius give it for a rule , Multorum & magnorum consentientes sibi sententias Magistorum sequendas esse , that the antient consent of godly Fathers is with great care both to be searched into and followed in the Rule of Faith. And 't is as true , that having moved this question in another place , that if the Canon of the Scripture be so full and perfect , and so abundantly sufficient in it self for all things , Quid opus est ut ei Ecclesiasticae intelligentiae jungatur autoritas ? what need there is that the authority of Ecclesiastical interpretations should be joyned with it ? returns this answer in effect , Lest every man should wrest the Scriptures to his own private fancy , and rather draw some things from thence to maintain his errours , then for the advancement of the truth . Of the same resolution and opinion was St. Augustine also , who though he were exceeding careful upon all occasions to yeild the Scriptures all due reverence : yet he was willing therewithall to allow that honour which was meet , both to the writings of the Fathers which lived before him ; and to the Canons and Decrees of preceding Councels ; and to submit himself unto their Authorities . For speaking of General Councels , he subjoyns this note , Quorum est in Ecclesia saluberrima autoritas , that their authority in the Church was of excellent use . And in another place alleadging the testimonies of Irenaeus , Cyprian , Hilarie , Ambrose , and some other Fathers , he concludeth thus . Hoc probavimus autoritate Catholicorum sanctorum , &c. , This we have proved by the authority of Catholick and godly men , to the end that your weak and silly novelties might be overwhelmed with their only authority ; with which your contumacie is to be repressed . ( He speaks this unto Iulian a Pelagian Heretick ) . And with these testimonies and authorities of such holy men , thou must either by Gods mercy be healed ( i. e. recovered from his errour ) or else accuse the famous and right holy Doctors of the Catholick Church ; against which miserable madness I must so reply , that their faith may be defended against thee , even as the Gospel it self is defended against the wicked and professed enemies of Christ. More of this kinde might be produced from the Antient Writers . But what need more be said in so clear a point , especially to us that have the honour to be called the children of the Church of England , who by a a Canon of the year 1572 doth binde all men in holy Orders , not to preach any thing in their Congregations , to be believed and holden of the people of God , but what is con●onant to the doctrine of the Old and New Testaments ; Quodque ex illa ipsa doctrina Catholici Patres & Veteres Episcopi collegerint ▪ and had been thence concluded or collected ( take which word you will ) by the Catholick Fathers , and antient Bishops of the Church . The like authority and respect is given to the first four General Councels by the unanimous vote and suffrage of the Prince and three Estates convened in Parliament , in the first year of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory , wherein it was ordained or declared rather amongst other things that nothing should be deemed or adjudged Heresie in the Kingdome of England , but what had been adjudged so formerly in any of the said four General Councels , or any other General Councel determining the same according to the Word of God , &c. Where we may see that the Estates in Parliament did ascribe so much to the authority of those four Councels , and the judgement of the Fathers which were there assembled ; as not to question any thing which they had determined concerning heresie ; or to examine whether it agreed with Gods Word or not : but left the people of this Kingdom totally to repose themselves upon their authority , and to take that for heresie without more ado , which they judged to be so . And so I close this point with those words of Saravia , a learned man , and one that stood up stoutly in this Churches cause , against the innovating humors which was then predominant ( though not so high as in these times of Anarchie ) ; Qui omnem Patribus adimit autoritatem , nullam relinquit sibi : that is to say , He who depriveth the Fathers of their due authority , will only teach Posterity to give none to himself . And having thus asserted the authority of the Creed which I have in hand , declared the course and purposes of this following work , and shewn you what grounds I am especially resolved to proceed upon : I shall with the assistance of Gods gracious Spirit fall roundly to the work it self , taking the Articles in order as they lie before me . And yet before I shall descend unto particulars , I think it not amiss to adde the testimony and consent of Calvin to that which is before delivered touching the Authors and authority of this common Creed ; according as I finde it in an old Translation of his Book of Institutes , ( for I have not the Original now by me ) printed at London in the year 1561. And thus saith he : Hitherto I have followed the order of the Apostles Creed , because whereas it comprehendeth shortly in few words the chief Articles of our Redemption , it may serve us for a Table , wherein we do distinctly and severally see those things that are in Christ worthy to be taken heed unto . I call it the Apostles Creed , not over carefully regarding who were the Authors of the same . It is verily by great consent of old Writers ascribed to the Apostles , either because they thought it was by common travail written and set out by the Apostles , or for that they judged that this Abridgement being faithfully gathered out of the doctrine delivered by the hands of the Apostles was worthy to be confirmed by such a Title . And I take it to be out of doubt , that from whence soever it proceeded at the first , it hath even from the first beginning of the Church , and from the very time of the Apostles been used as a publick Confession , and received by the consent of all men . And it is likely that it was not privately written by any one man , for as much as it is evident that even from the farthest age it hath alwayes continued of sacred authority and credit among all the godly . But that which is only to be cared for we have wholly out of controversie , which is , that the whole History of our Faith is briefly and well in distinct order rehearsed in it , and that there is nothing contained therein which is not sealed with sound testimonies of the Scripture . Which being understanded , it is to no purpose either curiously to doubt , or to strive with any man , who were the Authors of it ; unless perhaps it be not enough for some man to be assured of the truth of the holy Ghost , but if he do also understand either by whose mouth it was spoken , or by whose hand it was written . So he And this is very much for one , who was no greater Champion of the antient Farmulas . THEOLOGIA VETERVM : OR , THE SUMME OF Christian Theologie , Positive , Polemical , and Philological ; CONTAINED IN THE Apostles CREED , Or reducible to it ; According to the tendries of the Antients both GREEKS and LATINES . THE FIRST BOOK . By PETER HEYLYN . Heb. 11.6 , 3. He that cometh to God must believe that he is , and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him . Through faith we understand that the Worlds were framed by the word of God , so that things which are seen were not made of things which do appear . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile , 1654. ΣΥΜΒΟΛΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΑΠΟΣΤΟΛΩΝ . Symbolum Apostolicum secundum Graecos . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Symbolum Apostolicum secundum Latinos . St. PETRUS . 1. Credo in Deum Patrem omnipotentem , St. JOHANNES . 2. Creatorem coeli & terroe : St. JACOBUS . 3. Credo & in Iesum Christum filium ejus unicum , dominum nostrum . St. ANDREAS . 4. Qui conceptus est de Spiritu sancto , natus ex Virgine Maria , St. PHILIPPUS . 5. Passus est sub Pontio Pilato ; crucifixus , mortuus , & sepultus . St. THOMAS . 6. Descendit ad inferos ; tertia die resurrexit a mortuis . St. BARTHOLOMAEUS . 7. Ascendit in coelos ; sedet ad dextram dei Patris omnipotentis : St. MATTHAEUS . 8. Inde venturus judicare vivos & mortuos . St. JACOBUS ALPHAEI . 9. Credo & in Spiritum sanctum ; sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam ; St. SIMOE ZELOTES . 10. Sanctorum communionem , remissionem peccatorum , St. JUDAS JACOBI FR. 11. Carnis Resurrectionem . St. MATTHIAS . 12. Et vitam aeternam , Amen . ARTICLE I. Of the First ARTICLE OF THE CREED Ascribed to St. PETER . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Credo in Deum Patrem omnipotentem . i. e. I beleeve in God the Father almighty . CHAP. I. Of the name and definition of Faith ; the meaning of the Phrase , in Deum credere ; the Exposition of it vindicated against all exceptions . HAving thus vindicated the Authority of the common Creed , and intimated the design and project of this present work : I now proceed unto the Explication of it , and every branch and Article therein contained , as they lie in order : beginning first of all with that which testifieth our Faith and belief in him , which is the first of all beginnings . A Iove principium , was the rule of old ; and a more excellent Rule then that who can teach us now ? But first , as a Praecognitum unto all the rest , I must insist upon the nature and interpretation of the first word of it , which hath a special influence and operation over the whole body of the Formula , and giveth denomination to it . For from the Latine Credo , comes the name of Creed ; from the first English word , which is I believe , we call the whole the Articles of our belief ; and so the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , comes from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the Ecclesiastical notion of it , we interpret Faith. So that in whatsoever language we behold the same , the the word is verbum operativum , as the Lawyers cal it (b) a word which hath relation unto every Article , to every branch and member of the whole Compositum ; as , I believe in God the Father Almighty , I believe in Iesus Christ his only Son , I believe that Iesus was conceived of the holy Ghost , I believe that he was born of the Virgin Mary , I believe that he suffered under Pontus Pilate ; & sic de caeteris . And first for the quid nominis , of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it signifieth to assent , or to joyn credit or belief to such things as are laid before us . As , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the old Poet Phocylides , (c) that is to say , give no credit to the talk of the common people , who are unconstant and uncertain in their words and actions . Derived it is from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render faith ; and that from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the praeterpluperfect tense of the passive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to be perswaded , to be taught , to be induced to give assent unto such propositions as are made unto us . Thus is the word used by the great Apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (d) For I am perswaded that neither life nor death , &c. shall be able to separate us from the love of God , which is in Christ Iesus our Lord. And again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (e) Being confident of this very thing , ( Persuasum habens hoc ipsum , as Beza very properly doth translate the word ) That he which hath begun a good work in you , will perform it till the day of Iesus Christ. So that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we render faith , being hence derived , may not unfitly be construed a perswasion , or a firm assent , persuasionem seu firmam assensionem , (f) as the learned Valla hath observed ; and then the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being brought from thence , will signifie in the true and proper notion of it , I am perswaded verily of the truth of that which so many godly and religious men have related to me , and give as full and firm an assent unto it , as if I had been present when the deed was done . Thus also for the Latine word Fides , the Etymologie thereof is drawn from fio , from the doing or performance of those things which are said or promised . Fides enim dicitur ( saith Cicero ) eo quod fiat quod dictum est . And therefore faith , or fides , call it which you will , as it relates unto the promises of God , is defined by Zanchius , to be firma & certa persuasio de promissionibus dei (g) , a strong and confident perswasion that God will graciously fulfil those promises which he hath pleased to make unto us . And therefore I shall fix upon that definition of the thing it self , which I finde amongst the Antient Schoolmen , affirming it to be a firm assent to supernatural truths revealed . Which definition lest it should fare the worse for the Authors sake , is backed and seconded by so many learned men both of the Protestant and Reformed Churches , as may well serve to set it free from all further cavils : For thus Melanchthon for the Protestant or Lutheran Churches , Fides est assensus omni verbo Dei nobis tradito (h) . Faith saith , he , is an assent to the veracity or ●ruth of the whole Word of God delivered to us . And so saith Vrsin for the Doctors of the French or Calvinian party , defining it almost in the self same words , (i) to be Vera persuasio qua assentimur omni verbo Dei nobis tradit●o . With these agree Chemnitius in Evan. Concil . Trident. cap. de Iustificatione . Pet. Martyr , ad Rom. 3. v. 12. Polanus Partit . Theolog. lib. 2. pag. 368. besides divers others . Which being the true and proper definition of belief , or faith , according to the natural meaning of the word both in Greek and Latine : I may conclude from hence without further trouble , that to believe ( according as the word here stands in the front of the Creed ) is only to be verily perswaded of the truth of all those points and articles which are delivered in the same ; and to give a firm assent unto them , agreeable unto the measure of our understanding . Faith thus defined , differeth not only from experience , knowledge , and opinion , all which do come within the compass of Assents , in general ; but from all other things whatsoever , which come within the compass of our belief . When we assent unto the truth of such things , or matters as are discernible by sense , we may call it perception or experience : as when a man assents to this proposition , that ice is cold , or that fire is hot , because he feels it to be so by his outward senses . If our assent be weak , unsetled , or grounded only upon probabilities , we then call it opinion : in matters of which nature men are for the most part left at liberty , their understandings being neither convinced by the power of a superior truth , nor setled and confirmed by demonstrative proofs . This though it be an assent , is no firm assent ; and therefore nothing less then Faith. If our assent be grounded on demonstrative proofs , and built upon the knowledge of natural causes , it is then tearmed Science , or knowledge , properly so called : for , Scire est per causas scire (k) , said the great Philosopher . But he that gives assent unto any truth , only because of the authority of the man that speaks it , neither examining his proofs , nor searching into the probabilty or possibility of the thing related : that man , in true propriety of speech , is said to believe : and to believe ( we know ) is the act of faith . Thus it is said of the Samaritans , that many of them believed on him for the saying of the woman which testified ( thus of him , viz. ) He told me all that ever I did (l) : but more believed because of his own words when they had heard him speak , and observed his doctrine . And yet not every truth believed on the speakers credit , is the proper object of belief , or faith , according as we use the word in the Schools of Christ , but only supernatural truths , such truths as our depraved nature could not reach unto , without revelation from above : by consequence not the authority of every speaker , but only of such holy men of God , who spake as they were moved by the holy Ghost (m) , is the foundation of this faith , which we here define . I give belief unto the Histories of Xenophon , Thucydides , Polybius , and Corn. Tacitus ; because I hold a good opinion of the men that writ them . And I believe that Edward the Black Prince wonne the battel of Crecie , being then but 18 years of age , and that King Henry the fifth subdued the greatest part of France within five or six years , because I finde it so related , without contradiction , both by our English Chroniclers , and the French Historians . But I rely on no humane authority , how great soever it be , for a rule of Faith : which as it hath truths only supernatural for the object of it ; so have those truths , or the revelation rather of those truths , no other Author then the Spirit of God. So then faith is a firm assent , which makes it differ from opinion , which may be called an assent also , but weak and wavering . It is a firm assent to truths ; for to believe in lyes is not faith but folly . A brand or character set on those by Almighty God , who seeing they would not receive the love of the truth that they might be saved ; have been , and are given over unto strong delusions , and to believe in lyes , that they should be damned (n) . 'T is an assent to truths revealed , not grounded on demonstrative proofs , or the disquisition of natural causes , or the experiment of sense ; but only on the authority of him who reveals it to us : which differenceth it most clearly both from experience and from knowledge , which have surer grounds : And finally it is a firm assent to truth supernatural , and supernaturally revealed ; which makes it differ from that credit or belief , ( call it which you will ) which commonly we ascribe and give to humane authorities : which being but humane must needs be fallible , and therefore no fit ground for our faith to rest on , according to the notion of that word in the Church of Christ. For though both knowledge and experience rest on surer grounds , as to the satisfaction of the understanding , to which a demonstration is of more authority then an ipse dixit ; that being a convincing argument which commands assent , this but artificiosum argumentum , as Logicians call it : yet are the grounds of faith less fallible , then those of any other Art or Science whatsoever it be , because they are communicated to us by the Spirit of God , qui nec fallere nec falli potest , who being infallible in himself will most infallibly lead unto all those truths , the knowledge of the which is either necessary or expedient for us . 'T is true , St. Paul lays down another definition , or description rather , of belief , or faith ; which he defines to be Substantiam rerum sperandarum , argument . non apparentium (o) , that is to say , The substance of things hoped for , the evidence of things not seen : Which definition or description we will first explain ; and then declare , to what acception of the word Faith , it relates especially . Now the first thing to be considered in this definition , is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the Vulgar Latine rendreth by Substantia ? Beza more like a Paraphrast , Illud quod facit ut extent quae sperantur . Which being so obscure as to need a Commentary , he helps our understanding with a marginal note , and cals it su●si●tentiam rerum quae sperantur , (p) which is the true meaning of the word in its natural sense . For faith is therefore called the subsistence ( or the existence , as the word is sometimes translated ) of things hoped for , because it makes those things which are yet in hope , and are no otherwise ours then in expectation , subsistere in corde nostro quasi ante oculos corporis (q) , to subsist or exist no l●ss really in our hearts , or souls , then if we saw them present with our bodily eyes . And this he doth illustrate by the Resurrection , which is not past already (r) as some Hereticks taught , nor come as yet , as to the accomplishment and performance of it : and yet faith makes it to subsist or exist in the minde of a Christian , ac si prae oculis eam habeamus (s) , as if we were already possessed thereof . The word hath other senses in the holy Scripture , as in the third chapter of this Epistle to the Hebrews , where we finde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , initium substantiae , as the Vulgar reads it , principium illud quo sustentamur , as more truly Beza , (t) The beginning of our confidence , say our last Translators : where that which in the Greek is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is Englished confidence , according as we finde it also Psal. 39. where that which by the Septu●gint is translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) is in our English rendred hope ; Surely my hope is even in thee . vers . 7. Budaeus that most learned Critick in the Greek tongue , will , have it signifie courage , or praesentiam animi , (u) deriving it from the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies to sustain or endure a shock ; in which regard that Sou●dier is called miles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who stands his ground , and will not turn his back unto his adversary . And in this sense we finde it also in St. Pauls Epistle unto those of Corinth , twice meeting with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (x) , an unmoved constancy in boasting , or praefidentem gloriationem , as Beza renders it , that is to say , a glorying that will not shrink , or be put out of countenance . Which also very well agrees with the nature of faith , and serves most fitly to express the full vigour of it , by which a man is made assured and confident in all times of danger , and scorns to give ground , or to turn his back , though Principalities and powers , and all the rulers of the darkness of this present world (y) were armed against him . The second thing to be observed in this definition , or description rather , which the Apostle hath laid down in the place aforesaid , is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the evidence of things not seen , as the English reads , Beza translates it , quod demonstrat ; the Vulgar Latine , Argumentum : and both these say the same though in divers words . Arguere dicebant antiqui ostendere , a quo venit argumentum , quasi ostensio . The old Grammarians , saith Haimo , used the word Argue in that sense which we use the word to declare and shew (z) . And , Argumentum proprie ratio est , qua quis rei dubiae facit fidem ; an argument , saith he , is the proof or evidence whereby a doubtful matter is confirmed and ratified . And then the meaning of St. Paul will be briefly this , Fides est ea credere quae non videntur (a) , faith makes us to believe such things as we never saw , and are not subject to our senses : the minde being so convicted with the evidence of divine authority , as to submit it self or to give assent to every thing which is delivered in the holy Scriptures , even touching the invisible things of Almighty God , (b) as the Apostle cals them in the first to the Romans . But then we must observe withall , that this is not a proper definition of faith it self , according to the rules of Art , & the true character and nature of a definition : but rather a description of the fruits and effects of faith , in that it represents those things which are yet in hope , as if they were possessed already ; and doth so clearly look into things invisible , as if they were before our eyes . And this , saith Beza on the place , (c) Excellens fidei descriptio ab effectu est , quod res adbuc in spepositas repraesentet , & invisibilia veluti oculis subjiciat . So then , we may define Belief or Faith , as before we did , St. Pauls description notwithstanding , to be a firm assent to supernatural truths revealed : which doth most fully manifest the true nature of faith , and no way crosseth that which St. Paul delivereth . For that faith represents the things hoped for , and is the evidence or proof of things not seen ; is an effect or consequent of that firm assent to supernatural truths revealed , which worketh both that evidence and existence in us . It follows thereupon , as we before said , that to believe , according as the word here stands in the front of the Creed , is only to be verily perswaded of the truth of those points and Articles as are delivered in the same , and to give a firm assent unto them , according to the measure of our understanding . This being thus stated and determined , we now proceed unto the explication of the first Article , I believe in God the Father Almighty : that is to say , I believe that there is one Immoratal and Eternal Spirit , of great both Majesty and Power , which we call God ; and that this God is the Father Almighty , the Father both of Iesus Christ and of all mankinde , who as a Father hath not only brought us into the world , but hath provided us of all things necessary both for body and soul , protecting us by his mighty power , and governing us and our affairs by his infinite wisdom . This is the sum of that which is to be conceived of this present Article of our belief in God the Father Almighty . I know the Schoolmen do distinguish very frequently between Credere Deum , Credere Deo , & Credere in Deum : the first whereof they make to be a general belief of the beeing of God , that is to say , that God is , that there is a God ; the second an affiance or relying on the veracity or truth of that which he hath pleased to impart to us in the holy Scriptures ; the last ( which is the phrase here used ) a confidence which we have in his grace and goodness , a casting of our selves entirely into his mercy and protection . For thus the Master of the Sentences , lib. 3. distinct . 23. cap. illud est ; & Thomas Aquinas , 2.2 . qu. 2. Ant. 2. ad 1. & 4. the Author of the Ordinary Gloss. Rom. 4.5 . Durandus in Rationale divin . cap. de Symbol . and indeed who not ? And I know also that this nicety is generally fathered on Augustine , who indeed makes a signal difference between credere Deo , & credere in Deum . Credere in Deumutique plus est quam credere Deo (d) to believe in God , is more , saith he , then to believe that which the Lord hath spoken . Of which he gives this instance in another place , Nam & daemones credebant ei , at non credebant in eum (e) ; for the Devils do believe what God saith unto them , who cannot for all that be said to believe in God. And finally he concludeth , or the Schoolmen from him , that when we say , I believe in God , we do not only say , I believe God is , or I give credit to his words , but me ipsum amare , & credendo in eum ire , & membris ejus incorporari (f) , by believing to love him , by believing as it were to grow into him , and be incorporate with his members . The Protestant Doctors many of them go the same way also , making the Credo of this place , to be the same with Fiduciam in Deo colloco , the placing of our whole trust and confidence in God Almighty (g) , which are Zuinglius words : with whom agree , as to the meaning of the phrase , P. Ramus de Relig. l. 1. c. 2. Zanch. de tribus Elohim part . 1. lib. 4. cap. 7. & lib. 5. c. 2. Amesius in Medull . Theol. lib. 1. cap. 3. num . 15. besides diverse others , whose names it were impertinent to remember here . By these in Deum credere , to believe in God , is made the highest and most excellent act or degree of faith ; the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or full assurance of the understanding , which St. Paul speaks of Coloss. 2.2 . higher then which a Christian cannot go in this present life . Tertia fidei pars , vel gradus , as we read in Musculus , non modo de Deo , & Deo , sed & in Deum credere (h) . And this he doth define to be , Spem omnen in Deum dirigere , firmaque fiducia ab illius bonitate pendere : making it so peculiar unto God alone , ut nec Moysi , nec Prophetis , nec Apostolis , imo ne Angelis quidem debeat accommodari ; that it is neither to be used when we speak of Moses , or of the Prophets , or Apostles , no nor of any of the Angels . Finally for the phrase it self , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the Apostles have made use of in this place of the Creed , and in other parts of Divine Writ , they make it an expression or form of speech so proper to the holy Ghost , that neither the Septuagint in their Translation , nor any learned Author amongst the Graecians ever used the same (i) . Which notwithstanding I am yet unsatisfied in the solidity and truth of the said distinction , and also of the explication of the phrase here used . And therefore with the leave of the learned Reader , and with all due respect to those Reverend men , who have transmitted them unto us ; I shall endevour to evince these two conclusions : first , that the phrase in Deum , or in Christum ●redere , the explication of the phrase in Deum credere , and the distinction thereon founded , is not so generally and universally true as it is pretended ; And 2. that howsoever it may be admitted in some texts of Scripture , in which that phrase is used by the holy Ghost , it can by no means be admitted in this place of the Creed . First , for the phrase in Deum , or in Christum credere , they make it signifie ( as before I said ) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or full assurance which a Christian hath of the love of God , the confidence which we have in his love and goodness , the casting of our selves entirely into his goodness and protection : which I conceive is more then the phrase importeth , or was intended by it in the holy Ghost . The only place in which we finde this form of speech in St. Matthews Gospel , is in the 18. chap. vers . 6. where it is said , Whosoever offendeth any of these little ones , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui credunt in me ) which believe in me , it were better that a mil-stone were hung about his neck , &c. In which place , by those little ones , or pusilli , which our Saviour speaks of , he neither meaneth little children , nor men small in stature , ( they must needs wrest the words too far , who do so expound them ) but men weak in faith ; such as he elsewhere calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (k) , men of little faith . And certainly a weak faith , or a little faith , cannot consist with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that full assurance and perswasion which is by them intended in the phrase in question . Or if they mean it literally of little children , because they finde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , parvulum , a little childe (l) , to be a great part of the argument of that discourse , either they , must mean somewhat else by in Christum credere , then their explication of the phrase admits of , or else confess that little children are endued with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that confidence in the love and goodness of Almighty God in Iesus Christ , which is the highest pitch and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the strongest faith ; which I think no wife man will affirm . Thus is it said of the Disciples in the second chapter of St. Iohn , that when they had seen the miracle which Iesus did in Cana of Galilee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crediderunt in eum , they believed on him . ver . 11. Assuredly the faith of the Disciples at this time was but weak and wavering , and needed many signs and miracles to confirm the same . Magna vero Christi indulgentia , quod pro Discipulis habet in quibus tam pusilla est fides (m) And this , saith Calvin on the place , declares the goodness and indulgence of our Saviour Christ , who would admit such men to be his Disciples , in whom there was so little faith . And yet these men , in whom there was so little faith , are said in eum credere to believe in him ; because upon the sight of so great a miracle , tun● demum se illi addicere coeperunt , they first began to fasten a more close dependence on him . The like is said of the Samaritans , that on the same raised of our Saviour by the woman , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , multi in eum crediderunt , many of them believed in him (n) . And this the holy Ghost hath reported of them , before they heard our Saviour speak , or had so much as seen his person , believing in him , at that time on no other ground , then propter verbum mulieris , for the saying of the woman only . Now if the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a Christian faith be so firmly grounded , Vt non possit vel seductorum versutia , vel Tyrannorum violentia , vel ulla machinatione Diaboli expugnari , that neither the fraud of Hereticks , nor the violence of Tyrants , nor all the machinations of the Devil can prevail against it , as Bishop Davenant saith it is (o) , and exceeding rightly : either it must have better grounds then the words of a woman , a woman of an ill name and a scandalous life , ( for such she is described to be vers . 18. ) or else when the Samaritans are said to believe in Christ , propter verbum mulieris , only upon this womans words ; the phrase imports no such assurance , no such strength of faith , as hath been formerly supposed . In the same Gospel of St. Iohn we finde it written also , that many of the chief Rulers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , crediderunt in eum , believed in him , cap. 11. v. 42. but then it follows thereupon , that because of the Pharisees they did not confess him , lest they should be put out of the Synagogue (p) . Here is a Credere in eum , accompanied with a very weak faith , ( Quanta in illis fidei imbecilli●as (q) , as it is in Calvin ) a faith that durst not shew it self by any outward confession , or look abroad into the world for fear of the Pharisees . And therefore credere in eum , in that place ( as in those before ) is no more but this , as Calvin notes it , Christo n●men dare , & doctrinam ejus amplexos esse , to profess the faith of Christ , and embrace his Gospel . The like may be affirmed also of the blinde man in the 9. chapter of St. Iohn , who was required to believe on the Son of God , when he was fain to ask this question , Quis est Domine ut credam in eum ? i e. Who is ●e Lord that I might believe on him ? vers . 36. and of the Iayler in the Acts , of which more anon . Besides that which in all these places , and in many others , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Ch●is●um credere , in other places of the Scripture , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in nomen ejus credere , As many as received him , to them gave he power to become the sons of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nempe iis qui credunt in nomen ejus (r) , even to them that believe in his Name ; that is to say , to them that do believe on him . And yet we finde it said of some , when they saw his miracles , that they believed on his Name , in Nomine ejus (s) , ( or in Nomen ejus , as Beza more neer unto the Greek ) whom yet our Saviour never held to be true Disciples ( pro germanis Discipulis non habuit , as it is said by Calvin (t) , but slighted them as light and inconsiderable men . And therefore it is said of them in the following words , Non credebat eis semetipsum (u) , that he did not commit himself unto them , because he knew the falshood and hypocrisie which was within them . So that by looking over so many of those texts of Scripture in which this form of speech is used , it is more then manifest , that the Explication of the same before delivered is not so generally and universally true , as hath been pretended . Let us next see what ground there is for the distinction which is founded on it . And first , whereas it is affirmed of this form of speech , that it is so peculiar unto God alone , that it is not to be used of any creature , neither of Moses nor the Prophets , nor of men or Angels (x) ; I hold this to be gratis dictum , a building without good foundation . Those which are learned in the Hebrew have long since noted , that where the Affix 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beth is added to the word which signifieth credere , to believe , it doth import as much as in : and that whereas we read in all late Translations , the people feared the Lord , and believed the Lord and his servant Moses (y) , the words in the Original will bear this translation , that they believed in the Lord , and in Moses his servant . Musculus doth acknowledge this (z) , and granteth that the words may be thus translated , Et crediderunt in Dominum & in Mosen servum ejus , and that the words do bear this sense ; though Hierom , as he saith , haud inconsulto , not without good reason and advice did thus change the same , Et crediderunt Domino & Moysi servo ejus ; which hath been since retained in the Latine Bibles , and in all National Translations that I have met with . So also , when God said to Moses , Loe , I come unto thee in a thick cloud , that the people may hear when I speak with thee , and believe thee for ever (a) : the words in the Original , as before they did , do bear this construction , ( and Musculus doth so translate them ) Et etiam in te credant in seculum ; that the people may for ever believe in thee . But being after changed by Hierom , because in aliquem credere , much about his time began to be esteemed a solecism in the Christian Grammar ; in stead thereof , we have Et credat tibi in perpetuum , both in the Vulgar Bibles , and all late Translations . Conform unto which phrase in the Original , Crediderunt in Dominum & in Mosen , St. Basil a most learned Father of the Greek Church , speaking of the Iews , saith that they were baptized in Moses ( or in the name of Moses , and believed in Moses : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) , as his own words are , Baptizati sunt in Mosen , & crediderunt in illum , as it is turned by his Translator . Nor is this said of Moses only , the principal Founder , under God , of the Iewish Church , as a man more in grace with Almighty God , then any of the sons of men since his time have been , but of the Church of CHRIST in general . For in the Greek copies of the Apostles Creed , it is said expresly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , I believe in the holy Catholick Church : and in the Nicene Creed it was said of old , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. Credo in unam Catholicam Ecclesiam , as the Translator of Socrates (c) , where that Creed occurreth . And though the same be not expressed in terminis in the Latine Creed , yet in the Grammar of the words it is understood . For where the Latine Creeds run thus , Credo in Spiritum sanctum , sanctam Catholicam Ecclesiam , &c. that is to say , I believe in the holy Ghost , the holy Catholick Church , &c. as the English hath it : either the word Credo must be interposed , as Credo in Spiritum sanctam , credo sanctam Catholicam Ecclesiam , i. e. I believe in the holy Ghost , I believe the holy Catholick Church ; or else the Preposition In , must relate to both , as also to the rest that follow . I know indeed , that after Credere in Deum , or in Iesum Christum , was thought to be a different act and degree of faith , from Credere Deo , or Iesu Christo : that men began to think it somewhat inconvenient , to say as formerly , Credo in sanctam Catholicam Ecclesiam , or Credo in Mosen & Prophetas , I believe in the holy Catholick Church ; or , I believe in Moses and the holy Prophets which have been since the world began . And so we are to understand both Ruffin (d) and Paschasius (e) , when they speak thereof , both fitting their expressions to such forms of words as were then authorized in the Schools of CHRIST . The like is to be said of St. Augustine also , viz. Credimus Paulo , non credimus in Paulum , &c. (f) . We believe Paul ( saith he ) we believe not in Paul ; and we believe Peter , we believe not in Peter : Where note , the Father speaks not of the property , but of the use of the phrase , according to the language of the times he lived in : for ab initio non fuit sic , that it was otherwise intended at the first beginning , we have shewn already . Whether the phrase be so peculiar an expression of the holy Ghost , as that it is not to be found in the old Greek Writers , I will not meddle at the present : though I conceive the holy Ghost did dictate nothing of the Scriptures , but the matter only , and left the language thereof to the sacred Pen-men . But for the Septuagint , although they do not use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preceding an Accusative Case , ( which is the singularity of expression so much insisted on in this business ) yet use they other words to the same effect . For those which stand so highly on singularity cannot choose but grant (g) that many times they use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not seldom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and sometimes also though not often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which whosoever should translate in the English tongue , could not translate it otherwise , then thus , to believe in God : So that whether it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. Credo in Deum , or Credo in Deo , it makes no difference in this case : no more , then that these words of the Evangelist (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Beza are translated Crediderunt in nomen ejus , but by the Author of the Vulgar , in nomine ejus ; which come both to one . This makes it evident in part that the said distinction between Credere Deo , & credere Deum , stands not upon so sure a ground as was imagined ; but I must make it yet more evident , that in the true intent and meaning of the sacred Pen-men , there is no difference at all to be found between them . For in the 16. chapter of the Acts , the Iaylor did demand of Paul and Silas , what it behoved him to do that be might be saved ; vers . 30. to which they made this following answer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Crede in Dominum Iesum Christum , &c. believe on the Lord IESVS CHRIST , and thou shalt be saved and thy house (i) . It followeth thereupon in the sacred story , that being instructed in the Word , and baptized with water , he rejoyced greatly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Credens Deo , as both Beza and the Vulgar read it ; Believing in God with all his house ; vers . 34. where if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 34. be not the same with that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the 31 verse , as to the act of faith , which is one in both , although the Object of this Act be given us in a different manner ; the Iaylor had fallen short of that way to Heaven ; and possibly might have been as far from the hopes of Salvation , as when he first proposed the question . And if they be the same , as no doubt they be , then Credere Deo , & Credere in Deum , differ not at all : and therefore neither the distinction , nor the Explication , so generally true , and universally to be imbraced , as hath been supposed , which was the first thing to be proved . The second was , that howsoever Credere in Deum in some texts of Scripture may possibly admit that explication which is made thereof ; yet can it not be possisibly admitted in this place of the Creed . My reason is , because all Novices or Catechumeni , which were to be admitted into the Church , by the dore of Baptism ; all children formerly baptized , which either came or were brought before the Bishop for Confirmation ; were first to give an account of their faith , to make a publick profession or confession of it in the face of the Church , according to the very words and Articles of this common Creed . For which see proof sufficient in the former chapter . Now if by Credere in Deum , & in Iesum Christum , the Church intended such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such an adhaesion unto God in IESVS CHRIST , such an assurance and perswasion of our interest in him , as the phrase is pretended to import : the Church did very ill to exact it from the hands of Novices , or from the mouths of babes in Christ ; considering how strong the meat was , and how agreeable unto the stomach of the strongest faith . My second reason is , ( which before was touched at ) because if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to believe in God the Father Almighty , in Iesus Christ his only Son , and in the holy Ghost , the Lord and giver of life , import no less then such a dependence on them as is due from the Creature to his God ; and that too ex vi Phraseos , out of the very prhase or form of speech in Deum credere : the same dependence must all Christians have upon the Church , the same on the Communion of Saints ; and the rest that follow . Will you have a reason of this reason ? It is because the very same phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is extant still interminis , in tearms exprest , in all Greek copies of the Creed ; and necessarily implyed in the Latine also , as before was shown . Which if it may not be admitted in the Articles of the Catholick Church , and the Communion of Saints , with the rest that follow : I see no cause why it should be admitted in the front of all , which was to be the leading Case unto all the rest . But other men of higher mark have seen this before me , who give no other sense the●eof in this place of the Creed , then to believe that there is one only eternal God , the Maker of all things . For thus the Book entituled Pastor , and commonly ascribed to Hermes St. Pauls scholar . Ante omnia unum credere Deum esse , qui condidit omnia (k) i. e. Before all other things believe that there is one God who made all things . Origen thus , Primum credendus est Deus qui omnia creavit , (l) , i. e. In the first place we must believe that there is a God , by whom all things were created . S. Hilary of Poyctiers thus , In absoluto nobis & facilis est aeternitas , Iesum Christum a mortuis suscitatum credere (m) , i.e. Eternity is prepared for us , and made easie to us , if we believe that Christ is risen from the dead . And finally thus Charles the Great in the Creed published in his name , but made by the most learned men which those times afforded ; Praedicandum est omnibus , ut credant Patrem , Filium & Spiritum sanctum unum esse Deum omnipotentem (n) , i. e. the Gospel must be preached to all men , that they may know that the Father , Son , and holy Ghost is one God Almighty . Which resolution and authority of the antient Fathers , is built no doubt upon the dictate and determination of S Paul himself , who did thus lead the way unto them ; viz. He that c●meth to God must believe that he is , and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him (o) . Where the first Article of the Creed I believe in God , is thus expounded , and no otherwise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I believe that God is , that there is a God. According to which Exposition of the blessed Apostle our Reverend Iewell publishing the Apology and Confession of the Church of England did declare it thus (p) . We believe that there is one certain Nature and Divine power which we call GOD , &c. and that the same one God hath created Heaven and Earth , and all things contained under Heaven . We believe that Iesus Christ the only Son of the Eternal Father , when the fulness of time was come , did take of that blessed and pure Virgin both flesh and all the nature of man , &c. that for our sakes he died and was buried , descended into Hell , &c. We believe that the holy Ghost is very God , &c. and that it is his property to mollifie and soften the hardness of mens hearts , when he is once received thereunto , &c. We believe that there is one Church of God , and that the same is not shut up ( as in times past amongst the Iews ) into some one corner or Kingdom ; but that it is Catholick and Universal , and dispersed throughout the whole world , &c. and that this Church is the Kingdom , the Body , and the Spouse of CHRIST , &c. To conclude , we believe that this our self same flesh wherein we live , although it dye and come to dust , yet at the last shall return again to life by the means of Christs Spirit , which dwelleth in us , &c. and that we through him shall enjoy everlasting life , and shall for ever be with him in glory . Which consonancy of expression being so agreeable to that observed before by the antient Fathers ; and that observed before by the antient Fathers , so consonant unto the expression of S. Paul the Apostle , is the last reason which I have for this resolution , that the so much applauded explication of the phrase in Deum credere , is not to be admitted in this place of the Cre●d . And this shall also serve for a justification of that gloss or Commentary , which I have given on this first Article : viz. that to believe in God the Father Almighty , is only to believe that there is one Immortal and Eternal Spirit , of great both Majesty and Power , which we call GOD ; and that this God is the Father Almighty , the Father both of IESVS CHRIST and of all mankinde , who as a Father hath not only brought us into the world , but hath provided us of all things necessary both for body and soul , protecting us by his mighty power , and governing us and our affairs by his infinite wisdome . But against this there may be some objections made , which must first be answered , before we come unto the further explication of this Article . For if Faith be no other then a firm assent to supernatural truths revealed ; the Reprobate , ( as they call them ) may be said to have faith , which yet is reckoned in the Scripture as a peculiar gift of God unto his Elect , which is therefore called Fides electorum , or the Faith of the Elect , Tit. 1.1 . 2. If to believe in God the Father Almighty , and in IESVS CHRIST his only Son , &c. be only to believe that there is a God , and that all those things are most undoubtedly true and certain which be affirmed of IESVS CHRIST in the holy Scripture ; the Devil may be reckoned for a true believer , S. Iames assuring us of this , that the Devils do believe and tremble , Iam. 2.19 . And 3. if the definition and the explication before delivered , be allowed for currant , it will quite overthrow the received distinction of Faith into Historical , temporary , saving or justifying faith , and the faith of Miracles ; so generally embraced in the Protestant Schools . This is the sum of those objections , which I conceive most likely to be made against me ; but such as may be answered without very great difficulty . For that the Reprobate ( as they call them ) may have Faith in CHRIST , is evident by many instances and texts of Scripture . Of Simon Magus it is written in the Book of the Acts , that he believed and was baptized , and continued with Philip (q) the Evangelist . Adhaerebat Philippo , saith the Vulgar , he stuck so fast unto him , that he would not leave him . Ask Calvin what he thinks of this faith of Simons , and he will tell you , Majestate Evangelii victum , vitae & salutis authorem Christum agnovisse , ita ut libenter illi nomen daret (r) ; that being vanquished by the power and Majesty of the Gospel of Christ , he did acknowledge him to be the Author of salvation and eternal life , and gladly was inrolled amongst his Disciples . And whereas some had taught and published amongst other things , that Simon never did believe , but counterfeited a belief , for his private ends : Calvin doth readily declare his dislike thereof , acknowledging this faith of Simons to be true and real , though but only temporarie . Non tamen multis assentior qui simulasse duntaxat fidem putant quum minime cred●ret (s) , I cannot yeild to them ( saith he ) which think he only made a shew of faith , which he never had : Why so ? Quia Lucas aperte testatur eum credidisse , because S. Luke affirms that he did believe , being convinced by the signs and miracles which S. Philip wrought , as many others of Samaria at the same time were . And yet no doubt but Simon Magus was a Reprobate , a man rejected by the Lord in regard of his wickedness (t) , and that his heart was not right in the sight of God : and afterwards an author of such mischief in the Church of God , that Ignatius , who lived neer those times , very rightly cals him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (u) , the first begotten of the Devil . The like m●y be affirmed also of Alexander , Hymeneus , and Philetus (x) , who had been made partakers of the Faith of CHRIST , and were zealous in it for the time ; but afterwards made shipwrack of it , denying ( amongst other Articles of the Christian faith ) that of the resurrection of the dead ; and thereby overthrowing the faith of some . Men questionless given over to a reprobate sense , or else we may be well assured St. Paul had never given them over to the hands of Satan , as it is plain he did (y) . But what need search be made into these particulars , when Calvin himself affirms in general , Reprobis fidem tribui , eosdem interdum simili fere sensu atque Electos affici , eosque merito dici Deum sibi propitium credere (z) , &c. that Faith is given unto the Reprobate ; that sometimes they are touched with the like sense of Gods grace as the Elect ones are , and may deservedly be said to believe that God is favourable and propitious to them ? God sometimes makes the Sun of Righteousness as well as the Sun of Heaven , to shine on the evil and on the good . Which notwithstanding , Faith is called , and that most properly , Fides Electorum , the Faith of Gods Elect , in that and other places of the Book of God , because the fruits thereof are in them more visible , the confession of the same more fervent , the seeds thereof more fastly rooted , and the fruit more durable . For which cause possibly the Apostle doth there join together the faith of Gods Elect , and the knowledge of the truth which is after godliness : Which is indeed the special difference , which is between the faith of the Elect , and the faith of the Reprobates . For if the fruit be unto holiness , no question but the end thereof will be life everlasting (a) . It is not then the weakness or the want of faith , which doth alone exclude the Reprobate from the Kingdom of Heaven , and make him finally uncapable of the grace and favour of the Lord , in the day of judgement , but the want of a good conscience in the sight of God. And therefore if we mark it well , St. Peter did not charge it upon Simon Magus , that he wanted faith , or that his faith was only a dissembled hypocritical faith ; upbraiding him , as formerly Ananias in another case , that he had not only lyed unto men , but unto God (b) : but that he was in the gall of bitterness , and in the bonds of iniquity , not having his heart right in the sight of God (c) . Nor did St. Paul accuse the said three Apostates , that they never had received the faith , or that the faith which they received was not true and real ; but that first having put away a good conscience (d) , they afterwards made shipwrack of the faith also , blaspheming God , and scattering abroad their dangerous errours , to the seducing of their brethren . If Simon had repented of his wickedness (e) as St. Peter advised , it may be charitably supposed that the thoughts of his heart had been forgiven him . And Hymeneus and Alexander , if they had made good use of the Apostles censure (f) , ( when he delivered them unto Satan ) for the destruction of the flesh (g) , no question , but their spirits might have been saved in the day of the Lord IESUS . Which may suffice for answer to the first objection , touching the faith of reprobates , ( as they use to call them ) whose firm assent to supernatural truths revealed , makes them not inheritable to the Kingdom of Heaven , because they hold the truth revealed in unrighteousness , and so become without excuse (h) , as St. Paul tels us ( in another case ) of the antient Gentiles . The next Objection is , that if this phrase in Deum credere , import no more then this , that there is a God , and that all his words are Divine truths , and all the world the workmanship of his hands alone ; the Devils do belieue as much , as St. Iames assures us . Thou believest ( saith he ) that there is one God ; thou dost well : the Devils also believe and tremble , Iam. 1.19 . The answer unto this is easie . St. Iames assures us of the Devils that they believe there is one God , but doth withall assure us this that this belief of theirs confirms them in the certainty and foreknowledge of their everlasting damnation ; the apprehension of the which produceth nothing in them but fear and horrour . The Devils do believe that there is a God , and that this God is just in all his actions , and righteous in all his ways ; unchangeable in his Decrees ; Yesterday , and to day , and the same for ever . What other comfort can they reap from this faith of theirs , but that being once condemned by God to eternal fire , they are reserved in everlasting chains under darkness , to the judgement of the great and terrible day (i) ? For knowing that the judgements of the Lord are just , and his doom unchangeable ; they must needs know withall the certainty of their own damnation , or else they cannot properly be affirmed to believe this truth , that there is a God. And as they do believe that there is a God , so they believe also that he is the Maker of heaven and earth . For being at the first created by Almighty God with so great perspicacity and clearness of the understanding , they could not choose but know the hand that made them , and consequently believe that he made all those things which are ascribed to God in the holy Scripture . Though by their fall , they lost the favour of the Lord , their first estate in which they were created by Almighty God , the grace by which they stood , and the glories which they did possess : yet lost they not that quickness and agility of motion , that perspicacity and clearness of the understanding , wherewith they were endowed by God at their first Creation . But what makes this unto their comfort , when the same knowledge or belief ( call it which you will ) by which they are assured that God made the Heavens and the Earth , and all the things therein contained ; will keep them always in remembrance of this most sad truth , that he also made an Hell of fire , where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth , prepared for the Devill and his Angels (k) ? To go a little farther yet , the Devils did not only believe long since , that CHRIST was come in the flesh , but publickly proclaimed him in the open Synagogue , to be the holy Son of God (l) , IESVS the Son of God (m) , in another place . What benefit do they expect from this Confession , what recompence for that Belief so professed and published ● ; but an assurance that they have no part in David , nor any inheritance at all in the Son of Iesse ? How so ? Because they knew full well , no mere Creature better , that CHRIST took not on him the nature of Angels , but that he took on him the seed of Abraham (n) . And if he took not on him the nature of Angels , as they knew he did not , he could not be a Mediator between them and God : and if no Mediator between them and God , they have no interest in his merits , nor can claim any profit by his death and passion ; but must continue in that state wherein God hath plunged them for their sins , without hope of remedy . The Devils then believe , but withall they tremble ; and good reason for it : that belief making them assured that their case is desperate , and that there is no mercy for them in Gods heavenly Treasury : Besides , admit the Devil did believe all those sacred truths , which are affirmed of CHRIST in the Book of God ; what will this avail them ? For must they not then believe this truth amongst the rest , that without true repentance there can be no entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven ? and if they do believe that truth , must they not conclude , that there can be no place for them in the heavenly glories , because the dore of repentance is shut against them , and that the Baptism of Repentance is a way to Heaven , whereof their nature is not capable ? Small comfort doubtless in this faith , but of anguish plenty . So far I had proceeded in this discourse when I incountred with a Treatise of Doctor Iacksons the late Dean of Peterburgh , containing the Original of Vnbelief , misbelief , &c. In which I finde so strong a confirmation of my opinion herein , that I have thought it not unnecessary to lay down his words for the clear evidence thereof . (o) Thus then saith he . To believe in God hath gone currant so long for so much as to put trust or confidence in him , that now to make it go for less will perhaps be an usurpation of authority more then critical , and much greater then befits us . Notwithstanding if on Gods behalf we may plead what Lawyers do in cases of the Crown , Nullum tempus occurrit Regi , that the Antient of days may not be prejudiced by antiquity of custom or prescription , especially whose Orignal is erroneous ; the case is clear , That to believe in God in their intention , who first composed this Creed , is no more then to believe there is a God , or to give credence to his Word . For justifying this Assertion , I must appeal from the English Dialect in which the manner of speech is proper and natural , if it were consonant unto the meaning of the Original : as also from the Latine in which the phrase being forain and uncouth , is to be valued by the Greek , whose stamp and character it heareth . Now the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as also the Hebrew phrase whereunto by sacred Writers it was framed , is no more then hath been said , To believe there is a God ; Otherwise we must believe not only in God the Father , in Christ the Son , and in the holy Ghost , but in the Catholick Church , in the Communion of Saints , in the forgiveness of sins , and in the resurrection of the body , and in life everlasting , seeing the Greek particle , ( usually expressed by the Latine In ) is annexed after the same manner to all these objects of our belief , as is apparent in the Antient Greek Creeds . And he that diligently readeth the Translation of the Septuagint shall finde the Greek phrase which is verbatim , rendred by the Latine , in Deum credere , to believe in God , promise●ously used for the other credere Deo , i. e. to believe God. Or if besides the evident Records of the antient Copies personal witnesses be required amongst the Antients , I know few , amongst Modern Writers none more competent , then those that are expresly for us , as Beza , Mercer , Drusius , unto whom we may adde Ribera & Lorinus also . Now as to use the benefit of a truth known and testified is always lawful ; so to us in this case it is most expedient , almost necessary . For either I did not rightly apprehend whilest I read it , or at least now remember not how the Schoolman removes the stumbling block , which he had placed in the very entry to this Creed . [ If to believe in God , be as much as to put trust or confidence in him , by exacting a profession of this Creed at all mens mouths , we shall inforce a great many to profess a ly . ] For of such as not only out of ordinary charity , but upon particular probabilities , we may safely acquit from actual Atheism , or contradicting infidelity , a great number do not put their trust or confidence in God ; this being the mark at which the belief of Novices must aim , not the first step they are to make in this progress . And not long after he makes answer unto this Objection , touching the belief of Devils , or of wicked Angels : of whom we cannot say ( say some ) that they do believe in God , though they believe his being more firmly then we can do , and know his Word as clearly . For as he handsomely illustrates ; If the Kings Majesty should proclaim a general pardon to a number of known Rebels , and vow execution of judgement without mercy upon some principal offenders , which had maliciously and cunningly seduced their simplicity : I suppose his will and pleasure equally manifested unto both , and so believed , would as much dishearten the one , as incourage the other to relye upon his clemency . Such notwithstanding altogether is the case between men and wicked angels . The one believes CHRIST took the Womans seed , and therefore cannot without such wilful mistrust of the promise of life , as was in his first Parents to Gods threats of death , despair of Redemption by the eternal Sacrifice . The other as firmly believe , or rather evidently know , that CHRIST in no wise took the Angelical nature ; and without this ground the better they believe his Incarnation , the less are their hopes of their own Redemption . As for the third and last Objection touching the overthrow of the distinction of Faith , into Historical , Temporary , saving or justifying faith , and the faith of Miracles , so generally received and countenanced in the Protestant Schools ; it works no effect at all in me : who am resolved not to hazard the loss of a truth , to save the credit of a distinction . Nor are the membra dividentia , as Logicians call them , so well choyced and stated , as either to require such care of their preservation , or not to bring them into question . For all faith is Historical , there 's no doubt of that ; and the other members of the distinction either are coincident , or but degrees only of the same one faith . Vrsinus , the Divinity Reader in Heidelberg , though he both useth & approveth this distinction , yet to my seeming , takes not the tearms to be so different as the members of a good Division ought to be by the rules of Logick ; and indeed so confounds them one with another , that we can hardly see where the difference lyeth . For he confesseth in plain tearms , (p) fidem Iustificantem Historicam semper inse complecti , that justifying faith doth always comprehend the Historical in it , and that the faith of Miracles , hath either Temporary or Historical faith always joyned unto it . If so , the difference between them must be very small , consisting more in magis & minus , and such degrees of comparison , then in any spiritual and formal difference : and possibly it may fall out that the faith of miracles , ( as they call it ) is rather an extraordinary gift or effect of faith , then any distinct species or branch thereof . First , for Historical faith , that faith whereby we do believe , Ea vera esse (q) quae in libris Prophetarum & Evangelistarum tradita sunt , by which we do believe those things for true which are contained in the Books of the Old and New Testament , as themselves define it : I cannot see wherein it differeth from justifying or saving faith , unless perhaps it be in the application , which rather is an Act of faith then a species of it . And 't is but a perhaps , if that , for in my mind Dr. Iackson reasoneth very well (r) , That our Faith is not to be counted unsound or non salvifical , because Historical , but rather oft-times therefore insufficient to some because not so fully Historical as it might be ; or in that our apprehension of divers matters related in Sacred stories is not so great , so lively and sound , as to equalize the utmost limits of some belief , which yet may be fully comprehended under Historical assent : there being no assent which can exceed the measure of that belief or credence which is due unto sacred Writers . Which if it be on our parts as it ought to be , to Gods general promises , it will more forcibly , more truly and naturally apply them to us in particular , then we our selves can possibly do , by beginning our faith at that particular application where indeed it must end . For temporary faith they define that next , (s) to be an Assent unto the Doctrine of the Gospel accompanyed with joy and gladness , and the outward profession of the same , but such as lasteth but for a season , and fades in time of persecution and affliction . And this they ground upon that passage in our Saviours parable , where it is said , (t) that He which receiveth the seed in stony places , the same is he that receiveth the Word , and anon with joy receiveth it ; yet hath he not root in himself , but dureth for a season : For when tribulation or persecution ariseth because of the Word , by and by he is offended . But for my part I could never see any reason to perswade me yet , that our Saviour in that Parable did purpose to represent unto our view the several kindes of Believers , but the several kindes of hearers only ; many of which do hear the Word with divers ends and different purposes , but only they which do so hear the Word of God , as to bring forth the fruit of good living , shall like the good grain in the following Parable , be laid up at the last day in the barn of the Heavenly husbandman . Or granting that they build this definition on a ground well laid , yet I see nothing to the contrary , but that the temporary faith which is there defined may be a true and lively faith , and justifie the man that hath it in the sight of God ; though failing in the course of his Christian race , he do not get the prize proposed unto them that win , and hold out to the very end . A temporary faith may justifie for the present time , and bring forth many fruits of holiness and newness of life ; but it is faith with perseverance in the works of Piety , which shall receive the Crown in the day of Judgement . And if this Temporary faith be not saving also , it is not in regard of it self , that it wants any of those signs and tokens by which a saving faith is to be discerned ; but that the man that is endued or invested with it , hath not the gift of perseverance , but out of worldly fear , or on by-respects makes shipwrack of his faith , or casts it over-board in the storm as a thing unprofitable . So that the difference between Temporary and Salvifical faith , is not in any thing essential to the true nature of faith ; but only in duration , which is accidental , and extrinsical : which make it no more a distinct species of faith , or to fall short in any thing which true faith should have , then that a man who dyeth in the flower of his youth , wants any thing of being as compleat and perfect a man , as he that lives unto the age of Methusalem . That magis & minus do not differre specie , is an old rule in Logick . And so Bucanus doth conclude to the point in hand , though as professed and rigid a Calvinian as any other whatsoever , affirming plainly (u) , Fidem languidam esse veram fidem , that a weak and languishing faith is a true faith ; on this very reason , Quia magis & minus non variant rerum species , as before is said . Which rule if it hold good in the intension of Faith , as to strength and weakness , will certainly hold good in the extension of it also , as to length and shortness of duration . Last of all , for the faith of Miracles or fides Miraculorum , as they please to call it , is defined by the said Vrsinus to be Donum singulare faciendi aliquod opus extraordinarium , aut praedicendi certum eventum ex revelatione divina (x) that is to say , a singular gift of doing some extraordinary and supernatural work , or foretelling things to come by divine Revelation . But this considered as it ought , is so far from being a distinct species of faith , that it ought not to be called faith at all : but is rather the effect of an eminent faith , or some more extraordinary gift super-added to it . For CHRIST our Saviour reckoneth it as the effect of a powerful faith , saying to his Disciples , when they seemed to complain , because they could not cast the Devil out of a man who was brought before them (y) , that it was propter incredulitatem ipsorum , by reason of their unbelief , as our English reads it , that it to say , because their faith was yet but weak and newly planted , not strong nor spiritful enough to effect such wonders . And the Apostle reckoning up those gifts and graces of the holy Ghost , which God bestowed upon his Church in her first plantations , gives us this punctual list or catalogue of them , saying , that unto one is given by the Spirit the Word of Wisdom , to another the Word of knowledge by the same Spirit ; to another is given Faith by the same Spirit ; to another the gift of healing by the same Spirit (z) ; to another power to do miracles ; to another prophecy ; to another the discerning of spirits ; to another diverse kindes of tongues , &c. Where plainly Faith , the gift of healing , Prophecying , and the power of working Miracles , are counted for distinct graces of the holy Ghost ; by consequence , the power of working Miracles is no species of faith , but rather something extraordinary super-added to it as before I said . So that we need not stand so much upon this distinction , as in regard thereof to recede from the Exposition before delivered , wherein it was affirmed that in Deum credere , to believe in God , is only to believe that there is one Immortal and Eternal Spirit , of great both Majesty and Power , which we call GOD : and that this God is the Father Almighty , who as he made all things by his mighty power , so he doth still preserve them by his divine Providence , and preserve them by his infinite wisdome . And this Interpretation of the phrase in Deum credere , or in Christum credere , doth hold best correspondence with the definition of faith before laid down . For if Faith be no other then a firm assent to supernatural truths revealed : then to include no more in these forms of speech , then that there is a God , an Almighty God the maker of all things , and that his only Son IESVS CHRIST our Lord both did and suffered all these things which are affirmed of him in the holy Scriptures , and briefly laid together in the present Creed ; must needs be most agreeable to the nature of faith ▪ Which being premised once for all , we shall proceed unto the proof of the present Article : in which we shall first make it clear and evident out of monuments and records of the learned Gentiles ( for in this point it were unnecessary to consult either the Scriptures or the Fathers ) that there is an infinite incomprehensible and eternal Spirit , whom we call by the Name of GOD ; and secondly that this GOD is only one , without any Rival or Competitor in the publick Government of the Universe : And this shall be the argument of the following Chapter . CHAP. II. That there is a God , and but one God only , and that this one God is a pure and immortal Spirit , and the sole Governour of the World ; proved by the light of Reason , and the testimonies of the Antient Gentiles . THat GOD is , or that there is a God , is a truth so naturally graffed in the soul of man , that neither the ignorance of letters , nor the pride of wealth , nor the continual fruition of sensual pleasures have been able to obliterate the Characters or impressions of it . For Tully very well observeth , Nullam gentem tam feram esse , neminem omnium tam immanem , cujus mentem non imbuerit deorum opinio , That there was never Nation so barbarous , nor man so brutish and inhumane , but was seasoned with this opinion , that there was a God (a) : And though ( saith he ) many misguided by ill customes , or want of more civil education do conceive amiss of the Divinity , yet they did all suppose a nature or power Divine : to which they were not drawn by conference and discourse with others , nor by tradition from their Ancestors , or the laws of their Countrey ; but by a natural instinct imprinted in them . quae gentium omnium consensio lex putanda est , which general consent of all people concerning this matter is to be esteemed the Law of Nature . And though the civil wisdome which appeareth in the laws of Lycurgius , Numa , and other antient Legislators amongst the Heathens , may argue probably an opinion in them of framing many particular rites of Religion , as politick Sophisms to retain that wilde people in awe , for whose sake they devised then ; yet could not their inventions have wrought so succesfully upon mens affections , unless they had been naturally inclined to the ingraffed notion of a GOD in general , under pretence of whose Soveraign right , those particulars had been commended to them , or obtrud●d on them . A more plentiful experiment of which evident truth , hath been suggested to us in these later Ages , wherein divers Countries peopled with Inhabitants of different manners and education have been discovered ; the very best whereof have been far more barbarous , then the worst of those which were so counted in the days of Tully , yea or of Numa or Lycurgus , though long time before him . And yet amongst these savage Indians , who could hardly be discerned from brute beasts , Nisi in hoc uno quod loquerentur (b) , as Lactantius once said in a case much like , but only in that they had the use of speech : were found to have acknowledged several Gods or superior powers , to which they offered sacrifices and other rites of Religion , in testimony of their gratitude for benefits received from them . As if the signification of mans obligements to some invisible power for health , food , and other necessaries , or for their preservation from dysasters and common dangers were as natural to him , as fawnings or the like dumb signs in doggs , other tame , domestick creatures , are to those who cherish them . Concerning which , as Cicero one of the wisest of the Gentiles gives an excellent rule ; so of that natural inclination did the Apostle of the Gentiles make an excellent use . For there were many great and famous Philosophers , which did not only ascribe the government of the World to the wisdom of the Gods ; but did acknowledge all necessary supplies of health and welfare to be procured from their providence . Insomuch that corn and other increase of the Earth ( saith Cicero ) together with that variety of times and seasons ; with those alterations or changes of weather , by which the fruits of the Earth doe spring up , and ripen , are by them made the effects of Divine goodness , and of the love of GOD to mankinde . And on this ground St. Paul proceeded in his Sermon to the people at Lystra , whom he endevoured to bring unto the knowledge of the only true invisible GOD , by giving them to understand , that though in times past he had suffered all Nations to walk in their own ways (c) , yet did he not leave himself without witness , in that he ( was beneficial or ) did good unto them , and gave them rain from heaven , and fruitful seasons , filling their hearts with food and gladness . From which one stream of Divine goodness , experienced in giving rain , ( to proceed no further ) did the old Grecians christen their great god Iupiter by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as the Latines on the same reason did surname him Pluvius . And to say truth , the prudent Orator had very good ground both for his observation and the reason of it . For of all the Nations known in the times he lived in , there was none branded with the stain of Atheism , but the poor Fenni , a Sect or Tribe amongst the Germanes . Of whom it is affirmed by Tacitus , that they had neither houshold gods , nor corn , nor cattel , nor any thing in property they could call their own ; but were indeed a people of so extreme a poverty , that they no more needed the helps of God or man , then the Beasts of the field . Fennis mira feritas , foeda paupertas , non arma , non equi , non penates (d) , as he tels us there . And more then so , they had attained , saith he , to the hardest point , Vt ne voto quidem opus sit , that they had no need nor use of prayers to the gods on high . For what need they make supplication to the gods and goddesses for blessings on their Corn , and their Wine , or Oyl , who neither sowed nor planted , nor used any husbandry ? What should they do with houshold gods who had no houses , but the Earth only for their bed , and the Heavens for the Canopy ? And yet perhaps these Fenni were not altogether without the knowledge of GOD , or to be counted absolute Atheists , more then the barbarous people of other new discovered Countries ; but that they had this Character bestowed upon them , because they shewed less signs of any Religion then those Nations did with whom the Romanes had had longer acquaintance , and so were more experienced in their rites and customes . And of all men that flourished before Tullies time , there were none stigmatized with the brand of Atheism , but only Diagoras Melius , and Protagoras the Cyrenaean ; to whom some added Enhemerus the Tegaean also . Of the two first indeed it is said by Lactantius , Protagoras deos in dubium vocavit , Diagoras exclusit (e) , that Protagoras first called the beeing of the gods in question , and that Diagoras was the first who denyed it absolutely , who therefore was surnamed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Atheist , as Minutius hath it . And yet perhaps it will be found upon further search , that neither of the three did doubt or deny this truth , that there was a God ; but that they got this ill repute amongst the Gentiles , for scoffing and deriding those Idol-gods , whom their neighbors worshipped . For of Diagoras it is said , that when he cast the Statua of Hercules into the fire , he did it with this scoffe or jeere , In hoc decimo tertio agone mihi inservias , that he should serve him now in that thirteenth labor , as he had done Eurystheus in the other twelve (f) . And as well known is that of Protagoras also , who is said to have thus mocked at the Idolatries of the old Egyptians ; Si dii sunt , cur plangitis ? si mortui , cur adoratis ? i. e. If they be gods , why do you lament them ? ( for in the rites and sacrifices of the goddess Isis , they used to make great lamentations ) if dead , why do you then adore them ? As for the third man Euhemerus ( for these were all of note who stand thus accused ) he was accounted guilty of Atheism for no other reason , but because he had composed an history of the birth , lives and actions of the Heathen gods , proving that they had been no other then some famous men , whose Statua's had been turned to Idols , and themselves worshipped by the people in tract of time for some powers Divine . Which book of his Lactantius (g) , and some others of the Primitive Writers do make very good use of , in their discourses with and against the Gentiles . 'T is true , that on those grounds , and on those occasions which are spoken of by Enhemerus , the greatest part of the old Heroes , as Saturn , Iupiter , Apollo , Neptune , Mars , Hercules , and the rest of that infinite rabble became by degrees to have divine honours conferred upon them . And 't is as true , that the Egyptians worshipped Apis in the form of an Oxe , or the Oxe rather under the name of Apis , as being of greatest use to them in the course of their tillage ; and so they did also Leekes and Onions , and divers other of the fruits of the Earth also , by which they lived ; and some strange creatures also which they dreaded most . quis nescit qualia demens Aegyptus portenta colat (h) , as the Poet hath it . As true it is , that other Nations worshipped the Sun and Moon , and all the rest on the heavenly bodies , unto whose glorious light and influences they thought themselves so much heholding . Which may be used as a further and most invincible argument to prove that the knowledge of this truth , that there was a God , was naturally ingraffed in the souls of all men ; and that this natural inclination was so powerful in them , that they rather would have any gods then none at all , and therefore made themselves such gods as came next to hand , worshipping STOCKS and Stones , and Leekes and Onyons , and whatsoever else their blinde fancies dictated . And this , I take it , gave the hint to Democritus first , and after him to Epicurus , and the whole Sect of the Stoicks , (i) to set up FATE and Fortune in the place of the Gods ; or otherwise to invest dame Nature with the powers of a Deity . For finding that the biass of all sorts of people inclined them strongly to believe that there was a God , they were content to let the gods hold their place in Heaven , but then they robbed them of their power or supreme providence in governing the World , and ordering the affairs thereof . And this was the disease of Davids fool in the Book of Psalms , who used to say in his heart that there was no God. Not that he was so very a fool as to think there was no God at all : but that he thought the God of Heaven was so far above him , and so imployed in matters of an higher nature , as neither to take care or notice of the things beneath : Which therefore he● , as Democritus , and the Epicureans after did , ascribed to Chance and Fortune , or to Fate and Nature . And as it seems this errour in the time of the Poet Iuvenal , found such a general entertainment amongst the Romanes , that he thought fit to tax it in his Satyres (k) thus ; Sunt qui Fortunae jam casibus omnia ponunt , Et Mundum nullo credunt Rectore moveri , Natura volvente vices & lucis & anni , Atque ideo intrepide quaecunque Altaria jurant . That is to say ; Some think the World by slippery chance doth slide , That days and years run round without more guide , Then Natures Rule : From whence without all fear Of Gods or men , they by all Altars swear . But howsoever this opinion , carrying a less shew of impiety then that of Diagoras and Protagoras had done before , became more generally to be received among the Gentiles ; yet in effect in rather changed then bettered the state of the question . And though it did not strike down all the gods at a blow , yet by degrees it lessened their authority amongst the people , and brought them to depend wholly upon chance and fortune , or on fate and destiny ; that in the end there might be no other God thought of , none of the Heavenly Powers be sued to , or adored at all . Which plainly was their aim , as St. Austin telleth us , where notwithstanding their pretences he affirms this of them (l) , that all they did conduce to no other end , quam ut nullus omnino aut rogetur , aut colatur Deus . And in this state the business stood when the first Advocates which pleaded in the behalf of the Christian faith , did undertake the vindicating of Gods power and providence : and laboured to possess the world with a right opinion both of the Beeing and divine Nature of GOD ; and also of his soveraign power in ordering the course of nature , and governing all sublunary affairs of what kinde soever . Whose arguments being drawn especially from the light of reason , and therefore fittest to convince the gainsaying Gentiles , are elegantly summed up by Minutius Felix ; out of whose excellent Dialogue I shall here present them according as they lay before me , and then confirm the truth of that which he there delivereth , out of the works and writings of the old Philosophers , and other learned men amongst those Gentiles , whom prejudice and prepossession had not formerly blinded (n) The difference , saith he , betwixt us men and beasts doth consist in this , that they whose faces are inclined to look down to the earth , seem to be chiefly made to look after their provender . But we whose countenances are raised up towards the Firmament , to whom is given both speech and reason , by which we may know , feel , and imitate the works of God , must needs be counted inexcusable , should we be ignorant of that divine light which doth even thrust it self on our eyes and senses . It is an high degree of Sacriledge to seek for that upon the Earth , which is not to be found but in Heaven on high . Which makes them seem to me to l●●ve neither understanding , sense , nor so much as eyes , who would not have this World accomplished by the Divine wisdome of God , but compacted only of several parcels joyned together by chance . For what can be so obvious , so confessed , so manifest , whether we lift up our Eyes to Heaven , or behold those things which are beneath and round about us , then that there is some Divine power of most exquisite judgement , by which the whole frame of Nature is inspired , moved , maintained , and ordered ? Behold the Heaven it self , of what a vast circumference , and how swiftly moved , bespangled in the night with stars , illustrated in the day time with the beams of the Sun ; and thou mayst know by that , the wonderful and divine disposure of its Supreme Governour . Observe the year , how it ends the circular motion of the Sun ; the moneth distinguished by the increase and wane of the Moon ; the mutual succession of light and darkness , that rest and labour may by turns succeed one another . Let us relinquish to Astronomers a more exact discourse of the Stars and Planets ; whether they serve to direct the course of Navigation , or usher in the seasons of seed and harvest : which as they were not made , created , nor disposed of , without a Supreme Workman of most perfect wisdome , so could they not be comprehended and made intelligible , but by great art and understanding . When the orderly method of the season distinguisheth it self by the constant variety of several fruits , doth it not openly avouch who is the Author and the Parent thereof ? that is to say , the Spring bedecked with flowers , and the Summer with corn , the Fall made acceptable by its fruits ; and the Winter necessary by its Olives . Besides how great an argument is it of an heavenly Providence , to interpose the temperament of the Spring and Autumn , lest if it were all Winter it should freeze us with cold ; or if it were all Summer , it should scorch us with heat , that so one part of the year might fall into the other , without producing any sensible or dangerous alteration in the state of things ? Behold the Sea , how it is bounded with the shore , which it may not pass : the Earth , how it is fructified with trees which it self produceth : the Ocean , how it is divided between ebbs and flouds ; the Fountains , how they flow with continual streams ; the Rivers , how they pass away with perpetual waters . What need I speak of the perpendicular height of Mountains ; or the declivities of the hils , or the extension of the fields ? What need we speak of that variety of weapons , wherewith brute beasts are armed for their own defence ; some fortified with horns , others palisadoed with teeth ; some furnished with hoofs , some provided of stings ; and others having means to preserve themselves either by the nimbleness of their feet , or the help of their wings ? Especially consider the comeliness and beauty of our own bodies , made of an upright structure , an erected countenance , the eyes advanced as Sentinels in the Keep or Watch-tower , and all the rest of the senses placed in the Fort or Capital : and will not that acknowledge GOD for its sole Artificer ? An endless work it were to run over all particular members ; take this once for all , that there is not one part in all the body , which serveth not both for necessary use and ornament also . And which is yet more wonderful then all the rest , though there be the same structure of all , yet hath every man his several and proper lineaments , by which though we are all alike , yet are we also so unlike as to be easily discerned from one another . The manner of our birth , and the desire of procreation , is it not given by GOD alone ? That the dugs spring with milk when the Babe doth ripen , and that the Infant groweth up by that milky dew , proceeds it not from the same Author ? Nor doth GOD take care only of the whole ; but of every part . The Isle of Britain , which is defective in the heat of the Sun , is notwithstanding refreshed with the warmth of the Sea which doth incompass it . Nilus doth satisfie for the want of rain that is in Egypt , Euphrates fatneth Mesopotamia , and Indus is reported both to sow and water the Eastern Regions . If then as often as thou entrest into any house , and seest in what an excellent order all things therein are both disposed of and set ●ut at the best advantage , thou canst not choose but think there is some Lord or Master of it which hath so disposed it , and one that is much better then the things themselves : so in this great house the World , when thou observest the Heaven and Earth , the order , law , and providence by which they are guided , how canst thou choose but think that there is some Lord of this Vniverse , the Author of those Stars and Constellations , of far more beauty then the loveliest of those several parts ? But possibly thou mayst not so much call in question , whether there be a Divine Providence which ruleth all things , as whether it be subject to the power of one or of many Gods : which will be no great difficulty to determine neither , if we observe the Arts of Empire used in Earthly Kingdoms , which have their pattern from above . For when did ever any partnership in Empire , either begin upon good tearms , or not end in bloud ! For to say nothing how the Persians being weary of the government of many Rulers , designed the Empire unto him whose Horse should first neigh on the morrow morning ; nor to revive the dead fable of the Theban brothers : who hath not heard the story of the Roman twins , contending for the command of a few Shepheards , and a Realm of Cottages ? The more then Civil Wars betwixt Caesar & Pompey for the Empire of Rome , which though of very vast extent could not hold them both ? Look also how it is in the Oeconomie of Nature , one King amongst the Bees , one Supreme Captain over the flock , and in the heards of Cattel one more principal Ruler . And canst thou think the Government of that Heavenly Monarchy can be dismembred or divided ? It being so manifest and apparent that God , who is the Father of all things , hath neither beginning nor ending ; that to all creatures giveth a beeing , to himself Eternity ; who was a world unto himself when no World was made , and by his Word commandeth , by his wisdom disposeth , by his virtue protecteth , what thing soever is to be found in the whole World. This GOD we cannot see , he is too bright for our eyes ; nor touch , he is too pure for our unclean hands ; nor apprehend , he is above the reach of our understanding ; being infinite , incomprehensible and known how great he is to himself alone . Shall I speak freely what I think ? He that conceiveth that he can comprehend the Majesty of God , doth under value him , and he who would not undervalue him , must profess he cannot comprehend him . Nor need we be inquisitive to know his name , his name is GOD : there being no use of proper names , but where a multitude is to be distinguished by their particular appellations . GOD therefore being but one , hath no name but GOD. And to this truth I have the general consent of all men . For when the common people lift their hands to Heaven , they then make mention but of one God only ; using to say , ( as their occasions do require ) that God is great , and that God is true , and if God permit . Which whether it be the natural expression of the common people , or the Confession of a Christian saying his Belief , it is hard to guesse . This is the sum of that which was alleadged by the Christian Advocates , in defence of the Divine nature and power of God ; and that this God was one only Soveraign and commanding power , who governed and disposed of all things both in Heaven and Earth . In which there is not any thing affirmed of God , which hath not been before delivered by the antient Gentiles ; whose judgments and opinions in this particular I shall next present . And first begining with Mercurius surnamed Trismegistus , Lactantius tels us of him that he wrote many books , In quibus Majestatem summi & singularis Dei asserit , in which he doth assert the Majesty of that one and only Supreme God : particularly that he is but one , and being but one , hath no other name then that of GOD (o) . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . God , saith he , is but one , and being but one , he wants no name , but is simply nameless , or Anonymus : the very same with that of Minutius Felix , nec nomen Dei quaeras , nomen est Deus (p) : which is thus seconded by Lactantius , who had seen his Dialogue , Deo quia semper unus est proprium nomen est DEVS . And there is very good reason for it too , I mean why God should have no known name to call him by , as had the Idols of the Heathens ; because there is no use of a proper name , Nisi ubi discrimen exegerit multitudo , but where distinction must be made between one and another : which cannot be where there is but one , and never shall be more then one of that rank and order . But Mercurius goes further yet , and doth not only testifie that God is one , but that he is the Radix or root of all things , without which nothing was made ; that he is infinitely good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , even goodness it self , and that the name of Good belongeth unto none but him (r) : and though he gives the name of GOD to the Heathen deities , yet he confesseth in plain tearms , that they are so entituled honoris causa , and not naturae ratione . Descend we next unto the Sibyls , and we shall finde one of them saying thus of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there is but one God , and that he only is Almighty , and unbegotten (s) : another of them saying thus in the Person of GOD , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. I am the one and only God , and besides me there is none other . Pass we on next unto the gods , as the Gentiles called them , and we shall hear Apollo being asked the question , what was to be conceived of God , to have returned an answer in one and twenty verses , whereof these are three , as they stand cited by Lactantius (t) : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. In English thus ; Begotten of himself , without a Mother , Not taught of any , nameless , 'cause no other ; Unmov'd with worldly things , and one that dwelleth In brightest Heaven , is God that all excelleth . In the translation of which verses , I have took liberty to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in brightest Heaven , because I think that either Apollo did allude to the Coelum Empyraeum , used among Philosophers , or that the old Philosophers took that tearm from him . But whether it were so or no , certain I am that Lactantius doth conclude from hence upon very good grounds , that this answer of Apollo can by no means imaginable be applyed to Iupiter , Qui & matrem habuerit & nomen , who had both a Mother and a name , as he there observeth ; and therefore must be meant of the living GOD. Whom when the Heathens call by the name of Iupiter , Falluntur in nomine , sed de una potestate consentiunt , saith Minutius Felix (u) , though they are mistaken in the name of that Supreme God , yet they agree with us in this , that he is but one . Proceed we forwards to the Poets , and Orpheus the most antient of them , and one who was Co-temporary with the GODS themselves , as we read in Lactantius , l. 1. cap. 6. not only doth affirm of him that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the first begotten , before whom none was , which could not be affirmed of Iupiter the Son of Saturn , but that he existed of himself only , and gave beeing to all things besides . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is cited amongst many of his verses to this purpose by Clemens of Alexandria (x) an old Christian writer . What other Poets say of God we shall see hereafter , when we shall look upon him as the Maker of Heaven and Earth . In the mean time conclude we this first rank of testimonies with that of Pythagoras , who was both a Poet and Philosopher , who telleth us of God , as I finde him cited in the works of Clemens , and other Writers of good credit , Deus unus est , Principium omnium rerum , Animatio & motus universi , that there is but one God , the beginning of all things , who animateth and giveth motion to the whole World or Universe . In the next rank come the Philosophers or Sages of the Antient Gentiles , who speak no less divinely of this one God , then the Poets , or Sibylline Oracles have done before . And in the first place we meet with Socrates , who by Apollo himself was pronounced to be the wisest man of all the Grecians ; but yet so little a friend of his , or any of the rest of the Heathen gods , that he used openly to deride them upon all occasions , and at the last was poysoned by Decree of the Senate of Athens (y) , because he disallowed the multitude of gods whom the people worshipped , endevouring to bring them to the knowledge of the only God. Tertullian hereupon doth put this witty scorn on their great Apollo , for giving the testimony of the wisest man of all Greece , to him who only of that Nation did deny him and others of his rank and quality to be Gods indeed . O Apollinem inconsideratum ( saith he ) ! sapientiae testimonium reddidit ei viro , qui Deos esse negabat (z) . And though it grew into a by-word in the following times , when any man thought otherwise of their many gods , then the vulgar did , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Socrates his cup was ready for him (a) ; yet Plato who was his scholar did not only follow him in the same opinion , but publickly maintained it in his Books and Writings . Nay he was so resolved to make good this point , that he gave it out for a rule to his special friends , how they should know whether the business which he writ to them about , were seriously proposed or not . Cum serio , ordior Epistolam ab uno Deo ; cum secus , a pluribus (b) ; when I intend the matter seriously , I then begin my letters in the name of the one God only ; when otherwise , in the names of many . And as his rule was , such was his Divinity or Theology also : calling the true God by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which may be rightly Englished Beeing or existing ; and is the name by which the LORD doth call himself in the holy Scriptures (c) ; but for the Idol-gods he affirms of them , that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , things which in very deed had no beeing at all ; which is the very same with that of St. Paul , saying , Idolum nihil est (d) , that an Idol is nothing . In many places of his Writings , he speaks of God , as solely existing in himself , the beginning and the end of all things , by whom , and for whom they were first created : though otherwhiles , especially in his Books de Legibus , which were for every vulgar eye , he seems to be inclinable to the vulgar errour . The Platonists in general speak as divinely of this one God , as their Master did , Iamblicus affirming that there was one cause of all things , and one God the Lord of all things (e) , whom he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both self-sufficient , and self-being ; PROCLVS , that this one God was the Supreme King , who subsisting in and of himself , gave life , and beauty , and perfection to all things besides (f) ; Simplicuis , that he was that one and only good from whence all goodness did proceed , that unity from which all things took their Original , the God of gods , and the cause of causes (g) ; Plotinus , that there is one beginning of all things , of self-sufficiency , communicating life and beeing to all creatures else , and that those others are no otherwise happy , then by contemplating that intelligible light which shineth so gloriously in the God-head , as the Moon borroweth all her light from the beams of the Sun (h) . Porphyrius , the scholar of this Plotinus , defining GOD to be both every where , and no where , filling all places whatsoever , but contained in none , and that from him alone do all things proceed , which were , and are , and are to come (i) . Finally , not to wander through more particular , this seemeth to have been the general Tenet of all Plato's followers : Quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ejusdem erant insaniae , that Atheism and the worshipping of many gods , were of equal madness . Proceed we next unto the Peripateticks , and their Master Aristotle , who being loath to seem beholding to his Master Plato , did purposely run cross to him in many things , which otherwise his own excellent judgement would have gladly followed . And yet though elsewhere a defender of their many gods , yet in his Books of Metaphysicks , and in that de Mundo , he doth not only reduce all motion unto one first mover , but doth expresly say of God , that the World and the whole course of Nature is preserved by him (k) , that he gives motion to the Sun and Moon , poiseth the Earth on her Basis , and sustaineth all things . And finally it is said of him , that at the time of his death he brake out into this divine expression , Ens entium miserere mei , that is to say , O thou eternal Beeing from whom all things exist , have mercy upon me . So many principles there are in his works and writings , which may conduct a man to the knowledge of GOD , and so divinely doth he speak of the Heavenly powers , that the Divines of Colen have writ a Book ( but on what grounds and warrants , it concerns them to look ) entituled De Salute Aristotelis , of the Salvation of Aristotle . Theophrastus that great Doctor in Physick , but by Sect a Peripatetick , maintaineth that there is one only Divine principle , or beginning from whence all things exist (n) , one only God who out of nothing hath created all things . And Alexander Aphrodiseus of the same Sect also , composed a whole Tract of the divine Providence of God , in which he sheweth that there is one God who ruleth all things , and is of power to do whatsoever he pleaseth (o) . Let us next look upon the Academicks , whose common guise it was to leave all things doubtful , Qui omnia facerent incerta , as Lactantius hath it (p) , and we shall finde it said by Tully , who was one of that Sect , Nihil est praestantius Deo , &c. (q) that there was nothing more excellent then God ; and therefore that by him the whole world was governed , who neither did subject himself unto FATE or Nature . And Plutarch , though much given to Fables , doth advise expresly , that we worship not the Heavens , nor the heavenly bodies , which are but as the Myrours or Looking-glasses in which we may behold his most wonderful Art who made and beautified the world (r) : Quid enim aliud est Mundus quam Templum ejus ? for what else is the World then the Temple of God ? Last of all for the antient Stoicks , Zeno is said by Aristotle to have taught of God , that there was only one , or none ; and that this one God was Optimus & Maximus , both the best and greatest . And it is registred for the reverend say of old Cleanthes , O Deus rege me per eam causam , per quam omnia temperas & moderaris , Rule me O God by that prime cause whereby thou dost dispose of all things . Which Cause they called by the name of Fate or destiny . Epictetus , as of later time , so he speaks more plainly , whose dictates are much made of by the old Platonicks , Proclus , Simplicius , and the rest . Discendum ante omnia unum esse Deum , &c. (s) It is to be learned ( saith he ) in the first place , that there is but one God , who doth govern all things ; and whatsoever we do , or say , or think , is not hid from him . In Seneca , whom Lactantius calleth Stoicorum acerrimum (t) , the most resolute Stoick of the Romanes , there are so many several passages to prove this point , that he who would produce them all must transcribe him wholly . For an essay therefore take that which Lactantius citeth , where he calleth God , Deorum omnium Deum , or the God of gods , the Governour of Heaven and Earth , by whom those other Deities whom the people worshipped , were many times suspended and restrained from action . Hitherto have we traced the footsteps of the antient Poets , and all the several sects of the old Philosophers , and found a general consent amongst them that there is a GOD , and that there is but one God , who takes care of all things : Whom , if they call sometimes by the name of Fate or Providence , or Nature , as sometimes they do , we must still understand them of that one God in whom we Christians do profess that we do believe . Or , if they sometimes call him by the name of Iupiter , we are to understand the same one God , in whom the rest are comprehended as subservient Instruments . So witnessed the most learned Varro , affirming , as I finde him cited by St. Augustine (u) , that though the Doctors of the Gentiles did use sometimes to speak of the Gods and Goddesses ▪ yet were they all contained in Jupiter , whose powers and Ministers they were . And thereupon the Father buildeth this resolution , that our Ancestors were not either so blinde or simple , as to think that Bacchus , Ceres , and the rest were Gods indeed (x) : but rather the gifts and ministrations ( Munera & functiones , as his words are there ) of that one only God whom they did believe in . And this perswasion was so naturally implanted in the mindes of all men , that in their dangers , and necessities , and more sober thoughts they still made mention of one God , and but one alone . What was observed to this purpose by Minutius Felix is declared before . The same we finde to be observed by Tertullian also . Anima licet diis falsis ancillata , &c. The soul , saith he , though servilely obsequious unto these false Gods , yet upon better thoughts , as if awakened newly from sleep and wine , it speaks of one God only in the singular number : it being the common voice of all , to say , If God grant me this ; or looking on him as their judge to pronounce these words , God seeth , and I refer it unto God , and God shall acquit me . And saying this , saith he , they lift their eyes up towards heaven , not toward the Capitol (y) . Novit enim sedem Dei vivi , as knowing Heaven to be the seat of the living God. The like Lactantius telleth us too , Cum jurant , cum optant , &c. When they swear , or wish , or render thanks , or that the noise of war do affright their ears , they neither do then speak of IOVE , or their many Gods , but of God alone (z) ; though after they have scaped the danger , ad Deorum Templa concurrunt , they run unto the Temples of their Idol-gods to offer sacrifice . May we not say of these and the like expressions as Tertullian doth , that they are testimonia Animae naturaliter Christianae , the testimonies of a Soul that is naturally inclined to the Christian faith ; or the Confession of a Christian saying his Belief , as Minutius phrased it ? If now after these testimonies of the learned Gentiles , and the general acknowledgement of all sorts of people ; we should proceed to prove by reason , or in way of argument , that there is one God , and but one alone : it might be thought an endless and impertinent work , considering● that there is no hearb so ordinary , nor flye so small , nor worm or creature so contemptible , but is an argument sufficient to evince a God-head . Minutius hath so fully satisfied in that particular , that they which are more copious in pursute thereof , are but as Commentators , and he the Text ; discoursing on his plain song with a fuller descant . And therefore I shall supersede from that way of discourse , resting content with that discovery and progress we have made herein , out of the antient Poets , and the old Philosophers , and the concurrent testimony of all sorts of people ; who lived in those dark times of ignorance , when as the multitude of Gods was in most esteem , and the true worship of this one God , confined , and as it were imprisoned in the House of Israel . This therefore being proved or supposed as granted , that there is one GOD , and but one alone ; the next particular enquiry which we are to make , must be to finde out what GOD is , how we are to define him . A point esteemed so difficult in the former times , that Simonides being asked by Hiero of Syracusa , Quid Deus esset (a) , what God was ; desired first one day to consider of it , afterwards two , then four , and still more and more . Of which being asked the reason , he returned this answer , that the more he did consider of it , the more he was unable to determine in it . Both Xenophon and Plato did conceive so also , as Plotinus witnesseth , who hath recorded this for a speech of theirs , Deum pervestigare nec possibile &c. that it was neither possible nor lawful to enquire too far into the nature of GOD. And yet they ventured many of them , upon such particulars , as though they do not make amongst them an exact definition ; yet they describe him by those Attributes , as shew they were not ignorant of his heavenly nature . Their judgements in this point collected by Minutius Felix , take together here (b) ; Sit Thales Milesius omnium primus , &c. Let us begin , saith he , with Thales , who though he make water the first cause of all things yet makes he God to be that universal Soul who out of that created all things ; the mysterie of water and the Spirit being more sublime , then to be understood by the sons of men . Anaximenes , and after him Apolloniates Diogenes make him to be the Air , because both infinite and immensurable . Anaxagoras his opinion was , that GOD was an infinite understanding ; Pythagoras , that he was that Soul , which dwelling in the whole frame of Nature , did give life to all things . Xenophanes did use to say , that every infinite with understanding , might be called GOD. Antisthenes , that there were many popular Gods , and but one natural one , or one God of Nature ; Speusippus , that God was that natural and animal power , by which all things are governed ▪ Democritus , though the first inventor of that absurd opinion , that the World was made of several Atoms , joyned by chance together ; yet for the most part he puts Nature in the place of GOD , as also did Straton and the Epicureans : And Aristotle though inconstant and of many mindes , yet other whiles he makes him be that Soul or understanding which presides over the World. Heraclides Ponticus will have him also to be a Divine soul or understanding ; and thereunto inclined Theophrastus , Cleanthes , Zeno , and Chrysippus ; save that they sometimes call him by the name of Fate . Xenophon the Disciple of Socrates , was of opinion that the form of the true GOD could not be seen by any man , and therefore was not to be sought or inquired into : Aristo Chius , that he was not to be comprehended : both of them guessing at the Majesty of Almighty God , by a despair of understanding what indeed he was . And Plato finally not only doth affirm of God , that he is the Parent of the World , the Maker of all Celestial and Terrestrial creatures ; but by reason of his eminent and incredible power , it was a difficult thing to finde what he was , and having found it an impossible matter to express it rightly . And of all these Minutius noteth , that they are Eadem fere quae nostra , the same almost with that which was affirmed of GOD in the schools of CHRIST : Insomuch , saith he , that one might very justly think , that the modern Christians were Philosophers , or that the old Philosophers had indeed been Christians . Lactantius also doth affirm that they did vail the same truth under divers notions ; and that whether they called him Nature , Reason , Vnderstanding , Fatal necessity , the Divine Law , or in what phrase soever they did use to speak him ; idem est quod anobis Deus dicitur (c) , it was the same with that which we ( the followers of CHRIST ) call GOD. His nature being thus declared ( as far as could be seen by the Eye of Reason ) proceed we next unto those Epithets or Adjuncts , whereby that nature is set forth in the best of their Writers . Philolaus a scholar of Pythagoras hath told us of him , that he is singularis , immobilis , sui similis , that there is but one God , the chief Lord of all , and that he is immovable , always like himself (d) : the Divine Plato , that God is good , and the Idea of all goodness , the Author of whatsoever is good or beautiful , and the fountain of truth , that he is also living and everlasting . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as I have somewhere found him cited . Aristotle sometimes also doth come home to this , in whom the attributes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immortal and eternal do eft-soones occur . By Orpheus it is said that he is invisible , that he hath his dwelling in the heavens , that he sits there in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a Golden Throne , and from thence doth dart his thunders upon wicked men . Phocylides hath given us as much of him , as one verse can hold (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . There is one God , saith he , most wise , most powerful , and most happy . One of the Sibyls , heaps upon him the most glorious attributes , of being of great Majesty , begotten by none , invisible , yet beholding all things : and Apollo one of the Heathen Gods comes not short of her , saying of God that he was begotten of himself , and taught of none , immoveable , and of a name not to be expressed . These two last passages we before cited out of Lactantius , but then it was to prove that there was a GOD. And to these adde that verse of the same Apollo , which is elsewhere cited by Lactantius (f) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in which he calleth him the immortal and eternal GOD , the unspeakable Father . Lay all which hath been said together , and we may gather out of all this description of him ( for to define him rightly is a thing impossible ) that GOD is an immortal and eternal Spirit , existing of himself , without any beginning , invisible , incomprehensible , omnipotent , without change or passion , by whose Almighty power all things were created ; and by whose divine goodness they are still preserved . What more then this is said by the Church of England , the purest and most Orthodox of the daughters of Sion ; which in her book of Articles thus declares her self (g) , that is to say , There is but one living and true God , everlasting , without body , parts , or passions , of infinite power , wisdom and goodness ; the Maker and preserver of all things , both visible and invisible . What more hath been delivered by the Antient Fathers , who had the light of Scripture to direct them in it ; then that which hath been said by these learned Gentiles , upon no other ground then the light of Reason ? Which manifestly proveth that both the Beeing and the Nature of God , were points so naturally graffed in the souls of men , that neither the ignorance of letters , nor the pride of wealth , nor the continual fruition of sensual pleasures have hitherto been able to efface the Characters and impressions of it , as before I said . And if a GOD and but one only , he must be such as is described , or no GOD at all . But of the Attributes and Acts of Almighty God , we shall speak more at large in the two next chapters . In the mean time , by this Theologie of the learned and more sober Gentiles we may see sufficiently , that many of those who are counted Christians do fall most infinitely short of them in the things of GOD. Of this kinde were the Anthropomorphitae , a sort of Hereticks proceeding from one Andaeus , by birth a Syrian , but living for the most part in Egypt , who miserably mistaking many Texts of holy Scripture , conceived and taught Deum humana esse forma , eundemq corporalia membra habere , that God was made of humane shape , and had the same members as men have (h) . Which though it was so gross a folly as would have been hissed out of all the schools of Philosophie ; yet found it such a plausible welcome with the Monkes of Egypt , that Theophilus the learned Patriarch of Alexandria was in danger to be torn in pieces , because he had opposed them in their peevish courses (i) . And of this sort also were the Manichees , who for fear they should make God the Author of any thing which was not pleasing to them , as darkness , winter , and whatsoever else did seem evil to them ; would needs obtrude upon the world two contrary principles , or two Supreme Powers , from one of which all that was good , from the other all that was evil or so seemed to them , did proceed originally (k) . The first Author of this Heresie amongst the Christians , was one Manes , who lived about the times of Aurelianus , Anno 213. by birth a Persian , to whom this errour was first propagated out of the Schools of Zoroaster , that great Eastern Rabbin , who seeing but with half an eye into sacred matter , had fancied to himself two Gods , both of equal power , one good , the other bad ; the one called Oromases , and the other Arimanius ; the one the Author of good things , and the other of evil . Other impieties he maintained , which made him execrable in the eyes both of God and man ; but I take notice of no other at this present time , as being not within the compass of the work in hand . And even in this we need not spend more time to confute his fellows , then to send him and his to school to the old Philosophers ; most of the which acknowledged but one principium , or common principle , from whom all creatures in the world took their first beginning : Or if they did allow of many principia , as many times they did unto several things , which seemed to be of contrary nature unto one another ; yet they referred all in the last resort to one only principle or principium , in which all others met as their common center (l) . And this they called Principium omnia principia supereminens , the Principle or principium which excelled all others , and finally resolved , ab hoc uno principio omnia principia , that from this one principle or principium all the rest descended . Had it been otherwise , what a continual conflict had there been since the world began betwixt God and the Devil , betwixt the good principle and the bad ; betwixt the giver of blessings , and inflicter of punishments . For being of contrary affections , Fieri posse ut aliquid diversum velit , it might well be ( or rather it could not otherwise be ) that they should differently declare themselves in some one particular (m) , which must needs draw them into such remediless quarrels , as Homer fableth to have been amongst the Gods of Gentiles , whiles some declared themselves for Troy , and the rest against it . Mulciber in Trojam , pro Troja stabat Apollo , said the Latine Poet. Which what a confusion and distraction it would bring on the course of Nature , I leave to any man to judge which hath common sense . But Manes , as it seems , beeing a neer neighbour to the Curdi , who dwelt close by Persia , had entertained also their Religion ▪ of whom it might be said , and that not unfitly , as Lactantius doth of some of the Greek Numens , se alios deos colere ut prosint , alios ne noceant (n) , that they did worship some Gods for fear , and others for love ; some out of hope to receive benefits and blessings from them , others lest else they should be troubled and afflicted by them . But Manes was his name , and madness was his nature , ( so the name doth signifie ) . And little less then mad are they , who for fear they should be thought to savour of the Manicheans , have run themselves upon the contrary extreme ; in making God not the prime Author only of the evil of punishment , but also of the evil of sin . Nor can it but seeme strange to a knowing man , who looks with an indifferent eye upon the antient Gentiles , and some present Christians ; that either those in times of such an Epidemical and general darkness , should have so much of the Christian in them , or that they which live under the light of Christs glorious Gospel , should have so much in them of the Heathen . The learned Gentiles though they did acknowledg but one Supreme power , whom they called Deum naturalem , or the God of Nature : yet they allowed of many National and Topical Gods , as before I told you out of Varro . And finde we not that though the Pontificians publickly profess but one Soveraign God , yet the poor Christians every where in the Church of Rome are taught to place their confidence in more local Saints , then ever Heathen-Rome did muster of its Topical Gods ? Which whether it grew upon that Church by the inundation of barbarous Nations ; or that the late converted Paynims , before their hearts were throughly cleansed from their former leaven , did share the dignities and honours of the Heathen Gods amongst such Saints and Martyrs as they most affected , I will not take upon me to determine here . Certain I am , that a in very little time Rome-Christian came to have more tutelarie Saints , and Patrons , and those of each Sex too , as their fancies led them , then ever , Heathen Rome could shew Gods and Goddesses : whose Offices they have so divided amongst the Saints , that changing but the name , and perhaps the dress , the superstition is as gross now , as amongst the Gentiles . And this I speak , I am sure , on as good authority as any can be had in the Church of England , even from the very words of the book of Homilies , which doth state it thus (o) : What I pray you be such Saints with us , to whom we attribute the defence of certain Countries , spoyling GOD of his honour herein , but the Dii Tutelares of the Gentile Idolaters ; such as were Belus to the Babylonians ; Osiris and Isis to the Egyptians ; Vulcan to the Lemnians . What are the Saints to whom the safeguard of certain Cities is appointed , but the Dii Praesides of the Gentiles ; such as were Apollo at Delphos , Minerva at Athens , Iuno at Carthage , and the like . What be such Saints to whom contrary to the use of the Primitive Church , Temples and Churches be erected , and Altars builded , but the Dii Patroni ; such as were Iupiter in the CAPITOL , and Diana in the Temple of Ephesus . And where one Saint hath Images in divers places , and same Saint must have divers names , as had the Gods and Goddesses amongst the Gentiles . So that when you hear of our Lady of Ipswich , our Lady of Walsingham , our Lady of Wilsdon and such others ; what can we think but that it is in imitation of the Heathen Idolaters , who had their Venus Cypria , their Venus Paphia , and their Venus Gnida ; Dianae Agrotera , Diana Coryphea , and Diana Ephesia ? Nor have they only spoyled the true living God of his due honour in Temples , Cities , Countries and Lands , by such inventions and devices as the Gentiles had done before them ; but the Sea and waters have as well special Saints with them , as they had Gods with the Heathen ; in whose places are come St. Christopher , St. Clement , and our Lady specially , to whom the Ship-men sing Ave Maris stella . Neither hath the fire escaped their Idolatrous inventions : for in stead of Vulcan and Vesta , they have placed St. Agatha , and make letters on her day to quench fire withall . Every Profession and Artificer hath his special Saint , as a peculiar God : as for example , Scholars have St. Nicolas ; Painters St. Luke ; neither lack Souldiers their Mars , or Lovers their Venus among Christians . Nay all diseases also have their special Saints , as Gods to cure them : the Pockes St. Roche , the Falling-evill Cornelius , the Tooth-ach St. Apollin , &c. Neither do beasts and cattel lack their Gods with us ; for St. Loy is the Horse-leech , St. Anthony the Swine-heard , & sic de cateris . Nor is this any studyed calumny , but so clear a truth , that it was never yet gainsaid by their greatest Advocates ; So much hath Rome relapsed to her antient Gentilism ; revived again so many of her Gods and Goddesses ; that both the Iews and Infidels may have cause to question , whether she doth believe in one God alone ; or that he only is the Father Almighty whom the Creed here mentioneth . Of which and other of the Attributes of Almighty God I am next to speak . Articuli 1. pars 2da . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Patrem Omnipotentem . i. e. The Father Almighty . CHAP. III. Of the Essence and Attributes of God according to the holy Scripture . The name of Father how applyed unto God ; of his Mercy , Justice , and Omnipotency . BY that which hath been said in the former Chapter , out of the Monuments and Records of the antient Gentiles , it is apparent that they knew that there is a GOD , that he was one only , and that this one God was an Eternal and Immortal Spirit , existing of himself , without any beginning , invisible , incomprehensible , omnipotent , without change or passion . In which description we have all those Epithels summed up together out of the works and writings of those reverend Sages ; which Ruffinus , a good Christian Writer of the Primitive times , hath bestowed upon him in his Exposition of the Creed . Deum cum audis , substantiam , intellige , sine initio , sine fine , simplicem , sine ulla admixtione , invisibilem , incorpoream , ineffabilem inaestimabilem , in quo nihil adjunctum , nihil creatum (a) . And though it could not be expected that the Gentiles guided only by the light of Nature should have said so much : yet for the better knowledge of the Essence , Attributes , and works of GOD we must not rest our selves contented with that measure of light , which was discovered unto them , but make a more exact search for it in the holy Scriptures . Concerning which there is a memorable story of Iustin Martyr , which he relateth in his Dialogue with Trypho the Iew. St. Paul hath noted of the Greeks , that they seek after wisdome (b) ; and never was the note more exactly true then in that particular . For being inflamed with a desire of coming to a more perfect knowledge of the Nature of GOD then had been generally attained by the common people ; first he applyed himself unto the Stoicks , who by the gravity and preciseness of their conversation , did seem most likely to direct him . But this knowledge was not with the Stoick , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor could he learn much there of the nature of God (c) . Next he betook himself to the Peripateticks , men most renowned for their knowledge in the works of Nature , and the subtilties of disputation . But there he profited less then before with the Stoicks , the Peripateticks being more irresolute , and speaking less divinely of the things of GOD , then any of the other Sects of Philosophie . Then had he severally recourse unto the Pythagorean and the Platonist , who were most eminent in those times for the contemplative parts of learning , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in the search of immaterials . But true Divinity was not to be found in all the writings either of the Pythagoreans or the Platonists ; although these last did seeme to come more neer the truth , then either the Peripatetick , or the Stoick . At last he was encountred by a Reverend old man , a Christian Father , and was by him directed to the Book of God , writ by the Prophets and Apostles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as they which only knew the truth , and which alone were able to unfold it rightly . The counsel of which Reverend man he obeyed full gladly , and profited so well in the Schools of CHRIST , that he became a Martyr for the Faith and Gospel . So we , if we would come unto the perfect knowledge of GOD , though we may sport our selves , and refresh our thoughts in the pleasant walks and prospects of Philosophy ; must at the last apply our selves to the holy Scriptures , where we shall be as far instructed in the things of GOD , as he thinks fit to be communicated to the sons of men . Now for our better method in the present search , we will consider GOD in those names and Attributes , by which he hath made known himself in his holy Covenants . And first we meet with that of the Lord IEHOVAH ; which the Greeks usually called the Tetragrammaton , or the name consisting of four letters , ( for of no more it doth consist in the Hebrew language ) the Iews more properly nomen appropriatum & gloriosum , the most peculiar and most glorious name of the Lord our God , appropriated unto him in so strict a manner , that it was not lawful to communicate it unto any Creature . By this name was he first pleased to make himself known unto Moses , saying , that he had appeared to Abraham , Isaac , and Jacob by the name of God Almighty , but by this Name of Jehovah , he had not made himself known unto them (d) . And in the Prophet Esay , thus , Ego sum Jehovah , illud est nomen meum , i. e. I am Jehovah , that is my Name , and my glory will I not give unto another (e) . Derived it is from Iah , an old Hebrew root , which signifieth ens , existens , Being or existing . And hereupon was that when Moses in the third of Exod. v. 14. asked the name of GOD , the Lord returned this answer to him , I Am that I Am , and thus shalt thou say unto the people , I AM hath sent me unto you . And hereupon it was that St. IOHN calleth him in the Book of the Revelation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is , which was , and which is to come (f) . Nor doth it signifie alone a self-existence , by which he hath a Beeing in and of himself , and doth communicate a beeing unto all the creatures : but it is used in Scripture for a name of power , by which he governeth all those creatures , on which he hath been pleased to bestow a beeing . And therefore if we mark it well , though he appear unto us by the name of God in the first of Genesis , when the Creation was an Embryo , an imperfect work : yet he is no where called by the name of the Lord Iehovah , till the Creation was accomplished , and his works made perfect : The Fathers heereupon observe ( and the note is handsome ) that the name of GOD is absolute , essential , and coeternal with the Deitie ; but that of IEHOVAH , or the Lord , not used , except in reference to the creature . And it is noted by Tertullian in his Book against Hermogenes , that in the first of Genesis it is often said , Deus dixit , Deus vidit , & Deus fecit , God said , and God saw , and God created . But that he was not called the Lord , by the name of IEHOVAH , till the second Chapter , when he had finished all his works , the Heaven and Earth , and all things in the same contained , and that there was some creature framed on which to exercise his Power and Supreme command . Ex quo creata sunt in quae potestas ejus ageret ex eo factus est & dictus DOMINVS (g) , ( for by the word Dominus do the Latines render the name IEHOVAH , as the Greeks by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) as he telleth us there . In this regard , if possible there had been no other reason , it was a name or Attribute ( call it which we will ) which was not fit to be communicated unto any creatures , as many other of his names and Attributes have used to be . And this the Iews so stood on in their later times of that State , that they would by no means give it to an earthly Prince : Iosephus the Historian (h) telling us of some amongst them , whom no extremity of torment could enforce to conferre this title on any of the Roman Emperours , though at that time they had their Countrey in subjection , and did Lord it over them . Had they stayed here , it had been well . No body could have grudged or murmurred , that GOD should have a name peculiar to himself alone , or that his name should not be mentioned otherwise then with fear and reverence . But afterwards it gave occasion to such superstitions , as made them subject to the scorn and censure of all other people ; the use of that most sacred Name being forbad at all times upon pain of death : for fear ●orsooth , Ne quotidiano usu vilesceret (i) , lest the promiscuous use thereof should bring it into disesteem amongst the Vulgar . The very same reason , if you mark it , for which the Massing-Priest in the Church of Rome is bound to speak the words of Consecration in so low a voyce , that the next stander by cannot hear a syllable . Ne se. vilescerent sacrosancta verba (k) , lest they should grow into contempt with the common people . The second name which doth occur of GOD in the holy Scripture ( for of Elijah which proceedeth from the same root , I forbear to speak ) is that of Eloah in the singular , but most frequently that of Elohim in the plural number . It sigfieth the mighty Iudges , and is derived from Alah , which is to swear : because that in all weighty causes , when necessity requires an Oath to finde out the truth , we are to swear only by the name of God , who is the righteous Iudge both of Heaven and Earth . For the most part it is rendred by the English GOD , and is first used by Moses in the first words of Genesis , (i) Bereshith bara Elohim , saith the Hebrew Text , In principio creavit Deus , saith the Vulgar Latine ; in the beginning God created , saith the Modern English. Where Elohim , a Nown of the plural number , is joined with Bara , being a Verb of the singular number , to signifie the Mysterie of the glorious Trinity , as many of our late Divines have been pleased to note : though neither any of the old Translations which have been formerly in use in the Christian Church , did take notice of it ; nor are constructions of that kinde such strangers in the Hebrew tongue ( as other learned men have noted ) as that so high a mystery of the Christian faith should have no better grounds to stand on then so weak a Criticism . This name is generally rendred in Greek by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( whence the Latine Deus ) and in English , GOD : and is not so peculiar to the heavenly Majesty , as not to be communicated sometimes to the creature also . For thus the Lord to Moses in the Book of Exodus , Ego constitui te Deum Pharaonis ( the word is Elohim in the Hebrew ) I have made thee a God unto Pharaoh (k) , that is to say , I have made thee as a God unto him , to be the internuncio or Embassadour betwixt me and him . And in this sense it is applyable also unto Kings and Princes ; as , Ego dixi , Dii estis , I have said , yee are Gods , Psal. 82. because they do participate of his Supreme Power , and are his Substitutes and Vicegerents here upon the Earth : in which respect they are called Potestates , Powers , in the very Abstract . The Powers that be ( saith the Apostle ) are ordained of GOD (l) . And for the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( whence the Latine Deus ) there are given us three Originations of it , all serviceable to set forth the nature of the glorious Godhead . For first it is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies to run , because of that swift motion which he seemeth to have , by being present in all places : those which conceived not the miracle of his Omnipresence , conjecturing at him by the swiftness and agility of motion . According unto that of Virgil (m) , — Deum ire per omnes Terrasq tractusque maris , Coelumque profundum : The very same with that of David , If I climbe up into Heaven , thou art there , if I go down into Hell , thou art there also (n) . A thing objected by Cecilius against the Christians , who had been well enough contented if they had only given him a Supreme direction over all wordly affairs : Sed quod loc is omnibus inter erret (o) , but that he should be present in all places also , that was conceived to be too great a prejudice to those many Gods whom the Gentiles worshipped and shut up in their several Temples . But of this more anon in a place more proper . The second Etymon of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is to see , according to another passage of the Prophet Ieremie , (q) Can any man hide himself in secret places , so that I shall not see him , saith the Lord (r) ? In this respect the good old Father Irenaeus , hath affirmed of God , that he is totus oculus , totum lumen , all eye , all light : and Orpheus an old Heathen Poet tels us also of him , that though he be invisible , yet he seeth all things . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Clemens citeth him in his Protrepticon , or Exhortation . The third and last is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to inflame or kindle , because that by the vertue of his heavenly power , he doth inflame our souls with the fire of zeal , and kindle a right spirit within us ; Est deus in nobis , agitante calescimus illo (t) , as in another case said the Heathen Poet. But leaving these Grammatical observations on the name of GOD , pass we on forwards to those other titles , by which he is presented to us in the holy Scripture , which are El , Helion , & Adonai . Of these the first is El , and signifieth as much as the strong God : GOD being not only strong in his own Essence , but giving strength and fortitude to all the creatures , according to their several natures . By this name Christ invoketh the assistance of his heavenly Father , saying , Eli , Eli (u) , ( or Eloi , Eloi (x) in the Syriack ) My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? and by the same is called himself in the Prophet El Gibber , or the strong and most mighty GOD , Esa. 9.6 . The next is Helion the most high , Altissimus ; a name ascribed to God in both the Testaments , Pay thy vows to the most High , Psal. 50.14 . the power of the most High , Luk. 50.32 . the Son of the most High , Luk. 8.28 . Most high , not only in respect of his habitation , because he hath his dwelling on High , Psal. 113. ( in which respect the Heathen Poets said of their Idol-Iupiter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (y) , that he dwelleth in the Highest Heavens ) but in relation to his Essence , by which he infinitely exceeds all creatures , both in Heaven and Earth , who in comparison of him are but toys and trifles . So little reason have we to be proud of our earthly fortunes , or of our natural parts and graces ; that rather looking whence we are , made of dust and ashes , the thought thereof should humble us in the sight of God , and make us have recourse to him to obtain perfection . The last we meet with in this kinde , ( for still we are upon those Names or Attributes which are both absolute in God , and Essential to him ) is that of Adonai , or my Lord. A name , as it is noted in the Mazoreth , found of it self no more then 134 times in all the Old Testament , but substituted by the Modern superstitious Iews , in the place of Iehovah , as often as they meet that word in the course of the Text. A name derived by the learned from the Hebrew Eden , which signifieth a Basis or foundation , on which the whole building doth relie : and therefore very fitly chosen to express his nature , who beareth up the pillars of the Earth , as the Psalmist hath it ; by whom the whole fabrick of the Universe is preserved in being . These are the names or Titles of Almighty God , by which he hath made known himself to his chosen servants , all of them absolutely his , without relation to the creature , and such as rather serve to declare his Essence , then set forth his office : for Deus est nomen naturae non officii , as St. Ambrose hath it . All of them laid together teach us this of GOD , that he is of a self-existing , of infinite power , of incomprehensible strength , and unspeakable Majesty : and that as he hath all this of himself alone , so like an Universal Parent , he communicates a beeing to all the creatures , and doth endue them with so much of his power and wisdom , of his strength and Majesty , as shall suffice to every one in their several places . Not that the creature doth partake of his heavenly Essence , we conceive not so ; but that he is the principal and Original cause by which all creatures have an Essence : non ut de essentia ejus , sed ut causa essendi (a) , as Aquinas stateth it : and that having thus received an essence or a being from him , we receive also out of his abundance all additaments of what sort soever , which are expedient for us in our severall callings . For out of his fulnesse we have all received (b) , as we are told by the Apostle . Now by the knowledge of these names , or rather of the nature of God represented in them , we come unto the knowledge of those reall attributes , which are so proper and peculiar to the Lord our God , as not to be communicated unto any creature ; of which we must first speak a little , in the way of groundwork or foundation , before we can behold him as the Father Almighty : And these are principally two , simplicitas , and infinitas . Simplicitas , or the simpleness of God , if we may so call it , is that whereby he is void of all composition , either of matter and forme , or parts and accidents compounding , whether they be sensible or intelligible only . For whereas all corporall substances are compounded of matter and forme , and the angelicall natures of a potentia and an actus , as the School-men phrase it : GOD being incorporeal hath no matter of forme ; and being wholly existing , all at once together , must be purus actus , not having any thing in potentia , which at first he had not . For if GOD were compounded of matter and form , there must be some pre-existent matter out of which he was made ; and if he be compounded of potentia and actus , he must and may be somewhat which at first he was not : both which are so destructive of the nature of GOD , as being once admitted , he is God no longer . And therefore in my minde the judicious Scaliger hath very well determined of it , in these following words , (c) Intelligentiae habent aliquid simile materiae , aliquid simile formae . Solus Deus simplex est , in quo nihil in potentia , sed in actu omnia ; imo ipse purus , primus , medius , ultimus actus : that is to say , The Angels or Intelligences have something proportionable unto matter , and something which resembleth form . God only is a simple uncompounded essence , in whom there is nothing in potentia , but all things in act : he being a pure act himself , and the first , intervenient , and last act of all . God then is in the first place a simple , or uncompounded essence , without parts or accidents : his attributes not differing from his essence at all , but being of his very essence , ( for in Deo non est nisi Deus , as the old rule was ) ; nor differing essentially from one another , but only in regard of our weak understanding : which being not able to know or comprehend the earthly things by one single act , must of necessity have many distinct acts and notions , to comprehend the nature of the incomprehensible God. And being such a simple uncompounded essence without parts or accidents , he is both great without quantity , and good without quality , mercifull without passion , every where without motion , in heaven without a place or ubi . The second Attribute of God which before we spake of , is that of Infinitenesse , by which God is absolutely and actually infinite in his acts and essence . And this infinite or infinitenesse , is defined to be that without which nothing is or can be . Infinitum est extra quod nihil est , said the old Philosophers : so that it is impossible for any thing to be without or besides that , before or after that , in which all possible being is comprehended . And this infinity doth branch it self into these four species , that is to say , Infinity in regard of duration , which we call Eternity . 2. Infinity in regard of dimensions , which we call Immensity . 3. Infinity in regard of comprehensions , by which we say that God is of infinite wisdome , and of infinite knowledge . And last of all , Infinity in regard of power , which we call Omnipotence . And first , Infinity in regard of duration , which we call Eternity , is that attribute of the Lord our God , by which he is without beginning or end ; without beginning of dayes , or end of time ; without succession or precession , if I may so speak . Or else we may define it with Boetius to be the entire or totall possession of interminable life , all at once together : or otherwise thus , to be a circular duration , whose instants are alwayes , and whose terminations of extremities never were nor shall be , which are the words of Trismegistus with some little change . In this respect God took unto himself this name , I AM , or I AM THAT I AM : all time being present unto God , as is also that infinity which was before the beginning of time , and shall be also as it is , when time it self shall be no more . In this regard he tels us also of himself , that he is A and Ω , (e) or the first or the last , which was , and is , and is to come ; still the same for ever . And finally in this respect it is said by Tertullian , Ante omnia Deus erat solus , et erat sibi tempus , mundus et omnia , i. e. (f) Before all things were , God was , and he was also to himself , time , the world , and all things . He was alone , quia nil aliud extrinsecus praeter illum , because there was not any thing without or besides him : and yet not then alone , if we weigh it rightly , Habebat enim Deum quod habebat in semet ipso , &c. for he had alwayes with him that divine wisdome , which he had alwayes in himself . And so the old Philosophers are to be expoonded when they say of God , that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immortal and eternal , or everlasting ; that is to say , not only a parte post , as Angels and the souls of men are called mortal ; but also a parte ante , which none was but God. Which makes up that conclusion of the royal Psalmist , Before the mountaines were brought forth , or ever the earth and the world were made , thou art God from everlasting , and world without end (g) ; world without end a parte post , from everlasting also , a parte ante , but in both eternall . Of the same nature is that infiniteness in Almighty God in respect of dimensions , which by a name distinct may be called immensity , whereby he is of infinite extension , not circumscribed with any bounds , filling all places whatsoever , but contained of none . Of this immensity or unmeasurableness doth the Prophet speak , saying , Who hath measured the waters in the hollow of his Hand , and meted out heaven with his span , and comprehended the dust of the earth in his three fingers , ( after such a manner as men take up a dust or sand ) and weighed the mountaines with scales , and the hils in a balance (b) . Who taketh up the Isles as a very little thing , before whom all nations are as nothing , as the drop of a bucket . This by an other name , and in other respects is also called Vbiquity , or Omnipresence , by which our GOD is present in all places every where , and confined to none : but as a sphere ( as very understandingly said Trismegistus ) whose Center is every where , his circumference no where . In reference to this we finde it said by Moses of the Lord our God , that he is God in Heaven above , and in the earth below (i) . The very same with that of the royal Psalmist , If I climb up into Heaven , thou art there ; if I goe down into Hell , thou art there also (k) . And so we have it both in Moses and in the Psalms . In reference unto this it is said by Ieremy , Do not I fill Heaven and Earth , saith the Lord ? (l) And , Can any man hide himself in secret places that I shall not see him ? And so we have it in the Law and the Prophets too . And though the Gentiles did exceedingly stomach at the primitive Christians , for giving this Vbiquity or Omnipresence to their Lord and God , Discurrentem scilicet illum volunt et ubique praesentem (m) , as Cecilius in the Dialogue did object against them : yet did the Fathers of all times stand most stoutly to it , and would not yeild a jot to their importunities . For thus saith the renowned Augustine , Deus meus ubique praesens , ubique totus , nusquam inclusus (u) , My GOD saith he , is in all places present , in all places wholly , but so in all places as contained in none . More fully Gregory the great , Deus est intra omnia non inclusus , extra omnia non exclusus , supra omnia non elatus ; i. e. (o) GOD is in all things , but not inclosed ; he is without all things , but not excluded ; he is above all things , but not lifted up ; and finally beneath all things , and yet not depressed . And though it may be truly said of the sons of men , Qui ubique est , nusquam est ; he that is every where , is no where : that is to say , he that ingageth himself in every business , will goe thorow with none : yet so it cannot be affirmed of the God of Heaven , unlesse perhaps it be in a qualifyed sense , interpreting nusquam esse , by non includi . And in that sense is that saying of St. Bernard exactly verifyed , Nusquam est , et ubique est : i. e. He is no where , because no place either reall or imaginary can comprehend or contain him ; and he is every where , because no body , no space , nor spirituall substance can exclude his presence . Proceed we next to the third species or kinde of infiniteness , which we called the infinity of comprehensions , by which all things whatsoever , as well things future , as things past , are alike present to him , and for ever before him ; by which he knoweth things that are not as if they were , and doth accordingly decree and determine of them , with as much perspicacity of wisdome , and infallibility of judgment , as if they were actually before his eyes . For first , God being of an infinite knowledge , most perfectly and simply knoweth all things in himself , which ever were , or shall be in the times to come : and then being of an infinite wisdome to dispose of all things , as may conduce most to his honour and glory ; hath either given them bounds which they shall not passe , or left them a dispositive power of their own occasions ; putting upon things necessary the law of necessity , and leaving things contingent to the lot of contingency . The due consideration of which weighty point , brought the Apostle to cry out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , O the depth of the riches of the wisdome and knowledge of God (p) ! Which two , though two distinct acts and attributes in our apprehension , yet differ not in GOD , as before was said , nor perhaps very much in themselves at all . For wisdome is but the excellency of knowledge , consisting either in the dignity or usefulnesse of the matter known , or the more perfect manner of discerning what they truely are . And of this wisdome or more usefull kind of knowledge , there are these two offices , the one stedfastly to propose a right end ; the other to present a right choice of means for effecting thereof . But being it is equally consonant to Gods infinite wisdome , and not a whit derogatory to his infinite power , that some things should be as truely contingent , as other are really and truely necessary : therefore hath God been pleased as well to decree contingency , as to decree or fore-determine of necessity . Hereupon it will follow by good rules of Logick , that though there be an immutability in the counsails of God , arising from the infiniteness of his knowledge and wisdome ; yet that there are some things which might not have been , and that some things are not which yet might have been , or might have been far otherwise then now they are . For neither is the prescience or foreknowledge of almighty God ( for by that name his infinite knowledge may be styled ) the necessary and adaequate cause that things shall fall out as they do , not otherwise ; but rather because things shall in time so fall out , therefore GOD fore-knowes them . Nor doth his infinite wisdome in pursuit of the means conducing to the end proposed , so fetter and intangle his most infinite power , but that he is still liberum agens , and is at liberty to produce his end by things plainly contingent , as well as by such whereon he hath imposed an everlasting necessity ; or to suspend the execution of some former edict , according as he seeth just occasion for it , which liberty in the holy one of Israel is an high perfection . For as his eternal knowledge of all things doth not make all things which he knoweth to be eternal : so neither doth the immutability of his decrees make every thing which he decrees to be immutable ; there being many temporal and mutable things which he eternally both knew and decreed accordingly . So that for GOD to alter his proceedings with men , according as they stand or fall in the acts of piety , now punishing where he lately rewarded , and presently rewarding where before he punished , argueth no mutability in the counsails of GOD , but rather an unmovable constancy to the immutable rule of justice , which being alwayes one and the same without variation , must needs afford different measure unto different deserts , and sit contrary dispositions with contrary recompences . And on the other side to make this conclusion , that because God fore-knoweth by his infinite knowledge , and by his infinite wisdome hath decreed of all things even from all eternity ; therefore it is as impossible for any thing to be otherwise then it is , or otherwise then it hath been or will be hereafter , as to recall again that which is past already : were either to make GOD an impertinent agent in the continuall governance of humane affaires , or that he hath nothing else to do but to behold the issue of his former counsails . For plainly they which so conceive of the counsails of GOD , that all things are decreed and predetermined by him , even to the taking up of a straw ; ( which was Cartwrights (q) phrase ) although they have not said it in terms express , yet do they necessarily infer or involve thus much : That God by his eternall and immutable decrees did set the whole course of nature going with an irresistible and untractable swindge ; and doth since only look upon it with an awfull eye , as Masters sometimes watch their servants , to see how willingly or unwillingly , how carefully or negligenly they attend his businesse . Which how derogatory it is to the truth of the Gospell , those words of CHRIST , Et pater adhuc operatur (r) , i. e. I work and my Father also worketh , do declare sufficiently : it being evident by that Text , if considered rightly , that there is altogether as much need of Gods power and wisdome , to manage and direct the affaires of the world , as at first to make it . Thus are we come at last to the fourth and last species of Infinity , which is that of Power or of Omnipotence , and therein to behold GOD as the Father Almighty : the Father , because the fountain and root of being ; and the Almighty Father too , because that being in himself an eternal being , he had withall a power invested or inherent in him , to give a being to the Creatures , and to make all things out of nothing , which needs must be the act of a power most mighty . To this , the former part of this Chapter served but as a preamble , or a necessary introduction to bring us to the knowledge of this part of the Article , viz. That GOD is not only a Father , but a Father Almighty : which could not otherwise have been fully cleered and made known unto us , then by a serious looking on him in his names and attributes . For finding in the name IEHOVAH that he is existing of himself , and that from him all things that are receive their being ; his mighty strength in the name of El , his eminent power in that of Adonai or Lord ; that he is God most high in Helion , and a Judge in Elohim : and then concluding out of these , that being such , he must be of an uncompounded , and most simple essence ; by consequence , eternal , and incomprehensible , of infinite knowledge to foresee , and wisdome to effect what he meaneth to do ; we may from all together come to this result , that he can be no other then the Father Almighty . And this was the result which was made of old by the most learned of the Gentiles : who having made a muster of his severall Attributes , resolved all into this at last , that he was the general Father both of God and Men , the Parent of the Universe , both of Heaven and Earth ; and therefore without question an Almighty Father . Mercurius Trismegistus calleth him in termes expresse , Patrem mundi (s) , the Father or Parent of the world ; affirming that the name of good , and of a Father , belong only to him : and so Pythagoras cals him too , as is said by Clement . Plato entituled him Universi Patrem , the Father or Parent of the Universe . Iamblichus one of Plato's followers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or self-father , as before was noted . By Aristotle in his book de Mundo , he is called Pater deorum et hominum , the Father both of Gods and Men ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the words of Homer ; By Virgil in the same sense , Hominum sator atque Deorum , in the first of the Aeneids ; By Orpheus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Original Ancester of all ; and by Apollo himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the unspeakable Father . And for the titile of Almighty , I finde it given expresly to him in a verse of one of the Sibyls , where he is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. Omnipotent , invisible , and yet seeing all things . The like doth frequently occurre in the Latine Poets , who call him the Almighty Father in as positive termes , as he is called here in the Creed . Tum Pater Omnipotens foecundis imbribus , &c. And in another place , At pater Omnipotens speluncis abdidit atris , as we read in Virgil. At Pater Omnipotens misso perfregit Olympum , &c. so it is in Ovid (x) . And by Valerius Soranus one of elder times , their Iupiter , or supreme deity had the title of Almighty , and King of Kings assigned unto him , Iupiter Omnipotens , Regum Rex ipse Deusque , as St. Augustine (y) citeth him out of Varro . More might be added unto this , were not this sufficient to shew that even the learned Gentiles did acknowledge God to be the Father Almighty . We must next see , how and in what respects he is called a Father , and doth stand so entituled in the front of the Creed . And first the name of Father as applyed to God in holy Scripture , is taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Personally , as it denotes the first person in the Oeconomie of the glorious Trinity . There are three that bear record in heaven , ( as St. Iohn hath it ) the Father , the Word , and the holy Ghost , and these three are one (a) . And in this notion or acception of the word , GOD is the father of our Lord and Saviour IESVS CHRIST , whom he hath begotten to himself before all worlds , generatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by such a kind of generation , as neither the tongue of Men nor Angels can expresse aright . In this respect our Saviour saith of GOD the first person , I and my Father are one (b) : and in another place , which we saw before on another occasion , I work , and my Father also worketh (c) . In this sense God the Father saith of the second person , This is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased (d) . And finally in this , as no man living , no not any of the host of Heaven , is to be called the Son of God but the second Person ; so none of the three Persons takes the name of Father , but the first alone . Though GGD hath severall sons , and by severall means , as shall be shewed anone in the place fit for it ; yet only CHRIST is called his begotten son : and therefore God a naturall Father ( if I may so say ) unto none but him . And this is that which Gregory Thaumaturgus hath told us , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) , God hath no other son by nature , but thee my Saviour . The name of this generation I forbear to speak of . It is a point I waived from the very first , when first I undertook to expound this Creed (f) ; as being of too sublime and transcendent nature for the shallowness of my capacity to inquire into . It is enough that I acknowledge God to be the Father of our Lord IESVS CHRIST , by an eternall generation : though I professe my self unable to discourse thereof , with any satisfaction to my self or others . And for the generation of our Saviour in the fulnesse of time , by which he was conceived of the Virgin Mary , I shall have opportunity to speak in a place more proper . So that not having more to speak of the name of Father , as it is personall and hypostaticall in the first Person only ; I shall proceed to that acception of the word , wherein it is taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or essentially , and so given to GOD , that every person of the Trinity doth partake thereof . But first I cannot choose but note that even in that equality or unity which is said to be between the Persons of the blessed Trinity , the Father seems to me to have some preheminency above the others . For not only the Greek Church doth acknowledge him to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the root and fountain of the God-head ; but it is generally agreed on by all Orthodox writers , that the Father is first in order , though not in time : Pater est prior ordine , non tempore , as Alstedius states it ; and by Aquinas amongst those of the Church of Rome , that the Son or second person is Principiatus non essentiatus (i) , that is to say , if I rightly understand his meaning , that there was a beginning of his existence though not of his essence , or a beginning of his Filiation , but not of his God-head . And yet I dare not say that I hit his meaning , ( for I professe my self uncapable of these Schoole-niceties ) because I finde it generally agreed on by most learned men , (k) that CHRIST receiveth the being and essence which he hath from the Father ; although not in the way of production of an other essence , which was condemned as an impious heresie in Valentinus Gentilis , but by communication of the same . Add here , that those who have most constantly stood up in the defence of the doctrine of the Trinity against some Hereticks of this Age , doe notwithstanding say and declare in publick , that CHRIST though looked upon as the Son of God in his eternall generation , cannot be said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or self-essentiate : And that both Genebrard (m) , Lindanus and some others of the Romish Doctors have quarrelled . Calvin ( whom Beza laboureth to excuse in that particular ) for saying that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and hath his God-head from himself ; wherein he is deserted by Arminius also (n) , and those of the Remonstrant party in the Belgick Countries . But that the Father Almighty mentioned in my Creed was not , and is not , both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too , hath never been affirmed , nor so much as doubted of , by any Christian writer of what times soever . Next look we on the name of Father as it is taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 essentially in the holy Scriptures , and then it is appliable to every person of the blessed Trinity ; each of which in his severall person or subsistence , may be called our Father . Thus read we of the second person ( for of the first there is no question to be made ) in the 9. of Esay , that unto us a Son is born , and that he shall be called wonderfull , the mighty God , the everlasting Father , Vers. 6. Thus in St. Iames , we finde that the holy Ghost is called Pater luminum , (o) the Father of lights ; it being his office to illuminate every soul which is admitted for a member of the Church of CHRIST : in which respect the Sacrament of Baptisme , in which men are regenerated and born again of water and the holy Spirit , was antiently called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or illumination . The reason why the name Father doth in this sense belong respectively to each , is because they equally concur , as in the work of Creation , God the Father creating the world in the Son by the holy Ghost ; so in those also of Redemption and Sanctification . From whence that maxim of the Schools , Opera Trinitatis ad extra sunt indivisa , that is to say , the outward or externall actions of the Trinity , are severally communicable to the whole essence of GOD , and not appropriated unto any particular person . And yet the name of Father even in this acception is generally , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in the common course of speech referred to the first Person only ; as he that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the root and fountain of the God-head , as before was said . For thus hath CHRIST himself instructed us to pray , and say , Our Father which art in heaven , (q) . And the Church following his command who hath willed us to pray after that manner , beginneth many of her prayers in the publick Liturgy , with this solemn form of compellation , Almighty and most mercifull Father . Not that we do exclude the Son or the holy Ghost , in our devotions , but include them in him . In Patre invocantur filius et spiritus sanctus , (r) as Bellarmine hath most truly noted . And therefore though we commonly begin our prayers with a particular address to God the Father , yet we conclude them all with this , through Christ Iesus our Lord ; and sometimes add , to whom with thee and the holy Ghost , be praise for ever . But leaving these more intricate speculations to more subtill heads ; The name of Father in this sense , is ascribed to God by two severall titles . First , Iure Creationis , by the right of Creation , by which he is the Father of all mankinde . And secondly , Iure Adoptionis , by the right and title of Adoption , by which he hath anew begotten us ( in St. Peters language ) to an inheritance immortall , undefiled , and that fadeth not away , reserved for us in the Heavens (s) . First , GOD is said to be our Father in the right of Creation , by which as all the World , and all things in the same contained , may be called the workmanship of his hands ; so may all mankinde be called his children : not only those which trust and believe in him , but also those which know him not , nor ever read so much of him as the Book of nature ; those which yet live as out-lawes from the rule of reason , and barbarous and savage people of both the Indies . Thus Malachi , the last Prophet of the Iewes , Have we not all one Father , hath not God created us (t) ? Thus the Apostle of the Gentiles doth affirme of GOD , that out of one bloud he hath made all kindreds of men (u) . And CHRIST himself , who brake down the partition wall between Iew and Gentile , Call no man Father on Earth , for one is your Father which is in Heaven (x) . Not that the Lord would have us disobedient to our naturall Parents , or ashamed to own them ; for this is plainly contrary both to Law and Gospe●t : but that we should refer our being unto him alone which is the fountain of all beeing . Solus vocandus est Pater qui creavit (y) , said Lactantius truly . Now God is said to be our Father by the right of Creation , for these following reasons : as first , because he was the Father of the first man Adam , out of whose loyns we are descended , or of whose likeness since the fall we are all begotten . Therefore St. Luke when he had made the Genealogie of our Saviour CHRIST in the way of ascent , doth conclude it thus , which was the son of Seth , which was the son of Adam , which was the Son of God (z) : the son of God , but not by generation , for so our Saviour only was the Son of God , and therefore it must be by Creation only . Secondly , GOD is called our Father , because he hath implanted in our Parents the vertue Generative , moulded and fashioned us in the secret closets of the Womb. Thy hands have made me and fashioned me (a) . Thine eyes did see my substance being yet imperfect , and in thy book were all my members written , saith the Royal Psalmist (b) . The bodies of us men are too brave a building for man and Nature to erect . And therefore said Lactantius truly , Hominem non patrem esse sed generandi ministrum (c) . Man only is the instrument which the Lord doth use for the effecting of his purpose , to raise that godly edifice of flesh and bloud which he contemplates in his children . Last of all for our souls , which are the better part of us , by which we live , and move , and have our beeing , they are infused by GOD alone ; man hath no hand in it . God breathes into our nosthrils the breath of life , and by his mighty power doth animate and inform that matter , which of it self is meerly passive in so great a wonder . In each of these respects , and in all together , we may conclude with that of Aratus , an old Greek Poet , as he is cited by S. Paul (d) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for we are all his off-spring , all of us his children . The second Interest which GOD hath in us as a Father , in the way of adoption , by which we are regenerate , or anew begotten to a lively hope of being heirs unto the promises , and in the end partakers of eternal glories : by which we are transplanted from our Fathers house , and out of the Wilderness and unprofitable Thickets of this present world , and graffed or inoculated on the Tree of life . Adoptare enim est juxta delectum sibi quos quisque velit in filios eligere (e) . Adoption is the taking of a childe from another family , to plant and cherish in our own , say , the Civil Lawyers : and he that so adopteth may be called our Father ; by approbation of the laws , though not by nature . Examples of this case have been very ordinary , from Moses who was adopted for her son by the daughter of Pharaoh , ( though he refused to be called the son of Pharaohs daughter (f) , as St. Paul said of him ) down through all the stories both of Greece and Rome . And if it may be lawful to make such resemblances , the motives which induced GOD to proceed this way , and other the particulars of most moment in it , do seem to carry a fair proportion or correspondency with such inducements and particulars , as hath been used by men on the same occasions . For in the Laws adoption was to be allowed but in these four cases (g) ; First , Quod quidam Matrimonii onera detrectarent , because some men could not away with the cares of Wedlock . Secondly , Quod conjugium esset sterile , because God had not blessed the marriage with a fruitful issue . Thirdly , Quod liberi ipsorum morerentur , because their own children by untimely death , or the unluckie chance of War , had been taken from them ; in which last case , adoption by especial dispensation , was allowed to women . Fourthy , Quod liberi ipsorum improbi essent & degeneres , because their own children were debauched and shameless , likely to ruine that estate , and disgrace that family into which they were born . And upon such grounds as these , is GOD in Scripture said to adopt the Gentiles ; to make them who by nature were the sons of wrath , and seemed to be excluded from the Covenant which he made with Abraham , to be the heirs of God , and Coheirs with Christ. God looked upon the Iews as his natural children . And at the first one might have known them easily for the sons of God , by the exemplarie piety of their lives and actions : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. as men know commonly their neighbour children by a resemblance to their Fathers (h) . St. Paul hath made a muster of some chiefs amongst them in the 11. chap. to the Heb. But they being took away by the hand of death , there next succeeded in their room a g●neration little like them in the course of their lives , and therefore little to the comfort of their heavenly Father . For his part he was never wanting unto his Vineyard (i) ; nor could there any thing be done to it , which he did not do , yet when he looked for grapes in their proper season , it brought forth nothing but wilde grapes , sit only for the wine-press of his indignation . So that the Lord was either childless , or else the Father of a stubborn and perverse generation , of whose reclaim there was no hopes , or but small , if any . In which estate he cast his eyes opon the Gentiles , who either knew him not at all , or knew no more of him then they could discern through the false lights , as it were , of depraved nature , or the dull spectacles of Philosophie . Thus witnesseth St. Paul in the 4. to the Galatians , saying , that when the fulness of time was come , God sent his Son made of a woman , made under the law , to redeem those which were under the law , that they might receive the Adoption of sons , vers . 5. And in the 8. unto the Romans , We have , saith he , received the Spirit of Adoption , whereby we cry unto him Abba , Father : the Spirit of God bearing witness with our spirit , that we are the heirs of God , and coheirs with CHRIST , vers . 15. Other particulars there are , wherein the Adoption of us sinners to the Kingdome of Heaven , holds good proportion with Adoptions made upon the earth ; some of which I shall briefly touch at , to make the mysterie of our Adoption the more clear and signal . First then , Adoption by the Civil or Imperial Laws , ( which is jus Gentium or the Law of Nations , as they use to call it ) however privately agreed upon between the parties , was never counted valid & of good authority , till it was verified by the Magistrates before all the people , in the Town-Hall , or Common Forum , and under such a form of words , which either law or custome had prescribed unto them . Which form of words too long to be repeated here , are extant still in Gellius (k) , and Barnabas Brissonius a late French Writer . So our adoption unto life is ratified and confirmed unto us by the publick Minister openly in the Church , in the Congregation , if it may conveniently ; and under such a Form of words which we may not alter . We have not only custom for it , but a strict command , that we baptize all those which are presented to the Church as the children of God , In the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the holy Ghost . We finde it also in the practise , though the law required it not , that they who were adopted into any family used presently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (l) , to take unto themselves the name of that house o● family into the which they were assumed . Examples of this truth are infinite almost , and obvious in the Roman stories . So we , being adopted into the kingdom and inheritance of our Saviour CHRIST , have took unto our selves Christs name , or the name of Christians . And the Disciples were first called Christians at Antiochia , Act. 11. Suppose we now that our adoption is confirmed , ratified by the Magistrate , and good in law , are we hereby exempted from the power of our Natural Parents ? Not so , the Law is otherwise , and resolves it clearly , Quod jura Patris naturalis minime solvuntur (m) , that the authority of our Natural Parents is the same as formerly . Too many of us think not so , but being once possessed with a conceit of our adoption to the kingdome of God , we cast off all obedience and regard of man. Neither our Natural , nor our Civil Parents are to be obeyed , if once the Son of God hath but made us free . Thus did the Anabaptists preach in some parts of Germanie ; and we have had too many followers of their Doctrines here . And last of all it is a Rule or Maxime in the Laws Imperial , that children once adopted , are to be used and disposed of in all respects , ac si justis nuptiis quaesiti (n) , as if they were our own by the law of Nature . And it doth follow thereupon , Haeredes vel instituendi vel exhaeredandi , that as we think it fit , and as they deserve , we may assign them portions out of our estates , or exclude them utterly . Whether it be thus also in adoptions unto life eternal , whether it may not be revoked at the pleasure of GOD , if we behave our selves unworthily ; need not be made a question amongst rational men . Or if it be , I have no list nor leisure to dispute it here . Only I cannot choose but note it as an error in Monsieur de Moulin , to ground the irreversible Decree of our Adoption to the Kingdom of Heaven , on the like irreversibleness of adoptions here upon the Earth : Ex eo quod absoluta sit inter homines adoptio , as his own words are (o) . But Absque hoc . The law we see is otherwise , and resolves the contrary . And for the error of du Moulin , being it is ignorantia juris , an error in point of law , and not of fact , whether , and if at all it may be excused , I leave to be resolved upon grave advice by some such learned Casuist , as his friend Amesius . GOD is a Father then by all ways and means by which a name of Father may be gained by any : And if a Father , as he is , no doubt but we shall finde in him the same affections , which are in Parents towards their children : the same , but not with all or any of those imperfections , which we observe to be too often intermingled in humane affections . Do Parents naturally love their children ? We finde the love of GOD to his , not only to be equal unto that of an earthly father , but to surpass the love of women . Can a woman forget her sucking child , that she should not have compassion on the fruit of her womb ? yes saith the Lord , they may forget , but I will not forget my people (p) . Do Parents out of the affection which they bear their children , provide them of all necessaries for this present life ? Do any of them , if their children ask for bread , give them a stone (q) , or if they ask for a fish , present him a Serpent ? Our Saviour thereupon inferreth , that if they being evil know how to give good gifts unto their children , how much more should our Father which is in Heaven , give good things unto them that ask him (r) Assuredly the love of GOD to all his children , especially to those which walk after his commandements , is infinitely greater then the love of our natural parents to those which are the children after the flesh . Out of this love of GOD it is , that he giveth us both the former and the latter rain , that he makes his Sun to shine on the good and bad ; that their Oxen are alike strong to labour , that their sheep bring forth thousands , yea and ten thousands in their streets ; and finally that their fields do laugh , and their medows sing with fruitful plenty . Are parents naturally compassionate towards their children , when they fall into misery and distress ; and pity them at least , if they cannot help them ? Behold , saith God , like as a Father pitieth his own children , so the Lord pitieth them that fear him : for he knoweth whereof we are made , he remembreth that we are but dust (s) . Are parents patient and long-suffering towards their children when they do amiss ? Alas , what is this patience of theirs , compared to that of GOD towards sinful man. The Lord is full of compassion , and mercy , long-suffering , and of great goodness , saith the Prophet David (t) . O Hierusalem , Heirusalem , saith the son of David , how often would I have gathered thee together as a Hen doth her Chickens , but ye would not (u) But is the patience of a Father so implanted in him , that it can never be worn out , and converted to anger . Not so , we know it is a proverb , that patientia laesa fit furor , the greatest patience if abused , may possibly be turned to the greatest fury , or anger at the least in the highest degree . How angry was old Iacob with his two sons , the Brethren in evil , when he desired his soul might not come into their secret (x) ; and prayed to God to scatter them in Jacob , and divide them in Israel ? And cannot God be angry think we , with his stubborn and rebellious children , when they do wilfully transgress his holy laws , and with an high hand violate all his sacred precepts ? Why then doth he so often punish those that do amiss ? for , Ira Dei non est aliud quam voluntas puniendi (y) , as St. Augustine hath it , the anger of God is only his just will to chastise the sinner . Why then did he repent of his making man , or rain down fire and brimstone upon Sodom and Gomorrah , as it is said he did ? Why then do we beseech him with such shame and sorrow , to correct us in his judgement and not in his fury , that we may not be consumed and brought to nothing (z) ? He that bids us be angrie and sin not (a) , intended not the extirpation but the moderation of anger . And thereupon Lactantius very well inferreth , Qui ergo iras●i nos jubet , ipse utique irascitur (b) : he that bids us be angry ( so we do not sin ) can without doubt be angrie too when he seeth occasion . The like may be affirmed also of those other affections which are in Parents towards those whom they have begotten . Remove the imperfections from them , and the affections of themselves after separation , may without any danger , ( and as some Schoolmen think , without any Metaphor ) be ascribed to GOD. Now out of those affections which before we specified , ariseth the chief care of our natural parents , which is to see us trained up in some lawful trades , or in the knowledge of good letters : that being put into a course of good education , we may subsist with credit , and escape those miseries which poverty and necessity may else bring upon us . And out of that authority which they have by nature to dispose of us as they see most sutable unto our deserts , ariseth the chief power of our natural parents , either to make us heirs of their goods and fortunes , or to leave us out . First , for the care of education , it seemed so necessary to the Grecians in the former times , that one of their Wisemen did use to say , Praestat non nasci , that it was better not to be born , then not well instructed . And by the laws of Rome , which they had from Greece , when as the father now grown old and out of work , did sue his son for Alimonie , as we use to call it ; it was a good plea in the son against his Father , that he had never taken care of his education , or trained him in the knowledge of any Art , either ingenuous or mechanick (d) . Filius arte carens Patris incuria , eidem necessaria vitae subsidia ne praestato , was one of the laws of the twelve Tables . How much more necessary must we think that part of our education , which the wise Grecian never knew , nor ever was prescribed by the laws of Rome : that part I mean , by which young children are instructed in the fear of GOD , and taught betimes to run the pathes of the Lords commandements ? But if the Father do his office , if that no care be wanting on his part to instruct his children , if he admonish and advice them when they do amiss , and they continue still to afflict his heart , either by neglecting that imployment in which he hath placed them , or wasting his estate in riotous and licentious courses : is the poor Father left without further remedy , then what may be had upon complaint from the Civil Magistrate ? No , by no means . The Father at the first by the law of Nations , had potestatem vitae & necis (e) , the power of life and death over all their children . But after the receiving of the Christian faith , the law was altered in that case by the following Emperours . And now as the Civilians tell us , Parentibus solummodo relinquitur honesta emendatio , & maximis ex causis exhaeredatio , i. e. The fathers power consisteth most especially in these points , to punish and chastise them for their smaller faults , and disinherit them in time , if they prove incorrigible . Which power as it was used by Iacob on his eldest son Reuben (f) , because he had defiled his old fathers bed : so hath it since been ordinary in the practise of all times and ages ; though perhaps more to be commended where it may not , then where it may possibly be spared . Such also is the care , and consequently such the power of our Heavenly Father . For who but he taught Abel how to order Sheep (g) , and Cain to till the ground , or to be an husbandman ; Iubal to play on instruments (h) , and Tubal-cain to work in iron ? who but he called forth Ioshua to fight his battels ; and Aaron and his sons to serve at the holy Altar (k) ? And for the bringing of them up in the fear of GOD , he hath revealed himself so far to the Turks and Pagans , and in the former times to the antient Gentiles , ( which are his children only by the right of Creation ) that by the things which he hath made , they may perceive both his eternal power and Godhead (l) . Though he permitted them for a while to walk in their own ways , and so fulfil their several lusts , yet left he not himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or without a witness (m) , in that he shewed his works unto them , and filled their hearts with food and gladness . Nay , that which may be known of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as St. Paul calleth it , is manifest in them (n) : for the invisible things of God , saith the same Apostle , from the creation of the world , are clearly seen : that is , as Augustine doth expound it , per visibilia Creaturae pervenisse eos ad intelligent am invisiblis Creatoris (o) , by studying on the Book of Nature , they came to understand the nature of GOD. For further proof whereof , if more proof be necessary , we need but have recourse to the former Chapter ; where we did prove this point , that there was a God , and that he is eternal and incomprehensible , of infinite both power and wisdome . Nor did GOD leave them so in this general knowledge , but he revealed so much of his will unto them , as is included or expressed in the law of Nature . The Gentiles ( saith St. Paul ) which have not the law , do by nature the things contained in the law , which sheweth the work of the law written in their hearts ; their conscience also bearing witness , aud their thoughts excusing or accusing one another (p) . By means whereof , such of them as were careful to conform their lives unto that law , and put not out that light which did shine within them ; attained unto an eminent height in all moral virtues . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (g) , as it is in Naziazen . Which moral piety of theirs , if not directed to the glory of GOD , as it ought to be , but either to advance their projects , or else to gain opinion and be seen of men ; may perhaps mitigate their torments , but not advance them to the glories of eternal life . Nec vitae aeiernae veros acquirere fructus , De falsa virtute potest (r) , as Prosper hath it . Not that those actions in themselves were not good and commendable , and might deserve some more then ordinary blessings at the hands of GOD : but that those men being so far instructed and illuminated , they desisted there ; holding the truth , ( as St. Paul telleth us ) in unrighteousness (s) , and so became without excuse . But of this more hereafter in another place . And if the Lord hath been so gracious to the antient Gentiles , and still is to the Turks and Pagans of the present ages ; which are his children only by the right of Creation ; no question but he doth instruct whom he hath adopted , after a more peculiar manner . He shewed his word unto Jacob , his statutes and his Ordinances unto Israel (t) , saith the Prophet David of the Iews . And as for us which have the happiness to live under the Gospel , the Lord himself hath said by the Prophet Ieremie , that he would write his law in their hearts , and put it in our inward parts (u) , and by another of his Prophets , that our sons and daughters should prophecy (x) , and that we should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or taught of God. If after so much care on the part of God , if after all this done by our Heavenly Father , we still continue ignorant of his will , or shut our eyes against that light which doth shine upon us , and stop our ears against the voyce of the Charmer , charm he never so sweetly : no wonder if he draw his sword , and either cut us off by a temporal death , or publickly expose us unto shame and misery . For sure it cannot be denyed , but that the Lord our heavenly Father hath potestatem vitae & necis , the power of life and death over all his children . The Lord hath power of life and death , ( as the wise man hath it ) he leadeth to the gates of Hell , and brings back again , Wisd. 16.13 . But this a severity which God reserves unto the last , as the utmost remedy , inflicting in the mean time moderate chastisements on his wilful children , in hope by that means to reclaim them . Which if they do not take effect , he then proceeds unto the woful sentence of disinheritance , expungeth them out of the Catalogue of his Elect , razeth their names out of the sacred Book of life , and leaves them no inheritance in the house of Jesse , or any portion at all in the son of David . So excellently true is that of Lactantius , Deus ut erga bonos indulgentissimus Pater , ita adversus improbos justissimus Iudex . God , saith he , as he is a loving and indulgent Father towards his good and godly children ; so towards those who are past hope of reformation , he will become as terrible and severe a Iudge ; so he Institut . tut . l. 1. cap. 1. And certainly it doth concern us in an high degree , to keep the love and good opinion of our heavenly Father ; who is not only able to chastise us with such light corrections as are inflicted on us by our earthly Parents ; but to arm all the hosts of Heaven , and all the creatures of the Earth against us , as once he did against Pharaoh and the land of Egypt . GOD is not here represented to us by the name of a Father only , but by the name of a Father Almighty . The title of Omnipotent makes a different case ; and may be our Remembrancer upon all occasions , to keep us from incurring his just displeasure , and drawing down his vengeance on our guilty heads . This is that infinitie or infiniteness of power , which before I spake of , and is so proper unto God , that it is not to be communicated unto any creature , no not unto the man CHRIST IESVS . The Roman Emperours indeed in the times of their greatest flourish did take unto themselves the style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whereby they gave the world to understand that they were absolute and independent , not tyed to the observance of any laws , or bound by the Decrees of Senate : but that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Omnipotent , was never challenged by the proudest , nor given unto them by the grossest of their many Parasites . Now GOD is said to be Almighty , because that he is able to do , and doth upon occasion also , whatsoever pleaseth him both in Heaven and Earth , as the Psalmist hath it (a) : For with God nothing is impossible , saith the holy Angel (b) . And though some things may seeme impossible in the eyes of men , yet apud Deum omnia sunt possibilia (c) , all things are possible to God , saith CHRIST our Saviour : yet still observe the words of David before mentioned , which is the Rule or Standard , if I may so call it , by which not only possibility and impossibility , but even Omnipotencie it self is to be measured : and David saith not of the Lord that he can do all things , but whatsoever pleaseth him , be it what it will. For therefore God the Father is said to be Almighty or Omnipotent , not that he can do every thing whatsoever it be , and will do all things that he can : but because he can do all things that he plaaseth , all that can be done . Because he can doe all things , whatsoever he pleaseth . For as S. Augustine well observeth , nec ob aliud vocatur Omnipotens , nisi quia quicquid vult potest (d) , Because he can do all things which can be done . For some things are not denyed to be impossible even to God himself ; as namely such as do imply a contradiction : and so the dictate of Aquinas is exceeding true , Deus omnia potest quae contradictionem non implicant (e) . Nor can he do such things as may argue him to be capable of any defect , as namely to be unjust , to lie , to be confined to place , or to change his beeing : according to another rule of the same Aquinas , i. e. Omnipotentia excludit defectus omnes qui sunt impotentia , ceu posse mentiri , mori , peccare , &c. The reasons are , first because those things in themselves would make him lyable to impotency , wants , and weakness , and utterly deprive him of the title of a Father Almighty . Nam si haec ei acciderent non esset Omnipotens (f) , as most excellently it is said by Augustine . Secondly , actions of that nature , are in themselves so contrary to the nature of God , that were they once admitted in him , he must instantly renounce himself , and forfeit , as it were , his Deity . Unto which purpose that of Origen serves exceeding fitly . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (g) . God ( saith he ) can do every thing whatsoever it be , by doing which he may continue as he is , just , true , and gracious . For as ( saith he ) that which is sweet by nature , cannot make any thing unpleasant ; and that which was created to illuminate , cannot be possibly imployed as an help to darkness : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. so neither is it possible that God being just and wise by nature , should either deal unjustly , or do any thing with indiscretion . Upon these reasons and authorities , the Schoolmen have divided the power of God into actual and absolute . God doing by his actual power whatsoever he pleaseth , and by his absolute power all things that are possible . But that he should do any thing to the dishonour of the God-head , is not possible : and therefore as he will not do it , so we may safely say he cannot . Other the subtilties of the Schools touching this particular , which are more likely to intangle the wits of men , then reform their judgements ; I have no list to intermingle with my present discourse . Leaving them therefore to the sweet contentment of their own curiosities , we rather will consider the Omnipotence of our Heavenly Father , in the effects it hath produced for the good of his children , then in those needless speculations which are raised about it . And these we shall behold , at the present time , either in reference to his suspension of the works of Nature ; or his strange turning of the hearts and intents of men , quite contrary to what they had before resolved on ; or in those many and most miraculous deliverances , which he hath shewn unto his people in their great extremities . Of the first sort are those which are related in the Book of God , as namely , the standing still of the Sun in the Valley of Aialon , that Ioshua might have the more time to destroy his enemies (h) and the making of it to go back ten degrees on the Dial of Ahaz , for an assurance unto Hezekiah , that the Lord would heal him (i) ; his interdicting of the Red-sea that it should not flow , but stand divided like a wall on both sides of Israel , till they were gone through it (k) ; and causing Iren which is a gross and heavy body to swim upon the top of the water , at the prayer of Elisha (l) ; His suspending of the nature of fire , that it should not burn , nor singe so much as the clothes of the three Hebrew Salamanders , when they were cast fast bound into the burning firie furnace (m) ; and making the same fire to move out of his course , when it laid hold on those who were to execute the great tyrants commands : His shutting the mouths of the hungry Lyons , and bringing his servant Daniel back in safety from that dreadful Den (n) ; and making the Ravens which by nature are birds of prey , to be the Caterers of Elijah to bring him bread in the morning , and bread and flesh in the evening (o) : His making a night of three hours in the midst of day , when our Saviour was upon the Cross (p) ; and causing that the Graves did give up their dead , to wait upon our Saviour at his Resurrection . How many more instances of this kinde might be here presented , not only out of Sacred , but Ecclesiastical and Civil Histories , were not these few sufficient to evince this truth , that God the Father Almighty and the God of nature , by his Omipotence or Almighty power , is able to suspend the whole course of nature , when soever he shall think it to be most conducible either to his own glory , or the good of his people ? And this Omnipotence of his , is shown as evidently in those manifold and most miraculous deliverances of his faithful , as well by extraordinary means and miracles , which are above the course of nature ; as by those which do suspend that course , and are quite against it . Of this sort was the reprieving of Isaac , when all hope was hopeless , holding back Abrahams hand by the voyce of an Angel (q) ; and shewing so many miracles in the land of Egypt , for the redemption of the seed of that Isaac from the house of bondage (r) : His blowing down of the wals of Iericho by the sound of Rams-horns (s) , and killing more with hailstones in the battel of Gideon , then all the men of Israel had slain with the sword . Of this sort was the casting of a mist as it were on the eyes of the Moabites , that they mistook the Sun-shine on the water for streams of bloud ; which made them run disorderly into the camp of the Israelites , where they were sharply entertained to their ful discomfiture (t) : His making Benhadad and the dreadful Armie of the Syrians , to hear the noise of horses , and the noise of chariots , and thereby putting them to flight in such soul disorder , that they left their Tents , and victuals to the starved Samaritans (u) ; His smiting of an hundred threescore and five thousand fighting men in the Camp of the Assyrians , by the sword of an Angel , and thereby freeing Hezekiah from the threats of Sennacherib ; and finally by delivering his Infant-Church out of the tyranny of persecution , by giving Herod (x) , whilest yet living , a prey to worms . Are not all these and infinite others of this kinde , not only the pregnant testimonies of his love and goodness , but also the eternal monuments and everlasting characters of his Omnipotence ? But that which most sets forth this great power of GOD , is in my minde , his turning of the hearts and intents of men , quite contrary to that which they had formerly resolved on , at often as he thinks that way fittest for the preservation of his servants . Thus did he turn the heart of Laban , who pursued after Iacob with no good intention , that he could not speak to him one displeasing word (y) : and did so turn the heart of Esau , who had vowed his death ; that instead of putting him to the sword , having power to do it , he fell on Jacobs neck , and kissed him , and they wept together . Thus did he so incline the hearts of the Egyptians towards the seed of the same Iacob , of whom they did esteem no otherwise then of a perpetual race of Bondmen ; that they did not only let them depart in peace , but furnished them with jewels of silver , and jewels of gold , and ornaments (z) of several sorts to set out their sacrifices : and did so over-rule both the heart and tongue of the Prophet Balaam , that being hired to curse the whole house of Israel , he could not choose but bless them all at once together (a) . And this I take to be a greater manifestation of Gods Omnipotence , then any contra-natural , or super-natural kinde of means ; by which he hath preserved his people from the hands of their enemies : the Heart of man being a bottomeless pit of deceit and villanie , and mischievous imaginations , and invincible malice . But of all miracles of Omnipotence mentioned in the Scripture , there is not in my judgement any one more eminent , then that which he wrought upon the children of Ammon and Moab , and those of Mount Seir , when they joined all their Forces together against Iehosaphat the good King of Iudah (b) . For by a strange misprision which God sent amongst them , the children of Ammon and Moab fell upon the inhabitants of Mount Seir , and slew them and destroyed them utterly ; and when they had made an end of the Inhabitants of Seir , every one to destroy another (c) . Never so great a slaughter made , never so signal a deliverance given to the people of God by the swords of their Enemies ; even by the swords of those who had joined together , to root out their memorial from the face of the earth . If now we should d●scend from Scriptures to Ecclesiastical History , shall we not finde the great power of God exemplified as visibly in the protection and defence of the Christian Church : and that not only in the miraculous propagation and increase thereof , and bringing to calamitous ends her greatest enemies ; but working on the hearts of the sharpest Persecutors , to intermit their rage , and lay down their fury ? Witness the Edict of Trajan , the Author of the third Persecution , De Christianis non inquirendis (d) , that no such Inquisition should be made against them as in former times ; that of the Emperour Adrian , Ne Christianus indicta causa puniatur (e) , that no Christian should from thenceforth be punished without some crime laid to his charge , in which he had offended against the Laws . Antonine adding unto this ut delator poenae subjaceat , that the Promoter should be lyable to punishment (f) , if he proved it not . The like of Marcus as great a Persecuter at the first as any which had been before him , who did not onely stay the fury of the Executioners , but mortem iis minabatur qui Christianos accusabant (g) , but threatned death to the accusers . Nor staid God here , but for the further manifestation of his mighty power in ruling and over-ruling the hearts of men , he wrought so wonderfully and Omnipotently on the hearts of some of their greatest enemies , that from their bitter and most violent Persecutors they became their Patrons . Witness the Mandate or edict of the Emperor Galienus , not only for the intermitting of the persecution which Valerianus his Father had raised against them , but authorizing the Prelates and other Ministers (h) , Vt cuncta munia pro consuetudine obirent , to perform all the sacred Offices which belonged unto them . Finally , witness the like Edict of Maximinus , one of the chief Instruments of Diocletians butcheries , and a great slaughterman himself when he came to the Empire : commanding that the Christians should be left to their own Religion ▪ and not compelled as formerly under pain of death to offer sacrifice to Idols , but wonne if possibly it might be , blanditiis & adhortationibus (i) , by the fairest means , and the best perswasions that the wit of man could lay before them . These things as they were marvellous in the eyes of all men , so marvellous that they could not choose but see and say , A Domino haec facta , that they were all of them of the Lords own doing : so was it as easie to be seen that they were the effects of his Omnipotence , proceeding from the love and power of a Father Almighty . ARTICLE II. Of the Second ARTICLE OF THE CREED Ascribed unto St. IOHN . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Creatorem Coeli et Terrae . i. e. Maker of Heaven and Earth . CHAP. IV. Of the Creation of the World and the parts thereof : that it was made at first by Gods mighty power , and since continually preserved by his infinite Providence . WITH very great fitness doth the Article of the Worlds Creation , come next the Attribute of Almighty ; as being that act which might alone entitle GOD unto Omnipotence , were there none besides . For what but an Omnipotent power could out of no praeexistent matter create that goodly edifice of Heaven and Earth , and all things in the same contained , which every naturall man beholdeth with such admiration , that possibly he cannot choose but say with the royall Psalmist , The Heavens declare the glory of God , and the Earth sheweth his handy work (a) ? A work so full of wonder to the antient Gentiles , that some of them made the world a God ; Vis illum ( i. e. Deum ) mundum vocare , non falleris , as it is in Seneca (b) : others more rationally conceiving GOD to be the soul of the World , as giving animation or being to it . And though they erred as well in making the World a God , as making GOD to be the Soul of the World : yet they might very well have said as one since hath done , that the World is nothing else but God unfolded and manifested in the Creature . Nil aliud Mundus universus quam Deus explicatus , as Cusanus hath it . And certainly the speciall motions which did induce GOD unto this great work , were a desire and purpose to expresse his power , to exercise his providence , and declare his goodness . For though GOD needed not to have made the World in regard of himself , for the World we know was made in the beginning of time , but GOD is infinite and eternal before all beginnings : yet it seemed good to him to create it at last , as a thing most conducible to his praise and glory . Some measuring the God of Heaven by their own affections , and finding nothing so agreeable to their own dispositions , as to be in company , conceive that God being at last weary of his own solitude did create the World , that he might have the company of the Angels in Heaven , and make a start into the Earth when he saw occasion , to recreate himself with the sons of Men. Quae beata esse solitudo queat ? What happiness , said Hortensius , can be in solitude ? (c) To which Lactantius not being furnished with a better , doth return this answer , that GOD cannot be said to be alone , Habet enim Ministros quos vocamus nuncios , as having the society of the holy Angels . But then Lactantius must suppose that the Angels have been coeternal with GOD himself , ( which were to make all Gods , and no God at all ) or else his Answer is no answer as to that Objection . How much more rightly might we have thus replyed unto them , that the supreme contentment possible to Almighty God , is by reflecting on himself , and in himself contemplating his own infinite glories : which being co-aevall with himself , even from all eternity , he needed no no more company before the World was made then he hath done since . Lactantius being a man of a very geat reading ( though indeed a better Humanitian then Divine ) could not but know those sweet delights which a man habited in learning takes in contemplation ; and the society which he hath of his own dear thoughts , though never so much removed from the sight of men . And if the wise Gentile could affirme so sadly , nunquam minus solum esse quam cum solus esset , that he was never lesse alone then when he was by himself : what need can any rational man suppose in Almighty God , of having more company then himself in ? If this suffice not for an answer to that needlesse demand , What God did before he made the World , (d) let him take that of Augustine on the like occasion : who being troubbled with this curious and impertinent question , is said to have returned this answer , Curiosis fabricare inferos , that he made Hell for all such troublesome and idle Questionists . But it pleased God at last , when it seemed best unto his infinite and eternal wisdome , to create the World , and all things visible and invisible in the same contained . A point so clear and evident in the Book of God , that he must needs reject the Scripture who makes question of it . And as the Scripture tels us that God made the World ; so do they also tell us this , that because he made the World , he is therefore God. For thus saith David in the Psalms , The Lord is great and very greatly to be praised , he is to be feared above all Gods. As for the Gods of the Heathen they are but Idols , but it is the Lord which made the Heavens (e) . Where plainly the strength of Davids argument to prove the Lord to be God , doth consist in this , because it was he only , not the gods of the Heathen , which created the World. The like we also finde in the Prophet Ieremy , The Lord , saith he , is the true God , he is the living God and an everlasting King , and the Nations shall not be able to abide his indignation . Thus shall ye say unto them , The Gods that have not made the Heavens and the Earth , even they shall perish from the Earth , and from under these Heavens (f) . He hath made the Earth by his power , and established the World by his wisdome , and hath stretched out the Heavens by his discretion . In which two verses of the Prophet we have proof sufficient , first that ▪ God made the World by his power and wisdome ; and secondly that this making of the World by his power and wisdome , doth difference or distinguish him from the gods of the Heathen , of whom it is affirmed expressely , that they were so far from being able to make Heaven and Earth , that they should perish from the Earth and from under Heaven . But what need Scripture be produced to assert that truth , which is so backed by the authority of the Learned Gentiles ? whose understandings were so fully convinced by the inspection of the Book of nature , especially by that part of it which did acquaint them with the nature of the Heavenly Bodies , that they concluded to themselves without further evidence , that the Authour of this great Book was the only God ; and that he only was that great invisible power , which did deserve that Soveraign title . And this Pythagoras , one of the first founders of Philosopie amongst the Grecians , who in all probability had never seen the works of Moses , as Plato and those that followed after are supposed to have done , doth most significantly averre in these following verses , which are preserved in Iustin Martyr (g) . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which may be thus paraphased in our English tongue : He that will say , I am a Power divine , A God , besides that one ; let him first make A world like this , and say that this is mine , Before he to himself that title take . For the next point , that God the Father Almighty did create the World , it is a truth so clear and evident in the Book of God , that he must needs reject the Scripture who makes question of it : it being not only told us in the holy Scriptures that God made the World , but also when he made it , and upon what reasons , with all the other circumstances which concern the same . The very first words of Gods book , if we look no further , are in themselves sufficient to confirme this point . In the beginning ( saith the Text ) God created the Heaven and the Earth (h) . As Moses , so the royal Psalmist , He laid the foundations of the Earth , and covered it with the deep as it were with a garment , and spreadeth out the Heavens like a curtain (i) . He made Heaven and Earth , the Sea and all that therein is (k) . And so the whole Colledge of the Apostles when they were joyned together in their prayers to God , Lord ( said they ) thou art God which made Heaven and Earth , the Sea and all that in them is (l) . Made it , but how ? not with his hands assuredly , there is no such matter . The whole World though it be an house , and the house of God , ( cum Deo totus mundus sit und domus (m) , said the Christian Oratour ) yet it is properly to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an house not made with hands . How then ? He made it only by his word . Dixit et facta sunt , He spake the word and they were made , saith the sweet finger of Israel (n) . There went no greater paines to the Worlds creation , then a Dixit Deus (o) . And this not only said by Moses , but by David too , Verbo Domini coeli firmatī sunt , et spiritu oris ejus omnis virtus eorum ; i. e. By the word of the Lord were the Heavens made , and all the hosts of them by the breath of his mouth (p) . In which it is to be observed , that though the creation of the World be generally ascribed unto God the Father , yet both the Son and the holy Ghost had their parts therein . Verbo Domini , by the word of the Lord were the Heavens made , saith the Prophet David . In the beginning was the Word (q) . All things were made by him , and without him was nothing made : saith St. Iohn the Apostle . The Spirit of God moved upon the waters , saith Moses in the Book of the Law (r) ; and Spiritu oris ejus , by breath of his mouth were all the hosts of Heaven created , saith David in the book of Psalmes . Made by his word , but yet not made together in one instant of time ; to teach us men deliberation in our words and actions , and to set forth unto us both his power and wisdome . His power he manifested in the Method of the worlds creat on , in that he did produce what effects he pleased without the help of natural causes , in giving light unto the World before he had created the Sun and Moon , making the earth fruitfull , and to bring forth plants , without the motion or influence of the Heavenly bodies . And for his wisdome he expressed in as high a degree , in that he did not create the Beasts of the field , before he had provided them of fodder , and sufficient herbage ; nor made man after his own image , before he had finished his whole work , filled his house , and furnished it with all things necessary both for life and pleasures . Some time then God thought fit to take for perfecting the great work of the Worlds creation ; six dayes in all , of which the first did lay the foundation , the rest raised the building . The foundation of it , I conceive to be that unformed matter , out of which all things were extracted in the other five dayes : which Moses first calleth the Heaven and the Earth (s) , because they were so in potentia ; but after telleth us more explicitely , that that which he called Earth , was inanis et vacua , without forme , and void ; and that which he called Heaven , was but an overcast of darkness , or tenebrae super faciem Abyssi , as the Vulgar reads it . Of which Chaos or confused Masse we thus read in Ovid (t) , who questionless had herein consulted with the works of Moses , before his time communicated to the learned Gentiles . Ante mare , et terras , et quod tegit omnia Coelum , Vnus erat toto naturae vultus in orbe , Quem dixere Chaos ; rudis indigestaque moles , Nec quicquam nisi pondus iners , congestaque eodem Non bene junctarum discordia semina rerum , &c. Which I shall English from Geo. Sandys with some little change . Before the Earth , the Sea , or Heaven were fram'd One face had nature which they Chaos nam'd ; An undigested lump , a barren load Where jarring seeds of things ill-joyn'd abode . No Sun as yet with light the World adorns , Nor new Moon had repair'd her waning horns . Nor hung the self-pois'd Earth in thin Air plac'd , Nor had the Ocean the vast shores imbrac'd . Earth , Sea , and Air , all mixt ; the Earth unstable , The Air was dark ; the Sea un-navigable . No certain form to any one assign'd , This that resist's . For in one body join'd The cold and hot , the dry and humid fight , The soft and hard , the heavy with the light . Out of this Chaos or first matter did GOD raise the World according to those several parts and lineaments which we see it in : not as out of any pre-existent matter which was made before , and had not GOD for the Authour or Maker of it ; but as the first preparatory matter which himself had made , including in the same potentially both the form and matter of the whole Creation , except the soul of man only which he breathed into him after he had moulded up his body out of the dust of the earth . And therefore it is truly said that GOD made all things out of nothing : not out of nothing as the matter out of which it was made , for then that nothing must be something : but as the terminus a quo , in giving them a reall and corporeal being , which before they had not , and did then first begin to have , by the meer efficacy and vertue of his powerful world . And though it be a maxime in the Schooles of Philosophy , Ex nihil● nil fit , that nothing can be made of nothing , that every thing which hath a being doth require some matter which must be pre-existent to it : yet this must either be condemned for erroneous doctrine in the chaire of Divinity ; or else be limited and restrained , as indeed it may ( con●idering from whence it came ) to visible and natural agents , which cannot goe beyond the sphere of their own activity . Invisible and supernatural agents are not tyed to rules , no not in the production of the works of nature ; though nature constituted and established in a certain course , work every thing by time and measure in a certain rule . Now as the World was made of nothing ; that is to say , without any uncreated or precedent matter , which may be possibly conceived to have been coexistent with the God-head it self , and thereby gained a being or existence which before it had not : so had it a beginning too , that is to say , a time in which it first did begin to be , what before it was not . This Moses calleth principium , a beginning simple : In principio creavit Deus Coelum et Terram (u) , In the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth : which is all one as if he had said , the Heaven and the Earth had a beginning , and that this unformed Masse of Chaos , was the beginning , or first draught of them , the first in order of time , because made before them , not in the way of causality as the cause thereof . Coelum et Terra in principio ; i. e. ante omnia facta sunt , as Simon Pottius hath observed in his notes or Scholies on St. Iohns Gospell . So that whether we do expound those words that the Heaven and Earth had a beginning , or that Moses by those words did mean that out of that which he calleth the Heaven and the Earth as out of the beginning or first matter all things were created , it comes all to one : because it is acknowledged that that first matter was created by God , and therefore of necessity was to have a beginning . Nor doth the Scripture only tell us that the World had a beginning , but by the help of Scripture and the works of some Learned men , we are able to point out the time when it did begin , or to compute how many years it is precisely from the first beginning , without any notable difference in the Calculation . For though it be most truly said , Citius inter Horologia quam Chronologia , that clocks may sooner be agreed then Chronologers ; yet most Chronologers in this point come so near one another , that the difference is scarce observable . From the beginning of the World to the birth of Christ , in the account of Beroaldus , are 3928. years ; 3945. in the computation of the Genevians ; 3960. in the esteem of Luther ; and 3963. in the calculation of Melanchthon : between whom and Beroaldus , being the least and the greatest , there is but 35. years difference ; which in so long a tract of time can be no great matter . Now if unto the calculation made by Beroaldus , which I conceive to be the truest , we add 1646. since the birth of CHRIST ; the totall of the time since the Worlds Creation will be 5576. years , neither more nor lesse . And to this truth that the World had a beginning whensoever it was , and was not of eternal being or a self-existency , most of the old Philosophers did consent unanimously ; guided thereto by this impossibility in nature , that any visible work either natural or artificial , should either give it self a being , or have that being which it hath from no cause precedent . For from that principle , Tully argueth very rightly , that as a man coming into a goodly house in which he found nothing but rats and mice , could not conceive that either the house had built it self , or had no other maker but those rats and mice which were nested in it : so neither can it be imagined , that either this World should be eternal , of a self-existency , or was composed by any natural agent of what power soever (x) . And this is that which is more briefly and expressely said by St. Paul to the Hebrews , viz. That every house is built by some man , but he that built all things is God (y) . T is true that Aristotle being a great enquirer into the works of nature , conceived the World to be eternal ; and yet not alwayes constant unto that opinion . But then it is as true withall , that there was something else which inclined him to it , then his meer admiration of the works of nature . Democritus and some others of the old Philosophers had been of opinion , that the World was made in the first beginnings fortuitis atomorum concur ●ionibus , by the accidentall union or communion of severall parcels , of which the Vniverse consisted ; that man himself was only voluntaria Elementorum concretio (z) , a voluntary mixture of all the Elements into which he finally was resolved . To which absurd opinion ( as indeed it was ) though it then found a generall embracement amongst most Philosophers , when Aristotle knew not how to submit his most exquisite judgment ; and yet was destitute of such further light , as might more fully have instructed him in the true Originall ; he rather chose to grant the world to be eternal , then to be made of such ridiculous and unsound , though eternal Atoms . Et maluit pulchram han● Mundi faciem ab aeterno esse , (a) quam aliquando ex aeterna deformitate emersisse ; as Vallesius pleades in his behalf ; and I thank him for it , who am ( I must confesse ) a great friend of Aristotles ; the Praecursor ( as some call him ) of our Saviour CHRIST in naturalibus , as John Baptist was in divinis . And now I am thus fallen on these old Philosophers , I shall produce the testimonies of some chiefs among them for proof of this , that the Creation of the World was an effect of the most infinite power of Almighty God : the knowledge whereof in such particular termes as by them delivered , was first communicated to the Grecians by the wise men of Egypt , who questionlesse had learned it of the Hebrewes when they lived among them . And first Mercu●ius Trismegistus , not only doth affirme that God made the World , but that he made it by his word ; that he did only say , Existat Sol , let the Sun arise , and presently the Sun shined on the face of the earth : and that by the power and efficacie of the same Word , the Elements were distinguished , the Heavens beautifyed with stars , the Earth adorned with herbs and plants of each several sort ; as his words are cited by St. Cyrill (b) . Thales one of the wise men of Greece , who had spent some part of his time in Egypt , and was the first qui de Coelestibus disputavit , who brought the knowledge of divine matters amongst his Country-men , making the Element of water to be the first matter as it were whence all things proceeded : Deum autem eam mentem quae ex aqua cuncta formaverit , and that God was that infinite minde or understanding , which out of that created all things (c) . In which he comes so neer the next laid down by Moses , that Minutius reckoneth him to have affirmed the same thing though in different words . Vides Philosophi principalis opinionem nobiscum penitus consonare . Plato doth seem to speak so doub●ingly in this point , that many did conceive that he inclined to the opinion of the Worlds eternity . But besides that this is one of the great controversies betwixt him and Aristotle ; Plutarch who was well versed in his works and writings , doth absolutely free him from that imputation : not only saying of those who did so conclude , that they did torquere verba ejus , extend his words upon the Rack , to make them speak that which he never meant (d) ; but positively affirming that in his Book inscribed Timaeus , he treated of the Worlds Creation , as the chief scope and subject of that discourse . For Aristotle next , though in his books of Physicks or natural Philosophy , he labour to maintain the Worlds Eternity , upon the grounds before delivered : yet in his Metaphysicks , where he speaks of abstracted notions , and travailed in the search of materials , he doth expresse himself in another manner . Qui ▪ Deum , seu mentem , causam & autorem dixit , &c. He ( saith that excellent Philosopher ) who doth affirme that God is the cause and Author not only of all living creatures , but even of nature it self , and of the universall World and the course thereof , speakes like a sober-minded man ; they which say otherwise being rash unadvised persons (e) . And this he doth expresse more clearly in his tract inscribed De Mirabilibus , if at the least that tract be his , where he declareth that naturally the Sea both did and would overwhelm the whole face of the Earth , because higher then it in situation ; but that it is restrained by the power and command of GOD , to the intent the Earth might serve the better for the use of men , and other living creatures which inhabit on it (f) . What he hath said of God in his book De Mundo , where he calleth him the Father both of Gods and Men , hath been shewn before : Theophrastus a great follower of Aristotle , not only doth maintain that the World was created by God , but that he was ex nihilo , without any pre-existing or precedent matter (g) . And Galen that great Doctor in Physick ▪ who had no more religion in him then what might serve for a Physitian and an Heathen too , having surveyed and as it were dissected all the parts of the World , concludes at last , that it was very fit both for him and all men Canticum comp●nere in Creatoris nostri laudem , to make an Hymne in honour of their great Creator ; and therein to express his wisdome , his great power and goodness . The Latines as they borrowed their Philosophy from the learned Greeks , so did they take up such opinions as they found most prevalent amongst them ; though otherwise divided into several Sects as the Grecians were . Varro as the most antient , so the most learned of the Romans , ( as St. Augustine out of Cicero (h) doth affirme he was ) reckoneth the first Period or Aera , at which he doth begin all his computations , from the creation of the World : and makes it the opinion both of Zeno and the Stoicks generally , that the World had a beginning , and should have an end . Cicero though an Academick , and consequently a Sceptick in all points of controversie , doth yet conclude , Deum condidisse et ornasse hominem , mundum etiam , mare , terram divino nutui parere ; that GOD made man , and ●urnished him with those endowments which he still enjoyeth (i) ; and that the World , the Sea and Earth are obedient unto his command . ( Remember what was said before of the Rats and Mice , and then no question need be made what he thought herein . ) For Seneca as he was a Stoick , so there is little doubt but that he held those Tenets which Varro doth ascribe to the Stoicks generally . But yet to take him in our way , we shall hear him saying , that God created all the World , yea and Man himself (k) . And of this truth he was so certain , that he thought it losse of time to enquire any further after the beginnings of things , who made them and did first extract them out of the common masse or Chaos where before they lay . Quid quae●am ( saith he ) quae sint initia universorum , quis rerum formator , qui omnia in uno mersa et materia inerti convoluta dis●reverit (l) ? Macrobius speaks more plainly yet , although he somewhat failed in his computation , affirming that the World must be lately made , Cujus cognitio bis mille annos non excedat (m) , considering that there was no monument or record thereof which could entitle it to the age of two thousand years . The like may be affirmed of the Poets , who do ascribe the glory of the Worlds Creation unto God alone ; Ovid in plain significant termes , Sine ulla nominis dissimulatione , as Lactantius hath it (n) , without boggling or scrupling at the name of God ; Virgil more covertly under the names of Mens and Spiritus , under the which names the old Philosopers used to mask him . For Ovid having before described the general Chaos , then addes (o) , Hanc Deus et melior litem natura diremit , Nam Coelo terras , et terris abscidit undas . That is to say ; But God , the better nature , this decides , Who Earth from Heaven , the Sea from Earth divides . And shortly after speaking of the Creation of Man , he gives God these most honourable titles , the Maker of all things , the Authour of a better World ; or Ille opifex rerum , mundi melioris origo , in his proper language . Virgil although he speaks more covertly , as before was said , yet he ascribeth that to his Mens or Spiritus , which Ovid in more plain terms doth assigne to God ; and so co●es somewhat near the truth , Non longe fuit a veritate , as Lactantius noteth (p) . For in his Aeneads thus he tels us . Principio Coelum et Terras , camposque liquentes , Lucentemque globum Lunae , Titaniaque Astra , Spiritus intus alit , totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem , et magno se ●orpore miscet (q) . Which may be Englished thus in brief ; Heaven , Earth , and Seas , the Sun and Moons bright sphere , In the beginning by some Spirit were Divinely cherish'd ; which diffus'd through all , Did like the Soul quicken this massie Ball. In which we have not only intimated the powerfull influence of the Spirit , but the words In principio , which are used by Moses . But to returne again to the Word of God ; we finde not only there that God made the World , and that he made it in such time as himself best pleased ; but also the course and method which he used in so great a work . A work which took up six whole dayes as before was said ; God taking a delight as it were in his own productions , and giving them the commendation of good , as they were created ; or pretermitting that commendation , as sometimes he did , when any thing was wanting unto that perfection which was after added . For in the work of the second day , wherein God did divide the waters above the firmament , from those which were disposed beneath it ; we do not finde this approbation , et vidit Deus quod esset bonum : because that did not bring the waters to that use and perfection which after they received when they were separated from the Earth , and gathered together into one body which he called the Sea. And this consideration is alone sufficient to consute a strange conceipt of some late Divines . Who on pretence of some authority out of Augustines works , have told us that all things were created at once , by the power of God , and that not only in one day , sed in eodem momento or eodem nunc , as Vallesius phraseth it (r) ; the distinction of six days being made by Moses , the better to complie with our incapacities . For questionlesse there cannot be a better reason , why God should passe no approbation on the second days work , and double it upon the third : but that the separation of the Waters not being fully perfected till the said third day , required one special approbation from the mouth of God ; as the production of the earth and the fruits thereof , which was the work of that day also , did require another . But here a question may be made concerning those waters which are said to be above the firmament ; or rather of the firmament which is said to divide them . I know the general opinion of most writers is , that by the Firmament in that place we are to understand the Air : as being interposed , inter aquosam et humidam superioris Regionis molem , et● aquas marium fluminumque , between the waters of the upper Regions , and that which is dispersed in the Seas and Rivers . So Iunius for the Protestant Doctors (s) , and Estius for those of the Church of Rome , do expound that Text ; and for my part I have not been unwilling to conforme to that in which both parties are agreed . But I have met of late with the Observations of a right learned man , upon some passages of Scripture (t) , in which I finde some strong presumptions , that an Abysse of Waters must needs be granted to be above the highest Orbe : whose Arguments I shall lay down as I finde them there , and so refer the matter wholly to the Readers judgment . For first he saith , ( and I think very truly ) that the Waters above the Heavens called upon by David , and the three Children in their Song , to praise the Lord , cannot be taken for the watery Region of the Air : because in the same Canticle , by an expresse enumeration of all the Meteors , this Region is invited to the like celebration O every showres and dew , blesse ye the Lord , and magnifie his name for ever , saith the Benedicite . Fire and hail , snow and vapour , winde and storm , fulfilling his word , saith the book of Psalmes , Psal. 148. He telleth us secondly that in the separation of the waters spoken of by Moses , the waters below the firmament , were gathered together into that Receptacle which he called the Sea , and that in the space above the firmament he laid up the rest of the deep , as in a store-house , Psal. 33.7 . From whence when he uttered his voice ( as at the flood ) there was a multitude ( or noise ) of waters in the Heavens , Ier. 10.13 . Which lest it might be gratis dictum , he proves it by the story of the generall Deluge in which the waters being said to prevail at least 15. cubits above the top of the highest mountains , must needs have more time then 40. days , and 40. nights for their falling down , according to the course of nature , unlesse there had been some supply from this great Abysse ; and that God by an high hand had forced down those waters , which he had laid up there as in a store-house . And that there was such a supplie from this infinite and inexhaustible store-house , he shewes out of those words of the 7. of Genesis , where it is said that the fountains of the great deep or ( as the Angell calleth them in the Book of Esdras ) the springs above the firmament , were broken up : which on the abatement of the waters are said to have been stopped or shut up again , Gen. 8.2 . A thing , saith he , not to be understood of any subterraneous Abysse , without an open defiance to the common principles of nature . Besides it doth appear from the Text it self , that at the first God had not caused it to rain on the earth at all ( perhaps not till those times of Noah ) ; but that a moysture went up and watered the whole face of the ground , Gen. 2.5.6 . as still it is observed of the land of Egypt . And that it did continue thus till the days of Noah , may be collected from the bow which God set in the Clouds ; which otherwise , as Porphyrie did shrewdly gather , had been there before : and if no clouds nor rain in the times before , the Cataracts of heaven spoken of Gen. 7. 11. & 8.2 . must have some other exposition then they have had formerly . Nay he collects ( and indeed probably enough from his former principles ) that this aboundance of waters falling then from those heavenly treasuries , and sunke into the secret receptacles of the earth ; have been the matter of those clouds which are and have been since occasioned and called forth by the heat and influence of the Sun , and others of the stars and celestiall bodies . These are the principall reasons he insists upon . And unto those me thinks the Philosophical tradition of a Crystalline heaven , the watery Firmament we may call it , doth seem to add some strength or moment : which hath been therefore interposed between the eighth sphere and the primum mobile , that by the natural coolness and complexion of it , it might repress and moderate the fervour of the primum mobile , which otherwise by its violent and rapid motion might suddenly put all the world in a conflagration . For though perhaps there may be no such thing in nature as this Crystalline heaven , yet I am very apt to perswade my self , that the opinion was first grounded on this Text of Moses , where we are told of Waters above the Firmament ; but whether rightly understood I determine not . But I desire to be excused for this excursion , though pertinent enough to the point in hand ; which was to shew the power and wisdome of Almighty God in ordering the whole work of the Worlds Creation . To proceed therefore where we left . As we are told in holy Scripture that God made the World , and of the time when , and the manner how he did first create it ; so finde we there the speciall motions which induced him to it . Of these the chief and ultimate is the glory of God , which not only Men and Angels do dayly celebrate , but all the Creatures else set forth in their severall kindes . The Heavens declare the glory of God , and the Firmament sheweth his handy work , saith the royall Psalmist (u) . And , Benedicite domino opera ejus , O blesse the Lord , saith he , all ye works of his , Psal. 103.22 . The second was to manifest his great power and wisdome , which doth most clearly shew it self in the works of his hands : there being no creature in the world , no not the most contemptible and inconsiderable , of all the rest , in making or preserving which we do not finde a character of Gods power and goodness . For not the Angels only , and the Sun and Moon , nor Dragons only , and the Beasts of more noble nature ; but even the very worms are called on to extol Gods name (x) . All come within the compass of laudate Dominum ; and that upon this reason only , He spake the word , and they were made , he commanded , and they were created . In the third place comes in the Creation of Angels and men , that as the inanimate and irrational creatures do afford sufficient matter to set forth Gods goodness : so there might be some creatures of more excellent nature , which might take all occasions to express the same ; who therefore are more frequently and more especially required to perform this duty . Benedicite Domino omnes Angeli ejus , O praise the Lord all ye Angels of his , ye that excel in strength , ye that fulfil his commandements ( for the Angels are but ministring spirits , Psal. 104.4 . ) and hearken to the voyce of his words (y) . And as for men , he cals upon them four times in one only Psalm , to discharge this Office , which sheweth how earnestly he expecteth it from them . O that men would therefore praise the LORD for his goodness , and declare the wonders which he doth to the children of men (z) . Then follows his selecting of some men out of all the rest , into that sacred body which we call the Church : whom he hath therefore saved from the hands of their enemies , that they might serve him without fear , in righteousness and holiness all the days of their lives (a) . And therefore David doth not only call upon mankinde generally to set forth the goodness of the Lord ; but particularly on the Church . Praise the Lord O Hierusalem , Praise thy God O Sion (b) . And that not only with and amongst the rest , but more then any other of the sons of men . How so ? because , he sheweth his word unto Jacob , his statutes and his Ordinances unto Israel . A favour not vouchsafed to other Nations , nor have the Heathen knowledge of his laws ; for so it followeth in that Psalm , v. 19 , 20. The Church then because most obliged is most bound to praise him ; according to that divine rule of eternal justice , that unto whomsoever more is given , of him the more shall be required . And last of all , the Lord did therefore in the time when it seemed best to him , accomplish this great work of the Worlds Creation : that as his infinite power was manifested in the very making , so he might exercise his Providence , and shew his most incomprehensible wisdome , in the continual preservation and support thereof . And certainly it is not easie to determine whether his Power were greater in the first Creation , or his Providence more wonderful and of greater consequence , in the continual goverance of the World so made : which questionless had long before this time relapsed to its primitive nothing , had he not hitherto supported it by his mighty hand . For not alone these sublunary creatures which we daily see , nor yet the heavenly bodies which we look on with such admiration ; but even the Heaven of Heavens , and the Hosts thereof ▪ Archangels , Angels , Principalities , Powers , or by what name soever they are called in Scripture , enjoy their actual existence and continual beeing , not from their own nature , or their proper Essence , but from the goodness of their Maker . For he it is ( as St. Paul telleth us in the Acts ) who hath not only made the World and all things therein , but still gives life and breath unto every creature (c) , and hath determined of the times before appointed , and also of the bounds of their habitation . And so much Seneca , Pauls dear friend ( if there be any truth in those letters which do bear their names ) hath affirmed also . Manent cuncta , non quia aeterna sunt , sed quia defenduntur cura Regentis . Immortalia tutore non egent . Haec autem conservat Artifex , fragilitatem materiae vi sua vincens (d) . All things ( saith he ) continue in beeing as at first they were , not because they are eternal in their own nature , but because they be defended by the Providence of their Governour . Things in themselves Immortal have no need of a guardian . But those things are preserved by the power of their Maker , which over-ruleth the weakness of the matter , out of which they are made . So that it seems by the Philosophie of this learned man , that the creature is preserved from perishing , not by any power which it hath in it self , but by the power and providence of its Heavenly Maker . And this no less true in the Divinity of the holy Scriptures . How long before this present time , had the unbridled Ocean overwhelmed the land , had not God set bounds unto it which it shall not pass , nor turn again to cover the earth (e) ? What a combustion had the World been brought into long before this time , by the perpetual jarring of contrary Elements , had not GOD so disposed it by his heavenly Providence , as to interpose this vast airy Firmament betwixt the Elements of fire and water , and so to temper drought with moisture , that neither should be able to consume the other ? How long before this time had those many millions of men which possess the World , perished for want of food , and devoured one another ; had not he opened his hand , and filled all things living with plenteousness (f) ? did not he give the former and the latter rain , making the Valleys fruitful , and so full of corn , that they do seem to laugh and sing , in the Psalmists language (g) ? How long before this time had the race of mankinde been utterly exterminated out of all the world , by those violent and consuming Wars , which have raged in every part thereof since the times of Nimrod ; since men began to hunt after one another , and made the sword the instrument of their lusts and cruelties ; did not he keep unto himself the Soveraign power of making wars to cease (h) whensoever he pleaseth , and sending Peace into our borders (i) when we look not for it ? Finally , not to instance in more particulars , how long before this time had the World been emptied of Inhabitants , and no place peopled but the Graves , by the continual prevalencie of Plagues and Leprosies , and other pestilent diseases , which the intemperance of diet , or the malignant influences of the heavenly bodies have so oft produced : had not he given a Medicinal vertue unto hearbs and plants for cure of ordinary but contagious sicknesses ; and say to his destroying Angel , that it is enough (k) , when the devouring Plagues do most fiercely rage ? That Pestilence which cut off seventy thousand men in less space then a day , must needs have utterly destroyed all mankinde in less space then a year , had not the Lord restrained the fury of it by his grace and goodness . Look where we will , cast we our eyes on every side upon all the creatures , and we shall finde as much of Gods wonderful Providence in their preservation , as of his mighty Power in the first Creation . That he spake the word and they were made , that he commanded only and they were created ; is the most notable effect of his mighty Power : But that he made them fast even for ever and ever (l) , and gave them such a law for their rule and governance , as shall not be broken , is a more admirable effect of his singular Providence . When therefore it is said in the holy Scriptures that God rested on the seventh day from all the works which he had made ; we are to understand it thus , that he desisted then from adding any thing unto the work of his hands , which he had finished and made perfect the six days before ; but not from ordering and disposing of it as he sees occasion ; which is a work as highly to be prized as the first Creation , and from the which God never resteth , no not on the Sabbath . Sempër videmus Deum operari & Sabbatum nullum est in quo non operetur , in quo non producat solem suum super bonos & malos (m) . Sabbaths and all days are alike in regard of Providence , in reference to the universal government of the World and Nature . Nor is there any day , saith Origen , whereon God doth rest from the Administration of the World by him created , on which he doth not make his Sun to shine both on good and bad , and makes his rain to fall on the just and wicked . Pater meus usque modo operatur saith CHRIST our Saviour (n) . I work ( saith he ) and my Father also worketh to this very time . By which our Saviour meaneth ( as S. Augustine notes ) that God rested not from ordering the things which he had created , Nec ullam sibi cessationis statuisse diem (o) , and that there was no day whatsoever it was in which he tended not the preservation of the creature : and therefore for his own part that he would not cease from doing the will of him that sent him , Ne Sabbatis quidem , no not so much as on the Sabbath . It was the folly or the frenzy of the Epicureans , that they robbed God of his Providence , and made him nothing but a dull Spectator , an idle and unnecessary looker on ; letting all worldly matters go , as they would themselves . Et Deos aut otiosos finxit aut nullos (p) , said the Christian Advocate . The Stoicks saw this Error and took care to avoid it , but then they fell upon as bad , appointing that which they called Fate , in the place of Providence , and by that Fate so tying up the hands of GOD that he could do nothing , but what was formerly decreed and resolved upon . Which were it so , Cur non illae potius regnare dicantur (q) , as wittily Lactantius scoffeth it , why was not Fate and Destiny put in the place of God , which even the Gods themselves are compelled to obey ? The Peripateticks therefore thought it to be better Divinity , to grant to GOD the over-sight and super-inspection of all , but yet ascribed so much unto second causes , that they left little more to be done by GOD , then to set the first wheel , as it were , on going , and leave the rest to move in their course and order . Which though it came more neer the truth , yet it comes not home : the Providence of God being so particular , that the very hairs of our head are said to be numbred (r) , and that a Sparrow doth not fall to the ground without his knowledge and permission . But leaving this discourse of Gods general Providence , we will consider it at the present in these principal parts , his goodness towards all his creatures ; his Iustice in the governance of humane affairs , concluding this with that of Alexander Aphrodiseus , a great Aristotelean , who pleads thus in behalf of this general Providence . Quod Deus inferiorum rerum curam gerere nolit , a Dei natura alienum est nimis , &c. (s) To say , saith he , that GOD refuseth to take care of inferiour things , is too too much abhorrent from the nature of God ; or makes him lyable to the passions of an envious man. And on the other side , to say he could not do it , were altogether as unworthy , and to make him impotent : neither of which by any means may be said of God. And therefore we must needs determine , that God is both willing and able to take care of all things , which he hath made already , or shall make hereafter . And first the goodness of the Lord , though indivisible in it self , ( as all things in him ) hath been divided by the Schoolmen , with very good propriety both of words and meaning , into these kindes : the one of which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Original ; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exemplified ; Illa in Deo existens , haec in Creaturis expressa , the first existing solely in the Lord our God , the other manifested in his Creatures . That which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Original , we may define to be an Everlasting and unalterable quality in the Lord our God , qua modis omnibus & . summe bonus est , by which he is supremely and entirely good . In which regard the Divine Plato said of God , that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , good only in and of himself ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the only saving good , the most desirable felicity , as others of the Heathen called him . And he that knew him best , our most gracious Saviour , hath given this to us for a Maxime , Vnus est bonus , DEVS , that there is none good but only God (u) : so good , that his most blessed vision is the summum bonum , the highest and supremest good , that any of the Saints and Angels can aspire unto . The other species of goodness , which the Schools call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Exemplified , is that which God hath manifested on his Creatures , and imparted to them : and this they do again divide into general , and special ; that being extended unto all his Creatures , this more particularly restrained to his chosen servants . His general goodness he hath shewn , as before was noted , in the continual preservation of the works of his hands , clothing the hils with grass , and the vales with corn ; feeding the Lyons and young Ravens , when they call upon him ; apparelling the Lillies with a greater beauty , then that of Solomon in his greatest glory ; making his Sun to shine , and his rain to fall , as well upon the sinner as the righteous person ; and in a word , opening his hand , and filling all things living with his plenteousness . In which respect it is most truly said by the Royal Psalmist , Repleta est Terra bonitate Domini , the Earth is full of the goodness of the Lord , Psal. 32.5 . His special goodness he restraineth to his chosen servants , to such as fear his name , and observe his Precepts . The Lord is good to Israel , saith the Prophet David , even unto all such as are of a clean heart (x) And so the Prophet Ieremy in the Lamentations , The Lord is good to them that wait for him , to the soul that seeketh him (y) This manifested in delivering them from the evils both of sin and punishment ; and in accumulating on them his sacred blessings both of Grace and Glory . Goodness is graciousness in this sense ; and to be good is only to be kinde and gracious . Sis bonus O felixque tuis , in the Poets language . And then we have it thus expressed in the words of David , viz. The Lord is gracious , and full of compassion , slow to anger , and of great mercy (z) : that is to say , of great mercy in the pardon of our sins and wickednesses ; and gracious in the free collation of the gifts of the holy Spirit , which therefore are called Graces quia gratis data . By grace we are made fit for mercy , by mercy capable of glory . And by his grace and mercy on his chosen servants , doth he preserve the world from those dreadful plagues , which else would fall upon the wicked : from whom he doth withhold his hand , and keep off his vengeance , out of that grace aud mercy to the righteous persons , amongst whom they live . For certainly it is most true which Ruffinus telleth us , Mundum sanctorum meritis stare (a) , that the World hath hitherto been preserved by the prayers of the Saints . And 't is as true which is affirmed by Stapleton , a learned Papist , Deum propter bonos sustinere malos (b) , that God gives many temporal blessings to ungodly men , because they live so intermingled with his faithful servants : and respites them sometimes from the hand of punishment , not for their own , but for the righteous persons sake , amongst whom they dwell . If Sodom stood so long unpunished , it was because of righteous Lot , who then dwelt amongst them (c) . And possibly it might have stood to this very day , at least have scaped that fiery deluge which then fell upon it , had it contained no more then teri righteous persons . Far be it from the Lord our God to stay the godly with the wicked . The Judge of all the World is more just then so . When God raineth vengeance from above on the wicked man , it cannot be but that the righteous must partake of the common miseries ; which do befall that State or Nation in the which he liveth ; as Abraham , Isaac , Iacob did of those several famines which God had sent upon their Neighbours . There are not always such distinctions , as was between the land of Goshen and the rest of Egypt . God therefore sometimes holds his hands , when the sins of wicked men cry loud for vengeance , out of his grace and mercy to the righteous man ; or else abbreviates the time of their tribulation out of respect unto his chosen . If they partake alike of the common miseries of Famine , Pestilence , War , as sometimes they do : it is because that even the best men have their imperfections , and ever and anon commit some foul sinnes , which God thinks fit to expiate with a temporal Purgatory . But Iustice bears the greatest stroak in all Publick Governments . Mercy and Grace , although they be the fairest flowers in the Royal Diadem , are used but at some times , and on choyce occasions . But Iustice is the standing and perpetual rule , by which Kings reign , and order the affairs of their several States . And this the Civil Lawyers do define to be Perpetua & constan● voluntas jus suum cuique tribuendi (d) , a constant and perpetual purpose to give to every man his due . Which definition well accordeth with that heavenly justice which is Original in God , and essential to him : since that the Will of God is the only Standard , by which his justice is directed in the Government of the World and mankinde . Norma justitiae divinae est voluntas Dei , as the old Rule was ; a shadow of which Soveraign power we may behold in some of the Roman Emperours ; who though they ruled the people by the advice of the Senate , yet ruled the Senate as they pleased , and made the intimation of their own will and pleasure , to pass as currant as Law. Quod Principi placuerit Legis habet valorem (e) , saith the book of Institutes . And such almost is the conclusion of those Royal Edicts which daily is set out by the French Kings , which generally ends with these formal words , Car tel est nostre plaisir ; for such is our pleasure . But this in these and other Princes of the like authority , is rather a character of power , then a Rule of justice : the Rule of justice being to be straight and even , and always constant to it self ; not alterable on occasions , or turned aside by passions and humane affections . The will of God is subject to no such vicissitudes , to such turns and changes , as the wils of men ; but an unalterable and most constant rule , without variation , such as the rule of equal and impartial justice is of right to be . And by this rule it is that the Lord proceedeth in executing justice over all the World. Which justice either doth consist in the performance of his promises , ( for even a just and righteous man is as good as his word ) and then it may be called veracitas ; and is a species or kinde of Commutative justice : or else in punishing or rewarding the sons of men , according to the exigence of their several works , and then it hath the name of distributiva , or distributive justice . That part thereof which doth consist in the performance of his promises , and is called Veracitas , may be defined to be a constant and unalterable purpose in Almighty God , of bringing every thing to pass , which he hath either promised to the sons of men , or spoke concerning them by his holy Prophets , which have been since the World began . In the first sense it is said so often of him in the holy Scipture , that he remembred the Covenant made with Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , performing to their seed and their children after them , whatsoever he was pleased to promise : more generally by the Royal Psalmist , Custodit veritatem in seculum , that he keepeth his promise for ever , Psal. 146.6 . And in the other sense , it was said unto the Virgin Mary by her Cousin Elizabeth , that there should be a performance of all those things which had been told her by the Lord , Luk. 1.45 . by the Apostle , that all the Promises of God in Christ Jesus are yea and Amen , 2 Cor. 1.20 . by CHRIST himself , that Heaven and earth should pass away , but that there was not one Iod or title in the Word of God , which in due time should not be accomplished . If it consist in punishing the impenitent sinner , or chastising his own dear children for their wilful follies ; we then call it punitive , and so it comes within the compass of Gods heavenly anger , which as St. Augustine doth define it , non aliud est quam voluntas puniendi , is nothing but the will of God to punish such as do offend against his Commandements . If in rewarding those who conform themselves ( as far as humane frailty will permit ) to his laws and precepts ; it is called Remunerative , and hath a great admixture in it both of love and mercy , in passing by our faults to reward our faith : that saying of St. Bernard being always true , Semper invenies Deum benigniorem quam te culpabilem (f) . Nay even his anger or his punitive justice is so mixt with goodness , that in the midst of judgement he remembreth mercy , and dealeth not so extremely with us as we have deserved : it being as true , which I finde noted by Nicephorus , Deum vindictae gladium oleo misericordiae semper acuere (g) , that God doth always scour the sword of his vengeance with the oyl of his mercy . The World had been reduced by this time to its former nothing , had not he sweetned the severity of his judgements by the balm of his mercies ; and grown into a Wilderness or vast confusion , had he not held in by his Iustice the exorbitant power of those who make their lusts and their wils a Law. And certainly , if we consult the Monuments and Records of former times , we shall finde no Age nor State of men or Nations , which do not give us evident and plain examples of Gods proccedings in this kinde , when the necessities of his Church , or the sins of men do require it of him . The subtle tyrannie of the Egyptians had not only taught them to oppress Gods people for the present , but to extinguish the whole race of them for the time to come : and therefore a command was given to the Midwives of Egypt , to murder all the Male Children which were born to Israel (h) . Did not God scourge them with their own rod , and pay them in their own coin , as we use to say , when he slew all the first-born in the land of Egypt ? And possibly the piety & compassion of the Midwives of Egypt , in sparing many of the Male children whom they might have murdered , occasioned God to lay the fury of his vengeance on the first-born Male (i) , & not on any of the Females throughout the Countrey . When David surfeiting on plenty and the sweets of power , not only had defiled the wife , but destroyed the husband ▪ how fitly did God square the punishment unto the offence ? (k) For presently a violent mixture of rape and incest is committed by one of his own sons on his daughter Tamar ; that rape revenged not long after in the death of the Ravisher : the Murderer getting in short time such a potent party , as to drive his Father out of Hierusalem , and to defile his Wives and Concubines in the fight of the people (l) . When David was restored to his Crown again , and growing vain in conceit of his own great power , must needs command a general muster to be made of all his subjects ; that all the World might see of what strength he was , and stand in fear of his displeasure (m) : how justly did God punish him and take down his pride , in cutting off so many thousands of his people in whose strength he trusted , and bringing him to this confession , that all his strength and power was from God alone . The loss of so many of his subjects was a loss to David , ( the glory of a King consisting in the multitude of his subjects , as the Wise-man tels us ) And though David interceded for them , and took all the fault upon himself , saying in the affliction of a troubled soul , At oves istae quid fecerunt ? what had those sheep done ? yet was there none at all of that seventy thousand , who had not many ways offended against Gods Commandements , and therefore had deserved death as the wages of sin (o) . How patiently did God bear with the house of Iudah , in their Idolatries and apostasie from his Laws and Precepts ? how frequently did he command them to rely on him in all times of danger ? By consequence , how justly did he plague them by the hands of Idolatrous Nations ; and give them over as a prey to the Babylonians (p) , whose favour they had courted in undecent ways , and such as argued a distrust of Gods power or favour ? And when those Babylonian Princes whom God used as scourges to punish the transgressions of the house of Iudah , began so far to forget God , and to contemn that power which raised them to that height of Empire , as to profane the Vessels of his holy Temple in their drunken Feasts (q) , did not God throw them in the fire ( so tender Mothers do their rods ) as no longer serviceable ; and give over to the hands of the Medes and Persians ? And when the Medes and Persians of a frugal People began to drench themselves in wine and prohibited pleasures , growing as sordid and effeminate as Sardanapalus , as drunken and gluttonous as Belshazzar : how soon did God subvert their Empire , and eclipse their glories , by the hands of an impuissant though a valiant Prince ; whom also , when he fell into the Persian riots , he cut off in the very midst of his youth and conquests . The many moral vertues in the people of Rome , their Temperance , Iustice , Valour , and Magnanimity , it pleased God to reward with a temporal Monarchy ; the greatest that ever the Sun had shined on , in the times before . But when together with the conquest of Asia , they had brought home the Asian vices and effeminacy , making their lusts their law , and their wils the rule by which their actions must be squared , and the whole World governed : God plagued them first with Civil and unnatural wars , after subjected them unto the lust and arbitrary rule of their fellow Citizen . And finally when the Christian faith was so far from reclaiming them , that they became a scandal and dishonour to it (r) ; he gave them over as a prey to those barbarous Nations , who either knew not Christ at all , or else were as erroneous in points of Doctrine , as the Romans were grown scandalous in matter of practice . Infinitum esset ire per singula . It were an infinite attempt to follow Gods justice by the track over all the World : although the foot-steps of it be so plain and evident , that he would hardly lose his way that should undertake it : there being no National History either old , or modern , in which we finde not many notable instances to evince this truth ; that God is just in all his ways , and righteous in all his works (s) , and that he meteth such measure to the sons of men , wherewith they meted unto others (t) . Some more examples of the which he that lusts to see , may finde them summed up in the Preface of Sir Walter Raleigh before his History of the World , though to say truth , we need not look far before us . For certainly if all the instances of Gods justice had been lost in the world , and there were no monument of writing left to the former times ; the very times and Countries in which we live , would give us such and so many sad remembrances , as are sufficient in themselves to set forth Gods justice , and make it more remarkable then all antient stories . The Instances whereof I had rather the Ingenuous and discerning Reader should make unto himself then expect from me . Let no man therefore in the pride of his worldly wisdome ●est in the success of a prosperous mischief , or flatter and deceive his poor soul with this , that God doth not see it . For though God seems to wink , yet his eyes are open ; and doth not only see , but will bring to light the practices of wicked and malicious men , though never so secretly contrived , or so cunningly plotted . And his Divine justice , though slow paced at first , will overtake us at long running , how much soever we may seem to have got the start : God dealing still with wicked and bloud-thirsty men , as heretofore with Haman , Absalom , Achitophel , and such other Instruments . When they have served his turn , then he hangs them up . And so I close this point of the Divine Iustice of the true God , with that which a false God truly said in behalf thereof ; for thus the Oracle of Apollo , as Porphyrius citeth him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which with some little alteration may be Englished thus ; Let no man think to blinde the Eye of Heaven , With jugling plots or colours smooth and even . God fils all places , and sees round about ; He that made all things , shall not he finde out ? And yet I would not have it gathered out of this discourse , that because GODS justice in these cares hath been quick and sudden , and followed close on the offence , it must be always so on the like occasions ; or else that question may be made , whether he hath forgotten to be just and gracious , or that the Divine Providence be asleep and regards us not . The Providence of God in ordering humane affairs is no less eminent in suffering wicked men to prosper , and sin to scape unpunished in the present world : then if the Divine vengeanee of Almighty God followed them close upon the heels . God useth the exorbitant lusts and passions of the wicked man , as the wise Physitians do poysons in the course of Physick , thereby to purge some hurtful and predominant humor out of the bodies of his Saints : which otherwise might grow too corrupt and rank , and draw them into such diseases as were irrecoverable . For though God hath no need of the wicked man for the manifestation of his glory , who can by other means effect what himself best pleaseth : yet since men will be wicked and given up to sin , God may and will effect by them what he hath a minde to , Aut nescientibus iis aut nolentibus , either against their wils , or besides their purposes . God neither doth incline them , nor excite them to those works of wickedness , ( whatsoever some are pleased to say unto the contrary ) no nor so much as to permit them , but in this sense only , as he affordeth them not such a measure of grace by which they must have been restrained from the acts of sin . Only he makes this use of their lewd affections , their cruelty , ambition , or such other lusts , as he findes most predominant in them ; that they become fit instruments to set forth his glory , and execute his vengeance when he seeth occasion . Non operando in malis quod ei displicet , sed operando per malos quod ei placet (a) , as Fulgentius hath it . Thus used he the envy which the sons of Iacob did carry most unworthily towards their brother Ioseph , as a great means of saving them and all their families in the following Famine , with which he did intend to afflict those parts . And so much Ioseph doth acknowledge , when he said unto them ; that they should not be afraid nor troubled because they sold him into Egypt when he was a child (b) . Pro salute enim vestra misit me Deus ante vos in Aegyptum ; for God had sent him into Egypt before hand for their preservation . So also in the case of our blessed Saviour , of whom Ioseph was a Type or figure : the Lord determined out of his counsel and fore-knowledge ( as St. Peter telleth us (c) , that he should be the Propitiation for the sins of the world ; and in due time he made the avarice of Iudas , and the malice of the Scribes and Pharisees , his means and instruments , that by their wicked hands and obdurate hearts , he might be crucified and slain . So used he the ambition of the Kings of Babylon , to punish and chastise his people of the house of Iudah ; and the desire of glory which he found in Titus , for the subversion of that wicked and perverse generation , who had not only made themselves drunk with the bloud of the Prophets , but against all rules of Law and Iustice , had filled themselves with the bloud of the Son of God. Thus when he had a minde to assay Iobs patience , he used the Chaldees and wilde Arabs , who did trade in theevery ; to fall upon the heards of his Kine and Camels ; and was content the Devil should try some experiments on his body also , to leave the fairer pattern of unconquered patience for the times to come . And though in these and other occasions of this nature , he make use of the wicked to effect his purposes ; yet he rewardeth them answerably to their deservings : proportioning their Wages to their own intentions , and not according unto that effect which he works out of them . Recipient vero non pro eo quod Deus bene usus est eorum operibus malis , sed quod ipsi male usi sunt Dei operibus bonis (d) , said Fulgentius truly . And though some of them have the hap , or the seeming happiness , to go down into the grave in peace , and carry the reputation with them of successeful wickedness ; yet God will finde them out at last , and meet with these sowre grapes in his general Vintage , and tread them in the Wine-press of his indignation . And to say truth , there are as great and weighty reasons , why some mens punishments should follow after them , as that the rest should have a triall and essay of their future miseries ; by those which they endure in this present life . For as St. Augustine well observeth , if all mens sins were punished in this present world , Nihil ultimo judicio reservari putaretur , it would occasion some to think that there were no necessity nor use of the general judgement (e) : and on the other side if none , Nulla esse divina providentia crederetur , others would be too apt to think that there were no Providence , and say with him in Davids Psalms , Tush ! God doth not see it . God therefore doth so order the affairs of this present life , as may be most subservient unto that to come : not giving such success to the prayers of his servants , as they think most conducible unto their estates , but as he thinks most expedient for them , in reference to a better life then what here they have . And if he do not always give the victory to the justest cause , but that the good man may complain as once Cato did , Victrix causa placet superis , sed victa Catoni (f) , that the worst cause sped best in the chance of war : that also is a special testimony of his heavenly Providence . For either they which seem to have the justest cause may manage it by wicked and ungodly instruments , or else relye too much on the Arm of flesh ; or God may possibly foresee , that they will use the Victory unto his dishonour , or grow secure and negligent of all pious duties upon the strength of that success . In all which cases if God give them over to the hands of their enemies , they have no reason to complain of Almighty God ; as if he either were not just in his distributions , or that his Providence were asleep , or too highly busied , to look upon such passages as are here beneath . God doth that which is most agreeable to his heavenly justice , in punishing the sins of those whom he loves most tenderly , with some temporal punishments ; that they may scape the wrath of the day to come : and lets the wicked man go on with success and glory , until he hath made up the measure of his sins and wickednesses , and so is fitted and prepared for the day of slaughter . But of this Argument it is enough to have said a little : the Providence of God in governing the affaires of the present world , being a point so generally granted by the sober Heathens , that Aristotle being asked what answer should be given to those who made question of it , is said to have replyed , The whip . His meaning was , that they who ware so irreligious , as to make any doubt of Gods heavenly providence , were rather to be answered with stripes then with demonstrations . And with this resolution I conclude this Chapter and the point together . CHAP. V. Of the Creation of Angels ; the ministry and office of the good ; the fall and punishment of the evill Angels : And also of the Creation and fall of Man. OF the Creation of the World we have spoken before ; and are now come to speak of the creation of Angels and Men , as the more noble parts thereof . These , though included in those words of Heaven and Earth , according as they stand in the Creed , are more significantly expressed by the Nicene Fathers : who to those words of Heaven and Earth , have added as by way of Glosse or Commentary , and of all things visible and invisible . That under the notion of things visible they intended Man , as well as any other visible work of the whole Creation , is a thing past question . And that by things invisible they did mean the Angels , will prove to be as clear as that , and testifyed by St. Paul expressely , saying , that By him all things were created , whether in Heaven or Earth , visible or invisible ; whether they be thrones , or dominions , or principalities , or powers , all things were created by him , and for him (a) . In which we have not only the Apostles testimony , that by the things invisible are meant the Angels ; but an enumeration of the severall rankes and degrees of Angels , which were created by the power of the Lord our God. Of these degrees and ranks we shall speak anon ; having prepared our way unto that discourse , by taking first a short survey of the angelical nature . For the quid nominis , to begin first with that , it is meerly Greek ; and English word Angel , and the Latine Angelus , being the same in sound and sense , with the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nuntio , which is to carry a message , or to go of an errand . Angelus then is no more then nuncius , an Angel but a messenger in our English language . And so it it expressed by Lactantius , saying , Habe● enim Ministros quos vocamus nuncios (b) . This as it notifyeth their name , and the reason of it , so doth it signifie their office ; for Angelus nomen est officii non naturae , ( as the Fathers tell us ) which is to be the messengers from God to Man , as oft as there is any important businesse which requires it of them ; to be the Nuncios as it were , from Gods supreme holiness , to manage his affaires with the sons of men . And unto this the Apostle also doth agree , telling us that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ministring Spirits , sent forth to minister unto them that shall be heires of Salvation (c) . Spirits they are according to the nature in which they were made , and Ministring Spirits ( or Ministers as he calleth them out of David , v. 7. ) with reference to the office unto which designed . We have their nature in the word Spirits , which sheweth them to be pure incorporeal substances , not made of any corrupt matter as the bodies of men , and so not having any internall principle of being , they can have none neither of dissolution : and yet as Creatures made by the hand of God they are reducible to nothing by the hand that made them , although they have not in themselves any passive principle , to make them naturally moral . It is the priviledge or prerogative of Almighty God to be purely Simple , without composition , parts , or passion . The Angels though they come most near him , yet fall short of this . Who though they are not made of a matter and forme , and so not naturally subject to the law of corruption : yet are they made up or compounded of Act and Power , ( or Actus aud Potentia , in the School-mens language ) an Act by which they are , a Power into which they may be reduced . And being so made up of an Act of being , and a Power of not being , ( though probably that Power shall never be reduced into Act ) they fall exceeding short of the nature of GOD , whose name is , I AM , and is so , that it is impossible that he should not be , or be any other then he is ; God being as uncapable of change , as of composition . Nay , so great is the difference betwixt their nature and the nature of God , so infinitely do they fall short of his incomprehensible and unspeakable Purity , that though in comparison of Men ( as well as in themselves ) they are truly Spirits ; yet in comparison of GOD we may call them bodies . But whatsoever their condition and ingredients be , they owe not only unto God their continuall being , by whom they are so made as to be free from corruption ; but unto him they are indebted for their first original , without which they had not been at all . St. Paul , we see , doth reckon them amongst things created ; and so doth David too in the Book of Psalmes . Where calling upon all the Creatures to set forth Gods praises , he first brings in the Angels to performe that office , and then descends unto the Heavens and the other Creatures . O praise the Lord of Heaven ( saith he ) praise him in the height (e) ; Praise him all ye Angels of his , praise him all his Hostes , Praise him Sun and Moon , &c. Then addes of these and all the rest of the hosts of heaven , He spake the word , and they were made ; he commanded , and they were created . This with that passage of St. Paul before mentioned make it plain enough , that the Angels were created by Almighty God. And to this truth all sorts of writers whatsoever , which do allow the being of Angels , do attest unanimously . Apollo in the Oracles ascribed unto him , having laid down the incommunicable ▪ Attributes of God , concludes it thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) , that such is God , of whom the Angels are but the smallest portion . Where though Apollo ( or the Devil in Apollo's statua ) would fain be thought to be an Angel , and as an Angel would be thought to have somewhat in him , which might entitle him to be a Godhead : yet he confesseth plainly that he owed his being to the power of God , and was to be obedient unto his commands . Hosthanes one of the chief of the Eastern Magi , not only did allow of Angels , as the Ministers aud messengers of the only God ; but made them so subservient to his will and power (g) , ut vultu Domini territi contremiscant , that they could not look upon him without fear and trembling . A Creature therefore doubtlesse , not of self-existence ; and a Creature of Gods making too , or else what need they tremble when they look upon him ? Of Plato it is said by Tertullian briefly , Angelos Plato non negavit (h) ; but by Minutius more expressely , that he did not only believe that there were Angels , but came so near the knowledge of their constitution , as to affirme that they were inter mortalem et immortalem mediam substantiam (i) , a substance of a middle nature betwixt immortall and mortall : that is to say , not so eternally immortall as Almighty God , nor yet so subject to mortality , as the children of men . And herein Aristotle comes up close to his Master Plato affirming more like a Divine then a Philosopher , that to the perfection of the World there were required three sorts of substances : the first wholly invisible , which must be the Angels ; the second wholly visible , as the Heaven and Earth ; and the third partly visible , and invisible partly , or made up of both . And this saith he is none but man , compounded of a visible body and an invisible soul. The Angels then , though reckoned amongst things invisible , yet being reckoned amongst such things as necessarily concurred to the Worlds perfection : must have the same Creator which first made the World , and made it in that full perfection which it still enjoyeth : and such as hath before been proved , could be none but GOD. The matter in dispute amongst learned men , is not about the Power , by which , but the time when they were created : In which as in a matter undetermined by the word of God , every man takes the liberty of his own opinion ; and for me they may . Some think that their Creation is included in the first words of Genesis , where God is said to have created the Heaven and the Earth (k) : others , when God said , Fiat lux , Let there be light , and that from thence they have the title of the Angels of light . Some will not have them made till the fourth day , when the Sun and Moon , and others of the Stars were made , whose Orbes they say are whirled about by these Intelligences : Cum ab omnibus receptum sit ab illis Coelos torqueri , saith Peter Martyr (m) . But that they were created in one of the six dayes , is the received opinion of all late Divines , whether they be of the Pontifician or the Protestant party . If so , I would fain know the reason why Moses writing purposely of the Worlds Creation , should pretermit the Master-peece of that wondrous work : and not as well take notice of the Creation of the Angels , as of the making of the Heavens , and the Sun , and Moon , or of the Earth , and other sublunary Creatures . I know the common answer is , that Moses did therein consult the frailty of the Iewes his Countrymen ; who having been very well acquainted with the Idolatries of Egypt , might easily have been induced to the worship of Angels , had they found any thing in Scripture of that noble subject ; or else because being acquainted with the things of God , he would not trust them with a secret of so high a nature . Angelorum non meminit , quia scribebat rudibus Judaeis , illius secretioris doctrinae parum capacibus , saith Estius the Iesuite for the Pontificians . That he did purposely omit it , Peter Martyr granteth , but saith that it was propter hominum proclivitatem ad Idololatriam , because of their inclination to Idolatrie . For my part I confess these answers do not satisfie me . For neither were the Iews so untaught a people , as not to have been told of those Ministring Spirits , which did so frequently appear to Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob . And if they were so prone unto Idolatrie , as they say they were , I cannot see but that the pretermission of the Creation of Angels , might rather give them some occasion to commit Idolatry , then any way divert them from it . For when they found by reading in the book of Genesis , that not only Lot bowed himself down before the Angels which appeared unto him (n) , but that the same reverence or worship ( call it which we will ) had been performed unto them by their Father Abraham (o) ; and yet could not meet with nothing touching their creation : might not they probably conclude , that sure the Angels were no creatures , but rather a nature so divine and excellent that it were no impiety to worship them with religious worship . There must be therefore somewhat else which did occasion this omission , whatsoever it was . And why that reason may not be , because it did not fall within the compass of the six days work ( which Moses only undertook to lay down before us ) I must confesse for my part I can see no reason . That they were made before the fourth day , is most plain in Scripture . Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the Earth , said God to Iob , when the morning stars sung together , and all the Sons of God shouted for joy (p) ? St. Augustine hereupon inferreth , Iam ergo erant Angeli quando facta sunt sydera , facta autem sunt sydera die quarto (q) . Therefore ( saith he ) the Angels were created before the stars ; for other Sons of God there were none but they to magnifie and applaud that most glorious work . Before the fourth day then , that 's clear . And I am apt enough to think , till I see better evidence to the contrary , that they were made before the first . Certain I am the Tenor of the Greek Fathers went this way confessedly : whose testimonies I would here produce to make good the assertion , but that I have confitentem reum . For Estius himself doth confesse ingenuously , Quod multi Patres Graeci tradunt Angelos aliquandiu creatos ante Mundum corporeum (r) ; that many of the Greek Fathers were of opinion , that the Angels were created for some space of time before this visible and corporeal World. And Estius himself , for ought I can see , is of the same opinion also , who telleth it for a manifest truth in another place , that the Angels did not fall from the love of God , in the first moment , as it were , of their Creation : Sed aliquanto tempore in justitia stetisse (s) , but that they did abide awhile in the state of righteousness , though they did not persevere therein , as the others did . Assuredly had they been created in the six days work , their continuance in the state of Grace had been so short , that it could hardly have been called Aliquantum temporis . But whether Estius might so mean , I determine not . The Greek Fathers , as he saith , for the most part did ; and so did many of the Latines . Lactantius I am sure was of this opinion ; and thereby answereth the objection which Hortensius made , touching the loneliness and solitude of Almighty God , before the making of the World. Tanquam nos qui unum esse dicimus , desertum ac solitarium esse dicamus . Habet enim Ministros quos vocamus nuncios (t) . How far this satisfyeth the objection we have shewn before ; but certainly it doth sufficiently declare his judgment , that the Angels were created before the World. The old Hermit Cassianus is more plain and positive ; and he a Latine writer too , of approved antiquity , Ante conditionem hujus visibilis Creaturae , spiritales coelestesque virtutes Deum fecisse , &c. nemo fidelium est qui dubitat (u) . That God before the making of this visible World , had made those heavenly and spirituall powers ( so he cals the Angels ) there is not any of the faithful who so much as doubteth . In which it is to be observed that Cassian doth not only speak this as his own opinion , but the opinion of all Orthodox and faithful Christians ; and an opinion grounded on the words of Iob before remembred , by him alledged and applyed for the proof hereof . Finally having cleared the received opinion , from being any way derogatory to the honour of Christ , by whom and for whom all things were created , he doth again repeat what he said before , though he differ somewhat in the words , saying , Ante istud Geneseos temporale principium , omnes illas Potestates Coelestesque virtutes Deum creasse non est dubium . This then was the opinion of the antient Church , and it stood uncontrouled by any publick authority till the Lateran Councel , about 30. years agoe ; in which indeed it was declared , Omnipotenti Dei virtute mundum et Angelos simul ab initio temporis de nihilo esse condita (x) , that by the Almighty God the Angels and the World were both created together in the beginning of time . This was indeed determined then . But I ascribe not so much to the Lateran Councell , or the decrees and definitions which were therein made ( was not the point of Transubstantiation first established there ? ) as to recede from the authority of the antient writers , because Pope Innocent the third did not like their tenets : especially when I have some advantage of the holy Scriptures to rely upon . For when I find that David in marshalling the works of the Creation , puts the Angels first ; not only before the Sun and Moon , but before all Heavens (y) ; I cannot think that he observed only the order of dignity , but that he had an eye especially on the order of time . And so the Angels being placed before Heaven , must consequently be created before that beginning (z) , in which as Moses tels us , Heaven and Earth were created . But whensoever they were made , it is out of question , that they were all created by the word of God : and that they were created both for glory excellent , and for their numbers almost infinite . Lactantius telleth us in general termes , that they were innumerable (a) ; and so no question but they were . For besides those many thousands which fell from God , ( of which we shall speak more anon ) the Prophet doth enforme us of the heavenly hostes ; that thousand thousands ministred unto him , and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him (b) . Not that he doth intend by this to define their number ( as if they were not more in number then are there set down ) but to put down such a vast number , Quo majorem multitudinem humanus sermo explicare nequeat (c) , saith St. Hierome rightly ; greater then which could not be cast up by mans Arithmetick . The several ministries which they undergoe , that numberlesse number of persons whom they do attend on , were proof enough of this , were there no proof else . But because commonly such vast and infinite multitudes are apt to run into confusions , except they be restrained by some rule and order ; it pleased God to divide his Angels into several ranks to make them differing in degree ; that so there being a subordination in the Heavenly hierarchy , the danger of confusion might be best avoided . Nine different orders there are reckoned of these ministring spirits , the one superiour to another ; that is to say , Angels , Archangels , Vertues , Powers , Dominations , Principalities , Thrones , Cherubim , and Seraphim : which different names are not only or originally in the works of Dionysius ( the Areopagite , as it is most generally supposed ) but in the book of God. Of Angels we read often in the holy Scripture ; of Archangels , 1 Thess. 4 16. of the Churubims , Gen. 3.24 . and of the Seraphims , Isa. 6.2 . The rest we finde thus mustred in St. Pauls Epistles , first where he telleth us , that God hath set our Saviour Christ at his own right hand , far above all Principality and Power , and Might , ( the Latine reades virtutes , Vertues ) and Dominions , and every name that is named , not only in this world , but in that to come , Ephes. 1.21 . And after where he reckoneth up the orders of the blessed Angels amongst the works of the Creation , saying , that by him ( CHRIST ) all things were created , that are in Heaven , and that are in Earth , visible and invisible , whether they be Thrones , or Dominions , or Principalities , or Powers , Col. 1.16 . Out of which places I collect , First , that these several words are not used by the Apostle to signifie the same one thing , but are the several names of some different things ; why else should it follow after this recital , Et super omne nomen quod nominatur , and above every name that is named ? And secondly , that these several names do serve to signifie and distinguish those several orders , into which God hath ranked those Celestial spirits . Of this saith Cassianus briefly , Apostolus per ordinem numerans (e) , that the Apostle marshalled them in their proper order . But Hierom reckoning up the particular orders , doth resolve more fully , Sine causa diversitatem nominum esse ubi non est diversitas meritorum (f) ; i. e. that there is no reason why there should be such diversities of names , if there were not some diversity also of estates and qualities . And thereupon he doeth infer , Archangelum aliorum minorum , &c. that an Archangel must be chief over other Angels , and that the Powers and Dominions must needs have some subordinate unto their command , on whom to exercise that power and dominion which is vested in them (g) . Nay he compareth them to an Army ( and are they not in plain terms called the Heavenly hoste , Lu. 2.13 . ) in which are Generals , Collonels , Captaines , & reliquus militiae ordos , and other officers and Souldiers of inferior note . If any aske how St. Paul came to know the names of these different orders , ( and it seems some had asked the question in St. Hieroms time ) he answereth , De traditionibus Hebraeorum (h) , that he had it by tradition from the Hebrew Doctors ; and possibly it might be so , considering he was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel , one of the most learned of the Rabbies . But in my minde it might be better answered thus , That St. Paul being rapt up into the third heaven (i) , which never any of the holy pen-men was but he , had opportunity to see more , and to commit more to writing touching this particular , then any Prophet or Apostle had before or since . More might be said in maintenance of this division of the Angels into severall orders , had I or list or leasure to insist upon it : or purposed to make that the principall , which was intended for an Accessary unto this discourse . That which I mainly do intend , is to set forth the ministry of these blessed spirits in reference unto the will of God , and the weal of Man. His Ministers they are , Psal. 104. and therefore called ministring spirits , Heb. 1.14 . but commonly sent out by Almighty God to minister unto the necessities of poor mortall man , to those especially who shall be heires of salvation , as St. Paul hath told us . His Ministers they are , and therefore to be used by him as he sees occasion , in his affaires of greatest moment ; in none more frequently then such as do relate to the sons of men , either in point of punishment or of preservation ; whether it be in reference to their temporal or eternal being . In both respects the Angels are the Ministers of the Court of Heaven , the ordinary officers or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Almighty Iudge , and bound to execute the mandates which are issued thence , whether mens sins be ripe for vengeance , or that affliction and repentance make them fit for mercy . First in the way of temporal punishment , it is most clear and evident in the book of God , that he sent down his Angels with a full commission to destroy Sodom (k) and Gomorrah two rich populous Cities , after they had so long abused his patience , and their own prosperities : and that he sent his evill Angels amongst the Egyptians , when neither signes nor wonders would prevail upon them ; (l) by whom he gave their life over unto the pestilence , slew the first born in all their dwellings , and finally overwhelmed them in the red Sea , or Sea of Edom : Where note they are called mali Angeli , or evill Angels , not that they were so in themselves , but ab effectit , from the evils which they brought on that perishing people , as Bellarmine and Lorinus two very learned Iesuites , have right well observed . Thus do we also read of a destroying Angel , by whom according to the will and command of God (m) , no fewer then 70000. Israelites were consumed in an instant , when once they boasted in their numbers , and did presume too much on the Arme of flesh : and of another which went out and smote in the Camp of the Assyrians no lesse then 185000. persons (n) , after they had blasphemed the Lord , and put a scorne upon the holy one of Israel . Not to say any thing of Herod , who when he had beheaded Iames , imprisoned Peter , and troubled certain of the Church ; was miserably smitten by an Angel , and consumed by wormes . It pleased GOD to employ them in those acts of vengeance , though well affected in themselves to the good of mankinde ; and a necessity was laid upon them to obey his pleasure . Nec quicquam est in Angelis , nisi parendi necessitas (o) , said Lactantius truly . And so far we have all things clear from the holy Scriptures . But if we will beleeve the learned ( as I think we may ) there is no signal punishment of ungodly people , ascribed to God in the old Testament , but what was executed by the ministry of these blessed spirits , except some other means and ministers be expresly named . That great and universal deluge in the time of Noah , was questionless the work of Almighty God ; I , even I , do bring a flood of waters upon the Earth , Gen. 6.17 . But this was done by the ministery and service of the holy Angels , Ministerio Angelorum , saith Torniellus (p) : whom he employed in breaking up the fountaines of the great deep , and opening the cataracts of Heaven , for the destruction of that wicked unrepenting people . Thus when it is affirmed in the 14. of Exodus that the Lord looked into the hoste of the Egyptians through the pillar of fire , and overthrew them in the midst of the Sea , v. 24.27 . Non intelligendum est de Deo , sed de Angelo qui erat in nube , we must not understand it of the Lord himself , as Tostatus hath it (q) , but only of the Angel or ministring spirit , of whose being in the cloud we had heard before . And when we read that in the battail of the five Kings against the Israelites , the Lord cast down great stones upon them from Heaven , Iosh. 10. it is not to be thought ( saith he ) Quod Deus mitteret , (r) sed Angelus jubente Deo , that this was done by Gods own hand , but by the holy Angels at the Lords appointment . The like may be affirmed of those other acts of power and punishment , whereof we finde such frequent mention in the book of God ; which though they be ascribed to God as the principall Agent , yet were they generally effected by his holy Angels , as the means and instruments . But the most proper office of the holy Angels , is not for punishment , but preservation ; not for correction of the wicked , but for protection of the just and righteous person . That 's the chief part of their imployment , the office which they most delight in ; and God accordingly both hath and doeth employ them so from time to time . For by the ministery of his Angels did he deliver Ismael from the extremity of thirst , Daniel from the fury of hunger , Lot from the fire , and trembling Isaac from the sword : our infant Saviour from one Herod , his chief Apostle from another ; all of them from that common prison , into the which they had been cast by the Priests and Pharisees . But these were only personal and particular graces . Look we on such as were more publick , on such as did concern his whole people generally : and we shall finde an Angel of he Lord incamping between the hoste of Egypt and the house of Israel (s) , to make good the passage at their backs till they were gotten on the other side of the Sea : another Angel marching in the front of their Armies , as soon as they had entred the land of Canaan (t) ; and he the Captain of the Lords hostes , Princeps exercituum Dei , as the vulgar readeth it ; but whether Michael , Gabriel , or who else it was , the Rabbins may dispute at leasure , and to them I leave it . Moreover , that wall of waters which they had upon each side of them , when they passed thorow the Sea as upon dry ground , facta est a Deo per Angelos exequentes , that was the work of Angels also directed and imployed by Almighty God , as the learned Abulensis notets it (u) . Which also is affirmed by the Iewish Doctors of the dividing of the waters of Iordan , to make the like safe passage for them into the promised land , the land of Canaan (x) . The like saith Peter Martyr a learned Protestant touching the raysing of the Syrians from before Samaria , when the Lord made them hear the noise of Cariots , and the noise of horse-men , that it was , ministerio Angelorum (y) , effected by the ministery of the holy Angels , whom God imployed in saving that distressed people from the hands of their enemies . And by an Angel , or at least an angelical vision , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a dream or Oracle delivered to them in their sleep , as Eusebius telleth us (z) , did he forwarne the Christians dwelling in the land of Palestine , to remove thence to Pella , a small town of Syria , and so preserved them from the spoyle and fury of the Roman Armies . This was Gods way of preservation in the times before us , and it is his way of preservation in all ages since . GOD is the same God now , as then : his holy Angels no lesse diligent in their attendance on us then they have been formerly . Let us but make our selves by our faith and piety , worthy to be accounted the Sons of God , and the heires of salvation : and doubt we not of the assistance of these ministring spirits , in all essaies of personall or publick dangers . T is true the apparitions of the Angels in these late times have been very rare ; not many instances to be found in our choycest Histories . But then it is as true withall , one of the most eternall truths of holy Scripture ; that the Angel of the Lord , encampeth about all them that fear him , and delivereth them (a) . Whether we see , or see them not , it comes all to one ; and so resolved by Clemens of Alexandria , an old Christian writer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) . The Lord , saith he , doth still preserve us by the ministery of his holy Angels , though we behold them not in any visible shape , as the antients did . And to say truth , this general protection of the Angels is a point so clear , so undeniable in true Divinity , that he must needs renounce the Scripture which makes question of it . Some difference indeed hath been about Angel-gardians , and the particular protection which we have from them to whom God hath committed the tuition of our severall persons . And yet even this , if we make Scripture to be judge , according to the exposition of the antient Writers , will prove a point as clear and as undeniable , as that of the protection which we have in general . For Origen who lived in the third century from our Saviours birth , reckoneth it for a tenet of undoubted truth , and generally imbraced in the Christian Church long before his time ; that all Gods children from their birth , or at least their Baptisme , had their angel-keepers (k) . Lactantius speaks more generally as of all mankind , ( Ad tutelam generis humani misit Angelos (l) ) though possibly he might mean no otherwise then did the other Catholick writers of the times he lived in , and those who followed close in the age succeeding . St. Basil in Psal. 33. and Psal. 58. St. Chrysost. on the 18. of Matthew . The Authour of the Imperfect work , Hom. 40. Theodoret in l. 5. divinorum Decretorum , do all agree upon this point . But I finde none more copious nor more positive in it then St. Hierome , who doth not only say it , but urge Scripture for it . He saith it in the general first , Magna est dignitas animarum , ut unaquaeque habeat ab ortu nativitatis in custodiam suum Angelum delegatum . Great , saith he , is the soul of man , ( he means Christian men ) that every one from the very birth hath a special Angel appointed for his defence and custody (m) . He saith it in particular next , of the Lady Paula , Testor Jesum et sanctos ejus , ipsumque proprium Angelum , qui Custos suit et comes admirabilis foeminoe (n) : calling to witness CHRIST , and his blessed Saints , yea and the very Angel himself , who was the guardian and companion of that admirable woman . And finally he doth not only say it as a positive truth , but doth refer us to the Scripture for the proof thereof ; Quod unusquisque nostrum Angelos habent , multa Scripturae loca docent (o) . The Scriptures he referreth us to , are chiefly Mat. 18. and Act. 12. That in the 18. of St. Matthew , is this saying of CHRIST , Take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones , for I say unto you that in Heaven their Angels do always behold the face of my Father which is in heaven . Touching which text , first it is generally agreed by all sorts of writers , that by the name of Parvuli , he meanes not little children in age or stature ; but rather the just and righteous man : which howsoever he be great in the eye of God , is little in esteem of the wicked World , and lesse in the opinion which he hath of himself . And secondly , it is as generally agreed on by all ancient writers , that by their Angels are meant those who had the charge or custody of their severall persons . The saying of St. Augustine is well known in this , Parum est fecisse Angelos tuos , fecisti et custodes parvulorum tuorum . It did not seem enough to God to have made the Angels , but that he made them also to be guardians of his little ones . The same , or to the same effect say almost all the antient writers which expound this text . That in the Acts , is the result of a discourse amongst the Disciples about St. Peter , whom they conceived to be in prison . But when a Danosel of the house did affirme for certain , that she left him standing at the door , they then resolved with one consent that it was his Angel , v. 15. that is to say , his angel-keeper , Qui Petro ab ortu nativitatis datus est in custodiam (q) , to whom the safety of his person had been committed from his very birth . St. Hierom , as we saw before , so applyeth the text ; so doth St. Basil also in his first book against Eunomius , Cassian Collat. 8. c. 17. and divers others of the Antients . Nor doth this place conclude only for Angel gardians of Gods people since the times of the Gospel ; but that it was the general opinion of those also who lived under the Law ; from whom these Disciples must needs have it . And that it was his angel-keeper of which Iacob spake , saying , The Angel which redeemed me from all evill , blesse these lads (r) ; is the opinion of Tostatus , and many learned men of the Roman Schooles . And hitherto I think the point is so clear and evident , that we may safely say with Vasquez , Sine gravi temeritatis nota negare non licet , it cannot be denied without very great rashnesse : especially considering that this tenet of Angel-gardians , findes testimonie also from the penne of Plato , and others of the antient and more learned Gentiles , but darkened and mistaken by them under the notion of such Daemons whom they blindly worshipped . For Apuleius speaking of two sorts of Daemons , the one superiour to the other , then addeth . Ex hac sublimiori Daemonum copia autumat Plato singulis hominibus in vita agenda testes et custodes singulos additos , that out of the highest rank of Daemons , Plato conceived that there was a several guardian to each severall man. That Socrates in particular had his Daemonium as they called it , ( but his angel-gardian as I take it ) was affirmed often by himself , of which I shall speak more anon . But that each man whatsoever he was , should have the like assistance as Socrates had without relation to the piety of his conversation , or the soundness of his judgment in coelestial matters ; was a meer error of Platos ( were it his originally ) and never countenanced by the Church of the Primitive times , which did restrain this priviledge unto Gods elect . 'T is true indeed that our great Masters of the Church of Rome do enlarge it further , and will have every man how wicked and unjust soever , whether he be Iew or Gentile , Turk or Infidel , to be provided by the Lord of an Angel-guardian . In which they do not only go beyond the Scripture , but also absolutely desert the Fathers , and more then so , the dictate and determination of Peter Lombard , whose authority they so much stand unto in other cases : For he conceives no otherwise of the point then thus , Vt unusquisque electorum habeat Angelum ad sui protectum adque custodiam specialiter deputatum (s) , i.e. that every one of the Elect ( none else ) had their Angel-keepers . And this perhaps might be the reason , why Maldonat , though he follow the general current of their Schools , in giving unto every man his Angel-Guardian : doth yet ingenuously confess , majores esse parvulorum (t) , that the Angels of the little ones of Gods dearest children , are greater and of more esteem with Almighty God , then those which are appointed unto other men . Leaving this therefore as a matter of no ground in Scripture , I must confess that I am throughly satisfied in this point touching the Angel-guardians of Gods Elect. Nor can I think it any way derogatory to the mercies of God , or restrictive of them , that every childe of God should have one Angel in ordinary to attend upon him : considering it may very well stand ( which I marvel Calvin either did not , or would not see ) with that protection which God gives us by his Angels generally , in extraordinary exigences and occasions which require their aid . As for the other point which depends on this , viz. whether Communities of people , several States and Kingdoms have not their Angel-Guardians also ; I shall not medle at the present : though there be ground enough for me to build upon out of Dan. 10.20 , 21. and the authority of S. Hierom , and some other Antients , who are plainly for it . Suffice it that each Christian man hath his Angel-keeper , appointed by the will and command of God to take the charge and care of his preservation ; and to give God accompt when he shall be called to it , how faithfully he hath performed the trust committed to him . Which as it is a special Act of Gods favour to us , so all the honour of it doth belong to him : and to him therefore must we sue and address our prayers , as often as we stand in need of his help and succour , either in stirring up the diligence of our own proper Angels , or sending us such for their succour as the case requireth . The Angels are his Ministers , but not our Masters , our Guardians at the best , but by no means our Patrons . Therefore we must not pray to them in our times of danger , but to God that he would please to send them . Not unto them , because we know no warrant for it in the holy Scripture ; nor any means ( might it be done without such warrant ) to acquaint them ordinarily with our present need , by which they may take notice of our distresses , and come in to help us . 'T is true , the Daemons or evil Angels in the state of Gentilism were honoured both with Invocation and with Adoration ; and the Colossians being newly weaned from their Idolatries , thought it no great impiety to change the subject , and to transfer that honour on the Angels of light , which formerly they had conferred on the Angels of darkness . But doth St. Paul allow of this ? No , he blames them for it . Let no man saith he , beguile you of your reward in a voluntary humility , and worshipping of Angels (x) . Not in a voluntary humility , as if we thought our selves unworthy to look up to God , and therfore must employ the Angels for our Mediators . For this was formerly alleadged , as it seems by Zonaras , by some weak Christians in the infancy and first days of the Church . Of whom he telleth us that they were verily perswaded , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (y) , that is to say , That we ought not to invocate Christ to help us , or to bring us to God , but to desire that favour of the Angels rather : immediate address to Christ being a thing too high for our great unworthiness . Nor in the worshipping of Angels , which being an effect of their former Gentilism , ( Of which consult St. August . Confess . l. 10. cap. 42. De Civit. Dei. l. 8 , 9 , 10. Theodoret upon the Text , Clemens of Alexandr . Strom. l. 3. & Can. 35. Concil . Laodicensis ) was therefore by St. Paul condemned and forbidden as a thing plainly derogatory to the honour of Christ , whom they did hereby rob of the glorious Office of being the Mediator between God and man. 'T is true that there were some in the Primitive times who were called Angelici , who intermingled the Worship of God with the adoration of Angels , and lived about the end of the second Century . But then it is as true withall , that they were reckoned Hereticks for so doing ; both by Epiphanius in his Pannaion , and by St. Augustine in his 39. chap. ad quod vult Deum . And not the adoration only , but even the invocation of Angels also ( invocation being an act of Divine worship ) is by the same Epiphanius condemned for heresie , Haer. 38. where he speaks of it as a thing in usual practise amongst the Hereticks called Caini . Nor was this worshipping of Angels condemned only by them , but by all the Fathers of the Council of Laodicea , Canon . 35. nor by them only who were guided by a fallible spirit , nor by St. Paul only , though directed by the Spirit of God , but by the very Angels themselves , who constantly have refused this honour , whensoever by mistake or otherwise it was offered to them . For when Manoah in testimony of his joy and thankfulness would have offered a Kid unto that Angel , which brought him news from Heaven of the birth of his son ; the Angel did refuse it , saying , If thou wilt offer a Burnt-offering , thou must offer it unto the Lord (z) . By which modest and religious refusal of so great an honour , Manoah knew ( as the Text hath it ) that he was an Angel. And if we may not offer to them the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving ; then certainly they do as little expect our incense , or the oblation of our prayers . And therefore it was both piously and acutely said by divine St. Augustine , that if we would rightly worship Angels , we must first learn of them that they will not be worshipped (c) . The like we also finde in the Revelation . Where when St. Iohn astonished at the sight of the Angel , fell down at his feet to worship him , the Angel did refuse it , saying , See thou do it not (d) , for I am thy fellow-servant , and of thy Brethren . Concerning which we have this memorable passage of the same St. Augustine , Quare honoramus eos , &c. We honour ( saith he ) the angels with love , not service , neither do we build Temples to their honour ; for they will not so be honoured by us , because they know that we our selves are the Temples of God. And therefore it is rightly written , that a man was forbidden by an Angel that he should not worship him , but one God alone , under whom he was a fellow-servant with him . They then which do invite us to serve and worship them as Gods ( and so do all which do invite us to pray unto them ) are like to proud men , who would be worshipped if they might : though to say truth to worship such men is less dangerous then to worship Angels (e) . Finally , he resolves it thus , and with his Resolution I shall close this point , ( though much more might be said in the prosecution ) Let Religion therefore binde us to one God Omnipotent , because between our mindes , or that inward light by which we understand him to be the Father and the truth , there is no creature interposed . Pray to them then we may not , we have no ground for it . But pray to GOD we may to send them to our aid and succour , when the extremity of danger doth invite us to it . And having made our prayers , we may rest assured that God will send them down from his holy hill , from whence comes Salvation , and give them charge to succour us as our need requireth . Calvin himself alloweth of this , and gives it for a Rule or Precept , Vt in periculis constituti a Deo petamus protectionem Angelorum , & confidamus eos ex mandato Dei praesto fore (f) . But behold a greater then Calvin here . For our most blessed Mother the Church of England , not only doth allow of so good a rule , but hath reduced his rule to as good a practise . By whom we are taught to pray , in the Collect for St. Michael the Archangels day , that God who hath ordained and constituted the service of all Angels and men in a wonderful order ; would mercifully grant that they who always do him service in Heaven , may by his appointment succour and defend us on earth , through IESVS CHRIST our Lord. Amen . Further then this we may not go , without entrenching deeply upon Gods Prerogative ; which as these blessed spirits expect not from us , so neither will they take it if it should be offered . Non nobis Domine , non nobis , is the Angels song . But so it is not with the Devil , or the Angels of darkness , who do not only accept of those prayers and offerings which are made unto them by that miserable and infatuated people , whom they have captivated in the chains of sin and ignorance ; but they look for it at their hands , and threaten most severe punishments if it be neglected . The Devil is still sick of his old disease , of being like to God both in power and greatness . And being still possessed of his old ambition , no marvel if he stand on Temples , Altars , Sacrifices , both upon Invocation and on Adoration , and whatsoever else is requisite to the Worship of God. It was the pride and vanity of this glorious humor , which made them uncapable of long stay in Heaven ; and hath since plunged them in the depths of disconsolation . They were at first created by Almighty God in the state of perfection , as were the blessed spirits , who still stand in Grace ; endued with a most excellent understanding , and a conformity of will to the Will of God. Good they were made ( as all the rest of Gods creatures were ) but not good unchangeably . That was the priviledge and Prerogative of the Lord most high . But made so good , that they were also capable of doing evil , if they would themselves ; and put into a power or liberty of condition , either of placing their whole comforts in the service of God , or by falling off from that felicity , to make themselves the authors and the servants of sin . Which power or liberty of their will ( call it how you please ) some of them did abuse so far unto Gods dishonour , that they were presently removed from that glorions dwelling , banished for ever from the presence of Almighty God , and kept in chains of darkness to the day of Judgement . So witnesseth the holy Scripture both old and new . Behold , he put no trust in his servants , and his angels he hath charged with folly (f) , or rather , in his Angels he found wickedness , In Angelis invenit pravitatem , saith the Vulgar Latine . Which though they were the words of Eliphaz the Temanite , a man not altogether Orthodox in points of Divinity ; yet that which he intends thereby is countenanced by other passages of Canonical Scriptures . For if by finding wickedness , or folly , in the Angels themselves , be meant no more then this , ( as indeed there is not ) quod illi a Deo propria voluntate discesserunt , that by the impulsion of their own will they fell off from God , as the learned Estius well obsereth : then doth this Temanite say no more in the Book of Iob , then what St. Peter and Iude have also said in their two Epistles , God spared not the Angels which sinned ( as St. Peter hath it ) but cast them down to Hell , and delivered them into chains of darkness to be reserved unto judgement (g) . St. Iude affirms the very same , The Angels ( saith he ) which kept not their first estate , but left their own habitation , he hath reserved in everlasting chains under darkness , unto the judgement of the great day (h) . By both it is as clear as day that the Angels sinned , and that the punishment due unto their transgression , was inflicted on them : but what the particular sin was which they did commit , and in what state they stand in regard of the punishment ; we shall crave leave to look into with some further search , as being necessary to be known in reference to the fall of man , the incarnation of our Lord and Saviour , and his last coming unto Iudgement . For being fallen themselves from the love of God , they have practised ever since on Adam and his whole posterity , to make them also liable to the same damnation . In solatium calamitatis suae non desinunt perditi jam perdere , saith Minutius Felix . And this calamity of man induced the ever gracious and most merciful God , to send his onely begotten Son into the World (i) , to redeem such as were under the law of sin , that so they might receive the adoption of sons . First for their sin , the general opinion of the Church hath been , that it was an ambitious pride to be equal with God. For being made by God of so pure a substance , of such an excellent comprehension and so rare abilities , they thought themselves too glorious and sublime an essence to obey a superiour ; and that it was sufficient honour to the Lord their God , if they admitted him for an equal , and let him be half sharer with them in the Supreme power . Just like some proud ambitious favorite in the Courts of Princes , who being raised from nothing to be next in dignity to their Soveraign Lord , are not content with those preheminences which their King hath given them , but are resolved to strike at all , and either get the Regal Diadem , or perish in the glory of their undertaking . But being this could not be the hope of all those Angels who forsook their God , it is supposed to be the aim of some chief amongst them , of him , who in the Scripture is called sometimes Satan (a) , and sometimes Luc●fer (b) , and sometimes Beelzebub the Prince of Devils (c) . The rest of the apostate Angels were drawn into the plot , either upon a hope of having a supreme Lord of their own nature , which should bear rule over them , or fancying to themselves a more moderate reign , by living under a Prince of their own Election . Now that it was ambition which caused Lucifers fall , it is expresly said by the Prophet Esay , How art thou fallen from Heaven O Lucifer , son of the morning ! How art thou cast down to the ground which didst weaken the Nations ! For thou hast said in thine heart , I will ascend above the height of the Clowds , I will be like the most High (d) . Yet shall thou be brought down to Hell , to the sides of the pit . Upon which words S. Hierom giveth us this short Gloss , Qui per superbiam dixerat , In Coelum ascendam , & ero similis altissimo , non solum ad infernum sed ad Inferorum ultimum detrahitur (e) . He that said through the pride of his heart , I will ascend above the height of the Heavens , and be like the most High , is not only brought down to Hell , but to the lowest pit of that dreadful Lake . And to this fall of Lucifer , as I conceive , our Saviour doth allude in St. Lukes Gospel , saying , I saw Satan as lightning fall from Heaven , 10.18 . Upon which passage take this short note from the pen of Theophylact , Marvel not that the Devils are made subject to you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for their Prince is long since fallen from Heaven , and hath no power left : which although mortal men beheld not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet was it visible to me who see things invisible (f) . The like Ezekiel saith , as of Lucifers fall , under the name and notion of the King of Tyre . Thus saith the Lord God , Thou hast been in Eden ( or Paradise , as the Vulgar reads it ) the Garden of God , thou art the anointed Cherub that coverest , thou wast upon the holy Mountain of God , and perfect in thy ways from the day that thou wert created , till iniquity was found in thee . Thy heart was lifted up because of thy beauty , thou hast corrupted thy wisdome by reason of thy brightness . I will cast thee to the ground , I will lay thee before Kings that they may behold thee (g) . S. Hierom hereupon gives this note or descant , Quo sermone demonstrat nequaquam hominem esse de quo scribitur sed contrariam fortitudinem quae quondam in Paradiso Dei commorata sit . By which , saith he , the Prophet doth demonstrate plainly that he means not this of any man , but of that opposite power the Devil , which had heretofore his abode in Paradise . And as for the iniquity which was found in him , it was that , saith he , quae per superbiam & abusionem potestatis quam acceperat , which lying hidden in his heart , had at the last discovered it self by pride , and the abuse of that power which he had received . These texts not only Cassianus (b) and others of the Antient writers , sed aliorum fere omnium Commentarii de Principe Daemonum exponunt , but generally all Commentators , as Estius telleth us (i) , expound it of Lucifer or Beelzebub the Prince of Devils . I know indeed that in the literal sense of Scripture those Prophecies were intended of Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon , and the then King of Tyre whosoever he was . But then I do observe withall , that many things are spoken in the course of those Prophesies , especially the words which I have selected , that cannot possibly be applyed in a literal sense to either of the Princes before remembred . And it is a good rule which St. Augustine and others of the Fathers give us in expounding Scrippture , that those places which cannot piously and congruously be understood in the literal or historical sense , ea ad sublimiorem intelligentiam referantur , are to be understood in a mystical meaning ; and so the places must be here . But that it was an ambitious pride , which first brought sin into the world , besides these two Prophetical Scriptures , and the general consent of Writers which do so expound them , there are other reasons to evince . For first the Devil , being still tainted with this plague of pride , went the same way to work in seducing Adam . To tempt him with the beauty of a glorious Apple , had been a bait too much below those most rare endowments , wherewith God had invested him at his first Creation . But to inflame him with an hope of being like unto God , to tell him Eritis sicut Dii (k) , that there should be no difference between God and him ; that was the way most like to take , and that way he went. By that sin which occasioned his own just damnation , was he resolved to draw all mankinde into the same perdition with him . And next it is a good rule in Physick , Contraria contrariis expelluntur , that one contrary doth expel and remove another . And this I take to be one chief reason , why our most blessed Lord and Saviour , being God of God , and the very brightness of his Father , did take upon himself the form of a servant (l) , and conversed here with man in so great humility ; that he might make amends for the sin of pride , by which the Angels who by nature were created Servants , ( for what else is a Minister or a Ministring Spirit ? ) aspired unto the greatness of Almighty God. And unto these I adde by way of surplusage , the saying of the son of Syrach , initium peccati omnis superbiam esse (m) , that pride was the beginning of all sin . And this S. Augustine cals perversam Celsitudinem (n) , a perverse ambition , by which forsaking God whom they ought to have loved above all things , they would needs be their own Creators , as it were , out of a self-love to themselves . If it be asked , how Lucifer and the rest of the Apostate Angels , being of such cleer and excellent understandings could possibly affect a matter which they knew impossible : Aquinas makes this ready and Scholastical answer , Hujusmodi peccatum non praeexigere ignorantiam , &c. That pride ( for of that sin he speaketh ) doth not so much presuppose ignorance as inconsideration (o) , Et hoc modo peccavit Angelus convertendo s● . ad proprium bonum , &c. And in this wise ( saith he ) did the Angels sin , turning themselves by the abuse of their free will to their own proper good , without consideration of the will of Almighty God. And here I should conclude this point of the sin of the Angels , but that there cometh into my minde the Poetical fiction of the aspiring of the Giants to the Kingdom of God , which certainly was raised on those grounds of Scripture ( or the tradition of the Iews which was built upon it ) wherein these Angels stand accused of the like ambition . Of which Gigantine folly thus we read in Ovid (p) . Neve● foret terris securior arduus Aether , Affectasse ferunt Regnum coeleste Gigantes , Altaque congestos struxisse ad sydera montes . Which may be Englished in these words , And that the Gods their safety might suspect , The Giants did the Heavenly Throne affect . Who to attain the height of their designe , Heap hils on hils , and so to Heaven they clime . Next for the punishment of these Angels , though fully denounced against them on the first offence , and in part inflicted at the present ; yet the full execution of it was by God deferred until the general day of judgement : that CHRIST might have the honour of their condemnation , and his humility triumph over their ambition . That which was presently inflicted , besides the grief , terror , and torment of that inward confusion which they shall always bear about them , it consisteth first in the diminution of those excellent abilities , with which they were by God endowed in the day of their Creation : the clearness of their understanding being dulled with such clowds of darkness , that though they still exceed in knowledge all the sons of men ; yet they fall very short of that which before they had ; the Devils not knowing any thing of Christs incarnation , untill it was proclaimed by a voyce from Heaven (q) ; whereas the good Angels knew him at the very time of his birth , and did not only know him , but adore him also (r) . And as their understanding hath lost its brightness , so for their wils , they have not only lost that primitive integrity which at first they had , but are so obstinated in mischief , so setled in their hatred against God and his CHRIST , that they neither can nor will repent , and are therefore called perverse spirits in the holy Scriptures . And for the other part of their punishment which is poena sensus , they are under an arrest already , reserved in chains like prisoners to the day of judgement , and in some part of Hell as their Iayl or Prison : though many times by the patience and wisdome of God , they are permitted to wander in the ayr , and compass the earth , that they might tempt the wicked , and try the godly , express their power upon the creatures , and exercise their malice against Gods Elect. That they do compass the earth to seduce poor man , we have it in the book of Iob (t) , where he is said to go to and fro in the earth , to walk up and down in it : and that he wandereth in the ayr , we are told by St. Paul (u) , by whom he is called the Prince of the power of the ayr . But that he was cast down into Hell , besides those places of the Old Testament produced before , we are assured by St. Peter (x) ; and that they are reserved there in chains like prisoners , is affirmed expressely by St. Iude (y) . Not in material chains , we conceive not so : but that they are restrained by the power of God , and are so bridled and tyed up by his mighty hand , that they are neither masters of their own abilities , nor have the liberty of acting what they would themselves , but only so far forth as he shall permit , as is most clear and manifest in the case of Iob. And from thence came , no doubt , this Proverbial speech , that the Devil cannot go beyond his chain . And though they feel some part of that dreadful torment to which they are reserved in the house of darkness , yet is it but initium dolorum , or the beginning of sorrows , compared with those they are to suffer in the world to come . In this regard , the Devils did not only cry out against Christ our Saviour , that he was come to torment them before their ●ime , Mat. 8.29 . but they did so abominate the conceit of the bottomeless Pit , that they most earnestly besought him , Ne imperaret ut in Abyssum irent , not to command them down to that deep Abysse , Luk. 8.31 . Praesentia Salvatoris est tormentum Daemonum ; Our Saviours presence , saith St. Hierom (z) was the Devils torment , who seeing him upon the earth when they looked not for him , ad judicandos se venisse crederent , conceived that he was come to bring them to judgement . And to say truth , it is no marvel that they were so afflicted at the sight of our Saviour , considering that they knew full well , that howsoever he might bring Salvation to the sons of men ; yet for themselves , they were uncapable of that mercy , and were to have no part in the Worlds Redemption . The reasons of which so great difference , as the Schoolmen think , are these especially (a) . First , because the Angels fell of themselves , but man at the suggestion or perswasion of others , Et levius est alienamente peccaffe quam propria , as S. Augustine hath it . 2. The Angels in the height of their pride fought to be like God in Omnipotencie , which is an incommunicable property of the Divine Nature , and cannot be imparted unto any other : but man desired to be like him only in Omniscience , or in the general knowledge of things created , which may be communicated to a creature , as to the humane ●oul of Christ. Thirdly , the Angels were immaterial , intellectual Spirits , inhabiting in the presence of God and the light of his countenance , and therefore could not sin by errour or misperswasion ; but with an high hand and affected malice , which comes neerest to the sin against the holy Ghost , and so irremissible : but man was placed by God in a place remote , left to the frailty of his own will , and wanted many of those opportunities for persisting in Grace , which the others had . Fourthly , because the Angels are not by propagation from one another , but were created all at once , so that of Angels some might fall , and others might stand ; and that though many did apostate , yet still innumerable of them held their first estate : but men descend by generation from one stock or root , and therefore the first man falling and corrupting his nature , derived the same corruption upon all his race ; so that if God had not appointed a Redemption for man , he had utterly lost one of the most excellent creatures that ever he made . Fiftly , the Angels have the fulness of intellectual light , and when they take view of any thing they see all which doth pertain unto it , and thereupon go on with such resolution , that they neither alter nor repent : but man who findeth one thing after another , and one thing out of another , dislikes upon consideration what before he liked , and so repents him of the evil which he had committed . Sixthly , because there is a time prefixt both to men and Angels , after which there is no possibility of bettering their estate , and altering their condition whether good or bad : which is the hour of death in man , and unto Angels was the first deliberate action either good or evil , after which declaration of themselves , unto them that fell , there was no hope of grace or of restitution . For hoc est Angelis Casus quod hominibus mors ; that which in man is death , was this fall to the Angels , as most truly Damascene (b) . Finally , the Angels had all advantages of nature , condition , place , abilities , and were most readily prepared and fitted for their immediate and everlasting glorification : whereas man was to pass through many uncertainties to tarry a long life here in this present World , and after to expect till the general Judgement , before he was to be admitted to eternal Glories . In some or all of these respects , Christ did not take upon him the nature of Angels (c) , nor effect any thing at all towards their Redemption , but he took on him the seed of Abraham , that so the heirs of Abrahams faith might be made heirs also of the Promises of eternal life . So that these Angels being desperate of their own Salvation , and stomaching that a creature made of dust and ashes should be adopted to those glories from which they fell , have laboured ever since to seduce poor man to the like apostasie , and plunge him in the gulf of the same perdition . Et solatium perditionis suae perdendis Hominibus operantur (d) , saith Lactantius truly . This to effect , as the same Lactantius there affirmeth , per totam terram vagantur , they have dispersed themselves over all the World : and as mankinde did increase and propagate , so had they still their Instruments and Emissaries to work upon the frailty of that perishing creature , by all means imaginable . The principal and proper Ministery of these evil Angels , ( whom we will hereafter call by the name of Devils ) is to tempt men to sin ; and to this end they improve all their power , and those opportunities which sinful man is apt to give them . And to this trade they fell assoon as the World began ; working upon the frailty of Eve by a beautiful fruit , but more by feeding her with a possibility of being made like to God himself ; and by her means corrupting the pure soul of Adam to the like transgression . In this regard , from this foul murder perpetrated on the soul of Adam , which he made subject by this means to the death of sin , and consequently to the death of the body also , our Saviour calleth him Homicidam ab initio , a murderer from the beginning , Ioh. 8.34 . And as he did begin , so he hath continued , there being almost no sin committed which he tempts not to . For though it be possible enough that men may sin without the temptation of the Devil , by reason of the infirmity of the flesh , and the concupiscences of several lusts which they bear about them : yet commonly the Devil hath a part in all temptations , and either findeth matter in us to work upon , or stirreth up the dead seeds of sin , which do lie raked up in our hearts like embers , or fire in ashes . For out of the heart proceed evil thoughts , murders , adulteries , fornications , the●is (e) , and the like foul acts , as Christ himself hath told us in S. Matthews Gospel . And every one is tempted , as St. Iames affirmeth , when he is inticed and drawn aside of his own concupiscence (f) . So that the matter of sin lieth within our selves , the Devil doth but actuate and inform that matter , and reduce the powers thereof into overt act : co-operating to the sin , but causing directly the temptation . Between the temptation of the Devil and the act of sin , there must go a consent of heart , and an inclining of the will to the sin presented ; and this is mans own act , who is free to evil , and is not necessitat●d to consent to the evil motion ( the over-ruling of mans will being Gods Prerogative ) though possibly he have not present grace enough to foil the temptation . The Devil may present to us such a pleasant object , though under other notions , then that of sin , which he knows like enough to work on our humane frailty , and work upon us as he doth , by all subtile suggestions to consent unto it . And though he cannot force us unto such consent , yet in regard he seldom faileth by his cunning practises of gaining that consent which he cannot force ; not only the temptation , but the sin it self is often times ascribed unto him in the holy Scripture . Thus it is said , that Satan provoked David to number Israel , 1 Chron. 21.1 . that the Devil put it into the heart of Judas to betray his Master , Ioh. 13.2 . that Satan had filled the heart of Ananias , to lie against the holy Ghost , Act. 5.3 . And in the same respects it is , that he is so often called the Tempter , as Matth. 4.3 . 1 Thes. 3.5 . And the Apostle speaking unto married people , adviseth them not to be long asunder , but to come together again ▪ that Satan tempt them not for their incontinency , 1 Cor. 7.5 . Upon this diligence of Satan to tempt men to sin , and his well husbanding of all advantages which are presented to him to promote that work : it was not only the opinion of some learned Gentiles , but of some of the antient Christians also , that every man had his evil Angel , which did continually attend upon him to tempt him to the works of sin , and the deeds of darkness . For the Christians Cassianus telleth us , quod unicuique nostrum duo cohaereant Angeli , i. e. bonus & malus (g) , that is to say , that unto every one of us there adheres two Angels , a good and an evil . For the good Angel he brings proof indeed from the holy Scripture ; but for the adhaesion of the evil Angel he relyeth principally on the Book called Pastor : which always counted an Apocryphal book in the judgement of the Catholick Church , makes me suspect the Tenet for Apocryphal also . And yet some think that St. Paul doth allude unto this opinion , where he telleth us of an Angelus Satanae that lay heavy on him , a messenger of Satan ( as our English reads it ) which was given to buffet him . But for the Gentiles it is clear that they so opined : Lactantius reporting it as their opinion , quod singulis hominibus adhaereant (h) , that every one had his Daemon or his evil Angel attending on him , whom they ▪ worshipped by the name of their proper Genii . And for his general affirmation I consent unto him . In his particular proof I must needs dissent . For amongst others of his proofs he hath that of Socrates , qui circa se assiduum Daemona Ioquebatur , qui sibi puero adhaesisset , cujus arbitrio & nutu vitae 〈◊〉 regere●ur ; who used to speak of a certain Daemon who was always about him , and had accompanyed him from his childhood , by whose direction and appointment his whole life was ordered . The same Tertullian telleth us of him , Apologet. c. 37. and Minutius Felix in his Dialogue . But notwithstanding the authority of these learned men , I rather think that this Angel whom they call Daemonium was his Angel-Guardian , then any of the damned and malignant crew , such as were properly called Daemons : the life of Socrates being too full of moral vertue , to be directed by the counsels of an evil Angel. For though I cannot grant , as before I said , that every man , how wicked and unjust soever , whether he be Iew or Gentile , Turk or Infidel , hath his Angel-Guardian ; which is the now received opinion of the Roman Schools : yet that few selected ones among the Gentiles , such as Socrates was , who led their lives according to the Rules of Vertue , and died as he did in defence of the only God against those many Idols which the Heathen worshipped , might by Gods special grace have their Angel-Guardians ; I am not willing to deny . And now I am fallen upon these Daemons , I must take notice of another of the Devils practises , which did as much promote his Kingdom of darkness , as any temptation unto sin , of what kinde soever : I mean the raising of these Daemons into the rank and reputation of Celestial Deities , and speaking by them in the mouths of the Heathen Oracles . For by this means they gained on earth , what they lost in Heaven : and though they could not make themselves equal to God in power and greatness , while they continued in the Heavens ; yet they found ways to be adored as God , by poor ignorant people , whose souls they had seduced to that wretched blindeness . Of these Lactantius telleth us that they were called Daemones , i. e , peritos & rerum scios (i) , from their general knowledge , which the word Daemon doth import in the Greek Original ; that they had a Soveraign Prince amongst them , whom they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Prince of Devils ; that counterfeiting first the persons of deceased Kings , they aim to be worshipped in their Statua's , and became so impudent at last , Vt Dei nomen sibi , & deorum cultum vendicabant (k) , that they challenged to themselves the name of God , and the divine worship which of right did belong unto it . And to train up the people in this blinde Idolatry , having first taught them to adore the images of some famous men , whom they had caused to be entituled by the name of Deities , sub statuis & imaginibus consecratis delitescunt , they shrouded themselves within their consecrated shrines and Images , and from thence gave out Oracles touching things to come ; and sometimes so possessed the breasts of their Priests and Votaries , that they did seem to be inspired with the Spirit of prophesie , as Minutius Felix (l) well observeth . Nay being spirits as they are , of an excellent knowledge , and either by a foresight which they have of some things in future , or by conjecturing at events out of natural causes ; or coming by some other means to be made acquainted with the will of God : they took upon them to effect what they knew would follow , and to be the Authors of those publick blessings which were hard at hand : so that indeed it was no wonder , Si sibi Templa , si honores , si sacrificia tribuuntur (m) , if thereupon the people would erect them Temples , and offer sacrifice unto them , and yeild them other Divine honours fit for none but Gods. By means whereof they did not only raise themselves into the Throne and Majesty of Almighty God , and captivated almost all the world in a blinde obedience to their will and commands : Sed veri ac singularis Dei notitiam apud omnes gentes inveteraverunt , as the same Lactantius rightly noteth , but in a manner had defaced the knowledge of the true one and only God over all the earth . And in this blindeness and Idolatry did the world continue till the birth of CHRIST : the Idols of Egypt falling down flat before him , when he was carryed into that countrey in his Mothers arms , as Palladius telleth us (n) ; and all the Oracles of the Gentiles failing at the time of his death , as is collected out of that work of Plutarchs inscribed De defectu Oraculorum . Which preparation notwithstanding , these Devils or Daemons , call them which you will , had gotten such possession of the mindes of men , that the Apostles and Evangelists found it a far easier matter to cast the Devils out of their bodies , then out of their souls : and long it was before the rising of the Sun of righteousness was able to dispel those thick clowds of darkness wherewith they had thus overspread the whole face of the Earth . Which with their power and influence in the acts of sin , occasioned the Apostle to make this expression , that he wrestled not against flesh and bloud , but against Principalities and Powers , against the Rulers ( not of this world , but ) of the darknesse of this world , and against spiritual wickednesses in high places (o) . By which words as he means the Devils and infernal spirits , against which the man of God is to combate daily , so by those words he gives me a just ground to think , that the Angels which did fall from the primitive purity , and have since laboured noithing more then the ruine of man ; were chiefly of those Orders of A●gels , which are called Principalities and Powers in the holy Scriptures . And this I am the rather induced to think , because I finde them called by those names in another place , where the Apostle speaking of Christs victory over Hell and Satan , describes it thus , that having spoiled Principalities and Powers , he made a shew of them openly and triumphed over them . But of this argument enough . It is now time that we proceed to the Creation and fall of man as that which more immediately conduceth to the following Articles of the Incarnation , death and passion of our Lord and Saviour . And first for mans Creation , it was last in order , though first in Gods intention of the six days work : it being thought unfit in Gods heavenly wisdome to create man into the world , before he was provided of a decent house , and whatsoever else was necessary both for life and comfort . For it we look unto the end for which God made many of the inferiour creatures , reper●●mus eum non necessitati modo , sed & oblectamento voluisse consulere (p) , as Calvin rightly hath observed , we shall finde that he not only intended them for the necessities of mans life , but also for the convenience and delight in living . And whereas all the rest of the six days work , were the acts only of his power , the creating of man doth seem to be an act both of power and wisdome . In all the rest , there was nothing but a Dixit Deus (q) , he spake the word and they were made (r) saith the Royal Psalmist . But in the making of man there was somewhat more , a Faciamus hominem , a consultation called about it ; each Person of the Trinity did deliberate on it , and every one contributed somewhat to his composition . For God the Father , as the chief workman , or the principal agent , gave him form and feature in which he did imprint his own heavenly Image : The Son , who is the living and eternal Word , gave him voyce or speech , that so he might be able to set forth Gods praises ; and the holy Ghost , the Lord and giver of life , as the Nicene Fathers truly call him , did breath into his nosthrils the breath of life . Or if we look upon it , as one act of all , we shall finde man agreeing with many of the creatures in the matter out of which he was made , but very different from them all both in form and figure . For though God pleased to make him of the dust of Earth , to humble him and keep him from aspiring thoughts , as oft as he reflected on his first Original : yet did he make him of a straight and erected structure , advanced his head up towards the Firmament , and therein gave him the preheminence over all creatures else , which had been made before of the same materials . And this is that which Ovid the Poet thus expresseth (s) , Pronaque cum spectant animalia caetera terram , Os homini sublime dedit , coelumque videre Iussit , & erectos ad sydera tollere vultus . That is to say , And where all Creatures else with down cast eye Look towards th' Earth , he rais'd mans Head on high , And with a lofty look did him indue , That so he might with ease Heavens glories view . A thing of principal moment , if considered rightly , not only to the beeing , but well being of man ; who is hereby instructed by the Lord his God , that in the setling of his desires and affections he should take counsell of his making ; so to advance his meditations as God doth his head : and not by fastning both his looks and thoughts on the things below him , to disgrace as much as in him is , the dignity of his creation , and consequently merit to have had the countenance even of those very beasts whose minde he carryeth . For I am verily perswaded , that if the worldly minded man , and such as are not well instructed in the things of God , did but consider of the figure of his body only ; that very contemplation would promote him in the way of godliness , and rectifie such errours and misperswasion wherewith his soul hath been misguided in the way of truth . Certain I am that Lactantius , whom I have so often cited in this present work , examining the Original and growth of Atheism , with which the world had been infected in the former times , makes this amongst some other causes to be one of the principal ; that men had formerly neglected to look up towards heaven . Desierunt homines vultus suos in coelum tollere (t) . And thereupon it followed , as perhaps it did , that being once besotted with earthly pleasures , they came in time to be infected with gross and earthly superstitions . And no less sure I am that on this Contemplation , Anaxagoras a wise man amongst the Gentiles , being demanded for what cause he thought he was born ; made an answer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to behold the Firmament (u) . So right a use did the Philosopher make of his bodily structure , as to conceive the World and the pleasures of it , to be so unfit an Object for his minde , that it was not worthy of his eye . Next for the form or soul of man , it differeth more from that of all living Creatures , then he doth differ from them in his bodily figure . For whereas the soul of all other living creatures , did rise out of the matter out of which they were made : the soul of man had a more excellent , sublime , and divine original , and was not either made with the bodie , or out of the same dust whereof the body was made ; but infused immediately by God , after the body was first framed , and organized in every part to receive the same . Of other animals , it is said , that God made the beast after his kind , and the cattel after their kind (x) ; that is to say , matter and form at once , without any distinction . But when he cometh to the creation of man , it is first said that God formed man of the dust of the ground ; and after , that he breathed into his nostrils the breath of life (y) , whereby he became a living soul. And though I will not enter here upon that dispute , whether the rational soul of man be a thing ex traduce , whether begotten by his Parents , or infused by God : yet I confesse , that the very order which God used in mans creation , is of it self sufficient to make clear that point , and to evince thus much , that the soul of man is of a more noble extraction then the souls of beasts ; and not as theirs , potentially in the seed of their generation . Or if this be not sufficient to evince it , then I conceive that he that was the best Divine and the greatest Philosopher of any of the sons of men , even Solomon and all his wisdome , hath so determined of the point as to make all sure : affirming that the bodies of men being generated of grosse and earthly matter are in the end dissolved into that dust out of which they were primitively made , but that the soul returneth into the hands of God , by whom at first it was inspired (z) . Then ( saith he ) i. e. at the time of our death , the dust shall return to the earth , as it was , and the Spirit shall return to him that gave it . A Text so clear and evident to the point in hand , that he who writ the Pamphlet called Mans mortality , printed 1643. did very well and wisely to passe it over , and not to put it in the number of those Objections which might be made against him from the word of God ; as being utterly destructive of that monstrous Paradox which he takes upon him to defend for true Catholick doctrine . And if the Fathers may be suffered to come in for seconds , where the authority of Scripture is so plain and pregnant ; we have a cloud of witnesses of unquestionable credit to confirme the same . For the Greek writers first , it is said by Clemens Alexandrinus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , (a) that the principal faculties of the soul , by which we have rational discourse , is not engendred by projection of humane seed . Theodoret doth not only say as much as he , but brings good proof for it from the word of God. The Church ( saith he ) believing the divine Scriptures , teacheth us that the soul was ( and is ) created as well as the body ; not having any cause of its creation from natural seed , but from the will of the Creatour , after the body of man had been perfectly made . For the divine Moses writeth that Adams body was first made , and afterwards his soul was inspired into him ; and also telleth us in the Law , that the body was first made , then the soul infused (b) . The same he also proveth from a text in Iob , and so concludeth , that this confession touching the soul and body of man , the Church had learnt from holy Scripture . Next for the Latine Fathers , it is said by Hilarie , (c) Animam nunquam ab homine gignentium originibus praeberi ; that the soul never cometh from the generation of men : by Ambrose (d) , Ex nullo homine generantur Animae , that the souls are not generated by the seed of man : by Leo (e) , that the Catholick Church doth truly teach , that the souls of men were not , ( or had not any being at all ) before they were inspired into their bodies ; Nec ab alio incorporentur , nisi ab opifice Deo , neither are incorporated with the body , but by God alone . St. Hierome glossing on those words of Solomon before produced , thus declareth himself , (f) Ex quo satis rid●ndi sunt , qui putant animas a corporibus seri , et non a Deo sed a Corporum parentibus generari . Cum enim caro revertatur in terram , et Spiritus redeat ad Deum qui dedit illum , manif●stum est Deum patrem Animarum esse , non homines . I have laid down his words at large , because they are a full and perfect exposition of that Text of Solomons , on which I principally ground my self for Catholick doctrine , though there be diverse other places one might build upon . But for S. Hieromes words they are thus in English , How worthily ( saith he ) are they to be derided , who think the soul to be sown together with the body ( in the Mothers wombe ) and to be generated by our Parents , not to come from God ? For being it is said ( by Solomon ) that the flesh returneth to the earth , and the Spirit unto him that gave it ; it is most manifest , that God is the Father of our souls , not man. T is true , Ruffinus made some scruple whether the soul did come by propagation from Man , or infusion from God : by which as he gave very great scandall to all Christian people (g) , so was he very sufficiently scorned and confuted by S. Hierome for it . T is true , Tertullian sometime thought as this Pamphetler doth , that the soul either was a kind of body , or was ex traduce , that is to say , derived and propagated by traduction of humane seed : but then it is as true withall , that for this and other of his Heterodox tenets (h) , he is put into the Catalogue of Hereticks composed by Augustine . And for S. Augustine himself , though to avoid the difficulty which lay hard upon him , touching the manner how the soul cometh to be infected with original sin , made question whether the soul were infused by God , or derived ( he knew not how ) from the soul of the Parent ; yet he rejected the opinion as absurd and grosse , that is should be derived from the natural seed of the body ; Quo quid perversius dici potest (i) ? then which there could not any thing be said which is more perverse . He that would see the judgment of the Protestant writers , and how they do accord with the holy Scriptures expounded and applyed by consent of Fathers ; let him consult Calvin , in his Comment on the Hebrewes , cap. 12. Bullinger , Decad. 4. Serm. 10. Beza in lib. quaestion . et Respons . Zanchius de operib . dei , part . 3. l. 2. cap. 4. and Vrsin Tract . Theolog. de peccato . And for the opinion in this point of the old Philosophers , that received maxime of theirs , Creando infunditur , & infundendo creatur , sufficiently declares it without further search . But see how I am carried into this dispute , ere I was aware ; besides my first meaning I am sure , though not impertinently to the business of mans creation ; which is the work I have in hand . For the accomplishing of which work ( being indeed the Master-peece of the whole Creation ) God did not only form the body , and infuse the soul ; but he imprinted in him the impresse or character of his Heavenly image . For it is said of man , that God created him in his own image (k) : ( and that again repeated for our more assurance ) in the image of God created he him , Gen. 1.27 . About this Image of God thus imprinted in him , there hath been much debate amongst learned men , some placing it in Man himself , others in somewhat adventitious and extrinsecal to him . Of this last sort are they who place this Image of God in that dominion which God gave him over all the Creatures . For so it followes in the Text , Let us make Man in our image , after our likenesse , and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea , and over the fowles of the aire , and over the Cattel , and over all the earth (l) . And unto this the Poet doth allude in his Metamorphosis , saying , Sanctius his , et quod dominari in caetera posset , natus homo est (m) , that man who was to have dominion over all the rest of the Creatures , was not made till the last . But this , if I conceive it rightly , is rather a communication of some part of his Power , then an impression of his Image ; unlesse perhaps their meaning be , that God imprinted so much of his Heavenly Image in the face of man , as to make all other Creatures stand in awe to him . And if their meaning be no more , then they come up to those of the other opinion , who place this image of God in Man himself , in something which is natural and essential to him , which must either be in his body , or his soul , or both . In one of those it must be , there 's no doubt of that ; and little doubt in which of the two to finde it . For certainly they look for it in a very wrong place , who expect to finde it in mans body , though of a gallant composition and erected structure . The Heathen Oratour was able to inform some erroneous Christians , one of whose many divine dictates this is said to be , Ad divinam imaginem propius accedit humana virtus quam figura (a) , that man approched more near to the image of God , in the virtues of his minde , then the figure of his body . I know a great dispute hath been also raised about this image of God in the soul of man , that is to say , in what it specially did con●ist , and whether it were lost or not in the fall of Adam . For stating of this controversie , we will take some hints from the decisions of Aquinas , who first declares that the image of God consisteth in that eminent perfection which is found in men , expressing the nature of God in an higher degree , then the chief excellencies found in all other creatures ; and secondly that this perfection is principally to be had in the soul of man (b) . Then he distinguisheth this perfection into these three conditions , Creationis , Recreationis , et Similitudinis , that is to say , of nature , grace and endlesse glory : of which the first is to be found in all men , and can never be lost ; the second is the portion of the man regenerated ; and the third is the reward of a soul in blisse . The first consisteth in the largeness of the natural faculties of understanding and will , not limited to the apprehension or desire of some certain things only , but extended to all the conditions of being and goodness , whose principall object is God ; so that they never rest satisfyed with any other thing , but the seeing and enjoying of his blessed vision . And this is that which is more briefly couched in those words of Augustines , Fecisti nos ad te , et irrequietum est cor nostrum donec requiescat in te (c) . O Lord , saith he , thou madest us only for thy self , and our hearts are restlesse and unquiet till they rest in thee . The second kind of this perfection in which the image of God is said to consist , is supernatural , when the soul actually , or at lest habitually , knoweth and loveth God aright , though not so perfectly as he may , and shall be known and loved hereafter . And such was that perfection of the great Apostle , who reckoned all but as dung so he might gain CHRIST ; who was so far inflamed with a strong desire of being united unto God , that he desired to be dissolved , without longer stay : and such was the perfection of the holy Father , who thought himself dead when he was alive , out of a zeal of seeing the most blessed face of Almighty God : Moriar ne moriar ut faciem tuam videam (e) ; he dyed because he could not die to behold that vision . The third and last degree of the said perfection is when the soul both knowes and loves the Lord her God in the fulnesse of happinesse . And this is that whereof St. Paul hath told us , saying , that now we see darkly as thorow a glasse , but then we shall see face to face (f) . Now know I but in part ( saith he ) but then shall I know even as I also am known . These are the several perfections or degrees thereof , in which Gods image printed in the soul of man doth consist especially , according to the doctrine of the Roman Schooles , and most pure antiquity : and of these three the second is that only which was lost in Adam , but partly though imperfectly renewed in the state of grace ; there being no man since the fall , who either doth so perfectly know , or so sincerely cherish the love of God in his soul , as Adam did before it , in his first integrity . For when the Lord made Man in his first Creation , he gave him such a clearness of understanding , as was not darkened either with the cloudes of errour or the mists of ignorance ; and such a rectitude in his will , as was not biassed unto evill by corrupt affections . Perfectly good God made him , but not good unchangeably : for he was left in the counsel of his own hands (g) as the wiseman hath it , that if he would he might continue in Gods grace and favour , and attain all the blessedness which he could desire ; or otherwise might fall from both , and so deprive himself of that sweet contentment , which is not any where to be found but in God alone . A greater liberty then this , he had not given unto the Angels a more glorious creature . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Iustin Martyr (h) . And he , as some of them before , abused this liberty so given to his own destruction . For being placed by God in the garden of Eden , in Paradiso voluptatis , as the vulgar reades it ; he had free power to eat of every tree but one , in that glorious place : and that tree only interdicted , that God might have some tryall of his free obedience , the interdiction being seconded with this commination , that whensoever he did eat of it , he should surely die . What lesse could God have laid upon him , unlesse he had discharged him of all obedience to his will and pleasure ; and left him independent of his supreme Power ? Father ( said the wise servant unto Naaman ) if the Prophet had commanded thee a great thing wouldst thou not have done it ? how much more then , when all he saith unto thee is no more then this , that thou shouldest wash and be clean (i) ? Had God commanded Adam some impossible matter , he might have been excused from the undertaking , because it was a matter of impossibility . Or had God bound him to the fruit of one tree alone , and debarred him from the tast of all the rest , he might have had some more excusable pretence for his flying out , and giving satisfaction to a straitned appetite . But the commandement being small makes his fault the greater ; the easiness of the one much aggravating the offence of the other . For so it was , that either out of unbelief , as if God did not mean to sue him for so small a trespasse , or that he had a proud ambition to be like to God , or yeelded to the lusts of intemperate appetite ; or that he was not willing to offend his wife , by whom he was invited to that deadly banquet : he took the forbidden fruit into his mouth , and greedily devoured his own destruction , and so destroyed himself and his race for ever . Not himselfe only , but his race , even his whole posterity . For being the root and stock of mankinde in general , which is descended from the loynes of this wretched man : what he received of God in his first creation , he received both for himself , and them who descended from him ; and what he lost , he lost like an unthrifty Father , for the childe unborn . And as the Scriptures say of Levi , that he payed tithes in Abraham to Melchisedech , because he was in the loynes of his father Abraham , when Melchisedech met him (k) : so may we say of the posterity of this prodigal father , that they were all undone by his great unthriftiness ; because they were all of them in his loynes when he lost Gods favour ; when he drew sin upon them all , and consequently death , the just wages of it . And so saith Gregory Nazianzen , surnamed the Divine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (l) We were so made , saith he , that we might be happy ; and such we were , being made when first placed in Paradise , in which we might have had the fruition of all kinds of happiness , but forfeited the same by our own transgression . If any aske , ( St. Augustine makes the question , and the answer too ) what death God threatned unto man on his disobedience , whether the death of the body or of the soul , or of the wholeman which is called the second death , we must answer , All (m) . For if ( saith he ) we understand that death only by which the soul is forsaken of God , surely in that all other kinde of deaths were meant , which without question were to follow . For in that a disobedient motion rose in the flesh , for which they covered their privy parts , one death was perceived , in which God did forsake the soul. And when the soul forsook the body now corrupted with time , and wasted by the decaies of age , another death was found by experience to ensue upon it : that by these two deaths , that first death of the whole man might be accomplished , which the second death at last doth follow , except Man be delivered by the grace of God. And by the grace of God was poor man delivered from this body of death . For as there is no deep valley but near so me high hill ; so near this vale of misery , this valley of the shadow of death , as the Psalmist calleth it , was an hill of mercy : a remedy proposed in the promised seed , to Adam , and the sons of Adam , if with unfained faith they lay hold upon it . God looketh upon them all at once in that wofull plight , and when he saw them in their bloud (n) , had compassion on them : and out of his meer love and mercy , without other motives , offered them all deliverance in a Mediator , in the man CHRIST IESVS ; and that too on conditions far more easie then that of workes : the condition and reward being this in brief , that whosoever did believe in him should not perish but have life everlasting (o) . And this I take to be the method of Election unto life eternal , through CHRIST IESVS our Lord. For although there be neither Prius or Posterius in the will of God , who sees all things at once together , and willeth at the first sight without more delay : yet to apply his acts unto our capacities , as were the acts of God in their right production , so were they primitively in his intention . But Creation without peradventure did foregoe the fall ; and the disease or death which ensued upon it , was of necessity to be , before there could a course be taken to prescribe the cure ; and the prescribing of the cure must first be finished , before it could be fitted to particular persons . And for the Fall , which was the medium as it were between life and death , the great occasion of mans misery and Gods infinite mercy : God neither did decree it as a meanes or method , of which he might make use to set forth his power in the immortal misery of a mortal creature ; nor did he so much as permit it , in the strict sense of the word , in which it differeth little from a plain command . Quam longe quaeso est a jubente permittens (p) ? How little differeth permitting from commanding ? saith devout Salvian ; considering he that which doth permit , having power to hinder , is guilty of the evill which doth follow on it . God did not then permit the fall of unwary man , as Moses did permit the Israelites a bill of divorce , which manner of permission carryeth an allowance with it , or a toleration at the least : but so permit it only , as the father in our Saviours parable , permitted his younger Son to see strange Countries (q) ; and having furnished him with a stock on which to traffick , suffered him to depart , and make up his fortunes , whether good or bad . The ill successe that followed the young Prodigals journey , was no part of his fathers purpose , of his will and absolute decree much lesse ; no nor so much as to be ascribed unto his permission , which was but causa sine qua non , as the Schooles call it , if it were so much . Only it gave the Father such an opportunity , as Adams fall did GOD in the present case , of entertaining him with joy at his coming home , and killing the fa●ted Calfe for his better welcome . T is true , that God to whose eternal eye all things are present and fore-seen as if done already , did perfectly fore-know to what unhappy end this poor man would come , how far he would abuse that natural liberty , wherewith he had endowed him at his first Creation . Praescivit peccaturum , sed non praedestinavit ad peccatum (r) , said Fulgentius truly . And upon this fore-knowledge what would follow on it , he did withall provide such a soveraign remedy as should restore collapsed man to his primitive hopes , of living in Gods fear , departing hence in his favour , and coming through faith in Christ unto life eternall , if he were not wanting to himself in the Application . For this is a faithfull saying , and worthy of all acceptation , that CHRIST IESVS came into the World to save sinners (s) , of whom every man may say as St. Paul once did , that he is the chief . And it is as worthy of acceptance , which came though from the same Spirit , from a worthier person , that God so loved the World ( the whole world of mankinde ) that He sent his only begouten Son into the World , to the intent that whosoever did believe in him , should live though he dyed , and whosoever liveth and believeth in him should not die for ever (t) ; but have ( as in another place ) everlasting life (u) . But what it is to believe in him , and what a Christian man is bound to believe of him : as it is all the subject of the six next Articles , so must it be the argument of another book ; this touching our belief in God the Father Almighty , Maker of Heaven and Earth , and all things therein , with most of the material points which depend upon it , beginning now to draw to a final period . Chap. VI. What Faith it was which was required for Justification before , and under the Law. Of the knowledge which the Patriarchs and Prophets had touching Christ to come . Touching the Sacrifices of the Jews ; the Salvation of the Gentiles ; and the Justifying power of Faith. ANd yet before we pass to the following Articles , there are some points to be disputed in reference to the several estates of the Church of God , as it stood heretofore under the Law , and since under the Gospel ; the influence which Faith had in their justification , and the condition of those people which were Aliens to the law of Moses , before Christs coming in the flesh . For being that the Patriarchs before the time of Moses , and those holy men of God that lived after him till the coming of Christ , had not so clear and explicite a knowledge of the particulars of the Creed which concern our Saviour , or the condition of the holy Catholick Church and the Members of it ; as hath been since revealed in the writings of the Evangelists and Apostles : it cannot be supposed that they should have universally the same object of faith which we Christians have , or were bound to believe all those things distinctly touching Christ our Saviour , and the benefits by him redounding to the sons of men , which all Christians must believe if they will be saved . And then considering that there is almost nothing contained in Scripture touching God the Father , his Divine Power and Attributes , the making and government of the World , and all things therein , which was to be believed by those of the line of Abraham , but what hath been avowed and testified by the learned Gentiles : it will not be unworthy of our disquisition to see wherein the differences and advantages lay , which the Patriarchs and those of Iudah had above the Nations ; or whether the same light of truth did not shine on both through divers Mediums , for the better fitting and preparing of both people to receive the Gospel . In sifting and discussing of which principal points , we shall consider what it is in faith it self , which is said to justifie : of what effect the Sacrifices both before and under the Law were , to the satisfying of Gods wrath and expiating of the sins of the people , by whom they were offered to the Lord ; and the relation which they had to the death of Christ , the Lamb of God which takes away the sins of the world : and finally what is to be conceived of those eminent men amongst the Gentiles , who not extinguishing that light of nature which was planted in them , but regulating all their actions by the beams thereof , came to be very eminent in all kindes of learning , and in the exercise of Iustice , Temperance , Mercy , Fortitude , and other Acts of Moral vertue . Some other things will fall in incidently on the by , which need not be presented in this general view . And the mature consideration of all these particulars I have reserved unto this place , that being situate in the midst , between the Faith we have in God the Father Almighty , and the belief required of us in his Son Christ Iesus : it may either serve for an Appendix to the former part , or a Preamble to the second ; or be in stead of a bond or ligament for knitting all the joints of this body together , in the stronger coherence of discourse . And first , Faith being ( as appeareth by the definition before delivered ) a firm assent to supernatural truths revealed : we cannot but conceive in reason that the Object of it is to be commensurable to the proportion and degree of the Revelation . For as our Saviour said in another case , that to whom much is given , of him the more shall be required (a) ; so may we also say in this , that to whom more divine supernatural truths have been revealed , of him there is a greater measure of belief expected . Till the unhappy fall of Adam , there was no faith required but in God alone . For without faith it is impossible to please God (b) , saith the Apostle ; which Adam by the Law of his Creation was obliged to endeavour . Nor could he come before the Lord , or seek for the continuance of his grace and favours , had he not first been fitted and prepared by faith . For he that cometh unto God must believe that he is , and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him , as in the same text saith the same Apostle . Which words we may not understand of Faith in Christ , at least not primarily , with respect to Adam , of whom such faith was not required in the state of Innocency ; for where there was no sin , there was no need of a Saviour : but only of a faith in Almighty God , the stedfast confession and acknowledgement of whose beeing and bounty , was to speak properly , the fundamental act and radical qualification of the faith of Adam . But after he had fallen from his first integrity , and that the Lord out of meer pity to his frail & perishing creature , was pleased to promise him some measure of reparation in the womans seed (c) , then did the bruising of the Serpents head by the seed of the woman become a partial object of the faith of Adam , and of all those who afterwards descended of him in the line of Grace . And yet this was but in a general apprehension of the mercies of God and of his constancy and veracity in fulfilling his word : no distinct Revelation being made till the time of Abraham , so much as from what branch of the root of Adam this promised blessing was to come . A pregnant argument whereof I think is offered to us in the errour of our Grandam Eve : who on the birth of Cain , her first-born but most wicked son , conceived that he should be the man in whom the promise made by God was to be fulfilled : and therefore said , I have gotten a man from the Lord (d) , as our English reads it , but rather possedi virum ipsum IEHOVAH , I have gotten a man even the Lord IEHOVAH (e) , as Paulus Phagius a very learned Hebritian doth correct that reading . And as for Abraham himself , though it pleased God to tell him more particularly then before was intimated , that in his seed should all the families of the Earth be blessed (f) : yet so unsatisfied was he as concerning Sarah , or that this general blessing was to come of a son by her , that when GOD promised such a son from that barren womb , by whom she was to be a Mother of Kings and Nations ; instead of giving thanks to God he returned this answer , O that Ishmael might live before thee (g) . And though upon the duplicate of this gracious promise that in Isaac should his seed be called (h) , he was sufficiently instructed , and believed accordingly , that the great mercy which God promised to our Father Adam , was to descend in time from the loyns of Isaac : yet that he should be born of an imaculate Virgin , that he should suffer such and so many indignities , and at the last a bitter and most shameful death , by the hands of those , who seemed to boast so much in nothing , as that they were the children of this faithful Abraham : as it was never , that we read of revealed unto him , so have we no reason to believe that it was any part or object of his faith at all . The like may be affirmed in general of the house of Israel , till God was pleased to speak more plainly and significantly to them by the mouth of his Prophets , then he had done unto their Fathers in dreams and visions . For having nothing further revealed unto them touching Christ to come , then what was intimated first in generals to our Father Adam , and more particularly specified to their Father Abraham : the primary and principal Object of their faith was God alone ( conceive me still of God the Father Almighty ) in whom they looked for the performance of those gracious promises which he had made unto their Fathers : though of the time when , the manner how , and other the material points which the Creed contains , they were utterly ignorant , and consequently could not ground any faith upon them . In after times , as GOD imparted clearer light to the house of Iacob , ( for the neerer we are to the Sun-rising , the more day appeareth ) so were they bound to give belief to such Revelations ( or supernatural truths revealed , call them which you will ) which he vouchsafed to make unto them by his holy Prophets . Which howsoever they contained in them a sufficient light to guide them to the knowledge of many particular points and circumstances , which were to be accomplished in the time and place of Christs Nativity ; his course of life , and sufferings , and most shameful death , which every one could see when they came to pass , that whatsoever had been done by , or concerning him , did come to pass according as had been sore-signified in the holy Scriptures : yet this great light of prophesie which did shine amongst them , was but like a Candle in a dark Lanthorn , or hid under a bushel , and rather served to convince them of incredulity when he was ascended , then to prepare them to receive him when he came unto them . He came unto his own , and his own received him not (i) , saith St. Iohn expressely . And for the Prophets themselves , 't is true that they have in them many positive and plain predictions , of the Incarnation , Nativity , and Circumcision of Christ , of his Passion , Resurrection , and Ascension ; as also of the most remarkable passages and occurrences in the whole course of his life . And yet a question hath been made amongst learned men , whether they did always distinctly foresee , or explicitely believe whatsoever they did fore-tell or fore-signifie concerning Christ. Nor can I finde but that this question is resolved to this effect , that though they had a right apprehension of the truths by them delivered , and a foresight of all those future events of which they prophesied , according to the accomplishment and sense thereof , by themselves intended : yet that this foresight of theirs extended not to all branches of divine truth contained in their writings , or to that use and application which was after made of them by CHRIST himself and his Evangelists and Apostles , with this mark of reference , that such and such things came to pass that the sayings of the Prophets might be fulfilled . For many things are extant in the Prophetical writings , either by way of Typical prefigurations , or positive and plain predictions , applyable to the life and actions of our Lord and Saviour , and the success and fortunes of his holy Church ; which in all probability was never so intended by those sacred Pen-men . For who can reasonably conceive , that Moses in the story of the commanded offering up of Isaac , the only son of his Father , intended to typifie or fore-shadow the real offering up of CHRIST the only begotten Son of God , neer the self same place : or that this Ceremony in the ordering of the Paschal Lamb (k) , ye shall not break a bone thereof , did look so far ( in the first institution of it ) as to the not breaking of our Saviours legs in the time of his passion (l) : or that the setting up of the Brazen Serpent was by him meant to signifie and foreshew the lifting up of the Son of God upon the Cross , to the end , that whosoever believed in him should not perish , but have eternal life (m) , as himself applyes it in St. Iohn ? The like may be affirmed of David , to whom the Lord had promised that of the fruit of his body there should one sit upon his Throne for evermore , Psal. 132. that God would set his King upon his holy hill of Sion , Psal. 2. with many other predictions to the same effect . And yet it may be questioned upon very good reason , whether he understood those Prophesies which himself delivered , of a spiritual Kingdome in the souls of men , such as our Saviour Christ erected in his holy Church : in whom the said predictions were accomplished , and of whom intended : and not rather of the flourishing and continuance of his temporal Kingdome ; the Royal seat whereof was by him setled on Mount Sion , and the renown of his magnificence and personal valour had made so formidable to the Nations which were round about him . And may it not be questioned also ( if not out of question ) whether that famous Prophesie , Behold , a Virgin shall conceive , had any reference in the intention of the Prophet Isaiah to the Virgin Mary and the birth of Christ ? But of this more hereafter in another place . The like whereof might be made good in most of the rest of the Prophets , if one would put himself to the trouble of searching into all particulars which might be disputed ; or rather if our Saviour CHRIST himself had not already put it beyond all disputes : when he thus said to his Disciples , that many Kings and Prophets have desired to see the things which ye see and have not seen them , and to hear those things which ye hear and have not heard them (n) ; upon which words we may infer that the Evangelists and Apostles being bound to teach no other things in the Church of CHRIST , then what had been foretold by Moses and the holy Prophets ; both knew and taught others also to believe many things of CHRIST , which the Prophets , no not David himself the Kingly Prophet , although they very much desired it , did not see , nor hear of : and therefore that they did not distinctly apprehend the meaning of the holy Ghost in all those things which he was pleased to utter by their mouths , or express by their pens , touching CHRIST to come . For otherwise they must have seen all that the Evangelists saw , and have known all the mysteries of the Kingdome of Heaven , which the Apostles after our Saviours resurrection either knew or taught : which is directly contradictory to our Saviours words , and to the truth of his assertion : When therefore it is said so often in the holy Gospel that some things were either done or suffered that the sayings of the Prophets might be fulfilled ; we must not understand it in that sense alone whereof the Prophets did intend it , or of that natural , proper , and immediate end to which the Prophets did direct it : but of some further mystical or mysterious meaning , reserved in the intention of the holy Ghost ; and in the fulness of time accomplished by our Lord and Saviour according unto that intention ; though no such meaning was imparted to the Prophets themselves , whose mouths he made the pen of a ready writer . But then perhaps , it will be said , that if the Prophets had not a distinct and explicite apprehension of every thing by them delivered in the way of Prophesie , but either knew not what they spake , or spake what they did not understand : they differed little , if at all , from the Heathen Sooth-sayers , who foretold many things which did come to pass , but without any apprehension of the truth thereof . For satisfying of which scruple we may please to know , that when the evil spirit did intend to foresignifie any thing to come by the mouth of the Sooth-sayers or Diviners amongst the Heathens : he used to cast them into a trance or extasie , so that they used to rave , or speak in those sudden fits , that which they neither understood at the time they spake it , nor could remember when they came to their sense again . These they called Arreptitii in the Latine , as being snatched up as it were from the use of their senses , to move divine and immaterial contemplations : but generally both in Greek and Latine they were called Ecstatici , from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Hierome rightly rendreth excessus mentis , an exilience or transport of minde , adding , that he can tell of no other word , by which to express it in the Latine (o) . Aliter enim Latinus sermo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exprimere non potest , nisi mentis excessum . Tertullian doth not only make it a transport of minde , but such as is conjoyned with a spice of madness . Extasin dicimus excessum sensus & amentiae instar (p) . And such an extasie he thought had been fallen on Peter (q) , when saying on the sight of his Masters glorious transfiguration , Bonum est nobis esse hic , that it was good for them to continue there : the Evangelist gives this character or censure of him , Nesciens quid diceret , that he understood not what he said , Luk. 9.33 . But this was only a device or conceit of his , being now fallen into the heresie of Montanus to countenance by the like frenzy of St. Peter , the raving follies or plain madness of Maximilla , Prisca , and such other Prophetesses , to whom that wretched and infatuated man had given up himself . Of those , or one of them he telleth us in his Book De Anima , that in those extasies which she suffered by the Spirit of God , she had the grace of Prophesie imparted to her (r) . Est hodie soror apud nos Revelationum charismata sortita , quas in Ecclesia inter Dominica solemnia , per Extasin in Spiritu patitur : and this he plainly calleth in another place , Spiritalis extasis , i. e. amentia (s) , a spiritual extasie or madness . Whereof he gives this reason in another of his Books against the Marcionites , In spiritu enim homo constitutus , praesertim quum gloriam Dei conspicit , vel quum per ipsum Deus loquitur , necesse est ut excidat sensu , obumbratus scilicet virtute divina (t) , that is to say , a man being ravished in the Spirit , especially when he beholds the glory of God , ( which he took to be S. Peters case ) or when God doth please to speak by him , ( which was the case of Prisca and her fellow Prophetesses ) must needs be ravished from his senses , being so fully over-shadowed by the Spirit of God. His exposition of the word we allow well of , and doubt not but it was a plain spirit of madness which fell on Maximilla and her fellow Prophetesses as well as on any of the Heathen Soothsayers at the time of their prophesying : whom for this cause the Latines called Furentes , or Furiosos , men besides themselves . Hi sunt & Furentes quos in publicum videtis excurrere ; vates & ipsi absque Templo sic insaniunt , sic bacchantur , sic rotantur (u) , as Minutius hath it . In which we do not only finde their name , but those frantick and absurd gesticulations , which they did commonly express in the time of those extasies , to signifie what an heavy burden of the Spirit did then lie upon them . But so it was not with the Prophets inspired by God , who very well understood what they said and did , and did not only prophesie what should come to pass , but did it in a constant and coherent way of expression , and with a grave and reverent deportment of themselves in the act thereof . St. Hierom who gives us a very good description of these Arreptitious or Extatical spirits , affirming of them , Nec tacere nec loqui in sua potestate habent (x) , that they could neither hold their peace , nor speak when they would themselves , but as they were compelled by the evil spirit , hath given a different character of the holy Prophets . Of whom he saith , Intelligit quod videt , nec ut amens loquitur , he understands the Vision which he doth behold , and speaks not like a madman , one besides himself , nor like the raving women of the sect of Montanus . And in another place , Non loquitur in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut Montanus , &c. sed quod prophetat liber est Visionis intelligentis universa quae loquitur (y) . The Prophet of the Lord ( saith he ) speaketh not in a trance , or besides himself , as Montanus , Prisca , Maximilla , spread abroad their dotages : but that which he foretelleth is surnamed a Vision , ( the Vision of the Prophet Nahum . ch . 1. ) because he understands what he doth deliver . The like difference Epiphanius makes betwixt the Prophets of the Lord , and those of Montanus , against whom he purposely disputeth Haeres . 48. And long before them it was said by Lactantius truly , of the Prophets of God whom the Gentiles had been pleased to accuse of madness , and called them Furiosi , as they did their own , that the accomplishment of their predictions , their consonancy or unanimous consent in the things foretold , and the coherency of their words and sentences , did very sufficiently free them from that imputation . Impleta in plerisque quotidie illorum vaticinia videmus , & in unam sententiam congruens divinam , docet non fuisse furiosos (z) . Quis enim mentis emotae , non modo futura praecinere , sed etiam cohaerentia loqui possit ? as he most excellently answereth so foul a calumny . So then the Prophets of the Lord having a true intention to foretel what should come to pass , and being able not to make a good construction of what they spake , but also to give assurance to the people in the name of God , that every thing should come to pass which they had foretold ; were nothing like the Heathen Soothsayers , who used to speak they knew not what in their Divinations . And yet it will not follow upon this distinction , that they did explicitely and distinctly comprehend the fulness of those holy mysteries which the holy Ghost was pleased to make known and fore-signifie by them : the knowledge of which mysteries , as St. Paul hath told us (a) , was not made known in other Ages to the sons of men , as in his time it was revealed to the holy Apostles and Prophets by the self same Spirit . Which being so , and that the knowledge of CHRIST IESVS and him crucified , was not communicated to the Iews which lived under the Law , or the Patriarchs which did live before it , in so distinct and clear a manner as it hath been since : I dare not confidently say that any explicite faith in the death of CHRIST , was required at their hands as necessary to their justification ; or that they actually did believe more in it then Gods general promise , concerning the redemption and salvation of the world by the womans seed , with some restrictions of that seed to the stock of Abraham , and the house of David , which had not been delivered in the first assurance . Certain I am , that of all the Clowd of witnesses mentioned by St. Paul , amongst all those examples of faith and piety , which he hath laid before us in the 11. to the Hebrews , there is no mention made at all of faith in Christ , nor any word so much as by intimation , that Noah , Abraham , Moses , or the rest there spoken of , did look upon him as an object of their faith , at all . The total and adaequate object of their faith , for ought I can finde , was only God the Maker of Heaven and Earth : on whose veracity and fidelity in making good his general and particular promise they did so rely , as not to bring the same under any dispute . For what faith else doth any Text of Scripture give to Abel or Enoch , then that they did believe that there was a God , and that he was a rewarder of all those that seek him (b) ? What Faith else was it that saved Noah in the midst of the waters , but that he did believe what God said unto him touching his intention of bringing a floud of waters upon the earth to destroy all flesh : and thereupon did build thn Ark , as the Lord commanded (c) ? Or what else was the faith of Isaac when he blessed Iacob and Esau ; or of Iacob when he blessed the sons of Ioseph ; or of Ioseph when he gave commandement as concerning his bones , Heb. 11.21 , 22 , 23. but a reliance on the promise which God made to Abraham , of giving to him and his seed the whole land of Canaan (d) ? But because Abraham is proposed in the holy Scripture , as the great example of the righteousness which comes by faith , or of justification by faith , call it which you will , we will consider all those Texts which do look this way , to see what was the object of that faith of Abraham , to which the Scriptures do ascribe his justification . Now the first act of Abrahams faith , which stands commended to us in the Book of God , is the belief he gave to the promise of God , to bless him and make him a great Nation ; and his obedience thereupon unto Gods command in leaving his own Countrey and his Fathers house , and go unto the land which the Lord should shew him (e) . Which promise being afterwards confirmed by God , and believed by Abraham , it is thus testified of him in the book of Genesis , that he believed in the Lord , and he ( that is to say , the Lord ) counted it unto him for righteousness (f) . Here then we have the Iustification of our Father Abraham ; ascribed unto his Faith in the Lord IEHOVAH ; to faith in God ( as the proper and full object of it ) as the word is varyed by St. Paul , Rom. 4.3 . Thus also when the promise was made of the birth of Isaac , without considering of the deadness of Sarahs womb , or the estate of his own body then as good as dead : he staggered not at the promise of God through unbelief , but faithfully believed that God was able to perform what he pleased to promise (g) . And this saith the Apostle was imputed to him for righteousness . Of which of these two acts of faith the Apostle speaketh in the third of the Galatians , where Abrahams faith is imputed to him also for righteousness , it is hard to say : but sure it is , that there is no other faith there mentioned but his Faith in God (h) . For it is said , Even as Abraham believed God , &c. And last of all , as to the imputation of his faith for righteousness , when God commanded him to offer up Isaac his onely begotten Sonne , even him of whom it had been said that in Isaac shall thy seed be called : Abraham was ready to obey him upon this belief that God was able to raise him again from death to life , and that Gods Word concerning him would not fall to ground (i) . What saith St. Iames to this great trial of the Patriarchs faith (k) ? Abraham ( saith he ) believed God , and it was imputed to him for righteousness . In all those Texts where the Apostles speak of his Iustification , or where the principal acts of his Faith are recited severally ; there is no intimation of his Faith in Christ , nothing that seems to look that way , more then that Gods first promise which was made in general to the Womans seed , may seem to be restrained unto his particularly . Whether these several imputations of the faith of Abraham , do necessarily infer such an access of Iustification as is defended and maintained in the Schools of Rome ; I will not meddle for the present . But in my minde Origen never spake more pertinently then where he gives this resolution of that doubt ( though not then proposed ) Quum multae fides Abrahae praecesserint , in hoc nunc universa fides ejus collecta esse videtur , & ita in justitiam ei reputatur (l) . Whereas ( saith he ) many faiths of Abraham , ( that is to say , may acts of Abrahams faith ) had gone before ; now all his faith was recollected and summed up together , and so accounted unto him for righteousness . And if no other faith but a faith in God without any explicite relation to the death of CHRIST , concurred unto the justification of the faithful Abraham ; the like may be concluded of the house of Israel , that they were only bound to believe in God the Father Almighty , till by Christs coming in the flesh , and suffering death upon the Cross for the sins of man , all that concerns his death and passions , with all the other specialties in the present Creed , made up together with our faith in God the Father , the full and entire object of a Christian faith . For this is life eternal , saith our Lord and Saviour , to know the only true God and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent (m) . Not God alone , but God and Iesus Christ together , are since the Preaching of the Gospel , made the object of faith . So that it is not now sufficient to believe in God , unless we also do believe in the Son of God , whom God hath set forth to be a Propitiation through faith in his bloud , to declare his righteousness for the remission of sins (n) , as St. Paul hath told us . But here perhaps it will be said , that though we do not read expressely in the holy Scriptures , that the Patriarchs before Moses , and the Fathers afterwards did believe in Christ : yet that the same may be inferred by good and undeniable consequence , out of the frequent Sacrifices before the Law , and the Mosaical offerings which continued after it : all which together with the rest of the Levitical Ordinances were but shadows of the things to come , the body being only CHRIST (o) . That God instructed our first father Adam in the duty of Sacrifice , I shall easily grant : there being such early mention of them in the Book of God in the several and respective offerings of Cain and Abel . And I shall grant as easily , that GOD proposed some other end of them in that institution , then to receive them as a Quit-rent from the hands of men , in testimony that they held their estates from him , as the Supreme Land-lord : though by Rupertus this be made the chief end thereof , Dignum sane est , ut donis suis honoretur ipse qui dedit (p) , as that Author hath it ; which possibly may hold well enough in those kinde of Sacrifices which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , gratulatory , Eucharistical , that is , the Sacrifices of praise and thanksgiving for those signal benefits , which GOD had graciously vouchsafed to bestow upon them . But then there was another sort which they tearmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , expiatory , or propitiatory , ordained by God himself as the Types and figures of that one only , real , and propitiatory sacrifice , which was to be performed in the death of CHRIST , who through the eternal Spirit was to offer up himself , once , without spot to God for the redemption of the world (q) : yet were they not bare Types and figures , and had no efficacy in themselves , as to the taking away of the filth of sin ( for the Apostle doth acknowledge , that the bloud of Buls , and of Goats , and the ashes of an Heifer sprinkling the unclean , did sanctifie as to the purifying of the flesh , Heb. 9.13 . ) but that such efficacy as they had was not natural to them , but either in reference to the Sacrifice to be made of CHRIST , or else extrinsecal and affixed by the divine Ordinance and institution of Almighty God. And that they might be so in this last respect there want not very pregnant reasons in the Word of God (r) . For whereas God , considered as the Supreme Law-giver , had imposed a commandement on man under pain of death : although it stood not with his wisdome to reverse the Law , which with such infinite wisdome had been first ordained : yet it seemed very sutable to his grace and goodness to commute the punishment , and satisfie himself with the death of Beasts , offered in sacrifice unto him by that sinful Creature . Which kinde of Commutations are not rare in Scripture . It pleased God to impose a command on Abraham , to offer up his only son Isaac for a burnt offering to him upon one of the mountains : and after to dispense with so great a rigour , and in the stead of Isaac to send a Ram (s) . It pleased God to challenge to himself the first born of every creature , both of man and beast (t) ; but so , that he was pleased in the way of exchange , in stead of the first born of the sons of men , to take a Lamb , a pair of Turtle Doves , or two young Pigeons (u) . Now that these commutations were allowed of also in the case of punishment , is evident by many Texts of holy Writ . And this not only in sins of ignorance , the Expiation of the which is mentioned , Levit. 5.17 , 18. but in those which were committed knowingly , and with an high hand of presumptuous wickedness . Lying and swearing falsely , deceiving our neighbour , and taking away his goods by violence , are sins of high and dangerous nature against both Tables ; and therefore in themselves deserved no less punishment then eternal damnation : yet was God pleased to accept of the bloud of Rams , in commutation or exchange , for the soul of man. If a soul sin and commit a trespass against the Lord , and lye unto his neighbour in that which was delivered him to keep , or in fellowship , or in a thing taken away by violence , or hath deceived his neighbour , or hath found that which was lost , and lyeth concerning it , and sweareth falsely ; in all these he doth sin , and that greatly too , there 's no question of it (x) . And yet of these it is ordained , that having made compensation to his neighbour for the injury done , he shall bring his trespass offering to the Lord , a Ram without blemish out of the flock , And the Priest shall make atonement for him before the Lord , and it shall be forgiven him (y) . In which we finde that satisfaction for the wrong in regard of man was to be made by restitution : but the forgiveness of the sin in regard of God , to be procured by the sacrifice of the bloud of Rams . But what need search be made into more particulars , when the atonement for their sins , and sanctifying them to the Lord their God , is generally ascribed to the sacrifices and bloud of beasts ; as if the burden of mens sins had been laid on them . For thus saith God by Moses to the sons of Aaron , Wherefore have ye not eaten the sin-offering in the holy place , seeing it is most holy , and God hath given it you to bear the iniquity of the Congregation , to make atonement for them before the Lord (z) ? Thus when he doth restrain that people from eating bloud , he gives this reason of the same , because I have given it to you upon the Altar to make atonement for your souls , for it is the bloud , that makes an atonement for the soul (a) . Thus also saith S. Paul , that both the Book and all the people , the Tabernacle and all the vessels of the Ministry , and almost all things by the Law were purged with bloud , and that without shedding of bloud there was no remission (b) . If without shedding of the bloud of beasts there was no remission , then certainly it followeth by St. Pauls illation , that by shedding of their bloud there was . Or that the sacrifices both before and under the law , may seem to have the same effect in remission of sins , which is conferred on Baptism in the time of the Gospel : A power not natural to either ex natura sua ; for naturally it is as impossible for water , as for the bloud of Buls and Goats to take away sins : but Ex vi divinae institutionis , conferred upon them by the Institution of Almighty God ; who being the Physitian of the soul of man , might choose what medicines he thought fittest for the Patients ease . And possibly enough it is , that besides this Expiatory power affixed to these legal Sacrifices , they might occasionally produce repentance in the hearts of the people , when they beheld the innocent dumb beasts brought unto the slaughter ; and brought unto the slaughter for no other reason but to make reconciliation for the sin of man. For if a generous young Prince that sees his negligences punished on the back of another , according to the usage of former times , doth thereby both grow more industrious in his course of studies , and more conform and regular in his course of life : why may we not conceive so favourably of the people of Israel , that seeing the brute beasts punished for mans offences , they might repent with shame and sorrow of their former wickednesses , and cry out passionately and afflictedly in the words of DAVID , It is I that have sinned and done wickedly , but what have these sheep done (c) , that they should be slaughtered ? Me , me , adsum qui feci , in me convertile ferrum (d) ; Let thy hand be against me that have done this wickedness . So that for ought appeareth unto the contrary , the Sacrifices both before and under the Law , had in themselves a power of Propitiation by vertue of the ordinance and justification of Almighty God ; and not a relative vertue only in reference to the Al-sufficient sacrifice of our Saviour CHRIST . But then admitting that those Sacrifices were ordained but as types and figures of that which Christ was in the fulnesse of time to make for the sins of mankind : yet is this to be understood of Gods minde and purpose , and not of any such respect which the people had of them . For that the people when they brought their sacrifices before the Altar , had any such relation to the death of CHRIST , as to conceive the same to be represented in the slaughter of beasts : is no where to be found , I dare boldly say it , in all the Volume and context of the book of God. Or if the people in their sacrifices had respect to CHRIST , or looked upon them but as types and figures of that perfect sacrifice which he was afterwards to offer unto God the Father : think we that God would have rejected or disliked them , professe himself to be full of the burnt offerings of Rams and the fat of fed beasts (d) , that he delighted not in the bloud of bullocks , or of lambs and goates ; and more then so , that their sacrifices were become such an abomination to him , that he who sacrificed a lamb was as if he had cut off a dogs neck , and he that sacrificed an Oxe as if he had killed a man (e) . Assuredly God could not entertain such a vile esteem of the Iewish sacrifices , however they might have some mixture of impure affection , had they been offered only in relation to the death of Christ. (f) And though the Lord Du Plessis seem to be of opinion , that the sacrificing of men and women was first taken up , upon some knowledge that the bloud of the son of man , would prove a fuller expiation for their sins and wickednesses then of all the sheep upon the hils , and the beasts of the forrest ; and therefore that their sacrifices did relate to Christ , howsoever horribly mis-applyed in that particular : yet is this only gratis dictum , without proof at all , there being another cause , as bad , of such humane sacrifices , which we shall touch upon hereafter . If it be asked in the mean time , how CHRIST is said in Scripture to be the end of the Law , Rom. 10.4 . or how the Law is said to be our Schoole-master to bring us to Christ , Gal. 3.24 . except the sacrifices of the Law were as types and figures of the sacrifice which was made by Christ : I answer , that the Law had other and more proper means to bring men to Christ , then to conduct them by the hand of such types and figures , in case the sacrifices of the Iewes had been only such . For CHRIST is therefore said to be the end of the Law , for righteousness unto those that believe , ( for so it followeth in the Text ) because he doth performe that unto those which believe , which the Law propounded for its end , but could not attain , that is to say , the Iustification of a sinner . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (g) : what did the Law aime at , saith St. Chrysostome ? to make man righteous , but it could not , because man will not keep the Law. To what end served the feasts , and ordinances , the sacrifices , and the rest of the Mosaical institutes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but that they might contribute to mans Iustification ? Which when they could not bring to passe , then was CHRIST fain to undertake it , and so became the end of the Law for righteousness . Theophylact following him in this , as in other things . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) . Christ is the end of the Law , saith he , because the justifi●ation of man , which the Law undertook but could not accomplish , was perfected and made good by Christ. And secondly , both Christ may be said to be the end of the Law , and the Law to bring men unto Christ , because , as Musculus well observeth , the Law convincing men of sin , exacting a righteousnesse of them which it doth not enable them to performe , and again threatning and condemning them for the want thereof , Nihil aliud , agit quam quod ad Christum ducit , per quem justificemur gratis (i) , doth lead them as it were by the hand to Christ , by whose grace they are freely justifyed . In a word , our Saviour Christ is said to be the end of the Law , and the Law to be a School-master to bring men to Christ , because the whole Mosaical oeconomie , which in one word is called The Law , was for that end and purpose given unto the Iewes , that it might instruct them touching the Messiah who was then to come ; and that in time they might be trained up and prepared to receive him , and with him that more perfect forme of life and worship , which he should establish at his coming . And this is that which was intended by the Writers of the Primitive times , when they tell us that the Law was nothing else but the Gospel masked (k) , the Gospel nothing else but the Law revealed , or the vail taken away from the face of Moses . Such passages in the books of the old Testament which relate to Christ , before his coming in the flesh , were so dark and difficult , that those who were well exercised in the law of God , and made it their study day and night , might very well have asked this question , as the Eunuch did , Of whom I pray thee speaketh the Prophet this , of himself or of some other man (l) ? But when the Gospel came to be preached and published , and that our Saviour had fulfilled all things which were spoken of him by the Prophets : then was it easie to discern , even by vulgar wits , that the whole doctrine of the Gospel was contained in the Law ; and every thing concerning Christ either fore-shadowed or fore-signifyed in Types and Prophesies . To bring this business to an end , that both the Patriarchs and the Iews did rely on God for the accomplishment of his promise touching their salvation , I do nothing doubt : there being such evident testimonies of it from the first to the last . I have waited for thy salvation O Lord , saith the Patriarch Iacob (m) , long before the Law. And almost at the expiration or last breath thereof it is said of Simeon , that he waited for the consolation of Israel (n) : of Anna the old Prophetesse , that she spake of CHRIST to all them that looked for redemption in Hierusalem , but that they were acquainted with the means and method which God did purpose to make use of in so great a work , or did rely on Christ to come for their justification ; as the Scripture no where saith it , for ought I can finde , so is there no reason to believe it , for ought I can see . What then perhaps will some men say , had the Iews no advantages of their neighbouring Nations in matters which pertained to eternal life ? Yes certainly , much every way . For to the Israelites ( saith St. Paul ) pertained the Adoption , and the Glory , and the Covenants , and the giving of the Law , and the service of God , and the Promises (o) . Theirs also were the Fathers , and of them according to the flesh was Christ to come . The Psalmist hath contracted these prerogatives of the house of Israel into somewhat a more narrow compasse . He sheweth his word unto Jacob , his statutes and ordinances unto Israel (p) . And then he addes , He hath not dealt so with any Nations , neither have the Heathen knowledge of his lawes . Here was Prerogative enough , the communion of his word , the publication of his Law , the Covenant made with those of the seed of Abraham , and thereby their Adoption to eternal life : and most unquestionably true it must be thought , that there was no Nation under heaven to whom the ordinary means of salvation had been offered with so free an hand , as it been to those of Iudah . But yet the Psalmist doth not say , that God was known only amongst the Iews , or that he had not revealed so much of himself unto other Nations , as to let them have a tast of his love and goodness ; or that he had not left them any knowledge of his Law at all , for their directions in the way of life and godlyness . For first besides the light of nature whith is given to every man that comes into the world , and by the which the most barbarous people are instructed , that there is a God : they could not choose but know him in his very workes : The heavens declaring the glory of God , and the firmament shewing his handy-work (q) , as the Psalmist hath it . His power and goodness they had tasted in their severall times , in that he gave them rain from heaven , and fruitful seasons , and filled their hearts with food and gladness (r) , as the Apostle pleaded it to them of Lystra . And for the Law the Apostle telleth us this expresly , that the Gentiles which have not the Law , do by nature the things contained in the Law , and having not the Law , are a Law to themselves ; which shewes the work of the Law written in their hearts , their consciences also bearing witness , and their thoughts the mean while accusing , or else excusing one another (s) . But yet they had not such a knowledge either of God himself , or the Law of God , or any such ordinary outward means to attain the same , as God had given at the same time to the house of Israel . For they not only had the Law in writing , which the Gentiles had not ; but they had the writings of the Prophets as a comment on it : and more then so , an ordinance or command from the Lord himself for the publick reading of the Law before them , once in every year (t) ; that they might hear , and learn , and fear the Lord their God , and observe all the things of the Law to do them . Greater advantages then these could no people have to bring them up in the assurance of eternal life : which if all of them did not attain unto , they had no reason to complain that God had been wanting unto them ( for what could he have done to his vineyard which he did not do ? ) but that they were wanting to themselves , and made no profit by the Talent which the Lord had given them . Reperies eos prius deseruisse quam desertos esse (u) , as in another case , but of the same people , said the Christian Advocate . Yet notwithstanding the advantages which this people had , the Gentiles were not left so destitute of all outward means to bring them to the knowledge of God , as to be capable of excuse in their sins and wickedness : though by him suffered , the generality of them at the least , to walke in their own wayes (u) , and fulfill those lusts to which they naturally were addicted . And some there were , who by conforming of their lives to the Law of nature , and cherishing those good motions which they felt within them , attained unto so clear a knowledge of the nature of God , and such an eminent height in all moral vertue : that greater was not be found amongst those of Israel . For what could any Iew say more of the nature of God , his divine Attributes , his Power and Providence , the making of all things out of nothing by Gods mighty hand , and the sustaining of the same by his infinite wisdome ; then we have formerly declared to have been believed by the most knowing men amongst the Heathens , whom they called Philosophers . Insomuch as we may justly think as Octavius did , Aut nunc Christianos Philosophos esse , aut Philosophos jam tunc fuisse Christianos (x) ; that in this point , Philosopher and Christian had been termes convertible . Nor did they rest themselves contented with that general knowledge of his eternal Power and Godhead , which they had studied and found out in the book of nature : but they knew also very well , that God was to be worshipped by them in their best devotions . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the first place to worship God , is one of the first counsels in the Grecian Oratour (y) . And it was Catos first rule which we learnt at School , that God being as he is , a Spirit , is to be worshipped by us with spiritual purity . Si Deus est animus , nobis ut carmina dicunt , Hic tibi praecipue sit pura mente eolendus . Which may be Englished in these words ; If God , as Poets say , a Spirit be , Then with pure minde let him be serv'd by thee . Which principle of natural piety being planted in them , there is no point of reverence whatsoever it be , either required of , or practised by the people of God , in his outward worship , which was not punctually performed by the antient Gentiles . Of Solomon it is said in the book of Kings , that when he had made an end of praying all his prayers and supplication to the Lord , he rose from before the Altar of the Lorld , from kneeling on his knees with his hands spread up unto the heavens (z) . Where we finde k●eeling on the knees , and lifting up of the hands , to be the usuall , as indeed the fittest posture , in the act of prayer . Finde we not that the Gentiles did observe the same , and went as far as Solomon , if not beyond him ? First for the lifting up of hands we finde in Homer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Virgil , Duplices tendens ad sydera palmas ; in Ovid , Vtraque Coelo brachia porrexit ; and finally , Tendere palmas ad delubra deum , in an old Latine Poet cited by Lactantius (a) . And as for kneeling on their knees , they so little scrupled it , that they conceived themselves not to do enough in the adoring of their Gods , unlesse they flung themselves prostrate on the ground before them . Of which Ovid thus speaking of Deucalion and Pyrrha (b) : Vt Templi tetigere gradus , procumbit uterque Pronus humi , gelidoque pavens dedit oscula saxo . Which is thus Englished by G. Sandys : Then humbly on their faces prostrate laid , And kissing the cold stones , with fear thus prai'd . The like may be affirmed of lifting up the eye to the throne of grace , when we petition God for his mercies towards us . Which as it is exemplifyed in that of David , Early in the morning will I direct my prayer to thee , and will look up (c) : so do we finde it parralleled in that of Virgil (d) , Illi ad surgentis conversi limina solis ; which if it rather seem to speak of turning to the East in the act of prayer , then of lifting up the eyes to heaven ; let us take that of Ovid which is plain enough , where speaking of poor Io and her prayers to Iupiter , he saith , that she looked up to Heaven (e) , — tendens ad sydera vultus , when she made her prayers . And lest it should be thought , as perhaps some will be apt to think , that they stood more upon the outward reverence of the body , then the inward purity of the soul , in the act of worship : remember Catos pura mente , which before we had . And add to that the memorable saying of the wiseman Socrates (f) , that God regardeth not so much the perfumes which were used in sacrifices , as the souls and virtues of mortal men ; or that of Persius one of the Latine Poets , who doth require that in all their addresses to the Gods they should be sure to take along with them , Compositum jus , fasque animi , sanctosque recessus Mentis (g) , i. e. a soul replenished with righteousness and religious thoughts . Upon which words Lactantius who doth cite them , giveth this glosse or descant (h) , Sentiebat non carne opus esse ad placandam coelestem Majestatem , sed mente sancta , that he conceived the sanctity of the minde to be more necessary for the appeasing of the Gods , then any service of the body . But being that these applications and addresses howsoever qualifyed , were made to those that were no Gods , they cannot scape the censure which St. Paul gives of them ; that knowing God , they worshipped him not as God , but became vain in their imaginations , changing the glory of the uncorruptible God into an image made like to corruptible man ; and to birds , and four-footed beasts , and creeping things (i) . The like may also be affirmed of those frequent sacrifices wherewith they sought to expiate their offences , and appease the anger of their Gods. The rites and reason of the which they received from Noah , and not from any diabolicall suggestion , as some men conceive ; as Noah had them by tradition from the elder Patriarchs . For being well enough perswaded that the Gods were much offended at the sins of men , and finding many terrible effects of divine vengeance to pursue them , they could not better study their own indemnity , then to have recourse unto those sacrifices , which had been found effectual in the former times , for the appeasing of Gods anger , and expiating those offences which they had committed . Examples of this kinde in all antient Authors Greek and Latine , are obvious to the eye of every reader . T is true , the Devil did maliciously pervert this Institution , and caused it in tract of time to be so altered in the object , that in stead of being offered to the God of Heaven , they sacrificed to Idols made of silver and gold , even the work of mens hands : worshipping and serving the creature , more then the Creatour (k) , ( as St. Paul saith of them ) whereby the truth of God was changed into a lie ; and that which first was instituted for a Propitiation , became to them a manifest occasion of falling into greater and more hainous sin . And it is also true , that the Devil not content with this first imposture , in drawing to himself and his wretched Idols , the honour which was due to GOD : did in short time possesse them with this opinion , that if they did desire to make even with God , and offer him such compensation , as might indeed absolve them from all their crimes : they should no longer think to satisfie by the bloud of beasts , who in the dignity of their creation sell far short of men , and therefore could not be a sufficient sacrifice to make atonement for their sins . As man had sinned , and by his sins deserved the punishment of death , so was it requisite that by the bloud of men they should make atonement , and turne away the anger of the heavenly powers . This was the ground they went upon for those humane sacrifices . Pro vita hominum nisi vita hominum reddatur , non posse deorum immortalium numen placari (l) , as Caesar telleth us of the Gauls . But the Gauls were not the first authors of this wretched custome . The Canaanites the progeny of accursed Cham , did first give way to those suggestions of the Devil ; offering their children unto Moloch ( which whether it were Saturn , as the learned think , or some Idol more peculiar to that people , we dispute not now ) that by the fruit of their bodies they might satisfie for the sins of their souls . Of these oblations unto Moloch we finde much mention in the Scripture , as Levit. 18.20 . & 20.2 , 3 , 4. 1 King. 11.7 . and in other places : the Israelites being too apt to adore the Idols of the nations whom they had subdued , and more inclined to this then to any other . From the Phoenicians , or the Canaanites , ( for Canaan was accounted for a part of Phoenicia ) did the Carthaginians bring this barbarous and inhumane ceremony into Africk with them , the Carthaginians being a Phoenician or Tyrian Colonie . Of whom the Historian doth informe us , Homines ut victimas immolabant , et impuberes Aris admovebant , pacem Deorum sanguine eorum exposcentes (n) ; that they offered men in sacrifice , and brought young youths unto the Altars , that by their bloud they might appease and satisfie the offended Gods. Which as it was their generall practise , so at one time , on a particular occasion which Lactantius speaks of it , they sacrificed no fewer then two hundred children of their chief nobility (o) . The suddain growth and spreading of this damnable custome , he that lists to see , let him consult Lactantius de falsa Rel. l. 1. c. 21. Arnobius adv . Gentes , Tertullian and Minutius Felix , in their Apologeticks . I will no more defile my pen with these Barbarities . Nor had I said so much on this horrid Argument , but only to declare the ground it was built upon : which was not ( as we see ) in reference to that blessed Sacrifice which Christ was afterwards to make for the sins of mankind , ( whereof the Canaanites as they had no notice , so had they took but little consideration ) but only thrust upon them by the Devil himself , who thought he could not binde them surer by his own commands , or alienate them more from God then by such Oblations . But this was only in some Countries , and to some of their Gods , who were it seems more hard to please then the gentler Deities : not to be charged on all particular men whatever , though possibly some of all sorts of men had been guilty of it . For certainly there were some amongst them , as before was said , who by conforming of their lives to the Law of nature , and cherishing those heavenly motions which they felt within them , not only came unto the knowledge of the nature of God , and did abominate as much as any those inhumane sacrifices , but did attain to such an eminent height of all moral vertues , that greater was not to be found amongst those of Israel . The Justice of Aristides , the magnanimity of Alexander , the temperance of Cato , the fortitude of Iulius , and the prudence of Augustus Caesar , are not easily paralleled ; whether we look into the times before them , or the ages following : not to insist on all particular instances of a vertuous life , which the Heroes of those times have given us in their lives and actions . And this they did not at a venture or by special chance , as a blind man may hit the marke which he doth not aime at : but on such Principles of knowledge , and grounds of wisdome , as brought them to a perfect habit of most vertuous actions . For knowing as they did , that God was infinitely good , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , self-goodness , as they sometimes called him : they could not but conceive withall ( as indeed they did ) that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (p) , the only profitable good , the most desirable felicity : and therefore that they were not capable of a greater happiness , quam conjungi et assimilari Deo (q) , then to be united with , and made like to GOD , which is ( as Plato saith ) the height and full accomplishment of all Beatitude . Iamblichus , one of Platos Schoole gives it for a rule , Quicquid faciendum aut non faciendum tibi proponis , ad Divinitatem referri debet (r) ; that whatsoever we propose unto our selves either to be done , or left undone , is to have reference to the Godhead : our life ( saith he ) being given us for no other end , quam ut Deum sequamur , then to conform our selves unto the wisdome and vertue of God. Plotinus , another of Platos scholars , saith as much as he , first making God to be the supreme end of the life of man : and then inferring thereupon , that he who is possessed of that infinite good , Non tantum conjungitur Deo , sed fit quasi Deus (s) , not only is united to God , but in some sort a God himself . Nor was this opinion of the Platonists only , but also of the Peripateticks , of the school of Aristotle . For Aristotle himself rejecting all conceits of mans summum bonum , which some had placed in honours , and some in pleasures , others more probably on spiritual and divine Contemplations : doth for his part affix it wholly to an active life , directed by the rules of vertue (t) . And Syrianus writing upon Aristotles Ethicks , where this point is handled , saith that the end proposed by men in a vertuous life , is to be reconciled to , and conjoyned with God ; Vt Deo conjungamur et conciliemur rursus , as my Author hath it . In this the Stoicks did agree also with those other Philosophers , as appears by this of Epictetus , Non pudet nos vitam inhonestam ducere , et cedere adversis ? Is it not a great shame ( saith he ) for men to lead a lewd and dishonest life , and to give way to adverse fortune (u) ? Why so ? Dei agnati sumus , &c. because we are of kin unto God himself ; from him we came , and therefore let us do our best to return to him again . Galen for the Physitians , goes as far as any , who telleth us that our soul coming down from Heaven , and being capable of knowledge , doth evermore aspire unto Heaven again , et ad substantiam similem et congenerem sibi (x) , to joyne it self with that di●ine and spiritual essence , which is of the same nature with it . No marvell if men so well principled , and building on so good a Basis ( as it seems they did ) came to be every way proportionable in their superstructures : and did not only wean themselves from those common vices which had defiled the age they lived in , but also from those vulgar errours and superstitions , which had profaned the worship of immortal God. This last a point in which the wiseman Socrates did proceed so far , that he publickly opposed the Idolatries used amongst the Grecians , endevouring to reduce them to the service of the only God : and for that cause was sentenced to death by the Judges of Athens , and made the first Martyr , as it were , in the cause of God , amongst the Gentiles . And though the terrour of this example did prevail so far , as to afright others from opposing those many Gods , which the people worshipped , it being grown into a Proverb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Socrates his cup was ready for them (z) : yet did they secretly promote the knowledge of the supreme God , and taught their followers to repose themselves on his goodness only . A pregnant evidence whereof we have in Aristotle , who drawing nigh unto his end , after all his labours , after his toylesome studies in the works of nature , is said to have breathed out his soul with this expression , Ens entium miserere mei , that is to say , Thou being of all being , have mercy on me . Upon which grounds Apulejus either writ or translated a Book entituled , De Daemonio Socratis , or De Deo Socrate : as of late times some of the Divines of Colin did set out a Tract which they inscribed , De salute Aristotelis (a) : and some have been so favourable to the Gentiles generally ( I mean the Gentiles of those former and heroicall times , who did conforme their lives to the light of nature ) as not to shut them out of the Kingdom of Heaven . Certain I am , that a Franciscan Fryer preached to that effect before the Fathers of the Trent Councel , without being ever questioned or censured for it : save that upon complaint made by some Protestants who were there attending , he afterwards forbare the Pulpit on pretence of sickness . Et destitit Franciscanus ille praedicare , valeudinem excusans (c) , as I finde it in Sleidan . And I am no less certain also that Zuinglius , that great Agent in the Reformation , in his Book entituled An Exposition of the Christian faith , dedicated to Christiern King of Denmark , not onely placeth Adam , Enoch , Noah , Abraham , together with the rest of the Patriarchs and Prophets , in the highest Heavens ; but tels the said King Christier● that he shall there finde the souls of Theseus , Socrates , Aristides , Nu●a , Camillus , Cato , Scipio , and the rest of those old Heroes , whose vertuous acts are registred in the Antient Authors , whether Greek or Latine . And of this minde Erasmus also hath declared himself to be in his Preface to the Tusculan Questions , of his setting out . I know that in the general esteem of the Antient Fathers ( especially after the rising of the Pelagian Heresies ) the greatest vertues of the Heathens were counted but splendida peccata , or illustrious sins ; for so I think St. Augustine cals them . The Antients before Augustines time were more moderate in it . But after he in his discourses against those Hereticks had pronounced this Aphorism , Omnis Infidelium vita peccatum est (d) , that the whole life of Infidels was nothing but sin : it was straight taken up by Prosper (l) , after him by Beda , and at the last by Peter Lombard , Anselm , and indeed who not , that built on the authority of that reverend man. But then we must observe withall , that as they kept themselves to St. Augustines Tenet ; so did they also build upon his Foundation : and if we seek into the ground-work or foundation which S. Augustine built , it may perchance be found but a mere mistake . For taking for his ground the Apostles words , that without faith it is impossible to please God (e) , and that whatsoever is not of faith is sin (f) , they first conceive that the Apostle speaketh in both places of faith in Christ , and then conclude that faith in Christ is such a necessary qualification of every good and vertuous action , that every thing we do without it is sin , and consequently must needs be unpleasing to Almighty God. Pope Leo also is of the same opinion , ( but whether he took it from St. Augustine or not , I am not able to say ) affirming positively , Extra Ecclesiam Catholicam nihil esse castum , nihil integrum , dicente Apostolo , Omne quod non est ex fide est peccatum (m) ; that is to say , that out of the Communion of the Catholick Church , there is nothing either pure or perfect , it being said by the Apostle , that whatsoever is not of faith is sin . This is the ground they build upon . And if the ground be faulty , as I think it is , the building must be very weak which is laid upon it . For first that text of the Apostle in the 14. to the Romans , Whatsoever is not of faith is sin , as it is generally interpreted by most Modern Writers , ( and to say truth , the literal sense of holy Scripture , was never so clearly opened as in these our times ) relates not unto faith at all , as it is an act whereby we do believe in God , or his Son CHRIST IESVS : but only to that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or firm perswasion , which every one ought to have in his own mind of the lawfulness or unlawfulness of that which he goeth about . And then the meaning of the Text will be only this , that if a man doth any thing on deliberation , of which he is not verily perswaded that he doth well in it , but doth it with a wavering and doubtful minde ; he is guilty of sin . The words foregoing give good strength unto this construction , where it is said , that he that doubteth ( whether he doth well or ill ) is damned if he eat , because he doth it not of faith , that is to say , because he doth it not of a right perswasion , that he doth well in eating what is set before him : which hath no reference at all to faith in Christ. No more hath that which is alleadged from the 11. to the Hebrews , where it is said , that without faith it is impossible to please God. Which is not to be understood only of faith in Christ , if of that at all : but only of that act of faith in the general notion , by which ( for so it followeth in the Text it self ) Whosoever cometh unto God , must believe that he is , and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him (g) . Now that the Gentiles had this faith ( conceive me still of the more noble souls amongst them ) is clear and evident , by that which they have said of God in their publick writings ; of which we have produced asmuch in the former Chapters , as may abundantly suffice to confirm this point . But then perhaps it will be said , that though the things they did were good , ex genere & objecto suo , good in their kinde , and in relation unto those who received good by them ; as were the feeding of the hungry , cloathing of the naked , and such like : yet being looked upon ex fine & circumstantiis , with reference to the end for which , and the circumstances with which they were done ; they were both vitious in themselves , and utterly unpleasing in the sight of God. And to this end this passage is alleadged out of St. Augustines works , Non officiis sed finibus virtutes a vitiis discernendas (h) , that vertues are distinguished from vices , not so much by the work it self , as the end proposed . This we acknowledge to be true , but we say withall , that if the works of faithful men be so pryed into , it cannot be , but that there will be either some obliquity in the action , or misapplication in the end : there being no just action so accompanyed with all manner of circumstances , as to abide the judgement of Almighty God , if he should be extreme to mark what is done amiss . Both Protestants and Papists do agree in this , although the last doe speak more favourably of the works of regenerate persons , then the former do . The Protestants maintain that there is no work done by a godly man in the state of grace , but that there is some sinfulness which doth cleave unto it , and in part doth blemish it . But not so far as to make it lose the name of a good work , or to put the doer of it into the state of damnation , by reason that God for Christs sake forgives the imperfections , and accepts that which is good (i) . And for the Papists it is thus resolved by Andreas Vega , one of the great sticklers in the Councel of Trent , Ipsa etiam perfectorum opera , a bonitate ipsa longe deficere , qua deceret nos Deum colere , &c. (k) . i. e. the very works of the best men are much defective in that goodness , wherewith we ought to worship , serve , and honor God , because they are conjoyned with many imperfections whilest men live here : neither are they so pure , holy , and fervent , as the measure of divine goodness and bounty towards us doth require at our hands . And thereupon he doth conclude , that many good works are done by us , without blot of sin , Quae tamen si districte vellet Deus nobiscum agere , injustitiae essent ; which notwithstanding , if God should deal strictly with us would be counted wickedness . So that if vertue must be vice , and good works a sin , because they fail in some of those many circumstances , which are required unto the making of a work to be fully perfect : it is not like to go ill with the Gentiles only , but even with the most righteous of Gods faithful servants . 'T is true indeed , the Gentiles had not the assistance of Gods written Word , to be a light unto their pathes , and a lamp to their feet (l) , ( and that is one of the Prerogatives which the Israelites had ) for want whereof they could not come so generally to the knowledge of God , nor walk so knowingly in the ways of his laws and precepts . But then perhaps it may be said , ( if one would undertake the part of an Advocate in it ) that God hath furnished them with some other means for the supplying of this want : which wrought as powerfully on the affections of the learned Gentiles , as did the letter of the law on the Vulgar Israelites . To this head I refer their Politick laws and constitutions for punishing all violent and unlawful actions ; but principally the study of Philosophy , by which they were not only restrained from all Criminal actions , which came within the compass of their positive laws : but had their affections so composed , and their lusts so bridled , as to advance them to an eminencie in all sorts of virtues ; not only doing all that their laws required , but at some times more . And to this purpose was the answer of the wise man Aristotle , who being asked what benefit the study of Philosophy had brought unto him ; made this reply , Vt ea facerem injussus , quae plerique per legum metum faciunt (m) , that he thereby discharged those duties without any command , which others were compelled to by the force of laws . A second means whereby GOD might supply the defect of Scripture , was the co-operating of his Grace with that light of Nature , which is implanted naturally in the soul of man : which light assisted by the influence of Preventing Grace , was doubtless able to conduct them in the ways of vertue , and make them do such things as were good and acceptable in the sight of God. For if by Grace we understand ( as Greg. Ariminensis saith we may ) quod cunque Dei speciale adjutorium ad bene operandum (n) , every special help which God giveth unto us towards doing good : we have no reason to conceive but that those Worthies of the Gentiles had such special helps , or else they never had attained to such special eminence in all vertuous actions . Though God restrained his written Word unto Israel only , yet finde we not that he confined his Grace to so narrow a compass ; or that he could not give a portion of his holy Spirit unto whom he pleased . Had it been so , what had become of Iob of the land of Vz , of Rahab a Canaanitish woman , of Ruth a Moabite ? How had the Aethiopian Eunuch been invited to see Hierusalem , or Cornelius the Centurion found such favour of God , as to be warned in a Vision touching his salvation ; if God had given his Grace with respect of persons , or thought no creature worthy of it but a Iew by Nation ? For my part I have no Commission to call any thing common or unclean that God hath cleansed (o) , or to shut the gates of Heaven against any of those that are renowned upon record for a vertuous life , considering that I finde in Scripture , that in every Nation be that feareth God , and worketh righteousness , is accepted of him . Nor can I think it a dishonour to Almighty God , to be a rewarder of all those who seek him diligently , according to that measure of faith and knowledge , which is given unto them : or that it is derogatory to the written Word , that men of riper years should be saved without it in extraordinary cases , and of special grace . And I say men of riper years , because I finde the case of children to be very different ; of whose salvation , although born of Infidel parents , some principal and leading men of the Reformation make no doubt at all of this opinion ; amongst others , was Franciscus Iunius , as grave and eminent a Divine as any which that Age offered ; and a great stickler against Arminius in the controversie of Predestination . The passage you may see at large in his book de Natura & gratia , Num. 28. but the sum is this . Omnino statuimus servatum iri &c. (p) . He doubteth not but that many of the children of Infidels are saved , partly by vertue of the Covenant , and partly by Gods Election . By vertue of the Covenant in regard they are descended of such Ancestors , as were themselves within the Covenant , though it be long since , and that there be some interruption in the whole succession , Gods mercy reaching ( as he tels us Exod. 20. ) unto a thousand generations . By Election , because God hath not barred himself from a power and right to communicate his Grace to those whose Ancestors were not of the Covenant . For if he called those Adulti men of riper years to be partakers of the Covenant , who were not within the same before ; why may he not in like manner , if he please , elect children also ? Finally , as he doth believe that all who are elected , or within the Covenant , shall most undoubtedly be saved : so he doth charitably conceive that those whom God takes out of this world in the state of infancy , servari potius secundum electionem & providentiam ipsius paternam , quam a regno Coelorum abdicari , are rather saved by Gods election and paternal providence , then utterly excluded out of the Kingdom of Heaven . If the same charity make me hope the like of those famous men among the Gentiles , who were not wanting to the grace of God which was given unto them , why should I fear worse fortune then was found by Iunius , who never yet was censured ( for ought I have read ) for that so charitable resolution in the case of Infants , no not by those of the Reformed , who differ in opinion from him as to that particular ? And so far I conceive I may go with safety , without opposing any text of holy Scripture , or any publick tendry of the Church of England . 'T is true , St. Peter telleth us in the 4. of the Acts , that there is no name under Heaven given among men whereby they be saved , but that of our Lord and Saviour IESVS CHRIST , v. 12. But this is spoken with relation to the times of the Gospel , when CHRIST had broken down the partition wall , and that the Gentiles were admitted to the knowledge of the word of life : a general command being laid by CHRIST on his Apostles to preach the Gospel to all Nations (a) . After this time the case was altered ; and the Gentiles altogether left without excuse , if they embraced not the ordinary meanes of their salvation , which by the universall preaching of Christ crucifyed had been offered to them . And so I understand that Article of the Church of England , by which all they are to be accursed who presume to say that every man shall be saved by the Law or Sect that he professeth , so that he be diligent to frame his life according to that Law and the light of nature . Act. 18. For certainly the Article relates not to the times before Christs coming , or the condition of the Gentiles in those elder dayes , but only to the present condition of the Church of Christ as it now stands , and hath stood since his death and passion , (b) in opposition both to Iewes and Gentiles , unto Turkes and Saracens ; with reference to the Familists , and such modern Sectaries , who made the external profession of the faith of Christ but a thing indifferent , so they conformed themselves by the light of nature . Of which opinion one Galcalus Martius also is affirmed to be by Paulus Iovius in his Elog. doct : virorum . So that for ought appeares from that place of the Acts , and from this Article of the Church , we may conceive the charitable hope of the salvation of some of the more noble Gentiles , the great example of whose vertues is transmitted to us in Classical and approved Authors . But this was only in some extraordinary and especial cases , some Casus reservati , as the Lawyers call them , which God reserved to his own Power and dispensation , and not of any ordinary and common right . For generally the Heathen people , as they knew not God , having extinguished that light of nature which was given unto them : so having their understanding darkned , and that light put out , their will forthwith became depraved , the affections of their hearts corrupted , and their lusts exorbitant . And as they did not like to retain God in their knowledge , so did God give them over to a reprobate minde , to do those things which are not convenient (q) , dishonouring their owne bodies amongst themselves , and being filled with all unrighteousnesse and uncleannesse : Nay , even their greatest Clerks , men of wit and learning , professing themselves wise did become fooles , in that they sought not after God , the true fountain of wisdome (r) : and holding the truth which was revealed to them , in unrighteousnesse , as St. Paul saith of them , were thereby made without excuse . And as the light of nature was thus generally extinguished amongst the Gentiles ; so was the light of Prophecie as much neglected amongst the Iewes : who though they were Gods chosen and peculiar people , had so degenerated from the piety of their Predecessors , that there was hardly either faith or charity to be found amongst them . Insomuch as all the world was now of the same condition , in which it was before the flood . Of which God said , that all flesh had corrupted his way upon the earth (s) , the wickedness of man grown great , and all the imaginations of the thoughts of his heart continually and only evill . Nothing could have prevented a second deluge , but Gods gratious promise that there should never more be a flood to destroy the Earth (t) ; nothing have respited the World from more grievous punishment , had not Christ come into the World ; and by his suffering on the Crosse for the sinne of Man , appeased Gods anger for the present , and caused his Gospell to be preached unto every nation , that so they might escape the wrath of the time to come . Nothing required by him for so great a mercy , but that we would believe in him : that to the faith , which every man was bound before to have in God the Father Almighty , by whom we were created when we were just nothing ; there might be added a beliefe in IESVS CHRIST his only Sonne , by whom we were redeemed being worse then nothing . He knew the frailty of our nature that we were but dust , that we were utterly unable to observe the Law , which Adam either could not or would not keep in the state of innocency : and therefore did not look so far as to the Covenant of works to require them of us , but to the Covenant of faith as the easier duty . God in the Covenant of works required of every man for his justification , an absolute and entire obedience to the Law which he had prescribed ; and that obedience to the Law had it been performed , had justifyed the performance of it in the sight of God. But finding man unable to fulfill the Law , he made a second Covenant with that sinfull Creature , and required nothing of him for his justification but only faith in God and his gracious promises for the redemption of the world till the coming of CHRIST ; and after a more explicit faith in Christ , when he had redeemed it , then had been pressed before on the house of Iacob . CHRIST hath redeemed us ( saith St. Paul ) from the curse of the Law , that the blessing of Abraham might come upon the Gentiles thorough IESVS CHRIST (u) : that is to say , that as Abraham did believe in God , and that was imputed unto him for righteousness , even so the Gentiles thorow faith in IESVS CHRIST might be justifyed also . And yet faith doth not justifie , ( conceive not so ) out of any property that is natural or essential to it , or any dignity or work inherent in it above other Theological vertues ; but out of somewhat that is adventitious and extrinsecal meerly , that is to say , the will , good-pleasure , or appointment of Almighty God. This is the will of him that sent me ( saith our Saviour ) that every Man that seeth the Son and believeth in him , should have life everlasting (x) . Where clearly he suspends the justifying property or power of faith , not upon any quality or vertue that it hath in it self , but only on the will and free grace of God : which had it fallen in conjunction or cooperation with any other of Gods graces , either hope , or patience ; or any other whatsoever ; that act of grace , or the act rather of that grace so by God appointed , would have conduced as fully to our justification as now the act of faith or believing doth . But now to trouble our selves with these speculations , suffice it that as God was pleased to make choice of faith , so he made choice not of the habit , or the object , but the act of faith , to be imputed to us for our justification . Abraham believed God ( saith the holy Scripture ) and it was counted unto him for righteousness (y) . Nor is it thus with Abraham only , but with all the faithful , who if they do believe on him that justifyeth the ungodly , that faith of theirs shall be accounted unto them for righteousness also (z) . T is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Credere , the very act of faith it self , which God requireth of us for our justification , in stead of all the workes of the Law : and if we do believe , as we ought to do , that every act of our believing , without the help of any of the workes of the Law , shall be imputed to us for righteousness . Seven times at least in the fourth Chapter of the Romans hath the Apostle used this phrase to account or impute faith for righteousness unto the believer . We finde the same phrase also used in the 3. Chapter to the Galatians vers . 5. and in the 2. of St. Iames vers . 23. Scarce such another consonancy of expression in the holy Scripture . Which certainly the holy Ghost had not stood upon , not bound himself precisely to the words and syllables of : if he had not meant to give this honour unto faith it self , but rather to some other thing which faith layeth hold of and applyeth for our endlesse comfort . And this , as it is most agreeable to the Text and Context , where faith is put in opposition unto workes , that faith alone might have the honour of our justification : so hath it been the constant Doctrine of the antient Writers , who do ascribe the same to faith , and to faith properly so called , not as the word is taken tropically or metonymically for the object thereof . For thus saith Iustin Martyr , first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) . Abraham , saith he , had not from God the testimony or commendation of righteousness , because of his circumcision , but because of his faith . Tertullian next , How , saith he , are we made the children of faith , or of whose faith if not of Abrahams ? For if Abraham believed God , and that was imputed unto him for righteousness , and he deserved thereby to be made the Father of many nations (b) : Not autem credendo Deo magis , pro inde justificamur , sicut Abraham , we by believing God more , ( as having more things to believe then Abraham had , for that I take it is his meaning ) are therefore also justifyed as Abraham was . Next to him , that of Origen which we had before , Cum multae fides Abraham praecesserint , &c. (c) Whereas many faiths , ( or many acts of Abrahams faith ) had gone before , now all his faith was recollected and summed up together , and so imputed unto him for his justification . St. Ambrose in fewer words saith as much as any , Sic decretum dicit a Deo , ut cessante lege , solam fidem gratia Dei posceret ad salutem (d) : God , saith he , hath so decreed , that the Law ceasing , the grace of God should require only faith of man towards his salvation . Why was this writ ( saith St. Chrysostome ) of our father Abraham ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) : but that we may learn that we are also justifyed as Abraham was , because we have believed the same God ? And in another place , What was Abraham the worse for not being under the Law ? To which he answereth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he was nothing the worse ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) , for his faith was sufficient for his justification . What saith St. Augustine of himself ? In eum credo qui justificat impium , ut deputetur fides mea ad justitiam (g) ; that is to say , I do believe in him that justifyeth the ungodly , that my faith may be imputed to me for righteousnesse . What doth the same Father say of Abraham in another place , if at the least the work be his ? Ecce sine opere justificatur ex fide ; et quicquid illi legali observatione potest conferri , totum credulitas sua donavit (h) . Behold , saith he , Abraham is justifyed without works , by faith : and whatsoever could have been conferred upon him by the observation of the Law , that his believing only hath wholly given him . Primasius somewhat after him in the course of time , Tam magna fuit dono dei fides Abrahami , ut et pristina peccata ei donarentur , et sola prae omni justitia doceretur accepta (i) , i. e. So great was Abrahams faith by the gift of God , that both his former sins were pardoned , and this his faith alone was preferred in acceptation before all righteousness . And finally thus Haimo B. of Halberstad , an Author of the 9. Century , to descend no lower . Abraham believed God , and it was counted to him for righteousnesse , that is , saith he , unto remission of sinnes (k) ; quia per ipsam fidem qua credidit justus effectus est , because by that faith wherewith he believed , he was made righteous . By all which testimonies of the antients it is plain and evident , that faith is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 credere , or the very act of believing , is that which is imputed to us for our justification : and that this is no new interpretation excogitated by Arminius in these latter days , as some please to tell us . Nor is this contrary to the Church of England delivered in her book of Homilies , though at the first appearance it may so be thought . When we affirme that We are justifyed only by faith in Christ , we understand not (l) ( saith the Book ) that this our own act to believe in Christ , or this faith in Christ which is within us , doth justifie us , and deserve our justification unto us , for that were to count our selves to be justifyed by ●ome act or vertue that is within our selves : but that we must renounce the merit of faith , hope , charity , and all other vertues as things that be far too weak , imperfect , and insufficient to deserve remission of sins , and our justification , and must trust only on Gods mercy in the bloud of Christ. Where plainly it is not the intent of the Book of Homilies to exclude the act of faith from being an externall and impulsive cause of our justification ; but from being the meritorious cause thereof in the sight of God , from having any thing to do therein , in the way of merit : Or if they do relate to the act of faith , it is not to the act of faith as the gift of God , but as to somewhat which we call and accompt our own , without acknowledging the same to be given by him . And in that sense , to say that we are justifyed by any thing within our selves , which is so properly our own as not given by God , is evidently opposite to that of the holy Scripture , viz. By grace ye are saved through faith , and not of your selves ; it is the gift of God (m) : that is to say , that faith by which ye are saved is the gift of God. And certainly it is no wonder , if faith in Christ should be acknowledged and esteemed the gift of God , considering that we have Christ himself no otherwise , which is the object of our faith , then by gift from God : who did so love the world ( as our Saviour telleth us ) that he gave his only begotten Son ; to the end that whosoever believed in him should not perish but have life everlasting (n) . Of which great mercy of the Lord in giving his beloved Son , and of the sufferings of that Son for our redemption , I am next to speake . THE SUMME OF Christian Theologie , Positive , Philological , and Polemical ; CONTAINED IN THE Apostles CREED , Or reducible to it . The Second Part. By PETER HEYLYN . 1 Tim. 3.16 . Without controversie great is the Mysterie of godliness , God manifested in the flesh , justified in the Spirit , seen of Angels , preached unto the Gentiles , believed on in the world , received up into glorie . LONDON , Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile , 1654. ARTICLE III. Of the Third ARTICLE OF THE CREED Ascribed to St. IAMES . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Credo et in Jesum Christum filium ejus unicum , Dominum nostrum . i. e. And in IESUS CHRIST his only Son our Lord. CHAP. VIII . Nothing revealed to the Gentiles touching Christ to come . The name of JESUS what it signifyeth ; and of bowing at it . Of the name CHRIST , and the offices therein included . The name of Christians how given unto his Disciples . THUS are we come to that part of the Christian Creed , which doth concern the Worlds Redemption by our Lord and Saviour IESVS CHRIST . A part , to which we are not like to finde much credit from the stubborn and untractable Iews , except it be to so much of it as concernes his sufferings under Pontius Pilate , of which they made themselves the unhappy instruments : and very little help for the proof thereof , from any of the learned Gentiles , who being taken up with high speculations , would not vouchsafe to look so low as a crucifyed IESVS . The preaching of Christ crucifyed ( as St. Paul hath told us ) as to the Iews who were a proud high-minded people , it became a stumbling block , so to the Greeks , who boasted in the pride of learning and humane wisdome , it was counted foolishness (a) . And if it were so counted a parte post , when he that was the light to lighten the Gentiles (b) , had shined so visibly amongst them , and countenanced the preaching of his holy Gospel by such signes and wonders , as did in fine gain credit to it over all the world ; it is not to be thought that they had any clearer knowledge of salvation by him , or by the preaching of his Gospel , a parte ante . The Iews indeed had many notable advantages which the Gentiles had not . For unto them pertained the Adoption , and the glory , and the Covenants , and the giving of the Law , and the service of God , and the promises (c) . They had moreover amongst them the Prophetical writings , or as St. Peter cals it , the sure word of Prophesie (d) , which like a light shining in a darke place , might well have served to guide them in the way of truth , to keep them in a constant expectation of their Saviours coming ; and when he came , to entertain him with all joy and cheerfulness . Yet when he came unto his own , they received him not (e) : that miserable obduration being fallen upon them , that seeing they did see and not perceive , that hearing they did hear but not understand (f) . But on the other side , the Gentiles wanted all those helpes , to bring them to the knowledge of their promised Saviour ; which were so plentifully communicated to the house of Israel . For though the Lord had signifyed by the prophet Isaiah , saying , There shall be a root of Jesse , and he that shall rise to reigne over the Gentiles , in him shall the Gentiles trust (g) : yet this was more then God had pleased to manifest to the Gentiles themselves , till they were actually called to the knowledge of CHRIST by the ministery of St. Peter (h) , and the accomplishment of this prophesie made known unto them by the application of St. Paul (i) . The light of natural reason could instruct them in this general principle , that there was a God : for nulla gens tam barbara , said the Latine Oratour (k) , never was man so brutish , or nation so barbarous which in the works of nature could not read a Deity . And the same light of natural reason could instruct them also , that that God whosoever he was , was to be served and worshipped by them with their best devotions . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (l) , in the first place to serve and reverence the Gods , was one of the most special Rules which the Greek Oratour commended to his dear Demonicus . But that it should please God in the fulnesse of time to send his son made of a woman , made under the Law , to redeem such as were under the Law , that they might receive the Adoption of sons (m) : that CHRIST should come into the world to save sinners (n) , and breaking down the partition wall between Jew and Gentile make one Church of both (o) : neither the light of nature , nor the rule of reason , nor any industry in their studies could acquaint them with . This St. Paul calleth a mystery not made known in other ages to the sons of men (p) , a mysterie hidden from the generations (q) of preceding times : and if a mystery , a secret and an hidden mystery , we should but lose time did we look to finde it in any writings or records of the antient Gentiles . So that we may affirme of the knowledge of CHRIST as Lactantiuss did in generall of the ttue Religion : Nondum fas esse alienigenis hominibus Religionem Dei veri justitiamque cognoscere (r) ; the time was not yet come in which the Gentiles should be made acquainted with those heavenly mysteries , which did concern the Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour . T is true , the Sibylline Oracles cited by Lactantius (s) , and others of great eminence in the Primitive times , speak very clearly in some things concerning the life and death of CHRIST : in so much that they seem rather written in the way of History , then in that of Prophesie . And though the learned Casaubon (t) , and others of our great Philologers , conceive them to be pious fraudes , composed of purpose by some Christians of the elder ages , and added as a supplement to the true Originals , the better to win credit to the faith of CHRIST : yet dare I not so far disparage those good Catholick writers as to believe they would support so strong an edifice with so weak a prop , or borrow help from falshood to evict the truth . Or if they durst have been so venturous , how easie had it been for their learned Adversaries , Porphyrie , Iulian , and the rest of more eminent note , to have detected the Imposture , and silenced the Christian Advocates with reproach enough . Letting this therefore go for granted , as I think I may , that the Sibylline Oracles are truly cited by the Fathers , and that they do contain most things which hapned to our Saviour in his life and death : yet could this give but little light to the Heathen people , touching CHRIST to come , because they were not suffered to be extant publickly , and consequently came not to the knowledge of the learned Gentiles , till by the care and diligence of the Christian Writers they were after published . For so exceeding coy were the antient Romans of suffering the Sibyls or their works to go abroad , having got into their hands the best copies of them that those times afforded : that they commanded them to be kept closely in the Capitol , under the care and charge of particular Officers (u) , whom from the number of fifteen ( for so many they were ) they called Quindecemviri , and to whom only it was lawful to consult their papers . Nec eos ab ullo nisi a Quindecemviris f●s est inspici (x) , as Lactantius notes it very truly . And it is also very true , that many of the antient and most learned Grecians had a confused notice of a second Deity , whom they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Word : making him aiding and subservient to Almighty God in the Creation of the world , and therefore giving him the attribute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (y) , or the worlds Creator . The several testimonies to this purpose he that lists to see , may finde them mustered up together in that laborious work of the Lord du Plessis , entituled De veritate Religionis Christianae , cap. 6. So frequently occurs this notion in the old Philosophers , especially in those of the School of Plato , that Porphyrie an Apostate Christian , and a Platonick in the course of his sect and studies , blasphemously averred that St. Iohn had stollen the first words of his Gospel , [ viz. In the beginning was the Word , &c. ] from his Master Plato . And though the affirmation of that vile Apostata , intended only the disgrace of the holy Evangelist , and of the Gospel by him written for the use of the Church : yet had it been a truth , as indeed it was not , it could have been no greater a disparagement to St. Iohn to borrow an expression from a Greek Philosopher , then to St. Paul to use the very words of three Grecian Poets . But the truth is , that both St. Iohn and the Platonicks together with the rest of those old Heroes , borrowed the notion from the Doctors of the Iewish Nation ; as Maldonate hath proved at large (z) in his Comment on that Text of the blessed Evangelist : who withal gives it for the reason why S. Iohn made choyce rather of this notion then of any other , in the front or entrance of his Gospel , because it was so known and acceptable both to Iew and Gentile , Philosophos non dubium est ab antiquis Hebraeis & hausisse sententiam & vocabulum accepisse . Proinde voluit Johannes accommodate ad usum loqui , saith the learned Iesuite . But then withall we must observe , that though we finde such frequent mention of the Word , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the writings of the antient Gentiles ; yet finde we almost nothing of him but the name or notion : nothing that doth relate to the salvation of man , the taking of our nature upon him , or being made a propitiation for the sins of mankinde . That , as before I noted , was a secret mysterie , not to be manifested to the sons of the Gentiles , till CHRIST himself was come to make one of both , and call them to the knowledge of his grace and faith in him . Being so called they were no longer to be differenced by the name of Gentiles , but fellow-heirs and of the same body (a) , whereof CHRIST is Head ; and as the members of that body , to joyn in the Confession of the self same faith ; not only as to God the Father , in the acknowledgement of which Article all the Nations meet , but as unto his only Son IESVS CHRIST our Lord , from whence the faith hath properly the name of Christian. Now that which we believe touching CHRIST our Saviour , and is to be the argument of this present Book , is thus delivered by the pen of our Reverend Iewell , in the name , and for the use and edification of the Church of England . Credimus Jesum Christum filium unicum aeterni patris , &c. (b) . i. e. We believe that IESVS CHRIST , the only Son of the eternal Father , ( as it had been determined before all beginnings ) when the fulness of time was come , did take of that blessed and pure Virgin , both flesh and all the nature of man , that he might declare unto the world the secret and hidden will of his Father , and that he might fulfil in his humane body the Mysterie of our Redemption , and might fasten our sins unto the Cross , and blot out that hand-writing which was against us . We believe that for our sakes he dyed and was buryed , descended into Hell , and the third day by the power of his God-head rose again to life : and that the fortieth day after his Resurrection , whi●est his Disciples looked on , he ascended into Heaven to fulfil all things , and did place in Majesty and glory the self same body wherewith he was born , in which he lived upon the earth , in which he was scornfully derided , and suffered most painful torments , and a cruel death ; and finally , in which he rose again from the dead , and ascended to the right hand of the Father , above all principalities and powers , and might , and dominion ; that there he now sitteth , and shall sit till all things be fully perfected . We believe also that from that place he shall come again to execute that general Iudgement , as well of them whom he shall then finde alive in the body , as of them that shall be already dead . This is the main of that which is to be believed touching CHRIST IESVS our Lord ; but so that we divide not the man CHRIST IESVS from IESVS CHRIST the Son of God. For though that note of Estius be exceeding true , that all things contained in the Creed concerning Christ from his conception in the womb of the Virgin to his last coming unto judgement inclusively , de Christo dicuntur secundum humanam naturam (c) , are verified and affirmed of him in his humane nature : yet are we also bound to believe this of him : that he was so truly and indissolubly the Son of God ( according to the Tenor of this present Article ; that whilest this man was born of the Virgin Mary , the Son of God was also born of the self same Virgin ; whilest the man CHRIST IESVS suffered under Pontius Pilate , the Son of God was also crucified , dead and buried . Et sic de caeteris . For otherwise Tacitus , who reporteth his sufferings under Pontius Pilate (d) ; and Pontius Pilate who gave testimony to his Resurrection , in a Letter writ on that occasion to Tiberius Caesar (e) ; or Nicolas , one of the Seven , the Founder of the Sect of the Nicolaitans (f) , who beheld him at the instant of his Ascension ; might pass for Orthodox professors of the Christian Faith. Besides , a partial assent to one or to some only of the Articles which relate to CHRIST , is not enough to give denomination to a true believer . It must be uniform , and alike sincere unto every truth recorded of him in the Scriptures , or summarily comprehended in the present Creed ; which qualifieth a man a right to deserve that title . So that unless we fix our selves upon this Principle , that IESVS CHRIST our Lord is the Son of God , ( the only begotten Son of God , as the Nicene hath it ) and carry the same with us through every Article , which hath relation to his Person : our Faith being partial only to some matters of fact , and not compleat and perfect in each several lineament , fals short of that assent to the Word of God , and all those supernatural truths revealed in it , which is required unto the constitution of salvifical fa●th . Now for the better understanding of the present Article , which is so operative and influential over all the rest : we will resolve it first into this Proposition , that IESVS CHRIST our Lord is the Son of God , the only begotten Son of God , as before we had it from the Nicene . And having so resolved it into this Proposition , will take a view thereof in its several parts ; and look upon our Saviour Christ first in his Person and his Office , next in his several relations unto God and man. His Person we finde represented in the name of IESVS , his Offices in that of CHRIST ; his reference or relation to Almighty God , as he is his Son , his only Son ; to man , as he is made our Lord. First for his person or his nature , we finde it represented in the name of IESVS ( for Christus nomen est officii , Jesus naturae & personae (g) , as the learned note ) and that originally Hebrew , derived from the future tense of the verb Iashang , which signifieth Salvavit , i. e. he hath saved ; or from the substantive Isshagnah , which is as much as salus ipsa , or salvation it self . If from the first , it is the very same in Hebrew with that of Iehoshua , ( or Ioshua as our English reads it ) the son of Nun ; who by St. Luke , Act. 7.45 . and by St. Paul , Heb. 4.8 . is called plainly Iesus : and then the difference betwixt him and the son of Nun , will consist rather in the manner of the salvation which he hath bestowed , then in the property of the name . If from the second , we finde more in old Simeons Nunc dimittis then hath been generally observed : who did not only praise the Lord , because his eyes had seen his Saviour , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the salvation of God. And then those Texts of holy Scripture , which speak so clearly of the Salvation of God , or where God is called our Salvation , as Exod. 15.2 . Esa. 12.1 , 2 , 3. & 49.6 . & 52.10 . & 56.1 . and also Habak . 3.18 . may possibly be intended of CHRIST our Saviour . But whether this be so or not , it can be no disparagement to the Son of God , to have his name derived from the same Original , with Ioshua the son of Nun , who was so clear a type of the Lord himself , that scarce a clearer doth occur in the book of God. For as Moses the Law-giver of the Iews , though he did bring that people out of the land of Egypt , was not so happy as to settle them in the land of Canaan , but left that work to be performed by the hand of Iesus the Son of Nun : so neither could the Law , which was the School-mistris unto CHRIST (h) , though it dispelled the clowds of Egyptian darkness , bring them that did live under it into the Sanctum Sanctorum , but left the honour of the work to IESVS the Son of God. And as Ioshua ( or Iesus ) the son of Nun , having subdued the heathenish Princes who possessed the land , estated the whole house of Iacob in possession of it : so IESVS CHRIST the Son of the living God , having subdued Sin , Hell , and Satan , who held the whole world of mankinde under their subjection , brought those who are the children of Abrahams faith , into a peaceable fruition of the land of Promise , whereof the land of Canaan was a Type or figure . The difference as unto the name , was in this especially , that Ioshua the son of Nun was at first called Oshea , Numb . 13.9 . and had his name changed afterwards by Moses , vers . 16. on some presage perhaps of his future greatness : but IESVS CHRIST the Son of God , received that name from God himself in his first conception . For thus the Angel Gabriel to the blessed Virgin , Behold , thou shalt conceive in thy womb , and bring forth a Son , and shalt call his name IESVS (i) . The reason of which choyce or appellation , is by another Angel thus given to Ioseph ; Ipse enim salvum faciet populum suum , &c. (k) . i. e. for he shall save his people from all their sins . Here then we have a salvabit , or a salvum faciet , to manifest the true interpretation of this blessed name , and therewithall the nature of a more blessed Person . And so Ruffinus doth resolve it , IESVS Hebraei vocabuli nomen est , quod apud nos Salvator dicitur (l) . IESVS , saith he , is an Hebrew name , and signifieth as much as Saviour . Where we may note , that the old Author keeps himself to the old Ecclesiastical word Salvator ; and was not so in love with the Roman elegancies , ( as Beza for the most part is in his translation ) as to obtrude Servator on us , in the place thereof . Concerning which St. Augustine hath this observation , that antiently Salvator was no Latine word , but was first devised by the Christians to express the greatness of the mercies which they had in Christ. For thus the Father . Qui est Hebraice JESUS , Graece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nostra autem locutione Salvator . Quod verbum Latina lingua non habebat , sed habere poterat , sicut potuit quando voluit (m) . Nay Cicero the great Master of the Roman elegancies doth himself confess , that the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word of too high a nature to be expressed by any one word of the Latine tongue . For shewing how that Verres being Praetor in Syracusa , the chief town in Sicily , had caused himself to be entituled by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he addes immediately , hoc ita magnum est , ut Latino uno verbo exprimi non possit (n) . And thereupon he is compelled to use this Paraphrase or circumlocution , Is est nimirum Soter , qui salutem dedit , i. e. He properly may be called Soter , who is giver of health . So that the Latine word Servator being insufficient to express the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and consequently the Hebrew IESVS , the Christians of the first times were necessitated to devise some other , and at last pitched upon Salvator : which to this purpose hath been used by Arnobius , l. 1. adv . Gentes , Ambros. in Luk. c. 2. Hieron . in Ezek. c. 40. August . de doctr . Chr. l. 2. c. 13. contr . Crescon . l. 2. c. 1. besides the passages from Ruffinus and the same St. Augustine before alleadged . So then the name of Iesus doth import a Saviour ; and the name of IESVS given to the Son of God , intimates or implieth rather such a Saviour , as shall save his people from their sins . This differenceth IESVS our most blessed Saviour , from all which bare that name in the times foregoing . Iesus , or Ioshua the son of Nun , did only save the people from their temporal enemies ; but IESVS CHRIST the Son of the living God , doth save us from the bonds of sin , from our ghostly enemies . IESVS the son of Iosedech the Priest , of the Order of Aaron , did only build up the material Altar (o) , in the holy Temple ; but IESVS the High Priest for ever after the Order of Melchisedech , not only buildeth up the spiritual Temple , but is himself the very Altar which sanctifieth all those oblations which we make to God. Iesus the son of Sirach hath no higher honour , but that he was Author of the book called Ecclesiasticus , a book not reckoned in the Canon of the holy Scripture ; but IESVS CHRIST the Son of God and the Virgin Mary , not only is the subject of a great part of Scripture , but even the Word it self , and the very Canon , by which we are to square all our lives and actions . I am the way , the truth and the life (p) , as himself telleth us in St. Iohn . Look on him in all these capacities he is still a IESVS , a Saviour of his people from their sins and wickednesses ; a builder of them up to a holy Temple , fit for the habitation of the holy Ghost ; a bringer of them by the truth , and way of righteousness unto the gates of life eternal ; a true IESVS still . So properly a IESVS , and so perfectly a Saviour to us , that there is no salvation to be found in any other (q) , nor is there any other name under Heaven given amongst men , whereby they must be saved , but this name of IESVS . A● name , if rightly pondered , above every name (r) , and given him ( to this end ) by Almighty God , that at the Name of Jesus every knee should bow , of those in Heaven , and earth , and under the earth . And there may be good reason besides Gods appointment , why such a sign of reverence should be given to the very name : not only a name above other names , and therefore to be reverenced with the greater piety ; but as a pregnant testimony of that exaltation , to which God hath advanced him above all other persons . We bow the knee unto the persons of Kings and Princes . And therefore Pharaoh when he purposed to honour Ioseph above all the Egyptians , appointed certain Officers to cry before him (s) , saying , bow the knee . CHRIST had not been exalted more then Ioseph was , had bowing of the knee been required to his Person only : and therefore that there might appear some difference betwixt him and others , the Lord requires it at his name . And though the Angels in the heavens , and the Spirits beneath , have no knees to bow ( which is the principal objection of our Innovators against the reverent use of bowing at the Name of Iesus used and enjoyned to be used in the Church of England ) , yet out of doubt the spirits of both kindes both in Heaven and Hell , as they acknowledge a subjection to his Throne and Scepter ; so have they their peculiar ways , such as are most agreeable to their several natures of yeilding the commanded reverence to his very Name . Certain I am St. Ambrose understood the words in the literal sense , where speaking of the several parts of the body of man he maketh the bowing at the name of JESUS , the use and duty of the knee (t) . Flexibile genu , quo prae caeteris Domini mitigatur offensa , gratia provocatur . Hoc enim patris summi erga filium donum est , ut in nomine JESU omne genu curvetur . The knee is flexible , faith the Father , whereby the anger of the Lord is mitigated and his grace obtained . And with this gift did God the Father gratifie his beloved Son , that at the Name of JESUS every knee should bow . Nor did St. Ambrose only so expound the Text , and take it in the literal sense , as the words import , but as it is affirmed by our Reverend Andrews (u) , there is no antient Writer upon the place ( save he that turned all into Allegories ) but literally understands it , and liketh well enough that we should actually perform it . Conform unto which Exposition of the Antient Writers , and the received us●ge of the Church of Christ , it was religiously ordained by our first Reformers , that Whensoever the Name of IESVS shall be pronounced in any Lesson , Sermon , or otherwise in the Church , due reverence be made of all persons young and old with lowness of cur●esie , and uncovering of the heads of the mankinde , as thereunto doth neces●a●ily belong , and heretofore hath been accustomed . Which being first established by the Queens Injunctions (x) , in the yeer 1559. was afterwards incorporated into the Canons of King Iames his reign (y) . And if of so long standing in the Church of England , then sure no Innovation or new fancy taken up of late , and b●t of la●e obtruded on the Church by some Popish Bishops , as the Novators and Novatians of this present age , the Enemies of Iesu-Worship (z) , ( as they idlely call it ) have been pleased to say . And should we grant that this were no duty of the Text , as I think we need not , yet might it give the Church a justifiable ground of commanding such a duty to all Christian people : To the end that by those outward ceremonies and gestures their inward humility , Christian resolution , and due acknowledgement that the Lord IESVS CHRIST the true and eternal Son of God is the only Saviour of the world , in whom alone all the graces , mercies and promises of God to mankinde for this life and the life to come are fully and wholly comprehended . Which is the end proposed and published by the Church of England , as appears plainly by the 18. Canon , An. 1603. As IESVS is the name of our Lord and Saviour , his personal and proper name , by which he was distinguished from the rest of his Fathers kindred ; ●o CHRIST is added thereunto both in the holy Scriptures and the present Creed to denote his offices . Christus non proprium nomen est , sed nuncupati● potestatis & regni (a) . CHRIST ( saith Lactantius ) is no proper name , but a name of power and principality . It signifieth properly an anointed , and is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to anoint , and was used by the old Grecians , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a word of the same signification but more common use . And so the word is used by Homer , the Prince of the Greek Poets , saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. they washed , and then anointed themselves with oyl . The Hebrew word Messiah corresponds to this , as appears evidently by that passage in St. Iohns Gospel , where Andrew telleth his brother Simon this most joyful news , viz. We have found the Messias , which being interpreted is the CHRIST (c) . And ' ●is no wonder if Andrew ran with so much joy to acquaint his brother with the news , for by the name of the Messiah , the Iews had long expected the performance of the promise which God made to David , that of the fruit of his body there should one sit upon his Throne for evermore (d) . But the word CHRIST implyes more yet then a name of Soveraignty . For though Kings antiently were anointed , as is plain by examples of the Saul , 1 Sam. 10.1 . & 2 Sam. 2.4 . yet not only they . The High Priest also was anointed ; For it is said of Moses , that he powred the anointing oyl upon Aarons head , and anointed him to sanctifie him (e) . And so the Prophet seems to be in the Book of Kings , where Elijah is commanded to anoint Elisha the son of Shaphat to be the Prophet in his room (f) . Vngebantur Reges , Sacerdotes , Prophetae , saith a learned Writer : and each of these respectively in their several places might be called Christus Domini , the Lords anointed , or the Lords Christ ; but our Redeemer , after a more peculiar manner , was Christus Dominus , the Lord Christ , or the Lord anointed . And certainly there was good reason why the Name of CHRIST should be applyed to him in another manner , then it had been to any in the times before : he being the one and only Person in whom the Offices of King , Priest , and Prophet , had ever met before that time . Although those Offices had formerly met double in the self same person ▪ M●lchisedech a King and Priest , Samuel a Prophet and a Priest , David a Prophet and a King : Yet never did all three concur but in him alone , and so no perfect CHRIST but he . A Priest he was after the order of Melchisedech , Psal. 110. vers . 4. A Prophet to be heard when Moses should hold his peace , Deut. 18.18 . A King to be raised out of Davids seed , who should reign and prosper , and execute judgement and justice in the earth , Ier. 23 5. By his Priesthood to purge , expiate and save us from our sins , for which he was to be the Propitiation (g) . By his Prophetical Office to illuminate and save us from the by-pathes of errour , and to guide our feet in the way of peace (h) . By his Kingdom or his Regal power to prescribe us laws ; protect us from our enemies , and make us at the last partakers of his heavenly Kingdome . Ieremies King , Davids Priest , Moses Prophet ; but in each and all respects the CHRIST . Not that he was anointed with material oyl as were the Kings and Priests in the Old Testament : but with the Oyl of gladness above his fellows , Psal. 45.7 . but with the Spirit of the Lord , wherewith he was anointed to preach good tidings to the meek , Esai . 61.1 . which he applyed unto himself , Luk. 4.18.21 . anointed with the holy Ghost and with power , as St. Peter telleth us , Act. 10.38 . Anointed then he was to those several Offices , and in that the CHRIST . But how he doth perform these Offices , and at what times he was inaugurated to the same , shall be declared in the course of the following Articles , which relate to him : save that we shall refer the Execution of the Prophetical function to the Article of the holy Ghost , by the effusion of whose gifts on the Pastors and Ministers of the holy Church it is most powerfully discharged . The Name of CHRIST as it is commonly added unto that of IESVS to denote his Offices : so in a sort it is communicated unto those whom he hath chosen to himselfe for a royal Priesthood , a chosen generation , a peculiar people (k) ; and for that reason honoured with the name of Christians . And the Disciples were called ▪ Christians first at Antioch (l) , saith the book of the Acts. Called Christians , what by chance ? I believe not that . The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the Original , hath more in it then so . We have the same word in the second of St. Matthews Gospel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speaking of the Wise men that came from the East to worship CHRIST ; and there we render it , that they were warned by God (m) , warned by him in a dream , not to goe to Herod : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then in this place of the Acts , must have some reference to God ; and seems to intimate at least , if not fully evidence , that they took not this name upon themselves , but by Gods direction . The Iews had formerly called them Nazarites ( as the Mahometans do still ) in the way of reproach . And though the Disciples were neither ashamed nor afraid of any ignominy which was put upon them for the sake of their Lord and Master : yet they conceived it far more honorable to him , into whose heavenly house and family they were adopted , to own themselves by that name which might most entitle them to all those priviledges which did acrew uuto them in the right of Adoption . A caution to which God more specially might encline their hearts , that his dear CHRIST might look upon them as his own , to whom he gave the unction or anointing of the holy Spirit . The anointing which ye have received of him ( saith the beloved Disciple ) abideth in you , and ye need not that any men teach you (n) : That God had a directing hand in it the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth perswade me , which intimates at least some secret influence in the work , if not a publick and Oracular admonition . And that it was not done but upon serious consultation had amongst themselves , and a devout invocation of the name of God , the greatness of the business , the piety of the first Professors , and other good authorities do most strongly assure . For if upon the naming of Iohn the Baptist there was not only a consultation held by the friends and mother , but the dumb father called to advise about it (o) : and if we use not to admit the poorest childe of the parish into the Congregation of Christs Church by the dore of Baptism , but by joint invocation of the Name of God for his blessings in it : with how much more regard of ceremony and solemnity may we conceive that the whole body of Christs people were baptized into the name of Christians ? But besides this we have an evidence or record sufficient to confirm the truth of our affirmation . For Suidas , and before him Iohannes Antiochenus an old Cosmographer , first tels us , that in the reign of Claudius Caesar , ten years after the Ascension of our Lord into Heaven , Euodius received Episcopal consecration , and was made Patriarch of Antioch the great , in Syria , succeeding immediately to St. Peter the Apostle (p) . And then he addes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. And at this time the Disciples were first called Christians , Euodius calling them to a solemn conference , and putting this new name upon them . For before they were called Nazarites , and Galileans . Some of the Heathens not knowing the Etymon of the name called them Chrestiant : and our most blessed Saviour by the name of Chrestos . For thus Tertullian of the Christians , perperam a vobis Christianus appellatur (r) : and thus Lactantius for our Saviour , qui eum immutata litera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solent dicere (s) . But this was only on mistake , not on studyed malice , Et propter ignorantium errorem , as Lactantius hath it : the very name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Chrestianus , intimating nothing else but meekness and sweetness , as Tertullian very well observeth . And though Suetonius following the errours of the times , calleth our Saviour CHRIST by the name of Chrestos (t) , yet Tacitus who lived in the same age with him , hits right as well on Christus , as on Christianus . Quos vulgo Chrestianos appellabat . And then he addeth , Auctor nominis ejus Christus , qui Tiberio imperitante per Procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus erat (u) . Having thus rectified the name and asserted it to its true Original , we may do well to have a care that we disgrace not the dignity of so high a calling by the unworthiness and uncleanness of our lives and actions . In nobis patitur Christus opprobrium , in nobis patitur lex Christiana maledictum (x) ; that Christ and Christianity were ill spoken of , by reason of the wicked lives of Christian people ; was the complaint of Salvians time . God grant it be not so in ours . And God grant too , that as we take our name from CHRIST , so the like minde may be in us as was also in him (y) , that is to say , that we be as willing to lay down our lives for the brethren ( especially in giving testimony to his Faith and Gospel ) as he was willing to lay down his life for us : and that as his Fathers love to him , brought forth in him the like affections towards us , and to his Commandements ; so his affection unto us may work in us the like love towards our brethren , and to all his precepts . For hereby shall men know we are his Disciples , if we abide in his love and keep his Commandements , as he hath kept his Fathers Commandements , and abide in his love (z) . But see how I am carried to these practical matters , if not against my will , yet besides my purpose . I proceed now to that which followeth . ARTICVLI 3. Pars 2da . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Filium ejus unicum , Dominum nostrum . i. e. His only Son our Lord. CHAP. II. That JESUS CHRIST is the Son of God ; why called his only or his only begotten Son. Proofs for the God-head of our Saviour . Of the title of Lord. THat which next followeth is the first of those two Relations in which we do behold our Saviour in this present Article ; his only Son ; i. e. the only Son of God the Father Almighty , whom we found spoken of before . That God had other sons in another sense , there is no question to be made . All mankinde in some sense may be called his sons ; The workmanship of his creation . Have we not all one Father ? hath not one God created us (a) ? saith the Prophet Malachi in the Old Testament . Our Father which art in Heaven , saith Christ our Saviour for the New (b) . The Saints and holy men of God are called his sons also in the more peculiar title of adoption . For who else were the sons of God in the 6. of Genesis , who are said to take them wives of the daughters of men (c) , but the posterity of Seth , the righteous seed , by and amongst whom hitherto the true worship of the Lord had been preserved ? More clearly the Evangelist in the holy Gospel ; To as many as received him gave he power to become the sons of God , even to them which believed in his Name (d) . Most plainly the Apostle saying , As many as are led by the Spirit of God are the sons of God , having received the Spirit of Adoption , whereby they cry to him Abba , Father (e) . And in this sense must we understand those passages of holy Scripture , where such as are regenerate and made the children of God by adoption of grace , are said to be born of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) , as Iohns phrase is , both in his Gospel and Epistle . Not that they have the Lord God for their natural Father , ( for so he is the Father only of our Lord Iesus Christ ) but because being begotten by immortal seed , the seed of his most holy Word , they are regenerate and born again unto life eternal . This is the seed of God spoken of by St. Iohn , which remaineth in us ; by which we are begotten to an inheritance immortal , undefiled and that fadeth not away , reserved for us in the Heavens (g) , as St. Peter tels us . In neither of these two respects can we consider Christ as the Son of God. For if he were the Son of God in no other respect , then either in regard of Creation or Adoption only : he could not possibly be called Gods only Son , or his only begotten Son , but at the best , multis e millibus unus , one of the many thousands of the sons of God. There is a more particular title by which some more selected vessels both of grace and glory , have gained the honourable appellation of the sons of God : that is to say , by being admitted to a clearer participation and fruition of eternal blisse ; or made more intimately acquainted with his secret will. In the first of these respects the blessed Angels have the title of the sons of God. Where wast thou ( saith the Lord in the book of Iob ) when I laid the foundation of the earth , when the morning stars sang together , and all the sons of God shouted for joy (h) ? The sons of God , that is to say , the holy Angels Per filios Dei , Angeli intelliguntur , saith the learned Estius on the place . And so St. Augustine doth determine , who hereupon inferreth that the Angels . were created before the stars ; and not after the six days were finished , as some it seems had taught in the times before him : Iam ergo erant Angeli quando facta sunt sydera , facta sunt autem sydera die quarto , (i) , as he most rationally concludes from this very text . In this respect also the Saints in glory are called the sons or children of God , and said to be equall to the Angels in St. Lukes Gospell (k) : not that they have all the prerogatives and properties which the Angels have ; sed quod mori non possunt , saith the text , but because they are become immortall , and no longer subject ( as before ) to the stroke of death . In the last meaning of the word , though all the Saints and holy men of God may be called his children , because they are adopted to the right of sons , and made co-heires with CHRIST their most blessed Saviour : yet is the title more appliable to the Prophets of God , at least appliable unto them after a more peculiar manner , then unto any others of the children of men . I have said , saith David , ye are Gods , and ye are all the children of the most High (l) . Of whom here speaks the Psalmist , of Gods people generally , or only of some chosen and select vessels ? Not of Gods people generally , there 's no doubt of that , though both St. Augustine and St. Cyril seem to look that way ; but of some few particulars only , as Euthymius , and some others with more reason thinke . And those particulars must either be the Princes and Judges of the earth , who are called Gods by way of participation , because they do participate of his power in government : or else the Prophets of the Lord , who are called Gods , and the sons or children of the most High , by way of communication , because God doth communicate and impart to them his more secret purposes , that they might make them known to the sons of men . Them he called Gods , as Christ our Saviour doth expound it , ( then whom none better understood the meaning of the royal Psalmist ) ad quos sermo dei factus est , i. e. to whom the word of the Lord came (m) , as our English reads it . And what more common in the Scripture then this forme of speech , factum est verbum Domini , &c. The word of the Lord came to Isaiah , Isa. 38.4 . The word of the Lord came to Ieremiah , Ier. 1.2 . The word of the Lord came to Ezekiel , Ezek. 1.3 . et sie de caeteris . If then such men to whom the word of the Lord came , might justly be entituled by the name of Gods , and called the sons of the most High ; assuredly there was not any of the children of men which could with greater reason look to be so called , then the holy Prophets . And yet in none of these respects abstracted from an higher consideration , is CHRIST our Saviour here called by the name of the Son of God , or so intended in this Creed . For Angel he was none in the proper signification of the word ; though called the Angel of the Covenant in the way of Metaphore . Nor did he take the nature of Angels , but the seed of Abraham (o) , as St. Paul tels us to the Hebrews . We may not think so meanly of him , as to ranke him only in the list of the Saints departed : it being through the merits of his death and passion , that the Saints are made partakers of the glories of heaven , and put into an estate of immortality . T is true indeed he was a Prophet , the Prophet promised to succeed in the place of Moses (p) that Prophet , in the way of excellence , in the first of Iohn v. 21 , 25. But then withall , as himself telleth us of Iohn the Baptist , he was more then a Prophet (q) , that word which came unto the Prophets in the times of old , and to whom all the Prophets did bear witness , for the times to come . A King indeed he is , even the King of Kings , though not considered in that notion here upon the earth , nor looked on in that title in the present Article . Or if we could reduce him unto any of these ; yet take him as an Angel , or a Saint departed , or a King , or Prophet , every of which have the name of Sons in the book of God : he could not be his only Son , the only begotten Son of God the Father Almighty , who hath so many Saints and Angels , so many Kings and Prophets , which are called his Sons . It must needs follow hereupon that IESVS CHRIST our Lord is the Son of God , by a more divine and near relation , then hath been hitherto delivered . And hereunto both God and Man , the Angels and internal spirits , give sufficient testimony . The Lord from heaven procliamed him at his Baptisme (r) , and Transfiguration (s) , to be his well beloved Son , in whom he was well pleased : And Peter on the earth , having made this acknowledgement and confession , saying , Thou art Christ the Son of the living God (t) ; received this confirmation from our Saviours mouth , that flesh and bloud had not revealed it unto him , but that it came from God the Father which is in Heaven . The Angel Gabriel when he brought the newes of his incarnation , foretold his mother that he should be called the Son of God (u) , the Son of the most High , in a former verse . And a whole Legion of unclean Spirits in the man possessed , joynes both of these together in this compellation , IESVS thou Son of God most high (x) . A thing not worthy so much noise and ostentation , had he not been the Son of God in another and more excellent manner , then any of the sons of men who either lived with him , or had gone before him : had there not been something in it extraordinary , which might entitle him unto so sublime and divine a priviledge . Though Iohn the Baptist were a Prophet , yea and more then a Prophet , yet we do not finde that the Devils stood in awe of him , ( for Iohn the Baptist did no miracles (y) ) or looked upon him in the wilderness , as the Son of God. To which of all the holy Angels ( as St. Paul disputes it ) did the Lord say at any time , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee (a) ? And who can shew us any King but him that was the Son of God as well as of David , whom God the Lord advanced to so high an honour , as to cause him to sit down at his own right hand , till his enemies were made his footstoole (b) . Though Angels , Kings and Prophets were the sons of God , by a communication of more speciall Grace , then had been granted generally to the sons of men : yet none but CHRIST our Lord is honoured with those high prerogatives , of being called his own Son (c) , his only Son (d) , his only begotten Son (e) , the first born of every Creature (f) , the first born from the dead (g) , and the heir of all things (h) , that so in all things he might have the preheminence . Which glorious attributes and titles being laid together , do put a very signall and materiall difference between the sons of God by adoption , and grace , and IESVS CHRIST our Lord and most blessed Saviour , who is his son by nature , his begotten Son , begotten by his Father before all times , generatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by an unspeakable manner of generation without help of woman ▪ and yet made of a woman in the fulness of time , generatione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by a supernatural kind of generation without help of man. In terris sine Patre , in coelis sine Matre , as it is in Origen , Without a Father on the earth , without a Mother in heaven ; the very true Melchisedech which hath no descent (k) who neither had beginning of days , as the Son of God the Father alone ; nor shall have any end of life , as he is the Son of God and the Virgin Mary . Now of this twofold generation of the Son of God , we will first speak of that which is last in Order , his generation in the womb of the Virgin Mary , in which he was incarnate by the holy Ghost , and was made flesh and dwelt amongst us (l) for a season , that we might live with him for ever . For being begotten and conceived in the Virgins womb , after such a supernatural and wonderful manner , by the Almighty power of God , he is in that regard ( if there were no other ) Gods own Son , or his son by nature , his only and his only begotten Son , take which phrase we will. The Angel Gabriel doth affirme this twice for failing . Behold , thou shall conceive and bring forth a Son , and shalt call his name Jesus ; he shall be great , and shall be called the Son of the Highest (m) . And then unto the Virgins Quaere he returns this answer , The holy Ghost shall come upon thee , and the power of the most High shall overshadow thee ; therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called the Son of God. What ? called the Son of God only , and not be so really ? Not so , but that being really and truly the Son of God , he shall declare the same by such several means , ut sic merito ab omnibus vocetur (n) , that so he shall be called and counted over all the world . For that he was really and truely the Son of God , by this his generation in the fulness of time , the miraculous manner of his conception , without any other Father then the power of God , doth most assuredly evince . A son begotten in that manner , may very well be called , natura filius , non tantum beneficio filius (o) , a son by nature , not by grace and indulgence only , saith the learned Maldonate . Quia non ex viro , sed ex solo Deo concipiendus , because begotten not by man , but by God alone . Nay so peculiarly doth this miraculous manner of his generation entitle him to be the true and proper Son of Almighty God , that so he might be justly called and accompted of , had he not been the Son of the living God , by a preceding generation even before all times . And so doth Maldonate resolve it in his Commentaries on St. Lukes Gospel , though otherwise a great assertor of the eternal generation of the Son of God : whose words I shal put down at large for the greater certainty (p) : Etiamsi Christus Deus non fuisset , illo tamen modo genitus quo genitus fuit , merito Dei Filius vocatus fuisset , non solum ut caeteri viri sancti , sed singulari quadam ratione , quod non alium quam Deum haberet patrem , neo ab alio quam ab eo generatus . So he , I think exceeding rightly to the point in hand . His instance or exemplification in the case of Adam , who is called the Son of God by the same St. Luke (q) , quia non a viro sed a Deo genitus erat , because he was begotten by God and not by Man , I cannot by any means approve of : the production of our Father Adam , not being to be reckoned as a generation , but to be esteemed of as a work of Creation only . But to proceed , as Christ is properly and truly the Son of God , by this his generation in the womb of his Virgin-mother : so in the same respect is he called in Scripture , the only , and the only begotten Son of God the Father . I know that generally the style or attribute of the only begotten Son of God , is used for an argument or convincing reason to prove that Christ our Saviour is the Son of God by an eternall generation long before all worlds . But by their favours I conceive , that he is called Gods only begotten Son , either in reference to this his generation in the womb of the Virgin , because the only Son of God which was so begotten ; or else because he was most dearly loved of his heavenly Father , as commonly an only Son is best and most affectionately beloved of an earthly Parent . To the first sense I have the testimony of Vrsinus , a Divine of the reformed Churches , who though he hold that CHRIST is principally called the only begotten Son of God , secundum divinitatem suam , according to his Divine nature : yet he concludes that aliquatenus , after a sort he may be called so in his humane nature (r) . His reason is , Quia etiam secundum hane tali modo est genitus , quali nunquam quisquam alius , ex Virgine nimirum incorrupta vi Spiritus sancti ; that is to say , because according to that nature he was begotten in such a manner as never any had been before or since , as being conceived of a pure Virgin by the holy Ghost . And to the second sense I have that of Maldonate , who on these words , Hic est filius meus dilectus , in the 3. of Matthew , observes that filius dilectus and filius unigenitus , are termes reciprocal (t) : that not alone in Homer , but in holy Scripture , the best beloved Son , is called the only begotten , and on the other side , that by only begotten in St. Iohn he means best beloved . God so loved the world that he sent his only begotten Son ; that is to say , his best beloved Son. For unigenitum posuit pro charissimo , as his words there are . But what need Maldonate be produced in so clear a case , which hath so plain an evidence from the word of God ? For read we not that God commanded Abraham , to offer his only son Isaac , as our English reades it (u) , unigenitum filium tuum , the only begotten Son as the Vulgar hath it . So the Greek reads it also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the word used of Christ , in the present Article ) in the 11. Chap. to the Hebrewes , vers . 17. And yet we know that Abraham had another son , a son whom he had circumcised by Gods own command , of whom twelve Princes were to come , and whom God promised to make a puissant Nation (x) . And therefore Isaac must be called his only son , because preferred before the other in the love of his Father . Filius tuus unigenitus , i e. filius quem diligis ; Isaac thine only son , that is to say , the son whom thou only lovest , as there the text , without the help of commentator doth expound it self . And if the name of unigenitus or Gods only Son , may warrantably be applyed to Christ in his humane nature , there is not much question to be made but that in the very same capacity , he may be called filius proprius or Gods own Son (y) , ( He spared not his own Son ) by which name he occurreth in St. Paul to the Romans . Lesse question is there to be made , or indeed no question , but that according to the same humane nature , and in relation to his being begotten in the fulness of time , he is entituled in the Scriptures the first born of every Creature (z) the first born from the dead , and the heir of all things : though there be something in those titles which doth require a further consideration . For first , his being called the first born of every Creature , gives no incouragement at all to the Arian factions to make the Son of God a created essence ; no more then Kings may be called creatures of the peoples making , because called an ordinance of man ( humana creatura (a) , in the Vulgar latine ) in the holy Scripture . The reason why our Saviour is there called by the Apostle Primogenitus omnis Creaturae , or the first born of every Creature , is neither to give him the precedency of all Creatures else , or to rank his whole Person in the list of created substances : but either to entitle him to the rights of Primogeniture , which were great amongst the sons of men , or to denote that he supplyed the place of the first begotten , and was the general ransome or redemption for them . Concerning which we may take notice that by the Law of Moses the first that opened the matrix of all living Creatures , were holy and cousecrated to the Lord (b) : if of clean beasts , then to be offered up in kind to the Lord their God , but if of men or unclean Creatures , then either to be redeemed for a piece of money , or some clean beast was to be brought unto the Lord in exchange for it ; as in the case of the first male child , a pair of Turtle doves , or two small Pigeons . The reason was , because the Lord having slain the first born of Egypt both of man and beast , had spared all the first born of the house of Israel ; and therefore he required the first male of every Creature to be offered to him in sacrifice , that so the whole off-spring might be sanctifyed and made useful to them . But being the offering of a dumb Creature was really and of it self no sufficient price for the redemption of the first male child which opened the Matrix nor able to sanctifie both male and female in every family to the Lord their God ( for he that sanctifyeth and they that are sanctifyed must be all of one (c) , as the Apostle doth infer ) : therefore did CHRIST take upon himself the place of stead of the first born , that being offered unto God , the clean for the unclean , he might sanctifie all things unto God , and make them acceptable in the sight of their Lord and maker , which were of a nature capable of such sanctification and acceptance as the Lord requireth in his creature . Now as the ransome of the first born was discharged by him ; so was it just that all the rites of Primogeniture should belong unto him ; which were the Principality , the Priest-hood , and the double portion . Those Reuben having forfeited by his great offence , were so distributed amongst his Brethren , that the Priesthood was bestowed on Levi , the Principality on Iudah , the double portion upon Ioseph , who thereupon was branched into the two tribes of Ephraim and Manasses . But they were all again united in the person of CHRIST , that being thus made the first born of every Creature , he might in all things have the preheminence . The Principality he had , for the Lord gave unto him the throne of his Father David (d) ; the Priesthood , for he was a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech (e) ; the double portion , for all power was given unto him both in heaven and earth (f) . In all respects the first borne of every Creature ; but how the first born from the dead , which is another of the titles given by the Apostle , considering we finde many examples of men that had been raised from the dead before his resurrection , both in the old Testament and in the new . The answer to this doubt is easie . For though those mentioned in both Testaments were for a time raised from death to life ; yet were they raised to die again , as in fine they did . But to be primogenitus ex mortuis , the first born or first begotten from the powers of death , includes an everlasting freedome from the jaws thereof : in which regard the Scripture saith of Christ , and of Christ alone , that being risen from the dead he now dyeth not , death hath no more power or dominion over him (g) . But of this Priviledge we shall speak more at large hereafter in its proper place . That which remaines is that he was heir of all things , Heb. 1.2 . to the intent that he might prove himself for the Son of Abraham , the promised seed , in whom all the nations of the world are blessed . The promise which was made to Abraham (h) , that he should be heir of the world , was never verifyed in his person , nor in any of his posterity neither till the coming of CHRIST . Who being begotten by the power of Almighty God on a daughter of the seed of Abraham , and having the nations given him for his inheritance , as had been prophecied before by his Father David : might properly be entituled the heire of all things according to the rights of his humane nature , which nature he derived from David the son of Abraham . Thus have we shewn how CHRIST is properly and truly the Son of God , his natural and only begotten Son , according to his generation in the fulnesse of time : without relating to his generation before all time was . But yet we must not give off here . For by this generation in the fulnesse of time , he was not only the Son of God , but so the Son of God , after such a manner , as that he was also the son of man. But by his generation before all times , he was not only the Son of God , but so the Son of God , after such a manner , that he was also God himself , God for ever blessed ; Deus in secula brnedictus , as St. Paul calleth him in the 9. Chap. to the Romans vers . 5. Deus in carne manifestatus , God manifested in the flesh (i) , in the first to Timothy . St. Iohn speakes home unto the point , and doth more puzzle the Socinian and Arian hereticks then all the book of God besides . In the beginning was the word , and the word was with God , and the word was God (k) In the beginning , when was that ? When God created first the heaven and the earth (l) ; when the earth was without forme and void , and darkness was upon the face of the deep : then the word was , that is to say , it had a perfect actuall being when all things else did but begin to be ; and having then an actual and a proper being , it could not at that time , nor at any time since , begin to be , but was , and is , and so continueth without ending . In the beginning was the word ; what word ? that word by which the worlds were made (m) , as St. Paul hath it ; by whom all things were made , saith St. Iohn (n) , and without which nothing was made , saith the same Evangelist . The word which after was made flesh , and did dwel amongst us , and by the brightnesse of his glory did declare himself to be the only begotten Son of the Father , Ioh. 1. The expresse image of his person , Heb. 1.3 . the image of the invisible God , Col. 1.15 . That word in the beginning was , and was God the word : the Son of God , not by communication of grace but nature : therefore the natural Son of God , but so the Son of God , his begotten Son , as to be very God , for the word was God. The Word was God , saith the Apostle , not only by a participation of power , or communi●ation of a more abundant measure of his graces , in which respects some of the Sons of Men are called Gods in Scripture ; Ego dixi , Dii estis , saith the royal Psalmist : but properly and truly God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very true God , and the Son of God. We know that the Son of God is come , and hath given us an understanding that we may know him that is true . And we are in him that is true , even in his son Jesus Christ , who is the true God and the life eternal (q) saith the same Apostle . Here have we CHRIST the Son of God , and CHRIST the true God both in one ; and what need further evidence in a point so clear ? Such further Topicks as are used for the proof hereof , from the names given him in the Scripture , the attributes and mighty workes ascribed unto him , and the company of such texts in the book of God as being spoken of the Father in the old Testament , are applyed in the new unto the Son , I purposely forbear at present : and shall content my self with such ample testimonies , which CHRIST himself hath given to his own Divinity . For though it be an unusual thing , to admit a mans own testimony in his own cause , according unto that of our Lord and Saviour , If I bear witness of my self , my witness is not true (r) ; that is to say , it would not passe for currant , or be taken for truth : yet when a man lyeth under any accusation , he may then speak what he can in defence of himself , and his testimony be allowed of towards his acquitment or justification . And therefore Christ our Saviour being challenged by the Pharisees , who were apt to cavil at his sayings , for speaking in his own behalfe , returned this answer (s) ; Though I bear record of my self , yet my record is true . Upon this ground then we proceed , and though it be the last in order of our Saviours life , yet we will first alleage that passage , which happened in the high Priests hall on the day of his passion . The high Priest finding no sufficient testimony for his condemnation resolved to put him to the oath of ex officio , and therefore did adjure him by the living God , to tell them whether he were the Christ the Son of God ; (t) to which our Saviour answered , saying , Thou hast said . Which though it be equivalent to an affirmation , yet to make sure work of it and put it out of doubt , St. Marke hath given his answer in these positive termes , Iesus said I am (u) . In which it is to be observed , that when the high Priests put our Saviour to this dangerous question , he spake not of the Son of God in that vulgar sense , in which the just and righteous persons were called his sons , but of the Son of God in the natural sense , in which he could not verifie himself for the Son of God , without including necessarily that he was also God. As in the 5. Chap. of St. Iohn , where our Saviour having said , My Father worketh hitherto , and I also work (x) ; the incensed Iews intended him some present mischief , not only because he had broken the Sabbath , but had said also that God was his Father , making himself equal with God. And this appears yet further by the following words , where it is said , that the high Priest rent his clothes , saying , he hath spoken blasphemy (y) ; and thereupon pronounced him to be guilty of death : which vote , they after prosecuted before Pontius Pilate , affirming that he ought to die by the Law of Moses , because he had made himself the Son of God (z) . Assuredly their meaning was , that he had made himself the true and natural Son of God , and not the Son of God by especial grace : for otherwise they had not voted him to be guilty of death . Nor had the high Priest rent his clothes , if he had only taken upon himself the name of CHRIST , or of the Messiah , because that could not come within the compasse of Blasphemy . For they knew well that the Messiah or the Christ was to come in the forme of man ; though with more outward pomp and glory ( as they supposed ) then our Saviour did : and therefore though they might have condemned him of folly , in that being a man of no reputation he had taken on himself the name of CHRIST ; they had no reason in the world to accuse him of Blaspheming the name of God. Now that the Messiah was to come in the form of man , being he was to come of the womans seed , was a thing so perfectly resolved on , that Eve immediately on the promise made , that her seed should bruise the Serpents head (a) , supposed that Cain her first born was to be the man , and therefore said upon his birth , I have gotten a man ( or rather the man ) from the Lord (b) . Possedi virum ipsum Jehovah , I have gotten a man even the Lord Jehovah , as Fagius the learned Hebrician ( upon severall revises ) readeth it (c) . The like conceit possessed the Parents of Noah , as many good Authours do conceive ; upon which ground they said , when they gave him that name , this same ( that is , this son of ours ) shall comfort us concerning our work (d) . Nor had the very Iewes of our Saviours time sent to enquire of Iohn the Baptist , whether he were the Christ whom they did expect but that they knew he was to come in an humane shape , and that it was no Blasphemy to own that title . So then the quarrel which the Iewes had against our Saviour was , that he called himself the Son of God in the literal and natural signification of the word . And this appeares more plainly yet , not only by a former passage where they sought to slay him , because he said that God was his Father , making himself thereby to be equal with God (f) ; but by a solemn conference which they had on the like occasion . In which our Saviour did not only own himself to be the CHRIST , and to claim God to be his Father in the proper sense of the word Father (g) , but added further an expression more unpleasing to them , saying , I and my Father are one . For which when the Iews took up stones to stone him , and were demanded for which of his many good workes they were so resolved ; they answered thus , For a good worke we stone thee not , but for blasphemy , because thou being a man makest thy selfe God. It seems the Iewes were of opinion that none could properly and naturally be the Son of God , or so call himself , but he must make himself to be also God : or else their accusation had been falsly grounded . And if our Saviour had not known himself to be very God , as well as his natural , proper , and begotten Son , he ought so far to have consulted the honour of God , as to have traversed the enditement , refelled the ill-grounded crimination , and told them plainly this , that he was not GOD , but wronged exceedingly by them in so false an inference ; which the Logick of his discourse would by no means bear . For if Iohn Baptist , (e) being asked on the like occasion , denyed himself to be the MESSIAH , and said plainely , I am not the Christ (h) : and if Paul and Barnabas , when the Lystrians would have offered sacrifice unto them , rent their clothes , and said , Sir● why do ye these things (i) ? we are men of like passions with your selves : how much more was our Saviour bound to have done the like , and not to let the Iewes run on in their misperswasion ? But our Redeemer doth not so . He lets them peaceably enjoy their opinion of him , that is to say , that by calling God his Father , he had made himself God , and doth not go about to perswade them otherwise . Only he laboureth to take off the edge of their malice towards him , by telling them that according to the grounds of their own Law , it was no such heinous or unpardonable crime , for men to call themselves by the name of God (k) . And if they were called Gods in Scripture , to whom the word of God came , as it did to the Prophets , and called so without any offence that was taken at it : with how much better reason might he call himself the Son of God , even in that sense wherein they understood his words , without incurring either the sin or punishment of Blasphemy ? This is the summe of the discourse between Christ and the malicious Iewes in the tenth of St. Iohn : and this doth evidently prove that CHRIST did so affirme himself to be the Son of God the Father , as that he would by no means deny himself to be God the Son. Adde unto this , that in another Dialogue betwixt him and the Iewes , he took unto himself the name , I am . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Antequam Abraham fieret , ●go●sum , saith the Vulgar Latine , that is to say , Before Abraham was ( made or born ) I am (l) . Which being the very self same name by which God calleth himself in the book of Exodus , saying , Thus shalt thou say unto the children of Israel , I AM hath sent me unto you (m) , may serve for a concluding Argument , that as CHRIST was not ashamed to call himself the son of man , so neither was he afraid to own himself for the Son of God , and so to be the Son of God , as to be also true God , God for ever blessed . Thus have I done with such Records and evidence of holy Scripture which are intrinsecal to this cause , and have been chosen by me out of a greater number , with reference to the limitations fixed to my design . Some other evidence there is , which I count extrinsecal , because borrowed from the writings of Iews , Greeks , and Romans ; no friends unto the cause , if not open enemies . And first beginning with the Iews , we finde this testimony given to our Lord and Saviour , by Iosephus the Historian , that it was hardly lawful to call him a man , and in the close of all , that he was the CHRIST . Erat eodem tempore Jesus quidam , &c. There lived ( saith he ) one IESVS much about that time , a wise man , if at the least it be lawful to cal him a man ; For he did many miracles , and was a Teacher of those who do receive the truth with gladness ; drawing many after him , both Iews and Gentiles . This was the CHRIST . (n) . This said , he speaks in brief of his crucifying under Pontius Pilate , his resurrection from the dead on the third day after , and then concludes , Et ad hunc usque diem Christianorum gens ab eo cognominata non d●sinit , that the Sect of the Christians being denominated from him , continue to this very day . Though this be more then we have reason to expect from a Iew , yet that of Thedosius which we finde in Suidas , is more full then this . This Theodosius was a Iew , living in the time of Iustinian the Emperour , Iustinian the Emperour having some acquaintance with one Philip a Christian Merchant told him a story to this purpose , viz. That there were in the Temple of Hierusalem 22 Priests in ordinary attendance , and that as often as one died another was chosen in his place : that IESVS in regard of his piety and learning was chosen into one of the void places , and his own name together with the name of his Parents being to be inrolled in the publick Register , his Mother came to answer in that behalf ; who being interrogated of his Fathers name , reported the whole story of his incarnation , as she had heard from the Angel ; and thereupon his Name was entred in these words , IESVS the Son of the living God and the Virgin Mary (o) . This Book or Register the same Theodosius doth report to have been carefully preserved in Tiberias a City of Galilee , after the destruction of Hierusalem ; and that he had often seen and perused it there , he being one of the principal Citizens and of authority in that place . I know the truth of this relation hath been much disputed , in regard that our Redeemer was of the Tribe of Iudah , and so not capable of the Aaronical or Levitical Priest-hood : Nor can I tell whether it will help the matter to report out of Ranulph the Monk of Chester (p) , that Hismerias the Mother of Elizabeth which bare the Baptist , and Anna the Mother of the Virgin Mary were sisters , and the daughter of a Levite whose name was Isachar : This I am sure may be affirmed in defence of the story , that the Iews were not then so punctual in keeping themselves unto their Tribes as they had been formerly ; that even the High Priesthood it self had been bought and sold to persons both unworthy and uncapable of so high an honour : that we finde IESVS to have preached in the Temple often , and to have done in it other Ministerial Offices , which questionless the Priests and Pharisees would never have suffered , had he not had some calling to it which might authorize him . And if by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sacerdotes in the Text of Suidas we may have leave to understand some inferiour Ministers , and not the very Priests themselves , ( as possibly enough we may ) the story may then stand secure , above all exceptions . Next let us look amongst the Gentiles , and they will tell us that Augustus the Roman Emperour , in whose time the Lord CHRIST was born , consulting with the Oracle of Apollo touching his successor , received this answer (q) . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In English thus , An Hebrew childe whom the blest Gods adore , Commands me leave these shrines , and back to Hel , So that of Oracles I can no more : In silence leave our Altars , and farewell . Which answer being so returned Augustus built an Altar in the Roman Capitol , with this Inscription , ARA PRIMOGENITI DEI , i.e. the Altar of the first begotten of God. The general ceasing of Oracles much about this time , gives some strength to this . And so doth that which we finde mentioned in Eusebius , touching the falling of the Idols of Egypt (r) , upon our Saviours first coming into that countrey . St. Ambrose in his Commentary on the 119. Psalm , doth affirm as much . Nor is it yet determined to the contrary by our greatest Criticks , but that the Prophet Esaiah may allude to this : where bringing in the burden of Egypts , he saith , Behold the Lord rideth upon a swift clowd and shall come into Egypt , and the Idols of Egypt shall be moved at his presence (s) . But whether the Prophet do allude unto this or not , we have no reason to misdoubt of the truth of the story , and the acknowledgement which the false Gods of the Gentiles made to the Divinity of the true . In and about these times lived the Poet Virgil , one of whose Eclogues , being a meer extract of some fragments of the Sibylline Oracles (t) , hath many passages which cannot properly be applyed to any but our Saviour Christ ; though by him wrested to the honour of Marcellus the Nephew and designed Heir of Augustus Caesar. For example these ; Iam redit & Virgo , redeunt Saturnia regna , Iam nova progenes Coelo demittitur alto , Chara Deunt soboles , magnum Iovis incrementum . Which may be Englished in these words , Now shines the Virgin , now the times of peace Return again , and from the Heaven on high Comes down a sacred and new Progenie , The issue of the Gods , Ioves blest increase . More testimonies of this nature might be added here ; but these shall serve at this time for a tast of the rest . And so we end with that of the Centurion of Pilates guard , who noting all that hapned in our Saviours passion , could not but make acknowledgement of so great a Prophet , saying , (u) Surely this was the Son of God. And this was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as much as could possibly be delivered in so few words . Which being so , it is the more to be admired that such as take unto themselves the name of Christians , should think and speak less honorably of their Lord and Saviour , then the Iews , Gentiles , and the Devils themselves : yet such vile miscreants have there been in the former ages , and I doubt are still . And of those Ebion was the first , who savouring strongly of the Iew , had made up such a mixture of Religion , as might please their palates : and taught no otherwise of CHRIST then that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an ordinary natural man , begotten in the common course of generation (x) . Eusebius so informs us of him . St. Hierome addes , that for the suppression of this heresie , St. Iohn at the request of some Asian Bishops , wrote his holy Gospel , of purpose to assert the Divinity of CHRIST , ( ut divinam ejus nativitatem ediceret , are St. Hieromes words ) of which but little had been said by the other Evangelists . After him there arose up Artemon , or Artemas in the days of the Emperour Heliogabalus , who held the same opinion concerning CHRIST as the Ebionites did , affirming him to be no other then a meer natural man ; saving that he was born of the Virgin Mary , after a more peculiar manner then the rest of mankinde , and was to be preferred before all the Prophets (y) . And against him there was a Book written , as Eusebius telleth us (z) , though the name of the Author came not to his hands . But that which is a matter of most admiration , is that Paulus Samosatenus a Christian Bishop , & a Bishop of one of the four Patriarchal Sees , even of the City of Antioch , should not only set on foot again this condemned Heresie , but have the impudence to affirm that it had been the antient and approved Doctrine of the Church of Christ (a) . No wonder if the Prelates of the Church did best in themselves , when such a foul contagion was got in amongst them : and therefore they assembled in the City of Antioch , that by the authority of their presence , and the sincerity of their doctrine , so dangerous a Monster might be quelled in the face of his people (b) . This was about the time of the Emperour Aurelianus . Nor had there been a more celebrious Councel in the Church of Christ , from that of the Apostles mentioned in the 15. of the Acts , unto that of Nice . The issue and success whereof was so blessed by God , that from those times until these last and worst ages of the Church , wherein Socinus , Osterodius , and their followers have again revived it , this wretched heresie was scarce heard of but in antient Histories . And on the other side some of the antient Writers , and the later Schoolmen , the better to beat down the dotages of such frantick Hereticks , as had impugned the Divinity of our Lord and Saviour : have so intangled the simplicity of the Christian faith within the Labyrinth of curious and intricate speculations , that it became at last a matter of great wit and judgement , to know what was to be believed in the things of Christ. And of this nature I conceive are those inexplicable and perplexed discourses about the consubstantiality and coequality of the Persons ; which how it can consist with the School-distinction , that the Father doth all things authoritative , and the Son all things sub-authoritative , it is hard to say : that the Son is coeternal with the Father , as in the Creed of At●anasius ; and yet Principium a principio in the Schoolmens language : that there should be two distinct natures in the Person of CHRIST , and yet a communication of Properties ( or Idioms as they call them ) of the one nature to the other : that CHRIST in one Person should have two distinct wils , all who opined the contrary being branded and condemned by the name of Monothelites . Not to say any thing in this place of those dark expressions , in which the eternal generation of the Son of God , and the nature of the Hypostatical Vnion have been delivered by some Writers : of whom a man may say with a sober confidence that they hardly understood what they said themselves . Assuredly that antient diverb , Ingeniosa res est esse Christianum , was not made for nought . The best way therefore is to contain our selves within those bounds which are prescribed us in the Word of God , in which though all things are not written which concern our Saviour , yet those things which are written are sufficient doubtless to make us wise unto salvation (c) , that so we may believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God , and that believing we may have life through his Name (d) . And now , as far as I can go by the light of Scripture , I should proceed unto the incarnation of the Son of God , but that we must first behold him as he is our LORD , which is the last of those two relations in which he is presented to us in this present Article . Of this as it belongeth to God the Father , we have already spoken in the first Article , under the title of Iehovah , the proper and peculiar name of the Lord our God : a name so proper and peculiar to the Father of our Lord IESVS CHRIST , that it is thought by very learned men not to be understood of the Son of God , or of God the Son , in the whole Old Testament , who is most usually expressed by the name of Adonai . Thus in that celebrated place of the Psalms of David , whereas we read in English thus , the Lord said unto my Lord (e) , it is in the Original thus , Iehovah said to Adonai , or the Lord Jehovah said unto my Lord Adonai . Where clearly the name of Iehovah , doth denote the Father , as that of Adonai the Son , though both be generally Englished by the name of Lord. Now the name Adonai is derived ( as before was noted ) from the Hebrew word Eden , which signifieth the basis or foundation on which the whole building doth relie : and therefore very fitly doth express his nature , by whom as all things were created in the first beginning , as St. Iohn telleth us in his Gospel (f) ; so doth he still support the Earth and the pillars of it , as it is told us in the Psalms . But for the name or style of Lord , both in Greek and Latine , it seemed to be a title of such power and soveraignty , that great Augustus , though the Master of the Roman Empire did forbear to use it . Nay which is more , gravissimo corripuit edicto (h) , as Suetonius hath it , he interdicted the applying of it to himself by a publick Edict . The like by Dion is reported of Tiberius also (i) ; a Prince who cherished flattery more then any vertue , and in whose Court no men were more esteemed of then the basest sycophants . This by the Statists of those times imputed to policy or Kings-cra●t , ne speciem Principatus in Regni formam converterent (k) for fear they should be thought in that conjuncture of time , when their affairs were yet unsetled , to affect the title of Kings as they had the power ; which was most odious to the Romans . But in my minde Orosius gives a better reason , who thinks that this was rather done by Gods special Providence , then on any foresight of those Princes . His reason is , because that Christ during the reign of those two Emperours had took our flesh upon him , and did live amongst us . Nor was it fit , saith he , that any man should take upon himself the name of LORD , ex eo tempore , quo verus totius gene●is humani Dominus inter nos homines natus esset (l) , whilest the undoubted Lord of all mankinde , was conversant amongst us here upon the Earth . And this we may the rather credit to have been done by Gods special providence , because Caligula who next succeeded in the Empire ( our Saviour Christ having then withdrawn his bodily presence ) was not alone content to admit this Title , but did command it to be given him by all the people . Et primus Dominum se jussit appellari (m) , as it is in Victor . But whether this observation of Orosius will hold good or not , certain it is , that from the time and instant of the Resurrection , the style of LORD did properly belong unto CHRIST our Saviour . Therefore let all the house of Israel know assuredly , that God hath made that same . Jes●s whom ye have crucified , both Lord and Christ (n) . Not made , that is to say , not declared LORD by his heavenly Father before that time , when he had overcome the sharpness of death , and trampled on the grave in his Resurrection ; though called so sometimes before , in the way of Anticipation , or of civil complement . Then only called , now made and publickly declared the Lord of all things . And certainly it might seem to stand with reason , that seeing all power was given to the man Christ Jesus , both in heaven and earth ( for now we look upon him only in that capacity ) that with the power he also should partake of the highest title , by which that power was usually expressed and signified . From that time forwards unto this , there is not any thing more ordinary in the Book of God , or in the Liturgies of the Church , or in the common speech of good Christian people , then to entitle our Redeemer by the name of the LORD ; and to entitle him thereby in so clear a manner , as to make it more peculiar to him then to God the Father . So that in all the antient Liturgies both Greek and Latine , when the name of God the Father and of God the Son occur in the same Prayer , or Hymne , as they often do ; the name of Lord is constantly appropriated unto God the Son. And so we also finde it in our English Liturgie . According to thy promises declared unto mankinde in Christ Jesu our Lord ; as in the general Confession : Almighty God , the Father of our Lord IESVS CHRIST , in the Absolution ; through Jesus Christ our Lord , who liveth and reigneth with thee and the holy Ghost , as in some of the Collects . And this the Church did learn , no doubt , from the like expression of St. Paul , who thus gives the blessing ; The Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ , and the love of God ( and not of the Lord God ) and the fellowship of the holy Ghost , ( and not of the Lord holy Ghost ) be with you all , Amen (o) . And thus it also stands in the present Creed , in which the title of Lord is appropriated only to the Son ; and neither added to the Father nor the holy Ghost . Nor is he called LORD only in general tearms , but Dominus nosier , our Lord , the Lord of all that doe confess his holy Name , and agree in the truth of his holy Word . A title which accreweth to him in many respects ; as first in regard of our Creation . For if all things were made by him , and without him was nothing made that was made (p) , as St. Iohn affirmeth ; If by him all things were created both in Heaven and Earth , visible and invisible (q) , as St. Paul informs us : good reason that he should have the Dominion over the work of his own hands , and that we should acknowledge him for the Lord our Maker (r) . In the next place he is our Lord in jure Redemptionis , in the right of Redemption . Concerning which we must take notice ( as before (s) was said ) that man was made by God in his first Creation , just , righteous , and devoide of malice : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the words of Damascen (t) . Created to this purpose after Gods own Image , Vt imitator sui autoris esset , that so he might more perfectly imitate his Creators goodness . But falling from this happiness in which he might have served the Lord with perfect innocency , he made a new contract with the Devil , and became his servant , and put himself directly under his dominion . Do ye not know ( saith the Apostle ) that unto whom you yeild your selves servants to obey , his servants ye are whom ye obey (u) . If then they were the Devils servants , the Devil of necessity was their Lord and Master ; for Dominus & servus sunt relata , as our Logick teacheth us . A miserable and most wretched thraldome , from which there was no other way to set mankinde free , but by the death and passion of our Saviour CHRIST : which he being willing for our sakes to undergo , did by the offering of himself once for all , become the propitiation for our sins (x) , and obtain eternal ▪ redemption for us (y) , cancelling the bond or obligation which was against us , and nayling it to his Cross for ever (z) . Nor were poor mankinde only servants to this dreadful Tyrant , but for the most part they had listed themselves under him and became his souldiers , fighting with an high hand of presumptuous wickedness against the Lord God and the Hosts of Heaven . And they continued in that service , taking part with the Devil upon all occasions , till he received his final overthrow at the hands of our Saviour : who by his death overcame him who had the power of death (a) , which is the Devil : and having spoiled principalities and powers , made a shew of them openly and triumphed over them (b) . By means whereof another title did accrew unto him of being the sole Lord over all mankinde , and that is jure belli , by the laws of war : that rule of Aristotle being most unquestionably true , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) , that is to say , those which are taken in the wars , are in the power and at the disposal of the Conquerour . And by the same right also of successful war , men became servants unto him , whose service , as our Church hath taught us , is perfect freedome . For Servi are so called a servando , from being saved and preserved in the day of battail . Vocabuli origo inde ducta creditur , quod ii qui jure belli possint occidi , a victoribus conservabantur (d) , as St. Augustine from the Lawyers (e) hath it ; because although they might be slain by the Law of Armes , yet by the clemency of the Victor they were saved from slaughter , and so made servants to the Conquerour . And last of all he is our Lord jure Promotionis , by the right of promotion , because we hold of him all those temporal and eternal blessings , which we enjoy in this life , and expect in that which is to come . He is the Lord of Life , as St. Peter telleth us , Act. 3.15 . the Lord of glory , saith S. Paul , 1 Cor. 2.8 . the Lord of joy , Enter into the joy of the Lord , as St. Matthew hath it , 25.21 . And he conferreth on us his servants life , joy , and glory , out of the abundant riches of his mercy towards us ; and whatsoever else is his , within the title and power of Lord. For having thereto a double right , first by inheritance as the Son , whom God appointed heir of all things , Heb. 1.2 . and then by purchase as a Redeemer , ( for therefore he dyed and rose again that he might be Lord of all , Rom. 14.9 . ) contenting himself with the first alone he is well pleased to set over the latter unto us , and to advance us to an estate of joynt-purchase in Heaven , of life , joy , and glory , and whatsoever else he is owner of . For to that end it pleased him to come down from Heaven , and be made man , and be incarnate by the holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary ; which is the first of those great works which were performed by him in order to our Redemption , and next in order of the Creed . ARTICLE IV. Of the Fourth ARTICLE OF THE CREED Ascribed to St. ANDREW . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Qui conceptus est de Spiritu sancto , natus ex Virgine Maria. i. e. Which was conceived by the holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary . CHAP. III. Of Gods free mercy in the Redemption of Man. The Word why fittest to effect it . The Incarnation of the Word why attributed to the holy Ghost . The miracle thereof made credible both to Iews and Gentiles . IT is a very ingenious conceit of Cameracensis (a) , that when God first created Adam , he gave him all precious and excellent endowments ; as truth to instruct him , justice to direct him , mercy to preserve him , and peace to delight him : but that when he was fallen from God , and forgot all the good which the Lord had done for him , they returned back to him that gave them , making report of that which had happened on the earth , and earnestly moving the Almighty , but with different purposes , concerning this forlorn and unhappy creature . For Iustice pleaded for his condemnation and called earnestly for the punishment which he had deserved : Truth pressing for the execution of that which God had threatned on his disobedience . But on the other side , Mercy intreated for poor miserable man made out of the dust of the earth , seduced by Satan , and beguiled under faire pretences ; and Peace endevoured to take off the edge of Gods displeasure , and reconcile the creature unto his Creatour . When God had heard the contrary desires and pleas of those excellent Orators , there was a councell called of the blessed Trinity , in which it was finally resolved that the Word should be made flesh , and take unto himself the nature of Man , that he might partake of his infirmities , be subject to the punishments which man had deserved , and so become the propitiation for the sins of the world . By this means the desires of all parties were fully satisfyed . For man was punished according as Iustice urged ; the punishment threatned on mans disobedience inflicted , as Truth required ; the offender pitied and relieved , as Mercy intreated ; and God was reconciled to man , as Peace had desired . And so that was fulfilled which the Psalmist speaks of , Mercy and truth are met together , righteousness ( or justice ) and peace have kissed each other (b) . Arminius followeth this conceit a little further , and addes that when the different parties had pursued their interesses , Wisdome was called on to advise what was best to be done , to give satisfaction to them all ; whose advise was , that the punishment due to the sin of man should be changed into an Expiatory sacrifice , by the voluntary oblation of the which , justice might be appeased , and place made for mercy (c) . But then began a new debate , where they should finde a Priest fit for such a sacrifice ; Angel it could not be , because it was not reasonable that an Angel should suffer for the sin of Man. And Man it could not be , because being terrifyed with the guilt of his own transgressions , he had not confidence enough to draw near to God ; nor had he any thing of his own which was held worthy to be offered to so high a Deity . Wisdome was therefore called again , by whom it was finally resolved that there must be some man begotten , who being made in all things like unto his Brethren , might be the more sensible of their infirmities ; but so , that he should be free from sin , and not obnoxious to the power and criminations of Satan . Holy he was to be , or rather holiness , and therefore to be conceived only by the holy Ghost , by whose great power the ordinary course of nature was to be supplyed : and in this flesh the Word it self to be incarnate , who offering up that flesh in sacrifice for the sins of the world , might so performe the work of poor mans redemption . But leaving these conceits , though indeed very ingenious , there is no question to be made but God had other means to save us then by the incarnating the word , and humbling his only begotten Son unto the death , even the death of the Crosse , if he had so pleased . But a better and more convenient way to demonstrate his love and mercy towards us , to manifest his Power and wisdome , and yet withall to shew his justice against sin and Satan , the Scriptures have not laid before us . The Fathers have resolved it thus , Et ●ine hoc holocausto poterat Deus tantum condonasse peccatum , sed facilitas veniae peccatis laxaret habenas effraenatis quae etiam Christi vix cohibent passiones (d) . God ( saith St. Cyprian ) was able to have pardoned this great sin without this sacrifice ; but the sacrifice of the pardon would have loosned the reines to unbridled sins , which even the sufferings of Christ , are scarce able to represse . The like saith Nazianzen , It was possible for God ( saith he ) to save man by his only will without taking of our flesh upon him , as he did and doth work all things without help of a body (e) Damascene to the same effect ; He was not ( otherwise ) unable that can do all things by his Almighty power and strength to take man from the tyrant that possessed him (f) . The like occurreth in St. Ambrose , St. Augustine , and Pope Gregory also . In the darke ages of the Chrurch the same truth was held . For thus St. Bernard in those times , Was not the Creator able to restore his work without this difficulty ? Able he was , but he chose rather to wrong himself , then the most lewd and hateful vice of unthankfulnesse should finde any colourable place in man (g) . And it holds also since the times of the reformation . Calvin affirmes it in plain terms , Poterat nos Dominus verbo , aut nutu redimere , nisi aliter nostra causa visual esset (h) ; the Lord ( saith he ) might have redeemed us with a word or beck , but that for our sakes he thought good to do otherwise . Zanchius comes very close to Calvin , What ( saith he ) could not mankind be delivered by any other means then the death of Christ (i) ? No doubt but that he might have done it , solo nutu , et jussu , et voluntate divina , by the only beck , commandement and will of God. Conforme to which expression of the antient and modern writers , the Church of England hath declared in the book of Homilies , that it was the surest pledge of Gods love to man , to give us his own Son from Heaven . For otherwise he might have given us if he would an Angel or some other Creature ; and yet in that his love had been far above our deserts (k) . They who conceive that God was not able otherwise to effect this work , or had no other meanes to bring it to passe , then that which he made choise of to effect the same , do wilfully intrench upon his Omnipotence , which is larger then either his will or his works . For though his works be alwayes measured by his will , yet must his Power be limited unto neither of them ; because God is able to do many things which he never did , nor will do ; as hath been shewn before in the first Article . And in his works to bind him unto any necessity to do as he did , and not to leave him at his own liberty to do what he pleaseth ; and in a way which seemeth most agreeable to his heavenly wisdome ; were to revive the accursed errour of the Manichees . Against whom St. Augustine thus resolveth it , Nullam ergo necessitatem patitur Deus , neque necessitate facit quae facit , sed summa et ineffabili voluntate ao potestate (l) . God ( saith the Father ) is not bound by any necessity , nor is he necessitated to do those things which he doth , but doth them by his supreme and unspeakable power . As then there was not any necessity on the part of God the Father Almighty , to send his only begotten Son into the world , to take our humane nature on him , and suffer an accursed death for the sins of the world : so neither was there any necessity on the part of the word , by which he was enjoyned or compelled to take upon him the office of a Mediator , and be incarnate in our flesh . That it was agreeable to the work in hand , that the word should be made flesh , and in that flesh accomplish the whole mystery of our redemption , there are many reasons to perswade . For who was fitter to be cast out into the Sea , to stay the tempest of Gods anger against sinful man , then the Ionas for whose sake it rose ? Almighty God was first displeased for the wrong offered to the word , in that man desired to be like unto God , and to know all things in such sort as is proper to the only begotten Son of the Father . The sin was , caro verbum , then ; vile flesh aspired to be made like unto the word : therefore the remedy now must be verbum caro , the word so farforth humbling it self as to be made flesh ; Verbum caro factum (m) Who fitter to become the son of man , then he that was by nature the Son of God ? Patrem habuit in coelis , Matrem quaesivit in terris , as St. Bernard hath it (n) . Who could be fitter to make us the Sons of God by adoption and grace , then the word by which we were to be begotten unto life eternal : or to repair the image of God decayed in us , then he that was the brightnesse of his Fathers glory (o) , and the expresse image of his Person ? Finally who more fit to settle the minds of men in a certain and undoubted perswasion of the truth of such things as are necessary to be believed , and thereby bring us into the way of life everlasting ; then he that was the way , the truth and the life (l) , as himself telleth us of himself in St. Iohns Gospell ? Vt homo fidentius ambularet ad veritatem , ipsa veritas , Dei filius homine assumpto , constituit et fundavit fidem (q) as St. Augustine hath it . That man ( saith he ) might with more confidence travell in the wayes of truth ; the truth it self , even the Son of God , taking the nature of man upon him , did plant and found that faith which we are to beleive . By which it is apparent that it was most agreeable both to our condition , and the nature of the word it self , that he should take upon himself the office of a Mediator between God and Man : but so that he was bound thereto by no necessity , but only out of his meer love and goodness to that wretched Creature . The Scriptures and the Fathers are expresse in this . Walke in love ( saith the Apostle ) as Christ hath also loved us , and hath given himself for us , an offering and a sacrifice to God , a sweet smelling savour (r) . And anon after , Husbands love your wives , even as Christ also loved his Church , and gave himself for it . And in pursuance of this love , he took upon himself the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of man (s) , and being found in fashion as a man , he humbled himself , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the Cross. So that first out of his love and goodness towards us he offered himself to serve and suffer in our places , and after out of the same love submitted himself unto the punishment , which our sins deserved : God not imposing this upon him , by necessity of any inevitable decree , but mercifully accepting his compassionate offer , which did so powerfully conduce unto mans salvation , and the most inexpressible honour of his only Son. The sufferings of CHRIST in regard of man , do take their value from his Person ; the excellency of which did prevail so far , as to make the passion of one available for the sins of all . But the merit of those sufferings , in regard of himself , is to be valued by that cheerful freedom with which he pleased to undergo them , and had not been so acceptable nor effectual neither , if they had not been voluntary . For Fathers which affirm the same we need take no thought , having both Reason and the Scriptures so expresly for it : though this be universally the Doctrine of all Catholick wrirers : some of whose words I shall recite , and for the rest refer the Reader to their Books . For the Greek Church thus saith Athanasius , CHRIST seeing the goodness of his Father , and his own sufficiency and power , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was moved with compassion towards man , and pitying our infirmities , cloathed himself with the same (t) ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and willingly took up his cross , and went uncompelled unto his death . And thus St. Augustine for the Lat●ne . The Word ( saith he ) was made flesh by his own power , and was born , suffered , died , and rose again (u) , nulla necessitate sed voluntate & potestate , by no necessity laid upon him , but meerly of his own good will , and that authority which he had to dispose of himself . See to this purpose the same Augustine in Psal. 8. de Trinit . l. 4. c. 10. Chrysost. in Gen. Hom. 55. & in Ioh. Hom. 82. Amb. in Psal. 118. Serm. 6. & De Fide , l. 2. c. 1. Hieron . in Isai. cap. 3. & in Psal. 68. Not to descend to those of the later Ages . The passages being thus laid open , we now proceed to the great work of the incarnation , wherein the holy Ghost was to have his part , that so none of the Heavenly powers might be wanting to the restauration of collapsed man. That our Redeemers Incarnation in the Virgins womb was the proper and peculiar work of the holy Ghost , is positively affirmed in St. Matthews Gospel : first in the way of an historical Narration . Before they came together , ( as man and wise ) she was found with childe of the holy Ghost , ch . l. 1. 18. and afterwards by way of declaration from an Angel of Heaven , saying , Ioseph thou son of David , fear not to take unto thee Mary thy wife ; for that which is conceived in her , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is of the holy Ghost , vers . 20. Nor wanted there especial reason ( if at least any reasons may be given in matters of so high a nature ) why this miraculous Conception was committed rather to the holy Ghost , then either acted by the sole power of God the Father , or by the sole vertue of the Word , who was aboundantly able to have wrought his own Incarnation . For as the Word was pleased to offer himself to take humane flesh , the better to accomplish the great work of the Worlds redemption : and as God the Father knowing how unable poor man must be to work out his own salvation otherwise then by such a Saviour , was graciously pleased to accept the offer : so it seemed requisite that God the holy Ghost should prepare that flesh in which the Word of God was to be incarnate . Besides the power of quickning and conferring fruitfulness , is generally ascribed to the Spirit in the Book of God : who therefore in the Nicene ( or rather the Constantinopolitane Creed ) is called the Lord and giver of life . For thus saith David for the Old Testament , Thou sendest forth thy Spirit , and they are created (x) : and thus the son of David for the New Testament ; Spiritus est qui vivificat , i. e. It is the Spirit that quickneth . The holy Ghost then was the proper Agent in the Incarnation . So St. Matthew tels us . But for the manner and the means by which so wonderful a conception was brought to pass , that we finde only in St. Luke . The blessed Virgin as it seemed made a question of it , how she should possibly conceive and bring forth a son , considering that as yet she had not had the company of her husband Ioseph . Quandoquidem virum non cognosco (y) , that is to say , since as yet I do not know my husband , ( for so I rather choose to read it , then to translate it as it stands in our English Bibles , seeing I know not a man. ) For that both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek , and Vir in Latine , do sometimes signifie an Husband every Schoolboy knows : and so the words are rendred in our English Bibles , Ioh. 4.16 , 17 , 18. and in other places . And this objection she might make , not out of any disbelief of the Angels words ; for being then as faulty as old Zachary was , she had been as punishable , since God is no respecter of persons : nor that she had vowed chastity , as the Papists say , and Gregory Nyssen doth report from an unknown Author , whose history he doth confess to be Apocryphal (z) (z) , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as his words there are ) , for then she had done very ill to betroth herself unto an husband , the vow of Chastity being inconsistent with the state of Matrimony . But this she did , because the Angel seemed to speak of her Conception , as a thing instantly to be done , and then in fieri at the least , as Logicians phrase it : and she , though then betrothed to Ioseph , was a Virgin still . ( for the Text saith it was before they came together ) ; and more then so , there was perhaps some part of the time remaining which usually intervened amongst the Iews , betwixt the first Espousals and the consummation of the marriage . But this bar was easily removed . For it followeth , that the Angel answered and said , The holy Ghost shall come upon thee , and the power of the most High shall overshadow thee . The holy Ghost shall come upon thee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek Text hath it , that is to say , the holy Ghost shall fall upon thee like rain into a fleece of wooll , or like the dew of heaven upon a barren and thirstie land where no moisture is : and make thee no less fruitful without help of man , then was the Virgin Earth in its first integrity , when no outward or extrinsecal moysture had yet fallen upon it , but that there went up a mist only out of the very bowels thereof , and watered the whole face of the ground (a) . And the power of the most High shall overshadow thee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Greek , and cover thee with the wings of his quickning virtue , as the Hen doth Egges , when she brings forth young . To make this matter plainer yet , we shall illustrate it by two Texts of holy Scripture , equal to this both in the wonder and the agent (b) . In the beginning ( saith the Text ) God created the Heaven and the Earth , and the Earth was without form , and void , and darkness was upon the face of the deep . And in the second of the same Book we read that God created man out of the dust of the earth , vers . 7. In each of these there is a subject some matter , such as it was , to be wrought upon : that confused mixture of Earth and waters to be disposed into a world ; the dust and Atoms of that world to be contrived into a man. The fashioning and accomplishment of which great works , both of them seeming as impossible to sense and reason , as the Conception of our Saviour in a Virgins Womb , is in the Scripture attributed to the holy Ghost . The Spirit of God ( saith Moses ) moved upon the face of the waters (c) . Hence the digestion of that matter , fashioned into that goodly fabrick of Heaven and Earth which we so visibly behold with such admiration . God breathed into his nostrils the breath ( or spirit ) of life ( inspiravit in faciem ejus spiraculum vitae (d) , from whence the Animation and soul of man. This action then ascribed unto the holy Ghost , which St. Luke calleth a supervenience or a coming upon , and an obumbration or over-shadowing , is likely to have been much of the same nature , with that of moving in the first , and that of breathing in the 2. of Genesis . Gods Spirit as it breatheth where it listeth , so can it quicken where it pleaseth . Some there have been , if Maldonate do report them rightly , Qui turpe aliquid hoc loco somniant (e) , who have made some impure construction of this holy Text ; most impudently affirming , Spiritum sanctum ad modum viri cum Maria concubuisse (f) , I abhor to English it : but who they were , he either was afraid or ashamed to tell us . No doubt but they were some of the Romish party . For had such a blasphemous and ungodly saying dropped from the mouth or pen of a Protestant , all Christendome had been told of his name and Nation . And therefore certainly this quidam whom he spares to name , must be some such good fellow of the Catholick faction , as Fryer Albert of the frock , as they use to call him . Of whom I remember I have read in some of their Authors , that being a great Votary of the blessed Virgins , she appeared nightly to him in her bodily shape , espoused her self to him by a ring , and suffered himself to converse with her in familiar manner . Insomuch as he might say in the Poets language . Contrectatque sinus , & forsitan oseula jungit , He dallied with her Paps And kissed her too perhaps . But I do ill to mingle these impurities with this sacred argument , if the unmasking of the obscoenities of those great Professors of vowed chastity do not plead my pardon . And yet I cannot choose but adde , that these lazy lives of some of the Monks and Fryers , have carryed them so far into spiritual fornications , or rather into contemplative lusts ; that many of them have fancied to themselves such unclean commixtures , ( as that of Fryer Albert ) with the blessed Virgin. To what end else served those large Faculties which were given unto Tekelius a Dominican Fryer , when he was sent to publish the pardons or Indulgences of Pope Leo the tenth , in the upper Germany ? Who spared not to affirm even in common Alehouses , that by his Buls he had authority to absolve any man whatsoever , Etiamsi Virginem matrem vitiaverit , though he had vitiated or deflowred the Virgin Mother (g) , as Sleidan tels the storie in his book of Commentaries . I know that in the later Editions of this Author , ( as in that of Colen , printed An. .... ) the words are changed to Virginem aut matrein , a maid , or a mother ; and so to mend the matter they have marred the sense . For what need such large faculties as Tekelius bragged of , for pardoning fornication or Adultery , for the deflowring of a Virgin , or lying with another mans wife , which every ordinary Priest can absolve of course . Besides in the first Edition of that Author , printed at ..... An. .... it is plainly Virginem Matrem , the Virgin Mother . And so 't is in an old English Translation of him printed at London , and la Veirge Mere , as plainly in a French Translation , printed at Geneva , An. 1574. Marvail it is , that Maldonate hath not undergone the like castigation , whose Quidam whatsoever he was , offended more against the Majesty of the holy Ghost , then Tekel did ( save that the Popes authority was concerned in it ) against the modesty and piety of the Virgin Mary . To return therefore where I left , as I abominate the impieties of these Romish Votaries , so neither can I approve the conceit of Estius , ( though otherwise a very learned and sound Expositor of holy Scripture , where the interest of the Church of Rome is not concerned ) who by the power of the most High , understands here the very person of God the Son , and by this over-shadowing of the blessed Virgin , his voluntary Incarnation in her sanctified womb . His words are these , (h) Per virtutem Altissimi intelligi ipsum Dei Filium ( qui est virtus & brachium , & potentia Patris ) quique obumbraturus significatur Virginem , illapsu suo in uterum Virginis per occultum Incarnationis mysterium . But by his leave I cannot herein yeild unto his opinion ; though Chrysostom and Gregory for the antient Writers , Beda and Damascene for the Authors of the middle times , do seem to contenance it . For not St. Augustine only , as himself confesseth , and Euthymius a good writer also are against him in it , but the plain text and context of the holy Scripture : which makes the quickning of the womb of this blessed Virgin to be the work only of one Agent , though it be expressed by different titles . Nor are such repetitions strange or extraordinary in the Book of God , nor can it give any colour to distinguish the power of the most High from the holy Ghost ; as if they were two different Agents : unless we can distinguish the Lord our God from him that dweleth in the Heavens , because we finde them both together in the 2. Psalm , He that dwelleth in the Heavens shall laugh them to scorn , the Lord shall have them in derision (i) . And though it cannot be denyed , but that the Son of God is the very power and strength of his Father : yet himself doth give this very name of power to the holy Ghost . For when he commanded the Apostles to abide in the City of Hierusalem , donec induantur virtute ex alto , i. e. until they were ●ndued with power from on high (k) , what else did he intend thereby , but that they should continue there until they were endued with the holy Ghost ? Of which see Act. 2.4 . Besides if this opinion should be once admitted , we must exclude the holy Gh●st from having any thing to do in so great a mysterie : and so not only bring the Creed under an Expurgatorius Index but the Scripture too . Letting this therefore stand for a truth undeniable , that the over-shadowing ( as the Text calleth it ) of the blessed Virgin , was the proper and peculiar work of the holy Ghost : let us next see whether the nature of the miracle be not agreeable to the operatio●s of the holy Spirit ; or such as may not be admitted for a truth undoubted , by equal and indifferent men , though they be not Christians , nor take it up upon the credit of the Word of God. And first that of it self it is agreeable to the operations of the Spirit , the course of his Divine power in the works of nature doth expresly manifest . For as in the spiritual regeneration , though it be Paul that planteth , and Apollo that watereth ; yet it is God who gives the increase (l) ; without whose blessing on their labours , their labours will prove fruitless and ineffectual : so also in the act of carnal generation , though the man and woman do their parts for the pro creation of children , yet if the quickning Spirit of God do not bless them in it , and stir up the emplastick virtue of the natural seed , they may go childless to their graves . It is the Spirit which quickneth what the womb doth breed . And therefore in my minde Lactantius noted very well , Hominem non Patrem esse sed generandi Ministrum (m) , that man was nothing but the instrument which the Lord did use for the effecting of his purpose , to raise that goodly edifice of flesh and bloud , which he contemplates in his children . It is the Spirit of God , as the Scripture tels us which first gave form unto the world ; from whence that known passage of the Poet , Spiritus intus alit , had its first Original , of which we have made use in our former book . And if the chief work , or rather the principal part in the work of nature in the ordinary course of Generation , and first production of the Word , may be ascribed , as most undoubtedly it must , unto the powerful influence of this quickning Spirit : with how much more assurance may he be entituled to the Incarnation of the Word , to which one sex only did contribute , and that the weakest , without the mutual help and co-operation of the seed of man. Nor is the greatness of the Miracle so beyond belief , but that there is sufficient in the holy Scripture to convince the Iew ; and in the writings of the Poets to perswade the Gentiles , to the admission of this truth : and consequently to confirm all good Christians in it . Out of the Virgin-Earth did God first make Adam ; and out of Virgin Adam he created Eve : Adam first made without the help of man or woman ; and Eve made after out of Adam , who had no wife but this which was made out of him . Why might not then the blessed Virgin be as capable of conceiving a Son by the sole power and influence of the holy Ghost , without help of man ; as Adam was , of being Father unto Eve , by the self same power , without the use of a woman ? Without a Mother , Eve ; without Father CHRIST ; Adam without both Father and Mother : but all the handy-work of God by the holy Spirit . Equivalent in effect to the creation of Adam , and the production of Eve was the birth of Isaac , conceived by Sarah when it had ceased to be with her after the manner of women (n) ; by consequence as indisposed to the act of conception , as if she had been still a Virgin , or which is more then that , under years of marriage . The strength that Sarah had to bring forth that Son was not natural to her , for she was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , past the age of childe-bearing , as the Text informs us : but a strength supernatural given from God on high , and therefore called a received strength , ( she received strength to conceive seed , Heb. 11.11 . ) because not naturally her own , but received extraordinarily from God. As Isaac was in many things a Type of CHRIST ; so in no one thing more exactly , then that he was the only Son , or the dearly beloved Son of his Father , begotten on a woman past the time of her age , whose dead womb could not but by such a miracle be revived again . To this the Iews most cheerfully do give assent , boasting themselves to be the children of Abraham by this very venter . What reason have they then not to yeild to this , but that they resolved not to yeild to reason ? Next for the Gentiles , do we not finde it in their Poets , that Venus was ingendred of the froth of the Sea , animated by the warmth and influence of the Sun ; that Pallas issued from Ioves brain , and Bacchus from the thigh of Iupiter ? Do we not read that most of their Heroes so much famed of old , were begotten by their Gods upon mortal creatures , as Hercules on Alcmena by Iupiter ; Phaeton on Clymene by Phoebus ; and Pa● on Penelope by Mercury ? And is it not recorded in their most authentick Histories , that Romulus the first King and founder of Rome was begotten by Mars upon the body of Rhea a Vestal Virgin ? Romulus a Marte genttus & Rhea Silvia (o) , as Florus summarily reports it . Had not the Lusitanians a race of Horses which they believed to be engendred by the winde ; the fancy growing from the knowledge of their excellent swiftness ? At this Lactantius toucheth in his Book of Institutes , and makes it a convincing Argument in this case against the Gentiles ; who might as easily believe the miracle of the incarnation , as give faith to that , Quod si animalia quaedam vento & aura concipere solere , omnibus notum est , cur quisquam mirum putet cum Spiritu Dei , cui est facile quicquid velit , gravatam Virginem esse dicimus (p) ? No question but the Spirit of God might be conceived as operative as the winde or ayr . But leaving these Romances of the antient Heathens , though arguments good enough ad homines ( and beyond that they are not meant ) let us next look a while on the blessed Virgin , who questionless did somewhat to advance the work , and left it not wholly to the managing of the holy Ghost . But what she did was rather from the strength of faith then nature . For had she not believed , she had never conceived . And thereupon it is resolved by St. Augustine rightly , Feliciorem Mariam esse percipiendo fidem Christi , quam concipiendo carnem Christi (q) , that she was happier by believing then she was by conceiving ; though in that too pronounced the most blessed amongst women . Now in the strengthning of this faith many things concurred ; as the authority of the Messenger , who coming from the God of truth , could not tell a lye ; the general expectation which the Iews had about this time of the Messiahs near approach ; the argument used by the Angel touching Gods Omnipotence , with whom nothing was said to be impossible : (r) and so not this ; the instance of a like miracle wrought upon Elizabeth the wife of Zachary almost as old , but altogether in the same case with Sarah , who had conceived a son in her old age (s) , beyond the ordinary course of nature . And to say truth , these arguments were but necessary to beget belief to so great a miracle , to which no former age could afford a parallel , though that of Sarah came most nigh it . And if that Sarah thought it such a matter of impossibility , then to conceive and bear a son when it only ceased to be with her after the manner of women , as the Text tels us that she did : how much more justly might the Virgin think it an impossible thing , for her to be conceived with childe , and bring forth a Son , and yet continue still a Virgin ? But at the last the strength of faith overcame all difficulties ; and by the chearfulness of her obedience she made a way for this great blessing , which was coming towards her . Behold the handmaid of the Lord , Be it to me according unto thy word (t) . Which whether they were words of wishing that so it might be , as St. Ambrose , Venerable Beda , and Euthymius think ; or of consent , that so it should be , as Ireneus and Damascen are of opinion : certain it is , that on the speaking of those words she did conceive Coelestial seed , and in due time brought forth her Saviour . As is affirmed by Irenaeus , l. 1. c. 33. Tertullian in his book De Carne Christi ; Athanasius in his Oration De Sancta Deipara , and divers others . A work , as of great efficacy unto our Salvation , so of especial esteem in the Christian Church ; the day whereof , called usually the Feast of the Annuntiation , hath anciently been observed as an holy Festival , as appears by several Homilies made upon this subject , by Gregory surnamed Thaumaturgus who lived in the year 230. and that of Athanasius in the time of Constantine . A day of such high esteem amongst us in England , that we begin our year from thence , both in the vulgar estimate and all publick Instruments ; though in our Kalenders we begin with the first of Ianuary , according to the custome of the antient Romans . But here it may be asked , why CHRIST should not be called the Son of the holy Ghost , according to his humane nature , considering that not St. Luke only ascribeth unto him the work of the Incarnation , under the title of an overshadowing ; but that it is affirmed by St. Matthew in tearms more express , that she ( the blessed Virgin Mother ) was found to be with child of the holy Ghost (u) . And he , by whom a woman is conceived with childe , is properly and naturally , though not always legally , ( for Pater est quem nuptiae demonstrant , as the Lawyers tell us ) the right Father of it . A consideration which prevailed so far with some of St. Hieromes time , that they began to stumble upon this opinion : but with no better reason in true Divinity , then Christ may be affirmed to be the Father Almighty intended in the former Articles ; because creation is the work of the Father Almighty , and it is written by St. Iohn , that by him ( that is to say the Son ) all things were made (x) . For all things were so made by the Word , as the Word was made flesh , or incarnate by the holy Ghost : God , ( I mean God the first Person here , as generally the Scripture doth where it speaks of God without limitation or restrictions ) acting by them those two great works which in the holy Text are to them ascribed ; yet by them not as Ministers subservient to him , but co-working with him . God ( saith St. Paul ) hath in these last days spoken to us by his Son , whom he appointed heir of all things , by whom also he made the Worlds (y) . God made the world , though he made it by his Son , to the end , that all things being created by him , might be also for him (z) . And so 't is also in the work of the incarnation ; God by his Spirit fructifying the Virgins womb , and sanctifying the materials with which the Word ( which in the beginning was with God ) was to be invested ; to the intent that the Spirit might bear witness to us (a) , that he was the beloved Son of God in whom his Father was well pleased . And yet there is another reason why he should rather be called the Son of God , then of the holy Ghost ; because he had a pre-existence , before he was incarnate in the Virgins womb , as he was the Word , the Word which in the beginning was not only with God , but was also God ; by an unspeakable way of emanation from the Father only , as the Word is first conceived in the minde of man , before it be uttered by the voyce . For as the Son is to the Father , so is the Word to the Minde . The Son proles parentis , the Word proles mentis , saith the learned Andrews (b) . God therefore being an eternal , everlasting Minde , did before all beginnings of time produce the Word , by which in the beginning of time all things were created ; By consequence when the Word was pleased to be incarnate , or to be made flesh in St. Iohns own language : the person thus made Christ of the Word and flesh , though he was incorporated into this flesh by the powerful influence and operation of the holy Ghost , was properly to be called the Son of God , in whom and of whom only he before existed : the holy Ghost not being the Author of any new Person , but only betroathing to the Word the humane nature of CHRIST , which had no actual existence before those Espousals . I know I cannot speak too reverently of so great a mysterie , or think too worthily of that wonderful and miraculous Act of the Incarnation or Conception of our blessed Saviour . And yet I doubt that some by thinking that he was not formed and fashioned in his Mothers womb , by those gradations to perfection , which are necessary to all natural births , but make his body to be perfected all at once in the very moment of his Conception , and at that instant the reasonable soul to be actually infused into it : do unawares deprive him of a great deal of honour , which his humiliation to our nature did confer upon him . Of this minde is Maldonate for one , whose words take here together for our more assurance ; (c) Alios paulatim sensimque in utero formari , antequam Corpuscul●m animetur : Christi vero corpus eodem momento quo conceptum est formari , & animatum fuisse . Which were it so , our Saviour CHRIST had not in all things been made like unto us , contrary to the express words of holy Scripture ; nor needed to have lien so long time in his Mothers womb , his body being compleatly formed and animated in the first conception . But I believe the Iesuite had a further aim in it , then he pleased to discover . And possibly it might be an ingenuous fear of arrogating or ascribing more to a common Priest , then had been granted to be done by the holy Ghost . For needs it must seem harsh to most Popish ears , that the Body of CHRIST should be nine moneths in forming in his mothers womb , though supernaturally conceived by the Divine power and influence of the holy Ghost : and yet upon the Priests saying , Hoc est Corpus meum , the self same body and soul , with his Divinity ▪ and all into the bargain , should instantly be made of a piece of bread , without expecting nine minutes for so great a miracle . Most happy men , who come so nere the power and Majesty of Almighty God , and the prerogatives of CHRIST : that as the one could have raised children out of stones to Abraham ; and the other command stones to be made bread ; so they can out of bread raise a Son to God , and not a son to God only , but even God the Son : which is more then was ( I dare not say , or could be ) done by the holy Ghost , whose part in this great work we have spoke of hitherto . ARTICVLI 4. Pars 2da . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Natus ex Virgine Maria. i. e. Born of the Virgin Mary . CHAP. IV. Of the birth of CHRIST . The feast of his Nativity . Why born of a Virgin. The Prophecie of Isaiah . The Parentage and priviledge of the Blessed Virgin. PRoceed we to the second branch of this present Article , from the Conception to the Birth of our Lord and Saviour ; the most materiall part to us of the whole mysterie . It had been little to our comfort , though much unto the honour of our humane nature , had the WORD been only made flesh , and with that flesh ascended presently into heaven , and had not dwelt amongst us , and shewn forth his glory , as the glory of the only begotten of the Father , full of grace and truth (a) . It was not Gods being in the flesh , but his being manifested in the flesh ; which St. Paul cals , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the great mysterie of Godlinesse (b) . For without that , although he might have been seen of Angels , yet had he not been preached unto the Gentiles , nor been believed on in the world , as the Saviour of it . The end of his taking on himself our flesh , was to save poor man. For this is an acceptable saying , ( as St. Paul hath told us ) that JESUS CHRIST came into the world to save sinners (c) ; and come into the world he could not ( in the sense he speaks of ) but by being born . I know some thinke , that though ADAM had never sinned , yet it had been necessary for the exaltation of humane nature , that the WORD should have been made man : and Bonaventure (d) doth approve it as a Catholick opinion , and consonant to natural reason . But howsoever it may seem in his judgment to agree with reason , assuredly it is more agreeable to the piety and analogie of faith , that the Son of God had never appeared in our flesh but for the delivery of mankinde from sin and misery : neither the Scripture nor the Fathers speaking of the incarnation but with reference to mans redemption . To this effect St. Augustine speaketh most divinely , Si homo non periisset , filius hominis non venisset ; nulla causa fuit Christi veniendi , nisi peccatores salvos facere . Tolle morbos , tolle vulnera , et nulla est medicinae causa (e) . That is to say , If man had not perished , the son of man had not come ( for therefore came the son of man to save that which was lost (f) . ) : there being no other cause of Christs coming but the salvation of sinners . Take away diseases and wounds from man , and what need is there of a Physitian ? So that resolving with the Scriptures and Fathers , that there was no cause for the incarnation of the WORD , but that he should be born for our redemption ; let us proceed therein with that fear and reverence which justly doth belong to so great a mysterie , as the manifestation of God in the flesh is said to be by the Apostle . A mysterie in which there is not any thing beneath a miracle . Nor can it easily be resolved whether of the two be more full of wonder , either that God the WORD should be born of Woman , or born of such a woman as was a Virgin. The first and greatest of the two , that which indeed is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a miracle of miracles , as man is somewhere called by Plato , was that the word was made flesh , and did receive that flesh from a mortall womb . A wonder it seemed to Nicodemus that a man should be born when he was old (g) , or enter a second time into his mothers womb and be born again . A greater wonder must it be for him to enter into the womb , and thence to finde a passage into the world , who was far older then all time , and had his being when the world but began to be . A greater wonder must it seem for him to take a being from a mortal creature , by whom all creatures had their being , and did himself create the same womb which bare him . But such was his unspeakable love to the sons of men , that he disdained not to submit himself for their sakes to those low conditions , as to be made man and to have a Mother ; a Mother which beyond example did bring forth her God , and became the Parent of her Saviour , Et mater sine exemplo genuit autorem suum (h) , as Lactantius hath it . Born then our Saviour was of a mortall womb . But the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the present Article tels us more then so , and telleth us that he was not only born of the Virgin Mary , but so born of her as to be made of her also . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , And the word was made flesh , Ioh. 1.14 . God sent his Son , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made of a woman , saith St. Paul , Gal. 4.4 . where the same word is used as here . Made then he was , as well as born of the Virgin Mary . And made , not convertendo , not by converting the Word into flesh , as Cerinthus ; nor converting flesh into the WORD , as Velentinus was of opinion : for the deity cannot be changed into any thing , nor any thing into it . Nor was it made conciliando , as friends are made one , or reconciled , so as they continue two persons still ; and while the flesh suffered , the WORD stood still and looked on only , as Nestorius taught ; for that were not to be made flesh , but made with the flesh , not caro , sed cum carne , saith my reverend Author (i) . Nor finally was he made componendo , by compounding two persons together , and so a third thing produced of both , as Eutyches : for so he should be neither of both , neither the word nor flesh , neither God nor man. But made he was , as St. Paul tels us , assumendo , by taking the seed of Abraham , Heb. 2.16 . His generation before time , as verbum Deus , is as the enditing the word within the heart . His generation in time , as verbum caro , is as the uttering it forth with the voice . The inward motion of the minde taketh unto it a naturall body of Aire , and so becometh vocal . It is not changed into it , the word remaineth still as it was ; yet they two became one voice . Take a similitude from our selves . Our soul is not turned into , nor compounded with the body ; yet they two though distinct in natures , grow into one man. So Athanasius in his Creed . For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one man , so God and man is one Christ. So into the Godhead was the manhood taken , the natures preserved without confusion ; the person entire without division . The fourth General Councell so determineth also , Sic factum est caro ut maneret verbum , non immutando quod erat , sed suscipiendo quod not erat . Nostra auxit , sua non minuit , nec Sacramentum pietatis , detrimentum est Deitatis , i. e. He was so made flesh that he ceased not to be the Word , never changing what he was , but taking that he was not . We were the better , he was never the worse . The mysterie of Godlinesse was was no detriment to the Godhead , nor the honour of the creature wrong to the Creator . No wrong indeed it was , no detriment to the divine nature of the Word to be made flesh , and take upon him the infirmities of our humane nature ; but much to the advancement of our humane nature , which he took upon him : as many Kings and soveraign Princes have been made free of some particular Corporations under their commands , without diminution or impeachment of their Royal Power , and highly to the honour of those Companies or Corporations . Mortalis factus est non infirmata verbi divinitate , sed carnis suscepta infirmitate , as divinely Angustine in his De Civit. dei . l. 9. c. 15. And herein miserable man hath a great advantage of the Angels , though made lower then they in his creation , in that the WORD God for ever blessed , vouchsafed to be made in such manner of our rank and order , as he is not of theirs . From the manner passe we to the time when this work was wrought , which St. Paul cals plenitudinem temporis (k) , or the fulnesse of time , that is to say , when the time was come and fully accomplished , which God in his eternall wisdome had fore-determined ; which he had also signifyed to the house of Israel by the mouth of his Prophets . In reference to the civil Account , it was at the time when Herod a stranger to the bloud-royal of David , was King of Iewry ; and Augustus Caesar the sole Monarch of the Roman Empire . The first having translated the Scepter from Judah , and the Law-giver from between his feet , made an apparent way for the coming of Shiloh (l) , to whom the gathering of the people was now to be . The latter having the third time closed the Temple of Ianus , and setled an universal peace over all the Empire , made it the most agreeable time for the birth of him , who being called the Prince of peace by the Prophet Isaiah , proclaimed peace unto all the earth at the hour of his birth , and left it to his Disciples as his last Legacie at the time of his death . And it was also in the time of a general taxing , as our English , or rather of a general enrolment ( cum universus orbis describeretur saith the vulgar very answerably to the Greek Originals ) as the Rhemists read it . A time when every subject of the Roman Empire was to repaire to the head City of his family , there to list his name ; and to professe ( ut profiterentur , saith the Vulgar ) or make acknowledgment of his fealty and true allegeance to the Prince in being . A thing not done at random , or by humane providence , that by this means the Emperour might come to know , quot civium sociorumque in Armis (m) , the strength and number of his Subjects , as the Statists tell us ; but by the speciall dispensation and appointment of Almighty God. Though Christ had been conceived in Nazareth , a City of Galilee ; yet was he to be born in Bethlehem the City of David . And thither was Ioseph to repair , to be taxed ( or enrolled rather ) with Mary his wife (n) , that she being there delivered of her blessed burden , the word of God fore-signifyed by the Prophet Micah , might be fulfilled : viz. that out of Bethlehem-Judah there should come a Governour (o) , which should rule over the house of Israel . The shutting of the Temple of Ianus , and this general taxing or enrolment under the President-ship of Cyrenius point us directly to the 35. year of Augustus his Empire , in which CHRIST was born . And if it were esteemed ( as it seems to be ) so great an honour unto Cicero , that this Augustus was born when he was Consul ; ( Consulatui Ciceronis non mediocre adjecit decus , natus eo anno D. Augustus (p) , saith the Court Historian ) : how great an honour may we count it unto this Augustus , that CHRIST the Son of God , the very brightnesse of his Father , was born when he was Emperour ? And as the year , so is the very month and day of our Saviours birth transmitted to us from the best and purest times of the Christian Church ; though not recorded in the Scriptures . Theophilus Caesariensis , who lived about the latter end of the second Century , doth place it on the eight of the Calends of Ianuary ( which is the 25. of December ) as we now observe it : and reckoneth it as a festival of the Christian Church long before his time . Natalem Domini quocunque die VIII . Calend. Januar. venerit , celebrare debemus , as his own words are . And Nyssen though he name not the day precisely , yet cals it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the famous day of Christian solemnity (o) ; and placeth it in that point of time , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he telleth us there ) in which the dayes wax longer , and the nights grow shorter : which is ( we know ) about the time of the Winter Solstice . In an old Arabick copy of Apostolick Canons , it is especially appointed that the Anniversary feast of the Lords Nativity be kept upon the 25. day of the first Canun ( which is the same with our December ) on which day he was born . A Persian Calender or Ephemeris doth place it on the same day also . The Syriack Churches do the like , and so do the Aegyptian or Coptick Churches , as Mr. Gregory hath observed out of their Records : not to say any thing of Iohannes Antiochenus , the Author of an old MS. Cosmography , who doth affirme as much for the East parts of the Roman Empire . A day so highly esteemed in the former times , that the Greeks called it generally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the feast of Gods manifestation in the flesh ; Chrysostom , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (p) , the Mother or Metropolis of all other festivals : another of the Eastern Fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the festival of the worlds salvation . A day of such a solemn concourse in the Christian Church , that the Tyrants in the 10. Persecution made choise thereof as an especial opportunity for committing the greater slaughter of poor innocent souls : and therefore on that day ( in ipso natalis Dominici die (q) , as my Author hath it ) burnt down the Church of Nicomedia , the then Regal City of the East , with all that were assembled in it for Gods publick service . I know great pains have been unprofitably took to no other purpose , but to prove that Christ was born at some other time of the year , at least not on the day which is now pretended . But the Arguments on which the disproof is founded are so slight and trivial , that it were losse of labour to insist upon them . Suffice it , that the Church had far better reason to celebrate the birth-day of the Son of God , then any of the sons of men to suppresse the same . And this I call the birth-day of the Son of God , because from this day forwards he was so indeed , though not publickly proclaimed or avowed for such , till the day of his Baptisme (r) , when it was solemnly made known by a voice from heaven . The Word before , In the beginning was the Word , Ioh. 1.1 . The Word made flesh , and born of the Virgin Mary , and by that birth , the only begotten Son of God full of grace and truth , said the same Evangelist , v. 14. For though we did not look upon him as the word made flesh , his being born in such a miraculous manner of an untouched Virgin , would of it self assert him for the Son of God. So said the Angel Gabriel , the first Evangelist (s) , Therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called the Son of God. The Son of God , as soon as born of the Virgin Mary : because conceived and born in so strange a manner , so far above the course of nature , that none but God , the God of nature could lay claim unto him . For here the great miracle of the incarnation doth receive improvement , in that the WORD was not only made flesh , and born of a woman ; but born of such a woman as was a Virgin. That so it was we have the warrant of the Scripture . In the sixth month the Angel Gabriel was sent from God to a City of Galilee named Nazareth (t) , to a Virgin espoused to a man whose name was Joseph , of the house of David ; and the Virgins name was MARY . So far the Text informes us in the present business , giving her in one verse twice the name of Virgin , the better to imprint the same in our hearts and memories . And certainly it stood with reason that it should be so . For although Miracles in themselves are above our reason , because beyond the reach of all natural causes : yet doth it stand with very good reason , that since the WORD vouchsafed to descend so low ▪ as to be born of a woman , he should receive that birth from the purest Virgin , and be fashioned in a womb which was unpolluted . The pious care of his Disciples did conceive it fitting that his dead body should be laid in a Tomb or Sepulchre , where never man was laid before (u) . And was it not as fit , or fitter , that his living body great with Divinity and a soul ( for in him dwelt the fulnesse of the Godhead bodily (x) ) should be conceived in such a womb which had not been defiled with the seed of man , in whose most chast embraces and unblamable dalliances , there is a mixture of Concupiscence and carnal lusts . Most fit it was his Mother should be like his Spouse ; (y) of whom we finde it written in the Song of Solomon , that she is as a Garden inclosed , a spring shut up , a fountain ●ealed . Besides , the meanes and method of mans redemption was to hold some proportion with the meanes of his fall : that so that Sex might have the honour of our restauration , which had been the unhappy Author of our first calamity ; that as by woman the Devil took his opportunity to introduce death into the world ( for the woman being deceived was in the transgression , saith St. Paul to Timothy (z) ) ; so by a woman , and a Virgin ( such as Eve was then ) did Gods foreknowing will determine that life , even life eternall should be born into it . Eve the first woman out of an ambitious desire to be like to God , coveted after the forbidden tree of good and evill . The second Eve , if I may so call her ( as Christ is called the second Adam , 1 Cor. 15.45 . ) out of an obedient desire that God might be as one of us , did gladly bear in her womb the tree of life , of which whosoever eateth he shall live for ever (a) . Eve , as her name importeth , was the Mother of all living , of all that live this temporal and mortal life , the life of nature : and MARY in due time became the mother of that living Spirit , by whom we are begotten to the life of grace . So true is that of Gregory surnamed Thaumaturgus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) , that from the same Sex came our weal and wo. To drive this Parallel further yet . Eve at the time of the transgression was an untouched Virgin , a Virgin though betrothed to her husband Adam , ( for she was a Virgin espoused from her first creation ) when she conceived sin and brought forth iniquity : and Mary was an espoused Virgin ( espoused to a man whose name was Ioseph ) when she conceived the Son of righteousness , and brought forth salvation . And as the first woman conceived death by believing an evill Angel , without consulting with her husband till the deed was done : so the espoused Virgin of the present Article , conceived in her body the Lord of life , by believing the words and message of a good Angel , her husband being not made privy to it , till he perceived she was with child . Some reasons then there were why it should be so , why Christ our Saviour should be born of the purest Virgin , though those reasons do not make it to be lesse a miracle ; for nothing but a miracle and the holy Ghost , could have begotten such a child upon such a Mother . That by this means the miserable fall of man was to be repaired , it pleased God to declare unto our wretched Parents before they were exiled from the garden of Eden . It was the first and greatest comfort which was given unto them , that the seed of the woman should break the head of the serpent (c) , and that the serpent should but bruise the heel of the womans seed ; that is to say , that there should one be born of the womans seed , who by the sufferings of his body , his inferiour part , should overcome the powers of Hell , and set man free from that captivity in which he was held bound by Satan . And as it was the first in the generall promise , so was it ( as I think ) the cleerest and most evident light to point us out to the particular of bringing this great work to passe by a Virgin-birth . Though Adam was the root of mankinde , and lost himself and his posterity by his disobedience , yet was the promise made to Eve a Virgin ; and not to Adams seed at all , nor any to be procreated from the seed of man. It is a common resolution of the Schoolmen , that if Eve only had transgressed , Adamo in innocentia permanente , Adam continuing still in his first integrity , neither the souls of their posterity had been tainted with original sin , nor their bodie made subject unto death (d) . It was in Adam that all die , as St ▪ Paul hath told us (e) . It is in Adam that all die , but 't was in Eve , that all should be made alive : not in Eves person but her seed . The promise made to Eve a Virgin , that her seed should break the serpents head ▪ fore-signifyed , that our redeemer should be born of a Virgin Mother : such as Eve was , when this first publication of Gods will was made . A clearer evidence then which as to this particular , I think is hardly to be found in the book of God : that so much celebrated place of the Prophet Isaiah , Behold , a Virgin shall conceive , not being primarily intended of the birth of CHRIST , though in his birth accomplished in a more excellent manner , then first intended by the Prophet . The estate of Ahaz King of Iudah at that time , stood this ; A storme was threatned to his Kingdome from the joynt forces of Rezin King of Syria , and Pekah King of Samaria : which so dismaid the hearts of Ahaz and of all his people , that they were as the trees of the wood moved with the wind (f) , as the text informes us , not knowing upon what to fasten , nor for what to hope . In this great consternation comes Isaiah to them with a message from God , assuring them of the speedy destruction of those Kings whom they so much feared . But this when Ahaz durst not credit , nor would be moved to aske a signe from God to confirme his faith , and to assure himself of a quick deliveranc● : it pleased God to give him this by the mouth of the Prophet , Behold a Virgin shall conceive and bear a Son , and shall call his name Immanuel . Butter and honey shall he eat , that he may know to refuse the evill , and choose the good . For before the child shall know to refuse the evill , and choose the good , the Land that thou abhorrest shall be forsaken of both her Kings (g) . To say that this was literally and originally meant of the birth of CHRIST , is not consistent with the case and circumstances of the present businesse . The King and people were in danger of a present war , and nothing but the hope of a present deliverance was able to revive their desparing hearts . And what signe could it be to confirme that hope , that after 700. years and upwards ( for so long time there was between the death of Ahaz and the birth of Christ ) a Virgin should conceive and bring forth a Son. Cold comfort could there be in this to that generation , who could not hope for so long life as to see the wonder . So that the literal meaning of the Prophecie is most like to be , that before some noted Virgin then of fame and credit , or else within that space of time that any who was then a Virgin should conceive a child according to the ordinary course of nature ; and that that child should be of age to know good from evill , the two Kings spoken of before should be both destroyed . That so it is , seemeth very evident to me by the successe of the businesse . For in the next Chapter we find that Isaiah went unto the Prophetesse , ( perhaps the Virgin spoken of in the former passages ) and she conceived and bare a Son , whom the Lord commanded to be called Maher-shalal-hash-baz (h) ; and gives this reason for the name , being so unusuall , that before the child shall have the knowledge to cry my Father , and my Mother ( which is the same with that of refusing the evill and choosing the good ) the riches of Damascus and the spoyle of Samaria shall be taken away before the King of Assyria . And so it proved in the event . For before this Maher-shalal-hash-baz so conceived and born , was able to distinguish of meats , or know his Father and Mother from other people ; was the word fulfilled which God had spoken by the Prophet touching their deliverance : Pekah being slain by Hoseah the son of Elah , and Rezin by Tiglath-Pilesar the King of Assyria , within two or three years after the said signe was given . Of which see a King. 16.5 , 6 , 7 , &c. & Chron. 17.1 . But then we must observe withall , that this Prophecie being thus fulfilled in the literal sense , according to the Prophets intent and purpose , contained in it a more mystical meaning according to the secret purpose of Almighty God : this temporal deliverance of Ahaz and the house of Iudah from the hands of two such potent enemies , being a type or figure of that spiritual and eternal deliverance which he intended unto them and to all mankinde from the tyranny of sin and Satan . Which secret will and purpose of Almighty God , being made known to the Evangelist by the holy Ghost , he might and did apply it to the birth of Christ (i) , born of a most immaculate Virgin , as a more punctual fulfilling of that sacred Prophesie , then what before had hapned in the days of Ahaz . But MARY as she was a Virgin , a Virgin and the heir of the promise which was made to Eve , and made to Eve when she was yet a Virgin , though espoused to Adam : so was she also a daughter , if not an heir to all those blessings , which God had promised unto David ; the heir as some suppose of the Royal Fami●y , and thereby gave our Saviour an unquestioned title to the Realm of Iewry . But this I take to be a supposition so ill grounded ( though I see great pains taken in defence thereof ) that I dare not lay any part of my building on it . 'T is true , the Iews , who knew of his descent from David , and greedily laid hold upon all occasions for the recovery of their lost liberties , sought after him to make him King (k) . But this they did not on an opinion that he was the next heir unto the Crown , but because they thought him best able to make good the Title . For having seen him feed so many thousands of men with no more provision , then only a few Barly loaves and two small fishes : they presently conceived that he was able to raise victuals for a greater Army , then could be possibly withstood by the powers of Rome . The text and context make this plain to a Vulgar Reader . For no sooner had the people beheld the miracle , but presently they said , of a truth this was the Prophet (m) , whom they did expect : and if a Prophet , and that Prophet whom they did expect , then who more fit then he to be made their King ? Nor to say truth , was our Redeemer a Descendent of the Royal line , but the collateral line of David , none of which ever claimed the Kingdome , or the title of King , or exercised any special power , save Zorobabel only , and that but temporary for the better setling of the people after the Captivity . The Crown being entailed on Solomon and his posterity , ended in Ieconiah , the last King of that race : on whom this curse was laid by the Lord himself , that no man of his seed should prosper (n) . CHRIST therefore could not be of the seed of that wretched Prince , because we know his work did prosper in his hands , and that he is the Author of all prosperity both to Iew and Gentile . And more then so , the self same Prophet telleth us in the following chapter , that the Lord would raise unto David a righteous branch , a King which should both reign and prosper ; which is directly contradictory to that before : whose name should be the Lord our righteousness (o) ; and must be meant of Christ and of none but him . Though Ioseph might naturally spring from this Ieconiah , ( though it remain a question undecided to this very day ; whether Salathiel were his natural or adopted son ; ) yet this derives no title unto CHRIST our Saviour ; who was not of the seed of Ioseph , though supposed his son . Our Saviours own direct line by his Virgin-Mother was not from Solomon , but Nathan , the son of David ; of whom the holy Ghost saith nothing as concerning the Kingdome ; for Mary was the daughter of Heli , the son of Matthat , the son of Levi , and so forth ascendendo , till we come to Adam , according as it is laid down in the third of Luke . And this I call the line of Christ by his Virgin Mother , on the authority of St. Augustine in some tracts of his , the Author of the Book called De ortu Virginis , extant amongst the works of Hierome , and many late Writers of good credit : besides the testimony of Rabbi Haccanas , the son of Nehemiah , a Doctor of great esteem amongst the Iews : (p) who telleth us , that there was a Virgin in Bethlehem Iudah , whose name was Mary , the daughter of Heli , of the kindred of Zerubbabel the son of Salathiel , of the Tribe of Iudah , who was betrothed to one Ioseph of the same kindred and Tribe . Nor can I see , to what end St. Luke writing after St. Matthew , and having , doubtless , seen his Gospel , should make another pedegree for Ioseph then was made already , and that so different from it in the whole composure from Christ to David . I take it therefore for a certain and undoubted truth , that St. Luke reckoneth the descent of our Lord and Saviour , by the line of his Mother the daughter of Heli , ( Ioachim he is called in our Vulgar stories ) who is said to be the Father of Ioseph , because he married his said daughter , as Ioseph is there said to be the Father of Christ , because he was husband to his Mother . Some other difference there is in these two Genealogies , as that St. Matthew goes no higher then Abraham , and St. Luke followeth his as high as Adam : the reason of the which is both plain and plausible . For Matthew being himself a Iew , and writing his Gospel originally in the Hebrew language , for the instruction of that people : could not bethink himself of a better way to gain upon them , then to make proof that Christ our blessed Saviour was the Son of Abraham , in whose seed the whole Nation did expect their blessedness . And on the other side St. Luke being by birth a Gentile , of the City of Antioch , and so by consequence not within the Covenant which was made to Abraham , carryeth on the descent of Christ as high as Adam , who was the common Father both of Iews and Gentiles : to shew that even the Gentiles were within the Covenant which was made in Paradise , touching the restauration of lost man by the Promised seed . For Maries birth and parentage , I think this sufficient . A little more may here be added of the title of Virgin ; because called in this Article the Virgin , as by way of eminency . The Virgin Mary , saith the Article , and not a Virgin known or called by the name of Mary . Somewhat there is in this , there is no doubt of that : whether so much as many do from hence infer , may be made a question . That she continued still a Virgin after Christs nativity , I am well resolved of : notwithstanding all the cavils made against it by the Ebionites , Helvidius , Iovinian , and the Eunomian Hereticks . For who can think that Ioseph after such a revelation from the God of Heaven , that she had conceived with childe of the holy Ghost , should offer to converse with her in a conjugal manner : or that the blessed Virgin , if he had attempted it , would have permitted that pure womb , which had been made a Temple of the holy Ghost , to be polluted and profaned with the lust of man ? The piety of both parties is a forcible argument to free them from an act so different from all sense of piety . And yet Helvidius and his fellows had some Scripture for it ; for even the Devil could come in with his Scriptum est (q) , namely that passage in St. Matthew , where it is said of Ioseph , that he knew her not till she had brought forth her first born son (r) . A first born son , say they , doth imply a second ; and his not knowing her till then doth tacitly import that he knew her afterwards . And this they fortifie with that in the 6. of Mark ▪ where not only Iames and Iuda and Ioses and Simon are called his Brethren , but his sisters also are affirmed to be then alive . But the answer unto these Objections was made long ago , St. Hierome in his tractate against Helvidius having fully canvassed them . For first , the first begotten or first born , doth imply no second ; that being first , not which hath other things coming after it , but which hath nothing going before it . Et primus ante quem nullus (s) , as the Father hath it . And this appears most evidently by the law of Moses , by which the first born of every creature was to be offered unto God (t) . The first born not in reference unto those that are to come after , for then the owner of a flock or herd of cattel might have put off the sacrifice or oblation of the first born of his sheep or kine til he were sure to have a new increase in the place thereof : which the Law by no means would permit . And thus we say in common speech , that Queen Iane Seymour dyed of her first childe , and that King Edward the fift was murdered in the first year of his reign : where past all doubt neither Iane Seymour had more children , nor King Edward reigned more years then the first alone . And for the argument from the word until , ( or donec peperit , in the Latine ) it implyes no such matter as is thence collected : the word not having always such an influence as to imply a thing done after , because not before . When Christ promised his Disciples to be with them alwayes , till the end of the world (u) : think we his meaning was to forsake them then , that they should neither be with him , nor he with them ? I trow no man of wit will say it . And when the Lord said unto his CHRIST , Sit thou on my right hand until I make thine enemies thy foot-stool (x) : may we conclude , that when death , the last enemy shall be overcome , that he shall sit no longer at the Lords right hand . I hope none dare think it . More instances of this kind might be easily had , to shew the weaknesse of this inference , were not these sufficient . And for the Brothers and Sisters mentioned by St. Marke , either they were Iosephs children by a former wife , as Irenaeus (y) , and likewise all the Greek Fathers downwards , St. Hilarie and St. Ambrose amongst the Latines are of opinion : or else his nearest kinsmen ( as St. Hierome thinks ) which in the Idiom of the Iews were accounted Brethren (z) . But on the other side our great Masters in the Church of Rome , will not only have her to continue a Virgin , post partum , after the birth , as to the purity of her minde ; but also in partu ▪ in the birth , as to the integrity of her body . Durand one of their chief Schoolmen will needs have it so , not thinking it a sufficient honour to her to be still a Virgin , non solum carentia experientiae delectationis Venereae , not only by an inexperience of all fleshly pleasure , sed etiam membri corporalis integritate (a) , but in the clausure of her womb , the dotres whereof ( as they conceive ) were not opened by it . And unto this most of the great Rabbins of that Church do full wel agree . Assuredly these men with a little help might in time come to be of the Turkes opinion : who out of a Reverent esteem which they have of Christ will not conceive him to be born or begotten , according to the course of nature : but that the Virgin did conceive him by the smell of a Rose , and after bare him at her brests . But herein they run crosse to the antient Writers , who though they constantly maintained the perpetual Virginity of the Mother of Christ , yet such a corporal integrity in the act of Child-birth , as these men idly dream of , did they never hold . Tertullian very aptly noteth , that she was Virgo a viro , non virgo a partu (b) , a Virgin in respect that she knew not man , and yet no Virgin in regard of her bearing a child : which though it were conceived in a wonderful manner , yet ipse patefacti corporis lege , he came into the world by the open way . Pamelius in his notes accounts this and some other passages to this purpose amongst the Paradoxes of Tertullian . So doth Rhenanus too (c) , a more modern censurer , and yet confesseth that St. Ambrose was of this opinion ; so was St. Hierome too in his second Book against the Pelagians , who holds that Christ first opened those secret passages , though he after shut them up again . According to the judgment of which antient writers ( for those which followed them in time varyed somewhat from them ) it is the common resolution of the Protestant Schooles , that though Christ when he was born of his Virgin Mother , opened the passages of her womb , as all children do , yet she continued still a Virgin , because her mind was free from the thoughts of lust , and that she had conceived of the holy Ghost : nay that he may more properly be said to have opened the womb of Mary his mother , then any other first born do , because he found it shut at the time of his birth , which the first born of the sons of men do not . And being it is confessed by the greatest Schoolmen , that there may be an opening of the womb , without the losse of Virginity , as in the cure of some diseases , or on such an accident of which St. Augustine speakes in his first book De Civit. dei . c. 18. I should much wonder at the stiffenesse of the Papists in it , but that I know they lay it for a ground work of their doctrine of transubstantiation , and the local being of his body in more places at a time then one , by taking from it all the properties of a naturall body . But to say truth , they well may free Christs body from the bands of nature , when they have freed his mother from the bands of sin : not from the sins only of an higher nature , but even from slight and veniall sins , as they use to call them ; nor yet from actual sins only , but original also . To what this great exemption tends , we shall see anon . In the mean time we may take notice that this exemption from the guilt of original sin , is but a new opinion taken up of late , and not yet generally agreed on amongst them : there having been great conflicts about this priviledge , between Scotus and the Franciscans on the one side , Aquinas and the Dominicans on the other . But in the end , the devotions of the common people being strongly bent unto the service of our Lady , the Franciscans carryed it . Sixtus the 4. who had been formerly of that Order , not only ratifying by his Buls their doctrine of her immaculate conception , Ann. 1476. But for the further glory of it confirming a new festival on the 8 ▪ of December , which in honour of her said conception the Canons of the Church of Lions had of late begun . After when as the doctrine of original sin was agitated and debated in the Councell of Trent , this Controversie was as hotly followed , as if the Pope had never determined it . Nor would the Councell bring it unto any conclusion , for fear of giving offence to the side condemned (a) ; and therefore very warily did so state the point , as neither to exempt the Virgin from original sin , nor include her under the obnoxiousness and guilt thereof . Declarat Synodus non sibi esse propositum decreto hoc ( they mean the Canons which they made touching that particular ) B. Virginem comprehendere . For my part , I am loth to rob this most happy instrument of our Redemption , of any priviledge or exemption , whatsoever it be , which may consist with the analogy of faith , and the texts of Scripture . But when I finde in holy Scripture , that CHRIST came into the world to save sinners (b) , and that the Virgin did rejoyce in God her Saviour (c) ; either I must conclude that she was a sinner , ( if guilty only of original sin , it shall serve my turn ) or else that she needed not a Saviour . And when I read it in Nicephorus that she dyed in the 59. year of her age , and was attended to her grave by all the Apostles met together , not by chance , but miracle (d) ; I cannot but conclude her under the Law of sin , or else she had not been subject to the stroke of death ; which is the wages of sin (e) as St. Paul hath told us . No Saviour , if no sinner ; if no sin , no death . It must be either both or none , there 's no question of it . But it is easie to discern what this tends unto ; I mean the great care taken by the Church of Rome , to free this blessed woman from all manner of sin and humane infirmitie . Their meaning is to seat her in the throne of heaven , and place her in the Mediatorship between God and man , whereof she were not capable , if she were a sinner . By what degrees they came at last unto this height is not hard to shew . They went it seemes , on that old Philosophicall maxime , that the way to make straight a crooked stick , was to bend it quite the other way . This way was followed first on mistaken zeal , and afterwards pursued upon worldly prudence , Helvidius and those other Hereticks before remembred , would not allow her just attribute , the Virgin Mary , affirming with an high hand of impudence , eam post Christum natum viro suo fuisse commixtam , that after our Redeemers birth she was known by Ioseph . This was encountred presently with another extreme , the writers of the following times not only making her a Virgin in all mentall purity , but in corporal integrity also , (f) contrary to the judgment of Tertullian , Ambrose , Hierom , before remembred , and generally of the Greek Fathers , hardly one excepted : the Schoolmen thereupon devising this trim distinction , to reconcile those antients to their new opinion , that Christ was brought into the world , non fractione aliqua membrorum , sed dilatatione meatuum (g) . The Antidicomaritani , an old brood of Hereticks , devested her ( as their name imports ) of all manner of righteousness , making her not more holy then another woman (h) . And on the other side the Collyridians in dislike of this peevish humour , placed her above the reach of nature , afforded her divine honours , a dressing up a foure square Chariot , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as my Authour cals it ) did thereon sacrifice unto her as an heavenly Deity (i) . The Schoolmen treading in the steps of these Collyridians , and having little else to do then to broach new fancies , first freed her from all mortal , then from venial sins ; from actual first , and after from original also . And this the Champions of that Church have more hotly followed , because the Magdeburgians and some other of the Protestant Doctors , have made a muster of many crimes ( infirmities they might have called them , had they been so pleased ) with which they do as hotly charge her . Nestorius once Patriarch of Constantinople , though he allowed her the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Mother of Christ ; would not allowe her to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Mother of God ( and t is an expression I confesse , which at the first hearing doth not sound so handsomely ) . In opposition unto whom , Cyrill of Alexandria and the rest of the Prelates at that time ( having condemned his doctrine of the two natures in Christ , in the third General Councel ) did heap upon her all those Attributes , which might manifest their dislike of him and his cause together . Insomuch as Cyril doth not stick to call her in these early dayes (k) , pretiosum totius orbis thesaurum , i. e. the most precious treasure of the world , a lampe which cannot be put out , the crown of Chastity , the very scepter of true doctrine , ( sceptrum verae doctrinae ) and not the scepter of the Catholick faith as our Rhemists read it (l) . And so far there was no harm done , as long as those of Rome would contain themselves within the bounds prescribed by the antient Fathers , whose pious flourishes , devout meditations , and Rhetoricall Apostrophe's , aimed at nothing else , then the commemoration of her faith and piety . But let us look on the extravagancies of the writers of succeeding times , and we shall finde , that Anselm giveth this reason , why Christ , when ascended , left his Mother here , Ne curiae coelesti veniret in dubium , &c. (m) lest else the Court of heaven should have been distracted , whom they should first goe out to meet , their Lord , or their Lady . That Bernardin Senensis doth not stick to say , Mariam plura fecisse Deo , quam fecit Deus toti generi humano , that she did more to Christ in being his Mother (n) , then Christ to all mankinde in being their Saviour . That Gabriel Biel a Schoolman of good name and credit , hath shared the government of the world betwixt God and her ; God keeping Iustice to himself , Misericordia Virgini concessa (o) , and left to her the free dispensing of his Mercies . That Petrus Damianus tels us , that when she mediates with her Son for any of her special votaries , Non rogat ut Ancilla , sed imperat ut Domina (p) , she begs not of him as a handmaid , but commands as a Mistresse : that Bonaventure in composing our Ladies Psalter , hath applyed to her , whatever was intended by the holy Ghost to the advancement of the honour of her Lord and Saviour (q) : that she is called frequently in their publick Rituals , Mater misericordiae , Mater gratiae , Regina coeli , with other the like glorious title which she dares not own : that in the vulgar translation made Authentick by the Councell of Trent , in stead of He shall break thy head (r) which relates to Christ , they read it , Ipsa conteret caput tuam , she shall break thy head , which many of their Commentators do refer to her : that Bellarmine maketh at all , no difference betwixt the Veneration which is due to her , and that which doth belong unto Christ , as man : and finally that the vulgar sort in point of practise ( for needes such practise must ensue on such desperate doctrines ) do use to say so many Ave Maries for one single Pater noster (s) , hear day by day so many masses of our Ladies , and not one of Christs , adorn her images with all cost and cunning which mans wit can reach , whilest his poor Statues stand neglected as not worth the looking after . Wonder it is they have not practised on the Creed , aud told us how the Apostles had mistook the matter when they drew it up , and that it was not Jesus Christ but the Virgin Mary that suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucifyed , dead and buryed for the sins of man. Such are , and such have been the most known repugnancies , which have found entertainment in the Christian world , touching the Priviledges and Prierogatives of this blessed woman . Between these two extremes is the vertue placed which I perswade my self , hath been most happily preserved in the Church of England , retaining still two annual feasts instituted in the best times to her name and memory . We gladly give her all the honour which is due unto her , account her for the most blessed of all women (t) , a choice and most selected Temple of the holy Ghost , and happiest instrument of mans good , which hath descended simply from the loynes of Adam : but dare not give her divine honour , by erecting Altars to her service , going in pilgrimage to her shrines , or powring forth our prayers unto her . Finally we resolve with Epiphanius (u) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Let the blessed Virgin be had in reverence , but God only worshipped ; let her possesse principal place in our good opinions , so she have none in our devotions . But it is time to leave the Mother , and return again unto the Son. Now that which in this Article is expressed by the present words , Natus ex Virgine Maria , that is to say , born of the Virgin Mary , in that of Nice is thus delivered , and was made man. Some Hereticks had formerly called this truth in question , affirming that our Saviours body was not true and real , but only an ayery and imaginary body , as did the Marcionites ; others , that he received not his humane being of the Virgin Mary , but brought his body from the heavens , and only passed thorow her womb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as thorow a Conduit pipe ; as Valentinian (x) : as if our blessed Lord and Saviour had only borrowed for a time the shape of man , ther●in to act his woful tragedy on the publick Theatre of the world , and made the Virgins womb his trying house . And some again there were who did conceive his body to be free from passion , maintaining that it was impassibilis , and that he was not subject to those natural frailties and infirmities , which are incident to the Sons of men by the ordinary course of nature . To meet with these and other Hereticks of this kind , the Fathers in the Nicene Councel , expressed our Saviours being born of the Virgin Mary , which every Heretick had wrested to his proper sense , in words which might more fully signifie the truth and reality of his taking of our flesh upon him , in words which were not capable of so many evasions , declaring thus , that being incarnate by the holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary , factus est homo , he was made man ; and consequently was made subject unto those infirmities , which are inseparably annexed to our humane nature . This , that which positively is affirmed by the Apostle in his Epistle to the Hebrews (y) , where it is said , that we have not such an high Priest which cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities , but was in all points tempted like as we are , yet without sin . The high Priest which God gave us in the time of the Gospel , was to be such as those he gave unto his people in the time of the Law ; one who could have compassion on the ignorant , and on them ▪ that are out of the way , for that he himself is compassed also with infirmities (z) . The difference only stood in this , that our Saviours passions and infirmities were free from sin , and neither did proceed from sin or incline him to it , as do the passions and infirmities of men meerly natural ; which is the meaning of St. Paul in the place aforesaid , where he affirmeth of our high Priest , that he was tempted , that is to say , afflicted , tryed and proved in all things , like as we are , save only that it was without sin , or sinful motions . And to this truth the Catholick Doctors of the Church do attest unanimously . St. Ambrose thus , CHRIST , saith he , took upon him not the shew , but the truth , and reality of the flesh ; what then ? Debuit ergo et dolorem suscipere ut vinceret tristitiam (a) , non excluderet ; he therefore was to have a sense of humane sorrowes , that he might overcome them , not exclude them only . Fulgentius goes to work more plainly (b) , Nunc oftendendum est , saith he , &c. Now must we shew , that the passions of grief , sorrow , fear , &c. do properly pertain unto the soul ; and that our Saviour did endure them all in his humane soul , ut veram totam● in se cum suis infirmitatibus hominis demonstraret suscepti substantiam , that he might shew in himself the true and whole substance of man accompanied with its infirmities . The fathers of the Greek Church do affirme the same (c) When thon hearest ( saith Cyril ) that Christ wept , feared , and sorrowed , acknowledge him to be a true man , and ascribe these things to the nature of man : for Christ took a mortal body subject to all the passions of nature , sin alwayes excepted . Which when he had affirmed in thesi , he doth thus infer , Et ita singulas passiones carnis , &c. Thus shalt thou finde all the passions or affections of the flesh to be stirred in Christ , but without sin , that being so stirred up they might be repressed , and our nature reformed to the better . But none of all the Antients state the point more clearly then Iohn Damascene , in his 3. book De fide orthodoxa (d) , where he tels us this , We confesse , saith he , that Christ did take unto him all natural and blamelesse passions : for he assumed the whole man , and all that pertained to man , save sin . Natural and blamelesse passions are those which are not properly in our power , and whatsoever entred into mans life through the occasion of ( Adams ) sin , as hunger , thirst , weaknesse , labour , weeping , shunning of death , fear , agony , whence came sweat with drops of bloud . These things are in all men by nature ; and therefore Christ took all these to him , that he might sanctifie them all . With this agreeth the distinction of the latter Schoolmen , who divide the infirmities of the flesh into natural , and personal (e) , calling those natural which follow the whole nature of man , as hunger , thirst , labour , wearinesse , and even death it self ; those personal which arise out of some defect or imperfection in the constitution of the body , or disorder of diet , or from some other outward cause , as Agues , Leprosies , and the like . Then they infer , that all the frailties and infirmities ( you may call them punishments if you will , as indeed they are ) that are from without , and are common to the whole nature of man , were taken with our flesh by Christ , who came to be a Saviour of all men , without respect of persons ; but such as flow from sin dwelling within , or proceed from particular causes and are proper only unto some , those he took not on him . Aud of these passions and infirmities attendant on Christs humane nature , I have spoke the rather in this place , because it doth so manifestly conduce to the better understanding of the following Article , viz. his sufferings of all sorts under Pontius Pilate . ARTICLE V. Of the Fift ARTICLE OF THE CREED Ascribed to St. PHILIP . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Passus est sub Pontio Pilato ; crusifixus , mortuus , & sepultus . i. e. Suffered under Ponce Pilate , was crucified , dead , and buried . CHAP. V. Of the sufferings of our Saviour under Pontius Pilate ; and first of those temptations which he suffered at the hands of the Devil . FOr the finding out of the time of our Saviours Birth , St. Luke hath given us these two notes and characters , the Presidentship of Cyrenius over Syria (a) , and the taxing of all the world by Augustus Caesar , in the time of his ( Cyrenius ) government . And for the finding out the time of our Saviours sufferings , he hath given us most undoubted notes also , such as cannot fail us . (b) In the fifteenth yeer ( saith he ) of Tiberius Caesar , Pontius Pilate being Governour of Judaea , and Herod being Tetrarch of Galilee , his brother Philip of Iturea , and Lysanias of Abylene , Annas and Caiaphas being High Priests , the Word of God came unto John the son of Zacharias in the Wilderness : which was the first year of our Saviours Ministery , and consequently of those sufferings , whereof there hath been any notice taken in the Book of God. Now in this punctual list of names , that of most consideration in this present business is Pontius Pilates ; being only mentioned in the Creed : of whom we shall say somewhat in the way of preamble , his name not being inserted here for nothing ; and then descend unto our Observations on the present Article . But first we will remove a rub that hath stumbled many , which is the making of Annas and Caiaphas to be both high Priests at the same time , being a thing so plainly contrary both to the law and practise of the Iewish state . Certum est duos simul Pontifices eodem simul tempore Sacerdotium nunquam occupasse (c) . And so much is confessed by Calvin , though in the salving of the difficultie he mistakes the matter : affirming contrary to the Evangelist , non esse eundem ambobus titulum , that they did not both enjoy the Title , but that Caiaphas did suffer Annas , who was his Father in law , to participate in the honour with him , and be half-sharer as it were in that eminent dignity . As wide as this shoots the great Cardinal Baronius (d) , who will have Annas be the high Priest properly , and Caiaphas to be called so only , because he was one of the heads of those 24 Orders , into which David had divided the sons of Aaron : whereas his own Vulgar could inform him , that those heads are always called Primarii Sacerdotes , & Principes Sacerdotum , the chief Priests as our English reads it , but Summi Sacerdotes , or the high Priests , never . Nor doth Eusebius shoot much neerer , ( and I wonder at it ) who doth salve it thus , (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. that Christ began his Ministerie under Annas , and ended it under Caiaphas , about four years after : whereas it is manifest by Iosephus whom Eusebius citeth , that Annas was removed from the high Priesthood by Valerius Gratus (f) , being then Lord Lieutenant of the Province of Iewry , who left that Government to Pontius Pilate in the twelfth year of Tiberius Caesar , being three years at least before the beginning of our Saviours ministery . Others conceive that Annas only was high Priest , and that Caiaphas was his Sagan , or the second high Priest (g) , i. e. his Coadjutor or Assistant , ( which being he was his son in law , may not seem unprobable ) ; such an Assistant in dispatch of the publick service , as the Syncellus of late times was to the Patriarchs of Constantinople . But that which seems most probable in my opinion , his , that Annas was high Priest de jure , and Caiaphas , de facto . For howsoever Annas was put out by Valerius Gratus , yet being once consecrated to that Office he was still high Priest de jure , as in point of right , and so esteemed of by the Iews , to whom such innovations in their forms of Government were not very pleasing ; and that Caiaphas though high Priest de facto , did yet ascribe so much to the right of Annas , as to let him have a leading power in all great affairs . Which appears evidently in this , that Christ was carried first to the house of Annas , and examined there (h) , and after sent by him to the house of Caiaphas , to which the chief Priests , Scribes and Pharisees were convened together . And now to come to Pontius Pilate , he was made Governor of Iudaea ( as before was said ) in the twelfth year of Tiberius Caesar , upon the calling back of Valerius Gratus . A man he was of an austere and rigid nature , Vir pertinaci duroque ingenio , as it is in Philo (i) , and for the first essay of his future Government , had caused the images of Caesar to be secretly brought into Hierusalem , with an intent no doubt to place them in the holy Temple (k) . This caused a great tumult in the City , and the Countrey people joining with them , they went altogether to him to Caesarea desiring Pilate to remove those Images , and to preserve the antient laws and liberties of their Country . Which when he stifly did refuse to give ear unto , and that the Iews as stoutly were resolved not to be denyed , they offered him with one consent their naked throats , protesting openly ( with great alacrity and consent ) that they had rather be all cut in pieces then permit the Law of God to be so defiled . At sight whereof he did let fall his resolution , and in reward of such a brave and noble courage , ( especially not knowing otherwise how to quiet the people ) he was contented to remove them ; which was done accordingly . Another time saith the same Iosephus , he had a minde to rob the Corban , or the publick treasure of the Temple , under pretence of making Conduits in the City (l) . Which when the people understood , they rose up in a tumult , and being called to appear before him , sitting in his Tribunal or Judgement Seat , he caused the Souldiers of his Guard to fall upon them , not with swords but staves , who wounded many , and killed some ; and for the rest , falling on one another in an hasty flight ( as commonly men do in such affrightments ) they came unto a wretched and calamitous end . Such another wicked and ungodly act was the slaughter of the Galileans , who being more tender conscienced then the rest of the Iews , would not ( as they did ) offer sacrifice for the health of the Romans , and therefore came not to the Temple , the place of sacrifice , but held their Congregations , and performed their sacrifices by themselves apart (m) . This coming unto Pilates ear , and notice being given withal when they met together , he caused his men of war to fall upon them , and most cruelly put them to the sword . And these were those poor Galileans which the Gospel speaks of (n) , whose bloud Pilate is there said to have intermingled with their Sacrifices . This was not long before the time of our Saviours death , that is to say , about the third year of his Ministerie . So that being in himself of a barbarous and cruel nature , and fleshed in a continual course of shedding bloud , he was the more like to serve the turn of those murderous Iews , whom nothing else would satisfie but the death of the Saviour , their crucifying of their long expected Messiah . What became of him afterwards , I shall let you know towards the conclusion of this Article , when he had put an end , by death , to those many temptations and afflictions which our Saviour suffered , during the time of his command . This is enough by the way of Preamble to give the reader a short touch and character of him : and so to let him see with what truth and plainness S. Austin tels us of the man (o) , that he was put into the Creed or Symbol , not for the merit of his person , ( propter signationem temporis , non propter dignitatem personae , as the Father hath it ) but for the pointing out of the time of our Saviours passion ; which he doth also touch at in his Encheiridion to Laurentius , cap. 5. And so much briefly shall suffice for this present time touching the life and manners of this Pontius Pilate , under whom CHRIST suffered ; let us next look upon Christs sufferings under Pontius Pilate . Now for the sufferings of our Saviour they may be principally divided into internal and external ; the inward or internal being either temptations or afflictions , the outward or external , either shame or corporal punishments : and these again may be considered either as being inflicted on him before his crucifying , or in the act of crucifixion . Of these the first were those temptations which were laid before him by the Devil , immediately upon his Baptism , at the performance of which ceremony he was acknowledged by Iohn Baptist to be the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world (p) ; anointed for his following Ministery by the unction of the holy Spirit , descending visibly upon him in the shape of a dove ; and publickly proclaimed by a voice from heaven to be the beloved Son of God in whom he was well pleased (q) . This is the first alarm which the Devil took , and it concerned him to betake himself to his weapons presently . The Devil was an expert warrier , and was resolved not to be set upon in his own Dominions , but to give the first blow , as we use to say , and take the enemie whom he feared , at the best advantages which were presented , and as unprovided as he could . And therefore he drew after him into the Wilderness of Iudaea , into which our Saviour had been led by the holy Ghost . (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He was led into the Wilderness by the Spirit , as St. Matthew hath it , that is to say , a Spiritu Sanctitatis , as the Translatour of the Syriack , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the holy Spirit , as we read in Chrysostom . And so no question but it was . For by what spirit else but the Spirit of God could he be led into the Wilderness , to whom all other spirits in the world were subject , as they themselves confess in sundry places of the Gospel ? especially considering that the word is a word of violence , such as our Lord and Saviour was not subject to . For though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in St. Matthew be a word more gentle , and may imply a peaceable and quiet leading ; yet in St. Mark we finde , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was driven into the Wilderness by the Spirit : the holy Ghost or Spirit of God conducting him into the Desert , half against his will ; that is to say , with such reluctance in his will ( considering to what end he was carried thither , which was ut tentaretur a Diabulo , that he might be tempted of the Devil ) as many of Gods Saints have found within themselves , distracted between hope and fear , upon the undertaking of some dangerous enterprise . Of which St. Chrysostom in his Homilies on St. Matthew (s) gives us this good note , that we are not rashly and unadvisedly to thrust our selves into temptations ; which is a thing so contrary to Christs example , though we are bound by his example to resist temptations , as often as the Devil doth suggest them to us . In which it is a great part of our Christian duty to call upon the Lord our God , that he would be pleased not to lead us into temptation , or if he do , that he would graciously deliver us from the evil of it : and doing so to be assured that no temptation shall be laid upon us (u) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but such as incident to man , and may well be born ; that God will not suffer us to be tempted beyond our power , but will make way for us to escape , that being tryed in this fiery furnace of temptation , we may receive that Crown of life which the Lord hath promised to all those which overcome it (x) . Now in this story of the temptations of our Saviour , there are these three parts to be considered , the place , the preparation , and the temptation it self . The place or scene of this great action was the Wilderness of Iudaea , as before we said : not the inhabited parts thereof ( for there were many villages interspersed therein , as commonly there are in al great Forrests ) but those which were the furthest and the most remote from humane society . The spirit led him not ( saith Chrysostom ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into the City or the Market place , but into the Wilderness ; and more then so , into the least frequented and most savage part of it , where he conversed with none but Beasts , as St. Mark informs us (y) . And this was done on great and weighty considerations . First , he was led into the Wilderness , the better to comply with the type or figure of the Levitical Scape-goat , (z) , of which it is thus said in Scripture , that the Goat on which the lot fell to be the Scape-goat , shall be presented alive before the Lord , to make an atonement with him : And Aaron shall lay both his hands upon his head , and confess over him all the iniquities of the children of Israel , and all their transgressions in all their sins , putting them upon the head of the Goat , and shall send him away by the hands of a fit man into the Wilderness ; And the Goat shall bear upon him all their iniquities unto a land not inhabited , and he shall let go the Goat in the Wilderness . A Type or Figure most punctually agreeing with the Antitype , with our Redeemers going into the Desert , to a land not inhabited . No sooner had he been declared by St. Iohn the Baptist , to be the Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world ; no sooner was the burden of our iniquities laid upon his head ; but presently he is led by the holy Spirit , as by the hands of a fit man , into the midst of the Wilderness . And though some of the antient writers , as Iustin Martyr (a) , and Tertullian (b) , refer this figure of the Scape-goat to our Saviours passion ; and some of later times to his resurrection : yet in my minde Calvin hath hit more happily on the right application , then any of those which went before him . By whom it is conceived , and rightly , that of the two Goats which were brought before the Lord , the one was offered for a Sacrifice after the manner of the Law , the other was sent forth alive to be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a thing devoted to destruction for others (c) . For though ( saith he ) a more curious speculation may be brought , as that the sending away of the Scape-goat was a figure of Christs Resurrection : yet I embrace that which is more plain and certain , that the Goat sent away alive and free was vice piaculi , as a thing devoted to bear the brunt for others , that by his departure and leading away into the Wilderness , the people might be assured that their sins did vanish , and were carried away far out of sight . A second cause of leading our Saviour into the Wilderness , and to the parts thereof most retired from company , was to the end ( as the same Calvin is of opinion ) that he might undertake the Office of a publick Teacher , and an Embassadour from heaven with the more authority , (d) tanquam magise Coelo missus quam assumptus ex oppido aliquo & communi hominum grege , as being rather sent from heaven then taken out of any town or place of ordinary commerce . For so was Moses taken up by God into Mount Sinai , tanquam in Coeleste sacrarium , as into one of the revestries of the highest heavens , before the promulgating of the Law : and so Elias in like manner , Qui instaurandae legis Minister erat , whom God made choyce of to restore his Law to its primitive lustre , was by the Lord withdrawn aside to the Mount of Horeb , situate in the remotest part of this very Wilderness . In this particular both Moses and Elias had been types of Christ , who was to be the Mediator of a better Covenant (d) , i. e. a Covenant established upon better promises ; and therefore Christ to be conform to them in this particular , lest he should seem in any thing to fall short of them . The third and last consideration which occasioned the leading of our Saviour into the Wilderness , was to afford the better opportunity unto Satan , to pursue his business , to tempt and trie him to the purpose . For as St. Chrysostome well observes , (e) the Devil never is more busie to tempt men to sin , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when he findes them left unto themselves without help or company . This opportunity he took to seduce poor Eve , when she was all alone , and without her husband ; and speeding then so well in that great attempt , hath ever since made use of the like advantages . He found our Saviour in the Wilderness , and more then so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the most inaccessible places of it , saith the same St. Chrysostom (f) ; so that the loneliness of the place , seemed to concur with other circumstances , ( especially his beginning to be hungry after so long and great a fast ) to animate the old Tempter to give the onset , and to befool himself with the hopes of Victory . But here the Devil was deceived in his expectation , and gave himself the overthrow by his too much forwardness ; falling into the hands of that promised seed , (f) of which he had been told in the beginning of time , it should break his head . The second thing to be considered in this story of the Temptation of our Saviour , is the Preparation ; which is thus laid down by the Evangelists , (g) And when he had fasted forty days and forty nights , he was afterwards an hungred . For then the Tempter came unto him ; so St. Matthew hath it . But (h) St. Luke thus , He was led by the Spirit into the Wilderness , being forty days tempted of the Devil , and in those days he did eat nothing , and when they were ended he afterwards hungred ; and the Devil said unto him , &c. St. Mark more briefly , and with some difference from the other two . And he was in the Wilderness forty days , and was tempted of Satan (i) . Which different narration of these three Evangelists hath produced a doubt amongst the learned touching the very moment and point of time , when the Devil first began his onset ( whereof more anon ) but they do all well agree in this , that he fasted forty days , and forty nights , being the whole time that he continued in the Wilderness . And herein divers things are to be considered ; First , why our Saviour chose this time for so great a work . Secondly , Why he fasted forty days and forty nights , neither more nor less ; And thirdly , what was after done by the Church of God in reference to this great example . And first it may be thought that he chose this time , because he then began to set himself in more special manner to the great work of our Redemption ; which was not to be wrought but by humbling of himself for us , under the mighty hand of his heavenly Father ; and fasting is a special act of humiliation : in which respect the Church hath taught us thus to pray in her publick Liturgies ; O Lord which for our sakes did fast forty days and forty nights , &c. (k) , Secondly we may think that he chose this time , that by this exercise of fasting he might prepare and fit himself for the discharge of the Prophetical Office , the function of the holy Ministery , which he was pleased to take upon him . Not that he needed in himself , to whom God had not given the spirit by rule or measure (l) , but partly to comply with the examples of Moses and Elias in the former times , who had both betook themselves to fasting on the like occasions : and partly to leave an example to his Church , which they were to follow , in calling men unto the Ministery of the Gospel . Which Precedent as we finde it followed in the Ordination of Paul and Barnabas and other Presbyters of the Church , in the best and Apostolical times (m) : so gave it a fair hint to the times succeeding , to institute four solemn times of publick fasting , ( which they called jejunia quatuor temporum , we the Ember-weeks to be the set and solemn times of giving Orders , in the Church , and calling men unto the Ministry of the same ; to the end that all the people might by prayer and fasting apply themselves unto the Lord ; humbly beseeching him to direct the Fathers of the Church to make choyce of fit and able labourers to attend his harvest , as also to enable those who are called unto it , and give them gifts and graces fitting for so great a business . Which antient institution of the Church of God , as it is prudently retained in this Church of England , according to the 32 Canon of the year 1603. in which all Ordinations of Presbyters and Deacons are restrained to those four set times : so were it to be wished that the same authority would establish publick meetings and set forms of Prayer to be observed at those times , that so with one consent of heart both Priests and people might commend that religious work to the care and blessings of the Lord ; according as it was directed in the Common-Prayer Book intended for the use of the Church of Scotland . There was another reason which induced our Saviour to make choyce of this time for his fast ; which was , the better to draw on the Tempter to begin his assault , but this will better fall within the compass of the third general point to be considered in this story , that is to say , the main act of it , or the temptation it self . In the mean time we may consider what might be the reason , why he fasted forty days and forty nights , neither more nor less . In which it is first to be observed that it is not only said that he fasted forty days , and no more then so , but forty days and forty nights . Which caution was observed by St. Matthew for this reason , chiefly left else it might be thought by some carnal Gospellers that he fasted only after the manner of the Iews , whose use it was to eat a sparing meal at night , having religiously fasted all the day before . Si ergo diceretur quod Christus jejunaret quadraginta diebus , ( without making mention of the nights ) intelligeretur quod per noctes comedebat sicut Judaeis solitum erat (n) , as Tostatus notes upon the Text ( which also is observed by Maldonat , Iansenius , and some other of the Romish Writers ) and then there had been little in it of a miracle , either to work upon the Iews , or confound the Devil . As well then forty nights as forty days to avoid that cavil . And there was very good reason too why he should fast just forty days and forty nights , neither more nor less . Had he fasted fewer days then forty , he had fallen short of the examples which both Moses and Elias left behinde them on the like occasions ; ( on like occasion , I confess , but on less by far ) both which were by the Lord enabled to so long a fast , that by the miracle thereof they might confirm unto the Iews the truth of their doctrine . For seeing that they fasted longer then the strength of nature could endure ; it must needs be that they were both assisted by the God of nature , whose service and employment they were called unto . And though perhaps a longer and more wonderful fasting might have been expected from our Saviour considering both who he was , and of how much a better and more glorious Ministery he was to be employed by the Lord his God : yet he resolved not to exceed the former number , nor to make use of that assistance which he might easily have had of those blessed Angels , who as St. Mark saith , ministred unto him (o) . And this he did upon two reasons . First , to demonstrate to the world , Evangelium non dissentire a lege & Prophetis , as St. Austin hath it (p) , what an excellent harmonie there was between the Law and the Prophets ( whereof Moses and Elias were of most eminent consideration ) and that his own most glorious and holy Gospel , of which he was to be the Preacher : and secondly , lest peradventure by a longer and more unusual kinde of fast , then any of the former ages had given witness to , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as we read in Chrysostom (q) , the truth of his humanity , his taking of our flesh upon him , might be called in question . Of any mystery which should be in the number of forty , more then in another , I am not Pythagorean enough to conceive a thought , no not so much as in my dreams ; as never having been affected with that kinde of Theologie , or the like curious and impertinent nothings . Nor am I apt to think , as many of the Papists do , that men are bound by any Precept of our Saviour or of his Apostles to observe the like fast of forty days , which we call commonly by the name of Lent ; ( Iejunium-Quadragesimale in the Latine Writers ) or that his glorious and divine example was purposely proposed unto us for our imitation , as some others think . The silence of the Evangelical Scriptures which say nothing in it , and the unability of our weak nature to imitate an action of so vast a difficulty , are arguments sufficient to perswade the contrary : such as have finally prevailed on Iansenius and other modest Romanists , to wave the plea of imitation , and to ascribe the keeping of the Lent fast to such other reasons , as shall be presently produced in maintenance of that antient and religious observance . And on the other side I will not advocate for Calvin , ( as I see some do ) who being at enmity with all the antient rites and Ordinances of the Church of Christ , doth not alone affirm that the keeping of it in imitation of our Saviour is mera stultitia , in plain tearms , a flat piece of foolerie (r) : but tels us also of the Fathers who observed this fast , that they did ludere ineptiis ut simiae , play like old Apes with their own Anticks ; chargeth them with I know not what ridiculous zeal , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he cals it ; and finally affirms the whole fast so kept , to be impium & detestabile Christi ludibrium , a detestable and ungodly mockage of our Saviour Christ , whether with less charity or wisdome , I can hardly say . For ( that I may crave leave to digress a little ) most sure it is that the Lent fast , according as it was observed in the Primitive times , was not alone of special use to the advancement of true godliness and increase of piety ; but also of such reverend Antiquity that it hath very good right and title to be reckoned amongst the Apostolical Traditions , which have been recommended to the Church of God. The Canons attributed to the Apostles , which if not theirs , ( as many learned men do conceive they are ) are questionless of very venerable Antiquity , do thus speak for Lent , Can. 69. Si quis Episcopus aut Presbyter , i. e. If a Bishop , Priest , or Deacon , or of any other holy Order , kept not the holy fast of Lent , let him be degraded , unless it be in case of sickness : Si laicus sit , Communione privetur , but if a Layman do not keep it , let him be debarred from the Communion . Ignatius one of the Apostles scholars , and one who , as it is believed , saw Christ in the flesh ; in his Epistle to the Philippians doth advise them thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let none despise the Fast of Lent ; for it contains the imitation of our Lords example : which is full enough . Tertullian the most antient of the Latine Fathers whose works are extant in the world (s) , speaks of it by the name of jejunium Paschatos , or the Easter fast , ( because it doth immediately precede that solemn festival ) and reckoneth it amongst those publick orders which the Church was bound to keep from the first beginning ; though then he was an enemie to all publick orders , and an open Montanist . St. Ambrose a most godly Bishop , accounts it as a special gift and blessing of Almighty God (t) , ( Hanc quadragesiman largitus est nobis Dominus , &c. ) that he appointed Lent unto prayer and fasting . And Leo , a right good and godly man too , though a Pope of Rome , affirmeth positively , (u) Magna divinae institutionis salubritate provisum esse , &c. that it was ordained by divine Institution for the clensing and purging of the soul from the filths of sin . Not that they thought there did occur any Precept for it , delivered in the Volume of the Book of God , ( we must not so conceive or conclude their meaning ) : but that both for the time of the year and the set number of days , they had a special eye to this fast of Christs , as to the most convenient direction which the Church could give them . St. Hierome though he make it not a divine institution , yet reckoneth it for an Apostolical Tradition ( which is as much as the two former do affirm , rightly understood ) ; saying (x) Nos unam Quadragesimam secundum traditionem Apostolorum , &c. that is to say , We fast one Lent in the whole year ; at a fit and seasonable time , according to the tradition of the holy Apostles . Finally St. Augustine speaks thereof , as a most wholesome and religious institution , of great antiquity and use in the Church of Christ , not only in his 74. Sermon de Diversis , and the 64. of those de Tempore , whereof some question hath been made amongst learned men ; but also in his Epistle unto Ianuarius (y) , of the authority whereof never doubt was raised . And here I might proceed to St. Basil , Chrysostom , and other the renowned lights of the Eastern Churches ; but that sufficient to this purpose hath been said already , especially for us and for our instruction , who have been always counted for a Member of the Western Church . Now as the institution of this Lent-fast is of great antiquity , so was it first ordained and instituted upon such warrantable grounds , as kept it free from all debate and disputation till these later times : save that Aerius would needs broach this monstrous Paradox , ( for which he stils stands branded as a wretched Heretick ) Non celebranda esse statuta jejunia (z) , sed cum quisque voluerit jejunandum ; that no set fasts were to be kept , neither Lent , nor others , but that it should be left to mens Christian liberty . For whereas it is very fit (a) , ( as a learned man of this Church very well observes ) that there be a solemn time at least once in the year , wherein men may call themselves to an account for their negligences , repent them of all their evil doings , and with prayers , fasting , and mourning turn unto the Lord : this time was thought to be the fittest , both because that herein we remember the sufferings of Christ for our sins , which is the strongest and most prevailing motive that may be to make us hate sin , and with tears of repentant sorrow to bewail it ; as also for that after this meditation of the sufferings of Christ , and conforming of our selves unto them , his joyful Resurrection for our justification doth immediately present it self unto us in the days insuing , in the solemnities whereof men were wont with great devotion to approach the Lords Table , and they which were not yet baptized were by Baptism admitted into the Church . Thus then it was not without great confideration , that men made choyce of this time wherein to recount all their negligences , sins , and transgressions , and to prepare themselves by this solemn act of fasting , both for the better performance of their own duties in those following days of joyful solemnity , as also to obtain at the hands of God the gracious acceptance of those whom they offered unto him to be entred into his holy Covenant ; it being the use and manner of the Primitive Church , never to present any unto Baptism , unless it were in case of danger and necessity , but only in the Feasts of Easter and Whitsontide . Which being the reasons moving them to institute a set and solemn time of fasting , and to appoint it at this time of the year rather then another ; they had an eye , as for the limitation of the number of days to our Saviours fast of forty days , in the dedicating of the new Covenant ; not as precisely tyed to that time at all by the intent and purpose of the Lords example , but rather that by keeping the same number of days , we may the better keep in remembrance his fasting and humiliation for the sake of man , and thereby learn the better to express our duty and affections to him . Some other reasons are alleadged for this yearly fast , of which some are Political (b) , for the increase of Cattel in the Common-wealth , that being as we know full well , the great time of breed ; some Physical , for qualifying of the bloud by a slender diet of fish , hearbs and roots , the bloud beginning at that time of the year to increase and boyl ; and some Spiritual , shewing the use and necessity of mortification at that time of the year , in which the bloud beginning to be hot and stirring as before was said , is most easily inflamed with the heats of lust . And on these great and weighty reasons as the Church did institute , and all the States of Christendome confirm the strict keeping of it : so hath it hitherto been retained in this Church of England , as far as the condition of the times would bear : in which there is a solemn and set form of service for the first day of Lent , which the Antients called by the name of Caput jejunii , as also for every Sunday of it , and for each several day of the last week of it , ( the holy week , as commonly our Fathers called it ) and abstinence from flesh injoyned from the first day thereof till the very last , according to the usage of the purest times ; and all this countenanced and confirmed by as good authority as the Laws and Statutes of the Realm can give unto it . Which holy time , had it been as carefully and conscionably observed by all sorts of people , as it was prudently and piously ordained at first ; we had no doubt escaped many of those grievous plagues , with which the Lord of late hath scourged us , and even consumed us unto nothing by our own licentiousness . But to proceed to the third general point contained in the story of the Lords temptation , in which there is a doubt as before was said , touching the very moment and point of time , which the old Tempter took to give the onset ; occasioned by the different narrations of the three Evangelists : that is to say , whether the Devil tempted him all those forty days , and then gave him over ; or that he did not trouble him , and begin the business , until the forty days were past , and his fast was ended . St. Matthews words do seem to intimate , nay to say expresly , that the Tempter did not come unto him till his fast was ended , and that afterwards he was an hungred : and this more literally agrees with the particulars of the following story . But on the other side it is said in Luke , that he was led into the Wilderness , being forty days tempted by the Devil , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek text reads it : and then how could the Devil set him upon one of the Pinnacles of the Temple if he were all the time of his Temptation within the bowels of that Desert ? For resolution of which point (c) Eusebius and St. Cyril two Greek Fathers , though they keep the words , yet they do point them otherwise then we read them now in our printed copies ; referring the forty days (d) which are there spoken of not to his being tempted of the Devil , but to his being in the Wilderness . And then the reading will be thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that is to say , And he was led into the Wilderness forty days , being tempted of the Devil , &c. And so it seems it stood in those antient copies , which were consulted by the Author of the Vulgar Latine , whosoever he was ; in which we read , Et agebatur in Spiritu in deserto diebus quadraginta , & tentatur a Diabolo . Which reading if it be allowed of , as I see no reason but it may , then the doubt is ended , and the appearing difference fairly reconciled . Otherwise we may say , and no doubt , most safely , that he was tempted by the Devil all those forty days , as is said by Luke , and after they were ended also , as we finde in Matthew : that is to say , as Euthymius (e) very rightly noteth , the Devil tempted him in those days , ( the said forty days ) as it were a far off , by sleep , sloth , heaviness , and the like , but after he knew him once to be hungry , then he set upon him ( prope & manifeste , as the Author hath it ) more visibly , and hand to hand , namely in those three great temptations which the story mentioneth . So then , the nick and point of time in which the Devil did apply himself most closely to the work intended , was cum esuriret , when he began to be an hungry . As long as our Redeemer kept himself unto prayer and fasting , the Devil either did not trouble him , or it was either with such trivial and light temptations as made no impression , and neither interrupted him in his holy course , nor caused him to intermit the business he was then upon , by making any necessary replies to his lewd suggestions . But when he began to be an hungry , when his minde seemed to be upon his belly ( if I may so say ) then did the Devil think it was time to work him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it was notably well observed by Chrysostom (f) to this very purpose . So excellent is the force and efficacy of an holy fast , that it keeps the Devil at a distance . This difficulty thus passed over , we shall next look on the particular temptations which those Gospels speak of . In which it is to be observed , that whereas St. Iohn makes mention of three kindes of lust , which mightily prevail on the affections of us mortal men (g) , viz. the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eyes , and the pride of life : the Devil tempted CHRIST in all , and in all was vanquished . He tempted him in the first place with the lust of the flesh , when he found that after such and so long a fast , he began to be hungry , and was reduced to such extremities as to be forced to seek his bread even in desolate places : and said unto him , if that thou beest the Son of God , as the late voyce from heaven did seem to signifie , command that these stones be made bread to appease thy hunger , and satisfie that natural necessity which is now upon thee . An opportunity well taken , and as strongly followed , had it been answered with success . For commonly when men are in distress and want , they are then most apt either to distrust the Lord their God as if he left them to themselves without hope of relief ; or else to use unlawful means to relieve themselves , which was the point the Devil thought to bring him to by this first temptation . But when he failed of this design , he pressed him in the next place with the lust of the eye , taking him up upon an exceeding high mountain , shewing him all the Kingdomes of the World , and the glories of them (i) ; and offering to bestow them all upon him , if he would only yeild so far as to fall down and worship him . Impudent wretch , thou worst of all wicked spirits , saith Ignatius (k) , how was it that thou didst not fear , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to utter such a sawcy voyce to the Lord of all things ? And yet a far more impudent braggart , to make an offer of those things which he had no power of , the Kingdomes of the earth , and the glories of them being holden of no other Lord , then the Lord our God. And here it is to be observed , that whereas in the former onset which only did relate unto Christ himself , he only did reply upon him with a Scriptum est ; in this , wherein the glorie of his heavenly Father was concerned so highly , he addes an Apage , or rebuke , Get thee hence thou Satan . So that the Devil failing at the two first weapons , betakes himself unto the last , the pride of life , setting him on a pinnacle of the holy Temple , saying , if thou bee the Son of God , as credulous men are made believe by the late great miracle of a voyce supposed to be from heaven , do somewhat to confirm them in that belief , teque assere coelo (l) , somewhat which may indeed make manifest that thou art from heaven , and answerable to the testimony which that voyce gave of thee : and a more sure and easie trial thou canst never meet with then by casting thy self down from hence , knowing so well how all the Angels are at hand to attend upon thee , and carry thee upon their wings that thou take no harm . This was the Devils last attempt , and he failed in this too ; our Saviour keeping still to his old ward , and beating off all his blows with a Scriptum est : to teach us that the Word of God is the best assurance we can have to rest our selves upon in the day of Temptation ; and that there is no readier way to quench the fiery darts of Satan , then to be always furnished with the waters of life . This done , the Devil finding him impregnable , and that he did but lose his labour in those vain assaults , gives him over presently ; He left him to himself , as St. Matthews (m) tels us , and thereby made that good in fact which is recorded of him by St. Iames the Apostle (n) , Resist the Devil and he will flie from you . And yet he left him so as to come again ; He departed from him for a season (o) , as St. Luke informs us ; and he that goes away for a season only , hath animum revertendi , a purpose of returning when he sees occasion ; and when he meets with those occasions , we shall finde him at it . In the mean time , there are some doubts to be resolved touching these temptations , which we will first remove and then pass forwards . For first a question may be made , how the Devil could so suddenly take our Saviour up , and set him on a pinnacle of the holy Temple , being a place so remote from the heart of the Wilderness . But the answer to this doubt is easie , would there were no worse . Read we not how a good Angel laid hold on Habacuc (p) , and took him by the hair of the head , and carryed him with his dinner in a moment of time from the land of Iewrie unto Babylon . And then why may we not conceive but that the Devil , though an evil Angel ( yet an Angel ) might take up Christ into the ayr , and carry him to the top of the Temple , and arrest him there ? especially our Saviour making no resistance , but rather giving way unto it , and perhaps facilitating the attempt . For that the Devil could do nothing against him , without , much less against his will , is a truth past questioning . But then there is a greater difficulty occurring in the story of the second temptation ; where it is said ( which seems impossible to be comprehended , that having taken Christ unto the top of the mountain , he shewed him all the Kingdomes of the world , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith St. Luke , in a moment of time (q) . For resolution of which doubt we must first premise , that those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render in the English , in a moment of time , are a Proverbial kinde of speech , as Erasmus noteth (r) , by which the Grecians use to signifie a short space of time : as where Plutarch saith , (s) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , our whole life is but a short time , and yet far longer then a moment . Agreeably whereto the Translator of the Syriack doth thus read the words , ( which Translation is of great and approved Antiquity ) . He , i. e. Satan , shewed him all the Kingdomes in a very small time . And this premised , the doubt may easily be resolved by those two answers , or by which of them the Reader pleaseth . Some think that Satan gave him not a particular inspection of every place , but a general direction to the coasts and parts of the earth where those Kingdomes lay , the rest being supplyed by speech and not by sight ; and of this minde is he that made the Expositions on St. Matthew ascribed to S Chrysostom . Satan ( saith he ) did not so shew those Kingdoms unto Christ , that he saw the very Kingdomes themselves , or the Cities , people , gold , and silver in them , but the parts of the earth in which every Kingdome and the chief City of it stood (t) . And then it followeth ( to the same purpose and effect which before we spake of ) . For Satan might most directly point with his finger unto every place , and then relate in words express the state and glories of each several Kingdome . With whom agreeth Euthymius Zigabenus amongst the Antients (u) , and Musculus a man of no mean learning amongst later Writers . Others conceive that as the Devil can transform himself into an Angel of light , so he is able also to make spectres , or false shews of any thing , ( when he is suffered so to doe by Almighty God ) to deceive mens eyes : as the Magicians of Egypt turned their rods into Serpents , and changed the rivers into bloud , and brought frogs upon the land of Egypt . Experience of all Ages doth confirm this truth . And therefore it may be believed to be no hard thing for him , to frame the appearances of Kingdomes and Cities , and shew the similitudes of them from every part of the earth . And to this Calvin doth incline , though very modestly he leaveth every man to his own opinion (x) . A most learned Prelate of our own likes a third way better (y) , and thinks that Satan might shew , and Christ might see all those places themselves , with all the pomps and glories of them , for that Satan being an Angel had another manner of sight , even in the body which he assumed , then we mortals have ; and Christ when it pleased him , could see both what and whither he would , notwithstanding all impediments which were interjected , as appeareth by his own words unto Nathaniel , ( for which Nathaniel did acknowledge him for the Son of God ) Before Philip called thee , when thou wert under the fig-tree , I saw thee (a) . In such variety of Answers , each of them being satisfactory to the doubt proposed , and all agreeable to the analogie or rule of faith , I leave the Reader to his own choyce , and to rely on that which he thinks most probable . And now to draw unto an end of that part of our Saviours sufferings , which consisted in diversity of strong temptations ; although the Devil left him for a season as before was said , yet he resolved within himself not to give him over ; but to make use of other means , and try other ways , for the effecting of his enterprise . And to this end he seeks to tempt him to ambition , by offering him the crown of his own Country , in the way of a popular election , working upon the common people to come and take him by force and to make him King (b) . He tempts him also to vain glory , by the shouts and acclamations of the Vulgar , Nec vox hominem s●nat (c) , Never man spake as this man speaketh . He tempts him also to self-love , to have a greater care of his own preservation then of doing the will of him that sent him : and therein he makes use of Peter one of Christs dom●stick● , his principal Secretary as it were , one of counsel with him . And Peter in pursuance of the dangerous drift , took him aside , advised him to have more care of himself then so , Let this be far from thee O Lord (e) , and was rejected for it in the self same termes , Get behinde me Satan , wherewith the very Devill was repulsed before . Finally during the whole time of his earthly pilgrimage , of his conversing in our flesh , the Devill never failed in his endevours , sometimes himself , and sometimes by the means of others , either by flatteries or by contumelies to prevail upon him ; though alwayes to his own losse , and to the greater ruine of that Kingdome of darknesse , which he had founded on this earth . And these we reckon for the first part of those inward sufferings which our Redeemer did endure under Pontius Pilate : not by exciting in his heart any evill motions , in which respect we men are said most commonly to be tempted inwardly ; but by presenting to his senses such continuall objects , as he conceived most like to work on the inward Man. For otherwise it cannot be affirmed of CHRIST that he was tempted inwardly , that is to say , by any motions rising from within , without manifest Blasphemy . And to this , all sound Orthodox Christians have agreed unanimously . Thus Gregory amongst the Latines (f) , Omnis illa tentatio Diabolica foris non intus ; all that temptation of the Devill was not inward but outward . And thus Theophylact for the Greeks (g) , The Devill , said he , appeared to Christ in some visible shape , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; for thoughts ( that is to say , any thoughts of sin ) Christ admitted not . The Lord forbid we should conceive such a wicked fancie . Thus Calvin finally for the latter writers (h) , It is , saith he , no errour or absurdity to thinke that CHRIST should be tempted of the Devill , modo ne intus , hoc est in mente et anima quicquam putemus passum fuisse , so that we do not hold that he suffered any thing in his minde or soul. So to make the thoughts and cogitations of the heart of Christ to be inwardly moved with pride , presumption , infidelity , and Idolatry , as some men have done (i) , the better to find out the paines of hell in our Saviours soul ; were to be guilty of their sin , who to that end have vented most blasphemous figments and pernicious impostures , to the seducing of the simple , the hurt of their own souls , and the dishonour of Christ. But of this we shall speak more at large in the following Article , of Christs descending into hell : for the misconstruing of which Article , or rather for the totall expurgation of it , it was first invented . We now proceed to those afflictions which assalted inwardly , which wrought upon his soul only , on the inward man ; and then to those which were inflicted also upon his Body , so far forth as they did precede his Crucifixion , which shall come after by it self . CHAP. VI. Of the afflictions which our Saviour suffered both in his soul and body under Pontius Pilate , in the great work of mans Redemption . THat CHRIST our Saviour was tempted in all things (a) , as we are , yet without sin , ( that is to say , without the least internal motion and provocation of the heart to sin ) as we are not ; hath been abundantly discovered in the former Chapter . We now proceed to those affictions which he suffered for us in his minde or soul , those griefes of heart and anguish of the Spirit which did fall upon him , in reference to the great work of mans redemption ; for as for those which seized upon him out of particular affections , as his groaning in the Spirit over the grave of his dead friend Lazarus (b) , or the lamenting those calamities which he foresaw would shortly fall on his native Country ; they do not come within the compasse of this disquisition . And these we purpose to examine with the greater industry , because there is a sort of men , as before I said , that to elude the true and genuine meaning of Christs descent into hell , have fancied to themselves and proclaimed to others , that they have found the pains of hell in our Saviours soul ; and that there was no other descent of Christ into hell then the extremity of those hellish and most dismal pains , which he suffered in his humane soul here upon the earth . And first to take those texts in , order in which those sorrowes and afflictions are most plainly met with , in the first place we finde him in the garden of Gethsemane , the place designed for the great combat betwixt him and Satan : where taking with him Peter , and the two sons of Zebedee , it is said (c) , that he began to be sorrowfull , and very heavie ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek text hath it . St. Mark (d) with the alteration of one word only doth deliver it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he began to be sore amazed and very heavy ; coepit contristrari & verementer angi , saith the translatour of the Syriack . This was it seemeth with him the beginning of sorrowes , for it is said that he began to be sorrowful and sore amazed : which though it was a sad beginning , yet it was mastered in the end . For though he began to be affraid and sore amazed upon the apprehension of those bitter pangs of death which he was to struggle with : yet he no further did submit to this passion of fear and this discomfiture of amazement , then to expresse the naturall horror which he had of that deadly cup whereof he was presently to drink ; not suffering it to possesse him wholly , or to bear dominion over him , or to work in him any such corruptions , as we frail men are subject to in the like extremities . And this is that and only that which is meant by Origen (e) , where he affirmeth , Coepit pavere vel tristari , nihil amplius tristitiae vel pavoris patiens , nisi principium tantum . No such amazement , no such sorrow as might make him lose either speech , or sense , or memory , as some men imagine ; much lesse to pray he knew not what (f) , but least of all to pray expresly against the known will of his heavenly Father . Nor will the words in the Original admit any such meanning . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Scripture ●ignifies no such amazement , as takes away mens senses from them : which appeares evidently in this , that when he descended from the mountain where he was transfigured , the people which saw him were amazed ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the text ) (g) and yet they came unto him , and saluted him , as the Gospell tels us . So when they saw him cast out Devils by his word alone , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they were all amazed (h) , and yet they asked of one another what strange thing that was : and when the two Apostles had healed the poor old criple at Solomons porch , the people were amazed (i) , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and yet flocked all unto the place to behold the miracle . And for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it signifyeth no such heaviness in the book of God , as draweth with it all or any of those distractions above remembred : St. Paul affirming of Epaphroditus , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (k) exceeding pensive , because the Philipians who most dearly loved him had heard he was sick , and that he knew not how to comfort them with the joyfull news of his recovery . Sorrow , and grief , and anguish , and disconsolation , our Saviour did begin to feel , there 's no doubt of that : though not in such a high degree as to make him fall into those extremities of passion , as neither to know what he did , nor for what he prayed . He that could come to his Disciples in the middest of his anguish , and reprove them for their sloth and sleepiness , had neither lost the use of his speech nor senses . And if his prayers were full of faith , as no doubt they were (l) , for the Scriptures say that he was heard , in that he prayed for , ( which could not be without a perfect measure of faith ) assuredly , however he was heavily oppressed under the burden of afflictions , he knew full well both what he prayed for , and to whom . But this was only the beginning of his sorrowes , as before was said . It followeth in the text both in Matthew and Marke , My soul is exceeding sorrowfull even unto the death : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , my soul is compassed round with sorrowes , such as doe seem to threaten me with no lesse then death , and yet no way to scape them , as in both Evangelists . And certainly it stood with reason that it should be so . For as an eminent Prelate of our own (m) doth observe right well , The whole work and weight of our Redemption , was now before Christs eyes and apprehension , in a more exact and lively manner ( he now appearing before the judgment seat of God ) then we in this body can discern . For as all things needfull shall be present and patent to us when we are brought to Gods tribunall , so Christ presenting himself before the judgement of God , to the end that man might be redeemed by the ransome which he was to pay for him , and Satan ejected from prevailing against his members by his mediation , did fully and perfectly behold the detestation which God had conceived against our sins , and the power of his wrath provoked by our defection and rebellion ; as also the dreadfull vengeance prepared and ordained for sin , and our dull and carelesse contempt of our own misery , together with the watchfulnesse and eagernesse of the common adversary , the brunt and burden of all which he was to bear , and to avert them from us by by that satis ●action which the justice of God should then require at his hands , as a just price and full recompence for the sins of men . The due consideration and intuition whereof being in Christ more clear then we can conceive , might worthily make the manhood of Christ both to fear and tremble , and in his prayers to God to stir and inflame all the powers and parts both of soul and body ( as far as mans nature and spirit were able ) with all submission and deprecation possible to powre forth themselves before his God. Here was full cause undoubtedly to make him sorrowful , and sorrowful unto the death . How could it otherwise be conceived when the just and full reward of our iniquities was thus presented to his sight , when he beheld the greatnesse and the justnesse of Gods wrath against it ; and therewithall considered within himself how dear the price must be and how sharpe the pain which should free us of it ? And on the other side considered how precious his own person was , how infinite his obedience , how pure his life ; and yet how that most precious life must be taken from him , that by one death , and that death only of the body , he might deliver us from the death both of body and soul. So then his soul was ●ull of sorrow , there was good cause for it ; but not oppressed with any pains , much lesse tormented and inflanted with the pains of hell , as some would fain gather from the text ; for neither tristitia in Latine , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek , either amongst divine or humane writers , signifie any such impression of pain and torment , but an affection only which afflicts the minde , rising upon the apprehension of some evill either past or instant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek amongst the choycest humanitians , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (n) , which Cicero translates opinio recens mali praesentis , a fresh opinion of present or impendent evill . And Austin telleth us for the Latines (o) , that grief and anguish when it is in the soul is called tristitia , that is , sorrow ; but when 't is in the body , then 't is molestia , pain or trouble . Thus is the word taken also in the holy Scripture , where St. Paul saith , I would not come again unto you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in sorrow or heaviness (o) , for fear he should have sorrow of them , of whom he did expect to be received with joy : and where it is affirmed of the rest of the servants when they perceived how cruelly their fellow-servant which was pardoned so great a sum , dealt with one of his debters , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (p) , they were very sorry . And certainly they might be very sorry on so sad an accident , out of a fellow-feeling of their Brothers miserie , we have no reason to conceive them to be full of pain . Hitherto we have met with such griefs and sorrows in our Saviour , as never man endured before ; but yet they prove not to be such as either did confound all the powers of his soul , or astonish all the senses of his body (q) or brought him into such amazement that he considered neither what he said or did . Some have endevoured to infer this as before was noted , out of the texts and words foregoing , but with ill successe : and therefore they are fallen at last on an other Scripture , which they think makes for them . How is my soul troubled (r) , saith our Saviour , and what shall I say ? Father save me from this hour , but for this cause came I unto this houre . Here they observe a contrariety or contradiction in our Saviours words , which could not possibly proceed but from a soul distracted and a minde confounded : and what could work so strange and sensible a confusion in him , but the pains of hell which were within him . But whatsoever they observe , the most eminent men for parts and learning in the times before them , could see no such matter . Erasmus in his Paraphrases gives this glosse upon them (s) , which Bullinger a learned Protestant writer doth extol most highly , and calleth an excellent explication . I finde my soul troubled for the day of my death approaching ; and what shall I say ? For the love of mine own life shall I neglect the life of the world ? By no means ; I will apply my self to the will of my Father . Mans weaknesse troubled with the fear of death may say unto him , Father if it be possible save me from this hour , from this danger of death which is now so near me . But love desirous of mans salvation shall presently add , Nay rather if it be expedient , let death which is desired , come ; for as much as wittingly and willingly by the leading of the Spirit , I have offered my self unto the same . And thus Theophylact (t) , following the constant current of the former writers ; For this cause came I unto this hour , that I might suffer death for all ; by which he very plainly tels us , that though we be troubled and perplxed at it , we must not flie death for the truth . For I ( saith Christ ) am troubled as you see being a true and innocent man , and cannot but permit mans nature to shew it self : yet do I not say unto my Father that he should save me from this houre ; but that he glorifie his name . Finally , thus St. Chrysostom for the antient Fathers ( out of whose garden Theophylact collected his best flowers ) Therefore came I unto this houre , i. e. as if the Lord had said (u) , ( in termes more particular and expresse ) though we be moved and troubled , yet we flee not death , for this I say not as my resolution , Father deliver me from this houre , but Father glorifie thy name . So that these words of Christ being thus expounded according to the true intent and full meaning of them , import not such a contrariety or contradiction as these dreamers fancie ; but only do import a consultation and deliberation held within himself ; though such indeed as might and did proceed from a troubled soul. And therefore Epiphanius notes exceeding well , that our Redeemer spake these words (u) in the way of preparation or dubitation , as being scarce thorowly resolved what he had to do . For howsoever the inclination of nature induced him to avoid death as much as might be , in this debating with himself what was best to be done : yet he did presently reject and repell those inclinations , saying , for this cause came I unto this hour ; and absolutely resigned them in the words next follwing , Father glorifie thy name . But it is time I leave these triflers , and return back into the garden of Bethsemane , where I left my Saviour , sorrowing and lamenting under the most calamitous burden of our sins and miseries : whom I finde first kneeling on his knees (y) , but after prostrate on the ground (x) , on his very face (a) , and calling earnestly and passionately on the Lord his God , and saying , Father , if it be possible let this cup passe from me . It seemes God looked upon him now , or on the sins of man which were laid upon him , with a wrathful countenance , holding his lightnings in his hands , and all the vials of his anger to be powred upon him . He had not else broak out into these expressions , which were indeed the true effects and signes of a soul astonished . And yet not so astonished neither as some men would have him , who make him pray in this confusion and astonishment against Gods known will (b) : which is an irreligious and most dangerous dotage . For doth not CHRIST submit immediately to his fathers will ? doth he not say in termes expresse , not my will but thy will be done ? And call you this a praying against Gods known will ? How much more orthodoxly is the point resolved by Chrysostom (c) , where we read as followeth ; If this were spoke , saith he , of Christs divinity , then were it a contradiction indeed , and many absurdities would thence follow ; but if it were spoken of the flesh , then was there good reason for these words , and nothing in them to be blamed . And this the Father presseth in the following words , For ( saith he ) that the flesh would not willingly die , is not a thing to be condemned , because proper to nature ; the properties whereof he shewed in himself , yet without sin , and that very abundantly , thereby to stop the mouths of Hereticks . When then he saith , If it be possible let this cup passe from me , and not as I will but as thou wilt , he declareth nothing else , but that he was invested with true real flesh , which feared the inevitable stroke of death , that shewing the infirmitie thereof he might confirme the truth of his humane nature , yet sometimes covered those feares and other infirmities ( from being visibly discerned ) because he was not a bare man. Here then we see an easie way to salve that contrariety to the known will of God , imputed by these men to our Saviours prayer : which yet the Schoolmen have expressed in a clearer and more significant manner (d) . There was say they , a double apprehension of reason in Christ , the one termed the superior , which looketh into things with all incident circumstances ; the other the inferior , which presenteth to the minde some circumstances , but not all . Then they declare that in Christ every faculty , power and part was suffered ( notwithstanding the perfection found in some other ) to do that which properly pertained to it . And thereupon infer that thence it is easie to discern how it came to passe , that he should desire and pray for that which he knew would never be granted , as namely that the Cup of death might passe from him . For the sense ( say they ) of nature and inferior reason presented death and the ignominie of the Crosse unto him as they were evill in themselves , without any consideration of the good to follow , and so caused a desire to decline them , which he expresseth in that prayer . But superior reason considering them with all the circumstances , and knowing Gods resolution to be such that the world by that means should be saved , and by no other means whatsoever , perswaded to a willing acceptance of them : so that between these desires and resolutions there was a diversity but no contrariety , a subordination but no repugnance . There was no contrariety , because they were not in respect of the same circumstances ; for death as death is to be avoided : neither did the superior reason ever dislike this judgment of the inferior faculties , but shewed further and higher considerations , whereon it was to be accepted and embraced . And there was no repugnance nor resistance , because the one yeilded to the other . For even as a man that is sick , considering the potion of the Physitian to be unpleasant to his tast , declines it whiles he stayes within the bounds and confines of that consideration ; but when he is shewed by the Physitian the happy operation of it , and the good that is in it , doth receive it willingly , in that it is beneficial to him in the way of his health : So CHRIST considering death , as in it self it is evill , and contrary to the nature of all mankinde , shunned and declined it whilest he staid within the bounds of that consideration ; and yet did joyfully accept it as the only means of mans salvation , embracing what he had refused , and refusing what he had embraced . Again , There is a thing ( saith Hugo de Sancto Victore ) which is bonum in se , good in it self , and the good of every other thing : there are somethings good in themselves , and yet good but to certain purposes only ; and some there are which being evill in themselves , are to some purposes good . Of these the two first sorts are to be desired simply and absolutely for themselves ; the other in respect only unto certain ends . And of this kind ( saith he ) was the death of the Crosse , with all the wofull torments concurring with it : which simply Christ shunned and declined , but respectively to the end proposed , did embrace it cheerfully . So far , and to this purpose and effect , the said Reverend and Learned Doctor . This being declared , and the point thus stated by the Schoolmen , we will next see how this agreeth with the sense of all the antient and orthodox writers , who have delivered us their conceptions of this prayer of Christs . And first saith Origen (i) , CHRIST taking to him the nature of mans flesh retained all the properties thereof , according to which he prayed in this place that the cup might passe from him . It is the property of every faithfull man to be unwilling to suffer any pain , especially that tendeth unto death , because he is a man , and hath flesh about him ; but if God so will , then to be content even against that will of his own , because he is faithful . There is also another exposition of this place , which is this , If it be possible that all these good things may come to effect without my passion , which otherwise shall come by my death , then let this passion passe from me , but not otherwise . And Athanasius thus (k) , As by death Christ abolished death , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and all humane miseries by suffering them as a man ; so by his fear he took away our fear , and made men no longer to fear death . But Cyril of Alexandria next (l) , Quando formidasse mortem videtur , ut homo dicebat , &c. When Christ seemed to fear death he said as a man , Father let this cup passe from me ; for though as a man he abhorred death , yet as a man he refused not to performe the will of his Father , and of himself being the word of God. Then Beda thus (m) , agreeably to the sense of his Predecessors ; if death may die without my death in the flesh , let this cup passe from me ; but because this will not otherwise be , thy will be done , not mine . Then Damascen (n) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , These words , saith he , proceeded from a naturall fear , for as a man CHRIST would have had the cup to passe . Next him Euthymius Zigabenus thus (o) , As a man Christ said , if it be possible , i. e. so far as it is possible : and in saying , yet not as I will but as thou wilt , he teacheth that we must follow the will of God though nature reclaime . And in the close of all Theophylact (p) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is incident to the nature of man to fear death ; for death entred besides ( or against ) nature , and therefore nature flyeth death . And in another place (q) , The common fear of mans nature Christ cured , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consuming it in himself , and making it obedient to the will of God. In which concurrent testimonies of the antient writers , we have not only the full grounds of that distinction of the Schoolmen touching the superior and inferior Reason , and the severall and adequate acts of each ; but also of the observation of Hugo de Sancto Victore , and of those severall respects and reasons in which Christ may be said both to decline death , and to embrace it . But being there is so much speech amongst them of a naturall fears , or the fears incident to nature , we will once more repair unto the Schoolmen , and enquire of them , both what his natural fear was , and in what respect it was he feared , as also how this fear of his may be reconciled both with the will of God and his knowledg of it . First then they say (r) that natural fear ariseth in these three respects , that is to say , first in respect of things that cannot be avoided neither by resistance and incounter , nor by flying from them ; secondly , in respect of such things as may be escaped or overcome with a kind of uncertainty of event , and danger of the issue ; thirdly , in respect of such as may be escaped or overcome without any uncertainty of the event or issue , but not without great conflict and extremity of labour . Then they declare what things they were which Christ did fear , and in what sort he feared them . For first ( say they ) he feared death , and the stroke of the justice of God his Father sitting on his tribunal or judgment seat to punish the sins of men , for which he stood forth that day to answer ; and secondly , he feared also that everlasting destruction , which was due to mankind for those sins . And finally , they resolve it thus , that the former of these two he feared as things impossible to be escaped in respect of the resolution and purpose of his heavenly Father , which was , that by his satisfactory death and sufferings , and no other way , man should be ransomed and delivered from the power of Satan : and that he feared the latter , that is to say , declined it as a thing he knew he should escape without all doubt or uncertainty of the event , though not without conflicting with the temptations of the Devil , and the enduring of many bitter and grievous pangs which in that conflict might befall him . Which resolution of the Schoolmen , not only shews the reasons of CHRISTS natural fear ; but addes withall another reason , why he was so amazed and sorrowfull ; and also why he prayed so long and with so great fervencie , that the cup which was prepared for him , might have passed over him . And to say truth , it must be somewhat more then the consideration and apprehension of a bodily death , which could so much work upon our Saviour , considering with how much gallantrie so many of the primitive Martyrs have defyed their torments , and mounted on the scaffold with so clear a confidence as if they had not been to have suffered death , but behold a Triumph . And therefore first it may be said , that besides the natural fear of death which is incident to the Saints of God ( however gallantly resolved to contemn the force of it by the assistance and support of the holy Spirit ) which he could not avoid ; and the avoidable fear of everlasting destruction , which might be for a season presented to him : he was to undergoe the whole wrath of God for the sins of mankind . A wrath so infinite and just , so far exceeding the strength and reach of mans nature to endure ; that our earthly infirmity to which for our sakes he submitted himself , cannot conceive nor comprehend the greatnesse of it , nor think upon the power thereof without fear and horror . CHRIST , saith a reverend and learned Prelate of this Church (s) , was not only to suffer that which in his Person should be thought sufficient in the righteous judgment of God to appease his anger , and purge our sins , but he was further to see and behold from what he delivered us , even from the wrath to come . For how should the price and force of his death be known unto him , if he were ignorant what dreadfull and terrible vengeance was prepared for sin , should he not redeeme us ? Since therefore he was at this time to bear the burden of our sins in his body , and to have the chastisement of our peace laid upon him , and did withall behold the fiercenesse of Gods wrath against sinfull man , how could he choose but fear the effects thereof , and pray against them ? For though he were assured that this wrath of God would not proceed against him unto condemnation ; yet he knew well that God had infinite means to presse and punish humane nature above that which it was able to bear . And therefore he addressed himself to his heavenly Father , being sure that God at his most earnest and fervent prayer would proportion the pain he was to suffer according to the weaknesse of that flesh which he bare about him , that neither his obedience might be staggered , nor patience overwhelmed and swallowed up in despair . Besides there might be somewhat else in the cup provided for him , then the wrath of God with all the fears and terrors which depend upon it : which might make him so unwilling to tast thereof , so earnestly desirous to decline the same . For many of the Fathers think , that Christ did pray more vehemently to have that cup passe from him , because he saw the Iews so eagerly inclined to force it on him ; and knew that if he drank thereof , and took it from their murderous and bloudy hands , it could not but draw down upon them such most grievous punishments as the dispersing of their nation , and the rejection of them from the Covenant and grace of God. For thus saith Origen (t) , for those men then , whom he would not have perish by his passion he said , Father if it be possible let this cup passe from me , that both the world might be saved ( which was the principal matter aimed at ) and the Jews not perish by his suffering . St. Ambrose thus (u) , Therefore said Christ , take this cup from me , not because the Son of God feared death , but for that he would not have the Jews though wicked to perish , Ne exitialis esset populo Passio sua quae omnibus esset salutaris ; lest his passion should be destructive to them , which was to be healthfull unto all . Of the same minde is Hierome also (x) . Christ said not , let the cup passe from me , but let this cup passe from me , i. e. this cup provided by the Jews , which can have no excuse of ignorance if they put me to death , considering that they have the Law and the Prophets which foretell of me . So that Christ makes not this request as as fearing to suffer , but in mercy to the former people , Sed misericordia prioris populi , ne calicem ab illis propinatum bibat , that he might not drink the cup which was offered by them . Whose judgement in this point is so well approved by venerable Bede (y) our Country-man , that he is loath to change the words . And certainly this consideration of those worthies stands on very good reason (z) , For if he so much pitied the ruine of the City and desolation of their land by the hands of the Romans , that he wept upon the thought thereof ; what sorrow and disconsolation shall we think he took to thinke of the perpertual destruction of so many thousands and their posterities for ever , thorow their own madnesse in thirsting after his bloud ? What grief and anguish must it be unto him to foresee the rejection of that people from the favour of God , by their rash and wicked desire to have his bloud upon them and upon their children at his arraignment before Pilate ? For if Moses and Paul so vehemently grieved at the fall of their Brethren according to the flesh , that for their sakes the one wished to be wiped out of the book of God , the other most sacredly protested the great heavinesse and continual anguish which he felt for them in his heart : how much more might it grieve the Saviour of the world , who much exceeded both the other in compassion and mercy , to see himself who came to blesse them and to save them , to be the rock and stone of offence that should stumble them and their children , striking them with perpetual blindnesse , and bruising them with everlasting perdition , through their unbelief ? But whether this was so or not ( as it may be probable ) most sure it is that many things concurred together to make up the measure of those sarrowes , fears and terrors , which were then upon him ; and against which he prayed so fervently , and with such prostration . Insomuch that having offered up his prayers and supplication to him that was able to save him from death with strong crying and tears (a) ; to him who was able had he pleased to take away that cup from him , but howsoever able and willing both to mitigate the sharpnesse of it and abate the bitternesse ; the Lord thought fit to send him comfort from above by his heavenly Ministers . And there appeared an Angel unto him from heaven , strengthning him (b) ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Greek , which by the vulgar Latine is translated confortans eum , comforting him ▪ by the translatour of the Syriack , confirmans eum , strengthning or confirming him , as our last translation . The word in the Original will bear both constructions , both being of especial use in the present businesse . For if we look upon our Saviour in the middest of his anguish , praying unto the Lord , that if it were possible , that cup might passe from him ; the Angel may be thought to be sent unto him with a message of Comfort , touching the mitigation of his sorrows , the speedy end they were to have , and the inestimable benefit that by his sufferings should redound unto all the world : and then it is confortans e●m , as the vulgar Latine . But if we look upon him as resolved to submit himself to his Fathers pleasure , ( not my will but thy will be done ) and patiently to endure whatever he should lay upon him ; the Angel may be thought to be sent unto him , to strengthen and confirme him in that resolution : and then it is confirmans eum , as the translatour of the Syriack reads it . But which soever of the two it was , certain it is , that the appearance of the Angel had some special end . God doth not use to send about those heavenly messengers , but on businesses of great importance . And though there be no constat in the book of God , what this businesse was , on which the Angel was sent down by the Lords appointment , yet we may probably conceive , that it was to give him this assurance that his prayers were heard ; whether they tended to the mitigation of his present sorrows , or the accepting of his death and passion , as a full , perfect and sufficient satisfaction for the sinnes of the world . For the Apostle having told us in the fift to the Hebrews , that when in the days of his flesh he had offered up prayers and supplications with strong crying and tears , unto him that was able to save him from death ; he addeth in the very next words , that he was heard in that he feared : that is to say , the prayers and supplications which he made to God were not ineffectuall , but he obtained that of the Lord for which he prayed so earnesly and devoutly to him , in regard that his said prayers proceeded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the text , from a godly and religious fear , such as the School men call by the name of the fear of reverence . Now that the matter of these prayers might be in reference to his offering of himself for the good of mankinde , many of the Fathers say expressely . St. Paul here saith ( as Ambrose writeth ) that Christ offered prayers and supplications (c) , non timore mortis , sed nostrae causa salutis , not so much for the fear of death , as for mans salvation ; and thereupon Paul saith in another place , that the bloud of Christ cryed better things for us , then the bloud of Abel ; so saith Primasius (d) , Totum quicquid egit Christus in carne , &c. All that Christ did in the flesh were prayers and supplications for the sins of mankinde ; and the shedding of his bloud was a strong cry , in which he was heard of God his Father in regard of his reverence , i. e. for his voluntary obedience and most perfect charity . The like saith Haymo on the text (e) , a writer of the middle times , but of very good worth , who keeps himself in the particular to the words of Primasius . But above all Sedulius comes most home to the point in hand , a writer of good credit under Theodosius the 2. Ann. 430. or thereabouts . Christ , saith he , prayed with tears ] not shed for fear of death , but for our salvation ; and was heard ] of God the Father , when the Angel did comfort him ; for his reverence ] either his with his Father , or else his Fathers towards him . So that if either the mitigation of those feares and terrors which were then upon him , or the acceptance of his death in ransome for the sins of the world , were any part of those prayers which he made in the Garden , as in all likelihood they were : it could not but be most comfortable news unto him that his prayers were granted , and the Angel a most welcome messenger by whom such comfortable news was sent . And this we may the rather think to be the message which the Angel brought , in regard that after this we finde no more mention of those fears and sorrows which formerly had seized upon him ; but that he cheerfully prepared himself for the stroke of death , and called up his Disciples to go forth to meet it . So carefull was his heavenly Father of his dearest Son , as not to hold him in suspence ; but to impart unto him upon all occasions how grateful his obedience was , how infinitely he was pleased with that zeal , constancy , which he had manifested in his greatest and most fiery trials . In which regard no sooner had he driven away the Devil , in that great temptation which at first he suffered in the Wilderness , but behold the Angels came and ministred unto him (f) ; as St. Matthew telleth us . And here , no sooner had he overcome the difficulties which flesh and bloud and humane frailty had proposed unto him ; and called upon the Lord for strength to goe through with so great a work , and for the acceptation of that offering he was then to make : but straight an Angel came from Heaven , to strengthen him in his sufferings , and comfort him in his afflictions . No mention after this of those fears and sorrows which formerly had seised upon him ; and of the which he had complained so sensibly unto his Disciples . But then perhaps it will be said , If on the coming of the Angel he received such comforts , what then could bring him to that Agony which the Gospel speaks of , and speaks of in the very next words to those of the appearance of the holy Angel : an agony so sharp and piercing , that his sweat was as it were great drops of bloud (g) ? I know indeed , that many do impute this Agony to that extremity of grief which our Saviour suffered , and others to those hellish and infernal torments which they conceive ( according to the new devise ) to have been within him ; and that the bloudy sweat which the Scriptures speak of , was an effect or consequent of those griefs and torments . But on a further search into the business we shall finde it otherwise : the Agony into which he fell proceeding not from the extremity of pain or sorrow , but from a greater vehemency in prayer . ( And being in an agony saith the Text ▪ he prayed more earnestly , ) in which he was so zealously inflamed against sin and Satan , that he powred forth not only the strength of his soul , but the very spirits of his body . For though the word Agony be sometimes improperly taken for fear , yet properly it is affirmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of him that is ready to descend to any combat or conflict , as (h) Orion a most antient Grecian observeth : in which regard Damascen gives this exposition of the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , standing in doubt , or fearing lest we fail in our undertakings , we are said to be agonized , or to be in an agony . And hereto Aristotle that great and wise Philosopher agreeth also , where he sheweth not only that an agony may be where there is no fear , as when we attempt things honest and commendable , though difficult to be attained , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) , for which men strive and are agonized without fear : but also that sweating in an agony proceeds not from fear , but rather from zeal and indignation . An agony saith he is not the passing of the natural heat from the higher parts of the body to the lower , as in fear ; but rather an increase of heat , as in anger and indignation : and he that is in an agony is not troubled with fear or cold (k) , ( which crosseth ex diametro this new devise ) but with expectation of the event . So that an agony ( to speak properly ) inferreth neither fainting fear nor deadly pain , as some misconceive it , but noteth a contention or intension of body or minde , whereby men labour to perform their desires , and strive against the dangers which may defeat them of and in their enterprise . And for this agony of Christs , if we compare it with those circumstances which attend the text , we shall plainly see , that it proceeded not from the extremity of grief or sorrow , against both which he had received strength and comfort by the hands of the Angel , but from that fervency of zeal and contention of minde to prevail in that which he desired , and to remove all rubs and difficulties which were set before him . The Devil as we know did attempt our Saviour , at the first entrance on his Ministery , when he was first proclaimed to be the Son of God ; though then he had no more quarrel to him , then to finde out the truth of that proclamation , whether he were the Son of God or not , which the voice from heaven proclaimed him openly to be . But since that time there had been many bickerings between them , in which the Devil always went away with the loss : his Ministers disgraced and their crimes laid open , even in the sight of all the people ; his Kingdome in the souls of men in danger to be lost for ever , by the preaching of that Gospel which our Saviour taught ; and as a preparative thereunto himself ejected violently out of many of his strongest holds and fortresses , I mean the bodies of those men which he had possessed . And then why may we not conceive that either to revenge himself on his mortal enemy , in a desperate hope to prevail against him , he had now mustred all his forces for another onset , and was resolved to put the whole fortune of his affairs upon the issue of this combat ; and by the issue and success thereof ( of so great a battel ) to decide the title which he pretended and laid claim to in the souls of mankinde ? Why may not this be thought the conflict , in which our Saviour was ingaged , or willingly had ingaged himself on the appearance of the Angel ; for the success whereof he prayed so earnestly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in the Greek , with greater earnestness of minde and fervency of zeal , then he did before ? For my part I can see no reason but it might be so . Certain I am that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a race , a wrastling , or some such solemn publick exercise , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plural number , denote such things as appertain to those games and exercises . Thus read we in the book of Maccabees , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Cum quinquennalis Agon Tyro celebraretur , i. e. (l) when the games of every fift year were kept at Tyre : and in the first to the Corinthians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nam qui in Agone contendit , &c. i. e. Every man that striveth for the mastery , as the English reads it (m) . And it is plain to any who is conversant in the Greek , not only that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth signifie to be solicitous and in anguish , but also to contend or strive about the victory , but also that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( the word here used by the Evangelists ) though it doth generally denote a dismaying sorrow , yet is used sometimes to express , Luctantis angustias difficillimas , the straights which Wrastlers are reduced to in those publick exercises . But whether this conjecture be approved or not ( for I leave it arbitrary ) there is no question to be made , but that the bloudy sweat which the Scripture speaks of , proceeded not from fear but fervency ; not from the anguish of his heart , but from that heat of zeal and strong intension of minde which was then upon him . It could not come from fear , that 's certain ; for fear , as Galen hath observed , doth presently drive the bloud and spirits towards their Fountain (n) and contracteth them together , by cooling the uttermost parts of the body . For on the apprehension of any imminent danger , the bloud and spirits which are naturally diffused through all the parts of the body , repair immmediately unto the heart as the principal fortress for the strength and preservation of the whole ; repercussis spiritibus atque in intimos cordis sinus receptis , as we read in Scaliger (o) . So that the bloud and spirits being drawn back to the heart , or towards their fountain as Galen saith , as usually they are in the case of fear ; it cannot be that any extremity of fear should be the cause of such an unusual kinde of sweat , as that which did befal our Saviour : And on the other side , it is no new thing that fervency of zeal , and a vehement contention of the minde , being they heat and thin the bloud ( and not cool and thicken it , as we are told by Galen that fear doth most commonly ) should produce such a strange effect as a bloudy sweat . For the Physitian ( whosoever he was ) who writ the Book De utilitate respirationis , amongst Galens works (p) doth affirm for certain , Contingere poros ex multo aut fervido spiritu adeo dilatari ut etiam exeat sanguis per eos , fiatque sudor sanguineus , that is to say , it sometimes hapneth that abundant or fervent spirits do so dilate the pores of the body , that bloud issueth out by them , and so the sweat may be bloudy . Which observation being true ( as no doubt it is ) we may well think if we look to the order and sequence of the Gospel , that the fervent zeal of our Redeemer extremely heating the whole body , melting the spirits , rarifying the bloud , opening the pores , and so colouring and thickning the sweat of Christ , might in most likelyhood be the cause of that bloudy sweat . Doth not the Gospel say expresly , that being in an Agony ( or dangerous and dreadful conflict ) he prayed more earnestly (q) , and his sweat was as it were great drops of bloud falling down to the ground ? and was not then that bloudy sweat a natural and proper effect of that fervency and zeal of prayer , of which it is made a consequent in the holy Gospel ? Certain I am that Zuinglius one of the first men that laboured in the present Reformation of the Church did conceive it so : (r) Non lacrymas modo oculis sed & sanguinis guttas e corpore exprimit seria & devota oratio , &c. Serious and fervent prayer ( saith he ) doth not only draw tears from the eyes , but a bloudy sweat also from the body , as we see in Christs agony . And doth not Bernard say to the same effect (s) , that Christ falling into an agony , and praying the third time , seemed to weep , not only with his eyes , but with all the parts of his body ? Nor doth it hinder us at all that the drops are said to be great , ( great drops of bloud , as in the English ) such as the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Latines Grumi ; but doth rather help us . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed doth sometimes signifie the congealed parts of that which is liquid , and the compacted peeces of that which is powdered . But it stands very well with reason , that Christs sweat might be thick , by reason it issued from the inmost parts of his body , and was mixed with bloud , or might break out in great and eminent drops , as coming from him violently and abundantly ; and being coloured with bloud , and congealed with the coldness of the ayr , might trickle down like strings , or great drops of bloud , to the very ground . The greater those drops seemed to be , the greater was that fervency of Spirit in which he prayed unto the Lord , the greater the occasion he had to powre sorth those prayers . He was now in his great incounter with the powers of darkness , the safety and salvation of all mankinde depended on the issue and success thereof ; Angels , and Archangels , and all the hosts of heaven were gathered as it were together , to behold the combate . And then what marvail can it be , saith our learned Prelate (t) , if the glory of Gods judgement and the power of his wrath , the number of our sins , and neglect of our own state ; the sharp and eager malice of Satan ( whom he had to do with ) made Christ with all possible fear of the great might and Majesty of the Judge , all passionate sorrow for the crimes and contempts of the Prisoners ; all earnest and zealous intention of prayer against the impugner and impediment of mans deliverance , to agonize himself into a bloudy sweat ? But if this sweat of our Redeemer proceeded not from natural causes , but was rather supernatural and miraculous , as Hilarie , Rupertus , Beda , and others do conceive it was : neither the fear of Hell pains , nor the sense of sorrow could be the cause thereof , as some think it was : for being supernatural and miraculous , it could not have a natural and proper cause . Rather it might be wrought by Gods mighty power , as a preparative to that Priesthood which he was to execute , and to that all-sufficient Sacrifice which he was to make (u) . For in the oblations of the law which prefigured the death of Christ , it was ordained that not only the sacrifice was to be slain by the shedding of bloud , but that the person of the Priest was sanctified , as well as the sinner presented by the Priest to God , with earnest and humble prayer to make atonement for the trespass . And since the Truth must have some resemblance with the Figure , CHRIST in the Garden might perform some points required to the Priesthood , as the sanctifying of himself with his own bloud , and the presenting of himself to be the redemption and remission of our sins , with instant and intensive prayer for the Transgressors . Either of these may be admitted as agreeable to the rules of piety , though for my part I incline rather to the former , as having such a firm foundation in the Text it self . Thus have we taken a full view of those templations and afflictions which our Saviour suffered in his soul , ( without any participation which the body had in them ) under Pontius Pilate . In which though there were nothing like to the pains of Hell , ( which shall be specified hereafter in a place more proper ) yet there was in him such an accumulation of fears and sorrows , and disconsolations , as might entitle him most properly to be Vir dolorum , a man compounded as it were of nothing but griefs and sorrows . Next let us take a brief survey of those afflictions which he indured in his body , and suffered nor in soul at all but by the means and apprehension of the outward senses , as it participates with the body in all weal and woe . And first no sooner had he ended his devotions , and gathered together his Disciples , but behold a great multitude arm●d with swords and staves came to apprehend him , and carry him before the high Priests and Elders ; amongst whom he was sure to find no mercy ; and but little justice . Iudas Iscariot one of the twelve had sold his Master to them for a piece of money (x) , a most contemptible piece of money too ; no more then thirty pieces of silver , which in our money ( reckoning each 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or piece of silver at 2 s. 6 d ) (y) comes but to 3 l. 15 s. And though they had obtained their purpose at so cheap a rate , yet they resolved that now they had him in their hands nothing should save him but a miracle . To this end they suborned false witnesses to come in against him , and if he did but offer to defend himself and refell their calumnies , they have their servants in a readiness , to smite him on the face and deride him , saying , Answerest thou the high Priest so (z) ? Whether he speak or hold his peace , it comes all to one ; his silence being counted a contempt , and his speech a scandall . If he passe only for a man , how durst he say , that he was able to destroy the Temple , and in three days to build it again (a) ? If he declare himself for the Son of God , he is presently condemned of Blasphemie ; and contrary to the Laws both of God and man , which would have no man punished more then once for the same offence ; he is first made a scorn and laughing stock to the standers by , and after hurryed to the Iudge to receive his sentence . No sooner had the Priests and Elders who had bargained for him , pronounced him to be guilty of death (b) , but presently they cause him to be blind-folded , that he might not see the insolencies which they meant to practise : next with a joynt consent they spit on his most sacred face , and buffet him , and smite him with the palmes of their hands ; and then say to him in derision , that if he were the Christ of God , he should prophecie unto them who is was that stroke him (c) . Having thus pleased themselves with their own wickedness , they blinde him like a common Malefactor , and lead him away bound unto Pontius Pilate , to have him formally condemned , and executed . The land of Iewry at that time was a province of the Roman Empire ; and none had power of life and death but the Roman Presidents , or such to whom they delegated part of their authority , for the ease of the subject . This made them say , it was not lawfull for them to put any man to death (d) , as indeed it was not ; not that they did forbear it or do it in regard of the Passeover , or that it was unlawfull only in respect of the time . Assuredly that bloudy people who made no scruple of transgressing the whole morall law in such an execrable murther , would very easily have dispensed with the ceremonial , had that stood only in the way to their main designe . But there was in it a divine providence which had so disposed it , to make him every way conform to those antient types , which were given of him by the Lord in the Law and Prophets . Had they proceeded with him by their own old Laws , ( as question●esse they would have done had it been in their power ) they must have stoned him to death ; that being the punishment ordained for blasphemers , by the Law of Moses . But he had signified before what kind of death he should die (e) , in the alluding of himself to the brazen Serpent , which was not in the power of any to inflict upon him , but those who did proceed upon him according the Laws of the Roman Empire . Well then , to Pilate he is carryed , and that too early in the morning (f) by the break of day . So swift their feet were to shed innocent bloud , that the Governour must be wakened before his hour , to hearken to their clamorous accusations : and more then so , he must be won with fair words ( if not bought with money ) to come forth unto them : for fear ( good souls ! ) lest if they came themselves into the judgment-hall they should be defiled , and consequently debarred for that time from the holy Passeover . Notable hypocites , that made no conscience of committing a most wilfull murder ; and yet would make the world believe that they stood upon the mint and cumin , the very niceties of the Law ! But here they were to fit their Compasse to another wind . The crime of Blasphemy , whereof they had convicted him amongst themselves , would not work on Pilate : who questionlesse had rather that the Iews had been of any , or of no religion , then of what they were . That which amongst the Romans was accounted holy , was by the Iews esteemed an abomination (g) ; Profana illic ●●●●a qu● apud nos sacra , as it is in Tacitus . They must finde somewhat else wherewithall to charge him , then that he called himself the CHRIST , or the Son of God , if they expect that Pilate should condemn him for them . And to this end they do impeach him of high treason , raising sedition in the State , and setting up another King to oppose the Romans (h) ; We found , say they , this fellow per●●●ting our nation , forbidding tribute to be paid to Caesar , and calling himself Christ , ● King : and whosoever makes himself a King , speaketh against Caesar at the least , and disputes his title to that Kingdom . This last was it which more perswaded with the Governour , then all the other branches of the accusation , which he knew well proceeded only from the malice of that head-strong people : and yet he was resolved to try all ways to appease their fury , at least not to emb●ue his own hands in the bloud of the innocent . He laboured first to satisfie the people in it , tels them he found no fault at all in the man (i) accused ; that if they had a law which declared him guilty , they might do well to take him back , and try him according unto that . And when that would not work upon them , but that they cryed out Crucifie him , crucifie him , with the greater violence , he caused him to be sent to Herod as being esteemed a Galilean , and consequently belonging to his jurisdiction (k) . Thither the chief Priests also followed him , and accused him vehemently ; but could prevail no more with Herod , then before with Pilate , save that the men of war which belonged to Herod despised him as a man of no consideration , exposed him to contempt and scorne , and returned him back . Pilate then seeing how things went , and that somewhat must be done to content the Iews , fell on a resolution to chastise him ; ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. by stripes and whipping , saith Theophylact (l) , ) and so let him goe . And this accordingly he did , for the Text saith , that Pilate took Jesus and scourged him (m) . And more then so , the unruly Souldiers were permitted to abuse him in what sort they listed . They stripped him of his own cloaths and arraied him in a scarlot robe , they platted a crown of thornes which they set on his head , and put a reed into his right hand (n) : which done they ●owed the knee before him and mocked him , saying , Haile King of the Iews ; some of them in the mean time spitting on his face , some striking him with their hand , and others smiting on the head with that very reed (o) , which they had put into his hands in stead of a scepter . Never did innocent man indure such a world of contumelies ; yet this was not all : for in this dresse they bring him forth unto the people , that they might recreate themselves with that wofull spectacle : and Pilate like those fellowes which shew fights and motions , ushereth it in with Ecce homo , or Behold the man ; and yet declares before them all that he found no fault in him . A most just Judge ; first to pronounce him innocent , and then to scourge him ; then to expose him to such scorn and misery , and after that again to pronounce him innocent : to absolve him of all crime which deserved death at the tribunal of his own conscience , and presently to give him up to the peoples fury by an order and determinate sentence from the judgment seat , in foro judicii ; and in conclusion , when he most wickedly and wilfully had given him over to be murdered , whom by all laws of God and Men he was bound to save , to play the open Hypocrite before all the world , washing his hands and saying in the hearing of all the multitude , that he was innocent from the bloud of that righteous person (p) . Never was innocent man accused more falsly , prosecuted more maliciously , nor condemned more unjustly , then our blessed Saviour . And now to make a brief recapitulation of our Saviours sufferings under Pontius Pilate , ( taking in some of those which are yet to come ) tell me if on a due consideration of them , they were not beyond measure grievous and unsupportable ; yea such as would have made any mortall man to sinke under the meer burden of them to the bottom of hell : if he suffered not most bitter things from heaven , earth , and hell , and in all that any way pertained to him . He suffered at the hands of God his Father , and of men ; of Iews and Gentiles , of enemies insulting and of friends forsaking , ( being betrayed by one of his chief followers , forsworn by another , and abandoned by all the rest ) . He suffered from the Prince of darknesse , and all his mercilesse and cruel instruments , from all the elements of the world , the Sun denying to him light , the Aire breath , and the Earth supportance . He suffered in all things that pertained to him : that is to say , in his name , being condemned as a Blasphemer , an enemy to Moses , the Law , the Temple , and the worship of God , to his own nation also , to Caesar , and the Romans ; traduced for a Glutton , a companion of Publicans and sinners , a Samaritan , one that had a Devil , and finally did all his miracles by the power of Belzebub : next in the things which he possessed , when they stripped him out of his garments , and cast lots upon his seamlesse coat : in his Friends , greatly discomforted and dismaid at the ●ight of so many miseries and afflictions , as were laid upon him : in his soul compassed round with sorrows , and distressed with fears besetting him on every side , and that even to death : in his body , when his cheeks were swollen with buffeting , his face defiled with being spit on , his back torn with the whip , his head pierced with the crown of thornes , his eyes offended with beholding the behaviour of his most proud insulting enemies , his ears with hearing their most execrable Blasphemies , his tast with the myrrhe and gall which they gave him to drink , his smell with the stench and horror of the place wherein he was crucifyed , being a place of dead mens souls : and to consummate the extremity of his paines and sorrows , his hands and feet digged thorow with those nails which fastned him unto the Crosse , his side boared thorow with a speare ; and during all the time of his Crucifixion , his naked body publickly exposed to the view of all spectators . So that we see his sufferings under Pontius Pilate deserve to have a speciall place in this short compendium , this abstract of the Christian faith , of our whole religion : and that it had not been enough to have expressed his being crucifyed , dead , and buryed , unlesse his sufferings under Pontius Pilate had been mentioned also . Of which three points , viz. his crucifying , death , and burial , being the consummation of his sufferings , and the last acts of his humiliation , for the accomplishing of mans Redemption , we are next to speak . ARTICVLI 5. Pars 2da . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Crucifixus , mortuus , & sepultus . i. e. Was crucified , dead and buryed . CHAP. VII . Of the Crucifying , death , and burial of the Lord JESUS CHRIST ; with Disquisition of all particulars incident thereunto . HItherto have we spoken of those afflictions which our Redeemer suffered under Pontius Pilate , in his soul and body , precedent to his Crucifixion ; We are now come to speak of those which he suffered on the Cross it self , together with his death and burial , being the last acts of his Humiliation : for being dead and buryed once , he could fall no lower . But being his death upon the Cross , was that only all-sufficient Sacrifice , made for the satisfaction of Gods justice , and the redemption of all mankinde from the powers of darkness , typified in so many acts and figures of the Old Testament , whereof some relate unto his death , and others to the manner of it : I shall first speak a word or two , of those rites and sacrifices , and other figures which might or did relate in Gods secret purpose to the coming of the promised Seed , and all the benefits redounding to the world by his death and passion . First for those types which might fore-signifie and represent the Messiahs death , they did consist especially in those legal sacrifices , which God himself had instituted in the Iewish Church , for the expiation of the sins of that people , and their reconciliation to their God , yet so that even before the law there wanted not a type and figure of it , every way as proportionable to the substance signified , as any of the Legal , and commanded sacrifices . No sooner had God raised up seed to Adam , thereby to give him hopes of the accomplishment of his deliverance and redemption by the seed of the woman ; but he was taught to represent the same in a solemn sacrifice : assoon at least as his sons were come to age to assist him in it . And in process of time it came to pass (a) that Cain brought of the fruits of the ground an offering to the Lord ; and Abel brought of the firstlings of his flocks and the fat thereof . An offering from the hands of Cain , to shew that even the wicked owe an homage to the Lord God Almighty , from whose hands they receive all their temporal blessings , and therefore were to pay back something in the way of a quit-rent , or acknowledgment . Donis suis honorandus (b) est ipse qui dedit , as Rupertus hath it . A Sacrifice from the hands of Abel , of righteous Abel , as our Saviour did vouchsafe to call him ; who not long after was made a Sacrifice himself by his wicked brother . As if the Lord intended in this double sacrifice to represent the death and passion of his Son Christ Iesus : in that of Abel by his brother , the bloudy and most barbarous fact of the wretched Iews , upon their countryman , their brother of the house of Iacob ; in that of Abels lamb , the sacrifice of the Lamb of God , slain from the beginning of the world (c) : as the Apostle in the Revelation . Now for the Legal sacrifices prescribed the Iews , and those which had been offered by Gods faithful servants , before the giving of the Law ; they do so far agree in one , as to be comprised in the same general definition . For generally a sacrifice may be defined to be , the offering of a creature to Almighty God by the hands of a lawful Minister , to be spent or consumed in his service . Which definition I desire the Reader to take notice of , because we shall relate unto it when we come to speak of the Christian sacrifice , or the Commemoration of this sacrifice in the Church of Christ. Bellarmine in more words saith no more then this (d) . His words be these , Sacrificium est externa oblatio soli deo facta , qua per Legitimum ministrum creatura aliqua sensibilis & permane●s ad agnitionem Divinae Majestatis & infirmitatis humanae , ritu mystico consecratur & transmutatur . Only the last word transmutatur was put in of purpose , to countenance the change or transubstantiation of the outward Elements into the natural body and bloud of C●rist : which notwithstanding he is fain after to expound by the word destruitur , i. e. consumed or destroyed , to make his Mass as true , as proper , and as real a Sacrifice of Christ our Saviour on the Altar , as that which he himself once offered on the accursed Cross. But all the Sacrifices of Gods people before the Law , were principally ( if not only ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as were offered unto God by way of thankefulness , and due acknowledgement , for all his benefits conferred on their souls and bodies . Of which kinde also were the peace-offerings , Levit. 3. v. 1. the sacrifice of thanksgiving , Levit. 7.12 . and the free-wil offering , vers . 16. in use amongst the Iews when the Law was given : in celebrating which they were left at liberty to offer either male or female (e) , as they would themselves ; God giving his increase of their flocks and herds by both the sexes , male and female , and pouring on both sexes , man and woman , both temporal and spiritual blessings . Under the law the case was otherwise . For then besides the Eucharistical sacrifices before remembred , ( which for the substance and intent were before in use amongst their Ancestors the holy Patriarchs , though not accompanied with so many ceremonies ) they had sacrifices of another kind● , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , expiatory or propitiatory , for the taking away of their sins . In which as they did signifie by the death of the beast , the wages due to their iniquities , ( for the wages of sin is death (f) , saith the great Apostle ) so by the shedding of his bloud did God please to intimate that they should have the pardon and forgiveness of their sins , and acceptation of their service , by the bloud of Christ. These then , and only these were Typi venturae victimae , the types and shadows of that great and perfect Sacrifice which Christ our Saviour was to offer for the sins of mankinde : and were called expiatorie and propitiatorie , non proprie sed relative ; not properly , and in themselves , as if there were in them any power or vertue , either to expiate our offences , or be a Propitiation for our sins , ( for the bloud of Buls and Goats cannot take away sins (g) , saith the same Apostle ) but relatively in relation to the Ordinance of Almighty God by whom they had been instituted to that end and purpose , as Baptism after was in the Church of Christ. And for that cause the people in the celebrating of these ●olemn sacrifices , used to confess their sins to the Lord their God ; and by that means did make the Sacrifice more acceptable , and their atonement with the Lord more assured and certain ; but expiate ●ins those Sacrifices of their own nature neither did nor could . In which sense Chrysostom said well , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) . The LEGAL SACCRIFISE , saith he , was rather an accusation then an expiation ; a confession rather of their weakness then a profession of their strength . Now there are many things observable in these Legal Sacrifices , which were performed and really made good in our Lord and Saviour . For first the Sacrifice or Beast sacrificed was to be a male , Levit. 1.3 . and to be a male also without spot , or blemish , or any corporal defect : And so it was with Christ our Saviour , the son of David , in whose lips there was found no guile , in whom there was no sinful blemish , no defect of righteousness . The man who brought the sacrifice was to present it at the dore of the Tabernacle , and to lay his hand upon the head of it , ( in testimony that he laid all his sins thereon ) that it might be accepted as an atonement for him , Levit. 1.3 , 4. And so CHRIST took upon him our infirmities , and bare our sicknesses , Matth. 8.17 . and bare our sins in his own body on the Tree , 1 Pet. 2.24 . The Sacrifice being brought before the dore of the Tabernacle was after bound with cords , ( Binde the Sacrifice with cords to the horns of the Altar , Psal. 118. ) slain by the Priest , and his bloud sprinkled round about upon the Altar , and then burnt with fire (k) . So the Redeemer of the world was led bound to Pilate , Matth. 27.2 . and after fastned to the Altar of the Cross with cords of iron , implyed in this , that they crucified him , Matth. 27.35 . i.e. they nayled him to the Cross. The Sacrificer was himself , Ipse enim & Sacrificium & Sacerdos (l) , for he himself was both the Sacrifice and the Priest , as St. Austin hath it ; offering his body to the Lord , that by the hands of wicked and unrighteous men it might be crucifyed and slain ; and the whole Cross , the Altar upon which he suffered , besprinkled round about with his precious bloud issuing from his hands and feet , and wounded side . As for the burning of the sacrifice , which was usual in their whole burnt offerings , what could it signifie but those pains and sorrows , that bitter cup and all the terrible pangs thereof , which even burnt up his heart and consumed his spirits , in the whole act of his crucifixion ? unless perhaps the ascending of the flames on high , might signifie the the gracious acceptation of the sacrifice by the Lord their God , as in that of Noah (m) , which carryed up a sweet savour to the God of Heaven . In which regard , a sweet savour , and an offering made by fire , do seeme to be Synonymas in the Book of God , as Exod. 24.41 . Levit. 3.5 . And what more pleasing savour could ascend to God , what could he smell more acceptable from the sons of men , then the oblation made unto him of the Son of God , reconciling the world unto his Father ? Finally , as the bodies of those beasts which were brought into the Sanctuary by the high Priest for sin , ( which was a differing kinde of Sacrifice from the whole burnt offering ) were burnt without the Camp : so Jesus also ( saith St. Paul ) that he might sacrifice the people with his own bloud suffered without the Gate , Heb. 13.11 , 12. And of this sort of Types and Figures were both the Anniversary Sacrifice of the Paschal lamb , and the daily sacrifice of the two lambs , one for the morning , and the other for the evening , Exod. 29. both of them shadowing or prefiguring in Gods intention , though not in the intent of the ignorant Iews , that all-sufficient Sacrifice of the Lamb of God , which really and truly taketh away the sins of the world (n) . How far they are applyable in their other circumstances , we shall see elsewhere . As for the manner of Christs death and passion , there were also some Types and figures of it , as well before the Law , as after . What else was that of Isaac the promised seed , the only and beloved son of his Father Abraham , from whom the blessing promised by Almighty God to all the Nations of the world (o) , was to be derived ; commanded by an order from the Court of Heaven , to be offered to the Lord for a burnt offering (p) ? What did it signifie or prefigure but the offering of our Saviour CHRIST the dearly beloved Son of God , in whom his Father was well pleased , the expectation of the Gen●iles , conceived so miraculously beyond hope and reason , above the common course of nature , more then Isaac was ? The mountain on which that sacrifice was to be performed (q) , what did it signifie , but that CHRIST should be offered up to God on a mountain also , even the mount of Calvarie ? Luk. 23.33 . What else the laying of the wood upon Isaacs shoulders , wherewith himself the sacrifice , was to be burned ; but the compelling CHRIST to take up that Cross (r) whereon himself was to be crusified , till Simon the Cyrenian came that way by chance (r) ; to ease him of that heavy burden ? The calling of the Angel out of heaven to Abraham , bidding him stay his hand and not strike the blow , by means whereof poor Isaac was reprieved from slaughter (s) : doth it not clearly signifie the sending of an Angel from heaven to CHRIST our Saviour , to comfort him in the midst of his fears and troubles (t) , and to deliver him from those fears and terrors which make death dreadful unto mankinde , that he might undergo it with the greater cheerfulness ? And when the Devil had tryed all ways imaginable to prevail upon him , out of a confident presumption to effect his ends , and work some ●inful and corrupt affections to have power upon him : what got he at last but a breathless carkass , a short dominion of his body ? The Ram , the fleshy part of CHRIST was all , which fell unto his share , in that bloudy sacrifice ; and that he was to take , or nothing , in stead of the Son , the Son of the eternal everliving God , whom he expected as a prey , and in hope had swallowed . And yet this Type though full of clear and excellent significancies , comes not so home to my purpose , unto the manner of Christs death , as doth the Type and story of the Brazen Serpent . The people journeying in the Wilderness , and murmuring ( as they did too often ) against God and Moses , had provoked the Lord (u) . And the Lord sent fiery Serpents amongst the people , and they bit the people , and much people of Israel died . No remedy for this but upon repentance . And when the people had repented , the Lord said to Moses , Fac Serpentem aeneum , &c. i. e. (x) Make thee a Brazen Serpent , and set it upon a pole , and it shall come to pass that every one that is bitten , when he looketh upon it he shall live . What use makes CHRIST the Lord of this ? As Moses lifted up the Serpent in the Wilderness (y) , even so must the son of man be lifted up ; that whosoever believeth in him should not perish but have eternal life . Never was type more perfect and exact then that . Man by his sins committed against God the Lord , had provoked his anger ; and the Lord gave him over to the hands of the old Serpent the Devil , who pierced them with his fiery darts , consumed them with the heats of lust , and drew them into everlasting danger both of soul and body . No way to cure them of those wounds which the sting of sin and Satan had occasioned in them , no way to quench those flames of natural concupiscence which were kindled in them ; and setting them at liberty from the powers of hell ; but by fastning Christ upon the Cross , as was the Brazen Serpent on the top of the pole : that whosoever looked on him with the eyes of faith , might have the world crucified unto them , and they themselves unto the world . The Antients (y) generally did thus interpret and apply our Redeemers words , as being most agreeable to the scope of the place , and to another of his Prophecies concerning himself , saying , that he should be delivered unto the Gentiles , to be mocked , scourged , and crucified (z) , and thereby signifying what death he should die , Ioh. 18.32 . Calvin indeed of late days will not have it so , affirming that this application of our Saviours words , nec textui quadrat , nec instituto , is neither agreeable to the Text , nor our Saviours purpose : and that the plain and genuine meaning of the words is no more then this , Quod Evangelii promulgatione erigendus sit Christus (a) , that the name of Christ should be advanced by the preaching or promulgating of the Gospel . But whether this agree with our Saviours purpose in making a comparison of himself , ( or rather of his lifting up , as Moses lifted up the Brazen Serpent ) any which hath eyes to see , and is not wilfully blinde with prejudice or prepossession may discern most easily ! Compare the fift and sixt verses of the 21. of Numbers , with the 14. and 15. of the third of Iohn , and tell me , any man that hath not absolutely captivated his own judgement to another mans sense , if ever Type and Antitype did agree more punctually . The parallel goes further yet , but beyond this purpose . For as the Brazen Serpent of a remedy did become a disease , and was made an Idol of an Hieroglyphick , the Children of Israel ( in the times succeeding ) burning incense to it (b) : So was it also with the Cross or Crucifix , in these later ages . For who knoweth not how impiously it hath been abused to Idolatry in the Church of Rome , how grossely it hath been adored by all sorts of people ; and with what impudence the greatest and most learned men have bestirred themselves in defence of that most palpable and gross Idolatry : Bellarmine (c) sparing not to say , ( though he hope to save himself by a strange distinction of his own ) that the same honour which is due to Christ crucified , is to be also given to the Cross or Crucifix . But this is only by the way , if it be not out of it , I return again . These passages premised , we now proceed unto the story of our Saviours passion . We left him last in Pilates Hall. The Priests and people of the Iews cryed out to have him crucified according to the Roman fashion . No death but that which was accounted the most shameful and most ignominious of all manner of deaths , and was pronounced to be accursed , ( He is accursed of God that hangeth on the tree (d) , ) by the Law of Moses ; would content their malice . And Pilate gave sentence ( saith the Text ) that it should be as they required (e) ; and delivered him to them to be crucified (f) . CHRIST had not else redeemed us from the curse of the Law , ( for cursed is he that abideth not in all the words of this law to do them , Deut. 27.26 . ) had he not been made a curse for us (g) , that is to say , had he not willingly submitted to that death of the Cross , of which the Lord thus said by the mouth of Moses , Cursed is every one that is hanged on a tree , Deut. 21.23 . the curse and rigour of the law being laid upon him . Christ was no otherwise made a curse then so , by enduring this most shameful death of the Cross , this mortem autem Crucis (h) , for the sins of man. God saith St. Ambrose made Christ a curse after the same manner , as a sacrifice for sin in the law is called sin , (i) Bropterea pro maledictis oblatus factus est Maledictum ; and therefore being a Sacrifice for those who were accursed , he became a curse . CHRIST ( saith St. Chrysostom ) was not made subject to the curse of transgression ( which is the greatest curse a man can fall into , and that which makes him most detested and hated of God ) but admitted in himself another curse , (k) that is , the punishment of sin , or the curse for sin : and this , saith he , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , another curse but not the same . CHRIST then was made a curse for us , not that he was detested of God , or deprived of blessedness , ( which was the curse denounced by Moses against those who kept not the words of the law to do them ) : but that he was adjudged to this shameful and inglorious death , which God and man did hold accursed ; abolishing one curse and undergoing another , Et vincens maledictum de maledicto (l) , as St. Augustine hath it . But to go on , our Saviour being condemned to this cursed death , a death which none but Theeves and Murderers , and false Bond-men were condemned by the laws of Rome ; they hale him to the same with as cursed a violence : sparing no cruelty or disgrace as they led him to it , which a barbarous people could inflict , or an innocent suffer . They made him carry that Cross at first , on his own shoulders , which after was to carry his whole body . And when they eased him of that burden , and laid it upon Simon the Cyrenians back , it was not out of pity , but upon design ; that coming more fresh and lively to the place of suffering , he might the longer be a dying , and they the longer glut their eyes with that pleasing spectacle . It was the custom of the Iews as of other people , to give wine to those who were condemned , and led to their execution , to comfort and revive their spirits , the better to enable them for the stroke of death . Even this humanity shall be corrupted to increase his miseries , and adde unto the scorne which which were put upon him . In stead of wine , some of them gave him vinegar mixed with Gall (m) to drink , and thereby literally fulfilled in him , that which was metaphorically said of himself by David , in some time of his troubles , when he was fed with the bread of sorrow and the waters of affliction : viz. (o) they gave me gall for meat , and in my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink . They stripped him of his garments which they shared amongst them , and lifting up his naked body ( a lamentable spectacle of reproach and shame ) extended him upon the Cross , stretched him in all his joints till the sinews cracked , and so nailed him fast : thereby accomplishing that in him , which was foresignified by David , ( but literally executed upon Christ , not David ) they have pierced my hands and feet , Psal. 22.16 . Nor staid they here , but to adde shame and infamy to his other sufferings , they cause him to be crucified between two Malefactors , to make the world believe , if it had been possible , that they were equally involved in the same guilt , because involved alike in the same condemnation . Nay more then that , vinegar and gall which they gave him to drink , was but a taft of that extremity of gall and bitterness , which they had in their hearts ; which they did vomit out in blasphemous words , exposing him to contempt and scorn , not only with the by-standers , but the passers by ; the very malefactors joining with them to increase his sorrows , as if thereby they could have mitigated and removed their own . So that he might most justly have cryed out and said , (p) Consider and behold all ye that pass by the way , if ever there were sorrow like my sorrow which was done unto me , wherewith the Lord afflicted me in the day of the fierceness of his wrath . Never so true a man of sorrows . In which extremity of pain and grief of heart , no wonder if nature made a start , and seemed to tremble at the apprehension of so many miseries , especially considering that the most bitter draught of that deadly CVP was to drink off yet . And in this anguish and distress it was that he cryed aloud , (q) Eli , Eli , Lamasaba●hthani , that is to say , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? Which words , because they seem to some to be an argument o● proof for those hellish pains , which they have fancied to themselves in the soul of Christ ; by others are conceived to proceed out of desperation (r) , which is indeed one of the greatest torments in the pit of hell : we will the rather look into them , to see whether any such constructions can be gathered thence . Now for the clearer exposition of this text of Scripture we will lay these grounds , 1. That dereliction and forsaking do no where throughout Gods book , import damnation , but are applyed always to the judgements of this present life . 2. That in wicked and udgodly men , it argueth reprobation from grace , and despair of glory , which to imagine of CHRIST were rather a most furious blasphemy then an erroneous folly . 3. That in the godly , ( as in David whose words they were ) they either note destitution of help , or diminution of comfort ; but neither in David nor in Christ the true pains of the damned : and 4. That no construction must be made of these words which may decrease in Christ the fulness of truth and grace , which never wanted in his soul , or draw him within the compass of mistaking or mistrusting Gods favour towards him . For how could he be tainted with any distrust of Gods mercy and purpose towards him , who with such confidence commended his pure Spirit into the hands of his Father (s) ; who in the midst of his extremities did promise to invest the penitent Thief in the joys of Paradise (t) ; and finally , who in the height of his afflictions , when he spake these words , had such an interest in God as to call him his own God. My God , my God , and not God only , as the text informs us . Which grounds so laid , we may the better understand the meaning of the words before us , and what construction they will bear , agreeable and conform to the rule of faith . And first I know that many of the antient Fathers were of opinion , that as Christ took upon him at this time the person of all mankinde , so he made this complaint not in behalf of himself , but of his members ; as when he said to Saul in another case , Saul , Saul , why persecutest thou me (u) , he did not mean it of his person which was then in heaven , but of his Church militant here on earth . Thus Cyprian for the Latine Fathers , Quod pro iis voluisti intelligi , qui deseri a Deo propter peccata meruerant (x) ; this complaint of being forsaken , thou wouldst have understood ( as spoken ) of them who had deserved to be forsaken of God in regard of their sins . To the same purpose Augustine , Epistola 120. and Leo in his 16. Sermon de Passione . Thus also venerable Beda , Quare dereliquis●i me , i.e. meos , &c. (y) . Why , saith he , hast thou forsaken me , i. e. mine ; because sin ( saith he ) did keep them back from saving me , that is mine . It is plain then , that the head doth not speak here in his own Person ; for how could he be possibly forsaken , or out of hope of salvation ? Thus Athanasius for the Greeks (z) ( in fewer words , but as significantly as the others ) Christ spake these words in our person , for he was never forsaken of God. And to this purpose speaks Theodoret in Psal. 21. and Euthymius on the same place also . Thus also Damascene , Christ saith he , having put on our person , and appropriated the same unto him , prayed on that sort ; (a) as when a man doth put on anothers person out of pity or charity , and in his stead speaks such words sometimes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as do not agree unto himself . But this construction of the text , though both pious and profitable , is not so generally received but that some others of the Fathers do expound them otherwise , who think that this complaint was poured out by Christ , because he saw himself left helpless to the rage of the Iews , and that he seemed so long forsaken of his heavenly Father , not in regard of inward grace and comfort , but of outward help . An exposition so agreeable to the text in all the circumstances of it , that some of those , who did expound the same of Christs not speaking in his own person , but in the person of his members , do approve thereof . For thus St. Hierom (b) . Marvail not at Christs complaint of being forsaken , when thou seest the scandal of the Cross. St. Ambrose thus , (c) He speaketh as a man , which was no shame for him to doe , because that we our selves when we are in danger , do think our selves forsaken of God. Which words Venerable Bede , Rabanu● Maurus , and Aquinas in their Expositions of this Scripture do repeat and follow . And this St. Augustine well approves of , Quare me dereliquisti , tanquam dicere● , relinquendo me , &c. (d) . Why hast thou forsaken me , as if he should have said , by leaving me in the time of my trouble ; because not hearing me when I call upon thee , thou art far off from my salvation , praesenti scilicet salute hujus vitae , that is to say , in reference to this present life . And Lyra also saith the same , though of later date , (e) Dixit Christus se derelictum a Deo Patre , quia dimittebat eum in manibus occidentium ; i. e. Christ saith , he was forsaken of God his Father , because he was left in the hands of them that slew him . And so Theodoret for the Greeks (f) , CHRIST ( saith he ) calleth that a dereliction ( or forsaking of God ) which was a permission of the Godhead , that the humanity might suffer . With these agree some Doctors of the Protestant Churches of great name and credit , as Bucer and Bullinger in their Comments on the 27. of S. Matthew , and Munster in his observations on the 21. Psalm . Other forsaking , other dereliction , more then the leaving of him in the hands of his enemies , they acknowledg none : sure I am no withdrawing from him of the divine presence and assistance of God. For so Tertullian doth affirm , that God was said to have forsaken him ( in a sort ) dum hominem ejus tradidit in mortem , (g) whilest he delivered him in his humane nature to the hands of death ; but that he did not leave him ( altogether ) in that it was into the hands of his Father , that he commended his Spirit . Fulgentius saith as much , or more ; saying , that though in the death of Christ his soul was to forsake his dying body (h) , Divinitas tamen Christi nec ab anima nec a earne potest separari suscepta ; yet the Divinity could not be separated from his soul , nor from the body neither , which it had assumed : And how far Christ was then from thinking that he had either lost the favour of Almighty God , or his own interest in disposing of the heavenly glories , doth evidently appear by that of Hilari● : derelinqui se ad mortem questus est , sed tunc Confessorem suum secum in regno Paradisi suscepit (i) . CHRIST , saith he , doth complain of his being forsaken , or left unto the powers of death ; and yet even then he received the Theef that did confess him into the assured hopes of Paradise : Where by the way , all the forsaking , which this Father doth take notice of , was derelictio ad mortem , a leaving of our Saviour to the hands of death . The Schoolmen also say the same , who make six kindes of dereliction or forsaking , according as I finde them in our Reverend Field (k) . 1. By disunion of person , 2. by loss of grace , 3. by diminution or weakness of grace , 4. by want of the assurance of future deliverance and present support , 5. by denial of protection ; and 6. by withdrawing all solace , and destituting the forsaken of all present comfort . Then they declare , that it is an impious thing to think that Christ was forsaken any of the four first ways , in that the unity of his Person was never dissolved , his graces neither taken away nor diminished ; no possibility that he should want assurance either of present support or future deliverance . But for the two last ways , he may be rightly said ( say they ) to have been forsaken , in that his Father had denyed to protect and keep him out of the hands of his cruel , bloudy , and merciless enemies , no way restraining them , but suffering them to do the uttermost of that which their wicked malice could invent ; and that nothing might be wanting to make his sorrows beyond measure sorrowful , had withdrawn from him also that accustomed solace which he was wont to find in God , and removed from him all those things which might any way asswage the extremity of his pain and misery . The Master of the Sentences gives it thus more briefly ; (l) Separavit se divinitas quia substraxit protectionem ; separavit se foris , ut non esset ad defensionem ; sed non intus defuit ad unionem . All the forsaking then that the Lord complained of on the Cross , was , that he had been left to the hands of his enemies , and that his heavenly Father had forborn all this while to shew any open sign of love or favour towards him in the sight of the Iews , by whom he had been so afflicted , and reproached , and indeed blasphemed . This is the most that can be said of this bitter and compassionte cemplaint which our Saviour made , whether in reference to himself , or to all mankinde , or perhaps to both ; unless it may be further added , that he desired in these words , as some think he did (m) , that God would please to manifest by some publick sign , what an esteem he had of that sacred Person whom both the Iews and Gentiles had so much oppressed and despised , and of whom he had seemed all this while to make little reckoning . And this is that which Athanasius hath observed (n) in his fourth Oration or Discourse against the Arians who stood much upon it ; Loe ( saith he ) upon Christs speech ( why hast thou forsaken me ) the Father shewed himself to be even then in Christ , as ever before . For the earth knowing her Lord to speak did straightway tremble , and the vail rent in twain , and the Sun did hide himself , and the rocks clave in sunder , and the graves were opened , and the dead men rose . And that which was no less marvellous indeed , the standers by which before denyed him , confessed him to be the Son of God. To proceed then , this exclamation being made , and gaining no more from the standers by , but addition of scorn to misery , and contempt to scorn , the people mocking him , as if he had called upon Elias to come and help him ; he cryed out , I thirst (o) : and even the matter of that cry , gives them another opportunity to put a scorn upon him , and increase his griefs . One of them , saith the Scripture , ran and took a spunge , and filled it with vinegar , and put it on a reed , and gave it him to drink Matth. 27.48 . Where mark the malice of the man , ( if he may so be called , which had no humanity ) . Our Saviour called for drink to asswage his thirst ; the wicked fellow gives him vinegar , not to accelerate his death , or send him out of hand to the other world , for fear Elias indeed should come to help him , as (p) Theophylact thinks , but rather to continue him the longer in those terrible pains . It is the quality of vinegar , as we read in Pliny , that it stancheth the effusion of bloud . Sanguinis profluvium sistunt ex aceto (q) , as that Author hath it . And therefore I concurre with them , who think this vinegar was given him to no other end , but out of a most barbarous purpose to prolong his torments , for fear least otherwise he might bleed to death , and put too speedy an end to their sports and triumphs . But contrary to the expectation of this wicked man , no sooner had our Saviour took a tast thereof , but the work was finished . He cryed out with a loud voice ( Matth. 27.50 . ) It is finished , ( Joh. 19.30 . ) and presently he bowed his head (r) and said , Father into thy hands I commend my Spirit , and having thus said , he gave up the ghost (s) . In which it is to be observed that Christ now seeing all was finished , which God required at his hands to the satisfaction of his justice for the sins of man , and having fulfilled all those things which were spoken of him by the Prophets ; did voluntarily of his own accord , deliver up his soul into the hands of his Father . He had before told us of himself , that he was the good Shepheard , which giveth his life for the sheep , Ioh. 10.11 . that no man had power to take it from him , ( Si nemo , utique nec mors , and if none , then not death , as we read in Chrysostom (t) but that he laid it down of himself , vers . 18. and that he gave his life as a ransome for many , Matth. 20.28 . And the event shewed that he was no braggard , or had said more then he was able to perform . For the Evangelists declare that he had sense and speech , and voluntary motion to the last gasp of his breath ; all which do evidently fail in the sons of men , before the soul parteth from the body . Which breathing out of his soul so presently , upon so strong a cry , and so lowd a prayer , seemed so miraculous to the Centurion who observed the same , that without expecting any further Miracle , he acknowledged presently , that truly this was the Son of God. And this St. Hierom noted rightly (u) , The Centurion hearing Christ say to his Father , Into thy hands I commend my Spirit , & statim sponte dimisisse spiritum , and presently of his own accord to give up the ghost , moved with the greatness of the wonder , said , Truly this man was the Son of God. The Fathers generally do affirm the same , ascribing this last act of our Saviours Tragedy , not to extremity of pain , or loss of bloud , to any outward violence , or decay of spirits , but as his own voluntary deed : and that though God the Father had decreed he should die , yet he did give him leave and power to lay down his life of his own accord ; that his obedience to the will and pleasure of his heavenly Father might appear more evidently , and the oblation of himself be the more acceptable . And to this purpose saith St. Ambrose , (x) Quasi arbiter exuendi suscipiendique corporis emisit spiritum , non amisit , i. e. he did not lose his soul though he breathed it forth , as one that had it in his own power , both to assume his body and to put it off . Eusebius to the same purpose also , When no man had power over Christs soul , he himself of his own accord laid it down for man (y) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so being free at his own disposing , and not over-ruled by outward force , he himself of himself made his departure from the body . The judgement of the rest of the Fathers touching this particular , he that list to see , let him consult St. Augustine , lib. 4 de Trinit . c. 13. Victor Antiochen . in Marc. c. 15. Leo de Passione Dom. serm . 16. Fulgentius lib. 3. ad Thrasimundum , Sedulius in Opere Paschali lib. 5. c. 17. Beda in Matth. c. 27. Bernard in Feria 4. Hebdom . poenosae . And for the Greeks , Athanasius , Orat. 4. contra Arianos . Origen in Ioh. Hom. 19. Gregorie Nyssen , in Orat. 1. de Christi Resurrectione ; Nazianzen in his Tragedy called Christus patiens . Chrysostom in Matth. 27. Homil. 89. Theophylact on the 27. of Matth. and the 23. of Mark. and the 23. of Luke . And for late Writers , Erasmus on Luk. 23. and Mark. 15. Musculus on the 27. of Matthew , and Gualter Hom. 169. on Iohn ; all which attest most punctually to the truth of this , that the death of Christ was not meerly natural , proceeding either from any outward or inward causes , but only from his own great power , and his holy will. And to what purpose note they this , but first to shew the conquest which he had of death , whom he thus swallowed up in victory (z) , as the Apostle doth express it : and secondly , to shew that whereas natural death was the wages of sin , which could not be inflicted on him in whom no sin was ; he therefore did breath out his soul in another manner , then is incident to the sons of men , to make himself a free-will offering to the Lord his God , and make himself a sacrifice for the sins of mankinde , by yeelding willingly to that death which their sins deserved ? And to this death , this voluntary , but bodily death of the Lord CHRIST IESVS , and to that alone , the Scriptures do ascribe that great work of the worlds redemption . For thus St. Paul unto the Romans , When we were enemies we were reconciled to God , by the death of his Son , Rom. 5.11 . to the Hebrews thus , For this cause he is the Mediator of the New Testament , that by means of death for the redemption of the transgressions which were under the first Testament , they which are called might receive the promise of eternal inheritance , Heb. 9.15 . if by Christs death , it must be by his bodily death , by effusion of his bloud , and by no other death or kinde of death of what sort soever . And to this truth the Scriptures witness very frequently . For thus St. Paul , we have redemption through his bloud , Ephes. 1.7 . By his own bloud hath he entred into the holy place , having obtained eternal redemption for us . Heb. 9.12 . St. Peter thus , Forasmuch as ye know that ye were not redeemed with corruptible things , as with silver and gold , but with the precious bloud of Christ , as of a Lamb without blemish , and without spot . 1 Pet. 1.18 , 19. Finally , thus the Elders say unto the Lamb in the Revelation , Thou wast slain , and hast redeemed us to God , by thy bloud , Apocal. 5 9. Which being so , it is most certain that Christ abolished sin and Satan , by suffering his body to be slain , & his bloud to be shed unto the death or the sins of the world ; and not by any other way or means co-ordinate with it , as some lately fable . Yet so it is , that some men not content with that way of Redemption which is delivered in the Scriptures , have fancyed to themselves another and more likely means for perfecting that great work of the death of Christ , and teach us that the shedding of his bloud to the death of his body had not been sufficient for the remission of our sins , if he had not also suffered the death of the soul (a) , and thereby wholly ransomed us from the wrath of God. Calvin first led the dance in this , affirming very desperately ( that I say no worse ) Nihil actum esse si corporea tantum morte defunctus fuisset , that Christ had done nothing to the purpose , if he had dyed no other then a bod●ly death (b) . He must then die the death of the soul , seeing that his bodily death would not serve the turn ; and they who pretermit this part of our Redemption ( never known before ) and do insist so much externo carnis supplicio in the outward sacrifice of his flesh , are insulsi nimis , but silly fellows at the best , be they what they will ; neither the Fathers nor Apostles , no nor Christ himself ( for ought I can see ) to be excepted . Which error being thus sprung up , did in an Age so apt to novelties and innovations , meet with many followers ; and some , too many indeed in this Church of England : some of them teaching , as it is affirmed by their learned Adversary , that Christ redeemed our souls by the death of his soul , (c) as our bodies by the death of his body . Now whereas the soul is subject to a twofold death , the one by sin prevailing on it in this life , which is the natural depriving , or voluntary renouncing of all grace ; the other by damnation in the world to come , which is the just rejecting of all the wicked from any fellowship with God in his glory , and fastning them to everlasting torments in hell fire : I would fain know which of these deaths it was , the first or second , which our Saviour suffered in his soul. I think they do not mean the last , and am sure they cannot prove the first : for to talk , as some of them have done , that there may be a death of the soul , a curse and separation from God (d) , which of it self is neither sin , nor conjoyned with sin , is such a Monster in Divinity , as was never heard of till this Age. Certain I am the Scripture only speaks of two kindes of death , the first and the second , both which we finde expressed in the Revelation : where it is said (e) the fearful and the unbeleeving , and the abominable , and murtherers , and sorcerers , and whoremongers , and Idolaters , and all lyers , ( all which no doubt are under the arrest of the first death , whereof he speaketh , chap. 2. vers . 11. ) shall have their part in the lake which burneth with fire and brimstone ; which is the second death . And sure I am , the Fathers , if they may be credited , are contrary in tearms express to this new device ; not only acknowledging no death in Christ but the death of the body , but also utterly disclaiming this pretended death of the soul. In quo nisi in corpore , expiavit populi peccata ? (f) in quo passus est nisi in corpore ? Wherein ( saith Ambrose ) did he expiate the sins of the people , but in his body ? wherein did he suffer ( death ) but in his body ? St. Austin to this purpose also , Sacerdos propter victimam , quam pro nobis offerret , a nobis acceptam ; (g) that Christ was made or called a Priest , by reason of that sacrifice which he took of us , that he might offer it for us ; which could be nothing but our body . More plainly and exclusively , Fulgentius thus , (h) Moriente carne , non solum deitas , sed nec anima Christi potest ostendi comm●rtua ; that when Christ dyed in the flesh , neither his Deity nor his soul can be demonstrated to have dyed also with it . The greatest Doctors of the Greek Churches do affirm the same . Christ ( saith Theodoret ) was called an high Priest in his humane nature (i) ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and offered none other sacrifice but his body only . And thus Theophylact ; A Priest may by no means be without a sacrifice ; It was necessary then that Christ should have somewhat to offer (k) : Quod autem offerretur praeter ejus corpus nihil quippiam erat ; and there was nothing which he had to offer but his body only . Athanasius in his third Oration against the Ari●ns , and Nazianzen on that text , When Iesus had finished all those sayings , do affirme the same ; but not so clearly and exclusively as the others did . Now as here is no death of the soul which possibly may be imagined to have happened to Christ , if we will be judged by the Scriptures ; and as the Fathers Greek and Latine do so significantly and expresly disclaime the same : so is it such an horrid speech , such a pang of blasphemy , as should not come within the heart , nor issue from the mouth of any Christian. But this I only touch at now . We shall hear more of it in the next Article touching the descent into hell , where it shall be presented to us in another colour . I end this point at this time with that of Augustine (l) , There is a first death , and there is a second . The first death hath two parts , one whereby the sinfull soul by transgressing departeth from her Creator ; the other whereby she is excluded from her body as a punishment inflicted on her by the judgment of God. The second death is the everlasting torment of the body and soul. Either of these deaths had laid hold upon every man , but that the righteous and immortall Son of God came to die for us , in whose flesh because there could be no sin , he suffered the punishment of sin without the guilt of it . And to that end admitted ( or endured ) for us the second part of the first death , that is to say , the death of the body only , by which he ransomed us from the dominion of sin , and the pain of eternal punishment which was due unto it . But yet there is another argument which concludes more fully against this new device of theirs , then any testimonies of the Fathers before produced ; mamely , the institution of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , by the Lord himself : in which there is a commemoration to be held for ever , both of the breaking of his body , and of the effusion of his bloud , by which his bodily death is represented and set forth till his coming again (n) ; but no remembrance instituted or commanded for the death of his soul. Which if it were of such an unquestionable truth , as these men conceive ; and of such special use and efficacie to the worlds redemption , as they gave it out ; would doubtlesse have been honoured with some special place , in that commemoration of his Sacrifice which himself ordained . Who in the same night he was betrayed took bread , and when he had given thankes he brake it and said , Take eate , this is my body which is broken for you ; this do in remembrance of me (o) : and likewise after the same manner also he took the cup , when he had supped , saying , this cup is the new Testament ( sealed ) in my bloud ( which is shed (p) for you ) ; this do as oft as ye drink in remembrance of me . In which ( and more then this we finde not in the book ) there is not one word which doth reflect on the death of his soul , or any commemoration or remembrance to be held of that . Only we find , that as our Saviour by his death which was then at hand , did put an end to all the legal rites and sacrifices of the old Testament , which were but the shadows of things to come , as St. Paul cals them , Coloss. 2.17 . So having fulfilled in the flesh all that had been fore-signifyed and spoken of him in the Law and Prophets , he did of all ordain and institute one only Eucharistical sacrifice , for a perpetuall remembrance of his death and passion , to his second coming . And thus St. Augustine doth informe us , saying (p) , Id enim sacrificium est quod successit omnibus sacrificiis quae immolabantur in umbra futuri ; that this one sacrifice succeedeth in the place of all those , which were offered in relation unto Christ to come . But before him St. Ireneus did more plainly affirme that same ; who living in the next age to the Apostles , is able to instruct us better in the mysteries of the Christian faith , then any other more remote , and of lesse antiquity . And he tels us this , viz. that as God caused his Gospel to be preached over all the world , in stead of the innumerable ordinances of the Law of Moses : so he ordained that for those several sorts of sacrifices which are there prescribed (q) , simplex oblatio panis et vini sufficiat , the offering of bread and wine only should be held sufficient . More plainly yet , as plainly as he could expresse himself by words and writing , he doth thus deliver it , Sed & suis Discipulis dans consilium , &c. Christ , saith he (r) , giving his Disciples charge to offer the first fruits of every creature to the Lord their God , not that God standeth in need of their oblations , but that they might not be esteemed to be either unfruitfull or ungratefull , tooke ordinary bread ( eum qui ex natura panis est ) and having given thanks said , This is my body ; and taking the cup into his hands , such as we use to drink of the fruit of the vine , acknowledged it to be his bloud . What then ? for this we know already . It followeth , Et novi testamenti novam docuit oblationem , quam Ecclesia ab Apostolis accipiens in universo mundo offert Deo. By doing which ( saith that old Father ) he taught us the new sacrifice of oblation of the new Testament , which the Church receiving from the Apostles , doth offer unto God over all the world . So that the holy Eucharist was ordained by Christ , not only as a Sacrament , but a sacrifice also ; and so esteemed and called by the most antient writers , though many times by reason of several relations it hath either severall names , or severall adjuncts : that is to say , a sacrifice , a commemorative sacrifice , an eucharisticall sacrifice , a spiritual sacrifice , the Supper of the Lord , a Sacrament . A sacrifice it is , and so called commonly , in reference unto the oblation or offering of the bread and wine , made unto God in testimony and due acknowledgment that all which we possesse is received from him , and that we tender these his creatures to him as no longer ours , but to be his , and to be spent in such employments , and for such holy uses , as he shall please to put it to . In this respect it is entituled , Oblatio panis et vini , the offering or oblation of bread and wine , as before we saw from Irenaeus (s) ; the sacrifice offered by us Gentiles , ( hostia quae ipsi a nobis Gentibus offertur ) of the bread and wine presented in the holy Eucharist , as in Iustin Martyr (t) ; Sacrificium panis & vini , the sacrifice ( in plain terms ) of bread and wine (u) , as Fulgentius hath it . For clearing of which point we may please to know , that antiently it was the custome of the Primitive Christians , to bring their bread and wine to the Church of God , and offer them to the Lord by the hands of the Priest or Minister ; part of the which was consecrated for the use of the Sacrament , the rest being usually given to the poor and needy , as having a letter of attorney from the Lord of heaven to receive our bounties . For thus we read in Iustin Martyr , who lived the next dore also to the Apostles : Prayers being done ( saith he ) we salute one another with an holy kisse (x) . Then do we offer to the Bishop , ( for such is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom he speaks of there ) bread and wine mixt with water , ( as the use then was ) which he receiving , offered to God the sacrifice of praise and glory , &c. And thus St. Cyprian speaking of a rich but covetous Widow , who came not with her offering to the Church as her poor neigbours did , charged her that she came into Gods house without her sacrifice , and eat of that which had been offered ( or sacrificed unto God , by far poorer folke (y) . Locuples et dives , Dominicum celebrare te dicis ( but there dominicum signifyeth the Lords day plainly ) qui corbonam omnino non respicis ; qui in dominicum ( there it is the Church ) sine sacrificio venis , qui partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit sumis , are his words at large . Where sacrificium in both places signifyeth the bread and wine , which they used to offer to the Lord , to be consecrated and employed in celebrating the memorial of our Saviours passion . It is called next a commemorative sacrifice , ( a Sacrifice commemorative and representative by Dr. Morton (x) Ld. B. of Durham in his book of the Sacrament ) in regard that it was instituted by our Saviour Christ , for a perpetual memory of that one perfect and al-sufficient sacrifice , which he offered of himself upon the Crosse. And to this end it was that Chrysostome having called the Sacrament of the Lords supper by the name of a Sacrifice ; addes presently , not by way of correction or retractation , ( as I know some think ) but by way of explanation only (a) ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it was the remembrance rather of a sacrifi●e , or a commemorative sacrifice as some others call it (b) . Which word commemorative , as I take it , detracts not from the nature of a sacrifice , ( as if it were the lesse a sacrifice because commemorative ) but only signifyeth the end to which it is specially directed . For as the sacrifices of the old law were true and proper sacrifices in respect of the beasts or ●owles , or other things which were offered , although prefigurative of that sacrifice made upon the Crosse , which was then to come : so are the sacrifices of the Gospel true and real sacrifices , in reference to the oblation made of bread and wine for the service of God , although commemorative of the same great sacrifice now already past . It was called thirdly a spiritual and Eucharistical sacrifice , by reason that Gods servants therein make profession of their due acknowledgements for all the blessings which he hath vouchsafed to bestow on their souls and bodies , especially for the redemption of themselves and of all mankinde by the death of Christ ; and therewith offering up themselves , their souls and bodies , as a pleasing and most acceptable sacrifice to the Lord their God. For thus we finde in Iustin Martyr , that the Bishop or President of the Congregation having received the bread and wine from the hands of the faithful , offered , by them (c) , the sacrifice of praise and thanks to God the Father of all things in the name of the Son and the holy Ghost , for all those blessings which he hath graciously from time to time bestowed upon them . And thus Irenaeus (d) , Oportet nos oblationem Deo facere , et in omnibus gratos inveniri fabricatori Deo , &c. It becometh us ( saith he ) to make oblations unto God , and to be thankefull in all things to our heavenly maker , offering to him the first fruits of his own creatures , with a right belief , and faith without hypocrisie , in hope assured , and fervencie of brotherly affection : which pure oblation , the Church alone doth offer to the maker of all things , out of his own creatures , with praise and thanks-giving . And last of all , it is called the Sacrament , sometimes the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , sometimes the Sacrament of the Altar (e) , by reaso that the bread and wine thus dedicated to the service of Almighty God , and righly consecrated by his Ministers , are made unto the faithful receiver the very body and bloud of Christ our Saviour , and do exhibit to us all the benefits of his death and passion . Of which it is thus said by the old Father Irenaeus , that the bread made of the fruits of the earth , and sanctifyed according to Christs ordinance (f) , jam non communis panis est , sed Eucharistia ex duabus rebus constans , terrena & Coelesti , &c. is now no longer common bread , but the blessed Eucharist , consisting of two parts , the one earthly , and the other heavenly : that is to say , the outward elemental signe , and the inward and spiritual grace . In which respect it was affirmed of this bread ; by Cyprian , ( if at the least the work be his , which is somewhat doubted ) non effigie sed natura mutatum (g) , that though it kept the same shape which it had before , yet was the nature of it changed : not that it ceased to be what before it was , ( as the Patrons of the Romish Masse (h) do pervert his meaning ) but by being what before it was not : just as an iron made red hot , retaineth the proportion and dimensions which before it had , and is still iron as at the first , though somewhat of the nature of fire , which is to warme , and burn , be now added to it . And this was antiently the doctrine of the Church of Christ touching the sacrifice of the Lords supper , or the blessed Eucharist , before that monstrous Paradox of Transubstantiation was hammered in the brains of capricious Schoolmen ; or any such thing as a Propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and dead , affabulated to the same by the Popes of Rome . Now such a sacrifice as this , with all the several kinds and adjuncts of it , we finde asserted and maintained by the Church of England : though it condemn the sacrifices of the Masses (l) , in which it was commonly said , that the Priest did offer Christ for the quick and the dead , to have remission of pain or guilt , as dangerous deceits and blasphemous fables , and censureth Transubstantiation as repugnant to the plain words of Scripture , destructive of the true nature of a Sacrament , and to have given occasion to much superstition . For if a true and proper sacrifice be defined to be the offering of a creature to Almighty God , to be consecrated by a lawfull Minister , to be spent and consumed to his service ; as Bellarmine , and the most learned men of both sides do affirme it is ; then is the offering of the bread and wine in the Church of England a true proper sacrifice : for it is usually provided by the Church-wardens at the charge of the people (m) , and being by them presented in the name of the people , and placed on the Altar or holy table before the Lord , is now no longer theirs , but his ; ( and grant that we receiving these thy creatures of bread and wine ) and being consecrated by the Priest , is consumed and eaten by such as come prepared to partake thereof . The whole prayer used at the consecration , doth it not plainly manifest that it is commemorative , and celebrated in memorial of that full , perfect , and sufficient sacrifice , oblation , and satisfaction for the sins of the whole world , which our Saviour made upon the Crosse , for our Redemption ? And when the Priest or Minister doth call upon us in the Exhortation , above all things to give most humble and hearty thanks to God the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost , for the redemption of the world by the death and passion of our Saviour Christ : and that we do accordingly entirely desire his fatherly goodness , mercifully to accept that our sacrifice of praise and thanks-giving ; and therewith offer and present unto him our selves , souls , and bodies , to be a reasonable , holy , and lively sacrifice unto him ; do we not thereby signifie as plainly as may be , that it is an Eucharistical and spiritual sacrifice ? Finally , that it is a Sacrament , I think none denies ; and that thereby we are partakers of the body and bloud of CHRIST , I think all will grant ; the people giving thanks to Almighty God , for that he hath vouchsafed to feed them with the spiritual food of the most precious body and bloud of his Son our Saviour Jesus Christ ; and calling upon him to grant , that by the merits and death of his Son Christ Jesus , and through faith in his bloud , both they and all his whole Church may obtain remission of their sins , and all other benefits of his passion (n) . Nor doth the Church of England differ from the Antients as concerning the change , made in the bread and wine on the consecration : which being blessed and received according to Christs holy institution , become the very body and bloud of Christ , by that name are delivered with the usual prayer , into the hands of the people , and are verily and indeed ( saith the publick authorized Catechisme ) taken and received of the faithfull in the Lords Supper . The bread and wine , though still the same in substance which before they were , are changed in nature , being made what before they were not : according to the uncorrupted doctrine of the purest times , and the opinion of the soundest and most learned Protestants . I add no more , but that if question should be asked with which of all the legal sacrifices this of the Church of Christ doth hold best proportion : I answer that it it best agreeth with those Eucharisticall sacrifices of the Law which were called peace-offerings , made unto God upon their reconciliation and atonement with him . In which as the creature offered a sacrifice to the Lord their God , might be indifferently either male or female , to shew that both sexes might participate of it ; so being offered to the Lord , the one part of it did belong to the Priest towards his maintenance and support , as the skin , the belly , the right shoulder , and the brest , &c. the rest was eaten in the way of a solemn feast , by those who brought it for an offering before the Lord. And in the feast , as Mollerus (o) very probably conjectureth , the man that brought this offering did use to take a cup of wine and give thanks over it to the Lord for all his benefits : which was the Calix salutis whereof the Psalmist speaketh , saying , I will take the cup of salvation , and ●all upon the name of the Lord , Psalm . 116.13 . But I crave pardon for this digression ( if at least it be one ) and passe from the commemoration to the thing remembred . To return back therefore unto Christ our Saviour , whom we left hanging on the Crosse ; and who by yielding up his soul into the hands of his Father , had put a finall period unto all his sufferings : it could not be , but that his death being of so great consequence to the sons of men , though most unjustly brought about by these sons of Belial ) must be accompanyed with some great and signal testimonies from the God of heaven . And so accordingly it was . For the text telleth us (m) , that the sun was darkned from the sixth hour to the nineth , that the vail of the Temple was rent in twain from the top to the bottome , and the earth did quake , and the rocks were rent . It could not otherwise be supposed , but that the whole fabrick of the world would be out of joynt , and the course of nature suffer interruption , when he by whom the world was made , and nature put into an ordinary course , did suffer such a dissolution of his body and soul , and took his farewell of the world in so strange a manner . Which wondrous accidents , together with the circumstances of the time and place , being so necessary to the knowledge of our Saviours passion , and to the clearing of some difficulties which occurre therein ; shall be a little further enquired into , for the readers satisfaction and mine one . And first beginning with those signes and wonders which did accompany his death ; some of them were so generall , as to be observed in parts far remote , and by men that had no reference unto Christs affaires ; and other being of more private and particular nature , not taking notice of but by those of Iewry , whom it most principally concerned . Of this last sort was the renting of the vail of the Temple in twain from the top to the bottome . Concerning which we may please to know that the Temple of Hierusalem consisted of two parts ( besides the Courts ) that is to say , the body of the Church , which they called the holy , and the quire or ch●ncell of the same , which they called the Sanctum sanctorum , or the holy of holies , or the holiest of all , Heb. 9.3 . into which none might enter but the high Priest only , and that but once a year neither (n) , when he made offerings for himself and for the errours of the people . This parted from the other by a very high wall reaching to the top , and glittering with gold , and curiously engraved with the work of the carver (o) : having one only dore which opened inwardly into it , before which hung the vail here mentioned , ( being made of silk and artificially embroidered with most curious works ) to hinder the people from looking into the inmost Sanctuary of the Temple . Now for the renting of this vail , it either signifyed the discovery and laying open of the Iewish rites , which before were hidden and concealed from the eyes of the Gentiles (p) , as Theophylact is of opinion ; or the abrogation of the Iewish ceremonies , by the death of Christ , as Calvin thinks ; or rather the breaking down of the partition-wall by which the Iews and Gentiles had before been separated , and bringing both into one Church or Mystical body . And unto this , most probably alludeth the Apostle (q) , saying of Christ , that he hath made of both one , and hath broken down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that middle wall of partition which was between us , that he might reconcile both unto God in one body by the Crosse. As for the earth-quake , and that darknesse which the speaks of , it was so general and remarkable over all the world , that other writers of those times have observed the same , and left their observations on record to confirme those truths ; left the Evangelists might have been suspected to have been partiall in relating the affaires of Christ. For Origen proves it out of Phlegon , an old Greek writer of those times , that in the reign of Tiberius Caesar under whom Christ suffered (r) , universum orbem tenebris offusum , the whole world was covered with a prodigious darknesse , and that many fatall earthquakes hapned in the same times also . Eusebius doth observe the same out of Phlegon also (s) , adding withall , that the sun never suffered such a notable defect of light , as was then observed ; and that many Cities of Bithynia , but specially the City of Nice , were miserably shaken with those earthquakes . Tertullian also speaking of this present Eclipse , builds not alone on the Evangelists ( whose credit he conceived the Gentiles would not much relie on ) but doth appeal to the Records and Archives of the Roman Empire (t) . A darknesse or eclipse the more remarkable , because so plainly contrary to the course of nature , and therefore by St. Augustine called mirabilis et prodigtosus (u) , as being at the full of the Moone ( for at that time the Iewes did keep the feast of the Passeover ) whereas all Eclipses of the sun do naturally happen in the wane of the old moone , or the first quarter of the new . Touching the time of our Redeemers being fastned to the fatall Crosse , there seems to be some difference between the Evangelists . St. Marke saith , It was the third hour , and they crucifyed him ; Mark. 15.25 . St. Iohn , that it was about the sixt hour when Palate delivered him unto them to be crucifyed , cap. 16. v. 14 , 16. This hath occasioned some to think that the text in one of the Evangelists hath received a change , and that the Copies differ from the first originall . The Commentaries on the 77. Psal. ascribed to Hierome (x) , is of opinion that the text in Marke hath been corrupted by the carelesnesse of the Transcribers , and the third hour put down in stead of the sixt ; and hereunto Cajetan on the place , Sixtus Senensis Biblioth . l. 6. Annotat. 131. and Canus in the second of ●is Common places , cap. 18. do conform their judgments . And on the other side Theophylact is of opinion that the corruption lyeth in the text of Iohn , which antiently had spoken of the third houre (y) in numeral figures not at length , and that by the like fault of the transcribers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as his own words are , the numeral figures were mistaken , the sixt being there put down in stead of the third . And though it cannot be denyed but that some very antient Copies do read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there as it is in Marke : yet Beza (z) , who observes and approveth the same , thinks it very unsafe to alter any thing in the text , or depart only upon that authority from the usuall readings ; with great both piety and prudence . So that the readings in both places ( as they stand now in our Bibles ) being very antient and extant in all the Fathers who have written on them or otherwise discoursed occasionally of our Saviours passion : it hath exceedingly exercised the wits of judicious men , to attone the difference . The generall resolution is (a) , ( for this is neither time nor place to discusse it fully ) that the whole day amongst the Iews from sun to sun ( which the Astronomers call the artificial day ) was commonly divided into four quaternions of houres ; of which the first three had the name of the third houre , the second three of the sixt hour , the third three of the ninth hour , and the last three of the evening or sun set : Then , that the sixt hour beginning where the third did end , the same thing may be said to be done in the end of the third houre , which was done in the beginning of the sixt ; inchoative in the sixt hour , but completive in the third . And so our Saviour may be said to be crucifyed in the third hour as St. Marke relateth , that is to say , in the end of the third houre complete ; and about the sixt hour , as St. Iohn delivereth it , that is to say , about the sixt hour coming on . Others conceive that Marke relates unto the time when Pilate did passe sentence on him , and deliver him over to be crucifyed , which was in the third hour of the day ; and that Iohn speaks as to the execution of the sentence , which was done in the sixt . And if this could agree with the other cicumstances it were undoubtedly the best , and of most probability , especially considering what good ground it hath from Ignatius (b) who lived in the times of the Apostles . By whom the whole story of the Passion is thus distributed . In the third hour Christ was condemned by Pontius Pilate , crucifyed in the sixt , died in the nin●h , and was buried before sunset . And unto either of these two I should sooner yeild , then hearken to the new devise of Daniel Heinsius , who will have the third hour mentioned in St. Marks Gospell to be the third hour of our Saviours crucifying (c) , with which the circumstances of the text can no way agree : and yet far sooner unto him , then to an eminent Divine of great place and name , affirming openly in a Sermon before the King ( on the credit of some old Greek copies ) that the text in Iohn had been corrupted . Lesse difficulty far there is about the place of the Passion , in which all Euangelists do agree in meaning , though they use divers words . St. Matthew , Marke , and Iohn , do call it Golgatha , according to the Hebrew name , but St. Luke cals it Calvarie , 23.33 . according to that Hebrew name translated and made intelligible to the ears of the Romans . In every one it signifieth the place of a skul , and is so translated in our Bibles , Matth. 27.33 . Mark 15.22 . Ioh 19.17 . A name bestowed upon it as the Fathers say , in regard that Adam was there buryed , and his skul found there by the people many Ages after . And though I dare not swear this for a Canonical truth , yet certainly it hath as good grounds to stand upon , as an old Tradition can confer . For sure I am that such a Tradition there was in the time of Origen , one of the most antient Christian writers , whose works are extant . (d) Venit ad me talis traditio , quod corpus Adae primi hominis sepultum est ibi , ubi crucifixus est Christus . There is a Tradition , saith he , that the body of the first man Adam was there buried , where Christ was crucified . Tertullian doth affirm the same amongst his verses . So doth St. Basil also on Levit. 5. Epiphanius contra haereses , n. 46. Chrysostom in his 84. Homilie on Iohn : St. Augustine in the 71. Sermon inscribed de Tempore : St. Ambrose Epistola 3. lib. 5. Hierom on Matth. 27. Theophylact in his Comments on the four Evangelists . Nor do they only thus unanimously report the said Tradition , but they give their reason for it too , viz. that because all men dyed in Adam , so by Christ all might be also made alive ; that so where sin took its beginning , it should finde destruction ; and finally that ut super Adae tumulum sanguis Christi stillaret (e) , which was Hieroms conceit , that so the bloud of Christ might fall upon Adams tomb . And I remember I have seen a picture in an old peece of hanging in the stals at Westminster ( for we have our Testes fenestras too , especially in such a case as this , as well as Campian (f) in a greater , ) in which we finde the souldier piercing Christs side with his lance ; water and bloud issuing from the side ●o pierced ; and Adam starting out of his grave with a cup in his hand to receive the bloud . Which fancy as it was conform to the old Tradition , so did it hand somely express a good peece of Divinity : the meaning of it being this , that as Adam being the root of all mankinde had forfeited for himself and his posterity all those most excellent endowments of grace and nature , which God had given him at the first ; so now he did lay hold upon Salvation for himself and his , that all who were , and were to be descended of him , should have their part in the redemption of the World by the bloud of Christ. And this I call a piece of good Divinity , howsoever expressed ; by reason that the universality of Redemption by our Saviours death , was not alone the Doctrine of the Primitive times ; but is the genuine and confirmed doctrine of this Church of England , which teacheth us to pray unto God the Son (g) , as the Redeemer of the world , and every one of us to believe in the same God the Son , who hath redeemed me and all mankinde (h) ; and finally to pray to God to have mercy upon all men , even upon all Iews , Turks , Infidels , and Hereticks (i) , that they may all be saved amongst the remnant of true Israelites , and be made one fold under the same one Shepheard IESVS CHRIST our Lord. No truth more rightly stated , more piously applyed , nor more fully explicated . It is now time we lay our Saviour in his Grave , being the last degree of his humiliation ; taking along with us such preparatives , as lead unto the same in the holy Gospel , in which the first passage which we meet with , is , how some devout people repaired to Pilate , and begged the body of their Lord that they might entomb it : (k) others in reference to the great festival ensuing , had desired of him that their legs might be broken , and that they might be taken away (l) , to the end that their bodies might not remain upon the Cross on the Sabbath-day . Which suit being granted , and that the souldiers coming to Christ found him dead already , they omitted the breaking of his legs , ( for so had God disposed , who before had signified , that a bone of him should not be broken ) but yet to make sure work , it seemed good to one of them to pierce his side with a spear ; and forthwith ( saith the Text ) came out bloud and water , Ioh. 19.34 . On this St. Augustine makes this gloss , that by the bloud and water issuing from the side of CHRIST , we are to understand the two Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper , commanded and ordained by him (m) . De latere pendentis in Cruce , Lancen percusso , Sacramenta Ecclesiae profluxerunt , as his words are briefly : and hereunto the Fathers and most writers since have inclined generally . This was the last remakable thing remembred in our Saviours passion ; the draining of his bloud to the last drop as it were , which though it could not yet add to his former sufferings , being dead before : yet served it as a confirmation of his death in the eyes of those , who otherwise might have called the realty thereof in question ; and was a certain note to discern him by , after he was risen again from death to life , as in the story of St. Thomas (n) . No further difficulty , that I know of , doth occur in this : the pleading of this Text by the Canonists of the Church of Rome (o) , in maintenance of their mingling water with the wine , in the blessed Sacrament , being so silly a device , that it deserves not to be honoured with a confutation . But in the other passage , which the Gospel mentioneth , touching the not breaking of his bones , perhaps a question may be made by some captious men , how it can possibly agree with another text of holy Scripture , where it is said , This is my body (p) which is broken for you ; and to what use the breaking of the bread doth serve in the holy Eucharist , it not to signifie the breaking of our Saviours body ? But the answer unto this is easie . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the word used by St. Paul in the Original , doth not only signifie to break in peeces , though Rob. Stephanus in his Thesaurus expound the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by no other word then the Latine Frango . Sometimes it signifieth to strain , as in that of Aristotle (q) , going up an hill 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the knees are bent or strained backwards ; and in that also of Hippocrates (r) , where he observeth that sometimes in holding the hand forth out-right , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bowing of the joynt ( or elbow ) is strained . Sometimes it signifieth to cut , Hesychius (s) , an old Grammarian , expounding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is cut ; and Theophrastus calling the cuttings of vines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (t) : with whom Suidas , Phavorinus , and the Scholiast on Aristophanes do agree also . And in this sense the bread is broken in the Sacrament , although cut with knives ; there being mention of a sacred knife in St. Chrysostoms Liturgie , which was employed unto no other use then that of the holy Sacrament . And last of all it signifieth sometimes the tearing or bruising of the fleshy parts , when the bones are neither broken nor so much as touched : which is most clearly witnessed by Hippocrates the Father of all learned Physick , giving this for a Rule of Art , that the breaking of any of the bones is less dangerous , then where the bones are not broken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (u) , but the veins and sinews adjoining are on every side bruised . So that although the bones of our Saviour were not broken , ( that he might in all things be agreeable to the Paschal lamb ) yet were his joints strained to the utmost , when he was stretched upon the Cross , his flesh most cruelly cut and torn with scourges , his veins and sinews miserably bruised and broken with those outward torments . All which as they are signified by this one word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render broken ; so doth it very well agree with that meaning of the word broken in our Engish Idiom : As when we say , a man hath got a broken skin , or broken head , when the flesh is only bruised , and the skin but rased . And hereto Beza doth agree in his Annotations on that Text (x) . By the word broken in St. Paul , is designed ( saith he ) the very manner of Christs death ; his body being torn , bruised , and even broken with most cruel torments , though his legs were not broken as the theeves were : so that the word hath a marvellous express signification , making the figure to agree so fully with the thing it self , the breaking of the bread representing to us the very death and passion of our Saviour Christ. Now go we on , Pilates leave being thus obtained , and the certainty of Christs death assured by this second murder ; they hasten all they could unto his funeral : to which was used small preparation , but less pomp by far . It was the day of preparation to the following festival , as two (y) of the Evangelists do affirm expressely ; the Friday , or good Friday as we call it now : in which it was not lawful for the Iews to do any work . A garden there was hard at hand , and in the garden a new sepulchre , in which never man was laid before : a Virgin-sepulchre for the son of a Virgin-mother ; a Garden to receive that great pledge of death which first found entrance by a Garden . So that the labour was not much to take down his body , and carry it to the next spot of ground , and there intomb it . No further cost bestowed upon his funerals , who spared not his most pretious bloud to procure our happiness ; but a mixture made of Myrrhe and Aloes : and had not Nicodemus been more valiant now (z) , then when he used to come unto his Saviour , as it were by stealth , he had wanted that . And this was done after the custom of the Iews , whose manner it was to bestow that charge upon their dead ; in sign of their belief of the Resurrection unto life eternal : not out of any thought they had of his so speedy a Resurrection at the three days end , though he had often told them that he would so do . So far were they from looking to behold him again on the first day of the week then following , that they did all they could to lay him up fast enough till the day of judgement : and to that end not only wrapped him up in sear-cloaths , ( for such the linnen clothes were which they wrapped him in , Ioh. 19.40 . ) but rolled a great stone to the dore of the sepulchre (a) , to make sure work with him . God certainly had so disposed it in his infinite wisdome to make the miracle of his Resurrection , the more considerable and convincing both with Iews and Gentiles . This is the sum of those particulars that concern Christs burial . Which though it seem of no more moment , then as a confirmation of an unfaigned death , and a preparative to his Resurrection ; and consequently may be thought unnecessary to be here added in the Creed : yet upon further search into it , we shall finde it otherwise . Our Saviour had not overcome death , if he had not dyed ; nor got the victory of the grave , had he not been buryed . His being restored unto life within three days of his death , was a very great and signal miracle ; but not so great , as that which had been acted before on Lazarus (b) , who had lain four days in the earth , and began to putrefie . His lying in the grave was the way to bury it : the only means to weaken and unloose the bonds thereof , that it should be no more a Prison , but a place of rest , wherein the bodies of Gods servants were to wait his pleasure , in sure and certain hope of a Resurrection to eternal life . But there was more in it yet then so . The adding of these two words , and buried , seem unto me to have been done by the spirit of Prophecie ; for the preserving of a great part of the following Article ; which else had been in danger in these quarrel some times , to be lost for ever . Great pains is taken by some men , and those of eminent parts and reputation , to prove that nothing else is meant by Christs descent into hell ; but either his lying (c) in the sepulchre , or being made subject to the ignominy of the grave (d) , or his continuance for a while in the state of death (e) ; as we shall see at large in the chapter following : all which are fully comprehended in these words , and buried . What an advantage think we would these men have taken , to put their own erroneous sense upon that Article , had these words been wanting ; who have presumed to advance their own particular fancies above the Catholick Tradition of the Church of Christ , notwithstanding these two words stand still , to confute them in it ? But of this anon . All I shall adde unto these Observations on Christs death , and burial , and his continuance in the grave , is , that in memory thereof , the Church hath antiently appointed that Friday and Saturday should be fasted weekly , the one in memory of the death and passion of our Lord CHRIST IESVS , who on that day suffered for our sins ; the other in relation to the woful and disconsolate condition of the first followers of our Saviour , who all that day distracted ( between hope and fear ) did seem to fit in darkness and the shadow of death (g) . And though the first Christians of the East did not fast the Saturday , for fear of giving scandal to the Iews amongst whom they lived : yet they made up the number of two days in the week , by adding Wednesday to the Friday (h) ; that being conceived to be the day , on which he had been bought and sold by the Traytor Iudas . But that concerns not us of the Western Churches in which the Friday and the Saturday fast are of such antiquity , that it is generally believed by all moderate men , to be derived from Apostolical Tradition . Certain I am , there is as much authority to keep those days fasting , as the Canons of the Church can give them ; and the Statutes of this Realm (i) can adde to those antient Canons : and were accordingly observed by all Christian men , till these wretched times , in which the sons of the old Heretick Arius , have turned all order out of dores , and introduced a most unchristian or rather Antichristian licentiousnes , under the colour and pretence of Christian liberty . Thus have we brought our Saviour CHRIST unto the bottome of the grave , the lowest step of his humiliation for the sons of men ; for lower then the grave he could hardly go . And here we should conclude this Article , but that as we began with some Observations touching Pontius Pilate , under whom Christ suffered , as also touching Annas and Caiaphas the High Priests , two of the principal actors in this happy Tragedy : so we will close this Article with the relation of that fearful and calamitous end which did most justly fall upon them , and on the rest of their accomplices in this act of bloud . But first we will begin with Iudas , the Architect and chief contriver of the the plot : of whom it is recorded in the holy Scriptures , that being touched in conscience for so foul a treachery as the betraying of the innocent bloud of his Lord and Master , he brought back his money to the Chief Priests and Elders , and finding that they would not take it , threw it down in the Temple , & went out and hanged himself (l) . S. Matthew there leavs off the story , unto which Luke addes , that falling headlong (m) from the tree , ( whether by the breaking of the rope , or by some other way , that the Scriptures say not ) he burst asunder in the midst and all his bowels gushed out . And certainly it was but just , that he should lose his bowels , who had so long before lost his compassion . If now a man should ask what death Iudas dyed , St. Matthew would make answer , that he hanged himself ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Greek , & abiens laqueo se suspendit , as the Latine hath it . Which words lest they should seem of a doubtful sense , and not import as much as the English makes them ; we will see what is noted of them by the Antient Fathers . And first St. Hierom is express for this , that Iudas laid violent hands upon himself , and was the Author of his own death ; adding self-murder to the heap of his former crimes . Ad prius scelus proprii homicidii crimen addidit (n) ; so that Father hath it . St. Augustine goeth more particularly to work , Et laqueo vitam finivit (o) , and tels us in plain tearms that he hanged himself . The Translator of Chrysostom doth affirm the same , saying , Projecta in Templo pecunia abiit , & gulam laqueo fregit , (p) that throwing down the wages of his iniquity upon the pavement of the Temple , he went out , and broke his neck with an halter ; which is the same with that of Augustine , though in other tearms . And finally Theophylact , ( though many others might be named ) who doubtless understood his own language well , doth resolve it thus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (q) , &c. that putting his neck into the noose which himself had made , he fell violently from off the tree , and so burst asunder in the midst . The general tradition of the Church doth run this way also . Nor had I took this pains in a case so clear , but that I see the Fathers put to school again by our modern Criticks ; who will not have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie , that he hanged himself (r) , but that he fell into such an extremity of grief , with remorse of conscience , that the anguish of it stopped his breath , so that falling flat upon the ground he broke asunder in the middle . A death so much too good for so vile a Traytor , and so improbable , if not impossible in the last part of it ; that he is fain to bring in the Devil (s) , ( Diabolo operante ) to pull out his bowels . But of this new devise enough , look we next on Pilate ; who having so unjustly condemned the Innocent , and drawn upon himself the vengeance of a most just Judge ; was not long after outed of his Government by L. Vitellius Lord President of Syria , and sent back to Rome (t) . Where being come , so many grievous complaints were made against him to the Senate , that he was banished to Vienna , a City of France . The Roman Legends do relate that he was prosecuted at Rome by Veronica ( of whom they fable that our Saviour going to his Passion , gave her the print of his face in a linnen cloth ) for the death of Christ ; but the Greek Legends do ascribe this prosecution unto Mary Magdalen ( as being of more credit in those parts ) : and both true alike . Certain it is , that in his hasty proceedings against CHRIST our Saviour , he had most wilfully broke an Edict of Tiberius , the then Roman Emperour ; by whom it was decreed , Vt supplicia damnatorum in decimum usque diem differrentur , as Suetonius hath it (u) ; that the execution of the sentence upon men condemned should be deferred till the tenth day . But I finde not this laid unto his charge . He had guilt enough besides of more publick nature , then the murder of one innocent person : Iosephus telling of a great slaughter which he made of the Samaritans a little before his calling home (x) ; and Philo accusing him to Caius of rapine , bribery , oppression , many cruel murders of men uncondemned (y) ; which were the things most likely to procure his banishment . Nor could he live long quiet at Vienna neither ; the vengeance of the Lord still following after him , his guilty conscience still condemning , and Caius Caligula the Roman Emperour putting so many indignities upon him : that he thought best to rid himself at once out of all his troubles , and so slew himself ; as both Eusebius (z) and Orosius (a) do report the story . For Caiaphas next , Iosephus telleth us that he was deprived of the high Priesthood by the same Vitellius (b) , who removed Pilate from his Government : the infamy and disgrace of which deprivation did so work upon him , that he grew weary of his life , and at last laid violent hands on himself also , to save the Executioner a labour , as we read in Clemens (c) . The like foul ends befell Annas , together with the rest of the Chief Priests , and Scribes , and Pharisees , who had an hand in the conspiracy against our Saviour ; of whom Nicephorus tels us , but in generall only , Quod & ipsi dignas variasque dederunt poenas (d) , that they all came to just but miserable deaths , as the wickedness of the fact deserved . As for the whole Nation of the Iews , who were so bent upon the death of their Messiah , that they cryed aloud , his bloud be upon us and our children (e) , what a miserable destruction fell upon them very shortly after , and how they have been hunted since from one place to another , is a thing so well known , that I need not tell it . All I shall note , is this particular passage of the Divine justice , that they who bought their Saviour for thirty peeces of silver , were themselves sold at thirty for one peece of silver , in the open Market . A true , but a most wonderful character of the finger of God. And so I leave them to Gods mercy , and proceed unto the following Article . ARTICLE VI. Of the Sixt ARTICLE OF THE CREED Ascribed to St. THOMAS . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Descendit ad inferos ; tertia die resurrexit a mortuis . i. e. He descended into Hell ; the third day he rose again from the dead . CHAP. VIII . Of the locall descent of Christ into hell . Hades and inferi what they signifie in the best Greek and Latine Authors ; and in the text of holy Scripture . An examination and confutation of the contrary opinions . WE made an end of the Humiliation of our Lord Jesus Christ , in the former Chapter ; for to a lower condition then that of the ignominie of the grave , we could not possibly expect that he should be brought . We must next look upon his exaltation , the first degree or step to which , was his descent into hell . But this perhaps may seem to some to be a very strange kind of preferment , a point so far from being any part of his exaltation , that it may worthily be accounted his very lowest degree of humiliation , a fall farre lower then the Grave . And so it had been out of doubt , had he descended down to hell to have felt the paines of it , or to have been tormented though but for a moment in the flames thereof . T is not the place but the intent , not the descending but the businesse which he went about which makes the difference in this case ▪ and the intent and purpose of his going thither was to begin his triumph over Satan and all his Angels , to beat the Devill in his own strongest hold and fortresse , and take possession of that part of his kingdome , whereof God had given the keyes unto him . And to descend on such a businesse , is I presume no matter of humiliation Doth not the Scripture tell us in another place , that the Lord himself shall descend from heaven (a) with a shout , with the voice of the Arch-angel , and with the trumpet of God , when he comes to judge the quick and the dead ? yet that descent of his upon that occasion , will be the highest step of his exaltation , there 's no doubt of that . To descend then , is no humiliation of and in it self , but in relation to the businesse we descend about . And the intent or purpose of his descent was , to spoyle principalities and powers (c) , ( that is to say , the Prince of the world , and the powers of darknesse ) and having spoyled them to make a shew of them openly , and triumph over them : to shew himself unto the Devils and infernall spirits , and to receive the homage of the knee from them , as his slaves and vassals ; that being reckoned as a part of his exaltation , that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow (d) , as well of things under the earth , as either of things upon the earth , or the things in heaven . To this the Fathers do attest , and some Councels also ; some of which shall be here produced . Our Saviour Christ had power , saith Athanasius (e) , to shew incorruption in the grave , and in his descent to hell to dissolve death , and proclaime resurrection unto all . St. Cyprian thus (f) , When by the presence of Christ hell was broken open , and the captivity made captive , his conquering soul being presented to the sight of his . Father , returned again unto his body without delay . St. Augustine more plainly yet , Reddunt inferna victorem , &c. (g) Hell returned back again her Conquerour ; and whiles his body lay in the grave , his soul triumphed over hell . And finally thus the fourth Councell of Toledo , CHRIST ( say the Fathers there assembled ) descended to hell (h) , & devicto mortis imperio , and having subdued the kingdome of death , rose again the third day . More testimonies to this purpose might be here produced , but that they are reserved to another place , when we shall come to speak of those particular motives which did induce our Saviour to make this descent ; and of the benefits redounding to the Church thereby . These are enough to let us see that his descending into hell , is to be reckoned as a part of his exaltation ; which was the matter to be proved . To which we shall make ●old to add this one reason more , that is to say , that not only in that Sermon of St. Augustines before alleaged in the beginning of this Tractate ; but also in Innocentius (i) , De Mysterio Missae , and Durandus his Rationale Divinorum (k) , this clause of his descent is joyned together with that of his Resurrection , to make one Article between them : which certainly had not been joyned together in this manner ; but that they were both taken to be parts or steps of his exaltation , whereof this the first , and leading the way unto the rest . Now in our Observations on this Article we will take this course . First , we will look on the quid nominis , what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek , and inferi or infernum in the Latine , are said to signifie in the best and approved Authors : Secondly , what the place or places are which are described under these names , not only amongst the Heathen , but the best Christian writers ; which is the quid rei , of the businesse : Thirdly , we will shew what is conceived to be the true meaning of the Article , according to the Catholick exposition of the antient Fathers . Which done we will proceed unto the examination and confutation of all such contrary opinions as have been raised against the doctrine of the Primitive Church , and the established doctrine of this Church of England , ( which herein as in other things , doth tread most punctually in the steps of the Antient Fathers ) ; with answer unto such objections as are made against it . And first for the Quid nominis of the Greek word Hades . St. Augustine gives this Etymology of the name , that it is called Hades , ex eo quod nihil suave habeat (l) , because there is nothing pleasant in it ; and then must be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 privative and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifyeth sweet or pleasing . And unto this agreeth Eustathius the learned Scholiast on Homer , who saith that many derived Hades without contraction , and did not subscribe iota under it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (m) , but affirmed it to be derived from Hedo , by a kind of Antiphrasis , because no man delighteth or rejoyceth in it . Hesychius also the great Grammarian witnesseth , that Ades in the Greek ( without its aspirat ) doth signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unsweet or unpleasant (n) , and hath its aspiration from the Attick , not the Common Greek . Others derive it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , a Place where nothing can be seen for want of light , a place of darknesse . The Author of the great Etymologicon is of this opinion (o) , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. ' Aeides is the place where nothing can be seen ; for Hades is the place of darknesse . In this regard Sophocles (p) gives it the attribute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or black Hades ; and Euripides calleth it to the same purpose but in other termes (q) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the house which never sees the sun . Take it in which of these respects soever you will , and derive it from what Etymologie you list ; yet shall we finde that by this word the most learned men amongst the Gentiles , and the exactest Criticks of the old Greek Schooles , do either take it for the places under the earth designed to reception of unhappy soules ; or else for Pluto himself the chief God of hell . Thus Lucian telleth us of the Grecians , that being thereunto perswaded by Hesiod and Homer , and the rest of the Poets , they took Hades to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (r) , a place under the earth , deep , large , and darke . Thus doth Eustathius that learned and renowned Bishop of Thessalonica , tell us of this Hades , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (s) , that is , a dark place under the earth ; and Phavorinius the Grammarian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (t) , a place void of light , and full of eternal darknesse ; Nicetas Choniates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (u) , the dark and dreadfull tabernacles of Hades ; Nicephorus Gregoras the Historian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (x) , we walked in grosse darknesse as they say of those that descended to Hades ; and Nazianzen the Divine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (y) , coming unto the house of Hades full of mists and darknesse . In which last place , it may be , Hades is not taken for the place only , but for Pluto himself , the Lord and Ruler of that place . And by this name we finde him called also in diverse Authors of good credit amongst the Antients . For Diodorus Siculus reporteth of the antient Gentiles , that they took 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the third son of Saturn , ( who was the Pluto which we speak of ) to be the first inventor of graves and funerals (z) , and for that cause to be the God of the dead . And before him , the wisemen of the Chaldeans , which they called their Magi , taught that there were two chief authors of all things , a good and a bad ; that the good was called Zeus ( which was the name of Iupiter amongst the Grecians ) and Oromasdes ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) , and that the other was called Hades , or Arimanios : and this saith Plutarch (b) , was the opinion of the most and wisest . According unto which opinion , himself saith of Hades , or Pluto , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he is black , and the Master or Prince of the dark night (c) . And Homer speaking of the partition of the world between the three sons of Saturn in which division Iupiter had the heavens , and Neptune the seas , tels us of Hades , that for his share he had the dark mists to dwell in (d) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as his words there are . Which region of dark mists so assigned to Hades ( i. e. to Pluto the God of hell ) he calleth in another place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) , the house of Hades under the dennes or cavernes of the earth : in the same sense and words almost as it is called in Theognis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (f) , they goe ( saith he ) to the house of Hades under the dens of the earth . Infinite are the instances which might be alleaged to justifie these two significations of the Greek word Hades , and of the Place and Person therein designed , from Aristophanes , Mimnermus , Orpheus , Diphilus an old Comicall Poet , and indeed who not ? but I conceive these few sufficient to make clear this point . Now whether hell were called Hades from the Prince thereof , as many countries have received denomination from their Kings and Chieftains ; or whether the Devil were called Hades from the chief seat of his Empire : as to this day when we say the Persian and Tartarian , we mean the Emperour of Persia , and the Cham of Tartary , it comes all to one . Certain I am they did acknowledge the dominion of Hades to be seated in the lower and infernall Regions , and generally conceived thereof as a place of torments . For Chrysostome shewing the generall consent of all nations in this use of the word (g) , addes that the Grecians , Barbarians , Poets and Philosophers are of this opinion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there are judgment seats , ( and consequently punishments ) in hell . With whom Theodoret consents , commending much the piety of the old Philosophers , in that they sent all the souls of all those to heaven , who lived well and vertuously (h( , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but those that did the contrary unto hell below : and saying particularly of Plato , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that in many places he speaks of hell or Hades , as a place of torments . In which it is to be observed that when the Prepositions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are joyned with the word Hades in the Genitive case it is to be supplyed with some other word to make up the Grammaticall construction ; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. in the house or regions of Hades . Let us next see what use the writers of the new Testament have made of Hades ; and in what sense and signification we shall finde it there . And first we may observe that it is sometimes used , not often , to signifie the Prince of darknesse , the very Beelzebub himself , the king of Devils : as in the 20. Chapter of the Revelation , v. 14. were it is said ( according to the English translation ) that death and hell were cast into the lake of fire . But in the Originall it runs thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that death and Hades , that is to say , the Gonervours of death and the Prince of hell , received their finall condemnation , and were cast into the lake of fire and brimstone . And in this sense , as I conceive , it is also used in a former place of the said book , in which we finde mention of a pale horse , death sitting on his back , and Hell (i) , ( or Hades saith the Greek , that is to say , the Prince of hell ) following after . On which the antient Expositer in St. Augustines works gives this Glosse or Comment , Hell followeth after , i. e. Expectantes devorationem multarum animarum (k) , expecting to devour the souls of many of those who are slain by death . And this doth very well agree with that of the Apostle , saying , that the Devill is like a roaring lyon walking up and down , and seeking whom he may devoure (l) . But generally the word Hades is used in the new Testament , to signifie hell it selfe , or the place of torments , according to the meaning of the word in common speech . Thus read we in St. Matthews Gospel , that the gates of hell (m) , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek , or the gates of Hades ) shall not prevaile against the Church : and in St. Lukes Gospel it is said of the great rich glutton , that he was in hell , ( in Hades 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Original ) which in in the same verse is affirmed to be a place of torments (n) . And in hell he lift up his eyes being in torments , saith the text , v. 23. and in the next verse he complaines to Abraham , that he was tormented in those flames . Now these two places are confessed on all sides to be so clearly meant of hell , or the place of Devils , that there is no exception to be made against them . May we not prove the like also of all the rest ? I beleive we shall . In the 11. Chapter of St. Matthew , it is affirmed of Capernaum , that it was exalted unto heaven , but should be brought down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hell , or Hades (o) . What should the meaning of this be , but that whereas the Gospel of Christ was now preached unto them , whereby that City was exalted above all the Cities of Iewrie ; their not receiving of the same being offered to them , made them obnoxious to the righteous judgment of Christ , and liable to everlasting damnation in hell , in the day of doom ; which day should be more tolerable to the Land of Sodome , then it would be to them . In the first Epistle to the Corinthians we finde this question , O death where is thy sting , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where is thy victory O Hades (p) ? Here Hades in the new translation authorized by K. Iames , is , I know not why , translated grave ; O grave where is thy victory ! But then you must observe with all , that hell is added in the margin , to shew that they abandoned not the old Translation ; where in plain termes we finde it thus , Death , where is thy sting ? Hell , where is thy victory ? and so it standeth in the lesson appointed by the Liturgie to be read at burials . And this translation of the word in that place to the Corinthians , seems most agreeable to some Protestant Doctors of good name and credit . Interim videas ordine quodam inimicos nostros recenseri , infernum sive gehennam , mortem , peccatum & legem (q) ; In the mean time ( saith Peter Martyr ) we may behold our enemies here mustred in their rank and order ; that is to say , hell ( or gehenna ) death , sin and the law . With whom agreeth Hyperius and Bullinger , in their Comment on the words in question . So then by Hades is meant hell in that place of St. Paul , and so it is no question in two more of the Revelation : in the first whereof , Christ doth appear unto St. Iohn , saying of himself , that he had the keyes of hell and of death (r) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where we finde Hades englished hell by the new translators , and nothing added in the margin , ( as in that before ) to shew the place admitted of a different reading . And that we may be sure to know that nothing is there meant by hell , but the house of torments , the place allotted to the damned : Andreas B. of Caesarea , an old Orthodox writer , gives this Scholie on it ; I have the keyes of death and Hades (s) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , of the death of the body , and of the soul. An other old Latine writer to this purpose also ; I have the keyes of death and hell , because he that believeth and is baptized , is delivered both , from death and hell : This writer whosoever he was is yet not resolved on , but it goes for Augustines ; and is extant in the ninth Tome of that Fathers works . With him agreeth Primasius , Haymo and Lyra , amongst the Authors of the middle and declining times of the Church ; of the late writers of the Protestant and reformed Churches , Bullinger , Chytraeus , Osiander , Aretius , and Sebastian Meyer . And last of all we have the word thus used in the 20. of the Revelation (t) ; where it is said , that death and Hell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( saith the Greek ) delivered up the dead which were in them . Where though we finde the word grave added in the margin , to shew that the Translators did admit of that reading : yet by retaining hell in the text it self , they shewed withall that they preferred the same before it . And they had reason so to do ; so many of the antient writers expounding it of hell the place of the damned . For so it is interpreted by venerable Beda , Primasius St. Augustines Scholar , and Haymo for the Latines ; by Aretas and Andreas Caesariensis for the Greeks ; all of them in their severall Commentaries on the text saying the same thing though in divers words . And finally it is so interpreted by St. Augustine also (u) . Nec frustra fortasse non satis fuit ut diceret mors aut infernus , sed utrumque dictum est , &c. that is to say , Nor happily without cause did he not think it enough to say that death or hell , ( divisively , had cast up their dead ) but he nameth both : death for the just , who might only suffer death , and not also hell ; hell for the wicked and unrighteous , who were there to be punished . Thus have we looked over all those places where the word Hades doth occurre in the new Testament ( except that one which is in question , whereof more anon ) and finde it constantly both englished and interpreted by that of hell ; according as we commonly understand the word , for the place of torments . T is true , the word admits of other notions amongst some Greek Authors . But that makes nothing to us Christians , who are to use it in that sense , in which it is presented to us in the book of God , interpreted and expounded by the Antient Fathers , and the tradition of the Church . For though the sacred Penmen of the new Testament writing in Greek , were of necessity to use such words as they found ready to their hands : yet they restrained them many times to some certain and particular meaning , which they retain unto this day , as words of Ecclesiastical use and signification . Of this kinde are Ecclesia , Evangelium , Episcopus , Presbyter , Diaconus , Martyr , and the like : which being words of a more general signification in their first original , are now restrained to such particular notions , as the first Preachers of the Gospel thought most fit to reserve them for . Of this kind also is Diabolus , which properly and originally did signifie no more then an Accuser ; but is now used by all writers both in Greek and Latine , to denote the Devil . And of this kind is Hades also , which whatsoever it might signifie in some old Greek writers , more then the Place or Region of hell , or the Prince thereof : is now restrained in general speech to signifie only hell it self , or the house of torments ; the habitation of the Devill and his Angels . But this we shall the better see , by taking a short view of the use and signification of the word , amongst the best and most approved of the old Greek Ecclesiastical writers . And first Iosephus , though no Christian , yet one that very well understood the difference between heaven and hell , telleth us of those whose souls were cleansed and favoured of God , that they inhabit in the holiest places of heaven (x) : but that they whose hands wax mad against themselves ( or who laid hands upon themselves ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their soules were to be received in the dark vaults of hell or Hades . Theophilus the sixt B. of Antioch about 170. years after Christ , citeth this verse out of the works of the Sibyls , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , (y) that they sacrificed to the Devils in hell or Hades . In the same times lived Iustin Martyr , who doth thus informe us , (o) After the soul ( saith he ) is departed from the body , straightwayes there is a separation of the unjust from the just ; both being carryed by the Angels into places meet for them : that is to say , the souls of the just into Paradise , where is the fellowship and sight of Angels and Arch-angels with a kind of beholding of Christ our Saviour ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but the souls of the unjust to places in hell or Hades , of which it was said in Scripture unto Nebuchadnezzar , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Hades below was stirred to meet him , Isa. 14. And to this purpose (o) he both citeth and alloweth those words of Plato ▪ where he affirmes that when death draweth near to any man , then tales are told 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the things in Hades , how he that here doth deal unjustly shall there be punished , &c. Next him Eusebius speaks thus in the person of Christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , (z) &c. I see my descent to hell ( or Hades ) approach , and the rebellion ( against me ) of the contrary powers which are enemies to God. And that we may be sure to know what he means by Hades , he tels us out of Plato in another place , that the souls of wicked men departing hence (a) , immediately after death , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , endured the punishments of hell ( or Hades ) of their doings here . After man was fallen , saith Athanasius , and by his fall death had prevailed from Adam to Christ , the earth was accursed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hell ( or Hades opened (b) Paradise shut up , and heaven offended : but after all things were delivered by Christ , the earth received a blessing , Paradise was opened , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hades or hell did shrink for fear , and heaven set open to all believers . And in another place he speaketh of two severall mansions provided by Almighty God for the wicked man , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (c) , the grave and Hades , whereof one is to receive his body , and the other his soul. St. Basil thus , Death is not altogether evill , except you speak of the death of a sinner ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (d) because that their departure hence is the beginning of their punishments in hell ( or Hades ) : and besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the evils which are in hell ( or Hades ) have not God for their cause , but our selves , &c. And after shewing that Dathan and Abiram were swallowed up of the earth ; he addes that they were never a whit the better for this kind of punishment , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (e) , for how could they be so that went down to Hades ( or hell ) but they made the rest wiser by their example ? Infinite more might be alleaged from the Fathers of the Eastern Church , to shew that when they spake of Hades , they meant nothing but hell ; and should be here produced , were not these sufficient . Only I shall make bold to add the evidence of two or three of the most eminent of the latter writers , to shew that in all times and ages , the word retained that notion only which had been given it in the Scriptures , and the old Greek Fathers . Thus then Cydonius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (f) that there is in Hades ( hell ) vengeance for all sinnes committed , not only the consent of all wise men , but the equity of the divine justice doth most fully prove . Aeneas Gazaeus he comes next , and he tels us this (g) , that he who in a private life committeth smal sins and laments them , escapeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the punishments that are in Hades . And finally Gregentius thus , Christ took a rod out of the earth (h) , viz. his precious Crosse , and stretching forth his hand struck all his enemies therewith , and conquered them : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is to say , Hades , or hell , death , sin , and that subtile serpent . So that we see that not alone the sacred penmen of the new Testament , written first in Greek , but also all the Ecclesiasticall writers of the Greek Church when they speak of Hades , intend not any thing thereby but hell , the place prepared for the Devils and the damned souls . Let us next see whether the Fathers of the Latine or Western Church have any other meaning when they speak of inferi , or infernum ( for they use both words ) by which they do expound Hades , or translate it rather ; as often as they chance to meet it . And first for the Quid nominis take it thus from Augustine . Inferi eo quod infra sunt (i) , the inferi are so called ( saith he ) because they are below , in the parts beneath . And somewhat to this purpose saith Lactantius also (k) , Nihil terra inferius & humilius nisi mors & inferi , that there is nothing lower then the earth , but death and inferi . From infra the root or theme the Fathers do derive infernus , of which thus St. Hierome , Inferiora terrarum infernus accipitur (l) , the lower parts of the earth are called infernus , to which our Saviour did descend . Which as it sheweth that infernus was derived from inferius , and so by consequence from infra , as the word inferi was before : so it directs us also where to finde the place . And this he doth elsewhere also saying , Simul discimus quod infernus sub terra sit (m) ; and in another place , quod autem infernus in inferiore parte terrae sit : in both that it is under the earth , and in the lowermost parts thereof . Tertullian also saith the same , as to the situation of it , Habes regionem inferûm subterraneam credere ; we are to believe that the region of inferi is under the earth (n) : affirming also that it is in visceribus terrae abstrusa profunditas , a bottomlesse pit in the very bowels of the earth . In this there is no difference amongst the Antients : in the nature or meaning of the word there is . For by Tertullian the word inferi is taken for a place under the earth , whither the souls of good and bad descend after death ; the good to a kind of refreshing , the bad to punishments : affirming for a certain truth , or rather pronouncing so ex tripode ( for so the word Constituimus imports ) omnem animam apud inferos sequestrari in diem domini (o) ; that the soul of every man is kept in Inferi , till the day of the Lord. Which as it was a fancy private to himself , after his lapse into the heresie of Montanus ; so he received no countenance in it from the rest of the Fathers , by whom it is unanimously agreed upon , that the souls of all good Christians are received into Paradise . 'T is true indeed , that Hierome seemeth to incline to the same opinion ; where speaking of the difference between death and inferi , he saith , that death is that whereby the soul is separated from the body (p) : infernus , in quo animae includuntur , sive in refrigerio sive in poenis , and that infernus is the place wherein the souls of men are kept , either in some refreshments , or else in punishments . Which seems to be the same with that which Tertullian had affirmed before ; but it doth but seem so . For when he speaketh of inferi or infernus , in this extension of the word , he relates only to the times before the coming of our Saviour , and his victory over death and hell ; and not at all unto the times of the Gospell . For thus he doth explain himself in another place ; Solomon speaketh thus , saith he , because before the coming of our Saviour , omnia pariter ad inferos ducerentur (q) , all were alike carryed to the inferi , or the places below ; and that thereupon it was that Job complained , how both the godly and the wicked were detained in inferno : ( whereunto this expression tendeth , we shall see hereafter . ) The same he saith in his notes or Comment upon another Chapter of the same book of Solomons , affirming plainly , ante adventum Domini omnes quamvis sanctos inferni lege detentos (r) , that before the coming of the Lord all men how just and holy soever were detained under the Law of infernus . But then immedately he addeth , that since the resurrection of Christ the case is otherwise , and that the souls of righteous men , nequaquam inferno teneantur , are by no means to be supposed to be detained in infernus (s) : and this he proveth from that of the Apostle , saying , I desire to be dissolved and to be with Christ ; and he that is with Christ , saith he , is not held in infernus . So that whatsoever he conceived of infernus before Christs coming ( the truth of which opinion we dispute not here ) t is plain that since the resurrection he leaves it for a place appointed to the wicked only , there to be held in everlasting pains and torments . And so elsewhere he doth define it ; Infernus locus suppliciorum & cruciatuum est , in quo videter dives purpuratus (t) : that is to say , infernus is the place of punishments and torments , where the richman clothed in purple was seen ( by Lazarus ) . Nay even Tertullian , though he had made himself an inferi of his own devising , acknowledgeth the prison which the Gospel speaketh of , ( Mat. 5.24 , 25. ) to be no other then this inferi (u) ; and therefore certainly not the receptacle both for good and bad , the just and unjust . But none of all the Antients states this point more clearly then divine St. Augustine , who looking more judiciously into the businesse doth affirme expresly : Frist , Of the inferi or place it self , nusquam scripturarum in bono appellatos potui invenire (x) ▪ that he could never find any place of Scripture , in which the word inferi was taken in any good sense . Secondly , that he could never finde , that the place was called inferi ( y ) , (x) , ubi justorum animae requiescunt , where the souls of the righteous were at rest . Thirdly , that past all peradventure since the descent of Christ into hell , boni & fideles prorsus inferos nesciunt (z) , the godly believers are acquainted with no such place . And last of all , Non nisi poenalia recte intelligi ( per ) inferna (a) , that infernus can be taken for nothing rightly but the place of punishments . And in this sense , according unto these restrictions and explanations have the words inferi and infernus been since used in most Orthodox writers : and in that sense still used by the old translatour of the new Testament into Latine , as often as he meeteth with the Greek Hades . And so St. Ambrose also doth interpret or expound the same ; where saying that according to the Theologie of the old Philosophers , the souls of men severed from their bodies went unto Hades ; he gives this glosse upon the word , id est , locum qui non videtur , quem locum latine infernum dicimus (b) , that is to say , a place unseen , which in Latine we do call infernus . But as there is no general rule but hath some exceptions ; so this hath one exception , and but only one : there being one only place in the new Testament where Hades is translated otherwise in the vulgar Latine ; that namely 1 Cor. 15.55 . where it is rendred mors , or death . Of which no reason can be given , unlesse perhaps he fell upon some such Greek copies as Eusebius did , wherein the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was twice repeated , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; i. e. O death where is thy sting ? O death where is thy victory ? To which I do incline the rather , because the reading of the Latine is exceeding antient , ubi est mors aculeus tuus ? ubi est mors contentio tua ? ( where we finde also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. strife for victory ) occurring in Tertullian (c) , Cyprian (d) , and others of the antient writers . So that the word Hades being used throughout the whole new Testament , to signifie the place of torments ; and inferi or infernus by the old Latine translatour , to expresse that word : it must needs be that inferi and infernus throughout the Testament , and with most Ecclesiastical Authors since the translating of it , must signifie the self-same place , which we English , usually call the name of Hell. These things premised we shall the better be inabled to discern what the meaning is of Christs descent into hell , whether the words import any local descent or only something analogical and proportionable to it . That the Apostles and Evangelists did first commit the sacred monuments of the faith which they left behind them , to the Greek tongue , as being then of an extent more universall then that of the Romans and the Iews , is a thing past question : unlesse perhaps St. Matthews Gospel was first written in the Hebrew language , as St. Ierome (e) , and some other learned men have been of opinion . And therefore it is more then probable , that they delivered this brief Abstract of the Christian faith , which we call the Creed , in the same tongue also , in which they did communicate those Oracles of eternal life . Which granted , as I think no question will be made thereof , what else can follow thereupon , but that the word Hades in the Creed , must be taken in the self-same sense , in which we finde it generally used ( not one place excepted ) in the whole new Testament : those very men , whose writings make up a great part of the said new Testament , contributing their severall Articles to make up the Creed ? And then what else can be supposed to be the meaning of Christs descent into hell , but that he locally went down , which is the ordinary meaning of the word descend ; and went down to the place of torments , which in the common course of speech is generally designed by the name of hell ? Or if the Creed were first compiled and published in the Latine tongue , the same conclusion must needs follow from the former premisses : the Latine inferi or infernus , ( as before was proved ) signifying the very same with the Greek word Hades , and that imparting nothing else , ( according to the Ecclesiastical notion ) but the English , Hell. Besides the Apostles purposely intended this ( and whosoever else we shall please to think were the Authors of it , did intend the same ) to lay down plainly and methodically , according to the understanding of the vulgar sort , that which they thought most fitting to comprise in this short Compendium . Nor can it enter into the belief of any man endued with ordinary sense and reason , that the Apostles having before made use of those vulgar phrases , was crucifyed , dead , and buried , in the literal sense , which every Artizan , and Ploughman , nay even women and children could not but understand at the first hearing : should then come in with a descent into hell , not to be understood in a literal sense , as the words usually import in common speech ; but in a meaning too abstruse and difficult for all vulgar wits , beyond the reach of ordinary apprehensions . Assuredly it was never the Apostles meaning that they for whose use principally they compiled the Creed , and in whose language it was written ( which soever it was ) should not be able to conceive the true sense of their words , without the help of a Lexicon , or having diligent recourse unto the Criticks and Philosophers of their severall Languages . But because Arguments of this nature may perhaps be said not to be demonstrative , and that men will not readily let goe their hold-fast upon probabilities , we will proceed another way , and setch the truth of this assertion that Christ descended into hell , in a literal sense , from the authority and text of holy Scripture . Most sure it is that there is nothing comprehended in the Creed , but what is to be found in the book of God , either in termes expresse , ( as the greatest part of them are ) or else by necessary and undeniable consequence . And both these wayes we doubt not but we shall be able to assert this Article . First , in the way of necessary undeniable consequence it may be pleaded from that place of St. Paul to the Romans (f) , where it is said , The righteousnesse which is of faith speaketh on this wise , Say not in thine heart , Who shall ascend up into heaven ? that is to bring Christ down from above ; Or who shall descend into the deep ? that is to bring up Christ again from the dead ; For the expounding of which words we first take notice , that the two interrogatives are equivalent to these general negatives , none can ascend up into heaven ; none can descend into the deep . And then the meaning will be this , that if none can ascend to heaven , nor descend down into the deep , then not Christ himself : which to affirme , were plainly and directly contrary unto the righteousnesse of faith . So that it is a main ground of the Christian faith , that Christ descended into the deep , and into such a deep as hath some proportion to his ascension into heaven ; which possibly can be no other then the deeps of hell . And hereunto agree Interpreters both old and new . For thus Theophylact , Stagger not saith St. Paul , nor cast this doubtingly in thy mind , how Christ descended from heaven , or how after death he arose from the deep again (g) , id est , ex abditissimo & profundissimo loco , that is to say , from the deepest and most hidden place . And why was hell called Hades amongst the Greeks , but quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dark , hidden , and unseen , as before was said ? More plainly Mart. Bucer for the late writers thus , The Apostle acknowledgeth this question to be a denial of Christ , and that he draweth Christ down from heaven who admitteth this doubt (h) . It is evident that the deep is taken pro infernis , Hell , and in this sense the Apostle seemeth to use this word the deep ; for he addeth , that is to bring back Christ from the dead , to wit , to account his descent to hell to be void , and his victory over death , and hell , ( Gehenna ) of none effect . So then the meaning of this text will be briefly this , that according to the Christian faith , these actions which to men seemed so impossible , those namely ascending up into heaven , and descending down into the deeps of hell , were performed for us in the person of Christ : and therefore now to doubt of either , were nothing else but to enervate and weaken the power of Christ , who most perfectly hath accomplished both , to save us from the one , and bring us to the other . Besides the Reader may take notice , that that which our Translatours have rendred by these words the deep , is called in the Greek Original by the name of Abyssus which signifieth a bottomlesse pit , and is so taken and translated in the Revelation , Chap. 9.2 . & 11.7 . where it can probably meant of no place but hell . In the next place we meet with that of the Ephesians (i) , where it is said , When he ascended up on high he led captivitie captive , and gave gifts unto men . Now that he ascended , what is it but that he also descended first into the lowest parts of the earth ? He that descended is the same also that ascended up far above all heavens , that he might fil all things . Now in these words we may observe ; First , that before Christs ascending by way of relation the Apostle putteth Christs descending . Secondly , that because descending and ascending must have contrary extremes , from which and to which the motion is made ; therefore St. Paul opposeth the lowest parts of the earth to which Christ first descended , unto the highest heavens of all above which he ascended . Thirdly , that these lowest parts of the earth could not be the grave , ( as some men would have it ) which is seldome two yards deep , in the ground , and so not opposite ( in that respect ) to the height of the heavens , according to the words and inference of the Apostle . And Fourthly , that the end of his descending was to lead captivity captive , to beat them from the place of their chiefest strength ; even as the end of his ascending after he had led captivitie captive , was to give gifts to men . For what place fitter for the scene of so great an action , as the full conquest of death , sin , and Satan , the final dissolution of the kingdome of darknesse , then the chief seat and fortresse of their whole empire , which is hell it self , situate in the lowest parts of the earth , as before was shewn . And hereunto agreeth the exposition of the antient Fathers . St. Irenaeus citing these very words of the Apostle , that Christ descended into the lower parts of the Earth , makes them equivalent with those words of David concerning Christ , viz. thou shalt not leave my soul in the neathermost Hell ; saying , (k) Hoc & David in eum prophetans dixit , and so much David said of him by way of prophesie . Tertullian alleadging the same words of the Apostle , concludeth thence , (l) Habes ergo Regionem In●erum subterraneam , i. e. by this thou mayst perceive that the place of Hell is under the earth . Chrysostom thus , (m) Christ descended to the lower parts of the earth , beneath which there are none other ; and he ascended above all , higher then which there is nothing . St. Ambrose on these words of Paul , gives us this short gloss , (n) After death Christ descended to Hell ; whence rising the third day , he ascended above all the heavens . St. Hierome on the same saith thus , Qui descendit in anima ad infernum , ipse cum anima & corpore ascendit in Coelum (o) , that is to say , he that descended to Hell in his soul only , ascended into Heaven both with soul and body . Primasius doth not only concur with Hierom in his Exposition of the place (p) , but repeats also his very words . Oecumenius out of Photius thus , (q) To the lower parts of the earth , he meaneth Hell , beneath which place there is no lower . Next Haymo (r) Christ descended first into the lower parts of the earth , that is into hell , and after ascended into heaven . Which said , he gives this reason of his Exposition , as Hierom and Primasius had done before , that by the lower parts of the earth , he must needs mean hell , which is called infernus in the Latine , because it is lower then the earth , or rather under it . And finally Theophylact thus asks the question (s) , Quem in locum descendit , into what place did Christ descend ? And presently returns this answer , in infernum , &c. into hell , which St. Paul calleth the lowest parts of the earth , after the common opinion of men . There is another part of this Text of Scripture touching the leading of Captivity Captive , of which we have said nothing from the antient Writers , because I purposed to consider it with another Text , neer of kin unto it ; where it is said , (t) that having spoyled principalities and powers , he made a shew of them openly , triumphing over them . In both which texts we must distinguish between the taking of Captivity captive , and the leading of them as in triumph , being once so taken ; between the spoyling of those principalities and powers the Apostle speaketh of , and the open shew or triumph which was made upon it . The first was only the great work of Christs descent into Hell ; the other the chief pomp and glory of his Resurrection and Ascension . For clearing of which point we may please to know , that the Devil since the fall of man laid a claim to mankinde , and held him like a captive in the bonds of sin : by means whereof as he drew many after him into the pit of torments , so he presumed to have the like advantages over all the rest . And though Christs over-mastering Satan began here on the earth , when he cast him out of such as he had possessed : yet his full and final conquest could not be accomplished , till he had followed and pursued him over all the world , driven him at last into the very heart and seat of his Dominion , which was Hell it self , and there , in the presence of his Angels and other instruments of mischief , destroyed his power , dissolved his Empire , and put a period to his tyranny over the sons of men . And this is that to which the Fathers doe attest both with heart and hand ; but none more clearly to this purpose then St. Athanasius , (u) The Devil , saith he , was fallen from Heaven , he was cast from the earth , pursued through the ayr , every where conquered , and every where straightned ; in which distress 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he determined to keep Hell safe , which was all that was left him . But the Lord a true Saviour would not leave his work unfinished , nor leave those which were in Hades as yeilded to the enemie : so that the Devil thinking to kill one , lost all ; and hoping to carry one to Hell ( or Hades ) was himself cast out (x) . By means whereof Hades ( or Hell ) is abrogated , death no more prevailing , but all being raised unto life ; neither can the Devil stand any more against us , but is fallen , and indeed creepeth on his brest and belly . Which said , he addes this of the Saints , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that thus in fine they saw Hell spoyled . Epiphanius , in this order marshalleth the acts of Christ , He was crucified , buried , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he descended to places under the earth , he took captivity captive , and rose again the third day (y) . By which we see , that the taking of captivity captive , was one of the effects of his descent into Hell ; and that both his descent and victory over Hell and Satan , are placed between his burial and Resurrection . In the Homili●s which Leo the Emperour made for the exercise of his style and the Confession of his Faith , wherein no doubt he had the judgement and advice of the ablest men that were about him , he doth thus deliver it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Christ is risen ( saith he ) bringing Hades ( or the Devil ) prisoner with him , and proclaiming liberty to the Captives (z) . He that held others bound is now bound himself , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Christ is now come from Hell , ( or Hades ) with his ensign of triumph ; as appeareth by the sowre and heavy looks of those which were overthrown , that is to say , of Hades ( meaning there , as first , the old Satan himself ) together with Death also , and the hateful Devils . Dorotheus in his Book de Paschate , very plainly thus , What means this that he led captivity captive (a) ? It means , saith he , that by Adams transgression the Enemy had made us all captives , and had us in subjection ; and that Christ took us again out of the Enemies hand , and conquered him who made us captive . And then concludes , Erepti igitur sumus ab Inferis ob Christi humanitatem , that we were then delivered from the power of Hell by the manhood or humanity of Christ our Saviour . St. Cyprian though more antient , and not so clear as he in this particular , doth yet touch it thus ; Descendens ad inferos captivam ab antiquo duxit captivitatem , that Christ descended into Hell brought back those captives which had before been captivated (b) . And in another place which we saw before , (c) When in the presence of Christ Hell was broken open , and thereby captivity made captive , his conquering soul being first presented to his Father , returned unto his body without delay . But to look back again to the old Greek Fathers who are far more positive and express in this , then the Latines are , we are thus told by Athanasius in another place (d) that the Lord rose the third day from the dead , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , having spoyled hell , trodden the enemy under foot , dissolved death , broken the chains of sin with which we were tyed , and freed us which were bound from the chains thereof . St. Cyril of Alexandria thus , (e) Our Lord ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. having spoyled death , and loosed the number of souls which were detained in the dens of the earth , rose again the third day from the dead . Which words of Cyril are repeated and approved in the Councel of Ephesus , and afterwards confirmed in the fifth General Councel holden at Constantinople (f) . St. Hierom finally on the parable of the strong man which was bound and spoiled , Mat. 12. gives this observation ( which I had almost pretermitted ) viz. that this strong man was tyed and bound in Hell (g) , and trodden under the Lords feet , and the Tyrants house being spoyled captivity also was led captive . In which quotations from the Fathers , we must take this with us , that when they speaking of spoyling Hell , and vanquishing the powers thereof , they do allude as evidently to the spoyling of principalities and powers mentioned in that to the Colossians ; as they insist upon the taking of captivity captive , expressed in that to the Ephesians . In a word , take the sum of all which by the Antients is delivered upon those two Texts , in these words of Zanchius , a very learned Writer of the Reformed Churches . The Fathers ( saith he ) for the most part are of this opinion (h) , that Christ in his soul came to the place of the damned to signifie not in words but with his presence that the justice of God was satisfied by his death and bloudshed ; and that Satan had no longer power over his Elect , whom he held captive , &c. As also that he might carry all the Devils with him in a triumph , as it is Coloss. 2. He spoyled powers and principalities , and made an open shew of them , leading them ( as captives ) in a triumph by the vertue of his Cross , by which he had purged away sins and appeased the justice of God. So Zanchius . But the most clear and pregnant place of holy Scripture , for proof of Christ● descent into Hell , is that of the 2. of the Acts : where the Apostle citing those words of David (i) , Thou wilt not leave my soul in Hell , nor suffer thine holy One to see corruption ; applyeth it thus unto our Saviour , that David seeing this before , spake of the Resurrection of Christ , that his soul was not left in Hell , neither did his flesh see corruption (k) . In which particular words , ( those before recited ) it is clear and manifest , that the soul and body of Christ were by God appointed to be superiour to all contrary powers , that is the soul to Hell , and the flesh to the grave ; and that from both , Christ was to rise an absolute conquerour that he might sit on his heavenly Throne as Lord over all , not by promise only , as before , but in fact and proof . But for the whole Sermon of St. Peter made on this occasion , it may be summed up briefly to this effect (l) that is to say , that the Prophesie of David neither was nor could be fulfilled in any , no not in David himself , but only in the promised Messiah : for that his soul should not be left in Hell ( or Hades ) nor his flesh see corruption , but was fulfilled in that Christ whom ye cruelly crucified . He it is that is risen Lord of all in his own person , the sorrows of death being loosed before him : he is ascended up to Heaven , as David likewise foretold of him , and there sitteth on the right hand of God , untill all that be his enemies in the rest of his Members be made his foot-stool : and thence hath he shed forth this which you now see and hear , even the promise of the holy Ghost received of the Father for all his . And therefore know ye for a surety , that God hath made him both Lord , and Christ , i. e. Lord over all in Heaven , Earth , Hell ; and Christ even the Anointed Saviour of all his Elect. And to this purpose saith St. Augustine , Quamobrem teneamus firmissime , &c. (m) Wherefore let us most firmly hold that which is comprehended in our Faith ( or the heads thereof ) confirmed by most sound authority , namely that Christ dyed according to the Scriptures , and was buried , and according to the Scriptures also rose again the third day , with the rest of those things which are most clearly testified of him in the written Word . In quibus etiam hoc est quod apud Inferos fuit , &c. Amongst which this is one point also , that he was in Hell , and loosed the sorrows of the same , of which it was impossible that he should be holden . In which last words , the Father plainly doth relate to the 24. verse , being the beginning almost of St. Peters Sermon . Where though the Copies of the Testaments which are extant now , read not as Augustine doth , Solutis doloribus inferni , having loosed the pains of Hell , but the pains of death : yet many of the antient Copies were as St. Augustine readeth it . For Athanasius sometimes useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he loosed the pains of Hell (n) , and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sorrows of death . Epiphanius in two places (o) reads it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it was impossible for Christ to be holden or detained in Hell. And the same Copies as it seemes were followed also by Irenaeus l. 3. c. 12. by Cyprian in his tract de Passione Christi , by Fulgentius , l 3. ad Thrasimundum , and by Bede also in his Retractations on the Acts. Which strong agreement of the Antients , with the sight perhaps of some of the antient Copies did prevail so far on Robert Stephans the famous Printer of Paris , that in the New Testament in Greek of the larger volume , of the year 1550. he caused this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be put in the margin as a different reading , remaining still in divers copies . But this is only by the way , not out of it ; as that which did afford another argument unto the Antients , for proof of Christs descent into hell , and his short stay in it ; by the pains or sorrows whereof it was impossible that he should be holden . Nor did it only serve as a good argument for them , in their several times , and is to be of no use since the Text went otherwise . I believe not so . For since both readings have been found in the antient Writers , and neither can be rejected as false : the word death , must be so expounded where it is retained , as that it may not contradict that of Hell or Hades . For being that death hath a double power , place , and subject , upon the body here on earth , and on the soul in Hell hereafter : the Text may not unfitly be understood of the later death , the pains and sorrows whereof were loosed by Christ , because it was impossible they should fasten on him . But to return unto the not leaving of Christs soul in Hell , ( the tricks and shifts for the eluding of which Text we shall see hereafter ) it could not be intended of the grave only , as some men would have it ; or to relate only to the Resurrection , as (p) they give it out . For to rise simply from the grave was not sufficient to shew the soveraignty of Christ as the Lord of all , Heaven , Earth , and Hell , being made subject to his Throne ; nor to express and signifie the eternity of it , which was to last till all his Enemies were made his footstool . Some had been raised from death to life by the two famous Prophets in the Old Testament ; some by our Saviour in the New : none of which could lay claim under that pretence to the Throne of David , or to be Lord of all things as our Saviour was . Besides this passage being recorded by St. Luke , who in his Gospel useth the same word Hades for the place of torments , (q) , as before was shewn : it is not probable that he should use it here in another sense , or if he did , that none of all the Latine Fathers , and Interpreters should ever observe it , who render it by Infernus , Hell , as often as they have occasion to speak thereof . I close this point with that of Augustine , who speaking of this Prophesie of David concerning Christ , he saith , it is not to be contradicted , nor otherwise to be expounded then it is there interpreted by St. Peter himself (r) : and then addes this for a conclusion of the whole , Who but an Infidel will deny Christs descent into Hell ? So far the light of holy Scripture , interpreted according to the general consent and Exposition of the Antient Fathers , hath directed us in this enquiry : and we have found such good assurance in the cause , that the addition of more evidence would but seem unnecessary : yet that the Catholick Tradition of the Church of Christ may be found to incline the same way also , we will draw down the line thereof from the very times of the Apostles to those days of darkness , in which all good learning was devoured and swallowed up in the night of ignorance . For first Thaddaeus whom St. Thomas sent to preach the Gospel to Abgarus the King or Prince of Edessa , taught him and his , amongst other Catechetical points contained in the Apostles Creed , that they must believe (s) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. that is to say , that Christ descended into Hell , and broke the wall which had been never broke before since the world began , and rose again , and raised the dead , some of the which had slept from the first creation . I know this story of Thaddaeus hath been called in question , in these later dayes : nor have I time and leisure to assert it now . All I shall say , is that Eusebius who relates it , refers himself unto the monuments and Records of the City of Edessa , out of which he had it : and 't is well known Eusebius never was reputed either to be a fabulous or too credulous Author . Next to Thaddaeus comes Ignatius the Apostles scholar , who speaks of Christs descent into Hades , in the same tearms as before : adding withall (t) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he went down alone ( to Hades ) but ascended with a great multitude unto his Father . And this he saith , after he had made mention of his death and burial in a former passage of the same Epistle . St. Irenaeus he comes next , and he tels us this , that David prophecyed thus of CHRIST (u) , thou shalt not leave my soul in the neathermost Hell. After him Origen , Christ saith he , having bound the strong man , and conquered him by his Cross , went even unto his house , to the house of death , and unto Hell (x) ; and thence took his goods , that is , the souls which he possessed . Then cometh Eusebius next in order , To him only ( saith he , speaking of Christ ) were the gates of death opened , and him only the keepers of Hell-gates seeing , shrunk for fear (y) ; and the chief Ruler of death ( the Devil ) knowing him alone to be his Lord , rose out of his Throne and spake unto him fearfully with supplications and intreaty . Next him another Eusebius , surnamed Emisenus (z) , The Lord ( saith he ) descending , darkness trembled at the sudden coming of an unknown light , and the deepness of the dark mists of Hell saw the bright star of Heaven . Deposito corpore imas atque abditas Tartari sedes , filius hominis penetravit ; and the Son of man laying by his body , penetrated to the lowest and most secret seats of Tartarus ( or the dungeons of Hell ) . Then comes the Renowned Athanasius (a) , There are ( saith he ) no other places but the grave and Hell , out of which man was perfectly freed by Christ. And this appeareth not only in us , but in the death of Christ also , the body going to the grave , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and the soul descending unto Hell , being places severed with a very great distance : the grave receiving his body , for there it was present , and Hell ( or Hades ) his soul. Else how did Christ present his own soul to the souls in bands , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he might break in sunder the bands or chains of the souls detained in Hell. St. Basil next (b) , When David said , God will deliver my soul from the power of Hell , he doth plainly prophesie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the descent of the Lord to Hell , ( or Hades ) to redeem the Prophets souls with others , that they should not be detained there . So Nazianzen (c) , Christ dyed , but he restored to life , and by his death abolished death ; he was buryed , but he rose again ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He descended into Hell , but he brought back souls and ascended into Heaven . Macarius (c) , to the same purpose also (d) . When thou hearest that Christ delivered souls , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of hell and darkness , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that the Lord descended to Hell , and performed an admirable work ; think that these things are not far from thine own soul. St. Chrysostom , then being one of the Presbyters of the Church of Antioch (e) , composed two Homilies upon the Creed , in one of which , after he had spoken of the death and burial of our Saviour , he addes this , descendit ad infernum , that he descended unto Hell , that this also might not want a wonder . Epiphanius though in other points his Enemie , doth agree with him in this particular , touching the descent of Christ into Hell , though he differ both from him and others in making the Deity of Christ to be united with his soul in the performance of that action , to the end that Hades (f) , ( so he calls the Devil ) the chief Ruler thereof thinking to lay hands on a man , and not knowing that his Deity was united to his sacred soul , Hades himself might be surprized , and death dissolved , and that fulfilled which was spoken , Thou shalt not leave my soul in hell . To this agrees St. Cyril of Alexandria (g) thus ; The soul which was coupled and united to the Word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , descended into hell ( or Hades ) and using the power and the force of the Godhead shewed it self to the spirits there . For we must not say that the Godhead of the only begotten , which is a nature uncapable of death , and no way conquerable by it , was brought back from the dark caverns of the earth . To the same also saith Iohn Damascene (h) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. i. e. The deified soul of Christ descended to Hades , that as to those upon the earth , the Sun of righteousness was risen , so to those who sate under the earth , and in shades and darkness light might also shine . Next look we on the Fathers of the Western Church , and we shall finde as general consent amongst them for proof of Christs descent into hell ; as before we had amongst the Fathers of the Eastern . And first beginning with Tertullian , the most antient of the Latine Writers , he doth not onely tell us in plain tearms (i) , Christum inferos adiisse , that Christ went into hell ; but addes this reason of it also , ne nos adiremus , that we might not go thither . St. Cyprians judgment in the point we have seen before , where he declareth that Hell had been broken open in the presence of Christ when he led captivity captive , &c. Spolians inferos & captivos praemittens ad superos (k) , first spoyling hell ; and then sending the captives before towards Heaven . Arnobius thus ; Postea vidit inferos , &c. in Abyssi profunda descendens . (l) After ( his Passion ) he visited hell , and not only became far off from heaven , but even from the earth it self , descending into the depth of the bottomeless pit . Lactantius , if the verse be his , shewing how the darkness of hell vanished at the brightness of Christ (m) , then addes , Hinc tumulum repetens post Tartara , carne resumpta , &c. that after his being in hell , he returned to his grave , and resuming his body , went to heaven like a noble Conquerer . St. Hilarie of Poictiers next , The powers of heaven (n) ( saith he ) do incessantly glorifie the Name of God for conquering death , and breaking the gates of hell ; for in hell he conquered death . Christ (o) ( saith St. Hierom ) destroyed and brake open the inclosed places of hell , and put the Devil which had power over death , out of his Kingdom and Dominion . And in another place more plainly (p) , Hell ( saith he ) is the place of punishments and torments , ad quem descendit & Dominus ut vinctos de carcere dimitteret , to which the Lord descneded to release those from prison who were therein bound . St. Ambrose to the same effect (q) , Expers peccati Christus cum ad Tartari ima descenderet , &c. Christ ( saith he ) being void of sin when he descended to the lowest pit of hell , destroying the Dominion of death , recalled out of the Devils jaws to eternal life , the souls of those who there lay bounden for their sins . St. Austin living in those times , though he assert as much as any , the descent into hell ; yet gives a more unquestionable reason for it (r) . Quaeri solet , si non nisi poenalia intelligantur inferna , &c. It is demanded if Infernus ( Hell ) be taken for no other then the place of punishment , how we may safely believe that the Soul of our Lord Christ descended thither . But it is answered , ideo descendisse , ut quibus oportuit subveniret , that he descended into hell to succour those that were to be succoured . And in another place more clearly as unto the reason , (s) There is ( saith he ) a lower hell , whither the deceased use to go , from whence God would deliver our souls by sending his Son thither . Ideo enim ille usque ad infernum pervenit , ne nos in inferno maneremus ; for therfore went Christ even unto hell , that we should not remain in hell . Vigilius shewing how our Saviour could be both in Hell and in the grave , doth resolve it thus (t) , Dicimus ergo Dominum jacuisse in sepulchro sed in solo corpore , & descendisse ad infernum sed in sola anima ; viz. that the Lord lay in the grave as to his body alone , but descended down to Hell in his soul only . Ruffinus commenting on this Article of the Creed (u) , gives it briefly thus , Quod in Infernum descendit audenter pronunciatur in Psalmis , that Christs descent into hell is evidently foretold in the Psalmes ; and then , eo usque ille miserando descendit , usque quo tu peccando dejectus es ; that is to say , Christ out of his mercy descended to that very place unto which man was fallen by sin . Petrus Chrysologus in the next Age thus (x) , To suffer death and to conquer it , intraffe inferos & rediisse , to enter into hell and return back again , to come within the jaws of the dungeon of hell , and to dissolve the laws thereof , is not of weakness , but of power . Fulgentius states the point more fully (y) , It remained ( saith he ) to the full accomplishment of our Redemption , that the man whom God took unto himself without sin , should descend even thither , whither man separated from God fell by desert of sin , that is to hell , where the soul of a sinner useth to be tormented ; and to the Grave , where the body of the sinner useth to be corrupted : yet so that neither Christs flesh might rot in the grave , nor his soul be tormented with the sorrows of hell . To omit Arator and Prudentius who affirm as much as those before , but may be thought to have spoken out of Poetical liberty ; we will next look upon the Fathers of the fourth Councel of Toledo , An. 630. after the birth of our Saviour ; by whom it was declared that Christ descended to hell (z) , to deliver the Saints which there were held ( captive ) and subduing the kingdome of death rose again . Which after was repeated and confirmed in the Councel of Orleance , holden in the 46. year of Charles the Great . Finally to descend no lower , Venantius Fortunatus once Bishop of Poictiers , doth resolve it thus : (a) first , that Christ did descend to hell ; and secondly , that his descent into hell was no disparagement unto him , for that he did it with relation to his infinite mercies ; as if a King should enter into a Prison , not to be there detained himself , but to release and loose all such as were guilty . Thus have we seen the suffrages of the antient Writers in their times and ages , touching the descent of Christ into hell , with such a general consent and unanimity , that a greater is not to be found in all or any of the Articles of the Christian faith . And we have also seen the reasons which ( as they thought ) induced our Saviour unto that descent , the benefits which did accrew to the Church thereby . Now these being principally three , that is to say , the vanquishing of the powers of hell . Secondly , the securing of his faithful servants from coming under the dominion thereof : And thirdly , the deliverie of the souls of those righteous men , which lived under the law , and were held captive for a time by the powers of darkness , till he released them by his coming : two of the three , I hold to be undoubtedly true ; and the other I consider as a matter questionable . And first I take it for a truth , an undoubted truth , that our Saviour Christ by his descent into hell , did utterly suddue and overthrow the Kingdom of Satan , and gave him his last blow in his own Dominions , and that thereby he took this captivity captive (b) , and having spoyled those principalities and powers (c) , ( which do there inhabit ) did make a shew of them openly ; and triumph over them . The Scriptures explicated by the Fathers do most abundantly confirm me in the truth of that . To which adde here ( which was before omitted in its proper place ) those words of Cyril Patriarch of Alexandria , saying , (y) The powers , principalities , and rulers of the world , ( which the Apostle speaks of there ) none other could conquer and carry into the Deserts of hell , but only he who said , Be of good hope , for I have overcome the world . Therefore it was necessary that our Lord and Saviour should not only be born a man amongst men , but also should descend to hell , that he might carry into the Wilderness of hell , the Goat which was to be led away ; and returning thence , ( that work performed ) might ascend to his Father . And I do also hold for a truth undoubted , that Christ by his descent into hell , hath secured all his faithful servants since that time from coming under the power and dominion of it . Which as it was the doctrine of the eldest times of Christianity , as appeareth by the objection of Tertullian , At inquiunt , Christus inferos adiit ne nos adiremus (e) , that they , i. e. the Orthodox Professors against whom he writ , affirmed that Christ went into hell to hinder us from going thither : so was it constantly maintained in the times succeeding , by all the sound members of the Church . This appears yet more evidently by that of Athanasius , saying , (f) Christ descending to hell ( or Hades ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , brought us back , so loosing our detention there . In which it is to be observed that he speaks this of himself and others which were then alive , and not them in hell , but yet both might and must have come there , if he had not freed them from it by his descent . And so we must interpret that of Hierom also , (g) Liberavit omnes Dominus , quando anima ejus descendit in infernum ; the Lord delivered all his servants ( both dead and living ) when his soul descended into hell : and that of Hilarie , (h) Christ , descending into hell , nostra salus est , is our salvation : and that of Ambrose (i) , descendens ad ' inferos genus humanum liberavit , that Christ descending into hell delivered mankinde , i. e. aswell from coming thither , as from tarrying there . Fulgentius goes to work more clearly then any of the rest before recited , and doth not only tell us this , that & descendentem ad infernum animum justi , &c. the sorrows of hell were loosed by the descending thither of Christs righteous soul (k) ; but addeth , that having so loosed the sorrows or pains of hell , omnes fideles ab iisdem liberavit , he delivered all the faithful from them . But above all St. Augustine is most clear and positive in this particular , as may appear in part by that which was said before in the last Section ; but far more fully in the passages which are yet to come . In all those miseries , saith he , (l) though we were not then , yet because our deserts were such that we should have been in them , if we had not been delivered from them ; it may be rightly said we were thence delivered , Quo per liberatores ( nostros ) non permissi sunt perduci , whither we were not suffered to come , by our deliverers . And who these were whom he delivered in this manner , that is to say , by not permitting them to come thither at all ; he tels us in another place (m) , where we finde it thus ; that it is believed not without good cause that Christs soul came into that place in which sinners are miserably tormented , Vt eos solveret a tormentis quos solvendos esse , occulta nobis sua justitia judicabat , that he might deliver them from torments , whom in his secret justice unknown to us , he thought fit to deliver . In a word thus most fully saith that Reverend Prelate , (n) Si enim non absurde credi videtur , &c. If ( saith he ) it may seem to be believed without absurdity that the Saints of the Old Testament which believed in Christ to come , were in places most remote from the torments of the wicked ( in locis tormentis impiorum remotissimis ) and yet amongst the Inferi in the lower places , until the bloud of Christ ( & ad ea loca descensus ) and his descent unto those places did deliver them thence : then certainly the godly believers now redeemed with the price of that bloud-shed , prorsus inferos nesciunt , shall never come into that place where those inferi are , ( that is to say , within the mansions below ) to the time that recovering again their bodies , they do receive the blessings prepared for them . So far , and to this purpose he . Now by this last passage cited from the works of Augustine it is clear and evident , that in those times it was an opinion generally received in the Christian Church , and such as might be well believed ( as himself acknowledgeth ) without any absurdity , that the Patriarchs and others of the Saints of the Old Testament , were detained in some lower places amongst the Inferi , but without any sense of those infinite torments which were endured by the wicked : and that they were detained there till the coming of Christ , till he by his descent thither did release them thence . Which opinion , as he did not very well approve of , so in regard it was so generally received , he was very tender in confuting it . All he thought fit to say was no more then this , (o) Illud me nondum invenisse confite●r , inferos appellatos ubi justorum animae requiescunt , that he had no where found as yet ( in holy Scripture ) that the place where the souls of the just did rest , was called by the name of Inferi . So wary was that Reverend and learned Prelate from pronouncing rashly in a point , wherein the general current of the Church ●eemed to be against him : and the like wariness I hope I may have leave to observe here also . For though this be the reason ( as before I said ) which I am to consider as a matter questionable ; yet I shall consider it as a matter questionable only ; I shall not dare to say it is false or impious . The joynt consent of such and so many of the Antients both Greek and Latine , which have been formerly alleadged , besides others (p) as considerable , but not here alleadged , who have in terminis and expresly affirmed the same ; make me hold off my hand from that presumption . The rather in regard it carries no impiety with it , nothing derogatory to the Gospel or Kingdome of Christ : but rather seemes to adde much lustre to our Saviours Person , and much conduceth to the honour of the Faith and Gospel . For what can be more honourable to the Person of Christ , then that the Patriarchs and other holy men of God who dyed under the Law , were kept from being admitted into a participation of the joys of heaven ; till he by his Divine power took them by the hand , conducted them into the blessed gates of Paradise : and having overcome the sharpness of death , set open the Kingdome of Heaven unto all believers (q) ? What could adde more unto the dignity and reputation of the Gospel of Christ , then that all such as faithfully believe the same , and frame themselves to live thereafter , should have a greater priviledge then their Father Abraham , and all the rest who dyed in the fear of God before the coming of our Saviour ; and be admitted presently to the joys of Paradise ? And this is that which is affirmed by St. Hierom and some other Fathers , Ante Christum Abraham apud inferos , post Christum latro in Paradiso (r) : that before CHRIST , Abraham ( and the bosom of Abraham ) was in the lower regions in some parts of the Inferi , but after Christ the penitent theef was admitted presently admitted into Paradise . For this , saith he , (s) is the land of the living ( in which the good things of the Lord are prepared for meek and holy men ) to which before the coming of our Lord and Saviour in the flesh , neither Abraham nor Isaac nor Iacob , nor the Prophets , nor other just men could attain . With whom accords St. Chrysostom also , in his Homilie on the Parable of the rich man and Lazarus , Luk. 10. But here perhaps it will be said , that being both the Greek Hades and the Latine Inferi , have been before declared to be hell ; and the place of torments ; how can the Patriarchs and other holy men of God , be said to be in or amongst the Inferi , and not participate of the torments of that wretched place ? In answer whereunto it may be replyed , that there might be some part or region of the Inferi , wherein the greatest , or rather the only punishment was poena damni , a want of those Celestial comforts which were reserved for them in the land of Paradise , which to a soul that longed for the sight of God , could be no small infelicity . And secondly it may be said , that though the Inferi , in it self were a place of punishment , yet God was able to command the fire that it should not burn them , and to the torments of the pit that they should not touch them . That God who so preserved the three Hebrew Salamanders in the middle of a fierie furnace (t) , that the hairs of their head were not ●indged , nor the colour of their coats changed , nor so much as the smell of the fire passed upon them ; and did so shut the mouths (u) of the ravenous Lyons that they could not hurt his servant Daniel , though he was cast amongst them into their den : is also able to afford his people such a proportion of refreshing as to him seems meet , even in the middle of the flames , and in the dens of those roaring Lyons who day and night have had an expectation to devoure them . Nor is this all that may be said in justification and defence of those antient Writers which have looked this way , if one did seriously set about it . For possibly they might mean no more by those expressions , of bringing back the souls of the just from Hades , then that by the descent of Christ into hell , all claim and challenge which the Devil could pretend unto them , were utterly made void and of none effect : and that our Saviour by subduing the whole forces of hell , and spoyling the powers and principalities (x) thereof , communicated the benefit and effect of so great a triumph , aswell to those who went before , as to us that come after ; assuring both , that neither hell it self nor the Rulers of it have any interest in either , or should be able from thenceforth to disturb their rest . But I pronounce not this way neither , but shall still look upon it as a matter questionable . And so I leave this point with these words of Bullinger , a man of eminent note in the Protestant Churches ; Sinus Abrahae nil aliud est quam portus salutis , &c. The bosome of Abraham is nought else but the Port of Salvation ; which whether it were formerly in the heavens above ( an apud Inferos ) or in the places under the earth , I determine not . Yea I had rather be still ignorant of it , then rashly to pronounce of that which I finde not expressed in the Scripture . In these things as I will not be too curious , so neither will I define any thing therein ; nor will I contend with any man about this matter . It shall suffice me to understand and confess , that the godly of the Old Testament were in a certain place of rest , and not in torments , before the Ascension of Christ , although I know not what ( nor where ) it was . So he , with great both piety , and Christian modesty ; and with him I shut up this dispute . CHAP. IX . The Doctrine of the Church of England touching Christs descent into Hell , asserted from all contrary opinions ; which are here examined and disproved . THus have we seen the doctrine of the Primitive Church touching the Article of Christs descent into hell , so much disputed , or indeed rather quarrelled , in these later times . Let us next look upon the Doctrine of of this Church of England , which in this point , as in all the rest which are in controversie , doth tread exactly in the steps of most pure Antiquity . And if we search into the publick monuments and records thereof , we shall finde this doctrine of Christs local descent into hell , to have been retained and established amongst many other Catholick verities , ever since the first beginning of her Reformation . For in the Synod of the year 1552. being the fourth year of King Edward the sixt , it was declared and averred for the publick doctrine of this Church to be embraced by all the members of the same , that the body of Christ (a) until his Resurrection lay in the grave , but that his soul being breathed out was with the spirits in prison , or hell , and preached to them , as the place of Peter doth witness , saying , For Christ also hath once suffered for sins , the just for the unjust , that he might bring us to God , being put to death in the flesh , but quickned by the Spirit ; By which also he went and preached to the spirits in prison , &c. 1 Pet. 3.18 , 19. But being the Articles of that year were set out in Latine , take them according as they stand in the Original ; Nam corpus usque ad Resurrectionem in sepulchro jacuit , Spiritus ab illo emissus cum spiritibus qui in Carcere sive in Inferno detinebantur , fuit ; illisque praedicavit , ut testatur Petri locus , &c. So also in the year 1562. When Q. Elizabeth was somewhat setled in her state she caused her Clergy to be called together in a Synodical way , to the intent they might agree upon a Body or Book of Articles , for the avoiding of diversities of opinions , and for the establishing of consent touching true Religion . Who being met and having agreed upon the two first Articles (b) , touching Faith in the holy Trinity , and the Word or Son of God which was made very man , and having declared in this second , that Christ who is very God and very man , did truly suffer , and was crucified , dead and buryed , to reconcile us to his Father ; addes for the title of the third , of the going down of Christ into hell . Which being an entire Article of it self runs thus in terminis , viz. (c) As Christ dyed for us , and was buried ; so also it is to be believed that he went down into hell . Which Article with the rest being publickly agreed upon , and passed in the Convocations of both Provinces , and confirmed under the broad Seal as the law required , became the publick authorized Doctrine of this Church of England : and afterwards received such countenance in the high Court of Parliament , that there was a statute made unto this purpose , (d) that all who were to be admitted unto any Benefice with cure of souls , or unto any holy Orders , should publickly subscribe the same in the presence of the Bishop or Ordinary . The like care was also taken after , for subscribing to it (e) , by all such who were matriculated in either of the Universities , or admitted into any Colledge or Hall , or to any Academical degree whatsoever ; and so it stands unto this day , confirmed and countenanced by as high and great authority , a● the power of the Prince , the Canons of the Church , and the Sanctions of the Civil State can give it . Nor stands it only on Record in the Book of Articles , but is thus touched in the Book of Homilies , specified and approved of (f) for godly and wholesome Doctrine by those Articles , and ratified and confirmed together with them . Thus hath his Resurrection ( saith the Homilie ) (g) wrought for us life and and righteousness ; He passed through death and hell , to the intent to put us in good hope , that by his strength we shall do the same ; He paid the ransome of sin that it should not be laid to our charge ; He destroyed the Devil and all his tyranny , and openly triumphed over him , and took away from him all his captives , and hath raised and set them with himself among the heavenly Citizens above . So far the Homily . There was also published in the beginning of the said Queens Reign a Catechisme writ in Latine by Mr. Alexander Nowel , Dean of Pauls , and publickly authorized to be taught in all the Grammar Schooles of this kingdome , ( though not by such a sacred and supreme authority as the books of Articles and Homilies had been before ) : in which the doctrine of Christs descent into hell , is thus delivered , viz. (h) , That as Christs body was laid in the Bowels of the earth , so his soul separated from his body , descended ( ad inferos ) to hell , and with all the force and efficacie of his death so pierced unto the dead , atque inferos adeo ipsos , and even to the spirits in hell , that the souls of the unfaithful perceived the condemnation of their infidelity to be most sharp and just ; ipseque inferorum Princeps Satan , and Satan himself the Prince of hell saw all the power of his tyranny and of darknesse , to be weakned , broken , and destroyed ; and contrariwise the dead , who whilest they lived believed in Christ understood the work of their Redemption to be performed , and felt the fruit and force thereof , with a most sweet and certain comfort . So that the doctrine of Christs descent into hell being thus positively delivered in the Articles , and Homilies , and Catechisme publickly authorized to be taught in Schools ; and being thus solemnly confirmed and countenanced both by Laws and Canons , and by the subscriptions of all the Clergie and other learned men of this Realm of England : how great must we conceive the impudence to be of the Romish Gagger (i) , who charged this upon this Church , that we denie the descent of Christ into hell . Nor do I wonder lesse at the improvidence of those who were then in authority , in licensing Mr. Rogers comment on this Book of Articles , and suffering him to put it forth with the glorious title of being published by authority ; considering that he permits all people in this Church and State , to put what sense they will upon the Article , so they keep the words . Which as it gives a great advantage to the Papists , in making them report with the greater confidence , that this Church alloweth not of a local descent into hell , contrary to the doctrine of the primitive times ; so have they charged it on us in some solemne (k) conferences more then once or twice . Nor doth the Church of England stand alone in this interpretation of the Article , according to the literal and Grammatical sense , but is therein countenanced and backed by the most eminent Doctors of the Protestant and reformed Churchs . And first we will begin with Luther , who speaking of those words of the royal Psalmist , Thou shalt not leave my soul in hell , and of those foolish glosses which were made upon them in those times ; adviseth thus (l) , that despising all such frivolous and impious trifles , we simply understand the words of the Prophet , ( of the being of Christs soul in hell ) as they were simply and plainly spoken ; and if we cannot understand them , that howsoever we do faithfully believe the same . Pomeranus commenting on the same words of the Prophet , thus infers thereon (m) , Here hast thou that Article of our faith , Christs descent into hell . If thou aske what he did there ? I answer , that he delivered thence not the Fathers only , but all the faithful , from the beginning of the world to the end thereof ; nor out of Limbus only , but out of the lowest and neathermost hell , to which all were condemned . David Chytreus to this purpose (n) , that we are to understand this Article of the Creed , plainly and simply as the words do seem to import , and to resolve that the Son of God truly descended into hell to deliver us thence , to which place we were condemned for sin in Adam ; as also from the power and tyranny of the Devill , which held us captive in the same : and for the proof hereof he referreth himself to Hierome , Augustine , and Fulgentius , whose words he quoteth . Vrbanus Regius saith the same (o) , The Church ( saith he ) delivereth out of holy Scripture , that Christ after he was dead on the Crosse , descended also into hell , to suppresse Satan and hell , to which we were condemned by the just judgment of God , and to spoyle and destroy the kingdome of death . More plainly Henricus Mollerus thus , (p) The descent of Christ to hell , being one of the Articles of the Creed , we understand simply without any allegory , and believe that Christ truly descended to the lower parts of the earth , as St. Paul speaketh Ephes. 4. It is enough for us to believe , which Austin affirmeth in his Epistle to Dardanus , that Christ therefore descended that he might help those which were to be holpen . Of the same mind as touching the true and real descent into hell , are Westhmerus in Psal. 16. Hemingius in Coloss. c. 2. Wolfgangus Musculus in Psal. 16. and the whole body of the Lutheran Divines in their book of Concord , Artic. 9. But none more positively and significantly then Zacharias Scilterus , though perhaps of lesse eminent note then those before , who informes us thus (q) , The descent of Christ to hell , whereof mention is made in the Apostles Creed after the death and burial of Christ , is to be understood simply and without Allegory , according to the literal sense , of the manifestation and declaration of Christs victory no lesse glorious then terrible made to the Devils in hell , or in the place of the damned ; and of Christs expugning , spoyling , disarming , captivating the power of Satan , and of his destroying hell , and everting the whole kingdome of darkness , and of his delivering us from the pains of death and eternal damnation , and out of the pains of hell . Nor is this only the opinion of the Lutheran Doctors , but of those also which in matter of the Sacrament and some other points , adhere rather to the Doctrine of Zuinglius , Calvin , and those other Churches , who commonly do call themselves the reformed Churches . And first we will begin with Peter Martyr , not only because first in time , but because purposely sent for hither by Arch-bishop Cranmer , to travel in the great work of reformation , which was then in hand . As touching Christs soul ( saith he ) (s) as soon as it departed from the body it rested not idle , but descended ad inferos unto hell ; and certainly both the one and the other company as well of the godly as the damned found the presence of it . For the souls of the faithful were much comforted , and gave God thanks for delivering them by the hands of this Mediator , and performing that which had so long before been promised : and those which were adjudged to everlasting damnation , animae Christi adventum praesenseru●t , perceived the coming of Christs soul ( with as much discomfort ) . Aretius next , declaring that the Article of Christs descent into hell (t) , is delivered in plain termes in holy Scriptures ; and then repeating many other senses which had been obtruded on the Article , he rejects them all , and thus produceth , Quare mea sententia est , &c. It is therefore mine opinion that Christ descended into hell , after he had yeilded his soul on the Crosse into the hand of God his Father ; and hell in this place we affirme to be the very place appointed for the souls of the damned , even for Satan and all his members . Finally , Zanchius (u) doth not only hold for his own particular , that though the powers and principalities spoken of Coloss. 2. were vanquished and conquered on the Crosse by Christ ; yet that the triumph there also mentioned was not performed till Christ in his soul entred the kingdome of hell as a glorious Victor , bringing them out of their infernal Kingdome , and carrying them along in the air in the sight of all the Angels and blessed souls : but doth affirme that the Fathers for the most part were of that opinion , Et ex nostris non pauci neque vulgares , and of their own Expositers not a few , and those no mean persons . So that in him , we have not only his own judgment & opinion , but the agreement and consent of almost al the rest of the considerable Divines of the reformed Churches . Yet notwithstanding this agreement and consent both of the Antient Fathers and the Later writers , this Article of Christs descent hath not wanted those , who have endevoured with all care & diligence either to make it of no authority by expunging it out of the old received Creeds , or to dispute as well the possibility , as the use and pertinencie of the said descent , by pressing it with many studied Objections to that end and purpose ; or finally to put such a sense upon it , as is utterly inconsistent with the meaning of it , and as destructive in a manner as the first attempt , of making it no part of the antient Creeds . And first it is objected out of Ruffinus that this clause of Christs descent into hell , was not in his time in the Creed of the Church of Rome , nor in those of the Eastern Churches . His words are these (x) , Sciendum est quod in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo non habetur additum [ descendit ad inferos ] , sed neque Orientis Ecclesiis . This we acknowledge to be true ; what then ? Therefore , say they , it needs must follow , that it was not in the Creed at all , untill some time after . But this by no means can be gathered out of Ruffines words : who is not to be understood in the sense they dream of ; or if he be , shall presently confute himself without further trouble . And first Ruffinus could not say that the clause of Christs descent into hell , was neither in the Apostles Creed before his time , nor reckoned for a part thereof by the Church of Rome , or by any Churches of the East . For long before the times he lived in , Ignatius Bishop of Antioch the most famous City of the East , repeated it as a part of the Creed (y) ; the like did Chrysostome (z) one of the Presbyters of that Church , and Cyril (a) Bishop of Hierusalem , both living in the same time that Ruffinus lived in . Nyssen , and Nazianzen , and Basil , his contemporaries , or not long before him , do reckon it amongst the Articles of the Christian faith ; and give us the true orthodox sense thereof , as before was shewn : all of them very famous Bishops of the lesser Asia , one of the most considerable parts of the Eastern Church . The like doth Epiphanius (b) for the Isle of Cyprus , and Cyril (c) for the Patriarchate of Alexandria : whereof this last was the great ruler of the Aegyptian , Aethiopian , and Arabian Churches ; the other though within the Patriarchate of Antiochia , yet was sui juris (d) , an Independent as it were , and of equal priviledge at home . So also for the African and other Churches of the Western world , it is most evident by that which hath been cited from Fulgentius , Augustine , Ambrose , Tertullian , Cyprian , and all the rest of note and eminency , that this of the descent into hell , was reckoned for an Article of the Creed in those parts and times , in which they severally and respectively did live and flourish . And so it was esteemed in Rome it self when Ruffinus lived , and in the Church of Aquileia not far from Rome , where he was a Presbyter . For otherwise neither he himself had so reputed it , nor commented thereupon as upon the rest : nor had St. Hierome being at that time a Presbyter of the Church of Rome , so ●ar avowed this Article of the descent into hell , or given us so much help and furtherance to the right understanding thereof , had it been reputed by that Church for no part or Article of the Common Creed , as we see he did (e) . Thus then Ruffinus did not mean , and indeed he could not , that this Article of the descent into hell , was not accounted for an Article of the Apostles Creed , either by those of Rome , or the Eastern Churches . No such matter verily . His meaning is , that whereas in those times diverse several Churches , and many times particular persons of rank and quality , did use to publish several Creeds to serve as testimonies of their right beliefe upon occasion of some new emergent heresies : the Creed or Symbol made for the Church of Rome , and some of those which were in use in the Eastern parts , did omit this Article . For well we know it was omitted both in the Constantinopolitan and Nicene Creeds , which were of so much reputation in all parts of Christendome ; as being a point about the which no stir or Controversie had been raised . Nor doth Ruffinus say , if we marke him well , that the Church of Rome denied this clause to be part of the Apostles Creed ( which he must either say or nothing which will do them good ) but that it was not in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo , in the Creed or Symbol , made for the use of the particular Church of Rome , for some particular occasion ; such as was that of Damasus in St. Hieromes works , where indeed it is not . So that the omitting of this Article in the Creeds of those particular Churches , which Ruffinus speaks of , shewes rather that it was received in all parts of Christendome with such a general consent and unanimity , that it was needlesse to insert it in those Creeds , because no controversie or debate had been raised about it . For otherwise it must needs follow by this Argument , that being there is no mention of Christs death in the Nicene Creed , nor of his burial in the Creed of Athanasius , nor of the Communion of the Saints in the Constantinopolitan , nor of many of the last Articles in the Creed of Damasus ( not to descend to more particulars ) therefore those Articles and clauses were not to be found in such copies of the Apostles Creed , as were commended to the use of Gods people , within the Patriarchates of Rome , Constantinople , Alexandria , or the City of Nice , or any of those numerous Churches over all the world , where those particular Creeds were received and welcomed . This project therefore failing , as we see it doth , the Devils next great care hath been to dispute down the authority and effect thereof , such a descent as is delivered and maintained by the Church of England , being neither possible nor pertinent , as is objected . And first , say some , it is not possible . Why so ? Because say they (f) , our Saviour promised the penitent Theef , that the same day his soul should be with him in Paradise . What then ? Therefore Christs soul being to goe that day to Paradise , could neither goe to hell that day , nor the two days after . An argument which hath as many faults almost as it hath words . For first our Saviour was not of such slow dispatch as these men would have him , but that he might carry the theefs soul to Paradise , and yet shew himself the same day to the fiends in hell . That both were done on the same day , Vigilius one of the antients doth affirme expressely (g) , Constat dominum nostrum Jesum Christum sexta feria crucifixum , &c. It is most manifest , saith he , that our Lord Jesus Christ was crucifyed on the sixt day , that on the same day he descended into hell , on the same day he lay in the grave , & ipsa die latroni dixisse , and on the same said to the Theef , This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise . All this might very well be done by our Lord Christ Iesus , within lesse time then the compasse of a natural day , unlesse we measure his omnipotence by our own infirmities . But yet to take away all scruples which may hence arise , St. Augustine and some others of the Fathers have resolved it thus ; viz. that when Christ said unto the Theef , This day thou shall be with me in Paradise , he spake not of his manhood but of his Godhead (h) . And this saith Augustine doth free the Article from all ambiguities . But this he doth declare more plainly in another place , saying , that he who said unto the Theef hanging on the Crosse (i) , This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise , according to his manhood ( or humane nature ) had his soul that day in hell , and his flesh in the grave , but according to his Godhead , was most undoubtedly in Paradise . Titus Bostrenus saith the same , an Author not of such authority , but of more antiquity then St. Augustine : How ( saith he ) did our Saviour performe this promise made unto the Theef , Hodie mecum eris in Paradiso (k) ? And thereunto he answereth thus , Christ taken down from his Crosse was in hell according to his soul , and neverthelesse by the power of his divinity he brought the theef into Paradise . Thus Damascen also for the Greek Fathers (l) , The same Christ is adored in Heaven as God , together with the Father and the holy Ghost . And he as man lay in the Sepulchre with his body , and abode in hell with his soul , and gave entrance to the Theef into Paradise by his divinity , which cannot be comprehended in any place . Or if we think the journey from the Crosse to Paradise , and from thence to hell , to be too great for our Redeemer to dispatch in a day , ( which by the way were a fine peece of infidelity ) what hinders it , but that having for a day refreshed his wearyed soul in the joyes of Paradise , he might afterwards goe down to hell to pursue his Conquest . For though the great Cardinal affirme (m) , Animam Christi triduo esse in corde terrae , that the soul of Christ continued as long in hell as his body lay in the grave ; yet herein he deserts those worthies of the former times , whose dictates he would fain be thought to adhere unto . For Anselm , once Arch-bishop of Canterbury , though a Post-natus in regard of the Antient Fathers , yet far more antient and of no lesse abilities then Bellarmine , was perswaded otherwise . Who asking in the way of discourse or dialogue (n) , Whither Christs soul went after his death , he answereth , to the heavenly Paradise , as he said to the Theef , This day , &c. When then to hell ? He answereth at midnight before his resurrection ; at which hour as the Angel destroyed Egypt , so at the same Christ spoyled hell , and made their darknesse as bright as day . But lest the Cardinall should think it a disparagement unto him to be counterballanced by a writer of so late a date , let him take this of Augustine (o) for a farewell , and so much good do it him . Si igitur mortuo corpore ad Paradisum anima mox vocatur , quemquamne adhuc tam impium credimus , qui dicere audeat quod Anima Servatoris nostri triduo illo corporeae mortis custodiae mancipetur ? If then the body of the Theef dying , saith that reverend Father , his soul was presently taken into Paradise ; shall we think any man so wicked ( ware that Sr. Cardinal ) as to dare say , that the soul of our Saviour during the three days that his body was dead , was restrained in the custody of hell ? So that we see there is no such impossibility , as hath been objected , but that our Lord and Saviour might descend into hell , though he was the same day with the theef in Paradise . As little doth it follow from their other argument (p) , that Christ commended his soul into the hands of his Father ; and therefore it could not be in hell . For certainly these men must think the hands of God to be very short , and the power of the Devil over great , if any part of hell should be out of Gods reach , or that he could command nothing there but by Satans leave . Christs soul wheresoever it was , was in Gods protection , and so by necessary consequence in the hands of God , there being no place in heaven or hell exempted from the power of the Lord Almighty . David had else deceived both himself and us , in saying that if he went down to hell , he should finde God there . And therefore we need say no more unto this Objection , but that which Gregory Nyssen said in former times , as by way of prevention ; viz. (q) that the soul of Christ , commended into his Fathers hands , went down to hell , quum ita illi bonum & commodum visum esset , when it seemed convenient to himself that it should so do ; that he might publish salvation to the souls in hell , and be Lord over quick and dead , and spoil hell , and might prepare a way for man to return to life , after he himself had been the first fruits , the first born from the dead . And this ( saith he ) may be perceived and proved by many places of Scripture . And I the rather have made use of those words of Nyssen in answer unto that Objection ( if it may be called one ) because it satisfyeth in part another of their doughty Arguments touching the use and pertinency of Christs descent ▪ For if , say they , there be no certain benefit redounding to the godly by Christs going to hell , then out of doubt he went not thither (r) : so far they say exceeding well . But then they take ( without proof ) as a matter granted , that no such benefit redounded to the godly by it ; and therefore they conclude what they list themselves . This is the summe of what they say as to●ching the impertinency of Christs descent into hell ; and this is as easie to be answered , as that of the impossibility which we had before . Three speciall motives which induced our Saviour unto this descent , we shewed you from the Fathers in the former Chapter ; that is to say , the full and finall overthrow of the powers of Satan , the bringing thence the Antient Patriarchs and others which dyed before the preaching of our Saviours Gospel : and finally the delivering us from the holds thereof that we goe not thither . And do they think that none of these are any matter of certain benefit to the godly man ? Or do they think the publishing of salvation to the souls in hell , the making of our Saviour to be Lord over quick and dead , the spoyling of hell , and the preparing of a way for man to return to life , which we finde in Nyssen , administreth no use of consolation to the godly minde ? Besides there were some other ends of Christs descent into hell , then the procuring of some certain benefits to the godly only : which if they should deny , as perhaps they may , they will condemn therein the best Protestant writers . Aretius , one of name and credit in the reformed Churches , gives us three reasons of the Lords descent into hell , whereof there is but one which concerns the godly (s) . The first ( saith he ) is for the Reprobates , that they might know he was now come , of whose coming they had so often heard , but neglected it with great contempt . The second is , that Satan might assuredly know that this Christ whom he had tempted in the desert , and delivered unto death by the hand of the Iews , was the very Messiah , and the seed promised to the woman . And the third was in reference to the Elect , that Satan might see he had now no right , no not so much as to their bodies , which Christ hereafter would be pleased to restore to life . Mr. Nowel , as before we saw , gives three other reasons , that is to say (t) , First , that the souls of the faithlesse might perceive the condemnation of their unbelief to be just and righteous . Secondly , that Satan the chief Prince of hell , might see all the power of his tyranny , to be weakned and broken , nay utterly ruined . And thirdly , that the dead who in their life time believed in Christ , might perceive the work of their Redemption to be now finished , and finde the force and fruit thereof with most certain comfort . But against this it is objected , that Christ obtained this victory against hell and Satan , and all the benefits redounding to the godly by it , by his death and passion on the Crosse ; and therefore it was needlesse that on those occasions ( which seem most considerable in this businesse ) he should make a journey unto hell . To which it is replyed two wayes , First , that it belongeth not to us to know the depth of Gods counsels (u) , and the reasons of Christs doings in every thing , as if we were to call him to a strict account of all his actions : and that considering how the Scriptures do so clearly testifie that his soul was not left in hell , we are not to reject this clause either as superfluous or impertinent , although we cannot tell precisely the main end and purpose , why he was pleased to descend thither . And secondly , that though the victory against Hell and Satan was perfected upon the Crosse , yet the manifestation of the same to the souls of the damned , and the triumph which was due upon it , over Satan and all the powers of darknesse , was not , and could not be performed but in hell alone . We shewed you this before from Zanchius , a moderate and learned man , where he affirmeth (x) , according to the mind of the best interpreters , that though those enemies were vanquished on the Crosse by Christ , yet the triumph for the same was not performed untill he ( forced and ) entred the kingdome of hell as a glorious Conquerour . Nay more then so , Christs victory over death and hell , if Athanasius may be credited , as I think he may , was of too great moment and importance , to be dispatched in one place , and by one act only . Therefore saith he , (y) As Christ performed the condemnation of sin on the Earth , the abolition of the curse on the Crosse , and the redemption of corruption in the grave ; so he accomplished the dissolution of death in hell ; omnia loca permeans , that going unto every place , he might in every place work mans salvation . So that Christs victory not being compleat , as this Father thinketh ; and the triumph due upon the victory not to be celebrated any where so properly as in hell it self : the antients did not hold his descent into hell to be very necessary for the godly , but much unto the honour and glory of our blessed Saviour ; and to that end joyned it together with the Article of his resurrection , as being the first part of his exaltation . For as George Mylius a learned Lutheran very well observeth , there are two things to be considered in the Article of Christs descent into hell (z) . First , that it was no metaphorical , but a true and real descent , whereby our Saviour did descend to the lower parts of the earth , Eph. 4. ipsasque damnatorum sedes , even to the mansions of the damned : and secondly , that this Article is no part of his passion and humiliation , but of his victory and triumph . So then , the Article standing as it did in all antient Copies notwithstanding all these vain assaults ; and the doctrine in the same contained being neither impossible or impertinent , as it was pretended : the next attempt made by the Adversaries of the same , was to put such a sense or senses on it , as might make it either useless to the Church of Christ , or inconsistent with that meaning in which it had been taken generally by the Catholick Church . And though the Cardinal would very fain impose this project on the Protestant Doctors (a) , and make them the first Authors of those devises , by which the true meaning of this Article hath been impugned , and the Article it self as good as cast out of the Creed : yet by his leave , he must ascribe this practise ( if it were a practise ) to his great Masters and Dictators in the Schools of Rome . For sure it is , Durandus one of their great School men before Luthers time , denied expressely (b) that the soul of Christ descended into hell , secundum substantiam suam , really and according to the substance of it ; but doth restrain the same ad effectus quosdam , according to some certain effects and influences , as the illuminating and beatifying of the Saints in Limbo . Thus much the Cardinal himself doth confess ingenuously (c) ; and against that opinion of Durandus doth put up this Thesis , viz. Animam Christi proprie & reipsa descendisse ad inferos , that is to say , that the soul of Christ really and in very deed did descend into hell ; which he confirmes by many strong and weighty reasons . And sure it is that before him Aquinas himself the great Master of the Roman Schooles did put such a sense upon the Article , as utterly disagreeth with that of the Antient Fathers , whose doctrines they would make us weak men believe , they do so tenaciously , if not pertinaciously , imbrace and defend . For whereas the Fathers do maintain a descent into hell , and do expound themselves that they mean by hell , the place and mansions of the damned ; Aquinas (d) states the question thus , that Christ descended only unto Limbus patrum , according to a real presence , secundum realem praesentiam , as his words there are , and to all other places of the infernal pit , secundum effectus tantum , only according to the influence and effects thereof . And in this point he hath been so close followed by the most part of the Schoolmen , that Bellarmine conceived it neither fit nor safe to run directly and expresly against the stream : and therefore goeth no further then probabile est (e) , that in most likelihood our Saviours soul descended really to all parts of hell . So that although the current of Antiquity run an other way , and that the Fathers do deliver it for a Catholick verity that the soul of Christ did really and locally descend to all parts of hell , even to the mansions of the damned , as before was said : yet if Aquinas and the Schoolmen like their own way better , 't is but probable at the most , a matter of probability only , and no more then so . Such is the great respect they bear , after all their brags , to the traditions of the Fathers . Which being so , the Cardinal had but little reason to impose it on the leading men of the reformed Churches , that they perverted the true meaning of the Article by their corrupt glosses and interpretations ; since the first wrestling of it from the native sense , came principally and originally from the Church of Rome . But far lesse reason had he to impose upon them a more grosse absurdity ; in making Calvin and Brentius both to deliver this interpretation of it , that to descend into hell was nothing else , but to be utterly annihilated , and extinct ●or ever (f) . A folly shall I call it , or a frenzie rather , which never came within their dreams , for as much as doth appear by their works and writings , from whence the Cardinal must collect it . Nor was the scene so well contrived as it should have been for the acting of this grand Imposture , the book of Calvins which it cited for the proof thereof being that entituled Psychopannychia purposely written ( as appeareth by the Preface of it ) against the Anabaptists of those times , by whom indeed that monstrous Paradox had been lately published . This therefore being flung aside as a fraud or slander , the first of those three new constructions , which have been made of this descent into hell by the writers of the reformed Churches ; is that thereby the Authors of the Creed whosoever they were , meant nothing but our Saviours burial . Bucer , I take it , was the first , ( though otherwise a moderate man , and one not very apt to follow any new devise ) that puts this sense upon the Article . Ad infernum descendere , nil aliud est quam recendi corpus sub terra (g) : to deseend into hell , ( saith he ) is nothing else but for the bodie to be buried under the ground . And presently he gives this reason why he so expounds it , Sheol enim pro quo in scripturis nos fere infernum legimus , sepulchrum significat , that the word Sheol in the Hebrew , which in the Scriptures we interpret commonly by that of hell , doth properly signifie the grave . What the word Sheol signifyeth in the Hebrew tongue is not now the businesse , but what was meant by the Apostles in the Greek word Hades , by which St. Peter did translate it : and that we proved before in the former Chapter to be meant literally of hell , of the place of torments . Or were it so that the word Hades might be used in some places to expresse the grave , yet were it very improbable , that descendere in infernum , in this place of the Creed , should signifie no more then to be buried . And in my minde Calvin doth reason very strongly against this construction , where he affirmes that what an unlikely thing it must needs be thought , that in so short an Abstract of the Christian faith , that of our Saviours burial should be twice expressed : First in plain termes , and after by a figurative Metaphorical speech (h) . Non est verisimile irrepere potuisse superfluam ejusmodi battologiam , in compendium hoc , ubi summatim quam fieri potuit paucissimus verbis , praecipua fidei capita notantur , So he , judiciously and to the purpose . But then withall I needs must say , that though Calvin did reject this interpretation , as inconsistent with the nature of so short a Summary ; having indeed a new devise of his own to set up in stead of it : yet gave he much incouragement to others to expound it so , who were too apt to learn from so great a Master . For whereas in the old translation of the Psalmes of David , which has so long been generally received in the Western Church , the words ran thus , Non derelinques animam meam in inferno , i. e. thou shalt not leave my soul in hell : Calvin in his translation was so bold as to change it thus (i) , Non deseres animam meam in sepulchro , thou shalt not leave my soul in the grave or sepulchre : and then by soul , expounds himself to mean the whole person of David . Which coming unto Bezas hands , he saw no reason ( as indeed there was not ) but that he might make as bold with St. Peter in the book of the Acts , as Calvin did with David in the book of Psalmes . And therefore when he first put out his new translation of the new Testament , he thus translated Peters words into Calvins meaning , and made the passage to run thus in Terminis , without any disguise , Non relinques corpus meum in sepulchro , i. e. thou shalt not leave my body in the grave , nor suffer thine holy one to see corruption . But after finding how great clamour he had raised thereby , in the next edition of that work he retained in words the old translation , Non relinques animam meam in inferno , but in his Notes or Annotations on the same did declare expressely (k) , that by infernus there he did mean sepulchrum , and by anima the whole person whether Christs or Davids : and then the glosse upon the text must in brief be this , Non relinques animam meam in inferno , i. e. Non relinques corpus meum in sepulchro . A glosse like that of Orleans , which corrupts the text : and brings into my minde that with which we use sometimes to jeare the old glossary on the Canon-laws , Statuimus , i. e. abrogamus , that is to say , we do ordain , that is , we annul or abrogate . A glosse not much unlike unto that of Bellarmine ; and hard it is to say which of the two is most absurd : who being asked this question by some Protestant Doctors , viz. to whom the Pope should make complaint when offence is given him , if he be so supreme in the Church of Christ , as they say he is , returns this answer thereunto , Papa potest dicere Ecclesiae , i. e. sibi ipsi (l) , the Pope may tell the Church , that is , himselfe . And indeed this interpretation of the Article seemed as absurd as either of these two fine glosses ; insomuch that Beza lived to see it every were deserted , in some parts exploded . And now , and long before these times , ( as Aretius very well observeth ) Tota Ecclesia ubique terrarum , &c. (m) The whole Church thoughout the world doth receive this Article ( all opposition notwithstanding ) Et diversum a sepultura recitat , and doth recite it as a different point from that of the burial . Now that which Calvin said in the former case , touching the unlikelyhood and improbability that in so short a Summary of the Christian faith , the same thing should be twice repeated , first in plain terms , and presently in the very next words in a figurative speech : the same may be returned to a second construction , made by some late Divines on the present Article . Who willing to be singular , and in a way by themselves , and finding that it would not down amongst knowing men , that Christs descent into hell should be all one with his burial : have ransacked all the Hebrew Rabbines to finde out their conceptions on the Hebrew Sheol ; and all the old Greek Philosophers and antient Poets , to finde what they intended by the Greek word Hades . And having made a general muster of collections out of several Heathenish and Iewish writers , extracted out of them this sense of the present Article ; that is to say , that by Christs descending into hell is meant nothing else (n) but his going down into the Chambers of death , and his continuance in the state of separation from his body for the space of three days under the power and dominion of death . Which though it came after the conceit of Calvin who maketh the descent of Christ into hell , to be the sufferings of hell paines in his soul , in his Agony , and upon the Crosse ; yet we have joyned it to the former , as being at the furthest cousin german to it , if not the same device clothed in other words . For what else is it to be dead and buried , but to descend down into the chambers of death ? and what else to goe down to the chambers of death , but to be dead and buried , as our Saviour was ? What need was there that when the Creed had specifyed his death and burial , and his lying in the grave three days , in as plain termes as possibly the wit of man could devise to put it in : there should a clause be added in the next words following , to signifie his going down to the Chambers of death , a three dayes separation of his soul and body ; and that in words so figurative and Metaphorical , that all the Lexicons and Grammars of both the languages must be searched and studied , before we can finde out what we are to trust to . Assuredly it was not the Apostles purpose to set mens wits upon the rack to finde out their meaning ; or to make the Creed , which they intended for the use of the simplest sort , tormentum ingeniorum , a torture to the brain of the ablest Scholar ; or to expresse themselves in such difficult termes that men must go to Schoole to the old Greek Poets , and the late Iewish Rabbins , before they can attain to the meaning of them . As if there were no way to become a Christian , but to be first an exact Critick , a professed Philologer . Yet this hath been the Helena of our greatest Clerks , of none more preciously beloved then by the Bishop of Meuth , who in his Answer to the Iesuites challenge hath spent a great deal of unfortunate pains to no other purpose , but to crosse the current of Antiquity , together with the authorized doctrine of the Church of England . Concerning which I shall not need to say more now , then what was touched upon before , touching the unliklyhood of improbability of using such obscure and figurative expressions in so plain a forme , in the which all things else must be understood in the literal sense ; and the repeating of the same thing twice in so short an Abstract , not capable of a Tautologie though in divers words . And as for the far fetching of Theological and Ecclesiastical notions , out of the works and writings of old obsolete Authors ; it is a devise not known nor heard of in the Christian Church , till these Critical times ; nor very well approved in this neither by judicious men . And therefore for a full and finall answer to this last conceit , I shall use this caution of Aquinas (p) , viz. Aliud est etymologia nominis , & aliud significatio nominis , &c. that is to say , that in words we must not so much look upon their original , exact and precise signification , or derivation , as that whereto they are by ordinary use applyed . And unto this shall add the counsell and advise of a grave Divine , a late learned member of the Church (q) , viz. That he who hopeth to attain the true knowledge of the principles of the Christian faith , must either use the help of some Lexicon peculiar to Divinity , or make one of his own : it being an easier thing ( saith he ) to learn the termes of Law or Physick out of Thomasius or Riders Dictionaries , then to know the true Theological use and meaning of many principal termes in the old or new Testament , out of Stephanus or Pagninus his Thesaurus , though both of them most excellent writers in their kinde . Which I conceive to be as fit and full an answer unto this second exposition of the descent into hell , drawn from the Greek Hades , and the Hebrew Sheol , as the merit of it doth require . Only take here the substance of my former answer in these words of Calvin (r) . Quantae oscitantiae fuisset rem minime difficilem verbis expeditis & claris demonstratam , obscuriore deinde verborum complexu indicare magis quam declarare ? How great a folly must we think it ( in the compilers of the Creed whosoever they were ) to lay down that in difficult and intricate phrases , which had been formerly delivered in most clear and significant termes ; especially considering that when two several formes of speech are joyned together to expresse one thing , the latter commonly doth use to explain the former . We now proceed to that interpretation of this part of the Creed which hath found most followers , and hath been most insisted on by some late Divines , as the undoubted sense and meaning of the present words : though to attain unto this meaning they must allow themselves both Metaphors and other figures ; which ( as before was shewn ) this short forme admits not . And this interpretation found the better welcome , not because any way more probable then the rest of the new devices , but in regard it came from Calvin , whose reputation was so high , and his authority so great amongst them , that ( as one (s) very well observeth ) they were esteemed to be the most perfect Divines who were most skilful in his writings , which were almost grown the very Canon by which both Discipline and Doctrine were to be judged . Now Calvin seeing how absurd and inconvenient it must needs be thought , to make the descent of Christ into hell , to be nothing else but his burial ; and that of his descent into the chambers of death , and his continuance of separation from his body , being then found out : fell on a fancie which might seem to have more affinity to his descent unto the very place of torments , the habitations of the damned , though to say truth , it was not so much properly a descending of his soul to the torments of hell , as an ascending of the torments of hell , to finde a place in his soul. To bring this in , he first declareth that Christ had done nothing for us in the way of redemption if he had died no other then a bodily death ; and therefore that it was necessary he should undergoe divinae ultionis severitatem (t) , the severity of the divine vengeance ? Then he inferres , that to this end he was to struggle cum inferorum copiis , aeternaeque mortis horrore , with the infernall powers of hell , and the horrors that attend on eternal death , and to submit himself unto all those punishments which the most wicked souls are condemned to suffer , the eternity thereof excepted only : that in this sense he may be truely said to descend into hell , in regard he suffered all those torments , nay that death it self , which are by God inflicted upon wicked men ; dirosque in anima cruciatus damnati & perditi hominis pertulerit , and felt most sensibly in his soul those miserable torments of a man utterly forlorne and damned to the pit of hell : that being thus forsaken and estranged from the sight of God , he was so cast down , as in the anguish of his spirit to cry out afflictively , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ; as finding in himself omnia irati & punientis Dei signa , all the sure tokens of an angrie and avenging God : finally , that the fear and sorrow which did overwhelme him in the Garden , his fervent prayer , his Agonie and bloudy sweat , were nothing but the signes and evidences of those horrid and unspeakable torments ( those diros & horribiles cruciatus , as he cals them there ) which he then suffered in his soul. And what could all this be , but the pains of hell ? This he resolves to be the meaning of the Article , condemning all exceptions which are or may be made against it , either as frivolous and ridiculous ( Sect. 10. ) or to proceed ex malitia magis quam imscitia (u) , rather from malice then from ignorance , and all that hath been said unto the contrary to be nothing but meer slander and calumniations ; and being most extremely pleased to see how those who did oppose him knew not where to fasten , but were compelled to flie from one thing to another . This is the summe of his dispute , the substance of that dangerous innovation in the Christian faith , which was by him first published for a truth undoubted , and after taken up upon his Authority without further questioning or debate . Which as it generally prevailed in most places else , so did it no where finde more fast friends and followers , then in this unhappy Church of England : where it became in fine to be accounted the sole Orthodox Doctrine , vented in Pulpits and in Catechisms (x) , that the death of Christ upon the Cross , and his bloud shed for the remission of our sins were the least cause and means of our Redemption ; but that he did and ought to suffer the death of the s●ul , and those very pains which the damned souls in hell do suffer , before we could be ransomed from the wrath of God ; and that this was that descent into hell which in our Creed we are taught to believe . A doctrine so directly contrary unto that of the Church of England , delivered in her Articles and Books of Homilies , solemnly authorized and ratified as before was said , that Dr. Bilson the Reverend and learned Bishop of Winton then being , thought himself obliged as well to undeceive the people , as to assert the antient doctrine of the Church : And to that end , delivered in a Sermon at St. Pauls Cross London , what he conceived to be the tenet of the Scriptures in this particular , according to the Exposition of the holy Fathers . Which as it first occasioned some unsavory Pamphlets , and afterwards some set discourses to be writ against him : so it necessitated him in his own defence to set out that laborious work entituled , (y) The survey of Christs sufferings for mans Redemption , and of his descent to Hades or Hell for our deliverance ; I must confess my self indebted for the most part of those helps which I have had in the true stating both of this and the former Article . Thus having shewn who was the Author , what the progress , of this so much applauded Exposition of Christs descent into hell ; we next proceed to the examining and confutation of the same . And first the Reader may take notice that all the out-works to this Citadel , esteemed so invincible and inexpugnable , have by us been taken in already in the two former chapters : where we have proved that neither the extreme fear or sorrow which did seize upon him in the Garden of Gethsemane , nor any of his fervent prayers either there or on the Cross it self , no nor the Agony it self , nor the bloudy sweat , were any signs or arguments of those hellish pains , which they have fancied to themselves in our Saviours soul. And we have also proved in the last chapter of all , not only that our Saviour did not die the death of the soul , ( as these men blasphemously pretend ) but that the work of our Redemption was compleated fully , by that bodily and bloudy sacrifice which he made of himself upon the Cross. So that there now remains no more but to prove this point ( which is indeed the main of all ) namely , that Christ neither did nor ought to suffer the pains belonging to the damned , or endured so much as for a moment the torments of hell . And for the proof of this it is fit we know both what those pains and torments are which the damned do suffer , and of what nature are those fires which the Scriptures declare to be in hell ; what punishments belong to the soul alone , and what unto the soul and body being joyned together . And first of all the torments which the damned suffer in their souls only , though infinite and unexpressible in themselves , may be reduced to these three heads : 1 remorse of conscience , 2 a sense of their rejection from the favour of God , and 3 a despair of ever being eased of that consuming misery which is fallen upon them . Remorse of conscience , that 's the first , and one of the most heavy torments suffered by those wretched souls who in their life time wholly renounced the Lord their God to enjoy their pleasures , by which they are kept in a continual remembrance of that madness and folly wherewith they rebelled against the Lord , and of the contumacy wherewithall they refused his mercies : God punishing the souls of such wicked men with the evidence and conscience of their own uncleanness , and with the sight and most infallible assurance of their now everlasting wretchedness . Whether or not this be the Worm our Saviour speaks of (a) , and of which he telleth us in his Gospel , that it never dyeth , we shall speak more at large hereafter . In the mean time , observe we what the Fathers say touching this particular . Quae poena gravior quam interioris vulnus conscientiae (b) ? what pain more grievous , saith St. Ambrose , then the wounds of a convicted conscience ? Magna poena impiorum est conscientia (c) ; the conscience of the wicked , saith St. Augustine , is one of their greatest pains or punishments . And more then so , amongst all the afflictions of mans soul ( saith he ) there is none greater then the conscience of sin . How thinkest thou ( saith St. Chrysostom (d) ) shall our conscience be bitten ( alluding to the Worm spoken of before ) and is not this worse then any torment whatsoever ? With whom agreeth Eusebius also , in his Apologie for Origen , published under the name of Pamphilus (e) , saying , tunc & ipsa conscientia propriis stimulis agitatur , that then the conscience of a wicked man shall be pricked and pierced with the stings of their own proper sins . The second torment which the damned suffer in the soul alone , is the sense of their rejection from the favour of God , pronounced against them in that day by the dreadful Judge , in the word Discedite , depart ye cursed : by which they are not only excluded from the Kingdome of God , but utterly confounded with the grief and shame of that rejection , which they shall suffer at his hands before men and Angels . This is that curse our Saviour speaks of in his holy Gospel , where he affirmed unto the Iews (f) , that there should be weeping and gnashing of Teeth , when they should see Abraham , and Isaac , and Jacob , and all the Prophets in the Kingdom of God , and themselves thrust out . Of this it is St. Augustine telleth us , (g) that to be banished for ever from the Kingdome of God , to want that plentiful aboundance of the sweetness of God , which he hath aboundantly laid up in store for those that fear him ; tam grandis poena est , ut ei nulla quae novimus tormenta possint comparari ; is such a grievous pain or punishment that no torments which we know can compare unto it . St. Chrysostom is more express , where he speaks of those , who seem to make it their only desire to scape the miseries of hell (h) , whereas I ( saith he ) am of opinion , that to fall or be rejected from the glories of heaven , multo durius est tormentum quam gehena ipsa , is a far more insupportable torment then hell it self . Nor do I think , saith he , that we ought so much to grieve at the evill of hell , as at the loss of heaven and the glories of it , Qui nimirum cruciatus est omnium durissimus , the sense whereof will be more grievous then of all the rest . And so much saith St. Basil briefly (i) , affirming , that the estranging or rejecting from God is a more intolerable evil , then any that is to be feared or expected in hell . And yet these torments might be borne with the greater courage , if there were any hope of release in time , if their damnation were not so confirmed in the Court of Heaven , that they are utterly deprived of all expectation of having any favour from God in the times to come ; if there were any end to be expected of those unsufferable torments which are laid upon them . Hope makes an heavy burden light ; whereas despair of being eased makes a light burden insupportable . And this despair is that which doth most afflict them , when they are once condemned to the pit of torments . Omni tormento atrocius desperatio condemnatos affliget : No torment ( saith the same St. Basil ) (k) afflicts the damned like despair . So much the more , by reason that to hope that Gods irrevocable judgment shall be altered , or his counsel changed , were to hope that God would be false in his word , or wavering in his will so publickly and solemnly pronounced : which were a sin that would deserve an heavier punishment , then they suffer yet . The punishment of the damned shal be everlasting ; no hope that ever it will end . And it shall be an everlasting fire , as the scriptures tell us , a fire which shall prey upon the body , and torment the soul ; and yet neither devour the one nor consume the other . I know some late Divines do perswade themselves that the fire of hell is allegorical ; that there is no such real fire to be found therein , as the world hath hitherto been made beleive . But when I hear our Saviour Christ pronounce this sentence , sitting in his most dreadful Court of Iudgement , when there shall be but little use of tropes and figures , (l) Depart ye cursed into everlasting fire , prepared for the Devil and his Angels : I must crave leave to tie my faith to express words of Scripture , rather then to the quaint conceits of deceitful men . Of this I shall speak more at large in another place ; but whether in the Article of Christs coming to judgement , or in that of everlasting life , is not yet resolved . In the mean time , I take it for a good rule which we finde in Augustine , (m) that in expounding of the Scriptures , we flie not unto Tropes or Figures unless the proper signification of the words in any place , be either against the truth of faith , or against the honestly of manners , ( as in these it is not ) . Which grounds thus laid , I would fain know of Calvin , or any of his followers , whether that all or any of these punishments , which belong properly to the damned , and may be truly and directly called the pains of hell ; were suffered by our Saviour in his soul and body , or his soul alone . It could not be remorse of conscience ; for where there is no sin , there is no Compunction . Christ might be sorrowful , and afflicted for the sins of man , upon a knowledge of those miseries which attended on them . Remorse there could be none where there was no guilt ; and guilt there could be none where there was no sin . And he alone it was who could do no sin , and in whose mouth was found no guile (n) , as St. Peter tels us . Rejected he was never from the favour of God , it were indeed an hellish blasphemy to conceive so of him . The sentence of rejection is denounced against those alone , who have provoked God unto anger by their sins and wickednesses ; and made him of a friend and Father to become an Adversary . But God was neither angry with , nor adversary to his Son CHRIST IESVS ; his well beloved Son , at first , in whom he was well pleased to the very end . And so much Calvin doth confess . Nec tamen innuimus unquam Deum fuisse adversarium illi vel iratum (o) . And yet ( saith he ) we do not intimate hereby , that God was either set against him , or offended with him . Nor doth he say it only , but gives reason for it . For how , saith he , could God be angry with his beloved Son , in whom only he was well pleased ? or with what confidence could Christ intercede for us with Almighty God , si infensum haberet ipse sibi , with whom he stood in need of a Mediator to reconcile him to himself ? As for despair , if he were neither touched for remorse of conscience , nor fallen from the love and favour of his heavenly Father , there was nothing that he could despair of , but a release in time from the fires of hell ; which though they might afflict his body , could not hurt his soul. And Calvin takes it for a grievous calumny which was charged upon him (p) , Me desperationem ascribere filio Dei quae fidei contraria sit , that he ascribed to Christ any such despair , which was not consistent with true faith . For wiping off such stain , he declares expresly , that though our Saviour did complain of his being forsaken , ne tantillum quidem deflexit a bonitatis & ejus fiducia , yet he did never start nor waver in that confidence , which he had in the goodness of the Lord : and useth this for an especial argument to confirm the same , ( as indeed it is ) that whilest he did complain that he was forsaken , Non desinit vocare Deum suum , he ceased not for all that to call God his own . It was still Deus meus , Deus meus , to the very last gasp . And he that hath the confidence as to say my God , to appropriate God unto himself as his own God , is far enough off from being in despair , there 's no question of it . Nothing can then be left but the fires of hell , and they could work no further then upon his body , or the outside only of his soul , if I may so call it ; the inward man being senseless of the heats thereof , since it was neither subject to rejection or remorse at all : though to say truth , he suffered not the fires of hell , neither in body , nor in soul , nor in both united . Not in his Person in this life , nor his soul singly by it self whilest he lived amongst us . For hell fire is not to be found but in hell it self , and neither soul nor body were in hell , when he was alive . Not in his body after his death and burial , for that lay quiet in the Grave , neither touched nor troubled . Nor in his soul neither when he went to hell ; for none do suffer hell torments in the place of torments ; but they which are sentenced to DAMNATION : and I have so much confidence of their Christianity , as to believe they dare not say , ( and as yet they do not ) that Christ was damned . No Christian could endure such an horrid blasphemy ; especially if it were delivered in tearms express . Yet I must tell you by the way , that some come very neer it , to a tantamont ; whose doctrine it is , ( and 't is a doctrine built upon Calvins principles ) that Christ did locally descend to the place of torments , & ibi quoque poenas nostris peccatis debitas luisse , and did there suffer the very pains which are due to us for our sins . For otherwise say they , ( which is Calvins reason ) non plena fuisset ipsius pro nobis satisfactio , his satisfaction for our sins had not been sufficient . Which were it true ( as Beza very well observeth ) Ne corpori quidem parcendum erat , he was not to have spared his body , but was to have descended into hell both in body and soul , in regard that death eternal is the wages of sin , and that not of the soul only , but the body also . Such horrible absurdities doe men fall into , if once they stray aside from the paths of truth . If then he neither suffered remorse in conscience , nor rejection from the fight and favour of God , nor had any reason to despair of Gods love to him , which are properly the punishments or torments which do belong unto the damned ; if he suffered not so much as for a moment the very fire of hell in the place of torments : assuredly he tasted no more of hell pains in his soul , then his body in the grave did of grief and sorrow . But then they say , that he did struggle hard with the powers of darkness , and trembled at the horrour of Gods dreadful judgements (q) . This we acknowledge to be true , but this is short I trow of the pains of hell . He struggled hard , no doubt , with the Prince of darkness , both in his Temptation in the Wilderness , and all those conflicts which he had with the powers of hell both in the Garden and on the Cross. He trembled also , it is probable ; upon the apprehension of Gods anger against sinful man , whose person he had taken on him ; and on the fight and knowledge of those dreadful punishments even eternal death , which God in his just judgement did denounce against wilful and impenitent sinners . If Calvin mean no more then this , by his Oportuit eum cum inferorum copiis , aeternaeque mortis horrore , quasi consertis manibus luctari (r) ; we assent unto him . But who knows not , that hath but common sense and reason , how much the greatest conflict with the powers of Satan , the greatest apprehension that a man can have of Gods wrath and anger against sin , the greatest trembling that can possibly invade him on that apprehension ; fals short of all the least of those infinite torments which are prepared in hell for the damned souls . But then the question will be asked , whether Christ did not suffer all those punishments for the redemption of man ; which man himself must needs have suffered , had not Christ come to redeem him : if yea , he must then suffer also the pains of hell , which can be understood in no other sense then in that they take it ; if not , there wanted somewhat to make up the scale for satisfaction of Gods justice . To this I answer first in the way of negation , in plain tearms he did not , for he neither was nor could be damned , and what else but damnation is the final punishment belonging to impenitent sinners ? I answer secondly , with a limitation , that he did suffer all those things which either were beseeming him , or behooful for us ; all kinde of punishments whatsoever , which did neither● prejudice that plenitude of sanctity or science which was vested in him . For further clearing of which point , we must distinguish with the Schoolmen (s) of three sorts of punishments : whereof the first is called culpa , which is plainly sin , as when God punisheth one sin with another , as the proud with envy , the covetous man sometimes with miserable parsimony , sometimes with ambition ; the second is ex culpa & ad culpam , something proceeding from sin , and inducing to it , as natural concupiscence , an inclination to do evill , a contrariety in the faculties of the soul , &c. The third is ex culpa , sed nec culpa nec ad culpam , as they phrase it , that is to say , that which proceeds from sin , but neither is sin in it self , nor doth incline him unto sin in whom it is . As hunger , thirst , weakness and death it self , which are the consequents of sin since the sin of Adam . Of this sort only are the punishments which our Saviour suffered , and they are likewise of two sorts : for they are either suffered for sin imputed , or for sin inherent ; a man being sometimes punished for his own offences , and sometimes for anothers fault imputed to him . He that is punished for his own faults hath remorse of conscience , condemning himself of drawing such guilt upon his soul , and with that guilt such miseries both on soul and body : but he that suffereth for the fault of another man , of which he is no cause at all , either by perswasion , help , consent , or example ; hath no such remorse . Now our Redeemer suffered for the sins of other men , and not for any of his own ; and consequently was not touched with remorse of conscience , though it be generally found in all men at one time or another , and be neither sin , nor inducement to sin . Lastly , these punishments which are punishments only , and not sin , such as are common to the whole nature of man , and suffered for the faults of another man , are of two sorts also : either the punishments of sin eternally remaining in stain or guilt ; or ceasing , at the least broken off by unfaigned repentance . Those of the first sort according to the rules of Divine justice , must be eternal in regard of duration , and by consequence accompanyed with desperation , which is always found where there is an impossibility of ever coming to enjoy a better estate : whereas it is not any way necessary , nor doth the justice of God require it , that the punishments of sin which is repented of , ceasing and forsaken , should be either everlasting , or joyned with despair . For as in every act of sin , on the aversion from God who is objectively infinite and incommutably good , there followeth poena damni , or the loss of God , which is an infinite loss ; and as to the inordinate conversion of the sinner to things transitory , which must needs be finite , there answereth poena sensus , which though violent and bitter for a time , is yet finite also : so to the eternity of sin remaining everlastingly in s●ain or guilt , answereth the eternity of punishment which followeth on it ; so to sins intermitted , ceasing and repented of , a suffering also for a time proportioned to it . So that though every sinner sinneth in suo aeterno , as St. Gregory speaketh (u) , in that he would sin ever might he live for ever : and thereby casts himself into an impossibility of giving off in himself , and consequently into an eternity of punishment which is due to him for the same : yet if he make such use of the grace of God as to cease from sin , and turn from his iniquities to the living Lord , Gods justice may require extremity of punishment proportionable to the sin committed , but the eternity of punishment it requireth not . And therefore seeing our Saviour suffered for such sins ( and for such alone ) as might be broken off by grace and the benefit of true repentance , it was no way necessary to the satisfaction of the Divine justice of God , that he should endure eternal punishment . Which being summed together make a perfect answer to the question formerly proposed , that is to say , Whether Christ ought to suffer all those punishments for the redemption of man , which man himself must needs have suffered had not Christ come to redeem him . The summe of which is briefly this , that Christ suffered the whole general punishment of sin , that onely excepted which is sin , or consequent on the inherence and eternity of it , as remorse of conscience and despair : and that although he did not suffer the pains of Hell , or any punishment of the damned , either in specie , or in loco : yet did he undergo some punishments conformable and answerable to them in extremity , as the apprehension of the wrath and anger of the Lord avenging himself upon the sinner , but neither infinite nor eternal , as the rejection of a sinner from the sight of God. Against this truth thus stated and determined by us , there remain only two objections : the one relating generally to the doctrine of Christs descent into hell , the other to it as it stands established in the Church of England . And first as to the Doctrine generally it is thus objected , that if there were no more in the sufferings of Christ , then the submitting of himself to a bodily death , and to the anger of the Lord for so short a season ; it could not possibly occasion such a consternation , such a fear and horrour , as he expressed both in the Garden and upon the Cross : or if he did , how infinitely short must he fall of that magnanimity , which is found in ordinary Theeves and Robbers (x) , which is Calvins argument ; or of the gallantry of the Primitive Martyrs (y) , as other more modestly infer , who most couragiously both did and do go forth continually to meet their deaths , and satisfie the fury even of partial Judges ? For answer unto which though it may be said that those particulars of whom they speak endure a stronger conflict with the powers of death , then we are conscious of which look on at random , and are not sensible at all of the pains they feel , or the extremities in the last act of their Tragedy : yet we shall give a more particular and punctual answer . And first we say for Malefactors , that God doth many times give them over to a reprobate sense , so that they carelessely seeme to contemn Gods judgements in this present world , and so prepare themselves more fully for the judgments of the world to come . As for the Martyrs they know well that the wrath of God towards them is appeased by Christ ; that they shall feel no more but the hands of men ; and that as the cruelty of men increaseth towards them , so God doth give them strength and comfort to undergo what ever shall be laid upon them : whereas CHRIST was to satisfie Gods wrath for the sins of mankinde , to undergo the punishment which was due unto them ( according to the Rules and limitations before laid down ) and not alone to fall into the hands of men , but to endure a bitter conflict with the powers of hell , which did on every side assault him ; which never any Martyr was markt out to do . Next in relation to this doctrine as now it stands established in the Church of England , it is objected , that howsoever the Articles of Religion in King Edwards days , might seem to intimate a local descent into hell , according to the sense of the Antient Fathers : yet no such thing could be inferred from the present Article , established in the form and manner declared before . Their reason is , because that allegation of St. Peters words touching Christs preaching to the spirits in prison , which was contained in the Book of King Edwards time , to shew what manner of descent it was they meant , is totally left out in the present Article established in the reign of Queen Elizabeth (z) . This they conceive to be an evident declaration that the Church doth not now understand that Article , as at first it did : and therefore since it doth not mean such a local descent , as hath been hitherto maintained in this discourse , it may be construed in that sense which they put upon it . To which we need but answer this , that the words alleadged from St. Peter in the former Article , were omitted by the Synod in the late Queenes times , not because they did not so understand the Article , as both their Predecessors and the Fathers did : but either because Christs preaching to the spirits in prison , seemed to be set down for the sole reason of his descent into hell : or that they thought not fit to impose that for the meaning of St. Peters words , to be beleived of necessity by all good people in the Church of England . As for the putting their own sense upon it ( as indeed they do ) I will but adde this declaration or Injunction of his Sacred Majesty ; that is to say , that no man shall hereafter either print or preach to draw the Articles aside any way , but shall submit unto it in the plain and full meaning thereof : and shall not put his own sense or comment to be the meaning of the Article , but shall take it in the literal and Grammatical sense . With which expression I conclude this long dissertation . ARTICVLI 6. Pars 2da . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis . i. e. The third day he rose again from the dead . CHAP. X. Of the Resurrection of our Lord and Saviour , with a consideration of the circumstances and other points incident to that Article . IT was the observation of the Antient Father , that the incredulity of St. Thomas did much conduce unto the confirmation of the Christian faith in this great Article of the Resurrection . Quam felix incredulitas quae omnium seculorum fidei militavit (a) ! as St. Augustine hath it : The rest of the Apostles who had seen the Lord , had made this their Colleague acquainted with so great a miracle : too great indeed for one of so weak faith to assent unto . And therefore he requires a more ●ull and perfect demonstration of it , then any of his fellows had before exacted . Vnless ( saith he ) I put my finger into the print of his wounds , and thrust my hands into his side , I will not believe (b) . See here the stubbornness of incredulity . The same man who had seen Christ raise up Lazarus , after three days resting in the grave , will not believe he had ability to work the like miracle upon himself . Our gracious Saviour thereupon permits his body to be handled by this unbeliever . And Thomas sensibly convicted of his infidelity , breaks out into this divine ejaculation , MY GOD AND MY LORD (c) . Prae caeteris dubitavit , prae caeteris confessus est , said the Father rightly . Here was a miraculous generation of belief indeed . Faith came not here by hearing , but by believing only : And by this way of generation of belief in him , the Christian Church became the more confirmed and setled in this present Article ; this trial and experiment of St. Thomas having clearly manifested , that Christ assumed not a body in appearance only , neither one of a spiritual essence or a new created one ; but that he rose again in the same numerical body , in which he suffered on the Cross and paid the price of our Redemption . So that of all that glorious company there was none more fit to testifie the truth of this point then he ; and to deliver it to the world for his part of this Common Symbol ; as it was antiently (e) conceived he did . And unto this St. Gregory may possibly relate where he tels us , saying , Dum in Magistro suo palpat vulnera carnis , in nobis sanat vulnera incredulitatis : whilest Thomas feels the wounds in his masters body , he healed the wounds of incredulity in his followers souls . And certainly some such experiment as this was exceeding necessary to satisfie the wavering and doubtful soul in so high an Article ; which by reason of the seeming impossibility , and unexampled strangenesse of the matter hath been more called in question and opposed , both by Iew and Gentile , then any other of the Creed . It was indeed a work both of weight and wonder , not to be wrought by any which was simply man. To man , meer natural man , it was no lesse impossible to give a resurrection to the dead , then to grant a dispensation or indulgence not to die at all . How could it be expected that one meerly moral should be of strength sufficient to destroy death , and to bury the grave ; to raise himself first from the jawes of death , and receptacles of the grave , and by the power thereof to restore poor man to his lost hopes of immortality ? Most justly may it be presumed that had so great a work been possible to mortal man ; man being proud enough to attempt great matters , would first have took the benefit of his own abilities , and so more easily have possessed the incredulous world with the truth and reall being of a resurrection , by the powerfull Rhetorick of example . In cases where the issue may be doubtfull , and the triall dangerous , we commonly make tryall and experiment ( as ignorant Empericks do their potions ) upon other men . But where the issue or event is known and certain , likely to yeeld honour to our selves in the undertaking ; we use not willingly to let others rob us of the glory of it , or be beholding unto others for that which we conceive we can do our selves . He then which was to be the first-fruits of the resurrection (g) , must have something in him more then ordinary , something to raise a doubt in his greatest adversaries ( as in Iosephus a Iew but a very modest one (h) ) whether it were lawfull or not to call him man , to reckon him amongst the natural sons of Adam . Tantae ejus res gestae , quantas audere vix hominis , perficere nullius nisi Dei (i) ; was spoken in the way of flattery by the Court Historian ; but may be truly verifyed of the acts of Christ. Those Miracles of his upon true record , as they could hardly be attempted by a mortal man , so could they be performed by none but a powerfull God. For who but he , who both in name and power was the God of nature , had power not only to suspend some acts of nature , but absolutely to over-rule the whole course thereof . Of which great works above the ordinary reach of man and nature , if we accompt the resurrection as the principall , we shall rightly state it . It is within the power of Art and the rules of Physick to repaire the ruines of decayed nature , and perhaps prolong the number of a few miserable days . He only could restore life to the dead , who first gave it to the living . He only can restore our bodies to our souls in the last day , who did at first infuse our souls into our bodies . Which miracle before it could be wrought on us , he must first work it on himself ; and thereby raise an hope and be - belief in us to expect our own . The head being raised , gives good assurance to the body , that though it do not rise at the same time with it , it shall in due time be raised by it . What other uses may be made of Christs resurrection we shall see anon . This is enough to shew the reasons or necessity thereof by way of preamble ; to let us see that all the hopes we have of our own resurrection , depends upon the certainty and truth of this . Which though it be a principle of the Christian faith , by consequence , of common course , to be confessed and not disputed ( Oportet enim discentem credere , as the old rule is ) : yet sithence that the truth thereof hath been much suspected by the Iews , and the possibility debated by the Gentiles : it will be necessary for the setling of a right beliefe to satisfie the one , and refell the other . Which done it will be easily seen , that there is reason and authority enough to confirm this truth , were it not left us for a principle . And first beginning with the Iews who first and most maliciously opposed this part of holy Gospel , we purpose to proceed with them by the authority of Scripture and of reason both . To the old Testament and our proofs from thence , we shal challenge an obedience from them , because by them confessed for Scripture , and reverenced as the Oracles of Almighty God. And for the new , the writings of the holy Evangelists , we shall expect submission to the truths thereof , so far forth as it shall appear to be built on reason and unavoydable Demonstration . Now the old Testament consisteth in that part thereof which doth reflect upon the birth and actions of our blessed Saviour , either of types and figures , or else of Prophecies and examples , and the first type which looks this way is that of Isaac (k) , the only son , the only beloved son of a tender father : a type both of his death and his resurrection . In which observe how well the type and truth do agree together . The Altar was prepared , the fire kindled , Isaac fast bound and ready to receive the blow ; the knife was in his Fathers hand , and his arme stretched out to act the bloudy part of a Sacrificer . And yet even in the very act and so near the danger , God by his holy Angel , and a voice from heaven delivered the poor innocent from the jawes of death , and restored him back unto his father when all hopes had failed him . How evidently doth this fact of Abrahams stretching out his hand to strike the blow , and being withholden by the Angel from the blow it self , fore-shadow those sacred fundamentall truths which we are bound to believe concerning the true bodily death , and glorious resurrection of our Lord and Saviour ? The Iews themselves in memorie of this deliverance , did celebrate the first of Tisri ( which is our September ) usually called the Feast of Trumpets , with the sound of Rams hornes or Corners (k) , and counted it for one of the occasions of that great solemnity : which shews that there was somewhat in it more then ordinary , somewhat which did concern their nation in a speciall manner . Needs therefore must the Iews of our Saviours time be blinde with malice , at the least with prejudice , that look upon this story of Isaac the child of promise , only as the relation of a matter past , not as a type and shadow of the things to come : this only son of Abraham , this child of promise , the only hope or pledge of that promised seed which was expected from the beginning , being to come thus near to death , and yet to be delivered from the power thereof , that so the faith of Abraham , touching the death and resurrection of his son the heir of promise , might be tryed and verifyed , or rather that by experiment our Saviours death and resurrection might be truly represented and foreshadowed in Isaacs danger and delivery . And this is that to which St. Paul alludeth saying (l) , By faith Abraham when he was tryed offered up Isaac , and he that had received the promises offered up his only begotten son , of whom it was said , that in Isaac shall thy seed be called ; accounting that God was able to raise him up even from the dead , from whence also he received him in a figure , i. e. a figure of the resurrection of Christ , the promised seed , represented by it , though Abraham probably looked no further then the present mercy . Isaac then was the true representation and foreshadowing of our Saviours death and resurrection . And so the wonderfull increase of Isaacs seed ( in whom all the nations of the world were to be blessed ) was as full an embleme of our Saviours seed and generation , which cannot be numbred : he having begotten unto God since his resurrection more sons and daughters throughout all nations , then all the children of Abraham or Isaac according to the flesh , though like unto the sands of the Sea for multitude . But the circumstances of our Saviours selling and betraying his cruell persecution both by Priests and people , the whole story of his humiliation unto death and exaltation after his resurrection , are more perfectly foreshadowed by the cruel persecutions of Ioseph procured by his brethren , by his calamity and advancement in Egypt . The story is so well known it needs no repeating (l) . And the afflictions laid on both by the sonnes of Iacob , in a manner parallel themselves . Both of them were the first-born of their several Mothers , both of them the best beloved sons of their Fathers ; and for this cause both of them envied and maligned by their wicked and ill natured brethren , by whom they were both severally betrayed and sold for a contemptible piece of money . So far the parallel holds exactly ; goe we further yet . The pit whereinto Iosephs brethren cast him , as also the pit or dungeon unto which he was doomed by a corrupt and partial Iudge (m) , on the complaint of an imperious whorish woman without proof or witnesse ; what was it but the picture of our Saviours grave , to which he was condemned in the sentence of death , by as corrupt a Judge as Potiphar , on the bare accusation and complaint of an Adulterous generation ( as the Scripture cals them ) without proof or evidence ? And the deliverance of Ioseph from both pit and dungeon , his exaltation by Pharaoh over all the land of Egypt , and his beneficence to his Brethren , whom he not only pardoned , but preservation from famine ; what were they but the shadowes and resemblances of Christs resurrection , his sitting at the right hand of God the Father , by whom all power was given him both in heaven and earth : and finally his mercie to the sons of men , whose sins he doth not only pardon , but preserve them also from the famine of the word of God ? The Kings ring put on Iosephs hand (n) , the gold chain put about his neck , and the vesture of fine linnen or silke wherewith he was arraied by the Kings command : what were they ( as the Antients have observed before ) but the resemblances of those glorious endowments with which the body or Humanity of Christ our Saviour hath been invested or apparelled since his resurrection ? More then this yet , The name of Zaphnath Paaneah (o) given to Ioseph by the Kings appointment , and the Proclamation made by Pharaoh that every knee should bow before him : what is it but a modell or a type of that honour , which God the King of Kings hath ordered to be given to Christ : to whom he hath given a name above every name (p) , that at the name of JESUS every knee should bowe of things in heaven , and things in earth , and things under the earth ? Where by the way , ( and that addeth something farther to the parallel also ) the name of Zaphnath Paaneah as the Hebrew reads it , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Psonthem Phanech as the Septuagint , is naturally ( as the learned Mr. Gregory (q) very well observeth ) a Coptick or Egyptian word : and signifyeth an Interpreter of hidden things , or a revealer of secrets . And so not only the Babylonish Targum and others of the Rabbins do expound the word , but we finde the same exposition in Theodoret also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; What ( saith he ) meaneth Pspothomphanech ? To which he answereth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. An interpreter of hidden things . Which also very well agreeth to our Lord and Saviour , to whom all hearts be open , all desires known , and from whom no secrets can be hidden : Come ( said the woman of Samaria ) and behold a man that hath told me all the things that ever I did , Ioh. 4.29 . The Iew which thorough this thin vail on the face of Ioseph , doth not behold the portraiture and lineaments of Christ our Saviour , is not so properly to be termed blinde because he cannot see , as because he will not . Such also was the type of the Prophet Daniel , cast by the malice of his enemies ( the King unwillingly consenting ) into the den of ravenous cruel Lyons , the dore sealed up with the Kings Ring , nothing but death to be expected . And yet behold a resurrection in the person of Daniel , exactly typifying that of Christ our Saviour , in each of the particulars before remembred . But of all types , especially as to the circumstances of time and place , that of the Prophet Ionas doth come nearest home ; and it comes close home too , as to the occasion . Ionas (s) went down into the Sea , and put himself into a Ship to flie from the presence of the Lord ; but a great tempest overtook him , a tempest of extraordinary violence , that neither art nor strength could prevail against it ; insomuch that the Mariners although Heathens did conclude aright , that it was of Gods immediate sending , and that there was some heinous sinner got aboard amongst them , which drew down vengeance from above upon all the rest . To Lots they went Ionas was found to be the party ; who willingly and cheerfully submitting to the will of God , to save the rest , in danger to be cast away , said frankly without opposition or repining at it , Tollite me , take me and cast me into the sea ; Better one perish then so many . Accordingly cast in he was , and drowned as the poor men thought , that had cast him in . But the Lord prepared a great fish to swallow up Jonah (t) , and Jonah was in the belly of the fish three days and three nights : which time expired , the Lord spake unto the fish , and it vomited out Jonah on the dry land (u) . This is Historia vera , a true relation of the story in respect of Ionah , but it is Sacramentum magnum a very great mysterie withall in regard of Christ. For Ecce plusquam Ionas hic (x) , behold a greater then Ionas is presented here . It was but signum Prophetae (y) , the signe of the Prophet Ionah , as our Saviour cals it , in respect of the history ; but it was Res signata too , in regard of the mysterie . And so it is affirmed by Christ whose death and resurrection it foreshadoweth to us (z) : viz. As Ionas was three days and three nights in the Whales belly , so shall the son of man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth (a) . Never did type and truth correspond more perfectly . For who knows not how usual a thing it is to compare the world unto a ship or argosie wherein all mankinde is imbarked , all the sons of Adam ; and amongst them the son of man , as he cals himself . But all the sons of Adam being sinners from the very birth , no wonder if the tempest of Gods anger fell upon them all , and made them all in danger to be cast away . In which amazement and affright , only the son of man ( like Ionah (b) in the sides of the ship ) slept it out securely (c) : who though he knew no sin , was made sin for us , by taking our iniquities upon his accompt , and in that sense the greatest sinner in the vessel . So that the high Priest did not prophecie amisse when he said this of him , It is expedient that one man do die for the people (d) , that the whole nation might not perish . Never was doubtfull Oracle fulfilled more clearly . For Christ no sooner found what their purpose was , but he was at his tollite too , as willing to be throwne in as Ionas was : and therefore said to those who came out against him , Sinite hos abire , let those go their way (e) . I only am the man that must stay this storme , and pacifie the wrath of Almighty God. And so accordingly it was done , Gods wrath thereby appeased , poor mankinde saved : and Christ , like Ionas , having lain three days and three nights in the heart of the earth , did on the third day rise again ; and by so doing vanquished death , and swallowed up the grave in victory . But this particular we shall hereafter meet with , and more fully speak of when we are come unto the Circumstances of the resurrection ; of which this of the time the third day , is the most materiall . I add this only for the present in respect of the Iews , who being by Christ foretold of his resurrection , and in so evident a type thereof as this Signum Prophetae , this signe of the Prophet Ionas , as himself entitles it , could look with an Historical faith on the resurrection of the Prophet out of the belly of the Whale , and yet give no belief unto that of Christ out of the bowels of the earth ; though testifyed and confirmed unto them by such pregnant evidence . And yet I shall crave leave to add , that if Ionah was the Widow of Sereptas son , he whom Elias raised from death to life , 1 King. 17. as many of the Iewish Doctors do affirme he was : the parallel will yet come closer then before it did . For Ionas in the Whales belly was but dead putative , in the esteem and eye of men ; but in the Widowes Chamber he was dead realiter , and so more perfectly resembling him whose signe he was . This leads me on to the next way of evidence in regard of the Iew , which is that of example . Themselves had read in holy Scripture , and believed accordingly , that Elias (g) had restored from death to life the son of the Sareptan woman , whosoever he was : and that Elisha did not only work the like wonder on the dead child of the Shunamite (h) , but that his dead body did revive a man , and raised him also from the grave (i) . And to this head we may reduce the more then wonderfull deliverance of Daniel from the Lyons den , and the three Hebrew Salamanders from the fierie furnace ; all of them putative dead , all of them ransomed by the Lord from the mercilesse furie of the grave and jawes of death ; and that miraculous deliverance no lesse to be esteemed then a Resurrection . To each of these the Iews most readily give assent . How then can they deny it unto this of Christ ? Assuredly it was as possible to God to raise our Saviour from the dead ( if we consider him no further then a mortall man ) as to raise dead bodies by the prayers of the Prophets , and by the dead carkasse of Elisha ; or as it had been to reprieve Daniel and the three children from the hands of death . Why then do they denie it unto this of Christ ? Not because they did not think it possible , but because they would not have it believed . It stood not with their interesse and private ends to have it passe for currant with the common people . Our Saviour Christ had been too diligent , as they thought , in the discharge of his great office , in the discovery and anatomizing of their corruptions and impieties : and they were loath to have his doctrine justifyed by so great a miracle . Rather then so , to save their superstitions they will lose themselves , Non tam de suis Religionibus bene meriti , quam de se male (k) . Now as the Iews believed the Scripture relating the occurrences of the ages past ; so gave they as full credit to them foretelling things which were to come ; which is our last sort of proofs delivered from the old Testament , in the way of Prophecie . And first we meet with that of David in the book of Psalmes , viz. Thou shall not leave my soul in hell (l) , neither shalt thou suffer thy holy One to see corruption . A priviledge which did not appertain at all to David , who was dead and buried , and had seen corruption ; his Sepulchre which continued till our Saviours time being nothing but a glorious emptinesse : therefore by him ( or rather by the holy Spirit speaking in him ) intended to our Lord and Saviour , the fruit and glorie of his loynes . A matter in it self so clear and evident , that when St. Peter pressed it home as a proof and evidence relating to the resurrection of the son of David (m) ; those very Iews who had so wilfully cryed down this truth , had nothing to oppose against it . Thus also did Isaiah prophecie concerning him (n) , that the Lord would break him and make him subject to infirmities , making his soul to be an offering for sin ; but yet withall , that notwithstanding this he would prolong his dayes , and the work of the Lord should prosper in his hands ; as the Iews could not but perceive that indeed it did . But most exactly that of Hosea , in whom we do not only finde the substance of this resurrection prophecied , but the very Circumstances . Come ( saith the Prophet ) Let us return unto the Lord (o) for he hath spoyled us and he will heal us , he hath wounded us and he will binde us up . After two days will he revive us , and the third day will he raise us up , and we shall live in his sight . A text so plain and evident to the present purpose , ( though possibly entended by the Prophet of some speedy deliverance which by his mouth the Lord was pleased to promise to the house of Iudah ) that as it clearly doth foretell of a Resurrection , so the accomplishment thereof in the man Christ Iesus might serve abundantly to convince the most stubborn Iew , that it was principally meant and foretold of him . Impleta in plerisque Prophetarum vaticinia , &c. (p) The undeniable fulfilling of so many Scriptures might very well perswade men not possessed with prejudice , first that our Saviour CRRIST did rise again according to the holy Scriptures ; and secondly , that because he rose again according to the holy Scriptures , that therefore he was CHRIST the Saviour . We come next in order to this miracle , not as foreshadowed in types , or foretold in Prophecies , or otherwise exemplifyed in the book of God ; but as accomplished in its time , and left upon record in the Evangelists . And here we will not beg the Iews to assent unto our Gospell , but our proofs . Themselves had seen our Saviour raise his dead friend Lazarus from the stench of the grave (q) , after he had been dead four days , and began to putrifie . They also knew , as well as any of his own Disciples , that he had formerly restored from death to life , the widowes son of Naim (r) , and the daughter of Iairus (s) . How then can they denie him power to work the like miracle on himself ? At least why might not God be able to restore him unto the benefit of life again , by whose ministery , if not also power , the benefit of life was restored to others ? True it is , that had this mighty work of wonder been done in a corner , or in some darke and solitary descent , there might have been suspicion of imposture conceived against it . But God well knew with what a wilfull generation he had to do ; what opposition he was like to finde in the promulgation of this Gospell . For this cause , as he made choice of a great and mighty City for the stage or Theatre , whereon to act this work of wonder ; so did he also take a time in which that mighty City was most full and populous , even the feast of the Passeover . A time in which not only those which were Iews by birth resorted thither , for the solemnizing of that festival ; but even such Proselytes of every nation under heaven , as were daily added to the Covenant . Once I am sure that Cestius a Roman President numbring the people which came thither to observe this Feast (t) , found them to be two millions and 700000 souls , all clean and purifyed , fit for the legall eating of the Paschal Lamb. God certainly had thus disposed it in his heavenly wisdome , that so the tidings of the resurrection might with a swifter wing flie over all the parts of the world ( then known ) and with more ease prepare the people for salvation . Which circumstance considered rightly as it ought to be , were of it self sufficient to convince the Iews of a most obstinate incredulity ; who seeing could not choose but see , yet would not perceive . Ampla civitas , ampla persona , rem quaerentes latere non sinit (u) , as St. Austin hath it . But the malice of that people will not so be satisfyed . For when the Lord was risen as he had foretold them , the Souldiers must first be corrupted to accuse the Disciples of Felonie ; and when that failed , themselves are ever forwards to condemn them of folly . The Lord had often signifyed unto them that the third day he would be raised from the dead ; that the Temple of his body should be destroyed , and in three days built up again : and they were resolute , if strength and cunning could prevail to defeat him of the glory of his resurrection . Upon this ground they had a warrant from the Governour to make sure the Sepulchre , to place a watch about it , and to seal the stone . But when the dawning of the third day , and the relation of the Souldiers had proclaimed the miracle , they then gave money to the Souldiers to say , and if need were to swear , that his Disciples came by night , and stole him away whilest they slept (x) . Dormientes testes adhibent , as said St. Augustine of them in the way of scorne . This is the most they have to trust to , and this report as it seems clearly by the text did hold long amongst them : but this , if well considered , is both false and foolish . Never was accusation worse contrived then this . For first it is not to be thought that his Disciples would adventure to come by night ; a few weak men , and those too much dejected in their Masters passion , to stir abroad in so unseasonable a time and so full of danger ▪ Or grant that his Disciples might come by night , in expectation of the issue , to see what would become of their Masters promises ; yet certainly it could not be with an intent to steal his body . The Monument ( they knew ) was too well garded , to be forced by them : for what could they poor men , unexpert and unarmed , and but few in numbers , against a guard , a guard of choise and able fellowes , culled out and well appointed for the present service . Nor was it likely that the body was took thence by stealth either by them or any others whatsoever . The body had been wrapt in sear clothes , quae non minus quam pix corporis linteamina conglutinat (z) , is the Fathers note , which did stick as close unto his skin as it had been pitch . And they that came to steal his body , would questionlesse have stolen him with his shroud and all , and not have took the pains to strip him in a place so dangerous . Or grant that too , it is not to be thought that they had either so much leasure , or so strong a confidence , or so little care of their own safety , as to spend their time in curiosities , or take the pains to wrap up the kerchief which was upon his head , and lay it in a place by it self (a) , as St. Iohn records it . It is a timerous kind of trade to be a theef , much more to violate the Sepulchres of those that sleep , and rob the grave of its inhabitants , and seldome have such vaine capricios as to spend their time in needlesse and superfluous complements . Non enim fur adeo stultus fuisset , ut in re superflua tantum laboraret (b) , said the Father rightly . Let us proceed a little further , and grant this also , that his Disciples came by night , and that they came to steal his body ; yet certainly it was not while the souldiers slept . For if they were asleep ▪ as they say they were , how could they justifie their tale , that his body was taken thence by stealth , or that the Felonie had been committed by his Disciples ? yes certainly it must needs be as they relate it , for they were fast asleep all night , and neither heard the tongues , or saw the looks of them that stole him . Admit this also for this once that his Disciples stole his body , and that they stole him while the souldiers were fast asleep : yet could not they restore the dead body unto life again . And it was a thing too well known to be denyed , that our Saviour was not only seen by his Apostles , with whom he did converse , and eat , and drink , and performed other acts of a living man , but shewed himself to more then five hundred (c) at one time together , which was perhaps the time and hour of his Ascension . A thing which passed so current for a truth undoubted , that Iosephus , one of the most learned and discerning men , which have been of that Nation since the times he lived in , relating only on the by some passages touching Christ our Saviour , and of his being put to death by Pontius Pilate , addes also this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , (d) , viz. that he shewed himself alive again on the third day , and conversed with men . It seemes the Priests and Pharisees , and other leading men of the Iewish Nation , were conscious to themselves of this conspiracy , and of the weakness of the practise . Their next art therefore is to condemn the followers of our Lord of too much credulity , and when they could not condemn them of felony , to accuse them of folly . They grant indeed that on the third day his body was missing in the Sepulchre : yet that himself had raised himself from the grave again , had never entred into the hearts of men of wisdome ; if any did believe it , as some such there were , they either were poor silly women , or men of the inferior sort , a company of poor contemptible persons , Fishers and Publicans , and the like . Men who had left their trades to attend on him , as heretofore some did on Theudas (e) , who boasted of himself to be some great body , in hope to raise their fortunes by him : and finding how they were deceived in their expectation , were willing to lay hold on any thing which might keep them up in reputation amongst ignorant and credulous men . Nec difficile sane fuit persuadere Pastoribus (f) , and commonly such men are most easily befooled into belief of any strange thing which is told unto them . This is the last refuge which the Iews found out , but this will never save them harmless in the day of judgement . For the belief of our Redeemers Resurrection stopped not here , but by degrees was entertained by the most eminent men both for wit and learning over all the world : thousands of which have been so confident herein that they bare witness of this truth to the last drop of their bloud ; and rather chose to give their own bodies over unto death , then to make doubt of , and therefore much more to deny the Resurrection of his . A truth which became credible at first by the confident asseverance of them that saw it , then by the constancy of those that died for the Confession of it , and finally by the vast multitudes of those who have since believed it . The Father so resolved it , saying . Quod credibile primum fecit illis videntium certitudo , post morientium fortitudo , jam credibile mihi facit credentium multitudo . And which addes most unto the wonder , the men by whom this Gospel was thus propagated over all the world , were ( as the Iews objected ) both unlearned and simple , devoid of Rhetorick to perswade , and Logick to convince by the strength of argument ; but furnished by the Lord with great powers from heaven , speaking with tongues , and working miracles , as occasion was to confirm their doctrine . Eloquia in persuadentium mira fuerunt facta , non verba (g) , as St. Austin hath it . Such was the infinite wisdome of Almighty God , that he made use of simple men , to confound the wise , and of ignorant men to confute the learned , lest else the enemy might say , that they prevailed rather by their wit and Artifices then by the truth of that which they preached and published . Thus have we brought unto the trial what ever hath been quarrelled by the Iews in this present Article . We must next look upon the Gentile , to whom the doctrine of the Resurrection did seem at first a matter of such impossibility , that the Athenians thought it folly , and the Romans frenzy . What would this babler have (h) , said the wise men of Athens , when Paul inforced this point unto them ; Learning had made him madde (i) , said Festus , when he affirmed the same before his Tribunal . But yet as foolish and phrenetical as it seemed to be , it proved a matter of no great difficulty to answer all objections which were brought against it . Where first it is to be confessed that the Iew hath eased us of much care in this particular : the satisfying of their cavils having cleared the history , and left it less suspected to the other adversary , whether Greek or Roman . Nor need we press them further then to gain this of them , that they would not think those points impossible in the Christian Faith , which in their own Authentick stories are accounted possible . The Grecian Writers hath recorded it of Ae●●ulapius , that he restored a man to life by the power of Physick (k) , and for that cause hath been enrolled ever since amongst their gods . And the best Authors of the Romans do affirm of Romulus , that being murdered by the Senate he was seen in a more stately form then usual to ascend up into the Heavens (l) . Which lest it should not pass for current with the common people , Proculus is suborned to testifie it on his corporal Oath . Et pejurante Proculo deus ROMVLVS , saith Minutius Felix (m) . The truth of these reports I dispute not here ; Only I make this use thereof , that by the credit and report of their own best Writers it is neither to be thought impossible , that a dead man should be restored again to life , which was the case of Aesculapius amongst the Grecians ; or be advanced unto the top of heavenly honour , which was the case of Romulus in the Roman stories . Should they require more proof then they use to give , we then refer them to the secret closets of Tiberius Caesar , there to peruse a letter writ by Pontius Pilate , in affirmation of this miracle . Which wrought so far into the faith of that mighty Prince , that he proposed it once in the open Senate (n) , to have CHRIST enrolled and registred amongst the other Deities of the Roman Empire . And certainly it was a point in which the wisest men both of Greeks and Romans did quickly alter their opinion ; who as they were of excellent understanding in the works of nature , so were they with less difficulty fitted for the acts of Grace , then were the Iews whom prejudice and prepossession had so wholly blinded , that they would not see the Sun of Righteousness when he shined most clearly . And such assuredly is the condition of humane learning , in those who have attained it in a full degree , that it not only doth advance them above other men in the exercise of all moral virtues , but brings them forwards on the way unto life eternal . So from the substance of the Resurrection , or the Quod sit , of it , which we have fully vindicated from the opposition both of Iew and Gentile ; we next proceed unto the circumstances which attend upon it : one of the which hath given as much occasion of dispute amongst the Christians , as did the main body of the Article to the Iews and Gentiles . But this indeed is such a circumstance as comes exceeding neere the substance , if it be not of it . For whereas it is generally agreed on by all sorts of Christians , that our Saviour rose again the third day according to the Scriptures ; yet there appears to be some difference amongst the Evangelists as unto the time of the day in which this wondrous work was wrought , and no small difficulty amongst the learned Christian Writers , how to finde out three days precisely , upon good account , in which he was to lie in the grave of death , for the fulfilling of those Scriptures . The third day was the time of his Resurrection , that 's agreed on all hands ; and that aswell to hold compliance with the sign or figure of the Prophet Ionah ; as to keep pace with the prediction of the Prophet Hosea . Before that time he did not , and he would not rise , because perhaps some captious people might have doubted , whether he had been really and truly dead , if he had raised himself with more celerity : Nor longer would he put it off , ne Discipulorum fides labasceret , so to consult the wavering and unsetled hopes of his Disciples , not yet improved into a Faith. The business is how to accommodate the time of his being in the grave to the three days and three nights of the Prophet Ionah , according to the intimation which himself had made ; how to finde out those three days which the Scripture speaks of . For being that our Saviour was interred on the sixt day ( or Friday ) about Sun-setting , and rose again the first day ( Sunday ) about the rising of the Sun or a little before it : the longest time of his imprisonment in the grave can be but thirty six or thrice twelve houres , which comes exceeding short of three days and nights . To salve this sore there hath been many several plasters made by the learned Writers and Interpreters of holy Scripture : every one thinking best of that which himself prescribeth , and finding some exceptions against those , which have , perhaps , as happily been devised by others . Some do conceive our Saviours lying in the womb of the earth may be most clearly resolved by that construction , which Lawyers sometimes make in Favorabilibus , for the greater part of three days and nights : so that if he continued in the heart of the earth but an hour or less , above the six and thirty houres before accounted , he then made good the sign of the Prophet Ionah , according to the Legal construction of it . And some there be ( and those indeed the most in number ) which think they have resolved the doubt by that Synecdoche which is allowed in common cases , where the part is reckoned for the whole : as if a man should make an Affidavit ( as we use to call it ) that he had attended in the Court three days together , it could not be intended nor interpreted that he attended three whole days from morning to evening , but only at such competent hours in every day , as my Lords the Iudges use to sit . The reason of which Legal allowances and Rhetorical Synecdoches is grounded upon this unquestionable rule of Logick , i. e. Ad veritatem indefinitae Propositionis astruendam sufficit veritas unius vel alterius particularis . And then according unto this Synecdoche or just allowance , our Saviour both in a Logical and a Legal construction may be truly said to be three days and three nights in the bowels of the earth , that is to say , some part of Friday , all Saturday , and some part of Sunday . And this hath generally been entertained for the clearest and most expedite solution of the present difficultie (p) . Who also adde this note of Leo , (q) That though our Saviour had fore-signified that he would rest in the grave three whole days and nights , or the far greater part at least : yet to revive the drooping souls of his Disciples , Denunciatam tridui moram mira celeritate breviavit , he cut off a great deal of the time , taking the last part only of the first day , and the first part only of the last , that he might both abbreviate the time and make good his reckoning . But against this it is objected , not without good reason , that this solution of the doubt without some further ground first laid , comes not home enough , but leaves it as unsatisfied as before it was . For though this may be good as unto the days in which our Saviours blessed body was interred in the grave , yet neither by a Logical nor a Legal allowance can it reach at all unto three nights : he being in the grave two whole nights indeed ; but not the least part of any third night , as is plain in Scripture . Therefore to bring the business home , they who dislike the former Exposition , do it on this reason , that contrary to the account and computation of the antient Iews , the night is distinguished from the day ; whereas indeed according to their Calculation , the night is but a part of the day ensuing , ( And the evening and the morning were the first day , Et sic de caeteris ) both of them making up together but one natural day . So that when Christ said unto the Iews , that the Son of man should be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth ; he only meant three natural days , reckoning according as the Iews did , unto whom he spake , who began their natural day at the Sun-setting . Which ground so laid , the former Legal allowance or Synecdoche serves exceeding fitly , our Saviour being in the grave part of the sixt evening and morning , or the sixt night and day conjunct , which was the Friday , or the day whereupon he suffered ; the whole seventh evening and morning , or the seventh night and day which was the Sabbath of the Iews , or Saturday ; and the first evening and morning or the first day and night , which is our Saturday night and Sunday morning . (s) Maldonate a very learned Iesuite was the first who went this way to work , in which he hath been followed or rather countenanced , by that great Magazine of learning Bishop Andrews , Dr. Iackson the late Dean of Peterburgh , and divers others . To verifie his being there three days , ( saith that Revend Prelate (t) ) , it is enough if he were there but a part of every one of them ; for it is not three whole days . As in common phrase of speech , we say the Sun shone , or it rained these three days past , though it did not so all day long , but some part only of each . And if it rained at all in every one of them , we say true ; It is enough there , & it is so here . To verifie the three nights ; that do we , reckoning as did the Iews , and that by warrant out of Gen. 19. the evening and morning but for one ; so drawing still the precedent night , and counting it with the succeeding day . So do they still the night past with the day following , as in Greece they are taught to do ; and we doing so it will fall out right . Nor stayeth that learned Father here , but thus compares the Type and the Truth together , and makes the case of Christ thus come home to Ionah . (u) The first day of the three , Ionas was in the Ship , and Christ upon the Cross , till Friday , somewhat before the Sun-set . All the second day Ionas was in the Whale , and Christ in his Sepulchre . The third day , Ionas came out of the Whale , and Christ out of his Grave , as it might be about the Sun-rising ; for this day both Suns rose together . A fuller and more perfect Parallel betwixt Christ and Ionas , he that lists to see , shall finde it excellently done in the prosecution of that notable Sermon . Some other ways have been found out to salve this doubt , and such as seem more handsomely to decide the Controversie , then any of the three before delivered . But whether they do so indeed , or rather doe not leave the matter more perplext and difficult , I will not take upon me to determine in it ; but leave the matter wholly to the Readers judgement . But amongst these I must profess that I can by no means reckon that of Gregory Nyssen ( be it spoken with due reverence to that holy man ) who to make up the three days and the three nights which our Saviour speaks of , makes that to be the first night in which he kept the Passeover with his Disciples , and in the instituting of his holy Supper , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 offered himselfe in sacrifice for the sins of man. The second night he makes to be that terrible darkness , which continued from the sixt houre unto the ninth , and divided that day into two , the first begining at Sun-rising , and ending at the sixt hour when that darkness began ; the other beginning at that ninth hour ( about three of the clock in the afternoon ) and holding on untill Sun-set . The third night which was indeed the very first ) he makes to be the night which preceded the Sabbath ( or Friday night in our account : ) and so conceives that he hath found three days and three nights which our Saviour rested in the grave , fixing his Resurrection in the evening of the Sabbath day , which after their Calculation was the beginning of the first day of the week , by us called Sunday . So he iu his Oration de Christi Resurrectione . Which resolution of the doubt , ( if I may so call it ) the good Father doth not offer as a Demonstration , but leaves it to the Readers judgement , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and so do I. The first of those I shall first lay down is Dr. Alabasters , who with a great deal of good Greek and Hebrew , had many whimseys in his Brain , as may appear to any one who hath read the book , which he entituled Ecce Sponsus venit . And his opinion is , that the three days and three nights which our Saviour speaks of , are to be interpreted Secundum universas Coeli plagas (b) , according to the latitude and condition of the several Hemispheres , it being night always in the one when it is day in the other . Et sic e contra . By this compute , the three days and three nights must be reckoned thus . From six of the clock on Friday night ( upon our account ) till six of the clock on Saturday morning , it was night in all the land of Iewrie , and day with their Antipodes in the other Hemisphere , which makes the first night and the first day . From six of the clock on Saturday morning , till six that night , was night with the Antipodes , and day in Iewrie ; which makes the second day and the second night ; and then from six of the clock on Saturday night till six next morning , which was about the time of our Saviours rising , it was night again amongst the Iews , and day again with their Antipodes , which makes the third night , and the third day . This if you take for a Capricio , as indeed the Doctor hath too many throughout that Book ; Let us next look on that of Paulus Semproniensis , Bishop of Friuli , according as by him laid down in his Book , de Die Passionis Domini , where he states it thus ; (c) The Iews ( saith he ) being spoiled and plundered of their books , during the Babylonian Captivity , and thereby disabled from finding out the true course of the Moon , otherwise then by such conjectures as the Eye and their observations did afford them ; and consequently failing oftentimes in celebrating of the Passeover at the time appointed by the Law ; ordained that that festival should be kept two whole days together , that if they chanced to erre in the one , they might hit right in the other . And these two dayes they reckoned but for one alone , as do the Romans at this time in the observation of the Bissextile or Leap-year , ( as we use to call it ) who according to the Calculation of Iulius Caesar , reckon the two days of the Bissextile but for one alone , ( and so 't is also in the estimate of the Laws of England to this very day ) . Insomuch that February for that year , by the decree of the said Iulius Caesar , is to have no more then 28 days , ( as in other years ) because the day added unto that moneth , ( or the dies intercalaris , as the learned call it ) is to be reckoned for the same day with the day before , both of them being called the sixt of the Calender of March , in which respect the name of Dies Bissextilis was first given unto it . And on this ground it was resolved by Celsus that famous Lawyer , that if a man was born on the sixt of the Calends of March , ( which is our 24. of February ) it mattered not whether he were born on the first or second day of the two ( that year ) because both days were counted in the Law for one . So saith he , in like manner did the Iews reckon those two days in which they solemnized the Passeover , but for one day only , both of them passing in their computation for the fifteenth day of the month , in which that feast was to be celebrated by the law of Moses . This he confirms not only by the practise of the modern Iews , who for the most part hold themselves to this observation , fathering it on Ezra the Scribe as ordained by him ; but also by the testimony of Rabbi Rava , one of the most famous Doctors of that Nation , for the times he lived in , advising them Ne deserant consuetudinem a Patribus observatam , not to forsake the old Tradition left them by their Ancestors of keeping the great festivals two whole days together , according as Ezra had commanded . And this they also did ( saith he ) if the Passeover fell upon the Sabbath , in which case at the instance and perswasion of Gamaliel , a man both learned in the laws , and skilful in Astrological supputations , they did not only double or re-iterate the feast of the Passeover , but that of the weekly Sabbath also . Which gave ( saith he ) occasion to that phrase of speech used by S. Mark where he cals the first day of the week una Sabbatorum , that is to say the first day after both the Sabbaths . He addes as in the way of super-aboundance , that it was affirmed in the writing of Theophilus Caesariensis ( a man exceedingly well skilled in the Paschal Cycles ) that our Redeemer suffered on the eleventh of the Calends of April , ( which is to us the 22. day of March ) and rose again March 25. being the 8. day of the Calends of April ; which make up three days and three nights in all ) : but that his words were altered by Beda , in his Translation of that piece , to make it more conformable to the Tradition of the Church of Rome . This is the sum of his discourse , with which I must confess my self to be much delighted . And were I aswell satisfied in the Allegation of Theophilus Caesariensis , and the alteration made by Beda , as I am in the residue of the proofs by him produced , I might perhaps prefer this way before any other . But being this depends on no other grounds then the bare ipse dixit , or conjecture of my Author only ; I know not how to part with the Synecdoche commended to us by St. Augustine (d) , Hierome (e) , and others of the Antient Fathers , and still retained and countenanced by so many men of eminence in all kindes of learning . The Reader hath here choyce enough , and may use his pleasure . As for the difference which seems to be between the Evangelists touching the time of the day in which this wondrous work was wrought ; we will first lay down their several words , and then see what is to be said for the reconcilement . St. Matthew saith it was in the end of the Sabbath , as it began to dawn towards the first day of the week , that Mary Magdalen and the other Marie came to see the sepulchre (f) . St. Mark that when the Sabbath was past , they came very early in the morning the first day of the week at the rising of the Sun (g) . St. Luke , that having bought their spices on the Eve of the Sabbath , they came very early in the morning upon the first day of the week (h) . And finally St. Iohn , that it was early on the first day of the week when it was yet dark (i) . In which we have not only an appearing difference between St. Iohn , who telleth us that it was yet dark , and those who that say it was in the morning , as the Sun was rising ; but a seeming contradiction also in Matthew , who maketh it to be on the end of the Sabbath , which was Saturday Eve , and yet upon the dawning of the first day of the week , which is Sunday morning . To reconcile St. Iohn to the other Evangelists , St. Ambrose (k) and Eusebius (l) were of opinion , that there were two Mary Magdalens of our Saviours acquaintance , whereof one came unto the Sepulchre in the night , and the other in the morning : But then assuredly the Scriptures would have given us some mark of difference , as in the case of Simon Peter , and Simon the Canaanite ; Mary the Mother of IESVS , and Mary the Mother of Iames and Ioses ; Iudas who wrote the Epistle extant in his name , and Iudas Iscariot who betrayed him . Others (m) conceive that St. Markes text hath received some alteration in setting down the time of his Resurrection , as before we saw it was supposed in the time of his passion : and that in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the Sun-rising , it should be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Sun not being risen . But such corrections , as we said in the former case , are not only unwarrantable , but unsafe . And if such Criticizing on the Text of Scripture might be used with safety , the alteration were more easie if in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the second Aorist , St. Mark might be supposed to say in the present tense , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Sun was rising ; when first his beams began to dispel that darkness , which we finde mentioned in St. Iohn . But leaving this correction also as matter dangerous , the safest and most probable way to atone the difference is , that the women did begin to set forwards towards the holy Sepulchre , whilest it was yet dark , as St. Iohn hath it , or very early in the morning , at the breaking or dawning of the day , as St. Matthew tels us ; but that they came not to the Sepulchre till the Sun was risen . Or else we may resolve it thus , and perhaps with greater satisfaction to the text and truth , that Mary Magdalen whose love was most impatient of a long delay , went first alone ( for St. Iohn speaks of her alone ) when it was yet dark ; but having signified to Peter what she had discovered , she went to make the other women acquainted with it , and then came all together , as the Sun was rising , to behold the issue of the business . As for the seeming contradiction in St. Matthews words , we shall best see the way to discharge him of it , if passing by the Vulgar Latine , from whence the contradiction took its first Original , we have recourse unto the Greek . In the Vulgar Latine it is Vespere Sabbati in the Evening of the Sabbath , and that according to the Iewish computation , must be on Friday about six of the clock , for with them the Evening did begin the day as we saw before . But in the Greek it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we English in the end of the Sabbath , and then it is the same with St. Marks expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when the Sabbath was past . And this construction comes more neer to the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which points unto a thing which is long since past , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the hour being now a good while spent , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you lost your opportunity by your tardy coming . And so the word is here interpreted by Gregory Nyssen (o) , by birth a Grecian , and therefore doubtlesse one that well understood the Idiotisme of his own language : in whom the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in St. Matthew is made to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very hour and moment of the resurrection . Which ground so laid , let us subjoyne these words in St. Matthews Gospel , Chap. 18. to the last words of St. Lukes Gospel , Chap. 23. and then this seeming contradiction will be brought to nothing . St. Luke informes us of the women who had attended on our Saviour at his death and burial , that having bought spices to imbalme his body , they rested on the Sabbath day according to the Scripture , v. 56. And then comes in St. Matthew to make up the story ( as all the four Evangelists do make but one ful history of our Saviours actions ) which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that when the Sabbath was now past , and that the first day of the week did begin to dawn , they went unto the Sepulchre as they first intended . We have not done yet with the time of his resurrection , although the difficulties which concern that time , have been debated and passed over . We finde it generally agreed on by all four Evangelists , that the resurrection was accomplished 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , upon the first day of the week ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the dawning of the day , as St. Matthew hath it ; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the rising of the Sun , as St. Marke informes . About the dawning of the day ; for certainly it was not fit that the Sun of Heaven should shine upon the earth before the heavenly Sun of righteousnesse . Nay therefore did our Saviour prevent the sun by his early rising , to teach us that the whole world is enlightned only by the beams of his most sacred Gospell ; and that he only is the light to lighten the Gentiles , and to be the glory of his people Israel (p) . And there was very good reason also why he should choose the first day of the week to be the day of the resurrection more then any other : that as God the Father on that day did begin the creation of the world , in which we live the life of nature ; so God the Son should on the same day also begin the creation of a new heaven and a new earth in the souls of men , by which they live the life of grace here , and are thereby prepared for the life of glory in the world to come . The sixt day in which our father Adam did begin to live , was the same day in which the second Adam did begin to die . And the seventh day on which God rested from his labours in the great work of our Creation , was also rested by our Saviour , in the far greater businesse of our Redemption . Rested I say by him , not sanctifyed . For Christ did therefore pretermit and sleep out as it were , the Iewish Sabbath , that from thenceforth the observation of that day should be laid aside ; and that in that neglect of his , there should no further care be taken of the legal Ceremonies . And as God sanctifyed that day in which he rested from the work of the worlds Creation ; so the Apostles first , as it was conceived , and afterwards the Church of Christ by their example , did sanctifie and set apart that day for religious offices , in which our Saviour cancelled the bonds of death , and finished the great work of our Redemption . The Israelites were commanded by the Lord their God , immediately on their escape from the hands of Pharaoh , to change the beginning of the year (q) , in a perpetuall memory of that deliverance . With very good reason therefore did the Church determine , to celebrate the Christian Sabbath ( if I may so call it ) upon a day not used before , but changed in due remembrance of so great a miracle , as that of our Saviours resurrection from the power of the grave , and our deliverance thereby from the Prince of darknesse . The Parallel of the worlds Creation and the Redemption on all mankind by Christ our Saviour ; with the change which followed thereupon in the day of worship , is very happily expressed by Gregory Nyssen in his first Sermon upon Easter or the Resurrection ; where speaking of Gods rest of the Sabbath day , he thus proceedeth (r) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. By that first Sabbath ( saith the father ) thou mayest conjecture at the nature of this , this day of rest , which God hath blessed above all dayes ; For on this the only begotten Son of God ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as his own words are ) who out of a divine purpose of restoring mankind , did give his body rest in the house of death , and afterwards revived again by his resurrection ; became the resurrection and the life , the day-spring from on high , the light to them that sit in darknesse and the shadow of death . Finally , to insist upon this point no longer , three days our Saviour set apart for the performance of this work and wonder of the resurrection : and answerably thereunto the Church did antiently set apart three days for the commemoration of that work , and wonder which was then performed . In which respect the feast of Easter is entituled by the said Gregory Nyssen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the three days festivall . The next considerable circumstance of the resurrection is , that he pleased to work that miracle upon himself in a terrible and fearfull earthquake (s) , an earthquake so extreme and so truely terrible , that the graves did vomit up their dead (t) , whose ghastly apparitions wandered up and down Hierusalem (u) , and were seen by many of their friends and old acquaintance . Which as it was an extraordinary dispensation , and far above the Common law and course of nature , so was it done by him for a speciall end : and did not only verifie the resurrection of our Lord and Saviour , ut Dominum ostenderent resurgentem (x) , as St. Hierome hath it ; but also served to assure Gods faithfull servants of the resurrection of their bodies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as we read in Chrysostome (y) . So that the Earthquake of it self being great and terrible , and made more terrible by the rising of so many dead men from the bonds of death ; no marvell if the Souldiers of the guard were amazed and terrifyed , and in that fright betook themselves unto their heels , and forsook their charge . At first indeed the affright and astonishment was so great upon them , that they seemed even as dead men , as the text informes us (a) . But the first terrors being over , we finde them presently in the City with the chief Priests and Elders , declaring the sad news of their ill successe , and publishing the glorious wonder of the resurrection . So wonderfull was the providence of Almighty God , that those means which were projected for an hinderance of the resurrection , should add unto the fame and glory of so great a miracle ; and that those very Souldiers which were hired to guard the Sepulchre , should be the first Evangelists ( if I may so call them ) by whom that miracle was signifyed to that stubborn nation . And yet God had a further end then this in the great hast made by the affrighted Souldiers to the Priests and Elders ; which was by their departure from the holy Sepulchre , to give the safer opportunity to his Disciples ( who were to be the witnesses of his resurrection both to Iew and Gentile ) to satisfie themselves in the truth thereof . For though the women might presume on the Souldiers gentlenesse , ( who commonly are faire conditioned to that sex ) yet for the Apostles to adventure thither till the Souldiers of the guard were removed from thence , had been to run themselves in the mouth of danger , and make themselves obnoxious to the accusation of the Priests and Pharisees . And this was a remote cause of the honour which befell that sex , in being first acquainted with the news of the resurrection ; and is another of the circumstances which attends the action . God certainly had so disposed it in his heavenly wisdome , that as a woman was first made the Devils instrument to perswade man to sin , and consequently unto death : so the same sex also should become the instruments of publishing this glad news that the Lord was risen ; and the assurance thereby given of a resurrection to all mankinde from the hands of death . Withall observe the power of Almighty God , never so clearly manifested in the sight of men as in the weaknesse of his iustruments : and that although it was a work sufficient for the ablest Prophet to foretell the resurrection of the Messiah , yet was it so easie when accomplished , that ignorant and silly women , and more then so , that women laden with sins , should be the first that did proclaime it . And there was somewhat in that too , that Christ first shewed himself unto Mary Magdalen (b) , a woman so infamous for her former life , that she is branded in Scripture by the name of Peccatrix (c) , as one who had deserved to be so intituled ; and first of all men unto Simon Peter (d) , as great a sinner in his kinde as Mary Magdalen . For this he did ( no doubt ) to let mankind know , that there is no sinner so great whosoever he be , to whom ( if he repent him of his former sinnes ) the fruit and benefit of Christs resurrection ought not to be extended and applyed : though some restraine the same to some certain Quidams , men more of their election , then Almighty Gods. Whereas the Scriptures plainly tell us , that as in Adam all dyed , so by Christ all men shall be restored to life (e) ; who being risen from the dead is become the first fruits of all them that slept . But here perhaps it will be said , How can our Saviour Christ be called the first fruits of them that sleep , considering how many severall persons had been raised from the dead before , both in the old Testament and in the new ? The answer unto this is easie and the difference great between them and Christ , their being raised from the dead , and his resurrection . For first , our Saviour rose again from the dead , virtute propria , by his ownproper power and virtue , but they were raised again to life , virtute aliena , by the power and ministry of some other . In which regard , we read notin the story of his resurrection , that he was raised from the dead , as if he had been wholly passive in the businesse , and did contribute no more to it then did the Shunamites child or the daughter of Iairus : but resurrexit he was risen , or had raised himself , which sheweth him to have been the principall Agent . Nor let it stumble any one that in some places of the holy Scripture the Father is said to raise him , as in Act. 11. (f) Both will stand well enough together . For by the same power that the Father is said to have done it , by the same was it done also by the Son. I and my Father are one (g) , but one power of both ; and therefore whether it were done by both or by either of them , it comes all to one . Secondly , Christ our Saviour did so rise from the dead , as to die no more , to have an everlasting freedome from the power of death ; whereas others have been raised from death to life , but to die again . Christ being raised from the dead ( saith the great Apostle ) dyeth no more ; death hath no more dominion over him (h) . He is not only free from death , or the act of dying , but from the pains , perils , and the fears of death , and all those sicknesses and sorrows which make way unto it . But so it was not with the son of the widow of Sarepta , or of the widow of Naim , no nor with Lazarus his most dear friend neither , who though they were restored again to this mortal life , yet it was still a mortal life when it was at best ; and that mortality was to them as the Prisoners chain , by which he is pulled back again though he chance to scape . He only did so rise again as by his rising to destroy death , and to cloath himself with immortality . Thirdly , though some were raised before under both Testaments , yet that was but a private benefit to themselves alone , or perhaps unto their Parents or some few of their friends ; yet the fruit and benefit thereof did extend no further . But by the resurrection of our Lord and Saviour , there came a signall benefit unto all the world , which else had been fast bound for ever in the bonds of death , without any hope of rising to a better life . For being risen in our nature , then our nature is ri●en ; and if our nature be , then our persons may be : especially considering that he and we are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) , ( as St. Paul hath told us ) so graffed into one another , that he is part of us , and we part of him . And therefore very well said Bernard , Resurrexit solus , sed non totus . Though he be only risen , by his own proper power , yet as yet he is not risen wholly , nor will be untill we be raised together with him . He is but risen in part by this resurrection ; and that he may rise all of him , he must raise t is also . In this respect our Saviour is entituled Primogenitus omnis Creaturae (l) , the first born or first begotten of every creature : viz. first in the order of time , he being the first that was ever raised from death unto life immortall ; and first also in the order of causality , all others which have been , or shall be raised or begotten to immortall life , being so raised and begotten by vertue of his resurrection . And in the same respect he is called Primitiae dormientium , or the first fruits of them that sleep ; because his rising is not only the pledge and earnest of our rising also , but that we shall be raised to the same state of happinesse and eternall glory , which he hath attained since his rising . The offering of the first fruits drew a blessing upon all the rest . For if the first fruits be holy , the lumpe ( saith the Apostle ) is also holy (m) . If then the first fruits of the dead be offered to Almighty God , in Christ our Saviour ; no question but the after-fruits , or the whole increase will be very acceptable , and laid up in the barn of that heavenly husbandman (n) , according to the scope of our Saviours Parable . And yet perhaps St. Paul might have a further aime in calling our Saviour the first-fruits of them that sleep , then hath yet been spoke of : it hapning so by the sweet disposition of Gods special providence , that the day of his glorious resurrection did fall that year upon the second day of the feast of unleavened bread , or the morrow after the Sabbath of that great solemnity : upon which day , the first-fruits were to be offered unto God by his own appointment . Of which see Levit. 23.10 , 11. Here then we have the principall effect and fruit of Christs resurrection , the resurrection of our own bodies from the power of death , the resurrection both of soul and body to eternall life . And yet there are some other intermediate benefits which redound to us , some other motives and inducements which relate to him . For his part first , had he not risen from the dead , he had still lain under the guilt of that imposture (o) , wherewith the Priests and Elders charged him , when he was interred . And who would then have preached his Gospel , or embraced his doctrine , or yeelded belief to any thing he had said before ? For if Christ be not risen from the dead again , ( as St. Paul reasoneth very strongly ) then were our faith in vain ; and their preaching vain (p) . Had he not risen from the dead , and manifested it by such signes and wonders , he never had attained to the reputation of being generally accounted and believed in , for the Son of God : or such a God at best who doth die like men (q) , and fall like others of the Princes ; some earthly Magistrate at the most , and no great one neither . Nor was it necessary to his glory only , but to our justification . For how could we assure our selves of salvation by him , or of redemption in his bloud ; had he been swallowed up in death , and not appeared alive again for our consolation ? Manens in morte peccata non expiasset , mortem non vicisset , as the Father hath it (r) : and then how could we hope to be saved by him , qui se ipsum servare non potuit , who was not of ability to save himself ? How could we Christians , of all men most miserable , be possibly assured of this saving truth , that Christ was delivered for our sins , if he had not risen again for our justification (s) , that is to say , if by his rising from the dead , he had not setled and confirmed us in that assurance ? The reason is , because the resurrection of our Lord and Saviour , was as it were , his actual absolution from those sins of ours for the which he dyed ; and his deliverance from that death , which as the wages of sin we had all deserved . Calvin hath very Orthodoxly resolved it so , Resuscitatio Christi a mortuis ejus est actualis absolutio a peccatis nostris , pro quibus mortuus est (t) , as he there determineth . And he determineth it according unto that of the great Apostle , saying , if Christ be not risen , your faith is vain , yee are yet in your sins (u) , that is to say , still under the command and the guilt of sin , from which you have no other assurance to be absolved and quitted in the day of judgment , then only by the vertue of his resurrection . How wretched then is the condition of the Iews and those other Hereticks , who either utterly denie the resurrection , as did Simon Magus (x) , and the Maniches (y) , or post it off , as not yet past , till some further time , which was one of the heresies of Cerinthus (z) , or make it but an allegory , no true reall action , as do the Family of love (a) ? Assuredly the least we can affirme of them and the like vile miscreans , is that they have no inheritance in the house of Iesse , nor any portion at all in the son of David : that they who wilfully deny his resurrection , shall never finde other resurrection but to shame and torment . But on the contrary , the Orthodox Professors in the Chrrstian Church , not only have believed this Article , and stood up in defence thereof to the last drop of their bloud , as often as the Princes of the earth have conspired together against the Lord and his anointed : but for the better imprinting of it in the souls of simple and unlearned people , and for perpetuall commemoration of so great a mercy , did institute the feast of Easter . A festival of all others the most antient in the Christian Church , ordained and celebrated in the purest ages of the same , while some of the Apostles were yet living . A feast received with so unanimous affection throughout the world , that though some difference happened about the time when it should be celebrated ; yet there was never any question made of the feast it self . All of them kept an Easter , though not all at a time : some of the Eastern Churches in compliance with the Iews amongst whom they lived , keeping it on the 14. day of the Moon , as the Iews did the Passeover : ●ll other Churches keeping it on the Sunday after , in memory of the day of the resurrection . Nor was there ever any sect or body of Hereticks , but they kept the festival : no not so much as the Novatians ( or Cathari as they call themselves ) but they kept an Easter (b) , though they left every one at liberty to keep it when he would , so he kept it at all , and therein differing from the Sect of the Quartodecimani , who urged it as a matter necessary , to celebrate it on the 14. day of the moon , and upon no other . The sharpe contentions raised in the Primitive times about this point , and the great care took by the Prelates of those times to compose the difference , are proof sufficient for the estimation which they held it in , and the antiquity thereof , were there no proof else . And yet to set it clear above opposition , we finde it upon good record , that it was not celebrated by the Church , not only during the lives of the Apostles , but also by some of them in person . For Polycarpus who conversed with the Apostles , and was made Bishop of Smyrna by them , ( as Irenaeus (c) , and Tertullian (d) do expresly say ) affirmeth that he kept his Easter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with St. Iohn the Disciple of the Lord , and others of the Apostles in whose times he lived and conversed with them (e) ; St. Iohn by name , the rest of the Apostles but in generals only . And so Polycrates the Metropolitan of Ephesus doth as plainly say , that St. Philip the Apostle kept it : and he not only was a Bishop of most eminent note , but a most famous Martyr also ; and so not likely to sophisticate or report a falshood . This makes it clear and evident that the feast of Easter is of Apostolical Institution , though possibly not ordained or instituted till toward the latter end of the first Century , if perhaps Philip lived so long as Iohn doubtlesse did . To goe a little higher yet , it was received for a truth in the time of Constantine , that Easter had been kept , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) from the first day of our Saviours passion , untill the very time that good Emperour lived in (f) : and more then so , that they received it from our Saviour , that Christ delivered it unto them . So that the institution of the feast of Easter is not only of Divine Apostolicall right ; but in the opinion of those times ( and those the happiest of the Church both for peace and purity ) of a divine right in the highest degree . Whether that so it were or not , I dispute not here , though possibly the high estimation which the Antient Fathers held it in , and the honorable attributes which they give unto it , may seem to intimate some such matter . For St. Ignatius who lived near the Apostles times ( if he lived not with them ) calleth it expressely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (g) , the Ladie and Queen of all the feasts ; and that too in his Epistle ad Magnesianos , against which no exception hath been made as yet in this captious age . By Constantine it is called , the most holy feast , and that four times ( for failing in one Epistle (h) ) : By Epiphanius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) , the great solemnity . By Nazianzen , ( to wander through no more particulars ) it is not only termed the Queen and Soveraigne of days (k) , which it seems he borrowed from Ignatius ; but thus set out and beautifyed in a fuller manner (l) , Easter day is come ( saith he ) Gods own Easter day , and again I say Easter day is come , in honour of the blessed Trinity ; the feast of feasts , the solemnity of all solemnities , as far surpassing all other feasts holden not only by or for men , but even in honour of Christ himself , as the sun the stars . Nor was this great festival only solemnized in the world abroad , but of as high an estimation also within this Island : the errour of the Quartodecimani being condemned , and the custome of the Western Church asserted in the Councell of Arles , ( a Councell of more antiquity though of lesse authority perhaps then that of Nice ) : to which subscribed amongst others (m) , Euborius B. of York , Restitutus B. of London , and Adelfus B. of Colchester . And for the Scots , they did receive the observation of this Festival , together with the faith it self : Sedulius a learned man of that nation , who flourished not long after the conversion of it , writing a Poem which he entituled Opus Paschale , and did thus begin , Paschales quicunque dapes , &c. In fifteen hundred years and more from our Saviours Passion never did man oppose or cry down this feast but Aerius only ; who for this and other of his dotages was held to be an heretick and a madman too : his folly in this point being held so grosse , that he had never any followers for ought I can finde . So that the marvell is the greater , that after so long a tract of time , some people under colour of reformation , should put down this feast , and for the better and more effectuall obtaining of their end therein , either extend the time of their Lent so far , as to bring it within the compasse of that publick fast ; or else ( as some have also done ) forbid the Sacrament of the Lords supper to be administred on that day , under paines and penalties , to make it looked upon no otherwise then a common day . And yet the wonder is the more , that the same men who practise to beat down this feast with such heat and violence , being kept upon the very day of the resurrection , and consequently opus diei in die suo ; should withall labour with the utmost of their power and cunning to cry up the Sunday ( and scrue it to as high a pitch as the Iews did their Sabbath ) which is but the Epitome or the Abstract of it . Of very congruity at the least , it is to be regarded more then an other Sunday ; as was most notably observed by his sacred Majesty . Who asking whether they that preached at Holdenby house on Easter day , did preach according to the day of the resurrection ; and being answered that they did not , he next desired to know what reason the new reformers had to put down Easter , and continue Sunday . For being both instituted by the same authority ( viz. the authority of the Church of Christ ) they might as well refuse to observe the weekly Sunday , as not keep this feast . The (n) Moderate Intelligencer tels us of the Question , but I never yet could hear any Answer to it ( though his Majestie gave it them in writing ) and I believe I never shall . ARTICLE VII . Of the Seventh ARTICLE OF THE CREED Ascribed to St. BARTHOLOMEW . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Ascendit ad Coelum , sedet ad dextram Dei , Patris Omnipotentis . i. e. He Ascended into Heaven , and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty . CHAP. XI . Of the Ascension of our Saviour ; with a Discussion of the points and other Circumstances , which are most considerable in the same . THE next great Festivals after Easter , ( which is the Anniversary feast of the Resurrection are those of the Ascension of our Lord and Saviour , and the coming of the holy Ghost , or the Feast of Whitsuntide . Which method of the Church in these great solemnities , seemes to be borrowed from the method of the Creed which we have before us : wherein unto the Article of the Resurrection , is presently subjoyned , that he ascended into Heaven , there sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Almighty , and there shall tarry and abide untill he come to judge both the quick and the dead , and after that the Article of the holy Ghost . And there was good reason for this too . For therefore did our blessed Saviour raise himself from the shame and obloquie of the grave , that he might ascend in glory to the Heaven of Heavens : that being gone from thence and ascended thither (a) , he might send them ( as he had foresignified ) another Comforter , that should abide with them for ever . And as it seems , the Royal Psalmist , the sweet singer of Israel , fore-saw the neer conjunction of those two great Festivals ; the necessary dependance which the coming of the holy Ghost had on Christs Ascension . Thou art gone up on high ( saith he ) thou hast led Captivity Captive , and received gifts for men , that the Lord God might dwell amongst them (b) . So that the Text beginneth with the ascending of CHRIST , and ends with the descending of the holy Ghost . For if a man should ask , as the Eunuch did , of whom doth the Prophet speak this ; of himself or of some other man ? we must needs answer with St. Philip , and say that it relateth unto Jesus Christ. That so it is , we have St. Paul to be our warrant , who thus cites the Text with reference unto Christ the Lord ; When he ascended up on high (c) , he led captivity captive ; and gave gifts to men . He received gifts for men saith the Psalmist , he gave gifts to men saith the Apostle , He did re●eive them of his Father , that he might give them unto us . Well then , what gifts are they ? that he tels us after , (d) And he gave some ( to be ) Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors , and Teachers , to the gathering together of the Saints , to the work of the Ministration , and to the edifying of the Body of Christ. These were the gifts which Christ conferred upon his Church by the holy Ghost , first by his first descent or coming upon Whitsunday , when he gave Apostles and Evangelists , falling upon their heads in likeness of cloven tongues (e) , and ever since by furnishing the Pastors and Teachers of it with those gifts and graces of the Spirit , which are expedient for their Calling . And this is evident enough from the Psalmists words , where it is said , that He received gifts for men that the Lord God might dwell amongst them . Which cannot be applyed unto Christ himself : for then it must not have been said that he had ascended up on high , and was parted from us ; but that he tarried here below , to be always with us . Therefore God here , must needs he God the holy Ghost , who came not down till after Christ was gone up , and then came down no● only to remain among us , but to be in us , saith our Saviour , and to abide with us for ever (f) : So that this Text containing ( as you see it doth ) the substance and occasion of these two great Festivals ; we will begin first with the holy Thursday , part thereof , which is Christs Ascension , according as the method of the Creed doth lead me . Where by the way , the Feast of holy Thursday , of the Lords Ascension , is of as great Antiquity as eminencie in the Christian Church , it being reckoned by St. Augustine (g) amongst those feasts : and there were but four of them in all , which had been generally received in all ages past , and thought to be of Apostolical Institution . Now for this great act of the Ascension , St. Mark delivereth it in brief , that When he had spoken unto them , he was received into heaven , and sate him down on the right hand of God (h) : St. Luke , a little more fully , in his Gospel thus , that he led them out into Bethany , and blessed them (i) , and it came to pass that as he blessed them , he departed from them and was carryed up into Heaven . But in the Acts the story is laid down at large , and with more particulars . There we are told that from the time of his Resurrection he continued forty days upon the earth (h) , appearing many times in that space or Interim unto his Apostles , and speaking to them of the Kingdome of God ; that on the fortieth day he led them to a Mount which is called Olivet , being from Hierusalem a Sabbath days journey , ( which some conceive to be a mile , or but two at most ) that being there , and speaking unto his Apostles about the Kingdome of Israel , while they beheld he was taken up on high , and a Cloud received him out of their sight ; And finally that as they followed him with their eyes towards Heaven , behold two men stood by them in white apparel , which also said , Ye men of Galilee , why stand ye gazing up into Heaven , This same IESVS which is taken up from you into Heaven , shall so come , even as ye see him go into Heaven . This is the substance of the story ; in which we have some passages to be further looked on , and others to be reconciled with the Creed , from which they seem in words to differ . For first whereas it is said , that he appeared unto them forty days (l) , which is not to be so interpreted , as if he shewed himself unto them every one of those days ; but that in the said forty days from his Resurrection , frequenter se eis vīd●●dum exhibuerat (m) , he had offered himself to them oftentimes to be by them , and to discourse with them of the things of the Kingdom of God. In the next place , St. Luke who tels us in the Acts , that our Saviour made his ascent from the Mount of Olives , informs us in the Gospel , that it was at Bethany . Which difference is easie to be reconciled , would there were no worse . For Bethanie was a village neer unto Hierusalem , about fifteen furlongs from it (n) , as the Text instructs us ; and seated at the foot of the Mount called O●ivet : In which respect it is called Bethanie at the Mount of Olives , Mark. 1.1 . So that whether Mount Olivet was esteemed to be within the limits and precincts of the Village of Bethanie , or Bethanie was reckoned for the lower part of the Mount of Olives , it comes all to one . But the main point to be considered is the seeming difference , which is between the words of the Creed and the words of the Gospel . Ascendit ad Coelum , saith the Creed , he ascended into Heaven , 't is his own act here . Assumptus est in Coelum , saith St. Mark , ferebatur in Coelum , saith St. Lukes Gospels , elevatus est , saith the Book of the Acts , he was carryed up into Heaven , or taken up on high , as our English reads it , it was Gods act there . And so it was indeed , it was Gods and his : the Persons having such an interest in one another , that what was done by the one is ascribed to the other without wrong or prejudice to either : as it is also in the case of the Resurrection ; in which although we find it to be his own act , his Resurrexit only in the holy Gospels ; yet is it quem Deus suscitavit a mortuis (o) , him hath God raised from the dead in St. Peters Sermon . Or else it may be answered thus , that though our Saviour did ascend by his own power and vertue , yet he may properly be said to be assumptus , taken or carried up into Heaven in three regards ; that is to say (p) , either as taken up on the wings of Angels ( whereof we shall say more anon ) as Lazarus was carryed into Abrahams bosom ; or because he seemed to be wrapt up in a cloud , and so taken up out of their sight ; or finally that the man CHRIST IESVS was taken up into Heaven by the power and vertue of the Godhead in separably united to him . Either of these constructions will atone the difference , and reconcile the Creed with the words of the Text : though we may further add , and ex abundanti , that St. Luke doth not only say ferebatur in Coelum , or he was carryed up into Heaven , as if he were passive in it only ; but that Recessit ab iis first (q) , he left them of his own accord , gave the first rise to his Ascension , and after ferebatur ( for so it followeth ) suffered himself to be assumpted , taken or carryed up into Heaven , either by the Cloud or by the Angels , or how else he pleased . Lastly , it is to be observed , that he ascended into Heaven , videntibus illis saith the Text , whilest his Apostles looked on : to signifie that he did ascend by little and little , that he might feed their eyes , and refresh their souls , and by his leisurely ascent , make them more able to attest it , as occasion served . For had he been caught up into Heaven as Elias was (r) , who had but one witness to affirm it , or rapt up into Heaven , as St. Paul was afterwards , without any witness but himself , and scarce that neither , ( for whether it were in the body , or out of the body (s) , he could hardly tell ) : the truth thereof had wanted much of that estimation , which the mouths of so many witnesses as beheld the mir●●le , were able to afford unto it . And yet it was strange that many witnesses should need to confirm that truth , which had so clearly been fore-signified both by Types and Prophecies , that none who did believe the Scriptures could make question of it . For if we look upon the Substance or the quod ●it of it : or on the circumstances of the time , the place , the cloud , the pomp and manner of the same ; or finally on the consequent or effect thereof as to Christ himself ; we finde all signified before-hand in the Book of God : and that so fully and expressely as must needs convince the Iews of the greatest obstinacy , that ever had been entertained in the hearts of men : first in the way of Type or Figure , we have that of Enoch before the Law , and that of Elias under the Law. Of Enoch it is said in the holy Scripture , that he walked with God (t) , that is to say , as the text doth expound it self in the case of Noah , he was a just man , and perfect in his generation (u) , for the times he lived in . So righteous was he as it seems in the sight of God , that we finde no mention of his death . Only the Scriptures say , that he was not found , because God took him : i. e. because God took him to himself , translating him both body and soul to his heavenly Kingdome . And so St. Paul expounds it , saying , (x) By faith Enoch was translated that he should not see death , neither was he found , because God had taken him . And of Elijah it is said , that being talking with Elisha , one of his Disciples , there appeared a Charet of fire , and horses of fire (y) , and parted them asunder , and that Elijah went up in a whirlwinde into Heaven . Here then we have two Types or figures of the Lords Ascension , the one delivered in the person of a righteous man , who was unblameable in his conversation ; walking in the commandements of God without reproof ; the other of a Prophet mighty both in WORD AND WORK , who did not only reprove sin , and foretel of things which were to come , but did confirm his Doctrine with signs and miracles . And being that the Iews cannot but confess , as Iosephus did , that Christ was not only a wise man , a Teacher of the people in the ways of truth , one that wrought miracles (z) , and had gained many both of the Iews and Gentiles to adhere unto him ; being they cannot but acknowledge of our Saviour Christ , as the good Theif did , ille autem nil mali fecit (a) , that he had done nothing amiss ; or as Pilate , that there was no fault to be found in him (b) : they have no reason but to think that Enoch and Elijah were the Types of the Lords Ascension , aswell as of his life and doctrine . But here perhaps it will be objected , that either Enoch and Elijah were not taken up into Heaven , and so no Types and figures of the Lords Ascension : or if they were , then was not Christ the first which opened the gates of Heaven , and ascended thither in his body , to make a way for others in due time to follow ; as all Antiquity in a manner do affirm he was , grounding their judgement on the evident and plain texts of Scripture . For doth not the Apostle expressely say , that the way into the Holiest of all was not yet manifest , while the first Tabernacle was yet standing , Heb. 9.8 . And doth not Christ our Saviour as expressely say , that no man had ascended into Heaven , but he that came down from Heaven , even the Son of man , Ioh. 3.13 . How then were Enoch and Elijah Types of Christs Ascension , if they were not taken up into Heaven ? or how was Christ the first , if they there before him ? Our Saviour Christ himself makes answer unto this objection , where he saith , that in his Fathers house there were many mansions (c) : that is to say , several degrees of happiness and estates in glory , though all most glorious in themselves . To some of which degrees of happiness , and estates in glory , unto some one or other of those heavenly Mansions , both Enoch and Elijah were by God translated , there 's no doubt of that ; the Scripture is expressely for it . But that they were in Coelosummo , in the highest Heaven , that unto which the Lord ascended , and where he now sitteth at the right hand of God the Father , that as the Scriptures doe not say , so there is no necessity why we should believe it . Our Saviour was the first who ascended thither ; that place of supreme glory being typified in the Sanctum Sanctorum , and by that entituled , as before we saw , unto which none might enter but the High Priest only . From Types proceed we next unto the way of Prophecy , and there we finde assured proof not only for the Substance of the Lords Ascension , but for every Circumstance . First for the substance , thus saith the Prophet David , Psal. 24. Lift up your heads O you gates , and be you lift up you Everlasting doores , and the King of Glory shall come in . Who is the King of Glory ? the Lord strong and mighty , the Lord mighty in battel . Which Psalm as it was framed by that sweet singer of Israel , on the reduction of the Ark to the City of David , and literally meant of the Gates of the Tabernacle , through which the Ark , the glory of the Lord of Hosts , was to have its entrance ; so was it mystically and Prophetically spoken of our Saviour Christ , who in a mighty battel had subdued all the powers of hell ; and afterwards by his Ascension did set open the Gates of Heaven ; as all the Fathers generally down from Iustin Martyr , do expound the place . The Gates were lift up in the Psalm , for the King of glory , and opened in the Gospel for the Lord of glory (d) , as the Apostle with some reference to the Psalmist cals him . Where by the way , I think we need not go much further to resolve a doubt , which hath been made by some in the Church of Rome ; that is to say , whether the Heavens did open to make way to our Saviours passage , an vero sine diversione eos penetravit (e) , or that he pierced or passed through the Coelestial bodies , as they conceive he came unto his Disciples when the dores were shut . The reason of this querie we know wel enough , It is to help them at a pinch when they are put to it , in maintenance of that monstrous Paradox of Transubstantiation , which utterly destroys the being of Christs natural body . But unto this , the lifting up of the Gates gives a ready answer , and such an answer as hath countenance from the Gospel also . For if the Heavens were opened to make way for the Spirit of God to descend upon him at his Baptism (f) , as we know it was : with how much greater reason must they then be opened , when he ascended into Heaven not in Spirit only , but also in his body , in his humane nature ? Next for the circumstances which occur in the Lords Ascension , we have the time thereof , the fortieth day precisely from his Resurrection , prefigured in the forty days of respit which God gave to Nineveh , before he purposed to destroy it . The correspondence or resemblance doth stand thus between them , that as God gave the Ninivites forty days of Repentance , after the miraculous deliverance of Ionah from the belly of the Whale , had ( in all probability ) been made known unto them to confirm his Preaching : so he gave forty days to the Iews also after Christs Resurrection , to see if they would turn from their sins , or not ; before he did withdraw the presence of their Saviour from them , and lay them open to that desolation , which he had denounced against them for their wickedness . And this I am the more confirmed in by another passage of this kinde , in the Book of Ezekiel , where it is said , Thou shalt bear the iniquity of the house of Judah forty days (g) , I have appointed thee each day for an year . Which Prophesie what ever it might aim at , at that present time in which it was declared by the mouth of the Prophet ; was questionless most punctually fulfilled in those forty days , which Christ continued on the earth untill his Ascension . For having born those forty days the iniquities of the house of Iudah , and kept off by his presence all those plagues and punishments , which were due unto them for the same : he left them unto that destruction , which at the end of forty years , ( reckoning each day for an year , as the Prophet bids us ) befell both their Temple , and their Nation . For the place next , we finde it on record in the Prophet Zachary , in these words , (h) His feet shall stand in that day upon the Mount of Olives , which is before Hierusalem on the East , and the Mount of Olives shall cleave in the midst thereof . Which part of the Prophesie concerning the feet of God , which were to stand on the Mount of Olives , was never before so literally verified , as in the day of o●r Saviours Ascension : his sacred feet making such an impression on the ground where he took his rise ( if I may so say ) as seemed to cleave the ground in twain , and there continued for the space of four hundred years , if the Tradition of the Antients be of any credit . Certain I am that so it is affirmed by Paulinus , no fabulous Writer , but of a very great esteem for piety in the best times of the Church ; and he tels it thus . (i) Mirum vero inter haec , quod in Basilica Ascensionis locus ille tantum , de quo in nube susceptus ascendit , ita sacratus divinis vestigiis dicitur , ut nunquam tegi marmore , aut paviri receperit , semper excussis , se respuente , quae manus adornandi studio tentavit apponere . Itaque in toto Basilicae spacio , solus in sui caespitis specie virens permanet , & impressam divinorum pedum venerationem calcati Deo pulveris perspicua simul & irrigua venerantibus conservat . I have put down the words at large on the Authors credit , and so commit them to the censure of the learned Reader . Then for the cloud in which our Saviour made his Ascent to Heaven , we have it thus fore-signified by the Prophet Daniel . (k) Behold ( saith he ) one like unto the Son of man , came in the Clouds of Heaven , and approached unto the antient of days , and they brought him before him . And he gave him Dominion , and honour , and a Kingdome , that all people , Nations , and languages should serve him ; his Dominion is an everlasting Dominion which shall never be taken away , and his Kingdome shall never be destroyed . Where , by the way , we have a full description of that power and honour , which God conferred upon our Saviour ; and by St. Mark is intimated in that form of speech (l) , and sate down on the right hand of God. But this I touch but on the by ; referring the full disquisition of it to the next branch of this Article , to which it properly belongeth . In the mean time let us behold the pomp and ceremonie of the Lords Ascension , which David hath described in the words before , that is to say , When he ascended up on high , he led captivity captive , and received gifts for men ; He gave gifts to men , saith the great Apostle ; which how they do agree was before delivered . In which it seemes to me , that the sacred Pen-men have made the course and order of the Lords Ascension , like to the pomp and glory of the antient Triumphs . It was , we know , the custome of the antient Romans , when any of their Generals did return victorious against a powerful and considerable enemy , to honour him with a Triumphant reception into the City of Rome . The pomp and manner of which was , that the General apparelled in a garment of state called Trabea , or Vestis Triumphalis , and having on his head a garland of lawrel , and sometimes a Crown of gold which the Senate had bestowed upon him , was carried in a rich and open Chariot : the Senators , and others of the principal Citizens going forth to meet him , and conduct him , in the spoyls and treasures gotten in the war passing on before ; the souldiers with their Coronets , their bracelets and other militarie rewards following next the General , and in the Rere of all , those miserable men whether Kings or others , whom the unlucky chance of war had now made Captives . Examples of this kinde in the Roman stories are obvious to the eye of every Reader . And such as this , ( if I may safely venture upon such comparisons ) is the Ascension of the Lord described to be by the Royal Psalmist . He made a chariot of the clouds and so ascended up on the wings of the winde ; apparelled in the Robe of his own righteousness , more glorious then a Rayment of needlework , wrought about with divers colours ; and having on his head that Crown of eternal Majesty , which the Lord God his Heavenly Father had conferred upon him , in testimony of that Soveraign power over Heaven and Earth , which he since hath exercised . But of this we shall speak more anone . To make his entrance into Heaven the more magnificent , the Blessed Angels those great Citizens of the new Hierusalem did attend upon him : conducting him into the place of endless glories , as erst they had done Lazarus into Abrahams bosome . St. Austin so affirmed it , saying (m) Sublatus est Christus in manibus Angelorum , &c. The Lord was carryed up by the hands of Angels , when he ascended into Heaven ; not that he would have fallen had not they supported , but that they might serve him in that work ; so saith St. Athanasius for the Greek Church also , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (n) , &c. that being carryed up by Angels , he ascended thither as man , and took our flesh upon him into Heaven . (o) St. Cyprian saith , that though he did not need the Angels to support or carry him , yet that they did attend him in that glorious triumph ; and praecedentes & subsequentes applaudebant victori : And thereto Nazianzen agrees also ; if Christ ascend ( saith he ) to Heaven , ascend thou with him , and joyn thy self unto the Angels , which did accompany him or receive him . Take which of these you will , and we finde the Angles to have no small part in our Saviours Triumph . And certainly it stood with reason , that they who had ministred unto him in the whole course of life , when he did seem to be in disgrace and poverty , should have the honour to attend him in the time of his glories : and if we do observe it well , we shall finde no special passage of our Saviours life , in which the blessed Angels did not do him service . An Angel served to usher in his incarnation (p) , to proclaim his birth unto the Shepheards (q) , to join in consort with the rest of the Quire of Heaven , and sing the Anthem of Gloria in excelsis Deo. No sooner was he born , but all the Angels of the Lord did adore and worship him (r) , saith St. Paul to the Hebrews , when he had overcome the Devil in the Wilderness , the Angels came and ministred unto him (s) , as St. Matthew hath it ; and being at his last conflict with him in the garden of Gethsamene , an Angel of the Lord did come down to comfort him (t) . To testifie unto the truth of his resurrection , we have two Angels cloathed in white (u) , proclaiming this glad news that the Lord was risen ; and here we have two men in white , ( which were Angels doubtlesse ) assuring the Apostles of their Lords ascension . Not that there were no more then two , because no more spoke of ; but that two only staid behinde to testifie unto the truth of so great a miracle Who as they also certifyed them , in the way of prediction , that in the same manner as he went from thence into heaven , he should return again in the day of judgment ; so in that day they shall not only wait upon him , but have their speciall place and ministry , as we shall see hereafter in the following Article . But in our Saviours train there were more then Angels . To make this triumph answerable to the former Platforme , there must be Souldiers also to attend his Chariot , which must receive their severall rewards and crowns , for their well deservings ; and captives there must be to be led in triumph , and to be made a spectacle unto men and Angels . And so there was , Ignatius telleth us in plain termes (x) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he went down ( to hell ) alone , but he ascended to his father with a great train after him . And before him Thaddeus , whom St. Thomas the Apostle sent to the Prince of Edessa , used the self same words (y) . More company there was then , than the holy Angels , of more sorts at least : ( for those of whom Thaddeus and Ignatius spake , were such as did ascend from the parts below ) but who these were , hath been a matter much disputed in these latter times . Shall we affirme , as generally the Papists do , that they were the souls of the Fathers who died under the Law , whom our redeemer brought from Limbo when he went down into hell ? I thinke we need not be reduced into that straight neither . And as for my opinion in that point , it hath been shewn already in another place (z) . All I shall add now in brief is this , that they which did ascend in our Saviours train , and made up a great part of his glorious triumph ; were either his Souldiers , or his Captives . His Souldiers I call those of the Saints departed , whose graves were opened at the time of his resurrection , who being united to their bodies rose , and came out of the their graves (a) , and went into the holy City , and appeared unto many . It was not probable that they were raised from the dead , to die again ; much lesse to be left wandering up and down the earth , as if they had no certain ubi to repair unto . Nor could they ascend into the heavens before our Saviour ; who as in all things , so in that also was to have the preeminence . They must then ascend with him as a part of his train ; and go in with the Bridegroome , as the wise Virgins did , when the doors were open . For my part I can see no reason why , being made partakers of his resurrection , they should be rejected , or cast off at his ascension . That they were Saints , whose bodies had been raised by so great a miracle , is affirmed expressely in the text ; and therfore were in some possession of the heavenly glories . And that their bodies had been putrefyed , and some of them perhaps reduced to their primitive dust , is more then probable , for the text speaks of them as of men which had long been dead . Now why a glorifyed soul should be re-united to a corrupt and putrefyed ( although new raised ) body , unlesse it were to raise that body also to a share of glory ; I plainly must confesse I can see no reason . Some of the Saints then , as his Souldiers , did attend this Pomp ; I take that for granted : And I conceive it probable ( for I goe no further ) that every Saint or Souldier had his Crown or Coronet bestowed upon them by their Generall , in testimony that they had fought a good fight against sinne and Satan . For though in common course the Saints and servants of the Lord shall not have their Crowns untill the generall day of judgment ; yet here in this particular case it might be otherwise , by speciall priviledge and extraordinary dispensation . Next to the Saints and Souldiers look we on the Captives , of whom the Psalmist and St. Paul both do expressely speak , Duxit captivam captivitatem . He led captivity captive , saith the holy Scripture . But who these captives were , and what this captivity , will aske a little more paines to declare aright ; though somewhat hath been said in this point before . We shewed you in our Commentaries on the former Articles , that by the unanimous consent of all the Fathers , our Saviour spoyled the Principalities and powers of hell , when he went down thither ; and there took captive both the Devill and his evill Angels . The shewing of them openly , and triumphing over them , the leading of them captive when they were so taken , that doubtlesse was the work of another day , that was the work of the Ascension . When he ascended up on high , then , not before , he led them captive ; and when he led them captive , then he triumphed over them . The victory he obtained before , now he made his triumph . The great Battel which Paulus Aemilius won of Perseus the Macedonian , did shrewdly shake the main foundations of his power and Empire ; the victory was not perfected , nor the Realme subdued , and made a Tributary Province of the state of Rome , untill the King himself was taken , in the Isle of Samothrace , to which he had retired as his strongest hold , immediately on his defeat near the City of Pidna . The triumph followed not till after when he made his entrie into Rome , the imperiall City : the miserable King and all the flower of his Nobility , being led like Captives in their chaines , and doomed unto perpetuall prison . And this saith the Historian was interpulcherrimos (c) , the happiest and most stately triumph that the Roman people ever saw , the victory having also been of the greatest consequence . So in this case . The first main Battell ( after some previous skirmishes and velitations ) which our Redeemer sought with Satan , was upon the Crosse , in which he seemed for a time to have had the worse . But it was only for a time . For by his death ( saith the Apostle ) (d) he overcame him which had power of death , which was the Devill . That was the first great blow which the Devill had . But the victory was not perfected , nor the Empire of the Prince of darknesse broke in pieces , and brought under the command of the Son of man ; till he mastred hell it self , and forced the Devill and his Angels in their strongest hold . Then came he to demand his triumph at the hands of God , who received him into heaven with the greatest glory , that ever had been seen by the heavenly Citizens : the Devill and rest of the powers of hell being led bound in chaines in triumphant wise ; whom he flung off as soon as he approached near the gates of Heaven , and hath ever since reserved in chains under darknesse , to the judgment of the great and terrible day (e) . If you will see this triumph set down more at large , we have it in the 13. of the Prophet Hosea , and out of him in St. Pauls first to the Corinthians (f) : death led captive without his sting ; Hell , broken and defaced , like the picture of a conquered City ; the strength of sinne , ( the Law ) rent , and fastned to his Crosse ensigne-wise ; the Serpents head broken , and so born before him , as was Goliahs head by David when he came from the victory . Never so great a victory , such a glorious triumph ; as that of Christ in his Ascension , when having spoyled the Principalities and powers of hell , he led this captivity captive in his march to Heaven , making a shew of them openly unto men and Angels , and triumphing over them in semet ipso , in his own person , saith the vulgar . Reddunt inferna victorem , & superna suscipiunt triumphantem (g) , Hell restored him back a Conquerour , and Heaven received him a Triumpher , as faith St. Angustine happily , if the work be his . But there were other Captives which adorned this triumph , besides the Devill and his Angels , even the sons of men . The Devill first began the war with our Father Adam , foyled him in Paradise , and made him of a Prince to become a Prisoner , a slave to his own lusts and and loose affections . And he prevailed so far upon his posterity , that he brought all mankinde in a manner under his dominion ; their sins and wickednesses being grown unto such an height , that God repented him at last of mans creation ; It angred him , saith the text , at the very heart . David complained in his time , that there was none that did good , no not one (h) ; and when the son of David came upon the Theatre , he found the seed of Abraham so degenerated , that they were become the slaves of Satan , at best the children of the Devill , as himself affirmed . In this estate we were , the whole race of man , when with a mighty hand and an outstretched arme , our Saviour Christ encountred with the powers of darknesse , and subdued them all . By this great victory of Christ over sin and Satan , the Devill was not only taken and made a Captive , but all mankinde , even that captivity which was captive under him , became his Prisoners jure belli , even by the common law of war ; as being before part of the Devils goods , of his train and vassalage . So true is that of Aristotle , in his book of Politicks , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (k) , those which are taken in the warres are in the power , and at the pleasure of the Conquerour . The Fathers , many of them , look this way directly , but none more plainly to this purpose then Dorotheus an old Orthodox writer , and he states it thus , What means ( saith he ) the leading of captivitie captive ? And then he answereth (l) , It meaneth that by Adams transgression , the enemie had made us all captives and held us in subjection , and that Christ took us again out of the enemies hands , and conquered him who kept us captive . So that the case of mankinde in this double captivitie , was like that of Lot , whom the five Kings when they took Sodom carried Prisoner with them , Lot was then Captive to those Kings . But presently comes Abraham (m) , fals upon the Victors , takes the five Kings , and with them Lot also Prisoner ; by means whereof both Lot and they became Abrahams captives , to be disposed of as he pleased who had got the mastery . So was it with the sons of men , till they were rescued from the Devill by this son of Abraham . We were the miserable children of this captivitie . They to whom we were captives were taken captive themselves , and we with them . So both came into Christs hands , were both made his Prisoners ; and both accordingly led in triumph on this glorious day . Both indeed led in triumph , but with this great difference . Their being led in triumph ) was to their confusion ; they were condemned also , as we saw before , to perpetuall prisons , there to expect the torments of the day of judgment . We by this new captivity were released of our old , restored unto the glorious liberty of the sons of God. And this was felix captivitas capi in bonum , a fortunate Captivity that fell out so happily . And yet it did not end so neither , as if the giving of us our lost liberty had been all intended ; though we perhaps had been contented well enough , had it been no more . One part of this great triumph doth remaine behind , the dona dedit of the Psalmist , the scattering of his gifts and Largesse amongst his people , ( Missilia the old Romans called them ) to make his conquest the more acceptable to all sorts of men . And this he could not do untill his Ascension , till he had took possession of the heavenly palaces ; Every good and perfect gift coming from above (n) , as St. Iames hath told us . I speak not of those gifts here which concern the Church , the body collective of the Saints , the whole Congregation ; The giving of those gifts was the work of Whitsuntide , when the Apostles received gifts for the publick Ministery , and for the benefit of the Church in all times succeeding . I speak of such gifts only now , as concerne particulars , which he conferreth upon us with a liberal hand , according to our wants , and his own good pleasure . Are we in danger of our enemies ? By being ascended into heaven he is the better able to deliver us from them ; for standing on the higher ground he hath got the vantage , from whence he can rain down fire and brimstone on them (o) , if he thinke it necessary . Ascensor Coeli auxiliatur , He that rid upon the Cloudes to Heaven is our helpe and refuge , saith Moses in the Book of Deuteronomy . Are we in want of necessaries to sustain our lives ? He shall send down a gracious rain upon his inheritance (p) , the former and the latter rain , as the Prophet cals it . Are we unfurnished of such graces as are fit for our Christian calling ? Out of the fulnesse ( of his treasure ) shall we all receive (r) , and that too grace for grace , saith the great Evangelist : that is to say , not all of us one and the same grace , but diversi diversam , to every man his severall and particular grace , as Maldonate ( and I thinke very happily ) doth expound the Text. For unto one is given by the Spirit the word of wisdome , and to another the word of knowledge by the same Spirit : To another working of miracles , to another prophecie , to another discerning of spirits , to another divers kinds of tongues (s) . To one a superemin●nt faith , to another an abundant charity ; to every man some gift or other , the better to prepare him for his way to Heaven , and make him the more welcome at his coming thither . And this indeed is the main gift we are to look for , the greatest benefit we can receive by Christs ascensun . All other gifts are but in order unto this , to provide heaven for us . In that he is ascended into heaven in our humane nature , he lets us know that heaven is to be ascended , and that our nature is made capable of the like ascension ; if we have ascensiones in corde (t) first , and ascend up to him in our hearts by saith and piety . Nay therefore did our Saviour ascend into heaven , that he might shew us the way thither , bespeak our entertainment for us , and prepare our lodging . I go ( saith he ) to prepare a place for you , Ioh. 14.3 . And so perhaps he might doe and we never the better ; he might prepare the place , and we not come at it . He tels them therefore in plain termes , If I go and prepare a place for you , I will come again (u) , and receive you unto my self , that where I am there ye may be also . This is indeed the greatest fruit and benefit which redounds to us by Christs Ascendit in altum , by his ascending up on high . He overcame the sharpnesse of death by his resurrection ; by his ascension he set open the Kingdome of heaven unto all believers , that where he is we may be also . Such other of the fruits and effects hereof , as be in ordine to this , will fall more fitly under the consideration of the next branch of this Article , his sitting at the right hand of God the Father , and till then we leave them . In the mean time it will be fitting for us to take up that Psalme of David , and sing Non nobis Domine , non nobis , that this great work was not wrought for our sakes alone (x) . There is a Nomini tuo da gloriam to be looked on too ; somewhat which Christ acquired thereby unto himselfe , that must be considered . He was made lower then the Angels in his humane nature ; not to be crowned with immortality and glory , till in his humane nature he ascended into heaven . All power had formerly been given him , both in heaven and earth (y) . He had a jus ad rem , then when he sojourned here . The exercise of this authority , or the jus in re , at least the perfect manifestation of it in the eyes of men , was not till he had took possession of the heavens themselves , the Palace royal of his kingdome . Iesus he was , a Saviour from his very birth ; acknowledged by St. Peter for the Christ of God , and in his mouth by all the rest of the Apostles . Yet finde we not that they looked otherwise on him then as some great Prophet ; or at the most , a Prince in posse , if all things went well with him . They never took him for their God and Lord , ( though many times they did for their Lord and master ) nor did they worship and adore him , untill his ascension . Then the text saith indeed they did it , but before that never . And it came to passe , saith St. Luke (z) , that while he blessed them he was parted from them , and carried up into heaven ; and they worshipped him , and returned to Hierusalem with great joy . The Papists make a great dispute about this question , An Christus sibi aliquid meruerit , i. e. Whether Christ merited any thing for himself , or for mankinde only . In the true meaning of the word , and not as they mean merited , it is plain he did . For properly mereri is no more then consequi , to obtain or procure ; and in that sense the word is generally used in antient writers ; of which we may see more hereafter , in a place more proper . Take this of Tacitus once for all , where speaking of Agricola he gives this Item , Illis virtutibus iram C. Caesaris meritus est (a) , that by those vertues he procured the displeasure of Caius Caesar. That Christ did merit for himself in this sense of the word , I take to be a matter beyond all controversie . For first , he merited or procured , to be adored by his Apostles with religious worship ; ( the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Greek Original ) which he never could procure at their hands before . Maldonates note upon this Text and the reasons of it , are in my minde exceeding apposite ; but then his inference thereupon is like mors in olla , an herbe that poysoneth the whole pottage . His note is this (b) , Non legimus nisi hoc loco , Christum a discipulis suis ado●atum , we do not read , saith he , but in this place only , that Christ was worshipped or adored by his Disciples . His reason of it is this , because whilest he conversed amongst them , they looked upon him only in his humane nature , as one made of the same mould that themselves were of . Nunc demum adorant cum in calum eum ferri vident , &c. But when they saw him taken up into heaven , they could not but acknowledge that he was a God also , and therefore was to be adored , which they did accordingly . So far the Iesuite hath done well , none could do it better . His inference is , if I rightly understand his meaning , that the Eucharist is to be adored , though they of Rome are for so doing quarrelled by the modern Hereticks . Assuredly were Transubstantiation an Article of the Christian faith , as that of Christs ascension is well known to be ; or could I see Christ in the the Eucharist with my bodily eyes , as the Apostles saw him when he went up into heaven ; none should be forwarder then my selfe to adore the Eucharist . But our great Masters in that Church do affirme unanimously that there is nothing to be seen but the outward elements , the accidents of bread and wine , as they please to phrase it . And Suares , one of the greatest of their Clerks , doth affirme in Terminis (c) , Hoe tantum pendet ex principiis Metaphysicis & Philosophicis , & ad fidei doctrinam non pertinet , that Transubstantiation doth depend only on Metaphysical and Philosophical principles , and is not de fide , or a matter of faith . Nay in the Church of Rome it self , neither the Pastors nor the people were bound to believe it till Innocent the third defined it in the Lateran Councell , about 400 years agoe ; upon whose definition it doth wholly rest , as many of their Schoolmen (d) cannot chuse but grant , it being free till that time ( saith the learned Tunstal once Ld. B. of Durram ) to follow their own conjecture , concerning the manner of the presence (e) . How all this doctrine doth agree with the Lords ascension , and how one overthrowes and destroyeth the other , we shall more fully see in the close of this Chapter . Now therefore leaving these disputes , let us follow Christ in his Ascension , and see what he did further merit or procure for himself thereby . That he obtained to be adored by his Disciples , we have seen already ; the next point that he gained was this , to be acknowledged by his followers for their Lord and King. So witnesseth St. Peter in his first Sermon (f) , saying , Therefore let all the house of Israel know assuredly that God hath made the same Jesus whom ye have crucifyed , both LORD AND CHRIST . Made him both Lord and Christ , but when ? After his ascension , after he had exalted him , and placed him at his own right hand , as the foregoing verses ballanced and compared together do most clearly evidence . What then ? was he not Lord and Christ before ? No not in fact , but only in the way of designation , as first begotten Son of God , and his heir apparent . Him he made heir of all things (g) , from the first beginnings ; but being as he was in the forme of a servant , he was to do his Fathers businesse , and attend his leasure . Who having raised him from the dead (h) , exalted him ( but not before ) with his own right hand to be a Prince and Saviour , to give repentance unto Israel , and forgivenesse of sins . Shall we have more ? then to the Apostle of the Iews add we him of the Gentiles , and he will tell us more at large (i) , how first God raised him from the dead , then set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places , far above all principality and power , and might and dominion , and every name that is named , not only in this world , but also in that which is to come : lastly , that having so exalted him , he did put all things under his feet , and gave him to be head over all things to the Church which is his body . Now as he gained this power and Empire from the hands of God ; so he obtained or merited obedience at the hands of men , the reverence of the knee in their adoration , the tribute of the tongue in their acclamations . Christ , saith the same Apostle , humbled himself , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the Crosse (k) . Which being suffered and subdued , God also highly hath exalted him , and given him a name above every name , that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow of things in heaven , and things in earth , and things under the earth : And that every tongue should confesse that IESVS CHRIST is the Lord , to the glory of God the Father . But here I must be understood of speaking all this while of the man CHRIST IESVS ; as he appeared in our likenesse (l) , and was found in the fashion of us men ; in which nature as he only suffered , and humbled himself unto the death , even the death of the Crosse , for the remission of our sins : so in that nature only was he capable of an Exaltation , of being raised from the dead , and caried up into heaven , and placed there at the right hand of the Father almighty . Which sitting at the right hand of the Father Almighty , though it be another of those high preheminences , which Christ did merit for himself in his humane nature , yet being he was not actually possessed of it untill his ascension ; shall be considered by it self in the following Chapter , which is designed particularly to that branch of the Article . In the mean time , to shew that all the steps of Christs exaltation , are spoken and intended of his humane nature ( whereof we shall speak more anon on the like occasion ) take this of Ruffine as a taste of what others say , as well concerning this point of the Lords ascension into heaven , as that of sitting there at the right hand of God , both which he understandeth as the antients did , of the manhood only , (m) Neque enim ulli incorporeae naturae convenienter ista absque assumptione carnis aptantur : nec sedis coelestis perfectio Divinae naturae sed humanae conquiritur . It was then in his natural body that Christ ascended into heaven , in it he hath acquired , and for it , all those high preheminences , which have been formerly expressed : not altering thereby the nature which before it had , but adding a perfection of that glory which before it had not : and making it , though a natural body still , yet a body glorifyed . And this is generally agreed upon by all the fathers , affirming with a joynt consent this most Catholick truth , that notwithstanding the accessions of immortality and glory to the body of Christ ; yet it reserved still all the properties of a natural body . Christ ( saith St. Hierome ) ascended into heaven , and sitteth at the right hand of the Father (n) , manente ea natura carnis , the very same nature of his body remaining still , in which he was born , suffered , and did rise again . And then , Non enim exinanita est humanitatis substantia , sed glorificata . The substance of his body was not done away , but only glorifyed . St. Augustine as fully , but in fewer words , Christum corpori suo majestatem dedisse , naturam tamen corporis non ademisse ; that Christ by giving majesty to his body , did not destroy the nature of it (o) . As plainly , but more fully in another place , Huic corpori immortalitatem dedit , naturam non abstulit . Christ , saith the Father , hath apparelled his flesh with immortality , but he hath not taken from it the nature of flesh . And therefore it concerneth us to take good heed , ne ita divinitatem astruamus hominis , ut veritatem corporis auferamus , not to maintain his divinity , on such faulty grounds , as utterly ruine his humanity ; or so advance the man , as to spoyle his body . Pope Leo to this purpose also (p) , Caro Christi ipsa est per essentiam , non ipsa per gloriam , The flesh or body of Christ in substance is the same it was , in glory it is not the same . Others might be produced to the same effect , were not these three sufficient to confirme a point so little subject to dispute amongst men of reason . And to say truth , the quarrell is not of the Thesis or the point it self , that the body of Christ retained still the properties of a natural body which before it had ; but in the Hypothesis or supposition which is built upon it . For if our Saviours body still retain the properties of a natural body , it must be circumscribed in a certain place , and have a local being as all bodies have . Otherwise by St. Augustines rule it will be no body . For tolle ipsa corpora qualitatibus corporum , &c. (q) Take away from bodies the properties of bodies , and there will be no place or ubi for them to be in , et ideo necesse est ut non sint , and then the same bodies must needs be no bodies . It followeth then upon this rule of that learned Father , that the body of Christ though glorifyed is a natural body , and consequently circumscribed in some place of heaven ; and yet because a glorifyed body though a body naturall , is so restrained to heaven and the glories of it , that no place else is capable of him . St. Augustine shall make good the first proposition , and St. Cyril the second ; and then let Gratian make the Syllogisme by adding a conclusion to the former premises . St. Augustine telleth us for the first , Ne dubites Christum esse in aliquo loco coeli , doubt not , saith he , but that the body of Christ is in some place of heaven (r) . Not doubt it , Why ? Propter veri corporis modum , because it is agreeable unto the nature of a true body , that it should be so . St. Cyril for the second thus , Non poterat Christus cum Apostolis versari in carne , &c. (s) Christ could not converse with his Apostles in his body or flesh , after he had ascended to his heavenly Father . The inference shall be made by Gratian , though in Augustines words , Corpus in quo resurrexit in uno loco esse oportet (t) , The body in which Christ rose , must needs be in one place like to other bodies . Nor is this more , although it seem too much to the Pontificians , then what St. Peter said before in a Sermon of his , Oportet illum coelos capere (u) , viz. that the heavens must contain him till his coming again , till all things be restored and perfected in the day of the Lord. Which being so , it was unseasonably done of Pope Nicolas , to labour the introducing of the new article of Transubstantiation into the Creed , before he had expounded that of Christs ascension ; being so plainly contrary to that new devise , that they cannot both stand together in the same belief . And when Pope Pius the fourth did publish a new Creed of his own (x) , and therein did requre this , amongst other Articles , that we believe that in the Sacrament of the Eucharist there is made a conversion of the whole substance of the bread into Christs body , and of the wine into his bloud , which conversion the Catholick Church calleth Transubstantiation : he considered neither how repugnant his new Creed would be to that which the Apostles had before delivered , nor how destructive to the works of Gods Creation . For first , if Christ our Saviour be ascended in his naturall body , and that the heavens are to contain him till his coming to judgment , as both the Scriptures and the Creed do expressely say : how can we have his body here upon the earth , as often as the Priest is pleased to offer , Hoc est corpus meum , without confuting both the Creed and the text together ? Secondly , if the bread be transubstantiated into our Saviours body , so that it becometh forthwith to be whole Christ , both body and soul , and his divinity too into the bargain , as they say it doth ; marke what most monstrous paradoxes and absurdities will ensue upon it . For first , we have a new Divinity of a Creatures making ; and secondly , our Saviour Christ must have as many natural bodies , as all the Priests in Christendome say several Masses , which is to make him far more monstrous then the Giant Geryon , and not to have three bodies only , but three hundred thousand . Or else this naturall body of Christ must be entire and whole both in heaven and earth , and on the earth in as many several places at the self same time , as there are dayly Masses said in the Church of Rome ; which is to take away the Properties of a body natural . For tolle spatia locorum corporibus & nusquam erunt , & si nusquam erunt , nec erunt ipsa (y) , as St. Augustine hath it : Take away from a body limitation of place , and it will be no where ; and if no where , then it is no body . And next we shall have bodies made of flesh and bloud , and bones and sinews , and all things requisite to the being of a natural body , which yet is neither high nor low , nor thick nor thin , nor broad nor narrow , not visible unto the eye , nor perceptible unto any other of the senses : which is to faign a body without all dimensions , which never any body was supposed to be ; and make it neither subject unto sight nor touch , though Christ was subject unto both , and evidenced to be so in St. Thomas his case . Add next , that this most glorious body made of flesh and bloud , endued with a reasonable soul , and having a Divinity superadded to it , must be devoured , and eaten , and perhaps worse used : which is to make all Christians to be Anthropophagi , yea and worse then so ; not to be man-eaters only , but God-eaters too . And last of all , for this conversion of the bread into the very body of Christ , the same which was once born of the Virgin Mary , they know not what to call it , nor on what to ground it . A totall conversion they would have it (a) , and yet the tast and colour of the bread doth remain as formerly ; a substantial conversion it must also be , and yet it is sine sui mutatione (b) , without a change at all , saith Bonaventure . Such a conversion t is , that they know no name for it ; for it is neither productiva nor conservativa , as Bellarmine himselfe confesseth . And therefore he is fain to devise a name and call it conversio adductiva ; ( a notion which neither Divinity nor Philosophy ever knew before ) and hath been quarrelled since by the Pontificians , as himself confesseth in the book of his Recognitions . And as they knew not how to call it , so neither can they tell upon what to ground it . Suares affirmeth as before , that it depends ex Mathematicis & Philosophicis Principiis (c) , on Philosophical and Mathematical principles ; and then , as the Archb. of Spalato said in defence thereof , it may be an errour in Philosophy , but not in Divinity . The most part ground it only on the Churches authority , by which it was determined in the Councell of Lateran ; and yet both Scotus (d) and Durandus (e) , two learned Papists , condemn the Church of unadvisednesse for so defining it , by reason of those inextricable plunges and perplexities which it puts them to . Some would fain ●ound it in the Scriptures , and have tugged hard for it : but after all their pains they are told by Cajetan , that there is nothing in the Gospell to make good the matter . Their best way were to let our Saviour be in heaven at the right hand of God , and not to bring him down by their new devices . Of which his sitting at the right hand of God I am next to speak , having thus cleared my way unto it by this Dissertation . ARTICVLI 7. Pars 2da . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Sedet ad dextram Dei , Patris Omnipotentis . i. e. And sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty . CHAP. XII . Of sitting at the right hand of God ; the proper meaning of the phrase ; and of the Priviledges which accrew thereby to our Lord and Saviour . THey which consider our Redeemer in his several Offices do look upon him as a King , a Priest , and a Prophet ; A Priest to offer prayers and sacrifices for the sins of his people , a Prophet to instruct them in the ways of righteousness , a King to govern and direct them by the rules of justice . And unto every one of these , they do design some branch or Article of the Creed , in which it either is expressed , or else may easily be fitted and reduced unto it . That of his Priesthood they refer wholly to this last branch of the present Article , the sitting of our Saviour at the right hand of God : where he maketh intercession for us (a) , which is the most proper duty of the Priestly function . That of the Kingly Office they refer partly unto this , but chiefly to the Article following , where he is represented as the Judge both of quick and dead . But first before we come to that , we must enquire into the meaning of the phrase or form of speech , Sedere ad dextram Dei , this sitting at the right hand of God ; then shew how this is verified in Christ our Saviour . Which done , we will consider the effects and benefits which do redound unto us men by that great advancement which Christ hath merited or acquired in our humane nature . And first , this phrase or form of speech , viz. the sitting on the right hand of God the Father Almighty , is borrowed from the guise of great Kings and Potentates , amongst whom it is an usual thing , to place the man whom they intend to honour in the sight of the people , at their own right hand . So did King Solomon with his Mother in the Book of the Kings , when she came to him as a suiter in behalf of Adonijah (b) . Whom when the King saw , he rose up to meet her , saith the Text , and bowed himself unto her , sate down on his Throne , and caused a seat to be set for the Kings Mother , and she sate at his right hand . A greater honour to a subject , ( for a Queen Mother is no more by the law of Nations ) the King could not do her : and he made known by this unto all his people , that he would have his Mother honoured in the next place to himself . So read we in the Book of Psalms , upon thy right hand did stand the Queen in gold of Ophir (c) ; Which whether it were meant of Davids own , or Solomons wi●e , shews plainly that she was to be accounted of as the second person in the Kingdome , next in degree and honour to the King himself . Of which St. Hierom giveth this reason , Est enim Regina regnatque cum eo (d) , because she was the Queen , and in her conjugal right reigned together with him . And this appears yet further by the suit or motion , which the mother of Zebedees children made in behalf of her sons ; when she came unto him , saying , Grant me that these my two sons might sit , the one on thy right hand , and the other on thy left in thy Kingdome (e) . The good woman ( as it seems ) conceived , as generally the Apostles and Disciples did , that Christ should be invested one day with the Crown of Israel ; and she desired to have her sons advanced to the highest places of trust and reputation about their Master . She did not doubt , but they should be of good esteem with him upon all occasions . Our Saviour Christ had as it were , assured them of that before , when he took them and Peter out of all the rest , to be present at the miracle of his Transfiguration (f) , and the raysing of the Rulers daughter (g) . That which she aimed at , was of an higher nature , ut ipsi primi essent , & caeteros omnes praeirent in regno ipsius (h) ; to have them made the chief , above all the rest ; the one to hold the first , and the other the second place about him . That was her meaning , in the placing of them , the one at his right hand , and the other on his left , when he came to his Kingdome . Sedere ad dextram alicujus , est proximam ab eo dignitatem ; sedere autem ad sinistram , secundum dignitatis locum obtinere , as Estius states it very rightly . So that by sitting at the right hand in the holy Scriptures , we are to understand the next place of power and dignity , to him upon whose right hand they are said to sit ; and intimates the same or the like authority as Pharaoh gave to Ioseph in the Book of Genesis (i) , when he made him ride in the second Chariot that he had , constituted him the Ruler of al the land of Egypt . But then this sitting at the right hand , is to be understood , as before I said , of sitting at the right hand of great Princes only : for it is otherwise with men of inferiour quality , and that according to the custome of several Countries . For antiently amongst the Romans , when two only me● or sate together , the more unworthy person sate or stood on the right hand of the other , as Antonius Nebrissensis very well observeth . The reason , as I take it was , because that in the rites of Augurie , the flying or appearing of the birds of divination on the left hand , did signifie good luck and prosperous success in their intendments . Hence that of Tully , A sinistra cornice ratum & firmum Augurium fieri (k) ; and that of the twelve Tables to the same effect , Ave sinistra populi Magister est● . And 't is the custome at this day in some parts of Italy , for the more worthy person to go on the left hand of the other , because thereby he is made master of the other mans sword . But if there were more then two in company , the best man always used to place himself in the midst ; that he might seeme to be protected on all sides from the hands of his enemies . And this Minutius witnesseth in his elegant Dialogue , where seating himself in the midst betwixt Octavius and Cecilius , he said he did it to this end , ( as the use then was ) ut me ex tribus medium ambitione lateris protegerent (l) . So Salust telleth us of Hiempsal , that he placed himself on the right hand of Adherbal , Ne medius ex tribus , quod & apud Numidas honori ducitur , Jugurtha foret (m) ; because he would not leave Jugurth in the middle place , which in that Country was esteemed for the highest honour . But leaving other Countries , and inferior persons to their own customes and conditions , certain it is , that it was otherwise with great Princes , and amongst the Iews : in whose esteem the right hand was the better and more worthy place : the sitting at the right hand of a Prince or Potentate , accounted for the greatest favour . How much an higher honour and a greater favour must it then be thought to sit on the right hand of God the Father Almighty , the King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , from whom all Princes of the earth had received their Scepters ? Which honour that we may the better estimate , and put no less a value then it ought to have ; we will consider in the next place what is meant by the Right hand of God ; and then proceed unto the honour done to our Lord and Saviour , in his advancement to a place so great and glorious . And first I take it for a thing granted by all Orthodox Christians , that the word is not to be taken literally , that God hath any hands either right or left . That were to fall into the Heresie of the Anthropomorphites (n) , who because they found it written in the book of Genesis , that God made man after his own Image , would needs make God to be after the image of man ; and gave him hands , and mouth , and eyes , and all other members . But therein of the two , the Heathen was the better Christian , who told us , (o) ad divinam imaginem propius accedere humanam virtutem quam figuram ; that men resembled the Divine Image of God more then in their vertues then their making , more in the endowments of the minde , then in the structure of their bodies . So that as often as we meet with such expressions in the Book of God , we must conceive that God doth frame his speech unto our capacities , and speaketh unto us after the manner of men ; that so we may the easier apprehend his meaning . Which being premised once for all , the right hand of God will be found to signifie either his power and dignity , or his love and goodness . That the right hand is the hand of strength , will I think be granted . And that it is the hand of love , besides the ordinary form of salutation , by taking and giving the right hand with those whom we affect most cordially ; is evident in holy Scripture . For in the Old Testament the Patriarch Iacob called that son whom he loved most tenderly , by the name of Benjamin , that is the son of his right hand (p) . And the same Iacob , when he intended to bestow the more excellent blessing on Ephraim , Ioseph youngest son , he laid his right hand upon his head , and his left hand on the head of Manasseh , which was the elder (q) . And this he did wittingly , saith the Text , to signifie , that though Manasseh should become a great people , yet that his younger brother should be greater then he . Thus also in the New Testament , we meet with dextra societatis (r) , the right hand of fellowship , which the three chief Apostles gave to Paul and Barnabas . Which whether it was to testifie by that outward sign the mutual correspondency and good consent which was between them ; or to establish the agreement then at that time made , that Paul and Barnabas should preach the Gospel to the Heathen , and the others unto those of the Circumcision ; is not much material : though possibly it might be in both respects ; for the right hand was antiently aswell the pledge of truth and fidelity , as of love and friendship : the joyning of the right hands in the making of Leagues , ( Iungamus foedera dextra , as one Poet , & data dextera quondam , as another hath it ) being of ordinary use amongst most Nations . To bring this home unto our purpose , the right hand being of it self and of common usage , the hand of power and love , the hand of friendship and fidelity ; it followeth that by the right hand of Almighty God , we must mean some or all of these , either his mighty power , or his eminent goodness , or his fidelity in performing of his word and promises . That the right hand of God is used to denote his power , is evident by many several passages in the Royal Psalmist ; The right hand of the Loud , saith he , hath the preheminence , the right hand of the Lord bringeth mighty things to pass (s) : And in another of the Psalms , With his own right hand and with his holy arm , hath he gotten to himself the victory . Assuredly those victories and great acts he speaks of , were all of them acheived by the power of God ; the right hand of the power of God , as our Saviour calleth it , Luke 22.69 . And as the right hand is applyed to God as the hand of power , by which he ruleth all things both in heaven and earth , so is it sometimes also ascribed unto him , ( and not to him alone , but to Christ nor Saviour , as the hand of love , by which he cherisheth and protecteth his faithful servants . For what else is the reason why the sheep in the day of Judgement shall be placed at the right hand (t) of the King of Heaven , but to shew that they are his beloved ones , his Benjamins , the children of his right hand ( as that name doth signifie ) ? And for what reason is it said , that he doth imbrace the Church his Spouse with his right hand (u) , but to shew that ardour and sincerity of affection wherewith he doth cherish and protect her ? Cant. 2.6 . & 8.3 . Be it the power of God , or his fidelity and love , it 's the right hand st●ll . There is another word to be looked on yet , before we shall finde out the full meaning of this branch of the Article ▪ which is the word S●det , which we render sitting . In which we must not understand , as I think some Protestant Writers do , any constant posture of the Body of Christ , at the right hand of God. For he who in the Creed , and in divers places of the Old and New Testament , is said to sit at the right hand of God the Father Almighty , is by St. Stephen , who saw him with a glorified eye , affirmed to stand . Behold ( saith he ) I see heaven opened , and the Son of man standing (a) at the right hand . Sitting and standing then , for both words are used , denote not to us any certain posture of our Saviours body ; but serve to signifie that rest and quiet , which he hath found in Heaven after all his labours . For what was our most blessed Saviour in the whole course and passages of his life and death but a man of troubles ; transported from one Countrey to another in his very infancy , and from one City to another when he preached the Gospel : compelled to convey himself away from the sight of men to save his life ; exposed to scoffs and scorns at the hour of his death ? Noahs Dove and he were both alike . No rest for either to be found on the face of the earth ; no ease till they were taken into the Ark again , out of which they were sent . And this St. Paul doth intimate , where he tels us of him , that for the joy which was set before him he endured the Cross , and despised the shame , and is set down at the right hand of the Throne of God (b) ; And unto this construction of the word Sedere , St. Ambrose very well agrees , saying , Secundum consuetudinem nostram illi consessus offertur , qui aliquo opere perfecto victor adveniens , honoris gratia promeretur ut sedeat (c) . It is , saith he , our usual custome , to offer a chair or seat to him , who having perfected the work which he had in hand , doth deserve to sit . And on this ground the man CHRIST IESVS having by his death and passion overcome the Devil , and by his Resurrection broken open the gates of Hell , having accomplished his work , and returning unto Heaven a Conquerour , was placed by God the Father at his own right hand . Thus far and to this purpose he . The like may be affirmed of standing , or of standing still , which doubtless is a great refreshment to a wearied Traveller , a breathing bait , as commonly we use to call it ; and many times is used in Scripture for a posture of ease , as Quid statis toto die otiosi (d) ? Why stand you here all the day idle ? But to proceed a little further in this disquisition , there may be more found in the words then so . For standing is the posture of a General or man of action , ready to fall on upon the Enemy , Oportet Imperatorem stantem mori (e) , said the Roman Emperour . And it is also the posture which the Iews used in prayer , as appears Matth. 6.5 . Luk. 18.10.13 . From whence they took that usual saying , Sine stationibus non subsisteret mundus , that were it not for such standings , the world would not stand . And sitting is , we know , the posture of a Judge or Magistrate in the act of Iudicature ; of Princes , keeping state in the Throne Imperial . And this appears as plainly by our Saviours words to his Apostles , saying that they which followed him in the Regeneration , should when the Son of man did sit in the Throne of his glory , sit upon twelve Thrones judging the twelve Tribes of Israel (f) . And so the word is also used in Heathen Authors ; as , Consedere duces , cons●ssique ora tenebant , in the Poet Ovid (g) , when the great cause was to be tryed for Achilles armour . When therefore St. Stephen beheld our Saviour Christ , and saw him standing at the right hand of God the Father ; he found him either ready as a Chief or General , to lead on against the enemies of his persecuted and afflicted Church ; or as an Advocate , ( Habemus enim Advocatum ; for we have an Advocate with the Father , (h) IESVS CHRIST the righteous ) pleading before Gods Throne in behalf thereof , or offering up his prayers for the sins of his people . And when St. Paul and other texts of holy Scripture do describe him sitting , they look upon him in the nature of a Iudge or Magistrate ; the Supreme Governour of the Church : and then sedere is as much as regnare , (i) as St. Hierome hath it , to reign or rule . And to this last St. Paul doth seem to give some countenance , if we compare his words with those of the Royal P●almist . Sit thou at my right hand , saith the Psalmist , till I have made thy enemies thy footstool , Psal. 110.1 . Oportet eum regnare saith the Apostle , For he must reign ( or it behoveth him to reign ) , till he hath put all enemies under his feet , 1 Cor. 15.25 . Of this minde also was Sedulius an old Christian Poet (i) . Aethereas evectus abit sublimis in auras , Et dextram subit ipse Patris , mundumque gubernat . Ascending into Heaven , at Gods right hand He sits , and all the World doth there command . This said , we will descend to those Expositions , which have been made by several men on this branch of the Article ; and after pitch on that which we think most likely : Some think this sitting at the right hand of God to signifie the fame with that which was said before of his ascending into Heaven ; which opinion Vrsin doth both recite , and reject . And he rejects it as I conceive upon very good reason ; it being very absurd , as lie truly noteth , in tam brevi Symbolo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 committi (k) , that a tautologie should be used in so short a summary . It had been very absurd indeed , and yet more absurd , if they should intimate the same thing in a figurative and metaphorical form of speech , which they had formerly expressed in so plain a way as was familiar to the apprehension of the weakest Christians . Others and those the greater part both of the Protestant Churches , and the Church of Rome , do so expound Christs sitting at the right hand of God , as if thereby he were made equal to the Father in Majesty , and power , and glory . And this way many of the Antients have gone before them . But (l) Maldonat not content with this , goes a strain yet higher , a stra●t above Elah at the least , and thinks that CHRIST by sitting at the right hand of God , is somewhat more then equal to him , Et majorem prae se dignitatem ferat , and carryeth a resemblance of the greater dignity , as being placed in the more honorable and more worthy seat : For this he giveth us a rule and an instance too , both alike , false and faulty , if examined throughly . His rule is this , Cum sedent duo , qui honoratior est sedet ad dextram ; that when two persons sit together , the most worthy of them sits on the right hand of the other . But this is only true amongst private persons , and that but in some Countries , and at some times neither . Between a King and Subjects of what rank soever , the case is otherwise ; and most ridiculous and absurd would the consequents be , if it were not so : Next let us look upon the instance which he gives us of it out of his aboundance , to see if it doth either mend or mar the matter ; and we shall finde both that and his inference on it , to be more ridiculous then his rule . His instance is that of Bathsheba before remembred , whom Solomon , saith he , did place on the right hand of his Throne , ut eam superiorem agnosceret , thereby acknowledging his Mother to be his superior . Assuredly the Iesuite must be very blinde when he made that inference , and did not see how ill it did cohere with the truth of story ; or else he must be thought to have a further aim in it then he would be know of . All that can logically be deduced from that act of Solomons , is that he bare a filial duty to his Mother , though he were her Soveraign ; and did desire to have her honoured by his people in the next place to himself . For had she been Superiour to him , or so thought herself , she would not have petitioned him (m) , as we see she did , to bestow Abishag the Shunamite upon Adonijah ; but would have done it freely of her own authority . Or had the King conceived her to be Lady Paramount , and to have the Soveraignty or Superiority , as the Iesuite saith ; he would not have returned her back with a flat denial , especially considering that she had descended so much beneath herself as to move him in it , and that too in an humble and petitioning way . Qui Rex est , Regem maxime non habeat , said the Poet Martiall , if Bathsheba was Supreme unto Solomon , and confessed to be so ; then was he no King. Or if we grant it to be so in the case of Bathsheba , we must allow it to be so too in the Kings wife , Psal. 45. placed at the Kings right hand by David (m) , in a very ill time . For whether we understand it literal●y of the Kings wife , the Queen , whose wife soever she was , whether his or Solomons ; or mystically of the Church , the Spouse of Christ : it must needs follow by his rule and his reason both , that the Queen wore the breeches , and did rule the King , and the CHVRCH Lord it over CHRIST ; neither of which I think the learned Iesuite had the face to say . And therefore I am easily induced to think that Maldonate being a man of great reach and reading , had a further aim in it ; and laid his line a far off for some other fish . For Solomon being , as he was , a Type of Christ , and though a King , yet publickly acknowledging his Mother for Superior to him : why may not then the Virgin Mary take the like authority , why must not Christ submit to her as to his Supreme ? If so , then Iure Matris impera Redemptori (n) , will be no longer Popish superstition , but good Christian piety ; and Bonaventures Psalter a new piece of Scripture : then the dividing of the Kingdome of God betwixt Christ and his Mother , leaving to him the Kings Bench (o) , and to her the Chancery , justice to him , but mercy to his Lady Mother ; will be sound Divinity ; and the Idolatrous title of Regina Coeli (p) , or the Queen of Heaven , which they so often give her in their publick formulas , will be no longer Courtship , ( or a spiritual kinde of daliance , as Harding (q) cals it , ) but her own just right . Nay God must be beholding to her if she stop at that , and put not in for the Supremacy over him and all , as by the Iesuites grounds she may , for ought I can see . For since that Christ by sitting at the right hand of God the Father , hath not only an equality with him both in power and Majesty , but majus quiddam saith the Iesuite , something more excellent then so : and seeing that the Virgin Maries case is like that of Bathsheba , ( and 't is a ruled case , that of Bathsheba , if we mark it well ) : it must needs follow thereupon , for ought I can judge , that God the Father must content himself with the third place only , and be glad of that too . Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent exitus , said Lactantius truly . Let us consider in the next place , whether this sitting of our Saviour at the right hand of God , doth give him an equality with God the Father , which is the more received opinion , and more likely far : or if not that , then what our Saviour gains by his sitting there , and what we take to be the meaning of that form of speech . And first , I see no reason strong enough to perswade me to it , that sitting at the right hand is a sign of equality , the case being rightly laid , as it ought to be , betwixt a King and his Subjects , betwixt God and man. For I conceive this Article to relate only to the man CHRIST IESVS ; and that the note of Estius is exceeding good , that is to say , that all the Articles of the Creed concerning Christ , from his being conceived by the holy Ghost , to that of his coming unto judgement inclusively , de Christo dici secundum humanam naturam (r) , are spoken of him only in his humane nature . For in that only he was born of the Virgin Mary , in that alone did he suffer under Pontius Pilate , in that was crucified , dead and buryed , descended into hell , rose again from the dead ; and finally in that , and in none but that , did he ascend into the Heavens , and there doth sit at the right hand of God the Father Almighty . And if his humane nature in it self considered , will not give him an equality with God the Father , as he himself affirms it did not , acknowledging that his Father was greater then he (s) , and that he knew not all things which the Father did (t) : then certainly this his sitting at the right hand of God will not do it for him . For building on the grounds which before we laid , though sitting at the right hand of a Prince or Potentate , were a great honour to the man that sate there , and gave him the next place to the Prince himself : yet that it gave him an equality of power and Majesty , neither the nature of Soveraignty which can brook no equals , nor any of the instances before remembred , can evince or evidence . Not that of David and his Queen if of her , he means it , for David was too well acquainted with his own authority , as to divide it with his wife , and become joynt Tenant with her to the Crown of Israel . Nor that of Solomon and his Mother , which the Iesuite stands on , for then the King had done her wrong to reject her suit ; and more then so , to put his brother to the sword , for whom and in whose cause she came a suiter . Though Solomon was then very young , and as much indebted to Bathsheba for the Crown of Israel , as a son could be unto a Mother : yet he knew how to keep his distance , and preserve his power . Young Princes have their jealousies in point of State , aswell as those of riper years , and can as ill endure or admit a Rivall . Omnisque potestas impatiens (u) consoriis erit , as the Poet hath it . Their hearts are equally made up of Caesar and Pompey , as unable to endure an equal , as admit a Superior . Though Nero was advanced to the Empire of Rome by the power and practises of Agrippina his Mother ; and came as young unto the Crown as King Solomon did : yet would he not permit her to be partner with him , no not so much as in the outward signs and pomps of Majesty . And therefore when he saw her come into the Senate , with an intent to sit down with him , as he thought , in the Throne Imperial ; he cunningly rose up to meet her : Atque ita specie pietatis obviam itum est dedecori (x) , saith the wise Historian , and under pretence of doing his duty to her , did prevent the infamy . So then , the sitting of our Saviour at the right hand of God , importing neither an equality with him , nor any superiority at all above him ; the phrase being measured , as it ought , according to the standard of the Iewish Idiom , and the received customes of that Nation : we must enquire a little further to finde out the meaning . Most like it is , that by these words , And sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Almighty , is meant the exaltation of the man CHRIST IESVS , our blessed Lord and Saviour in his humane nature , to the next degree of power and glory unto God himself ; whereby he was made Lord and Christ (y) , the Prince and Saviour (z) of his people , as St. Peter cals him , the head over all things unto his Church , as St. Paul entitles him : that to inable him the better to discharge those Offices wherewith by God he is intrusted , he hath received withall a participation of Gods Almighty power and most infinite goodness , for the defence and preservation of the Church committed to him , with all those other powers and faculties , which are in Scripture called the right hand of God ; and finally , that sitting there in rest and quiet after all his labours , he is continually intent on his Churches safety , which he stands ready to defend against all its enemies , to govern a●d direct it in the ways of godliness , and to reward or punish as he sees occasion . Which exaltation of our Saviour in his humane nature , I can no better liken then to that of Ioseph , when Pharaoh made him Ruler over all the land of Egypt (a) , and placed him also over his house , that according to his word they might all be ruled ; and made him to ride in the second Charet that he had , with an Officer to crie before him , Bow the knee (b) . All he reserved unto himself was the Regal Throne in which he could not brook an equal ; Onely in the Throne , said he , will I be greater then thou (e) . So stands the case , as I conceive it , between God the Father and his Christ. Christ by his exaltation to the right hand of God , hath gained the neerest place both of power and glory unto God himself ; a participation of Gods divine power and goodness , an absolute command over all the Church consisting both of men and Angels . Only the Divine Throne , the Supreme transcendency , the Lord God Almighty reserves unto himself , not to part with that . And if we look into the Scriptures with a careful eye , we shall finde Christ standing neer the Throne of Almighty God ; but not sitting on it . St. Paul informs us to that purpose , where he saith of Christ , that he sate down at the right hand of the Throne of God (d) . And St. Iohn telleth us in the Book of the Revelation , that he saw in the right hand of him that sate upon the Throne ( which was God the Father ) a Book written within , and on the backside (e) ; And the Lamb which had been slain came and tooke the Book out of the right hand of him that sate on the Throne : A matter which the strongest Angel mentioned in the second verse , did not dare to meddle with ; knowing his distance from the Throne , and how ill it became him to attempt too neer it . For though the Angels of themselves are of a more excellent & glorious nature , and far surpassing all the children of the loyns of Adam : yet in this point they fall short of those infinite glories , which CHRIST acquired in his person to our humane Nature . First , in his birth , God did in no wise take the Angels (f) , saith the great Apostle , but the seed of Abraham he took : the meaning is , that when God was to send a Saviour to redeem the world , and that both men and Angels stood , at once , before him ; both coveting to be advanced to so high a dignity : he did confer that honour on the seed of Abraham , on one descended from his loyns , and not on any of the Angels of what rank soever . Who being born into the world was honoured presently with the name of the Son of God , the first begotten Son of the Lord most high : and therein was much better and more excellent then the Angels were , in that he did inherit a more excellent name (g) . That 's the first point in which our Saviour had the better of those glorious creatures . For unto which of the Angels , ( that is to say , none at all ) said he at any time , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee ? Though he was made lower then the Angels , of inferiour metal , and for a while of less esteem in the eyes of men : yet did they worship him at his birth , by Gods own command , and cheerfully proclaimed the news to the sons of men . Now as God honoured him with a name above all the Angels , so he advanced him to a place at his own right hand , which never any of the Angels was thought worthy of . For unto which of the Angels said he at any time (h) , Sit thou on my right hand untill I make thine enemies thy footstool . But this man being the brightness of the glory , and the very Image of the substance of God , upholding all things with the Word of his power , and having by himself purged away our sins , hath sate down on the right hand of the Majesty on high (i) , saith the same Apostle . And this is that which the same Apostle meaneth in another place , saying , that God hath set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places , far above all principalities and powers , and might and dominion , and every name that is named (k) . Where plainly he relates to the holy Angels , whom he distinguisheth there , as elsewhere (l) , by their several Orders : but makes all subject and subordinate to the Son of man. Nor hath he only the advantage of those blessed spirits in place and title , and no more ; but also the greatness of that power and authority , which sitting at the right hand doth present unto us . He doth not only sit there , and no more but so , but sits there , till his enemies be made his footstool , as before was said : all things what ever being put in subjection under his feet (m) . Which as it is one of the effects or consequents of sitting at the right hand of God the Father Almighty ; so is it such an height of honour , such a point of Soveraignty , as never any of the Angels could attain unto . For unto the Angels , saith St. Paul , hath he not put in subjection the world to come (n) , nor made them to have dominion over the works of his hands . And all this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , no , not in any wise , not at any hand . These priviledges and preheminences are for none but Christ , reserved for him from the beginning before the foundations of the world were laid . These then are the Preheminences and Prerogatives Royal , which Christ our Saviour doth enjoy above Angels and Men , at the right hand of God the Father ; where he sits crowned with honor and eternal glory . And why this sitting at the right hand of God , may not be taken in the literal and Grammatical sense , according to the plain meaning of the words without tropes and figures ; and all these several Preheminences and Prerogatives Royal , for the effects or consequents of his exaltation : I must confess I know no reason to convince me . Some things there are which very much incline me to be so perswaded , which I shall briefly offer unto consideration , and offer them no otherwise then considerations ; and so leave them there . First , I consider with my self , and desire all learned men and Orthodox believers to consider with me ; why all the other Articles of the Christian faith , even that of the descent into Hell , as before was proved (o) , should be delivered in plain words , and generally received in all times and Ages according to the literal sense ; this only , being of such moment for our Consolation , should be wrapt up in Tropes and figures , and have another meaning then the words import : or why the Apostles , when they made this Creed to be the summary or abstract of the Christian faith , and therefore to be fitted to the capacity of the weakest Christians , who must be fed with milk (p) , as St. Peter tels us , ( and he was one of those that composed this Symbol ) should use a phrase of such a dark and doubtful interpretation , as doth distract the greatest Clerks to finde out the meaning . Assuredly they had but ill provided for the vulgar Christian , who must be fed with milk , and not with stronger meats (q) , as St. Paul adviseth , should they have set before them meats of hard digestion , and feasted them with figurative , and Metaphorical speeches , which none of them did understand , or could hope to do it . In which respect , I am not of the Doctors minde , though I much reverence the man for his parts and learning , who telleth us (r) , that we are bound to believe distinctly and explicitely , all other Articles of the Creed concerning Christ according the plain literal and Grammatical sense of the words , wherein the Evangelists and Apostles have expressed them , without the vail of any Rhetorical Trope or Allegorie : but for the place whither he Ascended , and for the manner of his sitting at the right hand of God , these cannot so distinctly he conceived by us , because they are not in such proper tearms exprest by the holy Ghost , but are wrapt up in a vail of Legal shadows and Representations . I say , I cannot be in this of that Doctors judgement , because me thinks the reason which he giveth to confirm his opinion , doth incline me very strongly to the contrary : For if our belief or knowledg of the other Articles , be literally required ( as he saith it is ) seeing the matter contained in them is sensible and comprehensible to reason sanctified by Grace : I cannot see , but that his sitting at the right hand of God , in the literal sense , may be as sensible and comprehensible to a sanctified reason , as his Conception by the power of the holy Ghost , or being born into the World of the Virgin Mary . To make this probable and comprehensible , I shall consider in the next place , that though Almighty God in his own Divine Nature be infinite , immensurable , and incomprehensible , not circumscribed in any place , or confined unto it ; but equally in all places by his Omnipresence , according to that of the Prophet Ieremie (m) . Do not I fill Heaven and Earth , saith the Lord Almighty ? Yet we are to behold him in another notion , when we speak of our Redeemers sitting at the right hand of God , though we abstract him not from that Omnipresence , nor that from him . For look on God in his infinite nature , equally present in all places , and contained in none ; and then place CHRIST . our Saviour upon Gods right hand : it must needs follow thereupon , that Christs natural body , in which he sits at the right hand of God the Father Almighty , must have a local being in all places also , which is a thing not possible to a Body natural . And what can follow after that , but that we either fall into the errour of the Vbiquitarians who under colour of the personal union , and communication of the properties of either nature in CHRIST , have utterly destroyed the beeing of his natural body , by making it present in all places by an Omnipresence : or salve it by a miracle as the Papists doe , in giving him a multipresence , ( a thing as utterly inconsistent with a body natural ) making him to be present in as many places at once , as all the Popish Priests in the world can say several Masses . And therefore I consider in the third place , that though God the Lord be present in al places at once ; If I climbe up into heaven thou art there , if I go down into Hell thou art there also , as the Psalmist hath it (t) : yet take him in perfecta gloriae suae exhibitione , in the full and perfect manifestation of of his glorious Majesty , and then he may be said most truly , to have his habitation in the Heaven of Heavens . For thus the Prophet Moses in the Book of Deuteronomie , Looke down from Heaven thy holy habitation ; 26.15 . Thus David in the Psalms , The Lords seat is on high , from the place of his dwelling he beholdeth all things , Psal. 112. Thus Solomon the Son of David , Hear thou from Heaven thy dwelling place , 1 King. chap. 8. Finally thus the Prophet Isaiah , Look down from Heaven , the habitation of thine happiness and of thy glory , Chap. 63. He is no Christian , I dare say , who will stick at this ▪ And this b●ing granted , I consider , that in a place of such immensitie as the Heaven of Heavens , in a large house wherein there are so many Mansions , as our Saviour telleth us , the Lord hath chosen one place above all the rest in which to fix his Throne , and advance his Scepter ; and shew himself in all the Majesty of his Glory to the Saints and Angels . For as the Lord was present in all parts of the Temple , but most effectually in the Sanctum Sanctorum , where the Ark was kept , and into which none entred but the High Priest only was thought fit to enter : so though his dwelling be in Heaven , in all parts thereof , all which may properly be called his Court or Imperial Palace : yet hath he placed his Throne in that part of Heaven , which the Apostle by allusion calleth the Holy of Holies (u) , where the Ark of his incomprehensible Majesty is most conspicuous to be seen ; and into which none but our High Priest IESVS CHRIST was permitted to enter . Of all the Apostles only two were so highly favoured as to be carried in the Spirit into Heaven above , where they not only heard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such things as are impossible for a man to utter (x) , though he could speak with all the tongues both of men and Angels ; but saw 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even the invisible things of God (y) , which never mortal man had beheld before : and both of them describe God sitting on a Throne . St. Iohn most copiously thus , (z) Immediately ( saith he ) I was in the Spirit , and behold a Throne was set in Heaven , and one sate on the Throne , Ver. 2. About the Throne were four and twenty seats for the four and twenty Elders , vers . 4. and out of it proceeded Lightnings , and Thunderings , and Voyces , vers . 5. And when the time came and the Q. was given , the four and twenty Elders fell down before him that sate on the Throne , and worshipped , and cast their Crowns before the Throne , saying , Thou art worthy O Lord our God to receive glory , and honour , and power , because thou hast created all things , and for thy pleasure sake they are and were created , vers . 10 , 11. more to this purpose doth occur in the following Chapter . And last of all I do consider , that though the Throne Imperial of Almighty God , hath neither a right side or a left , as indeed it hath not : yet seeing that our Saviour is ascended in his natural body , and hath his left hand and his right hand , like to other bodies : it will be logically inferred , that our Redeemer sitting by the Throne of God with his left hand next unto the Throne , in true propriety of speech without Trope or figure , may be said to sit at the right hand of God , or on the right hand of the Throne of God , which comes all to one . St. Paul who had been rapt up into the third Heaven (a) , and had a glimpse at least , if not a full and perfect sight of the heavenly glories , hath it so expressely : where he affirms that our Redeemer , the Author and finisher of our faith , having endured the Cross and despised the shame , is set down on the right hand of the Throne of God (b) . And St. Iohn intimates as much when he tels us , as it were , from the mouth of Christ , in these very words , To him that overcometh , I will grant to sit with me in my Throne , (c) even as I overcame and have sitten with my Father in his Throne . Where plainly Christ our Saviour sitting in the same Throne wi●h Almighty God , as St. Iohn expressely saith he doth ; may properly be said to sit at the right hand of God , in regard that the left hand of his natural body was in site nearest to the splendour of his heavenly Majesty ; for otherwise God must be said to sit on the right hand of Christ. The like may be affirmed of St. Stephen also , where it is said , that being full of the holy Ghost , that is to say , transported from himself by the holy Spirit , he looked stedfastly into Heaven , and saw the glory of God , and Jesus standing at the right hand of God (d) . In which we have the glory of God conspicuo●sly manifested in his Royal Throne , and Iesus standing at the right hand of the Throne , or at the right hand of God , take which phrase you will : and standing either as an Advocate to plead for his afflicted servants , or as a suiter in behalf of the Proto-martyr ; or as General in chief , ready to march against the enemies of his best beloved . So far we may consider of the literal sense of this branch of the Article , without any derogation ●rom the Majesty of God the Father ; and much unto the honour of our Lord and Saviour ; and without any prejudice unto faith and piety . And in such Cases , as I take it , the best way is to stand to this good old Rule , that where the literal sense of holy Scripture doth hold an analogy , and correspondence with the Rule of Faith , it is to be preferred before any other . But whether this be so , or not ( for I propose it only as a consideration ) I have delivered freely my opinion in it ; and have delivered it no otherwise then as my opinion , to which I never was so wedded , but that a clearer judgement might at any time divorce me from it . My opinions as they are but opinions , so they are but mine . As mine , I have no reason to impose them upon other men , or seek to captivate their understanding , and make it subject to my sense . And as opinions , I am not bound to adhere to them my self , but lawfully may change and vary , according to that light and evidence of holy truth , which either shall or may be given unto me . In matters doctrinal , concluded and delivered by the Church my Mother , I willingly submit my self unto her Decisions . Where I am left at large to my own election , I shall as willingly take leave to dissent from others , as others I am sure will take ( and on Gods name let them ) to dissent from me . This was the amicable temper of the Fathers in the Primitive times , which more preserved the Church both in peace and unity , then all the Canons of Councils , and Edicts of Princes to that purpose , were of power to do . Non tam stultus sum ut diversitate explanationum tuarum me laedi putem , quia nec tu laederis si nos contraria senserimus (e) . This was St. Hieromes resolution to St. Augustine in a point between them ; equally full of piety and Christian courage . And of this temper was also Pope Sixtus the fift , as stout and resolute a Prelate as ever wore the Triple Diadem , and one who lived in the worst Ages of the Church of Rome , when most ingaged in self-interresses and maintaining factions . Of whom it is notwithstanding said by Cicarella , non multum pugnare , ut sua vinceret sententia , sed potius ab aliis ( si ita res ferret ) facile passus est se vinci . And to this blessed temper , if we could attain , diversity of opinions , and interpretations , so they hold the analogy of the faith ; may adde as much to the external beauty of the Church of Christ , as it did ornament and lustre to the Spouse of Christ , that her cloathing though of pure gold , was wrought about with divers colours (f) , or wrought with curious needle-work , as it after followeth . But it is time that I look back upon our Saviour sitting at the right hand of God , in whatsoever sense we conceive the words ; and sitting there to execute the Sacerdotal or Priestly function : and so much of the Regal also , as is to be discharged and exercised by him , before his coming unto judgement . Of which two functions , by Gods grace , I am next to speak . The Attribute or Adjunct of the Father Almighty , which we finde added to this branch of the Article , hath been already handled in its proper place ; and therefore nothing need to be said here of it . CHAP. XIII . Of the Priesthood of our Lord and Saviour which he executeth sitting at the right hand of God ; wherein it was fore-signifyed by that of Melchisedech ; in what particulars it consisteth ; and of Melchisedech himself . WE told you in the beginning of our former Chapter , that they which do consider Christ in his several offices , and did reduce each several office to some branch or other of the Creed ; did generally refer his office of high Priest , unto this branch of sitting at the right hand of God the Father Almighty . For being advanced to such a place of nearnesse to the throne of God , he hath , no doubt , the better opportunities ( as a man may say ) of interceding with God in behalf of his people , and offering up the peoples prayers to the throne of grace ; which are the two main parts of the Priestly function . And yet this sitting at the right hand of God is not precisely proper and peculiar to him as he is our Priest : but that he claimes the place also as he is our King , and there doth execute so much of the Regall office , as doth consist in governing his holy Church , untill the coming unto judgment . Certain I am that David findes him sitting on the right hand of God , in both capacities , as well King as Priest ; and so doth represent him to us . The Lord , saith he , said unto my Lord , sit thou at my right hand (a) till I make thy enemies thy footstoole . That David by those words , My Lord , meaneth , Christ our Saviour , is a thing past question : We have the truth it self to bear witnesse to it ; the Lord himself applying it unto himself in his holy Gospels . And that he meaneth it of Christ both King and Priest , is no lesse evident from the rest of the Prophets words , which do immediately follow on it . For in the very next words he proceedeth thus , The Lord shall send the rod of thy strength out of Zion ; Rule thou in the middest of thine enemies (b) ; Thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power . In which assuredly he looks upon him in his regal function . And no lesse plainly it doth follow for the Priesthood also . The Lord hath sworn , saith he , and shall not repent , thou art a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech (c) . Touching the Regal office , though here also executed , we shall more fully and more fitly speak in the following Article , that of his coming to judge the quick and dead : the power of judicature being the richest flower of the regal diademe . The Priesthod we shall treat of now ; T is the place most proper : Christs Priesthood and his sitting at the right hand of God , being often joyned together in the holy Scripture . Nay therefore doth he sit at the right hand of God , that so he might with more advantage execute the Priestly office . Every Priest ( saith the Apostle ) standeth dayly ministring , and offering oftentimes the same sacrifices , which can never take away sinnes (e) : But this man ( that is Christ our Saviour , the high Priest of the new Testament ) after he had offered one sacrifice for our sins , is set down for ever at the right hand of God ; From hence forth tarrying till his enemies be made his footstool . And in another place to the same purpose thus (f) , We have such an high Priest that sitteth on the right hand of the throne of the Majesty in the heavens ; A Minister of holy things , and of the true Tabernacle , &c. Being therefore in this place to speak of the Priesthood of CHRIST , we will consider it in all those particulars , which may make the calling warrantable to himself , and comfortable unto us . To make it warrantable in respect of himself , we must behold him in his calling , in his consecration , and finally in the order it self , which was that of Melchisedech , to which he was so called and consecrated . To make it comfortable in regard of us , we will behold him in the excercise of those three great duties , wherein the Priesthood did consist , viz. the offering of sacrifice for the sins of the people , the offering of prayers in behalf of the people , and lastly in the act of benediction or of blessing the people . To these heads all may be reduced which concernes this argument ; and of all these , according to the method now delivered which I think most natural , a little shall be said to instruct the reader . First , for his calling to the Priesthood , it was very necessary , as well to satisfie himself , as prevent objections . For Christ our Saviour being of the line of Iudah , he could not ordinarily and of common right intermedle with the Priestly function ; which was entailed by God , to the house of Aaron ; and therefore he required a special and extraordinary warrant ( such as God gave Aaron , and the sons of Aaron ) to authorize him thereunto . No person ( whatsoever he was ) was to take this honour to himself , but he that was called of God , as Aaron was (g) , as St. Paul averreth . Now such a calling to the Priesthood as that of Aaron , our blessed Saviour had , and a better too ; for he was called [ to be ] an high Priest after the order of Melchisedech (h) . Where this word called imports more then a name or title , as if he were called Priest , but indeed was none ; but a solemne calling or designement unto that high office , a calling far more solemne and of better note then that which Aaron had to the Legal Priesthood . For of the calling of Aaron it is only said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was called by God , is a common word , and therefore like enough 't was done in the common way . But the calling of Christ , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is a more solemne and significant word ; and intimates that he was solemnely declared and pronounced by God to be a Priest after the order of Melchisedech . Now as the calling was , so was the consecration ; in all points parallel to Aarons , and in some beyond . Aaron was consecrated to the Priesthood by the hand of Moses , but Christ our Saviour by the hand of Almighty God ; who long before , as long before as the time of David (i) , had bound himself by oath to invest him in it . Aarons head was anointed only with materiall oile ; Christs with the oil of gladnesse above all his fellowes (k) . The consecration of Aaron was performed before all the people , gathered together for that purpose at the dore of the Tabernacle (l) ; That of our Saviour was accomplished in the great feast of the Passeover , the most solemne , publick , and universall meeting that ever any nation of the world did accustomably hold , besides the confluence and concourse of all sorts of strangers . In the next place the consecration of Aaron was solemnized with the sacrifices of Rams and Bullocks (m) : of which that of the Bullock was a sin-offering , as well for Aarons own sins , as the sins of the people ; and of the Rams , the one of them was for a fire-offering or a sacrifice of rest , the other was the Ram of consecration , or of filling the hand . And herein the preheminence runs mainly on our Saviours side , who was so far from needing any sin-offering to fit him and prepare him for that holy office , that he himself became an offering for the sins of others , even for the sins of all the world . And as he was to be advanced to a more excellent Priesthood then that of Aaron , so was he sanctifyed or prepared ( if I may so say ) after a far more excellent manner , then with bloud of Rams . For he was consecrated , saith the text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (n) , with his own bloud ; and with this bloud not only his hands or ears were spinkled , as in that of Aaron , but his whole body was anointed : first being bathed all over in a bloudy sweat ; next with the bloud issuing from his most sacred head , forced from it by the violent piercing of the Crown of thornes , which ( like the anointing oyle on the head of Aaron ) distilled unto the lowest parts of that blessed body ; and lastly with the streams of bloud flowing abundantly from the wounds of his hands and feet , and that great orifice which was made in his precious side . Though our Redeemer were originally sanctifyed from the very wombe , and that in a most absolute and perfect manner ; yet would Almighty God have him thus visibly consecrated in his own bloud also , that so he might become the authour of salvation to all those that obey him , (o) , and that he having washed our robes in the bloud of the Lamb , might be also sanctifyed and consecrated to the service of our heavenly father . Finally the consecration of Aaron , and of all the high Priests of the law which succeeded him , was to last seven dayes (p) , that so the Sabbath or seventh day might passe over him : because no man , as they conceived could be a perfect high Priest to the Lord their God , until the Sabbath day had gone over his head . The consecration of our Saviour lasted seven dayes too , in every one of which although he might be justly called an high Priest in fieri , or per medium participationis , as the Schoolmen phrase it , yet was not he fully consecrated to this Priestly office , till he had bathed himself all over in his own bloud , and conquered the powers of death by his resurrection . That so it was will evidently appear by this short accompt , which we shall draw up , of his actions , from his first entrance into Hierusalem in the holy week , till he had finished all his works , and obtained rest from his labours . On the first day of the week ( which still in memory thereof we do call Palme Sunday ) he went into the holy City , not so much to prepare for the Iewish Passeover , as to make ready for his own : and at his entrance was received with great acclamations , Hosanna be to him that cometh in the name of the Lord (q) . And on the same day , or the day next following , he purged the Temple from brokery and merchandizing , and so restored that holy place to the use of prayer , which the high Priests of the Law had turned or suffered to be turned ( which comes all to one ) to a den of Theeves . The intermediate time betwixt that and the day of his passion , he spent in preaching of the Gospell , instructing the ignorant , and in healing of the blind and lame which were brought unto him ▪ in the performance whereof and the like workes of mercy , he was more diligent and frequent and more punctuall far then Aaron or any of his successors in the legal Priesthood , in offering of the seven dayes sacrifice for themselves and the people . On the fift day , having first bathed his body in a bloudy sweat he was arrained and pronounced to be worthy of death , in the high Priests hall : And on the sixt ( according to the Iewish accompt , with whom the evening is observed to begin the day ) he went into his heavenly sanctuary to which he had prepared entrance with his precious bloud , as Moses at Aarons consecration did purifie and consecrate the materiall Sanctuary , with the bloud of Bullocks and of Rams . Not by the bloud of Goats , and Calves , saith the Apostle , but by his own bloud , hath he once entred into the holy place , and obtained eternal redemption for us (r) . Which Sacrifice of the Son of God on the accursed Crosse , although it was the perfect and full accomplishment of all the typical and legal sacrifices offered in the law : yet was it but an intermediate , though an especiall part of his consecration , to the eternall Evangelical Priesthood which he was to exercise , and not the ultimum esse or perfection of it . That was not terminated till the day of his resurrection , untill a Sabbath day had gone over his head ; which was more perfectly fulfilled in his consecration , then ever it had been in Aarons , and the sons of Aaron . For then , and not till then , when God had powerfully defeated all the plots of his enemies , did God advance him to the Crown , to the regal Diademe , setting him as a King on his holy hill , the hill of Sion , and saying to him as it were in the sight of his people (s) Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee . And then , and not till then , when he had glorifyed him thus in the eyes of his people , did he establish him in the office of the high Priest , saying , Thou art a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech (t) . That so it was in his advancement to the throne of his father David , shall be made evident in the course of these present Commentaries ; when we shall look upon him as invested with the regal power : And that it was so in his establishment , in the Sacerdotal , shall be made evident by the testimony of the great Apostle , whose words here presently ensue . Christ , saith he , glorifyed not himself to be made the high Priest (u) , but he that said unto him , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee , did confer it on him : As he saith also in another place , Thou art a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech ; that is to say , that from the day and moment of the resurrection at what time the fi●st of the two Prophecies were fulfilled , which God delivered by the mouth of the Psalmist saying , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee , was our Redeemer to begin the execution of the high Priests office , after the order of Meschisedech . And this appeares to be the meaning of the Apostle in the present place , by the words ensuing . For presently on the recitall of the words before recited , viz. Thou art a Priest after the order of Melchisedech , he addes of Christ , that in the dayes of his flesh he offered up prayers and supplications , to him that was able to save him from death (x) , if he had so pleased . But finding his Fathers resolution to the contrary , he learned obedience though a Son by that which he suffered (y) ; and finally that being perfect , or rather consecrated ( for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth import most properly ) he was made the Authour of eternall salvation , unto all those that obey him (z) ; and was called ( or publickly declared , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) of God an high Priest after the order of Melchisedech . And to say truth , had not the Scriptures been so clear in the proof hereof , yet necessary consequence grounded upon comparing of one text with another , and that applied according to the principles of natural reason ; would evince it for us . The Priesthood of Melchise●ech , as the Scripture telleth us , was an everlasting or eternall Priesthood , Thou art a Priest for ever , for no shorter term : and therefore of necessity to be exercised and enjoyed by one , who must be as eternal as the office is : and yet a man , and taken from amongst the Sons of men , to offer gilts and sacrifices for the sins of the people . But such our Saviour was not , take him as a man , though otherwise more qualifyed and prepared then any for so high an office ; untill he had so crushed and broken all the powers of death , that death had now no longer title to him , or dominion over him (a) : which doubtlesse was performed at the resurrection . And therefore then , and not before , when all the ceremonies of his consecration were fulfilled in order , did he begin to exercise the function of an endlesse everlasting Priesthood , after the order of Melchisedech . The order of Melchisedech , that comes after next . And touching that we will examine these three things ; 1. Who Melchisedech was . 2. Wherein his high Priesthood did consist . 3. In what the Parallel doth stand between Christ and him . Concerning the first point , who and what he was , hath been a great dispute amongst learned men : some thinking that he could not be a mortal man , and therefore must needs be either the holy Ghost , or else the Son of God then appearing to Abraham , in the likenesse and similitude of an earthly Prince . The last is most eagerly defended by P. Cunaeus a very learned man and a great Philosopher , in his book de Republ. Hebraeorum . The reason of this difficulty and his errour , are those words of St. Paul where he describeth Melchisedech to be without father , without mother , without descent , having neither beginning of dayes , nor end of life (b) . And this thought he can be no other then the Son of God. Others with greater probability both of proof and reason , declare him to be Sem , the third son of Noah , out of whose loins our father Abraham was descended : and this opinion hath found most acceptance generally amongst the learned , though some of very eminent parts do opine the contrary . But whether he were Sem or not , or rather some petty King of the Land of Canaan , who went forth to congratulate Abraham upon his returne ; they are much troubled to apply the negative character which St. Paul hath given us , to any upon whom they desire to fasten . The best and clearest resolution of the doubt , which I yet have met with , is that Meschisedech , whosoever he was , is said to be without father and mother , in the same sense , as he is after said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which our Translators render without descent , of which his being without father or mother is one branch or member . And he is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. without genealogy ( and not without descent , as our English reads ) because he hath no predecessour either father or mother amongst the rest of the Patriarks , whose Genealogies are recorded in the book of God. And in this sense , as he is said to have no beginning of dayes , because the time of his birth is no were remembred ; so is he also said to have no end of his life , because neither the time of his death , nor the succession of any after him in his two great offices is specifyed upon the Registers of sacred writ . And yet if the Catena Arabica be of any credit , we have heard more news of late touching this great man , then hath been , till of late , made known in these Western parts . For in their Marginal notes on the 10. of Genesis they say of Phaleg , of whom we finde mention vers . 25. And this Phaleg was the Father of Heraclim , the Father of Melchisedech (c) . But in the Chapter going before his Generation is set down in this formal pedegree , viz. Melchisedech was the son of Heraclim , the son of Phaleg , the son of Eber ; And his Mothers name was Salathiel the daughter of Gomer , the son of Japhet , the son of Noah . And Heraclim the son of Eber , maried his wife Salathiel , and she was with child , and brought forth a son , and called his name Melchisedech , that is , the King of righteousnesse , called also the King of Peace . By this account Melchisedech was the sixth from Sem , and Cousen german unto Serug , who was Abrahams Grandfather : and being of the linage and house of Sem , might well confer that blessing on his Cousen Abraham , which had been given to Sem by their father Noah . And then one of the greatest arguments to prove Mel●hisedech to be Sem , that namely which is borrowed from the forme and manner of the blessing which he gave to Abraham , will be answered easily . And were this true , ( as I can hardly reckon it for an Historical truth ) it might as well be made appliable to Pauls negative Character , according to the former interpretation ; as that Melchisedech should be Sem , whose Ancestors and posterity both are upon record in the old Testament and the new ; though not delivered us as his by the name of Melchisedech . But leaving this unto the credit of the Authors , we must next look upon Melchisedech ( whosoever he was ) as the Priest of God. And Melchisedech King of Salem ( saith the text ) brought forth bread and wine : And he was the Priest of the most high God (d) ; And he blessed him , ( Abram ) and said , Blessed be Abram , &c. And Abram gave him tithes of all (e) . In this we finde Melchisedech invested with the two great offices of a King and a Priest : the King of Salem , and the Priest of the most high God. Nor was it strange or extraordinary in those times that it should be so : the Principality and the Priesthood in those early dayes , ( yea and a long time after in the Roman Empire ) being commonly united in the self same person . Look on him as a King , one that did share in the successe of Abrams victory , and then we finde him entertaining this triumphant Conquerour , with a royal feast . And Melchisedech King of Salem brought forth bread and wine . That he did only as a King , as a Princely friend , willing to set forth some refreshment to the wearied Souldiers . Melchisedech King of Salem brought forth bread and wine . It was the Kings act , as a King , and for such recorded , before we finde any thing spoken of him as the Priest of God. And when we finde him spoken of as the Priest of God , we finde no mention of his entertainment , of his bread and wine , ( That belonged to him as a King ) but only that he blessed Abram , and received tithes of him ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the text (f) , that is to say , he tithed him , or took tithes of him , not as the gift of Abram , but his own just dues . By these two acts of blessing and receiving tithes , the Priesthood of Melchisedech is described by Moses : and by the same only doth St. Paul describe it (g) , not obiter or on the by , but where he speaks of him in a set discourse , and from his Priesthood doth proceed unto that of Christ , whom God ordained a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech . Nothing in the Apostle of the bread and wine ; for that concerned him not as he was a Priest , in which capacity only St. Paul looks upon him : and looking on him only in that capacity , he findeth him only as a Priest , to blesse and to tithe . He met Abraham ( saith St. Paul ) returning from the slaughter of the Kings , and blessed him , To whom also Abraham gave the tithes of all . Nothing here spoken of the bread and wine as an entertainment given by a Royall and magnificent Prince to a friend and neighbour , nor as a Sacrifice neither to the most high God , as he was a Priest : which thing the Papists mainly stand for , and marvail that S. Paul took no notice of it . Miror in hoc capite inter tot Similitudines , quibus Melchisedech Christum repraesentat , nihil dixisse de Sacrificio panis & vini , &c. I wonder ( saith Mariana , (h) ) that in this Chapter ( Heb. 7. ) amongst so many resemblances wherein Christ is made like unto Melchisedech , there is no mention made of the Sacrifice of bread and wine which Melchisedech offered , Gen. 14.18 . being a type or Symbol of the sacrifice of the holy Eucharist . But the best is , St. Paul knew better what Melchisedech did , and knew much better how impertinent it would be for his present purpose , which was to parallel Christs priesthood with Melchisedechs , then any the best learned man in the Church of Rome . And therefore here is nothing to be wondred at , if speaking of him as the Priest of the most high God , he takes no notice of his actions , as he was a King. And for the Sacrifice which they dream of and would force from thence , the better to advance the pedegree of the Romish Masse , it is a thing so inconsistent with the meaning of Moses , that neither the letter of the text , nor any circumstance of the History , nor the generall consent of Fathers , nor any Orthodox Rule of interpretation , doth give any countenance at all ●nto it . As for the parallel made by the Apostle betwixt Christ and him ( which is the third thing to be considered ) it consists most especially in these two points : first in the identity of their titles , and then in the performance of their severall Offices . First for their titles St. Paul telleth us , that Melchisedech by interpretation is the King of righteousnesse (i) , and that King of Salem signifyeth a King of Peace . Such also is our blessed Saviour , not only called in Scripture the Prince of peace (k) , but our peace it self , Ephes. 2.14 . not only acknowledged by his enemies for a man of righteousnesse , but righteousnesse it self in the very abstract , and therefore said by the Apostle to be made our righteousnesse , 1 Cor. 1.30 . Melchisedech was the only King that ever by divine providence or an heavenly calling , was a Priest also of the most high God : and therein a fit parallel for Christ our Saviour , whom God having raised him from the dead , made both Lord and CHRIST , that is to say , both King and Priest ; Lord over all the Kings of the earth (l) , and clothed in a garment down to the feet , girded about the pappes with a golden girdle ( such as the high Priest used to wear ) as St. Iohn describes him . Melchisedech was King of Salem , which afterwards being called Hierusalem , became the royall seat of David and the Kings of Iudah ; our Saviour Christ was publickly acknowledged to be King of the Iews , and crowned ( though with a Crown of thornes ) within Hierusalem it self , the imperiall City : and doth now reigne and shall for ever in the new Hierusalem , whereof more hereafter . The greatest difficulty lieth in the Negative Character , that he was without Father , without Mother , without descent ( or Genealogie ) having neither beginning of dayes , nor end of life : and how he may be likened unto Christ in this , or Christ to him in all these particulars , hath very much perplexed the brains of some learned men . For admitting Melchisedech to have neither father nor mother , nor genealogie , nor descent , according to the former construction of it : yet this can no ways be applyed unto Christ our Saviour ; whose genealogie is recorded by two Evangelists , who had a Mother on the earth and a Father in Heaven . Therefore the best solution is ( for ought I can see ) to say , that those particulars of this negative Character , without father , without mother , without descent , do all but serve to usher in that which followeth next , viz. (m) that he was without beginning of dayes or end of life : no mention being made of his predecessors , or of any one that did succeed him in that sacred office . Or else because it followeth after , this description , without father , &c. that he was likened unto the Son of God , and continueth a high Priest for ever : it may be said , that he did purposely devest himself of all natural relations , putting off all references unto Father and Mother , wife and children , which necessarily do represent both a beginning and end of days : that being thus transformed ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Apostle ) and turned out of his own proper and natural shape he might be made more like to the Son of God , who being told that his Father and Mother sought him weeping , seemed not to note their tears or regard their sorrows , but put them off with this short answer (n) , Wist ye not that I must goe about my Fathers businesse ? But take it in the former sense because most received , and then Melchisedech is a perfect type or embleme of our Saviour Christ ; who as he had no beginning of dayes , ( ●or in the beginning was the word (o) , before time it self ) So shall he have no end of life , the man CHRIST IESVS being freed from the powers of death , and made by God a Priest for ever , till time be no more , after the order of Melchisedech . In the performance of the office which is the next part of the parallel , our Saviour did all that Melchisedech did ; and consequently may pretend to all which Melchisedech claimed . Melchisedech blessed Abraham , so the text informes us , and questionlesse that blessing was accompanied with prayers to God , that he would ratifie the blessing then pronounced upon him . Blessed ( saith he ) be Abram of the most high God , possessour of heaven and earth (p) : And blessed be the most high God , which hath delivered thine enemies into thine hand . In which we finde Melchisedech the high Priest of God , not only blessing Abraham in the name of God , but offering prayers and praises unto God for so great a victory , in behalf of Abram : which are two principall parts of the Priestly function . And these our Saviour did performe as soone as he was consecrated and established in his holy and eternall Priesthood . For after his glorious resurrection , from whence his Priesthood doth commence as before was proved , and before he did withdraw his bodily presence from his Disciples , it is said that he lift up his hands and blessed them (p) . And questionlesse his blessing was accompanied with prayers to God , that he would furnish them abundantly , with all gifts and graces , which were necessary for the Ministery he had called them to : he having told them formerly , and it proved accordingly that he would pray unto his Father to send down the Comforter (r) , by whom they should be guided in the wayes of truth . Nor did he so accumulate his blessings upon them alone , that he hath none left in store for us . St. Peter hath resolved it otherwise , saying to the Iewes , that God had raised up his Son Jesus , and had sent him to blesse them (s) in turning away every one ( of them ) from his iniquities . And yet this blessing came not to the Iewes alone , but upon the Gentiles ; and for that we have St. Paul to witnesse , CHRIST , saith he , hath redeemed us from the curse of the Law , being made a curse for us , that the blessing of Abraham might come unto the Gentiles (t) . The difference only is in this , that Christ is more authentick and authoritative in his blessings then Melchisedech was . Melchisedech indeed blessed Abraham , but he blessed him only in the name of the most high God , and not as having power to confer the blessing . But Christ doth blesse us of himself , by his own authority , and hath withall a power to make good the blessing . All power ( saith he ) is given me both in heaven and earth , and therefore power to give the blessings of the earth , and the blessings of Heaven , the blessings of this life , and the life to come . Nor are we only blessed by him , in the sense aforesaid , but we are also blessed for him , we are blessed through him , and all unto this end and purpose , to be everlastingly blessed in him . For him it is that we are blessed ; and therefore dare not aske any good thing at the hands of God , but it is propter merita Iesu Christi , for the merits of our Saviour Jesus Christ , which either explicitly or implicitely is in all those prayers , which we do or ought to make to the Lord our God. Through him it is that we are blessed , he being as it were the Conduit or Channell , through which the blessings of the Lord are conveied unto us : in which regard the Church concludeth most of her formes of prayer , with this solemne clause , per Dominum nostrum I. C. through Jesus Christ our Lord. And finally we shall at last be blessed in him , when we are made partakers of that endless happiness , which formerly consisteth in our union with him ; when we are so united to him that we seem to be incorporated in him , and all make up together but one glorious body whereof CHRIST IESVS is the head . The next part of the Priestly function , consisted in offering up the peoples prayers to Almighty God ; or offering up his own prayers for the weal of the people . Melchisedech did both in the case of Abraham ; for first he prayed unto God for a blessing on him ; and then he praised God in his Name , for his blessings to him . And so doth Christ our Saviour also . St. Iohn who had presented him unto our view , in the first Chapter of the Revelation , clothed in Priestly garments , as before was said ; doth in the eight present him in the execution of his Priestly Office. For there he telleth us of an Angel standing before the Altar , having ( in his hands ) a golden Censer , to whom much Incense was given , that he should offer it with the prayers of all Saints ( those upon the earth ) upon the golden Altar , which was upon the Throne , vers . 3. This Angel was our Lord Christ Iesus , as St. Augustine telleth us , the Mediator of the New Covenant , as the Scriptures call him (u) , who offereth up the prayers of his faithful servants to the Throne of God , and addes much also of his own incense , which was given unto him , to offer it together with the prayers of the Saints , that so they might be made more acceptable in the sight of God. This that he doth , and doth it by the vertue of the Priestly function , is more cleerly evidenced by St. Paul , This man ( saith he , discoursing of our blessed Saviour ) because he continueth for ever , hath an unchangeable Priesthood (x) , and therefore he is also able to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by him , seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them . And for performance of this Office , his sitting at the right hand of God doth so fitly serve , as if he were advanced to it for this purpose only . We touched upon this string before , and now to make the Harmony more compleat and perfect , I shall adde that also of St. Paul in another place , where he brings in our Saviour sitting at the right hand of God (y) , and making intercession for us ; In this respect he is called the Mediator of the New Testament ; Heb. 12.24 . that is to say , one that doth intercede betwixt God and man , to make up the breach that was between them , and reconcile poor man to Almighty God. And this is such a trust , such an high imployment , as never was committed unto Saints or Angels ; but purposely resolved by God for this great High Priest. As we acknowledge but one God , so can we have no more then one Mediatour , and this can be no other then our Lord and Saviour . There is one God ( saith the Apostle , and one Mediator between God and man , even the man CHRIST IESVS . Do we desire to know more of him in this Office from the holy Scriptures , hear him then speaking of himself , and saying , I am the way , the truth , and the life (a) , no man cometh unto the Father but by me . So excellently true is that gloss of Augustines , Non est quo eas nisi ad me , non est qua eas , nisi per me . Our Saviour in this case , saith he , is both the journeys end , and the way also . Do you desire to hear more from him in this Office from the holy Fathers , take then this passage of S. Ambrose , Ipse est Os nostrum per quod Patri loquimur ; he is the mouth by which we speak unto the Father , if we hope to speed . To state this point more fully as a point in Controversie , we are to lay these two truths for a certain ground of our proceeding : the first , that men are sinners from the very womb , and all their righteousness no other then a menstruous cloth ; the second , that God is a God of pure eyes , and such as cannot patiently behold our iniquities . Such being then the disproportion between God and man , how could God look on man without indignation , or man lift up his eyes to God without confusion ? God therefore out of his most infinite mercy gave his Son unto us : first for a Sacrifice , to be the Propitiation for the sins of the world (b) , and after for an High Priest to intercede , an Advocate to plead for us , unto God the Father ; to be the Mediator between God and man in all cases of difference , and as it were the General Solicitour of our suites and businesses in the Court of Heaven . Nay , having raised him from the dead , and set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places (c) , he made him Master of the Requests , appointing him , and him alone , to receive those petitions and addresses which we make to God , and in our name to tender them unto his Father ; adding his own incense unto our sweet odours , that so they might finde welcome at the hands of God. And here me thinks , this story of Themistocles will not seem impertinent : (d) who being banished from Athens , his own native soyl , was fain to have recourse to Admetus King of the Molossians ; hoping to finde that safety in a strange land , which his own Country could not give him . Being admitted into the Kings Chappell , he snatcheth up the young Prince into his arms , kneels down with him before the Altar , and so presented his desires and himself to the King , the young Princes Father . Which kinde of suing or Petitioning , ( as my Author tels me ) the Molossians held 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be the most effectual means of dealing with him , and such as could not be denyed . I think the Application were superfluous to ingenious ears : yet for the driving of it home to our present point , take it briefly thus ; We by our Covenant made to God in holy Baptism , are become Aliens to the world , and as much hated by it , as he at Athens : in that respect as much necessitated to cast our selves upon the love and mercy of the Lord our God , as he to seek protection in the Court of Admetus . And as the young Prince whom he used as his Mediator , was of a mixt condition between a King and a subject , ( the Heir not differing from a servant when he is a childe ) : So is our Saviour also between God and man : God of the substance of his Father before all worlds , man of the substance of his mother born in the world , as Athanasius in his Creed . Finally , as Themistocles did assure himself that he should speed in his requests with King Admetus , because the Kings son seemed to solicite for him : so we with greater confidence may proceed in our prayers to God , the Son of God making continual intercession for us , that they may be granted . Where note , that not our pressing into the Chappel , as a thing of course , nor falling down before the Altar as a point of ceremony ; but taking Christ into our arms , as he did that Prince , will make our prayers to be effectual . This verified by Christ himself in his holy Gospel . Whatsoever ye shall ask in my Name ( saith he ) that will I do , that the Father may be glorified in the Son (f) . And in another place of the same chapter also , Hitherto have ye asked nothing in my Name ; ask , and you shall receive , that your joy may be full . If on these grounds we make no other Mediators of Intercession , then him that was the Mediator of Redemption too ( for such a nice distinction have some men found out , the better to deceive their own souls , and rob Christ of his glory ) Let us not stand accused for Hereticks in the Court of Rome : or if we must so stand accused , yet let us still worship the God of our Fathers , after the way which they call Heresie (g) . Certain I am that in the way which they call heresie , the Lord was worshipped by our Fathers in the Primitive times . Ignatius who lived neer the time of the Apostles , and conversed with some of them , willeth us to have Christ only before our eyes , when we make our prayers ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (h) . And Irenaeus who lived next to him ( I mean in time and not in place ) gives this counsel also , Orationes nostras ad Deum dirigere qui fecit omnia , that we address our prayers to him only , by whom all things were made . Origen goes the right way too , though in many other things he was out extreamly ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i) , that we should make our supplications unto God alone , who is over all things ; to God alone , as the chief Donour of the blessing , but unto God by Christ as the means to gain it . Remember what was said before out of St. Ambrose , and St. Augustine to the point in hand ; and we shall finde no other Mediatours of intercession in the times of the Fathers , then the man CHRIST IESVS ; though those of Rome , in pity , as it were , to our Saviour Christ , whom they would gladly ease of so great a burden , have liberally bestowed the Office on the Saints departed . And though a fuller●search into their Position , is to be made hereafter in a place more proper , when we shall come to speak of the Communion of Saints : yet I shall ask this question first , and then dismiss the cause to another day . My question is , if we must call upon the Saints as our Mediatours , but Mediators only of Intercession , whether they do commend our requests to God , immediately by themselves , or by the mediation of Christ our Saviour . If they reply , immediately , and by themselves ( as certainly their doctrine doth import no less ) what then shall we return in answer to our Saviour words ; No man comes unto the Father but by me (k) ? No , nor the Saints departed neither if St. Ambrose erre not . Eo nisi intercedente , nec nobis nec Sanctis omnibus quicquam est cum Deo (l) . Nor we , nor any of the Saints , saith that Reverend Prelate , have access to God , but only by the intercession of our Saviour Christ. But if they say , they do it by the mediation of our Saviour , ( as needs they must , and indeed some of them do of late ) we do but put our selves to a needless trouble , in making our address to them which cannot help us , nor aid us in our prayers to Almighty God without first going unto Christ for his furtherance in it : Especially considering that our blessed Saviour , to whom the Saints themselves must become Petitioners , hath called us , nay commanded us to come to him , as often as we are heavy laden with sin or misery , upon his gracious promise to relieve us in it (m) . Certainly did these men remember the good old rule , Frustra fieri per plura quod fieri potest per pauciora , they would not make more Mediators then their case requires : nor set up such a number of superfluous Priests to become Intercessors for us in the Court of Heaven ; instead of that one High Priest whom God hath ordained ; one so compassionate to us in our distresses , and every way so sensible of our infirmities . For though there be many other qualifications necessary to the constituting of this great High Priest , our Saviour Christ for ever blessed , as namely , to be holy , blameless , undefiled , separate from sinners , and higher then the highest Heavens (n) : yet none doth speak such comfort to the souls of men , as that he had been compassed with infirmities , and therefore like to have compassion on the ignorant , and on them that are out of the way (o) . And such is our High Priest , our most blessed Saviour , who in the dayes of his flesh had been so afflicted , exposed unto the scorn of men , and the Temptations of Satan , that he was fain to make his prayers and supplication to his heavenly Father , and that too with strong cries and tears , to be delivered from the dangers which did seem to threaten him . His bloudy conflict in the Garden , and that of Eli , Eli , Lamasabachtbani , when upon the Cross , are proof sufficient that he had need of Consolation . And they are proof sufficient for this purpose too , that being he suffered and was tempted , he is able , ( yea and willing too ) to succour them that are tempted (p) , as the Apostle doth infer concerning him . For seeing that such an especial part of the Priestly Office , is to make intercession for us in all our distresses ; it seemed expedient to the wisdome of God that he should finde just occasion in his own person to offer up prayers and supplications with strong cries for himself . Non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco , said the gallant Lady in the Poet. It was a plausible answer which Matthias Corvinus King of Hungary gave a great undertaker in School Divinity , upon a pretty question which himself proposed . The question was , What reason might induce our Saviour to make S. Peter Head of the Church who had thrice denyed him , rather then St. John , the dear Disciple whom he loved , a Virgin , and one never tainted with any crime . To which when the great Clerk could make no reply , but rambled up and down in Gods secret Councels , the King thus solved the Probleme for him . (q) Si virgo Johannes & in fide firmus Pontifex fuisset &c. The words are many in the Author , but the sum is this , That if our Saviour had made St. Iohn to be the Head of the Church , he would have looked that all men should have been as perfect and sincere as himself , and so have proved more rigorous and severe in correcting sinners , then the infancy of the Church could bear : whereas St. Peter being conscious of his own infirmities , would sympathize the better with them , and proceed more in his government towards them with the spirit of meekness . Assuredly did I believe that Peter was made Head of the Church , I could not have conceived a more plausible reason which might induce our Saviour unto that Election . But howsoever I shall make this use of the story , that God dealt most exceeding mercifully with the sons of men , in providing such an High Priest for them , as had in all things been tempted like unto themselves ; (r) sin only excepted : having made himself an offering for sin , knew better then any of the Saints or Angels could , how to apply the benefit of it to our wants and weaknesses . And that indeed is the main business of the Priesthood . For every High Priest is ordained for men , in things pertaining unto God , to offer gifts and sacrifices for sins (s) , as St. Paul defines him . Which gifts and sacrifices , as they were only types of that gift and sacrifice which Christ made of himself for the sins of the world : so that oblation being made , there was no longer use of the Legal sacrifice , nor consequently of the Aaronical Priesthood . By this one offering of himselfe hath ●e made perfect for ever all them that were sanctified (t) : and thereby out a signal & remarkable difference , between that one Sacrifice of himself , and the sacrifices formerly required by the Law of Moses . For in the time of the Law the Priesthood daily ministring , and oftentimes offering the same things , which ( yet considered in themselves and without reference to his own Sacrifice , in Gods secret purpose ) could not take away sin . But CHRIST by this one offering of himself for sin , did not only take away the sins of many (u) , ( even of all those which faithfully believe in him ) and sanctifie them in his bloud by that one offering of his body once for all (x) : but having so done what he undertook , and knowing that there remained no other sacrifice to be performed , he sate him down at the right hand of God (y) , expecting there untill his enemies be made his footstool . No further sacrifice to be offered then that already offered upon the Cross ; for what could follow after Consummatum est , when all which was foreshadowed in the Legal Sacrifices was in that accomplished . And as for that upon the Cross , how it alluded to the Sacrifices of the Old Testament , in what particulars the shadow and the substance held the best resemblance , and of the benefit thereof unto all mankinde ; we have already spoke in the seventh Chapter , where we were purposely to treat of our Saviours sufferings . And we have looked upon it also as an especial part of his Consecration unto the everlasting and eternal Priesthood , after the Order of Melchisedech ; a Priesthood which consisted not in outward sacrifices , but in prayers and blessings . For when the Son of God our Saviour did offer himself upon the Cross for our Redemption , he neither was a Priest after the Order of Aaron ( How could that be , considering he was of the Tribe of Iudah ? ) nor after the Order of Melchisedech , ( He was not qualified for that till his Resurrection ) : but a Priest only in fieri , as Logicians call it , in the degrees and progress of his Consecration . Which Consecration once performed , he was no more to offer Sacrifice either bloudy , or unbloudy whatsoever ; that so he might conform more fully to the Type of Melchisedech ; of whom we no where read that he offered sacrifice , further then as it may be intimated in the name of Priest. For though I will not say , and I think I need not be put to it , that Melchisedech never offered any Sacrifice : yet since we do not read of any , I may safely say , that that part of his Sacerdotal function is purposely omitted by the holy Ghost , that so he might more perfectly represent our Saviours Priesthood , who after he was consecrated to that sacred Office , had no more sacrifice to offer . And possibly it might be done in the way of prevention , to keep the Church from errour in this point of the Sacrifice : who not content with the Commemoration of it , the Eucharistical and Commemorative Sacrifice of his own ordaining , might fall into a fancy of reiterating that one Sacrifice , ( as is now practised and defended in the Church of Rome ) and make it expiatory of the sins both of quick and dead . How guilty they of Rome have been in this particular , and what strange positions they have broached in pursuit hereof , would appear most fully , if one would look no further then the Councel of Trent : from the determinations whereof there lyeth no appeal , though sometimes they will finde some evasions from it . For in that Councel it is said , that in the Masi , our Saviour Christ is really offered by the Priest , unto God the Father (a) ; that it is the same propitiatory Sacrifice , which was offered by Christ upon the Cross (b) ; that it is propitiatory for all persons both quick and dead , serving to purge them of their sins , to ease them of their pains , and satisfie for the punishment which they have deserved (c) ; that being so beneficial and meritorious to all sorts of people , it is to be reiterated and often offered (d) , not only day by day , but many times in the same day , as often as the Priest shall think fit to do it . Which doctrine how plainly contrary it is unto our Apostle , the scope and drift of the Epistle to the Hebrews , ( especially the ninth and tenth Chapters of it ) do most clearly evidence . And though it was a very uncharitable guess of our Rhemish Papists , that the Protestants would have refused this whole Epistle , but that they falsely imagine certain places thereof , to make against the Sacrifice of the Mass (e) : yet we may finde by that where the shooe did wring them , and that they thought there were some passages in this Epistle with which their Mass was inconsistent , and which the Protestants might alleadge , ( for I regard not the word falsely ) to their disadvantage . Well therefore was it done of the Church of England , not only to assert the true Catholick Doctrine , of the one oblation of Christ finished on the Cross ; but to adde another Proposition to it , in condemnation of the errours of Rome . The Orthodox truth asserted is St. Pauls expressely , viz. The offering of Christ once made is that perfect Redemption , Propitiation , and satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world both Original and actual ; and there is none other satisfaction for sin but that alone (f) . The conclusion followeth naturally on the former evidence , viz. Wherefore the Sacrifices of Masses , in which it was commonly said , that the Priest did offer Christ for the quick and the dead , to have remission of pain or guilt , were blasphemous fables and dangerous deceits . For what fable can be more blasphemous , then that a poor Priest should have power to make his Maker ; that having made him with the breath of his mouth , he should fall down and worship what himself had made ; that having worshipped him as God , he should presume to lay hands on him , and offer him in sacrifice assoon as worshipped ; that his oblation , thus made , should be efficacious both to quick and dead , both to the absent and the present ; and finally that such as be present at it , may , if they finde their stomachs serve , devour their God ? A thing , of such reproach & scandal to the Christian faith , that Averroes the Moore , but a very learned man , and a great Philosopher , hath laid this stain or brand on the Religion it self , viz. that he had travelled over most parts of the world , but never found a wickeder and more foolish Sect then that of the Christians . His reason is , Quia deum quem colunt dentibus devorant (g) , because they did devour the God whom they worshipped . And what deceit can be more dangerous to a Christian soul , then that which leads him blindfold into gross idolatry , and teacheth him to give Divine honour to a Deity of a poor Creatures making ? for though the Elements be sanctified by the Word and prayer , and are made unto the faithful receiver the very body and bloud of Christ , yet are they still but bread and wine as before they were . When therefore we incounter with some passages in the works of the FATHERS , in which they either speak of the daily Sacrifice , or say that Christ is daily offered on the Altar , as sometimes they do : we must not understand them of a Real Sacrifice , as to the offering up of Christ unto God the Father , a Sacrifice propitiatorie to the quick and dead , such as is now maintained in the Church of Rome ; but only of an Eucharistical and Commemorative Sacrifice , which by Christs death is represented to the eyes of the people , which is the Sacrifice defended by the Church of England . But here perhaps it will be asked , that if our Saviour be to offer no more Sacrifice , and that which he once offered upon the Cross , be not to be reiterated , as the Priest thinks necessary ; what use there is to us of his Priestly Office , as concerning Sacrifice . I answer with St. Paul on another occasion , much every way . For though he offereth no more Sacrifices then that made already ; yet the effect and fruit thereof is still to be applyed to the souls of men , the merit of it still to be represented in the sight of God. Of these the first may seeme to be the Office of the holy Ghost ; but the later most assuredly is the Office of our High Priest , and of him alone . Who when he findes his heavenly Father troubled with our perversness , our high hand of sinning , and ready to execute vengeance on us for our great misdeeds : doth interpose the merit of his death and passion , shews him the print of the Thorns in his sacred head , his hands and feet boared through with nayls , and his side pierced with the spear . At sight whereof Gods heavy anger fals away , and his wrath is pacified , and he lays by the instruments of his rage and vengeance ; Tela reponuntur manibus fabricata Cyclopum (i) ; as the Poet hath it : and he resolves to tarry a little longer and expect the amendment of his people . An Office from the which our High Priest never can desist whilest there are men upon the world to provoke God to anger ; and though we dare not say of him , as St. Paul did of himself , that he dyeth daily (k) ; yet we may safely say , and make it the rejoycing which we have in CHRIST IESVS our Lord , that the merit of his death and passion , are daily , hourly , nay continually , presented by him to the view and consideration of Almighty God. A point of no mean consolation to us , whilest we are subject to the sins and lusts , which we bear about us in the flesh ; and cannot otherwise be excused from them but by changing our mortal into immortality . And this is that which was prefigured in the Law of Moses , by the High Priests entring into the Sanctum Sanctorum , which was parted with a vail or traverse Curtain from the rest of the Temple , to make atonement with the Lord for the peoples sins . The parallel stands thus between them . First none might enter into the Sanctum Sanctorum , or the holiest of all , but the High Priest only , Levit. 16.3 . So Christ our High Priest , and none but he , hath entred into the holy places not made with hands , to appear in the presence of God for us , Heb. 9.24 , Secondly , as the veil of the Temple was lifted up or drawn aside , to make room for the High Priest to enter into it : so did the vail of the Temple rent in sunder at the very instant , when the soul of our High Priest did depart from his body , and enter the Celestial Sanctuary , Mattb. 27. Thirdly , the High Priest was apparelled in his Priestly vestments , Levit. 16.10 . and so our Saviour is described in the Rev. 13.13 . Fourthly , the High Priest , entred into the Sanctuary but once a year , which was upon the Feast of the Expiation , Exod. 30.10 . So did Christ enter once into the holy place , which was upon the day ( of his death and passion ) whereon he obtained eternal redemption for us , Heb. 9.12 . And last of all , as the High Priest made an offering for the sins of the people , though it were only of the bloud of Calves and Goats , before he went within the veil , Levit. 16.12 . & 15. which bloud he was to sprinkle on the Mercy-seat , vers . 14 , 15. and thereby made atonement in the holy place for all the Congregation of Israel , vers . 17. So before Christ our High Priest entred into the Heaven of glories , he made an offering of himself , Heb. 9.25 . and by his own bloud entred into the holy places , vers . 12. which bloud of his , that is to say , the merits of it , he sprinkleth on the Mercy-seat of Almighty God , and thereby doth avert him from his displeasure , and reconcile him daily to poor sinful man. Which Parallel thus made , we may the better understand St. Pauls drift and meaning , in comparing the High Priests together , and the excellency of Christs Priesthood above that of Aaron . The Priests , saith he , ( i. e. those of inferiour order ) went into the first Tabernacle , accomplishing the service of God ; But into the second went the High Priest alone once every year , not without bloud , which he offered for himself and for the errors of the people (l) . But Christ being made an High Priest of good things to come , by a greater and more perfect Tabernacle not made with hands (m) ; neither by the bloud of Goats and Calves , but by his one bloud did he enter into the holy place , having obtained eternal Redemption for us . Not that he should offer himself often , as the High Priest entred into the holy place every year with the bloud of others (n) ; but that being offered once a sacrifice for sin , he might for ever sit at the right hand of God , chap. 10. ver . 12. to appear in the sight of God for us (o) unto our Salvation , and to make intercession for us (p) . Thus standeth the case with our High Priest in the point of Sacrifice ; in which , as in the other Offices , of offering up our prayers to God , interceding for us , and pouring down his blessings on us , he doth perform the Office or Function of an High Priest for ever , after the Order of Melchisedech . But there is yet one Argument more that St. Paul brings in proof of Melchisedechs Priesthood ; which is , that he tithed Abraham , or took Tithes of him , Heb. 7.2 , 9. And if we prove not this also of our Saviour Christ , the parallel betwixt him and Melchisedech will not be complete , nor his high Priesthood so asserted as it ought to be . But herein the Apostle will not fail us neither , affording us two arguments to make good this point , the one derived from the eternity of our Saviours Priesthood , the other from the Prerogative which Melchisedech had in this particular , above Aaron and the sons of Levi. The first stands thus : Melchisedech took Tithes of Abraham in his own right , as Priest of the most high God ; whose Priesthood being everlasting in the Person of Christ , ( for he hath an unchangeable Priesthood , vers . 24. ) the right of taking Tithes is inherent in him , on the meer taking on himself of Melchisedechs function ; I mean in being made a Priest for ever , after the Order of Melchisedech . And this is that to which St. Paul alludeth , saying , Here , men that die receive Tithes (q) , that is to say , Here , in the land of Canaan , by the Law of Moses , the Priests and Levites of our Nation being mortal men , and subject to the stroke of death aswell as we , do receive tithes of us , to shew that we acknowledge them to be our Superiours in their place and Ministery . But there he receiveth them of whom it is witnessed that he liveth ; His meaning is , that when Melchisedech received Tithes of Abraham , he received them as a Type of our Saviour Christ , who now liveth with God , and by his Resurrection did make known that he liveth for ever , and lived to execute the Office of a Priest for ever , after the Order of Melchisedech . He then of whom it is witnessed that he liveth , receiveth Tithes , or hath at least a right and title to receive them , in regard of his unchangeable and eternal Priesthood . But he receiveth them not in person ; having transferred all his interests in them , and title to them , upon the Ministers of his Gospel . No otherwise then God conferred the Tithes of the land of Canaan on the Priests and Levites , being his in his own right , Originally , by the law of Nature , and by him challenged and appropriated as his own domaine . All the Tithe of the land , whether of the seed of the land , or of the fruit of the tree , is the Lords (r) . Here 's the Lords claim and title to them , as his own propriety . Behold I have given the children of Levi all the Tenth , ( or Tithes ) in Israel , for an inheritance , for the service which they serve , even the service of the Tabernacle of the Congregation (s) . There 's the collation of his right on the Tribe of Levi , whom he made choyce of to attend in his holy Tabernacle , and to do service at his Altar . And they continued the inheritance of the Tribe of Levi , until the Priesthood was translated unto Christ our Saviour ; who being made by God the true owner of Tithes , a Priest for ever after the Order of Melchisedech , became invested ipso facto with that right of Tithing , which God had formerly conferred on the Priests and Levites ; and consequently with a power of disposing of them , to them that minister in his Name , to the Congregation . The second argument which the Apostle doth afford us in this case of Tithes , is the Prerogative which Melchisedech ha● i● that particular above Aaron , and the sons of Levi. Levi also ( saith he ) which received Tithes , paid Tithes in Abraham ; for he was yet in the loyns of his Father when Melchisedech met him , Heb. 7.9 , 10. Then which there cannot be a stronger and more pregnant argument to prove that Tithes are no Mosaical institution , or the peculiar maintenance of the Levites ; but that they are derived from an higher Author , and are to be continued to the Ministers of a better Testament (t) . For the Apostle taking on him to prove this point , that the Priesthood after the Ord●● of Melchisedech was better and more perfect then that which was according to the Order of Aaron ; useth this argument to evince it , and it is a weighty one indeed , that Levi himself , though he received Tithes of his brethren by the Lords appointment , yet he and all his Tribe paid their Tithes to Melchisedech , being all vertually and potentially in the loyns of Abraham , at such time as Melchisedech met him ; and consequently being as effectually tithed in Abraham , as all mankinde have sinned in Adam , from whose loyns they sprung . Nay we may work this argument to an higher pitch , and make the full scope of it to amount to this , That if the Tribe of Levi had been in full possession of the Tithes of their Brethren when Melchisedech met with Abraham and blessed him , as became the High Priest of God to do ; or if Melchisedech had lived in Canaan till their setling in it , they must and ought to have done as their Father did , and paid their Tithes unto Melchised●eh , as the Type of Christ , in reference to his everlasting and eternal Priesthood . But seeing that this common place hath been so much beaten on , I shall only alter some few words of that Noble Gentleman and great Antiquarie Sir Henry Spelman , to make his argument more suitable to my present purpose ; and so close this point . Insomuch ( saith he ) as Abraham did not pay his Tithes to a Priest that offered a Levitical Sacrifice of Bullocks and Goats , but unto him that presented him with Bread and Wine , which are the Elements of the Sacrament ordained by Christ : this may serve well to intimate thus much unto us , that we are to pay our Tithes unto that High Priest , an High Priest of Melchisedechs Order , who did ordain the Sacrament of Bread and Wine ; and unto them in his behalf , who by his Ordinance and appointment in the Word , Hoc facite , administer the same unto us . And so much for the Sacerdotal Office of our Lord and Saviour , which he doth execute for our good , at the right hand of God ; we now proceed unto the Regal : which though it is most eminent in his coming to Iudgement , and so more properly to be handled in the following Article : yet for so much thereof as is exercised at the right hand of God ; we shall reduce it under this , in the following chapter . CHAP. XIV . Of the Regal or Kingly Office of our Lord as far as it is executed before his coming unto Iudgement . Of his Vice-gerents on the Earth , and of the several Vice-roys put upon him by the Papists and the Presbyterians . WE have not yet done with this branch of the Article , that of our Saviours sitting at the right hand of God. For of the three Offices allotted to him , that of the Priest , the Prince , and the Prophet , all which are comprehended in the name of CHRIST : that of the Priest , is wholly executed as he sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Almighty . And so is so much also of the King , or the Regal Office , as doth concern the preservation of his Church from the hands of her enemies , the Regulating of the same by his holy laws , and indeed every act and branch thereof except 〈◊〉 of Iudicature , which is most visibly discharged in the day of judgement . Of all the rest we shall now speak ; and for our better method and proceeding in it must recall to minde , that we told you in our former Chapter , how both the Kingdome and the Priesthood of our Saviour Christ , did take beginning at the time of his Resurrection . He was before a King Elect designed by God to this great Office from before all worlds ; but not invested with the Crown , nor put into the possession of the Throne 〈◊〉 David , till he had conquered Death , and swallowed up the grave in victory . That he was King Elect , and in designation , is evident by that of the Royal Psalmist , where he brings in God Almighty speaking of his only Son , and saying , I have set my King upon my holy hill of Sion (a) : as evident by that of the Prophet Daniel , where he telleth us that in those days ( those days which the Apostle calleth the fulness of time (b) ) the God of Heaven shall set up a Kingdome , which shall never be destroyed (c) ; which can be meant of none but the Kingdome of Christ. And that we may not have the testimony only of Kings and Prophets , which were mortall men , but also of the blessed Angels , those immortal Spirits : we have the Angel Gabriel , saying of him to his Virgin-Mother , that the Lord would give unto him the Throne of his Father David , and of his Kingdome there should be no end (d) . But yet he was but King Elect , and in designation ; born to the Crown of the Celestial land of Canaan , as the Heir apparent ; and by that name enquired for by the Wise men , saying , Vbi est ille , qui natus est Rex Iudaeorum (e) , i. e. where is he that is born King of the Iews , as our Engl●sh reads it . And so do all translations else which I have seen , except Bezas and the French which doth follow him ; And he indeed doth read it in a different way , Vbi est Rex ille Judaeorum , qui nat us est . But I will not now dispute this point of the translations . Suffice it that our Saviour was designed to the Crown of David , long before his birth , and did not waive his title to it , when he was alive . Yet was he not actually inaugurated till his resurrection , nor intronized at Gods right hand , untill his ascension . That he was a King in designatiton long before his birth , we have proved already . And that he did not waive the title when he was alive , is proved as plainly by that part of the accusation which the Priests and Pharisees made against him , objecting that he called himself Christ a King (f) , And when he was interrogated on that Article by Pontius Pilate , viz. Art thou the King of the Iews or not ; he let it passe as a thing granted , with a Tu dixisti , thou hast said it (g) , only distinguishing of his Kingdome , and telling him upon more discourse about that point , that his Kingdome was not of this world (h) . That was enough to rectifie the errour , and possesse the Deputie that he had no designes to disturb the State , or set on foot his claim to the Crown of Israel , though he was sure of finding a considerable party amongst the people ; who would have made him King by force (g) , if he had not removed himself out of their sight . And yet had God some further evidence to extort from Pilate , and not from him only , but from all his Souldiers , touching the Kingdome of his CHRIST . The Souldiers they arraied him in a purple or imperial robe , they set the Crown upon his head ( though a Crown of thornes ) they put a scepter in his hand , and then bow the knee , saying , Hail King of the Iews . Their purpose I confesse was only to expose him to contempt and laughter . But God had also his ends in it , and in the vanity of this humour brought forth that acknowledgment which in a serious way they had never uttered . A deo veritas ab invitis etiam pectoribus erumpit (h) , said Lactantius truly . So Pilate before whom he had been accused for taking to himself this title , did on the Crosse confirme it to him ; and freely granted him that honour , for taking which ( or nothing ) he had been condemned . IESVS OF NAZARETH KING OF THE IEWS (i) , was a fair , testimonie to proceed from the mouth of Pilate : the fairer in regard that he stood resolved not to have it altered ; but made this peremptory answer when the Priests proposed it , Quod scripsi scripsi (k) , what I have written I have written . God certainly was in Pilates mouth , and he knew it not . For thus became Christs title manifested to the Greeks and Romans , and published all abroad by those very means which were intended to suppresse it . So unsearchable are the Counsels of Almighty God , and his wayes past finding out , as the Prophet hath it . A Kingdome then our Saviour had , and that acknowledged and confessed by his very enemies ; though all of them mistaken in the nature of it . And to say truth , the generall opinion of Christs temporal Kingdome was become so epidemicall a disease amongst Iews and Gentiles ; that neither the wisdome of the Grecians , nor the word of God amongst the Iews , nor God the word then conversant with his own Disciples could remove the malady . And first beginning with the Iews , the Oracles of God had long since promised a Messiah , but they were wretchedly deceived in the manner of his coming to them , expecting such a one as should be answerable to their present miseries , and free them from that yoak of bondage which the Romans at that time had laid upon them . And as the wise Philosopher tels us , that the same man doth place his summum bonum upon divers blessings , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (l) , being sick he thinks it to consist in health , if poor in riches ) : even so this people being under the captivity of a second Babylon , dream of no other happinesse then present liberty . For this cause they expected such a Messiah , whose sword should free them from that thraldome ; whose Kingdome should be more apparent to the faith of the eye , then the eye of faith . This was it which made Herod tremble , and all Hierusalem with him ( i. e. as many in Hierusalem as did hold his faction ) when the wise men demanded saying , Where is he that is born King of the Iews (m) ? This made him murder the young children in Bethlem Iudah , and amongst them one of his own sons , as the story telleth us ; a man more cruel in his fears then in his anger . The Courtiers most , and many of the better sort of people also were all alike possessed with the same poor fancie . For seeing the glory of Herods Palace and experimentally knowing his prowesse , they conceived him to be the Messiah : and on that ground , as many learned men are of opinion , were called Herodians (n) . As for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the baser and ignoble multitude , certain it is that the ambition of their hopes did ascend no higher . Upon which ground , some of them flocked unto Theudas , who boasted of himself to be some great body (o) , others to Iudas of Galilee , who exhorted not to pay tribute : both thought to be the King they had so long looked for , but miserably deceived in both , as the issue proved . Their expectation of a temporall Messiah did not fail them yet . CHRIST is the next they set their rest on , and would have made him King by force : He that could feed so many thousands with a few loaves of bread , was likely to maintain an Army with no charge at all . Afterwards in the days of Hadrian the Roman Emperour , they placed their hopes on one Barchochab . His name did signifie as much as the son of a star , which made them take him for that star of Iacob , of which Balaam prophecied , and taking him for such to reverence him as Eusebius tels us (p) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he were a star which came down from heaven . A Star indeed he proved , but a falling star , drawing the people generally into rebellion against the Romans ; on which they were for ever banished from their native Country . Nor was it thus only with the Iews in generall , but those who had more near relation to their Lord and Saviour . The Secretaries to this King the Apostles , had all of them their hope stonger then their faith : and did already contend amongst themselves , which of them should be greatest in their Masters Kingdome (q) . Not in his Kingdome of grace , nor in that of glory , for they dreamed of neither : but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his temporal Kingdome rather , which they all looked after (r) . The seventy which were Clerks of his Counsel so conceived it also ; and it is no marvell . Nam quis viam rectam teneret errante Cicerone ? We thought , said Cleophas , that this had been the man that should have delivered Israel (s) . Delivered Israel ? from whom ? Not from sin and Satan ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but from the yoak of bondage which the Romans had then laid upon them . Thus was it also with the whole body of his Disciples when convened together , at the very time of his Ascension . Wilt thou at this time , say they , restore again the Kingdome unto Israel (t) ? The Kingdome ? What ? Regnum illud temporale quod ablatum erat a Iudaeis (u) , the temporall power which by the Romans lately had been taken from them . And now I thinke it cannot reasonably be expected , that the Gentiles should conceive otherwise of the Kingdome of Christ ( if they knew any thing at all of it ) then the whole nation of the Iews , or his own Disciples . Nam post Carthaginem vinci neminem puduit (x) . It was no shame for them to mistake in that , which was not rightly understood by his friends and followers . If they that sat● in the light saw so obscurely , how could they see at all that sat in darknesse , and in the shadow of death ? There had continued in the East , saith Tacitus (y) , and Suetonius both , a received opinion , fore ut Iudaea profecti rerum potirentur , that out of Iewry should proceed a most puissant Prince , who should in fine obtain the Empire over all the world . A report founded questionlesse upon that of Micah , and to this purpose cited in St. Matthews Gospel , viz. that out of Judah there should come a Governour which shall rule my people Israel (z) . This prophecie the Roman Historians of those times referred in the accomplishment unto Vespasian and his sons ; who being the Provincial Governours of Iudaea , did afe●rwards by force of the Eastern Armies , obtain the empire . But it wrought further as it seems upon Domitian , who is reported to have sought out all those of the line of David , which his care and diligence could discover ; and to have murdred them being found (a) . Which howsoever some ascribe to his accustomed cruelty , without further aime : yet I am verily perswaded that jealousie in point of state , the better to secure himself from those on whom that prophecie did reflect originally , did induce him to it . And possible enough it is that Pilate grounding his proceedings on the same mistake , might think quod scripsi scripsi an high part of wisedome ; and that therein he did great service to the Roman Emperors , in terrifying others from aspiring to the name of King , which Iesus upon so good title , and without any prejudice unto their affaires had presumed to own . But all this while he was a King in title only , or a King designed . We must next look upon him as inaugurated , and put in full possession of the regal power . And that this was not done till his resurrection is positively affirmed in two texts of St. Peter , and very concludingly inferred by a text of St. Paul. We will take that of St. Peter first , delivered in the first Sermon that he preached on the Feast of Pentecost , where speaking of the resurrection of our Lord and Saviour , and having pressed the point home to their souls and consciences ; he concludeth thus , Therefore let all the house of Israel know assuredly , that God hath made the same , Jesus whom ye have crucifyed , both Lord and Christ (l) . Not made him Lord , nor Christ till then , neither King nor Priest. The very same St. Paul affirmeth in more positive termes . Who speaking of the promise which God made to David ( that viz. of the 132 Psalme , that of the fruit of his body there should one sit upon his throne for evermore ) resolveth it thus , The promise which God made unto our Fathers (m) , hath he fulfilled in us their children , in that he hath raised up Jesus again , as it is also written in the 2. Psalme , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee . Of this we have already spoken more fully in the 13. Chapter , and therefore shall not need to repeat it here . And if the word head be used in Scriptures and other creditable Authors to signifie the King or supreme Governour of a body politick , as no doubt it is ; we have St. Paul as positive in this particular as St. Peter was . That so the word head hath been oft times used , I shall not need to prove out of many witnesses , when two or three will be sufficient . Of these the first shall be the Prophet Isaiah , saying , The head of Syria is Damascus , and the head of Israel is Samaria (n) they being the principall and commanding Cities of those severall Kingdomes . And more then so , the head of Damascus is Rezin , and the head of Samaria is the son of Remaliah , who were the Kings of those two Realms , whereof Damascus and Samaria were the principal Cities . Thus doth the Poet say of Rome , Roma caput mundi (o) , that it was the head of the world , i. e. the chief or commanding state , to which all the residue of the world did owe subjection . And thus doth Chrysostome say of Theodosius the Roman Emperour , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (p) , the head of all people on the earth . It followeth then , that Christ being called in Scripture the head of his Church , ( which is indeed his mystical body ) and exercising all that power and authority , which the head hath upon the members of the body natural ; must needs be understood for the King thereof , the Prince and Saviour of his people , as St. Peter called him . And that Christ was not made the head of his Church , till the resurrection was accomplished , it 's by St. Paul affirmed so plainly and in terminis , that it needs no Commentary . The God of our Lord IESVS CHRIST (q) ( saith the Apostle ) hath raised him from the dead , and set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places , above all principalities , and powers , and might , and dominions ( that is to say , above the whole Hierarchie of the Angels ) &c. And given him to be head over all things unto the Church which is his body . This makes that clear and evident which before we said , that though our Saviour was designed to the Crown of David long before his birth , yet was he not actually inaugurated till his resurrection , nor inthronized at Gods right hand untill his ascension . And this distinction serves most fitly to clear the meaning of St. Paul in that other place , from which the same may be concludingly inferred . It is a passage in his Sermon made unto the Pisidians , where speaking of the promise which God made to David (r) , ( that viz. of the 132. Psal. That of the fruit of his body there should one sit upon his Throne for evermore , v. 12 , 13. ) he resolves it thus , The promise which was made unto the Fathers (s) , God hath fulfilled the same unto us their Children , in that he hath raised up Jesus again , as it is also written in the second Psalme , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee . Many Interpreters , I know , both antient and modern do expound these words of the eternal generation of the Son of God , and fancie to themselves an hodie aeternitatis , something which may be called this day , before all eternity . Which exposition of the words , as it is very justly disliked by Calvin ; so is he very unjustly quarrelled for by some latter writers , who look no further on the words then the words of David , and not upon the application which St. Paul makes of them . Clearly St. Paul who spake by the same Spirit that David did , and therefore could not erre in expounding the words of David , intends them neither to CHRISTS natural birth , as the son of the blessed Virgin Mary , nor his eternall generation as the Son of God ; but to his birth day or begetting to the Crown of the heavenly Canaan ; the day of their advancement to the regal throne , being esteemed as their birth day by most Kings and Princes . For who so ignorant in the affaires of the world , so little conversant in the monuments of former times , as not to know that it is usuall in most States and Kingdomes , not only to celebrate with great feasts and triumphs , the naturall birth-day of their Kings , which they call Diem natalem imperatoris ; but the inauguration day , the day wherein he was exalted to the Crown imperial , which they call Diem natalem imperii . Certain I am that the day whereon Augustus did assume the imperial power , was solemnized in Rome every tenth year with a great deal of joy (t) : and that Caligula did decree , that the day whereon he began his Empire ( Dies quo cepisset imperium , as my Authour hath it ) should be called Palilia (u) , and celebrated as that was by the antient Romans , in memory that their City was on that day founded . And thus it hath continued in most States of Christendome , but most unprosperously of late ( as if it were an Omen of the present troubles ) laid aside in ours . And this interpretation of the Psalmists words , receiveth good countenance from another place of the same Apostle , in which those words of David are again recited . The place is this (x) , Christ ( saith he ) glorifyed not himself to be made high Priest , but he that said unto him , thou art my Son , to day have I begotten thee ; as he saith also in another place , Thou art a Priert for ever after the order of Melchisedech . The meaning of this passage we have shewn before , and is this in brief ; that Christ being called by God to the two great offices , those of the Priesthood and the Kingdome , was not exalted unto either , ( though designed to both ) till God had glorifyed him in the sight of the people , by his resurrection . And to my seeming , Davids words , had not St. Paul conducted us to this exposition , could have no other meaning then is here made of them . For if we marke the composition of the same , and the place in which these words are ranked , we shall finde that God had first advanced his King , and set him on his holy hill of Sion , on the royall throne (p) ; before , and but immediately before these words , Thou art my Son , this day have I begotten thee . But what need one Apostle be called to witnesse in this point , when we have all that glorious company , the Apostolical College and the rest of their company , apply the whole Psalme to the person of Christ (z) ; of Christ anointed to the Kingdome by the hands of God , but not till Herod , Pontius Pilate , the Gentiles and the people of Israel had conspired against him , to do whatsoever the hand and counsell of God had before determined . Having thus brought our Saviour to the Regall throne , and set him on the right hand of God in the heavenly places ; let us next look upon him in his forme of Government , according to the arts of Empire . These by the Stalists are reduced unto two heads , the one consisting in protecting and defending the people committed to them , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the other in prescribing laws , and executing justice on the transgressours , which they terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Both these most perfectly discharged by our Prince and Saviour . And first the Enemies against which he protects his people , are these three , the Devil , sin , and persecution . The two first he discomfited in that painfull combat , in which he paid the price of our redemption , and made his passage open to the new Hierusalem . Since that time there is nothing left in Satan but a powerlesse malice ; and though he roare against the Church , he shall never devour it . The gates of hell shall not prevail against it (a) , said the glorious Conqueror . Sin at the same time lost his strength (b) , which was the curse of the Law ; and not his strength only , but his Empire too . And though he may sojourn for a time in our mortal bodies , yet shall he never reigne over us , and have us in subjection as before he had : unlesse we willingly betray our selves , and captivate our souls to those conquered powers , which God hath given us grace to master . Nor deales otherwise with the Persecutors of his Church and people , then he hath done with sin and Satan : whom he doth crush at last with a rod of iron , and break them into pieces like a potters vessell (d) : as David telleth of him in the second Psalme . And though sometimes to manifest his own glory in his peoples sufferings , and to make tryall of their faith and Christian patience , he doth permit their enemies to prevail against them : yet was he never wanting in his own due time , to make their deliverance more remarkable , then all their afflictions . Witnesse the persecutions of the primitive times , in which the Princes of the earth and the powers of hell banded themselves against the Lord and against his anointed : times in the which it were a difficulty to determine , whether the gallantry of the Martyrs , or the tyranny of the persecutors gave juster cause of admiration to the sad spectators . With such a chearfull countenance did they beare their sufferings , that they even wearied their tormenters ; and did not lose their lives , but give them . With what a noble confidence did they mount the scaffold , on which they were to suffer the most cruel death , which the wit of man , and malice of the Devil , could inflict upon them : so bravely and without amazement , as if they had been mounted rather to behold a triumph , then to be brought to execution . Never was tragedy of death more bravely acted ; nor actor honoured with a richer and more glorious crown . And for his enemies and theirs , the vengeance of the Lord found them out at last , and laid them in the dust with disgrace and ignominy . For which was there of all the persecutors , who made themselves drunk with the bloud of the Saints and Prophets (r) ; or that have raged against the Church since those furious times , to whom he gave not bloud to drinke ; whom either in their gray haires , or in the pride and flourish of all their glories , he brought not to the grave with reproach and sorrow ; or left their dead bodies to be meat to the fowles of the Aire ? Next for the Nomothetical arts of Empire , let us look on those ; and we shall finde that as he came not to destroy the Law of God , but to fulfil it ; so hath he added more weight to it , either by way of application or of explication , then before it had . They who consult our Saviours Sermon on the mount , and look upon his Commentaries on the law of Moses , which the chief Priests and Pharisees had perverted by adulterate glosses ; will quickly finde that he discharged us not from the Obligation which the moral law had laid upon us , but only did become our surety , and bound himself to see it faithfully performed by us in our severall places . The burden was not made lesse heavy then it was before ( I speak still of the Moral Law , not the Ceremonial ) but that he hath given more strength to bear it , more grace to regulate our lives by Gods Commandements . And somewhat he did adde of his own auhority which tended to a greater measure of perfection , then possibly we could attain to by the Law of Moses : and that not only in the way of Evangelical Counsels , ( and that there are such Counsels I can easily grant ) but of positive precept . For so far certainly we may joyn issue with the Council of Trent , that IESVS CHRIST is to be honoured and observed , Non tantum ut Redemptor cui omn●s fidant , sedut Legislator cui obediant (f) , not only as a Saviour unto whom we may trust , but as a Law-maker also whom we are to obey . The same position is maintained also by the Arminian party ; but not the more unsound for either . Veritas a quocunq est , est a Spiritu sancto , as St. Ambrose hath it . And this is so agreeable to the Word of God , that either we must deny the Scripture , or else confess that it proceeded from the Spirit of God. Nor are his laws indeered only to us , and sugred over as it were , by the promise of a great reward ; but enjoyned also under pain of grievous punishments : punishment and reward being the square or measure of the heavenly government , no otherwise then of the earthly . Tribulation and anguish ( saith St. Paul ) shall come upon the soul of every man that doth evil ; but glory , and honour , and peace to every man that doth good , to the Iew first , and also to the Gentile ; for God is no respecter of persons (h) . By which two general motives set before our eyes , and the co-operation of the holy Spirit working with his Word , he doth illuminate our mindes , and mollifie our hearts , and quench our lusts , instruct us in the faith , confirm us in our hopes , and strengthen us in Christian charity : till in the end he bring us to the knowledge of his holy will , then to obedience to his Laws , and finally to a resemblance of his vertues also . If after all this care and teaching either by frailty or infirmity we do break his laws , or violate his sacred Statutes as we do too often ; he doth not presently take the forfeiture which the Law doth give him ( for then O Lord , should no flesh living in thy sight be justified ) : but in the midst of judgement he remembreth mercy . We may affirm of him most truly as Lactantius did , (i) Vt erga pios indulgentissimus Pater , ita adversus impios justissimus Iudex ; as terrible a Iudge he is to impenitent sinners , as an indulgent Father to his towardly children , as before was said . Such is the nature and condition of our Saviours Kingdome , which sitting at the right hand of Almighty God , he doth direct and govern as seems best to his heavenly wisdome ; and so shall do untill his coming again to judge both the quick and the dead . Although he hath withdrawn himself , and his bodily presence , yet is he present with it in his mighty power , and by the influences and graces of his holy Spirit . And in this sense it was that he said unto them , Behold , I am with you alwayes to the end of the world (k) . And that not only with you , my Apostles , unto whom he spake , but cum vobis & successoribus vestris (l) , with all you my Disciples and with your successors also in your several places , till time be no more . Though he be placed above in the heavenly glories , and is not joyned unto his Church by any bodily connexion ; yet he is knit unto it in the bonds of love , and out of that affection doth so guide and order it , as the Head doth the members of the Body natural . Habet ecclesia Caput positum in Coelestibus quod gubernat Corpus suum , separatum quidem visione sed annectitur Charitate , as St. Austin hath it . Vice-roy there needeth none to supply his absence , who is always with us . Nor we the assistance of a Vicar General to supply his place , whose Spirit bloweth where him listeth , and who is linked unto us in so strong affections . But for all this our Masters in the Church of Rome have determined positively , that in regard our Saviour hath withdrawn himself from the Church in his Body , secundum visibilem praesentiam , for as much as doth concern his visible presence : he needs must have some Deputy or Lieutenant General , qui visibilem hanc Ecclesiam in unitate contineat (m) , to govern and direct the same in peace and unity . It seemes they think our Saviour Christ to be reduced unto the same straights as Augustus was , of whom it is reported in the Roman stories , that he did therefore institute a Provost in the City of Rome because he could not always be there in person (n) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and durst not leave it absolutely without a Governor (n) . And sure however others may complain of our Saviours absence , and for that reason think it necessary to have some general Deputy to supply his place : yet of all others those of Rome have least cause to do it , who can command his presence at all times , and on all occasions . For as Cornelius a Lapide (o) affirms expressely , by saying only these words , Hoc est Corpus meum , the Bread is not only transubstiated into our Saviours Body , but Christ anew begotten , and born again upon the Altar . And not his Body only ( that 's not half enough ) but as the Canon of Trent tels us , there is totus Christus una cum anima & Divinitate , (p) , whole Christ both body and soul , and the Godhead also , personally and substantially on the blessed Sacrament . That he is present every where in his power and Spirit , there is none of us which denyeth . If they can have his bodily presence also in so short a warning , what use can they pretend for a Vicar General ? Adeo Argumenta ex falso petita ineptos habent exitus (o) , said Lactantius rightly , Besides it is a Maxime in Ecclesiastical Polity , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (q) ▪ that the external Regiment of the Church of Christ is to be fitted to the frame and order of the Civil State. Not if the State were popular ( for there were then no popular States when that rule was made ) , the Government of the Church should be also popular : but that within such principal Cities as were assigned for the residence of the Civil Magistrate , the Prelates of the Church should be also planted . This I am sure no learned Romanist can deny . And granting this I would have any of them shew , when any Monarch having divers Kingdomes under his command , did ever yet appoint one General Viceroy to command them all . Certain I am that the Assyrian Monarchs had in their several Provinces several Governours , as is apparent out of the Book of Daniel (s) . So had the Parsians too in the Book of Hester (t) ; and so the Romans too in St. Lukes (u) Gospel : Not to say any thing of the Monarchs of the present times , all using the same Arts of Empire . And then what reason can there be , considering that the Church is bound to follow the external Government of the Civil State , that one Lieutenant General should be thought so necessary to govern all Churches in the World ; seeing one General Vice-roy was not thought sufficient to govern but a few particular Kingdomes ? Or were it fit and necessary that it should be so , yet those of Rome can shew no more Commission from our Lord and Saviour , for the appropriating of this Office to St. Peters Chair , then a bare Tradition . For Bellarmine , although he laboured , no man more , in the search hereof , could finde no Text in all the Gospel which would serve his turn : and thereupon concludes at last , that howsoever some Supremacy in sacred matters might seeme allotted to St. Peter , tamen Pontificem Romanum Petro succedere expresse non haberi in Scriptura (x) , yet that the Pope succeeded Peter is not found in Scripture . What then shall we conceive of the Popish Parasites , who give their Pope the title of Vice-deus , as Paulo V. Vice-deo , the Numeral letters of the which make up 666 as one well observeth ; but that they are instruments to bring in the Antichrist ? What of that horrid blasphemie of Petrus Bertrandus , who boldly taxeth Christ of great indiscretion , in case he had not left behinde him such a Vicar General ? (y) Visus esset Deus , ut cum reverentia ejus loquar , indiscretus fuisse , nisi unum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset , as his own words are : and such they are , as never any Christian durst pronounce but he . If then it be so disagreeable to the Kingdome of Christ , to have one General Vice-roy to direct the whole , let us next see , whether they have not somewhat better provided for him , who would impose upon the Church , as many petite Popes , as there be Parishes ; if not three for one . For by their Plat-form every Parish must be furnisht with a distinct Presbyterie ; and that Presbyterie to be absolute within it self , having authority to censure , excommunicate , and what not else , that appertaineth to Ecclesiastical jurisdiction . By means whereof they make Christs Body far more monstrous then the monster Hydra ; not to have seven heads only , but seven hundred thousand . Yet this device both new and monstrous though it be , must needs be reckoned a chief part of our Saviours Kingdome . For as their Champions gave it out in their publick Writings , their Controversie was not onely about Caps and Surplices , as the world imagined ; but whether IESVS CHRIST should be King or not (z) . Their Discipline they honoured with the Title of Christs holy yoke , his Scepter , and their endevours , as they said , aimed at this end only , to build up first the wals of Hierusalem , and then to set Christs Throne in the midst thereof (a) . For why , say they , the planting of Presbyteries is the full placing of Christ in his Kingdome ; which whosoever shall reject , ( I use their own words still , no others ) refuse to have Christ reign amongst them , and do deny him in effect to be their King. Thus went the cry of old for the Presbyterians ; and now the Independents use the self same words , appropriating Christs Kingdome , and his Throne , and Scepter , unto their separate Congregations and Conventicular meetings . And questionless it were an excellent representation of Christs glorious Kingdome , to have a company of shop-keepers and inferiour handicrafts , sitting upon the bench with their zealous Pastour , as if they were the twenty four Elders in the Revelation (c) , pronouncing some sad judgement on the Tribes of Israel : and after hasten to their Trades , as Quintius the Dictator did unto his plough , ut ad opus relictum festinasse videatur (d) , as my Author hath it . And yet so highly do they magnifie this new Kingdome of theirs , which they have raised up for themselves in our Saviours Name , that Kings and Princes must be suffered to rule no longer , then they submit themselves and their Supreme power to the divine authority of their new Presbyteries . For Beza quarrelleth with Erastus , and thinks him guilty of high Treason against God Almighty , quod Principes & Reges a Divina ista Dominatione exemerit (e) , because he doth not think it fit that Kings and Princes should submit unto this fine yoak , the Iudgement seat of Christ , as he idlely cals it . And some amongst our selves have not spared to say , that a true government of the Church there can never be , till Kings and Queens submit themselves unto the Church , subject their Scepters , and lay down their Crowns before this Throne , yea lick up the very dust of the Churches feet (f) , and willingly endure such Censures , ( be they what they will ) as the Divine Presbyterie shall impose upon them . Huic Disciplinae omnes Reges & Principes fasces suos submittere necesse est ; as Travers once did state it in his Book of Discipline . And could they bring it once to that ( as they much endevour it ) it were Regale Presbyterium a Royal Presbyterie to the purpose , though not unto the purpose the Apostle speaks of . To joyn these Foxes , the Genevian and Roman , both together , which though they look two several ways , as if they were to run quite contrary to one another ; do yet carry fire-brands in their Tayles , as once Sampsons did , and like them are combined to destroy our harvest : I would commend unto them that Vice-roy , or Vicar General , ( for I perceive they will have one ) which once Tertullian did commend to the Primitive Church , even the holy Ghost . For in his Treatise de Virgin. veland . he calleth him in plain tearms Vicarium illum Domini Spiritum sanctum (g) , and doth assign this Office to him , dirigere , ordinare , & ad perfectum perducere Disciplinam , to direct , order , and dispose of us in such a manner , as may make us perfect at the last in all Christian piety . But if they will have nothing to do with the holy Ghost , as I think they will not in this business , we shall then finde them lawful Vice-roys made of flesh and bloud ; and those too of Christs own appointment , not of mans devising . That he doth rule his Church in things which concern salvation , by men in sacred Orders is confessed on both sides : and that he doth preserve the same in external Order , at peace and decency , and in the beauty of holiness , by the power of Christian Princes , is affirmed in Scriptures . Why else are Kings entituled the Nursing Fathers , and Queens the nursing mothers (h) of the Church of Christ , but for the protection which they give , & their superintendency over it in their several Kingdoms ? Kings are Christs Vice-roys on the earth in their own Dominions , over all persons in all causes , aswell Ecclesiastical as Civil the Supreme Governours . And so are Bishops in the first sense , in their several Dioceses , and under them those Presbyters which have cure of souls . Which lest we may be thought to say without good authority , we call the Popes themselves to witness against those of Rome , ( and to the others will say more in the following Paragraph ) . For Pope Eusebius in his third Epistle dec●etory , ( which whatsoever credit it be of amongst learned men , must be good ad homines ) saith plainly that our Saviour is the Churches head ; and that his Vicars are the Bishops to whom the Government and Ministerie of the Church is trusted . Caput Eccles●ae Christus est , Vicarii autem Christi sacerdotes sunt (i) . And Sacerdotes in those times did signifie the Bishops , no inferior Order . For further proof whereof ( if more proof be needful ) consult St. Ambrose on 1 Cor. cap. 11. St. Austin in his questions on the Old and New Testament , qu. 127. The Author of the Imperfect work ascribed to St. Chrysostom , Hom. 17. the Fathers of the Councel of Compeigne , and divers others : all of which call the Bishop in most positive tearms , Vicarium Christi , the Vicar of Christ. And for the King , so said Pope Eleutherius in a letter of his to Lucius a King of Britain , no great Prince assuredly , but the first Christian Prince that ever was in the world : Vicarius Dei vos estis in regno vestro (k) , you are Gods Vice-roy or Lieutenant in your own Dominions . Which title Edgar ( as I take it ) a West-Saxon King , did challenge as his own of right , in a speech made unto his Clergy in their Convocation , or some such like Synodical meeting . The like occurs of William the Conquerer , who in a Parliament of his is called Vicarius summi Regis , as is said by Bishop Iewel in the Defence of the Apology , part . 5. cap 6. sect . 3. And this perhaps the sticklers for Presbyterie will not stick to grant , who will allow Kings to be Gods Vice gerents , so they be not Christs ; and if not Christs , then not to intermeddle in such things as concern the Church , but to betake themselves meerly unto secular matters . Beza hath so resolved it against Erastus . Our Saviour Christ , saith he , hath told us , that his Kingdome is not of this world , adeo ut , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 administrationi nunquam se immiscuerit , and therefore would not be a Judge in a Temporal difference ; and thereupon it is inferred , that Secular Princes must not meddle in such things as concern Christs Kingdome . But none have spoke more plainly in it then our Scottish Presbyters , from Father Henderson down to Cant , and Rutherford ; who build their Presbyterian Platform upon this foundation , that Kings receive not their authority from IESVS CHRIST , but from God the Father . Which being so pernicious a Maxime to the right of Kings , and so derogatory to the honour of our Lord and Saviour ; I shall in brief summe up some passages in holy-Scripture , and other good authorities from the antient Fathers , as may aboundantly convince them of most gross absurdity , in offering such strange fire in the Church of God. For first our Saviour , who best knew his own Prerogative , hath told us that All power is given to him both in Heaven and Earth (n) . If all , then doubtless that of ordaining Kings , which are the greatest powers on earth . If all , then must it be by him , as indeed it is , ( or Solomon mistook the matter ) By whom Kings reign and Princes decree justice (o) . In reference to this power no question but St. Paul calleth him Rex Regum , or the King of Kings . He is , saith the Apostle , the only Potentate , the King of Kings and Lord of Lords (p) . By the same title he is called in the Revelation , chap. 17. vers . 14. And this not only in the way of excellencie , because a greater King and a more puissant Lord then any here upon the earth : but also in the way of derivation , because from him all Kings and Princes whatsoever do derive their power . Just so , and in the self same sense , some of the mighty Monarchs amongst the Gentiles , having inferiour Princes under their command , and such as do derive all authority from them , do call themselves the Kings of Kings . Rex Regum Arsaces , the old style of the Parthian Emperours . This further proved , and very significantly inferred from another place of the Revelation , where it is said of Christ , the Lamb , that he hath on his vesture and on his Thigh a name written , viz. Kings of Kings and Lord of Lords (q) . In which last place there are two things to be observed which concern this point , the one that this name of King of Kings , and Lord of Lords is fixed and setled in Christs Person , as the Son of man : the other , that all Kings are De femore Christi , certainly of his appointment and Ordination , as if they were descended from his very loyns . Nor want we of the Fathers which affirm the same . St. Athanasius paraphrasing on this Text of Scripture , And he shall reign in the house of Jacob for ever , &c. saith plainly (r) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , Christ having received the Throne of David hath transferred the same and given it to the holy Kings of Christians . And so Liberius , one of the Popes of Rome , writing unto the Emperour Constantius ( a Prince extremely wedded indeed to the Arian faction ) admonisheth him not to fight against Christ , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( s ) , who had advanced him to the Empire , nor to be so unthankeful to him , as to countenance any impious opinion , that was held against him . Adde to these two , though these the great Patriarchs of the Roman and Egyptian Churches , the suffrage of the Fathers assembled at the Councel holden in Ariminum , who writing to the same Constantius , and speaking of our Lord and Saviour , addes these following words , viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (t) , that is to say , By whom thou reignest , and hast Dominion over all the world . And this , no question , is the reason why all Christian Princes do place the Cross upon the top of their Royal Crowns . For though they use it as a badge of their Christianity , and to acknowledge that they are not ashamed of the Cross of Christ ; yet by allotting to it the superior place they publish and confess this also , that they do hold their Crowns by and under him . Let us not then be cheated by this new distinction , that Kings are Gods Vice-roys but not Iesus Christs ; though the distinction be much hugged by our great Novators . Who intend nothing else thereby but to throw down Crowns and lay them at the foot of their Presbyteries ; and to set up instead of the Regal power , their own dear Tribunal , a Soveraignty in all causes Ecclesiastical , to over-rule it first , and extirpe it afterwards ; as the right learned Bishop of Kell-Alla , very well observeth (u) . In these ways , and by these several means and subordinate Ministers , doth Christ administer the Kingdome committed to him . And this he doth , continually sitting at the right hand of God the Father , and there to sit untill his enemies be made his footstool . This David did fore-see by the spirit of Prophecy , The Lord ( saith he ) said unto my Lord ( i. e. the Lord God almighty said to my Lord CHRIST IESVS ) Sit thou on my right hand untill thy enemies be made thy footstool (x) . This the Apostle also verifieth and affirms of Christ. But this man after he had offered one Sacrifice for sins is set down for ever on the right hand of God (y) , from henceforth expecting till his enemies be made his footstool . And this he also telleth us in another place , saying of Christ that he must reign till he shall have put all his enemies under his feet (a) . Till then his Kingdome is to last , and till that time he is to sit at the right hand of God in all power and Majesty . If it be asked when that will be that all his enemies shall be subdued and subject to him ; we answer , at the end of this present world , when there is no enemie left to be destroyed . Now the last enemie which is to be destroyed is death (b) , saith the same Apostle . And thereupon we may inferre , that while death reigneth in opposition to the Lord of life ; and sin in a defiance to the Lord of righteousness , that hitherto we have not seen all things put under him (c) ; and therefore must expect yet a little longer , before he shall deliver up the Kingdome unto God the Father . But then indeed when Death is utterly destroyed , and all the Saints admitted to the glories of eternal life , when all things are subdued unto him , then also shall the Son himself be made subject to him , that did put all things under him , that is God the Father (d) : Then when he hath put down all rule , and all authority , and power , then cometh the end , and then he shall deliver up the Kingdome unto God the Father , that God may be all in all . This is the summe of St. Pauls argument in that point . In which there being many things not easie to be understood , I shall not think my time ill spent , to make a short Paraphrase and discourse upon it , that so we may perceive more fully the Apostles meaning . And first he saith that CHRIST must reign till he hath put all things under his feet , that being one of the especial parts of the Kingly function , as before was shewn , to save and defend his Church from the hands of her enemies ; and for the enemies themselves , to crush them with a Scepter of iron , and break them in pieces like a Potters vessel . When this is done , when he hath trodden under foot all his mortal enemies , the persecutors of his Church , false Prophets , false Apostles , and the great Antichrist himself , which labour to seduce even the very Elect : when he hath subjugated the powers of Hell , and that sin hath no more dominion over us , yet we shall still lie under the power of death untill the last and general Resurrection . Death therefore is the last enemie to be destroyed , that being delivered from his thraldome , raised from the grave which is his prison , and all those bonds and fetters broken by which we were held captive under his command , we may be made partakers of eternal life , and reign with Christ for ever in his heavenly glories . When that time cometh , when there are neither enemies from which to protect his Church , nor any Church to be instructed in the wayes of godliness , according to the Nomothetical part of the Regal Office : then cometh the end , the end of all things in this world , which shall be no more ; the end of Christs Kingdome , as the Mediator between God and man , man having by the power of his mediation , attained the end of his desires , the guerdon and reward of his faith and piety . This being done , the rule of Satan , and the authority of sin , and the power of death , being all broken and subdued ; he shall first raise our mortal bodies in despight of death , pronounce the joyful sentence of absolution on them in despight of sin ; and finally advance them to that height of glory from which Satan fell , to the confusion of the Devil and all his Angels . And having so discharged the Office of a Mediator , for executing which he sate at the right hand of God , he shall deliver up unto God the Father , the right and interest which he had in the Kingdome of Grace , consisting in the building up of his Elect in faith , hope , and charity , that they with him , and he with them , may reign forevermore in the Kingdome of glory . Where there shall be no use of Faith , for they shall see God face to face , and faith is the existence of things not seen (e) ; and less of hope , for hope is the expectancy of things desired , which being once obtained puts an end to hope . Charity onely shall remain , for that never ceaseth (f) , and therefore said to be the greatest of the three Theological vertues , of which the Apostle there discourseth , 1 Cor. 13.13 ▪ And so Primasius hath resolved it . In this present life ( saith he ) there are three , in the life to come onely the love of God , and his Augels and of all the Saints . That therefore is the greater which is alwayes necessary , then that which once shall have an end (g) . The like St. Austin before him , The greatest of all is charity , because when every one shall come to eternal life , the other two failing , charity shall continue with increase , and with greater certainty (h) . And finally before both , thus St. Chrysostome ( and these three witnesses enough ) , The greatest of these is Charity , because they passe away , but that continueth (i) . I must confess there is hardly a more difficult Text in all the Scripture , then this of Christs delivering up the Kingdome unto God the Father ; nor which requires more care in the Exposition , for fear of doing injurie unto God or Christ ; ( conceive me still of Christ in his humane nature . ) For neither must we so understand the place , as if God reigned not now at the present time , nor was to reign at all untill this surrendry of the Kingdome by Christ our Saviour . That were injurious to the power and Majesty of Almighty God by whom all things were made ; and by whom all made subject unto Christs command : for he it is who did put all things under him , saith the Apostle . Nor must we understand it so , as it Christ delivering up the Kingdome had no more to doe , but was reduced to the condition of a private Saint : that were injurious to the dignity of our Lord CHRIST IESVS . Nec sic arbitremur eum tra●iturum Deo & Patri , ut adimat sibi , as St. Austin hath it , we must not think , saith he , that he will so deliver up the Kingdome unto God the Father , as to devest himself of all Power , Majesty . Not so : His meaning is but this at most , ( taking the word Kingdome in the usual and accustomed sense ) that the form of governing this Kingdome shall then be altered : S●n , Hell , and Death being all subdued , as in himself before , so in all his Members ; and Heaven replenished with those Saints , for whose sakes principally he received the Kingdome . And though this Exposition be both safe , and general , yet I conceive it may admit another sense , and such as do most happily avoid those difficulties , which otherwise it may seem to be subject to . What then if we should say , that by Regnum here , we are so understand only filios Regni ; if by the word Kingdome in this place , St. Paul meaneth those who are called the Children of the Kingdome (l) , in another place : and that by the delivering up of the Kingdome unto God the Father , we are to understand no more then the presenting of his children ( Behold I and the children whom thou hast given me (m) ) to the fight of God ; to be received into his glories , and crowned by him with immortality . Assuredly , if I should both say it , and stand to it too , I should not think the Exposition either forced , nor new . Not forced , for Metonymies of this kinde in the Book of God , and in all Classick Authors too , are exceeding obvious . For Classick Authors first , ( to name two or three ) we have in Tacitus , Matrimonium Principale ( pessimum principalis Matrimonii instrumentum (n) ) for the Princes wife . And in the Poet Coelum , Heaven , for Coelites , the heavenly Citizens ; as Coelo gratissimus amnis , a River very acceptable unto those in heaven . O Coelo dilecta domus , an house beloved of the Gods , in another Poet. Thus also in the holy Scripture , Regale Presbyterium , a Royal Priesthood , 1 Pet. 2. vers . 8. is put for a society of Royal Priests : Regnum which is the word here used , is in our English rendred Kings . Fecit nos Regnum & sacerdotes , saith the Vulgar Latine ; He hath made us Kings and Priests , saith our Translation (o) , Apoc. 1. vers . 6. And more then so : in the 13. of St. Matthewes Gospel , the word Regnum is directly used by Christ our Saviour , pro filiis Regni , the Kingdome , for the sons of the Kingdome . The Kingdome of Heaven , saith he , is like a Merchant man. i. e. the children of the Kingdome of Heaven are like to Merchant men seeking godly pearls , vers . 24. Use but the word so here , as in that of St. Matthew , and the delivery of the Kingdome unto God the Father , will signifie no more then the presenting of the Saints , as before I said , or tendring Gods adopted Sonnes , ( which are the children of the great King and the Kingdome too ) to their heavenly Father . This shews the Exposition is not forced , we are sure of that . And we have hopes to prove that it is not new ; being I think as old as St. Augustines time . For asking this question of himself , What is the meaning of this Text , Then shall he deliver up the Kingdome unto God the Father ? He makes this answer , Quia justos omnes in quibus nunc regnat , &c. (o) . The meaning is , that he shall bring the righteous persons in whom he reigns as Mediator between God and man , unto the blessed Vision of Almighty God , that they may see him face to face . And in another place to the same effect , It is as much as if he should have said in other words , Cum perduxerit credentes ad contemplationem Dei & Patris (p) , Then shall he bring the faithfull to behold the face of God the Father . Which Faithfull , or the body of his holy ones , he cals plainly in another place , by the name of Regnum ( the word here used by the Apostle ) : affirming of the Saints of God , eos ita esse in Regno ejus ut ipsi etiam sint Regnum ejus (q) . They are ( saith he ) estated in the Kingdome of God , but so as to be his Kingdome also . But this discourse is out of season , though not out of the way . For though our Saviour shall deliver up the Kingdome unto God the Father ( in what sense soever we understand it ) yet shall not this be done till after the day of general Judgement , till he hath judged the quick and dead , and given to every one according to his works . Which is the last act of his Regal Office , and the subject of the following Article . ARTICLE VIII . Of the Eighth ARTICLE OF THE CREED Ascribed unto St. MATTHEW . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Inde venturus judicare vivos & mortous . i. e. From thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead . CHAP. XV. Touching the coming of our Saviour to Iudgement both of quick and dead ; The souls of just men not in the highest state of blisse till the day of judgment ; and of the time and place and other circumstances of that action . WE are now come unto the last and greatest act of the Regal Office , the supreme power of Iudicature ; and to the best part also of the Royall power , potestas vitae & mortis , the power of life and death as the Lawyers call it . All other acts of the Kingly function he executeth sitting at the right hand of God in the Heavenly places . But when he cometh to judge both the quick and the dead , his Judgement-seat shall be erected in some visible place ( though still at the right hand of Almighty God ) where both the wicked shall behold him , to their finall confusion , and his obedient Servants finde accesse unto him , to their endlesse comforts . And this is also the last and highest degree of his exaltation ; the last in order , but the highest in esteem and honour . The first step or degree of his exaltation was his descent into hell , to beat the Devill at his own home , in his strongest fortresse , and take possession of that part of his Kingdome : Devils as well as Men and Angels , things under the earth , as well as on the earth and above the heavens , being to bow the knee before him , and be subject to him . This was done only in the fight of the Devils , and the infernal fiends of hell ; but in the next , which was his resurrection , he had both men and Angels to bear witnesse to it ; and some raised purposely from the dead to attend him in it . The third degree or step ( for he still went higher ) was his ascending into heaven , performed openly in the sight of the people ; and so performed , that it excelled all the triumphs which were gone before : the blessed Angels coming out to meet him , the Saints incompassing him about to wait upon him ; the Devil and his Angels led in chaines behind . After this comes his inthronizing at the right hand of God , the Angel● and Archangels , all the hosts of heaven , falling down before him ; the Saints and Martyrs joyning to make up the consort , and saying with a loud voice , Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power , and riches , and strength , and wisdome , and honour , and glory , and blessing (a) ; Blessing , and honour , glory and power , be unto him that sitteth upon the throne , and unto the Lamb for evermore . The last and greatest as I said is his coming to judgment , solemnized in the sight both of men and Angels , of the unjust and righteous person , yea and the Devill and his Ministers , all which shall be attendant at that grand Assize ; some to receive their severall and particular sentences , and some to put the same into execution . In my discourse upon this Article I shall take for granted , that there shall be a day of judgment . He ill deserves the name of Christian that makes question of it . And to say truth , it is a point of so clear an evidence , that the wiser and more sober men amongst the Gentiles , though guided by no other light then that of natural reason did subscribe unto it . For as Lactantius one much versed in their books and writings , hath told us of them (b) , not only the Sibyls who may seem to have been inspired with the Spirit of Prophecie , but Hydaspes , and Mercurius surnamed Trismegistus were of that opinion : delivering , as with one assent , this most certain truth , that in the last age the godly being severed from the wicked men , with tears and groans shall lift up their hands to Jupiter , and implore his aide for their deliverance ; and that Jupiter shall hear their prayers and destroy the wicked . And all these things saith he are true , and shall accordingly come to passe as they have delivered , nisi quod Iovem illa facturum dicunt quae deus faciet , but that they do ascribe to Iupiter , what belongs to God. Nor want there pregnant reasons which may induce a natural man , if wilfully he do not quench that light of reason which is planted in him , to be perswaded strongly of a future judgment . For granting that there is a God , and that God is just , and seeing that in this present world , such men as were indued with most moral virtues , were subject to disgrace and scorn , and many times brought to calamitous ends ; and on the other side voluptuous persons who made their belly their God and their glory their shame , to live in peace and plentie , much reverenced and respected by all sorts of people : right reason could not but conlude , that certainly there must be some rewards and punishments after this life ended , which God in his eternall justice would proportion to them , according as they had deserved . And this was Davids contemplation in the book of Psalmes . He had observed of wicked and ungodly men , that they came unto no misfortune like other folks , neither were they plagued like other men ; that they did prosper in the world , had riches in possession , and left the rest of their substance to their babes (c) : but that he himself and other children of God , who cleansed their hearts and washed their hands in innocencie , were not only chastened every morning , but punished also all day long . Which though at first it made him stagger in the way of Godlinesse , so that his feet had welnigh slipped : yet upon further consideration he resolved it thus , that God did set them up in slippery places , but it was only to destroy them and cast them down , and that at last for all their glories they should perish , and be brought to a fearfull end . The Parable of Dives and Lazarus serves for confirmation of this . Upon whose different fortunes Abraham gave this censure , Son remember that thou in thy life time enjoyedst thy good things , and Lazarus received evili : But now he is comforted , and thou art tormented (d) . Some sins the Lord is pleased to punish in this present world , left else the wicked man should grow too secure , and think Gods justice were asleep and observed him not : and some he leaves unpunished till the world to come , to keep the righteous soul in hope of a better day , in which he shall obtain the Crown of his well deserving . And to this purpose the good Father reasoneth very strongly . Should every sinner be punished in this present life , nihil ultimo judicio reservari putaretur (e) , &c. It would be thought that there was nothing for Christ to do at the day of judgment : And on the other side , if none , the providence and justice of Almighty God , would be called in question by each sensual man (f) , — Qui numina sensu Ambiguo , vel nulla putat , vel nescia nostri . And therefore it is necessary also in respect of God that there should be a day of judgement both of quick and dead ; at least as to vindicating of his Divine justice , which else would suffer much in the eye of men : when they observe what we have noted from the Psalmist , with what prosperity and peace the ungodly flourish , but go not as he did into the Sanctuary to understand of God what their end should be . Add yet the Poets contemplation on this point was both good and pious , and such as might become a right honest Christian : had he intended that of eternal punishments which he speaks of temporal . But howsoever thus he hath it (g) . Saepe mihi dubiam traxit sententia mentem , Curarent Superi terras , an nullus inesset Rector , & incerto fluerent mortalia casu , &c. Abstulit hunc tandem Ruffini poena tumultum , Absolvitque Deos ; jam non ad culmina rerum Injustos crevisse queror ; tolluntur in altum , Vt lapsu gravore ruant . Oft had I been perplex'd in minde , to know Whether the Gods took charge of things below ; Or that uncertain chance the world did sway , Finding no higher ruler to obey . Ruffino's fall at last , to this distraction Gave a full end , and ample satisfaction To the wrong'd Gods. I shall no more complain That wicked men to great power attain ; For now I see they are advanc'd on high , To make their ruine look more wretchedly . Something there also is which may make us Christians not only to believe but expect this day , considering that we are told in the holy Scriptures that we shall all appear before the judgement-seat of Christ , that every man may receive according to that which he hath done in his body whether good or evill (h) . The strength and efficacie of the Argument in brief is this . The bodies of us men being the servants of the soul to righteousnesse , or else the instruments to sin , in justice ought to be partakers of that weal and woe , which is adjudged unto the soul ; and therefore to be raised at the day of judgment , that as they sinned together , or served God together , so they may share together of reward or punishment . But because many times the soul sins without the body , and many times without it doth some works of piety , which God is pleased to accept of : therefore as requisite it is that the soul separated from the body , should either suffer torment or enjoy felicity , according as it hath deserved in the sight of God , whilest yet the body sleepeth in the grave of death . And on these grounds , next to the dictates and authority of the book of God , the doctrine (i) of the general judgement hath been built so strongly , that only some few Atheists amongst the Gentiles , and none but the wicked Sect of Manichees amongst the Christians , had ever the impudence to denie it . That which concernes us most as Christians , and doth especially relate to the present Article , is that this judgement shall be executed by our Saviour Christ , sitting with power at the right hand of God the Father , but in the nature and capacity of the Son of man. Hereafter shall ye see the Son of man , sitting at the right hand of the power of God , and coming in the clouds of the Aire , Mat. 26.64 . See the same also Mark 14.62 . and Luk. 22.69 . The like we have also in St. Iohns Gospell . The Father judgeth no man ; but hath committed all judgement to the Son , Chap. 5 ▪ 22. What ? to the Son according to his eternal generation , as the Word of God ? Not so , but to the Son of man. For so it followeth in that Chapter , viz. And hath given him power also to judge , because he is the Son of man , V. 27. And this we have directly from the Lords one mouth . The Apostles also say the same . St. Peter first , God raised him up the third day and shewed him openly (k) , And he commanded us to preach unto the people , and to testifie that it is he , which is ordained of God to be judge both of quick and dead . St. Paul next . Henceforth there is laid up for me a Crown of righteousnesse which the Lord the righteous judge shall give me at that day (l) , and not to me only but to all those that love his appearing . So for St. Iude , Behold the Lord shall come with thousands of his Saints to give judgment against all men , and to rebuke all that are ungodly amongst them , of all their ungodly deeds which they have committed , and of all the cruel speakings which ungodly sinners have spoken against him (m) . And this he citeth out of the Prophecies of Enoch the seventh from Adam , which sheweth that even the Patriarchs before the flood , were thoroughly possessed with this sacred truth ; and therefore not concealed from the holy Prophets which have been since the world began . That it was manifested also to the antient Gentiles , I have no reason to believe . For though they might collect upon grounds of reason , that there should be a day of judgement in the world to come : yet that this judgement should be executed by the man CHRIST IESVS , could not in possibility be discovered to them by the light of reason ; nor indeed by any other sight then by his alone , who was to be a light to lighten the Gentiles , as well as to be the glory of his people Israel . And therefore in my minde Lactantius might have spared that part of his censure upon the judgment of Hydaspes before remembred (n) : in which he approves of his opinion concerning the last day or the day of doom , but addeth that his not ascribing this great work to the Son of God , was omitted non sine daemonum fraude , by the fraud and suggestion of the Devill . If Hermes ( or Mercurius ) surnamed Trismegistus , understood so much ( quod tamen non dissimulavit Hermes , as it followeth after : ) and that the verses by him cited from the antient Sibyls were by them spoken and intended ( as he saith they were ) of CHRIST our Saviour , and of his coming unto judgement in that dreadfull day : we must needs say they had a clearer Revelation of it , then any of the Prophets of the most high God ; which for my part I have not confidence enough to say . For in which of all the Prophets finde we such a description of Christs coming to judgement as this which he ascribeth to one of the Sibyls (o) ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is to say ; Rolling up heaven , earths depths I shall disclose , Then raise the dead , the bonds of fate unloose , And deaths sharpe sting ; and next to judgment call Both quick and dead , judging the lives of all . Letting this therfore passe as a thing improbable , that any of the Heathen Prophetesses should know more of Christs coming to judgement , then was revealed to any of the holy Prophets ; or else deliver it in more clear expressions then do occurre in any of the Prophetical writers : we shall proceed unto the execution of this judgement by our Lord and Saviour , according to the scope of this present Article . For which although no reason was or could be given by those antient sages , as those which lived before the coming of CHRIST , and consequently were not made acquainted with his life and actions : yet there is reason to induce a Christian unto this belief , were we not biassed to it by the text of Scripture . For what could be more just in Almighty God , then to advance his Son to the seat of judgment , to the end that having been dishonoured publickly both in life and death , scorned and contemned , and brought unto a shamefull end in the eye of men ; he might have opportunity to shew his great power and majesty in the sight of all , but specially of his barbarous and ungodly enemies ? And unto this the Prophet Zachariah alludeth , saying , They shall look on me whom they have pierced (p) . Which words , although St. Iohn applyeth in his holy Gospel unto the piercing of Christs side , Chap. 19.37 . yet in the Revelation he applyeth it to his sitting in judgement , Behold , saith he , he cometh in the clouds , and all eyes shall see him , and they also that pierced him , Chap. 1.17 . And from these words it is conceived I think not improbably , that the wounds in our Saviours body shall then be visible to the eyes of all spectatours : to the great comfort of the faithfull , who do acknowledge their redemption to the bloud of the Lamb ; and to the astonishment and confusion of all his enemies , but most especially of them , qui vulnera ista inflixerunt (q) , by whose ungodly hands he was so tormented . Here then we have good grounds to proceed upon , both in the way of faith and reason , for the asserting of the day of general judgement . And yet somewhat further must be said to remove a difficultie , which may else disturbe us in our way , before we look into the particulars of it . For possibly it may be said , that there will be but little use of a general judgement , except it be for ostentation of our Savious power : in regard that every man receives his judgement , either life or death , as soon as he is freed from his earthly tabernacle ; For which there is sufficient proof in the book of God. This day ( said Christ our Saviour to the penitent theef ) shalt thou be with me in paradise (r) . As plain is that of the Apostle , It is appointed unto men once to die , and after death the judgement (s) . The same we finde exemplifyed in the rich man and Lazarus : the soul of the one as soon as dead , being carried into Abrahams bosome (t) ; the other being plunged in unquenchable flames . If so , as so it is most certain , what use can be conceived of a general judgement , when all particular persons have already received their sentence ; what further punishments or glory can be added to them , then Paradise to Gods Saints and servants , and the unquenchable flames of hell for impenitent sinners . Which difficulty though removed in some part before , as to the vindicating of the justice of Almighty God , and the participation of the body in that blisse or misery , which the soul presently is adjudged to on the separation , and finally the manifesting of Christs power and glory in the sight of his enemies : shall now be also cleared as to that part thereof , which seems to place the soul in the height of happinesse , as soon as separate from the body , or in the depth of anguish and disconsolation . And first , that the souls of just and righteous persons are in the hands of God , in Paradise , in Abrahams bosome , yea in the very heavens themselves , I shall easily grant . But that they are in the same place , or in the same estate and degree of glory , to which they shall be preferred by Christ in the day of judgement , I neither have seen text nor reason , which could yet perswade me . Certain I am , the Scripture seems to me to be quite against it , the current of antiquity , and not a few Moderns of good note and eminencie to incline very strongly to the other side . For Scriptures first , St. Paul doth speak indeed of a Crown of righteousnesse , to be given to him , and to all those that love the appearing of Christ (u) , but not to be given them till that day , i. e. the day of his appearing . St. Peter next informeth of an incorruptible inheritance reserved for us in the heavens ; and more then so , prepared already (x) , but not to be shewed till the last time . In the last place we have St. Iohn acquainting us with the condition of the Saints , as in matter of fact , where he telleth us that the souls of the Martyrs under the Altar (y) , where they were willed to rest themselves , till the number of their fellow servants was accomplished . And though we grant the souls of righteous men departed are in heaven it self ; yet doth it not follow by any good consequence , that therefore they are in the highest Heaven , where God himselfe refideth in most perfect majesty . The name of Heaven is variously used in holy Scriptures . First for the Aire , as where we finde mention of the birds of heaven , Mat. 26. and the cloudes of heaven , Mark. 14. Next for the Firmament above , in which the Lord hath placed those most glorious lights , which frequently are called the Stars of heaven , as Gen. 20. Then for that place , which St. Paul calleth in one text by the name of the third heaven , 2 Cor. 12.2 . and in another place shortly after by the name of Paradise , vers . 4. which is conceived to be the habitations of the Angels , their proper habitation , as St. Iude calleth it , vers . 6. Into this place the soul of Lazarus was carried , as to Abrahams bosom ; to this our Saviour promised to bring the soul of the penitent theef : Hitherto Enoch and Eliah were translated by God , and St. Paul taken up in an heavenly rapture . And to this place , or to some one or many of those heavenly mansion , ( for in my Fathers house there are many mansions (a) , said our Lord and Saviour ) the souls of righteous men are carryed on the wings of Angels ; there to abide , till they are called upon to meet their bodies in day of day of judgement . And last of all it ●ignifyeth the highest heaven , to which Christ our Saviour is ascended , and sitteth at the right hand of God in most perfect glory : Of which St. Paul telleth us , that he was made higher then the heavens , Heb. 7. and that he did ascend above all the heavens , Ephes. 4. This is the seate or Palace of Almighty God , called as by way of excellency the heaven of heavens , where his divine glory and majesty is most plainly manifested , and therefore called by the Prophet , the habitation of his holinesse and of his glory (b) . So then , the souls of righteous men deceased may be in Paradise , in the third heaven , in Abrahams bosome : and yet not be admitted to the highest heaven wherein God reigns in perfect glory , till Christ shall come again to judgment , and take them for ever to himself into possession and participation of his heavenly Kingdome . That in this sense the Fathers understand the Scriptures , which mention the estate of the Saints departed , will best be seen by looking over their own words , according as they lived in the severall Churches . First for the Eastern Cherches , Iustin Marter telleth us , that the the souls of the righteous are carryed to Paradise , where they enjoy the company of Angels , Archangels , and the vision of Christ our Saviour ; and are kept in places fit for them till the day of the resurrection and compensation (c) . Next Origen . The Saints ( saith he ) departing hence , do not presently obtain the full reward of their labours , but they expect us though staying and slacking (d) ; For they have not perfect joy , so long as they grieve at our Errours , and lament our sins . Then Chrysostome more then once or twice , Though the soul were a thousand times immortall as it is , yet shall she not enjoy those admirable good things without the body (e) . And if the body rise not again , the soul remaineth uncrowned without heavenly blisse (f) . Theodoret lived in the same times , and was of the same opinion also , saying , The Saints have not yet received their Crowns ; for the God of all expecteth the conflict of others , that the race being ended , he may at once pronounce all that overcome to be Conquerers , and reward them together (g) . Finally not to look so low as Oecumenius and Theophylact , who say almost as much as Theoderet did ; we have at once the judgement of many of the Fathers , delivered by Andreas Caesariensis in a very few words : It is , saith he , the judgement of many godly Fathers , that every good man ( after this life ) hath a place fit for him , by which he may conjecture at the glory which is prepared (h) . Look we now on the Western Churches , and first we have Irenaeus B. of Lyons in France affirming positively thus , Manifestum est , &c. It is manifest that the souls of Christs disciples shall goe to an invisible place appointed them by God , and there shall remain unto the resurrection ; and after receiving their bodies , and rising perfectly , that is corporally as Christ did rise , shall so come to the Vision or sight of God (i) . Tertullian next , It is , saith he , apparent to any wise man , that there is a place determined which is Abrahams bosome , for the receiving of the souls of his sons : which region , I mean Abrahams bosome , though it be not heavenly ( but Tertullian was out in that ) sublimior tamen inferis , yet being higher then the inferi , or places below , shall give comfort to the souls of the righteous , untill the resurrection and the end of all things bring the full reward (k) . So Hilarie B. of Poyctiers , The day of judgment is the day of everlasting happinesse or punishment ; till which time death hath every one under his dominion , whilest either Abrahams bosome , or the house of torments reserveth every man to judgement (l) . St. Ambrose to the same effect , till the fullnesse of time come , the souls expect their due reward ; for some of which pain , for others glory is provided (m) . Next him St. Augustine his convert , After this short life thou shalt not as yet be where the Saints shall be , to whom it shall be said ( in the day of judgement ) Come ye blessed of my father , &c. Thou shalt not be there as yet , who knoweth not that ; but there thou shalt be where poor Lazarus was seen a far off by the proud richman (n) . In that rest shalt thou securely expect the day of judgment , in which thou shalt receive thy body , and be changed , and be made equall with the Angels . St. Bernard thus ; you perceive that there be three states of the soul , the first in this corruptible body , the second without the body , the third in perfect blessednesse . The first in the Tabernacles , the second in the Courts , the third in the house of God (o) ; into which most blessed house of God , the souls ( of the Saints ) shall not enter without us , nor without their own bodies . I had not named St. Bernard amongst those Antients , but only to the end that it might be seen that this was generally the doctrine of the Western Church , as to this particular ; untill the invocation of the Saints departed became first to be put in practise , and afterwards to be defended and imposed as good Catholick Doctrine . For they saw well , that unlesse it were received for an Orthodox truth that the Saints departed were admitted presently into the beatificall vision of Almighty God ; and in him see , as in a Mirrour , what things soever could be done or said on the earth beneath : it were in vain to make unto them either prayers or vows , not being yet estated in their own full glories , and consequently not admitted to the presence of God. And on the very same reasons , for which the Church of Rome doth admit the Saints to enjoy the blessed vision of Almighty God in the heaven of glories ; did Calvin labour to decrie the received opinion in that point : though by long tract of time , engendering prejudice and prepossession in the hearts of men against any contrary position , it was become the generall tenet of the Protestant Schools . For well he knew , that if that doctrine could be rooted out of the minds of men , by which the Saints were brought ( though before their time ) into an habitation in the highest heavens : that of the invocation of the Saints departed , which depends upon it , must of necessity perish with it . But whatsoever moved him to opine so of it ( for I am confident it was not any love to the antient Fathers ) certain it is that he hath freely declared his opinion in it , in several places of his writings . In that entituled Psychopannychia , he doth thus expresse it , The souls of the Saints after death , be in peace , saith he , because they are escaped from the power of the enemie ; but shall not raign with Christ their King , untill the heavenly Hierusalem shall be advanced to her glory , and the true Solomon the King of peace shall sit on high on his tribunal (p) . And this he doth not only say , and leave the proof thereof to his ipse dixit , as if that were enough to carry it over all the world : but cites Tertullian , Chrysostome , Augustine , Bernard , ( some of whose words we saw before ) to confirme the point . But seeing that tract of his hath been called in question , as if it did incline too much towards the Anabaptists : we will next look upon his book of Institutions , where we finde him saying , That since the Scripture every where biddeth us to depend upon the expectation of Christs coming , and deferreth the Crown of glory till that time , we are to be content with the bounds that God hath appointed us ; viz. that the souls of the godly having ended their warfare depart unto an happy rest , where with a blessed joy they look for the fruition of the promised glory ; and that so all things shall stand suspended untill Christ appeare (q) . The same he also intimateth in another place , where he resolveth , That not only the Fathers under the Law , but even the holy men of God since the death of Christ , are but in profectu , in progresse , as it were , to that perfect happinesse , which is to be conferred upon them in the day of doom ; that in the mean time they abide in atriis in the out-courts of Heaven , and there expect the consummation of their beatitude . And finally , none but our Saviour Christ , saith he , hath entred into the heavenly Sanctuary ▪ where to the end of all the world , Solus populi eminus in atrio residentis vota ad deum defert , he alone represents to God the desires of his people , sitting a far off in the outward Courts (r) . I know that Bellarmine doth quarrell at these passages of Calvins , and I cannot blame him . He , and the common interesse of the Church of Rome , were so ingaged in the defence of the other opinion , without which that of the invocation of Saints must needs fall to the ground , that it concerned them all to calumniate Calvin , as the broacher of new Doctrines in the Church of Christ , though in this point they finde him countenanced by most antient writers . Neither doth Calvin stand alone in this opinion ▪ being seconded , though not in so expresse terms as himself delivereth it , by Bucer , Bullinger , Martyr , Musculus , and some others also . And wonder t is , not that he was followed by so many , but by so few prime men of the reformation , to whom his name and authority were exceeding dear . And if the case stand so with the Saints above , no question but it standeth so too with the souls below . For contrariorum par est ratio , as the old rule is . And to the truth we have not only the testimonie of the holy Scriptures , saying expressely that God reserveth the unjust unto the day of judgement to be punished , 2 Pet. 2. but of so many of the Fathers as do touch upon it , as may appear by that of Hilarie and Ambrose before delivered . By which the other passages of holy writ , as Iude v. 6. Mat. 8.29 . and Rom. 2.5 . it is plain and manifest that the torments of the damned and the Devils too , which are inflicted on them for the present time , are far lesse then the vengeance of eternal and external fire reserved untill the day of judgement , and then augmented upon all the reprobate both men and Angels . For grant the most which had been said by any of the Antients as to this particular , and we shall finde that it amounteth to no more then this , that the souls of wicked men departed , are presently made to understand by the righteous judge , the sentence due unto their sins , and what they are to look for at the day of doome . Postquam anima de corpore est egressa , subito judicium Christi de salute cognoscit (t) , as St. Augustine hath it . Which being once made known to the sinfull soul , standing before the throne of Christ , in the sight of heaven , she is forthwith hurried by the evill angels to the mansions of hell , where she is kept as in a Prison , under chaines , and darknesse , untill the judgement of the great and terrible day , Iude v. 6. And so we are to understand those words of St. Cyril , saying , Anima damnata continuo invaditur a daemonibus , qui eam crudelissime rapiunt & ad infernum deducunt (u) ; unlesse we rather choose to refer the same unto the executing of the sentence of their condemnation at the day of doome , as perhaps some may . But howsoever they be hurryed by the Devils into the darknesse of hell , as to the place wherein they are to be secured till the day of judgement : yet that they feel that misery and extremity of torments , which after the last day shall be laid upon them , neither they nor any of the Antients have delivered to us . For of that day it is , not the day of their death , of which Scriptures doe report such terrible things , saying that the heavens shall vanish away , and be rolled up like a scroule , that all the mountaines and the hils shall be moved out of their places (x) ; and that the Kings of the earth and the mighty men , &c. that is to say , the wicked of what sort soever , shall say unto the hils and rocks , Fall on us , and hide us from the face of him that sitteth on the throne , and from the wrath of the Lamb , for the great day of his wrath is come , and who is able to endure it ? And certainly the terrors of that day must needs be great , incomprehensible , not only to the guilty conscience , but even unto the righteous souls , who joyfully expect the coming of their Lord and Saviour . For in that day , the Sun shall be darkened , and the Moon shall not give her light , the Stars shall fall from heaven , and all the powers thereof shall be shaken (y) . And the signe of the Son of man shall appear in heaven , and then shall all the kindred of the earth mourne , and they shall see the son of man coming in the cloudes of heaven with great power and glory . And he shall send his Angels with the great sound of a trumpet , and they shall gather together the Elect from the four windes , from one end of the heaven to the other . So far we have described the fashion of that dreadfull day , from the Lords one mouth . St. Luke unto these former terrors doth add the roaring of the Sea and the waters also . (z) St. Peter , that the elements shall melt with fervent heat , and that the earth also and the works thereof shall be utterly burned (a) . In this confusion of the world , and general dissolution of the works of nature , the Lord himself shall descend from heaven in a shout , and in the voice of an Archangel , and the sound of a trumpe (b) ; and the dead in Christ shall rise first . Then we which live and remain shall be caught up together with them in the clouds , ( for though we shall not all die , we shall all be changed , 1 Cor. 15.51 . ) and all together shall meet the Lord Jesus in the Aire . The meaning is , that at the sounding of this last trump , the very same bodies which the Elect had before , though mangled by tyrants , devoured by wild beasts or burnt to ashes , shall be raised again ; and being united to their souls shall be made alive , and rise out of the bed of sleep like so many Iosephs out of prison , or Daniels from the den of the roaring Lyons . But as for such of the Elect , who at that sudden coming of our Lord shall be found alive , the fire which burneth up the corruptions of the world and the works thereof , shall in a moment , in the twinkling of an eye , ( as St. Paul telleth us (c) ) overtake them , as it findeth them , at their several businesses ; and burning up the drosse and corruption of their natural bodies , of mortall shall make them to be immortall : which change shall be to them in the stead of death . In this sort shall they meet the Lord coming in the cloudes of the Aire : where the Tribunall or judgement-seat of Christ shall be erected ; that the ungodly man , the impenitent sinner , who is not capable of coming into heaven for so much as a moment ( for no unclean thing , or any one that worketh abomination shal finde entrance there , Apocal. 21.27 . ) may stand before his throne , to receive his sentence . So witnesseth St. Iohn in the Revelation : And I saw a great white throne , and him that sate on it , from whose face fled away both the earth and the heaven (d) . And I saw the dead both small and great stand before God , and the books were opened , and another book was opened which is the book of life ; and the dead were judged of those things which were written in the books according to their deeds . And the Sea gave up the dead which were in her , and death and hell delivered up the dead which were in them , and they were judged every man according to his works ; And whosoever was not found written in the book of life , was cast into the lake of fire . To the same purpose and effect doth Christ himself describe this day and the manner of his coming unto judgement , in St. Matthews Gospell : that which St. Iohn calleth the white throne , being by Christ our Saviour called the throne of his majestie , Mat. 25.31 . At which time all the nations of the world being gathered together before him , the good being separated from the bad , and a brief repetition of their works being made unto them (e) : the righteous shall be called into the Kingdome prepared for them from the foundations of the world ; the wicked man be doomed to fire everlasting prepared for the Devil and his Angels . For though Lactantius seem to think , that the wicked shall not rise in the day of judgement , and doth it , as he sayeth himself , literis sacris contestantibus (f) , on the authority and warrant of the holy Scriptures : yet certainely the Scripture , as we see by these two last passages , is against him in it . That which occasioned his mistake ( if I guesse aright ) was those words of David , viz. Therefore the ungodly shall not stand in the judgement (g) : which is not to be meant of their not appearing , but of their not daring to stand to their tryall , but shrinking under the heavy burden of their sinnes and wickednesses . Thus have I made a brief but a full description of Christs coming to judge both the quick and the dead ; according as it is laid down in the book of God. The substance of it we have there delivered in so plain a way , that every one that reads it understands it also ; unlesse he wilfully mistake and turn all to Allegories . But for the Circumstances of this great and most glorious action , that is to say , the method and the manner of it , the time and place , and other things co-incident to those particulars : in those I shall crave leave to enlarge my self a little further , as well for my own satisfaction , as the content of the reader . And first beginning with the time , there is but little , I confesse , to be said of that . Our Saviour telleth us in plain termes , that of that day and that hour knoweth no man , no not the Angels which are in heaven , neither the Son , but the Father (h) . And yet as plain as these words are , they have given great matter of dispute in the Christian Church : especially that part of them which concernes the Son , and his not knowing when that day and that hour should come . The Arians hereupon concluded against CHRISTS divinity , as being ignorant of some things which the Father knew . But unto this , the Fathers of that age answered very rightly , that Christ speaks not of himself as God , or as the Word both made and manifested in the flesh , but as he was the Son of man , to whom the Father had not pleased to communicate the knowledge of so great a mysterie . And of this minde were Athanasius Serm. 4. cont . Arium . Ambrose l. 5. de fide c. 8. Nazianzen Orat. 4. de Theolog. Theodoret Anathem . 4. cont . Cyrill . Cyril of Alexand● . l. 9. Thesaur . c. 4. the Author of the imperfect work on St. Matthews Gospel ascribed to Chrysostome . Which though , no doubt , it was the most ready and most satisfactory answer which could be given unto the objection : yet when the learning of the Schooles came to be in credit , this answer was conceived to be derogatory to the honour of CHRIST ; and many quaint devises found to avoid the Argument , some of them so derogatory to the honour of Christ , that I think a greater scandall could not possibly be laid upon him . And such I take to be that of Estius , ( though I thinke him to be one of the modestest men that ever came out of the Schoole of Ignatius Loyala ) who telleth us that Christ is said to be ignorant of that day and hour , quia non sic eum didicerat a Patre ut illum ulterius hominibus m●nifestare deberet (i) , because he had not so learned it of his Father , as that he ought to make it known to us men . More briefly thus , Christ saith , he doth doth not know of that day , and that hour , ut videlicet nobis notum faciat , he doth not know it so , as to tell it us . Which is in plain termes neither better nor worse , then to make Christ the author of equivocation , so much in use amongst the Iesuits . For though our Saviour was not bound , nor did thinke it expedient , to communicate all those things unto his Disciples , which had been imparted to him by his heavenly Father : yet to put such a speech in the mouth of Christ , viz. I know it not , that is to say , I do not know it so , as to tell it you , is such a cunning piece of Iesuitisme , that it is hardly to be matched in all their writings . And therefore leaving them to their strange devises , we will look back again upon the answere of the Antient Fathers : which though both right and satisfactorie , as before I said ; yet was it so deserted in the age next following , that the Themistiani in the time of the Emperour Mauritius were accounted hereticks , and nick-named commonly Agn●etae (k) , because they taught that Christ considered in his humane nature , was ignorant of that day and hour of his own coming to judgment . And possible enough it is they might still passe for hereticks ( did they live amongst us ) if they maintained this universally of Christs humane nature , as if he neither did know it , nor were capable of it ; and not with reference to the time in which he spake it : there being many things communicated to him after his resurrection , which before were not known unto him . And therefore I , for my part , shall subscribe unto that of Origen , who telleth us , that when our Saviour spake these words he was indeed ignorant of the day of judgement ; post resurrectionem vero seivisse , quod tun● Rex & Judex a Patre constitutus sit (i) , but that he knew it after his Resurrection , because he was then made by God both our King and Iudge . But whether Christ did know of that day or not , seemes not much materiall to some men , who because they would be wiser then Christ our Saviour , have marked us out the precise time of his coming to judgement . And some there be , who think they do not trespasse at all upon Gods prerogative ( to whom it only doth belong to know the times and the seasons , Act. 1.7 . ) if they content themselves with a certain year , and do not look so narrowly into it as to name the day . Of the first sort was a Dutch Priest , in the parts near Noremburg , who being skilful in Arithmetical calculations , concluded out of the numerical letters , of this prediction in the Gospel , videbunt in quem pupugerunt , Ioh. 19.38 . that the world should end Ann. 1562. And having fooled himself in that , he presumed so far as to name the very day , nay the hour it self , in which the world should end , and Christ come to judgement : so far prevailing on his Parish that they gave beliefe to his prediction , and at the day and hour appointed met all together in the Chappel or Parish Church to hear their Prophet preach , and expect Christs coming (k) . It were pity to leave the story so , and therefore I will tell the successe thereof , which in brief is this , No sooner were the people assembled together , but there fell a great storme with thunder and lightning , and that in such a violent and fearfull manner , that they looked every minute for the Lords appearing . But the day waxing fair again , and no Saviour coming , the people finding how they had been abused , fall on the Priest and had doubtlesse slain him in the place if some of the more moderate men had not stayed their fury , and helped the silly Prophet to get out of their fingers . Somewhat like this of , Camerarius , we finde in Espencaeus also in his Comment on the 3. Chap. of the 2. of Tim. touching the Hutites , a by-branch of the sect of Anabaptists . Of the next sort Alstedius a late famous writer , and Professor of Herborn in high Germanie hath presumed so far , as to define the year of Christs coming to judge both the quick and the dead : which after his accompt shall be in the year of CHRIST 3694. (l) ( The best is he takes time enough not to be disproved ) For being of opinion ( as t is plain he is ) that there shall be a corporall resurrection of the Saints and Martyrs , at least a thousand years before the generall resurrection of all flesh , during which time they shall enjoy all possible felicity that the world can give , and fixing the beginning of those thousand years , in Ann. 2694. it must needs follow thereupon , that the day of the generall resurrection , and of Christs coming to judgement , must be in the year 3694. as before was said . But before him Napeir a Scot , one of the Ancestors of the now right noble Lord of Marchiston , adventured on the like attempt , although he differed very much in his computation . For publishing a Commentary on the Revelation , Ann. 159● . he will defer the end of the world no longer then to ninety two years after that publication ; which fals into the year 1685. Which though it comes two thousand years before that of Alsted , yet was it put off long enough to save his credit ; the good man being like to die long before that time . Whereupon one of our own Countrymen wrote this following Epigram (m) . Nonaginta duos durabit mundus in Annos , Mundus ad arbitrium si stat obitque tuum . Cur mundi finem propiorem non facis ? ut ne Ante obitum mendax arguerere ? Sapis . Which I finde thus Englished to my hand , Ninety two years the World as yet shall stand , If it do stand or fall by your command . But say , why plac'd you not the worlds end nigher ? Lest ere you dyed you might be found a lyer . Add unto this a pleasant jest which King Iames put upon the Author of the book aforesaid ( for such adventurers cannot be too much exposed to the publick scorne ) and in brief is this , The Gentleman holding lands of the Crown of Scotland , petitioned the King to have a longer terme granted in his estate . The King demanded of him how long time he desired to have added to it . To which when he had answered five hundred years , God a my soul , replyed the King , that is four hundred years more then the world shall last , and I conceive you do not mean to hold my Land in the world to come . And so dismissed him for that time , although he after gratifyed him in his request , having thus made him sensible of his own absurdities . But leaving these Knights errant to seek new adventures , we will next look unto the place appointed for this general Sessions ; in which we have some light of Scripture , and probabilities of reason to direct our search . This by some very learned men is supposed to be in the Aire , over the valley of Iehosaphat , which is near mount Olivet , and both of them Eastward of Hierusalem . And this they do upon these grounds . For first they say , the holy Scriptures seem to say it in as plain words as may be . For thus saith God the Lord Jehovah , I will gather all nations into the valley of Jehosaphat , and plead with them there . Cause thy mighty ones to come down , O Lord (m) ; Let the heathen be wakened and come upon the valley of Jehosaphat ; for there will I sit to judge all the heathen round about . Besides the name of Iehosaphat doth signifie as much , as The Lord will judge . And in this valley did God give Iehosaphat a signall victory over the Ammonites , Moabites , and the inhabitants of Mount Seir (n) ; which was a type or figure of that finall victory , which Christ the supreme Iudge shall give his Elect overall their enemies , in the last day , and in that very place , as the Iewish Doctors do expound it . That of the Prophet Zechariah , And his feet shall stand in that day on the Mount of Olives (l) , which is before Hierusalem to the East , &c. though formerly applyed by us unto Christs Ascension , may be accommodated also to his coming to judge the world : The rather in regard it was said by the holy Angel unto his Disciples , This same Jesus which is taken up from you into Heaven (q) , ( being then upon the mount of Olives ) shall so come in like manner as you have seen him go hence . Which possibly may as wel be meant of the place , as of other the circumstances of his coming : and therefore by Aquinas and all the rest of the old Schoolmen except Lombard and Alexander of Hales , is made to be the second reason which they build upon , for nominating this valley ( or rather some place over it in the Ayr ) to be the place appointed for the future judgement . The third reason they take from a passage in the Prophet Ezekiel compared with Christs own words in his holy Gospel . The Prophet tels us of Hierusalem , that it is placed in medio Gentium , in the very midst of the world : and so accordingly it is seated by some Cosmographers . And Christ hath told us of the Angels , that they shall gather together the Elect from the four windes , from one end of Heaven unto the other (r) . If then the Termini a quibus be the four parts of the world , and Hierusalem be seated in the midst of the earth , as they say it is : the terminus ad quem must be Hierusalem or some place neer it ; ( and such is this Valley of Iehosophat ) or else some Angels must be thought to be of a more quick dispatch then others , which were ridiculous to imagine . But that which is of greatest moment , is that our Lord and Saviour for ever blessed , was crucified and put to open shame very neer that place : Mount Calvary , and the Valley of Iehosaphat being not far asunder , if not close together , and conterminous . And what can be more probable , ( for they propose not these proofs for Demonstrations ) then that where Christ was put unto publick shame , he should again receive a more publick honour : and that where he himself was condemned and punished with so much malice and injustice ; he should appear to judge the world with such truth and equity ? These are the reasons brought to make good this Tenet , which as I cannot easily grant to be convincing ; so I am far from saying any thing in reproof of that , which hath such handsome probabilities to gain credit to it . And now I am fallen upon these points , I will adventure on another , though more nice then necessary . At least it may be so accounted , and I pass not for it . Quilibet abundet in suo sensu . Let every man injoy that liberty ( I mean in matters of this nature ) which I take my self . We said that Hierusalem was seated in the midst of the earth , and thereupon is called by some Geographers , Vmbilicus terrae ; and that aswell Mount Olivet , as the Valley of Iehosaphat , did both stand Eastward of that City . From hence it is by some inferred , and their illation backed by no mean authority , that Christ our Saviour did ascend up into the East part of Heaven , ( I mean that part of Heaven which answereth to the Equinoctial East upon the Earth ) ; that in that part of Heaven , he sitteth at the right hand of the Throne of Almighty God ; and from the same shall also come in the day of Judgement . The use that may be made out of this illation , shall be interwoven in the file of this discourse ; and altogether left unto the judgement of the Christian Reader . That he ascended up into the Eastern part of Heaven , hath been a thing affirmed by many of the Antients , and by several Churches , not without some fair hints from the Scripture also . Sing unto God ye Kingdomes of the earth , &c. (s) saith the Royal Psalmist , To him that rideth on the Heavens as it were upon an horse , said our old Translation ; to him that rideth on the Heaven of Heavens from the beginning , as our new would have it . But in the Arabick it runs thus , Sing unto the Lord that rideth on the Heaven of Heavens in the Eastern part . And so the Septuagint , that rideth on the Heavens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , towards the East . This Origen , who very well understood the Eastern languages , applyeth to CHRIST , utpote a mortuis post passionem resurgens , & in Coelum post Resurrectionem ad orientem ascendens , (t) i. e. who rose from the dead after his passion , and ascended up into Heaven towards the East after his Resurrection . And so the Aethiopick reads it also , viz. Who ascended up into the Heaven of Heavens in the East . Thus Damascen affirms expressely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that when he was received into Heaven , he was carryed up Eastward . And unto this , that of the Prophet Ezekiel may seem to allude , where he saith that the glory of the God of Israel , ( Remember who it is which is called in Scripture , the Glory of his people Israel , Luk. 2. ) pass●d through the Eastern gate (x) , Therefore that gate was shut up , and might not be opened but to the Prince . That being thus ascended into Heaven above , he sitteth in that part thereof at the right hand of God , must needs be granted , if God be most conspicuously seated in that part himself . And to prove this , we finde this in the Apostolical constitutions ascribed to Clemens , ( take notice by the way of the Antiquity of the custom of turning towards the East in our publick prayers , so generally received amongst us ) who describing the Order of Divine service then used in the Church concludes it thus , Then rising up and turning towards the East , Let them pray to God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (y) , who sitteth upon the Heaven of Heavens in the Eastern part . To this agreeth that of the Prophet Baruch , saying , Look about thee O Hierusalem towards the East , and behold the joy that cometh unto thee from God (z) . Towards the East , that is to say , saith Olympiodorus an old Christian writer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a) , towards IESVS CHRIST our Lord the Sun of righteousness . And this way also looketh that part of the old Tradition , derived as Irenaeus telleth us , ( who lived neer those times ) ab Apostolorum Discipulis , from those which heard it of the Apostles ; that is to say , that the receptacle of the just and perfect men is a certain Paradise in the Eastern part of the third Heaven . An argument that the glory of God is most conspicuous in that part also of the Heaven of Heavens , the proper mansion of the Highest , as before was shewn . Finally , that from the Eastern part of Heaven he shall make his last and greatest appearance at this day of judgement ; although it followeth upon that which is said already , hath much stronger evidence . An Arabick Author (b) writing on the duties of Christian Religion , and particularly of that Prayer , directeth us to turn our faces when we pray to the Eastern Coast , because that is the Coast concerning which Christ said ( unto whom be glory ) that he would appear from thence at his second coming . To the same purpose the Arabick Code hath a Canon saying , When ye pray , turn your selves towards the East ; For so the words of our Lord import , who foretold that his return from Heaven at the later day should be like the Lightning , which glittering from the East flasheth into the West . His meaning is , that we should expect his coming from the East . Iohn Damascen to the same effect , thus , For as the lightning cometh out of the East and shineth even unto the West , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so also shall be the coming of the Son of man ; in which regard we worship him towards the East , as expecting him from thence . And this saith he (c) , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is an unwritten tradition delivered to us from the very Apostles . Take for a close , this of an old Confession of the Eastern Church , viz. We pray towards the East , for that our Lord Christ when he ascended into heaven went up that way , and there sitteth in the heaven of Heavens above the East . And in very deed we make no doubt , but that our Lord the Christ as respecting his humane nature , hath his seat in the Eastern part of the Heaven of Heavens , and sitteth with his face turned towards this world . To pray therefore or worship towards the East , is to pray and worship towards our Saviour . Nor is this only the Tradition of the Eastern and Southern Churches , as by the fore-cited Authors it may seem to be . We had it also in the West . For Paulus de Palacios a Spanish writer , makes it the general Tenet of all Christian people , quod in Oriente humanitas Christi-sedeat , that Christ in reference to his humane nature , sitteth in the Eastern part of Heaven ; and that he is to come from thence , where now he sitteth . And in an old Festival in this Church of England , the Priest used thus upon the Wake days , or Feasts of Dedication , to exhort the people ; viz. Let us think that Christ dyed in the Este , and therefore let us pray besely into the Este , that we may be of the number that he died for . Also let us think that he shall come out of the Este unto the Doom . Wherefore let us pray heartily to him and besely that we may have grace of contrition in our hearts of our misdeeds , with shrift and satisfaction , that we may stand that day on the right hand of our Lord IESV CHRIST . And so much for this Eastern passage , for which I am principally beholding to that learned peece of Mr. Gregory late of Christs Church in Oxon : whom as I much esteemed when he was alive , so have I made this free acknowledgement to the honour of his memory , now he is deceased . Having thus took some pains concerning the time and place of this great action ; let us next proceed unto the manner , from thence unto the method of it , and so make an end . And in the manner of his coming there are specially th●se three things to he considered , viz. the sign of the Son of man , the sound of the Trumpet , and the Ministry of the blessed Angels : in all of which we shall finde something worth our Observation . Touching the sign of the Son of man , which our Saviour speaks of , as of a certain note and token of his coming to judgement : it stands thus in Scripture ; Then shall appear the sign of the Son of man in Heaven , and then shall all the tribes of the Earth mourn , and they shall see the Son of man coming in the Clowds of Heaven , with power and great glory , Mat. 24.30 . This sign then , whatsoever it is , is the prodromos or fore-runner of Christs coming to judgement , of his second coming , as was the Star which shined in the East of his birth or first coming into the world . And this to make the Parallel more full and pertinent , shall appear visibly in the East also , if the Authors whom I have consulted , do not much mistake it . If you would know what sign this is ; I answer that it is the sign of the Cross : a sign like that which Christ vouchsafed to shew from Heaven to the famous Constantine . Of whom Eusebius hath reported , from his own mouth too , that being imbarked in a war against Maxentius , and much perplexed in minde about that affair , there shewed it self unto him in an afternoon the form of a Cross figured in the Ayr , and therein these words written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , in this sign thou shalt overcome (d) . He addes , that after that Christ appeared to him in his sleep , holding forth the very like sign unto him , bidding him cause the like to be framed or fashioned in the Standard-Royal , and it should give him victory over all his enemies . Which apparition of the Cross , or sign of the Son of man in the time of Constantine , was a fore-runner as it were of that petit Sessions , which Christ at that time held against the cruel Persecutors of his Church and people , Diocletian , Maximinus , Maximianus , Licinius , and the aforesaid Maxentius , all which in very little time were brought to most shameful ends . And that the sign of the Son of man , which our Saviour speaks of as the fore-runner of the great and general Sessions , shall be no other then the sign of the Cross shining in the Ayr ; hath the approved authority of the Antient Fathers , and the consent and testimony of the Western Church , and of the Aethiopick also . For if you ask St. Hierom what this sign shall be ; his answer is , Signum hic Crucis intelligimus (e) , that it was to be understood of the sign of the Cross. St. Augustine also saith the same , Quid est signum Christi , nisi crux Christi (f) , what is the sign of Christ , ( or the Son of man ) but the sign of the Cross ? Prudentius a Christian Poet of the Primitive times in an Hymne of his saith of this sign , Iudaea tunc signum crucis experta (g) , that then the Iews shall have experience of the sign of the Cross. Our venerable Bede is of the same minde in this , with the other Fathers (h) . Nor is it marvail that he was , for it was grown by this time the received opinion of the Western Church , as appears plainly by that Anthem in her publick Rituals , viz. Hoc signum Crucis erit in Coelo , &c. This sign of the Cross shall be seen in Heaven at Christs coming to judgment . So also for the Eastern Churches , that it shall be the sign of the Cross S. Chrysostom affirms expressely , saying withall , that the light or lustre of it shall be so glorious , that it shall darken and obscure the Sun , Moon , and Stars (i) . Euthymius and Theophylact say as much for the Greek Churches ; and so doth Ephrem Syrus for the Syrian also . The Aethiopian Church is so peremptory in it , that it it is put into the Articles of their Creed , as their Zaba cited by Mr. Gregory doth affirm for certain . And finally , that it shall appear in the East , is with no less certainty affirmed by Hippolytus Martyr , a Bishop of the Primitive Ages , whose words are these ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (k) , i e. For a sign of the Cross shall rise up in the East , and shine from East to West more gloriously then the Sun it self , to give notice to the world that the Iudge is coming . And to say truth , there may be very good reason for this old Tradition of the Cross. For what can be more honourable to our Lord and Saviour , or more full of terrour to his enemies , then that the Cross of Christ which they counted foolishness (l) , and more then so , esteemed the greatest obloquie and reproach of the Christian faith : should at that day be made the Herald to proclaim his coming , and call all Nations of the world to appear before him ? No wonder if the Tribes of the Earth did mourn , when that so hated sign did appear in Heaven , to call them to receive the sentence of their condemnation . For the Trump next , we finde it mentioned in all places almost , in which we meet with any thing of the day of Iudgment . Our Saviour telleth us of the coming of the Son of man , that he shall send his Angels with a great sound of a Trumpet , Matth. 24.31 . St. Paul the like In a moment , in the twinckling of an eye , at the last trump , ( for the Trumpet shall sound , and the dead shall be raised incorruptible , and we shall be changed , 1 Cor. 15.52 . And in another place more fully , The Lord himself shall descend from Heaven with a shout , with the voyce of the Arch-Angel and with the trump of Christ , and the dead in Christ shall rise first , 1 Thes. 4.16 . Now that which Christ and his Apostle say of the time to come , the same St. Iohn saith of it , as of a thing done before his face ; speaking express●ly of this trumpet , both in the first chapter of his Revelation , vers . 10. and in the 4. chapter , vers . 1. So far it is agreed on without doubt or scruple . But then the difference will be thus , whether the speech be proper , or only figurative , whether it were a real Trumpet , or but Metaphorical . If figurative , then the phrase doth signifie no more then this , that Christ shall finde a means to call all the Nations of the world to appear before him ; as if it were with the sound of a trumpet : the trumpet being used amongst the Iews by Gods own appointment , for calling the Assembly and removing the camp of Israel (m) . If but a Metaphorical Trumpet , then it may signifie no more then a mighty noise , wherewith the dead shall be awakened from the sleep of the Grave : such as that voyce spoken by the Royal Prophet , which shaketh the Wilderness , even the great Wilderness of Cades . The best way to resolve this doubt is to look unto the giving of the Law on Mount Sinai , which was delivered in the hands of an Angel (n) , and much after the same manner , as the day of Iudgement is described in the holy Gospel . And it came to pass ( saith Moses ) on the third day in the morning , that there were thunders and lightnings , and a thick clowd upon the Mount , and the voyce of the Trumpet exceeding loud , so that all the people that was in the Camp trembled (o) . And all the people saw the thunderings , and the lightnings , and the noyse of the Trumpet , and the Mountain smoaking ; and when the people saw it , they removed and stood a far off (p) . Whatsoever noyse that was , which is by Moses said to be made with the sound of the Trumpet , when the Law was given : the same do I conceive it will also be , when all the world is called to given an account of all their doings , whether conform unto that Law , or against the same . The Trumpet was sounded with great terrour , when the Law was given , that the whole world might hear the noise of the Eccho of it , and thereby brought into a fear of violating any part of that sacred Rule . For though the Law seemeth to be given only to the house of Israel , and to none but them ; as indeed it was given to none but them by the hand of Moses ; in which respect it is not binding to the Gentiles , as the Schoolmen very well observe : yet being it was naturally imprinted in the hearts of men , as the perpetual moral Law of the most high God , although the tract and footsteps of it were almost defaced ; the Gentiles at their peril were obliged to keep it , and to take notice of the publication of it , whensoever , and by what means soever , it should arrive unto their Ears . So that the trumpet spoken of in the books of Moses is like that of Triton in the Poet , as shrill as that , and without all peradventure to be heard as far . Of which Ovid thus (q) ; — buccina●umitur ●umitur illi , Tortilis , in medium quae turbine crescit ab imo . Buccina quae medio concepit ubi aera Ponto , Littora voce replet sub utraque jacentia Phoebo . Thus Englished by George Sandys . He his wreath'd trumpet takes ( as given in charge ) That from the turning bottom grows more large . To which when he gives breath 't is heard by all From far up-rising Phoebus to his fall . Such also shall the voyce of the Trumpet be in the day of Judgement , when all the Nations of the world shall be called together , and called to account for their actions past , which ought to have been squared by the rule of the Law , of which they have such ample notice , and such deep impressions ; although they did not stand at the foot of the Mount , when it was published by the Iews . The Gentiles ( saith St. Paul ) which have not the law , ( that is to say , which have it not in writing as the Iews had ) do by nature the things c●ntained in the Law ; and having not the Law ( so given ) are a law unto themselves (r) : which shew the work of the Law written in their hearts , their consciences also bearing witness , and their thoughts the mean while accusing or else excusing one another . So that all Nations of the world , not the Iews alone , having such deep characters of the Law of God imprinted in them , are thereby made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (s) , or without excuse , if they keep it not . And being bound to keep the law , shall be judged according to the law : and therefore shall be called together to receive their sentence , by that or the like noyse of a Trumpet , in which the law was published by the Lord Almighty . The next thing here to be considered , is the attendance of the Angels ; which doubtless are not taken in to fill up the train , to make the manner of his coming the more brave and glorious , but for some other special and more weighty use . Therefore our Saviour having told us , that the Son of man shall come in glory , and all the holy Angels with him (t) ; addes also in the following words , and before him shall al the Nations of the world be gathered . Gathered together , but by whom ? by those very Angels . Then , saith he , shall he send his Angels , with the sound of the Trumpet , and shall gather together the Elect from the four windes , &c. (u) . What , the Elect ? and none but they ? Not so . For they shall also gather out of his Kingdome all things that offend , and them that do iniquity (x) . But having gathered them together , is their work then done ? Not yet , for they must also separate the wicked from the righteous man , the goats from the sheep , the tares from the good seed (y) , the good fish from the bad (z) : that being so disposed in their ranks and files , they may together hear their sen●ence , whether life , or death . But when the sentence is pronounced , is there any thing more behinde for these ministring Spirits ? Much more assuredly : The greatest part of their imployment is yet to come . Gather ye together first the Tares , and binde them in bundles to burn them ; but gather the Wheat into my barn (a) . After the gathering and the sentence , then comes in the binding . And binding is a tearm derived from the Courts of Iustice , according to the course whereof , the Prisoner is led bound to his Execution : so to prevent all hope and possibility of their escape , and make them yeild unto their censure with the less resistance . I lictor , liga manus , verberato , infoelici arbori suspendito (b) . Here Lictor , binde the prisoner , scourge him , or hang him on the Tree , as the sentence varied : but whether verberato or suspendito , there was still liga manus , the binding of the prisoner as a part of his punishment God doth so deal with wicked and ungodly men , as the great Tyrant Nebuchadnezzar did with the three Hebrew children , in the Book of Daniel (c) : command them to be first bound , and after cast into the midst of the fiery furnace . The like we finde in Virgil also ; Vinxerat & post Terga manus quos mitteret umbris : the Poet speaking there of those wretched men , whom Aeneas was about to sacrifice to the powers below . Well , being thus bound , and ready for the Execution , what comes after next ? Alligate ad comburendum , saith our Saviours Parable ; binde them to burn them , saith the Text. And here the case is somewhat altered , as it relates unto the Ministers , though still the same in reference to the Malefactors . Before it was Colligite , and Alligate , i. e. gather them together , and binde them fast : here not comburite , but ad comburendum . The holy Angels were the Ministers to attach the sinner , to bring him before Gods Tribunal , and after sentence is pronounced to lay hands upon him , and make him ready for the punishment which he is to suffer . But that being done , they doe confign him over to the Fiends of hell , to the Tormentors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as our Redeemer cals them in the 18. chapter of St. Matthew , vers . 34. The holy Angels are the Ministers of this dreadful Court , the Devil and his Angels are the Executioners : who bearing an old grudge to man from the first beginning , will doubtless execute his Office on him with the most extremity . And thus accordingly they do : Anima damnata continuo invaditur a Daemonibus , qui crudelissime eam rapiunt & ad infernum deducunt (d) , as before we had it from St. Cyril . But in their Ministery , after Judgement , to the just and righteous , the case is otherwise . The Angels , as the Scripture tels us , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ministring Spirits ; sent out to minister unto them which shall be heirs of Salvation . Sent out to minister unto them when they are alive ; sent out , to carry their souls , ( as they did that of Lazarus ) into Abrahams bosome , when they are deceased ; sent out to gather the Elect , together from the four windes . And when the joyful sentence is pronounced upon them , they leave them not , till they have brought them to their place in the heavenly glories . It is not only Colligite , gather them together , but Congregate in horreum meum , in our Saviours Parable , Gather the Wheat into my barn : that is to say , as he expounds himself in another place , in gaudium Domini (e) , into the joy of the Lord ; Regnum a constitutione mundi paratum (f) , the Kingdom prepared for them before the foundations of the world were laid ; or as St. Paul doth change the phrase , in Civitatem Dei viventis (g) , the City of the living God : To such end serve the Angels in the day of Iudgement . Which though they execute with great chearfulness at the Lords command ; and are assured of their own confirmation in the state of bliss : yet can they not but tremble , as the Fathers have it , at the great hazard which is then to be undergone , by their Fellow-servants . So witnesseth St. Basil , saying , At Christs coming from the Heavens every creature shall tremble ; Even the Angels themselves shall not be without fear , for they shall also be present , though they shall give no account to God (h) . Not without fear ? Of what ? Of their fellow-servants , and of Gods wrath upon the world , as St. Chrysostom hath it . At that day , saith the Father , all things shall be full of astonishment , horror and fear . A great fear shall even then possess the Angels , and not the Angels only , but the Archangels , and Thrones , and Powers of Heaven , because their fellow-servants are to undergoe the judgement of their actions past (i) . Such and so terrible is the manner of Christs coming to Iudgement , that not alone the guilty persons , or the Saints themselves , but even the very Angels are possessed with terror . As for the method of this day , whether the righteous or the wicked shall come first to judgement , hath been made a question : some thinking that the wicked shall be first condemned , before the righteous do receive their absolution ; and others , that the righteous shall be first absolved , before the wicked have the sentence of their condemnation . They that maintain the first opinion , do ground themselves upon that passage in our Saviours Parable , in which the Reapers are commanded first to gather the Tares , and binde them in bundles for to burn them ; and then to gather the Wheat into his Barn. But this illation is ill grounded , and doth much worse agree with our Saviours method used in other places . For in the parable of the Net cast into the Sea , the good fish were first gathered into Vessels (k) , before the bad were thrown away : and in the other parable of the Sheep and the Goats , Venite hath precedencie of Discedite (l) , the blessed of the Father were first absolved , before the cursed were condemned to eternal torments . Nor will it serve the turn which is said by some , that though the merits of the just are prius in discussione (m) , first taken in consideration , and enquired into : yet shall the punishment of the wicked and ungodly man be prius in executione , first put in execution , and inflicted on them . For this as ill agreeth with those texts of Scripture in which it is said not only in particular of the twelve Apostles that they shall sit on twelve Thrones judging the twelve Tribes of Israel (n) ; but also of the Saints in general , that they shall judge the world (o) , as St. Paul hath told us . That they shall judge the world ; but how ? Not only s●la comparatione , by telling them or rather upbraiding them with their impieties and impenitencies , as full well they may ; in which respect the Ninivites , and the Queen of the South , are in the Gospel said to condemn the Iews (p) , but Approbatione Divinae sententiae (q) , by approving and applauding that most righteous judgement , which Christ the Supream Judge shall pronounce against them . Which could not be in case the wicked did receive their final condemnation , before the righteous were admitted into some participation of the heavenly glories . When therefore it is said in the former parable , Colligite primum , Gather first the tares together : either the word first must have reference to that of binding which doth follow after ; first gather them , and then binde them up : Or else it must be said , and perhaps more rightly , that the gathering of the tares is there first propounded , not because first in order of the several judgements , but because they gave occasion unto that discourse betwixt the Heavenly Husbandman and his household servants . This difference thus composed , and this rub removed , the method used in this great action will disclose it self . The Lord CHRIST IESVS being set in his glorious Throne , the many thousands of his holy Angels shining round about him , and the Saints apparelled with their bodies standing all before him or rather placed at his right hand , as in the Parable ; the Reprobates being left on the Earth beneath , or standing at his left hand , at as great a distance : he shall first pronounce the sentence of Absolution upon his Elect : (r) Come ( saith he ) O ye blessed of my Father , inherit the Kingdome prepared for you , from the foundation of the world . And this shall first be done for these reasons specially : first that the wicked seeing from what bliss they are fallen , and what reward is laid up for the righteous man , may be the more confounded in the apprehension of their own misfortune : and secondly to shew how much more CHRIST is prone to mercy , then he is to judgement ; according to the good old verse , Ad poenam tardus Deus est , ad praemia velox . This done , there shall be placed twelve Thrones neer the Throne of Christ , for the twelve Apostles : who as they were the Lords chief Agents in the work of the Gospel , so shall they be his principal Assessors in the Act of Judicature ; the residue of the Saints and Martyrs approving and applauding ( as before I said ) that most righteous judgement , which CHRIST shall then pronounce against all the wicked , saying , Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire , prepared for the Devil and his Angels (s) . This dreadful sentence thus pronounced , and the condemned persons being delivered over by the Angels of God to the Devil and his , according to the sentence of that righteous Iudge : CHRIST shall arise from his Tribunal , and together with his elect Angels and most blessed Saints , shall in an orderly and triumphant manner ascend into the Heaven of Heavens : where unto every one of his glorious Saints he shall bestow the immarcessible Crown of glory (t) , and make them Kings and Priests unto God the Father (u) . When all the Princes of the Earth have laid down their Scepters at the feet of CHRIST ; God shall be still a King of Kings , a King indeed of none but Kings . Rex Regum , Dominus Dominantium always , but most amply them . For then shall CHRIST deliver up the Kingdom unto God the Father , ( which how it must be understood , we have shewn before ) . And the Saints laying down their Crowns at the feet of Christ , shall worship and fall down before him , saying , Blessing , honour , glory , and power (x) be unto him that sitteth upon the Throne , and unto the Lamb for ever and ever . For thou wast slain , and hast redeemed us to God by thy bloud , out of every kindred , and tongue , and people , and Nation , and hast made us Kings and Priests to God (y) , to reign with thee in thy Kingdome for evermore . Thus have I made a brief but a plain discovery , so far forth as the light of Scripture could direct me in it , both of the manner of our Saviours coming unto Judgement ; and of the Method he shall use in the act of judging . That which comes after Iudgement , whether life or death , whether it be the joys of Heaven or the pains of Hell , will fall more properly under the consideration of the last Article of the Creed , that of Life Everlasting : and there we mean to handle all those particulars which I think pertinent thereunto . In the mean time a due and serious consideration of this day of Iudgement will be exceeding necessary to all sorts of people : and be the strongest bridle to restrain them from the acts of sin , that ever was put into the mouths of ungodly men . For what a bridle think we , must it be unto them , to keep them from unlawful lusts , nay from sinful purposes , when they consider with themselves , that in that day , the hearts of all men shall be opened , their desires made known , and that no secrets shall be hid ; but all laid open as it were , to the publick view ? What a strong bridle must it be to curb them and to hold them in , when they are in the full careere and race of wickedness , when they consider with themselves , that there will be no way nor means to escape this Judgement ? Though they procure the Rocks to fall upon them , and the Hils to hide them , yet will Gods Angels finde them out ; and gather them from every corner of the World , be they where they will. Though they have flattered their poor souls , and said , Tush God will not see it ; or have disguised themselves with fig-leaves , out of a silly hope to conceal their nakedness ; or wiped their lips so cunningly with the harlot in the Book of Proverbs , that no man can discern a stollen kiss upon them ; yet all this will not serve the turn . God will for all this bring them unto judgement , and apprehend them by his Angels when they go a gathering . There shall not one of them escape the hands of these diligent Sergeants ; Ne unus quidem , no not one . And finally what a bridle must it be unto them , to hold them from exorbitant wickedness , as either the crucifying again of the Lord of glory , the persecuting of the Saints , their mischievous plots against the Church in her peace and Patrimony ; when they consider with themselves that he whom thus they crucifie , is to be their Iudge ; and that those poor souls whom they now contemn , shall give a vote or suffrage on their condemnation ; and that the poor afflicted Church which they made truly militant by their foul oppressions , malgre their tyranny and confederacies , shall become Triumphant ? And on the other side , what a great comfort must it be to the righteous man , to think that Christ who all this while hath been his Mediator with Almighty God , shall one day come to be his Iudge ? What a great consolation must it be unto him in the time of trouble , to think that all his groans are registred , his tears kept in a bottle , and his sighs recorded : and that there is a Iudge above who will wipe all the tears from his eyes , and give him mirth in stead of mourning ? What an incouragement must it be unto him in the way of godliness , when he considereth with himself that there is laid up for him a Crown of glory , which the Lord the righteous Judge will give him at that day , and give it him in the fight both of men and Angels ? Finally what strength and animation must it put into them to make them stand couragiously in the cause of Christ , and to contemn what ever misery can be laid upon them , in the defence of Christs and the Churches cause : when they consider with themselves , that there is no man who hath lost Father or Mother , or wife or children , or lands and possessions for the sake of Christ ; but shall receive much more in this present world , and in the world to come life everlasting ? For behold he cometh quickly , ( as himself hath told us ) and his reward is with him , to give to every man according as his work shall be . Even so Lord Jesus , So be it . Amen . THE SUM Of Christian Theologie , Positive , Philological , and Polemical ; Contained in the APOSTLES CREED , or Reducible to it . THE THIRD PART . By Peter Heylyn . 1 Cor. 12.13 . For by one Spirit are we all Baptized into one Body , whether we be Iews or Gentiles , whether we be bond or free ; and have been all made to drink into one Spirit . LONDON : Printed for Henry Seyle . 1654. ARTICLE IX . Of the Ninth ARTICLE OF THE CREED , Ascribed to St. IAMES the Son of ALPHEVS . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) Credo & in Spiritum sanctum ; sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam , ( i. e. ) I beleeve in the Holy Ghost , the holy Catholick Church . CHAP. I. Touching the Holy Ghost , his divine Nature , Power , and Office ▪ the Controversie of his Procession laid down Historically . Of Receiving the Holy Ghost , and of the severall ministrations in the Church appointed by him . WE are now come unto the third and last part of this Discourse , containing in the first place the Article of the Holy Ghost , and of the holy Catholick Church , gathered together , and preserved by the power thereof : And in the rest those several Gifts and special Benefits which Christ conferreth , by the operation of this blessed Spirit , on the particular Members of his Congregation ; that is to say , the joyning of the Saints together in an holy Communion , the free remission of our sins in this present life , resurrection of the body after death , and the uniting again of Soul and Body unto life eternal . This is the sum and method of the following Articles , and these we shall pursue in their order ; beginning first with that of the Holy Ghost : Whose gracious assistance I implore , to guide me in the waies of Truth that so the words of my mouth , and the meditations of my heart , may be alwayes acceptable in the sight of God , the Lord , my strength and my Redeemer . But because the word or notion of the Holy Ghost is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word of various signification in the Book of God : we will first look upon it in those significations , and then conclude on that which is chiefly , pertinent to the intent and purpose of the present Article . For certainly the Orators Rule is both good and useful , viz. Prius dividenda antequam definienda sit oratio a ; That we must first distinguish of the Termes in all Propositions before we come unto a positive definition of them . According to which Rule , if we search the Scripture , we shall there find that the Holy Ghost is first taken personaliter , or essentialiter , for the third person in the Oeconomie of the glorious Trinity . We find him in this sense in the incarnation of our Lord and Saviour , as the principal Agent in that Work ; The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee , Luk. 1.35 . And in his Baptism , descending on him like a Dove , to fit him and prepare him for the Prophetical Office he was then to exercise ; And the Holy Ghost descended in a bodily shape like a Dove upon him , Luk. 3.22 . From which descent St. Peter telleth us that he was anointed with the Holy Ghost and with power , and that from thenceforth he went about doing good , and healing all that were oppressed with the Devil b . In the next place , the Holy Ghost is used in Scripture , to signifie the Gifts and Graces of the holy Spirit ; as in Act. 2. where it is said of the Apostles , that they were all filled with the holy Ghost , ver . 4. not with his essence , or his person , but with the impressions of the Spirit , the Gifts and Graces of the Holy Ghost ; such as the Gift of Tongues mentioned in the following words ; The Gift of the Holy Ghost ; as it is called expresly , Ver. 38. Thus read we also that the holy Ghost was given by the hands of Peter , Act. 8.17 , 18. And by the hands of Paul , Act. 19.6 . In which we read , that when Paul had laid his hands upon them , the Holy Ghost came on them , and they spoke with tongues and Prophesied , which last words are a commentary upon those before , and shew , that by the holy Ghost which did come upon them , is meant the Gift of Tongues , and the power of Prophecying , both which the holy Ghost then conferred upon them . And lastly it is taken not onely for the ability of doing Miracles , as speaking with strange Tongues , Prophecying , curing of Diseases , and the like to these , but for the Authority and Power which in the Church is given to some certain men to be Ministers of holy things to the rest of the people . As when Christ breathed on his Apostles , and said unto them , Receive the holy Ghost c ; that is to say , Receive ye an holy and spiritual power over the soules of men , a part whereof consisteth in the remitting and retaining of sins , mentioned in the words next following , and serving as a Comment to explaine the former . In which respect the Holy Ghost said unto certain of the Elders in the Church of Antioch , Segregate mihi Barnabam & Saulum , Separate unto me Barnabas and Saul , for the work whereunto I have called them , Act. 13.2 . It is the Holy Ghost which cals , it is his work to which they were called ; and therefore separate mihi , separate to me , may not unfitly be expounded to my Work and Ministery , and consequently to the authority and power which belongs unto it . Which being premised , the meaning of the Article will in briefe be this , That we beleeve not onely that there is such a person as the Holy Ghost , in the Oeconomy of the blessed Trinity though that be principally intended ; ) but that he doth so distribute and dispose of his Gifts and Graces , as most conduceth to the edification of the Church of Christ. But this I cannot couch in a clearer way , as to the sense and doctrine of the Church of England , than in the words of Bishop Iewel , who doth thus expresse it , Credimus spiritum sanctum , qui est tertia persona in sacra Triadi , illum verum esse Deum , &c. d i. e. we beleeve that the Holy Ghost who is the Third Person in the holy Trinity , is very God , not made , nor created , nor begotten , but proceeding both from the Father and the Son , by an unspeakable means , and unknowne to man ; and that it is his property to mollifie and soften mans heart , when he is once received thereinto , either by the wholesome Preaching of the Gospel , or by any other way ; that he doth give men light , and guide them to the knowledge of God , to the wayes of truth , to newnesse of life , and to everlasting hope of salvation . This being the sum of that which is to be beleeved of the Holy Ghost , both for his Person and his Office ; we will first look upon his Person , on his Property or Office afterwards . And yet before we come unto his Person , I mean his Nature and his Essence , We will first look a little on the quid Nominis , the name by which he is expressed in the Book of God. In the Original he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( with a double Article , as Luk. 3.22 . ) in Latine Spiritus sanctus , or the Holy Spirit , but generally in our English Idiom , the Holy Ghost . The Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to breath , and is the same with the Latine Spiro , from whence comes Spiritus , or the Spirit , a name not given , as I suppose , because he doth proceed from the Father , or the Son , or both , in the way of breathing ( though Christ be said to breath upon his Apostles , when he said receive the Holy Ghost ) but because the breath being in it selfe an incorporeal substance , and that which is the great preservative of all living creatures , it got the name first of Spiritus vitae ( we read it in our English , the breath of life , Gen. 11.7 . ) and afterwards came to be the name of all unbodyed , incorporeal essences . For thus is God said to be a Spirit , God is a Spirit , Ioh. 4.24 . The Angels are called Ministring Spirits , Heb. 1.14 . the Soule of man is called his Spirit , let us cleanse our selves , saith the Apostle , from all filthiness both of flesh and Spirit e , that is , of the body and the soule : and by a metaphor , the motions of the minde whether good or evill , are called spirits also , as the spirit of giddiness , Isa. 19.14 . the spirit of error , 1 Tim. 4.1 . the spirit of envie , Iam. 4.5 . which come all from the unclean spirit mentioned Luk. 11.24 . And thus in general , the pious motions in the mind are called Spirits too , Quench not the spirit , saith St. Paul f , i. e. those godly motions to the works of Faith and Piety , which the Holy Spirit of God doth secretly kindle in thee . For the word Ghost it is originally Saxon , and signifieth properly the soul of a man : as when we read of Christ , that he gave up the Ghost , Mark. 15.37 . and in the rest of the Evangelists also , the meaning is , that his soule departed from his body , he yeelded up his soule to the hands of God , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Original , Expiravit , as the Latine reads it ; that is to say , he breathed out his soul , or he breathed his last . Nor doth it signifie the soule onely ( though that most properly ) but generally also , any spiritual substance , as doth the word spiritus in the Latine : a touch whereof we have still remaining in the Adjective Ghostly , by which we mean that which is spiritual , as our Ghostly Father , Ghostly Counsel , i. e. our Father in the spiritual matters , counsel that savoreth of the spirit . So then the Holy Ghost , and the Holy Spirit , are the same Person here , though in different words ; and the word Holy which is added , doth clearly difference him from all other spirits : Not that God being a spirit , is not holy also , or that the Angelical spirits are not replenished with as much holinesse as a created nature can be capable of ; but because it is his Office to sanctifie ( or make holy ) all the elect Children of God ; therefore hath he the title or attribute of holy annexed unto him : And yet the title of holy is not always added to denote this person , though when we find mention of the Holy Ghost , or the Holy Spirit , it is meant and spoken of him onely . For sometimes he is called the Spirit , without any adjunct , the Spirit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or by way of eminency ; but still with reference to those gifts which he doth bestow . The manifestation of the spirit ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Article demonstrative ) is given to every man to profit withall g , For to one is given by the Spirit , the word of wisdome , to another the word of knowledge by the same Spirit . Sometimes he is called the Spirit of the Father , as Matth. 10.20 . It is not yee that speak , but the Spirit of the Father which speaketh in you ; sometimes the Spirit of the Son , as Gal. 4.6 . where it is said , that God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into our hearts , crying Abba Father . Most generally he is called the Spirit of God , as Gen : 1.2 . and Matth. 3.16 . and infinite other places of the holy Scripture ; and more particularly the Spirit of Christ , Rom. 8.9 . in which place he is also called the Spirit of God. Ye are not in the flesh but in the Spirit , if that the Spirit of God dwel in you , there the Spirit of God ; if any have not the Spirit of Christ , he is none of his , So the Spirit of Christ. The Spirit both of God and Christ , and in one verse both . So far we are onwards on our way for discoverie of the nature of this bless●d Spirit , as to have found him out to be the Spirit of God the Father , from whom he doth proceed by an unspeakable way of emanation , and unknown to man ; for he proceedeth from the Father , as our Saviour telleth us g ; and to be also the Spirit of Christ , the Son of God , by whom he was breathed on the Apostles ; and so proceeding from the Son , doth proceed from both . Sent from the Father , at the desire and prayer of the Son ; I will pray the Father , and he shall send you another Comforter , Iohn 14.16 . Sent by the Son , with the consent and approbation of the Father ; whom I will send unto you from the Father , Iohn 15.26 . and so sent of both . And yet not therefore the less God , because sent by either , than IESUS CHRIST is God , God for ever blessed , as St. Paul calls him , Rom. 9.5 . because he was sent by God the Father , He sent his Son made of a woman , ( Gal. 4.4 . ) saith the same Apostle . If any doubt hereof , as I know some do , he may be sent for resolution of his doubt to the beginning of Genesis , where he shall finde the Spirit of God moving on the waters , Gen. 1.2 . And to the Law , where he shall read how the same Spirit came down on the Seventy Elders , Numb . 11.26 . And to the Psalms , Thou sendest forth thy Spirit , and they are created , Psal. 104.30 . And to the Prophets , The Spirit of God is upon me , saith the Prophet Isaiah , Chap. 61.1 . which was Christs first Text h ; And I will pour my Spirit upon all flesh , saith the Prophet Ioel , Chap. 1.28 . which was Peters first Text i . The Spirit of God is God , no question ; for in Deo non est nisi Deus , say the Schoolmen rightly . Not a created Spirit , as the Angels were , For in the beginning when God created the Heaven and the Earth , and all things visible and invisible , then the Spirit was ; and was not onely actually in a way of existence , but was of such a powerful influence in the Creation of the World , that on the moving of this Spirit on the face of the Waters , the darkness was removed from the face of the deep , and the Chaos of undigested matter made capable of Form and Beauty . In the New Testament the evidence is far more clear than that of the Old ; by how much the Sun of Light did shine more brightly in the times of the Gospel than in those of the Law. Saith not St. Peter in the Acts , Why hath Satan filled thine heart to lie unto the Holy Ghost ? and then addes presently , Thou hast not lied unto men , but unto God k . What saith St. Austin on this Text ? The Holy Ghost ( saith he ) is God , Unde Petrus cum dixisset , ausus e● mentiri Spiritui Sancto , continuo secutus adjunxit quid esset Spiritus Sanctus , & ait , non mentitus es hominibus sed Deo l , i. e. Therefore when Peter said unto Ananias , thou hast dared to lie to the Holy Ghost , he added presently , to shew what was the Holy Ghost , Thou hast not lied unto men , but unto God. Saith not St. Paul , Know ye not that ye are the Temple of God ? How so ? Because the Spirit of God dwelleth in you m . What saith the Father unto this ? Ostendit Paulus deum esse Spiritum Sanctum , & ideo non esse Creaturam n ; that is to say , St. Paul by this sheweth , That the Holy Ghost is God , and so no Creature . Doth not the same Apostle say in another place , Know ye not that your bodies are the Temple of the Holy Ghost ? and then subjoyns , Glorifie God therefore in your body o . And doth not the same Father infer from thence the Deitie or Godhead of the Holy Ghost , Ne quisquam Spiritum Sanctum negaret Deum , continuo sequutus ait , Glorificate & portate Deum in corpore vestro p ; Lest any man ( saith he ) should possibly deny the Holy Ghost to be God , he addes immediately , Glorifie and bear God in your bodies . To seek for Testimonies from more of the Fathers , to confirm this point , were to run into an endless Ocean of Allegations ; there being few who lived after the rising of the Arian and Macedonian Heresies , who have not written whole Tracts in defence hereof ; and none at all , who give not very pregnant evidence to the cause in hand . But where the Scripture is so clear , what need they come in . And so exceeding clear is Scripture , as is shewn already , that I marvel with what confidence it could be said by Doctor Harding in his Reply to Bishop Iewel , That though the Doctrine of the Church of England were true and Catholick in this point , yet we had neither express Scripture for it , nor any of the four first General Councils q ; and thereon tacitely inferreth , That the Deity of the Holy Ghost depended for the proof thereof , not on holy Scripture , but on the Tradition of the Church , and the Authority of some subsequent Councils of the Popes confirming . To which , that learned Prelate wittily replieth , That if God cannot be God , unless he be allowed of by the Pope and Church of R●me , then we are come again to that which Tertullian wrote merrily of the Heathens , saying , Nisi homini Deus placuerit , Deus non erit r ; Homo jam Deo propitius esse debebit ; i.e. Unless God humor man , he shall not be God. Some further Arguments may be used to confirm this Truth , and they no less concludent than those before : As namely , from the Form of Baptism ordained by Christ , In the Name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost s ; From the Form of Benediction used by St. Paul , The Grace of our Lord Iesus Christ , and the Love of God , and the Fellowship of the Holy Ghost t ; From the Doxologie or Form of giving glory , used in the Church , and used , as St. Basil confidently averreth , from the first beginning u , Glory be to the Father , and to the Son , and to the Holy Ghost ; And finally , from the place it holds in the present Creed , composed by the joynt concurrence of the Blessed Apostles . But that which I shall specially insist upon , is that passage in three of the Evangelists , touching the sin●t ●t blasphemy against the Holy Spirit of God , which is there said to be of that heinous nature , that it shall neither be forgiven in this world , nor in the world to come , Matth. 12.32 . That is to say , It shall never have forgiveness , as S. Mark expounds it , Mark 3.29 . St. Ambrose gathereth from this Text , a concluding Argument against the Macedonian and Eunomian Hereticks , who held the Holy Ghost to be onely a created power . Quomodo inter Creaturas a●det quisquam Spiritum Sanctum computare , x &c. How dareth any man ( saith he ) compute the Holy Ghost amongst the rest of the Creatures , considering that it is affirmed by the Lord himself , That whosoever speaketh against the Son of Man , it shall be forgiven him ; but whosoever speaketh against the Holy Ghost , it shall not be forgiven him ? And to this inference of his we may well subscribe , though the sin or blasphemy spoken of by our Lord and Saviour , was not against the Person of the Holy Ghost ▪ but against his Power . For that no sin or heresie against his person was so irremissible , as to exclude the offending party from all hope of pardon , is evident by the constant practise of the Primitive Church ; which as St. Chrysostom observeth , used daily to receive again to the Word and Sacraments the Eunomian Hereticks , on the recanting of their Error . That therefore being not the si● which is here intended , it would be worth the while , and very pertinent to our present business , to enquire into it ; though as St. Augustine notes right well , In omnibus Scripturis sanctis nulla major quaestio , nulla difficilior y ; That there is not a greater , nor more difficult question in all the Scripture . And well might he say so of all men , who in delivering his own judgement upon the point , doth so much vary from himself , that it is impossible to finde what he doth resolve on . For sometimes he makes it to be final impenitency , as Lib. de fide ad Pet. c. 3. Sometimes to be despair of Gods mercy , as in his Comment on the Romans ; Sometimes to be a denying of the Churches power to forgive sins , as in his Eucheirid . c. 83. Sometimes to be sins of malice , as De Ser. Domini in monte , l. 1. And sometimes neerer to the truth , to be an ascribing of the works of the Holy Ghost to the power of the Devil , as in his Tract De Qu●st . ex utroque Testam . quaest . 102. Nor do the Writers of the former or later times agree better in this point with one another , than that Learned Father with himself : Some holding it to be a renouncing of the Faith of Christ , as the Novatians z ; others the denying of the Divinity of Christ , as Hilary a ; Philastrius extending it unto every Heresie b ; and Origen ( whom some of the Novatians also followed ) to every sin committed after Baptism c . For later Writers , the Schoolmen generally make it to be sins of malice ; affirming sins of infirmity to be committed against the Father , whose proper attribute is Power ; and sins of ignorance against the Son , whose proper attribute is Wisdom ; and therefore sins against the Holy Ghost must be sins of malice , because his attribute is Love. And on the other side , the Protestants , as generally , do make it to be final Apostasie , or a wilful and malicious resisting of the Truth to the very last . And so it is defined by Calvin , who makes them to be guilty of this sin against the Holy Ghost , Qui divinae veritati ( cujus fulgore sic per stringuntur , ut ignorantiam causari nequeant ) tamen destinata malicia resist●nt , in hoc tantum ut resistant d ; that is to say , Who out of determined malice resist the known Truth of God , ( with the Beams whereof they are so dazled , that they cannot pretend ignorance ) to the end , onely to resist . But God forbid , that most , if at all any of the sins before enumerated , should come within the compass of that grievous sentence which is denounced against blaspheming of the Holy Ghost ▪ For if either every sin committed after Baptism , or every sin of malice , or despair of mercy , or falling into heresie ( especially in that large sense as Philastrius takes it ) should be uncapable of pardon , it were almost impossible for any man to be sayed . And for the rest , final Impenitency is not so properly a particular and distinct species of sin , as a general circumstance which may accompany any sin : And many of those who have renounced the Faith of Christ , under persecution , or called his divinity in question , did afterwards recant their Errors , and became good Christians . Final Apostasie indeed , and a malicious resisting of the known Truth , till the very last , are most grievous sins , and shall no question be rewarded with eternal punishment ; as every other sin shall be which is not expiated with Repentance ; but can with no more right or reason , be called the sin or blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , than unrepented Murder , unrepented Adultery , unrepented Heresie , or any other of that nature . Therefore to set this business right , it is judiciously observed by my Learned Friend Sir R. F. in his Tractate Of the Blasphemy of the Holy Ghost , First , That this sin so much disputed and debated , in neither of the three Evangelists which record this passage , is called The sin against the Holy Ghost , but the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost ; Secondly , That blaspheming , according to the true Etymon of the Word , is a blasting of the fame of another man , a malicious detracting from him , or speaking against him ; as both St. Matthew , and St. Luke do expound the word , Matth. 12.32 . and Luke 12.10 . Thirdly , That these words were spoken by our Saviour Christ , against the Scribes and Pharisees , who traduced his Miracles , affirming . That that wondrous work of casting out Devils , which he had wrought by the power of the Spirit of God , as he himself affirmeth , Matth. 12.28 . was done by the power and help of Beelzebub , the Prince of Devils , Vers. 24. And Fourthly , That the Scribes and Pharisees , being the eye-witnesses of such miracles , as might make them know that Christ was a Teacher come from God , did notwithstanding lay that reproach upon them , to the end , That the people being beaten off from giving credit to his miracles , should give no faith unto his Doctrine . Upon which grounds he builds this definition of it , viz. The blasphemy against the Holy Ghost was an evil-speaking or slandering of the miracles of our Saviour Christ , by those , who though they were convinced by the miracles , to believe that such works could not be done but by the power of God , did yet maliciously say , That they were wrought by the power of the Devil . And hereupon he doth infer these two following Corollaries ; First , That we have no safe rule to conclude , that any but the Scribes and Pharisees , and their confederates , committed ( in those times ) this blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , so condemned by Christ : And Secondly , That it is a matter of probability , that the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , is not a sin committable by any Christian who lived not in the time of our Lord and Saviour . And to say truth , If such a sin were practicable by us Christians since , it must needs be a very great marvel ( if not somewhat more ) that the Apostles , who were very precise and punctual in dehorting from all manner of sin , should never in any of their Epistles take notice of this , or give us any Caveat to beware thereof ; and in particular , that St. Paul making a specification of the fruits of the Spirit , and such a general muster of the works of the flesh , as are repugnant thereunto e , should not so much as give a glance which doth look this way . To countenance the opinion of this Learned Gentleman , I shall adde here the judgement of two learned Iesuites . Maldonates first , Who makes this sin to be the sin of the Scribes and Pharisees , who seeing our Saviour cast out Devils , Manifesta Spiritus Sancti opera daemoni tribuebant f , ascribed the visible works of the Holy Ghost to the power of the Devil . Of Estius next , who distinguishing betwixt the sin against the Holy Ghost , and the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , referreth to the first all sins of determined malice ; to the second , onely such malicious and slanderous reproaches against the mighty works of God , Quale erat illud Scribarum divina miracula malitiosè calumniantium g , As was that of the Scribes , maliciously slandering our Saviours miracles . And if it be a sin or blasphemy , call it which you will , not acted but by them , and on that occasion , it is not practicable now . But leaving this to the determination of the Church of England ( lawfully and Canonically represented in an holy Synod , ) to which , that Learned Gentleman doth submit his judgement ; proceed we on in our discourse of the Holy Ghost ; concerning whose Divinity or Godhead , there is not so much difference in the Christian World , as in the manner of his Procession or Emission . And here indeed the World hath been long divided ; the Greek Church keeping themselves to express words of Scripture h , making him to proceed from the Father onely ; the Latines , on the Authority of some later Councils , and Logical inferences from the Scripture , making him to proceed both from Father , and the Son. And though these last may seem to have the worst end of the Cause , in as much as Logical inferences to men of ordinary capacities , are not so evident as plain Text of Scripture ; yet do they Anathematize and curse the other , as most desperate Hereticks , if not Apostates from the Faith. Nor will they admit of any medium towards reconcilement , although the controversie by moderate and sober men is brought to a very narrow issue ; and seemeth to consist rather in their Forms of Speech , than any material Terms of Difference . For Damascen the great Schoolman of the Eastern Church , though he deny that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Son , yet he granteth him to be Spiritum filii , & per filium i , to proceed from the Father by the Son , and to be the Spirit of the Son. And Bessarion , and Gennadius , two of the Grecian Divines , who appeared in the name of that Church in the Council of Florence , and were like to understand the meaning of Damascen better than any of the Latines , affirmed ( as Bellarmine tells us of them k , ) That he denied not the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son , as to the truth of his proceeding ; Sed existimasse tutius dici per filium , quam ex filio , quoad modum loquendi , but thought onely that it was the safer expression to say , That he proceeded by the Son , than from the Son. And Clictoveus in his Comment on that Book of Damascen , l. 1. c. 12. is of opinion , That the difference between the East and Western-Churches , as to this particular , is , In voce potius & modo explicandi , quam in ipsa re , More in the terms and manner of expression , than the thing it self . The Master of the Sentences doth affirm as much , saying , That the Greeks do differ from the Latines , Verbo non sensu , not in the meaning of the Point , but the forms of Speech l . And more than so , The Greeks , saith he , confess the Holy Ghost to be the Spirit of the Son , with the Apostle , Gal. 4. And the Spirit of Truth , with the Evangelist , Joh. 16. And since it is not another thing to say , The Holy Ghost is the Spirit of the Father , and the Son , than that he is , or proceeds from the Father and the Son , in this they seem to agree with us in eandem fidei sententiam , on the same doctrine of Faith , though they differ in words . Thus also Rob. Grosthead , the learned and renowned Bishop of Lincoln , as he is cited by Scotus , a famous Schoolman m , delivereth his opinion touching this great Controversie . The Grecians ( saith he ) are of opinion , that the Holy Ghost is the Spirit of the Son , but that he proceedeth not from the Son , but from the Father onely , yet by the Son ; which opinion seemeth to be contrary to ours . But happily if two wise and understanding men , the one of the Greek Church , and the other of the Latine , both lovers of the truth , and not of their own expressions , did meet to consider of this seeming contrariety , it would in the end appear , Ipsam contrarietatem non esse veraciter realem sicut est vocalis , That the difference is not real , but verbal onely . Azorius the great Casuist goeth further yet , and upon due examination of the state of the Question , not onely freeth the Greeks from Heresie , but from Schism also n . By consequence the Church of Rome hath run into the greater and more grievous error , in condemning every Maundy Thursday in their Bulla Coenae the whole Eastern Churches ; which for ought any of her own more sober children are able to discern on deliberation , are fully as Orthodox as her self in the truth of Doctrine , and more agreeable to antiquity in their forms of Speech . For if we please to look into the Antient Writers , we shall finde Tertullian saying very positively , Spiritum non aliunde quam à Patre per filium o , which is the very same with that of Damascen before delivered . And Ierom , though a stout maintainer of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son also , yet doth he sometimes fall upon this expression , Spiritus à Patre egreditur , & propter naturae societatem à filio mittitur p , That he proceedeth from the Father , and is sent by the Son ; which none of the Greek Church will deny : But if we look upon the Fathers of the Eastern Churches , we shall finde not onely private men , as Basil , Nazianzen , Nyssen , Cyril , not to descend so low as Damascen , to make no mention of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost from the Son , at all ; but a whole Synod of 180 Prelates gathered together in the second General Council at Constantinople q to be silent in it , though purposely assembled to suppress the Heresie of Macedonius , who had denied the Divinity of the Holy Ghost . For in the Constantinopolitan Creed , according as it stands in all old Records , the Fathers having ratified the Nicene Creed , added these words for the declaring of their Faith in the Holy Ghost , viz. I believe in the Holy Ghost , the Lord and giver of Life , who proceedeth from the Father , who together with the Father and the Son is worshipped and glorified , who spake by the Prophets r : No word in this of his proceeding from the Son. And though this Creed was afterwards continued in the Council of Ephesus s , yet so far was that Council from altering any thing which had been formerly delivered as to this pa●ticular , that it imposed a curse on those who should adde unto it . And so it stood a long time in the Christian Church , possessing that part in the Publick Liturgies , which it still retaineth . But in some tract of time , some Spanish Bishops in the eighth Council of Toledo t , added the clause à filioque , and made it to run thus in their publick Formulas , who proceedeth from the Father and the Son. The French not long after followed their example , but still the Church of Rome adhered to the old expression . Whereupon Charls the Great commanded a Council of his Prelates to be held at Aken ( Aquisgranum it is called in Latine ) to consider somewhat better of this addition u , and caused some of them to be sent to Pope Leo the third , to have his opinion in the matter , who was so far from giving any allowance unto the addition , that he perswaded them to leave it out by little and little x . And nor content to give this Counsel unto them , for fear lest the addition might creep in at Rome , he caused the Constantinopolitan Creed to be fairly written out on a Table of Silver , and placed it behinde the Altar of St. Peter , to the end it might remain unto posterity as a lasting Monument of the true Faith which he professed . The like distast did Iohn the eighth declare against this addition y , in a Letter by him written unto Photius , Patriark of Constantinople , in which he gives him to understand , not onely that they had no such addition in the Church of Rome , but that he did condemn them who were Authors of it ; adding withal , That as he was careful for his part , to cause all the Bishops of the West to be so perswaded of it , as he was himself ; so that he did not think it reasonable , that any should be violently constrained to leave out the addition . But after in the yeer 883 ▪ Pope Nicholas the first caused this clause à filioque to be added also to the Creed , in all the Churches under the Command and Jurisdiction of the Popes of Rome ; and from thence-forwards did they brand the Greek Churches with the brand of Heresie , for not admitting that clause to the Antient Creeds , which they themselves had added of their own Authority , without the consent of the Eastern Churches , or so much as the pretence of a General Council . But as my Lord of Canterbury hath right well observed , in his learned Answer unto Fisher z , It is an hard thing to adde and anathematize too . And yet to that height of uncharitableness did they come at last , that whereas it was the miserable fortune of Constantinople to be taken by the Turks upon Whitsunday , being the Festival of the coming of the Holy Ghost , this was given out to be a just judgment on them from the Almighty , for thinking so erroneously of his Blessed Spirit ; as if it might not be concluded in as good form of Logick , That sure the Knights of Rhodes had in their lives and actions denied Christ who bought them ; because that Town and all the Iland was taken by the Turks upon Christmas-day ; or that the People of Chios had denied and abnegated the Resurrection of our Saviour , who redeemed them ; because that Town , and therewith all the Iland also , was taken by the said Turks upon Easter-day . I have now done with so much of the present Article , as relates unto the Person of the Holy Ghost , which is the first signification of the term or notion , as it is taken personaliter , and essentialiter . We must next look upon the word , as it is used to signifie , in the Book of God , the gifts and graces of the Spirit , in which we shall discern both his power and office . These gifts and graces of the Spirit , the School-men commonly divide into Gratis data , such as being freely given by God , are to be spent as freely for the good of others ; of which kinde are the gift of tongues , curing diseases , and the like ; and gratum facientia , such as do make him good and gracious , on whom it pleaseth God to bestow the same , as Faith , Iustice , Charity . The first are in the Scripture called by the name of gifts ; Now there are diversity of gifts ( saith the Apostle ) but the same Spirit a : For to one is given by the Spirit the word of Wisdom ; to another the word of Knowledge by the same Spirit ; to another Faith by the same Spirit , to another the gifts of healing by the same Spirit ; to another the working of miracles , to another prophecy , to another discerning of spirits , to another divers kindes of tongues , to another the interpretation of tongues . The later are called Fruits , by the same Apostle b , The Fruits of the Spirit , saith he , are love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance . The Gifts are known most commonly by the name of Gratis data ; the Fruits pertain to Gratum facientia : The Gratum facientia belong to every man for himself , the Gratis data for the benefit of the Church in common . That which God giveth us for the benefit and use of others , must be so spent , that they may be the better for it ; because not given unto us for own sakes onely , nor to gain others to our selves , but all to him . In which respect , Gods Servants are to be like Torches , which freely wast themselves to give light to others , like Powder on the day of some Publick Festival , which freely spends it self to rejoyce the multitude . That which he gives us for our selves must be so improved , that we may thereby become fruitful unto all good works , vessels prepared and sanctified for the Masters use . In the first of these we may behold the power of the Holy Ghost ; in the last , his office . His power in giving tongues to unlearned men , knowledge to the ignorant , wisdom to the simple , the gift of prophecy even unto very Babes and Sucklings , I mean to men not studied in the Liberal Sciences . A power so great , that no disease is incurable to it ; no spirit so subtile and disguised , but is easie discerned by it ; no tongue so difficult and hard which it cannot interpret , no miracle of such seeming impossibility , but it can effect it . In which regard the Holy Ghost is called in Scripture , The power of God ; The power of the most High shall over-shadow thee , Luke 1.35 . And Christ our Lord having received the ointing of the holy Spirit , is said to be anointed with the Holy Ghost , and with power , Acts 10.38 . Nor want I Reasons to induce me unto this opinion , that when Simon Magus had effected by his sorceries and lying wonders , to be called the great power of God c ; but that his purpose was to make men believe , that he was the Holy Ghost , or the Spirit of God ; which title afterwards he bestowed on his strumpet Helena d , and took that of CHRIST unto himself , as the more famed , and fitting for his devilish purposes . Next for his Office , that consisteth in regenerating the carnal , and sanctifying the regenerate man. First , In regenerating of the carnal ; For except a man be born of Water , and of the Spirit , he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God e , saith our Blessed Saviour of Water , as the outward Element , but of the holy Spirit , as the inward Efficient ; which moving on the Waters of Baptism , as once upon the face of the great Abyss , doth make them quickning , and effectual unto newness of life . Then for the Work of Sanctification , that is wrought wholly by the Spirit ; who therefore hath the name of the Holy Ghost , not onely because holy in himself , formaliter , but because holy effective , making them holy who are chosen unto life eternal . So say St. Peter the first , and St. Paul the last of the Apostles . St. Peter first , Elect according to the fore-knowledge of God the Father , through sanctification of the Spirit unto obedience , 1 Pet. 1.2 . And so St. Paul , But ye are washed , but ye are sanctified , but ye are justified , in the Name of our Lord Iesus , and by the Spirit of God , 1 Cor. 6.11 . That is to say , Iustified in the Name of our Lord Iesus , through Faith in him , and sanctified by the Spirit of God , through the effusion of his Graces in the Soul of Man. The work of Sanctification is not wrought but by many acts , as namely , By shedding abroad in our hearts that most excellent gift of charity , filling our souls with righteousness , and peace , and joy in the Holy Ghost f ; by teaching us to adde , To our faith vertue , and to vertue , knowledge ; and to knowledge , temperance ; and to temperance , patience ; and to patience , godliness ; and to godliness , brotherly kindness ; and to brotherly kindness , charity g ; that we be neither barren nor unfruitful in the knowledge of Christ. Though Christ be the Head , yet is the Holy Ghost the Heart of the Church ; from whence the vital spirits of grace and godliness are issued out unto the quickning of the Body mystical . And as the vital spirits in the body natural are sensibly perceived by the motion of the heart , the breathing of the mouth , and by the beating of the pulse ; so by the same means may we easily discern the motions of the Spirit of Grace . First , It beginneth in the heart , by putting into us new hearts , more sanctified desires than we had before ; A new heart will I also give you , and a new spirit will I put within you , saith the Lord by the Prophet Ezekiel h . And to what end ? That ye may walk in my Statutes , and keep my Iudgments . This new heart is like the new wine which our Saviour speaks of , not possible to be contained in old bottles , but will break out first in new desires . For Novum supervenisse spiritum nova demonstrant desideria , as St. Bernard hath it . Nor will it break out onely in desires or wishes , but we shall finde it on our tongues , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh i . And if the heart be throughly sanctified , we may be sure that no corrupt communication will come out of our mouths , but onely such as is good to the use of edifying , and may minister grace unto the hearers k . The same breath in the natural body , is Organon vitae & vocis , as experience telleth us , The Instrument of life and voice ; it is the same we live by , and the same we speak by : And so it is also in the Body mystical , as well the vocal , as the vital breath , proceeding both alike from the Holy Ghost . Nor stayes it onely on the tongue , but as the beating of the pulse is best found at the hand ; so if we would desire to know how the Spirit beateth , let us next take it by the hand , or rather by his handy works . For some there be who do confess Christ with their mouths l , but yet deny him in their works . The Spirit of God is very active , and wheresoever it is , it will soon be working ; if it do not work , it is no Spirit : For usque adeo proprium est spiritui operari , ut nisi operetur , non sit , as the Father hath it , So natural it is for the Spirit to bring forth good works , that if it do not so , then it is no Spirit . These Works St. Paul calls plainly , The fruits of the Spirit ; Love , joy , peace , gentleness , goodness m , and the rest that follow . Which as they are planted in the Soul , may be called the Graces , but as they are manifested in our actions , the Fruits of the Spirit ; to shew us that it is a dead spirit which brings forth no fruits , even as it is a dead faith , in St. Iames his judgement , which brings forth no works n . In a word , as it was in the generation of our Saviour Christ , so it is also in the regeneration of a Christian man ; both wrought by the effectual operation of the Holy Ghost . But these being chiefly matters practical , are beyond my purpose . Proceed we then to such as are more Doctrinal , which is the proper subject of my undertaking , from this acception of the word in which the Holy Ghost is taken for those gifts and graces , which out of his great bounty he bestoweth upon us ; to that wherein it signifieth , The Power and Calling which in the Church is given to some certain men , to be Ministers of holy things to the rest of the people . That in this sense the word is taken , we have shewn before , and are now come to shew how it is performed , by what authority , and what gifts discharged and executed . The office of teaching in the Church doth properly belong to Christ , the Prophet of the New Testament , of whom Moses prophecied , Deut. 13.15 . As both St. Peter o , and St. Stephen p , do affirm expresly . A Prophet whom all the people were to hear in every thing which he was pleased to say unto them q ; and that commanded under such a terrible commination , that every Soul which would not hear the voice of that Prophet , was to be destroyed from amongst the people . Yet though it were an office proper to our Lord and Saviour , so proper that he seemed to affect it more , than either the Priesthood , or the Kingdom ; He entred not upon the same , until he had received some visible designation from the Holy Ghost . That he took not on him to discharge his Prophetical Function , till after he was baptized by Iohn in Iordan , is evident by course and order of the Evangelical story : Not that his Baptism could confer any power upon him , or give him an authority which before he had not ; for without doubt , the lesser is blessed of the greater , as St. Paul affirmeth r ; and Iohn confessed himself so much less than Christ , as that he was not worthy to untie his shooe s ; but that , as man , he did receive this power from the Holy Ghost , descending on him at that time in a bodily shape , and withal giving him that Sacred Vnction , whereby he was inaugurated to so high an office . And to this Unction of the Spirit , doth he himself refer the power he had to Preach the Gospel , and to discharge all other parts of that weighty Function ; and that too in the very first Sermon which he ever preached ; to give the people notice that he preached not without lawful calling , or exercised a power which belonged not to him . For entering into the Synagogue of Nazareth on the Sabbath day , he took the Book , and fell upon that place of the Prophet Isaiah , where it is said , The Spirit of the Lord is upon me , because he hath anointed me to preach the Gospel to the poor ; he hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted , to preach deliverance to the captives , and recovering sight unto the blinde ; to set at liberty them that are bruised , and to preach the acceptable yeer of the Lord t . Which having read , he closed the Book , and said unto them , This day is this Scripture fulfilled in your ears . That he did preach by vertue of some unction from the holy Spirit , is evident by his own Application of the Text , by which he gave his Auditors to understand , That he did not undertake the office of his own head onely , but by the motion and impulsion of the Holy Ghost , by whom he was abundantly furnished with all requisite gifts which might prepare him thereunto . Non meo proprio privatoque , sed divino spiritu missus sum ; eo actus , eo impulsus , eo plenus , ad praedicandum Evangelium venio u , as the learned Iesuite glosseth on it . But if you ask , where , or at what time he received this unction , we must send you for an Answer to St. Ieroms Commentary on those words of the Prophet , where we shall finde , Expletum esse hanc unctionem illo tempore , quando baptizatus est in Jordane , & Spiritus sanctus in specie Columbae descendit super eum , & maenfit in illo x : That is to say , This unction or anointing was performed or fulfilled at that time , when he was baptized by Iohn in Iordan ; and the Holy Ghost descended on him in the shape of a Dove , and remained with him . Nor doth St. Ierom stand alone in this Exposition , Irenaeus , Athanasius , ●uffinus , Augustine , and Prosper , ( all of them Antient Writers , and of great renown ) concurring with him in the same . And to this unction or anointing at the time of his Baptism , St. Peter questionless alludeth , where preaching to Cornelius , and his Family , he lets them know , how God anointed IESUS of Nazareth with the Holy Ghost , and with power , who ( from that time forwards , not before ) went about doing good , and healing all that were oppressed of the devil y . In which place , by the anointing with the Holy Ghost , I understand the furnishing of the Man CHRIST JESUS ( Iuxta dispensationem carnis assumptae , as St. Ierom hath it ) with those gifts and graces of the Spirit , which were requisite and fit to qualifie him for the undertaking : By power , the Calling and Authority which that Unction gave him , to preach the Gospel , and do the rest of those good works which properly did pertain to his Ministration . But that both gifts and power were conferred upon him , by the descension of the Spirit at the time of his Baptism , to which St. Peter doth allude ; I have Maldonate concurring in opinion with me , saying z , Loquitur Petrus de Baptismo Johannis quem Christus susceperat , postquam à Spiritu sancto unctum fuisse significat . This Office as our Saviour was pleased to execute in his own Person , as long as he sojourned with us here upon the Earth ; so being to withdraw himself from the sight of man , he thought it requisit to make choice of some to be about him , who might both be the witnesses of his Life , and Doctrine , and afterwards discharge so much of the Prophetical Office , as he should please to delegate and entrust unto them . To these he shewed himself after his Resurrection , and conversed with them for the space of forty days ; to the intent he might the better fit them for so great a work . And being even upon the instant of departing from them , it seemed good to him to invest them with a sacred Power , and by some outward Ceremony and set Form of words , to dedicate them to the Ministry of such holy things , as were not to be meddled with by vulgar hands . He breathed on them ( saith the Text ) and said unto them , Receive ye the Holy Ghost a . Whose soever sins ye remit , they are remitted unto them , and whose soever sins ye retain , they are retained . The meaning of these words we have shewn before , and need repeat no more but this , That in the number of those gifts , whereof the Holy Ghost is Author , there is contained that sacred Power , by which some men are made the Ministers of holy things to the rest of the people . When therefore Christ breathed on his Apostles , and said , Receive the Holy Ghost , he did , as it were , breathe out that power of Preaching the Word of Truth , and doing other holy Offices in the Church of God , which he had formerly received from the Holy Ghost . Receive ( said he ) the Holy Ghost , i. e. Such a sublime power , as no Prince , nor Potentate can bestow ; a power which gives you such an influence on the Souls of men , as that of the remitting and retaining sin . In which it is to be observed , That our Saviour puts not down this act of remitting and retaining sins , for the whole , entire , and adequate subject , about which the Apostolical or Prophetical Office was to be employed ; but onely as one chief part thereof in the name of all , that by the weightiness of that , they might judge the better of the importance of the other . He had promised them the Keys before b , but now he hangs them at their girdle , and puts them absolutely and fully into their possession . Ability and power to perform the rest , they were to tarry for yet a little longer , and then immediately to receive both from the Holy Ghost , whom he did promise to send them after his departure : And so accordingly he did ; the Holy Ghost descending on them , upon the tenth day after his Ascension , in the likeness of fiery cloven tongues c , and furnishing them with all those extraordinary gifts and graces which were necessary for the first propagation of our Saviours Gospel . By his own breathing on them , and the words that followed , he gave them jus ad rem , as the Lawyers call it , a power to exercise a Spiritual Function in his holy Church , and put them into possession of so much thereof , as concerned the remitting and retaining of sins . But for the jus in re , the actual execution of that holy Function , together with those supernatural endowments , by which they were to be fitted and prepared for it , that they received upon this coming of the Holy Ghost ; and did not onely receive it , as before from Christ , but repleti sunt omnes , they were all filled with it , saith the Text d . This coming of the Holy Ghost , as Pope Leo noteth , Was Cumulans non inchoans , nec novus opere sed dives largitate e , rather by way of augmenting the former power and abilities which Christ had given them , than of beginning a new . For it is a known rule of the Antient Fathers , That where the Holy Ghost had been given before , and yet is said to come again , it is to be understood either of an increase of the former , in weight or measure , or of some new gift which before men had not , but was conferred after for some new effect ; as it is noted out of St. Ierom , and S● . Cyril , by our Learned Andrews f . And to say truth , there was good reason why we must understand this coming of the Holy Ghost , in both these respects , both in regard of measure and addition too . Before , when Christ breathed on them , and therewith said , Receive ye the Holy Ghost , their Ministry was confined within the Land of Iudea , Go not into the way of the Gentiles , or into any City of the Samaritans , but to the lost sheep of the house of Israel g . A less proportion of the Spirit would have served for that : But when he was to leave them , he inlarged their bounds , and put the whole world under their jurisdiction , Go , saith he , into all the world , and Preach the Gospel unto every Creature h ; Go therefore teach all Nations , as St. Matthew hath it chap. 28.19 . And if they were to travel over all the World , and to teach all Nations , good reason they should be inabled to speak the Tongues of all Nations also , and be replenished with so great a measure of the Holy Spirit , as might make the conquest of the world the more easie to them . Which work , as it was wrought in the Feast of Penticost , so hath the anniversary of that day been celebrated ever since in the Christian Church ( though under other names , according to the language of particular Countries ) as the Birth●day of the Gospel of Christ , the day on which it was preached after his Ascension , after the great work of our Redemption was accomplished by him . It had before been kept as a solemn Festival ( one of the three great Festivals ordained by Moses ) in memory of the giving of the Law , that day , upon Mount Sinai . And hath been since observed as a solemne Festival ( one of the three great Festivals of the Christian Church ) in memory of the promulgation of the Gospel from Mount Sion , on the same day also . A day it was of so great solemnity , that there were then assembled at Ierusalem , of every Nation under heaven , as the Text informes us i . The Gospell was not to be published but in such a generall concourse of people ; Therefore the day thereof to be solemnized by all Nations also , and made a day of holy assembly to the Lord our God. But our Redeemer staid not here , as if he had sufficiently discharged his Propheticall Office , by furnishing his Apostles with the Gifts of the Spirit , and meant from henceforth to betake himselfe to the execution of the Priestly or the Kingly Offices , as being in themselves more glorious , and to him more honorable . When he ascended up on high he led captivity captive , and gave Gifts to men k , not unto Twelve alone , which was the number of his Apostles , nor to an hundred and twenty onely , which was the whole number of his Disciples l at that time . The Harvest being great did require more labourers , and therefore Gifts must be bestowed on more men than so . And if we will beleeve St. Paul , so it was indeed . For having cited those words of the royall Psalmist , he addes immediately , And he gave some Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors , and Teachers m ; That is to say , either he gave unto some men such a measure of Gifts , as might fit them to the severall Callings which are there enumerated ; or else he gave the men so gifted to the use of the Church , and dedicated them , Gifts and all , to the publick service . Either or both of these was done , and done unto the end which is after specified n , viz. for the perfecting of the Saints , for the worke of the Ministery , for the edifying of the body of Christ. These were the Gifts which Christ conferred upon his Church by the Holy Ghost . First , by his first descent or coming on the feast of Pentecost , when he gave Apostles , Prophets , and Evangelists ; and ever since by furnishing the Church with Pastors and Teachers for the work of the Ministry , and fitting them with those Gifts and Graces of the Holy Spirit , which are expedient for their calling . And though St. Paul in this recital doth not speak of Bishops , yet questionlesse he doth include them in the name of Pastors . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is used in the original doth signifie a Ruler , as well as Pastor ; And Christ is called Episcopus & Pastor animarum o , the Bishop and Shepheard of our soules , as our English reads it , to shew that the Episcopal and Pastoral Office is indeed the same . And this I could make good out of the constant tendry of the Ancient Fathers , had I not handled it already in another place p . Nor shall I adde more here out of that Discourse , but that it is affirmed positively by our learned Andrewes , Apud v●teres Pastorum nomen vix inveniri , nisi cum de Episcopis loquntur q , i. e. that the name of Pastors is scarce read amongst the Ancients , but when they have occasion to speak of Bishops . And Binius in his notes upon the Councils excepts against a fragment of the Synod of Rhemes , for laying claime to more antiquity than belongs unto it ; and that he doth upon this reason , eo quod titulum Pastoris tribuat Paracho r , because the Parish Priest there is called Pastor , contrary to the usage of those elder times . But to put the matter out of doubt , though S. Paul doth not speak of Bishops by name in that place of the Ephesians before alleged : yet when he called the Rulers of the Church to appear at Ephesus before him , he doth not only give them the name of Bishops , but saith that they were made Bishops by the Holy Ghost ; In quo vos spiritus sanctus posuit Episcopos s , as all Translations read it , but our English onely . Christ did not so desert his Church , as to leave it without Order , and the power of Government ; nor hath so laid aside his Prophetical Office , but that as well since his Ascension , as while he sojourned here , on the Earth , amongst us , he is still the chief Pastor and Bishop of our Souls t , as St. Peter calls him . Onely it pleased him to commit a great part of this care to the managing of the blessed Spirit , whom he promised to send to his Apostles after his departure , to the end , that he might guide them into all truth u , and abide with them always to the end . In which respect Tertullian calleth the Holy Ghost , Vicarium Christi , the Vicar or Deputy of Christ , his Usher , as it were , in the great School of the Church x ; and doth assign this Office to him , Dirigere , ordinare , & ad perfectam producere disciplinam , that he direct , dispose , and perfect us at the last in all Christian pietie . Not that the Holy Ghost doth of himself immediately discharge this duty , but by the Ministry of such men as are called unto it : Whom he co-operates withal , when they Preach the Gospel , by working on the heart , on the inward man , as they upon the understanding by the outward senses . Without the inward operation of the Holy Spirit , the Preaching of the Word would be counted foolishness , and all the eloquent perswasions unto Faith and Piety , which could be uttered by the tongues of Men or Angels , would seem but as tinckling brass , and a sounding cymbal . Without an outward calling to attend this Ministry , Vzzah will press too near the Ark , Uzziah take upon him to burn incense on the Altars of God , and both not draw destruction on their own heads onely y , but prove a stumbling block and scandal to the rest of the people . Not every one which prophecieth in the Name of Christ , or doth pretend in his name to have cast out devils , or done any other wonderful works z , shall be acknowledged by him in that terrible day ; but he that doth it in that Order , and by those warrantable ways which he hath appointed . Christ must first send them , ere they go upon such an errand , and send them so as he did his Apostles , to Preach the Gospel ; first giving them a power to minister the things of God , and then commanding them to go into all the world , to teach all nations . It had not been sufficient for them to pretend a mission , unless they could have shewn their commission also ; and that they had not , till he pleased to breathe upon them , and said , Receive the Holy Ghost , with the words that follow . And so it hath been with the Church in all Ages since . We must receive the Holy Ghost , and be endued with power from above , before we enter on the Ministry in the Church of Christ ; and not perswade our selves to pretend unto some special gifts and illumin●tions , unless we have the Holy Ghost in the sense here spoken of , unless the power which we pretend to be conferred upon us by those hands which have power to give it . Those words , Receive the Holy Ghost , import not the receiving of saving grace , or of inward sanctimony ; nor the conferring of such special gifts of the holy Spirit , as after were given to the Apostles for the use of the Church , but the receiving of a power , to execute a Ministry in the Church of Christ ; a special and spiritual power in the things of God , and in the dispensation of his heavenly Mysteries . And as they were then used by Christ , at the authorizing of his Apostles to Preach the Gospel , so are they still the verba solemnia , the solemn and set form of words , used at the Ordination of all Priests or Presbyters ; used antiently in that sacred Ceremony , without any exception , and still retained with us in the Church of England ( for I look not on the new Model of Ordination , as a thing in which the Anglican Church is at all concerned ) as the very operative words , by which , and by no others of what kinde so ever , the order of Priesthood is conferred . And had not those of Rome retained them in their Ordinations , their giving power to offer sacrifice for the quick and the dead , ( Accipe potestatem sacrificandi pro vivis & mortuis a ) which new patch they have added to the antient Formulas , had never made them Priests of the New Testament . Of the Authority or Power of remitting sins , we shall speak more appositely hereafter in the following Article . At this time I shall onely speak of the Form of words ; which some of the pretenders unto Reformation in Queen Elizabeths time did very much except against , affirming , That to use the words of our Redeemer , and not to give the gifts withal , was nothing but a meer mockery of the Spirit of God , and a ridiculous imitation of our Saviours actions . But unto this it is replied by Judicious Hooker , that not onely the ability of doing miracles , speaking with tongues , curing diseases , and the like , but the authority and power of ministering holy things in the Church of God , is contained in the number of those gifts whereof the Holy Ghost is the Author . And therefore he which gives this power , may say without folly or absurdity , Receive the Holy Ghost , meaning thereby such power as the Spirit of Christ hath pleased to endue his Church withal b . And herein he is seconded by that living Magazin of Learning , Bishop Andrews , who reckoneth the Apostleship , or the very office to be a Grace , one of the graces doubtless of the Holy Ghost ; such as St. Paul calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The grace ( we English it the gift ) of ministring unto the Saints c , 2 Cor. 8.4 . For that the very Office it self is a grace , St. Paul ( saith he ) avoweth in more places than one , and in particular , Mihi data est haec gratia ( according to the gift of the grace of God which is given unto me , ) Ephes. 3.7 . Where he speaks of his Office , and of nothing else . And such as this , saith he , was the grace here given , of Spiritum called a Spiritual , and of Sanctum an holy Calling ; from them derived unto us , by us to be derived on others to the end of the World , and that in the same form of words which our Saviour used . For being the especial power , which Christ at that time gave unto his Apostles , consisted in remitting and retaining of sins , and seeing that the same power is given by the Church of Christ , why should not the same words be used as were used at first ? why may not the same words be used in conferring this grace of an holy calling , whereby their persons are made publick , and their acts authentical , and they inabled to do somewhat about remitting of sins , which is not of the like avail , if done by others , though perhaps more learned than they , and more vertuous too , but have not the like warrant , nor the same accipite , as is conferred in holy Orders ? Nor do I utterly deny , but that together with the power , the Holy Ghost doth give some fitness to perform the same ; though not in any answerable measure to the first times of the Church , when extraordinary gifts were more necessary than in any time since . For as the ointment which was poured upon Aarons head , did first fall down upon his Beard , and after on the skirts of his garments also d : So we may reasonably believe , That the holy Spirit which descended on the head of Christ , and afterwards on his Apostles , as upon his beard , hath kept some sprinklings also to bestow on us , which are the lowest skirts of his sacred garments . So far we may assuredly perswade our selves , That the Spirit which calleth men to that holy Function , doth go along with him that is called unto it , for his assistance and support , in whatsoever he shall faithfully do in discharge thereof ; and that our acts are so far his , as that , Whether we Preach , Pray , Baptize , Communicate , Condemn , or give Absolution ; or in a word , whatsoever we do as the Despensers of Gods Mysteries , our Words , Acts , Judgements , are not ours , but the Holy Ghosts . For this I have the testimony of Pope Leo the first , a Learned and Religious Prelate of the Primitive times . Qui mihi oneris est Autor , ipse & administrationis est adjutor . Ne magnitudine gratiae ( there gratiae is used for the office or calling , as before St. Paul ) succumbat infirmus , dabit virtutem qui contulit dignitatem e . Which is in brief , He that hath laid the burden on us , will give strength to bear it . But behold a greater than Pope Leo is here ; Behold , ( saith Christ to his Apostles ) I am with you always to the end of the world f ; that is to say , Cum vobis & successoribus vestris , as Denys the Carthusian rightly g , with you and your Successors in the Work of the Ministry , to guide them and assist them by his holy Spirit . And when he said unto them upon other occasions , He that heareth you , heareth me h ; and whatsoever ye binde on Earth , should be bound in Heaven i ; Did he not thereby promise so to own their actions , that whatsoever they should say , or do , in order to the propagation of his Gospel , and the edification of his Church , should be esteemed as his act ? his act by whose authority and power it is said or done . But the assisting of the Church and Ministers thereof , with his Power and Spirit , is not the onely publick benefit , though it be the greatest , which it receiveth immediately from the Holy Ghost . Without some certain standing Rule , by which the Ministers of the Gospel were to frame their doctrine , and the rest of the people guide their paths in the way of godliness , both Priest and People would be apt to pretend new Lights , and following such ignes fatui as they saw before them , be drawn into destruction both of body and soul. And on the other side , Tradition hath been always found to be so untrusty in the conveyance of Gods will and pleasure to the ears of his people ; that in small tract of time , the Law of God became obliterated in the hearts of men , the righteous Seed degenerating after carnal lusts k , and Abraham l himself serving other gods , for want of a more certain rule to direct their actions . Therefore to take away all excuse from back-sliding men , it pleased God first to commit his Law to writing , the Two Tables onely ; and afterwards to inspire many holy Men with the Spirit of Wisdom , Power , and Knowledge , to serve as Commentators on that sacred Text ; whose Prophecies , Reproofs , and Admonitions , being put into their mouths by the Holy Ghost , ( for Prophecy came not in old time by the will of man , but holy Men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost m , as St. Peter hath it . ) So by direction of the same Spirit , were they put into writing . Propter vivendi exemplum libros ad nostram etiam memoriam transmiserunt , in the words of Ierom n . The Lord himself did on Mount Sinai give the Law , the very Letter : The Prophets and other holy Men of God , being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , especially inspired to that end and purpose , did compose the Comment . By the same Spirit were the Evangelists and Apostles guided , when they committed unto writing the most glorious Gospel , and other the Records and Monuments of the Christian Faith. The first of the Evangelical Scriptures was the Epistle Decretory which we finde in the fifteenth of the Acts ; and that was countenanced by a visum est spiritui sancto , i. e. It seemed good to the Holy Ghost . And when St. Paul writ his Epistle unto those of Corinth , for fear he might be thought by that factious people , to injoyn any thing upon them without very good warrant , he vouched the Spirit of God for his Author in it o . They preached the Gospel first to others , as Christ did to them , by word of mouth , that being the more speedy way to promote the Work : But being they could not live to the end of the world , and that the purest waters will corrupt at last , by passing through muddy or polluted Chanels , they thought it best to leave so much thereof in writing , as might serve in all succeeding Ages for the Rule of Faith. Postea vero per voluntatem Dei , in Scripturis nobis Evangelium tradiderunt , firmamentum & columnam fidei nostrae futuram p , as in Irenaeus . A man might marvel why St. Iohn should give that testimony to the Gospel which was writ by him , that it was written to the end , That men might believe that JESUS is the CHRIST , the Son of God ; and that believing , they might have Faith through his Name q ; considering that none of the rest of the Evangelists say the like of theirs ; or why he thundred at the end of his Revelation that most fearful curse , against all those who should presume to adde anything to the words of that Book , or take any thing from it r ; being a course that none of all the sacred Pen-men had took but he . But when I call to minde the Spirit , by which Iohn was guided , and the time in which those Books of his were first put in writing ; methinks , the marvel is took off without more ado . For seeing that his Gospel was writ after all the rest , as is generally affirmed by all the Antients , those words relate not , as I guess , to his own Book onely , but to the whole Body of the Evangelical History , now perfectly composed and finished ; for otherwise , how impertinent had it been for him to say , That IESVS did many other signs in the presence of his Disciples , which were not written in that Book s , if he had spoken those words of his own Book onely : Considering , that he had neither written of the signs done in the way to Emaus , mentioned by St. Luke ; or his appearing to the eleven in a Mountain of Galilee , which St. Matthew speaks of ; or his Ascension into Heaven , which St. Mark relateth , which every vulgar Reader could not chuse but know ? The like I do conceive of those words of his in the Revelation , viz. That they relate not to that Book alone , but to the whole body of the Bible : St. Iohn being the Survivor of that glorious company , on whom the Holy Ghost descended in the Feast of Pentecost ; and the Apocalypse the last of those Sacred Volumes which were dictated by the Spirit of God , for the use of his Church , and now make up the Body of the holy Scriptures . God had now said as much by the mouths and pens of the Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles , as he conceived sufficient for our salvation ; and so closed up the Canon of the Scriptures , as St. Augustine telleth , Deus quantum satis esse judicavit , locutus , Scripturam condidit t , as his own words are ; which certainly God had not done , nor the Evangelist declared , nor St. Augustine said , had not the Scripture been a sufficient rule , able to make us wise unto salvation , and thoroughly furnished unto all good works . Which being so , it cannot but be a great dishonor to the Scripture , and consequently to the Spirit of God , who is Author of it , to have it called as many of the Papists do , Atramentariam Scripturam , Plumbeam Regulam , Literam Mortuam ; that is to say , An Ink-horn Text , a Leaden Rule , and a Dead Letter , ( Pighius for one u , as I remember , gives it all these Titles ; ) or to affirm , That it hath no authority in the Church of Christ , but what it borroweth from the Pope , without whose approbation , it were scarce more estimable than the Fables of Aesop ; which was one of the blasphemous speeches of Wolf Hermannus x , or that is not a sufficient means to gain Souls to Christ , or to instruct the Church in all duties necessary to salvation , without the adding of Traditional Doctrines , neither in terminis extant in the Book of God , nor yet derived from thence by good Logical inference , which is the general Tenet of the Church of Rome ; or that to make the Canon of the Scripture compleat and absolute , the Church , as it hath added to it already the Apocryphal Writings , so may it adde and authorize for the Word of God , the Decretals of the Antient Popes , and their own Canon Law , as some of the Professors of it have not sticked to say y . So strongly are they byassed with their private interess , and a desire of carrying on their faction in the Church of Christ , as to place the holy Spirit , where he doth not move , in their Traditions , in Apochryphal , and meer Humane writings , and not to see and honor him , where indeed he is , in the holy Scriptures . Of the Authority , Sufficiency , and Perspicuity of which holy Scriptures , I do not purpose at the present any debate . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z . It is a work more fit for another place , and such , as of it self would require a Volume ; onely I say , that if the written Word be no rule at all , but as it hath authority from the Church , which it is to direct ; and then , not an entire , but a partial rule , like a Noune Adjective in Grammar , which cannot stand by it self , but requireth somewhat else to be joyned with it in Construction ; and that too , so obscure and difficult , that men of ordinary wits cannot profit by it , and therefore must not be permitted to consult the same ; the Holy Ghost might very well have spared his pains of speaking by the Prophets in the time of the Law , or guiding the pens of the Apostles in the time of the Gospel ; and the great Body of the Scripture had been the most impertinent , and imperfect peece , the most unable to attain to the end it aims at , that was ever writ in any Science , since the world began . Which what an horrid blasphemy it must needs be thought , against the majesty and wisdom of the holy Spirit , let any sober Christian judge . And yet as horrid as those blasphemies may be thought to be , some of the most profest enemies of the Church of Rome , and such as think , that the further they depart from Rome , they are the nearer to Christ , have faln upon the like , if not worse extravagancies . For to say nothing of the Anabaptists , and that new brood of Sectaries , which now swarms amongst us , whom I look on onely as a company of Fanatical Spirits ; did not Cartwright , and the rest of our new Reformers in Queen Elizabeths time , say as much as this ? The Scriptures say the Papists in their Council of Trent ( for I regard not the unsavory Speeches of particular men ) Is not sufficient to Salvation without Traditions , that is to say , without such unwritten Doctrinals , as have from hand to hand been delivered to us : Said not the Puritans the same , when they affirmed , That Preaching onely viva voce , which is verbum traditum , is able to convert the sinner a : That the Word sermonized , not written , is alone the food which nourisheth to life eternal ; that reading of the Word of God is of no greater power to bring men to Heaven , than studying of the Book of Nature ; that the Word written , was written to no other end , but to afford some Texts and Topicks for the Preachers descant . If so , as so they say it is , then is the written word no better than an Ink-horn Scripture , a Dead Letter , or a Leaden Rule , and whatsoever else the Papists , in the height of scorn , have been pleased to call it . Nay of the two , these last have more detracted from the perfection and sufficiency of the holy Scripture , than the others did . They onely did decree in the Council of Trent , That Traditions were to be received , Paripietatis affectu b , with equal Reverence and Affection to the written Word , and proceed no further ; These magnifie their verbum traditum so much above it , that in comparison thereof , the Scripture is Gods Word in name , but not in efficacy . They onely adde Traditions in the way of Supplement , where they conceive the Scriptures to be defective ; These make the Scriptures every where deficient to the work intended , unless the Preacher do inspire them with a better Spirit , than that which they received from the Holy Ghost . Good God ▪ that the same breath should blow so hot upon the Papists , and yet so cold upon the Scriptures ; that the same men who so much blame the Church of Rome , for derogating from the dignity and perfection of the Holy Scriptures , should yet prefer their own indigested crudities ( in the way of Salvation ) before the most divine dictates of the Word of God. But such are men , when they leave off the conduct of the Holy Ghost , to follow the delusions of a private Spirit . Articuli IX . Pars Secunda . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam . ( i. e. ) The Holy Catholick Church . CHAP. II. Of the name and definition of the Church . Of the Title of Catholick . The Church , in what respects called Holy. Touching the Head and Members of it . The Government thereof Aristocratical . IN the same Article in which we testifie our Faith in the Holy Ghost , do we acknowledge , That there is a Body or Society of faithful people , which being animated by the power of that Blessed Spirit , hath gained unto it self the name of the Church ; and with that name , the attribute or title of Catholick , in regard of the extent thereof over all the World ; of Holy , in relation to that piety of life and manners , which is or ought to be in each several Member . And not unfitly are they joyned together in the self same Article ; the Holy Ghost being given to the Apostles for the use of the Church , and the Church nothing but a dead and lifeless carcass , without the powerful influence of the Holy Ghost . As is the Soul in the Body of Man , so is the Holy Ghost in the Church of Christ ; that which first gives it life , that it may have a Being , and afterward preserves it from the danger of putrefaction ; into which it would otherwise fall in small tract of time . Having therefore spoken in the former Chapter of the Nature , Property , and Office of the Holy Ghost ; and therein also of the Volume of the Book of God , dictated by that Blessed Spirit , for that constant Rule by which the Church was to be guided , both in Life and Doctrine ; We now proceed in order to the Church it self , so guided and directed by it . And first for the Quid nominis , to begin with that , it is a name not found in all the writings of the Old Testament ; in which , the body of Gods people , the Spiritual body , is represented to us after a figurative manner of Speech , in the names of Sion and Ierusalem ; as , Pray for the peace of Jerusalem , Psal. 121. And the Lord loveth the gates of Sion , Psal. 87. The name of Church occurreth not till the time of the Gospel , and then it was imposed by him who had power to call it what he pleased , and to entitle it by a name which was fittest for it . The Disciples gave themselves the name of Christians , the name of Church was given them by our Saviour Christ. No sooner had St. Peter made this confession for himself , and the rest of the Apostles , Thou art Christ , the Son of the living God a ; but presently our Saviour added , Upon this Rock , that is to say , The Rock of this Confession ( as most of the Antients b , and some Writers also of the darker times , do expound the same ) will I build my Church . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Greek . The word used by our Lord and Saviour , is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; whence the Latines borrowed their Ecclesia , the French their Eglise , and signifieth Coetum evocatum , a chosen or selected company , a company chosen out of others ; derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is as much as evocare , to call out or segregate . In that sense , as the word is used to signifie a company of men called by the special Grace to the Faith in Christ , and to the hopes of life eternal , by his death and passion ; is the word Ecclesia taken in the writings of the holy Apostles , and in most Christian Authors , since the times they lived in , though with some difference ( or variety rather ) in the application to their purposes . But antiently it was of a larger extent by far , and signified any Publick meeting of Citizens , for the dispatch of business and affairs of State ; For so Thucidides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c , i. e. That the Assembly being formed , the different parties fell upon their disputes ; and so doth Aristophanes use it , in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d , i. e. That the people should now give the Thracians a Publick meeting in their Guild-hal or Common forum of the City . St. Luke , who understood the true propriety , as well as the best Critick of them all , gives it in this sense also , Acts 19.32 . where speaking of the tumult which was raised at Ephesus , he telleth us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That the Assembly was confused . And in the 26. Psal. Ecclesia malignantium , is used for the Congregation of ungodly men . APPLICATION . BUt after Christ had given this name unto the Body of the Faithful which confessed his Name ; and the Apostles in their writings had applied it so , as to make it a word of Ecclesiastical use and notion , the Fathers in the following Ages did so appropriate the same to the state of the Gospel , as by no means to let it be accommodated to the times of the Law. That by a name distinct , they have called the Synagogue . Synagoga Iudaeorum , Ecclesia Christianorum est e , as St. Augustine hath it . And the distinction may sort well enough with the state of the Church , as it stood heretofore in the time of the Law , and now under the Gospel , though otherwise the names may be used promiscuously . For properly Synagogue is no other than a Congregation , derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to congregate , or gather together into one ; and the other in one word may be rendred a Convocation , from calling the same men together , to some certain end . Both words of Ecclesiastical use and notion , and both import the same thing , though in divers words : For both the Patriarks and other holy Men of God which lived under the Law , may be called a Church , that is to say , a Convocation , a Body Collective of men called by their God unto a participation of his Word and Ordinances ; And we which have the happiness to live under the Gospel , may without any reproach or dishonor to us , be called by the name of the Congregation . Certain I am , St. Augustine , though much affected with the foresaid distinction , doth yet allow the one to be called a Church ; Tamen & illam dictam invenimus eccles●am f , as his words there are ; and no less sure , that the meetings of Christs faithful Servants are by St. Paul called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g , i. e. A Congregation or gathering of themselves together ; as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a word of the same Root and Origination , is used by him to the same purpose in another place h . And yet I can by no means like the zeal of our first Translators , who were it seems so out of love with the name of Church , that wheresoever they found the word Ecclesia in Greek or Latine ( for I know not which of the two they consulted with ) they would not render it the Church , but the Congregation : And so it stands still in the Epistles and Gospels , and several other passages of our Publick Liturgy , which were taken out of that Translation . A thing which Gregory Martin justly doth except against i , though he be out himself , in saying , That the Apostles never called the Church by the name of the Congregation . But that Error is corrected in our late Translations , and we are now no more afraid of the name of the Church , than the Romanists are afraid of the name of Pope . Audito Ecclesiae nomine hostis expalluit k , was a vain brag in Campians mouth , when the times were queasiest ; more ayt to strain at Gnats , than they have been since . Much less can I approve of that false Collection , which those of Rome have made from St. Augustines words . For whereas he appropriating the name of Synagogue to the state of the Iews , and that of the Church , unto the Christians ; inserts , I know not why , this Grammatical note , Congregatio magis pecorum , convocatio magis hominum intelligi solet l , That to be convocated or called together doth belong to Men , but to be congregated or gathered together appertains to Beasts ; the Authors of the Roman Catechism have from thence collected , That the people under the Law , were called a Synagogue , because like brute Beasts they sought after nothing but temporal and earthly pleasures , not being nourished in the hopes of eternal life m . The vanity of this Collection we have shewn before , by bringing in St. Paul to witness how properly the word Congregation ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek ) may be applied and understood of the Church of Christ. The falshood of the Tenet we shall shew hereafter , when we are come to speak of the last Article , that of Life Everlasting . In the mean time the scornful Papist may be pleased to be put in minde , that there is nothing more frequent in the Acts of the Council of Constance , than Synodus in Spiritu Sancto congregata ; and yet I know they neither have the confidence , nor the heart to say , That the Bishops which were there assembled , were gathered together like brute Beasts , which Congregari doth import in the Tridentine Criticism . Of the Quid nominis , the name or notion of the Church , as it is called Ecclesia , both in Greek and Latine , we have said enough . Our English word Church hath another Root , and is derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the proper signification of it , doth signifie Gods house , the material Church , the place appointed for the Meetings of Christian people , to celebrate the Name of the Lord their God. So witnesseth Eusebius , saying , That in as much as the Holy Houses and Temples of that time were dedicated unto God , the chief Lord of all ; therefore they did receive his Name , and were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Dominicae in the Latine Tongue ) that is , the Houses of the Lord n . A name , saith he , imposed upon them , not by the will of man , but the Lord himself . In correspondence to the Greek , they were called Dominica in the Latin , and called so very early too , in St. Cyprians time , as appears by his reproof of a wealthy widow , of whom he saith , In Dominicum sine sacrificio Venis o , That she used to come into the Church without her Offering . Of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as that famous Antiqua●y Sir Henry Spelman hath right well observed , came the Saxon Cyric , or Kirk p , ( which still the Scots retain without alteration ; ) which we by adding thereunto a double Aspirate , have changed or mollified into Church . A name , which though at first , it signified the Material Temple , ( I mean , the place of meeting for Gods Publick Worship ) yet came it easily to be applied to the Body Mystical , to the Spiritual Temple , built on the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles , IESUS CHRIST himself being the chief corner stone . As on the otherside , the word Ecclesia , which first the Christians used to signifie the Spiritual Temple , the Collective Body of Gods people , became in little time to denote the building , the material edifice , appointed for the meeting of the Congregation . Tertullian hath it in this sense , for the African Churches , Conveniunt in ecclesiam , & confugiunt in ecclesiam q , They met together in the Church , and they fled to the Church . So hath St. Ierome for the Roman , Aedificate ecclesias expensis publicis r , Let Churches be erected at the Publick charge . And for the Eastern , thus the Synod of Laodicea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 s , i. e. In the Church of the most holy Martyr Euphemia . Many more instances of which kinde might be here alleged , but that St. Paul is generally supposed by all sorts of Writers , to speak of the Material Church , when he charged those of Corinth for despising the Church of God t , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Greek Original . Concerning which consult St. August . quaest . 57. super Levit. St. Basil. in Moral . Reg. 30. And in his Regulae Compend . Respons . 310. St. Ierom in 1 Cor. St. Chrysostom also on the place ; Theodoret , Theophylact , and Oecumenius , on the same Text also . Nor is the word so used onely in the best Christian Writers , but did admit also of the same signification amongst the best learned , and most critical of the Heathen Greeks : Of whom take Lucian for a taste , who speaking of the adorning of the Court or Senate-house , expresseth the place it self by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which cannot possibly be meant of the men that met , but of the place of the Assembly . A thing which here I had not noted , because not pertinent to the sense of the present Article , but onely to encounter with the peevish humor of our Modern Sectaries , who will by no means yet yeeld the name of Churches to those sacred places , but call them Steeple-houses in the way of scorn . But to proceed , the word Ecclesia , or Church , in the Genuine sense , as it denotes the Body Collective of Gods Servants , since the coming of Christ , is variously taken in the Book of God , and also in the Writings of the purest times . For first , it signifieth a particular Congregation of men assembled together , in some certain and determinate place , for Gods publick service . In this sense it is taken in those several Texts , where St. Paul speaketh of the Church in the house of Nymphas , Col. 4.15 . To the Church in the house of Philemon , Vers. 5. The Church which was in the house of Aquila and Priscilla , Rom. 16. and 1 Cor. 16.19 . I know that this is commonly expounded of their private Families , as if the house and family of each Faithful Christian , were in St. Pauls esteem reputed for a Church of Christ. But herein I prefer Mr. Medes opinion before all men else , who understands those words of the Congregation of Saints , which were wont to assemble at such houses for the performance of Divine Duties u ; it being not unusual with some principal Christians , in those early days , to dedicate or set apart some private place within their own houses , for the residue of the Church to assemble in . And this he proveth , first from the singularity of the expression , which must needs include somewhat more than ordinary , somewhat which was not common to the rest of the Saints , whom St. Paul salutes in his Epistles . For in so large a Bedrol as is made in the last to the Romans , it is very probable that many , if not most of them , were Masters of Families ; and then must all their Families be Churches too , as well as that of Aquila and Priscilla , or else we must finde some other meaning of the words , than that which hath hitherto been delivered . Secondly , Had St. Paul intended by those words , The Church which is in their house , nothing but the Family of Nymphas , Philemon , and the rest , we should have found it put in the same expression which he doth elswhere use on the same occasion ; as viz. The houshold of Aristobulus , the houshold of Narcissus , Rom. 16.10 , 11. The houshold of Onesiphorus , 2 Tim. 4.19 . Patrobas , Hermes , and the Brethren which are with them , Rom. 16.14 . Nereus and Olympas , and all the Saints which are with them , Vers. 15. The difference of expressions makes a different case of it , and plainly doth conclude in my apprehension , That by the Church in such an house , the Apostle meaneth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Church assembled at such houses , as he there expounds it . And though he cite no antient Author to confirm him in this opinion , but Oecumenius ( and he none of the antientest neither : ) Yet in a matter of this nature , I may say of him , as Maldonat doth of Euthymius in a greater point , whose single judgement he preferreth before all the rest of the Fathers , viz. Quem minorem licet & solum autorem , verisimilia tamen dicentem , quam plures majoresque illos sequi malo x . But to proceed unto the other acceptions of the word Ecclesia , it is also used to signifie in holy Scripture , The Church of some City , with the Region or Country round about it , a National or Provincial Church , under the Government of one , or many Bishops , and subordinate Ministers ; as the Churches of the Corinthians , Galatians , Ephesians , Thessalonians , Romans , and the rest mentioned in the Acts , and St. Pauls Epistles . Thirdly , It is also used to signifie not the Church it self , or the whole Body of the people of a City or Province , agreeing in the Faith of Christ ; but for the principal Officers and Rulers of it , such as possess the place of Iudicature in the Court , or Consistory . In this sense it is used in the 18 of Matthew , where the party wronged , and able to get no remedy otherwise , is willed by Christ , to tell the Church y ; that is to say , to make his complaint to them , who having the chief place and power in Spiritual matters , are able to compel the wrong-doer to make satisfaction , by menacing and inflicting the Churches Censures . Tell the Church , That is , saith Chrysostom z , the Prelates and Pastors of the Church , who have the power of binding and loosing such offenders , which is mentioned in the verse next following . And in this sense , the name of Church became appropriated to the Clergy in the latter times , and hath been used to signifie the State Ecclesiastick ; ( Ecclesiae nomen ad Clerum solere restringi , as Gerson a noted in his time , not without regret ) as being men most versed in the Church affairs . And lastly , it is used for the Body Collective or Diffusive of the people of God , made up of several Congregations , States , and Nations , consisting both of Priests and People , of men as well under , as in Authority . In this respect , Christ is said to be the head of the Church , Eph. 5.23 . The husband of the Church , V. 32. To love his Church , and to give himself for his Church , V. 25. That is to say , not onely of a National or Provincial Church , and much less of a Congregational onely , but of the Universal Church , which consists of all , dispersed and distressed over all the World. And this we do define to be the whole Congregation of Christian people called by the grace and goodness of Almighty God , to a participation of his Word and Sacraments , and other outward means of eternal life . This Universal Church being thus found out , is represented to us in the present Article by two marks or characters , by which she is to be discerned from such Publick meetings , which otherwise might claim that title . Of which , the one denotes the generality of extent and latitude , and is that of Catholick ; by which it is distinguished from the Iewish Synagogue , being shut up in the bounds of that Country onely ; and from the private Conventicles of Schismatical persons : The other doth express the quality of the whole compositum , by the piety and integrity of its several members , and is that of Holy ; by which it is distinguished from the Assemblies of ungodly men , from the Ecclesia malignantium , as the Psalmist calls it . Or , if you will , we may by these behold the Church in her chief ingredients , which are the sanctimony of life and conversation ; it is an holy Church ; and the integrity of her doctrine , free from all Heresie and Error , in the title Catholick : For the word Catholick is not onely used to signifie Universality of extent , but purity of doctrine also : The first in the natural , the second in the borrowed sense of the word . In the first sense , the Church is called Catholick in respect of place ; Thou hast redeemed us by thy blood out of every kinred , and tongue , and people , and nation b . To which accordeth that of an Antient writer , saying , Ab ortu solis ad occasum lex Christiana suscepta est c , That the Gospel of Christ had been admitted from the rising of the Sun , to the setting of it ; that is to say , In all parts of the world . And it is called Catholick too in respect of persons , who are promiscuously and indefinitely called to the knowledge of Christ , In whom there is neither Iew nor Gentile , bond nor free , male nor female d but all called alike . And so Lactantius telleth us also , Universos homines sine discrimine sexus vel aetatis e , ( Minutius addes , Aut dignitatis f , ) ad coeleste pabulum convocamus . Lastly , it hath the name of Catholick in respect of times , as comprehending all the faithful since our Saviours days , unto the age in which we live , and to continue from henceforth to the end of the world : Of which duration or extent of the Church of Christ , the Angel Gabriel did fore-signifie to his Virgin-mother , that he should reign in the house of Jacob for ever , and of his Kingdom there should be no end g . And in this sense , it doth not onely include that part of the Church which is now Militant on the Earth , but also that which is Triumphant in the Heaven of Glories . Both they with us , and we with them , make but one Body Mystical , whereof Christ is Head ; and all together , together with the Antient Patriarcks , and other holy men of God which lived under the Law , shall make up that one glorious Church , which is entituled in the Scriptures , The general Assembly , the Church of the first-born , whose names are written in the Heavens h . For the better clearing of which Vnion or Concorporation , which is between these different Members of the Body Mystical , the Fathers of the Constantinopolitan Council added the word One unto the Article , reading it thus , And I believe one holy Catholick and Apostolick Church . Catholick then the Church may be rightly called in regard to extent , whether it do refer to time , place , or persons ; and it is called Catholick too in respect of Doctrine , with reference to the same extensions ; that being the true Catholick Doctrine of the Church of Christ , Quae semper , quae ubique , quae ab omnibus credita est i , which hath always , and in every place been received as Orthodox , and that too , by all manner of men , according to the Golden Rule of Lerinensis . Catholick in this sense , is the same with Orthodox , a Catholick Christian just the same with a true Professor ; by which the Doctrine is distinguished from Heretical , and the men from Hereticks . Iustinian in the Code , doth apply it so . Omnes hanc legem sequentes Christianorum Catholicorum nomen jubemus amplecti k . That for the persons , the Professors ; it followeth after for the Doctrine , Is autem Nicenae adsertor fidei & Catholicae Religionis verus cultor accipiendus est , &c. A National or Topical Church may be called Catholick in this sense , and are often times entituled so in Ecclesiastical Authors . For Constantine the Emperor writing to the Alexandrians , superscribed his Letters in this form , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l , i. e. To the Catholick Church of Alexandria . And Gregory Nazianzen ( being then Bishop of Constantinople ) calls himself in his last Will and Testament m , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. The Bishop of the Catholick Church in the City of Constantine . Of this word Catholick in this sense , there hath been different use made , as the times have varied . The Fathers of the purest times , made use of it to distinguish themselves from Hereticks , according to that so celebrated saying of Pacianus . Christianus mihi nomen est , Catholicus cognomen n , Christian ( saith he ) is my name , and Catholick my sirname ; by the one I am known from Infidels , by the other from Hereticks . And so long as the main body of Christianity retained the form of wholesome words , and kept the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace , it served exceeding fitly for a mark distinctive , to known an Orthodox Professor from those who followed after Heretical and Schismatical Factions . But when the main Body of the Church was once torn in peeces , and every leading faction would be thought the true Church of Christ , they took unto themselves the names of Catholicks also , as if the truth was not more Orthodoxly held by the soundest Christians , than it was by them . And this hath been a device so stale and common , that the Nestorians in the East ( though antiently condemned for Hereticks in the Third General Council ) do call their Patriark by the name of Catholick ▪ ( that is to say , The Catholick or Orthodox Bishop ) as Leunclavius telleth us very rightly o ; not Iacelich , as the Copies of Brochardus p , and Paulus Venetus q , do corruptly read it . In the same Error are our great Masters in the Church of Rome , who having appropriated to themselves the name of Catholicks , and counting all men Hereticks but themselves alone : First , cast all others out of the Church by the name of Hereticks , who do not hold communion with them in their sins and errors ; and then defend themselves by the name of Catholicks , from having dealt unjustly with their Fellow-Christians , men every way more Orthodox than they be themselves . Just so the Collier justified himself for a true Believer , because he believed as the Church believed , though he knew not the doctrine of the Church ; and the Church believed as he believed , though the Church troubled not it self about his opinions . I know the great Cardinal presumes very much on the name of Catholick , making it to be one of the signs of the true Church now , because an adjunct of the true Church in the Primitive times r . And wonder it is , that we are grown so prodigal of late , as to give it to them . A courtesie which they receive with a great deal of joy , and turn the bare acknowledgement to their great advantage ; there being no Argument more convincing than that which is drawn from the confession of an adversary . Upon this ground doth Barclay build his Triumph for the cause of Rome . Adeo probanda est ecclesia nostra à nomine Catholicae , quod extorquet etiam ab invitis hareticis s , as he brags it there . For my part , as I never gave it them in writing , nor in common speech , as thinking it a greater condemnation to our selves , than men were aware of : So could I wish the like Caution in all others also , lest unawares they utterly exclude themselves out of Christianity . For as Pope Gregory the first said unto some of the Bishops of his time , concerning the Patriarch of Constantinople , who had then took unto himself the title of Oecumenical or Vniversal Bishop , viz. Si ille universalis ( or which is the same , Catholicus ) est , restat ut vos non sitis Episcopi t ; so may we also say in the present case , if we once grant them to be Catholick● , we thereby do conclude our selves to be no Christians , or at best but Hereticks . Christian , perhaps they have no fancy to be called ; the name of Christian in most parts of Italy , being grown so despicable , that Fool and Christian in a manner are become Synonyma . Italico Idiomate per Christianum hominem stupidum & stolidum solent intelligere , as Hospinian tells us from the mouth of one Christian Franken u , who had lived amongst them . Since then , they have no minde to be called Christians , nor reason to be called Catholicks ; let us call them , as they are , by the name of Papists , considering their dependance on the Popes decision for all points of Faith. And possibly we may gratifie them as much in this , as if we did permit them the name of Catholicks . For Bellarmine seems very much delighted with the Appellation , flattering himself , that he can bring in Christ , our most blessed Saviour within the Catalogue of Popes x ; and that he hath found a Prophecy in St. Chrysostom to this effect , Quandoque nos Papistas vocandos esse , That Papist in the times then following , should be the stile and title of a true Professor . Great pity it is , but he , and his should have the honor of their own discovery , and Papists let them be since the same so pleaseth . Now as the Papists make ill use of the name of Catholick , so do their opposite faction in the Church of Christ , conclude as falsly and erroneously from the title of Holy. The Church is called Holy , and is called so justly , because it trains men up in the ways of godliness ; because it is so in its most eminent and more noble parts , whom God hath sanctified by the Graces of his holy Spirit ; and finally , because redeemed by the blood of Christ , to the intent , that all the faithful Members of it , being by him delivered from the hands of their enemies y , might serve him without fear in righteousness and holiness , all the days of their lives . Not holy in the sense of Corah , and his factious complices , who made all the Congregation holy z , and all holy alike ; nor holy in the sense of some Antient and Modern Sectary , who fancy to themselves a Church without spot or wrinkle ; a Church wherein there are no vessels of wrath , but election onely ; and where they finde not such a Church , they desert it instantly , for fear they should partake of the sins and wickednesses , which they observe to be in some Members of it . Our Saviour Christ , who better knew the temper of his Church than so , compares the same in holy Scripture to a threshing floor a , in which there is both Wheat and chaff ; and to a fold , wherein there are both Sheep and Goats b ; and to a casting net , which being thrown into the Sea , drew up all kinde of Fishes , both good and bad c ; and to an house , in which there are not onely vessels of honor , as Gold and Silver , but also of dishonor , and for unclean uses d ; and to a field , in which , besides the good Seed , which the Lord had sown e , Infelix lolium , & steriles dominantur avenae , the enemy had sowed his Tares . In all and every one of which heavenly Parables , our Saviour represented unto his Disciples , and in them to us , the true condition of his Church , to the end of the world ; in which , the wicked person , and the righteous man are so intermingled , that there is no perfection to be looked for here : In which , erroneous doctrines are so mixt with truth , that it can never be so perfectly reserved and purified , but errors and corruptions will break out upon it . Perplexae sunt istae duae civitates in hoc seculo , invicemque permistae , saith the great St. Augustine f . The City of the Lord , and the City of Satan , are so intermingled in this world , that there is little hope to see them separated till the day of judgement . Though the foundation of the Church be of precious stones g , yet there is wood , and hay , and stubble , in her superstructures ; and those so interwoven , and built up together , that nothing but a fatal fire is of power to part them ; I mean , the fire of conflagration , not of Popish Purgatory . Were it not thus , we need not pray to God for the good estate of the Church Militant here on Earth ; but glory as in the Triumphant , as they do in Heaven . And yet the Church is counted Holy , and called Catholick still , this intermixture notwithstanding . Catholick in regard of time , place , and persons , in , and by which the Gospel of our Saviour Christ is professed and propagated : Holy , secundùm nobiliores ejus partes , in reference to the Saints departed , and those who are most eminent for grace and piety . And it is called Ecclesia una , one holy Catholick ▪ and Apostolick Church , though part thereof be Militant here upon the Earth , and part Triumphant in the Heavens : The same one Church in this World , and in that ●o come . The difference is , that here it is imperfect , mixt of good and bad ; there perfect , and consisting of the righteous onely . Accordingly it is determined by St. Augustine h , Eandem ipsam unam & Sanctam Ecclesiam , nunc habere malos mixtos , tunc non habituram . For then , and not till then , as Ierom , Augustine , and others do expound the place , shall Christ present her to himself a most glorious Church , without spot or wrinkle ; and marry her to himself for ever . Till that day come , it is not to be hoped or looked for , but that many Hypocrites , False Teachers , and Licentious livers , will shroud themselves under the shelter of the Church , and pass for Members of it in the eye of men , though not accounted such in the sight of God. The eye of man can possibly discern no further than the outward shew , and mark who joyn themselves to the Congregation , to hear the Word of God , and receive his Sacraments . Dominus novit qui sunt sui l ; The Lord knows onely who are his , and who are those occulti intus , whose hearts stand fast in his Commandments , and carefully possess their Souls in Truth and Godliness . And yet some men there are , as there have been formerly , who fancy to themselves a Church in this present world , without spot or wrinkle ; and dream of such a Field as contains no Tares , of such an House as hath no Vessels but of honor , sanctified and prepared for the Masters use . The Cathari in the East , the Donatist in the South , and the Novatians in the West , who made one Faction onely , though of several names , were antiently of this opinion , and set up Churches of their own of the New Edition . For flattering themselves with a conceit of their own dear sanctity , they thought themselves too pure and pious to joyn in any act of worship with more sober Christians ; and presently confined the Church , which before was Catholick , to their own private Conventicles , and to them alone , or intra partem Donati k , as they pleased to phrase it . Who have succeeded them of late , both in their factions , and their follies too , we all know full well . The present ruptures in this State do declare most evidently , that here is Pars Donati now , as before in Africa . A frenzy which gave great offence to the Antient Fathers , who labored both by Speech , and Pen , to correct their insolencies ; and of such scandal to the Churches of the Reformation , that Calvin , though a ridged man , and one inclinable enough unto new opinions , did confute their dotages , and publickly expose them to contempt and scorn l . The Antients and the Moderns both have agreed on this , That though the Church of Christ be imperfect always , and may be sometimes faulty also , yet are not men to separate themselves so rashly from her Communion , or make a rupture for poor trifles in the Body Mystical . It argueth little Faith , and less Charity , saith renowned Cyprian , if when we see some Errors in the Church of God , De ecclesia ipsi recedamus m , we presently withdraw our selves , and forsake her fellowship . And here we might bring in St. Augustine , and almost all the Fathers to confirm this point ; but that they are of no authority with the captious Schismatick , and now of late disclaimed by our neater wits . Therefore for further satisfaction of the stubborn Donatist , we will behold the Constitution of the Church in the Book of God , and take a view of the chief Types and Fortunes of it , to see if we can finde there such a spotless Church , as they vainly dream of . In Adams family , which was the first both Type and Seminary of the Church of God , there was a Cain , a murderer n , that slew his brother : Amongst the Sons of God in the time of Noah o , how many that betook themselves to the daughters of men ; and in Noahs Ark , the next , and perhaps the greatest ; a Cham , which wretchedly betrayed the nakedness of his aged father p . In Abraham's house there was an Ishmael that mocked at Isaac q , though the heir , and the heir of promise ; in Isaac's a prophane Esau that made his belly his God r , and sold Heaven for a break-fast ; in Iacob's there were Simeon and Levi , Brethren in evil s , besides a Reuben who defiled his old Fathers Bed. And in the Church of Israel , when more large and populous , how many were mad upon the worship of the Golden Calf , more mad in offering up their sons to the Idol Moloch : Thousands which bowed the knee to Baal . Ten thousands which did sacrifice in the Groves , and prohibited places ; yet all this while a Church , a true Visible Church , with which the Saints and Prophets joyned in Gods publick worship . Let us next look upon the Gospel , and we shall finde , that when the bounds thereof were so strait and narrow , that there were few more visible Members of it , than the Twelve Apostles ; yet amongst them there was a Iudas that betrayed his Master . When it began to spread and enlarge it self to the number of One hundred and twenty , there were among them some half Christians , such as Nicodemus , who durst not openly profess the Gospel , but came unto the Lord by night t ; and some false Christians , such as Demas , who out of an affection to the present world , forsook both the Apostle , and the Gospel too u : She then increased to such a multitude , that they were fain to choose seven subordinate Ministers , the better to advance the work ; and one of them will be that Nicholas , the founder of the Nicolaitan Hereticks , whom the Lord abhorred x . Follow it out of Iewry into Samaria , and there we finde a Simon Magus , as formal a Professor as the best amongst them y ; and yet so full of the gall of bitterness within z , that Ignatius in plain terms calleth him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The first-born of the Devil a . Trace it in all the progress of it thorow Greece and Asia , and we shall see the factiousness of the Corinthians , the foolishness of the Galatians , and six of the seven Asian Churches taxed with deadly sin . Good God , into what corner of the Earth , will the Donatist run , to finde a Church without corruption , free from sin and error . It must be sure into the old Utopias , or the new Atlantis , or some Fools Paradise of their own in terra incognita ; unless ( as Constantine once said unto Acesius , a Novatian Bishop b , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) they can erect a Ladder of their own devising , and so climb up into the Heavens . Whilest they are here upon the Earth , they have no such hopes , and do but fool themselves in the expectation . The chief occasion of these Errors , which the two opposite Factions in the Church of Christ have thus faln into , is a mistake of the right constitution of the members of it . For those of Rome condemning all the Protestant party for Hereticks , and the Eastern Churches for Schismatical ; and then excluding Hereticks and Schismaticks from being any members of the Church at all ; not onely appropriate to themselves the name of Catholick ▪ but consequently confine the Church within their Communion . And on the other side the Donatist , and their Modern followers , out of the dear affection which they bear themselves , first make the Church to consist of none but the Elect , and none to be Elect , but those who joyn fellowship with them ; and so by the same necessary consequence , have confined the Church within the Walls or Curtains of their private Conventicles . Both faulty , and both grounding their unsound Conclusions , upon as false and faulty principles : For taking it for granted first ( which will never be yeilded by us , nor made good by them ) that both the Christians of the East are Schismaticks , and the Protestants of the North are no better then Hereticks , yet are they not presently to be cut off from being any Members of the Church at all ; as Bellarmine , and others of the Church of Rome , have been pleased to say . A Schismatick , in the true meaning of the word , is he , Who holding an entire profession of the truth of God , and joyning with the Church in all points of doctrine , do break the peace thereof , and disturb the order , by refusing to submit themselves to their lawful Pastors , and yeild obedience to her power in external matters . If he stay there , and withal fall not into manifest Heresie , and set on foot some new Opinion , as most Schismaticks have used to do , the better to justifie themselves in their separation , ( so Nullum Schisma non sibi aliquam confingit haeresin , ut rectè ab Ecclesia recessisse videatur , as St. Ierom notes it ) we have no reason to exclude him absolutely from the Church of Christ : For so long as he falleth not into dangerous error , but holds by the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles , which the Church is built on . He is , and may be still a member of the Church of God , though not of this or that particular Church or Congregation , from which he hath disjoyned himself by his wilful folly , nor yet so absolutely and fully of the Church of God , as they who do communicate entirely in all things necessary . As long as the Schismatick retaineth the profession of the Christian Faith , in all the Fundamental Points and Articles of it , gives ear unto the Word , and receives the Sacraments , according to the institution of our Lord and Saviour , and performs other acts of Religious Worship , though in a separate Church or Congregation of his own assembling . I dare not shut him out from the hopes of Heaven , or rashly say , He is no subject of the Kingdom of Grace . He may be still a member of the Militant Church , and one day have his part in the Church Triumphant ; notwithstanding his offence in separating from his Fellow-Christians ( in case he do it not out of pride , and against the clear light of his own Conscience : ) But the Church from which he makes his separation , may lawfully proceed against him , as a great offender , for breaking the bond of peace and unity , which ought so carefully to be preserved in a Church well constituted . With Hereticks the case is worse , though not quite desperate ; for they not onely violate the Churches peace , but wilfully defend some pernicious Error , which tends to the destruction of the Faith it self : So Haeresis aliquod dogma perversum habe● d , saith the same St. Ierom. But here we must distinguish first of Heresies , before we venture to resolve of the point in Question , it being so , That neither every erroneous opinion may be called an Heresie , nor every Heresie of it self is so great and capital , as to exclude the man that holds it from the Church of Christ. Many in all ages have been branded and condemned for Hereticks , because they were not wholly of the same opinions with those of greatest reputation in their several Churches , though oftentimes in matters of inferior nature , in which diversity of opinions might have been admitted ; whom it were both uncharitable and unchristian too , to bar from all their right and interess in the Christian Church . Nay granting , that the Heresie be in Fundamentals , not taken up upon mistake , but wilfully and maliciously invented for some private ends ; yet in regard they still retain amongst them the profession of other Divine verities , which they hold and believe in common , with the rest of the faithful ( for should they erre in all points of the Christian Faith , they were no longer to be called Hereticks , but Apostate Infidels ) they pertain still unto the Church , and were so counted and esteemed of in the strictest times . An Argument whereof may be , that when an Heretick recanted of his sin and heresie , and sought to be again admitted to the Churches Ordinances ; he was not entred , as at first , by the door of Baptism , nor any of his acts made void , if a Priest or Minister , which he had done by vertue of his holy orders . And so far were the Antients from this new opinion of making Hereticks no members of the Church at all : That the Rebaptization of an Heretick , or of such as had been formerly baptized by Hereticks , was counted an error in St. Cyprian , and afterwards condemned for Heresie in those that wilfully maintained it upon his Authority . The stories of those times make this plain enough , especially St. Augustine's works against the Donatists , where this point is very fully handled ; and with his resolution in it , I conclude this controversie . Isti in quibusdam rebus nobiscum sunt , in quibusdam à nobis exierunt , &c e . In some things , saith the Father , they are with us still , in others they are departed from us . In those things wherein they agree with us , they are a part of that great building whereof the chief Corner-stone is Christ our Saviour : In those wherein they disagree , they are parted from it . And if they draw any more unto them , even they are fastned in those joynts to the rest of that Body , &c. In qua nec illi separati sunt in which their Teachers are not separated from that Sacred Body . But yet although the Romanists are extreamly out in excluding all whom they call Schismaticks , or condemn for Hereticks , from having any place in the Church of Christ , to make the more Elbow-room for themselves : The Donatist and his followers are more out than they , in making none but the Elect to be members of it , and so monopolizing the whole Kingdom of Heaven to their faction onely : In which it is most strange to see , with what precipitancy and inadvertency , many in the Reformed Churches of great name and credit , not looking into the design and ill consequents of it , have labored to promote this Tenet as most true and Orthodox ; especially after Iohn Wicliff , and Hus his follower had set the same on foot again in these latter ages . That Wicliff was of this opinion , is evidently to be seen in Thomas Waldensis f , who doth not onely so report him , but doth his best endeavor to confute him in it . And that Hus also taught the same , is no less evident by the proceedings had against him in the Council of Constance ; in which , amongst others of his doctrines , they condemned this one , viz. Unicam esse sanctam universalem ecclesiam , eamque Praedestinatorum Vniversitatem g , that is to say , That there is one onely holy Universal Church , which is the general body of Gods Elect. Thus they ; nor did there want some reason which might move them to it ; For noting many Errors and Corruptions in the Church of Rome , which made them think it very unsafe to communicate any longer with it ; and being withal unwilling to be so esteemed of as men out of the Church : They fell upon this new way to bear off that blow , by making the true Church of God to be always invisible , because consisting onely of Elect and praedestinate persons , which were known onely unto God. But on what grounds soever it was first excogitated , the fame and piety of the men have so indeered it to the Doctors of the Calvinian Churches , and others which profess most enmity to the Church of Rome , that generally they make no other definition of the Catholick Church , than that it is the Body Collective of Gods Elect. Ecclesia est coetus hominum ab aeterno , electus à Deo ad vitam eternam ; as Vrsine in his Comment on the Palatine Catechism h . Ecclesia est coetus hominum sanctorum qui ex gratuita Dei electione vocati sunt in unionem cum Christo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad vitam eternam i , so saith Scharp , a Scotchman . Ecclesia Catholica coetus est hominum sanctorum quos ab aeterno Deus in Christo elegit k , so saith Dr. Whitakers . Ecclesia Catholica coetus est universus electorum , so the famous Raynolds l . The like might be produced from others of the Doctors of the Reformation , were not these few sufficient to speak out for all . Names great enough , I must confess , but not to be preferred before Sacred Truth ; in the defence whereof , it behoves a man not wedded to mens names and dictates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the words of Aristotle m , to sacrifice his private interesses and most dear Relations . That the Elect are of the Church , yea , and the chief ingredients of the whole compositum , it were impiety to deny : And that it is for their sakes chiefly that the Word of God is preached , the Sacraments of Christ administred , the promises of life eternal offered to the Sons of Men , is a thing which I shall easily grant . And so I understand the words of Clemens of Alexandria , saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n . The Church of the first-born , it is ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Text , whence the Father had it ) whose names are written in the Heavens o , as St. Paul informs us . But in a great house , there are more people than the children , though all they co-heirs ; and in a Royal Court there are many Retainers , whose names are not registred in the Check . Though the Elect are of the Church , yet neither all they , nor yet they alone . Not all the Elect ; for when Saul breathed out slaughter against the Saints p ; and Mary Magdalen was possessed with seven devils q at once ( whether with so many wicked spirits , or the seven deadly sins , we dispute not now ) who can affirm them to be Members of the Church of Christ ? And yet who can or dare deny , that they were vessels of election , elect according to the fore-knowledge of Almighty God ? Secundum praescientiam & praedestinationem , quam multi oves foris , quam multi lupi intus , as St. Augustine hath it . According to Gods prescience and predestination r , How many of the Sheep ( saith he ) are without the Church ; how many Wolves contained in it ? And in another place , Electorum quidam in haeresibus aut Gentilium superstitionibus sunt , & tamen illic novit Dominus qui sunt ejus s , Many of the Elect. saith he , are yet involved in Heresie or Heathenish Superstitions , whom yet God knoweth , to appertain unto the number of his people . Nor they alone . For there are Wolves within the fold , as the Father telleth us ; and many which partake of the heavenly calling , who by impurity of life , and unfoundness of Doctrine , exclude themselves from having place in the Heavenly Kingdom . Out of the many which are called , but few are chosen ; because they do not chearfully obey that calling , and hearken not with due obedience to the voice of God , which calls them in the Church unto newness of life . Were it not so , and that even wicked men , and ungodly sinners did appertain unto the Church , and that the Heretick and Schismatick were not members of it ; The Church had no authority to proceed against them , or to endeavor their reclaim by Ecclesiastial censures . Though God both may and will judge them , when he sees his time , yet the Church cannot do it . For what have I to do to judge them also that are without t , saith the great Apostle . And what were this , but to make the Church of God , which is pure and holy , to be a stable of unclean beasts , and a sink of filthiness : To which , all scandalous sinners would repair in swarms , in confidence of enjoying there their desired impunity . Gods field hath Tares as well as Wheat , and both permitted to grow up till the general harvest u , when he shall give his Angels charge to sever the wicked from the just and righteous persons ; to binde the one in bundles for eternal fire , but gather the other for his barn , for the joyes of Heaven . Now as these opposite parties have extreamly erred in the right constitution of the Members of the Church of Christ ; so have they failed as grosly in their Doctrine of the Churches Head : Which the one side have made too great for that Sacred Body ; the other , all Body in a manner , but no Head at all . I speak not here of Christ , ( understand not so ) whom both sides do acknowledge for the Head of the Body Mystical , but of the Supream Head on Earth , to whom the Government of the Church is by him committed . Our Masters in the Church of Rome , first make the Government of the Church to be Monarchical , and lay the burden on the shoulders of one man alone ; and then this more than man , this Monarch , to be the Pope of Rome , and none else but he . For the first part of this Assertion , they pretend the Scriptures , mustering up all the Privileges which Christ gave to Peter ; which were they such as are pretended , were but personal onely , no more annexed to his Successors in the Chair of Rome , than in that of Antioch . But for the second part thereof , they confess ingenuously , that there is no Scripture to be found . For Bellarmine , who had canvased this point as thoroughly as any man what ever of all that party , is fain to shut it up with this close at last , That though some Headship or Supremacy may seem to be conferred on Peter in the Book of God , Tamen Pontificem Romanum Petro succedere expresse in Scripturis non haberi x , yet that the Pope succeeded Peter , is not found in Scripture , but grounded on Tradition onely , as before was said . And if it be not found in Scripture , ( as he saith it is not ) we shall as little build our Faith upon their Traditions though now we see what makes them rank Traditions equal with the written Word ) as upon those similitudes and ill-grounded consequences , which , for want of better proof , he is fain to flie to . And yet this point thus weakly grounded , is by them made an Article of the Catholick Faith ; and that not onely in the new Creed of Pope Pius the Fourth ( who might be partial in his own cause ) where it brings up the Rere ; but in the general esteem of the Court of Rome , where it chargeth in the very Front. For when the Princes of those times applauded the piety and courage of King Henry the Eighth , in that without any alteration in Religion , he had suppressed the Popes Authority in all his Dominions : The Papal faction thought the censure to be very unjust , Primo & praecipuo Romanensium fidei Articulo , de Pontificis Primatu immutato y , considering that the first and chiefest Article of the Faith , that of the Popes Supremacy , was so changed and abrogated . But on what ground soever they have raised this building , and placed the Headship of the Church on such rotten shoulders as are not able to support it ; yet is this Head become so monstrous , that it is grown bigger than all the rest of the Body . For do not his own Canonists say , that the Pope hath power of both the Swords , that Christ committed to St. Peter ( and in him to them ) Terreni & coelestis imperii jura z , The rights both of the Earthly and Heavenly Kingdoms . Was it not openly affirmed in the Council of Lateran , In Papa esse omnem potestatem , &c a ? That in the Pope there was vested an authority over all powers , both in Heaven and Earth . And in pursuance of this power , have they not frequently deposed Kings , absolved the Subjects of the Oaths of Allegiance , and disposed of Kingdoms ? till at last his Parasites came to broach this Tenet , Papam esse verum Dominum temporalium , ita ut possit auferre ab alio quod alias suum est , &c. That is to say , That the Pope onely is the true and direct Lord of all Temporal States ; so that he may deprive whom he will of his estate , without any remedy : All Bishops and Princes whatsoever , not being the Proprietaries of their own estates ; but Bailiffs and Stewards under him b . Thus also in Spiritual matters , do they not teach that the whole World is his Diocess , that he is Ordinarius omnium hominum c , and Episcopus totius orbis , the ordinary Judge of all mankinde , and Bishop of the whole world ? and that being thus possessed of this general Bishoprick , Omnes Episcopi descendunt à Papa quasi membra à Capitè , & de plenitudine ejus omnes recipiunt d ; All Bishops derive their power from him , as the Body doth motion from the Head , and that of his fulness they have all received : That if the Pope should teach ( as he may and doth ) Virtutes esse vitia , & vitia esse virtu●es e ; That vertue is vice , and vice vertue , we were bound to believe him . And more than so , That what crime soever he commit , he is not to be censured or condemned for it , Nec à Concilio , nec à tota Ecclesia , nec à toto mundo f , neither by a Council , nor by all the Church together , nor the whole World neither . So privileged in a word he is , that as one of them saith , Si Papa innumerabiles populos catervatim secum ducat mancipio Gehennae g , &c. If the Pope draw infinite companies of people with himself to Hell ; yet must no mortal man presume to reprove him for it . Why so ? The Reason is most plain and evident , Quia Papa & Christus unum faciunt Consistorium h , because the Pope and Christ conjunct do but make one Consistory , and consequently it must be as great a Sacrilege to question the acts of the Pope , as those of Christ. We see by this , to what a monstrous greatness this Head is grown , how unproportionable to the Body his own Creatures make him . And yet he is not onely greater than all the Body , but he is all the Body too ; the Pope and Church being grown to be Terms and Convertible . For so saith Gregory de Valentia , Per ecclesiam caput ejus intelligimus , &c i . By the Church we mean her head , and by that the Pope . Dominicus Bannes affirms the same , Pro eodem omnino reputatur autoritas ecclesiae universalis , & autoritas summi pontificis k , The authority of the Pope , and that of the Universal Church , is altogether the same . The whole authority of the Church abideth in him , saith Thomas Aquinas l . It remains all in him , saith Silvester m , another of their principal Schoolmen . Bellarmine is more plain than any , Papa potest dicere ecclesiae , i. e. sibi ipsi n , The Pope ( saith he ) may tell the Church , that is , himself . His meaning is , That lest the Pope should want Remedy when offence is given him , he may be Judge in his own cause , and on complaint unto himself , see the matter mended . But this he learnt of Innocent the Third Pope of that name , who challenged to himself the cognizance of some points in difference , between King Philip of France , and Iohn King of England , because it is written in the Gospel Dic ecclesiae ; as I have read in some good Author , but cannot call to minde in whom . Never did Text of Scripture meet with two such learned Glossaries ; never was Pope and Cardinal better matched ; nor need I adde more in so clear a case , unless it be that commonly they call the Pope Virtualem Ecclesiam , or the Vertual Church , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek ; ) because what power soever doth of right belong to the Body Collective of Christs Church ( the Church Essential , as they term it ) is vertually contained in his person onely . Me thinks it might have been enough for a single man to have been counted onely for a Chapel of Ease . But such is the ambition of the Pope of Rome , that unless he may be taken for the Catholick Church , he passeth not for being reckoned for a Church at all . And yet this of the two is the lovelier Error . Better the Church be all head , than no head at all . And such a Church that is all body , and no head at all , have some of our Reformers modelled in their later Platforms . The Presbyterian Party first began this Monster , which those of the Independent way have now fully perfected . The Presbyterian Form being hatched in a popular state , but such as did acknowledge a supream command in the great Council of that City , first make all Ministers equal amongst themselves , and then associate with each Minister , two , or more Lay-Elders , whom they invest joyntly with all manner of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction , which antiently , and of right did belong to Bishops . But this Presbytery thus constituted is not so supream , but that it is accomptable to the Classis , within which it is , as that unto the Provincial Assembly , and all unto that National Meeting , which being made of the Deputed Ministers , and Lay-Elders out of each Presbytery , hath the name of General ; not such a General Assembly as St. Paul speaks of ( though possibly the name may allude to that . ) For neither are they the Church of the first-born , nor all of them at all times of the number of those whose names are written in the Heavens o . But let them call it what they will , they have given us such a Model of Church-Government , as was not known amongst the Antients , and made it in effect but an headless body : The Ruling Members being all equal in themselves , and yet so Heterogeneous in the whole Compositum , that the greatest part thereof are men of inferior quality , men of Shops and Trades , and consequently uncapable of Spiritual Powers . Which if it do not make the Church to be all Body , doth yet come very near it , to a Tantamount . But what the Presbyterians wanted to compleat this Monster , hath since been added by the Brethren of the Independency ; who living in the waste and deserts of New England , where every man was a king in his own opinion , and had so much of Caesar in him , as to brook no Superior ; fitted the Government of those Congregations which they called the Churches , according unto that equality and want of order , which they had been accustomed to in Civil matters . For in their Platform every Congregation , whether little or great , is absolute in it self , and independent of any other ; having in it self , a supream Authority of exercising Ecclesiastical Powers , and Spiritual Faculties , without any reference or appeal in point of grievance : And in the exercising of those powers and faculties , every Member of the Congregation , whether poor or rich , as they are all concerned , are all equally interessed . And for the Ministration of the Word , and other Ordinances ( for I think , they do not call them Sacraments ) though many times they do set a part some particular persons ; yet do they not exclude any man of what rank soever from exercising of his gift , as the Spirit moves him . In this quite contrary to the Fathers of the Presbytery ; who though they do so dearly affect a parity amongst the Ministers themselves , yet do they suffer none to perform that Office , but such as have an outward calling by giving them the hands of fellowship p : Which Ceremony they conceive savors more of parity , than that of the imposition of hands used in Ordinations . And though each Presbyter and Presbytery too , stand in equal rank and equipage with one another ; yet in relation to their Meetings or Bodies aggregate , they do allow of sub and supra , the Presbytery being subordinate unto the Classis , as the Classis is to the Provincial , and that to the General Assembly , from which lieth no appeal in what case soever . But so it is not with the Brethren of the Independency , every particular Member of their Congregations being permitted to Preach and expound the Scripture , according to the measure of the gift which is given unto him . So that if Ierome were alive , he might most justly make complaint of that foul disorder , which some began to practise in those early days , but was never so much in request as amongst this people . Whereas ( saith he ) all other Arts and Mysteries , have their peculiar Artists and distinct Professors , Sola Scripturarum ars est quam omnes passim sibi vendicant q , onely the Art of Preaching and Expounding Scripture is usurped by all men . For this ( saith he ) each weak old man , and ta●ling gossip ( for we have Women Preachers too in these Congregations ) and each wrangling Sophister , every man in a word doth intrench upon , and take upon them to teach others what they did never learn themselves . Some with a supercilious look speak big , and dogmatize of holy Matters amongst silly women ; others learn that of women ( it is a shame to say it ) which afterwards they teach to men ; and some again , with great variety of words and sufficient impudence , do talk to others of those things which they understand not themselves . A man would think St. Ierome were inspired with the Spirit of Prophecy , and that he spake not of the frenzies of the former times , but the distempers of the present . And yet perhaps we have a better character of them ( especially as it relates to their way of Government ) in the old Acephali , the Hereticks which had no head , as their name doth signifie : Of whom Nicephorus thus informeth us , Acephali ob cam causam dicti sunt , quod sub Episcopis non fuerint , &c r . The Acephali were so called ( saith he ) because they were not under Bishops ; and therefore neither did they minister Baptism according to the solemn and received Order of the Church , nor celebrate the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , or any other Divine Office , in the usual manner . And because every man had liberty to adde unto the holy Faith , what new points he pleased , a very great number of Hereticks and Apostates did ensue upon it , with whom the Church for a long time was perplexed and exercised . Besides that , great seditions and disorders did from hence arise ; the rascal rabble of that Sect pressing unto the Rails of the Altar , threatning to fine the Priests , and cast them out of their Churches with reproach and infamy , if they presumed to mention the Authority of the General Council ( that of Chalcedon it is he means ) or to recite the names of those holy Fathers who were present at it . So far , and to this purpose he , in which we may discern a great deal of the humor , as well as we have found the name of our new Acephali . But to proceed , The Government of the Church not being Monarchical , as our Masters in the Church of Rome would have it , nor Democratical or Popular , as the Fathers of the Presbytery , and Brethren of the Independency have given it out , both in their Practise and their Platforms ; it remains then , that it must be Aristocratical . And this indeed hath been the judgement of most pure Antiquity , and verified in the practise of the happiest times . For howsoever those of Rome do perswade themselves , that Christ invested Peter with a Sovereign power over the rest of the Apostles ; yet generally the Fathers of the Primitive times have determined otherwise : For so saith Origen , Haec velut ad Petrum dicta sunt omnium communia s , Those things which seem spoken to St. Peter onely , are common unto all the rest . Thus Cyprian , Hoc erant utique & coeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus , pari consorti praediti & potestatis & honoris t , The rest of the Apostles were as much privileged as Peter , and were all invested with a like proportion , both of power and honor . Thus Ierome also for the Latines ( the two great Writers of the African and Alexandrian Churches you have heard before . ) Super Petrum fundatur Ecclesia &c u . The Church is founded upon Peter ; but this is said in another place of the other Apostles , all of which had the Keys of Heaven , Et ex aequo super eos ecclesiae fortitudo solidatur , and the foundation of the Church is setled equally on them all . And thus St. Chrysostom for the Greeks , Paul ( saith he ) had no need of Peter , or stood in want of his voice ( or countenance ; ) x Honore enim illi par erat ne quid dicam amplius , but was his equal at the least , that I say no more . The like equality was maintained in the following times amongst the Bishops , or chief Rulers in the Church of Christ. For being Successors unto the Apostles in the Publick Government , though not in their extraordinary power , as they were Apostles , ( whereof we shall speak more anone ) they had no reason to pretend superiority over one another , which none of the Apostles could lay claim unto . Of this equality of the Bishops doth St. Ierom speak , ( and it is indeed an evidence beyond all exception ) Vbicunque fuerit Episcopus sive Eugubii , sive Constantinopli , sive Alexandriae , sive Tanai , ejusdem meriti , ejusdem est Sacerdoti● y . Potentia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem Episcopum non facit . Coeterum omnes Apostolorum Successores sunt . I have laid down the place at large , because St. Ierome is conceived to have been an enemy to the Episcopal Function , and to that end some fragments of him are alleged by our Innovators . His meaning is , That all Bishops , whether of the greater , or the lesser Cities , were of the same Order and preheminence in the Church of Christ ; and that it was neither the pride of wealth , nor the baseness of a poor estate , which made a Bishop higher or lower in respect of Government ; all of them being Successors unto the Apostles . And so Erasmus understands him , who in his Scholies on the place , gives this gloss or descant , Hieronymus videtur aequare omnes Episcopos inter se , &c z . Ierome ( saith he ) doth seem to make all Bishops equal amongst themselves , because all equally Successors unto the Apostles ; and thinks not any B●shop to be less than another , because he is poorer ; nor superior to another , because he is richer ; making the Bishop of Eugubium ( a poor small City ) equal unto the Pope of Rome . St. Cyprian speaks as plain as Ierome , Vna est ecclesia , &c a . There is one Church ( saith he ) divided by Christ throughout the world into many Members . Episcopatus item unus Episcoporum multorum concordi numerositate diffusus , And there is also one Bishoprick ( or Episcopal Office ) alike diffused over all the world , by an agreeing , or corresponding multitude of many Bishops . And in another place to the same effect , Episcopatus unus , cujus à ●ingulis in solidum pars tenetur b , i.e. There is but one Episcopal Function in the Church of Christ , whereof every particular Bishop doth stand wholly seized . And this Pope Eleutherius doth himself acknowledge , who in a Decretal of his ( let those of Rome look to the credit of the writing ) tells the Bishops of France , ( and in them all other Bishops of what Realm soever ) Vobis à Christo Vniversalis Ecclesia est commissa c , That to their care the Vniversal Church was by Christ committed . Every Bishop , wheresoever he be fixt and resident , hath ( like St. Paul ) an universal care over all the Churches . Which since they could not exercise by personal conferences , they did it in the Primitive times before they had the benefit of general Councils , by Letters , Messages , and Agents , for the communicating , of their Counsels , and imparting their advice unto one another , as the emergent occasions of the Church did require the same . Examples of the which , in the stories of those Elder-times , are obvious to the eye of each careful Reader . By means of which entercourse and correspondency , they maintained not onely an Association of the several Churches for their greater strength , nor a Communication onely of their Counsels for the publick safety ; but a Communion also with each other as Members of that Mystical Body , whereof Christ is Head. These Letters they called Literas format as & communicatorias , d as in an Epistle of St. Augustine , where both names occur . And for the publick benefit which redounded by them , we may finde it in Optatus an African Bishop , who having made a Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome from St. Peter down unto Siricius , who then held the place , or as his own words are , Qui noster est socius e , who was his partner or associate in the Common Government : He addeth , Cum quo nobis totus orbis commercio formatarum in una communionis societate concordat ; i. e. With whom , together with our self , the whole world agreeth in one communion or society , by those Letters of intercourse . This , as it cuts off all pretensions to Monarchial Government , so doth it utterly destroy the Democratical or Popular Platforms : The Publick Government of the Church belonging onely unto Bishops , as Successors to the Apostles , to whom Christ committed it . For that the Bishops do succeed in place of the Apostles , is the constant and received opinion of all the Antients . What Ierome did affirm herein , we have seen before ; but he affirms it more than once , and gives it us again in another place , where shewing the difference between the Montanists , and the Catholick Church , he saith , That they had made the Bishops the third in order , Apud nos Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent f , but in the Church the Bishops held the place or rank of the Apostles . St. Augustine saith as much as he , deriving the descent or petigree of the Christian Faith by the Seats of the Apostles , Et successiones Episcoporum g , and the succession of Bishops , which were dispersed and propagated over all the world . St. Cyprian , as more ancient , so he speaks more plainly , who writing to Cornelius the then Bishop of Rome , exhorts him to preserve that unity , Per Apostolos nobis successoribus traditam h , which was commended by the Apostles unto them their Successors . And before him also Irenaeus , who lived very near St. Iohns time , if he lived not in it , who speaking of those Bishops which were ordained by the Apostles , and shewing what perfections were required in them , then addes , Quos & successores relinquebant , &c i . Whom they left behinde to be their Successors , delivering over unto them their own place of Government . Nothing can be more plain than this ; and nothing can more plainly declare unto us , that neither the Monarchy of the Pope , nor the Democra●y of the Presbyterians , nor the Anarchy of the New-England Independents , had any being or existence in the Primitive times . The Government of the Church was wholly in the hands of Bishops , who separately in their several and respective Diocesses , or joyntly in Provincial Councils , took order in all matters which concerned the same . But this is to be understood with a salvo jure , a reservation of the Rights and Privileges of such Christian Princes as God raised up to be nursing Fathers to his Church k . To them , as God hath given the sword , ( for he beareth not the sword in vain l ) so are they made custodes utriusque tabulae , the Guardians and Keepers of both Tables of the Law of God ; not onely in keeping them themselves , as every private man is bound to do ; but in that they ought to have a care , that all and every of their Subjects yeeld obedience to them , and punish such as evil doers which offend against them . And this extends as well to Bishops , and inferior Ministers , as to any Lay-subject of what rank soever ; who though they derive their Spiritual Function immediately from Christ himself , yet are they not onely subject to the Rule of Princes in matter of Exterior order in the service of God , but are to be accomptable to them , in their Ministration , if wilfully they neglect or transgress their duties . The constant practise of all godly Kings and Emperors , as well under the Old Testament , as since the time of the Gospel , makes this plain enough : For if we please to search the Scriptures , we shall finde David giving Rules to the Priests and Levites in matters which concerned the worship of God m , dividing them in several ranks , appointing unto every rank the course of his ministery , composing Psalms and Hymns to the praise of God , prescribing how they should be sung , with what kind of instrument n , and ordering with what vestments the Singing-men should be arayed in the act of their service . We shall there finde the Feast of Purim ordained by Mordecai o , who then possessed the place of a Prince among them ; and that of the Dedication p by the Princes of the Maccabean progeny ; yet both religiously observed in all times succeeding ; this last by Christ himself as the Gospel telleth us q . We shall there finde how Moses broke in peeces the Golden Calf r , and Hezekiah the Brazen Serpent ; how the high places were destroyed , and the groves cut down by the command of Iehosaphat s ; and what a Reformation was made in the Church of Iudah , by the good King Iosiah . Finally , we shall therein finde how Aaron the High Priest was reproved by Moses , Abiathar deposed by Solomon t ; the arrogancy of the Priests restrained by Ioas u . Such power as this , the godly Princes of the Iews did exercise by the Lords appointment , to the glory of Almighty God , and their own great honor : If they took more than this upon them , and medled as Vzziah did , in offering incense , which did of right belong to the Priests office x : A Leprosie shall stick upon him , till the hour of his death , nor shall he have a sepulchre amongst the rest of the Kings . And such , and none but such , is that supream power , which we ascribe unto the King in the Church of England . The Papists , if they please , may put a scorn on Queen Elizabeth of most famous memory , in saying , Foeminam in Anglia esse caput ecclesiae , that a woman was the head of the Church of England , as once Bellarmine did ; and Calvin , if he list , may pick a quarrel with the Clergy of the times of King Henry the eighth , as rash and inconsiderate men , and not so onely , but as guilty of the sin of blasphemy y , ( Erant enim blasphemi cum vocarunt eum summum caput ecclesiae sub Christo ) for giving to that King , the title of Supream Head of the Church under Christ himself . But Queen Elizabeth disclaimed all authority and power of ministring divine service in the Church of God , as she declared in her Injunctions z unto all Her Subjects . And the Clergy in their Convocation , Anno 1562. ascribe not to the Prince the Ministery of the Word and Sacraments a , nor any further power in matters which concern Religion , than that onely Prerogative which was given by God himself to all godly Princes in the Holy Scriptures . More than this , as we do not give the Kings of England , so less than this the Christian Emperors did not exercise in the Primitive times , as might be made apparent by the Acts of Constantine , and other godly Emperors in the times succeeding , if it might stand with my design to pursue that Argument . Take one for all , this memorable passage in Socrates , an old Ecclesiastical Historian , who gives this Reason , why he did intermix so much of the acts of Emperors , with the affairs of holy Church : viz. That from that time in which they first received the Faith , Ecclesiae negotia ex illorum nutu perpendere visa sunt , &c b . The business of the Church did seem especially to depend on their will and pleasure , insomuch as General Councils were summoned by them , for the dispatch of such affairs as concerned Religion , even in the main and fundamentals , and other emergent occasions of the highest moment . CHAP. III. Of the Invisibility and Infallibility of the Church of Christ : And of the Churches power in Expounding Scripture , Determining Controversies of the Faith , and Ordaining Ceremonies . BUt laying by those Matters of External Regiment , we will look next on those which are more intrinsecal , both to the nature of the Church , and the present Article . For when we say , That we believe the Holy Catholick Church , we do not mean , That we do onely believe that there is a Church upon the Earth , which for the latitude thereof , may be called Catholick ; and for the piety of the Professors , may be counted Holy ; but also that we do believe , that this Church is led by the Spirit of God into all necessary Truths ; and being so taught , becomes our School●mistress unto Christ , by making us acquainted with his will and pleasure ; and therefore that we are to yeeld obedience unto her Decisions , determining according to the Word of God. This is the sum of that which we believe in the present Arti●le , more than the quod sit of the same , which we have looked upon in the former Chapter ; and to the disquisition of these points , we shall now proceed . A matter very necessary , as the world now goes ; in which , so many Schisms and Factions do distract mens mindes , that Truth is in danger to be lost by too much curiosity in enquiring after it . For as the most Reverend Father , the late Lord Bishop of Canterbury very well observes , Whiles one Faction cries up the Church above the Scripture , and the other side , the Scripture to the contempt and neglect of the Church , which the Scripture it self teacheth men both to honor and obey ; They have so far endangered the belief of the one , and the authority of the other , That neither hath its due from a great part of men a . The Church commends the Scripture to us as the Word of God , which she hath carefully preserved from the time of Moses , to this day ; and so far we are willing to give credence to her , as to believe that therein she hath done the duty of a faithful witness , not giving testimony to any supposititious or corrupted Text , but to that onely which doth carry the impressions in it of the Image and Divine Character of the Spirit of God. But if a difference do arise about the sense and meaning of this very Scripture , or any controversie do break forth on the mis-understanding of it , or the applying and perverting it to mens private purposes ( which is the general source and fountain of all Sects and Heresies ; ) we will not therein hearken to the voice of the Church , but every man will be a Church to himself , and follow the Dictamen ( or the illumination , as they please to call it ) of their private Spirit . It therefore was good counsel of a learned man of our own , Not to indulge too much to our own affections , or trust too much unto the strength of a single judgment , in the controverted points of Faith ; but rather to relie on the authority and judgment of the Church therein . For seeing ( saith he ) that the Controversies of Religion in our time are grown in number so many , and in nature so intricate , that few have time and leasure , and fewer strength of understanding to examine them ; what remaineth for men desirous of satisfaction in things of such consequence , but diligently to search out which of all the Societies of men in the world , is that blessed company of holy ones , that houshold of faith , that Spouse of Christ , and Church of the living God , which is the pillar and ground of truth ; that so we may imbrace her communion , follow her directions , and rest in her judgment b . Very good counsel , I confess , and such as is to be pursued by all sober Christians : But being this counsel doth suppose , as a matter granted , that the true Church is very easie to be found if it be carefully sought after ; which doth imply the constant and perpetual visibility of it , ( however controverted and denied by some later Writers : ) I shall first labor to make good that which he supposeth , and prove that which he takes for granted ; that so we may proceed the better on our following search , and rest the surer on the judgment of the Church , being once found out . And here I shall not need to look back on those , who making none to be of the Church , but the elect children of God , do thereby make it altogether invisible to a mortal eye . We have spoke enough of that in the former Chapter , and therefore shall adde nothing now , but that it may seem strange unto men of reason , that when Paul and Barnabas came to Ierusalem , they were received of the Church , as is said Acts 15.4 . and yet could not see the Church which did receive them ; or that Paul went unto Caesarea , and saluted the Church , as is said of him , Acts 18.22 . in case he had not seen the Church which he did salute . We grant , indeed , the Church to be invisible in its more noble parts , that is to say , the Saints triumphant in the Heavens , the Elect on Earth : and that it is invisible in the whole latitude and extent thereof ; for who can see so great a body , diffused in all places of the world , at one time , or in all the times of his life , supposing him to be the greatest traveller that was ever known . And yet this doth not make the Church to be more invisible , than any particular man may be said to be invisible also , because we do not see his Brain , his Heart , and his Liver , the three principal parts , which convey Life , and Blood , and motion to the rest of the Body ; nor because we cannot see at once both his back and his belly , and every other member in his full proportion . The visibility of the Church is proved sufficiently by the visibility of those several and respective Congregations or Assemblies of men , which are convened together under lawful Ministers for the Administration of the Word and Sacraments ; to which , men may repair , as they see occasion , for their spiritual comfort , and instruction in the things of God ; with whom they may joyn themselves in his publick worship , with reference to that soul and power of Government , which animates and directs the whole . And such a Visibility of the Church there hath always been , from Adam down to Noah , from Noah to Abraham , from him to Moses and the Prophets , from thence to Christ , and from Christs time unto the present . It is true , the light hereof hath been sometimes dangerously ecclipsed , but never extinguished ; no more than is the Sun when got under a Cloud . Desicere videtur Sol , non defi●it , as the Father hath it . Since God first had a Church , it hath still been visible , though more or less , according unto times and seasons , more in some places than in others , although not always in such whole and sound condition , as it ought to be . They who are otherwise perswaded , conceive that they have found some intervals or space of time , in which there was no Visible Church on the face of the Earth ; of which times there are two remarkable under the Law , and two as notable as those since the birth of the Gospel . Under the Law they instance in the reign of Ahab , of which , Elijah makes complaint , That they had laid waste the Church , and slain the Prophets d , and that he onely was left to serve the Lord ; and in the persecution raised by Anti●chus . King of Syrius , of which it is reported in the Book of Maccabees , that the Sanctuary was defiled , the publick Sacrifices interdicted e . Circumcision and the Sabbath abrogated ; and more than so , the Idols of the Syrians publickly advanced for the people to fall down and worship , insomuch , as all those who sought after righteousness and justice , were fain to flie unto the wilderness , there to save themselves f . But the answer unto this is easie , For though those instances do prove that the Church at those times was in ill-condition , in regard to her external peace ; yet prove they not , that there was such a general defection from the worship of God , as to make the Church to be invisible . For first , The complaint of Elijah was not universal , in reference to the whole Church of God , but in relation onely unto that of Israel , where King Ahab reigned ; a Schismatical Church that , when it was at the best , and sometimes an Idolatrous one also . The Church of Iudah stood entire in the service of God , according to the prescript of his holy Law , under the Rule and Government of the good King Iehosaphat ; a Prince , who with a perfect heart served the God of his Fathers , and who preserved the people under his command in the true Religion . The Sun shined comfortably on Iudah , though an Egyptian darkness had over-spread the whole Realm of Israel . And if Elijah fled for safety to the woods and deserts , and did not flie for succor to the Land of Iudah , it was not out of an opinion , that the two Tribes had Apostated from their God as well as the ten , but out of a wise and seasonable fear of being delivered by those of Iudah , into the hands of his enemies ; Iehosaphat being at that time in good terms with Ahab , by whom Elijah stood accused for troubling of the State of Israel . As for the other instance under King Antiochus , the Text indeed describes it for a great persecution , greater than which that Nation never suffered under ; but it declares withal expresly , that there was no such general defection from the Law of God , as was projected by the Tyrant . For the common people stood couragiously to their old Religion , and neither would obey the Kings Commandment in offering to the Syrian Idols , or eating meats which were prohibited by the Law of Moses . And as for those which fled unto the Woods and Wilderness , they fled not thither onely for their personal safety , in hope to finde an hiding place in those impenetrable desarts ; but as unto a place of strength , or a fortified City , from whence they might sally ( as they did ) against their enemies ; and in the which , they might enjoy that freedom in the exercise of their own Religion , which could not be hoped for in Ierusalem , and other places under the command of Antiochus . A persecuted Church we finde both before , and here ; but the persecution neither held so long , nor was so general , as to make the Church to be invisible . And so it is also in those two instances , which the Patrons of this invisibility have pitched upon , since the times of the Gospel ; the one being in the prevalency of the Arian Heresie , the other in the predominancy of Popish Superstition . For the first , it is alleged out of St. Ierom , Ingemuit mundus , & se Arianum esse miratus est g , That the world groaned under the burden of that Heresie , and wondred how she was become so wholly Arian . But this admits of such a qualification and restriction , as utterly overthroweth the thoughts of invisibility . For that which Ierom calls Mundus , or the whole world generally , in Lerinensis is but orbis penè totus , almost all the world . Arianorum venenum non jam portiunculam h quandam , sed orbem pene totum contaminaverat , The Arian poyson ( saith that Author ) had not onely envenomed a small part or portion , but almost all the world it self . And that which Lerinensis calls orbem pene totum , almost all the world , was onely almost all that part of the world , which was under the command and power of the Roman Emperors . Costerius in his Notes on Lerinensis doth expound him so , saying , Adeo incredibiles fuisse impietatis hujus successus , ut omnes fere Romani imperii Ecclesias haec lues pervaserit . And to this Exposition , that of Gregorius Presbyter , who wrote the life of Gregory Nazianzen , gives a great deal of light , who attributes the spreading of that powerful Heresie , unto the countenance it had from some of those Emperors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i who labored with might and main to promote the same ; so that the growth and spreading of the Arrian Heresie , was neither over all the world , nor almost all the world , but onely over almost all the Churches in the Roman Empire ; and that but for the time onely , when Constantius and Valens did possess the Throne . There were then many Christian Churches in Persia , India , Aethiopia , where neither Valens nor Constantius were of any power , and many Catholick Bishops in France , Egypt , Italy , and consequently Catholick Churches also , to which an Orthodox Professor might have had recourse for the worship of God , according to the prescript of his holy Word . And though the Arian Heresie , both for time and place , was more diffused and longer-lived than any other whatsoever in the Church of Christ ; yet neither did it over-spread the whole face of the Church , or made it for the time invisible to discerning eyes ; nor by denying the consubstantiality of persons in the holy Trinity , did they so abjure the Christian Faith , as not to be accounted Christians ( though defiled with Heresie ) by their greatest enemies . The Orthodox Professors so esteemed them , reckoning their Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , to be lawfully called , their Sacraments to be lawfully ministred by them , their Forms of Divine worship nothing different from the rest of the Church , except in the Doxology onely . And if they did proceed against them in the way of punishment , it was not as they were no Christians , k but as Arian Hereticks . And on the other side , holding entire all other points of Christian Faith , and scrupling onely against that , because they found it not in terminis in the holy Scriptures ; the Gentiles , amongst whom they lived in the out-parts of the Empire , persecuted them , as they did the rest who professed the Gospel , with fire and sword , and put them unto grievous deaths ; insomuch , as suffering for the Christian Faith , not the Arian Heresie , some of them had the honor to be counted Martyrs even by the Catholicks themselves , Ita ut non-nulli ex Ariana secta Martyres fierent , as it is in Socrates l . But the main difficulty doth relate to that space of time , in which the power and superstition of the Church of Rome , carried all before it ; and in relation unto that , the Fautors of the Churches invisibility , have most beat their brains : For not being able , when put to it by their Romish Adversaries , to finde a Church agreeing in all points with the Protestant Tenets , before Luthers time , they betook themselves to this , as their surest refuge , That the Church was many times invisible , and so had been immediately in the time before them . Thus Luther pleased to place the Church , in quibusdam reliquiis m , in a certain remnant of men whom the world took no heed of , who were indeed the people , and the Church of God , though not so accounted : And Calvin hides the same in uncertain corners , where God did wonderfully preserve it from the sight of men , Et mirabiliter Ecclesiam suam tanquam in latebris servasse n , as his own words are . But this not giving satisfaction to the common Adversary , who press upon us with this Question , Where was your Church before Luther ; a pedegree thereof was fetched from Wicliff , Hus , the Albigenses , the Pauperes de Lugduno , and I know not whom o ; who in their several times and ages , had publickly opposed some errors and corruptions in the Church of Rome , and thereby drew upon themselves the hatred of the Roman Clergy . And by this means it was conceived , That a perpetual visibility of the Protestant Churches might be fairly proved ; the fancy of an invisible Church beginning to grow out of credit with most sorts of men ; especially considering , that besides the opposition made by those before remembred , Clemangius , Armachanus , Lincolniensis , had severally inveighed against the pride and vices of the Court of Rome ; and that there were many things also in the Church it self , whereof St. Bernard , and Pope Adrian wished a Reformation . But this , in my opinion , will not do the deed : For neither did Clemangius , Armachanus , or the rest that follow , withdraw themselves from the Communion of the Church of Rome ; or if they had , they did not thereby make themselves a distinct Church from it , and least of all , a Church agreeing in all points , ( perhaps not in any ) with those which are defended in the Protestant Schools . And as for Wicliff , Hus , and the Albigenses , though they held some opinions which the Protestants do , yet held they many others which the Protestants do not p . Some I am sure , which are as much abominated by the Church of England , as the extreamest dregs of the Church of Rome . Nor can we prove the visibility of our Church from them , from whom we neither receive our Baptism , nor our Priesthood , nor our Form of Worship , nor any outward Rite and Ceremony , nor any thing , for ought I know , by which we claim the name of a Christian Church . Or if we did , our visibility would fail us in those frequent intervals , which were between Wicliff and the Hussites , the Hussites and the Albigenses , the Albigenses and the rest of those scattered companies , from whom this goodly Pedegree is to be derived : Whereof the one started up in England , the other long before him in Bohemia , the third in France , and others in the Mountains of Italy , not having a Succession from , nor giving a Succession unto one another . So that relinquishing this plea as a sorry shift , which onely seemed to be excogitated for the present pinch ; If any ask me , Where the Church was before Luthers time , I answer generally , First , That if the Church had failed in these North-west parts of the world ( as indeed it did not ) yet were there many Christian Churches in the East and South , the Greeks , Nestorians , Melchites , Abassins , with divers others , with whom the first Reformers might have held communion , though differing from them in some points of inferior moment . And secondly , I answer more particularly , that our Church was before Luther , where it hath been since , in Germany , France , England , Italy , yea , and Rome it self ; A sick Church then , but since by Gods grace brought to more perfect health ; a corrupt Church then , but since reformed of those particular abuses , both in life and doctrine , which seemed most offensive . That the Church of Rome is a true Church , ( though not the true Church ) no sober Protestant will deny . Iunius grants it in his Book De Ecclesia , cap. 19. and so doth Dr. Whitakers also , Cont. 2. Qu. 3. cap. 2. as great an enemy as any , of the Romish factions . The like doth Dr. Raynolds in his fifth Thesis , though he deny it ( as he might ) to be either the Catholick Church it self , as they vainly boast , or any found member of the same . Nay , even the very Separatists do not grutch them that , as Francis Iohnson in his Treatise called A Christian Plea , Printed 1627. pag. 123 , &c. A true Church in the verity of essence , as the Church is a company of men which profess the Faith of Christ , and are baptized into his Name ; but neither Orthodox in all points of doctrine , nor sound or justifiable in all points of practise . And a true Church in reference to the Fundamentals of the Christian Faith , which they maintain as constantly , and defend as strongly against the several Hereticks and Sectaries of this present age , as any Doctor of the Protestant , or Reformed Churches ; though in the Superstructures they are faln aside from the received opinions of the Catholick Church . A true Church too , in which Salvation may be had , ( for why should we deny the possibility of their salvation , who have been the chief instruments of ours q ? saith judicious Hooker ) by those especially , who ignorantly follow their blinde guides , and do not pertinaciously embrace any Popish error , either against their Science , or against their Conscience . Of whom , as of the greatest numbers in the Church of Christ , we may very safely say with Augustine , Coeteram turbam non intelligendi vivacitas , sed credendi simplicitas tutissimam facit r , i. e. That amongst ordinary men , it is not the vivacity of understanding , but the simplicity of believing , which makes them safe . Of this Church were the Protestants Members , before they did withdraw themselves from the errors of it ; before by this their separating from the errors of it , they were schismatically expelled and thrust out of the communion of the Church of Rome , by those which had the conduct of the affairs thereof , in the beginning of that breach . And from this Church , do we of the Church of England , derive immediately our interess in Christ , by the door of Baptism ; the Body of the holy Scriptures , the Hierarchy or Publick Government , our Liturgy and Solemn Forms of Administration ; not as originally theirs , but as derived to them from the Primitive times , and by them transmitted unto us . This Bristo doth acknowledge in his Book of Motives s ; and this we think it no reproach unto our Religion to acknowledge also : That Aphorism of King Iames of most famous memory , deserving to be writ in Letters of Gold ; viz. That no Church ( under colour of Reformation , for of that he speaketh ) ought further to separate it self from the Church of Rome , either in Doctrine or Ceremony , than she had departed from her self , when she was in her flourishing , and best estate , and from Iesus Christ our Lord and Head t . And yet I know not how it hath come to pass , but so it is , that instead of reforming of an old Church , which is all we did ; the building of a new Church , will we , nill we , is by some Zelots of bo●h sides obtruded on us . Whereas the case , if rightly stated , is but like that of a sick and wounded man , that had long lien weltering in his own blood , or languishing under a tedious burden of diseases ; and afterwards , by Gods great mercy , and the skilful d●ligence of honest Chirurgions and Physitians , is at the last restored to his former health . No new man in this case created , that is Gods sole privilege , but the old man cured : No new Church founded in the other , that belongs to Christ , but the old Reformed . When Hezekiah purged the Temple , and other godly Kings and Princes of the Land of Iudah did reform Religion , as we know they did ; Neither did the one erect a new Temple , or the others frame a new Religion , but onely rectified in both what they found amiss . And so it was also in the Reformation of the Church of Rome , further than which , we need not go to look where our Church was before Luthers time , or to finde out that constant and perpetual visibility of the Church of Christ , which hath been hitherto the subject of this Disquisition . But put the case the worst that may be , and let it be supposed this once , That the Church of Rome had so apostated from the Faith of Christ , that it ceased to be a Church at all , both in name and nature ; yet were there many Christian Churches in the East and South , all of them visible no doubt , as they still continue , which constantly maintained all those several Truths , that had been banished and exploded in the Church of Rome . For that the Vniversal Church should so fall away , as to teach any doctrine contrary to the Faith and Gospel , is plainly to the promise made by Christ our Saviour . It is true indeed , Christ hath not bound himself , nor annexed his spirit so inseparably to a National or Provincial Church , but that it may fall at last unto such desperate and dangerous Errors , as finally may cut it off as an unsound Member from the residue of the Body Mystical . The Candlestick may be removed as well out of any Church , as from that of Ephesus u , if wilfully they put out the light which shined amongst them ; and so it is determined by the Church of England . As the Church of Jerusalem , Alexandria , and Antioch , hath erred , so also the Church of Rome hath erred not onely in their living , and manner of Ceremonies , but also in matters of Faith , saith the Nineteenth Article x . But so it is not with the Universal , the Body Collective of Gods people , the Church essential ; nor can it be colourably inferred , ( though it be the best Argument of Dr. Raynolds y , to evince his Thesis ) that because many of those who are outwardly called , and some of the Elect themselves , many of the Flock , and some of the Pastors , and that not onely in their single and sole capacities , but as convened in Council about sacred matters , have held opinions contrary to the truth of God ; That therefore the whole Church , or the Body collective and diffusive over all the world , shall universally agree to betray the truth , or be given over unto Error . One might as logically conclude , that because many of the Citizens , and some of the Aldermen , many of the Parishioners , and some of the Ministers , and that not onely in their Houses , but the very Church , or the Guild-hal , were swept away at London , by the last great plague ; that therefore the whole City was dispeopled by it , not a man escaping . Such Arguments as these , need no other Answer , than to demonstrate the non sequiturs , and inconsequence of them . But first , before we do proceed unto further evidence , it will be necessary to lay down the state of the Question , which is the Litis contestatio , or the point in Controversie . And in my minde Becanus states it very rightly ; We will therefore use his terms , though he were a Iesuite , and propose it thus , viz. An tota Ecclesia Christi , vel tota multitudo Christianorum , quatenus ex Pastoribus & ovibus conflata est , errare possit in aliquo Articulo vel puncto fidei z ; that is to say , whether the whole Church of Christ , or the whole multitude of Christian people , consisting both of the Flock and the Pastors too , may erre in any Article , and point of Faith , or publickly profess any point of Doctrine , contrary to the Faith and Gospel of our Lord and Saviour . This we deny , and we deny it on the credit of our Saviours promises , Upon this Rock ( saith he ) will I build my Church , and the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it a . Where , by the gates of Hell , as the Fathers say , he means not onely outward violence , but Errors , Heresies , and false Doctrines , which covertly or openly do aim at the ruine of it . And of this minde is Epiphanius in Anchorato , Origen , Tract . 1. on Matthew , Ierome and Bede upon the place . St. Augustine also hence inferreth , Haereses omnes de ecclesia exiisse tanquam sarmenta inutilia à vite praecisa , ipsam autem manere in radice sua , in vite sua b , that is to say , That Heresies were to the Church like unprofitable branches cut off from the Vines , the Church remaining still in the Root , in the Vine it self . How so ! Quia portae inferorum non vincant eam , because the gates of Hell cannot overcome it . He promised his Apostles to send them a Comforter , who should teach them all things , Iohn 14.16 . who should guide them into all truth , Iohn 16.13 . Not that he bound himself hereby to teach them all things , or lead them into all truths , of what sort soever ; For it is sure , that some things the Apostles were still ignorant of , as of the day and hour of the General Iudgment ; And probable enough it is , that there were many Philosophical and Historical truths , into which , the Spirit did not lead them . All things , and all truth , must be understood of all things truly necessary to a mans salvation . In omnem veritatem , i. e. Omnem quae expedit ad salutem c , saith Dr. Raynolds very rightly . A promise made indeed to them , the Apostles personally ; for it was unto them he spake , and to none but them ; but made to all the Church in them , the whole Church essentially , whereof they were at that time the sole Representatives . Consolatprium est ex hoc loco cognoscere , & fide audire , quicquid est promissum his Apostolis , promissum esse toti ecclesia d , saith a learned and a modest Papist , It is ( saith he ) a special comfort to learn , and faithfully believe , from these words of Christs , that the promise made to these Apostles , was also made to the whole Church , to the Body collective . It was not Peter onely , as the Papists say , nor the Apostles onely , as the words may seem to bear , to whom these promises were made , touching the not prevailing of the gates of Hell , and the conducting of their feet in the ways of truth ; but to the whole Body of the Church represented by them . Hence I conclude , That the whole Church , in the full latitude and universality thereof , is free from Error ; such Errors as do lead to the gates of Hell , and are destructive of salvifical , supernatural Truths : The Church being so far privileged by our Lord and Saviour , that when the truth is banished out of one or more particular Churches , it is admitted into others , and some still opposing those corruptions both in Doctrine and Practise , which in the others are defended . The Church in this capacity is secure from Error , even in the points of smallest moment ; and so it is confessed by Luther , a man not over forwards to ascribe too much unto the Church e . Impossibile est illam errare posse etiam in minimo Articulo , It is impossible , saith he , that the Church should erre ( conceive him of the Church essential ) in the smallest Article . But this perhaps will be made more apparent by the matter of Fact , than by any other kinde of evidence in an Argumentative way . And for this matter of Fact , we will take those times in which the truth may seem to be most miserably oppressed , by the predominancy of the Arian faction , and the tyranny and superstitions of the Popes of Rome . That the Arian Heresie did extend no further than the Roman Empire , we have shewn before ; that all the Roman Empire was not poysoned with it , we will shew you now . For besides all the Bishops of Rome successively , from the first rising of this Heresie , to the fall thereof , who constantly ( except Liberius onely ) did maintain the truth ; the stories of those times acquaint us with the names and merits of some Catholick Bishops , who with their Churches , did oppose that predominant faction . And because it were an endless , and indeed a needless labor to recite them all , take but those three whom Ierome brings together in one line or passage . O Siquidem Arianus victis , triumphatorem suum Egyptus excapit ; Hilarium ● praelio revertentem Galliarum Ecclesia complexa est ; ad reditum Eusebii sui lugubres vestes Italia mutavit f , i. e. Upon the overthrow of the Arians , Egypt received her Athanasius , now returned in triumph ; the Church of France embraced her Hilary ( he was Bishop of Poictiers ) coming home with victory from the battel ; and on the return of Eusebius ( Bishop of Vercellis ) Italy changed her mourning garments . By which it is most clear , even to the vulgar eyes , that not these Bishops onely did defend the truth , but that it was preserved by their people also ; who never had received them with such joy and triumphs , had they not been all of one opinion . Or had but those three Bishops onely stood unto the truth , yet had that been sufficient to preserve the Church from falling universally from the Faith of Christ , or deviating from the truth in that particular : The word of truth being established , ( as say both Law g and Gospel ) if there be onely two or three witnesses to attest unto it . Two or three Members of the Church may keep possession of a truth in the name of the rest , and thereby save the whole from Error ; even as a King invaded by a forein enemy , doth keep possession of his Realm by some principal fortress , the standing out whereof in time , may regain it all . The Body cannot properly be said to be wholly dead , as long as any Member of it doth remain alive . But in this storm raised by the Arians in the Church , the Orthodox Professors had but one Error to encounter with , and that discovered and opposed in the first rising of it . The Church of Rome maintained so many , and those promoted by such power , and so subtile instruments , that there was far more danger in the Mass of Popery , than any single Errors in the times before ; yet never could they so prevail by their force or cunning , but that their Errors were opposed in some Church or other ; and truth , though banished in the West , found hearty entertainment in the Eastern parts . As for example , The Popes Supremacy , is , and hath long been held at Rome as an Article of the Faith , and a chief one too , and held so ever since it was declared by Pope Boniface the Seventh , Omnino esse de necessitate salutis omni humanae creaturae su●esse Romano Pontifici h , i. e. That it was altogether necessary to Salvation , for every mortal man to be subject to the Bishops of Rome . But this Supremacy was never acknowledged by the Greeks , nor Muscovites , nor by the Habbassines ( or Christians of Ethiopia ) nor by the Indian Churches neither , till these latter days , in which they have submitted to the Popes authority i . And in the West it self where the Pope most swayed , it was continually opposed by the Albigenses , the Hussites , Wiclivists , and others , in their several times . The Popes usurped a power over Kings and Princes , and did not onely hold it as a matter practical , but publickly maintained and taught as a doctrinal point . But against this did all the Princes of the world oppose their power ; the French by the Pragmatical Sanction k ; the English by the Statutes of Provisions and Praemuniri l ; the German Emperors at once , both by Sword and Pen , as is apparent by the writing of Marsilius Patavinus , Dante 's , Occam , and many others of those times ; whereof consult Goldastus in his Monarchia . It pleased the Popes , for politick and worldly ends , to restrain the Clergy of that Church from marriage , because that having Wives and Children , they would be more obnoxious to their natural Princes , and not depend so much as now , on the See of Rome m . But on the other side , the Greeks , the Melchites , and the Maronites , ( which are names of several Churches of the East ) neither deny Ordination unto married men , or force them to abstain from the use of their Wives when they are in Orders n . The Russes and Arminians admit none but married men into the Priesthood ; the Iacobites and Nestorians allow of second and third marriages in those of their Clergy ; as also do the Indians and Christians under Pr●ster Iohn , the Patriarck being first sued to , for a dispensation . In Germany , when this yoke was first laid upon them by Pope Gregory the Seventh , the Clergy generally opposed , stiling that Pope , Hominem plane haereticum & vesani dogmatis o , an Arant Heretick , and the Broacher of a mad opinion . In Italy it was taught by Panormitanus , Votum non esse de essentia Sacramenti p , That the vow of single life was not essential unto Orders . How late it was before the Priests of England could be brought to forsake their Wives , and what embroilments have been raised in the Church about it , Henry of Huntingdon , and others of our Antient Writers do declare at large ? Pope Innocent the Third first setled Transubstantiation in the Church of Rome ; a word not known unto the Fathers in the Primitive times , nor any of the old Grammarians , and Professors of the Latine tongue . But the Armenians do reject it as an unsound Tenet q ; and so , as I conjecture , did the Egyptian , Maronite , and the Habbassine Churches , who neither do allow of the Reservation , nor the Elevation of the Host ( as the Romanists call it ) which are the Pages or attendants of that Popish Error . And in the Church of Rome it self , it was opposed by Bertram , Berengarius , and Basilius Monachus ; as afterwards by the Pauperes de Lugduno , the Albigenses , Hussites , Wiclivists , and their descendents , to the time when first Luther writ . The taking of the Cup in the holy Sacrament from the Lay-Communicant , and thereby sacrilegiously robbing him of the one half of his birth-right , crept unawares upon the Church , by a joynt negligence , as it were , both of Priest and People : But so , that it was still retained by the Eastern Churches ; claimed , and accordingly enjoyed by the Albigenses , and their followers ; and so tenaciously adhered unto by the Bohemians ( where the Hussites had their first original ) that in small time they got the names of Calistini r , and Sub utrâques , from their participating of the Cup , and communicating under both kindes , when none else durst do it . And this they did in so great numbers , that Cochlaeus , one of their greatest Adversaries , relates that Thirty thousand of them did assemble together at one time , to receive the Sacrament , under both kindes . The fire of Purgatory hath for a long time warmed the Popes Kitchin , and kept the Pot boiling for the Monks and Friers : But there is no such fire acknowledged by the Greeks and Moscovites , nor by the Melchites , Iacobites , Armenian , and Egyptian Christians s , nor by the Waldenses , Hussites , and their Descendents . The Worshipping of Images hath not onely been practised , but enjoyned by the Church of Rome , ever since the second Nicene Council : But the Christians of St. Thomas ( so they call the Indians ) admit no Images at all to be set up in their Churches t ; The Grecians , Moscovites , and Ethiopians , though they admit of Painted Images , yet allow not of the Carved , and forbid the worshipping of both . The Church of Rome hath long time used Auricular Confession as a kinde of State-picklock , and opening therewith the Cabinet-Counsels of the greatest Kings , and laid it as a burden upon the conscience of the penitent sinner ; But the Nestorians , and the Iacobites , never did enjoyn it themselves , or approved it in them that did ; And though the Greek Church still retains the use of Confession ( of the right use whereof we shall speak hereafter ) yet such a rigorous pressing of it , as our Masters in the Church of Rome have been used unto , they allow not of . These are some few of many Errors , which have been taught and patronized in the Church of Rome ; which yet were constantly opposed and condemned by others , in the East and South : As on the other side , those Churches of the East and South , and such as in the West did gainsay the same , had their several Errors , which never could finde entertainment in the Church of Rome . Insomuch , as one might safely say of Theological truths , as was once said of Philosophical , viz. Though they may not possibly be found all at once together in a National or Particular Church ; yet they are all preserved in the Vniversal . And it is the Vniversal Church , or the Church Essential , not any Topical Church whatever , which is free from Error . This being granted ( as I think it is proved sufficiently ) that the Church Essential cannot fall into any Error , which is destructive of divine and salvifical truth ; We will next see , whether , and if at all , how far this privilege may be extended to the Representative . For being it is impossible for the whole Church , the diffusive Body , to meet together in one place , for the composing of such Differences , and suppressing such Heresies , as may occasionally arise in some part thereof , it hath been found expedient in all former ages , to delegate some choice men out of the particulars , which being met , should represent the whole Body Collective , and in the name of those that sent them , agree amongst themselves what was fit to be done . These Meetings were called General Councils : Concilia , à conciliando , from reconciling and attoning such material differences , as did disturb the publick peace ; and general , in relation unto National and Provincial Councils , assembled on occasions of more private nature . From the Apostles times did this use continue . Who on the dissention raised by some which came down from Iudea , and mingled Circumcision and the Law of Moses u , with the Gospel of Christ , did meet together to consider and determine of it . And having resolved upon the point , they sent their Decretory Epistle unto all the Churches , requiring their obedience and conformity to that resolution , which on debate amongst themselves , and by the guidance and assistance of the Holy Ghost x , had been made therein . This , as it was the first General Council of the Church of Christ , so was it the model also of all those that followed ; and of this Council it is certain , that it could not erre ; Partly , because composed for the most part of the Lords Apostles , but principally , because guided and directed by the Spirit of Truth , who had the supream managing of the Action . But this we cannot say of those General Councils which after were assembled on the like occasions ▪ For though the Church essential might delegate her power unto those Commissioners whom she imployed at such Assemblies ; yet could she not also import her Privilege . And for the Members who convened , they neither were endued with a like measure of the Spirit , as the Apostles were possessed of ; nor sure infallibly of such assistance from the Holy Ghost , as he vouchsafed to them in that great affair ; and therefore could not warrantably presume of the like freedom from error , which that first General Council might lay claim unto . Augustine hath resolved it so against Cresconius , Non debet se Ecclesia Christo praeponere , cum ille semper veraciter judicet , Ecclesiastici autem judices plerumque falluntur y , The Church ( saith he ) ought not to prefer her self before Christ , ( i. e. Before Christ speaking in his Gospel ) considering that he always judgeth according to truth , but Ecclesiastical Iudges being men , are oft-times deceived . And so it is resolved by the Church of England , who hath declared , That for as much as General Councils be Assemblies of men , whereof all be not governed by the Spirit , and Word of God , they may erre , and sometimes have erred in things appertaining unto God z . A possibility then there is in the judgment of the Church of England , That General Councils may erre in the things of God ; ( whether in points of Faith , or not , there is nothing said : ) For being the Conveners are no more than men , men subject , as all others are , to Humane affections , and byassed many times by their private interesses , it cannot be , but such a possibility may be well supposed . And a declaration there is also , that some General Councils have actually erred , as did the second Nicene in the matter of Images ; for which it stands censured by the Bishops of France and Germany , in the Synod held at Franckford , under Charls the Great a . Which notwithstanding , such and so sacred is the name of a General Council , if truly such , that is to say , if it be lawfully called , and rightly constituted , That the determinations of it are not rashly to be set at nought , or wilfully opposed , or scornfully slighted , it being the Supream Tribunal of Christ on Earth : For since the Lord was pleased so graciously to promise , That when two or three were gathered together in his name , he would be in the midst of them b , It may be piously inferred in Pope Celestines words , Cum nec tam brevi numero Spiritus defit , quanto magis eum interesse credamus turbae convenientem in unum sanctorum c ; If the Spirit ( saith he ) be not wanting to so small a number , how much rather ought we to believe , that he vouchsafes to be present with a great multitude of good and godly men convened together . He that heareth you , heareth me , and he that despiseth you , despiseth me d , said Christ himself also unto his Apostles , and in them unto their Successors in his holy Ministery . May it not piously be inferred from those words of Christ , as did some of the Antients in an African Synod , to be a very gross absurdity for a man to think , That God would give an understanding , and discerning Spirit to particular men , Et sacerdotibus in Concilium congregatis denegare e , and not afford it to be a company of godly Bishops met together in counsel ? And reason good . For as many eyes see more than one , and the united judgments of learned men assembled together , carry more authority in Natural or Political things than of some single persons onely ; so questionless the joynt prayers of many devout and godly men prevail more with God , for the assistance of his Spirit in their consultations , than any private man can chalenge or presume upon , when points of Faith , and matters appertaining to the service of God , are to be debated . Upon these grounds , from the Apostles times to these , the Church hath exercised a power in her Representatives , of setling such affairs as concerned the publick ; whether it were , that some new controversie did arise in the points of Faith , or an emergent Heresie was to be suppressed ; or that some Text of holy-Scripture , which Hereticks had wrested to their private ends , was to be expounded ; or finally , that the worshipping of God the Lord , in the beauty of holiness , did require it of them . Nor was it onely exercised by the Church de facto , but de jure too . And so it is resolved by the Church of England , in her Twentieth Article ; the first and last expresly , the second upon strong and necessary consequence . The Church hath power to decree Rites or Ceremonies , and authority in Controversies of Faith : And yet it is not lawful for the Church to ordain any thing that is contrary to the Word of God ; neither may it so expound one place of Scripture , that it be repugnant to another f . Wherefore , although the Church be a witness , and a keeper of holy Writ ; yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same , so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be believed as necessary to salvation . So stands the Article in the very Acts and Records of the Convocation , An. 1562. where by the way , the Book of Articles being Re-printed in Latine , An. 1571. when the Puritan Faction did begin to shew it self in its colours , the first clause touching the authority of the Church , in Controversies of Faith , and in Decreeing Rites and Ceremonies , was clean omitted , and stands so maimed in the Book called The Harmony of Confessions for the Protestant and Reformed Churches : According to which false and corrupted Copies ( I know not by what indirect means , or by whose procurement ) it was so Printed too at Oxon , An. 1636. when the Grandees of that Faction did begin to put forth again . But to proceed . The Church or Body Collective of the people of God , having devolved this Power on her Representatives , doth thereby binde her self to stand to such Conclusions as by them are made ; till on the sight of any inconvenience which doth thence arise , or upon notice of some irregularity in the form and manner of proceeding , she do again assemble in a new Convention , review the Acts agreed on in the former Meeting , and rectifie what was amiss , by the Word of God. And this is that which St. Augustine averreth against the Donatists , men apt enough to flie in the Churches face , if any thing were concluded or agreed upon against their Tenets . Concilia quae per singulas provincias fiunt , plenariorum Conciliorum autoritati cedere , ipsaque plenaria saepe priora à posterioribus emendari , cum aliquo experimento aperitur quod clausum erat , & cognoscitur quod latebat g , Provincial Councils , saith the Father , ought to submit unto the General : And of the Generals themselves , the former are oftentimes corrected by some that follow , when any thing is opened which before was shut , or any truth made known , which before was hidden . For otherwise it was not lawful , nor allowable to particular men , to hold off from conformity to the publick Order which had been setled in the Church , nor to make publick opposition unto her conclusions ; which , as the late most Reverend Father in God , the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury very well resolves it , Are with all submission to be observed by every Christian h ( that is , as he expounds himself in another place ) to have external obedience yeelded to it at least , where Scripture or evident demonstration do not come against it . And this hath been the judgment of the purest times , and the practise of the best men for the times they lived in : For thus said Constantine the Emperor to the point in hand , Quicquid in sanctis Episcoporum Conciliis decernitur , &c i , Whatsoever is decreed in the holy Councils of Bishops , ought wholly to be attributed to the Will of God. More plainly Martianus Caesar , Injuriam eos facere Reverendissimae Synodi judicio qui semel judicata in dubium vocent k That they commit a great affront against the dignity and judgment of the most Reverend Council , who shall presume to call in question what is there determined . Which words of his are well enough allowed by Doctor Whitakers l , if understood of those things onely ( as they ought to be ) which are determined according to the Word of God. St. Augustine to this purpose also , Insolentissimae est insaniae , &c m . It is , saith he , an insolent madness for any man to dispute , whether that be to be done , or not , which is determined to be done , and therefore usually is done , by the whole Catholick Church of Christ. St. Bernard also thus for the darker times , Quae major superbia , &c n . What greater pride than that one man should prefer his own private judgment before the judgment of the Church ? Tanquam ipse solus Spiritum Dei habeat , as if he onely were possessed of the Spirit of God. And this holds also good in National and Provincial Councils , which being the full Representative of the Church of that State or Nation , hath power sufficient to compose such controversies as do arise amongst themselves , and to require obedience of the Represented , according to the limitations laid down before in the case of Oecumenical or General Councils . The practise of all times and Nations make this plain enough ; in which , many several Heresies have been concluded against , as in that of Milevis , wherein the Pelagians were condemned , Anno 416. Matters of Faith have been resolved on , as in the third of Toledo , Anno 589. wherein many Anathemaes were thundred out against the Arians ; and finally , Constitutions made for regulating the whole Body of Christian people in the worship of God , as in the General Code of the African Councils . Or were there no Record thereof in the times fore-going , yet may we finde this power asserted in these later days , and that by some of the most eminent Doctors of the Reformed Churches . For the Divines of the Classis of Delph , assembled amongst others in the Synod of Dort , do declare expresly , Ordinem nullum , nullam pacem in Ecclesia Dei esse posse , &c o . That there would be no peace , nor order in the Church of God , if every man were suffered to Preach what he listed , without being bound to render an accompt of his doctrine , and submitting himself unto the judgment and determination of Synodical meetings . Why so ? For if Paul and Barnabas , say they , being endued with the same Spirit , as the rest of the Apostles were endued withal , were content to go unto Ierusalem to know the judgment of the rest in the point then questioned : Quanto aequius est ut Pastores alii qui Apostoli non sunt , hujusmodi Synodicis Conventibus se subjiciant ; How much more fitting must it be for other Ministers , which are no Apostles , to captivate their own judgments unto that of a publick Synod . Nor was the Synod it self less careful to provide for her own authority , than the Delphenses were to promote the same ; And thereupon decreed in the close of all , Abdicandos esse omnes ab officiis suis , &c p . That every man should be deprived as well of Ecclesiastical as Scholastical Offices , who did not punctually submit to the Acts of the Synod ; and that no man should be admitted to the Ministery for the time to come , who refused to subscribe unto the doctrine which was there declared , and Preach according to the same . And in pursuance of this final determination , no fewer than Two hundred of the opposite party , who did refuse to yeeld conformity to the Acts thereof , were forthwith banished the Countrey q : A Proclamation following in the Rear from the Civil Magistrate , That no man should presume to afford them any help or maintenance , during that miserable exile . Whether this were not too severe , I regard not here . This is enough to shew , that National or Provincial Councils do still claim a power in handling , and determining controversies touching points of Faith ; and that they challenge an obedience to their Resolutions , of all which live within the bounds of their jurisdiction , without which all Synodical meetings were but vain and fruitless . Nor hath the Church onely an especial power in determining of controversies raised within her , according to the Word of God ; but so to explicate and interpret the Word of God , that no controversie may arise about it for the time to come . Four Offices there are which the Church performs in reference to the holy Scriptures . The first , Tabellionis , of a Messenger or Letter-Carrier , to convey it to us ; Quid enim est Scriptura tota nisi Epistola omnipotentis Dei ad Creaturam suam r , saith St. Gregory , What else is the whole Scripture , but a Letter or Epistle from Almighty God unto his Creature ? and by whose hands doth he convey this Letter to us , but by the Ministery of his Church ? The next is Vindicis , of a Champion to defend it in all times of danger from the attempts and machinations of malicious Hereticks , and such corruptions of the Text , as possibly enough might have crept into it , in long tract of time . The Iews since our Redeemers time , had falsified some places of the Old Testament , and expunged others , which spake expresly of Christs coming : Delentes namque literas inficiati sunt Scripturam s , as we finde in Chrysostom . The like saith Athanasius of their falsifications , Tam manifestis Scripturis & de Christo Prophetiis excaecavit Satanas Judaeorum oculos , &c. Ut talia testimonia falsa Scriptione falsarent t . The Arians stand convicted of the like attempt , who had expunged ou● of all their Bibles these words of St. Iohn , Deus est Spiritus , Iohn 14.24 . because they seemed to prove the Deity of the Holy Ghost ; and that not out of their own Bibles onely , but out of the Publick Bibles also of the Church of Millain u , Et fortasse hoc etiam in oriente fecistis ; and probable enough it was , that they had done the same in the Eastern Churches saith St. Ambrose of them . But such a vigilant and careful eye did the Church keep over them , that their corruptions were discovered , and the Text restored again to its first integrity . The like may also be affirmed of such corruptions as casually had crept into the Text of holy Scripture , by the negligence of the Transcribers , and mistakes of Printers : Which the Church no sooner did observe ( as observe them she did ) but they were rectified by comparing them with such other Copies as still continued uncorrupted . Of which St. Augustine telleth us thus , Corrumpi non possunt , &c x . The Scriptures ( saith he ) cannot be corrupted , because they are in the hands of so many persons : And if any one hath dared to attempt the same , Vetustiorum codicum collatione confutabatur , he was confuted by comparing them with the elder Copies . The third Office is Praeconis , of a Publisher or Proclaimer of the Will of God revealed in Scripture , by calling on the people diligently to peruse the same , and carefully to believe and practise what is therein written . And this is that whereof St. Augustine speaks in another place , saying , Non crederem Evangelio nisi me Ecclesiae Catholicae moveret autoritas y , i. e. That he being then a Novice in the Schools of Christ , had not given credit to the Gospel , unless the authority of the Catholick Church had moved him to it . The fourth and last Office is Interpretis , of an Interpreter or Expounder of the Word of God , which in many places are so hard to be understood , that Ignorant and unstable men , may , and do often wrest them to their own destruction z , who therefore are to have recourse to the Priests of God , whose lips preserve knowledge , and from whose mouth the people are to take the explication of the Law of God. But being it hapneth many times that the Priests and Ministers themselves do not agree upon the sense of holy Scripture , and that no small disturbance hath been raised in the Church of Christ , by reason of such different Interpretations as are made thereof , every one making it to speak in favor of his own opinion ; the Body of the Church assembled in her Representatives , hath the full power of making such Interpretation of the places controverted , as may conclude all parties in her Exposition : Both Protestants and Papists do agree in this ; not all , but some of each side , and no mean ones neither . Sacrae Scripturae sensus nativus & indubitatus , ab Ecclesia Catholica est petendus a ; so said Petrus à Soto , for the Papist . The proper and undoubted sense of the holy Scripture , is to be sought ( saith he ) from the Catholick Church ; which is indeed the general opinion of the Roman Schools . And to the same effect , saith Luther for the Protestant Doctors , De nullo privat● homine nos certos esse habeant necne revelationem Patris , Ecclesiam unam esse de qua non liceat dubitare b ; We cannot be assured , said he , of private persons , whether or not they have a revelation from the Father of Truth ; it is the Church alone , whereof we need make no question . Which words , considering the temper of the man , and how much he ascribed to his own spirit in expounding Scripture , may serve instead of many testimonies from the Protestant Writers , who look with reverence on him as the first Reformer . This also was the judgment of the Antient Fathers , St. Augustine thus , We do uphold the truth of Scripture , when we do that which the Vniversal Church commandeth , recommended by the authority of holy Scripture : And for as much as the Scriptures cannot deceive us , a man that would not willingly erre in a point of such obscurity ( as that then in question ) ought to enquire the Churches judgment c . With him agrees St. Ambrose also , who much commends the Emperor Gratian , for referring the interpretation of a doubtful Text , unto the judgment of his Bishops convened in Council . Ecce quid statuit Imperator ? Noluit injuriam facere sacerdotibus , ipsos interpretes constituit Episcopos d ; Behold , saith he , what the good Christian Emperor did ordain therein ? Because he would not derogate from the power of the Bishops , he made them the Interpreters . Thus Innocent , one of the Popes , doth affirm in Gratian , Facilius inveniri quod à pluribus senioribus quaeritur e , i. e. The meaning of the Scripture is soonest found when it is sought of many Presbyters or Elders convened together . And reason good . For seeing , that no prophecy of Scripture is of any private interpretation , because it came originally from such holy Men who spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost f ; It is not subject to the humor of a private spirit , but to be weighed and pondered by that publick Spirit which God hath given unto his Church , which he hath promised to conduct in the ways of truth , and to be with her always to the end of the world . Not that we do exclude any private man from handling of the holy Scripture , if he come sanctified and prepared for so great a work , if he be lawfully ordained or called unto it , and use such helps as are expedient and necessary to inform his judgment ; nor that we give the Church such a supream power , as to change the sense and meaning of the holy Scriptures , according as her self may vary from one opinion to another in the course of times . This is indeed the monstrous Paradox of Cusanus , who telleth us , That the Scripture is fitted to the time , and variously to be understood , so that at one time it is expounded according to the present fancy of the Church , and when that fancy is changed , that then the sense of Scripture may be also changed g ; and that when the Church doth change her judgment , God doth change his also . And this I call a monstrous Paradox , as indeed it is ; in that it doth not onely assubject the truth of Scripture , but even the God of truth himself , to the Churches pleasure . How much more piously hath the Church of England determined in it ? who though it do assert its own power in Expounding Scripture , yet doth it with this wise and Religious Caution , That the Church may not so expound one place of Scripture , that it be repugnant to another h . Within which bounds , if she contain herself , and restrain her power , no doubt but she may use it to the honor of God , the setling of a Publick Peace in all matters controverted , and the content and satisfaction of all sober Christians . The last part of the Churches power consists in the decreeing of Rites and Ceremonies , for the more orderly officiating of Gods Publick service , and the procuring of a greater measure of reverence to his holy Sacraments . Of this she hath declared more fully in another place . First , In relation to it self , to the Churches power , viz. Every particular or National Church hath authority to ordain , change , and abolish Ceremonies or Rites of the Church , ordained onely by mans authority ; so that all things be done to edifying i . Next , in relation to the people , and their conformity , That whosoever through his private judgment , willingly and purposely doth openly break the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church , which be not repugnant to the Word of God , and be ordained and approved by common authority , ought to be openly reproved , that others may fear to do the like , as he that offendeth against the common order of the Church , and woundeth the Consciences of the weaker Brethren . Which Propositions are so evidently and demonstratively true , according to the constant practise of approved Antiquity , that he must wilfully oppose the whole Catholick Church , and all the famous National Churches in the Primitive times , who doth not chearfully and readily assent unto them . For who can shew me any Council in the former Ages , wherein some Orders were not made for regulating both the Priest and People in the worship of God ; wherein the Church did not require obedience to her Constitutions , and on defect thereof proceeded not to some publick censure of the party ? He must be utterly ignorant of all Antiquity , and the affairs of holy Church , that makes doubt of this . Nay , of so high esteem were the Churches Ordinances in matters of exterior order in the service of God , that they were deemed as binding as the word it self . And so St. Augustine hath resolved it , I● iis rebus de quibus nihil statuit Scriptura , mos populi Dei & instituta majorum , pro lege Dei tenenda sunt k , as he in his Epistle to Casulanus : The customs of the Church , and the institutes of our fore-fathers , in things of which the Scriptures have determined nothing , are to be reckoned and esteemed of , as the Word of God. Our Saviour by his own observing of the feast of Dedication l , being of Ecclesiastical institution , and no more than so , shewed plainly what esteem he had of the Churches Ordinances ; and how they were to be esteemed of by the sons of men . And when St. Paul left this rule behinde him , That all things be done decently , and in order m , think we he did not give the Church authority to proceed accordingly , and out of this one general Canon to make many particulars ? Certain I am , that Calvin hath resolved it so , and he no extraordinary friend to the Churches power . Non potest haberi quod Paulus hic exigit , nisi additis constitutionibus tanquam vinculis quibusdam ordo ipse & decorum servetur n ; That which St. Paul requires , saith he , is not to be done without prescribing Rules and Canons , by which , as by some certain Bonds , both order and decorum may be kept together . Paraeus yet more plainly , and unto the purpose , Facit Ecclesiae potestatem de ordine & decoro Ecclesiastico liberè disponendi & leges ferendi o ; By this , saith he , doth the Apostle give authority to the Church of Corinth ( and in that to other Churches also ) of making Laws for the establishing of decency and order in the Church of Christ. And Musculus , though he follow the citing of this Text by Eckius , in justification of those unwarrantable Rites and Ceremonies , Quibus Religionis nostrae puritas polluta esset , with which the purity of Religion had been so defiled ; p yet he allows it as a rule for the Church to go by , Vt quae l●gitimè & necessario gerenda sunt in Ecclesia , That all those things which lawfully and necessarily may be done in the Church , should be performed with decency and convenient order . So that we see the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies in things that appertain to order , decency , and uniformity in Gods publick service ; and which is more , a power of making Laws and Canons to inforce conformity to the same ; and that too ( which is most of all ) in the opinion of those men , which were no great admirers of the Churches customs , and looked not so much on the Primitive , as the present times . Nor is this onely the opinion of particular men , but the declared judgment of the eldest Churches of the Reformation . The Augustane Confession published in the name of all the Protestants , and onely countenanced and allowed of by Imperial Edict , not onely doth ordain those antient usages to be still retained in their Churches , which conduce to decency and order in the service of God , and may be kept in force without manifest sin q : But it resolves , Peccare eos qui eum scandalo illos violant , &c. That they are guilty of sin who infringe the same , and thereby rashly violate the peace of the Church . And amongst those by them retained , are all the holy days and fasts observed in the Church of England , kneeling at the Communion , the Cross in Baptism , a distinct kinde of habit for the Ministration , and divers others ; which by retaining , they declare to be free from sin , but those men to be guilty both of sin and scandal , who wilfully refuse to conform unto them . The Bohemians in their Confession go as high as this , Humanos ritus & consuetudines quae nihil pietati adversantur , in publicis conventibus servanda esse r ; i. e. That all Rites and Customs of Humane ( or Ecclesiastical ) Institution , which are not contrary unto Faith and Piety , are still to be observed in the publick meetings of the Church . And still ( say they ) we do retain many antient Ceremonies , as prescribed Fasts , Morning , and Evening Prayer on all days of the week , the Festivals of the Virgin Mary , and the holy Apostles . The Churches of the Zuinglian and Calvinian way , as they have stript the Church of her antient Patrimony , so have they utterly deprived her of her antient Customs ; not thinking their Religion plain enough , till they left it naked ; nor themselves far enough from the pride of Rome , till they had run away from all Primitive decency . And yet the Switzers or Helvetian Churches , which adhere to Zuinglius , observe the Festivals of the Nativity , Circumcision , Passion , Resurrection , and Ascension , of our Lord and Saviour ; as also of the coming of the Holy Ghost s . And those of the Genevian platform , though they have utterly exploded all the antient Ceremonies , under the colour of removing Popish Superstitions , yet they like well enough of others of their own devising ; and therefore do reserve a power , as appears by Calvin t , of setling orders in their Churches , to which the people shall be bound ( for he calls them by the name of vincula quaedam ) to conform accordingly . By which we see , that there hath been a fault on both sides in the point of Ceremonies ; the Church of Rome enjoyning some , ( and indeed too many ) Quae pietati adversantur , which were repugnant to the rules of Faith and Piety , and therefore not to be retained without manifest sin , as the Augustane and Bohemian Confessions do expresly say ; and the Genevians either having none at all , or such as altogether differ from the antient Forms . Against these two extreams , I shall set two Rules , whereof the one is given in terminis by the Church of England , the other by an eminent and renowned Member of it . The Church declares her self in the point of Ceremonies , but addes withal , That it is not lawful for the Church to ordain any thing that is contrary to the Word of God u . That makes directly against those of the Church of Rome , who have obtruded many Ceremonies on the Church of Christ , plainly repugnant to the Word , and therefore not to be observed without deadly sin . The other Rule is given by our Learned Andrews , and that relates to those of the opposite faction . Every Church ( saith he ) hath power to begin a custom , and that custom power to binde her own children to it ; Provided ( that is the Rule ) that her private customs do not affront the general , received by others x , the general Rites and Ceremonies of the Catholick Church , which binding all , may not be set light by any . And this he doth infer from a Rule in the Mathematicks , that Totum est majus sua parte , that the whole is more considerable than any part ; and from another Rule in the Morals also , that it is , Turpis pars omnis toti non congrua , an ugly and deformed part which agrees not with the whole . So than according to the judgment of this Learned Prelate , the customs of particular Churches have a power of binding , so they run not cross against the general . First , Binding in regard of the outward man , who if he wilfully refuse to conform unto them , must , though unwillingly , submit to such pains and penalties , as by the same power are ordained for those who contemn her Ordinances . And they are binding too , in regard of Conscience , not that it is simply and absolutely sinful not to yeeld obedience , or that the Makers of those Laws and Ordinances can command the Conscience ( Non ex sola legislatoris voluntate , sed ex ipsa legum utilitate y , as it is well resolved by Stapleton ) but because the things which they command are of such a nature , that not to yeeld obedience to them , may be contrary unto Justice , Charity , and the desire we ought to have of procuring the common good of all men , amongst whom we live z , of which our Conscience would accuse us in the sight of God , who hath commanded us to obey the Magistrates , or Governors , whom he hath set over us , in things not plainly contrary to his written Word . To bring this business to an end , in points of Faith and Moral Duties , in Doctrines publickly proposed as necessary in the way of Salvation , we say as did St. Ierom in another case , Non credimus quia non legimus a , We dare not give admittance to it , or make it any part of our Creed , because we see no warrant for it in the Book of God. In matters of exterior Order in the Worship of God , we say as did the Fathers in the Nicene Council b , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let antient customs be of force , and prevail amongst us , though we have no ground for it in the Scripture but this general warrant , That all things be done decently , and in order , as St. Paul advised . They that offend on either hand , and either bring into the Church new Doctrines , or cast out of the Church her antient and approved Ceremonies , do violate that Communion of Saints which they ought to cherish ; and neither correspond with those in the Church Triumphant , nor such as are alive in the Churches Militant . Of which Communion of the Saints I am next to speak , according to the course and method of the present Creed . ARTICLE X. Of the Tenth Article OF THE CREED , Ascribed to St. SIMON ZELOTES . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) Sanctorum Communionem , Remissionem peccatorum . ( i. e. ) The Communion of Saints , The forgiveness of Sins . CHAP. IV. Of the Communion which the Saints have with one another , and with Christ their Head. Communion of Affections inferreth not a community of Goods and Fortunes . Prayers to the Saints , and Adoration of their Images , an ill result of this Communion . NExt to the clause , touching the nature and authority of the Catholick Church , followeth in order a recital of the principal benefits which are conferred upon the Members of that Mystical Body ; Two in this life , and two in that which is to come . Those in this life , are first , that most delightful Fellowship and Communion which the Saints have with one another , and with Christ their Head ; and secondly , That forgiveness and remission of all their sins , as well actual as original , which Christ hath purchased for them by his death and passion , and by the Ministery of the Church is confirmed unto them . Those in the world to come , are the fruits of these , that is to say , A Resurrection of the Body , held by the chains of sin in the shades of death ; and a more full Communion with the Saints departed , than in this life can be enjoyed ; that Fellowship which we have with them , being here but inchoate and imperfect , there compleat and absolute . Of these , the first is the Communion which the Saints have with one another , and with Christ their Head ; whereof , before I shall discourse , as it lieth before me , I shall first take the words asunder , and shew what is the true meaning of the word communio ; then who they be that are presented to us by the name of Saints . First , for the word communio , it signifieth that sacred action in which the faithful do communicate of the Body and Blood of Christ in the holy Eucharist . Thus Hugo Cardinalis hath it , Post hoc dicatur communio , quae appellatur , ut omnes communicemus a , i. e. After this let the communion be said , so called , because all should communicate , or , let it be so said , That all my communicate . Micrologus before him to the same effect , Non potest propriè dici communio b , &c. It cannot properly be called a Communion , unless many do receive together . Cassiodorus before either in his Tripartite History , Stant rei , & velut in lamentationibus constituti , & cum sacra celebratio fuerit adimpleta communionem non recipiant c , i. e. They which lay under the Churches censures , stood a far off full of great heaviness and lamentation , and when the service was concluded , received not the Communion ; but when they had fulfilled the course of their penance , Cum populo communionem participant , they were then suffered to communicate with the rest of the people . More antient than them all , is , that Dionysius ( whether the Areopagite , or not , I dispute not here ) who wrote the Books De Hierarchia Caelesti & Ecclesiastica , in whom we do not onely finde the name , but the reason of it . Dignissimum hoc Sacramentum , &c d . Most worthy ( saith he ) is this Sacrament , and far to be preferred before any other ; and for that cause it is deservedly , and alone , ( Meritò & singulariter , saith the Latine Copies ) called the Communion . For although every Sacrament aims at this especially , to unite those that are divided , to the Lord their God : Attamen huic Sacramento Communionis vocabulum praecipuè & peculiariter contingit ; yet to this Sacrament , the name of the Communion doth chiefly and properly belong , as that which doth more nearly joyn us unto Christ our Saviour , and entirely unite us unto one another . And so his meaning is expressed by Pachymeres an old Greek Writer , who hath paraphrased on the whole works of this Dionysius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e . Therefore ( saith he ) did Dionysius call it the Communion , because all which were worthy , did communicate of the holy Mysteries . From which Communion of the Faithful in those holy Mysteries , not onely the profession of the Christian Faith , but that sweet Fellowship and Conjunction of heart and soul which was amongst them , got the same name also , and was generally called Communio from that sacred Action which was most solemnly used amongst them at their publick meetings . In this sense it is used by St. Augustine , saying , Mulier illa est communionis nostrae f , That the woman ( which he there speaketh of ) was of their Communion . And in another place to the same effect , Donatus non nisi in sua communione baptismum esse credit , That Donatus thought that Baptism was onely to be had in the Churches of his Profession g . In the same sense it is used by Ierome , speaking of his relations to the same St. Augustine . It is not meet , saith he , that I who have been trained up in a little Monastery from my youth till now , Aliquid contra Episcopum Communionis meae scribere audeam h , should presume to write against a Bishop of the same Communion ( or Profession ) with me ; and such a Bishop , whom I began to love before I knew him . The like he writes also to Pope Damasus , where saying , that he followed no chief but Christ , he yet acknowledgeth , Beatitudini tuae , i. e. Cathedrae Petri communione cons●cior i , That he was joyned in communion , or in love and fellowship , or consent of Doctrine and Religion , with his Holiness , or Chair of Peter . In both acceptions of the word , that is to say , In the communion or communication of the holy Mysteries , and in that union of affections which usually is held by those of the same Profession : There is a Communion of the Saints , whether they be Activè or Passivè Sancti ; whether triumphant in the Heavens , or finishing their natural course upon the Earth . For the word Sancti also hath its various notions , and must be looked upon in each , or the chief at lest , before we can proceed to a certain issue . And first , the word Sancti hath been used for those who onely have the outward calling , called to be Saints , as they are stiled by the Apostle , Rom. 1.7 . and 1 Cor. 1.2 . Though neither Saints by the infusion of inherent holiness , nor by the piety and sanctimony of their lives and actions . In this sense all the Romans and Corinthians , to whom St. Paul wrote his Epistles , were Saints by calling , or called to this end and purpose , that they might be Saints , though there were many profane and carnal persons amongst them . Next it is used for those who are Sancti renovati , Saints by the renovation of the holy Spirit , by which co-operating in the Laver of Regeneration , they are washed and sanctified . And such were also some of you , But ye are washed , but ye are sanctified k , saith the same Apostle , that is to say , By the washing of Regeneration , and renewing of the Holy Ghost , which he hath shed abundantly in us l , as himself expounds it . These are Passiv● Sancti , as before I called them ; because , both in the outward calling , and the effusion of the inward graces of the Holy Ghost , we are simply passive . But if we do obey that calling , and manifest the grace which is given unto us by our lives and actions ; If from our hearts we do obey that form of doctrine which hath been delivered m , and yeeld our members as servants of righteousness to holiness ; then are we not passivè , but activè sancti ; right Saints indeed , walking in all the Commandments and Ordinances of the Lord without reproof n . And if the fruit be unto holiness , there is no question , but the end thereof will be life everlasting o ; when we shall stand before the Throne of the Lord our God , and serve him day and night in his holy Temple p , advanced to those felicities of eternal glory , which is designed by White Robes , and the Palms of victory , in the Revelation . Never so fully Saints as then , though we must first be Saints in the Militant Church , before we can be Saints in the Church Triumphant . But whether it be there or here , a mutual communion there is always to be held between us ; between the Saints upon the Earth , though Saints by outward calling onely , united in the joynt participation of the Word and Sacraments , and the external Profession of the Faith and Gospel ; but more conspicuously between those which are Saints indeed , not onely nominally , but really and truly such , in that harmony of affections and reciprocal offices of love , which makes them truly one Body of Christ , though different Members . And a communion there is too of this later kinde , between the Saints upon the Earth , and those which have their consummation in the Heaven of Glories ; who though they have in some part received the promise q , yet being fellow-members of the same , one Body , they pray for , and await our ransom from this prison of flesh , without which ( God hath so disposed it ) they should not be made perfect . Which said , we may now clearly see in what particulars the Communion of Saints , intended in this Article , doth consist especially , which may be easily reduced unto three heads . 1. A Communion in the Mysteries of our Salvation , by which they are made members of one another , and of Christ their Head. 2. A Communion of Affections , expressed in all the acts of love and charity , even to the very communicating of their lives and fortunes . And 3. A communion of entercourse between the Saints in Heaven , and those here on Earth , according to the different states in which God hath placed them . All other kindes of Christian Communion , are either contained in , and under these , or may be very easily reduced unto them . And first , for the Communion in the Mysteries of our Salvation , and the benefits which redound thereby to the Church of Christ , St. Paul hath told us , That the Cup of blessing which is blessed in the holy Eucharist , and the Bread there broken , is the communion of the Body and Blood of Christ r ; and that being made partakers of that one Bread , we are thereby made , though many , to be one Bread also , and one Body , even the Body of Christ ; one Bread , though made of many grains , and one Body , though composed of many members . A better Paraphrase upon which place of the Apostle , we can hardly finde in all the writings of the Fathers , than that of Cyril . Ut igitur inter nos & Deum singulos uniret , quamvis corpore simul & anima distemus , modum tamen adinvenit consilio patris & sapientiae , suae convenientem . Suo enim corpore credentes per Communionem mysticam benedicens , & secum & inter nos unum nos corpus efficit , &c s . That Christ might unite every one of us , both with our selves , and with God , though we be distant from each other , both in body and soul , he hath devised a way agreeable to his own Wisdom , and the Counsel of his Heavenly Father . For in that he blesseth them that believe with his own Body , by means of that Mystical Communion of it , he maketh us one body with himself , and with one another . For who will think them not to be of this Natural union , which be united in one Christ , by the Union ( or Communion ) of that one holy Body . For if we eat all of one Bread , we are all made one Body , in regard Christ may not be dis-joyned nor divided . In which full passage of the Father , we finde an union of the faithful with Christ their Head , as well as a conjunction with one another , effected by the Mystical communion of his Body and Blood : A double union first with Christ , and with each others next as the members of Christ. The union which we have with Christ , is often times expressed in Scripture , under the figure and resemblance of the Head and Members ; which as they make but one Natural Body , so neither do they make but one Body Mystical . Know you not ( saith the Apostle ) that your bodies are the members of Christ , 1 Cor. 6.15 . That ye are the body of Christ , and members in particular , 1 Cor. 12.27 . That we are members of his body , and of his flesh , and of his bones , Ephes. 5.30 . And doth not the same Apostle tell us , That God hath given Christ to be head over all things unto his Church , Eph. 1.22 . That Christ is the head of the Church , Vers. 23. And that from this head all the body by joynts and bonds , having nourishment ministred , and knit together , increaseth with the increase of God , Col. 2.19 . Occumenius hereupon inferreth , That neither Christ without the Church , much less the Church without her Christ , but both together so united , make a perfect body . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 t , as that Author hath it . Others of more antiquity do affirm the same . For thus St. Chrysostom , Quidnaem significat panis ? Corpus Christi , quid fiunt qui accipiunt ? Corpus Christi u . What signifieth the Bread ? The Body of Christ : What are they made that do receive it ? The Body of Christ. St. Augustine thus , Hunc cibum & potum societatem vult intelligi corporis & membrorum suorum x , i. e. He would have us understand , that this meat and drink , is the fellowship of his body , and of his members . What ? of the members onely with one another . Not onely so , but of the fellowship or communion which they have with him that is their head ; who though he be above in the heavenly places , and is not fastned to his body with any corporal connexion , yet he is joyned unto it by the bonds of love , as the same Father hath it in another place . Habet ecclesia caput positum in coelestibus quod gubernat corpus suum , separatum quidem visione sed charitate annexum y . St. Cyprian speaks more home than either , both to the matter and the manner of the union which we have with Christ. Nos ipsi corpus Christi effecti , & Sacramento & re Sacramenti , capiti nostro conjungineur & unimur z . We are then made the Body of Christ , both by the Sacrament , and the grace represented by it , when we are joyned or united unto Christ our Head. Not that we are not made the members of Christs Mystical Body , but onely by a participation of the Sacrament of his Body and Blood ; but that this Mystical union and communion which we have with Christ , is most fitly represented by it : For otherwise St. Paul hath told us , That by one Spirit we are all baptized into that one Body a , and consequently made the members of Christ. According unto that of Divine St. Augustine , Ad hoc baptisma valet , ut baptizati Christo incorporentur , & membra ejus efficiantur b . To this , saith he , availeth Baptism , that men being baptized may be incorporated unto Christ , and made his Members . But this supposeth a relation to the other Sacrament , of which , although they may not actually participate before they die ; yet they have either a desire to it , if they be of age , and a right or interess in it , if they die in their Baptism ; in which respect they may be said to communicate with the rest of the faithful . Concerning which , the same St. Augustine hath most excellently resolved it thus , c No man in any wise may doubt , but that every faithful man is then made partaker of Christs Body and Blood , when in Baptism he is made a member of Christ : And that he is not deprived of the Communion of that Bread , and that Cup , although before he either eat of that Bread , or drink of that Cup , he depart this world , being in the unity of Christs Body . For he is not deprived from partaking of the benefit of that Sacrament , so long as he findeth in himself the things ( or the res Sacramenti , as St. Cyprian calls it ) which the Sacrament signifieth . As for the Union or Communion which the faithful have with one another , though that arise upon their first incorporation in Iesus Christ by holy Baptism , yet is more compleatly signified , and more fully effected , by that communion which they have in his Body and Blood. And so St. Cyprian , and St. Augustine , and the rest of the Fathers do declare most plainly . St. Cyprian , as more antient , shall begin the evidence , and be the foreman of the Inquest d . That Christian men are joyned together with the inseparable bonds of charity , the Lords Supper doth ( saith he ) declare . St. Augustine generally first , of all outward Sacraments , In nullum nomen Religionis seu verum seu falsum coagulari possunt homines , nisi aliquo signaculorum vel sacramentorum visibilium consortio colligantur , Men ( saith he ) cannot be united into any Religion , be it true or false , unless they be joyned together in the bond of some visible Sacraments e . What he affirmeth of this particularly , we shall see anon ; first taking with us that of Dionysius , an Antient Writer doubtless ( whosoever he was . ) Sancta illa unius & ejusdem panis & poculi communis , & pacifica distributio , unitatem illis divinam tanquam unà enutritis praescribit f , that is to say , That holy and peaceable distribution of the same one Bread , and that common Cup , prescribeth to them which are so fed and nourished together , a most heavenly union . More elegantly in the Greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which Pachymeres the Greek Paraphrast doth thus reason for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. Because that common feeding together with such joynt consent , bringeth to our remembrance the Lords Supper . Nor doth the participation of this blessed Sacrament , produce an union or communion between them alone , who do receive the same together at one time and place ; but it doth joyn and knit together all the Saints of God , how far soever they are distant , and scattered far and near upon the face of the Earth . For therein we profess , that we are all servants in one House , and resort all to one Table , and feed all of one Spiritual Meat , which is the Flesh and Blood of the Lamb of God : The Prayers which are used in that holy action , being so fitted and contrived in all Antient Liturgies , that they extend not unto those onely which do then communicate , but that they and the whole Church with them , may by the death and merits of Iesus Christ , and through Faith in his Blood , obtain remission of their sins , and all other the benefits of his passion g ; as it is piously expressed in the Liturgy of the Church of England . To this St. Ierom gives a clear and most ample testimony , who being pressed by Iohn the then Bishop of Ierusalem ( with whom he had some personal quarrels ) to go to Rome , and witness his integrity by communicating in the face of that Church , A qua videmur communione separari , from whose communion he had seemed to separate , returns this Answer , Non necesse esse ire tam longè , that it was not needful for him to go so far h . How so ? Et hic in Palestina eodem modo ei jungimur ; In viculo enim Bethlehem Presbyteris ejus , quantum in nobis est communion● sociamur . For here ( saith he ) in Palestine , do we hold communion with that Church ; and I residing in this Village of Bethlehem , am joyned in the communion with the Priests of Rome . By which we see , that whosoever doth worthily eat the Body of Christ , and drink his Blood , according to the Institution of our Lord and Saviour , communicates thereby with all Christian men of all Countreys and Nations whatsoever ; and that by vertue and effect of the said Communion , they be all knit and joyned together as members of the same one Body , in the bonds of love . And this is that which is affirmed by St. Augustine , Non mirum si & absentes adsumus nobis , & ignoti no smet novimus , cum unius corporis membra simus , unum habeamus caput , una perfundamur gratia , uno pane vivamus , una incedamus via , eadem habitemus is domo i , It is no wonder , saith the Father , that being absent , we be present together , and being not acquainted , do know each other ; considering that we be the Members of one Body , have the same one Head , an endowment of the self-same Spirit , and that we live by one bread , go the same way , and dwell together in one House . To testifie this Communion which they had with each other , by vertue of the holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper , it was a custom of the Primitive and Purest times , to send some part of the consecrated Elements unto them which were absent , and joyned not with them in that action : And sometimes for one Bishop to send to another a Loaf of Bread , as a token of consent in the point of Faith , and in all brotherly love and concord ; which he that did receive it , if he thought it fitting , might consecrate and use at the Ministration . Touching the first of these , it was well observed by Irenaeus , that when any of the Eastern Bishops came to Rome , the Popes thereof which preceded Victor , did use to send them some of the blessed Sacrament , although they differed in the observation of the Feast of Easter ; whereby a mutual concord and communion was preserved between them . Of which he writeth thus to the said Pope Victor k , Qui fuerunt ante te Presbyteri , etiam cum non ita observarent , Presbyteris Ecclesiarum ( of the East he meaneth ) cum Romam acciderent , Eucharistiam mittebant . And of the other , it is said in those Epistles which Paulinus wrote unto St. Augustine , Panem unum quem unanimitatis indicio misimus charitati tuae , rogamus ut accipiendo benedicas l , i. e. The Loaf of Bread which I have sent unto you as a token of unity , I beseech you to receive and consecrate . See also to what purpose he sent those five Loaves , which were designed for the said St. Augustine and Licinius , of which he speaketh in the Six and thirtieth Epistle of that Fathers works ; and that other single Loaf in the Five and thirtieth , where it appeareth , That the Loaves so sent and consecrated , were called Eulogia . Hunc panem tu Eulogiam esse facies dignatione sumendi m , i. e. This Loaf , you by your favorable acceptation of it , will make to be an Eulogia , or the Bread of blessing , or panis benedictus , in the Latin Idiom . So witnesseth Durantes , a late Popish writer , when as this laudable custom had been much perverted , and that this consecrated Bread ( not consecrated for , but after the communion ended , as it is plainly said by Honorius Augustodunensis n ) was given to such as had not on the Sunday received the Sacrament . Et pro Communione quae singulis diebus dominicis fieri solebat , statutum est ut daretur in dominicis diebus Panis Benedictus , sanctae Communionis Vicarius , qui & Eulogia dicebatur o . A custom still retained in the Church of France , in which the Bread so blessed , is called Pain Beni ; but whether in any other Churches of the Romish Communion , that I cannot say . But to proceed , The second head to which the Communion of Saints is to be reduced , is that conjunction of Affections , which is , and ought to be between them , expressed in all the outward signs of love and fellowship , even to the communication of their lives and fortunes . A thing most visibly discerned in the Primitive times , when the affections of the faithful were most pure and prevalent , especially in their salutations , their feasts of love , and other acts of Christian bounty ; and finally , in that pity and compassion which they shewed each other , when the extremity of their affairs did require it of them . And first , Their Salutations were not onely verbal , but accompanied with an holy Kiss ; mention whereof is frequent in St. Pauls Epistles , where he requireth the people unto whom he wrote , to salute one another with an holy kiss ; as Rom. 16.16 . 1 Cor. 16.20 . 1 Thes. 5.26 . With a kiss ; that being an especial way to inflame affections , Et animarum quoque mixturam facere , and mingle , as it were , the souls of them that love . With an holy kiss ; that is , as Chrysostom expounds it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p , not with a treacherous and deceitful kiss , as was that of Iudas , nor with a lustful and lascivious kiss , as was that of Amnon . Which salutation so enjoyned , we finde to have continued unto after ages . The Christians of Iustin Martys time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q , concluding their devotions with an holy kiss . And Athenagoras reports , that it was punishable in his time by the Churches Canons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if any man gave a second kiss , in their salutations r , because the second kiss might be imputed unto sensuality ; which shews that the salutation of the kiss was still in force . Afterwards , on some scandal which did thence arise , it pleased the Church to take away the outward Ceremony of this salutation , but to retain the substance and intent thereof , in the continuance of that harmony and accord of souls , which ought to be between Professors of the same Religion . For Calvin very well observeth , that St. Pauls purpose was not to oblige us to the very Ceremony , but to excite us onely , Ad fovendum fraternum amorem s , To the cherishing of brotherly love and concord , whereof the holy kiss was nothing but a badge or emblem . And to this head or manner of expression , we may reduce those lovely names of Fathers , Mothers , Brethren , Sisters , wherewith they used to salute and call each other . This last objected by Cecilius , against the Christians of the times in which he lived ; as if thereby he could have proved them guilty of incestuous mixtures . Et se promiscuè fratres appellant & sorores t , said their witty Adversary . But this as they first learnt from the holy Apostles , so did still retain it upon very good Reasons , as being all adopted Children of the same one Father , Professors of the same one Faith , and Coheirs of the same hopes of Eternal life ; Unius Dei parentis omnes , fidei consortes , spei cohaeredes , as it was well replied by the Christian Advocate . And for that reverend name of Father and Mother , the yonger people used it as an honorable title due to age , upon the warrant of St. Paul , who adviseth Timothy , to entreat the Elder Men as Fathers u , and the Elder Women as Mothers ; though otherwise all Brothers and Sisters , in regard of God their Father Almighty . Such , in a word , were the affections of the Primitive Saints , that it was one of the principal Queries , which Diognetus made unto Iustin Martyr , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 x , to know what kinde of natural friendship and affection , the Christians bare to one another . And vide ut se invicem diligunt y , in , and before Tertullians time , was one of the expressions which the Gentiles used to express their wonder , at that integrity and perfection of so rare a piety , as they observed to be in Christians towards one another . Not to say more in this particular , we close this point with that which is affirmed by Cyprian , on the like occasion ; Et vix invenio quid prius praedicare debeamus , eorumne stabilem sidem an individuam charitatem z , that is to say , It is not easie to determine , whether the firmness of their Faith , or the inseparableness of their Affections , were of the two , the more praise-worthy . Next let us look on their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or their Feasts of Charity a , as St. Iude hath called them , and called them by a name most proper to express their nature . Coena nostra de nomine rationem suam ostendit , vocatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b , so Tertullian . These , as they were intended to the increase of love amongst the wealthier , and the relief and comfort of the poorer sort ; so were they celebrated and performed with an equal piety : Begun with Prayer , concluded with Thanksgiving , continued with frequent readings of the Scripture , and many pious Hymns being intermingled to the praise of God. In setting out which Love Feasts , as they spared no costs , because thereby their poorer Brethren were relieved and cherished ; so did they think all gain which was so expended , ( for Lucrum est pietatis nomine sumptum facere , as the same Author hath it ) because thereby they kept themselves in a stock of piety . And yet not thinking this enough , they had their monethly Contributions for relief of the poor c . Which as it was chearfully brought in , so was it carefully expended , in educating fatherless Children , sustaining old men unfit for labor ; in the repairing of their fortunes whom the Seas had ruined , the ransoming of such particular persons as were confined unto the Ilands , banished unto the Mines , or locked up in the Common Prisons . No respect had to Countreys , and to Kinred less . This made the man a competent object of their bounty , of the Communion of their Goods , that he was a Christian. And yet they had an ampler field for this Christian Piety , than the necessities of private and particular persons ; which was the sending of relief to those National or Provincial Churches , which either were in want , or in any misery . Such the Collection made at Antioch , for the poor Brethren of Iudea d ; of the Corinthians , for the Saints which dwelt in Ierusalem e ; and to the honor of the Romans , it is recorded by Dionysius the then Bishop of Corinth , That they did carefully relieve the wants and several necessities of all other Churches ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f , as he in an Epistle unto Soter , the then Pope of Rome ; so fully were their souls united , so excellent was the union or communion which was then amongst them , that they all suffered in the miseries of the poorest members , and did accordingly endeavor to relieve and comfort them . Witness their carriage in that great and dreadful Plague which hapned at Alexandria , in the reign of the Emperor Galienus , in which the love and piety of the Christian people extended more unto their Brethren , than unto themselves ; visiting those whom God had visited , administring to their necessities when they were yet living , embalming them with tears when they were departed , and following them with all due ceremony to the Funeral pile . Insomuch , that even their very enemies could not but praise that noble act , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and magnifie that God whom the Christians worshipped g . A needless thing it were to tell , how willingly the faithful of those happy times used to accompany each other on the stage of death ; how frequently they would make offer of their own lives , to reprieve their Brethren from the slaughter . A thing not rarely known in those blessed days , in which it pleased the Lord to set forth unto us the excellency of that communion which ought to be between the Saints of the most high Ghost ; in which he pleased to let us see for our imitation , how much the love of God , and the Saints of God , could work upon a soul which was truly Christian . And therefore it was rightly noted by Tertullian , that as the Gentiles used to say in the way of envy , Vide ut se invicem diligunt , Look how these Christians love one another ; so in the way of admiration they did use to say , Vide ut pro alterutro mori sunt parati h , See how they are prepared to die for one another also . And now we have brought this part of the Communion of the Saints of God , which did consist in the Communication of Affections , unto the highest pitch which it can attain to . For greater love than this , hath no man ( saith our blessed Saviour ) than that a man lay down his life for his friend i . Nor had I said so much of a Theme so common , but that I would fain give my self a little hope , that by presenting to the sight of this present age , the piety and eminent affections of the Primitive Christians , it may be possibly revived and reduced to practise in these decaying times of true Christian Charity . But here I would not be mistaken , or thought to be the Author of such wretched counsels , as under colour of Communion to introduce a community ; or to perswade , that by communicating of our goods to the use of others , we should make them common . Such a Communion as is meant in the present Article , doth aim at nothing less than so sad a ruine , as the devesting of the faithful in the propriety , and interess of their estates , must needs bring upon them . We leave this frenzy to the Fratricellians , who first hatched this Cockatrice , and taught , amongst many other impious and absurd opinions , Nihil proprii habendum esse , that men were to have nothing in propriety , not so much as wives k . But this not getting any ground at the first appearing , was afterwards advanced and propagated by the Anabaptist . Non posse aliquem salvum fieri , nisi facultates omnes in commune deferat , nihilque proprium posside●t l , That no man could be saved who brought not all his wealth to the common treasury , or kept any thing several to himself ( though it were his wife ) was then , if never else , esteemed good Christian doctrine , when frenzy , and King Iohn of Leyden reigned in the City of Munster . And yet as frantick as this doctrine may be thought to be , it hath found Advocates to plead for it , in these later times , and to bring proofs in maintenance , in defence thereof , both from the Scripture , and the practise of the Primitive times , as also from the usage in the state of nature , and the rules of reason . From Scripture they allege that place of the Acts , where it is said , That the multitude of them that believed , were of one heart , and of one soul ; neither said any of them that ought of the things which he possessed was his own , but they had all things common m A Text much urged and stood upon by some antient Hereticks , who under colour of these words , maintained a community of all mens estates , admitting none to their Communion , who had either Wives or Goods in several , to their proper use ; and would needs be called Apostolici n , as the revivers of the true Christian and Apostolick piety . And they might have some further ground for it , from the best and purest times of the Christian Church , of which Tertullian saith expressly , Indiscreta apud nos omnia praeter uxores o , That they had all things common except their wives ; in which , they differed from the Gentiles , who held their wives in common , and their goods in several . Nor was this the continual and general practise of the Gentiles neither , the Commonwealth of Sparta being a right Commonwealth indeed , wherein community of all things was established by Original Laws p , one of the Fundamentals of that Government . And till this Iron-age came in , as the Poets tell us , there was no such matter as propriety , as Land or Houses ; Communisque prius ceu lumina solis & Aer q , The Earth being no less common in the state of nature , before the natural liberty , and rights of mankinde were limited and restrained by the Bonds of Law , as was the Air they breathed in , or the light of the Sun that shined upon them . Nor was this natural liberty so wholly abrogated , but that there did remain some Vestigia of it , amongst the more amicable and intelligent men , whose reason could not choose but tell them , that where they setled their affections in a friendly way , they were to interess the party whom they did affect in a joynt participation of their goods and fortunes . For that all things ought to be common amongst friends ( such as all mankinde ought to be by the common principles of nature , and the rules of Reason ) was one of the dictates of Pythagoras , seconded by Tully , not denied by Seneca ; besides that golden saying of Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r , That wheresoever there was friendship , there must be community . But these , although they seem in shew to be several Arguments , may all be satisfied with one answer , those specially which are borrowed from the practise of the Primitive and Apostolick Church , and the misunderstood dictates of those old Philosophers . For where the Scripture saith , They had all things common , we are to understand it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the use and communication , and not in referenee to the right and original title . The goods of Christians were in several , as to the right , title , and possession of them ; but common in the merciful inclination of the owner to the works of mercy . And this appears exceeding plainly by the Text and Story of the Acts. For the Text saith , That no man said of any thing that it was his own , no not of the things which he possessed ; which plainly shews , That the possession still remained to the proper owner , though he was mercifully pleased to communicate his goods to the good of others . But this the story shews more plainly ; For what need any of the Possessors of Lands or Houses , have sold them , and brought the prices of the things which were sold , and laid them down at the Apostles feet s , to be by them distributed to the poorer Brethren , If the poor Brethren might have carved themselves out of such estates , and entred on them as their own ? or with what colour could St. Paul have concealed this truth , and changed this natural community to a communication ( Charge them which be rich in this world , saith he , that they be willing to communicate t , ) a communication meerly voluntary , and such as necessarily preserves that interess which the Communicators have in their temporal fortunes . And so Tertullian also must be understood ; For though it be omnia indiscreta , in regard of the use , or a communion if you will with the Saints , maintained with one another in their temporal fortunes ; yet was it no community , but a communication , in reference to that legal interess which was still preserved ; and therefore called no more than rei communicatio , in the words foregoing . The like may be replied to the other Argument drawn from the quality of friendship , and the authority of Aristotle , and the rest there named . That which I have , is properly and truly mine , because descended on me in due course of Law , or otherwise acquired by my pains and industry ; and being mine , is by my voluntary act made common , for the relief and comfort of the man I love , and have made choice of for my friend ; yet still no otherwise my friends , but that the right and property doth remain in me . Quicquid habet amicus noster commune est nobis , illius tamen proprium est qui tenet u , as most truly Seneca . As for the practise of the Spartans , and that natural liberty , which is pretended to be , for mankinde , in the use of the Creatures : It is a thing condemned in all the Schools of the Politicks x , and doth besides directly overthrow the principles of the Anabaptist , and the Familist , and their Confederates , who are content to rob all mankinde of the use of the Creatures , so they may monopolize and ingross them all to the use of the Saints , that is themselves . But the truth is , that these pretences for the Saints , are as inconsistent with the Word and Will of God , as those which are insisted on for mankinde in general . For how can this Community of the Saints , or mankinde , agree with any of those Texts of holy Scripture , which either do condemn the unlawful getting , keeping , or desiring of riches , by covetousness , extortion , theevery , and the like wicked means to attain the same ; or else commend frugality , honest trades of life , and specially liberality to the poor and needy ? Assuredly , where there is neither meum nor tuum , as there can be no stealing , so there needs no giving : For how can a man be said to steal that which is his own ; or what need hath he to receive that in the way of a gift , to which he hath as good a Title , as the man that giveth it ? I shut up all with this determination of the Church of England , which wisely ▪ as in all things else , doth so exclude community of mens goods and substance , as to require a Christian Communication of , and communion in them . The riches and goods of Christians ( saith the Article ) are not common , as touching the right , title , and possession of the same , as certain Anabaptists do falsly boast ; therefore no community y . Notwithstanding every man ought of such things as he possesseth , liberally to give Alms to the poor according to his ability ; and there a Communion of the Saints in the things of this world , a communication of their riches to the wants of others . But the main point in this Communion of the Saints , in reference to one another , concerns that intercourse and mutual correspondency which is between the Saints , in the Church here Militant , and those which are above in the Church Triumphant . The Church is of a larger latitude , than the present world : The Body , whereof Christ is Head , not being wholly to be found on the Earth beneath , but a good part thereof in the Heavens above . Both we with them , and they with us , make but one Body Mystical , whereof Christ is Head ; but one Spiritual Corporation , whereof he is Governor . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a , as we read in Chrysostom . And if he be the Head of both , as no doubt he is ; then must both they and we be members of that Body of his ; and consequently , that correspondence and communion must be held between us , which is agreeable to either in his several place . So far , I think it is agreed on of all sides , without any dispute . The point in question will concern , not the quod sit of it , that there is and ought to be a communion between them and us ; but quo modo , how it is maintained , and in what particulars . And even in this , I think it will be granted on all hands also , that those above do pray unto the Lord their God for his Church in general , that he would please to have mercy on Ierusalem , and to build up the breaches in the walls of Sion , and to behold her in the day of her visitation , when she is harassed and oppressed by her merciless enemies . How long ( say they in the Apocalypse ) O Lord , holy and true , how long dost thou not judge and avenge our blood , on them that dwell upon the earth b ? And as they pray unto the Lord to be gracious to us , so do they also praise his name for those acts of mercy , which he vouchsafes to shew to his Church in general , or any of his servants in particular . The joy that was in Heaven at the fall of Babylon , which had so long made her self drunk with the blood of the Saints and Martys c ; and that which is amongst the Angels of Heaven over every sinners that repenteth d , are proof enough for this , were there no proof else . We on the other side , do magnifie Gods name for them , in that he hath vouchsafed to deliver them out of the bondage of the flesh , to take their souls unto his mercy , and free them from the miseries of this sinful world ; as also for those manifold and admirable gifts and graces which he hath manifested in them , and those examples of good living which he hath pleased to leave us in their lives and actions e : Finally , calling upon God , That we by following their good examples in all vertuous and godly living , may come to those unspeakable joyes which are prepared for them who unfeignedly love him ; that we with them , and they with us , may have one perfect consummation and bliss , both in body and soul , in his everlasting and eternal Kingdom . And more than this , we still preserve an honorable remembrance of them , as men that having fought a good fight against Sin and Satan , have glorified their Saviour in his earthly members ; and to the memory of the principal and most chief amongst them , have set apart some particuliar days , that so the piety of their lives and conversations might redound more unto Gods glory , and to the better stirring up of the sons of men to serve the Lord in righteousness and holiness ( as they did before ) all the days of their lives . This was the judgment and the practise of the best times of the Church , when superstitious vanities had not yet prevailed ; according as I finde it registred in the works of Augustine , Honoramus sane memorias eorum , tanquam sanctorum hominum Dei , qui usque ad mortem corporum pro veritate certarunt f . And this they did unto the ends before remembred , Vt sc. ea celebritate Deo vero gratias de eorum victoriis agamus ; & nos ad imitationem talium coronarum eorum memoriae renovatione adhortemur . Of this , I know no sober man can make any question , nor do I finde it scrupled at by any of the Reformation , who have not wholly studied Innovations in the things of God. For my part , I shall venture a little further , and think it no error in divinity to allow the Saints a little more particular intercession for us , than possibly hath been granted in the Protestant Schools . That those Celestial Spirits which are now with God , do constantly recommend unto him the flourishing estate and safety of the Church in general , I suppose as granted . The current of Antiquity runs most clearly for it . That some of them , at some times , and on some occasions , do also pray for some of us in particular , I think I have sufficient reasons to perswade me to ; so far forth , as by revelation from the Lord their God , or by remembrance of the state that they left us in , or any other means whatever , they can be made acquainted with our several wants . If it should please God to take away a man that is ripe for Heaven , whose bosom-friend is guilty of some known infirmities : I little doubt , but that the spirit of him departed , will pray for the amendment of his friend , in the Heavens above , for whose wel-doing on the Earth , he was so solicitous . To think that any of the Saints in the state of bliss , were utterly unmindful of such friends as they left behinde , were to deprive them of a quality inseparable from the soul , the memory . And to suppose them negligent of such pious duties as the commending of a sinner to the throne of grace , were to deprive them of a vertue inseparable from the Saints , their charity . Potaemiana , a Virgin-Martyr , in Eusebius , promised the Executioner at the time of her death , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g , That she would pray unto the Lord for his conversion . The story doth not onely say , that she kept her promise , but prevailed also in her sute ; her Executioner ( his name was Basilides ) becoming thereupon a Christian , and dying in defence of the Faith and Gospel . Thus doth Ignatius write unto the Trallenses ( nor is the credit of the Epistle questioned by our nicer Criticks ) that he did daily pray for them to the Lord his God , and that he would , not onely do it whiles he was alive , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h , but that he would continue in the same good office , even in the estate of immortality . Origen for his part was of this opinion , That the Saints helped us by their Prayers ; Ego sic abitror ( saith he ) quod nos adjuvant orationibus suis i . So was St. Cyprian too , that most godly Martyr , Sanctos defunctos jam de suâ immortalitate securos , de nostro adhuc esse sollicitos k , The Saints , saith he , though sure of their own salvation , are yet sollicitous for ours . Which if it be too general to be brought in evidence , he telleth us a solemn covenant made betwixt him and other Bishops , to this effect , Si quis nostrum prior hinc praecesserit , &c l . i. e. That he who first departed to the state of bliss , should recommend to God the estate of those whom he left behinde him . And so far we are right enough in my poor opinion ; and if our adversaries in the Church of Rome would proceed no further , the difference between us would be soon made up : The error is not in the Doctrine , but the Application . For as it hapneth many times , that an ill use may be made of a very good doctrine , so in the darker and declining times of the Church of Christ , it was conceived to be a solecism in the way of piety , not to commend our prayers and desires to them , who had so carefully commended our estate to God. And so at last , as there is seldom any medium inter summa & praecipitia , in the words of Tacitus m , no stop in tumbling down an hill , till we come to the bottom : The Saints in Heaven , against their wills , and besides their knowledge , became the ordinary Mediators between God and Man. And this I finde to be the very process of the Council of Trent , in drawing up the Article for the Invocation of Saints . First , That the Saints do pray for us , Sanctos una cum Christo regnantes orationes suas pro hominibus Deo offerre n . And so far Orthodox enough , had they gone no further ; but then comes in the Inference or Application , which is all as dangerous ; That therefore we must pray to them : Proinde bonum atque utile esse simpliciter eos invocare , & ob beneficia à Deo impetranda , &c. ad eorum orationes , opem , auxiliumque confugore . And here we have the point in issue . We grant , because indeed we must , unless we absolutely mean to renounce our Creed , That the Saints pray for us in the general ; as being some part of that Communion which belongs to them , as fellow-members with us of that Mystical Body whereof Christ is the Head : But yet we do not think it lawful , to pray to them , but to praise God for them , which is that part of the Communion which belongs to us . And we grant this , because we may , that some of them , at sometimes , and on some occasions , do pray for some of us particularly , as before was noted ; but yet we do not think as the Papists do , That in an ordinary way , they can have notice given them of our present wants , or be made privy unto our necessities . In these two Negatives consists the difference between us in the present Controversie ; and though it be in all cases difficult , and in some impossible to prove a Negative , yet we have no small hopes to do it . First , for the first , We do not think it lawful to pray unto them , because that by the testimony and confession of the very adversary , we have no warrant for it from the holy Scriptures . Sure I am , that Dominicus Bannes , a Dominican Frier , and one of the learnedst of the pack , doth confess ingenuously , That the Doctrines of the Invocation of the Saints , and the Worship of Images , are neither taught expresly , nor implicitely , in the Word of God o . Orationes ad Sanctos faciendas , imagines esse venerandas , neque etiam expresse neque involutè Scripturae docent , which is as full and home , as can be . And in this case we say in general , as did St. Ierom of another , but of different nature , Non credimus quia non legimus p , We cannot think that there is such a duty to be practised , because we do not finde it any where commanded ; and that as we embrace those things which are there delivered , Ita ea quae non sunt scripta renuimus , so we reject those things , whatsoever they be ( if pressed as Doctrinals , or necessary Moral duties ) which are not written in the same . And more particularly , we say as St. Cyprian did , That to pray in any other manner than Christ hath taught us , is not onely ignorance , but sin q . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. What Scripture ( saith Epiphanius , speaking in this very case ) doth require this of us ? Which of the Prophets doth allow that any man , much less a woman , should be worshipped by us r ? ( and Invocation questionless is an act of Worship . ) His inference is , That if it neither be allowed nor required by them , then no such thing is to be done . Again , we do not think it lawful , because the holy Scripture seems to be against it . St. Paul hath given it for a rule , That none are to be invocated or prayed unto , but those on whom we do believe s . How shall they call on him ( saith he ) in whom they have not believed . Which Text the Fathers used of old to prove against the Arians , and the Macedonians , that Iesus Christ our Saviour , and the Holy Ghost , were verily and truly God , because the Christians did believe in them , and pray unto them . For which consult Tertullian de Trinit . cap. 14. Origen in his Comment on the Tenth to the Romans . St. Basil , De Spi. Sancto , cap. 22. and Athanasius in Orat. 2. Arianos , An Argument no way concludent on the Fathers side , in case the Saints may be invoked , as well as he . For how could they infer from hence , That Christ was very God , because prayed unto , in case the Saints were also capable of Invocation ? How easily might the Argument have been retorted by those several Hereticks , If Invocation of the Saints ( who certainly were no other than the sons of men ) had been accounted in those times for good Catholick Doctrine ? And though the Papists shift off this , and the like illations , by saying , That they pray not to the Saints departed , as to the Authors of those benefits which they crave at their hands : Sed ut eorum meritis & precibus orationes n●strae effectum sortiantur t , as Aquinas hath it ; but that by their great merits and intercessions , our desires may the sooner be obtained : Yet this will prove no Plaister for the general sore , nor save the common people from down-right Idolatry . The Cardinal indeed thus resolves the case , That it is lawful for us men to pray unto St. Peter , to have mercy on us , to save us , and set open to us the Gates of Heaven ; to grant us health and patience , and what else we want : Modo intelligamus tuis precibus & meritis u , if so we understand it thus , Do all these things which I desire , by thy prayers and merits . But I would fain know of Bellarmine , if he knew himself , how many of the vulgar sort ( whatever may be said of some Learned men ) have ever learnt , or practised such a reservation ; or , if they have , how far it may extenuate and excuse the sin . Lastly , We do not think it lawful , because we cannot be perswaded that it stands with Reason ; which reasonable men must needs allow some place to , in matters appertaining to the worship of God. And Reason tells us , how improper and absurd it is , To pray to those , of whom we have no certainty that they hear our prayers ; but certainty enough , that they cannot grant them : The gifts and graces which we ask for , not being in the power of the Saints to give , as is acknowledged generally in the Schools of Rome . Which Reason is so strong on the Protestant side , That the Papists have no way to bear off the blow , but by an illustration drawn from the Courts of Princes : To whom , since every private subject may not have access , they are necessitated to make use of some powerful favorite , or otherwise to commend their sute , and tender their Petitions , to those which are in ordinary attendance on him . And this perhaps we would not stick at , were our access to God in Heaven , as difficult , as it is sometimes unto Kings on Earth ; or , that our Saviour Christ had not undertook the office of recommending our desires to his Heavenly Father . But we know well , that God hath told us , That his eyes are always over the righteous , and his ears open to their prayers x ; not open onely as to hear them , but to grant them too , Nisi quod promptè audiat , & audita tribuat y , as it is in Salvian . And well we know , that Christ hath called us to him , saying , Come unto me all ye that be heavy laden , and I will refresh you z . Incouragement enough for us to go to him , and to God by him ; there being no way but by him to his Heavenly Father , as himself telleth us in St. Iohn a . Besides , this difficulty of access unto Kings and Princes , and their dispatch of business by their servants , is not , if pondered as it ought , an Argument either of their Power and Majesty , but of their impotency and their weakness . Though they are Gods by office , they are men by nature ; and as they cannot come to know the desires and grievances of inferior Subjects , but by allowing others to receive their sutes ; so should they personally attend the business of every Suter , they could not eat at all to repair nature , nor sleep or slumber to refresh it . St. Ambrose very happily hath taken off all colour of so poor a subterfuge ; whose words I shall lay down at large , as being unanswerably home to the present point . Ideo ad Reges itur per Tribunos & Comites , quia homo utique est Rex , & nescit quibus debeat Rempub. credere . Ad Deum autem quem nihil latet ( omnium enim merita novit ) promerendum , suffragatore non est opus , sed mente devota . Vbicunque enim talis ei loquutus fuerit , respondebit illi b , that is to say , We therefore have recourse to Kings by Lords and Courtiers , because the King is but a man , and knows not whom to trust with the Publick Government . But to obtain the favor of God , from whom nothing is hid , ( for he knoweth what every man deserveth ) we need no other spokesman than a pious soul ; with which , whosoever comes unto him , shall graciously be both heard and answered by him . In the next place , We grant , that in some cases , as before is said , some of the Saints do pray for some of us in particular ; but yet we do not think as the Papists do , that there is any ordinary way to give them notice of our wants , or make them privy unto our necessities . If so , then it is in vain for us to make our Prayers to them who can neither hear us , nor know in any Ordinary way what we pray for to them . And so far it is granted by the greatest Champions of the adverse party , Si non cognoscant nostr● orationes , videtur otiosum & supervacaneum ad ipsos orare c , saith their great Schoolman , Fr. Suares . Now that the Saints departed , have no knowledge of our wants or wills ( conceive me still of any ordinary way of communication ) is evident by that passage in the Prophet Isaiah . Abraham ( saith he ) is ignorant of us , and Israel doth not acknowledge us d . If so , if Abraham himself to whom the promises were made , and Israel the father of all the Tribes , were ignorant of the affairs of that very people which descended from them ; what knowledge then should we conceive in the Saints departed , ( after so many ages as have intervened since the death of most of them ) concerning us , and our affairs , who are so very strangers to their Blood and Families ? But lest perhaps it may be thought , that the Communion of the Saints supplieth that defect , or that the Saints of the New Testament are invested with a greater privilege than were the Patriarcks of the old : It is assured us by St. Augustine , that they know nothing of our actions , or of our occasions . Spiritus defunctorum non videre quaecunque eveniunt aut aguntur in ista vita hominum e , as that Father hath it . More positive and particular is St. Ierome in it , who speaking of Nepotianus , hath this notable passage , viz. Quicquid dixero , quia ille non audit , mutum videtur ; cum quo loqui non possumus , de eo loquinon desinamus f , i. e. Whatsoever I shall speak , doth but seem as dumb , because Nepotian doth not hear me ; and therefore , since I can no more speak with him , I will be the longer in speaking of him . And though the Fathers in their Funeral and Anniversary Orations , which they made in honor of the Saints , and at the Tombs of the Martyrs , make many Rhetorical compellations of them , and Apostrophes to them ( to which the Popish Invocation of Saints owes much of its Original , as the learned Primate of Armagh very well observeth g ) yet was it but with ifs and ands , as in that of Nazianzen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h , Hear ( saith he ) O thou soul of renowned Constantine , if thou have any sense or notion of these affairs . And now at last the point is brought unto an issue . By them of Rome it is supposed , that there is knowledge in the Saints departed , of all things hapning in the Earth , that they take notice of our prayers , are privy unto our necessities ; and therefore that it were a Solecism in the way of piety , not to address unto them our Petitions . We stand on the defensive part , and so reply upon them with an Absque hoc , Sans ceo , no such matter verily . Let them prove this , ( and if they prove not this sufficiently , then they prove just nothing . ) and we will either be non-suted , and acknowledge judgment , or yeeld so far , at lest unto them , that though this praying unto Saints be the furthest way about , yet we may think it possibly the next way home . And first out of the Old Testament , they produce Iacob and Moses to give in evidence on their side ; Reverend men , against whom we shall not take exception . Of Iacob it is said , That in his Benediction of the sons of Ioseph , he used these words , And let my name be named on them ( or called on by them , as the Margin of our last translation ) and the name of my Father Abraham and Isaac i . And Moses ( saith the Text ) besought the Lord his God and said , Remember Abraham , and Isaac , and Jacob , thy servants , unto whom thou swarest by thine own self k . To both which Texts ( the one being but an Exemplification of the other onely ) this Answer is returned by Calvin , Iudaeos patres suos ad ferendas sibi suppetias non implorasse l , &c. That Moses , and the sons of Ioseph , and the other Iews , did not in these and other places of this nature , make any prayers to Abraham , Isaac , or Iacob ; but onely did desire of God , to call to minde the Covenant he had made with them , and in them , to and with their whole posterity ; which though it satisfie very fully , as to the objection , yet we will go to work in another manner , and against this , and all the other Testimonies which they either have produced already , or shall produce hereafter to the point in hand , out of the Books of the Old Testament , shall save unto our selves the benefit of exception ; exception not against their persons , but against their evidence . For in the opinion of the Papists , the Patriarcks , all of them were in Limbo Patrum , before the Resurrection of our Lord and Saviour , in the retired and secret Caverns of the Earth ; debarred from all access to Almighty God , from all commerce and traffick with us mortal men , in as much want of Heavenly comforts , as those by them supposed to be in Purgatory , though in far less pain . The truth or probability of this opinion , I dispute not here , having declared my self in that point already : All that I shall from hence infer , be it true or false , is , That according to their own Divinity , the Fathers before Christs Resurrection could very ill sollicite the affairs of the Iews , their children , as being not till then admitted to the Court and presence of the Lord Almighty , nor yet possessed , though sure enough at last , of their own felicities . Bellarmine , that great master of Controversies , hath resolved it so m , Because ( saith he ) the Saints , and other holy men , who died before Christ came in the flesh , did not enter into Heaven , did not see God , nor could by any Ordinary means understand the prayers of those who sued unto them ; therefore it was not used in the Old Testament to say , Holy Abraham pray for me ; but men prayed by themselves , for themselves to God , and alleged the merits of the Saints which were dead already , that by their merits they might finde success of their prayers unto him . And in another place he determineth positively , for the matter of fact , that though the Saints are prayed to now , in the times of the Gospel , Ante adventum Christi non invocabantur n , yet were they not prayed unto , or invocated , till the coming of Christ. Finding no better comfort for them in the Old Testament , let us next follow them to the New , in which the Texts most stood upon to confirm their doctrine , are in the 15 of St. Luke . In the seventeenth verse we read it thus , I say unto you , that likewise joy shall be in Heaven over one sinner that repenteth . And in the tenth , I say unto you , there is joy in the presence of the Angels of God over one sinner that repenteth . These are the Texts which make most for them , and these , God knows , make very little to the purpose . For first , according to the Exposition of some Antient writers , the hundred sheep mentioned in our Saviours Parable , represent the whole body of the Elect ▪ both Men and Angels ; whereof the ninety nine were the holy Angels , continuing in their first integrity , the stray sheep all mankinde which was lost in Adam ; for whose recovery the Son of God , that good Shepherd , Iohn 10.10 . did suffer death upon the Cross , and so accomplished the great work of mans redemption . For this see Hilary on St. Matth. Can. 18. Chrysologus , Serm. 168. Titus Bostrensis on the place , Isidore in his Book of Allegories ; not to descend to later Writers , though Cajetan , and others of the Romish party might be here alleged : Which Exposition , if admitted , overthrows the project ; for then no more can be inferred from those Texts of Scripture , but that there is great joy in the Court of Heaven , and in particular amongst the blessed Angels , for the redemption or recovery of lost man , by Christ. But waving the advantage of this Exposition , and granting that those Texts relate to particular persons , yet all that can be logically inferred from hence , is , That the Saints and Angels do know some things , and at some times , which are done here upon the Earth ; namely , so often , and so much , as God of his especial grace doth reveal unto them . This is all , and this we will not grutch them ; for observe the Inference . Our Saviour , as his use was , spake in Parables , even in the Parables of the lost sheep , the lost groat , and the Prodigal Son. A certain man having a flock consisting of an hundred sheep , doth lose one of the hundred ; and after long search made doth finde it , and bring it back unto the Fold o A certain woman is supposed , having a little stock of ten peeces of silver , to lose one of her peeces ; and , after great pains taken , to meet with it again p . On this they call together their friends and neighbors , and say unto them , Rejoyce with us , for we have found the sheep , and the peece of silver , which was lately lost q . So then , unless the man and woman in our Saviours Parable , had pleased to call their friends together , and imparted to them the finding of the lost sheep , and the lost peece of silver , the friends and neighbors might have been so far from shewing any great joy at the recovery , that possibly they might have never heard of the loss . If so , then certainly it cannot be inferred from hence , that the Saints and Angels , which are the friends and neighbors of those several Parables , are privy to our wants on Earth , by course and ordinary dispensation ; but onely this , that some things , and at some times , are imparted to them by their God , by way of grace , and extraordinary revelation . No Protestant ( as I conceive ) so void of Reason , as to make question of the one ; no Papist hitherto so cunning , as to prove the other . This , though it seem to be a very bold and venturous Assertion , may very easily be made good , though we should use no other medium for the proof thereof , than their own difference and disagreement in the manner of it . A difference or contrariety indeed so great and admirable , that fire and water will more easily be reconciled , than their opinions . Five several ways have been invented by the Schoolmen , and those that since have travelled in the controversies of the present times , by which to make the Saints acquainted with our state on Earth ; some false , others blasphemous , and the rest so doubtful , that there is no belief to be given unto them , no building to be laid on such weak foundations . The first of these opinions is , Quod sint ubique praesentes r , that they are present every where , in all parts of the world ; and so no strangers either to our words or actions . But this ( besides the want of sufficient proof ) doth trench too much on the Prerogative and Attributes of Almighty God ; there being no power Omni-present , but is also infinite , and Omni-presence so peculiar unto God himself , that the Gentiles chalenged the Christians of the Primitive times , for ascribing to their God that privilege , whereof both Iupiter himself , and all the Topical gods of Nations were conceived uncapable . Discurrentem scilicet eum volunt , & ubique praesentem s , as Cecilius prest it in the Dialogue . The second is , That they are made acquainted with the passages of this present world , Sanctis mortuis atque Angelis internuntiis t , by the information of such Saints as were daily added to their number , and the relation of those Angels which by Gods appointment pitch their Tents about us . Which , though it be conjectural onely , and is proposed without any proof at all , yet for as much as comes within the knowledge of those Saints and Angels , we should lose nothing of our ground if we closed in with them . But then there are many Prayers and Vows which we make to God , that go no further than the heart , and do not finde a vent by the tongue at all ; The Spirit making intercession for us ( as St. Paul affirmeth ) with groanings that cannot be expressed u ; which onely he that searcheth the heart , ( saith the same Apostle ) can take notice of : No Saint nor Angel being privy to the groans of the Spirit . Some therefore are so far transported beyond the bounds of piety and Christian prudence , as in the third place , to make the blessed Saints and Angels acquainted with our very thoughts x . A fancy very prejudicial to the Majesty of Almighty God , and indeed as dangerous as blasphemous ; the attribute of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the searcher of the hearts and reins , being proper onely unto God y . It is God alone that knoweth the heart , Acts 15.8 . He that searcheth the heart , Rom. 8.27 . That trieth the heart , 1 Thes. 2.4 . Which searcheth both the reins and hearts , Apoc. 2.23 . A high Prerogative , not given by any of the Gentiles to their supream deities , and therefore quarrelled at in the Primitive Christians , because by them ascribed , to the Lord their God , Et Deum illum suum in omnium mores , actus omnium , verba denique & occultas cogitationes diligenter inquirere z , as by the same Cecilius it was charged upon them . The fourth , which is the way most travelled , but of no more certainty ▪ is , That they see our thoughts and counsels , by looking on the face of God ; in whom , as in some magical mirror , Tanquam in speculo , as they phrase it a , they see what ever things are done both in Heaven and Earth . And hereupon that saying of the first Pope Gregory , Qui videt videntem omnia , videt omnia b , is grown into a Maxim in the Schools of Rome . But for the proof of this , as of that before , we have no proof at all , but some bare conjectures , or Gregories ipse dixit , if so much as that ; too weak foundations to support such a weighty fabrick , and therefore not relied on by their greatest Scholars . Aquinas , the great Patriarch of the Roman Schools , saith plainly , That the blessed Angels behold the Divine Essence of God , and yet know not all things : Nesciunt enim futura contingentia , & cogitationes cordium c , For they neither know future contingencies , nor the thoughts of the heart , which belongs onely unto God. Thus Martinez , Bene potest videns deum non videre omnes creaturas in illo d , That one who sees God face to face , may withal not behold in him each particular Creature . Thus Bannes , Nullus beatus videt in essentia divina omnia individua , aut omnes cogitationes eorum e , No blessed Saint beholdeth all individuals , or the thoughts of all men , in the Divine Essence . And Durand , with a limitation that spoils all the rest , Intellectus creatus videns divinam essentiam , videt in ipsa omnia , quae per ipsam naturaliter , & ex necessitate repraesentantur , alia vero non f , that is to say , A created understanding looking on the Divine essence , doth therein see all things , which naturally and of necessity are represented by it , and not else at all . Bellarmine therefore is resolved on another way , which though it hath less countenance from the antient Schoolmen , yet is by him preferred before all the rest , Vt quae magis idonea sit ad convincendos Calvinistas g , as being fittest to convince and confute the Calvinists ; And that is , that all sublunary matters are made known unto them , Deo revelante , by revelation from their God ; which is the matter to be proved , and by us denied , but with no evidence made good by the learned Cardinal , for ought I am able to perceive . That at some times they have some things revealed unto them , is already granted , That all things are revealed unto them , is but his opinion , and the opinion of some few of the same society : Others as eminent as he , or they , therein differing from them , who tell us , that this revelation is so made by God , Ut unus alio plures vel pauciores videat h , That one Saint comes to know more or less than others , according to the providence and goodness of Almighty God , Qui disponere potest quatenus & quantum se extendat cognitio cujuscunque videntis deum i , Who can , and doth dispose of so great a favor , both to the manner and the measure of the knowledge given ; therefore no revelation of all things , to the Saints in general , as Bellarmine desires to have it ; but onely of some things to some of them , and but on some occasions too , as before was granted . Or were it as Bellarmine desires to have it , yet must our prayers unto the Saints be a fruitless vanity : For what else is it to desire of the Saints or Angels , that they would recommend our wants , and endear our prayers unto the Lord ; considering that our prayers and wants can come unto their knowledge by no other means than by such revelation ? Little need they commend our desires to him , who must first tell them what we want , before they can sollicite him in our behalf . Upon such false and faulty grounds have they raised this doctrine , and by that means reduced again into the world an old peece of Gentilism , long since exploded : For if we please to look into the Mysteries of the Pagan Theology , we shall finde that they devised a kinde of inferior gods , whom they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Deastros , and placed them ( as it were ) in the middle between God and men . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in Plato k . And they devised them to this end , That because the principal or supream gods were of so pure and divine a nature , as might not be prophaned with the approach of earthly things , or with the care and managing of worldly businesses ; They might make use of these Deastros or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Mediators for them in the Courts of the greater deities . Thus the same Plato doth inform us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l : God ( saith he ) is not to be approached by men , but all commerce and intercourse between gods and men , is performed by the mediation of Daemons . And in particular he tells us , That they are the Messengers and reporters from men to God , and again from God to men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. As well of the supplications and prayers of the one , as of the commands and rewards from the other . This have we more exactly from Apuleius , whom take here at large , Mediae sunt potestates per quas & desideria nostra & merita ad Deos commeunt , inter mortales caelicolasque vectores , hinc precum , inde donorum ; qui ultro citroque portant hinc petitiones inde suppetias , seu quidam utrinque interpretes & salutigeri m . We had the sum before in English , and repeat not now . He that desires to see more to the same effect , may finde it in the tract of Plutarch , entituled , De defectu oraculorum , and in St. Augustines most learned and elaborate Books inscribed , De civitate Dei , especially in the eighth Book , cap. 18.21 . and in the ninth Book , cap. 9.17 . where we shal finde this point discussed , Whether in our addresses to the Court of Heaven , we should make use of Daemons for our Internuncios . An error , which it seems began to creep into the Church , upon the first converting of the Gentiles to the Faith of Christ , who under colour of humility , as if they were not worthy to come near to God , would have brought in the worshipping of Angels , instead of Daemons ; but were encountred presently by St. Paul himself , advising the Colossians ( who as it seems began to be thus inclined ) to take special care , lest any man did beguile them of their reward through voluntary humility in the worship of Angels n . But what they failed to do in the holy Angels , the Papists have since brought about in the blessed Saints , whom they have made their Mediators between God and man , in the commending of their prayers and desires to God , and the obtaining from his hands of such gifts and graces as they stand in need of . And that they might in every point come home to this Pagan Theology in the worshipping of those Daemonia , they do not onely pray to the Saints departed , but dedicate unto their proper and immediate service , ( as the Gentiles did to their Daemonia ) Temples , and Festivals , and Altars , and set forms of worship ; and at the last advance their Images also in the Church of God , and give them the same veneration which they conceived was due to the Saints themselves . For , Instans est Theologorum sententia o imaginem honore & cultu eodem honorari & coli quo colitur id cujus est imago , as Azorias telleth us for all ; so that it is the common and received opinion of the Church of Rome , and not of some particular Schoolmen , as they use to plead in other cases . And certainly , they that shall seriously observe with what laborious Pilgrimages , magnificent Processions , solemn Offerings , and in a word , with what humble bendings of the body ▪ and affectionate kisses , the Images of the Saints have been , and are still worshipped in the Church of Rome , cannot be otherwise perswaded , but that that she is relapsed again to her antient Gentilism . It is true , the better to relieve themselvs in this desperate plunge , they have excogitated many fine distinctions , as Terminativè and Objectivè , Propriè and Impropriè , Per se & per accidens ; which , howsoever they may satisfie the more learned sort , are not at all intelligible to poor simple people . What , said I ? That they may give satisfaction to their learned men . No such matter verily . For Bellarimine himself confesseth , That they who hold that any of the Images of Christ our Saviour are to be honored with that kinde of worship which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are fain to finde out many a nice distinction , Quas vix ipsi intelligunt , ne dum populus imperitus p , which they themselves , much less the silly ignorant people , could not understand . Which makes me think , that sure the Cardinal was infatuated with the spirit of dotage , himself defining positively in the self same page , Imagines Christi impropriè & per accidens posse honorari cultu latriae , That by the help of a distinction , our Saviours Image might be honored with the highest worship . But this I do accompt a fruit of this Iconolatriae , this Image-worship as they call it , that it draws down on them who use it , that most heavy curse , That such as worship them are made like unto them q . Now as it is in Bellarmines judgment with the Image of Christ , so is it also with the Images of the Saints departed : The worship which is given unto them in the Church of Rome , not being to be salved with a dark distinction , which neither the poor ignorant people , no , nor the greatest Clerks which they have amongst them , have light enough to understand . And though perhaps some men of learning may be able to relieve themselves by these distinctions ; yet I can see no possibility how the common people , who kneel and make their prayers directly to the image it self , without being able to discern where the difference lieth between their Propriè and Impropriè , or Per se & per accidens , can be excused from palpable and downright Idolatry . Adde unto this the scandal which is thereby given unto Iews and Turks , and the great hinderance which it doth occasion unto their conversion ; who do abominate nothing more in all Christianity , than this prophane and impious adoration of Images r . In which respect , we may affirm with safety of the modern Romans , what St. Paul tells us of the antient ; viz. Nomen Dei per vos blasphemari inter gentes s , that by their means the Name of God is blasphemed amongst the Gentiles . But of this Argument enough , though neither improper nor impertinent to our present business ; both Invocation of the Saints , and Adoration of their Images , having been brought into the Church under colour of maintaining that communion , which ought to be between the Saints upon the Earth , and the Saints in bliss ; betwixt the members of the Militant Church , and the Church Triumphant , both of them making that one body whereof Christ is Head. And under the same colour also have they obtruded on the Church their device of Purgatory , and all the suffrages and prayers of the Saints alive , for those which are deceased , but not yet in glory . For as it seems , the prayers which many of the Saints in bliss , make for them on Earth , is but in way of a requital for some former courtesies , because by reason of their prayers , and devout oblations , their souls had been delivered out of Purgatory , and by that means exalted unto such a degree of happiness , as to enable them to pray for their Benefactors . This is , Ka me , ka thee , as the saying is . If by my prayers a soul hath been delivered from the fire of Purgatory , it is all the reason in the world , that he should remember me when he comes into his Kingdom ; or , if he do not , that I call upon him , and put him in remembrance of his obligation . It is true , that prayer to and for the dead , is of larger latitude , than to refer to those onely who have been in Purgatory : Our Masters in the Church of Rome requiring prayers unto some Saints who were never there , as the blessed Virgin Mary , the Apostles , Martyrs and Primitive Antiquity ; allowing prayers and offerings for the Saints deceased , when as these Purgatorian fires had not yet been kindled . For prayer and offering for the dead , there is little to be said against it ; It cannot be denied , but that it is antient t , saith our Learned Andrews . I can admit prayer for the dead , and deny your purgatory ; I can give you reasons to pray for the dead , and yet keep far enough from Purgatory u , saith as learned Montague . It was indeed a custom of the Primitive Church , not onely to make commemorations of the Saints departed , for the instruction of the living , and honor of the dead , as before was said ; but to name them at the time of the celebration of the holy Eucharist , offering to God that reasonable service for them that had departed , and did rest in peace , in sure and certain hope of a Resurrection . To this effect , there is a passage in the Liturgy ascribed to St. Iames ( which as Brerewood x very well observeth , was questionless the Publick Liturgy of the Church of Ierusalem ) to this effect , That God would remember all the faithful that are faln asleep , in the sleep of death , since Abel the just to this present day , and that he would vouchsafe to place them in the Land of the living y . To this effect , we do not onely finde in Cyprian , Sacrificamus pro mortuis z , the offering of the Sacrifice of praise and prayer in behalf of the dead ; but an express order taken by him that Gemimus Victor who had made one of the Presbyters of the Church of Carthage executor of his last Will and Testament , and thereby wholly taken him off from the work of his Ministery , should neither be named in the Offertory , nor any prayer be made for him at the holy Altar a . Ne deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in ecclesia frequentetur , as his words there are . To this effect we have this clause , or prayer in St. Chrysostoms Liturgy . Offerimus tibi rationalem hunc cultum pro iis qui in fide requiescunt , majoribus scilicet , Patribus , Patriarchis , Prophetis & Apostolis , Praeconibus & Evangelistis , Martyribus , Confessoribus , &c b . We offer this reasonable sacrifice unto thee , O Lord , for all that rest in the Faith of Christ , even for our Ancestors and Predecessors , the Patriarcks , Prophets and Apostles , Evangelists , Preachers , Martyrs , Confessors , &c. And finally , to this end served the antient Diptychs , being Tables of two leaves apeece , in the one of which were the names of such famous Popes , Princes , and Prelates , men renowned for piety , as were still alive ; and in the other a like Catalogue of such famous men , as were departed in the Faith ; as is observed by Iosephus Vice Comes , in his Observat. Eccles. de Missae apparatu , Tom. 4. l. 7. c. 17. and by Sir H. Spelman in his learned Glossary . Out of these Diptychs did they use to repeat the names , both of the living , and the dead , at the time of the Eucharist , as appears plainly by that passage of the Fift Council of Constantinople : In which we finde first , That the people came together about the Altar , to hear the Diptychs , Tempore Diptychorum cucurrit omnis multitudo circumcirca Altare c ▪ and then that recital being made of the four General Councils , as also of the Arch-Bishops of blessed memory , Leo , Euphemius , Macedonius , and other persons of chief note , who had departed in the Faith of our Saviour Christ ; the people with a loud voice made this acclamation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Glory be to thee , O Lord. Not that it was the meaning of the antient Church , to pray for the deliverance of their souls from Purgatory , since they never thought them to be there ; but partly to preserve their memory in the mindes of the living , and partly to pray for their deliverance from the power of death , which doth yet tyrannize over the bodies of the faithful ; the hastning of their Resurrection , and the joyful publick acquitting of them in that great day , wherein they shall stand to be judged at the Tribunal of Christ. These were the ends , for which the Offerings and Prayers for the dead were made : Which being very consonant to the rules of piety , found such a general entertainment in the Primitive times , that none but Aërius and his followers disallowed the same . Of him indeed it is reported by St. Augustine , Illo cum suis Asseclis Sacrificium quod pro defunctis offertur respuebat d , that he and his followers admitted not of Sacrifices in behalf of the dead ( the Sacrifices he meaneth , are of praise and prayer ; ) for which , and others of his Heterodox and unsound opinions , he was condemned for an Heretick by the antient Father , and so remains upon record . Concerning which , take here along the judgment of Dr. Field , once Dean of Glocester ; who speaking of Aërius and his Heterodox doctrines , resolves it thus e . For this his rash and inconsiderate boldness and presumption in condemning the Vniversal Church of Christ , he was justly condemned : For howsoever we dislike the Popish manner of praying for the dead , which is to deliver them out of their feigned Purgatory , yet do we not reprehend the Primitive Church , nor the Pastors and Guides of it , for naming them in their publick prayers , thereby to nourish their hope of the Resurrection , and to express their longing desires of the consummation of their own , and their happiness which are gone before them in the Faith of Christ ? What Bishop Andrews , and Bishop Montague have affirmed herein , we have seen before , and seen by that , and by the judgment of this Reverend and Learned Doctor , That the Church of England is no enemy to the antient practise of praying for the dead in the time of the celebration of the holy Eucharist ; though on the apprehension of some inconveniences , as her case then stood , it was omitted in the second Liturgy of King Edward the sixt , which is still in force . But howsoever it was so omitted in the course of the Eucharist , yet doth it still retain a place in our publick Liturgy , and that in as significant terms as in any of the formulas of the Primitive times . For in the Form of Burial f , Having given hearty thanks to Almighty God , in that it hath pleased him to deliver that our Brother out of the miseries of this sinful world : We pray , That it would please him of his infinite goodness , shortly to accomplish the number of his Elect , and to hasten his Kingdom , that we with that our Brother , and all others departed in the true Faith of Gods holy name , may have our perfect consummation and bliss , both in body and soul , in his eternal and everlasting glory . But Prayers and Offerings for the dead , as before was said , are no proofs for Purgatory . The Church of England which alloweth of prayer for the dead ▪ in her Publick Liturgy , hath in her Publick Articles rejected Purgatory as a fond thing , vainly invented , and grounded upon no warrant of Scripture , but rather repugnant to the same g . The like do Montague of Norwich , and the Dean of Glocester , whose words we have before repeated ; and so doth Bishop Iewel , the greatest ornament , in his time , of our Reformation . And as for prayer for the dead ( saith he ) which you Dr. Harding say ye have received by tradition from the Apostles themselves , notwithstanding it were granted to be true , yet doth it not evermore import Purgatory h : Nor doth he onely say it , but he proves it too . For bringing in a prayer of St. Chrysostoms Liturgy , in which there is not onely mention of the Patriarcks , Prophets , Apostles , Martyrs , Confessors , but of the blessed Virgin her self , he addes , I trow ye will not conclude hereof , that the Patriarcks , Prophets , Apostles , &c. and the blessed Virgin Mary , were all in Purgatory ? Of the same judgment is the late renowned Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , who telleth us , That it is most certain , that the antients had , and gave other Reasons of prayer for the dead , than freeing them out of Purgatory i . And this ( saith he ) is very learnedly and largely set down by the now learned Primate of Armagh . Where we have the Primate of Armagh in the bargain too . But what need such a search be made after the judgment and opinion of particular persons of the Church of England , when it is manifest that the Greek Church at this day , and almost all the Fathers of the Greek Church antiently , though they admit of prayers for the dead , yet believe no Purgatory ? Of which , Alphonsus à Castro doth very ingenuously give this note , De Purgatorio in antiquis Scriptoribus , potissimum Graecis , ferè nulla mentio est k . Qua de causa etiam ad hodiernum diem Purgatorium non est à Graecis creditum . In which , besides a plain acknowledgement that the Greek Fathers knew not of it , there is a very shreud intimation , that there is little mention in the antien● Latines . Some other ground there must be for the fire of Purgatory , than prayers and offerings for the dead ; but what that is , is not so easily agreed upon amongst themselves . Some relie wholly on Tradition , and others , as they build on that for the main foundation , so they bring Texts of Scripture as a second help for their collateral security onely , and no more than so . But Frier Iohn Bacon hath declared , That there be others who think that Purgatory cannot be proved by authority of Scripture ; that the Books of Maccabees which commonly are alleged for proof thereof are not Canonical ; that the Apostle 1 Cor. 3. speaks of that fire that shall purge the elements of the world in the last day ; and that touching those words of Christ , it shall never be remitted in this world , nor in that to come , they prove not that there is a remission of sins in the other world l : Nor is Iohn Bacon onely of this opinion . For they who carefully consult the writings of our Romish Adversaries , will easily perceive how little confidence they have in those Texts of Scripture , which commonly are alleged in defence hereof ; there being not so much as one Text hitherto produced and insisted on by some of that party , but what by others is denied to be meant of Purgatory . And to say truth , their differences are so many and irreeoncilable in all the points and circumstances which concern this doctrine ; that the disagreements which they have amongst themselves may serve sufficiently instead of all other Arguments , to confute the Tenet . First for the place , which Eckius will have to be in the bottom of the Sea m , some in Mount Aetna , others in the Centre of the Earth , and Bernard de Busses in an Hill of Ireland n ; next for the Torments , which Sir Thomas Moor will have to be onely by fire o , Fisher his fellow-sufferer by Fire and Water , Lorichius neither by Fire nor Water , but by the violent convulsions of Hope and Fear ; then for the Executioners , which Bishop Fisher will have to be holy Angels , Sir Thomas Moor to be very Devils p . So for the sins that are to be expiated in those flames , which some will have to be onely venial ; others to be the venial ones , and the mortal too : And for the time of their continuing in that state , which Dennis the Carthusian extends to the end of the world q , Dominicus à Soto limits but to ten years onely r ; others have shortned that time too , if either their friends will hire some Priest to say Mass for their souls , or the Pope do but speak the word . And last of all for the extremity of the pain , which Aquinas makes as violent as those of Hell ; and yet the Rhemists say , that they which are in Purgatory are in a more happy and blessed condition than any man living s ; Durandus , betwixt these extreams , gives them some intermission from these terrible pains ▪ upon Sundays and Holidays t . By which uncertainty or contrariety rather of opinions , we may clearly see , upon what weak foundations they have raised this building ; which probably had faln to the ground long since , if the profit which ariseth by it to their Monks and Friers , had not kept it up . But I forbear to meddle further in this point of Purgatory , which for my part , I do conceive to be rather a Platonical and Poetical fiction u , than to have any ground in Scripture , or true Antiquity ; The Fathers for the first 600 years after Christs Nativity , making no resolution in it , either publick or private , save that St. Augustine to avoide a worse inconvenience , may seem to some to patronize it . And yet he doth it with such doubtingness , and so much uncertainty , that any man not blinded with his own opinion , may see he knew not what to determine of it . For sometimes it is no more then quantum arbitror x , for as much as he thinks , and other whiles , incredibile non est , that it is not incredible y : But then he leaves it off with a quaeri potest , as a matter disputable : At other times he goes as far as a forsitan verum , that peradventure it is true z ; and yet at last utterly rejects it with an ignoramus ; Heaven we do know , saith he , and we know Hell also ; Tertium locum ignoramus a , a third place between both , we can tell of none . He that can ground a point of faith upon such uncertainties , must have more skill in Architecture , than I dare pretend to . But this is onely on the by , to shew how little the Communion of the Saints hath to do with Purgatory , which neither is a consequent , nor concomitant of it . The Saints may pray for one another , we for their consummation in the state of glory , and they for our wel-doing in our passage thither , and no such thing as Purgatory be inferred from either . It is now time , that I proceed to such other benefits as do redound unto the Church from her Head CHRIST IESUS . Articuli X. Pars Secunda . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. e. ) Remissionem Peccatorum . ( i. e. ) The forgiveness of Sins . CHAP. V. Of the first Introduction of sin : God not the Author of it . Of the nature and contagion of Original sin . No Actual sin so great , but it in capable of forgiveness . In what respect some sins may be counted Venial , and others Mortal . IT is a saying of St. Augustines ( in no point so uncertain as in that of Purgatory ) that possibly God could not have bestowed a greater blessing on his Church , than making his onely begotten Son Christ Iesus to be head thereof . By means whereof it cometh to pass , that one and the same person , Et orat pro nobis , & orat in nobis , & oratur à nobis , doth both pray for us , and pray with us , and yet is also prayed to by us . How so ? That he resolves immediately in the words next following , Orat pro nobis ut sacerdos noster , orat in nobis ut caput nostrum , oratur à nobis ut deu● noster ; that is to say , He prayeth for us as our Priest , he prayeth with us as our Head , and is prayed to by us as our God. Himself is both the Suter , and the Mediator , yea , and the party sued unto ; and therefore doubt we not , when we call upon him , but he will grant us those Petitions which himself makes for us . As Priest , he represents continually to Almighty God the benefit and effect of that perfect Sacrifice , which he once offered on the Cross for the sins of the world ; As Head unto the Church , he recommends our prayers to the Throne of Grace , and joyneth with his Members in their sutes to God , for the more speedy and effectual obtaining of them ; As God , he hath his eye still over us , and his ear still open to our prayers , which he hath both the will and the power to grant , so far forth as he seeth it fitting and expedient for us . He suffered for our sins , as he is our Priest ; forgives them , as he is our God ; and mediates , as our Head , with his Heavenly Father , for the remission of those sins which he suffered for . The medicine for our sins was tempered in his precious blood , and therein we behold him in his Priestly Office ; the application of this medicine was committed to the sons of men , whom he by his Prophetical Office authorized unto it . The dispensation of the mercy thereof still remains in God , as an inseparable flower of the Regal Diadem ; for who can forgive sins , but God alone a , said the Pharisees truly . And this forgiveness of our sins , as it is the greatest blessing God ca● give us in this present life , because it openeth us a door to eternal glory ; so is it placed here as the first in order of those signal benefits which do descend upon the Church from her Head Christ Iesus . For we may hopefully conclude , that since Christ was not onely pleased to die for our sins , but doth intercede also with his Heavenly Father , that we may have the benefit of his death and passion ; those prayers of his will make that death and passion efficacious to us , in the forgiveness of those sins under which we languish . With the like hope we may conclude from the self-same Topick , That if we have our part in the first Resurrection , that , namely , from the death of sin , to the life of righteousness , we shall be made partakers of the second also , that , namely , from the death of nature , to the life of glory . For Chrysostom hath truly noted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a , That where the Head is , will the members be ; If therefore Christ our Head be risen from the grave of death , the members shall be sure of a Resurrection : If Christ our Head be glorified in his Fathers Kingdom , the members in due time shall be glorified also . So that as well the Article of the Forgiveness of sins , as those of the Resurrection of the body , and The life everlasting , depend upon Christs being Head of this Mystical Body , and that too in the method which is here proposed : The forgiveness of sins being given us as a pledge or assurance that we shall have a joyful Resurrection in the day of judgment ; as that is but a way or passage to eternal life . First then we are to speak of the Forgiveness of sins , and therein we will first behold the whole body of sin , in its own foul nature , that so we may the better estimate the great mercies of God in the forgiveness of the same . And for beholding the whole body of sin in its own foul nature , we must first take notice , That it pleased God in the beginning to exhibite to the world , then but newly made , a lively copy of himself , a Creature fashioned ad similitudinem suam , after his own Image b , saith the Text. In the creating of the which , as he collected all the excellencies of inferior Creatures , so did he also crown him with those heavenly graces , with which he had before endued the most holy Angels ; that is to say , a rectitude or clearness in his understanding , whereby he was enabled to distinguish betwixt truth and error ; and with a freedom in his will , in the choice of his own ways and counsels , Ut suae faber esse possit fortunae , That if he should forsake that station wherein God had placed him , he might impute it unto none , but his wretched-self . It is true , God said unto him in the way of Caution , That in what day soever he did eat of the fruit forbidden , he should die the death : But he had neither undertaken to preserve him that he should not eat , and so by consequence not sin ; much less had he ordained him to that end and purpose , that he should eat thereof , and so die for ever . And true it is , that God fore-knew from before all eternity , unto what end this Liberty of man would come ; and therefore had provided a most excellent remedy for the restoring of lapsed man to his grace and favor : Yet was not this foreknowledge in Almighty God that so it would be , either a cause , or a necessity , or so much as an occasion , that so it should be . And it is therefore a good rule of Iustin Martyr , seconded by Origen , and divers others of the Fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c , &c. The Prescience of God ( say they ) is not cause or reason why things come to pass , but because these and these things shall so come to pass , therefore God fore-knows them . So that God dealt no otherwise in this case , with our Father Adam , than did the Father in the Parable with his younger son ; gave him that portion of his goods which fell to his share , and after left him to himself . And as the Prodigal childe being an ill husband on the stock which his Father gave him , did quickly waste the same by his riotous living , suffered the extremities of cold and hunger , and was fain to cast himself again on his Fathers goodness d ; so man not using well that stock which the Lord had given him , gave himself over to the Epicurism of his eye and appetite ; By means whereof , he lost those excellent endowments of his first Creation , was shamefully thrust out of Paradise , without hope of return , and in conclusion fain to cast himself on the mercies of God , as well for his subsistence here , as his salvation hereafter . The story of mans fall makes this plain enough , and wholly frees Almighty God from having any hand or counsel in so sad a ruine . For there we finde how God created him after his own Image , placed him in Paradise , commanded him not to meddle with the Tree of good and evil , threatned that in case he did eat thereof , he should surely die ; and lastly , with what grievous punishments he did chastise him , for violating that Commandment e . All which had been too like a Pageant , if God had laid upon him a necessity of sin and death , and made him to no other end , as some teach us now , but by his fall to set the greater estimate on his own rich mercies . So excellently true is that of Ecclesiasticus , though the Author of it be Apocryphal , That God made man in the begining , and left him in the hands of his own counsels f . And this is the unanimous doctrine of the New Testament also , where it is said , That by man came death , and that not onely of the body , but of the soul , 1 Cor. 15.21 . That by one man , sin entred into the world , and death by sin , Rom. 5.12 . That by one mans disobedience many were made sinners , Vers. 19. That all die in Adam , Vers. 22. And in a word , That no man ought to say when he is tempted , that he is tempred of God , for God tempteth no man ; but every man is tempted , when he is drawn away by his own lusts , and so enticed to do evil g . If God tempt no man , as it is plain by St. Iames he doth not , then was not Adam ( that one man whom St. Paul relates to ) either tempted by him , or by his purpose and decree drawn into temptation . If every man ought to ascribe his falling into sin and death , unto a voluntary yeelding to his own desires , then certainly ought Adam so to do , as well as any , who by his own unworthy lusts , was drawn away so visibly to his own destruction . We might proceed from Scripture to the Primitive Fathers , but that the evidence would be too great to be listned to : Suffice it that we finde not any of that sacred number , which ever made God accessary to the act of sin ; scarce any of those blessed Spirits , which either of set purpose , or upon the by , did not oppose so leud a Tenet . And it was more than time that they should so do , and that the present Church should pursue their courses ; for some there were , some desperate and wretched Hereticks , who had so far made ●old with Almighty God , as to make him the Author of those sins and wickednesses , which ill men committed ; and some there have not wanted in these later times , who have not onely made him accessary , but even the very principal in the sin of Adam , and of ours by consequence . Of the first sort of these were the Cataphrygians , the Scholars of Montanus , a wicked Heretick h . Some also taught the like in Rome , as did Florinus , Blastus , and their Associates ; thereupon Irenaeus published a discourse with this Inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That God was not the Author of sin i . And he gave this Inscription to it ( as the story telleth us ) because Florinus with great earnestness had taught the contrary . It seems Florinus was an Heretick of no common aims , and would not satisfie himself with those vulgar follies which had been taken up before ; but he must ponere os in coelum , break out into blasphemous frenzies against God himself , and vented such an impious Tenet , which never any of the former Hereticks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had once dared to broach ; the Cataphrygians laying but the ground which he built upon ; yet bold and venturous though he were , we do not finde that he became much followed in this leud opinion ; or that his followers , if he had any at the lest , ever attained unto the height of their masters impudence . Some therefore of the following Hereticks , who in their hearts had entertained the same dreadful madness , did recommend it to the world in a fairer dress , and laid the blame of all their sins on the stars and destinies : The powerful influence of the one , and irresistable decrees of the other , necessitating men to those wicked actions which they so frequently commit . Thus are we told of Bardesanes , Quod fato conversationes hominum ascribet , that he ascribed all things to the power of fate k . And thus it is affirmed of Priscillianus , Fatalibus astris homines alligatos , That men were thralled unto the Stars l ; which last St. Augustine doth report also of one Colarbas , save that he gave this power and influence to the Planets onely . But these , if pondered as they ought , differed but little , if at all , from the impiety of Florinus , before remembred : Onely it was expressed in a better language , and seemed to favor more of the Philosopher , than the other did ; for if the Lord had passed such an irrevocable Law of Fate , that such and such men should be guilty of such foul transgressions , as they commonly committed ; it was all one as if he were proclaimed for the Author of them . And then why might not every man take unto himself the excuse and plea of Agamemnon , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 m , It was not I that did it , but the gods and destiny : Or if the Lord had given so irresistible a power to the Stars of Heaven , as to inforce men to be wickedly and leudly given , what differs this from making God the Author of those vicious actions , to which by them we are inforced ? And then why might not every man cast his sins on God , and say as did some such good fellows in St. Augustines time , Accusandum potius esse autorem Syderum , quam Commissorem scelerum n , That he who made the Stars was in all the fault ? Which granted , we may pass an Index Expurgatorius on the present Creed , and utterly expunge the Article of Christs coming to judgement . For how could God condemn his Creature to unquenchable flames ? or put so ill an office upon Christ our Saviour , as to condemn them by his mouth , in case the sins by them committed were not theirs , but his ? or punish them for that which himself works in them , or to which rather he compels them by so strong an hand ? that of Fulgentius being most excellently , and infallibly true , Deus non est corum ultor , quorum est autor o , God doth not use to punish his own actions in us . Nor were Florinus , and those other Hereticks before remembred , the onely ones that broached those doctrines ; our later times , not being so free as I could wish from so great impiety . The Libertines , a late brood of Sectaries , have affirmed as much p , and taught as did Florinus in the days of old , Quicquid ego & ●u facimus , Deus efficit , n●m in nobis est ; and so make God the Author of those wicked actions which themselves committed . The Founders of this Sect , Coppinus and Quintinus , both Flemings ; and these Prateolus reports for certain to be the Progeny of Calvin , and other leading men of the Protestant Churches . These carne ( saith he ) è Schola nostrae tempestatis Evangelicorum q . Pythagoras could not have spoken it with more authority : Bellarmine somewhat more remisly , Omnino probabile est eos ex Calvinianis promanasse r , and makes it onely probable , that it might be so , but not rightly neither : For Staphylus reckoning up the Sects which sprang from Luther , however that in other things he flies out too far , yet makes no mention of those fellows . Paraeus on the other side , in his Animadversions on the Cardinal , assures us , That they were both Papists , acquaints us with the place of their Nativity , and the proceedings had against them . Calvin who writ a Tract against them , makes one Franciscus Poquius , a Franciscan Frier , a principal stickler in the cause : And we may adde ex abundanti , that the said Sect did take beginning Anno 1529. when Calvin had attained to no reputation , no not amongst those very men who have since admired him , and made his word the touchstone of all Orthodox doctrine . So that for the reviving of this Heresie in these later ages , so far forth as it is delivered positively , and in terms express , which was the blasphemy of Florinus , we are beholding for it to the Church of Rome , or some that had been members of it ; how willingly soever they would charge it on the Protestant Doctors : Yet true it is , for magna veritas & praevalebit , that some , and those of no small name in such Protestant Churches , as would be thought a pattern unto all the rest , have given too just a ground for so great a scandal . And well it were they had observed that Caution in their Publick Writings , which Caesar looked for in his Wife , and that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they had been as free from the suspition of it , as the crime it self . For howsoever they affirm it not in termes expresse , which was the desperate boldness of that Florinus ; yet they come very near it , to a tantamont , by way of necessary consequence and deduction , which was the Artifice of Bardesanes and Priscillian : For if God before all eternity , as they plainly say , did purpose and decree the fall of our Father Adam , Vt sua defectione periret Adam , in the words of Calvin t ; there was in Adam a necessity of committing sin , because the Lord had so decreed it . If without consideration of the sin of man , he hath by his determinate sentence ordained so many millions of men to everlasting damnation , and that too necessariò & inevitabiliter u , as they please to phrase it , he must needs pre-ordain them to sin also ; there being , as themselves confess , no way unto the end but by the means . And then what can the wicked and impenitent do but ascribe all their sins to God , by whose enevitable Will they were lost in Adam , by whom they were particularly and personally necessitated unto death , and so by consequence , to sin ? For thus Lyconides in Plautus pleaded for himself , when he deflowred old Euclios daughter ; Deus mihi impulsor fuit , is me ad illam illexit ; It was Gods doing , none of his , that he was so vicious . I hope I need not press this further , or shew the true or real difference between the laying the burthen of our sins upon Christ our Savior , as the Iews theirs upon the Scape-Goat by Gods own appointment , and laying the whole blame and guilt of them on our own affections . He is but ill trained up in the School of Piety , who will not take upon himself the blame of his own transgressions , and fly to God onely on the hopes of pardon . And yet I shall make bold to add , and indeed the rather , that they who first did broach this Doctrine of the necessity and decree of Adams fall , and consequently making God the prime Author of sin , confess they have no warrant for it in the Holy Scripture . For whereas some objected upon Gods behalf , disertis verbis non extare , that the decree of Adams fall had no foundation in the express words of Holy Writ ; b Calvin returns no other Answer than a Quasi vero , as if ( saith he ) God made and created man , the most exact peece of his Heavenly Workmanship ; without determining of his end . Nay , himself calls it for a farewel , horrible decretum , a cruel and horrible Decree , as indeed it is : A cruel and horrible Decree , to pre-ordain so many millions to destruction , and consequently unto sin , that he might destroy them . If then the introduction of the body of sin came by no other means but by man alone , and that the charging of it upon Gods Decrees have no foundation in the Scriptures ; If it run cross unto the constant current of Antiquity , and that the like Err●neous and Blasphemous Tenets were reckoned of as Heresies by the Antient Fathers ; If it be founded onely on the ipse dixit , or the why nots , and Quasi veros of a private man , and by him reckoned for an horrible and cruel Decree : Nay more , if it be contrary to the Word of God , and increase of Piety , and tend apparently to the dishonor of God , and bolstring wicked men in their sinful courses ; then certainly we may conclude , that God could have no hand in this woful Tragedie , that man alone is Author of his own calamity , and can accuse himself onely , and his own affections , for giving way to those temptations which brought sin upon him , and not upon himself alone , but his whole Posterity . For if we look into the Scripture , we find that sin did not content it self with the person of Adam , as if it had been a sufficient victory to have brought him under , unless in him , his whole Race and Off-spring , which were then radically and potentially in the loyns of Adam , had been infected also with the same contagion . For Adam is not here considered as a private person , who was to stand or fall to himself alone , without occasioning either good or evill unto any , more than in way of imitation of his great Example : But as the stock of all mankinde , who were to have a share in his weal or woe . For being the original and root ( as before was said ) of all mankind descended from him , whom he did represent at his first Creation ; he did receive that stock of righteousness which God gave unto him , not for himself onely , and his own particular benefit , had he used it well , but as the common Patrimony and Inheritance of himself and his . And having so improvidently lost both himself and it , by yeelding to the motions of that flesh which he was to govern , he lost it not onely for himself when he came under the attainture which the Law brought on him , but he did wholly forfeit it for himself and them ; his Race or Off-spring which were then radically in his Loins , being involved with him in the same perdition . For as the Scripture saith of Levi , that he paid Tithes in Abraham unto Melchisedech , because he was in the Loyns of Abraham when Melchisedech met him c ; so may we also say in the present case , that all men sinned and lost themselves in our Father Adam , because they were all of them in the Loyns of Adam when he lost himself . The Scripture saith not onely that sin came to man , or fell on him onely , as if the power thereof had terminated in that one mans person , on whom it first did come or fall , but that it came by man , as a Pipe or Conduit , by which it passed also unto others . By one man sin entred into the world , saith the Apostle to the Romans d ; By man came death , saith the Apostle to the Corinthians e ; that is to say , By that one man , our Father Adam , both sin and death found opportunity to enter on his whole posterity . Et per Adamum ex quo omnes mortales originem ducunt , dicitur peccatum introiisse f , as it is in Origen . This sin thus miserably derived from our father Adam , we call Original sin , or the Birth-sin , as in the Ninth Article of the Church of England . A sin , because it is a taint or stain in the soul of man , by which we are adjudged impure in the sight of God : The Birth-sin , or Original sin , as being naturally and originally inherent in the very birth ; and therein different from the sins of our own committing , which for distinction sake are entituled actual . The nature of which Birth-sin , or Original sin , is by the Church of England in her publick Articles defined to be the fault and corruption of the nature of every man that naturally is ingendred of the Of-spring of Adam , whereby man is very far gon from Original righteousness , and inclined to evill g . In which description we may find the whole nature of it , as first , that it is a corruption of our nature , and of the nature of every man descended from the Loyns of Adam . Secondly , That it is a departure from , and even a loss or forfieture of , that stock of Original Iustice , wherewith the Lord enriched our first Father Adam , and our selves in him . And thirdly , That it is an inclination unto evil , to the works of wickedness , by means whereof ( as afterwards the Article explains it self ) the flesh lusteth against the Spirit , and both together do incur the indignation of God. So that if we speak of Original sin formally , it is the privation of those excellent gifts of divine Grace , inabling us to know , love , serve , honor and trust in God , and to do the things that God delights in , which Adam once had , but did shortly lose ; If materially , it is that habitual inclination which is found in men , most averse from God , carrying them to the inordinate love and desire of finite things , of the creature more than the Creator ; which is so properly a sin , that it makes guilty of condemnation the person whosoever it be in whom it is found . And this habitual inclination to the inordinate love of the creature , is named Concupiscence ; which being two-fold , as Alensis notes it out of Hugo h , that is to say , Concupiscentia spiritus , a concupiscience of the spirit , or superior ; and concupiscentia carnis , a concupiscence of the flesh , or inferior faculties ; the first of these is onely sin , but the latter is both sin and punishment . For what can be more consonant to the Rules of Iustice , than that the Will refusing to be ordered by God , and desiring what he would not have it , should finde the inferior faculties rebellious against it self , and inclinable to desire those things in a violent way , which the Will would have to be declined ? Now that all of us from the womb are tainted with this original corruption and depravation of nature , is manifest unto us by the Scriptures , and by some Arguments derived from the practise of the Catholick Church , countenanced and confirmed by the antient Doctors . In Scripture , first , we find how passionately David makes complaint , that he was shapen in wickedness , and conceived in sin i . Where we may note in the Greek and Vulgar Latine , it is in sins and wickednesses in the plural number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek , in peccatis , in iniquitatibus , as the Latine hath it . And that to shew us , as Becanus hath right well observed , Quod unum illud peccatum quasi fons sit aliorum k , that this one sin is as it were the Spring and Fountain , from whence all others are derived . Next , St. Paul tels us in plain words , that by the offence of one ( of this one man Adam ) Iudgement came upon all men to condemnation ; and Judgement could not come upon all , or any , were it not in regard of sin . Not that all men in whom Original sin is found , without the addition of Actual and Personal guiltiness , are actually made subject unto condemnation , and can expect no mercy at the hands of God ; but that they are all guilty of it , should God deal extreamly , and take the forfeiture of the Bond , which we all entred into in our Father Adam . Thus finde we in the same Apostle , that we are by nature the children of wrath l , polluted and unclean from the very womb , our very nature being so inclinable to the works of wickedness , that it disposeth us to evil from the first conception ; and makes us subject to the wrath and displeasure of God. Last of all , we are told by the same Apostle , ( for we will clog this point with no further evidence ) That the wages of sin is death m ; that sin entred into the world , and death by sin ; and that death passed upon all men , for that all have sinned n . And thereupon we may conclude , That wheresoever we behold a spectacle of death , there was a receptacle of some sin . Now we all know , that death doth spare no more the Infant , than the Elder man ; and that sometimes our children are deprived of life , assoon almost as they enjoy it , sometimes born dead , and sometimes dead assoon as born , Prima quae vitam dedit hora carpsit , in the Poets language . A wages no way due to Infants for their actual sins ( for actually as yet they have not offended ; ) and therefore there must needs be in them some original guilt , some Birth-sin ( as the Article calls it ) which brings so quick a death upon them . And this is further verified from the constant and continual practise of the Church of Christ , which hath provided , That the Sacrament of Baptism be conferred on Infants , before they come unto the use of Speech or Reason ; yea , and at some times , and on some occasions ( as namely , in cases of extremity , and the danger of death ) to Christen them assoon as born . For by so doing , she did charitably , and not unwarrantably conceive , that they are received into the number of Gods children , and in a state of good assurance ; which could not be so hopefully determined of them , should they depart without the same . And with this that of Origen doth agree exactly , Si nihil esset in parvulis quod ad remissionem deberet & indulgentiam pertinere , gratia Baptismi superflua videretur o . Were there not something in an Infant which required forgiveness , the Sacrament of Baptism were superfluously administred to him . Upon which grounds , the Church of England hath maintained the necessity of Baptism , against the Sectaries of this age , allowing it to be administred in private houses , as oft as any danger or necessity doth require it of her . A second thing we finde in the Churches practise , and in the practise of particular persons of most note and evidence , which serves exceeding fitly to confirm this point ; and that is , That neither the Church in general doth celebrate the birth-day of the Saints departed , but the day onely of their deaths ; nor any of the Saints themselves did solemnize the day of their own Nativity with Feasts and Triumphs . First , for the practise of the Church , we may take this general rule once for all , Non nativitatem sed mortem sanctorum ecclesia pretiosam judicat & beatam , That the Church reckoneth not the day of their birth , but the death-day ( if I may so call it ) of the Saints to be blest and precious . According unto that of the Royal Psalmist , Right precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints p . Upon which grounds , the word Natalis hath been used in the Martyrologies q , and other publick Monuments of the Catholick Church , to signifie the death , and not the birth-day of the Saints departed . And more particularly we are thus informed by St. Augustine , Solius Domini & Beati Iohannis dies nativitatis in universo mundo celebratur r , i. e. That onely the day of the nativity of our Lord and Saviour , and of St. Iohn Baptist , were celebrated ( in his time ) in the Church of Christ : Of Christ , because there is no doubt but that he was conceived and born without sin original ; and of the Baptist , because sanctified in his Mothers womb s , as St. Luke saith of him . And for particular men it is said by Origen , Nemo ex sanctis invenitur hunc diem festum celebrasse t , &c. That never any of the Saints did celebrate the day of their own nativity , or of any of their sons and daughters , with a Solemn Feast . The reason was the same for both , because they knew that even the best of them were conceived in sin , and brought forth in wickedness ; and therefore with no comfort could observe that day , which the sense of their original corruptions had made so unpleasing . But on the other side , those men who either knew not , or regarded not their own natural sinfulness , esteemed that day above all others in their lives , as that which gave them their first-being to enjoy their pleasures ; and they , as Pharaoh in the Old Testament u , and Herod in the New x , failed not to keep the same as a Publick Festival . Soli peccatores super hujusmodi diem laetantur , as it is in Origen y . And hereupon we may infer ( without doubt or scruple ) that having the authority of the Scripture , and the Churches practise , and that practise countenanced by Authors of unquestioned credit , ( not to say any thing further in so clear a case from the concurrent Testimonies of the Antient Fathers ) That there is such a sin as Birth-sin , or Original sin , a Natural corruption radicated in the Seed of Adam , which makes us subject to the wrath and indignation of God. Thus have we seen the Introduction of sin , the first act of the Tragedy ; let us next look upon the second , on the Propagation , the manner how it is derived from Adam unto our Fore-fathers , and from them to us . And this we finde to be a matter of greater difficulty . St. Augustine , in whose time these controversies were first raised by the Pelagians , did very abundantly satisfie them in the quod sit of it ; but when they pressed him with the quo modo , how it was propagated from Adam , and from one man to another , he was then fain to have recourse to Gods secret justice , and his unsearchable dispensation . Et hoc quidem libentius disco quam doceo , ne audeam docere quod nescio z , as with great modesty and caution he declined the business : For whereas sin is the contagion of the soul , and the soul oweth its being unto God alone , and is not begotten by our parents ; the Pelagians either would not , or could not be answered in their Quere , How Children should receive corruption from their Parents , not could the good Father give them satisfaction unto their demand . But as a Dwarf standing on the shoulders of a Giant , may see many things far off , not visible to the Giant himself ; so those of the ensuing times , building on the foundations which were laid by Augustine , have added to him the solution of such doubts and difficulties , as in his time were not discovered . Of these , some have delivered , That the soul contracts contagion from the flesh , even in the very act of its first infusion , the union of the soul and body ; nor is it any thing improbable that it should so be . We see that the most excellent Wines retain their natural sweetness , both of taste and colour , as long as they are kept in some curious Vessel ; but if you put them into foul and musty bottles a , they lose forthwith their former sweetness , participating of the uncleanness of the Vessel in which they are : Besides , it is a Maxim amongst Philosophers , Quod mores animae sequuntur temperamentum corporis , That the soul is much byassed and inclined in the actions of it unto the temper of the body ; and if the equal or unequal temper of the body of man , can ( as it seems ) incline the minde unto the actual embracing of good or evil ; then may it also be believed , that the corruptions of the flesh may dispose the soul , even in the first infusion of it , to some habitual inclinations unto sin and wickedness . Than which , though there may be a more solid , there cannot be a more conceiveable Answer : But others walking in a more Philosophical way , conceive that the accomplishment of the great work of Generation , consists not in the introduction of the form onely , or in preparing of the matter , but in the constituting the whole compositum , the whole man , as he doth consist both of soul and body : And that a man is , and may properly be said to beget a man , notwithstanding the Creation of his soul by God , because that the materials of the Birth do proceed from man , and those materials so disposed and actuated by the emplastick vertue of the Seed , that they are fitted for the soul , and as it were produced unto Animation . Which resolution , though it be more obscure unto vulgar wits , is more insisted on by the learned , than the former is , and possibly may have more countenance from holy Scripture . When God made man , it is said of him , That he was created after Gods own Image b , that is to say , Invested with an habit of Original Righteousness , his understanding clear , and his will naturally disposed to the love of God : But Adam having by his fall lost all those excellent endowments , both of grace and nature , begot a Son like to himself : And therefore it is said in the fifth of Genesis , That he begot a son in his own likeness , after his own image , and he called his name Seth c . Though Adam was created after the Image of God , and might have still preserved that Image in his whole posterity , had he continued in that state wherein God created him ; yet being faln , he could imprint no other Image in the fruit of his Body , than that which now remained in him , his own Image onely , the understanding darkned , and the will corrupted , and the affections of the soul depraved and vitiated . Qualis post lapsum Adam fuit , tales etiam filios genuit ; such as himself was after his Apostasie , such and no other were the Children which descended of him , ●s Paraeus very well observeth . And if it fall out commonly ( as we see it doth ) that a crooked Father doth beget a crook-backed Son ; that if the Father look a squint , the Children seldom are right-sighted ; and that the childe doth not onely inherit the natural deformities , but even the bodily diseases of his Parents too : It is the less to be admired that they should be the heirs also of those sinful lusts , with which their Parents were infected from the very birth . Nor doth it any way advantage us in this present case , that our Parents were regenerate , ( for so we may suppose ) when they did beget us ; and being washed themselves from Original sin , by the laver of regeneration , should therefore in congruity be inabled also to beget children like themselves , free from that pollution . For the Regenerate are never so absolutely cleared from this corruption , but that there is a law in their members which doth still war against the Spirit , and that which , as the Scripture telleth us , hath in it self such an unpleasingness to God , as maketh it to have somewhat in it of the nature of sin e . It is true , that by the Sacrament of regeneration the guilt thereof is washed away , and man thereby acquitted from the punishment of it ; yet there remaineth in us still , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that wisdom or sensuality of the flesh ) as St. Paul entituleth it , whereby we are inclined to resist at all times , and sometimes actually do rebel against the Spirit : Or were it so , that in the state of grace and regeneration , we were all cleansed throughout , yet might our children be partakers of those corruptions which naturally and originally were inherent in us : For let the Husbandman W●ndow , and Rie , and Pick his Wheat with all care and industry , till there be ne●ther Chaff , nor Tare , nor ill Seed amongst it ▪ yet when that Wheat is sown , and the stalk grown up into an Ear , those Ears will be as full of Chaff , as was the Seed it self , out of which they came , before such care and pains had been took about it . And so St. Augustine hath resolved it , saying , Oleae semina non oleas generare sed oledstros g , That the wilde Olive springs from the true Olive Tree . What then ? may any man complain , as it seems too many did in the time of Chrysostom ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h , What reason is it that we should be punished and afflicted , it is for him we suffer ; for Adams fault , and not our own , that we are thus scourged . Assuredly there is no such matter ; and we may say to such complainers as that Father did , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Not so , saith he , it is no such thing , we suffer not for his , but our own transgressions . The best man hath too many sins , which he is to answer for , besides that of Adam ; and therefore none to lay the blame of his guilt and punishment upon Adam onely , as if he onely had offended , and not we our selves . There is not one who hath not wretchedly increased that stock of wickedness which his Father left him , adding transgressions of his own , many actual sins , to that original corruption which he had from Adam . And howsoever , we are unthrifts on that stock of grace which God is pleased to give unto us , and ei●her hide our Talents in a Napkin i , as we know who did , or else mispend them like the Prodigal , on our riotous lusts ; yet we are too good husbands on that stock of sin which is bequeathed us by our Parents . There is not a man amongst us , but improves that patrimony , adding one sin unto another , as Lust to Drunkenness , Murder to Adultery , Rebellion to Secret Treasons ; Lascivious speech to loose Affections , and unchaste actions unto both : Which though they are the necessary consequents of original sin ( unless exceedingly held in by the bridle of grace ) so are they daily multiplied , and increased continually , by giving way to our corrupt affections , and following the example of that first Transgressor . Sic instituere majores , posteri imitantur , as he in Tacitus k ; The Fathers manner of life is the Sons example . So that the followers of Pelagius when they imputed sin unto imitation , had they intended it of actual , not original sin , they had not been much wanting of the mark they aimed at . We are made guilty of original sin , immediately from our own Parents , as they from theirs , ascending till they came to Adam , in the way of Propagation ; and make their actual sins our own in the way of imitation . Nor need we press this further , than with that of Origen , Parentes non solum generant filium sed & imbuunt , & qui nascuntur non solum filis Parentibus sunt , sed & Discipuli p , in reference unto sin and wickedness we are the Scholars of our Parents , not their Children onely : But whether it be by Propagation , or by Imitation , or by transcending all examples which have been before us , most sure it is , that we are all corrupt and become abominable , that there is none that doeth good , no not one q , being filled with all unrighteousness , fornication , wickedness , covetousness , Maliciousness , full of envy , murther , debate , malignity r , insomuch as from the Crown of the head to the sole of the foot , there is nothing but swellings , and soars , and putrifaction s . More sure it is , that even our righteousness is but like to a menstruous cloth , and that our justest actions are not able to endure the trial , if they should come to be weighed in the sight of God , by the severity of the Law , and the exact ballance of the Sanctuary . Vae enim laudabili hominum vitae , si remotâ misericordiâ discutias eam t ; Woe , saith Augustine , to the most commendable part of all our lives , should not God look upon us with the eyes of mercy , and through the Spectacles of the merits of our Lord CHRIST IESVS . Not to insist longer on those curiosities , which are and may be made by unquiet men , about the Introduction , Propagation , and universal over-spreading of the body of sin , we must resolve , as he that fell into a pit did resolve the Passenger who was inquisitive to know how he came into it . At ille , obsecro inquit tecum cogita , quomodo hinc me liberes , &c. u My friend , said the poor fellow , take no care to learn how I fell into it , but do the best you can to help me out of it . That we are fallen into the pit , not only of Original but of Actual filthiness , we all know too well ; and we know too , that we first fell into it by the fault of our Father Adam , but have since plunged our selves more deeply in the mire of sin , then Adam by his personal error could have brought upon us . If we are yet unsatisfied with the manner how , notwithstanding all that hath been formerly here delivered , and may be elsewhere found in the Antient writers , we may do well to take as much care as we can for our getting out , and not molest our selves and others with those needless questions , which have been made about the manner of our falling in . And this is that which we are next to go in hand with . For if there were no way to get out of this pit , the knowledge which we have of our falling in , and of the condition we lie under till we be delivered , would so perplex us and afflict us , that Christians of all men would be most miserable . But so it is , that God of his great goodness and love to man hath so provided , that no man can complain that he wants help to get out , if he be not wanting to himself , but will stretch out his hand and lay hold of such means as are by God prepared to that end and purpose . If we sing Domine de profundis , and call upon him out of the deeps of our sin and misery , no doubt but he will hear our voyce x , and take pitty on us , for with him there is mercy , saith the Royal Psalmist , with him is plentious redemption , sufficient to deliver Israel from all his sins . The pit of sin is deep , that of mercy bottomless , a kind of Puteus inexhaustus , a Well which can never be drawn dry , as the Pope said of England , when at his devotion . Though man sin grievously and unpardonably in the sight of others , yet hath God mercie still in store for the greatest sinner ; Gods goodness being so transcendent as not to be exhausted by mans maliciousness . Bonitas invicti non vincitur y , said Fulgentius rightly . Those of the Church of Rome have made a difference of sins , accounting some to be venial , others mortal ; which terms we well enough approve of , rightly understood ; but I approve not the distinction of some Protestant Doctors , of remissible and irremissible z , of sins which may be pardoned , and of sins that may not . First , We deny not the distinction of venial and mortal sins , rightly understood , but do think that some sins are fitly said to be mortal , and some venial , because some are forgiven , some not , according to the quality of the sin , and the party sinning . Not that we think that some are worthy in themselves of eternal punishment , and others but of temporal onely , whereof the first are counted mortal , and the others venial , as the Papists think : but that some sins either in respect of the matter wherein men offend , or ex imperfectione actus , in that they are not committed with a full consent , are not so inconsistent with the Spirit of Grace , but that the Spirit of Grace still remaining in him , which doth them , and preserves him in the good opinion and esteem of God. These we may call Peccata quotidianae incursionis , sins of daily incursion , vain thoughts , and idle words , and unseemly motions ; which the best men are subject to at some time or other . And if God were extream in marking what is done amiss ( in these several waies ) no flesh were able to abide it a . He that is faulty in these kinds , though he deserve punishment , and eternal punishment at the hands of God , if God should take advantage of the Law against him , yet shall his punishment be lesse , and his stripes far fewer , than it shall be in those who transgress maliciously , and sin with an high hand of presumptuous wickedness . We have not so much of the Stoick as to make sins equal , or to maintain peccata omnia sunt aequalia , in the way of Paradox , as once Tully did , though the Papists falsly charge it on us . For though we use not the distinction in their sense and meaning , yet neither do we say that all sins are equal , and of like deformity , or in the same degree of contrariety with the grace of God ; or that they have the same effects , and shall be punished at the last with the like extremity . Onely we take it for a dangerous and presumptuous doctrine , to teach that any sin ( if properly and truly sin ) is venial , in and of it self , without true repentance , as that which doth include nothing offensive to God , or is meritorious of his judgements . For Almain one of their great Doctors doth affirm expresly , that it is a question amongst the Schoolmen , whether there be any such sin or not b ? And himself concludeth out of Gerson , that no sin is venial of it self , but onely through the mercy of God ; it being a contradiction that God should forbid an act under a penalty , and when he hath done , that act should not be mortal in its own nature ; because being thus forbidden , it is against the Law of God , and that which is against Gods Law , must needs be infinitely evil , and by consequence mortal . And so it is also in respect of the party sinning ; For as Cajetan hath well observed c , That which doth positively make sin venial , or not venial , is the state of the subject wherein it is found . If therefore we respect the nature of sin as it is in it self , without grace , it will remain eternally in stain or guilt , and so subject the sinner to eternal punishment : But yet such is the nature of some sins , either in regard of the matter wherein they are conversant , or their not being done with full consent , that they do not necessarily imply an exclusion of Grace out of the subject in which they are found , and so do not necessarily put the doers of them into such a state which positively makes them not to be venial , by removing grace , which is the fountain of remission . So that no sin is positively venial , as having any thing in it self which may claim remission , because it hath not any thing of Grace from whence all remission doth proceed ; though many sins ex genere , or ex imperfectione actus ( as before was said ) that is to say , in reference to the matter wherein man offendeth , or to the manner , as not done with a full consent , may be said to be venial negative , and per non ablationem principii remissionis , in that it doth not necessarily imply the exclusion of grace , by the exclusion of which grace from the souls of men , sins are named mortal . For being that Grace onely is the fountain whence remission springs ; nothing can make sin positively venial , but to be in Grace , nor nothing make it positively mortal , but to be out of the state of Grace . And so we see that some sins may be called venial , according to the quality of the sin , and the party sinning , in that they bring not alwaies with them eternal punishment , though possibly not repented of particularly : and that all sins are venial ex eventu too ( though otherwise mortal in themselves ) in that there is no sin so great , but by the blood of Christ , and sincere repentance , may ●e done away , and freely pardoned by the merciful goodness of the Lord our God , who desireth not the death of a sinner , but rather that he should turn from sin and be saved . For that there is no sin so great which is unpardonable or irremissible in respect of God , the infinitness of his mercy over all his works , his graciousness in pardoning Davids Murther , Solomons Idolatries , Pauls Persecuting of his Church , Peters denying of his Master , and thousands of the like examples do most clearly evidence . If ever men had reason to despair of pardon , none I am certain could have more than those we did so wilfully and maliciously imbrew their hands in the most innocent blood of our Lord and Saviour ; yet when their hearts were touched at St. Peters Sermon , so that they asked him , What they were to do , that they might be saved e , He presently chalked them out a way , by Baptism and Repentance to obtain the remission of sins , even of that bloody sin it self , of crucifying by their wicked hands the Lord of glory . If any had more reason to despair than they , it must be none but such of the Scribes and Pharisees , who saying that our Saviour Christ had cast out Devils by Beelzebub the Prince of Devils , may properly be said to have blasphemed against the Holy Ghost , and consequently to have committed such a sin , as in the judgment of our Saviour is pronounced unpardonable . He that blasphemeth against the Holy Ghost , it shall not be forgiven him , as St. Luke expresly f . And yet St. Ambrose is so charitable , as to think , that some of them were pardoned g ; it being probable , that some of those very Scribes and Pharisees were present at St. Peters Sermon , and so within the compass of repentance and forgiveness of sins . And then withal we may observe , that though it be expresly said , That the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost shall not be forgiven , yet it may well be understood with a qualification ; impossibility being sometimes used in holy Scripture to denote a difficulty : As where it is affirmed , as positively , and expresly , to be impossible for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven h . Where certainly it was not the intent of Christ , utterly to exclude all rich men from the hopes of Heaven ; but onely to declare how hard and difficult it was for those who trusted in their riches , and wallowed in the pride and pleasures of a prosperous fortune , to set their mindes upon the blessings of eternal life . And so it is also in the present case , in St. Chrysostoms judgment , Ideo dici nunquam remitti i , quia difficilius remittitur , Of the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , saith he , it is therefore said , that it shall never be forgiven , because it is more hardly pardoned , and with greater difficulty , than any other sin whatever . And that this qualification , or the like , is to be admitted , appears yet further by the words which are next before it , and to which , these in question must needs have relation ; where it is said , That all sins , and all blasphemies shall be forgiven unto men . In which he did not , could not mean , that all sins , and at all times , should be pardoned to all sorts of men ; for then no sin were damnable , but the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost , which is most untrue . Therefore the sense must be in both , That all sins ordinarily , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , shall be forgiven unto men upon true repentance , but the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost shall not so ordinarily be forgiven , or shall more hardly be forgiven , than any other . Not that it cannot be forgiven at all ▪ Non utique quod remitti non possit , as most truly Maldonat k : But because they who do blaspheme against the Holy Ghost , Nullam peccati sui excusationem habent , have seldom any thing to allege in excuse thereof , and so were more unpardonable than other men . As for those passages pretended from the holy Scripture in maintenance of the irremissibility of some kinde of sin , and in particular of this against the power of the Holy Ghost , they neither prove the point which they are produced for , nor were intended by the Sacred Penmen of the Word of God , of that sin or blasphemy . In the first place , it is alleged from St. Paul to the Hebrews , To be impossible for those who were once enlightned , and have tasted of the heavenly gift , and were made partakers of the Holy Ghost , if they shall fall away , to renew them again to repentance , seeing they crucifie to themselves the Son of God afresh l . But this the Fathers understand not of a difficulty or impossibility of admitting such men unto repentance , but that they could not be admitted to a second Baptism , and thereby to be renovated , and illuminated , to die , be buried , and rise a second time in Christ , in so facile and compleat a washing of sin , as the Sacrament of Regeneration did afford at first . Chrysostom is express for this m , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He doth not take away repentance , but a second Baptism . St. Ambrose also saith the same , and sheweth that the meaning of this Text is , and must be , De non iterando baptismate n , not of repelling sinners from the thought of repentance , and the remission of their sins by the Churches Ministry , as the Novatians falsly taught ; but of the not admitting them to a second Baptism , which some began to introduce upon that occasion . And that the Apostle speaks of a second Baptism , is evident by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or illuminatos , which was used antiently to signifie those that were baptised o , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or illumination , for Baptism , the very Sacrament it self . Secondly , by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or renovare , which intimates or implies our renovation by that holy Sacrament . Per lavachrum enim renovamur per quod renascimur p , as St. Ambrose notes it , We are renewed by the laver of regeneration , by which we are new-born to the life of righteousness . And thirdly , from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of crucifying again the Lord of life , our Baptism being as the figure of his death or crucifixion , in which our old man is crucified with him , as St. Paul hath told us q , That the body of sin might be destroyed , and buried in his grave by Baptism . And thereupon if followeth by St. Pauls illation , Non magis quenquam bis baptizari , quam Christum bis crucifigi posse r , saith the learned Knight Sir Daniel Heinsius , That the impiety is as great for a man to be baptized again , as if Christ should again be crucified . The like may be affirmed of a second Text alleged from the same Apostle s , where it is said , That if we sin wilfully , after we have received the knowledge of the truth , there remaineth no more sacrifice for sin . Which Text , as that before , is applied by Calvin to such as fall away from the Faith and Gospel , whom he excludes utterly from all hope of pardon , as men that sin against the holy Spirit of God ; but very wrongfully in all . For first , although we read it wilfully in our last Translation , yet is it onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek originals ; which Beza rendreth uliro , the Vulgar Latin , voluntario , our old Translation , willingly , as the Rhemists do . And to say truth , the word doth signifie no more , though to comply with Calvins Comment on the Text , our last Translators who inclined too much unto his opinions , do now read it wilfully . And if it be but willingly , as indeed it is not , I would know in what a desperate estate we Christians were , if every sin which is committed willingly , after truth embraced , shall either be reputed in the sight of God for the sin against the Holy Ghost , or utterly past hope of pardon . Nor is the case much better , if we read it wilfully , though better with some sort of men , than it is with others . For miserable were the state of us mortal men , if every sin that is committed wilfully ( which too often hapneth ) either against the truth of science , or the light of conscience , should make a man uncapable of the mercy of God , as one that blasphemed or sinned ( take which word you will ) against the power and vertue of the Holy Ghost . A doctrine never countenanced in the Primitive times ; the Church extending her indulgence to the worst of Hereticks , and opening both her arms and bosom unto those Apostataes , which with true sorrow for their sins , did return unto her ; condemning the Novatians for too rigid and severe in their bitter Tenet , touching the non-admittance of them unto publick penance , and after that unto the Sacraments of the Church again . Which being premised , the meaning of the Text will appear to be onely this , That they who willingly offend , after they have received the knowledge of the truth , and Gospel , must not expect another Christ to die for them ; or , that he who died once for their sins , should again die for them . St. Ambrose and St. Chrysostom do expound it so : Out of whom , Clictoveus in his Continuation of St. Cyrils Commentaries upon the Gospel of St. Iohn , informs us , That the Apostle doth not hereby take away the second or third remission of sins ( for he is not such an enemy to our Salvation ) but saith onely that Christ our Sacrifice shall not be offered any more upon the Cross , for the man so sinning t . And this is further proved to be the very meaning of the Apostle in the place disputed , out of the scope and purpose of his discourse ; which was to shew unto the Iews , that it was not with them now , as it was under the Law : For under the Law they had daily Sacrifices for their sins , but under the Gospel they had but one Sacrifice once for all . Every Priest ( saith he ) doth stand daily ministring , and offering often times the same sacrifice ; but this man ( JESUS ) after he had offered one sacrifice , sate down for ever at the right-hand of God ; than which , there cannot be a clearer explanation of the Text in question . Though Sacrifices were often reiterated in the times of the Law , Hic vero nec baptismus repetitur , neque Christus bis , nisi cum ludibrio mori pro peccato ; yet neither is Baptism to be reiterated in the times of the Gospel , nor can Christ be exposed for sin , to a second death , without a great deal of scorn , as Heinsius hath observed from Chrysostom x . Some light doth also rise to this Exposition , from the words immmediately succeeding , where the Apostle speaks of a certain expectation of a fearful judgment ; Which joyned unto the former verse , have this sense between them , That he which doth not put his whole trust and confidence in the sufficiency of the Sacrifice already offered , but for every sin expects a new Sacrifice also , must look for nothing in the end , but a fearful judgment , which most undoubtedly first or last shall fall upon him . The third and last place , which is commonly alleged for proof that there are some sins irremissible in their own nature , is that of St. Iohn , If any man ( saith he ) see his brother sin a sin , which is not unto death , he shall ask , and God shall give life for them that sin not unto death . There is a sin unto death , I do not say he shall pray for it y . In which words we finde two sorts of sins , a sin to death , and a sin that is not to death ; a sin which is not unto death , for the remission of the which a man is bound to pray in behalf of his Brother ; a sin to death , concerning which it seems unlawful for one man to pray for another . And yet it doth but seem so neither : For the Apostles words , I do not say he shall pray for it , amount not to a Negative , that he shall not pray for it , as the fautors of the contrary opinion would full gladly have it ; 〈◊〉 ●ather to a toleration , that they might pray if they would , the business being of 〈◊〉 a nature , that the Apostle had no minde to encourage them in it , because he could not promise them the success desired ; but leaving every man to himself , to pray , or not to pray , as his affections to the party , or Christian pity of the case might induce him to . That by peccatum ad mortem somewhat more is meant than ordinary mortal sins , is a thing past question ; but what it is , is not so easie to discover . St. Augustine will have the sin , which is here called a sin unto death , to be that sin wherein a mam continueth until his death without repentance z ; but addes withal , That in as much as the name of the sin is not expressed , many and different things may be thought to be it . Pacianus an old Catholick writer , interprets it of peccata manentia a , Such sins as men continue in till the hour of death . St. Ierom reckoneth such men to commit this sin , Qui in sceliribus permanent , who abide in their wickedness , and express no sense nor sorrow of their lost estate . The Protestant writers do expound it generally of the sin against the Holy Ghost ; For which , say they , no man ought to pray , because our Saviour hath testified it to be irremissible b . And to this end , they do allege a place from Ierom , affirming , Stultum esse pro eo orare qui peccaverit ad mortem , That it is a foolish thing to pray for him which sins unto death , because the man that is marked out to some visible ruine , nullis precibus erui potest , cannot possibly be reprieved by prayer . But herein Ierom is not consonant to himself elswhere ; for in another place he telleth us , with more probability , that nothing else is here meant , but that a prayer for such a sin ( whatsoever it be ) is very difficulty heard c . And this I take to be the truer , or at least the more probable meaning of the Apostle , who saith immediately before , This is the confidence which we have in him , that if we ask any thing according to his will , he heareth us , 1 Iohn 5.14 . And therefore lest we should conceive that this holds true in all Petitions whatsoever , which we make for others , he addes , That if it be a great sin , such as is not ordinarily forgiven , but punished with death , I dare not say , that you can either pray with confidence , or that I can give you any great hopes of prevailing in it . According as God said to the Prophet Ieremy , Pray not for this people , for I will not hear thee d . And though St. Augustine sometimes thought this sin to be final impenitency , or a continuance in sin till death without repentance , yet in his Book of Retractations , he resolves the contrary , affirming , That we must despair of no body , no not of the wickedest , as long as he lives ; and that we may safely pray for him , of whom we do not despair c . So that for ought we see by these Texts of Scripture , there is no sin which properly may be said to be irremissible . And therefore I resolve with Maldnonate , though he were a Iesuite f , Tenendam esse regulam fidei , quae nullum peccatum esse docet quod à Deo remitti non possit , That it is to be imbraced as a rule of Faith , that there is no sin so great ( whatsoever it be ) which God cannot pardon ; for which , if heartily bewailed and repented of , there is no mercy and forgiveness to be found from God. I shut up all with that of the Christian Poet g . Spem capio sore quicquid ago , veniabile apud te , Quamlibet indignum venia faciamve loquarve . In English thus . My words ( O Christ ) and deeds , I hope , with thee , Though they deserve no pardon , venial be . CHAP. VI. Of the Remission of sins by the Blood of Christ , and of the Abolition of the body of sin by Baptism and Repentance . Of confession made unto the Priest , and the Authority Sacerdotal . THus have we in the former Chapter discoursed at large of the Introduction and Propagation of Sin , and of the several species or kindes thereof ; and also proved , by way of ground-work and foundation , that albeit sin in its own nature be so odious in the sight of God , as to draw upon the sinner everlasting damnation ; yet that there is no sin so mortal , so deserving death , which is not capable of pardon or forgiveness by the mercy of God. We next descend unto those means , whereby the pardon and remission of our sins is conveyed unto us ; the means by which so great a benefit is estated on us . The principal agent in this work is Almighty God , of whom the Scripture saith expresly , That it is one God which shall justifie the circumcision by Faith , and the uncircumcision through Faith a ; that it is God which justifieth the Elect ; and that the Scriptures did foresee , That God would justifie the Heathen b . In all which Texts , to justifie the Elect , the Iews , the Gentiles , doth import no more , than freely to forgive them all the sins which they had committed against the Law , and to acquit them absolutely from all blame and punishment , due by the Law to such offences . Which appears plainly by that passage of the same Apostle , where speaking of Almighty God , as of him that justifieth the ungodly , Rom. 4.5 . he sheweth immediately by way of gloss or exposition , in what that justifying doth consist , saying out of David , Blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven , and whose sins are covered : Blessed is the man to whom the Lord will not impute sin c . And this God doth , not out of any superadded or acquired principle , which is not naturally in him ; but out of that authority and supream power which is natural and essential to him : In which respect , no Creature can be said to forgive sins , no not our Saviour Christ himself , in his meer humane nature ; but must refer that work unto God alone : For who can ( so ) forgive sins , but God onely , said the Pharisees truly d . And as God is the onely natural and efficient cause of this justification , the principal Agent in this great work of the remission of sins ; so is the onely moral and internal impulsive cause which inclines him to it , to be found onely in himself ; that is to say , his infinite mercy , love , and graciousness , toward his poor creature , Man , whom he looks on as the miserable object of grace and pitty , languishing under the guilt and condemnation of sin . Upon which Motives , and no other , he gave his onely begotten Son to die for our sins , to be a ransom and propitiation for the sins of the world e : That whosoever believeth in him , should not perish , but ( through forgiveness in his Blood ) have life everlasting f . But for the external impulsive efficient cause of this act of Gods , the meritorious cause thereof , that indeed is no other than our Lord JESUS CHRIST ; the death and sufferings of our most blessed Lord and Saviour . For God beholding Christ , as such , and so great a sufferer for the sins of men , is thereby moved and induced to deliver those that believe in him , both from the burden of their sins , and that condemnation which legally and justly is due unto them . This testified most clearly by that holy Scripture , Be ye kinde ( saith the Apostle ) unto one another forgiving one another , even as God for Christs sake hath forgiven you g . Where plainly the impulsive cause inclining God to pardon us our sins and trespasses , is the respect he hath unto the sufferings of our Saviour Christ. Thus the Apostle tells us in another place , That we are freely justified by the grace of God , through the Redemption which is in CHRIST IESUS h . Justified freely by Gods grace , as by the internal impulsive cause of our Iustification , by which he is first moved to forgive us our sins ; through the Redemption procured for us , by the death and sufferings of CHRIST IESUS , as the external moving or impulsive cause of so great a mercy . In this respect , the pardon and forgiveness of the sins of men , is frequently ascribed in Scripture to the Blood of Christ ; as in the Institution of the Sacrament by the Lord himself , This is my Blood of the New Testament , which is shed for you , and for many , for the remission of sins i . Thus the Apostle to the Romans , Whom ( JESUS CHRIST ) did God set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his Blood , to declare his righteousness , for the remission of sins that are past , through the forbearance of God k . And thus to the Ephesians also , In whom we have redemption through his Blood , the remission of sins , according to the riches of his grace l . To this effect St. Peter also , For ye know that ye were not redeemed with corruptible things , as with silver and gold , but with the precious Blood of Christ , as of a Lamb without blemish , and without spot m . And so St. Iohn , The Blood of Iesus Christ cleanseth us from all sin n ; and , he hath washed us from our sins in his own Blood , in another place o . Infinite other places might be here produced , in which the forgiveness of our sins is positively and expresly ascribed to the Blood of Christ , or to his death and sufferings for us , which comes all to one . But these will serve sufficiently to confirm this truth , that the main end for which Christ suffered such a shameful ignominious death , accompanied with so many scorns and torments , was thereby to attone or reconcile us to his Heavenly Father , to make us capable of the remission of our sins , through the mercy of God ; and to assure us by that means of the favor of God , and our adoption to the glories of eternal life . By that one offering of himself hath he for ever perfected all them that are sanctified p : Blotting out the hand-writing of Ordinances which was against us , and nailed it to his cross for ever q ; to the end , that being mindful of the price wherewith we were bought , and of the enemies from whom we were delivered by him , We might glorifie God both in our bodies and our souls r , and serve the Lord in righteousness and holiness , all the days of our lives . For if the blood of Bulls and of Goats , and the ashes of an Heifer , sprinkling the unclean , sanctified to the purifying of the flesh , in the time of the Mosaical Ordinances : How much more shall the Blood of Christ , who through the eternal Spirit offered himself without spot to God , purge your conscience from dead works to serve the living God s , in the time of the Gospel ? This is the constant tenor of the Word of God , touching remission of our sins by the Blood of Christ. And unto this we might here adde the consonant suffrages and consent of the antient Fathers ; If the addition of their Testimonies , where the authority of the Scripture is so clear and evident , might not be thought a thing unnecessary . Suffice it that all of them , from the first to the last , ascribe the forgiveness of our sins to the death of Christ , as to the meritorious cause thereof ; though unto God the Father , as the principal Agent , who challengeth to himself the power of forgiving sins , as his own peculiar and prerogative , Isai. 43.25 . Peculiar to himself , as his own prerogative , in direct power essential and connatural to him ; but yet communicated by him to his Son CHRIST IESUS , whilest he was conversant here on Earth , who took upon himself the power of forgiving sins t , as part of that power which was given him both in Heaven and Earth . Which as he exercised himself when he lived amongst us , so at his going hence he left it as a standing Treasury to his holy Church to be distributed and dispensed by the Ministers of it , according to the exigencies and necessities of particular persons . For this we finde done by him as a matter of fact , and after challenged by the Apostles as a matter of right belonging to them and to their successors in the Ministration . First , For the matter of fact , it is plain and evident , not onely by giving to St. Peter ( for himself and them ) the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven , annexing thereunto this promise , That whatsoever he did binde on Earth , should be bound in Heaven , and whatsoever he did loose on Earth , should be loosed in Heaven u ; But saying to them all expresly , Receive the Holy Ghost x ; Whose sins soever ye remit , they are remitted unto them , and whose soever sins ye retain , they are retained . And as it was thus given them in the way of fact , so was it after challenged by them in the way of right , St. Paul affirming in plain terms , That God was in Christ , reconciling the world unto himself , by not imputing their trespasses unto them y ; but that the Ministery of this reconciliation was committed unto him , and others , whom Christ had honored with the title of his Ambassadors , and Legates here upon the Earth . Now as the state of man is twofold in regard of sin , so is the Ministery of reconciliation twofold also in regard of man. As he is tainted with the guilt of original sinfulness , the Sacrament of Baptism is to be applied , the Laver of Regeneration , by which a man is born again of water , and the Holy Ghost , Iohn 3.5 . As he lies under the burden of his actual sins , the Preaching of the Word is the proper Physick to work him to repentance , and newness of life , that on confession of his sins he may receive the benefit of absolution . Be it known unto you ( saith St. Paul ) that through this man ( CHRIST IESUS ) is preached unto you remission of sins ; and by him all that believe are justified from all things , from which ye could not be justified by the Law of Moses z . And first for Baptism , It is not onely a sign of profession and mark of difference , whereby Christian men are discerned from others which be not Christned , ( as some Anabaptists falsly taught ) but it is also a sign of regeneration or new birth , whereby , as by an instrument , they that receive Baptism rightly , are grafted into the Church , the promises of the forgiveness of sin , and of our adoption to be the sons of God , by the Holy Ghost , are visibly signed and sealed ; Faith is confirmed , and Grace increased by vertue of Prayer unto God a . This is the publick Doctrine of the Church of England , delivered in the authorised Book of Articles , Anno 1562. In which , lest any should object , as Dr. Harding did against Bishop Iewel , That we make Baptism to be nothing but a sign of regeneration b , and that we dare not say , as the Catholick Church teacheth according to the holy Scriptures , That , in and by Baptism , sins are fully and truly remitted , and put away : We will reply with the said most Reverend and Learned Prelate ( a man who very well understood the Churches meaning ) That we confess , and have ever taught that in the Sacrament of Baptism , by the death and Blood of Christ , is given remission of all manner of sins ; and that not in half , or in part , or by way of imagination and fancy , but full , whole , and perfect of all together ; and that if any man affirm , that Baptism giveth not full remission of sins , it is no part nor portion of our Doctrine . To the same effect also , saith judicious Hooker , Baptism is a Sacrament which God hath instituted in his Church , to the end , That they which receive the same , might thereby be incorporated into Christ , and so through his most precious merit , obtain as well that saving grace of imputation , which taketh away all former guiltiness ; and also that infused divine vertue of the Holy Ghost , which giveth to the powers of the soul the first dispositions towards future newness of life c . But because these were private men , neither of which , for ought appears , had any hand in the first setting out of the Book of Articles ( which was in the reign of King Edward the Sixth ) though Bishop Iewel had in the second Edition , when they were reviewed and published in Queen Elizabeths time ; let us consult the Book of Homilies , made and set out by those who composed the Articles ; And there we finde , that by Gods mercy , and the vertue of that Sacrifice which our High Priest and Saviour CHRIST IESUS the Son of God once offered for us upon the Cross , we do obtain Gods grace , and remission , as well of our original sin in Baptism , as of all actual sin committed by us after Baptism , if we truly repent and turn unfeignedly unto him again d . Which doctrine of the Church of England , as it is consonant to the Word of God in holy Scripture , so is it also most agreeable to the common and received judgment of pure Antiquity . For in the Scripture it is said expresly by St. Peter , to the sorrowful and afflicted Iews , Repent and be baptized every one of you in the name of Iesus Christ , for the remission of sins e . By Ananias unto Saul , Arise , and be baptised , and wash away thy sins , calling on the name of the Lord f . By Paul himself , who had experimentally found the efficacy and fruit thereof in his own person , That God according to his mercy hath saved us , not by works of righteousness , which we have done , but by the washing of regeneration , and renewing of the Holy Ghost g ; and finally , by St. Peter also , That Baptism doth now save us ( not the putting away of the filth of the flesh , but the answer of a good conscience towards God ) by the resurrection of Iesus Christ h . This also was the judgment of the Antient Writers , and that too long before the starting of the Pelagian Heresies , to which , much is ascribed by some as to the advancing of the efficacy and fruit of Baptism , by succeeding Fathers . For thus Tertullian , Quotidiè nunc aquae populos conservant , deleta morte per ablationem delictorum . Exempto scilicet reatu eximitur & poena . Ita restituetur homo Deo ad similitudinem ejus qui retro ad imaginem Dei conditus fuerat i . Now ( saith he ) do the Waters daily preserve the people of God , death being destroyed and overthrown by the washing away of sins ; for where the guilt is taken away , there is the punishment remitted also . St. Cyprian thus , Remissio peccatorum sive per Baptismum sive per alia Sacramenta donetur , propriè Spiritus Sancti est k ; that is to say , that the remission of sins , whether given in Baptism , or by any other of the Sacraments , is properly to be ascribed to the Holy Ghost . The African Fathers in full Council do affirm the same , and so doth Origen also for the Alexandrians , of both which , we shall speak anon in the point of Paedo-baptism . Thus Nyssen for the Eastern Churches , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Baptism , saith he , is the expiation of our sins , the remission of our offences , the cause of our new-birth and regeneration l . Thus do the Fathers in the Constantinopolitan Council , profess their Faith in one Baptism ( or being onely once baptized ) for the remission of sins . And finally , That this was the doctrine of the Church in general , before Augustines time , who is conceived to be first that did advance the power and efficacy of Baptism to so great an height , in opposition to the Pelagian Heresies m , appears by a by-word grown before his time into frequent use ; the people being used to say , when they observed a man to be too much addicted to his lusts and pleasures , Sine illum faciat quod vult , nondum enim baptizatus est n ; i. e. Let him alone to take his pleasure , for as yet the man is not baptised . More of this we shall see anon in that which follows . Nor is this onely Primitive , but good Protestant Doctrine as is most clear and evident by that of Zanchius , whom onely I shall instance in , of the later Writers . Cum Minister Baptizat , &c. When the Minister baptizeth , I believe that Christ with his own hand reached , as it were , from Heaven , Filium meum sanguine suo in remissionem peccatorum aspergere , besprinkleth the Infant with his Blood to the remission of sins , by the hand of that man whom I see besprinkling him with the Waters of Baptism . So that I cannot choose but marvel how it comes to pass , that it must now be reckoned for a point of Popery , that the Sacraments are instrumental causes of our justification , or , of the remission of our sins ; or that it is a point of learning , of which , neither the Scriptures , nor the Reformed Religion , have taught us any thing o . So easie a thing it is to blast that with Popery , which any way doth contradict our own private fancies . But here before I do proceed further in this present Argument , I shall make bold to divert a little upon the antient use of Baptismal-washings , before our Saviour Christ ordained it for an holy Sacrament ; that we may see what hint our Saviour took in this Institution , who thought it no impiety to fit the antient usages of the Iews and Gentiles to the advancement of the Gospel ; though now to hold conformity with the Church of Rome , in matters very pertinent to the same effect , is reckoned for the greatest Error in our Reformation . First for the Iews , that they used very frequent washings , is most clear in Scripture . For not onely the Pharisees particularly , who were a superstitious supercilious Sect , but the Iews in general have this Character given them by St. Mark p , That they eat not , except they wash their hands oft ; that they washed as often as they came from market , or any publick place of meeting ; and that they did observe upon old Tradition , the washing of Cups , and Pots , of brazen Vessels , and of Tables . And this they did not onely in the way of cleanliness , or in point of manners , to wash away the filth of their bodies when they went to eat , or to make clean their Vessels , and other Vtensiles , which they ate or drank in : But rather out of an opinion , that by those frequent washings they preserved themselves from the filth and corruption of the world ; especially in their return from the streets and market places q , where possibly they might meet with some that were uncircumcised , or otherwise obnoxious to an ill report , by which they thought themselves defiled . And this I take to be an antient custom of the Iews , because I finde it much in use amongst the Samaritans , who were in many , if not most , of their common Ceremonies , but the Apes onely of the Iews . Who on the same opinion of their own dear sanctity , which had so perfectly possessed their neighbors of Iudah , did use when they had visited any of the Nations , to sprinkle themselves with urine upon their return ; and if by negligence or necessity of business they had touched any , not of their own Sect , to drench themselves over-head and ears in the next Fountain r . The reason of which is thus delivered by Epiphanius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. Because they held it for an abomination to come near a man that was of a different Religion , or perswasion from them . But this appears more plainly by that passage of St. Iohns Gospel , where there is mention of six water pots of stone , at the marriage-feast of Cana in Galilee , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the manner of the purifying of the Iews s . Where by no means I can consent to Maldon●tes interpretation , who will not have these water-pots to be used at all for any Legal or Mosaical purification , Qua qui secundum legem polluti erant , mundabantur , in which they used to wash themselves who had incurred some legal pollution ; but onely for those Pharisaical washings , which the Pharisees used often in the midst of a feast : Which had it been the meaning of the holy Evangelist , it is like he would have rather called it , The purification of the Pharisees , than the Purifying of the Iews . We also have the testimony of St. Paul himself , affirming , That the service of God under the first Tabernacle , consisted onely in meats and drinks , and divers washings , and carnal Ordinances t ; where we see divers washings put for part of the Legal Ceremonies . Not to run over more particulars , that washing of the hands was used as a sign of innocency , a sign of freedom from such guilt as men stood accused of , is not apparent onely by those words of the Royal Psalmist , I will wash my hands in innocency , Psal. 26. But by that memorable passage in the Book of Deuteronomy , where the Elders and Iudges of the people , in the case of an accidental undiscovered murder , are commanded to wash their hands , and say , Our hands have not shed this blood , neither have our eyes seen it u . In imitation of which custom ( for the Romans had no such , for ought I have read ) Pilate forsooth , must wash his hands at the death of Christ x , as if it had been an accidental ( chance-medley , as we use to call it ) not a studied murder . Next , to proceed unto the Gentiles , these Legal washings of the Iews in case of pollution , were quickly taken up by the Neighbor-nations , near whom they lived , and amongst whom their ordinary business and affairs gave them correspondence ; insomuch , that they had not onely frequent washings to cleanse them from ordinary offences , but used them also as purgations for their greater crimes , and as preparatories to their Sacrifices and Divine solemnities . Of sprinkling the common people with this holy water we finde this of the Poet , Spargere rore levi , & ramo foelicis Olivae , lustravitque viros y , that is to say , That the Priest sprinkled the by-standers with an Olive-bough , and thereby hallowed them ( as it were ) for the present service . Of the opinion which they had of doing away their greater crimes by the washing of water , we have the example of Orestes , who having killed his Mother , and so lost his wits , is said by Homer to have recovered his understanding again , by this kinde of washing . The like did Theseus on the murder of the sons of Pallas z ; the like Apollo and Diana on the slaughter of Pytho a , as we read in Pausanias , a learned writer of the Greeks . Tertullian hath delivered it for a general rule , Penes veteres quisquis se homicidio infecerat , purgatrice aqua se expiabat b , That antiently they which were guilty of homicide or wilful murder , did use to expiate the crime with a purging water ; and that they also did the like in the case of Perjury . Nay , he that was returned from war , and was no otherwise involved in the blood of mankinde , than according to the ordinary course of battels , did either in piety or modesty think himself unfit to deal in any civil , much less sacred matters , Donec me flumine vivo abluero c , as the Poet hath it ; till he had washed himself in the running waters . Of which , and of the Expiations which were conceived to be attained by means thereof , we finde this in Ovid , O nimium faciles , qui tristia crimina caedis Fluminea tolli posse putatis aqua . In English thus . Too facile souls , who think such heinous matters May expiated be with River-waters . Wherein , although he hit it right , as to the humor of the people in those expiations , yet he was somewhat out in the word fluminea , the waters onely of the Sea serving for expiation of the greater crimes , Propter vim igneam magnopere purgationibus consentaneam d , as my Author hath it . For which cause questionless , the Papists in the composition of their holy water , make use of Salt , as one of the chief ingredients , that it may come more near in nature unto the water of the Sea ; of which , there is enough to be seen in the Roman Rituals . Last of all in their Sacrifices and solemn service of the Gods , it is observed by Alexander ab Alexandro , In omnibus sacris sacerdotem , cum diis immolat & rem divinam facit , corporis ablutione purgari e , That the Priest used to wash himself all over in the way of Purgation . The reason was , because that by such washings they did not onely think themselves to be cleansed from sin , Sed & castimoniam praestari putant , but that chastity and purity of minde was conferred withal : And to come nearer to our business , Tertullian tels us , Sacris quibusdam per lavachrun initiari f that unto some of their sacred offices , as to those of Isis , Mithras , and the Games of Apollo , they were consecrated or initiated by a kind of Baptism . So that our Savior finding such a general consent both of Iewes and Gentles , in ascribing unto water such an expiating and cleansing power , retained it as the fittest element for the initiating of his followers in his holy Church , and the cleansing of their souls from that filth of sin , which nature and corrupt education had contracted in them . No otherwise than in the institution of the other Sacrament , he made not onely use of the bread and Wine , but almost also of the accustomed formal words which were in use amongst the Iews at their Paschal Supper : his heavenly wisdom so disposing of these former Rites , that he seemed rather to direct and sanctifie them to his own great end , than any way to innovate in the institution . Having thus spoke a little of these Baptismal washings used amongst the Iews ( for by that name they do occur both in St. Marks Gospel and in Pauls Epistle ) and of the efficacy falsly and erroneously ascribed unto them by the ancient Gentiles : We must next look upon them as an Institution of our Lord and Saviours , and of the true effect of that institution in cleansing of our selves from the filth of sin . Not that we give this power to water , as it is an Element , but do ascribe the same to Baptism as it is a Sacrament ordained by Christ himself to that end and purpose . And so far it is pleaded by Tertullian strongly , that if the Gentiles did ascribe so great power to water in all their Expiations and Initiations , Quanto id verius aquae praestabunt per Dei authoritatem g , How much more truly may it be made effectual to those very purposes by the authority and appointment of Almighty God ? All waters in themselves were alike effectual as to the curing of Naamans Leprosie ; Abanah and Pharphar , Rivers of Damascus , as proper to that cure as the river of Iordan h , had not God in the way of a present remedy , conferred that blessing upon Iordan , which was not to be found in those other Rivers . It was Gods blessing , not the water , which produced that Miracle , to which all other waters might have been as serviceable , if God had said the word , and disposed so of them . And so it is also in the work of regeneration , which we ascribe , not to the water , but the institution ; nor to the Sacramental water of it self alone , but to the holy Spirit which is active in it , Et ipsi soli hujus efficienciae privilegium manet p , to which belongeth the prerogative in this great effect . For as the Spirit of God moving upon the waters of the great Abyss , did out of that imperfect matter produce the world ; so the same Spirit moving on the waters of Baptism , doth by its mighty power produce a regenerate Creature . From hence it is , that in the setting forth of so great a work , the water and the Spirit are oft joyned together , as in St. Iohn , Except a man be born again of Water and the Spirit , he cannot enter into the Kingdom of Heaven q ; And in St. Paul , accrrding to his mercy hath he saved us , by the washing of regeneration , and renewing of the Holy Ghost r : And in St. Iohns Epistle also , There be three that bear witness on the earth , the Spirit , and the Water , and the Blood s . And if the Spirit go along with the Waters of Baptism ( as we see them joyned together in the holy Scripture ) no question but it will be made effectual to the work intended , which is , the washing away of sins , whether smal or great , whether Original or Actual , of what sort soever . For proof whereof , besides what hath been said of this Point already , let us behold the practise of the Primitive times , when the Discipline of the Church was grown so severe , that some were hardly admitted at all unto publick Penance , others removed from the communion of the Church , for three , four , or seven years together , and sometimes ( as the quality of the sin appeared ) for the whole time of their lives . A Discipline which the Church used onely towards those which had given up their names in baptism , to be visible members of that body whereof Christ was Head ; and that made more unpleasing to most sort of men upon the growth and spreading of the Novatian Heresie , who mistaking the Apostles meaning , declared all those to be uncapable of mercy , who sinned after Baptism , and therefore neither would admit them unto publick penance , nor otherwise restore them to the Churches peace , of whom St. Cyprian thus complaineth , Sic obstinatos esse quosdam ut dandam non putent lapsis poenitentiam t . And though the Orthodox party did abominate these Novatian rigors , yet were they too strait-laced towards those who fell into any publick or notorious sin , after they had received the Sacrament of Regeneration , it being conceived , that after Baptism , major in sordibus delictorum reatus u , as it is in Augustine , the smalest sins seemed greater than indeed they were . Upon this ground , and an assurance which they had that all their sins whatever were expunged in Baptism , it was the custom of too many to defer their Baptism till the hour of their death , or till they lay so far past hope on the bed of sickness , that nothing but the stroke of death was to be expected . Thus doth the Story tell us of the Emperor Constantine , that in extremo vitae die x , when he was even brought to the point of death , he was baptized in Nicomedia by the hands of Eusebius ; the like of Theodosius a most pious Prince : upon these grounds St. Austine did defer his baptism a long time together , that so he might more freely enjoy those pleasures to which he was addicted in his younger years y . On the like fear of such relapses as were censured so severely in those rigid times , he put off the baptizing of Adeodatus ( his own natural Son ) till he came to thirteen years of age , at what time the severity of the Church began to slaken , or rather the good Fathers judgement was then changed to the better , on the right understanding of the use and nature of that holy Sacrament . A custom , as ill taken up , so as much condemned ; and subject to the Churches censures when occasion served ; those which were so baptized and escaped from death , whom they called Clinici z , because they were baptized on the bed of sickness , being disabled by the Canons from the holy Ministery a . But whether censured or not censured it comes all to one , as to the point I have in hand , which was to shew that in the practise and opinion of those elder times , the Sacrament of Baptism was held to be the general plaster for all manner of sins ; and though sometimes deferred till the hour of death , on the occasion and mistakes before remembred , yet then most earnestly desired , ad delenda erratu illa , quae quoniam mortales erant , admiserant b , as the Historian saith of the Emperor Constantine , for expiating of those sins which they had committed . But on the other side , as some did purposely defer it till the time of their death , out of too great a fear of the Church's censures , and a desire to injoy the pleasures of sin yet a little longer ; so others , and those the generality of the people of God , out of a greater care of their childrens safety , procured it to be administred unto them in their ●endrest infancy , almost as soon as they were born . And this they did on very pious and prudential considerations though there be no express command , nor positive precept for it in the holy Scripture , for when we read , that we were shapen in iniquity , and conceived in sin , Psal. 51.5 . that all men are by nature the children of wrath , Ephes. 2.3 . and that except a man be born again of water and the Spirit he cannot enter into the Kingdom of Heaven , Joh. 3.5 . What Parent can so far put off all natural affections , as not to bring his child to baptism ( especially if there be any danger of death ) as soon as all things fitting can be had in readiness for that ministration ? And though there be no positive precept , nor express command for Infant-baptism in the holy Scripture , it is sufficient ground for the Church to go on , if it be proved to be an Apostolical practise ; and that it is at least an Apostolical practise , there will appear sufficient evidence to any man not prepossessed with prejudice , and mis-perswasions : For when we finde particular mention of the baptizing of whole housholds , as of that of Lydia , Act. 16.15 . of the Gaoler vers . 33. of the same Chapter , and of Stephanus , 2 Cor. 1.16 . Either we must exclude children from being part of the houshold , which were very absurd , or else admit them with the rest to this holy Sacrament . But because many exceptions have been made against these instances , some thinking it possible enough that those housholds had no children in them ( as we see many families in great Towns and Cities where no Infants are ; ) others restraining the administration of Baptism unto such of the houshold , as by giving testimony of their Faith and Repentance were made capable of it ; we must for further proof make use of a Rule in Law , and back that Rule of Law by a practical Maxim delivered by the Ancient Fathers : The Rule is this , That Custom is the best interpreter of a doubtful Law ; and we are lessoned thereupon to cast our eyes , in all such questionable matters , unto the practise of the State in the self-same case . Si de Interpretione legis quaeritur , imprimis inspiciendum est , quo ●ure Civitas retro in hujusmodi casibus usa fuit . Consuetudo enim optima interpretatio Legis est c , Where we have both the Rule and the Reason too ; Which Rule as it holds good in all Legal Controvesies , so there is a practical Maxim of as much validitie in matters of Ecclesiastical nature , delivered by the ancient Writers . This Maxim we will take from St. Augustines mouth , and after shew how consonant it is unto the mind of the rest of the Fathers . Quod universa tenet Ecclesia , nec in Conciliis institutum , sed semper retentum est , non nisi Apostolica autoritate traditum rectissimè creditur d , i. e. Whatsoever the whole Church maintaineth , which hath not been ordained by authority of Councils , but been alwaies holden , most rightly may be thought to have been delivered by Apostolical authority . To this agreeth St. Hierom also , saying , Etiamsi Scripturae autoritas non subesset , totius Orbis in hanc partem consensus instar praecepti obtineret e , That were there no authority of the Scripture for it , yet the unanimous consent of all the world were as good as a precept . So doth St. Irenaeus also , who telleth us that in doubtful cases , Oportet in antiquissimas rec●rrere Ecclesias in quibus Apostoli conversati sunt , & ab iis de praesenti quaestione sumere quod certum & re liquidum est f , we are to have recourse to the Eldest Churches in which some of the Apostles lived , and learn of them what is to be determined in the present question . And to this Maxim thus confirmed , not onely the Romanists do submit , but even Calvin too ; who telleth us he would make no scruple to admit Traditions , Si modo Ecclesiae traditionem ex certo & perpetuo sanctorum & Orthodoxorum consensu confirmaret g , If Pighius could demonstrate to him , that such Traditions were derived from the certain and continual consent of Orthodox and godly men . If then , according to this Maxim , it be made apparent , that Infant-baptism hath been generally used in the Church of Christ , not being ordained in any Council , but practised in those elder Churches in which some of the Apostles lived , and since continued in the constant and perpetual usage of all godly men , we may conclude , that certainly it is of Apostolical Institution , though there occur no positive Precept for it in the Book of God. Which ground so laid , we will proceed unto our proofs for this general practise , taking our rise from Augustines time , without looking lower , because his Authority is conceived to have carryed the Baptism of Infants , almost without controul in the following ages h . First then for Augustine , he is positive and express herein , Infantes reos esse Originalis peccati , & ideo baptizandos esse , That Infants being guilty of Original sin , are to be Baptised i , and this he cals antiquam fidei regulam , the old Rule of Faith , and saith expresly , Hoc Ecclesia semper habuit , semper tenuit , & à majorum fide recepit k , That the Church alwaies held and used it , deriving in from the authority and credit of their Predecessors . St. Chrysostom a Presbyter of the church of Antioch , where St. Peter sometimes sate as Bishop , somewhat before S. Augustins time , speaks of Infant-Baptism , as a thing generally received in the Christian Church ; Hoc praedicat Ecclesia Catholica ubique diffusa , The Catholick Church ( saith he ) over all the world doth approve of this . Some what before him lived St. Hierom , a Presbyter of the Church of Rome , which questionless was one of the Apostolick Sees , founded both by St. Peter and St. Paul , the two great Apostles of Iew and Gentile , as the Antients say l , And he is clear for Infant-Baptism . Qui parvulus est Parentis in Baptismo vinculo solvitur , &c. Children , saith he , are freed in Baptism from the sin of Adam , in the guilt whereof they were involved , but men of riper years from their own and his m . And in conclusion he resolves , Infantes etiam in peccatorum remissionem baptizandos , &c. That Infants are to be baptized for the remission of sins , and not as the Pelagians taught , into hopes of Heaven , as if they had been guilty of no sin at all . A little before him flourished St. Ambrose , successor to Barnabas the Apostle in the See of Millain n , who speaking of the Pelagian Heresies , who published amongst other things , that the hurt which Adam did unto his posterity , was exemplo non transitu , rather by giving them such a bad example of disobedience , than by driving on them any natural sinfulness , doth thereupon infer , that if this were true , Evacuatio Baptismatis parvulorum o , The Baptism of Infants were no longer necessary . And in the same age , but before , flourished Gregory Nazianzen , who calling Baptism Signaculum vitae cursum ineuntibus , a Seal imprinted upon those who begin to live , requires , That children should be brought unto holy Baptism , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lest they should wart the common grace of the Church p . And though he afterwards advise , that the Baptism of Children should be deferred till they be three years old , that so they might be able to make answer to some Catechetical questions ; yet in a case of danger he doth press it home ; it being better ( as he grants ) that they be sanctified insensibly , they not perceiving it ( by reason of their tender years ) than that they should depart hence without that signature . Ascend we from the fourth to the third age of the Church , and there we finde St. Cyprian the Great , Bishop of Carthage , as great a stickler for the Baptism of Infants , as any one whosoever in the times succeeding . He in an Epistle to one Fidus doth thus plead the case , Porro si etiam gravissimis delictoribus , &c q . If , saith he , remission of sins be given to the greatest offenders , none of which , if they afterwards believe in God , are excluded from the grace of Baptism : Quanto magis prohiberi non debet infans , qui recens natus nihil peccavit , &c. How much rather should an Infant be admitted to it , who being new-born , have not sinned at all , save that they have contracted from Adam that original guilt , which followeth every man by nature ; and therefore are more capable of the forgiveness of sins , than others are , Quod illis remittuntur non propria sed aliena peccata , Because it is not their own , but anothers sin : Nor was this the opinion of St. Cyprian onely , but the unanimous consent of Sixty and six African Bishops convened in Council , by whom it was declared ( as he there relateth ) That Baptism was to be ministred as well to Infants , as unto men of riper yeers . Before him flourished Origen , and he telleth us plainly , Ecclesiam ab Apostolis traditionem accepisse , etiam parvulis Baptismum dare r , That the Church received the Baptism of Infants from Apostolical tradition . And more than so , he sheweth , That it is ministred to them in reference to original sin ; which were it not to be found in Infants , and that they did not stand in need of remission of sins , Gratia Baptismi superflua videretur , the grace conferred in Baptism would be thought superfluous . And in another place , speaking of the Ceremonies of Baptism , and of the Questions and Answers which are therein used , he makes them to be matters of such antiquity , that few or none ( Quis facile explicat rationem t , as his words there are ) were able to assign the true reason of them . Which questionless must be understood of Infant-Baptism , or else it could be no hard matter to assign a Reason , of any Question there propounded unto men of years . And in this age I place the Author of the Questions and Answers ascribed to Iustin Martyr , and found amongst the rest of his works , but are none of his : Which Author , whosoever he was , speaking of this Infant-Baptism , as a thing usual in his time , and of the different estates of such Infants as died baptized , from those that departed without Baptism , resolves it thus , That the baptized receive good things at the Resurrection , which the other do not u ; and that they are accounted worthy of the good things they receive by Baptism , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by reason of the faith of those who present them to it , their God-fathers , and God-mothers , as we call them now . In the beginning of this third Century , or the end of the second , did Tertullian write his Book of Baptism ; in which , though he seem to disallow of Baptizing Infants , in regard of the danger which may arise unto the Sureties , ( Quid enim necesse est sponsores etiam periculo ingeri x ? ) if either they should die before they see their undertaking performed , or the childe fall into a vitious course of life ; yet even his disallowance is a proof sufficient , That Infant-Baptism , in his time , was a thing in use . And I hope no man will conceive , who rightly understands what Tertullian was , that his dislike or disallowance , is to be put in ballance with a Catholick custom , retained for so many ages in the Church of Christ ; or if it were , not onely children must be barred from the favor of Baptism , but all unmarried persons , whether Maids or Widows , Batchelors or Widowers , ( for them he would have put off too in the self-same Chapter , ) unless they can give good assurance of their future continuance . But before him , about the middle of this second Century flourished Irenaeus , one who conversed with Polycarpus , and others of St. Iohns Disciples ; and he seems very clear also for Infant-Baptism , Christus venit omnes per seipsum salvare , omnes inquam qui per ipsum renascuntur in Deum , Infantes , & parvulos , & pueros y . Christ , saith he , came into the world to save all by himself ; even all , which by him are born again unto God , whether they be Infants , Boyes , or Youths . Upon which words the Glosser makes this observation , Nomine renascentiae Dominica & Apostolica phrasi Baptismum intelligi ; that is to say , that under the name of new-birth , or of being born again unto God , both our Redeemer , Iohn 3.5 . and his Apostles , and St. Paul , Tit. 3.5 . understand the Sacrament of Baptism . Which note , by whomsoever made , is not alone agreeable unto holy Writ , but to the meaning and acception of most Catholick Doctors , as might be made apparent , had I place and time . And so far we are able to go in a direct line towards the very time of the Lords Apostles ; and doubt not but we could have pursued it higher , had the writings of those few Worthies which went before , come uncorrupted to our hands . But this I hope will prove without further search , That Infant-Baptism hath the countenance of Apostolical Tradition , though not of any Positive precept . But here two Questions will arise , which require an Answer . For being that Faith in Christ hath been always reckoned for a necessary condition in them that come to be baptized ; what Faith can possibly be expected at the hands of Infants ? And secondly , If Baptism be so necessary , as it seems to be by most of the authorities before produced , for purging us from the corruption of original and actual sins , what is to be conceived of them who die unbaptized ? First , For the Faith which is by some supposed to be in Infants born of Christian Parents , I can by no means yeeld unto it . For actual Faith they can have none , in regard they are not able to distinguish between good and evil ; and though the Seeds of Faith are sown in them by Baptism , or that thereby they are prepared to receive an habit of Faith , which may be afterwards acquired by them , or infused into them ; yet that they do bring with them an Habitual Faith , I can by no means understand . How then were children justified ? by what faith baptized ? I answer , By the faith of others . The faith of those who do present them unto Baptism , and of the Church which doth admit them , and finally of their Christian Parents , with whom the Covenant was made for themselves and theirs . St. Augustine is express for this , in more places than one . Sicut eos renasci per ministerium baptizantium , ita eos credere per corda & ora confitentium a : As they are born again ( saith he ) by the Ministry of those who do baptize them , so they believe by the hearts and mouths of those who confess Christ for them . Again , saith he , Satis piè recteque creditur prodesse parvulo eorum fidem , à quibus consecrandus offertur b , That it may piously be believed , that little children are benefited by the faith of them , by whom they are offered unto Baptism . And in another place he saith , Accommodat illis , mater ecclesia aliorum pedes ut veniant , aliorum corda ut credant c ; The Church our Mother doth supply them with other mens feet , that they may come , and with other mens hearts too , that they might believe . The like saying may be also alleged ( as B. Iewel doth acknowledge d ) out of St. Cyprian , Ierom , and others . And to what other material purpose , if not to this , served God-fathers and God-mothers in those early days , whereof we finde mention in Tertullian , and in the Quaestiones ad Orthod . ascribed to Iustin Martyr , as before was shewn ? Or who made answer to those Interrogatories proposed in Baptism , unto Infants , whereof Origen speaks , but the Sponsores or Presenters spoken of by the other two ? And though St. Bernard be a Postnatus , one of later date , yet , in my minde , he gives a very special reason why it should be so ; why God should graciously accept the faith of others for those tender Infants , who have none of their own . Nec enim omnipotentis justitia propriam ab his putat exigendam fidem , quos novit nullam propriam habere culpam e ; The justice of Almighty God ( saith he ) doth not think it fitting , that having committed no particular sin of their own , he should exact of them a proper and particular faith of their own ; but as they were undone by anothers fault , so they should be relieved by anothers faith . To which effect , though not so fully , I have read somewhere I am sure in St. Ierome , but cannot well remember where , Qui peccavit in altero , credat in altero ; That he which hath sinned in others , may believe by others . For the next point , though we maintain the necessity of Baptism , as the ordinary outward means to attain salvation ; and do correct those Ministers by the Churches censures , by whose gross negligence or default ( if required to do it ) an Infant shall die unbaptized f , Yet we conceive it not so absolutely necessary in the way to Heaven , but it is possible for a man to be saved without it . For antiquity supplied in some , the want of water , by blood , which many times was the case of Martyrs ; in others , the inevitable want of Baptism , by the Holy Ghost , the earnestness of the desire , if it might have been had , supplying the defect of the outward Ceremony . Hence came the old distinction of Baptismus fluminis , Baptismus flaminis , and Baptismus sanguinis . Concerning which , the Fathers teach us this in brief g , That where men are debarred by an evitable impossibility from the outward Sacrament , Faith and the inward conversion of the heart , flying unto God in IESUS CHRIST , through the sweet motion and gracious instinct of the Holy Spirit , may be reckoned for a kinde of Baptism , because thereby they obtain all that , which they so earnestly sought after in the Sacrament of Baptism , if they could have been partakers of it . And if it be so , that an ordinary degree of Faith do sometime obtain salvation without the Baptism of Water ; much more may that which makes men willing to suffer death for Christs and the Gospels sake , and be baptized , as it were , in their dearest blood . It was not simply the want of Baptism , but the neglect and contempt thereof , which antiently in the Adulti , men of riper years , was accounted damnable . But what may then be said in the case of Infants , in whom are no such strong desires , no such sanctified motions ? Shall we adjudge them with St. Augustine to eternal fire , ( as some say he did ) who thereby worthily got the name of Infanto-mastyx , or the scourge of Infants , as he had gloriously gained the title of Malleus Pelagianorum , The Maul or Hammer of the Pelagian Hereticks ? No : God forbid , that we should so restrain his most infinite mercies unto outward means . Or shall we feign a third place for them , near the skirts of Hell , as our good Masters do in the Church of Rome ? We have as little ground for that in the holy Scripture : Rather than so , we may resolve , and I think with safety , that as the Faith of the Church , and of those which do present such as are baptized , is by God accepted for their own ; so the desire and willingness of the same Church , and of their God-fathers , and Parents , where Baptism cannot possibly be had , is reputed theirs also . Or if not so , yet we refer them full of hope to the grace of God , in whose most rigorous constitutions and sharpest denunciations , deepest mercies are hid ; and who is still the Father of mercies , though the God of justice . And so I shut up this discourse with these words of Hooker h , That for the Will of God to impart his grace to Infants without Baptism , the very circumstance of their natural birth , may serve in that case for a just Argument ; whereupon it is not to be misliked , that men in a charitable presumption do gather a great likelihood of their salvation , to whom the benefit of Christian parentage being given , the rest that should follow is prevented by some such casualty , as man hath no power himself to avoid . So he , of those which are descended of a Christian stock . What may be thought of children born of unbelievers , hath been said elswhere : And so much of the first ordinary outward means ordained by Christ for the remission of our sins , the holy Sacrament of Baptism . Proceed we next unto the other , which is the power of the Keys committed in the person of St. Peter to the Catholick Church , and those which by the Churches order are authorized and appointed to it : That miserable man being wrought upon unto repentance , by the power and preaching of the Word , may on confession of his sins be forgiven of God , or have the benefit of absolution from the hands of his Ministers , if their spiritual necessities do so require . For certainly there is not a more ready way to forgiveness of sins , than by sincere and sound repentance ; nor any speedier means to beget repentance , than to present our sins unto us in their own deformity , by the most righteous myrror of the Word of God. For when the sinner comes to know by the Word of God , the heinousness of his misdeeds , the wrath which God conceives against him for his gross offences , together with the punishment which is due unto them according to his rigorous judgments : The thought thereof must needs affect him both with fear and horror , and make him truly sensible of his desperate state . To whom then shall he flie for succor , but to God alone , humbly confessing unto him both his sins and sorrows ? How can he look to be recovered of the biting of these fiery Serpents , but by looking with the eye of faith on that brazen Serpent , which was exalted on the Cross for his Redemption ? Or if he finde his Conscience troubled , and his minde afflicted , and that he hath not confidence enough to draw near to God ; then let him go unto the Priest , whom God hath made to be the Iudge between the unclean and the clean i , whom God hath authorized to minister the word of comfort , to raise up them that be faln , and support the weak , to give light to them that sit in darkness , and in the shadow of death , and to guide their feet in the way of peace . This is the Method to be used , the course to be pursued by those who do desire to profit in the School of repentance . And about this , as to the main and substance of it , there is but little difference amongst knowing men . For that Repentance is a necessary means required for the remission of sins , committed after Baptism , the Antients and the Moderns do agree in one . The Fathers used to call it secundam tabulam post naufragium , the second Table after Spiritual shipwrack ; on which , all those who had made shipwrack of the Faith and a good conscience used to lay hold ( after they had foregone the benefit received in Baptism ) to keep them up from sinking in the depth of despair , from being overwhelmed in the bottomless Ocean of sin and judgment . The Moderns set as high an estimate upon it , if they go not higher : For Calvin placeth in repentance and forgiveness of sins the sum and substance of the Gospel ; Non abs re summa Evangelii statuitur in poenitentia & remissione peccatorum k . And Beza maketh it a necessary preparation , ad perendum & recipienduns Christi beneficium , for seeking and obtaining of those benefits which we have by Christ l . The like doth Zanchius in his Book De Relig. Cap. 18. Thes. 1. And it is generally agreed on also , That confession of our sins must be made to God , to whom alone belongs the proper and original power of forgiving sins ; and who alone is able to renew those heavenly characters of divine graces in our souls , which had been formerly defaced by the continual batteries and assaults of sin . If we confess our sins , saith the Apostle ▪ he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins , and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness m . But if we say , we have not sinned , we both deceive our selves , and make God a lyer . Upon which words there cannot be a better gloss than that of Ambrose . Considering ( saith he ) that there is no man free from the guilt of sin , Negate hoc sacrilegum n , it was an high degree of sacrilege to affirm the contrary ; that being one of the Prerogatives of Almighty God , and far above the common law of nature ? But on the other side , Remedium confiteri , It is , ●aith he , a present remedy to confess the same ; all manner of diseases being then most dangerous , when they are hid from the Physician . And it is generally agreed on by all parties too , according to the holy Scripture , that none but God hath proper and original power of forgiving sins , ( for who can so forgive sins , but God alone ? said the Pharisees rightly , Luke 5.21 . ) and that it appertains unto him alone to create in us a clean heart , and renew a right spirit within us , Psal. 5● . 10 . Nor do I finde it much disputed amongst moderate men , but that satisfaction unto men for the wrong sustained , and to the Church for publick scandals , hath always been accounted a concomitant of sincere repentance . The old rule holds unquestionably true in the present times ; and , non dimittitur peccatum nisi restituatur ablatum , that sin is never fully pardoned , till the party wronged have satisfaction , either in fact or in the reality of our intentions , is a good peece of Pro●estant doctrine for ought I can tell . And as for satisfaction to the Church in the case of scandal , St. Augustine doth require it in his Encheiridion , Vt fuit etiam satis ecclesiae in qua remittuntur peccata o , That the Church have also satisfaction in which sins are pardoned . He must be very ignorant in all Antient writers , who makes doubt of this , and not much conversant in the writings of the late Divines , who knows not how this satisfaction is insisted on by the strictest of our Reformators . Nay , I will go a little further , and say according to the Scriptures , and the Primitive Fathers , That satisfaction also must be given to God. Not satisfaction of condignity as the Schoolmen call it p , which is a just and equal compensation for the sin committed ; for so Christ onely satisfied for the sins of men ; but satisfaction of congruity and impetration , by which God is incited on the part of man , by his contrition , and humiliation , and other penitential actions , to free him from the punishment which he hath deserved . The Sacrifice of God is a broken spirit , an humble and a contrite heart , he will not despise q . With which , and such like sacrifices is the Lord well pleased r ; better than with a Bullock which hath horns and hoofs s . And in this sense , ( not in relation unto temporal punishments , remaining after the remission of the guilt it self , as the Papists use it ) we are to understand the word in the Antient Fathers ; as Per delictorum poenitentiam Deo satisfacere , in Tertullian , Lib. de poenit . Cap. 5. Precibus & operibus suis Deo patri misericordi satisfacere , in St. Cyprian . Epist. 10. Per poenitentiae dolorem , humilitatis gemitum , cordis contriti sacrificium co-operantibus eleemosynis , in St. Ambrose . But the main matter in dispute , ( for we will not trouble our selves further about this particular ) is , Touching the confession of our sins to men , and the authority of Sacerdotal Absolution : In the first of which we differ from the Church of Rome ; and in the other , from the Grandees of the Puritan faction . First , For confession to be made to the Priest or Minister , it is agreeable both to the doctrine and intent of the Church of England , though not so much in practise as it ought to be . For in an Exhortation before the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , the Priest as Minister is required to say unto the People t , That if there be any of them which otherwise cannot quiet his own conscience by the means aforesaid , but requireth further comfort or counsel , then let him come to me ( the Parish Minister ) or some other discreet and learned Minister of Gods Word , and open his grief , that he may receive such ghostly counsel , advice , and comfort , as his conscience may be relieved ; and that by the ministery of Gods Word he may receive comfort , and the benefit of absolution , to the quieting of his conscience , and the avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness . So also in the form of Visitation of the sick , the infirm person is required to make a special confession ( to the Minister ) if he feel his conscience troubled with any weighty matter ; after which confession , the Priest shall absolve him in this sort u . But because men might be unwilling to make such confession , for fear their secret sins should be brought to light , both to their danger and disgrace ; in case some obligation lay not on the Priest or Minister , for his concealing of the same ; the Church hath taken order for their security : For in her Ecclesiastical Constitutions she hath thus ordained ▪ That if any man confess his secret and hidden sins to the Minister , for the unburthening of his conscience , and to receive spiritual consolation , and ease of minde from him ; the said Minister shall not at any time reveal and make known , to any person whatsoever , any crime or offence so committed to his trust and secresie ( except they be such crimes as by the Laws of this Land , his own life may be called into question for concealing the same ) under pain of irregularity x . And poena irregularitatis , as the Canonists tell us , not onely doth deprive a man of all his spiritual promotions for the present time , but makes him utterly uncapable of any for the time to come ; and therefore is the greatest penalty , except degradation from his Priesthood , which possibly a Clergy-man can be subject to . And finally , because good Laws are nothing worth , unless some care be taken for their execution , it was made one of the enquiries in the Book of Articles established in the Convocation of the year 1640. for a perpetual rule and standard in all Episcopal and Archidiaconal Visitations y , and proposed thus to the Church-wardens , viz. Have you ever heard that your said Priest or Minister hath revealed and made known at any time to any person whatsoever , any crime or offence committed to his trust and secresie , either in extremity of sickness , or in any other case whatsoever ( except they be such crimes as by the Laws of this Land , &c. ) declare the name of the Offender , when and by whom you heard the same z . In which we see , this Church allows of one Key onely to unlock Confession , and that the Gallican Church doth allow of also . For in the Re-admission of the Iesuites into the University of Paris , it was especially conditioned and provided for , amongst other things , That if they heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King , or his Realm , or any matter of treason in Confession , they ( and all other Clergy-men on the like occasions ) should reveal the same unto the Magistrate a . But to proceed , As is the purpose of the Church , such also is the judgment of those learned men which are most eminent therein , both for parts and piety , especially for their aversness from all Popish fancies . First , Bishop Iewel thus for one , Abuses and errors being removed , and specially the Priest being learned , we mislike no manner of Confession , whether it be private or publick . For as we think it not unlawful to make open Confession before many , so we think it not unlawful ( abuses always excepted ) to make the like confession in private , either before a few , or before one alone b . The like saith Bishop Morton in his Appeal , It is not questioned between us whether it be convenient for a man burdened with sin , to lay open his conscience in private unto the Minister of God , and to seek at his hands , both counsel of instruction , and the comfort of Gods pardon : But whether there be , as from Christs institution , such an absolute necessity of this private confession , both for all sorts of men , and every Ordinance and particular sin , so as without it there is no pardon and remission to be hoped for from God c . Bishop Overal put it into his Enquiries amongst the Articles of his Episcopal Visitation , Anno 1619. Whether the Minister did his duty in exhorting people to confession , according to the order of the Common-Prayer Book ; or had revealed any thing so made known unto him , contrary to the 113 Canon , that so he might be punished accordingly d . And finally , thus Bishop Usher , the now Primate of Armagh , Be it therefore known , that no kinde of confession , either publick or private , is disallowed by us , which is any ways requisite for the due execution of the antient power of the Keys , which Christ bestowed upon his Church . The thing which we reject is , that new Pick-lock of Sacramental Confession , obtruded upon mens consciences as a matter necessary to salvation e : Others as eminent as they , might be here produced : But I content my self with these , because that even in the opinion of those very men who have cast scandals upon those others , as inclined to Popery , they are not chargable with any correspondence with the Church of Rome . Nor shall I shew , how consonant this doctrine is to the Antient Fathers , who require this confession of us ; nor of the Lutheran Churches who do still retain it , as appears plainly by the Augustane confession , saying , Nam & nos confessionem retinemus f &c. and by the Testimony of Gerrardus , and other of their learned Writers g Onely I shall adde here what Bellarmine hath affirmed of Calvin , because his judgment , I am sure , will be worth the having , Admittit etiam Calvinus privatam confessionem coram Pastore , quando quis ita angitur & afflictatur , peccatorum sensu , ut se explicare nisi alieno adjutorio nequeat h . Calvin ( saith he ) admits of private confession before a Minister , when a man is so perplexed and troubled in his minde , that he cannot extricate himself no otherwise out of these anxieties . What then ? Is there no difference in this point between Rome and us ? Assuredly , much every way , especially as to the necessity , and particularity : For those of Rome impose an absolute necessity of this Sacramental Confession , as they call it , and that De jure divino , by vertue of some positive , and direct command even from Christ himself ; and that too of all sins , and with all the circumstances , which is a tyranny and torture to the souls of men . But the Protestants ( saith Bishop Morton ) acknowledge the use of it with these two restrictions : The first , That it be free in regard of Conscience ; the second , That it be possible in regard of performance i . And Bellarmine informs of Calvin also , that he puts these limitations upon Confession , Ut libera sit , nec ab omnibus exigatur , nec necessario de omnibus k ; that is to say , That it be left at liberty , and neither exacted of all men , nor the enumeration of all particular sins required of them . First then , the Papists make it absolutely necessary to a mans salvation , and that too by Divine precept . Without it there is no way to Heaven , saith P. Lombard l . Pope Innocent the third denied Christian burial unto such as die without Confession m . And Hugo in his Book De potestate Ecclesiae , is bold to say , That whosoever cometh to the Communion unconfessed , be he never so repentant and sorry for his sins , doth without doubt receive it to his condemnation n How so ? for that we will enquire of the Council of Trent , where we shall finde , Ad salutem necessariam esse jure divino , That it is necessary to salvation by the Law of God o ; one of the Sacraments of the New Testament , and therefore not to be omitted upon any terms . And yet for all their great brags of the Ius Divinum of Sacramental or Auricular Confession , call it which you will , though they have ransacked many Texts of Scripture to finde it out , it hath been hitherto but to little purpose . Some build it on those words in St. Matthews Gospel , where he speaks of those that were baptized by John in Jordan , confessing their sins , Matth. 3.6 . But , what saith Maldonate to this ? Quis unquam Catholicus tam indoctus fuit ut ex hoc loco Confessionis probaret Sacramentum p : Was ever Catholick so unlearned , as to go about to prove Sacramental Confession from that Text ? Some hope to finde it in those words of our Saviour Christ , Whose sins ye remit , they are remitted , &c. Iohn 20.23 . But Vasquez saith , that of all those who have undertook it , Vix invenies qui efficaciter inde deducat , You shall hardly meet with any that have effectually deduced a good proof from thence q . Others presume as much on that place of the Acts , where it is said , That many which beleeved , came and confessed , and shewed their deeds , Acts 19.18 . But this , sa●th Cajetan , was a publick Confession , and in generals onely , sed non confessio Sacramentalis r , Not such a private and particular one as is now required ; not such a Sacramental one as is now defended . But we might well have saved this particular search , it being ingenuously confessed by Michael de Palacios , a Spanish Writer , That notwithstanding all their pains , to found it on some Text of Scripture , they are so far from being agreed amongst themselves s , that it is much to be admired , Quanta sit de hac re concertatio , What contention there is raised about it , and how badly they agree with one another . And if they have no better ground for the main foundation , how little hopes may we conceive of finding any good in their superstructures ? And yet upon no better grounds do they exact a most unreasonable particularity of all mens affairs , to be delivered to them in confession ; requiring of all persons , being of age , a private and distinct confession of all and every known mortal sin , open and secret , of outward deed , and inward consent , together with all circumstances thereof , though obscene and odrous , not fit to be communicated to a modest ear ; and that too once a year , at least , if they do not oftner . For this we need not go much further than the Council of Trent , where we shall finde , Oportere à poenitentibus omnia peccata mortalia , quorum post diligentem sui discussionem conscientiam habent , in confessione recenseri , etiamsi occultissima sunt , & tantum adversus duo ultima Decalogi mandata ( remember that they divide the last Commandment into two ) commissa , &c t . Which how impossible it is to do , should one go about it , what an intanglement it may prove unto the conscience of a penitent sinner , and what a temptation also to the Priest himself , to be acquainted with particulars so unchast and lustful , I leave to any sober Christian to determine of , who shall finde more hereof in Alvares Pelagius de Planctu Ecclesiae , L. 2. Art. 2 , 3 , 27 , 73 , 83. and Agrippa de Vanitate Scientiarum , cap. 64. Writers of their own , than I think fitting at this time they should hear from me , who do not love to rake in such filthy puddles . So then , the business of Confession doth stand thus between us , That we conceive it to be free , whereas those of Rome will have it obligatory ; we , that it is Iuris positivi onely , but they Iuris divini ; we , that it is a matter of conveniency , and they of absolute necessity . And then for the performance of it , they do exact a punctual enumeration of all sins , both of commission and omission , together with all the accidents and circumstances thereunto belonging ; which we conceive in all cases to be impossible , in some not expedient , and in no case at all required by the Word of God. Now as we disagree with those of the Church of Rome , about the nature and necessity of private confession , so have we no less differences with the Grandees of the Puritan faction , about the efficacy and power of Sacerdotal Absolution , which they which speak most largely of it , make declarative onely , others not so much ; whereas the Church hath taught us , that it is authoritative and judicial too . Authoritative , not by a proper , natural , and original power , for so the absolving of a sinner appertains unto God alone ; but by a delegated and derived power , communicated to the Priest in that clause of their Commission , Whose sins soever ye remit , they are remitted ; and whose sins soever ye retain , they are retained , Iohn 20.23 . Which proves the Priest to have a power of remitting sins , and that in as express and ample manner , as he can receive it . But though it be a delegated , Ministerial power , yet doth not the descent thereof from Almighty God , prove it to be the less judicial : Then Judges , and other Ministers of Justice sitting on the Bench , may be said to exercise a judicial power on the lives and fortunes of the Subjects ; because they do it by vertue of the Kings Commission , not out of any Soveraign power which they can chalenge to themselves in their several circuits . Now that the Priests or Ministers of the Church of England , are vested with as much power in forgiving sins , as Christ committed to his Church , and the Church to them , the formal words , Whose sins soever ye remit , they are remitted , &c. which are still used in Ordinations , do expresly signifie . Which though some of the Grandees of the Puritan faction have pleased to call Papisticum ritum , an old Popish ceremony u foolishly taken up by them , continued with small judgment by our first Reformers , & minore adhuc in ecclesia nostra retentus , and with far less retained by the present Church ; yet we shall rather play the fools with the Primitive Christians , than learn wit of them . And for the exercise of this power , we have this form thereof laid down in the Publick Liturgy ; where , on the hearing of the sick mans confession , the Priest is to absolve him with these formal words x , viz. Our Lord Iesus Christ , who hath left power unto his Church to absolve all sinners , which truly repent and believe in him , of his great mercy forgive thee thine offences : And by his authority committed unto me , I absolve thee from all thy sins , in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost , Amen . In which we finde , that the Sacerdotal power of forgiving sins , is a derived or delegated Ministerial power , a power committed to his Ministers by our Lord and Saviour ; but that it is Iudicial also , not Declarative onely . It is not said , That I do signifie or declare , that thou art absolved , which any man may do as well as the Priest himself ; but I do actually absolve thee of all thy sins , which no mortal man can but he . In this the Priest hath the preheminence of the greatest Potentate . And in this sense it is , that St. Chrysostome saith , Deus ipse subjecit caput Imperatoris manui Sacerdotis y , i.e. That God himself hath put the head of the Prince under the hand of the Priest : For as no man whatsoever , although he use the same words which the Minister doth , can consecrate the Elements of Bread and Wine into the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ , because he wants the power of Order , which should inable him unto it ; so no man not in Priestly order can absolve from sin , though he may comfort with good words an afflicted Conscience , or though he use the same words which are pronounced by the Minister in absolution . The reason is , because he wants the power of order , to which the promise is annexed by our Saviour Christ , which makes the sentence of the Priest to be so judicial ; which when the penitent doth hear from the mouth of the Minister , he need not doubt in foro conscientiae , but that his sins be as verily forgiven on Earth , as if he had heard Christ himself in foro judicii , pronouncing them with his own mouth to be forgiven in Heaven : According to the promise made unto St. Peter ( or the Church in him ) when he delivered him the Keys ; that whatsoever he did loose on Earth , should be loosed in Heaven z . And so we are to understand St. Chrysostomes words , Iudex sedet in terris , dominus sequitur servum a . The Judge remains upon the Earth , the Lord followeth the servant . His meaning is , That what the servant doth here upon the Earth , according to his Masters will , the same the Lord himself will confirm and ratifie . To which effect , it is affirmed by others of the Antient Writers , but in clearer words , That the judgment of man goeth before the judgment of God. The Priest is then a Iudge to pronounce the sentence , and not a Cryer onely ( as some say ) to proclaim what the Judge pronounceth ; and as a Judge doth actually absolve or condemn the sinner , by the same power of pardoning or retaining sins which he had from Christ , or which Christ executes by him as his lawful deputy . For as Kings are said to minister Justice to their Subjects , though they do it not in their own persons , but by a power devolved on subordinate Officers ; and as Christ himself may properly be said to have fed the multitudes , though he gave the loaves onely unto his Disciples , and his Disciples to the multitudes b : So he may also be affirmed to absolve the penitent , although he do it by the mouth of the Priests or Ministers ; it being his act 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and theirs but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , originally his , and ministerially theirs , the same power in both . And this may further be made good by that form of Speech , used by our Saviour in the delegation of this power unto his Apostles , and by them to his Ministers in all ages since , being the very same with that which he himself hath given us in the Pater noster . In his Commission it is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whose sins soever ye remit , Iohn 20.23 . And in the Lords Prayer it is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and forgive us our sins , Luke 11.4 . The same word used in the original for the one , and the other . And if it be a Solecism to say , as no doubt it is , That we desire no more of God in that clause of the Prayer , than that he would signifie or declare that our sins are pardoned : The Solecism must be as great ( for ought I can see ) to say , That they are onely signified or declared to be pardoned by the mouth of the Minister . Now that this is the meaning and intent of the Church of England , some of our Romish adversaries do not stick to grant , though others to calumniate this most Orthodox Church have given out the contrary . For one of their great Controversors hath declared in print , that it is the doctrine of some of the Protestants , That Priests have power not onely to pronounce the remission of sins , but to give it also ; And that this seemeth to be the doctrine of the Communion Book , in the Visitation of the sick , where the Priest saith , And by his authority committed unto me , I absolve thee from all thy sins , &c. c . And therefore when a foul-mouthed Iesuite had been pleased to charge us with denying power unto the Priests of forgiving sins ; Bishop Usher telleth him to his face , That he doth us wrong d , and proves it by the very formal words in our Ordination , Whose sins soever ye remit they are remitted , and whose sins soever ye retain they are retained . But no man can say more to this , than hath been said already by Bishop Morton , now Lord Bishop of Durham , The power of absolution ( saith that learned Prelate ) whether it be general or particular , whether in publick or in private , is professed in our Church ; where both in our Publick Service is proclamed Pardon and Absolution upon all Penitents ; and a particular applying of particular Absolution unto Penitents by the Office of the Ministery . And greater power than this , hath no man received from God e . And this hath also been acknowledged by the Leaders of the Puritan faction , who in their Petition to King Iames at his first coming to this Crown , excepted against the very name of Absolution f , ( as being a Forinsecal and Iuridical word ▪ importing more , surely , than a Declaration ) which they desired to have corrected . And thereupon it was propounded in the Conference at Hampton Court , That to the word Absolution in the Rubrick following the general Confession , these words , Remission of sins , might be added for Explanations sake g . And though Dr. Raynolds , one of the Four Proctors for the said Petitioners , in the foresaid Conference , may be conceived to have been of the same opinion with these of the agrieved sort , whom he did appear for ; yet he was so well satisfied in the power and nature of Sacerdotal Absolution , that he did earnestly desire it at the time of his death , humbly received it at the hands of Dr. Holland , the Kings Professor in Divinity in the Vniversity of Oxon , for the time then being h ; and when he was not able to express his joy and thankfulness in the way of speech , did most affectionately kiss the hand that gave it . But what need more be said for manifesting this judicial power in the remitting of sins , than what is exercised and determined by the Church in the other branch of this Authority , in retaining sins ? By which , impenitent sinners are solemnly and judicially cut off from the sacred Body of the Church , and utterly excluded from the company and Communion of the rest of the faithful . Of which , the Church hath thus resolved in her publick Articles , viz. That person which by open denunciation of the Church , is rightly cut off from the unity of the Church , and Excommunicate , ought to be taken of the whole multitude of the faithful , as an Heathen and Publican , until be be openly reconciled by penance , and received into the Church by a Iudge , that hath authority thereunto i Where clearly we have found a Iudicial power , and a Iudge to exercise the same ; and that not onely in the point of retaining sins , in case of excommunication , but also in reconciling of the penitent , in remitting sins , in the way of ordinary absolution . Which whether it be given in Foro poenitentiae , or in Foro Conscientiae , either in private on the confession of the party , or publickly for satisfaction of the Congregation , doth make no difference in this point ; which onely doth consist in the proof of this , That the Priests or Ministers of the Gospel , lawfully ordained , have under Christ a power of forgiving sins : Which comfortable doctrine of the remission of sins , by Gods great mercy at all times , and the Churches Ministery at some times ( as occasion is ) is the whole subject of this branch of the present Article . Proceed we next to those great benefits which we reap thereby , The Resurrection of the Body , and the Life Everlasting . ARTICLE XI . Of the Eleventh Article OF THE CREED , Ascribed to St. IVDE , the Brother of IAMES . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. e. ) Carnis Resurrectionem . ( i. e. ) The Resurrection of the Body . CHAP. VII . Of the Resurrection of the Body , and the Proofs thereof . The Objections against it answered . Touching the circumstances , and manner of it . The History , and grounds of the Millenarians . WE are now come unto that Article of the Christian Faith , which hath received most opposition , both at home and abroad : Abroad amongst the Gentiles of the Primitive times , who used all their wit and learning to cry down this Doctrine ; at home , within the pale of the Church it self , by some who had the name of Christians , but did adulterate the prime Articles of Christian belief by their wicked Heresies . First , for the Gentiles , it was a thing much quarrelled and opposed amongst them , that Christ himself should be affirmed to have risen again ; insomuch , that St. Paul was counted mad by Festus a , and but a babler at the best by the great wits of Athens b , for venturing to Preach before them of IESUS and the Resurrection , i.e. of Iesus and his resurrection , for of that onely he did speak , when they so judged of him ; but of this quarrel they grew soon weary , and so gave it off . For being it was a matter of fact , confirmed at the first by so many witnesses who had seen him and converted with him after his raising from the dead , and thereupon received in the Church with such unanimity , that the faithful rather chose to lay down their lives than to alter their Beleef in that particular , the world became the sooner satisfied in the truth thereof . But for the Resurrection of the dead which was grounded on it , and that his Resurrection was of so great efficacy , as that by vertue of it all the dead should rise , which had deceased from the beginning of the world to the end thereof , that they accounted such a monstrous and ridiculous paradox , as could not find admittance amongst men of reason . For this it was which was so scoffed at by Cecilius in that witty Dialogue c ; Re●ase ferunt post mortem , post favillas , they give it out ( saith he ) that they shall live again after death , and that they shall resume those very bodies which now they have , though burnt to ashes , or devoured by wilde beasts , or howsoever putrified and brought to nothing . Putes eos jam revixisse . And this , saith he , they speak with so great a confidence , as if they were already raised from the dust of the grave , and spake as of a matter past , not of things to come . And it did stomack them the worse , in that the Christians did not onely promise a Resurrection and new life to the bodies of men , which all Philosophers and men of ordinary sense knew to be subject to corruption ; but threaten and foretel of the destruction of the Heavenly Bodies , the Sun , the Moon , and all the glorious Lights in the starry Firmament , which most Philosophers did hold to be incorruptible , as the same Cecilius doth object in the aforesaid Dialogue . That Christ was raised from the dead , besides the many witnesses which gave credit to it , the Gentiles could not well deny ( especially as to the possibility of such a thing ) without calling some of their own gods in question . For not onely the deity of Romulus did depend on the bare testimony of one Proculus , who made Oath in the Senate , that he had seen him ascend up into heaven , augustiore forma quam fuisset d , in a more glorious shape than before he had : but that of Drusilla , and Augustus , and Tiberius Caesar , which were all Roman gods of the last Edition e , must fall unto the ground also for lack of evidence , if either it were impossible for a dead man to be raised to life again , or taken up into the Heavens , as our Saviour was . But that from this particular instance ( supposing it for true , as it might be possibly ) they should infer a general Doctrine , that all the dead should rise again at the Day of Judgement , this would not sink into their heads , unless it might be made apparent , as they thought it could not , that any of that sect had been raised again , to confirm all the rest in that opinion . Without some such Protesilaus f no credit to be given to the resurrection , preach it they that would . It seems the Gentiles in this point were like the rich man mentioned in our Saviours Parable g , Except one rise up from the dead they will not beleeve . It was not Moses and the Prophets , nor Christ and his Apostles that could do the deed . Leaving these therefore for a while , and keeping those who did assume the name of Christians , and yet denied this Article of the Christian Faith unto the close of this discourse ; Let us for our parts rest our selves on the Word of God , and see what Moses and the Prophets , what CHRIST and his Apostles have delivered to us in affirmation of this Doctrine . For Moses first , it is the general opinion of most learned men , that he was the Author of the Book of Iob h , and that he wrote it purposely for a Cordial to the house of Israel , whom he found very apt to despair of Gods mercies towards them , and easily out of comfort in all times of trouble ; Which granted , we shall have from Moses a most ample testimony , where he reports these words of that Myrror of patience , I know that my Redeemer liveth , and that he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth i ; And though after my skin worms destroy this body , yet in my flesh shall I see God ; Whom I shall see for my self , and mine eyes shall behold , and not another , though my reins be consumed within me . St. Hierom notes upon these words , that no man since Christs time did ever speak so clearly of Christs resurrection and his own , as Iob doth here before Christs coming , Nullum tam apertè post Christum , quam ipse hic ante Christum , de Christi resurrectione loquitur , & sua k , as the Father hath it . And on the same , a Reverend Father of our own makes this glosse or descant : It is affirmed , saith he , by Iob , that his Redeemer liveth , and shall rise again ; which is as much as to say , He is the resurrection and the life l ( St. Iohn could say no more . ) It is his hope ; He is by it regenerate to a lively hope m , St. Peter could say no more than that . He enters into such particulars , this flesh , and these eyes n , which is as much as was or could be said by St. Paul himself . There is not in all the Old , there is not in all the New Testament a more pregnant and direct proof for the resurrection o . St. Hierom as we saw before was of this opinion . St. Gregory comes not much behind , who on these words of Iob , gives us this short Paraphrase , Victurum me certa fide credo , libera voce profiteor , quia Redemptor mens resurget qui inter impiorum manus occubuit p ; that is to say , with a sure Faith I do beleeve ( it was it seems a part of his Creed ) and with as great freedom I profess ( he both beleeved in his heart , and confessed with his mouth ) that I shal rise again at the last day ; for as much as my Redeemer shall assuredly rise , who is to be done to death by ungodly men . And this is further to be noted in this Text of Scripture , that we no sooner hear of a Creator in Moses , than of a Redeemer in Iob ; no sooner of the death of mankind in Adam , but of their restoring to life in Christ. And more than so , that though Moses who wrot this was a Iew , yet Iob who spake it was a Gentile ( not of the seed of Iacob , though perhaps of Abrahams ) to shew , that both the Iews and Gentiles ( as well the Gentiles as the Iews ) were to have their share in the resurrection of Christ Iesus , and therefore in due time to expect their own . I know that the Socinians , Anabaptists , and some other Sectaries , who are no very good friends to the resurrection , do otherwise interpret these words of Iob , and will not have them meant of his resurrection , but of his restitution to his former glories . But for my part I must profess , that if the Greek Catena , and the authority of the Latine Fathers , and the consent of all the Orthodox and learned Writers of these times , were to be laid aside as incompetent Iudges ; I am not able to discern any thing from the Text or Context , that the Holy Ghost intended them any other waies ▪ than to set forth Iobs constant faith in the resurrection , the knowledge that he had of his Redemption from the jaws of death . From Moses pass we to the Prophets , to the Psalmist first , Thou turnest man unto destruction , and sayest , Return ye children of men , or come again ye children of men , as the old Translation q : Thou turnest men unto destruction , there we have their death ; he calls them to return again , there is there resurrection . And this appears yet further by the following words , Thou carriest them away as with a flood , they are as a sleep r ; and if they be but as a sleep , they shall be wakened in due time , at the sounding of the last Trump , without all peradventure . I know indeed this Psalm doth bear the Title of the Prayer of Moses , but whether made by him , or by David , or some other in his name , is not yet resolved : It is sufficient to this purpose that it passeth amongst Davids Psalms , as a distinct and separate body from the works of Moses . On forwards to Isaiah , the Evangelical Prophet , who seems to look on Christ as if gone before him , Thy dead men ( saith he ) shall live , together with my dead body shall they arise : Awake and sing yee that dwel in dust , for thy dew is as the dew of herbs , and the earth shall cast out the dead s . And parallel to this in another place , When yee be old your heart shall rejoyce , and your bones shall flourish like herbs ; and then the hand of the Lord shall be known towards his Servants , and his indignation towards his Enemies t . In both these Texts we find a Resurrection of the dead , effected by the raising of the body of Christ , and in some part with it ; a resurrection like to that of men which do wake from sleep ; like that of herbs , which though they creep into the earth in the time of Winter , shall again re-flourish in the Spring . And in the last we have not onely a pure evidence for a resurrection , but for the Day of Iudgement , which shall follow on it : wherein the righteous Judge shall distribute his rewards and punishments , his hand of mercy towards his Servants , but wrath and indignation upon all his Enemies . St. Hierom so interpreteth the Prophets meaning , and parallels this last place with another of the Prophet Daniel , in which it is affirmed expresly , that they which sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake , some to everlasting life , and some to shame and everlasting contempt u : Thereupon he doth thus infer , Omnes igitur Martyres & sancti viri qui pro Christo fuderunt sanguinem , & quorum tota vita fuit Martyrium , resurgent & evigilabunt , atque laudabunt Deum Creatorem suum qui nunc habitant in pulvere , de quibus in Daniele scriptum est t , &c. Add to this rank of Proofs those several passages in which God calls himself the God of Abraham , the God of Isaac , and the God of Iacob u , and the illation made from thence by our Lord and Saviour , to prove the very point which we have in hand ; Concerning the resurrection of the dead , have you not read ( saith he ) that which was spoken to you of God , saying , I am the God of Abraham , and the God of Isaac , and the God of Jacob ? God is not the God of the dead but of the living x . Here is authority enough , we need seek no further ; Authority enough to perswade us this , that the Patriarchs before the coming of our Saviour , were certain of their resurrection to eternal life , that they were well assured of this , that God would recompence their faith , and reward their piety , by making death the way onely to a greater happiness . And this we finde to be a truth so generally received amongst the Iews , even in the most declining time of their Church and State ; that none but the Sadduces , who also did deny the being of Angels , and of Spirits also , did make question of it , who for this cause are branded every where in the Gospel with this mark upon them , that they said there is no resurrection , as Mat. 22.23 . Mark. 12.19 . Luk. 20 , 27. Act. 23.8 . just as it followeth on the mention of Ieroboham the son of Nebat that he made Israel to sin . Now to these Positive Texts of Scripture , and such as have their being and foundation onely in the Old Testament , we will adde such as are presented in the New ; and those not barely positive and peremptory as the rest before , but such as seem to have a great measure of rationality in them , and to be logically inferred upon very sound premises . And of this kind we meet with divers in St. Pauls Epistle to the Corinthians , amongst whom many doubtful souls had called in question the resurrection of the body . To satisfie their doubts , and remove their scruples , the Apostle grounds himself on this , that CHRIST was risen . If CHRIST be risen from the dead , how say some among you that there is no resurrection of the dead y ? for if there be no resurrection of the dead , then is CHRIST not risen . Considering therefore we have proved that CHRIST is risen , and that by the testimony of no fewer than five hundred brethren at one time z , besides the other arguments which have been and may be further alleged to confirm that truth , it followeth by the reason of the Apostle , that there is a Resurrection of the Body also . And to this purpose that of Gregory , Quam in se oftendit in me facturus est , exemplo hic monstravit quod promisit in proemio a , That , saith the Father , which he exemplified in himself , he will make good upon me ; what we finde proved in his person , shall be further manifested in our own . Besides , we know that Christ is often called in St. Pauls Epistles , the head of the Church which is his Body b , and we with joy and gladness do acknowledge it for a certain truth . Now Chrysostom hath truly noted , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c , that where the head is , there also will the body be ; and if the Head be glorified , the Body will be also glorified ; If therefore CHRIST our Head be risen , then shall we also be raised in due time who are his Body , or at least the Members of that Body ; for ye are the body of Christ , and members in particular , saith the same Apostle . But this must be expected in its own due time , as before I said : I● being not to be supposed that so great a work as this shall be wrought upon us either unseasonably , or out of order ; Every one in his own order , saith the Text , first CHRIST , the first fruits of the resurrection , afterwards such as are Christs at his coming e . Where still observe how Christs resurrection and our own are tyed by the Apostle in a string together . Eadem catena revincta est Christi resurrectio & nostra , as my Author hath it ; we cannot stir one end of the chain , but the other moveth with it . This habitude or connexion between Christ and us , will help us to another Argument to confirm this Doctrine . For if we be the members of the body of Christ , we must be crucified in our members , as Christs body was ; Mortifie therefore your earthly members g , saith St. Paul. And certainly we may conclude , That if we be crucified with Christ , we shall rise with Christ ; if we do suffer with him , we shall also reign with him h , and be glorified with him . There is another rational way of Argumentation used by the Apostle ; the sum whereof in brief is this , That if there were no Resurrection of the Body , whereby we might receive the comfort of those good acts which we have done in our flesh ; then should we have but small encouragement in the works of piety , especially to hazard our estates , nay , our very lives in maintenance and defence of the Holy Gospel . Why stand we then ( saith he ) in jeopardy all the day long i ? And why have I my self encountred Beasts at Ephesus , after the manner of men k , or suffered in my flesh that full variety of torments , that I may justly say of my self , that I die daily ? And not so onely , but certainly we rob our selves of too much pleasure by the severity of our Religion , and foolishly deny to our lives those comforts , which make life valued for a blessing . For to what purpose should we weary out our souls with fasting , and our skins with sack-cloath ; or to what purpose do we make our knees even hard and callous , by kneeling in his holy Temple ; were there no Resurrection of the Body , or no life to come ? If in this life onely we have hope in Christ , we were of all men the most miserable l . Rather than so , let us give way to our desires , and eat and drink , enjoy the pleasures of the world , whiles they are before us ; for ought we know , we may die to morrow m , and with that death to morrow there is an end of all things . Thus might a man reason for a Resurrection in behalf of himself , and he may reason for it also on the behalf of God , whose justice cannot be declared in the sight of men , if there were no Resurrection of the flesh to express it by . To this end , we are told by the same Apostle , That we shall all appear before the judgment seat of Christ ; that every man may receive according to that which he hath done in his body , whether good or evil n . The strength and efficacy of which Argument , as is elswhere noted , is briefly this . The Bodies of us men , being the servants of the soul to righteousness , or else the instruments to sin , in justice ought to be partakers of that weal , or wo , which is adjudged unto the soul ; and therefore to be raised at the day of judgment ; that as they sinned together , or served God together , so they may share together of reward or punishment . Which Argument , as it strongly proves the Resurrection of the Body , so it as strongly doth conclude for a Resurrection of the same Body , the same numerical body which before we had , not of a new created body , as some idly dream . For certainly it were no justice in Almighty God , if one flesh should fast and pray , and kneel , and watch , and weary out it self in the service of God , and another flesh reap that which it never labored for . No comfort to the poor body at all , to abridge it self of so much pleasure , and be exposed to so much danger and affliction , and another strange body shall step up , and receive the reward . Iobs confidence was , That he should see God with the same eyes , and none other for them o . If they restrained themselves , as it were by Covenant with the Lord , from straying after objects of lust , and not intice him to a maid , as he saith he did p ; It is but justice , that they the same eyes , and none other , should be rewarded with the view of a better object . If they have been poured out like water q , and dropped many a tear in the sight of God ; Reason and Justice both will agree to this , That the tears should be wiped from those eyes , not from a pair of new ones which did never shed any . And unto this St. Paul comes home , not speaking of the Resurrection of a Body in general , but of this body in particular . It is these eyes of Iob , none other , which shall see the Lord ; and hoc corruptibile in St. Paul r , this corruptible , and none other , which must then put on corruption . And thus far we have gone upon positive proofs , and sought them also in the Law , and the Prophets onely . Another kinde of evidence may be found in Scripture , which for distinctions sake , shall be called Practical ; common alike to Law and Gospel , both to Iews and Christians . Of this sort was the solemn form of burial amongst the Iews , the charges they were at in Spices and sweet Ointments to embalm the Bodies of their dead ; and the command given both by Ioseph and Iacob to their children , for the transporting of their bones to the Land of Canaan y , the type and shadow of Gods Kingdom in the Heavens above . All special testimonies that they did expect in the Lords good time , a Resurrection of those Bodies , so carefully , so choicely tendred , laid up in the Repository of the Grave with such cost and decency . When Mary Magdalen poured forth ointment on our Saviours head , he app●oved it as a work well done ; saying , She did it aforehand , to anoint his Body to the burial z . And to this purpose the good women mentioned by St. Luke , prepared their ointments and sweet odors a , intending therewithal to embalm his Body , but were therein prevented by his Resurrection b . Which as it proves sufficiently what the custom was , so our Redeemers Resurrection which so soon followed the anointing made by Mary Magdalen , shews plainly to what end it pointed . The care they took about them in their funeral rites , is evidence sufficient , if there were none else , That they commit the bodies of the dead unto the Earth , in sure and certain hope of the Resurrection c , according to the Language of the English Liturgy . Upon this very ground , no other , the Christians of the Primitive times did use to spare no cost to embalm their dead , but were more prodigal of sweet odors , and most precious oyntments in the obsequies of the Saints departed , than the poverty of their estate could well admit of . Tertullian so affirms it , saying , Sciant Sabaei se pluris merces suas Christianis sepeliendis profligari , quam diis fumigandis d . We spend , saith he , more Frankincense and Arabian Spices upon the burial of our dead , than would suffice to offer at the Altars of the Heathen gods . And on this ground it hath hitherto been the piety of the Church of England , to lay the bodies of the dead into the Earth with all due solemnities ; though now she stand accused for Superstition , even in this particular , in the conceit of some Novators , more precise than pious . Nay , if I understand aright the Apostles meaning , St. Paul derives a very strong Argument from this antient custome , to prove the Resurrection of the dead against all opposers . Else what do they , saith he , which are baptized for dead ? if the dead rise not again , why are they then baptized for dead e ? That is to say , and the Greek Text will bear it well , why do they use such frequent washings over the bodies of the dead , why are the dead baptized , as a man may say , with rich balms and ointments , why are they laid into the Earth with such costly oyls ; if there be no certainty of this , that even those bodies shall be raised to eternal glory ? I know it is an hard place I am faln upon : A place which hath as much perplexed the wits of our greatest Clerks , as any one in all Pauls Epistles . St. Ambrose doth expound this place of Baptism , applied unto some living man in the name and behalf of his friend dying without Baptism ; out of a superstitious conceit , that Baptism so conferred upon one alive , in the name of him that was deceased , might be available to the Resurrection of the other dying unbaptized f , Atque ita vivus nomine mortui tingebatur , as the Father hath it . That there was Vicarium tale Baptisma g , as Tertullian calleth it , amongst the Marcionites , is plain and evident ; yea , and amongst the Cerinthians also , another sort of Hereticks as bad as they . Epiphanius tells us of the quod sit h , that so indeed it was amongst them ; and Chrysostom i informeth us of the manner of it . But that such a superstitious custom as baptizing one man for another , in hope that other might receive the benefit and effect thereof , should creep so early into the Church of Corinth , as to get footing there within three years after the first Preaching of the Gospel to them ( for no more time occurred between St. Pauls first Preaching there Anno 52 k . and the writing of this first Epistle , which was in Anno 55. ) is a thing not possible to be believed . Rather I think that mistaking of St. Pauls meaning in the place aforesaid , might give occasion to that erroneous practise amongst the Cerinthians , the wretched followers of Cerinthus ; and then by a very easie mistake , it might be fastned on these Corinthians , as it seems it was . Others expound it of the Clinici , as they called them , in the former times , such as were sick upon their death beds , and being like to die , and as good as dead , desired the Sacrament of Baptism before their departure out of this life , in hope to finde the better entrance by it , unto that to come . Most true it is , that this Baptismus Clinicorum , doth oft occur in Antient Writers l , and in the Canons also of some former Councils , in which it was prohibited that any man so baptized should be admitted into holy Orders . But that this custom was in use in those early daies , or that the people were permitted to defer their baptism till the extremity of sickness did inforce them to it , or did not rather receive it with the Faith it self , as well in Corinth , as elsewhere it is plain they did m , I can by no means be perswaded . Another Exposition hath been thought upon , and that too , borrowed from a custom as erroneous as that first delivered ; which is , that many did desire in the former times to be baptized on or near the Sepulchres of the Martyrs , that so they might profess that Faith in the Resurrection , for which they were slain n . This Musculus reports of some , but of whom I know not : But sure I am , whosoever they were , they were exceedingly mistaken , in looking for the Tombs of Martyrs in the Church of Corinth , within three years , no more , after their conversion . And on the same leg , as I take it , halts the gloss of Chrysostom ( whom Theophylact followeth ) affirming it to be the custom of the Church of Corinth , that when they were to be baptized , they said over the Creed , and that as they said the words of this Article , viz. The Resurrection of the Body , the Sacrament of Baptism was conferred upon them o : And then the meaning must be this , Why are they then baptized for dead ? that is to say , why are they then baptized into the resurrection of the dead , in case the dead rise not again ? But first , there is no constat of any such custom ; and if it were , it had been but a weak Argument in so strong a Disputant , to prove the Churches Doctrine in a point of Faith by the particular Churches custom , not elsewhere used , nor ever of such credit as to be continued . Finally , not to wander into more particulars , Lyra doth give this gloss upon it , Pro mortuis , i. e. pro peccatis mortalibus quae sunt opera mortua . Why are they then baptized for the dead ? that is saith he , Why are they baptized for deadly sins , which are called dead works in holy Scripture ; pro quibus abluendis accipitur Baptismus p , for washing away of which they receive that Sacrament . But this agrees not well with the following words ; For being that the resurrection is of those that are so baptized , if by pro mortuis we must mean dead works , or our mortal sins , it may be then inferred by the Rules of Logick , that our dead works or mortal sins shall be also raised . Here is we see variety of Interpretations , and those well backed and countenanced by no mean authorities . But for all that I stand to my first Exposition , and doubt not but to make it more above all exception , than any of the rest before delivered . And for the proof of this I shall take for granted , that the Church of Corinth did consist especially of converted Gentiles , and such of the Grecizing Iews which imbraced the Gospel ; and therefore being a mixt Assembly were to be spoken to in such forms of speech as were intelligible unto both . Secondly , I shall take for granted too , that howsoever the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be taken in the Ecclesiastical notion , for giving or receiving of the Sacrament of Baptism , by which we are initiated in the Church of Christ : yet in the natural and original notion , they signifie no more than a simple , ordinary , or common washing . And so they signifie not onely in the Heathen Authors , who understood , no doubt , the Idiom of their own natural language , but in the sacred Writers also . Certain I am , that so the word is used by St. Mark himself , after the institution of that holy Sacrament , and the appropriating of the word to that signification . For speaking of the often washings used amongst the Pharisees , he telleth us that when they come from the Market they eat not except they wash m ; and that they use the washing of pots and cups , of brazen vessels and of Tables . They do not eat unless they wash , as our English reads it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unless they be baptized , saith the Greek Original ; and answerably thereunto the Vulgar Latine , nisi baptizentur . So also for the following words , that they observe the washing of Pots and Cups , the Greek Text calleth it in plain terms , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. accordingly the Vulgar Latine , Baptismata Calicum & Vrceorum , i. e. the baptizing of their Cups and Pots . We may add here a sort of Hereticks amongst the Jews , who teaching the necessity of these daily washings or baptizings , were called Hemerobaptists ; Not that they did every day reiterate the Sacrament of Baptism ( they had not then been Iews , but Christians , though erroneous Christians ) but that they thought it necessary to dip themselves every day in water over head and ears ( Singulis diebus in aqua mergi n ) the better to preserve themselves ( as they did suppose ) from the pollutions of the flesh . Which being granted or premised concerning the original and natural use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Baptizare , We will next endeavor to prove out of good authority , that both the Gentiles , and the Hellenistical or Grecizing Iews , whereof the Church of Corinth at this time consisted , used constantly to wash ( or if you will , baptize ) the bodies of their dead , before their Funerals ; and that this custom was observed also amongst the Christians , for a long time after . That it was in use amongst the Gentiles is evident by that of Ennius , where he telleth us of the good woman , who washed and anointed the body of Tarquin ( Tarquinii corpus bona faemina lavit & unxit ) to make it ready for the Grave . By that of Virgil touching the washing and annointing of the body of Misenus , viz. Corpusque lavant frigentis & ungunt o . Thirdly , By those Funeral Officers , whom they called Pollinctores , which Tertullian speaks of in his Apologetick , who were to take the charge of burials , and to see men decently interred . And they were called Pollinctores , quasi pollutorum ( i. e. mortuorum ) unctores , saith the learned Scholiast , from the annointing of dead bodies , according to that of Apuleius , Pollinctor ejus funeri , dum unctionem parat , &c. And finally , it will appear by that antient custom of embalming their dead bodies used amongst the Egyptians ( mention whereof is made in the last of Genesis ) one part whereof consisted , as we read in Herodotus , of washing the corps , and wrapping it in a fine linnen cloth p ; So was it also with the Hellenistical or Grecizing Iews , as appears plainly in the Acts concerning Tabitha q , whom being dead , they washed and laid her in an upper chamber . And though perhaps the Gentiles , whether Greeks or Romans , thought not of any such thing as a Resurrection , when they used this Ceremonie ; yet I conceive that at the first institution of it ( before the light of rectified Reason was quite darkned in them ) it did look that way : a resurrection unto judgement being so naturally imprinted in the soul of man , that it is every good mans hope that it shall be so , and every wicked mans fear that so it will be . Nor was this custom of washing the bodies of the dead in the Church of Corinth , peculiar unto them alone , or reckoned for a remnant of their old superstitions ; but constantly retained as a decent Ceremony in most Christian Churches , to keep them up in hope of a resurrection ; That so it was at Rome , for the Western Churches , is affirmed expresly by Tertullian in his Apologetick s , Rigere & pallere post lavacrum mortuus possum , saith he in his old vain of writing , which is dark and difficult : his meaning is , as Rhenanus s and Pamelius after him observe , to shew that it was the custom of the Primitive Church defunctorum corpora lavare , to wash the bodies of the dead when they laid them out . More plainly speaks Eusebius t for the Eastern Churches ( or rather Dionysius out of whom he cites it ) where making mention of the great plague in Alexandria , and the remarkable piety of the Christians towards their sick Brethren , he telleth us that they did not onely close the eyes of the deceased , but also washed their dead bodies ( corpora lavarunt & ad sepulturam ornarunt , as the story hath it ) and decently adorned them for their burial . Lay all which hath been said together , and St. Pauls meaning will appear to be onely this , that by the washing or baptizing of their dead ( call it which we will ) by their annointing the dead bodies with such costly unguents , they might themselves conclude of a Resurrection . To what end else served all that cost and charges which they laid out on them , if they looked not for the resurrection of those bodies with such cost interred ? And I the rather am confirmed in this Exposition , because I meet with the like phrase in another place . For as here we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a washing or baptization of the dead ; So in the book called Ecclesiasticus we meet with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the washing or baptization of a man , which ignorantly or unawar● had polluted himself by the touching of a dead corps or carkass , and was by such a washing or baptization to be made clean again , Qui baptizatur à mortuo , & iterum tangit eum , &c. u He that washeth himself ( so our English reads it ) after the touching of a dead body , if he touch it again , what availeth his washing ? where , though in our Translation it is called a washing , yet in the Greek and Latine both it is a baptization . Next to these positive and practical Proofs , we will add some natural and experimental Evidences which conclude the same , and are more within the compass of the observation of the meanest capacities . We see the Sun withdraweth from us every evening the comfort both of light and heat , and yet we doubt not of his rising on the morrow morning . We go to bed as to our grave , yeelding our selves to sleep-which is the image of death , with prayers and supplications to Almighty God , in hope to be restored unto sense and action on the day insuing . We note it in the common course of the works of Nature , that Herbs and Plants , and all the Flowers of the field , do in the time of Winter seem to lose that life which made them flourish with more lustre than the Court of Solomon ; but we observe withall , as a thing of course , that the next Spring returns them to their perfect beauties ; Expectandum nobis etiam corporis ver est x , we have a Spring to come , said the Christian Advocate . The Husbandman commits his seed unto the ground in expectation of a plentiful and joyful Harvest ; his hope deceiveth him not at last , though that which he buried in the womb of the Earth , must die before it quicken unto life again . This is another of St. Pauls Arguments to our present purpose , Thou fool , saith he , that which thou sowest is not quicked except it die y , upon which words of the Apostle take this gloss or descant out of an old Greek M. S. in Bodleys Liberarie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. The Earth laboureth not after the ordinarie manner of a woman in travel . Her Infant Corn is not quickned except it die . Should it live still it could not be formed in that womb . The earth receiveth the bare corn onely , and by corrupting it , restoreth it in a better fashion than she took it in z ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; And can we have saith he , a more forcible impression or representation of our own restitution , than by this example ? Observing these things ( as we do ) in the works of Nature , how can we think so poorly of the Lord our God , as if it were not in his power with the like facility to re-give to us our former beauties , as either to the Plants or Planets ? Should we make search into the secret and more wonderful works of prudent nature , we may be told by Plinie , That dead Bees are restored both to life and motion , onely by sprinkling them with Nepenthe a ; young Pellicans by the blood of the old ones ; and Eels , with vinegar and blood . The raising of the new Phenix out of the ashes of the old one , hath been a thing so generally received over all the world , that for my part I dare not question it , though I know some do . And of the Swallows it is said , that at the beginning of Winter they use to fall down together in heaps into the dust or water , and there sleep in their Chaos ; till hearing the voyce of returning Nature at the Spring , they awaken out of this dead sleep , and live amongst the fowls of the Air again . And more than so , it is affirmed by George Maior a German writer b , that he found a company of Swallows lying dead under an old Table in the Church of Witteberge , which by an artificial heat he restored to life , the ordinary time of nature being then not come , in which they should revive of course . This makes it plain , that nature is no Enemy to a Resurrection , by consequent , our Faith in this agreeable to the course of Nature , and not to be denyed by a natural man ; though no one Point or Article of the Christian Faith hath been more eagerly opposed by the ancient Gentiles , nor more pertinaciously decried by Heretical Christians . And howsoever men of inferior parts might make scruple of it , yet can I not but wonder at those great Philosophers that they should plead so earnestly against a Tenet so consonant to the waies and works of Nature , and otherwise not much a stranger to their own opinions . Themselves , both Platonists and Pythagoreans acknowledge an eternal being of the soul ; and though the man did dye , and his corps was buried , yet the Soul lived again in another Body . And so the antient Druides were perswaded also , Regit idem spiritus artus , Orbe a●io c , as the Poet hath informed us of them . The truth of this opinion I dispute not here ; I know it to be vain and foolish . Onely I shall conclude from their own Position , and think the Argument will be good ad homines , That the same Soul may be as easily beleeved to live again in its own body , as in the body of another , made of purpose for it . And this Tertullian doth retort against those Philosophers , who did admit of this Pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this transmigration of the soul from body to body , and yet deny the Resurrection of that body , to which the Soul more naturally ought to be united , Si quaecunque ratio praeest animarum humanarum reciprocandarum , in corpora , cur non in eandem substantiam redeant , cum hoc sit restitui id esse quod fuerat d , as his words there are . That which most stumbled both these Philosophical and our Christian Hereticks , was , That the faithful of the Primitive times did not onely stand for the Assumption of a new Body ( which perhaps the others would have granted with no great difficulty ) but the Resurrection of the old : The restitution of a body which had either been consumed to ashes , eaten by Worms , devoured by Fishes and wilde Beasts , and finally , incorporated into the substance of those Beasts and Fishes which had so devoured it . Which being thought impossible by some old Philosophers , and not well understood by some poor weak Christians , occasioned it on both sides to be called in question , and by some Christian Hereticks to be more decried , than ever it had been by the Gentiles formerly . The Marcionites of old denied it , so did Marcus too ; and so did Basilides , Cerdo , and the rest of that wicked brood . The Anabaptists and Socinians of these times do deny it also , although not on the same grounds as the former Hereticks ; by those it was denied , because thought impossible , in which , they and the Gentiles did agree together ; by these , because they do not think it consonant to the Word of God , That flesh and blood should inherit the Kingdom of Heaven e ; as if there were no difference between the substance of flesh , and the infirmities and frailties which attend upon it , between a natural body , and a body glorified : Of which more anon . In the mean time to satisfie the doubts of those of what sort soever , which charge this Article of our Faith with impossibilities , we may demand of them these particulars ( besides what hath been said to the point already , ) viz. Whether it be not equally as possible to Almighty God , if not more possible , to recreat a man from something , than to creat him first of nothing ? Whether the natural substance of a man corrupted be not more apt to be recollected unto it self , than the dust of the Earth was in it self to be first framed to such a substance ? Credamus ergo abeodem restitui posse veterem hominem , qui & novum fecit f , as it is excellently well prest upon them by Lactantius . If for the manner of it , they would know by what arts and agents , so great a miracle as the raising of the same numerical body shall be wrought upon them , we must refer them to themselves , and in themselves they have an Answer . They all know so much of themselves , that they live , move , and have a being ; that they are all engendred by their natural Fathers , and fashioned in the secret Closets of their Mothers womb ; yet certainly it is a matter , if considered rightly , not very capable of credit , that so small a quantity of seed should either be improved into a substance of such different parts , as flesh , and blood , and bones , and sinews , or else divided into so many parts of such different substance : When at the last , the body is made fit to receive the soul , they cannot tell either by what means the soul is given , or the whole birth nourished . Lord I am fearfully and wonderfully made , said the Royal Psalmist g . If then they know not by what means they were made at first , but shut up their enquirie in an admiration of the unsearchable power and wisdom of the most high God ; why should they look to be resolved of all doubts and difficulties , touching the Resurrection of the self-same bodies , and not refer that also to Gods power and wisdom ? Which was the answer of Tertullian to the Roman Sophisters , Redde si potes rationem qua factus es , & tunc require qua fies h , First render an account ( saith he ) how thou first wert made , and afterwards enquire how thou shalt be raised . But not to answer them with Questions after the manner of the old Socratical way of disputing ; to illustrate our belief more fully in this Article , and gain theirs unto it , I will lay before them two such instances as will clearly carry it , except they think more meanly of the power of God , than of subservient nature and the force of art . It is the nature of the Loadstone to draw steel to it , that is a thing well known . And it is found of late by a strange experiment , that if a massie body of steel be ground to powder , and all the Atomes of it buried in a lump of Clay ; yet will the powerful vertue of the Stone or Adamant , being gently moved upon the superficies of the Cake , attract into a lump all those dusts of steel , so strangely scattered and dispersed : Which though it be a wondrous power and effect of nature , yet comes it short of that which is done by art ; The substance of the steel not being altered , though the parts attenuated i . For it is found by those who do trade in Chymistry , that the forms of things are kept invisibly in store , though the materials of the same be altered from what first they were ; and that by vertue of those forms , the things themselves will be restored to their former being ; which they make good by this experiment . They take a Flower or Plant , of what kinde soever , in the Spring time , when it is in its fullest and most vigorous growth ; and beat it in a Morter , Root , Stalks , Flowers , and Leaves , until it be reduced to a confused Mass. Then after Maceration , Fermentation , Separation , and other workings of that art , there is extracted a kinde of Ashes or Salt , including those formes and tinctures under their power and Chaos , which they put up in Glasses very close made up , the mouth of the Glass being heated in the fire , and the neck thereof wrung close together to keep in the Spirits . Which done , applying to it a soft fire or candle , you shall presently perceive the Flowers or Plants to rise up by little and little out of those Ashes , and to appear again in their proper forms , as when they grew upon the ground . But take away the fire or candle , and they remove immediately to their Chaos again . A wonderful effect of art and nature , such as not onely doth resemble the Resurrection , but so far confirm it , that he who shall deny it for the time to come , will make the God of Heaven less powerful than the Sons of Art. The ingenuous Author of the Book called Religio Medici , doth also touch upon this rarity ; but I have not now the Book by me to put down his words , or to make use of any other of his observations to the point in hand . And to say truth , there need but little more be added as to the Quod sit of the Resurrection , to the point it self . That which remains relates unto the manner onely , to some points of circumstance , and to such Christian uses as are raised hereon . And first , Perhaps it may be demanded of us , as once of the Apostle in former times , Quali corpore venient , How , with what Bodies they shall rise k ? Not whether in the very same Numerical Body , for that hath been made good before , but whether in the same shape and fashion which before it had . We know that man returns again into his Earth at several ages ; the tender Infant , and the Man of ripest years , being alike subject to the stroke of impartial death . In which respect it hath been questioned by the Antients , whether they shall arise in the same age , and disproportions of Age and Stature , which they had whilest they lived . St. Augustine doth resolve it Negatively , and determineth thus , That we shall all of us be raised in that proportion both of strength and beauty , which men attain to commonly at the time of their best perfection . Restat ergo ( saith he ) ut suam quisque habeat mensuram vel quam habuit in inventute , vel quam habiturus esset , si vixisset l . And this he groundeth on that passage to those of Ephesus , where the Apostle speaks of that special care which CHRIST hath taken of his Church , and our edification , till we all come to a perfect man , unto the measure of the fulness of the ( age or ) stature of CHRIST m , Ad mensuram plenitudinis aetatis Christi , that is to say , as he expounds it , Ad juvenilem formam , to that degree of age or stature which our Redeemer had attained to at the time of his passion , which was about the four and thirtieth year of his life , as may be gathered from the Scriptures . A second Quere hath been made concerning them which are diffigured and deformed , and mulcted as it were by nature , how , in what bodies they shall come in the Resurrection ? Not with their imperfections , I conceive not so ; for in the Heavens there shall be nothing not compleat and of full accomplishment . And on the other side , were they freed of those imperfections , it may be said that then they are not raised in the self-same bodies . To this we have the resolution of St. Augustine also , affirming , That in that glorious day , the substance of their bodies shall continue as before it was , but the deformities and imperfections shall be taken away . Corporibus ergo istis naturae servabitur , vitia autem detrahentur n , as the Father hath it . A resolution which St. Paul doth seem to favor , saying , That the body shall be raised in glory , though it be sown in dishonor o ; as do his following words the former , viz. Though it be sown in weakness ( in the weakness of old age or infancy ) shall be raised in power . For neither is it likely , that infancy being imperfection , and old age corruption , can stand with the estate of a glorified body ; or that our Lord which made the blinde to see , and the lame to go , which came to seek his grace on Earth , will not much rather heal them of their imperfections , whom he vouchsafeth to admit to the glories of Heaven . A glorious place is fit for none but glorified bodies : And so far glorified shall the bodies of Gods servants be , as to be raised in power , whereby they shall be freed from all wants and weaknesses ; in incorruption , which shall make them free both from death and sickness ; in glory , which shall make them shine with a greater splendor , than any of the Stars of Heaven , as did the face of Moses in the Book of Exodus p , and that of Stephen the Proto-martyr in the Book of the Acts q ; and lastly , in agility , by which they shall be like the Angels , mounting as on the wings of an Eagle to meet the Lord JESUS at his coming . In reference unto these spiritual qualities , St. Paul affirms , That it was sown a natural body , but shall be raised a spiritual body r : Natural for the substance still , spiritual for the qualities and endowments of it . Spiritualia post Resurrectionem erunt corpora , non quia corpora esse desistunt , sed quia spiritu vivificante subsistunt , as St. Augustine hath it . Another Quere yet remaineth , which had been moved , it seems , in St. Augustines time , by some , whose curiosity did exceed their judgments . The Question was , Whether the woman should be raised to eternal glory , in her own sex , or the more noble sex of man ? Alas poor Souls ! what monstrous crime had they committed , that they should be excluded from the Kingdom of Heaven ? Of what strange errors and mistakes must guilty-nature be accused when she framed that sex ( or rather God when he created it at first out of Adams side ) by which it is supposed uncapable of immortality ? Yes certainly , say they , for it seemeth to us , that Christ hath so adjudged it , saying , That in the Resurrection they neither marry , nor are given in marriage s : And if no marriage , then no woman ; the woman being therefore made , that she might be married . Vain men , why do they talk so idly in the things of God! Nuptias negavit dominus in resurrectione futuras , non foeminas t , as St. Augustine noteth . The Lord hath not excluded women from the Resurrection ; onely in answer to a captious Question which the Saduces made , he returned them this , That in that day there should be neither care nor notice taken of those worldly matters . This is the sum and substance of our Saviours Answer , and this is nothing to the prejudice of the Sex or Persons . Nor need we doubt , but as that Sex have done most acceptable service to the Lord their God , either in keeping constantly the faith of wedlock , or in preserving carefully an unspotted chastity , or suffering resolutely for the testimony of the Faith and Gospel ; so shall they also in those bodies receive the crown reserved for so great obedience . But what need more be said of this needless Quere , which Christ our Saviour hath prevented and resolved already ? Who therefore first appeared to those of the Female Sex , that making them the publishers of his Resurrection , he might assure them of their own , Qui ergo utrumque sexum instituit , utrumque restituet u . God , saith St. Augustine , as he made both Sexes , will restore both Sexes , and raise up both in their own proper and original being unto . Life eternal . Other particulars of the manner of this Resurrection , as the dreadful terror of the day , the sounding of the Trump , the conflagration of the world , and the like to these ; have either been already handled , or else will fall within the compass of the following Article . That which remains to be considered at the present , will be matters practical ; first , in relation to our friends , and then in reference to our selves , and our own affairs . First , in relation to our Friends , That we bemoan not their departure with too great extremity , or sorrow for them without hope x , as if lost for ever . Were it indeed so irrecoverable a los● , that either their bodies were for ever banished from their souls , or that their souls did die and perish with their bodies , it were a misery to which no sorrow could be equal : But being so assured of a Resurrection , it is not to be supposed of them which die in the Lord , that they are either lost to themselves or us ; They onely have withdrawn themselves for a certain season , from the vanity and troubles of this present world , and shall return at last unto life again , both to our comfort and their glory . In this respect , it was the antient custom of the Church of Greece , and is not yet worn out of use , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 y , To set boyled Corn before the Singers of the holy Hymns , which are accustomed to be sung at the commemoration of the dead who sleep in Christ. And this they do to manifest their hopes in the Resurrection , of which the Corn is so significant an embleme , as before was shewn . And to say truth , Death , if considered rightly , is the gate of life , and of a life not to be shaken with adversities , or subject unto change of fortune . Hanc Deus fidei praestat gratiam , ut mors quam vitae constat esse contrariam instrumentum foret per quod in vitam transiretur , it is St. Augustines note z But what need Augustine be alleged , when we may hear the same of the antient Druides ? of whom the Poet tells us , that they held this Paradox , Longae , ( canitis si cognita ) vitae Mors media est a , That death was but the middle way to a longer life . If then our Ancestors in those dark times of ignorance , when they knew not Christ , conceived no otherwise of death , and the terrors of it , than as the way unto a life of more excellent nature ; then certainly , a nobler and mo●e chearful constancy must ●eeds be looked for at our hands , who are not onely more assured of the immortality of the soul , which they blindly guessed at , but of the Resurrection of the Body also , which they never heard of . The next consideration doth concern our selves , and lessoneth us not to set so high a price upon our lives , but that we may be willing to lay them down , as often as the preservation of Religion , the safety of our Country , or the necessary service of the State do require it of us . A duty which we should not doubt to discharge most gladly , did we consider as we ought , that loss of life on such occasions , is but like the putting off of our garments over night , to be worn again upon the morrow . For certainly those men acquit themselves with the bravest spirit , who least regard the terrible approach of death . Nor can there be a stronger Motive to induce us to it , than that the Bodies , so abandoned to the Sword of the Enemies , or to the Persecutors of the Church of God , shall be revived , and reunited to the Soul again . It is reported of the Druides , whom before I spoke of , that they taught amongst these Northern Nations , not onely an immortality of the Soul , but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or transmigration of it into other bodies . And it was thought an happy error to be so perswaded ; for being throughly possessed with this opinion , they never feared to run upon the greatest dangers , to brave them with undanted courage , and to encounter with the violentest and most terrible engigns which were then invented . So poor a matter was it thought to be coy and sparing of those lives which they were sure to finde again in another body b . Felices errore suo , quos ille timorum Maximus , haud urget , lethi metus ; inde ruendi In ferrum mens prona viris , animaeque capaces Mortis , & ignavum est rediturae parcere vitae . Which may thus be Englished . Thrice happy they , whom the extreamest fear Of death afflicts not , who upon the spear Dare boldly run , and in their hearts disdain To spare that life which shall return again . How brave a courage then ought we to carry with us in our Christian Warfare , who have such excellent advantages above those Antients ? To us it is ascertained by the Word of God , not that our souls shall be transmitted into other bodies , but be conveyed immediately to a place of rest , there to expect a Resurrection of those bodies which before they lived in . To us it is ascertained by the Word of God , that each several Atom of the body shall be recollected , and married to the soul for ever , that the bones which were broken may rejoyce ; and that the body and soul being thus united , shall pass immediately into the glories of eternal life prepared for them before the beginnings of the world . A brave encouragement to gallant and heroical resolutions : Preciumque & causa laboris c , in the Poets language , The cause and recompence of all our labors . But some I know have otherwise provided for themselves than so , and found out a Terrestrial Paradise , wherein they shall enjoy for a thousand years all the pleasures of Earth , before they be admitted to the joys of Heaven : A fancy , if I may so call it , of no mean antiquity , defended by some principal men of the first times of the Church , who took it upon trust , without more enquiry ; and having made it better than at first they found it , commended it unto the Church for good Catholick doctrine . For some there were , even in the infancy of the Gospel , who being too much in love with this present world , conceited to themselves such a sensual and voluptuous kinde of life , after the Resurrection from the dust of the Earth , wherein they should have use of women , and wallow in all carnal and libidinous pleasures , which the most Epicurean soul could affect or covet . A fancy meerly Iewish in its first original , afterwards entertained by some Heretical Iudaizing Christians , and finally , rather rectified than refelled by many of the Fathers in the Primitive times . And first beginning with the Iews , we shewed in our discourse of the Kingdom of Christ d , how much they were besotted with the expectation of a Temporal Monarchy , looking for such a Messiah as should come with power , restore again the Crown of Iudah to the house of David , and make that Commonwealth more formidable to the Neighboring Princes , than ever it had been in the times before . And to befool themselves the more in this fond conceit , there was no promise nor no prophecy in the Old Testament , intended to the building up of the Spiritual Temple , or to the raising of Christs Kingdom in the souls of men , which they applied not to the founding of a Temporal Monarchy , the repairing of Ierusalem , the new erecting of the Temple , and to the re-establishment of Circumcision , and other of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Law of Moses . Concerning which consult St. Ierom , in his Comment on Isai. 31. and on Ezek. 36. and on Micah 4. Tertullian in his third Book against Marcion , cap. ult . and divers others of the Antients ( not to say any thing in this place of the Iewish Rabbins , who run all that way : ) In which it will appear , that they both did and do expect a restitution of their temporal power , and all the pleasures of a rich and flourishing Empire , which are most correspondent to a carnal minde . Which fancy being taken up , and so strongly fixed , that there was no removing of it out the hearts of the Iews , was forthwith entertained by some nominal Christians , who out of a compliance with that obstinate people , embraced not onely many of their Rites and Ceremonies , but of their dreams and fancies also : Whom therefore Ierom calleth Christianos Iudaizantes , Iudaizing Christians , in many places of his works , in which , Iudaei & Christiani Iudaizantes , or , Iudaei & eorum erroris haeredes , the Iews and those that do inherit their Superstitions , march along together . Of these , the first was that Arch-heretick Cerinthus , who did not onely set on foot in the Church of Christ , the Festivals and Sacrifices of the Law of Moses ; but also taught , Regnum Christi post Resurrectionem terrenum fuisse e , & carnem nostram Hierosolymis cupiscentiis & voluptatibus carni servituram , That after the Resurrection , Christ should have an Earthly Kingdom , in which his followers should enjoy , in their New Ierusalem , all the delights and pleasures of the flesh , of what kinde soever . And this not onely to endure for a little while , the ordinary life a man , or so , but for a thousand years compleat , as Nicephorus addeth f . Marcus another leading Heretick was of this opinion ; and so was Nepos also , an Egyptian Bishop , who teaching first , That all the promises made by God in holy Scripture , Iudaico more reddendas esse , were to be understood according to the Iewish Glosses g , did thereon build this following Tenet , That the Saints should for a thousand years injoy all manner of corporal delights and pleasures in the Kingdom of Christ , which after the resurrection should be founded here upon this earth . Against this Nepos and his doctrine in this particular , Dionysius that great and learned Bishop of Alexandria wrote a full discourse , which he entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A Discourse of Promises ; and finding that he grounded his erroneous Tenets on the Revelation , he wrote another on that Book , which he inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or The confutation and reproof of the Allegorists . Nor did he labour by his pen onely , but by conference too ; making a journey ( or Episcopal Visitation ) into Arsenois , a Province of Egypt , where this opinion was most cherished , of purpose to dispute down this erroneous Doctrin● . In which he sped so answerably unto his desires , that many of the chief Sticklers in it did recant their error d , et veritatem una nobiscum confite bantur , and chearfully imbrace that truth which he brought unto them . This Doctrine being set on foot , though by such vile Hereticks , and seeming to have ground and countenance from the Revelation , was by the Fathers and other Writers of the first times of the Church , thought fitter to be rectified and reformed , than abandoned wholly . And thereupon a new conceit was taken up , and dispersed abroad unto this effect , That after the Resurrection Christ should have an Earthly Kingdom , the principal Seat whereof should be Hierusalem ; Hierusalem new built of gold , and most precious stones ( Hierusalem aurea & gemmata e , as St. Hierom calleth it ) in which the Saints should reign with him for a Thousand years in all manner of happiness , and after that accompany him to the Heaven of Heavens , and there live for ever . This was the sum of the Opinion thus refined and rectified . But for the Readers satisfaction and my own together , I shall describe it more at large , that we may see the better what we are to think of it ; and therein I shall follow Lactantius chiefly , who hath more copionsly presented the true state thereof , than any other of the Antients . By him we are informed , that after the destruction of the Roman Empire , which must be utterly subverted before any of these things shall come to pass f , there shall follow great plagues , unseasonable weather , a general mortality of all living Creatures , many strange Prodigies in the Air , the Stars fall down from Heaven , and the whole course of nature shall be out of order . Things being in this dreadful state , the Lord shall send into the world the great Prophet Elias , who shall convert many unto God , with great signs and wonders ; but in the midle of his work , Antichrist shall arise out of Syria , encounter with that great Prophet , kill him in the Fight , leaving him for three daies unburied , after which time he shall revive , and be taken up into Heaven g . After this shall presently ensue a terrible persecution of those righteous persons , who will not worship this proud Tyrant , calling himself the Son of God , and practicing to seduce the people after the working of Satan , by power , and signs , and lying wonders ; insomuch that all the Saints shall be compelled to retire themselves into the Wilderness , and there abide in great distress , calling continually for help to the Lord their God. For their relief Christ shall descend at last with the Hosts of Heaven , fight with this dreadful Tyrant , overthrow him often h , and finally , take him and his Confederates Prisoners , whom he shall presently condemn to their merited torments . Then shall the graves be opened , and the bodies of the Saints shall arise i , and stand before the Iudgement seat of Christ , the Conqueror , and being united to their souls , shall be incorporated with those righteous persons which are found alive , and both together constitute an earthly Kingdom to our Lord and Saviour , who shall reign over them ( or with them , rather ) for a Thousand years ; triumphing over the remainder of their mortal Enemies , who shall not be extinguished , but preserved to perpetual slavery . During this time the Devil shall be bound in chains that he do not hurt the Saints inhabiting the holy City in all peace and happiness k ; the Sun shall shew more glorious than ever formerly ; the Earth become more fruitful than it was before , producing most delicious fruits of its own accord ; the Rocks shall yeeld the sweetest hony , and all the Rivers flow with Milk and Wine . After which Thousand years expired , the Devil , that old Murderer , shall get loose again ; stir up the Nations of the Earth to destroy the Saints ; and not onely lay siege unto the holy City : But fire , and hail , and tempests from the Heavens above , shall make so general and terrible a destruction of them , that for Seven years there shall no other wood be burat but their Spears and Targets . Then shall the Saints be brought into the presence of Almighty God , whom they shall serve for evermore ; and at the same time shall be the Second and most general Resurrection , in which the wicked shall be raised to eternal torments , and damned for ever to the lake of fire and brimstone . This is the substance of the Story , as Lactantius telleth it ; which , whether it have more of the Iew or of the Poet in it , it is hard to say . That of the great defeat of Antichrist , and the burning of the Spears and Shields for Seven years together , is branded by St. Hierom for a peece of an old Talmudical Tale , the Iewish Rabbins making the like endless fables m ( interminabiles fabulas , as the Father calleth them ) of Gog and Magog , who for a while shall tyrannize so cruelly over those of Israel , but be at last subdued and slain with as great an overthrow as he affirmeth of Antichrist , and his Confederates . That of the flourishing estate of Christs earthly Kingdom , was reckoned in those times when it was most countenanced , to be but a Poetical fiction ; Figmenta haec esse Poetarum quidam putant n , as Lactantius doth himself acknowledge . And more than so , he seemeth to refer his Reader for a further description of this Kingdom to the works of the Poets ; affirming positively , that all those characters shall be verified of this Kingdom of Christ ( I mean this Millenarian Kingdom ) Quae Poetae aureis temporibus facta esse dixerunt , which by the Poets are affabulated of the golden age ; for proof whereof , for fear we should not take his word , he puts down a description of it out of Virgils works . But in my minde his own description of it comes more near to Ovids , who thus concludes his Map or Character of that blessed time o . Mox etiam fruges Tellus inarata ferebat , Nec renovatus Ager gravidis canebat aristis : Flumina tum Lactis , tum flumina Nectaris ibant , Flavaque de viridi stillabant Ilice Mella . Which is thus Englished by Geo. Sandys . The fruitful Earth Corn un-manured bears , And every year renews her golden Ears : With Milk and Nectar were the Rivers fill'd , And yellow Honey from green Elmes distill'd . But whether it were Iewish or Poetical , or compounded of both , the fancy being once taken up , proved very acceptable , as it seems , in those elder times , to most sorts of people both in the East and Western Churches , who did not look upon it in its first Original , or as it was obtruded on the Church by Hereticks ; but as by some good pious men it was refined and rectified , and so commended to them for a Catholick point . And he that took the pains to refine it first , and make it more agreeable to an Orthodox ear , was Papias Bishop of Hierapolis a City of Phrygia , a pious man , Sed modico admodum judicio praeditus p , but otherwise of mean parts and of little judgement . And yet because of the opinion which the world had of him , he was herein followed by Irenaeus , and some others , as Eusebius telleth us ; who perhaps might think it a good bargain if they could better the opinion , and thereby hope to get the Iews and the Iudaizers to come over to them . St. Hierom speaks of him as the first who published that Iewish Tradition of Christs earthly Kingdom ( the first , he meaneth that published it so refined and bettered , ) and that after the Resurrection the Saints should reign together with the Lord in the flesh for a Thousand years . Hic dicitur mille annorum Iudaicam edidisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , dicens post resurrectionem Dominum in carne cum Sanctis regnaturum , as he tells us of him q . And then he adds , That he was followed herein by Iraeneus and Apollinarius , as also by Tertullian in his book De spe fidelium , by Victorinus Pictaviensis , and Lactantius , Gennadius adds Tychonius Afer r , who in his Commentaries on the Revelation did affirm the same . And so did also Iustin Martyr , Melito Sardensis , and Severus Sulpitius in the life of St. Martin . So did St. Augustine for a while ( Hoc etiam & was aliquan do opinati sumus i , as himself informs us , ) but after , upon better consideration , he receded from it . By all these it is held for a truth undoubted , That Christ shall come down from Heaven in the end of the world , and converse with men , and govern them with Peace and Iustice ; and that the Saints which shall be raised , and they who shall be found alive at the time of his coming , shall reign with him a thousand years , and serve the Lord with righteousness and perfect holiness . So far they generally agree , though some not fully cleared of the former errors , ( and amongst them Lactantius must go for one ) conceived , That those just men who were found alive , should generate an infinite number of subjects k , ( infinitam multitudinem generibunt ) with which to people this New Kingdom . The greatest difference amongst them did consist in this , Whether the computation of this Millenary or thousand years , was to commence before , or after the day of Iudgment ; Lactantius being of opinion that it should be after l ; but Iustin Martyr , and most others , that these thousand years should be first accomplished m , and then the general Resurrection , and the day of Iudgment , should succed immediately . And though St. Augustine for his part , did think the opinion thus reformed to be somewhat tolerable ; yet being vehemently opposed by Ierom , who upon all occasions doth declare against it , accounting it but a remainder of the Iewish dotages , it became by little and little to be less esteemed , and in a very short time after to be quite deserted . Nor was it ever since revived till these later times , in which the Anabaptists first gave the hint unto it ; and since that numerous brood of Sectaries which have swarmed from them , have once more published it abroad to the view of the world . As for the ground on which those Antient Writers built this Kingdom●hey ●hey either were some promises made by God to the house of Israel , concerning the coming and the Kingdom of Christ , in the time of the Gospel ; or else some words of Christ himself , which they interpreted that way ; or finally , some passages in the Revelation , which did directly seem to give countenance to it . First , For the Promises made by God in the Old Testament , however they may seem to favor those of that opinion ; yet is it candidly acknowledged by Tertullian ( though he held the Tenet ) That they were to be understood non de terrena sed coelesti promissione n , of heavenly , not of earthly promises . In the New Testament , the first place which they build upon , is that in the nineteenth of St. Matthew , where it is said , That every one who hath forsaken Houses , or Brethren , or Sisters , or Father , or Mother , or Wife , or Children , for my Names sake , shall receive an hundred fold , and shall inherit everlasting life o ; that is to say , according to St. Marks expression , An hundred fold now in this life time , and in the world to come life everlasting p . But that this is not to be understood in a literal sense , nor the accomplishment thereof to be made in that Golden Kingdom , St. Ierom reasoneth very tartly , For then , saith he , it needs must follow , Ut qui unam uxorem pro domino dimiserit , centum recipiat in futuro q , that he who doth forsake one wife for the love of Christ , should in that Kingdom of theirs receive an hundred : Which how absurd it were , he leaves them to judge . In the next place , they fasten upon that of Luke , in which our Saviour said unto his Apostles , That they should eat and drink at the same Table with him in his Kingdom r . But neither these words must be taken literally , as they seem to sound , or if they be , they will be found directly contrary unto that of St. Paul , assuring us , That the Kingdom of God is not meat and drink , but righteousness , and peace , and joy in the Holy Ghost s . The like may be replied to that other place , by them alleged to this purpose t , viz. I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the Vine , until that day when I shall drink it new with you in my Fathers Kingdom u . These words St. Ierom doth interpret of the Blood of Christ , not to be drank , unless we do ascend with him into the upper Chambers of the Heavens above , and from his hands receive the Cup of the New Testament , Et inebriemur ab eo vino sobrietatis , and be made drunken , as it were , with the Wine of Sobriety . Which Answer , how it satisfied the Millenarians , I am not able to say ; but I profess sincerely , it doth not satisfie me : Nor have I met with any Exposition of this difficult place , which doth not leave it as perplexed as before it was . And yet I am not of the minde , that it can possibly be alleged in favor of the Millenarians , because it is in Regno Patris mei , in my Fathers Kingdom , which generally is used in Scripture for the Kingdome of Heaven ; and not in Regno meo , my Kingdom , or the Kingdom of Christ , as in that of Luke : Though that of Luke be but a metaphorical form of speech , and signifieth no more than that degree of nearness to their Lord and Saviour , which the Apostles should obtain in the Kingdome of Glory , such as is commonly between those who ordinarily did eat , drink , and sit down together at the self-same Table . And therefore unto these , and such Texts as these , which speak of eating and drinking , or sitting down with Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , in the Kingdom of Heaven x , there cannot be given a better answer , than that which Christ returned to the captious Saduces , viz. That in the Kingdom of Heaven , they neither marry , nor are given in marriage , but are as the Angels of God y And if they are as the Angels of God , there shall be neither eating nor drinking then ; we are sure of that . Nor is it like that glorified and immortal Bodies , alimoniis terrenis sustentanda sint , can be sustained with corruptible and earthly food z . For as Ierom very well inferreth , Vbi cibus , sequuntur & morbi , &c. Where there is meat , there will be sickness ; where there is sickness , death will follow , and after that another Resurrection is to be expected , and then another thousand years to be added to that , Et sic de coeteris . As for those passages alleged from the Revelation , if they be literally understood , they seem to be expresly for the Millenarians ; but then withal it draweth after it such inconsequences , as plainly overthrow their whole foundation . For I hope they will provide themselves of a better Supper a , Than to eat the flesh of Kings , and the flesh of Captains , and the flesh of Mighty-men , and the flesh of Horses , and of them that sit on them , and the flesh of all men , both bond and free , and small and great ? Such chear , and such an earthly paradise as they seem to dream of , will agree but ill . I must desire to be excused for calling it a Dream of an earthly paradise ; for I am verily perswaded , that it is no other . It hangs upon such doubtful proofs , and is so differently reported by the Patrons of it , that never sick-mans dream was more incoherent . Which that we may the better see , and see withal how every one added somewhat of his own unto it , according as the strength or weakness of his fancy led him , I shall put down a memorable passage of Gennadius , which most fully speaks it , In divinis repromissionibus nihil terrenum vel transitorium expectamus , sicut Melitani sperant ; Non nuptiarum copulam , sicut Cerinthus & Marcus delirant ; Non quod ad cibum vel ad potum pertinet , sicut Papiae Autori Irenaeus , Tertullianus , & Lactantius acquiescunt : Neque per mille Annos Resurrectionem regnum Christi in terra futurum , & Sanctos cum illo in deliciis regnaturos speramus , sicut Nepos docuit , qui primam justorum Resurrectionem & secundam impiorum confinxit b . By which we see that Melito did fancy onely a transitory and earthly Kingdom ; Cerinthus and Marcus introduced the use of the marriage-bed ; Papias seemed to be content with eating and drinking ; and Nepos found out the distinction ( to make all compleat ) between the first and second Resurrection ; making the first to be onely of the just and righteous , the second of the wicked and impenitent sinner , after the end or expiration of the thousand years . This is the Genealogie or Pedigree of this Opinion , which hath of late begun to revive among us , and findes not onely many followers but some Champions also . Whom I desire more seriously to consider in their better thoughts , whether this their supposed Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour , commended to the world by some Antient Writers , gave not the first hint unto Mahomets Paradise c ; In which he promiseth to those who observe his Law , most delicious dwellings , adorned with flowery Fields , watered with Chrystalline Rivers , and beautified with Trees of Gold , under whose comfortable shade they shall spend their time with amorous Virgins , and be possessed of all voluptuous delights , which to a sensual minded-man are the greatest happiness . I know that some of late times , and of eminent note , have given us this opinion in a better dress ; delivering upon probable grounds , That before the end of the world , there shall be a time in which the Church of Christ shall flourish for a thousand years , in greater purity and power , both for faith and manners , and in more outward lustre and external glory , than hitherto it hath done in all former ages . Coelius Secundus Curio in his Book De Amplitudine Regni Dei , P. Cunaeus in that De Repub. Iudaeorum , Du Moulin in his Christian Combat , Piscator in his Comment on the Revelation , Alstedius in a Tract of his , called Diatribe de mille Annis Apocalypticis , and divers others not inferior unto them for parts and learning , have declared for it . And for my part I see no danger in assenting to it : If this will satisfie the Millenarians , they shall take me with them ; but if they stand too stifly to their former tendries , and look not for this flourishing time of the Gospel till the Resurrection of the just be first accomplished , and then expect to have their part and portion in the pleasures of it , I must then leave them to themselves . The method of my Creed doth perswade me otherwise ; which from the Resurrection of the Body leads me on immediately unto the joys and glories of eternal everlasting life ; to which now I hasten . I know it doth much trouble many pious and sober men to finde the force and efficacy of our Saviours Argument , in the place foregoing , which seems more plainly to assert the Immortality of the Soul , than the Resurrection of the Body ; the bodies of Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , being dissolved into dust in the time of Moses , though their souls were living with their God. Concerning which we are to know , 1. That the Sadduces by whom this Question was propounded , did not alone deny the Resurrection of the dead , but so as to affirm withal , Animas cum corporibus extingui , That the Soul it self did also perish with the body , as Iosephus tells us , They said , that there was neither Angel nor Spirit , as St. Luke says of them . 2. That though the Pharisees who were their opposite faction , in the latter end of the Iewish state , did grant a Resurrection , or Reviviscency from the dead , yet was it after such an Animal and Carnal sense , in eating , drinking , and conversing with women , ( In qua cibo & potu opus esset , & conjugia rursum jungerentur , &c. saith my Author of them ) as the Mahometans now dream of in their sensual paradise . And against this absurd opinion ( as indeed it was ) the Sadduces had found out that Argument about a woman which had or might have had seven Husbands by the Law of Moses , whose writings onely they received as Canonical Scripture , desiring to be satisfied in their curiosity , to which of the seven she should be wife at the Resurrection . Which when the Pharisees could not answer ( as keeping to those principles indeed they could not ) they thought to put our Saviour to it at the self-same weapon . But they found there another manner of Spirit , than what had spoken to them , by , and in the Pharisees : For Christ who knew their hearts , found their cunning also . And therefore did so shape his answer , as by declaring the true nature of the Resurrection against the Pharisees , to justifie the Immortality of the Soul against the Sadduces . 1. Then , he tells them how much they were mistaken in the nature of the Resurrection , for want of a right understanding of the holy Scriptures ( Erratis nescientes Scripturas , as the Vulgar reads it . ) The Scriptures which do speak of a Resurrection , not being to be understood in such an Animal and Carnal sense , as the Pharisees did understand them . Those bodies which were sown in corruption , were to be raised again incorruptible , and therefore not to live by the food which perisheth : Those bodies which were sown in their mortality , by reuniting with the Soul , should become immortal , and therefore not to stand in need of any Seminal or Carnal way of Propagation ; For in the Resurrection they neither marry , nor are given in marriage ; neither can they die any more , but are as the Angels of God in Heaven , in the condition of their being , as to those particulars . This said , and so much of their doubt resolved , as concerned the error of the Pharisees , he lets them see the weakness of their own opinion , touching the annihilation or extinguishment of the Immortal soul of man : And that too from the works of Moses , which themselves embraced , without consulting any other of the holy Pen-men : For when God said to Moses in the present tence , I am the God of Abraham , the God of Isaac , and the God of Jacob , it must needs be , that Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , must be accounted of as living at that present time , and living otherwise they were not at that present time , but as their blessed Souls did live in the sight of God , their Bodies being long before consumed and perished ; though even those bodies by the infinity of comprehension which is in God , might be looked upon as living also , in reference to that eternal life which was prepared for them in the day of the Resurrection . And this I take to be the meaning of St. Luke , who doth not onely say in the present tence , That the dead are raised , but addes these following words to the other Evangelist , viz. For all live in him ; that is to say , All men , though buried in their dust , are living in the sight of Almighty God , who sees at once all things that have been , are , and shall be unto all eternity , as if present with him ; and consequently beholds the Souls of his righteous servants , Abraham , and Isaac , and the rest , in the bliss of Paradise , as if apparrelled with those bodies which before they had . So then , the Immortality of the Soul being so fully proved by our Saviours Argument , The Resurrection of the dead ( being the thing which seemed to be scrupled by the Sadduces ) was concluded also , and yet not such a Resurrection the Pharisees dreamed of , in which there should be marrying , and giving in marriage ( that is to say , In which things should be ordered by the rules of this present life ) but such a one , wherein the Saints of God should be like the Angels , discharged from all relations incident to flesh and blood , exempt from all humane affections of what sort soever . For certainly , had not the Argument concluded strongly and convincingly to the point proposed , neither the Scribes , men better studied in the Scriptures , than any of the rest of the Iewish Nation , had given this testimony to it , Magister dixisti benè , as we see they did , nor had the mouths of such curious and captious Sophisters been muzzled , as we see they were from asking him the like Questions for the time to come , both which the story tells us in the close of all . But I have staid too long on this Text of Scripture , it is now time I should proceed to the rest that follows . ARTICLE XII . Of the Twelfth Article OF THE CREED , Ascribed to St. MATTHIAS . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. e. ) Et Vitam Aeternam . Amen . ( i. e. ) And the Life Everlasting . Amen . CHAP. VIII . Of the Immortality of the Soul , and the glories of Eternal Life prepared for it ; As also of the place and torment of Hell. Hell-fire not metaphorical but real . The conclusion of all . MOrs non extinguit hominem , sed ad praemium virtutis admittit a , Death , saith Lactantius , doth not put an end to the life of man , but rather openeth him a way to receive the recompence of his wel deservings . For though the body be returned unto the earth out of which it was taken , and that there were no Resurrection to be looked for , for it ; yet in the better part , the soul , he is incorruptible and immortal , not subject to the stroke of death , nor to be made a prey unto worms and rot●enness . In this respect it is to be disposed of in some suitable place , and to be punished or rewarded in a suitable manner ; none but an Everlasting Life , or eternal punishments , being the doom thereof in the world to come , according to the good or evil which in this world it hath projected or accomplished . Now that the Soul of man is not onely a spiritual essence which actuates the body in the which it is , but an immortal essence too , which shall over-live it , we have good proof in holy Scripture , and that both from the Old Testament and from the New. The souls of the righteous , saith the wise man , are in the hands of the Lord b . And though the Body go down into the Earth , yet the Soul returneth unto him that gave it c , saith a wiser than he . But behold a greater than Solomon , or the wisdom of Solomon , even CHRIST the wisdom of the Father hath affirmed the same ; not onely commending his own Soul to Almighty God d , but teaching St. Stephen e , and all the rest of the Saints in him , how to do the like ; This day , saith he to the good Theef , thou shalt be with me in Paradise . And more than so , he doth convincingly conclude the immortality of the Soul from those words in Exod. f . I am the God of Abraham , the God of Isaac , and the God of Iacob , which sufficiently doth prove that point . This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise . Not in their bodies either of them , for the body of the one was on the cross , and the other in the Grave till the resurrection . It must be therefore in their Souls , which neither the Cross could crucifie , nor the Grave bury . St. Iohn affirmeth the same as a matter of fact , which in the former Texts ( except that of Exodus ) we finde but in hope or promise ; For speaking of the estate of the Saints departed , which he beheld as clearly in an heavenly Rapture , as if it had been a thing done before his eyes , he telleth us that he saw under the Altar , the soules of them that were slain for the Word of God , and for the testimony which they had g , And they cryed with a loud voyce , saying , How long O Lord , holy and true , delayest thou to judge and avenge our blood upon them that dwell on the earth ? And of this nature is that passage in St. Lukes Gospel , though perhaps it be but Parabolical , in which the Soul of Lazarus is carryed into Abrahams bosome , as soon as it had left his body . So that the wonder is the greater , if the tale be true , that Paul the third , a Christian , and a Christian Prelate , one of the Popes of Rome in these later Ages , should make doubt hereof , as they say he did ; Of whom it is reported , that , lying on his death-bed , he should say to the standers by , That he should shortly be assured of three particulars , of which he had not been resolved all the time of his life ; that is to say , Whether there were a God ? Such a place as Hell ? or , That the souls of men were immortal or not ? A speech which hath so much of the Atheist in it , that Christian charity forbids me to give credit to it ; though possibly his course of life ( as to say truth , he was a man that sought his own ends more than the glory of God ) might give occasion to the world to report so of him . And yet I must confesse my charity is not so perfect , as not to beleeve the like report of Pope Iohn the three and twentieth , who lived in safer times than this Paul the third , and might take liberty to speak whatsoever he thought , without fear of giving any advantage to an opposite party . For he indeed , as it is charged against him in the Council of Constance , was of opinion , that the Soul of man did die with his body , like that of beasts ; And did not onely hold it as his own opinion , but pertinaciously maintained it . Quin imo dixit pertinaciter credidit , Animam hominis cum corpore humano mori , & extingui , ad instar animalium brutorum , as the Council hath it . Some who were called Arabici in the former times , held the self same error , as Eusebius telleth us h , for which they were accounted for no better than Hereticks , and put into the Catalogue of Hereticks of St. Augustines making i . And yet upon a Disputation which they had with Origen , they did desert their error , and recant it too ; the story of which Nicephorus reports at large k . A Pope may hold the same opinion , and pertinaciously maintain it against all Opponents , and yet we must not say that he is an Heretick , no , take heed of that : That were to trench too deep upon the privileges of St. Peters Chair . But what need any proof be brought from the Word of God to prove the immortality of the Soul of man , which was a truth confessed by the very Gentiles , who saw no more than what was represented to them by the light of Nature , and the dull spectacles of Philosophy . By Plato , one of the sagest of them it was affirmed expresly and in positive terms , who useth also many Arguments in defence thereof . Which Arguments though they seem too short to some Christian writers , to come up close unto the point ; yet they approve his judgment in it , confessing , that De immortalitate animae verum sentiret n , he held the very truth in that particular . But before him Pythagoras and Pherecides did affirm the same , although Pythagoras for his part went a way by himself , touching the passing of the Soul into other Bodies , Transire animas in nova corpora , as mine Author hath it o . It is true , that Aristotle seemed to be doubtful of it , and problematically sometimes to dispute against it ; though other-whiles p the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , eternal and immortal , do escape his pen. Nor was it positively denied by any in the Heroick times of learning , save onely by Dicearchus , Democritus q , and the Sect of Epicures ; who placing the chief happiness , or summum bonum , in corporal pleasures , were , as it were , ingaged to cry down the Soul. And yet Lucretius an old Poet , and a principal stickler of that Sect , doth now and then let fall some unluckly passages , which utterly overthrow his cause . As this for one , Cedit item ●etro de terra quod fuit ante In terras , & quod missum est ex aetheris oris , Id rursum Coeli fulgentia templa receptant . Which may be briefly Englished in these two lines . To Earth that goes , which from the Earth was given , And to Joves house , that part which came from Heaven . In this Lucretius did agree with that of Hermes , or Mercurius , sirnamed Trismegistus , who makes man to consist of two principal parts ( as indeed he doth ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the one mortal , which is the body , and the other immortal , which is the soul r . And of the same opinion was Apollo Milesius , and the Sibylline Oracles , both which are cited by Lactantius , l. 7. c. 13. and Cap. 18.20 . But what need more be said in so clear a case , when Tacitus reporteth it for the general opinion of all knowing men , Cum corpore non extingui magnas animas s , That the Souls of great and gallant persons , were not extinguished with their Bodies ? Were it not so , the Body were in better case than the Soul by far , and of more continuance ; which doth not onely remain a Body for a while , as before it was , entire and uncorrupted , after the Soul is taken from it ; but by embowelling , imbalming , and such helps of Art , may be preserved from putrifaction many ages together . Which Reasons and Authorities of so many Writers , and the general consent of all learned men in the times before him , prevailed so far at last on one Aristoxemus , that finding no way to decry the Souls immortality , he fell into a grosser error , Negando ullam omnino esse animam t , denying , that there was any Soul at all , Quo nihil dici delirius potest , than which a greater dotage could not be imagined , as it is very justly censured by Lactantius . And yet as great a dotage as it seemed to him , though coming from the mouth or pen of an Heathen-man , hath been revived again in these times of Liberty , and a Book printed with the title of Mans Mortality , wherein the Author ( whosoever he was ) doth endeavor to prove , That the whole man , as a rational Creature , is wholly mortal , contrary to that common distinction of Soul and Body . Which if it be not the dotage of that Aristoxemus , is questionless the Heresie of the old Arabici : This Author teaching , that our immortality beginneth at the Resurrection , at the general judgment ; and they , that the Soul of man dying with the Body , & de coetero ad immortalitatem transituram u , was from thenceforth to pass into immortality . Such is the infelicity of the times we live in , that the more gross the heresie , and the more condemned by those great lights of learning in the former times , the better entertainment it is sure to finde with unknowing men . I purpose not to make an exact discourse of the Souls immortality , but onely to assert it in such a manner , as to prepare my way to the present Article , which doth in part depend upon it . For if there were no Soul at all , or if the Soul did perish , as do those of Beasts , it were in vain to think of a Resurrection , or flatter our selves with expectation of eternal life . The immortality of the Soul is to be premised , before we speak of Heaven , and the life to come ; and that premised , or granted , as I hope it will be , we must next fit it with an Ubi , with a constant place , of as great perpetuity as a soul it self ; and with a life as permanent , as the place can be . Which place or life , being we cannot finde it in this present world , we must look for it in another ; and therefore , that which in this Creed is called Life everlasting , is called in the Nicene Creed , The life of the world to come . And if it be a Life of the world to come , this world , and all the beauties of it , must first pass away , before we can possess our estates in that ; even as St. Paul hath told us of our Saviour Christ , That he took away the first Covenant to establish the second x . Now that the world shall have an end , is a thing so clear in Christianity , that never any Heretick in all ages past , did call the truth hereof in question : And so it was conceived in Philosophy also , till Aristotle , and the Peripateticks which followed him , began to hammer a conceit , De aeternitate mundi , of the worlds eternity . Certain I am , that all the old Philosophers before his time , and namely , Heraclitus , Empedocles , Anaxagoras , Democritus , and divers others ; as also the Stoicks , and the whole Sect of the Epicures ( though in other things they did agree like fire and water ) were all agreed upon this point , That as the world had a beginning , so it should have an end . The judgment in this case of those old Philosophers , Diogenes Laertius will afford us on an easie search : And for the said two Sects , to take one of each , Seneca telleth us for the Stoicks , Unus hominum genus condet dies y , That one day shall bury all mankinde , and not all mankinde onely , but the whole frame of the Creation , ( totum hunc rerum omnium contextum z , as he elswhere hath it ) dies aliquis dejiciet , shall in one day be cast down and brought to end . The like Lucretius saith for the Epicureans a , of which Sect he was . Una dies dabit exitio , multosque per Annos Sustentata ruet moles & machina mundi . In English thus . The goodly frame and engine of this All , So many years upheld , shall one day fall . Nor did they thus agree , as by joynt consent , touching the Quod sit of this truth , That the world should end ; but they descended to the Quomodo , or the manner of it , affirming , That it shall be consumed with fire . St. Ierom doth affirm it of the Gentiles generally , that they so conceived it , ( I mean still the Philosophers , or the learned Gentiles : ) Quae quidem & Philosophorum mundi opinio est ; omnia quae cernimus igne peritura b . The Stoiks and the Epicureans also did agree in this , Quod mundus hic omnis ignescat ; That the whole world should be burnt with fire , as Octavius telleth us in the Dialogue c . Eusebius not content to deal in such general terms , gives us the names of Zeno , Cleanthes , and Chrysippus , antient Stoicks all , who have so declared d . The like saith Cicero of Panaetius , whose fear it was , Ne ad extremum mundus ignesceret , lest the world should be consumed with fire . See to this purpose also Seneca , in his Book De Consolatione ad Mart. c. 26. Pliny in his Natural History , l. 7. c. 16. The Sibylline Prophecies , lib. 2. Oracul . Lucans Pharsal . and Ovids Metamorph. l. 1. who doth thus express it . Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur , affore tempus , Quo mare , quo tellus , correptaque Regia Coeli Ardeat , & mundi moles operosa laboret . Which may be Englished as followeth . Besides he call'd to minde , that by the doom Of certain Fate , a certain time should come , When Sea and Land , the Court of Heaven , the frame Of this great work , the world , should burn in flame . Who can peruse these passages of those Antient Gentiles , and not conceive they had consulted with the writings of the Prophet Isaiah e , where it is said , That the Heavens shall vanish away like smoke , and the Earth wax old as doth a garment ; and also in another place , That the Heavens shall be rolled together like a peece of parchment f , that is to say , Like a Peece of Parchment shrivelled and shrunk up together by a scorching fire ? Who can peruse those passages of the antient Gentiles , but must conceive that they were partly enlightned by the self-same Spirit with which St. Peter was enspired , when he told us in his second Epistle , saying , The day of the Lord will come as a Thief in the night , in which the Heavens shall pass away with a great noyse , and the Elements shall melt with fervent heat , the Earth also and the works that are therein shall be utterly burnt , Cap. 4.10 . And in the next save one , as followeth , Looking for , and hastning to the coming of the day of God , in which the Heavens shall perish with fire , and the Elements melt with fervent heat ? Were it a thing to be admitted in Chronology , I could not but believe that these antient Gentiles had ploughed with St. Peters Heifer , and from him borrowed their discourses of the worlds conflagration . And now I am faln into the writings of those antient Gentiles , and found what they conceived of the Souls immortality , and the consumption of this world by a burning fire : I will not leave them till they have delivered their opinions also concerning the estate of the soul departed , and the glories of eternal life in the world to come . In which they have expressed themselves in so clear a manner , that we may justly say as Octavius did , Aut nunc Christianos Philosophos esse , aut Philosophos fuisse jam tunc Christianos g , That either the Christians are Philosophers , or the old Philosophers were Christians . For that there was a Paradise , or some place of delight and pleasure for the reception of the souls of vertuous persons , appeareth by that sacred speech of Zoroaster , the antientest of the Sages amongst the Gentiles , and one not much short of the time of Abraham , with whom he is supposed to have been contemporary , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h , Seek Paradise , saith he ; that is to say , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that all enlightned recess of souls , as Pletho the Scholiast doth expound it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A Quire of the divine powers encircling the Father , as Psellus glosseth on that Text ; but Psellus on occasion of the words aforesaid , goes a little further . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. It concerneth us , saith he , to make haste unto the light and beams of our Heavenly Father , who hath bestowed our souls upon us , indued with such a perfect measure of understanding ; and who not onely doth direct our mindes in the ways of godliness , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in due time also will save our Bodies . The Divine Plato , and his followers , borrowed a great deal of their light from this Zoroaster , and the like Dictates of the rest of the Chaldean Sages , which grounded him in his opinion of the Souls immortality , and the account it was to give to the dreadful Iudge in the world to come , whereof he speaketh in his second Epistle , and eleventh Book De Legibus . Pythagoras , though sometimes he held the transmigration of the soul into other Bodies , yet in his better thoughts he disposed it otherwise , and placed the souls of vertuous men in the Heavens above , where they should be immortal , and like the gods , saying i , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is to say , Leaving the Body , they to Heaven shall flie , Where they shall be immortal , never die . And to this purpose also that of Epicharmus may be here alleged , assuring us ▪ That if we live a life conform to the rules of vertue , death shall not be able to do us hurt , because our souls shall live in a blessed life in the highest Heavens . Upon these grounds , but specially upon the reading of some Books of Plato , Cleombrotus is said to have been so ravished with the contemplation of the glories of that other life , that for the more speedy attaining of them , he cast himself down from the top of a Mountain , with greater zeal by far , than wisdom . And therefore much more commendable was the death , and dying speech of one Chalcedius ( another of those old Platonicks ) Revertar in patriam ubi meliores Progenitores & Parentes k , I am , saith he , returning into my own Country , where I shall finde the bettet sort of my Progenitors and deceased Parents . Nor was this such a point of divine knowledge , as was attainable onely by the wise men of Greece ; the sober men amongst the Romans had attained it also . For Cicero affirms expresly , Certum esse ac definitum in coelo locum , ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur l , That there is a certain and determinate place in Heaven where the blessed souls of those who deserve well of the publick shall injoy everlasting rest and happiness . And Seneca speaks thus of death , intermittit vitam non eripit , that it onely interrupteth the course of life , but destroyeth it not m , because there will come a day at last , qui nos iterum in lucem reponat , which will restore us again to the light of Heaven . Finally , Not to add more testimonies in so clear a case , Homer makes Hercules a companion of the gods above , with whom he lives in endless solace , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Ennius saith the like of Romulus n , Romulus in Coelo longum cum diis agit aevum . If we would know what their opinion was of the place it self , in which eternal life was to be enjoyed , we have a glimpse or shadow of it in the fiction of the Elysian fields so memorized and chanted by the antient Poets ; Locos laetos & amoena vireta Fortunatorum nemorum , sedesque beatas o ; A place conceived to be replenished with all variety of pleasures and divine contentments , which possibly the soul of man could aspire unto : the ground continually covered with the choycest Tapistry of Nature , the Trees perpetually furnished with the richest fruits , excellent both for taste and colour , the Rivers running Nectar , and most heavenly Wines , fit for the Palat of the gods ; And which did add to all these beauties , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sweets thereof not blasted by untimely dewes , or interrupted by the inclemency of a bitter winter . A place by them designed for the soules of those who had been careful of Religion , or lost their lives in the defence and preservation of their natural Country , or otherwise deserved nobly of the publick . Nay , even the rude Americans and savage Indians , whom we may justly call jumenta rationalia , a kind of reasonable beasts , retain amongst them a Tradition , thar beyond some certain hils ( but they know not where ) there is a glorious place reserved for the soules of those who had lived vertuously and justly in this present life , or sacrificed their lives to defend their Country , or were the Authors of any notable and signal benefit which tended to the good of mankind . If then not onely the Philosophers and learned Gentiles , but even the Barbarians and rude Americans have spooken so divinely of the place and state of good men departed ; there is no question to be made , but that the Patriarchs , Prophets , and other holy men of God , were very well assured of the truth hereof , although they lived before or under the Law , as well assured as we that have the happiness to live under the Gospel . For St. Paul telleth us of the Fathers which were under the cloud p , that they all passed thorow the red Sea , and did all eat the same spiritual meat , and did all drink the same spiritual drink ( for they drank of that spiritual Rock which followed them , and that Rock was Christ ) Not that they had the same Sacraments in specie , which we Cristians have ; but others which conduced to the same effect , and did produce the same fruits both of Faith and Piety . The Mysteries of salvation , the hopes and promises of eternal life , are frequently expressed in the Old Testament , quamvis obscuriores longè , though more obscure by far than in the forms of speech in which they are presented to us in the New Testament , as Peter Martyr well observes q . And he notes too , that many were the temporal promises , or the promises concerning temporal blessings ; but so , as to conduct and train them up in the hopes of happines eternal : The temporal blessings which they had , were but the types and figures of those endless comforts which were reserved for them in the Heavens above ; the land of Promise , but a shadow of that promised land , of which they were to be heirs in the Kingdom of God : Hierusalem but a Map of that glorious City , whose Author and founder is the Lord. Enoch had neither been translated before the Law , nor Elias under it , had not both of them stedfastly beleeved this truth , that they should see the goodness of the Lord in the Land of the living . And yet some men there were , and I doubt still are , who teach , that the holy men of God which lived before Christ our Saviours time , did fix their hopes only upon temporal blessings , and not at all upon spiritual , or if upon spiritual , as the peace of conscience , yet not upon eternal happiness , which is the crown and glory of that peace . The Anabaptists and the Familists were of this opinion , against whom the Church of England hath declared her self in the Seventh Article of her Confession ; saying , That they are not to be heard which feign that the old Fathers did onely look for transitory promises . Of this opinion also was that wretched Servetus , who thought no otherwise of the people of the house of Israel , quam de aliquo porcorum grege z , than other men would do of an herd of Swine , whom he conceived the Lord did fatten in the Land of Canaan , Citra ullam spem coelestis immortalitatis , Without breeding them in any hopes of the life eternal . And against him doth Calvin ( who hath given us this knowledge of him ) intend his whole tenth Chapter of his second Book of Institutions . Nor do I find but that our Masters in the Church of Rome like it well enough , though they keep more aloof in the tendrie of it . For neither doth Prateolus , nor Alphonsus à Castro , nor any other of their Writers for ought I can finde , in reckoning up the errors of the Anabaptists , or of Servetus and his followers , account this for one ; nor do they give such efficacy to the Iewish Sacraments , as to confer Grace , or spiritual gifts on them that were partakers of them . And Harding telleth us in plain terms , That the body is not raised to eternal life , but by the real and substantial eating of the flesh of Christ a . Which were it so , as Bishop Iewel well observeth , what life could Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , and other holy Patriarchs and Prophets have , which were before the coming of Christ , and therefore could not really and substantially eat his flesh ? Must we not needs conclude by this strange Divinity , that they have no life , but are dead for ever , without any hope of resurrection unto Life everlasting , But what need such deductions , though most clear and evident , when one of their infallible and Authentick Records speaks it out so plainly , that every ordinary understanding cannot but perceive it ? I mean the Roman Catechism published by the order and authority of the Council of Trent . The Authors whereof abusing the authority of St. Augustine in his Comment on the 77th . Psalm , will have the Iewish Church to be called the Synagogue , Quia pecudum more quibus magis congregari convenit , terrena tantum & caduca bona spectarent b ; i. e. Because like brute beasts who properly are said to be congregated or gathered together ( for so the word Synagogue doth import ) they sought after nothing but transitory and temporal things . Than which no Anabaptist in the world could have spoke more plainly . A Tenet very contrary to plain Texts of Scripture , which speak no otherwise of the Patriarchs , Prophets and other holy men of God , which lived before and under the Law , than of those to whom pertained the adoption of Sons , and the glory , and the service of God c , and the same Promises which are made to us who live under the Gospel . For doth not God say to our Father Abraham , that he was both his shield , and his great reward d ? his shield , or his Protector , as the Vulgar reads it , to save him from all danger in this present world ; and his exceeding great reward in the world to come . And doth not Iob , whose history was writ by the hand of Moses ( as it is generally conceived by men of learning ) profess a more than ordinary confidence in the Resurrection e , and of his seeing God with those very eyes , which were to be consumed with worms ? Doth not the Royall Psalmist tell us of himself , that he did verily beleeve to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living f ? And doth not the Prophet tell us of the blessed Land where men live for ever , that the eye hath not seen , nor the ear heard , neither can the heart of man conceive those things which God hath prepared for them that love him ? Sufficient evidence to prove , that as well in the Old Testament as in the New , Everlasting Life is offered to mankinde by God , according to the Doctrine of this Church of England g . It is true , the Promises of Everlasting Life to us which live under the Gospel , are delivered in more clear expressions than those which were delivered to our Fathers which lived under the Law ; for which we have the greater cause to give thanks to God , who speaks so plainly to us without Tropes and Figures , without Types and Ceremonies , the shadows of those things which we have in substance . For what can be more plain than that of our Lord and Saviour , saying , That the righteous shall go into life everlasting , Matth. 25.46 . That they which do forsake all for his sake , shall in the world to come have eternal life , Mark 10.30 . That whosoever believeth in the onely begotten Son of God , shall not perish , but have life everlasting , John 3.6 . That he which hateth his life in this world , shall keep it unto life eternal ? Chap. 12.25 . Or what can be more plain than those words of St. Paul in the first to Timothy , advising us , That we lay up in store for our selves a good foundation against the time to come , that we may lay hold on eternal life , Chap. 6.19 . Or those to Titus , That being justified by his grace , we shall be made heirs according to the hopes of life eternal , Chap. 3.7 . Or that in the second to the Corinthians , We know that if our earthly tabernacle were dissolved , we have a building of God , an house not made with hands , eternal in the Heavens ? Chap. 5.1 . Finally , What can be more plain than that of St. Peter , assuring us , That by the Resurrection of Christ from the dead , we are begotten again to an inheritance immortal , undefiled , and that fadeth not away , reserved for us in the Heavens ? 1 Pet. 5.3 , 4. Or that in the same Epistle , where he telleth his Presbyters , That if they feed the flock of Christ committed to them , when the chief Shepherd shall appear , they shall receive , immarcessibilem coronam gloriae , an immarcessible Crown of glory , or a Crown of glory which withereth not , as our English reads it ? Chap. 5.4 . How much more might be added from the Revelations , and other passages of the New Testament , where the same thing is either figuratively expressed , or easily inferred by logical and necessary consequences ? but that I was to shew that eternal life was promised unto those who lived under the Law , although not every where , nor altogether in such clear expressions , as it is held forth unto us who live under the Gospel . As clear are those expressions also , which do set forth the nature and condition of this life to come , as those which do deliver the eternity and duration of it : For in some places it is called the joy of the Lord , Enter into thy masters joy , Matth. 25.5 . Where there is fulness of joy , and at his right hand there is pleasure for evermore h , as the Psalmist hath it ; Et nunquam turbata quies , & gaudia firma , in the Poets language . Sometimes it is called a Kingdom , and a Crown of glory . A Kingdom by our Saviour in St. Matthews Gospel , Chap. 25.5 . A Crown of glory by St. Paul ; as also a Crown of righteousness , 2 Tim. 4.8 . and finally , a Crown of life by St. Iames , Chap. 1.12 . With one of which Crowns , or some like unto it , we shall be all made Kings in Gods heavenly Kingdom , as is affirmed by St. Iohn in the Revelation . In a word , it is sometimes called Civitas Dei viventis , or the City of the living God , as in that to the Hebrews , Chap. 12.5 . A City , by St. Iohn described to be of pure Gold , and as clear as Chrystal , the Walls of Iaspar stone , and the Gates of Pearl k , and all the Pavements throughout of most precious stones . Which Character we must not understand in the literal , but the mystical sense : The Man of God in his description of the New Ierusalem , selecting such materials to set forth the same , as he conceived to be most estimable in the eyes of men . Put all which hath been said together , and we shall finde , That under this one notion of Life Everlasting , are comprehended all the comforts which attend the same ; that is to say , A Kingdom , and a Crown of glory , the joyes and never-fading pleasures which are to be possessed at the right hand of God in that Heavenly City , the very Gates whereof are so rich and beautiful . O coelo dilecta domus , postesque beati ! A City where we shall possess all divine contentments which possibly the soul of man can aspire unto ; health without sickness , beauty without blemish , felicity without admixture of afflictions , and joy without disconsol●●ion : There shall we for evermore enjoy the Beatifical Vision of Almighty God , when we shall see him face to face , in his perfect glory , and know him as we are known of him l , not by faith but sight ; which is the onely object of divine felicity , Visio Dei beatifica sola est summum bonum nostrum m , said St. Augustine truly . And in that blessed Vision of Almighty God , we shall with joy possess those unspeakable glories , which St. Paul calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n , Such as it was not possible for a man to utter ; which neither the tongue of man nor angels can express aright . To which , what need we adde the happiness which we shall enjoy , in having the society of the glorious company of the Apostles , the goodly fellowship of the Prophets , the noble army of Martyrs , the beloved embraces of those happy souls , whose sad departure from us we so much lamented . What need it be added unto this , That there we shall enjoy those favors which the frown of Princes cannot ruine , nor the riot of posterity impair , nor the tongues of evil people blemish ; those riches which the rust of pleasure shall not eat into , nor the moth of vanity consume , nor the great thief of Hell steal from us ? In a word , What need be added unto this , That there we shall attain such an height of bliss , Vt ne voto quidem opus sit , that there shall be no need of prayers , but we shall spend our whole eternity in no other office , than singing Hymns of praise and glory to the Lord our God ? All this , and more than can be added , is comprehended in the glory of that blessed Vision , which is all in all . But of the glories and felicities of eternal life , it is enough to say a little , because it is impossible we should say enough . Two things there are which may deserve a further , and more punctual search , because they have been much debated amongst the learned : The one about the different degrees in eternal happiness ; the other about the knowledge which the Saints shall have of one another , whether they lived with us , or in other ages . Of both these I shall venture a word or two in a positive way , rather than traverse and debate them in the way of Argument . And first beginning with the last , It is apparent that the Apostles knew our Saviour after his Resurrection from the grave of death ; and that the people of Ierusalem , the holy City , did know those Saints , who rose together with our Saviour , and appeared unto them ; though both our Saviour , and those Saints rose in glorified bodies ; Bodies not subject any more unto putrefaction . And if a mortal eye could see and distinguish clearly of such bodies , as by their Resurrection were become incorruptible ; how much more may we think that a glorified eye is able to recall unto our remembrance , the knowledge of that glorified body , which formerly we knew in the state of corruption . It is apparent also by our Saviours Parable , that Dives and Lazarus knew each other , though then in divers places , and in different states a ; the one at rest in Abrahams bosom , the other in the pit of Hell , and in flames unquenchable . How much more shall the Saints , the Elect of God , both know , and be made known unto one another ; abiding in the same place , and the same estate , and looking daily in the Mirror of Gods blessed Vision , which represents all things unto them in their true condition ? We shall then know , as we are known of God , as St. Paul hath told us b ; out of which place , St. Augustine comforted a poor widow , called Italica , who mourned heavily for the loss of her husband , assuring her , That as in this life she saw him with external eyes , but with those eyes discerned no more than his outward lineaments ; so in the life to come she should see him again , and in that sight discern the very thoughts of his heart , and all his secret counsels , and imaginations c . Nor shall we onely know and be known of those , with whom we took sweet counsel together , or walked together in the House of the Lord as Friends ; but at the first sight shall be able to say , that this is Abraham , Isaac , Iacob ; these are the Saints that went before us , these are they who came in the arrere many ages after . For Christ our Saviour tells the Iews , That they should see Abraham , Isaac , Jacob , and all the Prophets in the Kingdom of God d : Not see them , as men see a stranger whom they did not know , but see them so , as to know who they were by their names and qualities ; Else could not the discomfort be so great unto them , to see their Fathers after the flesh , and all the Prophets whom they murdered , in a state of glory ; and they , their miserable and unhappy children , to be quite excluded from the same . And the same Christ our Saviour doth assure his followers , That they should sit at the same Table with Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , in the Kingdom of Heaven e ; that is to say , They should commerce as freely , and as knowingly with those antient Patriarks , as men that use to eat together in the self-same house . Besides , the Scriptures do affirm in several places , That at the last day , shall be a manifest declaration of the just judgment of God , when he shall reward every man according to the works which he hath done in the flesh , whether good or evil . And if the works of every man shall be brought to light , then much more shall the workers of those iniquities be made known to the Saints their Judges ; for if the persons be not known , where would be that confusion of the face which the Scriptures speak of , which shall befall the wicked and impenitent sinner , upon the manifestation of his deeds of darkness ? Many a malefactor hath been hanged more chearfully in places where we was not known , where he could be no shame to his friends and kinred , than if he had been executed in the sight of those who knew him , and the parentage whence he came . And to this purpose are the words of our blessed Saviour unto his Apostles , when he informeth them , That they should sit upon twelve seats , judging the twelve Tribes of Israel f . By which it is apparent that they shall be known by the Tribes of Israel , to be the poor despised Apostles of a more despised and persecuted Saviour . It followeth consequently upon good deduction , not onely that the twelve Apostles shall know those of the Tribes of Israel , whom they are to judge ; but that they shall be also known of one another , and of all the Saints , who shall rejoyce in that preferment of their Chiefs and Leaders , though raised unto an higher pitch and degree of glory , than others of their Brethren are advanced unto . For that in Heaven there shall be different degrees and estates of glory , I take to be a point so clearly evidenced in holy Scripture , that little disputation needs be raised about it : Though some too much affected to a parity in this present life , expect to finde it also in the life to come . The Fathers , I am sure , did all look this way . And so much Peter Martyr doth confess ingenuously , although himself no friend unto their opinion . De Patribus fatemur ingenuè quod praemiorum discrimina statuerunt , which is plain enough g . And as he doth affirm this of the Fathers generally , so he affirms particularly of St. Ierom , that he was istarum differentiarum acer propugnator ; a great assertor of those different degrees and estates of glory , as indeed he was . And certainly they had good warrant to resolve so in it . Daniel , a Prophet of the Lord , and one in more than ordinary favor with him , hath assured us this , That they which be wise , shall shine like the brightness of the firmament , and they which turn many unto righteousness like the Stars for ever h . In which we see two different duties recommended to us , to learn the rules of wisdom first , to be wise our selves , and then to teach them unto others , to turn them to righteousness ; accordingly the rewards proportioned , to shine like the brightness of the firmament , like the stars of Heaven . And who seeth not how much the splendor of the Stars exceeds the brightness of the Sky , of the clearest Firmament ? The like St. Paul hath told us of the Resurrection , That there shall be a difference in it ; that there is one glory of the Sun , another glory of the Moon , another glory of the Stars ; and of the Stars , that one Star differeth from another Star in glory i . Now our Astronomy doth teach us upon very good inferences , that the Sun is One hundred sixty and six times bigger than the Earthly Globe , whereas the Moon hardly amounts unto a fortieth part thereof ; and that the fixed Stars of the first magnitude , are found to be One hundred and seven times bigger than the Body of the Earth , those of the least , coming but to the sixth part of that proportion . Which sheweth the difference in glory to be very great , though possibly the Rules of that Art may fail us in the proportioning of that difference : But whatsoever be the error in those Rules of Art , assuredly there can be no etror in the words of Christ , in whom the Prophets and Apostles do concenter and meet together . And he hath told us in plain terms , That in his Fathers house there are many mansions ; that is to say , as Denys the Carthusian states it , conform unto the minde and meaning of the antient Fathers , Multi praemiorum gradus , & variae distinctiones , many degrees of happiness and estates of glory , though all most glorious in themselves . According to which Rule of our Lord and Saviour , we finde a difference made in his holy Gospel , between those men which had been faithful over much , and those which had been faithful over a little onely l ; the one being made the Ruler of Ten Cities , the other but of Five alone m ; between the recompense and reward of a righteous person , and that which is laid up by God for the reward of a Prophet . He that receiveth a righteous man , in the name of a righteous man , shall receive a righteoas mans reward . And he that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet , shall receive a Prophets reward p , saith our Lord and Saviour . And to say truth , besides the warrant and authority of the holy Scriptures , that so it should be , it stands with very good Reason that so it should be ; and is most consonant to the Rules of distributive Iustice , that so it must be . For if that faith in Christ , and a conformity to the words of his holy Gospel , be , in the merciful construction of the Lord our God , thought worthy of a crown of glory ; then certainly a greater and more lively faith , and a more conscionable walking in the sight of God , must be rewarded with a richer and more excellent Crown . And so it also followeth by the rule of contraries . For if he that knoweth the will of his Master and doth it not , shall be beaten with more stripes q , than the ignorant man , as the truth it self hath said he shall ; it must needs follow by that Rule , that they which know Gods will exactly , and conscionably apply themselves to observe the same , shall be rewarded with more blessings at their Masters hands . And so the old Carthusian whom before I spake of , doth resolve the question . Many ( saith he ) are raised above their brethren in the house of God , Secundum quod aliqui ferventius Deum dilexerint r , as being far more zealous in their love to God , more constant in pursute of their way to Heaven , than others of their Brethren are , which yet by Gods great mercy shall come thither also . As therefore the Apostle advised those of Corinth , so must I also counsel those which shall read these papers , that they do covet earnestly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the best gifts and graces s , that so they may possess the most eminent places . Or if they dare not look so high , to be sure of this , that they do so conform their lives unto Gods commandements , that when their earthly Tabernacles are dissolved into dust and ashes , their soules may be disposed of in the place of rest , there to expect the Resurrection of their Bodys to Eternal life , and lodged for ever in some one of those heavenly Mansions reserved for them in the Heavens . And this indeed is that which we all must aim at , if we have any of that zeal to the Kingdom of Heaven , which was so eminent in the Patriachs , Apostles , Martyrs , Confessors , as to be left upon record for our instruction . Of Abraham it is written in the Book of God , that he left his own Country , and all his kindred , in search of a far better Country , that is an Heavenly t ; that he left Vr , one of the chief Cities of the Chaldeans , but one made with hands , to look for an house not made with hands , whose builder and maker is the Lord. David preferred one day in the house of God , before a Thousand years consumed in his earthly Palaces u , yea , though he were advanced no higher in that House of God , than to be a door-keeper . St. Peter was so rapt with the sight of those Heavenly glories , in which he did behold our Saviour in his transfiguration , that he set up his resolution with Bonum est nobis esse hic x , that it was best for him to abide there alwaies . And when St. Paul had seen a glimpse of the joyes of Paradise , to which he had been taken up in an heavenly rapture , how willingly did he indure the cross , and despise the shame , in reference to the joy which was set before him y ? how earnestly did he come out with his cupio dissolvi , that he desired to be dissolved and to live with Christ ? With what a gallant zeal did the old Father Ignatius contemn the fire , Gallows , fury of wild Beasts , the breaking of his bones , quartering of his members , and the crushing of his body into peeces , tota Diaboli tormenta , nay all the torments of the Devil and Hell , onely upon this bare hope , ut Christo fruar z , That he might come at last to injoy his Saviour ? Such an Heroick zeal was that of the good Father St. Augustine , who declared himself to be contended to indure the torments of Hell , so he might thereby gain the joys of Heaven a , rather than lose the same for want of those dreadful sufferings . And not much short of this was the resolution wherewith St. Basil answered his Persecutors , when they did think to terrifie him with the fear of death ; I will not fear that death , saith he , which can do no more than restore me unto him that made me b . Infinite more of these examples might be laid before us , were not these sufficient to let us see how high a price they set on the joyes of Heaven , the glories of this Life eternal , of which they had no more assurance than what was made unto them by the Word of God ; which Word of God we have for our assurance and comfort also , besides the conduct and authority of their good example . Of such inestimable nature are the glories of Eternal Life , which are prepared by God for all them that love him , and carefully pursue those waies which do lead them thither . But so it is not with those men , who either wilfully shut their eyes against the knowledge of God , or , who confess him with their mouths , but scornfully deny him in their words and actions , leading a life conform to their sensual appetite . There is another habitation reserved for them , even that prepared for the devil and his angels a , the house of everlasting torments and unquenchable flames . The knowledge and belief of which doleful state , pertains no less unto a Christian , than that of everlasting life in eternal glory . The wicked and impenitent soul being again united to her sinful body , shall finde an everlasting life , but in endless torments . Which though it be not said expresly in the Apostles Creed , is yet contained by consequence , and in the way of reduction , in the present Article ; but more particularly and in terminis expressed in the Creed or Symbol of St. Athanasius . There it is said to be necessary to everlasting salvation , to believe this , amongst other things of our Lord and Saviour IESUS CHRIST , That at his coming unto judgment all men shall rise again with their bodies , and shall give accompt for their own works ; and they that have done good shall go into life everlasting , and they that have done evil into everlasting fire b . Which is no more than what our Saviour Christ hath told us , though in other words ( and every word of his is to be believed ) where it is said , That the hour is coming , in which all that are in the graves shall hear his voice c : And shall come forth , they that have done good to the Resurrection of life , and they that have done evil to the Resurrection of damnation . Being therefore in this place to speak of the pains of Hell , and such considerable circumstances as conduce to the knowledge of them ; I will begin first with the Quid nominis , the names by which it is made known in the writings of the Evangelists and Apostles , and other creditable Authors in the Christian Church , and so descend to the Quid rei , or the thing it self . First then the names by which it hath been delivered and made known unto us by the sacred Penmen , are these four especially , that is to say , Hades , Abyssus , Tartarus , and Gehenna ; of which , the three first are meerly Greek , and the last an off-spring of the Hebrews . Of Hades we have spoke already in the Article of Christs descent into Hell ; as also of the Latine Inferi or infernum , which they use to express it , and shall not here repeat what was there delivered . By that which was delivered there , it appears to be a dark and disconsolate place in the deeps of the Earth , a place appointed for the punishment of ungodly men ; not onely in the judgment of the sacred Penmen , and the old Ecclesiastical writers in the Church of Christ , but also of all learned men amongst the Gentiles , whether Greeks or Latines . The same is signified as plainly in the name of Abyssus , which is thrice used by St. Iohn in the Revelation , to signifie the bottomless pit , or the pit of torments : from whence the smoke ascended like the smoke of a furnace , Chap. 9.2 . from whence the Beasts ascended to make war against the Two Witnesses of the Lord , Chap. 11.7 . from whence that Beast ascended also to his just perdition , on which the woman sate , which made her self drunk with the blood of the Saints , Chap. 17.8 . And is indeed no other than that Stagnum ignis & sulphuris , that lake of fire and brimstone , mentioned in the twentieth Chapter . Nor is the word used onely in the Revelation , to signifie Hell , or the place of torments , but in St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans also , where it is said , Say not in thine heart , who shall ascend up into Heaven ? That is , to bring Christ down from above d . Aut quis descendet in Abyssum , or , who shall descend into the deep ? That is , to bring up Christ again from the dead . Where , by Abyssus , which is rendred by this word , the deep , is meant no other place but Hell , Inferi or infernum , as saith Martin Bucer , by whom the whole Text is expounded of Christs descent into Hell , as hath been proved at large in the foresaid Article . This finally is the very place , to which the Devils who exclaimed against Christ our Saviour for coming to torment them before their time e , desired him that they might not go . And they besought him ( saith St. Luke ) ne imperaret illis ut in Abyssum irent , i. e. That he would not command them to go into the deep f , or rather into the Abysse , or the bottomless pit , as the word is rendred thrice in the Revelation . Abyssus therefore must be Hell , or the house of torments prepared for the Devil and his Angels , against the judgment of that great and terrible day ; which they were so afraid to enter , that they besought the Lord not to send them thither . The third word used for Hell in the holy Scripture is Tartarus , used onely by St. Peter , and that but once . God spared not ( saith he ) the Angels that sinned , but having bound them with chains of darkness , detrusos in Tartaro tradidit cruciandos g , cast them down into Hell , to be kept there to the day of judgment . Where Tartarus , though Englished Hell , is not that very place of torment to which they shall be doomed in the judgment day ; but the out-skirts or suburbs of it , the prison in the which they lie bound in the chains of darkness . But whether it be Hell it self , or the dungeon to it , the antient Gentiles who best knew the true meaning of it , have made it a dark place in the deeps of the Earth ; and therefore called by Ovid , Tenebrosa Tartara h . Thus Hesiod also telleth us of it , that the dungeon of Tartarus is as much under the Earth , as Heaven is above it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i , as his words there are . And so did Virgil understand it when he told us this , Tartarus ipse bis patet in praeceps tantum , That Tartarus is twice as deep as the Heaven is high . And in a prophecy of one of the Sibyls , which I finde often cited by the antient Fathers k , it is described to be a place in the lower parts of the Earth . For speaking of the day of judgment , it is there affirmed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That then the gaping Earth shall discover the Tartarean dungeon . That they did also use the word for the place of torments , is evident by that of Anacreon , an old drunken Poet , who giveth this reason why he was so loath to die , and forsake this world , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Because he feared to go to Tartarus : And so St. Augustine understood it , when he said of Christ , That he descended unto Tartarus , but felt there no torments . The fourth and last word was Gehenna , or Ge-Hinnom , a word not known amongst the Gentiles , and onely used by Christ when he spake to the Iews , whose it was originally ; and by St. Iames in his Epistle to that scattered Nation l , who very well understood the true meaning of it . For Ge-Hinnom or the Valley of Hinnom , was a Dell or Valley near Ierusalem , in which there was a fire continually burning , partly to consume the dead Carkasses and filth of the City , and partly for the sacrificing of those wretched Children which were offered to the Idol Moloch : Which making it a place both of stink and terror , it came to be a type of Hell-fire it self ; and for the fire of Hell , or for Hell it self , was used by Christ and his Apostle , as before was said ; the Hebrew word being mollified and made Gehenna . Hell is called many times Gehinnon , saith Peter Martyr m , because a Vale being a low and deep place , doth resemble Hell ; Quod infra terram esse creditur , which generally is believed to be under the Earth . A place of fiery torments , saith Martin Bucer ; and therefore called Gehenna ignis , or the Hell of fire , in St. Matthews Gospel n . These are the several words used by the sacred Pen-men of the New Testament , when they speak of Hell. And all being laid together , will amount to this , That it is a dark and dismal place in the deeps of the Earth , prepared by God originally for the devil and his angels , and secondarily for impenitent sinners , where they shall fry for ever in unquenchable flames , and see no other light but the fire that burns them . And this being properly the punishment reserved in Hell , for those who are condemned to that bottomless pit , I shall insist the more upon it : Not looking here upon the separation of the wicked from the love of God , or the despair which they grone under , or the guilt of conscience ; which either are but poena damni , the loss of that which Gods beloved do enjoy in the Heavenly glories , or are in part inflicted on the wicked man in this present life . For unto this relates those Parables in St. Matthews Gospel , where it is said by Christ , That the Angels shall gather out of his Kingdom all things that offend , and them that do iniquity , and shall cast them in caminum ignis into the furnace of fire o . And in the Parable of the Net , we have it in the same words , in caminum ignis . Thus the rich glutton in St. Luke is said to be tormented in those fiery flames p : And in the twentieth of the Revelation it is called expresly , Stagnum ignis & sulphuris , A lake of fire and brimstone q , as was said before . A truth communicated to , and by the Prophets of the former times , who give us this description of Tophet , or the Valley of Hinnom , That the pile thereof is fire and much wood , that the breath of the Lord is like a stream of brimstone to kindle it r ; and that the stream thereof shall be turned into pitch , and the dust into brimstone . And Malachi speaking of the day of judgment , telleth us , That it shall burn like an Oven , and that all which do wickedly shall be as the stubble , Quos inflammabit dies veniens , whom that day when it cometh shall burn up s . A truth so known among the Gentiles , whether by tradition of their Ancestors , or conversation with the Iews , we dispute not here , that by the verses of the Poets , and the works of their most grave Philosophers , as Minutius telleth us , Illius ignei fluminis admonen●ur homines , Men were admonished to beware of that burning lake . To which it were impertinent to adde the testimonies of the Antient Fathers , by one of which it is called Divinus ignis t , Poenale incendium u by a second , Ardor poenarum by a third x , Aeternus ignis , by a fourth , & sic de coeteris . And though a Question hath been made ( as all things have been questioned in these captious times ) whether this fire be true and real , or onely metaphorically called so in the Book of God ; yet by all sound Interpreters it is thus agreed on ( as hath been very well observed by a learned Iesuite ) Metaphoram esse non posse quae sit tam perpetua y , That such a constancy of expression doth exclude a Metaphor . Nor do there want good Reasons to confirm this truth , against the cavils and exceptions of unquiet men . For first , considering that the fire of Hell is so often threatned in the Scriptures to ungodly men , unless we hold fast to this good old Rule in expounding Scripture , to take it in the literal sense , according as the native meaning of the words import , but where the same may be against the truth of faith , and honesty of manners ( it is St. Augustines Rule z ) we shall leave nothing safe nor sound in the Book of God. And then it is to be considered , That Christ our Saviour shall pronounce this sentence in the day judgment , Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire , prepared for the devil and his angels ; Which if it be not spoken in the literal sense , according to the plain meaning of the words , neither the guilty can perceive what they are to suffer , nor the Ministers what they are to execute , nor the Saints what belongs to them to approve and applaud ; but all things will be left in most strange perplexities . Besides , it was the custom of our Lord and Saviour , when he had spoken to the Iews in Tropes and Parables , to make an exposition of them to his own Disciples ; and in that exposition to speak so plainly , that every one might be able to understand him : As in the Parables of the Tares , and the Casting Net , delivered in the thirteenth of St. Matthews Gospel , the Disciples understood not what he meant by either , but were as ignorant of his scope and purpose , as the rest of the Iews ; But when he did expound himself unto them in private , touching the sending of his Angels in the day of judgment to sever the wicked from the just , and to cast them , being severed so , into the furnace of fire ; and then demanded , if they understood what was said unto them , they made answer , yea a . It must not therefore be a Metaphor , but a proper Speech , by which our Saviour Christ did expound his meaning , and open the obscurity of the said two Parables ; for to expound a Parable by a Trope or Metaphor , had neither been agreeable to our Saviours goodness , nor any way conducing to their Edification . So then , the fire of Hell shall be true and real , not Figurative and Metaphorical ; and as it is a real fire , a devouring fire , so is it ignis inextinguibilis , an unquenchable fire in the third , and ignis aeternus , an everlasting fire , in the five and twentieth of Matthew ; The smoke whereof goeth up for ever , saith the Prophet Isaiah b . A fire which feedeth both on the body and the soul , yet shall never consume them ; and such a fire , as breeds a kinde of worm within it , which shall never die , but always gnaw upon the conscience of the man condemned , and create far more anguish to him , than all bodily torments . And of this worm it is which St. Basil speaketh , where reckoning up the terrors which shall be presented to the wicked in the day of judgment , amongst them he recounteth a darkish fire , which though it hath lost his light , shall retain its burning , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c , and a most venemous kinde of worm feeding on flesh , and raising intolerable torments with continual biting . See to this purpose also that of Gregory Nyssen in his Homily De Resurrectione Christi ; nor is it thus delivered in the writings of the Christians onely . Iosephus also hath the like , a Iew , but a learned and a modest Iew , in an Oration of his which he made to the Grecians ; not extant in his works indeed , but mentioned by Damascene , and preserved by Zonaras d : For speaking also his opinion of the final judgment , to be executed by the Messiah in the last day , he saith , That there remaineth for the lovers of wickedness , an unquenchable and never ending fire , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. And a fiery worm not dying , nor destroying the body , but breaking forth of the body with unceasing anguish . And to this truth , as to the miserable state of those in Hell , all the old Catholick Doctors do attest unanimously , whether Greeks or Latines . Tatianus , one of the most antientest of the Grecian Doctors , calleth the estate of the damned in Hell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a death which never dieth , an immortal misery e : Tertullian , the most antient Latin , Cruciatum non diuturnum sed sempiternum , Not onely a long and lingring torrant , but an everlasting one . St. Augustine answerably unto that of Tatianus , doth call it Mortem sine morte f , adding more over of those sires , Punire non finire corpora , that they torment the body , but destroy it not . Tertullian he goeth further yet , saith , That it burns the body , but repairs it also g , and calls it poenam nutrientem , A fire which so devoureth , that it also nourisheth . With him Lactantius doth consent h , so also doth Minutius Felix , Prudentius , Cassiodorus , and indeed who not ? And why should this be thought a wonder so far beyond the reason and belief of a meer natural man ; or such , who taking on themselves the names of Christians , will yet believe no more than will stand with reason ? Doth not the Scripture tell us of a burning bush i , a bush that burned with the fire , and was not consumed ? And the Historians , of the Hills of Aetna and Vesuvius , which do almost continually send out dreadful flames , and yet never waste ? And the Philosophers of a Worm or Beast , which they call the Salamander , whose natural habitation is in the midst of the fire ? and the Poets of Prometheus , and Titius Vultures , which having fed so many hundred years upon their Bowels , had not yet devoured them ? Doth not experience tell us daily , That the lightning glanceth on our Bodies often , but doth seldom hurt us ? And doth not Ovid say expresly , Nec mortis poenas mors altera finiet hujus k , That there is a second death which shall never end ? yet I confess , that the prevailing Heresie which pretends to such wit and piety , hath no small reason to declare , Interire posse animas aut ab exitio liberari l , That the souls of wicked and impenitent men shall either be annihilated , or in fine released . For we may safely say of these new Pretenders , as once Minutius did of the old Philosophers , Malunt penitus extingui , quam ad supplicia reparari m ; Considering how they have subverted all the Fundamentals of the Christian Faith , it is all the reason in the world , that they should rather wish to be annihilated , than survive to torments , such torments as shall know neither end , nor measure . BUt blessed JESUS , why do we waste our time in such nice disputes , in proving and disproving points of so clear an evidence , which were much better spent in pursutes of those ways and courses , by which we might have hope to flie from the wrath to come . Thou Lord hast set before us both Heaven and Hell , commandest us to choose the one , and avoid the other ; and tracedst us out the way unto life eternal , both by thy Doctrine and Example . Conduct us we beseech thee in the pathes of righteousness , suppress that itch of curiosity , which hath not left one Article of the holy Faith without stain or censure ; and make us chearfully submit our Reason to the Rule of Faith. And thou O God , the Father Almighty , Maker of Heaven and Earth , send down thy holy Spirit into our hearts , that by his Grace we may believe in thine onely begotten son JESUS CHRIST our Lord , place all our hopes upon the merits of his most precious death and passion , our comforts in his glorious Resurrection and Ascension ; That by his means and mediation , we may be made true Members of thy Catholick Church , enjoy a right Communion with thy blessed Saints , and the remission of our sins in this present world ; That so we may be made partakers of the Resurrection unto Life eternal in the world to come . So be it . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A43554-e1230 Eccl. 12.12 . Plautus . Rom. 2.1 . Eccl. 4.7 . Tacit. Ann. Pag. 350. Pacian in Biblioth . Patr. Whitac . Contr. 2. q. 9. c. 8. Horat. de arte Poet. Ovid. Tri●t . Eleg. 1. Virg. Aen. l. 1. Notes for div A43554-e27930 Ambros. in Hexaemer . 1 Cor. 12.20 Ephes. 5.32 . De Civit. dei . l. 22. c. 17. Hos. 2.19 . Eph. 5.30 . Eph. 4.5 . 1 Cor. 12.13 Tacit. Annal. lib. 15. Joh. 3.16 . Joh 20.31 . 2 Pet. 3.16 . Rom. 14.1 . Heb. 5 , 13 , 14. 2 Tim. 1.13 . Iren. adv . haeres . l. 1. c. 2. Id. ibid. c. 3. Iren. adv . hae●es . l. 1. c. 3. Tertull. de veland . Virgin. Aug. Serm. de Temp. 115. Aug. de fide & Symb. c. 1. Id. in Encheirid a Laur. Ruffin . in Symbol . Aug. Serm. 115. de Temp. Ambros. Serm. 38. Hieron , Epist . ad Pammach . 61. Leo Epi. 13. ad Palcher . De Eccl. Officiis , l. 2 c. 3. Cap. 56. Terent. in Andria . Aug. Encheir . ad Laurent . Id. lib. de fide & Symb. c. 1. Epist. 61. ad Pammach . c. 9. Lib. 1. c. 3. Tertul. adv . Praxeam . Ignat. Epist. ad Trallian . Euseb. Hist. l. 1. c. ult . Examen . Concil . Trident. sess . 4. Articl . of 1562. Art. 134. Contra Donat. l. 4. c. 23. Field l. 4. c. 21. Vigilius contra Eutych . l. 4. Hooker Eccles. Polit. l. 5. Apolog. pro Confess . Remon . Durand . Rationale Divin . Field of the Church , l. 2. c. 1. Ruffinus in Exposit. Symb. Concil . Agathens . Can. 13. Aug. Homil . 42. Conc. Foro-Iuliens . Apud Binium . Tom. 3. par . 1. l. 1. p. 262. Durand . Rational . Divin . Anast. apud Platinam , & in Collect. Concil . Durand . Rational . Divin . Baron . Annal . Eccl. A. 44. Perk. Exposition of the Creed . Id. ibid. B. Bilsons Survey . p. 664. August . de doctr . Christian. Id. de Civit. l. 11. c. 3. B Bilsons Survey . p. 664. Binuis in Annot. in Concil . Tolet. IV. Tom. Concil . 2. part . 2. Perk. Exposition of the Creed . Mar. 16.15 . Isocrat . in Orat. ad Nicoclen . Aristol . Analytic . prior . Quintilian l. 2. cap. 13. Philo de vita Mofis l. 3. Iulii Etist . decretal . c. 8. Mat. 28 20. Paci . Epist. 1. ad Symp. Downs of the Authors and Authority of the Creed . Ruffinus in posit . Symb. Lact. l. 2. c. 9. Act. 17.28 . 1 Cor. 15.33 . & Tit. 1.12 . B. Iewels challenge . Pet. Mart. de votis & coelebat . Chemnit . Examen . de Tradition . c. 6. August . Epist . 19. Hieronyn . ad Damas. Epist. 57. Vincent . Lirin . adv . haeres . c. 38. Id. ibid. c. 2. Augustin . in Epist. 118. Id. contr . Iulian. Pelagi . l , 2.9 . Id. ibid. c. 10. Canon . An. 1571. cap. de Concionator . An. 1. Eliz. cap. 1. Saravia de divers . ministerii gradibus . Calvin Inst l. 2. c. 16. sect . 1● . Notes for div A43554-e41260 (b) Coke in Calvins case . (c) Phocylid . sentent . (d) Rom. 8.38 . (e) Philip. 1.6 . (f) Valla in Annotat. in N. Test. (g) Zanch. de Natura Dei. c. 3. (h) Melancht . in Exam. Artic. de Iustificatione . (i) Vrsin . in Exposit. praecept . 1. (k) Arist. in lib. Demonstrat . (l) Joh. 4.39.41 , & 42. (m) 2 Pet. 1.21 . (n) 2 Thes. 2 ▪ 10 , 11 , 12. (o) Heb. 11.1 . (p) Beza in Heb. c. 11. v. 1. (q) Haymo in Heb. c. 11. v. 1. (r) 2 Tim. 2.18 . (s) Haymo in Heb. c. 11. v. 1. (t) Heb. 3.14 . (u) Budaeus in Comment . Gr. Linguae . (x) 2 Cor. 9.4 . & 11.17 . (y) Ephes. 6.12 . (z) Haymo in Heb. 11. v. 1. (a) Id. ibid. (b) Rev. 1.20 . (c) Beza in Heb. c. 11. v. 1. (d) August . in Psalm . 77. (e) Id. in Iohan . tract . 29. (f) Compend . Theol. lib. 5. c. 21. (g) Zuinglius in Matth. 23.13 . (h) Muscul. loci commun . loco de Fide. n. 3. (i) Wotton de Reconcil . Peccat . part . 1. lib 2. c. 14. n. 3. (k) Mat. 8.26 . (l) Mat. 28.2 . &c. (m) Calvin in Ioh. cap. 2. v. 11. (n) Joh. 4.39 . (o) Davenant in Coloss. 2. v. 2. (p) Joh. 11.42 (q) Calvin in Ioh. cap. 11. v. 42. (r) Joh. 1.12 . (s) Joh. 2.23 . (t) Calv. in locum . cap. 2. v. 23. (u) Joh. 2.24 . (x) Muscul Loci commun . de fide . (y) Exod. 14. v. 31. (z) Muscul. ut supr . (a) Exod. 19.9 . (b) Basil. de sancto Spiritu . c. 14. (c) Socrat. hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 25. (d) Ruffin . in Exposit. Symboli . (e) Paschas . de Spirit . sancto . lib. 1. (f) August . in Ioh. tractat . 29. (g) Wotton de Reconcil . Peccat . part . 1. l. 2. c. 14. (h) Joh. 2.23 . (i) Act. 16 31. (k) Hermes . (l) Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in prooemio . (m) Hilar. de Trinitate , l. 10. (n) Symbol . Caroli , M. (o) Heb. 11.6 . (p) Iewel . Apol . Eccles. Anglic . (q) Act. 8.13 . (r) Calvin Instit. l. 3. c. 2. ● . 10. (s) Idem in Act. 8.13 . (t) Act. 8.21 , 22. (u) Ignat. Epi. (x) 1 Tim. 1.19 , 20. & 2 Tim. 2.17 , 18. (y) 1 Tim. 1.20 . (z) Calvin Instit . l. 3. c. 2. n. 11. (a) Rom. 6.22 . (b) Act. 5.4 . (c) Act. 8.23.21 . (d) 1 Tim. 1.19 . (e) Act. 8.22 . (f) 1 Tim. 1.20 . (g) 1 Cor. 5.4 . (h) Rom. 1. 18.20 . (i) Jude v. 6. (k) Mat. 25.30.1 . (l) Mark 1.24 . (m) Mat. 8.29 . (n) Heb. 2.16 . (o) Sect. 1. ch . 2. (p) Vrsin . Theses Theol. c. 13. (q) Id. ibid. (r) Iackson of justifying faith . c. 2. (s) Vrsin . Cutech . part . 2. qu. 21. . n. 2. (t) Matth. 13.20 , 21. (u) Bucan Com. loc . de Fide. (x) Vrsin . Catech . part . 2. qu. 21. (y) Mat. 17.20 . (z) 1 Cor. 12.8 , 9 , 10. (a) Cicer. in Tusc. quaest . l. 1. (b) Lactant. l. 3.8 . (c) Act. 14.16 , 17. (d) Tacit. de mor. German . (e) Lactant. l. 1.2 . (f) Ap. Mor● . de vera Relig. (g) Lactant l. 1. c. 11.13 , &c. (h) Lucan . Pharsal . l. 10. (i) Lactant. l. 2. (k) Iuvenal . Sat. 13. (l) August . de civit . Dei. l. (n) Minut. Fel in Octavio . (o) Lactant. l. 1.6 . (p) Minut. Fel. in Octavio . (r) Mereur . Trism . in Paeman . c. 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. El in Asclep . c. 6 , 7. (s) Lactant. l. 1.6 . (t) Id. cap. 7. (u) Minut. Fel. in Octavio . (x) Clem. Alexand . in Pro●rept . (y) Laert. in vita Socrat. (z) Tertul. in Apolog. c. 46. (a) Laert. in vita Socr. (b) Plato in Epist. 13. ad Dionys . (c) Exod. 3.14 . (d) 1 Cor. 8.4 . (e) Iamblith de myster . c. 12. &c. (f) Proclus de Theolog. Platon . (g) Simplicius in Ariani Epictet . (h) Plotin . Enn. 1. l. 8. & Enn. 9. (i) Porphyr . de Abstinent . l. 2. (k) Aristot. de Mundo . (n) Theophr . in Metaph & de Saporibus . (o) Alex. Aphrodis . de Provident . (p) Lactant. l. 1. c. 6. (q) Cicero de nat . doerum , l. 2. (r) Plutarch . de Isid. & Osiride . (s) Epictet . in Arrian . (t) Lactant. l. 1. c. 5. (u) August . de Cinit . l. 4. c. 9. (x) Id. ibid. l. 4.24 . (y) Tertul. Apol . (z) Lactant. l. 2.1 . (a) Cicero de Natur. Deor. (b) Minut. Fel. (c) Lact. l. 1.5 . (d) V. Morn . de verit . Rel. Chr. c. 3. (e) Phocyl . Car. (f) Lactant. l. 1. cap. 6 , 7. (g) Art. 1. Of faith in the holy Trinity . (h) Niceph. Eccles. hist. l. 11. c. 14. (i) Nicephor . hist. Eccles. l. 13. c. 12. (k) Id. Eccles. hist. l. 6. c. 31. (l) Simplic . in Ariani Epictet . (m) Lactant. l. 1. c. 3. (n) Lactant. l. 1.20 . (o) Homil. against Idolatry , part . 3. Notes for div A43554-e63870 (a) Ruffin in Symb. (b) 1 Cor. 1.22 . (c) Iustin Mart. in dial . cum Tryph. (d) Exod. 6.3 . (e) Esay 42.8 . (f) Apoc. 1.4 . (g) Tertul. adve s. Hermog . (h) Ioseph . Antiqu. Iudaie . l. 2. c. 18. (i) Buxdorfius in Lexic . Hebr. (k) Innocent . ● . de Sacro Alt ▪ myst . l. 3. cap. 1. (i) Gen. 1.1 . (k) Exod. 7.1 . (l) Rom. 13.1 . (m) Virgil. Georg. lib. 4. (n) Psa. 139.8 . (o) Minut. Fel. (q) Ierem. 3.24 . (r) Ibid. v. 7. (t) Ovid. de Fast. 1.6 . (u) Mat. 27.46 . (x) Mar. 15.34 . (y) Hesiod . in . Noct. & dies . (a) Aquin. in Summa Theol. (b) Joh. 7.16 . (c) Scalig. Exercit . 6. Sect. 2. (e) Apocal. 21.6 . c. 1.4 . (f) Tertul. advers . Praxeam . (g) Psal. 90.2 . (b) Isa. 40.12 , 15 , 17. (i) Deut. 4 39. (k) Ps. 139.8 . (l) Ier. 23.7 , 24 , (m) Minut. Fel. (u) August de civit . dei . l. 1.29 (o) Gregor . in Psal. 139. (p) Rom. 11.33 . (q) Ap. Hook. Eccl. Polit. (r) Joh. 5.17 . (s) Trismegist . in Paemand . c. 2 , 3. &c. (x) Ovid Met. l. 1. (y) August . de Civit. dei . l. 7. (a) 1 Joh. 5.7 . (b) Joh. 10.30 . (c) Joh. 5.17 . (d) Mat. 3.17 . (e) Greg. Thaumat . in S. Theophan . (f) Vid. Chap. 1. (i) Aqu. Summ. (k) V. Feild of the Ch. l. 5. c. 11. (m) Genebr . de Trin. l. 1. & Lindan . in Dubitant . l. 2. (n) Armin. Respons . ad Artic. 31. (o) Jam. 1. 7. (q) Mat. 6.9 . (r) Bellarm. de Chr. l. 8. c. 17. (s) 1 Pet. 1.3 , 4. (t) Mal. 2.10 . (u) Act. 17.26 . (x) Mat. 23.9 . (y) Lactant. instit . l. 4 c 4. (z) Luk. 3.38 . (a) Psal. 119. (b) Psa. 139.15 . (c) Lactan● . l. 5.19 . (d) Act. 17.28 . (e) Minsing . in Instit. l. 1. c. 11. (f) Heb. 11.24 . (g) Minsing . in loco citato . (h) Basil. Epist. ad Gregor . (i) Esai . 4.4 . (k) A. Gell. No●t . Att. (l) Dion . Cass. in Augusto . (m) Iustin. Instit. l. 1. tit . 11. sect . 2. (n) Ibid. l. 2. tit . 13. s●ct . 4. (o) Molin . Anatom . Arm. c. 22. sect . 9. (p) Esa. 49.15 . (q) Mat. 7.10 . (r) Ibid. v. 11. (s) Psal. 103.13 , 14. (t) Ibid. v. 8. (u) Mat. 23.37 . (x) Gen. 49.6 , 7. (y) August . de Cru . Dei. l. 15.15 . (z) Jer. 10.24 . (a) Phil. 4.20 . (b) Lactant. de ira Dei. (d) Leg. 12. Tab. (e) Minsing . in Instit. l. 1. tit . 9. (f) Gen. 49.4 . (g) Gen. 4.2 . (h) Gen. 4.21 , 22. (k) Levit. 8.2 . (l) Rom. 1.20 . (m) Act. 14.16 , 17. (n) Prov. 1.20 . (o) August . de Spir. & lit . c. 12. (p) Rom. 2.14 . (g) Greg. Nazian . Orat. 31. (r) Prosp. Carm. de ingrat . (s) Rom. 1.18 , 20. (t) Psa. 147.19 . (u) Jer. 31.33 . (x) Joel 2.28 . (a) Psal. 135.6 . (b) Luk. 1.37 . (c) Mat. 19.26 . (d) August . in Enchirid. c. 96. (e) Aquin. 1. qu. 25. Art. 3.4 . (f) August . de Civit. dei . l. 5. c. 10. (g) Orig. adv . Cel. Sum. l. 3. (h) Josh. 10.12 , 13. (i) 2 King. 20.11 . (k) Exod. 14.22 . (l) 2 King. 6.5 . (m) Dan. 3.22 . & 27. (n) Id. c. 6.22 . (o) 1 King. 17.6 . (p) Mat. 27.45 . & 52.53 . (q) Gen. 22.11.12 . (r) Exod. ch . 7 , 8. &c. (s) Josh. 6.20.10 , & 11. (t) 2 King. 3.20 , &c. (u) 2 King. 7 : 6 , 7 , & 19.35 . (x) Act. 12. (y) Gen. 31.24 . &c. 33. v. 4. (z) Exod. 12.35 . (a) Numb . ch . 23. & 24. (b) 2 Chr. 20.1 . (c) Ibid. v. 23. (d) Euseb. Eccles . hist. l. 3.30 . (e) Id. l. 4.9 . (f) Id. l. 4 13. (g) Id. l. 5.5 . (h) Id. l. 7.12 . (i) Id. l. 9.9 . Notes for div A43554-e81040 (a) Psal. 19.1 . (b) Senec. in quaest . Natural . (c) Lactan. l. 1. c. 7. (d) Aug. Confess l. 11. c. 12. (e) Psal. 96.5 . (f) Jer. 10.10 , 11. (g) Iust. Mart. de Monarch . dei . (h) Gen. 1.1 . (i) Psal. 104.5 , 6 , 2. (k) Psal. 146.5 . (l) Act. 4.24 . (m) Minut. Fel. (n) Psal. 33.9 . (o) Gen. 1.3 , 6 , 9 , &c. (p) Psal. 33.6 . (q) Joh. 1.1 , 3. (r) Gen. 1.2 . (s) Gen. 1.1 , 2. (t) Ovid. Metam . 1. (u) Gen. 1.1 . (x) Cicero de Natura Deor. (y) Heb. 3.4 . (z) Minut. Fel. (a) Valles . de sacr . Phil. p. 16. (b) Cyr. contra Iulian. l. 2. (c) Minut. Fel. in Octavio . (d) Plutarch . de dogmat . Philos. (e) Arist. Met. (f) Id. lib. de Mirabilibus . (g) Theop. lib. de Saporibus . (h) August . de Civit. dei . l. 6.2 . (i) Tull. de natur . Deorum . l. 2. (k) Senec. de vit . beata . l. 2. c. 31.32 . (l) Id. quaest . natural . l. 1. (m) Macrob. Saturnal . l. 1. (n) Lact. l. 1.5 . (o) Ovid Men. l. 1. (p) Lact. l. 1.5 . (q) Virg. Aen. l. 6. (r) Valles . de sacr . Phil. c. 1. (s) Estius et Iun ▪ in Gen. 1. (t) Mr. Greg. of Ch. Ch. Oxou. (u) Psal. 19.1 . (x) Psal. 148.10 . (y) Psa. 103.20 . (z) Psal. 107.8 , 15 , &c. (a) Luk. 74 , 75. (b) Psa. 147.12 . (c) Act. 17.24 , 25 , 26. (d) Senec. Epi. 58. (e) Psal. 104.9 . (f) Psal. 145.16 . (g) Psal. 65 14. (h) Psal. 46. ● . (i) Psal. 147 : 14. (k) 2 King. 24.16 . (l) Psal. 148.5 , 6. (m) Origen . hom . 23. in Num. (n) Joh. 5.17 . (o) August . cont . Faust. Man. l. 16. c. 6. (p) Minut. Fel. (q) Lact. l. 1. c. 11. (r) Mat. 10.29 . (s) Alex. Aphrod . l. de Provident . (u) Mat. 19.17 . (x) Psal. 73.1 . (y) Lam. 3.25 . (z) Psal. 145.8 . (a) Ruffin . in Symbol . (b) Staplet . in promptuar . (c) Gen. 18.32 , &c. (d) Iustin. Institut . l. 1. c. 1. (e) Ibid. 1. (f) Bern. Ser. 11. (g) Niceph. Hist. Eccles. l. 17. c. 3. (h) Exod. 1.16 . (i) Exo , 12.30 . (k) 2 Sam. 13.14 , 29. (l) 2 Sam. 16.22 . (m) 2 Sam. 24. (o) Rom. 6. ult . (p) 2 King. 20.13 . (q) Dan. 5.3 , 4. (r) Salvian de Gubern . Dei. (s) Psal : 145.17 . (t) Mat. 7.11 . (a) Fulgent . ad Monin . (b) Gen. 45.5 , 7. (c) Act. 2.23 . (d) Fulgent . ad Monin . (e) August . de Civit. Dei. l. 1. c. 8. (f) Lucan . Pharsal . (a) Coloss. 1.16 . (b) Lact. l. 1.7 . (c) Heb. 1.14 . (e) Ps. 148.1 , 2. (f) Ap. Lact. l. 1. c. 7. (g) Minut. Fel. (h) Tertull. Apolog. c. 22. (i) Minut. Fel. (k) Estius in Gen. 1. (m) Loc. Com. Class . 1. c. 12. (n) Gen. 19.1 . (o) Gen. 18.2 . (p) Job 38.4 , 7. (q) August . de Civit. dei . l. 11. c. 9. (r) Estius in Gen. 1. (s) Estius in Ezech. 28. (t) Lact. l. 1. c. 7. (u) Cassian . Collat. 8. c. 7. (x) Concil . Lateran . l. 1. c. 5. (y) Psal. 148. ● . (z) Gen. 1.1 . (a) Lact. l. 1. c. 5 (b) Dan. 7.10 . (c) Hieron . in locum . (e) Cassian Collat . 8. c. 7. (f) Hieron . advers . Iovin . l. 2. (g) ●Id . ibid. (h) Id. in Eph. 1. (i) 2 Cor. 12.2 . (k) 19.13 . (l) Psal. 78.49 , 50. (m) 2 Sam. 24.15 . (n) 2 King. 19.35 . (o) Lact. l. 2.17 . (p) Torniell . in A. M. 1556. (q) Tostat. in Exod. 14. (r) Id. in Josh. 10. qu. ● . (s) Ex. 14.19 . (t) Josh. 5.15 (u) Tostat. in Exod. 14. (x) Id. in Josh. 3. (y) Peter Mart. in 2. Reg. 7.6 . (z) Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 3.5 . (a) Psal. 34.7 . (b) Clem. Alex. Stron . l. 6. (k) Origen . tract . 6. in Mat. (l) Lact. l. 2.15 . (m) Hier. in Mat. 18. (n) Id. in Epi● : Paul. ad Eustoch . (o) Id. in Isa. 66 (q) Estius in Act. 12. (r) Gen. 46.16 . (s) Pet. Lomb. l. 2. dist . 11. (t) Maldon . in Matth. 18. (x) Col. 2.18 . (y) Zonar . in Can. 35. Conc. Laodic . (z) Judg. 13.16 . (c) August . in Psal. 69. (d) Apoc. 19.10 & 22.9 . (e) August . de vera Reli. c. 55. (f) Calvin . Institur . (f) Job 4.18 . (g) 2 Pet. 2.4 . (h) Jude v. 6. (i) Gal. 4.4 , 5. (a) Luk. 10.18 . (b) Esa. 14.12 . (c) Mat. 12.24 . (d) Esai . 14.12 , &c. (e) Hierom. in locum . (f) Theophyl . in Luc. 10. (g) Ezek. 28.12 , &c. (b) Cassian . Collat . 8. c. 8. (i) Estius in Esai . 14. (k) Gen. 3.5 . (l) Phil. 2.7 . (m) Ecclus. 10.15 . (n) August . de Civit. Dei. l. 14. c. 13. (o) Aquin. part . 1. qu. 63. Art. 1. (p) Ovid. Met. l. 1. (q) Mat. 3.17 & 4.1 . (r) Heb. 1.6 . (t) Job 1.7 . (u) Ephes. 2. ● ▪ (x) 2 Pet. 2.4 . (y) Jude 6. (z) Hieronym in in Matth. 8. (a) Dr. Field of the church , l. 1. c. 3. (b) Damasc. de fide Orth. l. 2. c. 4. (c) Heb. 2.16 . (d) Lactant. l. 2.15 . (e) Mat. 15.19 . (f) Jam. 1.14 . (g) Cassian . Collat . 8. cap. 17. (h) Lactant. l. 12.15 . (i) Lactant. l. 12.15 . (k) Id. cap. 17. (l) Minut. Fel. (m) Lactant. l. 2.17 . (n) Palladius in hist. Lansiac . (o) Ephes. 6.12 . (p) Calvin . Institut . (q) Gen. 1. (r) Psal. 148 ● . (s) Ovid. Met. l. 1. (t) Lactant. l. (u) Diog. Laert. in Anaxag . (x) Gen. 1.25 . (y) Gen. 2.7 . (z) Eccl. 12.7 . (a) Clem. Alex. Strom. l. 6. (b) Theod. divin . Decret . l. 5. (c) Hilar. de Trinitate . l. 10. (d) Ambros. de Noah , et Arca. c. 4. (e) Leo Epi. 93. ad Taribium . c. 10. (f) Hieron . in Eccles. c. 12. (g) Id. in Apol. advers . Ruffin . (h) August . de haeres . in Tertul. (i) Id. Epist. 157. (k) Gen. 1.27 (l) Gen. 1.26 . (m) Ovid Met. l. 1. (a) Cicero de Nat. Deorum . (b) Aquin. 1. pt . qu. 93. Art. 4. (c) August . Confess . l. 1. (e) August . Confess . l. 1. c. 5. (f) 1 Cor. 13.12 . (g) Wisd. 15.14 . (h) Iust. Mart. Apol. 1. (i) 2 King. 5.3 . (k) Heb. 7.9 , 10. (l) Nazianz. Orat. 42. (m) August . de Civit. l. 13. c. 12.15 . (n) Ezek. 16.6 . (o) Joh. 3.15 , 16. (p) Salv. de gubern . l. 8. (q) Luk. 15.12 , 13. (r) Fulg. ad Monim . (s) 1 Tim. 1.15 . (t) Joh. 11.25 , 26. (u) Id. 3.15 . (a) Luk. 12.48 . (b) Heb. 11.6 . (c) Gen. 3.15 . (d) Gen. 4.1 . (e) P. Fagius Com. in Gen. 4. (f) Gen. 12.3 . (g) Gen. 17.18 . (h) Gen. 21.12 . (i) Joh. 1.11 . (k) Exod. 12.46 . (l) Joh. 19.33.36 . (m) Joh. 3.14.15 . (n) Luk. 10.24 . (o) Hieron . ad Iun. & Fretel . Io. 3. (p) Tertul. lib. de Anima c. 45. (q) Id. adv . Marc. l. 4. c. 22. (r) Id. de Anima cap. 9. (s) Id. adv . Mar●i . l. 5. c. 8. (t) Id. adv . Marc. l. 4. c. 22. (u) Minut. Fel. in Octavio . (x) Hieron . in Prolog . in Hab. (y) Id. in Prolog . ad Nahum . (z) Lactant. de fals . Rel. l. 1. c. 4. (a) Ephes. 3.4 , 5. (b) Heb. 11.4 , 5 , 6. (c) Gen. 6.17 , 22. (d) Gen. 13.15 , 16. (e) Gen. 12.1 , 2. (f) Gen. 15.6 . (g) Rom. 4.19 , 20 , 21 , 22. (h) Gal. 3.6 . (i) Heb. 11.17 , 18 , 19. (k) Jam. 2.21 . (l) Origen . in Rom. l. 4. c. 4. (m) Joh. 17.3 . (n) Rom. 3.25 . (o) Col. 2.17 . (p) Rupertus de Operibus S. Trin. (q) Heb. 9.14 . (r) Gen. 2.17 . (s) Gen. 22.2.13 . (t) Exod. 13.2 . (u) Lev. 12.6 . (x) Lev. 6.2 , 3. (y) Ibid. v. 5 , 6 , 7. (z) Lev. 10.17 . (a) Lev. 17.11 . (b) Heb. 9.19 , 21 , 22. (c) 2 Sam. 24.17 . (d) Virg. Aeneid . lib. 9. (d) Isa. 1.11 . (e) Isa. 66.3 . (f) Morn . de verit . Rel. Christ. c. 27. (g) Chrysost. in Rom. Homil. 17. (h) Theophyl . in Rom. 10. (i) Muscul. in Rom. 10. (k) August . de Civit dei . l. 16.26 . (l) Act. 25.34 . (m) Gen. 49.18 . (n) Luck . 2.25.38 . (o) Rom. 9.4 , 5. (p) Psal. 147.19 , 20. (q) Psal. 19.1 . (r) Act. 14.17 . (s) Rom. 2.14 , 15. (t) Deut. 31.12 , 13. (u) Minut. Fel. in Octav. (u) Act. 14.16 . (x) Minut. Fel. in dialogo . (y) Isocrat . Orat. ad Demonicum . (z) 1 King. 8.54 . (a) Lact. l. 2.3 . (b) Ovid Met. l. 1. (c) Psal. 5.3 . (d) Virg. Aeneid . l. 2. (e) Ovid Met. l. 1. (f) Socr. ap . Plat. l. de votis . (g) Pers. Sat. 2. (h) Lact. l. 6.11 . (i) Rom. 1.22.23 . (k) Rom. 1.25 . (l) Caesar de Bell. Gallico . (n) Iust. Hist. l. 18. (o) Lact. l. 1. c. 21. (p) Plato in Phaedonc . (q) Id. ibid. (r) Iamblich . ap . Phil. Morn . (s) Plotin . Enn. 6. l. 9. c. 9.10 . (t) Arist. Ethic. l. 1. (u) Epictet . Artan . (x) Gal. lib. de Concept . (z) Laert. in vita Socrat. (a) Prid. lect . de Sal. Ethnic . (c) Sleidan . Com. An. 1552. (d) August . cited by Prosp. sem . 106. (l) Prosp. Epist. ad Ruffin . (e) Heb. 11. ● . (f) Rom. 14. ●3 . (m) Leo. Serm. 2. de jesu . Pentecost . (g) Heb. 11.6 . (h) August . contra Iulian. l. 4. c. 3. (i) Whites Way sect . 40. n. 23. (k) Vega de Iustif . lib. 11. c. 38. (l) Psal. 119.105 . (m) Diog. Laert. in vita Aristot. (n) Greg. Arimin . l. 2. dist . 28. q. 1. (o) Act. 10.14 , 15. (p) Iun. de Natur. & grat . u. 28. (a) Mat. 28. (b) H. Nicols Preface to 3. (q) Rom. 1.28 , 29. (r) Id. v. 22.18 , 20. (s) Gen. 6.12.5 . (t) Gen. 9.11 . (u) Gal. 3.13 , 14. (x) Joh. 6.40 ▪ (y) Gen. 15.6 . & Rom. 4.3 . (z) Rom. 4.5 . (a) Iust. M. dial . cum Tryphon . (b) Tertull. advers . Marc. l. 5. c. 3 (c) Orig. in Rom. c. 4. (d) Amb. in Rom. c. 4. (e) Chrysost. in . Rom. c. 4. (f) Id. in Gal. 3. (g) August . in Psal. 70. (h) Id. de Temp. serm . 68. (i) Primas . in Rom. c. 4. (k) Haimo in Rom. c. 4. (l) Homil. of Salvat . pt . 2. (m) Eph. 2.8 . (n) Joh. 3.16 . Notes for div A43554-e138010 (a) 1 Cor. 1.23 . (b) Luk. 2.52 . (c) Rom. 9.4 . (d) 2 Pet. 1.19 . (e) Joh. 1.11 . (f) Mark. 4.12 . (g) Isa. 11.10 . (h) Act. 10. (i) Rom. 15.12 . (k) Cicero de Natura Deor. (l) Isocrat . ad Demonic . (m) Gal. 4.4 . (n) 1 Tim. 1.15 (o) Eph. 2.14 . (p) Eph. 3.5 . (q) Col. 1.26 . (r) Lact. l. 4. c. 2. (s) Id. l. 4. c. 15. (t) Casab , Exerc . in Baron . (u) Fenestella de Sacerdot . c. 13. (x) Lactant. l. 1. c. 6. (y) Id. l. 4. c. 6. (z) Maldon . in Joh. 1. n. 22. (a) Epes . 3.6 . (b) Iewel in Apol. Eccl. Anglic. (c) Estius in Marc. cap. ult . (d) Tacit. Annal . l. 15. (e) Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 1. (f) Apocal. 2.6 . (g) Maldonat , in Mat. c. 1. (h) Gal. 3.24 . (i) Luk. 1.31 . (k) Mat. 1.21 . (l) Ruffin . in Symb. (m) August . de Trinit . l. 3.10 . (n) Cicero Act. 2. in Verrem . (o) Ezra . 3.2 . (p) Joh. 14.6 . (q) Act. 4.12 . (r) Phil. 2.9 , 10. (s) Gen. 41.43 . (t) Ambr. Hexaem . l. 6. c. 9. (u) B. Andr. on the Resur . Serm. 9. (x) Queen injunction 1559. n. 52. (y) Can. 18. of the year 1603. (z) H. Burton , & alii passim . (a) Lact. l. 4. cap. 7. (c) Joh. 1.41 . (d) Psal. 132.11 . (e) Lev. 8.12 . (f) 1 King. 19.16 . (g) 1 Joh. 2 2. (h) Luk. 1.79 . (k) 1 Pet. 2 9. (l) Act. 11.26 . (m) Mat. 2.12 . (n) 1 Joh. 2.27 . (o) Luk. 1.62 . (p) Cited by Gregory in his Observ. 36. (r) Tertul. Apol c. 3. (s) Lact. l. 4.7 . (t) Sueton. in vita Claudii . (u) Tacit. Annal . l. 15. (x) Salvian de gubern . Dei. (y) Phil 2.5 . (z) Joh. 15.10 . Notes for div A43554-e146290 (a) Mal. 2.10 . (b) Matth. 6.9 . (c) Gen. 6.2 . (d) Joh. 1.12 . (e) Rom. 8.14 , 15. (f) Joh. 1.13 . & 1 Joh. 3.9 . (g) 1 Pet. 1.4 . (h) Job . 38.4.6 . (i) Aug. de Civ . dei . l. 11. c. 9. (k) Luk. 20.36 . (l) Psal. 82.6 . (m) Joh. 10.35 . (o) Heb. 2.16 (p) Act. 7.37 . (q) Mat. 11.9 . (r) Mat. 3. (s) 17.5 . (t) 16. v. 16 , 17. (u) Luk. 1.35 , 32. (x) Luk. 9.28 . (y) Joh. 10.41 . (a) Heb. 1.5 . (b) Psal. 110.1 . (c) Rom. 8.32 . (d) Mar. 3.17 . (e) Joh. 3.16 . (f) Col. 1.15 . (g) Col. 1.18 . (h) Heb. 1.2 . (k) Heb. 7.3 . (l) Joh. 1.14 . (m) Luk. 1.31 , 32 , 35. (n) Estius in Luk. 1. (o) Maldon . in Luk. 1.31 . (p) Id. in Luk. 1.35 . (q) Luk. 3.38 . (r) Vrsin . Catech . pt . 1. q. 33. (t) Maldon . in Mat. 3.17 . (u) Gen. 22.2 . (x) Gen. 17.20 . (y) Rom. 8.33 . (z) Col. 1.15 , 18. (a) 1 Pet. 2.13 . (b) Exod. 13.1 , &c , & v. 11 , 12. (c) Heb. 2.11 . (d) Luk. 1.32 . (e) Ps. 110.4 . (f) Mat. 28.18 . (g) Rom. 6.9 . (h) Rom. 4.13 . (i) 1 Tim. 3.16 . (k) Joh. 1.1 . (l) Gen. 1.1 , ● . (m) Heb. 1.2 . (n) Joh. 1.3 . (q) 1 Joh. 5.20 . (r) Joh. 5.31 . (s) Joh. 8.14 . (t) Mat. 26.63 . (u) Mar. 14.62 . (x) Joh : 5.17 , 18. (y) Mat. 26.65 , 66. (z) Joh. 19.7 . (a) Gen. 3.15 . (b) 4.2 . (c) Fagius in Gen. 4. (d) Gen. 5.29 . (f) Joh. 5.1 . (g) Joh. 10.24 , 25. & 29.30.33 . (e) Joh. 1.20 , 25. (h) Joh. 1.20 . (i) Act. 14.15 . (k) Joh. 10.35 , 36. (l) 1 Joh. 8.58 . (m) Exod. 3.14 . (n) Ioseph . Antiqu . Iud. l. 18. c. 4. (o) Suidas in Lex . verb. Iesus . (p) Polychron . l. 3. c. 44. (q) Id. ibid. (r) Euseb. de Dem. Evangel . l. 9. (s) Esa. 19 1. (t) Virg. Eclog . 6. (u) Ma● . 27.54 . (x) Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 3. cap. 4. (y) Niceph. Eccl. hist. l. 4. c. 20. (z) Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 5. c. 28. (a) Id. ibid. (b) Id. l. 7. cap. 26 , 27. &c. (c) 1 Tim. (d) Joh. 20.31 . (e) Psal. 110.1 . (f) Joh. 1.3 . (h) Sueton , August . Caesar. c. 52. (i) Dion . hist. (k) Sueton. hist. in Calig . (l) Oros. hist. l. 6. c. 21. (m) Vict. Roman . hist. Epitome . (n) Act. 2.36 . (o) 2 Cor. 13.14 . (p) Joh. 1.3 . (q) Col. 1.16 . (r) Psal. 95.6 . (s) V. l. 1. c. (t) Damasc. de fid . Orth. l. 2.12 . (u) Rom. 6.16 . (x) 1 Joh. 12.2 . (y) Heb. 9.12 . (z) Col. 2.14 . (a) Heb. 2.14 . (b) Col. 2.15 . (c) Arist. Pol. l. 1. c. 4. (d) August . de civit . l. 19. (e) Iustin. Instit . l. 1. Notes for div A43554-e159080 (a) Camerac . in 3. lib. sentent . (b) Psal. 85.10 . (c) Armin. in Orat. de Christi Sacerdutio . (d) Cyp. de Chr. Passione . (e) Naz. Ep. 1. (f) Damasc. de fide Orth. l. 3.18 . (g) Bern. in Cant. Serm. 11. (h) Calvin in Joh. 15.13 . (i) Zanch. in c. 2 ad Philip. (k) Homil. 2. of the Passion . (l) Aug. de fide con . Man. c. 28. (m) Joh. 1.14 . (n) Bern. de Advent . Domini ser. 1. (o) Heb. 1.3 . (l) Joh. 14.6 . (q) Aug. de Civ . 11.2 . (r) Eph. 5.2.25 . (s) Phil. 2.7 , 8. (t) Athanas. in Passion . & cruc . Dom. (u) August . de fide cont . Man. c. 26. (x) Psal. 104.30 . (y) Luk. 1.34 , 35. (z) Gen. 2.6 . (z) Greg. Nys . Orati . in Chri. Nat. (a) Gen. 2. 6. (b) Gen. 1.2 . (c) Gen. 1.2 . (d) Gen. 2.7 . (e) Maldon . in Luc. 1.35 . (f) Id. in Mat. c. 1. v. 18. (g) Sleidam Comment . (h) Estius in Luc. c. 1. v. 35. (i) Psal. 2 4. (k) Luk. 24.29 . (l) 1 Cor. 3.6 . (m) Lactant. l. 5. c. 19. (n) Gen 18.11 . (o) Flor. hist. Ro. l. 1. c. 1. (p) Lactans . l. 4. cap. 12. (q) August . de Virginit . (r) Luk. 1.37 . (s) Ibid. v. 36. (t) Ibid. v. 38. (u) Mat. 1.18 . (x) Joh. 1.3 . (y) Heb. 1.2 . (z) Col. 1.17 . (a) 1 Joh. 5.6 . & Joh. 1.33 . (b) B. Andrews Serm. 6. on the Nativity . (c) Maldon . in Luc. c. 1. v. 38. Notes for div A43554-e168690 (a) Joh. 1.14 . (b) 1 Tim. 3.17 . (c) 1 Tim. 1.15 . (d) Bonavent . in 3 Sent. dist . 4. qu. 2. (e) Aug. de . verb. Apostol . Serm. 70. (f) Luk. 19.10 . (g) Joh. 3.4 . (h) Lact. l. 2. c. 9. (i) B. Andrw . Serm. 6. on the Nativ . (k) Gal. 4.4 . (l) Gen. 49.10 . (m) Tacit. Annal . lib. 1. (n) Luk. 2.4 , 5. (o) Micah 5.2 . Mar. 2.5 . (p) Vel. Paterc . hist. l. 2. (o) Greg. Nyss. hom . de Christ. Nativ . (p) Chrysost. in Orat. de Philog . (q) Neceph . Eccl. hist. l. 7. c. 6. (r) Mat. 3.17 . Luk. 3.22 . (s) Luc. 1.35 . (t) Id. v. 26 , 27. (u) Joh. 19 41. (x) Col. 2.9 . (y) Cant. 4.12 . (z) 1 Tim. 2.14 . (a) Joh. 6.51 . (b) Greg. Thaum . Serm. de Annunc . Virg. (c) Gen. 3.15 . (d) Aquin. 1.2 . qu. 11. Art. 5. (e) 1 Cor. ●5 . 22 . (f) Isa. 7.2 . (g) Id. v. 14 , 15 , 16. (h) Isa. 8.3 , 4. (i) Mat. 1.22 , 23. (k) Joh. 6 15. (m) Ibid. v. 14. (n) Jer. 22.30 . (o) Ch. 23.6 , 7. (p) Cited by Speed in his Tract of Genealog . c. 7. (q) Mat. 4.6 . (r) Mat. 1.25 . (s) Hieron . advers . Helvid . (t) Exod. 13.2 . (u) Mat. 28.20 . (x) Psal. 110.1 . (y) Iren. adv . haer . l. 1. c. 25. (z) Hieron . adv . Helvid . (a) Durand . l. 4. d. 44. qu. 6. (b) Tertul. de carn . Chri. in fine . (c) Rhenan . in Arg. l. de Car. Chr. (a) Concil . Trident . Sess. 5. (b) 1 Tim. 1.15 (c) Luk. 1.47 . (d) Nicep . Histor. Eccl. l. 2 (e) Rom. 6.23 . (f) Durand . l. 4. d. 44. qu. 6. (g) Maldonas . in Luk. 2. (h) Epiphan . advers . haeres . (i) Id. ibid. haeres . 79. (k) Cyr. com . Nestor . Hom. 6. (l) Annot. in Act. 1.14 . (m) Anselm . de excell . B. Virg. ● . 17. (n) Bern. Senens . Serm. 61. (o) Biel in Canone Missae . Sect. 80. (p) De Nativit . B. Mariae Serm. (q) Psalt . Bonavent . Edit . An. 1596. (r) Gen. 3.15 . (s) Relation of Sr. Edw. Sandys (t) Luk. 1.42 . (u) Epiphan . in haeres . 79. (x) Epiphan . advers . Valent. (y) Heb. 4.15 . (z) Heb. 5.2 . (a) Ambros. in Luc. l. 10. (b) Fulgent . ad Thrasimund . 3. (c) Cyr. Thesaur . l. 10. c. 3. (d) Damasc●n l. 3. c. 20. (e) Feild of the Ch. l. 5. c. 17. Notes for div A43554-e180980 (a) Luk. 2.1 , 2. (b) Luk. 3.1 , 2. (c) Calvin in Harmon . Evangel . (d) Baron . Annal. Eccl. An. 31. n. (e) Euseb. Eccle. hist. l. 1. c 11. (f) Ioseph . Ant. Iud. l. 18.3 . (g) Ios. Scal. in Prolegom . ad Euseb. Chron. (h) Joh. 18. v. 13. & 24. (i) Philo de legat , ad Caium . (k) Ioseph . de bel . Iud. l. 2. c. 8. (l) Id. ibid. & A●i . l. 18. c. 4. (m) Baron Annal . Eccl. (n) Luk. 13.1 . (o) August . Serm. de Temp. 131. (p) Joh. 1.29 (q) Mat. 3.16 , 17. (r) Mat. 4.1 . (s) Chrysost. in Mat. 4. (u) 1 Cor. 10.12 , 13. (x) Jam. 1.13 . (y) Mar. 1.13 . (z) Levit. 16. v. 10.21 , 22. (a) In dialog . contr . Tryph. Iud. (b) Contr. Marcion . lib. 3. (c) Calv. Com. in Rentateuch . (d) Calvin in Ha●mon . Evangel , (d) Heb. 8.6 . (e) Chrysost. in c. 4. Mat. Hom. (f) Id. Ibid. (f) Gen. 3.15 . (g) Matth. 4.2 . (h) Luk. 4.1 , 2 , 3. (i) Mar. 1.13 . (k) Collection on the first sunday of Lent. (l) Joh. 3.34 . (m) Act. 13.3 . &c. 14 v. 23. (n) Tostat. in Mat. 4. qu. 11. (o) Mark. 1.13 . (p) August . Ep. 119. ad Ianuar. (q) Chrysost. hom . in Matth. (r) Calvin , in Harmon . Evangel . (s) Tertul. adv . Psychicos . (t) Ambr. serm . 40. in Feria 3. post . dominic . 2. Quadr. (u) Leo Serm. 4.4 . de quadrages . (x) Hieron . ad Marcellum advers . Montan. (y) August . Epistola . 119. c. 15. (z) August . de haeres . (a) Field of the Church , l. 3.19 . (b) Mason of fasting , c. 10. (c) Euseb. demonstr . Evang. l. 3. c. 2. (d) Cyril . de fide recta ad Regin . & de sacerdotio . lib. 2. (e) Euthym. Zigubon . in Mat. cap. 4. (f) Chrysost. in cap. 4. Mat. (g) 1 Joh. 2.16 . (i) Matth. 4.8 . (k) Ignat. Epist. ad Philip. (l) Ovid. M●tan . l. 1. (m) Mat. 4.11 . (n) Jam. 4.7 . (o) Luk. 4 13. (p) Dan. 14.33 . (q) Luk. 4.5 . (r) Erasm. in cap. 4. Luc. (s) Plutarch . de liberis educand . (t) Homil. 5. in cap. 4. Matth. (u) Euthym. Zig . in . cap. 4. Matth. (x) In Harmon . Evangel . (y) B. Bilson in his survey p. 309.310 . (a) Joh. 1.48 . (b) Joh. 6.15 . (c) Virg. Aen. 1. (e) Ma. . 16.22 . (f) Gregor . in Evang. hom . 16. (g) Theop. in c. 4. Mat. (h) Calv. in Harm . Evang. (i) Of whom see B. Bilson in his Survey . p. 305 , 310 , 311 (a) Heb. 4.15 . (b) Joh. 11.33 . (c) Mat. 26.37 . (d) Mar. 14.33 . (e) Origen in Mat. tract . 35. (f) B. Bilsons Survey . p. 440 , 477. (g) Mar. 9.15 . (h) Mark. 1.27 . (i) Act. 3.12 . (k) Phil. 2.26 . (l) Heb. 7.5 . (m) B. Bilsons Survey . p. 387. (n) Tusculan . quaest . l. 4. (o) In Psal. 42. (o) 2 Cor. 2. (p) Mat. 18.31 . (q) B. Bilson p. 480 , 481. (r) Joh. 12.27 . (s) Erasm. et Bulling . in locum . (t) Theop. in 12. Joh. (u) Chry. Hom. 66. in . Joh. (u) Epiphan . l. 2. haeres . 69. (y) Luk. 22.41 . (x) Mark. 14.35 . (a) Mat. 26.39 . (b) B. Bilson p. 397. (c) Apud Theod. dial . 3. (d) Feild of the Church . l. 5.18 . (i) Origen in Mat. Tract . 35. (k) Athan. Orati . 4. Contr. Arian . (l) Cyr. Thesaur . l. 10. c. 3. (m) Beda in 14. cap. Mark. (n) Damasc. Orthod . fid . l. 3. c. 18. (o) Euth . Zig . in Mat. 26. (p) Theop. in 26. Mat. (q) Id. in Luk. 22. (r) Feild of the Church . l. 5. c. 18 (s) B. Bilson . p. 376. (t) Orig. in Mat. tract . 35. (u) Amb. in Luk. l. 10. c. 22. (x) Hier. in Mat. 26. (y) Beda in 26. Mat. (z) B. Bilson . p. 356 ▪ 357. (a) Heb. 5.7 . (b) Luk. 22.43 . (c) Ambros. in Heb. 5. (d) Primasius in Heb. 5. (e) Haymo ibid. (f) Mat 4.11 . (g) Luk. 22.44 . (h) Etymolog . Magnum ex Orion . (i) Aristot. Rhetor . l. 1. c. 9. (k) Id. in Problem . sect . 2. qu. 26. (l) Maccab. l. 2. c. 4. v. 18. (m) 1 Cor. 9.25 . (n) Galen de causis Symptom . l. 2. (o) Scaliger de subtilitate . (p) Inter opera Galeni . Tom. 7. (q) Luk. 22 44. (r) Zuinglius in histor . Passi● . (s) Bern. in ramis Psal. ser. 3 (t) B. Bilson , p. 384. (u) Id. p. 399. (x) Mat. 26.15 . (y) Brerewood de Ponder . c. 1.5 . (z) Joh. 18.22 . (a) Mar. 26.61 , 66. (b) Mar. 14.65 . (c) Mat. 26.68 . (d) Joh. 18.31 . (e) Joh. 1● . 32 . (f) Id. v. 28. (g) Taci● . hist. l. 5. (h) Luk. 23.2 . (i) Joh. 18.38.31 . (k) Luk. 23.7 , 10. (l) Theop. in Luk. 23. (m) Joh. 19.1 . (n) Mat. 27.18 , 19 , 20. (o) Joh. 19.3 . (p) Mar. 27.19 . Notes for div A43554-e203420 (a) Gen. 4 3 , 4. (b) Rupert . de Operi . S. Trinit . (c) Apoc. 5.9 . (d) Bellarm. de Missa . l. ● . c. (e) Lev. c. 3. v. 1.6 . (f) Rom. 6. (g) Heb. 9. (i) Chrysost. hom . 17. in H●b . (k) Levit. 1.6 . (l) August . Confess . lib. 10 c. 43. (m) Gen. 8.21 . (n) Joh. 1.29 . (o) Gen. 18.18 . (p) Gen. 22.2 . (q) ibid. (r) Joh. 19.17 . (r) Mar. 15.10 . (s) Gen. 22.11 . (t) Luk. 22.43 . (u) Numb . 21.5 , 6. (x) Ibid. v. 8. (y) Joh. 3.14 , 15 (y) August . in Ioh. 3. & in Gal. 3. & contr . Adimant . & Leo de Passi . Serm. 10. &c. (z) Mat. 20.19 . (a) Calvin in Ioh. c. 3. (b) 2 King. 18.4 . (c) Bellarm. de sanct . cult . l. 2.25 . (d) Deut. 21.23 . (e) Luk. 23.24 . (f) Matth. 27.26 . (g) Gal. 3.13 . (h) Phil. 2.8 . (i) Ambros. in Gal. c. 3. (k) Chrysost. in Gal. c. 3. (l) August . in Gal. 3. (m) Matth. 27.3 , 4. (o) Psal. 69 ▪ 21. (p) Lam. 1.12 . (q) Mat. 27.46 . (r) B. Bilsons survey , p. 289. (s) Luk. 22.46 . (t) Vers. 43. (u) Act. 9.4 . (x) Cyprian . de passione . (y) Beda in Ps. 21. (z) At hanas . de in carnat . Chri. (a) Damas. de fide Orthod . 3.24 . (b) Hieron . in Matth. 27. (c) Ambros. de fide l. 2. c. 3. (d) August . Ep. 120. (e) Lyra in Mat. 27. (f) Theodoret. Psal. 21. (g) Tertul. adv . Praxeam c. 30. (h) Fulgent . ad Thrasimund . l. 3. (i) Hilarius de Trinitate l. 10. (k) Dr. Field of the Church , l. 5. c. 18. (l) Pet. Lomb. Sent. l. 3. c. 21. (m) B. Bilson . p. 420. (n) Athanas. cont . Arian . Oration . 4. (o) Joh. 19.28 . (p) Theoph. in Mat. 27. (q) Plin. Hist. Nat. (r) Joh. 19.30 . (s) Luk. 23.46 . (t) Feria 5. Passion . Serm. 6. (u) Hieron . ad Hedib . qu. 8. (x) Ambros. de incarnat . c. 5. (y) Euseb. de dem . Evang. l. 1.8 . & lib. 3. c. 6. (z) 1 Cor. 15. (a) B. Bilsons Epistle to King Iames. (b) Calvin . in Harmon . Evangel . (c) B. Bilsons Survey , p. 132. (d) Id. ibid. p. 365. (e) Apoc. 21.8 . (f) Ambros. de fide l. 3. c. 5. (g) August . in Psalm . 109. (h) Fulgent . ad Thrasimund . l. 3. (i) Theodoret Dialog ▪ 1. (k) Theop. in Heb. 8. (l) Aug. Sermon . 161. (n) 1 Cor. 11.26 . (o) Ib. v. 23 , 24. (p) Luk. 22.30 . (p) Aug. de Civ . dei . l. 17. c. 2. (q) Iren. l. 4. c. 18. (r) Ibid. c. 34. (s) Ibid. c. 18. (t) Iust. Mart. in dialog . (u) Fulg. de fide ad Petrum . (x) Iust. Mart. Apolog. 2. (y) Cyp. se●m . de Ele●mosyna . (x) Of the Sament . l. 6. c 5. (a) Chrysost. in Heb. 9. (b) Chem. Exa . conc . Trid. par . 2. (c) Iust. Mart. Apolog. 2. (d) Iren. advers . ●aeres . l. 1. c. 34. (e) Aug. de Civ . dei . l. 10. c. 6. & alii . (f) Iren. adv . haeres . l. 1. c. 34. (g) Cyprian de coena Domini . (h) Bell. de Missa . (l) Articles of 1562. Art. 31.28 . (m) Rubrick after the Communion . (n) Prayer after the Participation . (o) Moller . in Psal. 116. (m) Mat. 27.45 , 51. (n) Heb. 9.7 . (o) Ioseph . de bell● Iud. l. 6. c. 6. (p) Theop. in Mat. 27. (q) Eph. 2.14 , 16. (r) Orig. contr . Celsium . l 2. (s) Euseb. in Chronice . (t) Tertull. in Apologet. c. 21. (u) Aug. Epist. 80. ad Hesych . (x) Hier. in Psal. 77. (y) Theop. in Iohan. (z) Beza Annot. in Mar. (a) Lud. de Ten. Isagoge sacra . difficult . 6. §. 5. (b) Ignat. in Epist. ad Trall . (c) Heinsius Exercitat . sacrae in Mar. c. 6. (d) Origen . in Mat. tract . 35. (e) Hierony . in Matth 27. (f) Campian in Ratione 10. (g) In the Letany . (h) In the Catechism . (i) Collect on Good Friday . (k) Luk. 23.50.53 . (l) Joh. 19.31 . (m) August . in Ioh. tract . 15. (n) Joh. 20.25 . (o) Durand . in Ration . Divin . (p) 1 Cor. 11.24 . (q) Aristot. Probl. sect . 5. num . 19. (r) Hippocr . l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (s) Hesych . in Lexico . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (t) De causis Plant. l. 3. c. 19. (u) Hippocrat . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (x) Beza . Annot . in 1 Cor. 11. (y) Luk. 23.54 . & Joh. 19.14 . (z) Joh. 19 39. (a) Mat. 27.60 . (b) Joh. 11.39 . (c) Bucer in Matth. 27. (d) Olevian ap . B. Bilson . p. 651. (e) B. Vsher in his answer to the Iesuites challenge . (g) Platina in viz. Innocent . (h) Ignat. Epist. ad Philipp . & Can. Apost . 69. (i) 5 & 6 Ed. 6. cap. 3. (l) Matth. 27.3 , 4 , 5. (m) Act. 1.18 . (n) Hieronym . in Matth. 27. (o) Aug. quaest . No. Test. c. 4. (p) Chrysostom in Matth. 27. (q) Theophyl . in Matth. 27. (r) Heinsius in No. Test. Mat. c. 21. (s) Id. in Act. c. 1. (t) Ioseph . Antiq . Iud. l. 18. c. 5. (u) Suetonius in Tiber. c. 75. (x) Ioseph . Antiq . Iud. l. 18.4 . (y) Philo de Legatione ad Caium . (z) Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 2. cap. 7. (a) Oros. l. 7. c. 5. (b) Ioseph . de bello Iud. l. 18. c. 6. (c) Constitut. Apostol . l. 8. c. 1. (d) Niceph. histor . Eccl. l ▪ 2. cap. 10. (e) Mat. 27.25 . Notes for div A43554-e225020 (a) 1 Thess. 4.16 . (c) Col. 2.15 . (d) Phil. 2.10 . (e) Athan. de incarn . Christ. (f) Cyp. de Passione Christ. (g) Aug. Sermon . 138.131 . (h) Concil . Tolet . 4. c. 10. (i) Innocent . de Missa . l. 2. c. 50. (k) Dur. Rat. l. 4. de Symb. (l) Aug. in Proem . l. 3. de . Trin. (m) Eutath . in Homer Iliad . 1. (n) Hes. Lexic . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (o) Etym. Magn. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (p) Sophoc . in Oedipo . (q) Euripid. in Alcestide . (r) Lucian de Luctu . (s) Eustath . in Iliad . a. (t) Phav . Lexic . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (u) Nicet . Cho● . in Ball. (x) Nicepb . Gregor . hist. l. 8. (y) Nazianz. in Chron. patient . (z) Diod. Sicul. hist. l. 5. (a) Diogen . Laert. in Proem . (b) Plut. de Iside & Osirid . (c) Id. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Delphos . (d) Homer in Iliad . 15. (e) Id. Odyss . l. 24. (f) Theogn . in Gnomon . (g) Chrys. in 2. Cor. hom . 9. (h( Theod. de fine & judicio . Serm. 11. (i) Apocal. 6. v. 8. (k) Homil. 6. in Apocalyps . (l) 1 Pet. 5.8 . (m) Mat. 16.18 . (n) Luk. 16.23 . (o) Mat. 11.23 , 42. (p) 1 Cor. 15.55 . (q) Pet. Mart. in 1 Cor. 15. (r) Apoc. 1.18 . (s) And. Caesar. in Apocal. 1. (t) Apocal. 20.13 . (u) Aug. de Civit . l. 20.15 . (x) Ioseph . de bello . l. 3. c. 25. (y) Theop. adv . Autolcum . l. 2. (o) Iust. Mart. Resp. 75. ad Orthodox . (o) Id. in exhort . ad Graecos . (z) Euseb. demonstr . l. 10. c. 8. (a) Id. Praepar . Evang. l. 13. (b) Athan. in illud , Omni. mihi traditae sunt . (c) Id. de in carnat . Christ. (d) Basil. Hom. quod Deus non sit autor . peccat . (e) Id. ibid. (f) Cydon . de morte condemn . (g) Aen. Gaz. Theophrast . (h) Disput. cum Herb. Iudaeo . (i) Aug. de Gen. ad liter . l. 12. c. 34. (k) Lact. Instit. l. 2.2 . (l) Hier. Epist. ad Eph. 4. (m) Id. in Isa. 14. et ad Eph. 4. (n) Tertul. de Anima . c. 55. (o) Id. ibid. (p) Hier. in Ose. c. 13. (q) Hier. in Eccl. 3. (r) Id. in Eccl 9. (s) Id. ibid. (t) Id. in Isa. 14. (u) Tertul. de Anima . c. 58. (x) August . in Epist. 99. (x) Id. de Gen. ad let . l. 12. c. 33. (z) Id. de Civ . l. 20. c. 15. (a) Id. Epist. 57 (b) Amb. de bon● mortis . c. 10. (c) Tertul. de resur . carn . (d) Ad Quirin . l. 3. c. 58. (e) Hierom. de Eccl. scriptor . (f) Rom. 10.6 , 7. (g) Theophyl . in Rom. 10. (h) Bucer in Rom. 10. (i) Eph. 4.8 , 9 , 10. (k) Irenaeus adv . haeres . l. 5. c. 31. (l) Tertul. de Anima c. 35. (m) Chrysost. in Ephes. c. 4. (n) Ambros. ibid. (o) Hieron . in Ephes. c. 4. (p) Primas . ibid. (q) Oecumen . in Ephes. c. 4. (r) Haymo ibid. (s) Theophyl . in Ephes. 4. (t) Col. 2.15 . (u) Athanas. in passion . & cruc . (x) Id. ibid. (y) Epiphan . in Anacephal . (z) Leo Imp. Hom. 2. de Resurrect . (a) Doroth. de paschate . c. 12. (b) Cyprian de unctio . Chrysm . (c) Id. de passione Christi . (d) Athanas. (e) Cyril de recta fide l. 2. (f) Concil . Constant . Seff . 6. (g) Hieronyn . in Matth. 12 (h) Zanchius ad Ephes. c. 4. (i) Psal. 16.9 . (k) Act. 2.31 . (l) Bilsons survey , p. 623. (m) August . Epist. 99. (n) Athanas. in passi . & crucem . (o) In Aneorat . & haeres . 69. (p) Ap. B. Bilsons survey , p. 622. (q) Lnk. 16.23 . (r) Aug. Ep. 99. (s) Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 1. c 13. (t) Ignat. Epist. ad Trallian . (u) Irenae . adv . haeres . l. 5. c. 31. (x) Orig. l. 5. in Rom. c. 6. (y) Euseb. de Demonst. l. 10. c. 8. (z) Euseb. Emis . hom . 6. the Pasc. (a) Athanas. de in carn . Chri. (b) Basil. in Psal. 48. (c) Nazianz. Orat. Dei de fil . (c) Nazianz. Orat. Dei de fil . (d) Macarius homil . 11. (e) Chrys. hom . 2. in symbol . (f) Epiphan . l. 2. haeres . 69. (g) Cyril . de fide ad Theodos. (h) Damasc. de fide Orth. 3.22 . (i) Tertull. de anima c. 55. (k) Cyr. de resurrect . Chri. (l) Arnobius in Psal. 137. (m) Lactant. in Carminibus . (n) Hilar. de Trinitate l. 3. (o) Hieronyn . in Iob c. 12. (p) Id. in Esai . cap. 14. (q) Ambros. de mysterio Pasch. cap. 4. (r) Aug. Ep. 57. (s) Id. in Ps. 85. (t) Vig. cont . Eutichet . l. 2. c. 3. (u) Ruffin . in Symbol . (x) Chrysolog . in Symbol . (y) Fulgent . ad Thrasimun . l. 3. (z) Concil . Tole● . 4. c. 10. (a) Venantius in Symbol . (b) Ephes. 4.9 . (c) Col. 2.15 . (y) Cyril . in Levit. c. 9. (e) Tertul. de anima c. 55. (f) Athanas. in illud , Omnia mihi tradita sunt . & alibi . (g) Hieronyn . in Ose. c. 13. (h) Hilar. de Trinitate l. 2. (i) Ambros. in Galat. c. 3. (k) Fulgent . ad Thrasimund . l. 3. (l) August . in Psalm . 85. (m) Id. de Gen. ad literam l. 12.33 . (n) Id. de Civi . Dei. l. 20. c. 15. (o) Id. de Gen. ad lit . l. 12. c. 33. (p) Cyril . Hieros . Catech. 4. (q) In Cantico . Te Deum . (r) Hieron . in Epitaph . Nepot . (s) Id. ad Dardanum . de terra vivent . (t) Dan. 3.27 . (u) Id. c. 6. v. 22. (x) Coloss. 2.15 . (a) Articul . an . 1552. Art. (b) Articl . of 1562. Art. 1.2 . (c) Arti. 3. (d) Statute 13. Elizab. c. 1. (e) Canon 36. of the year 1603. (f) Artic. 35. of the year 1562. (g) Homilie of the Resurrection . (h) Cathechism . Alex. Nowel . (i) Gag . for the Gospell . (k) Conference with Fisher , &c. (l) Luther in Psal. 16. (m) Pom. in Psal. 16. (n) Dav. Chyt . in Symbol . (o) Vrb. Regi . in Catechis . minore . (p) Moller . in Psal. 36. (q) Zach. Scil. de regno Christ. (s) Pet. Mart. Exposit. Symbol . (t) Aret. Problem . loco . 16. (u) Zanch. in Coloss. c. 2. (x) Ruffinus in Symbol . (y) Ignat. Epist. ad Trallian . (z) Chrys. Hom. 2. in Symb. (a) Cyril in Catechism . 4. (b) Epiphan . haeres . 69. (c) Cyril de recta fide . l. 2. (d) Concil . Eph. Can. 8. (e) Vid. Ch. 6. (f) Luk. 23.43 . (g) Vigil . cont . Eutych . l. 2. (h) Aug. Epist. 57. ad Dardan . (i) Id. in Iohan. Tract . 3. (k) Titus Bost. in Luk. 23. (l) Damas. in Homil. de sancti . sublato . (m) Bellar. de Anima Christi . l. 4. c. 15. (n) Ansel. in Elucidario . (o) Aug. cont . Felician . c. 15. (p) Ap. B. Bilson . p. 548. (q) Nyssen in illud , Exivit sanguis & aqua . (r) Ap. E. Bilson . p. 666. (s) Aretius Problem . loco 16. (t) Nowel in Catechism . (u) B. Bilson . (x) Zanch. in Coloss. 2. (y) Athanas de incarna● . (z) Geo. Mylius in Aug. Confess . Art. 3. (a) Bellarm. de Anima Christi . l. 4. c. 7 , 8 , 9. (b) Durand . in 3. d. 22. q. 3. (c) Bellarm. de Anima Christi . l. 4. c. 15. (d) Aquin. part . 3. qu. 52. Art. 2. (e) Bellarm. de Anima Christi . l. 4. c. 16. (f) Id. ibid. c. 7. (g) Bucer . in Mat. 27. (h) Calv. Instit. l. 22. c. 16. (i) Id. in Ps. 16. (k) Beza in Act. 2.27 . (l) Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 19. (m) Aret. Problem . loco . 16. (n) Feild . of the Ch. l. 5. c. 19. et multi alii . (p) Aquin. 2.2 d. qu. 92. Art. 1. (q) D. Iackson on the Creed . l. 7.3 . (r) Calv. Instit. l. 2. c. 16 § 8. (s) Hooker in his Preface . n. 2 ▪ (t) Calv. Instit. l. 2. c. 16. (u) Id. ibid. § 11. (x) B. Bilson in his Epistle to King Iames. (y) Printed at London , 1604. (a) Mark 9.44 . (b) Ambros. de Offic. l. 3. c. 4. (c) August . in Psal. 53 & 45. (d) Chrysost. Homil. 15. in Act. (e) Pamphil. Apolog . pro Origen . (f) Luk. 13.28 . (g) Aug. Encherid . c. 112. (h) Chrysost. ad Theodor. laps . Epist. 5. (i) Basil. de Regul . fusè disputat . 2. (k) Id. in Psal. 33 (l) Mat. 25.41 . (m) August . de doctrin . Christ. l. 3. c. 10. (n) 1 Pet. 2.22 . (o) Calv. Institut . l. 2. c. 16. sect . 11. (p) Id. sect . 12. (q) Calvin Institut . l. 2. c. 16. (r) Id. ibid. s. 11. (s) Dr. Field of the Church , l. 5.17 . (u) Gregor . in Iob. l. 34. c. 10. (x) Calv. Instit. lib. 2. c. 16. sect . 12. (y) ap . B. Bilson survey , p. 388.389 . (z) Ap. eund . ibid. Notes for div A43554-e263650 (a) August . in Ioh. (b) Joh. 20.25 . (c) Ibid. v. 28. (e) Aug. Serm. 125. de T●mp . (g) 1 Cor. 15.20 . (h) Ioseph . Antiq . jnd. l. 18.4 . (i) Velleius Paterc . hist. l. 2. (k) Gen. 22. per tot . (k) P. Phagius in Levit. 23. (l) Heb. 11.17 , 18 , &c. (l) Gen. 37. & 41. (m) Gen. 39.20 . (n) Gen. 41.42 . (o) Ibid v. 45. (p) Phil. 2.9 , 10 (q) Observations on the Scrpt. c. 16. (s) Jonah 1 ▪ (t) Jona . 1.17 . (u) Ch. 2.10 . (x) Mat. 12 41. (y) V. 39. (z) V. 40. (a) Mat. 12.40 . (b) Jonah 1. (c) Mat. 8.24 . (d) Joh. 11.50 . (e) Joh. 18.8 . (g) 1 Kings 17. (h) 2 King. 4.34 , &c. (i) 2 King. 13.21 . (k) Lact. l. 1. c. 1. (l) Psal. 16.10 . (m) Act. 2.27 . (n) Isa. 53.10 . (o) Hos. 6.1 , 2. (p) Lact. l. 1.4 . (q) Joh. 11.39 . (r) Luk. 7.12 , &c. (s) Luk. 8.55 . (t) Ioseph . de Bello Iudaic. l. 2. (u) De Civ . dei . l. 22. c. 10. (x) Mat. 28.13 . (z) Chrysost. in Mat. c. 28. (a) Joh. 20.7 . (b) Chrysost. in locum . (c) 1 Cor. 15.6 . (d) Ioseph . de Antiq. Iudaica . l. 18.4 . (e) Act. 5.37 . (f) Lact. l. 1. c. 22. (g) Aug. de Civitate dei l. 22. cap. 5. (h) Act 17.32 . (i) Act. 26.24 . (k) Lact. 1.10 . (l) Livie . l. 1. & Florus l. 1. &c. (m) In Octavio . (n) Euseb. hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 1. Tertul. Apologet. (p) Estius in Matth. 12.40 . (q) De Resurrect . Domini . Serm. 1. (s) Dr. Iackson on the Creed , lib. 9. c. 40. (t) Serm. 12. of the Resurrection . (u) Id. ibid. (b) Ecce sponsus venit . c. (c) Paulina Pauli , &c. l 2. cap. 2. (d) Aug. Epistol . 49. (e) Hieron . in locum . (f) Mat. 28.1 . (g) Mar. 16.2 . (h) Luk. 24.1 . (i) Joh. 20.1 . (k) Ambros. in Lucae cap. 24. (l) Euseb. ap . Anastas . (m) Vide Maldonat . in Mat. 28.1 . (o) Greg. Nyss. in Resurr . Orat. 1. (p) Luk. 2.32 . (q) Exod. 12.2 . (r) Orat. 1. in Christ. Resurr . (s) Mat. 28.2 . (t) Id. c. 27.52 . (u) Ibid. v. 53. (x) Hieron . in locum . (y) Chrysost. in locum . (a) Mat. 28.4 . (b) Joh. 20.16 . (c) Luk. 7.37 . (d) 1 Cor. 15.5 . (e) 1 Cor. 15.19 , 20. (f) V. 25. (g) Joh. 10.30 . (h) Rom. 6.9 . (i) Rom. 6.4 . (l) Col. 1.15 . (m) Rom. 11.16 . (n) Mat. 13.30 . (o) Mat. 27.63 . (p) 1 Cor. 15.14 . (q) Psal. 82.6 . (r) Hierom. (s) Rom. 4.25 . (t) Calv. Inst. (u) 1 Cor. 15.17 . (x) Epiphan . de haeres . (y) Aug. contra Faust. l. 4. c. 16. (z) Philastr . (a) Display . in Allens Confession . (b) Socrat. hist. Eccl. l. 5. c. 20. (c) Iren. l. 3. c. 3. (d) de Praescrip . c. 3. (e) Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 5. c 14. (f) Id. de Vit. Constantini l. 3. (g) Ignat. Epist. ad Magnesianos . (h) Apud E●seb . de vita Const. l. 3. (i) Epiphan . in Panar . prope finem . (k) in Oratione funebri . (l) Id in Orat. de Paschate . (m) Tom. 1. Concil . Gall. a Sirmundo edit . (n) Numb . Iii . p. 103. Notes for div A43554-e280750 (a) Joh. 14 , 15 ▪ 16. & 16.7 . (b) Psal. 68.18 . (c) Ephes. 4.8 . (d) Ver. 10 , 11. (e) Act. 2.3 . (f) Joh. 14.17.16 . (g) August . Epistola 118. (h) Mar. 16.19 . (i) Luk. 24.50 . (h) Act. 1. (l) Act. 1.3 . (m) Estius in Act. 1. (n) Joh. 18 18. (o) Act. 3 . 1● . (p) Estius in Mark. 16. (q) Luk. 24.51 . (r) 2 King. 2.11 . (s) 2 Cor. 12.3 . (t) Gen. 5.24 . (u) Gen. 6.9 . (x) Heb. 11.5 . (y) 2 King. 2.11 . (z) Ioseph . de Antiq. Iudaic . l. 18.4 . (a) Luk. 23.42 . (b) Luk. 23.4 . (c) Joh. 14.2 . (d) 1 Cor. 2.8 . (e) Estius in Mar. 16. (f) Mat. 3.16 . (g) Ezek. 4. ● . (h) Zach. 14.4 ▪ (i) Paulinus Epist. 11. ad Severum . (k) Dan. 7.13 , 14 ▪ (l) Mar. 16.19 . (m) August . in Psal. 90. (n) Athanas. contra Arianos . (o) Cypri . de Asc. Christi . (p) Luk. 1.28 . (q) Luk. 1.10 . (r) Heb. 1.6 . (s) Mat. 4.11 . (t) Luk. 22.43 . (u) Joh. 20.12 . (x) Ignat. Epist , ad Trallian . (y) Euseb. Hist. Eccl. l. 1 , c. 13. (z) See Chap. 8. of this second part . (a) Mat. 27.53 . (c) L. Florus hist. l. 2. c. 12. (d) Heb. 2.4 . (e) Jude v. 6. (f) 1 Cor. 15.55 . (g) Serm. de tempore . 138. (h) Psal. 14.3 . (k) Pol. l. 1. c. 4. (l) Doroth. de Paschate . c. 12. (m) Gen. 14.16 (n) Jam. 1.17 . (o) Psal. 11.6 . (p) Psal. 68. ● . (r) Joh. 1.16 . (s) 1 Cor. 12.8 , &c. (t) Psal. 84.5 . (u) Joh. 14.3 . (x) Psal. 115.1 . (y) Mat. 28.18 . (z) Luk. 24.51 , 52. (a) Tacit. in vita Agricol . (b) Maldonat . in Luk. 24. (c) Suares in Thomam . 3. disp . 50. (d) Scotus . Biel. Durand . alii . (e) De verit . Corp. et Sangu . p. 46. (f) Act. 2. ●6 . (g) Heb. 1.2 . (h) Act. 5.36 , 31. (i) Ephes. c. 1. v. 20 , 21 , 22. (k) Phil. 2.8 , 9 , 10 , 11. (l) Ibid. v. 7 , 8. (m) Ruffin . in Symbol . (n) Hieron . in Symbol . (o) Aug. Epist. ad Dardanum . (p) Leo Serm. de Resur . Domi. (q) Aug. Epist. ad Dardanum . (r) Id ibid. (s) Cyril in Ioh. l. 11. c. 3. (t) Grat. de Consecrat . Dist. 1. (u) Act. 3.21 . (x) Bulla Pii . IV. in Act. Concil . Trident. (y) Aug. Epist. ad Dardanum . (a) Bell. de Euchar . l. 3. c. 18. (b) Bonavent . cited by Bell. (c) Suares in 3. Thomae dist . 50. (d) Scotus in Scrip. Oxon. 4. (e) Durand l. 4. d. 12. qu. 1. Notes for div A43554-e294520 (a) Rom. 8.34 . (b) 1 King. 2.19 . (c) Psal. 45.9 . (d) Hieronym . ad Princip . Virg. Tom. 3. (e) Mat. 20.21 . (f) Mat. 17.1 . (g) Luk. 8.51 . (h) Estius in (i) Gen. 41.43 . (k) Cicero de divinat . l. 1. (l) Minut. Felix . in Octavio . (m) Salust de bello Iugurthino . (n) Prateol . de haeres . (o) Cicero de natur . deor . (p) Gen. 35.18 . (q) Gen. 48.14 , 19. (r) Gal. 2.9 . (s) Psal. 118 . 1● . (t) Mat. 25.33 . (u) Cant. 2.6 . (a) Act. 7.56 . (b) Heb. 12.2 . (c) Ambr. Serm. 60. (d) Mat. 20.6 . (e) Dion . in Vespasiano . (f) Mat. 19.28 . (g) Ovid. Meta. l. 13. (h) 1 Joh. 2.1 . (i) Hieronyn . in Ephes. 1. (i) Sedul . Carm. l. 5. (k) Vrsin in Caetech . praet . 2. (l) Maldonat . in Marc. 16. (m) 1 King. 2.21 . (m) Psal. 45.9 . (n) Cited by B. Iewel in the defence of his Apology . (o) Gab. Biel. de Canone Missae . (p) In Ritual . & Officiis B. Virg. (q) Defence of the Apology . cap. 18. §. 1. (r) Estius in Mar. 16. (s) Joh. 14.28 . (t) Mar. 13.32 . (u) Lucan . Phars . l. 1. (x) Tacit. Annal . lib. 13. (y) Act. 2.36 . (z) Eph. 1.22 . (a) Gen. 41.40 , 41. (b) Ibid. v. 43. (e) Vers. 40. (d) Heb. 12.2 . (e) Apoc. 5.1 , 6 , 7. (f) Heb. 2.16 . (g) Ibid. 1.45 . (h) Ibid. v. 13. (i) Ibid. v. 3. (k) Ephes. 1.21 . (l) Col. 1.16 . (m) Heb. 2.8 . (n) Ibid. v. 5.7 . (o) See chap 8. of this second part . (p) 1 Pet. 2.1 . (q) Heb. 5.13 , 14. (r) Dr. Iackson , on the Creed , part . 9. cap. 39. (m) Jer. 23.24 . (t) Psal. 1 . 3●.9 . (u) Heb. 9.12 . (x) 2 Cor. 12.4 . (y) Rom 1 20. (z) Apoc. 4.2 . (a) 2 Cor. 12.2 . (b) Heb. 12.2 . & 8.1 . (c) Apoc. 3.21 . (d) Act 7.55 . (e) August . Epist . 13. (f) Psal. 45.10 , 14. (a) Psal. 110.1 . (b) V. 2 , 3. (c) V. 4. (e) Heb. 10.11 , 12. (f) Heb. 8.1 . (g) Heb. 5.4 . (h) V. 10. (i) Psal. 110.4 . (k) Psal. 45.7 . (l) Levit. 8.3 . (m) Exod. 29.1 , 15. (n) Heb. 9.12 . (o) Heb. 5.9 . (p) Exod. 29.30 . (q) Mat. 21.9 . (r) Heb 9.12 . (s) Psal. 2.6 , 7. (t) Heb. 5.10 . (u) Ibid. v. 5 , 6. (x) Heb. 5.7 . (y) Ibid. v. 8. (z) Ibid. v. 9 , 10. (a) Rom. 6.9 . (b) Heb. 7.3 . (c) Cited by Mr. Gregory in the Pref. to his Annotat. (d) Gen. 14.18 , 19. (e) Ibid. v. 20. (f) Gen. 14.20 . & Heb. 7.6 . (g) Heb. 7.1 , 2. (h) Mariana in Heb. c. 7. (i) Heb. 7.2 . (k) Isa. 9.6 . (l) Apocal. 1.5 , 13. (m) Heb. 7.3 . (n) Luk. 3.48 , 49. (o) Joh. 1.1 . (p) Gen. 14.19 , 20. (p) Luk. 24.50 . (r) Joh. 14.16 . (s) Act. 3.26 . (t) Gal. 3.14 . (u) Heb. 12.24 . (x) Heb. 7.24 , 25. (y) Rom. 8.34 . (a) Joh. 10.6 . (b) 1 Joh. 2.1 , 2. (c) Ephes. 1.20 . (d) Plutarch in Themist . (f) Joh. 14.13 , 24. (g) Act. 24.14 . (h) Ignat. Epistola ad Philadelph . (i) Origen contra Celsum . l. 8. (k) Joh. 14.6 . (l) Ambros. (m) Mat. 11.28 . (n) Heb. 7.26 . (o) Heb. 5.2 . (p) Heb. 2.17 . (q) Galeot . Martius de factis Corvini . c. 30. (r) Heb. 4.15 . (s) Heb. 7.1 . (t) Heb. 10.14 . (u) Heb. 7.28 . (x) Heb. 10.10 . (y) Ibid. 12.13 . (a) Concil . Trid. Sess. 21.3 . & 22.5 . (b) Catech. Trident. (c) Concil . Triden● . Sess. 22. Can. 3. (d) Ibid. (e) Rhemists Testament in the title to that Epistle . (f) Article 31. (g) Espencaeu● de Euchar. Ador . l. 43. (i) Ovid. Metamorph . l. 1. (k) 1 Cor. 15.31 . (l) Heb. 9.6 , 7. (m) ver . 11.12 . (n) vers . 25. (o) vers . 24.28 . (p) Heb. 7.25 . (q) Heb. 7.8 . (r) Lev. 27.30 . (s) Numb . 18.22 . (t) Heb. 7.22 . (a) Psal. 2.6 . (b) Gal. 4.4 . (c) Dan. 2.44 . (d) Luk. 1.32 , 33. (e) Mat. 2.2 . (f) Luk. 23.2 . (g) V. 3. (h) Joh. 18.39 . (g) Joh. 6.15 . (h) Lact. l. 2. c. 1 (i) Joh. 19.19 . (k) V. 22. (l) Arist. Ethic. lib. 1. (m) Mat. 2.2 . (n) Epiphan . alii (o) Act. 5 36 , 37. (p) Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 4. c. 6. (q) Luk. 22.24 . (r) Theophy . in Luk. 24. (s) Luk. 24.21 . (t) Act. 1.6 . (u) Lira in Acta . c. 1. (x) Flor. hist. Rom. 1.3 . (y) Tacit. hist. l. 4. (z) Mat. 2.6 . (a) Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 3.17 . (l) Act. 2.36 . (m) Act. 13 33. (n) Isa. 7.8 . (o) Prosp. in Carm. (p) Chrys. hom . ad Antioch . 2. (q) Eph. 1.17 , 20 , 21 , &c. (r) Act. 13.23 . (s) v. 32 , 33 , 34. (t) Dion Cass. in August . 1. (u) Spartian in vita Hadriani . (x) Heb. 5.5 , 6. (p) Psal. 2.6 , 7. (z) Act. 4.27 , 28. (a) Mat. 16.18 . (b) 1 Cor. 15.56 . (d) Psal. 2.9 . (r) Apocal. 16. ● (f) Concil . Trident. Sess. 6. Can. 21. (h) Rom. 2.9 , 10. (i) Lact. l. 1. cap. 1. (k) Mat. 28.20 . (l) Dionys. Cartbus . in locum . (m) Bellarm. de Romano Pont. l. 1. c. 9. (n) Dion . Cassius in Augusto . (n) Dion Cassius in Augusto . (o) A Lapide in cap. 7. Esai . (p) Lact. l. 2. cap. 6. (o) In 3. Sess. sab . Iul. 3. Can. 1. (q) Conc. Chalcedonens . (s) Dan. 3.12 . (t) Hest. 3.12 . (u) Luk. 3.1 . (x) Bellarm. de Pont. l. 2. c. 12. (y) P. Bertrand . de jurisd . Ecclesiast . & civ . c. 7. (z) Rogers in his preface to the 39. Articles . (a) Id. ibid. (c) Apoc. 4.4 . (d) Florus hist. l. 2. c. 26. (e) Beza de Excommu . adv . Erast. (f) Rogers in his preface , &c. (g) Tertul. de veland . Virgin. (h) Esa. 49.23 . (i) Euseb. Epistol . 3. in Tom. Concil . (k) Epist. Eleuth . in leges Ed. Confess . Spelm. in Collect . Concil . (n) Mat. 28. ●● . (o) Prov. 8.15 . (p) 1 Tim. 6.15 . (q) Apoc. 19.16 . (r) Athanas. Serm. de B. Virg. (t) Socrat. Hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 29. (u) Sacros . Regum Majestas cap. 5. (x) Psal. 110.1 . (y) Heb. 10.12 , 13. (a) 1 Cor. 15.15 . (b) Ibid. v. 26. (c) Heb. 2.8 . (d) 1 Cor. 15.28.24 . (e) Heb. 11.1 . (f) 1 Cor. 13.8 . (g) Primas . Hom. 34. in 1 Cor. (h) Aug. de Doct. Chr. l. 1. c. 39. (i) Chrysost. in 1 Cor. c. 13. (l) Mat. 13.38 . (m) Heb. 2.35 . (n) Tacit. Hist. (o) Apoc. 1.6 . (o) August . de Trinit . l. 1. c. 7. (p) Id. ibid. (q) Aug. de Civit . dei . l. 20. c. 9. Notes for div A43554-e329710 (a) Apocal. 4.12 . & 14. (b) Lact. l. 1. c. 18. (c) Psal. 17.14 . (d) Luk. 16.25 . (e) Aug. de Civ . dei . l. 1. c. 8. (f) Claudi an de Ruffini caede . (g) Id. ibid. (h) Rom. 14.10 (i) Philastr . de haeres . (k) Act. 10.40 , 42. (l) 2 Tim. 4.8 . (m) Jude 14 , 15. (n) Lactant. l. 7 , c. 18. (o) Id. ibid. c. 19. (p) Zach. 12.10 (q) Estius in Zechar. 12. (r) Luk. 23.43 . (s) Heb. 9.27 . (t) Luk. 26.22 , 23. (u) 2 Tim. 4.8 . (x) 1 Pet. 1.4 , 5. (y) Apocal. 6.10 , 11. (a) Joh. 14.2 . (b) Isa. 63.13 . (c) Iust. Mart. qu. 75. (d) Origen in Levit. hom . 7. (e) Chrys. in 1. ad Cor. hom . 39. (f) Id. ibid. (g) Theod. in Heb. 11. (h) And. Caesar. in Apocal. c. 18. (i) Iren. l. 5. c 31. (k) Tertull. ad . vers . Marcion . l. 4 (l) Hilar. in Psal. 2. (m) Ambros. de bon● mortis . c. 10 (n) August . in . Psal. 36. (o) Bern. in festo Omn. S. Serm. 3. (p) Calv. Psychopannychia . (q) Id. in Instit. l. 3. c. 26. §. 6. (r) Ibid. c. 20. §. 10. (t) August . de Anim. & ejus Orig. l. 1.4 . (u) Cyril . in Orat. de exitu Anim. (x) Apocal. 6.15 , 16 , 17. (y) Mat. 24 29 , 30 , &c. (z) Luk. 21.25 . (a) ● Pet. 3.10 . (b) 1 Thess. 4.16 , 17. (c) 1 Cor. 15. (d) Apoc. 20.11 , &c. (e) Man. 25.34 , &c. (f) Lact. l. 7. c. 20. (g) Psal. 1.5 . (h) Mar. 13.32 . (i) Estius in Marc. 13.32 . (k) Damascen in lib. de ●aeres . Prateol . in Agnoetis . (i) Orig. in Mat. Tract . 30. (k) Camerar . Medit. histor . c. 41. (l) Alsted . Diatribe de mille annis Apocalyptitis . (m) Owen . Epigr. (m) Joel . 2.2 , 12. (n) 2 Chron. 20.29 . (l) Zech. 14.4 . (q) Act. 1.11 . (r) Matth. 24.31 . (s) Psal. 6● . 32 . (t) Orig. in locum . (x) Eezk. 44.2 . (y) Clement . Constit. Apost . ●l . 2. c. 61. (z) Bar. 4.36 . (a) Olympiodor . (b) Cited by Mr. Gregory , p. 88. (c) Damascen . (d) Euseb. de vita . Const. l. 1.22 . (e) Hieronym . in Matth. 24. (f) August . Homil . 118. in Ioh. (g) Prudent . de natali Chri. (h) Beda in 24. cap. Matth. 24. (i) Chrysost. in Mat. 24. (k) Hyposa . (l) 1 Cor. 1.23 . (m) Numb . 10.2 . (n) Psal. 24.8 . (o) Exod. 19.16 . (p) Exod. 20.18 . (q) Ovid. ●et . l. 1. (r) Rom. 2.14 , 15. (s) Rom. 1.20 . (t) Mat 25.30 . (u) Id. 24.31 . (x) Id. 13.40 . (y) Ib. v. 30. (z) Ib. v. 49. (a) Ib. v. 30. (b) Livius hist. Decad. 1. l. 1. (c) Dan. 3.20 , 21. (d) Cyril de exitu Animae . (e) Mat. 25.23 . (f) Ibid. v. 34. (g) Heb. 12.20 . (h) Basil. in Hex . Homil. 11. (i) Chrysost. Epist . 5. ad Theod. (k) Mat 13 . 4● . (l) Mat. 25.41 . (m) Gorran . in Mat. 13. (n) Mat. 19.28 . (o) 1 Cor. 6.2 . (p) Mat. 12.42 . (q) Estius in 1 Cor. c. 6. (r) Mat. 25.34 . (s) Mat. 25.41 . (t) 1 Pet. 5.4 . (u) Apoc. 1.6 . (x) Apoc. 5.13 . (y) Ibid. v. 9.10 . Notes for div A43554-e345470 a Tull. in Orat. b Luk. 10.38 . c Joh. 20.22 . d 2 Cor. 7.1 . e 2 Cor. 7.1 . f 1 Thes. 5.20 . g 1 Cor. 12.7 , 8 g John 15.26 . h Luk. 4.18 . i Acts 2.17 . k Acts 5.3 , 4. l August . contr . liter . Petil. l. 3.28 . m 1 Cor. 3.16 . n August . de mor. Eccles. Cath. l. 1.16 . o 1 Cor. 6.19 , 20. p August . Epist. 174. q Hard. against the Apol. l. 2. ● . 1. Di. 2. r Tertul. in Apolog . c. 5. s Matth. 28 19. t 2 Cor. 13.13 . u Basil. de Sp. Sanct. l. 2. x Ambr. de S● . Sanct. l. 1. c. 3. y August . de Verb. Dom. in monte . z Id. ibid. a Hilar. in Con. 12. b Philast . in Haer. Rhetorli . c Ath●nas . Homil . in Matth. 12. d Calv. Instit. l. 3. c. 3. e Gal. 5.19 , &c. f Maldonat . in Matth. 12. g Estias in Marc. 3. h John 15.26 . i Damasc. de fid . Orth. l. 1. c. 1. k Bellarm. de Christo. l. 2.27 . l P. Lombard . Sent. l. 1. d. 11. m Scotus in Sent. l. 1. d. 11. qu. n Azer . Inst. Moral . l. 8. c. 20. o Tertul. Cont. Praxean . p Hieron . in Ep. ad . Hedib . q An. 385. r V. s An. 435. t An. 671. u An. 809. x Field of Chur. l. 3. c. 1. y An. 857. z Relation of the Conf. fol. 25. a 1 Cor. 12.4 , 8 , 9 , 10. b Gal. 5.22 , 23. c Acts 8.10 . d Epiphan . in Haeres . Simon . e John 3.5 . f Rom. 14.17 . g 2 Pet. 1.5 , &c. h Ezek. 36.26 , 27. i Matth. 12.34 . k Eph. 4 29. l Tit. 1.16 . m Gal. 5.22 . n Jam. 2.17 . o Acts 3 22. p & 7.37 . q & 3.22 , 23. r Heb. 7.7 . s John 1.27 . t Luk. 4.16 , &c. u Maldon . in Luc. 4.16 . x Hieron . in Isai 61.1 . y Acts 10.38 . z Maldon . in Luc. 4.18 . a John 20.22 . b Matth. 16.19 . c Acts 2.3 . d Ib. v. 4 : e Leo M. Serm. de Sp. Sanct. f B. Andr. Serm. 2. on Whitsund . g Matth ▪ 10.5 , 6. h Mark. 16.15 . i Acts 2.5 . k Psal. 68.18 . l Acts 1.15 . m Eph. 4.11 . n Ib. v. 12. o 1 Pet. 2.25 . p V. Hist. of Episc. l. 1. c. 6. n. 13. q Resp. ad Ep. P. Molinaei . r Bin. in Concil . To. 3. part . 2. p , 978. s Acts 20.28 . t 1 Pet. 2.25 . & 5.4 . u John 16.13 . x Tertul. de Virgin. Veland . y 2 Sam. 6.7 2 Chro. 26.16 . z Matth. 7.22 , 23. a Pontifical . Roman . b Hooker Eccl. Pol. l. 5. c Andr. Serm. 9. of the Holy Ghost . d Psal. 133.2 . e Leo Serm. in Annivers . f Matth. 28.20 . g Carthus . in Matth. 28. h Luke 10 . 1● . i Matth. 16.19 . k Gen. 6.2 . l Josh. 24.2 . m 2 Pet. 4.1 , 2. n Ierom. o 1 Cor. 7.40 . p Irenaeus adv . haeres . q John 20.31 . r Apoc. 22.18 , 19. s Iohn 20.30 . t August . de civit dei . l. 11.3 . u Pighius Hier. lib. 1. c. 1. & Controv. 3. x Hosius de Script . Autor . l. 3. y Distinct. 19. in Canon . & Gloss. z Arist. Eth. l. 1. a V. Hooker Eccles. Polit. l. 5. b Concil . Trident . Sess. 2. Notes for div A43554-e362260 a Matth. 16.16 . b August . Ser. 23. ●e verbis domini . Cyril . de Trin. l. 4. Hilar. de Trin. l. 2. Eucher . in Homil . in Natal . S. Petr. Lyra in Matth. 16. Gloss. Interlin . ibid. Marsil . in defensor . Pacis . Petrus de Alliaco , the Glos● on Gratian , &c. c Thucid. hist. l. 1. d Arist. in Acharnens . e August . in Psal. 77. f Id. ibid. g Heb 10.25 . h 1 Cor. 5.5 . i Greg. Mart. against the English Translation . k Campian . in decem . Ration . l August . in Psal. 77. m Catechism . Trident. in explic . Symb. n Euseb. de Laud. Constantin . o Cypr. de pietat . & El●●mosyn . p Spelm. Glossar . q Tertul. de fuga in persecur . r Ierom. in Isa. cap. 60. s Synod . L●odic . 304. t 1 Cor. 11.12 . u Mede of Churches , p. 20. x Maldonat . in Luc. 1. y Matth. 18.17 . z Chrysost. in Matth. 18. a Gerson de Relig . protect . Consid 3. b Apocal. 5.9 . c Lactant. l. d Gal. 3.28 . e Lactant. Inst. l. 1. c. f Minut. Fel. in Octavio . g Luk. 1.33 . h Heb. 12.23 . i Lerinens . adv . haer●s . c. 3. k Cod. Iustin. Tit. de St. Trinit . & fide Cathol . l Socrat. Eccles. hist. l. 2. c. 2. m Ext. ap . Barn. Brisson . Formul . l. 7. n Pacian . in Biblioth . Patrum . o Leunclav . Pandect . Turcic . sect . 3. p Brochard . in descr . terr . Sanct. q Paul. Venet. hist. l. 1. c. 15. r Bellar. de notis Eccles. l. 4 c. 4. s Barclay . Paren . ad Scot. t Greg. Magn. l. 7. Epl. 170. u Hospin . de Orig. Mona●hat . x Bellar. de not . Eccl. l. 4. c. 4. y Luk. 1.74 , 75. z Numb . 16.3 : a Matth. 3.12 . b & 25.33 . c & 13.17 . d 2 Tim. 2.20 . e Matth. 13.25 . f August . de Civit. Dei l. 1. g 1 Cor. 3.12 . h August . Col. cont . Donatist . l 2 Tim. 2.19 . k August . Passin . l Calvin . Instit. l. 4. c. 1. m Cyprian . Epl. 3. l. 3. n Gen. 4.8 . o & 6.2 . p Gen. 9.22 . q & 21.9 . r & 25 31. s & 45.4 , 5. t John 19.39 . u 2 Tim. 4.10 . x Apoc 2.15 . y Acts 8.13 , 25. z Ignat Epl. ad Trallinf . a Sozom. hist. Eccles. l. 1. 21. Ierom. in c. 3. ad Tit. d Id. Ibid. e August . de Bapt. Cont. Donat. l. 1. c. 8.10 . f Wald. Tom. 1. l 2. c 8 , 9. g Concil . Constant . Sess. 15. h Vr●in . in Catech. part . 2. qu. 54. i Scharp . in Curs . Theog . k Whit. Contr. 2. qu. 1. Tom. 3. l Raynold . in Thes● 4. m Arist. Ethie . l. 1. n Clem. Alex. Admon . ad Graec. o Heb. 12.23 . p Acts 9.1 . q Luke 8.2 . r August . in Joh. s Id. de Bapt. Contr. Don. l. 1. t 1 Cor. 5.12 , 13. u Matth. 13.30 . x Bellar. de Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 12. y Histor. Conc. Trid. l. 1. z Distinct. 22. mnes . a Concil Later . sub . Leone . 10. b Ioh. de paris . de Potest . Reg. & Papali . c. 5. c Extrav . de Appel . d Durand . de Minist . & Ord. e Bellar. de Rom. Pont. l. 4. c. 5. f Pet. de Palad . de Pot. Pap. Art. 9. g Distinct. 40. Si Papa . h Hostieus . in Extrav . de Praelat . Translat . i Greg. Valent. Disp. Theol. Tom. 3. k Bannes in 22 . 2● . pag. 72. l Aquin. 2a . 2ae qu. 1 I●art . 2. m Silvest . in summa verbo fides . n Bellar. de . Conc. l. 2. c. 10. o Heb. 12. p Gal. 2.9 . q Hieron . Epl. ad Pa●l . Tom. 3. r Niceph. Eccle. hist. lib. 18.45 . s Orig. in Mat. Tract . 1. t Cypr. de simpl . Praelat . u Hier. Advers . Jovinian l. 1. x Chrysost. in Epl. ad Gal. c. 1. y Hier. in Epl. ad Evagr. z Eras. Schol. in Hier. Epi. a Cypr. Epist. l. 4. Epl. 2. b Id. de simp. Praelat . c Eleuth . Epist. Concil . Tom. 1. d August . Epl. 163. e Optat. Milev . de Schism . l. 2. f Ierom. Epl. ad Marcellan . g August . Epl. 42. h Cypr. Epl. 10. l. 2. vel Epl. 42. of Basil Edit . i Iren. l. 3. c. 3. k Isai. 43.23 . l Rom. 13.4 . m 1 Chro. 23.4 , 5 , &c. n Ib. c. 25.12 , 13. o Esth. 9.19 , 20. p 1 Mac. 1.16 . q John 10.22 . r Exod. 32.20 . s 2 Kings . 18.4 . t Exod. 32.21 . u Kings 2.26 . x 2 Chro. 26.21 y Calvin in Amos . c. 7. z Qu. Injunct . An. 1559. a Artic. of Rel. 37. An. 1562. b Socrat. Eccle. hist. l. 5. Proem . a Relat. of the Conf. in the Epistle Dedic . b Field of the Church in Epist. Dedic . d 1 King. 19.14 . e 1 Mac. 1. f 1. Mac. 2.19 . g Hier. advers . Lucif . h Vincent . Lerinens . advers . haeres . c. 7. i Greg. Presbyt . in vita Greg. Nazianz. k Theod. Eccl. hist. l. 1. c. 24. l Socrat. Eccle. hist. l. 4.27 . m Luther . de servo Arbitrio . n Calv. Instit. l. 4. c. 1. sect . 2. o The Visibility of the Church by Archbishop Abbot , Dr. Prid. alii . p Harpsfield in Histor. Wicle●iana . q Hook. of Just. sect . 17. r August . Cont. Fund . c. 4. s Bristo Mot. 34. t Confer . at Hampton Court , p. 77. u Apoc. 2.5 . x Artic. 19. An. 1562. y Raynold . in Thes. 2. z Becan . Man. Cont. l. 1. c. 3. a Matth. 16.18 . b August . de Symbolo . l. 1. c. 6. c Raynold . in 6. Thesibus . d Claud. Guilliand . in Joh. e Luth. de Arbitr . servo . f Hierom. adv . Luciferian . g Deut. 17.6 . Matth. 18.16 . h De major . & obedient . i Brerewoods Enquiries . k Ext. in Goldast . Monarch . l 25 ● 27 Edw. 3.7 & 13 Rich. 2. &c. m Hist. Concil . Trid. l. n Brerewoods Enquiries . o Schaf●aburgens . hist. Rer. Germ. p Panormitan . de Cler. Conjugar . q Brerewoods Enquiries . r Hist. Concil . Trid. l. 1. s Brerewoods Enquiries ▪ t Id. ibid. u Acts 18.1 , 5. x Ibid. v. 28. y August . Cont. Crescon . l. 2.27 . z Artic. of Rel. 21. An. 1562. a An. 794. b Matth. 18.20 . c Epl. Celest. P. R. ad Synod . Ephes. d Luke 1● ▪ 16. e Epi. Synod . Afr. ad Celest. f Artic. of Rel. 20. An. 1562. g August . de Baptism . Cont. Donat. l. 2. c. 3. h Confer . with Fisher , p. 55 , 56. and in the large Answer , p. 229. i Euseb. de vit . Constant. l. 3. c. 18. k In Actis Synodi Chalcedonens . l Whitak . Cont. 1. qu. 5. cap 6. m August . Epl. 118. c. 5. n Bern. Ser. 3. de Resurrect . o Act. Syn. Dord●c●b● . p. 94 , 95. p Ib. pag 324. q Synodal . Remonst . in Praefat . r Greg. in Epl. l. 4. ep . 48. s Chrysost. in Philip. c. 3. Homil. 11. t Athanas. advers . Iudaeos . u Ambr. de Sp. Sanct. l. 3. c. 11. x August . Cont. Faust. Man. l. 32. c. 16. y Id. Cont. Fund . l. 1. c. 5. z 2 Pet. 3.16 . a Petr. à Soto , Assert Cath. de Eccle. b Luth. ap . Bellarm . de verb. Dei. l. 1.5 . c August . Cont. Cre●●on . l. 1. c. 33. d Ambr. e Distinct. quin●a cap de quibus . f 2 Pet. 1.20 , 21. g Card. Cusa● . Epl. 2. & 7. h Articl . 20. An. 1562. i Articl . 34. An. 1562. k August . Epl. 118. ad Casulan . l John 10.22 . m 1 Cor. 14.40 . n Calvin . in 1 Cor. c. 14.40 . o Paraus in locum . p Muscul. in locum . q Confess . Augustan . Art. 15. r Conf. Bohem. Art. 15. s Confess . Helvet . Artic. 24. t Calvin . in 1 Cor. 14.40 . u Artic. of Relig . An. 1562. Art. 20. x B. Andr. of the Resurrection , Serm. 13. y Stapl. Cont. 5. de potest . ecclesiae . Qu. 7 Art. 2. z Field . of the Church , l. 4. c. 33. a Hieron . adv . Helvidium . b Concil . Nicen. Can. 6. Notes for div A43554-e395800 a Hugo Card. in Speculo Ecclesiae . b Microl. de Eccl. observat . c Histor. Trip. l. 9. c. 35. d Dionys. de Hierarch . Eccles . e Pachym . in Dionys. Hier. c. 3. f August . Ep● . ad Eusebium . g Id. in Retract . l. 1. c. 21. h Hieron . inter Epl. August . Epl. 14. i Id. ad Damasum . k 1 Cor. 6.11 . l Tit. 3.5 , 6. m Rom. 6.17 , 19. n Luke 1.6 . o Rom. 6.22 . p Ap●c . 7.15 . q Heb. 11.38 , 40. r 1 Cor. 10.16 , 17. s Cyril . Alex. Joh. l. 11. c. 26. t Oecumen . in Epl. ad Ephes. u Chrysost. in l. ad Cor. Homil. 27. x August . in Joh. Tract . 26. y Id. ibid. z Cypr. de Coc. domini . a 1 Cor. 12.13 . b August . de Bapt. parvulorum . c Id. in Serm. ad Infantes , cited by Bede . ● . l. Cor. 10. d Cypr. in Epl. ad Magnum . e August . Cont. Faust. Man. l. 19. c. 11. f Dion●s . de Eccles . Hier. c. 3. g Collect. after the Participation . h Hier. advers . Joh. Hieros . i In August . Epl. 33. k Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 5. c. 24. l Paul. in Ep. August . Ep 31. m Id. Epl. Aug. 35. n Honor. in gemma animae . c. 66. l. 1. o Gul. Durant . Ration . divin . l. 4. c. 53. p Chrysost. in 2 ad Cor. 13. q Iust. Martyr . in Apol. 22. r Athenagor . in legatione . s Calvin . t Minut. Felix in Octavio . u 1 Tim. 5.1 . x Iustin. Mart. Epl ▪ ad Diog. y Tertul. Apol. c. 39. z Cypr. Epl. 1. a Jude 12. b Tertul. Apol. c. 39. c Id. ibid. d Acts 11.29 . e 1 Cor. 16.1 , 3. f Euseb. Eccles. hist. l. 4. c. 3. g Id. l. 9. c. 7. h Tertul. Apol. c. 39. i Joh. 15.13 . k Prateol . in Haeres . Fratric . l Sleid. Com. l. m Acts 4.32 . n August . de haeres . c. 40. o Tert , Apol. c 39. p Plutarch . in Licurgo . q Ovid. Metam . l. 1. r Arist. Ethic. l. 7. s Acts 4.34 , 35. t 1 Tim. 6.17 , 18. u Seneca . x Arist. Polit. l. 1. c. 7. y Artic. of Rel. 38. An. 1562. a Chrysost. b Apol. 6.10 . c Id. c. 18.20 . d Luk. 15.7 . e Collects for all Saints , and Burial . f August . de Civit. Dei. l. 8. c. 27. g Euseb. Eccles. hist. l. 6. c. 5. h Ignat. Ep● . ad . Trallens . i Origen . k Cypr. de Immortalitate . l Id. in Epl. 2. m Tacit. hist. lib. 2. n Concil . Trid. Sess. 25. ca. 2. o Dom. Bannes , 2a . 2ae . Qu. 1. Art. 10. p Hier. adv . Helvid . q Cypr. de Orat. Domin . r Epiph. in Haeres . Collyrid . s Rom. 10.14 . t Aquia . 2● . 2 ae qu. 83. Art. 1. u Bellar. de Beat . Sanct. l. 1. c. 17. x Psal. 34.15 . y Salvian . de Gubernat . Dei. l. z Matth. 11.28 . a Joh. 14.6 . b Ambr. in Rom. 1. c Suarez . de Relig. Tom. 2. l. 1. c. 10. d Isai. 63.16 . e August . de cura pro mortuis . f Ierom. Epl. 3. de Epitaph . Nepot . g Answer to the Jesuites chalenge . h Nazianz. Orat . 1. cont . Julian . i Gen. 48.18 . k Exod. 32.11 , 13. l Calv. Instit. l. 3. ● . 20. m Bellar. de Cultu Sanct. l. 1. c. 19. n Id. de Beat. Sanct. l. 1. c. 20. o Luke 15.4 . p Vers. 8. q Vers. 6.8 ▪ 9. r Bellar. de Cult . Sanct. l. 1. c. 20. s Minut. Felix , in octavio . t Bellar. de Cult . Sanct. l. 1. c. 20. u Rom. 8.26 , 27. x Bellar. ut supra . y Jerem. 11.20 . z Minut. Felix . a Bellar. de Sanct. cultu . l. 1.20 . b Greg. M. Dial. 4. c 33. c Aquin. 12. Qu. 12. Art. 8. d Martinez . 1.2 . Qu. 5. Art. 2. e Bannes , in 1. Tho. Qu. 12. Art. 8. f Durand . 3. Dist. 24. Qu. 2. g Bellar. de Beat. Sanct. l. 1. c. 20. h Martinez ut supra . i Velofilla . Adv. in 9. Tom. Aug. k Plato in Sympos . l Id. ibid. m Apuleius de Daemonio Socrat . n Col. 2.18 . o Azor. Divin . Instit. Tom. 1. l. 9. c. 6. p Bellar. de Beatit . Sanct. l. 2. cap. 22. q Psal. 135.18 . r Sir Edward Sandys Relation of Religion . s Rom. 2.24 . t B. Andrews Answers to Cardinal Peron . u Montague Answer to the Gagger . c. 42. x Brerew . Enqu . of Rel. c. y Liturg. Iacob . in Biblioth . Pat. z Cypr. l. 3. ep . 6. a Id. Epl. 66. b Chrysost. Liturg . in fine Tom. 6. c Concil . Constant . 5. Act. 1. d August . de haeres . c. 53. e Field of the Church , l. 3. c. 29. f Prayer in the Burial of the dead . g Articles of Relig. 22. 1562. h Defence of the Apol. part 2. c 16. i Conference with Fisher. k Alphon. à Cast. de haeres . l. 8. l Bacon . l. 4. dist . 49. qu. 1. m Eck. in Encheirid . n In Rosar . part 3. c. 2. o Lorich . Instit. Cathol . p B. Iewels Defence , part . 2. c. 16. q Carthus . in Homil. de 4. Noviss . r Soto in dist . 19. qu. 3. art . 2. s Rhemist . Annot , in Apoc. 14.13 . t Durand . de Office mortuor . c. 7. u V. Virg. Aeneid . l. 6. x August . de fide & operib . c. 16. y Id. in Enchierid . c. 67. z Id. ad Dulcitium . qu. 1. a Id. in Hypegnostick . l. 5. Notes for div A43554-e417390 a Luke 5.21 . a Chrysost. Hom. in 1 ad Cor. 15. b Gen. 1.27 . c Iustin Mart. ad Orthod . qu. 58. d Luke 15.18 . e Gen. 2.17 . f Ecclus. 15.14 . g Jam. 1.13 . h Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 5. c. 14. i Ibid. c. 19. k August . de Haeres . c. 35. l Ibid. c. 70. & 15. m Homer . Iliad . n August . de Gen. ad lit . l. 2.27 . o Fulgent . ad Monimum . p Calv. advers . Liberti . c. 12. q Prateol . Elench . haer . in Quintino . r Bellar. Plutarch . Paral . in I. Caesare . t Calv. Instit. l. 3. c 23. sect . 7. u V. Synod . Remonstrant . b Calvin Instit. l. 3. c. 23. sect . 7. c Heb. 7 9 , 10. d Rom. 5.12 . e 1 Cor 15.21 . f Origen . in Rom. cap. 5. g Artic. of Rel. 9. 1562. h Alens . part 2. qu. 105. memb . 2. i Psal. 51.5 . k Becan . Man. cont . l. 4. c. 1. l Eph. 2.3 . m Rom. 6.23 . n Ibid. 5.12 . o Origen , p Psal. 116.15 . q V. Ma●yrol . Rom. & alia passim . r August . de Sanct. Serm. 21. s Luke 1.15 . t Orig in Levit. Hom. 8. u Gen. 40 20. x Matth. 14.6 . y Orig. in Lev. Hom. 8. z August . adv . Iulian. l. 5. a Matth. 9.17 . b Gen. 1.27 . c Gen. 5.3 . Paraeus . e Heb. 11.6 . Tit. 1.15 . g August . de Pecc . Orig. l. 2. c 40. h Chrysost. in 1 Cor. Hom. 17. i Luke 19.20 . k Tacit. de Mor. German . p Origen in Ro. Cap. 5. q Psal. 14.2 . r Rom. 1.29 . s Isa. 1.6 . t August . Conf. lib. 9.13 . u Id ibid. x Psal. 130.2 . & ver . 7 , 8. y Fulgen. ad Monimum . z Vrsin . Catech. part 1. qu. 7. a Psal. 130.3 . b Alnain . Moral . tract . 3. c. 20. c Cajetan ap . Field of the Ch. l. 3. c. 9. e Acts 2.37 , 38. f Luke 12.10 . g Ambr. de Poenit. l. 2. c. 4. h Matth. 19.24 , 25. i Chrysost. in Matth. 12.31 . k Mald. in Matth. 12. l Heb. 6.4 , 6. m Chrysost. in locum . n Ambr. de Poenit . l. 2. c. 2. o Dionys. in Hierarch . Eccl. Passim . p Ambr. ubi supra . q Rom. 6.6 , 4. r Heins ▪ Annot. in Heb 6. s Heb. 10.26 . t Cyril in Joh. l. 5. c. 17. Heb. 10.11 . x Heins .. Annot. in Heb. 6. y 1 John 5.16 . z August . de corrept . & grat . c. 12. a Pacian . Epl. 3. b Fulk . on the Rhemist . Test. 1 Joh. 5.16 . c Ierom. d Jere. 7.16 . c Aug. Retract . f Maldon . in Matth. 12. g ●rudens . Hamart in fu●● . a Rom. 3. ●0 . & 8.33 . b Gal. 3. ● . c Rom. 4.7 , 8. d Mark 2.7 . e 1 John 2.2 . f John 3.16 . g Eph. ● . 32 . h Rom. 3.24 . i Matth. 26.28 . k Rom. 3.25 . l Eph. 1.7 . m 1 Pet. 1.18 , 19. n 1 John 1.7 . o Apoc. 1.5 . p Heb. 10.14 . q Col. 2.14 . r 1 Cor. 6.20 . s Heb. 9.13 , 14. t Matth. 9.2 , 6. & 28.18 . u Matth. 16.19 . x John 20.22 , 23. y 2 Cor. 5.19 , 20. z Act 13.38 . a Artic of Rel. 27. An. 1562. b Defence of the Apol. part . 2. cap. 11. sect . 3. c Hook. Eccl. Pol. l. 5. n. 59. & 67. d Homil. of Salvation , p. 2. e Acts 2.38 . f Acts 22.16 . g Tit. 3.5 . h 1 Pet. 3.21 . i Tertul. de Baptism c. 5. k Cypr. de Baptism . Christi . l Nyss. in Orat. de Baptis . Christ. m V. Tombs his Book against Infant-Baptism . n August . Conf. l. 1. c 11. o Goodw. of Justifie part . 2. c. 4. sect . 12. p Mark 7.3 , 4. q Mark 7.4 . r Epiphan . in Panar . s John 2.6 . t Heb. 9.10 . u Deut. 21.7 . x Matth. 27 . 2● y Virg. Aeneid . z Pausan. in Attic. a Id. in Corinthiac . b Tertul. de Bapt. c. 5. c Virg. Aeneid . 2. d Alex. ab Alex. Dier . Genial . l. e Id. ibid. f Tertul. de bap : c. 5. g Tertul. de bap . c. 5. h 2 King. 5.12 . p Cypr. de baptismo Chri. q Joh. 3.5 . r Tit. 3.5 . s 1 Joh. 5.8 . t Cypr. l. 4. Epl 2. u August . Confes . l. 1. c. 11. x Euseb. de vita Constant. l. 4. cap. 51.52 . y Aug. Confes. 1. z Euseb Eccles. hist. l. 6. c 42. & a Concil . Neocaesar . Can 12. b Euseb. de vita Const. l. 4. c. 1. c De legib & long . Consuet . d August . Cont. Donat. l. 4. c. 23. e Hierom. adv . Lucifer . f Iren. advers . haer . l. 3 c. 4. g Calv. cont . Pigh . de lib. Arbit . h Tombs Exam. of Marsh. p. 12. i August . Serm. 8. de Verb. Apl. c 8. k Id. Serm. 10. de Verb. Apl. c. 2. l Iren. adv . haeres . l. 3. c. 3. m Hieron . adv . Pelag. l. 3. in fine . n Martyro● . Rom. in Jun. 10. o Ambr. lib. 10. Epl. 84. p Nazianz. de Baptism . Orat. 41. q Cypr. Epl. 59. ad Fidum . r Origen . in Rom. c. 6. Id. in Levit. hom . 8. t Id. in Numer . homil . 5. u Iustin. Mart. Qu 56. ad Orthod . x Tertul. de Baptis . c. 18. y Irenaeus adv . haeres . l. 2. 39. a August . Epl ▪ 105 ▪ b Id. de lib. Arbitr . l. 3.23 . c Id. Serm. 10. de verb. Apl. d Defence of the Apol. part . 2. c. 11. e Bernard . Epl. 77. f Can. 69. of the year 1603. g Field . of the Church . l. 3. c. 21. h Hooker Eccl. Polit. l. 5. i Levit. 10.10 . k Calvin . Instit. l. 3. c 3. n. 1. l Bez. Epl. 20. m 1 Joh. 1.9 . Vers. 8 , 10. n Ambros. in Psal. 118. ult . o August . Enchei●id . c. 65. p Vasquez in 3. part . Tho. Tom. 4. q Psal 51.17 . r Heb. 13.16 . s Psal. 69.31 . t Second Exhortation before the Communion . u Form of visitation of the sick . x Canon 113. of the year 1603. y Canon 9. of the year 1640. z Article of Visit . c. 2. n. 25. a Contin of the Fr. hist. p. 30. b Defence of the Apol. part . 2. c. 7. sect 2. . c Mortons Appeal . l. 2. c. 14. d See the whole Article in Montag . Gagg . c. 12. e Answer to the Jesuites Chalenge . c. f Confess . Aug. cap. de Conf. g Gerrard . Lo. Com. Tom 3. de poenit . h Bellarm. i Mort. App. l. 2. c. 14. k Bellar. ut supra . l P. Lomb. Sent. l. 4. dist . 17. m Innocent . in Concil . Later . c. 21. n Hugo de pot . Eccles. o Concil . Trid. Sess. 14. c. 5. p Maldonat . in Matth. 3. q Vasq. Tom 4. Qu. 90 Art. 1. r Cajetan in Acts 19.18 . s Palacios in Sent. l. 4. dist . 17. t Concil . Trid. Sess. 4. cap 5. ca. 4 , 7. u Travers de Discipl . Eccl. p. 53. x In the Visitation of the sick . y Chrysost. de Esaiae Verb. Homil. 5. z Matth 6.19 . a Chrysost. de verb. Isai. Hom. 5. b Matth. 14.19 . c Ap. Montag . Answer to the Gogger . c. 11. d Answer to the Jusuites chalenge , p. 109. e B. Morions Appeal , p 270. f Answer of Oxon to the Petition . g Conference at Hampton-Court , p. 14 , 88. h See Practice of Piety in fine . i Article of Religion 33. An. 1562. Notes for div A43554-e445190 a Acts 26.24 . b Acts 17.18 . c Minut. Felix in Octavio . d Florus Hist. Rom. l. 1. e Seneca in Apocolocyntho . f Cecil . in Min. Fel. g Luk. 18.30 . h V. Bellar. de Script . Eccl. i Job 19.25 , &c. k Hieron . Praefat. in lib. Job . l Joh. 11.25 . m 1 Pet. 1.3 . n 1 Cor. 15.53 . o B. Andrews of the Resur . Ser. 5. p Gregor . M. Moral . in Job . q Psa. 90.3 . r Ver. ● . s Isa. 26.19 . t Id. 66.14 . u Dan. 12.2 . t Hieron . in Isa. 26. u Exod. 3.6 . & alibi . x Mat. 22.31 . y 1 Cor. 13.12 . z Ib. V. 6. a Greg. M. Mor. in Job . b as Eph 4.23 . &c. c Crysost . in Eph. 1 Cor. 12.27 . e 1 Cor. 15 23. g Col. 3.5 . h Rom. 8.17 . i 1 Cor. 15.30 . k Ibid v. 31 , 32. l Ibid. v. 19. m Ibid. v. 32. n Rom. 10.10 . o Job 19.27 . p Id. 31.1 . q Id. 16.20 . r 1 Cor. 15.53 . y Gen. 49.29 . & 50.25 . z Mark 14.8 . a Luke 23.56 . b Id. 24.1 , 2 , 3. c In the form of Burial . d Tert. Apol. c. 42. e 1 Cor. 15.29 . f Ambros. in 1 Cor. c. 15. g Tert. de Resurrect . Carn . h Epiph. de Cerinth . haer . 28. i Chrysost. in 1 ad Cor. c. 15. k V. Baron . Annal . An. 52 , 55. l Eus●● . hist. Eccles. l. 6 ▪ c. 42. m Act. 16.33 . & 19.5 . & 16.25 n Muscul. in 1 Cor. 15. o Chrys. in lo● . p Lyra in loc . m Mark 7.4 . n Prat. de haeres . o Virg. Aen. 6. Tert. Apol. c. 13 p Herodot . hist. in Euterp . q Act. 9 37. s Tert. Apol. cap. 42. s B. Rhenan . in Tertul. Apol. t Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 7. c. 21. u Eccles. 34.26 . x Minut. Feli● ▪ in Octavio . y 1 Cor. 15.36 . z Cited by ● . Gregor . ch . 27. a Plinii Hist. Natur. b Geo. Maior in 1 Cor. 15. c Lucan . Phars . l. 1. d Tertul. Apol. cap 48. e 1 Cor. 15.50 . f Lactant. l. 7.23 . g Psal. 139.14 . h Tertul. Apol. cap. 48. i Notes on Scripture by Mr. Gregory . k 1 Cor. 15.35 . l August . de Civit. l. 22. c. 13. m Ephes. 4.13 . n August . de Civit. l. 22. c 16. o 1 Cor. 15. p Exod. 34.27 . q Acts 6.15 . r 1 Cor. 15.44 . s Matth. 22.30 . t August . de Civit. Dei. l. 23. c. 17. u August . de Civit. l. 22. c. 17. x 2 Thes. 4.13 . y Matth. Blastares in Mr. Greg. c. 21. z August . de Civit. Dei. l. 13. c. 4 a Lucan . Pharsal . l. 1. b Id. ibid. c Ovid. Meta l. 5. d Chap. 14. Part 2. e Euseb. Eccles. hist. l. 3. c. 25. f Niceph. Eccles . hist. l. 3. c. 14. g Euseb. hist. Eccles. l. 7. c. 22 , 23. d Dionys. Alex. ap . Euseb. l. 7.23 e Hieron . in Praef. ad Isa. f Lactant. l. 7. c. 16. g Cap. 17. h Cap. 19. i Cap. 20. k Cap. 24. Cap. 26. m Hieron . in Ezek. 39. n Lactant. l. 7. c. 22. o Ovid. Metam . l. 1. p Euseb. Eccl. hist. l. 4. c. 36. q Hier. de Eccl. Scriptor . r Gennad . de vir . illust . i August . de Civit. l. 20. c. 7. k Lactant. l. 7. c. 24. l Ibid. cap. 20. m Iustin Mart. in Dial. cum Tryph. n Tertul. adv . Marcion . l. 3. ult . o Matth. 19.29 . p Mark 10.30 . q Hierom. in Matth. 19. r Luke 22.30 . s Rom 14.17 . t Hier. in Epl. ad Hedib . u Matth. 26.29 . x Matth. 8.11 . y Matth. 22.30 . z Hierom. Praefat . ad 18. lib. in Isai. a Apoc. 19.17 , 18. b Gennad . de Eccles. dogmat . c Sandys Relation of his Travels . Antiq. Jud. l. 18. c. 2. Acts 23.8 . Matth. 22.29 . 1 Cor. 15. Luk. 20.36 . Luk. 20.38 . Luk. 10.9 . Notes for div A43554-e462990 a Lactant. l. 7. c. 10. b Wisd. 3.1 . c Eccl. 10.7 . d Luk. 23.46 . e Act. 7.59 . f Exod. 3.6 . g Apoc. 6.9 , 10 h Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 6.36 . i Aug. de haeres . c. 83. k Niceph. Eccl. hist. l. 5. c. 23. n Lactant. l. 7. c. 8. o Id. ibid. c. 23. p Arist. de Anim . q Lactant. l. 7. c. 8. r Lactant. l. 7. c. 13. s Tacit. in vi●● Agric. t Lactant. l. 7. c. 13. u Niceph. Eccl. hist. l. 5. c. 23. x Heb. 10.9 . y Senec. Natur. qu. l. 3. c. 19. z Id. epist. 71. a Lucret. de Nat. Rerum . c. 3. b Ierom. in Isa. 51. c Minut. Fel. d Euseb. de Praep. Evang. sect . 15. e Isai. 51.6 . f Id. 54.4 . g Minut. Fe●● . h Zoroast . in Oracul . Chal● i Pythag. in Carm. Aureis . k De ver . Chr. Rel. c. 15. l Cicero in Som. Scipion. m Senec. ad Lucil. n Cicero Tuscul. qu. l. 2. o Virg. Aen. l. 6. p 1 Cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3. q Pet. Mart. in loc . com . l. 2. c. 16. z Calv. Instit. l. 2. c. 10. sect . 1. a Answ. to the Apol. par . 2. c. b Catech. Rom. in exp . Symb. c Rom. 9.4 . d Gen. 15.1 . e Job 19.26 . f Psalm . 27 . 1● . g Article 7. h Psal. 16.12 . Apoc. 4.4 . k Apoc. 21.18 . Vers. 19. l 1 Cor. 13.12 . m August . de Trinit . n 2 Cor. 12.4 . a Luke 16. ●3 ▪ b 1 Cor 3.12 . c August . Epl. 6. d Luke 13.28 . e Id. 22.30 . f Matth. 19.28 . g Pet. Martyr . Com. Loc. cl . 3. c. 17. h Dan. 12.3 . i 1 Cor. 15.41 . John 14.2 . l Matth. 25.21 , 23. m Luke 19.17 , 19. p Matth. 10.41 . q Luk. 12.47 . r Dion . Carthus . in Joh. 14. s 1 Cor. t Hebr. 11. u Psal. 84.10 . x Matth. 17.4 . y Hebr. 12.2 . z Hierom. in Catal. Script . a Aug. Serm. 31. de sancti . b Nazan . de vit . Basil. a Matth. 25.41 . b Quincunque vult . c Joh. 5.28 , 29. d Rom. 10.6 , 7. e Matth. 8.29 . f Luk. 8.31 . g 2 Pet. 2.4 . h Ovid. Met. l. 1. i Hesiod . in Theogonia . k Lactant. l. ● . August . de Civitat . Dei. l. 1● . c. 23. l Jam. 2.6 . m Pet. Martyr . Com. Loc. clas . 3. c. 16. n Matth. 5.22 . o Matth. 13 42 , 50. p Luke 16.24 . q Apoc. 20.10 . r Isai. 30.33 & 34.10 . s Mal. 4.1 . t Lactant. l. 7. c. 21. u Minut. Fel. in Dial. x August . de Civit. Dei. l. 21. c. 2 , 3. y Maldonat . in Marc. 9. z De Doctr. Christ. l. 3. c. 10. a Matth. 13.51 . b Isai. 34.10 . c Basil in Psal. 33. d Zonar . Annal. Tom. 1. f. 1●1 . e Tatian . O●a . adv . Gentes . f August . de Civit. Dei. l. 21. c. 2 , 3. g Tertul. Apol. c. 48. h Lactant. l. 7. c. 21. i Exod. 3.2 . k Ovid. in Ibin . l Ap. Grotius in Matth. 25. m Minu● . Fel. in Dial.